constantius the apostate being a short account of his life and the sense of the primitive christians about his succession and their behaviour toward him : wherein is shown the unlawfulness of excluding the next heir upon the account of religion, and the necessity of passive obedience, as well to the unlawfull oppressour, as the legal persecutour : being a full answer to a late pamphlet intituled julian the apostate, &c. bennet, john, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) constantius the apostate being a short account of his life and the sense of the primitive christians about his succession and their behaviour toward him : wherein is shown the unlawfulness of excluding the next heir upon the account of religion, and the necessity of passive obedience, as well to the unlawfull oppressour, as the legal persecutour : being a full answer to a late pamphlet intituled julian the apostate, &c. bennet, john, d. . 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng constantius -- ii, -- emperor of rome, - . church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (oxford) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion constantivs the apostate : being a short account of his life , and the sense of the primitive christians about his succession : and their behaviour toward him. wherein is shown the unlawfulness of excluding the next heir upon the account of religion , and the necessity of passive obedience , as well to the unlawfull oppressour , as the legal persecutour : being a full answer to a late pamphlet , intituled iulian the apostate , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sopho. let us either deserve to have a good prince , or patiently suffer and obey such as we deserve . hom. against wilfull reb. &c. london , printed for walter kettilby at the bishop's head in st. paul's church-yard . . the epistle dedicatory to mr. iohnson , authour of ivlian the apostate . sir , the kindness you have for an apostate ( for certainly iulian was never better treated than by you ) makes me think constantius hath a particular title to your protection , especially since we are sure he revolted to arrianism , and not to popery . now whether these kind sentiments proceed from a diffusive charity , or rather a natural inclination whereby every thing favours its like , i shall not presume to determine , though the latter is ●he more probable , since , like iulian , you took holy orders , and like him too have , in effect at least , denied a passive crucified saviour : this will be plain to any one that considerately reades your book , and is the onely thing hath induc'd me to say what i have ; for i declare i am wholly unacquainted with any thing that belongs to you , but that , your name and your character in the church ; so that no personal grudge could be the occasion of these papers ; but a just sense of what i owe to my religion , and the civil government under which i live ; from which i ill deserve the protection and liberty i enjoy , if i should not use my utmost endeavour to sustain it , when it is so evidently supplanted ( as now it is ) by your pernicious principles . and i cannot think but your religion is as indifferent to you , as you would have the world believe that of the rippon-addressers is to them , since you so palpably explode the glorious end of it obedience . i say this after a due and carefull reading of your papers ; and i was more exact in the perusal , because your prejudic'd friends gave it out , that your book ought to be the perfect measure of our conduct in relation to his r. h. and the true state of that civil obedience we owe to a tyrant ; and added likewise , that the authorities you quoted were unquestionable , your inferences and deductions necessary and pertinent , and your arguments unanswerable : but after the most diligent and impartial search , not a syllable of all this appear'd ; and indeed when i considered the vouchers , i laught at my self for giving credit to any thing they so confidently asserted , since o● late all that have not a mind to b● impos'd upon , understand what they say , with the same precaution they believe women , or interpret dreams ; and indeed they have that quality of great lyars to have the contrary of what they affirm generally true . i hope , sir , you will not take this for a too severe reflexion upon your friends ; i am sure they value themselves upon these pious artifices ; and it would have been unkind in them , when you had taken so much pains in publishing so many notorious falsities to advance the cause , if they had not advanc'd the credit of your book by the same means . after these unwelcome truths i can expect little favour from you , and indeed entreat none ; all that i desire is , that you would reade this as patiently as i did yours , and then , if you please , censure as freely : but of all faults , i am confident you have no reason to accuse me of that , which is almost natural to dedications , flattery , and which would have been an unpardonable crime in your servant . the preface . since i intend to use the same method i● the account of the life of constan●ius , as is observ'd in julian's ; it will be necessary to take a view of the preface to that book , that i may clear all things as i go , leaving nothing unanswer'd , that has the least appearance of an argument . and that , what he urges may more evidently appear , i shall reduce the force of all he says , to these following propositions , and give my answers to them distinctly . . the rippon-addressers are very solicitous , lest his majesty should agree to the bill of exclusion ( pag. . ) and thence infers , that if they were protestants , they were men weary of their religion , p. . . the primitive christians conduct contrary to that of the addressers . . if they had known julian's religion before constantius's death , he had not succeeded . p. . . passive obedience necessary for the first christians , because the laws were against them ; ( p. . ) but not for those under julian , because they had the laws on their side ; for when 't is prescrib'd without law , and against law , 't is mahumetan ( p. . ) . passive obedience contrary to the gospel ; this he pretends to prove from cor. . , , verses , with dr. hammond's paraphrase : and by the example of st. paul , act. . , , &c. . , &c. p. . . passive obedience contrary to the law of the land. as to the first of these . i don't find the addressers of rippon are fond of a popish , but a lawfull successour : and if mr. johnson infers from their aversion to the bill of exclusion , that they are weary of their religion ; certainly he doth not think them protestants now . for what can be a greater mark of that sacred profession , than to be severely cautious to prevent an action that would be contrary to all laws divine and humane ? they are strangers to that way of preserving their religion , by acting contrary to the dictates of it ; and will hardly venture to doe an unjust thing now , that they may go quietly to church hereafter . certainly we are not by this means to avoid persecution ; this is nothing else , but preferring the eternal torments of the next world , before the little pressures of this , and leaping into hell to avoid the cross. i should have made a far different construction of this address ; for if the gentlemen of rippon were sure his r. h. were a papist ( whereof no man yet ever made a legal proof ) yet what they did was their duty ; for they knew imperatores bonos voto expetendos , qualescunque tolerandos : and that this was the opinion of the primitive christians , as well as tacitus . which will be more fully made out in my answer to the second position , which is , that the conduct of the primitive christians , was quite contrary to that of the addressers . it will be hard to reconcile this saying of his , not onely to truth , but sense ; for if the primitive christians acted quite contrary to the addressers , then when these made it their humble petition to his majesty not to exclude his r. h. they supplicated to constantius to put by julian ; but this was not so , as he himself assures us ( p. . ) so that his saying the primitive christians acted contrary to the gentlemen of rippon , when he acknowledges they did nothing at all , must either be non-sense , or made out by a new definition of contraries . but i will suppose he means had the christians known julian's apostacy , they would have us'd all possible means to have prevented hi● coming to the empire . which is the substance ● the third position to be answered . certainly he ought to have good grounds for this assertion , and know of some presidents of their precluding the next heir upon the account of heresie or apostacy ; or at least that it is manifest , from some principles they own'd , that they would , if it had lain in their power : if he knows any thing of this nature , he would doe well to inform the world of it , and give us a second edition of his book , which onely such an addition could make considerable . for in his preface he gives no reason at all ●for what he asserts ; and in the second chapter of his book , where proofs of this kind would be very necessary , he onely tells as that gregory nazianzen [ highly before disoblig'd by julian ] in an invective long after his death tells constantius [ then in heaven ] that he did ill in s●ving and making julian king ; who was both ill sav'd , and made an ill king : and then concludes , constantius would not have done so , if he had known julian's apostacy . sure this gentleman has had the misfortune that the christian's children had under julian , to be deny'd the use of logick and rhetorick ; for how else could he make such an absurd inference , or understanding the nature of an invective , undertake to deduce a concluding argument from any thing that is deliver'd in one ? i declare , ( though i have the greatest veneration for the holy fathers imaginable , and especially for that great name gregory nazianzen ) yet i cannot think it my duty strictly to believe all they say in the height of a panegyrick , or an invective ; there are certain allowances to be made in our belief of speeches , that are the effects of either kindness or anger ; and the distinction may not be improperly ad●mitted , between the father , and the oratour : but this will be more evident , to any impartial man , when i shall prove that many things in gregory's invective said in favour of constantius , or against julian , are not precisely true : for every one knows constantius had faults ; for 't is acknowledg'd ( p. . ) that he was guilty of the murther of his kindred and innovation in matters of faith ( for 't is there said he repented of these things at his death ) and i shall add , of a severe persecution ( which will be seen anon . ) granting this to be true , how could he justly merit this complement from gregory ? you were led by the hand of god into every counsel and enterprize , whose wisedom was admir'd above your power , and again your power , more than your wisedom ; but your piety was valued above them both . ( greg. inv. ) if mr. johnson thinks this deservedly said of constantius , he must either think all histories that give us an account of that unhappy emperour's life , fabulous , or entitle god to his apostacy ; but i suppose he is not arriv'd to that height of folly , to believe the former , or of impiety , to admit of the latter . 't is probable he will rather conform to the general opinion of all understanding men , that gregory did , and might say more in an invective , than would be allowable in a history or a sermon . again , that he should make the devil steal in along with the consult ( p. . ) can onely be imputed to the uncontrollable liberty of an invective ; for st. austin tells us , god that gave the empire to the christian prince constantine , gave it also to julian the apostate . those things without doubt , that one and the true god doth govern and rule as he pleaseth , by causes , although hidden , yet not unjust . ( aug. de civ . d. . c. . ) origen likewise tells us , that bad and good princes are both the gift of god , si mali sunt actus nostri , & operamur malignum in conspectu dei ; dantur nobis principes secundum cor nostrum . [ orig. in lib. iud. hom. . ] now which is in the right , st. austin or gregory , let any man judge . but farther , can any man believe that the father spoke in earnest , when he tells constantius he did ill to save julian , ( p. . ) i. e. he had done well if he had murther'd him ( for there is no difference in the court of conscience , between doing an injury your self , and permitting it to be done by others , if it lye in your power to prevent it , ) if by that means he had prevented his succession ; since 't is contrary , not onely to scripture , but common prudence , to prevent a future inconvenience by a present ill , and by a sin endeavour to avert onely a possible misfortune . i can't tell how difficult it is to satisfie other people ; but for my own part , i think , i can justly conclude from these instances , that every thing in gregory's invective , is not to be urg'd for proof : and this doth not at all derogate from the truth and sincerity of his other works , because the nature of the thing gives him liberties now ; which , as they are not allowable in his other writings , so neither are they usual . but certainly nothing in the world is more senseless and ridiculous , than that which mr. johnson urges to enhanse the credit of this invective ( p. . ) where he says the things [ concerning julian ] were not deliver'd coldly , and nakedly set down , but with an emphasis , and the greatest vehemency : for all people know , the passion they were deliver'd with , ought to make us suspect the truth of them ; for angry men often speak what they don't think themselves ; they do not consider what ought to be said , but what makes most against their enemy ; and their fury improves every thing into a weapon to serve their revenge : for i would fain know of mr. johnson , which he thinks more exactly true , tully's offices , or his philippicks ; and yet how nakedly and coldly one is deliver'd , and with what vehemence and pomp of words the other , is easily seen . therefore ( with all submission ) i think gregory's authority in this invective , ought to have no more weight with us , than grotius allows to the sayings of orators [ prol. l. . de ju. bel. & pa. ] nos saepe iis utimur , non tam ut inde astruamus fidem , quam ut his quae dicere volumus , ab ipsorum dictis , aliquid ornamenti accedat . i can hardly imagine that holy father himself , had he been at the consult , would have encourag'd constantius to exclude julian , though he knew his apostacy ; because it cannot be easily suppos'd , that he would coolly have done an action , contrary to the law of nature : the reveal'd word of god : and the practice of the primitive christians . . that the exclusion of julian , would have been contrary to the law of nature , may be gather'd from what mr. johnson says of his title to the crown ( p. . ) viz. that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that destroying this , must needs be a great breach of the law of nature , which cannot be allowable upon any consideration ; for a heathen will tell us , nec derogari aliquid ex hâc [ lege naturae ] licet , neque tota abrogari potest : neque verò per senatum , aut per populum , solvi hâc lege possumus ; nec est quaerendus interpres , aut explanator ejus alius ; nec erit alia l●x romae , alia athenis , alia nunc , alia posthac : sed & omnes gentes , & omni tempore , una lex & sempiterna & immortalis continebit ; unusque erit communis quasi magister , & imperator omnium , deus ille legis hujus inventor , disceptator , lator ; cui qui non parebit ipse se fugiet , & naturam hominis aspernabitur ; atque hoc ipso luet maximas poenas , etiamsi caetera supplicia quae putantur effugerit . [ this is quoted lact. . inst. . out of cic. books de repub. that are lost . ] if this be true ( which i am sure no man of common knowledge will deny ) what becomes of the lawfulness of excluding julian ? 't would have been equally as just to have prevented his succession hy death as any other means ; for any thing tending to this had been a breach of the law of nature , and would onely differ from the former , as robbing a man doth , from cutting his throat . . that such an attempt is contrary to the reveal'd law of god , may necessarily be infer'd from the exact agreement there is between the scriptures and the law of nature ; this , being onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legis illius architypae & aeternae quae est immensè divina ; and those , his reveal'd will : but 't is expresly set down in scripture , that the right of succession is entail'd on primogeniture ; for gen. . . when jacob blessed his sons , he call'd reuben his first-born the excellency of dignity , and the excellency of power ; and in chron. . . 't is said , that jehoram succeeded jehosaphat , because he was the first-born . i might fill my margin with quotations to this purpose , but i shall onely add that great instance of the right of primogeniture , gen. . . where god tells cain of his younger brother abel , unto thee shall be his desire , and thou shalt rule over him ; which are the very words which god spake chap. . v. . when he gave the man dominion over the woman . now that this right extends to proximity of blood , no body questions ; so that unless we have some warrant from scripture to res●ind this title , it is the highest sacrilege imaginable to attempt it ; and i challenge all the world to shew where that warrant is . god himself , indeed , may dispose of the right that he first gave ; but i would fain know what people could ever lawfully pretend to alter the succession , without an express warrant from god ? david , i confess , made solomon king , but he declares 't was by god's immediate ●ppointment ; and of all my sons , for the lord hath given me many sons , he hath chosen solomon my son to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the lord over israel , chron. . . now i shall readily grant the authour of julian's friends , enthusiasts ; but i can hardly admit they have a particular revelation for what they would now be at ; and without this , i think the exclusion of the next heir utterly unlawfull . and that this was the sense of the first christians , will be evident from the apology of athenagoras to m. aurelius , and his son commodus : where having declar'd the christians were of all others most piously inclin'd toward god and their empire , he concludes with this profession : we pray for your empire , that the son ( as it is most fit ) may in the kingdom succeed the father , and that your empire may encrease and flourish , all being made subject to you , which would be much for our good , that we leading a quiet and peaceable life , may readily obey you in all your commands . i think nothing can be fuller than this to prove what i design'd , for that in these words he declar'd the sense of the church , we must necessarily grant , if we consider what his character then was , when he spake them . athe. legat. pro christ. but to come nigher to the business in hand ; the primitive christians did know julian's apostacy , before constantius died : for as soon as ever he was declar'd emperour by the souldiers , he laid by all pretence to christianity ; for going through every city , he open'd the temples , and call'd himself the high priest ( soz. ) so that , like mr. johnson , he did not lay by the name of priest , though he turn'd apostate . now that the army should be ignorant of what julian did so publickly in the face of the sun , is not to be imagin'd ; especially if constantius himself knew it ; which mr. johnson would have us believe , from the passage he cites from gregory naz. that constantius repented his declaring julian his successour ; which could onely be upon the account of his apostacy , so that he must needs know it . but if we give any credit to marcellinus ( whose authority i am sure mr. johnson seems much to value ) if constantius did know that julian was a pagan , it was impossible he should repent of his leaving him his successour : for he tells us ( l. . ) that upon his falling sick he did in his right understanding [ integro sensu ] nominate julian his heir , and ( l. . ) with his last breath [ supremâ voce ] pronounc'd hi● emperour : now that he spoke or shew'd any signs of his repentance after his death , mr. johnson will hardly allow , because that looks too like a popish miracle . i am rather inclin'd to believe that constantius thought the right of succession was so inviolable , that the highest provocation imaginable ought not to prevail with him to alter it ; for else why did he not endeavour to exclude him , when he had been guilty of the highest ingratitude , in procuring himself to be declar'd emperour by the army , and af●erwards in justifying his title by an open rebellion ? it had certainly been but justice to have proceeded with the greatest rigour against him for so insolent an vsurpation . but alas ! he knew his edicts in this case would be superseded by a greater law , and that they would be of little force against that title from which he first deriv'd the power to make them . i hope this is a sufficient answer to the second chapter , wherein mr. johnson pretends to shew the sense of the primitive christians about julian's succession , but makes one man's opinion the sense of the whole church , and takes that opinion too of his , from his invectives : this is so dis-ingenuous , it could never be excus'd : but that the badness of the cause he is engag'd in , can find nothing else to support it . as to the fourth position , that passive obedience was necessary for the first christians , because the laws were against them , but not to those under iulian , because the laws were for them . i answer ; that this distinction is frivolous ; for since the will of their emperour was a law ( as gregory acknowledges in. p. . ) if they were executed by his command , they died lawfully . but i shall refer the farther proof of this to a particular chapter of passive obedience . but since he urges the authority of holy scripture to confirm what he says in this place , we must , for method sake , take notice of it : which is the fifth thing to be answer'd , viz. that passive obedience is contrary to the gospel , as may be seen cor. . , , verses , with dr. hammond's paraphrase . 't is very strange , that when our saviour so often recommends sufferings to us as our duty , and the badge of our profession , that quietly and patiently submitting to them , should be contrary to the gospel ; certainly he has a particular bible to himself ; for we find in ours , that suffering is particularly the business of the gospel ; and is the great concluding beatitude , ( mat. . . ) nay 't is evident that misery and persecution were first entail'd on christianity ; for the jews had the prospect of temporal blessings : riches and honours were the lot of their inheritance ; but we are commanded to take up the cross , and despise the shame of it , that thereby we might imitate him , who condescended to be our great exemplar : but however , it will not be amiss to see what reason he has for this monstrous assertion ; and because every one has not dr. hammond's paraphrase at hand ( which i am confident is the reason he quoted it ) i shall give it you here with the text. v. . art thou call'd being a servant ? care not for it : but if thou mayst be made free , use it rather . para. [ in what condition of life soever a man is , when he is converted to christianity , let him contentedly continue in it , and not think that christian religion frees a man from any obligation that lay upon him before ; for that is to make christian religion a pretence to covetousness , or lust , or secular advantages , ( see tim. . ) if either being a christian might manumit a servant , or free a husband , or a wife from former obligation . he therefore that being a bondman is converted to christianity , must not think that it is any disparagement to his christianity , that he continues a servant still , nor be solicitous of changing his condition . yet this is not so to be understood , but that if by any fair regular means , he can obtain his freedom , he may then make use of them , and prefer liberty before servitude ; for so he might have done , had he never been a christian . ] ver. . for he that is call'd in the lord , being a servant , is the lord's freeman ; likewise he that is call'd , being free , is christ's servant . para. [ for he that being in the condition of a servant , is converted to christianity , doth by his conversion become a freeman in respect of christ ; not that he ceases to be a servant to his former master , or reaps any secular advantages thereby , but his advantages are spiritual , viz. that by being a christian he is freed from many servitudes , that of sin , &c. that lye upon all others ; and to live in christ's family as one of his freemen , though in respect of the world he continue as a servant . and so on the other side , he that is a freeman , and turns christian , becomes thereby a servant of christ's , undertaking obedience to his command , though he lose not his liberty in the world by that means . ( by which 't is clear , that christ meddles not with the secular government of this world , nor changes any man 's outward condition by his becoming christian . ) ] ver. . ye are bought with a price , be not servants of men . para. [ ye that are christians , and not formerly servants to heathens , do not voluntarily put your selves in that condition , but chuse liberty rather . ] certainly mr. johnson has a different edition of dr. hammond , as well as of the bible , from that which is in use with us ; for from these texts above cited , nothing can be infer'd to prove what he designs , viz. that we are encourag'd by christianity to procure more civil liberties and franchises ; for it is positively set down in the paraphrase , that christ meddles not with the secular government of this world , nor changes any man 's outward condition , by his becoming christian. one would think , by this way of procedure , mr. johnson , like julian , onely reades the scriptures , to pervert other people by an ill application of them , and to use the gospel against his saviour . . his inference , that st. paul was against passive obedience [ act. . , &c. ] because he told the captain ( that was ignorant of his condition ) that he was a roman , and consequently exempt from the punishment he was going to inflict upon him , is the most absurd reasoning imaginable . i perceive after all his bawling against passive obedience , he is perfectly ignorant what it is ; for to suffer torments when we can avert them by lawfull means , is not passive obedience , but stupidity : this is not taking up the cross ( as a great man observes ) but pulling it down upon us : christianity allows us to make a defence , but we are not to resist ; we may certainly tell our story ; but if that will not be heard , we must submit with patience . and these were the methods of the primitive christians , they pray'd to god , they supplicated to their emperours , to avert a threatn'd persecution ; but if these means would not doe , they had gregory nazianzen's comfort left still , to dye patiently . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . since passive obedience is not onely allow'd , but enjoin'd by the gospel ( as is briefly shown already , and shall be more fully prov'd by and by ) that it should be contrary to the law of the land ( which is the sixth and last thing he lays down ) cannot be admitted , since our laws must necessarily conform to the determinations of the holy scriptures ; and whatsoever is enacted contrary to them , is ipso facto void ; and i am sure whatever he says , will hardly induce any man in his right senses to think otherwise . i am sure the case he brings ( p. . ) is nothing to the purpose ; for he can onely infer from that , that a man may kill an aggressour , and the law take no hold of him . if he could prove from any instance that the law obliges a man ( if he can ) to kill one that offers violence to him , he had said something : but there is a vast difference between what the law permits , and what it commands ; he is not indeed obnoxious to any legal punishment here , but the verdict of a iury will not absolve him from a guilt he has contracted by disobeying our saviour , who has commanded us not to resist evil , [ evil not signifying a thing , but a person ] mat. . . so that the killing of a pursevant , though it be excus'd in the eye of the law , it will not be so hereafter in heaven ; for if he onely design'd an arrest ( as 't is own'd he did ) a man ought not to take away his life : this is plain from dr. hammond [ prac. cat. p. . ] where he tells us a private man may not by the law of christ take away another's life , to save his own goods , or to repell any such kind of injury , because life is more than goods ; nay , ' ●twould be better to avoid taking away another's life , though to save his own ; thereby imitating his saviour who laid down his life for his enemies . lbid . as to those arguments ( p. . ) from sir simon ewe's iournal to prove the lawfulness and necessity of excluding a popish successour . i hardly think them worth the least remark . for what can be more unreasonable , than that which they seem to enforce , that it had been just and warrantable not onely to have dis-inherited the queen of scots , but to have taken away her life too , for her religion ? for what just pretence could queen elizabeth have to condemn a princess altogether as independent as her self , and one that was onely accountable to god for her actions ? they might as well have addrest against the french king or the pope for endeavouring to pervert her majestie 's subjects , for the queen had equal power over these princes , though she had them not in possession : and though an act of parliament against them , would not perhaps have been of very great force , yet it would have been expedient to have shewn her good will ( as mr. johnson calls it . ) but we shall find the weakness of these arguments in the effect they bad on the queen ; for she was so far from being persuaded that the fact was lawfull , that she always deny'd her being consenting , or so much as privy to it , when it was done ; and though there might be some probable reasons to believe she was innocent , yet the very suspicion of her being privy to it , has fixt an eternal blot upon her ( otherwise unspotted ) reputation . so that these arguments will seem of very little weight to his present majesty , when all the world knows how unjustly , and unsuccessfully too , they were urg'd against his great ancestour , to a princess that was her mortal enemy , and one but too desirous of her destruction . there is nothing now left in the preface that is worth taking notice of , but the act of the of queen elizabeth , whereby 't was enacted treason during her life , to affirm that she , and her parliament , could not make laws and statutes , of sufficient force and validity , to limit and bind the crown of this realm , and the descent , limitation , inheritance , &c. i shall not presume to determine of the equity and justice of this act , or whether it were in their power to doe as they did ; but the excellent authour of a late pamphlet , entituled , the great point of succession discussed , being an answer to the history of succession , &c. though he was a member of those very parliaments that were so hot for the bill of exclusion , freely declares that the crown of england is , and ought to be , inseparably annext to proximity of blood , by the laws of god , and nature , and this realm ; so that consequently any act , that pretends to alter the succession , is utterly unlawfull , and ipso facto void : and so it ought to be adjudged when it ever comes to the question before the reverend iudges , p. . if any one requires fuller satisfaction , i refer him to the book it self , which will convince not onely the diffiders , but the prejudic'd too , of the truth of what is here deliver'd . as for the great subscribers to that act , we have a hierarchy not at all inferiour to them , either in piety or learning , who are of the contrary opinion ; and till i know the reasons why they subscrib'd , i shall not be sway'd by their authorities , when i think i have as great to ballance them . 't will be time now to give some account of the ensuing work , but any considering man will reade the design in the title page , or at least will find it in the book it self , from which i shall no longer detain him . the editions of those authours that are cited . athanasius vol. par. . lactantius basil. . origen con . cel. cantab. . august . opera bas. . gregory naz. par. . tertullian par. . ambrose bas. . athenagoras par. . theodoret par. . rufinus par. . nicep . call. fran. . socratis and sozome . histor. eccl. par. . homilies lon. . the editions of dr. hammond , bishop taylor , &c. of the english divines , are not so various that i need to set down here the particular times or places when and where they were printed . constantius the apostate . chap. i. a short account of the life of constantius . constantine the great having by his last will divided his empire between his three sons , constantine , constantius , constance , died in the suburbs of nicomedia , no one of his sons being present at his death : but constantius , not so far off as the other two , first came to court ; where having paid the usual respects that are due to the memory of a deceased parent , as if all other tyes of nature were buried with his father , he commanded , or at least permitted , the execution of his uncle and cousins , constantius dalmatius and his sons . [ atha . p. . ] about three months after the brothers were proclaim'd emperours by the army , each took his share , though not without some dissatisfaction and disturbance ; but things being happily compos'd for the present , they retir'd to their respective provinces . this agreement did not last long , for constantine thought himself hardly dealt withall , and not content with his share of f●ance , spain and britain , would needs encroach upon his brother constance , who had italy and africk , but was slain in the prosecution : thus the empire of the west devolv'd to constance , but all this new accession could not prevent his being assasinated by magnentius an usurping rebel : who at length after many defeats by constantius , was forced to that degree of despair , that he slew himself , and left his conquerour in the quiet possession of all the empire . i was unwilling to perplex this brief account of his coming to the entire possession of the empire , with the relation of any of his particular actions , reserving it rather to this place where i may doe it with less interruption . constantius had not been long upon the throne , but by the insinuations of an arian priest , he was brought over to be a great favourer of that heresie ; the account of his perversion , is at large in most ecclesiastical histories ; and because it may be material , i shall give it at length out of theodoret [ l. . c. . ] constantia , sister to constantine the great , was very intimate with an arian priest , who , dissembling his own opinion , made it his business to defend or excuse arius ; this man , upon her death-bed , she recommended to her brother's care , who was signally kind to him ; and as a particular mark of his favour , entrusted his last testament in his hands : the delivery of which to constantius , when he came to court , was sufficient to recommend him to his favour ; and gave him an interest , that in a short time became pernicious to the whole christian world ; ●or he improving the opportunity he had of being nigh the emperour , and making his advantage of an inconstant humour that was peculiar to him , easily made him out of love with the true religion , and as zealous for the false . he perswaded the emperour , who was but too prone to hearken to any thing that was ill , ( ath. p. . ) that all the disturbances in the church arose from introducing the word consubstantial into the articles of faith , which was no-where to be found in holy scripture , and the blame of this was laid upon athanasius . thus was that unhappy emperour perverted to a heresie , the most dangerous that ever infested the church , for athanasius tells us ( who had certainly good reason to know ) they deny'd christ. [ p. . ] athanasius was the first man that suffer'd by the emperour's apostacy ; for his piety and learning rendring him formidable to those hereticks , they soon traduced him to constantius , who sent part of his army to seize him at alexandria , but by a miraculous escape , he prevented the danger and fled to rome . georgius an arian succeeded him in his diocess , who repeated all the cruelties of the former persecutions , which were ten times worse in him , than in the heathens , since he at least profest christianity ; he whipt the men with rods , stript the virgins naked , and brought them to the fire , [ nicep . cal. eccl. hist. ] and in fine , acted all those torments a busie malice could invent , or a blind fierce zeal could execute . but alexandria was not the onely scene of persecution ; it spread it self in a short time as far as the heresie that was the cause of it ; but it raged particularly in constantinople : for macedonius despising the known methods of cruelty as too mean for an arian to exercise , had recourse to those that were particularly of his own invention ; he did not onely punish those that would not communicate with him , with the ordinary punishments of whips , chains , death : but by an unpresidented cruelty , would force open their mouths with clubs , and then throw into them the sacred elements . women likewise and children , though not initiated nor baptiz'd , were preposterously forced to be partakers of the holy sacrament , and were made , as far as it lay in his power , hereticks before they knew what religion was . [ nic. call. ib. ] this certainly was a far greater wickedness than that of iulian ; when by adding the images of the heathen gods to his own , he design'd to deceive the christians into idolatry ; for this was down-right forcing them ( if it were possible ) into heresie . upon these unheard-of methods of persecution , and other bodily torments no less strange , that are at large set down in that history , the authour makes this severe remark : insolitum sane id , exoticumque supplicium , ab iis , qui christum professi sunt , inventum ; quod ea quae olim graecorum tyranni magno studio & ambitione excogitarunt , longè post se reliquit . ( ni. cal. ib. ) aegypt and lybia were depriv'd of all their orthodox bishops , whose places were supply'd by arians . ath. epis. ad soli. vi . liberius , hosius , paulinus , dionysius , eusebius , luciferus , were banish'd for refusing to subscribe against athanasius , who had been acquitted by so many synods before . ib. and constantius himself at length proceeded to that degree of cruelty against the orthodox christians , that he made an edict , not onely to banish them , but to put them to death . athan. p. . . and the same father tells us , that when maximianus ( constantine's father ) persecuted the christians , the heathens themselves would conceal them , and were so generous often as to suffer fines and imprisonment , rather than betray those that fled to them for protection : but the new hereticks act just the contrary , they voluntarily take upon them the office of searchers , and executioners , and think that he that hides a christian is as much their enemy as he that 's hid . and then speaking of constantius , he says ( atha . p. . . ) maximianus sent the confessours into one common place of banishment ; so that in all their mi●fortunes , they had one comfort left ( and that no small one ) of mutual society . but constantius industri●●●●●●●●rted those that were friends , that he might make the misery of their banishment more insupportable , and prevent the onely happiness they desir'd , not to be parted till they died . this was so great a cruelty , that never can be excus'd , and no body but a primitive christian could bear it without repining . it would be an endless piece of business to recount all the sufferings of the church , under this cruel apostate , who was no less a tyrant in civil affairs , than a persecutour in religious ; it being an observ'd maxim , that under him no one had escap'd condemnation , of whom it had been but whisper'd that he was guilty ; for he seldom heard above one side , viz. the whispering arian or eunuch , and 't was counted as insolent for any one accus'd to pretend to make a defence as to protest against arianism . ammian . in tells us , si affectatae dominationis ansam quandam falsam reperiisset , aut leve● , hanc sine fine scrutando fasque eodem modo ducens ac nefas , caligulae , domitiani , & commodi immanitatem facile superavit . so that if a roman emperour can act contrary to the law ( as mr. iohnson affirms ) , certainly constantius did : for what can be more evident , than that no man should be condemn'd without being first heard , or his accuser appearing , was an establisht law of the empire ? but yet that he acted quite contrary to this , we may plainly see in athanasius : for how many were drag'd to death , without daring to offer at a defence ? which would have been so far from excusing them , that it would onely have rendred them more guilty in the eye of the judge ; who being always resolv'd to condemn , must needs res●nt any thing ill , that look't as if it design'd to prevent him . and if putting people to death upon pretence and shamms was the particular mark ( as mr. iohnson delivers ) of an arbitrary lawless tyrant , certainly constantius put in as fair for the title as any one ; for what could be more so , than the actions of his deputies in aegypt by his commission ? where innocent children , and ●oolish old women were executed ; these for prescribing , those for wearing an insignificant charm against an ague , under the pretence that they dealt in sorcery . the first time certainly that people ever died for being fools , or that old women suffer'd for superstition , which in them is as necessary an effect of age as grey hairs ; and they might as justly have been executed for being ugly , or having wrinckles . neither were the emperour's actions at home less unaccountable ; for when his sycophants had once persuaded him , that the safety of the world did so much depend upon his , that it must cease to be with him , ( wh●ch he vain man believed ! ) he suspected all that came nigh him to have designs upon him ; a whisper or a wry look was death ; discontent at any thing was mis-interpreted disaffection to the government ; and a man must not be angry , for fear it should be thought he was displeas'd at the emperour . these , and many o●her things of this inhumane strain , are recounted at large in the histories of that age . where , if any one will please to look , he will find that i have just occasion to say a great deal more than i have . if these provocations could not urge the primitive christians to have so much as ill thoughts of their emperour , what can doe it ? the benefi●s of constantine the great , the first patron of their religion , and establisher of their happiness , were still fresh in their memories , which must needs make their wounds deeper now ; for having once sound the joys of a peacefull settl'd church , where ( as they do in heaven now ) they enjoy'd the purest religion , and the most perfect peace ; certainly it must needs be matter of the highest discontent , to have all these comforts s●atch't from them , and by the son of the great constantine that gave them : here are the most aggravating circumstances imaginable ; but their patience was not to be conquer'd , they still made good that saying of athanasius , that persecution was the lot of christianity , atha . p. . but this will be more evident when we come , in the third chapter , to shew the behaviour of the christians toward him. chap. ii. the sense of the primitive christians about his succession . constantius came to the crown with the profession of that religion his father was so eminent a defender of ; so that the christians under constantine ( without the gift of prophecy ) could not well expect his apostacy . but i am induced to believe , that if they had , there would have been no petitions to the emperour to exclude his son , to secure their religion ; but rather assurances from them , that this was not a just way to preserve it ; there would have been no bill from the senate with a contradiction in the belly of it , to tell the emperour they would by no means attempt the violation of his prerogative , or the alteration of the fundamental laws of the empire ; and yet in the very next clause , offer at the exclusion of his lawfull heir ; the nature of the thing will not allow me to make any proof from history that it was so , but i don't question to make it more than probable it would have been so , if there had been occasion . for since the right of the next heir to the crown is so strongly secur'd by the laws of god and nature , ( as i hope has been sufficiently prov'd in the preface ) and that it is plain constantius had this right , being descended from constantine ; i can't imagine that the fears of the christians ( though they had the assurance of constantius being an arian ) could authorize them to attempt his exclusion ; for besides that it is contradictory to the principles of their religion , to prevent a future inconvenience , by a present ill , ( as is shown before ) if we may conclude what they would have done then , from what their forefathers did before , or they themselves afterwards , we shall find that they thought no reason great enough to put by the lawfull heir . for when a heathen was to succeed , there was not the least attempt to bar him ; not onely because they doubted their strength , and therefore thought their endeavours would be in vain , but because they thought the contrary their duty ; for they did not onely not make it their business to prevent his coming to the empire , but as much as in them lay assisted it ; for as 't is above cited from athenagoras , they declar'd they thought it most just that commodus , as rightfull heir , should succeed his father m. aurelius ; nay 't was their constant prayer to almighty god that he might : which certainly had been the greatest madness in the world ( he being a heathen , and consequently their mortal enemy ) if they had not thought it so necessary a duty incumbent upon them , that no consideration of their future quiet , or the unmolested enjoyment of their religion , could exempt them from . so that if the actions of these christians have any authority with us , if we have not disclaim'd their very principles as well as piety , we shall not think it so strange , as mr. iohnson would have the world believe we do , for christians not to oppose the succession of their lawfull prince , though part of his religion be to extirpate theirs . if it were our own case , we might lawfully pray for his conversion , and i don't question but we should doe it very heartily , for the free exercise of our religion is the greatest happiness we can wish for on this side heaven ; but if we could have it but for an evil thought , 't were much too dear , and not to be purchased at that rate : and therefore i have often look't with horrour upon that unchristian prayer of the protestants under queen mary , which was certainly ( whatever mr. iohnson declares to the contrary ) never heard or read , to have been us'd by any good christian man against any prince , though he were a pagan or infidel , &c. [ pream . to the act ] ( as shall be seen at large when i come to treat of the christians prayers ) and it was deservedly made treason then , for it was so long before in the eye of heaven ; for if an evil thought or wish against our neighbour , is made as much murther , by the gospel , as actually striking him to the heart , why such a notorious profession of our hatred to our princess , and desire of her destruction ( upon what consideration soever ) should not incurr a proportionable guilt , i cannot easily imagine . but to come nigher to the case in hand , 't will be evident to any , never so little conversant in the ecclesiastical writers , that most of those very people , that mr. iohnson represents to the world for such fierce excluders of a prince , that profest a contrary religion to theirs , did not think ( or at least did not act as if they thought ) that a prince could be barr'd of his right of succession , upon the score of religion ; for not two years after iulian's death , valens a furious arian , and bitter persecutour of those that dissented from him , was peacefully admitted to be emperour , and assisted too by the army ; whom we can't think in the least inclin'd to favour that heresie ( for they were iovinian's souldiers ) but they knew their duty to their prince . i hope these plain instances will satisfie any reasonable man , that the primitive christians did not think it consistent with the principles of their religion , to exclude a lawfull successour upon any terms , since we see that neither being a heathen or an arian ( two the most dangerous enemies to christianity ) could prevail with them to attempt it . 't would be easie here to answer all the pretended arguments and authorities mr. iohnson brings , to prove the contrary actions of the primitive christians toward iulian : but i suppose the reader remembers what has been already said of them particularly in the preface ; so that i shall not need to trouble him , or my self , with a repetition . but i shall hasten to give an account of their behaviour toward constantius , and leave the world to judge whether it be not more agreeable to the gospel , than that which mr. iohnson falsely scandalizes the christians , under iulian , with ; and consequently fittest for our imitation . chap. iii. their behaviour towards him in words . 't is a strange account mr. iohnson gives us of the christians behaviour towards their emperour , though a persecutour , and an apostate ; for railing is certainly so far from being evangelical , that it is contrary to the principles of common breeding . but perhaps these were some of those unhappy people the emperour had interdicted the benefit of going to school to , and now he deservedly found the effect of his cruelty . but then he ought to have told us so , and not to have laid it down in such general terms , as if it were the approv'd practice of the whole church : this is the strangest injustice to that famous age imaginable , and onely exposing those examples , one would think , by the end of his book , he designs we should imitate ; for from the scope of his book , i can conclude nothing but this , viz. that he intends to give us an account how the christians in former ages behav'd themselves toward an apostate , to inform us what we may doe on the like occasion . i must confess he has done most of his own party a considerable kindness ; for they hitherto have rail'd without president , as well as without cause : and i suppose greek e'er long will be much in fashion with them , as a language that will extremely accomplish them for that christian liberty . but as for us , we shall rather fetch the methods of our conduct from the graver writings of the fathers of those times ; and not imitate him , who , like our late travelling sparks , onely observes , and treasures up the vices and follies of the places he visits , and exposes them , when he comes home , for rarities and accomplishments . none certainly but the scum and rabble of that age could be guilty of those indignities to their emperour : but mr. iohnson tells us , no less a man than theodoret commends them for their nick-names and reproaches , and quotes his d book and c. . for what he says ; i have look't with both eyes , and cannot find any thing like it : he commends indeed the antiochians for their zeal , but not their rudeness . as to the example of maris , which he brings as the second and last argument to justifie ill language given to an emperour , if an apostate , is of very little force ; for without all doubt , it was an indiscreet action , and nothing but his great zeal for religion could make any colourable excuse for it ; for who , unless he had a mind to be a martyr , would affront an emperour in the height of his devotion , and upbraid his gods when he was paying his adorations to them ? origen i am sure would have counted such an action down-right madness ; for he tells us , when we doe nothing contrary to the law and word of god , we are not so mad or furious as to stir up , against our selves , the wrath of the king or of the magistrate , which would bring upon us blows , torments , and divers kinds of death . and i have some reason to assert this , from the quite different conduct of all the fathers that liv'd under constantius ; that were so far from doing any thing of this nature , unprovok't , that all the cruelties that apostate emperour could inflict , did not extort the least mis-becoming expression from them . athanasius tells the emperour in his apology ; i am not mad , o king , neither have i forgot the voice of god that saith , curse not the king , no not in thy heart . and again , i did not oppose the command of your majesty , god forbid . i am not such a man as would oppose the very treasurer of the city , much less so great an emperour ; i was not so mad as to contradict such a command as yours ; i neither did oppose the command of your majesty , nor will now attempt to enter into alexandria , untill you , of your goodness , will please , i shall . and in another place of the same apology he tells constantius , if i had been accus'd before others , i had appeal'd unto your majesty , as the apostle appeal'd unto caesar — but seeing they have taken the boldness to calumniate me before thee , to whom shall i appeal from thee , but to the father of him who said , i am truth , that he may incline thy heart to mercy ? st. hilary tells him ( and in the time of persecution too ) your mild nature ( blessed lord ) agreeth with your gracious disposition ; and because of your great mercy , we don't doubt of easily obtaining what we desire of you ; we beg of you not onely with words , but tears , that the catholick church be no longer persecuted by our brethren . hilar. ad const. l. . and bishops of the west , in the conclusion of a letter from a synod at ariminum , we beseech you , that you cause us not to stay from our charges ; but that the bishops , together with their own people , may with peace employ themselves in prayers and the service of god , making supplication for your kingdoms safety and peace , in which the divine majesty long preserve you . atha . epist. de syn. ari. &c. hosius likewise ( a man of an extraordinary zeal and courage ) though provok't by the severest persecutions imaginable , can't think it lawfull for him to speak so much as dis-respectfully of the emperour : but tells him , since he had receiv'd his imperial power from god , whosoever did detract any thing from that , should be look't upon as an opposer of the ordinance of god. it would be easie to seem very learned upon this point , that is , to stuff my margin with quotations ; but that 's a vanity i am not over-desirous to be thought guilty of . i hope the authorities i have already cited , will be sufficient to prove what i design'd , viz. that it was the judgment of the primitive christians , that no ill usage from their emperour , though a heathen or apostate , could authorize them to affront him ; and that difference of religion , doth not , by any means , cancell our obedience to him . now that the face of things should be so soon chang'd , as that it should be damnation to speak ill of the emperour under constantius ; and under iulian , his immediate successour , not onely permitted , but meritorious , to curse him ( as mr. iohnson acquaints us ) is very strange . i am confident if they did those actions he lays to their charge , they had no president for them in former ages ; and the doctrine they govern'd themselves by , was perfectly new and their own : for 't is well known all the first christians acted quite contrary ; they continually night and day pray'd for the safety of the emperour , [ cypr. ad demet . ] it would be easie out of the martyrologies of the first times , to give instances of the christians submission , as strange , as the cruelty of their persecutours : but this will be unnecessary , since their sufferings and patience are so well known , that mr. iohnson himself is forc't to own it ; but tells us withall , 't was their duty to suffer patiently , because they were persecuted according to law . this answer is of very little force , for there was no other law but the will of their emperours against them , or their edicts , which were onely their will manifested ; both which were as much laws in iulian's time , as n●ro's : therefore why the christians should think it their duty patiently to submit to all the inhumane cruelties of that first persecutour , and those under iulian rebell , or at least murmur at those lighter pressures of their emperour , i am not able to resolve . i am inclin'd to think , that mr. iohnson's christians were not so good as they should be ; for those that will onely submit quietly to persecution upon some conditions ( for he tells u● , though they resisted iulian , they would patiently have bore the cruelty of a heathen persecutour ) are govern'd rather by humour than religion ; for the gospel i am sure makes no distinction , and 't is a receiv'd maxim , ubi lex non distinguit nemo distinguere debet ; where the law makes no distinction , no man ought to doe it . but besides , it has been sufficiently prov'd , that constantius's proceedings were altogether as illegal and arbitrary , as those of iulian could possibly be ; they were both apostates , and though indeed the latter was less to be excus'd ( it being something a worse defection to paganism than arianism ) yet in respect of the quiet and security of the church , they were both equally dangerous . and yet we see from the examples of so many bishops , the prayers of all the people , that they were so far from cursing him or giving him to the devil for his due , that they seem to be fond of his life , and make the establishment and welfare of the empire , to be the first business of their prayers . for hence it is that we give respect to a heathen , if put in authority ; for though he be most unworthy of it himself , who holding god's place , gives the devil thanks for it ; but the honour we give him , his place challengeth . [ q. . exerc . nov. test. tom . op . av. ] chap. iv. ●h●ir actions . before i give an account of the christi●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their actions toward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●ll be necessary to make 〈◊〉 r●m●●ks upon those two actions of a souldier and a ●ishop under iulian , which mr. iohnson saith m●y manifest how the primitive christians despis'd him ( besides that it i● very foul pl●y to infer the general sense of the church from that of but two members of it ) i cannot grant that the primitive christians would by any means allow of these actions . as to the first , that of valentinian , i must needs own 't was far more excusable than what old gregory did , for his character , and the meanness of the person that suffer'd by him , may plead something in his behalf , striking in a souldier being more pardonable than in a bishop , and bea●ing a priest , more tolerable , than kicking an emperour ; but this will not justifie the violence , for it was undoubtedly a fault , though the praises the historian gives it , would seem to prove the contrary . for to this i answer , that the action deserv'd to be prais'd , not for its own sake , but because it shew'd an extraordinary zeal for christianity ; it was the motive , and not the fact , that was to be commended ; and that this is not purely a 〈◊〉 , but the real truth of the matter , we may i●fe● from this plain instance . in the primitive church many kill'd themselves , when they could by no other means avoid sacrificing to idols ; and they stand now upon record for martyrs . this action of theirs was certainly self-mur●her , and consequently criminal ; and dr. hammond aff●rms , that it was a fault in them too ; but the love of god , and the fear they should be polluted by idols , was the cause of it . and so though it might as a frailty be pardon'd by god's mercy in christ , yet sure this killing themselves was not that which made them martyrs ; but that great love of god , and resolving against idolatrous worship , which testified it self in their killing themselves for that cause : this it was that made them pass for martyrs , and that other incident fault of theirs , was not , in that case , thought so great , as to divest them or rob them of that honour , [ dr. ham. pr. c● . ] and 〈◊〉 highly probable that this was valentinian's case ; 't was not his striking the priest , but his confession , that gave him a title to two kingdoms , that of the empire and heaven . but i need not have said so much of this , for mr. iohnson himself allows it to be an unaccountable action , p. . as to the extravagant action of old gregory nazianzen ( for i can't justly give it a milder epithet ) certainly nothing but the partiality of a son can excuse it , and 't is a fault even in him to commend it ; for who can stretch forth his hand against the lord's anointed ( sure the foot is not excepted ) and be guiltless ( sam. . . ) st. chrysostom's forbidding the empress eudoxia to come within the church , was not half so insolent as this act of gregory's , yet he severely repented of it , and tells us , in the cooler hours of his life , he did more than he could justifie . if i were to specifie the particular actions of the primitive christians under constantius , in opposition to those under iulian , i should be as prolix and tedious as mr. iohnson is in his comparison of popery and paganism ; i shall add in general terms , ( and i defie any one to disprove me out of the writings of the fathers , the histories , and the martyrologies of that age ) that the souldiers , ( though of a contrary opinion ) fought for him . the fathers ( though banish'd ) pray'd for him , as likewise did the martyrs under persecution , till the ex●cutioner put an end at once , both to their devotion , and their lives . chap. v. of their devotion , their psalms and prayers . i don't think there is so much difference between prayers and psalms , as to treat of them severally in two distinct chapters . but shall speak of them here together ( i hope ) without any great absurdity . i must confess there seems some weight in the instance mr. iohnson urges of the young martyr theodorus , who curs'd the emperour out of the psalms ; and when he suffer'd for it , by an extraordinary assistance from heaven , not onely surviv'd , but enjoy'd the torture : but ( like all the rest he writes ) 't is onely gloss , and onely fit to be swallow'd by those whose use he designs his book for , the prejudic'd and ignorant : these believe , because they don't understand ; those , because it makes for them . for this holy martyr repeated this with the same spirit that david first deliver'd it , by way of denouncing god's judgments , not delivering his own sentiments : and mr. iohnson may as well say the priest curses the people in the solemn service on ash●ednesday , as theodorus did the emperour then ; for the idolaters come in for their share there too . mr. iohnson says but little of their prayers , an● that little too he draws from gregory's 〈◊〉 where he ●lls the people what a champion his father had been against iu●● , how he had stricken him with the joint prayers of the people , &c. if he did , 't was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all that the christians ●ver did before him . and then what may we judge of th●● p●●yers , but that they were as extraordinary and unjustifiable as his threat●●ing to kick the emperour ? the supplicati●●● 〈◊〉 predecessours were not of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will tell us [ that the scriptures enjoin us for shewing the redundancy of our charity , to pray to god even for our enemies , and wish well unto our persecutours . ] tertul. apol. cap. , and . and in another place , [ we pray for the emperour's safety , we call upon the eternal god , the true god , the living god , whom the emperours themselves would wish above all others should be propitious to them . ibid. . ] and what is more , he tells them in the same place , [ having our arms thus spread out unto our god , let the hooks tear us , the crosses hang us , the fires lick us up , &c. the posture of a christian praying is fitted for all kind of torments : come ye good governours , wrest out the soul that is supplicating for the emperour : ] can any thing be greater ? this is the patience of a primitive martyr . by this we see not onely calmly to dye for the truth , but even to dye praying for the persecutour , was one of the great requisits to obtain so glorious a title . but perhaps mr. iohnson will tell us this is but one doctor 's opinion ; but if he will take the pains onely to look in the indexes of the fathers , he will be directed to many places , in each of them , to this purpose . cyprian speaking to the emperour , says , [ day and night continually and instantly do we pray , propitiating and appeasing god , for your peace and safety . ] cypr. ad demet . sebastian tells the emperour dioclesian , [ the priests of the temples do possess your majesty with an unjust suspicion of us , suggesting false tales , as if we were enemies to the commonwealth ; whereas by our prayers the commonwealth is better'd and increas'd ; for we cease not to pray for your empire and the roman army . ] but to come ●igher home , athanasius ( a man not over tame but when it was his duty ) gives this reason for celebrating prayer in the church of alexandria , before it was dedicated , that the people earnestly prest him , that they might all pray for the safety of the emperour in the church , which he himself had builded ; being ready otherwise to go out of the city , and assemble themselves in the desarts , at the solemnity of easter , which at that time was to be celebrated . and again , speaking to the emperour , [ you do not forbid , but are willing that all men should pray , knowing that this is the prayer of all , that you may live in safety , and continually reign in peace● — and again ( o emperour of god most belov'd ) many circuits of years , i pray , may you live , and accomplish the dedication of this church ; for those prayers that are made within for your welfare , don't at all hinder the dedication of the church . ] this will be enough to satisfie any reasonable man , that cursing an emperour is not so catholick a doctrine as mr. iohnson would have us to believe , and that all the fathers were not of old gregory's mind . i am inclin'd to believe , that if he could have found but one instance more of such a fiery zeal , it had certainly appear'd , and been improv'd to the best advantage : for we find by his transcribing so great a part of the book of homilies , he is of a good communicative nature , and keeps nothing to himself that may prove in the least beneficial to the publick . but i believe it will be a hard thing to find the least pretence for this doctrine , in all the orthodox writings in former ages ; and any of the fathers would look upon the broacher of such principles with as much detestation , and call him as many names as gregory did iulian the apostate . before i conclude this chapter , it will not be impertinent to shew , that prayers and tears were not so much out of fashion in the primitive church , as to be rediculous in ours ; as for their prayers , that they were not aim'd against the emperour , i hope has been sufficiently shew'd already , but onely intend●d for his safety . and though it may seem unmanly , yet that it was not unchristian to weep , st. ambrose will inform us ; who speaking to his flock at milane , tells them , [ willingly i will never forsake you ; being constrain'd , i know not how to make opposition ; i can sorrow , i can weep , i can sigh , against armour , souldiers and goths : tears are my weapons , for such is the armour of a priest , otherways i cannot , dare not , resist . ] amb. in ora. de bas. non trad. and this same father ( who had likewise to deal with an arian emperour , valentinian the younger ) did not defend himself with his hand or his weapon , but by fastings , and continual watchings , and continuing under the altars , by his prayers he procur'd god to be a defender both of him and his church . ruf. ec. h. l. . c. . and that prayers and tears do very well together , st. bernard tells us , writing to ●udovicus then king of france . [ indeed we will stand and sight even unto death , if need so requires , in our mothers behalf , with such weapons as we may lawfully use ; not with bucklers and swords , but with prayers and tears to god. ] i suppose if he had meant against the emperour , he would hardly have wrote him word so . ber. in ep. . ad ludo. re. chap. vi. constantius's death . constantius , after having reign'd years , ( a great while for a roman emperour and persecutour , and yet not too long , for athanasius wisheth him many circuits of years ) making war in persia , heard the unwelcome news of iulian's being proclaim'd emperour by the army : 't is not to be imagined but he resented this treacherous action with the highest indignation ; but we do not hear that he attempted to exclude him for it ; he knew he had declar'd iulian's right to the succession , by making him caesar ; and that consequently it was not in his power to take away that right which was deriv'd from the law of nature , and confirm'd by his edict , and which could onely cease with iulian's life . that these were his thoughts , we shall best judge by his proceedings in this affair ; for he did not put out his edicts to take away the title of caesar from iulian ( which was equivalent to that of h●ir-apparent with us ) thereby shewing his design to dis-inherit him ; but leaving the prosecution of that war he had begun in persia , he carried his army against iulian , to be reveng'd of that ungratefull usurper , and to secure himself in the empire ; for he might kill iulian as a rebell , and so his right would fall of course ; but he could not dis-inherit him as such , because god , though he gave the power of life and death to the magistrate , hath yet reserv'd the disposing of kingdoms to himself . but to proceed in the narrative : constantius , whether from inward grief , or the toil of a long journey , or both ( is not material ) fell ill at mopsuecrene , a place between cappado●ia and cilicia , where in a very short time he died of a very high fever ; for marcellinus saith , that he burnt all over like fire , so that his servants could not so much as touch his body . socrates indeed gives us a far different account of his distemper , attributing his death to an apoplexy . i shall leave the reconciliation of these two historians to those that think themselves concern'd in it ; for it is not material here of what death he died : but it is certain the news of it was miraculously convey'd to iulian ; for after he had consulted his gods and priests about the event of things , and they had assur'd him of success above his hopes , yet he was dissatisfied still ; he look't upon what they said to be rather slattery than prophecy , and thought their predictions rather squar'd to his desires , than truth ; but he was quickly satisfied by an extraordinary revelation ; for at the very same time the emperour died in cilicia , a souldier that lif●ed iulian upon his horse ; he being seated , suddenly himself fell down upon the ground , and cried out in the hearing of all the company , that he who had rais'd him up so high , was fallen himself . marcel . lib. . having given this account of his death , i hope it will not be preposterous to speak a word or two of his repentance . socrates is silent in this matter , and the great athanasius positively affirms , that he continued in his damnable heresie till the last . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] p. . and that dying , he desir'd to be baptiz'd , but not by a holy man , but by one euzoius ( this is also confirm'd by socrates ) that had been depos'd for arianism . ibid. if any one enquires into the credit of this great father , i shall refer him to gregory nazianzen's own speech in commendation of him , which he thus begins , [ in praising athanasius , i praise vertue it self , &c. ] greg. nazian . in land. athan. and to constantius's character of him ( who certainly might be believ'd when he commended one he hated ) in a letter he sent to the people of alexandria , wherein he highly commends his integrity , &c. athan. works . epist. . ad pop. alex. now which is to be believed , athanasius or gregory , in the account of constantius's dying a convert or an apostate , i leave the impartial reader to judge . but the authority he useth to induce us to believe a christian did that treacherous act , is much to be suspected ; for amm. marcell . lib. . is silent as to that , who was concern'd in the expedition , and an eye-witness of what past ; as likewise eutropius . but aurelius victor affirms the quite contrary , viz. that he was kill'd by a horse-man of the enemies , and one that was ●lying too . but theodoret tells us positively , cap. . lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; who it was that struck this just stroke , no man knows to this day . and that it was not probable that a christian would be guilty of this fact , will manifestly enough appear , from the passionate resentments they shew'd at his death . see marcell . l. . chap. vii . how they us'd his memory . the primitive christians were so far from offering any injury to the memory of constantius , that as if they had onely remembred he was their emperour ; and now by his being dead , own'd a new obligation superadded to that , to speak well of him ; they deplore his loss with all the demonstrations of a real sorrow : the eyes that were wet when he persecuted them , wept afresh at his funeral , as if they had perfectly learn't that great lesson of their saviour , not onely to bear with , but even to love their enemies . the souldiers you would think , by the extravagance of their grief , had forgot their character ; and constantine himself died not more lamented than his son. iulian , who had no great reason to be fond of his life , if he consulted his own safety , assisted at his obsequies , and made a very considerable figure in that sorrowfull procession ; and if we reade gregory nizianzen's description of his funeral , we must needs stand amaz'd at the greatness of their charity ; he tells us , that he was carried forth with all the solemnity the christians us'd to honour the corps of a pious hero with ; and would fain persuade the people to believe that the very angels themselves , in reward of his unusual piety , contributed their assistance to inhance the glories of his funeral ; but whether this is one of that father's flights , or really true , i shan't contend : this is certain from all the histories of that age , that he died generally lamented ; and that those that suffer'd by his edicts , did not presume to blaspheme the memory of him that made them . this was the conduct of the primitive christian ; and if they ever acted contrary , it was not to be imputed to their religion , but their passions . i shall easily grant that there are some severe reflexions upon iulian to be met withall in authours of very good note ; but i hope mr. iohnson will not infer from that , that they are warrantable . if he reades those very fathers thorough , he will find that their theory runs sometimes contrary to their practice , and that they don't always act according to their own principles ; and i don't know why he should draw those passages into presidents for us , which the authours themselves in their cooler minutes were asham'd to own . chap. viii . reflexions on the behaviour of these christians , wherein , of passive obedience . that the persecution under constantius was much severer than any of the ten former , is evident to any one that considers the cruel●ies that were daily acted by the arian hereticks ; who as they were much more zealous for their opinions than the heathens , so consequently they were more eager in prosecuting those that dissented from them : the loss of a trade or profession was not the punishment of their non-conformity , but of life too ; nay , there were penalties inflicted where death was the least part of the punishment : but all these heavy grievances did not make them question god's providence , or remonstrate to the decrees of the emperour ; they did not make their pressures just , by impatiently submitting to them ; nor frustrate the reward of their sufferings , by reviling their persecutours ; thereby by rendring their persecution onely an unprofitable affliction : they look't upon their miseries as necessary tryals of their faith , knowing that the power of even wicked and hurtfull kings is from god. what therefore can justifie the primitive christians carriage toward iulian , if it were according to the account mr. iohnson gives of it , p. ? that they vext every vein in his royal heart ; said all their prayers backward ; and call'd down for vengeance upon his head , &c. and at last concludes , they seem to have broke all the measures by which all the ancient and suffering christians have gone by in their per●ecutions , p. . the reasons he brings to justifie their actions , are these : . that their case was different from that of the first christians , because christianity was now the establisht religion of the empire , and they were justly incensed at iulian in offering to disturb them in the exercise of it . . since constantius had repeal'd all the sanguinary edicts against them , they were persecuted contrary to law. to the first of these i answer ; that if he takes christianity for the true religion constantine profess'd and maintain'd , his assertion is utterly false ; for the emperour's religion , which is likewise the religion of the empire , as far as edicts can make it , ( and constantine had no other way to establish any thing ) was arianism ; for constantius had long maintain'd that damnable heresie , and had supply'd all the places of the orthodox bishops , who were banish'd for their confession with the most violent professours of it . so that when iulian came to the empire , the church was far from enjoying that peace and tranquillity mr. iohnson describes , p. . for it was miserably rent with divisions , and hardly visible but in a few persecuted , distressed members : for granting that constantius did at last repent , it was so late first , he had no time to settle the true religion , but left the empire infected with the heresie he first introduced : which was no more christianity then , than mahumetism is now ; for though they acknowledged a saviour , 't was one of their own making , and the notions they entertain'd of christ may perhaps onely entitle them to greater damnation , than the heathens that never heard his name : so that the quiet enjoyment of their religion could not make them so ●ierce against iulian , for designing to molest them , for he could not put them into a greater confusion than they were in already : nay , they rather found the contrary ; for whoever will take the pains to compare iulian's usage of the christians with that of constantius , he will find that the heathen was less a persecutour than the arian ; and that the church had more quiet minutes in the short reign of iulian , than in years before ; for he ( upon what private designs matters not ) call'd home the banish'd bishops , and r●stor'd them to their places in the church : and though he ridicul'd christianity , he did not often persecute the professours of it ; he endeavour'd indeed to gain pro●●lytes , but yet , like arians , he did not compell people to his altars : nay if we will take mr. iohnson's word , he was rather a tempter than a persecutour . i hope this is enough to shew , that there is not a word true of all that gay description mr. iohnson gives u● , p. , , &c. of the flourishing condition of the church ; and consequently the just sense of the happiness they enjoy'd , and a fear to be rob'd of it , could not animate the christians to that degree that he tells us it did . . as to the second , that constantine repeal'd all the sanguinary edicts against the christians , and therefore if they were persecuted , 't was contrary to law ; it is a very ●hallow inference : for though that first christian emperour repeal'd all the sanguinary edicts , yet his successour was not in the l●ast ti●d up : one single word of his would put them all in force again . nay if we believe iustinian ( who certainly was a good judge in the case ) the emperour could not act contrary to law ; for what he did , was according to his pleasure , and his pleasure was a law , quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem , [ just. inst. l. . c. . ] and the edicts were altogether as arbitrary , for they were onely the emperour's will more publickly made known ; for theop. defines them , edicta sunt , cum princeps motu proprio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquid constituit ad honestatem & utilitatem reipublicae ; for whatever the emperour enacted , how ill soever , was suppos'd to be so ; for as his sentence was always presum'd to be just [ principis sententia praesumitur semper justa unde ab ea non appellatur ; ] so likewise were all his actions : so that whether iulian put the christians to death upon sanguinary edicts , or rather accus'd them of other crimes ( that he might avoid the invidious name of a persecutour ) and so destroy'd them , is not material , for ' ●is certain he commanded them to be executed ; and if he did , they dy'd lawfully , for his command was a law ; and that the emperour's command had this authority , is evident from the protestation of the people of alexandria , athan. p. . [ if it be the emperour's command we should be persecuted , we are all ready to suffer martyrdom ; but if there be no such thing , we beseech maximus , the governour of egypt , and all the magistrates , that they would entreat his majesty that no such thing may be attempted against us . ] so that what mr. iohnson means , p. . by saying the first christians suffer'd according to the laws of their country , whereas those under iulian were persecuted contrary to law , is hard to determine ; for every one knows the will of their emperours was the law of their country , for they were as arbitrary then as he that now usurps their throne ; and i hope no body will say the great turk persecutes his subjects contrary to law , when he kills or of them for diversion : that he acts unjustly , i grant , but the laws ( that is , his will and pleasure ) are on his side . but to put an end to this matter , 't will be evident to any that have read the former part of this book , that all the sanguinary acts against christians were not repeal'd ; for those made by constantius , which were severe enough ( if we believe athanasius , p. . ) stood still in force till iulian his immedia●e successour came to the crown . but mr. iohnson need not have given himself all this trouble to justifie the actions of the primitive christians , for they were never guilty of any that wanted an excuse ; for the church under iulian never own'd those principles or practices that tended to the dishonour of their emperour , as has been shew'd at large in the , , chapters , &c. of this book . i shall con●ine my self no longer to the actions of a particular people or nation , but consider what is our duty as christians in relation to our governours ; and what submission is due to them when they persecute us according to law , or destroy us by an uncontrollable arbitrary power . as to the first of these , the case is plain , and agreed upon on all hands , that submission is necessarily requir'd to a persecutour , that acts according to the laws of his country : this mr. iohnson allows , p. . in these words : [ when the laws of god and our country interfere , and 't is made death by the law of the land to be a good christian , then we are to lay down our lives for christ's sake . ] so that all the dispute is about our submission to a persecutour , that acts without the authority of the law , and contrary to it . mr. iohnson denies that submission is due to him by the gospel , [ ibid. ] but i shall make the contrary appear from the plain authority of the holy scriptures , the sense of the primitive christians , as likewise from that too of our present church . for , first , if we are not oblig'd to submit to a tyrant that acts contrary to the law , we may resist him , for there is no medium , flying being part of our passive obedience that is acknowledg'd due to a persecutour that acts according to law : but resisting is not in any case allowable ; for besides our saviour's own words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is forbidden , rom. . . to return any man evil for evil . and again v. . dearly beloved , avenge not your selves , but rather give place unto wrath : for it is written , vengeance is mine , i will repay it , saith the lord. now if no man may pay evil to his brother that has injur'd him , but by the hand of the supreme power , how can it be allowable to render evil for evil to the supreme power it self ? it cannot be done but by a superiour , and he onely is god. we have redress indeed against the violence of our fellow subject , by applying our selves to the magistrate , who may punish the offender , being authorized by god so to doe [ rom. . . ] but we don't find the people have the like power over the magistrate : obedience is our business , which is inconsistent with the liberty of resisting . grotius tells us plainly , si , quia summum imperium habenti libet , injuria nobis inferatur , toleranda potius est quam vi resistendum ; for though by the law of nature we have the power of repelling injuries , yet we have a greater obligation from the civil government under which we live , that wholly devests us of this right . potest igitur civitas jus illud resistendi promiscuum publicae pacis & ordinis causâ prohibere , cap. . l. . de iu. bel. & pa. so that this patient submitting to the arbitrary determinations of the magistrate is not onely from the doctrine of our saviour , but from the principl●s of civil prudence : for the lawyers will tell us , that a mischief is better than an inconvenience ; not that the first formally consider'd is to be preferr'd to the latter , but that an inconvenience , whose consequence would reach unto the general , should be prevented rather than a mischief , that would onely endamage particular . hence it is that opposing the magistrate is forbid upon any terms whatsoever , since the indulgence of it would bring a train of ill consequences , ten times worse than all the mischiefs we can possibly suffer from the cruelty of a lawless tyrant ; for as grotius has it in his commentary on the of the romans , reges constituuntur ut improbitate repressa tutiùs vivant boni , hoc autem plenissimè praestant boni reges , mali quoque aliquatenus vel sui causa , & quanquam aliquando vitii aliquid interveniat , nunquam tamen non tutiùs est esse principes , quam non esse : rectè ergo tacitus , vitia erunt donec homines , sed neque haec continua & meliorum interventu pensantur . it was a maxim the former heathens learnt from their philosophers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that this anger was not always suppos'd to be just , a latin saying , to the same purpose , will shew us , ames parentem si aequus est , si non , feras ; and that the same , if not much greater difference is to be paid to our common father , is out of question . in some cases i allow it is lawfull not to obey our parent , or our king , but in all cases 't is necessary not to resist . st. peter commands servants to be subject to their masters , with all fear ; not onely the good and gentle , but also the froward ; for this is thank-worthy , if a man for conscience-sake toward god endure grief , suffering wrongfully : and grotius will tell us , quod dicitur subjectionem dominis deberi etiam duris , idem ad reges quoque referendum . nay we owe a greater submission to our governours , than a servant doth to his master ; for if he complains of wrongfull usage , redress is to be had from the magistrate ; but we can onely appeal to god. but to put this matter beyond all controversie , let 's consider what st. paul says , rom. . . whosoever resists the power , resists the ordinance of god ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . here is a general rule laid down without the least exception ; and that it belongs to us , will be evident , if we consider who gave it st. paul , who being the apostle of the gentiles , what he delivers is universal . and why should we presume to be wiser than the law , and make distinctions where we find none ? st. paul tells us , whoever resists the power , shall be damn'd . mr. iohnson tells us , we may resist one that acts contrary to law : this distinction might be plausible , if this wicked power were not the ordinance of god ; but since it is ( as i shall evidently make out by and by ) the resisting this ordinance contracts a guilt , that makes us obnoxious to eternal torments . mr. iohnson indeed quotes bracton to prove , that a magistrate can have no power from god , to act contrary to the law , quia potestas juris solius dei est , potestas autem injuriae diaboli : but i wonder what divine ●ver consulted a common lawyer before about a case of conscience ; for i believe westminster-hall divinity is as bad as pulpit-law : he may likewise , if he please , make use of scotch politicks , and he will find his friend● , knox and buchanan , of his opinion : but st. augustine will tell him ( praef. in enar. ps. . ) [ every evil man hath in himself the will to hurt ; but to be able to hurt , is not in his power : in that he hath the will to hurt , he is already guilty ; but that he should have the ability , is permitted by the secret dispensation of god's providence ; toward some for punishment ; toward some for tryal ; toward some for obtaining a crown : for punishment , as the philistins were permitted to subdue the people of israel , because they had sinned against god : for tryal , the devil was permitted to assault iob ; but iob was tryed , the devil confounded : for winning the crown , the persecutours were let loose against the martyrs ; the martyrs were slain , the persecutours thought they had gotten the day ; these did falsly triumph in publick , the other were truly crown'd in secret : therefore that he is permitted to deal against any , proceedeth from the secret dispensation of god's providence ; but that he hath a will to hurt , cometh from the man himself . ] here we see opposing even a persecutour , is resisting the ordinance of god ( since he hath his power from above , ) and what the consequence of that is , no christian can be ignorant of . now that this was not casually spoken by that great father , but his setled opinion , is plain from his constant adhering to it : for in another place he says , ( l. . de c. d. c. . ) [ from whom [ god ] are all powers , howsoever all mens wills are not from him ; ] and again ( id. de na. bon. &c. ) [ the power even of hurtfull kings is from god. ] theod. likewise on the to the romans , quum vult eos qui peccant castigare à malis magistratibus regi permittit . and isidore tells us plainly , [ hence we see both a bad and good power is ordained by god , bonam propitio , malam irato ; for we owe good kings to the gift of god , but evil ones to our sins ; reges quando boni sunt , ●uneris est de● , quando vero mali sceleris est populi . ] but some may say the fathers are men , and consequently may err ; to obviate this cavil , i shall add the undoubted authority of scripture , rom. . . there is no power but of god , and the powers that be are ordained of god : and iob . . god maketh a wicked man to reign for the sins of the people . since therefore 't is plain from these many instances , that the power of wicked princes is from god , our resistance cannot be any ways warrantable : we may as well quarrel with providence for sending plagues among us , or murmur at the almighty when he visits us with his judgments , as resist a persecutour ; for he is sent to punish us for our sins ; he is onely the instrument , the rod in god's hand , which we ought rather to kiss than burn . i hope it has been sufficiently proved from the scriptures , and sense of the fathers , that the power of wicked princes is from god , and consequently it is our duty to submit to them , though they act never so illegally . it remains now , that i should prove , that this is likewise the doctrine of our present church ; and here i might refer my reader to all the writings of our eminent divines since the reformation , whose business it has been to preach up obedience to governours , and have unanimously declar'd against resistance upon any terms whatsoever : i might transcribe great part of bishop bilson , bishop taylour and dr. hammond's tracts upon this subject , but i shall rather chuse onely to quote the homilies , it being agreed on all sides , that in them is contain'd the true doctrine of our church ; and mr. iohnson deservedly stiles them the next best book to the bible . i wish he could commend them upon his own knowledge ; but i am afraid he never read any more of them than serv'd for a present purpose , and cares as little for them otherwise as the country people do : for if he had met with the homilies against rebellion and disobedience , we should never have had that assertion , p. . that the onely case wherein the gospel requires passive obedience , is when the laws are against a man : for in the first homily against disobedience and wilfull rebellion , there are these words , [ we shall find in very many and almost infinite places in holy scripture , as well of the old testament as the new ; as well the evil as the good do reign by god's ordinance , and we are bound to obey them . ] and again — [ it cometh not of chance and fortune ( as they term it ) nor of the ambition of mortal men and women climing up of their own accord to dominion , that there be kings , queens and princes , and other governours over men , being their subjects ; but all kings and queens and other governours are especially appointed by the ordinance of god. ] — and again , [ what shall subjects doe then ? shall they obey the valiant , stout , wise and good princes , and contemn , disobey and rebell against children , or against indiscreet and evil governours ? god forbid , &c. ] and the reason follows — [ for a rebell is worse than the worst prince , and rebellion worse than the worst government of the worst prince that hitherto has been . ] — and in another place , [ shall the subjects both by their wickedness provoke god for their deserved punishment , to give them an undiscrect or evil prince , and also rebell against them , and also against god , who for the punishment of their sins did give them such a prince ? ] i am weary of transcribing out of a book that ought to be almost as well known to us as our bibles ; but i can't forbear to insert this passage , which is so pertinent to the business in hand , and makes it plain that we ought by our repentance to avert the miseries of a wicked prince , and not by resisting his power ; the words are these , — [ let us take away our wickedness , that provok'd god to set such an one over us , and god will either displace him , or of an evil prince , make him a good prince ; so that we first change our evil into good ; for subjects to deserve through their sins , to have an evil prince , and to rebell against him were double and treble evil , by provoking god more to plague them : nay , let us either deserve to have a good prince , or let us patiently suffer and obey such as we deserve . ] having thus secur'd the supreme magistrate from the violence of his subjects , it will be necessary to take some care of his under officers ; whose power , since it is the ordinance of god ( for epiphanius proves , that the many magistrates under one king are ordain'd of god , from the to the romans ) ought no more to be resisted than the king 's . though this may seem something harsh in an english man's ears , who will acknowledge perhaps that the king can doe no injury , and is above the censure of the law , yet he knows his officers are accountable for any illegal act ; and the very command of the prince cannot secure them from being impeach't by the people : granting this to be very true ; yet i shall still assert , that the inferiour magistrate , though in the execution of an illegal act is not to be repell'd by force ; for though bracton tells us , ei qui vult viribus uti erit viriliter resistendum ; and the law in our own defence permits us to kill our enemy , yet ( as it is sufficiently declar'd before ) we sin in so doing ; and though we escape here , judgment will overtake us hereafter . let 's hear st. peter's opinion in the case , pet. . , , . submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lord's sake , whether to the king as supreme , or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him● — for this is the will of god , &c. — from this 't is plain that we ought to submit to inferiour officers for the lord's sake , as well as supreme ; this subordinate power being from god , though not immediately : this is sufficiently acknowledged in our saviour's answer to pilate , thou couldst have no power over me , except it were given thee from above ; and we all know he was under the emperour . i am not ignorant that the above-cited text from st. peter has been perverted to serve upon a far different occasion ; the improper proper translation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humane ordinance giving occasion to some ignorant or ill-minded people to infer , that all government is of humane institution ; but to any considering man 't is plain , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies a person , and not a thing , from the division subjoyn'd , whether it be to kings as supreme , or governours , &c. and therefore the best translation runs , submit your selves to every humane creature . here it may be objected , that this explication is too large , because undoubtedly we are not to submit to all men : to this i answer , that sentenc●s deliver'd in general terms are not always to be taken in their full extent ; but restrictions are allowable , provided they are had from parallel places in scripture ; for this command of subjecting our selves to all men , implies no more but this , we must submit our selves to all men to whom submission is due : of haymo in rom. . subditi estote omni creaturae , i.e. omnibus hominibus nobis praepositis . but that which gives colour for the allowance of this restriction , is the like expression in the same chapter , v. . where we are commanded to honour all men . certainly the meaning of this is not that the king should honour his subjects , or the father his children . but as dr. hammond in his paraphrase on the place , [ give every man the honour and obedience that is due to him : ] and st. paul confirms this , rom. . . give all men their due , tribute to whom tribute — honour to whom honour . but to make this point of our submission to under o●●icers , as plain a● possible , let us consider the example of our saviour , who when he was set upon by a great multitude with swords and staves , &c. who certainly acted very illegally , for they had no just commission for what they did , nor could have ( for our saviour tells them , luke ● . . this is your hour , and the power of darkness ; which dr. hammond explains in his paraphrase , [ this is the time when the devil and you are permitted to work your wills on me . ] yet he was so far from resisting them ( though he had ten millions of angels at his command ) that he severely rebuked peter for drawing his sword in his defence , and bid him put it up , for all that take the sword , shall perish by the sword . here we see our saviour doth not onely encourage us by his example to submit patiently to those that wrongfully assault us , but by his precept enjoy●s it as our duty ; he doth not leave it at our disposal , whether we will submit or no ; nor is this onely a counsel of perfection , which brings honour and reward to those that keep it ; but to those that doe not , no manner of danger at all ( as mr. iohnson speaks , p. . from greg. naz. ) for we see here a penalty threatned to the resister ; though if any case might be excepted , this ought to claim the privilege , for the sword could never be drawn in a better cause , or by a better hand : but the precept is universal and unalterable . st. peter himself must not resist , though to defend his saviour . this is a hard lesson ( i know ) to flesh and blood , but we must not consult them when we are to take up the cross ; which is the indispensable duty of every christian , tim. . . and again , heb. . , , . for whom the lord loveth , he chas●eneth ; and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth . i hope i have not omitted any thing in mr. iohnson's book that might deserve the least consideration ; but to make the surer work , it will be necessary to make some particular remarks upon those five propositions , p. . into which he tells us there he has reduced the force and strength of what was formerly delivered in his book . . christianity destroys no man's natural or civil rights , but confirms them . ans. christianity doth not at all meddle with our civil rights [ cor. . , . with dr. hammond's paraphrase . ] and as for natural rights , some it has confirm'd , but destroy'd others ; for many things were lawfull to us as men , which are not so as christians . nay , there were many things allow'd under the iewish oeconomy , which christ hath absolutely forbid ; and particularly in this case of private revenge , and resisting the unlawfull oppressour . see matth. . v. , , , , , . with dr. hammond's paraphrase . . all men have a natural and civil right and property in their lives , till they have forfeited them by the laws of their country . ans. we had indeed a natural right to our lives , and we might have defended them by force , and those weapons that nature had bestowed upon us ; but this right is superseded not onely by the maxims of christianity , but civil policy too ( as has been shewn from grotius ) ; and we can no more defend our lives by violence , than we can destroy them upon private discontent ; both the preserving and destroying the subject being lodg'd in the hands of the supreme magistrate . . when the laws of god and our country interfere , and it is made death by the law of the land to be a good christian , then we are to lay down our lives for christ's sake . this is the onely case wherein the gospel requires passive obedience , namely , when the laws are against a man : and this was the case of the first christians . ans. . the rule of our obedience and submission is universal , there is no person excepted ; nay , 't is plain from scripture that we ought not onely to submit when the laws are against us , but when they are for us , and we are illegally opprest : for if our saviour commands us , matth. . , , &c. not to resist a private person that offer'd us an injury , ( which is certainly illegal , and acknowledged so all over the world , since he acts without so much as any pretended a●thority ) how much rather ought we to submit to the magistrate , though he acts contrary to law ; for besides the general obligation we have just now mentioned , there is another that more particularly restrains us , viz. st. paul's command , to submit to his power as he is a magistrate , and cons●quently ordained by god. . the laws were no more against the first christians , than they were against those under iulian ; for they suffered both by the same law , viz. the uncontrollable will of their emperour . . that killing a man contrary to law is murther . ans. i can't grant this universally true , for sometimes 't is more than murther , viz. treason , sometimes less , viz. manslaughter : but that murther is murther , i allow . i hope the reader will pardon the seeming lightness of this answer , since it is necessary to shew how hard it is for mr. iohnson to speak truth or sense in the most trivial concerns . . that every man is bound to prevent murther as far as the law allows , and ought not to submit to be murthered if he can help it . ans. how plausible soever this seems , 't is utterly false : we ought indeed to prevent murther by all the means our laws command , for they can command nothing contrary to the scriptures , but not by those they barely allow ; for 't is evident from what has been delivered already , that the law permits some means that are not warranted by the gospel , and those we must not , cannot use ; for we ought not to damn our selves to prevent the violence of a murtherer , though offered to our selves ; for our saviour assures us we don't lose our lives by this patient submission to death , but gain them . 't will not be impertinent now to take notice of some quotations pickt up out of bracton , to countenance mr. iohnson's doctrine , p. . who certainly has a peculiar way of perverting the sense of authours : for how else could he arm bracton against his prince ? who , good man ! little thought his authority should be made use of to countenance disobedience , or to pull down the prerogative , of which he really was so just and vigorous a defender : but our law-books may well be debaucht to serve the purposes of ill men , when the bible is , and bracton has not so much reason to complain of the injury , since he hath st. paul for a fellow sufferer : the substance of all he cites from bracton is this ; rex est sub deo & sub lege quia lex facit regem . if mr. iohnson would but let bracton interpret himself , we should have none of the absurd inferences he makes , p. . for he tells us , ● . . c. . rex habet superiorem deum item legem per quam factus est rex , item curiam suam , viz. comites & barones . here we see there is no more power allowed to the law , than there is to the earls and barons ; and that they can't civilly oblige the king to obedience , but onely morally oblige his conscience when he is persuaded their counsels are just , i am sure mr. iohnson himself will allow : therefore 't is evident that those words cannot relate to any coercive power , but onely directive ; for he says just before , nec factum regis nec chartam potest quis judicare ita quod factum domini regis irritetur : and what he delivers in the following words , onely implies a moral superiority , by reason of a directive power in the law , and likewise in the earls , &c. not any civil jurisdiction or coercive power ; for he declares , cap. . p. . that for all the ill the king can doe , god onely can punish him : satis sufficit ei pro poena quod dominum expected ultorem . this is enough to satisfie those that never did , and perhaps never may see bracton's books of the meaning of that great lawyer ; as for those that understand him , they know that he of all men is not in the least guilty of any saying that may derogate from the prerogative of the prince , for he has evidently made it his business to justifie it in its fullest extent . i might here conclude , but that mr. iohnson will give us another touch of the primitive christians , p. . where he tells us we have no occasion for that admirable example of the thebaean legion : if he had not forgot the service of the church , he would know the patience of martyrs was not onely the business of our imitation , but the subject of our prayers too : and though we have not always occasion to follow their example , yet it is our constant duty to thank god for it . and therefore in the most peacefully settled times this sad story is not impertinent from the pulpit ; we have solemn days to commemorate the sufferings of our blessed saviour and the apostles : and though the church has not thought fit to give this glorious action a place in the kalendar , it ought certainly to be eternally fixt in our memories ; for then if ill times should come ( and if we consider impartially god's justice and our own sins , we have little reason to expect otherwise ) the example and conduct of the thebaean legion will be of great use to us ; there we shall see souldiers dye with the same meen they used to triumph ; and chieftains not inspiring their souldiers with courage , but instilling the softer maxims of patience : eucherius tells the emperour ( after a second decemation of the legion , and upon his command to destroy them all ) [ despair it self , o emperour , which is strongest in dangers , hath not arm'd us against thee : behold we have weapons , and yet offer not to resist , because we had rather dye than overcome , chusing rather to dye innocent , than live guilty , &c. ] no body but mr. iohnson would say this great example is not universally to be imitated ; and his reason is , because they suffered according to the laws of their country . this shift of his has been sufficiently exposed already ; but that he may not have the least pretence to it hereafter , i shall shew that the christians under iulian had power to resist ( and he declares the laws were for them , ) and yet they did not ; so that his assertion , p. . that they would if they could ; and consequently that we may , is utterly false . now that the christians were able , appears from all the historians that speak of that age ; for not onely the greatest part of the world were christians , but iulian's army was entirely so ; for when they chose iovinian for their emperour , he refused the honour , telling them , that since he was a christian , he could not command over heathens ; but they all , with one accord , cried out , we are christians . ] rusin . l. . c. . theodoret is more full in this case ; for he makes the army tell him , that he shall command christians that were ever bred up to that profession [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] for those that were elder , had constantine for their teacher , the younger constantius ; nay , they assure him they could not be heathens , for iulian did not live long enough to pervert them : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . th. l. . c. . this mr. iohnson himself knew , for all he saith , p. . [ what would they have a few desenceless christians doe , when they had lost their strength , and so many of their numbers ? ] for in his preface , p. . he quotes st. aug. in ps. . who there saith , [ though iulian was an apostate , an oppressour and idolater , yet christian souldiers served under him . ] now whether these were unarm'd or defenceless when they were to fight , let any reasonable man judge ; and for their numbers , i appeal to the historians . thus i hope i have performed my promise , viz. . i have shewn the unlawfulness of excluding the next heir upon the account of his religion , and that it is a practice altogether unknown to the primitive christians . . i have proved the necessity of passive obedience from the scripture , the sense of the primitive fathers , and the doctrine of our present church . . i have not left any thing unanswered in iulian , &c. that opposed the right of the next heir , or justified resistance . as for the latter part of the book , since i am not concerned in the vindication of the papists , i shall leave it to the censure of those that are . but i must needs say , that mr. iohnson had more effectually routed the papists , if he had rather set down the arguments with which those great men confuted their doctrines , than onely the rhetorick they exposed them with ; for we , ( whether it be the civility or judgment of the age , i shan't determine ) are not much affected with the old elizabeth-way of railing . finis . advertisement . there is now in the press another answer to julian the apostate , entituled jovian . an answerto julian the apostate . by a minister of london . books printed for walter kettilby , at the bishop's head in st. paul's church-yard . dr . fowler 's libertas evangelica . octavo . mr. kidder's discourse of christian forti●ude . oct. mr. allen's discourse of divine assistence . oct. — christian justification stated . oct. — against ferguson of justification . oct. — persuasive to peace and unity : with a large preface against the quakers . oct. — mystery of iniquity unfolded , against the papists . oct. — serious and friendly address to the non-conformists . oct. — practical discourse of humility . oct. mr. lamb's stop to the course of separation . oct. — fresh suit against independency . oct. mr. long 's history of the donatists . oct. — character of a separatist . oct. — against hale's of schism : with baxter's arguments for conformity . oct. — non-conformists plea for peace impleaded , against mr. baxter . oct. dr. grove's vindication of the conforming clergy . quarto . — defence of the church and clergy of england . qu. — responsio ad celeusma . qu. — defentio suae responsionis ad nuperum libellum qui inscribitur celeusma . qu. remarks on the growth and progress of non-conformity . qu. baxter's vindication of the church of england , in her rights and ceremonies , discipline and church-order . qu. mr. halliwell's discourse of the excellency of christiani●y . qu. — true and lively representation of popery : shewing that popery is only new-modelled paganism . qu. — account of familism , against the quakers . oct. — sacred method of saving humane souls . qu. — discourse of the kingdom of darkness . oct. cleget's reply to the mischief of impositions , in answer to dr. stilling ●●eet's sermon . qu. the true english-man : humbly proposing something to rid us of the plot in state and contention in the church . qu. a persuasive to reformation and unity , as the best security against the designs of our popish enemies . qu. the harmony of natural and positive divine laws : by walter charleton , m. d. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e orig. l. . contra cel. atha . apol. ad const. ath. ibid. notes for div a -e r●f . . the reasonableness of christianity as delivered in the scriptures locke, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the reasonableness of christianity as delivered in the scriptures locke, john, - . [ ], p. printed for awnsham and john churchil ..., london : . written by j. locke. cf. wing. first ed. cf. nuc pre- . errata: p. [ ]. advertisements: p. . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . philosophy and religion -- early works to . apologetics -- early works to . apologetics -- history -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reasonableness of christianity , as delivered in the scriptures . london : printed for awnsham and iohn churchil , at the black swan in pater-noster-row . . the preface . the little satisfaction and consistency is to be found in most of the systems of divinity i have met with , made me betake my self to the sole reading of the scripture ( to which they all appeal ) for the understanding the christian religion . what from thence by an attentive and unbiassed search i have received , reader , i here deliver to thee . if by this my labour thou receivest any light or confirmation in the truth , joyn with me in thanks to the father of lights for his condescention to our vnderstandings . if upon a fair and unprejudiced examination , thou findest i have mistaken the sense and tenor of the gospel , i beseech thee , as a true christian , in the spirit of the gospel ( which is that of charity ) and in the words of sobriety , set me right in the doctrine of salvation . errata . page . line . read on the. p. . l. . r. bethesda . p. . l. . r. little of any thing ; p. . ult . r. it was . p. . l. . r. them at ierusalem . ibid. l. r. ing in that place . p. . l. . r. that remained . p. . l. . r. a king , or rather messiah the king , p. . l. . dele these . ibid. l. . r. nor 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. bethesda . p. . l. . r. and of . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 present world. p. . l. . r. availed not devils . p. . l. . r. in his sermon in the. p. . l. ● . r. before observed . p. . l. . r. custom . p. . l. . r. apophthegms . ibid. l. . r. themselves ; and deduces . p. . l. 〈◊〉 . r. no touch of . p. . . 〈◊〉 confusion . p. . l. . r. life and. p. . l. . r. the apostles . p. . l. . r. treatise ? p. . l. . ● abstract . ibid. l. . read them , the reasonableness of christianity , as delivered in the scriptures . t is obvious to any one who reads the new testament , that the doctrine of redemption , and consequently of the gospel , is founded upon the supposition of adam's fall. to understand therefore what we are restored to by jesus christ , we must consider what the scripture shews we lost by adam . this i thought worthy of a diligent and unbiassed search : since i found the two extreams , that men run into on this point , either on the one hand shook the foundations of all religion , or on the other made christianity almost nothing . for whilst some men would have all adam's posterity doomed to eternal infinite punishment for the transgression of adam , whom millions had never heard of , and no one had authorized to transact for him , or be his representative ; this seemed to others so little consistent with the justice or goodness of the great and infinite god , that they thought there was no redemption necessary , and consequently that there was none , rather than admit of it upon a supposition so derogatory to the honour and attributes of that infinite being ; and so made jesus christ nothing but the restorer and preacher of pure natural religion ; thereby doing violence to the whole tenor of the new testament . and indeed both sides will be suspected to have trespassed this way , against the written word of god , by any one , who does but take it to be a collection of writings designed by god for the instruction of the illiterate bulk of mankind in the way to salvation ; and therefore generally and in necessary points to be understood in the plain direct meaning of the words and phrases , such as they may be supposed to have had in the mouths of the speakers , who used them according to the language of that time and country wherein they lived , without such learned , artificial , and forced senses of them , as are sought out , and put upon them in most of the systems of divinity , according to the notions , that each one has been bred up in . to one that thus unbiassed reads the scriptures , what adam fell from , is visible , was the state of perfect obedience , which is called justice in the new testament , though the word which in the original signifies justice , be translated righteousness : and by this fall he lost paradise , wherein was tranquility and the tree of life , i. e. he lost bliss and immortality . the penalty annexed to the breach of the law , with the sentence pronounced by god upon it , shew this . the penalty stands thus , gen. ii. . in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die . how was this executed ? he did eat , but in the day he did eat , he did not actually die , but was turned out of paradise from the tree of life , and shut out for ever from it , lest he should take thereof and live for ever . this shews that the state of paradise was a state of immortality , of life without end , which he lost that very day that he eat : his life began from thence to shorten , and wast , and to have an end ; and from thence to his actual death , was but like the time of a prisoner between the sentence past and the execution , which was in view and certain . death then enter'd and shewed his face , which before was shut out , and not known . so st. paul , rom. v. . by one man sin entred into the world , and death by sin ; i. e. a state of death and mortality : and cor. xv. . in adam all die ; i. e. by reason of his transgression all men are mortal , and come to die . this is so clear in these cited places , and so much the current of the new testament , that no body can deny , but that the doctrine of the gospel is , that death came on all men by adam's sin ; only they differ about the signification of the word death . for some will have it to be a state of guilt , wherein not only he , but all his posterity was so involved , that every one descended of him deserved endless torment in hell-fire . i shall say nothing more here how far , in the apprehensions of men , this consists with the justice and goodness of god , having mentioned it above : but it seems a strange way of understanding a law , which requires the plainest and directest words , that by death should be meant eternal life in misery . could any one be supposed by a law , that says , for felony you shall die , not that he should lose his life , but be kept alive in perpetual exquisite torments ? and would any one think himself fairly dealt with , that was so used ? to this they would have it be also a state of necessary sinning , and provoking god in every action that men do : a yet harder sense of the word death than the other . god says , that in the day that thou eatest of the forbidden fruit , thou shalt die ; i. e. thou and thy posterity shall be ever after uncapable of doing any thing , but what shall be sinful and provoking to me , and shall justly deserve my wrath and indignation . could a worthy man be supposed to put such terms upon the obedience of his subjects , much less can the righteous god be supposed , as a punishment of one sin wherewith he is displeased , to put man under a necessity of sinning continually , and so multiplying the provocation ? the reason of this strange interpretation we shall perhaps find in some mistaken places of the new testament . i must confess by death here i can understand nothing but a ceasing to be , the losing of all actions of life and sense . such a death came on adam , and all his posterity by his first disobedience in paradise , under which death they should have lain for ever , had it not been for the redemption by jesus christ. if by death threatned to adam were meant the corruption of humane nature in his posterity , 't is strange that the new testament should not any where take notice of it , and tell us , that corruption seized on all because of adam's transgression , as well as it tells us so of death . but as i remember every ones sin is charged upon himself only . another part of the sentence was , cursed is the ground for thy sake ; in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life , in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread , till thou return unto the ground : for out of it wast thou taken ; dust thou art , and to dust shalt thou return . this shews that paradise was a place of bliss as well as immortality , without toyl , and without sorrow . but when man was turned out , he was exposed to the toyl , anxiety , and frailties of this mortal life , which should end in the dust , out of which he was made , and to which he should return ; and then have no more life or sense than the dust had , out of which he was made . as adam was turned out of paradise , so all his posterity were born out of it , out of the reach of the tree of life , all like their father adam in a state of mortality , void of the tranquility and bliss of paradise . rom. v. . by one man sin entered into the world , and death by sin . but here will occur the common objection , that so many stumble at : how doth in consist with the justice and goodness of god , that the posterity of adam should suffer for his sin ; the innocent be punished for the guilty ? very well , if keeping one from what he has no right to be called a punishment . the state of immortality in paradise is not due to the posterity of adam more than to any other creature . nay , if god afford them a temporary mortal life ' 't is his gift , they owe it to his bounty , they could not claim it as their right , nor does he injure them when he takes it from them . had he taken from manking any thing , that was their right ; or did he put men in a state of misery worse than not being without any fault or demerit of their own ; this indeed would be hard to reconcile with the notion we have of justice , and much more with the goodness and other attributes of the supream being , which he has declared of himself , and reason as well as revelation must acknowledge to be in him ; unless we will confound good and evil , god and satan . that such a state of extream irremidiable torment is worse than no being at all , if every one ones sense did not determine against the vain philosophy , and foolish metaphysicks of some men ; yet our saviour's peremptory decision , matt. xxvi . . has put it past doubt , that one may be in such an estate , that it had been better for him not to have been born . but that such a temporary life as we now have , with all its frailties and ordinary miseries is better than no being , is evident by the high value we put upon it our selves . and therefore though all die in adam , yet none are truly punished but for their own deeds . rom. ii. . god will render to every one , how ? according to his deeds . to those that obey unrighteousness , indignation and wrath , tribulation and anguish upon every soul of man that doth evil , v. . cor. v. . we must appear before the iudgment-seat of christ , that every one may receive the things done in his body , according to that he has done , whether it be good or bad . and christ himself , who knew for what he should condemn men at the last day , assures us in the two places where he describes his proceeding at the great judgment , that the sentence of condemnation passes only on the workers of iniquity , such as neglected to fulfil the law in acts of charity , mat. vii . . luke xiii . . mat. xxv . . but here is no condemnation of any one , for what his fore-father adam had done , which 't is not likely should have been omitted , if that should have been a cause , why any one was adjudged to the fire with the devil and his angels . and he tells his disciples , that when he comes again with his angels is the glory of his father , that then he will render to every one according to his works , mat. xvi . . adam being thus turned out of paradise , and all his posterity born out of it , the consequence of it was , that all men should die , and remain under death for ever , and so be utterly lost . from this estate of death jesus christ restores all mankind to life ; cor. xv. . as in adam all die , so in christ shall all be made alive . how this shall be , the same apostle tells us in the foregoing v. . by man death came , by man also came the resurrection from the dead . whereby it appears , that the life , which jesus christ restores to all men , is that life , which they receive again at the resurrection . then they recovered from death , which otherwise all mankind should have continued under lost for ever , as appears by st. paul's arguing , cor. xv. concerning the resurrection . and thus men are by the second adam restored to life again : that so by adam's sin they may none of them lose any thing , which by their own righteousness they might have a title to . for righteousness , or an exact obedience to the law , seems by the scripture to have a claim of right to eternal life , rom. iv. . to him that worketh ; i. e. does the works of the law , is the reward not reckoned of grace , but of debt . and rev. xxii . . blessed are they who do his commandments , that they may have right to the tree of life , which is in the paradise of god. if any of the posterity of adam were just , they shall not lose the reward of it , eternal life and bliss , by being his mortal issue : christ will bring them all to life again ; and then they shall be put every one upon his own tryal , and receive judgment , as he is found to be righteous or no. and the righteous , as our saviour says , mat. xxv . . shall go into eternal life . nor shall any one miss it , who has done what our saviour directed the lawyer , who asked , luke x. . what he should do to inherit eternal life ? do this , i. e. what is required by the law , and thou shalt live . on the other side , it seems the unalterable purpose of the divine justice , that no unrighteous person , no one that is guilty of any breach of the law , should be in paradise ; but that the wages of sin shold be to every man , as it was to adam , an exclusion of him out of that happy state of immortality , and bring death upon him . and this is so conformable to the eternal and established law of right and wrong , that it is spoke of too as if it could not be otherwise . st. iames says , chap. i. . sin when it is finished bringeth forth death , as it were by a natural and necessary production . sin entred into the world , and death by sin , says st. paul , rom. v. . & vi. . the wages of sin is death . death is the purchase of any , of every sin . gal. iii. . cursed is every one who continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them . and of this st. iames gives a reason , chap. ii. , . whosoever shall keep the whole law , and yet offend in one point , he is guilty of all : for he that said , do not commit adultery , said also , do not kill : i. e. he that offends in any one point , sins against the authority which established the law. here then we have the standing and fixed measures of life and death . immortality and bliss belong to the righteous ; those who have lived in an exact conformity to the law of god , are out of the reach of death : but an exclusion from paradise , and loss of immortality , is the portion of sinners , of all those who have any way broke that law , and failed of a compleat obedience to it by the guilt of any one transgression . and thus mankind by the law are put upon the issues of life or death ; as they are righteous , or vnrighteous ; iust or vnjust ; i. e. exact performers , or transgressors of the law. but yet all having sinned , rom. iii. . and come short of the glory god , i. e. the kingdom of god in heaven , which is often called his glory , both iews and gentiles , v. . so that by the deeds of the law no one could be justified , v. . it follows , that no one could then have eternal life and bliss . perhaps it will be demanded , why did god give so hard a law to mankind , that to the apostles time no one of adam's issue had kept it ? as appears by rom. iii. and gal. iii. , . answ. it was such a law as the purity of god's nature required , and must be the law of such a creature as man , unless god would have made him a rational creature , and not required him to have lived by the law of reason , but would have countenanced in him irregularity and disobedience to that light which he had ; and that rule , which was suitable to his nature : which would have been , to have authorized disorder , confusion , and wickedness in his creatures . for that this law was the law of reason , or as it is called of nature , we shall see by and by : and if rational creatures will not live up to the rule of their reason , who shall excuse them ? if you will admit them to forsake reason in one point , why not in another ? where will you stop ? to disobey god in any part of his commands ( and 't is he that commands what reason does ) is direct rebellion ; which if dispensed with in any point , government and order are at an end ; and there can be no bounds set to the lawless exorbitancy of unconfined men . the law therefore was , as st. paul tells us , rom. vii . , holy , just , and good , and such as it ought , and could not otherwise be . this then being the case , that whoever is guilty of any sin , should certainly die , and cease to be , the benefit of life restored by christ at the resurrection would have been no great advantage , ( for as much as here again death must have seized upon all mankind , because all had sinned ; for the wages of sin is every where death , as well after as before the resurrection ) if god had not found out a way to justifie some , i. e. so many , as obeyed another law , which god gave , which in the new testament is called the law of faith , rom. iii. . and is opposed to the law of works . and therefore the punishment of those who would not follow him was to lose their souls . i. e. their lives , mark viii . - . as is plain , considering the occasion it was spoke on . the better to understand the law of faith , it will be convenient in the first place to consider the law of works . the law of works then , in short , is that law , which requires perfect obedience , without any remission or abatement ; so that by that law a man cannot be just , or justified without an exact performance of every tittle . such a perfect obedience in the new testament is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we translate righteousness . the language of this law is , do this and live , transgress and die . lev. xviii . . ye shall keep my statutes and my judgments , which if a man do he shall live in them . ezek. xx. . i gave them my statutes , and shewed them my judgments , which if a man do he shall even live in them . moses , says st. paul , rom. x. . describeth the righteousness which is of the law , that the man which doth those things shall live in them . gal. iii. . the law is not of faith , but that man that doth them shall live in them . on the other side , transgress and die ; no dispensation , no atonement . v. . cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them . where this law of works was to be found , the new testament tells us , ( viz. ) in the law delivered by moses . iohn i. . the law was given by moses , but faith and truth came by iesus christ. cap. vii . . did not moses give you the law , says our saviour , and yet none of you keep the law. and this is the law which he speaks of , where he asks the lawyer , luke x. . what is written in the law ? how readest thou ? v. . this do and thou shalt live . this is that which st. paul so often stiles the law , without any other distinction , rom. ii. . not the hearers of the law are just before god , but the doers of the law are justified . 't is needless to quote any more places , his epistles are all full of it , especially this to the romans . but the law given by moses being not given to all mankind , how are all men sinners ; since without a law there is no transgression ? to this the apostle , v. . answers , for when the gentiles which have not the law , do ( i. e. find it reasonable to do ) by nature the things contained in the law ; these having not the law , are a law unto themselves : which shew the work of the law written in their hearts , their consciences also bearing witness , and amongst one another their thoughts accusing or excusing . by which , and other places in the following chapter , 't is plain , that under the law of works is comprehended also the law of nature , knowable by reason as well as the law given by moses . for , says st. paul , rom. iii. . . we have proved both iews and gentiles , that they are all under sin : for all have sinned , and come short of the glory of god : which they could not do without a law. nay , whatever god requires any where to be done without making any allowance for faith , that is a part of the law of works . so the forbidding adam to eat of the tree of knowledge was part of the law of works . only we must take notice here , that some of god's positive commands being for peculiar ends , and suited to particular circumstances of times , places , and persons , have a limited and only temporary obligation by vertue of god's positive injunction ; such as was that part of moses's law which concerned the outward worship , or political constitution of the jews , and is called the ceremonial and judaical law , in contradistinction to the moral part of it ; which being conformable to the eternal law of right , is of eternal obligation , and therefore remains in force still under the gospel ; nor is abrogated by the law of faith , as st. paul found some ready to infer , rom. iii. . do we then make void the law through faith ? god forbid ; yea , we establish the law. nor can it be otherwise : for were there no law of works , there could be no law of faith. for there could be no need of faith , which should be counted to men for righteousness , if there were no law to be the rule and measure of righteousness , which men failed in their obedience to . where there is no law , there is no sin ; all are righteous equally with or without faith. the rule therefore of right is the same that ever it was , the obligation to observe it is also the same : the difference between the law of works and the law of faith is only this ; that the law of works makes no allowance for failing on any occasion . those that obey are righteous , those that in any part disobey are unrighteous , and must not expect life the reward of righteousness . but by the law of faith , faith is allowed to supply the defect of full obedience ; and so the believers are admitted to life and immortality as if they were righteous . only here we must take notice , that when st. paul says , that the gospel establishes the law , he means the moral part of the law of moses : for that he could not mean the ceremonial or political part of it , is evident by what i quoted out of him just now , where he says , the gentiles that do by nature the things contained in the law , their consciences bearing witness . for the gentiles neither did nor thought of the judaical or ceremonial institutions of moses , 't was only the moral part their consciences were concerned in . as for the rest , st. paul tells the galatians , cap. iv. they are not under that part of the law , which v. . he calls elements of the world ; and v. . weak and beggarly elements . and our saviour himself in his gospel-sermon on the mount , tells them , mat. v. . that whatever they might think , he was not come to dissolve the law , but to make it more full and strict : for that that is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is evident from the following part of that chapter , where he gives the precepts in a stricter sense than they were received in before . but they are all precepts of the moral law which he reinforces . what should become of the ritual law he tells the woman of samaria in these words , iohn iv. . . the hour cometh when you shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at jerusalem worship the father . but the true worshippers shall worship the father in spirit and in truth , for the father seeketh such to worship him . thus then as to the law in short . the civil and ritual part of the law delivered by moses obliges not christians , though to the jews it were a part of the law of works ; it being a part of the law of nature , that man ought to obey every positive law of god , whenever he shall please to make any such addition to the law of his nature . but the moral part of moses's law , or the moral law , ( which is every where the same , the eternal rule of right ) obliges christians and all men every where , and is to all men the standing law of works . but christian believers have the priviledge to be under the law of faith too ; which is that law whereby god justifies a man for believing , though by his works he be not just or righteous , i. e. though he came short of perfect obedience to the law of works . god alone does , or can , justifie or make just those who by their works are not so : which he doth by counting their faith for righteousness , i. e. for a compleat performance of the law. rom. iv. . abraham believed god , and it was counted to him for righteousness . v. . to him that believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith is counted for righteousness . v. . even as david also describeth the blessedness of the man unto whom god imputeth righteousness without works ; i. e. without a full measure of works , which is exact obedience . v. . saying , blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sins are covered . v. . blessed is the man to whom the lord will not impute sin . this faith for which god justified abraham , what was it ? it was the believing god when he engaged his promise in the covenant he made with him . this will be plain to any one who considers these places together , gen. xv. . he believed in the lord , or believed the lord. for that the hebrew phrase believing in , signifies no more but believing , is plain from st. paul's citation of this place , rom. iv. . where he repeats it thus : abraham believed god , which he thus explains , v. - . who against hope , believed in hope , that he might become the father of many nations : according to that which was spoken , so shall thy seed be . and being not weak in faith , he considered not his own body now dead , when he was about an hundred years old , nor yet the deadness of sarah's womb . he staggered not at the promise of god through unbelief ; but was strong in faith , giving glory to god. and being fully perswaded , that what he had promised , he was also able to perform . and therefore it was imputed to him for righteousness . by which it is clear , that the faith which god counted to abraham for righteousness , was nothing but a firm belief of what god declared to him , and a steadfast relying on him for the accomplishment of what he had promised . now this , says st. paul , v. , . was not writ for his [ abraham 's ] sake alone , but for us also ; teaching us , that as abraham was justified for his faith , so also ours shall be accounted to us for righteousness , if we believe god as abraham believed him . whereby 't is plain is meant the firmness of our faith without staggering , and not the believing the same propositions that abraham believed ; viz. that though he and sarah were old , and past the time and hopes of children , yet he should have a son by her , and by him become the father of a great people , which should possess the land of canaan . this was what abraham believed , and was counted to him for righteousness . but no body i think will say , that any ones believing this now , shall be imputed to him for righteousness . the law of faith then , in short , is for every one to believe what god requires him to believe , as a condition of the covenant he makes with him ; and not to doubt of the performance of his promises . this the apostle intimates in the close here , v. . but for us also , to whom it shall be imputed , if we believe on him that raised up iesus our lord from the dead . we must therefore examine and see what god requires us to believe now under the revelation of the gospel : for the belief of one invisible , eternal , omnipotent god , maker of heaven and earth , &c. was required before , as well as now . what we are now required to believe to obtain eternal life , is plainly set down in the gospel . st. iohn tells us , iohn iii. . he that believeth on the son , hath eternal life ; and he that believeth not the son , shall not see life . what this believing on him is , we are also told in the next chapter . the woman saith unto him , i know that the messiah cometh : when he is come , he will tell us all things . iesus said unto her , i that spake unto thee am he . the woman then went into the city , and saith to the men , come see a man that hath told me all things that ever i did . is not this the messiah ? and many of the samaritans believed on him ; for the saying of the woman , who testified , he told me all that ever i did . so when the samaritans were come unto him , many more believed because of his words , and said to the woman ; we believe not any longer because of thy saying , for we have heard our selves , and we know that this man is truly the saviour of the world , the messiah , john iv. , . . , , , . by which place it is plain , that believing on the son is the believing that iesus was the messiah ; giving credit to the miracles he did , and the profession he made of himself . for those who were said to believe on him for the saying of the woman , v. . tell the woman , that they now believed not any longer because of her saying ; but that having heard him themselves , they knew , i. e. believed past doubt that he was the messiah . this was the great proposition that was then controverted concerning jesus of nazareth , whether he was the messiah or no ; and the assent to that , was that which distinguished believers form unbelievers . when many of his disciples had forsaken him , upon his declaring that he was the bread of life which came down from heaven , he said to the apostles , will ye also go away ? then simon peter answered him ; lord , to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life . and we believe , and are sure thou art the messiah , the son of the living god , iohn vi. . this was the faith which distinguished them form apostates and unbelievers , and was sufficient to continue them in the rank of apostles : and it was upon the same proposition , that iesus was the messiah the son of the living god , owned by st. peter , that our saviour said , he would build his church . mat. xvi . - . to convince men of this he did his miracles : and their assent to , or not assenting to this , made them to be , or not to be of his church ; believers , or not believers . the iews came round about him , and said unto him , how long dost thou make us doubt ? if thou be the messiah tell us plainly . iesus answered them ; i told you , and ye believed not : the works that i do in my father's name they bear witness of me . but ye believe not , because ye are not of my sheep , john x. - . conformable hereunto st. iohn tells us , that many deceivers are entered into the world , who confess not that iesus , the messiah , is come in the flesh . this is a deceiver , and an antichrist , whosoever abideth not in the doctrine of the messiah has not god. he that abideth in the doctrine of the messiah , i. e. that jesus is he , hath both the father and the son , john . , . that this is the meaning of the place , is plain from what he says in his foregoing epistle , whosoever believeth that iesus is the messiah , is born of god , john v. . and therefore drawing to a close of his gospel , and shewing the end for which he writ it , he has these words : many other signs truly did iesus in the presence of his disciples , which are not written in this book ; but these are written , that ye may believe that iesus is the messiah , the son of god ; and that believing ye might have life through his name , john xx. , . whereby it is plain , that the gospel was writ to induce men into a belief of this proposition , that iesus of nazareth was the messiah ; which if they believed , they should have life . accordingly the great question amongst the jews was , whether he were the messiah or no : and the great point insisted on and promulgated in the gospel was , that he was the messiah . the first glad tidings of his birth , brought to the shepherds by an angel , was in these words : fear not , for behold i bring you good tidings of great joy , which shall be to all people ; for to you is born this day in the city of david a saviour , who is the messiah the lord , luke ii. . our saviour discoursing with martha about the means of attaining eternal life , saith to her , iohn xi . . whosoever believeth in me shall never die . believest thou this ? she saith unto him , yea , lord , i believe that thou art the messiah , the son of god , which should come into the world . this answer of hers sheweth what it is to believe in jesus christ , so as to have eternal life , viz. to believe that he is the messiah the son of god , whose coming was foretold by the prophets . and thus andrew and philip express it : andrew says to his brother simon , we have found the messiah , which is , being interpreted , the christ. philip saith to nathanael , we have found him of whom moses in the law , and the prophets did write , iesus of nazareth , the son of joseph , iohn i. . . according to what the evangelist says in this place , i have , for the clearer understanding of the scripture , all along put messiah for christ. christ being but the greek name for the hebrew messiah , and both signifying the anointed . and that he was the messiah , was the great truth he took pains to convince his disciples and apostles of ; appearing to them after his resurrection : as may be seen , luke xxiv . which we shall more particularly consider in another place . there we read what gospel our saviour preach'd to his disciples and apostles ; and that , as soon as he was risen from the dead , twice the very day of his resurrection . and if we may gather what was to be believed by all nations , from what was preached unto them ; we may observe , that the preaching of the apostles every where in the acts tended to this one point , to prove that jesus was the messiah . indeed , now after his death , his resurrection was also commonly required to be believed as a necessary article , and sometimes solely insisted on : it being a mark and undoubted evidence of his being the messiah , and necessary now to be believed by those who would receive him as the messiah . for since the messiah was to be a saviour and a king , and to give life and a kingdom to those who received him , as we shall see by and by , there could have been no pretence to have given him out for the messiah , and to require men to believe him to be so , who thought him under the power of death , and corruption of the grave . and therefore those who believed him to be the messiah , must believe that he was risen from the dead : and those who believed him to be risen from the dead , could not doubt of his being the messiah . but of this more in another place . let us see therefore how the apostles preached christ , and what they proposed to their hearers to believe . st. peter at ierusalem , acts ii. by his first sermon , converted three thousand souls . what was his word , which , as we are told , v. . they gladly received , and thereupon were baptized ? that may be seen from v. . to v. . in short this ; which is the conclusion drawn from all that he had said , and which he presses on them as the thing they were to believe , viz. therefore let all the house of israel know assuredly , that god hath made that same iesus , whom ye have crucified , lord and messiah , v. . to the same purpose was his discourse to the jews in the temple , acts iii. the design whereof you have , v. . but those things that god before had shewed by the mouth of all his prophets , that the messiah should suffer , he hath so fulfilled . in the next chapter acts iv. peter and iohn being examined about the miracle on the lame man , profess it to have been done in the name of jesus of nazareth , who was the messiah , in whom alone there was salvation , v. - . the same thing they confirm to them again , acts v. - . and daily in the temple , and in every house they ceased not to teach and preach iesus the messiah , v. . what was stephen's speech to the council , acts vii . but a reprehension to them , that they were the betrayers and murderers of the iust one ? which is the title by which he plainly designs the messiah , whose coming was foreshewn by the prophets , v. , . and that the messiah was to be without sin ( which is the import of the word just ) was the opinion of the jews , appears from iohn ix . v. . compared with . acts viii . philip carries the gospel to samaria . then philip went down to samaria , and preached to them . what was it he preached ? you have an account of it in this one word , the messiah , v. . this being that alone which was required of them , to believe that iesus was the messiah ; which , when they believed , they were baptized . and when they believed philip 's preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god , and the name of iesus the messiah , they were baptized both men and women , v. . philip being sent from thence , by a special call of the spirit , to make an eminent convert , out of isaiah preaches to him jesus , v. . and what it was he preached concerning iesus , we may know by the profession of faith the eunuch made , upon which he was admitted to baptism . v. . i believe that iesus christ is the son of god : which is as much as to say , i believe that he , whom you call jesus christ , is really and truly the messiah that was promised . for that believing him to be the son of god , and to be the messiah , was the same thing , may appear by comparing iohn i. . with v. . where nathanael owns jesus to be the messiah in these terms : thou art the son of god ; thou art the king of israel . so the jews , luke xxii . . asking christ , whether he were the son of god ; plainly demand of him , whether he were the messiah ? which is evident by comparing that with the three preceding verses . they ask him , v. . whether he were the messiah ? he answers , if i tell you , you will not believe ; but withal tells them , that from thenceforth he should be in possession of the kingdom of the messiah , expressed in these words , v. . hereafter shall the son of man sit on the right hand of the power of god : which made them all cry our , art thou then the son of god ? i. e. dost thou then own thy self to be the messiah ? to which he replies ; ye say that i am . that the son of god was the known title of the messiah at that time amongst the jews , we may see also from what the jews say to pilate , john xix . . we have a law , and by our law he ought to die , because he made himself the son of god ; i. e. by making himself the messiah , the prophet which was to come , but falsely ; and therefore he deserves to die by the law , deut. xviii . . that this was the common signification of the son of god , is farther evident form what the chief priests , mocking him , said , when he was at the cross , mat. xxvii . . he saved others , himself he cannot save : if he be the king of israel , let him now come down from the cross , and we will believe him . he trusted in god , let him deliver him now , if he will have him ; for he said , i am the son of god ; i. e. he said , he was the messiah : but 't is plainly false ; for if he were , god would deliver him : for the messiah is to be king of israel , the saviour of others ; but this man cannot save himself . the chief priests mention here the two titles then in use whereby the jews commonly designed the messiah , viz. son of god , and king of israel . that of son of god , was so familiar a compellation of the messiah , who was then so much expected and talked of , that the romans it seems , who lived amongst them , had learned it ; as appears from v. . now when the centurion , and they that were with him , watching iesus , saw the earthquake , and those things that were done , they feared greatly , saying , truly this was the son of god ; this was that extraordinary person that was looked for . acts ix . st. paul exercising the commission to preach the gospel , which he had received in a miraculous way , v. . straitway preached christ in the synagogues , that he is the son of god ; i. e. that jesus was the messiah : for christ in this place is evidently a proper name . and that this was it which paul preached , appears from v. . saul increased the more in strength , and confounded the jews who dwelt in damascus , proving that this is the very christ , i. e. the messiah . peter , when he came to cornelius at cesarea ; who by a vision was ordered to send for him , as peter on the other side was by a vision commanded to go to him ; what does he teach him ? his whole discourse , acts x. tends to shew what he says god commanded the apostles to preach unto the people , and to testifie ; that it is he [ jesus ] which was ordained of god to be the iudge of the quick and the dead . and that it was to him that all the prophets give witness , that through his name whosoever believeth in him shall have remission of sins , v. , . this is the word which god sent to the children of israel ; that word which was published throughout all judea , and began from galilee , after the baptism which iohn preached , v. , . and these are the words which had been promised to cornelius , acts xi . . whereby he and all his house should be saved : which words amount only to thus much , that iesus was the messiah , the saviour that was promised . upon their receiving of this ( for this was all was taught them ) the holy ghost fell on them , and they were baptized . 't is observable here , that the holy ghost fell on them before they were baptized ; which in other places converts received not till after baptism . the reason whereof seems to be this ; that god by bestowing on them the holy ghost , did thus declare from heaven , that the gentiles , upon believing iesus to be the messiah , ought to be admitted into the church by baptism as well as the jews . whoever reads st. peter's defence , acts xi . when he was accused by those of the circumcumcision , that he had not kept that distance which he ought with the uncircumcised , will be of this opinion ; and see by what he says , v. , , . that this was the ground , and an irresistible authority to him for doing so strange a thing , as it appeared to the jews ( who alone yet were members of the christian church ) to admit gentiles into their communion , upon their believing . and therefore st. peter , in the foregoing chapter , acts x before he would baptize them , proposes this question to those of the circumcision , which came with him , and were astonished , because that on the gentiles also was poured out the gift of the holy ghost : can any one forbid water , that these should not be baptized , who have received the holy ghost as well as we ? v. . and when some of the sect of the pharisees , who believed ▪ thought it needful that the converted gentiles should be circumcised , and keep the law of moses , acts xv. peter rose up and said unto them , men and brethren , you know that a good while ago god made choice amongst us , that the gentiles , viz. cornelius , and those here converted with him , by my mouth should hear the gospel , and believe . and god , who knoweth the hearts , bear them witness , giving them the holy ghost , even as he did unto us , and put no difference between us and them , purifying their hearts by faith , v. - . so that both jews and gentiles , who believed jesus to be the messiah , received thereupon the seal of baptism ; whereby they were owned to be his , and distinguished from unbelievers . from what is above - said , we may observe , that this preaching jesus to be the messiah , is called the word , and the word of god ; and believing it , receiving the word of god. vid. acts x. , . & xi . . , . and the word of the gospel , acts xv. . and so likewise in the history of the gospel , what mark , chap. iv. , . calls simply the word , st. luke calls the word of god , luke xiii . . and st. matthew , chap. xiii . . the word of the kingdom ; which were , it seems , in the gospel-writers synonymous terms , and are so to be understood by us . but to go on : acts xiii . paul preaches in the synagogue at antioch , where he makes it his business to convince the jews , that god , according to his promise , had of the seed of david raised to israel a saviour , iesus , v. . that he was he of whom the prophets writ , v. - . i. e. the messiah : and that as a demonstration of his being so , god had raised him from the dead , v. . from whence be argues thus , v. , . we evangelize to you , or bring you this gospel , how that the promise which was made to our fathers , god hath fulfilled the same unto us , in that he hath raised up iesus again ; as it is also written in the second psalm , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . and having gone on to prove him to be the messiah , by his resurrection from the dead , he makes this conclusion ; v. , . be it known unto you therefore , men and brethren , that through this man is preached unto you forgiveness of sins ; and by him all who believe are justified from all things , from which they could not be justified by the law of moses . this is in this chapter called the word of god over and over again : compare v. . with . . , . and chap. xii . v. . acts xvii . - . at thessalonica , paul , as his manner was , went into the synagogue , and three sabbath-days reasoned with the iews out of the scriptures ; opening and alledging , that the messiah must needs have suffered , and risen again from the dead : and that this iesus , whom i preach unto you , is the messiah . and some of them believed , and consorted with paul and silas : but the iews which believed not , set the city in an uproar . can there be any thing plainer , than that the assenting to this proposition , that jesus was the messiah , was that which distinguished the believers from the unbelievers ? for this was that alone which , three sabbaths , paul endeavoured to convince them of , as the text tells us in direct words . from thence he went to berea , and preached the same thing : and the bereans are commended , v. . for searching the scriptures , whether those things , i. e. which he had said , v. , . concerning jesus his being the messiah , were true or no. the same doctrine we find him preaching at corinth , acts xviii . - . and he reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath , and perswaded the iews and the greeks . and when silas and timotheus were come from macedonia , paul was pressed in spirit , and testified to the iews , that iesus was the messiah . and when they opposed themselves , and blasphemed , he shook his raiment , and said unto them , your blood be upon your own heads , i am clean ; from henceforth i will go unto the greeks . upon the like occasion he tells the jews at antioch , acts xiii . . it was necessary that the word of god should first have been spoken to you : but seeing you put it off from you , we turn to the gentiles . 't is plain here , st. paul's charging their blood on their own heads , is for opposing this single truth , that iesus was the messiah ; that salvation or perdition depends upon believing or rejecting this one proposition . i mean , this is all is required to be believed by those who acknowledge but one eternal and invisible god , the maker of heaven and earth , as the jews did . for that there is something more required to salvation , besides believing , we shall see hereafter . in the mean time , it is fit here on this occasion to take notice , that though the apostles in their preaching to the jews , and the devout , ( as we translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who were proselytes of the gate , and the worshippers of one eternal and invisible god , ) said nothing of the believing in this one true god , the maker of heaven and earth ; because it was needless to press this to those who believed and professed it already ( for to such , 't is plain , were most of their discourses hitherto ) yet when they had to do with idolatrous heathens , who were not yet come to the knowledge of the one only true god ; they began with that , as necessary to be believed ; it being the foundation on which the other was built , and without which it could signifie nothing . thus paul speaking to the idolatrous lystrians , who would have sacrificed to him and barnabas , says , acts xiv . . we preach unto you , that you should turn from these vanities unto the living god , who made heaven , and earth , and the sea , and all things that are therein . who in times past suffered all nations to walk in their own ways . nevertheless he left not himself without witness in that he did good , and gave us rain from heaven , and fruitful seasons , filling our hearts with food and gladness . thus also he proceeded with the idolatrous athenians , acts xvii . telling them , upon occasion of the altar dedicated to the unknown god , whom ye ignorantly worship , him declare i unto you ; god who made the world , and all things therein : seeing that he is lord of heaven and earth , dwelleth not in temples made with hands . — forasmuch then as we are the off-spring of god , we ought not to think that the godhead is like unto gold , or silver , or stone , graven by art , and man's device . and the times of this ignorance god winked at ; but now commandeth all men every where to repent : because he hath appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness , by that man whom he hath ordained : whereof he hath given assurance unto all men , in that he hath raised him from the dead . so that we see , where any thing more was necessary to be proposed to be believed , as there was to the heathen idolaters , there the apostles were careful not to omit it . acts xviii . . paul at corinth reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath-day , and testified to the iews , that iesus was the messiah . ver. . and he continued there a year and six months , teaching the word of god amongst them ; i. e. the good news , that jesus was the messiah ; as we have already shewn is meant by the word of god. apollos , another preacher of the gospel , when he was instructed in the way of god more perfectly , what did he teach but this same doctrine ? as we may see in this account of him , acts xviii . . that when he was come into achaia , he helped the brethren much who had believed through grace . for he mightily convinced the iews , and that publickly , shewing by the scriptures that iesus was the messiah . st. paul , in the account he gives of himself before festus and agrippa , professes this alone to be the doctrine he taught after his conversion : for , says he , acts xxvi . . having obtained help of god , i continue unto this day , witnessing both to small and great , saying none other things than those which the prophets and moses did say should come : that the messias should suffer , and that he should be the first that should rise from the dead , and should shew light unto the people , and to the gentiles . which was no more than to prove that jesus was the messiah . this is that , which , as we have above observed , is called the word of god ; acts xi . . compared with the foregoing chapter , from v. . to the end . and xiii . . compared with . . , . and xvii . . compared with v. . . it is also called the word of the gospel , acts xv. . and this is that word of god , and that gospel , which , where-ever their discourses are set down , we find the apostles preached ; and was that faith , which made both jews and gentiles believers and members of the church of christ ; purifying their hearts , acts xv. . and carrying with it remission of sins , acts x. . so that all that was to be believed for justification , was no more but this single proposition ; that iesus of nazareth was the christ , or the messiah . all , i say , that was to be believed for justification : for that it was not all that was required to be done for justification , we shall see hereafter . though we have seen above from what our saviour has pronounced himself , iohn iii. . that he that believeth on the son , hath everlasting life ; and he that believeth not the son , shall not see life , but the wrath of god abideth on him ; and are taught from iohn iv. . compared with v. . that believing on him , is believing that he is the messiah , the saviour of the world ; and the confession made by st. peter , mat. xvi . . that he is the messiah , the son of the living god , being the rock , on which our saviour has promised to build his church ; though this , i say , and what else we have already taken notice of , be enough to convince us what it is we are in the gospel required to believe to eternal life , without adding what we have observed from the preaching of the apostles ; yet it may not be amiss , for the farther clearing this matter , to observe what the evangelists deliver concerning the same thing , though in different words ; which therefore perhaps are not so generally taken notice of to this purpose . we have above observed , from the words of andrew and philip compared , that the messiah , and him of whom moses in the law and the prophets did write , signifie the same thing . we shall now consider that place , iohn i. a little further . ver. . andrew says to simon , we have found the messiah . philip , on the same occasion , v. . says to nathanael , we have found him , of whom moses in the law and the prophets did write , iesus of nazareth , the son of joseph nathanael , who disbelieved this , when upon christ's speaking to him , he was convinced of it , declares his assent to it in these words ; rabbi , thou art the son of god , thou art the king of israel . from which it is evident , that to believe him to be him of whom moses and the prophets did write , or to be the son of god , or to be the king of israel , was in effect the same as to believe him to be the messiah : and an assent to that , was what our saviour received for believing . for upon nathanael's making a confession in these words , thou art the son of god , thou art the king of israel ; iesus answered and said to him , because i said to thee , i saw thee under the fig-tree , dost thou believe ? thou shalt see greater things than these , v. . i desire any , one to read the latter part of the first of iohn , from v. . with attention ▪ and tell me , whether it be not plain , that this phrase , the son of god , is an expression used for the messiah . to which let him add martha's declaration of her faith , iohn xi . . in these words ; i believe that thou art the messiah , the son of god , who should come into the world ; and that passage of st. iohn , chap. xx. . that ye might believe that iesus is the messiah , the son of god ; and that believing , ye might have life through his name : and then tell me whether he can doubt that messiah and son of god were synonymous terms , at that time , amongst the jews . the prophecy of daniel , chap. ix . where he is called messiah the prince ; and the mention of his government and kingdom , and the deliverance by him , in isaiah , daniel , and other prophesies , understood of the messiah ; were so well known to the jews , and had so raised their hopes of him about this time , which by their account was to be the time of his coming to restore the kingdom to israel , that herod no sooner heard of the magi's enquiry after him that was born king of the iews , mat. ii. but he forthwith demanded of the chief priests and scribes , where the messiah should be born , v. . not doubting , but if there were any king born to the jews , it was the messiah : whose coming was now the general expectation , as appears , luke iii. . the people being in expectation , and all men musing in their hearts of john , whether he were the messiah or not . and when the priests and levites sent to ask him who he was ; he understanding their meaning , answers , iohn i. . that he was not the messiah : but he bears witness that jesus is the son of god , i. e. the messiah , v. . this looking for the messiah at this time , we see also in simeon ; who is said to be waiting for the consolation of israel , luke ii. . and having the child jesus in his arms , he says he had seen the salvation of the lord , v. . and anna coming at the same instant into the temple , she gave thanks also unto the lord , and spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in israel , v. . and of ioseph of arimathea , it is said , mark xv. . that he also expected the kingdom of god : by all which was meant the coming of the messiah . and luke xix . . 't is said , they thought that the kingdom of god should immediately appear . this being premised , let us see what it was that iohn the baptist preached , when he first entred upon his ministry . that st. matthew tells us , chap. iii. , . in those days came john the baptist preaching in the wilderness of judea , saying , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . this was a declaration of the coming of the messiah ; the kingdom of heaven and the kingdom of god being the same , as is clear out of several places of the evangelists ; and both signifying the kingdom of the messiah . the profession which iohn the baptist made , when sent to the jews , iohn i. . was , that he was not the messiah ; but that jesus was . this will appear to any one , who will compare v. - . with iohn iii. . . the jews being very inquisitive to know whether iohn were the messiah ; he positively denies it , but tells them , he was only his fore-runner ; and that there stood one amongst them , who would follow him , whose shoe-latchet he was not worthy to untie . the next day seeing jesus , he says , he was the man ; and that his own baptizing in water , was only that iesus might be manifested to the world ; and that he knew him not , till he saw the holy ghost descend upon him . he that sent him to baptize having told him , that he on whom he should see the spirit decend , and rest upon , he it was that should baptize with the holy ghost ; and that therefore he witnessed , that this was the son of god , v. . i. e. the messiah . and chap. iii. , &c. they came to iohn the baptist , and tell him , that iesus baptized , and that all men went to him . iohn answers , he has his authority from heaven ; you know i never said , i was the messiah , but that i was sent before him ; he must increase , but i must decrease ; for god hath sent him , and he speaks the words of god ; and god hath given all things into the hands of his son , and he that believes on the son , hath eternal life ; the same doctrine , and nothing else but what was preached by the apostles afterwards : as we have seen all through the acts , v. g. that jesus was the messiah . and thus it was that iohn bears witness of our saviour , as jesus himself says , iohn v. . this also was the declaration was given of him at his baptism , by a voice from heaven ; this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased , mat. iii. . which was a declaration of him to be the messiah ; the son of god being ( as we have shewed ) understood to signifie the messiah . to which we may add the first mention of him after his conception , in the words of the angel to ioseph ; mat. i. . thou shalt call his name iesus , or saviour ; for he shall save his people from their sins . it was a received doctrine in the jewish nation , that at the coming of the messiah , all their sins should be forgiven them . these words therefore of the angel we may look on as a declaration , that jesus was the messiah ; whereof these words , his people , are a further mark ; which suppose him to have a people , and consequently to be a king. after his baptism , jesus himself enters upon his ministry . but before we examine what it was he proposed to be believed , we must observe , that there is a three-fold declaration of the messiah . . by miracles . the spirit of prophecy had now for many ages forsaken the jews : and though their common-wealth were not quite dissolved , but that they lived under their own laws , yet they were under a foreign dominion , subject to the romans . in this state their account of the time being up , they were in expectation of the messiah ; and of deliverance by him in a kingdom , he was to set up , according to their ancient prophesies of him : which gave them hopes of an extraordinary man yet to come from god , who with an extraordinary and divine power , and miracles , should evidence his mission , and work their deliverance . and of any such extraordinary person who should have the power of doing miracles , they had no other expectation but only of their messiah . one great prophet and worker of miracles , and only one more , they expected ; who was to be the messiah . and therefore we see the people justified their believing in him , i. e. their believing him to be the messiah , because of the miracles he did ; iohn vii . . and many of the people believed in him , and said , when the messiah cometh , will he do more miracles than this man hath done ? and when the jews , at the feast of dedication , iohn x. , . coming about him , said unto him , how long dost thou make us doubt ? if thou be the messiah , tell us plainly . iesus answered them , i told you , and ye believed not ; the works that i do in my father's name , bear witness of me . and iohn v. . he says , i have a greater witness than that of john ; for the works which the father hath given me to do , the same works that i do , bear witness of me , that the father hath sent me . where , by the way , we may observe , that his being sent by the father , is but another way of expressing the messiah ; which is evident from this place here , iohn v. compared with that of iohn x. last quoted . for there he says , that his works bear witness of him : and what was that witness ? viz. that he was the messiah . here again he says , that his works bear witness ? of him : and what is that witness ? viz. that the father sent him . by which we are taught , that to be sent by the father , and to be the messiah , was the same thing , in his way of declaring himself . and accordingly we find , iohn iv. . & xi . . and elsewhere , many hearkened and assented to this testimony , and believed on him , seeing the things that he did . . another way of declaring the coming of the messiah , was by phrases and circumlocutions , that did signifie or intimate his coming ; though not in direct words pointing out the person . the most usual of these were , the kingdom of god , and of heaven ; because it was that which was oftnest spoken of the messiah , in the old testament , in very plain words : and a kingdom was that which the jews most looked after , and wished for . in that known place , isa. ix . the government shall be upon his shoulders ; he shall be called the prince of peace : of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end : vpon the throne of david , and upon his kingdom , to order it , and to establish it with iudgment , and with iustice , from henceforth even for ever . micah v. . but thou , bethlehem ephratah , though thou be little among the thousands of judah , yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me , that is to be the rvler in israel . and daniel , besides that he calls him messiah the prince , chap. ix . . in the account of his vision of the son of man , chap. vii . , . says , there was given him dominion , glory , and a kingdom , that all people , nations , and languages should serve him : his dominion is an everlasting dominion which shall not pass away ; and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed . so that the kingdom of god , and the kingdom of heaven , were common phrases amongst the jews , to signifie the times of the messiah . luke xiv . . one of the jews that sat at meat with him , said unto him , blessed is he that shall eat bread in the kingdom of god. chap. xvii . . the pharisees demanded , when the kingdom of god should come ? and st. iohn baptist came , saying , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand : a phrase he would not have used in preaching , had it not been understood . there are other expressions that signified the messiah , and his coming ; which we shall take notice of as they come in our way . . by plain and direct words , declaring the doctrine of the messiah ; speaking out that jesus was he : as we see the apostles did , when they went about preaching the gospel , after our saviour's resurrection . this was the open clear way , and that which one would think the messiah himself , when he came , should have taken ; especially if it were of that moment , that upon mens believing him to be the messiah , depended the forgiveness of their sins . and yet we see that our saviour did not : but on the contrary , for the most part , made no other discovery of himself , at least in iudea , and at the beginning of his ministry , but in the two former ways , which were more obscure ; not declaring himself to be the messiah , any otherwise than as it might be gathered from the miracles he did , and the conformity of his life and actions with the prophesies of the old testament concerning him ; and from some general discourses of the kingdom of the messiah being come , under the name of the kingdom of god , and of heaven . nay , so far was he from publickly owning himself to be the messiah , that he forbid the doing of it : mark viii . - . he asked his disciples , whom do men say that i am ? and they answered , john the baptist ; but some say , elias ; and others , one of the prophets . ( so that it is evident , that even those who believed him an extraordinary person , knew not yet who he was , or that he gave himself out for the messiah ; though this was in the third year of his ministry , and not a year before his death . ) and he saith unto them , but whom say ye that i am ? and peter answered , and said unto him , thou art the messiah . and he charged them that they should tell no man of him . luke iv. . and devils came out of many , crying , thou art the messiah , the son of god : and he rebuking them , suffered them not to speak , that they knew him to be the messiah . mark iii. , . unclean spirits , when they saw him , fell down before him , and cryed , saying , thou art the son of god : and he straitly charged them that they should not make him known . here again we may observe from the comparing of the two texts , that thou art the son of god ; or , thou art the messiah ; were indifferently used for the same thing . but to return to the matter in hand . this concealment of himself will seem strange , in one who was come to bring light into the world , and was to suffer death for the testimony of the truth . this reservedness will be thought to look as if he had a mind to conceal himself , and not to be known to the world for the messiah ; nor to be believed on as such . but we shall be of another mind , and conclude this proceeding of his according to divine wisdom , and suited to a fuller manifestation and evidence of his being the messiah ; when we consider , that he was to fill out the time foretold of his ministry ; and , after a life illustrious in miracles and good works , attended with humility , meekness , patience , and suffering , and every way conformable to the prophesies of him , should be lead as a sheep to the slaughter , and with all quiet and submission be brought to the cross , though there were no guilt nor fault found in him . this could not have been , if as soon as he appeared in publick , and began to preach , he had presently professed himself to have been the messiah ; the king that owned that kingdom he published to be at hand . for the sanhedrim would then have laid hold on it , to have got him into their power , and thereby have taken away his life ; at least , they would have disturbed his ministry , and hindred the work he was about . that this made him cautious , and avoid , as much as he could , the occasions of provoking them , and falling into their hands , is plain from iohn vii . . after these things iesus walked in galilee ; out of the way of the chief priests and rulers ; for he would not walk in iewry , because the iews sought to kill him . thus , making good what he foretold them at ierusalem , when at the first passover after his beginning to preach the gospel , upon his curing the man at the pool of bethesday , they sought to kill him , iohn v. . ye have not , says he , v. . his word abiding amongst you : for whom he hath sent , him ye believe not . this was spoken more particularly to the jews of ierusalem , who were the forward men , zealous to take away his life : and it imports , that because of their unbelief and opposition to him , the word of god , i. e. the preaching of the kingdom of the messiah , which is often called the word of god , did not stay amongst them : he could not stay amongst them , preach and explain to them the kingdom of the messiah . that the word of god , here , signifies the word of god that should make jesus known to them to be the messiah , is evident from the context : and this meaning of this place is made good by the event . for after this , we hear no more of jesus at ierusalem , till the pentecost come twelve month ; though 't is not to be doubted but that he was there the next passover , and other feasts between , but privately . and now at ierusalem , at the feast of pentecost , near fifteen months after , he says very little , and not a word of the kingdom of heaven being come , or at hand ; nor did he any miracle there . and returning to ierusalem at the feast of tabernacles , it is plain , that from this time till then , which was a year and a half , he had not taught them at ierusalem . for , . it is said , iohn vii . . . that he teaching in the temple at the feast of tabernacles , the iews marvelled , saying , how knoweth this man letters , having never learned ? a sign they had not been used to his preaching : for if they had , they would not now have marvelled . . ver. . he says thus to them : did not moses give you the law , and yet none of you keep the law ? why go you about to kill me ? one work , or miracle , i did here amongst you , and ye all marvel . moses therefore gave unto you circumcision , and ye on the sabbath-day circumcise a man : if a man on the sabbath-day receive circumcision , that the law of moses should not be broken , are ye angry with me , because i have made a man every way whole on the sabbath-day ? which is a direct defence of what he did at ierusalem a year and a half before , when he last preached to them there ; which is reported , iohn v. - . and it is at that very time when he told them v. . ye have not the word of god remaining among you , because whom he hath sent ye believe not . whereby , i think , he signifies his not staying and being frequent amongst them , preaching the gospel of the kingdom ; because their great unbelief , opposition , and malice to him would not permit his stay and preaching amongst them . this was manifestly so in fact . for the first miracle he did at ierusalem , which was at the second passover after his baptism , brought him in danger of his life ; which made him forbear preaching again there till the feast of tabernacles , immediately preceding his last passover : so that till half a year before his passion , he did but one miracle , and preached but once publickly , at ierusalem . these tryals he made there : but found their unbelief such , that if he had staid and persisted to preach the good tidings of the kingdom , and to shew himself by miracles among them , he could not have had time and freedom to do those works which his father had given him to finish , as he says , v. . of this fifth of st. iohn . when upon the curing of the withered hand on the sabbath-day , the pharisees took counsel with the herodians , how they might destroy him ; iesus withdrew himself with his disciples to the sea : and a great multitude from galilee followed him , and from judea , and from ierusalem , and from idumea , and from beyond jordan , and they about tyre and sidon a great multitude ; when they had heard what great things he did , came unto him , and he healed them all , and charged them that they shovld not make him known : that it might be fulfilled what was spoken by the prophet isaiah , saying : behold my servant whom i have chosen ; my beloved , in whom my soul is well pleased : i will put my spirit upon him , and he shall shew iudgment to the gentiles . he shall not strive , nor cry , neither shall any man hear his voice in the streets , mat. xii . and mark iii. and iohn xi . . upon the news of our saviour's raising lazarus from the dead , the chief priests and pharisees convened the sanhedrim , and said , what do we ? for this man does many miracles . v. . then from that day forth they took counsel together for to put him to death . v. . iesus therefore walked no more openly amongst the iews . his miracles had now so much declared him to be the messiah , that the jews could no longer bear him , nor he trust himself amongst them ; but went thence unto a country near to the wilderness , into a city called ephraim , and there continued with his disciples . this was but a little before his last passover , as appears by the following words , v. . and the iews passover was nigh at hand : and he could not , now his miracles had made him so well known , have been secure the little time that now remained till his hour was fully come ; if he had not with his wonted and necessary caution withdrawn , and walked no more openly amongst the iews , till his time ( at the next passover ) was fully come ; and then again he appeared amongst them openly . nor would the romans have suffered him , if he had gone about preaching that he was the king whom the jews expected . such an accusation would have been forwardly brought against him by the jews , if they could have heard it out of his own mouth ; and that had been his publick doctrine to his followers , which was openly preached by the apostles after his death , when he appeared no more . and of this they were accused , acts xvii . - . but the iews which believed not , moved with envy , took unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser sort , and gathered a company , and set all the city in an uproar ; and assaulted the house of jason , and sought to bring them out to the people . and when they found them [ paul and silas ] not , they drew jason and certain brethren unto the rulers of the city , crying , these that have turned the world upside down , are come hither also , whom jason hath received : and these all do contrary to the decrees of caefar , saying , that there is another king , one iesus . and they troubled the people and the rulers of the city , when they heard these things : and when they had taken security of jason and the other , they let them go . though the magistrates of the world had no great regard to the talk of a king , who had suffered death , and appeared no longer any where ; yet if our saviour had openly declared this of himself in his life-time , with a train of disciples and followers every where owning and crying him up for their king , the roman governour of iudea could not have forborn to have taken notice of it , and have made use of their force against him . this the jews were not mistaken in ; and therefore made use of it as the strongest accusation , and likeliest to prevail with pilate against him for the taking away his life ; it being treason , and an unpardonable offence , which could not scape death from a roman deputy , without the forfeiture of his own life . thus then they accuse him to pilate , luke xxiii . . we found this fellow perverting the nation , and forbidding to give tribute to caesar , saying , that he himself is the messiah , a king. our saviour indeed , now that his time was come , ( and he in custody , and forsaken of all the world , and so out of all danger of raising any sedition or disturbance , ) owns himself , to pilate , to be a king ; after having first told pilate , iohn xviii . . that his kingdom was not of this world : and for a kingdom in another world , pilate knew that his master at rome concerned not himself . but had there been any the least appearance of truth in the allegations of the jews , that he had perverted the nation ; forbidding to pay tribute to caesar , or drawing the people after him , as their king ; pilate would not so readily have pronounced him innocent . but we see what he said to his accusers , luke xxiii . , . pilate , when he had called together the chief priests and the rulers of the people , said unto them , you have brought this man unto me , as one that perverteth the people ; and behold , i having examined him before you , have found no fault in this man , touching those things whereof you accuse him : no , nor yet herod , for i sent you to him ; and lo , nothing worthy of death is done by him . and therefore finding a man of that mean condition , and innocent life , ( no mover of seditions , or disturber of the publick peace , ) without a friend or a follower ; would have dismissed him , as a king of no consequence ; as an innocent man , falsely and maliciously accused by the jews . how necessary this caution was in our saviour , to say or do nothing that might justly offend , or render him suspected to the roman governour ; and how glad the jews would have been to have any such thing against him ; we may see , luke xx. . the chief priests and the scribes watched him , and sent forth spies , who should feign themselves just men , that might take hold of his words , that so they might deliver him unto the power and authority of the governour . and the very thing wherein they hoped to entrap him in this place , was paying tribute to caesar , which they afterwards falsely accused him of . and what would they have done , if he had before them professed himself to have been the messiah , their king and deliverer ? and here we may observe the wonderful providence of god , who had so ordered the state of the jews at the time when his son was to come into the world ; that though neither their civil constitution , nor religious worship were dissolved , yet the power of life and death was taken from them ; whereby he had an opportunity to publish the kingdom of the messiah ; that is , his own royalty , under the name of the kingdom of god , and of heaven : which the jews well enough understood , and would certainly have put him to death for , had the power been in their own hands . but this being no matter of accusation to the romans , hindred him not from speaking of the kingdom of heaven , as he did : sometimes in reference to his appearing in the world , and being believed on by particular persons ; sometimes in reference to the power should be given him by the father at his resurrection ; and sometimes in reference to his coming to judge the world at the last day in the full glory and completion of his kingdom . these were ways of declaring himself , which the jews could lay no hold on , to bring him in danger with pontius pilate , and get him seized and put to death . another reason there was , that hindred him as much as the former from professing himself in express words to be the messiah ; and that was , that the whole nation of the jews expecting at this time their messiah , and deliverance by him from the subjection they were in to a foreign yoke , the body of the people would certainly upon his declaring himself to be the messiah their king , have rose up in rebellion , and set him at the head of them . and indeed , the miracles that he did so much disposed them to think him to be the messiah , that though shrouded under the obscurity of a mean condition , and a very private simple life , and his passing for a galilean , ( his birth at bethlehem being then concealed ) and he not assuming to himself any power or authority , or so much as the name of the messiah , yet he could hardly avoid being set up by a tumult , and proclaimed their king. so iohn tells us , chap. v. , . then those men , when they had seen the miracles that iesus did , said , this is of a truth that prophet that should come into the world. when therefore iesus perceived that they would come to take him by force to make him king , he departed again into a mountain himself alone . this was upon his feeding of five thousand with five barley loaves and two fishes . so hard was it for him , doing those miracles which were necessary to testifie his mission , and which often drew great multitudes after him , mat. iv. . to keep the heady and hasty multitude from such disorder , as would have involved him in it ; and have disturbed the course , and cut short the time of his ministry ; and drawn on him the reputation and death of a turbulent seditious malefactor : contrary to the design of his coming , which was to be offered up a lamb blameless , and void of offence ; his innocence appearing to all the world , even to him that delivered him up to be crucified . this it would have been impossible to have avoided , if in his preaching every where , he had openly assumed to himself the title of their messiah ; which was all was wanting to set the people in a flame ; who , drawn by his miracles , and the hopes of finding a deliverer in so extraordinary a man , followed him in great numbers . we read every where of multitudes ; and in luke xii . . of myriads that were gathered about him . this conflux of people , thus disposed , would not have failed , upon his declaring himself to be the messiah , to have made a commotion , and with force set him up for their king. it is plain therefore from these these two reasons , why , ( though he came to preach the gospel , and convert the world to a belief of his being the messiah , and though he says so much of his kingdom , under the title of the kingdom of god , and the kingdom of heaven , ) he yet makes it not his business to perswade them that he himself is the messiah , or does in his publick preaching declare himself to be him . he inculcates to the people , on all occasions , that the kingdom of god is come . he shews the way of admittance into this kingdom , viz. repentance and baptism ; and teaches the laws of it , viz. good life , according to the strictest rules of vertue and morality . but who the king was of this kingdom , he leaves to his miracles to point out to those who would consider what he did , and make the right use of it , now ; or to witness to those who should hearken to the apostles hereafter ; when they preached it in plain words , and called upon them to believe it , after his resurrection ; when there should be no longer any fear that it should cause any disturbance in civil societies and the governments of the world. but he could not declare himself to be the messiah , without manifest danger of tumult and sedition . and the miracles he did , declared it so much , that he was fain often to hide himself , and withdraw from the concourse of the people . the leper that he cured , mark i. though forbid to say any thing , yet blazed it so abroad , that iesus could no more openly enter into the city , but was without in desart places ; and there they came to him from every quarter . and thus he did more than once . this being premised , let us take a view of the promulgation of the gospel by our saviour himself , and see what it was he taught the world , and required men to believe . the first beginning of his ministry , whereby he shewed himself , seems to be at cana in galilee , soon after his baptism ; where he turned water into wine : of which st. iohn , chap. ii. . says thus , this beginning of miracles iesus made , and manifested his glory , and his disciples believed in him . his disciples here believed in him , but we hear not of any other preaching to them , but by this miracle , whereby he manifested his glory ; i. e. of being the messiah the prince . so nathanael , without any other preaching , but only our saviour's discovering to him that he knew him after an extraordinary manner , presently acknowledges him to be the messiah ; crying , rabbi , thou art the son of god ; thou art the king of israel . from hence , staying a few days at capernaum , he goes to ierusalem to the passover ; and there he drives the traders out of the temple , iohn ii. - . saying , make not my father's house a house of merchandize . where we see , he uses a phrase , which by interpretation signifies that he was the son of god , though at that time unregarded . v. . hereupon the jews demand , what sign dost thou shew us , since thou doest these things ? iesus answered , destroy ye this temple , and in three days i will raise it again . this is an instance of what way jesus took to declare himself : for 't is plain by their reply , the jews understood him not , nor his disciples neither ; for 't is said , v. . when therefore he was risen from the dead , his disciples remembred that he said this to them : and they believed the scripture , and the saying of iesus to them . this therefore we may look on , in the beginning , as a pattern of christ's preaching , and shewing himself to the jews ; which he generally followed afterwards , viz. such a manifestation of himself , as every one at present could not understand ; but yet carried such an evidence with it to those who were well disposed now , or would reflect on it when the whole course of his ministry was over , as was sufficient clearly to convince them that he was the messiah . the reason of this method used by our saviour , the scripture gives us here , at this his first appearing in publick ; after his entrance upon his ministry ; to be a rule and light to us in the whole course of it . for the next verse taking notice that many believed on him , because of his miracles , ( which was all the preaching they had . ) 't is said , v. . but iesus did not commit himself unto them , because he knew all men ; i. e. he declared not himself so openly to be the messiah , their king , as to put himself into the power of the jews , by laying himself open to their malice ; whom he knew would be so ready to lay hold on it to accuse him . for , as the next verse . shews , he knew well enough what was in them . we may here farther observe , that believing in his name , signifies believing him to be the messiah . v. . tells us , that many at the passover believed in his name , when they saw the miracles that he did . what other faith could these miracles produce in them , who saw them , but that this was he , of whom the scripture spoke , who was to be their deliverer ? whilst he was now at ierusalem , nicodemus , a ruler of the jews , comes to him , iohn iii. - . to whom he preaches eternal life by faith in the messiah , v. . & . but in general terms , without naming himself to be that messiah ; though his whole discourse tends to it . this is all we hear of our saviour the first year of his ministry ; but only his baptism , fasting , and temptation in the beginning of it ; and spending the rest of it after the passover in iudea with his disciples , baptizing there . but when he knew that the pharisees reported that he made and baptized more disciples than john , he left judea , and got out of their way again into galilee , john iv. . . in his way back , by the well of sichar , he discourses with the samaritan woman ; and after having opened to her the true and spiritual worship which was at hand , which the woman presently understands of the times of the messiah , who was then looked for ; thus she answers , v. . i know that the messiah cometh : when he is come , he will tell us all things . whereupon our saviour , though we hear no such thing from him in ierusalem or iudea , or to nicodemus , yet here to this samaritan woman , he in plain and direct words owns and declares , that he himself , who talked with her , was the messiah , v. . this would seem very strange , that he should be more free and open to a samaritan , than he was to the jews ; were not the reason plain from what we have observed above . he was now out of iudea , with a people with whom the iews had no commerce ; v. . who were not disposed out of envy , as the iews were , to seek his life , or to accuse him to the roman governour , or to make an insurrection to set a iew up for their king. what the consequence was of his discourse with this samaritan woman , we have an account , v. . - . she left her water-pot , and went her way into the city , and saith to the men , come , see a man who told me all things that ever i did : is not this the messiah ? and many of the samaritans of that city believed on him for the saying of the woman , which testified , he told me all that ever i did . so when the samaritans were come unto him , they besought him that he would tarry with them : and he abode there two days . and many more believed because of his own word : and said unto the woman , now we believe not because of thy saying ; for we have heard him our selves ; and we know , ( i. e. are fully perswaded , ) that it is indeed the messiah , the saviour of the world. by comparing v. . with & . it is plain , that believing on him signifies no more than believing him to be the messiah . from sichar jesus goes to nazareth , the place he was bred up in ; and there reading in the synagogue a prophecy concerning the messiah out of the lxi of isaiah , he tells them , luke iv. . this day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears . but being in danger of his life at nazareth , he leaves it , for capernaum : and then , as st. matthew informs us , chap. iv. . he began to preach , and say , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . or , as st. mark has it , chap. i. , . preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god ; and saying , the time is fulfilled , and the kingdom of god is at hand , repent ye , and believe in the gospel ; i. e. believe this good news . this removing to capernaum , and seating himself there in the borders of zabulon and naphtali , was , as st. matthew observes , chap. iv. - . that a prophecy of isaiah might be fulfilled . thus the actions and circumstances of his life answered the prophesies , and declared him to be the messiah . and by what st. mark says in this place , it is manifest , that the gospel which he preached and required them to believe , was no other but the good tidings of the coming of the messiah , and of his kingdom ; the time being now fulfilled . in his way to capernaum , being come to cana , a noble-man of capernaum came to him , v. . and besought him that he would come down and heal his son , for he was at the point of death . v. . then said iesus unto him , except ye see signs and wonders , you will not believe . then he returning homewards , and finding that his son began to mend at the same hour in which iesus said unto him , thy son liveth ; he himself believed , and his whole house , v. . here this noble-man is by the apostle pronounced to be a believer . and what does he believe ? even that which jesus complains , v. . they would not believe , except they saw signs and wonders : which could be nothing but what those of samaria , in the same chapter , believed ; viz. that he was the messiah . for we no where in the gospel hear of any thing else had been proposed to be believed by them . having done miracles , and cured all their sick at capernaum , he says , let us go to the adjoyning towns , that i may preach there also ; for therefore came i forth , mark i. . or , as st. luke has it , chap. iv. . he tells the multitude , who would have kept him ▪ that he might not go from them , i must evangelize , or tell the good tidings of the kingdom of god , to other cities also ; for therefore am i sent . and st. matthew , chap. iv. . tells us how he executed this commission he was sent on . and iesus went about all galilee , teaching in their synagogues , and preaching the gospel of the kingdom , and curing all diseases . this then was what he was sent to preach every where , viz. the gospel of the kingdom of the messiah ; and by the miracles and good he did , let them know who was the messiah . hence he goes up to ierusalem , to the second passover since the beginning of his ministry . and here discoursing to the jews , who sought to kill him , upon occasion of the man , whom he had cured , carrying his bed on the sabbath-day ; and for making god his father ; he tells them , that he wrought these things by the power of god ; and that he shall do greater things : for that the dead shall , at his summons , be raised ; and that he , by a power committed to him from his father , shall judge them ; and that he is sent by his father ; and that whoever shall hear his word , and believe in him that sent him , has eternal life . this , though a clear description of the messiah , yet we may observe , that here to the angry iews , who sought to kill him , he says not a word of his kingdom , nor so much as names the messiah ; but yet that he is the son of god , and sent from god , he refers them to the testimony of iohn the baptist , to the testimony of his own miracles , and of god himself in the voice from heaven ; and of the scriptures , and of moses . he leaves them to learn from these the truth they were to believe , viz. that he was the messiah sent from god. this you may read more at large , iohn v. - . the next place where we find him preaching , was on the mount , mat. v. and luke vi. this is by much the longest sermon we have of his any where ; and , in all likelihood , to the greatest auditory . for it appears to have been to the peple gathered to him from galilee , and iudea , and ierusalem , and from beyond iordan ; and that came out of idumea , and from tyre and sidon ; mentioned mark iii. , . and luke vi. . but in this whole sermon of his we do not find one word of believing , and therefore no mention of the messiah , or any intimation to the people who himself was . the reason whereof we may gather from mat. . . where christ forbids them to make him known ; which supposes them to know already who he was . for that this xii . chapter of matthew ought to precede the sermon in the mount , is plain , by comparing it with mark ii. beginning at v. . to mark iii. . and comparing those chapters of st. mark with luke vi. and i desire my reader once for all here to take notice , that i have all along observed the order of time in our saviour's proaching ; and have not , as i think , passed by any of his discourses . in this sermon our saviour only teaches them what were the laws of his kingdom , and what they must do who were admitted into it , of which i shall have occasion to speak more at large in another place ; being at present only enquiring what our saviour proposed as matter of faith to be believed . after this , iohn the baptist sends to him this message , luke vii . . asking , art thou he that should come , or do we expect another ? that is , in short , art thou the messiah ? and if thou art , why dost thou let me , thy fore runner , languish in prison ? must i expect deliverance from any other ? to which jesus returns this answer , v. , . tell john what you have seen and heard : the blind see , the lame walk , the lepers are cleansed , the deaf hear , the dead are raised , to the poor the gospel is preached ; and blessed is he who is not offended in me . what it is to be offended or scandalized in him , we may see by comparing mat. xiii . . and mark iv. . with luke viii . . for what the two first call scandalized , the last calls standing off from , or forsaking ; i. e. not receiving him as the messiah ; ( vid. mark vi. - . ) or revolting from him . here jesus refers iohn , as he did the jews before , to the testimony of his miracles , to know who he was ; and this was generally his preaching , whereby he declared himself to be the messiah : who was the only prophet to come , whom the iews had any expectation of ; nor did they look for any other person to be sent to them with the power of miracles , but only the messiah . his miracles , we see by his answer to iohn the baptist , he thought a sufficient declaration amongst them , that he was the messiah . and therefore , upon his curing the possessed of the devil , the dumb , and blind , mat. xii . the people , who saw the miracle , said , v. . is not this the son of david ? as much as to say , is not this the messiah ? whereat the pharisees being offended , said , he cast out devils by beelzebub . jesus shewing the falshood and vanity of their blasphemy , justifies the conclusion the people made from this miracle ; saying , v. . that his casting out devils by the spirit of god , was an evidence that the kingdom of the messiah was come . one thing more there was in the miracles done by his disciples , which shewed him to be the messiah ; that they were done in his name . in the name of iesus of nazareth , rise up and walk , says st. peter to the lame man whom he cured in the temple , acts iii. . and how far the power of that name reached , they themselves seem to wonder , luke x. . and the seventy returned again with joy , saying , lord , even the devils are subject to us in thy name . from this message from iohn the baptist , he takes occasion to tell the people , that iohn was the fore-runner of the messiah ; that from the time of iohn the baptist the kingdom of the messiah began ; to which time all the prophets and the law pointed , luke vii . and mat. xi . luke viii . . afterwards he went through every city and village , preaching and shewing the good tidings of the kingdom of god. here we see , as every where , what his preaching was ; and consequently what was to be believed . soon after , he preaches from a boat to the people on the shoar . his sermon at large we may read , mat. xiii . mark iv. and luke viii . but this is very observeable , that this second sermon of his here , is quite different from his former in the mount. for that was all so plain and intelligible , that nothing could be more so : whereas this is all so involved in parables , that even the apostles themselves did not understand it . if we enquire into the reason of this , we shall possibly have some light from the different subjects of these two sermons . there he preached to the people only morality ; clearing the precepts of the law from the false glosses which were received in those days ; and setting forth the duties of a good life in their full obligation and extent , beyond what the judiciary laws of the israelites did , or the civil laws of any country could prescribe or take notice of . but here in this sermon by the sea-side , he speaks of nothing but the kingdom of the messiah , which he does all in parables . one reason whereof st. matthew gives us , chap. xiii . . that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet , saying , i will open my mouth in parables , i will utter things that have been keep secret from the foundations of the world. another reason our saviour himself gives of it , v. , . because to you is given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven , but to them it is not given . for whosoever hath , to him shall be given , and he shall have more abundantly : but whosoever hath not , i. e. improves not the talents that he hath , from him shall be taken away , even that that he hath . one thing it may not be amiss to observe ; that our saviour here in the explication of the first of these parables to his apostles , calls the preaching of the kingdom of the messiah , simply the word ; and luke viii . . the word of god : from whence st. luke , in the acts , often mentions it under the name of the word , and the word of god , as we have elsewhere observed . to which i shall here add that of acts viii . . therefore they that were scattered abroad , went every where preaching the word : which word , as we have found by examining what they preached all through their history , was nothing but this , that iesus was the messiah : i mean , this was all the doctrine they proposed to be believed . for what they taught , as well as our saviour , contained a great deal more ; but that concerned practice , and not belief . and therefore our saviour says , in the place before quoted , luke viii . . they are my mother , and my brethren , who hear the word of god , and do it : obeying the law of the messiah their king , being no less required than their believing that jesus was the messiah , the king and deliverer that was promised them . mat. ix . . we have an account , again of this preaching ; what it was , and how . and iesus went about all the cities and villages , teaching in their synagogues , and preaching the gospel of the kingdom ; and healing every sickness , and every disease amongst the people . he acquainted them that the kingdom of the messiah was come , and left it to his miracles to instruct and convince them that he was the messiah . mat. x. when he sent his apostles abroad , their commission to preach we have v. , . in these words : as ye go , preach , saying , the kingdom of heaven is at hand ; heal the sick , &c. all that they had to preach , was , that the kingdom of the messiah was come . whosoever should not receive them , the messengers of this good tidings , nor hearken to their message , incurred a heavier doom than sodom and gomorrha at the day of judgment , v. ▪ . but v. . whosoever shall confess me before men , i will confess him before my father who is in heaven . what this confessing of christ is , we may see , by comparing iohn xii . . with ix . . nevertheless among the chief rulers also many believed in him ; but because of the pharisees they did not confess him , lest they should be put out of the synagogue . and chap. ix . . these words spake his parents , because they feared the iews : for the iews had agreed already , that if any man did confess that he was the messiah , he should be put out of the synagogue . by which places it is evident , that to confess him , was to confess that he was the messiah . from which give me leave to observe also ( what i have cleared from other places , but cannot be too often remark'd , because of the different sense has been put upon that phrase ; ) viz. that believing on or in him ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred either way by the english traslation ) signifies believing that he was the messiah . for many of the rulers ( the text says ) believed on him ; but they durst not consess what they believed , for fear they should be put out of the synagogue . now the offence for which it was agreed that any one should be put out of the synagogue , was ▪ if he did confess that iesus was the messiah . hence we may have a clear understanding of that passage of st. paul to the romans , where he tells them positively , what is the faith he preaches ; rom. x. , . that is the word of faith which we preach ; that if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord iesus , and believe in thine heart , that god hath raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved : and that also of st. iohn iv. , . we have seen , and do testifie , that the father sent the son to be the saviour of the world : whosoever shall confess that iesus is the son of god , god dwelleth in him , and be in god. where confessing jesus to be the son of god , is the same with confessing him to be the messiah : those two expressions being understood amongst the jews to signifie the same thing , as we have shewn already . how calling him the son of god came to signifie that he was the messiah , would not be hard to shew . but it is enough that it appears plainly that it was so used , and had that import amongst the jews at that time ; which if any one desires to have further evidenced to him , he may add mat. xxvi . . iohn vi. . & xi . . & xx. . to those places before occasionally taken notice of . as was the apostles commission , such was their performance ; as we read , luke ix . . they departed , and went through the towns , preaching the gospel , and healing every where . jesus bid them preach , saying , the kingdom of heaven is at hand . and st. luke tells us , they went through the towns , preaching the gospel ; a word which in saxon answers well the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and signifies , as that does , good news . so that what the inspired writers call the gospel , is nothing but the good tidings that the messiah and his kingdom was come ; and so it is to be understood in the new testament ; and so the angel calls it good tidings of great joy , luke ii. . bringing the first news of our saviour's birth . and this seems to be all that his disciples were at that time sent to preach . so luke ix . , . to him that would have excused his present attendance , because of burying his father ; iesus said unto him , let the dead bury their dead , but go thou and preach the kingdom of god. when , i say , this was all they were to preach , i must be understood , that this was the faith they preached ; but with it they joyned obedience to the messiah , whom they received for their king. so likewise when he sent out the seventy , luke x. their commission was in these words , v. . heal the sick , and say unto them , the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . after the return of his apostles to him , he sits down with them in a mountain ; and a great multitude being gathered about them , st. luke tells us , chap. ix . . the people followed him , and he received them , and spake unto them of the kingdom of god ; and healed them that had need of healing . this was his preaching to this assembly , which consisted of five thousand men , besides women and children : all which great multitude he fed with five loaves and two fishes , mat. xiv . . and what this miracle wrought upon them , st. iohn tells us , chap. vi. , . then these men , when they had seen the miracle that iesus did , said , this is of a truth that prophet that should come into the world ; i. e. the messiah . for the messiah was the only person that they expected from god , and this the time they looked for him . and hence iohn the baptist , mat. xi . . stiles him , he that should come ; as in other places , come from god , or sent from god , are phrases used for the messiah . here we see our saviour keeps to his usual method of preaching : he speaks to them of the kingdom of god , and does miracles ; by which they might understand him to be the messiah , whose kingdom he spake of . and here we have the reason also , why he so much concealed himself , and forbore to own his being the messiah . for what the consequence was , of the multitudes but thinking him so , when they were got together , st. iohn tells us in the very next words : when iesus then perceived that they would come and take him by force to make him a king , he departed again into a mountain himself alone . if they were so ready to set him up for their king , only because they gathered from his miracles that he was the messiah , whilst he himself said nothing of it ; what would not the people have done ; and what would not the scribes and pharisees have had an opportunity to accuse him of ; if he had openly professed himself to have been the messiah , that king they looked for ? but this we have taken notice of already . from hence going to capernaum , whither he was followed by a great part of the people , whom he had the day before so miraculously fed ; he , upon the occasion of their following him for the loaves , bids them seek for the meat that endureth to eternal life : and thereupon , iohn vi. - . declares to them his being sent from the father ; and that those who believed in him , should be raised to eternal life : but all this , very much involved in a mixture of allegorical terms of eating , and of bread , bread of life , which came down from heaven , &c. which is all comprehended and expounded in these short and plain words , v. . & . verily , verily i say unto you , he that believeth on me , hath everlasting life and i will raise him up at the last day . the sum of all which discourse is , that he was the messiah sent from god ; and that those who believed him to be so , should be raised from the dead at the last day to eternal life . these who he spoke to , were of those who the day before would by force have made him king ; and therefore 't is no wonder he should speak to them of himself , and his kingdom and subjects , in obscure and mystical terms ; and such as should offend those who looked for nothing but the grandeur of a temporal kingdom in this world , and the protection and prosperity they had promised themselves under it . the hopes of such a kingdom , now that they had found a man that did miracles , and therefore concluded to be the deliverer they expected , had the day before almost drawn them into an open insurrection , and involved our saviour in it . this he thought fit to put a stop to ; they still following him 't is like with the same design . and therefore though he here speaks to them of his kingdom , it was in a way that so plainly bauk'd their expectation ; and shock'd them ; that when they found themselves disappointed of those vain hopes , and that he talked of their eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , that they might have life ; the jews said , v. . how can this man give us his flesh to eat ? and many , even of his disciples , said , it was an hard saying , who can bear it ? and so were scandalized in him , and forsook him , v. . . but what the true meaning of this discourse of our saviour was , the confession of st. peter , who understood it better and answered for the rest of the apostles shews : when jesus asked him , v. . will ye also go away ? then simon peter answered him , lord , to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life ; i. e. thou teachest us the way to attain eternal life ; and accordingly we believe , and are sure that thou art the messiah , the son of the living god. this was the eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , whereby those who did so had eternal life . sometime after this , he enquires of his disciples , mark viii . . who the people took him for ? they telling him , for iohn the baptist , or one of the old prophets risen from the dead ; he asked , what they themselves thought ? and here again peter answers in these words , mark viii . . thou art the messiah . luke ix . . the messiah of god. and mat. xvi . . thou art the messiah , the son of the living god : which expressions , we may hence gather , amount to the same thing . whereupon our saviour tells peter , mat. xvi . , . that this was such a truth as flesh and blood could not reveal to him , but only his father who was in haven ; and that this was the foundation on which he was to build his church . by all the parts of which passage it is more than probable , that he had never yet told his apostles in direct words that he was the messiah ; but that they had gathered it from his life and miracles . for which we may imagine to our selves this probable reason ; because that if he had familiarly , and in direct terms , talked to his apostles in private that he was the messiah the prince , of whose kingdom he preached so much in publick every where ; iudas , whom he knew false and treacherous , would have been readily made use of to testifie against him , in a matter that would have been really criminal to the roman governour . this perhaps may help to clear to us that seemingly abrupt reply of our saviour to his apostles , iohn vi. . when they confessed him to be the messiah . i will , for the better explaining of it , set down the passage at large . peter having said , we believe , and are sure that thou art the messiah , the son of the living god. iesus answered them , have not i chosen you twelve , and one of you is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? this is a reply seeming at first sight nothing to the purpose ; when yet it is sure all our saviour's discourses were wise and pertinent . it seems therefore to me to carry this sense , to be understood afterwards by the eleven ( as that of destroying the temple , and raising it again in three days was ) when they should reflect on it after his being betray'd by iudas : you have confessed , and believe the truth concerning me ; i am the messiah your king : but do not wonder at it , that i have never openly declared it to you : for amongst you twelve , whom i have chosen to be with me , there is one who is an informer , or false accuser , ( for so the greek word signifies , and may possibly here be so translated , rather than devil ) who , if i had owned my self in plain words to have been the messiah , the king of israel , would have betrayed me , and informed against me . that he was yet cautious of owning himself to his apostles positively to be the messiah , appears farther from the manner wherein he tells peter , v. . that he will build his church upon that confession of his , that he was the messiah . i say unto thee , thou art cephas , or a rock , and upon this rock i will build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . words too doubtful to be laid hold on against him , as a testimony that he professed himself to be the messiah ; especially if we joyn with them the following words , v. . and i will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and what thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and what thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . which being said personally to peter , render the foregoing words of our saviour ( wherein he declares the fundamental article of his church to be the believing him to be the messiah ) the more obscure and doubtful , and less liable to be made use of against him ; but yet such as might afterwards be understood . and for the same reason he yet here again forbids the apostles to say that he was the messiah , v. . from this time ( say the evangelists ) jesus began to shew to his disciples , ( i. e. his apostles , who are often called disciples ) that he must go to jerusalem , and suffer many things from the elders , chief priests , and scribes ; and be killed , and be raised again the third day . these , though all marks of the messiah , yet how little understood by the apostles , or suited to their expectation of the messiah , appears from peter's rebuking him for it in the following words , mat. xvi . . peter had twice before owned him to be the messiah , and yet he cannot here bear that he should suffer , and be put to death , and be raised again . whereby we may perceive , how little yet jesus had explained to the apostles what personally concerned himself . they had been a good while witnesses of his life and miracles ; and thereby being grown into a belief that he was the messiah , were in some degree prepared to receive the particulars that were to fill up that character , and answer the prophesies concerning him ; which from henceforth he began to open to them , ( though in a way which the jews could not form an accusation out of ) the time of the accomplishment of all , in his sufferings , death , and resurrection , now drawing on . for this was in the last year of his life ; he being to meet the jews at ierusalem but once more at the passover , who then should have their will upon him ; and therefore he might now begin to be a little more open concerning himself : though yet so , as to keep himself out of the reach of any accusation , that might appear just or weighty to the roman deputy . after his reprimand to peter , telling him that he savoured not the things of god , but of man ; mark viii . . he calls the people to him , and prepares those , who would be his disciples , for suffering ; telling them , v. . whoever shall be ashamed of me and my words in this adulterous and sinful generation , of him also shall the son of man be ashamed when he cometh in the glory of his father with the holy angels : and then subjoyns , mat. xvi . , . two great and solemn acts , wherein he would shew himself to be the messiah the king : for the son of man shall come in the glory of his father , with his angels ; and then he shall render every man according to his works . this is evidently meant of the glorious appearance of his kingdom , when he shall come to judge the world at the last day ; described more at large , mat xxv . when the son of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy angels with him , then shall be sit upon the throne of his glory . then shall the king say to them on his right hand , &c. but what follows in the place above quoted , mat. xvi . . verily , verily , there be some standing here , who shall not tast of death , till they see the son of man coming in his kingdom ; importing that dominion , which some there should see him exercise over the nation of the jews , was so covered ; by being annexed to the preceding v. . ( where he spoke of the manifestation and glory of his kingdom at the day of judgment ) that though his plain meaning here in v. . be , that the appearance and visible exercise of his kingly power in his kingdom was so near , that some there should live to see it ; yet if the foregoing words had not cast a shadow over these later , but they had been left plainly to be understood , as they plainly signified , that he should be a king ; and that it was so near , that some there should see him in his kingdom ; this might have been laid hold on , and made the matter of a plausible and seemingly just accusation against him , by the jews , before pilate . this seems to be the reason of our saviour's inverting here the order of the two solemn manifestations to the world of his rule and power ; thereby perplexing at present his meaning , and securing himself , as was necessary , from the malice of the jews , which always lay at catch to intrap him , and accuse him to the roman governour ; and would , no doubt , have been ready to have alledged these words , some here shall not tast of death , till they see the son of man coming in his kingdom , against him , as criminal ; had not their meaning been , by the former verse , perplexed , and the sense at that time rendred unintelligible , and not applicable by any of his auditors to a sense that might have been prejudicial to him before the roman governour . for how well the chief of the jews were disposed towards him , st. luke tells us , chap. xi . . laying wait for him , and seeking to catch something out of his mouth , that they might accuse him : which may be a reason to satisfie us of the seemingly doubtful and obscure way of speaking used by our saviour in other places ; his circumstances being such , that without such a prudent carriage and reservedness , he could not have gone through the work which he came to do ; nor have performed all the parts of it , in a way correspondent to the descriptions given of the messiah , and which should be afterwards fully understood to belong to him , when he had left the world. after this , mat. xvii . , &c. he , without saying it in direct words , begins , as it were , to own himself to his apostles to be the messiah ; by assuring them , that as the scribes , according to the prophecy of malachy , chap. iv. . rightly said , that elias was to usher in the messiah ; so indeed elias was already come , though the jews knew him not , and treated him ill : whereby they understood that he spoke to them of john the baptist , v. . and a little after he somewhat more plainly intimates that he is the messiah , mark ix . . in these words : whosoever shall give you a cup of water to drink in my name , because ye belong to the messiah . this , as i remember , is the first place where our saviour ever mentioned the name of messiah ; and the first time that he went so far towards the owning , to any of the jewish nation , himself to be him . in his way to jerusalem , bidding one follow him , luke ix . . who would first bury his father , v. . iesus said unto him , let the dead bury their dead ; but go thou and preach the kingdom of god. and luke x. . sending out the seventy disciples , he says to them , v. . heal the sick , and say , the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . he had nothing else for these , or for his apostles , or any one , it seems , to preach ; but the good news of the coming of the kingdom of the messiah . and if any city would not receive them , he bids them , v. . go into the streets of the same , and say , even the very dust of your city , which cleaveth on us , do we wipe off against you : notwithstanding , be ye sure of this , that the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . this they were to take notice of , as that which they should dearly answer for ; viz. that they had not with faith received the good tidings of the kingdom of the messiah . after this , his brethren say unto him , iohn vii . , , . ( the feast of tabernacles being near ) depart hence , and go into judea , that thy disciples also may see the works that thou doest : for there is no man that does any thing in secret , and he himself seeketh to be known openly . if thou do these things , shew thy self to the world. here his brethren , which the next verse tells us did not believe in him , seem to upbraid him with the inconsistency of his carriage ; as if he designed to be received for the messiah , and yet was afraid to shew himself : to whom he justified his conduct , ( mentioned v. . ) in the following verses ; by telling them , that the world ( meaning the jews especially ) hated him , because he testified of it , that the works thereof are evil ; and that his time was not yet fully come , wherein to quit his reserve , and abandon himself freely to their malice and fury : and therefore , though he went up unto the feast , it was not openly ; but as it were in secret , v. . and here coming into the temple about the middle of the feast , he justifies his being sent from god ; and that he had not done any thing against the law in curing the man at the pool of bethesday , v. iohn v. - . on the sabbath-day ; which , though done above a year and an half before , they made use of as a pretence to destroy him . but what was the true reason of seeking his life , appears from what we have in this vii . chapter , v. - . then said some of them at jerusalem , is not this he whom they seek to kill ? but lo , he speaketh boldly , and they say nothing unto him . do the rulers know indeed that this is the very messiah ? howbeit , we know this man whence he is ; but when the messiah cometh , no man knoweth whence he is . then cryed iesus in the temple , as he taught , ye both know me , and ye know whence i am : and i am not come of my self , but he that sent me is true , whom ye know not . but i know him , for i am from him , and he hath sent me . then they sought [ an occasion ] to take him , but no man laid hands on him , because his hour was not yet come . and many of the people believed on him , and said , when the messiah cometh , will be do more miracles than these which this man hath done ? the pharisees heard that the people murmured such things concerning him ; and the pharisees and chief priests sent officers to take him . then said iesus unto them , yet a little while am i with you , and then i go to him that sent me : ye shall seek me , and not find me ; and where i am there ye cannot come . then said the iews among themselves , whither will he go , that we shall not find him ? here we find that the great fault in our saviour , and the great provocation to the jews , was his being taken for the messiah ; and doing such things as made the people believe in him ; i. e. believe that he was the messiah . here also our saviour declares , in words very easie to be understood , at least after his resurrection , that he was the messiah : for if he were sent from god , and did his miracles by the spirit of god , there could be no doubt but he was the messiah . but yet this declaration was in a way that the pharisees and priests could not lay hold on to make an accusation of , to the disturbance of his ministry , or the seizure of his person , how much soever they desired it : for his time was not yet come . the officers they had sent to apprehend him , charmed with his discourse , returned without laying hands on him , v. , . and when the chief priests asked them , why they brought him not ? they answered , never man spake like this man. whereupon the pharisees reply , are ye also deceived ? have any of the rulers , or of the pharisees believed on him ? but this people , who know not the law , are cursed . this shews what was meant by believing on him ; viz. believing that he was the messiah . for , say they , have any of the rulers , who are skilled in the law , or of the devout and learned pharisees , acknowledged him to be the messiah ? for as for those who in the division among the people concerning him , say , that he is the messiah , they are ignorant and vile wretches , know nothing of the scripture , and being accursed , are given up by god to be deceived by this impostor , and to take him for the messiah . therefore , notwithstanding their desire to lay hold on him , he goes on ; and v. , . in the last and great day of the feast , iesus stood and cryed , saying ; if any man thirst , let him come unto me and drink : he that believeth on me , as the scripture hath said , out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water . and thus he here again declares himself to be the messiah ; but in the prophetick stile ; as we may see by the next verse of this chapter , and those places in the old testament that these words of our saviour refer to . in the next chapter , iohn viii . all that he says concerning himself , and what they were to believe , tends to this ; viz. that he was sent from god his father ; and that if they did not believe that he was the messiah , they should die in their sins : but this in a way , as st. iohn observes , v. . that they did not well understand . but our saviour himself tells them , v. . when ye have lift up the son of man , then shall ye know that i am he . going from them , he cures the man born blind , whom meeting with again , after the jews had questioned him , and cast him out , iohn ix . - . jesus said to him , dost thou believe on the son of god ? he answered , who is he , lord , that i might believe on him ? and iesus said unto him , thou hast both seen him , and it is he that talketh with thee . and he said , lord , i believe . here we see this man is pronounced a believer , when all that was proposed to him to believe , was , that jesus was the son of god ; which was , as we have already shewn , to believe that he was the messiah . in the next chapter , iohn x. - . he declares the laying down of his life for both jews and gentiles ; but in a parable , which they understood not , v. . . as he was going to the feast of the dedication , the pharisees ask him , luke xvii . . when the kingdom of god , i. e. of the messiah , should come ? he answers , that it should not come with pomp , and observation , and great concourse ; but that it was already begun amongst them . if he had stopt here , the sense had been so plain , that they could hardly have mistaken him ; or have doubted , but that he meant , that the messiah was already come , and amongst them ; and so might have been prone to infer , that jesus took upon him to be him . but here , as in the place before taken notice of , subjoyning to this the future revelation of himself , both in his coming to execute vengeance on the jews , and in his coming to judgment mixed together , he so involved his sense , that it was not easie to understand him . and therefore the jews came to him again in the temple , iohn x. . and said , how long dost thou make us doubt ? if thou be the christ tell us plainly . iesus answered , i told you , and ye believed not : the works that i do in my father's name , they bear witness of me . but ye believed not , because ye are not of my sheep , as i told you . the believing here , which he accuses them of not doing , is plainly their not believing him to be the messiah , as the foregoing words evince , and in the same sense it is evidently meant in the following verses of this chapter . from hence iesus going to bethabara , and thence returning to bethany ; upon lazarus's death , iohn xi . - . jesus said to martha , i am the resurrection and the life , he that believeth in me , though he were dead , yet he shall live ; and whosoever liveth , and believeth in me , shall not die for ever . so i understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answerable to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the septuagint , gen. iii. . or iohn vi. . which we read right in our english translation , live for ever . but whether this saying of our saviour here can with truth be translated , he that liveth and believeth in me , shall never die , will be apt to be questioned . but to go on . believest thou this ? she said unto him , yea , lord , i believe that thou art the messiah , the son of god , which should come into the world. this she gives as a full answer to our saviour's demands ; this being that faith , which whoever had , wanted no more to make them believers . we may observe farther , in this same story of the raising of lazarus , what faith it was our saviour expected ; by what he says , v. , . father , i thank thee that thou hast heard me . and i know that thou hearest me always . but because of the people who stand by , i said it , that they may believe that thou hast sent me . and what the consequence of it was , we may see , v. . then many of the iews who came to mary , and had seen the things which iesus did , believed on him : which belief was , that he was sent from the father ; which in other words was , that he was the messiah . that this is the meaning , in the evangelists , of the phrase of believing on him , we have a demonstration in the following words , v. , . then gathered the chief priests and pharisees a council , and said , what do we ? for this man does many miracles ; and if we let him alone , all men will believe on him . those who here say , all men would believe on him , were the chief priests and pharisees his enemies ; who sought his life ; and therefore could have no other sense nor thought of this faith in him , which they spake of , but only the believing him to be the messiah : and that that was their meaning , the adjoyning words shew . if we let him alone , all the world will believe on him ; i.e. believe him to be the messiah . and the romans will come and take away both our place and nation . which reasoning of theirs was thus grounded . if we stand still , and let the people believe on him , i.e. receive him for the messiah ; they will thereby take him and set him up for their king , and expect deliverance by him ; which will draw the roman arms upon us , to the destruction of us and our country . the romans could not be thought to be at at all concerned in any other belief whatsoever , that the people might have in him . it is therefore plain , that believing on him , was , by the writers of the gospel , understood to mean , the believing him to be the messiah . the sanhedrim therefore , v. , . from that day forth consulted for to put him to death . iesus therefore walked not yet ( for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , and so i think it ought here to be translated ) boldly , or open-fac'd among the iews ; i.e. of ierusalem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot well here be translated no more , because within a very short time after , he appeared openly at the passover , and by his miracles and speech declared himself more freely than ever he had done ; and all the week before his passion taught daily in the temple , mat. xx. . mark x. . luke xviii . , &c. the meaning of this place seems therefore to be this : that his time being not yet come , he durst not yet shew himself openly , and confidently , before the scribes and pharisees , and those of the sanhedrim at ierusalem , who were full of malice against him , and had resolved his death ; but went thence unto a country near the wilderness , into a city called ephraim , and there continued with his disciples , to keep himself out of the way till the passover , which was nigh at hand , v. . in his return thither , he takes the twelve aside , and tells them before hand what should happen to him at ierusalem , whither they were now going ; and that all things that are written by the prophets concerning the son of man , should be accomplished . that he should be betrayed to the chief priests and scribes ; and that they should condemn him to death , and deliver him to the gentiles ; that he should be mocked , and spit on , and scourged , and put to death ; and the third day he should rise again . but st. luke tells us , chap. xviii . . that the apostles understood none of these things , and this saying was hid from them ; neither knew they the things which were spoken . they believed him to be the son of god , the messiah sent from the father ; but their notion of the messiah was the same with the rest of the jews ; that he should be a temporal prince and deliverer . that which distinguished them from the unbelieving jews , was , that they believed jesus to be the very messiah , and so received him as their king and lord accordingly . we see , mark x. . that even in this their last journey with him to ierusalem , two of them , iames and iohn , coming to him , and falling at his feet , said , grant unto us , that we may fit , one on thy right hand , and the other on thy left hand , in thy glory ; or , as . st. matthew has it , chap. xx. . in thy kingdom . and now the hour being come that the son of man should be glorified , he , without his usual reserve , makes his publick entry into ierusalem , riding on a young ass ; as it is written , fear not , daughter of sion , behold , thy king cometh fitting on an asses colt. but these things , says st. iohn , chap. xii . . his disciples understood not at the first ; but when iesus was glorified , then remembred they that these things were written of him , and that they had done these things unto him . though the apostles believed him to be the messiah , yet there were many occurrences of his life which they understood not , at the time when they happened , to be fore-told of the messiah ; which after his ascension they found exactly to quadrate . and all the people crying hosanna , blessed is the king of israel , that cometh in the name of the lord ; this was so open a declaration of his being the messiah , that luke xix . . some of the pharisees from among the multitude said unto him , master , rebuke thy disciples . but he was so far from stopping them , or disowning this their acknowledgment of his being the messiah , that he said unto them , i tell you , that if these should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out . and again , upon the like occasion of their crying hosanna , to the son of david , in the temple , mat. xxi . , . when the chief priests and scribes were sore displeased , and said unto him , hearest thou what they say ? iesus said unto them , yea ; have ye never read , out of the months of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise ? and now , v. , . he cures the blind and the lame openly in the temple . and when the chief priests and scribes saw the wonderful things that he did , and the children crying in the temple hosanna , they were enraged . one would not think , that after the multitude of miracles that our saviour had now been doing for above three years together , that the curing the lame and blind should so much move them . but we must remember , that though his ministry had abounded with miracles , yet the most of them had been done about galilee , and in parts remote from ierusalem : there is but one left upon record hitherto done in that city ; and that had so ill a reception , that they sought his life for it ; as we may read , iohn v. . and therefore we hear not of his being at the next passover , because he was there only privately , as an ordinary jew : the reason whereof we may read , iohn vii . . after these things , iesus walked in galilee , for he would not walk in jewry , because the iews sought to kill him . hence we may guess the reason why st. iohn omitted the mention of his being at ierusalem at the third passover after his baptism ; probably because he did nothing memorable there . indeed , when he was at the feast of tabernacles , immediately preceding this his last passover , he cured the man born blind : but it appears not to have been done in ierusalem it self , but in the way as he retired to the mount of olives ; for there seems to have been no body by , when he did it , but his apostles . compare v. . with v. . . of iohn ix . this , at least , is remarkable ; that neither the cure of this blind man , nor that of the other infirm man , at the passover above a twelve month before at ierusalem , was done in the sight of the scribes , pharisees , chief priests , or rulers . nor was it without reason , that in the former part of his ministry he was cautious of shewing himself to be the messiah ; and by repeated miracles done in their sight before the people , of provoking the rulers in ierusalem , where he was in their power . but now that he was come to the last scene of his life , and that the passover was come , the appointed time wherein he was to compleat the work he came for , in his death and resurrection , he does many things in ierusalem it self , before the face of the scribes , pharisees , and whole body of the jewish nation , to manifest himself to be the messiah . and , as st. luke says , chap. xix . , . he taught daily in the temple : but the chief priests , and the scribes , and the chief of the people sought to destroy him ; and could not find what they might do , for all the people were very attentive to hear him . what he taught , we are not left to guess , by what we have found him constantly preaching elsewhere ; ( the kingdom of god's being come , and requiring repentance . ) but st. luke tells us , chap. xx. . he taught in the temple , and evangelized ; or , as we translate it , preached the gospel : which , as we have shewed , was the making known to them the good news of the kingdom of the messiah . and this we shall find he did , in what now remains of his history . in the first discourse of his , which we find upon record after this , iohn xii . , &c. he fore-tells his crucifixion ; and the belief of all sorts , both iews and gentiles , on him after that . whereupon the people say to him , v. . we have heard out of the law , that the messiah abideth for ever ; and how sayest thou , that the son of man must be lifted up ? who is this son of man ? in his answer he plainly designs himself , under the name of light ; which was what he had declared himself to them to be , the last time that they had seen him in ierusalem . for then at the feast of tabernacles , but six months before , he tells them in the very place where he now is , viz. in the temple , i am the light of the world ; whosoever follows me , shall not walk in darkness , but shall have the light of life ; as we may read , iohn viii . . & ix . he says , as long as i am in the world , i am the light of the world. but neither here , nor any where else , does he , even in these four or five last days of his life ( though he knew his hour was come , and was prepared for his death , v. . and scrupled not to manifest himself to the rulers of the jews to be the messiah , by doing miracles before them in the temple ) ever once in direct words own himself to the jews to be the messiah ; though by miracles , and other ways , he did every where make it known to them , so that it might be understood . this could not be without some reason ; and the preservation of his life , which he came now to ierusalem on purpose to lay down , could not be it . what other could it then be , but the same which had made him use caution in the former part of his ministry ; so to conduct himself , that he might do the work which he came for , and in all parts answer the character given of the messiah in the law and the prophets ? he had fulfilled the time of his ministry ; and now taught , and did miracles openly in the temple , before the rulers and the people , not fearing to be seized . but he would not be seized for any thing that might make him a criminal to the government ; and therefore he avoided giving those , who in the division that was about him enclined towards him , occasion of tumult for his sake ; or to the jews his enemies , matter of just accusation against him out of his own mouth , by professing himself to be the messiah , the king of israel in direct words . it was enough , that by words and deeds he declared it so to them , that they could not but understand him ; which 't is plain they did , luke xx. . . mat. xxi . . but yet neither his actions , which were only doing of good ; nor words , which were mystical and parabolical ; ( as we may see , mat. xxi . & xxii . and the parallel places of matthew and luke ; ) nor any of his ways of making himself known to be the messiah ; could be brought in testimony , or urged against him , as opposite or dangerous to the government . this preserved him from being condemned as a malefactor ; and procured him a testimony from the roman governour his judge , that he was an innocent man , sacrificed to the envy of the iewish nation . so that he avoided saying that he was the messiah , that to those who would reflect on his life and death after his resurrection , he might the more clearly appear to be so . it is farther to be remarked , that though he often appeals to the testimony of his miracles who he is , yet he never tells the iews that he was born at bethlehem ; to remove the prejudice that lay against him , whilst he passed for a galilean , and which was urged as a proof that he was not the messiah , iohn vii . , . the healing of the sick , and doing of good miraculously , could be no crime in him , nor accusation against him . but the naming of bethlehem for his birth-place , might have wrought as much upon the mind of pilate , as it did on herod's ; and have raised a suspicion in him as prejudicial to his innocence , as herod's was to the children born there . his pretending to be born at bethlehem , as it was liable to be explained by the iews , could not have failed to have met with a sinister interpretation in the roman governour , and have rendred iesus suspected of some criminal design against the government . and hence we see , that when pilate asked him , iohn xix . . whence art thou ? iesus gave him no answer . whether our saviour had not an eye to this straitness , this narrow room that was left to his conduct , between the new converts and the captious jews , when he says , luke xii . . i have a baptism to be baptized with , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how am i straitned till it be accomplished , i leave to be considered . i am come to send fire on the earth , says our saviour , and what if it be already kindled ? i.e. there begin already to be divisions about me , v. iohn vii . . . & ix . . & x. . and i have not the freedom , the latitude , to declare my self openly as i am , the messiah , till after my death . my way to my throne is closely hedged in on every side , and much straitned , within which i must keep , till it bring me to my cross ; in its due time and manner , so that it do not cut short the time , nor cross the end of my ministry . and therefore to keep up this inoffensive character , and not to let it come within the reach of accident or calumny , he withdrew with his apostles out of the town every evening ; and kept himself retired out of the way , luke xxi . . and in the day-time he was teaching in the temple , and every night he went out and abode in the mount that is called the mount of olives ; that he might avoid all concourse to him in the night , and give no occasion of disturbance , or suspicion of himself in that great conflux of the whole nation of the iews , now assembled in ierusalem at the passover . but to return to his preaching in the temple . he bids them , iohn xii . . to believe in the light whilst they have it . and he tells them , v. . i am the light come into the world , that every one who believes in me should not remain in darkness . which believing in him , was the believing him to be the messiah , as i have elsewhere shewed . the next day , mat. xxi . he rebukes them for not having believed iohn the baptist , who had testified that he was the messiah . and then , in a parable , declares himself to be the son of god , whom they should destroy ; and that for it god would take away the kingdom of the messiah from them , and give it to the gentiles . that they understood him thus , is plain from luke xx. . and when they heard it , they said , god forbid . and v. . for they knew that he had spoken this parable against them . much to the same purpose was his next parable concerning the kingdom of heaven , mat. xxii . - . that the jews not accepting of the kingdom of the messiah , to whom it was first offered , others should be brought in . the scribes and pharisees , and chief priests , not able to bear the declaration he made of himself to be the messiah ; ( by his discourses and miracles before them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iohn xii . . which he had never done before ) impatient of his preaching and miracles ; and being not able otherwise to stop the increase of his followers ; ( for , said the pharisees among themselves , perceive ye how ye prevail nothing ? behold , the world is gone after him , iohn xii . . so that the chief priests , and the scribes , and the chief of the people ) sought to destroy him , the first day of his entrance into ierusalem , luke xix . . the next day again they were intent upon the same thing , mark xi . , . and he taught in the temple ; and the scribes , and the chief priests heard it , and sought how they might destroy him ; for they feared him , because all the people were astonished at his doctrine . the next day but one , upon his telling them the kingdom of the messiah should be taken from them ; the chief priests and scribes sought to lay hands on him the same hour ; and they feared the people , luke xx. . if they had so great a desire to lay hold on him , why did they not ? they were the chief priests and the rulers , the men of power . the reason st. luke plainly tells us , in the next verse : and they watched him , and sent forth spies , which should feign themselves just men , that they might take hold of his words ; that so they might deliver him unto the power and authority of the governour . they wanted matter of accusation , against him , to the power they were under . that they watched for ; and that they would have been glad of , if they could have entangled him in his talk ; as st. matthew expresses it , chap. xxii . . if they could have laid hold on any word that had dropt from him , that might have rendred him guilty or suspected to the roman governour ; that would have served their turn , to have laid hold upon him , with hopes to destroy him . for their power not answering their malice , they could not put him to death by their own authority , without the permission and assistance of the governour ; as they confess , iohn xviii . . it is not lawful for us to put any man to death . this made them so earnest for a declaration in direct words , from his own mouth , that he was the messiah . 't was not that they would more have believed in him , for such a declaration of himself , than they did for his miracles , or other ways of making himself known , which it appears they understood well enough . but they wanted plain direct words , such as might support an accusation , and be of weight before an heathen judge . this was the reason why they pressed him to speak out , iohn x. . then came the iews round about him , and said unto him , how long dost thou hold us in suspense ? if thou be the messiah , tell us plainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. in direct words : for that st. iohn uses it in that sense , we may see , chap. xi . - . jesus saith to them , lazarus sleepeth . his disciples said , if , he sleeps , he shall do well ; howbeit , iesus spake of his death ; but they thought he had spoken of taking of rest in sleep . then said iesus to them plainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lazarus is dead . here we see what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plain direct words , such as express the thing without a figure ; and so they would have had jesus pronounce himself to be the messiah . and the same thing they press again , mat. xvi . . the high-priest adjuring him by the living god , to tell them whether he were the messiah , the son of god ; as we shall have occasion to take notice by and by . this we may observe in the whole management of their design against his life . it turned upon this ; that they wanted and wished for a declaration from him , in direct words , that he was the messiah : something from his own mouth , that might offend the roman power , and render him criminal to pilate . in the st . verse of this xx of luke , they asked him , saying , master , we know that thou sayest and teachest rightly ; neither acceptest thou the person of any , but teachest the way of god truly . is it lawful for us to give tribute to caesar or no ? by this captious question they hoped to catch him , which way soever he answered . for if he had said , they ought to pay tribute to caesar , 't would be plain he allowed their subjection to the romans ; and so in effect disowned himself to be their king and deliverer : whereby he would have contradicted , what his carriage and doctrine seemed to aim at , the opinion that was spread amongst the people , that he was the messiah . this would have quash'd the hopes , and destroyed the faith of those who believed on him ; and have turned the ears and hearts of the people from him . if on the other side , he answered no , it is not lawful to pay tribute to caesar ; they had had out of his own mouth wherewithal to condemn him before pontius pilate . but st. luke tells us , v. . he perceived their craftiness , and said unto them , why tempt ye me ? i. e. why do ye'lay snares for me ? ye hypocrites , shew me the tribute-money ; so it is , mat. xxii . . whose image and inscription has it ? they said , caesar ' s. he said unto them , render therefore to caesar the things that are caesar's ; and to god the things that are god's . by the wisdom and caution of which unexpected answer , he defeated their whole design . and they could not take hold of his words before the people ; and they marvelled at his answer , and held their peace , luke xx. . and leaving him , they departed , mat. xxii . . he having by this reply , ( and what he answered to the sadducees concerning the resurrection , and to the lawyer , about the first commandment , mark xii . ) answered so little to their satisfaction or advantage ; they durst ask him no more questions , any of them . and now their mouths being stop'd , he himself begins to question them about the messiah ; asking the pharisees , mat. xxii . . what think ye of the messiah , whose son is he ? they say unto him , the son of david . wherein , though they answered right , yet he shews them in the following words , that however they pretended to be studiers and teachers of the law , yet they understood not clearly the scriptures concerning the messiah ; and thereupon he sharply rebukes their hypocrisie , vanity , pride , malice , covetousness , and ignorance ; and particularly tells them , v. . ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against men : for ye neither go in your selves , nor suffer ye them that are entring , to go in . whereby he plainly declares to them , that the messiah was come , and his kingdom began ; but that they refused to believe in him themselves , and did all they could to hinder others from believing in him ; as is manifest throughout the new testament : the history whereof sufficiently explains what is meant here by the kingdom of heaven , which the scribes and pharisees would neither go into themselves , nor suffer others to enter into . and they could not choose but understand him , though he named not himself in the case . provoked a new by his rebukes , they get presently to council , mat. xxvi . then assembled together the chief priest , and the scribes , and the elders of the people , unto the palace of the high-priest , who was called caiphas , and consulted that they might take iesus by subtilty , and kill him . but they said , not on the feast-day , lest there be an vproar among the people . for they feared the people , says st. luke , chap. xxii . . having in the night got jesus into their hands , by the treachery of iudas , they presently led him away bound to annas the high-priest , iohn xviii . . . the high-priest then asked iesus of his disciples , and of his doctrine . iesus answered him , i spake openly to the world ; i ever taught in the synagogue , and in the temple , whither the iews always resort ; and in secret have i said nothing . a proof that he had not in private to his disciples declared himself in express words to be the messiah , the prince . but he goes on . why askest thou me ? ask iudas , who has been always with me . ask them who heard me , what i have said unto them ; behold , they know what i said . our saviour we see here warily declines , for the reasons above mentioned , all discourse of his doctrine . annas getting nothing out of him for his turn , v. . sends him away to caiphas , and the sanhedrim ; who , mat. xxvi . . sought false witness against him : but when they found none that were sufficient , or came up to the point they desired ; which was to have something against him to take away his life , ( for so i think the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mean , mark xiv . . . ) they try again what they can get out of him himself , concerning his being the messiah ; which if he owned in express words , they thought they should have enough against him at the tribunal of the roman governour , to make him laesae majestatis reum , and so to take away his life . they therefore say to him , luke xxii . . if thou be the messiah , tell us . nay , as st. matthew hath it , the high-priest adjures him by the living god to tell them whether he were the messiah . to which our saviour replies : if i tell you , ye will not believe ; and if i ask you , ye will not answer me , nor let me go . if i tell you , and prove to you , by the testimony given of me from heaven , and by the works that i have done among you , you will not believe in me , that i am the messiah . or if i should ask you where the messiah is to be born ; and what state he should come in ; how he should appear , and other things that you think in me are not reconcileable with the messiah ; you will not answer me , and let me go , as one that has no pretence to be the messiah , and you are not afraid should be received for such . but yet i tell you , hereafter shall the son of man sit on the right hand of the power of god , v. . then said they all , art thou then the son of god ? and he said unto them , ye say that i am . by which discourse with them , related at large here by st. luke , it is plain , that the answer of our saviour , set down by st. matthew , chap. xxvi . . in these words , thou hast said ; and by st. mark , chap. xiv . . in these , i am ; is an answer only to this question , art thou then the son of god ? and not to that other , art thou the messiah ? which preceded , and he had answered to before : though matthew and mark , contracting the story , set them down together , as if making but one question ; omitting all the intervening discourse ; whereas 't is plain out of st. luke , that they were two distinct questions , to which iesus gave two distinct answers . in the first whereof , he , according to his usual caution , declined saying in plain express words , that he was the messiah ; though in the latter he owned himself to be the son of god. which , though they being iews , understood to signifie the messiah ; yet he knew could be no legal or weighty accusation against him before a heathen ; and so it proved . for upon his answering to their question , art thou then the son of god ? ye say that i am ; they cry out , luke xxii . . what need we any further witnesses ? for we our selves have heard out of his own mouth : and so thinking they had enough against him , they hurry him away to pilate . pilate asking them , iohn xviii . - . what accusation bring you against this man ? they answered , and said , if he were not a malefactor , we would not have delivered him up unto thee . then said pilate unto them , take ye him , and iudge him according to your law. but this would not serve their turn , who aimed at his life , and would be satisfied with nothing else . the iews therefore said unto him , it is not lawful for us to put any man to death . and this was also , that the saying of iesus might be fulfilled which he spake , signifying what death he should dye . pursuing therefore their design , of making him appear to pontius pilate guilty of treason against caesar , luke xxiii . . they began to accuse him , saying ; we found this fellow perverting the nation , and forbidding to give tribute to caesar ; saying , that he himself is the messiah the king : all which were inferences of theirs , from his saying , he was the son of god : which pontius pilate finding ( for 't is consonant , that he examined them to the precise words he had said ) their accusation had no weight with him . however , the name of king being suggested against jesus , he thought himself concerned to search it to the bottom . iohn xviii . - . then pilate entred again into the iudgment-hall , and called iesus , and said unto him , art thou the king of the iews ? iesus answered him , sayest thou this of thy self , or did others tell it thee of me ? pilate answered , am i a iew ? thine own nation and the chief priest have delivered thee unto me : what hast thou done ? iesus answered , my kingdom is not of this world : if my kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that i should not be delivered to the iews : but my kingdom is not from hence . pilate therefore said unto him , art thou a king then ? iesus answered , thou sayest that i am a king. for this end was i born , and for this cause came i into the world , that i should bear witness to the truth : every one that is of the truth heareth my voice . in this dialogue between our saviour and pilate , we may observe , . that being asked , whether he were the king of the iews ? he answers so , that though he deny it not , yet he avoided giving the least umbrage , that he had any design upon the government . for though he allows himself to be a king , yet to obviate any suspicion , he tells pilate his kingdom is not of this world ; and evidences it by this , that if he had pretended to any title to that country , his followers , which were not a few , and were forward enough to believe him their king , would have fought for him ; if he had had a mind to set himself up by force , or his kingdom were so to be erected . but my kingdom , says he , is not from hence ; is not of this fashion , or of this place . . pilate , being by his words and circumstances satisfied that he laid no claim to his province , or meant any disturbance of the government , was yet a little surprized to hear a man , in that poor garb , without retinue , or so much as a servant or a friend , own himself to be a king ; and therefore asks him , with some kind of wonder , art thou a king then ? . that our saviour declares , that his great business into the world was , to testifie and make good this great truth , that he was a king ; i. e. in other words , that he was the messiah . . that whoever were followers of truth , and got into the way of truth and happiness , received this doctrine concerning him , viz. that he was the messiah their king. pilate being thus satisfied , that he neither meant , nor could there arise any harm from his pretence , whatever it was , to be a king ; tells the jews , v. . i find no fault in this man. but the jews were the more fierce , luke xxiii . . saying , he stirreth up the people to sedition , by his preaching through all jewry , beginning from galilee to this place . and then pilate , learning that he was of galilee , herod's jurisdiction , sent him to herod ; to whom also the chief priest and scribes , v. . vehemently accused him . herod finding all their accusations either false or frivolous , thought our saviour a bare object of contempt ; and so turning him only into ridicule , sent him back to pilate : who calling unto him the chief priests , and the rulers , and the people , v. . said unto them , ye have brought this man unto me , as one that perverteth the people ; and behold , i having examined him before you , have found no fault in this man , touching these things whereof ye accuse him ; no , nor yet herod ; for i sent you to him : and so nothing worthy of death is done by him : and therefore he would have released him . for he knew the chief priests had delivered him through envy , mark xv. . and when they demanded barrabbas to be released , but as for jesus , cryed , crucifie him ; luke xxiii . . pilate said unto them the third time , why ? what evil hath he done ? i have found no cause of death in him ; i will therefore chastise him , and let him go . we may observe in all this whole prosecution of the jews , that they would fain have got it out of iesus's own mouth , in express words , that he was the messiah : which not being able to do with all their art and endeavour ; all the rest that they could alledge against him , not amounting to a proof before pilate , that he claimed to be king of the jews ; or that he had caused or done any thing towards a mutiny or insurrection among the people ; ( for upon these two , as we see , their whole charge turned ) pilate again and again pronounced him innocent : for so he did a fourth , and a fifth time ; bringing him out to them , after he had whip'd him , iohn xix . . . and after all , when pilate saw that he could prevail nothing , but that rather a tumult was made , he took water , and washed his hands before the multitude , saying , i am innocent of the blood of this just man ; see you to it , mat. xxvii . . which gives us a clear reason of the cautious and wary conduct of our saviour ; in not declaring himself , in the whole course of his ministry , so much as to his disciples , much less to the multitude or the rulers of the jews , in express words , to be the messiah the king : and why he kept himself always in prophetical or parabolical terms : ( he and his disciples preaching only the kingdom of god , i. e. of the messiah , to be come ) and left to his miracles to declare who he was ; though this was the truth , which he came into the world , as he says himself , iohn xviii . . to testifie , and which his disciples were to believe . when pilate , satisfied of his innocence , would have released him ; and the jews persisted to cry out , crucifie him , crucifie him , iohn xix . . pilate says to them , take ye him your selves , and crucifie him : for i do not find any fault in him . the jews then , since they could not make him a state-criminal , by alledging his saying that he was the son of god ; say , by their law it was a capital crime , v. . the iews answered to pilate , we have a law , and by our law he ought to die ; because he made himself the son of god. after this , pilate was the more desirous to release him , v. , . but the iews cried out , saying , if thou let this man go , thou art not caesar 's friend : whosoever maketh himself a king , speaketh against caesar. here we see the stress of their charge against jesus ; whereby they hoped to take away his life ; viz. that he made himself king. we see also upon what they grounded this accusation , viz. because he had owned himself to be the son of god. for he had , in their hearing , never made or professed himself to be a king. we see here likewise the reason why they were so desirous to draw , from his own mouth , a confession in express words that he was the messiah ; viz. that they might have what might be a clear proof that he did so . and last of all , we see the reason why , though in expressions , which they understood , he owned himself to them to be the messiah ; yet he avoided declaring it to them , in such words as might look criminal at pilate's tribunal . he owned himself to be the messiah plainly to the understanding of the iews ; but in ways that could not , to the understanding of pilate , make it appear that he laid claim to the kingdom of iudea , or went about to make himself king of that country . but whether his saying , that he was the son of god , was criminal by their law , that pilate troubled not himself about . he that considers what tacitus , suetonius , seneca , de benef. l. . c. . say of tiberius and his reign , will find how necessary it was for our saviour , if he would not dye as a criminal and a traytor , to take great heed to his words and actions ; that he did , or said not any thing , that might be offensive , or give the least umbrage to the roman government . it behoved an innocent man , who was taken notice of for something extraordinary in him , to be very wary ; under a jealous and cruel prince , who encouraged informations , and filled his reign with executions for treason ; under whom words spoken innocently , or in jest , if they could be misconstrued , were made treason ; and prosecuted with a rigor , that made it always the same thing to be accused and condemned . and therefore we see , that when the iews told pilate , iohn xix . . that he should not be a friend to caesar , if he let iesus go ; ( for that whoever made himself king , was a rebel against caesar ; ) he asks them no more , whether they would take barrabbas , and spare iesus ; but ( though against his conscience ) gives him up to death , to secure his own head. one thing more there is , that gives us light into this wise and necessarily cautious management of himself , which manifestly agrees with it , and makes a part of it : and that is , the choice of his apostles ; exactly suited to the design and fore-sight of the necessity of keeping the declaration of the kingdom of the messiah , which was now expected , within certain general terms during his ministry ; and not opening himself too plainly or forwardly , to the heady jews , that he himself was the messiah ; but leaving it to be found out by the observation of those who would attend to the purity of his life , and the testimony of his miracles , and the conformity of all with the predictions concerning him ; without an express promulgation that he was the messiah , till after his death . his kingdom was to be opened to them by degrees , as well to prepare them to receive it , as to enable him to be long enough amongst them ; to perform what was the work of the messiah to be done ; and fulfil all those several parts of what was foretold of him in the old testament , and we see applyed to him in the new. the iews had no other thoughts of their messiah , but of a mighty temporal prince , that should raise their nation into an higher degree of power , dominion , and prosperity than ever it had enjoyed . they were filled with the expectation of a glorious earthly kingdom . it was not therefore for a poor man , the son of a carpenter , and ( as they thought ) born in galilee , to pretend to it . none of the iews , no not his disciples , could have born this ; if he had expresly avowed this at first , and began his preaching , and the opening of his kingdom this way ; especially if he had added to it , that in a year or two he should dye an ignominious death upon the cross. they are therefore prepared for the truth by degrees . first , iohn the baptist tells them , the kingdom of god ( a name by which the jews called the kingdom of the messiah ) is at hand . then our saviour comes , and he tells them of the kingdom of god ; sometimes that it is at hand , and upon some occasions , that it is come ; but says in his publick preaching little or nothing of himself . then come the apostles and evangelists after his death , and they in express words teach what his birth , life , and doctrine had done before , and had prepared the well-disposed to receive ; viz. that iesus is the messiah . to this design and method of publishing the gospel , was the choice of the apostles exactly adjusted ; a company of poor , ignorant , illiterate men ; who , as christ himself tells us , mat. xi . . and luke x. . were not of the wise and prudent men of the world : they were , in that respect , but meer children . these , convinced by the miracles they saw him daily do , and the unblameable life he lead , might be disposed to believe him to be the messiah : and though they with others expected a temporal kingdom on earth , might yet rest satisfied in the truth of their master ( who had honoured them with being near his person ) that it would come , without being too inquisitive after the time , manner , or seat of his kingdom ; as men of letters , more studied in their rabbins , or men of business , more versed in the world , would have been forward to have been . men great , or wise , in knowledge or ways of the world , would hardly have been kept from prying more narrowly into his design and conduct ; or from questioning him about the ways and measures he would take , for ascending the throne ; and what means were to be used towards it , and when they should in earnest set about it . abler men , of higher births or thoughts , would hardly have been hindred from whispering , at least to their friends and relations , that their master was the messiah ; and that though he concealed himself to a fit opportunity , and till things were ripe for it , yet they should ere long see him break out of his obscurity , cast off the cloud , and declare himself , as he was , king of israel . but the ignorance and lowness of these good poor men made them of another temper . they went along in an implicite trust on him , punctually keeping to his commands , and not exceeding his commission . when he sent them to preach the gospel , he bid them preach the kingdom of god to be at hand ; and that they did , without being more particular than he had ordered ; or mixing their own prudence with his commands , to promote the kingdom of the messiah . they preached it , without giving , or so much as intimating that their master was he : which men of another condition , and an higher education , would scarce have forborn to have done . when he asked them , who they thought him to be ; and peter answered , the messiah , the son of god , mat. xvi . . he plainly shews , by the following words , that he himself had not told them so ; and at the same time , v. . forbids them to tell this their opinion of him , to any body . how obedient they were to him in this , we may not only conclude from the silence of the evangelists concerning any such thing , published by them any where before his death ; but from the exact obedience three of them paid to a like command of his . he takes peter , iames , and iohn into a mountain ; and there moses and elias coming to him , he is transfigured before them : mat. xvii . . he charges them , saying ; see that ye tell no man what you have seen , till the son of man shall be risen from the dead . and st. luke tells us , what punctual observers they were of his orders in this case : chap. ix . . they kept it close , and told no man , in those days , any of those things which they had seen . whether twelve other men , of quicker parts , and of a station or breeding which might have given them any opinion of themselves , or their own abilities ; would have been so easily kept from medling beyond just what was prescribed them , in a matter they had so much interest in ; and have said nothing of what they might in humane prudence have thought would have contributed to their master's reputation , and made way for his advancement to his kingdom ; i leave to be considered . and it may suggest matter of meditation , whether st. paul was not for this reason , by his learning , parts , and warmer temper , better fitted for an apostle after , than during our saviour's ministry : and therefore , though a chosen vessel , was not by the divine wisdom called till after christ's resurrection . i offer this only as a subject of magnifying the admirable contrivance of the divine wisdom , in the whole work of our redemption , as far as we are able to trace it by the foot-steps which god hath made visible to humane reason . for though it be as easie to omnipotent power to do all things by an immediate over-ruling will ; and so to make any instruments work , even contrary to their nature , in subserviency to his ends ; yet his wisdom is not usually at the expence of miracles ( if i may so say ) but only in cases that require them , for the evidencing of some revelation or mission to be from him . he does constantly ( unless where the confirmation of some truth requires ▪ it otherwise ) bring about his purposes by means operating according to their natures . if it were not so , the course and evidence of things would be confounded ; miracles would lose their name and force , and there could be no distinction between natural and supernatural . there had been no room left to see and admire the wisdom , as well as innocence , of our saviour ; if he had rashly every where exposed himself to the fury of the jews , and had always been preserved by a miraculous suspension of their malice , or a miraculous rescuing him out of their hands . it was enough for him once to escape from the men of nazareth , who were going to throw him down a precipice , for him never to preach to them again . our saviour had multitudes that followed him for the loaves ; who barely seeing the miracles that he did , would have made him king. if to the miracles he did , he had openly added in express words , that he was the messiah , and the king they expected to deliver them ; he would have had more followers , and warmer in the cause , and readier to set him up at the head of a tumult . these indeed , god , by a miraculous influence , might have hundred from any such attempt : but then posterity could not have believed that the nation of the iews did at that time expect the messiah , their king and deliverer ; or that iesus , who declared himself to be that king and deliverer , shewed any miracles amongst them , to convince them of it ; or did any thing worthy to make him be credited or received . if he had gone about preaching to the multitude which he drew after him , that he was the messiah , the king of israel ; and this had been evidenced to pilate ; god could indeed , by a supernatural influence upon his mind , have made pilate pronounce him innocent ; and not condemn him as a malefactor , who had openly , for three years together , preached sedition to the people , and endeavoured to perswade them that he was the messiah their king , of the blood-royal of david , come to deliver them . but then i ask , whether posterity would not either have suspected the story , or that some art had been used to gain that testimony from pilate ? because he could not ( for nothing ) have been so favourable to iesus , as to be willing to release so turbulent and seditious a man ; to declare him innocent ; and cast the blame and guilt of his death , as unjust , upon the envy of the jews . but now the malice of the chief priests , scribes , and pharisees ; the headiness of the mob , animated with hopes , and raised with miracles ; iudas's treachery , and pilate's care of his government , and the peace of his province , all working naturally as they should ; iesus , by the admirable wariness of his carriage , and an extraordinary wisdom visible in his whole conduct , weathers all these difficulties , does the work he comes for , uninterruptedly goes about preaching his full appointed time , sufficiently manifests himself to be the messiah in all the particulars the scriptures had foretold of him ; and when his hour is come , suffers death ; but is acknowledged both by iudas that betrayed , and pilate that condemned him , to dye innocent . for , to use his own words , luke xxiv . . thus it is written , and thus it behooved the messiah to suffer . and of his whole conduct , we have a reason and clear resolution in those words to st. peter , mat. xxvi . . thinkest thou that i cannot now pray to my father , and he shall presently give me more than twelve legions of angels ? but how then shall the scripture be fulfilled , that thus it must be ? having this clue to guide us , let us now observe how our saviour's preaching and conduct comported with it , in the last scene of his life . how cautious he has been in the former part of his ministry , we have already observed . we never find him to use the name of the messiah but once , till he now came to ierusalem this last passover . before this , his preaching and miracles were less at ierusalem ( where he used to make but very short stays ) than any where else . but now he comes six days before the feast , and is every day in the temple teaching ; and there publickly heals the blind and the lame , in the presence of the scribes , pharisees , and chief priests . the time of his ministry drawing to an end , and his hour coming , he cared not how much the chief priests , elders , rulers , and the sanhedrim were provoked against him by his doctrine and miracles ; he was as open and bold in his preaching and doing the works of the messiah now at ierusalem , and in the sight of the rulers , and of all the people , as he had been before cautious and reserved there , and careful to be little taken notice of in that place , and not to come in their way more than needs . all now that he took care of , was , not what they should think of him , or design against him , ( for he knew they would seize him ) but to say or do nothing that might be a just matter of accusation against him , or render him criminal to the governour . but as for the grandees of the iewish nation , he spares them not , but sharply now reprehends their miscarriages publickly in the temple ; where he calls them , more than once , hypocrites ; as is to be seen , mat. xxiii . and concludes all with no softer a compellation , than serpents and generation of vipers . after this serve reproof of the scribes and pharisees , being retired with his disciples into the mount of olives , over against the temple ; and there fore-telling the destruction of it ; his disciples ask him , mat. xxiv . , &c. when it should be , and what should be the signs of his coming ? he says to them , take heed that no man deceive you : for many shall come in my name ; i. e. taking on them the name and dignity of the messiah , which is only mine ; saying , i am the messiah , and shall deceive many . but be not you by them mislead , nor by persecution driven away from this fundamental truth , that i am the messiah ; for many shall be scandalized , and apostatize , but he that endures to the end , the same shall be saved : and this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world : i e. the good news of me , the messiah , and my kingdom , shall be spread through the world. this was the great and only point of belief they were warned to stick to ; and this is inculcated again , v. - . and mark xiii . - . with this emphatical application to them in both these evangelists , behold , i have told you before-hand ; remember ye are fore-warned . this was in his answer to the apostles enquiry concerning his coming , and the end of the world , v. . for so we translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; we must understand the disciples here to put their question , according to the notion and way of speaking of the iews . for they had two worlds , as we translate it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the present world , and the world to come . the kingdom of god , as they called it , or the time of the messiah , they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the world to come , which they believed was to put an end to this world : and that then the just should be raised from the dead ; to enjoy , in that new world , a happy eternity , with those of the jewish nation who should be then living . these two things , viz. the visible and powerful appearance of his kingdom , and the end of the world , being confounded in the apostles question , our saviour does not separate them , nor distinctly reply to them apart ; but leaving the enquirers in the common opinion , answers at once concerning his coming to take vengeance of the iewish nation , and put an end to their church , worship , and common-wealth ; which was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they counted should last till the messiah came : and so it did , and then had en end put to it . and to this he joyns his last coming to judgment , in the glory of his father , to put a final end to this world , and all the dispensation belonging to the posterity of adam upon earth . this joyning them together , made his answer obscure , and hard to be understood by them then ; nor was it safe for him to speak plainer of his kingdom , and the destruction of ierusalem ; unless he had a mind to be accused for having designs against the government . for iudas was amongst them : and whether no other but his apostles were comprehended under the name of his disciples , who were with him at this time , one cannot determine . our saviour therefore speaks of his kingdom in no other stile but that which he had all along hitherto used , viz. the kingdom of god ; luke xxi . . when you see these things come to pass , know ye that the kingdom of god is nigh at hand . and continuing on his discourse with them , he has the same expression , mat. xxv . . then the kingdom of heaven shall be like unto ten virgins . at the end of the following parable of the talents , he adds , v. . when the son of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy angels with him , then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory , and before him shall be gathered all the nations . and he shall set the sheep on his right hand , and the goats on his left . then shall the king say , &c. here he describes to his disciples the appearance of his kingdom , wherein he will shew himself a king in glory upon his throne ; but this in such a way , and so remote , and so unintelligible to a heathen magistrate ; that if it had been alledged against him , it would have seemed rather the dream of a crazy brain , than the contrivance of an ambitious or dangerous man designing against the government : the way of expressing what he meant , being in the prophetick stile ; which is seldom so plain , as to be understood , till accomplished . 't is plain , that his disciples themselves comprehended not what kingdom he here spoke of , from their question to him after his resurrection , wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to israel ? having finished these discourses , he takes order for the passover , and eats it with his disciples ; and at supper tells them , that one of them should betray him : and adds , iohn xiii . . i tell it you now , before it come , that when it is come to pass , you may know that i am . he does not say out the messiah ; iudas should not have that to say against him if he would ; though that be the sense in which he uses this expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am , more than once . and that this is the meaning of it , is clear from mark xii . . luke xxi . . in both which evangelists the words are , for many shall come in my name , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am : the meaning whereof we shall find explained in the parallel place of st. matthew , chap. xxiv . . for many shall come in my name , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am the messiah . here in this place of iohn xiii . jesus fore-tells what should happen to him , viz. that he should be betrayed by iudas ; adding this prediction to the many other particulars of his death and suffering , which he had at other times foretold to them . and here he tells them the reason of these his predictions , viz. that afterwards they might be a confirmation to their faith. and what was it that he would have them believe , and be confirmed in the belief of ? nothing but this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was the messiah . the same reason he gives , iohn xiii . . you have heard , how i said unto you , i go away , and come again unto you : and now i have told you before it come to pass , that when it is come to pass , ye might believe . when iudas had left them , and was gone out , he talks a little freer to them of his glory , and his kingdom , than ever he had done before . for now he speaks plainly of himself , and his kingdom , iohn xiii . . therefore when he [ judas ] was gone out , iesus said , now is the son of man glorified , and god is also glorified in him . and if god be glorified in him , god ▪ shall also glorifie him in himself , and shall straitway glorifie him . and luke xxii . . and i will appoint unto you a kingdom , as my father hath appointed unto me ; that ye may eat and drink with me at my table in my kingdom . though he has every where all along through his ministry preached the gospel of the kingdom ; and nothing else but that and repentance , and the duties of a good life ; yet it has been always the kingdom of god , and the kingdom of heaven : and i do not remember , that any where , till now , he uses any such expression , as my kingdom . but here now he speaks in the first person , i will appoint you a kingdom ; and in my kingdom : and this we see is only to the eleven , now iudas was gone from them . with these eleven , whom he was now just leaving , he has a long discourse to comfort them for their loss of him ; and to prepare them for the persecution of the world ; and to exhort them to keep his commandments , and to love one another . and here one may expect all the articles of faith should be laid down plainly ; if any thing else were required of them to believe , but what he had taught them , and they believed already ; viz. that he was the messiah , john xiv . . ye believe in god , believe also in me . v. . i have told you before it come to pass , that when it is come to pass , ye may believe . it is believing on him , without any thing else . iohn xvi . . iesus answered them , do you now believe ? this was in answer to their professing , v . now are we sure that thou knowest all things , and needest not that any man should ask thee : by this we believe that thou comest forth from god. john xvii . . neither pray i for these alone , but for them also which shall believe on me through their word . all that is spoke of believing , in this his last sermon to them , is only believing on him , or believing that he came from god ; which was no other than believing him to be the messiah . indeed , iohn xiv . . our saviour tells philip , he that hath seen me , hath seen the father . and adds , v. . believest thou not that i am in the father , and the father in me ? the words that i speak unto you , i speak not of my self : but the father that dwelleth in me , he doth the works . which being in answer to philip's words , v. . shew us the father , seem to import thus much : no man hath seen god at any time , he is known only by his works . and that he is my father , and i the son of god , i. e. the messiah , you may know by the works i have done ; which it is impossible i could do of my self , but by the union i have with god my father . for that by being in god , and god in him , he signifies such an union with god , that god operates in and by him , appears not only by the words above-cited out of v. . ( which can scarce otherwise be made coherent sense ) but also from the same phrase used again by our saviour presently after , v. . at that day , viz. after his resurrection , when they should see him again , ye shall know that i am in my father , and you in me , and i in you ; i. e. by the works i shall enable you to do , through a power i have received from the father : which whoever sees me do , must acknowledge the father to be in me ; and whoever sees you do , must acknowledge me to be in you . and therefore he says , v. . verily , verily i say unto you , he that believeth on me , the works that i do shall he also do , because i go unto my father . though i go away , yet i shall be in you , who believe in me ; and ye shall be enabled to do miracles also for the carrying on of my kingdom , as i have done ; that it may be manifested to others that you are sent by me , as i have evidenced to you that i am sent by the father . and hence it is that he says , in the immediately preceding v. . believe me that i am in the father , and the father in me ; if not , believe me for the sake of the works themselves . let the works that i have done convince you that i am sent by the father ; that he is with me , and that i do nothing but by his will , and by vertue of the union i have with him ; and that consequently i am the messiah , who am anointed , sanctified , and separate by the father to the work for which he hath sent me . to confirm them in this faith , and to enable them to do such works as he had done , he promises them the holy ghost , iohn xiv . , . these things i have said unto you , being yet present with you . but when i am gone , the holy ghost , the paraclet ( which may signifie monitor as well as comfortor , or advocate ) which the father shall send you in my name , he shall shew you all things , and bring to your remembrance all things which i have said . so that considering all that i have said , and laying it together , and comparing it with what you shall see come to pass , you may be more abundantly assured that i am the messiah , and fully comprehend that i have done and suffered all things foretold of the messiah ; and that were to be accomplished and fulfilled by him , according to the scriptures . but be not filled with grief that i leave you ; iohn xvi . . it is expedient for you that i go away : for if i go not away , the paraclet will not come unto you . one reason why , if he went not away , the holy ghost could not come , we may gather from what has been observed concerning the prudent and wary carriage of our saviour all through his ministry , that he might not incur death with the least suspicion of a malefactor : and therefore though his disciples believed him to be the messiah , yet they neither understood it so well , nor were so well confirmed in the belief of it , as after that he being crucified and risen again , they had received the holy ghost ; and with the gifts of the holy spirit , a fuller and clearer evidence and knowledge that he was the messiah ; and were enlightned to see how his kingdom was such as the scriptures foretold , though not such as they , till then , had expected . and now this knowledge and assurance received from the holy ghost , was of use to them after his resurrection ; when they could then boldly go about , and openly preach , as they did , that iesus was the messiah ; confirming that doctrine by the miracles which the holy ghost impowered them to do . but till he was dead and gone , they could not do this . their going about openly preaching , as they did after his resurrection , that iesus was the messiah ; and doing miracles every where to make it good , would not have consisted with that character of humility , peace , and innocence , which the messiah was to sustain ; if they had done it before his crucifixion . for this would have drawn upon him the condemnation of a malefactor , either as a stirrer of sedition against the publick peace ; or as a pretender to the kingdom of israel . and hence we see , that they who before his death preached only the gospel of the kingdom ; that the kingdom of god was at hand ; as soon as they had received the holy ghost after his resurrection , changed their stile , and every where in express words declare that iesus is the messiah , that king which was to come . this , the following words here in st. iohn xvi . - . confirm ; where he goes on to tell them ; and when he is come , he will convince the world of sin : because they believed not on me . your preaching then , accompanied with miracles , by the assistance of the holy ghost , shall be a conviction to the world that the iews sinned in not believing me to be the messiah . of righteousness , or justice : because i go to my father , and ye see me no more . by the same preaching and miracles you shall confirm the doctrine of my ascension ; and thereby convince the world that i was that iust one , who am therefore ascended to the father into heaven , where no unjust person shall enter . of iudgment : because the prince of this world is judged . and by the same assistance of the holy ghost ye shall convince the world that the devil is judged or condemned , by your casting of him out , and destroying his kingdom , and his worship where ever you preach . our saviour adds , i have yet many things to say unto you , but you cannot bear them now . they were yet so full of a temporal kingdom , that they could not bear the discovery of what a kind of kingdom his was , nor what a king he was to be ; and therefore he leaves them to the coming of the holy ghost , for a farther and fuller discovery of himself , and the kingdom of the messiah ; for fear they should be scandalized in him , and give up the hopes they had now in him , and forsake him . this he tells them , v. . of this xvi . chapter : these things i have said unto you , that you may not be scandalized . the last thing he had told them before his saying this to them , we find in the last verses of the precedent chapter : when the paraclet is come , the spirit of truth , he shall witness concerning me . he shall shew you who i am , and witness it to the world ; and then ye also shall bear witness , because ye have been with me from the beginning . he shall call to your mind what i have said and done , that ye may understand it , and know , and bear witness concerning me . and again here , iohn xvi . after he had told them , they could not bear what he had more to say , he adds ; v. . howbeit , when the spirit of truth is come , he will guide you into all truth ; and he will shew you things to come : he shall glorifie me . by the spirit , when he comes , ye shall be fully instructed concerning me ; and though you cannot yet , from what i have said to you , clearly comprehend my kingdom and glory ; yet he shall make it known to you wherein it consists : and though i am now in a mean state , and ready to be given up to contempt , torment , and death ; so that ye know not what to think of it ; yet the spirit , when he comes , shall glorifie me , and fully satisfie you of my power and kingdom ; and that i sit on the right hand of god , to order all things for the good and increase of it , till i come again at the last day in fulness of glory . accordingly , the apostles had a full and clear sight and perswasion of this , after they had received the holy ghost ; and they preached it every where boldly and openly , without the least remainder of doubt or uncertainty . but that they understood him not , yet even so far as his death and resurrection , is evident from v. , . then said some of the disciples among themselves , what is this that he saith unto us ; a little while , and ye shall not see me ; and again , a little while , and ye shall see me ; and because i go to the father ? they said therefore , what is this that he saith , a little while ? we know not what he saith . upon which he goes on to discourse to them of his death and resurrection , and of the power they should have of doing miracles ; but all this he declares to them in a mystical and involved way of speaking ; as he tells them himself , v. . these things have i spoken to you in proverbs ; i. e. in general , obscure , aenigmatical , or figurative terms . ( all which , as well as allusive apologues , the jews called proverbs or parables ) hitherto my declaring of my self to you hath been obscure , and with reserve ; and i have not spoken of my self to you in plain and direct words , because ye could not bear it . a messiah , and not a king , you could not understand ; and a king living in poverty and persecution , and dying the death of a slave and malefactor upon a cross , you could not put together . and had i told you in plain words that i was the messiah , and given you a direct commission to preach to others that i professedly owned my self to be the messiah , you and they would have been ready to have made a commotion , to have set me upon the throne of my father david , and to fight for me , that your messiah , your king , in whom are your hopes of a kingdom , should not be delivered up into the hands of his enemies , to be put to death ; and of this , peter will instantly give you an example . but the time cometh when i shall no more speak unto you in parables ; but i shall shew unto you plainly of the father . my death and resurrection , and the coming of the holy ghost , will speedily enlighten you , and then i shall make you know the will and design of the father ; what a kingdom i am to have , and by what means , and to what end , v. . and this the father himself will shew unto you ; for he loveth you , because ye have loved me , and have believed that i came out from the father ; because ye have believed that i am the son of god , the messiah ; that he hath anointed and sent me ; though it hath not been yet fully discovered to you , what kind of kingdom it shall be , nor by what means brought about . and then our saviour , without being asked , explaining to them what he had said ; and making them understand better , what before they stuck at , and complained secretly among themselves that they understood not ; they thereupon declare , v. . now are we sure that thou knowest all things , and needest not that any man should ask thee . 't is plain thou knowest mens thoughts and doubts before they ask . by this we believe that thou comest forth from god. iesus answered , do ye now believe ? notwithstanding that you now believe that i came from god , and am the messiah , sent by him ; behold , the hour cometh , yea , is now come , that ye shall be scattered ; and as it is , mat. xxvi . . and shall all be scandalized in me . what it is to be scandalized in him , we may see by what followed hereupon , if that which he says to st. peter , mark xiv . did not sufficiently explain it . this i have been the more particular in ; that it may be seen , that in this last discourse to his disciples ( where he opened himself more than he had hitherto done ; and where , if any thing more was required to make them believers , than what they already believed , we might have expected they should have heard of it ; ) there were no new articles proposed to them , but what they believed before , viz. that he was the messiah , the son of god , sent from the father ; though of his manner of proceeding , and his sudden leaving the world , and some few particulars , he made them understand something more than they did before . but as to the main design of the gospel , viz. that he had a kingdom , that he should be put to death , and rise again , and ascend into heaven to his father , and come again in glory to judge the world ; this he had told them : and so had acquainted them with the great council of god , in sending him the messiah , and omitted nothing that was necessary to be known or believed in it . and so he tells them himself , iohn xv. . henceforth i call ye not servants ; for the servant knoweth not what his lord does : but i have called ye friends ; for all things i have heard of my father , i have made known unto you ; though perhaps ye do not so fully comprehend them , as you will shortly , when i am risen and ascended . to conclude all , in his prayer , which shuts up this discourse , he tells the father what he had made known to his apostles ; the result whereof we have iohn xvii . . i have given unto them the words which thou gavest me , and they have received them , and they have believed that thov didst send me : which is in effect , that he was the messiah promised and sent by god. and then he prays for them , and adds , v. , . neither pray i for these alone , but for them also who shall believe on me through their word . what that word was , through which others should believe in him , we have seen in the preaching of the apostles all through the history of the acts , viz. this one great point , that jesus was the messiah . the apostles , he says , v. . know that thou hast sent me ; i. e. are assured that i am the messiah . and in v. . & . he prays , that the world may believe ( which v. . is called knowing ) that thou hast sent me . so that what christ would have believed by his disciples , we may see by this his last prayer for them , when he was leaving the world , as well as by what he preached whilst he was in it . and as a testimony of this , one of his last actions , even when he was upon the cross , was to confirm this doctrine ; by giving salvation to one of the thieves that was crucified with him , upon his declaration that he believed him to be the messiah ; for so much the words of his request imported , when he said , remember me , lord , when thou comest into thy kingdom , luke xxiii . . to which jesus replied , v. . verily i say unto thee , to day shalt thou be with me in paridise . an expression very remarkable : for as adam , by sin , left paradise ; i. e. a state of happy immortality ; here the believing thief , through his faith in iesus the messiah , is promised to be put in paradise , and so re-instated in an happy immortality . thus our saviour ended his life . and what he did after his resurrection , st. luke tells us , acts i. . that he shewed himself to the apostles forty days , speaking things concerning the kingdom of god. this was what our saviour preached in the whole course of his ministry , before his passion : and no other mysteries of faith does he now discover to them after his resurrection . all he says , is concerning the kingdom of god ; and what it was he said concerning that , we shall see presently out of the other evangelists ; having first only taken notice , that when now they asked him , v. . lord , wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to israel ? he said , unto them , v. . it is not for you to know the times , and the seasons , which the father hath put in his own power : but ye shall receive power after that the holy ghost is come upon you ; and ye shall be witnesses unto me unto the utmost parts of the earth . their great business was to be witnesses to iesus , of his life , death , resurrection , and ascension ; which put together , were undeniable proofs of his being the messiah : which was what they were to preach , and what he said to them concerning the kingdom of god ; as will appear by what is recorded of it in the other evangelists . the day of his resurrection , appearing to the two going to emmaus , luke xxiv . they declare , v. . what his disciples faith in him was : but we trusted that it had been he which should have redeemed israel ; i.e. we believed that he was the messiah ▪ come to deliver the nation of the iews . upon this iesus tells them , they ought to believe him to the messiah , notwithstanding what had happened ; nay , they ought by his suffering and death to be confirmed in that faith , that he was the messiah . and v. , . beginning at moses and all the prophets , he expounded unto them in all the scriptures , the things concerning himself ; how that the messiah ought to have suffered these things , and to have entred into his glory . now he applies the prophesies of the messiah to himself , which we read not that he did ever do before his passion . and afterwards appearing to the eleven , luke xxiv . . he said unto them , v. - . these words which i spoke unto you while i was yet with you , that all things must be fulfilled which are written in the law of moses , and in the prophets , and in the psalms concerning me . then opened he their vnderstandings , that they might understand the scripture , and said unto them ; thus it is written , and thus it behoved the messiah to suffer , and to rise from the dead the third day ; and that repentance , and remission of sins should be preached in his name among all nations , beginning at ierusalem . here we see what it was he had preached to them , though not in so plain open words , before his crucifixion ; and what it is he now makes them understand ; and what it was that was to be preached to all nations , viz. that he was the messiah , that had suffered , and rose from the dead the third day , and fulfilled all things that was written in the old testament concerning the messiah ; and that those who believed this , and repented , should receive remission of their sins through this faith in him . or , as st. mark has it , chap. xvi . . go into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature ; he that believeth , and is baptized , shall be saved ; but he that believeth not , shall be damned , v. . what the gospel , or good news was , we have shewed already , viz. the happy tidings of the messiah being come . v. . and they went forth and preached every where , the lord working with them , and confirming the word with signs following . what the word was which they preached , and the lord confirmed with miracles , we have seen already out of the history of their acts ; having given an account of their preaching every where , as it is recorded in the acts , except some few places , where the kingdom of the messiah is mentioned under the name of the kingdom of god ; which i forbore to set down , till i had made it plain out of the evangelists , that that was no other but the kingdom of the messiah . it may be seasonable therefore now , to add to those sermons we have formerly seen of st. paul ( wherein he preached no other article of faith , but that iesus was the messiah , the king , who being risen from the dead , now reigneth , and shall more publickly manifest his kingdom , in judging the world at the last day ) what farther is left upon record of his preaching . acts xix . . at ephesus , paul went into the synagogues , and spake boldly for the space of three months ; disputing and perswading concerning the kingdom of god. and acts xx. . at miletus he thus takes leave of the elders of ephesus : and now behold , i know that ye all among whom i have gone preaching the kingdom of god , shall see my face no more . what this preaching the kingdom of god was , he tells you , v. , . i have kept nothing back from you , which was profitable unto you , but have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from house to house ; testifying both to the iews , and to the greeks , repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord iesus christ. and so again , acts xxviii . , . when they [ the jews at rome ] had appointed him [ paul ] a day , there came many to him into his lodging ; to whom he expounded and testified the kingdom of god ; perswading them concerning iesus , both out of the law of moses , and out of the prophets , from morning to evening . and some believed the things which were spoken , and some believed not . and the history of the acts is concluded with this account of st. paul's preaching : and paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house , and received all that came in unto him , preaching the kingdom of god , and teaching those things which concern the lord iesus the messiah . we may therefore here apply the same conclusion , to the history of our saviour , writ by the evangelists ; and to the history of the apostles , writ in the acts ; which st. iohn does to his own gospel , chap. xx. , . many other signs did iesus before his disciples ; and in many other places the apostles preached the same doctrine , which are not written in these books ; but these are written , that you may believe that iesus is the messiah , the son of god ; and that believing , you may have life in his name . what st. iohn thought necessary and sufficient to be believed , for the attaining eternal life , he here tells us . and this , not in the first dawning of the gospel ; when , perhaps , some will be apt to think less was required to be believed , than after the doctrine of faith , and mystery of salvation , was more fully explained , in the epistles writ by the apostles . for it is to be remembred , that st. iohn says this not as soon as christ was ascended ; for these words , with the rest of st. iohn's gospel , were not written till many years after not only the other gospels , and st. luke's history of the acts ; but in all appearance , after all the epistles writ by the other apostles . so that above threescore years after our saviour's passion ; ( for so long after , both epiphanius and st. ierome assure us this gospel was written ) st. iohn knew nothing else required to be believed for the attaining of life , but that iesus is the messiah , the son of god. to this , 't is likely , it will be objected by some , that to believe only that iesus of nazareth is the messiah , is but an historical , and not a justifying or saving faith. to which i answer ; that i allow to the makers of systems and their followers , to invent and use what distinctions they please ; and to call things by what names they think fit . but i cannot allow to them , or to any man , an authority to make a religion for me , or to alter that which god hath revealed . and if they please to call the believing that which our saviour and his apostles preached and proposed alone to be believed , an historical faith ; they have their liberty . but they must have a care how they deny it to be a justifying or saving faith , when our saviour and his apostles have declared it so to be , and taught no other which men should receive , and whereby they should be made believers unto eternal life ; unless they can so far make bold with our saviour , for the sake of their beloved systems , as to say , that he forgot what he came into the world for ; and that he and his apostles did not instruct people right in the way and mysteries of salvation . for that this is the sole doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenour of our saviour's and his apostles preaching , we have shewed through the whole history of the evangelists and the acts. and i challenge them to shew that there was any other doctrine , upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , men were pronounced believers , or unbelievers ; and accordingly received into the church of christ , as members of his body , as far as meer believing could make them so , or else kept out of it . this was the only gospel-article of faith which was preached to them . and if nothing else was preached every where , the apostles argument will hold against any other articles of faith to be be believed under the gospel ; rom. x. . how shall they believe that whereof they have not heard ? for to preach any other doctrines necessary to be believed , we do not find that any body was sent . perhaps it will farther be urged , that this is not a saving faith ; because such a faith as this the devils may have , and 't was plain they had ; for they believed and declared iesus to be the messiah . and st. iames , chap. ii. . tells us , the devils believe , and tremble ; and yet they shall not be saved . to which i answer , . that they could not be saved by any faith , to whom it was not proposed as a means of salvation , nor ever promised to be counted for righteousness . this was an act of grace , shewn only to mankind . god dealt so favourably with the posterity of adam , that if they would believe iesus to be the messiah , the promised king and saviour ; and perform what other conditions were required of them by the covenant of grace ; god would justifie them , because of this belief . he would account this faith to them for righteousness , and look on it as making up the defects of their obedience ; which being thus supplied by what was taken instead of it , they were looked on as just or righteous , and so inherited eternal life . but this favour shewn to mankind , was never offered to the fallen angels . they had no such proposals made to them : and therefore whatever of this kind was proposed to men , it availed them not , whatever they performed of it . this covenant of grace was never offered to them . . i answer ; that though the devils believed , yet they could not be saved by the covenant of grace ; because they performed not the other condition required in it , altogether as necessary to be performed as this of believing , and that is repentance . repentance is as absolute a condition of the covenant of grace , as faith ; and as necessary to be performed as that . iohn the baptist , who was to prepare the way for the messiah , preached the baptism of repentance for the remission of sins , mark . . as iohn began his preaching with repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand , mat. iii. . so did our saviour begin his , mat. iv. . from that time began iesus to preach , and to say , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . or , as st. mark has it in that parallel place , mark i. , . now after that john was put in prison , iesus came into galilee , preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god , and saying ; the time is fulfilled , and the kingdom of god is at hand : repent ye , and believe the gospel . this was not only the beginning of his preaching , but the sum of all that he did preach ; viz. that men should repent , and believe the good tidings which he brought them ; that the time was fulfilled for the coming of the messiah . and this was what his apostles preached , when he sent them out , mark vi. . and they going out , preached that men should repent . believing jesus to be the messiah , and repenting , were so necessary and fundamental parts of the covenant of grace , that one of them alone is often put for both . for here st. mark mentions nothing but their preaching repentance ; as st. luke , in the parallel place , chap. ix . . mentions nothing but their evangelizing , or preaching the good news of the kingdom of the messiah : and st. paul often in his epistles puts faith for the whole duty of a christian. but yet the tenour of the gospel is what christ declares , luke xii . . . vnless ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish . and in the parable of the rich man in hell , delivered by our saviour , luke xvi . repentance alone is the means proposed of avoiding that place of torment , v. , . and what the tenor of the doctrine , which should be preached to the world , should be , he tells his apostles after his resurrection , luke xxiv . . viz. that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his name , who was the messiah . and accordingly , believing iesus to be the messiah , and repenting , was what the apostles preached . so peter began , acts ii. . repent , and be baptized . these two things were required for the remission of sins , viz. entring themselves in the kingdom of god ; and owning and professing themselves the subjects of iesus , whom they believed to be the messiah , and received for their lord and king ; for that was to be baptized in his name : baptism being an initiating ceremony known to the iews , whereby those , who leaving heathenism , and professing a submission to the law of moses , were received into the common-wealth of israel . and so it was made use of by our saviour , to be that solemn visible act , whereby those who believed him to be the messiah , received him as their king , and professed obedience to him , were admitted as subjects into his kingdom : which in the gospels is called the kingdom of god ; and in the acts and epistles often by another name , viz. the church . the same st. peter preaches again to the iews , acts iii. . repent , and be converted , that your sins may be blotted out . what this repentance was ; which the new covenant required as one of the conditions to be performed by all those who should receive the benefits of that covenant ; is plain in the scripture , to be not only a sorrow for sins past , but ( what is a natural consequence of such sorrow , if it be real ) a turning from them , into a new and contrary life . and so they are joyned together , acts iii. . repent and turn about ; or , as we render it , be converted . and acts xxvi . repent and turn to god. and sometimes turning about is put alone , to signifie repentance , mat. xiii . . luke xxii . . which in other words is well expressed by newness of life . for it being certain that he who is really sorry for his sins , and abhors them , will turn from them , and forsake them ; either of these acts , which have so natural a connexion one with the other , may be , and is often put for both together . repentance is an hearty sorrow for our past misdeeds , and a sincere resolution and endeavour , to the utmost of our power , to conform all our actions to the law of god. so that repentance does not consist in one single act of sorrow ( though that being the first and leading act , gives denomination to the whole ) but in doing works meet for repentance , in a sincere obedience to the law of christ , the remainder of our lives . this was called for by iohn the baptist , the preacher of repentance , mat. iii. . bring forth fruits meet for repentance . and by st. paul here , acts xxvi . . repent and turn to god , and do works meet for repentance . there are works to follow belonging to repentance , as well as sorrow for what is past . these two , faith and repentance ; i. e. believing jesus to be the messiah , and a good life ; are the indispensible conditions of the new covenant . the reasonableness , or rather necessity of which , ( as the only conditions required in the covenant of grace , to be performed by all those who would obtain eternal life ) that we may the better comprehend , we must a little look back to what was said in the beginning . adam being the son of god ; and so st. luke calls him , chap. iii. . had this part also of the likeness and image of his father , viz. that he was immortal . but adam transgressing the command given him by his heavenly father , incurred the penalty , forfeited that state of immortality , and became mortal . after this , adam begot children : but they were in his own likeness , after his own image ; mortal , like their father . god nevertheless , out of his infinite mercy , willing to bestow eternal life on mortal men , sends jesus christ into the world ; who being conceived in the womb of a virgin ( that had not known man ) by the immediate power of god , was properly the son of god ; according to what the angel declared to his mother , luke i. - . the holy ghost shall come upon thee , and the power of the highest shall over shadow thee : therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee , shall be called the son of god. so that being the son of god , he was , like his father , immortal . as he tells us , iohn v. . as the father hath life in himself , so hath be given to the son to have life in himself . and that immortality is a part of that image , wherein these ( who were the immediate sons of god , so as to have no other father ) were made like their father , appears probable , not only from the places in genesis concerning adam , above taken notice of , but seems to me also to be intimated in some expressions concerning iesus , the son of god. in the new testament , col. i. . he is called the image of the invivisible god. invisible seems put in , to obviate any gross imagination , that he ( as images use to do ) represented god in any corporeal or visible resemblance . and there is farther subjoyned , to lead us into the meaning of it , the first-born of every creature ; which is farther explained , v. . where he is termed the first-born from the dead : thereby making out , and shewing himself to be the image of the invisible god ; that death hath no power over him : but being the son of god , and not having forfeited that son-ship by any trangression , was the heir of eternal life ; as adam should have been , had he continued in his filial duty . in the same sense the apostle seems to use the word image in other places , viz. rom. viii . . whom he did foreknow , he also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his son , that he might be the first-born among many brethren . this image , to which they were conformed , seems to be immortality and eternal life . for 't is remarkable that in both these places st. paul speaks of the resurrection ; and that christ was the first-born among many brethren ; he being by birth the son of god , and the others only by adoption , as we see in this same chapter , v. - . ye have received the spirit of adoption , whereby we cry , abba , father : the spirit it self bearing witness with our spirits that we are the children of god. and if children , then heirs ; and ioynt-heirs with christ : if so be that we suffer with him , that we may also be glorified together . and hence we see that our saviour vouchsafes to call those , who at the day of judgment are through him entring into eternal life , his brethren ; mat. xxv . . in as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren . and may we not in this find a reason why god so frequently in the new testament , and so seldom , if at all , in the old , is mentioned under the single title of the father ? and therefore our saviour says , mat. xi . no man knoweth the father save the son , and he to whomsoever the son will reveal him . god has now a son again in the world , the first-born of many brethren , who all now , by the spirit of adoption , can say , abba , father . and we by adoption , being for his sake made his brethren , and the sons of god , come to share in that inheritance , which was his natural right ; he being by birth the son of god : which inheritance is eternal life . and again , v. . we groan within our selves , waiting for the adoption , to wit , the redemption of our body ; whereby is plainly meant the change of these frail mortal bodies , into the spiritual immortal bodies at the resurrection ; when this mortal shall have put on immortality , cor. xv. . which in that chapter , v. - . he farther expresses thus : so also is the resurrection of the dead . it is sown in corruption , it is raised in incorruption : it is sown in dishonour , it is raised in glory : it is sown in weakness , it is raised in power : it is sown a natural body , it is raised a spiritual body , &c. to which he subjoyns , v. . as we have born the image of the earthy , ( i. e. as we have been mortal , like earthy adam our father , from whom we are descended , when he was turned out of paradise ) we shall also bear the image of the heavenly ; into whose sonship and inheritance being adopted , we shall , at the resurrection , receive that adoption we expect , even the redemption of our bodies ; and after his image , which is the image of the father , become immortal . hear what he says himself , luke xx. , . they who shall be accounted worthy to obtain that world , and the resurrection from the dead , neither marry , nor are given in marriage . neither can they die any more ; for they are equal unto the angels , and are the sons of god , being the sons of the resurrection . and he that shall read st. paul's arguing , acts xiii . , . will find that the great evidence that jesus was the son of god , was his resurrection . then the image of his father appeared in him , when he visibly entred into the state of immortality . for thus the apostle reasons ; we preach to you , how that the promise which was made to our fathers , god hath fulfilled the same unto us , in that he hath raised up iesus again ; as it is also written in the second psalm , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . this may serve a little to explain the immortality of the sons of god , who are in this like their father , made after his image and likeness . but that our saviour was so , he himself farther declares , iohn x. . where speaking of his life , he says , no one taketh it from me , but i lay it down of my self : i have power to lay it down , and i have power to take it up again . which he could not have had , if he had been a mortal man , the son of a man , of the seed of adam ; or else had by any transgression forfeited his life . for the wages of sin is death : and he that hath incurred death for his own transgression , cannot lay down his life for another , as our saviour professes he did . for he was the just one , acts vii . . and xii . . who knew no sin . cor. v. . who did no sin , neither was guile found in his mouth . and thus , as by man came death , so by man came the resurrection of the dead . for as in adam all die , so in christ shall all be made alive . for this laying down his life for others , our saviour tells us , iohn x. . therefore does my father love me , because i lay down my life , that i might take it again . and this his obedience and suffering was rewarded with a kingdom ; which , he tells us , luke xxii . his father had appointed unto him ; and which , 't is evident out of the epistle to the hebrews , chap. xii . . he had a regard to in his sufferings : who for the joy that was set before him , endured the cross , despising the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the throne of god. which kingdom given him upon this account of his obedience , suffering , and death , he himself takes notice of , in these words , iohn xvii . - . iesus lift up his eyes to heaven , and said , father , the hour is come , glorifie thy son , that thy son also may glorifie thee . as thou hast given him power over all flesh , that he should give eternal life to as many as thou hast given him . and this is life eternal , that they may know thee the only true god , and iesus the messiah , whom thou hast sent . i have glorified thee on earth : i have finished the work which thou gavest me to do . and st. paul , in his epistle to the philippians , chap. ii. - . he humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the cross. wherefore god also hath highly exalted him , and given him a name that is above every name : that at the name of iesus every knee should bow , of things in heaven , and things in earth , and things under the earth ; and that every tongue should confess that iesus christ is lord. thus god , we see , designed his son christ iesus a kingdom , an everlasting kingdom in heaven . but though as in adam all die , so in christ all shall be made alive ; and all men shall return to life again at the last day ; yet all men having sinned , and thereby come short of the glory of god , as st. paul assures us , rom. iii. . ( i.e. not attaining to the heavenly kingdom of the messiah , which is often called the glory of god ; as may be seen , rom. v. . & xv. . & ii. . mat. xvi . . mark viii . . for no one who is unrighteous , i. e. comes short of perfect righteousness , shall be admitted into the eternal life of that kingdom ; as is declared , cor. vi. . the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of god ; ) and death , the wages of sin , being the portion of all those who had transgressed the righteous law of god ; the son of god would in vain have come into the world , to lay the foundations of a kingdom , and gather together a select people out of the world , if , ( they being found guilty at their appearance before the judgment-seat of the righteous judge of all men at the last day ) instead of entrance into eternal life in the kingdom he had prepared for them , they should receive death , the just reward of sin , which every one of them was guilty of . this second death would have left him no subjects ; and instead of those ten thousand times ten thousand , and thousands of thousands , there would not have been one left him to sing praises unto his name , saying , blessing , and honour and glory , and power , be unto him that sitteth on the throne , and unto the lamb for ever and ever . god therefore , out of his mercy to mankind , and for the erecting of the kingdom of his son , and furnishing it with subjects out of every kindred , and tongue , and people , and nation , proposed to the children of men , that as many of them as would believe iesus his son ( whom he sent into the world ) to be the messiah , the promised deliverer ; and would receive him for their king and ruler ; should have all their past sins , disobedience , and rebellion forgiven them : and if for the future they lived in a sincere obedience to his law , to the utmost of their power ; the sins of humane frailty for the time to come , as well as all those of their past lives , should , for his son's sake , because they gave themselves up to him to be his subjects , be forgiven them : and so their faith , which made them be baptized into his name ; ( i.e. enroll themselves in the kingdom of iesus the messiah , and profess themselves his subjects , and consequently live by the laws of his kingdom ) should be accounted to them for righteousness ; i.e. should supply the defects of a scanty obedience in the sight of god ; who counting this faith to them for righteousness , or compleat obedience , did thus justifie , or make them just , and thereby capable of eternal life . now , that this is the faith for which god of his free grace justifies sinful man ; ( for 't is god alone that justifieth , rom. viii . . rom. iii. . ) we have already shewed ; by observing through all the history of our saviour and the apostles , recorded in the evangelists , and in the acts , what he and his apostles preached and proposed to be believed . we shall shew now , that besides believing him to be the messiah their king , it was farther required , that those who would have the priviledge , advantages , and deliverance of his kingdom , should enter themselves into it ; and by baptism being made denizons , and solemnly incorporated into that kingdom , live as became subjects obedient to the laws of it . for if they believed him to be the messiah their king , but would not obey his laws , and would not have him to reign over them , they were but greater rebels ; and god would not justifie them for a faith that did but increase their guilt , and oppose diametrically the kingdom and design of the messiah ; who gave himself for us , that he might redeem us from all iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good works , titus ii. . and therefore st. paul tells the galatians , that that which availeth is faith ; but faith working by love. and that faith without works , i.e. the works of sincere obedience to the law and will of christ , is not sufficient for our justification , st. iames shews at large , chap. ii. neither indeed could it be otherwise ; for life , eternal life being the reward of justice or righteousness only , appointed by the righteous god ( who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity ) to those only who had no taint or infection of sin upon them , it is impossible that he should justifie those who had no regard to justice at all , whatever they believed . this would have been to encourage iniquity , contrary to the purity of his nature ; and to have condemned that eternal law of right , which is holy , just , and good ; of which no one precept or rule is abrogated or repealed ; nor indeed can be ; whilst god is an holy , just , and righteous god , and man a rational creature . the duties of that law arising from the constitution of his very nature , are of eternal obligation ; nor can it be taken away or dispensed with , without changing the nature of things , overturning the measures of right and wrong , and thereby introducing and authorizing irregularity , confusion , and disorder in the world. which was not the end for which christ came into the world ; but on the contrary , to reform the corrupt state of degenerate man ; and out of those who would mend their lives , and bring forth fruit meet for repentance , erect a new kingdom . this is the law of that kingdom , as well as of all mankind ; and that law by which all men shall be judged at the last day . only those who have believed iesus to be the messiah , and have taken him to be their king , with a sincere endeavour after righteousness , in obeying his law , shall have their past sins not imputed to them ; and shall have that faith taken instead of obedience ; where frailty and weakness made them transgress , and sin prevailed after conversion in those who hunger and thirst after righteousness ( or perfect obedience ) and do not allow themselves in acts of disobedience and rebellion , against the laws of that kingdom they are entred into . he did not expect , 't is true , a perfect obedience void of all slips and falls : he knew our make , and the weakness of our constitutions too well , and was sent with a supply for that defect . besides , perfect obedience was the righteousness of the law of works ; and then the reward would be of debt , and not of grace ; and to such there was no need of faith to be imputed to them for righteousness . they stood upon their own legs , were just already , and needed no allowance to be made them for believing jesus to be the messiah , taking him for their king , and becoming his subjects . but whether christ does not require obedience , sincere obedience , is evident from the laws he himself pronounces ( unless he can be supposed to give and inculcate laws only to have them disobeyed ) and from the sentence he will pass when he comes to judge . the faith required was , to believe iesus to be the messiah , the anointed ; who had been promised by god to the world. amongst the iews ( to whom the promises and prophesies of the messiah were more immediately delivered ) anointing was used to three sorts of persons , at their inauguration ; whereby they were set apart to three great offices ; viz. of priests , prophets , and kings . though these three offices be in holy writ attributed to our saviour , yet i do not remember that he any where assumes to himself the title of a priest , or mentions any thing relating to his priesthood : nor does he speak of his being a prophet but very sparingly , and once or twice , as it were , by the by : but the gospel , or the good news of the kingdom of the messiah , is what he preaches every where , and makes it his great business to publish to the world. this he did , not only as most agreeable to the expectation of the iews , who looked for their messiah , chiefly as coming in power to be their king and deliverer ; but as it best answered the chief end of his coming , which was to be a king , and as such to be received by those who would be his subjects in the kingdom which he came to erect . and though he took not directly on himself the title of king till he was in custody , and in the hands of pilate ; yet 't is plain , king , and king of israel , were the familiar and received titles of the messiah . see iohn i. . luke xix . . compared with mat. xxi . . and mark xi . . iohn xii . . mat. xxi . . luke xxiii . . compared with mat. xxvii . . and iohn xviii . - . mark xv. . compared with mat. xxvii . . mat. xxvii . . what those were to do , who believed him to be the messiah , and received him for their king , that they might be admitted to be partakers with him of this kingdom in glory , we shall best know by the laws he gives them , and requires them to obey ; and by the sentence which he himself will give , when , sitting on his throne , they shall all appear at his tribunal , to receive every one his doom from the mouth of this righteous judge of all men. what he proposed to his followers to be believed , we have already seen ; by examining his , and his apostles preaching , step by step , all through the history of the four evangelists , and the acts of the apostles . the same method will best and plainest shew us , whether he required of those who believed him to be the messiah , any thing besides that faith , and what it was . for he being a king , we shall see by his commands what he expects from his subjects : for if he did not expect obedience to them , his commands would be but meer mockery ; and if there were no punishment for the transgressors of them , his laws would not be the laws of a king , that had authority to command , and power to chastise the disobedient ; but empty talk , without force , and without influence . we shall therefore from his injunctions ( if any such there be ) see what he has made necessary to be performed , by all those who shall be received into eternal life in his kingdom prepared in the heavens . and in this we cannot be deceived . what we have from his own mouth , especially if repeated over and over again , in different places and expressions , will be past doubt and controversie . i shall pass by all that is said by st. iohn baptist , or any other , before our saviour's entry upon his ministry and publick promulgation of the laws of his kingdom . he began his preaching with a command to repent ; as st. matt. tells us . iv. . from that time iesus began to preach ; saying , repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . and luke v. . he tells the scribes and pharisees , i came not to call the righteous ; those who were truly so , needed no help , they had a right to the tree of life , but sinners to repentance . in this sermon , as he calls it , in the mount , luke vi. and matt. v , &c. he commands they should be exemplary in good works . let your light so shine amongst men , that they may see your good works , and glorify your father which is in heaven , matt. v. . and that they might know what he came for , and what he expected of them , he tells them , v. - . think not that i am come to dissolve or loosen the law , or the prophets : i am not come to dissolve , or loosen , but to make it full , or compleat ; by giving it you in its true and strict-sense . here we see he confirms , and at once reinforces all the moral precepts in the old testament . for verily i say to you , till heaven and earth pass , one jot or one tittle , shall in no wise pass from the law , till all be done . whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be called the least , ( i. e. as it is interpreted ) shall not be at all , in the kingdom of heaven . v. . i say unto you , that except your righteousness , i. e. your performance of the eternal law of right , shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees , ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven : and then he goes on to make good what he said , v. . viz. that he was come to compleat the law , viz. by giving its full and clear sense , free from the corrupt and loosning glosses of the scribes and pharisees , v. - . he tells them , that not only murder , but causeless anger , and so much as words of contempt , were forbidden . he commands them to be reconciled and kind towards their adversaires ; and that upon pain of condemnation . in the following part of his sermon , which is to be read luke vi. and more at large , matt. v , vi , vii . he not only forbids actual uncleanness , but all irregular desires , upon pain of hell-fire ; causless divorces ; swearing in conversation , as well as forswearing in judgment ; revenge ; retaliation ; ostentation of charity , of devotion , and of fasting ; repetitions in prayer ; covetousness ; worldly care ; censoriousness : and on the other side , commands loving our enemies ; doing good to those that hate us ; blessing those that curse us ; praying for those that despightfully use us ; patience , and meekness under injuries ; forgiveness ; liberality , compassion : and closes all his particular injunctions , with this general golden rule , matt. vii . . all things whatsoever ye would have that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . and to shew how much he is in earnest , and expects obedience to these laws ; he tells them luke vi. . that if they obey , great shall be their reward ; they shall be called , the sons of the highest . and to all this , in the conclusion , he adds this solemn sanction ; why call ye me lord , lord , and do not the things that i say ? 't is in vain for you to take me for the messiah your king , unless you obey me . not every one who calls me lord , lord , shall enter into the kingdom of heaven , or be sons of god ; but he that does the will of my father which is in heaven . to such disobedient subjects , though they have prophesied and done miracles in my name , i shall say at the day of judgment ; depart from me ye workers of iniquity , i know you not . when matt. xii . he was told , that his mother and brethren sought to speak with him , v. . stretching out his hands to his disciples , he said , be hold my mother and my brethren ; for whosoever shall do the will of my father , who is in heaven , he is my brother , and sister , and mother . they could not be children of the adoption , and fellow heirs with him of eternal life , who did not do the will of his heavenly father . matt. xv. and mark. vi. the pharisees finding fault , that his disciples eat with unclean hands , he makes this declaration to his apostles : do ye not perceive , that whatsoever from without entreth into a man , cannot defile him ; because it enters not into his heart , but his belly . that which cometh out of the man , that defileth the man : for from within , out of the heart of men , proceed evil thoughts , adulteries , fornicati-murders , thefts , false witnesses , covetousness , wickedness , deceit , laciviousness , an evil eye , blasphemy , pride , foolishness . all these ill things come from within , and defile a man. he commands self-denial , and the exposing our selves to suffering and danger , rather than to deny or disown him : and this upon pain of loosing our souls ; which are of more worth than all the world. this we may read , matt. xvi . - . and the parallel places , matt. viii . and luke ix . the apostles disputing amongst them , who should be greatest in the kingdom of the messiah , matt. xviii . . he thus determines the controversy : mark. ix . . if any one will be first , let him be last of all , and servant of all ; and setting a child before them adds , matt. xviii . . verily i say unto you , vnless ye turn , and become as children , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . mat. xviii . . if thy brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone : if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother . but if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established . and if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the church : but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen and publican . v. . peter said , lord , how often shall my brother sin against me , and i forgive him ? till seven times ? iesus said unto him , i say not unto thee , till seven times ; but until seventy times seven . and then ends the parable of the servant , who being himself forgiven , was rigorous to his fellow-servant , with these words ; v. . and his lord was worth , and delivered him to the tormentors , till he should pay all that was due unto him . so likewise shall my heavenly father do also unto you , if you from your hearts forgive not every one his brother their trespasses . luke x . to the lawyer , asking him , what shall i do to inherit eternal life ? he said , what is written in the law ? how readest thou ? he answered , thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soul , and with all thy strength , and with all thy mind ; and thy neighbour as thy self . jesus said , this do , and thou shalt live . and when the lawyer , upon our saviour's parable of the good samaritan , was forced to confess , that he that shewed mercy , was his neighbour ; jesus dismissed him with this charge , v. . go , and do thou likewise . luke xi . . give alms of such things as ye have : behold , all things are clean unto you . luke xii . . take heed , and beware of covetousness . v. . be not sollicitous what ye shall eat , or what ye shall drink , nor what ye shall put on ; be not fearful , or apprehensive of want , for it is your father's pleasure to give you a kingdom . sell that you have , and give alms : and provide your selves bags that wax not old , and treasure in the heavens that faileth not : for where your treasure is , there will your heart be also . let your loyns be girded , and your lights burning ; and ye your selves like unto men that wait for the lord , when he will return . blessed are those servants , whom the lord when he cometh , shall find watching . blessed is that servant , whom the lord having made ruler of his houshold , to give them their portion of meat in due season , the lord , when he cometh , shall find so doing . of a truth i say unto you , that he will make him a ruler over all that he hath . but if that servant say in his heart , my lord delayeth his coming ; and shall begin to beat the men-servants , and maidens , and to eat and drink , and to be drunken : the lord of that servant will come in a day when he looketh not for him , and at an hour when he is not aware , and will cut him in sunder , and will appoint him his portion with vnbelievers . and that servant who knew his lord's will , and prepared not himself , neither did according to his will , shall be beaten with many stripes . for he that knew not , and did commit things worthy of stripes , shall be beaten with few stripes . for unto whomsoever much is given , of him shall be much required : and to whom men have committed much , of him they will ask the more . luke xiv . . whosoever exalteth himself , shall be abased : and he that humbleth himself , shall be exalted . v. . when thou makest a dinner or supper , call not thy friends , or thy brethren , neither thy kinsmen , nor thy neighbours ; lest they also bid thee again , and a recompence be made thee . but when thou makest a feast , call the poor and maimed , the lame , and the blind ; and thou shalt be blessed : for they cannot recompence thee : for thou shalt be recompenced at the resurrection of the iust. v. . so likewise , whosoever he be of you , that is not ready to forego all that he hath , he cannot be my disciple . luke xvi . . i say unto you , make to your selves friends of the mammon of vnrighteousness ; that when ye fail they may receive you into everlasting habitations . if ye have not been faithful in the unrighteous mammon , who will commit to your trust the true riches ? and if ye have not been faithful in that which is another mans , who shall give you that which is your own ? luke xvii . . if thy brother trespass against thee , rebuke him ; and if he repent , forgive him . and if he trespass against thee seven times in a day , and seven times in a day turn again to thee , saying , i repent ; thou shalt forgive him . luke xviii . . he spoke a parable to them , to this end , that men ought always to pray , and not to faint . v. . one comes to him , and asks him , saying , master , what shall i do to inherit eternal life ? iesus said to him , if thou wilt enter into life , keep the commandments . he says , which ? iesus said , thou knowest the commandments : thou shalt not kill ; thou shalt not commit adultery ; thou shalt not steal ; thou shalt not bear false witness ; defraud not ; honour thy father , and thy mother ; and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . he said , all these have i observed from my youth . iesus hearing this , loved him ; and said unto him , yet lackest thou one thing : sell all that thou hast , and give it to the poor , and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and come , follow me . to understand this right , we must take notice , that this young man asks our saviour , what he must do , to be admitted effectually into the kingdom of the messiah ? the jews believed , that when the messiah came , those of their nation that received him , should not die ; but that they , with those who being dead should then be raised again by him , should enjoy eternal life with him . our saviour , in answer to this demand , tells the young man , that to obtain the eternal life of the kingdom of the messiah , he must keep the commandments . and then enumerating several of the precepts of the law , the young man says , he had observed these from his childhood . for which , the text tells us , jesus loved him . but our saviour , to try whether in earnest he believed him to be the messiah , and resolved to take him to be his king , and to obey him as such , bids him give all he has to the poor , and come , and follow him ; and he should have treasure in heaven . this i look on to be the meaning of the place . this , of selling all he had , and giving it to the poor , not being a standing law of his kingdom ; but a probationary command to this young man ; to try whether he truly believed him to be the messiah , and was ready to obey his commands , and relinquish all to follow him , when he his prince required it . and therefore we see , luke xix . . where our saviour takes notice of the jews not receiving him as the messiah , he expresses it thou ; we will not have this man to reign over us . 't is not enough to believe him to be the messiah , unless we also obey his laws , and take him to be our king , to reign over us . mat. xxii . - . he that had not on the wedding-garment , though he accepted of the invitation , and came to the wedding , was cast into utter darkness . by the wedding-garment , 't is evident good works are meant here . that wedding-garment of fine linnen , clean and white , which we are told , rev. xix . . is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 righteous acts of the saints : or , as st. paul calls it , ephes. iv. . the walking worthy of the vocation wherewith we are called . this appears from the parable it self : the kingdom of heaven , says our saviour , v. . is like unto a king , who made a marriage for his son. and here he distinguishes those who were invited , into three sorts . . those who were invited , and came not ; i.e. those who had the gospel , the good news of the kingdom of god proposed to them , but believed not . . those who came , but had not on a wedding-garment ; i.e. believed iesus to be the messiah , but were not new clad ( as i may so say ) with a true repentance , and amendment of life ; nor adorned with those vertues , which the apostle , col. iii. requires to be put on . . those who were invited , did come , and had on the wedding-garment ; i.e. heard the gospel , believed iesus to be the messiah , and sincerely obeyed his laws . these three sorts are plainly designed here ; whereof the last only were the blessed , who were to enjoy the kingdom prepared for them . mat. xxiii . be not ye called rabbi : for one is your master , even the messiah , and ye all are brethren . and call no man your father upon the earth : for one is your father which is in heaven . neither be ye called masters : for one is your master , even the messiah . but he that is greatest amongst you , shall be your servant . and whosoever shall exalt himself , shall be abased ; and he that shall humble himself , shall be exalted . luke xxi . . take beed to your selves , lest your hearts be at any time over-charged with surfeiting and drunkenness , and cares of this life . luke xxii . . he said unto them , the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them ; and they that exercise authority upon them , are called benefactors . but ye shall not be so . but he that is greatest amongst you , let him be as the younger ; and he that is chief , as he that doth serve . john xiii . . a new commandment i give unto you , that ye love one another ; as i have loved you , that ye also love one another . by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye love one another . this command , of loving one another , is repeated again , chap. xv. . & . john xiv . . if ye love me , keep my commandments . v. . he that hath my commandments , and keepeth them , he it is that loveth me : and he that loveth me , shall be loved of my father , and i will love him , and manifest my self to him . v. . if a man loveth me , he will keep my words . v. . he that loveth me not , keepeth not my sayings . john xv. . in this is my father glorified , that ye bear much fruit ; so shall ye be my disciples . v. . ye are my friends , if ye do whatsoever i command you . thus we see our saviour not only confirmed the moral law ; and clearing it from the corrupt glosses of the scribes and pharisees , shewed the strictness as well as obligation of its injunctions ; but moreover , upon occasion , requires the obedience of his disciples to several of the commands he afresh lays upon them ; with the enforcement of unspeakable rewards and punishments in another world , according to their obedience , or disobedience . there is not , i think , any of the duties of morality , which he has not some where or other , by himself and his apostles , inculcated over and over again to his followers in express terms . and is it for nothing , that he is so instant with them to bring forth fruit ? does he their king command , and is it an indifferent thing ? or will their happiness or misery not at all depend upon it , whether they obey or no ? they were required to believe him to be the messiah ; which faith is of grace promised to be reckoned to them for the compleating of their righteousness , wherein it was defective : but righteousness , or obedience to the law of god , was their great business ; which if they could have attained by their own performances , there would have been no need of this gracious allowance , in reward of their faith : but eternal life , after the resurrection , had been their due by a former covenant , even that of works ; the rule whereof was never abolished , though the rigour were abated . the duties enjoyned in it were duties still . their obligations had never ceased ; nor a wilful neglect of them was ever dispensed with . but their past transgressions were pardoned , to those who received iesus , the promised messiah , for their king ; and their future slips covered , if renouncing their former iniquities , they entred into his kingdom , and continued his subjects , with a steady resolution and endeavour to obey his laws . this righteousness therefore , a compleat obedience and freedom from sin , are still sincerely to be endeavoured after . and 't is no where promised , that those who persist in a wilful disobedience to his laws , shall be received into the eternal bliss of his kingdom , how much soever they believe in him . a sincere obedience , how can any one doubt to be , or scruple to call , a condition of the new covenant , as well as faith ; whoever read our saviour's sermon in the mount , to omit all the rest ? can any thing be more express than these words of our lord ? mat. vi. . if you forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly father will also forgive you : but if ye forgive not men their trespasses , neither will your father forgive your trespasses . and ioh. xiii . . if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do them . this is so indispensible a condition of the new covenant , that believing without it will not do , nor be accepted ; if our saviour knew the terms on which he would admit men into life . why call ye me lord , lord , says he , luke vi. . and do not the things which i say ? it is not enough to believe him to be the messiah , the lord , without obeying him . for that these he speaks to here , were believers , is evident , from the parallel place , matt. vii . - . where it is thus recorded : not every one who says lord , lord , shall enter into the kingdom of heaven ; but he that doth the will of my father , which is in heaven . no rebels , or refractory disobedient , shall be admitted there ; though they have so far believed in jesus , as to be able to do miracles in his name ; as is plain out of the following words . many will say to me in that day , have we not prophesied in thy name , and in thy name have cast out devils ; and in thy name have done many wonderful works ? and then will i profess unto them , i never knew you , depart from me ye workers of iniquity . this part of the new covenant , the apostles also , in their preaching the gospel of the messiah , ordinarily joined with the doctrine of faith. st. peter in his first sermon , acts ii. when they were pricked in heart , and asked , what shall we do ? says , v. . repent , and be baptized , every one of you , in the name of iesus christ , for the remission of sins . the same he says to them again in his next speech , acts iv. . vnto you first , god having raised up his son iesus , sent him to bless you . how was this done ? in tvrning away every one from yovr iniqvities . the same doctrine they preach to the high priest and rulers , acts v. . the god of our fathers raised up iesus , whom ye slew and hanged on a tree . him hath god exalted with his right hand , to be a prince and a saviour for to give repentance to israel , and forgiveness of sins ; and we are witnesses of these things , and so is also the holy ghost , whom god hath given to them that obey him . acts xvii . . paul tells the athenians , that now under the gospel , god commandeth all men every where to repent . acts xx. . st. paul in his last conference with the elders of ephesus , professes to have taught them the whole doctrine necessary to salvation . i have , says he , kept back nothing that was profitable unto you ; but have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from house to house ; testifying both to the iews and to the greeks : and then gives an account what his preaching had been , viz. repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord iesus the messiah . this was the sum and substance of the gospel which st. paul preached ; and was all that he knew necessary to salvation ; viz. repentance , and believing iesus to be the messiah : and so takes his last farewel of them , whom he should never see again , v. . in these words . and now brethren , i commend you to god , and to the word of his grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified . there is an inheritance conveyed by the word and covenant of grace ; but it is only to those who are sanctified . acts. xxiv . . when felix sent for paul , that he and his wife drusilla might hear him , concerning the faith in christ ; paul reasoned of righteousness , or justice , and temperance ; the duties we owe to others , and to our selves ; and of the judgment to come ; till he made felix to tremble . whereby it appears , that temperance and iustice were fundamental parts of the religion that paul professed , and were contained in the faith which he preached . and if we find the duties of the moral law not pressed by him every where ; we must remember , that most of his sermons left upon record , were preached in their synagogues to the jews , who acknowledged their obedience due to all the precepts of the law : and would have taken it amiss to have been suspected , not to have been more zealous for the law than he . and therefore it was with reason that his discourses were directed chiefly to what they yet wanted , and were averse to ; the knowledge and imbracing of jesus their promised messiah . but what his preaching generally was , if we will believe him himself , we may see acts xxvi . where giving an account to king agrippa of his life and doctrine , he tells him , v. . i shewed unto them of damascus , and at ierusalem , and throughout all the coasts of iudea , and then to the gentiles , that they should repent and turn to god , and do works meet for repentance . thus we see , by the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , that he required of those who believed him to be the messiah , and received him for their lord and deliverer , that they should live by his laws : and that ( though in consideration of their becoming his subjects , by faith in him , whereby they believed and took him to be the messiah , their former sins should be forgiven ) yet he would own none to be his , nor receive them as true denizons of the new ierusalem , into the inheritance of eternal life ; but leave them to the condemnation of the unrighteous ; who renounced not their former miscarriages , and lived in a sincere obedience to his commands . what he expects from his followers , he has sufficiently declared as a legislator . and that they may not be deceived , by mistaking the doctrine of faith , grace , free-grace , and the pardon and forgiveness of sins and salvation by him , ( which was the great end of his coming ) he more than once declares to them ; for what omissions and miscarriages he shall judge and condemn to death , even those who have owned him , and done miracles in his name ; when he comes at last to render to every one according to what he hath done in the flesh ; sitting upon his great and glorious tribunal , at the end of the world. the first place where we find our saviour to have mentioned the day of judgment , is ioh. v. , . in these words ; the hour is coming , in which all that are in their graves shall hear his [ i. e. the son of god's ] voice , and shall come forth ; they that have done good unto the resurrection of life ; and they that have done evil , unto the resurrection of damnation . that which puts the distinction , if we will believe our saviour , is the having done good or evil . and he gives a reason of the necessity of his judging or condemning those who have done evil , in the following words ; v. . i can of my own self do nothing . as i hear i judge ; and my iudgment is just : because i seek not my own will , but the will of my father who hath sent me . he could not judge of himself ; he had but a delegated power of judging from the father , whose will he obeyed in it , and who was of purer eyes than to admit any unjust person into the kingdom of heaven . matt. vii . , . speaking again of that day , he tells what his sentence will be , depart from me ye workers of iniquity . faith in the penitent and sincerely obedient , supplies the defect of their performances ; and so by grace they are made just. but we may observe ; none are sentenced or punished for unbelief ; but only for their misdeeds . they are workers of iniquity on whom the sentence is pronounced . matt. xiii . . at the end of the world , the son of man shall send forth his angels ; and they shall gather out of his kingdom all scandals , and them which do iniqvity ; and cast them into a furnace of fire ; there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth . and again , v. . the angels shall sever the wicked from among the ivst ; and shall cast them into the furnace of fire . matt. xvi . . for the son of man shall come in the glory of his father , with his angels : and then be shall reward every man according to his works . luke xiii . . then shall ye begin to say ; we have eaten and drunk in thy presence , and thou hast taught in our streets . but he shall say , i tell you , i know you not ; depart from me ye workers of iniquity . matt. xxv . - . when the son of man shall come in his glory ; and before him shall be gathered all nations ; he shall set the sheep on his right hand , and the goats on his left : then shall the king say to them on his right hand , come ye blessed of my father , inherit the kingdom prepared for you , from the foundation of the world ; for , i was an hungred , and ye gave me meat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me drink ; i was a stranger , and ye took me in ; naked , and ye cloathed me ; i was sick , and ye visited me ; i was in prison , and ye came unto me . then shall the righteous answer him , saying , lord , when saw we thee an hungred , and fed thee ? &c. and the king shall answer , and say unto them ; verily , i say unto you , in as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren , ye have done it unto me . then shall he say unto them on the left hand , depart from me , ye cursed , into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil and his angels . for i was an hungred , and ye gave me no meat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink ; i was a stranger , and ye took me not in ; naked , and ye cloathed me not ; sick and in prison , and ye visited me not . in so much that ye did it not to one of these , ye did it not to me . and these shall go into everlasting punishment : but the righteous into life eternal . these , i think , are all the places where our saviour mentions the last judgment ; or describes his way of proceeding in that great day : wherein , as we have observed , it is remarkable , that every where the sentence follows , doing or not doing ; without any mention of believing , or not believing . not that any to whom the gospel hath been preached , shall be saved , without believing iesus to be the messiah : for all being sinners , and transgressors of the law , and so unjust ; are all liable to condemnation ; unless they believe , and so through grace are justified by god for this faith , which shall be accounted to them for righteousness . but the rest wanting this cover , this allowance for their transgressions , must answer for all their actions : and being found transgressors of the law , shall by the letter , and sanction of that law , be condemned , for not having paid a full obedience to that law : and not for want of faith. that is not the guilt , on which the punishment is laid ; though it be the want of faith , which lays open their guilt uncovered ; and exposes them to the sentence of the law , against all that are unrighteous . the common objection here , is ; if all sinners shall be condemned , but such as have a gracious allowance made them ; and so are justified by god , for believing iesus to be the messiah , and so taking him for their king , whom they are resolved to obey , to the utmost of their power ; what shall become of all mankind , who lived before our saviour's time ; who never heard of his name ; and consequently could not believe in him ? to this , the answer is so obvious and natural , that one would wonder , how any reasonable man should think it worth the urging . no body was , or can be , required to believe what was never proposed to him , to believe . before the fulness of time , which god from the council of his own wisdom had appointed to send his son in ; he had at several times , and in rent manners , promised to the people of israel , an extraordinary person to come ; who , raised from amongst themselves , should be their ruler and deliverer . the time ; and other circumstances of his birth , life , and person ; he had in sundry prophesies so particularly described , and so plainly foretold , that he was well known , and expected by the jews ; under the name of the messiah , or anointed , given him in some of these prophesies . all then that was required before his appearing in the world , was to believe what god had revealed ; and to rely with a full assurance on god for the performance of his promise ; and to believe , that in due time he would send them the messiah ; this anointed king ; this promised saviour , and deliverer ; according to his word . this faith in the promises of god ; this relying and acquiescing in his word and faithfulness ; the almighty takes well at our hands , as a great mark of homage , paid by us poor frail creatures , to his goodness and truth , as well as to his power and wisdom ; and accepts it as an acknowledgment of his peculiar providence , and benignity to us . and therefore our saviour tells us , iohn xii . . he that believes on me , believes not on me ; but on him that sent me . the works of nature shew his wisdom and power : but 't is his peculiar care of mankind , most eminently discovered in his promises to them , that shews his bounty and goodness ; and consequently engages their hearts in love and affection to him . this oblation of an heart , fixed with dependance and affection on him , is the most acceptable tribute we can pay him ; the foundation of true devotion ; and life of all religion . what a value he puts on this depending on his word , and resting satisfied in his promises , we have an example in abraham ; whose faith was counted to him for righteousness ; as we have before remarked out of rom. iv. and his relying firmly on the promise of god , without any doubt of its performance ; gave him the name , of the father of the faithful ; and gained him so much favour with the almighty , that he was called the friend of god : the highest and most glorious title can be bestowed on a creature . the thing promised was no more , but a son by his wife sarah ; and a numerous posterity by him , which should possess the land of canaan . these were but temporal blessings ; and ( except the birth of a son ) very remote ; such as he should never live to see , nor in his own person have the benefit of . but because he questioned not the performance of it ; but rested fully satisfied in the goodness , truth , and faithfulness of god who had promised ; it was counted to him for righteousness . let us see how st. paul expresses it ; rom. iv. - . who , against hope , believed in hope , that he might become the father of many nations ; according to that which was spoken , so shall thy seed be . and being not weak in his faith , he considered not his own body now dead , when he was above an hundred years old ; neither yet the deadness of sarah 's womb. he staggered not at the promise of god through unbelief , but was strong in faith , giving glory to god ; and being fully perswaded , that what he had promised , he was able to perform . and therefore , it was imputed to him for righteousness . st. paul having here emphatically described the strength and firmness of abraham's faith , informs us ; that he thereby gave glory to god ; and therefore it was accounted to him for righteousness . this is the way that god deals with poor frail mortals . he is graciously pleased to take it well of them ; and give it the place of righteousness , and a kind of merit in his sight ; if they believe his promises , and have a steadfast relying on his veracity and goodness . st. paul heb. xi . . tells us ; without faith it is impossible to please god : but at the same time tells us what faith that is . for , says he , he that cometh to god , must believe that he is ; and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . he must be perswaded of god's mercy and good will to those , who seek to obey him ; and rest assured of his rewarding those who rely on him , for whatever , either by the light of nature , or particular promises , he has revealed to them of his tender mercies ; and taught them to expect from his bounty . this description of faith ( that we might not mistake what he means by that faith , without which we cannot please god , and which recommended the saints of old ) st. paul places in the middle of the list of those who were eminent for their faith ; and whom he sets as patterns to the converted hebrews , under persecution ; to encourage them to persist in their confidence of deliverance by the coming of iesus christ ; and in their belief of the promises they now had under the gospel : not to draw back from the hope that was set before them ; nor apostatize from the profession of the christian religion . this is plain from v. - . of the precedent chapter : cast not away therefore your confidence , which hath great recompence of reward . for ye have great need of persisting , or perseverance ; ( for so the greek word signifies here , which our translation renders patience . vid. luke viii . . ) that after ye have done the will of god , ye might receive the promise . for yet a little while , and he that shall come will come , and will not tarry . now the just shall live by faith. but if any man draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . the examples of faith , which st. paul enumerates and proposes in the following words , chap. xi . plainly shew , that the faith whereby those believers of old pleased god , was nothing but a steadfast relyance on the goodness and faithfulness of god , for those good things , which either the light of nature , or particular promises , had given them grounds to hope for . of what avail this faith was with god , we may see , v. . by faith abel offered unto god a more excellent sacrifice than cain ; by which he obtained witness that he was righteous . v. . by faith enoch was translated , that he should not see death : for before his translation he had this testimony , that be pleased god. v. . noah , being warned of god of things not seen as yet ; being wary , by faith prepared an ark , to the saving of his house ; by the which be condemned the world , and became heir of the righteousness which is by faith. and what it was that god so graciously accepted and rewarded , we are told , v. . through faith also sarah her self received strength to conceive seed , and was delivered of a child ; when she was past age . how she came to obtain this grace from god , the apostle tells us ; because she judged him faithful who had promised . those therefore who pleased god , and were accepted by him before the coming of christ , did it only by believing the promises , and relying on the goodness of god , as far as he had revealed it to them . for the apostle , in the following words , tells us , v. . these all died in faith , not having received ( the accomplishment of ) the promises ; but having seen them afar off : and were perswaded of them , and embraced them . this was all that was required of them ; to be perswaded of , and embrace the promises which they had . they could be perswaded of no more than was proposed to them ; embrace no more than was revealed ; according to the promises they had received , and the dispensations they were under . and if the faith of things seen afar off ; if their trusting in god for the promises he then gave them ; if a belief of the messiah to come ; were sufficient to render those who lived in the ages before christ , acceptable to god , and righteous before him ; i desire those who tell us , that god will not , ( nay , some go so far as to say ) cannot accept any who do not believe every article of their particular creeds and systems ; to consider , why god , out of his infinite mercy , cannot as well justifie man now for believing iesus of nazareth to be the promised messiah , the king and deliverer ; as those heretofore , who believed only that god would , according to his promise , in due time send the messiah , to be a king and deliverer . there is another difficulty often to be met with , which seems to have something of more weight in it : and that is , that though the faith of those before christ ; ( believing that god would send the messiah , to be a prince , and a saviour to his people , as he had promised ; ) and the faith of those since his time , ( believing iesus to be that messiah , promised and sent by god ) shall be accounted to them for righteousness , yet what shall become of all the rest of mankind ; who having never heard of the promise or news of a saviour , not a word of a messiah to be sent , or that was come , have had no thought or belief concerning him ? to this i answer ; that god will require of every man , according to what a man hath , and not according to what he hath not . he will not expect the improvement of ten talents , where he gave but one ; nor require any one should believe a promise , of which he has never heard . the apostle's reasoning , rom. x. . is very just : how shall they believe in him , of whom they have not heard ? but though there be many , who being strangers to the common-wealth of israel , were also strangers to the oracles of god committed to that people ; many , to whom the promise of the messiah never came , and so were never in a capacity to believe or reject that revelation ; yet god had , by the light of reason , revealed to all mankind , who would make use of that light , that he was good and merciful . the same spark of the divine nature and knowledge in man , which making him a man , shewed him the law he was under as a man ; shewed him also the way of attoning the merciful , kind , compassionate author and father of him and his being , when he had transgressed that law. he that made use of this candle of the lord , so far as to find what was his duty ; could not miss to find also the way to reconciliation and forgiveness , when he had failed of his duty : though if he used not his reason this way ; if he put out , or neglected this light ; he might , perhaps , see neither . the law is the eternal , immutable standard of right . and a part of that law is , that a man should forgive , not only his children , but his enemies ; upon their repentance , asking pardon , and amendment . and therefore he could not doubt that the author of this law , and god of patience and consolation , who is rich in mercy , would forgive his frail off-spring ; if they acknowledged their faults , disapproved the iniquity of their transgressions , beg'd his pardon , and resolved in earnest for the future to conform their actions to this rule , which they owned to be just and right . this way of reconciliation , this hope of attonement , the light of nature revealed to them . and the revelation of the gospel having said nothing to the contrary , leaves them to stand and fall to their own father and master , whose goodness and mercy is over all his works . i know some are forward to urge that place of the acts , chap. iv. as contrary to this . the words , v. . & . stand thus : be it known unto you all , and to all the people of israel , that by the name of iesus christ of nazareth , whom ye crucified , whom god raised from the dead , even by him doth this man , [ i. e. the lame man restored by peter ] stand here before you whole . this is the stone which is set at nought by you builders , which is become the head of the corner . neither is there salvation in any other : for there is none other name under heaven given among men , in which we must be saved . which , in short , is ; that iesus is the only true messiah ; neither is there any other person but he given to be a mediator between god and man , in whose name we may ask and hope for salvation . it will here possibly be asked , quorsum perditio hoec ? what need was there of a saviour ? what advantage have we by iesus christ ? it is enough to justifie the fitness of any thing to be done , by resolving it into the wisdom of god , who has done it ; whereof our narrow understandings , and short views may utterly incapacitate us to judge . we know little of this visible , and nothing at all of the state of that intellectual world ; wherein are infinite numbers and degrees of spirits out of the reach of our ken or guess ; and therefore know not what transactions there were between god and our saviour , in reference to his kingdom . we know not what need there was to set up a head and a chieftain , in opposition to the prince of this world , the prince of the power of the air , &c. whereof there are more than obscure intimations in scripture . and we shall take too much upon us , if we shall call god's wisdom or providence to account , and pertly condemn for needless , all that that our weak , and perhaps biaffed vnderstandings , cannot account for . though this general answer be reply enough to the forementioned demand , and such as a rational man , or fair searcher after truth , will acquiesce in ; yet in this particular case , the wisdom and goodness of god has shewn it self so visibly to common apprehensions , that it hath furnished us abundantly wherewithal to satisfie the curious and inquisitive ; who will not take a blessing , unless they be instructed what need they had of it , and why it was bestowed upon them . the great and many advantages we receive by the coming of iesus the messiah , will shew that it was not without need , that he was sent into the world. the evidence of our saviour's mission from heaven is so great , in the multitude of miracles he did before all sorts of people ; ( which the divine providence and wisdom has so ordered , that they never were , nor could be denied by any of the enemies and opposers of christianity , ) that what he delivered cannot but be received as the oracles of god , and unquestionable verity . though the works of nature , in every part of them , sufficiently evidence a deity ; yet the world made so little use of their reason , that they saw him not ; where even by the impressions of himself he was easie to be found . sense and lust blinded their minds in some ; and a careless inadvertency in others ; and fearful apprehensions in most ( who either believed there were , or could not but suspect there might be , superiour unknown beings ) gave them up into the hands of their priests , to fill their heads with false notions of the deity , and their worship with foolish rites , as they pleased : and what dread or craft once began , devotion soon made sacred , and religion immutable . in this state of darkness and ignorance of the true god , vice and superstition held the world. nor could any help be had or hoped for from reason ; which could not be heard , and was judged to have nothing to do in the case : the priests every where , to secure their empire , having excluded reason from having any thing to do in religion . and in the croud of wrong notions , and invented rites , the world had almost lost the sight of the one only true god. the rational and thinking part of mankind , 't is true , when they sought after him , found the one , supream , invisible god : but if they acknowledged and worshipped him , it was only in their own minds . they kept this truth locked up in their own breast as a secret , nor ever durst venture it amongst the people ; much less amongst the priests , those wary guardians of their own creeds and profitable inventions . hence we see that reason , speaking never so clearly to the wise and vertuous , had never authority enough to prevail on the multitude ; and to perswade the societies of men , that there was but one god , that alone was to be owned and worshipped . the belief and worship of one god , was the national religion of the israelites alone : and if we will consider it , it was introduced and supported amongst that people by revelation . they were in goshen , and had light ; whilst the rest of the world were in almost egyptian darkness , without god in the world. there was no part of mankind , who had quicker parts , or improved them more ; that had a greater light of reason , or followed it farther in all sorts of speculations , than the athenians : and yet we find but one socrates amongst them , that opposed and laughed at their polytheism , and wrong opinions of the deity ; and we see how they rewarded him for it . whatsoever plato , and the soberest of the philosophers thought of the nature and being of the one god , they were fain , in their outward professions and worship , to go with the herd , and keep to the religion established by law ; which what it was , and how it had disposed the mind of these knowing , and quick-sighted grecians , st. paul tells us , acts xvii . - . ye men of athens , says he , i perceive that in all things ye are too superstitious . for as i passed by , and beheld your devotions , i found an altar with this inscription , to the vnknown god. whom therefore ye ignorantly worship , him declare i unto you . god that made the world , and all things therein , seeing that he is lord of heaven and earth , dwelleth not in temples made with hands : neither is worshipped with mens hands , as though he needed nay thing , seeing he giveth unto all life , and breath , and all things ; and hath made of one blood all the nations of men , for to dwell on the face of the earth ; and hath determined the times before appointed , and the bounds of their habitations ; that they should seek the lord , if haply they might feel him out , and find him , though he be not far from every one of us . here he tells the athenians , that they , and the rest of the world ( given up to superstition ) whatever light there was in the works of creation and providence , to lead them to the true god , yet they few of them found him . he was every where near them ; yet they were but like people groping and feeling for something in the dark , and did not see him with a full clear day-light ; but thought the godhead like to gold , and silver , and stone , graven by art and man's device . in this state of darkness and error , in reference to the true god , our saviour found the world. but the clear revelation he brought with him , dissipated this darkness ; made the one invisible true god known to the world : and that with such evidence and energy , that polytheism and idolatry hath no where been able to withstand it . but where ever the preaching of the truth he delivered , and the light of the gospel hath come , those mists have been dispelled . and in effect we see that since our saviour's time , the belief of one god has prevailed and spread it self over the face of the earth . for even to the light that the messiah brought into the world with him , we must ascribe the owning , and profession of one god , which the mahumetan religion had derived and borrowed from it . so that in this sense it is certainly and manifestly true of our saviour , what st. iohn says of him ; i iohn iii. . for this purpose the son of god was manifested , that he might destroy the works of the devil . this light the world needed , and this light it received from him : that there is but one god , and he eternal ; invisible ; not like to any visible objects , nor to be represented by them . if it be asked , whether the revelation to the patriarchs by moses , did not teach this , and why that was not enough ? the answer is obvious ; that however clearly the knowledge of one invisible god , maker of heaven and earth , was revealed to them ; yet that revelation was shut up in a little corner of the world ; amongst a people by that very law , which they received with it , excluded from a commerce and communication with the rest of mankind . the gentile world in our saviour's time , and several ages before , could have no attestation of the miracles , on which the hebrews built their faith , but from the iews themselves ; a people not known to the greatest part of mankind ; contemned and thought vilely of by those nations that did know them ; and therefore very unfit and unable to propagate the doctrine of one god in the world , and diffuse it through the nations of the earth , by the strength and force of that ancient revelation , upon which they had received it . but our saviour , when he came , threw down this wall of partition ; and did not confine his miracles or message to the land of canaan , or the worshippers at ierusalem . but he himself preached at samaria , and did miracles in the borders of tyre and sydon , and before multitudes of people gathered from all quarters . and after his resurrection , sent his apostles amongst the nations , accompanied with miracles ; which were done in all parts so frequently , and before so many witnesses of all sorts , in broad day-light , that , as i have often observed , the enemies of christianity have never dared to deny them ; no , not iulian himself : who neither wanted skill nor power to enquire into the truth ; nor would have failed to have proclaimed and exposed it , if he could have detected any falshood in the history of the gospel ; or found the least ground to question the matter of fact published of christ , and his apostles . the number and evidence of the miracles done by our saviour and his followers , by the power and force of truth , bore down this mighty and accomplished emperour , and all his parts , in his own dominions . he durst not deny so plain matter of fact ; which being granted , the truth of our saviour's doctrine and mission unavoidably follows ; notwithstanding whatsoever artful suggestions his wit could invent , or malice should offer , to the contrary . . next to the knowledge of one god ; maker of all things ; a clear knowledge of their duty was wanting to mankind . this part of knowledge , though cultivated with some care , by some of the heathen philosophers ; yet got little footing among the people . all men indeed , under pain of displeasing the gods , were to frequent the temples : every one went to their sacrifices and services : but the priests made it not their business to teach them virtue . if they were diligent in their observations and ceremonies ; punctual in their feasts and solemnities , and the tricks of religion ; the holy tribe assured them , the gods were pleased ; and they looked no farther . few went to the schools of the philosophers , to be instructed in their duties ; and to know what was good and evil in their actions . the priests sold the better pennyworths , and therefore had all the customs . lustrations and processions were much easier than a clean conscience , and a steady course of virtue ; and an expiatory sacrifice , that attoned for the want of it , was much more convenient , than a strict and holy life . no wonder then , that religion was every where distinguished from , and preferred to virtue ; and that it was dangerous heresy and prophaneness to think the contrary . so much virtue as was necessary to hold societies together ; and to contribute to the quiet of governments ; the civil laws of commonwealths taught , and forced upon men that lived under magistrates . but these laws , being for the most part made by such who had no other aims but their own power , reached no farther than those things , that would serve to tie men together in subjection ; or at most , were directly to conduce to the prosperity and temporal happiness of any people . but natural religion in its full extent , was no where , that i know , taken care of by the force of natural reason . it should seem by the little that has hitherto been done in it ; that 't is too hard a thing for unassisted reason , to establish morality in all its parts upon its true foundations ; with a clear and convincing light . and 't is at least a surer and shorter way , to the apprehensions of the vulgar , and mass of mankind ; that one manifestly sent from god , and coming with visible authority from him , should as a king and law-maker tell them their duties ; and require their obedience ; than leave it to the long , and sometimes intricate deductions of reason , to be made out to them : which the greatest part of mankind have neither leisure to weigh ; nor , for want of education and use , skill to judge of . we see how unsuccessful in this , the attempts of philosophers were before our saviour's time . how short their several systems came of the perfection of a true and compleat morality is very visible . and if , since that , the christian philosophers have much outdone them ; yet we may observe , that the first knowledge of the truths they have added , are owing to revelation : though as soon as they are heard and considered , they are found to be agreeable to reason ; and such as can by no means be contradicted . every one may observe a great many truths which he receives at first from others , and readily assents to , as consonant to reason ; which he would have found it hard , and perhaps beyond his strength to have discovered himself . native and original truth , is not so easily wrought out of the mine , as we who have it delivered , ready dug and fashon'd into our hands , are apt to imagine . and how often at fifty or threescore years old are thinking men told , what they wonder how they could miss thinking of ? which yet their own contemplations did not , and possibly never would have helped them to . experience shews that the knowledge of morality , by meer natural light , ( how agreeable soever it be to it ) makes but a flow progress , and little advance in the world. and the reason of it is not hard to be found ; in men's necessities , passions , vices , and mistaken interests , which turn their thoughts another way . and the designing leaders , as well as following herd , find it not to their purpose to imploy much of their meditations this way . or whatever else was the cause , 't is plain in fact ; humane reason unassisted , failed men in its great and proper business of morality . it never from unquestionable principles , by clear deductions , made out an entire body of the law of nature . and he that shall collect all the moral rules of the philosophers , and compare them with those contained in the new testament , will find them to come short of the morality delivered by our saviour , and taught by his apostles ; a college made up for the most part of ignorant , but inspired fishermen . though yet , if any one should think , that out of the sayings of the wise heathens , before our saviour's time , there might be a collection made of all those rules of morality , which are to be found in the christian religion ; yet this would not at all hinder , but that the world nevertheless stood as much in need of our saviour , and the morality delivered by him . let it be granted ( though not true ) that all the moral precepts of the gospel were known by some body or other , amongst mankind , before . but where or how , or of what use , is not considered . suppose they may be picked up here and there ; some from solon and bias in greece ; others from tully in italy : and to compleat the work , let confutius , as far as china , be consulted ; and anacarsis the scythian contribute his share . what will all this do , to give the world a compleat morality ; that may be to mankind , the unquestionable rule of life and manners ? i will not here urge the impossibility of collecting from men , so far distant from one another , in time , and place , and languages . i will suppose there was a stobeus in those times , who had gathered the moral sayings , from all the sages of the world. what would this amount to , towards being a steady rule ; a certain transcript of a law that we are under ? did the saying of aristippus , or confutius , give it an authority ? was zeno a lawgiver to mankind ? if not , what he or any other philosopher delivered , was but a saying of his . mankind might hearken to it , or reject it , as they pleased ; or as it suited their interest , passions , principles or humours . they were under no obligation : the opinion of this or that philosopher , was of no authority . and if it were , you must take all he said under the same character . all his dictates must go for law , certain and true ; or none of them . and then , if you will take any of the moral sayings of epicurus ( many whereof seneca quotes , with esteem and approbation ) for precepts of the law of nature ; you must take all the rest of his doctrine for such too ; or else his authority ceases : and so no more is to be received from him , or any of the sages of old , for parts of the law of nature , as carrying with it an obligation to be obeyed , but what they prove to be so . but such a body of ethicks , proved to be the law of nature , from principles of reason , and reaching all the duties of life ; i think no body will say the world had before our saviour's time . 't is not enough , that there were up and down scattered sayings of wise men , conformable to right reason . the law of nature , was the law of convenience too : and 't is no wonder , that those men of parts , and studious of virtue ; ( who had occasion to think on any particular part of it , ) should by meditation light on the right , even from the observable convenience and beauty of it ; without making out its obligation from the true principles of the law of nature , and foundations of morality . but these incoherent apohtegms of philosophers , and wise men ; however excellent in themselves , and well intended by them ; could never make a morality , whereof the world could be convinced , and with certainty depend on . whatsoever should thus be universally useful , as a standard to which men should conform their manners , must have its authority either from reason or revelation . 't is not every writer of morals , or compiler of it from others , that can thereby be erected into a law-giver to mankind ; and a dictator of rules , which are therefore valid , because they are to be found in his books ; under the authority of this or that philosopher . he that any one will pretend to set up in this kind , and have his rules pass for authentique directions ; must shew , that either he builds his doctrine upon principles of reason , self-evident in themselves ; or that he deduces all the parts of it from thence , by clear and evident demonstration : or must shew his commission from heaven ; that he comes with authority from god , to deliver his will and commands to the world. in the former way , no body that i know before our saviour's time , ever did ; or went about to give us a morality . 't is true there is a law of nature . but who is there that ever did , or undertook to give it us all entire , as a law ; no more , nor no less , than what was contained in , and had the obligation of that law ? who , ever made out all the parts of it ; put them together ; and shewed the world their obligation ? where was there any such code , that mankind might have recourse to , as their unerring rule , before our saviour's time ? if there was not , 't is plain , there was need of one to give us such a morality ; such a law , which might be the sure guide of those who had a desire to go right ; and if they had a mind , need not mistake their duty ; but might be certain when they had performed , when failed in it . such a law of morality , jesus christ hath given us in the new testament ; but by the later of these ways , by revelation . we have from him a full and sufficient rule for our direction ; and conformable to that of reason . but the truth and obligation of its precepts ; hath its force , and is put past doubt to us , by the evidence of his mission . he was sent by god : his miracles shew it ; and the authority of god in his precepts cannot be questioned . here morality has a sure standard , that revelation vouches , and reason cannot gainsay , nor question ; but both together witness to come from god the great law-maker . and such an one as this out of the new testament , i think the world never had , nor can any one say is any where else to be found . let me ask any one , who is forward to think that the doctrine of morality was full and clear in the world , at our saviour's birth ; whether would he have directed brutus and cassius , ( both men of parts and virtue , the one whereof believed , and the other disbelieved a future being ) to be satisfied in the rules and obligations of all the parts of their duties ; if they should have asked him where they might find the law , they were to live by , and by which they should be charged or acquitted , as guilty or innocent ? if to the sayings of the wise , and the declarations of philosophers ; he sends them into a wild wood of uncertainty , to an endless maze ; from which they should never get out : if to the religions of the world , yet worse : and if to their own reason , he refers them to that which had some light and certainty ; but yet had hitherto failed all mankind in a perfect rule ; and we see , resolved not the doubts that had risen amongst the studious and thinking philosophers ; nor had yet been able to convince the civilized parts of the world , that they had not given , nor could without a crime , take away the lives of their children , by exposing them . if any one shall think to excuse humane nature , by laying blame on men's negligence , that they did not carry morality to an higher pitch ; and make it out entire in every part , with that clearness of demonstration which some think it capable of ; he helps not the matter . be the cause what it will , our saviour found mankind under a corruption of manners and principles , which ages after ages had prevailed , and must be confessed was not in a way or tendency to be mended . the rules of morality were in different countries and sects , different . and natural reason no where had , nor was like to cure the defects and errors in them . those just measures of right and wrong , which necessity had any where introduced , the civil laws prescribed , or philosophy recommended ; stood not on their true foundations . they were looked on as bonds of society , and conveniencies of common life , and laudable practises . but where was it that their obligation was throughly known and allowed , and they received as precepts of a law ; of the highest law , the law of nature ? that could not be , without a clear knowledge and acknowledgment of the law-maker , and the great rewards and punishments , for those that would or would not obey him . but the religion of the heathens , as was before observed ; little concerned it self in their morals . the priests that delivered the oracles of heaven , and pretended to speak from the gods ; spoke little of virtue and a good life . and on the other side , the philosophers who spoke from reason , made not much mention of the deity in their ethicks . they depended on reason and her oracles ; which contain nothing but truth . but yet some parts of that truth lye too deep for our natural powers easily to reach , and make plain and visible to mankind , without some light from above to direct them . when truths are once known to us , though by tradition , we are apt to be favourable to our own parts ; and ascribe to our own understandings the discovery of what , in truth , we borrowed from others ; or , at least , finding we can prove what at first we learnt from others , we are forward to conclude it an obvious truth , which , if we had sought , we could not have missed . nothing seems hard to our understandings , that is once known ; and because what we see we see with our own eyes , we are apt to over-look or forget the help we had from others , who first shewed and pointed it out to us , as if we were not at all beholden to them for that knowledge ; which being of truths we now are satisfied of , we conclude our own faculties would have lead us into without any assistance ; and that we know them , as they did , by the strength and perspicuity of our own minds , only they had the luck to be before us . thus the whole stock of human knowledge is claimed by every one , as his private possession , as soon as he ( profiting by others discoveries ) has got it into his own mind ; and so it is : but not properly by his own single industry , nor of his own acquisition . he studies , 't is true , and takes pains to make a progress in what others have delivered ; but their pains were of another sort , who first brought those truths to light , which he afterwards derives from them . he that travels the roads now , applauds his own strength and legs , that have carried him so far in such a scantling of time ; and ascribes all to his own vigor , little considering how much he ows to their pains , who cleared the woods , drained the bogs , built the bridges , and made the ways passable ; without which he might have toiled much with little progress . a great many things we have been bred up in the belief of from our cradles , ( and are notions grown familiar , and as it were natural to us , under the gospel , ) we take for unquestionable obvious truths , and easily demonstrable ; without considering how long we might have been in doubt or ignorance of them , had revelation been silent . and many are beholden to revelation , who do not acknowlede it . 't is no diminishing to revelation , that reason gives its suffrage too to the truths revelation has discovered . but 't is our mistake to think , that because reason confirms them to us , we had the first certain knowledge of them from thence , and in that clear evidence we now possess them . the contrary is manifest , in the defective morality of the gentils before our saviour's time ; and the want of reformation in the principles and measures of it , as well as practice . philosophy seemed to have spent its strength , and done its utmost ; or if it should have gone farther , as we see it did not , and from undenyable principles given us ethicks in a science like mathematicks in every part demonstrable , this yet would not have been so effectual to man in this imperfect state , nor proper for the cure. the bulk of mankind have not leisure nor capacity for demonstration ; nor can carry a train of proofs ; which in that way they must always depend upon for conviction , and cannot be required to assent till they see the demonstration . wherever they stick , the teachers are always put upon proof , and must clear the doubt by a thread of coherent deductions from the first principle , how long , or how intricate soever that be . and you may as soon hope to have all the day-labourers and tradesmen , the spinsters and dairy maids perfect mathematicians , as to have them perfect in ethicks this way . hearing plain commands , is the sure and only course to bring them to obedience and practice . the greatest part cannot know , and therefore they must believe . and i ask , whether one coming from heaven in the power of god , in full and clear evidence and demonstration of miracles , giving plain and direct rules of morality and obedience , be not likelier to enlighten the bulk of mankind , and set them right in their duties , and bring them to do them , than by reasoning with them from general notions and principles of humane reason ? and were all the duties of humane life clearly demonstrated ; yet i conclude , when well considered , that method of teaching men their duties , would be thought proper only for a few , who had much leisure , improved understandings , and were used to abstract reasonings . but the instruction of the people were best still to be left to the precepts and principles of the gospel . the healing of the sick , the restoring sight to the blind by a word , the raising , and being raised from the dead , are matters of fact , which they can without difficulty conceive ; and that he who does such things , must do them by the assistance of a divine power . these things lye level to the ordinariest apprehension ; he that can distinguish between sick and well , lame and sound , dead and alive , is capable of this doctrine . to one who is once perswaded that jesus christ was sent by god to be a king , and a saviour of those who do believe in him ; all his commands become principles : there needs no other proof for the truth of what he says , but that he said it . and then there needs no more but to read the inspired books , to be instructed : all the duties of morality lye there clear , and plain , and easy to be understood . and here i appeal , whether this be not the surest , the safest , and most effectual way of teaching : especially if we add this farther consideration ; that as it suits the lowest capacities of reasonable creatures , so it reaches and satisfies , nay , enlightens the highest . and the most elevated understandings cannot but submit to the authority of this doctrine as divine ; which coming from the mouths of a company of illiterate men , hath not only the attestation of miracles , but reason to confirm it ; since they delivered no precepts but such , as though reason of it self had not clearly made out , yet it could not but assent to when thus discovered ; and think itself indebted for the discovery . the credit and authority our saviour and his apostles had over the minds of men , by the miracles they did ; tempted them not to mix ( as we find in that of all the sects of philosophers , and other religions ) any conceits ; any wrong rules ; any thing tending to their own by-interest , or that of a party ; in their morality . no tang of prepossession or phansy ; no footsteps of pride or vanity , ostentation or ambition , appears to have a hand in it . it is all pure , all sincere ; nothing too much , nothing wanting : but such a compleat rule of life , as the wisest men must acknowledge , tends entirely to the good of mankind : and that all would be happy , if all would practise it . . the outward forms of worshipping the deity , wanted a reformation . stately buildings , costly ornaments , peculiar and uncouth habits , and a numerous huddle of pompous , phantastical , cumbersome ceremonies , every where attended divine worship . this , as it had the peculiar name , so it was thought the principal part , if not the whole of religion . nor could this possibly be amended whilst the jewish ritual stood ; and there was so much of it mixed with the worship of the true god. to this also our saviour , with the knowledge of the infinite invisible supream spirit , brought a remedy ; in a plain , spiritual , and suitable worship . iesus says to the woman of samaria , the hour cometh , when ye shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at jerusalem , worship the father . but the true worshippers , shall worship the father , both in spirit and in truth ; for the father seeketh such to worship . to be worshipped in spirit and in truth ; with application of mind and sincerity of heart , was what god henceforth only required . magnificent temples , and confinement to certain places , were now no longer necessary for his worship ; which by a pure heart might be performed any where . the splendor and distinction of habits , and pomp of ceremonies , and all outside performances , might now be spared . god who was a spirit , and made known to be so , required none of those ; but the spirit only : and that in publick assemblies , ( where some actions must lie open to the view of the world ) all that could appear and be seen , should be done decently , and in order , and to edification . decency , order , and edification , were to regulate all their publick acts of worship ; and beyond what these required , the outward appearance , ( which was of little value in the eyes of god ) was not to go . having shut out indecency and confusions out of their assemblies , they need not be solicitous about useless ceremonies . praises and prayer , humbly offered up to the deity , was the worship he now demanded ; and in these every one was to look after his own heart , and know that it was that alone which god had regard to , and accepted . . another great advantage received by our saviour , is the great incouragement he brought to a virtuous and pious life : great enough to surmount the difficulties and obstacles that lie in the way to it ; and reward the pains and hardships of those , who stuck firm to their duties , and suffered for the testimony of a good conscience . the portion of the righteous has been in all ages taken notice of , to be pretty scanty in this world. virtue and prosperity , do not often accompany one another ; and therefore virtue seldom had many followers . and 't is no wonder she prevailed not much in a state , where the inconveniencies that attended her were visible , and at hand ; and the rewards doubtful , and at a distance . mankind , who are and must be allowed to pursue their happiness ; nay , cannot be hindred ; could not but think themselves excused from a strict observation of rules , which appeared so little to consist with their chief end , happiness ; whilst they kept them from the enjoyments of this life ; and they had little evidence and security of another . 't is true , they might have argued the other way , and concluded ; that , because the good were most of them ill treated here . there was another place where they should meet with better usage : but 't is plain , they did not . their thoughts of another life were at best obscure : and their expectations uncertain . of manes , and ghosts , and the shades of departed men , there was some talk ; but little certain , and less minded . they had the names of styx and acheron ; of elisian fields , and seats of the blessed : but they had them generally from their poets ▪ mixed with their fables . and so they looked more like the inventions of wit and ornaments of poetry , than the serious perswasions of the grave and the sober . they came to them bundled up amongst their tales ; and for tales they took them . and that which rendred them more suspected , and less useful to virtue , was , that the philosophers seldom set on their rules on men's minds and practises , by consideration of another life . the chief of their arguments were from the excellency of virtue : and the highest they generally went , was the exalting of humane nature . whose perfection lay in virtue . and if the priest at any time talked of the ghosts below , and a life after this , it was only to keep men to their superstitious and idolatrous rites ; whereby the use of this doctrine was lost to the credulous multitude ; and its belief to the quicker sighted , who suspected it presently of priest-craft . before our saviour's time , the doctrine of a future state , though it were not wholly hid , yet it was not clearly known in the world. 't was an imperfect view of reason ; or , perhaps the decay'd remains of an ancient tradition ; which rather seemed to float on mens phansies , than sink deep into their hearts . it was something , they knew not what , between being and not being . something in man they imagined might scape the grave : but a a perfect compleat life of an eternal duration , after this ; was what entred little into their thoughts , and less into their perswasions . and they were so far from being clear herein , that we see no nation of the world publickly professed it , and built upon it : no religion taught it : and 't was no where made an article of faith , and principle of religion till jesus christ came ; of whom it is truly said , that he at his appearing brought light and immortality to light . and that not only in the clear revelation of it ; and in instances shewn of men raised from the dead ; but he has given us an unquestionable assurance and pledge of it , in his own resurrection and ascention into heaven . how hath this one truth changed the nature of things in the world ? and given the advantage to piety over all that could tempt or deter men from it . the philosophers indeed shewed the beauty of virtue : they set her off so as drew mens eyes and approbation to her : but leaving her unendowed , very few were willing to espouse her . the generality could not refuse her their esteem and commendation ; but still turned their backs on her and forsook her , as a match not for their turn . but now there being put into the scales , on her side , an exceeding and immortal weight of glory ; interest is come about to her ; and virtue now is visibly the most enriching purchase , and by much the best bergain . that she is the perfection and excellency of our nature ; that she is her self a reward , and will recommend our names to future ages , is not all that can now be said for her . 't is not strange that the learned heathens satisfied not many with such airy commendations . it has another relish and efficacy , to perswade men that if they live well here , they shall be happy hereafter . open their eyes upon the endless unspeakable joys of another life ; and their hearts will find something solid and powerful to move them . the view of heaven and hell , will cast a slight upon the short pleasures and pains of this present state ; and give attractions and encouragements to virtue , which reason , and interest , and the care of our selves , cannot but allow and prefer . upon this foundation , and upon this only , morality stands firm , and may defy all competition . this makes it more than a name ; a substantial good , worth all our aims and endeavours ; and thus the gospel of jesus christ has delivered it to us . . to these i must add one advantage more we have by jesus christ , and that is the promise of assistance . if we do what we can , he will give us his spirit to help us to do what , and how we should . 't will be idle for us , who know not how our own spirits move and act us , to ask in what manner the spirit of god shall work upon us . the wisdom that accompanies that spirit , knows better than we how we are made , and how to work upon us . if a wise man knows how to prevail on his child , to bring him to what he desires ; can we suspect , that the spirit and wisdom of god should fail in it ; though we perceive or comprehend not the ways of his operation ? christ has promised it , who is faithful and just ; and we cannot doubt of the performance . 't is not requisite on this occasion , for the inhancing of this benefit , to enlarge on the frailty of our minds , and weakness of our constitutions ; how liable to mistakes , how apt to go astray , and how easily to be turned out of the paths of virtue . if any one needs go beyond himself , and the testimony of his own conscience in this point ; if he feels not his own errors and passions always tempting , and often prevailing , against the strict rules of his duty ; he need but look abroad into any age of the world to be convinced . to a man under the difficulties of his nature , beset with temptations , and hedged in with prevailing custom ; 't is no small encouragement to set himself seriously on the courses of virtue , and practise of true religion , that he is from a sure hand , and an almighty arm , promised assistance to support and carry him through . there remains yet something to be said to those who will be ready to object , if the belief of jesus of nazareth to be the messiah , together with those concomitant articles of his resurrection , rule , and coming again to judge the world , be all the faith required as necessary to justification , to what purpose were the epistles written ; i say , if the belief of those many doctrines contained in them , be not also necessary to salvation ? and if what is there delivered , a christian may believe or disbelieve , and yet nevertheless be a member of christ's church , and one of the faithful ? to this i answer , that the epistles were written upon several occasions : and he that will read them as he ought , must observe what 't is in them is principally aimed at ; find what is the argument in hand , and how managed ; if he will understand them right , and profit by them . the observing of this will best help us to the true meaning and mind of the writer : for that is the truth which is to be received and believed ; and not scattered sentences in scripture-language , accommodated to our notions and prejudices . we must look into the drift of the discourse , observe the coherence and connexion of the parts , and see how it is consistent with it self , and other parts of scripture ; if we will conceive it right . we must not cull out , as best suits our system , here and there a period or a verse ; as if they were all distinct and independent aphorisms ; and make these the fundamental articles of the christian faith , and necessary to salvation , unless god has made them so . there be many truths in the bible , which a good christian may be wholly ignorant of , and so not believe ; which , perhaps , some lay great stress on , and call fundamental articles , because they are the distinguishing points of their communion . the epistles , most of them , carry on a thread of argument , which in the stile they are writ , cannot every where be observed without great attention . and to consider the texts , as they stand and bear a part in that , is to view them in their due light , and the way to get the true sense of them . they were writ to those who were in the faith , and true christians already : and so could not be designed to teach them the fundamental articles and points necessary to salvation . the epistle to the romans was writ to all that were at rome beloved of god , called to be saints , whose faith was spoken of through the world , chap. . , . to whom st. paul's first epistle to the corinthians was , he shews , chap i. . . &c. vnto the church of god which is at corinth , to them that are sanctified in christ iesus , called to be saints ; with all them that in every place call upon the name of iesus christ our lord , both theirs and ours . i thank my god always on your behalf , for the grace of god which is given you by iesus christ ; that in every thing ye are enriched by him in all utterance , and in all knowledge : even as the testimony of christ was confirmed in you . so that ye come behind in no gift ; waiting for the coming of the lord iesus christ. and so likewise the second was , to the church of god at corinth , with all the saints in achaia , chap. i. . his next is to the churches of galatia . that to the ephesians was , to the saints that were at ephesus , and to the faithful in christ iesus . so likewise , to the saints and faithful brethren in christ at colosse , who had faith in christ iesus , and love to the saints . to the church of the thessalonians . to timothy his son in the faith. to titus his own son after the common faith. to philemon his dearly beloved , and fellow-labourer . and the author to the hebrews calls those he writes to , holy brethren , partakers of the heavenly calling , chap. iii. . from whence it is evident , that all those whom st. paul writ to , were brethren , saints , faithful in the church , and so christians already ; and therefore wanted not the fundamental articles of the christian religion ; without a belief of which they could not be saved : nor can it be supposed , that the sending of such fundamentals was the reason of the apostle's writing to any of them . to such also st. peter writes , as is plain from the first chapter of each of his epistles . nor is it hard to observe the like in st. iames and st. iohn's epistles . and st. iude directs his thus : to them that are sanctified by god the father , and preserved in iesus christ , and called . the epistles therefore being all written to those who were already believers and christians , the occasion and end of writing them , could not be to instruct them in that which was necessary to make them christians . this 't is plain they knew and believed already ; or else they could not have been christians and believers . and they were writ upon particular occasions ; and without those occasions had not been writ ; and so cannot be thought necessary to salvation : though they resolving doubts , and reforming mistakes , are of great advantage to our knowledge and practice . i do not deny , but the great doctrines of the christian faith are dropt here and there , and scattered up and down in most of them . but 't is not in the epistles we are to learn what are the fundamental articles of faith , where they are promiscuously , and without distinction mixed with other truths in discourses that were ( though for edification indeed , yet ) only occasional . we shall find and discern those great and necessary points best in the preaching of our saviour and the aples , to those who were yet strangers , and ignorant of the faith , to bring them in , and convert them to it . and what that was , we have seen already out of the history of the evangelists , and the acts ; where they are plainly laid down , so that no body can mistake them . the epistles to particular churches , besides the main argument of each of them , ( which was some present concernment of that particular church to which they severally were address'd ) do in many places explan the fundamentals of the christian religion ; and that wisely ; by proper accommodations to the apprehensions of those they were writ to , the better to make them imbibe the christian doctrine , and the more easily to comprehend the method , reasons , and grounds of the great work of salvation . thus we see in the epistle to the romans , adoption ( a custom well known amongst those of rome ) is much made use of , to explain to them the grace and favour of god , in giving them eternal life ; to help them to conceive how they became the children of god , and to assure them of a share in the kingdom of heaven , as heirs to an inheritance . whereas the setting out , and confirming the christian faith to the hebrews , in the epistle to them , is by allusions and arguments , from the ceremonies , sacrifices , and oeconomy of the jews , and reference to the records of the old testament . and as for the general epistles , they , we may see , regard the state , and exigencies , and some peculiarities of those times . these holy writers , inspired from above , writ nothing but truth ; and in most places very weighty truths to us now ; for the expounding , clearing , and confirming of the christian doctrine , and establishing those in it who had embraced it . but yet every sentence of theirs must not be taken up , and looked on as a fundamental article necessary to salvation ; without an explicit belief whereof , no body could be a member of christ's church here , nor be admitted into his eternal kingdom hereafter . if all , or most of the truths declared in the epistles , were to be received and believed as fundamental articles , what then became of those christians who were fallen asleep ? ( as st. paul witnesses in his first to the corinthians , many were ) before these things in the epistles were revealed to them ? most of the epistles not being written till above twenty years after our saviour's ascension , and some after thirty . but farther , therefore , to those who will be ready to say , may those truths delivered in the epistles , which are not contained in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , and are therefore by this account not necessary to salvation , be believed , or disbelieved without any danger ? may a christian safely question or doubt of them ? to this i answer , that the law of faith , being a covenant of free grace , god alone can appoint what shall be necessarily believed by every one whom he will justifie . what is the faith which he will accept and account for righteousness , depends wholly on his good pleasure . for 't is of grace , and not of right , that this faith is accepted . and therefore he alone can set the measures of it : and what he has so appointed and declared , is alone necessary . no body can add to these fundamental articles of faith ; nor make any other necessary , but what god himself hath made and declared to be so . and what these are , which god requires of those who will enter into , and receive the benefits of the new covenant , has already been shewn . an explicit belief of these , is absolutely required of all those to whom the gospel of jesus christ is preached , and salvation through his name proposed . the other parts of divine revelation are objects of faith , and are so to be received . they are truths whereof none that is once known to be such , may or ought to be disbelieved . for to acknowledge any proposition to be of divine revelation and authority , and yet to deny or disbelieve it , is to offend against this fundamental article and ground of faith , that god is true . but yet a great many of the truths revealed in the gospel , every one does , and must confess , a man may be ignorant of ; nay , disbelieve , without danger to his salvation : as is evident in those , who allowing the authority , differ in the interpretation and meaning o several texts of scripture , not thought fundamental : in all which 't is plain the contending parties , on one side or tother , are ignorant of , nay , disbelieve the truths delivered in holy writ ; unless contrarieties and contradictions can be contained in the same words , and divine revelation can mean contrary to it self . though all divine revelation requires the obedience of faith ; yet every truth of inspired scriptures is not one of those , that by the law of faith is required to be explicitly believed to justification . what those are , we have seen by what our saviour and his apostles proposed to , and required in those whom they converted to the faith. those are fundamentals ; which 't is not enough not to disbelieve : every one is required actually to assent to them . but any other proposition contained in the scripture , which god has not thus made a necessary part of the law of faith , ( without an actual assent to which he will not allow any one to be a believer ) a man may be ignorant of , without hazarding his salvation by a defect in his faith. he believes all that god has made necessary for him to believe , and assent to : and as for the rest of divine truths , there is nothing more required of him , but that he receive all the parts of divine revelation , with a docility and disposition prepared to imbrace , and assent to all truths coming from god ; and submit his mind to whatsoever shall appear to him to bear that character . where he , upon fair endeavours , understands it not ; how can he avoid being ignorant ? and where he cannot put several texts , and make them consist together ; what remedy ? he must either interpret one by the other , or suspend his opinion . he that thinks that more is , or can be required , of poor frail man in matters of faith , will do well to consider what absurdities he will run into . god out of the infiniteness of his mercy , has dealt with man as a compassionate and tender father . he gave him reason , and with it a law : that could not be otherwise than what reason should dictate ; unless we should think , that a reasonable creature , should have an unreasonable law. but considering the frailty of man , apt to run into corruption and misery , he promised a deliverer , whom in his good time he sent ; and then declared to all mankind , that whoever would believe him to be the saviour promised , and take him now raised from the dead , and constituted the lord and judge of all men , to be their king and ruler , should be saved . this is a plain intelligible proposition ; and and the all-merciful god seems herein to have consulted the poor of this world , and the bulk of mankind . these are articles that the labouring and illiterate man may comprehend . this is a religion suited to vulgar capacities ; and the state of mankind in this world , destined to labour and travel . the writers and wranglers in religion fill it with niceties , and dress it up with notions ; which they make necessary and fundamental parts of it ; as if there were no way into the church , but through the academy or lyceum . the bulk of mankind have not leisure for learning and logick , and superfine distinctions of the schools . where the hand is used to the plough , and the spade , the head is seldom elevated to sublime notions , or exercised in mysterious reasonings . 't is well if men of that rank ( to say nothing of the other sex ) can comprehend plain propositions , and a short reasoning about things familiar to their minds , and nearly allied to their daily experience . go beyond this , and you amaze the greatest part of mankind : and may as well talk arabick to a poor day labourer , as the notions and language that the books and disputes of religion are filled with ; and as soon you will be understood . the dissenting congregations are supposed by their teachers to be more accurately instructed in matters of faith , and better to understand the christian religion , than the vulgar conformists , who are charged with great ignorance ; how truly i will not here determine . but i ask them to tell me seriously , whether half their people have leisure to study ? nay , whether one in ten of those who come to their meetings in the country , if they had time to study them , do or can understand , the controversies at this time so warmly managed amongst them , about justification , the subject of this present treatise . i have talked with some of their teachers , who confess themselves not to understand the difference in debate between them . and yet the points they stand on , are reckoned of so great weight , so material , so fundamental in religion , that they divide communion and separate upon them . had god intended that none but the learned scribe , the disputer or wise of this world , should be christians , or be saved , thus religion should have been prepared for them ; filled with speculations and niceties , obscure terms , and abstract notions . but men of that expectation , men furnished with such acquisitions , the apostle tells us , i cor. i. are rather shut out from the simplicity of the gospel ; to make way for those poor , ignorant , illiterate , who heard and believed promises of a deliverer ; and believed jesus to be him ; who could conceive a man dead and made alive again , and believe that he should at the end of the world , come again , and pass sentence on all men , according to their deeds . that the poor had the gospel preached to them ; christ makes a mark as well as business of his mission . mat. xi . . and if the poor had the gospel preached to them , it was , without doubt , such a gospel , as the poor could understand , plain and intelligible : and so it was , as we have seen , in the preachings of christ and his apostles . finis . printed for a. & j. churchil , in pater-noster-row . a view of universal history from the creation to . wherein the most remarkable persons and things in the known kingdoms and countries of the world are set down in several columns , by way of synchronism , according to their proper centuries and years . in copper plates . by f. talents , a. m. a compleat journal of both houses of parliament throughout the whole reign of q. elizabeth . by sir symonds dewes , knight . fol. notitia monastica : or , a history of all the religious houses in england and wales , &c. vo . by tho. tanner . the resurrection of the ( same ) body , asserted from the tradition of the heathens , the ancient jews , and the primitive church . with an answer to the objections brought against it . by humph. hody , d. d. octavo . bishop wilkins of prayer and preaching , enlarged by the bp. of norwich and dr. williams . octavo . the gentleman's religion , with grounds and reasons of it . . by a private gentleman . dr. patrick's new version of all the psalms of david . . to be sung in churches . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e gen. iii. - . an enquiry into the original, nature, institution, power, order and communion of evangelical churches. the first part with an answer to the discourse of the unreasonableness of separation written by dr. edward stillingfleet, dean of pauls, and in defence of the vindication of non-conformists from the guilt of schisme / by john owen. owen, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an enquiry into the original, nature, institution, power, order and communion of evangelical churches. the first part with an answer to the discourse of the unreasonableness of separation written by dr. edward stillingfleet, dean of pauls, and in defence of the vindication of non-conformists from the guilt of schisme / by john owen. owen, john, - . [ ], , , - p. printed by j. richardson, for nath. ponder ..., and sam. lee ..., london : . no more published. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng stillingfleet, edward, - . -- discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new separation. church history -- th century. schism. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an enquiry into the original , nature , institution , power , order and communion of evangèlical churches . the first part. with an answer to the discourse of the unreasonableness of separation written by dr. edward stillingfleet , dean of pauls ; and in defence of the vindication of non-conformists from the guilt of schisme . by john owen , d. d. stand ye in the ways and see , and ask for the old paths , where is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your souls . jer . . . london , printed by j. richardson , for nath. ponder , at the peacock in the poultrey ; and sam. lee at the feathers in lumbardstreet , . to the reader . 〈…〉 omitted the consi●●ration 〈…〉 of dr. stilling●●●●● 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 by non 〈…〉 passed it by 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 i supposed 〈…〉 assign it 〈◊〉 the provocation which he 〈…〉 received from those who answered his sermon , or 〈◊〉 , and so have ●●ssed it by , among such other excursions , as di●●●es are incident unto , in their controversal writings . for that no countenance was given unto it , either from truth or any useful end as unto the present state of 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 the times , or rather 〈…〉 rest of some , then any just rational projections . for what other success , this book hath had , i know not , nor am solicitous , certain it is that many , of the same mind and perswasion with himself , have been encouraged and emboldened by it , confidently to report ▪ t●●●●●e non-conformists are great promoters 〈…〉 papal ●●terest● ye● 〈…〉 to facilitate its introdu●t●●● 〈…〉 evident in the 〈…〉 topi●●● 〈…〉 import●●● 〈…〉 need 〈…〉 were 〈…〉 from amongst 〈…〉 it came in , as 〈…〉 not●●●● will 〈…〉 influenced ●y 〈…〉 ●●vantages , to de●●●● 〈…〉 ●●cessary that such an 〈…〉 true reason●●nd means of the advance of popery in this na●●on , as shall give them occasion to consider themselves and their own ways ; for we are to look for the causes of such effects , in things and means , that are suited and fitted to be productive of them , so as that they cannot but follow on their being and operation ; and not in cold stories , surmizes , and far fetch'd , or feigned inferences . and if we do reckon that the real advancement of religion depends onely on the secular advancement of some that do profess it , we may be mistaken in our measures as others have been before us . but at present , the insinuations of that preface ; do seem to prevail much with those of the same party with its author ; who want nothing at any time but the countenance of such a pen and story , to vent their ill will against non-conformists . report say they and we will report it . but also as he said , mendacium mendacio tegendum ne perpluat . first evil inventions , alway tend unto , and stand in need of new additions , to render them useful unto their end , without which they quickly evaporate ; wherefore least the insinuations of this worthy person , should not be sufficiently subservient unto the uniting of all protestants in one common interest against popery , which was the original design of the drs. sermon , some have added unto it , that which is homogeneal as unto truth , and so easily mixing with the other discourse ; that the non-conformists some of them at least , do receive or have received money from the papists , to act their affairs and promote their interest . and although this be such a putid calumny , such a malicious falshood , such a frontless lye , as impudence it self would blush at being made an instrument to vent it , and withal extreamly ridiculous ; yet because it seems useful unto the good end of uniting protestants , and opposing popery , it hath not onely been reported by sundry of the clergy , but embraced and divulged also by some of their weak and credulous followers , who seem to believe that other mens advantage is their religion . but when the utmost bounds of modesty are passed , nothing but an outrage in ▪ lying and calumny , out of hopes that something will stick at last , can give countenance to men in such false accusations . and those by whom they are first whispered , probably understand better than the non-formists what influence money , or the things which they know how to turn into it ; hath into their profession , and actings in religion . it seems to me that some such men are afraid , lest the present opposition unto popery , should issue in such an establishment of the protestant religion , as that hereafter it should not be in the disposal of any , nor in their power to make a bargain of it , either for their advantage or in their necessity . for unless we should suppose such a defect in common prudence , as is not chargeable on men of understanding in other affairs , it is hard to judge that these things can proceed from any other ground , but a design to encrease distrusts and jealousies amongst protestants , to heighten their differences , to exasperate and provoke them to animosities , to weaken the hands of each party by a disbelief of the sincerity of each other in the same common cause ; whence , whether it be designed or no , it will follow that we shall be all made a prey unto our restless adversaries . for what else but a strong inclination thereto , can give the least credit or reputation to such vile insinuations , false surmizes and fables ( i do not say in the preface but in the reports that have been occasioned thereby ) wherein folly and malice rival one another , against that plain , open , uncontroulable evidence , which the non-conformists alwayes gave , and yet continue to give , of their faithful cordial adherence unto the protestant religion , and interest in the nation . and what now if in way of retaliation , a charge should be laid and mannaged against those of the episcopal way , that they should contribute their assistance , whether knowingly , or being deluded , ( it is all one ) to the introduction of popery ; would not all things be cast into an admirable posture amongst us , for an opposition thereunto ? but let none mistake nor deceive themselves , neither the past sufferings of the non-conformists , nor their present hopes of liberty , nor the reproaches cast upon them , shall shake them in their resolutions for a conjunction with all sincere protestants , in the preservation of their religion , and opposition unto all popish designs whatever . and ( to speak with modesty enough ) as they have hitherto in all instances of zeal and duty for the preservation of the protestant religion , been as ready and forward as any other sort of men , so whatever may befall them , however they may be traduced , or falsly accused , they do and will continue in giving the highest security , that conscience , profession , principles , interest , and actions can give , of their stability in the same cause . onely they desire to be excused , if they make not use of this notable engine for opposing of popery , namely , the stirring up ( at this present time ) of jealousies , fears and animosities amongst protestants , which others judge serviceable unto that end. but that which animates all these insinuations , charges and reports , is our thankful acceptance of the indulgence granted by his majesty by a publ●que declaration some years ago ; whereby it should seem the papists thought to make some advantage , though they were deceiv'd in their expectation . i must needs say that whatever be the true case in reference thereto in point of law , that in my judgment it scarcely answereth that loyalty and regard unto his majesties honour , which some men profess , when all his actions are suited to their interests , to continue such outcries about that which was his own sole act by the advice of his counsel . we did indeed thankfully accept and make use of this royal favour ; and after that for so many years we had been exposed to all manner of sufferings and penalties , whereby multitudes were ruined in their estates , and some lost their lives , and that without hopes of any remission of severity from the parliament that then sate , by their mistake of the true interest of the kingdom , wherein alone they did not miss it , we were glad to take a little breathing space from our troubles , under his majesties royal protection , design'd onely as an expedient ( as was usual in former times ) for the peace and prosperity of the kingdome , until the whole matter might be settled in parliament . and if this were a crime habetis confitentem reum as to my part . but because i know my self herein peculiarly reflected on , i do avow , that never any one person in authority , dignity or power in the nation , nor any one that had any relation unto publick affairs , nor any from them , papist or protestant , did once speak one word to me , or advise with me , about any indulgence or toleration to be granted unto papists ; i challenge all the world who are otherwise minded , to intermit their service for a season unto the great false accuser , and prove the contrary if they can ; the persons are sufficiently known , of whom they may make their enquiry . but i can cast this also , into the same heap or bundle of other false surmizes and reports , concerning me almost without number ; which it would be a wonder that some men should pretend to believe and divulge as they have done , if we were bound to judge that their charity and prudence were proportionable unto their dignities and promotions . these things must be , whilst interest , with hopes and fears , vain love , and hatred thence arising , do steer the minds of men. but what if we have not design'd the prevalence or introduction of popery , yet being a company of silly fellows , we have suffered our selves to be wheadled by the jesuites , to be active for the cutting of our own throats ; for we are full well satisfied , that we should be the very first who should drink of the cup of their fury , could they ruine the protestant interest in england . and into such an unhappy posture of affairs are we fallen , that whereas it is evident we do nothing for the promotion of popery , but only , pray against it , preach against it , write against it , instruct the people in principles of truth whereon to avoid it ; and cordially joyn with all true protestants in the opposition of it , wherein we are charged with an excess that is like to spoil all ; yet these crafty blades know how to turn it all unto their advantage . as it should seem therefore there remaines nothing for non-conformists to do in this matter ; but to bind themselves hand and foot , and give themselves up unto the power of the papists ; for all they do against them , doth but promote their interest . but this i am perswaded they will be greatly unwilling unto , unless they are well assured , that their episcopal friends will be more ready to expose themselves to hazard for their preservation and deliverance , then yet they have reason to expect that they will. but for my part i was a long time since taught an expedient by an eminent personage for the freeing my self from any inclination to a compliance with popery , and that in the instance of himself . for being in ireland when there was in former dayes , a great noise about reconciliation ; a person of his own order and degree in the court of england , wrote unto him to inform him , of a report , that he was enclin'd to a reconciliation with popery , or a compliance on good terms with the church of rome ; and withal desired him , that if it were so , he would communicate unto him the reason of his judgment . but that great and wise personage , understanding full well whereunto these things tended , returned no answer but this onely ; that he knew no reason for any such report ; for he was sure , that he believed the pope to be antichrist , which put an absolute period unto the entercourse . and i can insist on the same defensative , against forty such arguments as are used to prove us compliant with the papal interest ; and so i believe can all the non-conformists . and if this be not enough i can for my part subscribe unto the conclusion which that most eminent champion of the ptotestant religion in england , namely whitaker , gives unto his learned disputation about antichrist ; igitur ( saith he ) sequamur praeeuntem spiritum sanctum , & libere dicamus , defendamus , clamemus , & per eum qui vivit in aeternum juremus , pontificem romanum esse antichristum . if this will not suffice , we know better how to spend our remaining houres of life and peace , then in contending about impertinent stories and surmizes , exhal'd by wit and invention out of the bogge of secular interest . and shall therefore only assure those by whom we are charged , in the pulpit , or coffee-houses ; or from the press , to countenance the promotion of the papal interest in the nation , that as they deal unjustly with us herein , and weaken the protestant interest what lies in them ; so let them and others do and say what they please , nothing shall ever shake us in our resolution by the help of god , to abide in a firm conjunction with all sincere protestants for the preservation of our religion , and in opposition to the papists ; yea that we would do so with our lives at the stake , if there were none left to abide in the same testimony but our selves ; but if they think that there is no way for us to be serviceable against popery , but by debauching our consciences with that conformity which they prescribe unto us , we beg their pardon , we are 〈…〉 mind . the preface . an examination of the general principles of dr. stillingfleet's book of the unreasonableness of separation . the differences and contests among professed christians about the nature , power , order , rule and residence of the gospel church state , with the interest of each dissenting party therein , have not only been great , and of long continuance , but have also so despised all ways and means of allaying or abatement , that they seem to be more and more enflamed every day ; and to threaten more pernicious consequents , then any they have already produced ; which yet have been of the worst of evils that the world for some ages hath groaned under . for the communion , so much talked of , amongst churches , is almost come only , unto an agreement and oneness in design for the mutual and forcible extermination of one another ; at least this is the professed principle of them who lay the loudest claim to the name and title , with all the rights and priviledges of the church ; nor are others far remote from the same design , who adjudge all who dissent from themselves , into such a condition , as wherein they are much inclined to think it meet they should be destroyed . that which animates this contest , which gives it life and fierceness , is a supposed enclosure of certain priviledges and advantages spiritual and temporal , real or pretended , unto the church-state contended about . hence most men seem to think that the principal , if not their only concernment in religion , is , of what church they are ; so as that a dissent from them , is so evil , as that there is almost nothing else that hath any very considerable evil in it . when this is once well riveted in their minds by them whose secular advantages lye in the enclosure , they are in a readiness to bear a share in all the evils that unavoidably ensue on such divisions . by this means among others , is the state or condition of christian religion as unto its publick profession , become at this day so deplorable as cannot well be expressed . what with the bloody and desolating wars of princes and potentates , and what with the degeneracy of the community of the people from the rule of the gospel in love , meekness , self-denial , holiness , zeal , the universal mortification of sin , and fruitfulness in good works , the profession of christianity is become but a sad representation of the vertues of him who calls out of darkness into his marvellous light. neither doth there seem at present to be any design or expectation in the most for the ending of controversies about the church , but force and the sword ; which god forbid . it is therefore high time that a sober enquiry be made whether there be any such church state of divine institution as those contended about . for if it should appear upon trial , that indeed there is not , but that all the fierce digladiations of the parties at variance , with the doleful effects that attend them , have proceeded on a false supposition , in an adherence whereunto they are confirmed by their interests , some advances may be made towards their abatement . however if this may not be attained , yet directions may be taken from the discovery of the truth , for the use of them who are willing to be delivered from all concernment in these fruitless endless contests , and to reduce their whole practice in religion unto the institutions , rules , and commands of our lord jesus christ. and where all hopes of a general reformation seem to fail , it savours somewhat of an unwarrantable severity , to forbid them to reform themselves who are willing so to do ; provided they admit of no other rule in what they so do , but the declaration of the mind of christ in the gospel , carrying it peaceably towards all men , and firmly adhering unto the faith once delivered unto the saints . to make an entrance into this enquiry , the ensuing discourse is designed . and there can be no way of the mannagement of it , but by a diligent impartial search into the nature , order , power and rule of the gospel church state , as instituted , determined and limited by our lord jesus christ and his apostles . when we depart from this rule , so as not to be regulated by it , in all instances of fact , or pleas of right that afterwards fell out , we fall into the confusion of various presumptions , suited unto the apprehensions and interests of men , imposed on them from the circumstances of the ages wherein they lived . yet is it not to be denied , but that much light into the nature of apostolical institutions , may be received from the declared principles and practices of the first churches for the space of years , or thereabouts . but that after this the churches did insensibly depart in various degrees from the state , rule , and order , of the apostolical churches , must i suppose be acknowledged by all those who groan und●r the final issue of that gradual degeneracy in the papal antichristian tyranny . for rome was not built in a day , nor was this change introduced at once , or in one age , nor were the lesser alterations which began this declension , so prejudicial unto the being , order , and purity of the churches , as they proved afterwards , through a continual additional encrease in succeeding ages . having affirmed something of this nature in my brief vindication of the nonconformists from the guilt of schisme , the reverend dr. stillingfleet in his late treatise entitled , the vnreasonableness of separation , doth not only deny it , but reflects with some severity upon the mention of it ; part . sect. . pag. , , &c. i shall therefore on this occasion reassume the consideration of it , although it will be spoken unto also , afterwards . the words he opposeth are these ; it is possible that an impartial account may ere long be given of the state and ways of the first churches , after the decease of the apostles , wherein it will be made to appear how they did insensibly deviate in many things from the rule of their first institution ; so as that though their mistakes were of small moment , and not prejudicial unto their faith and order , yet occasion was administred unto succeeding ages to encrease those deviations , until they issued in a fatal apostacy ; i yet suppose these words inoffensive , and agreeable unto the sentiments of the generality of protestants . for , . unto the first churches after the apostles , i ascribe nothing but such small mistakes as did no way prejudice their faith or order . and that they did preserve the latter as well as the former , as unto all the substantial parts of it , shall be afterwards declared . nor do i reflect any more upon them , then did hegesippus in eusebius , who confines the virgin purity of the church unto the days of the apostles ▪ lib. . cap. . the greater deviations which i intend , began not until after the end of the second century . but , . to evince the improbability of any alteration in church rule and order , upon my own principles , he intimates both here and afterwards , that my judgment is that the government of the church was democratical , and the power of it in the people in distinction from its officers ; which is a great mistake ; i never thought , i never wrote any such thing . i do believe that the authoritative rule , or government of the church , was , is , and ought to be in the elders and rulers of it , being an act of the office-power committed unto them by christ himself . howbeit my judgment is , that they ought not to rule the church , with force , tyranny , and corporal penalties , or without their own consent , whereof we shall treat afterwards . there are also other mistakes in the same discourse which i shall not insist upon . . this therefore is that which he opposeth , namely , that there was a deviation in various degrees , and falling of from the original institution , order , and rule of the church , until it issued in a fatal apostasie . this is that which on the present occasion must be further spoken unto ; for if this be not true , i confess there is an end of this contest , and we must all acquiesce in the state , rule , and order , that was in the church of rome before the reformation . but we may observe something yet farther in the vindication and confirmation of this truth , which i acknowledge to be the foundation of all that we plead for in point of church reformation . as . that the reasons and arguings of the doctor in this matter , the necessity of his cause compelling him thereunto , are the same with those of the papists about the apostacy of their church , in faith , order , and worship , wherewith they are charged ; namely , when , where , how was this alteration made , who made opposition unto it ; and the like . when these enquiries are multiplyed by the papists , as unto the whole causes between them and us , he knows well enough how to give satisfactory answers unto them , and so might do in this particular unto himself also ; but i shall endeavour to ease him of that trouble at present . only i must say that it is fallen out somewhat unexpectedly , that the ruins of the principle bulwark of the papacy , which hath been effectually demolished by the writings of protestants of all sorts , should be endeavoured to be repaired by a person , justly made eminent by his defence of the protestant religion against those of the church of rome . . but it may be pleaded , that although the churches following the first ages , did insensibly degenerate from the purity and simplicity of gospel faith and worship , yet they neither did nor could do so , from an adherence unto , and abiding in their original constitution ; or from the due observation of church order , rule , and discipline , least of all could this happen in the case of diocesan episcopacy . i answer ; . that as unto the original of any thing that looks like diocesan episcopacy , or the pastoral relation of one person of a distinct order from presbiters , unto many particular compleat churches with officers of their own , with power and jurisdiction in them and over them , unto the abridgement of the exercise of that right and power unto their own edification , which every true church is entrusted withal by jesus christ , it is very uncertain , and was introduced by insensible degrees , according unto the effectual working of the mistery of iniquity . some say , that there were two distinct orders , namely , those of bishops and presbyters , instituted at first , in all churches planted by the apostles ; but as the contrary may be evidently proved , so a supposition of it , would no way promote the cause of diocesan episcopacy , until those who plead for it have demonstrated the state of the churches wherein they were placed , to be of the same nature with those now called diocesan ; wherefore this hypothesis begins generally to be deserted , as it seems to be by this author . others suppose that immediately upon , or at , or after the decease of the apostles , this new order of bishops was appointed to succeed the apostles in the government of the churches , that were then gathered or planted . but how , when , or by whom , by what authority , apostolical and divine , or ecclesiastical only and humane , none can declare ; seeing there is not the least footstep of any such thing either in the scripture or in the records that remain of the primitive churches . others think this new order of officers , took its occasional rise , from the practice of the presbyters of the church at alexandria , who chose out one among themselves constantly to preside in the rule of the church , and in all matters of order , unto whom they ascribed some kind of preheminence and dignity , peculiarly appropriating unto him the nam● of bishop . and if this be true as unto matter of fact , i reckon it unto the beginnings of those less harmful deviations from their original constitution ; which i assigned unto primitive churches ; but many additions must be made hereunto , before it will help the cause of diocesan episcopacy . what other occasions hereof were given or taken , what advantages were made use of to promote this alteration , shall be touched upon afterwards . . why may not the churches be supposed to have departed from their original constitution , order , and rule , as well as from their first faith and worship , which they did gradually in many successive ages , until both were utterly corrupted . the causes , occasions , and temptations leading unto the former , are to the full as pregnant as those leading unto the latter . for . there was no vicious corrupt disposition of mind , that began more early to work in church officers , nor did more grow and thrive in the minds of many , then ambition , with desire of preheminence , dignity , and rule . it is not to be supposed that diotrephes was alone in his desire of ●reheminence , nor in the irregular actings of his unduly ●ssumed authority . however we have one signal instance in him , of the deviation that was in the church with him , from the rule of its original constitution . for he prevailed so far therein , as by his own single episcopal power to reject the authority of the apostles , and to cast them out of the church , who complyed not with his humour . how effectually the same ambition wrought afterwards , in many others possessing the same place in their churches with diotrephes , is sufficiently evident in all ecclesiastical histories . it is far from being the only instance of the corruption of church order and rule , by the influence of this ambition , yet it is one that is pregnant , which is given us by am●rose , for saith he , ecclesia ut synagoga , seniores habu●● ▪ quorum sine consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia ; quod qua negl●gentia obsoleverit nescio , nisi forte doctorum desidia , aut magis superbia , dum soli volunt aliquid videri . in . ad timoth. cap. . it seems there was some alteration in church rule and order in his time , whose beginning and progress he could not well discover and trace , but knew well enough , that so it was then come to pass . and if he who lived so near the times wherein such alterations were made , could not yet discover their first insinuation , nor their subtle progress , it is unreasonable to exact a strict account of us in things of the same nature , who live so many ages after their first introduction . but this he judgeth , that it was the pride or ambition of the doctors of the church , which introduced that alteration in its order . whereas therefore we see in the event , that all deviations from the original constitution of churches , all alterations in their rule and order , did issue in a compliance with the ambition of church rulers , as it did in the papal church ; and this ambition was signally noted as one of the first depraved inclinations of mind that wrought in ecclesiastical rulers , and which in the fourth and fifth centuries openly proclaimed itself unto the scandal of christian religion , there was a greater disposition in them unto a deviation from the original institution , rule , and order of the church , no way suited unto the satisfaction of that ambition , then unto a defection from the purity of faith and worship , which yet also followed . . as the inclination of many lay towards such a deviation , so their interests lead them unto it , and their temptations cast them upon it . for to acknowledge the truth unto our author and others , the rule and conduct of the church , the preservation of its order and discipline according unto its first institution , and the directions given in the scripture about it , are according unto our apprehension of these things , a matter so weighty in itself , so dangerous as unto its issue , attended with so many difficulties , trials and temptations , laid under such severe interdictions of lordly power , or seeking either of wealth or dignity , that no wise men will ever undertake it , but meerly out of a sense of a call from christ unto it , and in compliance with that duty which he owes unto him . it is no pleasant thing unto flesh and blood , to be ingaged in the conduct and oversight of christs volunteers , to bear with their manners , to exercise all patience towards them in their infirmities and temptations , to watch continually over their walkings and conversation , and thereon personally to exhort and admonish them all , to search diligently and scrupulously into the rule of the scripture for their warranty in every act of their power and duty ; under all their weaknesses and miscarriag●s , continuing an high valuation of them , as of the flock of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood , with sundry other things of the like kind , all under an abiding sense , of the near approach of that great account which they must give of the whole trust and charge committed unto them , before the judgment seat of christ ; for the most part peculiarly exposed unto all manner of dangers , troubles , and persecutions , without the least encouragement from wealth , power , or honour . it is no wonder therefore if many in the primitive times , were willing gradually to extricate themselves out of this uneasie condition , and to embrace all occasions and opportunities of introducing insensibly another rule and order into the churches , that might tend more unto the exaltation of their own power , authority , and dignity , and free them in some measure , from the weight of that important charge , and continual care with labour , which a diligent and strict adherence unto the first institution of churches , and rules given for their order and government , in the scripture , would have obliged them unto . and this was done accordingly ; until in the fourth and fifth centuries and so onward , the bishops under various titles , began by their arbitrary rules and canons , to dispose of the flock of christ , to part and divide them among themselves , without their own knowledge or consent , as if they had conquered them by the sword . this bishop shall have such a share and number of them under his power , and that other so many ; so far shall the jurisdiction of one extend , and so far that of another , was the subject of many of their decrees and laws , for the rule of the church . but yet neither did they long keep within those bounds and limits which their more modest ambition had at first prescribed unto them ; but took occasion from these beginnings to contend among themselves , about preheminence , dignity and power , in which contest , the bishop of rome at length remained master of the field , thereby obtaining a second conquest of the world. . that there was such a gradual deviation from the original institution of churches , their order and rule , is manifest in the event . for the change became at length as great as the distance is between the gospel and the rule of christ over his church , on the one hand , and the canon law with the pope or antichrist set over the church on the other . this change was not wrought at once , not in one age , but by an insensible progress even from the days of the apostles unto those dark and evil times wherein the popes of rome were exalted into an absolute tyranny over all churches unto the satiety of their ambition . for . this mistery of iniquity began to work in the days of the apostles themselves , in the suggestions of satan and the lusts of men , though in a manner latent and imperceptible unto the wisest and best of men. for that this mistery of the iniquity consisted in the effectual workings of the pride , ambition , and other vices of the minds of men , excited , enticed , and guided , by the craft of satan , until it issued in the idolatrous persecuting state of the church of rome , wherein all church rule , order , and worship of divine institution was utterly destroyed or corrupted , we shall believe , until we see an answer given unto the learned writings of all sorts of protestants whereby it hath been proved . these things are sufficient to vindicate the truth of the assertion which the doctor opposeth , and to free it from his exceptions . but because , as was observed before , the supposition hereof , is the foundation of all our present contests about church order and rule , i shall yet proceed a little farther in the declaration of the way and manner whereby the apostacy asserted was begun , and carried on . and i shall not herein insist on particular instances , nor make a transcription of stories out of antient writers , giving evidence unto the truth , because it hath been abundantly done by others , especially those of magdeburg in the sixth and seventh chapters of their centuries , unto whose observations many other learned men have made considerable additions ; but i shall only treat in general of the causes , ways and manner , of the beginning and progress of the apostacy or declension of churches from their first institution , which fell out in the successive ages after the apostles especially after the end of the second century , until when , divine institutions as unto the substance of them , were preserved entire . decays in any kind even in things natural and political , are hardly discernable but in and by their effects . when an hectick distemper befalls the body of any man , it is oftimes not to be discerned until it is impossible to be cured . the roman historian gives this advice unto his readers ; after he hath considered the ways and means whereby the empire came to its greatness ; labente deinde disciplina velut dissidentes primo mores sequatur animo ; deinde ut magis magisque lapsi sint , tum ire caeperint praecipites , donec ad haec tempora , anibus nec vitia nostra , nec remedia pati possumus , periculu● est . liv. praefat. his words do not give us a more graphical description of the rise and decay , as unto vertue and vice , of the roman empire , then of the roman church , as unto its rise ▪ by holiness and devotion , and its ruine by sensuality , ambition , the utter neglect of the discipline of christ , and superstition . but yet let any man peruse that historian who wrote with this express design , he shall hardly fix upon many of those instances whereby the empire came into that deplorable condition , wherein it was not able to bear its distempers nor its cure , such as was the state of the church before the reformation . but besides the common difficulty of discovering the beginnings and gradual progression of decays , declensions and apostacy , those which we treat of were begun and carried on in a mysterious manner , that is , by the effectual working of the mystery of iniquity . as this almost hid totally the work of it , from the ages wherein it was wrought , so it renders the discovery of it now accomplished , the more difficult . passengers in a ship setting out to sea , oftimes discern not the progressive motion of the ship ; yea , for a while the land rather seems to to move from them , then the vessel wherein they are from it . but after a season the consideration of what distance they are at from their port , gives them sufficient assurance of the progress that hath been made . so is this declension of the churches from their primitive order and institution , is discoverable , rather by measuring the distance between what it left , and what it arrived unto , then by express instances of it . but yet is it not altogether like unto that of a ship at sea , but rather unto the way of a serpent on a rock , which leaves some slime in all its turnings and windings , whereby he may be traced . such marks are left on record , of the serpentine works of this mystery of iniquity , as whereby it may be traced , with more or less evidence from its original interests unto its accomplishment . the principal promoting causes of this defection on the part of men , were those assigned by st. ambrose in one instance of it , namely , the negligence of the people , and the ambition of the clergy . i speak as unto the state , rule , discipline and order of the church ; for as unto the doctrine and worship of it , there were many other causes and means of their corruption , which belong not unto our present purpose . but as unto the alterations that were begun and carried on in the state , order , and rule of the church , they arose from those springs of negligence on the one hand , and ambition on the other , with want of skill and wisdom to mannage outward occurrences and incidencies , or what alteration fell out in the outward state and condition of the church in this world. for hence it came to pass , that in the accession of the nations in general unto the profession of the gospel , church order was suited and framed unto their secular state , when they ought to have been brought into the spiritual state and order of the church , leaving their political state entire unto themselves . herein i say did the guides of the church certainly miss their rule and depart from it , in the dayes of constantine the emperour and afterwards under other christian emperours , when whole towns , cities , yea and nations offered at once to joyn themselves unto it . evident it is , that they were not wrought hereunto by the same power , nor induced unto it , on the same motives , or lead by the same means with those who formerly under persecution were converted unto the faith of our lord jesus christ. and this quickly manifested itself in the lives and conversations of many , yea of the most of them . hence those which were wise , quickly understood , that what the church had got in multitude and number , it had lost in the beauty and glory of its holy profession . chrysostome in particular complains of it frequently , and in many places cries out , what have i to do with this multitude , a few serious believers are more worth than them all . however the guides of the church thought meet to receive them , with all their multitudes , into their communion , at least so far as to place them under the jurisdiction of such and such episcopal sees . for hereby , their own power , authority , dignity , revenues , were enlarged and mightily encreased . on this occasion , the antient primitive way of admitting members into the church being relinquished , the consideration of their personal qualifications , and real conversion unto god , omitted , such multitudes being received as could not partake in all acts and duties of communion with those particular churches , whereunto they were disposed , and being the most of them unfit to be ruled by the power and influence of the commands of christ on their minds and consciences , it was impossible but that a great alteration must ensue in the state , order , and rule of the churches , and a great deviation from their original institution . men may say that this alteration was necessary , that it was good , and useful , that it was but the accommodation of general rules unto especial occasions and circumstances ; but that there was an alteration hereon in all these things , none can with modesty deny . and this is enough unto my present design , being only to prove , that such alterations and deviations did of old fall out . neither ought we to cover the provoking degeneracy of the generality of christians , in the th . and th . centuries , with those that followed . the consideration of it , is necessary unto the vindication of the holy providence of god , in the government of the world , and of the faithfulness of christ in his dealing with his church . for there hath been no nation in the world which publickly received christian religion , but it hath been wasted and destroyed by the sword of pagan idolaters , or such as are no better then they . at first all the provinces of the western empire , were one after another made desolate by the pagan nations of the northern countreys ; who themselves did afterwards so turn christians , as to lay among them the foundation of anti-christianisme , rev. . , . the eastern empire comprehending the residue of the provinces that had embraced the christian religion , was first desolated in the chief branches of it , by the saracens , and at length utterly destroyed by the turks . and i pray god that the like fate doth not at this day hang over the reformed nations , as from their profession they are called . do we think that all this was without c●use ? did god give up his inheritance to the spoil of barbarous infidels , without such provocations , as the passing by whereof , was inconsistent with the holiness and righteousness of his rule ? it was not the wisdom , nor the courage , nor the multitude of the●r enemies , but their own sins , wickedness , superstition , and apostacy from the rule of gospel-order , worship and obedience , which ruined all christian nations . but to give farther evidence hereunto , i shall consider the causes aforementioned distinctly and apart . and the first of them is the negligence of the people themselves . but in this negligence i comprize both the ignorance , sloth , worldliness , decay in gifts and graces , with superstition in sundry instances , that in many of them were the causes of it . dr. stil . pleads that it is very unlikely that the people would forego their interest in the government of the churches , if ever they had any such thing , without great noise and trouble . for , saith he , government is so nice and tender a thing , that every one is so much concerned for his share in it , that men are not easily induced to part with it . let us suppose the judgement of the church to have been democratical at first , as dr. o. seems to do , is it probable that the people would have been wheadled out of the sweetness of government so soon , and made no noise about it ? pag. . his mistake about my judgment herein hath been marked before . no other interest or share in the government is ascribed by us unto the people , but that they may be ruled by their own consent , and that they may be allowed to yeild obedience in the church , unto the commands of christ and his apostles , given unto them for that end. this interest they neither did nor could forego , without their own sin and guilt , in neglecting the exercise of the gifts and graces which they ought to have had , and the performance of the duties whereunto they were obliged . but for any ingagement on their minds from the sweetness of government , wherein their concern principally consists in an understanding voluntary obedience unto the commands of christ , they had nothing of it . take also in general , government to be , as the government of the church is , meerly a duty , labour , and service , without those advantages of power , ease , dignity , and wealth , which have been annexed unto it ; and it will be hard to discover such a nicety or sweetness in it , as to oblige unto pertinacy in an adherence unto it . if the government of the church were apprehended to consist , in mens giving themselves wholly to the word and prayer , in watching continually over the flock ; in acurate carefulness to do and act nothing in the church but in the name and authority of christ , by the warranty of his commands , with a constant exercise of all gifts and graces of the holy spirit which they have received , in these and all other duties of their office , and that without the least appearance of domination , or the procuring of dignity , secular honours , and revenues thereby , it may be , a share and interest in it , would not be so earnestly coveted and sought after , as at present it is . nor is there any more pertinency in his ensuing supposal , of a change in the government of the congregational churches in london , in setting up one man to rule over them all and to appoint their several teachers , &c. p. . which could not be done without noise . it is in vain to fear it , non isto vivimus illic quo tu vere , modo . and impertinent in this case to suppose it . for it speaks of a suddain total alteration in the state , order and rule of churches to be made at once , whereas our discourse is of that which was gradual in many ages by degrees almost imperceptible . but yet i can give no security that the churches of our way , shall not in process of time , decline from their primitive constitution and order , either in their power and spirit , in faith and love , or in the outward practice of them , unless they continually watch against all beginnings and occasions of such declensions , and frequently renew their reformation ; or if it be otherwise , they will have better success then any churches in the world ever yet had , even those that were of the planting of the apostles themselves , as is manifested in the judgment that our lord jesus christ passed on them , rev. . and . the negligence of the people which issued in their unfitness to be disposed of and ruled according to the principles of the first constitution of church order , may be considered either as it gave occasion unto those lesser deviations from the rule , which did not much prejudice the faith and order of the churches , or as it occasioned greater alterations in the ensuing ages . and ( . ) the great , and perhaps in some things , excessive veneration which they had of their bishops or pastors , did probably occasion in them some neglect of their own duty . for they were easily induced hereon , not only implicitely to leave the mannagement of all church affairs unto them , but also zealously to comply with their mistakes . the church of smyrna giving an account of the martyrdom of holy polycarpus , tells us , that when he ascended the pile wherein he was to be burned , that he pulled off his own cloths , and endeavoured to pull off his shooes , which he had not done before , because the faithful strove among themselves who should soonest touch his body ; euseb. lib. . cap. . i think there can be no veneration due to a man , which was not so unto that great and holy person . but those who did so express it , might easily be induced to place too much of their religion , in an implicite compliance with them unto whom they are so devoted . hence a negligence in themselves as unto their particular duties did ensue . they were quickly far from esteeming it their duty to say unto their pastor or bishop , that he should take heed unto the ministry which he had received in the lord to fulfill it , as the apostle enjoyns the colossians to say to archippus their pastor ; chap. . . but begun to think that the glory of obsequious obedience , was all that was left unto them . and hence did some of the clergy begin to assume to themselves , and to ascribe unto one another , great swelling titles of honour , and names of dignity , ( amongst which the blasphemous title of his holiness was at length appropriated unto the bishop of rome ) wherein they openly departed from apostolical simplicity and gravity . but these things fell out after the writing of the epistle of clemens , of those of the church of vienna , and smyrna , wherein no such titles do appear . ( . ) many of the particular churches of the first plantations , encreasing greatly in the number of their members , it was neither convenient nor safe that the whole multitude should on all occasions come together as they did at first , to consult about their common concerns , and discharge the duties of their communion . for by reason of danger from their numerous conventions , they met in several parcels , as they had opportunity . herewith they were contented , unless it were upon the greater occasions of choosing their officers and the like , whereon the whole church met together . this made them leave the ordinary administration of all things in the church , unto the elders of it , not concerning themselves further therein , but still continuing members of the same particular church . it is altogether improbable what platina from damasus affirmes in the life of evaristus about the end of the first century , that he distributed the faithful at rome into distinct titles or parishes , with distinct presbyters of their own . for it is apparent that in those days wherein persecution was at its height , the meetings of believers were occasional , with respect unto their security , oft-times by night , sometimes in caves under the earth , or in deserted burial places , at best in private houses . and they had for what they did the example of the apostolical churches ; acts . , . acts . . chap. . , . chap. . . chap. . . chap. . . chap. . . instances of such meetings may be multiplyed , especially in the church of rome . and to manifest that they took this course upon necessity , when peace begun to be restored at any time unto them , they designed temples that might receive the whole multitude of the church together . the distribution mentioned into titles and parishes , began a long time after , and in very few places within years . in this state , it is easie to conceive what alterations might fall out in some churches from their primitive order , especially how the people might desert their diligence and duty in attending unto all the concerns of the church . and if those things which the apostles wrote unto them in their epistles , the instructions , directions and commands , how in all things they should act and deport themselves in the church , be esteemed to be obligatory in all ages , i cannot see how after the second century they were much complyed withal , unless it were in the single instance of choosing their own officers or rulers . but secondly ; after these there ensued greater occasions of greater variations from the primitive institution and order of the churches , on the part of the people . for . such numbers of them were received into a relation unto particular churches , as was inconsistent with the ends of their institution , and the observance of the communion required in them , as will afterwards appear . and the reliefes that were invented for this inconveniency in distinct conventions , supplyed with the administration of the word and sacrament from the first church , or by stated titles , did alter the state of the church . among those multitudes which were added unto the churches , especially in the fourth century , many , if not the most , did come short inexpressibly in knowledge , gifts , grace , holiness , and uprightness of conversation , of the primitive , christians , as the writers of that age complain . and being hereby uncapable of walking according unto the order , rule , and discipline of the apostolical churches , there seemed to be a necessity of another rule , of other ways and means , for their government , without their own concurrence or consent , then what was at first appointed , which were gradually introduced ; whence the original of a multitude of those canons , which were arbitrarily invented afterwards for their rule and government is to be derived . and it may be made to appear that the accommodation of the rule , yea and of the worship of the church in the several ages of it , unto the ignorance , manners , and inclinations of the people , who were then easily won unto the outward profession of christian religion , was one means of the ruine of them both , until they issued in downright tyranny and idolatry . but much more of the cause of the deviation of the churches from their primitive rule and order , is to be ascribed unto the ambition and love of preheminence in many of the clergy , or rulers of the churches ; but this is no place nor season to manifest this by instances , besides it hath been done by others . i shall therefore enquire only into one or two things in particular , which are of principal consideration in the declension of the churches from their primitive institution , order and rule . and . it is evident , that there was an alteration made in the state of the church as to its officers . for it issued at last in popes , patriarchs , cardinals , metropolitan , and diocesan bishops , who were utterly forreign unto the state and order of the primitive churches , and that for some ages . nor were these officers introduced into the church at one , or in one age , nor with the powers which they afterwards claimed and assumed unto themselves . it was done gradually in many succeeding ages , working by a design to accommodate the state of the church , unto the political state of the empire in the distribution of its government . . the beginnings of this great alteration were small , nor at all perceived in the days wherein they were first acted . nor is it agreed , nor as far as i see , will it ever be agreed among learned men , when first a disparity among the ordinary officers of the church , in order , degree or power did first begin , nor by what means it was brought about . the apostles were all equal among themselves , no one had either office or office-power above others . so were all the ordinary bishops and presbyters mentioned in the scripture , as shall be proved afterwards ; no intimation is given of any preheminence or superiority amongst them , of one over others . yet afterwards in the third and fourth centuries , much of that nature appears . it begins to be granted that the bishops and elders mentioned in the scripture were the same , and that there was no difference in name , office , or power , during the apostles times , which was the judgment of hierome , and our author seems to me to be of the same mind ; p. . but they say , that after the decease of the apostles there were some appointed to succeed them in that part of their office , which concerned the rule of many churches . and this they say was done for the prevention of schisme , but with ill success ; for as clemens affirms that the apostles foresaw that there would be strife and contention about episcopacy , even when it was confined unto its original order , because of the ambition of diotrephes and others like him ; so it became much more the cause of all sorts of disorders in schismes and heresies , when it began to exalt it self in dignity and reputation . the first express attempt to corrupt and divide a church , made from within itself , was that in the church of hierusalem , made by thebulis , because simon cleopas was chosen bishop , and he was refused ; euseb. lib. . cap. . the same rise had the schismes of the novatians and donatists , the heresies of arius and others . neither is there any thing certain in this pretended succession of some persons unto the apostles in that part of their office which concerns the rule of many churches by one overseer . no intimation of any such appointment by the apostles , or any of them , no record of the concurrence of the churches themselves , in and unto this alteration , can be produced . nor is there any analogy between the extraordinary power of every apostle over all churches , and care for them , and the ordinary power of a bishop over a small number , which lot or accident disposeth unto him . besides it cannot be proved , no instance can be given , or hath been for the space of years or until the end of the second century , of any one person who had the care of more churches than one committed unto him , or did take the charge of them on himself . but whereas this change did fall out and appears evidently so to have done in the fourth century , we may briefly enquire into the causes and occasions of it . churches were originally planted in cities and townes for the most part ; not absolutely , for the word was preached and churches gathered by the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as clemens testifieth . in such cities there was but one church , whereunto all beleivers did belong . i mention this the rather because our present author who is pleased frequently to mistake my words and principles , affirms that the thing which i should have proved , is , that there were more churches at first planted in one city , than one . i know not why i should be obliged to do so , because i never said so . i do believe indeed that there may be more particular churches than one , in one city ; and that sometimes it is better that it should be so , then that all beleivers in the same city , should be kept up unto one congregation to the obstruction of their edification . but that there were originally or in the days of the apostles more churches than one , in any one city or town , i do wholly deny ; though i grant at the same time there were churches in villages also , as will appear afterwards . but though there was one church only in one town or city , yet all the believers that belonged unto that church , did not live in that city , but sundry of them in the fields and villages about . so justin martyr tells us , that on the first day of the week when the church had its solemn assemblies , all the members of it in the city and out of the country , the fields and villages about , met together in the same place . in process of time these believers in the country , did greatly encrease , by the means of the ministry of the city-church , which diligently attended unto the conversion of all sorts of men , with some extraordinary helps besides . but hereon the example of the apostles was overseen . for on this account of the conversion of many unto the faith , in the towns and villages of any province , they erected and planted new churches among them , not obliging them all unto that first church , from whence the word went forth for their conversion . but those who succeeded them , being hindred by many reasons which may be easily recounted , from thoughts of the multiplication of churches , chose rather to give the beleivers scattered up and down in the countrey , occasional assistance by presbyters of their own , than to dispose them into a chrch state and order . but after a while their number greatly encreasing , they were necessitated to supply them with a constant minist●y in several parcels or divisions . the ministers or elders thus disposed amongst them for their edification in the administration of the ordinances of the gospel , did still relate unto and depend upon that city first church , from whence they came . but the numbers of beleivers dayly encreasing and a succession of presbyters in their distinct assemblies being found necessary , they came to be called churches , though continuing in dependance both for a supply of officers and for rule , on the first or city church , whereunto they esteemed themselves to belong . this was the way and manner of the multiplication of christian assemblies throughout the roman empire . and hereby all the bishops of the first churches became by common consent to have a distinction from and preheminence above the presbyters that were fixed in the country , and a rule over those assemblies or churches themselves . and therefore when they met together in the council of nice , among the first things they decreed , one was , to confirm unto the bishops of the great cities , that power over the neighbouring churches which they had enjoyned from this occasional rise and constitution of them . hereby was a difference and distinction between bishops and presbiters , between mother and dependant churches , introduced , equally almost in all places , without taking any notice of the departure which was therein from the primitive pattern and institution . but these things fell out long after the days of the apostles , namely , in the third and fourth centuries , there being no mention of them before . but secondly ; there was another occasion of this alteration which took place before that insisted on . for in many of those city churches , especially when the number of beleivers much encreased , there were many bishops or elders who had the rule of them in common . this is plain in the scripture , and in the ensuing records of church affairs . and they had all the same office , the same power , and were of the same order . but after a while to preserve order and decency among themselves , and in all their proceedings , they chose one from among them , who should preside in all church affairs for orders sake , unto whom after a season , the name of bishop began to be appropriated . whether the rule they proceeded by herein , was to choose them unto this dignity who had been first converted unto the faith , or first called and ordained to be presbyters , or had respect unto the gifts and graces of those whom they chose , is not certain . but this way began in those churches , wherein some extraordinary officer , apostle , or evangelist had long resided . it cannot therefore be doubted but they had some design to represent hereby somewhat of the dignity of such an officer , and a resemblance of the continuance of his presence among them . and this i suppose fell out early in the churches , though without ground or warrant . and the principal pastors of other churches , which had not any great number of elders in them , yet quickly assumed unto themselves , the dignity which the others had attained . justin martyr in the account he gives of the church , its order , rule , worship , and discipline in his days , mentions one singular person in one church , whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who presided in all the affairs of the church , and himself administred all the sacred ordinances every lords day , unto the whole body of the church gathered and met , out of the city and the villages about . this was the bishop ; and if any one desired this office , he desired a good work , as the apostle speaks . whatever accessions were made unto the church , these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were either the first converted to the faith , or the first ordained presbyters , or obtained their preheminence , non pretio , sed testimonio , as tertullian speaks , upon the account of their eminency in gifts and holiness , were yet quickly sensible of their own dignity and praelation , and by all means sought the enlargement of it , supposing that it belonged unto the honour and order of the church it self . under this state of things , the churches encreasing every day in number and wealth , growing insensibly more and more ( indies magis magisque decrescente disciplina ) into a form , and state exceeding the bounds of their original institution , and becoming unweildy as unto the pursuit of their ends unto mutual edification , it is not hard to conjecture how a stated distinction between bishops and presbyters did afterwards ensue . for as the first elder , bishop , or pastor , had obtained this small preheminence in the church wherein he did preside , and the assemblies of the villages about , so the mannagement of those affairs of the church , which they had in communion with others , was committed unto him , or assumed by him . this gave them the advantage of meeting in synods and councils afterwards , wherein they did their own business unto the purpose . hereon in a short time the people were deprived of all their interest in the state of the church , so as to be governed by their own consent , which indeed they also had rendred themselves unmeet to enjoy and exercise ; other elders were deprived of that power and authority which is committed unto them by christ ; and thrust down into an order or degree inferior unto that wherein they were originally placed ; new officers in the rule of the church , utterly unknown to the scripture and primitive antiquity , were introduced ; all charitable donations unto the church , for the maintenance of the ministry , the poor , and the redemption of captives , were for the most part abused , to advance the revenues of the bishops ; such secular advantages in honour , dignity and wealth were annexed unto episcopal sees , as that ambitious men shamefully contested for the attaining of them , which in the instance of the bloody conflict between the parties of damasus and vrsacius at rome , ammianus marcellinus an heathen doth greatly and wisely reflect upon . but yet all these evils were as nothing in comparison of that dead sea of the roman tyranny and idolatry , whereinto at last these bitter waters ran , and were therein totally corrupted . i thought also to have proceeded with an account of the declension of the churches from their first institution , in their matter , form and rule . ●ut because this would draw forth my discourse beyond my present intention , i shall forbear , having sufficiently vindicated my assertion in this one instance . it is no part of my design to give an answer at large unto the great volume that dr. still . hath written on this occasion ; much less to contend about particular sayings , opinions , the practises of this or that man , which it is filled withal . but whereas his treatise , so far as the merit of the cause is concerned in it , doth consist of two parts , the first whereof contains such stories , things , and sayings , as may load the cause and persons whom he opposeth with prejudices in the minds of others , in which endeavour he exceeds all expectation ; and what doth more directly concern the argument in hand ; i shall at the end of the ensuing discourse speak distinctly unto all that is material of the second sort , especially so far as is needful , unto the defence of my former vindication of the non-conformists from the guilt of schisme . for the things of the first sort wherein the doctor doth so abound both in his preface , and in the first part of his book , as to manifest himself ( i fear ) to be a little too sensible of provocation , ( for the actings of interest in wise men are usually more sedate ) i shall only oppose some general considerations unto them , without arguing or contending about particulars , which would be endless and useless . and whereas he hath gathered up almost every thing that hath been done , written or spoken , to the prejudice of the cause and persons whom he opposeth ( though frequently charged before ) adding the advantage of his style and method unto their reinforcement ; i shall reduce the whole unto a few heads which seem to be of the greatest importance . i shall leave him without disturbance unto the satisfaction he hath in his own love , moderation , and condescension , expressed in his preface . others may possibly call some things in it unto a farther account . but the first part of his book is cast under two heads ; . a commendation of the first reformers and their reformation , with some reflections upon all that acquiesce not therein , as though they esteemed themselves wiser and better than they . from this topick proceed many severe reflections and some reproaches . the other consists in a story of the rise and progress of separation from the church of england , with great miscarriages among them who first attempted it , and the opposition made unto them by those who were themselves non-conformists . the whole is closed with the difference and debate , between the divines of the assembly of the presbyterian way , and the dissenting brethren , as they were then called . concerning these things the discourse is so prolix , and so swelled with long quotations , that i scarce believe any man would have the patience to read over a particular examination of it ; especially considering how little the cause in hand is concerned in the whole story , whether it be told right or wrong , candidly or with a design to make an advantage unto the prejudice of others . i shall therefore only mark something with respect unto both these heads of the first part of the book , which if i mistake not will lay it aside from being of any use in our present cause . . as unto the first reformers and reformation in the days of king edward , the plea from them and it , which we have been long accustomed unto , is that they were persons , great , wise , learned , holy ; that some of them dyed martyrs ; that the work of the reformation was greatly owned and blessed of god ; and therefore our non-acquiescency therein , but desiring a farther reformation of the church , then what they saw and judged necessary , is unreasonable , and that what we endeavour therein , though never so peaceably , is schismatical . but , . none do more bless god for the first reformers , and the work they did , than we do ; none have an higher esteem of their persons , abilities , graces , and sufferings than we have ; none cleave more firmly to their doctrine , which was the life and soul of the reformation then we ; nor desire more to follow them in their godly design . they are not of us , who have declared that the death of king edward was an happiness or no unhappiness to the church of england , nor who have reflected on the reformation as needless , and given assurance that if it had not been undertaken , salvation might have been obtained safely enough in the church of rome ; nor were they of us who have questioned the zeal and prudence of the martyrs of those days in suffering . we have other thoughts concerning them , another kind of remembrance of them . . the titles assigned unto them , of wise , learned , holy , zealous , are fully answered by that reformation of the church , in its doctrine and worship , which god wrought by their ministry , so that none without the highest ingratitude can derogate any thing from them in these things . but it is no disparagement unto any of the sons of men , any officers of the church since the days of the apostles , first reformers , or those that followed them , to judge that they were not infallible , that their work was not absolutely perfect , like the work of god whereunto nothing can be added , nor ought taken away . wherefore , . we are not obliged to make , what they did , and what they attained unto , and what they judged meet as unto the government and worship of the church , to be our absolute rule , from which it should be our sin to dissent or depart . they never desired nor designed that it should be so ; for to do so , would have been to have cast out one papacy , and to have brought in another . and the arguments of the papists for their absolute adherence unto the men of their veneration , those who have been formerly of great reputation in their church , for learning , holiness , and devotion , are as forcible unto them , as any can be unto us for an adherence unto the first reformers in all things ; but yet are they not excused in their errors thereby . had we received a command from heaven to hear them in all things , it had altered the case , but this we have received only with respect unto jesus christ , and shall therefore in these things ultimately attend only unto what he speaks . and we have sundry considerations which confirm us in the use and exercise of that liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , to enquire our selves into our duty in these things , and to regulate our duty in them by his word , notwithstanding what was done by our first reformers . for , . they did not think themselves obliged , they did not think meet to abide within the bounds and limits of that reformation of the church , which had been attempted before them , by men wise , learned and holy , even in this nation . such was that which was endeavoured by wickliffe and his followers , in giving testimony whereunto many suffered martyrdom , and prepared the way unto those that were to come after . they approved of what was then done or attempted to be done for the substance of it ; yet esteemed themselves at liberty to make a further progress in the same work , which they did accordingly . surely such persons never designed their own judgment and practice to give boundaries unto all reformation for evermore ; or pretended that they had made so perfect a discovery of the mind of christ in all things belonging unto the rule and worship of the church ; as that it should not only be vain , but sinful to make any farther enquiries about it . some thought they were come unto the utmost limits of navigation , and discovery of the parts of the world , before the west-indies were found out . and some men when in any kind they know as much as they can , are apt to think there is no more to be known . it was not so with our reformers . . they did not at once make what they had done themselves to be a fixed rule in these things . for themselves made many alterations in the service book which they first composed ; and if they judged not their first endeavour to be satisfactory to themselves , they had no reason to expect their second should be a standing rule unto all future ages . nor did they so , but frequently acknowledged the imperfection of what they had done . . the first reformers , both bishops and others , both those who underwent martyrdom at home , and those who lived in exile abroad , differed among themselves in their judgments and apprehensions about those things , which are now under concest ; whereas they perfectly agreed in all doctrines of faith and gospel obedience . the publick records of these differences , do so remain as that they cannot modestly be denied , nor handsomly covered . and this must needs weaken the influence of their authority in the settlement of the church , which was an act only of the prevalent party among them . . they differed in these things from all other reformed churches , with whom they did absolutely agree in doctrine , and had the strictest communion in faith and love. for it is known that their doctrine which they owned and established , was the same with that of the churches abroad called particularly reformed in distinction from the lutherans . but as unto the state , rule , and order of the church they differed from them all . i press not this consideration unto the disadvantage of what they attained unto and established in the way of reformation , or in a way of preferring other churches above them ; but only to evidence that we have reason enough not to esteem our selves absolutely obliged unto what they did and determined , as unto all endeavours after any farther reformation . . in their reformation they avowedly proposed a rule and measure unto themselves , which was both uncertain , and in many things apparently various from the original rule of these things given by christ and his apostles , with the practice of the first churches . and this was the state and example of the church under the first christian emperours ; as our author confesseth . this rule is uncertain ; for no man living is able to give a just and full account of what was the state and rule of all the churches in the world in the reign of any one emperour , much less during the succession of many of them , continual alterations in the state or order of the church following one upon another . and that in those days there was a prevalent deviation from the original rule of church order , hath been before declared . we dare not therefore make them and what they did , to be our rule absolutely , who missed it so much in the choice of their own . . we may add hereunto the consideration of the horrid darkness which they newly were delivered from , the close adherence of some traditional prejudices unto the best of men in such a condition , the difficulties and oppositions they met withal as unto their whole work ; their prudence , as they judged it , in an endeavour to accommodate all things unto the inclinations , and desires of the body of the people , ( extreamly immersed in their old traditions , ) which might not be destructive unto their salvation , in heresie or idolatry ; all which could not but leave some marks of imperfection on their whole work of reformation . upon these and the like considerations it is , that we are enforced to assert the use of our own liberty , light and understanding , in the enquiring after and compliance with the true original state and order of evangelical churches , with our duty in reference thereunto , and not to be absolutely confined unto what was judged meet and practised in these things by the first reformers . and the truth is , if present interest and advantage , did not prevail with men to fix the bounds of all church reformation in what was by them attained and established , they would think it themselves a papal bondage to be bound up absolutely unto their apprehensions , from a confinement whereunto in sundry other things , they declare themselves to be at an absolute liberty . wherefore neither we nor our cause are at all concerned in the rhetorical discourse of dr. still . concerning the first reformers and their reformation ; neither do we at all delight in reflecting on any of the defects of it , desiring only the liberty avowed on protestant principles , in the discharge of our own duty . nor secondly ; are we any more concerned in the long story that ensues about the rise and progress of separation from the church of england , with the mistakes of some in principles , and miscarriages in practise , who judged it their duty to be separate . for as in our refraining from total communion with the parochial assemblies of the church of england , we proceed not on the same principles , so we hope that we are free from the same miscarriages with them , or any of an alike nature . but it is also certain , that after the great confusion that was b●ought on the whole state and order of the church , under the roman apostacy , many of those who attempted a reformation ; fell into different opinions and practises in sundry things , which the papists have made many a long story about . we undertake the defence only of our own principles and practises according unto them . nor do we esteem our selves obliged to justifie or reflect on others . and it were no difficult task , to compose a story of the proceedings of some in the church of england with reference unto these differences , that would have as ill an aspect as that which is here reported . should an account be given of their unaccountable rigor and severity , in that , through so many years , yea ages , they would never think of the least abatement of their impositions , in any one instance , though acknowledged by themselves indifferent , and esteemed by others unlawful ; although they saw what woful detriment arose to the churches thereby ; yea , how instead thereof they did to the last of their power , make a progress in the same course , by attempting new canons to enflame the difference , and encreased in severities towards all dissenters ; should an account be given of the silencings , deprivings , imprisonings , by the high commission court , and in most of the diocesses of the kingdom , of so great numbers of godly , learned , faithful , painful ministers , to the unspeakable disadvantage of the church and nation , with the ruine of the most of them and their families ; the representation of their names , qualifications , evident usefulness in the ministry , with the causes of their sufferings , wherein the observance of some ceremonies was openly preferred before the edification of the church , and a great means of the conversion of souls ; would give as ill a demonstration of christian wisdom , love , moderation , condescension , zeal for the propagation of the gospel , as any thing doth , on the other hand , in the history before us . it would not be omitted on such an occasion to declare what multitudes of pious , peaceable protestants , were driven by their severities to leave their native country , to seek a refuge for their lives and liberties , with freedom for the worship of god in a wilderness in the ends of the earth ; and if it be said that what some did herein , they did in discharge of the duties of their office ; i must say , i shall hardly acknowledge that office to be of the institution of christ , whereunto it belongs in a way of duty , to ruine and destroy so many of his disciples , for no other cause but a desire and endeavour to serve and worship him , according unto what they apprehend to be his mind revealed in the gospel . should there be added hereunto , an account of the administration of ecclesiastical discipline in the courts of chancellors , commissaries , officials , and the like , as unto the authority , and causes with the way and manner of their proceedings , in the exercise of their jurisdiction , with the woful scandals that have been given thereby , with an addition of sundry other things which i will not so much as mention ; i suppose it would as much conduce unto peace and reconciliation among protestants , as the story here given us by our author . but setting aside the aggravations of things gathered out of controversial writings , ( wherein few men do observe the due rules of moderation , but indulge unto themselves the liberty of severe censures and sharp reflections on them they do oppose ) the sum and truth of the story concerning these things may be reduced into a narrow compass . for . it is certain that from the first dawning of the reformation in this nation , there were different apprehensions among them that jointly forsook the papacy as unto its doctrine and worship , about the state , rule , order , and discipline of the church , with sundry things belonging unto its worship also ; i suppose this will not be denyed . . there doth not remain any record , of a due attempt and endeavour for the composing these differences before one certain way was established by those in power . and whereas the state and condition wherein they were at that time , from the confusions about religion that were then abroad , and the pertinaciousness of the generality of the people in an adherence unto their old ways and observances in religion , with a great scarcity in able ministers , the greatest part of the bishops and clergy disliking the whole reformation , they found themselves as they judged necessitated to make as little alteration in the present state of things as was possible , so as to keep up an appearance of the same things in the church , which had been in former use . on these grounds the state and rule of the church was continued in the same form and posture that it was before under the papacy , the authority of the pope only being excluded , and the power of disposal of ecclesiastical affairs usurped by him , declared to be in the king. so also in imitation of that book of worship and service which the people had been accustomed unto , another was established , with the ceremonies most obvious unto popular observation . . this order was unsatisfactory unto great numbers of ministers and others , who yet considering what the necessity of the times did call for , did outwardly acquiesce in it , in several degrees , in hopes of a farther reformation in a more convenient season . nor did they cease to plead and press for it by all quiet and peaceable meanes ; abstaining in the mean time , from the use of the ceremonies , and full compliance with episcopal jurisdiction . . hereon those who were for the establishment , having secured their interests therein , and obtained power , began after a while to oppress , excommunicate , silence , deprive , and imprison those who dissented from them , and could not come up unto a full practical compliance with their institutions and rules . yet the generality of those so silenced and deprived , abode in privacy under their sufferings , hoping for a reformation at one time or another , without betaking themselves unto any other course for the edification of themselves or their people . . after sundry years , some men , partly silenced and deprived , as unto their ministry , and partly pursued with other censures and penalties began to give place unto severe thoughts of the church of england and its communion , and withdrawing themselves into forreign parts openly avowed a separation from it . and if the extremities which many had been put unto for their meer dissent and nonconformity unto the established rule , which with a good conscience they could not comply with , were represented , it might , if not excuse , yet alleviate the evil of that severity in separation which they fell into . . but hereon a double inconvenience , yea , evil did ensue , whence all the advantages made use of in this story , to load the present cause of the nonconformists , did arise . for ( . ) many of those who refused to conform unto the church in all its constitutions , yet thought it their duty to wait quietly for a national reformation , thinking no other possible , began to oppose and write against them , who utterly separated from the church , condemning its assemblies as unlawful . and herein , as the manner of men is on such occasions , they fell into sharp invectives against them , with severe censures and sentences concerning them and their practice . and ( . ) those who did so separate , being not agreed among themselves , as unto all principles of church-order , nor as unto the measures of their separation from the church of england , there fell out differences and disorders among them , accompanied with personal imprudencies and miscarriages , in not a few . neither was it ever scarcely otherwise among them who first attempted any reformation , unless like the apostles they were infallibly guided . these mutual contests which they had among themselves , and with the nonconformists who abode in their private stations in england , with their miscarriages also , were published unto the world , in their own writings and those of their enemies . hinc omnis pendet lucilius . these were the things that gave advantage unto , and are the substance of the history of our author concerning separation ; wherein all i can find unto our present instruction is , that iliacos intra muros peccatur & extra ; there are and ever were sins , faults , follies , and miscarriages among all sorts of men ; which might be farther evidenced by recounting on the other hand , what were the ways , acts and deeds at the same time of those by whom the others were cast out and rejected . and whereas it was the design of the reverend author , to load the cause and persons of the present nonconformists with prejudice and contempt , it is well fallen out , in the merciful disposal of things towards and amongst us , by the providence and grace of god , that he is forced to derive the principal matter of his charge , from what was done by a few private persons , three or fourscore years agoe and more , in whose principles and practises we are not concerned . and as for the difference that fell out more lately among the divines in the assembly at westminster , about the ways , means , and measures of reformation and mutual forbearance , which he gives us a large account of in a long transcription out of their writings , i must have more health , and strength and leisure than now i have , ( which i look not for in this world ) before i esteem my self concerned to ingage in that contest , or to apologize for the one side or other . the things in agitation between them , had no relation unto or present dissent from the church of england , being here insisted on meerly to fill up the story , with reference unto the general end designed . neither to my knowledge did i ever read a book , wherein there was a greater appearance of diligence in the collection of things , words , sayings , expressions , discourses unto other ends , which might only cast odium on the cause opposed , or give advantage for arguings unto a seeming success , very little or no way at all belonging unto the cause in hand , than there is in this of our reverend author , though much in the same way and kind hath been before attempted . but separation it is and schisme which we are all charged withal , and the evil thereof is aggravated in the words of the author himself , and in large transcriptions out of the writings of others . schisme indeed we acknowledge to be an evil , a great evil ; but are sorry that with some , a pretended , unproved schisme is become almost all that is evil in the churches or their members ; so that let men be what they will , drenched , yea , overwhelmed in ignorance , vice and sin , so they do not separate ( which to be sure , in that state they will not do , for why should he who hath plague sores upon him , depart from the society of them that are infected ) they seem to be esteemed as unto all the concerns of the church , very unblameable . the truth is , considering the present state and condition of the inhabitants of this nation ; who are generally members of the church of england , how the land is filled with sin against the holy one of israel , god giving us every day renewed tokens and indications of his displeasure , no compliance with his calls , no publick reformation being yet attempted ; it seems a more necessary duty and of more importance unto them , upon whom the care of such things is incumbent , to endeavour in themselves , and to ingage a faithful ministry throughout the nation , both to give a due example in their conversations , and to preach the word with all diligence , for the turning of the people from the evil of their ways ; then to spend their time and strength in the mannagment of such charges against those who would willingly comply with them , as unto all the great ends of religion amongst men . but this must be farther spoken unto . i say therefore . in general , that whereas the whole design of this book , is to charge all sorts of nonconformists with schisme , and to denounce them schismaticks ; yet the author of it doth not once endeavour to state the true notion and nature of schisme , wherein the consciences of men may be concerned . he satisfies himself in the invectives of some of the antients against schisme , applicable unto those which were in their days , wherein we are not concerned . only he seems to proceed on the general notion of it , that it is a causeless separation from a true church , which departs from that of the romanists , who will allow no separation from the church but what is causeless . to make application hereof unto us ; it is supposed ( . ) that the church of england is a true church in its national constitution , and so are all the parochial churches in it ; which can be no way justified but by a large extensive interpretation of the word true. for there is but one sort of churches instituted by christ and his apostles ; but national and parochial churches differ in their whole kind , and therefore cannot both of them be of a divine original . ( . ) that we are members of this church by our own consent . how we should come to be so otherways , i know not ; if we are so by being born and baptized in england , then those who are born beyond sea and baptized there , are made members of this church by an act of parliament for their naturalization and no otherwise . ( . ) that we separate from this church , in things wherein we are obliged by the authority of christ to hold communion with it ; which neither is nor will ever be proved , nor is it endeavoured so to be , by any instances in this treatise . ( . ) that to with-hold communion from parochial assemblies in the worship of god , as unto things confessedly not of divine institution , is schisme , that kind of schisme which is condemned by the antient writers of the church . upon these and the like suppositions , it is no uneasie thing to make vehement declamations against us , and severe reflections on us ; all is schisme and schismaticks , and all of the same kind , with what was written against by cyprian and austin , and others a great many . but the true state of the controversie between him and us , is this and no other ; namely , whether a dissent in and forbearance from the communion of churches , in their state and kind not of divine institution , or so far as they are not of divine institution , and from things in other churches that have no such divine institution , nor any scriptural authority to oblige us unto their observance , be to be esteemed schisme in them who maintain and professedly avow communion in faith and love with all the true churches of christ in the world. this is the whole of what we are concerned in , which where it is spoken unto , it shall be considered . but because there were in the primitive churches , certain persons who on arbitrary principles of their own , consisting for the most part in gross and palpable errors , which they would have imposed on all others , did separate from the catholick church , that is all other christians in the world , and all the churches of christ , condemning them as no churches , allowing not the administration of sacraments unto them , nor salvation unto their members , whom the antient church condemned with great severity and that justly as guilty of schisme , their judgment , their words and expressions are applyed unto us , who are no way concerned in what they speak of or unto . we are not therefore in the least terrified with what is alledged out of the antients about schisme , no more then he is , when the same instances , the same authorities , the same quotations , are made use of by the papists against the church of england , as they are continually . for , as was said , we know that we are no way concerned in them . and suppose that all that the dr. alledgeth against us be true , and that we are in the wrong in all that is charged on us , yet i dare refer it to the dr. himself to determine , whether it be of the same nature with what was charged on them who made schismes in the church of old . i suppose i guess well enough what he will say , to secure his charge , and it shall be considered where it is spoken . but , as was said , the great and only design of the author of this book , is to prove all non-conformists to be schismaticks , or guilty of the sin of schisme . how he hath succeeded in this attempt , shall be afterwards considered . and something i have spoken in the ensuing discourse , concerning the nature of schisme , which will manifest how little we are concerned in this charge . but yet it may not be amiss in this place , to mind both him and others , of some of those principles whereon we ground our justification in this matter , that it may be known what they must further overthrow , and what they must establish who shall persist in the mannagement of this charge ; that is indeed through want of love , in a design to heighten and perpetuate our divisions . and , the first of these principles is ; that there is a rule prescribed by our lord jesus christ , unto all churches and believers , in a due attendance whereunto , all the vnity and peace , which he requireth amongst his disciples , do consist . we acknowledge this to be our fundamental principle . nor can the rhetorick or arguments of any man , affect our consciences , with a sense of the guilt of schism , until one of these things be proved , namely , either , first , that the lord christ hath given no such rule , as in the observance whereof , peace and unity may be preserved in his church ; or , secondly , that we refuse a compliance with that rule , in some one instance or other , of what therein , he hath himself appointed . unless one or the other be proved , and that strictly and directly , not pretended so to be , by perpetual diversions from the things in question , no vehement assertions of any of us to be schismaticks , nor aggravations of the guilt of schisme , will signifie any thing in this cause . but that our principle herein , is according unto truth , we are fully perswaded . there is a rule of christs giving , which whosoever walk according unto , peace shall be on them and mercy , as on the whole israel of god. gal. . . and we desire no more , no more is needful unto the peace and unity of the church ; and this rule whatever it be , is of his giving and appointment . no rule of mens invention or imposition , can by its observance secure us of an interest in that peace and mercy , which is peculiar unto the israel of god. god forbid we should entertain any such imagination . we know well enough men may be through conformists , to such rules , unto whom as unto their present state and condition , neither peace nor mercy do belong ; for there is no peace to the wicked . he who hath directed and commanded the end of church unity and peace , hath also appointed the meanes and measures of them . nothing is more disagreeable unto , nothing more inconsistent with the wisdom , care , and love of christ unto his church , than an imagination , that whereas he strictly enjoynes peace and unity in his church , he hath not himself appointed the rules , bounds , and measures of them , but left it unto the will and discretion of men. as if his command unto his disciples had been , keep peace and vnity in the church , by doing and observing whatever some men under a pretence of being the guides of the church shall make necessary unto that end ; whereas it is plainly otherwise , namely , that we should so keep the peace and unity of the church , by doing and observing all whatever that he commands us . and besides we strictly require , that some one instance be given us , of a defect in the rule given by christ himself , which must be supplyed by humane additions , to render it compleat for the end of church peace and unity . in vain have we desired , in vain may we for ever expect , any instance of that kind . this principle we shall not be easily dispossessed of . and whilst we are under the protection of it , we have a safe retreat and shelter , from the most vehement accusations of schisme for a non-compliance with a rule , none of his , different from his , and in some things contrary unto his , for the preservation of church peace and unity . all the dispute is whether we keep unto this rule of christ or no ; wherein we are ready at any time to put our selves upon the trial , being willing to teach , or learn , as god shall help us . secondly ; we say that this rule in general is the rule of faith , love , and obedience , contained and revealed in the scripture , and in particular the commands that the lord christ hath given for the order and worship that he requires in his churches . it may seem strange to some , that we should suppose the due observance of the rule of faith , love and obedience , that is , of faith real and unfeigned , love fervent and without dissimulation , and of universal gracious evangelical obedience , to be necessary unto the preservation of church peace and unity . but we do affirm with some confidence , that the only real foundation of them doth lye herein , nor do we value that ecclesiastical peace , which may be without it , or is neglective of it . let all the christian world , or those therein who concern themselves in us know , that this is our principle and our judgment , that no church peace or vnity is valued by or accepted with jesus christ , that is not founded in , that doth not arise from , and is the effect of , a diligent attendance unto , and observance of the entire gospel rule , of faith and obedience . in the neglect hereof , peace is is but carnal security ; and unity is nothing but a conspiracy against the rule of christ. add hereunto in particular , the due observation of what the lord christ hath appointed to be done and observed in his churches , as unto their order , rule , and worship ; and they who walk according unto this rule , need not fear the charge of schisme from the fiercest of their adversaries . wherefore we say , thirdly ; those who recede from this rule , in any material branch of it , are guilty of the breach of church vnity , according to the measure of their exorbitancy . as suppose that any preach , teach , or profess doctrines , that are contrary to the form of wholesome words , especially with reference unto the person , offices , and grace of christ , which are the subject of doctrines purely evangelical , they break the peace of the church , and we are bound to separate or withdraw communion from them , which is a means of preserving the true peace and unity of the church . speciosum quidem est nomen pacis , & pulchra opinio vnitatis , sed quis ambigat eam solam , unicam , ecclesiae pacem esse , quae christi est ; saith hilary . suppose that men retain a form of godliness in the profession of the truth ; but deny the power of it , acting their habitual lusts and corruptions , in a vitious conversation ; they overthrow the foundation of the churches unity , and we are obliged from such to turn away . the like may be said of those who live in a constant neglect of any of the commands of christ , with respect unto the order , rule and worship of the church , with a contempt of the means appointed by him for their edification . all these according unto the measures of their deviations from the rule of christ , do disturb the foundation of all church peace and unity . and therefore we say ; fourthly ; that conscience is immediately and directly concerned in no other church vnity as such , but what is an effect of the rule of christ given unto that end. we know what is spoken concerning obedience unto the guides and rulers of the church , which is a part of the rule of christ. but we know withal , that this obedience is required of us , only as they teach us to observe and do all that he hath commanded , for other commission from him they have none . when this rule is forsaken , and another substituted in the room of it , as it quickly diverts the minds of men from a conscientious attendance unto that rule of christ as the only means of church vnity , so that other , doth either proceed from mens secular interests , or may easily be accommodated thereunto . and whereas the lines of it must be drawn in the feilds of pretended indifferencies , and real arbitrariness , it will be the cause of endless contentions ; whilst whatever some think themselves to have power to appoint , others will judge themselves to have liberty to refuse . fifthly ; it is vnity of christs appointment , that schism respects as a sin against it , and not vniformity in things of mens appointment . and , lastly , those who charge schisme on others for a dissent from themselves , or the refraining of total communion with them ; must , . discharge themselves of the charge of it , in a consistence with their charge on them . for we find as yet no arrows shot against us , but such as are gathered up in the feilds , shot at them that use them , out of the roman quiver . neither will it avail them to say , that they have other manner of reason for their separation from the church of rome , than any we have for our withdrawing communion from them . for the question is not what reasons they have for what they do ; but what right and power they have to do it , namely , to separate from the church whereof they were , constituting a new church state of their own , without the consent of that church , and against the order and authority of the same . . require no communion but by vertue of the rule before declared . in no other are we concerned , with respect unto the peace and unity of the church . . give a farther confirmation , than what we have yet seen unto the principles or presumptions they proceed upon in the mannagement of the charge of schisme ; as that ( . ) diocesan bishops with their metropolitans are of divine institution . ( . ) that the power of rule in and over all churches is committed unto them alone . ( . ) that the church hath power to ordain religious rites and ceremonies , no where prescribed in the scripture , and impose the observation of them on all members of the church . ( . ) that this church they are . ( . ) that no mans voluntary consent is required to constitute him a member of any church , but that every one is surprized into that state whether he will or no. ( ) that there is nothing of force in the arguments pleaded for non-compliance with arbitrary unnecessary impositions . ( . ) that the church standeth in no need of reformation , neither in doctrine , discipline , nor conversation ; with sundry other things of an alike nature , that they need unto their justification . but yet when all is done , it will appear , that mutual forbearance , first removing animosities , then administring occasion of inoffensive converse , unto the revival of decayed affections , leading unto sedate conferences and considerations of a more entire conjunction in the things whereunto we have attained , will more conduce unto universal peace and gospel unity , than the most fierce contentions about things in difference , or the most vehement charges of schisme against dissenters . but i must return to the argument , and shall add something giving light into the nature of schism , from an instance in the primitive churches . that which is first in any kind , gives the measure of what follows in the same kind , and light into the nature of them . whereas therefore the schisme that was among the churches about the observation of easter , was the first that fell out unto the disturbance of their communion , i shall give a breif account of it , as far as the question in hand is concerned in it . it is evident that the apostles did with care and diligence teach the doctrine of christian liberty , warning the disciples to stand fast in it , and not submit their necks unto any yoke of bondage , in the things of the worship of god ; especially the apostle paul had frequent occasions to treat of this subject . and what they taught in doctrine , they established and confirmed in their practice . for they enjoyned nothing to be observed in the church but what was necessary , and what they had the command of christ for ; leaving the observation of things indifferent , unto their original indifferency . but whereas they had decreed by the direction of the holy ghost some necessary condescensions in the gentile believers , towards the jews , in case of offence or scandal ; they did themselves make use of their liberty to comply with the same jews , in some of their observances , not yet unlawful . hereon there ensued in several churches different observations of some rites and customes , which they apprehended were countenanced by the practise of the apostles , at least as it had been reported unto them . for immediately after the decease of the apostles , very many mistakes and vntruths were reported concerning what they said , did , and practised , which some diligently collected from old men , ( it may be almost delirant ) as eusebius gives an instance in papias , lib. . cap. . and even the great irenaeus himself , was imposed upon , in a matter directly contrary to the scripture , under a pretence of apostolical tradition . among those reports was that of the observation of easter . and for a while the churches continued in these different observances , without the least disturbance of their communion , each one following that which it thought the most probable tradition , for rule of scripture they pretended not unto . but after a while they began to fall into a contest about these things , which began at laodicea , which church was as likely to strive about such things as any other . for eusebius tells us , that melito the bishop of sardis , wrote two books about easter , beginning the first with an account that he wrote them , when servilius paulus was proconsul , there being then a great stir about it , at laodicea . euseb. lib. . cap. . but as it falls out on such occasions , much talk and disputing ensuing thereon , the differences were encreased , until one side or party at variance , would make their opinion and practise the rule and terms of communion unto all other churches . but this was quickly condemned by those who were wise and sober . for as zozoman affirmes , they accounted it a frivolous or foolish thing to differ about a custom , whereas they agreed in all the principal heads of religion . and thereon he gives a large account of different rites and observances in many churches , without any breach of communion among them ; adding , that besides those enumerated by him , there were many others in cities and villages which they did in a different manner adhere unto . hist. lib. . cap. . at length this matter fell into the handling of victor , bishop of rome . and his judgment was that the observation of easter on the lords day , and not on the fourteenth day of the first month precisely , according to the computation of the jews , in the observation of the passover , was to be imposed on all the churches of christ every where . it had all along until his time been judged a thing indifferent , wherein the churches and all believers were left unto the use of their own liberty . he had no pretence of any divine institution making it necessary , the writers of those days constantly affirming that the apostles made no canons , rules , or laws about such things . he had persons of as great worth as any in the world , as melito , polycrates , polycarpus , that opposed him , not only as unto the imposition of his practice on others , but as unto his error as they judged in the matter of fact and right . yet all this could not hinder but that he would needs have the reputation of the father of schismes among the churches of christ by his impositions , and cut off all the asian churches from communion , declaring them and their members excommunicate . euseb. lib. . cap. . the noise hereof coming abroad unto other churches , great offence was taken at it by many of them , and victor was roundly dealt withal by sundry of them who agreed with him in practise , but abhorred his imposition of it , and making it a condition of church communion . among those who so opposed and rebuked him , irenaeus was the most eminent . and i shall observe some few things out of the fragment of his epistle , as it is recorded by euseb. lib. . cap. . and ( . ) he tells us , that he wrote unto victor in the name of those brethren in france whom he did preside amongst . the custom of considering things of this nature with all the brethren of the church , and writing their determination , in their name , was not yet grown out of use , though the practise of it now would be esteemed novel and schismatical . ( . ) he tells victor , that there were great varieties in this thing , as also in the times and seasons of fasting , which did not , saith he , begin or arise in our days , but long before was introduced by such , who being in places of rule , rejected and changed the common and simple customs which the church had before . the dr. therefore need not think it so strange , that an alteration in church order and rule should fall out in after ages , when long before irenaeus's time such changes were begun . ( . ) he gives hereon that excellent rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the difference of fastings , ( and consequently things of an alike nature ) commends the concord or agreement of faith. this was the first effect of a departure from the only rule of unity and communion among the churches , which was given by christ himself and his apostles . as hereby great confusion and disorder was brought upon the churches , so it was the first publick inroad that was made on the doctrine of the scripture , concerning christian liberty . and as it was also the first instance of rejecting men otherwise found in the faith from communion , for non-conformity , or the non-observance of humane institutions or traditions , which had therein an unhappy consecration unto the use of future ages ; so it was the first notorious entrance into that usurpation of power , in the roman bishops , which they carried on by degrees unto an absolute tyranny . neither was there ever a more pernitious maxime broached in the primitive times , nor which had a more effectual influence into the ruine of the first institution and liberty of the churches of christ. for although the fact of victor , was condemned by many , yet the principle he proceeded on , was afterwards espoused and put in practice . our reverend author will hardly find an instance before this of schisme among any churches that retained the substance of the doctrine of faith , unless it be in those divisions which fell out in some particular churches , among the members of them . and this we affirm to be in general the case of the non-conformists at this day . for admitting such variations as time and other circumstances must necessarily infer , and they are rejected from communion on the same grounds , that victor proceeded on in the excommunication of the churches of asia . neither will there be any end of differences whilst the same principle is retained . before this , schisme was only esteemed a defect in love and breach of the rule of christs appointment , for the communion and walking together of believers in the same church . but this notion of schism is in the judgment of dr. still . pref. p. . so mean , so jejune , so narrow a notion of it , that i cannot , saith he , but wonder that men of vnderstanding should be satisfied with it . but in my judgement , the author of it , was a man of good vnderstanding ; indeed i have heard him spoken of , as one of abstruse speculations , that did not advantage christian religion . and one hath published in print , that he is one of the obscurest writers that ever he read , but never heard him before charged with mean and jejune notions . now this was st paul , who expresly chargeth schisme on the church of corinth , because of the divisions that were among them , namely , the members of the same particular church ; so as they could not come together in one place , in a due manner . nor in all his writings , doth he any where give us any other notion of schisme . but , saith he , this is short of that care of the churches peace , which christ hath made so great a duty of his followers . but if th●re be no other rule , no other duty for the preservation of the churches peace , but only , that no separation be made from it , which is called schisme , we might have been all quiet in the church of rome . let no man think to perswade us , but that for the preservation of the churches peace , it is required of us , that we do and observe all things that christ requireth of us , and that we enjoyn not the observation of what he hath not commanded , on victors penalty of being excluded from communion ; that faith and love and holiness , be kept and promoted in the church , by all the ways of his appointment ; and when these things are attended unto , st. paul's mean and jejune notion of schisme , will be of good use also . nor was there the least appearance of any other kind of schisme among the churches of christ until that which was occasioned by victor , of which we have spoken . the schismes that followed afterwards , were six to one , from the contentions of bishops , or those who had an ambition so to be , which the apostle foresaw as clemens witnesseth , and made provision against it , but that no banks are strong enough to confine the overflowing ambition of some sort of persons . but , saith the dr. pref. p. . the obligation to preserve the peace of the church , extends to all lawful constitutions , in order ●o it . therefore to break the peace of the church we live in , for the sake of any lawful orders and constitutions , made to preserve it , is directly the sin of schisme . now schisme he tells us , is as great and dangerous a sin as murder , p. . and we know that no murderer hath eternal life abiding in him , joh. . ● . so that all men here seem to be adjudged unto hell , who comply not with , who submit not unto , our ecclesiastical con●titutions or canons . god forbid that ever such doctrine should be looked on , as to have the least affinity unto the gospel , or such censures to have any savour of the spirit of christ in them . the lord jesus christ hath not cast the eternal condition of those whom he purchased with his own most precious blood , into the arbitrary disposal of any , that shall take upon them to make ecclesiastical constitutions and orders , for conformity in rites and ceremonies , &c. shall we think that he who upon the best use of means for his instruction which he is capable of , with fervent prayers to god for light and direction , cannot comply with , and submit unto some ecclesiastical constitutions and orders , however pretended to be made fo● the preservation of peace and vnity of the church , on this ground principally , because they are not of the appointment , nor have the approbation of jesus christ , though he should mistake herein and miss of his duty , is guilty of no less sin than that of murder ; suppose of cain in killing his brother ? for all murder is from hatred and malice . this is that which enflames the differences amongst us . for it is a scandal of the highest nature , when men do see that persons who in any thing dissent from our ecclesiastical constitutions , though otherwise , sober , honest , pious and peaceable , are looked on as bad , if not worse than theives and murderers , and are dealt withal accordingly . nor can any thing be more effectual to harden others in their immoralities , than to find themselves approved by the guides of the church in comparison with such dissenters . but ( . ) who is it that shall make these orders and constitutions that must be observed for the preservation of the unity and peace of the church ? it can be none but those who have power so to do by being uppermost in any place , or time. who shall judge them to be lawful ? no doubt they that make them . and what shall these constitutions be about , what shall they extend unto ? any thing in the world , so there be no mention of it in the scripture , one way or other . what if any one should now dissent from these constitutions and not submit unto them ? why then he is guilty of schisme , as great and dangerous a sin as that of murder . but when all is done ; what if these constitutions and orders should be no ways needful or useful unto the preservation of the peace of the church ? what if a supposition that they are so , reflects dishonour on the wisdom and love of christ ? what if they are unlawful and unwarrantable , the lord christ not having given power and authority unto any sort of men to make any such constitutions ? what if they are the great ways and means of breaking the vnity and peace of the church ? these and other enquiries of the like nature must be clearly resolved , not by the dictates of mens own minds and spirits , but from the word of truth , before this intimation can be complied withal . but that which is fallen out most beyond expectation in this whole discourse , is that the reverend author seeking by all ways and means , countenanced with the least semblance or appearance of truth , to load the non-conformists and their cause with the imputation of things invidious and burdensome , should fix upon , their prayers , by vertue of the grace and gift of prayer which they have received , ascribing the original of its vse unto the artifice and insinuation of the jesuites , as he doth , pref. pag. , . but because i look on this as a thing of the greatest importance of all the differences between them and us , as that wherein the life of religion , the exercise of faith , and the labour of divine love do much consist , the nature and necessity of that kind of prayer , which is here reflected on and opposed , shall ( god willing ) be declared and vindicated in a peculiar discourse unto that purpose . for the differences that are between us cannot possibly have any more pernicious consequence , then if we should be influenced by them to oppose or condemn any principles or exercise of the duties of practical holiness , as thinking them to yeild matter of advantage to one party or another . the great pains he hath taken in his preface , to prove the non-conformists to have been the means of furthering and promoting popery in this nation , might , as i suppose , have been omitted without a●● disadvantage unto himself or his cause . for the thing it self is not true , as it is utterly impossible to affect the minds or consciences of the non-conformists with a sense of it , because they have a thousand witnesses in themselves , against the truth of the charge ; so it is impossible it should be believed by any who are in the least acquainted with their principles , or have their eyes open to see any thing that is doing at this day in religion . but as there are many palpable mistakes in the account he gives of things among our selves to this purpose , so if on the other hand , any should out of reports , surmizes , jesuites letters and politicks , particularly those of contzen , books written to that purpose against them , agreement of principles , notorious compliance of some bishops and others of the same way , with the papists , some dying avowedly such , stories of what hath been said at rome and elsewhere , which are not few , nor unproveable , concerning the inclinations of many unto a fair composition of things with the church of rome , the deportment of some before and since the discovery of the plot , with such other topicks as the discourse of our author with respect unto the non-conformists will furnish them withal ; as also from the woful neglect there hath been of instructing the people in the principles of religion , so as to implant a sense of the life and power of it on their souls , with all things that may be spoken on that head , with reference unto the clergy under their various distributions , with the casting out of so great number of ministers who they knew in their own conscience , to be firmly fixed against popery and its interest in this nation , and could not deny , but they might be useful to instruct the people in the knowledge of the truth , and encourage them by their example unto the practice of it ; if any , i say , should on these and the like grounds , not in a way of recrimination , nor as a requital of the drs. story , but meerly as a necessary part of the defence of their own innocency , charge the same guilt of giving occasion unto the growth , encrease and danger of popery in this nation , on the episcopal party , i know not now , how they could be well blamed for it , nor what will be done of that kind . for they who will take liberty to speak what they please , must be content sometimes to hear what will displease . for my part i had rather if it were possible , that these things at present might be omitted , and that all those who are really united in opposition unto popery , as i am assured in particular that this reverend author and i am , would rather consider how we might come out of the danger of it wherein we are , then at present to contest how we came unto it . this i speak seriously , and that under the consideration of this discourse , which upon the account of sundry mistakes in matter of fact , of great defects in point of charity , with a design to expose others unto reproach for their great crimes , of being willing to be a little freed from being beaten , fined , punished and imprisoned , by their means , and on their accounts , is as apt to excite new exasperations , and to provoke the spirits of them concerned , as any i have read of late . however the defence of our own innocency must not be forsaken . but cumque superba foret babylon spolianda trophaeis . it is not praise-worthy to abide in these contests beyond necessity . this discourse indeed of the reverend author is encreased into so large a volume , as might justly discourage any from undertaking the examination of it , who hath any other necessary duties to attend unto . but if there be separated from it , the consideration of stories of things and persons long since past , wherein we are not concerned , with the undue application of what was written by some of the antients against the schismes in their days , unto our present differences ; as also the repetition of a charge that we do not refrain communion from the parochial churches on the grounds and reasons , which we know to the contrary that we do ; with the report and quotations of the words and sayings of men , by whose judgement we are not determined ; with frequent diversions from the question , by attempting advantages from this or that passage or expression in one or another ; and the rhetorical aggrevations of things that might be plainly expressed , and quickly issued ; and the controversie may be reduced into a narrower compass . it is acknowledged that the differences which are amongst protestants in this nation , are to be bewailed , because of the advantages which the common enemy of the protestant interest doth endeavour to make thereby . howbeit the evil consequences of them do not arise from the nature of the things themselves , but from the interests , prejudices and byassed affections of them amongst whom they are . nor shall any man ever be able to prove , but that on the doctrinal agreement which we all profess , ( provided it be real ) we may , notwithstanding the differences that remain , enjoy all that peace and union , which are prescribed unto the churches and disciples of christ ; provided that we live in the exercise of that love which he enjoyneth us ; which whilst it continues , in the profession of the same faith , it is impossible there should be any schisme among us . wherefore , whereas some are very desirous to state the controversie on this supposition , that there is a schisme among us , and issue it in an enquiry , on which side the blame of it is to be laid , wherein they suppose they need no farther justification , but the possession of that church state which is established by law ; i shall willingly forego the charging of them with the whole occasion of the schisme pretended , until they can prove there is such a schisme , which i utterly deny . for the refraining of communion with parochial assemblies , on the grounds whereon we do refrain , hath nothing of the nature of schisme in it , neither as it is stated in the scripture , nor as it was esteemed of in the primitive churches , amongst whom there were differences of as great importance , without any mutual charges of schisme . wherefore although we cannot forego utterly the defence of our own innocency against such charges as import no less then an heinous guilt of sin against god , and eminent danger of ruine from men ; yet we shall constantly unite our selves with and unto all who sincerely endeavour the promotion of the great ends of christian religion , and the preservation of the interest of protestant religion , in this nation . something i judge necessary to add concerning my ingagement , or rather surprisal into this controversie , against my inclination and resolution . the dr. tells us , pref. p. . that when his sermon came first out , it went down quietly enough ; and many of the people began to read and consider it , being pleased to find so weighty and necessary a point debated with so much calmness and freedom from passion ; which being discovered by the leaders and managers of the party , it was soon resolved that the sermon must be cried down , and the people disswaded from reading of it . if any of them were talked withal about it , they shrunk up their shoulders and looked sternly ; and shook their heads , and hardly forbore some bitter words , both of the author and the sermon : ( which it seems he knows , though they did forbear to do so ; ) and much more to the same purpose . and pag. . as if they had been the papists instruments to execute the fury of their wrath and displeasure against me , they summon in the power of their party , and resolve with their force and might to fall upon me ; with more to the same purpose . and pag. . after a while they thought fit to draw their strength into the open feild ; and the first who appeared was ; &c. i confess i was somewhat surprized , that coming into this coast , all things should appear so new and strange unto me , as that i could fix on no one mark to discover , that i had ever been there before . for i am as utter a stranger unto all these things , as unto the counsels of the pope or turk . the dr. seems to apprehend , that at the coming forth of his sermon , at least after its worth and weight were observed , there was a consternation and disorder among the non-conformists , as if hannibal had been at the gates . for hereby he supposeth they were cast into those ugly postures of shrinking and stareing and shaking , and swelling with what they could hardly forbear to utter . but these things with those that follow , seem to me to be romantick , and somewhat tragically expressed , sufficiently evidencing , that other stories told by the same author in this case stand in need of some graines of allowance , to reduce them to the royal standard . for whereas i am the first person instanced in , that should have an hand in the management of these contrivances , i know nothing at all of them , nor upon the utmost enquiry i have made , can i hear of any such things among the parties , or the managers of them , as they are called . it is true the preaching and publishing of the drs. sermon at that time , was by many judged unseasonable , and they were somewhat troubled at it , more upon the account that it was done by him , then that it was done . but otherwise as to the charge of schisme mannaged therein against them , they were neither surprized with it nor discomposed at it . and so far as i know , it was the season alone , and the present posture of affairs in the nation , calling for an agreement among all protestants , that occasioned any answer unto it . it is therefore no small mistake , that we disswaded any from reading his sermon , which hath been commonly objected by some other writers of the same way . but if we were enemies unto these worthy persons , we could not desire they should have more false intelligence from our tents , then they seem to have . this is not our way . those who are joyned with us , are so upon their own free choice and judgment ; nor do we disswade them from reading the discourses of any on the subject of our differences . the rule holds herein , to try all things and hold fast that which is good. nor do i know any thing in the least of advices or agreements to cry down and oppose , confute or answer the drs. sermon . nor do i believe that there were ever any such among those who are charged with them . and what shall be said unto those military expressions , of summoning in the power of the party , resolved to fall on , think fit to draw their strength into the feild , &c. i say , what shall we say to these things ? i am not a little troubled that i am forced to have any concernment in the debate of these differences , wherein mens sense of their interest , or of provocations they have received , cast them on such irregular ways of defence and retaliation . for all these things are but fruits of imagination , that have nothing of truth or substance to give countenance unto them . the way whereby i became to be at all ingaged in this contest , and the reasons whereon i undertook an harmless defence of our innocency , as to the charge of schism at this time , i shall give a breif account of . some days after the drs. sermon was printed and published , one of those whom he supposeth we perswaded not to read it , brought it unto me , and gave it me , with such a character of it , as i shall not repeat . upon the perusal of it , ( which i did on his desire , being uncertain to this day , whither without that occasion , i had ever read it at all ) i confess i was both surprized and troubled , and quickly found that many others were so also . for as there was then a great hope and expectation , that all protestants would cement and unite in one common cause and interest for the defence and preservation of religion against the endeavours of the papists for its subversion ; so it was thought by wise men of all sorts , that the only medium and expedient for this end , was the deposing of the consideration of the lesser differences among ourselves , and burying all animosities that had arisen from them . and i yet suppose my self at least excusable , that i judged the tendency of that discourse , to lye utterly another way . nor is it in my power to believe , that a peremptory charge of schisme upon any dissenters , considering what is the apprehension and judgement of those who make that charge concerning it , with respect unto god and men , is a means to unite us in one common religious interest . and on this account , not knowing in the least that any other person had undertaken , or would undertake the consideration of the drs. sermon , i thought that my endeavour for the removal of the obstacle cast in the way unto a sincere coalition in the vnity of faith among all sorts of protestants , might not be unacceptable . neither did i see any other way whereby this might be done , but only by a vindication of the dissenters from the guilt of that state , which if it be truly charged on them must render our divisions irreconcileable . and continuing still of the same mind , i have once more renewed the same defensative , with no other design but to maintain hopes , that peace and love may yet be preserved among us , during the continuation of these differences . and whereas it is a work of almighty power , to reduce christian religion unto its first purity and simplicity , which will not be effected but by various providential dispensations in the world , and renewed effusions of the holy spirit , from above ; which are to be waited for ; and seeing that all endeavours for national reformation are attended with insuperable difficulties , few churches being either able or willing to extricate themselves , from the dust of traditions and time , with the rust of secular interests ; i would hope that they shall not be always the object of publick severities , who keeping the vnity of the spirit in the bond of truth and peace , with all sincere disciples of christ every where , do design nothing but a reformation of themselves and their ways , by an universal compliance with the will and word of christ alone , whom god hath commanded them in all things to hear and obey . the reduction , i say , of the profession of christianity in general , unto its primitive purity , simplicity , separation from the world , and all implication with secular interests , so as that it should comprize nothing but the guidance of the souls of men in the life of god , towards the enjoyment of him , is a work more to be prayed for to come in its proper season , then to be expected in this age. nor do any yet appear fitted in the least measure for the undertaking or attempting such a work , any farther then by their own personal profession and example . and whilst things continue amongst protestant churches , in the state wherein they are , under the influence of divided secular interests , and advantagious mixtures with them , with the reliques of the old general apostasie , by differences in points of doctrine , in rules of discipline , in orders of divine worship , it is in vain to look for any union or communion among them , in a compliance with any certain rule of vniformity , either in the profession of faith , or in the practice of worship and discipline . nor would such an agreement among them , could it be attained , be of any great advantage unto the important ends of religion , unless a revival of the power of it in the soules of men , do accompany it . in the mean time , the glory of our christian profession in righteousness , holiness , and a visible dedication of its professors unto god is much lost in the world , innumerable souls perishing through the want of effectual means for their conversion and edification . to attempt publick national reformation , whilst things ecclesiastick and civil are so involved as they are , the one being riveted into the legal constitution of the other , is neither the duty , nor work of private men ; nor will , as i suppose , wise men be over forward in attempting any such thing , unless they had better evidence of means to make it effectual , then any that do as yet appear . for the religion of a nation in every form will answer the ministry of it . what is the present duty in this state of things , of those private christians or ministers , who cannot satisfie their consciences , as unto their duty towards god , without endeavouring a conformity unto the will of christ , in the observance of all his institutions and commands , confining all their concerns in religion unto things spiritual and heavenly , is the enquiry before us . chap. i. of the original of churches . when any thing which is pleaded to belong unto religion , or the worship of god , is proposed unto us : our first consideration of it ought to be in that enquiry , which our lord jesus christ made of the pharisees , concerning the baptism of john ; whence is it ? from heaven or of men ? he distributes all things which come under that plea or pretence , into two heads , as unto their original and efficient cause ; namely , heaven and men. and these are not only different and distinct , but so contradictory one unto another , that as unto any thing wherein religion or the worship of god is concerned , they cannot concur as partial causes of the same effect . what is of men is not from heaven ? and what is from heaven is not of men. and hence is his determination concerning both sorts of these things ; every plant which my heavenly father hath not planted , shall be rooted up . mat. . . designing therefore to treat of churches , their original , nature , vse and end , my first enquiry must be , whether they are from heaven or of men : that is , whether they are of a divine original , having a divine institution ; or whether they are an ordinance or creation of men : for their pedigree must be derived from one of these singly ; they never concurred in the constitution of any part of divine worship , or any thing that belongs thereunto . this would seem a case and enquiry of an exceeding easie determination : for the scripture every where makes mention of the church or churches as the ordinances and institutions of god. but such things have falln out in the world in latter ages , as may make men justly question , whether we understand the mind of god aright or no in what is spoken of them . at least if they should allow , that the churches so mentioned in the scripture , were of divine appointment ; yet it might be highly questionable , whether those which have since been in the world , be not a meer product of the invention and power of men . . for many ages , such things alone were proposed unto the world , and imposed on it , for the only church , as were from hell rather than from heaven , at least from men , and those none of the best : for all men in these western parts of the world , were obliged to believe and profess on the penalties of eternal and temporal destruction , that the pope of rome and those depending on him , were the only church in the world. if this should be granted , as it was almost universally in some ages , and in this is earnestly contended for , there would be a thousand evidences to prove that the institution of churches is not from heaven , but from men. whether the inventions of men in the mystery of iniquity be to be received again or no , men of secular wisdom and interest may do well to consider ; but he must be blind and mad and accursed in his mind and understanding , who can think of receiving it as from heaven , as a divine institution . but i have treated of this subject in other discourses . . the name , pretence and presumed power of the church or churches , have been made and used as the greatest engine for the promoting and satisfying the avarice , sensuality , ambition , and cruelty of men , that ever was in the world . never any thing was found out by men or sathan himself , so fitted , suited , and framed to fill and satisfie the lusts of multitudes of men , as this of the church hath been , and yet continues to be : for it is so ordered , is of that make , constitution and use , that corrupt men need desire no more for the attainment of wealth , honour , grandeur , pleasure , all the ends of their lusts spiritual or carnal , but a share in the government and power of the church ; nor hath an interest therein been generally used unto any other ends . all the pride and ambition , all the flagitious lives in luxury , sensuality , uncleanness , incests , &c. of popes , cardinals , prelates , and their companions , with their hatred unto , and oppression of good men , arose from the advantage of their being reputed the church . to this very day , the church here and there as it is esteemed , is the greatest means of keeping christian religion in its power and purity out of the world ; and a temptation to multitudes of men , to prefer the church before religion , and to be obstinate in their oppositions unto it . these things being plain and evident unto wise men , who had no share in the conspiracy , nor the benefit of it , how could they think that this church-state was from heaven and not of men. . by the church ( so esteemed ) and in pursuit of its interests , by its authority and power , innumerable multitudes of christians have been slain or murdered , and the earth soked with their blood. two emperours of germany alone , fought above eighty battels for , and against the pretended power and authority of the church . it hath laid whole countreys desolate with fire and sword , turning cities into ashes and villages into a wilderness , by the destruction of their inhabitants . it was the church which killed , murthered and burnt innumerable holy persons , for no other reason in the world , but because they would not submit their souls , consciences and practices unto her commands , and be subject unto her in all things : nor was there any other church conspicuously visible in all these parts of the world ; nor was it esteemed lawful once to think , that this was not the true church , or that there was or could be any other : for men to believe that this church-state was from heaven , is for them to believe that cruelty , bloodshed , murther , the destruction of mankind especially of the best , the wisest and the most holy among them , is the only way to heaven . . the secular worldly interest of multitudes lying in this presumptive church and the state of it , they preferred and exalted it above all that is called god , and made the greatest idol of it , that ever was in the world : for it was the faith and profession of it , that its authority over the souls and consciences of men , is above the authority of the scripture so that they have no authority towards us , unless it be given unto them by this church , and that we neither can nor need believe them to be the word of god , unless they inform us and command us so to do . this usurpation of divine honour in putting itself and its authority above that of the scripture or word of god , discovers full well whence it was . in like manner those who assumed it unto themselves to be the church , without any other right , title or pretence unto it , have exalted one amongst them and with him themselves in their several capacities , above all emperors , kings and princes , nations and people , trampling on them at their pleasure . is this church-state from heaven ? is it of divine institution ? is it the heart and center of christian religion ? is it that which all men must be subject to on pain of eternal damnation ? who that knows any thing of christ or the gospel , can entertain such a thought without detestation and abhorrency . . this pretence of the church is at this day , one of the greatest causes of the atheism , that the world is filled withal . men find themselves , they know not how , to belong unto this or that church ; they suppose that all the religion that is required of them , is no more but what this church suggests unto them ; and abhorring through innumerable prejudices , to enquire whether there be any other ministerial church-state or no ; understanding at length the church to be a political combination for the wealth , power and dignity of some persons , they cast away all regard of religion , and become professed atheists . . unto this very day the woful divisions , distractions and end less controversies that are among christians , with the dangerous consequences and effects of them , do all spring and arise from the churches that are in the world. some are for the church of rome , some for the church of england , some for the greek church , and so of the rest ; which upon an acknowledgment of such a state of them , as is usually allowed , cannot but produce wars and tumults among nations , with the oppression of particular persons in all sorts of calamities . in one place men are killed for not owning of one church , and in another for approving of it . amongst our selves prisons are filled , and mens goods spoiled , divisions multiplied , and the whole nation endangered , in a severe attempt to cause all christians to acknowledge that church-state which is set up among us . in brief , these churches , in the great instance of that of rome , have been and are the scandal of christian religion , and the greatest cause of most of the evils and villanies which the world hath been replenished withal . and is it any wonder if men question whether they are from heaven or of men ? for my part , i look upon it , as one of the greatest mercies that god hath bestowed on any professed christians in these latter ages , that he hath by the light and knowledge of his word , disentangled the souls and consciences of any that do believe , from all respect and trust unto such churches , discovering the vanity of their pretences , and wickedness of their practices , whereby they openly proclaim themselves to be of men , and not from heaven . not that he hath led them off from a church-state thereby , but by the same word revealed that to them which is pure , simple , humble , holy , and so far from giving occasion unto any of the evils mentioned , as that the admittance of it will put an immediate end unto them all : such shall we find the true and gospel church-state to be in the following description of it . he that comes out of the confusion and disorder of these humane ( and as unto some of them , hellish ) churches ; who is delivered from this mystery of iniquity , in darkness and confusion , policies and secular contrivances coming thereon , to obtain a view of the true , native beauty , glory , and use of evangelical churches , will be thankful for the greatness of his deliverance . whereas therefore for many ages , the church of rome , with those claiming under it , and depending on it , was esteemed to be the only true church in the world ; and nothing was esteemed so highly criminal , not murther , treason nor incest , as to think of , or to assert any other church-state , it was impossible that any wise man not utterly infatuated , could apprehend a church , any church whatever to be of divine institution or appointment : for all the evils mentioned , and others innumerable , were not only occasioned by it , but they were effects of it , and inseparable from its state and being . and if any other churches also , which , although the people whereof they consist , are of another faith than those of the roman church , are like unto it in their make and constitution , exercising the right , power and authority which they claim unto themselves by such ways and means , as are plainly of this world and of their own invention , they do leave it highly questionable from whence they are as such : for it may be made to appear that such churches so far as they are such , are obstructive of the sole end of all churches , which is the edification of them that do believe ; however any that are of them , or belong unto them , may promote that end by their personal endeavours . but notwithstanding all these things , it is most certain , that churches are of a divine original ; that they are the ordinance and institution of christ. i am not yet arrived in the order of this discourse , to a convenient season of declaring what is the especial nature , use and end of such churches as are so the institution of god ; and so to give a definition of them , which shall be done afterwards ; but treat only as unto the general notion of a church , and what is signified thereby . these are of god. and in those churches before described under a corrupt , degenerate estate , three things may be considered , ( ) what is of man without the least pretence unto the appointment or command of god. such is the very form , fabrick and constitution of the church of rome , and those that depend thereon or are conformed thereunto . that which it is , that whereby it is what it is , in its kind , government , rule and end , is all of man , without the least countenance given unto it from any thing of god's institution . this is that which through a long effectual working of men and sathan , in a mystery of iniquity , it arrived unto . herewith the saints of god ought to have no compliance , but bear witness against it with their lives , if called thereunto . this in due time the lord christ will utterly destroy . ( ) such things as pretend unto a countenance to be given them by divine institution but horribly corrupted . such are the name of a church and its power , a worship pretended to be religious and divine ; an order as to officers and rulers different from the people , with sundry things of the like nature ; these things are good in themselves , but as ingrossed into a false church-state , and worship corrupt in themselves , they are of men , and to be abhorred of all that seek after the true church of christ. ( ) there is that which is the essence of a true church , namely , that it be a society of men united for the celebration of divine worship ; this so far as it may be found among them , is to be approved , but churches , as was said , are of a divine original , and have the warrant of divine authority . the whole scripture is an account of god's institution of churches , and of his dealing with them . god laid the foundation of church societies and the necessity of them in the law of nature , by the creation and constitution of it . i speak of churches in general , as they are societies of humane race , one way or other joyned and united together for the worship of god. now the sole end of the creation of the nature of man , was the glory of god , in that worship and obedience which it was fitted and enabled to perform : for that end , and no other , was our nature created in all its capacities , abilities and perfections : neither was man so made meerly that every individual should singly and by himself perform this worship , though that also every individual person is obliged unto . every man alone and by himself , will not only find himself indigent , and wanting supplies of sundry kinds ; but also that he is utterly disabled to act sundry faculties and powers of his soul , which by nature he is endued withal . hence the lord god said , it is not good that man should be alone , gen. . . these things therefore are evident in themselves , ( ) that god created our nature , or made man for his own worship and service , and fitted the powers and faculties of his soul thereunto . ( ) that this nature is so fitted for society , so framed for it as its next end , that without it , it cannot act itself , according unto what it is empowered unto . and this is the foundation of all order and government in the world among mankind . ( ) that by the light of nature this acting in society is principally designed unto the worship of god. the power i say and necessity of acting in society , is given unto our nature for this end principally , that we may thus glorify god , in and by the worship which he requires of us . ( ) that without the worship of god in societies , there would be an absolute failure of one principal end of the creation of man ; nor would any glory arise unto god from the constitution of his nature so fitted for society , as that it cannot act its own powers without it . ( ) all societies are to be regulated in the light of nature by such circumstances , as whereby they are suited unto their end ; for which they may be either too large or too much restrained . hence have we the original of churches in the light of nature ; men associating themselves together , or uniting in such societies for the worship of god which he requires of them , as may enable them unto an orderly performance of it , are a church . and hereunto it is required , ( ) that the persons so uniting are sensible of their duty , and have not lost the knowledge of the end of their creation and being . ( ) that they are acquainted with that divine , religious worship , which god requires of them : the former light and persuasion being lost , issues in atheism ; and by the loss of this , instead of churches , the generality of mankind have coalesced into idolatrous combinations . ( ) that they do retain such innate principles of the light of nature as will guide them in the discharge of their duties in these societies . as ( ) that the societies themselves be such as are meet for their end , fit to exercise and express the worship of god in them , not such as whose constitution makes them unfit for any such end . and this gives the natural bounds of churches in all ages , which it is in vain for any man to endeavour an alteration of , as we shall see afterwards . ( ) that all things be done decently and in order in , and by these societies . this is a prime dictate of the law of nature , arising from the knowledge of god and our selves , which hath been wrested into i know not what religious ceremonies of mens invention . ( ) that they be ready to receive all divine revelations with faith and obedience , which shall either appoint the ways of god's worship , and prescribe the duties of it , or guide and direct them in its performance , and to regulate their obedience therein . this also is a clear unquestionable dictate of the light and law of nature ; nor can be denied but on the principles of downright atheism . further we need not seek for the divine original of churches , or societies of men fearing god , for the discharge of his publick worship unto his glory , and their own eternal benefit , according unto the light and knowledge of his mind and will , which he is pleased to communicate unto them . what concerns the framing and fashioning of churches by arbitrary and artificial combinations , in provinces , nations , and the like , we shall afterwards enquire into . this is the assured foundation and general warranty of particular societies and churches , whilst men are continued on the earth ; the especial regulation of them by divine revelation , will in the next place be considered . and he who is not united with others in some such society , lives in open contradiction unto the law of nature and its light , in the principal instances of it . . whereas the directions given by the light of nature in and unto things concerning the outward worship of god , are general only , so as that by them alone , it would be very difficult to erect a church-state in good and holy order ; god did always from the beginning , by especial revelations and institution , ordain such things as might perfect the conduct of that light unto such a compleat order , as was accepted with himself . so ( ) he appointed a church-state for man in innocency , and compleated its order by the sacramental addition of the two trees , the one of life , the other of the knowledge of good and evil. . that before the coming of christ , who was to perfect and compleat all divine revelations , and state all things belonging unto the house and worship of god , so as never to admit of the least change or alteration ; this church-state , as unto outward order , rites of worship , ways and manner of the administration of things sacred , with its bounds and limits , was changeable , and variously changed . the most eminent change it received , was in the giving of the law , which fixed its state unalterably unto the coming of christ. mal. . , , . . that it was god himself alone , who made all these alterations and changes ; nor would he , nor did he ever allow , that the wills , wisdom , or authority of men , should prescribe rules or measures unto his worship in any thing . heb. . , , , , , . . that the foundation of every church-state , that is accepted with god , is in an express covenant with him , that they receive and enter into , who are to be admitted into that state. a church not founded in a covenant with god , is not from heaven , but of men. hereof we shall treat more at large , as i suppose , afterwards ; see it exemplified , exod. . . there is no good in , there is no benefit to be obtained by any church-state whatever , unless we enter into it , and observe it by an act of obedience , with immediate respect unto the authority of christ , by whom it is appointed , and the observation of it prescribed unto us . mat. . , , . hence , . unless men by their voluntary choice and consent , out of a sense of their duty unto the authority of christ in his institutions , do enter into a church-state , they cannot by any other ways or means be so framed into it , as to find acceptance with god therein . . cor. . . and the interpositions that are made , by custom , tradition , the institutions and ordinances of men , between the consciences of them who belong , or would belong unto such a state , and the immediate authority of god , is highly obstructive of this divine order , and all the benefits of it : for hence it is come to pass , that most men , know neither how , nor whereby , they come to be members of this or that church , but only on this ground , that they were born where it did prevail and was accepted . chap. ii. the especial original of the evangelical church-state . our principal concernment at present , is in the evangelical church-state ; or the state of churches under the new testament : for this is that about which there are many great and fierce contests amongst christians , and those attended with pernicious consequents and effects . what is the original , what is the nature , what is the use and power , what is the end of the churches , or any church , what is the duty of men , in it and towards it , is the subject of various contests , and the principal occasion of all the distractions that are at this day in the christian world : for the greatest part of those who judge themselves obliged to take care and order about these things , having enterwoven their own secular interests and advantages , into such a church-state , as is meet and suited to preserve and promote them ; supposing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or that religion may be made a trade for outward advantage ; they do openly seek the destruction of all those , who will not comply with that church , form and order , that they have framed unto themselves . moreover from mens various conceptions and sutable practices , about this church-state , is advantage and occasion taken to charge each other with schism , and all sorts of evils which are supposed to ensue thereon . wherefore although i design all possible brevity , and only to declare those principles of truth , wherein we may safely repose our faith and practice , avoiding as much as much as possibly i can , and the subject will allow , the handling of those things in a way of controversy with others ; yet somewhat more than ordinary diligence , is required unto the true stating of this important concernment of our religion . and that which we shall first enquire into , is the special original and authoritative constitution of this church-state : wherefore , . the church-state of the new testament , doth not less relate unto , and receive force from the light or law of nature , then any other state of the church whatever . herein as unto its general nature , its foundation is laid . what that directs unto may receive new enforcements by revelation , but changed , or altered , or abolished , it cannot be . wherefore there is no need of any new express institution , of what is required , by that light and law in all churches and societies for the worship of god , but only an application of it unto present occasions , and the present state of the church , which hath been various . and it is meerly from a spirit of contention , that some call on us or others , to produce express testimony or institution ; for every circumstance in the practice of religious duties in the church ; and on a supposed failure herein , to conclude , that they have power themselves to institute and ordain such ceremonies as they think meet , under a pretence of their being circumstances of worship : for as the directive light of nature , is sufficient to guide us in these things , so the obligation of the church unto it , makes all stated additions to be useless , as on other accounts they are noxious . such things as these are the times and seasons of church assemblies , the order and decency wherein all things are to be transacted in them , the bounding of them as unto the number of their members , and places of habitation , so as to answer the ends of their institution ; the multiplication of churches when the number of believers , exceeds the proportion capable of edification in such societies ; what especial advantages are to be made use of , in the order and worship of the church ; such as are methods in preaching , translations and tunes of psalms in singing , continuance in publick duties , and the like , the things themselves being divinely instituted are capable of such general directions in , and by the light of nature , as may with ordinary christian prudence , be on all occasions applied unto the use and practice of the church . to forsake these directions , and instead of them , to invent ways , modes , forms and ceremonies of our own , which the things whereunto they are applied , and made use of in , do no way call for , require or own ; ( as it is with all humanely invented , stated ceremonies ; ) and thereon by laws and canons to determine their precise observation at all times and seasons to be one and the same , which is contrary to the very nature of the circumstances of such acts and duties , as they are applyed unto : their use , in the mean time , unto the general end of edification , being as indemonstrable , as their necessity unto the duties whereunto they are annexed is also ; it is that which hath no warranty , either from divine authority , or christian prudence . this respect of the gospel church-state unto the light of nature , the apostle demonstrates in his frequent appeals unto it , in things that belong unto church-order . cor. . , . . chap. . . chap. . , , . chap. . , , , . ver . , . ver . . and the like is done in sundry other places . and the reasons of it are evident . . but such is the especial nature and condition of the evangelical-church-state , such the relation of it unto the person and mediation of jesus christ , with all things thereon depending , such the nature of that especial honour and glory , which god designs unto himself therein , ( things that the light of nature can give no guidance unto , nor direction about ; ) and moreover so different and distant from all that was before ordained in any other church-state , are the ways , means and duties of divine worship prescribed in it , that it must have a peculiar , divine institution of its own , to evidence that it is from heaven , and not from men. the present state of the church , under the new testament , the apostle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . it s perfection , its consummation , that perfect state which god designed unto it in this world. and he denies that it could be brought into that state by the law , or any of the divine institutions that belonged thereunto . heb. . . chap. . . chap. . . and we need go no farther , we need no other argument to prove , that the gospel-church-state , as unto its especial nature , is founded in a peculiar divine institution . for it hath a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a perfect consummate state which the law could not bring it unto , though itself , its ordinances of worship , its rule and policy , were all of divine institution . and herein doth its excellency and preference above the legal church-state consist , as the apostle proves at large . to suppose that this should be given unto it , any other way but by divine authority in its institution , is to advance the wisdom and authority of men above those of god , and to render the gospel-church-state a machine to be moved up and down at pleasure , to be new moulded or shaped according unto occasions , or to be turned unto any interest like the wings of a mill unto the wind. all the dignity , honour , and perfection of the state of the church under the old testament , depended solely hereon , that it was in the whole and all the particulars of it , of divine institution . hence it was glorious , that is , very excellent , as the apostle declares , . cor. . and if the church-state of the new testament , have not the same original , it must be esteemed to have a greater glory given unto it by the hand of men , than the other had , in that it was instituted by god himself ; for a greater glory it hath , as the apostle testifieth . neither can any man , nor dareth any man alive , to give any instance in particular , wherein there is the least defect , in the being , constitution , rule and government of the gospel-church-state , for want of divine institution ; so as that it should be necessary to make a supply thereof , by the wisdom and authority of men . but these things will be more fully spoken unto , after we have declared who it is , who hath divinely instituted this church state. . the name of the church under the new testament , is capable of a threefold application , or it is taken in a three-fold notion . as ( ) for the catholick invisible church , or society of elect believers , in the whole world , really related by faith in him , unto the lord jesus christ , as their mystical head. ( ) for the whole number of visible professors in the whole world , who by baptism and the outward profession of the gospel and obedience unto christ , are distinguished from the rest of the world. and ( ) for such a state , as wherein the worship of god is to be celebrated in the way and manner by him appointed , and which is to be ruled by the power which he gives it , and according to the discipline which he hath ordained . of the nature of the church under these distinct notions , with our relation unto either , or all of them , and the duties required of us thereon , i have treated fully in my discourse of evangelical love and church peace or vnity , and thither i must remit the reader . it is the church in the latter sense alone , whose original we now enquire after . and i say , . the original of this church-state , is directly , immediately and solely from jesus christ , he alone is the author , contriver and institutor of it . when i say it is immediately and solely from him , i do not intend , that in , and by his own person , or in his personal ministry here in the earth , he did absolutely and compleatly finish this state , exclusively unto the ministry of any others , that he was pleased to make use of therein : for as he took it on himself as his own work to build his church , and that upon himself , as its foundation ; so he employed his apostles to act under him and from him , in the carrying on that work unto perfection . but what was done by them , is esteemed to be done all by himself . for ( ) it was immediately from him , that they received revelations , of what did belong unto this church-state , and what was to be prescribed therein . they never did , neither jointly nor severally , once endeavour in their own wisdom , or from their own invention , or by their own authority , to add or put into this church-state , as of perpetual use , and belonging unto it as such , either less or more , any one thing greater or less whatever . it is true , they gave their advice in sundry cases of present emergencies , in , and about church affairs ; they gave direction for the due and orderly practice of what was revealed unto them , and exercised authority both as unto the ordination of officers , and the rejection of obstinate sinners , from the society of all the churches ; but to invent , contrive , institute or appoint any thing in the church , and its state , which they had not by immediate revelation from christ , they never attempted it , nor went about it . and unto this rule of proceeding , they were precisely obliged by the express words of their commission . mat , . , . this i say is so plainly included in the tenor of their commission , and so evident from all that is divinely recorded of their practice , that it will admit of no sober contradiction . in what others think it meet to do in this kind , we are not concerned . ( ) the authority whereby they acted in the institution of the church in its order , whereon , the consciences of all believers were obliged to submit thereunto , and to comply with it in a way of obedience , was the authority of christ himself , acted in them and by them . they every where disclaim any such power and authority in themselves . they pleaded that they were only stewards and ministers , not lords of the faith or obedience of the church , but helpers of its joy ; yea the servants of all the churches for christ's sake . and hereon it follows , that what is recorded of their practice , in their institution , ordering or disposing of any thing in the church , that was to be of an abiding continuance , hath in it , the obliging power of the authority of christ himself . wherefore if the distinction that some make concerning the apostles , namely , that they are to be considered as apostles , or as church-governours , should be allowed , as it is liable to just exceptions ; yet would no advantage accrew thereby unto what is pretended from it : for as what they did , appointed , and ordered in the church for its constant observation , as apostles , they did it by immediate revelation from christ , and in his name and authority ; so what in distinction from hence , as church governours , they did or ordered , they did it only by a due application unto present occasions , of what they had received by revelation . but as they were apostles , christ sent them , as his father sent him , and he was so sent of the father , as that he did stand and feed in the strength of the lord , in the majesty of the name of the lord his god ; micah . . so did they feed the sheep of christ in his strength and in the authority or majesty of his name . . christ therefore alone is the author of the gospel-church-state . and because this is the only foundation of our faith and obedience , as unto all that we are to believe , do and practise , by vertue of that church-state , or in order thereunto , the scripture doth not only plainly affirm it , but also declares the grounds of it , why it must be so , and whence it is so , as also , wherein his doing of it doth consist . . three things amongst others , are eminently necessary in , and unto him , who is to constitute this church state with all that belongs thereunto . and as the scripture doth eminently and expresly ascribe them all unto christ , so no man , nor all the men of the world , can have any such interest in them , as to render them meet for this work , or any part of it . the first of these is right and title . he who institutes this church-state , must have right and title to dispose of all men , in all their spiritual and eternal concernments , as seemeth good unto him : for unto this church-state , namely , as it is purely evangelical , no man is obliged by the law of nature , nor hath any creature power to dispose of him , into a condition whereon all his concernments , spiritual and eternal , shall depend . this right and title to the sovereign disposal of mankind , or of his church ▪ christ hath alone ; and that upon a treble account . ( ) of donation from the father . he appointed him the heir of all things , heb. . , . he gave him power over all flesh. joh. . . especially he hath given unto him , and put into his absolute disposal all those who are to be his church ; ver . . ( ) by vertue of purchase ; he hath by the price of his most precious blood , purchased them unto his own power and disposal . he purchased his church with his own blood ; act. . , which the apostle makes the ground of that care which ought to be had of it . and this is pleaded as a sufficient reason , why we should be wholly at his disposal only , and be free from any imposition of men in things spiritual . cor. . . ye are bought with a price , be ye not the servants of men . the purchase of this right and title was one great end of the principal mediatory acts of christ. rom. . , . for to this end , &c. ( ) of conquest : for all those who were thus to be disposed by him , were both under the power of his enemies , and were themselves enemies unto him in their minds . he could not therefore have a sovereign right unto their disposal , but by a double conquest ; namely , first of their enemies , by his power : and then of themselves by his word , his spirit and his grace . and this twofold conquest of his , is fully described in the scripture . whereas therefore there is a disposal of the persons , that are to belong unto this church-state , as unto their souls , consciences , and all the eternal concernments of them , by an indispensible moral obligation to a compliance therewithal ; until men can manifest that they have such a right and title over others , and that either by the especial grant and donation of god the father , or a purchase that they have made of them unto themselves , or conquest ; they are not to be esteemed to have either right or title to institute any thing that belongs unto this church-state . and it is in vain pretended ( as we shall see more afterwards ) that christ indeed hath appointed this church-state in general ; but that he hath appointed no particular form of churches , or their rule , but left that unto the discretion and authority of men , as they think meet , when they have outward power for their warranty . but if by these particular appointments and framings of churches with their order , men are disposed of , as unto their spiritual concernments , beyond the obligation of the light of nature , or the moral ●aw . we must yet enquire , who gave them this right and title to make this disposal of them . . authority ; as right and title respect the persons of men to be reduced into a new form of government , so authority respects the rules , ●aws , orders , and statutes to be made , prescribed and established , whereby the priviledges of this new society are conveyed , and the duties of it enjoyned unto all that are taken unto it . earthly potentates who will dispose of men into a state and government absolutely new unto them , as unto all their temporal concernments of life , liberty , inheritances , and possessions , so as that they shall hold all of them in dependance on , and according unto the rules and laws of their new government and kingdom , must have these two things , namely , right and title unto the persons of men , which they have by conquest , or an absolute resignation of all their interests and concerns into their disposal , and authority , thereon to constitute what order , what kind of state , rule and government they please ; without these they will quickly find their endeavours and undertakings frustrate . the gospel church-state in the nature of it , and in all the laws and constitution of it , is absolutely new , whereunto all the world are naturally forreigners and strangers . as they have no right unto it , as it containeth priviledges , so they have no obligation unto it , as it prescribes duties . wherefore there is need of both those , right , as unto the persons of men ; and authority , as unto the laws and constitution of the church , unto the framing of it . and until men can pretend unto these things both unto this right and authority with respect unto all the spiritual and eternal concernments of the souls of others , they may do well to consider how dangerous it is to invade the right and inheritance of christ ; and leave hunting after an interest of power in the the framing or forming evangelical churches , or making of laws for their rule and government . this authority is not only ascribed unto jesus christ in the scripture , but it is en●●●sed unto him , so as that no other can have any interest in it . see mat. . . rev. . . isa. . , by vertue hereof he is the only lawgiver of the church ; jam. . . isa. . . there is indeed a derivation of power and authority from him unto others ; but it extends itself no farther , save only that they shall direct , teach and command those whom he sends them unto , to do and observe what he hath commanded , matth. . he builds his own house , and he is over his own house , heb. . , , , . he both constitutes its state , and gives laws for its rule . the disorder , the confusion , the turning of the kingdom of christ upside down , which have en●ued upon the usurpation of men , taking upon them a legislative power , in , and over the church , cannot easily be declared : for upon a slight pretence , no way suited or serviceable unto their ends , of the advice given , and determination made by the apostles , with the elders and brethren of the church of jerusalem , in a temporary constitution about the use of christian liberty , the bishops of the th and th centuries , took upon themselves power to make laws , canons , and constitutions for the ordering of the government , and the rule of the church , bringing in many new institutions , on a pretence of the same authority . neither did others who followed them cease to build on their sandy foundation , until the whole frame of the church-state was altered , a new law made for its government , and a new christ or antichrist assumed in the head of its rule by that law : for all this pretended authority of making laws and constitutions for the government of the church , issued in that sink of abominations , which they call the canon-law . let any man , but of a tolerable understanding , and freed from infatuating prejudices , but read the representation that is made of the gospel church state , its order , rule , and government in the scripture on the one hand , and what representation is made on the other , of a church state , its order , rule and government , in the canon law , the only effect of mens assuming to themselves a legislative power with respect unto the church of christ , if he doth not pronounce them to be contrary , as light and darkness , and that by the latter the former is utterly destroyed , and taken away , i shall never trust to the use of men's reason , or their honesty any more . this authority was first usurped by synods , or counsels of bishops ; of what use they were at any time , to declare and give testimony unto any article of the faith , which in their daies was opposed by hereticks ; i shall not now enquire . but as unto the exercise of the authority claimed by them to make laws and canons , for the rule and government of the church ; it is to be bewailed there should be such a monument left of their weakness , ambition , self-interest , and folly , as there is , in what remaineth of their constitutions . their whole endeavour in this kind , was at best but the building of wood , hay , and stubble on the foundation , in whose consumption they shall suffer loss , although they be saved themselves . but in making of laws , to bind the whole church , in , and about things useless and trivial , no way belonging to the religion taught us by jesus christ , in , and for the establishment or encrease of their own power , jurisdiction , authority , and rule , with the extent and bounds of their several dominions ; in , and for the constitution of new frames and states of churches , and new ways of the government of them ; in the appointment of new modes , rites , and ceremonies of divine worship , with the confusions that ensued thereon , in mutual animosities , fightings , divisions , schisms , and anathematisms , to the horrible scandal of christian religion , they ceased not until they had utterly destroyed , all the order , rule , and government of the church of christ , yea , the very nature of it ▪ and introduced into its room , a carnal ; worldly church-state and rule suited unto the interests of covetous , ambitious , and tyrannical prelates . the most of them indeed knew not for whom they wrought , in providing materials for that babel which by an hidden skill in a mystery of iniquity , was raised out of their provisions : for after they were hewed , and carved , shaped , formed , and guilded , the pope appeared in the head of it , as it were with those words of his mouth , is not this great babylon , that i have built for the house of the kingdom , by the might of my power , and for the honour of my majesty ? this was the fatal event of mens invading the right of christ , and claiming an interest in authority to give laws to the church . this therefore is absolutely denyed by us , namely , that any men under what pretence or name soever , have any right or authority to constitute any new frame , or order of the church , to make any laws of their own , for its rule or government , that should oblige the disciples of christ in point of conscience unto their observation . that there is nothing in this assertion , that should in the least impeach the power of mastrates , with reference unto the outward , civil , and political concerns of the church , or the publick profession of religion within their territories ; nothing that should take off from th● just authority of the lawful guides of the church , in ordering , appointing and commanding the observation of all things in them , according to the mind of christ , shall be afterwards declared . in these things , the lord is our judge , the lord is our statute-maker , the lord is our king , he will save us . it is then but weakly pleaded , that seeing the magistrate can appoint or command nothing in religion , that god hath forbidden ; nor is there any need , that he should appoint or command , what god hath already appointed and commanded ; if so be he may not by law command such things in the church , as before were neither commanded nor forbidden , but indifferent , which are the proper field of his ecclesiastical , legislative power , then hath he no power nor authority about religion at all . that is , if he hath not the same and a coordinate power with god or christ , he hath none at all . one of the best arguments that can be used for the power of the magistrate , in things ecclesiastical , is taken from the approved example of the good kings under the old testament . but they thought it honour enough unto them , and their duty , to see and take care , that the things which god had appointed and ordained , should be diligently observed , by all those concerned therein , both priests and people , and to destroy what god had forbidden . to appoint any thing of themselves , to make that necessary in the church , and the worship thereof , which god had not made so , they never esteemed it to be in their power , or to belong unto their duty . when they did any thing of that nature , and thereby made any additions unto the outward worship of god , not before commanded , they did it by immediate revelation from god , and so by divine authority ; chron. . . and it is left as a brand on those that were wicked , not only that they commanded and made statutes for the observation of what god had forbidden ; mic. . . but also that they commanded and appointed what god had not appointed , kings . , . and it will be found at last to be honour enough to the greatest potentate under heaven , to take care , that what christ hath appointed in his church and worship , be observed , without claiming a power like unto that of the most high , to give laws unto the church , for the observation of things found out and invented by themselves or other men . of the same nature is the other part of their plea , against this denial of a legislative power in men , with respect unto the constitution of the evangelical church-state , or the ordaining of any thing to be observed in it , that christ hath not appointed . for it is said , that if this be allowed , as all the dignity , power , and honour of the governours of the church , will be rejected or despised ; so all manner of confusion , and disorder , will be brought into the church itself . for how can it otherwise be , when all power of law-making , in the preservation of the dignity of the rulers , and order of the church is taken away . and therefore we see , it was the wisdom of the church in former ages , tha all the principal laws and canons , that they made in their councils , or otherwise , were designed unto the exaltation and preservation of the dignity of church rulers ; wherefore take this power away , and you will bring in all confusion into the church . ans. . they do not in my judgment , sufficiently think of whom , and of what they speak , who plead after this manner . for the substance of the plea is ; that if the church have its whole frame , constitution , order , rule , and government from christ alone , though men should faithfully discharge their duty , in doing and observing all what he hath commanded , there would be nothing in it but disorder and confusion : whether this becomes that reverence which we ought to have of him , or be suited unto that faithfulness and wisdom , which is particularly ascribed unto him , in the constitution and ordering of his church , is not hard to determine , and the untruth of it shall be afterwards demonstrated . . as unto the dignity and honour of the rulers of the church , the subject of so many ecclesiastical laws , they are in the first place , to be desired themselves , to remember the example of christ himself in his personal ministry here on earth . matth. . . even as the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransom for many . with the rule prescribed by him thereon ; ver . , , . but jesus called them unto him , and said , ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great , exercise authority upon them . but it shall not be so among you ; but whosoever shall be great among you , let him be your minister ; and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant . with the occasion of the instruction given therein unto his apostles , ver . . and when the ten heard it , they were moved with indignation against the two brethren . as also the injunction given them by the apostle peter , on whom , for their own advantage , some would fasten a monarchy over the whole church ; epist. . , . feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but of a ready mind ; neither as being lords over god's heritage ; but being ensamples to the flock . and the blessed expressions of the apostolical state by paul ; cor. . . let a man so account of us , as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. cor. . . not for that we have dominion over your faith , but are helpers of your joy. cor. , . for we preach not our selves , but christ jesus the lord , and our selves your servants for jesus sake ; it may prepare their minds for the right mannagement of that honour which is their due . for ( ) there is in , and by the constitution of christ , and his express laws , an honour and respect due unto those church guides , which he hath appointed , abiding in the duties which he requireth . if men had not been weary of apostolical simplicity and humility , if they could have contented themselves with the honour and dignity annexed unto their office , and work by christ himself ; they had never entertained pleasing dreams , of thrones , preheminencies , chief sees , secular grandeur and power , nor framed so many laws and canons about these things , turning the whole rule of the church into a worldly empire . for such it was , that as of all the popes which ever dwelt at rome , there was never any pretended or acted a greater zeal for the rule and government of the church , by the laws and canons , that it had made for that end , than gregory the th ; so if ever there were any anti-christ in the world , ( as there are many anti-christs ) he was one . his luciferian pride , his trampling on all christian kings and potentates , his horrible tyranny over the consciences of all christians , his abominable dictates asserting of his own god-like soveraignty , his requiring all men , on the pain of damnation , to be sinful subjects to god and peter , that is , himself , which his own acts and epistles are filled withal , do manifest both who , and what he was . unto that issue did this power of law , or canon making for the honour and dignity of church rulers , at length arrive . . let the constitution of the church by jesus christ abide and remain , let the laws for its rule , government , and worship , which he hath recorded in the scripture be diligenty observed by them , whose duty it is to take care about them , both to observe them themselves , and to teach others so to do , and we know full well , there will be no occasion given or left unto the least confusion or disorder in the church . but if men will be froward , and because they may not make laws themselves , or keep the statutes made by others , will neglect the due observation and execution of what christ hath ordained ; or will deny , that we may , and ought , in , and for the due observation of his laws , to make use of the inbred light of nature , and rules of common prudence ( the use and exercise of both which , are included and enjoyned in the commands of christ , in that he requires a compliance with them in the way of obedience , which we cannot perform without them ) i know of no relief , against the perpetuity of our differences about these things . but after so much scorn , and contempt hath been cast upon that principle , that it is not lawful to observe any thing in the rule of the church , or divine worship , in a constant way by vertue of any humane canons or laws , that is not prescribed in the scripture , if we could prevail with men , to give us one single instance , which they would abide by , wherein the rules and institutions of christ are so defective , as that without their canonical additions , order cannot be observed in the church , nor the worship of god be duly performed ; and it shall be diligently attended unto . allow the general rules given us in the scripture , for church-order and worship , to be applied unto all proper occasions and circumstances , with particular , positive , divine precepts : allow also that the apostles , in what they did and acted , in the constitution and ordering of the churches and their worship , did , and acted it in the name , and by the authority of christ , as also that there needs no other means of affecting and obliging our consciences in these things , but only that the mind and will of christ be intimated and made known unto us , though not in the form of a law given and promulgated , which , i suppose , no men of sober minds or principles , can disallow ; and then give an instance of such a deficiency , as that mentioned in the institutions of christ , and the whole difference in this matter , will be rightly stated , and not else . but to return from this digression . dly , the scripture doth not only ascribe this authority unto christ alone , but it giveth instances of his vse and exercise thereof , which comprize all that is necessary unto the constitution and ordering of his churches and the worship of them . ( ) he buildeth his own house . heb. . . ( ) he appointeth offices for rule in his churches , and officers ; cor. . rom ▪ . , , . ( ) he gives gifts for the administrations of the church ▪ ephes. . , , . cor. , . ( ) he gives power and authority unto them that are to minister and rule in the church , &c. which things must be afterwards spoken unto . dly , as unto this constitution of the gospel-church-state , the scripture assigneth in an especial manner , faithfulness unto the lord christ ; heb. . , , . this power is originally in god himself . it belongs unto him alone , as the great soveraign of all his creatures . unto christ as mediator , it was given by the father , and the whole of it intrusted with him . hence it follows , that in the execution of it , he hath respect unto the mind and will of god , as unto what he would have done and ordered , with respect whereunto this power was committed unto him . and here his faithfulness takes place , exerted in the revelation of the whole mind of god in this matter , instituting , appointing , and commanding all that god would have so ordained , and nothing else . and what can any man do , that cometh after the king. hereunto there is added on the same account , the consideration of his wisdom , his love , and care , for the good of his church , which in him were ineffable and inimitable . by all these things was he fitted for his office , and the work that was reserved for him , so as that he might in all things have the preheminency . and this was to make the last and only full , perfect , compleat revelation of the mind and will of god , as unto the state , order , faith , obedience , and worship of the church . there was no perfection in any of these things , until he took this work in hand . wherefore it may justly be supposed , that he hath so perfectly stated , and established all things concerning his churches and worship therein , being the last divine hand , that was to be put to this work ; and this his hand ; heb. . , . that whatever is capable of a law or a constitution for the use of the church at all times , or is needful for his disciples to observe , is revealed , declared , and established by him . and in this persuasion i shall abide , until i see better fruits and effects of the interposition of the wisdom and authority of men , unto the same ends which he designed , than as yet i have been able , in any age to observe . the substance of the things pleaded , may for the greater evidence of their truth , be reduced unto the ensuing heads or propositions . . every church-state that hath an especial institution of its own , giving its especial kind , supposeth and hath respect unto the law and light of nature , requiring and directing in general , those things which belong unto the being , order , and preservation of such societies as that is . that there ought to be societies , wherein men voluntarily joyn together , for the solemn performance of divine worship , and joynt walking in obedience before god ; that these societies ought to use such means , for their own peace , and order , as the light of nature directs unto , that where many have a common interest , they ought to consult in common for the due management of it , with other things of the like importance , are evident dictates of this light and law. now whatever church-state may be superinduced by divine institution , yet this light and law in all their evident dictates , continue their obliging power in , and over the minds of men , and must do so eternally . wherefore things that belong hereunto need no new institution in any church-state whatever ; but yet , . whatever is required by the light of nature in such societies as churches , as useful unto their order , and conducing unto their end , is a divine institution . the lord christ in the institution of gospel churches , their state , order , rule , and worship , doth not require of his disciples , that in their observance of his appointments , they should cease to be men , or forego the use and exercise of their rational abilities , according to the rule of that exercise , which is the light of nature . yea because the rules and directions are in this case to be applied unto things spiritual , and of meer revelation , he giveth wisdom , prudence , and understanding to make that application in a due manner , unto those to whom the guidance and rule of the church is committed . wherefore as unto all the things which the light of nature directs us unto , with respect unto the observation of the duties prescribed by christ in , and unto the church , we need no other institution but that of the use of the especial spiritual wisdom and prudence , which the lord christ gives unto his church , for that end . . there are in the scripture general rules directing us in the application of natural light , unto such a determination of all circumstances in the acts of church rule and worship , as are sufficient for their performance decently and in order . wherefore , as was said before , it is utterly in vain and useless , to demand express institution of all the circumstances belonging unto the government , order , rule , and worship of the church ; or for the due improvement of things in themselves indifferent unto its edification , as occasion shall require . nor are they capable to be any otherwise stated , but as they lye in the light of nature , and spiritual prudence directed by general rules of scripture . these things being premised , our principal assertion is ; that christ alone is the author , institutor , and appointer , in a way of authority and legislation , of the gospel church-state , its order , rule and worship , with all things constantly and perpetually belonging thereunto ; or necessary to be observed therein . what is not so , is of men , and not from heaven ; this is that which we have proved in general , and shall farther particularly confirm in our progress . hence . there is no spiritual use nor benefit of any church-state , nor of any thing therein performed , but what on the part of men , consists in acts of obedience unto the authority of christ. if in any thing we do of this nature , we cannot answer that enquiry , which god directs in this case to be made , namely , why we do this or that thing ; exod. . , , . with this , that it is because christ hath required it of us , we do not acknowledge him the lord over his own house , nor hear him as the son. nor is there any act of power to be put forth in the rule of the church , but in them , by whom it is exerted , it is an act of obedience unto christ , or it is a meer usurpation . all church power is nothing but a faculty or ability , to obey the commands of christ in such a way and manner as he hath appointed . for it is his constitution , that the administration of his solemn worship in the church , and the rule of it , as unto the observance of his commands , should be committed unto some persons set apart unto that end , according unto his appointment . this is all their authority , all that they have of order or jurisdiction , or by any other ways whereby they are pleased to express it . and where there is any gospel administration , any act of rule or government in the church , which those that perform it , do not give an evidence that they do it in obedience unto christ , it is null as unto any obligation on the consciences of his disciples . the neglect hereof in the world , wherein many in the exercise of church discipline , or any acts that belong unto the rule of it , think of nothing but their own offices , whereunto such powers are annexed , by humane laws and canons , as enable them to act in their own names , without designing obedience unto christ in all that they do , or to make a just representation of his authority , wisdom , and love thereby , is ruinous unto church order and rule . . there is no legislative power in , and over the church , as unto its form , order and worship , left unto any of the sons of men , under any qualification whatever ; for , . there are none of them , who have an interest in those rights , qualifications , and endowments , which are necessary unto an investiture into such a legislative power . for what was given and granted unto christ himself unto this end , that he might be the law giver of the church , must be found also in them , who pretend unto any interest therein . have they any of them a right and title unto a disposal of the persons of believers in what way they please , as unto their spiritual and eternal concernments ? have they soveraign authority over all things to change their moral nature ; to give them new uses and significations , to make things necessary that in themselves are indifferent , and to order all those things by soveraign authority in laws obliging the consciences of men ? and the like may be said of his personal qualifications , of faithfulness , wisdom , love and care , which are ascribed unto him in this work of giving laws unto his churches , as he was the lord over his own house . , the event of the assumption of this legislative power under the best pretence that can be given unto it , namely , in councils or great assemblies of bishops and prelates , sufficiently demonstrates how dangerous a thing it is for any man to be ingaged in . for it issued at length in such a constitution of churches , and such laws for the government of them , as exalted the cannon law into the room of the scripture , and utterly destroyed the true nature of the church of christ , and all the discipline required therein . . such an assumption is derogatory unto the glory of christ , especially as unto his faithfulness in and over the house of god , wherein he is compared unto and preferred above moses . heb. . , , , . now the faithfulness of moses consisted in this , that he did , and appointed all things according to the pattern shewed him in the mount ; that is all whatever it was the will of god to be revealed and appointed for the constitution , order , rule , and worship of his church , and nothing else . but it was the will of god , that there should be all those things in the gospel church-state also , or else why do men contend about them ? and if this were the will of god , if they were not all revealed , appointed , prescribed , legalized by christ , where is his faithfulness in answer to that moses ? but no instance can be given of any defect in his institutions , that needs any supplement to be made by the best of men , as unto the end of constituting a church-state , order , and rule , with rites of worship in particular . . how it is derogatory unto the glory of the scripture , as unto its perfection , shall be elsewhere declared . . there is no more required to give authority obliging the consciences of all that do believe , unto any institution , or observation of duty , or acts of rule in the church , but onely that it is made evident in the scripture to be the mind and will of christ. it is not necessary that every thing of this nature should be given out unto us in form of a law or precise command , in express words . it is the mind and will of christ that immediately affects the consciences of believers unto obedience , by what way or means soever , the knowledge of it be communicated unto them in the scripture , either by express words , or by just consequence from what is so expressed . wherefore ; . the example and practice of the apostles in the erection of churches , in the appointment of officers and rulers in them , in directions given for their walking , order , administration of censures and all other holy things , are a sufficient indication of the mind and will of christ about them . we do not say , that in themselves they are institutions and appointments , but they infallibly declare what is so , or the mind of christ concerning those things . nor can this be questioned without a denial of their infallibility , faithfulness , and divine authority . the assertion of some , that the apostles took their pattern for the state and rule of the churches , and as unto divers rites of worship , from the synagogues of the jews , their institutions , orders , and rules , not those appointed by moses , but such as themselves had found out and ordained ; is both temerarious and untrue . in the pursuit of such bold conjectures , one of late hath affirmed that moses took most of his laws and ceremonies from the aegyptitians ; whereas it is much more likely that many of them were given on purpose to alienate the people by prohibitions , from any compliance with the aegyptians , or any other nation , whereof maimonides in his mene nebuchim gives us sundry instances . this assertion i say is rash and false . for ( ) as unto the instances given for its confirmation , who shall assure us that they were then in use and practice in the synagogues when the apostles gave rules unto the churches of the new testament . we have no record of theirs , not one word in all the world , of what was their way and practice , but what is at least years younger and later than the writings of the new testament ; and in the first of their writings as in them that follow , we have innumerable things asserted to have been the traditions and practises of their forefathers , from the days of moses , which we know to be utterly false . at that time when they undertook to compose a new religion out of their pretended traditions , partly by the revolt of many apostates from christianity unto them , especially of the eli●nites and nazarenes , and partly by their own study and observation , coming to the knowledge of sundry things in the gospel churches , their order and worship , they took them in as their own ; undeniable instances may be given hereof . ( ) wherein there is a real coincidence , between what was ordained by the apostles and what was practised by the jews , it is in things which the light of nature , and the general rules of the scripture do direct unto . and it is dishonourable unto the apostles and the spirit of christ in them , to think , or say , that in such things , they took their pattern from the jews , or made them their example . surely the apostles took not the pattern and example for the institution of excommunication , from the druids , among whom there was some things that did greatly resemble it , so far as it hath its foundation in the light of nature . chap. iii. the continuation of a church-state and of churches unto the end of the world ; what are the causes of it , and whereon it depends . that there was a peculiar church-state instituted and appointed by christ , and his apostles , acting in his name and authority , with the infallible guidance of his spirit , hath been declared . but it may be yet farther enquired , whether this church-state be still continued by divine authority , or whether it ceased not together with the apostles by whom it was erected . there was a church-state under the old testament solemnly erected by god himself . and although it was not to be absolutely perpetual or everlasting , but was to continue onely unto the time of reformation , yet unto that time its continuation was secured , in the causes and means of it . the causes of the continuation of this church-state unto its appointed period were two . . the promise of god unto abraham , that he would keep and preserve his seed in covenant with him , until he should be the heir of the world , and the father of many nations , in the coming of christ , whereunto this church-state was subservient . ( ) the law of god it self , and the institutions thereof , which god appointed to be observed in all their generations , calling the covenant , the statutes and laws of it , perpetual and everlasting ; that is never to cease , to be abrogated or disannulled , until by his own soveraign authority he would utterly change and take away that whole church-state , with all that belonged unto its constitution and preservation . . the means of its continuance were three . ( ) carnal generation , and that on a twofold account . for there were two constituent parts of that church , the priests , and the people ; the continuation of each of them depended on the priviledge of carnal generation . for the priests were to be all of the family of aaron , and the people of the seed of abraham by the other heads of tribes , which gave them both their foundation in , and right unto this church-state . and hereunto were annexed all the laws concerning the integrity , purity , and legitimacy of the priests , with the certainty of their pedegree . ( ) circumcision ; the want whereof was a bar against any advantage by the former priviledge of generation from those two springs ; and hereby others also might be added unto the church , though never with a capacity of the priesthood . ( ) the separation of the people from the rest of the world , by innumerable divine ordinances , making their coalition with them , impossible . from these causes and by these means it was , that the church-state under the old testament was preserved unto its appointed season . neither the outward calamities that befel the nation , nor the sins of the generality of the people , could destroy this church-state , but it continued its right and exercise , unto the time of reformation . and if it be not so , if there be not causes and means of the infallible continuance of the gospel church-state unto the consummation of all things , the time expresly allotted unto their continuance ; then was the work of moses more honourable , more powerful and effectual , in the constitution of the church-state under the old testament , than that of christ in the constitution of the new. for that work and those institutions which had an efficacy in them for their own infallible continuation , and of the church thereby throughout all generations , must be more noble and honourable , than those which cannot secure their own continuance , nor the being and state of the church thereon depending . nothing can be more derogatory unto the glory of the wisdom and power of christ , nor of his truth and faithfulness , than such an imagination . we shall therefore enquire into the causes and means of the continuation of this church-state , and therein shew the certainty of it ; as also disprove that which by some is pretended , as the onely means thereof , when indeed it is the principal argument against their perpetual continuation , that can be made use of . . the essence and nature of the church instituted by the authority of jesus christ , was always the same from the beginning , that it continues still to be . but as unto its outward form and order it had a double state ; and it was necessary that so it should have , from the nature of the thing it self . for ( ) the church may be considered in its relation unto those extraordinary officers or rulers , whose office and power was antecedent unto the church , as that by vertue whereof , it was to be called and erected . ( ) with respect unto ordinary officers , unto whose office and power the church essentially considered was antecedent ; for their whole work and duty as such , is conversant about the church ; and the object is antecedent unto all acts about it . the first state is ceased ; nor can it be continued . for these officers were constituted : ( ) by an immediate call from christ , as was paul ; gal. . , . which none now are , nor have been since the decease of them who were so called at first . ( ) by extraordinary gifts and power , which christ doth not continue to communicate . ( ) by divine inspiration , and infallible guidance , both in preaching the word , and appointing things necessary in the churches , ; which none now pretend unto . ( ) by extensive commission giving them power towards all the world for their conversion , and over all churches for their edification . of these officers , in their distinction into apostles and evangelists , with their call , gifts , power , and work , i have treated at large in my discourse of spiritual gifts . the state and condition of the church , with respect unto them , is utterly ceased ; and nothing can be more vain , than to pretend , any succession unto them , in the whole or any part of their office , unless men can justify their claim unto it , by any , or all of these things , which concurred unto it in the apostles , which they cannot do . but it doth not hence follow , that the church state instituted by christ , did fail thereon , or doth now so fail ; because it is impossible , that these apostles should have any successors in their office , or the discharge of it . for by the authority of the lord christ , the church was to be continued under o●dinary officers , without the call , gifts , or power of the others that were to cease . under these , the church state was no less divine , than under the former . for there were two things in it ; ( ) that the offices themselves were of the appointment of christ and if they were not so , we confess the divine right of the church-state would have ceased . the office of the apostles and evangelists was to cease , as hath been declared ; and it did cease actually , in that christ after them did call no more unto that office , nor provided any way or means , whereby any one should be made partaker of it . and for any to pretend a succession in office , or any part of their office , without any of those things which did constitute it , is extream presumption . it is therefore granted , that if there were not other offices appointed by the authority of christ ▪ it had not been in the power of man , to make or appoint any unto that purpose , and the church-state itself must have ceased . but this he hath done , eph. . , . cor. . . ( ) that persons were to be interested in these offices , according unto the way and means by him prescribed ; which were not such as depended on his own immediate , extraordinary actings , as it was with the former sort , but such as consisted in the churches acting according to his law , and in obedience unto his commands . this church-state was appointed by the authority of christ. the direction which he gave in his own person for addresses unto the church in case of scandal , which is an obliging institution for all ages . ( mat. . , , , . ) proves that he had appointed a church-state , that should abide through them all . and when there was a church planted at jerusalem , there were not only apostles in it , according to its first state , but elders also , which respected its second state , that was approaching ; act. . . the apostles being in office before that church state , the elders ordained in it . so chap. . . and the apostles ordained elders in every church ; act. . . tit. . . tim. . . whom they affirmed to be made so by the holy ghost . act. . . the churches to whom the apostle paul wrote his epistles , were such all of them , under the rule of ordinary officers . phil . . rules and laws are given for their ordination in all ages ; tit. . tim. . and the lord christ treateth from heaven with his churches , in this state and order ; rev. st . d . d. he hath promised his presence with them unto the consummation of all things , mat. . . chap. . . and assigned them their duty until his second coming . cor. . . with other evidences of the same truth innumerable . our enquiry therefore is , whereon the continuation of this church-state , unto the end of the world , doth depend ; what are the causes ? what are the means of it ? whence it becomes infallible and necessary . i must only premise , that our present consideration is not so much de facto , as unto what hath fallen out in the world , unto our knowledge and observation , but de jure , or of a right unto this continuation . and this is such as makes it not only lawful for such a church-state to be , but requires also from all the disciples of christ in a way of duty , that it be always in actual existence . hereby there is a warrant given unto all believers , at all times to gather themselves into such a church-state , and a duty imposed on them so to do . the reasons and causes appointing and securing this continuation , are of various sorts , the principal whereof , are these that follow . . the supreme cause hereof , is the father's grant of a perpetual kingdom in this world unto jesus christ , the mediator and head of the church . psal. . , , , , . isa . . zech. . . this grant of the father , our lord jesus christ pleaded as his warranty for the foundation and continuation of the church . mat. , , , . this everlasting kingdom of jesus christ , given him by the irrevocable grant of the father , may be considered three ways . ( ) as unto the real subjects of it , true believers , which are the object of the internal , spiritual power , and rule of christ. of these it is necessary , by vertue of this grant and divine constitution of the kingdom of christ , that in every age there should be some in the world , and those perhaps no small multitude , but such as the internal rule over them , may be rightly and honourably termed a kingdom . for as that which formally makes them such subjects of christs , gives them no outward appearance or visibility , so if in a time of the universal prevalency of idolatry , there were seven thousand of these in the small kingdom of israel , undiscerned and invisible unto the most eagle-eyed prophet who lived in their days ; what number may we justly suppose to have been within the limits of christs dominions , which is the whole world , in the worst , darkest , most profligate and idolatrous times , that have passed over the earth , since the first erection of this kingdom . this therefore is a fundamental article of our faith , that by vertue of this grant of the father , christ ever had , hath , and will have in all ages , some , yea a multitude , that are the true , real , spiritual subjects of his kingdom . neither the power of sathan , nor the rage or fury of the world , nor the accursed apostacy of many , or of all visible churches , from the purity and holiness of his laws can hinder , but that the church of christ in this sense , must have a perpetual continuation in this world. mat. . . . it may be considered with respect unto the outward visible profession of subjection and obedience unto him , and the observation of his laws . this also belongs unto the kingdom granted him of his father . he was to have a kingdom in this world , though it be not of this world. he was to have it not only as unto its being , but as unto its glory . the world and the worst of men therein , were to see and know , that he hath still a kingdom and a multitude of subjects depending on his rule . see the constitution of it . dan. . , . wherefore it is from hence indispensibly and absolutely necessary , that there should at all times , and in all ages , be ever an innumerable multitude of them who openly profess faith in christ jesus , and subjection of conscience unto his laws and commands . so it hath alwayes been , so it is , and shall for ever be in this world. and those who would on the one hand confine the church of christ in this notion of it , unto any one church falling under a particular denomination , as the church of rome , which may utterly fail : or are ready on the other hand upon the supposed or real errors or miscarriages of them , or any of them , who make this profession , to cast them out of their thoughts and affections , as those who belong not unto the kingdom or the church of christ , are not onely injurious unto them , but enemies unto the glory and honour of christ. . this grant of the father may be considered with respect unto particular churches , or congregations . and the end of these churches is twofold . ( ) that believers as they are internal , spiritual , real subjects of christs kingdom , may together act that faith , and those graces , whereby they are so , unto his glory . i say it is , that true believers may together and in society , act all those graces of the spirit of christ , wherein both as unto faculty and exercise , their internal spiritual subjection unto christ doth consist . and as this is that whereby the glory of christ in this world doth most eminently consist , namely , in the joynt exercise of the faith and love of true believers ; so it is a principal means of the encrease and augmentation of those graces in themselves , or their spiritual edification . and from this especial end of these churches , it follows , that those who are members of them , or b●long to them , ought to be saints by calling , or such as are indued with those spiritual principles and graces , in whose exercise christ is to be glorified . and where they are not so , the principal end of their constitution is lost . so are those churches to be made up fundamentally and materially of those who in their single capacity are members of the church catholick invisible . ( ) their second end is , that those who belong unto the church and kingdom of christ under the second consideration , as visibly professing subjection unto the rule of christ and faith in him , may express that subjection in acts and duties of his worship , in the observance of his laws and commands , according unto his mind and will. for this alone can be done in particular churches , be they of what sort they will , whereof we shall speak afterwards . hence it follows that it belongs unto the foundation of these particular churches , that those who joyn in them , do it on a publick profession of faith in christ , and obedience unto him , without which this end of them also is lost . those i say who make a visible profession of the name of christ and their subjection unto him , have no way to express it regularly and according to his mind , but in these particular churches , wherein alone those commandments of his , in whose observance our profession consisteth , do take place ; being such societies , as wherein the solemn duties of his worship are performed , and his rule or discipline is exercised . wherefore this state of the church also , without which both the other are imperfect , belongs unto the grant of the father , whereby a perpetual continuation of it is secured . nor is it of any weight to object , that such hath been the alterations of the state of all churches in the world , such the visible apostasy of many of them unto false worship and idolatry , and of others into a worldly carnal conversation , with vain traditions innumerable , that it cannot be apprehended where there were any true churches of this kind preserved and continued , but that there were an actual intercision of them all . for i answer . ( ) no individual man , nay , no company of men that come together , can give a certain account of what is done in all the world , and every place of it , where the name of christ is professed ; so as that what is affirmed of the state of all churches , universally , is meer conjecture and surmize . ( ) there is so great a readiness in most , to judge the church-state of others , because in some things they agree not in judgment or practice , with what they conceive to belong thereunto as , obstructs a right judgment herein . and it hath risen of late unto such a degree of phrensy that some deny peremptorily the church-state , and consequently the salvation of all that have not diocesan bishops . alass ! that poor men , who are known to others whether they are unto themselves or no , what is their office , and what is their discharge of it , should once think that the being and salvation of all churches should depend on them , and such as they are . yea some of the men of this persuasion , that christians cannot be saved unless they comply with diocesan bishops , do yet grant that heathens may be saved without the knowledge of christ. ( ) whatever defect there hath been de facto in the constitution of these churches , and the celebration of divine worship in them , in any places or ages whatever , it will not prove that there was a total failure of them ; much less a discontinuation of the right of believers to reform and erect them according unto the mind of christ. it is hence evident that the perpetual continuation of the church-state instituted by christ under the gospel , depends originally on the grant of the kingdom unto him by his father , with his faithfulness in that grant , and his almighty power to make it good . and they do but deceive themselves and trouble others , who think of suspending this continuation , on mean and low conditions of their own framing . . the continuation of this church state depends on the promise of christ himself to preserve and continue it . he hath assured us that he will so bui●d his church on the rock , that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it , matth. . . under what consideration soever the church is here firstly intended , the whole state of it as before described , is included in the promise ; if the gates of hell do prevail either against the faith of sincere believers , or the catholick profession of that faith , or the expression of that profession in the duties and ordinances to be observed in particular churches , the promise fails and is of no effect . . it depends on the word or laws of christ , which gives right and title unto all believers to congregate themselves in such a church-state , with rules and commands for their so doing . suppose ( ) that there are a number of believers , of the disciples of christ in any such place , as wherein they can assemble and unite themselves or joyn together in a society for the worship of god. ( ) that they are as yet in no church state , nor do know or own any power of men that can put them into that state ; i say the institution of this church-state by the authority of christ , his commands unto his disciples , to observe therein whatever he hath commanded , and the rules he hath given whereby such a church-state is to be erected , what officers are to pre●ide therein , and what other duties belong th●reunto , is warranty sufficient for them to joyn themselves in such a s●ate . who shall make it unlawful for the disciples of christ to obey the commands of their lord and master ? who shall make it lawful for them to neglect what he requires at any time ? wherever therefore men have the word of the scrip●ure to teach them their duty , it is lawful for them to comply with all the commands of christ contained therein . and whereas there are many priviledges and ●owers accompanying this church-state , and those who are in●erested therein are as such , the especial object of many divine promises , this word and law of christ doth make a conveyance of them all unto those who in obedience unto his institutions and commands do enter into that state , by the way & means that he hath appointed . whilst we hear ●im , according to the reiterated direction given us from heaven , whilst we do and observe all that he hath commanded us , we need not fear that promised presence of his with us , which brings along with it all church power and priviledges also . wherefore this state can have no intercision , but on a supposition that there are none in the world who are willing to obey the commands of christ , which utterly overthrows the very being of the church catholick . . it depends on the communication of spiritual gifts , for the work of the ministry , in this church-state , as is expresly declared ; ephes. . . , , , , . the continuation of the church as unto the essence of it , depends on the communication of saving grace . if christ should no more give of his grace and spirit unto men , there would be no more church in the world , as unto its internal form and essence . but the continuation of the church as it is organical , that is , a society incorporated according unto the mind of christ , with rulers and officers , for the authoritative administration of all its concerns , especially for the preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments , depends on the communication of spiritual gifts and abilities . and if the lord jesus christ should with-hold the communication of spiritual gifts , this church-state must cease . an image of it may be erected , but the true church state will fail ; for that will hold no longer , but whilst the whole body , fitly joyn'd together , and compacted by that which every joynt supplieth according to the effectual working in the measure of every part maketh encrease of th● body , and the edifying of it self in love. ephes. . . whilst it holds the head , &c. col. . . such dead lifeless images are many churches in the world. but this communication of spiritual gifts unto the use of his disciples , to the end of the world , the lord christ hath taken the charge of on himself , as he is faithful in the administration of his kingly power . ephes. . . , , , . whereas therefore the lord christ in the exercise of his right and power on the grant of the father of a perpetual visible kingdom in this world ; and the discharge of his own promise ; hath ( ) appointed the ordinary offices which he will have continue in his church by an unalterable institution ; ( ) ordained that persons shall be called and set apart unto those offices , and for the discharge of that work and those duties , which he hath declared to belong thereunto ; ( ) furnished them with gifts and abilities for this work , and declared what their spiritual qualifications and moral endowments ought to be ; ( ) made it the duty of believers , to observe all his institutions and commands , whereof those which concern the erection and continuance of this church-state are the principal ; and ( ) hath in their so doing , or their observance of all his commands , promised his presence with them , by which as by a charter of right he hath conveyed unto them , an interest in all the power , priviledges , and promises that belongs unto this state ; it is evident that its perpetual continuation , depends hereon ; and is secured hereby . he hath not left this great concernment of his glory unto the wills of men , or any order they shall think meet to appoint . lastly ; as a means of it , it depends on three things in believers themselves . ( ) a due sense of their duty to be found in obedience unto all the commands of christ. hereby they find themselves indispensibly obliged unto all those things which are necessary unto the continuation of this state ; and that all believers should absolutely at any time live in a total neglect of their duty , though they may greatly mistake in the manner of its performance , is not to be supposed , ( ) the instinct of the new creature and those in whom it is , so associate themselves in holy communion , for the joynt and mutual exercise of those graces of the spirit which are the same , as unto the essence of them , in them all . the laws of christ in , and unto his church , as unto all outward obedience , are suited unto those inward principles and inclinations , which by his spirit and grace , he hath implanted in the hearts of them that believe . hence his yoke is easy , and his commandments are not grievous . and therefore none of his true disciples since he had a church upon the earth did , or could satisfy themselves in their own faith and obedience , singularly and personally ; but would venture their lives and all that was dear unto them , for communion with others , and the associating themselves with them of the same spirit and way , for the observance of the commands of christ. the martyrs of the primitive churches of old , lost more of their blood and lives for their meetings and assemblies , than for personal profession of the faith , and so also have others done under the roman apostacy . it is an usual plea among them who ingage in the persecution or punishment of such as differ from them ; that if they please they may keep their opinions , their consciences and faith unto themselves , without meetings for communion or publick worship . and herein they suppose they deal friendly and gently with them . and this is our present case . it is true indeed as tertullian observed of old , that men in these things have no power over us , but what they have from our own wills ; we willingly choose to be , and to continue , what they take advantage to give us trouble for . and it is naturally in our power , to free our selves from them and their laws , every day . but we like it not ; we cannot purchase outward peace and quietness at any such rate . but as was said , the inward instinct of believers , from the same principles of faith , love , and all the graces of the spirit , in them all , doth efficaciously lead and incline them unto their joynt exercise in societies , unto the glory of christ , and their own edification , or encrease of the same graces in them . when this appears to be under the guidance of the commands of christ , as unto the ways of communion lead unto , and to consist in a compliance therewithal ; they find themselves under an indispensible obligation unto it nor hath the lord christ left them liberty to make a composition for their outward peace , and to purchase quietness , with foregoing any part of their duty herein . this therefore i say , is a means and cause on the part of believers themselves of the continuation of this church-state . for this instinct of believers , leading them unto communion , which is an article of our faith , in conjunction with the law and commands of christ , giving direction how , and in what ways it is to be attained , and exercised , binds and obliges them unto the continuation of this state ; and the decay of this inward principle in them that profess christian religion , hath been the great and almost only ground of its neglect . . the open evidence there is , that sundry duties required of us in the gospel , can never be performed in a due manner , but where believers are brought into this state , which that they should enter into , is therefore in the first place required of them ; what these duties are will afterwards appear . on these sure grounds is founded the continuation of the gospel church-state , under ordinary officers after the decease of the apostles ; and so far secured , as that nothing needs be added unto them for that end . do but suppose that the lord christ yet liveth in heaven in the discharge of his mediatory office ; that he hath given his word for a perpetual law unto all his disciples , and a charter to convey spiritual priviledges unto them ; that he abides to communicate gifts for the ministry unto men , and that there are any believers in the world , who know it to be their duty to yield obedience unto all the commands of christ. and have any internal principle enclining them to that which they profess to believe as a fundamental article of their faith , namely , the communion of saints , and no man is desired to prove the certainty and necessity of the continuance of this state. but there are some who maintain that the continuation and preservation of this church state , depends solely on a successive ordination of church officers , from the apostles , and so down throughout all ages unto the end of the world. for this they say is the only means of conveying church power from one time to another ; so as that if it fail , all church-state , order , and power must fall , never in this world to be recovered . there is they say a flux of power through the hands of the ordainers , unto the ordained , by vertue of their outward ordination , whereon the being of the church doth depend . howbeit those who use this plea , are not at all agreed about those things which are essential in , and unto this successive ordination . some think that the lord christ committed the keys of the kingdom of heaven unto peter only , and he to the bishop of rome alone , from whose person therefore all their ordination must be derived . some think , and those on various grounds , that it is committed unto all and only diocesan bishops , whose being and beginning are very uncertain . others require no more unto it , but that presbyters be ordained by presbyters ; who were rejected in their plea , by both the former sorts ; and other differences almost innumerable among them who are thus minded might be reckoned up . but whereas this whole argument about personal successive ordination , hath been fully handled . and the pretences of it disproved by the chiefest prot●stant writers against the papists ; and because i design not an opposition unto what others think and do , but the declaration and confirmation of the truth in what we have proposed to insist upon , i shall very briefly discover the falseness of this pretence , and pass on unto what is principally intended in this discourse . . the church is before all its ordinary officers ; and therefore its continuation cannot depend on their successive ordination . it is so as essentially considered , though its being organical is simultaneous with their ordination . extraordinary officers were before the church , for their work was to call , gather , and erect it out of the world. but no ordinary officers can be , or ever were ordained but to a church in being . some say they are ordained unto the universal visible church of professors ; some unto the particular church wherein their work doth lye ; but all grant that the church-state whereunto they are ordained , is antecedent unto their ordination . the lord christ could , and did ordain apostles and evangelists , when there was yet no gospel church , for they were to be the instruments of its calling and erection . but the apostles neither did , nor could ordain any ordinary officers , until there was a church or churches , with respect whereunto they should be ordained . it is therefore highly absurd to ascribe the continuation of the church unto the successive ordination of officers , if any such thing there were ; seeing this successive ordination of officers depends solely on the continuation of the church . if that were not secured on other foundations , this successive ordination would quickly tumble into dust . ( yea this successive ordination , were there any such thing appointed , must be an act of the church it self , and so cannot be the means of communicating church power unto others . a successive ordination in some sense may be granted , namely , that when those who were ordained officers in any church do dye that others be ordained in their steads , but this is by an act of power in the church it self , as we shall manifest afterwards . ) . not to treat of papal succession ; the limiting of this successive ordination , as the only way and means of communicating church power , and so of the preservation of the church-state , unto diocesan prelates or bishops , is built on so many inevident presumptions and false principles , as will leave it altogether uncertain whether there be any church-state in the world or no. as ( ) that such bishops were ordained by the apostles , which can never be proved . ( ) that they received power from the apostles to ordain others and communicate their whole power unto them by an authority , inherent in themselves alone ; yet still reserving their whole power unto themselves also , giving all , and retaining all at the same time ; which hath no more of truth than the former , and may be easily disproved . ( ) that they never did , nor could any of them forfeit this power , by any crime or error , so as to render their ordination invalid , and interrupt the succession pretended . ( ) that they all ordained others in such manner and way , as to render their ordination valid ; whereas multitudes were never agreed , what is required thereunto . ( ) that whatever heresy , idolatry , flagitiousness of life , persecution of the true churches of christ , these prelatical ordainers might fall into , by whatever arts , simoniacal practices , or false pretences unto what was not , they came themselves into their offices , yet nothing could deprive them of their right of communicating all church power unto others by ordination . ( ) that persons so ordained , whether they have any call from the church or no ; whether they have any of the qualifications required by the law of christ in the scripture to make them capable of any office in the church , or have received any spiritual gifts from christ for the exercise of their office and discharge of their duty ; whether they have any design or no , to persue the ends of that office which they take upon them ; yet all is one , being any way prelatically ordained bishops , they may ordain other and so the successive ordination is preserved . and what is , this but to take the rule of the church out of the hand of christ ; to give law unto him , to follow with his approbation , the actings of men besides , and contrary to his law and institution , and to make application of his promises unto the vilest of men , whether he will or no. ( ) that it is not lawful for believers or the disciples of christ to yield obedience unto his commands , without this episcopal ordination , which many churches cannot have , and more will not , as judging it against the mind and will of christ. ( ) that one worldly , ignorant , proud , sensual beast , such as some of the heads of this successive ordination , as the popes of rome , have been , should have more power and authority from christ to preserve and continue a church-state by ordination , than any the most holy church in the world , that is , or can be gathered according to his mind ; with other unwarrantable presumptions innumerable . . the pernicious consequences that may ensue on this principle , do manifest its inconsistency with what our lord jesus christ hath ordained unto this end of the continuation of his church . i need not reckon them upon the surest probabilities . there is no room left for fears of what may follow hereon , by what hath already done so . if we consider whither this successive ordination , hath already led a great part of the church , we may easily judge what it is meet for . it hath i say , led men , for instance in the church of rome , into a presumption of a good church-state in the loss of holiness and truth , in the practice of false worship and idolatry , in the persecution and slaughter of the faithful servants of christ ; unto a state plainly antichristian . to think there should be a flux and communication of heavenly and spiritual power , from jesus christ and his apostles in , and by the hands and actings of persons ignorant , simoniacal , adulterous , incestuous , proud , ambitious , sensual , presiding in a church-state never appointed by him , immersed in false and idolatrous worship , persecuting the true church of christ , wherein was the true succession of apostolical doctrine and holiness , is an imagination for men who embrace the shadows and appearances of things , never once seriously thinking of the true nature of them . in brief , it is in vain to derive a succession whereon the being of the church should depend , through the presence of christ with the bishops of rome , who for an years together , from the year to a , were monsters for ignorance , lust , pride , and luxury ; as baronius acknowledgeth . a. d. . . . or by the church of antioch , by samosatenus , eudoxius , gnapheus , severus , and the like hereticks . or in constantinople , by macedonius , eusebius , demophilus , anthorinus , and their companions : or at alexandria ; by lucius , dioscurus , aelurus , sergius , and the rest of the same sort . . the principal argument whereby this conceit is fully discarded , must be spoken unto afterwards . and this is the due consideration of the proper subject of all church-power , unto whom , it is originally , formally and radically given and granted by jesus christ. for none can communicate this power unto others , but those who have received it themselves from christ , by vertue of his law and institution . now this is the whole church , and not any person in it , or prelate over it . look whatever constitutes it a church , that gives it all the power and priviledge of a church ; for a church is nothing but a society of professed believers , enjoying all church power and priviledges , by vertue of the law of christ. unto this church which is his spouse doth the lord christ commit the keys of his house , by whom they are delivered into the hands of his stewards so far as their office requires that trust. now this ( which we shall afterwards more fully confirm ) is utterly inconsistent with the committing of all church power unto one person by vertue of his ordination by another . nothing that hath been spoken doth at all hinder or deny , but that where churches are rightly constituted , they ought in their offices , officers , and order to be preserved by a successive ordination of pastors and rulers , wherein those who actually preside in them , have a particular interest in the orderly communication of church-power unto them . chap. iv. the especial nature of the gospel church-state appointed by christ. the principal enquiry which we have thus far prepared the way unto , and whereon all that ensues unto it doth depend , is concerning the especial nature of that church-state , rule , and order , which the lord christ hath instituted under the gospel , of what sort and kind it is . and hereunto some things must be premised . . i design not here to oppose , nor any way to consider such additions as men may have judged necessary to be added unto that church-state which christ hath appointed , to render it , in their apprehension , more useful unto its ends , than otherwise it would be . of this sort there are many things in the world , and of a long season have been so . but our present business is to prove the truth , and not to disprove the conceits of other men . and so far as our cause is concerned herein , it shall be done by it self , so as not to interrupt us in the declaration of the truth . . whereas there are great contests about communion with churches , or separation from them , and mutual charges of impositions and schisms thereon , they must be all regulated by this enquiry ; namely , what is that church state which christ hath prescribed . herein alone is conscience concerned as unto all duties of ecclesiastical communion . neither can a cha●ge of schism be managed against any , but on a supposition of sin , with respect unto that church-state and order which christ hath appointed . a dissent from any thing else , however pretended to be useful , yea advantageous unto church ends , must come under other prudential considerations . all which shall be fully proved , and vindicated from the exceptions of dr. st. . there have been , and are in the world , several sorts of churches of great power and reputation , of several forms and kinds , yet contributing aid to each other , in their respective stations ; as ( ) the papal church which pretends it self to be catholick or universal , comprehensive of all true believers or disciples of christ , united in their subjection unto the bishop of rome . ( ) there were of old , and the shadow of them is still remaining , churches called patriarchal , first , then , then of them , whereinto all other churches and professed christians in the roman world were distributed , as unto a dependance on the authority , and subjection to the jurisdiction , and order of the bishops of principal cities of the empire , who were thereon called patriarks . ( ) various divisions under them , of archiepiscopal or metropolitical churches ; and under them of those that are now called diocesan , whose bounds and limits were fixed and altered according to the variety of occasions and occurrences of things in the nations of the world. what hath been the original of all these sorts of churches , how from parochial assemblies , they grew up by the degrees of their descent now mentioned , into the height and center of papal omnipotency , hath been declared elsewhere sufficiently . . some there are , who plead for a national church-state , arising from an association of the officers of particular churches , in several degrees , which they call classical and provincial , until it extend it self unto the limits of an whole nation , that is one civil body , depending as such on its own supreme ruler and law. i shall neither examine nor oppose this opinion ; there hath been enough , if not too much already disputed about it . but . the visible church-state which christ hath instituted under the new testament , consists in an especial society or congregation of professed believers , joyned together according unto his mind , with their officers , guides , or rulers whom he hath appointed , which do , or may meet together for the celebration of all the ordinances of divine worship , the professing and authoritatively proposing the doctrine of the gospel , with the exercise of the discipline prescribed by himself , unto their own mutual edification , with the glory of christ , in the preservation and propagation of his kingdom in the world. the things observable in this description , and for the farther declaration of it , are ; ( ) the material cause of this church , or the matter whereof it is composed ; which are visible believers . ( ) the formal cause of it , which is their voluntary coalescency into such a society or congregation , according to the mind of christ. ( ) the end of it , is presential , local communion , in all the ordinances and institutions of christ , in obedience unto him , and their own edification . ( ) in particular these ends are , ( ) the preaching of the word , unto the edification of the church it self , and the conversion of others . ( ) administration of the sacraments , or all the mystical appointments of christ in the church . ( ) the preservation and exercise of evangelical discipline . ( ) visibly to profess their subjection unto christ in the world , by the observation of his commands . ( ) the bounds and limits of this church , are taken from the number of the members , which ought not to be so small , as that they cannot observe , and do all that christ hath commanded in due order ; nor yet so great as not to meet together for the ends of institution of the church before mentioned . ( ) that this church in its compleat state , consists of pastors , or a pastor and elders , who are its guides and rulers , and the community of the faithful under their rule . ( ) that unto such a church , and every one of them , belongs of right all the priviledges , promises and power that christ doth give and grant unto the church in this world. these and sundry other things of the like nature shall be afterwards spoken unto in their order , according unto the method intended in the present discourse . two things i shall now proceed unto . ( ) to prove that christ hath appointed this church-state under the gospel , namely , of a particular or single congregation . ( ) that he hath appointed no other church state that is inconsistent with this , much less that is destructive of it . . christ appointed that church-state which is meet and accommodated unto all the ends which he designed in his institution of a church . but such alone is that church form and order that we have proposed . in christs institution of the church , it was none of his ends , that some men might be thereby advanced to rule , honour , riches , or secular grandeur ; but the direct contrary , matth. . , , , . nor did he do it , that his disciples might be ruled and governed by force or the laws of men ; or that they should be obstructed in the exercise of any graces , gifts , or priviledges that he had purchased for them , or would bestow on them . and to speak plainly , ( let it be despised by them that please ) this cannot greatly value that church-state which is not suited , to guide , excite and direct the exercise of all evangelical graces unto the glory of christ in a due manner . for , to propose peculiar and proper objects for them , to give peculiar motives unto them , to limit the seasons and circumstances of their exercise , and regulate the manner of the performance of the duties that arise from them , is one principal end of their institution . it would be too long to make a particular enquiry into all the ends for which the lord christ appointed this church-state , which indeed are all the duties of the gospel , either in themselves , or in the manner of their performance . we may reduce them unto these three general heads . . the p●ofessed subjection of the souls and consciences of believers unto his authority , in their observance of his commandments . he requireth that all who are baptized into his name , be taught to do , and observe all things whatever he commanded . matth. . , , . and god is to be glorified not only in their subjection , but in their professed subjection unto the gospel of christ. cor. . . having given an express charge unto his disciples , to make publick profession of his name , and not to be deterred from it by shame or fear of any thing that may befal them on the account thereof , and that on the penalty of his disowning them before his heavenly father , matth. . , , , , , , matth. . ; he hath appointed this church-state , as the way and means whereby they may joyntly , and visibly make profession of this their subjection to him , dependance on him , and freedom in the observation of all his commands . he will not have this done , singly , and personally only , but in society and conjunction . now this cannot be done in any church-state imaginable , wherein the members of the church cannot meet together for this end , which they can only do in such a church as is congregational . . the joynt celebration of all gospel ordinances and worship , is the great and principal end of the evangelical church state. how far this is directed unto by the law of nature was before declared . man was made for society in things natural and civil , but especially in things spiritual , or such as concern the worship of god. hereon depends the n●cess●●y of par●i●ular churches , or societ●es for divine worship . and this is declared to be the end of the churches instituted by christ. act. . cor. . cor. . , . tim. . , . as also of the institution of officers in the church , for the solemn administration of the ordinances of this worship . and the reasons of this appointment are intimated in the scripture ; as ( ) that it might be a way for the joynt exercise of the graces and gifts of the spirit ; as was in general before mentioned . the lord christ g●ves both his grace and his gifts in great variety of measures . ephes. . . but the manifestation of the spirit is given unto every man to profit withal ; cor. . , . he gives neither of them unto any meerly for themselves . saving grace is firstly given for the good of him that receives it ; but respect is had in it unto the good of others ; and the lord christ expects such an exercise of it , as may be to others advantage . and the first end of gifts is the edification of others ; and all that do receive them are thereby , and so far , stewards of the manifold grace of god. pet. . . wherefore for the due exercise of these gifts and graces unto his glory , and their proper ends , he hath appointed particular congregations , in whose assemblies alone , they can be duely exercised , ( ) hereby all his disciples are mutually edified ; that is , encreased in light , knowledge , faith , love , fruitfulness in obedience , and conformity unto himself . this the apostle affirms to be the especial end of all churches , their offices , officers , gifts , and order . ephes. . , , , , . and again ; . . no church-state that is not immediately suited unto this end , is of his institution . and though others may in general pretend unto it , besides that of particular congregations , it were to be wished that they were not obstructive of it , or were any way fitted or useful unto it . ( ) that he might hereby express and testify his promised presence with his disciples unto the end of the world ; matth. . . matth. . . rev. . . it is in their church assemblies , and in the performance of his holy worsh●p that he is present with his disciples according unto his promise . ( ) in these churches thus exercised in the holy worship of god , he gives us a resemblance and representation of the great assembly above , who worship god continually before his throne , which is too large a subject here to insist upon . and to manifest that assemblies of the whole church , at once and in one place , for the celebration of divine worship , is of the essence of a church , without which it hath no real being ; when god had instituted such a church form , as wherein all the members of it could not ordinarily come together every week for this end ; yet he ordained that , for the preservation of their church-state , three times in the year the males ( which was the circumcised church ) should appear together in one place , to celebrate the most solemn ordinances of his worship . exod. . . chap. . deut. . . all those difficulties which arose from the extent of the limits of that church unto the whole nation , being removed , these meetings of the whole church for the worship of go● become a continual duty ; and when they cannot be observed in any church , the state or kind of it is not instituted by christ. . the third end of the institution of the gospel church-state is the exercise and preservation of the discipline appointed by christ to be observed by his disciples . the antients do commonly call the whole religion of christianity , by the name of the discipline of christ , that is , the faith and obedience which he hath prescribed unto them , in contradistinction , and opposition unto the rules and prescriptions of all ●hilosophical societies . and it is that , without which the glory of ●hristian religion can in no due manner be preserved . the especial nature of it shall be afterwards fully spoken unto for the use of the present argument i shall only speak unto the ends of it , or what it is that the lord christ designeth in the institution of it ; and these things may be referred unto heads . . the preservation of the doctrine of the gospel in its purity , and obedience unto the commands of christ in its integrity . for the first ; the scripture is full of predictions , all confirmed in the event , that after the days of the apostles , there should be various attempts to wrest , corrupt , and pervert the doctrine of the gospel , and to bring in pernitious errors and heresies . to prevent , or reprove , and remove them , is no small part and duty of the ministerial office in the dispensation of the word ▪ but whereas those who taught such perverse things , did for the most part arise at first in the churches themselves ; act. . . pet. . . john . . as the preaching of the word was appointed for the rebuke of the doctrines themselves , so this discipline was ordained in the church with respect unto the persons of them by whom they were taught , rev. . . ▪ . joh. . . gal. . . and so also it was with respect unto schisms and divisions that might fall out in the church . the way of suppressing things of this nature by external force , by the sword of magistrates , in prisons , fines , banishments , and death , was not then thought of , nor directed unto by the lord jesus christ ; but is highly dishonourable unto him , as though the ways of his own appointment , were not sufficient for the preservation of his own truth , but that his disciples must betake themselves unto the secular powers of this world who for the most part are wicked , prophane , and ignorant of the truth , for that end . and hereunto belongeth the preservation of his commands , in the integrity of obedience . for he appointed that hereby care should be taken , of the ways , walkings , and conversation of his disciples , that in all things it should be such as became the gospel . hence the exercise of this discipline he orda●ned to consist in exhortations , admonitions , reproofs , of any that shou●d offend in things moral or of his especial institut●on , with the total rejection of them were obstinate in their offences ; as we shall see afterwards . . the second end of it was to preserve love entire among his disciples . this was that which he gave in especial charge unto all that should believe in his name , taking the command of it to be his own in a peculiar manner , and declaring our observance of it , to be the principal pledge and evidence of our being his disciples . for although mutual love be an old commandment , belonging both unto the moral law , and sundry injunction under the old testament ; yet the degrees and measure of it , the ways and duties of its exercise , the motives unto it , and reasons for it , were wholly his own , whereby it becomes a new commandment , also . for the preservation and continuance of this love , which he lays so great weight upon , was this discipline appointed , which it is several ways effectual towards . as ( ) in the prevention or removal of offences that might arise among believers , to the impeachment of it ; matth. . , , , ( ) in that watch over each other with mutual exhortations and admonitions , without which this love let men pretend what they please , will not be preserved . that which keepeth either life or soul in christian love , consists in the exercise of those graces mutually and the discharge of those duties , whereby they may be partakers of the fruits of love in one another . and for the most part , those who pretend highly unto the preservation of love , by their coming to the same church who dwell in the same parish , have not so much as the carcase , nay not a shadow of it . in the discipline of the lord christ it is appointed that this love , so strictly by him enjoyned unto us , so expressive of his own wisdom and love , should be preserved , continued and encreased , by the due and constant discharge of the duties of mutual exhortation , admonition , prayer , and watchful care over one another . rom. . . thes. , . thes. . . heb. . , . ch. . , . . a third end of it , is , that it might be a due representation of his own love , care , tenderness , patience , meekness , in the acting of his authority in the church . where this is not observed and designed in the exercise of church discipline , i will not say it is antichristian , but will say , it is highly injurious and dishonourable unto him . for all church power is in him , and derived from him ; nor is there any thing of that nature which belongs unto it , but it must be acted in his name , and esteemed both for the manner and matter of it , to be his act and deed. for men therefore to pretend unto the exercise of this discipline , in a worldly frame of spirit , with pride and passion , by tricks of laws and canons , in courts forein to the churches themselves which are pretended to be under this discipline , it is a woful and scandalous representation of christ his wisdom , care and love towards his church . but as for his discipline he hath ordained , that it shall be exercised in , and with meekness , patience , gentleness , evidence of zeal for the good and compassion of the souls of men , with gravity and authority , so as that therein , all the holy affections of his mind towards his church , or any in it , in their mistakes , failings , and miscarriages , may be duly represented , as well as his authority acted among them . isa. . ▪ cor. . ▪ gal. . . . thes. . . tim. . , , . jam. . . cor. . . it is in part appointed to be an evidence and pledge of the future judgment , wherein the whole church shall be judged before the throne of christ jesus . for in the exercise of this discipline christ is on his own judgment seat in the church ; nor may any man pronounce any sentence , but what he believeth that christ himself would pronounce were he visibly present , and what is according to his mind as declared in his word . hence tertullian calls the sentence of excommunication in the church , futuri judicii praejudicium ; a representation of the future judgment . . in all that degeneracy which the christian professing church , hath fallen into , in faith , worship , and manners , there is no instance can exceed the corruption of this divine institution . for that which was the honour of christ and the gospel , and an effectual means to represent him in the glory of his wisdom and love , and for the exercise of all graces in the church , unto the blessed ends now declared ; was turned into a domination , earthly and secular , exercised in a prophane , litigious , unintelligible process , according unto the arts , ways , and terms of the worst of law courts , by persons for the most part remote from any just pretence of the least interest in church power , on causes and for ends , forein unto the discipline of the gospel , by a tyranny over the consciences , and over the persons of the disciples of christ , unto the intolerable scandal of the gospel , and rule of christ in his church , as is evident in the state and rule of the church of rome . as these are the general ends of the institution of a church-state under the gospel , and in order unto them , it is a great divine ordinance for the glory of christ , with the edification and salvation of them that do believe . wherefore that church-state which is suited unto these ends , is that which is appointed by christ ; and whatever kind of church or churches is not so , primarily , and as such , are not of his appointment . but it is in congregational churches alone , that these things can be done and observed . for unto all of them there are required assemblies of the whole church ; which wherever they are , that church is congregational . no such churches as those mentioned before , papal , patriarchical , metropolitical , diocesan , or in any way national , are capable of the discharge of these duties , or attaining of these ends. if it be said , that what they cannot do in themselves ; as that they cannot together in one place profess , and express their subjection unto the commands of christ , they cannot have personal communinion in the celebration of gospel ordinances of worship , nor exercise discipline in one body and society ; they can yet do the same things otherwise ; partly in single congregations appointed by themselves , and partly in such ways for the administration of discipline , as are suited unto their state and rule ; that is , by ecclesiastical courts , with jurisdiction over all persons or congregations belonging unto them , it will not help their cause . for ( ) those particular congregations wherein these things are to be observed , are churches , or they are not . if they are churches , they are of christs appointment , and we obtain what we aim at ; nor is it in the power of any man to deprive them of any thing that belongs unto them as such ; if they are not , but inventions and appointments of their own , then that which they say is this ; that what is absolutely necessary unto the due observation of the worship of god , and unto all the ends of churches , being not appointed by christ , is by them provided for , appointed and ordained ; which is to exalt themselves in wisdom and care above him , and to place themselves in a nearer relation to the church than he . to grant that many of those things which are the ends for which any church-state under the gospel is appointed , cannot be performed or attained but in , and by particular congregations , and yet to deny that those particular congregations are of christs institution , is to speak contradictions , and at the same time to affirm , that they are churches , and are not churches . ( ) a church is such a body or society , as hath spiritual power , priviledges and promises annexed unto it , and accompanying of it . that which hath not so , as such , is no church . the particular congregations mentioned have this power , with priviledges , and promises , belonging to them , or they have not . if they have not , they are no churches , at least no compleat churches , and there are no churches in the earth , wherein those things can be done , for which the being of churches was ordained , as namely , the joynt celebration of divine worship by all the members of them . if they have such power , i desire to know from whence or whom they have it ; if from christ then are they of his institution ; and who can divest them of that power , or any part of it ? that they have it from men , i suppose will not be pretended . ( ) as unto that way of the exercise of discipline suited unto any other church-state but that which is congregational , we shall consider it afterwards . ( ) what is done in particular congregations , is not the act of any greater church ; as a diocesan or the like . for whatever acts any thing , acts according unto what it is ; but this of joynt worship and discipline in assemblies , is not the act of such a church , according unto what it is ; for so it is impossible for it to do any thing of that nature . but thus it is fallen out . some men under the power of a tradition that particular congregations were originally of a divine institution , and finding the absolute necessity of them , unto the joynt celebration of divine worship , yet finding what an inconsistency with their interest , and some other opinions which they have imbibed , should they still be acknowledged to be of the institution of christ , seeing thereon the whole ordinary power given by christ unto his church must reside in them , they would now have them to be only conveniences for some ends of worship of their own finding out . some thing they would have like christs institution , but his it shall not be , which is an image . . the very notation of the word doth determine the sense of it unto a particular congregation . other things may in churches , as we shall see afterwards , both in the rule and administration of the duties of holy worship , be ordered and disposed in great variety . but whilst a church is such as that ordinarily , the whole body in its rulers and those that are ruled , do assemble together in one place , for the administration of gospel ordinances , and the exercise of discipline , it is still one single congregation , and can be neither diocesan , provincial , nor national . so that although the essence of the church doth not consist in actual assemblies ; yet are they absolutely necessary unto its constitution in exercise . hence is the name of a church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the verb in the old testament , is to congregate , to assemble , to call and meet together , and nothing else . the lxx render it mostly by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to congregate in a church assembly ; and sometimes by other words of the same importance ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so they do the noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; seldom by any other word , but where they do so , it is always of the same signification . wherefore this word signifies nothing but a congregation which assembles for the ends and uses of it , and acts its duties and powers ; so doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , in the new testament . it may be sometimes applied unto that whose essence is not denoted thereby , as the church catholick invisible , which is only a mystical society or congregation . but wherever it is used to denote an outward visible society , it doth connote their assemblies together , in one . it is frequently used for an actual assembly . act. . , , . which was the signification of it in all greek writers . cor. . , . and sometimes it is expresly affirmed , that it met together in the same place ; cor. , . wherefore no society that doth not congregate ; the whole body whereof doth not meet together , to act its powers and duties , is a church , or may be so called , whatever other sort of body or corporation it may be . in this sense is the word used , when the first intimation is is given of an evangelical church state , with order and discipline . matth. . . if he shall neglect to hear them , tell the church , &c. there have been so many contests about the sense of these words and the interpretation of them , so many various and opposite opinions about them , and those debated in such long and operous discourses , that some would take an argument from thence , that nothing can be directly proved from them , nor any certain account of the state and duty of the church be thence collected . but nothing can be insinuated more false and absurd , nor which more directly tendeth to the overthrow of the whole authority of the scripture . for if when men are seduced by their interests or otherwise , to multiply false expositions of any place of scripture , and to contend earnestly about them , that thereon as unto us , they lose their instructive power , and certain determination of the truth , we should quickly have no bottom or foundation for our faith , in the most important articles of religion ; nor could have so at this day . but all the various pretences of men , some whereof would have the pope , others a general councel , some the civile magistrate , some the jewish synagogue , some a company of arbitrators , are nothing but so many instances of what interest , prejudice , corrupt lusts , ambitious designs with a dislike of the truth , will bring forth . to me it seems strange that any impartial man reading this context , can take the church in this place in any other sense , but for such a society , as whereunto an offending and offended brother or disciple of christ , might and ought to belong , to the body whereof they might address themselves for relief and remedy , or the removal of offences , by vertue of the authority and appointment of jesus christ. it were an endless task and unsuited unto our present design , to examine the various pretensions unto the church in this place ; enough also if not too much hath been written already about them . i shall therefore observe only some few things from the context , which will sufficiently evidence what sort of church it is , that is here intended . . the rule and direction given by our saviour in this place unto his disciples , doth not concern civil injuries as such ; but such sins as have scandal and offence in them , either causing other men to sin , or giving them grief and offence for sin , whereby the exercise of love in mutual communion may be impeded . private injuries may be respected herein , but not as injuries , but so far as they are scandalous , and matter of offence unto them unto whom they are known . and this appears ; ( ) from the proper signification of the phrase here used ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if thy brother sin against thee , doing of an injury is expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to be injured by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . , . that is , to be wronged , to be dealt unjustly withal , and to be defrauded or deprived of our right . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not so used ; but only so to sin as to give scandal unto them against whom that sin is said to be , cor. . , : to be guilty of sin against christ in the light of their consciences , is to sin against them . . it is evident in the context . our saviour is treating directly about all sorts of scandals and offences , or sins , as occasions of falling , stumbling and sinning , and so of perishing unto others , giving rules and directions about them , from th verse , unto these words wherein direction is given about their cure and removal . and two things he ascribes unto these scandals ; ( . ) that weak christians are despised in them , ver . . ( . ) that they are in danger to be destroyed or lost for ever by them , ver . . which gives us a true account of the nature of scandalous offences . wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sin is used here in the same sense with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before , to give offence by a scandalous miscarriage . . where the same rule is again recorded , the words used enforce this application of them , luk. . , , . the lord christ foretells his disciples that scandals and offences would arise , with the nature and danger of them , v. . and because that they obtain their pernicious effects mostly on them that are weak , he gives caution against them , with especial respect unto such among his disciples ; better any one were cast into the sea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then that he should give scandal or offence unto one of these little ones , ver . . and what he expresseth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ver . . he expresseth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ver . . sin against thee ; and this is plain from th● direction which he gives hereon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; rebuke him . the word is never used with respect unto private injuries ; but as they are sins or faults ; so is it joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the only word used for the rebuke given , or to be given unto a scandalous offender , cor. . . another rule is given in case of private injuries , that are only such , and that is , that we immediately forgive them . . it doth not seem a direction suited unto that intense love , which the lord christ requireth in all his disciples one towards another , nor the nature of that love in its exercise , as it is described , cor. . that for a private injury done unto any man , without respect unto sin against god therein , which is the scandal , he should follow his brother so far as to have him cast ●ut of the communion of all churches and believers , which yet in case of sin unrepented of , is a necessary duty . dly . the rule here prescribed , and the direction given , were so prescribed and given for the use of all the disciples of christ in all ages , and are not to be confined unto any present case , or the present season . for ( . ) there was no such case at present , no mutual offence among any of his disciples , that should require this determination of it , only respect is had unto what might afterwards fall out in the church . ( . ) there was no need of any such direction at that time , because christ himself was then constantly present with them , in whom all church power did reside both eminently and formally . accordingly , when any of them did offend unto scandal , he did himself rebuke them ; matth. . , . and when any thing of mutual offence fell out among them , he instructed them , and directed them into the way of love , doing what any church could do , and much more also , mat. , , , . . ( ) this was a case which our saviour foreknew and foretold that it would fall out in the church in futu●e generations even unto the end of the world ▪ it doth so every day , and will do so whilst men are in an imperfect state here below . nor is there any thing wherein the church as unto its order , ●urity and edification , is more concerned . nor can any of them be preserved without a certain rule for the cure and healing of offences ; nor are so , in any church , where such a rule is not , or is neglected . it is therefore fond to suppose , that our saviour should prescribe this rule for that season wherein there was no need of it ; and not for those times , wherein the church could not subsist in order without it . ly . the church here directed unto , is a christian church . for ( . ) whereas it hath been proved , it concerned the times to come afterwards ; there was in those times nothing that could pretend unto the name of the church but a christian church only . the jewish synagogues had an utter end put unto them , so as that an address unto any of them in this case was not only useless but unlawful . and as unto magistrates or arbitrators , to have them called the church , and that in such a sense as that after the interposition of their authority or advice , a man should be freed from the discharge of all christian duties , such as are mutually required among the disciples of christ towards his brother , is a fond imagination : for ( ) it is such a church , as can exercise authority in the name of christ , over his disciples , and such as in conscience , they should be bound to submit themselves unto . for the reason given of the contempt of the voice , judgment and sentence of the church in case of offence , is their power of spiritual binding and loo●ing , which is comitted by christ thereunto , and so he adds immediatley ver . . whatever ye shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever ye shall loose in heaven , shall be loosed on earth ; is the priviledge of a christian church only . thly . it is a visible particular congregation alone that is intended . for ( . ) as unto the church , in other acceptations of that name , either for the catholic● invisible church , or for the whole body of professed believers thoroughout the world , it is utterly impossible that this d●ty should be observed towards it , as is manifest unto all . ( . ) we have proved that the first and most proper signification of the word is of a single congregation , assembling together for its duties and enjoyments . where ever therefore the church in general is mentioned , without the addition of any thing or circumstance , that may lead unto another signification ; it must be interpreted of such a particular church or congregation . ( . ) the persons intended , offending , and offended must belong unto the same society unto whom the address is to be made ; or else the one party may justly decline the judicatory applyed unto , and so frustrate the process . and it must be such a church , as unto whom they are known in their circumstances , without which it is impossible , that a right judgment in sundry cases , can be made in point of offence . ( ) it is a church of an easie address ; go tell the church ; which supposeth that free and immediate a●cess , which all the members of a church have unto that whole church whereof they are members . wherefore ( ) it is said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ tell the church ; not a church , but the church ; namely , whereunto thou and thy brother do belong . ( ) one end of this direction is , that the offending and the offended parties may continue together in the communion of the same church , in love without dissimulation ; which thing belongs unto a particular congregation . ( ) the meaning is not tell the diocesan bishop ; for whatever church he may have under his rule , yet is not he himself a church . nor is it ( ) the chancellours court that our saviour intended . be it what it will , it is a disparagement unto all churches , to have that name applied thereunto . nor , lastly , is it a presbytery or association of the elders of many particular congregations , that is intended . for the power claimed in such associated presbyteries , is with respect unto what is already in , or before particular congregations , which they have not either wisdom or authority , as is supposed , finally to order and determine . but this supposeth , that the address in the first place , be made unto a particular congregation ; which therefore is firstly and properly here intended . all things are plain , familiar , and exposed to the common understandings of all believers , whose minds are any way exercised about these things , as indeed are all things that belong unto the discipline of christ. arguments pretendedly deep and learned , really obscure and perplexed , with logical notions and distinctions , applied unto things thus plain and evident in themselves , do serve only to involve and darken the truth . it is plain in the place ; ( ) that there was a church-state for christians , then designed by christ , which afterwards he would institute and settle . ( ) that all true disciples were to join and unite themselves in some such church , as might be helpful unto their love , order , peace and edification . ( ) that among the members of these churches , offences would , or might arise , which in themselves tend unto pernicious events . ( ) that if these offences could not be cured and taken away , so as that love without dissimulation might be continued among all the members of the churches , an account of them at last was to be given unto that church or society whereunto the parties concerned do belong as members of it . ( ) that this church should hear , determine and give judgment with advice in the cases , so brought unto it , for the taking away and removal of all offences . ( ) that this determination of the church is to be rested in , on the penalty of a deprivation of all the priviledges of the church . ( ) that these things are the institution and appointment of christ himself , whose authority in them all , is to be submitted unto , and which alone can cast one that is a professed christian into the condition of an heathen or a publican . these things in the notion and practice of them , are plain , easy , and exposed to the understanding of the meanest of the disciples of christ ; as it is meet , that all things should be , wherein their daily practice is concerned . but it is not easily to be expressed , into what horrible perplexities and confusions they have been wrested in the church of rome , nor how those who depart from the plain obvious sense of the words , and love not the practice they direct unto , do lead themselves and others into ways and paths that have neither use , nor end . from the corrupt abuse of the holy institution of our lord jesus christ here intended , so many powers , faculties , courts , jurisdictions , legal processes , with litigious , vexatious , oppressive courses of actions and trials , whose very names are uncouth , horrid , foreign unto religion , and unintelligible without cunning in an art●ficial barbarous science of the canon law , have proceeded , as are enough to fill a sober rational man with astonishment , how it could ever enter into the minds of men to suppose , that they can possibly have any relation unto this divine institution . those who are not utterly blinded with interest and prejudice , wholly ignorant of the gospel , and the mind of christ therein , as also strangers from the practice of the duties which it requires , will hardly believe , that in this context our lord jesus christ designed to set up , and erect an earthly domination in , and over his churches , to be administred by the rules of the canon law , and the rota at rome . they must be spiritually mad and ridiculous , who can give the least entertainment unto such an imagination . nor can the discipline of any diocesan churches , administred in , and by courts and officers , foreign to the scripture , both name and thing ▪ be brought within the view of this rule ; nor can all the art of the world , make any application of it thereunto : for what some plead concerning magistrates or arbitrators , they are things which men would never betake themselves unto , but only to evade the force of that truth which they love not . all this is fallen out by mens departing from the simplicity of the gospel ▪ and a contempt of that sense of the words of the lord jesus , which is plain and obvious unto all who desire not only to hear his words , but also to observe his commands . dly . our third argument is taken from the nature of the churches ●nstituted by the apostles and their order , as it is expressed in the scripture . for they were all of them congregational , and of no other sort . this the ensuing considerations will make evident . . there were many churches planted by the apostles in very small provinces . not to insist on the churches of galatia ; gal. . . concerning which it is no where intimated , that they had any one head or mother church , metropolitical , or diocesan . nor of those of macedonia , distinct from that of philippi , whereof we have spoken before ; upon the first coming of paul after his conversion , unto jerusalem ; which was three years ; gal. . . in the fourth year after the ascension of christ , there were churches planted in all judea , and galilee , and samaria ; act. . . neither of the two latter provinces was equal unto one ordinary diocess . yet were there churches in both of them , and that in so short a time after the first preaching of the gospel , as that it is impossible they should be conceived to be any other but single congregations . what is excepted or opposed hereunto by the reverend dr. st. shall be examined and disproved afterwards by itself , that the progress of our discourse be not here interrupted . . these churches were such , as that the apostles appointed in them ordinary elders and deacons , that might administer all ordinances unto the whole church , and take care of all the poor . act. . . chap. . . now the care , inspection and labour of ordinary officers , can extend itself no further than unto a particular congregation . no man can administer all ordinances unto a diocesan church . and this ordaining elders in every church , is the same with ordaining them in every city , tit. . . that is in every town wherein there was a number converted unto the faith ; as is evident from act. . . and it was in towns and cities ordinarily that the gospel was first preached , and first received . such believers being congregated and united in the profession of the same faith and subiection unto the authority of christ , did constitute such a church-state as it was the will of christ , they should have bishops , or elders and deacons ordained amongst them ; and were therefore as unto their state , such churches as he owned , . it is said of most of these churches expresly that they respectively met together in one place , or had their assemblies of the whole church , for the discharge of the duties required of them , which is peculiar unto congregational churches only ; so did the church at jerusalem on all occasions ; act. . , . ch . ● . . see ch . . . ch . . . it is of no force which is objecte● from the multitude of them that are said to believe , and so consequently were of that church ; so as that they could not assemble together : for whereas the scripture says expresly , that the multitude of the church did come together ; it is scarce fair for us to to say they were such a multitude as that they could not come together . and it is evident that the great numbers of believers that are said to be at jerusalem , were there only occasionally , and were not fixed in that church . for many years after , a small village beyond jordan could receive all that were so fixed in it . the church at antioch , gathered together in one assembly ; act. . . to hear paul and silas . this church thus called together is called the multitude ; chap. . . that is the whole brotherhood at least of that church . the whole church of corinth did assemble together in one place , both for solemn worship , and the exercise of discipline , cor. . . chap. . , . chap. . , . it is no way necessary to plead any thing in the illustration , or for the confirmation of these testimonies . they all of them speak positively in a matter of fact , which will admit of no debate , unless we will put in exceptions unto the veracity of their authors . and they are of themselves sufficient to establish our assertion . for whatever may be the state of any church , as unto its officers or rule , into what order soever it be disposed ordinarily or occasionally for its edification , so long as it is its duty , to assemble in , and with all its members in one place , either for the exercise of its power , the performance of its duty , or enjoyments of its priviledges , it is a single congregation and no more . . the duties prescribed unto all church members in the writings of the apostles , to be diligently attended unto by them , are such , as either in their nature , or the manner of their performance , cannot be attended unto , and duly accomplished but in a particular congregation only . this i shall immediately speak distinctly unto , and therefore only mention it in this place . these things being so plainly , positively , and frequently asserted in the scripture , it cannot be questionable unto any impartial-mind , but that particular churches or congregations , are of divine institution ; and consequently that unto them the whole power and priviledge of the church doth belong ; for if they do not so , whatever they are , churches they are not . if therefore any other church-state be supposed , we may well require that , its name , nature , use , power , and bounds , be some or all of them declared in the scripture . reasonings drawn from the superiority of the apostles above the evangelists , of bishop above presbyters , or from church rule , in the hands of the officers of the church only ; from the power of the christian magistrate in things ecclesiastical from the meetness of union among all churches , are of no use in this case ; for they are all consistent with the sole institution of particular congregations , nor do in the least intimate that there is , or needs to be , any other church state of divine appointment . chap. v. the sate of the first churches after the apostles to the end of the second century . in confirmation of the foregoing argument , we urge the president and example of the primitive churches , that succeeded unto those which were planted by the apostles themselves , and so may well be judged to have walked in the same way and order with them . and that which we alledge is , that in no approved writers for the space of years after christ there is any mention made of any other organical , visibly professing church , but that only which is parochial , or congregational . a church of any other form , state , or order , papal or oecumenical , patriarchal , metropolitical , diocesan or classical , they know not neither name nor thing , nor any of them appear in any of their writings . before i proceed unto the confirmation of this assertion by particular testimonies , i shall premise some things which are needful unto the right understanding of what it is that i intend to prove by them . as . all the churches at first planted by the apostles , whether in the greatest cities as jerusalem , antioch , corinth , rome , &c. or those in the meanest villages of judea , galilee , or samaria , were , as unto their church-state , in order , power , priviledge , and duty every way equal , not superior or inferior , not ruling over , or subject unto , one another . no institution of any inequality between them , no instance of any practice supposing it , no direction for any compliance with it , no one word of intimation of it , can be produced from the scripture ; nor is it consistent with the nature of the gospel ▪ church-state . . in and among all these churches ▪ there was one and the same spirit one hope of their calling , one lord , one faith , one baptism , whence they were all , obliged mutually to seek and endeavour the good and edification of each other ; to be helpful to one another in all things , according unto that which any of them had received in the lord. this they did by prayer , by advice and counsel , by messengers sent with salutations , exhortations , consolations , supplies for the poor , and on all the like occasions . by these means , and by the exercise of that mutual love and care which they were obliged unto , they kept and preserved vnity and communion among themselves , gave a common testimony against any thing that in doctrine or practice deviated from the rule and discipline of christ. this order with peace and love thereon , continued among them , until pride , ambition , desire of rule and preheminence , in diotrephes , and a multitude of the same spirit with him , began to open a door unto the entrance of the mystery of iniquity , under pretence of a better order , than this which was of the appointment of christ. . it must be acknowledged , that notwithstanding this equality among all churches , as unto their state and power , that there were great differences between them , some real and some in reputation , which not being rightly managed , proved an occasion of evil in , and unto them all . for instance ; . some were more eminent in spiritual gifts than others . as this was a priviledge that might have been greatly improved unto the honour of christ and the gospel , yet we know how it was abused in the church of corinth , and what disorders followed thereon : so weak and frail are the best of men , so liable unto temptation , that all preheminence is dangerous for them ▪ and often abused by them ; which i confess makes me not a little admire to see men so earnestly pleading for it , so fearlesly assuming it unto themselves , so fiercely contending that all power and rule in the church belongs unto them alone . but . reputation was given unto some , by the long abode of some of the apostles in them ; of this advantage we find nothing in the scripture : but certain it is it was much pleaded and contended about , among the primitive churches , yea so far until by degrees disputes arose about the places where this or that apostle fixed his seat ; which was looked on as a preheminence for the present , and a security for the future . but yet we know how soon some of them degenerated from the church order and discipline , wherein they were instructed by the apostles ; see rev. chap. . and . . the greatness , power , fame , or civil authority of the place or city where any church was planted , gave it an advantage and priviledge in reputation above others . and the churches planted in such cities were quickly more numerous in their members , than others were , unless men strictly kept themselves unto the force of primitive institutions , it was very hard for them to think and judge , that a a church , it may be in a small village or town in galilee , should be equal with that at hierusalem or at antioch , or afterwards at rome itself . the generality of men easily suffered themselves to be persuaded that those churches were advanced in state and order , far above the other obscure , poor congregations . that there should be a church at rome , the head city of the world , was a matter of great joy and triumph unto many , and the advancement of it in reputation , they thought belonged unto the honour of our religion , howbeit there is not in the scripture , the least regard expressed unto any of these things , of place , number , or possibility of outward splendor , either in the promises of the presence of christ in , and with his churches , or in the communication of power & priviledges unto them . yet such an improvement did this foolish imagination find , that after those who presided in the churches called in the principal cities , had tasted of the sweetness of the bait which lay in the ascription of a preheminence unto them , they began openly to claim it unto themselves , and to usurp authority over other churches , confirming their own usurpation by canons and rules , until a few of them in the council of nice began to divide the christian world among themselves , as if it had been been conquered by them . hence proceeded those shameful contests that were among the greater prelates about their preheminency ; and hence arose that pretence of the bishops of rome , unto no less a right of rule and dominion over all christian churches , than the city had over all the nations and cities of the empire , which being carried on by all sorts of evil artifices , as by downright forgeries , shameless intrusions of themselves , impudent laying hold of all advantages unto their own exaltation , prevailed at length unto the utter ruine of all church order and worship . there is no sober history of the rise and growth by several degrees of any city , commonwealth or empire , that is filled with so many instances of ambitious seeking of preheminence , as our church stories are . by this imagination were the generality of the prelates in those dayes , induced to introduce and settle a government in , and among the churches of christ , answering unto the civil government of the roman empire . as the civil government was cast into national or diocesan , or provincial , in less or greater divisions , each of which had its capital city , the place of the residence of the chief civil governour ; so they designed to frame an image of it in the church , ascribing an alike dignity and power unto the prelates of those cities , and a jurisdiction extending itself unto nations , diocesses , and provinces . hereby the lesser congregations , or parochial churches , being weakened in process of time , in their gifts , and interest , were swallowed up in the power of the others , and became only inconsiderable appendixes unto them , to be ruled at their pleasure . but these things fell out long after the times which we enquire into ; only their occasion began to present it self unto men of corrupt minds from the beginning , but we have before at large discoursed of them . . some churches had a great advantage in that the gospel , as the apostle speaks , went forth from them , unto others . they in their ministry were the means first of the conversion of others unto the faith , and then of their gathering into a church-state , affording them assistance in all things they stood in need of . hence there newly formed churches , in lesser towns and villages , had alwaies a great reverence for the church by whose means they were converted unto god , and stated in church order . and it was meet that so they should have . but in process of time , as these lesser churches decreased in spiritual gifts , and fell under a scarcity of able guides , this reverence was turned into obedience and dependence ; and they thought it well enough to be under the rule of others , being unable well to rule themselves . on these and ▪ the like accounts there was quickly introduced an inequality among churches , which by vertue of their first institution were equal as unto state and power . . churches may admit of many variations , as unto their outward form and order , which yet change not their state , nor cause them to cease from being congregational . as , . supposing that any of them might have many elders or presbyters in them , as it is apparent that most of them had , yea all that are mentioned in the scripture had so ; act. . . chap. . . chap. . , , . chap. . . chap. . , . chap. . . phil. . . . tim. . . tit. . . they might , and some of them did choose out some one endued with especial gifts , that might in some sort preside amongst them , and who had quickly the name of bishop appropriated unto him . this practice is thought to have had its original at alexandria , and began generally to be received in the century : but this changed not the state of the church ; though it had no divine warrant to authorise it . for this order may be agreed unto among the elders of a particular congregation , and sundry things may fall out , enclining unto the reception of it . but from a distinct mention ( if any such there be ) in the writings of the second century of bishops and presbyters to fancy metropolitical and diocesan churches , is but a pleasant dream . . the members of these churches that were great and numerous , being under the care and inspection of their elders in common , might for the ordinary duty of divine worship me●t in parts or several actual assemblies , and they did so especially in time of persecution . nothing occurs more frequently in ecclesiastical story , than the meetings of christians , in secret places , in private houses , yea in caves and dens of the earth , when in some places it was impossible that the whole body of the church should so assemble together . how this disposition of the members of the church into several parts , in each of which some elder or elders of it did officiate , gave occasion unto the distinction of greater churches into particular titles or parishes , is not here to be declared , it may be so elsewhere : but neither yet did this alter the state of the churches , from their original institution . for , . upon all extraordinary occasions , all such as concerned the whole church , as the choice of elders , or the deposition of them , the admission or exclusion of members , and the like , the whole church continued to meet together , which practice was plainly continued in the days of cyprian as we shall see afterwards , neither doth it appear but that during the first years of the church , the whole body o● the church did ordinarily meet together in one place , for the solemn administration of the holy ordinances of worship , and the exercise of discipline . wherefore notwithstanding these and other the like variations , from the original institution of churches which came in partly by inadvertency unto the rule , and partly were received from the advantages and accommodations which they pretended unto , the state of the churches continued congregational onely for years , so far as can be gathered from the remaining monuments of those times . only we must yet add , that we are no way concerned in testimonies or sayings taken from the writings of those in following ages as unto the state , way and manner of the churches in this season ; but do appeal unto their own writings onely , this is the great artifice whereby baronius in his annalls would impose upon the credulity of men , an apprehension of the antiquity of any of their roman inventions ; he affixeth them unto some of the first ages ; and giving some countenance unto them , it may be from some spurious writings , layes the weight of confirmation on testimonies and sayings of writers , many years , yea for the most part , ages afterwards , for it was and is of the latter ages of the church , wherein use and custom have wrested ecclesiastical words to other significations than at first they were applyed unto , to impose the present state of things among them , on these who went before who knew nothing of them . i shall therefore briefly enquire into , what representation is made of the state of the churches by the writers themselves , who had in the season enquired after , or in the age next unto it , which was acquainted with their practice . that which first offereth itself unto us , and which is an invaluable testimony of the state of the first churches , immediately after the decease of the apostles , is the epistle of clemens romanus unto the brethren of the church of corinth . this epistle according to the title of it , irenaeus ascribes unto the whole church at rome , and calls it , potentissimas literas ; sub hoc clemente dissensione non modica inter ●os qui corinthi erant fratres facta ▪ scripsit quae est romae ecclesia , potentissimas literas ; lib. . cap. . by eusebius it is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , great and admirable ; who also affirms that it was publickly read in some churches ; ecclesiast . hist. lib. . cap. . and again he calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a most powerful writing ; lib. . cap. . there is no doubt but some things in the writings of it did befal him humanitûs , that the work of such a companion of some of the apostles as he was , might not be received as of divine institution ; such was the credit which he gives unto the vulgar fable of the phenix . but for the substance of it , it is such as every way becomes a person of an apostolical spirit , consonant unto the stile and writings of the apostles themselves ; a precious jewel , and just representation of the state and order of the church in those days . and sundry things we may observe from it . . there is nothing in it that gives the least intimation of any other church-state , but that which was congregational , although there were the highest causes and reasons for him so to do , had there been any such churches then in being . the case he had in hand was that of ecclesiastical sedition or schism in the church of corinth ; the church or body of the brethren having unjustly deposed their elders , as it should seem , all of them . giving advice herein unto the whole church , using all sorts of arguments to convince them of their sin , directing all probable means for their cure , he never once sends them to the bishop or church of rome , as the head of vnity unto all churches ; makes no mention of any metropolitical or diocesan church and its rule , or of any single bishop and his authority . no one of any such order doth he either commend , or condemn , or once address himself unto , with either admonitions , exhortations , encouragements , or directions . he only handles the cause by the rule of the scripture , as it was stated between the church itself and its elders . i take it for granted , that if there were any church at corinth consisting of many congregations in the city and about it , or comprehensive as some say of the whole region of achaia , that there was a single officer or bishop over that whole church . but none such is here mentioned . if there were any such , he was either deposed by the people , or he was not . if he were deposed , he was only one of the presbyters ; for they were only presbyters that were deposed . if he were not , why is he not once called on to discharge his duty in curing of that schism , or blamed for his neglect ? certainly there was never greater prevarication used by any man , in any cause , than is by clemens in this , if the state of the church , its rule and order were such as some now pretend . for he neither lets the people know wherein their sin and schism did lye , namely in a separation from their bishop , nor doth once mention the only proper cure and remedy of all their evils . but he knew their state and order too well , to insist on things that were not then in rerum natura , and wherein they were not concerned . . this epistle is written , as unto the whole church at corinth , so in the name of the whole church of rome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the church of god which dwelleth ( or sojourneth as a stranger ) at rome , in the city of rome ; to the church of god that dwelleth or sojourneth at corinth . for although that church was then in disorder , under no certain rule , having cast off all their elders , &c. yet the church of rome not only allows it to be a sister-church , but salutes the brethren of it in the following words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : called and sanctified through the will of god by our lord jesus christ. the churches of christ were not so ready in those days to condemn the persons , nor to judge the church-state and condition of others , on every miscarriage real or supposed , as some have been and are in these latter ages . . this address being from the body of the church at rome unto that at corinth , without the least mention of the officers of them in particular ; it is evident that the churches themselves , that is , the whole entire community of them , had communion with one another , as they were sister-churches ; and that they had themselves the transaction of all affairs wherein they were concerned ; as they had in the days of the apostles , acts . , , . it was the brethren of the church at antioch who determined that paul and barnabas and certain others should go up to hierusalem to consult the apostles and elders . see also chap. . . this they did not , nor ought to do , without the presence , guidance , conduct and consent of their elders or rulers where they had any . but this they were not excluded from . and that church , the whole body or fraternity whereof doth advise and consult in those things wherein they are concerned , on the account of their communion with other churches , is a congregational church , and no other . it was the church who sent this epistle unto the corinthians ; claudius ephebus , valerius , bibo , fortunatus , are named as their messengers ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that are sent by us , our messengers , our apostles in these matters . such as the churches made use of on all such occasions in the apostles days , cor. . . and the persons whom they sent were only members of the church , and not officers ; nor do we any where hear of them under that character . now they could not be sent in the name of the church , but by its consent ; nor could the church consent , without its assembling together . this was the state and order of the first churches ; in that communion which was amongst them , according to the mind of christ , they had a singular concern in the welfare and prosperity of each other , and were solicitous about them in their trials . hence those who were planted at a greater distance than would allow frequent personal converse with their respective members , did on all occasions send messengers unto one another ; sometimes meerly to visit them in love , and sometimes to give or take advice . but these things ▪ as indeed almost all others that b●long unto the communion of churches , either in themselves , or with one another , are either utterly lost and buryed , or kept above ground , in a pretence of episcopal authority ; churches themselves being wholly excluded from any concernment in them . but as the advice of the church of rome was desired in this case by the whole church of corinth ; ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) so it was given by the body of the church itself , and sent by messengers of their own . . the description given of the state , ways and walking of the church of corinth , that is , that whole fraternity of the church , which fell afterwards into that disorder which is reproved , before their fall , is such , as that it bespeaks their walking together in one and the same society , and is sufficient to make any good man desire , that he might see churches yet in the world , unto whom , or the generality of whose members , that description might be honestly and justly accommodated . one character which is given of them i shall mention only . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was a full ( or plentiful ) effusion of the holy ghost upon you all ; so that being full ( or filled ) with an holy will , ( holiness of will ) and a good readiness of mind , with a pious devout confidence , you stretched out your hands in prayers to almighty god , supplicating his clemency ( or mercy ) for the pardon of your involuntary sins ; ( sins fallen into by infirmity , or the surprizals of temptations not consented to , not delighted or continued in ) your labour or contention of spirit , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the apostle speaks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , col. . . ) was night and day ( in your prayers ) for the whole brotherhood , ( that is , especially of their own church itself ) that the number of gods elect might be saved in mercy , through a good conscience towards him . this was their state , this was their liturgie , this their practice . ( . ) there was on all the members of the church a plentiful effusion of the holy spirit in his gifts and graces ; wherein , it may be , respect is had unto what was affirmed by the apostle before of the same church , cor. . , , , . the same grace being yet continued unto them . ( . ) by vertue of this effusion of the spirit on all of them , their wills and affections being sanctifyed , their minds were enabled to pour forth fervent prayers unto god. ( . ) they were not such as lived in any open sin , or any secret sin , known to be so , but were only subject unto involuntary surprizals , whose pardon they continually prayed for . ( . ) their love and sense of duty stirred them up to labour mightily in their prayers with fervency and constancy , for the salvation of the whole fraternity of elect believers , whether throughout the world , or more especial●y those in and of their own church . he that should ascribe these things unto any of those churches , which now in the world claim to be so only , would quickly find himself at a loss for the proof of what he asserts . did we all sedulously endeavour to reduce and restore churches unto their primitive state and frame , it would bring more glory to god , than all our contentions about rule and domination . . it is certain , that the church of corinth was fallen into a sinful excess , in the deposition and rejection of their elders , whom the church at rome judged to have presided among them laudably and unblameably , as unto their whole walk and work amongst them . and this they did by the suggestion of two or three envious discontented persons ; and as it is probable from some digressions in the epistle , tainted with those errors , which had formerly infested that church , as the denial of the resurrection of the flesh , which is therefore here reflected on . but in the whole epistle , the church is nowhere reproved for assuming an authority unto themselves which did not belong unto them . it seems what cyprian afterwards affirmed , was then acknowledged ; namely , that the right of choosing the worthy , and of rejecting the unworthy , was in the body of the people . but they are severely reproved for the abuse of their liberty and power . for they had exercised them on ill grounds , by ill means , for ill ends , and in a most unjust cause . he therefore exhorts the body of the church to return unto their duty , in the restauration of their elders ; and then prescribes unto them who were the first occasion of schism , that every one would subject themselves unto the restored presbyter ; and say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will do the things appointed or commanded by the multitude , the church in the generality of its members . the plebs , the multitude , the body of the fraternity in the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they were often called in the scripture ▪ act. . . chap. . , . chap. . , . had then right and power to appoint things that were to be done in the church , for order and peace . i do not say they had it without , or in distinction from their officers , rulers , and guides , but in a concurrence with them , and subordination to them ; whence the acts concluded on , may be esteemed , and are the acts of the whole church . this order can be observed , or this can fall out only in a congregational church , all whose members do meet together for the discharge of their duties , and exercise of their discipline . and if no more may be considered in it but the miscarriage of the people , without any respect to their right and power , yet such churches as wherein 't is impossible that that should fall out in them , as did so fall out in that church , are not of the same kind or order with it . but for the sake of them , who may endeavour to reduce any church-state into its primitive constitution , that they may be cautioned against that great evil which this church , in the exercise of their supposed liberty f●ll into , i cannot but transcribe a few of those excellent words which are used plentifully with cogent reasons in this epistle against it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is shameful , beloved , exceeding shameful which is reported of you , that the most firm and antient church of the corinthians , should for the sake of one or two persons , seditiously tumultuate against their elders . and herein he proceeds to declare the dreadful scandal that ensued thereon , both among believers and infidels . the instruction also which he adds hereunto , is worthy the remembrance of all church members , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is blessed advice for all church-members that he gives ; let a man be faithful , let him be powerful in knowledge or the declaration of it ; let him be wise to judge the words or doctrines ; let him be chast or pure in his works ; the greater he seems to be , the more humble he ought to be : that so the church may have no trouble by him nor his gifts . but to return . . having occasion to mention the officers of the church , he nameth only the two ranks of bishops and deacons , as the apostle also doth , phil. . . speaking of the apostles , he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . preaching the word through regions and cities , they appointed the first fruits ( as the house of stephan as was the first fruits of achaia , who therefore addicted themselves to the ministry of the saints , cor. . . ) or the first converts to the faith , after a spiritual trial of them , ( as unto their fitness for their work ) to be bishops and deacons of them that should afterwards believe . where there were as yet but a few converted , the apostle gathered them into church-order ; and so soon as they found any fit among them , appointed and ordained them to be bishops and deacons , so that provision might be made for the guidance and conduct of them that should be converted and added unto them , after they were left by the apostles . these bishops he affirms to be , and have been the presbyters or elders of the church , even the same with those deposed by the corinthians , in the same manner as the apostle doth , act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. it is no small sin in us to reject or cast off them , who have offered the gifts , ( or discharged the duties ) of episcopacy , holily and without blame . blessed are the elders who went before ; namely , as he expresseth it , because they are freed from that amotion from their office , which those elders now amongst them had undergone , after they had duely discharged the office of episcopacy . other distinction and difference of ordinary officers , besides that of bishops or elders and deacons , the church at rome in those days knew not . such ought to be in every particular church . of any one single person to preside over many churches , which is necessary unto the constitution of a church-state distinct from that which is congregational , clemens knew nothing in his days ; but gives us such a description of the church and its order , as is inconsistent with such a pretence . . i shall add no more from this excellent epistle , but only the account given in it , of the first constitution of officers in the churches . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . our apostles therefore , knowing by our lord jesus christ , that there would contention arise about the name of episcopacy , ( that is , episcopacy itself ; ) for this cause being indued with a perfect foresight of things , they appointed those fore-mentioned ( their first converts , unto the office of the ministry ) for the future describing or giving order about the course of the ministry , that other approved men might succeed them in their ministry . these ( elders ) therefore who were so appointed by them , and afterwards by other famous men , with the consent of the whole church , &c. sundry things we may observe in this discourse . ( . ) the apostles foresaw there would be strife and contention about the name of episcopacy ; that is , the office itself , and those who should possess it . this episcopacy was that office which the deposed elders had well discharged in the church of corinth . this they might foresee from the nature of the thing itself , the inclination of men unto preheminence , and the instance they had seen in their own days , in such as diotrephes , with the former divisions that had been in this very church about their teachers , cor. . . but moreover , they were instructed in the knowledge of it by our lord jesus christ , through his divine spirit abiding with them , and teaching them all things . this therefore they sought by all means to prevent ; and that two ways : ( . ) in that for the first time themselves appointed approved persons unto the office of the ministry ; not that they did it of themselves without the consent and choice of the church whereunto any of them were appointed , for this was directly contrary unto their practice , act. . , , , . chap. . . chap. . . but that the peace and edification of the churches might be provided for , they themselves spiritually tryed and approved of fit persons so to lead the church in their choice . wherefore that which is added afterwards of the consent of the whole church , is to be referred unto those who were ordained by the apostles themselves . ( . ) they gave rules and orders , namely , in their writings , concerning the offices and officers that were to be in the church , with the way whereby they should be substituted into the place and room of them that were deceased ; as we know they have done in their writings . ( . ) after this was done by the apostles , other excellent persons , as the evangelists , did the same . these assisted the churches in the ordination and choice of their officers according unto the rules prescribed by the apostles . and i know not but that the eminent pastors of other churches who usually gave their assistance in the setting apart and ordination of others unto the ministry , be intended . i have insisted long on this testimony , being led on by the excellency of the writing itself . nothing remains written so near the times of the apostles ; nor doth any that is extant which was written afterwards , give such an evidence of apostolical wisdom , gravity , and humility . neither is there in all antiquitie , after the writings of the apostles , such a representation of the state , order , and rule of first evangelical churches . and it is no small prejudice unto the pretensions of future ages , that this apostolical person handling a most weighty ecclesiastical cause , makes not the least mention of such offices , power , and proceedings , as wherein some would have all church-rule and order to consist . the epistle of polycarpus and the elders of the church at smyrna with him , unto the church of the philippians , is the next on roll of antiquity . nothing appears in the whole to intimate any other church-state or order than that described by clemens . the epistle is directed unto the whole church at philippi , not unto any particular bishop . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this was the usual style of those days , so was it used as we have seen by clemens ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so it was used presently after the death of polycarpus , by the church at smyrna , in the account they gave unto other churches of his death and martyrdome ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the same was the inscription of the epistle of the churches at vienna , and lyons in france , unto the churches in asia and phrygia , as we shall see immediately . and these are plain testimonies of that communion among the churches in those days which was held in and by the body of each church , or the community of the brotherhood , which is a clear demonstration of their state and order . and those whom the apostle writing to the philippians calls their bishops and deacons , polycarpus calls their presbyters and deacons . it behoves you , saith he unto the church there , to abstain from these things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being subject unto the elders and deacons . nor doth he mention any other bishop among the philippians . and it may be observed , that in all these primitive writings ▪ there is still a distinction made , after the example of the scripture , between the church and the guides , rulers , bishops , or elders of it . and the name of the church is constantly assigned unto the body of the people , as distinct from the elders ; nowhere to the bishops or elders , as distinct from the people : though the church in its compleat state comprehendeth both sorts . unto this time , that is , about the year or , do belong the epistles ascribed unto ignatius , if so be they were written by him . for polycarpus wrote his epistle unto the philippians after ignatius was carried to rome , having wrote his epistle before in asia . many are the contests of learned men about those epistles which remain , whether they are genuine , or the same that were written by him : for , that he did write epistles unto sundry churches , is acknowledged by all . and whereas there have in this age been two copies found and published of these epistles , wherein very many things that were obnoxious unto just exception in those before published do not at all appear , yet men are not agreed which of them ought to be preferred ; and many yet deny that any of them were those written by ignatius . i shall not interpose in this contest ; only i must say , that if any of his genuine writings do yet remain , yet the corruption and interpolation of them , for many ages , must needs much impair the authority of what is represented in them as his ; nor am i delivered from these thoughts , by the late either more sound , or more maimed editions of them . and the truth is , the corruption and fiction of epistolical writings in the first ages was so intolerable , as that very little in that kind is preserved sincere and unquestionable . hence dionysius the bishop of corinth complained that in his own time his own epistles were so corrupted by additions and detractions , so as that it seems he would have them no more esteemed as his . euseb. ecclesiast . hist. lib. . cap. . but yet because these epistles are so earnestly contended for by many learned men , as the genuine writings of ignatius , i shall not pass by the consideration of them , as unto the argument in hand . i do therefore affirm that in these epistles , ( in any edition of them , ) there is no mention made , or desc●iption given of any church or churches state , but only of that which is congregational , that is , such a church as all the members whereof did meet and were obliged to meet for divine worship and discipline in the same place . what was the distinction they observed among their officers ; of what fort they were , and what number , belongs not unto our present enquiry ; our concernment is only this , that they did preside in the same particular church , and were none of them bishops of more churches than one , or of any church that should consist of a collection or association of such particular churches as had no bishops properly so called of their own . all these epistle , that is , the seven most esteemed , were written , as that of clemens , unto the bodies or whole fraternity of the churches , unto whom they are directed in distinction from their bishops , elders , and deacons ; excepting only that unto polycarpus , which is unto a single person . under that consideration , namely , of the entire fraternity in distinction from their officers , doth he address unto them , and therein doth he ascribe and assign such duties unto them , as could not be attended unto , nor performed but in the assembly of them all . such is the direction he gives unto the church of the philadelphians , how and in what manner they should receive penitents returning unto the church , that they might be encouraged into that duty by their benignity and patience . and many things of the like nature doth he deal with them about . and this assembling together in the same place , namely , of the whole church , he doth frequen●ly intimate and express . some instances hereof we may repeat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meet all of you together in the same place ; let there be one prayer in common of all . epist. ad magnes . this direction can be given unto no other but a particular church . and again to the philadelphians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where your pastor is , there follow you as sheep . and how they may do so , is declared immediately afterwards ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i write with confidence unto your godly love ; and perswade you to use one faith ( or the confession of it ) one preaching of the word , and one eucharist , or administration of the holy sacrament . for the flesh of christ is one , and the blood of christ that was shed for us in one ; one bread is broken to all , and one cup distributed among all ; there is one altar to the whole church , and one bishop , with the presbytery , and the deacons my fellow servants . nothing can be more evident than that it is a particular church in its order and assembly for worship in one place , that he describes ; nor can these things be accommodated unto a church of any other form . and towards the end of the epistle treating about the churches sending their bishops or others on their occasions , he tells them in particular , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it becometh you as a church of god , to choose or appoint a bishop , who may perform the embassy of god , that it may be granted unto them to glorifie the name of god , being gathered together in one place . it is somewhat difficult how the church of philadelphia should choose or ordain a bishop at this time . for they had one of their own , whom ignatius greatly extols in the beginning of the epistle . nor was it in their power or duty to choose or ord●in a bishop for the church of antioch , which was their own right and duty alone ; nor had the church of antioch any the least dependance on that at philadelphia . it may be he intends only their assistance therein , as immediately before he ascribes the peace and tranquillity of the antiochians unto the prayers of the philadelphians . for my part , i judge he intends not the proper bishop of either place ; but some elder which they were to choose as a messenger to send to antioch , to assist them in their present condition . for in those days there were persons chosen by the churches to be sent abroad to assist other churches on the like occasions : these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ▪ cor. . . the especial apostles of the churches ; as vers . . it is said of luke that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chosen and appointed by the churches for the service there mentioned . such was this bishop , who was sent on gods errand , to assist the church by his advice and counsel , as unto the continuance of their assemblies unto the glory of god , though at present their bishop was taken from them . in that epistle unto the ephesians , he lets them know that he rejoyced at their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their numerous multitude , whom he perswades and urgeth unto a common concurrence in prayer with their bishop . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and if the prayers of one or two be so effectual , that they bring christ among them , how much more will the consenting prayer of the bishop and the whole church together ? so he again explains his mind towards the end of the epistle ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . do your diligence to meet together frequently ; for when you frequently meet together in the same place , the powers of sathan are destroyed . and many other expressions of the like nature occur in those epistles . we are no way at present concerned in the controversie about that distinction of bishops and presbyters , which the writer of those epistles doth assert ; this only i say , that he doth in none of them , take the least notice , or give the least intimation of any church-state , but such alone , wherein the members of the whole church did constantly meet together in the same place , for the worship of god and communion among themselves . and not only so , but he every where in all his epistles to them , ascribes such duties and rights unto the churches , as cannot be observed and preserved but in particular churches only . nor doth he leave any room for any other church-state whatever . although therefore , there might have been , and probably there was some alterations in the order of the churches , from what was of primitive institution ; yet was there as yet no such change in their state , as to make way for those greater alterations , which not long after ensued . for they were not introduced , until through a defect in the multiplication of churches in an equality of power and order , which ought to have been done , they were encreased into that multitude for number of members , and were so diffused as unto their habitations , as made an appearance of a necessity of another constitution of churches , and anoth●r kind of rule , than what was of original appointment . justin martyr wrote his second apology for the christians unto the roman emperours , about the year . it is marvellous to consider how ignorant not only the common sort of the pagans , but the philosophers also , and governours of the nations , were of the nature of christian churches , and of the worship celebrated in them . but who are so blind as those who will not see ? even unto this day , not a few are willingly , or rather wilfully ignorant of the nature of such assemblies , or what is performed in them , as were among the primitive christians , that they may be at liberty to speak all manner of evil of them falsely . hence were all the reports and stories among the heathen , concerning what was done in the christian conventicles , which they would have to be the most abominable villanies , that were ever acted by mankind . even th●se who made the most candid enquiry into what they were and did , attained unto very little knowledge or certainty concerning them and their mysteries , as is evident in the epistles of trajan and pliny , with the rescript of adrian unto minucius fundanus about them . in this state of things , this our great and learned phil●sopher , who afterwards suffered martyrdom about the year , undertook to give an account unto antoninus pius and lucius , who then ruled the roman empire , of the nature , order , and worship of the christian churches ; and that in such an excellent manner , as that i know nothing material that can be added unto it , were an account of the same thing to be given unto alike persons at this day . we may touch a little upon some heads of it . . he declares the conversion of men unto the faith , as the foundation of all their church-order and worship . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as many as are perswaded and do believe the things to be true , which are taught and spoken by us , and take upon themselves that they are able to live according to that doctrine , they are taught to seek of god by fasting and prayer , the pardon of their fore-going sins ; and we also do joyn together with them , in fasting and prayer for that end . and he●ein ( . ) the only means of conversion which he insists upon , is the preaching of the word , or truth of the gospel ; wherein they especially insisted on the doctrine of the person and office● of christ , as appears throughout his whole apologie . ( . ) this preaching of the word , or declaration of the truth of the gospel unto the conversion of the hearers be doth not confine unto any especial sort of persons , as ●e doth afterwards that administration of the holy things in the church ; but speaks of it in general , as the work of all christians that were able for it , as doth the apostle , cor. . , . ( . ) those who were converted did two things . ( . ) they professed their faith or assent unto the truth of the dotcrine of the gospel . ( . ) they took it on themselves , to live according to the rule of it , to do and observe the things commanded by jesus christ , as he appointed they should , math. . , . ( . ) to lay a sure and comfortable foundation of their future profession , they were taught to confess their former sins , and by earnest prayer with fastings to seek of god the pardon and forgiveness of them . and ( . ) herein , ( such was their love and zeal ) those who had been the means of their conversion , joyned with them for their comfort and edification . it is well known how this whole process is lost , and on what account it is discontinued . but whether it be done so unto the advantage of christian religion , and the good of the souls of men , is well worth a strict enquiry . . in the next place he declares how those who were so converted , were conducted unto baptism , and how they were initiated into the mysteries of the gospel thereby . . when any was so baptized , they brought him unto the church which he was to be joyned unto . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . him who is thus bapti●ed , who believeth , and is received ( by consent ) among 〈◊〉 , or to be of our number , we bring him unto those called the brethren , when they are met , or gathered together , for joynt prayers and supplications for themselves , and for him who is now illuminated , and all others , with intention of mind , &c. we have here another illustrious instance of the care and diligence of the primitive church , about the enstating professed believers in the communion of the church . that hereon those who were to be admitted made their publick confession , we shall afterwards declare . and the brethren here mentioned , are the whole fraternity of the church , who were concerned in these things . and justin is not ashamed to declare by what name they called one another among themselves , even to the heathen , though it be now a scorn and reproach among them that are called christians . . he proceeds to declare the nature of their church-meetings or assemblies , with the duties and worship of them . and he tells us first , that they had frequent meetings among themselves : they that have any wealth , saith he , do help the poor ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we are continually together , that is , in the lesser occasional assemblies of the brethren ; for so in the next place he adds immediately , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . on the day called sunday , there is a meeting of all that dwell in the towns , and fields , or villages about . this was the state , the order , the proceeding of the church in the days of justin ; whence it is undeniably evident , that he knew no other church-state or order , but that of a particular congregation , whose members living in any town or city , or fields adjacent , did constantly all of them meet together in one place , the first day of the week , for the celebration of divine worship . . in this church he mentions only two sorts of officers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presidents and deacons . of the first sort , in the duty of one of their assemblies ●e mentions but one ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the president , the ruler , the bishop , to whom belonged the administration of all the holy mysteries . and that we may not think that he is called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with respect unto any preheminence over other ministers or elders , like a diocesan bishop , he terms him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that presided over the brethren of that church . now certainly that church wherein one president , elder , presbyter , or bishop , did administer the holy ordinances in one place unto all the members of it , was a particular congregation . . the things that he ascribeth unto this leader , to be done at this general meeting of the church , every lords day ; were , ( . ) that he prayed ; ( . ) that after the reading of the scripture he preached . ( . ) that he consecrated the eucharist ; the elements of the bread and wine being distributed by the deacons , unto the congregation . ( . ) that he closed the whole worship of the day in prayer . . in the consecration of the sacramental elements , he observes that the president prayed at large , giving thanks to god ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so vain is the pretence of some , that in the primitive times they consecrated the elements by the repetition of the lords prayer only . after the participation of the eucharist , there was a collection made for the poor , as he describeth it at large ; what was so gathered being committed to the pastor , who took care for the distribution of it , unto all sorts of poor belonging unto the church . hereunto was added , as tertullian observes , the exercise of discipline in their assemblies , whereof we shall speak afterwards . the close of the administration of the sacrament , justin gives us in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the pastor again , according to his ability or power poureth forth or sends up prayers , the people all joyfully crying , amen , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , as origen expounds the phrase often used by himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . ad cels. according unto the present ability given unto him . this was the state , the order , and the worship of the church , with its method , in the days of justin martyr . this and no other is that which we plead for . unto these times belongs the most excellent epistle of the churches of vienna and lyons in france , unto the brethren in asia and phrygia , recorded at large by eusebius , hist. lib. . cap ▪ . their design in it is , to give an account of the holy martyrs who suffered in the persecution under marcus antoninus . i am no way concerned in what state irenaeus was in the church at lyons , whereon after the writing of this epistle , he was sent to eleutherius the bishop of rome , which he gives an account of chap. . he is indeed in that epistle called a presbyter of the church ; although as some suppose it was sundry years after the death of pothinus , whom they call bishop of lyons , into whose room he immediately succeeded . and eusebius himself , cap. . affirming that he would give an account of the writings of the antient ecclesiastical presbyters , in the first place produceth those of irenaeus . but these things belong not unto our present contest . the epistle we intend was written by the brethren of those churches , and it was written to the brethren of the churches in asia and phrygia ; after the manner of the scripture , wherein the fraternity or body of the church was designed or intended in all such epistles . from them was this epistle , and unto those of the same sort was it written , not from one bishop unto another . and as this manifests the concern of the brotherhood in all ecclesiastical affairs , so with all other circumstances , it evidenceth that those churches were particular or congregational only . nor is there any thing in the whole epistle that should give the least intimation of any other church state know● unto them . this epistle as recorded by eusebius , gives us as noble representation of the spirit and communion that was then among the churches of christ , being written with apostolical simplicity and gravity , and remote from those titles of honour , and affected swelling words , which the faigned writings of that age , and some that are genuine in those that followed , are stuffed withal . tertull●an , who lived about the end of the second century , gives us the same account of the state , order , and worship of the churches , as was given be●ore by justin martyr , apol. ad gen. cap. . the description of a church he first lays down in these words ; corp●s sumus de conscientia religionis , & disciplinae unitate , & spei foedere . we are a body ( united ) in the conscience of religion , ( or a conscientious observation of the duties of religion ) by an agreement in discipline , ( whereby it was usual with the antients to express universal obedience unto the doctrine and commands of christ ) and in a covenant of hope . for whereas such a body or religious society could not be united but by a covenant , he calls it a covenant of hope ; because the principal respect was had therein unto the things hoped fo● . they covenanted together so to live and walk in the discipline of christ , or obedience unto his commands , as that they might come together unto the enjoyment of eternal blessedness . this religious body or society thus united by covenant , did meet together in the same assembly or congregation . corpus su●us , ●o●mus in coe●um & congregationem , ut ad deum quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes . and cogimur ad divinarum literarum commemorationem , &c. designing to declare , as he doth in particular , negotia christianae factionis , as he calls them , or the duties of christian religion , which in their churches they did attend unto , he lays the foundation in their meetings in the sa●● assem●ly or congregation . in these assemblies there presided the elders , that upon a testimony of their meetness unto that office , were chosen thereunto . president probati quique seniores , honorem istum non preti● sed testimonio adepti . and in the church thus met together in the same place , assembly , or congregation , under the rule and conduct of their elders , among other things they exercised discipline , that is , in the presence and by the consent of the whole . ibidem etiam , exhortationes , castigationes ; & censura divina . nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ▪ ut apud certos de dei conspectu ; summumque futuri jud●cii praejudicium est , s● quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione oratinis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . the loss of this discipline ▪ and the manner of its administration , hath been one of the principal means of the apostacy of churches from their primitive institution . to the same purpose doth origen give us an account of the way of the gathering and establishing churches under elders of their own choosing , in the close of his last book against celsus . and although in the days of cyprian , in the third century , the distinction between the bishop in any church eminently so called , and those who are only presbyters ; with their imparity , and not only the precedency , but superiority of one over others began generally to be admitted ; yet it is sufficiently manifest from his epistles , that the church wherein he did preside , was so far a particular church , as that the whole body or fraternity of it , was admitted unto all advice in things of common concernment unto the whole church , and allowed the exercise of their power and liberty in choosing or refusing the officers that were to be set over them . some few things we may observe from the testimonies insisted on . as , . there is in them a true and full representation of the state , order , rule , and discipline of the churches in the first ages . it is a sufficient demonstration that all those things wherein at the present the state and order of the church are supposed to consist , are indeed later inventions ; not merely because they are not mentioned by them , but because they are not so , when they avowedly profess to give an account of that state and order of the church which was then in use and practice . had there been then among christians metropolitan archbishops , or bishops diocesan , churches national or provincial , an enclosure of church-power , or ecclesiastical jurisdiction in and for the whole rule of the church , unto bishops and officers utterly forraign unto any pretence of apostolical institution or countenance ; had many churches , or many hundreds of churches , been without rule in or among themselves , subject to the rule of any one man , standing in no especial relation unto any of them , with other things of the like nature , been then invented , known , and in use , how could they possibly be excused in passing them over without the least taking notice of them , or giving them the honour of being once mentioned by them ? how easie had it been for their pagan rulers , unto whom they presented their accounts ( some of them ) of the state of their churches , to have replyed , that they knew well enough there were other dignities , orders , and practises , than what they did acknowledge , which they were either afraid or ashamed to own ? but besides this silence , on the other hand , they assert such things of the officers appointed in the church , of the way of their appointment , of the duty of officers in the church , of the power and liberty of the people , of the nature and exercise of discipline , as are utterly inconsistent with that state of these things which is by some pleaded for . yea , as we have shewed , whatever they write or speak about churches , or their order , can have no being or exercise in any other form of churches , but of particular congregations . . that account which they give , that representation which they make of the kind , state , and order of the churches among them , doth absolutely agree with , and answer unto , what we are taught in the divine writings about the same things . there were indeed before the end of the second century , some practises in and about some lesser things , ( such as sending the consecrated elements from the assembly unto such as were sick ) that they had no warrant for from any thing written or done by the apostles : but as unto the substance of what concerns the state , order , rule , discipline , and worship of evangelical churches , there is not any instance to be given , wherein they departed from the apostolical traditions or institution , either by adding any thing of their own unto them , or omitting any thing that was by them ordained . . from this state , the churches did by degrees and insensibly degenerate , so as that another form and order of them did appear towards the end of the third century . for some in the first churches , not applying their minds unto the apostolical rule and practice , who ordained elders in every church , and that not only in cities or towns , but as clemens affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the country-villages , many disorders ensued , with respect unto such collections of christians and congregations , as were gathered at some distance from the first or city-church . until the time of origen , the example of the apostles in this case was followed , and their directions observed . for so he writes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and we knowing that there are other congregations gathered in the towns up and down , by the preaching of the word of god ; ( or that there is another heavenly city in any town built by the word of god ) we perswade some that are sound in doctrine and of good conversation , and meet for their rule , to take on them the conduct or rule of those churches ; and these whilst they rule within the churches those societies of divine institution by whom they are chosen , they govern them according to the prescriptions or commands and rules given by god himself . adver . cels. lib. . those of whom he speaks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were the pastors or principal members of the churches that were established . when they understood that in any place distant from them , a number of believers were called and gathered into church order by the preaching of the word , they presently , according unto their duty , took care of them , enquired into their state and condition , assisting them in particular , in finding out , trying , and recommending unto them , persons meet to be their officers and rulers . these he acknowledgeth to be churches and cities of god , upon their collection by the preaching of the word , antecedently unto the constitution of any officers among them ; as the apostles also did , act. . , . wherefore the church ▪ is essentially before its ordinary officers , and cannot as unto its continuance depend on any succession of theirs , which they have none , but what it gives unto them . these officers , thus recommended , were chosen , as he tells us , by the churches , wherein they were to preside , and thereon did govern them by the rule of gods word alone . hereby was the original constitution and state of the first churches for a good season preserved . nor was there the least abridgment of the power either of these churches or of their officers , because it may be they were some of them planted in poor country-villages . for as no man in the world can hinder , but that every true church hath de jure all the rights and powers that any other church in the world hath or ought to have , or that every true officer , bishop , elder , or pastor , hath not all the power , that christ hath annexed unto that office , ( be they at rome or e●gubium ) so there was no abridgment of this power in the meanest of them , as yet attempted . but this course and duty in many places not long after became to be much omitted ; whether out of ignorance or negligence , or unwillingness of men to undertake the pastoral charge in poor country-churches ; i know not . but so it was , that believers in the regions round about any city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were look'd on as those which belonged unto the city - churches , and were not setled in particular congregations for their edification , which they ought to have been . and the councels that afterwards ensued , made laws and canons that they should be under the government of the bishops of those city-churches . but when the number of such believers was greatly increased , so as that it was needful to have some always attending the ministry among them , they came i know not how to have chorepiscopi among them and over them . the first mention of them is in the synod of an●yra in galatia , about the year , can. . and mention is again made of them in a synod of antioch , an. . and somewhat before at the council of neocaesarea , can. . and frequently afterwards , as any one may see in the late collections of the antient canons . i verily believe , nor can the contrary be proved , but that these chorepiscopi at first were as absolute and compleat in the office of episcopacy , as any of the bishops of the greater cities , having their name or denomination from the places of their residence ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not for an intimation of any inferiority in them unto other city-bishops . but so it came to pass , that through their poverty and want of interest , their ministry being confined unto a small country-parish , & perhaps through a comparative meanness of their gifts or abilities , the city-bishop claimed a superiority over them , and made canons about their power , the bounding and exercising of it , in dependance on themselves . for a while they were esteemed a degree above meer presbyters , who accompanyed or attended the bishop of the city-church in his administrations ; and a degree beneath the bishop himself , in a posture never designed by christ nor his apostles . wherefore in process of time , the name and thing were utterly lost , and all the country-churches were brought into an absolute subjection unto the city-church ; something being allowed unto them for worship , nothing for rule and discipline ; whereby the first state of churches in their original institution , sacredly preserved in the first centuries , was utterly lost and demolished . i shall add but one argument more , to evinc● the true state and nature of evangelical churches herein , namely , that they were only particular congregations ; and that is taken from the duties and powers ascribed in the scripture unto churches , and the members or entire brotherhood of them . it was observed before , that the epistles of the apostles were written all of them unto the body of the churches , in contradistinction unto their elders , bishops , or pastors ; unless it were those that were written unto particular persons by name . and as this is plain in all the epistles of paul , wherein sometimes distinct mention is made of the officers of the church , sometimes none at all ; so the apostle john affirms that he wrote unto the church , but that diotrephes , ( who seems to have been their bishop ) received him not ; at once rejecting the authority of the apostle , and overthrowing the liberty of the church : which example was diligently followed in the succeeding ages , joh. epist. . ver . . and the apostle peter writing unto the churches , on an especial occasion , speaks distinctly of the elders , pet. . , . see also heb. . . the body of the epistle being directed to the body of churches . wherefore all the instructions , directions and injunctions given in those epistles as unto the exercise of power , or the performance of duty , they are given unto the churches themselves . now these are such , many of them , as cannot be acted or performed in any church by the body of the people , but that which is congregational only . it were too long here to insist on particulars ; it shall be done elsewhere ; and it will thence appear , that this argument alone , is sufficient to bear the weight of this whole cause . the reader may if he please consider what representation hereof is made in these places compared together , matth. . , , , . act. . , , chap. . , , , . chap. . , , . chap. . , , , , , , . chap. . , . chap. . , . chap. . , , , , , , , , , , , . chap. . . rom. . , , , , . chap. . , , . cor. . , . chap. . throughout . chap. . , , , , , , , , , , . chap. . throughout . chap. . , . cor. . , , . chap. . , . chap. . , , . chap. , , , , , , . chap. . . ephes. . , , , . chap. . , . gal. . . philip. . . , , . colos. . , . chap. . . chap. . . chap. . , , , . thes. . , , , . thes. . , , , . heb. . . chap. . , . chap. . , . in these , i say , and other places innumerable , there are those things affirmed of , and ascribed unto the apostolical churches , as unto their state , order , assemblies , duties , powers and priviledges , as evinces them to have been only particular congregations . chap. vi. congregational churches alone suited unto the ends of christ in the institution of his church . having given an account of that state and order of the gospel-churches which are of divine institution , it is necessary that we declare also their suitableness and sufficiency unto all the ends for which the lord christ appointed such churches . for if there be any true proper end of that nature , which cannot be attained in or by any church-state in this or that form , it must be granted that no such form is of divine appointment . yea , it is necessary not only that such a state as pretends unto a divine original , be not only not contradictory unto , or inconsistent with such an end , but that it is effectually conducing thereunto , and in its place necessary unto that purpose . this therefore is that which we shall now inquire into ; namely , whether this state and form of gospel-churches in single congregations be suited unto all those ends for which any such churches were appointed ; which they must be on the account of the wisdom of jesus christ , the author and founder of them , or be utterly discarded from their pretence . nor is there any more forcible argument against any pretended church-state , rule , or order , than that it is obstructive unto the souls of men in attaining the proper ends of their whole institution . what these ends are , was in general before declared ; i shall not here repeat them , or go over them again , but only single out the consideration of those which are usually pleaded , as not attainable by this way of churches in single congregations only ; or that at least they are not suited unto their attainment . the first of these is mutual love among all christians , all the disciples of christ , by the disciples of christ i intend them , and them only , who profess faith in his person and doctrine , and to hear him , or to be guided by him alone , in all things that appertain unto the worship of god , and their living unto him . if there are any called christians who in these things choose other guides , call other ministers , hear them in their appointments , we must sever them from our present consideration , though there are important duties required of us towards them also . but what is alledged is necessary unto the constitution of a true disciple of christ. unto all those , his great command is mutual love among themselves . this he calls in an especial manner his commandment , and a new commandment , as for other reasons , so because he had given the first absolute great example of it in himself , as also discovered motives unto it , and reasons for it , which mankind before was in the dark unto . and such weight doth he lay on this command , that he declares , the manifestation of the glory of god , his own honour , and the evidence to be given unto the world that we are his disciples , do depend on our obedience thereunto . to express and exercise this love , in all the acts and duties of it among his disciples , was one end of his appointing them to walk in church-relation one unto another , wherein this love is the bond of perfectness . and the loss of this love , as unto its due exercise , is no less a pernicious part of the fatal apostacy of the churches , than is the loss of faith and worship . for hereon is christendom , as it is usually called , become the greatest stage of hatred , rage , wrath , bloodshed , and mutual desolations , that is in the whole world ; so as that we have no way to answer the objection of the jews , arguing against us from the divine promises of love and peace in the kingdom of the messiah , but by granting that all these things arise from a rebellion against his rule and kingdom . now this love in its exercise is eminently preserved in this order of particular churches : for , . the principle of their collection into such societies , next unto that of faith in christ jesus , is love unto all the saints . for their conjunction being with some of them as such only , they must have a love unto all that are so . and none of them would joyn in such societies , if their so doing did in any thing impair their love unto all the disciples of christ , or impede it in any of its operations . and the communion of these churches among themselves , is and ought to be such , as that all of them do constitute as it were one body and common church , as we shall see afterwards . and it is one principal duty of them , to stir up themselves in all their members , unto a continual exercise of love towards all the saints of christ , as occasion doth require ; and if they are defective in this catholick love , it is their fault , contrary to the rule and end of their institution . . unto the constant expression and exercise of this love , there are required , ( . ) present suitable objects unto all the acts and duties of it . ( . ) a description and prescription of those acts and duties . ( . ) rules for the right performance and exercise of them . ( . ) an end to be attained in their discharge . all these things hath the lord christ provided for his disciples , in the constitution and rule of these churches . and a due attendance unto them hath he appointed , as the instance , trial and experiment of their love unto all his disciples . for whereas any might pretend such a love , yet plead that they know not how nor wherein to express and exercise it , especially as unto sundry duties mentioned in the scripture as belonging thereunto , he hath provided this way , wherein they cannot be ignorant of the duties of love , required of them , nor of suitable objects , rules and ends for their practice . it were too long to go over these things in particular ; i shall only adde ( what is easily defensible ) that gospel-love will never be recovered and restored unto its pristine glory , until particular churches or congregations are reformed , and reduced to that exercise of love without dissimulation , which is required in all their members among themselves : for whilst men live in envy and malice , be hateful and hating one another , or whilst they live in an open neglect of all those duties , which the lord christ hath appointed to be observed towards the members of that society whereunto they do belong , as a pledge and evidence of their love unto all his disciples , no such thing can be attained . and thus is it in most parochial assemblies , who in the midst of their complaints of the breach of love and union , by some mens withholding communion in some parts of divine worship with them ; yet besides the common duties of civility and neighbourhood , neither know nor practise any thing of that spiritual love , delight and communion that ought to be amongst them , as members of the same church . we boast not ourselves of any attainments in this kinde ; we know how short we come of that fervent love that flourished in the first churches : but this we say , that there is no way to recover it , but by that state and order of particular churches , which we propose , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do adhere unto . but pretences unto the contrary are vehemently urged , and the clamours unto that end are loud and many . for this way , it is said , of setting up particular congregations , is that which hath caused endless divisions , lost all love and christian affection among us , being attended with other mischievous consequents , such as the most rhetorical adversaries of it are scarce able to declare ; nor could tertullus himself do it , if he were yet alive . for by this means men not meeting as they used to do , at the administration of the sacrament , and common-prayer , all love is lo●● among them . i answer , . this objection , so far as i am able to observe , is mostly managed ▪ by them who seem to know very little of the nature and duties of that love which our lord jesus christ enjoyns in the gospel , nor do give any considerable evidence of their living , walking and acting in the power of it . and as unto what they fancy unto themselves under that name , whereas it is evident from common practice , that it extends no farther but to peaceableness in things civil and indifferent , with some expressions of kindness in their mirth and feastings , and other jovial societies , we are not concerned in it . . this objection lies not at all against the thing itself ; namely , that all churches of divine institution are congregational , which alone at present is pleaded for ; but against the gathering of such societies , or congregations , in that state of things which now prevails amongst us . but whereas this depends on principles not yet declared and confirmed , the consideration of this part of the objection must be referred unto another place . i shall only say at present , that it is the greatest and most powerful engine in the hand of satan , and men of corrupt secular interests , to keep all church-reformation out of the world . but if the way itself be changed ( which alone , as absolutely considered , we at present defend ) that change must be managed with respect unto some principles contrary unto love and its due exercise , which it doth assert and maintain , or some practices that it puts men upon of the same nature and tendency . but this hitherto hath not been attempted , at least not effected . we do not finde that a joynt participation of the same ordinances at the same time , within the same walls , is in itself either an effect , or evidence , or duty of gospel-love , or any means for the preservation or promotion of it . for it was diligently observed in the papacy , when all true evangelical love , faith and worship were lost . yea , this kinde of communion and conjunction , added unto an implicite dependance on the authority of the church , was substituted in their room , and multitudes were contented with them , as those which did bestead them in their neglect of all other graces and their exercise . and i wish it were not so among others , who suppose they have all the love that is required of them , if they are freed from such scandalous variances with their neighbours , as should make them unfit for the communion . . if this be the only means of love , how do men maintain it towards any not of their own parish , seeing they never meet with them at the sacrament of the lord's supper ? and if they can live in love with those of other parishes , why can they not do so with those who having the same faith and sacraments with them , do meet apart for the exercise of divine worship , in such congregations as we have described ? wherefore , . the variance that is pretended to be caused by the setting up of these particular congregations , is a part of that variance which christ came to send into the world , matth. . , , . think not that i am come to send peace on earth : i came not to send peace , but a sword. for i am come to set a man at variance against his father , and the daughter against her mother , and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law . and a mans foes shall be they of his own houshold . he was the prince of peace ; he came to make peace between god and men ; between men themselves , jews and gentiles ; he taught nothing , enjoyned nothing , that in its own nature should have the least inconsistency with peace , or give countenance unto variance . but he declares what would ensue and fall out , through the sin , the darkness , unbelief and enmity unto the truth , that would continue on some under the preaching of the gospel , whilst others of their nearest relations should embrace the truth and profession of it . what occasion for this variance is taken from the gathering of these congregations , which the way itself doth neither cause , nor give the least countenance unto , we are not accountable for . whereas therefore there is with those among whom these variances and loss of love thereby are pretended , one lord , one faith , one baptism , one hope of their calling , the same truth of the gospel preached , the same sacraments administred ; and whereas both the principles of the way , and the persons of those who assemble in distinct corporations for the celebration of divine worship , do lead unto love and the practice of it in all its known duties ; all the evils that ensue on this way must be charged on the enmity , hatred , pride and secular interest of men , which it is not in our power to cure . . another end of the institution of this state is , that the church might be the ground and pillar of truth , tim. . . that is , that it might be the principal outward means to support , preserve , publish , declare and propagate the doctrine or truth of the gospel , especially that concerning the person and offices of christ , which the apostle subjoyns unto this assertion in the next words . that church state which doth not answer this end , is not of divine institution . but this the ministry of these churches is eminently suited unto . there are three things required in this duty , or required unto this end , that the church be the ground and a pillar of truth . ( . ) that it preserve the truth in itself , and in the profession of all its members , against all seducers , false teachers , and errours : this the apostle gives in special charge unto the elders of the church of ephesus , adding the reasons of it , act. . , , , . this is in an especial manner committed unto the officers of the church , tim. . . tim. . , . this the ministry of these churches is meet and suited unto . the continual inspection which they may and ought to have into all the members of the church , added unto that circumspection about , and trial of the doctrines preached by themselves , in the whole body of the church , fits them for this work . this is the fundamental means ( on the matter the only outward means ) that the lord christ hath appointed for the preservation of the truth of the gospel in this world , whereby the church is the ground and pillar of truth . how this can be done , where churches are of that make and constitution , that the officers of them can have no immediate inspection into or cognizance of either the knowledge , opinions , and practices of the members of their church , nor the body of the church know on any evident ground , what it is that their principal officer believes and teaches , i know not . by this means was the truth preserved in the churches of the two first centuries , wherein they had no officers but what were placed in particular churches , so as that no considerable errour made any entrance among them . ( . ) that each church take care that the same truth be preserved entire , as unto the profession of it in all other churches . their communion among themselves ( whereof afterwards ) is built upon their common 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or profession of the same faith. this therefore it is their duty , and was always their practice to look after , that it was preserved entire . for a change in the faith of any of them , they knew would be the dissolution of their communion . wherefore when any thing of that nature fell out , as it did in the church of antioch upon the preaching of the necessity of circumcision , and keeping of the law , whereby the souls of many of the disciples were subverted , the church at hierusalem on the notice and knowledge of it , helped them with their advice and counsel . and eusebius tells us , that upon the first promulgation of the heresies and phrensies of montanus , the faithful , or churches in asia , met frequently in sundry places , to examine his pretences , and condemn his errours ; whereby the churches in phrygia were preserved , hist. eccl. lib. . cap. . so the same was done afterwards in the case of samosatenus at antioch , whereby that church was delivered from the infection of his pernicious heresy , lib. . cap. , , . and this care is still incumbent on every particular church , if it would approve itself to be the ground and pillar of truth . and in like manner epiphanius giving an account of the original of the heresie of noetus , a patropassian , affi●ms , that the holy presbyters of the church called him , and enquired of his opinion several times ; whereon being convicted before the presbytery of enormous errours , he was cast out of the church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( when he began to disperse his errours ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epiphanius , haeres . cont . noet . haer. . sec. . hence it was that the doctrine of the church , as unto the substance of it , was preserved entire during the two first centuries , and somewhat after . indeed as when the israelites came out of egypt , there came along with them a mixed multitude of other people , exod. . . which fell to lusting for meat when they came into the wilderness , numb . . . to the danger of the whole congregation : so when christianity was first preached and received in the world , besides those who embraced it sincerely , and were added unto the church , there was a great mixture of stubborn jews , as the ebionites ; of philosophical greeks , as the valentinians and the marcionites ; of plain impostors , such as simon magus and menander , who all of them pretended to be christians ; but they fell a lusting , and exceedingly troubled and perplexed the churches , with an endeavour to sedu●e them unto their imaginations . yet none of their abominations could force an entrance into the churches themselves , which by the means insisted on , were preserved . but when this church-state and order was changed , and another gradually introduced in the room of it , errours and heresies got new advantages , and entered into the churches themselves , which before did only assault and perplex them . for , . when prerogative and preheminence of any single person in the church began to be in esteem , not a few who failed in their attempts of attaining it , to revenge themselves on the church , made it their business to invent and propagate pernicious heresies . so did thebulis at hierusalem , euseb. lib. . cap. . and valentinus , tertul. ad . valentin . cap. . and marcion at rome , epiphan . haeres . . montanus fell into his dotage on the same account , so did novitianus at rome , euseb. lib. . cap. . and arius at alexandria . hence is that censure of them by lactantius , lib. . cap. . ii quorum fides fuit lubrica , cùm deum nosse se & colere simularent , augendis opibus & honori studentes , affectabant maximum sacerdotium , & à potioribus victi , secedere cum suffragatoribus maluerunt , quàm eos ferre praepositos quibus concupierant ips● ante praeponi . . when any of their bishops of the new constitution , whether patriarchal or diocesan , fell into heresies , which they did frequently , and that numbers of them , they had so many advantages to diffuse their poyson into the whole body of their churches , and such political interests for their promotion , as that the churches themselves were throughly infected with them . it is true , the body of the people in many places did oppose them , withdraw and separate from them : but it cannot be denied , but that this was the first way and means whereby the churches ceased to be the ground and pillar of truth , many destructive errours being received into them , which did only outwardly assault them , whilst they abode in their first institution . and had not the churches , in process of time , utterly lost their primitive state and order , by coalescing into one papal pretended vniversal church ; the faith itself could never have been so utterly corrupted , depraved , and lost among them , as in the issue it was . . to propagate the gospel is in like manner required hereunto . this i acknowledge doth more immediately concern the duty of persons in any church-order , than the order itself . for it must be the work of some particular persons dedicating themselves unto their ministry , as it was in the first churches , joh. , , , . the like may be said of any other publick acknowledged end of the institution of churches . if the way pleaded for be not consistent with them all , and the proper means of attaining them , if it be not suited unto their accomplishment , let it be discarded . i shall insist on one more only . . our lord jesus christ hath given that state unto his churches , hath instated them in that order , as that his interest , kingdome and religion might be carried on in the world , without prejudice or disadvantage unto any of the lawful interests of men , especially without any opposition unto , or enterfering with the civil authority or magistracy , which is the ordinance of god ; and no church-way that doth so , is of his institution . wherefore i shall briefly declare , what are the principles of those of this way in these things , which are the principles of the way itself which they do profess . . our first general assertion unto this purpose is this ; the lord jesus christ taught no doctrine , appointed no order in his church , gave it no power that is opposite unto , or inconsistent with any righteous government in this world , of what sort soever it be , of those whereunto government is distributed in reason and practice . his doctrine indeed is opposed unto all unrighteousness in and of all men , magistrates and others ; but not to the legal rule of magistrates that are unrighteous men . and this opposition is doctrinal only , confirmed with promises and threatnings of eternal things , refusing and despising all outward aids of force and restraint . this rule we allow for the trial of all churches , and their state , whether they be according unto the minde of christ. but whereas the lord jesus christ hath taught , commanded , appointed nothing that is contrary unto , or inconsistent with righteous governments of any sort , if rulers or magistrates shall forbid the observance of what he hath commanded , appointed and ordered , and then charge it on him or his way , that his disciples cannot , dare not , will not comply with that prohibition , and accuse them thereon of sedition and opposition unto government , they deal injuriously with him , whereof they must give an account . for whereas all power is given unto him in heaven and earth , all nations are his inheritance , all people in his absolute disposal , and it is his pleasure to set up his kingdom in the earth , without which the earth itself would not be continued ; he could not deal more gently with the righteous rulers of this world , ( and he did it , because righteous rule is the ordinance of god ) than to order all things so , that whether they receive his law and doctrine or no , nothing should be done in opposition unto them , or their rule . and if any of them are not contented with this measure , but will forbid the observance of what he commands , wherein he alone is concerned and not they ; this is left to be determined between him and them . in the mean time , when rulers are not able to fancy , much less give a real instance of any one principle , doctrine , or practice in any of the churches of christ , or any belonging unto them , that is contrary unto , or inconsistent with the rights or exercise of their rule and government , and yet shall not only prohibit the doing of those things which he hath commanded , merely with respect unto the spiritual and eternal ends of his kingdom , but shall also punish and destroy those who will not disown his authority , and comply with their prohibition ; it doth scarce answer their interest and prudence . for to what purpose is it , for any to provoke him who is mightier than they , when they have no appearance of necessity for their ▪ so doing , nor advantage thereby ? . in particular , the lord christ hath ordained no power nor order in his church , no office or duty that should stand in need of the civil authority , sanction or force to preserve it , or make it effectual unto its proper ends . it is sufficient to discharge any thing of a pretence to be an appointment of christ in his church , if it be not sufficient unto its own proper end , without the help of the civil magistrate . that church-state which is either constituted by humane authority , or cannot consist without it , is not from him . that ordinance which is in its own nature divine , or is pretended so to be , so far as it is not effectual unto its end without the aid of humane authority , is not of him , he needs it not ; he will not borrow the assistance of civil authority , to rule in and over the consciences of men , with respect unto their living to god , and coming unto the enjoyment of himself . the way of requiring the sanction of civil authority unto ecclesiastical orders and determinations , began with the use of general councils in the days of constantine : and when once it was engaged in and approved , so far as that what was determined in the synods , either as to doctrine , or as unto the rule of the church , should be confirmed by the imperial authority , with penalties on all that should gainsay such determinations ; it is deplorable to consider , what mutual havock was made among christians upon the various sentiments of synods and emperours . yet this way pleased the rulers of the church so well , and as they thought eased them of so much trouble , that it was so far improved amongst them , that at last they left no power in or about religion or religious persons unto the civil magistrate , but what was to be exercised in the execution of the decrees and determinations of the church . it is necessary from this institution of particular churches , that they have their subsistence , continuation , order , and the efficacy of all that they act and do as churches , from christ himself : for whereas all that they are and do , is heavenly , spiritual , and not of this world , that it reacheth nothing of all those things which are under the power of the magistrate , that is , the lives and bodies of men , and all civil interests appertaining to them ; and affect nothing but what no power of all the magistrates under heaven can reach unto , that is , the souls and consciences of men ; no trouble can hence arise unto any rulers of the world , no contests about what they ought , and what they ought not to confirm , which have caused great disorders among many . . in particular also , there neither is nor can be in this church-state the least pretence of power or authority to be acted towards , or over the persons of kings or rulers , which should either impeach their right , or impede the exercise of their just authority . for as christ hath granted no such power unto the church , so it is impossible that any pretence of it should be seated in a particular congregation , especially being gathered on this principle , that there is no church power properly so called , but what is so seated ; and that no concurrence , agreement or association of many churches , can adde a new , greater , or other power or authority unto them , than what they had singly before . and what power can such churches act towards kings , potentates , or rulers of nations ? have they not the highest security , that it is uttterly impossible that ever their authority , or their persons in the exercise of it , should be impeached , hindered , or receive any detriment from any thing that belongs to this church-state ? these principles i say are sufficient to secure christian religion , and the state , order , and power of churches instituted therein , from all reflections of inconsistency with civil government , or of influencing men into attempts of its change or ruine . the summe is , let the outward frame and order of righteous government be of what sort it will , nothing inconsistent with it , nothing entrenching on it , nothing making opposition unto it , is appointed by jesus christ , or doth belong unto that church-state which he hath ordained and established . two things only must be added unto these principles , that we may not seem so to distinguish the civil state and the church , as to make them unconcerned in each other : for , . it is the unquestionable duty of the rulers and governours of the world , upon the preaching of the gospel , to receive its truth , and so yield obedience unto its commands . and whereas all power and offices are to be discharged for god , whose ministers all rulers be ; they are bound in the discharge of their office to countenance , supply , and protect the profession and professours of the truth , that is , the church , according unto the degrees and measures which they shall judge necessary . . it is the duty of the church materially considered , that is , of all those who are members of it , in any kingdom or commonwealth , to be usefully subservient , even as christians , unto that rule which is over them as men , in all those ways , and by all those means , which the laws , usages , and customs of the countries whereof they are , do direct and prescribe . but these things are frequently spoken unto . there are sundry other considerations , whereby it may be evinced , not only that this order and state of gospel-churches is not only consistent with every righteous government in the world , ( i mean that is so in its constitution , though as all other forms , it be capable of male-administration ) but the most useful and subservient unto its righteous administrations ; being utterly uncapable of immixing itself , as such , in any of those occasions of the world , or state-affairs , as may create the least difficulty or trouble unto rulers . with others it is not so . it is known , that the very constitution of the papal church , as it is stated in the canons of it , is inconsistent with the just rights of kings and rulers ; and oft-times in the exercise of its power destructive unto their persons and dominions . and herein concurred the prelatical church-state of england , whilst it continued in their communion , and held its dependance on the roman church . for although they had all their power originally from the kings of this realm , as the records and laws of it do expressly affirm , that the church of england was founded in episcopacy by the king and his nobles ; yet they claimed such an addition of power and authority , by vertue of their office , from the papal omnipotency , as that they were ringleaders in perplexing the government of this nation , under the pretence of maintaining of what they called , the rights of the church . and hereunto they were inabled by the very constitution of their church-order , which gave them that power , grandeur , with political interest , that were needful to effectuate their designe . and since they have been taken off from this foundation of contesting kings and princes on their own ecclesiastical authority , and deprived of their dependance on the power and interest of the papal see , having no bottom for , or supportment of their church state and order , but regal favour and mutable laws ; there have on such causes and reasons , which i shall not mention , ensued such emulations of the nobility and gentry , and such contempts of the common●people , as leave it questionable , whether their adherence unto the government be not more burdensome and dangerous unto it , than were their antient contests and oppositions . chap. vii . no other church-state of divine institution . it may be it will be generally granted , i am sure it cannot be modestly denied , that particular churches , or congregations , are of a divine original institution ; as also that the primitive churches continued long in that form or order . but it will be farther pleaded , that granting or supposing this divine institution of particular churches , yet there may be churches of another form and order also , as diocesan or national , that we are obliged to submit unto . for although the apostles appointed that there should be bishops or elders ▪ ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in every city and town where christian religion was received ; and clemens affirmeth , that they did themselves constitute bishops and deacons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the regions , or villages and cities ; yet there was another form afterwards introduced . theodoret bishop of cyprus affirms , that there were eight hundred churches committed to his care , epist. . whereof many were in towns and cities having no bishop of their own . the whole country of scythia , though there were in it many cities , villages and fortresses , yet had but one bishop , whose residence was at tomis , all other churches being under him ; as zozomen declares , lib. . cap. . so it is at this day in divers provinces belonging of old unto the greek-church ; as in moldavia and walachia , where they have one whom they call the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the leader or ruler that presides over all the churches in the nation . and this o●der of things , that there should not be a bishop in smaller churches , was first confirmed in the sixth canon of the council of sardis , in the year . in answer hereunto i shall do these two things . first , i shall shew that there is no church order , state , or church-form of divine institution , that doth any way impede , take away , or overthrow the liberty , power and order of particular congregations , such as we have described . secondly , i shall enquire into the causes of churches of another state or order , as the power of magistrates and rulers , or their own choice and consent . . there is no form , order , or church state divinely instituted , that should annul the institution of particular congregations , or abridge them of their liberties , or deprive them of the power committed unto them . it is such a church-state alone , that we are now concerned to enquire after . whatever of that kinde either is or may be imagined that entrenches not on the state , liberty and power of particular congregations , is not of our present consideration . men may frame and order what they please , and what advantage they make thereby , shall not be envied unto them , whilst they injure not any of the institutions of christ. but , . these churches , as they are churches , are meet and able to attain the ends of churches . to say they are churches , and yet have not in themselves power to attain the ends of churches , is to speak contradictions , or to grant and deny the same thing in the same breath . for a church is nothing but such a society as hath power , ability and fitness to attain those ends for which christ hath ordained churches : that which hath so , is a church ; and that which hath not so , is none . men may if they please deny them to be churches , but then i know not where they will finde any that are so . for instance , suppose men should deny all the parochial churches in england to be such churches as are intrusted with church-power and administrations , what church in the first instance could they require our communion withal ? will they say , it is with the national , or diocesan churches ? neither of these do , or can , as such , administer sacred ordinances . a man cannot preach nor hear the word , but in a particular assembly . the lord's supper cannot be administred but in a particular congregation ; nor any presential local communion of believers among themselves , like that described by the apostle , cor. chap. . and chap. . be otherwise attained . no communion is firstly and immediately required , or can be required with diocesan churches as such . wherefore it is parochial particular churches that we are required to hold communion with . we say therefore these parochial churches are either really and truely so endued with church-power and liberty , or they are not . if they are , or are acknowledged so to be , we have herein obtained what we plead for ; if they are not , then are we required to joyn in church communion with those societies that are not churches ; and if we refrain so doing , we are charged with schism ; which is to turn religion into ridicule . for , . it is utterly forreign to the scripture , and a monster unto antiquity , ( i mean that which is pure and regardable in this cause ) that there should be churches with a part , half , more or less of church-power , and not the whole , neither in right nor exercise ; or that there should be church-officers , elders , presbyters or bishops , that should have a partiary power , half or a third part , or less , of that which entirely belongeth unto the office they hold . let one testimony be given out of the scripture , or that antiquity which we appeal unto , unto this purpose , and we shall cease our plea. but this is that which our understandings are set on rack withal every day . there is a national church that is entrusted with supreme church-power in the nation whereof it is : here at the entrance we fall into a double disquietment . for ( . ) we know not as yet what this national church is , here ( or in france , ) nor of what persons it doth consist . ( . ) we know not whether this national church have all the power that christ hath given unto the church , or that there is a reserve for some addition from beyond sea , if things were well accommodated . then , that there are diocesan churches , whose original , with the causes and occasions of their bounds , limits , power , and manner of administrations , i think god alone knows perfectly , we do but guess ; for there is not one word mentioned of any of their concernments in the scripture . and we know that these churches cannot be said to have all the power that christ hath entrusted his church withal , because there is another church , unto which they are in subjection , and on which they do depend ; but it seems they have the next degree of power unto that which is uppermost . but whatever their power be , it is so administred by chancellors , commissaries , officials , in such ways , and for such ends , that i shall believe a dissent from them and it to be schism , when i believe it is midnight , whilst the sun shines in his full strength and glory . and then we are told of parochial churches , who have this power only , that if we do not in them whatever is required of us , not by them , but those that are put over them , they can inform against us , that we may be mulcted and punished . thirdly . it will be said that these churches , as such , are indeed originally entrusted and invested with all church-rights , power and authority ; but for many weighty reasons are abridged in sundry things of the exercise of them . for who can think it meet , that every single parish should be entrusted with the exercise of all church-rule and power among themselves ? answ. ( . ) whose fault is it , that these churches are not meet for the exercise of that power which christ hath granted unto such churches ? if it be from themselves , their negligence , or ignorance , or wickedness , it is high time they were reformed , and brought into that state and condition , wherein they may be fit and able to answer the ends of their institution . ( . ) they are indeed sorry churches , that are not as meet to exercise all church-power according to the minde of christ , as the chancellors court. ( . ) there is no power pleaded for in congregational churches , but what is granted unto them by the word and constitution of christ. and who is he that shall take this from them , or deprive them of its exercise , or right thereunto ? ( . ) it is not done , nor ever was , by jesus christ himself . he doth not pull down what himself hath built ; nor doth any one institution of his , in the least interfere with any other . it is true , the lord christ by his law deprives all churches of their power , yea of their state , who walk , act , and exercise a power not derived from him ; but set up against him , and used unto such ends as are opposite unto , and destructive of the ends of church ●order by him appointed . but to imagine , that whilst a church claims no power but what it receives from him , useth it only for him , and in obedience unto his commands , that he hath by any act , order or constitution , taken away that power or any part of it from such a church , is a vain supposition . ( . ) such churches cannot by any act of their own deprive themselves of this right and power . for ( . ) it is committed unto them in a way of trust , which they falsifie , if by their own consent they part with it . ( . ) without it they cannot discharge many duties required of them . to part with this power , is to renounce their duty , which is the only way whereby they may lose it . and if it be neither taken from them by any law , rule , or constitution of christ , nor can be renounced or forgone by themselves , what other power under heaven can justly deprive them of it , or hinder them in its execution ? the truth is , the principal means which hath rendered the generality of parochial churches unmeet for the exercise of any church-power , is , that their interest in it , and right unto it , hath been so long unjustly detained from them , as that they know not at all what belongs thereunto ; being hidden from them by those who should instruct them in it . and might they be admitted , under the conduct of pious and prudent officers , unto any part of the practice of this duty , in their assemblies , their understanding in it would quickly be encreased . that right , power , or authority , which we thus assign unto all particular churches gathered according unto the mind of christ , is that , and that only , which is necessary to their own preservation , in their state and purity , and unto the discharge of all those duties which christ requireth of the church . now although they may not justly by any be deprived hereof , yet it may be enquired , whether there may not an addition of ecclesiastical power be made unto that which is of original institution , for the good of the whole number of churches that are of the same communion . and this may be done , either by the power and authority of the supreme magistrate , with respect unto all the churches in his dominion ; or it may be so , by the churches themselves , erecting a new power in a combination of some , many , or all of them , which they had not in them singly and distinctly before . for the power of the magistrate in and about religion , it hath been much debated and disputed in some latter ages . for three hundred years there was no mention of it in the church , because no supreme powers did then own the christian religion . for the next three hundred years there were great ascriptions unto supreme magistrates to the exaltation of their power , and much use was made thereof among the churches , by such as had the best interest in them . the next three hundred years was , as unto this case , much taken up with disputes about this power , between the emperors and the popes of rome ; sometimes one side gaining the advantage in some especial instances , sometimes the other . but from that period of time , or thereabouts , the contest came to blows , and the blood of some hundred thousands was shed in the controversie , namely , about the power of emperors and kings on the one side , and the popes of rome on the other . in the issue , the popes abode masters of the field , and continued in actual possession of all ecclesiastical power , though sometimes mixed with the rebellion of one stubborn prince or other , as here frequently in england , who controuled them in some of their new acquisitions . upon the publick reformation of religion , many princes threw off the yoke of the papal rule , and according to the doctrine of the reformers , assumed unto themselves the power which , as they judged , the godly kings of judah of old , and the first christian emperors , did exercise about ecclesiastical affairs . from that time there have been great and vehement disputes about the ecclesiastical power of soveraign princes and states . i shall not here undertake to treat concerning it ; although it i● a matter of no great difficulty to demonstrate the extreams that many have run into , some by granting too much , and some too little unto them . and i shall grant for my part , that too much cannot well be assigned unto them , whilst these two principles are preserved . ( . ) that no supreme magistrate hath power to deprive or abridge the churches of christ , of any right , authority , or liberty , granted unto them by jesus christ. ( . ) nor hath any to coerce , punish , or kill any persons , ( being civilly peaceable , and morally honest , ) because they are otherwise minded in things concerning gospel-faith and worship than he is . it hath not yet been disputed , whether the supreme magistrate hath power to ordain , institute , and appoint , any new form or state of churches , supposedly suited unto the civil interest , which were never ordained or appointed by christ. it hath not i say been disputed under these terms expresly , though really the substance of the controversie lies therein . to assert this expresly , would be to exalt him above jesus christ ; at least to give him power equal unto his ; though really unto the institution of the gospel church state , and the communication of graces , offices , and gifts to make it useful unto its end , no less than all power in heaven and earth be required . some plead that there is no certain form of church-government appointed in the scripture ; that there was none ordained by christ , nor exemplifyed by the apostles , and therefore it is in the power of the magistrate to appoint any such form thereof , as is suited unto the publick interest . it would seem to follow more evidently , that no form at all should by any be appointed ; for what shall he do that cometh after the king ? what shall any one ordain in the church , which the lord christ thought not meet to ordain ? and this is the proper inference from this consideration : such a church-government as men imagine , christ hath not appointed ; therefore neither may men do so . but suppose that the lord christ hath appointed a church-state , or that there should be churches of his disciples on the earth ; let them therein but yeild obedience unto all that he hath commanded ; and in their so doing , make use of the light of nature , and rules of common prudence , so as to do it unto their own edification , ( which to deny to be their duty , is to destroy their nature as created of god ) trusting in all things unto the conduct of the promised divine assistance of the holy spirit : if any instance can be given of what is wanting unto the compleat state and rule of the church , we shall willingly allow that it be added by the civil magistrate , or whosoever men can agree upon , as was before declared . if it be said , there is yet something wanting to accommodate these churches and their rule unto the state of the publick interest , and political government under which they are placed , whereon they may be framed into churches diocesan and metropolitical , with such a rule as they are capable of ; i say ( . ) that in their original constitution , they are more accommodated unto the interest of all righteous secular government , than any arbitrary moulding them unto a pretended meetness to comply therewithal , can attain unto . this we have proved before , and shall farther enlarge upon it , if it be required . and we find it by experience , that those additions , changes , and alterations in the state , order and rule of the churches , pretended for the end mentioned , have proved the cause of endless contentions , which have no good aspect on the publick peace , and will assuredly continue for ever so to be . ( . ) it is granted that the magistrate may dispose of many outward concerns of these churches ; may impart of his favour to them , or any of them , as he sees cause ; may take care that nothing falls out among them that may occasion any publick disturbance , in and by itself ; may prohibit the publick exercise of worship idolatrous or superstitious ; may remove and take away all instruments and monuments of idolatry ; may coerce , restrain , and punish , as there is occasion , persons who under pretence of religion , do advance principles of sedition , or promote any forreign interest , opposite and destructive to his government , the welfare of the nation , and the truth of religion ; with sundry things of the like nature . and herein lies an ample field , wherein the magistrate may exercise his power , and discharge his duty . it cannot well be denyed , but that the present pretences and pleas of some to reduce all things in the practice of religion into the power and disposal of the civil magistrate , are full of offence and scandal . it seems to be only a design and contrivance , to secure mens secular interests under every way of the profession of christian religion , true or false , which may have the advantage of the magistrates approbation . by this device , conscience is set at liberty from concerning itself in an humble diligent enquiry into the mind of god , as unto what is its duty in his worship . and when it is so with the conscience of any , it will not be much concerned in what it doth attend unto or observe . what is in divine things done or practised solely on the authority of the magistrate , is immediately and directly obedience unto him , and not unto god. whatever therefore the supreme power in any place may do , or will be pleased to do , for the accommodation of the outward state of the church , and the exercise of its rule , unto the political government of a people or nation , yet these two things are certain . ( . ) that he can form , erect , or institute no new church-state , which is not ordained and appointed by christ and his apostles , by vertue of his authority ; and what he doth of that nature appoint , is called a church only equivocally , or by reason of some resemblance unto that which is properly so called . ( . ) to dissent from what is so appointed by the supreme power , in and about the state , form , rule , and worship of churches , whatever other evil it may be charged with , or supposed liable unto , can have nothing in it of that which the scripture condemns under the name of schism , which hath respect only unto what is stated by christ himself . that which in this place we should next enquire into , is , what these particular churches themselves may do , by their own voluntary consent and act in a way of association or otherwise , for the accumulation and exercise of a power , not formally inherent in them , as particular churches ; but i shall refer it unto the head of the communion of churches , which must be afterwards spoken unto . chap. viii . the duty of believers to joyn themselves in church-order . unto some one , or other of those particular congregations which we have described , continuing to be the ground and pillar of truth , it is the duty of every believer , of every disciple of christ , to joyn himself , for the due and orderly observation and performance of the commands of christ , unto the glory of god , and their own edification , matth. . , , . this in general is granted by all sorts and parties of men : the grant of it , is the ground whereon they stand in the management of their mutual fewds in religion , pleading that men ought to be of , or joyn themselves unto this or that church , still supposing that it is their duty to be of one or another . yea , it is granted also , that persons ought to chuse what churches they will joyn themselves unto , wherein they may have the best advantage unto their edification and salvation . they are to chuse to joyn themselves unto that church which is in all things most according to the mind of god. this it is supposed is the liberty and duty of every man ; for if it be not so , it is the foolishest thing in the world , for any to attempt to get others from one church unto another ; which is almost the whole business of religion , that some think themselves concerned to attend unto . but yet notwithstanding these concessions , when things come to the trial in particular , there is very little granted in complyance with the assertion laid down . for besides that it is not a church of divine institution , that is intended in these concessions , when it comes unto the issue , where a man is born , and in what church he is baptized in his infancy , there all choice is prevented , and in the communion of that church he is to abide , on the penalties of being esteemed and dealt withal as a schismatick . in what national church any person is baptized , in that national church he is to continue , or answer the contrary at his peril . and in the precincts of what parish his habitation falls to be , in that particular parish church is he bound to communicate in all ordinances of worship . i say , in the judgment of many , whatever is pretended of mens joyning themselves unto the truest and purest churches , there is no liberty of judgment or practice in either of these things left unto any of the disciples of christ. wherefore the liberty and duty proposed , being the foundation of all orderly evangelical profession , and that wherein the consciences of believers are greatly concerned , i shall lay down one proposition wherein 't is asserted , in the sence i intend , and then fully confirm it . the proposition itself is this : it is the duty of every one who professeth faith in christ jesus , and takes due care of his own eternal salvation , voluntarily and by his own choice to joyn himself unto some particular congregation of christs institution , for his own spiritual edification , and the right discharge of his commands . . this duty is prescribed ( . ) unto them only ▪ who profe●s faith in christ jesus ; who own themselves to be his disciples , that call jesus lord. for this is the method of the gospel , that first men by the preaching of it be made disciples , or be brought unto faith in christ jesus ▪ and then be taught to do and observe whatever he commands , matth. . , , . first to believe , and then to be added unto the church , act. . , , , . men must first joyn themselves unto the lord , or give up themselves unto him , before they can give up themselves unto the church , according to the mind of christ , cor. . . we are not therefore concerned at present as unto them , who either not at all profess faith in christ jesus , or else through ignorance of the fundamental principles of religion , and wickedness of life , do destroy or utterly render useless that profession . we do not say it is the duty of such persons , that is , their immediate duty , in the state wherein they are , to joyn themselves unto any church . nay , it is the duty of every church , to refuse them their communion , whilst they abide in that state . there are other duties to be in the first place pressed on them , whereby they may be made meet for this . so in the primitive times , although in the extraordinary conversions unto christianity that were made among the jews , who before belonged unto gods covenant , they were all immediately added unto the church ; yet afterwards , in the ordinary way of the conversion of men , the churches did not immediately admit them into compleat communion , but kept them as catechumeners , for the encrease of their knowledge , and trial of their profession , until they were judged meet to be joyned unto the church . and they are not to blame who receive not such into compleat communion with them , unto whom it is not a present duty to desire that communion . yea , the admission of such persons into church-societies , much more the compelling of them to be members of this or that church , almost whether they will or no , is contrary to the rule of the word , the example of the primitive churches , and a great expedient to harden men in their sins . we do therefore avow , that we cannot admit any into our church societies , as to compleat membership , and actual interest in the priviledges of the church , who do not , by a profession of faith in , and obedience unto jesus christ , no way contradicted by sins of life , manifest themselves to be such , as whose duty it is , to joyn themselves unto any church . neither do we injure any baptized persons hereby , or oppose any of their right unto , and interest in the church , but only as they did universally in the primitive churches , after the death of the apostles , we direct them into that way and method , wherein they may be received unto the glory of christ , and their own edification . and we do therefore affirm , that we will never deny that communion , unto any person , high or low , rich or poor , old or young , male or female , whose duty it is to desire it . . it is added in the description of the subject , that it is such an one who takes due care of his own salvation . many there are who profess themselves to be christians , who it may be hear the word willingly , and do many things gladly , yet do not esteem themselves obliged unto a diligent enquiry into , and a precise observation of all the commands of christ. but it is such whom we intend , who constantly fix their minds on the enjoyment of god , as their chiefest good and utmost end ; who thereon duely consider the means of attaining it , and apply themselves thereunto . and it is to be feared , that the number of such persons will not be found to be very great in the world ; which is sufficient to take off the reproach from some particular congregations of the smalness of their number . such they ever were , and such is it foretold that they should be . number was never yet esteemed a note of the true church , by any but those , whose worldly interest it is that it should so be ; yet at present absolutely in these nations , the number of such persons is not small . . of these persons it is said , that it is their duty so to dispose of themselves . it is not that which they may do , as a convenience , or an advantage ; not that which others may do for them , but which they must do for themselves in a way of duty . it is an obediential act unto the commands of christ ; whereunto is required subjection of conscience unto his authority , faith in his promises , as also a respect unto an appearance before his judgment-throne at the last day . the way of the church of rome to compel men into their communion , and keep them in it , by fire and f●got , or any other means of external force , derives more from the alcoran than the gospel . neither doth it answer the mind of christ in the institution , end , and order of church-societies , that men should become members of them , partly by that which is no way in their own power , and partly by what their wills are regulated in , by the laws of men . for it is , as was said , commonly esteemed , that men being born and baptized in such a nation , are thereby made members of the church of that nation ; and by living within such parochial precincts , as the law of the land hath arbitrarily established , are members of this or that particular congregation . at least they are accounted so far to belong unto these churches , as to render them liable unto all outward punishments , that shall be thought meet to be inflicted on them , who comply not with them . so far as these perswasions ▪ and actings according unto them , do prevail , so far are they destructive of the principal foundation of the external being and order of the church . but that mens joyning themselves in , or unto any church society , is , or ought to be , a voluntary act , or an act of free choice , in mere obedience unto the authority and commands of christ , is so sacred a truth , so evident in the scripture , so necessary from its subject matter , so testifyed unto by the practice of all the first churches ; as that it despiseth all opposition . and i know not how any can reconcile the common practice of giving men the reputation or reality of being members of , or belonging unto this or that church , as unto total communion , who desire or chuse no such thing , unto this acknowledged principle . . there is a double joyning unto the church ; ( . ) that which is , as unto total communion in all the duties and priviledges of the church , which is that whereof we treat . ( . ) an adherence unto the church , as unto the means of instruction and edification to be attained thereby . so persons may adhere unto any church , who yet are not meet , or free on some present consideration , to confederate with it , as unto total communion ; see act. . , . and of this sort in a peculiar manner , are the baptized children of the members of the church . for although they are not capable of performing church-duties , or enjoying church●priviledges in their tender years ; nor can have a right unto total communion , before the testification of their own voluntary consent thereunto , and choice thereof ; yet are they in a peculiar manner under the care and inspection of the church , so far as the outward administration of the covenant in all the means of it , is committed thereunto ; and their duty it is , according to their capacity , to attend unto the ministry of that church whereunto they do belong . . the proposition respects a visible professing church . and i intend such a church in general , as avoweth authority from christ ; ( . ) for the ministerial preaching of the word ; ( . ) administration of the sacraments ; ( . ) for the exercise of evangelical discipline ; and ( . ) to give a publick testimony against the devil and the world , not contradicting their profession with any corrupt principles or practices inconsistent with it . what is required in particular , that any of them may be meet to be joyned unto such a church , we shall afterwards enquire . . it is generally said , that out of the church there is no salvation ; and the truth hereof is testified unto in the scriptures , act. . . pet. . , . matth. . . ephes. . , . joh. . . : this is true both positively and negatively of the catholick church invisible of the elect : all that are of it shall be saved ; and none shall be saved but those that belong unto it , ephes. . , , . of the catholick visible professing church negatively ; that no adult person can be saved , that doth not belong unto this church , rom. . . . this position of truth is abused by interest and pride ; an enclosure of it being made by them , who of all christians in the world can lay the least and weakest claim unto it ; namely , the church of rome . for they are so far from being that catholick church , out of which there is no salvation , and wherein none can perish , like the ark of noah , that it requires the highest charity to reckon them unto that visible professing church , whereof the greatest part may perish ; and do so undoubtedly . . our enquiry is , what truth there is in this assertion , with respect unto these particular churches or societies for the celebration of gospel-worship and discipline , whereof we treat . and i say , . no church , of what denomination soever , can lay a claim unto this priviledge , as belonging unto itself alone . this was the antient donatism ; they confined salvation unto the churches of their way alone . and after many false charges of it on others , it begins really to be renewed in our days . for some dispute , that salvation is confined unto that church alone , wherein there is a succession of diocesan bishops ; which is the height of donatism . the judgments and determinations made concerning the eternal salvation or damnation of men , by the measures of some differences among christians about churches , their state and order , are absurd , foolish , and impious , and for the most part used by them , who sufficiently proclaim , that they know neither what it is to be saved , nor do use any diligence about the necessary means of it . salvation depends absolutely on no particular church-state in the world ; he knows not the gospel , who can really think it doth . persons of believers are not for the church , but the church is for them : if the ministry of angels be for them who are heirs of salvation , much more is the ministry of the church so . if a man be an adulterer , an idolater , a rayler , a hater & scoffer of godliness ; if he choose to live in any known sin , without repentance , or in the neglect of any known duty ; if he be ignorant and prophane ; in a word , if he be not born again from above , be he of what church he will , and whatsoever place he possess therein , he cannot be saved . and on the other side , if a man believe in christ jesus , that is , know him in his person , offices , doctrine and grace , trust unto him for all the ends of the wisdom and love of god towards mankind in him ; if he endeavour to yield sincere and universal obedience unto all his commands , and to be conformed unto him , in all things following his example , having for these ends received of his spirit ; though all the churches in the world should reject him , yet he shall undoubtedly be saved . if any shall hence infer , that then it is all one of what church any one is : i answer , ( . ) that although the being of this or that , or any particular church in the world , will not secure the salvation of any men ; yet the adherence unto some churches , or such as are so called , in their constitution and worship , may prejudice , yea , ruine the salvation of any that shall so do . ( . ) the choice of what church we will joyn unto , belongs unto the choice and use of the means for our edification . and he that makes no conscience hereof , but merely with respect unto the event of being saved at last , will probably come short thereof . . on this supposition , that there be no insuperable difficulties lying in the way of the discharge of this duty , as that a person be cast by the providence of god into such a place or season , as wherein there is no church that he can possibly joyn himself unto , or that he be unjustly refused communion , by unwarrantable conditions of it , as it was with many during the prevalency of the papacy in all the western empire ; it is the indispensible duty of every disciple of christ , in order unto his edification and salvation , voluntarily , and of his own choice , to joyn himself in and unto some particular congregation , for the celebration of divine worship , and the due observation of all the institutions and commands of christ ; which we shall now farther confirm . . the foundation of this duty , as was before declared , doth lye in the law and light of nature . man cannot exercise the principal powers and faculties of his soul , with which he was created , and whereby he is enabled to glorifie god , which is the end of him and them , without a consent and conjunction in the worship of god in communion and society , as hath been proved before . . the way whereby this is to be done , god hath declared and revealed from the beginning , by the constitution of a church-state , through the addition of arbitrary institutions of worship , unto what was required by the law of nature . for this gives the true state , and is the formal reason of a church , namely , a divine addition of arbitrary institutions of worship , unto the necessary dictates of the law of nature , unto that end . and the especial nature of any church-state , doth depend on the especial nature of those institutions , which is constitutive of the difference between the church-state of the old testament and that of the new . . such a church-state was constituted and appointed under the old testament , founded in and on an especial covenant between god and the people , exod. . unto this church every one that would please god , and walk before him , was bound to joyn himself , by the ways and means that he had appointed for that end ; namely , by circumcision , and their laying hold on the covenant of god , exod. . . isa. . . and this joyning unto the church , is called joyning unto the lord , isa. . . jerem. . . as being the means thereof ; without which it could not be done . herein was the tabernacle of god with men , and he dwelt among them . . as a new church-state is prophesyed of under the new testament , ezek. . , , . isa. . , , , , . and other places innumerable ; so it was actually erected by jesus christ , as we have declared . and whereas it is introduced and established in the place and room of the church-state under the old testament , which was to be removed at the time of reformation , as the apostle demonstrates at large in his epistle to the hebrews ; all the commands , promises , and th●eatnings given or annexed unto that church-state , concerning the conjunction of men unto it , and walking in it , are transferred unto this of the new erection of christ. wherefore although the state of the church itself , be reduced from that which was nationally congregational , unto that which is simply and absolutely so ; and all ordinances of its instituted worship are changed , with new rules for the observation of what we are directed unto by the light of nature : yet the commands , promises , and threatnings , made and given unto it as a church , are all in full force with respect unto this new church-state ; and we need no new commands to render it our duty to joyn in evangelical churches , for the ends of a church in general . . the lord christ hath disposed all the ways and means of edification , unto these churches ; so that ordinarily , and under an expectation of his presence in them , and concurrence unto their efficacy , they are not otherwise to be enjoyed . such are the ordinary dispensation of the word , and administration of the sacraments . for any disciple of christ to live in a neglect of these things , and the enjoyment of them according to his mind , is to despise his care and wisdom , in providing for his eternal welfare . . he hath prescribed sundry duties unto us , both as necessary , and as evidences of our being his disciples , such as cannot be orderly performed , but as we are members of some particular congregation : this also hath been before declared . . the institution of these churches , is the way which christ hath ordained to render his kingdom visible or conspicuous , in distinction from , and opposition unto , the kingdom of satan and the world . and he doth not in a due manner , declare himself a subject in or unto the kingdom of christ , who doth not solemnly ingage in this way . it is not enough to constitute a legal subject of the kingdom of england , that he is born in the nation , and lives in some outward observance of the laws of it , if he refuse solemnly to express his allegiance in the way appointed by the law for that end . nor will it constitute a regular subject of the kingdom of christ , that he is born in a place where the gospel is professed , and so professeth a general complyance therewith ; if he refuse to testifie his subjection , by the way that christ hath appointed for that end . it is true , the whole nation in their civil relation and subordination according to law , is the kingdom of england . but the representation of the kingly power and rule in it , is in the courts of all sorts , wherein the kingly power is acted , openly and visibly . and he that lives in the nation , yet denies his homage unto these courts , is not to be esteemed a subject . so doth the whole visible professing church , in one or more nations , or lesser precincts of people and places constitute the visible kingdom of christ ; yet is no particular person to be esteemed a legal true subject of christ , that doth not appear in these his courts with a solemn expression of his homage unto him . . the whole administration of the rule and discipline appointed by christ , is confined unto these churches ; nor can they be approved by whom that rule is despised . i shall not argue farther , in a case whose truth is of so uncontroulable evidence . in all the writings of the new testament , recording things after the ascension of christ , there is no mention of any of his disciples with approbation , unless they were extraordinary officers , but such as were entire members of these assemblies . chap. ix . the continuation of a church-state , and of the administration of evangelical ordinances of worship , briefly vindicated . the controversie about the continuation of a church-state , and the administration of gospel-ordinances of worship , is not new , in this age , though some pride themselves , as though the invention of the errour whereby they are denied , were their own : in former ages , both in the papacy , and among some of them that forsook it , there were divers who on a pretence of a peculiar spirituality , and imaginary attainments in religion , wherein these things are unnecessary , rejected their observation . i suppose it necessary briefly to confirm the truth , and vindicate it from this exception , because though it be sufficiently weak in itself , yet what it is , lies against the foundation of all that we are pleading about . but to reduce things into the lesser compass ; i shall first confirm the truth by those arguments or considerations , which will defeat all the pleas and pretences of them by whom it is opposed ; and then confirm it by positive testimonies and arguments , with all brevity possible . first therefore i shall argue from the removal of all causes , whereon such a cessation of churches and ordinances is pretended . for it is granted on all hands , that they had a divine original and institution , and were observed by all the disciples of christ , as things by him commanded . if now therefore they cease as unto their force , efficacy and use , it must be on some of these reasons . . because a limited time and season was fixed unto them , which is now expired . so was it with the church-state and ordinances of old ; they were appointed unto the time of reformation , heb. . . they had a certain time prefixed unto their duration , according to the degrees of whose approach they waxed old , and at length utterly disappeared , chap. . . until that time they were all punctually to be observed , mal. . . but there were many antecedent indications of the will of god concerning their cessation and abolition , whereof the apostle disputes at large in his epistle unto the hebrews . and from a pretended supposition , that such was the state of evangelical ordinances , namely , that they had a time prefixed unto their duration , did the first opposition against them arise . for montanus , with his followers , imagined that the appointments of christ and his apostles in the gospel , were to continue in force only unto the coming of the paraclete , or the comforter , promised by him . and adding a new phrensie hereunto , that that paraclete was then first come in montanus , they rejected the institutions of the gospel , and made new laws and rules for themselves . and this continues to be the principal pretence of them by whom the use of gospel-ordinances is at present rejected , as that which is of no force or efficacy . either they have received , or do speedily look for such a dispensation of the spirit , or his gifts , as wherein they are to cease and disappear . but nothing can be more vain than this pretence . . it is so as unto the limitation of any time , as unto their duration and continuance . for ( . ) there is no intimation given of any such thing , either in the divine word , promise , declaration about them , or the nature of the institutions themselves . but whereas those of the old-testament were in time to be removed , that the church might not be offended thereby , seeing originally they were all of immediate divine institution , god did by all manner of ways , as by promises , express declarations , and by the nature of the institutions themselves , foresignifie their removal , as the apostle proves at large in his epistle to the hebrews . but nothing of this nature can be pretended concerning the gospel church-state or worship . ( . ) there is no prediction or intimation of any other way of worship , or serving god in this world , that should be introduced in the room of that established at first ; so that upon a cessation thereof , the church must be left unto all uncertainties and utter ruine . ( . ) the principal reason why a church-state was erected of old , and ordinances of worship appointed therein , that were all to be removed and taken away , was , that the son , the lord over his own house , might have the preheminence in all things . his glory it was to put an end unto the law , as given by the disposition of angels , and the ministry of moses , by the institution of a church-state and ordinances of his own appointment . and if his revelation of the will of god therein be not compleat , perfect , ultimate , unalterable , if it be to expire , it must be , that honour may be given above him , unto one greater than he . . it is so , as unto their decay , or the loss of their primitive force and efficacy . for their efficacy unto their proper ends , depends on , ( . ) the institution of christ : this is the foundation of all spiritual efficacy unto edification in the church , or whatever belongs thereunto . and therefore whatever church-state may be framed , or duties , ways or means of worship appointed by men , that have not his institution , how specious soever they may appear to be , have no spiritual force or efficacy , as unto the edification of the church . but whilst this institution of christ continues irrevocable , and is not abrogated by a greater power than what it was enacted by , whatever defect there may be as unto faith and obedience in men , rendring them useless and ineffectual unto themselves ; however they may be corrupted by additions unto them , or detractions from them , changing their nature and use ; in themselves they continue to be of the same use and efficacy as they were at the beginning . ( . ) on the promise of christ , that he will be present with his disciples in the observation of his commands unto the consummation of all things , matth. . . to deny the continued accomplishment of this promise , and that on any pretence whatever , is the venome of infidelity . if therefore they have an irrevocable divine institution , if christ be present in their administrations , as he was of old , revel . . . there can be no abatement of their efficacy unto their proper ends , in the nature of instrumental causes . ( . ) on the covenant of god , which gives an infallible inseparable conjunction between the word , or the church and its institution by the word , and the spirit , isai. . . god's covenant with his people is the foundation of every church-state , of all offices , powers , priviledges , and duties thereunto belonging . they have no other end , they are of no other use , but to communicate , express , declare , and exemplifie on the one hand , the grace of god in his covenant unto his people ; and on the other , the duties of his people according unto the tenor of the same covenant unto him . they are the way , means , and instruments appointed of god for this end , and other end they have none . and hereon it follows , that if it be not in the power of men , to appoint any thing that shall be a means of communication between god and his people , as unto the grace of the covenant , on the one hand , or the duties of obedience which it requires , on the other ; they have no power to erect any new church state , or enact any thing in divine worship , not of his institution . this being the state of churches and their ordinances , they cannot be altered , they cannot be liable unto any decay , unless the covenant whereunto they are annexed , be altered or decayed . and therefore the apostle to put finally and absolutely his argument unto an issue , to prove that the mosaical church-state and ordinances were changed , because useless and ineffectual , doth it on this ground , that the covenant whereunto they were annexed , was changed and become useless . this i suppose at present will not be said concerning the new covenant , whereunto all ordinances of divine worship are inseparably annexed . men might at a cheaper rate , as unto the eternal interest of their own souls , provide another covering for their sloth , negligence , unbelief , and indulgence unto proud foolish imaginations , whereby they render the churches and ordinances of the gospel useless and ineffectual unto themselves ; thereby charging them with a decay and uselesness , and so reflecting on the honour and faithfulness of christ himself . . they do not cease , because there is at present , or at least there is shortly to be expected , such an effusion of the gifts and graces of the spirit , as to render all these external institutions needless , and consequently useless . this also is falsely pretended . for ( . ) the greatest and most plentiful effusion of the holy spirit in his gifts and graces , was in the days of the apostles , and of the first churches planted by them ; nor is any thing beyond it , or indeed equal unto it , any more to be expected in this world . but yet then was the gospel church-state erected , and the use of all its ordinances of worship enjoyned . ( . ) the ministry of the gospel which comprizeth all the ordinances of church-worship , as its object and end , is the ministration of the spirit , and therefore no supplies or communication of him can render it useless . . one of the principal ends for which the communication of the spirit is promised unto the church , is to make and render all the institutions of christ effectual unto its edification . ( . ) joh. . , . is usually pleaded as giving countenance unto this fond pretence . but ( . ) the vnction mentioned by the apostle , was then upon all believers . yet ( . ) it is known that then they all walked in church-order , and the sacred observation of all the institutions of christ. ( . ) if it takes away any thing , it is the preaching of the word , or all manner of teaching and instruction ; which is to overthrow the whole scripture , and to reduce religion into barbarism . ( . ) nothing is intended in these words , but the different way of teaching , and degrees of success , between that under the law , and that now established in the gospel , by the plentiful effusion of the spirit , as hath been evidenced at large elsewhere . nor . do they cease , in their administration , for want either of authority or ability to dispense them ; which is pleaded unto the same end . but neither is this pretence of any force ; it only begs the thing in question . the authority of office for the administration of all other ordinances , is an institution . and to say that all institutions cease , because none have authority to administer them , is to say they must all cease , because they are ceased . ( . ) the office of the ministry for the continuation of the church-state , and administration of all ordinances of worship unto the end of the world , is sufficiently secured , ( ) by the law , constitution , and appointment of our lord jesus christ , erecting that office , and giving warranty for its continuance to the consummation of all things , matth. . ephes. . . ( . ) by his continuance according unto his promise to communicate spiritual gifts unto men , for the ministerial edification of the church . that this he doth so continue to do , that it is the principal external evidence of his abiding in the discharge of his mediatory office , and of what nature these gifts are , i have declared at large in a peculiar discourse on that subject . ( . ) on the duty of believers or of the church , which is , to choose , call , and solemnly set apart unto the office of the ministry , such as the lord christ by his spirit , hath made meet for it , according unto the rule of his word . if all these , or any of them do fail , i acknowledge that all ministerial authority and ability for the dispensation of gospel-ordinances must fail also , and consequently the state of the church . and those who plead for the continuation of a successive ministry , without respect unto these things , without resolving both the authority and office of it unto them , do but erect a dead image , or embrace a dead carcase , instead of the living and life-giving institutions of christ. they take away the living creature , and set up a skin stuffed with straw . but if these things do unalterably continue ; if the law of christ can neither be changed , abrogated , or disannulled ; if his dispensation of spiritual gifts according unto his promise cannot be impeded ; if believers through his grace will continue in obedience unto his commands , it is not possible there should be ▪ an utter failure in this office , and office-power of this ministry . it may fail in this or that place , in this or that church , when the lord christ will remove his candlestick . but it hath a living root whence it will spring again in other places and churches , whilst this world doth endure . neither . do they cease , because they have been all of them corrupted , abused , and defiled in the apostacy which fell out among all the churches in the latter ages , as it was fully foretold in the scripture . for ( . ) this supposition would make the whole kingdom of christ in the world to depend on the corrupt lusts and wills of men , which have got by any means , the outward possession of the administration of his laws and ordinances . this is all one as if we should say , that if a pack of wicked judges , should for a season pervert justice , righteousness and judgment , that the being of the kingdom is so overthrown thereby , as that it can never be restored . ( . ) it would make all the duties and all the priviledges of all true believers to depend on the wills of wicked apostates . for if they may not make use of what they have abused , they can never yield obedience to the commands of christ , nor enjoy the priviledges which he hath annexed unto his church and worship . ( . ) on this supposition , all reformation of an apostatized church , is utterly impossible . but it is our duty to heal even babylon itself , by a reduction of all things unto their first institution , if it would be healed , jerem. . . and if not , we are to forsake her , and reform ourselves , rev. . . there is nothing therefore in all these pretences , that should in the least impeach the infallible continuation of the evangelical churches and worship , as to their right , unto the end of the world . and the heads of those arguments whereby the truth is invincibly confirmed , may be briefly touched on . . there are express testimonies of the will of christ , and his promise for its accomplishment , that the church and all its ordinances of worship should be continued always unto the end of the world . so as to the church itself , matth. . . rev. . . the ministry , matth. . . ephes. . . baptism , matth. . , , . the lords supper , cor. . . as for other institutions , publick prayer , preaching the word , the lords day , singing of gods prayses , the exercise of discipline with what belongs thereunto , they have their foundation in the law and light of nature , being only directed and applied unto the gospel-church-state and worship , by rules of especial institution ; and they can no more cease , than the original obligation of that law can so do . if it be said , that notwithstanding what may be thus pleaded , yet de facto , the true state of gospel-churches , and their whole worship as unto its original institution did fail under the papal apostacy , and therefore may do so again : i answer , ( . ) we do not plead that this state of things must be always visible and conspicuous , wherein all protestant writers do agree . it is acknowledged , that as unto publick view , observation and notoriety , all these things were lost under the papacy , and may be so again under a renewed apostacy . ( . ) i do not plead it to be necessary de facto , that there should be really at all times , a true visible church , as the seat of all ordinances and administrations in the world ; but all such churches may fail , not only as unto visibility , but as unto their existence . but this supposition of a failure of all instituted churches and worship , i grant only with these limitations . ( . ) that it is of necessity from innumerable divine promises , and the nature of christ's kingly office , that there be always in the world a number greater or lesser of sincere believers , that openly profess subjection and obedience unto him . ( . ) that in these persons there resides an indefeazable right always to gather themselves into a church-state , and to administer all gospel-ordinances , which all the world cannot deprive them of ; which is the whole of what i now plead for . and let it be observed , that all the ensuing arguments depend on this right , and not on any matter of fact. ( . ) i do not know how far god may accept of churches in a very corrupt state , and of worship much depraved , until they have new means for their reformation . nor will i make any judgment of persons as unto their eternal condition , who walk in churches so corrupted , and in the performance of worship so depraved . but as unto them who know them to be so corrupted and depraved , it is a damnable sin to joyn with them , or not to separate from them , revel . . . . the nature and use of the gospel church-state require and prove the uninterrupted continuance of the right of its existence , and the observance of all ordinances of divine worship therein , with a power in them , in whom that right doth indefeazably reside , that is , all true believers , to bring it forth into exercise and practice , notwithstanding the external impediments which in some places at some times may interrupt its exercise . in the observation of christ's institutions , and celebration of the ordinances of divine worship , doth the church-state of the gospel , as professing , consist . it doth so in opposition , ( . ) unto the world and the kingdom of satan . for hereby do men call jesus lord , as cor. . . and avow their subjection unto his kingly power . ( . ) unto the church-state of the old-testament , as the apostle disputes at large in his epistle unto the hebrews . and this state of the professing church in this world is unalterable , because it is the best state that the believing church is capable of . for so the apostle plainly proves , that hereby the believing church is brought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which it was not under the law ; that is , unto its consummation , in the most compleat perfection that god hath designed unto it on this side glory , heb. . , . for christ in all his offices , is the immediate head of it : its constitution , and the revelation of the ways of its worship , are an effect of his wisdome ; and from thence is it eminently suited unto all the ends of the covenant , both on the part of god and man , and is therefore liable to no intercision , or alteration . . the visible administration of the kingdom of christ in this world , consists in this church state , with the administration of his institutions and laws therein . a kingdome the lord jesus christ hath in this world ; and though it be not of the world , yet in the world it must be , until the world shall be no more . the truth of all god's promises in the scripture depends on this one assertion . we need not here concern ourselves what notions some men have about the exercise of this kingdom in the world , with respect unto the outward affairs and concerns of it . but this is certain , that this kingdom of christ in the world , so far as it is external and visible , consists in the laws he hath given , the institutions he hath appointed , the rule or politie he hath prescribed , with the due observance of them . now all these things do make , constitute , and are the church-state and worship enquired after . wherefore as christ always hath and ever will have an invisible kingdom in this world , in the souls of elect believers , led , guided , ruled by his spirit ; so he will have a visible kingdom also , consisting in a professed avowed subjection unto the laws of his word , rom. . . and although this kingdom , or his kingdom in this sence , may as unto the essence of it be preserved in the external profession of individual persons , and it may be , so exist in the world for a season ; yet the honour of it , and its compleat establishment , consists in the visible profession of churches , which he will therefore maintain unto the end . but by visible in this discourse , i understand not that which is conspicuous and eminent unto all , though the church hath been so , and shall yet be so again ; nor yet that which is actually seen or known by others ; but only that which may be so , or is capable of being so known . nor do i assert a necessity hereof , as unto a constant preservation of purity and regularity in order and ordinances , according to the original institution of them in any place ; but only of an unalterable right and power in believers to render them visible ; which it becomes their indispensible duty to do , when outward impediments are not absolutely insuperable . but of these things thus far , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chap. x. what sort of churches the disciples of christ , may ▪ and ought to joyn themselves unto as unto entire communion . we have proved before that it is the duty of all individual christians , to give themselves up unto the conduct , fellowship and communion of some particular church or congregation . our present enquiry hereon is , that whereas there is a great diversity among professing societies in the world , concerning each whereof it is said , lo here is christ and loe there is christ , what church , of what constitution and order , any one that takes care of his own edification and salvation , ought to joyn himself unto . this i shall speak unto first in general , and then in the examination of one particular case or instance , wherein many at this day are concerned . and some things must be premised unto the right stating of the subject of our enquiry . . the diversities and divisions among churches which respect is to be had unto , in the choice of any which we will or ought to joyn unto ; are of two sorts . ( . ) such as are occasioned by the remaining weaknesses , infirmities and ignorance of the best of men , whereby they know but in part , and prophesie only in part , wherein our edification is concerned , but our salvation not endangered . ( . ) such as are in and about things fundamental in faith , worship , and obedience ; we shall speak to both of them . . all christians were originally of one mind in all things needful unto joint-communion , so as that there might be among them all , love without dissimulation . howbeit there was great variety not only in the measure of their apprehensions of the doctrines of truth , but in some doctrines themselves , as about the continuance of the observations of the law , or at least of some of them ; as also oppositions from without unto the truth , by hereticks and apostates ; neither of which hindred the church communion of true believers . but the diversity , difference , and divisions that are now among churches in the world , is the effect of the great apostasie which befel them all in the latter ages , as unto the spirit , rule , and practice of those which were planted by the apostles , and will not be healed , until that apostasie be abolished . . satan having possessed himself of the advantage of these divisions , whereof he was the author , he makes use of them to act his malice and rage , in stirring up and instigating one party to persecute , oppress and devour another , until the life , power and glory of christian religion is almost lost in the world. it requires therefore great wisdom to deport our selves aright among these divisions , so as to contribute nothing unto the ends of malice designed by satan in them . . in this state of things until it may be cured , which it will never be , by any of the wayes yet proposed and insisted on ; the enquiry is concerning the duty of any one who takes care of his own soul , as unto a conjunction with some church or other . and on the negative part i say , . such an one is bound not to joyn with any church or society where any fundamental article of faith is rejected or corrupted . there may be a fundamental error in a true church for a season , when the church erreth not fundamentally ; cor. . tim. . . but i suppose the error in or against the foundation , is part of the profession of the church or society to be joyned unto . for thereby the nature of the church is destroyed ; it doth not hold the head , nor abide on the foundation , nor is the ground and pillar of truth . wherefore although the socinians under a pretence of love , forbearance , and mutual toleration , do offer us the communion of their churches , wherein there is somewhat of order and discipline commendable ; yet it is unlawful to joyn in church fellowship or communion with them . for their errors about the trinity , the incarnation of christ , and his satisfaction , are destructive of the foundation of the prophets and apostles ; and idolatry , in the divine worship of a meer creature , is introduced by them . . where there 〈…〉 any church taught or allowed , a mixture of doctrines or opinions , that are prejudicial unto gospel ▪ holiness or obedience , no man that takes due care of his salvation can joyn himself unto it . for the original ▪ rule and measure of all church communion , is agreement in the doctrine of truth . where therefore there is either not a stable profession of the same doctrine in all substantial truths of the gospel , but an uncertain sound is given , some saying one thing , some another ; or that opposition is made unto any truths , of the importance before men●●oned ; none can be bound or obliged to hold communion with it ; nor can incur any blame by refraining from it . for it is the duty of a christian in all things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and to joyn with such a church , would ( . ) stain their profession ; ( . ) hinder their edification ; ( . ) establish a new rule of communion unknown to the scriptures ; namely , besides truth ; as might easily be manifested . . where the fundamentals of religious worship are corrupted or overthrown , it is absolutely unlawful to joyn unto , or abide in any church . so is it with the church of rome . the various wayes whereby the foundations of divine religious worship are overthrown in that church by superstition and idolatry have been sufficiently declared . these render the communion of that church pernitious . . nor can any man be obliged to joyn himself with any church , nor can it be his duty so to do , where the eternally fixed rule and measure of religious worship , namely , that it be of divine institution , is varied or changed by any additions unto it , or substractions from it . for whereas one principal end of all churches is the joint celebration of divine worship , if there be not a certain stable rule thereof in any church of divine prescription , no man can be obliged unto communion therewith . . where the fundamentals of church order , practice and discipline are destroyed , it is not lawful for any man to joyn in church communion . these fundamentals are of two sorts ; ( . ) such as concern the ministry of the church ; ( . ) such as concern the church it self . there are four things that are necessary fundamentals unto the order of the church , on the part of the ministry . ( . ) that all the ministers or officers of it , be duely chosen by the church it self , and solemnly set apart in the church unto their office , according unto the rule and law of christ. this is fundamental unto church order , the root of it , from whence all other parts of it do spring . and it is that which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or expresly provided for in the scripture , as we shall see . if there be a neglect herein , and no other relation required between ministers , elders , rulers , bishops , and the church , but what is raised and created by wayes and rules of mens appointment ; or if there be a temporary disposal of persons into a discharge of that office , without a solemn call , choice , ordination , and separation unto the office itself and its work , the law of christ is violated , and the order of the church disturbed in its foundation . ( . ) that those who are called unto the office of the ministry be duely qualified , by their endowment with spiritual gifts for the discharge of their duty , is fundamental unto the ministry ; that the lord jesus christ doth still continue his dispensation of spiritual gifts unto men , to fit and enable them unto the office and work of the ministry ; that if he doth not do so , or should at any time cease so to do , the whole office of the ministry must cease , and the being of the church with it ; that it is altogether useless for any churches or persons to erect an image of the gospel ministry by outward rites and ceremonies , without the enlivening form of these spiritual gifts , i have proved sufficiently in my discourse of spiritual gifts and their continuance in the church . wherefore a communication of spiritual gifts peculiarly enabling men unto the work of the ministry , antecedent unto their solemn separation unto the office , in some good measure , is absolutely necessary unto the due continuance of the office and its work ; see ephes. . , , , , , . to suppose that the lord christ doth call and appoint men , unto a certain office and work in his church , secluding all others from any interest in the one or other , and yet not endow them with peculiar gifts and abilities for the discharge of that office and work , is to ascribe that unto him , which is every way , unbecoming his wisdom and grace , with his love unto the church . but when men look on all church order , as a lifeless machine to be acted moved and disposed by external rules , laws , canons and orders , without respect unto the actings of the spirit of christ going before in the rule of his word to enliven every part of it , the true disciples of christ will receive no advantage thereby . ( . ) it is of the same importance that persons so called , do take heed unto their ministry that they fulfil it , that they give themselves unto the word and prayer , that they labour continually in the word and doctrine , and all those other duties which in the scripture are prescribed unto them ; and this not only as unto the matter of them , but as unto the manner of their performance with zeal , love , compassion and diligence . where there is a great defect in any of these things , on what pretence soever it be ; where men esteem themselves exempted from this work , or not obliged unto it ; when they suppose that they may discharge their office at a cheaper rate , and with less trouble , as unto their present interest , by such wayes as i shall not here express , no man is , no man can be obliged to confine his church communion , unto such a ministry . ( . ) it is required that they be examples , unto the flock , in the expression of the nature and power of the doctrine which they preach , in their conversation , especially in zeal , humility , self-denial , and readiness for the cross. where these things are not , there is such a defect in the fundamentals of church practise as unto the ministry of it , that no man who takes care of his own edification , can joyn himself unto a church , labouring under it . for ministers and churches are nothing but instituted means of the conversion of sinners , and the edification of believers . and when any of them through their own default cease so to be , there is no obligation unto any man to joyn or continue in their communion ; nor do they contract any guilt in a peaceable departure from them , but discharge their duty . that this be done peaceably without strife or contention , without judging of others , as unto their interest in christ , and eternal salvation , the law of moral obedience doth require . that it be done with love and compassion and prayer towards and for them who are left , is the peculiar direction of that moral duty by the gospel . such a practise at present would fall under severe charges and accusations , as also brutish penalties in some places . but when all church craft shall be defeated , and the uses that are made of its imaginary authority be discarded , there will be little occasion of this practise , and none at all of offence . again ; there are things fundamental unto church practise and order in the church itself , which where they are neglected , no man ought of choice to joyn himself unto that church , seeing he cannot do it without the prejudice of his edification , the furtherance whereof he ought to design in that duty . and these are , ( . ) that the discipline of christ be duely exercised in it , according unto his mind , and by the rules of his prescription . there never was any sect , order , or society of men in the world , designed for the preservation and promotion of vertue and things praise-worthy , but they had rules of discipline proper unto the ends of their design , to be observed in and by all that belong unto them . where the erection of such societies is continued in the world , as it is much in the papacy , both their constitution , and their conversation , depend on the especial rules of discipline which they have framed unto themselves . and this is done by them in great variety ; for being ignorant of the discipline of the gospel , and so esteeming it insufficient unto their design , they have made no end of coyning rules unto themselves . to suppose that our lord jesus christ , who in this church state according unto his infinite wisdom , hath erected the most perfect society for the most perfect ends , of religion , of obedience towards god , of love and usefulness among our selves , hath not appointed a discipline , and given rules concerning its administration , for the preservation of that society , and the attaining of those ends , is highly injurious unto his honour and glory . where therefore there is a church or any society that pretends so to be , wherein there is an utter neglect of this discipline of christ , or the establishment of another , not administred by the laws and rules that he hath prescribed , no disciple of christ can be obliged to joyn unto , or to continue in the total sole communion of such a church . and whereas there are two parts of this discipline of christ ; that which is private , among the members of the church , for the exercise and preservation of love ; and that which is publick , in and by the authority of the rulers of the church , for the preservation of purity and order , a neglect in either of them , doth much impeach the fundamental constitution of a church as unto its practise . . there are sundry other things which belong unto this discipline in general , which are of great consideration in the discharge of the duty we enquire into . among them are , ( . ) that constant difference be put between the good and the bad in all church administrations ; ( . ) that persons openly or flegitiously wicked , be not admitted into the society of the church , or a participation of its priviledges . ( . ) that holiness , love , and usefulness , be openly avowed as the design and interest of the church . but they are all so comprized in the general head of discipline , as that i shall not in particular insist upon them . from what hath been thus declared , it will appear on the other hand , what church it is that a discipline of christ , who takes due care of his own edification and salvation , ought in duty to joyn himself unto in compleat communion . to answer this enquiry , is the end of all those discourses and controversies which have been about the notes of the true church . i shall briefly determine concerning it , according to the principles before evinced . . it must be such a church as wherein all the fundamental truths of the gospel are believed , owned , and professed , without controversie , and those not borne withal by whom they are denied or opposed . without this a church is not the ground and pillar of truth , it doth not hold the head , it is not built on the foundation of the prophets and apostles . neither is it sufficient , that those things are generally professed or not denied . a church that is filled with wranglings and contions about fundamental or important truths of the gospel , is not of choice to be joyned unto . for these things subvert the souls of men , and greatly impede their edification . and although both among distinct churches , and among the members of the same church , mutual forbearance be to be exercised , with respect unto a variety in apprehensions in some doctrines of lesser moment ; yet the incursion that hath been made into sundry protestant churches in the last and present age , of novel doctrines and opinions , with differences , divisions , and endless disputes which have ensued thereon , have rendered it very difficult to determine , how to engage in compleat communion with them . for i do not judge , that any man is , or can be obliged unto constant total communion with any church , or to give up himself absolutely unto the conduct thereof , wherein there are incurable dissensions about important doctrines of the gospel . and if any church , shall publickly avow , countenance , or approve of doctrines contrary unto those which were the foundation of its first communion , the members of it are at liberty , to refrain the communion of it , and to provide otherwise for their own edification . . it must be such a church as wherein the divine worship instituted or approved by christ himself , is diligently observed , without any addition made thereunto . in the observance of this worship as unto all external , occasional incidencies and circumstances of the acts wherein it doth consist , it is left unto the prudence of the church itself , according to the light of nature , and general rules of scripture ; and it must be so unless we shall suppose that the lord jesus christ , by making men his disciples , doth unmake them from being rational creatures , or refuseth the exercise of the rational faculties of our soules in his service . but this is so remote from truth , that on the contrary , he gives them an improvement for this very end , that we may know how to deport our selves aright in the observance of his commands , as unto the outward discharge of them in his worship and the circumstances of it . and this he doth by that gift of spiritual wisdom , whereof we shall treat afterwards . but if men , if churches will make additions in or unto the rites of religious worship , unto what is appointed by christ himself , and require their observance in their communion , on the force and efficacy of their being so by them appointed , no disciple of christ is or can be obliged , by vertue of any divine institution or command , to joyn in total , absolute communion , with any such church . he may be induced on various considerations to judge , that something of that nature at some season , may not be evil and sinful unto him , which therefore he will bear with , or comply withal ; yet he is not , he cannot be obliged by vertue of any divine rule or command , to joyn himself with , or continue in the communion of such a church . if any shall suppose that hereby too much liberty is granted unto believers in the choice of their communion , and shall thereon make severe declamations , about the inconveniences and evils , which will ensue ; i desire they would remember the principle i proceed upon , which is that churches are not such sacred machines as some suppose , erected and acted for the outward interest and advantages of any sort of men ; but only means of the edification of believers , which they are bound to make use of , in obedience unto the commands of christ , and no otherwise . whereas therefore the disciples of christ , have not only a divine warranty justifying them in the doing of it , but an express command making it their indispensible duty to joyn in the celebration of all that religious worship , which the lord christ the only lawgiver of the church , and who was faithful both in and over the house of god , as the son , hath instituted and commanded ; but have no such warranty or command for any thing else , it is their duty to stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made them free . and if by the same breath , in the same rule , law or canon , they are commanded and obliged to observe in the worship of god , what the lord christ hath appointed , and what he hath not appointed , both on the same grounds , namely , the authority of the church , and on the same penalties for their omission , no man can be divinely obliged to embrace the communion of any church on such terms . . it is required that the ministry of a church so to be joyned with , is not defective in any of those things which according to the rule of the gospel are fundamental thereunto . what these are , hath been declared . and because edification , which is the end of church communion , doth so eminently depend on the ministry of the church , there is not any thing which we ought to have a more diligent consideration of , in the joyning of our selves unto any such communion . and where the ministry of any church , be the church of what sort or size it will , is incurably ignorant or negligent , or through a defect in gifts , grace , or conscientious attendance unto their duty , is insufficient unto the due edification of the souls of them that believe , no man can account himself obliged unto the communion of the church , but he that can be satisfied with a shadow and the names of things , for the substance and reality of them . if therefore it be granted , as i think it is , that edification is the principal end of all church communion , it is not intelligible how a man should be obliged unto that communion , and that alone , wherein due edification cannot be obtained . wherefore , a ministry enabled by spiritual gifts , and ingaged by sense of duty to labour constantly in the use of all meanes appointed by christ for the edification of the church , or encrease of his mystical body , is required in such a church , as a believer may conscientiously joyn himself unto . and where it is otherwise , let men cry out schisme and faction whilst they please , jesus christ will acquit his disciples , in the exercise of their liberty , and accept them in the discharge of their duty . if it be said , that if all men be thus allowed to judge of what is best for their own edification , and to act according unto the judgement which they make , they will be continually parting from one church unto another , until all things are filled with disturbance and confusion ; i say ▪ ( . ) that the contrary assertion , namely , that men are not allowed to judge what is meet and best for their own edification , or not to act according to the judgement they make herein , may possibly keep up some churches , but is the ready way to destroy all religion . ( . ) that many of those by whom this liberty is denyed unto professing christians , yet do indeed take it for granted , that they have such a liberty , and that it is their duty to make use of it . for what are all the contests between the church of rome , and the church of england , so far as christians , that are not church-men , are concerned in them ? is it not , in whether of these churches edification may be best obtained ? if this be not the ball between us , i know not what is . now herein do not all the writers and preachers of both parties give their reasons and arguments unto the people , why edification is better to be had in the one church then in the other ? and do they not require of them to form a judgment upon those reasons and arguments , and to act accordingly ; if they do not , they do but make a flourish , and act a part , like players on a stage , without any determinate design . ( . ) all christians actually do so ; they do judge for themselves , unless they are brutish ; they do act according unto that judgment , unless they are hardened in sin ; and therefore who do not so , are not to be esteemed disciples of christ. to suppose that in all things of spiritual and eternal concernment , that men are not determined and acted , every one by his own judgment , is an imagination of men who think but little of what they are , or do , or say , or write . even those who shut their eyes against the light , and follow in the herd , resolving not to enquire into any of these things , do it , because they judge it is best for them so to do . ( . ) it is commonly acknowledged by protestants , that private christians have a judgement of discretion in things of religion . the term was invented to grant them some liberty of judgement in opposition unto the blind obedience required by the church of rome ; but withal to put a restraint upon it , and a distinction of some superiour judgement , it may be in the church or others . but if by discretion , they mean the best of mens vnderstanding , knowledge , wisdom , and prudence , in and about the things wherein it is exercised , i should be glad to be informed , what other judgment , than this of discretion in and about the things of religion , this or that or any church in the world , can have or exercise . but to allow men a judgement of discretion , and not to grant it their duty to act according unto that judgement , is to oblige them to be fools , and to act , not discreetly , at least not according unto their own discretion . . the same is to be spoken of gospel discipline , without which neither can the duties of church societies be observed , nor the ends of them attained . the neglect , the loss , the abuse hereof , is that which hath ruined the glory of christian religion in the world , and brought the whole profession of it into confusion . hereon have the fervency and sincerity of true evangelical mutual love been abated , yea , utterly lost . for that love which jesus christ requireth among his disciples , is such as never was in the world before amongst men , nor can be in the world , but on the principles of the gospel , and faith therein . therefore it is called his new commandement . the continuation of it amongst the generality of christians is but vainly pretended ; little or nothing of the reality of it in its due exercise is found . and this hath ensued on the neglect of evangelical discipline in churches , or the turning of it into a worldly domination . for one principal end of it , is the preservation , guidance , and acting of this love. that mutual watch over one another that ought to be in all the members of the church , the principal evidence and fruit of love without dissimulation , is also lost hereby . most men are rather ready to say in the spirit and words of cain , am i my brothers keeper , than to attend unto the command of the apostles , exhort one another dayly , least any be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin ; or comply with the command of our saviour , if thy brother offend thee , tell him of it between him and thee . by this means likewise is the purity of communion lost , and those received as principal members of churches , who by all the rules of primitive discipline , ought to be cast out of them . wherefore this also is to be considered in the choice we are to make of what churches we will joyn our selves unto , as unto constant compleat communion , and in whose communion we will abide . for these things are matters of choice , and consist in voluntary free acts of obedience . with those unto whom they are not so , who would on the one hand have them to be things that men may be compelled unto , and ought so to be ; or on the other that follow no other guidance in them but outward circumstances from the times and places where they are born and inhabit , i will have no contest . it follows from hence also , that , where there are many churches wherein these things are found , whereon we may lawfully and ought in duty to joyn with some of them , in particular , every one is obliged to joyn himself unto such a church , as whose principles and practises are most suited unto his edification . chap. xi . of conformity and communion in parochial assemblies . from what we have insisted on , we may borrow some light into the determination of that case , wherein multitudes are at this day concerned . and the case it self may be briefly stated in this enquiry ; namely , whether all protestants , ministers and people , are bound to joyn themselves unto the church of england , as now by law established in its parochial assemblies , as unto compleat constant communion , without the use of any other church means for their own edification ; so as if they do not so do , they are guilty of schisme . this is that which is called conformity unto the church of england , which as unto private persons , can be expressed only in constant compleat communion in parochial assemblies , according to their present constitution , without the use or exercise of any other church worship or discipline , but what is by law established in them . refraining from an absolute compliance herein , is called schisme . but whereas ecclesiastical schisme , whatever it be in particular , in its general nature hath respect only unto divine institutions ; this which respecteth only the laws , rules , and determinations of men , can have no alliance thereunto . yet is it not only charged as such , without the least countenance from scripture or antiquity so far as it may be allowed of authority with us , but the supposition of it , is accumulated with another evil , namely , that those who are so guilty ( of it ) in the judgment of them who are interested with secular power , though peaceable and orthodox , ought to be punished with various penalties , gradually coming unto the loss of goods , liberty , and in some cases of life it self . an opinion ignominious unto christian religion , however vapoured withal by young men , whose wit flies above all serious consideration of things and their circumstances ; and countenanced by others , from an influence of interest , who otherwise would not be imposed on , by such an anti-evangelical presumption . i shall therefore at the utmost distance from interest or passion , briefly consider the case proposed , and give an account of my thoughts concerning it ▪ . one or two things are usually premised unto the consideration of this case ; as namely , ( . ) that those who refrain from that communion with the church of england which we insist upon , do yet agree therewith in all important doctrines of faith , which is the foundation , the life and soul of church union and communion . this i freely grant , but with this limitation ; that this agreement respects the doctrine as declared at the first reformation , and explained in the age next ensuing thereon . if there be a change made in or of these doctrines , or any of them , by any in or of the church of england , we profess our disagreement from them ; and do declare that thereby the foundation of our communion with them is weakened , and the principal bond of it loosened . ( . ) that not only as christians , but as reformed protestants , we do agree in the renunciation of the doctrines and worship of the church of rome , which are opposed by the common consent of all those who are usually so called . yet this must be added thereunto ; that if any in or of the church of england , should make an accession unto any parts of the doctrine and worship of the roman church , not avowed or warranted by the consent of the church in its first reformation , we are not , we cannot be obliged unto communion with them therein ; and by their so doing , the original bond of our communion is weakened , if not dissolved . . these things being premised , we shall enquire in the first place , what is the rule of that communion with the church of england in its parochial assemblies , which is required of us . if this be pleaded to be a rule of divine prescription , we acknowledge that great diligence and humility are required unto the consideration of it , that we be not mistaken . and if it prove to be according to the mind of christ , that is , of his institution , if we fail of a compliance with it , we are guilty of schisme . but if the rule , prescribing , limiting , and exacting this communion , be not so much as pleaded to be of divine institution , whatever fault there may be in our dissent from it , schisme it is not ; for ecclesiastical schisme neither hath nor can have respect unto any thing but divine institutions . for if it hath , it is in the power of any sort of men , to make schismaticks of whom they please , as practically and in pretence , it is come to pass at this day in the world. now the rule of the communion required , is the law of the land , the book of canons , with the rubrick of the common prayer . if according to the prescriptions , directions , and commands , given in them , we do joyn our selves in communion with parochial assemblies , then are we judged conformable to the church of england , and not else . by and according unto these , are all enquiries made concerning communion with the church ; and if they are observed , the return is , omnia bene . now this rule hath no divine warrant for its institution , no example in the primitive churches , especially considering what are the things which it obliges us unto ; nor can be made consistent with the liberty wherewith christ hath made his disciples free . a dissent from this rule , is as far from schisme as any man need desire it . for nothing is so , but what respects some command or institution of christ , which immediately affects the conscience . it is true , the lord christ hath commanded that love , union , peace and order , whereof schisme is a disturbance , and whereunto it is opposite . but they are that love , union and order which he hath appointed . to suppose that he hath left it unto men , to invent and appoint a new kind of union and order , which is done in the rule we treat of , which he never required , and then to oblige his disciples unto the observation of it , be it what it will , so as that their dissent from it should be criminal , and that for this reason , that it is so appointed of men , is no small mistake . and if all that love , union , peace and order , which the lord jesus hath enjoyned his disciples , may be punctually observed , without any respect unto this rule , as a rule of church communion , to dissent from it , whatever fault of another kind it may be , is no more schisme than it is adultery . and if on some mens arbitrary constitution of this rule , and the dissent of others from it , such differences and divisions ensue , as seem to have the general nature of schisme , the evil of them belongs unto those alone , by whom the rule is framed . if indeed some should frame such a rule of church communion , because they suppose they see cause for it , and would then leave it unto others to observe , as they see cause , if it be not of use , it would not be liable unto much abuse . but whereas our lord jesus christ hath given one and the same rule equally unto all his disciples in these things , namely , that they should observe and do , all that he hath commanded them ; for some of them on any pretence or plea whatever , as of their being the church , or the like , arbitrarily to frame a rule of their own , as an addition unto his , obliging all others unto a strict observance of it , because they have so framed it , is that which neither the scripture nor primitive antiquity know any thing of . i will not enquire what is that power and authority whereby this rule is constituted and confirmed , nor in whom it doth reside . the name of the church is usually pretended and pleaded . but before any can be concerned herein , all that hath been pleaded for the true state and nature of evangelical churches must be overthrown , which will not be done speedily . railings , revilings , and reproaches will not do it . but until this is done , it will be believed , that every particular congregation , is indispensibly obliged in itself to observe and do all the commands of christ ; and is left at liberty so to regulate the outward circumstances of its worship and order , as is best for its own edification , whereof it self is the most competent judge . but as for a church of another sort , invested with authority to make a rule , not only as unto the outward circumstances of those actions wherein church order and worship do consist , but as unto sundry religious rites and observances which thereby are added unto it , and impose the observance of it , on a great multitude of other congregations , without their consent , whether they judge the things enjoyned , to be for their edification or otherwise , it is apparently not from heaven , but of men. wherefore leave christians and churches at that liberty which christ hath purchased for them , wherewith he hath made them free , and then let those who first break union and order , bear the charge of schisme , which they cannot avoid . . the church communion required by vertue of this rule is constant and compleat , exclusive unto any other church order , or means of publick edification . it doth not command or appoint that men should communicate in parochial assemblies , when there is occasion , when it is for their edification , when scandal would arise if they should refuse it ; but absolutely and compleatly . and whereas there are many things relating unto church order and divine worship enjoyned in that rule , there is no distinction made between them , that some things are always necessary , that is in the seasons of them , and some things wherein men may forbear a compliance , but they are all equally required in their places and seasons ; though perhaps on different penalties . and whoever fails in the observation of any ceremony , time or place , appointed therein , is in the power of them who are entrusted with the administration of church power or jurisdiction ; for the discipline of the church it cannot be called . suppose a man would comply with all other things , only he esteems the use of one rite or ceremony , as the cross in baptisme , or the like , to be unlawful ; if he forbear the use of it , or to tender his child unto baptisme where it is used , he is to be cut off as a schismatick from the communion of the church , no less then if he had absolutely refused a compliance with the whole rule . and therefore whatever condescension and forbearance in some things is pretended , he that doth not in all things observe the whole rule , is in misericordia concellarii ; which oft proves an uneasie posture . if any men think that the lord christ hath given them such a power and authority over the souls and consciences of his disciples , as that they can bind them unto the religious observance of every rite and ceremony that they are pleased to appoint , on the penalty of excision from all church communion , and the guilt of schisme , i shall only say , that i am not of their mind , nor ever shall be so . . this communion contains a virtual approbation of all that is contained in the rule of it , as good for the edification of the church . it is certain that nothing is to be appointed in the church but what is so : even order itself , which these things it is said are framed for , is good only with respect thereunto . now it is to be judged that whatever a man practiseth in religion , that he approveth of ; for if he do not ▪ he is a vile hypocrite . nor is he worthy the name of a christian , who will practise any thing in religion , but what he approveth . the disputes that have been amongst us about doing things with a doubting conscience , upon the command of superiours , and consenting unto the use of things which we approve not of in themselves , tend all to atheisme , and the eternal dishonour of christian religon , begetting a frame of mind which an honest heathen would scorn . wherefore unless men be allowed to declare what it is they approve , and what they do not , their practise is their profession of what they approve , which is the whole rule of communion prescribed unto them . . these things being premised , i shall propose some of those reasons , on the account whereof many cannot conform unto the church of england , by joyning in constant compleat communion with parochial assemblies , so as by their practise to approve the rule of that communion , obliging themselves to use no other publick means for their own edification . . the church of england in its parochial assemblies stands in need of reformation . for it is apparent , that either they fail in their original institution , or else have degenerated from it . what hath already been discoursed , concerning the original institution of churches , with mens voluntary coalescency into such sacred societies , with what shall be afterwards treated , concerning their essential parts in matter and form , will sufficiently evidence their present deviation from the rule of their first institution . neither so farre as i know , is it pleaded that they are distinct churches of divine institution ; but secular appointments , as for other ends , so for an accommodation of men in the performance of some parts of divine worship . and if they are found no more , they can have no concernment into the enquiry about schisme . for with-holding church communion from such societies as are not churches , is a new kind of schisme , unknown to all antiquity . and for that which takes it self to be a church by a divine warranty , suppose it be so , to command constant compleat communion , exclusive unto all other church communion , with that or them which are no churches , determining a refusal thereof to be schisme , is to undertake a cause which needs not only great parts , but great power also to defend it . but let these parochial assemblies be esteemed churches , without a supposition whereof , i know not what ecclesiastical concernment we can have in them ; three things will be said thereon ; ( . ) that the church of england ( as in other things ) so in these parochial assemblies stands in need of reformation . ( . ) that they neither do , nor will , nor can reform themselves . ( . ) on this supposition , it is lawful for any of the disciples of christ , to yeild obedience unto him by joyning in such societies for their edification as he hath appointed ; which is the whole of the cause in hand . nor doth any necessity from hence ensue of a departure from communion with the church of england in faith and love , or the profession of the same faith , and the due exercise of all the acts and duties of christian love. unto the proof of the first assertion , some things are to be premised . as , . churches instituted , planted , ruled according to the mind of christ in all things may degenerate into a corrupt state , such as shall stand in need of reformation , in a neglect whereof they must perish as unto their church state and priviledges . this needs no confirmation ; for besides that it is possible from all the causes of such an apostacy and defection , that so it should be , and it is frequently foretold in the scripture that so it would be , the event in and among all churches that had originally a divine institution , doth make uncontroulably evident . the seven churches of asia , most of them within few years of their first plantation , were so degenerated , that our lord jesus christ threatned them with casting off , unless they reformed themselves . what a woful apostasie all other churches both of the east and west were involved in , is known unto and confessed by all protestants . but yet the case of none of them was deplorable or desperate , until through pride and carnal interest they fell some of them into a perswasion that they needed no reformation , nor could be reformed , which is become a principal article of faith in the roman church . there was a reformation attempted , and attained in some measure , by some nations or churches in the last ages , from the corruption and impositions of the church of rome . however none of them ever pretended that it was compleat or perfect , according to the pattern of the scripture , as unto the institution and discipline of the churches ; no nor yet to the example of the primitive church of after ages , as is acknowledged by the church of england , in the beginning of the commination against sinners . but suppose it to be compleat , to conclude that because an outward rule of it was established , so long as that outward rule is observed , there can be no need of reformation , is a way to lead churches into a presumptuous security unto their ruine . for whereas men being secured in their interests by that rule , are prejudiced against any progress in reformation beyond what they have attained , which that it should be a duty is contrary unto the whole nature of christian religion , which is the conduct of a spiritual life , in the growth and encrease of light and a suitable obedience ; so they are apt to think that whilst they adhere unto that rule , they can stand in no need of reformation , which is but a new name for trouble and sedition ; though it be the foundation on which they stand . but generally churches think that others stand in need of reformation , but they need none themselves . if they would but give them leave to reform themselves , who judge that it is needful for them , without the least prejudice unto their church profession , or secular interest , it is all that is desired of them . . where churches do so stand in need of reformation , and will not reform themselves , being warned of their duty , the lord christ threatens to leave them , and assuredly will do so , in the time that he hath limited unto his patience . this is the subject of five of his epistles or messages unto the churches of asia , rev. chap. , . and where the lord christ doth on any cause or provocation , withdraw his presence , in any kind or degree , from any church ; it is the duty of any of the members of that church , to remove from themselves the guilt of that provocation , though it cannot be done without a separation from that church . it it safer leaving of any church whatever , then of jesus christ. i suppose most men think , that if they had a warning from christ charging their defection , and calling for reformation , as those churches of asia had , they would repent and reform themselves . but whereas it doth not appear that some of them did so , whereon they were not long after deserted and destroyed ; it is like that there are others who would follow their steps , though one should rise from the dead to warn them of their danger . but this instruction that churches who lose their first faith , love , and works , who are negligent in discipline , and tolerate offensive evils in doctrines and manners among them , who are luke-warm as unto zeal , and dead for the greatest part of their members , as unto the life of holiness , are disapproved by christ , and in danger of being utterly deserted by him , is given unto all churches , no less divinely , then if they had an immediate message from heaven about these things . those therefore who being under the guilt of them , and do not reform themselves , cannot claim the necessity of a continuance in their communion , from any disciples of christ , as we shall see afterwards . . reformation respects either doctrine and worship ; or obedience becoming the gospel . the debates about such a reformation as concerns the retaining or removing of certain ceremonies , we concern not ourselves in at present . nor shall we in this place insist on what concerns doctrine and worship , which may afterwards be spoken unto . but we shall confine our selves here , unto the consideration of gospel obedience only . and we say , that the church of england in the generality of its parochial assemblies , and in itself , stands in need of reformation , by reason of the woful degeneracy of the generality of its members , that is , the inhabitants of the land , from the rule of the gospel and commands of christ , as unto spiritual light , faith , love , holiness , charity , and abounding in the fruits of righteousness unto the praise of god , by jesus christ. these things are the immediate ends of church societies , the principal means whereby god is glorified in the world. where they are neglected , where they are not attained , where they are not duely improved by the generality of the members of any church , that church i think , stands in need of reformation . this assertion may seem somewhat importune and severe . but when the sins of a church or nation are come to that height in all ranks , sorts , and degrees of men , that all persons of sobriety do fear daily that desolating judgements from god will break in upon us , it cannot be unseasonable to make mention of them , when it is done with no other design but only to shew the necessity of reformation , or how necessary it is for some , if all will not comply therewith . for if a city be on fire , it is surely lawful for any of the citizens , to save and preserve , if they can , their own houses , though the mayor and aldermen should neglect the preservation of the whole city in general . it might be easily demonstrated what great numbers amongst us , ( . ) who have imbibed atheistical opinions , and either vent them , or speak presumptuously according unto their influence and tendency every day . ( . ) who are prophane scoffers at all true christian piety and the due expressions of the power of godliness , an evil not confined unto the laity ; such things being uttered and published by them , as should be astonishable unto all that know the fear of the lord and his terror . ( . ) who are profoundly ignorant of the mysteries of the gospel , or those doctrines of christian religion whose knowledge is of the highest importance and necessity . ( . ) who are openly flagitious in their lives , whence all sorts of gross immoralities do fill the land from one end unto the other . ( . ) who live in a constant neglect of all more private holy duties , whether in their families , or in personal retirements . ( . ) who are evidently under the power of pride , vanity , covetousness , profaneness of speech in cursed oathes and swearing . ( . ) who instruct the worst of men unto an approbation of themselves in such ways as these , by petulant scoffing at the very name of the spirit and grace of christ , at all expectation of his spiritual aids and assistances , at all fervency in religious duties , or other acts of an holy converse . these and such like things as these do sufficiently evidence the necessity of reformation . for where they are continued , the use and end of church societies is impaired or lost . and it is in vain to pretend that this is the old plea of them who ●aused schismes in the church , namely , that bad men were mixed with the good , for which cause they rejected those churches wherein that was allowed , as no true churches of christ. for no such thing is included in what we assert , nor doth follow thereon . we do own that wicked hypocrites may be joyned in true churches , and be made partakers of all the priviledges of them . neither is this a cause of withdrawing communion from any church , much less of condemning it as no true church of christ. but this we say , that if such hypocrites discover themselves , in open scandalous sins , which upon examination will prove to be of a larger extent then some suppose , with respect unto sins of omission as well as of commission ; if they are not dealt withal according as the discipline of christ doth require in such cases , the church wherein they are allowed , especially if the number of such persons be many , or the most , the generality of the people , and their sins notorious , doth stand in need of reformation ; as the church of england doth acknowledge in the commination against sinners . the substance of what is proposed under this consideration , may be expressed in the ensuing observations . ( . ) the generality of the inhabitants of this nation , are joyned and do belong unto the church of england , in its parochial assemblies . ( . ) that many walk and live , without any visible compliance unto the rule of christ in gospel obedience ; yea ( . ) great notorious provoking sins do abound among them , for which it ought to be feared continually that the judgements of god will speedily follow , as is acknowledged in the commination . ( . ) that hereon they all stand in need of reformation , without which the principal ends of church communion cannot be obtained among them . ( . ) that this reformation is the duty of these churches themselves , which if it be neglected , they live in a contempt of the commands of christ. for , ( . ) unto them , in the preaching of the word , and exercise of discipline , are the means of this reformation committed ; for we treat not at present of the power or duty of the supream magistrate in these things . ( . ) that this state of churches , cannot hinder , nor ought so to do , if continued in , the true disciples of christ from reforming themselves , by endeavouring the due observance of all his commands . . in this state the church of england doth not , and it is to be feared , will not , nor can reform itself . but although the weight of the whole argument in hand depends very much on this assertion , yet i shall not insist on its particular confirmation , for sundry reasons not now to be mentioned . it is enough that no such work hath been as yet attempted , nor is at this day publickly proposed , notwithstanding all the mercies that some have received , the losses which the church for want of it hath sustained , the judgments for sins that are feared , which ought to be motives thereunto . yea the generality of ecclesiastical persons , seem to judge , that all things among them are as they ought to be , that there is no crime or disorder , but only in complaining of their good estate , and calling upon them for reformation . . this being the state of the parochial churches in england , the enquiry is , whether every beleiver in england be indispensibly obliged by vertue of any law , rule or direction of a divine original , to continue in constant compleat communion with them , so as not to make use of any other ways and means of christ appointment for their own edification , on the penalty of the guilt of schisme . now although we do not ( as we shall see immediately ) lay the weight of refraining from their communion on this consideration , yet is there enough in it to warrant any man in his so doing . for a man in his conforming thereunto , makes it a part of his religious profession , not only that the church wherein he is joyned , is a true church , but that there is in its state and actings , a due representation of the mind of christ , as unto what he requireth of his churches , and what he would have them to be . the lord christ is the apostle and high priest of our profession ; and in all things that belong thereunto , we declare that we do it in compliance with his will , and we do so , or we are hypocrites . this no man can do in such a church state , who is convinced of its defects , without reflecting the greatest dishonour on christ and the gospel . more weight will be added unto this consideration , when we shall treat of the matter of gospel churches , or of what sort of persons they ought to consist . in the mean time those who pretend a reverence unto antiquity in those things wherein they suppose countenance to be given unto their interest , may do well sometimes to consider , what was the discipline of the primitive churches , and what were the manners , the lives , the heavenly conversations of their members . because in the d. and th . centuries there is mention made of bishops distinct from presbyters , with some ecclesiastical practices and ceremonies in worship , not mentioned in the scripture , nor known unto the apostolical churches , shall we judge our selves obliged to conform thereunto as our rule and pattern , so as that in the judgement of some , they are to be esteemed no churches who conform not their outward state and practice unto the same rule ; and shall we judge ourselves at liberty to reject all that they did in the exercise of discipline , and in the preservation of purity of life and holiness in the churches , and that according to the command of christ and rule of the scripture ? who knows not upon what diligent trial , and experience first obtained of their knowledge , faith , and godliness , they admitted members into their churches ? yea such was their care and severity herein that they would not admit a roman emperour unto communion with them , unless he first confessed his sins , and joyned amongst other penitents , before his admission . euseb. lib. . cap. . who knows not with what diligence they watched over the walkings and conversations of all that were admitted among them , and with what severity they animadverted on all that fell into scandalous sins ? what was hereon their conversation ? in all holiness , righteousness , temperance , usefulness unto the world , in works of charity and benevolence , as all other christian vertues , we have sufficient testimony . the heathen who were morally sober and vertuous , desired no more than that they might find out among them , an indulgence unto any sort of sin , crime , or wickedness , which because they could not charge any of them withal , they invented those brutish and foolish lies about their nightly meetings . but when a sober enquiry was made concerning them , their enemies were forced to confess , that they were guilty of no open sin , no adulteries , no swearings or perjuries , as is evident in the epistles of pliny and trajan the emperour . in particular they utterly rejected from their communion , all that resorted unto publick stage plays , or other spectacles , a solemn renunciation whereof was required of them who were admitted unto baptisme when they were adult . see clem. pedag. lib. . cap. . if the reader would have an account of the lives and manners of the first churches in their members , he may find it , in clem. epist. ad cor. pag. , , . justin mart. apol. . tertullian in his apol. and lib. . ad vxor . & de cultu faeminarum . cyprian . epist. . & . euseb. hist. lib. . cap. . athanas . epist. ad solit. & epiphan . lib. . t. sect. . and the multiplyed complaints of chrysostome , concerning the beginning of degeneracy in this matter , with others . if the example of the primitive churches had been esteemed of any value or authority in these things , much of our present differences had been prevented . dly . the constitution of these parochial assemblies is not from heaven but of men. there is almost nothing which is required unto the constitution of evangelical churches found in them ; nor are they looked on by any as compleat churches , but only as conveniencies for the observance of some parts of the worship of god. what some have in their wisdom found out for conveniency , others are ingaged unto a compliance therewithal by necessity . for being born within the precincts of the parish , makes them to belong unto the assemblies of it , whether they will or no. to refrain from the communion of such churches , whose bond of relation consists only in cohabitation within the precincts of a political constitution , is a new kind of schisme , which may be cured by a removal out of those precincts . if it be said that these parochial assemblies have their foundation in the light of nature , and are directed unto , in the institution of particular churches in the scripture , that they are not mens inventions for convenience ; but have somewhat divine in them ; i say , let them be left unto the warranty which they have from these causes and principles , let nothing be mixed in their constitution which is contrary unto them ; nor let them be abridged of what they direct unto , and there will be no more contending about them , as unto their constitution . for instance ; whatever there is of warranty in the light of nature , or direction in evangelical institutions for such assemblies , they absolutely suppose these three things ; ( . ) that a conjunction in them is a voluntary act of free choice in them that so joyn together in them . other kind of assemblies for the worship of god , neither the one nor the other do give the least countenance unto . ( . ) that they have in themselves sufficient right , power , and authority unto the attaining all the ends of such assemblies in holy worship and rule . other kind of churches they know nothing of . ( . ) that they are enabled to preserve their own purity , and continue their own being . but all these things are denied unto our parochial assemblies by law , and therefore they can claim no warranty from either of those principles . wherefore there can be no obligation upon any believer to joyn themselves with such churches in constant communion , as are judged none by them that appoint them , or partially and improperly only so ; or are of such a constitution as hath in its essentially constituent parts no warranty either from the light of nature or scripture direction , so as that his dissent from them , should be esteemed schisme . how far communion with them for some duties of worship , which is indeed all that they can pretend unto , may be admitted , we do not now enquire . . there is not in them , ( and therefore not in the church of england , as unto its present profession ) a fixed standard of truth , or rule of faith to be professed , which every believer may own , and have his part or interest therein . this i grant is not from the original constitution of the church , nor from what is established by any law therein , but from persons who at present have the declaration of its profession committed unto them . but from what cause soever it be , it is sufficient to warrant any man who takes care of his own edification and salvation , to use his own liberty in the choice of the most effectual means unto those ends. wherefore some things may be added in the farther explanation of this consideration . as , ( . ) it is the duty of every church , to be the ground and pillar of truth , to hold fast the form of wholesome words , or to keep the truth pure and uncorrupted , from all mixture of false doctrines , errors , heresies , or the speaking of perverse things in it , unto the hurt of the disciples of christ. tim. . . tim. . . acts . , , . &c. when any church ceaseth so to be , the obligation unto communion with it , is dissolved . ( . ) this is the principal end of the ministry of the church in particular . ephes. . , , tim. . . and where those who possess and exercise it do eminently fail herein , it is the duty of others to withdraw from them . for , ( . ) every private mans confession is included in the publick profession of the church or assembly whereunto he belongs ; and , ( ) oneness or agreement in the truth , whereby we come to have one lord , one faith , one baptisme , is the foundation of all church communion ; which if it be taken away , the whole fabrick of it falls to the ground . if the trumpet in any church , as unto these things , gives an uncertain sound , no man knows how to prepare himself for the battle , or to fight the good fight of faith. it will be said that this cannot be justly charged on the church of england , yea not without open wrong and injustice . for she hath a fixed invariable standard of truth in the articles which contain its publick profession of faith , and the rule of its communion . wherefore i say , that it is not the primitive constitution of the church , nor its legal establishment that are reflected on ; but only the present practise of so many as makes it necessary for men to take the care of their own edification on themselves . but here also some things are to be observed . . these articles at present are exceeding defective , in their being a fixed standard of the profession of truth , with respect unto those errors and heresies which have invaded and pestered the churches , since their framing and establishment . we know it was the constant invariable custom of the primitive churches , upon the emergency of any new errors or heresies , to add unto the rule and symbol of their confession , a testimony against them , so to preserve themselves from all communion in them , or participation of them . and an usage it was both necessary and laudable , as countenanced by scripture example , however afterwards it was abused . for no writing , such as all church confessions are , can obviate unforeseen heresies , or errors not broached at the time of its writing , but only that which is of divine institution , wherein infinite wisdom hath stored up provision of truth , for the destruction of all errors , that the subtilty or folly of men can invent . when these articles of the church of england were composed , neither socinianisme , nor arminianisme , which have now made such an inroad on some protestant churches , were in the world , either name or things . wherefore in their confession no testimony could be expresly given against them ; though i acknowledge it is evident , from what is contained in the articles of it , and the approved exposition they received for a long time , in the writings of the most eminent persons of the church , that there is a virtual condemnation of all those errors , included therein . but in that state whereunto things are come amongst us , some more express testimony against them is necessary , to render any church the ground and pillar of truth . . besides a distinction is found out and passeth currant among us , that the articles of this confession , are not articles of faith , but of outward agreement for peace's sake among our selves ; which is an invention to help on the ruin of religion . for articles of peace in religion concerning matters of faith , which he that subscribes , doth it not because they are true or articles of faith , are an engine to accommodate hypocrisie and nothing else . but according unto this supposition they are used at mens pleasure , and turned which way they have a mind to . wherefore , . notwithstanding this standard of truth , differences in important doctrines , wherein the edification of the souls of men are highly concerned , do abound among them , who mannage the publick profession of the church ; i shall not urge this any farther by instances , in general it cannot modestly be denied . neither is this spoken to abridge ministers of churches of their due liberty , in their mannagement of the truths of the gospel . for such a liberty is to be granted , as ( . ) ariseth from the distinct gifts that men have received . for unto every one is grace given according to the measure of the gift of christ ; ephes. . . as every man hath received the gift , so minister the same one to another , as good stewards of the manifold grace of gad , pet. . . ( . ) as followeth on that spiritual wisdom which ministers receive in great variety , for the application of the truths of the gospel unto the souls and consciences of men. hereon great variety in publick church-administrations will ensue , but all unto edification . ( . ) such as consists in a different exposition of particular places of scripture whilst the analogy of faith is kept and preserved . rom. . . ( . ) such as admits of different stated apprehensions in and about such doctrines , as wherein the practise and comfort of christians are not immediately , nor greatly concerned . such a liberty , i say , as the dispensation of spiritual gifts , and the different manner of their exercise as the unsearchable depths that are in the scripture not to be fathomed at once by any church , or any sort of persons whatever , and our knowing the best of us , but in part , with the difference of mens capacities and understandings , in and about things not absolutely necessary unto edification , must be allowed in churches and their ministry . but i speak of that variety of doctrines , which is of greater importance . such it is , as will set men at liberty to make their own choice in the use of means for their edification . and if such novel opinions , about the person , grace , satisfaction and righteousness of christ , about the work of the holy spirit of god in regeneration or the renovation of our nature into the image of god , as abound in some churches , should at any time by the suffrage of the major part of them who by law are entrusted with its conduct , be declared as the sense of the church , it is and would be sufficient to absolve any man from an obligation unto its communion , by vertue of its first institution and establishment . . evangelical discipline is neither observed , nor attainable in these parochial assemblies ; nor is there any releif provided by any other means for that defect . this hath in general been spoken unto before ; but because it belongs in an especial manner unto the argument now in hand , i shall yet farther speak unto it . for to declare my mind freely , i do not judge that any man can incur the guilt of schisme , who refraines from the communion of the church , wherein the discipline of the gospel is either wholly wanting , or is perverted into rule and domination which hath no countenance given unto it in the word of truth . and we may observe . . the discipline of the church is that alone for which any rule or authority is given unto it or exercised in it . authority is given unto the ministers of the church , to dispense the word , and administer the sacraments ; which , i know not why , some call the key of order . but the only end why the lord christ hath given authority , or rule , or power for it unto the church , or any in it , it is for the exercise of discipline , and no other . whatever power , rule , dignity , or preheminence is assumed in the churches , not meerly for this end , is usurpation and tyranny . . the outward means appointed by jesus christ ; for the preservation of his churches , in order , peace , and purity , consists in this discipline . he doth by his word give directions and commands for this end , and it is by discipline alone that they are executed . wherefore without it , the church cannot live in its health , purity , and vigor ; the word and sacraments are its spiritual food , whereon its life doth depend . but without that exercise and medicinal applications unto its distempers , which are made by discipline , it cannot live an healthy , vigorous , fruitful life , in the things of god. . this discipline is either private or publick . ( . ) that which is private consists in the mutual watch that all the members of the church have ▪ over one another , with admonitions , exhortations , and reproofes , as their edification doth require . the loss of this part of the discipline of christ in most churches , hath lost us much of the glory of christian profession . ( . ) that which is publick , in the rulers of the church , with and by its own consent . the nature and acts of it will be afterwards considered . , there are three things considerable in this discipline . ( . ) the power and authority whereby it is exercised . ( . ) the manner of its administration . ( . ) the especial object of it , both as it is susceptive of members , and corrective ; whereunto we may add its general end. . the authority of it , is only a power and liberty to act , and ministerially exercise the authority of christ himself . as unto those by whom it is exercised , it is in them an act of obedience unto the command of christ ; but with respect unto its object the authority of christ is exerted in it . that which is exercised on any other warranty or authority , ( as none can exert the authority of christ , but by vertue of his own institutions ) whose acts are not acts of obedience unto christ , whatever else it be , it belongs not unto the discipline of evangelical churches . . as unto the manner of its administration , as it is that which the lord christ hath appointed to express his love , care , and tenderness towards the church . hence the acts of it which are corrective are called lamenting or bewailing of them towards whom they are exercised ; cor. . . whatever therefore is done in it that is not expressive of the love , care , patitience , and holiness of christ , is dishonourable unto him . . the object of it , as it is susceptive of members , is professed believers ; and as it is corrective , it is those who stubbornly deviate from the rule of christ , or live in disobedience to his commands . wherefore the general end of its institution , is to be a representation of the authority , wisdom , love , care , and patience of christ towards his church , with a testimony unto the certainty , truth , and holiness of his future judgment . the especial nature of it , shall be afterwards considered . unto this discipline either as unto its right or exercise there is no pretence in parochial assemblies , yea it is expresly forbidden unto them . whereas therefore it is a matter of so great importance in itself , so subservient unto the glory of christ , so useful and necessary unto the edification of his disciples , so weighty a part of our professed subjection unto him , without which no church can be continued in gospel purity , order and peace ; the total want or neglect of it , is a sufficient cause for any man who takes care of his own salvation , or is concerned in the glory and honour of christ , to refrain the communion of those churches , wherein it is so wanting or neglected , or at least not to confine himself thereunto . it will be said that this defect is supplyed , in that the administration of church discipline is committed unto others , namely , the bishops and their officers , that are more meet and able for it , than the ministers and people of parochial assemblies . what therefore is wanting in them , is supplied fully another way , so that no pretence can be taken from hence , for refraining communion in them . but it will be said , ( . ) that this discipline is not to be placed where and in what hands men please , but to be left where christ hath disposed it . ( . ) that one reason of the unmeetness of parochial churches for the exercise of this discipline , is because they have been unjustly deprived of it for so many ages . ( . ) it is to be enquired , whether the pretended discipline doth in any thing answer that which christ hath plainly and expresly ordained . for it a discipline should be erected whose right of exercise , is derived from secular power , whose administration is committed unto persons who pretend not in the least unto any office of divine institution , as chancellours , commissaries , officials , &c. every way unknown unto antiquity , forraign unto the churches over which they rule ; exercising their pretended power of discipline , in a way of civil jurisdiction , without the least regard unto the rules or ends of evangelical discipline , mannaging its administration in brawlings , contentions , revilings , fees , pecuniary mulcts , &c. in open defiance of the spirit , example , rule , and commands of our lord jesus christ , it would be so far from supplying this defect , that it would exceedingly aggravate the evil of it . god forbid , that any christian should look on such a power of discipline , and such an administration of it , to be that which is appointed by jesus christ , or any way participant of the nature of it . of what expediency it may be unto other ends , i know not ; but unto ecclesiastical discipline it hath no alliance , and therefore in its exercise , so far as it is corrective , it is usually applyed unto the best and most sober christians . wherefore to deal plainly in this case ; whereas there is neither the power nor exercise of discipline in parochial assemblies , or their ministry , not so much by their own neglect , as because their right thereunto is denyed , and its exercise wholly forbidden by them in whose power they are ; and whereas in the supply that is made of this defect , a secular power is erected , , coercive by pecuniary and corporal penalties administred by persons , no way relating unto the churches over which they exercise this power , by rules of humane laws and constitutions , in litigious and oppressive courts , in the room of that institution of christ , whose power and exercise is spiritual , by spiritual means , according to the scripture rules ; it is lawful for any man who takes care of his own salvation , and of the means of it , to withdraw from the communion of such churches , so far as it hinders or forbids him the use of the means appointed by christ for his edification . men may talk what they please of schime , but he that forsakes the conduct of his own soul , in things of so plain an evidence , must answer for it at his own peril . . this defect in parochial churches , that they are intrusted by law , with no part of the rule of themselves , but are wholly governed and disposed of by others at their pleasure , in the ways before mentioned , which shakes their very being as churches , though there be in them assemblies for divine worship , founded in common right and the light of nature , wherein men may be accepted with god ; is accompanied with such other wants and defects also , as will weaken any obligation unto compleat and constant communion with them . i shall give one only instance hereof . the peoples free choice of all their officers , bishops , elders , pastors , &c. is in our judgement of divine institution , by vertue of apostolical example and directions . it is also so suitable unto the light of nature , namely , that in a society absolutely founded in the voluntary consent of them who enter into it , and doth actually exist thereby , without any necessity imposed on them from prescription , former usage , or the state of being born in and under such rules and laws , as it is with men in their political societies , the people should have the election of them who are to rule among them and over them ; there being no provision of a right unto a successive imposition of any such rulers on them , without their own consent , that nothing can rationally be pleaded against it . and therefore whereas in all ordinarily settled governments in the world , setting aside the confusion of their originals , by war and conquests , the succession of rulers is either by natural generation , the rule being confined unto such a line , or by a popular election , or by a temperature of both ; there hath been a new way invented for the communication of power and rule in churches , never exemplified in any political society ; namely , that it shall neither be successive , as it was under the old testament , nor elective , nor by any temperature of these two ways in one , but by a strange kind of flux of it , through the hands of men who pretend to have so received it themselves from others . but whether hereon the people of the church , can have that respect and devotion unto them , as they would have unto hereditary rulers , ( long succession in rulers , being the great cause of veneration in the people ) especially such as had a succession one unto another by a natural descent through divine appointment , as the preists had under the law , or as unto those whom on the account of their worth , ability , and fitness for the work of the ministry among them , they do choose themselves , they may do well to consider , who are concerned . the necessity there is of maintaining a reputation and interest by secular grandeur , pomp and power , of ruling the people of the church in church matters by external force , with many other inconveniences , do all proceed from this order of things , or rather disorder , in the call of men unto the ministry . and hence it is that the city of god and the people of christ therein , which is indeed the only true free society in the world , have rulers in it and over them , neither by a natural right of their own , as in paternal government nor by hereditary succession , nor by election , nor by any way or means wherein their own consent is included , but are under a yoke of an imposition of rulers on them , above any society on the earth whatever . besides there is that relation between the church and its guides , that no law , order , or constitution can create without their mutual voluntary consent . and therefore this right and liberty of the people in every church to choose their own spiritual officers , was for many ages preserved sacredly in the primitive times . but hereof there is no shadow remaining in our parochial churches ; sundry persons , as patrons , and ordinaries , have a concurring interest into the imposing of a minister , or such whom they esteem so , upon any such church , without the knowledge , consent , or approbation of the body of the church , either desired or accepted . if there be any who cannot comply with this constitution of things relating unto the ministry , because it is a part of their profession of the gospel which they are to make in the world , which yet really consists only in an avowed subjection unto the commands of christ , they can be no way obnoxious unto any charge of schisme upon their refusal so to do , for a schisme that consists in giving a testimony unto the institutions of christ , and standing fast in the liberty wherewith he hath made disciples free , is that whose guilt no man need to fear . . what remaineth of those reasons whereon those who cannot comply with the conformity under consideration , are cleared in point of conscience from any obligation thereunto , and so from all guilt of schisme whatever ; belongs unto the head of impositions on their consciences and practise which they must submit unto . these being such as many whole books have been written about , the chief whereof have no way been answered , unless railings and scoffings with contempt , and fierce reproaches with false accusations , may pass for answers , i shall not here again insist upon them . some few things of that nature i shall only mention , and put an end unto this dispute . . the conformity required of ministers consists in a publick assent and consent unto the book of common prayer , with the rubrick in it , which contains all the whole practise of the church of england , in its commands and prohibitions . now these being things that concern the worship of god in christ , the whole entire state , order , rule , and government of the gospel church , whoever gives solemnly this assent and consent unless he be allowed to enter his protestation , against those things which he dislikes , and of the sense wherein he doth so assent and consent , which by law is allowed unto none , the said assent and consent is his publick profession , that all these things , and all contained in them , are according to the mind of christ , and that the ordering of them as such , is part of their professed subjection unto his gospel . blessed be god , most ministers are too wise and honest , to delude their consciences with distinctions , equivocations , and reservations , and do thereon rather choose to suffer penury and penalty , then to make the least entrenchment upon their own consciences , or the honour of the gospel in their profession . what they do and declare of this nature , they must do it in sincerity , as in the sight of god , as approving what they do , not only as pardonable effects of necessity , but as that which is the best they have or can do in the worship of god ; with a solemne renunciation of whatever is contrary unto what they do so approve . and whether this be a meet imposition on the consciences of ministers , with reference unto a great book or volume of a various composition , unto things almost without number , wherein exceptions have been given of old and lately , not answered , nor answerable , with rules , laws , orders , not pretending to be scriptural prescriptions , is left unto the judgment of all , who have due thoughts of their approaching account before the judgment seat of jesus christ. . the conformity that is required of others , being precisely , and without power of dispensation in them by whom it is required , to answer the rule or law of it before declared , every man by his so conforming , doth thereby take it on his conscience , and make it part of his christian profession , that all which he so conformes unto , is not only what he may do , but what he ought to do , both in matter and manner , so farre as the law or any part of it , doth determine or enjoyn them . no man is allowed to make either distinction or protestation with respect unto any thing contained in the rules , and therefore whatever he doth in compliance therewith , is interpretable in the sight of god and man , as an approbation of the whole . sincerity and openness in profession is indispensibly required of us in order unto our salvation . and therefore to instruct men as unto the worship of god , to do what they do not judge to be their duty to do , but only hope they may do it without sin , or to joyn themselves in and unto that performance of it , which either they approve not of as the best , in the whole , or not lawful or approveable in some parts of it , is to instruct them unto the debauching of their consciences and ruine of their own souls . let every one be perswaded in his own mind ; for what is not of faith , is . sin. . there is in this conformity required a renunciation of all other ways of publick worship , or means of edification , that may be made use of . for they are all expresly forbidden in the rule of that conformity . no man therefore can comply with that rule , but that a renunciation of all other publick wayes of edification as unlawful , is part of the visible profession which they make . video meliora proboque deteriora sequor , is no good plea in religion . it is uprightness and integrity , that will preserve men , and nothing else . he that shall endeavour to cheat his conscience by distinctions , and mental reservations , in any concernments of religious worship , i fear he hath little of it , if any at all , that is good for ought . on these suppositions , i say , the imposition of the things so often contended about , on the consciences and profession of christians , as namely , the constant sole use of the liturgie in all church administrations , in the matter and manner prescribed ; the use and practice of all canonical ceremonies , the religious observation of stated holidays , with other things of the like nature , is sufficient to warrant any sober , peaceable disciple of christ , who takes care of his own edification and salvation to refrain the communion required in this rule of conformity , unless he be fully satisfied in his own mind , that all that it requires , is according to the mind of christ , and all that it forbids is disapproved by him . and whereas the whole entire matter of all these impositions , are things whereof the scripture , and the primitive churches , know nothing at all , nor is there any rumour of them to be imposed in or on any church of christ for some centuries of years , i can but pity poor men who must bear the charge and penalties of schisme for dissenting from them , as well as admire the fertility of their inventions , who can find out arguments to mannage such a charge on their account . but whereas the dissent declared from that communion with parochial assemblies , is that whereon we are so fiercely charged with the guilt of schisme , and so frequently called schismaticks , i shall divert a little to enquire into the nature and true notion of schisme itself ; and so much the rather , because i find the author of the vnreasonableness of separation , omit any enquiry thereinto , that he might not loose the advantage of any pretended description or aggravation of it . chap. xi . of schisme although it be no part of my present design to treat of the nature of schisme , yet with respect unto what hath already been discoursed , and to manifest our inconcernment in the guilt of it , i shall , as was said , divert to give a plain and brief account of it . and in our enquiry , i must declare my self wholly unconcerned , in all the discords , divisions , and seditions , that have fallen out among christians in the latter ages , about things that were of their own invention . schisme is a sin against christian love , with reference unto the deportment of men in and about the institutions of christ and their communion in them . as for contentions , divisions , or separations amongst men , about that order , agreement , unity or uniformity which are of their own appointment , whatever moral evil they have had in them , they do not belong unto that church schisme , which we enquire after . such have been the horrid divisions ▪ and fightings ▪ that have prevailed at seasons in the church of rome , a departure from whose self-constituted state , order , and rule , hath not the least affinity unto schisme . it will not therefore be admitted , that any thing can fall under the note and guilt of schisme , which hath not respect unto some church state , order , rule , unity or uniformity , that is of christs institution . there are three notions of schisme that deserve our consideration . . the first is that of divisions among the members of the same church , all of them abiding still in the same outward communion , without any separation into distinct parties . and unto schisme in this notion of it , three things do concur ; ( . ) want of that mutual love , condescension and forbearance , which are required in all the members of the same church , with the moral evils of whisperings , back-bitings , and evil surmizes , that ensue thereon . ( . ) an undue adherence unto some church officers above others , causing disputes and janglings . ( . ) disorder in the attendance unto the duties of church assemblies , and the worship of god performed in them . this is the only notion of schisme , that is exemplified in the scripture , the only evil that is condemned under that name ; this will appear unto any who shall with heedfulness read the epistles of paul the apostle unto the corinthians , wherein alone the nature of this evil is stated and exemplified . but this consideration of schism hath been almost utterly lost for many ages ; whatever men do in churches , so that they depart not from the outward communion of them , it would be accounted ridiculous to esteem them schismaticks . yet this is that which if not only , yet principally the consciences of men are to regard , if they will avoid the guilt of schisme . but this notion of it , as was said , being not suited unto the interest or advantages of any sort of men , in the charge of it on others ; nor any way subservient to secure the inventions and impositions of the most , is on the matter lost in the world. . the second instance of ecclesiastical schisme , was given us in the same church of the corinthians afterwards , an account whereof we have in the epistle of clemens or of the church of rome unto them , about it , the most eminent monument of primitive antiquity ; after the writings by divine inspiration . and that which he calls schisme in that church , he calls also strife , contention , sedition , tumult ; and it may be observed concerning that schisme , as all the antients call it . . that the church continued its state and outward communion . there is no mention of any that separated from it , that constituted a new church ; only in the same church they agreed not , but were divided among themselves . want of love and forbearance , attended with strife and contention , among the members of the same church , abiding in the same outward communion , was the schisme they were guilty of . . the effect of this schisme was , that the body of the church , or multitudes of the members , by the instigation of some few disorderly persons , had deposed their elders and rulers from their offices , and probably had chosen others in their places , though that be not mentioned expresly in the epistle . . that the church itself is not blamed , for assuming a power unto themselves to depose their elders ; much less that they had done it without the consent , advice , or authority of any bishop , or other church ; but only that they had dealt unjustly with those whom they had deposed , who in the judgement of the church of rome , unto which they had written for advice , were esteemed not only innocent , but such as had laudably and profitably , discharged their office , whereon the whole blame is cast on those who had instigated the church unto this proceedure . . there was not yet , nor in an hundred and fifty years after , the least mention or intimation , of any schisme in a dissent from any humanely invented rules or canons , for order , government or worship in any church , or religious ceremonies imposed on the practise of any in divine service , that is on any church , or any of the members of it . there is not the least rumour of any such things in primitive antiquity , no instance to be given of any man charged with schisme for a dissent from such a rule . any such rule , and any ecclesiastical censure upon it , is apocriphal , not only unto the scripture , but unto that which i call primitive antiquity . the first attempt of any thing in this kind , was in reference unto the time and day of the observation of easter . this was the first instance among christians of an endeavour to impose the observation of humane or church constitutions or groundless traditions , on any churches or persons in them . and whereas that which was called a schisme between the churches of italy and asia or some of them , did ensue thereon ; we have a most illustrious testimony from the best , the wisest , and the holyest of that age , ( for irenaeus in france , and polycrates in asia , were not alone herein . ) that the blame of all that division and schisme was to be charged on them , who attempted to deprive the churches of their liberty , and impose on them a necessity of the observation of the time and season which they had determined on : after a rebuke was given unto the attempt of the judaizing christians , to impose the observation of mosaical ceremonies , from the pretence of their divine institution , on the churches of the gentiles , by the apostles themselves ; this was the original of all endeavours , to impose humane constitutions for which there was no such pretence , upon the practise of any . and as it was an original not unmeet for the beginning and foundation of such impositions , being in a matter of no vse unto the edification of the church ; so it received such a solemne rebuke at its first entrance and attempt , that had it not been for the ignorance , pride , interest and superstition of some in the following ages , it had perished without imitation . the account hereof is given in eusebius , lib. . cap. , , ; as also of the rule which then prevailed , though afterwards shamefully forsaken , namely , that an agreement in the faith was the only rule of communion , which ought to be kept under any diversity in voluntary observations . and the discourse of socrates on this occasion ; lib. . cap. ; concerning the non-institution of any days of fastings or feastings , or other rites or ceremonies then in use , with the liberty which is therefore to be left in such things unto all christians , is the plain truth , whatever some except against it , declared with much judgement and moderation . this beginning , i say , had the imposition of unscriptural , uninstituted rites , ceremonies , and religious observations , among the churches of christ , and this solemn rebuke was given unto it . howbeit the ignorance , superstition , and interest of following ages , with the contempt of all modesty , brake through the boundaries of this holy rebuke , until their own impositions and observations , became the substance of all their church discipline , unto the total subversion of christian liberty . wherefore to allow church rulers , or such as pretend so to be , a liberty and power , to appoint a rule of communion , comprizing institutions and commands of sundry things , to be constantly observed in the whole worship and discipline of the church , not warranted in themselves by divine authority , and then to charge beleivers , abiding firm in the doctrine of the faith with schisme , for a non-compliance with such commands and appointments , is that which neither in the scripture nor in primitive antiquity , hath either instance , example , president , testimony , rumour or report to give countenance unto it : the pedigree of this practise cannot be derived one step higher than the fact of victor the bishop of rome , in the excommunication of the churches and christians of asia , which was solemnly condemned as an entrenchment on christian liberty . . after these things the notion of schisme began to be mannaged variously , according unto the interest of them who seemed to have the most advantage in the application of it , unto those who dissented from them . it were an endless thing to express the rise and declare the progress of these apprehensions . but after many loose and declamatory discourses about it , they are gerally issued in two heads . the first is , that any kind of dissent from the pope and church of rome , is schisme , all the schisme that is or can be in the world. the other is , that a causeless separation from a true church , is schisme , and this only is so . but whereas in this pretended definition , there is no mention of any of its internal causes , nor of its formal reason , but a bare description of it by an outward effect , it serves only for a weapon in every mans hand to perpetuate digladiations about it . for every church esteems itself true , and every one that separates himself , esteems himself to have just cause so to do . in the following times , especially after the rise and prevalency of the arian heresie , it was ordinary , for those of the orthodox perswasion , to forsake the communion of those churches wherein arian bishops did preside , and to gather themselves into separate meetings or conventicles for divine worship , for which they were accused of schisme , and in sundry places punished accordingly , yea some of them unto the loss of their lives . yet i suppose there are none now who judge them to have been schismaticks . the separation of novatus , and donatus , from the communion of the whole catholick visible church , on unwarrantable pretences , is that which makes the loudest noise about schisme in antiquity . that there was in what was done by them and their followers , the general nature , and moral evil of causeless schismes and divisions , will be easily granted . but it is that wherein we are not concerned , be the especiall nature of schisme what it will. nor did they make use of any one reason , whereon the merit of the present cause doth depend . the novatians ( the modester sect of the two ) pretended only a defect in discipline , in granting church communion unto such as they would not have received , though they were apparently in the wrong proceeding on mistaken principles . the donatists pleaded only some personal crimes in some few bishops , fallen into in the time of persecution , which they could never prove , and thereon grew angry with all the world , who would not condemn them and renounce their communion as well as they . these slight pretences , they made the occasion and reason , of renouncing the communion of the whole visible catholick church , in all its distributions for communion , that is , all particular churches ; and confined sacraments and salvation absolutely unto their own parties . and hereon they fell into many other woful miscarriages , especially those of the latter sort . it is indifferent by what name any are pleased to call this evil and folly. a sin and evil it was , schisme or what you please to term it , and justly condemned by all christians not joyning with them , in those days . and that which was the animating principle of the tumult of the donatists , was a supposition , that the continuation of the true church state depended on the successive ordination of bishops , which having as they thought ( unduely enough ) failed in one or two instances , it became the destruction of a church state , not only in the churches where such mistakes had happened as they surmized , but unto all the churches in the world that would hold communion with them . but in these things we have no concernment . other notions of schisme besides those insisted on , we acknowledge not , nor is any other advanced with the least probality of truth . nor are we to be moved with outcries about schisme , wherein without regard to truth or charity , men contend for their own interest . of those notions of it which have been received by men , sober and learned , we decline a trial by none ; that only excepted , that the refusal of obedience unto the pope and church of rome , is all that is schisme in the world , which indeed is none at all . that which is now so fiercely pleaded by some concerning different observations of external modes , rites , customes , some , more , or none at all , to make men schismaticks , is at once to judge all the primitive churches to be schismatical . their differences , varieties , and diversities among them , about these things , cannot be enumerated ; and so without any disadvantage unto the faith , or breach of love , they continued to be , untill all church order and power was swallowed up in the papal tyranny ten thousand times more pernicious , then ten thousand such disputes . for a close unto this whole discourse , concerning the original nature and state of gospel churches , i shall use that liberty which love of the truth puts into my possession . churches mentioned in the scripture , ordained and appointed by the authority of jesus christ , were nothing but a certain number of men and women converted to god , by the preaching of the gospel , with their baptized seed , associating themselves in obedience unto christs commands , and by the direction of his apostles , for the common profession of the same faith , the observance and performance of all divine institutions of religious worship , unto the glory of god , their own edification , and the conversion of others . these believers thus associated in societies , knowing the command and appointment of jesus christ by his apostles for that end , did choose from among themselves , such as were to be their rulers , in the name and authority of christ , according to the law and order of his institutions , who in the scripture are called on various considerations , elders , bishops , pastors and the like names of dignity , authority and office ; who were to administer all the solemn ordinances of the church among them . unto this office they were solemnly appointed , ordained , or set apart , by the apostles themselves , with fasting prayer and imposition of hands , or by other ordinary officers after their decease . this was the way and method of the call and setting apart of all ordinary officers in the church , both under the old testament and in the new. it is founded in the light of nature . in the first institution of ordinary church rulers under the law , the people looked out and chose fit persons , whom moses set apart to the office , deut. . , , . and in the call of deacons , acts . the apostle uses the same words , or words of the same importance unto the church , as moses did to the people ; acts . . asserting the continuation of the same way and order in their call. and whereas he who was first to be called to office under the new testament after the ascension of christ , fell under a double consideration , namely of an officer in general , and of an apostle , which office was extraordinary ; there was a threefold act in his call ; the people chose two ; one of which was to be an officer , acts . ; gods immediate determination of one , as he was to be an apostle , ver . . and the obedient consent of the people in compliance with that determination , ver . . the foundation of these churches was generally in a small number of believers . but their church state was not compleat until they were supplyed with all ordinary officers , as bishops and deacons . the former were of of several sorts , as shall be proved hereafter . and of them there were many in every church , whose number was encreased as the members of the church were multiplied . so god appointed in the church of the jews , that every ten families should have a peculiar ruler of their own choice ; deut. . , , . for there is no mention in the new testament of any one single bishop or elder , in any church of any sort whatever , either absolutely or by way of preheminence . but as the elders of each church were many , at least more thenone , so there was a parity among them , and an equality in order , power , and rule . nor can any instance be given unto the contrary . of these churches one onely was originally planted , in one city town , or village . this way was taken from conveniency for edification , and not from any positive institution ; and it may be otherwise where conveniency and opportunity do require it . the number in these churches multiplying dayly , there was a necessity of the multiplication of bishops or elders among them . hereon the advantage of some one person in priority of conversion , or of ordination , in age , gifts and graces , especially in ability for preaching the gospel and administring the holy ordinances of the church , with the necessity of preserving order in the society of the elders themselves , gave him peculiar dignity , preheminence and title . he was soon after the bishop without any disadvantage to the church . for in those churches , in some of them at least , evangelists continued for a long season , who had the administration of church affairs in their hands . and some there were , who were of note among the apostles and eminently esteemed by them , who had eminent , yea , apostolical gifts , as to preaching of the word and prayer , which was the peculiar work of the apostle . these were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned by clemens . of the many other elders who were associated in the rule of the church , it may be not many had gifts for the constant preaching of the word , nor were called thereunto . hence justin martyr seemes to assign the constant publick administration of sacred ordinances unto one president . and this also promoted the constant presidency of one , in whom the apostolical aid by evangelists might be supplyed . these churches thus fixed and settled in one place , ( each of them ) city , town , or village , were each of them intrusted with all the power and priviledges which the lord christ hath granted unto , or endued his church withal . this power is called the power of the keys , or of binding and loosing , which hath respect only unto the consciences of men , as unto things spiritual and eternal , being meerly ministerial . every one of these churches were bound by the command of christ to live in peace , and vnity through the exercise of peculiar sincere and fervent love among all their members ; as also to walk in peace , and useful communion with all oth●● churches in the world , according as they had opp●●tunity of converse with them . and when on any occasion any division or schisme fell out among any of their members in this church state , it was severely rebuked by the apostles . all these churches and all the members of them , were obliged by vertue of divine institution to obey their guides , to honour and reverence them , and by their voluntary contribution , to provide for their honourable subsistence and maintenance , according to their ability . other church state neither the scripture nor antiquity unto the end of the second century do know any thing of ; which i shall hereafter more fully manifest . neither was there any thing known then to be schisme or so esteemed , but a division falling out in some one of these churches ; which hapned for the most part , if not onely , by some of their teachers , falling into heresie and drawing away disciples after them , acts . . or by various opinions about their guides , cor. . . or the ambition of some in seeking the power and authority of office among them . to seek for any thing among those churches , wherein our present contest about schisme is concerned , is altogether in vain . there was then no such subordination of churches , of many unto one , as is now pleaded ; no such distinction of officers , into those who have a plenary and those who have a partiary power onely , in the rule of the church ; no church with a single officer over it , comprehending in a subjection unto its jurisdiction , a multitude of other churches ; no invention , no imposition of any orders , form● of prayer or ceremonies of worship not of divine institution were once thought of , and when any thing of that nature was first attempted , it caused great troubles amongst them . in a word , the things on the account of a non-compliance wherewithal we are vehemently charged with schisme , were then neither laid nor hatch'd , neither thought of , nor invented . to erect new kinds of churches , to introduce into them new orders , new rules , rites and ceremonies , to impose their observation on all churches , and all members of them , and to charge their dissent with the guilt of schisme , that schisme which is prohibited and condemned in the scripture , hath much of an assumed authority and severity in it , nothing of countenance from the scripture or primitive antiquity . but after that churches began to depart from this original constitution by the wayes and means before declared , every alteration produced a new supposition of church unity and peace , whereto every church of a new constitution layed claim ; new sorts of schisme were also coyned and framed : for there was a certain way found out and carried on in a mistery of iniquity , whereby those meek , holy , humble churches or societies of christs institution , who as such , had nothing to do with the things of the world , in power , authority , dignity , jurisdiction , or wealth , in some instances wherein they got the advantage one of another , became in all these things to equal kingdomes and principalities , yea one of them to claim a monarchy over the whole world. during the progression of this apostacy , church unity and schisme declined from their centre , and varied their state according unto the present interest of them that prevailed . whoever had got possession of the name of the church in a prevailing reputation , though the state of it was never so corrupt , made it bite and devour , all that disliked it , and would swear that submission unto them in all things , was church-unity , and to dissent from them was schisme . unto that state all the world know that things were come in the church of rome . howbeit what hath been disputed about or contended for , of power , priviledges , authority , preheminence , jurisdiction , catholicisme , wayes of worship , rule , and discipline , which the world is filled with such a noise about ; and in the dispute whereof so many various hypotheses are advanced ; that cannot be accommodated unto such christian congregations as we have described , are but the effects of the prudence or imprudence of men , and what it will prove the event will shew . things of this nature being once well understood , will deliver the world from innumerable fruitless , endless contests ; sovereign princes from all disturbance on the account of religion , and private persons from the fatal mistake of entrusting the eternal concernments of their souls , unto their relation unto one church , and not unto another ; i am not so vain as at this time to expect the reduction of christian religion unto its primitive power , purity , and simplicity ; nor do i reflect blame on them , who walk conscientiously in such a church state and order as they approve of , or suppose it the best they can attain unto ; onely i think it lawful for all christs disciples at all times , to yield obedience unto all his commands , and to abstain from being servants of men in what he hath not enjoyned . an answer to dr. stillingfleets book of the unreasonableness of separation , in defence of the vindication of non-conformists from the guilt of schisme . the preceding discourse was written for the most part , before the publishing of the treatise of the reverend dr. stillingfleet , entituled the vnreasonableness of separation . yet was it not so without a prospect , at least a probable conjecture , that something of the same kind and tendency with the doctors book , would be published in defence of the cause which he had undertaken . and i was not without hopes , that the whole of it might have been both finished and communicated unto publick view , before any thing farther were attempted against our cause , whereby many mistakes might have been prevented . for , as i was willing , yea very desirous if it were the will of god , that i might see before my departure out of this world , the cause of conformity , as things are now stated between us and the church of england , pleaded with judgment , moderation , and learning , with the best of those arguments whereby our principles or practises are opposed ; so considering on what hand that work was now like to fall , i thought , si pergania dextra , &c. and am of the same mind still . but my expectation being frustrate , of representing our whole cause truly stated , for the prevention of mistakes , by the coming out of this book against all sorts of nonconformists , i thought it convenient to publish this first part of what i had designed , and to annex unto it the ensuing defence of the vindication of non-conformists , from the charge of schisme . for although i do know that there is nothing material in the whole book of the vnreasonableness of sepaeration , but what is obviated or answered before hand , in the preceeding discourse ; so as that the principles and demonstrations of them contained therein may easily be applyed unto all the reasonings , exceptions , and pleas , in and of that book , to render them useless unto the end designed , which is to reinforce a charge of schisme against us ; yet i think it necessary to shew how unsuccessful , from the disadvantage of his cause , the doctor hath been in his laborious endeavour to stigmatize all protestant dissenters from the church of england , with the odious name of schismaticks . i have therefore altered nothing of what i had projected , either as to matter or method in this first part of the discourse designed on the whole subject of church affairs . for as i have not found either cause or reason from any thing in the doctors book to make the least change in what i had writt●n , so my principal design being the instruction and confirmation of them , who have no other interest in these things , but only to know and perform their own duty , i was not willing to give them the trouble of perpetual diversions from the matter in hand , which all controversial writings are subject unto . wherefore having premised some general considerations of things insisted on by the dr. of no great influence into the cause in hand , and vindicated one principle , a supposition whereof we rely upon , namely , the declension of the churches in the ages after the apostles , especially after the end of the second century , from the primitive institution of their state , rule , and order , in the preface ; i shall now proceed to consider and examine distinctly what is opposed unto the defence of our innocency as unto the guilt of schisme . but some things must be premised hereunto . as , . i shall not depart from the state of the question as laid down by our selves on our part , as unto our judgement of parochial churches , and our refraining from communion with them . great pains is taken to prove the several sorts of dissenters to be departed farther from the church of england then they will themselves allow , and on such principles as are disavowed by them . but no disputations can force our assent unto what we know to be contrary unto our principles and perswasions . . we do allow those parochial assemblies , which have a settled unblamable ministry among them , to be true churches , so far as they can pretend themselves so to be ; churches , whose original is from occasional cohabitation within precincts limited by the law of the land ; churches , without church-power to choose or ordain their officers , to provide for their own continuation , to admit or exclude members , or to reform at any time what is amiss among them ; churches , which are in all things under the rule of those who are set over them , by vertue of civil constitutions , forraign unto them , not submitted willingly unto by them , and such for the most part as whose offices and power , have not the least countenance given unto them from the scripture or the practice of the primitive churches ; such as are chancellours , commissaries , officials , and the like ; churches in which for the most part through a total neglect in evangelical discipline , there is a great degeneracy from the exercise of brotherly love , and the holiness of christian profession ; whatever can be ascribed unto such churches , we willingly allow unto them . . we do and shall abide by this principle , that communion in faith and love , with the administration of the same sacraments , is sufficient to preserve all christians from the guilt of schisme , although they cannot communicate together in some rites and rules of worship and order . as we will not admit of any presumed notions of schisme , and inferences from them , nor allow that any thing belongs thereunto , which is not contrary to gospel love , rules and precepts , in the observance of christs institutions ; so we affirm and shall maintain that men abiding in the principles of communion mentioned , walking peaceably among themselves , refraining communion with others , peaceably , wherein they dissent from them , ready to joyn with other churches in the same confession of faith , and in the defence of it , and to concur with them in promoting all the real ends of christian religion , not judging the church state of others , so as to renounce all communion with them , as condemning them to be no churches ; continuing in the occasional exercise of all duties of love towards them and their members , are unduely charged with with the guilt of schisme , to the disadvantage of the common interest of the protestant religion amongst us . . whereas there are two parts of the charge against us , the one for refraining from total communion with parochial assemblies , which what it is , and wherein it doth consist , hath been before declared ; the other for gathering ourselves into another church order in particular congregations as the reasons and grounds of the things themselves are distinct , so must they have a distinct consideration , and be examined distinctly and apart . these things being premised , i shall proceed to examine what the reverend doctor hath further offered , against our former vindication of the non-conformists from the charge of schisme , and i desire the reader to take notice , that we delight not in these contentions , that we desire nothing but mutual love and forbearance ; but we are compelled by all rules of scripture and natural equity , to abide in this defence of ourselves . for whereas we are charged with a crime , and that aggravated as one of the most heynous that men can incur the guilt of in this world , and to justifie men in severities against us ; being not in the least convinced in our consciences of any accessions thereunto , or of any guilt on the account of it , i suppose the doctor himself will not think it reasonable that we should altogether neglect the protection of our own innocency . in the method whereinto he hath cast his discourse , he begins with the reinforcement of his charge , against our refraining from total communion with parochial assemblies : if the reader will be pleased to take a reveiw of what is said in the preceding discourse unto this head of our charge in several chapters , he will easily perceive that either the reasonings of the doctor reach not the cause in hand , or are insufficient to justifie his intention , which i must say , though i am unwilling to repeat it , is by all ways and means , to load us with the guilt and disreputation of schisme . that which i first meet withal directly unto this purpose is , part . pag. . the forbearance of communion with the church of england in its parochial assemblies ( that is in the way and manner before described ) he opposeth with two arguments . the first respects those who allow occasional communion with parochial churches but will not comply with them in that which is constant and absolute . for he says , if the first be lawful , the latter is necessary , from the commands we have to preserve the peace and vnity of the church . and the not doing it , he says , is one of the provoking sins of the non-conformists ; but whether it be a sin or no is sub judice ; that it is provoking unto some is sufficiently evident . i shall not make this any part of my contest . those who have so expressed their charity ; as to give countenance unto this pretended advantage , will easily free themselves from the force of this inference . for it must be remembered that this constant total communion , doth not only include a conscientious observance of all things appointed to be done by the rules or canons in those assemblies , but a renunciation also of all other ways and means of edification by joint communion , as unlawful and evil. and it will be hard to prove that on a concession of the lawfulness of communion in some acts of divine worship , it will be necessary for men to oblige themselves unto total constant communion , with a renunciation and condemnation of all other ways and means of joint edification . it may also be lawful to do a thing with some respects and limitations , at some times , which it , may not be lawful to do absolutely and alwayes . it may be necessary from outward circumstances to do that sometimes which is lawful in itself , though not necessary from itself ; it can never be necessary to do that which is unlawful . of the first sort they esteem occasional communion , and the other of the latter . some time is spent in taking off an exception unto this inference from the practise of our saviour , who had occasional communion with the jews in the temple and synagogues , which he proves to have been constant and perpetual , and not occasional only , and that he prescribed the same practise unto his disciples . but i think this labour might have been spared . for there is nothing more clear and certain , then that our lord jesus christ did joyn with the jews in the observance of gods institutions among them , on the one hand ; and on the other , that he never joyned with them in the observance of their own traditions and pharasaical impositions , but warned all his disciples to avoid them and refuse them , whose example we desire to follow ; for concerning all such observances in the church , he pronounced that sentence , every plant that my heavenly father hath not planted shall be rooted up . but the doctor proceeds unto a second argument pag. , to the same purpose , from , as he calls it , the particular force of that text , phil. . . as far as we have already attained let us walk by the same rule , mind the same things . this is the text which gave the first occasion unto this whole dispute ; the doctors intention is so indefensible from this place , that i thought however he might persist in the defence of the cause he had undertaken , he would have forborn from seeking comtenance unto it from these words of the apostle . but it is fallen out otherwise , and i am here in the first place called unto an account , for the exceptions i put in , unto his application of these words of the apostle , in my vindication of the non-conformists . i will spare the reader as much as is possible in the repetition of things formerly spoken , and the transcription of his words or my own , without prejudice unto the cause itself . after a reflection of some obscurity and intricacy on my discourse , he repeates my sense of the words according unto his apprehension under four heads ; about which i shall not contend , seeing whether he hath apprehended my mind aright or no , or expressed the whole of what i declared , belongs not unto the merit of the cause in hand . nor indeed do i yet know directly , what he judgeth this text doth prove , or what it is that he inferrs from it , though i know well enough what it is designed to give countenance unto , and what is the application that is made of it . and therefore he issues his whole dispute about it in this enquiry , how far the apostles rule hath an influence on this case . but whosoever shall come unto a sedate consideration of this text and context , without prejudice , without preconceived opinions , without interest in parties or causes , will judge it to be a matter of art to apply them unto the present controversie , as unto the imposition of an arbitrary rule of walking in churches , on all that are presumed to belong unto them . but to clear these things the doctor proposeth three things to be debated . . whether the apostle speaks of different opinions , or different practices . . whether the rule he gives be mutual forbearance . . how far the apostle's rule hath an influence into this case . the two first of these belong not at all unto the present argument , and the last is but faintly proposed and pursued , though it be the foundation of his whole fabrick . the reader , if he will put himself to so much trouble , as to compare my former discourse with what is here offered in answer or opposition unto it , he will easily see that nothing is pleaded , that may abate the force of what was insisted on ; for indeed the discourse on these things consists for the most part in diversions from the argument in hand , whereby an appearance is made of various arguings , and the proof of sundry things , which belong not unto the case in hand . without any long deductions , artificial insinuations , or diverting reasonings , without wresting the text or context , these things are plain and evident in them ; ( . ) a supposition of differences among believers , in and about opinions and practises , relating unto religion and the worship of god. so is at present between us and those of the church of england by whom we are opposed . ( . ) in this state , whilst these differences do continue , there is one common rule according unto which those who so dissent among themselves are to walk in the things wherein they are agreed . such is the rule of faith and love , which we all assent unto and are agreed in . ( . ) this rule cannot consist in a precise determination of the things in difference , with an authoritative prescription of vniformity in opinions and practise , because it is directed unto , upon a supposition of the continuation of those differences between believers . ( . ) that during the continuation of these differences , or different apprehensions and practices , whilst on all hands they use the means of coming unto the knowledge of the truth in all things , that they should walk in love , mutually forbearing one another , in those things wherein they differed . untill it be manifested that these things are not the design of the context , and to contain the sense of the words , they are not only useless unto the doctors design , but opposite unto it , and destructive of it . but nothing is here attempted unto that purpose . to draw any argument from these words applicable unto his design , it must be proved , ( . ) that besides the rule of faith , love and worship , given by divine institution and obligatory unto all the disciples of christ or all churches , in all times and ages , that the apostles gave a rule concerning outward rites , ceremonies , modes of worship , feasts and fastings , ecclesiastical government , liturgies , and the like , unto which all believers ought to conform , on the penalty of being esteemed schismaticks , and dealt withal accordingly . for this only is that wherein we are concerned . ( . ) that because the apostles made such a rule , ( which we know not what it is , or what is become of it ) that the guides of the church ( and that in such a church state as the apostles knew nothing of ) have power to frame such a rule as that described , and to impose the observation of it on all believers , on the penalties before mentioned . it is manifest that no advantage unto the cause of imposition and uniformity as it is stated at present can be taken from these words of the apostle , unless these two things be contained in them . but that either of them are so , our author doth not say , nor go about to prove , in his large discourse on this place . i might therefore forbear any farther examination of it , without the least disadvantage unto our cause . but that i may not seem to wave the consideration of any thing that is pretended material , i shall enquire into the particulars of it . he proceeds therefore to answer his own quaries , which he judged conducing unto his purpose . the first of them is , whether the apostle speakes of different principles or of different practises . and i find nothing in the discourse ensuing , that hath the least respect unto this enquiry , until towards , the close of it , where he grants that different apprehensions are intended , such as were accompanied with different practices ; but in order hereunto he gives us a large account of the scope of the place , and design of the apostle in it . the substance of it is ; that the apostle treates concerning judaical seducers ; that the things in difference , were the different apprehensions of men about the law , its ceremonies and worship , with the continuation of them , and the different practises that ensued thereon . be it so ; what is our or his concernment herein ? for it is most certain the apostle designed not the imposition of these things on the churches of the gentiles , nor did urge them unto an uniformity in them , but declared their liberty from any obligation unto them , and advised them to stand fast in that liberty , whatever others did practise themselves or endeavour to impose on them . what this conduceth unto his purpose i cannot understand . but on the occasion of that expression , being otherwise minded , he demands , what sense can dr. o. here put upon the being otherwise minded ; otherwise then what ? as many as be perfect be thus minded , to pursue your main end ; but if any be otherwise minded ; did any think they ought not to mind chiefly their great end ; that is incredible . therefore the apostle must be understood of somewhat about which there were then very different apprehensions ; and that it is certain there were , about the law , among christian churches . neither do i well understand these things , or what is intended in them . for , ( . ) i never gave occasion to him or any else to think , that i would affix such a sense unto the apostles words , as if they gave an allowance to men to be otherwise minded , as unto the pursuit of their main end , of living to god in faith and love , with mutual peace among themselves . ( . ) what then do i intend , by being otherwise minded ; even the same that he doth , and nothing else , namely , different apprehensions about some things in religion , and particularly those concerning the law and its ceremonies . for , ( . ) let it be supposed that the apostle in particular intends dissentions about the law , and the observance of its institutions , yet he doth not determine the case from the especial circumstances of that difference , so adjudging the truth unto one of the parties at variance ; but from a general rule how the disciples of christ ought to deport themselves towards one another , during the continuation of such differences . but , ( . ) the truth is , the apostle hath dismissed the case proposed in the beginning of the chapter ; ver . . , , &c. and upon the occasion of his expression of his own voluntary relinquishment and renunciation of all the priviledges which the jews boasted in , and of his attainments thereon in the misteries of the gospel ; ver . , , . he gives a general direction for the walking of all christians , in the several degrees and measures of their attainments in the same kind . and herein he supposeth two things . ( . ) that there were things , all the fundamental doctrines of the gospel concerning the person , offices and grace of christ , which they had all in common attained unto . whereunto we have already attained ; wee , all of us in general . ( . ) that in some things there were different apprehensions and practises amongst them , which hindered not their agreement in what they had attained ; if any one be otherwise minded ; one than another . we that are perfect and those which are weak , let us walk by the same rule . wherefore although i cannot discern how any thing in this discourse hath the least influence into the case in hand , yet to give a little more light unto the context , and to evidence its unserviceableness unto the doctors intention , i shall give a brief account of the judaical teachers of those days . the jews were by this time distributed into three sorts ; ( . ) such as being obdurate in their unbelief and rejection of the person of christ , opposed , persecuted and blasphemed the gospel in all places . thus was it with the generality of the nation . and the teachers of this sort advanced the excellency , necessity , and usefulness of the law , in contradiction unto christ and the gospel . these the apostle describes , thes. . , , . the jews ; who both killed the lord jesus , and their own prophets , and have persecuted us , and they please not god , and are contrary unto all men , forbidding us to speak unto the gentiles that they might be saved , to fill up their sins alway , for the wrath is come upon them unto the uttermost . ( . ) such as professing faith in christ jesus and obedience unto the gospel , yet were of the mind that the whole law of moses , was not only to be continued and observed among the jews , but also that it was to be imposed on the gentiles who were converted unto the faith. they thought the gospel did not erect a new church state with a new kind of worship , but only was a peculiar way of proselyting men into judaisme ; against which the apostle disputes in his epistle unto the hebrews , especially in the th . and th . chapters . the teachers of this sort greatly troubled the churches , even after the declaration of the mind of the holy ghost in these things , by the apostles ; act. . those who continued obstinate in this perswasion , became afterwards to be ebionites and nazarenes , as they were called , wholly forsaking the christian church of the gentiles . these were generally of the sect of the pharisees , and seem to be the least sort of the three ; for , ( . ) there were others , who acquiescing in the liberty of the gentiles , declared by the apostles , act. . yet judged themselves and all other circumcised jews , obliged unto the observation of the law and its institutions . these legal observances were of two sorts ; ( . ) such as were confined and limited unto the temple , and unto the land of canaan ; and ( . ) such as might be observed any where among the nations ; they acted accordingly . those who lived at jerusalem adhered unto the temple worship , the whole church these did so . their judgement in these things is declared , acts . . . thou seest brother , how many thousands of the jews there are which believe , and they are all zealous of the law ; and they are informed of thee , that thou teachest all the jews which are among the gentiles , to forsake moses , saying , that they ought not to circumcise their children , neither to walk after the customes . they were not at all offended with paul , that he did not impose the law on the gentiles ( ver . . ) but only that ( as they had been informed ) he taught the jews to forsake the law , and to reject all the institutions of it . this they thought unlawful for them . and this they spake principally with respect unto the temple service , as appears by the advice given unto paul on this occasion , ver . , . those who lived amongst the gentiles , knew that there was no obligation on them , unto the sacrifices and especial duties of the temple ; but continued only in the observance of such rites and institutions , about meats , washings , days , new moons , sabbaths , and the like , which the gentiles were freed from . hence there were two sorts of churches in those days ( if not three ) in separation more or less from the apostate church of the unbelieving jews , which yet was not finally taken away . ( . ) the church of hierusalem and those churches of judea which were of the same mind and communion with them . these continued in the observance of all the law , and of the services of the temple , being allowed them by the apostles . ( . ) those of the jews , who lived in the nations , and observed all the rites of the law , which were not confined unto the land of canaan . and ( . ) the churches of the gentiles which observed none of these things , forbearing only their liberty in one or two instances , not to give the other offence . some differences and disputes happened sometimes about these things and the practise of them , whereon peter himself fell into a mistake , gal. . . and there seemes to have been great disputes about them at rome , chap. . yea it is judged that according unto their different apprehensions of these things , there were two churches at rome , one of the circumcision , the other of the gentiles , walking in distinct communion each by themselves . however the different rule , of this kind that was between the churches of hierusalem and antioch is sufficiently declared , acts . the one church continuing zealous of the law , and the other rejoyced for the consolation of being delivered from it ; ver . . yet was there no schisme between these churches , but a constant communion in faith and love. such differences in opinions and practises were not yet formed into an interest , obliging men to condemn them as schismaticks , who differ from them . for not to speak of what orders and rules for decency , particular churches may make by common consent among themselves , to make the observation of arbitrary institutions , not prescribed in the scripture , upon many churches , to be the rule of communion in them and between them , which whosoever observe not , are to be esteemed guilty of schisme , which victor , bishop of rome first attempted , is contrary to the rules of the scripture , to the principles of christian faith , love , and liberty , to the example of the apostles , hath no countenance given unto it in the primitive churches , and will certainly make our differences endless . i judge that in the beginning of the chapter the apostle intends those of the first sort , and that as well because he calls them dogs and the concision , which answers unto the account he gives of them , thes. . , ; as also because he speaks of them as those who advanced the pretended priviledges of judaisme , absolutely against christ , the gospel , and the righteousness of god revealed therein . hereon in opposition unto them , he declares that they had nothing to boast of , but what he himself had a right unto as well as they , and which he had voluntarily relinquished and renounced for christ and the gospel , wherein he testifies what he had attained . if any one do judge , that he intend those of the second sort , i will not contend about it , because of the severity of expression which he useth concerning them , gal. . . but discharging the consideration of them , the direction in this place concerns those of the third sort only , answering unto that which was prescribed and followed by the apostles in all places , namely , that there should be mutual forbearance , in some difference of practise between them and the gentile believers . his second enquiry , pag. , is , whether the rule which the apostle lays down , be only a rule of mutual forbearance . i do not find that i said any where that it was only a rule of mutual forbearance , but that the words of the apostle do enjoyn a mutual forbearance among those who are differently minded ; pag. . and i must here say , which i desire to do without offence , that there is no need of any farther answer unto that part of the doctors discourse , but a transcription of that which he pretends to oppose ; for what is spoken unto that end , consists in a perpetual diversion from the argument in hand . i did not before precisely determine , what was the rule which the apostle doth intend ; only proved sufficiently , that it was not such a rule as is pleaded for by the doctor . but the meaning of the phrase and expression is plain enough ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it is directly used once more by the apostle ; gal. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as many as walk according to this rule ; and what rule is that ? namely , what as unto the substance of it he lays down in the words foregoing , ver . , . god forbid that i should glory save in the cross of our lord jesus christ ; for in christ jesus neither circumcision availeth any thing , nor vncircumcision , but a new creature ; and as many as walk according unto this rule , that is , the rule of faith in christ alone for justification and sanctification , without trusting unto or resting on any of those things which were in difference among them . the places , in scope , design , and manner of expression , are parallel . for this is plainly , that which he pleads for in this context ; namely , that justification and sanctification are to be obtained alone through christ and faith in him by the gospel , without the least aid and assistance from the things that were in difference among them . wherefore not farther to contend in so plain a matter , the rule here intended by the apostle , is no book of canons , but the analogy of faith , or the rule of faith in christ as declared in the gospel , in opposition unto all other ways and means of justification , sanctification and salvation , which we ought to walk in a compliance withal , and that with love and forbearance towards them that in things not corruptive or destructive of this rule , do differ from us . but , saith our author , the sense according to dr. o. is this ; that those who are agreed in the substantials of religion , should go on and do their duty , without regarding lesser differences : abate that expression , of , without regarding lesser differences , which is not mine , and supply in the room of it , mutually forbearing each other in lesser differences ; and be it so that it is my sense ; at first veiw it looks as like the sense of the apostle as any man need desire . but , saith the doctor , this sense is uncertain , because it sets no bounds to differences , and supposeth the continuance of such differences among them , which he designed to prevent , by perswading them so often in this epistle to be of one mind . besides the differences then on foot , were none of the smaller differences of opinions , but that which they differed about , was urged on the one hand as necessary to salvation , and opposed on the other as pernicious and destructive unto it . and again , pag. . let dr. o. name any other smaller differences of opinions which might be an occasion of the apostle's giving such a rule of mutual forbearance . i answer briefly , ( . ) the sense is very certain because it gives the due bounds unto the differences supposed ; namely , such as concern not the substantials of religion . ( . ) it doth suppose the continuance of these differe●ces , because the apostle doth suppose the same ; if any one be yet otherwise minded ; which hinders no kind of endeavours to compose or remove them . ( . ) the differences intended were not those between them who imposed the observation of the law on the gentiles as necessary unto salvation , and those by whom they were opposed ; for the apostle gives no such rules as this , in that case . ( . ) i do expresly assign those lesser differences which the direction here , is applicable unto ; namely , those between the blind sort of jews mentioned before , and the gentile believers ; which the apostle states and applies the same rule unto ; rom. . what remaines in answer unto this second enquiry , doth proceed on mistaken suppositions . and concerns not the case under consideration . pag. . he proceeds unto his last enquiry which indeed is alone pertinent unto his purpose ; namely , how this rule hath an influence on our case . what this rule is , concerning which this enquiry is made , he doth not declare . either the precise signification of the rule in this place , or the direction given with respect unto that rule , may be intended ; that is , the general rule of our walking in our profession of the gospel , or the especial rule given by the apostle with respect thereunto , in the case under consideration , may be so intended . if by the rule in the first sense , he understands a rule , canon , or command , establishing a church state , with rites and modes of worship , with ceremonies , orders , and government , no where appointed in the scripture or of divine revelation , it is openly evident that there was no such rule then , that no such is here intended ; but that only whereunto the grace of the gospel in mercy and peace is annexed , as gal. . . which is not such a rule . if he intend by it , a direction , that where there are different apprehensions in matters of less importance , not breaking in on the analogy of faith , accompanied with different practises , so far as they are necessary from those different apprehensions , the major part of those among whom the differences are , should compel the minor , to forbear their practise according unto their apprehensions , and comply with them in all things , on all sorts of penalties , if they refuse so to do , it will be hard to find such a direction in these words . yet this must be the rule , and this the direction ●hat can give any countenance unto the doctor 's cause . but if by this rule , the analogie of faith , as before described , be intended , and the direction be to walk according to it , with mutual forbearance and love , as unto things of lesser moment , then this rule hath little advantagious influence into it . but then saith the doctor ; so far as men agree they are bound to joyn together , as to opinion or communion ; i grant it ( though it be not proved from this place ) where such a communion is required of them regularly , and in a way of duty . and ( ) saith he , that the best christians are bound to unite with others though of lower attainments , and to keep within the same rule ; no doubt ; howbeit the apostle speaks of no such things in this place but only that we should all walk , according unto the same rule , in what we have all attained . yea but ( ) this rule takes in all such orders , which are lawful and judged necessary to hold the members of a christian society together ; what rule doth this ? who shall appoint the orders intended ? who shall judge of their necessity ? are they of the institution of christ or his apostles ? are they determined to be necessary in the scripture , the rule of faith ? if so , we are agreed ; but if by these orders he intends such as men do or may at any time , under pretence of church authority invent and impose as necessary , making alterations in the original state and rule of the ch●rch , as also in its worship and discipline , it will be strange to me , if he can find them out , either in the rule here mentioned , or the dir●●tion given with reference unto it ; seeing such a practice seems to be plainly condemned in the words th●●selves . and it is known that this pretended power of rule or canon making for the unity of the church was that which at length ruined all churches in their state , order , and worship ; if such a ruine be acknowledged to have befallen them in the roman apostasie . he therefore objects out of my discourse , pag. . let the apostles rule be produced with any probability of proof to be his , and we are all ready to subscribe and conform unto it . to which he replies ; this is the apostles rule to go as far as they can , and if they can go no farther , to sit down quietly and wait for further instruction , and not to break the peace of the church , upon present dissatisfaction , nor to gather new churches out of others , upon supposition of higher attainments . answ. . upon a supposition that those who make and impose these new unscriptual orders , are the church , and that as the church they have authority so to make and impose them ; if this be not the rule of the apostle , i believe some men judge it ought so to have been . but . the apostle's rule is not , that we should go as far as we can , as though there were any thing of dispute and difficulty in the matter ; but that so far as we have attained we should walk according to the same rule . . he doth not intimate any thing about breaking the peace of the church , but only what would do so ; by an imposition on one another , in differences of lesser moment , whilst the general rule of faith and love is attended unto . . to be quiet and wait for further instruction , is the direction given unto both parties , whilst the differences did continue between them ; and that in opposition unto mutual impositions . . a church that is really so , or so esteemed , may break the peace with its own members , and others , as well as they with it ; and where the fault is , must be determined by the causes of what is done . . for what is added about gathering of churches , it shall be considered in its proper place . but as unto the application of these things unto the present case , there lies in the bottom of them , such an unproved presumption of their being the church , that is , according unto divine institution ( for in their being so in any other sense we are not concerned ) of their church power and authority , by whom such orders and rules are made as we can by no means admit of . i can more warrantably give this as the apostles rule , than that of our author ; what you have attained unto in the knowledge of the doctrine and misteries of the gospel , walk together in holy communion of faith and love ; but take heed that you multiply not new causes of divisions and differences by inventing and imposing new orders in divine worship , or the rule of the church , casting them out , who agree with you in all things of divine revelation and institution . he adds from my words ; if the rule reach our case , it must be such as requires things to be observed , as were never divinely appointed , as national churches , ceremonies and modes of worship ; to which he replies ; and so this rule doth in order unto peace , require the observation of such things , which although they be not particularly commanded of god , yet are enjoyned by lawful authority , provided that they be not unlawful in themselves , nor repugnant unto the word of god. answ. . let the reader if he please , consult the place whence these words are taken in my discourse , and he will find this evasion obviated . . what is intended by this rule ? is it the rule given by the apostle ? who that reads the words can possibly pretend unto any such conception of their meaning ? if he understand a rule of his own , i know not what it may or may not include . . i deny , and shall for ever deny , that the rule here intended by the apostle doth give the least countenance unto the invention and imposition of things not divinely instituted , not prescribed , not commanded in the word , on the pretence that those who so invent and impose them , judged them lawful , and that they have authority so to do . he objects again unto himself out of my discourse , that the apostles never gave any such rules themselves about outward modes of worship with ceremonies , feasts , fasts , liturgies , &c. whereunto he replies ; what then ? i say then , . it had been happy for christians and christian religion if those who pretended to be their successors , had followed their example , and made no such rules at all ; that they would not have thought themselves wiser than they , or more careful for the good of the church , or better acquainted with the mind of christ in these things then they were . for that multiplication of rules , laws , canons , about the things mentioned , and others of an alike nature , which the apostles never gave any example of , or encouragement unto , which afterwards ensued , hath been a principal means of altering the state of the church from its original institution , of corrupting its worship , administring occasion unto scandal and endless strifes . . if the apostles gave no such rules themselves , it may be concluded safely , that it was because in their judgement , no such rule was to be given . other reason hereof cannot be assigned , for if it might have been done , according to the mind of christ , and by vertue of the commission which they had from him , innumerable evils might have been prevnted , by the doing of it . they foresaw what differences would arise in the church , what divisions , the darkness and corrupt lusts of men would cast them into , about such things as these , and probably knew much whereunto the mistery of iniquity tended ; yet would they not appoint any arbitrary rules about things not ordained by our lord jesus christ , which might have given some bounds unto the inclinations of men , in making and multiplying rules of their own , unto the ruine of the church . . then i say , we beg the pardon of all who concern themselves herein , that we scruple the complying with such rules , in religion and the worship of god , as the apostles thought not meet to appoint or ordain . but he addes , it is sufficient that they gave this general rule , that all lawful things are to be done for the churches peace . answ. what is to be done for the churches peace we shall afterwards consider . to be done , is intended of acts of religion in the worship of god. i say then , the apostles never gave any such rule , as that pretended . the rule they gave was that all things which christ hath commanded , were to be done and observed , and for the doing of any thing else , they gave no rule . especially they gave not such a large rule as this , that might serve the turn and interest of the worst of men , in imposing on the church , whatever they esteemed lawful , as ( not by vertue of any rule of the apostles , but in an open rejection of all they gave ) it afterwards fell out in the church . this is a rule , which would do the work to the purpose of all that have the reputation of governours in the church , be it the pope , or who it will. for they are themselves the sole judges of what is lawful ; the people , as it is pretended , understand nothing of these things . whatever therefore they have a mind to introduce into the worship of god , and to impose on the practice of men therein , is to be done by vertue of this apostolical rule , for the churches peace , provided they judge it lawful ; and surely no pope was ever yet so stark mad , as to impose things in religion , which he himself judged unlawful . besides , things may be lawful in themselves , that is , morally , which yet , it is not lawful to introduce into the worship of god , because not expedient , nor for edification ; yea things may be lawful to be done sometimes , on some occasions , in the worship of god , which yet , it would be unlawful to impose by vertue of a general binding rule for all times and seasons . instances may be multiplied in each kind . therefore i say the apostles never gave this rule ; they opened no such door unto arbitrary imposition ; they laid no such yoke on the necks of the disciples , which might prove heavier , and did so , then that of the jewish ceremonies which they had taken away ; namely , that they were to do and observe all that should by their rulers be imposed on them as lawful in their judgement . this soveraignity over their consciences was reserved by the apostles unto the authority of christ alone , and their obedience was required by them , only unto his commands . this is that which i see some would be at . to presume themselves to be the church , at least the only rulers and governours of it . to assume to themselves alone the judgement of what is lawful , and what is unlawful to be observed in the worship of god. to avow a power to impose what they please on all churches , pretended to be under their command , so that they judge it lawful , be it never so useless or trifling , if it hath no other end but to be an instance of their authority , and then assert that all christian people must without further examination submit quietly unto this state of things , and comply with it , unless they will be esteemed damned schismaticks . but it is too late to advance such principles a second time . he addes from my paper or as my sense , the apostles gave rules inconsistent with any determining rule , ( viz. ) of mutual forbearance ; rom. . but then , saith he , the meaning must be , that whatever differences happen among christians , there must be no determination either way : but this is direstly contrary to the decree of the apostles at hierusalem , upon the difference that happened in the christian churches . but they are not my words which he reports . i said not , that the apostles gave rules inconsistent with any determining rule ; but with such a rule , and the imposition of the things contained in it , on the practise of men , in things not determined ( that is whilst differences about them do continue ) as he contends for . and ( . ) notwithstanding this rule of forbearance given by the apostle expresly , rom. . yet as unto the right and truth in the things wherein men are at difference , every private believer , is to determine of them so far as he is able in his own mind , every one is to be fully perswaded in his own mind in such things , so far as his own practise is concerned . ( . ) the church wherein such differences do fall out , may doctrinally determine of the truth in them , as it is the ground and pillar of truth ; supposing them to be of such weight , as that the edification of the church is concerned in them . for otherwise there is no need of any such determination , but every one may be left unto his own liberty . there are differences at this day in the church of england , in doctrine , and practice , some of them , in my judgement of more importance , then those between the same church and us ; yet it doth not think it necessary to make any determination of them , no not doctrinally . ( . ) if the church wherein such differences fall out be not able in and of it self to make a doctrinal determination of such differences , they may and ought to crave the counsel and advice of other churches , with whom they walk in communion in faith and love. and so it was in the case whereof an account is given us ; act. . the determination or decree there made concerning the necessary observance of the jewish rites by the gentiles converted unto the faith , by the apostles , elders and brethren , under the guidance of the holy ghost as his mind was revealed in the scripture , gives not the least countenance unto the making and imposing such a rule on all churches and their members as is contended for . for ( . ) it was only a doctrinal determination , without imposition on the practise of any . ( . ) it was a determination against impositions directly . and whereas it is said , that it was a determination contrary to the judgment of the imposers , which shews , that the rule of forbearance where conscience is alledged both ways , is no standing rule ; i grant that it was contrary to the judgment of the imposers , but imposed nothing on them , nor was their practice concerned in that erronious judgement . they were not required to do any thing contrary to their own judgment ; and the not doing whereof did reflect on their own consciences . wherefore the whole rule given by the apostle and the whole determination made , is that no impositions be made on the consciences or practice of the disciples of christ , in things relating to his worship , but what were necessary by vertue of divine institution . they added hereunto , that the gentiles enjoying this liberty , ought to use it without offence ; and were at liberty by vertue of it , to forbear such things , as wherein they had , or thought they had a natural liberty , in case they gave offence by the use of them . and the apostles who knew the state of things , in the minds of the jews , and all other circumstances give an instance in the things which at that season , were to be so forborn . and whereas this determination was not absolute and obligatory on the whole case , unto all churches , namely , whether the mosaical law were to be observed among christians , but some churches were left unto their own judgement and practise , who esteemed it to be still in force , as the churches of the jews , and others left unto their own liberty and practise also , who judged it not to oblige them , both sides or parties being bound to continue . communion among them in faith and love , there is herein a perpetual establishment of the rule of mutual forbearance in such cases ; nothing being condemned but impositions on one another ; nothing commended but an abstinence from the use of liberty in the case of scandal or offence . i had therefore reason to say , that the false apostles were the only imposers , that is , of things not necessary by vertue of any divine institution . and if the author insinuate , that the true apostles were such imposers also , because of the determination they made of this difference , he will fail in his proof of it . it is true they imposed on , or charged the consciences of men , with the observance of all the institutions and commands of christ , but of other things none at all . the last things which he endeavours an answer unto on this occasion lies in those words . the jewish christians were left unto their own liberty , provided they did not impose on others ; and the dissenters at this day desire no more then the gentile church did ( viz. ) not to be imposed on to observe those things which they are not satisfied it is the mind of christ , should be imposed on them . so is my sense , in the places referred unto , reported , nor shall i contend about it , so as that the last clause be change ; for my words are not , they are not satisfied it is the mind of christ , that they should be imposed on them ; but they were not satisfied it is the mind of christ they should observe . this respects the things themselves , the other only their imposition . and one reason against the imposition opposed , is that the things themselves imposed , are such as the lord christ would not have us observe ; because not appointed by himself . but hereunto he answers two things . . that it was agreed by all the governours of the christian church , that the jewish christians should be left unto their own liberty out of respect unto the law of moses , and out of regard unto the peace of the christian church , which otherwise might have been extremely hazarded . but ( . ) the governours of the christian church which made the determination insisted on , were the apostles themselves . ( . ) there was no such determination made , that the jews should be left unto their own liberty in this matter ; but there was only a connivance at their inclination to bear their old yoke for a season , the determination was onely on the other hand , that no imposition of it should be made on the gentiles . ( . ) the determination it self was no act of church government or power , but a doctrinal declaration of the mind of the holy ghost . ( . ) it is well that church governours , once judged that impositions in things not necessary , were to be forborn for the sake of the peace of the church ; others i hope may in due time be of the same mind . . he says , the false apostles imposing on the gentile christians had two circumstances in it , which extreamly alter their case from that of our dissenters ; for , ( . ) they were none of their lawful governours , but went about as seducers , drawing away the disciples of the apostles from them . it seems then , ( . ) that those who are lawful governours , or pretend themselves so to be , may impose what they please without controul , as they did in the papacy , and the councils of it . but ( . ) their imposition was meerly doctrinal , wherein there was no pretence of any act of government or governing power ; which made it less grievous , then that which the dissenters have suffered under . were things no otherwise imposed on us , we should bear them more easily . ( . ) saith he , they imposed the jewish rites as necessary to salvation , and not meerly as indifferent things ; and the truth is , so long as they judged them so to be , they are more to be excused in their doctrinal impositions of them , then others are , who by an act of government fortified with i know not how many penalties , do impose things which themselves esteem indifferent ; and those on whom they are imposed , do judge to be unlawful . whereas he addes that he hath considered all things that are material in discourse which seem to take off the force of the argument drawn from this text ; i am not of his mind , nor i believe will any indifferent person be so , who shall compare what i wrote therein , with his exceptions against it ; though i acknowledge it is no easie thing to discover wherein the force of the pretended argument doth lye ; that , we must walk according unto the same rule , in what we have attained ; that wherein we differ , we must wait on god for teaching and instruction ; that , the apostles , elders and brethren at hierusalem , determined from the scriptures , or the mind of the holy ghost therein , that the jewish ceremonies should not be imposed on the gentile churches and beleivers ; and that thereon those churches continued in communion with each other , who did , and did not observe those ceremonies , are the only principles which in truth the doctor hath to proceed upon . to infer from these principles and propositions , that there is a national church of divine institution , for what is not so , hath no church power properly so called ; the nature of its power , being determined by the authority of its institution or erection ; that this church hath power in its governours and rulers , to invent new orders , ceremonies and rites of worship , new canons for the observation of sundry things in the rule of the church and worship of god , which have no spring nor cause but their own invention and prescription , and is authorized to impose the observation of them on all particular churches and believers who never gave their consent unto their invention or prescription ; and hereon to declare them all to be wicked schismaticks , who yield not full obedience unto them in these things , it requires a great deal of art and skil , in the mannagers of the argument . sect . ii. part . sect. . pag. . our author proceeds to renew his charge of schisme or sinful separation against those , who though they agree with us , saith he , in the substantials of religion , yet deny any communion with our church to be lawful . but apprehending that the state of the question here insinuated , will not be admitted , and that it would be difficult to find them out , who deny any communion with the church of england to be lawful ; he addes that he doth not speak of any improper acts of communion , which dr. o. calls communion in faith and love ; which they allow to the church of england . but why the acts hereof are called improper acts of communion , i know not . add unto faith and love , the administration of the same sacraments , with common advice in things of common concernment , and it is all the communion that the true churches of christ have among themselves in the whole world. yea this church communion is such , as that ( . ) where it is not , there is no evangelical communion at all . whatever acts of worship or church order men may agree in the practise of , if the foundation of that agreement be not laid in a joint communion in faith and love , they are neither accepted with god , nor profitable unto the souls of men . for ( . ) these are the things , namely , faith and love , which enliven all joint duties of church order and worship , are the life and soul of it ; and how they should be only improperly that , which they alone make other things to be properly , i cannot understand . ( . ) where there is no defect in these things , namely , in faith and love , the charge of schisme on dissenting in things of lesser moment , is altogether unreasonable . it is to be desired , that an overweening of our differences , make us not overlook the things wherein we are agreed . this is one of the greatest evils that attend this controversie . men are forced by their interest , to lay more weight on a few outward rites and ceremonies , which the world and the church might well have spared , had they not come into the minds of some men , none know how , than upon the most important graces and duties of the gospel . hence communion in faith and love , is scarce esteemed worth taking up in the streets , in comparison of vniformity in rites and ceremonies . let men be as void of , and remote from true gospel faith and love as is imaginable ; yet if they comply quietly with , and have a little zeal for those outward things , they are to be approved of , as very orderly members of the church . and whatever evidences on the other hand , any can or do give of their communion in faith and love , with all that are of that communion , yet if they cannot in conscience comply in the observance of those outward things mentioned , they are to be judged schismaticks , and breakers of the churches unity ; whereas no part of the churches unity doth or ever did consist in them . in his procedure hereon , our author seemes to embrace occasions of contending , seeking for advantages therein , in things not belonging unto the merit of the cause , which i thought was beneath him . from my concession that some at least of our parochial churches are true churches ; he asks , in what sense ? are they churches rightly constituted , with whom they may joyn in communion as members ; i think it is somewhat too late now after all this dispute about the reasons of refraining from their communion , and his severe charges of schisme upon us for our so doing , to make this enquiry ; wherefore he answers himself , no , but his meaning is , saith he , that they are not guilty of any such heynous errors in doctrine , or idolatrous practise in worship , as should utterly deprive them of the being and nature of churches , which i suppose are my words . but then comes in the advantage ; doth , saith he , this kindness belong only unto some of our parochial churches ? i had thought that every parochial church was true or false according unto its frame and constitution , which among us , supposeth the owning the doctrine and worship established in the church of england . i answer briefly ; it is true , every church is true or false according unto its original frame and constitution . this frame and constitution of churches , if it proceed from , and depend upon the institution of christ , it is true and approveable . if it depend only on a national establishment of doctrine and worship , i know not well what to say unto it . but let any of these parochial churches be so constituted , as to answer the legal establishment in the land , yet if the generality of their members are openly wicked in their lives , and they have no lawful or sufficient ministry , we cannot acknowledge them for true churches . some other things of the like nature do ensue , but i shall not insist on them . he gathers up in the next place , the titles of the causes alledged , for our refraining communion with those parochial assemblies , which he calls our separation from them . and hereon he enquires whether these reasons be a ground for a separation from a church , wherein it is confessed there are no heynous errors in doctrine , or idolatrous practise in worship , that is , as he before cited my words , as should utterly deprive them of the being and nature of churches . and it they be not , then , saith he , such a separation may be a formal schisme , because they set up other churches of their own . the rule before laid down that all things lawful are to be done for the churches peace , taking in the supposition on which it proceeds , is as sufficient to establish church tyranny , as any principle made use of by the church of rome , notwithstanding its plausible appearance . and that here insinuated of the vnlawfulness of separation from any church in the world , ( for that which hath pernicious errors in doctrine , and idolatry in worship , destroying its being , is no church at all ) is as good security unto churches , in an obstinate refusal of reformation , when the souls of the people are ruined amongst them for the want of it , as they need desire . and i confess i suspect such principles as are evidently suited unto the security of the corrupt interests of any sort of men. i say therefore , ( . ) that though a church , or that which pretends itself on any grounds so to be , do not profess any heynous errour in doctrine , nor be guilty of idolatrous practise in worship , destroying its nature and being , yet there may be sufficient reasons to refrain from its communion in church order and worship , and to joyn in or with other churches for edification : that is , that where such a church is not capable of reformation , or is obstinate in a resolution not to reform itself , under the utmost necessity thereof ; it is lawful for all or any of its members , to reform themselves , according to the mind of christ , and commands of the gospel . ( . ) that where men are no otherwise members of any church , but by an inevitable necessity , and outward penal laws , preventing their own choice , and any act of obedience unto christ in their joyning with such churches , the case is different from theirs , whose relation unto any church , is founded in their own voluntary choice , as submitting themselves unto the laws , institution , and rule of christ in that church ; which we shall make use of afterwards . ( . ) the doctor might have done well to have stated the true nature of schisme , and the formal reason of it , before he had charged a formal schisme , on a supposition of some outward acts only . ( . ) what is our judgment concerning parochial assemblies ; how far we separate from them , or refrain communion with them , what are the reasons whereon we do so , hath been now fully declared , and thereunto we must appeal on all occasions ; for we cannot acquiesce in what is unduely imposed on us , either as unto principles or practise . to shew , as he saith , the insufficiency of our cause of separation , he will take this way , namely , to shew the great absurdities that follow on the allowance of them ; and addes , these five especially i shall insist upon ; . that it weakens the cause of reformation . . that it hinders all vnion between the protestant churches . . that it justifies the antient schismes , which have been always condemned by the christian church . . that it makes separation endless . . that it is contrary to the obligation that lies on all christians to preserve the peace and vnity of the church . now as i shall consider what he offers on these several heads , and his application of it unto the case in hand , so i shall confirm the reasons already given of our separation ( if it must be so called ) from parochial assemblies , with these five considerations . . that they strengthen the cause of reformation . . that they open a way to vnion between all protestant churches . . that they give the just grounds of condemning the antient schismes that ever any christian church did justly condemn . . that they give due bounds unto s●paration . . that they absolutely comply with all the commands of the scripture for the preservation of the peace and vnity of the church . i shall begin with the consideration of the absurdities , charged by him on our principles and practise . the first of them is , that it weakens the cause of the reformation . this he proves by long quotations out of some french divines . we are not to expect that they should speak unto our cause or make any determination in it , seeing to the principal of them , it was unknown . but they say that which is contrary unto our principles ; so they may do , and yet this not weaken the cause of the reformation . for it is known that they say somewhat also , that is contrary to the principles of our episcopal brethren , for which one of them is sufficiently reviled ; but yet the cause of reformation is not weakened thereby . the first testimony produced is that of calvin ; a large discourse he hath ( institut . lib. . cap. . ) against causeless separations from a true church ; and by whom are they not condemned ? no determination of the case in hand , can be thence derived ; nor are the grounds of our refraining communion with parochial assemblies , the same , with those which he condemns as insufficient for a total separation ; nor is the separation he opposed in those days , which was absolute and total , with a condemnation of the churches from which it was made , of the same nature with that wherewith we are charged , at least not with what we own and allow . he gives the notes of a true church to be , the pure preaching of the word , and the administration of the sacraments according unto christs institution . where these are he allows a true church to be , not only without diocesan episcopacy , but in a form , and under a rule opposite unto it , and inconsistent with it . and if he did at all speak to our case , as he doth not , nor unto any of the grounds of it , why should we be pressed with his authority on the one hand more then others from whom he differed also on the other . besides there is a great deal more belongs unto the pure preaching of the word , and the administration of the sacraments according unto christs institution , then some seem to apprehend . they may , they ought to be so explained , as that from the consideration of them , we may justifie our whole cause . both these may be wanting in a church , which is not guilty of such heynous errors in doctrine , or idolatry in worship , as should overthrow its being . and their want , may be a just cause of refraining communion from a church , which yet we are not obliged to condemn as none at all . calvin expresseth his judgment , n. . i would not give countenance unto errors , no not to the least ; so as to cherish them by flattery or connivance . but though i say , that the church is not to be forsaken for tristing differences , wherein the doctrine , ( of the gospel ) is retained safe and sound , wherein the integrity of godliness doth abide , and the use of the sacraments appointed of the lord is preserved ; and we say the same . and this very calvin who doth so severely condemn separation from a true church as by him stated , did himself quietly and peaceably withdraw and depart from the church of geneva , when they refused to admit that discipline , which he esteemed to be according to the mind of christ. it is certain therefore that by the separation which he condemns , he doth not intend the peaceable relinquishment of the communion of any church , as unto a constant participation of all ordinances in it , for want of due means of edification , much less that which hath so many other causes concurring therewith . for the other learned men whom he quotes unto the same purpose , i see not any thing that gives the least countenance unto his assertion that our principles weaken the cause of the reformation . it is true they plead other causes of separation from the church of rome , than those insisted on by us , with respect unto the church of england ; and indeed they had been otherwise much to blame ▪ having so many things as they had , to plead of greater importance . did we say that the reasons which we plead , are all that can be pleaded to justifie the separation of the reformed churches from the church of rome , it would weaken the cause of reformation . for we should then deny that idolatry and fundamental errors in faith , were any cause or ground of that separation . however we know that the imposition of them on the faith and practise of all christians , is more pleaded in justification of a separation from them , then the things themselves . but allowing those greater reasons to be pleaded against the roman communion as we do , it doth not in the least follow that our reasons for refraining communion with parochial assemblies , doth weaken the cause of the reformation . however , let me not be misinterpreted as unto that expression of destroying our faith , which the communion required with the church of england , as unto all the important articles of it , doth not do , and i can subscribe unto the words of daille , as quoted by our author out of his apology : if , saith he , the church of rome hath not required any thing of us , which destroys our faith , offends our consciences , and overthrows the service which we believe due to god ; if the differences have been small , and such as we might safely have yeilded unto ; then he will grant their separation was rash and unjust , and they guilty of the schisme . he closeth his transcription of the words of sundry learned men , who have justifyed the separation of the reformed churches from the church of rome , wherein we are not in the least concerned with an enquiry , what triumph would the church of rome make over us had we no other reasons to justifie our separation from them , but only those which ( as is pretended ) we plead in our cause . i say whereas we do plead , confirm and justifie all the reasons and causes pleaded for the separation of the reformed churches from them , not opposing , not weakning any of them , by any principle or practise of ours , but farther press the force of the same reasonings and causes in all instances whereunto they will extend , i see neither what cause the papists have of triumph , no● any thing that weakens the cause of the reformation . he adds further , how should we be hissed a●d laughed at all over the christian world , if we had nothing to alledge for our separation from the roman church , but such things as these ? i answer , that as the case stands , if we did alledge no other reasons but those which we insist on for our refraining communion with our own parochial assemblies , we should deserve to be derided , for relinquishing the plea of those other important reasons which the heresies and idolatries and tyranny of that church do render just and equal . but if we had no other causes of separation from the church of rome , but what we have for our separation from our parochial assemblies at home , as weak as our allegations are pretended to be , we should not be afraid to defend them against all the papists in the world ; and let the world act like itself in hissing . whereas therefore the cause of reformation is not in any thing weakened by our principles , no argument , no reason solidly pleaded to justifie the separation from the church of rome being deserted by us , neither testimony , proof , nor evidence being produced to evince that it is weakned by us , i shall in the second place , as was before proposed , prove that the whole cause of the protestants separation from the church of rome , is strengthened and confirmed by us . there were some general principles on which the protestants proceeded in their separation from the church of rome , and which they constantly pleaded in justification thereof . the first was , that the scripture , the word of god is a perfect rule of faith and religious worship ; so as that nothing ought to be admitted which is repugnant unto it in its general rule or especial prohibitions , nothing imposed that is not prescribed therein , but that every one is at liberty to refuse and reject any thing of that kind . this they all contended for , and confirmed their assertion by the express testimonies of the writers of the primitive churches . to prove this to have been their principle in their separation from the church of rome were to light , as they say , a candle in the sun. it were easie to fill up a volume with testimonies of it . after a while this principle began to be weakned , when the interest of men made them except from this rule , things of outward order , with some rites and ceremonies , the ordaining whereof , they pleaded to be left unto churches as they saw good. hereby this principle , i say , was greatly weakened . for no certain bounds could ever be assigned unto those things that are exempted from the regulation of the scripture . and the same plea might be mannaged for many of the popish orders and ceremonies that were rejected , as forcibly as for them that were retained . and whereas all the reformed churches agreed to abide by this principle in matters of faith , there fell out an admirable harmony in their confessions thereof . but leaving the necessity of attending unto this rule , in the matter of order , ceremonies , rites and modes of worship , with the state of churches , in their rule and polity , those differences and divisions ensued amongst them , which continue unto this day . but this perswasion in some places made a farther progress , namely , that it was lawful to impose on the consciences and practises of men , such things in religious worship , provided that they concerned outward order , rites , rule and ceremonies , as are no where prescribed in the scripture , and that on severe penalties ecclesiastical and civil . this almost utterly destroyed the great fundamental principle of the reformation , whereon the first reformers justified their separation from the church of rome . for whereas it is supposed the right of them who are to be the imposers , to determine what doth belong unto the heads mentioned , they might under that pretence impose what they pleased , and refuse those whom they imposed them on , the protection of the aforesaid principle , namely , that nothing ought to be so imposed that is not prescribed in the scripture . this hath proved the rise of all endless differences and schismes amongst us , nor will they be healed until all christians are restored unto their liberty , of being obliged in the things of god , only unto the authority of the scripture . the words of mr. chillingsworth unto this purpose are emphatical , which i shall therefore transcribe , though that be a thing which i am very averse from . require ( saith he ) of christians only to believe christ , and to call no man master but him only ; let those leave claiming of infallibity who have no right unto it , and let them that in their words disclaim it , disclaim it likewise in their actions ; in a word , take away tyranny which is the devils instrument to support errors and superstitions and impieties in the several parts of the world , which could not otherwise long withstand the power of truth , i say , take away tyranny , and restore christians to their just and full liberty of captivating their understandings to the scripture only ; that universal liberty thus moderated may quickly reduce christendom to truth and vnity ; part . chap. . sect. . this fundamental principle of the first reformation we do not only firmly adhere unto , rejecting all those opinions and practises whereby its force is weakened and impaired , but also do willingly suffer the things that do befal us , in giving our testimony thereunto . neither will there ever be peace among the churches of christ in this world , until it be admitted in its whole latitude ; especially in that part thereof wherein it excludes all impositions of things not prescribed in the scripture . for there are but few persons who are capable of the subtilty of those reasonings , which are applied to weaken this principle in its whole extent . all men can easily see this , that the sufficiency of the scripture in general as unto all the ends of religion , is the only foundation they have to rest and build upon . they do see actually , that where men go about to prescribe things to be observed in divine worship , not appointed in the scripture , that no two churches have agreed therein ; but endless contentions have ensued ; that , no man can give an instance in particular of any thing that is necessary unto the rule of the church , or the observance of the commands of christ in the worship of god , that is not contained in the scripture ; and hereon are ready to resolve to call no man master , but christ ; and to admit of nothing in religion , but what is warranted by his word . secondly . the second principle of the reformation , whereon the reformers justified their separation from the church of rome , was this , that christian people were not tyed up unto blind obedience unto church guides , but were not only at liberty , but also obliged to judge for themselves , as unto all things that they were to believe and practise in religion and the worship of god. they knew that the whole fabrick of the papacy did stand on this basis or dunghil , that the mistery of iniquity was cemented by this device , namely , that the people were ignorant , and to be kept in ignorance , being obliged in all things unto an implicite obedience unto their pretended guides . and that they might not be capable of , nor fit for any other condition , they took from them the only means of their instruction unto their duty , and the knowledge of it , that is , the use of the holy scripture . but the first reformers did not only vindicate their right unto the use of the scripture itself , but insisted on it as a principle of the reformation , ( and without which they could never have carried on their work ) that they were in all concernments of religion to judge for themselves . and multitudes of them quickly manifested how meet and worthy they were to have this right restored unto them , in laying down their lives for the truth , suffering as martyrs under the power of their bishops . this principle of the reformation in like manner , is in no small degree weakened by many , and so the cause of it . dr. still . himself , pag. , . denies unto the people all liberty or ability to choose their own pastors , to judge what is meet for their own edification , what is heresie or a pernitio●● error , and what is not , or any thing of the like nature . this is almost the same with that of the pharisees concerning them who admired and followed the doctrine of our saviour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . joh. . . this rabble which knows not the law. yet was it this people whom the apostles directed to choose out from among themselves persons meet for an ecclesiastical office ; act. . the same people who joyned with the apostles and elders in the consideration of the grand case concerning the continuation of the legal ceremonies , and were associated with them in the determination of it ; act. . the same to whom all the apostolical epistles , excepting some to particular persons , were written , and unto whom such directions were given , and duties enjoyned in them , as suppose not only a liberty and ability to judge for themselves in all matters of faith and obedience , but also an especial interest in the order and discipline of the church ; those who were to say unto archippus ; ( their bishop ) take heed unto the ministry thou hast received in the lord , that thou fulfil it ; col. . unto whom of all sorts , it is commanded that they should examine and try antichrists , spirits , and false teachers , that is , all sorts of hereticks , heresies and errors , joh. chap. . . &c. that people , who even in following ages , adhered unto the faith and the orthodox profession of it , when almost all their bishops were become arian hereticks ; and kept their private conventicles in opposition unto them , at constantinople , antioch , alexandria and other places , and who were so many of them burned here in england by their own bishops on the judgement they made of errors and heresies . and if the present people with whom the dr. is acquainted be altogether unmeet for the discharge of any of these duties , it is the fault of some body else , beside their own . this principle of the reformation , in vindication of the rights , liberties , and priviledges of the christian people , to judge and choose for themselves in matters of religion , to joyn freely in those church duties which are required of them , without which the work of it had never been carried on , we do abide by and maintain . yea we meet with no opposition more fierce , than upon the account of our asserting the liberties and right of the people in reference unto church order and worship . but i shall not be afraid to say , that as the reformation was begun and carried on , on this principle , so when this people shall through an apprehension of their ignorance , weakness , and unmeetness , to discern and judge in matters of religion for themselves and their own duty , be kept and debarred from it ; or when through their own sloth , negligence and vitiousness , they shall be really uncapable to mannage their own interest in church affairs , as being fit only to be governed , if not as brute creatures , yet as mute persons , and that these things are improved by the ambition of the clergy , engrossing all things in the church unto themselves , as they did in former ages , if the old popedome do not return , a new one will be erected , as bad as the other . thirdly another principle of the reformation is , that there was not any catholick , visible , organical , governing church , traduced by succession into that of rome , 〈◊〉 all church power and order was to be derived . i will not say that this principle was absolutely received by all the first reformers here in england ; yet it was by the generality of them in the other parts of the world. for as they constantly denied that there was any catholick church , but that invisible of elect believers , allowing the external denomination of the church unto the diffused community of the baptized world ; so believing and professing that the pope is antichrist , that rome is mystical babylon , the seat of the apostatized church of the gentiles , devoted to destruction , they could acknowledge no such church state in the roman church , nor the derivation of any power and order from it . so farre as there is a declension from this principle , so far the cause of the reformation is weakened , and the principal reason of separation from the roman church is rejected , as shall be farther manifested , if occasion require it . this principle we do firmly adhere unto ; and not only so , but it is known , that our fixed judgement concerning the divine institution , nature and order of evangelical churches , is such , as is utterly exclusive of the roman church , as a body organized in and under the pope and his hierarchy , from any pretence unto church state , order or power . and it may be hence judged who do most weaken the cause of reformation , we or some of them at least , by whom we are opposed . a second absurdity that he chargeth on our way is , that it would make vnion among the protestant churches impossible , supposing them to remain as they are . sect. . pag. . to make good this charge , he insists on two things . ( . ) that the lutheran churches have the same and more ceremonies , and unscriptural impositions then our church hath . ( . ) that notwithstanding these things yet many learned protestant divines , have pleaded for vnion and communion with them , which upon our principles and suppositions , they could not have done . but whether they plead for union and communion with them , by admitting into their churches , and submitting unto those ceremonies and unscriptural impositions , which is alone unto the doctors purpose ; or whether they judge their members obliged to communicate in local communion with them , under those impositions , he doth not declare . but whereas neither we nor our cause are in the least concerned in what the dr. here insist upon , yet because the charge is no less , then that our principles give disturbance unto the peace and vnion of all protestant churches , i shall briefly manifest that they are not only conducive thereunto , but such as without which that peace and union will never be attained . . it is known unto all , that from the first beginning of the reformation , there were differences among the churches , which departed from the communion of the church of rome . and as this was looked on as the greatest impediment unto the progress of the reformation , so it was not morally possible that in a work of that nature , begun and carried on by persons of all for us , in many nations , of divers tongues and languages , none of them being divinely inspired , that it should otherwise fall out . god also in his holy wise providence suffered it so to be , for causes known then to himself , but since sundry of them have been made manifest in the event . for whereas there was an agreement in all fundamental articles of faith among them , and all necessary meanes of salvation , a farther agreement considering our sloth , negligence , and proness of men to abuse security and power , might have produced as evil effects , as the differences have done ; for those which have been on the one hand , and those which have been on the other , have been and would have been from the corrupt affections of the minds of men , and their secular interests . . these differences were principally in or about some doctrines of faith , whereon some fiery spirits among them , took occasion mutually , and unjustly enough , to charge each other with heresie , especially was this done among the lutherans , whose writings are stuffed with that charge , and miserable attempts to make it good. there were also other differences among them , with respect unto church order , rites , ceremonies , and modes of worship . the church of england as unto the government of the church , and sundry other things , took a way by it self , which at present we do not consider . . considering the agreement in all fundamental articles of faith between these churches thus at difference , and of what great use their union might be , unto the protestant religion , both as unto its spiritual and political interest in this world , the effecting of such an union among them , hath been attempted by many . private persons , princes , colloquies or synods of some of the parties at variance have sedulously ingaged herein . i wish they had never missed it , in stating the nature of that vnion which in this case is alone desireable and alone attainable ; nor in the causes of that disadvantagious difference that was between them . for hence it is come to pass , that although some verbal compositions have sometimes by some been consented unto , yet all things continue practically amongst them , as they were from the beginning . and there are yet persons who are mannaging proposals for such an union , with great projection in point of method for the compassing of it , and stating of the principles of agreement , some whereof i have by me . but the present state of things in europe , with the minds of potentates not concerned in these things , leave little encouragement for any such attempt , or expectation of any success . . after the trial and experience of an hundred and fifty years , it is altogether in vain , to be expected that any farther reconciliation or union should be effected between these protestant churches by either parties relinquishment of the doctrines they have so long taught , professed and contended for , or of their practise in divine worship , which they have so long been accustomed unto . we may as well expect that a river should run backwards , as expect any such things . in this state of things , i say , the principles we proceed upon , are the most useful unto the procuring of peace and union among these churches , in the state wherein they are , and without which it will never be effected . i shall therefore give an account of those of them , which are of this nature and tendency . . and the first is , the absolute necessity of a general reformation in life and manners of all sorts of persons ; belonging unto these churches . it is sufficiently known what a woful condition the profession even of the protestant religion is fallen into . how little evidence is there left of the power of evangelical grace , working in the hearts of men ! what little diligence in the duties of holiness and righteousness ! what a deluge of all sorts of vices hath overwhelmed the nations ! and what indications there are of the displeasure of god against us , on the account of these things ! who doth not almost tremble at them ? calvin , unto whom i was newly sent by our reverend author , in answer to them who pleaded for a separation from a true church , because of the wickedness of many of its members , or any of them , addes unto it ; it is a most just offence , and unto which there is too much occasion given in this miserable age. nor is it lawful to excuse our cursed sloth , which the lord will not let go unpunished , as he begins already to chastise us with grievous stripes . wo therefore unto us who by our dissolute licentiousness in flagitious sins , do cause that the weak consciences of men should be wounded for us . and if it were so then , the matter is not much mended in the age wherein we live . the truth is , sin and impiety are come to that height and impudence , sensuality and oppression are so diffused among all sorts of persons , conformity unto the fashion ▪ of the world , become so universal , and the evidences of gods displeasure , with the beginnings and entrances of his judgements , are so displayed , as that if the reformation pleaded for be not speedily endeavoured , and vigorously pursued , it will be too late to talk of differences and union ; destruction will swallow up all . until this be agreed on , until it be attempted and effected in some good measure , all endeavours for farther union , whatever there appearing success should be ( as probably it will be very small ) will be of no use unto the honour of religion , the glory of christ , nor good of the souls of men . in the mean time individual persons will do well to take care of themselves . . that all these differing churches , and whilst these differences do continue , be taught to prefer their general interest in opposition unto the kingdom of satan and antichrist in the world , before the lesser things wherein they differ , and those occasional animosities that will ensue upon them . it hath been observed in many places that the nearer some men or churches come together in their profession , the more distant they are in their affections ; as the lutherans in many places do more hate the calvinists then the papists , i hope it is not so among us . this makes it evident that the want of necessary peace and vnion among churches , doth not proceed from the things themselves wherein they differ , but from the corrupt lusts , and interests of the persons that differ . this evil can no otherwise be cured , but by such a reformation as shall in some measure reduce primitive simplicity , integrity and love , such as were among the churches of the converted jews and gentiles , when they walked according unto the same rule , in what they had attained , forbearing one another in love , as unto the things wherein they differed , until this also be effected , all endeavours for farther union , whilst these differences continue , ( as they are like to do , unless the whole frame of things in europe should be changed by some great revolution ) will be fruitless and useless . were this conscientiously insisted on , out of a pure love unto jesus christ , with zeal for his glory , it would not only be of more use , then innumerable wrangling disputes about the points in difference , but more then the exactest methods in contriving formularies of consent , or colloquies , or synodical conferences of the parties at variance , with all their solemnities , orders , limitations , precautions , concessions and orations . let men say what they will , it must be the revival , flourishing and exercise of evangelical light , faith and love , that shall heal the differences and breaches that are among the churches of christ ; nor shall any thing else be honoured with any great influence into that work . . that all communion of churches as such , consists in the communion of faith and love , in the administration of the same sacraments , and common advice in things of common concerment . all these may be observed , when for sundry reasons , the members of them cannot have local presential communion in some ordinances , with each church distinctly . if this truth were well established and consented unto , men might be easily convinced , that there is nothing wanting unto that evangelical union among churches which the gospel requires , but only their own humble , holy , peaceable christian walking in their several places and stations . but where men put their own interests and possession of present advantages , cloathed under the pretence of things necessary thereunto , into conditions of communion , or divest it of that latitude wherein christ hath left it , by new limitations of their own , it will never be attained on the true evangelical principles , that it must proceed upon . for however any may be displeased with it , i must assert and maintain , that there is nothing required by our lord jesus christ , unto this end of the communion of churches , nor to any other end of church order or worship whatever , but that only in whose observance and performance , there is an actual exercise of evangelical grace in obedience unto him . . that all private members of these several churches which agree in the communion before mentioned , be left unto their own liberty and consciences , to communicate in any of those churches , either occasionally or in a fixed way and manner . neither orders nor compulsory decrees will be useful in this matter , in comparison of their own declared liberty . and so it was among the primitive churches . . where men are invincibly hindered from total communion with any church , by impositions which they cannot comply withal without sin , or by continuing in it , are deprived of the due means of their edification , the churches whereunto they did belong refusing all reformation ; it is lawful for them in obedience unto the law of christ , to reform themselves , and to make use of the means appointed by him for their edification , abiding constantly in the communion of all true churches before described . i confess this is that which we cannot digest ; namely , an imagination that the lord jesus christ hath obliged his disciples , those that believe in him , to abide alwayes in such societies , as wherein , not only things are imposed on their obedience and observance which he hath not commanded , but they are also forced to live in the neglect of expressed duties which he requireth of them , and the want of that means of their own edification , which without the restraint at present upon them , they might enjoy according unto his mind and will. believers were not made for churches ▪ nor for the advantage of them that rule in them ; but churches were made for believers and their edification , nor are of any use farther then they tend thereunto . these are the premises whereon we proceed in all that we do ; and they are so far from being obstructive of the peace and union of the protestant churches , as that without them , they will never be promoted nor attained . and i do beg of this worthy person that he would not despise these things , but know assuredly , that nothing would be so effectual to procure the union he desireth , as an vniversal reformation of all sorts of persons , according unto the rule and law of christ , which it may be , no man hath greater ability and opportunity in conjunction for , than himself . for wo be unto us , if whilst we contend about outward peace in smaller things , we neglect to make peace with god , and so expose our selves and the whole nation unto his desolating judgement , which seem already to be impendent over us . the third absurdity which he chargeth on our practise is , that it will justifie the antient schismes which have been always condemned in the christian church ; and in the mannagement of this charge , he proceedeth , if i mistake not , with more then ordinary vehemency and severity , though it be a matter wherein we are least of all concerned . to make effectual this charge , he first affirms in general , that setting aside a few things , they pleaded the same reasons for their separation , as i do for ours ; which how great a mistake it is shall be manifested immediately . s●condly , he gives instances in several schismes , that were so condemned by the christian church , and whose practise is justified by us . in answer hereunto , i shall first premise some things in general , shewing the insufficiency of this argument to prove against us the charge of schisme , and then consider the instances produced by him . i say , . in times of decay , the declining times of churches or states , it cannot be , but that some will be uneasie in their minds , although they know not how to remedy what is amiss , nor it may be fix on the particulars which are the right and true causes of the state which they find troublesome unto them . and whilst it is so with them , it is not to be admired at , that some persons do fall into irregular attempts for the redressing of what is amiss . the church , where the instances insisted on happened , was falling into a mysterious decay from its original institution , order and rule , which afterwards encreased more and more continually . but all being equally involved in the same declension , the remedies which they proposed who were uneasie either in themselves or in the manner of their application , were worse then the disease ; which yet lying uncured and continually encreasing , proved in the issue the ruin of them all . but here lay the original of the differences and schismes which fell out in the d , th , and th centuries ; that having all in some measure departed from the original institution , rule and order of evangelical churches , in sundry things , and cast themselves into new formes and orders , their differences and quarrels related all unto them , and could have had no such occasion , had they kept themselves unto their primitive constitution . wherefore those schismes which were said to be made by them that continued sound in the faith , as those of the andeans , and meletians as by some is pretended , and johannites at constantinople , with sundry other , seeing they disserted not any order of divine institution , but another which the churches were insensibly fallen into ; no judgement can be made upon a meer separation , whether of the parties at difference were to blame ; i am sure enough that sometimes neither of them could be excused . whether the causes , reasons , ends , designs , and ways of the mannagement of those differences that were between them , on which schismes in their present order did ensue , were just , regular , according to the mind of christ , proceeding from faith and love , is that whose determination must fix aright the guilt of the divisions that were among them . and whereas we judge most of those who so seperated from the church of old , as is here alledged , to have failed in these things , and therein to have contracted guilt unto themselves , as occasioning unwarrantable divisions , and missing wholly the only way of cure for what was really blame-worthy in others ; yet whereas we allow nothing to be schisme properly , but what is contrary to christian love , and destructive of some institution of christ , we are not much concerned who was in the right or wrong , in those contests which fell out among the orthodox themselves , but only as they were carried on unto a total renunciation of all communion whatever ; but only that which was enclosed unto their own party . . to evidence that we give the least countenance unto the antient schismes , or do contract the guilt with the authors of them , the thing aimed at , there are three things incumbent on him to prove . . that our parochial churches from whom we do refrain actual presential communion in all ordinances , where it is required by law , which cannot be many and but one at one time , do succeed into the room of that church , in a separation from which , those schismes did consist . for we pass no judgement on any other church ; but what concerns our selves as unto present duty , though that in a nation may be extended unto many or all of the same sort . but these schismes consisted in a professed separation from the whole catholick church , that is , all christians in the world , who joyned not with them , in their opinions and practises , and from the whole church state then passant and allowed . but our author knows full well , that there are others , who long before our parochial churches , do lay claim unto the absolute enclosure of this church state unto themselves , and thereon condemn both him and us , and all the protestants in the world , of the same schisme that those of old were guilty of ; especially they make a continual clamour about the novatians and donatists . i know that he is able to dispossess the church of rome from that usurpation of the state and rights of the antient catholick church , from whence those separations were made , and it hath been sufficiently done by others . but so soon as we have cast that out of possession , to bring in our parochial assemblies into the room of it , and to press the guilt of separation from them , with the same reasons and arguments , as we were all of us but newly pressed withal by the romanists , namely , that hereby we give countenance unto them , yea do the same things with them , who made schismes in separating from the catholick church of old , is somewhat severe and unequal . wherefore unless the church from which they separated , which was the whole catholick church in the world , not agreeing and acting with them , and those parochial assemblies from whose communion we refrain , are the same and of the same consideration , nothing can be argued from those ancient schismes against us , nor is any countenance given by us unto them , for if it be asked of us , whether it be free or lawful , for believers to joyn in society and full communion with other churches , besides those that are of our way , and especial communion , we freely answer , that we no way doubt of it , nor do judge them for their so doing . . it must be proved unto the end proposed , that the occasions and reasons of their separation of old , were the same , or of the same nature only , with those which we plead , for our refraining communion from parochial assemblies . now though the dr. here makes a flourish with some expressions about zeal , discipline , purity of the church , edification ( which he will not find in any of their pretences ) yet in truth there is not one thing alledged , wherein there is a coincidence between the occasions and reasons pleaded by them , and ours . it is known that the principal thing in general which we insist upon , is the unwarrantable imposition of unscriptural termes and conditions of communion upon us ; was there any such thing pleaded by them that made the schismes of old ? indeed they were all of them imposers , and separated from the church because they would not submit unto their impositions . some bishops , or some that would have been bishops but could not , entertaining some new conceit of their own , which they would have imposed on all others , being not submitted unto therein , were the causes of all those schismes which were justly esteemed criminal . so was it with the novatians and donatists in an especial manner . even the great tertullian ( though no bishop ) left the communion of the church on this ground . for because they would not admit of the strict observance of some austere severities in fasting , abstinence from sundry meates , and watching , with the like , which he esteemed necessary , though no way warranted by scripture rule or example , he utterly renounced their communion ; and countenanced himself by adhering unto the dotages of montanus . it is true , some of them contended for a severity of discipline in the church , but they did it not , upon any pretence of the neglect of it in them unto whom the administration of it was committed ; but for the want of establishing a false principle , rule , or erronious doctrine which they advanced ; namely , that the most sincere penitents were never more to be admitted into ecclesiastical communion ; whereby they did not establish but overthrow one of the principal ends of church discipline . they did not therefore press for the power or the vse of the keys , as is pretended , but advanced a false doctrine in prejudice both unto the power and use of them . they pretended indeed unto the purity of the church , not that there were none impure , wicked , and hypocritical among them , but that none might be admitted who had once fallen , though really made pure by sincere repentance . this was their zeal for purity . if a man were overtaken , if they could catch him in such a fault , as by the rules of the passaint discipline , he was to be cast out of the church , there they had him safe for ever . no evidence of the most sincere repentance , could prevail for a readmission into the church . and because other churches would admit them , they renounced all communion with them , as no churches of christ. are these our principles , are these our practices ? do we give any countenance unto them by any thing we say or do ? i somewhat wonder that the dr. from some general expressions , and casting their pretences under new appearances should seem to think that there is the least coincidence , between what they insisted on , and what we plead in our own defence . he may see now more fully , what are the reasons of our practise , and i hope thereon will be of another mind ; not as unto our cause in general , which i am far enough from the expectation of , but as unto this invidious charge of giving countenance unto the schismes condemned of old in the church . and we shall see immediately , what were the occasions of those schismes which we are as remote from giving countenance unto , as unto the principles and reasons which they pleaded in their own justification . . it ought also to be proved , that the separation which is charged on us , is of the same nature with that charged on them of old , for otherwise we cannot be said to give any countenance unto what they did . for it is known they so separated from all other churches in the world , as to confine the church of christ unto their own party , to condemn all others , and to deny salvation unto all that abode in their communion , which the donatists did with the greatest fierceness . this was that which if any thing , did truely and properly constitute them schismaticks ; as it doth those also , who deny at this day , church state and salvation , unto such churches as have not diocesan bishops . now there is no principle in the world that we do more abhor . we grant a church state unto all , however it may be defective or corrupted , and a possibility of salvation unto all their members , which are not gathered in pernicious errors , overthrowing the foundation , nor idolatrous in their worship , and who have a lawful ministry with sufficient means for their edification , though low in its measures and degrees . we judge none but with respect unto our own duty , as unto the impositions attempted to be laid on us , and the acts of communion required of us ; which we cannot avoid ; nor can any man else , let him pretend what he will to the contrary , avoid the making of a judgment for himself in these things , unless he be brutish , these things are sufficient to evidence that there is not the least countenance given unto the antient schismes by any principles of ours ; yet i shall add some farther considerations on the instances he gives unto the same purpose . the first is , that the novatians whose pretences were the discipline and purity of the churches , wherein he says , there was a concurrence of dr. o' s pleas ; zeal for reformation of discipline , the greater edificatian of the people , and the asserting of their right in choosing such a pastor as was likely to promote their edification . i am sorry that interest and party should sway with learned men , to seek advantages unto their cause so unduly ▪ the story in short is this ; novatus or novatianus rather , being disappointed in his ambitious design to have been chosen bishop of the church of rome , cornelius being chosen by much the major part of the church , betook himself to indirect means to weaken and invalidate the election of cornelius . and this he did by raising a new principle of false doctrine , whereunto he as falsly accommodated the matter of fact. the error he broached and promoted was that there was no place for repentance ( such as whereon they should be admitted into the church ) unto them who had fallen into sin after baptisme , nor as some add any salvation to be obtained by them who had fallen in the time of persecution . this the antient church looked on as a pestilent heresie ; and as such was it condmened in a considerable counsel at rome with cornelius . euseb. lib. . cap. ; where also is reported the decree which they made in the case , wherein they call his opinion cruel or inhumane and contrary to brotherly love. as such it is strenuously confuted by cyprian epist. . ad antonianum . but because the church would not submit unto this novel false opinion of his , contrary to the scripture and the discipline of the church , he and all his followers separated from all the churches in the world , and rebaptized all that were baptized in the orthodox churches , they denying unto them the means of salvation . cyprian ad julian : epist. . euseb. lib. . cap. . that which was most probably false also in matter of fact when this foolish opinion , which dionysius of alexandria in his epistle to dionysius of rome , calls a most profane doctrine , reflecting unmerciful cruelty on our most gracious lord jesus christ ; euseb. lib. . cap. . was invented to be subservient unto , was that many of those by whom cornelius was chosen bishop , were such as had denied the faith under the persecution of decius the emperor . this also was false in matter of fact. for although that church continued in the antient faith and practise of receiving penitents after their fall , yet there were no such number of them , as to influence the election of cornelius . so cyprian testifieth , factus est cornelius episcopus , de dei & christi ejus judicio , de clericorum poene omnium testimonio , de suffragio plebis , &c. epist. . on that false opinion and this frivolous pretence they continued their schisme ; hence afterwards , when constantine the emperor spake with acesius the bishop of the novatians at constantinople finding him sound in the faith of the trinity , which was then impugned by arius , he asked him why then he did not communicate with the church ; whereon he began to tell him a story of what had happened in the time of decius the emperor , pleading nothing else for himself ; the emperor replying only , o acesius , set up a ladder and climb alone by thy self into heaven , left him . socrat. lib. : cap. . this error endeavoured to be imposed on all churches , this false pretence in matter of fact , with the following pride in the condemnation of all other churches , denying unto them the lawful use of the sacraments , and rebaptizing them who were baptized in them , do if we may believe the doctor herein contain all my pleas for the forbearance of communion with parochial assemblies , and have countenance given unto them by our principles and practises . of the meletians whom he reckons up in the next place , no certain account can be given , epiphanius reports meletus himself to have been a good honest orthodox bishop ; and in the difference between him and peter bishop of alexandria to have been more for truth , as the other was more for love and charity . and according unto him , it was peter and not meletus that began the schisme ; haeres . . n. , . but others give quite another account of him . socrates affirmes that in time of persecution he had sacrificed to idols , and was for that reason deposed from his episcopacy by peter of alexandria ; lib. . cap. . hence he was enraged against him , and filled all thebais and aegypt with tumults against him , and the church of alexandria , with intolerable arrogance , because he was convicted of sundry wickednesses by peter . theod. hist. lib. . cap. . and his followers quickly complyed with the arians for their advantage . the error he proceeded on according to epiphanius , was the same with that of novatus ; which how it could be , if he himself had fallen in persecution , and sacrificed , as socrates relates , i cannot understand . this schisme of bishop meletius also it is thought meet to be judged , that we should give countenance unto . all things are in like manner uncertain concerning audus and his followers , whom he mentions in the next place . the man is represented by epiphanius to have been a good man , of an holy life , sound in the faith , full of zeal and love to the truth . but finding many things amiss in the church , among the clergy and people , he freely reproved them , for covetousness , luxury , and disorders in ecclesiastical affairs . hereon he stirred up the hatred of many against himself , as chrysostome did for the same cause afterwards at constantinople . hereupon he was vexed , persecuted and greatly abused , all which he bare patiently and continued in the discharge of his duty , as it fell out also with chrysostome . nevertheless he abode firmly and tenaciously in the communion of the church ; but was at length cast out , as farre as it appears by him , for the honest discharge of his duty ; whereon he gathered a great party unto himself . but theodoret and others , affirm him to have been the author of the impious heresie of the anthropomorphitae , his principal followers being those monks of egypt which afterwards made such tumults in defence of that foolish imagination ; and that this was the cause why he was cast out of the church , and set up a party of the same opinion with him , lib. . cap. . yea he also ascribes unto him some foolish opinions of the manichees . what is our concernment in these things i cannot imagine . eustathius the bishop of sebastia in armenia , and his followers , are also instanced in , as orthodox schismaticks , and as such were condemned in a council at gongrae in paphlagonia . but indeed before that council , eustathius had been condemned by his own father eulanius and other bishops , at caesarea in cappadocia . and he was so for sundry foolish opinions and evil practises , whereby he deserved to be so dealt withal . it doth not unto me appear certainly whether he fell into those opinions before his rejection at caesarea , where he was principally it not only charged with his undecent and fantastical habit and garments . wherefore at the council of gangrae . he was not admitted to make any apology for himself , nor could be heard , because he had innovated many things , after his deposition at caesarea ; such as forbidding of marriage , shaving of women , denying the lawfulness of priests keeping their wives , who were married before their ordination , getting away servants from their masters , and the like ; socrat. hist. lib. . chap. . these were his pretences of sanctity and purity , as the dr. acknowledgeth ; and i appeal unto his ingenuity and candour , whether any countenance be given unto such opinions and practises thereon , by any thing we say or do . this instance and some others of an alike nature , the doctor affirmes that he produced in his sermon , but that they were gently passed over by my self and mr. b. i confess , i took no notice of them , because i was satisfied that the cause under consideration was no way concerned in them . and the dr. might to as good purpose have instanced in forty other schismes , made for the most part by the ambition of bishops , in the churches of alexandria , antioch , constantinople , rome , and sundry other places ; yea , in that made by epiphanius himself at constantinople , upon as weighty a cause , as that of those who contended about , and strove for and against the driving of sheep over the bridge , where there were none present . the story of the luciferians , is not worth repeating ; in short , lucifer the bishop of caralli in sardinia , being angry that paulinus whom he had ordained bishop at antioch was not received , fell into great dissention with eusebius bishop of vercells in italy , who had been his companion in banishment , because he approved not what he had done at antioch ; and continuing to contend for his own bishop , it occasioned a great division among the people , whereon he went home to his own place , leaving behind him a few followers , who wrangled for a time about the ordination of bishops by arians , by whose means lucifer had been banished , and so after a while disappeared . i had almost missed the instance of the donatists . but the story of them is so well known , that it will not bear the repetition . for although there be no mention of them in socrates or zozoman , nor the history of theodoret , yet all things that concerned them are so fully declared in the writings of austin and optatus against them as there needs no other account of them . and this instance of an heretical schisme , is that which the papists vehemently urge against the church of england itself , and all other protestants . here their weapon is borrowed for a little while , to give a wound unto our cause , but in vain . yet i know full well that it is easier for some men on their principles , to flourish with this weapon against us , than to defend themselves against it in the hands of the papists . in breif these donatists were upon the matter of the same opinion with the novatians ; and as these grounded their dissension , on the receiving those into the church who had fallen and sacrificed under decius ; so did these on a pretence of severity against those who had been traditors , under maximinus . upon this pretence improved by many false allegations , donatus and those that followed him rejected cecilianus who was lawfully chosen and ordained bishop of carthage , setting up one majorinus in opposition unto him . not succeeding herein , on this foolish unproved pretence , that cecilianus had been ordained by traditor , they rejected the communion of all the churches in the world , confined the whole church of christ unto their own party ; denied salvation unto any other , rebaptized all that came unto them from other churches , and together with a great number of bishops that joyned with them , fell into most extravagant exorbitances . upon the consideration of these schismes , the dr. concludes , that on these grounds there hath scarce been any considerable schisme in the christian church , but may be justified upon dr. o' s reasons , for seperation from our church . concerning which i must take the liberty to say , that i do not remember that ever i read in any learned author , an inference made , or conclusion asserted , that had so little countenance given unto it by the premises whence it is inferred , as there is into this , by the instances before insisted on , whence it is pretended to be educed . all that is of argument in this story , is this , that there were of old some bishops , with one or two who would have been bishops , and could not , who to exalt and countenance themselves against those who were preferred to bishopricks , before them , and above them , invented and maintained false doctrinal principles , the confession whereof they would have imposed on other churches ; and because they were not admitted , they separated at once from all other churches in the world , but their own , condemning them as no churches , as not having the sacraments or means of salvation ; for which they were condemned as schismaticks ; therefore those who own not subjection to diocesan bishops , by vertue of any institution or command of christ , who refrain communion from parochial assemblies , because they cannot without sin to themselves , comply with all things imposed on them in the worship of god , and ecclesiastical rule , without judging their state , or the salvation of their members , are in like manner as they , guilty of schisme . but we have fixed grounds whereon to try , examine , judge and condemne all schismes that are justly so called , all such as those before mentioned . if separations arise and proceed from principles of false doctrine and errors , like those of the novatians and donatists ; if they are occasioned by ambition and desire of preheminence , like those that fell out among the bishops of those days , when their parishes and claimes were not regulated by the civil power as now they are ; if they do so from a desire to impose principles and practises not warranted in the scripture , on others , as it was with tertullian ; if for slight reasons they rend and destroy that church state and order which themselves approve of , as it was with all the antient schismaticks , who were bishops , or would feign to have been ; if those that make them or follow in them deny salvation unto all that joyn not with them , and condemn all other churches as being without gods covenant , and the sacraments , as did the donatists , and those do , who deny these things unto all churches who have not diocesan bishops ; if there be not a sufficient justifiable cause pleaded for it , that those who make such a separation cannot abide in the communion which they forsake , without wounding their own consciences , and do give evidences of their abiding in the exercise of love towards all the true disciples of christ , we are satisfied that we have a rule infallibly directing us , to make a judgment concerning it . our author adds , sect. . p. . another argument against this course of separation is , that these grounds will make separation endless ; which is to suppose all the exhortations of the scripture to peace and vnity among christians , useless . but why so ? is there nothing in the authority of christ , and the sence of the account which is to be given unto him , nothing in the rule of the word , nothing in the works of the ministry , and exercise of gospel discipline , to keep professed disciples of christ unto their duty , and within the bounds of order divinely prescribed unto them , unless they are fettered and staked down with humane laws and constitutions ? herein i confess i differ , and shall do so whilst i am in this world from our reverend author and others . to say as he doth , ( upon a supposition of the taking away of humane impositions , laws and canons ) that there are no bounds set unto separation but what the fancies of men will dictate unto them , is dishonourable unto the gospel and somewhat more . to suppose that the authority of christ , the rule of the word , and the work of the ministry , are not sufficient to prescribe bounds unto separation efficaciously affecting the consciences of beleivers ; or that any other bounds can be assigned as obligatory unto their consciences , is what cannot be admitted . the lord christ hath commanded love and vnion among his disciples ; he hath ordained order and communion in his churches , he hath given unto them and limited their power , he hath prescribed ▪ rules whereby they and all their members ought to walk ; he hath forbidden all schismes and divisions , he hath appointed and limited all necessary separations , and hath truly given all the bounds unto it , that the consciences of men are or can be affected withal . but then it is said , if this be all , separation will be endless , if such a separation be intended as is an unlawful schisme , i say , it may be it will , even as persecution and other evils , sins and wickednesses will be , notwithstanding his severe prohibition of them . what he hath done is the only means to preserve his own disciples from all sinful separation , and is sufficient thereunto . herein lyeth the original mistake in this matter ; we have lost the apprehension that the authority of christ in the rule of his word , and works of his spirit , is every way sufficient for the guiding , governing , and preserving of his disciples , in the church order by him prescribed , and the observance of the duties by him commanded . it hath been greatly lost in the world for many ages , and therefore instead of faithful ministerial endeavours to enforce a sence of it on the consciences of all christians , they have been let loose from it , through a confidence in other devises , to keep them unto their duty and order . and if these devises , be they ecclesiastical canons or civil penalties , be not enforced on them all , the world is made to beleive , that they are left unto the dictates of their own fancies and imaginations , as if they had no concern in christ or his authority , in this matter but for my part i shall never desire , nor endeavour to keep any from schisme or separation , but by the ways and means of christs appointment , and by a sense of his . authority on their own consciences . the remainder of his discourse on this head , consists in a lepid dram●tical oration , framed and feigned for one of his opposers ; wherein he makes him undertake the patronage of schism before cyprian and austi● . the learned person intended is very well able to defend and vindicate himself , which i suppose also he will do . in the mean time i cannot but say two things . ( . ) that the imposition on him of extenuating the guilt of any real schism , is that which none of his words do give the least countenance unto . ( . ) that the doctors attempt in his feigned oration to accommodate , his principles , or ours , unto the case of the donatists for their justification , ( the weakness whereof is evident to every one who knows any thing of the case of the donatists , ) is such an instance of the power of interest , a design to maintain a cause , causelessly undertaken , by all manner of artifices and pretences , prevailing in the minds of men otherwise wise and sober , as is to be lamented . we come at length in the th . place . sect , . p. . unto that which is indeed of more importance duly to be considered , then all that went before . for as our author observes , it is that , wherein the consciences of men are concerned . this argument therefore he takes from the obligation which lyes upon all christians to preserve the peace and vnity of the church . for the confirmation of this argument , and the application of it unto the case of them who refrain from total communion with our paroc●ial assemblies which alone is the case in hand , he lays down sundry suppositions , which i shall consider in their order , although they may be all granted without any disadvantage unto our cause . but they will be so the better , when they are rightly stated . . his first supposition is , that christians are under the strictest obligations to preserve the peace and vnity of the church . this being the foundation of all that follows , it must be rightly stated . and to that end three things may be enquired into . ( . ) what is that church , whose peace and unity we are obliged to preserve . for there are those who lay the firmest claim unto the name , power , and priviledges of the church , with whom we are obliged to have neither peace nor vnity in the worship of god. ( . ) what is that peace and vnity which we are so obliged to preserve . ( . ) by what means they are to be preserved . . we are obliged to follow peace with all men , to seek peace and pursue it , and if it be possible to live peaceably with all men . . there is a peculiar obligation upon us , to seek the peace and prosperity of the whole visible church of christ on earth , and therein as we have opportunity to do good unto the whole houshold of faith. and considering what differences , what divisions , what exasperations there are among professors of the name of christ all the world over , to abide stedfast in seeking the good of them all , and doing good unto them , as wee have opportunity , is as evident an indication of gospel love , as any thing else whatever can be . ( . ) as unto particular churches , there is an especial obligation upon us , to preserve their peace and unity from our own voluntary consent , to walk in them in obedience unto the commands of christ. where this is not , we are left unto the general obligation of seeking the peace of all men , and of the whole professing church in an especial manner , but have no other peculiar obligation thereunto . for being cast into churches of this or that form , meerly by humane constitutions and laws , or by inveterate traditions , lays no new obligation upon any to seek their peace and unity ; but whilst they abide in them , they are left unto the influence of other general commands which are to be applied unto their present circumstances . for into what state or condition soever christians are cast , they are obliged to live peaceably whilst they abide in it . . it may be enquired what is that peace and vnity of the church , that we are bound to preserve . there may be an agreement , with some kind of peace and unity in evil. they are highly pretended unto in the church of rome , but they are so in idolatry , superstition and heresie . there may be peace and unity , in any false and heretical church ; the unity of simeon and levi , brethren in evil. but the peace and unity which we are obliged to observe in particular churches , is the consent and agreement of the church in general and all the members of it , walking under the conduct of this guide in a due observation of all the institutions and commands of christ , performing towards the whole and each other , the mutual duties required by him , from a principle of faith and love. this , and this alone , is that vnity and peace , which we are peculiarly obliged to preserve in particular churches , what is more then this , relates unto the general commands of love , unity and peace before mentioned . . wherefore dly , this states the means whereby we are to preserve this peace and unity ; for we are not to endeavour it , ( . ) by a neglect or omission of the observance of any of the commands of christ. nor , ( . ) by doing or practising any thing in divine worship which he hath not appointed . nor , ( . ) by partaking in other mens sins , through a neglect of our own duty . nor , ( . ) by foregoing the means of our own edification which he commands us to make use of . for these things have no tendency to the preservation of that peace , and his third supposition , is , that nothing can discharge a christian from the obligation to communion , with his fellow members , but what is allowed by christ or his apostles , as a sufficient reason of it . it is fully agreed unto , where a man is a member of any church of divine institution by his own consent , and virtual consideration , nothing can discharge him , from communion with that church , but what is allowed by christ as a sufficient reason for it . but a little farther enquiry may be made into these things ; it was before asserted that all things lawful were to be done for the preservation of the peace of the church . here it is pleaded that there are many obligations on us , to preserve its peace and vnity . i desire to know , unto whom these rules are obligatory ? who they are that ought to yeild obedience unto them ? if it be said , that these rules are not prescribed unto the rulers and guides of the church , but unto them only who are under their conduct , i desire a proof of it , for at the first veiw it is very absurd . for as the preservation of the peace and vnity of the church , is properly incumbent on them who are the rulers of it , and it is continually pleaded by them that so it doth , so all the rules given for that end , do or should principally and in the first place , affect them , and their consciences . and these are the rules of their duty herein which are laid down by the dr. i desire therefore to know , that since there are such obligations on us to preserve the peace and unity of the church , that for that end we must do what we lawfully may ; whether the same rule doth not oblige us to forbear the doing of what we may lawfully forbear , with respect unto the same end. nay this obligation of forbearing what we may do , and yet may forbear to do without sin , for the peace and unity of the church , especially when any would be offended with our doing that which we may lawfully forbear to do , is exemplified in the scripture , confirmed by commands and instances , is more highly rational , and less exposed unto danger in practise , than the other of doing what we can . now things that are not necessary in themselves , nor necessary to be observed by a just scandal and offence in case of their omission , are things that may be lawfully forborn . suppose now the rules insisted on to be given principally and in the first place unto the rulers of the church ; i desire to know whether they are not obliged by them , for the preservation of the peace and vnity of the church , to forbear the imposition of such things on the practise of the whole church in the worship of god , as being no way necessary in themselves , nor such whose omission or the omission of whose imposition , can give scandal or offence unto any ; if they are obliged by them so to do , it will be evident where the blame of the division amongst us must lye. to say they are not obliged hereunto by vertue of these rules , is to say , that although the preservation of the peace and unity of the church be incumbent on them in a particular manner , and the chief of them can assign no other end of the office they lay claim unto , but only its expediency , or as is pretended , its necessity unto the preservation of the peace and vnity of the church ; yet they are not by vertue of any divine rules obliged thereunto . but it seemes to me somewhat unequal , that in this contest about the preservation of the peace of the church , we should be bound by rules to do all that we can , whatever it be , and those who differ from us , be left absolutely at their liberty , so as not to be obliged to forbear , what they may lawfully so do . but to proceed . upon these suppositions and in the confirmation of them , the dr. produceth a passage out of irenaeus , whose impartial consideration he chargeth on us with great solemnity , as we love our own souls . now although that passage in that great and holy person , be not new unto me , having not only read it many a time in his book , but frequently met with it urged by papists against all protestants . yet upon the drs. intimation , i have given it again the consideration required ; the words as they lye in the author are to this purpose . we shall also judge them , who make schismes being vain ( qui sunt immanes , or inanes ) not having the love of god , rather considering their own profit , than the vnity of the church ; who for small or any causes , rend and divide the glorious body of christ , and as much as in them lyes destroy it ; speaking peace but designing war , straining at a gnat , and swallowing a camel. for there can be no rebuke of things by them , to equal the mischief of schisme . lib. . cap. . i know not why he should give us such a severe charge for the impartial consideration of these words ; that as we love our souls ; we should impartially and without prejudice consider them ? we hope that out of love to the truth , the glory of christ , and care of our own souls , we do so consider , and have long since so considered , whatever belongs unto the cause wherein we ingaged , and the oppositions that are made unto it . nor will we be offended with any , that shall yet call on us to persist and proceed in the same way . but why such a charge should be laid on us with respect unto these words of irenaeus , i know not . for although we greatly value the words and judgment of that holy person , that great defender of the mystery and truth of the gospel , and of the liberty of the churches from unwarrantable impositions , yet it is the word of christ and his apostles alone , whereby we must be regulated and determined in these things , if we love our own souls . besides ! what are we concern'd in them ; is every separation from a church a schisme ? our author shews the contrary immediately ; is refraining communion in a church state not of divine institution , and in things not prescribed by the lord christ in the worship of god , holding communion in faith and love with all the true churches of christ in the world , a damnable schisme , or any schisme at all ? hath the reverend author in his whole book once attempted to prove it to be so , though this be the whole of the matter in difference between us ? is our forbearance of communion in parochial assemblies upon the reasons before pleaded , especially that of humane impositions , of the same nature with the schisme from the whole catholick church , without pretence of any such impositions ? doth he judge us to be such as have no love unto god ? such as prefer our own profit before the unity of the church ? i heartily wish and pray , that he may never have a share in that profit and advantage which we have made unto our selves by our principles and practise . poverty , distress . ruine to our families , dangers , imprisonments , revilings with contemptuous reproaches , comprize the profit we have made unto our selves . is our refraining communion in some outward order , modes and rites of mens institution , our want of conscientious submission unto the courts of chancellours , commissaries , officials , &c. a rending and destroying of the glorious body of christ ? is it cemented , united , and compacted or fitly framed together by these things ? they formerly pretended to be his coat , and must they now be esteemed to be his glorious body , when they no way belong unto the one or the other . is the application of these things unto us , an effect of that love , charity and forbearance which are the only preventive means of schisme , and whereof if men are void , it is all one upon the matter whether they are schismaticks or no , for they will be so when it is for their advantage . wherefore we are not concerned in these things . let whosoever will declare and vehemently assert us to be guilty of schisme , which they cannot prove , we can cheerfully subscribe unto these words of irenaeus . it may not be impertinent on this occasion to desire of some others , that as they love their own souls , and have compassion for the souls of other men ; they would seriously consider , what state and condition things are come unto in the church of england ; how much ignorance , profaneness , sensuality , do spread themselves over the nation ; what neglect of the most important duties of the gospel ? yea what scoffing at the power of religion doth abound amongst us ? what an utter decay and loss there is of all the primitive discipline of the church , what multitudes are in the way of eternal ruin , for want of due instruction and example from them who should lead them ; how great a necessity there is of an universal reformation , and how securely negligent of it , all sorts of persons are ? what have been the pernicious effects of imposing things unnecessary and unscriptural on the consciences and practises of men in the worship of god , whereby the church hath been deprived of the labour of so many faithful ministers , who might have at least assisted in preventing that decay of religion which every day encreaseth among us ; how easie a thing it were for them , to restore evangelical peace and vnity amongst all protestants , without the loss of their ministry , without the diminution of their dignity , without deprivation of any part of their revenues , without the neglect of any duty , without doing any thing against their light and consciences , with respect unto any divine obligation ; and thereon set themselves seriously to endeavour the remedy of these and other evils of the like nature , under a sense of that great account which they must shortly give before the judgement seat of jesus christ. he proceeds to consider the cases wherein the scripture allows of separation , which he affirms to be three . the first is in case of idolatrous worship . this none can question , they do not see , from whom yet we all separate as from idolaters . the second is in case of false dostrine being imposed instead of true ; which he confirms with sundry instances . but there is a little difficulty in this case , for , ( . ) it is uncertain when a doctrine may be said to be imposed . is it when it is taught and preach'd by the guides and governours of the church , or any of them without controul ? if so , then is such preaching a sufficient cause of separation , and will justifie them who do at present separate from any church , whose ministers preach false doctrine . how false doctrine can be otherwise imposed i know not , unless it be , by exacting an express confession of it as truth . ( . ) what false doctrine it is , which is of this importance , as to justifie separation , is not easily determinable . ( . ) if the guides and governours of the church do teach this false doctrine , who shall judge of it , and determine it so to be , and that ultimately , so as to separate from a church thereon , shall the people do it themselves ? are they meet ? are they competent for it ? are they to make such a judgement on the doctrine of their guides ; do they know what is heresie ; have they read epiphanius or binius ? how comes this allowance to be made unto them , which else where is denied ? the third is ; in case men make things indifferent necessary to salvation and divide the church on that account . but , ( . ) i know not which is to precede or go before , their division of the church , or the just separation , nor how they are to be distinguished ; but it was necessary to be so expressed . ( . ) there are two things in such an imposition , first the practise of the things imposed , secondly the judgement of them that impose them . the former alone belongs unto them who are imposed on ; and they may submit unto it , without a compliance with the doctrine , as many did in the apostles days . for the judgement of the imposers , it was their own errour and concernment only , ( . ) why is not the imposing of things indifferent , so as to make the observation of them necessary unto mens temporal salvation in this world , so as that the refusal of it , shall really affect the refusers with trouble and ruine , as just a cause of separation , as the imposing of them as necessary unto eternal salvation , which shall never affect them . ( . ) this making things indifferent necessary unto salvation , and as such imposing of them on others , is a thing impossible , that never was , nor ever can be . for it is the judgment of the imposers that is spoken of , and to judge things indifferent in themselves , to be in themselves necessary to salvation , is a contradiction . if onely the judgment of the imposers that such things are not indifferent , but necessary to salvation , be intended , and otherwise the things themselves may lawfully be imposed , i know not how this differs from the imposition of indifferent things , under any other pretence . in his following discourse concerning miscarriages in churches , where no separation is enjoyned , we are not at all concerned , and therefore shall not observe the mistakes in it , which are not a few . but may there not be other causes of peaceable withdrawing from the communion of a church , besides these here enumerated ? ( . ) suppose a church should impose the observation of judaical ceremonies and make their observation necessary , though not to salvation , yet unto the order and decency of divine worship . it may declare them to be in themselves indifferent ; but yet make them necessary to be observed . or ( . ) suppose a church should be so degenerated in the life and conversation of all its members , that being immersed in various sins , they should have only a form of godliness , but deny the power of it ? the rule of the apostle being to avoid and turn away from them . ( . ) suppose a church be fallen into such decayes , in faith , love , and fruits of charity , as that the lord jesus christ by his word , declares his disapprobation of it , and in that state refuses to reform itself , and persecutes them who would reform themselves ; or ( . ) suppose the ministry of any church , be such as is insufficient and unable to dispense the word and sacraments unto edification , so as that the whole church may perish as unto any relief by or from the administration of the ordinances of the gospel ? i say in these and such other cases , a peaceable withdrawing from the communion of such churches , is warrantable by the rule of the scripture . sect . iii. the third part of the drs. discourse he designs to examine the pleas as he speaks , for separation . and these he refers to four heads , whereof the first respects the constitution of the church . and those which relate hereunto are four also . ( . ) that parochial churches are not of christs institution . ( . ) that diocesan churches are unlawful . ( . ) that our national church hath no foundation . ( . ) that the people are deprived of their right in the choice of their pastors . the first of these , namely that our parochial churches are not of christs institution , he begins withal , and therein i am alone called to an account . i wonder the dr. should thus state the question between us . the meaning of this assertion , that our parochial churches are not of christs institution , must be either , they are not so because they are parochial , or at least in that they are parochial . but is this my judgement , have i said any thing to this purpose ; yea he knows full well , that in my judgment there are no churches directly of divine institution , but those that are parochial or particular churches . we are not therefore to expect much in the ensuing disputation , when the state of the question is so mistaken at the entrance . if he say , or intend ▪ that there are many things in their parochial churches , observed , practised and imposed on all their members , in and about the worship of god , which are not of divine institution , we grant it to be our judgment , and part of our plea in this case . but this is not at all spoken unto . wherefore the greatest part of the ensuing discourse on this head , is spent in perpetual diversions from the state of the case under consideration , with an attempt to take advantage for some reflections , or an appearance of success , from some passages and expressions , belonging nothing at all unto the merit of the cause ; a course which i thought so learned a person would not have taken , in a case wherein conscience is so nearly concerned . some mistakes occurring in it , have been already rectified ; as that wherein he supposeth that my judgement is for the democratical government of the church ; as also what he alledgeth in the denyal of the gradual declension of the primitive churches , from their first original institution hath been examined . i shall therefore plainly and directly propose the things which i assert and maintain in this part of the controversie ; and then consider what occurrs in opposition unto them , or otherwise seems to be of any force towards the end in general of charging us with , schisme , and they are these that follow . . particular churches or congregations , with their order and rule are of divine institution , and are sufficient unto all the ends of evangelical churches . i take churches and congregations in the same sence and notion as the church of england doth , defining the church by , a congregation of beleivers , otherwise there may be occasional congregations , that are not stated churches . . unto these churches , there is committed by christ himself , all the ordinary power , and priviledges that belong unto any church under the gospel , and of them is required the observance of all church duties ; which it is their sin to omit . . there is no church of any other form , kind , nature or constitution , that is of divine institution . things may be variously ordered in and amongst christians ; or their societies may be cast , or disposed of , into such respective relations to , and dependance on one another , in compliance with the political state , and other circumstances of times and places , as may be thought to tend unto their advantage . that which we affirm is , that no alteration of their state from the nature and kind of particular churches is of divine institution . . such churches whose frame , constitution and power , are destructive of the order , liberty , power , priviledges and duties of particular churches , are so farr contrary unto divine institution , and not to be comply'd withall . hereon we affirm , that whereas we are excluded from total communion in our parochial assemblies , by the imposition of things unto us unlawful and sinful , as indispensible conditions of their communion , and cannot comply with them in their rule and worship on the reasons before alledged , it is part of the duty we owe to jesus christ , to gather our selves into particular churches or congregations , for the celebration of divine worship , and the observation , doing , or performance of all his commands . these are the things which in this case we adhere unto , and which must all of them be overthrown , before any colour can be given unto any charge of schism against us , and what is spoken unto this purpose in the drs. discourse , we shall now consider . only i desire the reader to remember , that all these principles or assertions , are fully confirm'd in the preceding discourse . that which first occurs in the treatise under consideration unto the point in hand , is the exception put in unto a passage in my former discourse , which is as follows . we do not say that because communion in ordinances should be only in such churches as christ hath instituted , that therefore it is lawful and necessary to separate from parochial churches ; but if it be on other grounds necessary so to separate or withhold communion from them , it is the duty of them that do so , to joyn themselves in or unto some other particular congregation . i have not observed any occasion wherein the dr. is more vehement in his rhetorick , then he is on that of this passage , which yet appears to me to be good sence and innocent . . hereunto he says , ( . ) p. . that this is either not to the business , or it is a plain giving up the cause of independency . if he judge that it is not to the business , i cannot help it , and he might as i suppose have done well to have taken no notice of it ; as i have dealt with many passages in his discourse . but if it be a giving up of the cause of independency , i say whatever that be , let whoso will take it , and dispose of it as it seems good unto them , but in proof hereof he says . ( . ) wherefore did the dissenting brethren so much insist upon their separate congregations , when not one of the things now particularly alledged against our church was required of them . i answer , ( . ) if any did in those times plead for separate congregations , let them answer for themselves , i was none of them . they did indeed plead for distinct congregations , exempt in some few things , from a penal rule , then endeavoured by some to be imposed on all . but there was no such difference nor restraint of communion between any of them , as it is at present between us and parochial churches . ( . ) it is very possible that there may be other reasons of forbearing a conjunction in some acts of church rule , which was all that was pleaded for by the dissenting brethren , then those which are alledged against total communion with parochial churches in worship , order and discipline . . he adds secondly , but if he insists on those things common to our church with other reformed churches , then they are such things as he supposes contrary to the first institution of churches , &c. i fear i do not well understand what this means , nor what it tends unto , but according as i apprehend the sence of it ; i say ( . ) i insist principally on such things as are not common unto them with other reformed churches , but such as are peculiar unto the church of england . these vary the terms and practice of our communion , between them and it . . the things we except against in parochial churches , are not contrary to their first institution as parochial , which as hath been proved is the only kind of churches , that is of divine institution ; but are contrary unto what is instituted to be done and observed in such churches ; which one observation makes void all that he would inferre from the present suppositions ; as , . he enquireth hereon , what difference there is between s●perating from our churches , because communion in ordinances is onely to be enjoyed in such churches , as christ hath instituted , and separating from them , because they have things repugnant unto the first institution of churches . the dr. i fear would call this sophistry in another or at least complain that it is somewhat odly and faintly expressed . but we shall consider it as it is , ( . ) separation from parochial churches , because communion in ordinances is only to be enjoyed in such churches as christ hath instituted , is denied by us ; it is so in the assertion opposed by him ; and i do not know whether it be laid down by him , as that which we affirm or which we deny . ( . ) there is great ambiguity in the latter clause ; of separating from them , because they have things repugnant unto the first institution of churches . for it is one thing , to separate from a church because it is not of divine institution , that is , not of that kind of churches which are divinely instituted , and another to do so , because of things practised and imposed in it contrary to divine institution , which is the case in hand . . but he after saith , is not this the primary reason of separation , because christ hath appointed unalterable rules for the government of his church , which are not to be observed in parochial churches ? i answer no ; it is not so , for there may be an omission , at least for a season , in some churches of some rules that christ hath appointed in the government of his church , ( and we judge his rules as unto right unalterable ) which may not be a just cause of separation . so the church of the jews continued a long time in the omission of the observance of the feast of tabernacles . but the principal reason of the separation we defend , is the practising and imposing of sundry things in the worship of the church , not of divine institution , yea in our judgment contrary thereunto , and the framing of a rule of government of mens devising , to be laid on all the members of them , this is the primary cause pleaded herein . but because the dr. proposeth a case on those suppositions , whereon he seems to lay great weight , though indeed however it be determined it conduceth nothing unto his end , but argues only some keenness of spirit against them whom he opposeth , i shall at large transcribe the whole of it . let us then , ( saith he ) ( . ) suppose that christ hath by unalterable rule appointed that a church shall consist only , of such a number of men , as may meet in one congregation so qualified ; and that those by entring into covenant with each other , ( whereof we shall treat hereafter ) become a church and choose their officers , who are to teach and admonish and administer sacraments , and to exercise discipline by the consent of the congregation . and let us ( ) suppose such a church not yet gathered , but there lies fit matter for it dispersed up and down in several parishes . ( ) let us suppose d. o. about to gather such a church ; ( ) let us suppose not one thing peculiar to our church , required of these members , neither the aerial sign of the cross , nor kneeling at the communion , &c. i desire to know whether d. o. be not bound by this unalterable rule , to draw these members from communion with parochial churches on purpose that they might form a congregational church according to christs institution ? either then he must quit these unalterable rules and institutions of christ , ( which he will never do whilst he lives ) or he must acknowledge , that setting up a congregational church , is the primary ground of this separation from our parochial churches . &c. the whole design hereof is to prove , that we do not withhold communion from their parochial assemblies , because of the things that are practised and imposed in them , in the worship of god , and church rule ; but because of a necessity apprehended of setting up congregational churches . i answer , . we know it is otherwise , and that we plead the true reason and that which our consciences are regulated by , in refraining from their communion , and it is in vain for him or any man else to endeavour so to birdlime our understandings by a multiplicity of questions as to make us think we do not judge , what we do judge , or do not do what we know our selves well enough to do . if we cannot answer sophismes against motion , we can yet rise up and walk . . these things are consistent , and are not capable of being opposed one to the other ; namely , that we refrain communion on the reasons alledged , and thereon judge it necessary to erect congregational churches ; which we should have no occasion to do , were not we excluded from communion in parochial assemblies , as we are . . the case being put unto me , i answer plainly unto the doctors last supposition whereon the whole depends , that if those things which we except against , as being unduely practised and imposed in parochial assemblies , were removed and taken away , i would hold communion with them , all the communion that any one is obliged to hold with any church , and would in nothing separate from them . this spoiles the whole case . but then he will say , i am no independent ; i cannot help that , he may judge as he sees cause ; for i am nullius addictus jurare in verba magistria designing to be the disciple of christ alone . . but yet suppose that in such churches all the things excepted against being removed , there is yet a defect in some unalterable rule , that concerns the government of the churches , that they answer not in all things the strictness laid down in the drs first supposition ( although it is certain that if not all of them absolutely , yet the most of them , and of the most importance , would be found virtually in parochial assemblies , upon the removal of the things excepted against ) the enquiry is , what i would do then , or whether i would not set up a congregational church , gathered out of other churches ; i answer , i tell you plainly what i would do ; ( . ) if i were joyned unto any such church , as wherein there were a defect in any of the rules appointed by christ for its order and government , i would endeavour peaceably , according as the duties of my state and calling did require ▪ to introduce the practise and observance of them . ( . ) in case i could not prevail therein , i would consider whether the want of the things supposed , were such , as to put me on the practise of any thing unlawful , or cut me short of the necessary means of edification ; and if i found they do not so do , i would never for such defects separate or withdraw communion from such a church . but , . suppose that from these defects should arise not only a real obstruction unto edification , but also a necessity of practising some things unlawful to be observed , wherein no forbearance could be allowed , i would not condemn such a church , i would not separate from it , would not withdraw from acts of communion with it , which were lawful ; but i would peaceably joyn in fixed personal communion with such a church as is free from such defects ; and if this cannot be done without the gathering of a new church , i see neither schisme nor separation in so doing . wherefore notwithstanding all the drs questions and his case founded on as many suppositions as he was pleased to make , it abides firm and unshaken , that the ground and reason of our refraining communion from parochial assemblies , is the practise and imposition of things not lawful for us to observe in them . and it is unduely affirmed ( p. . ) that upon my grounds , separation is necessary , not from the particular conditions of communion with them , but because parochial churches are not formed after the congregational way . for what form of churches they have , be it what it will , it is after the congregational way . and it is more unduely affirmed , and contrary unto the rules of christian charity , that this plea of ours , is a necessary piece of art to keep fair with the presbyterian party . for as we design to keep fair , as it is called , with no parties , but onely so far as truth and christian love require , and so we design it with all parties whatsoever ; so the plea hath been always insisted on by us , and was the cause of non-conformity in multitudes of our perswasion , before they had any opportunity to gather any congregational churches according to the rule of the gospel . such things will never help nor adorn any cause in the issue . but he presseth the due consideration of this art , ( that , as i suppose , they may avoid the snare of it ) on the presbyterians , by minding them what was done in former times , in the debate of the dissenting brethren , and the setting up of congregational churches in those dayes . for saith he , have those of the congregational way since altered their judgment ? hath d. o. yielded that in case some termes of communion in our church , were not insisted on , they would give over separation ? were not their churches first gathered out of presbyterian congregations ; and if presbytery had been setled upon the kings restauration , would they not have continued in their separation ? answ. , there is no difference that i know of , between presbyterians and those whom he calls independents , about particular churches . for the presbyterians allow them to be of divine institution ; grant them the exercise of discipline , by their own eldership in all ordinary cases , and none to be exercised in them , without them or their own consent , as also their right unto the choice of their own officers ; so that there could be no separation between them on that account . . when they begin in good earnest to reform themselves and to take away the unsufferable conditions of communion excepted against , they may know more of my judgment if i am alive , ( which i do not believe i shall be ) as unto separation ; though i have spoken unto it plainly enough already . . it cannot be said , that the churches of the independents were gathered out of presbyterian churches , for the presbyterian government was never here established ; and each party took liberty to reform themselves according according to their principles , wherein there was some difference . . had the presbyterian government been settled at the kings restauration , by the encouragement and protection of the practise of it , without a rigorous imposition of every thing supposed by any to belong thereunto , or a mixture of humane constitutions , if there had any appearance of a schisme or separation continued between the parties , i do judge they would have been both to blame . for as it cannot be expected that all churches and all persons in them , should agree in all principles and practises belonging unto church order , nor was it so in the dayes of the apostles , nor ever since among any true churches of christ ; so all the fundamental principles of church communion , would have been so fixed and agreed upon between them , and all offences in worship so removed , as that it would have been a matter of no great art absolutely to unite them , or to maintain a firm communion among them , no more then in the dayes of the apostles , and the primitive times , in reference to the differences that were among churches in those dayes . for they allowed distinct communion upon distinct apprehensions of things belonging unto church order or worship , all keeping the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . if it shall be asked then , why did they not formerly agree in the assemby ? i answer , ( . ) i was none of them , and cannot tell . ( . ) they did agree in my judgment well enough , if they could have thought so ; and farther i am not concern'd in the difference . it is therefore notorious , that occasion is given unto our refraining free communion with parochial churches by the unwarrantable imposition of things , not lawful for us to observe , both in church order and worship ; nor is it candid in any to deny it , though they are otherwise minded as unto the things themselves . his second exception is unto a saying which i quoted out of justice hobarts reports , who saith , we know well that the primitive church in its greatest purity was but voluntary congregations of believers , submitting themselves to the apostles and other pastors , to whom they did minister of their temporals as god did move them . hereunto with a reflection on a dead man , i know not why , he replies , that this is not to the purpose , or rather quite overthrows my hypothesis . but why so ? he will prove it with two arguments , the first is this , those voluntary congregations over which the apostles were set , were no limited congregations of any one particular church , but those congregations over which the apostles were set are those of which justice hobart speaks , and therefore it is plain he spake of all the churches which were under the care of the apostles , which he calls voluntary congregations . answ. . whereas this argument seems to be cast into the form of a syllogisme , i could easily manifest how asyllogistical it is , did i delight to contend with him , or any else . but . the conclusion which he infers is directly what i plead for , namely , that all the churches under the care of the apostles were voluntary congregations . . there is fallacy in that expression , no limited congregations of any one particular church ; no such thing is pretended , but particular churches are congregations . such were all the churches over which the apostles were set , and therefore justice hobart speaks of them all . this then is that which he seems to oppose , namely , that all the churches under the care of the apostles were particular voluntary congregations , as justice hobart affirms , and this is that which in the close , he seemes to grant . his second argument which is no less ambiguous , no less a rope of sand than the former , is this , those voluntary congregations over whom the apostles appointed pastors after their decease , were no particular congregations in one city . but those of whom justice hobart speaks were such , for he saith they first submitted unto the apostles and afterwards to other pastors ; what then ? why justice hobart could not be such a stranger to antiquity as to believe that the christians in the age after the apostles , amounted but to one congregation in a city . answ. . what this is designed to prove , or disprove , or how it doth either of them i do not understand ; but i deny the proposition . the voluntary congregations over whom the apostles appointed pastors were all of them particular congregations , either in one city or more cities , for that is nothing unto our purpose . . not to ingage justice hobart or his honour , i do confess my self such a stranger unto antiquity ( if that may be esteemed the reason of it ) as not to believe that the christians in the age after the apostles amounted to any more than one church or congregation in a city ; and shall acknowledge my self beholding to this reverend author , if he will give me one undoubted instance where they so did ▪ only let the reader observe , that i intend not occasional meetings of any of the church with or without their elders , which were frequent . they met in those dayes , in fields , in mountains , in dens and caves of the earth , in burying places , in houses hired or borrowed , in upper rooms , or cellars , whereof a large story might easily be given , if it were to our present purpose . dionysius of alexandria summs them up briefly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a field , a desert , a ship , an inn , a prison , were places of our meetings : euseb. lib. . cap. . but i speak of stated churches , with their worship , power , order and rule . but whether there were more such churches in any one city ; is a matter of fact that shall be immediately enquired into . all that i here assert and confirm from the words of justice hobart , is that the churches in the days of the apostles were particular voluntary congregations . and the dr. will find it a difficult task to prove that this overthrows my hypothesis . our author in the next place opposeth what i affirm'd of the gradual deviation of the churches after the apostles from the rule of their first institution ; which hath been already accounted for . sect. . p. . upon an occasional expression of mine , about the church of carthage in cyprians time , he gives us a large account of the state of the church of carthage at that time , wherein we are not much concern'd . my words are , vindic. p. . though many alterations were before that time , introduced into the order and rule of the churches , yet it appears that when cyprian was bishop of the church of carthage , that the whole community of the members of that church did meet together to determine of things that were of their common interest , according unto what was judged to be their right and liberty in those dayes . i thought no man who is so conversant in the writings of cyprian as our author apparently is , could have denied the truth hereof , nor do i say it is so done by him ; onely he takes occasion from hence to discourse at large concerning the state of the church at carthage in those dayes in opposition to mr. cotton , who affirms that there was found in that church the express and lively lineaments of the very body of congregational discipline . herein i am not concern'd , who do grant that at that time there were many alterations introduced into the order and rule of the church ; but that the people did meet together unto the determination of things of their common interest , such as were the choice of their officers , and the readmission of them into the fellowship of the church who had fallen through infirmity in time of persecution , or publick offences and divisions , is so evident in the writings of cyprian , wherein he ascribes unto them the right of choosing worthy , and of rejecting unworthy officers , and tells them that in such cases he will do nothing without their consent , that it cannot be gain-said . but hereon he asketh , where i had any reason to appeal to st. cyprian for the democratical government of the church ; which indeed i did not do , nor any thing which look'd like unto it ; and he addes that they have this advantage from the appeal , that we do not suppose any deviation then from the primitive institution , whereas my words are positive , that before that time there were many alterations introduced into the rule and order of the church ; such things will partiallity in a cause , and aiming at success in disputation , produce . m. cotton affirms , that the lineaments of the congregational discipline are found in that church ; that there is therein a just representation of an episcopal church ; that is i presume diocesan , because that alone is unto his purpose . it is not lawful to make any church after the time of the apostles the rule of all church state and order ; nor yet to be absolutely determined in these things , by the authority of any man not divinely inspired , and yet i cannot but wish , that all the three parties dissenting about church order , rule and worship , would attempt an agreement between themselves , upon the representation made of the state of the church of carthage in the dayes of cyprian , ( which all of them lay some claim unto ) although it will be an abridgement of some of their pretensions . it might bring them all nearer together , and it may be all of them in some things nearer to the truth ; for it is certain , . that the church of carthage was at that time a particular church ; there was no more church but one in that city . many occasional meetings and assemblies in several places for divine exercises , and worship there were . but stated churches with officers of their own , members peculiarly belonging unto them , discipline among them , such as our reverend author doth afterwards affirme and describe our parochial churches to be , there were none , nor is it pretended that there were . . that in this one church , there were many presbyters or elders , who ruled the whole body or community of it , by common advice and counsel , whether they were all of them , such as laboured in the word and doctrine , with the administration of the sacraments , or attended unto rule only , it doth not appear . but that they were many , and such as did not stand in any peculiar relation unto any part of the people , but concur'd in common , to promote the edification of the whole body , as occasion and opportunity did require ; is evident in the account given of them by cyprian himself . . that among those elders , in that one church , there was one peculiarly called the bishop , who did constantly preside amongst them , in all church affairs , and without whom ordinarily nothing was done , as neither did he any thing , without the advice of the elders , and consent of the people . how far this may be allowed for orders sake is worth consideration ; of divine institution it is not . but where there are many elders , who have equal interest in , and right unto the rule of the whole church , and the administration of all ordinances , it is necessary unto order , that one do preside in their meetings and consultations , whom custom gave some preheminence unto . . that the people were ruled by their own consent , and that in things of greatest importance , as the choice of their officers , the casting out and the receiving in of lapsed members , had their suffrage in the determination of them . . that there was no imposition of liturgies , or ceremonies , or any humane invention in the worship of god , on the church or any members of it , the scripture being the sole acknowledged rule in discipline and worship . this was the state and order of the church of carthage in those days , and although there were some alterations in it , from the first divine institution of churches , yet i heartily wish , that there were no more difference amongst us , then what would remain upon a supposition of this state . for what remains of the opposition made unto what i had asserted concerning congregational or particular churches , i may referre the doctor and the reader , unto what hath been farther pleaded concerning them , in the preceding discourse , nor am i satisfied that he hath given any sufficient answer unto what was before alledged in the vindication , but hath passed by what was most pregnant with evidence unto the truth , and by a mistake of my mind or words diverts very much from the state of the question , which is no other but what i laid down before , yet i will consider what is material in the whole of his discourse on this subject . sect . . p. , he says , i affirm that as to the matter of fact concerning the institution of congregational churches , it seems evidently exemplyfied in the scripture ; for which i referre the reader unto what is now again declared in the confirmation of it . and he adds , the matter of fact is that when churches grew too big for one single congregation in a city , then a new congregational church was set up under new officer , with a separate power of government ; that is in that city . but this is not at all the matter of fact. i do not say that there were originally more particular churches then one in one city ; i do grant , in the words next quoted by him , that there is not express mention made , that any such church did divide it self into more congregations with new officers . but this is the matter of fact , that the apostles appointed onely particular congregations , and that therefore they did not oblige the christians about in a province or diocess , to be of that church which was first erected in any town or city , but they founded new churches , with new officers of their own , in all places where there were a sufficient number of believers , to make up such a church . and this i prove , from the instance of the church of hierusalem , which was first planted ; but quickly after there were churches gathered and settled in judea , gallilee , and samaria . they planted churches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the cities and villages as clemens speaks . but , what saith he , is this to the proof of the congregational way , this it is , namely , that the churches instituted by the apostles were all of them congregational , not diocesan , provincial or national ; but saith he , the thing i desired was , that when the christians in one city multiplyed into more congregations , they would prove that they did make new and distinct churches ; he may desire it of them who grant that the christians did multiply in one city , into more congregations then one ( which i deny ) untill the end of the second century ; although they might and did occasionally meet , especially in times of persecution in distinct assemblies . neither will their multiplication into more congregations without distinct officers , at all help the cause he pleadeth for ; for his diocesan church , consisteth of many distinct churches with their distinct officers , order and power , as he afterwards describes our parishes to do under one bishop . yet such is his apprehension of the justice of his cause , that what hath been pleaded twenty times against it , namely , that speaking of one city the scripture still calls it the church of that place , but speaking of a province as judea , galilee , samaria , galatia , macedonia , it speaks of the churches of them , which evidently proves , that it knows nothing of a diocesan , provincial or national church ; he produceth in the justification of it , because he saith , that it is evident the●ne , that there was but one church in one city , which was never denyed . there were indeed then many bishops in one church , phil. . . acts . . and afterwards when one church had one bishop only , yet there were two bishops in one city , which requires two churches , as epiphanus affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . haeres . . s. . for alexandria never had two bishops as other cities had . whether he intend two bishops in one church , or two churches in one city , all is one to our purpose . but the dr. i presume makes this observation rather artificially to prevent an objection against his main hypothesis , then with any design to strengthen it thereby . for he cannot but know how frequently it is pleaded in opposition unto any national church state , as unto its mention in the scripture . for he that shall speak of the churches , in essex , suffolk , hartfordshire , and so of other counties , without the least intimation of any general church unto which they should belong , would be judged to speak rather the independent then the episcopal dialect . but saith he . p. . i cannot but wonder what dr. o. means , when after he hath produced the evidence of distinct churches in the same province , he calls this plain scripture evidence and practise for the erecting particular distinct congregations ; who denies that ? ( i say then , it is incumbent on him to prove , if he do any thing in this cause , that they erected churches of another sort , kind and order also . ) but saith he , i see nothing like a proof , of distinct churches in the same city , which was the thing to be proved , but because it could not be proved , was prudently let alone . but this was not the thing to be proved , nor did i propose it to confirmation , nor assert it , but have proved the contrary unto the end of the second century . this only i assert that every church in one city , was only one church ; and nothing is offered by the doctor to the contrary , yea he affirms the same . but saith he , sect . . p. . dr. o. saith , that the christians of one city might not exceed the bounds of a particular church or congregation , no although they had a multiplication of bishops or elders in them , and occasional distinct assemblies for some acts of divine worship . but then , saith he , the notion of a church is not limited in the scripture to a single congregation . why so ; for saith he , if occasional assemblies be allowed for some acts of worship , why not for others ; i say because they belong unto the whole church , or are acts of communion in the whole church assembled , and so cannot be observed in occasional meetings , do this saith the apostle , when you come together in one place . and if saith he , the number of elders be unlimited , then every of those may attend the occasional distinct assemblies for worship , and yet altogether make up the body of one church , and so say i , they may , and yet be one church still joyning together in all acts of communion , that are proper and peculiar unto the church . for as the meetings intended were occasional so also was the attendance of the elders unto them , as they found occasion , for the edification of the whole church . it may be the dr. is not so well acquainted with the principles and practise of the congregational way , and therefore thinks that these things are contrary unto them . but those of that way , do maintain that there ought to be in every particular congregation unto the compleatness of it , many elders or overseers ; that the number of them ought to be encreased , as the encrease of the church makes it necessary for their edification , that the members of such a church may and ought to meet occasionally in distinct assemblies , especially in the time of persecution , for prayer , preaching of the word and mutual exhortation ; so when peter was in prison after the death of james , many met together in the house of mary to pray , acts . . which was not a meeting of the whole church . and that there were such private meetings , of the members of the same church in times of persecution , among the primitive churches , may be proved by a multiplication of instances ; but still they continued one church , and joyned together in all acts of church communion properly so called , especially if it were possible every lords-day , as justin martyr declares that the church did in his time . for all the christians saith he then , in the city and villages about , gathered together in one place for the ends mentioned . but still these distinct occasional assemblies , did not constitute any distinct societies or corporations , as the distinct companies do in a city . but saith he , grant one single bishop over all these elders , and they make up that representation of a church , which we have from the best and purest antiquity . i say we would quickly grant it , could we see any warrant for it , or if he could prove that so it was from the beginning . however this is no part of our present contest , namely , whether some while after the days of the apostles , in churches that were greatly encreased , and many elders in them , there was not one chosen , ( as at alexandria , ) by those elders themselves , to preside among them , who in a peculiar manner was called a bishop . but if i mistake not , that alone which would advantage his cause is to prove , that there were in one city , or any where else , many , not occasional assemblies of christians or church members , but many stated , fixed churches , with officers of their own , peculiarly related unto them , entrusted with church power and priviledges , at least as much as he afterwards pleads to be in our parochial churches , all under the government of one single bishop , making up a new church state beyond that of particular congregations , by their relation unto him as their common pastor . this i take it , is that which should have been prov'd . all the difficulty wherewith our assertion is accompanyed , ariseth from the multiplication of believers , and the encrease of churches , in the apostles time or presently after . for this seems to be so great , as that those in one city could not continue in one church , notwithstanding the advantages of occasional assemblies . the church of jerusalem had in it at the same time ; the word grew and prevailed at ephesus and other places ; whereto i shall briefly answer as hastning unto a close of this unpleasing labour . i say therefore . . whatever difficulty may seem to be in this matter , yet in point of fact , so it was ; there was no church before the end of the second century of any other species , nature or kind , but a particular congregational church only , as hath been proved before ; let any one instance be produced of a church of one denomination , national , provincial , or diocesan , or of any other kind then that which is congregational , and i will give over this contest . but when a matter of fact is certain , it is too late to enquire how it might be . and on this occasion i shall add that if in that space of time , namely , before the end of the second century , any proof or undoubted testimony can be produced , of the imposition of the necessary use of liturgies , or of stated ceremonies of the practise of church discipline consistent with that now in use in the church of england , it will go a great way in the determination of the whole controversie between us . . the admirable prevalency of the gospel in those days , consisted principally in its spreading it self all the world over , and planting seminaries for farther conversions in all nations . it did indeed prevail more in some cities and towns then in others ; in some places many were converted , in others the tender of it was utterly rejected ; how be it it prevailed not unto the gathering of such great numbers into any church solely , as might destroy , or be inconsistent with its congregational institution . for not all , not it may be half , not sometimes a third part , of them who made some profession of the truth , and attended unto the preaching of the word , and many of whom underwent martyrdom , were admitted as compleat members of the church , unto all the parts of its communion . hence there were many who upon a general account were esteemed christians , and that justly , where the churches were but small . . it doth not appear that in the next age after the apostles , the churches were any where so increased in number as to bear the least proportion with the inha●itants of the cities and towns wherein they were . the church of smyrna in the dayes of polyicarpus may justly be esteemed one of the greatest in those dayes , both from the eminency of the place and person who was justly accounted the great instructer of all asia , as they called him when he was carried unto the stake . but this church giveth such an account of it self in its epistle unto the churches of pontus about the martyrdom of polycarpus , as manifest the church there to have been a very small number , in comparison of the multitude of the other inhabitants , so as that it was scarcely known who or what they were . euseb. lib. . cap. . so in the excellent epistle of the churches of vienna and lyons , unto the churches of asia and phrygia , concerning the persecutions that befell them , as they declare themselves to have been particular churches onely , so they make it evident that they bore in number no proportion unto the inhabitants of the places where they were , who could scarce discover them by the most diligent search . euseb. lib. . cap , . . as for the church of hierusalem in particular , notwithstanding the great number of its original converts , who probably were many of them strangers , occasionally present at the feast of pentecost , and there instructed in the knowledge of the truth , that they might in the several countries whither they immediately returned , be instruments of the propagation of the gospel , it is certain that many years after it consisted of no greater multitude then could come together in one place , to the mannagement of church affairs acts , . , . nor is it likely that pella an obscure place , whose name probably had never been known , but on this occasion , was like to receive any great multitudes ; nor doth epiphanius say , as our authour pretends , that they spread themselves from thence to coelosyria and decapolis and basanitis . for he affirmes expresly that all the disciples which went from hierusalem dwelt at pella . only he says that from thence the sect of the nazarenes , took its original , which spread it self ( afterwards ) in coelosyria , decapolis and basanitis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of that sect ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; they dwelled all at pella . sect. . p. . he quotes another saying of mine , namely , that i cannot discern the least necessity of any positive rule or direction in this matter , seeing the nature of the thing , and the duty of man doth indispensibly require it . and hereon he attempts to make advantage , in opposition unto another saying as he supposeth of mine ; namely , that the institution of churches , and the rules for their disposal and government throughout the world are the same , stated and unalterable ; from whence he makes many inferences to countenance him in his charge of schisme . but why should we contend fruitlesly about these things ? had he been pleased to read a little farther on the same page , he would have seen that i affirm the institution itself to be a plain command , which considering the nature of the duties required of men in church relation , is sufficient to oblige them thereunto , without any new revelation unto that purpose , which renders all his queries , exceptions and inferences of no use . for i do not speak in that place of the original institution of churches whose laws and rules are universal and vnalterable , but our actual gathering into particular churches , for which i say the necessity of duty is our warrant , and the institution it self a command . no great advantage will be made any way of such attempts . the like i must say of his following discourse , p. concerning churches in private families , wherewith i am dismissed . i do grant that a church may be in a family . there was so in the family of abraham before the law. and if a family do consist of such numbers , as may constitute a church meet for the duties required of it , and the priviledges intrusted with it ; if it hath persons in it furnished with gifts and graces , fit for the ministerial office , and they be lawfully called and set apart thereunto , i see no reason why they should not be a chur●h , although they should be all in the same family . but what is this to the imprisoning of all religious worship in private families , that never were churches , nor can so be , with the admission of some other which our author would justifie from this concession , i know not . but it is easie to see what our condition should alwayes be , if some mens power did answer their desires . but the will of god be done . i shall not farther concern my self to consider things charged but not proved , repeated but not confirmed , depending on a misunderstanding , or misapprehension of words , wherein the merit of the cause is not concerned . that which i first undertook was a vindication of the non-conformists from the charge of the guilt of schisme . and this i ingaged in for no other reason , but to remove as far as in me lay , the obstruction that seemed to be cast by the drs. sermon unto the uniting of all protestants in the same common interest against popery . for although the design might be good , as i hope it was , and he might judge well of the seasonableness of what he proposed unto its end ; yet we found it , ( it may be from the circumstances of it , as unto time and place ) to be of a contrary tendency , to the raising of new disputes , creating of new jealousies , and weakning the hands of multitudes , who were ready and willing to joyn entirely in opposition unto popery , and the defence of the protestant religion . for if a party of souldiers ( as the dr. more then once alludes unto that sort of men ) should be drawing up in a field , with others , to oppose a common enemy , some persons of great authority and command in the army , should go unto them , and declare , that they were not to be trusted , that they themselves were traytors and enemies , fit to be destroyed when the common enemy was dispatched or reconciled , it would certainly abate of their courage and resolution in what they were undertaking , with no less hazard , then any others in the army . i have here again unto the same end vindicated the principles of the former vindication , with what brevity i could . for the truth is , i meet with nothing material in the drs. large discourse as unto what he chargeth on those of the congregational perswasion , but what is obviated in the foregoing treatise . and if any thing of the same nature be further offered in opposition unto the same principles , it shall ( if god give life and strength be considered in and with the second part of it , concerning the matter , form , rule , polity , offices , officers , and order of evangelical churches , which is designed ; and it is designed not for strife and contention with any , which if it be possible , and as far as in me lieth i shall alwayes avoid , but for the edification of them , by whom it is desired . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e see discourse of evangelical love , pag. . notes for div a -e cor. . . chap. . . notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . p. , , . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . & . pag. , & . pansebeia, or, a view of all religions in the world with the severall church-governments from the creation, to these times : also, a discovery of all known heresies in all ages and places, and choice observations and reflections throughout the whole / by alexander ross. ross, alexander, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r _pt wing r _pt estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) pansebeia, or, a view of all religions in the world with the severall church-governments from the creation, to these times : also, a discovery of all known heresies in all ages and places, and choice observations and reflections throughout the whole / by alexander ross. ross, alexander, - . haestens, henrick van. davies, john, - . the second edition, enlarged and perfected ; to which are annexed, the lives, actions, and ends of certain notorious hereticks, with their effigies in copper plates. [ ], , [ ], [ ], , [ ] p. : ill., ports. printed by t.c. for john saywell ..., london : . first edition, london, . added t.p. and separate paging ([ ], p.): apocalypsis, or, the revelation of certain notorious advancers of heresie ... london : printed by e. tyler for john saywell, . "the lives ... of certain notorious hereticks" (pt. ), is sometimes attributed to h.l. van haestens. pt. was translated by john davies from the latin, apocalypsis insignium aliquot haeresiarcharum, . pt. deals largely with the anabaptists. advertisement: prelim. p. [ ] and p. [ ] in fourth grouping. marginal notes. includes indexes. reproduction of original in duke university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and 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first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history. religion -- early works to . anabaptists. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ΠΑΝΣΕΒΕΙΑ : or : a vievv of all religions in the world : with the severall church-governments , from the creation , to these times . also , a discovery of all known heresies in all ages and places : and choice observations and reflections throughout the whole . the second edition , enlarged and perfected , by alexander ross . to which are annexed , the lives , actions , and ends of certain notorious hereticks . with their effigies in copper plates . . thess. . . omnia autem probate : quod bonum est , tenete . is printer's or publisher's device london , printed by t. c. for iohn saywell , and are to be sold at his shop , at the sign of the grey-hound in little-britain , without aldersgate . . the booksellers advertisement to the reader . it is the greatest justice in the world to be just to the dead , since they , if injured , cannot be their own compurgators , and that is it hath obliged me to use that tendernesse to this great author , who , to the regret of all learned , hath so suddenly left this world . his great pains in the dilatation of this book , are easily seen by the bulk of it , nor had the epistle and preface escaped his second thoughts , had not the lease of his life expired so soon as it did . and therefore i have not ( which is the arrogancy of too many ) presumed to make any diversion , or alterations in either , but rather have thought it just to let them passe in this , as they did in the first edition , that is to say , in his own words . for had i been unjust to the author in this respect , i had withal been guilty of as great an injury to the worthy gentleman ( though not of my acquaintance ) to whom he was , when alive , pleased to dedicate it ; since i cannot but hope that he will continue the same tendernesse & indulgence towards the orphan , as he was pleased to express when he first received it an infant . i shal further ad , that it wil render it self to the reader much more acceptable , not only for its additions , but also , that the author had thoroughly revised the same ; and that the care and supervising of the presse rested so much upon me , ( not onely out of an ordinary care , but singular respect to the deseased author ) as that i think it needlesse to prefix an errata , there having nothing passed , but what an ordinary capacity may easily correct . as for the book , i shall adventure it the test of the most censorious mome ; and for the author , in his life time ; there was not found the mouth or pen so black , that durst asperse his name , or parts ; but since his death , one ( so much a hobbist , that i wish he turn not atheist ) hath in print given him a snarling character , whom leaving to his folly , i shall only desire that this short sentence , de mo●tuis nil nise bonum ; may be his remembrancer for the future . besides the authors endeavours in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is hoped ere long , that thou mayest see a volume of his sermons in print , such as will convince the world of the calumny of that cynick , but continue his own memory while there shal be found either lovers of learning , or the learned . the reader may likewise take notice of an appendix , wherein he is entertained with a strange tragedy of modern , and some ancient hereticks , acting their parts in their own proper persons , as neer as the skil of the graver could represent them . and what could more properly have been annexed ? for now having seen their foundations or principles , behold also their ends : and take christs own counsel , matth. . . to beware of false prophets , &c. with our saviours direction also , verse . by their fruits ye shal know them . all which are tendered to the serious perusal of the reader : whereof that he may make his temporal and eternal advantages , shall be the constant prayer of i. s. to the worshipful robert abdy , esquire . sir , as michael and the devil strove for the dead body of moses ; and as seven cities contested for homer when he was dead , whom none of them cared for , whilest he lived ; even so doth it fare with religion ; for the carkass or skeliton of which , for the bare sound whereof ( being now made a meer eccho , vox , praetereaque nihil ) there is so much contesting , and digladiation in the world ; whereas few or none care for the life and substance of religion , which consisteth in works , not in words ; in practicing , not in prating ; in scripture duties , not in scripture phrases : she is as our saviour was , placed between two theeves ; to wit , superstition on the right hand , and atheism on the left . the one makes a puppit of her , sets her out in gaudy accoutrements , bedawbs her native beauty with painting , and presents her in a meritricious not in a matron-like dresse ; but the atheist strips her naked of her vestiments , robs her of her maintenance , and so exposeth her to the scorn and contempt of the world . but let these men esteem of her as they list , she is notwithstanding the fair daughter of the almighty , the queen of heaven , and beauty of the whole earth . religion is the sacred anchor , by which the the great ship of the state is held fast , that she may not be split upon the quick-sands of popular tumults , or on the rocks of sedition . religion is the pillar on which the great fabrick of the microcosm standeth . all humane societies , and civil associations , are without religion ; but ropes of sand , and stones without morter , or ships without pitch : for this cause , all societies of men in all ages , and in all parts of the vniverse , have united and strengthened themselves with the cement of religion ; finding both by experience , and the light of nature , that no human society could be durable , without the knowledge and feare of a deity , which all nations do reverence and worship , though they agree not in the manner of their worship . all their wayes and opinions in religion , i have here presented to the publick view ; but to you sir , in particular , as to one , whom i know to be truely religious , not being carried away with the fine flowers and green leaves , but with the solid fruits of religion , consisting in righteousnesse , peace , and holinesse , without which no man shall see the lord ; this is that which will embalm your name here , and crown your soul with true happiness hereafter , when all humane felicities shall determin in smoak : in this book are set before you , light and darknesse , truth and falshood , gold and drosse , flowers and weeds , corn and chaff , which i know you are able to discriminate , and to gather honey with the bee , out of every weed , with sampson to take meat out of the eater , with virgil to pick gold out of dung , and with the physitian to extract antidotes out of poyson : thus beseeching god to encrease your knowledge and practice in religion , and your love to the afflicted professors thereof , i take leave and will ever be found sir , your humble servant to command alex. ross . the preface to the reader , concerning the use of this book . christian reader , i understand that some momes have already past their verdict upon this book , affirming that , ( seeing the world is pestered with too many religions ) it were better their names and tenets were obliterated than published . to whom i answer , that their assertion is frivolous , and the reason thereof ridiculous ; for the end wherefore these different opinions in religion are brought into the light , is , not that we should embrace them , but that we may see their deformity and avoid them . shall logick be rejected for setting down all the waies of fallacious arguments ? or philosophy for teaching what are the different poysons in herbs , roots , minerals , &c. the scripture nameth many sins , idols , and false gods , must it therefore be reproved of impertinency ? the sea coast is pestered with many rocks , shelves , and quick-sands , must they therefore be past over in silence in the art of navigation ? were irenaeus , epiphanius , s. austin , theodoret , and other eminent men in the church , fooles ? for handling in their books ; all the hereticall opinions that infested christianity , both before , and in their times ? do not these censorious momes know that truth though comly in it selfe , is yet more lovely , when compared with falshood ? how should we know the excellency of light , if there were no darknesse ; the benefit of health , if there were no sicknesse ; and the delights of the spring , if there were no winter ; opposita juxta se posita clarius elucescunt : the swans fethers are not the lesse white , because of their black feet ; nor venus the lesse beautiful , because of her mole . the stone is set out by the file , and the picture by its shadow . to infer then , that because the world is pestered with too many sects and heresies , therefore we must not mention them , is as much as if they would say , the way to heaven is beset with too many theeves , therefore we must not take notice of them . but how shall we avoid them , if we know them not ; and how shall we know them , if concealed ; its true the world is pestered with too many religions , and the more is the pitty ; yet this book made them not , but they made this book . he that detects errors makes them not . they that informed the israelites there were gyants in the land , did not place those gyants there . but now i will let these men see the ends for which i have undertaken this task , of presenting all religions to their view ; and they are grounded on the divers uses that may be made thereof . . when we look upon the multitude of false religions in the world , by which most men have bin deluded ; are not we so much the more bound to the goodnesse of almightie god , who hath delivered us out of darknesse , and hath caused the day star of his truth to shine upon , and visit us ; who having suffered the world round about us , to sit in the valley of the shadow of death , and to be overwhelmed with worse than egyptian darkness , hath notwithstanding in this our goshen aboundantly displayed the light of his truth ; but how shal we seriously weigh or consider this great mercy , if we do not as wel look on the wretched condition of other men as on our own happinesse , which we cannot do , if we know not the errors which make them wretched . what comfort could the israelites have taken in their land of light , if they had not known that the rest of egypt sate in darkness . when we look upon the different multiplicity of religions in the world how that in all times , and in all places , men though otherwise barbarous , have notwithstanding embraced a religion , and have acknowledged a divinity ; i say when we look upon this , do we not admire the impudency of those atheists in this age , who either inwardly in their hearts , or outwardly in their mouths dare deny the essence , or else the providence of god ; and count all religions but inventions of humane policy . how can those atheists avoid shame and confusion when they read this book , in which they shall see , that no nation hath been so wretched as to deny a deity , and to reject all religion ; which religion is a property no lesse essential to man , and by which he is discriminated from the beasts , than rationality it selfe . . in the view of all religions , we may observe how the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the sons of god ; for they spare no paines and charges , they reject or slight nothing commanded them by their priests and wizards ; they leave no meanes unattempted to attaine happinesse : see how vigilant , devout , zealous , even to superstition they are ; how diligent in watching , fasting , praying , giving of almes , punishing of their bodies , even to death sometimes ; whereas on the contrary we are very cold , carelesse , remisse , supine , and luke-warme in the things that so neere concerne our eternal happinesse . they thought all too little that was spent in the service of their false gods , wee think all is lost and cast away which wee bestow on the service of the true god. they reverenced and obeyed their priests , wee dishonour , disobey and slight ours ; they observed many festivall daies to their idols , we grudge to give one day to the service of the true god. they made such conscience of their oaths taken in presence of an idol , that they would rather loose their lives , than falsifie these oaths : but wee make no more scruple to take the name of god in vaine , to sweare and forsweare , than if we worshiped iupiter lapis , meer stocks and stones ; such reverence and devotion they carried to their idols , that they durst not enter into their temples , nor draw near their altars , till first they were purified ; they did not onely kneel , but fall flat on the ground before their feigned gods ; they knock their breasts , beat their heads to the ground , teare their skines , wound and cut their flesh , thinking thereby to pacifie their false gods : whereas we will not debarre our selves of the least pleasure or profit to gaine heaven ; and so irreverent is our behaviour in the presence and house of almighty god , before whom the cherubims and seraphims dare not stand , but with covered faces : as if he were our equal , and not our lord or father , for ( to speak in the prophets words ) malach. : . if hee bee our father , where is his honour ? and if hee bee our lord , where is his fear ? doubtlesse these false worshippers shall stand up in judgement against us , who know our masters will , but doe it not ; is not their zeal in the practice of religious duties , to be preferred to our carelesnesse ; and their ignorance , to our knowledge ; which without practice , will but aggravate our damnation , for he that knoweth his masters will , and doeth it not , shall he beaten with many stripes ; wee are in the right way to heaven ; they are in the wrong way ; but if we stand still , and walk not , they will be as neer their journies end as we . they worship idols , we commit sacriledge : but is not a sacrilegious theefe as hateful to god as an ignorant idolater ? . when we look upon the confused multitude of religions in the world , let us learne to tremble at gods judgements , to make much of the light whilest we have it , to hold fast by the truth , to embrace it with all affection , and the ministers thereof ; for if once we forsake the right way , which is but one , we shall wander all our daies after in by-paths , and crooked lanes of error , which are innumerable : if we reject the thread of gods word presented to us by the church : a thread i say , surer than that of ariadne , we shall be forced to ramble up and down , through the inextricable labyrinth of erronious opinions . it stood with the justice of god , to suffer men who in the begining were of one language and religion , to fall into a babel and confusion , both of tongues and false religions , for not retaining the truth ; to dig to themselves broken cesterns , which would hold no water , for rejecting the fountain of living waters ; to surfet upon the poysonable flesh of quails , who grew weary of the bread of angels ; and with the swine to eat husks , who would slight the wholsome food of their fathers house . if the iewes put gods word from them , and judge themselves unworthy of eternal life , loe , paul and barnabas will turn to the gentiles , act. . . . in reading this book we shal finde , that the whole rabble of vain , phantastical , or prophane opinions , with which at this day , this miserable distracted nation is pestered , are not new revelations , but old dreams , of ancient hereticks , long agoe condemned by the church , and exploded by the publick authority of christian magistrates ; but now for want of weeders , these tares spring up again in the lords field , and are like to choak the good corne ; unlesse the lord of the harvest send forth labourers into his harvest . . the reading of this book , may induce us to commiserate the wretched condition of a great part of the world buried as it were , in the darknesse of ignorance , and tyranny of superstition : to blesse god for the light and freedom we enjoy , whereas they are not greater sinners than we ; but except we repent , we shall all likewise perish ; let us not then be too high-minded , but fear , and when we think we stand , let us take heed-least we fall : god hath already permitted divers of those old , obsolet , and antiquated hereticall opinions to break in amongst us ; the times are now come , that men will not suffer wholesome doctrine ; but having itching ears after their own lusts , get them an heap of teachers , turning their ears from the truth , and giving themselves unto fables . tim. . thus is the lord pleased to deal with us , he suffers heresies to repullulate , that they who are approved among us , may be manifested . he permits prophets and dreamers amongst us , but it is as moses saith , to prove ●s , and to know , whether we love the lord our god with all our hearts , and with all our souls , deut. . to conclude , whereas all men are desirous of happiness , and immortality , but few walk in the right way that conduceth to it ; being there are such multitudes of by-waies , as we may see by this book , let us follow the counsel of the prophet , ier. . . stand in the waies , behold and ask for the old way , and walk therein , and yee shal finde rest for your souls . and thus good reader having shewed thee the true use of this book , i leave it to thy perusal , beseeching god to keep us from the by-waies of error , and to lead us into the way of truth . a. r. the desire of some friends hath occasioned the publishing of this list of books , compiled by the author . . rerum iudaicarum , or the jewish affairs in four books . . an exposition on the first fourteen chapters of genesis . . rasura tonsoris . . mel heliconium . . mystagogus poeticus . . virgilius evangelisans . . christiados lib. . . chymaera pythagorica . . the new planet no planet . . meditations on predestination . . medicus medicatus . . the philosophical touch-stone . . the picture of the conscience . . colloquia plautina . . wollebius christian divinity translated , cleered , and enlarged . . gnomologicum poeticum . . enchiridion oratorium & poeticum . . isagoge grammatica . . arcana microcosmi . . a ●aveat for reading the al●oran . . a refutation of doctor brownes vulgar errours . . a refutation of the lord bacon , doctor harvey , and others . . sir walter raleighs history epitomised . . observations on sir walter raleigh . . the second part of the history of the world. . leviathan drawn out with a hook . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , a view of all religions , &c. books not yet published , but ready for the presse , viz. . divine , moral , natural , and historical exercises on the whole book of genesis . . melissomachia . . religionis apotheosis . . paraphrasis virgiliana . . virgilius triumphans . . psychomachia virgiliana . . epigrammata romana . colloquia . . cvlinaria . . convival . . cubicularia . ia . tertullianicum . . apnleanum . . sidonianum . . petronianum . . persianum . . terentianum . ciceronianū &c ☞ the reader may please to take notice that this book , being the . in order , also the . in order , and the . which is the second part of the history of the world , corrected by the authors own hand , and by him owned as the best , and perfectest copy : are to be sold by iohn saywell at the grey-hound in little britain . london . these books are to be sold by iohn saywel at his shop , at the signe of the grey-hound in little-britain , london . viz. the history of the world , the second part , being a continuation of the famous history of sir walter raleigh knight , together with a chronology , &c. by a. r. the true copy whereof is distinguished by the grey-hound in the frontispice , from any other whatsoever , though coloured by a pretended representation of the authour in the title page . an exact collection of the choicest secrets in physick & chyrurgery ( both c●ymick and galenick ) by leonard phioravan● knight , doctor edwards , and others . speedy help for rich and poor , as to the griping of the gu●s , cure of the gout ; &c. by herma●●● vanderheyden an experienc'd physitian . mr. charles hoole's grammar in latine , and english the shortest , orderliest , and plainest both for master and scholar , of any yet extant . also his terminationes & examplae de ●linat●●● & con●ugationum , and propria quae ●●atibus , quae 〈◊〉 , and as in praesenti , englished and explained , for the use of young grammatians . and there is now lately printed a new primer , entituled , mr. hoole's primer ; more easie and delightsome for the learner then any yet extant , having . several representations of persons ; beasts , brids , &c. answering the several letters of the alphabet in a copper plate , laying also the surest foundation for true spelling ; the defect whereof ( in the ordinary teaching ) 〈◊〉 so much complained of . the practice of quietnesse , by bishop web. the revelation of certain notorious advancers of heresie : with their effigies , and an account of their lives , actions , and ends : usually annexed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the view of all religions , &c. the religions of asia . the contents of the first section . of the church-disciplin , sacrifices , ordination , publick place , [ buildings first erected for divine service , ] and days of divine service before moses . . of the church government under moses ; difference of the high priest from other priests . . of the church government from him till solonion . . of the government after . solomon , till the division of the tribes . . of solomons temple , and the outward splendor of the iewes religion . . of the office of the levites , of the prophets , scribes , pharises , nazarites , rechabites , essenes , sadduces , and samritans . . of the ancient observation of their sabbath , of the observation of their passover , of the feasts of pentecost , tabernacles , new moons , of trumpets , and of expiation ; of their sabbatical year , and their iubilee . . of their ancient excommunications , how god instructed them of old , and of the maintenance allowed by the iewes to their priests and levites . . of the government after the jewes were carried captive into babylon . . of the iewish church-government at this day , their prayers , sabbaths , feasts , book of the law , passover , what observable thereupon , and whether to be permitted ( among christians ) in the exercise of their own religion , and wherein not to be communicated with by christians . . of the iewish preparation for morning prayer ▪ fast in august , beginning of their new year , feast of reconciliation , ceremonies in reading of the law. . their church officers , feast of dedication , and of purim , fasts , marriages , divorcements , circumcision , redemption of the first born , their duty toward the sick , and ceremonies about the dead . the contents of the second section . the religions of the ancient babylonians ; of the making , worshipping of images , & bringing in idolatry . . of hierapolis , and gods of the syrians . . of the phoenicians . . of the old arabians . . of the ancient persians . . of the scythians . . of the tartars , or cathaians and pagans . . the religions of the northern countries neer the pole. three ways whereby satan deludes men by false miracles . the fear of his stratagems whence it proceeds : his illusions many , our duty thereupon . . of the chinois . . of the ancient indians . . of siam . . of pegu . . of bengala . . of magor . . of cambaia . . of goa . . of malabar . pagan idolaters believe the immortality of the soul. . of narsinga , and bisnagar . . of japan . . of the philippina islands . . of sumatra , and zeilan . . of the ancient egyptians . . of the modern egyptian religion . the religions of africa and america . the contents of the third section . of the old african religion . . the religion and church discipline of fez. . of morocco . . of guinea . . of the ancient african aethiopians . . of the modern abissins . . of the lower aethiopians . . of angola and congo . . of the northern neighbours of congo . . of the african islands . . the religion of america . . of virginia . . of florida . . of the religions by west virginia , and florida . . of new spain and mexico . . idolaters , their cruelty and cost in their barbarous sacrifices . . of the americans , their superstitious fear , and tyranny thereof . . of jucatan , and the parts adjoining . . of the southern americans . . of paria and guiana . . of brasil . . of peru. . of hispaniola . the religions of europe the contents of the fourth section . the religion of the ancient europae●ns . . the roman chief festivals . . their gods . . their priests . . their sacrifices . . their marriage rites . . their funeral ceremonies . . the old grecian religion . . their chief gods . . of minerva , diana , venus . , how juno , ceres , and vulcan were worshipped . . the sun worshipped under the names of apollo , phoebus , sol , jupiter , liber , hercules , mars , mercurius , 〈◊〉 , &c. . the moon worshipped under divers names and shapes . . the earth and fire , how worshipped and named . . the deity of the sea , how worshipped . . death , how named and worshiped . . the grecian sacrifices and coremonies . . their priests and temples of old . the contents of the fifth section . the religion of the old germans , gaules , and britains . . of the saxons , danes , swedes , moscovites , russians , pomeranians , and their neighbours . . of the scythians , ge●es , thracians , cymbrains , goths , lusitanians , &c. . of the lithuanians , polonians , hungarians , samogetians , and their neighbours . . of divers gentile gods besides the above named . . the ranks and armes of their gods . . with what creatures their charriots were drawn . . of peculiar gods worshipped in peculiar places . . the. greek chief festivals . the contents of the sixth section . of the two prevalent religions now in eorope . . of mahomets law to his disci●les ▪ . of the mahumetans opinions at this day . ● . mahomet , not the antichrist . . of their sects and how the turks and persians differ . . of ●he mahumetan religious orders . . of their o●her hypocritical orders . . of their secular priest ● . of the mahumetan devotion , and parts there ●f . . of their ceremonies in their pilgrimage to mecca . . the rites of their circumcision . . their rites about the sick and dead . . the 〈◊〉 of mahumetanisme , and the causes thereof . . mahumetanisme , of what continuance . the contents of the seventh section . the christian religion propagated . . the decay thereof in the east by mahumetanism . . persecution and heresie the two great enemies thereof . . simon magus , the first heretick , with his . disciples . . menander , saturninus , and basilides , hereticks . . the nicholaitans and gnosticks . . the carpocratians . . cerinthus , ebion , and the nazarites . . the valentinians , secundians , and prolemians . . the mar●ites colarbasii , and heracleonites . . the ophites , cainites , and sethites . . the archonticks , and ascothyptae . . cerdon and marcion . . apelles , severus , and tacianus . . the cataphrygians . . pepuzians , quintilians , and artotyrites . . the quartidecimani and alogiani . ● . the adamians , elcesians , and theodocians . . the melchisedicians , bardesanists , and noetians . . the valesians , catheri , angelici , and apostolici . the sabellians , originians , and originists . the samosatenians , and phorinians . the manichaean religion . . the hierachites , melitians , and arrians . . the audians , semi-arrians , and macedonians . . the ae●ians , aetians , and apollinarists . . the antidicomarianites , messalians , and metangismonites . . the hermians , proclianites , and patricians . . the ascites , pattalorinchites , aquarii , and coluthiani . . the floriani , aeternales , and nudipedales . . the donatists . priscillianists , rhetorians , and feri . . the theopaschites , tritheits , aquei , melitonii , ophei , tertullii , liberatores , and nativita rii . . the luciferians , jovinianists , and arabicks . . the collyridians , paterniani , tertullianists , and abelonites . . the pelagians , predestinati , and timotheans . . the nestorians , eutychians , and their spawn . the contents of the eighth section . of the opinions in religion held the seventh century . . the opini●ns of the eighth century . . the tenets of the ninth and tenth centuries . . the opinions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries . . of the albigenses and other sects in the twelfth century . . the sects of the thirteenth century . . the sects of the fourteenth century . . of the wicklevites . . the opinions of the fifteenth century . . the opinions of the sixteenth century , to wit of luther and others . . of sects sprung out of lutheranisme . . of protestants . of the other opinions held this century . . the chief heads of calvins doctrine . . of other opinions held this age . . of divers other opinions in this age , and the causes of this variety , and confusion in the church . the contents of the ninth section . the first original of the monastical life . . the first eremites , or anchorites . . the manner of their living . . their excesses in religion . . the preheminence of the sociable life to the solitary . . the first monks after anthony . . the rules of saint bafil . . saint hieroms order . . saint austins order . . if saint austin instituted his ermites to begge . . of saint austins leathern girdle used at this day . . the institutions and exercises of the first monks . . why religious persons cut their hair and beards . . whence came that custome of shaving . . of the primitive nuns . . of what account monks are at this day in the roman church . . how the monks and nuns of old were consecrated . . the benedictine order . of the orders proceeding from them . . of saint bennets rules to his monks . . the benedictines habit and dyet . . rules prescribed by the council of aix to the monks . . the rites and institutions of the monks of cassinum . . the manner of electing their abbots . . the benedictine nuns and their rule . . of the laws and priviledges of monasteries . the contents of the tenth section . of new religions orders sprung out of the benedictines , and first of the cluniacenses . . of the camaldulenses and monks of the shadowy valley . . the sylvestrini , grandimontenses , and carthusians . . the monks of saint anthony of vienna ; the cistertians , bernardines , and humiliati . . the praemonstratenses , and gilbertines . . the cruciferi , hospitalarii , trinitarians , and bethlemites . . the johannites , or first religious knights in christendom , . the templars . . the teutonici , or mariani . . the knights of s. lazarus , calatrava , and s. james . . the orders of mendicant friers , and first of the augustinians . . of the carmelites . . of the dominicans . . of the franciscans . . of things chiefly remarkable in the franciscan order . . of the knights of the holy sepulchre , and gladiatores . . of the knights of s. mary , of redemption , of the montesians , of the order of vallis scholarium , and canons regular of s. mark. . of saint clara , s. pauls eremires , and boni homines . . the servants of s. mary , coelestini , and jesuati . . the order of s. briget . . the order of s. katharine , and s. justina . . the eremites of s hierom , s. saviour , albati , fra●ricelli , turlupini , and montolivetenses . . the canons of s. george , the mendicants of s. hierom , the canons of lateran , the order of the holy ghost , of s. ambrose ad nemus , and of the minimi of iesu-meria . . the orders of knight-hood , from the year namely of the annunciada , of s. maurice , of the golden fleece , of the moon , of s. michael , of s. stephen , of the holy spirit , &c. the contents of the eleventh section . of religious orders and opinions from the year . til this day . . the order of jesuits . . of their general rules . . of their other rules . . of their rules for provosts of houses , rectors of colledges , &c. . of their rules for travellers , ministers , admonitors , &c. . of their priviledges granted by popes . . of other orders in the church of rome . . how abbots are consecrated at this time . . wherein the christian orders of knighthood differ . . of other orders of knighthood besides the french. . of the orders of knight-hood in germany , hungary , bohemia , poland , &c. . the orders of knight-hood in italy . . of the christian military orders in the east . the contents of the twelfth section . the opinions of the anabaptists , and wherein they agree with the old hereticks . . the tenets of the brownists . . of the familists . . the adamites , and antinomians . . the religion of the socinians . . of the arminians tenets . . of the church of arnhem , and the millenaries opinions . . of many other sects at this day amongst us . . the opinions of the independents . . the tenets of th● presbyterians , where by way of a catechisme is delivered their whole doctrine concerning the ministry , episcopacy , presbytery , lay-eldership , deacons , civil magistrates , the election of ministers , ordination , power of the keyes , excommunication . . divers erroneous opinions which have been lately revived or hatched since the fall of our church-government , &c. the contents of the thirteenth section . the doctrine of the church of rome concerning the scriptures . . their tenets concerning predestination , the image of god , original and actual sin , and free will. . their opinions concerning the law of god , concerning christ , faith , iustification , and good works . . their tenets concerning pennance , fasting , prayer , and alms . . their opinions concerning the sacraments , and ceremonies used in those controverted . . what they believe concerning the saints in heaven . . their doctrine concerning the church . . what they hold concerning monks , magistrates and purgatory . . wherein the outward worship of the church of rome consisteth , and first part of their masse . . their dedication of churches , and what observable thereupon . . their consecration of altars , &c. . the degrees of ecclesiastical persons in the church of rome . their sacred orders , office of the bishop , and what colours held sacred . . wherein the other parts of the masse consisteth . . in what else their outward worship doth consist . . wherein consisteth the seventh part of their worship , and of their holy days . . what be their other holy dayes which they observe , canonical hours and processions . . wherein the eighth part of their worship consisteth , their ornaments and vtensils used in churches dedicated to christ and the saints , their office performed to the dead . the contents of the fourteenth section . of the eastern religions , and first of the greeks . . of the church dignities , and discipline in the greek church at this day . . of the other nations professing the greek religion , chiefly the moscovites , and armenians . . of the monks , nunnes , and eremites of moscovia . . of the form of service in their churches . . how they administer the sacraments . . the doctrine and ceremonies of the russian church at this day . . of their marriage and funeral ceremonies . . of the profession of the armenians . . of the other greek sects , namely the melchites , georgians and mengrelians . . of the nestorians , indians , and jacobites . . of the maronites religions . . of the cophti . . of the abyssin christians . . wherein the protestants agree with , and dissent from other christian churches . the contents of the fifteenth section . religion is the ground of all government , and greatnesse . . by divers reasons it is proved that religion : of all common wealths , and humane societies , is the foundation . . that princes and magistrates ought to have a special care , in setling and preserving of religion . . that one religion onely is to be allowed in a common wealth publickly . . in what respects different religions may be tolerated in private . . a christian prince may not dissemble his religion . . why god blesseth the professors of false religions , and punisheth the contemners thereof . . false religions are grounded upon policy , and what use there is of ceremonies in religion : . the mixture and division of religions , and of idolatry . . how the gentile religion in worshipping of the sunne , seems to be most consonant to natural reason ; with divers observations concerning sun-worship , and the knowledge the gentiles had of a deity , and the vnity thereof , with some glimmering of the trinity . . that the honour , maintenance , and advancement of a priest-hood , is the maine supporter of religion . , that the christian religion is of all others the most excellent , and to be preferred for diver reasons , being considered in it selfe , and compared with others ; with an exhortation to the practice of religions duties , which is true christianity . the contents of the first section . of the church disciplin , sacrifices , ordination , publick place , [ buildings first erected for divine service , ] and days of divine service bef●re moses . . of the church government under moses ; difference of the high priests from other priests . . of the church government from him till solomon . . of the government after solomon , till the division of the tribes . . of solomons temple , and the outward splendor of the iewes religion . . of the office of the levites , of the prophets , scribes , pharises , nazarites , rechabites , essenes , sadduces , and samaritans . . of the ancient observation of their sabbath , of the observation of their passover , of the feasts of pentecost , tabernacles , new moons , of trumpets , and of expiation ; of their sabbatical year , and their iubilee . . of their ancient excommunications , how god instructed them of old , and of the maintenance allowed by the iews to their priests and levites . . of the government after the iews were carried captive into babylon . . of the iewish church government at this day , their prayers , sabbaths , feasts , book of the law , passover , what observable thereupon , and whether to be permitted ( among chirstians ) in the exercise of their own religion , and wherein not to be communicated with by christians . . of the iewish preparation for morning prayer , fast in august , beginning of their new year , feast of reconciliation , ceremonies in reading of the law. . their church officers , feast of dedication , and of purim , fasts , marriages , divorcements circumcision , redemption of the first born , their duty toward the sick , and ceremonies about the dead . sect . i. quest. was there any religion , church government , of discipline in the beginning of the world ? answ. yes : for then was the word preached , and sacraments administred . we read of sacrifices offered by cain and abel ; and likewise the distinction of clean and unclean beasts . by faith abel sacrificed , heb. . noah's sacrifice was pleasing to god , gen. . this could not be will-worship , for such is no wayes pleasing to god ; it was therefore according to his word and commandement . there was also excommunication ; for adam and eve for their disobedience were excommunicated out of paradise , which was then the type of the church ; and every soul not circumcised the eighth day , was to be cut off from the people of god , gen. . the word then being preached ( for god preached to adam in paradise , and doubtlesse he preached to his children out of paradise ) the sacraments administred , and excommunication exercised , which are the three main points of church discipline , it follows there was then a church and church government . q. was there then any ordination ? a. yes doubtlesse ; for god is the god of order ; nor was it fit , that he who mediated between god and the people , by preaching , prayer and sacrifices , should thrust himselfe into that office without ordination ; therefore god ordained adam , he some of his children , as cain and abel ; and whereas gen. . we do not read that cain and abel ; did sacrifice , but only brought their offerings ; to wit , that adam might offer them up to god for them : it argueth , that as yet they had not received ordination : and its likely that ordination then was performed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or imposition of hands ; which custome the jewes retained in ordaining their levites , num. . . and after them , the christians in ordination of ministers , act. . . tim. . . which ceremony the gentiles used in manumission of their servants , and the jewes in ordination of their synedrion or the judges imposed their hands ; so moses and ioshua laid their hands upon the . elders : and moses is commanded by god to lay his hands upon ioshuah the son of nun , numb . . . q. was there then any publick place of sacrificing ? a. yes upon the same ground , that god , who is the god of order , will have all things done in his church with order and decency ; the meeting also together in one place to hear , and pray , and offer sacrifice , did maintain amity amongst gods people . besides we read gen. . . that rebecca , when the children strugled in her womb , did not stay at home , but went , to wit , to the publick place where gods worship was , to enquire of the lord ; and because in this place god used to shew his presence to his people , by some outward signe , it was called gods presence ; therefore gen. . . cain went out from the presence of the lord , that is , he was excommunicate out of the church : but we must not conceive , that as yet there were any material buildings for gods service ; for in the beginning men conceived it unfit to include god within the narrow bounds of a material temple , whom the heaven of heavens cannot contain ; therefore they worshipped him in the open air , either upon hills , for they thought low places were unbeseeming the most high god : hence they called every hill gods hill ; or else if they were necessitated to sacrifice on the sea shore , or in some low plain , they made their altars so much the higher ; which from their altitude , they called altaria ; and these places of divine worship they named templa from contemplation . the very gentiles thought it unfit to confine the sun their chief god to a narrow temple , seeing the whole world was his temple : and after they had built temples for their deities , they would have them for a long time to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or open-roofed . q. why were the groves and high places condemned in scripture ? a. because they were abused both by jewes and gentiles to superstition , idolatry , and all uncleannesse ; therefore god commands them to be cut down , exod. . : deut. . . & . . & . . . iosiah destroyed them , . kings . . . against their idolatry under green trees the prophet isaiah complaineth , chap. . . god by ezekiel threatneth destruction to the idolaters on the high hills , and under green trees , chap. . . such are also reproved by hosea , chap. . . its true that in the beginning the people of god had no other temples but hills and groves ; abraham sacrificed upon an hill ; gen. . he planted a grove to call upon the name of the lord , gen. . gideon is commanded to build an altar upon the top of the rock , iosh. . . notwithstanding , when these places were abused to idolatry , god would have them destroyed , levit. . . hos. . . amos . . ezek. . , &c. because he would not have his people to give the least countenance to the gentile idolatry ; for suppose they had not upon those places erected any idols , yet they must be destroyed , because such places were abused to idolatry ; besides god had given them a tabernacle and temple in which he would be worshipped , and to which they should repaire from all parts to call upon his name . this temple also was built upon a hill ; they should therefore have contented themselves with the place that god assigned them , and not follow their own inventions , or the wayes of the gentiles , who afterward in imitation of the jewes built their temples on hills , as may be seen by the samaritans and others : neither would god be worshipped in groves , because these were places fitter for pleasure aud dalliance then devotion ; they were dark and obscure places , fitter for the prince and workes of darknesse , then for the god of light , or children of the day . q. when were buildings first erected for divine service ? a. about the building of babel , as lactantius and some others think : for then ninus erected statues to the memory of his father iupiter belus , and to his mother iuno ; these statues were placed over their sepulchres , and divine honours assigned them ; and at length inclosed within stately buildings , which were their temples ; these they built within consecrated groves ; such was the temple of vulcan in sicily , of cybele in the grove of ida , of iupiter hammon in the grove of dodene , of apollo in the grove of daphne , &c. these dark groves were fit to strike a terror in the worshippers , and to perpetrate their works of abomination ; and because they had continual lights burning in them , they were called luci a lucendo , afterwards they became asyla , sanctuaries or places of refuge ; which some think were first erected by hercules his children , to secure themselves from those that he had oppressed . we read that theseus his temple and thebes built by cadmus were asyla or sanctuaries ; in imitation of whom romulus made one . aen. . hunc lucum ingentem quem romulus acer asylum rettulit . christians also in the time of basil and sylvester the first , made their temples places of refuge ; which so increased , that monasteries and bishops palaces became sanctuaries ; but the exorbitancy of these was limited by iustinian , charles the great and other christian princes , who were content there might be sanctuaries , because god had appointed cities of refuge ; but the abuses they removed . q. was there any set day then for gods worship ? a. doubtless there was , though we doe not read which day of the week it was ; for though god blessed and sanctified the sabbath day , because of his own rest , and in that it was afterward to be the jewes sabbath ; yet we read not that it was ever kept before moses his time . however it is likely this day was observed before the law among the hebrews , for exod. . as much manna was gathered on the sixth day as served for two days . q. what sacrifices were used in the beginning ? a. burnt offerings , gen. . & . peace offerings also , gen. . for upon the peace made between iacob and laban , iacob offered sacrifice . first fruits also were offered , gen. . . and tithes , gen. . . & . . the burnt sacrifice called gnol●h from gnalah to mount upward ( because it ascended all in smoak ) was burned to ashes , except the skin and entrals . in the peace offering also which was exhibited for the safety of the offerer , the fat was burned , because it was the lords , the rest was divided between the priest and the people ; the breast and right shoulder belonged to the priest ; to shew that he should be a breast to love , and a shoulder to support the people in their troubles and burthens : for this cause the high priest carried the names of the twelve tribes on his breast and shoulders . the first fruits were an handful of the eares of corn as soon as they were ripe ; these they offered to god , that by them the whole might be sanctified . tithes were payed before the law , by the light of nature ; because by that light men knew there was a god , to whom they were bound in way of gratitude to offer the tenth of their encrease , from whose bounty they had all . they knew also that the worship of god and religion could not be maintained , nor the priests sustained , nor the poor relieved without tithes . q. what form of church government was there among the iews till moses ? a. the same that was before the flood , to wit , praying , sacrificing , preaching in publick places , and solemn days ; to which abraham added circumcision . in every family the first born was priest ; for this cause the destroying angel spared the first born of the hebrews in egypt . q. what government had they under moses ? a. the same that before , but that there was chosen by moses a chief priest , who was to enter the sanctuary once a year with his ephod , to know the will of god. this was aaron , whose breeches , coat , girdle , and myter were of linnen ; when he entred into the sanctuary , the high priest had his second high priest to serve in his absence . there were afterward appointed by david four and twenty orders of priests , every one of which orders had a chief , or high priest ; the priesthood was entailed to the house of levi , because the levites were chosen in stead of the first born , because they killed the worshippers of the golden calf , and because phinehas killed zimri and cosbi . the priests are sometimes called levites , and sometimes they are distinct names ; for we read that the levites paid tithe of their tithes to the priests , their common charge was to pray , preach , sacrifice , and look to the sanctuary , in which they served with covered heads and bare feet ; their office was also to debar lepers , and all other uncleane persons from the tabernacle for a certaine time . secondly , to excommunicate great offenders , which was called cutting off from the people of god , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast out of the synagogue . thirdly , to anathematize obstinate and perverse sinners , who being excommunicate would not repent . alexander the coppersmith was anathematized by paul , or delivered to satan , tim. . . tim ; . . the office of the levites also was to help the priests in gathering of tiths , and to carry water and wood for the tabernacle . q. wherein did the high priest differ from other priests ? a. the high priest only had power to enter into the sanctuary ; he only wore a blew robe with bells , a golden ephod , a breast-plate , a linnen myter , a plate of gold on his head : by the crown or plate was signified christs kingly office , by the breast-plate his priestly , and by the bells his prophetical office : the high priest also was only anointed , after the order of priesthood was setled ; but before this , every priest was anointed , he also wore about his paps a broydred girdle , to signifie that his heart should be girt and restrained from the love of earthly things , they that took sanctuary , were not to be set at liberty till the death of the high priest ; to signifie that by the death of our high priest jesus christ , we are made free . the high priesthood was tied to the line of aarons first born , the other priests were of aarons other children ; the levites were of levies other posterity ; the high priest might marry none but a maide ; other priests migh marry a widow , levit. . the high priest might not miourn for the death of his kindred ; other priests might mourn for their father , mother , son , daughter , brother , and husbandlesse sister ; in other things they agreed ; for all priests must be without blemish , all must be presented to the lord at the door of the tabernacle , all must be washed , all must be consecrated by offering certaine sacrifices ; all must have the blood of the ram put on the tip of the right eare , the thumb of the right hand , and great toe of the right foot , exod. q. what church government was there after moses ? a. in the desart eleazer succeeded his father aaron , and substituted under him phinees to be chief of the levites . after the israelites entred the land , the tabernacle staied some years at silo ; then did ioshuah divide the land , and designed certain cities of refuge , which with some other cities he assigned to the priests and levites . the priesthood did not continue long in the house of aaron , but after the death of eleazer , and three priests his successors , this office devolved to eli , of the family of ithamar ; who being carelesse , suffered divers abuses to creep into the ecclesiastical government , till god raised samuel , who reformed both the state and church , by appointing schools of prophets , and consistories of levites . from silo the tabernacle was translated to nob , from thence to gibeon , when nob was destroyed by ioab , and at last it rested in ierusalem . so that all this time there could be no setled church discipline among the jewes . the ark also was oftentimes removed , to wit from canaan to the philistines , from thence to the bethshemites ; afterward it stayed twenty years at kiriathjeharim ; after this it remained three moneths with obed-edom , and at last it was brought by david into ierusalem . all this time neither tabernacle , nor ark , nor priesthood were setled , till david assembled the levites , and out of them chose abiathar for high priest , and tsadoc for chief of the inferiour priests , who were to deliver the ark to the levites to be carried on their shoulders , and withal appointed singers , and other musitians : in all . of the levites . he appointed also for the service of the tabe●●acle in gibeon , tsadoc and his brethren . at last , david being assured by nathan that his son solomon should build the temple , he ordered that . levites should be set apart for the service of the temple : to wit , . door-keepers , and as many singers , and . judges and governors , and the rest for other offices . abiathar is made high priest , to wait on the ark at ierusalem . tsadoc is chief of the inferior priests to serve in the tabernacle at silo. tsadoc was sauls high priest , descended from eleazer aarons first born ; abiathar of the stock of ithamar , and eli fled to david , who entertained him for his high priest ; after the death of saul , david retained them both , thinking it did not stand with his honour and piety to reject sauls high priest. this tsadoc under soloman was anointed the second time priest , as solomon was the second time anointed king , chron. . . and abiathar is deposed for the sins of eli and his sons ; and so in tsadoc the priesthood is translated from the house of ithamar , to aarons family again . there were also treasurers ordained , some for the first fruits and tenths , and others for the moneys that were given to the temple towards the redemption of vows , first born , and sins : the priests and levites were maintained out of the first fruits and tithes ; the other treasure was for maintaining the daily sacrifices and other charges of the temple ; the gibeonites , with others , appointed by david and solomon , did help the levites in their ministration : the priests , and in their absence , the levites did administer justice , both in ierusalem , and in the cities of refuge , and ordered ecclesiastick affairs . there were also sometimes extraordinary prophets , besides the ordinary . it s probable that the ordinary prophets were of the tribe of levi , because the administration and care of holy things belonged to them ; but extraordinary prophets were of other tribes ; these medled not with sacraments and sacrifices , which was the priests office , nor had they their calling by succession , as the priests ; nor was the gift of prophecy only tied to the man , as the priesthood was : for we read of miriam , hulda , and divers other women prophets : and in the primitive church , though women must not speak in the church by preaching , praying , or exhorting in an ordinary way as the ministers use , yet they were not debarred to utter their extraordinary prophesies , if so be their heads were covered in sign of modesty ; but otherwise the apostle will not have women to speak in the church , because they must be in subjection to their husbands ; and this punishment is laid on them for being deceived in eve , and harkning to the counsel of satan . for , if women did preach , they might be suspected to speak by that spirit that deluded eve. q. what was the ecclesiastick government after solomon ? a. the renting of the ten tribes from the other two under roboam , did much impair the beauty and magnificence of the ecclesiastick state . besides that , it was much defaced by idolatry ; but reformed by hezekias , iosias , and iehosaphat , who took away the high places . under athaliah it was almost extinguished , had not iehojada the high priest anointed ioash , who again reformed religion . he being denied all aid from the levites out of their treasure towards the repairing of the temple , caused a chest to be made , into which mony given in that kinde should be put , and imployed by the high priest , or by the chief of the inferior priests , and the kings scribe or secretary , towards the reparations of the temple , whereas before it was collected by the levites . king vzziah would have burnt incense on the altar , but was prohibited by azariah the high priest , and eighty other priests . this vzziah named also azariah , though a king , yet was justly resisted by the priests for his pride , sacriledge and ambition , in medling with their function ; whereby he violated the laws of politick government which a king should maintain ; for confusion must arise , where offices are not distinct , but where men are suffered to incroach upon each others function . . he had no calling to the priesthood ; and no man taketh upon him this office but he that is called of god , as was aaron . . he violated the law of god , who confined the priesthood to the house of aaron , and tribe of levi , excluding from that all other tribes . . he was injurious to christ , whose type the high priest was , in offering sacrifices and incense , representing thereby our high priest christ jesus , who offered up himself a sacrifice , of a sweet smelling savour unto god. so iohojada the high priest did well to depose athaliah , who was a stranger , an idolater and usurper ; this was lawful for him so to doe , being high priest , whose authority was great both in civil and ecclesiastick affaires ; but this is no warrant , for any private man to attempt the like . besides iehojada was bound to see the young king righted , both as he was high priest , and as he was his kinsman . hezechias restored all according to king davids institution ; he raised great taxes towards the maintenance of gods worship , and permitted the levites to flea the burnt offrings , which before belonged only to the priests office , and caused the people to keep the passover in the second moneth , whereas by moses his institution it should be kept the first moneth . he permitted also many that were not sanctified or cleansed , to eat the passover against moses his law , which were innovations in religion . iosias reformes all abuses , abolisheth idolatry , repaireth the temple , readeth publickly the law of moses , which was found by hilkiah the high priest , and makes a covenant with god to keep the law. under king eliakim or ioachim religion was so corrupted , that the priests , levites , prophets or scribes with the elders of the people condemned the prophet ieremy to death . under zedechiah both the church government , and state fell together in iudea . q. in the mean while what church government was there among the ten tribes ? a. the kings of israel , our of policy , least the people should return again to ierusalem , and the two tribes , defaced their religion with much idolatrous worship , for executing of which they had their priests and inferior ministers answering to the levites ; but they suffered no priests or levites of the order of aaron to live amongst them . yet they had their prophets also and prophets children or scholars : their two chief prophets extraordinary , were eliah and elisha . they had also their elders , who had power of ecclesiastical censures , but both elders and people were ruled by the prophets , who recided in the chief cities at last the ten tribes lost both themselves and church discipline , when they were carried away by the assyrians . when salmanasser carried away the israelites into assyria , some remainders of them stayed behinde in their own country ; but being overpressed with multitudes of strangers sent thither to new plant the country , the small number of the ephramites left behind , were forced to comply with the new inhabitants , in their idolatrous religions ; now that the israelites were not quite driven out of their native country , may be seen in the history of iosiah , chron. . , , , & chron . . & kings . , . q. wherein did the outward splendor of the iews religion consist ? a. in the wealth and magnificence of their temple , which for the beauty , riches , and greatnesse thereof , was one of the wonders of the world ; for besides the abundance of iron work , there was in it an incredible quantity of brasse , silver , and golden materials . the great altar , the sea or caldron , the basis , the two pillars before the temple , the twelve oxen , the ten lavers , the pots , the shovels , the basins , and other utinsels of the temple were all of brasse , kings . as for silver , iosephus tells us lib. . & . that there were in the temple ten thousand candlesticks whereof most were silver , wine tankards eighty thousand , silver phials ten thousand , two hundred thousand silver trumpets , forty thousand snuffers or pot-hooks , which he calls musical instruments ; besides incredible numbers of silver plates and dishes , silver tables , and the doors of silver . this we know , that david left seven thousand talents of refined silver for the temple , besides what solomon added , chron. . as for gold , we read that the oracle and altar were overlayed with gold , so were the cherubins , and the whole house overlaid with gold , and the very floore also , kings . besides the golden altar . solomon made the table whereon the shewbread was of gold ; the candlesticks also , with the flowers , and lamps , and tongs , with the bowls , snuffers , basons , spoons , censers , and hinges , all of pure gold , kings . . i need not speak of the rich woods and pretious stones in the temple . the contriver of this fabrick was god himselfe ; the form of it was four square ; the courts four ; one for the gentiles , another for the israelites , the third for women , and the fourth for the priests : the gentiles might not enter into the israelites court ; for that was counted a prophanation of the temple ; yet our saviour who was frequently conversant in the court of the gentiles , accounted that a part of his fathers house and the house of prayer , and it was out of this court that he whipped the buyers and sellers ; this was called solomons porch , iohn . acts . because in that place solomon stood when he dedicated the temple and used there to pray , or because it stood undemolished by the chaldeans , when the rest of the temple was destroyed . in the priests court stood the altar of burnt offerings and the brasen sea. in the sanctuary called the oracle ( because there god delivered his oracles ) stood the ark , the censer , propitiatory and cherubines ; it had no light nor window in it ; hither the high priest only had access , and that but once a year , where he burned incense , so that he neither could see not be seen . in the holy place which was also without windows , there burned lights perpetually , to represent the celestial lights ; but in the most holy there was no light at all , to shew that all outward light is but darknesse , being compared with that light which god inhabiteth , and which no man can approach unto . within the ark were the two tables of the law , the pot with manna , and aarons rod. the tables and the rod represented christs active and passive obedience ; the golden pot with manna , his two natures . the temple was built after the manner of the tabernacle ; but that did far exceed this in stability , magnitude , glory , and continuance : in the tabernacle were but two cherubins , in the temple four ; in the tabernacle there was but one golden candlestick , and one brazen laver , but in the temple there were ten of each . so this temple of solomons far exceeded the other built by zerobbabel , wherein was wanting the cloud , the celestial fire , the ark and the holy oyl ; besides in number of prophets , magnifick structure , and wealth , it was far inferiour to the first , and yet in respect of christ the second did far exceed the first , who supplyed the want of the cloud , fire , oyl , prophesie , vrim , and thummim . he being all these in a more excellent manner ; but wee must note that though the pot with manna and aarons rod were kept in moses his ark ; yet in solomons ark were only the two tables of the law , kings . . in the womens court stood the gazophylacium or treasury , containing the almes or gifts that were offered . q. what else may we observe of solomons temple ? a. that this temple was to the jewes as their cathedral or metropolitan church ; the synagogues which were not in ierusalem till after the captivity , did resemble our parish churches ; in which the scribes taught , as the priests in the temple ; and as there was a high priest for the temple , so there was for the synagogue a high ruler called archisynagogus . in the synagogues also they had their distinct courts , as in the temple , and an ark for the book of the law ; and the same holinesse ascribed to the one as to the other , but that they could sacrifice nowhere but in the temple upon the brazen altar in the court of the priests ; which altar was called ariel or the lyon , because like a lyon it devoured the flesh of the sacrifices . upon the golden altar incense was offered ; christ was represented by both altars ; his humanity and passion by the brazen ; his divinity , resurrection and ascension by the golden altar , and the incense thereof mounting towards heaven . in the court of the priests called the holy place , stood the table of shew-bread , on which were twelve loaves , which represented the twelve tribes ; upon each loaf was a dish of franckincense , shewing christs intercession for his people . the candlestick and pincers or snuffers represented the doctrine and disciplin of the church . some divide the temple but into three parts , excluding the court of the gentiles ; to wit , into the outward court of the israelites , the holy or court of the priests , and the holiest of all , into which the high priest entred once yearly with blood , incense and smoak . it was death for any other to enter there , and even for the high priest himselfe , if he entred above once in a year ; yet pompey and heliodorus took the boldness to enter thither ; but the one never prospered after , and the other fell mad ; so dangerous a thing it is to be too bold with religion . the brazen laver and the shew-bread in the priests court represented the two sacraments of the church , to wit , baptism and the eucharist . the women shewed their devotion in bestowing their looking-glasses ( which were not of glass , as ours are , but of polished brass ) upon the brazen laver , exod. . . a looking-glass sheweth us the spots of our faces , but baptism washeth away the spots of our soules . two other temples were built in opposition to that of ierusalem ; namely , the temple of samaria , built by sanballat upou mount garizim ; the other at heliopolis in egypt , by onias the fourth , whom antiochus had put from the high priesthood . the second temple of ierusalem built by zerobbabel , was begun in the second yeare of king cyrus , ezra . . and was finished in the ninth year of darius histaspes , which was . years in all ; whereas the first temple was begun and finished in seven years . herod spent eight years , whether in repairing of the old , or in building of a new , is uncertain ; yet iosephus tells us that herod pulled down the old temple , and built a new one ; which was six and forty years in adorning and perfecting . of which the jewes are to be understood , iohn . . q. what did the temple and the vteasils thereof represent to us ? a. as the flitting tabernacle shadowed out the church militant , so the fixed temple resembled the church triumphant ; the three courts represented the threefold estate of mankind ; to wit , his state in sinne before the law , by the outward court of the gentiles : his state under the law by the inward court of the priests ; and his state under grace by the holy of holies . the temple as it was built by solomon a peaceable prince , resembleth the christian church erected by christ the prince of peace . the one was built without noise , so was the other . the temple was built upon a hill ; and the church , saith christ , is like a city built upon an hill . in the oracle or most holy place , was neither the light of sun , moon nor candle , resembling the new ierusalem in the revelation , having the glory of god , and the lamb for the light thereof , rev. . . in this place stood the ark and golden censer , with the tables of the law , aarons rod , and the pot with manna ; the mercy seat covered the ark , whereon were the golden cherubins ; christs kingly office was represented by the ark crowned with gold ; his priesthood by the censer , and his prophetical office by the mercy seat , whence god spake to the high priest ; the tables of the law and aarons rod shadowed out his active and passive obedience ; the cherubins looking on the ark , did signifie jews and gentiles looking on christ their king. the pot with manna did adumbrate his divinitie by the one , and his humanity by the other . the propitiatory covered the law , and so hath christ hid and concealed the condemning power thereof ; in the sanctuary or holy place was the table with the twelve loaves representing the twelve tribes , and in them all true israelites , or church of christ ; on the one side having the golden candlestick , on the other the altar of incense , besprinkled yearly with the blood of the sacrifice : and representing the preaching of the word and prayer , which by the death of christ are made acceptable to god. in the same place also stood the brazen altar of burnt offrings and the brazen sea ; the one resembled christ , by whom we are justified ; the other holiness of life , by which we are sanctified ▪ or the altar of burnt offrings did signifie our eucharist , and the brazen sea our baptisme . the fire that burned continually on the altar did signifie christs divinity ; for our god is a consuming fire , saith the apostle . the holy oyl with which the priest was anointed , shadowed the graces of the spirit poured our on christs humanity ; with this oyl of gladness christ was anointed above his fellows . q. what was the office of the levites ? a. besides that they helped the priests in gathering of tithes , some of them did carry wood and water for the tabernacle , which they were bound to carry up and down with its utensils , to pitch and take it down whilest it was movable ; they were distinguished according to levies three sons , into the gershonites , cohathites , and merarites ; the first carried the hangings and coverings . the second , the chief things of the sanctuary : the third had the charge of the wood-work . in davids time some were judges , some treasurers , some singers , and some porters , chron. . . the singers and porters were divided into . order● chron. . & . the elder levites were to oversee and teach the younger , who from the thirtieth year of their life , till the fiftieth did bear about the tabernacle . under them were the gibeonites or nethinims , whose office was to draw water and hew wood for the house of god. q. what were the prophets , scribes and pharises ? a. not only were they called prophets to whom god revealed himself and his purposes in an extraordinary way , but those also that expounded the scripture , they were also called fathers , doctors of the law , disputers , wise men and rabbies from their greatness in knowledge ; which title the pharisees did appropriate to themselves ; their scholars were called children and sons of the prophets . the name of scribes was given to scriveners , and publick notaries ; these were called scribes of the people , mat. . . and likewise those that did write and expound the law ; such a scribe was esdras , esdr. . . these were called doctors of the law. the pharisees were so called from separation , and by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , sepa●●rists , for they separated themselves to a strict kind of life , and to the study of the law , having no commerce with other people , nor communicating with them in dyet , apparrel , nor customs . they held a fatal necessity with the stoicks , and transammation with the pychagoreans ; hence they thought that either the soul of iohn baptist , or of elias , or of ieremy had animated christs body . they preferred traditions to the written word , and placed most of their holiness in washing , counting it a less sin to commit fornication , then to eat with unwashed hands ; from their daily washings they were named hemero-baptists ; they always washed when they returned from the market , thinking themselves polluted with the touch of other people . they are noted mat. . . for holding it unlawful to eat with sinners , and mark . . for their superstitious washing , of cups , pots , brazen vessels and tables , and luke . . for fasting twice in the week , and mat . . for their broad phylacteries , which were scrolls of partchment , wherein the law was written , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to keep or reserve , for by these they kept the law in their memory ; they are noted also for their large borders and fringes , mat. . . they wore their phylacteries on their foreheads and left arms ; and hierom observeth in matth. . that they used sharp thorns in their fringes , that by the pricking thereof they might be put in minde of the commandements . q. what were the nazarites , rechabites , and essenes ? a. the nazarites were votaries , numb . . so called from nazar to separate ; for they separated themselves from wine and strong drink from coming neer the dead , and from the rasor ; some were nazarites for their life , as sampson , iohn baptist , &c. others only for a time , to wit , thirty days , as absolom who cut his hair the thirtieth day of his vow , such a nazarite was paul , act. . . nazareth was a village in galilee where christ was conceived and bread , and therefore was called a nazarite , mat. . . and his disciples nazarites , acts . . but indeed he was the onely true nazarite ; because he was pure , holy , and separate from sinners , but he was no legal nazarite , for he drunk wine and went neer the dead . these hereticks were also called nazarites , who taught that with the gospel should be joyned the law of moses , acts. . . of the rechabites , so called from rechab their father , we read ierem. . , , , &c. these neither drunk wine nor lowed seed , nor built houses , nor planted vineyards , but like strangers lived all their days in tents . the essenes , so called from their skill in curing of diseases , ( for they were much given to the study of physick ) in their opinions were pythagoreans , ascribing all things to fate , offering no sacrifices but of inanimate things , shunning oathes , pleasures , and wine , contenting themselves with water only , and mean apparrel ; their garments were white , and had all things in common amongst them . they worshipped towards the east , observed the sabbath more strictly then others ; kept seven pentecosts every year , to wit , every seventh week one , and generally they abstained from marriage : yet some did marry for procreation . they were superstitious in preserving the names of angels : they were much given to silence with the pythagoreans , chiefly at table : none were admitted into their society without four years probation : there were some of these essenes contemplative only , and lived in gardens , or remote villages , who contented themselves with bread and salt , others were active , and gave themselves to manual labours ; these lived in cities , and fared better , and eat twice a day . q. what were the sadducees and samaritans ? a. the sadduces were so called either from isedek justice , because they would be accounted the onely just men in the world , or from sadock the author of their sect , who was the scholar of antigonus socheus : these rejected all traditions and scriptures , except the five books of moses , denied the resurrection , paines or rewards after this life , angels and spirits , fate likewise or destiny , ascribing all to mans freewill . they held also that the soul died and perished with the body . the samaritans held with the sadduces , that there was no scripture but the pentateuch , that there was no resurrection nor life eternal , nor any traditions to be admitted , yet they dissented from the sadduces in acknowledgeing angels ; in worshipping only upon mount garizim , whereas the sadduces worshipped also in ierusalem , and kept faire correspondency with the other jewes : whereas the samaritans and jewes did so hate and abhor each other , that there was no commerce between them , but did curse and excommunicate each other . of these jewish sects see iesephus , philo , drusius de trib . sect. munster , sigonius , buxtorsius , and others . q. how did they anciently observe their s●bbath ? a. the day before was the preparation of the sabbath , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which began about the sixth hour , that is our twelfth . that day they might not travel above twelve miles , least by comming home too late they might want time for preparation to the sabbath , which began in the evening , and which for the excellency thereof , was called the queen of feasts , and gave denomination to the whole week ; on the sabbath they must not travel above two thousand paces or cubits , for so far was the distance of the ark from the camp. they were so superstitious in the keeping of their sabbath , that they would not fight that day , and so suffered ierusalem to be taken twice . whereas they knew that god commanded them to encompass iericho seven times that day ; and that works of charity , necessity , and of religion were to be done that day , the preparation for the sabbath was proclaimed by sound of trumpet , and to shew their zeal to that day , they would keep some more hours then were enjoyned , which additament they called sabbathulum . they would not dresse meat that day , because then it did not rain manns in the desart besides the seventh day , which was the sabbath or rest for men and beasts ; they had every seventh year a sabbath , wherein the ground rested , and their great sabbath in the end of seven times seven , called the iubilee , in which debters , prisoners , and morgagers of lands were made free ; when the passeover fell upon the sabbath , this was called the great sabbath , iohn . . and then there was a preparation for the passover , iohn . . but there was no preparation due to the passeover but in respect of the sabbath ; which had this priviledge above all other festivals ; because god had particularly sanctificed this day for his service ; being both a memorative day of gods rest from the works of creation , and figurative of our rest in heaven ; this day is abolished in respect of the ceremonial and judicial part thereof ; but in respect of the morality it remaineth still . q. how did the iewes observe their passover ? a. they eat the first passeover standing with their loyns girt , shooes on their feet , and staves in their hands , to shew they were in haste to be gone ; but afterward when they were secure out of danger , they eat the passeover sitting , or leaning after the roman manner : which posture our saviour observed when he eat the passeover . the beast that must be eat was a lamb or kid , as being cheapest ; and because it must be eat up at one time , this lamb was to be kept four dayes , to wit , from the tenth day till the fifteenth , that they might have the longer time to think on their deliverance , by looking on the lamb , and withall to search if any defects were in it ; for the lamb must be without blemish ; but this custome did not hold long : it must be also a male , and not above a year old . there must not be fewer then ten at the eating of the lamb. it was killed between the two evenings , that is , between three of the afternoon till sun-setting , which was the first , and from thence till day light was quite spent , which was the second evening . this killing of the lamb was rather a sacrament , then a sacrifice , as not being performed by a priest , but by private men , and not in the place appointed for sacrifices , but in private houses . the blood of the lamb was sprinkled on their thresholds ; this ceremony was used but only the first passeover as i can find ; the lamb was roasted , not boiled , for the more expedition ; and nothing of it must be left , least it should hinder them in their journy ; and it must be eat with sower herbs , to put them in minde of their bitter servitude in egypt : the bread that was eat with it was unleavened , to shew their haste in removing thence ; the whole solemnity from this was called the feast of unleavened bread , and likewise the passeover : albeit properly the passover was only the first day , yet the whole eight days were so named . this sacrament was a true representation of christ the immediate lamb of god , that takes away the sins of the world ; who is the true passover , because the devouring angel of gods wrath hath past over our sins ; he was killed and roasted by the fire of his fathers wrath ; he is our true food , whom we must eat with sowr herbs , and our loyns girt , to shew how ready we must be to undergo the bitterness of afflictions , and to subdue our carnal lusts ; we must eat him without leaven , that is , without pride and hypocrisie ; now is the time to eat him by faith : for this is the evening of the world , in which our passover was sacrificed for us . the first and last day of this feast , were the two great days ; but the days between them were only half holy days : other ceremonies of this feast we will see anon in the observation of easter by the moderne jewes . q. what were the feasts of pentecost and tabernacles ? a. pentecost was kept in memory of the law given on sinai fifty days after the passover . the first day of the passover was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the first sabbath after this second day , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is the second first sabbath , luk. . . and because their harvest began at easter , and ended at pentecost , therefore they are commanded levit. . to offer a sheaf of the first fruits of their harvest , upon the morrow , or second day of their great feast , and on the pentecost to offer two wave-loaves ; the first offering was to sanctifie their harvest , the second was in token of thanks to god for the finishing of their harvest . the feast of tabernacles was kept in memory of their fourty years aboad in the wilderness , when they lived in tents , and by day were shadowed by a cloud . the first and last days were the chief days , especially the last , called therefore the great day of the feast , iohn . . . and in these long feasts the first and last days are called sabbaths . in this feast their custome was to hold in their hands branches of trees which they called hosanna ; with this hosanna they honoured christ ; they made booths ( therefore the feast was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in the open air , in which they lived seven days together , except in time of rain ; weak and impotent persons were excused and exempted from these booths , which were made up of citrine trees , palmes , mirtles , and willows . the next day after the feast , they compassed the altar seven times with palmes in their hands , in memory of the encompas●ing of iericho . during the time of this feast , many bullocks were offered , as may be seen numb . . on the last day of the feast they read the last section of the law , and began the first , and drew water out of the river siloah , which in the temple they delivered to the priests , who poured it with wine on the altar , the people singing , [ with joy shall you draw water out of the wells of salvation ] isa. . . this feast was kept the fifteenth day of tisri the seventh moneth ; but ieroboam kept it the fifteenth day of the eighth moneth ; some think that this feast was kept as a thanksgiving to god for their vintage , and plutarch calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bearing about of thyrsi , that is , of spears wrapped about with ivy in honour of bacchus . but of these passages see hospinian de orig . fest . munster in calendar , and on leviticus , fagius on leviticus , the thalmud tract . de tabern . scaliger de emend . temp . iosephus in antiq . buxtorfius , tremellius , &c. q. what were their new moons and feasts of trumpets and expiation ? a. every new moon was a festival among the jews , in which as on the sabbath people repaired to the prophets for instruction , kings . . then it was not lawful to buy or sel , amos . yet the first new moon in the beginning of their seventh moneth called tisri , according to their ecclesiastical account , but the first moneth in their civil computation , was called particularly the feast of trumpets ; for though at other feasts they sounded trumpets , yet at this feast there was more sounding , to wit , all the day , not so much in memory of isaacs deliverance from death on mount moriah , nor for the law given with sound of trumpets on mount sinai ; for the feast of pentecost was instituted for that , but for the greater solemnity of the new year , from whence they reckoned their sabbatical years and jubiles , and dated all their deeds and bargains . this sounding then of trumpets was a solemn promulgation of the new year , and a preparation for the three ensuing feasts that moneth ; to wit , of expiation the tenth day , of tabernacles from the fifteenth to the one and twentieth , and the great feast on the two and twentieth day ; but i think this was no particular feast , but the conclusion of the feast of tabernacles . of the sacrifices to be offered in the new moons read numb . . , . as for those words of david , psa. . . blow the trumpet in the new moon , they are most likely to be meant of the first new moon or feast of trumpets . the feast of expiation was kept the tenth day of tisri ; and it was so called because the high priest then entred into the oracle , to expiate his own and the peoples sins ; for himselfe he took a young bullock and a ram ; for the people he took a ram for a burnt offering , and two hee goats for a sin offering ; the two goats he presented at the door of the tabernacle before the lord ; one of these ( lots being cast ) was sent into the wildernesse ; this was called the scape-goat , upon whose head the priest laid all the sins and evils of the people , to be carried away by the goat into the wilderness : the other goat was sacrificed . on this day was their great fast , act. . . wherein they abstained from all kind of work and delights , so that they might not kindle fire , nor dresse meat ; notwithstanding their afflicting themselves , the joyful jubile was this day proclaimed . of the rites used at this day by the moderne jwes , we will speak hereafter . q. what was their sabbaticnl yeare and their idbile ? a. every seventh year was a sabbath or rest : for then the land did rest from plowing and sowing ; then poor debtors that were native iewes and not proselytes or strangers , were released , if they were not able to pay : by this god would exercise the charity of his people to the poor , and have them rely on his providence : who gave such increase to the sixth year that it brought forth provision enough for three years , and therefore all things were this time held in common , and they lived as adam did in paradise , or as people in the golden age , when the earth sp●nte sua of its own accord brought forth all things ; omnis tulit omnia tellus . of this years fertility see levit. . . the hebrew servants were this year to be set free , exod. . . and the law to be read publickly , deut. . . the jubilee so called from iobal a ram , because of the sounding of rams horns at that time was instituted levit. . . for the comfort of prisoners , servants , and debtors ; for then all things were brought back to their former estate ; and therefore perhaps it is called jubilee from iobhel , to deduce or bring back ; all lands that had been sold or morgaged , were restored to the right owners , by which meanes families and tribes were preserved entire without commixtion or confusion , and their ancient inheritances remained whole . this feast was kept every fiftieth year , but was proclaimed the forty ninth , on the day of expiation ; and was a type of that great liberty and delivery we have by christ ; which is begun in this world , and consummated in that which is to come , where we shall enjoy eternal rest , and shall obtain remission of all our debts , and the possession of that ancient inheritance prepared for us before the foundation of the world . this year of jubilee also was to put them in minde of their deliverance from the captivity of egypt . as in the sabbatical year , so likewise in this all things were common : the servant whose ear was bored , is now set free ; and the slave that was sold for six years , is now dismissed , although those six years were not yet ended . the beasts also had liberty to feed where they pleased . but as the jewes did keep no jubilee in the captivity of babylon ; neither have they kept any since christ. as for their feasts of purim , and dedication , or renovation , called therefore in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we will speak anon . these were all the festivals kept by the iewes ; the three chief besides the sabbath , were the passover , pentecost , and tabernacles in commemoration of three great benefits , without which no society or common-wealth can subsist , to wit , liberty , laws , and defence or protection . now for diverse reasons god instituted so many feastival days . first , because he would have his people keep in mind the benefits he bestowed on them . secondly , to give him thanks ; which they solemnly did chiefly at easter , by offering their first fruits ; at pentecost by offering loaves ; at the feast of tabernacles by sacrificing in that they had now gathered in all their fruits . thirdly , by these festivals the love and amity of gods people were the more preserved in their often meetings . fourthly , and so was their devotion the oftner exercised in sacrifices , by which the levites and poor were releeved . fifthly , unity of religion was also by this means preserved . sixthly , and their obedience also in this was tried . seventhly , but chiefly christ the promised messiah was in these feasts represented ; for every sacrifice and oblation did shadow forth his death and passion , by whose blood alone , and not by the blood of goats and rams , we have obtained eternal redemption . q. what sorts of excommunication was used among the iews . a. at first they excluded the delinquent out of their synagogue , john . but not quite out of the temple , for he might stand in the gate in time of divine service ; this censure lasted thirty days and more , if the party repented not ; and if he died without repentance , he wanted the ceremonies of common burial , and a stone was laid on his coffin , signifying he deserved stoning . they had a higher degree of excommunication , which saint paul calls [ a giving over to satan ] cor. . . by the greeks the partie so excommunicate was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and such were not permitted to come neer the temple . curses also were denounced against them ; hymenaeus , alexander , and the incestuous person are those excommunicated . their highest degree was maran-atha , that is , the lord cometh , cor. . signifying that the lord was comming with vengeance against such ; these were totally secluded from the people of god , which is called a cutting off from the people and a blotting or razing of their names out of the book of life ; answering to those three degrees , the greek church had ; their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the latine had their abstenti , excommunicati , and anathemata , the reason why god would have this strict discipline used in his church is first to terrifie the evil doers ; secondly , to preserve the sound sheep from being infected by the scabbed . thirdly to keep up the reputation of his church , which otherwise might be scandalized for conniving at sin . fourthly , that gods judgements may he either diverted or prevented , for he is just , and will not wink at sinne . fifthly , that the excommunicate person by this severity may be brought to repentance and amendment of life . they had a peculiar way in excommunicating the samaritans , to wit , by sound of trumpet , and singing of the levites , who first by word of mouth pronounced a curse against the samaritans , and those that eat or conversed with them ; shewing that they shall never be proselytes in israel , nor have any part in the resurrection of the just . then they wrote this curse , and caused it to be read add pronounced in all parts of israel . q. how did god instruct the iews of old ? a. sometimes by visions and dreams , sometimes by secret inspiration , sometimes by a voice from heaven ; sometimes by vrim and thummim , that is , light and perfection , which were the precious stones on the breast plate of the high priest ; but ordinarily he taught them by his word , either written by his holy pen-men , or unwritten , namely by tradition ; for god delivered his will this way to moses , and he to ioshuah , who imparted this to the elders , and they to the prophets . from the prophets the great synagogue received these traditions , till at last they were committed to writing , for the benefit of those jewes which dwelt in iudea , about the year of christ . this was called the thalmud of ierusalem ; but . years after christ , the jews at babylon made a more exact collection , and this they called the thalmud of babylon , which contains all their canon and civil laws , and is with them of no lesse authority then the scripture . they have besides this , their kabbala , which is a mystical kind of learning , consisting most in certain letters and syllables , out of which they raise many mystical whimsies . the thalmudists expect a temporal kingdom , the kabbalists a spiritual , who also hold that there was an invisible world created . years before this , because the first word in genesis is bereshith , and the first letter thereof is beth , which stands in their arethmetick for . r. ionathan compiled the thalmud of ierusalem ; the other of babylon was made up by r. asse ; which is divided into six parts , sixty books , and five hundred thirty and two chapters . it 's thought that ezra deliverd this thalmud to simon the high priest , and he to his successors , till at last it came to old simeon , ( who took up christ in his arms ) and from him to his scholar gamaliel . it 's most likely that pythagoras had his kabbalistical philosophy from the jewish rabbies ; but of these passages see galatinus de arcanis , munster , fagius , d. kimchi , and the thalmud it selfe . q. what maintenance did the iews allow their priests and levites ? a. besides certain cities and shares in their sacrifices and oblations , they allowed them the first fruits and tithes , the first fruits of the threshing floore , num. . . comprehending the first fruits in the sheafe , offered at the passeover in the beginning of harvest ; and the first fruits of loaves at pentecost in the end of their harvest , besides the first of the dough , numb . . . nehe. . . rom. . . these first fruits were called heave or wave-offerings , because they were shaken up and down , to shew that god was lord of heaven and earth ; or else from hand to hand to all corners of the earth , to signifie that the whole earth was the lords . the firstlings of man and beast god challenged as his own , exod. . because he spared the first born of the israelites , when he smote those of egypt . the firstlings of clean beasts were sacrificed , the fat whereof was burned , but the flesh was given to the priest. but the firstlings of men and unclean beasts were redeemed for five silver shekels of the sanctuary , paid to the priests for each of them , numb . . , . when they carried up their first fruits to ierusalem , they had a pipe playing before them , and a bull with gilded homes , and a garland of olive branches on this head . as for their tithes , the husbandman according to scaligers reckoning , out of . bushels in one year , paid for his first and second tith and first fruits . bushels , which is above a sixth part of the whole , besides the tith of their cattel , and fruit of their trees ; and so strict were the pharisees in the payment of their tiths that they tithed mint , anise & cumine , matth. . . out of the first tith payed to the levites , by the husbandman , was payed a tith to the priest by the levites . the second tith was payd by the husbandman , either in kine or in money as he pleased . this tith was not so great as the first ; for if he paid . bushels for his first tith , he paid but . for his second tith : but this second tith every third year was spent by the husbandman at home upon the poor , and not in ierusalem on the levites . this year was called the year of tiths , deut. . . and though at this day the jews have no lands , yet they pay carefully the tenth of their encrease . q. what church government had the iews after they were carried captive into babylon ? a. they had no setled government in babylon , being then in misery and captivity ; yet they had some elders and prophets , as may be seen in ezek. . . after the captivity , they reformed all things according to king davids institution ; but the number of singers , do ot keepers and other officers came far short of the former : this government continued in some measure , till the time of antiochus epiphanes , who sold the pontificare to iason the brother of onias the high priest : he dy degrecs brought in the greek government , and so did the third brother menelaus ; at last it was totally subverted in the eighth year of antiochus , and again restored by matathius , and more fully by iudas , ionathan and his brother simon ; in ionathan the priesthood was translated from the family of tsadoc to the posterity of ioiarib , who came of eleazer . and the government held out in some sort till herod the first overthrew it , by thrusting out the lawful priests , and substituting at his pleasure unworthy men . the like was done by the roman governors ; then were the levites deprived of their tiths by the chief priests . the singers were permitted by agrippa the younger , to wear a linnen garment as well as the priests ; they retained then some priests and levites ; they had also scribes and lawyers , who exercised ecclesiastick jurisdiction with the elders of the people . they had also synagogues of their profession abroad in alexandria , cilicia , and other places , acts. . . and in iudea too , whither the people met to pray , and hear the law and prophets read . the synagogues had their rulers , acts . . who did interpret the law ; they were also called prophets , scribes , and lawyers : but the government of the jewish church was much pestered by the samaritans , esseans , sadduces , and pharises : nazareans who rejected the books of mojes , hemerobaptists , who washed themselves daily , and the herodians , who held that herod was christ ; the esseans contemned marriage , and thought themselves holier then other men , therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saints , they would have had all things equal . the samaritans rejected all scripture , except the pentateuch , and were the sworn enemies of the iews . the pharisees were so called from separation , for they separated themselves from other men , accounting all profane but themselves . they placed all sanctimony in outward shews . the sadduces , so called from justice , denied providence , subjected all things to our will , denied the souls immortality , angels , and the resurrection . the scribes perverred all by their sophistical glosses on the law. of these things , see sigonius , bertram , iosephus and others . q. but what church government have the iewes at this day ? a. in rome , venice , worms , mentz , frankford on the moen , fridburg , amsterdam , and in divers places of poland , bohemia , and elsewhere , they have their synagogues , where they use to pray together , and to hear the law read . before they come thither , they wash themselves , and scrape their shooes with an iron fastened in a wall before the synagogue . they enter with great reverence , bowing themselves towards the ark , where their law is kept , and are tied to a set form of prayer , which they must read in their books ; they that cannot read must hearken diligently , and say amen , though they understand not what is read ; for their liturgy is the old hebrew , which they generally understand not . they utter divers brief benedictions , and after them some short prayers ; and because they cannot sacrifice , being banished from ierusalem , the place appointed for sacrifice , therefore in stead thereof they read the law concerning sacrifices and offerings ; and some expositions thereof out of the thalmud , which they understand not . they pray in particular for the rebuilding of ierusalem , and their return thither , which they dayly expect , for which they expresse great joy and vociferation . then they read a long prayer , collected out of the psalms , with some part out of the first book of the chronicles , ch . . then they conclude with singing these words of obadiah , vers . . but upon mount sion shall be deliverance , and there shall be holinesse ; and the house of iacob shall possesse their possessions , &c. and the house of esau shall be stubble , &c. and saviours shall come upon mount sion to judge the mount of esau , and the kingdom shall be the lords . other songs also they sing , much to this purpose ; and when they sing or say these words , [ hearken o israel , the lord our god is one god ] they turn their heads to the four corners of the world , intimating thereby that god is every where king. there be some of their prayers which they are bound to say every day twice , standing strait , thinking that thereby they shall merit . but when they utter these words of isai. . . [ holy , holy , holy , lord god of sabbath , the earth is full of the glory ] they leap three times . they hold , that whosoever doth speak whilest they are praying , shall eat burning coales when they are dead . after this , they utter an execrable praver against all christians and baptized jews . then they pray for peace , bowing their head to the left , then to the right hand , and depart out of the synagogue with their faces stil towards the ark , like crabs going backward . they use also to go slowly out of the synagogue , lest by making haste , they might seem to be weary of praying . when they mention the adoration which is given to christ by christians , they spit on the ground in detestation thereof . q. what circumstances do the iews now observe in praying ? a. they pray being girt , standing upright , with their faces toward ierusalem , laying their hand on their heart , and bowing their head . they hold it a great sin in praying to belch , yawn , spit , or break wind , because they hold the angels to be there present ; but if any be necessiated to break wind , he must beg pardon of god , who hath made him a body so full of holes ; he that prays must make no interruption , though a serpent should bite him , or the king of israel speak to him . they are bound to utter an hundred blessings every day . in praying they must not touch their naked skin . they hold sneezing in prayers to be a good signe , but breaking wind to be ominous ; and they beleeve , that whosoever saith heartily amen to their prayers , hasteneth their redemption . q. what is the time and order of their evening prayer ? a. about five in the afternoon the door-keeper of the synagogue with a hammer knocks at their doores , warning them to repair to evening prayer . when they are come , they sit down , and begin their service with these words of the . psalm : [ blessed are they that dwell in thy house ] then the precentor , having said or sung some psalms , and half that holy prayer called kaddesh , the whole synagogve saith eighteen prayers , according to the number of bones in a mans back . and then the praecentor comes down from his pulpit , and falls upon his knees before the ark , after the example of ioshuah , iosh. . . and layeth his left hand under his face , because it is said , cant. . . his left hand is under my head . this the people do likewise , and with their faces covered , and towards the ground , they say the sixth psalm . having ended their evening prayer , and pawsed a while , they begin their night prayers , which they should say after supper ; but because it would be inconvenient to return late to the synagogue , and many times they are drunk after supper , therefore before they depart they say some prayers ; but if any have a quarrel with his neighbour , he takes the liturgy-book and shuts it , clapping his hand upon it , intimating hereby that he would pray no more , till his neighbour were reconciled to him . q. why do the iews , beside the sabbath , keep holy the monday and thursday ? a. ezdras appointed that the people should meet three times in the week , to be taught the law , because in the desart of sur the people wandred three dayes without water , that i● , say they , without the law. and because moses went up the mountain the second time to renew the tables of the law , and to pacifie gods anger for the peoples worshipping the golden calf on thursday , and returned thence on monday ; therefore the devoted jews use to fast these two days , as the pharisee did in the gospel ▪ q. what ceremonies observe they about the book of the law ? a. in every synagogue the book of the law is kept within a chest ; this book is the pentareuch , written on parchment in great characters , and carried to and fro on two staves , fastened at each end of the parchment . before the door of the ark or chest , hangs a piece of tapestry , on which divers birds are figured , because birds were pictuted upon the ark of the covenant . this book is wrapt in linnen , which is covered with silk , velvet , or tissue . the office of carrying the law , is sold to him that gives most , and the money is bestowed on the poor . the two staves are called the trees of life . when the praecentor brings the book out of the ark into the pulpit , then they all sing these words , numb . . . let god arise ; and let his enemies be scatrered , &c. after some anthymns are sung , one comes between the chasan or chief singer , and him who bought the office of carrying the law , and kisses ( not the parchment , for that were too great presumption ) but the cloaths in which it is wrapped ; then with a loud voice he blesseth god , who hath chosen them before all others , and given them a law. then the chief singer reads a chapter , and the book is kissed again , with blessing of god for giving the true law. then it is elevated on high ; the whole congregation shouting ; this is the law that moses gave to israel . the women in the mean time being in a distinct synagogue by themselves , are not permitted to kisse the book ; nor to be there with the men , to shew what modesty ought to be there ; but if he who carrieth the book , should by chance stumble with it , a long fast must be enjoyned ▪ that fall being held ommous , and a presage of great calamities . when the book is wrapped up again within all its coverings , young and old kiss it , touching it only with their two fingers ; and whilest it is carried back to the ark , they all sing again , return lord to the many thousands of israel , num. . . so prayers being ended , as they are going out of the synagogue , they say , the lord preserve my going out , and comming in , from henceforth and for ever , psal . . q. what is their manner of observing the sabbath at this day ? a. because moses commanded the israelites to gather as much manna on the sixth day as might serve them also the seventh , therefore all that they eat and drink on the sabbath , is prepared and dressed on the friday ; and if the servants work be more then they can perform before the sabbath , their masters , be they never so great and rich , must help them , that the sabbath be not broken ; yet they have three feasts that day , one in the evening when they begin their rest , the second at noon , and the third in the evening when they conclude their sabbath . all that day their , tables remain covered ; if they do not wash their heads , hands and feet ; if they pair not their nailes , beginning at the fourth finger on the left hand , which pairings must not be trod upon , but either burned or buried ; if they change not their cloaths ; if the men cut not their beards , and the women if they combe not their heads ; if they sharp not their knives , and make every thing clean in their houses on the friday , they esteem the neglect of any of these circumstances a violation of their sabbath . before the sun go down , the women kindle their sabbatarian lights , which is an ancient custome , as may be seen in persius , satyr . herodis venere dies , unctáque senestrae depositae pinguem nebulam vemuere lucernae . except we understand here by herods dayes , herods birth-day , which was carefully observed by the herodian sect. now the reason why the women kindle the lights , is because the first woman extinguished the light and glory of man by her disobedience . they also use to hasten their sabbath , and to enlarge it , by ad●ing a part of the work day , that the souls in purgato●y may have the more liberty and refreshing , who all that time cocl : and refresh themselves in water , for which cause the jews are forbid by their rabbins to draw all the water out of any place , but to leave some for refrigeration of these scorched souls . they beleeve that a good and evil angel stand before their synagogues , observing who pray and hear most diligently . these angels wait upon such to their houses , where finding all clean and neat , they depart joyfully , though the evil angel be not concerned , but is forced to shew a seeming content . they do not put out their lights all that day , nor must they snuff them , least they should thereby break their sabbath , nor must they that day catch a flea , or kill a louse . if a iew in his journey be overtaken by the sabbath , he must stay , though in the midst of a field or wood , though in danger of theeves , storms , or hunger , he must not budge . they begin their feasting on the sabbath with conse crated wine , and two loaves of bread , in memory of the double portion of manna they gathered for the sabbath : which day they think is not sufficiently observed , except they eat and drink largly in the day time , and kiss their wives often in the night . in their synagogues they have read to them seven of their chapters by seven several men , who come in at one door , and go out at another . these lectures are out of moses and the prophets , act. . & . . they pray for the souls of those who have violated the sabbath , who being in hell , have so much ease by their prayers , as to turn from one side to the other . but their service lasteth not above the sixth hour , which is our noon ; for by their law they must neither pray nor fast beyond this hour . if any dream of such things as they count ominous , such as the burning of the law , the falling of their houses , or teeth , they must fast till the evening , and so they must fast the next day , as a punishment for fasting on the sabbath . after dinner the most of their discourse is about their use-money , and other worldly businesse . in the evening they repair to their synagogues againe , and thence to their third feast . they conclude their sabbath with singing , or caterwaling rather , which they continue as long as they can , for ease of the defunct souls : and withal they pray that elias would hasten his comming , even the next sabbath if he please , that he might give them notice of the messias his comming . then the richer sort lighting a torch , taking a silver box full of spices with one hand , and a cup of wine in the other , they say certain blessings to god for the benefits of light , wine , spices , and the sabbath , and with some ridiculous ceremonies they end the sabbath , and begin their week . some wash their eyes and face with that consecrated wine , counting it medicinable : others sprinkle it about their houses against all charms , and witchcraft . they smell to the spices , that they may not faint when one of their soules deparreth , which it doth at the end of every sabbath , and returneth at the beginning of the same , so that every sabbath day they have two souls ; besides they think that hell fire stinks in the week days , but not in the sabbath , therefore they smell to the spices when the sabbath is ended . they pour out some of their consecrated wine on the ground , to refresh core and his complices , who live yet under the ground in fire . on the sabbath they will not light their candles , make their fires , milk their cows , snuff their candles ; dresse their meat themselves , but have christians to do such trivial things , and then they brag that they be the lords of the world , and the christians be their servants . q. how do the modern iews keep their passover ? a. the richer sort spend thirty dayes in preparation , and buying of the purest wheat for their unleavened bread , with which also they furnish the poorer sort , who cannot buy . their first born onely fast the eve before . the sabbath which immediatly precedeth the passover , is very holy among them . in this they have long sermons concerning the passeover , and use thereof ; this they call the great sabbath . they are very curious in cleansing their houses , and washing their utensils three dayes before easter , being more carefull with the pharisees to wash the outside of the platter , then to purge out the rapine and intemperance that is within . the night before the passeover they take great pains to finde out all the leavened bread that is in their houses . they search and sweep every corner and mouse-hole for crums with wax candles ; if they finde none , they purposely fling down some , that they might not seem to have prayed and laboured in vain : all the crums they finde , they lay up carefully against the next day , and burn them . they are very curious about the grinding , kneading , and baking of the unleavened bread ; the corn must be ground three dayes before it be baked . the mill stone must be cleansed from all former meal , and so must the chest that holds it . the water that is used , must be brought in consecrated vessels , about the going down of the sun , covered . the master of the family must draw the water himself . the form of their unleavened cake is round , and full of holes to let in aire , least it should swell . no other ingredient is permitted in the flower , but water . about ten or eleven they dine , but soberly , that they may with the better appetite eat their unleavened bread in the evening . but first they repair to their synagogues , where they sing and pray ; onely the women stay at home to cover the tables , to hang the walls with tapestry , and to expose their cupbords of plate , and other riches to be seen , to put them in minde of that wealth which was in the temple when it was robbed and demolished . each master of the family , if he be rich , hath his chair of state , wherein he sits like a prince , to shew that they were now redeemed from the bondage of egypt . the poorer sort sit majestically also in their seats . q. what is the manner of eating the pascal lamb at home ? a. when it begins to grow dark , they run home from the synagogue ; a platter is uncovered , wherein are three cakes , the uppermost representing the high priest , the middle the levite , and the lowermost the people of israel ; in another dish is a roasted leg of lamb or kid , with an hard egge ; there is also a dish of pap or thick stuff , made of divers fruits with wine spiced , and chiefly cinnamon , representing the straw and brick of egypt : in another platter there are letrice , parsley , ivy , raddish , and such like herbs , with another dish of vinegar , to represent the sower herbs caten heretofore with the lamb. every one hath his draught of wine . the middle cake is broken into two pieces ; the one whereof the master hides in a napkin , to shew how the israelites fled with their dough unleavened out of egypt . then laying hold on the other peece of cake , they sing , such was the bread of affliction our fathers eat in egypt . here we are now , the next year we shall be in canaan . the platter with the cakes is carried from the table to the children , that they night demand what that is , as we read exod. . , . when the cakes are set down again , they sing a song of their deliverance ; and drink another glasse of wine , leaning like princes in their chairs . then some of the cakes are eaten with thanks-giving , and some of the herbs dipped in the pap. and at last the third cake is broken , and some more of the herbs are eaten . q. by these passages it seems that the iews do not observe the passover , as they were commanded by moses . a. it s true ; for the most of their modern ceremonies are rabbinical rather then mosaical . they say that now they are not tied to the rites of moses , because they are not in their own land , but live amongst profane gentiles , for so they call christians . but indeed , the true cause why they keep not the old passeover , is , because christ our true passeover is sacrificed for us , who hath put an end to all the old ceremonies ; and it is observeable that those jews who now live in canaan , even in ierusalem , do use altogether the same rabbinical rites , and do not sacrifice at all , seeing christ the lamb of god , who taketh away the sins of the world , is the only perfect and satisfactory sacrifice . q. what may we observe concerning the iews at this day ? a. that they are a blind , hard-hearted , stiff-necked people , who , as the apostle saith , have always re●isted the holy ghost , and are given up to a reprobate sense ; they will not yet part with the vaile of moses which is over their eyes ; who after so many miracles wrought by christ and his apostles , after the accomplishing of all prophesies and types in him , after the finishing of the time prescribed by daniel , of seventy weeks , after sixteen hundred years expectation of a messiah , since the end of those seventy weeks , after so many calamities which they have suffered for their obstinacy and blasphemies against the son of god ; after so many delusions by ben cozbah , david , moses , and other fa●● prophers , who gave themselves out to be the messiah , after so many testimonies and confessions of their own writers that christ jesus was the true mestiah , yet they will not acknowledg it , but continue still in their obstinacy and cruelty against christ and his members ; they ●rag themselves to be the seed of abraham , and glory in their seal of circumcision given to him ; but if they were of abraham , they would do the works of abraham ; they would beleeve with abraham , who saw the day of christ and rejoyced ; they can claim no share in the covenant made with abraham , because they deny and persecute him who is the foundation of the covenant ; they condemn christians for making and honouring of the image of christ and of his saints ; which is not so much out of zeal against images , for they allow the images of the cherubins which were in the tabernacle and temple , but rather out of spight against christ and his saints . they count it idolatry to honour christ in his picture or image , and yet they consider not that themselves are the greatest idolaters in the world , in worshipping god according to their own fansie , and not according to his word , which teacheth us that he is to be worshipped in the unity of essence , and trinity of persons , which they deny ; thus they worship though not images , yet their own imaginations : how often have their progenitors attempted to reestablish their antient government , but still in vain , and to their own destruction ? witnesse what they suffered under vespasian and titus , what under iulian , when by his permission they began to rebuild their temple ; what under hadrian when they rebelled , and attempted to set up their earthly monarchy ; what under trajan and marcus antoninus ; what under king philip called longus in france , when they poysoned the wells ; what shall i speak of their barbarous cruelties , and inhumane savagenesse under andrew their captain , in the time of trajan , when they murthered many thousands of people , eating their flesh , wearing their skins , and girding themselves with their guts yet bleeding : of these passages we may read in sozomen , dio , marcellinus , paulus aemilius the french historian , and others ; as they have still been the greatest enemies that ever christianity had , so doe they continue their harred against us at this day ; but being kept under they dare not do the mischief they would ; yet they curse us still , and hold that the best of christians is no better then the serpent , whose head deserved to be trod upon . they think they do god good service if they can cheat a christian ; and they make no conscience to forswear themselves , when they take an oath upon any of our bibles , thinking they are bound to keep no oath but what they take upon their own torah or book of the law which is read in their synagogues . neither will they swear willingly , but in the hebrew tongue , counting all other languages profane , especially the latine which they hate , because the romans and latin church have been their greatest subduers and conquerers . they call us gentiles , edomites , and devils , and anathematise us daily . they will not call mary the mother of christ , but in derision , the mother of him that was hanged . they are mercilesse extortioners , and cunning in the art of poysoning their religion consisteth most in needlesse and ridiculous ceremonies , in rabbinical fables , cabalistical whimsies , thalmudical traditions , large fringes , and phylacteries , and in a meer outside ; whereas mercy and justice , and weighty things of the law are neglected and slighted . q. may christian primes , with a safe conscience permit iews to live within their territories ? a. yes ; conditionally that they communicate not in religion , nor marry together , nor be too familiar ; and that these jews be obedient to the civil power , quiet , modest , distinguished by some outward badge , and not to be admitted to any publick office or charge ; for they have been tolerated both by the civil and canon law. . the jews in the old testament had leave to commerce with the gentiles . . we ought to permit them , upon hope we may convert some of them to the knowledge and love of christ. . we ought by all meanes to commiserate their condition , because to them pertaineth the adoption , and the glory , and the convenants , and the giving of the law , and the service of god , and the promises ; whose are the fathers , and of whem as concerning the flesh , christ came , &c. rom. . . . we must consider , that by their fall salvation is come to the gentiles ; and if the fall of them be the riches of the world , and the diminishing of them the riches of the gentiles , how much more then fulnesse ? rom. . . let us not then insult over their miseries , nor boast against the branches ; for we are but wild olives graffed upon them ; and if god spared not the natural branches , take heed least he also spare not thee , rom. . for blindnesse is happened but in part upon israel , untill the fulnesse of the gentiles do come in , rom. . and then all israel shall be saved ; that is , most of them according to the scripture phrase ; for the angel tells daniel , that every one of his people shall be delivered , whose names shall be found in the book , dan. . . so them all the jews before the last judgement shall be saved , and shall acknowledge christ the true mesliah ; yet not all without exception ; but all whose names are written in the book of life : this restriction sheweth , that some will not be saved . . by suffering the jewes to live amongst us , we shall be the more induced to acknowledge the goodnesse of god towards us gentiles , in receiving us to mercy , when he cast off his own people . by this also we are taught to fear and tremble at gods judgements ; because for unbelief they were broken off ; we stand by faith ; let us not be too high minded but fear ; for if we continue not in his goodnesse , we shall also be cut off , rom. . lastly , from the jewes we have our scriptures ; they can be our witnesses to the gentiles , that cut scriptures ; are not devised and compiled by us , but by our enemies ; out of which scripture , even to the great grief of the jewes , we can clearly prove that christ is the true mesliah ; therefore it is convenient that we permit them to live amongst us : q. may christian princes permit the iewes to exercise their own religion ? a. they may , if so be they dishonour not christ , nor traduce or molest his church : for they were better exercise their religion , then curn atheists ; principally seeing they worship the same god with us , though not in the same manner , and read the same scriptures though not in the same sense . for this cause the primitive church , and the imperial laws suffered them ; and christ himself permitted their doctors to sit in the chair of moses , and to teach his doctrine , and counselled the people to obey the same ; besides , by permitting the jews to use their religion without molestation , by using them courteously , they may be the sooner enduced to embrace christ ; and indeed our cruelties against them , and the wickednesse of our lives have been , and are still great obstacles to their conversion . but christian princes must be careful that they be not suffered to blaspheme christ , or abuse his church ; for they are keepers of both tables , and they do not carry the sword in vain ; they should also use all the gentle means they can , to bring them to the knowledge and love of christ , by instructing them in the grounds of christian religion ; but violence must be avoided ; for faith cometh by perswasion , not by compulsion ; neither must their infants be forcibly baptized against their parents consent , but when they come to years of discretion they should cause them to be instructed in the principles of christianity , nor must their parents be suffered to hinder them ; but whilest they are infants , they must not be baptized against their parents will , because that were to take away the right of paternity , which parents have over their children both by the laws of god , of nature , and of nations ; besides the children of jewes who are enemies of christ , cannot be comprehended within the covenant , and therefore are not capable of the sign of the covenant , till they be of years ; and if then they embrace christ , they are included in the covenant , and so made capable of the seal thereof . besides , the forced baptism of jewish children would be a great scandal to christian religion , which would be traduced as a violent way to force infants to receive that of which they had no knowledg nor could give their consent to ; and so these children when they come to years of discretion , might justly repudiare that religion , which was forced on them , when they had neithe knowledge of it , nor gave consent to it . q. in what things must not christians communicate with iews ? a. they must not eat , nor drink , nor bath , nor cohabit together , nor entertain friendship and familiarity , least by these means christians should be infected with their errors and superstition , or least they should seem to countenance their wicked opinions . . christians must not serve jews in any kind of service ; for then they will brag that they are the lords of the world , and christians their slaves : besides , it is unseemly that the children of the free born ( for so we are , being made free by christ ) should serve the sons of the bond woman ; for they are true israelites , and the sons of abraham , who have the faith and do the works of abraham : who are israelites not after the flesh , but after the spirit . . christians must not employ jews for their physitians ; for this were to engage them : besides , we know out of histories how dangerous such physitians have proved to christians , who by reason of their inveterate malice , make no conscience to poyson them , but rather think they are bound to do so . christians must take heed how they traffick with jews , least they be cheated by them , or least they partake of the sins and superstition of the jews , by selling them such wares as they know they will abuse to their superstitious worship . . let not christians borrow money of jews , except they mean to be undone by them ; for they have ever been , and are to this day , unconscionable extortioners . . christians ought not to read their blasphemous books , but to suppress and burn them ; for by them our blessed saviour in his person , offices , preaching , & miracles is highly dishonoured , and his church traduced : therefore pope gregory the ninth , about the year of christ . caused the thalmud in which christian religion is so much blasted , to be burned ; which was performed accordingly by the chancellor of paris ; and about the year . pope iulius the third , commanded that all the jewish blasphemous books , with both the thalmuds should be searched out , and flung in the fire : and that their estates should be consiscared who did harbour or read , print or write such wicked books , or bring them from forraign parts into christian territories . q. how many days do the jews spend in their easter solemnities ? a. eight ; the two first , and the two last are wholly kept with great ceremony , the other four are but half holy days ; all this time they sup-plentifully , and drink strenuously , till it be midnight , but they drink up four consecrated cups of wine , two before supper , and two at , or after supper : each of these cups is accompanied with a prayer , and the last with execrations against christians ; at supper they eat the other halfe cake ; and keep open all night their doors and gates , as being perswaded that then they are safe and secure from all danger , and that they are ready to entertain eliah , whose comming they expect then . during this time they eat up the whole three cakes mentioned before , and have divers disputations about what work is fit to be done that time , full of ridiculous subtilties . if during this time they find any leaven in their houses , they touch it not , but cover it till they burn it . now because they are not certain which is the true fourteenth day of the moon , when they begin their easter , they keep the second day as solemnly as the first ; and because they know not the true seventh day , therefore least they should mistake , they observe also the eighth day , after which day they bring leaven into their houses again : the men fast three times after , to expiate for their intemperance during the feast ; and for the space of thirty days , they neither marry nor both , nor cut their hair , because rabbi akibha lost by death all his disciples , being eighty thousand , between easter and pentecost . q. how do they now observe their pentecost ? a. pentecost , so called in the new testament , from the fifty days between easter and that feast , in the old law it is called the feast of harvest , and of first fruits , exod. . . because then their harvest began , and the time they offered their first fruits of the earth . the jews are very exact in numbring each week and day from easter to pentecost , praying continually that god would bring them home againe to ierusalem , that in their own land they might offer to him their first fruits as moses commanded them . they keep two holy days at pentecost , because they know not which is the true day . they produce their law twice : and by five men they read so much as concerneth that festivity . they strow their houses , synagogues , and streets with grass , fil their windows with green boughs , and wear on their heads green garlands ; to shew that all places about mount sinai were green , when they received the law. they eat that day altogether white meats of milk , to shew the whitenesse and sweetnesse of the law. they make a cake , or pye having seven cakes in one , to signifie the seven heavens into which god ascended from mount sinai . q. how do they keep the feast of tabernacles ? a. this third great feast , which was kept anciently in booths or tents made up of green boughs , in memory of the forty years peregrination in the de●art , is now observed by the jews eight days together . the two first and two last are solemnly kept ; the other four are but half festivals . they first repair to their synagogues ; then after some praying and singing , they run home to their tents , but do not stay there all night , as their ancestors were wont to do . they use to take in one hand boughs of palme , olive , and willow , and in the other a pome-citron ▪ then they bless god , and shake the boughs towards the four cardinal points of heaven : then having placed the law upon the pulpit , they go round about it seven times in seven days , in memory of the walls of iericho , encompassed seven times . then having shaken the branches in their hands , they pray against christians . this feast is kept about the middle of september ; in which moneth they beleeve shall be fought the great battel between gog and magog , in which gog shall be slain , and the jews restored to their own land. about night they go abroad in the moon light , believing that god doth reveal to them by the shadows of the moon who shall live or die that year , for then they begin the computation of their year . the shaking of the branches towards the four corners of the world , signifies the destruction of the four great monarchies , ( to wit ) the assyrian , persian , grecian and roman . they make great use of citrons in this feast , for they send sixteen men every year into spain to bring with them as many of these as they can : for by the citrons , they say , are represented just men , who are as full of good their workes , as this fruit is full of seeds . q. how do they keep their new moons ? a. their new moons are but halfe holy days with them ; for in the morning they go to their synagogues , the rest of the day they spend in eating , drinking , and gaming : the day before the new moon they use to fast ; when they first see her , they utter a benediction , and leap three times towards her , wishing that their enemies may come no neerer to hurt them , then they are able to come neer and hurt her . the women have more right to keep this day holy then the men , because they would not part with their ear-rings and jewels towards the making of the golden calf ; but willingly parted with them towards the building of the temple . they give a ridiculous reason , why sacrifices were commanded every new moon ; because , say they , the moon murmured against god in the beginning ; therfore he took her light from her , and appointed sacrifices to expiare her crime . q. why do the iews fast in the moneth of august ? a. because they hold the world was made in september , therefore they make that moneth the beginning of their year ; and believe , that about that time god will come to judge the world ; for this cause they fast and pray divers days before , and baptize themselvs in lakes and rivers ; and where these are wanting , they make pits , which they fill with water ; in these they dip themselves over head and ears , thinking this a meanes to expiate their sins ; they frequent their synagogues and church yards , desiring god to pardon them for the good jews sake who are buried there , and in the same they distribute large alms to the poor . in some places there they cause rams horns to be sounded when they go to their synagogues , to put the greater terrour in them , when they consider their sins , and the horror of gods judgements . their fasting ceremonies being ended , they shave and bath themselves , and begin their year with much mirth and jovialty . q. what solemnity use they in beginning their new year ? a. because they are commanded by moses , lev. . . to keep holy the first day of the seventh moneth , therefore they begin their civil year from that day , which after evening peayer in their synagogues they initiate with a cup of wine , wishing to each other a good year . the younger sort repair to the chief rabbi for his blessing , which he bestoweth on them by prayer and imposition of hands . being returned home , they fall to eating , drinking , and making merry . on the table is set down a rams head , to put them in minde of that ram which on this day was sacrificed in isaacs stead , and to signifie that they shall be the head , and not the tail of christians . they feed that night plentifully on fish and fruit , to shew that they will encrease and multiply in good works , as the fish do in the sea ; and that their enemies shall be cut off from all help , as the fruit is plucked off from the tree . in the morning they go betimes to their synagogues to sing and pray ; the law is taken twice out of the ark , and some lessons read ; after which , one soundeth a rams horn on the pulpit ; if he sounds clear , it s a good sign ; if otherwise , they hold it ominous , and a sign of a bad year . this horn-trumpet is also in memory of isaacs delivery by the ram this day , as they hold . the rest of the day they spend in good cheer and mirth . after dinner they go to the waters , there to drown their sins . if they see any fish in the water , they shake their cloaths , that their sins falling upon those fishes , may be carried away by them into the sea , as of old they were by the scape-goat into the wilderness . at night they feast again , and so initiate the year with two days mirth . q. how doe they prepare themselves for morning prayer ? a. they hold it necessary that every jew from the fifteenth of iune , till pentecost , should rise before day ; because then the nights are long , but from pentecost till the fifteenth of iune , they may rise after day ; their rising will be the more acceptable to god , if they have weeped in the night , for with such the stars and planets do weep ; they must let their tears fall down their cheeks , because then god is ready with his bottle to receive them ; these tears may serve them for good use ; because when at any time , the enemies of israel send out edicts to destroy the jewes , god is ready with these bottles to pour them out upon these writings , and to blotuot the edict that the jews may receive no hurt thereby . they hold the morning the best time to enter into the house of god , because david faith , thou wilt heat my voice betimes in the morning . in the evening they say god commands all the gates of heaven to be shut ; which are guarded by certain angels , who are silent till after midnight , then a great noise is heard in heaven , commanding the gates to be opened : this noise is heard by our cocks here below , who presently upon this clap their wings and crow , that men thereby may awake ; then the evil spirits who had leave to wander up and down in the night , whilest heaven gates were shut , lose all power of doing hurt : as soon as they hear the cock crow , they must say this prayer as they are taught by their rabbins : blessed be thou o god , lord of all the world , who hast given such understanding to the cock . when they change their shirts , the walls and bed-posts must not see their nakedness ; but they must change within the bed-cloaths . they must not in the morning put on the left shoe before the right ; but at night they should put off the left shoe first . as they are going out of their chamber in the morning , they must with a submissive mind bow their head to the ground , in remembrance of the devastation of the temple at jerusalem ; but no man must offer to say his prayers till first he hath eased himself at the stoole , and washed his hands , because upon them evil spirits sit in the night time ; and his face also , because it was made after the image of god ; but they must be careful that the right hand with which they touch the law , and write the name of god , may no waies be defiled . and when in private they are easing of themselves , they must not then think of god , or of his law , for that will shorten their life , as their rabbins say . if any man touch his eye in the morning with unwashed hands , he shall be blind ; if his ears , deaf ; if his nostrils , they shall still be dropping ; if his mouth , it shall stink ; if any part of his skin , it shall be scabbed ; they must not presume to pray but in their four cornerd cloak , from which hangs certain borders , laces , or phylacteries , which they call zizim ; they must also have their tephillin tied to their heads and hands ; these are scrowls or bundels of prayers , but of these and many more of their superstitious ceremonies , see buxtorsius in synagoga iudaica . q. how do they prepare themselves for the feast of reconciliation ? a. the first ten days after the beginning are penitential , in which they fast and pray . the ninth day every man , young and old , takes a cock in his hand ; every woman and maid a hen. after some impertinent sentences pronounced out of scripture , each one whirls the cock about the priests head , saying , this cock shall die for me ; then the cocks throat is cut , his body flung to the ground , and at last roasted : his guts are cast upon the top of the house , that the ravens may carry them away , and their sins together . they labour much for white cocks , which they hold to be pure from sin ; red cocks they detest , as being full of sin . the reason why they sacrifice a cock , is , because the hewbrew word gheber signifieth a man , and in the thalmud a cock ; so to them the death of a cock is as much as the death of a man. after this , they go to the church yard , confesse their sins , and give to the poor the price of their cocks , because of old they used to give their cocks to the poor . in the afternoon they dip themselves again in water , and prepare lights for their next days service in the synagogue , where , in the evening they meet , and reconcile themselves to each other , where hath been any offence ; he that seeks to be reconciled , is sufficiently satisfied , though the other be obstinate ; and thinks himself acquitted , in seeking for that the other hath refused . if the party wronged die ▪ he that did the wrong goeth to his grave , and before ten witnesses confesseth his fault ; they confesse also their sins to each other , in some secret place of the church : they go two and two ; the one boweth his body , turning his face to the north ; whilest he is confessing and beating of his breast , receiveth thirty nine stripes on the back , of his fellow with a leather thong , whom he repayes in the like manner . having done , they return home , and make merry with their roasted cocks and hens . over their cloaths they put on a white shirt or surplice , to shew that now they are white and pure from sin . q. what other ceremonies use they in the feast of reconciliation ? a. the ninth day the men in the synagogues , the women at home , about evening , light wax candles , over which they pray , stretching out their hands towards the lights ; which if they burn clear , they take it for a good sign that their sins are pardoned , and that they shall be happy : if the lights be dim , or the wax melt , it 's ominous . then they fast , goe bare-footed , abstain from oyl , bathing , and carnal copulation : they spend much of the night in singing and praying , and most of the next day , while the priest extendeth his hands to blesse them , they all lay their hands on their faces , as not daring to look on those sanctified hands of the priest. at this time they fast . hours together , and some have been observed to stand upright and pray above . hours without intermission . some write that they use at this time to bribe satan , that he may not accuse them for their sins . q. what ceremonies use they when they have read over the law ? a. they divide the pentateuch into . sections . according to the . sabbaths of the year . the last lesson , which falls out on that day that immediately follows the feast of tabernacles , about the . of september . is accompanied with singing , and the priests dancing . all the books are this day brought o●t of the ark with dancing about it ; in the interim , whilest the books are out of the ark , a candle burns within it , to shew that the law is a light. in the synagogue they fling nuts , peares , and other fruit to the youth , who , in scrabling for the same , fall often times together by the ears . that day their ecclesiastick offices are proposed to sale , which occasioneth much strife and malice among them . the money raised on the offices , is for the repair of their synagogues , and relief of the poor . at last they conclude all with good cheer and wine at supper , and are merry , if while the law was carried about , he did not stumble that carried it , for that is held very ominous . q. what are these church offices which they sell yearly ? a. first , the office of lighting the candles . secondly , of furnishing the consecrated wine , which is spent in their sabbaths , and other festivals thirdly , the office of folding and unfolding the book of the law. fourthly , of lifting up , and carrying about the said book . fifthly , of touching the sacred staves on which the book or parchment is rowled . young men are greedy of this office , because they think the touching of these staves will prolong their life . sixthly , the office of reading the law. and seventhly , of supplying his place who is negligent in his office. q. why do they keep the feast of dedication ? a. they keep it in memory of iudas macchabaeus , who dedicated the temple the . of november . after it had been possessed and polluted by the grecians , it was then ordained by iudas and his brethren , and all the people , that this feast should be kept yearly for eight days together . at that first dedication was found a small vessel of consecrated oyl ; which of it self was not sufficient to hold out above one night , but by miracle it maintained the lights for the whole eight days . now this feast consisteth in drinking and gormandising , and in pompous superstition about their lights . yet christ honoured this feast with his presence , iohn . . not to countenance the abuses thereof , but the institution it self ; for all places set apart for the service of god , ought to be consecrated and dedicated to him by prayer and decent ceremonies ; therefore moses dedicated the tabernacle to god , and solomon the temple with great solemnity and prayers ; when the temple was rebuilt , after the peoples returne from babylon it was dedicated again ; and now the third time it was dedicated , when it was profaned by antiochus . these second dedications are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , renovations . the temple was also newly consecrated or dedicated under ezechia , after it had been profaned by achaz , chron. . the priests and levites spent eight dayes in this dedication . q. what is their feast of purim ? a. that is of lots ; for haman by lot had appointed the jews to be massacred all through the persian kingdom in one day , to wit , the thirteenth day of the twelfth moneth , which is adar or february ; but the plotters were massacred themselves by the jews the same day . for at sufae , haman with his ten sons , and five hundred men more were slain , and three hundred the day after : and on the same day through the rest of assuerus his dominions were slain by the jews . so because this day they destroyed their enemies , and the next day rested themselves , therefore at this feast they keep two holy days , or rather days for bacchus . in their synagogues they set up lights in the night time , a●d the whole book of esther is read . as often as they hear the name of haman , they keep a cruel noise , and stamping with their feet . they read all that passage of the death of hamans sons at one breath , to signifie the suddennesse of that death . these two days are spent in singing , playing , eating and drinking . the men wear womens apparrel , and the women mens , against the law of god , which they think at this time of mirth they may lawfully violate . and that the poor may be merry also , the richer sort furnish them with meat and drink ; and so with this ryotous bacchanal , they conclude their anniversary feasts ; for this is the last of the year , having none between this and easter . q. what fasting days do the iews observe now ? a. they keep the four fasts mentioned by zachary chap. . . to wit , that of the tenth moneth , on the the tenth of december , in memory of ierusalem besieged that day by nebuchadnezzar . secondly , they fast the seventeenth day of the fourth moneth , or iune , in memory of the two tables of the law broken , for the loss of their dayly sacrifice ; for burning of the law ; for setting up idolatry in the temple ; for besieging ierusalem the second time , and for breaking down the walls thereof . they count the days from this till the ninth of the next moneth all unlucky ; so that they avoid all great businesse ; and school-masters during that time will not beat their scholars . thirdly , they fast the ninth day of the fifth moneth , or iuly , because then the temple was burned ; therefore they go bare-foot , sit on the ground , read ieremiahs lamentations , and in the church yards among the dead they bewail the losse of ierusalem . from the first till the tenth of this moneth , they abstain from flesh , wine , shaving , bathing , marrying , and pleading , and from all kind of delights . fourthly , they fast the third day of september , because g●doliah , governor of those jewes that were not carried away in captivity , was treacherously murdered , as we read ieremy . and . besides these fasts , they have others , but not so generally observed ; for some of their preciser sort fast every monday and thursday . some fast the tenth of march , because miriam died that day , and the people wanted water in the desart . some fast the tenth of april , for the death of eli , and his two sons , and the losse of the ark. some fast the eighteenth of this moneth , for the death of samuel . at ierusalem the jewes used yearly to fast in remembrance of the translation of the bible out of hebrew into greek by the seventy interpreters : this fast was observed the eighth day of tebheth or december , and was a day of much heavinesse among them ; which must proceed from their pride or envy , or too much superstition , disdaining that their law should be imparted to the gentils , and that this translation was a profanation thereof . so superstitious they are in their fasts , that they will read no passages in the bible but such as are sad and sorrowfull ; as the destruction of ierusalem , ieremies lamentations , &c. and not any passage that is joyful , such as their delivery from egyptian slavery , or hamans tyranny . the only fast that god commanded was that upon the day of expiation ; other fasts were enjoined by the prince upon emergent occasions ; as the fast commanded by iehosophat , by ioachim and other princes . divers other private fasts they have upon private occasions . their fast is from all meat and drink till the evening that the stars appear . q. what is the manner of their marriages ? a. they are married in the open air , either in the streets or gardens , by their rabbies . the bridegroom wears about his neck a hair-cloath , the end of which the rabbi puts on the brides head , after the example of ruth , who desired to be covered with the skirt of boaz his garment . then the rabbi takes in his hand a glasse full of wine , over which he pronounceth a blessing , praising god for this conjunction , and gives it to the bride-man and his spouse that they may drink . then he takes from the bridegroom his gold ring , and asks of the standers by if it be good , and worth the money given for it , and so puts it upon one of the brides fingers : then are the marriage writings read openly ! then the rabbi takes another glass of wine , over which he prayeth , and presents it to the married couple to be tasted ; but the bridegroom takes the glasse and dashes it against the wall , in memory of the destruction of ierusalem , and for the same cause in some places ashes are put on the bridegrooms head ; so the bride in sign of sorrow puts on a black cloak , and the brideman a black hood ; they are married in the open aire , that by looking up to heaven , they may be put in mind of multiplying like the stars . the other ceremonies used before and after marriage , are not to our purpose , as not being ecclesiastical . but we must know that besides the principal wife , they have others that are subordinate , which we may call concubines , who have not the command of the family , nor gifts , or presents from the husband , as rebecca had from isaac , nor matrimonial writings , as the chief wife hath ; nor may their children inherit , but receive gifts onely ; thus abraham dealt with the sons of his concubines , gen. . their custome also is first to be contracted , and after some space of time to be married ; which contract was confirmed either by writing , or by a piece of money , or by copulation ; but this last was punishable . their marriages are accompanied with blessings and prayses ; therefore if they are married within doors , that house is called beth-hillulim , the house of prayses . q. how doe they make their bills of divorce at this day ? a. after the same manner that they did in the time of christ ; when any man is weary of his wife , he writes a bill of twelve lines only , neither more nor fewer ; this he delivers to his wife before three witnesses , who subscribe and seal the same , whereby he gives her free power to go whither she will , and to dispose of her self as she pleaseth , but she must not marry again till after ninty days , that it may be known whether she be with child or not ; the woman also might give a bill of divorce to her husband , of which our saviour speaketh , mark . . and withall sheweth that such bills of divorce were not commanded but tolerated by moses for the hardnesse of their hearts ; and tells them plainly that whosoever puts away his wife , and marries another , commits adultery , and so doth she if she marries another , mat. . . peter martyr in cor. . . is mistaken when he saith , that there is never any mention in scripture , that the woman gave a bill of divorce to her husband ; but our saviour tells us , that if the woman put away her husband and marry another , she commits adultery ; but the man and woman could not put away one another without a bill of divorce , and that before witnesses . q. after what manner is the wife separated from her deceased husbands brother ? a. the widow with five witnesses repairs to the chief rabbi , who asks her certain questions , as whether her husband hath been dead three moneths , whether his brother be a single man , whether the man present be her husbands full brother , of what age they are of ; and whether they think themselves fit for procreation ? then he asks of the woman if she be fasting , for otherwise she must not spit in his face . then he asks of the man if the woman present were his brothers wife , if he will marry her , or suffer his shoe to be pulled off . if he say he will not marry ; then a shoe is brought , and put upon his right foot being bare ; then the woman comes , saying , this my brother in law refuseth to raise up seed to his brother , and so bowing her selfe , pulls off his shoe , and spits in his face ; saying , so shall it be to him that will not build up his brothers house ; and thus they are parted . q. what is the manner of circumcising their children ? a. the child is first washed , and layed in clean linnen ; for if he be foul , or defile himself while he is circumcised , the mohel or circumciser is to suspend or interrupt his prayer , till he be washed againe . in the morning of the eighth day , the god-father seateth himself down in a seat placed neer the ark , and the mohel neer him . twelve wax candles are brought in , to represent the twelve tribes . then two cups of red wine , the circumcising knife , with two dishes ; the one of oyl , the other of sand . when the child is brought to the door by the women , the congregation riseth up , the god-father takes the child and sits down in his seat . there is also a seat prepared for eliah , whose comming they expect at the circumcision . the child is then named , and usually by the name of some of his ancestors , so that luke . . it was wondered at , that zacharie should name his son iohn , seeing none of his kindred was named with this name . the eighth day was so strictly observed , that if it fell on the sabbath , the child was then circumcised ; not sooner least god should be thought to be tied to the sacrament , and because the child the first seven days after the birth was held legally unclean , and yet remaining in his blood , levit. . , . & . . nor later , least the parents should be longer withheld from the comfort of the sacrament . the penalty of contempt or neglect of circumcision was a cutting off from the people , gen. . . that is , by excommunication , or bodily death of the parents . therefore god would have killed moses for not circumcising his son ; or else by the death of the son himselfe , when he comes to years of discretion , if he be not circumcised either by himself , or by his parents , or by the judges . q. how doth the mohel cut off the foreskin ? a. he first rubs it , that it may be the lesse sensible , then blesseth god for the covenant of circumcision , and withal cuts off the forepart of the skin , and flings it into the sand , in memory of that promise , gen . . i will make thee as the sand of the sea ; then he spits some red wine on the wound , and washeth it , and some also on the childs face , if he faint , and taketh the bleeding member into his mouth , and sucks the blood from it , which he spits into the other cup of wine . then he teares off the remaining skin with his sharp-pointed nailes , and layeth the clouts dipt in oyl on the wound , and bindeth them . then he blesseth god again , and the godfather takes the other cup of wine , and prayeth for the child . and the mohel moisteneth the childs lips with wine and his own blood , and prayeth again . if the child be sick on the eighth day , his circumcision is deferred till he recover . if he die before the eighth day , he is circumcised at the grave , but without prayers . q. how do they redeem their first born ? a. when the child is one and thirty days old , he is set upon a table by the father before the priest , with as much money as two dollers and a half . after some questions propounded by the priest to the father and mother , amongst others , whether he esteems more of his money , or of his child ; he answers , of his child ; then the priest takes the money and layeth it on the childs head , and pronounceth that he being the first born , and presented before the lord , is now redeemed : if before this time the father dies , then the mother signifieth by a scroll about the childs neck , that he is the first born , and not redeemed ; who when he comes of age , is bound to redeem himself . he is held to be of just age when he is thirteen years old , for then the parents stand no more charged with his sins , but must himselfe bear his own burthen . q. what duty is performed to the sick ? a. the rabbins are bound to visit and comfort them , and prepare them for making their will , if they be rich : they exhort them to be constant in their faith , especially they must beleeve that their messias is yet to come ; therfore must make both confession of their faith , and of their s●●s . they pray that their death may be a sufficient expiation for their sins , and that they may have a share in paradise , and in the life to come . q. how do they use their dead ? a. when the party dieth , his kindred tear off a little piece of their garments , because iacob tore his garments when he heard of iosephs death . they mourn also seven days because ioseph did so for his father . all the water in the house they pour out into the streets . they cover his face , and bow his thumb , that it resembleth the hebrew shaddai , that so they may terrifie satan from comming near the corps . his other fingers are stretched out , to shew that now he holds the world no longer , having forsaken it . they wash the body with warm water , and anoint the head with wine , and the yolk of an egg ; and cloath him with the white surplice he wore on the day of reconciliation , and then they coffin him . when the corps is carried out of the house they cast a shell after him , signifying that all sorrow should be now cast out of that house . in the church yard a prayer or two is said ; then the corps is buried , the next of kin casteth in the first earth . in their return they cast grasse over their heads ; either to signifie their frailty and mortality , for all flesh is grass , or else their hope of the resurrection . when they enter the synagogue , they skip to and fro , and change their seat seven times . the mourners go bare-foot seven days ; abstain from wine and flesh , except on sabbaths and festivals . they bath not in . days , nor pare their nails . they burn candles for seven days together , thinking that the departed souls return to the place where they left the body , and bewail the losse thereof . they beleeve that no jew can be partaker of the resurrection , who is buried out of canaan , except god through hollow passages of the earth convey his body thither ; grounding this conceit upon iacobs desire to ioseph that he should bury him in canaan , and not in egypt . they borrowed diverse gentile customs in their funerals , as cutting or tearing their skin , hiring of women to sing , and minstrils to play ; also shaving ; going bare footed , and bare-headed with dust on their heads , washing , anointing and embalming , besides beautifying of their sepulchres , and adding of epitaphs , &c. they used also burning of the dead , as may be seen in sam. . . and amos . . they bury apart by themselves , and not with those of another religion . their common epitaph is , let his soul be in the bundle of life , with the rest of the just , amen , amen , selah . other vain opinions and ceremonies they have , but not to our purpose . of which see munster , buxt●rfius , margarita , galatin , hospinian , fagius , d. kimchi , aben esra , &c. the contents of the second section . the religions of the ancient babylonians ; of the making , worshipping of images , and bringing in idolatry . . of hierapolis , and gods of the syrians . . of the phenicians . . of the old arabians . . of the ancient persians . . of the scythians . . of the tartars , or cathaians and pagans . . the religions of the northern countries neer the pole. three-ways whereby satan deludes men by false miracles . the fear of his stratagems whence it proceeds ; his illusions many , our duty thereupon . . of the chinois . . of the ancient indians . . of siam . . of pegu. . of bengala . . of magor . . of cambaia . . of goa . . of malabar . pagan idolaters believe the immortality of the soul. . of narsinga , and bisnagar . . of japan . . of the philippina islands . . of sumatra , and zeilan . . of the ancient egyptians . . of the modern egyptian religions . sect . ii. quest. what kinde of religious , or rather superstitious government was there among the ancient babylonians ? answ. they had their priests called chaldeans , and magi , who were much addicted to astrology a●d divination , and had their schools for education of the youth in this knowledge . they worshipped divers gods , or idols rather ; the two chief were belus or bel , or baal , by whom they meant iupiter ; the other was astaroth , or astarte , by which iuno was understood . they were bound also , by their superstitious discipline , to worship the sun ; and so was the king to offer to him every day a white horse richly furnished . they worshipped also the fire , under the name of nego ; and and the earth , by the name of shaca . to this goddesse they kept a feast for five dayes in babylon , where , during that time , the servants were masters , and the masters servants . they worshipped also venus ; for maintaining of whose service , the women prostituted themselves to strangers , and received much money thereby ; to this purpose they sat and exposed themselves at the temple of venus , which they call militta . their priests used to have their processions , and to carry their idols on their shoulders , the people before and behinde worshipping . the priests also there used to shave their heads and beards , and to stand in their temple with axes , scepters , and other weapons in their hands , and candles lighted before them . they held a divine providence , but denied the creation . ninus was the first idolater , who after the death of his father belus , set up his image , and caused it to be adored with divine honours here at babylon , and in the rest of his dominions . thus we see that the making of images , and the worshipping of them , was the invention of the gentiles ; for indeed they were men whom the pagans affirmed to be gods ; and every one according to his merits and magnificence , began after his death to be worshipped by his friends , but at length by the perswasion of evil spirits , they esteemed those whose memories they honoured , to be lesser gods ; this opinion and idolatry was fomented by the poets ; and not onely a preposterous love , and a vain admiration of the worth and merits of dead men brought in idolatry , but likewise deisidemonia , or a foolish and preposterous fear ; primus in orbe deos fecit timor ; for the gentiles did fear their religion would be in vain , if they did not see that which they worshipped ; they would therefore rather worship stocks and stones , then an invisible deity ; but it is ridiculous , saith seneca , gen● posito simulachra adorare & suspicere , fabros vero qui illa secerunt contemnere ; to worship and admire the image , and to slight the image maker ; whereas the artificer deserves more honour then the art. against this madnesse the prophet isaiah speaketh chap. . men cut down trees , rinde them , burn a part of them , make ready their meat , and warm themselves by the fire thereof ; but of the residue he maketh a god , an idol , and prayeth to it ; but god hath shut their eyes from sight , and their heart from understanding . divers ways they had in worshipping of their idols , sometimes by bowing the head , sometimes by bending the knee , sometimes by bowing or prostrating the whole body , and sometimes by kissing the idol , or by kissing their own hand , if they could not reach to kisse the idol ; of this job speaketh ; if my mouth hath kissed mine hand when i beheld the sun shining , or the moon walking in her brightnesse , iob. . . but of the babylonish idolatry see diodorus , philostratus , eusebius , isidor , scaliger . q. how doth it appear that the gentile idols were dead men ? a. by their own testimonies ; for hermes in asclepio as apule●us records , confesseth , that aesculapius grandfather to asclepius , and that mercury his own grandfather , who had divine worship at hermopolis in egypt , were men whose bodies were buried , the one in lybia , the other in egypt , in the town hermopolis , so called from him ; but under these names spirits or devils are worshipped , which i did draw or intice into their statues . plutarch witnesseth that the egyptian god osyris was a man , who because he distinguished every region in the camp by their colours , in which dogs , oxen , and other beasts were painted ; therefore after his death he was honoured under these shapes . in cyprians book concerning the vanity of idols , alexander is informed by leo the chief egyptian priest , that their gods were no other then men . the greek poets in rehearsing the genealogy and off-spring of their gods , do intimate that they were men . king ●aunus in italy , made his grandfather saturn a god , and so he did deifie his father picus , and his wife fauna , who from her gift of prophecying was called fatua and afterward bona dea . when the senate made an act that none should be worshipped at rome for gods , but such as the senate did allow , did they not by this act intimate that their gods were but men , and subject to their approbation . cicero in his books of the nature of gods , sheweth that all their deities , both great and small were but men ; their temples were their sepulchres , and their religion but superstition . virgil by confessing that the trojan gods were subdued by the grecians , doth acknowledge they were but men ▪ sibylla calls the gentile gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the idols or images of dead carkasses ; the whole story of iupiter , to wit , his birth , education , actions , and death , do testifie he was but a man ; and if we look on his adulteries , incests with his own sister iuno , and his daughter minerva ▪ if on his sodomy with ganymedes , his ravishing of europa and many others ; if on his impiety against his father saturn , whom he drove out of his kingdom , and forced to hide himselfe in italy ; if , i say , we consider these things , we must needs say , that he was so far from being a god , that he scarce deserved the name of a man , but rather of a savage beast , and indeed not unlike in ●alacity to the goat his nurse . such another god was saturn , a cruel murtherer of his own children , and whose chief delight was to have little children sacrificed to him . what was mercury but a theese , venus a whoore , bacchus a drunkard ? vulcan was but a smith , apollo a shepherd and mason , mars a souldier , neptune a mariner , minerva a spinster or weaver , saturn a husbandman , aesculapius a physitian , &c. in a word , as these were men , so they had no other deity but what they had from men ; therefore i will end with that witty saying : si dii , cur plangit is ! si mortui , cur adoratis ? if these are gods , why do you bewail them ? if men , why do you adore them ? but against these deified men , the fathers of the church have written sufficiently ; chiefly clemens . augustine , eusebius , tertullian , cyprian , lactantius , arnobius , nazianzene , &c. who tell us that there was no religion at all among the gentiles , seeing every kinde of impurity and impiety was patronized by their gods , and as greg. nazianzene saith in his third oration against iulian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , to be wicked was not only counted no disgrace , but it was also honoured with altars and sacrifices : therefore justly might the apostle call the worshippers of such gods , atheists , because they did not worship the true god , but such as were no gods at all , and scarce worthy to be called men . goodly gods ( saith the same father ) who would be drawn to aethiopia so far off , for the love of good cheer ; these sure were belly-gods ; and withall would undertake a quarrel for the strumpet lacaena . q. what religious worship , or idolatrous rather , was used in hierapolis of syria ? a. in this holy city ( for so hierapolis signifieth ) was a magnificent temple , built by deucalion , or , as some write , by semiramis , or , as others , by bacchus . queen stratonice repaired ; or re-builded rather , this temple , being decayed . here men used to geld themselves , and put on womens apparrel , such priests were called galli ; here stood two priapi or phalli , and within the quire ( into which the chief priest onely might enter ) stood iupiters statue , supported with bulls , iuno's with lyons , having in one hand a scepter , and a distaff in the other : in the temple stood apollo , cloathed and bearded , whose oracles were much consulted ; if the petition was liked , the image would move forward ; if otherwise , backward . here also stood divers other idols ; . priests were maintained here ; who did minister all in white , with their heads covered , and sacrificed twice a day , with singing and musical instruments , if to iuno ; but to iupiter no musick . their high priest was elected every year , whose cloathing was purple , and a golden myter . not far from the temple was a deep lake , in which were kept consecrated fishes : in the midst thereof stood a stone altar , crowned continually with garlands ; on this odours did still burn . they had divers feasts : the greatest was that of the fire ; where they set divers trees hung with divers sorts of beasts for sacrifice on fire , after they had carried about these fires ( in procession ) their idols . here the gelded priests wound each other , and divers young men at this feast geld themselves . here was much confused musick , disorder , fury , and prophecying . into the temple none might enter in . days , in whose family any died , and then his head must be shaved . he that but lookt upon a dead corps , was excluded the temple a whole day . to touch a dove was abomination , because semiramis was transformed into a dove ; and so it was to touch fishes because of derceto , the mermaid and mother of semiramis , half a fish and half a woman . to hierapolis were divers pilgrimages ; each pilgrim was tied to cut his hair on his head and browes ; to sacrifice a sheep , to kneele and pray upon the fleece thereof ; to lay the head and feet of the sheep upon his own head , to crown himself , to drink cold wa●er onely , and to sleep on the ground till his return . the young men were bound to consecrate their hair , then to cut it in the temple , and to offer it in a box of gold or silver , with their names inscribed thereon . some other foolish circumstances there were in their superstitious church discipline , if i may so call it : of which see lucian in his syrian goddesse ; out of whom i have this description . by this , and by what we are to speak of the gentile idolatry , we may admire the madnesse of those men , who being made after the image of god , do subject and enslave themselves to dead images , to senselesse blocks and stones , which have eyes and see not , eares and heare not : then not without cause did david say , that they who made them are like unto them ; he meanes those that worship them ; for not the artificer , but the worshipper makes the idol ; so the poet , qui fingit sacros auro vel marmore vultus , non facit ille de●s ; qui colit iste facit . and it is strange to see how cold and sparing we are in the worship of the true god : how zealous and expensive they are in the service of their false gods ; they can cut their flesh , and cry from morning to evening with baals priests ; they can part from their gold and silver , their jewels and ear-rings to make them a golden calf , yea they can offer their sons and daughters to be burned in the fire to moloch ; and yet there is no sin so repugnant to god as idolatry ; for it is repugnant to his entity , because an idol is nothing in the world , saith the apostle ; it is repugnant to his unity , because he is but one ; but false gods or idols are many ; it is repugnant to him as he is verity , because idols are lying vanities ; it is repugnant also to him , as he is life , because idols are dead and senselesse things ; it is repugnant to his purity ; for idols are called filthinesse , pollution , and abomination in scripture ; it is also repugnant to the love he carrieth to his church : for it causeth jealousie in him , and therefore he calleth idolatry whoredom , and idoters adulterers ; and they that worship idols are said to goe a whoring after other gods ; it is likewise opposite to gods goodnesse ; therefore idolatrie is particularly called sin , as if it were the only sin in the world , so exod. . . this people is prone to sin , that is , to idolatry : so lament . . . my people have committed a sin , that is , idolatry : and as it is most repugnant to gods nature , so it is to almost all his commandments . to the first ; because it makes other gods then he . to the seond : because it makes graven images , and worships them . to the third : because it takes gods name in vain , by giving it to the creature even to stocks and stones . to the fifth : because it gives the honour due to parents , uno senselesse idols ; for the idolater saith to the stock , thou art my father , and to the stone thou hast begotten me , jer . . to the sixth commandement , because the idolater is a horrible murtherer , in not sparing his own children . to the seventh , for idolatry is not onely spiritual adultry , but the cause also of carnal pollution , and of unnatural lust ; for among the indiáns they practised sodomy in the sight of their idols , as a part of that worship due to them . lastly it is against the eighth commandement ; for the idolater is a sacrilegious thiefe , stealing from god his due , and giving it to his idol , as the prophet complaineth hos. . . there are three sins inseparable companions of idolatry ; namely , witchcraft , coveteousnesse , and carnal pollution . for the first , the apostle gal. . . joyneth idolatry and witchcraft together : the ephesians as they were given to idolatry , so they were to magical arts : and as soon as they forsook their idolatry , they forsook also their witchcraft , and burned their conjuring books , acts . . as manasseh reared up altars for baal , so he used inchantments , and dealt with familiar spirits , and wizzards , kings . . hence proceeded diabolical inspirations , and enthusiasmes , oracles , and many other inchanting tricks . as for covetousness , it is no wonder that it accompanies idolatry ; for it is a kind of idolatry , and so the apostle calls it ; the covetous man worshippeth his god plutus , or mammon , with as great devotion as any idolater doth his idol : he saith to the wedge , thou art my hope , and to the gold , thou art my confidence ; he sacrificeth to his god the poor whom he oppresseth , his own soul also , and his body too , which he macerates with care , and deprives of things necessary . king ahaz no sooner gave himself to idolatry , but he presently shews his sacrilegious covetousnesse in robbing the house of the lord of its wealth , chron. . as for carnal uncleannesse , how much that hath been practised by idolaters , is known to them that have read histories ; for they did not think their daughters fit for marriage , till first they had been prostituted before their idols ; and though adultery , fornication and sodomy were thought sins , yet these were held vertues , and a part of religious worship in the presence of their gods ; and it is no marvel ; for their very gods were incestuous , adulterers , and sodomites ; and divers strumpets after their death were deified , as lactantius instanceth in laurentia , the wife of faustulus , who for her whoordomes among the shepherds was called lupa , that is a whore. such another was leaena among the athenians ; such was faula , hercules his whore , and flora , who left her estate to the romans . in a word , idolatry hath been the cause of all sin and mischiefe in the world ; from whence proceed murthers , rapine , oppression , injustice , intemperance , uncleannesse , sorsery , avarice , &c. but from this , that men forsook the living god , who is the punisher of vice , and rewarder of vertue ; and served false gods , who had been wicked men themselves whilest they lived , and patronized wickednesse when they were dead ? q. what idolatrous gods or devils rather , did the ancient syrians worship ? a. their chief god was baal-zebub , or beel-zebub , the lord of flies , either because his temple was much infested with flies , or else from the power he had in driving away flies . he was a great god at ekron , and is called in the gospel , prince of the devils . some take him for jupiter , others for priapus , others for sumanus chief god of the manes , which some think to be pluto . . baal-phegor or peor , that is , the gaping or naked lord , so called from the naked posture in which he was worshipped ▪ h● was the god of the m●abites . his temple is called beth-peor , deut : . . some take him for priapus . . baal or bel , which signifieth lord , was a great god or idol amongst the babylonians , sidonians , samaritans , and moabites , and sometimes among the iews ; some take him for mars , others for iupiter , who by the phoenicians is called baal samen , that is , lord of heaven , by which i think they meant the sun. . baal-berith , that is , lord of the covenant , iudg. . . by whom they meant iupiter , whose office was to confirme covenants , and to punish the breakers thereof , audiat haec genitor , qui foedera sulmine sancit , virg. aene. . so aristophanes calls upon iupiter to send his thunder upon perjurers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore among the romans , the herauld or foecialis in making of leagues , used as he was killing the hog , by which they used to confirm their covenants , to call on iupiter . . dagon from dag a fish , because from the navel downward he was made in the form of a fish , but upward like a man ; this was a great idol among the philistines , and is thought to be the same that neptun or triton . others who derive the word from dagan , that is , corn , of which he is said to be the inventer , make him all one with saturn . . astaroth or astarte was goddesse of the sidonians ; the word signifieth a flock of sheep or sheep fold ; this is thought to be all one with iuno , venus , or lucina , under which names and the form of a sheep , they worshipped the moon , as they did the sun under the name of iupiter , and form of a ram. she is called also by the greekes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heaven , where her aboad is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from her dominion over the stars . . ad●ammelech , that is , the kings cloak , or power . anamelech , the kings oracle or answer ; these two idols were worshipped at sepharvaim a town of the assyrians , kings . these gods were also honoured in samaria , and so were succoth-benoth , the tabernacle of daughters , nergal the light of the grave , ashima a fault , nibhas , the fruit of vision , tartak , that is , chained . all which may be seen in the above named chapter of the kings . . the moabites worshipped chemosh , the ammonites milchom , kings . nisroch was senacharibs idol , kings . remphan or repham is the same that hercules the god of tyrus , from rephaim , that is . giants . moloch or molech from molach to reign , was a great idol among the moabites , and ammonites , and is thought to be the same that saturn , for their images and sacrifices were much a like ; to whom the superstitious gentiles , and the jews also offered their sons and daughters to be burned . thamuz mentioned ezek. . . is by hierom taken for adonis , so called from adon , that is , lord , by which they understood the sun , as likewise by hercules ; many other idol gods they worshipped : but these mentioned are the chief . q. what kind of discipline was used among the phoenicians ? a. by their execrable discipline they were bound to offer yearly sacrifices to saturn , or the devil rather , of young infants : and in the temple of venus , to practise not onely whoredom , but sodomy also ; the phoenicians were bound to prostitute their daughters to venus before they married them . in the temple of venus were celebrated the annual rites of adonis , with beatings and howlings , to whom they perform solemn obsequies . the next day they say he is alive , and then they shave their heads . the women that refused to be shaved , were tied to prostitute themselves to strangers for one day , and by this means money was raised for venus . the fun also is much worshipped amongst them , whose priest is crowned with gold , and is cloathed with a long sleeved garment down to the feet . they were also tied by their discipline to worship astarte in the shape of a sheep , and dagon in the form of a mermaid , this idol was called atergatis , and dercetis : in honour of which the phoenicians abstained from fish , yet her priests did eat of the fish which they set all day before her . she had also offered to her fishes of gold and silver . of these passages , see eusebius in his preparation , diodorus siculus , lucian , pliny , athenaeus , and others . q. what was the religion and discipline of the old arabians ? a. they worshipped the sun and moon , serpents , trees , and other such like deities . the nabathaeans burned frankincense to the sun on his altar . they doe not bury their dead , but lay them , even their kings , in dunghills . adultery is death among them , but incest is no sin . they are circumcised after the example of ismael , at thirteen years of age . their priests are cloathed with linnen : they wear myters and sandals ; they abhor swines flesh : they pay the tithes of their frankincense to their god satis : the priests are not to take it by weight , but by measure . they are tied by their discipline not to gather cinnamon , till first they sacrifice ; then they divide it with a consecrated spear , and assign to the sun his portion . in panchaea is a rich and stately temple , adorned with statues , and the priests houses about it . the priests here rule all , both in politick and ecclesiastick affairs . they are bound to spend their time in singing hymns , and rehearsing the acts of their gods . it is not lawful for them to go out of the sacred bounds allotted them : if they doe , they may be killed by law. they hold mice to be arrant enemies to their gods , therefore they kill them . of this subject see solinus , athenaeus , diodorus , boeinus , and others . q. what was the religious discipline of the antient persians ? a. they had neither temples , altars ▪ nor images , holding these improper for their gods : but on the tops of hills offered sacrifices to heaven , and to the sun , moon , fire , earth , water , and winds . the priest useth neither musick , vestments , nor libaments , b●t onely his tiara , or head attire , crowned with myrtle . he prayeth for all persians , chiefly for the king. he cuts his sacrifice into smal pieces , and puts herbs under . one of the magi is bound to stand by , and to sing a hymn of the genealogy of their gods ; for without a magus ▪ the sacrifice is not lawful . every man celebrates his own birth day . to lye , and to be in debt , are heinous crimes with them ; so it is to spit , wash , or pisse in a river , which with them are hallowed . the magi may with their own hands kill any thing , except a man , and a dog . they leave no part of their sacrifices for their gods , but divide it by the direction of their magus amongst themselves ; for they hold that god is satisfied with the soul of the sacrificed beast . to blow the fire with their breath , or to cast any dead thing in● to it , or dirt , was death . they sacrificed chiefly to the fire and water ; the fire they cherish with dry sticks without their barks , with tallow also and oyl . when they sacrifice to the waters , they slay the beasts in a ditch , and lay the flesh on mirtle , and lawrel ▪ the magi burn the same , then they pray and sprinkle on the earth , oyl , milk , and honey . they used not to slay their sacrifice with a knife , but with a mallet or club . the magi keep the sacrifice still burning , and pray every day an hour before it . they adored the sun , whom they called mithra , at his rising , and offered to him white horses , whose sacred chariot was drawn with white steeds before the king when he went to sacrifice . they had divers festival days , the chiefe whereof was that of the sun. the next was that they called the destruction of vices , when they killed poysonable creatures and sacrificed . of these persian rites see , herodotus , athenaeus , pausanias , and others . q what was the old scythian religion ? a. they worshipped first of all vesta , then iupiter , apollo , venus , mars , and hercules : they had neither images , altars , nor temples for any of their gods , except for mars , whose temples they erected of bundles of twigs , heaped up together . in stead of his image , they set up an old iron sword , to which they offered yearly sacrifices of cattel , and horses ; and of men every hundreth captive , with whose blood they besprinkle mars his sword . then they cut off the right shoulders of the slain men , and s●ing them into the air . they used to wound first , and then to strangle the beast which they sacrificed , praying to that god to whom they offered the beast ; they kindled no fire of wood , for the country yielded none , but they burned the bones of the beast to boyl the flesh withal ; if they want a vessel , they boyl the flesh in the beasts paunch ; they use no vows , nor any other ceremonies . their chiefest sacrifices were horses . but of this , see herodotus and others . q. what religious discipline had the tartars , or cathaians ? a. they worshipped the sun , stars , fire , earth and water , to whom they offered the first fruits of their meat and drink each morning before they eat and drink themselves . they beleeve there is one god , maker of all things ; yet they worship him not , nor pray to him . they place idols at their tent doores , ●o preserve their cattel and milk . to these silk and felt idols ( for of such materials they make them ) are offered the first fruits of milk , meat and drink , the hearts also of beasts , which they leave before them all night , and then eat them in the morning ; they offer horses to the emperours idol , which none afterward must ride ; they do not break , but burn the bones of their sacrifices ; by their discipline they must not touch the fire with a knife , nor meddle with young birds , nor pour milke , drink , or meat on the ground , nor break one bone with another , nor make water within their tents , and divers other such traditions , which if violated , are punished with death , or else redeemed with much money . they believe another world , but such as this is . when one dieth , he hath meat set before him , and mares milk : his friends eat a horse , and burn the bones thereof for his soul : they bury also with him a mare , a colt , and a horse bridled and sadled ; his gold and silver also ; and they set upon poles the horse hide that was eat , that he may not be without a tent in the other world ; they use to purifie every thing by making it passe between two fires . when they pray , they are injoyned by their discipline to lift up their hands and smite their teeth three times . they use to feed the ghosts or spirits with mares milk cast in the air , or poured on the ground . they have their religious votaries and monasteries , amongst which there is an order called senscin , which eat nothing but bran steeped in hot water . they worship not idols , nor do they marry ; but they hold transanimation , and divers other ridiculous opinions , as may be seen in iohannes de plano carpini , whom pope innocent anno. . sent embassadour to the tartarian court. see also m. paulus venetus , vincentius , bellouack in specbist . math. paris and others . there is one thing commendable in their discipline , that they force no man to embrace their religion . but ortelius mentioneth a strange custom amongst them , that their priests on high trees preach to them , and after sermon besprinkle their auditors with blood , milk , earth , and cow-dung mixed together , and no lesse strange it is that they do not bury their dead but hang them on trees . q. had the pagans any knowledge of the creation ? a. it seems by these tartars and divers other gentile idolaters , of which we are to speak , that many of them had some knowledge of the beginning of the world , which they learned , not from the jewes , with whom they had no commerce , but from the heathen philosophers and poets ; and these were led to believe this truth by the guide of natural reason ; for when they considered the continual vicissitudes in the world , the alteration , generation , and corruption of things , the nature of motion and of time , whereof the one presupposeth a chief mover ; for nothing can move it selfe ; the other consisteth in priotity and posteriority , which depends upon motion , and suteth not with eternity ; when they observed also the harmony , order and beauty of things , & how every motion and mutation aimed at a certain end , they concluded that this great universe could not be ruled , or have existence by chance , but by providence and wisdom ; and that therefore this must needs have a beginning ; otherwise we could not know whether the egge or the bird , the seed or the plant , the day or the night , the light or the darknesse were first . and seeing the world consisteth of corruptible parts , how can the whole which is made up of such parts be eternal ? they found also that it was repugnant to reason , for so many eternals and infinite entities to exist actually together ; for every entity in the world must be eternal , if it selfe be eternal . besides , that it is against the nature of eternity to admit magis & minus , degrees , auction or diminution ; which it must needs do , if the world be eternal ; for if there have been infinite annual revolutions of the sun , and infinite monethly revolutions of the moon , there must needs be something greater then infinity ; for the revolutions of the moon , are far more then of the sun ; by these reasons they were induced to acknowledge a beginning of the world ; of which merc. trismegistus in poemandra speaketh plainly , in saying , that god by his word made and perfected the world , dividing the earth from the heaven , and the sea from the land , &c. orpheus in his argona●tes singeth , how jupiter hid within his breast the world which he was to bring forth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into the pleasant light , &c. this same song is sung by hesiod , homer , aeschilus , sophocles , euripides , and other poets . pythagoras as plutarch , and laertius testifie , taught , that the world was made by god. thales , empedocles , anaxagoras , and the other ancient philosophers , ascribe a beginning to the world , some from one element , some from another . the platonists alwayes held the creation of the world ; and the aristotelians affirming there is a first mover , must conclude , that the world which is moved , had a beginning ; they say also that the world doth depend upon god ; how then can it be eternal ? seeing dependance and eternity are incompatible . aristotle in his book de mundo , and in his metaphysicks saith , that god is the cause and author , not onely of living creatures , but also of nature it selfe , and of the world . cicere in his books of the nature of the gods confesseth , that every thing had a beginning , and that man was not created by chance , but by a supream power . seneca , macrobius , virgil , ovid , and other latine poets , except lucretius , affirm the same doctrine . the stoicks also asserted the original of the world , and so did the epicures , though these held a beginning fortuital , not providential , ascribing the original of things to chance , not to counsel . this same doctrine of the creation is at this day beleeved by turks , arabians , persians , armenians , the most barbarous people of both indies , as we may see in the progresse of this book : and the greatest opponents to this doctrine of the worlds creation , as pliny , lucretius , galen , and others , are forced sometimes to doubt the truth of their own tenets . q were all the tartars of one religion or discipline ? a. no ; for that vast country containeth several nations , who were , and some of them yet are of several religions . some christians , some mahumetans , and others pagans , among whom also are divers sects and religions . in sachion they have divers monasteries of idols ; to whom they dedicate their children , and on festival days sacrifice rams to these idols , for their childrens preservation , the flesh whereof they eat● , but reserve the bones as holy reliques : the priests fee is the skin , with the head , feet , and inwards , and some part of the flesh also . before the corps of any great man be buried , they set a table before it , furnished with all sort of meats , with the odour of which they think the departed soul is refreshed and heartned against the burning of the body . they cast into the fire with the body pictures of his men , women , horses , and other things to serve him in the other world . in tangoth they worship idols with many heads and hands ; they have monasteries where the monks are walled up . in succuir , they make perfumes of rheubarb for their idols . in caindu they prostitute their wives , sisters , and daughters to strangers , as an honour due to their idols . in cathai and mangi , the sick vow to offer their blood to their idols if they recover ; their sorcerers also cause them to offer to these idols sacrifices of rams with black heads , which with spiced drinks they eat up merrily , with singing and dancing , and fling the broth of the sacrifice in the air . in some provinces of cathaia the monks wear strings about them full of nut shells , on which they are still praying : they worship still towards the north , but keep their church doors open towards the south . of these see paulus venetus and will , de rubruquis , who both travelled in these countries . q. of what religion are the northern countries neer the pole ? a in nova zembla ( as the hollanders who travelled thither relate ) there is no religion prescribed by law ; but they worship the sun so long as he is with them , and in his absence the moon and north star. to these they offer yearly sacrifices of deer , which they burn except the head and feet ; they sacrifice also for their dead . the samodyes which are subject to the muscovit , are much addicted to witchcraft and idolatry ; among them each kindred have their temple where they sacrifice ; their priest is he that is eldest , whose ornaments are small ribs and teeth of fishes and wilde beasts hanging about him ; with a white garland on his head ; in his divine service he doth not sing but howse , and that so long till he become like a mad man , and then falls down as if he were dead , but riseth again , or dereth five deere to be sacrificed , and then thrusts a sword half way into his belly , still singing or howling rather ; the sword he takes out again , heats it in the fire , and then thrusts it in at the navel , and out at the fundament ; then he lets two men standing by him , pull off his head and left shoulder with a small line , by which they pull the head and shoulder into a kettle of hot water , but he reviveth again , and cometh out whole as he was before ; with such jugling illusions do they deceive the people . but of these see richard iohnsons relation in hakluit , tom . . q. how many ways can satan delude men by such false miracles ? a. three wayes . . by local motion , suddenly removing one object from the eye , and substituting in stead thereof another ; thus are we deceived in many supposed transformations ; as when we think we see women transformed into cats , or hares , or any other creature ; the woman is suddenly conveyed away and the cat put in her place ; such were these transmutations of vlysses fellows into beasts , and of diomedes his company into birds . . by darkning the medium or aire , that we cannot see the object , or by condensing of it so , that the object appeareth bigger then it is , or by altering of it so , that the object appeareth quite other then it is ; as we see strange things through some glasses ; or lastly , by working on and disturbing of the fancy , which is no hard matter for satan to do , being a subtile spirit of long experience , and full of knowledge . . by working on the outward sensitive organ , either by altering situation thereof ; thus by elevating or depressing the eye , we see things double , and otherwise then they are ; or by disturbing the visive spirits , or by casting a mist before the eye . by such tricks the egyptian sorcerers made the people beleeve they had done the same miracles that moses did . and so the witch of endor deluded saul , by presenting to him the resemblance of samuel ; whereas it was not in the power of satan to disturb the soul of any just man , and to take it from that place of rest and happinesse , where it is under the immediate protection of the almighty ; yet many learned men are of another opinion , that samuel did truly appear , god so permitting that saul might be convinced of his wickednesse , and desertion from god , by the same prophet , whose counsel he had heretofore despised . now though satan deludes oftentimes with false miracles , yet i deny not , but that sometimes by gods permission he doth strange wonders ; by the help of natural causes , as he can raise storms , so he did against iobs children ; he can carry his witches in the aire , so he did carry christ to the pinacle of the temple , and thence to an high mountain ; so the angel carried habakkuk ; he can also make beasts to speak , by guiding their tongues , so the angel made balaams asse to utter certain words ; but he can do no miracle , that is , he cannot produce such effects as exceed the activity of natural causes ; so he cannot raise the dead , or give them life again ; he cannot restore sight to the blinde , where there is a total privation , nor can he transform men into beasts , being the body of a beast is not capable of an humane soul ; nor can the soul of man animate a beasts body , there being no relation betweene the matter and form , nor is there any disposition , appetite , or aptitude in that matter to receive such a form . this is onely the work of god , who changed lots wife into a pillar of salt , and nebuchadnezzar into a beast . satan hath no power over celestial bodies , though he be prince of the aire ; he cannot create , nor do these things , which god hath reserved for himselfe . therefore when we hear of men transformed into beasts , or raised from the dead , and such like miracles as exceed the course and activity of nature , we may be assured these are not true miracles , but satanical delusions , especially if they be done to confirme errour , wickednesse and superstition ; for the end of all true and divine miracles are to establish truth and holinesse . therefore when we read of bringing down the moon , of driving the stars backward , and such like impossibilities beleeved among the gentiles , we must conclude they were meer delusions of satan . such were those wonders adscribed to simon magus , of making images to walk , of turning stones into bread , of being transformed into a sheep , goat , and serpent , of raising souls from the dead , and such like stuffe ; all these were meer jugling tricks and satanicall deceptions . q. but why are we so afraid of satans stratagems , seeing the most of them are but illusions ? a. this fear in us proceeds partly from the guilt of our own conscience ; for adams sin brought fear both on himselfe and on his posterity ; therefore after he had fallen , he confesseth , that as soon as he heard the voice of god in the garden , he was afraid and so we his children do often times fear , where no fear is , and are afraid sometimes at our own shadows , or at the shaking of a leafe partly this fear proceeds from want of faith , which christ reproved in his apostles ; who when they saw jesus walking in the night time on the sea , they were afraid , thinking they had seen a spirit . besides , the implacable hatred of satan against mankind , his delight he taketh in affrighting and hurting us , either in our persons , or in our estates , that irreconcilable enmity which is between the serpent and the womans seed , is a great cause of this fear in us . lastly , we are naturally fearful in the dark , because our imagination worketh upon it self , having no outward object to divert it ; hence satan who is the prince of darknesse , useth the opportunity of the night to hurt or to delude us ; thus he affrighteth us in the dark in our houses with strange apparitions , motions and sounds ; whence some houses have blin said to be hanted with spirits . so in the night he affrighteth travellers with ignis fatuus , or jack in the candle , as we call it , which though it be a natural meteor , yet satan can move it to and fro purposely to draw travellers into precipices or waters . so in the night time he affrighteth mariners at sea , by insinuating himself into these fiery meteors , which like candles or balls of fire , run up and down the ship ; these were deified by the old pagans ; if one single flame appeared , they called it helena , and held it an ominons fign of destruction , as she was to tr●y ; if there were two , they named them castor and pollux , and placed their statues in their ships , as we read act. . and sea men use to tell us of many strange sights and apparitions they have seen in the ocean . satan also useth to affright men in churches and church yards in the dark , by representing to their phantasie the shape of dead men in their winding sheets ; in the night also strange voices and sounds are heard neer deep waters , or rivers , which are taken as presages of some shortly to be drowned there ; the like i have heard my selfe , and have found the event to fall out accordingly ; for one day travelling before day , with some company neere the river don by aberden , we heard a great noise , and voices call to us ; i was going to answer , but was forbid by my company , who told me they were spirits , which never are heard there , but before the death of some body ; which fell out too true ; for the next day , a gallant gentleman was drowned with his horse , offering to swim over . it is strange what plutarch writeth of the voice which from the shoare called upon thamus the egyptian ship-master ( who then had cast anchor at praxeae ) telling him that the great god pan was dead . though the night mare , which is called incubus and succubus , be a natural disease ; as physitians know , yet satan hath often times made use of this infirmitie , to abuse the bodies of men and wom●n in their sleep . by all which we see his malice against mankinde , and the causes of our fear ; which hath wrought so powerfully among the ignorant pagans , that they have planted their whole religion in the worshipping of these evil spirits ; for their gods were none other , as porphyrie she ●eth , l. . de abstinen . & l. . de sacrificio . for , saith he , these wicked spirits delight in shedding of blood , in filthy and obscene speeches , exhorting men to lust , vice , wickednesse , and flagitious actions , &c. they perswade men that the supreame god delighteth in such impieties , &c. q since the stratagems and illusions of satan are so many , what is our duty in this case ? a. our duty is . . to be assured that nothing can come to pas●e but by the providence of our heavenly father , who hath numbred the hairs of our heads , and hath satan in a chain , so that without permission he could neither afflict iob in his person , children , nor cattel , nor durst he enter into the herd of swine without leave from christ. . let us remember what christ hath promised , to wit , that he will be with us , to the end of the world ; and if he be with us , who can be against us ? christ came to destroy the works of the devil ; to cast out the strong man , and to tread down satan under our feet ; he hath promised not to leave us orphans ; he is the good shepherd that laid down his life for his sheep , which he holdeth so fast that no man shall take them out of his hand ; his name is emanuel , god with us . he was amongst his apostles , luke . . when they were assembled together , and in great fear ; and so he will be in the midst of two or three gathered together in his name . he is the watchman of israel , that neither slumbers nor sleeps ; therefore with david let us lie down and take our rest , for he will make us to live in safety . though we walk through the vally of the shadow of death , let us fear no evil , because the lord is with us . let us not be moved , because he is at our right hand ; he is our buckler , and our exceeding great reward , therefore let us not feare . let us put on the whole armour of god , chiefly the shield of faith , that we may quench all the fiery darts of the devil , and let us fight against satan , as christ did with the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god. let us resist the devil and he will flee from us . . we must remember that god doth sometimes permit satan to buffet us as he did paul , that he might try our patience , and obedience , that we may be the more watchfull of our selves against that roaring lyon , which compasseth the earth to and fro , seeking whom he may devour ; that we may be the more earnest in prayer , that we may adhere the closer to god , and that we may acknowledge his fatherly care and goodnesse , who will not suffer us to be tempted above measure , comforting our selves in this , that his grace is sufficient for us . . we must remember that god hath given his angels charge over us , to hold us up in their hands , least we dash our foot against a stone . christ was no sooner tempted by satan , but the angels came and ministred to him . when iacob was persecuted by his brother esau , god sent a multitude of angels to guard him . the prophet elisha was encompassed with fiery chariots , or angels in that shape , from the syrian souldiers . let us not then fear , so long as we know that the angels of god are round about those that fear him , and delivereth them ; and that the same angels will be ready at our death to convey our souls as they did lazarus , into abrahams bosome . . let us support our selves against satan , by the assurance of christs death , and the remission of our sins ; for blessed is the man whose sins are forgiven him ; therefore let us not be afraid , for there is no condemnation to them that are in christ iesus . it is god that justifieth , who can condemn ? if satan objects against us , that sin hath abounded , let us answer him in the apostles words , grace hath much more abounded . . let us as our saviour counselleth us , watch and pray continually ; our spirituall enemies are many , vigilant , malicious and powerful ; nothing will give them advantage over us , but security and neglect of prayer ; vigilancy and prayer are armour of proofe against all tentations ; with these saint paul armed himself when he was buffeted by the angel of satan ; therefore saith saint hierom , when thou walkest abroad , let prayers arm thee ; when thou returnest home , let prayers meet thee : egredientes domo armet oratio , regredientibus de platea occurrat oratio . lastly , let us take heed we do not countenance or approve , or have any commerce with necromancers , or such as take upon them to raise spirits ; for god often times punisheth such vain curiosity ; let us beware of too much retirednesse ; for satan is most ready to tempt us when we are alone ; so he tempted eve when she was alone in the garden , and assaulted christ when he was alone in the desart . let us take heed also of too much sadnesse and melancholy ; for though this be a natural infirmitie , yet satan by it takes occasion to work mischief ; as we see in saul , who is said to have an evil spirit , when he was in his melancholy fit ; and we know that in the gospel mad men , phreneticks , and lunaticks are called demoniacks , because the devil took occasion by their madnesse to advance his kingdom of darknesse . and let us chiefly endeavour to have a good conscience which is a continual feast , to live a holy life , and to be just in all our wayes , and so we shall not need to feare satans stratagems or illusions ; for the righteous man is bold as a lyon ▪ q. of what religion were the chinois ? a. they were alwaies and still are idolaters , except as few gained to christianity by the jesuits , and a few tartars that are mahumetans . that vast dominion is full of temples and monasteries , replenished with multitudes of idols , which their cunning priests feed with the smoak of meats , but they eat the meat themselves . the priests here have so much power over their gods , that they may beate and whip them when they do not answer their expectation . they have one idol with three heads , which they much reverence . these represent their three great philosophers , confusius , xequiam , aud tanzu . their chiefe gods are the sun , moon , and stars . they worship also the devil , not out of love , but feare , that he may do them no hurt ; therefore they place his picture in the fore castle of their ships . they are pythagoreans in the opinion of transahimation ; therefore some of them will not kill any living thing . for this cause at quinsay in a walled parke belonging to a monastery , the monks feed living creatures of divers kinds , out of their charity to the souls of noble men , which were entred into the bodies of these creatures . their monks are shaven , are bound to weare beads , to be present at burials , to maintain celibate whilst they are monks , to pray two hours together before day . of these religious orders there be four sorts , distinguished by their colours , black , white , yellow , and russet . these have their priors , provincials , and generall ; he is carryed on mens shoulders in an ivory chaite , and is cloathed in silke . their maintainance is not onely the kings allowance , but also the benevolence of devout people , which they procure by begging and praying for them . they have their nuns also , and hermits , and consecrated hills , to which the people make divers pilgrimages . there are many colledges for learning , which is of high esteem among them . their secular priests weare long hair and black cloath , their regulares are shaven , but neither must marry . they are bound to observe all feastivall days , such as the new and full moons , the kings birth-day , but chiefly new-years day , which is the first day of the new moon in february . the people here are very superstitious in ob●rving their birth-day , and in performing the fun●al obsequies of their parents , whom they adore , and bury in the fields , with all solemnity and excessive charges . no man is tyed to any particular worship among them , but he may be of what sect he will. they have abundance of hospitals for the poor , and no beggers to be seen among them . but for any knowledge of heavenly joyes , or hell torments , they have very little or none at all . they are very much afraid when there is any eclipse of the sun or moon , which they hold to be man and wife ; for then they think that these two gods are angry with them . of their many superstitious ceremonies , and vain opinions in divinity , see the discourse of china , boterus , ortelius , maffaeus , linschoten , and the jesuits epistles . q what was the religion of the ancient indians ? a. they worshipped their own gods , till bacchus and alexander subdued them , and then the grecian deities were honoured amongst them ; chiefly iupiter , iuno , neptune , and berecynthia . hercuses also they honoured in the forme and bigness of a gyant . the river ganges , and their tallest trees were honoured as gods among them ; therefore it was death to cut down any of them . dancing to their idols was held a part of divine worship ; but the brachmans among them worshipped no images ▪ nor any living creature , were very temperate in in their dyet , and gave themselves to contemplation of divine things . they abstain from wine and strong drink , and women , and lie on skins . their gymnosophists were philosophers , who accustomed their bodies to endure all hardnesse , and their eyes to gaze on the sun from morning to evening . of the indian religion see alexander ab alexandro , pliny , b●emus , &c. q. what is the religion of siam ? a. this kingdome of the east-indies ( except where the moors inhabit , and some christians ) is also idolatrous . but especially they worship the four elements , and accordingly there be four differ●nt sects . each one desireth to be buried in that element which he worshippeth : hence some are buried , some burned , some hanged in the ayr , and some drowned in the water . they hold that god made all things , that the good are rewarded , and the wicked punished . that each man hath two spirits waiting on him , a good and a bad . that the world shall stand yeers , and then shall be burned into ashes , whence shall come forth two eggs , and out of them one man , and one woman , who shall again replenish the earth . their religious orders are so strict , that it's death among them to speak to a woman . they feed on rice onely , and herbs which they beg from door to door . they must not buy nor sell , nor take rents . they are tyed to rise at midnight to pray to their idols . they go still bare-footed , and in poor cloaths . every king of this country at his coronation is bound to erect a temple , with high steeples and multitudes of idols . their priests go in yellow , being a sacred colour , resembling the suns light . they may not nourish any female thing , not so much as a hen . he that drinks wine , is stoned to death . see the discourse of china , boterus , maginus , and others . q. what is the religion of pegu ? a. the religious ceremonies of this kingdom consisted in multitudes of temples , images , and begging preachers , who are still preaching and begging . their alms are brought to them in the pulpits , whilst they are preaching . the people when they enter into their churches , at the dore wash their feet , and by lifting up their hands to their heads , salute the preacher first , and and then the sun. when any enters into that order of talip●n , or preacher , he is first carried in solemnity about the streets on horse-back , with pipes and dr●ms , then upon mens shoulders to his house , which is without the town . they keep holy day every new-moon . they believe multitudes of gods & worlds succeeding each other ; that this world hath been governed by four gods already who are gone , the fift is not yet come after whose death the world shall be burned . after this life they hold some shall live in carnal pleasure , some in torment , and others shall be aunihiarid . they hold transanimation , and are bound to fast thirty days every year . they know no women ; for whom they allow nunneries . the people drink the water wherein their preachers wash themselves , co●nting it holy they feed the devil each morning with baskets of rice , that he may not hurt them that day . when they are sick , they build him altars , and pacif●e him with flowers , meat and musick . their idols are honoured with divers festivals , in which wax lights are burned all night , and the gates stand open , that all those may see and have accesse to the idol , who bring presents with them . q. of what religion are the people of bengala ? a. they are not content to worship the river ●ahges , but to its image also they give divine honours . the river is visited by many pilgrims , who think themselves happy if they can wash themselves in it . if any can drink of the water thereof at the point of death , he thinks presently by the vertue thereof to obtain heaven . there is also a well which they adore ; in if they wash away all their sins , and are all clean , both without and within , if they wash in it , and drink thereof . they carry away the sand of this well as a sacred relique , and in recompence leave flowers behind them in the well ; for fear ieast their idols should saint with too much heat , there are some who with fans blow the wind for refrigeration . all are bound to enter bare●ooted into the idol-temples . the more horrid and ugly the idol looks , the more he is worshipped . sick people are brought and laid before the idols , which are honoured with lights continually burning before them . their marriages are made in some water , wherein the priest and the married couple hold a cow with her calfe by the taile , and poure water upon it ; then the priest tieth the ma●ried persons cloaths together ; then going round about the cow aud calse the ceremony is ended . the priest hath for his fee the cow and calf ; the poor some almes , and the idols some money . about iemena , they use to pray naked in the water and to do pennance by lying flat on the ground , 〈◊〉 the earth , holding up their hands to the sun , and turning themselves about fourty times . who de●ire more of this stuff , let them read linschoten , r. fitzh . 〈…〉 , q. of what religion is the kingdom of magor ? a. they are for the most part pythagoreans , holding transanimation ; they acknowledge one god , but have many fabulous conceits of him ; as that he hath appeared in the world in divers monstrous shapes , to wit , of a fish , a snail , a hog , a monster resembling woman in the lower part , and a lyon in the upper . they worship divers idols , one chiefly representing a woman with two heads and many hands : to this image ne●r the city tahor repair many pilgrims . the king worshippeth every morning the image of the sun , and of christ also the son of righteousnesse , which he sets on the crown of his head . see oranus in his narration of magor . q. what is the reiigion of cambaia ? a. the people here are so superstitiously pythagoreans , that there are among them some religious orders , who are afraid to kill a gnat , or worm . they are much addicted to fasting and almes-giving . their religious persons called verteus , leave no hair on their heads and faces , but a little on their crown . they will not drink their water cold , fearing , least thereby they should slay the soul of the water , which is quickened by boyling . the people here redeem birds and beasts appointed to be slain ; and if any bird be sick or hurt , they carry it to the hospital . they redeem also malefactors condemned to dye , and sell them for slaves . for fear least they should tread upon ants , they will rather go out of the way , then goe neer their hills . they drink no wine , nor will eat eggs , least there should be blood in them . neither will they eat of radishes , onyons , or any herb that hath red colour in it . see. maffaeus , linschoten , and purchas . q. what is the religion professed in goa ? a. here are christians , jewes , mahumetans , and pagans , who pray to the sun and moon , and worship divers idols of horrible aspects ; but their custome is to pray to the first thing they meet with in the morning , though a goose , or an asse , and all the day after they pray to it ; but a crow they cannot abide , the sight of that will make them keep in all day . they salute the first appearance of the new moon with prayers on their knees . neer to every idol is a cistern of water , in which they that passe by wash their feet , worship , and offer rice , eggs , or such like . when they sow , mow , marry , go to sea , and when the women lie in , they feast their idols with musick , and other solemnities , fourteen days together , and so do sea-men after they return home . see linschoten . q of what religion are the people of malabar ? a. pythagoreans they are , holding not onely the immortality of soules , both of beasts and men , and transanimation , but also a divinity in elephants , kine , and other beasts ; therefore at calecut , the chief city of this dominion , and head of a small kingdome of the same name , there is a stately temple of . pillars dedicated to the ape . their bramanes , or priests ( the successors of the old brachmannes ) are in such esteeme here , that the king will not converse with his new married wife , till one of the chief bramanes hath had the first nights lodging with her . they hold that god made the world , but because the trouble of governing thereof is so great , therefore hath given the charge thereof to satan , whom they worship with flowers on their altars , and sacrifices of cocks . the bramanes wash his image , sitting in a fiery throne with three crowns and four horns , in sweet water every morning . the king of calecut eats no meat till it be first offered by his priests to this idol . debtors that will not pay , are arrested by a rod sent from the chief of the bramanes ▪ with which a circle is made about the debtor , in the kings name and the said priest , out of which he da●e not go , till the debt be satisfied ; otherwise he is put to death . every twelfth year in the city of quilacare is a jubilee kept to the honour of their idol ; in which , the king of that place , upon a scaffold covered with silk , before the people , washeth himself , then prayeth to the idol , and having cut off his nose , ears , lips , and other parts , at last cuts his own throat as a sacrifice to his idol . his successor , by their discipline , is bound to be present , and to act the same tragedy on himselfe at the next jubilee . see castaneda , barbosa , boterus , lin●●hoten , and purchas . q. how ca●● these idolatrous pagans to beleeve the immortality of souls ? a. by the meer force of natural reason ; for they observed that the soul is incorporeal , not onely free from al dependance on the body , in respect of its essence , but also in regard of its inorganical operations , to wit , of understanding and will : they found that the more the body decayed and grew weak , the more vigorous , active , and strong was the soul ; that it lost nothing of its operations by the losse or decay of the outward senses , that it could comprehened all the world within it self , that it could move it self in an instant , from one end of the world to the other ; that it can make things past many years agoe , as if they were present ; that it can conceive spiritual essences , and universalities : all which do prove how far the soul exceedeth the body and bodily senses , which can reach no farther then to sensible qualities , singularities or individuals , to things present only , to bodies only . besides , they observed , that the soul could not dye , or perish , or corrupt and putrifie as bodies do , because it is immaterial , simple , without composition of different substances , and free from contrary and destructive qualities , which are the causes of death , corruption and putrefaction in bodies . again , every body is quantitative , sensible , and may be measured , and filled ; but the soul hath no quantitie , nor is it sensible but by its effects , nor can it be measured , nor can the whole world fill it , nor doth it increase or decrease as bodies do ; nor can it receive hurt or detriment , from any outward thing ; and whereas bodily senses are weakned by any vehement object , as the eye by too much light , the ear by a violent sou●d , &c. the soul is perfected by its object , and the more sublime or eminent the object is , the more is the soul corroborated in sits understanding ; neither is the soul subject to time and motion , as bodies , are ; for it makes all times present , and is not capable of generation , corruption , alteration , &c. moreover , there is in the soul even of epicurus himself , a desire of immortality , which desire cannot be in vain , nor frustrated , because natural , and consequently necessary ; and wee know that god hath made nothing in vain , but this desire must be in vain if frustr●ted . and we find that many who have denied the souls immortality in their health and prosperity , have been forced to confesse it in their sicknesse and troubles , and on their death bed ▪ if we look upon the writings of the learned gentiles , we shall find them professing this truth ; this we may see in the fragments of zoroastres , in trismegistus , in phocillides , who thus sings . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , the soul is immortal , and void of old age , and liveth allwayes . and againe . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , the soules remain void of fate in death . the pythagoreans believed the same , as we see by their opinion of transanimation . socrates and plato speak most divinely of the soul essence and immortality ; so doth aristotle in his books de anima ; so do the poets , so doth cicero in som. scip. erigamus in cae●um oculos , tanquam in patriam , in quam nobis aliquando redeundum est ; let us ( saith he ) lift up our eyes towards heaven as our country , to which at last we shall return . so he saith , the body is fraile , but the spirit is immortal . so seneca , animus unde demissus est● ibi illum aeterna requies manet ; eternal rest remaines for the soul there from whence it came . animus sacer & aeternus , & cui non possit inijci manus . many such passages may be seen in his writi●gs : and that generally the gentiles believed this truth , is plain by their opinion they had of torments in hell , and of joyes in their elysian fields . q. of what religion are the people of narsinga , and bisnagar ? a. this rich indian kingdom , having these two names from the two chief cities thereof , is infested with horrible idolatry . here is an idol , to which pilgrimes resort , either with their hands bound , or ropes abovt their necks , or knives sticking in their armes and legs , which limbs , if they fester , they are accounted holy . gold , silver , and jewels are given by these pilgrims , to maintain this idol and his temple . all these gifts are cast into a lake , and kept there , for the uses aforesaid . this idol is carried yearly in procession , with virgins and musick going before . under the idols chariot pilgrims strive to be crushed to death , whose bodies are burned , and the ashes kept as holy reliques . some do cut their flesh in pieces , and stab themselves with knives , to the honour of this idol , and cast into its face the pieces of their cut flesh . women also do prostitute themselves to procure money for the idols mainteinance . he thinks himself blessed that can but touch the idols chariot ; whereas in other parts of the indies the wives burn themselves alive with their husbands bodies , or else they are shaven , and live ever after in perpetual disgrace . at the to●n casta , the women are content to be buried alive with their deadhusbands . in some places , when men make vows to their idols , they pay them , by suffering the priests with sharp hooks fastened to the cross-yard of a mast , to lift them up by both shoulders , till the blood run down on the mast ; then he is let down , and lifted up again by the middle to give thanks to his idol for accepting his sacrifice . the chief priest of those parts dispenseth with marriages at his pleasure ; and when he gives licence to the woman to marry again , he feales it with a hot iron on her shoulder . they have divers feastivals , some to their kine , some to the sun , and to other of their gods . when the sun & moon are eclipsed , they say it is because they are bit by that celestial signe called the dragon . see vertomannus , fernandes , and the writers above named . q. what religion is professed in japon ? a. the same gentilism that is professed in the rest of the indies , with some variation of ceremonies ; but christianity hath got some footing there , by the industry and painful labours of the jesuits . the heathen japonians worship an image with three faces , by which they mean the sun , moon , and the elementary world . they have multitudes of cloysters and colledges . they have also divers festivals to their idols which they carrie in procession , some on horse backe , others in chariots . they beleeve there are divers , paradises , to which every peculiar god carrieth his own worshippers ; with which imaginary happinesse the silly people are so in love , that many use to drown themselves , others to cut their own throats , or to break their necks by casting themselves down from high towers , to this they are encouraged by their cunning and coverous priests , who out of this suck no small advantage . some in narrow holes receive breath onely by a cane , and so continue fasting and praying till they die . the priests strangely extort confession from the people , by putting some of them in scaleshanging from high rocks : from whence they being cast down by their gogins , which they say are men disguised like devils , are broken all to pieces . they have a feast in which they burn multitudes of lamps at their doors , and walk all night up and down the stree●s to meet the souls of their friends lately departed , before whom they set meat and drink , and invite them to their houses , that in their three years journey to paradise they may not faint for want of provision , seeing that in lesse time then three years they cannot passe thither . of these passages see massaeus , acosta , and the jesuites epistiles . q. what religion is professed in the philippina islands ? a. there are christians , mahumetans , and pagans in those islands , who worship the sun , moon , and stars , which they hold to be the children of the sun and moon . their priests are for the most part women , who are sorcerers and prophetesses . they worship also the devil in ugly shapes , and so they do that thing which they meet with first in the morning , except it be a lizard , or other kinde of worme ; for the sight of these is held so unlucky , that it makes them leave off all businesse , and return home . they use to deck their idols with ostrich feathers . at the sacrificing of a hog they sound cymbals , two old women , with pipes of reede reverence the sun , and in their sacred garments , with hair-laces and horns on the head of the elder , dance about the hog , muttering certain words to the sun. then a cup of wine is poured on the hogs head , by the elder of these two hags , who atlast kills the beast , and takes i●to her mouth a burning torch , which she bites . the other witch with the swines blood marks all that are present in the forehead and then they fall to dressing of the hog , which the women onely eat up . see ant. pigafetta , and oliver noorts navigation . q. what religon doth sumatra , and zeilan professe ? a. along the sea coasts there are moors and christians , but pagans in the inland countries ; here the sea is covered with multitudes of islands , in some of which the priests are tied to nourish their hair , and to have smooth faces like women . they guild their teeth , and are burned in pi●ch , if they have carnal commerce with a woman . in zeilan or ceylon , the blinded people undertake pilgrimages of a thousand leagues , eighteen miles whereof they wade up to the middle in dirty stinking water , full of blood-leeches , and seven leagues they clamber up a steep mountain , by the help of nayls and thorns tied thereto , there being no other passage . and all this toyl is to visit a stone on the top of this hill , having in it the print of a mans foot , who they say came thither first to instruct them in religion . neer the stone is a springing water , in which they wash , then pray , and with sharp pointed instruments cut their flesh , and draw blood , thinking thereby that god is pleased , and that all their sins are pardoned . in this water the poor are permitted sometimes by the king to gather precious stones ▪ whereof there is store , to pray for his soul. there are in this island many temples , priests , and idols , monasteries also of yellow monks shaven , and still praying on beads , who have their processions in great solemnity , with dancing and musick , the abbot riding upon an elephant in rich attire , carrying a golden rod in his hand , lifted over his head ; they pray here to the devil when they are sick , and to the image of the elephants head for wisdom . they have a huge statue bearing a sword in its hand ; they think the world shall not end so long as this image is in safety . see massaeus , vertimannus , odoricus , spilbergius &c. q. of what religon where the antient egyptians ? a. egypt may be called the mother of all superstition and idolatry ; for they entertaining au opinion , that all things at first had beginning there of slime or mud by the heat or influence of the sun , moon , and stars , mixing the elements in the composition of bodies , ascribed divinity to these celestial luminaries and elements , and so erected temples , images , holy-days , and other divine rites to them , worshipping the sun and moon der the names of osiris and isis. the grecians under the names of apolio and diana , the four elements by the names of vulcan , iuno , neptune , and ceres . the five lesser planets by the names of saturn , iupiter , mars , venus , and mercury . at length they multiplyed their gods so fast , that every beast , spring , river , tree , trade or profession in the world , disease in the body , faculty and passion in the mind , had its peculiar deity . and so mad they were upon idolatry , that of a mans yard they made a god , under the name of phallus and priapus , in memory of osiris his privities , which after much toyl were found by isis in nilus , being drowned there by typhon his brother , who had cut his body into many pieces , and buried them in many places . they worshipped beasts , birds , vermi● , leeks and onyons . their priests were shaved , and clothed in pure linnen , abstained from fish , wine , and onyons . their kings after election were chosen into the society of priests . they held two beginnings : they consecrated red bulls , flung the heads of their sacrifices into nilus , and abstained from salt . see arnobius , eusebius , plutarch , iamblichus , and many others . q. what devotion did the egyptians use to their deified beasts . a. they were fed by their priests in their temples with choice food : when any dyeth , it is wrapped in clean linin and embalmed , and buried in a consecrated place , with much lamentation . all shave themselves in that house where a dog dieth . their god apis being dead and lamented , another was found by the priests , and brought to memphis , where he was placed in vulcans temple , and seven days kept holy for him . by their law he must live but a prefixed time ; then he is drowned in a sacred spring , and buried with much lamentation . all beasts are not worshipped in all parts , of eygpt , but in some places the crocodile , in other places the goat , in some satyrs , in others cynocephalus , or anubis , with his dogs-head . the serpent was a great god amongst them , so was the bull , the dog , the cat , the hawk , and ibis , and two fishes peculiar to nilus , to wit , opyrinchus and lepidotus . they worshipped the hippopotamus , frogs , beetles , and other vermifie . their priests were bound to offer a cock to the sun , a dove to venus , a peacock to iuno , &c. and bloody busiris sacrificed men to nilus . quis illaudati nescit busiridis aras ? the egyptians hate swine so much , that if by chance one should touch them , he instantly washeth his cloathes : and sow-heards are forbid their temples . they circumcise male and female , and offer wine to the full moon . the priests wash themselves thrice in the day time , and twice in the night . they must not eat milk , eggs , or oyl , except with salads . their priests were judges , their gymnosophists were philosophers , who had their colledge in a grove neer the banks of nilus : the egyptians observed divers feasts to isis , diana , latona , mars , minerva , mercury , bacchus , osiris and his nurse . in these feasts was much disorder and vanity , some beating of themselves , some cutting their fore heads with knivs ; some dancing , some singing , some drinking , some quarrelling . in the feast of bacchus they were all drunk . in that of mars all mad , knocking down one another with clubs . in the feast of isis they shewed their folly in tumbling an ass down from a precipice . in that of minerva , in burning lights with oyl and salt . but of these , and other ridiculous , or rather impious rites , see hospinian , coelius rhodiginus , plutarch , herodotus , diodorus siculus , eusebius , strabo , lucian , and others ▪ q. how long continued this heathenish idolatry in egypt ? a. till the sun of righteousnesse shined upon it , and by the bright beams of his gospel dispelled and scattered all the dark mists of idolatry , so that alexandria the chief nursery thereof , by the preaching of saint mark , became a patriarchal seat , whose successors have continued till this day ; but their residence now is at cairo , where the metropolitan of aethiopia , or archbishop of the abissins receiveth his confirmation from the patriarch of alexandria . 't is true that gambyses , son to cyrus king of persia , destroyed many of the egyptian idols , and ochus his successor killed their apis●● but these were shortly after restored by alexander the great , whose successors , the ptolemies upheld the same idolatry , and so did the romans , till by the preaching of the gospel , darknesse was forced to give place to light . q. what religion is there now professed in egypt ? a. here at this day christians have their churches , jews their synagogues , and mahumetans their mosques : of these last there be four sorts differing in their laws , liturgies and ceremonies . there is a sect in chairo which liveth altogether on horse flesh . and another who go naked , giving themselves to fleshly lusts openly . the christians there are eutychians , and are circumcised ; but it is thought that they have forsaken circumcision by the perswasion of the popes legates at a synod held at cairo , anno. . these are called cophti , not from their profession , but from their nation : for in the thalmud egypt is called gophti , and the egyptians in old time , aegophtia . they are not rigid eutychians , which were condemned in the council of chalcedon , for affirming one nature , and one will in christ : but they are modern eutychians , called iacobites , from iacobus the syrian , who held that christ was true god , and true man ; yet he and his scholars will not in direct termes affirm there are two natures , lest they should fall into the error of nestorius , of the two persons . these fast every wednesday and friday , and have four lents in the year . they make infants deacons , and baptise them not afore the fourtieth day , and then give them the eucharist . they leave out the words in the nicene creed , from the son. they condemne the council of chalcedon , and admit no general council since that of ephesus . they read publickly the gospel of nicodemus . they receive the eucharist in both kinds , and in leavened bread ▪ to the sick they neither administer the eucharist , nor extream unction . they deny purgatory and prayer for the dead . they marry in the second degree of consanguinity . and in their church government are subject to the patriarch of alexandria . there are not above three christian churches at alexandria , and so many at cairo ; about fifty thousand christians in all . of these passages see boterus in his relations , thevet in his cosmography , chytraerus of the state of the church . baronius in his annals , &c. and brerewoods collections out of them . the contents of the third section . of the old african religion . . the religion and church discipline of fez. . of morocco . . of guinea . . of the ancient african aethiopians . , of the modern abissins . . of the lower aethiopians . . of angola and congo . . of the northern neighbours of congo . . of the african islands . . the religion of america . . of virginia . . of florida . . of the religions by west virginia , and florida . of new spain and mexico . . idolaters , their cruelty and cost in their barbarous sacrifices . . of the americans , their superstitious fear , and tyranny thereof . . of jucatan , and the parts adjoyning . . of the southern americans . . of paria and guiana . . of brasil . . of peru. . of hispaniola . sect . iii. quest. what was the religion of the old africans ? a. their chief gods were the sun and fire , to which they erected temples , and kept the fire continually burning on altars to that purpose . the planets were the numidian and lybian gods . from gentilisme they were converted to judaism , then to christianity , and at last to mahumetanisme . we read that matthias the apostle preached in aethiopia , and simon another apostle in mauritania ; about the time of constantine christianity was generally received in the hither and lesser africa ; and was by the goths infected with arianisme , which made way for mahumetanism . the poeni , or phonicians and carthoginians , whilest gentiles , offered men sacrifices to saturn , & in their supplications they put infants in the arms of saturns brazen image made hot with fire , and so were burned to death . at tunis neer the lake ●itonia miuerva taught the use of oyle , and invented the art of spinning ; therefore she was worshipped as a goddesse . venus was a great deity in phoenicia , iuno in carthage . at this day they are mahumetans , whose religion consisteth most in washing and frequenting of the mosques . see alexander ab alexandro , ih. leo , s●idas and others . q. what is the religion and church discipline of fez ? a. they are at this day mahumetans in their prosession , and in their devotion no ways sparing ; for there are in the city of temples and chappels about : whereof some are garnished with many pillars and fountains of marble . each temple hath one priest to say service , and look to his churches revenue , which he bestoweth upon the church-officers ; namely , the porters , cryers , and the lamp-lighters ; these are night officers ; but for the day cryers , who from their steeples call the people to prayers , these have no pay , but onely are freed from tenths and all other payments . in the great church , which is about a mile and halfe in compasse , and hath great gates , ( the roofe whereof is upheld with twenty arches in breadth , and in length ) are lighted every night lamps ; some of the grea●est are of brasse , with sockets for lamps . about the walls are divers pulpits for their readers , who begin their lectures shortly after break of day in the summer : they read after sun-set , mahumets law , and moral philosophie are read : then to the winter lectures are allowed large revenues , books and candles . the priest of this temple taketh charge of the orphans mony , and of the poor , to whom he dealeth corn and mony every holy-day . this temple hath a treasurer , and under him eight notaries , and six clarks , twenty 〈◊〉 for the husbandry , twenty lime-kills , and twenty brick-kills , for repairing of the temple , the reven●es of which are ducatsaday . o●●er temples of the city are hence furnished when they want . here are two stately colledges for porfessors of divers sciences , and divers hospitals for strangers , and the ●ick with all accommodations . their marriages are performed in the church . they have great feasting at the circumcision of the males . they observe divers feastivals , at some of which the youth do with cudgels and other weapons knok down one another , so that many murthers are committed . they make bone-fires on the feast of st iohn baptist , and on christmasse ●even eat sallades of green hearbs . on mahumets birth-day , the poets make sonnets in his praise , which they reherse publiquely , and are rewarded accordingly . in fez are grammer-schools ; the youth are bound in seven yeers to learn the alcoran by heart . on mahumets birth-day every boy carrieth a wax torch to school , which they light before day , and let them burn till sun-rising , all this while singing mahumets praise . candles are presented to the king that day , of incredible heigth and bignesse , who that night heareth all the law read . by mahuments law soothsayers are inprisoned , and yet here are many of that profession . there are here divers sects of mahumetans , some like our anabaptists , condeming all learning , and trusting to enthusiasmes ; others who think by their fasting and good works , that they are so holy and perfect , that they cannot sin . there be some who hold all religions to be true , because every one takes that to be god which he worships , and they teach that the heaven with the planets , stars , and elements are one god. they have also their hermits . by their discipline , women may not enter their mosques , because of their often pollutions , and for that eve first sinned . the day after a child is born , the priest is sent for to pray . the child is washed by the women , who name it , and then it is circumcised ; but somtimes the circumcision is put off for divers yeers . they are very strict in their fastings , not tasting any thing , though they should faint , till the stars appear : the mufti , or high-priest sits with the king every day in judgment , except the friday , then the king sits alone . see 〈…〉 , &c. q. what are their times of prayer ? a. two hours afore day , then they pray for the day . . two hours after day , then they give thanks for the day . . at noon , then they give thanks for that halfe the day is past . . at four in the afternoon , then they pray that the sun may well set on them . . at twilight they give thanks after their daily labours . . they pray-two hours after twi-light , and then they desire a good night ; thus they pray six times in . hours , and so devout they are , that when they hear the sexton from their steeples cry to prayer before day , then may no man touch his wife , but prepare to prayer , by washing , or other devotion , either at church or in his own house ; after this his prayer , the talby or priest sits down and resolves for half an hour all doubts that are moved in matters of their law. he is counted profane , and disabled from being witnesse , who prayeth not six times a day . see purchas in his pilgrimage . q. what is the religion of morocco ? a. the same is there professed that is in fez , but they are not altogether so devout in morocco , as in fez ; for they have not that number of magnificent temples , colledges , hospitals , and schools ; yet some they have , especially one temple very large and stately , in morocco , with a magnificent steeple of incredible hight : they have also their hermites and other religious men ▪ in all these they come short of fez , by reason they are often molested by the incursions of the arabians . they here also among them , as in fez , multitudes of jews , who ●●cked over thither when they were driven out of spain by ferdinand , and out of portugal by king 〈◊〉 there be also among them many christians , but in miserable captivity and slavery ; whereas the turks elsewhere in spiritual affairs subject themselves to the caliph of cairo ; these african kingdoms acknowledge onely their subjection to the caliph of bagda● or babylon . the turks of morocco and fez , think they merit heaven if they kill many christians ; therefore they run with as great alacrity to war against christians , as to a wedding , beleeving if they die in that war ▪ they shall immediatly possesse paradise which is indeed the generall belif of all turks ▪ see les estats du monde , boterus , leo , &c. q. what religon is professed in guinea ? a. gentilism ; for they adore strawen rings instead of god ; of whom they speak blasphemously , calling him evill ; and black , and the author of their miseries : and that they are no wayes beholding to him for what they enjoy , but to their own industry . they put within their rings wheat , water , and oyle , for their god to feed upon . such rings are worn by many as preservatives against danger . their priests use to preach to them on festival dayes , and after sermon to besprinkle the infants with water , in which a newt doth swim . they consecrate to their idol the first bit and draught of their meat and drink . but i believe , this black god they rail against , is the devill , whom their cunning priests represent to that ignorant people in some black and ugly shape ; sometimes of a black dog . if they paint themselves with chalke , they think they do good service to their god. when he is angry with them , they use to bribe the priest with gold ; so fishermen use to do , when they have no successe at sea . the priest with his wives walks in procession , knocking his breast and clapping his hands , then hanging some boughs from the trees on their necks , and playing on a timbrel , the priest flings wheat into the sea , to appease the angry god. they have certain trees in great veneration , consulting with them , as with oracles , using divers foolish ceremonies . they worship a certain bird , which hath feathers like stars , and a voice like a bull. the tunie is a sacred fish with them , and not to be touched . so are the mountains , whose tops they daily feed , or the priests rather , with meat and drink . when one dieth , the priest makes gods of straw to accompany the dead in the other world , wine and good cheere are sent with him , and servants , with his wives ; if he be the king , these are slain to wait upon the king , and their heads advanced upon poles round about the grave . they hold it a sin to spit on the ground . the tuesday is their sabbath . they use circumcision and some other turkish ceremonies . see g. arthus dantiseanus , mercator , bertius , &c. q. of what religion were the african ethiopians antiently ? a. gentiles ; for they worshipped some immortall gods , as the sun , moon , and the world ; some mortal , as iupiter , pan , hercules ; but some of them who dwelt neer and under the line , did not worship , but curse the sun still when he rose , because his excessive heat offended them . when their queen went to solomon , she being instructed by him in the knowledge of the true god , upon her return planted the jewish religion in her country ; but the eunuch of queen candace being baptized by philip , brought home with him the christian faith , which hitherto they have retained . see diodorus , boemus , strabo , sardus , damianus a goes , &c. q. what religion do these aethiopians , or abyssins professe ? a. christianity ; yet gentilisme is retained in some part of prestor-iohns ample dominions . the christians circumcise both male and female on the eighth day , in memory of christs circumcision . the males are baptized fourty days after , and the females eighty . they abstain from certain meats , and use some mosaical ceremonies . they are very rigid in their fastings , they begin their lent ten days before ours , some fryers eat no bread all the lent , some not in a whole year ; but are contented with herbs , without salt or oyl : they keep a fast of three days after candlemasse , in memory of ninevehs repentance . some fryers all that time eat nothing , and some nurses give their children suck but once a day . he that marrieth three wives is excommunicated . queen candace after her conversion consecrated the two magnificent temples of the sun , and moon , to the holy ghost and the crosse. afterward these two temples were given to the monkish knights of saint anthonies order , with two large monasteries . the abyssins in their liturgy mention the three first general councils , but not that of chalcedon , because they are eutychians , or jacobltes . their patriarch is onely a monk of saint anthonies order , and so is the patriarch of alexandria , by whom the aethiopian is consecrated , and is in subjection to the sea of alexandria . they observe here both saturday and sunday with equal devotion . in the eucharist the priest administers leavened bread , except on the thursday before easter ; for then it is unleavened , because that day christ instituted the supper . an● the deacon gives the wine in a spoon . they receive all standing , and in the church onely ▪ all that day after they must not spit till sun set . they give the eucharist to infants immediately after baptisme . they believe traduction of soules . they are careful to confesse their sins to the priest , and still after confession receive the eucharist . the patriarch onely excommunicates , and none but murtherers usually . inferiour priests and monks labour for their maintenance , but the bishops , deanes , and prebends , have large revenues and benefices . they permit their clergy to marry once , and have pictures in their churches , but not images . betwixt easter and whitsuntide , they eat flesh on fridays . every epiphanie day , they baptize themselves in lakes or rivers . so do the muscovites in memory of christs baptisme the same day . they use no confirmation , nor extream unction . see damianus a goes , alvarez in his aethiopian history , and others . q. what is the religion of the lower aethiopians ? a. these were not known to the antients , but they are found by navigators to be for the most part gentiles , though divers moors live among them ; yet some of them worship but one god. they superstitiously observe divers days of the moon . they feast the dead with bread and boyled flesh . they punish witchcraft , theft , and adultery with death . they may marry as many wives as they please , but the first is the chief , and the rest are her servants . they pray to the dead in white garments . in monomotapa and some other places thereabouts , the jesuites have converted divers to christianity ; many whereof are fallen back again to gentilisme . see e●anuel acosta of the eastern affaires , and boterus , &c. q. what is the religion of angola and congo ? a. in angola they are all heathens . in the midst of their towns they worship wooden idols resembling negroes , at whose feet are heaps of elephants teeth , on which are set up the skulls of their enemies killed in the wars . they believe they are never sick but when their idol is angry with them , therefore they please him by pouring at his feet the wine of palmes . they use to wash and paint and new cloath their dead , and bury with him meat , drink , and some of his goods , at whose grave they shed the blood of goats . they are much addicted to divination by birds ; and their priests are in such esteem , that they think life and death , plenty and famine are in their power . in the kingdome of cong● they worship some monstrous creatures in stead of god. but they were converted to christianity by the portugal , anno . at the city of banza , afterward called saint saviours , was erected a cathedral church for the bishop , who was there received by the king in great magnificence . this church had . canon residents . all their idols of beasts , birds , trees , and herbs , with their conjuring characters were burned . divers religious persons and jesuits were sent from portugal thither to erect schools and colledges for divinity and the arts. see purchas , lopez , maffaeus , osorius of the acts of emanuel . q. what religion do the northern neighbours of congo professe ? a. in loango under the line , they worship idols and are circumcised . every trades-man appeaseth his god with such things as belong to his trade ; the husbandman with corn , the weaver with cloath , &c. at the death of their friends they kill goats , to the honour of their idols , and make divers feasts in memorial of the dead . they will rather dye then touch any meat which is prohibited by their priests . at kenga the sea-port of loango , there is an idol kept by an old woman , which is once a year honoured with great solemnity and feasting . there is another idol at morumba thirty leagues northward , where boys are sworn to serve this god , and are initiated with hard diet , ten days silence , abstinence from certain meats , and a cut in their shoulder , the blood of which is sprinkled at the idols feet . their trials of life and death ▪ are in the presence of this idol . at anzichi , they are circumcised , worship the sun and moon , and each man his particular idol . in some of these neighbouring countries the people are man-eaters , and worship the devil , to whom when they offer sacrifice , they continue from morning till night , using charming vociferations , dancing and piping . see lopez , barros , and others . q. of what religion are the islands about africa ? a. in some of them are mahumetans , in some christians , but in most heathens . in socotera an island neer the mouth of the red sea , whence we have our best aloes , they are iacobites , and are governed by their abuna or priest. they much reverence the crosse. they have altars in their churches , which they enter not , but stand in the porch . in madagascar or the great island of saint laurence , there are many mahumetans upon the coast , but more idolaters within the land , who acknowledge one creator , and are circumcised : but use neither to pray nor keep holy day . they punish adultery and theft with death . in the isle of saint thomas , under the line , are christians and moors . in divers islands are no people at all . in the canaries are christians ; before they were idolaters and had many wives , whom they first prostituted to their magistrates ; and this uncivil civility they used to strangers instead of hospitality . they bury the dead by setting them upright against a wall , with a staff in their hand ; and if he was a great man , a vessel of milk by him . madera is also possessed by christians , and so be the other islands on this hither part of the african coast . see ortelius , mercater , and other geographers . q. what religion was professed among the americans ? a. before the spaniards came thither , they were all pagans ; who as they were distinguished into divers nations , so they worshipped divers gods , after divers manners ; but they did generally acknowledge the sun and moon , for the chief gods . in canada they worshipped the devil , before the french came thither , and in most places there as yet , they worship him ; who when he is offended with them , flings dust in their eyes . the men marry two or three wives , who after the death of their husbands never marry againe , but go still after in black , and besmear their faces with coal dust and grease ; they do first expose their daughters to any that will lie with them , and then give them in marriage . they believe that after death their soules ascend into the stars , and go down with them under the horizon into a paradise of pleasure . they believe also that god stuck a multitude of arrows in the beginning into the ground , and of these sprung up men and women . they have divers ridiculous opinions of god , as that he once drank much tobacco , and then gave the pipe to their governour , with a command that he should keep it carefully , and in so doing he should want nothing ; but he lost the pipe , and so fell into want and misery . such senselesse conceits have these people , who as they are savage in their carriage , so in their understandings they are little better then beasts . they use to sing the devils praises , to dance about fires , which they make to his honour , and leap over them . they bemoan the dead a great while , and bring presents to the grave . many of these ignorant souls were converted to christ by the industry of the jesuites , anno . and . see father pauls relation of new france . see also champlain and iaques cartier , &c. q. what is the religion of virginia ? a. before the english planted christianity there , they worshipped the devil , and many idols , as yet they doe in many places there . they beleeve many gods , but one principally who made the rest ; and that all creatures were made of water , and the woman before the man , who by the help of one of the gods , conceived and bore children . they are all anthropomorphites , giving to their gods the forms of men , whom they worship with praying , singing , and offerings . they hold the soules immortality , rewards and punishments after this life , the one in heaven , the other in a burning pit toward the west . the priests are distinguished from other people by garments of skins , and their hair cut like a comb on their crowns . they carry their gods about with them , and ask counsel of them . much of their devotion consisteth in howling and dancing about fires , with rattles of gourd or pompian rindes in their hands , beating the ground with stones , and offering of tobacco , deer suet , and blood on their stone altars . they undertake no matters of consequence without advice of their priests , the chief whereof is adorned with feathers and weasels tails , and his face painted as ugly as the devils . they bury their kings ( after their bodies ate burned and dryed ) in white skins , within arches of mats with their wealth at their feet , and by the body is placed the devils image . the women expresse their sorrow with black paint and yellings for twenty four hours . none but the king and priest may enter these houses , where the images of devils and their kings are kept . instead of saying grace at meat , they fling the first bit into the fire ; and when they will appease a storm , they cast tobacco into the water . sometimes they sacrifice children to the devil . but of these passages , see hackluit , and purchas out of him . q. what is the religion of florida ? a. their chiefe deities are the sun , and moon , which they honour with dances and songs . once a yeere they offer to the sun a harts hid stuffed with herbs , hanging garlands of fruits about his horns , so presenting this gift towards the east , they pray the sun to make their land produce the same fruits again . but to their kings , they use to sacrifice their first-born males . much of their devotion like the rest of barbarous salvages consisteth in singing , dancing , howling , feasting , and cutting of their own skins . adultery in the woman is punished with whipping . in some parts of this country the next of kin is permitted to cut the adulteresses throat , and the woman to cut the adulterers . in some parts also of this country they worship the devil ; who when he appears and complains of thirst , humane blood is shed to quench his thirst . when a king is buried , the cup wherein he used to drink , is still set upon his grave , and round about the same are stuck many arrows ; the people weep and fast three days together , the neighbour kings his friends cu● off half their hair . women are hired , who for six moneths howl for him three times a day . this honour the king and priest have , that they are buried in their houses , and burned with their houses and goods . see benzo , morgares , hackluit , &c. q. of what religion are the nations of west virginia and florida ? a ▪ few of them are yet known , but such as by navigation are found upon the sea-coasts , and some islands conquered by the spaniards , are worshippers of the sun , and water : because the sun by his heat , and the water by its moisture produce all things ; therefore when they eat ; drink , or sacrifice , they use to throw up in the ayre towards the sun , some part of their food . the spaniards took advantage of this superstition , and made these people believe they were messengers sent thither to them from the sun ; whereupon they submitted , holding it impious to reject the messengers , which their chief god had sent them . they worship also here idols , and in some places the devil , and observe the same superstitious ceremonies in the burial of their dead , that their neighbours do . see hackluit . q. what was the religion of new-spain ? a. they were grosse and bloody idolaters before the spaniards brought them to the knowledge of christ , who requires of his disciples no other sacrifice but that of a contrite heart ; he having shed his own blood , that we might spare the shedding of ours . these wretched americans acknowledged one chief god , yet they worshipped many : principally the sun , to whom they offered the heart of the sacrifice ; even of men : neither did they eat or drink , or smell to a flower , till they had cast up in the ayre to the sun some portion of their meat and drink , and some leaves of their flowers . at mexico they worshipped many idols , but three principally : the first was called vitziliputzli , placed in an azure-coloured chair , with snakes-heads at each corner . on his head were rich plumes of feathers with gold ; in his left hand was a white target , in his right a staffe ; at his sides he had four darts . perhaps by this image they represented the nature of god ; by his blew chair they might signifie heaven his seat , by the snakes-heads , his wisdome ; by the feathers and gold , his glory ; by the target , protection ; by the staffe , direction ; and by the four arrows , his power , extending over the four parts of the world : east , west , south , and north ; or else , which is more likely , they represented the sun by this idol , whose aboad is in the azure skie , and his arrows or beams are extended to the . quarters of the world : the feathers may signifie his lightness ; and the gold , his glory ; his target and staff may shew that the suns heat is both defensive and offensive . near to this idol stood a pill●r of lesse work and beauty , on which was another idol , called t●aloc ; perhaps by this they meant the moon . they had a third idol , of black stone , with four darts in his right hand , looking angerly ; this they worshipped as the god of repentance ; this idol , with the others , was richly adorned with gold any jewels . in cholula they worshipped the god of wealth or merchandising ; they had also an idol of paste , or dough , which was consecrated and made every year , to which rich presents were brought ▪ and stuck in the paste . they made gods also of their chief captives , to whom they gave divine honors , for . somtimes for months , praying and sacrificing to him , and carrying him in procession ; but at last the priests kill him ; the chief priest pulls out his heart , offers it smoaking to the sun ; then is he opened , cut in pieces , and eaten . they adored many other gods and goddesses with many heathenish superstitio●s . of which see ioseph acosta in his history of the indies , gomara , peter martyr of millan , &c. out of this discourse we may see what crueltie is used among idolaters in their barbarous sacrifices ; how lavish also they are of their gold , silver , and jewels , with which they adorne their idols ; this hath bin alwayes the devils pollicie , by outward splendor and wealth to draw ignorant and covetovs minded people to follow idolatrie ; for such a bewitching qualitie there is in the splendor of gold , silver , and stones , that both the eyes and hearts of men are drawn after them ; to this purpose lactantius l. . instit . auri , gemmarum et eboris pulchritudo ac nit●r perstringit oculos : nec ullam religionem putant ubi illa fulserint ; itaque sub obtentu deorum , avaritia et cupiditas colitur ; the beauty of gold , iewels , and eborie , doe so dazell mens eyes , and captivat● their hearts , that they think there is no religion , wher● these shine not ; therefore under pretence of worsh ●ing gods , covetousnesse and desire is worshiped . he●ce idolatrie may be truly called covetousness● this by the apostle is called idolatrie . not without cause then did god forbid the israelits to make to themselves gods of gold and silver , as knowing what force these metalls have to draw mens mindes after them . and indeed some of the wise gentiles themselves laughed at the vanities of those who bestowed so much gold on their idols ; autum vasa numae , saturniaque impulit ●ra , saith persius , the gods were better worshipped in numas earthen vessells , then they were afterward in gold ; and he that offereth to god a sincere heart , is more accepted then he that bestowes on iupiter a golden beard ; dicite pontifices , in sacro quid facit aurum ; and yet the excess of gold and silver in their statues and temples is stupendious ; as lipsius sheweth de magnit . urb . romae . and the romans were come to that hight of superstition , that they thought a bull was not a fit sacrifice to their gods , if his hornes had not been gilded , or his forehead adorned with plates of gold : see virgil : et statuam ante aras auratâ fronte iuvencum . and livie l. . sheweth that to apollo was sacrificed , not onely an ox with gilded hornes , but also caprae albae auratae , white goates with hornes gilded , and val. flac. l. . arg. speaketh of lectas auratâ fronte bidentes of sheep with gilded hornes . and long afore the romans , this golden superstition was used , as may be seen in homer iliad . . where nestor promiseth to sacrifice to minerva an ox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , powring gold about his hornes . ioseph acosta relates in his history of america , what magnificent temples and rich images of gold and precious stones the indians dedicated to their idols . against all such vanities arnobius in his book against the gentiles disputeth elegantly , shewing that god is not taken with such toyes as temples , altars , and sacrifices ; but cultus verus in pectore est , his true worship consisteth in the breast , and as our saviour saith , neither in the temple of samaria , nor of ierusalem , but in spirit and truth . quin damus id superis de magna quod dare lance non possit magni messalae lippa propago ; compositum jus , fasque animo , sanctosque recessus mentis , & incoctum generoso pectus honesto ! haec cedo ut admoveam templis , & farre litabo . an honest upright sincere and sanctified heart saith persius , is above all the temples and sacrifices in the world . q. what priests had they at mexico , and hat sacrifices ? a. besides their inferiour priests , they had one chief , whose habit was a crown of rich feathers on his head , pendants of gold , with green stones at his ears , and under his lip an azure stone ; his office was to receive the body of the dead king at the temple door , with a mournful song , to open the breast of the sacrificed man , to pull out his heart , to offer it to the sun , and then to sting it to the idol , to which the man was sacrificed . the inferiour priests in the interim holding the legs , arms , and head of the sacrificed wretch , whilst his heart was taking out . they used also to ●●ay of the skins of men , and cloath some therewith , who went about dancing , and forcing people to offer them presents , or else they would strike them over the face , with the bloody corner of the skin . the priests office also was to burn incense before their idols every morning , noon-tide , evening , and at midnight , for then with trumpets and cornets they sounded a long time , which done , they burned the incense in censers with much reverence , and then they beat themselves and draw blood with sharp bodkins . they did preach also on some festival days to the people . the revenues of the priests were great ; the temples in state , magnificence , and wealth , exceeded ou●s . the priests were all annointed , and wore their hair long , for they never cut it . they did sometimes annoint themselves with an unguent made of venemous beasts , which made them without fear , and armed them with cruelty . they painted their skins black . they washed the new born children , and let them blood in their ears ; they performed marriages by asking the parties mutual consent , and tying together a corner of the womans vaile , with a corner of the mans gown , and so brought them to the bridegrooms house , causing the bride to goe seven times about the hearth . they buried the dead either in their gardens , or on mountains ; sometimes they burned the body ; and if he was a great man ; they killed his chaplain , and his officers to attend him , burying also wealth with him , that he might not want in the other world . the priest used to attire himself in these great funerals , like a devil with many mouths , and glasse eyes , and with his staff stirred and mingled the ashes . when the king died , the priests were to sing his elogies , and to sacrifice two hundred persons to serve him . adultery was punished with death , and so was dishonesty in their nuns and monks , of which there were two great cloysters at mexico . but who will see these particulars handled at large , let them read ioseph acosta , and lopez de gomara . q. had the americans any knowledge of christian religion ▪ a. concerning christ they knew nothing ; some smal knowledge they had of a supream god , whom they called mirococha , and of the creation ; of the immortality of souls , of a life after this , wherein are punishments and rewards ; and some of them as lerius witnesseth , beleeve the resurrection of the flesh , and if we will beleeve acosta , they have some knowledge of the trinity , which they worship under the picture of the sun with three heads ; they have some tradition likewise of noahs flood , and that all mankind was drowned , except six persons , who saved themselves in a cave ; some in brasil beleeve all were drowned except their progen●tors , who were preserved to propagate mankind . the indians also report that the sun hid himselfe in a certain lake within an island , during the time of the deluge , and so was preserved ; this is not unlike the poetical fiction of diana and apollo , how they were begot in the isle ortygia , called afterward from their first appearance delos ; by this intimating that after the flood , by reason of thick foggs and mists arising out of the moist earth , the sun and moon were not seen in many days ; but these vapours being spent , and the earth dry , the moon was first seen , and then in some few hours afterward , the sun. the tradition which they have of the flood , cannot be that of ogyges king of attica , which happened about six hundred years after noahs flood , and which drowned only the country about athens and achaia in peloponesus ; nor was it that of deucalion , which happened in the . year of his age , about two hundred and fifty years after the former , and seven hundred eighty two years after noahs flood ; for this drowned only thessaly , and some part of italy , of which the americans could have no knowledge ; seeing many places neerer never heard of these floods , it is most likely then , that their tradition was grounded on noahs flood ; for as noahs posterity peopled all the world , so they dispersed the memory of this flood , wherever they planted ; for we finde this deluge , nor onely mentioned by moses , but also by berosus , alexander polyhistor , abydenus the historian , as he is cited by eusebius , plato in timaeo ; plutarch writing of deucalions flood , speaketh of the dove sent out of the ark , which relates to noahs flood ; and ovid describing the same flood , writes according to the mosaical description of the first and universal deluge ; whereas that of deucalion was but of a particular country ; so lucian de dea syria , writes of deucalions flood , as if he had read the sixth and seventh chapters of genesis , of noahs flood ; for he sheweth how all flesh had corrupted their wayes upon the earth , how all their works were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , works of injustice and violence ; how the rain fell , the fountains of the great deep were opened , the waters so prevailed , that all flesh died , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he sheweth also how he was preserved with his wife and children in a great ark ; and how of all the beasts that live on the earth , two and two entred into the ark , &c. and lastly , how he built an altar after his deliverance . this description is directly of noahs flood , not of deucalions ; besides mela , solinus , and pliny write that ioppe the maritime town of syria was of great antiquity , as being built before the flood ; which cannot be meant of ogyges or deucalions flood , which were onely in some places of greece , and went not so far as syria ; neither was it any great antiquity , for ioppe to be built before these floods ; for many cities besides this were built before ; therefore doubtlesse is meant noahs floood . lastly , iosephus saith that omnes barbaricae historiae scriptores , all the barbarian historians have mentioned this flood . q. vvhat festival dayes were observed in new spain ? a. every twentieth day which was the last day of their moneth , was holy , and then were men sacrificed . at the first appearance of green corn , children were sacrificed , so when the corn was a foot above the ground , and again when it was two foot high , holy days were kept , & children butchered . in some of their feasts they sacrificed a woman , and with her skin covered a man , who danced about the streers two days together . in one of their feasts which the mexicans kept in their 〈◊〉 upon the lake , a boy and a girle were drowned to keep company with the gods of the lake . in may they kept the feast of vitziliputzli , in which his image made of paste , richly adorned , was carried by the maidens attired in white , on their shoulders to the court , and thence by the young men to the stairs of the temple , and thence to the top with musick , much adoration , vain ceremonies , and wicked sacrificing of men were used that day . in may also was kept the feast of pennance and pardon , in which a captive was sacrificed . after much profane adoration , the people took up earth and eat it , desiring pardon for their sins , and bringing rich presents to their idol , and whipping themselves on the shoulders . much meat is presented that day to the idols , and then to the priests , who five days before had eat but one meal a day . the merchants had their peculiar god , and festival day , in which they sacrificed a man , after they had given him for nine days divine honours . his heart they offered about midnight to the moon , perhaps because she is mistresse of the waters , on which merchants use to traffick ; or because they are more beholding to her light in the night then others are . concerning these festivals , their schools and seminaries , their belief of the souls immortality , of their rewards and punishments , of their nine severall places appointed for them , see acosta , gomara , and p. martyr in his decads . q. what was the religion of jucatan and the parts adjoyning ? a. in iucatan they were circumcised , and yet grosse idolaters , but curious work-men in carving and adorning their images . they had in their houses images made like beares , which they worshipped as their houshold gods , with singing , and incense . in hollow images , they caused boyes to answer the peoples petitions , as if god had spoke to them . when they wanted rain , or were in any danger , they had their processions , and pilgrimages to these idols . in nicuragua , they worshipped the sun , and divers idols . all their priests except confessors , married . the ordering of the sacrifices and their numbers , depended meerly on the priests , who used to go about the captives three times singing mornfully , and then with their flint knives suddenly open their breasts . they divide the body thus ; the prelate hath his heart , the king his hands and feet , the taker his buttocks , and the people the rest . the heads are set on trees , under which they sacrifice men and children . they have their idolatrous processions , in which for the honour of their idol , they wound themselves , and for the desire of future happinesse , they offer themselves chearfully for sacrifices . whilst the priest annoints the cheeks and the mouth of the idol with blood , the others sing , and the people pray . the priest makes marriges , by joyning the little fingers of the bridegroome and bride neer a fire ; but the lords are permitted for honours ●ake , first to corrupt the br●de . the adulterer is beaten , and the adulteresse is divorced . he that forceth a virgin is a slave , except he pay her dowrie . but if a slave force his masters daughter , they are both buried alive . see benzo , p. martyr , and gomara . q. what was the religion of the southern americans ? a. they generally worship the sun and moon , with divers idols , and the devill in divers shapes ; they believe the souls immortality . their priests are their physitians , and therefore in great esteem , and exceeding rich , for they have all the goods of him whom they cure . when they go to wars , they carry their gods with them , of whom they ask counsel of all affairs ; and then they keep lent for two moneths . they punish in some places theft and murther with the losse of eares and nose ; in other parts , with death . these faults in the nobility are punished with the losse of their hair onely . in some places they hold it a part of their devotion , to offer their daughters to be defloured by their priests . when it thunders and lightens , they say the sun is angry with them . when there is an eclipse , they fast , the married women scratch their faces , and pluck their hairs ; the maidens draw blood with sharp fish bones . when the moon is eclipsed , they say the sun is angry with her . when a comet is seen , they beat drums and hollo , thinking by this to drive it away . they use to consult with and invocate the devil . the priests learn physick and magick when they are young , being two yeers shut up in woods ; all that time they keep their cells , see no women , nor eat flesh . they are taught by their masters in the night . the dead are buried either at home , or being dried at the fire are hanged up . the bones at last are burned ; and the skull presented to the wife to be kept by her as a relique . in their lent fasts they abstain from women and salt. see p. martyr , gomara , linschoten , cieza , &c. q. of what religion are the people of paria , guiana , and along the river debaiba , or st. iohn ? a hereabout they be very zealous in worshipping of the devil , and idols , to whom they sacrifice men , and then eat them . when their gods are angry , they macerate themselves with fasting . their priests are stoned or burned , if they marry against their vow of chastity . they believe rewards and punishments after this life . the spot in the moon they hold to be a man imprisoned there for incest with his sister . they feed yearly the departed souls with maiz and wine . they held the souls of great men onely , and such as were buried with them , immortal . their great mens funeral pomps are celebrated yearly with much lamentation , drinking , and bestial ceremonies , both men and women casting aside all modesty . he that will know more of this stuff , let him read the forenamed authors . q. what is the religion of brasil ? a. they acknowledge the immortalitie of the foul , and believe that there are rewards and punishments after this life . for they hope that if they kill and sacrifice many of their enemies , they shall be carried beyond the mountains into pleasant gardens , there to dance and rejoyce with their fore-fathers . they stand in much fear of the devil , who is still vexing of ●●em , therefore they chiefly worship him ; and when they go abroad , they commonly carry fire with them , as their defence against the devil , who they think is afraid of fire . they have their solemn festivals , which they celebrate with dancing , howling , and tatling . the husband hath power to kill the adulterous wife . their marriages are without any ceremonies . they bury their dead upright in a pit with their goods . the husband playes the midwife to the woman , washeth , painteth , and nameth the child by the name of some wild beast ; they have some knowledge of noahs flood : of these passages see masscus , lerius , stadius , &c. q. what religion did the people of peru professe ? a. their chief god was wiracocha , by whom they understood the maker of all things ; next to him they worshipped the sun , and the thunder after him : the images of these three they never touched with their bare hands ; they worshipped also the stars , earth , sea , rainbow , rivers , fountains , and trees . they adored also wild beasts , that they might not hurt them , and in sign of their devotion , when they travelled they left in the cross ways , and dangerous places , old shoes , feathers , and if they had nothing else , stones . they worshipped the sun by pulling off the hairs from their eye-brows ; when they fear , they touch the earth , and look up to the sun. they worshipped also the dead bodies of their emperors , and indeed every thing they either affected or feared . they have some glimring knowledge of the beginning of the world , of noahs flood , and they believe the end of the world , which still they fear when the sun is eclipsed , which they think to be the moons husband ; they held their priests in such esteem , that no great matter was undertaken by prince or people without their advice . none had accesse to the idols but they , and then only when they are cloathed in white , and prostrate on the ground . in sacrificing they abstained from women , and some out of zeal would put out their own eyes . they used to consult with the devil , to whom they sacrificed men , and dedicated boyes in their temples for sodomy . they had also their temples richly adorned with gold and silver , and their monasteries for priests and sorcerers . their nuns were so strictly kept , that it was death to be deflowred ; after fourteen years of age they were taken out of the monastery , either to serve the idols , and such must be virgins still , or else to serve as wives and concubines to the ingua or emperor . they are very frequent and strict in their confessions , and cheerfully undertake what pennance is injoyned them . but the ingua confesseth onely to the sun ; after confession they all wash in baths , leaving their sins in the water . they used to sacrifice vegetables , animals , and men , chiefly children , for the health or prosperity of their ingua , and for victory in war ; in some places they eat their men-sacrifices , in others they onely dried and preserved them in silver coffins ; they anoint with blood the faces of their idols and doors of their temples or rather slaughter houses . see acosta , cieza , gomara &c. q. what festival days did the peruvians observe ? a. they had feasts and sacrifices every moneth of the year , in which were offered multitudes of sheep of different colours , which they burned . the ingua's children were dedicated in these feasts , their ears were pierced , then they were wiped , and their faces anointed with blood , in sign that they should be true knights to their ingua . in cusco during this moneth and feast , no stranger might remain ; but at the end thereof , they were admitted , and had a morsell of bread presented to each man , that they should by eating thereof testifie their fidelity to the ingua . in the second moneth which is our ianuary ( for in december , in which the sunne returnes from capricorne was their first moneth ) they flung the ashes of their sacrifices into the river , following the same sixe leagues , and praying the river to carry that present to viracocha ; in three following months they offered one hundred sheep . in the sixth they offered one hundred sheep more , and made a feast for their maiz. in the seventh they sacrificed to the sun. in the eighth and ninth moneths , two hundred sheep were offered . in the tenth , one hundred sheep more , and to the honour of the moon burned torches , washed themselves , and then were drunk four days together . in the eleventh moneth they offered one hundred sheep , and upon a black sheep poured much chica or wine of maiz , to procure rain . in the twelfth moneth they sacrificed one hundred sheep and kept a feast . they have also their fasts which continue in mourning and sad processions two days , and the two days after are spent in feasting , dancing , and drinking . see ios. acosta . q what was their belief of the departed souls ? a. that they wander up and down , and suffer hunger , thirst , and cold ; therefore they carry them meat , drink and cloathes . they used also to put gold , and silver in their mouths , hands , and bosomes ; much treasure hath been digged out of graves . but they believed that the souls of good men were at rest in glory . the bodies were honoured after death , sacrifices were offered to them , and cloaths . the best beloved wife was slain and attendants of all sorts . to the ingua's ghost young children were sacrificed , and if the father was sick , many times the son was slain , thinking this murther would satisfie death for the father . of these and their other impious ceremonies , see acosta ▪ by these horrible murthers committed among the poor americans , we may see what a cruel and barbarous tyrant superstitious fear is , and what wretched slaves they are , who are captivated by this tyrant , far more savage then mezentius , phalaris , busyris , or any other tyrannical butcher that ever was ; for there is no tyrant so powerfull , or barbarous , but may be avoided by flying from him to remote places , but who can fly from that superstitious fear , which a man doth carry continually about him ; quid terras alio calentes sole mutamus ? patria quis exulse quoque fugit ? a man may fly from his country , saith horace , but not from himselfe ; this tyrant haunts the superstitious wretch continually , as the evil spirit did saul . againe , no tyrant can tyrannize over a man longer then he lives ; death sets every slave at liberty ; but this tyrant leaves not his slave in death , but with the terrors of future torments in hell , doth vex his soul when it is departing hence ; curae non ipsa in morte relinquunt ; there is no slave so wretched and miserable , no pain so great , no captivity so unpleasing , no chaines so heavy , no prison so loathsome , which in sleep are not forgotten ; for then the slave is at liberty , the pain is eased , the chaines are light , and the darkest dungeon , is then a beautiful pallace ; but this deisedemonia , as the greeks call it , this superstitious fear will not permit it s captivated slave to rest or take any quiet , but affrights him in his sleep with horrid dreams , and hideous phancies , so that sleep which should be his comfort and ease , becomes his tormenter . besides , temples and altars , which use to be sanctuaries for delinquents , are no ease or sanctuary at all to the superstitious sinner ; any servant might be defended from his master by laying hold of the altar ; but no altar , no temple , no sacrifice can priviledge the superstitious soul , who is still jealous and fearfull of his cruel gods ; and what wonder is it , if we consider the nature of those insatiable devils , whom they worship , who are never satisfied with the blood of beasts , men , women , and children , but are still thirsting after more , with the horse-leech ; if these be the gods which the gentiles serve , surely as plutarch saith , they had been in no worse condition if the typhones , and giants had overthrown these gods ; for they could not have been mo●e cruel , nor have exacted more bloody victimes . and doubtlesse as the same plutarch saith , these poor wretches do not love their gods , but rather hate them , because they still fear some hurt and mischiefe from them ; therefore as some men flatter and give rich presents to tyrants , not because they love them ( for indeed they hate them ) but that they may not receive hurt by them ; so deale superstitious men with their gods . and in truth plutarch is not altogether mistaken , when he makes superstition worse then atheisme ; for the atheists hold there is no god , but the superstitious honour such fordid , base , and cruel gods , that it were far better there were no gods : then such ; for it is lesse impiety to say there is no god , then to give his sacred name and honour to such wicked , greedy , barbarous , and blood sucking devils . i had rather ( saith he ) men should say there is no plutarch , then that they should say plutarch is an inconstant , fickle , cholerick , a revengefull , and cruel man. and so he concludes that superstition is the cause of atheisme and impiety ; because men looking upon the ridiculous gestures , impurity , cruelty , injustice , madnesse , undecency , and all kind of villany perpetrated in their temples concluded , it were better have no gods , then such abominable deities . but see plutarch himselfe in his book of superstition . q. what was the religion of hispaniola ? a. they worshipped the sun and moon , which they say at first shined out of a cave ; and their tradition is , that out of two caves came mankinde ; the biggest men out of the greatest cave , and the least men out of the lesser cave . they worship also divers idols with ugly shapes , by which the devil useth to speak to them ; these they call zaemes , to which they kept divers festivals . in these they had their publiqu ▪ dances , with the musick of shells tyed about their armes , thighs , and legs . the king sits drumming when the people present themselves , having their skins painted with divers colours of herbs . when they sacrifice , they use with a sacred hook thrust down their throat , to turn up their stomack . then they sit down in a ring , crosse-legged , and wri-necked about the idol , praying their sacrifice might be accepted . in some places the women dance about their idols , and sing the praises of their ancient kings ; then both sexes on their knees offer cakes , which the priests cut and give to every one a piece , this each man keeps as a holy relique all the year against dangers . if any fall sick , the priests impute this to their neglect in the idols service , therefore exhort them to build a chapp● , or dedicate a grove to their god . they think the ghosts of the dead walk , who assault such as are fearful , and vanish from them who are not afraid . their several rites are like those of the other pagan countries . see p. martyr . out of what i have written concerning the idolatry of asia , africa , and america , we may conclude with tertullian lib. de idolat . that every sin by what name soever it be called , or of whatsoever quality it is , may be comprehended in the sin of idolatry , idololatriae crimine expungitur , to use his own phraise , that is , every sin is made up and attains to its perfection and consumination in idolatry ; so that as he sheweth in that book ▪ there is no such murtherer as the idolater , who not onely destroyeth the bodies of men and beasts to please his idol , but likewise murthereth his own soule : there is no such adulterer as he , who not only goeth a whoring after false gods , but also adulterates the truth ; for every false god is adultery ; there is no such thief as he , for not only much robbery and oppression is committed to maintain false worship and idolatry , as arnobius instanceth in the romans , who to maintain the worship of their gods , did rob all other gods and nations , and with their triumphant gold ( persius calls it aurum ovatum ) adorn their images ; but besides this theft , the idolater robs god of his right and honour , giving it to such as are not gods . i will not speak of the uncleannesse , drunkennesse , wantonnesse , and other sins which accompany this master sin , which tertullian calls principale crimen generis humani , summus saeculi reatus , &c. devor●t●rium salutis ; the main wickednesse of mankind , the chief guilt of the world , the devourer or destroyer of mans happinesse and salvation ; therefore he will not have any christian to paint , or make graven images to be worshipped , affirming that it is flatly against the law of god , and likewise against their vow in baptism to forsake the devil and his angels ; how do they forsake him , if they make him ? if they make it their trade to live by him , how have they renounced him ? can they deny with their tongue , what they confesse with their hand ? destroy that with their words , which they build up with their deeds ; confesse one god , and make many ; preach the true god , and yet make false gods ? if any say that he worships none , though he makes them , tertullian will answer him , that he who makes false gods , doth really worship them , not with incense and sacrifice , but with his wit , sweat , industry , and skill , which he impends on the making of them ; he is more then their priest ; for without him they could have no priest. how can a christian put forth that hand to touch the body of our lord , by which he hath made a body for the devil ? and as it is idolatry saith he , to carve , or paint idols , so it is , any ways to adorne them , to build houses or temples for them , so that all such artificers are guilty of idolatry ; so are judicial astrologers , who call the stars by the names of idols , and take upon them to foretell future contingencies by them ; so are school-masters , who teach the genealogies and fables of these false gods ; this severity indeed was needful in the beginning of the gospel , when gentilisme was to be suppressed , that way might be made for christianity ; but now pagan idolatry being quite extinguished among us , there is no danger in reading , or teaching of heathen authors . he condemneth also merchants that bring home and sell incense or any thing else whereby idols are worshipped . so he will not have christians to be present at the solemnities , shews , or festivals of idols , nor to give any countenance to them , or to wink and connive at them , or to call them gods , or to swear by them , for that is to take the name of the true god in vain ; nay , he will not permit christians to light candles , or set up bayes in their doors , which upon solemn days was an honour due to the emperour , because this ceremony had some resemblance with gentile idolatry . the contents of the fourth section . the religion of the ancient europaeans . . the roman chief festivals . . their gods . . their priests . . their sacrifices● . their marriage rites . . their funeral ceremonies . . the old grecian religion . . their chief gods . . of minerva , diana , venus . . how juno , ceres , and vulcan were worshipped . , the sun worshipped under the names of apollo , phoebus , sol , jupiter , liber , hercules , mars , mercurius , pan , &c. . the moon worshipped under divers names and shapes . . the earth and fire , how worshipped and named . . the deity of the sea , how worshipped . . death , how named and worshipped . . the grecian sacrifices and ceremonies . . their priests and temples of old : sect . iv. quest. what was the religion of the ancient europaeans ? answ. the same paganism was professed among them , that was in the other parts of the world , and which is yet professed in lapland , finland , and some parts of norway , lituania , and samag●tia , whose religion is idolatrous , whose knowledge is magick , and whose actions are barbarous . the chief gods that were worshipped in europe were the sun , moon , stars , elements , rivers , fountains , trees ; and indeed so many great and small , that according to varros computation , they exceeded . in number . if we speak of the religions professed among the greeks and romans , we shall speak in a manner of all ; because they had almost all europe under their dominion , and before their conquests the same idols were worshipped by all , but under different names . numa taught the romans to worship their gods by offering corn and cakes besprinkled with salt , and to erect temples , but no images , thinking it both absurd and impossible to represent that incomprehensible power by outward shapes and forms . but many years after tarquinius pris●us taugh● them according to the grecian manner , to set up images to their gods. then were the vestal nuns chosen , who were to continue so thirty years ; the first ten they were learners , the second ten years practitioners in their office , but the third ten years teachers of the novices . if they committed whoredom , they were burned or buried alive ; if the sacred fire went out by their neglect ( which was held ominous ) they were scourged . then were the priests of mars called salii ; instituted at first but twelve , afterwards twenty foure . these were chosen out of the patricii , and they were in march to dance solemnly with their targets called ancilia , one of which fell down from heaven . these festival dances were dedicated to mars . they had their augures or diviners . they had their triumviri , called ep●lones , who had the charge of the holy feasts ; and other triumviri , who had the charge of the si●yls books . arvales had the care of the fields . feciales of the wars . all these were orders of priest-hood , to which may be added flamines , of which there were as many as there were of their greater gods . iupiters priests were called diales , the priests of mars , martiales , of romulus , qui●inales , &c. he that had the charge of these priests , of the sacrifices , and of festivals , was called rex sacrificulus , or the king of priests , because anciently kings did exercise the priests office . but above them all was the pontifical colledge , which at first consisted only of eight ▪ but sylla enlarged them to fifteen ; these were to assist the chief pontifie or pope , in whom alone was the supream power of all religion , of sacrifices , holy days , priests , yestals , vows , funerals , idols , oaths , ceremonies , and whatsoever concerned religion ; besides the care of the wooden bridge called pons sublicius . he had more priviledges and honours then the kings themselves ; for he might ascend the capitol in his litter , which was not lawful for others . and whatsoever criminal fled to him , he was that day free from punishment . neither was he bound to give an account of any thing he did . q. what were the roman chief festivals ? a. saturnalia , to the honour of saturn , about the suns going into capricorn ; then the servants were better then their masters ; this feast they had from the greeks . feriae latinae , to iupiter ; this feast was kept upon the hill albanus , midway between alba and rome , by the romans and latines . quinquatria was a feast of five days , to the honour of minerva , it was kept after the ides of march ; the first day was for sacrifice , the other three for sword-players , and the last for lustration . natalitia , to the genius , in which feast it was held abominable to shed the blood of some beasts , and ominous , seeing those birth feasts were wholly dedicated to mirth and joy . vertum●alia , were feasts to vertumu●● the god of merchandising ; it was kept in the moneth of october . lupercalia in february , to the honour of pan lycaeus , the god of shepherds , who keeps the sheep from the wolves ; this feast evander brought with him out of arcadia into italy ; in it the young men used to run up and down the streets naked , with leather thongs in their hands , striking gently all such as they me● ; young ladies used purposely to offer their naked hands to be struck by them , hoping hereby to become fruitful . agonalia , were feasts kept in ianuary , either to the honour of ianus , or else of agon , the god of actions and enterprizes . carmentali● in ianuary also , to the honour of carmenta , evanders mother , who was a prophetesse . feralia , so called , a ferendis epulis , from carrying meat to the graves of their friends ; this feast was kept in february to the manes or infernal ghosts . terminalia in february also , to terminus the god of marches and bounds ; this feast was observed to keep amity between neighbours , that they might not differ about the bounds of their lands . saliaria in march , to the honour of mars , whose priests called salii , went about dancing with the ancilia or targets in their hands . liberalia , which the greeks call dronysia , were kept in march , to the honor of bacchus , or liber , whose priests that day did sacrifice with ivy garlands on their heads . cerealia , in aprill , in memory of proserpina found again by ceres . the ceremonies of this day were performed by the roman matrons , but originally this was a greek feast . palilia in april , to pales the goddesse of shepherds . vinalia in april too : this feast was also called veneralia , because kept to venus , in whose temple much wine was poured out , the gardens dedicated , and sacrifices offered to her . robigalia to robigo the god of smut ; this feast was kept in april , that the corn might not be smutty . compitalia in may : these feasts were kept in compitis , ●●eets and high ways , to the lares , and their mother mania , to whom children were wont to be sacrificed , till i●nius brutus instead of these , commanded the heads of poppies and onyons to be offered . lemuria in may , so called from the lemures or night ghosts ; which they pacified with this feast , in which they used to fling beanes , thinking thereby they drove these ghosts , out of their houses . matralia in may , were feasts to matuta , which the greeks call leucothea ; no serving maids were admitted into this feast , except one , whom each matron was to smite on the cheek , because matuta was jealous that her husband loved her maid better then her selfe , whereupon she grew mad and drowned her selfe , with her son melicerte , and so was made a goddesse ; she was also called ino. neptunalia i● iune , were celebrated to the honour of neptune . portumnalia to portumnus the god of harbours , in august : this feast was kept in the harbor of the river tibris ▪ consualia , in august , to the honour of consus the god of counsel ; in this feast the asses and horses were crowned and kept from work . in the same moneth were kept vulcanalia to vulcan . meditrinalia in october , to meditrina the goddesse of physick , for in this moneth they used to tast of old and new wine for a medicine . augustalia the same moneth , in memory of augustus his return to rome from his victories and conquests . fontinilia , in october , in which feast all fountains and wells were crowned with garlands , mercurialia to mercury , in november , and brumalia the same moneth to bromus or brumus , that is bacchus . in december were kept not onely saturnalia , feasts to saturn , but also opali● , to his wife ops. and angeronalia to angerona the goddesse of anguish and griefe . and then also was the feast called laurentialia , to acca laurentia . besides these and many other set feasts , they had others , called conceptivae , imperativae , and nundinae ; of all which , q. what gods did the romans worship ? a. their chief deities were twenty , namely : iupiter the god of thunder , iune of riches , venus of beauty , minerva of wisdome , vesta of the earth , ceres of corn , diana of hunting , mars of wars , mercury of eloquence , vulcan , of fire , apollo of physick , neptune of the sea , ianus of husbandry , saturn of time , genius of nativities , orcus of hell , bacchus of wine , tellus of seeds , sol the sun , and luna the moon . but indeed under all these names they understood the sun , to whom for his divers effects , and operations , they gave divers names , as macrobius sheweth . besides these they worshipped many other deities of lesse note . as , bellon● the goddesse of war , victoria of victory , nemes●s of revenge , cupido of love , gratiae , or charites of thanks , penates mans tutelar gods , lares the houshold gods , parcae the goddesses of destiny , furiae , or eumenides , the goddesses of punishments ; fortuna , the goddesse of providence . all these were called dii majorum gentium : there were others whom they named indigite● , these were men who for their merits were canonized and made gods. such were hercules , faunus , evander , carmenta , castor , and pollux , aesculapius , acca laurentia , quirinus , &c. and not onely vertuous men , but the vertues themselves were deified ; these had their temples , sacrifices , and festivals . such were the minde , vertue , honour , piety , hope , chastity , peace , concord , quietnesse , liberty , safety , and felicity ; besides these , they had inferiour gods , whose merits deserve not heaven , nor scarce veneration ; these they called semones , as it were semi-homines , halfe men ; such were ●riapus , vertumnus , hippona , naenia ; and all these petty gods which waited upon every servile office and action of man ; such were nascio the goddesse of birth , cunina of cradles , rumina of sucking , potina of drinking , educa or edusa of eating , carnea of flesh , iuventus of youth , volupia of pleasure , lubentia of lust , or desire ; and many more of this sort . they had also their gods of marriages , as iugatinus , the god of joyning ; domiducus , who had the bride home ; and many more of this kinde . child-bearing women had their several goddesses , as partunda , egeria , and many more . mens actions also had their deities ; such were horta the goddesse of exhorting , volumna of willing , laverna of stealing , naenia of funerals , libitina of graves , or coffins ; the rusticks had their peculiar gods , as robigus the god of smut ; sterculius of dung ; bubona , of oxen : hippona , of horses ; mellona , of hony ; pomona , of fruit● pales , of fodder ; flora , of flowers ; terminus , of bounds ; pan , of shepherds ; silvanus of fields and woods ; priapus of seeds and gardens , besides many more : and so ridiculous they were in multiplying deities , that sinks and privies had their cloacina , feavers their febris , fear and palenesse had their gods to wit , pavor , and pallor ; they worshipped also forraign gods , as isis , serapis , osiris , the deities of egypt ; sanctus , or dius fidius , the sabins god. and many more which they borrowed of those nations they subdued . but we must observe , that although the ignorant multitude among the gentiles did worship many gods , yet the wiser sort , acknowledged but one true god ; thus mercurius trismegistus the ancientest of the philosophers confesseth there is but one unitie the root of all things ; one goodnesse of infinit power , the author of life and motion in the world . so pythagoras who first assumed the name of philosopher saith : that god is one , and all in all , the light of all powers , the beginning of all things , the torch of heaven , father mind , life , and motion of the vniverse . empedocles who succeeded pythagoras sheweth that from this one entity proceed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all things that have been , are and shall be . this same is acknowleged by parmenides , thales , anaxagoras , timaeus , and other philosophers of that age . socrates confirmed this truth by his death ; plato his scholar calleth god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that entity which hath being of himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , begot of himself , the beginning , middle , and end of all things ; &c. iamblicus calls god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sufficient in himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , father to himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , goodnesse it selfe , the fountain and root of all things , intelligent and intelligible , &c. proelus writeth that he is king of all things , the only god who produceth all things of himselfe , the end of ends , and first cause of all operations , the author of all goodnesse and beauty , by whose light all things shine , &c. simplicius saith , that from this divine beauty proceed all beauties , and all truths from this divine truth , the beginning of all beginnings , the sowrce and original of all goodnesse , the cause of causes , god of gods , &c. plotinus to the same purpose makes god the original of all things and who only is sufficient in himselfe , giving being to all , &c. the same doctrine is taught by his scholar ●orphyrie , and likewise by all the other plato●●sts ; this was also the general tenet of the stoicks , as may be seen in epictetus , who sheweth that above all things we must learn to know there is but one god , the governour of all things , &c. who is not ignorant of our works , words , and thoughts , &c. cicero tells us that nothing is more excellent then god , by whom the world is governed , who is subject and obedient to none . so seneca , we must find out something more ancient then the world , whence the stars had their original , &c. he calls god the soul and spirit ; the preserver and keeper of this universe , the lord and architect of this great work , &c. the same is acknowledged by chrysippus as he is cited by plutarch ; there cannot ( saith he ) be found out any other beginning or original of justice , but from iupiter , who is the common nature , fate , and providence of all things . the peripateticks maintained the same doctrine , as may be seen in aristotles physicks , metaphysicks , and de mundo ; he acknowledgeth a first , infinite , and eternal mover , who is only wise , and the cause of causes . he is the father of gods and men , the preserver of the world , the mover of heavens , sun , moon , &c. his scholar theophras●us to the same purpose confesseth that from this one principle , all things have their existence and consistence ; that god made all things of nothing ; alexander aphrodisaeus , and the rest affirm the same truth ; aud not onely the philosophers , but likewise the poets , assented to this doctrin . orpheus sings thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is none other but this great king , whose seat is in heaven , and is compassed with clouds , who seeth all things , and is seen of none &c. to the same purpose phocyllides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is one wise god , powerfull and blessed . but of this subject , i will speak more hereafter , concerning the sun ; i could alleadge , homer , hesiod , sophocles , virgil , ovid , and other poets to this purpose ; but this work is already performed by iustin martyr , eusebius , clemens , lactantius , plessis and others ; who likewise have inserted many verses out of the sibylls . q. what priests had the romans ? a. of these we have said somewhat already , but we will say something more . their antientest priests were luperci , the priests of pan lycaeus , potitii , and pinarii of hercules . of divination by chirping of birds , augures ; of divining by poultry , pullarii . they that had the care of altars , and looked into the intrals of the sacrifice , were called aruspices , and extispices . curiones were the priests that had care of each curla or ward in the city : for romulus divided rome into wards , and assigned to each of them a priest or curio . over these was curio maximus , that is an archbishop . the priests which romulus ordained to the memory of titus tatius , king of the sabins , were called sodales tatit. the priests that went alwayes covered with threaden caps ▪ or hoods , were called flamines quasi filamines , whereof there were divers sorts , as we have already shewed . of the vestal priestesses , and the salii , as also of the feciales , rex sacrificulus , and pontifex maximus we have said . the priests that had the charge of the sibylls books were at first but two , called duumviri , then they were increased to ten , decemviri , at last to fifteen , called quindecemviri . fauna or fatua who for her loyalty to her husband , was called bona dea , had her peculiar priestesses . the priests of sybele mother of the gods , were called g●lli , whose chiefe , or archbishop was called archi-gallus ; there were also other priests called triumviri , and septemviri epulonum , who had charge of the publiqu● feasts and games . besides these , every idol had his priest ; and these had their under officers or servants , called camilli . the servants of flamen dialis were called flaminei . they had their church-wardens called aeditui , their trumpeters and sacbutters , called tubicines , and tibicines ; popae were those that bound the sacrifices : victimarii that killed them . their cryers that went before the priest to injoyn the people to forbear working during the time of sacrificing , were called preciae . the women that were hired to sing the praises of the dead , were named praeficae . their grave diggers vespilones . q. what sort of sacrifices did the ancient romans use ? a. they used to offer a day before the solemn sacrifice , a preparative sacrifice called hostia praecedan●a . their succedaneae were sacrifices which succeeded when the former were not satisfactory . wethers that were led to be sacrificed with a lamb on each side of them , were called ambigui● bidentes were sheep sacrificed , having two horns , and two eminent teeth . ambervales were sacrifices carried in their processions about the fields . amburbales were processions and sacrifices about the city . heysers sacrificed which had never been tamed , or put under the yoke , were called injuges . the priest having brought the sacrifice to the altar , used to pray , laying his hand on the altar ; musick in the mean time sounding . then he layeth on the head of the beast , corn , or a cake , with salt and frankincense ; this was called immolatio from mol● the cake . then followed libatio which was the tasting of the wine , and sprinkling thereof upon the beasts head ; this done , the hairs between the horns of the beast being pluckt out , were flung into the fire ; this they called libamina prim● . then the beast was killed , the blood received in vessels , and the intrails searched , at last the beast is cut in pieces , one piece was wrapped in meale , and then burned on the altar : this was called litare . after this they went to feasting , singing , and dancing ; now every particular god had his sacrifice ; white beasts were sacrificed to their supernal gods , black to the infernal . the bull was the proper sacrifice of iupiter , neptune , apollo , mars , luna , and the heroes . the ram was sacrificed to mars and the heroes . wine was offered to ceres and liber . the goat to aesculapius and liber . milk and hony to ceres . a horse to sol and mars . a lamb to iuno and faunus . a dove to venus . a doe to pan and minerva . a hinde to diana . a hog to sylvanus . a cock to the lares . a sow to cybele , and a sow to ceres . a hen to aesculapius , and a child to saturne , &c. but this last was abolished by the romans . to each god also they assigned his particular bird. the eagle to iupiter . the cock to the sun. the magpie to mars . the raven to apollo . &c. they had also their peculiar trees . iupiter the oke . pallas the olive . venus the mirtle . pluto the cypress . bacchus the vine . hercules the poplar . apollo the lawrel , &c. q. what religious rites did the romans use in their marriages ? a. in their marriages they used prayers , in which they called upon the chief wedding gods , to wit , iupiter , iuno , venus , diana , and pytho , or suadela . before they married , they consulted with their auspices ; who encouraged , or discouraged , them , according to the birds they saw ; the best auspicium was either two crowes , or two turtles ; these signified long and true love ; but to see one of these alone was ominous . after this sight , they went to their prayers , and in the temple before the altar , were married , first sacrificing a hog to iuno , cui vincla jugalia curae , for she had the chief care of marriages : the gall of the sacrifices the priests flung away , to shew there should be no gall in the married life . they must not marrie upon unluckie dayes ; such were the dayes after the calends , nones and ides , these were called dies atri , or black dayes ; such a day was that which was kept in memory of remus , killed by his brother , called lemuria or lemulia : neither must they marrie on funeral dayes , nor on festivals , nor when there was any earth-quake , or thunder , or stormy weather , no such commotions must be in marriages . the bride was besprinkled , with water , to signifie her purity , and in the entry or porch , she must touch the fire and water , placed to shew she must pass through all difficulties with her husband . in the wedding chamber were placed certain dieties , or idols rather , to shew what was to be done in that place ; these were virginensis , subjugus , prem● , pertunda , manturna , venus , and priapus . their other rites which were rather politick then religious , i touch not , as not being to my purpose . q. what were their religious rites in funerals ? a. the corps was wont to be washed , anointed , crowned by the priest , and placed in the porch of his house , with a cypresse tree before it ; every thing that was to be imployed in the funerall was to be bought in the temple of venus libitina , to shew that the same diety which brought us into the world , carrieth us out of it . the eyes of the dead bodies were closed upon the going out of the breath ; but opened again in the funeral pile , that by looking towards heaven , they might signifie the soule was gone thither ; which also they expresse by the flying of the eagle out of the same pile , where the emperors body was burned . the place for the burial was appointed by the pontifices , and augures . before the pile were wont to be sacrificed captives to pacifie the infernal ghosts : but this being held too cruel , gladiators were appointed to fight ; and for want of these , women were hired to teare their cheeks ; but this custome was forbid by the law of the twelve tables . the priest after the fire was burned , gathered the bones and ashes , washed them with wine , put them in an urn , and besprinkled the people three times with holy water . for the number of three was sacred . so was . and . therefore upon those days , they used to keep festivals in memory of the dead . altars adorned with cypress boughs , and blew laces were wont to be erected to the ghosts ; and on them frankincense , wine , oyl , milk , and blood. q. why was the burying of the dead held an act of religion ? a. because it was held an act of justice and mercy both , to bury the dead ; of justice , that earth should be restored to earth , and dust to dust ; for what could be more just , then to restore to mother earth her children , that as she furnished them at first with a material being , with food , rayment , sustentation , and all things needfull , so she might at last receive them again into her lap , and afford then lodging till the resurrection , whereof some of the wiser gentiles were not ignorant : it was also an act of mercy to hide the dead bodies in the earth , that those organs of such a divine soul , might not be torne by wild beasts , and birds , and buried in their mawes . that disconsolate mother of euryalus in the poet , is not so much grieved for the murthering of her son , as for that he should be left a prey to the birds and beasts . heu terrâ ignotâ , cunibus data praeda latinis alitibusque jaces . it was held among the egyptians one of the greatest punishments that could be inflicted , to want the honour of burial ; and with this punishment iehoiakim the son of iosiah , is threatned ierem. . . that he should be buried with the burial of an asse , and cast forth beyond the gates of jerusalem . and the milesian virgins were terrified from hanging themselves , by the law of their senat , that such self-murtherers should have their bodies dragged naked through the streets in the same rope wherewith they hanged themselves . mezentius in the poet doth not desire aenaeus to spare his life , but earnestly intreats him to afford him burial . nullum in caede nefas , nec sic in praelia veni ; vnum hec per ( siqua est victis venia hostibus ) ore . corpus humo patiare tegi &c. so turnus intreats for the same favour from aenaeas , si corpus poliari luinine mavis , redde meis . aen. . the right of sepulture hath been held so sacred among all civil nations of the gentiles , that the violation thereof hath by their lawes been counted sacriledge . therefore they have ascribed to their gods the patronage of funerals and sepultures ; for this cause they called the law of interring , the law of their gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 isocrates in panatheniaco sheweth that the right of sepulture is not so much humane as divine . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the burying of the dead is commended by the pagan writers as a work of humanity , mercy , clemency , piety , justice , and religion ; therefore the latine pharse yet doth intimate , how just a thing it is to bury the dead ; when they call funerals deities , justa exequiarum . or justa funebria . we read in homer iliad . . how angry iupiter and apollo were with achilles , for abusing and neglecting to bury the body of hector ; shewing that achilles had lost all mercy and modesty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and to shew how religious an act it is to bury the dead , the gentiles assign the care of funerals and sepulchres , to certain gods which they called manes , whose chief was pluto , called therefore summanus ; hence all tombs and monuments were dedicated diis manibus ; and therefore they who offered any violence to tombs , were said to violate the manes ; deorum manium jura sancta sunto . of this you may see more in our mystagogus poeticus . it was counted an execrable thing , if any should light upon a dead body unburied , and not cast earth upon it ; therefore the high priest among the jewes , albeit he was not to be present at any funeral , yet if by chance he found a dead corps , he was to bury it himselfe . and so careful were the iewes in this duty , that the bodies of malefactors were to be buried after sun set . horac● brings in the dead corps promising a reward from iupiter to him that should cast some earth upon it . multaque ●nerces unde potest tibi defluat ; aequo ? ab iove neptunoque ; but if he refuse to do this work of humanity , piacula nulla resolvent , no sacrifice should be able to expiate his crime . and to make men the more careful of this last duty to the defunct , the poets faigned that the soules of those dead bodies which lay unburied , did wander up and down a . years without any rest , neither were they admi●ted into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as homer speaks , that is , the gates of pluto , nor were they received by charon over the river styx , as virgil sings , till the bodies be interr'd . nec ripas datur horrendas , nec rauca fluenta transportare prius quàm sedibus ossa quierunt . hence it is that patroclus in homer , doth so earnestly sollicit achilles to bury him . the like earnest suit doth palinurus in virgil put up to aenaeas , for the same favour ; and because want of burial was counted one of the greatest disgraces and punishments that could be inflicted on the dead , therefore selfe murtherers were debarred from the honour of interment , which as the poet saith , est solus honos acheronte subimo . q. of what religion were the grecians ? a. they and the romans differed little in their superstitions . the romans worshipped twenty principal gods , the grecians but twelve of them ; to wit , iupiter , saturn , bacchus , apollo , mars , minerva , diana , venus and iuno , ceres , mercurius , vulcan ; their altar was called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the altar of the twelve gods ; but indeed neptune , hercules , proserpina , and others were in no lesse esteem among them . by these gods they were wont to swear ; and as the romans , so did they make deities of the creatures , of passions , of accidents , and of their own ignorance , in erecting an altar to the unknown god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . act. . their chief god was iupiter , whom they call the father and king of gods ; so homer often . him they acknowledged their deliverer , their counsellor , their law-giver , and defender of their towns : hence these epithets of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a counsellor , often in homer ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief commander , or ruler of the world ; so virgil ; qui res hominúmque deúmque aeternis regit imperiis . but yet homer is permitted to abuse this supream god with the titles of an adulterer , and of an impotent god , who was subject to the fates , and bound by the other gods till thetis loosed him ; he makes him also false in his promises to agamemnon , a laughing stock to iuno and minerva , a slave to love : subject to sleep , a make-bate among the other gods . so that albeit both the greeks and romans worshipped the same iupiter : yet the romans being a wiser people , spake alwayes reverently of him , as may be seen in the prince of poets , virgil triumphant , who in this respect , as in many other cases , is to be preferred before homer , as i have shewed elsewere . their next god was apollo , or the sun , whom they made the chief god of shepherds : as they armed iupiter with thunder , so they did apollo with his silver bow : therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by homer . they made him the author of divination : hence his oracles were famous everywhere . they that died suddenly , were said to be killed by him : they made him also the god of musick and physick . he was called alexicacus , and apotropaius , that is , a deliverer from , or a turner away of evil . the mysteries of these things we have unfolded elsewhere , in mystagogo poetico . he had a rich temple at delphos , beautified with much gold , therefore called by pindarus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he from his golden bow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he invented the cythron , and mercury the harp : they were therefore worshipped both upon one altar . apollo from his sight and knowledge of all things , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mercury was worshipped as the god of musick also , and of merchandising . he had the charge of wrestlers : therefore was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and because with his rod he used to conduct the souls to and from hell , he was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he was also the messenger and herauld of the gods : and because he had the charge of doors , to keep them from theeves , he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and from the invention of four useful arts , to wit , letters , musick , wrestling , and geometry , he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , four square , and so was his statue . homer calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the angel of the gods . and the greek epigrammatist names him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the servant of the gods : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishop of wrestlers . but this god was a notable thief , for he stole from iupiter his scepter : from neptune his trident : from mars his sword : from venus her girdle : from vulcan his tongs . q. what were their other chief gods whom they worshipped ? a. saturn , a cruel god , who both devoured his own children , and could not be pacified but by the sacrificing of infants . in honour of him , they kept the feast called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saturnals ; and afterwards the romans , they worshipped him bare-headed ; but the other gods with their head covered . he was bound by iupiter for his injustice , and thrust down to hell ; and yet they hold his government most happy , and under him the golden age. he found out the use of the sithe or pruning-hook , with which he is painted ; and taught the italians husbandry , for which he was highly honoured by them . from him , not only the capitol was called saturnius , but also the whole country of italy , saturnie tellus . bacchus or liber , by the greeks called lyaeus , dionysius , bromius , was a great god amongst them , and worshipped with ceres . upon the same altar ; therefore pindarus calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the assessor of ceres . he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his night-sacrifices ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his beauty ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his different shapes ; for sometimes he was a goat , sometimes a man , and sometimes a bull , to shew the different disposition of drunkards . they called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because twice born ; first of semele , then of iupiter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , crowned with ivy , and a multitude more of such epithers they gave him , as may be seen in the greek epigrammatist . his feasts or bacchanals , were so full of disorder , riot , immodesty , and madnesse , that the senate ordered this greek feast should not be used in rome or italy . mars for his hard armour and hard heart , and brazen face , was called by the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and by pindarus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , carried in a brazen chariot . homer calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the swiftest of all the gods yet was over-reached by vulcan the slowest , to let us see that strength is overcome many times by policy ; he was married to venus ; for souldiery , and venery are seldom separate . he is by homer joyned with minerva ; arts and armes doe meet together ; he was a great god among the grecians , but greater among the romans , to whom they dedicated priests , feasts , and divers temples , not onely for being their tutelar god , but also because he was romulus his father ; this mad god , for so he is called by homer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was wounded by diomedes ; and he is termed their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constant , mutable , false , and treacherous . a brave god ! miserable is that country where this god domineers , whose greatest enemies are iupiter and minerva ; that is , peaceable princes , and wise councellours . q. what were minerva , diana , and venus ? a. these were also grecian deities . minerva was the athenian chief goddesse , from whom they were named athenians . her festivals were called panathenaea , and her chiefe temple parthenium ; for she from her perpetual coelibate was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . she hath the next place in heaven among the gods to iupiter , and wears his armes and target called aegis , to shew that kings should never be without wise and learned men , next to them . when she came out of iupiters brain , she made a noise brandishing with her speare , at which mortals were affrighted ; therefore she is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and pallas , the wisdom of a governour being expressed either by his words or actions , keeps the people in awe : she had her palladium at athens , as well as at troy , and at rome had divers temples called minervia . diana the sister of apollo was worshipped by the greeks in the habit of a woman armed with a bow and arrows . so she was afterward by the romans , to whom they erected divers temples , the chiefest whereof was upon hill aventine . she is called by pindarus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a horse-driver ; for by her they understood the moon , to which they assigned horses , to signifie her motion , and antiently a golden chariot drawn by white hindes ; from her delight she took in arrows , she is called by the same poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which are meant her beams ; she was painted also with a torch in her hand , as hecate is always , to shew that she and hecate was all one , and by this torch was meant her light ; she was also the same with proserpine , and is called triformis from the moons three different shapes : but she was a cruel goddess , who would not be satisfied without humane sacrifices ; in arcadia she was worshipped in the form of a virgin , covered with a hindes skin , having a torch in one hand , two serpents in the other , and on her shoulders her bow and quiver . of these mysteries i have written sufficiently in myst. poet. venus was worshipped in armour by the lacedemonians , because she overcame mars , her worship cousisted in flowers and frankincense . she was somtimes placed upon the same altar with mercury ; to shew how well beauty and eloquence agree , she was had in honour more in rome then in greece , because from her , as being the mother of aenaeas , the romans deduced their original ; therefore she was honoured with many temples at rome ; she was the chief deity that was worshipped by the women : harlots honoured her for gain ; honest virgins for beauty ; matrons for concord with their husbands ; widdows for new husbands ; and all for fecundity : she being held the author of all these . she was painted in a chariot drawn sometimes with doves , sometimes with white swans ; she was crowned with mirtle and roses ; she was begot of the sea froth : all which expresse to us the qualities of love . q. how were juno , ceres , and vulcan worshipped by the greeks ? a. at corinth iuno was worshipped in the habit of a queen , with a crown on her head , on which were carved the graces and the hours , sitting in a throne of gold , and white ivory ; having in one hand a pomgranate , and in the other a scepter with an owle on the top thereof . by iuno they mean the moon ; therefore her statue and throne were of white materials . hence homer calls her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having white armes . the moon is queen of the night , therefore she hath her crown , throne , and scepter ; the owle being a night bird , was fitly dedicated to her that was lady of the night . she was the goddess of riches and fecundity , and the same with lucina : therefore she hath the pomegranate , a symbol of plenty ; as she is the moon , the hours attend her ; as the giver of riches , the graces ; for bounty and good turns require thanks . in some graecian temples her image is drawn by peacocks , to shew that pride and wealth go together , and that rich people delight in gaudy and glorious apparel : at argos she was worshipped with vine branches about her , treading on a lions skin , in contempt of bacchus , and hercules , iupiters two bastards ; the one glorying for finding the use of wine , the other for killing the lion. iuno was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfection , because she had the charge of marriage , in which mans perfection consisteth , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being iupiters wife and sister ; her sacrifices in greece were hecatombaea ● beasts : at rome , she was honoured with divers names , temples , and sacrifices ; the calends of every moneth were dedicated to her , and her solemnities were kept in february . ceres was worshipped in a chariot drawn by two dragons , with poppy heads in one hand , and a burning torch in the other , with a sheaf of corn on her head . what all these meant , we have shewed elsewhere . the secret or mystical sacrifices of ceres eleusina , were not to be divulged ; for no prosane person was to be admitted to them ; for the priest going before uttered these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the roman priests proclaiming the same in their tongue , procul , procul este profani . the arcadians did so honour ceres and proserpina , that in their temples they kept fires perpetually burning . in her sacrifices hogs were offered , but no wine ; the priests of ceres were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , bees , to shew both their diligence , purity and chastity ; she was worshipped also at rome , where she had her priests and temples , and great solemnities in april , called ludi cereales . in vulcanes sacrifices a torch was lighted and delivered from one to another , to signifie that the torch of our life is imparted from the father to the son by generation . he was worshipped in the forme of a lame man , with a blew cap , to shew us the nature of the fire , whereof he was god . at rome he was also worshipped , but his temple was built by romulus without the city , because mars his corrival had his temple within the city , of which he was the tutelar god . q. did the greeks and romans worship these gods onely ? a. yes , innumerable more ; or rather the same deities above named , under other names ; for apollo , phoebus , sol , aesculapius , iupiter , liber , hercules , mars , mercurius , pan , &c. are different names of one and the same sun , which was the chief god worshipped among the geniles . luna , hecate , diana , iuno , lutina , venus , ceres , &c. do signifie the moon , vesta , ops , cybele , rhea , ceres , berecynthia , magna mater , tellus , pales , flora , fauna , bona dea , proserpina , &c. do signifie the earth , and the benefits we receive thence . neptune , nereus , glaucus , proteus , triton , consus . oceanus , &c. signifie the sea. pluto , plutus , proserpina , charon , cerberus , &c. are but different names of one and the same infernal deities . and as the same god had different names , so he had different sorts of worship ; for the sun under the name of apollo , was worshipped in the form of a beardlesse youth , with yellow hair , carrying in one hand a cythron , in the other , arrows , and his bow . as sol , he was honoured in a flaming ship full of rich wates , carried about the world , by which light is imparted to all . as phoebus , he was adored in a golden chariot drawn by four horses swift and fiery , in one hand he holdeth a glitering target , in the other a burning torch , on his head a golden crown beset with twelve pretious stones . as aesculopius , he is set forth sitting in a chair , in the habit of a grave man with a long beard , crowned with bayes , holding in one hand a knobbed staffe , and with the other learning on a serpents head . sometimes he is described with two cocks in his hand , and certain frutis and herbs in his lap , by which the properties of physitians are represented ; but the sun is the great physitian . as iupiter , he was worshipped sitting in a throne with a scepter in one hand , and an eagle in the other , by which was expressed his power and dominion . as bacchus of liber , he was set out like a naked youth , with hornes in his head , a crown of ivie , and sometimes of fig leaves , with the thyrsus or vine speare in his hand , sitting in a chariot drawn by tygers , and panthers . which may signifie both the power , influence and raging heat of the sun. as hercules , they honoured him cloathed with a lions skin . crowned with poplar leaves , and the club in his hand knocking down the hydra . we have shewed the meaning of these in mystagog . poetic . and that the suns courses through the twelve signes were adumbrated by hercules his twelve labours . as mars , he was adored with a helmet on his head , a spear in one hand , and a bow in the other . as mercury , he was worshipped like a young man on a square stone , having wings on his head , and on his feet , with a sword in his hand killing many eyed argus : by which was meant the suns perpetual vigour , in that he was resembled by a youth , the wings shewed his swiftnesse , the square stone the four seasons of the year , or four climats of the world , his killing of argus shewed the confounding of the star light by the suns presence . as pan he was expressed and adored under the form of a satyre , with a red face , long beard , horns on his head , a spotted skin about him , having in one hand a pipe , in the other a shepherds staffe ; his beard and hornes signified his beames ; his speckled skin , the heaven speckled with stars ; the pipe , the harmony of his motion ; and the staffe , his power . much more might be said of this subject . q. vnder what names and shapes did they worship the moon ? a. as hecate she was worshipped under the shape of a monster with three heads , by which they signified the moons threesold form she assumes , according to her accesse and recesse to and from the sun. as luna at her first appearance , she was honoured with white and golden garments , and a burning torch , to shew the increasing of her light : when she was halse full , with a basket of fruit , to shew how the fruits fill and grow with her : but when she was at full , with a dark coloured garment , to signifie the decreasing of her light . as diana , she was worshipped in the habit of a woman , with a torch flaming in one hand , two snakes in the other , a bow and arrows on her shoulder , sitting in a chariot drawn with white deer , all which signified partly her light , and partly her motion . her light is a help to hunters , therefore she was worshipped in the habit of a hunter . as iuno she was honoured in the ornaments of a queen , sitting in a chariot of brasse , silver and gold , which signified both her light , beauty , and dominion over the night . as lucina , she was crowned with the herb dictamnus , or dittany , which is good for women in labour : and a burning torch in her hand , to shew the hot fits , and sharp pains of child-bearing women , upon which the moon hath great power . as venus , she was resembled by a beautiful woman naked , crowned with roses , and rising out of the sea , by which they signified the light and beauty of the moon when she ariseth . as ceres , she was represented by a matron with a sheaff of corn on her head , and a lamp in her hand , to shew , that from her proceeds both light and plenty . q. what names and worship did they give to the earth and fire ? a. they were called vesta , and under that name worshipped in the habit of a virgin , sitting on the ground , and crowned with white garlands , whose temple was built round , and in it a perpetual fire kept by the nuns of vesta . these two elements were joyned together , because fire is begot , both in , and of the earth . the virgins habit signified the purity of the fire ; her sitting , the immobility of the earth ; the white garlands , the purity of the air , or firmament , compassing the earth and fire ; the roundnesse , of the temple shewed the rotundity of the earth . the earth also was called rhea , ceres , berecynthia , magna mater , cybele , ops , &c. she is called vesta à vestiend● , because she is cloathed with herbs , grasse and trees ; rhea , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to flow , because waters are still flowing in and upon her . ceres or geres , from corn bearing , and supporting all things . berecynthia , from the hill berecynthus in phrygia , where she was worshipped . the great mother , because she generally nourisheth and maintains all earthly creatures . cybele , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cube , to shew the stability of the earth . ops from the help we have by her : proserpir● à serpendo , from the creeping things within her , and from the herbs which creep out of her . tellus from terra , the earth which was worshipped in the habit of an old woman with towers on her head , having in one hand a scepter , in the other a key ; cloathed in a garment embroidered with herbs , flowers and trees , and sitting in a chariot drawn with lyons , to shew that the earth supporteth all towers and castles ; produceth all herbs and trees ; is the predominant element in compounded bodies , signified by the crown , key , and scepter : the motion of her chariot on foure wheels , signifieth the motion , not of the earth , but of her inhabitants in the four seasons of the year ; the lions , and all earthly creatures , though never so strong and fierce , are subject to the laws of terrestrial nature . of the manner how ceres was painted and worshipped , we have said already . by proserpina , they meant the earth as she is fruitful , and cherisheth the seeds cast into her . for this cause she is called bona dea , from the many good things she affords us ; and fauna , à favendo , from favouring and cherishing us . pomona , from the fruits ; and flora , from the flowers she produceth : and pales , as she furnisheth fodder to the cattel ; therefore she was held the goddesse of shepherds , and her feasts palilia , were kept without shedding of blood ; then were the cattel purified with sulphure , rosemary , sabin , and bayes , and made to passe through flames of stubble and hay . q. what worship had the deity of the sea ? a. he was called neptune , and worshipped in the form of an ancient man , with a crown on his head , holding his trident in one hand , and embraced his wife amphithrite with the other . between his legs was a dolphin . his chariot drawn with horses . the sea 's swift motion was represented by the dolphin and horses ; and its dominion over all other waters , by the crown and scepter . he was called consus , from counsel ; to shew that princes counsels should be hid , as the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the sea is . he was called neptunus à nubendo , from covering the earth . nereus , and his wife thetis , were sea deities , and indeed the same with neptune ; so was oceanus , whose chariot was drawn by four whales : proteus is also the same , though those are held by most to be different gods , yet in effect all is but one and the same deity ; so were the tritons , and nereides , though these , with the sirenes , are thought by some to be monstrous fishes . the tritons were counted neptunes trumpeters , to shew the noise and roaring of the sea. old glaucus is also the same sea-god with the rest ; who is described and worshipped in the form of an old man , with long hair and beard dropping with water , his breast beset with sea-oars , and below the navel like a fish. q. what worship and names did they give to death ? a. death was held a deity , and worshipped under the name of pluto , or plutus , sitting in a dark throne , with a black ebony crown on his head , a rod in one hand , to drive together the dead bodies , and a key in the other , to lock them in . at his feet was placed the three-headed-dog cerberus , all which was to shew the condition of the dead . the cypress-tree stood alwayes by him ; he was called from gathering , or driving people together . death is the great king of darknesse , who drives all men , rich and poor , wise and fools , kings and beggars into one place ; omnes eodem cogimur ; death is called cerberus , that is a devourer of flesh : for it consumes all flesh . this is the black dog as seneca calls him , which is still barking at , and biting of mortals ; he is called bellua centiceps by horace , the-hundreth headed beast , for death hath a hundred ways to seize upon us : the same death is expressed by charon to some , by acheron to others ; for to good men who depart hence with a clear conscience , death is comfortable ; but to the wicked , whom the furies of an evil conscience do torment , death is terrible and comfortlesse , expressed by the word acheron , q. what was the manner of sacrificing in greece ? a. none came neer the altar till they were first purified , neither must the sacrifice be laid on the altar , till it was also instrated or purified with meale and holy water , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the standers by were besprinkled with this water , after a firebrand taken from the altar had been quenched in it , and then some holy flower or meal was cast on them . this done , the priest prayed , then the victim was brought to the altar , with the head upward , if it was dedicated to the superiour gods ; but if to the inferiour , with its head downward . the fat , heart , spleen and liver , were offered to the gods ; the rest of the beast was eat up by the priests and people , spending the rest of the day in gormandising and drunkennesse . when the greeks sacrificed to vesta , and the romans to the lares , they left nothing of the sacrifice , hence lari sacrificare & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to eat up all . the poorer sort offered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , meat or cakes , the same with the roman mol● , which by the richer sort was mingled with wine and oyl . these frugal sacrifices are called by pindarus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supplicating sacrifices , intimating that there is more devotion in these mean sacrifices , then many times in those that are more costly ; for it is not the sacrifice , but the heart of the sacrificer god requires they used to try if their victim would prove acceptable to their gods , by putting the cake on the head between the horns , which were in solemn feasts gilded ; if the beast stood quiet , it was fit to be sacrificed ; if otherwise , it was rejected . in all sacrifices vesta was first invocated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to shew both the antiquity and necessity of fire in sacrificing . their custom also was to sacrifice in the morning to the gods , in the evening to the heroes or demi-gods . the greeks did not as the romans , grind the corn which they laid on the head of the victim , but laid it on whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith suides , to shew the manner of the ancient feeding , before the grinding of corn was invented . this whole corn was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they were wont also after their sacrifice and feast , to burn the tongue of the beast and besprinkle it with wine , as homer sheweth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this was to shew that after drinking and feasting , the tongue should be silent : and nothing divulged what was then spoken . this was also done in honour of mercury the god of eloquence and of sleep ; for about sleeping time the tongue was sacrificed . the grecian priests used to dance or run about their altars , beginning first at the left hand , to shew the motion of the zodiack , which is from the west called by astronomers the left part of the world : then they danced beginning at the right hand , to shew the motion of the first sphear , which is from east to west . their bloody sacrifices were called impure ; but frankincense , myrth , and such like were named by them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pure offerings . the flesh of the victims were called theothyta , but by the christian doctors idolothyra . they that gathered the consecrated corn were named parasiti● . they that met to sacrifice were called o●geones from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sacrifice . phylothytae were those who superstitiously upon all occasions were given to sacrifice . sacred feasts were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because much wine was drunk to the honour of the gods ; and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be drunk , because they used to be drunk 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after they had sacrificed . the burning of incense or such like before the sacrifice were called prothyo●●ats . q. what priests and temples had the antient greeks ? a. as they had multiplicity of gods , so they had of priests anciently . the priests of iupiter and apollo were young boyes , beautiful and well born . the priests of cybele were gelded ; ceres , bona dea , and bacchus had their women priests . bellona's priests used to sacrifice with their own blood . the athenian priests called hierophantae used to eat hemlock or cicuta , to make them impotent towards women . no man was made a priest who had any blemish in his body . their garments and shoes were white , if they were the priests of ceres . purity was the chief thing they observed outwardly . they that sacrificed to the infernal gods , wore black garments , but purple if they were the priests of the celestial deities . they used also to wear crowns or myters , with ribbans or laces . their office was not only to pray and sacrifice , but also to purifie with brimstone , and salt water . their chief priests called hierophantae , were the same in authority with the pontifices at rome . the athenian noble virgins called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from bearing on their shoulders the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was a basket or chest of gold , in which the first fruits and other consecrated things were carried in their panathenaian pomps to the honour of minerva ; i say these virgins did much resemble the vestal nuns at rome ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was as a bishop or overseer of their sacred mysteries . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was he that attended the sacred fire on the altar , they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cryces , or preachers , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , church-wardens , and other officers . now for their temples . at athens the temple of minerva was built in the highest part of the city ; so was iupiters temple at rome built in the capitol . the temple of mercy called asylum , which was a sanctuary for delinquents , was erected at athens by the sons of hercules . theseus had erected one before called theseum , in imitation of which romulus at rome built such another . at first the gentle gods had no temples at all , but were worshipped either on hills or in groves . cerops was the first ( as some think ) who built a temple in athens , and ianus in italy . before that time they had no other temples but the sepulchres and monuments of the dead . the temples of the celestial gods were built upon the ground , of the infernal under . in the country of sparta , iupiter had a temple called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the darknesse thereof ; being obscured with groves . there was also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chappel of the earth , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chappel of the destinies , the place where they had their assemblies and sermons called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . their temples were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the black smoak of their sacrifices and incense ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or according to the atticks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the general name for temples , because the gods dwelt in them ; and because they were consecrated and holy , they were named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was that part of the temple where the idol stood , the same with the latine delulirum ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cut or separate , did signifie the temple as it was set apart and separated from other buildings . such honour they gave to their temples , that they durst not tread on the threshold thereof , but leapt over it ; nor must they passe by any temple without reverence to it : there they kept their treasures for the more security ; sacriledge being held then an execrable crime , and so it was held an impiety to walk in the temple of apollo pythius , and punishable with death by the law of pisistratus . hence the proverb , when any danger was expressed , or impiety , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it had been better you had walked in the pythium ; the word also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies easing of the body , which that none might do , the images of serpents were set over the gates of consecrated places ; pinge duos angues , sacer est loc●● , extra me ite . their martimonial and funeral rites were the same with the romans . the contents of the fifth section . the religion of the old germans , gauls , and brittains . . of the saxons , danes , swedes , moscovites , russians , pomeranians , and their neighbours . . of the scythians , getes , thracians , cymbrians , goths , lusitanians , &c. . of the lithuanians , polonians , hungarians , samogetians , and their neighbours . . of divers gentile gods besides the above named . . the ranks and arms of their gods . . with what creatures their chariots were drawn . . of peculiar gods worshipped in peculiar places . . the greek chief festivals . sect . v. quest. of what religion were the germans , gauls and brittains ? answ. the germans at first had neither images nor temples , but abroad worshipped the sun , moon , and stars . mother earth was in chief esteem among them ; to her they dedicated a chariot in a grove which was lawful onely for the priest to touch . he was never to leave the chariot , which was alwyes covered with cloath , and was drawn by two oxen in procession ; then holy days were appointed ; at the end of her journey , she with the chariot and cloathes were washed in a certain lake ; but the ministers who performed this work , were never seen any more , but were swallowed by the lake , and the goddesse restored again by her priest to her grove . the ancient gaules worshipped mercury in the first place , as being the god of high-ways , journys , gain , and merchandising : after him they worshipped apollo , iupiter , mars , and minerva . they and the germans were wont to sacrifice men sometimes ; so did the ancient brittains , which with the gaules had the same religion and priests called druidae from the oakes under which they used to teach and sacrifice ; for they expounded all religious mysteries , taught the youth , decided controversies and suits in law , ordained rewards and punishments ; and such as obeyed not their decrees they excommunicated , debarring them from all divine exercises , and all commerce with men . these druidae had one chief over them , whose successour was always elected . they were free from paying taxes , from serving in the war , a●d had many other priviledges . they committed not the mysteries of their religion to writing , but to the memory of their disciples , who spent many years in learning by heart their precepts in verse . they believed the immortality of souls , they read philosophy to their scholars . it is thought by some that diana's temple stood where st pauls church in london stands now . and minerva had her temple at bath , and apollo in scotland neer dalkeith . the saxons worshipped the seven planets , among which thor the same with iupiter , was chiefe ; from him thursday was denominated . next was wodan or mars ; wednesday is so called from him . fred or frico was venus , to whom friday was dedicated , as tuesday to tuisco the founder of the german nation . q. vnder what shapes and formes did the old saxons worship their gods . a. they worshipped the sun under the shape of halfe a naked man set upon a pillar , whose head and face was all beset with firie rayes , holding on his brest a flaming wheele , by which they signified the suns heat , light , and motion . they worshipped the moon under the form of a woman with a short coat and a hood with long eares , with the picture of the moon before her brest ; they gave her also piked shoes . verstegan cannot find the reason of this habit ; but perhaps the reason may be this , if i may have leave to conjecture ; they gave her a short coat , to shew the swiftnesse of her motion● for a long coat signifieth a slow motion ; therefore they painted saturne whose motion is the slowest of all the planets , with a long coat . the hood or chapron with long eares , was to represent her horns , or else to shew that sounds are heard a far off in the night , which is the time of her dominion . her piked shoes also may resemble her hornes . tuisco their third idol is set out in the skin of some wild beast , with a scepter in his hand ; this is thought to be the first and most ancient of that nation , from whom the germans call themselves tuytshen , or as the flemings pronunce it duytshen , as verstegan observeth ; but i think that under this name they worshipped mars ; for as tacitus writes , mars was one of the german gods . his hairie garments doth shew the feirce and truculent disposition of that warlike god ; besides that , hairie sylvanus is thought to be the same that mars . his scepter may signifie the power and command which souldiers have in the world . but it is more likely by this idol they meant mercury ; for next to the sun and moon , he was as tacitus saith , the germans chief god . his scepter and hairie garment may signifie the power and command that eloquence and musick have over the most brutish natures ; and of these two faculties mercury was the inventer . and we must know that , as the romans next to the sun and moon honoured mars the patron of their city , for which cause they dedicated to him the third day of the week ; so the germans for the same cause dedicated to mercury their chief founder and patron the same day , which from his name tuisco is called tuesday yet retained among us . their fourth idol was woden , from whom wednesday is so called . he was the germans mars , and is called woden , from being wood or mad ; intimating hereby the firercenesse of souldiers , and furie of warr. he is painted with a crown on his head , a sword in his hand , and in compleat armor . their fift idol is thor , which was their iupiter , for they made him the god of the aire , and commander of winds rain , and thunder ; they painted him sitting in a chaire , of state , with a scepter in his right hand , a golden crown on his head , encompassed with twelve stars , by which they meant he was king of the upper regions and commander of the stars : from him thursday is named , as among the romans , dies iovis from iupiter . their sixt idol was friga ; from her our friday is denominated , and was the same that venus among the romans ; she is painted in the habit of a man in armes , with a sword in one hand , and a bow in the other ; so among the romans she was venus armnata , and barbata ; armed and bearded ; she is called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the masculin ; and by aristophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so by virgil , deus ; descendo ac ducente deo flammam inter et hostes . their seventh idol was seater , whence comes the ●ame saterday , dedicated to him ; verstegan will not have this seater to be the same that saturne , because he was other-ways called crodo ; but this is no reason ; for most of the gods had different names ; the sun is called apollo , and phaebus ; the moon , diana , lucina , proserpina . the goddesse of wisdom is called pallas and minerva , &c. doubtlesse then this idol was saturn as his picture shewes ; for he is set out like an old man ; and so he was painted among the romans ; the wheele in his left hand signifieth the revolution of time , the pail of water in his right hand , wherein were ●lowrs and fruites , and the pearch under his feet , do shew the dominion time hath over sea and land , and all things there in contain●d ; for all sublunarie things are subject to time and change . his long coat , as i shewed before , did signifie the slownesse of saturns motion , which is not finished but in yeers . other idols they worshipped , but of lesse note , of which see verstegan . q what was the religion of the danes , swedes , moscovites , russians , pomeranians , and their neighbours ? a. the danes and swedes worshipped the same gods that the saxons did . they call upon thor or iupiter , when the pestilence is among them , because he ●uleth in the ayre : in the time of war they call upon wod●n or mars . in their marriages they invocate frico or venus . they had also their heroes or demi-gods ; they used to kill nine males of each kind of sensitive creatures , and to pacifie their gods with the blood thereof , then to hang up their bodies in the grove next the temple called vbsola . in some parts of saxony they worshipped saturn under the name of crodo , like an old man standing on a fish , holding in his hands a wheele and a pitcher . venus they worshipped in the form of a naked woman standing in a chariot drawn with two swans and two doves . on her head she wore a garland of myrtle ; in her right hand she had the globe of the world , in the other three oranges . out of her brest proceeded a burning tap●r . the three graces naked with fruit in their hands waited on her . in westphalia they worshipped an idol all in armour , holding a banner in his right hand with a rose , and in the left a pair of scales . on his breast was carved a beare , on his helmet a lion. it seems by the idol they understood mars . the rugians neer the baltick sea , worshipped mars in the form of a monster with seven faces , and seven swords hanging by his side in their scabberds ; he held the eighth sword naked in his hand . the same rugians , as also the bohemians , worshipped an idol with four heads , two of them looking forward , and two backward ; in his right hand it held a horn which the priest every yeer sprinkled with wine , in the left hand a bow ; this also seems to be mars . the sclavi adored an idol standing on a pillar , with a plough-share in one hand , a lance and banner in the other ; his head was beset with garlands , his leggs were booted , and at one of his heels a bell did hang. some of them did worship an idol on whose brest was a target , in which was ingraven an oxe head . it had a pole-axe in its hand , and a little bird sitting on its head . all these may seem to represent mars . the moscovites and russians adored an idol called perun , in the shape of a man holding a burning stone in his hand , resembling thunder ; a fire of oken wood was continually maintained burning , to the honour of this idol ; it was death for the ministeres , if they suffered this fire to go out . it seems this was iupiters image . the stetinians in pomerania worshipped a three-headed idol , and used to ask oracles or advice of a black horse : the charge of which was committed to one of the priests . in the countries about moscovia , they worship an idol called zolota baba , the golden hag. it is a statue like an old woman holding an infant in her bosome , and neer to her stands another infant . to this idol they offer the richest sabel skins they have . they sacrifice stags to her , with the blood whereof they annoint her face , eyes , and her other parts . the beasts entrails are devoured raw by the prlests . with this idol they use to consult in their doubts and dangers . q. what religion did the scythians , getes , thracians . cymbrians , goths , lucitanians , & other europeans profess ? a. the same gentilisme with the rest , adoring idols of stocks and stones in stead of the true god , or rather they worshipped the devil , as appears by their inhumane humane sacrifices . the scythians used to sacrifice every hundreth captive to mars : so did the thracians , thinking there was no other means to pacifie that angry and butcherly god , but by murthering of men . of the same opinion were the old germans , who sacrificed men to mercury . the cymbrians or cymmerians by their women priests used to murther and sacrifice men . these she-devils girt with brasse girdles , and in a white surplice , used to cut the throats of the captives , to rip up their bowels , and by inspection to foretel the event of the war , and withal to make drums of their skins . the goths did not think they pleased the devil sufficiently , except first they had tormented the poor captive by hanging him upon a tree , and then by tearing him in pieces among brambles and thorns . these goths or getes believed that the dead went into a pleasant place where their god tamolxius ruled ; to him they used still to send a messenger chosen out among themselves by lot , who in a boat of five oars went to supplicate for such things as they wanted . their manner of sending him was thus ; they took him hand and foot , and flung him upon the points of sharp pikes ▪ if he fell down dead , they concluded that the god was well pleased with that messenger ; if otherwise , they rejected him as an unworthy messenger ; therefore they chose another to whom they gave instructions before he died , what he should say to their god ; and so having slain him upon their pikes , committed the dead body in the boat to the mercy of the sea . the lithuanians used to burn their chief captives to their gods . the lusitanians ripped open the bowels of their captives in their divinations , and presented their right hands , being cut off , to their gods . the sclavi worshipped an idol called suantovitus , whose priest the day before he sacrificeth , makes clean the chappel , which none must enter but he alone , and whilest he is in it , he must not draw his breath , but hold his head out of the window , least with his mortal breath he should pollute the idol . the next day the people watching without the chappel door , view the idols cup ; if they find any of the liquor which was put there wasted , they conclude the next years scarcity , but other wise they hope for plenty ; and so they fill the cup again , and pray to the idol for victory and plenty ; then pouring out old wine at the idols feet , and offering to him a great cake , they spend the rest of the day in gormandising . it is held a sin and a dishonour to the idol not to be drunk then . every one payeth a piece of money to the idols maintenance ; to which also is paid the third part of all b●oties taken in the war. to this purpose the idol maintained three hundred horse , whom the priest payed , being the idols treasurer . in lituania , russia , and the adjacent places , the rusticks offer a yearly sacrifice of calves , hogs , sowes , cocks and hens ▪ about the end of october , when their fruits are all gathered in , to their idol ziemiennick ; they beat all these creatures to death , then offer them with prayers and thanksgiving ; which done , they fall to eating and drinking , flinging first pieces of flesh into every corner of the house . q. what did the lithuanians , polonians , hungarians , samogetians , and their neighbours professe ? a. their chief god was the sun. they worshipped also the fire , which they continually maintained by priests chosen for that purpose . they ascribed also divinity and worship to trees , and the taller the tree was , the more adoration it had when christianity began to be preached among the lithuanians , and were exhorted to cut their trees , none would venture to touch these gods , till the preache●s encouraged them by their example ; but when they saw the trees cut down , they began to lament the losse of their gods , and complained to their prince of the wrong done to them by the christians , whereupon the preachers were commanded presently to abandon the country , and so these dogs returned to their vomit . they adored also serpents , which they entertained in their houses , and used by their priests to ask oracles or advice of the fire , concerning their friends , when they fell sick , if they should recover health again . the same idolatry was used by the polonians or sarmatians . the hungarians or pannonians did not onely worship the sun , moon and stars , but also every thing they first met with in the morning . most part of livonia is yet idolatrous , worshipping the planets and observe the heathenish customes in their burials and marriages . in samogethia a country bordering on prussia , livonia , and lithuania , they worshipped for their chief god the fire , which their priests continually maintained within a tower on the top of an high hill , till vladislaus king of poland beat down the tower , and put out the fire , and withal caused their groves to be cut down , which they held sacred , with the birds , beasts , and every thing in them . they burn the bodies of their chief friends , with their horses , furniture , and best cloaths , and withal set down victuals by their graves , believing that the departed soules would in the night time eat and drink there . the like superstition is used by the livonians . so the lapponians are at this day for the most part idolatrous ; they hold that no marriage which is not consecrated by fire and a flint , is lawful ; therfore by striking of the flint with iron , they shew that as the hid sparks of fire flie out by that union , so children are propagated by the conjunction of male and female . many parts also of moscovia at this day continue in their gentilisme . q. what other gods did the ge●tiles worship beside those above named ? a. it were tedious to mention all ; i will only name some of them . aeolus was god of the winds , portunus god of harbours , agonius god of action , angerona goddess of squinzees , laverna or furina goddess of theeves , aucula goddesse of maid servants . carna goddesse of hinges , aristae●s god of hony , diverra goddesse of sweeping , feronia goddesse of woods , dice goddesse of law-suites , fidius of faith , aruncus of diverting hurt from corn , hebe of youth , meditrina of medicines , men● of womens monthly flowers , myodes or miagrus , the same with belzebub the god of flies , limentinus of thresholds , peitho goddesse of eloquence , aius of speech , pecunia of mony , thalassius of marriage , vacuna goddesse of leasure or idlenesse , vitula goddesse of youthful wantonnesse , sentinus of sense , tutanus of defence , vallonia of vallies , vitunus of life , collina of hills , iugatinus of the tops of mountains . we cannot meet with any creature , action , passion , or accident of mans life , which had not its peculiar deity . q. how did they rank and arme their gods ? a. some of them they called supernal , as saturn , iupiter , apollo , mercurius , mars , vulcan , bacchus , hercules , cybele , venus , minerva , iuno , ceres , diana , themis . some they named infernal , as pluto , charon , cerberus , rhadamanthus , minos , aeicus , proserpina , alecto , tisiphone , megaera , chimera , clotho , lachesis , atropos . some were deities of the sea , as oceanus , neptune , triton , glaucus , palemon , proteus , nereus , castor , pollux , phorbus , melicerta , amphitrite , thetis , doris , galataea , and the other sea-nymphs , called nereides . the country gods , and of the woods , were pan , sylvanus , faunus , pales , the satyres , &c. there were three deities called graces , or charites , to wit , aegle , thalia , exphrosyne . three fatal sisters , called parcae ; to wit , cl●tho , lachests , atropos ; three furies , called eu●●enides , to wit , alecto , megaera , tisiphone . the chiefest of their gods they did thus arm ; namely , saturn with the sithe . iupiter with thunder . mars with the sword. apollo and diana with bows an arrows . mercury with his caduceu● , or rod. neptune with the trident , or three-forked scepter . bacchus with the thyrsus , or spear woven about with vine-leaves . hercules with his clave , or club. minerva with her lance and aegis , or target , having on it medusa's head . vulcan with his tongs , &c. q ▪ with what creatures weretheir chariots drawn ? a. iupiter , sol , mars , and neptune , had their chariots drawn by horses . saturn by dragons . thetis , triton , leucothoe , by dolphins . bacchus by lynces and tygers . diana by stags . luna , or the moon , by oxen . oceanus by whales . venus by swans , doves , and sparrows . cybele by lions . iuno by peacocks . ceres by serpents . pluto by four black horses . mercury , in stead of a chariot , had wings on his head and heels . the mystical meanings of these things we have opened . q. in what peculiar places were some gods peculiarly worshipped ? a. though apollo was worshipped in many places : as in the wood grynaeum in ionia ; on phaselis , a hill in lycia ▪ in tenedos , an isle of the aegean sea ; in delos and claros , two of the cyclad islands ; on hill cynthus ; in cyr●ha , a town of phocis : at rhodes , on hill soracte ; on parnassus , and other places ; yet he was chiefly worshipped at delphi , a town of phocis . so venus was honoured in cyprus , and in paphos , a town of the same isle ; and in the isle amathus in the aegean sea , on hill eryx ; and in sicilie , and elsewhere ; yet her chief worship was at paphos . so iuno was worshipped at samos , an i●le of the icarian sea ; at argos and mycenae , towns of a●haia , and in other places ; yet she was principally honoured at carthage in africa . minerva was worshipped in aracynthus , a hill of ae●olia ; in pyreus , a hill of attica , and elsewhere ; yet she was chiefly honoured at athens . bacchus was worshipped at nysa , a town of arabia ; at naxos , one of the cyclades , but chiefly at thebis in boeotia . diana was worshipped at delos , on hill cynthus ; at ephesus , and elsewhere . hercules was honoured at gades ; at tybur , a town near rome ; at tyrintha , near argi ▪ at thebis in boeotia , &c. iupiters worship was maintained at rome , in lybia , on hill ida in crete ; and elsewhere . mars was adoted at thermodon in scythia , on rho●●pe , a hill in thracia ; among the getes ▪ and other nations . vulcan was chiefly honoured at lemnos , quitinus at rome , faunus in latium , isis in egypt , aesculapius in epidaurus , a town in peloponnesus , cybele in phrygia , chiefly on the hills ida , berecynthus , and dindymus . fortune was honoured in a●tium and prae●este , towns of italy , &c. who would know more of these , let them consult wi● the poets . q. what were the greek chief festivals ? a. the greek were these . anacalypteria , kept by the rusticks to ceres and bacchus , upon the taking in of their fruits ; but i finde that the feast of pr●serp●na's wedding with pluto , called theogamia , was called anacalypteria , and so was the third day of each marriage from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to disclose or discover , because then the bride , who before had been shut up in her fathers house , came abroad to her husbands house ; and so the presents that were given her by her husband that day , were called anacalypteria . . anthesteria were feasts kept to bacchus , so called from anthesterion , the moneth of february , in which they were kept . but some will have this to be the moneth of november ; others of august , which is most likely , because then grapes are ripe , and the athenian children were crowned with garlands of flowers . this feast also was called dionysia . . aletis was a feast at athens , kept to icarus and erigone . . anthesphoria , kept to the honour of proserpina , who was carried away by pluto as she was gathering of flowers ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a flower : it was called also theogamia , a divine marriage . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was an athenian feast kept four days ; erasmus mentions only three . . ascolia , were attick feasts kept to bacchus , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a bladder ; because in the middle of the theatre they used then to dance upon bladders that were blown and oyled , onely with one foot , that by falling they might excite laughter ; this dancing was called ascoliasmus , of which virgil speaks : mollibus in pratis unctos saliere per utres . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were athenian feasts in the month of september called by them boedromion : this feast was kept with voci●eration and running . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were love-feasts , in which kinsfolks entertained each other with good cheer and gifts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were feasts at athens , wherein all kinds of seeds were boiled to bacchus and mercury , in a pot called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; this feast was kept about the midst of november . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the scourging feast among the lacedemonians , in which the prime youth were whipt in the presence of their friends at the altar of diana . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the feasts of iupiter ; they were called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : here they were not very jovial , but sad , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of sower countenance . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were feasts kept to diana in february , called e●aphetolion , wherein stags were sacrificed to diana . . ephestia at thebes , were feasts kept to the honour of tyresias the prophet who had been both man & woman ; therefore that day they cloathed him first in mans apparel , and then in a womans habit . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 marriage : this was iunos feast , kept in ianuary , called gamelion ; and she having the charge of marriages , was called gamelia . . hecat●mbe to iuno , in which sacrifices were offered , and divers shews of sports exhibited to the people : he that overcame was rewarded with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a brazen target , and a myrtle garland . this feast was called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from iuno● name ; and the moneth of iuly , in which this feast was kept , is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 athenian ●easts , in which certain holy reliques were carried about in a chest called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the priests called helenophori . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were lacedemonian feasts , kept to the honour of apollo , and his boy ●yacinthus , whom he lost ; therefore lycander calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much lamented . . hypocaustria , were feasts to minerva , for avoiding the dangers that come by firing , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to kindle or burn . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was a feast at argos , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sow , because by them then this beast was sacrificed to venus . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a torch , or lamp : this feast was kept to bacchus , into whose temple in the night they used to carry burning torches , and to place goblets full of wine in all parts of the city . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the feasts of cybele , called magna mater , in which were exhibited divers spectacles to the people in the moneth of april . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was apollo's festival , who was called metageitnius ; and the moneth in which it was kept was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some say is may , others iuly . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was a feast among the aegeans , in which it seems they eat all of one dish , or else but once a day , or else each man apart . these are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the feast of minerva , kept in the harbour of athens , called munichium . the moneth of march was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were sober sacrifices , without wine ; therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; at athens these sacrifices were performed to venus vrania ; likewise to mnemosyne , aurora , sol , luna , the muses and the nymphs , and even to bacchus himself . sometimes they offered in stead of wine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , water mingled with honey . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the night sacrifices of bacchus , whence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were athenian feasts , so called from the great cup of the same name , which being filled with wine , beardlesse youths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith athenaeus , being to cut their long hair offered to hercules . . ornea , the festivals of priapus , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from ornis , a town of peloponnesus . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an athenian feast , in which the noble youth carried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vine branches into minerva's temple . this feast was instituted when the seus returned mourning from crete , upon the report of his fathers death aegeus . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief athenian feast to the honour of minerva ; it was celebrated every fifth year . in this were divers shews ; the youth then used to dance in armour , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from pyr●hus the inventer . the image of pallas was then carried in a ship called panathenaica , in which the sail called peplus was spread ; and on this was woven the giant enceladus , slain by pallas . in this feast they used to run with lamps or torches ; and so they did in the feasts called ephestia and promethea . he that overcame , had for his reward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the olive fruit , that is , a pot of oyl , whereof pallas was the inventer , and none but he could by the law carry any oyle out of the a●tick countrey . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were feasts dedicate to apollo in the moneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some take for october , others for iuly . this feast was so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from beanes , or other kind of legumina consecrated to apollo . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an athenian feast to minerva ; the moneth in which it was kept was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from bearing about in procession 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fan to make a shadow from the suns heat . the fan was carried by minerva's priest , accompanied with the gentry of athens out of the tower ; from this they called minerva , s●irada . the moneth of this feast was thought to be march. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; this feast was dedicated to apollo and diana at athens in the moneth of april , which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in it the first fruits of the earth were offered to these gods , and boiled in the pot called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were feasts to bacchus the god of wine , who was therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and his temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly called ; this was an athenian feast . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were feasts dedicated to all the gods together . this feast by the latines is called dies pandicula●is , and communicarius . theoxenia also were games exhibited to apollo , who was called theoxenius , and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , common feast was at delphi , consecrated peculiarly to apollo . this feast was so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because all the gods were entertained at a feast . castor and pollux were the authors of this feast ; for when hercules was deified , he committed to these di●scuri the care of the olympick games ; but they devised this new feast of theoxenia . it was chiefly observed by the athenians in honour of forreign gods ; for among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith hesychius , the forraign gods were worshipped . this feast is called by pindarus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hospitable tables , and the sacrifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the feast of bacchus , in whose temple three empty vessels in the night time were filled with wine , but none knew how , for the doors were fast locked , and guarded . thuia also was the first priestesse of bacchus , from which the rest are called thyadae . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the feasts of bacchus every third year , in latine trienalia and triennia ; of which ovid , celebrant repetita triennia bacchae . some other festivals the greeks observed ; but of lesse note . the contents of the sixth section . of the two prevalent religions now in europe . . of mahomets law to his disciples . . of the mahumetants opinions at this day . : mahomet , not the antichrist . . of their sects , and how the turks and persians differ , . of the mahumetan religious orders . . of their other hypocritical orders . . of their secular priests . . of the mahumetan devotion , and parts thereof . . of their ceremonies in their pilgrimage to mecca . . the rites of their circumcision . . their rites about the sick and dead . . the extent of mahumetanism , and the causes thereof . . mahumetanism , of what continuance . sect . vi. quest. what are the two prevalent religions this day in europe ? a. mahumetanism , and christianity . the former was broached by mahumet the arabian , being assisted by sergius a nestoria● monk , with some other hereticks and jews , about . years after christ ; for mahomet was born under mauritius the emperor , anno christi . and under heraclius , anno . he was chosen general of the saracen and arabian forces , and then became their prophet , to whom he exhibited his impious doctrin and law , which he pretended was delivered to him by the angel gabriel . but his book , called the alcoran , was much altered after his death , and divers different copies thereof spread abroad , many of which were burned , and one retained , which is now extant . this is divided into . chapters , which are fraughted with fables , lyes , blasphemies , and a meer hodg-podge of fooleries and impieties , without either language or order , as i have shewed in the caveat i gave to the readers of the alcoran ; yet to him that readeth this book a thousand times , is promised a woman in his paradise , whose eye-brows shall be as wide as the rainbow . such honour do they give to their ridiculous book called musaph , that none must touch it till he be washed from top to toe ; neither must he handle it with his bare hands , but must wrap them in clean linnen . when in their temples it is publickly read , the reader may not hold it lower than his girdle ; and when he hath ended his reading , he kisseth the book , and layeth it to his eyes . q. what law did mahomet give to his disciples ? a. his law he divides into eight commandements ▪ the first is to acknowledge onely one god , and onely one prophet , to wit mahomet . . the second is concerning the duty of children to their parents . . of the love of neighbours to each other . . of their times of prayer in their temples . . of their yearly lent , which is carefully to be observed of all for one moneth or thirty days . . of their charity amd alms-deeds to the poor and indigent . . of their matrimony , which every man is bound to embrace at . years of age . . against murder . to the observer of these commands he promiseth paradise ; in which shall be silken carpets , pleasant rivers , fruitfull trees , beautiful women , musick , good cheer , and choice wines , stores of gold and silver plate with precious stones , and such other conceits . but to those that shall not obey this law , hell is prepared , with seven gates , in which they shall eat and drink fire , shall be bound in chains , and tormented with scalding waters . he proveth the resurrection by the story of the seven sleepers , which slept . years in a cave . he prescribes also divers moral and judicial precepts , as abstinence from swines flesh , blood , and such as die alone : also from adultery and fals witness . he speaks of their fridays devotion ; of good works ; of their pilgrimage to meccha ; of courtesie to each other ; of avoiding covetousnesse , usury , oppression , lying , casual murder , disputing about his alcoran , or doubting thereof . also of prayer , alms , washing , fasting , and pilgrimage . he urgeth also repentance , forbideth swearing , commends friendship , will not have men forced to religion ; will not have mercy or pardon to be shewed to enemies . he urgeth valour in battel , promising rewards to the couragious , and shewing that none can die till his time come , and then is no avoyding thereof . q. what other opinions do the mahumetans hold at this day . a. they hold a fatal necessity , and judge of things according to the successe . they hold it unlawful to drink wine , to play at chess , tables , cards , or such like recreations . their opinion is , that to have images in churches is idolatry ; they believe that all who die in their wars go immediatly to paradise , which makes them fight with such cheerfulnesse ; they think that every man who lives a good life , shall be saved , what religion soever he professeth ; therefo●e they say that moses , christ , and mahomet , shall in the resurrection appear with three banners , to which , all of these three professions shall make their repair . they hold that every one hath two angels attending on him ; the one at his right hand , the other at his left . they esteem good works meritorious of heaven . they say that the angel israphil shall in the last day sound his trumpet , at the sound of which , all living creaturs ( angels not excepted ) shall suddenly die , and the earth shall fall into dust and sand ; but when the said angel soundeth his trumpet the second time , the souls of all that were dead shall revive again : then shall the angel michael weigh all mens souls in a pair of scales . they say there is a terrible dragon in the mouth of hell ; and that there is an iron bridge , over which the wicked are conveyed , some into everlasting fire , and some into the fire of purgatory . they hold that the sun at his rising , and the moon at her first appearing should be reverenced . they esteem polygamy no sin . they hold it unlawfull for any man to go into their temples not washed from head to foot ; and if after washing , he piss , go to stool , or break wind upward or downward , he must wash again , or else he offends god. they say that the heaven is made of smoak ; that there are many seas above it ; that the moons light was impaired by a touch of the angel gabriels wing , as he was flying along ; that the devils shall be ●aved by the alcoran . many other favourless and sensless opinions they have , as may be seen in the book called sca●la , being an exposition of the alcoran dialogue wise . q. was mahomet that great antichrist spoken of by saint paul , thess. . and by saint john in the apocalypse ? a. no : for mahomet was an arabian , descended from ismael and hagar : but antichrist ( if we will beleeve the ancient doctors of the church ) shall be a iew , of the tribe of dan. . antichrist shall come in the end of the world , and as the church anciently beleeved , immediately before christs second comming ; but mahomet is come and gone , above a thousand years agoe . . the ancient fathers believed that the two witnesses which shall oppose antichrist , and shall be slain by him , are henoch and elias ; but these are not yet come . . the tradition of the primitive church was , that antichrist shall reign but three years and a halfe , supposing that this period of time is meant by time and times , and half a time : but mahomet we know reigned many more years . . antichrist will wholly oppose himself against christ , vilifie him , set himself up in his stead : and to extol himselfe above all that is called god : but mahomet doth speak honourably of christ , in calling him the word of god , the spirit of god , the servant of god , the saviour of those that trust in him , the son of a virgin , begot without the help of man , &c. as may be seen in his alcoran . . our writers , as forbes , cartwright , &c. hold that antichrist is described revel . . under the name of that star which fell from heaven , having the key of the bottomlesse pit , and under the name of abadd●n and apollyon ; but that mahomet with his followers are set out in that same chapter under the four angels bound in the great river euphrates . . the apostle . thess. . saith , that antichrist shall ●it in the temple of god as god , and shall exalt himselfe above all that is called god. but this cannot be meant of mahomet , for he never sate in the temple of god , whether by this word we understand the temple of ierusalem , or the church of christ ; for he and his disciples separated themselves from the church of christ , and will have no communion with christians . . antichrist is to come with signs and lying wonders , and by these to raise his kingdome . but mahomet came with the sword , and by it subdued the neighbouring nations , so that neither he nor his followers did or doe pretend to any wonders . . our writers say that antichrist is not to be taken for a particular person , but for a whole company or society of people under one head ; but mahomet was a particular person . . antichrist is to be destroyed by the breath of the lords mouth ; but mahomet died a natural death . by all these reasons then it appears , that mahomet cannot be that great antichrist who is to come in the end of the world . yet i deny not but he was an antichrist in broaching a doctrin repugnant to christs divinity . such an antichrist was arius ; likewise in persecuting christ in his members , he may be called antichrist ; and so might nero , domitian , dioclesian , and other persecutors . besides , the number of the beast . is found in mahomets name , and so it is found in divers other names . if we consider the miseries , desolation and blood that have followed upon the spreading of mahumetanisme in the world , we may with pererius on revel . conclude that mahomet is signified by death , which rideth on the pale horse , followed by hell or the grave ; to whom was given power over the fourth part of the earth , to kill with the sword , with famine , &c. for he was the death both of soul and body to many millions of people ; upon whose wars followed destruction , famine , pestilence and many other miseries , in that part of the world , where he and his successors have spread their doctrine and conquests . q. are all the mahumetans of one profession ? a. no : for there be divers sects amongst them ; but the two main sects are , that of the arabians , followed by the turks ; and of hali by the persians . to this hali mahomet bequeathed both his daughter and his alcoran , which the persians believe is the true copy , and that of the turks to be false . this hali succeeded mahomet , both in his doctrine and empire ; whose interpretation of the law they embrace for the truest . as the saracen caliphs of old , exercised both the kingly and priestly office ; so both are claimed by the modern persian ; for both were performed by mahomet and hali . but to avoid trouble , the persian sophi contents himself with the secular government , leaving the spiritual to the mustaed dini , who is as the musti in turky . these two sects differ in many points : for the arabians make god the author both of good and evil ; but the persians of good only ; the persians acknowledge nothing eternal but god ; the turks say that the law is also eternal ; the persians say that the blessed souls cannot see god in his essence , but in his effects or attributes : the turks teach that he shall be visible in his essence . the persians will have mahomets soul to be carried by the angel gabriel into gods presence when he received his alcoran . the turks will have his body carried thither also . the persians pray but three times a day , the arabians five times ; other differences they have ; but these are the chief doctrinal differences : the maine is about the true alcoran , the true interpretation thereof , and the true successor of mahomet ; for they hold eubocar , ofmen , and homar , whom the turks worship , to have been usurpers , and hali the onely true successor of mahomet , whose sepulchre they visit with as great devotion as the turks do the other three . q. what religious orders have the mahumetans ? a. most of their religious orders are wicked and irreligious . for those whom they call imailer and religious brothers of love , are worse then beasts in their lusts , sparing neither women nor boys ; their habit is a long coat of a violet colour , without scam , girt about with a golden girdle , at which hand silver cimbals , which make a jangling sound ; they walk with a book in their hand , containing love songs and sonnets , in the persian tongue ; these go about singing , and receive money for their songs , and are always bare-headed , wearing long-hair , which they curle . the order of calender professeth perpetual virginity , and have their own peculiar temples , or ghappels . they wear a short coat made of wool and horse hair , without sleeves , they cut their hair short , and wear on their heads felt-hats , from which hangs cuffs of horse hair , about a hand-breadth . they wear iron rings in their ears , and about their necks and arms ; they wear also in their yard an iron or silver ring of . lib. weight , whereby they are forced to live chastely ; they go about reading certaine rimes or ballades . the order of dervises go about begging almes in the name of haly , son in law to their god mahomet . they wear two sheepskins dried in the sun , the one whereof they hang on their back , the other on their breast ; the rest of their body is naked . they shave their whole body , goe bare-headed , and burn their temples with a hot iron . in their ears they wear rings , in which are precious stones . they bear in their hand a knotty club . they are desperate assassinates , will rob and murther when they finde occasion ; they eat of a certain herb called asserad or matslach which makes them mad ; then they cut and slash their flesh ; the madder they are , the more they are reverenced . in natolia neer the sepulchre of a certain saint of theirs is a covent of these monks , being about five hundred , where once a year there is kept a general meeting of this order , about eight thousand , over whom their superiour called assambaba is president . on the friday after their devotions they make themselves drunk with asserad in stead of wine ; then they fall to dancing in a round , about a fire , singing ballades , which done , with a sharp knife they cut flowers and figures on their skins , for the love of those women they most affect . this feast holdeth seven days , which ended , with banners displayed , and drums beating , they depart all to their severall covents , begging almes all the way as they march . their fourth order called torlachs , are cloathed like the dervises , but that they wear also a bears skin instead of a cloak , but they go bare headed and shaven ; they anoint their heads with oyle against cold ; and burn their temples against defluxions . their life is beastly and beggerly , living in ignorance and idleness ; they are begging in every corner , and are dangerous to meet with in desart places , for they will rob and plunder ; they professe palmestry like our gypsies , who use to pick silly womens pockets as they are looking in their hands . they carry about with them an old man , whom they worship as a prophet ; when they mean to have mony from any rich man , they repair to his house , and the old man there prophesieth sudden destruction against that house ; which to prevent , the master of the house desires the old mans prayers , and so dismisseth him and his train with mony , which they spend wickedly ; for they are given to sodomy and all uncleanness . q. are there no other hypocritical orders amongst them ? a. yes , many more . some whereof go naked , except their privities , seeming no wayes moved either with summers heat , or winters cold ; they can indure cutting and slashing of their flesh , as it were insensibly , to have their patience the more admired . some will be honoured for their abstinence in eating and drinking sparingly and seldome . some professe poverty , and will enjoy no earthly things . others again professe perpetual silence , and will not speak , though urged with injuries and tortures . some avoid all conversation with men . others brag of revelations , visions , and enthusiasms . some wear feathers on their heads , to shew they are given to contemplation . some bave rings in their ears , to note theri subjection and obedience in harkning to spiritual revelations . some hare chains about their necks and armes , to shew they are bound up from the world ; some by their mean cloaths brag of their poverty . some to shew their love to hospitality , carry pitchers of clean water , which they profer to all that will drink , without taking any reward : some dwell at the graves of the dead , and live on what the people offers them . some of them have secret commerce with women , and then give out that they conceive and bare children without the help of man , purposely to extenuate the miraculous birth of christ. some are antinomians , affirming that there is no use of the law , but that men are saved by grace . some are for traditions and merits , by which salvation is obtained , and not by grace . these addict themselves wholly to meditation , prayer , fasting , and other spiritual exercises ; there be some who are accounted hereticks , for they hold that every man may be saved in his own religion , and that christs law is as good as mahomets ; therefore they make no scruple to enter into christian churches , to sign themselves with the crosse , and besprinkle themselves with holy water . these votaries have their saints , to whom they have recourse in their wants , and to whom they assign particular offices : some have the charge of travellers , some of children , some of child bearing-women , some of secrets , and such like . they have also their martyrs , reliques , and lying miracles . q. what secular priests have they ? a. they have eight orders or degrees ; . the mophti or their pope , on whose judgment all depend , even the great turk himselfe , both in spiritual and secular affaires . . the caldelescher , who under the mophti is judge of all causes , both civil and ecclesiasticall . . the cadi whose office is to teach the people . . modecis , who have the charge of hospitals . . antiphi , who publiquely read the heads of the mahumetan superstition , holding in one hand a naked sword , in the other a semiter . . imam , who in their temples have charge of the ceremonies . . meizin , who on their towers sing and call the people to prayer . . sophi , who are their singing men in their temples . the higher orders are chosen by the grand seigniour . the inferiour by the people , who have a small pension from the turk , which being insufficient to maintain them , they are forced to work and use trades . there is required no more learning in them , but to read the alcoran in arabian , for they will not have it translated . to strike any of these is the losse of a hand in a turk , but of life in a christian. in such esteem they have their beggerly priests , q. wherein doth the mahumerans devotion consist chiefly ? a. in in their multitudes of mosches , or temples , the chicfe of which is saint sophi in constantinople , built or rather repaired by iustinian . . in their hospitals , both for poor and strangers . . in their monasteries and schools . . in their washings , whereof they have three sorts . one of all the body . another of the private parts onely . the third of the hands , feet , face , and organs of the five senses . . in giving of almes either in mony or in meat ; for their manner is to sacrifice beasts , but not as the iews upon altars ; these beasts they cut in pieces and distribute among the poor . their other sacrifices , which either they offer , or promise to offer when they are in danger , are so divided , that the priests have one share , the poor another , the third they eat themselves . . in making of vows , which are altogether conditionall ; for they pay them if they obtain what they desire , otherwise not . . in adorning their temples with multituds of lamps burning with oyl , and with tapestry spread on mats , upon which they prostrate themselves in prayer . on the walls are written in golden letters , there is but one god , and one prophet mahomet . . in praying five times a day , and on friday which is their sabbath ( because mahomets birth-day , ) six times , bowing themselves to the ground , twice as often as they pray . whosoever absents himself , chiefly on friday , and in their lent , is punished with disgrace , and a pecuniary mulct . . in divers ridiculous ceremonies acted by their priests , as pulling off the shooes , which all people are tyed to do when they enter into their temples ; in stretching out the hands and joyning them together , in kissing the ground , in lifting up the head , in stopping of the ears with their fingers , in praying with their faces to the south , because mecca is there , in wiping their eyes with their hands , in observing a lenten fast for one moneth in a yeer , changing the moneth every yeer , so that they fast one whole yeer in twelve ; and then they abstain from all meat and drink , till the stars appear . in plucking off their hairs at the end of their fast , and in painting of their nayls with a red colour . . in pilgrimages to mecca , in circumcision of their children , in feasting at the graves of the dead , and in other such vain ceremonies . q. what ceremonies observe they in their pilgrimage to mecca ? a. this journey is undertaken and performed every yeer , and it is held so necessary , that he who doth not once in his life go this pilgrimage , shall be assuredly damned ; whereas paradise and remission of sins is procured to them that go it . the way is long and tedious to those of greece , being six moneths journey , and dangerous by reason of arabian theeves , mountains of sand , with which divers are overwhelmed ; and want of water in those sandy and barren desarts . their chief care is to be reconciled to each other where there is any difference , before they go ; for if they leave not behind them all grudges and quarels , their pilgrimage will do them no good ; they begin their journey from cairo , about three weeks after their easter , called bairam , being guarded with spachi on dromedaries , and ianizaries on camels with eight pieces of ordnance , a rich vesture for the prophet , and a green velvet covering wrought with gold to cover his tomb , which the bassa delivers to the captain of the pilgrims . the camels that carry these vestures are covered with cloth of gold , and many small bels ; the night before their departure is kept with great feasting and triumphs . no man may hinder his wife from this pilgrimage , and every servant is made free that goeth it . the camel that carrieth the box with the alcoran is covered with cloth of gold and silk , the box with silk onely during the journey , but with gold and jewels at their entring into mecca . musitians also and singers encompasse the camel , and much vain pompe is used in this pilgrimage they use divers washings by the way when they meet with water . when they come to mecca , the house of abraham , which they fable was miraculously built , receiveth a new covering and a new gate ; the old vesture is sold to pilgrims , which hath a vertue in it to pardon sins ; after many idle ceremonies performed , they go round about abrahams house seven times ; then they kisse a black stone , which they believe fell down thither from heaven ; at first it was white , but by the often kissing of sinners it is become black ; then they wash themselves in the pond zunzun , without the gate five paces ; this pond the angel shewed to hagar when she wanted water for ismael . of this also they drink , and pray for pardon of their sins . after five days abode at mecca , they go to the hill of pard●ns , miles distant , and there they leave all their sins behind them after they have heard a sermon and prayed , and offered sacrifices . upon their return they must not look back to the hill , lest their sins follow them . from hence they repair to medina , where mahomets sepulchre is thought to be ; but by the way they run up a certain hill , which they call the mount of health ; they run , that they may sweat out all their sins . thence they come pure to the seducers tombe which notwithstanding they may not see , being hanged about with a silk curtain , which by the eunuchs , being . in number to attend on the tombe , and to light the lamps , is taken down when the pilgrims captain presenteth the new one ; without , each man gives to the eunuchs handkerchiefs , or such like , to touch the tombe therewith ; this they keep as a special relique . when they return to egypt , the captain presenteth the alcoran to the bassa to kisse , and then it is laid up again ; the captain is feasted , and presented with a garment of cloth of gold. they used to cut in pieces the camel with his furniture which carried the alcoran , and reserve these pieces for holy reliques . the alcoran also is elevated , that all might see and adore it , which done , every one with joy returns to his one home . q. what ceremonies use they about their circumcision ? a. they are circumcised about eight years of age ; the child is carried on hors-back , with a tullipant on his head to the temple , with a torch before him , on a spear deckt with flowers , which is left with the priest as his fee , who first nippeth the end of the skin of the childs yard with pincers , to mortifie it , then with his sizzers he nimbly cuts it off ; presently a powder is laid on to ease the pain , and afterward salt . the childs hands being loosed , looketh , as he is taught by the priest , towards heaven , and lifting up the first finger of his right hand , saith these words : god is one god , and mahomet in his prophet . then he is carried home in state after some prayers and offerings at the church . sometimes the child is circumcised at home ; and receiveth his name , not then , but when he is born . they feast then commonly three days , which ended , the child is carried with pomp to the bath , and from thence home , where he is presented with divers gifts from his parents friends . women are not circumcised , but are tied to make profession of their mahumetan faith . q. what rites doe they observe about the sick and dead ? a. their priests and chief friends visit them , exhort them to repentance , and read psalms to them . when any dieth , the priest compasseth the corps with a string of beads , made of lignum aloes , praying god to have mercy on him ; then the priests carry it into the garden , wash it , and cover it with its own garments , with flowers also and persumes , and his turband is set on his head . women perform this office to the body of a woman . this done , the body is carried to the temple with the head forwards , and set down at the church-door , whilst the priests are performing their service ; then it is carried to the burial-place without the city : the priests pray for his soul , are paid for their pains , and feasted at home . some part of their good cheer is set on the grave , for the soul to feed on , or for alms to the poor . they believe there are two angels , who with angry looks , and flaming firebrands , examine the dead party of his former life , whom they whip with fiery torches if he be wicked ; if good , they comfort him , and defend his body in the grave till the day of judgment ; but the bodies of the wicked are knocked down nine fathoms under ground , and tormented by their angry angels , the one knocking him with an hammer , the other tearing him with an hook , till the last day ; against this torment the turks use to pray at the graves of the dead . the women there do not accompany the dead to the grave , but stay at home weeping , and preparing good cheer for the priests and others of the departed mans friends . they believe that when the corps hath been in the grave on quarter of an hour , that a new spirit is put into it , is set upon its knees , and is examined by the foresaid angels of his faith and works . they believe also that it is a work of charity , and conducible to the soul of the defunct , if the birds , beasts , or ants be fed with the meat which they set on the graves of the dead . q. how far hath this mahumetan superstition got footing in the world ? a. though it be not so far extended as gentilisme , yet it hath over-reached christianity ; not in europe , where christianity prevaileth , but in africa where it hath thrust out the ancient christian churches , and erected the half-moon in flead of the crosse , except it be among the abyssins , and some small places held by the spaniard or portugal : but in asia it hath got deeper footing , having over-run arabia , turkie , persia , some part of mogols countrey , and tartaria , onely here and there some smal congregations of christians are to be found . in america indeed it is not as yet known . now the reasons why this superstition is so far spread , are these . . the continual jars , frivolous debates , and needless digladiations about questions of religion among christians , which hath made the world doubt of the truth thereof , and takes away the end and scope of religion , which is to unite mens affections ; but the remedy is become the disease , and that which should cure us , woundeth us . . the wicked and scandalous lives both of christian laity and clergy : for the mahumetans generally are more devour in their religious duties , and more just in their dealings . . the mahumetan conquests have in those parts propagated their superstition . . their religion is more pleasing to the sense then christianity ; for men are more affected with sensitive pleasures , which mahomet proffers in his paradise , then with spiritual , which are lesse known , and therefore lesse desired . . the greatnesse of the turkish tyranny over christians ; the rewards and honours they give to those that will turn muselmen , or mahumetans , are great inducements for weak spirits to embrace that religion ; for a christian runegado that will receive circumcision among them , is carried about the streets with great joy and solemnity , is presented with many gifts , and made free from all taxes ; for which very cause , many , both greeks and albanians , have received circumcision . . the liberty which is permitted to multiply wives , must needs be pleasing to carnal-minded men . . they permit no man to dispute of their alcoran ; to call any point of their religion in question ; to sell the alcoran to strangers , or to translate it into other languages : it is death to offend in any of these , which is the cause of much quietnesse and concord among them . . they inhibit the profession of philosophy among them , and so they keep the people in darknesse and ignorance , not suffering the light to appear and to detect their errors . . they teach , that all who live a good life shall be saved , whatsoever his religion be ; this makes many weak christians revolt from their holy faith without scruple or check of conscience ; for what care they , whether they serve christ or mahomet , so they be saved ? . they hold , that after a certain time of torments in hell , the wicked shall be released from thence ; this doctrine is more pleasing to wicked men then christianity , which admits of no redemption from hell , nor any mitigation of eternal torments . . men are much taken with moral outsides , whereby the turks exceed christians ; for they are more modest in their conversation generally then we ; men and women converse not together promiscuously , as among us ; they are lesse sumptuous in their buildings ; lesse excessive and phantastical in their clothes ; more sparing in their dyet , and altogether abstemious ; more devout and reverend in their churches , so that they will not suffer a piece of paper to be trod upon , or lie on the ground , but will take it up , kisse it , and lay it in some place out of danger ; and this is , because the name of god and mahomets law is written upon paper ; they are also more sober in their speeches and gesture , and more obedient to their superiors then we are . . there is nothing more pleasing to our nature then private revenge , which by christs law is prohibited , but by the mahumetan law is allowed ; for they are to hate , and to kill their enemy , if they can . , arianism had infected most of the eastern churches ; therefore it was no wonder if they received mahomets doctrine , which was grounded upon arius his heresie . . they suffer no man to blaspheme christ , but honour him , and speak reverently of him ; so they do of moses and abraham , which makes that neither iews nor christians are in those parts much averse from , or violent against their religion . . they have been alwayes very zealous and diligent in gaining proselytes , and yet force no man. for these , and such like reasons , let us not wonder at the great encrease of mahumetanisme in the world . q. of what continuance is mahumetanisme ? a. mahomet was born in the year of christ , . in the time of s. gregory the pope , and mauritius the emperour : according to genebrard he lived . years , of which he spent . years in spreading of his doctrine , then died in the year of our lord . constance being emperour , and eugenius the first pope ; so that mahumetanisme hath lasted already above . years , to the great oppression and vexation of the church of christ , and to the eternal dishonour of christian princes , who if they had spent but the tenth part of that blood against the turks , which they have shamefully and sinfully shed in their own private quarrels , there had not been at this day any remainder of that damnable sect , which hath longer continued a scourge to the church of christ , then ever any enemy did against gods people of old . for the egyptians oppressed the israelites scarce . years ; the canaanites . years ; the moabites . years ; the philistines . years ; the assy●ians and chaldeans from the first to the last , did not ●ex & oppress gods people above . years ; afterward they were oppressed by antiochus epiphanes years ; the christian church from nero till constantine was afflicted about . years ; and afterward by the goths and lombards nere . years . but this oppression of the church by mahomet hath , as i said , lasted above a thousand years . the reasons are divers as i have shewed in the former question , to which may be added these . . by this long persecution and tyranny of the turks , god will try and exercise the faith , patience , constancy , and other vertues of his people , which would corrupt and purrifie like standing water , or moab ●●tled upon the lees , not being poured from vessel to vessel . how can the courage of a souldier be known but in a skirmish ? or the skill of a mariner , but in a storm ; marcet sine adversario virtus ; that tree , saith seneca , is most strongly rooted in the ground , which is most shaken with the wind . nulla est a●or fortis & solida , nisi in quam venti saepius incursant , ipsa enim ●exatiane constringitur , & adices certius figit . . god is pleased to continue this tyranny and power of the mahumetans , to the end that christian princes may love each other , and stick close together against the common enemy ; that their military discipline might be exercised abroad , and not at home : for this cause the wisest of the romans were against the utter destruction of carthage ; fearing least the romans wanting an enemy abroad , should exercise their swords against themselves ; which fell out accordingly . for the same cause god would not utterly destroy the philistines , ammonites , moabites , and other neighbouring enemies of the iewes . but such is the madnesse of christians , that though we have so potent an enemy close at our doores , ready to devour us , yet wee are content to sheath that sword into our owne bowels , which we should imploy against the common foe . . god will have this sword of mahumetanisme to hang over our heads , and this scourge to be still in our eyes , that thereby wee may be kept the more in awe and obedience ; that if at any time we start aside like a broken bow , we may returne againe in time , considering god hath this whip ready and at hand to correct us . thus god lest the canaanites among the jewes , to be pricks in their eyes , and goads in their sides . i will not ( saith the lord ) drive out any from before them of the nations which joshua left when he died ; that through them i might prove israel , whether they will keep the way of the lord to walk tberein , &c. therefore the lord left these nations without driving them out hastily . see iudg. . , . & . , , , &c. . god is content to continue this mahumetan sect so long , because justice is exercised among them , without which a state or kingdome can no more stand then a tree without a root , or an house without a foundation ; they are also zealous and devout in their way ; and great enemies to idolatry , so that they will permit no images to be painted or carved among them , knowing that god is not offended so much against any sin as against idolatry , which is spiritual adultery , most destructive of that matrimonial conjuction between god and us . . the lord by the long continuance of mahumetanism , will punish the perfidiousnesse and wickednesse of the greek emperours , as likewise the multitude of heresies and schisms hatched in that church . . this sect of mahumeranism is so made up of christianism , judaism and gentilism , that it abates the edge of any of these nations , from any eager desire of its extirpation . the contents of the seventh section . the christian religion propagated . . the decay thereof in the east by mahumetanism . . persecution and heresie the two great enemies thereof . . simon magus the first heretick , with his disciples . . menander , saturninus , and basilides , hereticks . . the nicholaitans and gnosticks . . the carpocratians . . cerinthus , ebion , and the nazarites . . the valentinians , secundians , and prolemians , . the marcites , colarbassi ▪ and heracleonites . . the ophites , cainites , and sethites . . the archonticks and ascothyprae . . cerdon and marcion . . apelles , severus , and tacianus . . the cataphrygians . . pepuzians , quintilians , and artotyrites . . the quartidecimani and alogiani . . the adamians , elcesians , and theodocians . . the melchisedicians , bardesanists , and noetians , . the valesians , catheri , angelici , and apostolici . . the sabellians , originians , and originists . . the samosatenians and photinians . . the manichaean religion . , the hierachites , melitians , and arians : . the audians , semi-arians , and macedonians . . the aerians , aetians , and apollinarists . . the antidicomarianits , messalians and metangismonites . . the hermians , proclianites , and patricians . . the ascites , pattalorinchites , aquarii , and coluthiani . . the floriani , aeternales , and nudipidales . . the donatists , priscillianists , rhetorians , and feri . . the theopaschites , tritheits , aquei , melitonii , ophei , tertullii , liberatores , and nativitarii . . the luciferians , jovinianists , and arabicks . . the collyridians , paterniani , tertullianists , and abelonites . . the pelagians , predestinati , and timotheans . . the nestorians , eutychians , and their spawn . sect . vii . quest. what is the other great religion professed in europe ? a. christianity ; which is the doctrine of salvation , delivered to man by christ jesus the son of god , who assuming our nature of a pure virgin , taught the jewes the true way to happinesse , confirming his doctrine by signes and miracles ; at length sealed it with his blood ; and so having suffered death for our sins , and rose again for our justification , he ascended to his father , leaving twelve apostles behind him to propagate this doctrine through the world , which they did accordingly , confirming their words with miracles , and their own blood ; and so this light of the gospel scattered all the fogs and mists of gentile superstition ; at the sight of this ark of the new covenant , the dagon of idolatry fell to the ground : when this lyon of the tribe of iudah did roar , all the beasts of the forrest , that is , the pagan idols or devils rather hid themselves in their dens . apollo complained that his oracles failed him , and that the hebrew child had stopped his mouth . when it was proclaimed at palotes by thanas the egyptian ship-master , that the great god pan was dead , all the evil spirits were heard to howl and bewail the overthrow of their kingdom , porphirie complained that the preaching of christ had weakened the power of their gods , and hindred the gain of their priests . the bones of babylas so hindered apollo that he could deliver no oracle while they were there . the delphick temple fell down with earthquake and thunder , when iulian sent to consult with the oracle . such was the irresistible power of the two-edged sword which came out of christs mouth , that nothing was able to withstand it . the little stone cut out of the mountain without hands smot the great image of nebuchadnezzar , and brake it in pieces ; to the doctrine of twelve poor weak fishermen , did the great potentates of the world submit their scepters . thus the stone which the builders refused , became the head of the corner ; it was the lords doing , and its marveilous in our eyes . the terrible beast which with his iron teeth destroyed all the other beasts , is destroyed by the weaknesse of preaching , against which the more the roman empire strugled , the more it was foiled , and found by experience that the blood of martyrs was the seed of the church , which conquered the great conquerours , not with acting , but with suffering , not by the sword , but by the word , and more by their death then by their life : like so many sampsons triumphing over these philistines in their death and torments . q. . seeing the power of religion was so irresistible in the beginning , that it carried all like a torrent before it , how came it to grow so weake within yeers , that it yielded to mahumetanism ? a. when god saw that the ungrateful professors of christianity began to loath that heavenly manna , and to covet for quales of new doctrin , he gave them leave to eat and poyson themselves therewith . he was not bound to cast pearls before swine , and to give that which was holy to dogs . in his just judgements he removed the candlestick from those who rejected the light , and delighted themselves in darknesse ; it was fit the kingdom of god should be taken from them , and given to a people that should bring forth the fru●ts thereof . they deserved to be plagued with a famine who grew wanton and spurned against their spiritual food . besides , when the devil perceived he could do no good by open hostility and persecution , but the more burden he laid upon the palme , the more it flourished , and the oftener he flung the gyant of religion to the ground , the stronger it grew with antaeus ; he resovled at last to joyn the foxes tayl to the lio●s skin , and to try whether the heat of the sun would not make the traveller sooner forsake his cloak , th●n the impetuosity of the winde . he choaks all zea●e and sincerity with the baits of wealth and honour ; he poysons them with ambition , pride , covetousnesse , and envie ; the evil man sowed the ●ases of dissention and heretical doctrines in the lords fields ; the spiritual husbandmen grew carelesse and idle , the shepherds neglect their flocks , the dogs grow dumb , and so the lords sheep are suffered to stray , and become a prey to the wolves . the watch-men being inebriated with honour , wealth , ease , and security , fall asleep on the walls , and let the enemy feise upon the lords city . it was not then the weaknesse of christian religion that was the cause of mahomets prevailing ; for the heat of the sun is not weak , though it cannot soften the clay ; not is the good seed that is cast into barren ground , to be blamed , if it doth not fructifie ; neither is the preaching of the gospel impotent aud weak , because it doth not alwayes edifie . all the water in the sea cannot mollifie a rock , nor all the rain in the clouds secundate a stony barren ground . the subject must be capable , or else the agent cannot operate . mahumetanism then prevailing upon christianity , proceeded from the voluntary perversnesse of mens hearts , from the malice and craft of the devil , and from the just judgements of the almighty . q. . what were the engines that satan used to overthrow religion in the beginning ? a. open persecution and heresie ; with the one he destroyed the bodies , with the other he poysoned the souls of christians . persecution with saul killed its thousands , but heresie with david , ten thousand . persecution was the arrow that did flie by day ; but heresie the pestilence that raged in the darknesse . persecution was the pruning knife that lopped the branches of religion , but heresie the axe laid to the root of the tree . persecution was the dragon that drove the woman into the wildernesse , but heresie the beast that spake blasphemies . open persecution began in nero a tyrant , but heresie in simon a witch . open persecution began about yeers after christs ascention , but heresie immediatly after christs departure , about the sixth yeere , in the beginning of caligula's reign . persecution is the wild boar of the forrest , but heresie the little fox that eateth up the grapes of the lords vineyard . q. . who was the first heretick that opposed the orthodox religion , and what were his opinions ? a. simon called magus , because he was a witch ; a samaritan by birth , and a christian by profession ; he would have bought the gifts of the holy ghost for mony , act. . . he denyed the trinity , and affirmed himselfe to be the true god. he taught that the world was made by the angels , not by god. and that christ came not into the world , nor did he truly suffer . he denyed also the resurrection of the flesh , and permitted promiscuous marriages . he likewise affirmed that the true god was never known to the patriarchs and prophets . this point was afterward maintained by menander , cerinthus , nicholas , saturninus , and basilides succeeding hereticks . upon this doctrine also the tertullianists , and anthropomorphits grounded their heresie , in ascribing a humane body to god. his denying of the trinity , begot afterward the sabellians , samosatenians , montanists , praxians , photinians , and priscillianists . his heresie of the creation of the world by angels , begot the marcionites , manichees , and the angelick hereticks , who worshipped angels . in saying that christ came not , nor suffered , he gave occasion to the heresies of valentinians , cerdonians , marcionites , aphthardocites , docits , samosatenians , and mahumetans . upon his denyal of the resurrection , basilides , valentinus , carpocrates , apelles , and the hierarchits , grounded their heresies . besides , epicurism , libertinism , and atheism got vigour hereby . by permitting licentiousnesse and promiscuous copulation , he gave occasion to the basilidians , gnosticks , manichees , acatians , eunomians , and mahumetans to live like beasts , and to slight marriage . besides these impious opinions , he held magick and idolatry lawful . he gave to the angels barbarous names . he slighted the law of moses , as being not from god ; and blasphemously denyed the holy ghost to be a substance , but a bare vertue or operation , and caused his disciples to worship his whore helena , or selene , for a goddesse . q. . why did simon magus & his scholars , with many other hereticks since him , besides iews & mahumetans deny the trinity . a. partly the malice of satan who hates and persecutes the truth , partly the pride of hereticks who would seem wiser then the church , partly their ignorance , because by naturall reason they cannot comprehend this ineffable mystery , and partly malice against christ , whose divinity is denyed by jewes and mahumetans ; bred this heresie : notwithstanding the truth is plainly set down both in the old and new testament , asserted by all the greek and latin fathers , confirmed by all generall councills , and proved by all orthodox divines that it is no more repugnant to naturall reason for the father , sonne and holy ghost to be one god , then for the soul , mind , and body to be one man ; but because this doctrin is sufficiently proved by all divines both ancient and moderne , and all objections to the contrary answered and refuted , i will forbeare to set down what is so plain and obvious , already handled by so many pens , and will onely shew that the doctrin of the trinity was not unknown even by the light of nature to the gentile philosophers , poets and sibylls . zoroastres speaketh of the father , who having perfected all things hath delivered them to the second mind , which mind ( saith he ) hath received from the father knowledge and power . here is a plain testimony of the first and second person . concerning the third , he saith that the divine love proceeded from the mind or intellect , what else is this divine love but the holy ghost ? the chaldaean magi , which were their philosophers , acknowledged three beginnings , to wit ormases , mitris , and ariminis , that is god , the mind , and soul , mercurius trismegistus taught his egyptians that god who is life and light begot the word , who is the other intellect , and maker of all things , and together with him another who is the firie god , or spirit ; here the three persons are distinctly named . he sheweth also that the subtil intellectual spirit by the power of god did move in the chaos ; this is consonant to the words of moses , the spirit of god moved on the waters . orpheus singeth the praises of the great god , and of his word which he first uttered . pythagoras and his schollars were not ignorant of this mystrey , when they placed all perfection in the number of three , and made love the original of all things . zeno the stoick confesseth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word is god , and the spirit of iove . socrates acknowledgeth god to be the minde or intellect , that the essence of god is his idea , which he begets by the knowledge of himself , and by which he made the world. numenius the pythagorean , plotinus , iamblichus and others do write very plainly of the three hypostases or persons in the trinity , so that no christian can write more fully , as may be seen in their own words , as they are alleadged by du-plessis in his book of the truth of christian religion ; who citeth also certain oracles of serapis the egyptian chiefe idol or devil ; and of apollo out of suidns , by which we may see how the evil spirits are forced to confesse the trinity . i could also alledge the testimonies of the sybills to the same purpose ; but because i study brevity , and these heathen testimonies and sibyllin verses , are cited by clemens alexandrinus , origin against celsus , cyril against iulian , eusebius in his preparation , saint augustine in his bookes of the city , &c. i forbear to insist any more on this subject . and as the gentiles gave testimony to this plurality of persons , so did the jewes also , though now they reject this doctrine , thinking that we by worshipping the trinity , do worship three gods ; but their ancient rabbins do prove the trinity out of the old testament , as rabbi simeon , the sonne of iohai brings a place out of rabbi ibba upon deuteronomy . hearken o israel , the lord our god is one god. in the hebrew thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iehovah elohenu iehovah echad . he shewes that the first iehovah is god the father ; the second word elohenu our god is god the son ; for so he is called by the propher , and evangelist , emanuel , god with us . the third word iehovah , is god the holy ghost . and the fourth word echad , that is one , is to shew the unity of essence in this plurality of persons . many other passages i could alleadge out of the writings of the ancient rabbies to confirme this truth ; but this is already performed by galatinus in his books de arcanis catholicae veritatis . q. who were simons principal scholars , and what were their opinions ? a. . menander a samaritan also , and a magician . he flourished at rome , in the time of titus about . years afser christ. he held the same impious opinions that simon did ; but differed from him in saying that himself and not simon , was the saviour of the world ; and that therefore all should be baptized in his name , and not in the name of simon or christ , and that all such should in power excel the angels , and should live immortally here ; so he denied the resurrection of the flesh . to him succeeded saturninus and his fellow scholar basilides , about the fifteenth year of adrian the emperour , and after christ the hundreth . saturninus was of antioch , and infected syria with his poyson , as basilides did egypt . saturninus held the same impieties with simon and menander , but differed from them in saying that the world was made onely by seven angels , and not by all , against the will and knowledge of god. he taught also that some men were naturally good , and some naturally evil ; and that nothing must be eat that hath life in it , which was the doctrine afterward of the manichees . and impiously affirmed that some of the antient holy prophets spake , and were sent by satan . basilides also was a simonian heretick , but differed from him in holding there were so many heavens as dayes in the year , to wit . the chiefe god he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the letters of which name are contained . he held also that this inferiour world and man was created by the th or last heaven . he taught also that the superiour god abraxas begot the minde , this the word : of the word came providence , and of providence wisedome : of wisdom the angels were begot , the last of which was the god of the jewes , whom he calls an ambitious and a turbulent god , who had attemped to bring all nations in subiection to his people . he said that christ was sent by abraxas to oppose the turbulent god of the jewes , and doth not call him iesus and saviour , but goal a redeemer . he held it unlawful to suffer martyrdom for christ ; he permitted idolatry , and taught that no voluntary sin was pardonable , and that faith was not the gift of god , but of nature , as also election . the other errours which this egyptian held ( for he was of alexandria ) were the same that simon maintained . q. . what was the religion of the nicholaitans and gnosticks ? a. the nicholaitans , so called from nicholas one of the seven deacons , act. . and whose works christ hated , rev. . gave themselves to all uncleannesse and sflshly lusts , teaching that men ought to have their wives in common . they made no scruple of eating things offered to idols . at their meetings or love feasts , they used to put out the lights , and commit promiscuous adulteries with each others wise . they taught that the world was made by the copulation of light and darknesse , out of which angels , dae●ons , and men were procreated . mans seed and menstruous blood were with them sacred , and used by the gnosticks in their divine service , whereby they brought an odium upon christianity . they would not have god but angels creators of this inferiour world , which angels they called by divers barbarous names . nicholas the father of this sect , was by birth an antiochian , whose doctrine began to spread about the beginning of domitians reign , after christ yeers , before s. iohns banishment into pathmos . the professors of this sect did long retain the name of nicolaitans , but were called gnosticks from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowledge , which proud title they gave themselves , as if their knowledge had been transcendent above other men . but their knowledge was so whimsical , that neither they , or any else understood it ; they babled much concerning their aeones , and of ialdabaoth , who made the heavens , and all things we see , of water . they ascribed divers sons to their chief aeon , to wit , ennoia , barbeloth , and prunicon , which they named christ. they held that most things were procreated of the chaos , and the abysse of water and darknesse . they taught also that in faithful men were two souls , one holy , of the divine substance , the other adventitious by divine insufflation , common to man and beasts . these are the souls that sin , and which passe from man to beast , after the opinion of pythagoras , they held also there were two gods , a good and an evill ; as the manichees afterward did . they made jesus and christ two distinct persons , and that christ descended into iesu● when he was thirty yeers old , and then he wrought miracles . on this doctrin the eutychians and nestorians grounded their heresies . they would have none to suffer martyrdom for christ , who they said conversed on the earth after his resurrection moneths . this heresie was much spread in asia and egypt about yeers after christ , and in spain it flourished after christ yeers . out of this sink , the valentinians , manichees , and priscillianists sucked their poyson . q. . of what religion were the carpocratians ? a. carpocrates by birth an alexandrian in egypt , who flourished about the yeer of christ . in the time of antoninus pius , and was contemporary with saturnius ; this carpocrates , i say , ta●ght there were two opposite gods ; that the law and good works were needlesse to those that had faith : that we could not avoid the rage of evil spirits , but by doing evil , for that was the way to please them . therefore they gave themselves over to magick and a libidinous life . they taught also that christ was a meer man , and that their master carpocrates was the better man ; hence sprung up the samosatenians and arrians . they said also that christ was begot as other men , of ioseph and mary ; and that onely his soul ascended into heaven . they held pythagorean transanimation , but denyed the resurrection , and that this world was not made by god , but by satan . because their disciples should not publish their abominable mysteries , they put a mark by a bodkin on their right eare. carpocrates carryed about with him his punk marcellina . q. . what was the religion of cerinthus , ebion , and the nazarites ? a. cerinthus being a jew by birth , and circumcised , taught that all christians ought to be circumcised : he lived in the time of s. iohn the apostle , who would not enter into the same bath with that pernicious heretick . he spred his heresie in domitians time , about yeers after christ. he held the same impious tenets that carpocrates , and taught that it was iesus who died and rose again , but not christ. he denyed the article of life eternal , and taught that the saints should enjoy in ierusalem carnall delights for yeers ; the maintainers of this whimsie afterward were the origenists , chiliasts , or millenaries , and on this mahomes founded his paradise . ebion was a samaritan by birth , but he would be esteemed a jew . he lived also in domitians time . he denyed christs divinity , and held the necessity of the ceremonial law , with cerinthus : and that the use of flesh was unlawfull , because all flesh was begot of impure generation : the ebionites , of all the new-testament admitted only s. matthews gospel , because it was written in hebrew . the ebionite heresie did not continue long under the name of ebion , but under other names , to wit , sampsei , and elcesitae . against these hereticks s. iohn , who lived in their time , wrote his gospel , to prove christs divinity ; they rejected s. pauls epistles because they refell the ceremonial law. as for the nazarites , or nazarens , they were before cerinthus and ebion , about the end of nero , yeers after christ. they were the first that retained circumcision with baptism , and the ceremonial law with the gospel . they were led much with private revelations and enthusiasms . they had more gospels then one ; to wit , the gospel of eve , and that which they called the gospel of perfection . they were much addicted to fables . noahs wife they called ouria , which signifieth fire in chaldee ; she often times set the ark on fire , which therefore was so many times rebuilt . they make her also the first that imparted to mankinde the knowledge of angels . q. what was the heretical religion of the valentinians , secundians , and ptolemians ? a. the valentinians , who from their whimsical knowledge were called gnosticks , had for their master , valentinus an egyptian , who lived in the time of antoninus pius emperor , about a yeers after christ. he taught that there were aeones , ages , or worlds , who had their beginning from profundity and silence ; that being the male , this the female . of the marriage or copulation of these two , were begot vnderstanding and truth , who brought forth eight aeones . of the vnderstanding and truth were begot the word and life , which produced . aeones . the word and life brought forth man and the church , and of these were procreated . aeones ; these . . and . joyned together , made up the . the last of these . being abortive ▪ produced the heaven , earth , and sea. out of his imperfections were procreated divers evils , as darkness out of his fear , evil spirits out of his ignorance , out of his tears springs and rivers ; and out of his laughter light . they also taught that christs body was meerly spiritual , and passed through the virgin , as through a conduit or pipe . evil was natural ( they said ) to the creature , and therefore they made god the author of evil , which afterward was the doctrine of the manichees . they held that onely the soul was redeemed , and that there should be no resurrection of the body . faith ( they taught ) was natural , and consequently salvation , which all did not attain for want of good works ; this was the pelagian doctrine afterward . they made three sorts of men ; to wit , spiritual , who were saved by faith onely : these they called the sons of seth ; hence the sethian hereticks . the second sort are animal , or natural , who are saved by works , and are of abel ; hence the abelites . the third sort are carnal , who cannot be saved ; these are of cain ; hence the cainite hereticks . they eat of things offered to idols ; slighted good works as needlesse , and rejected the old prophets . valentinus his chiefe scholar and successor was secundus , whose disciples called secundians , changed the name , but retained the doctrine of valentinus , permitting all kind of vicious life , in that they held knowledge without good works would bring men to heaven . valentinus held that the aeones were only the effects of the divine minde ; but secundus said they were true essences , subsisting by themselves . he added also light and darknesse to the eight principal aeones , and so made up ten . to secundus succeeded ptolomaeus in valentinus his school . he gave to bathos , or profundity , two wives ; to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is cogitation ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , will. by the former wife , bythus , he procreated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the minde ; and by the other he begot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the truth . pt●lomaeus also slighted the old law. q. . of what opinions were the marcites , colarba●● , and heracleonites ? a. marcus was a notable magician , who lived under antoninus pius , about . years after christ. his scholars called themselves perfect , and bragged that they were more excellent then peter or paul. they denyed christ humanity , & the resurrection of the flesh . they held two contrary beginnings , or gods ; to wit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , silence ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , speech . from these the marcionites and manichees borrowed their two principles . they retained their aeones of valentinus , but reduced them to four ; to wit , silence , speech , and two unnamed , so in stead of the christian trinity , they held a quaternity . they taught that all men , and every member in mans body , were subject to , and governed by certain letters and characters . they baptized not in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost ; but in the name of the father unknown , of truth the mother of all , and of him who descended upon jesus . by magical words they bragged that they could turn the sacramental wine into blood , and bring downe the grace of god from heaven into the chalice . the colarbasians , so called from colarbas , or colarbasus the author of that sect , ascribed the life , actions , and event● of man , and all humane affairs to the seven planets , as authors thereof . they held also but one person in the deity , called by different names . they divide jesus from christ , as the nestorians afterward ; and taught that christ was as a flower compacted and made up of the . aeones . heracleon , father of the heracleonites ▪ lived about . years after christ. these divided the aeones into good and bad , and held two beginnings , to wit , profundity and silence . profundity they held to be the most ancient of all ; and that of this with silence , all the other aeones were procreated . they said that man consisted of a soul , body , and some third substance ; they held it no sin to deny christ , in danger of life ▪ with the mouth , if so be the heart believed in him . they used in their praye●s superstitious and magical words , to drive away devils . and they thought by anointing their dead with water , oyl , and balsame , to free them from eternal death . q. . of what religion were the ophites , cainites , and sethites ? a. these were called also ophei and ophiomorphi from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the serpent which they worshipped . this sect began about the year of christ . they taught that christ was the serpent which deceived eve ; and that he in the form of a serpent entred the virgins womb. in the eucharist they used to produce a serpent by inchanting words out of his hole , or rather box , in which they carried him about ; neither did they think that the sacramental bread was consecrated till that serpent had first touched it , or tasted thereof ; they denyed also the resurrection of the flesh , and christs incarnation . the caini were so called because they worshipped cain as the author of much goodnesse to mankind , so they worshipped esau , core , dathan , abiram and iudas , who betrayed christ , saying that he foreknew what happinesse should come to mankind by christs death , therefore he betrayed him . some of this sect were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , resisters of god , for they opposed him what they could in his laws , therefore rejected the law of moses as evil ; and worshipped the wicked angels , whom they pleased by their evil actions , they taught also that we were evil by nature , and that the creator of the world was an unknown god , and envious to cain , esau , and iudas . the sethites so called fr●m seth , adams son whom they worshipped , lived most in egypt . about the same time that the cainites florished . they thought that seth was born of a superiour vertue which they called mother . she of the chief god brought forth seth the father of all the elect : so they make seth a part of the divine substance who came in place of abel , who by the envy of some angels stirring up cain against him , was slain . they prate also that by the cunning of some angels some of cains posterity were preserved in the ark , from the flood which was sent by this great mother to punish the cainites for the murthering of abel . of this posterity of cain proceed all wicked men . they denied the resurrection , and held that the angels had carnal commerce with women , and of this copulation two men were produced , the one earthly the other heavenly being an hermaphrodite , who was created to gods image , who as they blasphemously taught is an hermaphrodite , and so adam also . they make christ who was born of the virgin , to be no other then seth. q. . what religion did the archonticks professe and the ascothyp●ae ? a. these were the last of the valentinian hereticks ; ca●●ed archontici , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is ; principalities , these they worshipped as inferior gods , father of the angels , and creators of the world ; of photenia the mother , were the angels begot by these archontes . one peter an anachorit , and a monk of palestina was author of this sect , in the time of constantius the son of constantine , about the year of christ , . these spawned anothed sect , which they called ascothyptas , because they brake in pieces all the plate and vessels used in the sacrament ; for they rejected the sacraments of the church ▪ they despised good works , and gave themselves to all uncleannesse , and slighted the old testament , denied the resurrection , and sacraments , as is said , thinking it unlawful to represent spiritual and heavenly things by corporal and earthly . they thought that the devil begot cain and abel of eve ; both these sons were reprobates . and that a man who hath knowledge and saith may be saved , let his life be never so vitious , and that the devil was the son of the jewish , but not of the christian god. they also affixed to each heaven or sphere an angel , as the peripate●icks did an intelligence . q. . what was the religion of cerdon and marcion ? a. cerdon lived about the time of valentinus the heretick , under antoninus pius emperor yeers after christ ; he taught that there were two contrary gods ; the one a god of mercy and pitty , the other of justice and severity , whom he called evil , cruel , and the maker of the world . the former god he called good , and the father of christ , and author of the gospel ; but moses law they rejected and the old testament , as proceeding from the other god , to wit , of justice . the cerdonians also denyed the resurrection of the flesh and humanity of christ ; affirming that he was not born of a virgin , nor suffered but in shew . marcion , by birth a paphlagonian neer the euxin sea , was cerdons scholar , whose opinions he preferred to the orthodox religion , out of spleen because his father bishop marcion excommunicated him for whoredom , and because he could not without true repentance be received again into the church ; therefore he professed and maintained cerdons heresies at rome , in the time of m. antoninus philosophus , . years after christ , but he refined some points , and added to them some of his own phansies . with cerdon he held two contrary gods , and denied christs incarnation of the virgin , and therefore blotted his genealogy out of the gospel , affirming his body to be from heaven , not from the virgin. he denied that this world , by reason of the ataxie and disorder in it , could be the work of the good god . he rejected the old testament and the law , as repugnant to the gospel ; which is false , for their is no repugnancy . he denied the resurrection , and taught that christ by descending into hell , delivered from thence the souls of cain , esau , the sodomites , and other reprobates , translating them into heaven . he condemned the eating of flesh , and the married life ; and renewed baptism upon every grievous fall into sin . if any of the catechumeni died , some in their name were baptised by the marcionites . they also baptised and administred the eucharist in presence of the catechumeni , against the custom of the church . they permitted women also to baptize . they condemned all wars as unlawfull , and held transanimation with the pythagoreans . q. . what was the religion of apelles , severus , and tatianus ? a. apelles whose scholars were called apellitae , was marcions disciple , and a syrian by birth . he flourished under commodus the emp●ror , about . years after christ. he taught that there was but one chief god , to whom was subordinat a fierie god who appeared to moses in the bush , who made the world , and gave the law to the israelites , and was their god. he gave to christ a body compacted of the stary , and elementary substance , and appeared in the shape onely of man. this body when he ascended , he left behind him , every part thereof ▪ returning to their former principles ; and that christs spirit is onely in heaven ▪ he rejected the law and prophets , and denied the resurrection . severus , author of the severians , was contemporarie with apelles under commodus , . years after christ. he used the company of one philumena a strumpet and witch . he taught his disciples to abstain from wine , as being poyson begot of satan in the form of a serpent , with the earth . the world he said was made by certain powers of angels , which he called by divers barbarous names , he hated women and marriage , denied the resurrection , the old testament , and prophets , using in stead of them , certain apocryphall books . tatianus , a bad scholar of a good master , iustin martyr , was a mesopotamian by birth , and lived under m. antoninus philosophus , . years after christ ; his disciples were called tatiani from him , and encratitae from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temperance or continence , for they abstain from wine , flesh , and marriage . they were called also hydro-paristatae , users of water , for in stead of wine they made use of water in the sacrament . they held that adam was never restored to mercy after his fall . and that all men the sons of adam are damned without hope of salvation except the tatiani . they condemned the law of moses , the eating of flesh , and the use of wine , and held procreation of children to be the work of satan ; yet they permitted , though unwilingly , monogamy , or the marrying once , but never again , they denied that god made male and female , and that christ was the seed of david . q. . of what religion were the cataphrygians ? a. montanus disciple to tatianus who was his contemporary , was author of this sect , who for a while were from him called montanists ; but being ashamed of his wicked life , and unhappy end , they were afterward from the country where he was born , and which was first infected with his heresie , called cataphrygians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : they were named also tascodragitae , because they used in praying to thrust their forefingers into their nostrills , to shew their devotion , and anger for sin . tascus in their language , signifieth a long slick , or slaff , and druggus their nose , as if you would say perticonasati , as the interpreter of epiphanius translates it . they loved to be called spirituales , because they bragged much of the gifts of the spirit ; others that were not of their opinion , they called naturual men . this heresie began about . years after christ , and lasted above . years . he had two strumpets which followed him , to wit prisca and maximilla , these forsook their husbands , pretending zeal to follow montanus ; whereas indeed they were notorious whoors : they took upon them to prophesie , and their dictates were held by montanns as divine oracles , but at last , he and they ▪ for company hanged themselves . he blasphemously held himself not onely to be in a higher measure inspired by the holy ghost , then the apostles were , but also said that he was the very spirit of god , which in some small measure descended on the apostles ; he condemned second marriages , and yet allowed incest . he trusted altogether to revelations and enthusiasmes , and not to the scripture . in the eucharist , these wretches mingled the bread with infants blood ; they confounded the persons of the trinity , affirming the father suffered ; q. . what was the religion of the pepuzians , quintilians , and artotyrites ? a. these were disciples of the cataphrygians : pepuzians were so called from pepuza a town between galatia and cappadocia , where montanus dwelt , and quintillians from quintilla another whorish prophetesse , and companion to prisca and maximilla . they held peprza to be that new ierusalem fore told by the prophets , and mentioned in the epistle to the hebrews , and in the revelatien . in this they said we should enjoy life eternal . they perferred women before men , affirming that christ assumed the form of a women , not of a man. and that he was the author of their wicked tenets . they commended eve for eating the forbidden fruit , saying that by so doing , she was the author of much happinesse to man. they admitted woman to ecclesiastical functions , making bishops and priests of them ▪ to preach , and administer the sacraments . they mingled also the sacramental bread with humane blood. the artotyritae were so called from offering bread and cheefe in the sacrament in stead of wine , because our first parents offered the fruits of the earth , and of sheep , and because god excepted abels sacrifice which was the fruits of his sheep , of which cheese cometh ; therefore they held cheese more acceptable then wine . in other points they were pepuzians , and differed from them onely in cheese offering ; therefore they were called artotyritae , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bread , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cheese . q. . what was the religion of the tessarescae decatitae , or quarradecimani and of the alogiani ? a. the former of these were so called from observing easter on the fourteenth day of the moon in march , after the manner of the iewes , and they made saint iohn the author of that custome which was observed by the oriental churches , till pope victor excommunicated them , as schismaticks , in dissenting from the custome of the western church . this controversie fell out about the ▪ year of christ , severus then being emperour , and from the first original thereof continued . years . this heresie was condemned by the council of nice , and ordered that easter should be kept after the manner of the western church , which derived their custom from saint peter . these hereticks also denied repentance to those that fell after baptisme ; which was the novatian heresie . alogiani so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the privative , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word , because they denied christ to be the word , and consequently they denied his divinity , as ebion and cerinthus had done before , samos●tenus , a●●ius , and the mahumetans afterward . these alogiani rejected saint iohns gospel and his apocalypse , as not written by him , but by cerinthus , which is ridiculous ; for cerinthus denied christs divinity , which saint john asserteth , in writing , that the word was god. these hereticks were named also berilliani from berillus a bishop in arabia , who taught that christ was a man , and then became the word of god. the first broacher of this heresie is thought to be artemon a profane man , who lived about the time of severus emperour . years after christ , from him they were called artemonit● . q . what was the religion of the adamians , elcesians , and theodotians ? a. the adamians or adamites , so called either from one adam their author , or from adam the first man , whose nakednesse they imitate , sprung up shortly after the gnosticks , and were called prodiciani from one prodicus , whom they followed . of this sect there be many extant at this day . they held it unlawful for men or women to wear cloathes in their congregation and assemblies , seeing their meetings were the only paradise on earth , where they were to have life eternal , and not in heaven● ; as adam then in his paradise , so christians in theirs should be naken , and nor cloathed with the badges of their sin and shame . they rejected marriages as diabolical ; therefore they used promiscuous copulation in the dark ; they rejected also all prayers to god as needlesse , seeing he knew without us what we wanted . the elcesei , so called from elcesae , an impostor ; and sampsei from a spotted kind of serpent , which they represented in their changable dispositions , were much addicted to judicial astrology and soothsaying . they held two priests , one below made of the virgin , a meer man , and one above ; they confound christ with the holy ghost , and sometimes they call him christs sister , but in a masculine name , to both which persons they give longitude , latitude , and locality . to water they ascribe a divinity , and so they did to two whoores , marthus and marthana , the dust of whose feet and spittle they worshipped as holy reliques . they had a certaine apocrypha book , the reading whereof procured remission of ●in ; and they held it no sin to deny christ in time of persecution . this heresie began to spread , about . years after christ under gordian the emperor . see origen who writ against it . the theodocians so called from one theodo●us , or theodotion , who lived under severus emperour ; . years after christ. he was a byzantian by birth , and a tanner by profession , who taught that in times of persecution we may deny christ , and in so doing , we deny not god , because christ was meerly man , and that he was begotten of the seed of man. he also added to , and took from the writings of the evangelists what he pleased . q . what was the religion of the melchisedecians , bardesanists , and noetians ; a. the former were called melchisedecians for believing that melchisedeck was not a man , but a divine power superiour to christ , whom they held to be a meer man. one theodotus scholar to the former theodotus the tanner , was author of this sect , who lived under severus about . years after christ. the bardesanists were so called from one bardesanes a syrian who lived under verus the emperour , . years after christ. he taught that all things , even god himself , were subject to fate , or a stoical necessity , so that he took away all liberty , both from god and man , and that vertue and vice depended on the stars . he renewed also the whimsies of the aeones , by which he overthrew christs divinity , and denied the resurrection of the flesh . the noetians , so called from noetus born in smyrna , taught that there was but one person in the trinity , which was both mortal and immortal , in heaven god , and impatible ; on earth man , and patible . so they made a trinity , not of persons , but of names and functions . noetus also taught , that he was moses , and that his brother was aaron . this heretick was buried with the burial of an asse , and his city smyrna was overthrown eight years after he broached his heresie . he lived about . years after christ , under m. antoninus , and l. verus emperours . q. . of what religion were the valesians , the cathari , angelici , and apostolici ? a. the valesians so called from one valens , an arabian , who out of the doctrine of the gnosticks or tatians condemned marriage and procreation . therefore his scholars after the example of origen , gelded themselves , thinking none can enter into heaven but eunuchs . whereas the eunuchs christ speaks of be such , as by continence subdue the lusts of the flesh ; this heresie springing under iulianus philippus emperour about the year of christ . the cathari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so called by themselves , as if they were purer then other men , derived most of their tenets from novat●s , hence they were named novatians . this novatus lived under decius the emperour , after christ . years . he was an african born . this heresie lasted till the time of arcadius , to wit , . years ; they denyed repentance to those who fell after baptism , they bragged much of their sanctity and good works . they condemned second marriages as adulterous . they used rebaptization as the donatists did afterward . they rejected also oyl or chrism in baptisme . the angelici were so called from worshipping of angels ; it seems this heresie was begun in the apostles time , who condemneth it ; but had its growth shortly after the melchisedecians , about the year of christ . the apostolici were so called from imitating the holinesse of the apostles ; these were the spawn of the encratites , about the year of christ . they rejected all married people as uncapable of heaven , and held that the apostles perpetually abstained from marriage . they had all things in common , holding those unfit for heaven who had any thing peculiar to themselves . they denied repentance and reconciliation to those that fell after baptism . in stead of the evangelists , they used apocrypha books , as the gospel , according to the egyptians ; the act of andrew and thomas . these hereticks were called also apotactitae by the latines , and by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from renouncing of the world . q. . what was the religion of the sabellians , originians , and originists ? a. the sabellians were indeed all one in opinion with the noetians , but this name grew more famous then the other ; for sabellius an african by birth , was a better scholar then noetus . sabellianisme began to be known about the year of christ . under the persecution of valerian . they held there was but one person in the trintry : whence it followeth that the father suffered ; therefore they were named patripassiani . this one person or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , say they , is called by divers names as occasion serves . the originians were so called from one origines a monk , who lived in egypt and was disciple to antony . these condemned marriage , extolled concubinat , and yet were enemies to propagation , committing the sin of onan . they also reject such books of the old and new testament , as seem to favour marriage . the origenists or adamantians wree so called from that famous origen , who for his constancy in times of persecution , and for his inexhausted labours , was named adamantïus . his errours began to spred about the year of christ . under aurelian the emperour , and continued above . years . they were condemned first in the council of alexandria . years after his death ; and again in the fifth generall council of constantinople under iustinian the first , they held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a revolution of souls from their estate and condition after death , into the bodies again , to converse in the world ; and so by denying the perpetuity of our future estate , either in heaven or hell , by consequence they denyed the resurrection of the flesh . they held also that the punishments of the devils and reprobates should last only a . years , and then should be saved . they taught that christ and the holy ghost do no more see the father , then we see the angels ; that the son is coessential to the father , but not coeternal ; because , say they , the father created him , as he did also the holy spirit . that the soules were created long before this world , and for sinning in heaven were sent down into their bodies , as into prisons . they did also overthrow the whole historical truth of scriptures by their allegories . q. . what was the religion of the samosatenians , and photinians ; a. paulus samosatenus was so called from samosata , where he was born , near euphrates . his scholars were called paulinians and samosatenians , and afterward photinians , lucians , and marcellians , from these new teachers . their beleef was , that christ was meerly man , and had no being till his incarnation . this heresie was taught . years before samosatenus , by artemon , and was propagated afterward by photinus , lucian , and marcellus , arrius , and mahomet . they held that the godhead dwelt not in christ bodily , but as in the prophets of old , by grace and efficacy , and that he was onely the external , not the internal word of god. therefore they did not baptize in his name ; for which cause the councel of nice rejected their baptisme as none , and ordered they should be rebapti● zed , who were baptized by them . this heresie under the name of samosatenus brake out about . years after christ ; and hath continued in the eastern parts ever since . the photinians , so called from photinus , born in the lesser galatia , held the same heresie with samosatenus , and began to propagate it about the year of christ . at syrmium , where he was bishop , under canstantius the emperor ; and before him , marcellus his master under constantine the great , publickly taught it , affirming also that the trinity was the extention of the divinity , which is dilated into three , and contracted again into one , like wax being contracted , may be dilated by heat . this heresie was much spread under valens the arrian emperor . years after christ. q. . what was the manichean religion ? a. manes a persian by birth , and a servant by condition , was father of the manichean sect ; which was the sink of almost all the former heresies , for from the marcionites they derived their opinion of two principles , or gods , one good , the other bad . with the encratites they condemned the eating of flesh , egges , and milk ; they held also with the anthropomorphites , that god had members , and that he was substantially in every thing , though never so base , as dung and dirt , but was separated from them by christs comming , and by the elect , manichea●s eating of the fruits of the earth , whose intestins had in them a cleansing and separating vertue . they condemned also the use of wine , as being the gall of the princes of darknesse . with marcion also they rejected the old testament , and currilated the new , by excluding christs genealogies ; and said , that he who gave the law , was not the true god. they babled also , that there was a great combat between the princes of darknesse , and of light ; in which , they who held for god , were taken captives , for whose redemption god laboureth still . with the ophites they held that christ was the serpent which deceived our first parents ; and with divers of the precedent hereticks , not onely did they deny christs divinity , but his humanity also ; affirming that he fained himself to suffer , die , and rise again ; and that it was the devil who truly was crucified . with valentinus they taught that christs body was fixed to the stars , and that he redeemed only our souls , not our bodies ; with the former hereticks , they denyed the resurrection , and with pythagoras , held transanimation . with montanus , manes held that he was the true para●let , or comforter , which christ promised to send . with the gentiles they worshipped the sun , moon , and some idols . with anaxago●as , they held the sun and moon to be ships ; and taught that one schacla made adam and eve. they make no scruple to swear by the creatures ; they give to every man two contrary souls , which still struggle in him . with the poets they held that the heaven was supported by the shoulders of one whom they called laturanius . they make the soul of man , and of a tree , the same in essence , as being both of them a part of god ; with the former hereticks also they condemned marriage , and permitted promiscuous copulation ; and that not for procreation , but for pleasure . they rejected baptisme as needlesse , and condemned alms-giving , or works of charity : they make our will to sin , natural , and not acquired by our fall ; as for sin they make it a substance , communicated from parents to children ; and not a quality , or affection . these wicked opinions raged in the world . years after manes was excoriated alive for poysonning the persian kings son ; these hereticks were three sects ; to wit , manichees , catharists , or puritans ; and macarii , or blessed . q. . what was the religion of the hierarchites , melitians , and arrians ? a. the hierachites , so called from hieracha , an egyptian , and a monk who lived shortly after origen , under gallienus , . years after christ , taught that married people could not enjoy heaven ; nor infants , because they cannot merit ; they admitted none into their church , but those that lived single . they denied that paradise in which man was created , had any earthly or visible being . they held melchisedeck to be the holy ghost , and denied the resurrection . the meletians ( so called from meletius , a theban bishop in egypt ; who because he was deposed for offering to idols , in spleen he taught the novatian heresie , in denying pardon of sins to those that fell though they repented ) rejected all from their communion , who in time of persecution fell from christ , though they afterward repented . they used pharisaical washings , and divers other judaical ceremonies , and in their humiliations to appease gods anger with dancing , singing , and gingling of small bells . this heresie began under constatine the emperour . years after christ. the arrians so called from arrius a lybian by birth , and a presbyter of alexandria by profesion , were called also exoucontji , for saying that christ was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , created of nothing . this heresie brake out under constantine . years after christ , and over-run a great part of the christian world . they held christ to be a creature , and that he had a mans body , but no humane soul , the divinity supplying the room thereof . they held also the holy ghost a creature , proceeding from a creature , to wit , christ. the arrians in their doxolegier gave glory not to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost , but to the father by the son in the holy ghost . they rebaptized the orthodox christian ; and baptized onely the upper parts to the novel , thinking the inferiour parts unworthy of baptisme . q. . what was the religion of the audians , semi-arrians , and macedonians ? a. the audiani so called from audaeus a syrian , who appeared under valentinian the emperour . yeares after christ , were named afterwards anthropormorphytae , for ascribing to god a humane body ; these as afterward the denatists , forsook the orthodox church , because some wicked men were in it . they held darknesse ; fire and water eternal , and the original of all things . they admitted to the sacrament all sorts of christians even such as were profane and impenitent . the semi-arrians were those who neither would have christ to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same individual essence with the father , as the orthodox church held ; nor yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a like essence ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a different essence , but of a like will : and so they taught , that christ was not god in essence , but in will only and operation . this heresie also held that the holy ghost was christs creature . it began under constantius the emperour . years after christ. the chief author thereof was one-eyed acatius , bishop of cesaraea palestina , successor to eusebius ; hence they were called acatiani . the macedonians , so called from macedonius , bishop of constantinople ; held that the holy ghost was a creature , and the servant of god , but not god himselfe ; and withal that by the holy spirit was meant only a power created by god , and communicated to the creatures . this heresie sprung up , or rather being sprung up long before , was stifly maintained under constantius , the son of constantine . years after christ ; and was condemned in the second oecumenical councel at constantinople under theodosius the great . these hereticks were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fighters against the spirit . q. . of what religion were the aerians , aetians , or eunomians , and apollinarists ? a. the aerians so called from aerius the presbyter , who lived under valentinian the first . years after christ ; held that there was no differance between a bishop and a presbyter , that bishops could not ordain , that the dead were not to be prayed for ; that there should be no set or anniversary fasts , and with the encratites , or apotactitae admitted none to their communion , but such as were continent , and had renounced the world . they were called syllabici also , as standing captiously upon words and syllabies . they are said also to condemn the use of flesh : the aetians , were called so from aetius a deacon whose successor was eunomius about the year of christ . under the emperor constantius ; he was bishop of cyzicum whose disciples were called eunomians , and anomei for holding that christ was no way like the father . they were called also eudoxiani , theophron●ani . when they were banished , they lived in holes , and caves , and so were called troglodytae and gothici , because this heresie prevailed much among the goths , by means of vlphillas their bishop . these hereticks held that god could be perfectly here comprehended by us , that the son was neither in power , essence , or will , like the father , and that the holy ghost was created by the son ; that christ also assumed onely mans body , but not his soul. they permitted all kind of licentiousnesse , saying that faith without good works could save . the eunomians did rebaptise the orthodox professors , and baptised in the name of the father uncreated , the son created , and the holy ghost created by the son. the apollinarists so called from apollinaris presbyter in laodicea , divided christs humanity in affirming that he assumed mans body and a sensitive soul , but not the reasonable or intellective soul of man , because that was supplied by the divinity ; from this division they were named dupla●es and dim●iritae . in stead of the trinity they acknowledge onely three distinct degrees of power in god : the greatest is the father , the lesser is the son , and the laest of all the holy ghost . they held that christs flesh was consubstantial with his divinity , and that he took not his flesh from the virgin , but brought it from heaven . they held that christ had but one will , that mens souls did propagate other souls , that after the resurrection the ceremonial law should be kept as before . this heresie brake out . years after christ , under valens the emperor . q. . what did the antidicomarianites , messalians , and metangismonites professe ? a. the former of these were so called , because they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adversaries to maries virginity . whence they were named antimaritae , and helvidians , from helvidius the author , who lived under theodosius the great , . years after christ. these held that mary did not continue a virgin after christ was born , but that she was known by ioseph , whereas she was indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a perpetual virgin. the messalians were so named from the caldaicks word tsalah which signifieth to pray , therefore in greeke they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayer , because they did pray continually ; and martyriani for worshipping as a martyr one of their sect who was killed by a souldier . they were called also enthusiastae from their pretended inspirations , and euphemitae from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praises or elogies which they sung to god , and satanici from worshipping of satan , whom they held to be the governour of mankind . they held that nothing was required to salvation , but prayer ; therefore they rejected faith , preaching , and sacraments ; and taught that god was visible to our bodily eyes , and that satan was to be worshipped that he might do no hurt ; they bragged that they could visibly expel satan , whom they could see come out of the mouth like smoak , and in form of a sow with her pigs , into whose place the holy ghost did visibly succeed . they live idly , and hare working , so that they excommunicate any of their sect that labour ; they condemn all almes giving , except to those of their own sect : they allow lying , perjury , and dis●embling in religion . they slighted the sacraments , and held that baptism was of no use , but onely for sins past . this heresie prevailed under valentinian and valens emperors , . years after christ. the metangismonites were so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , transvasation , or putting one vessel , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek , into another ; for they held that the son was in the father , as a lesser vessel in a bigger ; and so they make the divine essence bigger and lesser then it self , they held also that god was corporeal . q. . what was the religion of the hermians , proclianites , and patricians ? a. the hermians or hermogenians , so called from hermius or hermogenes an african under severus the emperour , . years after christ , are by saint austin reckoned the same with the seleucians . these held that the elements or matter of the world was coeternal with god. that the angels were made of spirit and fire , and that they were the creators of mens souls . that evil was partly from god , partly from the matter , that christ in his ascention left his body in the sunne ; they denied that there was ever any visible paradise ; that there shall be any resurrection , and that baptisme by water was to be used . the proclianites were so called from one proclus or proculus , an obscure man , who held the hermogenian opinions , and withal taught that christ was not yet come into the flesh . the patricians were so called from one patricius whom danaeus thinks lived under arcadius the emperour , . years after christ. these held that not god , but saran made mans flesh , and that therefore men may lawfully kill themselves to be rid of the flesh ; they admit and reject what books of the old testament they please . q. . what did the ascitae , pattalorinchitae , aquarii , and coluthiani , professe ? a. the ascitae so named from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a bottle used to carry about bottles filled with w●ne , and stopped , bragging that they were the new evangelical bottles filled with new wine ; and such they held necessary for all good christians to carry about ; in this they placed the main of their religion . these and divers other heresies like ionas his gourd were quickly up and quickly down . the pattalorinchitae were so named from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a staff or stick , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the nose , for they used to thrust their fingers into their nose and mouth , to hinder them from speaking ; for they place● all their religion in silence . hence they were called silentiarii . the aquarii were so called from 〈◊〉 water , because in stead of pure wine , they offered water in the sacrament . these were the spawn of the severians , encratites , and helcesaites . the coluthiani were so called from coluthus , presbyter of alexandria , and coetanial with arrius , under constantine , . years after christ. their opinion was , that god could not be the author of punishment , because it is evil ; whereas amos the prophet shews the contrary , that their is no evil in the city , which the lord hath not done ; amos . . and in isay , the lord formeth the light and darknesse , making peace , and creating evil , is. . . q. . what were the religious tenets of the floriani ; aeternales , and nudipedales ? a. the floriani were so called from florinus , or florianus a roman presbyter , who lived under commodus the emperor , . years after christ. these hereticks were spawned by the valentinians , whose doctrines concerning the ●●ones , and other of their tenets they maintained , and withall , that god made evil and sin ; whereas moses tells us that all things which he made were very good . they retained also the jewish manner of keeping easter , and their other ceremonies . aeternales from the opinion of the worlds eternity ; for they held there should be no change after the resurrection , but that the world should continue as it is now . this heresie in philaster and austin hath neither name , nor author . the nudipedales were those who placed all religion in going bare foot ; because moses and ieshua are commanded to pull off their shoes , and isay to walk bare-foot ; whereas these were extraordinary , and peculiar precepts , and signs of particular things , not enjoyned to be iitated . q. . what was the religion of the donatists , priscillianists , the rhetorians , and the feri ? a. the donatists , so called from donatus a numidian , who because cecilian was preferred before him to the bishoprick of carthage , accused him and all the bishops that ordained him to be traditores , that is , such as had delivered the bibles to be burned by idolaters under the persecution of maximinus : though this accusation was found false , yet donatus persisted obstinate , and separated himself , and congregation from all others , accounting that no church where any spot or infirmity was to be found ; and that such a pure church was onely to be found among the donatists , and yet they would have no man to be forced , or urged to a godly life , but must be le●t to himself , which was to open a gap to all impurity , they did also flight the magistracy , and would not suffer them to punish hereticks . they held the efficacy of the sacraments to depend upon the dignity of the minister , and not on the spirit of god ; they rebaptized also the orthodox christians as if their baptis●n had been no baptism . they held it no sin to kill themselves rather then to fall into the hands of the magistrate ; and so they made no scruple to kill others that were not of their faith , when they found any advantage . they used certarn magical purifications , and bragged much of enthusiasms and revelations . they also with the arrians made the son lesse then the father , and the holy ghost then the son. this herefie was divided into divers schismes , the chief whereof were the circumcellions so called from their cells and cottages in which they lived , to shew their austerity ; these made no bones to murther all they met , that were not of their religion , so that they were more dangerous then high-way robbers . the donatists were named also parmenianists from parmenianus one of donatus his disciples . at rome , they were named campates from the camp , or field , and montenses from the hill where they used to hide themselves . the priscillianists were so named from priscillianus a spaniard , who under gratian the emperor , spread his heresie first in spain , . years after christ. from thence like a canker it run through all the west : his heresie was made up of former heresies ; for with the manicnes he held that the world was made by an evil god . with the sabellians he confounded the persons of the trinity ; with the origenists , he taught that mens souls were made before their bodies in some receptacle of heaven ; and with the manichees , that they were parcels of the divine essence . with astrologers they held that all humane events depended on the stars ; and with the stoicks that we sin necessarily , and coactively . with the gnosticks they condemned marriage ; with the encratites , the eating of flesh ; with the audians they allowed lying , and perjury in matters of religion ; and with the g●osticks they rejected the ancient prophets as fanatical and ignorant of the will of god. the rhetorians so called from one rhetorius , held the same tenet , which the mahumetans do at this day , namely that every man shall be saved by the religion he professeth , and that therefore no religion should be forced , but men should be left to their own choice , and will. the feri or wild hereticks were such as held it unlawful to eat or converse with men ; therefore they held none should be saved , but such as lived alone : they taught also that the holy ghost was a creature . q. . what were the theopaschitae , trithei●ae , aquei● mel●●onii , ophei , tertullii , liberatores , and nativitarii ? a. the theopaschites , held that the divinity of christ suffered as if there had been in him but one nature , because one person . the tritheits divided the essence of god into three parts ; the one they called the father , the other the son , and the third the holy ghost ; as though either of the persons had not bin perfectly god. the aquei held that the water was not created but coeternal with god ; this heresie was culled out of the hermagenian and audian tenets . the melitonii so named from one melito , taught that not the soul , but the body of man was made after gods image , and so with the anthropomorphites they made god corporeal . the ophei , so called from one opheus , held there were innumerable worlds . the tertullii , from one tertullus , taught that the souls of wicked men should be converted into devils , and savage beasts . li●eratores , are those who taught that christ by his descending into hell , did set at liberty all wicked that then be●eved in him . nativitarji , were such as taught that christs divine nativity had a beginning , because it is written , psal. . [ thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee ] so they acknowledged the eternity of his essence , but not of his filiation . these were but branches of former heresies , broached by obscure or unknown authors , and of short continuance . q. . what were the luciferians , jovinianists , and arbicks . ? a. luciferians , so called from lucifer bishop of caralitanum in sardinia , who lived under iul●an the apostate , . years after christ , taught with the cerinthians , and marcionites , that this world was made by the devil . that mens souls were corporeal , and had their being by propagation or traduction . they denyed to the clergy that fell , any place for repentance , or reconciliation ; neither did they restore bishops or inferious clerks to their dignities , if they fel into heresie , though they afterward repented . this was the doctrine of the old nova●ians , and meletians ; these luciferians were named also homonymians , for using the word flesh ambiguously in their dispurations . the iovinianists were so called from iovinian a roman , who lived under jovinian the emperour , . years after christ. these held with the stoicks that all sins were equal ; that after baptisme we could not sin : that fasting was needlesse . that virginity was not better then the married life , and that the blessed virgin in bearing christ lost her virginity . the arabicks , were so named from arabia , the countrey where this heresie was broached and maintained , under philip the emperour , . years after christ ; they held that mens soules died with their bodies , and that both in the last day should rise again : from this heresie they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , mortal soules ; not much different from them are the psychopanuychitae of this age , who make the soul sleep in the grave with the body till the resurrection . q. . what were the collyridians , paterniani , tertullianists , and abelonitae ? a. the collyridians were hatched also in arabia , and so named from a kinde of cakes or buns , which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; these cakes they presented every year with great ceremony to a certain maid fit●ng in a chair of state , and covered with a vail , ●n honour of the virgin ma●y : these flourished under theo●osius the great , . years after christ. paterniani . so called from one paternus an obscure fellow , were named also venu●iani from venus , which by their venereal actions they honoured more then god , these held that all the lower parts of mans body , from the navel downward , were made by the devil ; and therefore they gave themselves to all lasciviousnesse and uncleannesse , therefore they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; deriders of good manners and honesty . the tertullianists . were so called from that famous lawyer and divine ter●ullian , who lived under severus the emperour , about years after christ. he being excommunicated by the roman clergy for a montanist , fell unto these heretical opinio●s ; to wit , that god was corporeal , but without delineation of members ; that mens souls were not onely corporeal , but also distinguished into members , and had corporeal dimensions , and did encrease and decrease with the body ; and that the soul had its original by propagation or traduction . he held also that the souls of wicked men after death were converted into devils ; that the virgin mary , ● after christs birth , did marry once , and with the catap●rygian , he bragged much of the paraclet or spirit , which they said was poured on them in a greater measure , then on the apostles . he condemned all use of arms and wars among christians ; and with the m●ntanists , rejected second marriages , as no better then adultery . the abelonitae were so called from abeo , adams son ; these taught that abel was married , but had no carnal commerce with his wife , because there is no mention made of his children , as there is of cains and seths . for this cause these abclites did marry wives , but not use them as wives for propagation , for ●●ar of original sin , whereof they would not be authors ; therefore they condemned copulation , as a work of the flesh , and altogether satanical . but for the conservation of their sect , they used to adopt other mens children . this heresie sprung up under arcadius the emperout , . yeares after christ , in the terriroties of hippo , where saint austin was bishop . this heresie lasted not long . q. . what tenets in religion held the pelagians , praedestinati , and timotheans ? a. the pelagians were so called from pelagius a brittain by birth , and a monk at rome , afterward a presbyter , under theod●sius the yonger , . years after christ. they were named also caelestiani from caelestius one of pelagius his scholars . these taught that death was not the wages of sin , but that adam should have died , though he had not sinned . that adams sin was hurtful onely to himselfe , and not to his posterity ; that concupiscence was no sin , that infants did not draw original sin from their parents , that infants might be saved without baptisme , that they should have life eternal , but out of the kingdom of god ; that man after the fall had the free will to do good , and ascribed no more to grace , but that by it we had our nature , and that by our good works wee obtaine grace ; they rejected the doctrine of predestination , perhaps because the hereticks called praedestinati , made predestination a cloak for all wickednesse , security and desperation ; for they taught that the predestinate might sinne securely , for he could not be damned ; and that such as were not predestinate , should never be saved , though their life were never so holy . this heresie was not long before pelagianisme , and is the same with that of the libertins . the timotheans , so called from timotheus aelurus ; ( that is , the ca● , from his bad conditions ) sprung up under zeno the greek emperour , . years after christ. these taught that the two natures of christ were so mixed in the virgins womb , that they ceased to be what they were before , and became a third substance made up of both , as a mixed body is made up of the elements , which lose their names and forms in the mixtion . these hereticks afterward lost the name of timotheans from timotheus their author , bishop of alexandria , and were called monothelites and monophysites from ascribing onely one will , and one nature to christ. of the pelagians see austin , and the other fathers who have written against them . q. . what was the religion of the nestorians , eutychians , and of those sects which sprung out of them ? a. the nestorians were so called from nestorius patriarch of constantinople , who broached his heresie under theodosius the younger , years after christ. he taught that in christ were two distinct persons , to wit , the son of god , and the son of mary ; that the son of god in christs baptisme descended into the son of mary , and dwelt there , as a lodger doth in a house ; therefore he would not call the virgin mary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mother of god , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mother of christ. besides he made the humanity of christ equal with his divinity , aad so confounded their properties and operations . this heresie was but the spawn of some former heresies , chiefly of manicheisine and arrianiame . it was condemned in the councel of ep●esus under theodosius the younger , in which cyrill bishop of alexandria was president● and the author nestorius was deposed and banished , where his blasphemous tongue was eat out with wormes , and his body with core and his seditious complices swallowed up by the earth . the eutychians so named from eu●yches archimandrite or abbot of constantinopie , who lived in the latter end of theodosius the younger , held opinions quite contrary to nestorius , to wit , that christ before the union , had two distinct natures , but after the union only one , to wit , the divinity which swallowed up the humanity , and so they confounded the property of the two natures , affirming that the divine nature suffered and died ; and that god the word , did not take from the virgin humane nature . this heresie was first condemned in a provincial synod at constantinople ; then it was set up again by dioscurus bishop of alexandria , in the theevish councel of ephesus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and at last condemned by the generall councel of chalcedon under marcian the emperour . from the eutychians sprung up the acephal● , or headlesse hereticks , so called because they had neither bishop , priest , nor sac●ament amongst them ; these held that in christ were two natures , which notwithstanding they confounded , as they did also the properties , saying that the humanity lost it selfe and properties , being swallowed up by the divinity , as a drop of vineger is lost in the sea. severus bishop of alexandria was author of this sect , under anastasius emperour , . yeares after christ. they were called also theodosians from theodosius their chiefe patron , and bishop of alexandria . . the monophysites were all one with the eutychians , differing onely in name . . the agnoetae , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignorance , becaus● they held that christs divinity , which with them onely remained after the union , was ignorant of the day of judgement , and where lazarus after his death was laied . this heresie was revived by theodosius bishop of alexandria , under mauritius the emperour , . yeares after christ. . the iacobites so called from iacobus the syrian , held the same opinions that the eutychians ; and scoffed the christians with the name of me●chites , because they followed the emperour in their faith. these under ph●cas the emperour drew all syria into their heresie , . yeares after christ. . the armenians so named from armenia , insected with that heresie , held that christ took not a humane body from the virgin , but that it was immortall from the first minute of its conception ; hence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; they againe in s●orn called the orthodox christians manicheans and phantas●asts ; these held a quaternity of persons , and that the divinity suffered ; and kept their easter after the jewish manner . they sprung up under phocas the emperour , . yeares after christ. . the monothelites in words held there were two natures in christ , but in effect denyed them , by giving him one will onely . all these branches of eutychianisme were condemned by the fifth general councel held at constantinople under iustinian the first , who confirmed the councel of chalcedon , to which these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or doubting hereticks ( for so they called themselves ) would not subscribe . at last sprung up mahumetanisme , . years after christ. of which we have spokeh already . of all these see isidor , theodoret , evagrius , nicephorus , s●erates , sozomen , and others . the contents of the eighth section . of the opinions in religion held the seventh centur● . ● the opinions of the eighth century . . the tenets of the ninth and tenth centuries . . the opinions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries . . of the albigenses 〈◊〉 other sects in the twelfth century . . the ●spans● thirteenth century . . the sects of the fourte●●th century . . of the wicklevites . . the 〈◊〉 of the fifteenth century . . the opinions of the 〈◊〉 century , to wit , of luther and others . . of 〈◊〉 sprung cut of luther anisme . . of protestants . 〈◊〉 of the other opinions held this century . . the 〈◊〉 beads of calvins doctrine . . of other opinions ●eld this age . . of divers other opinions in this age ▪ 〈◊〉 and the causes of this variety , and confusion in the church . sect . viii . quest. whereas we have had a view of the different heresies in christian religion , the first . years after christ ; now let us know what were the chief opinions and authors thereof in the 〈◊〉 century ? a. the heicetae professed a monastical life ▪ but 〈◊〉 taught that the service of god consisted in holy ●ances and singing with the nuns , after the example of moses and miriam , exod. . upon the overthrow of p●●roh in the red sea. gnosimachi were haters and 〈◊〉 of all learning , or book knowledge ; teaching that god required nothing from us , but a good life . of these we have too many in this age . but christ tells us that life 〈◊〉 consists in knowledge : and god complaineth by the prop●et , that his people perish for want of knowledge : so christ sheweth that destruction fell on jerusalem , because she knew not her day ; and the lord complained that his 〈◊〉 had lesse knowledge then the oxe or the asse . therefore 〈…〉 given lips to the priest , to preserve knowledge , a●d christ by his knowledge hath justified many , saith the prophet ▪ the armenii taught that the holy ghost proceeded onely from the father , and not from the son. tha● christ rose from the dead on the sabbath day ; whereas the scripture tells us plainly , that he arose the third day . they observed also the jewish sacrifices . they 〈◊〉 first ●o baptise the crosse , then to worship it . they taught it was not man that sinned , but satan by tempting ●im : and that man had not propagated by carnal 〈…〉 , if he had not sinned . they denyed original sin , and held that all who died before christ , were 〈◊〉 for adam's sin . they ascribed no efficacy to the ●acraments , and yet held baptism absolutely necessary . they placed the children of unbaptized infants , if they were of faithful parents , in earthly paradise ; if o● unfaithful , in hell . they never baptised without 〈◊〉 the eucharist . they held baptism without 〈◊〉 ineffectual , they used rebaptization . they permi●red the husband to dissolve matrimony when he pleased , and denied prayers for the dead , and the eternity of hell fire . and that the souls were not in blisse till the resurrection . and taught that then there should be no wonen at all , but that they should be converted into men . chazinzarii were so called from chaz●s , which in their language signifieth the crosse ; for ●●ey taught that the crosse onely was to be wor●●●pped ▪ therefore they were named staurolatrae , or cr●ss-worshippers . they prosessed also nestorianism . the t●●etopsychitae held that the souls died with the bodies . theocatagnostae were such as reprehended some o● gods actions and words . ethnophrones were paganising christians , who with christianity taught gentile supers●ition . the lampeti●ns so called from lampetius their author , taught that there should be no distinction of garments among religious men . they condemned also all vows . the maronits so named from one maron , held with eutyches , dicscorus , and the aceph●●● that christ had but one nature and will ; these were afterward reconciled to the church of rome . q . what opinions were held in religion within the eighth century ? a. agonyclitae held that it was superstition 〈◊〉 prayer to bowe the knees , or prostrate the body : therefore they used to pray standing . the ic●nocla●●● , or iconoma●hi taught that it was idolatry to have ●mages in temples . the alde●ertins , so called from alde●●rtus a french man their author , beleeved that he had holy reliques brought to him by an angel , from the farthest part of the world . they equalled him with the apostles ; and rejected pilgrimages to rome ; they h●ld that his haires and nailes were as well to be wo●shipped , as the reliques of saint peter ; they beleeved that he knew their sins , and could forgive them without confession ▪ the albanenses held that all oaths were unlawful , that there was no original sin , nor any efficacy in the sacraments , nor any use of extream u●ction , nor of confession , nor of excommunication ; that the sacraments lost their efficacy , if given by ●●cked priests ; that there was no free will ; some 〈◊〉 that they held transanimation , and the eternity of the world , and that god did not forsee evil . that there should be no resurrection , nor generall judgment , nor ●ell . q. . what were the opinions held in the ●inth and tenth centuries ? a. cladius bishop of taurinum , condenmed pilgmages , images , invocation of saints , and taught that baptism without the sign of the crosse , was no●●●●tism . one gadescalcus whom some say was a french man , held the heresie of the praedestinati , and that god ●ould not have all men to be saved ; and consequently that christ died not for all . photius a grecian ●●nied the procession of the holy ghost from the son , and held that there was no reward for the good or b●d , till the general judgement ; that there was no purgato●y ; he condemned second marriages , and prayers for the dead ; he held it no sin to hurt an enemy , even with lying and perjury . fornication with him was no sin , he dissolved marriages at pleasure . he maintained usury , sacri●●dge , and rebaptization ; and taught that children were not to be baptized till the eighth day . he gave the e●charist to infants , the cup to the lai●y ; denyed extre●●●nction ; and administred the sacrament in leav●●ed bread. iohonnes scotus a benedictine monk , and s●hloar of becie ( not duns scotus subtilis ) held that in the eucharist was onely the figure of christs body . bertramus a presbyter taught that the body of christ which is in the eucharist , was not the same who was born of the virgin. the same opinions were mai●tained by some in the tenth ●enturie . q. . what were thē opinions of the eleventh and twelfth cent●ries ? a. ●erengarius archdeacon of anjou , taught that 〈◊〉 body was not corporally , but figuratively in the sacrament : horibert and lisoius in france , taught ma●icheism . the simoniacks held it lawful to buy and fell church preferments . the reordinantes , would admit no simoniack priests till they were reordained . at milla● a new sect of nicolaitans brake out , reaching the necessity of promiscuous copulation . sabellianism 〈◊〉 out also this age . in the twelfth century , mar●●●us of padua taught that the pope was not christs successor : that he was subject to the emperor : that there was no difference between bishops and priests , and taht church-men should not enjoy temporal estates . the bongomilii , whose author was one basti , a physi●ian renewed the heresies of arrius , the anthropomorphites , and the manichees ▪ they rejected the books o● moses , made god with a humane shape , taught that the world was made by evil angels , and that micha●l 〈◊〉 arch-angel was incarnate . they condemned image worship , and despised the crosse , because christ died on it . they held the churches baptism to be the baptism of iohn , but their own to be the true baptism of christ : they slighted the church liturgy , and taught there was no other resurrection , but from sin by repentance : they held also that men might dissemble in religion . at antwerp one taudenius or tanchelinus , being a lay-man , under took a reformation● teaching that men were justified , and saved by faith onely ; that there was no difference between priests and lay-men ; that the eucharist was of no use ; and that promiscuous copulation was lawful . the petrobruss●ans so called from peter de bruis of antwerp , held that baptism was needlesse to infants ; and likewise churches were uselesse , that crosses should be broken , that christ was not really in the eucharist , and that prayers for the dead were fruitlesse . one peter aballard taught that god was of a compounded essence , that he was not the author of all goodnesse ; that he was not onely eternal ; that the angels helped him to create the world ; that power was the property of the father , wisdom of the son , goodnesse of the holy spir●● . he denied that christ took our flesh to save sinners , or that the feare of god was in him ; he said that the holy ghost was the soul of the world , that man had no 〈◊〉 will ; that all things , even god himselfe , were subject to necessity , that the saints do not see , god , that in the life to come there should be no feare of god , and that wee are in matters of faith to be directed by our reason . his chief disciple was arnoldus brixienfis , who denied also temporalties to the clergy . gilbert porr●●anus bishop of poytires , taught that the divine essen●● was not god , that the proprieties and persons in the trinity were not the same ; that the divinity was not incarnate in the son. he rejected also merits , and lessened the efficacy of baptism . the henricians so called from one henry of tholouse a monk , and somented by henry the emperor , taught the same doctrines that peter de bruis did , and withal that the church musick was a mocking of god. the patareni taught ●lso the same things . the apostolici so named from saying they were apostles immediatly sent from god , despised marriage , all meats made of milk ; the baptising of infants , purgatory , prayers for the dead , invocation of saints , and all oaths . they held themselves to be the onely true church . one eudon gave himself out to be the judge of the quick and dead . the adamites started up again in bohemia . the waldenses so called from waldo of lions , who having distributed his wealth , professed poverty ; he rejected images , prayers to saints , holy days , churches , oyl in baptisme , confirmation ▪ the ave mary , au●icular confession , indulgences , purgator : prayers for the dead , obedience to prelates , distinction of bishop and priest , church canons , merit , religious orders , extream unction , miracles , exorcisms , church musick , canonical hours , and divers other tene●● of the church of rome . they held that lay-men might preach , and consecrate the bread , and that all ground was alike holy . they rejected all prayers except the lords prayer , and held that the eucharist consecrated on the friday had more efficacy then on any other day . that priests and deacons falling into sin , lost their power in consecrating , and magistrates in governing if they fel. that the clergy should possesse no tempor●lties ; that the church failed in pope sylvesters time . they rejected the apostles creed and all oaths ; but ●ermitted promiscuous copulation ; and taught 〈…〉 man ought to suffer death , by the sentence of any judge . q. what were the albigenses , and what other sects were there in this twelfth century ? a. these not long after the waldenses , swarmed in the province of tolouse , and were overthrown by simon earl of montferrat ; these taught that they were not bound to make prosession of their faith ; they denyed p●rgatory , prayers for the dead , the real presence , private confession , images , bells in churches , and condemned the eating of flesh , egges and milk . the romish writers affirm that they held two gods ; that our bodies were made by satan , that the scriptures were erroneous , all oaths unlawful , and baptisme needlesse . they rejected the old testament and marriage , and prayers in the church ; they held there were two christs , a good born in an unknown land , and a bad born in bethlehem of iudea . that god had two wives , of which he begot sons and daughters , and more such stu●● , as may be seen in the above named authors : the cor●erij held the petrobrussian tenets , and withall that the virgin mary was an angel : that christs body was not glorified in heaven , but did putrifie as other dead bodies , and so should remain after the day of judgement● they taught also that the souls should not be glorified till the resurrection . ioachimus abbas taught that in the trinity , the essence generated the essence , which opinion was condemned in the general councel of lateran , under innocent the third : not long after started up petrus iohannis , who maintained the errour of ioachimus , and withal taught that the reasonable soul was not the form of man ; that the apostles preached the gospel after the literal , not after the spiritual sense ; that grace was not conferred in baptisme ; that christs side was pierced with a lance whilest he was yet alive , which is directly against the words of saint iohn ; therefore this opinion was condemned in the councel of vienna ; he held also rome to be babylon , and the pope to be antichrist . q. . what opinions in religion were professed the ●●●teenth century ? a. almaricus a doctor in paris , taught that if ad●m had not sinned , there had been no procreation , nor distinction of sex. this was condemned in the councel of lateran , under innocent the third . he held that the saints do no wayes see god in himselfe , but in his creatures . he denyed the resurrection , paradise , and hell , also the real presence , invocation of saints , images , and altars . he said that in the divine minde might be created ideas . he transformed the mind of a ●ontemplative man , into the essence of god ; and taught that charity made sin to be no sin ▪ david dinantius taught that the first matter was god , which was to make god a part , and the meanest part of all his creatures . gulielmus de sancto amore , taught that no monks ought to live by alms , but by their own labours , and that voluntary poverty was unlawful ; the same doctrine was taught by desider●us longobardus affirming it a pernicious opinion that men should leaue all for christ. raymundus lullius taught that in god were different essences , that god the father was before the son ; that the holy ghost was conceived of the father and the son , 〈◊〉 the doctrine of the church is that he proceeds from the father and the son ; not by way of generation or conception ▪ but of eternal and spiritual dilection , he also taught that it was injustice to punish any man for opinions in religion or heresie . the whippers taught that whipping of themselves with rods full of knots and sharp pricks did more exp●●te and abolish sin , then confession ; that this their voluntary whipping was before martyrdom , which was inflicted by outward force : that now there was no use of the gospel , nor of the baptisme of water , sith the baptisme of blood was better ; that holy water was ●●●ies●e ; that no man could be saved who did 〈…〉 himselfe . they also held perjury lawful . the 〈◊〉 whose author was one hermannus italus held community of wives lawful ; which doctrine they put in practise , at their meetings to pray ; then putting out their l●ghts , ●hey used promisc●ous copnlation : and the children born of such commixtion they put to death . they taught that all things amongst christians should be in common ; that magistracy did not consist with christianity , and that the saints did not see god till the day of judgement . gerardus sagarellus of parma , whose disciples were named pseud●-apostoli , that is , false apostles , because they bragged that they did imit●te the apostles poverty , therefore they would not take or keep money , or reserve any thing for the next day ; he taught that to make vows , or to swear at all , was unlawful ; that marriages might be dissolved by such as would embrace their religion ; and that they were the onely christians ; they were enemies to tythes , and to churches , which for prayer they accounted no better then hogs styes . q. , what were the opinions in religion the feurteenth century ? a. the beguardi who professed a monastical life , taught that we might attaine to as much perfection and beatitude in this life , as in heaven ; that all intellectual natures were blessed in themselves , not in god , that it was a sin to kisse a woman , but not to lie with her ; because nature inclined to this ▪ but not to that . that perfect and spiritual men were freed from obedience to superiours , from fasting , praying , and good works , and that such men could not sin , nor encrease in grace , being perfect already . they would have no reverence to be used in the eucharist , nor at all to receive it , for that did argue imperfection . the beguinae professed the same tenets , and withal were against vows and voluntary poverty . the beguini taught that wealth consisted not with evangelical perfection , and therefore blamed pope iohn , for permitting the franciscans to have corn in their barns , and wine in their cellars . they held that the state of minorites was more perfect then that of bishops ; that they were not bound to give an account of their faith when they were demanded by the inquisitors ; and that the pope had no power to dispense with vows . the lolhards , so called from walter lolhard their author , held that lucifer was injuriously thrust out of heaven ; that michael and the blessed angels should be punished eternally ; that lucifer should be saved ; that the blessed virgin lost her virginity after christs birth ; and that god did neither see , nor would punish sins committed under ground ; therefore they gave themselves to all uncleannesse in their vaults and caves . richardus armacanus taught that voluntary poverty was unlawful ; and that priests could blesse , and confer orders as well as bishops ! one ianovesi●s taught , that in the year ●● . on whitsunday , antichrist would come , who should pervert all christians , and should mark them in their hands and foreheads , and then should be damned eternally : and that all iewes , saracens , and infidels , who were seduced by antichrist , should after his destruction be converted to christ , but not the christians that fell off from christ. the turelupini taught that we should not be ashamed of those members we have from nature ; and so , like the cynicks , they gave themselves openly to all uncleannesse ; they held also , that we were not to pray with our voice , but with the heart onely . q. . what were the tenets of the wicklevits who lived in this centurie ? a. they were so called from iohn wickliffe an englishman , and taught that the substance of bread and wine remained in the sacrament ; that neither priest nor bishop , remaining in any mortal sin could consecrate , or ordain ; that the mass had no ground in scripture ; that outward confession was needlesse where there was true contrition ; that a wicked pope had no power over the faithful ; that clergy-men should have no possessions ; that none should be excommunicate by the church , but he who is first excommunicate by god ; that the prelate who excommunicates a clerk appealing to the king , is a traitor● and so is he that being excommunicate , refuseth to hear , or to preach ; that deacons and priests may preach without authority of the bishop ; that the king might invade the churches revenues ; that the people may punish their kings ; that the laity may detain or take away the tyt●es ; that special prayers for any man were of no more force then general ; that religious orders were unlawful , and that such should labour with their hands ; that it was a sin in constantine , and others , to enrich the church ; that the church of rome was satans syn●gogue ; they rejected also the popes election by cardinals , indulgences , decretal epistles , the popes excommunications , and his supremacy ; they held also that austin , benet , and bernard were damned for instituting religious orders ; that god ought to obey the devil ; that he who gives almes to monasteries should be excommunicate : that they are simoniacks who pray for their parents or benefactors : that bishops reserved to themselves the power of ordination , confirmation , and consecration for lucres sake : that universities , degrees and schools of learning were hurtfull to the church . these , and such like tenets of wickliff are let down in the councel of constance , where they were condemned . other opinions are fathered upon him : to wit , that man had no free will : that the sins of the predestinate were venial , but of the reprobate , all mortal ; that the saints were not to be invocated , nor their reliques kept , nor the crosse to be worshipped , nor images to be placed in churches : they rejected also vows , canonical hours . church-musick ; fasting , baptizing of infants , benedictions , chrism , and episcopacy . he held also that the brother and sister might marry , that every crea●ure may ●e called god , because its perfection is in god. q. . what opinions were taught the fifteenth century . a. iohn hus of bohemia publickly maintained the doctrine of waldus and wickliffe , and withal taught that saint peter was never head of the church , that the church is onely of the predestinate : that saint paul , when he was a persecutor , was not a member of satan ; that the divinity and the humanity made up one christ , whereas the personal union consisted indeed , not between the two natures , but between the person of the word and the humane nature : that the pope was subject to cesar : that the pope was not head of the church , nor vicar of christ , nor successor of peter : that bishops were murtherers , in delivering over to the secular power such as did not obey them ; that canonical obedience was a humane invention ; that priests , though excommunicate , ought to preach : that excommunications , suspensions and interdicts , were invented to maintain the clergies pride . these , and such like points did he defend , for which he was condemned in the councel of constance . these same opinions were maintained by hierom of prague , for which also he was by the same councel condemned the next year . one pickard of f●anders renewed in b●hem●a the heresie of the ad m●tes . the hussites divided themselves into thr●e sects , to wit , the pragense● , the thabo ite● , so called from mount thabor , where christ was transfigurrd , which name zisca their captain gave them , calling the castle where they used to meet , thabor , as if they had seen there christs transfigurat●on : the third sect were called orphans after zisca's death , as having lost their fa●her and patron : all these used barbarous cruelty against priests , monks , churches , images , reliques , and such as professed the roman catholick religion . the mos●ovites or russians fell off to the greek religion , and held that the pope was not the chief pastor of the church ; that the roman church was nor head of the rest . they rejected also the latine fathers , the definitions , canons , and decrees of the general councels , and used leavened bread in their eucharist . one rissuich a hollander , taught that the angels were not created ; that the soule perished with the body ; that there was no hell ; that the matter of the elements was coeternal with god. he blasphemed christ as a seducer , and not the son of god. he held that moses never saw god , nor received his law from him ; that scriptures were but fables ; that the gospel was false : and such like blasphemous stuffe did he spue out , for which he was burned . q. . what opinions did the sixteenth century h●ld ? a. martin luther , an augustin frier , ●aught tha● indulgences were unlawful ; that the epistle to the hebrews , the epistle of iames , the second of p●ter the two last of iohn , the epistle of iude , and the apecaly●e , were not canonical . he opposed inv●cation of saints , image w●rship , free-w●ll , the popes supremacy , excommunication , te●poral posse●●ions of ●he clergy , merit of works , possibility of tu●filing the law , the monastical life , caeliba● , canonical ob●dience , distinction of meats , transubstantiation , communion under one kinde , the masse , auricular confession , absolution , purgatory , extream unction , and five of the sacraments . he held also that general councels might erre ; that 〈◊〉 was not a particular person ; that faith onely justified ; that a faithfull man may be assured of his salvation ; that to the faithful sin is not imputed ; that the first motions are sin ; that sacraments did not confer grace . divers other opinions are fathered upon him by his adversaries , as may be seen in the above named authors . the anabaptists , so called from re-baptizing , had for their author one nicolas storke , who pretended familiarity with god by an angel , promising him a kingdom if he would reform the church , and destroy the princes that should hinder him . his scholar muncer raised an army of . bores and tradesmen in suevia and franconia to maintaine his masters dreams ; but they were overthrown by count mansfield . iohn of leyden , a taylor , renewed the said dreams , and made himself king in munster of the anabaptists , whose viceroy was knipherdo●ing ; but this phantastical monarchy was soon destroyed , the town taken after . moneths siege , where the king and his viceroy , with their chief officers were put to death . their tenets were that christ was not the son of mary , nor true god ; that we were righteous not by faith in christ , but by our own merits , and sufferings . they rejected original sin , baptisme of infants , communion with other churches , magis●●acy among christians , oaths , and punishments of malefactors . they refused to swear allegeance to princes ; and held that a christian may have many wives , and that he may put away his wife if she be of another religion , and marry another . that no man must possesse any thing in proper , that re-baptization may be used ; that before the day of judgement the godly should enjoy a monarchy here on earth ; that man had free-will in spiritual things ; and that any man may preach , and give the sacraments . q. . what are the anabaptists of moravia ? a. these at first called themselves apostolicall , because they did imitate the apostles in going bare-foot , and in washing one anothers feet , in having also all things in common amongst them . but though this custom be now , left , yet at this day in moraviae they have a common steward who doth distribute equally things necessary to all . they will admit none into their society , but such as have some trade , and by their handy worke can get their livings . as they have a common steward for their temporals , so they have a common father for their spirituals , who instructs them in their religion and prayeth with them every morning , before they goe abroad to worke . these publike prayers , are to them instead of sermons . they have a generall governour or head of their church , whom none knoweth , but themselves ; for they are bound not to reveal him . they communicate twice in the year ; the men and women sit promiscuously together . on the lords day they walk two and two through the towns and villages , being clothed in black , and having slaves in their hands . they are much given to silence ; at table for a quarter of an houre before they eat , they sit and meditate covering their faces with their hands : the like devotion they shew after meat . all the while their governour stands by , to observe their gesture , that if any thing be unbeseeming , he may tell them of it . when they come to any place , they discourse of the last judgement , of the eternall paines of hell , of the crueltie of divels tormenting mens bodies and souls ; that so they may afright simple people into their religion ; then they comfort them by shewing them a way to escape all those torments if they will be but rebaptized , and embrace their religion . they observe no festival days , nor will they admit of any disputations . q. . what sects are sp●ung out of lutheranism ? a. besides the anabaptists already mentioned ; there be adiaphorists of which melancthon is thought to be author ; these hold the customs and constitutions of the church of rome to be things indifferent , and that they may be professed or not professed without scruple . . vbiquitaries . these hold that christs humanity as well as his divinity is every where ; even in hell . bre●tius is thought to be father of this opinion . but if christs humanity be every where , then we must deny the articles of his resurrection , ascention , and comming again to judge the quick and the dead ; for what needs there such motions if he be everywhere . . majorists , so called from one george maior one of luthers disciples , who taught that no man , ( nay not infants ) can be saved without good works . but it s ridiculous to expect good works from infants who have not as yet the use of reason , nor organs fit for operation . . osiandrists , so called from andrew osiander a lutheran , who taught that christs body in the sacrament suffered , was corruptible , and died again , directly against scripture saying that christ being risen from the dead , dieth no more , death hath no more dominion over him . he taught also that we are not justified by faith or works , but by the essential righteousnesse of christ dwelling in us . but the essential righteousnesse of christ , is the righteousnesse of his divinity , which is not communicable , nor separable from him . . augustinians in bohemia , these taught that none went to heaven or hell , till after the last judgement : whereas christ tells the contrary to the good thiefe , this day thou shalt be with me in paradise , and affirmeth that the soul of lazarus was carried by angels into abrahams bosom , and dives into hell . wherefore did christ ascend to heaven but that we might be where he is . they make also dormice or swallows of mens souls , saying , that they sleep till the resurrection ; if saint steven when he was dying had known this doctrin , he would not have called upon the lord jesus to receive his spirit . the story also of lazarus and dives doth overthrow this conceit . they say also that christs human nature is not as yet ascended into heaven , which directly overthroweth our creed in that article ; as likewise , the scriptures , and withall the hope and comfort of a christian. . stancarians so called from one francis stancarus a mantuan , who taught that christ justifieth us , and is our mediator only according to his humane nature ; whereas our redemption is the work of the whole person , and not of one nat●re alone . . adamites so called from one adam ▪ author of the sect ; they use to be naked in their stoves and conventicles , after the example of adam and eve in paradise . and therefore when they marry they stand under a tree naked , having onely leaves of trees upon their privities , they are admitted as brethren and sisters , who can without lust look upon each others nakedness ; but if they cannot , they are rejected . . sabbathar●an● , so called because they reject the observation of the lords day , as not being commanded in scripture , and keep holy the sabbath day onely , because god himselfe rested on that day , and commanded it to be kept . but they forget that christ came to destroy the ceremonial law , wherof the sabbath in respect of the seventh day was a branch ; and therefore christ himself brake it , when he commanded the sick man whom he cured , to carry home his bed on that very day . clancu●arii were those who professed no religion with their mouth , thinking it sufficient to have it in their heart . they avoid all churches and publick meetings to serve god ; thinking their private houses to be better then temples ; whereas they should remember , that private prayers cannot be so effectual as publick ; neither is it enough to believe with the heart , except we also confesse with the mouth ; for he that is ▪ ashamed to confesse christ before men ▪ shall not be confessed by christ before his father and his holy angels . . davidistae so called from one david george a holl●nder ; he gave himselfe our to be the messiah sent by the holy spirt , to restore the house of israel , that the scriptures were imperwect , and that he vas sent to bring the true law and doctrine , that the ●oul was pure from sin , and that the body onely sinned ; whereas indeed they both concur in the act of sinning , and therefore are both punishable , especially the soul which is the chiefe agent , the body is but the instrument . he taught also that a man may have many wives to replenish spiritual paradise , that it was no sin to deny christ with the mouth , so long as they believed on him in their heart . he rejected also the books of moses . . mennonists so called from one mennon a f●●eslander . these deny christ to be born of mary , affi●ming that he brought his flesh from heaven ; he called himselfe the judge of men and angels . . qeistae and 〈◊〉 who taught there were three distinct gods differing in degrees . one george paul of cracovia is held to be author of this sect. . antitrinitarians , these being the spawn of the old arrians and samosatenians , deny the trinity of persons , and the two natures of christ , their author was michael servetus a spaniard , who was burned at geneva . . antimarians , who denied maries virginity , affirming she had other children besides christ , because there is mention made of christs brethren in the gospel ; this is the old heresie of cerinthus and helvidius ; whereas they consider not that in scripture those of the same kinred are called brothers . so is lot called abrahams brother ; and l●●an iacobs unckle is called his brother . . antinomians who reject the law , affirming there is nothing required of us but faith ; this is to open a wide gap for all ●mpiety . christ came not ( as he saith himselfe ) to abolish the law , but to fulfil it . if there be no use of the law , then they must deny gods justice ; and that it is now an uselesse attribute of the divinity . ● . infernale● , these held that christ descended into no other hell but into the grave onely , and that there is no other hel but an evil conscience , whereas the scripture speaketh of hell fire , prepared for the devil and his angels , and calls it the bottomlesse pit , &c. . bequinians so called from one boquinus their master , who taught that christ did not die for the wicked , but only for the faithful , & so they make him not to be the saviour of mankind , and of the world , but a particular saviour only of some ; wheras saint iohn saith , that christ is the reconciliation for our sins , and not for ours onely , but also for the sins of the whole world , iohn . . . hutistes so called from one iohn hut , who take upon them to prefix the very day of christs comming to judgement , whereas of that day and hour knoweth no man , nay not the angels in heaven . . invisibiles ; so called because they hold that the church of christ is invisible , which if it be , in vain did he compare it to a city built upon a hill ●●in vain also doth he counsel us to tell the church , if our brother wil not be reformed , in vain also doth the apostle warn bishops & presbyteries to look to their stock , to rule the church which christ hath purchased with his blood , act. . how can he be called the sheepherd of that ●●ock which he neve● saw ? . qnintinistae , so called from one quintinus of bicardy a tailour . he was author of the libertins , who admit of all religions . some of them mock at all religions , at that lucianist who ●rot a book of the three impostors . some of them deny the souls immortality , and doubt whether there be any other deity except heaven and earth . . the family of love , whose author was one henry nicolas a hollander . they reject all sacraments , and the three last petitions of the lords prayer . they say that christ is onely the image of god the fathers right hand , and that mans soule is a part of the divine essence . . effro●tes , so called from shaving their foreheads till they bleed , and then anoint them with oyle , using no other baptisme but this ; they say the holy ghost is but a bare motion inspired by god into the mind ; and that he is not to be adored : all which is directly repugnant to gods word , which proves that the holy ghost is true god. thou hast not lyed , saith saint peter , unto man , but unto god , meaning the holy ghost . this sect took up their station in transylvania . . hosmanists , these teach that god took flesh of himself , whereas the scripture saith that christ was made of a woman . they deny pardon to those tha● relapse into sin ; and so they abridge the grace of god , who wills us to repent , and thereupon receives us into ●avour . . 〈◊〉 , so called from one gasp●● schewenkfeld a silesian ; he taught that the scripture was needlesse to salvation , and with the old m●nichees and valentinians that christ was not conceived by the holy ghost in the virgins womb , but that god created a man to redeem us , and joyned him to himselfe , and that this man became god , after he ascended into heaven ; they confound the persons of father and son , and say that god did not speak these words , this is my beloved son. that faith is the very essence and nature of god. that all christians are the sons of god by nature , procreated of the divine essence . that the sacraments are uselesse ; that christs body is every where . of these sects and many more of lesse note , see florimundus raymund●s ; hence we may see what a dangerous gap hath been made , since luther began to oppose the church of rome , for the little fo●●es to destroy christs vineyard ; what multitudes of ta●es have grown up 〈◊〉 the good corn in the lords field ; what troublesome frogs , worse then those of egypt , have crawled into m●st mens houses ; what swarmes of locusts have darkened th● sun of righteousnesse whilst ●e was ●●ining in the firmament of his church . q . what other opinions in religion were maintained this age ▪ a. carolostadius , arch deacon of wit●ber● , and oecol●●padius , monk of the order of s. bridges , opposed luthers doctrin in the point of the real presence , shewing that christ was in the bread onely sacramentally , or significatively . the libertius , whose author was one quintious , a taylor of pi●cardy , taught that whatsoever good or evil we did , was not done by us , but by gods spirit in us ; that sin was nothing but an opinion ; that in reproving of sinners , we reproved god himself ; that he onely was regenerate who had no remorse of conscience ; that he onely re●euted who confessed he had committed no evil : that man in this life may be perfect and innocent ; that the knowledge we have of christ , and of our resurrection , is but opinion ; that we may dissemble in religion , which is now the opinion of master hobbs ; and lastly , they slight the scriptures , relying on their own inspirations ; and they slight the pen men of the holy ghost , calling saint iohn a foolish young man , saint matthew a publican , saint paul a broken vessel , and saint peter a denyer of his master . zuinglius , canon of constance , held the doctrine of c●rolostadius against luther , concerning the real presence . david george , a glasier in gaunt , taught that he was god almighties nephew , born of the spirit , not of the flesh , the true messiah , and third david that was to reign on earth ; that heaven was void of inhabitants : and that therefore he was sent to adopt sons for that heavenly kingdom . he denied spirites , the resurrection , and the last judgement , and life eternal . he held promiscuous copulation , with the adamits ; and with the manichees , that the soul was not polluted with sin ▪ that the souls of infidels shall be saved , and the bodies of the apostles , as well as those of infidels , shall be burned in hell fire ; and that it was no sin to deny christ before men ; therefore they condemned the martyrs of folly , for shedding their blood for christ. mela●●ct●on was a lutheran , but not altogether so rigid : so was bucer , except in the point of christs real presence ; westphalus also , but he denied original sin , and the holy ghosts procession from the son ; and that christs did not institute the lent fast , nor was any man tied to keep it . q. . what were the chief heads of calvins doctrine ? a. that in this life our ●aith is not without some doubtings and incredulity ; that the scriptures are sufficient without traditions ; that an implicite faith is no faith ; that the books of tobias , iudith , a part of hester , the wisedome of solomon , ecclesiasticus , baruch , the history of bell and the dragon ▪ and the books of macchabees are not parts of the canonical scripture ; that the hebrew text of the old testament is only authentical , and so the grek of the new testament ; that the scripture in fundamentals is clear of it selfe , and is a sufficient judge of controversies ; that the elect have saving faith onely , which can never totally and finally be lost ; that predestination to life or death dependeth not on mans foreseen merits or demerits , but on gods free will and pleasure ; that no sin comes to passe without the will of god ; that the son of god received not his essence of the father , nor is he god of god , but god of himselfe ; that christ , in respect of his humani●y , was ignorant of some things ; that the virgin mary was obnoxious to divers sins , and infirmities ; that christ is our media●or in respect of both natures ; that christ was in the state of damnation when he suffered for us , but did not continue in it , that christ by his suffering merited nothing for himselfe : that he descended not truly into hell , but by suffering the pains of hell on the crosse ; that there is no limbus patrum , nor purgatory ; that our prayers avail not to the dead ; that the torments of the evil angels were deferred till the day of judgement ; that christ came not out of the grave whilest it was shut ; that the true church of god consisteth onely of the elect , and that it is not visible to men ; that the church may erre ; that saint peter was not bishop of rome , nor the pope his successor , but that he is antichrist ; that the church and magistrate cannot make laws to bind the conscience ; that caelibat and the monastical life is unlawful , & consequently the vows of chastity , poverty , and obedience ; that man hath not free will to goodnesse ; that concupiscence , or the first motions , before the will consents , are sins ; that all sins are mortal , and none in themselves venial ; that in this life our sinnes are still inherent in us , though they be not imputed to us , that wee are justified by faith without works , and that faith is never without charity : that the best of our works deserve damnation ; that here we may be assured of our justification and salvation ; that the church liturgy ought not to be read in latin , but in the vulgar tongue : that faith is a more excellent vertue then charity ; that there is no merit in us : that in this life we cannot possibly fulfil the law : that to invocate the saints , to worship images and reliques , or the crosse , is idolatry : that usury is not altogether unlawful : that lent and other set fasts are not to be kept : that there be onely two scaraments , baptisme , and the lords supper : and that the sacraments cannot justifie or confer grace : that the baptisme of water is not of absolute necessity , nor depends the efficacy of it from the intention of the minister , nor ought it to be administered by private men or women , in private houses . that christ is not corporally in the eucharist : that in the want of bread and wine , other materials may be used , and that wine alone without water is to be used ; that there is no transubstantiation , nor ought to be any adoration of the bread : that the ●up should be administred to all , that extream unction was onely temporary in the church : that the clergy ought to marry . he rejected also the church-hierarchy . and ceremonies , and exorcisms , penance , also confirmation , orders , matrimony , and extream unction from being sacraments . q. . what other opinions in religion were held this age ? a. servetus a spaniard , who was burned at genev● , taught with the sabellians , that there was but one person in god , and that there was in christ but one nature with eutychees ; he denied the holy ghost , and baptisme to infants , which he would have to be deferred till the thirtieth year of their age . he held also that god was essential in every creature . brentius a lutheran taught that christs body after its ascension is every where , whence sprung up the vbiquitaries . castelli● a school-master in geneva , held that the canticles was not scripture , but a love ballade between solomon and one of his concubines . one postellus taught that men of all sects and professions should be saved by christ. o●iander held that we were justified not by ●aith , but by the essential righteousnesse of god , which he said was the formal cause of our justification . one 〈◊〉 a ma●tuan , taught that christ justified us , not as he was god , but as he was man. amsdorphius wrot a book to prove that good works were pernicious to salvation . one george mai●r taught that infants could not be justified for want of good works . iohn agric●●● affirmed that the law was altogether needlesse , and that christians were not tied to the observation thereof . hence sprung up the antinomians . one steunbergetus in mor●via denyed the trinity , the divinity of christ , the holy ghost , and virginity of mary ▪ he rejected also baptisme , and the lords day , affirming we had no command in scripture to keep that , but the sabbath onely . one o●inus taught that ●olygamy or multiplicity of wives was lawful : one valentinus gentil●● of naples , denied the trinity , and rejected the creed of ath●●●●ius . one 〈◊〉 of cracovia in ●oland denyed also the trinity and th●●ty of essence , and taught that neither the second nor third person were god ; that satan was created evil ; that mans intellect is eternal ; that our free will was a passive power moved necessarily by the appetite ; that god was the author of sin , and that the will of man in sinning was conformable to the will of god ; that it was not adultery to lie with another mans wife ; that we must belive nothing but what is evident to sense or reason ; that the same body which dieth , riseth not again ; that the soul perished with the body ; that there should be no care had of burial ; that separated souls could not suffer corporeal fire , and that god being a spirit , should not be invocated by our mouth , but by our heart . one swenkfeldius taught that the scripture was not the word of god , nor that our faith depended on it , but it rather on our faith . that christ brought his body with him from heaven . that christs humanity became god after his ascension ; that every man was endowed with the same essential vertues of justice , wisdom , &c. which were in god. that the power and efficacy of gods word preached , was the very son of god. in moravia there started up some professors called nudipedales , because they went bare-footed ; these in imitation of the apostles forsook houses , lands , businesse and children , and lived together in common , avoiding the society of other people . another sect sprung up , which called themselves free men teaching that they were freed from obedience to magistrates , from taxes , tythes , and other duties ; that after baptisme they could not sin . that they were not onely like god , but already deified . and that it was lawful among themselves ( but no where else ) to have women in common . q. . were there no other opinions held this century ? a. yes , many more : so vain and luxuriant are the wits of men , in finding out many inventions , and shaping to themselves forms and ideas of religions , every one esteeming his own the best , and as much in love with his own imaginations , as narcissus was with his shadow in the water , or dercalion with his own picture . some reject scriptures , others admit no other writings but scriptures . some say the devits shall be saved , others that they shall be damned , others that there are no devils at all . some hold that it is lawful to dissemble in religion , others the contrary . some say antichrist is come , some say not ; others that he is a particular man. others that he is not a man , but the devil ; and others , that by antichrist is meant a succession of men ; some will have him to be nero , some caligula , some mahomet , some the pope , some luther , some the turk , some of the tribe of dan ; and so each man according to his fancy will make an antichrist . some onely will observe the lords day , some onely the sabbath , some both , and some neither . some will have all things in common , some not . some will have christs body onely in heaven , some everywhere , some in the bread , others with the bread , others about the bread , others under the bread , and others that christs body is the bread , or the bread his body . and others again that his body is transformed into his divinity : some wil have the eucharist administred in both kinds ; some in one , some not at all . some will have christ descend to hell in respect of his soul , some onely in his power , some in his divinity , some in his body , some not at all : some by hell understand the place of the damned , some limbus patrum , others the wrath of god , others the state of the dead , others the grave . some wil make christ two persons , some give him but one nature and one will ; some affirming him to be onely god , some onely man , some made up of both , some altogether deny him : some will have his body come from heaven , some from the virgin , some from the elements ; some wil have our souls mortal , some immortal , some bring it into the body by infusion , some by traduction ; some wil have the soul created before the world , some after : some will have them created altogether , others severally : some will have them corporeal , some incorporeal : some of the substance of god , some of the substance of the body : so infinitly are mens conceits distracted with variety of opinions , whereas there is but one truth , which every man dims at , but few attain it ; every man thinks he hath it , and yet few enjoy it , the main causes of these distractions are pride , self-love , ambition , contempt of church and scripture , the humour of contradiction , the spirit of faction , the desire of innovation , the want of preserment in high spirits , anger , envy , the benefit that ariseth to some by fishing in troubled waters : the malignant eye that some have on the churches prospe●ity , the greedy appetite others have to quailes and the flesh-pots of egypt , rather then to manna , though sent from heaven : the want or contempt of authority , discipline , and order in the church , which like bulwarks , walls , or hedges keep out the wild boars of the forfest from rooting up the lords vineyard , and the little foxes from eating up the grapes thereof . therefore wise governours were forced to authorize bishops , moderatours , or superintendents ( call them what you will ) for regulating , curbing , and punishing such luxurious wits ; as disturbed the peace of the church , and consequently of the state , by their fantastical inventions , knowing that too much liberty was no lesse dangerous then tyranny , too much mercy as pernitious as cruelty : and a general permission in a kingdom or state , no lesse hazzardous to the publick tranquillity ; then a general restriction . the contents of the ninth section . the first original of the monastical life . . the first eremites or anchorites . . the manner of their living . . their excesses in religion . . the preheminence of the sociable life to the solitary . . the first monks after anthonie . . the rules of saint basil. . saint hieroms order . . saint austins order . . if saint austin instituted his eremites to beg . . of saint austins leathern girdle used at this day . . the institutions and exercises of the first monks . . why religious persons cut their haire and beards . . whence came that custom of shaving . . of the primitive nuns . . of what account monks are at this day in the roman church . . how the monks and nuns of old were consecrated . . the benedictine order . . of the orders proceeding from them . . of saint bennets rules to his monks . . the benedictines habit and dyet . . rules prescribed by the councel of aix to the monks . . the rites and institutions of the monks of cassinum . . the manner of electing their abbots . . the benedictine nuns and their rule . . of the laws and priviledges of monasteries . sect . ix . quest. . having taken a view of the opinions in christian religion for years ; it remains that we now take notice of the strictest observers thereof : therefore tell us who they were that separated themselves from other christians , not so much in opinion as in place and strictnesse of living ; and what was the first original of this separation . a. when the christian religion in the beginning was opposed by persecutors , many holy men and women to avoid the fury of their persecutors , retired into desart places , where they gave themselves to fasting , prayer , and meditation in the scriptures . these were called eremites from the desart where they lived , and monachi from their single or solitary life ; and anchorites from living a part by themselves . such were paul the eremite , anthony , hilarion , basil , hierom and others . afterward the eremites growing weary of the desarts , and persecution at an end , betook themselves into towns and cities , where they lived together , and had all things in common within one building which they called monastery , covent , or cloyster . these monks were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worshippers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exercisers or wrestlers in christianity ; clerici also , as being the lords inheritance ; and philosophers from their study and contemplation of divine and humane things . their houses were called caenobia because they held all things among them in common , and claustra or cloysters , because there they were inclosed from the rest of the world . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schools of cares and discipline , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 places of exercise . as the men had their peculiar houses or cloysters , so had the women , who were willing to separate themselves from the world ; these were called n●nn● , or nuns from the egyptian word nennus , for there were the first monasteries : from their solitary life they are named moniales , and from their holinesse sanctimoniales ; and from the roman phrase virgines vestoles ; now , because these holy men and women lived at first in caves and subterraneal holes , they were named mandritae ; for mandrae signifies caves or holes ; and troglodyta , from those ethiopians in arabia neer the red sea , who lived on serpents flesh , and roots , whose skins were hardned with the nights cold , and tanned with the suns heat . they were so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from their caves where they dwelt . q. . who were the first eremites , or anchorites ? a. if we take eremites for such as have lived in desarts for a while , to avoid persecution ; then we may say that eliah , iohn baptist , and christ himself were eremites . for they were forced sometimes to live an eremitical or solitary life in desarts . but if by eremites we understands such as wholly addicted themselves to an eremitical or solitary life from the world and worldly affairs , that they might the more freely give themselves to fasting , prayer , and contemplation , then the first eremite we read of since christ was poul the theban : who having lost in the persecution under decius both his parents , and fearing to be betrayed by his sisters husband , betook himself to a cave at the foot of a rocky hill , ●bout the year of christ . and there continued all his life , to wit , from fifteen years of age till he died , which was the one hundred and thirteenth year of his life . all which time he saw no body but antonius , who being ninety years old , by divine instinct came to paul on the day he died . this antonius instituted this eremitical life in egypt . being twenty years old he sold his estate , and bestowed it on the poor ; then in remote places he lived alone , but that sometimes he would visit his disciples . at . years he betook himself to the desart , till he was . then he returned to the cities and preached christ there . afterward he returned again to the desart , where he spent , the remainder of his life , and dyed the . year of his age , and after christ . to him succeeded hilarion , the first eremite in palestina and syria . then paul surnamed the simple , amen an egyptian , with divers others . q. . how did these first eremites live ? a. they spent their time in working , sometimes in preaching , praying , fasting , and meditating , and sometimes in composing differences between christians , in visiting the sick , and in such like holy exercises did they place their religion . paul the theban was content with a cave in stead of a palace ; with a piece of dry bread brought to him by a raven every day , in stead of delicate cheer , with water in stead of wine ; and with the leaves of palmes in stead of rich apparrel : and to avoid idlenesse , he would work sometiems with his hands . anthony contented himself with bread , salt , and water ; his dinner-time was at sun-setting ; he used to fast sometimes two dayes together , and to watch and pray whole nights : he lay on the bare ground : disputed often times with the ar●i●ns and meletians in defence of athanasius : did intercede many times with the emperour constantine for distressed christians , and was alwayes ready to compose their quarrels . hilarion was content to live in a little hovel which he made himself of shells , twigs and bulrushes , foure foot broad , and five foot high ▪ spending his time in praying , fasting , curing of diseases , casting out devils . his garment was sack-cloath , which he never put off ; his food , roots and herbs , which he never ●asted before sun set ; six ounces of barley●bread contented him from . years till . from that time till . he used oyle to repair his decayed strength . from . till . he abstained from bread . that he might not be idle , he made him baskets of bulrushes , and used to lie on the ground . thus did these primitive eremites spend their time ; not in chambering and w●●t●nnesse , sur●etting and drunkennesse ; but in temperance , sobriety , continence , hunger , thirst , heat and cold , reading , praying , preaching , and fasting ; not placing religion in saying , but in suffering ; not in good words , but in good works ; not in talking of scripture , but in walking by scripture . q. . wherein did some eremites exceed in their religious , or rather , superstitious kind of living ? a. as jealousie is too much love ; so is superstition too much religion ; but too much of one thing ( as we say ) is good for nothing : ne quid nimis should be in all our actions . god will have merey , and not sacrifice ; he will say , who required these things at your hands ? such kind of bodily exercise , as the apostle saith , availeth little ; it is not a torn skin , nor a macerated body , nor a pinched belly that god requires , but a broken and contri●e spirit ; a renting of the heart and not of the garment ; and therefore the excesse of eremitical penance is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will-worship , and not that which god requireth , to wit , mercy and justice ; to relieve the oppressed ; to comfort the comfortlesse ; to visit the fatherlesse and widows , and to keep our selves unspotted of the world . to place religion in abstinence from certain meats , is against the apostles rule , ● tim. . saying , that every creature of god is good , and nothing to be rejected , which is received with thanksgiving . altogether to abandon the society of christians , is contrary to saint pauls counsel , heb. , let us consider one another , to provoke unto love and to good works , not forsaking the fellowship that we have among our selves , as the manner of some is , under pretence of forsaking the world , to abandon all care of friends and family , is condemned by the apostle , tim. . if any man hath not a care of his family , he hath denied the faith , and is worse then an infidel . they that willingly deprive themselves of the means of doing good to their neighbours , transgresse the law of god which commands us to love our neighbours as our selves . these subsequent examples will shew how far some men have exceeded the bounds of christianity , and out-run religion , by too much superstitious devotions and excessive pennance . one asepes●●a lived sixty years together in a closet , all which time he never was seen of any , nor did he speake to any . the like is recorded of one didymus , who lived ninety years by himselfe . one batthaeus an eremite of caelosyria , fasted so long , till worms crawled out of his teeth . one martinus tyed his leg with an iron chain to a great stone , that he might not remove thence . one alas never tasted bread in eighty years together . iohn sor●●ny the egyptian stood praying within the cliff of a certain rock three years together , so long till his legs and feet with continual standing swelled with putri●ied matter , which at last broke the skin and run out . one dominicus and eremit wore continually next his skin an iron coat of male ▪ and almost every day used to scourge himself with whips in both hands . some have killed themselvs with hunger , some with thirst , some with exposing themselvs to excessive heat have been stif●ed , others by extremity of cold have been frozen to death ; as if god took delight in self-murther , which in him to affect were cruelty , and in any to act , were the greatest impiety . some again not content with ordinary ways of eremitisme , have spent their days within hollow pillars , whence they were named stylitae , neither admitting the speech nor sight of any man or woman . o 〈◊〉 hominum ! o quantum est in rebus ina●e ! what needed all this toil ? christ saith , that his yo●k is easie , and his burthen light ; but these men laid heavy burthens on themselves , which god never required ; he made man animal politicum , a sociable creature , therefore said , it was not good for man to be alone . wo to him that is alone , saith solomon . besides no place , though never so remote and solitary , can priviledge a man from sin . lot was righteous among the wicked sodomites , and yet in the solitary cave committed incest with his two daughters ; what place could be more retired then paradise , and more secure then heaven ? yet adam fell in paradise and the angels fell in heaven . q. . whether is the solitary life in a desart , or the sociable life in a covent to be preferred ? a. . the sociable life , because the end of our creation was not to live apart , like wild beasts , but together , like men . . because we are hound to help each other , by counsel , instruction , admonition , exhortation , to bear one anothers burthens , to comfort the comfortlesse , to support the weak , to cloath the naked , to seed the hungry : for as the orator said , we are not born for our selves , but our parents , country and friends challenge a share in us . . because he that liveth alone , as he sins against his creation , and humane society , so he sins against himselfe , in that he debars himselfe of those comforts and aid , both spiritual and corporal , which he hath in a sociable life . . because god is more present with many , then with one . therefore his church , which he promiseth to be with till the end of the world , and on which he hath bestowed the spirit of truth , to conduct her into all truth , and which he hath built upon the rock , so that hell gates shall not prevail against her ; his church i say , is a congregation , and consisteth not of one but of many ; and christ hath promised that where two or three are gathered together in his name , he will be in the midst of them . . because god is better praised and more honoured of many together , then by one alone ; therefore david will praise god , and declare his name in the great congregation . christ will have our light to shine before men , that they seeing our good works , may glorifie our father which is in heaven . this cannot be done by him that lives amongst wild beasts in a desart ▪ how can he honour god by the exercise of justice , mercy , charity , humility , and other vertues , chiefly of his patience in suffering injuries , and of his obedience to superiours ? how shall he find out his own infirmities and failings , seeing selfe-love is in every man , and no man can so well pry into himselfe , as another ; and the heart of man is deceitful above all things ? . and lastly no man alone can be so secure from danger of enemies , as when he is in company ; and therefore satan is more ready to assault man by tentations when he is alone , then when he is in the company and society of others . so he set not upon christ when he was in ierusalem , but when he was led by the spirit into the d●sart ; therefore wo to him that is alone , for when he falls , there is not a second to help him up . as then in the body natural , god did not separate one member from another , but united them all in one bulk , under one head , to be animat●d by one heart or soul , that they might help each other ; so hath he done in the body pol●tick of mankind . q. . who were the first monk● after anthony ? a. the thabennesii , so called from thabenna , an island in the province of thebais . in this one pachomius an e●emite , about the time of constantius , constantines son , assembled divers monks together , and by the advice of an angel ( so goeth the story ) prescribed them these rules ; to wit , that they should live together in one house , distinguished into divers cells ▪ and in each cell should remain three monks , but should all eat in one hall. no man must be forbid to eat or fast ; they must sleep not lying on beds , but sitting in their chaires : they must wear goats skins , which they must never put off but when they communicate ; then they must come only with their hood , with which their heads must be covered when they eat , that they may not be seen to eat ; for in eating they must neither cast their eyes off from the table , nor must they speak . no stranger must be admitted without three years trial . they must pray twelve times in the day time , likewise in the evening , and in the night , a psalm preceding each prayer . the monks were divided into orders , according to the number of the greek letters . q. . what were the religious rules that sa●nt ba●il p●escribed to his monks ? a. saint basil , presbyter of caesarea in cappadocia , being molested by eusebius , bishop there , to avoid trouble and disturbing of the church , retired to a monastery in pontus , where he preached to the monks of that place ; and departing thence , travelled about the country of pontus , and perswaded the eremites , who lived apart in caves and cells of the desarts , to unite themselves in monasteries , and withal prescribes to them these . subsequent rules , which were imbraced by most of the eastern monks . the rules were these . . to love god with all their heart , soul and strength , and their neighbours as themselves . . to ground this love of god upon his power , glory , and excellency , as ●e is in himselfe , and on his goodnesse , mercy , and bounty towards us . . that the love of our neighbour be grounded on the command and will of god , and on his love towards us his enemies ; for if god hath so highly loved us that were his enemies , shall not we when he commands us , love our neighbours ? . that they should not live any longer a sunder , but together , because of the mutual helps , comforts , instructions , exercise of vertues , efficacy of prayers , security from dangers which are in the sociable , not in the solitary life . ● . that they should forsake the delights and vanities of the world , and with the apostle , to crucifie it , and to be crucified to it . . that they should dispense their wealth to the poor and indigent . . that none be admitted into their fraternity without probation . . that infants be also admitted , but not without the consent of their parents . . that they study to be continent and sober in their diet and behaviour . . is set down the m●asure of their eating and drinking , and simplicity of food . . that there be no affectation or contention for superiority of place at the table , but that all things be done there with order and decency . . that their appa●el be plain , simple , and homely ; and that they wea● a girdle , after the example of iohn baptist , and the apostles . . that they walk not after their own sense and pleasure , but as they are directed by gods word . . that they be obedient to their superiours , but chiefly to god. . that they should serve god with the same affection as david did , when he said as the hart brayeth for the rivers of water , so doth my soul after thee o god. . that he who is their governour should conside● whose minister he is ; and that he should be as tende● of his charge , as a nutse of her child . . that he reprove at first gently , and in the spirit of meeknesse ; but that he esteem of the obstinate as heathens and publicans . . that he suffer not the least offence to go unreproved , seeing the least is a breach of gods law. . that repentance be in sincerity . . that it be accompanied with good works . . and with confession . . that if a man relapse into sin , he may use more sincerity in his repentance then before ; for it seems the disease was not perfectly cured . . let him that reproveth be as a father or a physitian ; and he who is reproved , as a son and a patient . . that no man defend or excuse himself in his evil courses . . that among them all things be in common . . that men of estates bestow on their kindred what is their due , and the remainder on the poor . . that none return to their parents houses , except it be to instruct them , and by their superiors leave . . that none give way through idlenesse for their minds to waver , or wander up and down . . that to avoid idle and sinfull dreams in the night , let every one be diligent in meditating on the law and the word of god by day . . that with the same affection which christ shewed in washing his disciples feet , should the strong and whole serve the sick and infirm . . that they should love one another , as christ hath loved us . . that their speech be not idle , but seasoned with salt , and edifying . . that they should abstain from upbraiding or defaming words . . that they who either defame , or patiently hear their brother defamed , be excommunicated . . that they give not place or scope to anger . . that they set their affections on heavenly , not on earthly things . . that they neither sorrow nor rejoyce , but when they see god honoured or dishonoured . . that they take heed of worldly cares and too much security . . that what ever they doe , may be done to the glory of god. . that they beware of pride . . that by a mean esteem of themselves , they may learn humility . . that every one be obedient to another , as servants are to their masters , or as christ was obedient to his father . . that no man 〈◊〉 occasion of scandal or offence to his brother ; that every 〈◊〉 doe his duty with cheerfulnesse , without grudging ; that ●conciliation may be made where there is any difference : : that they judge not , lest they be iudged . . that they be truly zealous against sinne . . that no man doe his own will , nor undertake any thing without leave , seeing christ came not to doe his own will , but the will of him that sent him . . that they be thankful to god , 〈◊〉 hath made them partakers with the saints in light . . that they instruct novices in their duties . . that they debar not any man from entering into their covent upon trial ; and withal , that they give them no offence . . that in their fasting they use moderation and devotion . . that no man scorn to wear in old garment when it is given him . . that every man observe the hour appointed for eating . . that they give their alms with due consideration , and according to the discretion of the superiour . . that a younger brother , instructing his elder , do it with reverence ; and that no man disturb the orders setled in the monastery . . that great care be had of the utensils belonging to the monastery . . if any be necessarily detained from publike prayer and singing , that then he pray , and praise god in his heart . . that they be reverent in their prayers , and not suffer their minds to wander , seeing the eyes of god are upon them . . that the steward , and other officers of the covent be prudent and faithful in their dispensation . . that there be diversity of rewards , according to the diversity of works . . that he who returns to god by repentance , must weep , and be sorry for his former life , and hate his former actions . . that they should not be dismayed who have not wealth to give to the poor , seeing they have forsaken all for christ. . that they take heed of affected ignorance , and consenting to other mens sins . . that they must not be silent , or connive at their brothers offences , but must reprove him . . that they should never be without compunction and care , by reason of the remainders of sin in them . that they indeavour to be poor in spirit , which is to forsake all for the love of god. . that they presevere in doing good till the end of their life . . that thoug● in respect of themselves , they must not care what they eat , or what they drink ; yet , that they may be helpful to others , they must labour with their hand ▪ . that to think of meat and drink out of season is a sin . . that sackcloath be worn for humiliation , other garments for necessity ; that in spea●ing they neither be too loud nor too low . . that the eueharist be received with fear , reverence and faith . . that they observe when it is fit to speak , when to be silent . . that they have alwaies the feare of god before them ; that they avoid the broad way , and strive to enter in at the narrow gate . . that they beware of coverousnesse , vaine-glory , and vanity in apparrel , to please men . . that they abstain from all defilement of the flesh , and endeavour to be pure in heart . . that they hate sinne , and take delight in gods law. that they try their love to god , by their thankfulnesse to him ; by obedience to his commands , and by denying themselves . their love to their neighbour , by fellow-feeling and sympathy in his prosperity and adversity . . that they should imitate god and christ , in loving their enemies . . that they should be angry , but sinne not ; that they give place to anger , and not resist evill , but being persecuted , either to suffer , or fly . . that they strive for the peace of conscience ; and like new born babes receive the sincere milk of gods word , without resisting . . that no man be puffed up with a conceit of his own worth , nor brag thereof , or glory therein . . that they beg true wisdome from god , and acknowledge him the author of all good . . that they may know what it is to b● holy , to be just , not to cast pearles before swine , and to be content with their dayly bread . . that no brother alone visit a sister but in company , and that by permission , and for edifica●ion to avoid offence . . that reproofe be joyned with gentlenesse ; and that none rely on his own judgment ▪ . that they hear one anothers infirimities . . that they pray against tentations . . that they do no● speak , or act any thing rashly , but advisedly . . that in giving , they should chiefly have regard to those of the houshold of faith ; and that every one must not be a dispenser , but he onely to whom that charge is committed . . that they labour not for faith , as some do , without charity ; and that they hide not their talent in a napkin . . they must distinguish betweene fury , which is alwayes evil , and just indignation against sin in their brother . . that satan is not the cause of sinne in any man ▪ but as he consents to it ; therefore the more watchful should each man be over his owne heart . . if any man , being in debt , enter into the monastery , he ought to pay his dept , if he be able . . that when a sister confesseth , the priest-confessor do nothing but by order and decency , and in the presence of the mother or abbaresse . . if satan strive to hinder any good action , they must not leave off their holy purpose and resolution . . that no man be wise in his own eyes , nor trust in his own strength , but in the lord. these canons we may read more fully in saint basils works . ruffinus translated them into latine ; and here we may see that such a monastical life is not to be condemned : for these monks were not to be idle , but to work with their hands ; therefore their monasteries were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , places of exercise , and the monks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exercisers , which signifieth not onely the exercise of their hands , but also of their mindes ; as hospinian observes out of budaeus . these monks were tyed to weare a white garment . q. . what religious order did saint hierome erect ? a. s. hierom , who was coetaneal with s. basil , being offended at the heathenish lives of christians in rome , betook himself , with some others , into syria , where he lived in the desart for a time , giving himself to study , prayers , and meditation ; afterward returning to rome , was so hated there by the clergy , whose vices he sharply reproved ; that he betook himself again to his monastical life in syria , where paula , a noble roman marton , erected four monasteries , three for women , and one for men , in bethlehem , neer the stable where christ was borne . in this covent saint hi●rom lived many years with divers of his friends , spending his time in devotion , writing , and meditating on the bible , and educating also of divers noble youths , to whom he read rhetorick , and the poets : and thus he ended his dayes the . year of his life , and of christ . the monks of his order are called hieronymiani , whose garments are of swart or brown colour : over their coat they wear a plated cloak divided ; they gird their coat with a leather girdle , and wear wooden shoos . there is also an order of eremites of saint hierom , set up by charles granellus a florentin , about the year of christ. . these hier●mites flourished most in italy , and spain , and have large revenues . q. . of what religious order is saint augustine held to be author ? a. of those who are called canon regulars , bearing saint augustines name , and of the eremites of saint augustine . which of these two orders was first instituted by that great light and doctor of the church , it not yet certain ; we finde that this holy man was at first a manichee till he was . years of age , and professed rhetorick at rome and millan ; but by the perswasion of simplicianus , and reading the life of antony the monk , he became a convert , and in a garden with his friend alipius , as he was bewailing his former life , he heard a voice accompanied with the musick of children , saying to him , tolle , lege , tolle , lege , that is , take up and read ; looking about , and seeing no body , he took this for a divine admonition , and so taking up the bible , the first passage he lighted on was this : [ not in surfetting and drunken●esse , not in chambering and wantonnesse , but put you on the lord iesus , &c. ] upon this resolving to become a christian , he went with alipius to millan , where they were both baptized with his son , by saint ambrose bishop the●● ▪ after this having spent a few years in fasting , prayer , and study in the holy scripture , he was called to hippo in africa , where he was at first presbyter , and then bishop . he built a monastery within the church of hippo ; where he lived with other learned men ●s in a colledge , and from thence sent abroad divers divines to be clergy men in hippo , and bishops to other places . now whereas saint austin was first an eremite and lived in the desart , before he erected a collegiate life in hippo , it is likely that the eremites of his order are more ancient then his monks or canons . but some doubt , whether either of those orders were instituted by him , as divers other orders who professe to live after his rule ; as the scopettini instituted by steven and iames of sena , and confirmed by gregory . about the year . the prison●rii called also lateranenses ; these sprung up in the territory of luca in hetruria , which eugenius . ratified . the order of saint george in alga , instituted at venice by l●●rentius iustinianus , anno. . and confirmed by pope iohn . these wear a blew habit . the d●minicans also , brigidians , iesuati , servants of the blessed virgin mary , hieromites , antonians , trinitaries , brothers of saint iohn of ierusalem , cruci●eri , brothers of saint peter the confessor , brothers of the lords sepulchre eremites of saint paul , with divers others . the habit of the canons regular is a white cloth coat , open before , and down to their feet . this is girded to their body , and over it they wear a linnen surplesse to their knees , and over that ● short black cloak to their elbows , with a hood fastned to it ; their crowns are shaven like other friers ; and when they go abroad , they wear a bread hat , or a black corner'd cap. but saint austins eremites wear a black coat , with a hood of the same colour ; underneath there is a white little coat . their girdle is of leather with a buckle of horn. after the example of these monastical canons , there were ecclesiastical canons erected , who instead of an abbot , had the bishop for their governour ; these were seated neer the cathedral church , which sometimes was called mon●stery , and corruptedly minster : these canons ▪ whilst they lived strictly according to their rule , were named regular ; but when they fell off from their strict way of living , and medled with worldly businesse , they received a new name of canons secular . volaterran reckoneth . monasteries of canons in europe . . in italy , whereas now are scarce . popes , . cardinals , . of canonised saints . q. . did saint austin institute his eremites to beg ? a. it is not likely , for saint austin never begged himself , but did live by his learned and pious labours ; christ and his apostles did not live idlely , and by begging ; saint paul laboured working with his own hands and said , . cor. . that he who will not work , should not eat . and . thes. . that it is a more blessed thing to give then to receive . a begger was not to be suffered in israel , and amongst gods people it was held a curse to beg ; therefore david wished that his enemies might beg their bread , and sheweth that the children of the righteous shall never be driven to beg . besides , they that are able to work , aud will not , but live upon the alms of such as are sick and impotent , are robbers of the poor and weak . i deny not , but christ undertook voluntary poverty ; because he confesseth , luc. . that the son of man had not whereon to lay his head ▪ and luc. . . that the women did minister to him of their goods , and elsewhere that he had neither , house of his own to be born in , nor a chamber of his owne to eate his last supper in , nor an asse of hi● own to ●ide on , nor a grave of his own to lie in . yet we do not read that he begged , or lived idlely ; for he went about preaching , working miracles , and doing good , therefore he needed not to beg ; for he that will thus imploy his life , shall not want , nor need to beg . and so if the monks would take pains in praying and preaching , they needed not to be mendicants ; for the labourer is worthy of his wages , no man goeth a warfare on his on ch●rges ; he that serveth at the altar ; must live by the altar ; and be that soweth spiritual things , should reap temporal . i deny not also , but there were lazarus . the two blinde men in the gospel ▪ the cripple in the acts , who did beg ; but the● the jewish government was much altered from its first purity , and their laws much neglected or corrupted , by their subjection to the romans . again that christ and his disciples needed not to beg , is plaine , by the common purse among them , whereof judas was the carrier . now christ assumed voluntary poverty ; though he did not begge ; to shew that he came to suffer want , and that his kingdome was not of this world ; and to sanctifie our poverty to us , and to ●each the rich of this world , that they trust not in uncertain riches ; and that the poor should not be dejected , seeing christ himself was poor . god also to humble us doth suffer us sometimes to be in ●ant . so he dealt with elias , when he asked ●read of the widow ; and david when he desired bread of abimelech ; and lazarus , when he begged at the rich mans door : but this is seldom , and to let us see , that on earth we have not true happinesse . again i deny not but a single man , who hath no charge of wife , children , and family , may renounce his wealth , that he may be the lesse burthened with the cares of this life , and the more apt for prayer and contemplation ; but this is not lawful in him who hath the charge of wife and family , for whom he ought to provide , if he be not worse then 〈◊〉 infidel . to be brief , these monks , who can work or preach , and will not , ought not to beg ; for wages are due to those that work , not so much out of charity , as out of justice . q. . was that leathre● girdle ever worne by s. augustin , with which the monks of this order used to cure diseases , and ease paines in the body ? a. ● . that saint austin ever wore this girdle , is not known to me , nor can it be proved but by their own traditions . . that this girdle hath mi●●culously cured diseases , and asswaged paines , is believed by divers lay-people , even by some princes , who have for this end , wore the same . . that wonderfull cures have been wrought by this girdle , is a●●evered by divers , but how truly , i know not . . god sometimes by weak means produceth strange cures ▪ as by christs spittle , saint peters shadow , s●int pauls handkerchieff ▪ the hem of christs garment . ● . god permits satan sometimes to do strange things , that they who will not believe the truth , may be deluded . . many strange cures are to be ascribed to the force of imagination , rather then to such weak outward means . . to deny all miracles which have been written , is too much temeriti●● and to believe all , is too much credulitie . . we read of miracles not onely done by moses , christ , and his apostles , but also by the sorcerers of egypt , simom magus , antichrist , apollonius and others . . as scriptures at first were proved by miracles , so miracles are now to be proved by scriptures ; for such miracles as are not consonant to gods word , are not true . . divers of the roman church doubt the truth of many of their miracles ; canus loc. . . c. . calls the author of the golden legend a man of a brazen face , and a leaden heart . espencaeus upon . tim. . saith , that the legends are full of fables . caietan digr . . opusc. de concep . virg. c. . tells us , that it cannot be known infallibly , that the miracles on which the church groundeth the canonisation of saints be true , because the credit thereof depends on mens reports , who may deceive others , and be deceived themselves . q. . what were the institutions and exercises of the first monks ? a. at first they used to work , when occasion served ; to eat and drink soberly , to go decent in their apparel , to fast and pray often , to possesse all thing● in common ; to read , meditate , preach , and hear the word of god , to study temperance , continency , modesty , obedience , silence , and other vertues ▪ they were divided into tens , and hundreds ; every nine had their decurio , or tenth man to overlook them , and every hundred had their centurio , to whom the ten decurions were subject , they had their distinct beds ; at the ninth hour they met to sing and hear sermons , at table they fit silent , and content themselves with bread , herbs , and salt ; the old men onely drink wine ; in the night they had their ho●● of prayer ; in the summer they dine , but 〈◊〉 not : their chief governour they called father ; in syriack abbot , who for his learning was eminent , and for his life exemplary . these ancient monks used to wear hoods and girdles , they went also with staves , and scrips of goat skins . but in egypt they wore no shoos , because of the heat of that country . the affairs of the covent was committed to some brother , till he grew weary of it ; but in mesopotamia , palestine , and cappadocia ; the brothers did serve by turns weekly ; at the end of the week , the servant did wash the feet of his brothers , and so resigned up his office to the next . in most places they observed the third , sixth , and ninth hours for prayer ; none were admitted into the monastery till they were 〈◊〉 tried by waiting ten days together without the gate , and patiently enduring all the opprobrious speeches that should be uttered against them ; then did the abbot receive them with a long exhortation , admonishing them of their duties , and chiefly exhorting them to mortification , humility , silence , obedience , meeknesse , patience , sobriety , submission , confession of their infirmities , and such like duties . then are these probationers stript of their own garments , and cloathed in monks habit , and are tried one whole year under strict discipline ; if there be dislike on either side , they receive their own clothes again from the steward , & are dismissed the monastery . small offences among these monks were punished with publike humiliation and acknowledgment , the offender lying flat on the ground , till the abbot bid him rise ; but great faults were punished with stripes , or expulsion : during their sitting at table , they were to hearken to what was read out of the scripture , to the end , they might be taken off from idle talk , and that their mindes might be sed as well as their bodies , seeing not by bread ●lone man doth live , but by every word that ca●neth out if the mouth of god. these primitive monasteries also were subject to the bishops of the diocesse , without whose leave , they were not to go abroad from their covents . i do not finde that in these primitive monasteries they were tyed to set fasts , ●● the three vows of chastity , poverty , and obedience , or to different cloathes and colours ; or to stay longer in the monastery , then their own liking . q. : why did religious persons cut their hair and beards ? a. because long hair was abused among the gentiles to pride , luxury , and superstition . it did argue also effeminatnesse , childishnesse , or slavishnesse ; for in some places slaves used to wear long haire , which when they were made free , they layed aside ; so children , when they came to years o● puberty , cut their haires , and offered them to apollo who by the poets is called crinitus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the nourisher of haire ; the gentiles gave long haires to their gods ; so iupiter , apollo , bacchus , neptune , aesculapius , are described with long haire . nature gave the woman long haire , to distinguish her from the man ; therefore men with long hair were noted for effeminate , and in derision called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ hair-trimmers . the apostle reproves it in men ; therefore the clergy by the canons of councils and decretals , are forbid to nourish their hairs , but to cut them ; yet i do not finde that they used in those times to shave , or were injoyned to do so , but rather the contrary : therefore optatus milevitanus , l. cont. parmen . reproves the donatists for shaving the catholike priests : and clemens alexandrinus , l. . paedag. c. ii. saith that the haires are to be clipt with scissors , not shaved with a rasor . and the reason why shaving was then prohibited among the christians , was because it was used by the gentile priests in honour of their idols ; for in the time of the primitive christians , were the priests of isis yet extant , who used to shave their heads : for this cause god would not have the jewish priests to shave , seeing he would not have them to be like the idolatrous priests ; nor would he have them to shave in funerals , levit. . now the reasons why monks and clerks , were shaved among christians , and that onely on the top of their head , so that their hairs hanging about their ears , represented a crown , were these . . to resemble the crown of thorns which christ wore . . to shew that christs priests are also spiritual kings . . they shave off their haires to shew that they should lay aside all superfluities of the flesh , and sinful lusts ; but the crown of the head must be bare , to shew that the minde must be free for contemplation . their naked and bare crowns were to shew the nakednesse , purity , and simplicity of their lives . . to shew their repentance and conversion ; for such were commanded to cut their haires , before they were admitted again into the church . . to discriminat the christian monk● from the jewish nazarites , who wore long haire , as moses did vaile , to shew that the mystery of redemption was not as yet revealed . . they cut or shave to avoid the uncleannesse and inconveniences that accompany long haire . . to shew their contempt of the world , and of those vain effeminate men who pride themselves in their long haire . . they shave their beards that they may look smooth like children and angels , who are alwayes painted young , by this shewing , they should be children in malice , and angels in innocency . q. . whence came the custome of shaving , or cutting the hairs of head and beard among religious persons ? a. some will have saint peter to be the first christian that was shaved on the crown , at antioch , by the gentiles in derision . others ascribe this custome to anicetus , who lived about . years after christ ; but this is rejected by bellarmine . others again will have the fourth council of toledo , about the year of christ . to enjoyn this shaving of the crown ; and in the council of aquisgran , an christi . the monks are enjoyned to shave in easter week . but shaving of the beard is not so ancient ; for it came in with the doctrin of transubstantiation , taught by peter lombard , anno . and established by innocent . in the council of later●n , in the year . the reason of this shaving was , left any hairs of the beard might touch the body or blood of christ ; or least any crum of the bread , or drop of the wine might fall upon , or stick to the beard . in the time of epiphanius , about . yeares after christ , it was not the custome among monks to cut their beards ; for he inveighs against the monks of mesopotamia , for wearing long hairs like women , and cutting their beards , which also was the custome of the messalian hereticks . but that this custome of cutting the beard was not generally received by the clergie , appears in the french story ; for fr●ncis the first caused the church-men with a great sum of money to redeem their beards which he threatned to cut : but indeed the custome of shaving was used among the gentile priests ; for which reason god would not have his priests to shave , that they might not seem to follow the wayes of idolaters . the egyptian priests , by shaving off all their haires , did signifie that the priests should be pure and cleane , and free from all pollution . they used also in mourning and funerals to cut their haires ; so statius saith , . . the●● terg●que & ●ectore fusam caesariem minuit , and to cut the haires of the dead , which they laid on the tomb , or cast into the fire , as a sacrifice to pluto and pr●serpina , as may be seen in euripides and homer . of this custome speaketh virgil , in the death of queene d●do ; nondum illi flavum proserpina vertice crinem abstulerat , stygieque caput damnaverat orco , &c. sic ait , & dextra crinem secat , &c. they used also to spread their cut haire upon the coffin , as heliodor . . sheweth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and as they offered the hairs of the dead to orcus ; so they did of children to the rivers , from whence they held all things had their original , or else to apollo and hercules , that is , the sun ; for by the heat of the sun , and the moisture of water , haires are procreated . but in their marriage solemnities they used to offer their haires to diana or iuno , cui vincla jugalia cur●● ; for she was held the goddesse of marriage . childrens haire were cut with ceremony in the temples , and preserved in boxes or cases of gold and silver . sea-men in danger of shipwrack used to cut their haires , thinking thereby to appease the angry sea gods . among some gentiles the haires were cut in signe of liberty ; among others in token of servitude : it was a punishment to cut the hair among the germans , as t●citus de mor. ger. sheweth of the women there , who for adultery had their hair cut : accisis crinibus nudatam domo expellat maritus . such also as stood guilty of capitall crimes were shaved ; as nicolaus damascenus sheweth , and philostratus in the life of apollonius . but sometimes again guilty persons wore long hair , and were forbid to shave ; to be halfe shaved was the badge of a slave ; frontes literati , & capisllum semirass , & pedes annulati , saith apuleius ● . . slaves were stigmatized on the forehead , halfe shaved , and had rings about their feet . davids servants were sent back by the ammonites ha●fe shaved . sometimes shaving was a note of effeminatenesse ; sometimes of craft ; sometimes of foolishnesse ; sometimes of liberty ; and sometimes ( as is said ) of slavery . but however it was used among the gentiles , it is expresly forbid to the jewes , and threatned as a punishment . yet among christians it is indifferently used ; but among the monks and priests it is used as a mark of distinction ; and to shew that as dead men were shaved among the gentiles , so that our monks are dead to the world , and as the gentiles thought by cutting their haire to pacifie their angry gods ; so the monks , by laying aside all fleshly superfluities , strive to avoid gods wrath . this i should like well , if they were as carefull about the thing signified , as they are about the signe : and as shaving was sometimes a signe of liberty , so i wish it were among them , who as they pretend , they are free from the world , so they were free also from the devil , and the flesh , and from those sinnes that enslave them ; for he that committeth sinne is the servant of sinne ; yea a servant of servants , whatsoever badges of liberty hee pretend . q. . where there any religious women , which we call nuns , in the primitive times of the church ? a. yes : for we read of marcella , sophronia , principia , paul● , eustochium , and others , who did professe chastity , and contempt of the world , and an earnest desire of heavenly things . this retired life they undertook of their own accord , and not by force ; for every one is not capable of perpetual virginity nor were they tyed to it by vow : for the apostle saith , that if a virgin marry , she sinneth not . indeed such virgins as had dedicated themselves to god and a single life , if afterward finding their own inability to persevere , did marry , these marriages were thought scandalous , yet lawful ; for it is better to marry then to burne ; therefore they were not rescinded ; and the parties so marrying were evil reported of for their inconstancy ; for this cause pennance was in ▪ joyned them . and afterward iovinian made it capital for any man to marry , or to sollicit a nun , because the donatists of his time defloured divers nuns . such married couples were excommunicated by the church , perpetually imprisoned , or pur to death , by the civill magistrate , and the marriage absolutely disanulled as incestuous . before censtantine's time , i doe not read of any monasteries or nunneries erected for women , by reason of frequent persecutions , and the uncertain condition of christians then : but after that peace was established in the church , houses were built for virgins , but yet with liberty to be elsewhere ; for eustochium the virgin lived with her own parents , and so did the virgin demetrias ; and we finde in cyprian , hierom , and austin , that such virgins had liberty to goe abroad , to heare sermons in the church , and to receive the eucharist with the rest of gods people ; they were enjoyned to be modest and frugall in their cloaths and diet ; not to converse with men ; not to walk alone ; not to bathe , except their hands and feet ; to fast and pray often ; to be vailed ; to abstain from wine ; to wash the saints feet ; not to be idle , but either to sing , pray , hear , or be working with the needle . and seeing hair was given to the woman as an ornament and badge of distinction , and for modesty ; therefore nunnes of old were not shaven● as now , but were prohibitted by the council of gangren , can. . to shave at all . yet in the syrian and egyptian monasteries , nunnes at their admission used to offer their haires to the abbatesse because it was not lawfull for them to wash or anoin● their heads : therefore to keep their heads the cleaner from filth and vermin , they cut their hair . it s likely they learned this custome from the vestal virgins at rome , who used to cut their haire , and offer it on the tree l●tos , called capill●ta , as pliny sheweth . q. . in what account are monks , at this day in the roman church ? a. they are of that high esteeme , that their very garments are counted sacred , and that there is power in them to cure diseases , to work miracles , to drive away evil spirits , to further them towards heaven , so that some kings and princes have desired to dye in a francisca● hood . . they count this the state of perfection , the angelical life , the life that eliah and saint iohn baptist , christ and his apostles did embrace , and a life meritorious of heaven . . whereas in the beginning monks were altogether lay-men , and not to meddle with any other employment but what was proper to their profession , to wit , prayer , fasting , virginity , poverty , and obedience : now they are admitted into , and priviledged with all ecclesiastick dignities , from the doore-keeper even to the papacy . . the married life , amongst many of them , is accounted pollution , compared with the monasticall ; notwithstanding the apostle tells us that marriage is honourable , and christ honoured it himselfe with his presence and first miracle ; and would be born of a virgin , but after shee was espoused to a husband . . such is the respect they give to this life , that they prefer it to all natural affection and duty between parents and children , to which not onely are wee tyed by nature , but also by speciall command from god. hierome commends paula in her epitaph for abando●ing brother , kindred , and her owne children , whose teares shee slighted , preferring this kinde of life to them all ; but this preposterous zeale is condemned by the council of gangra , can. . . so likewise they prefer it to the mutuall duty and stipulation that is betweene man and wife , permitting , yea teaching that they may forsake each other , and enter into a monastery ; which is to put asunder those whom god hath joyned together ; to defraud one another of due benevolence , and by this meanes occasion adultery . the apostles counsell is , that the married couple should not defraud one another , except it be for a time , by consent , to give themselves to prayer , seeing the man hath not power over his own body , but the woman ; and so the man hath power over the woman . . they will not permit monks and nunnes ever to marry , though they have not the gift of continency , accounting all such marriages sacriledge ; whereas the first monks were left to their owne freedome , and not constrained to stay longer then their conveniences would permit : and in the primitive times of the church , marriages contracted after the vow of continency made , were not dissolved , but held lawful ; onely the parties for their inconstancy were enjoyned pennance , and the man made incapable of eccelesiastical employment : neither were their monks forced to vow chastity , seeing every one is not capable thereof , and much mischiefe hath proceeded from this constrained vow : but men were left to their owne freedome . neither was it at that time counted a more hainous sinne for a monk to marry a nunne , then to keep a concubine . . the modern monks are permitted to weare rings ; to converse in kings and princes courts ; and such is the opinion they have of monasteries , that they think a man cannot sufficiently repent him of his sinnes , or be truly mortified ; except he be shut up in a covent . q. . how were the monks and nunnes of old consecrated ? a. the monks after prayers and exhortation made by the priest , is by the same signed with the signe of the grosse , and shaved or polled rather ; then is his old garment taken off , and he is cloathed in a monastical habit , and with other holy men present , is made partaker of the divine mysteries . the nunnes were consecrated either by the bishop or the priest , and by them covered with a vaile ; if the abbatesse presumed to do this , she was excommunicated : twenty five yeares of age was then held a fit time for virgins to be vailed , but now they may at twelve , or before ; the dayes of the yeare for receiving their vaile , and consecration , were the epiphany , easter-eve , and the festival dayes of the apostles , except in case of death . the virgin to be consecrated was presented to the bishop in her nunnes habit ; then before the altar with musick and burning tapers , the priest before hee puts on her vaile , thus saith , behold daughter , and forget thy people and thy fathers house , that the king may take pleasure in thy beauty : to this the people cryed amen , and so the vaile is cast over her , and all the religious martons present do kisse her , after the priest hath blessed and prayed for her : in this vaile is placed as much sanctity , as in baptisme ; and that such virgins as depart out of this world without it , are in danger of damnation . q. . what was the religious order of the benedictines ? a. benedict or be●et in vmbria , a country of italy , being weary of the warres and tumults there , retired himselfe into a desart place , after the manner of autho●y the theba● , to whom did flock multitudes of people ; from thence he goeth to cassinum , an ancient town where he setled , and prescribed laws to his monks , after the manner of saint basil. he is said to found twelve monasteries , over which he placed twelve abbots , that were his disciples . his chiefe monastery , cassinum , was richly endowed by tertullus , a roman patritian , who bestowed on it , castles , villages , lands , and large possessions . equitius , a senator followed his example , and conferred large revenues on it , and so did divers others after him . this order did quickly spread through france , germany , sieily , spain , england , and other places . by the meanes of ma●rus his disciple , who was sonne to equitius the roman senator , neere orleans ; the first monastery of benedictines is founded , consisting of one hundred and fourty brothers , which number was not to be altered . by placidus sonne to tertullus , the roman patrieian , benet set up a monastery in sicily . by leobardus , he erected a monastery in alsatia , foure miles from strasburg ; he planted also a monastery at rome , neere the lateran church , in the time of pelagius . by d●natus a benedictine covent is erected in spain about the yeare of christ . by austin , arch-bishop of canterbury , the benedictines got footing in england , anno . and so by degrees they spread through other places ; chiefly in germany , by boniface the german apostle , and bishop of mentz , anno . these benedictines were afterward divided into divers sects ; namely the cluniacenses , instituted in burgundy , by one otho , an abbot , to whom william , sirnamed the godly , d. of aquitain gave a village called mastick , anno . the carnalduenses were erected by one romoaldus a benedictine , on the top of the appenin hills . the vallisumbrences , so called from vallis vmbrosa , on the side of the appenins were erected by one gualbertus a florentine , anno . the montelivetenses were set up by one bernard ptol●mens at sienna in tuscany . anno . the grandimonte●ses about the same time were instituted by one steven , a noble man in france . the cistertians , so called from cistertium in burgundy , about the same time were erected by one robert , abbot of molismenia . saint bernard was of this order , who about the yeare of christ , . was made abbot of claravallis , whose monks were called from his name bernardines , who are all one with the cistertians , saving that the cistertians wear all white ; but the bernardines , a black gowne over a white coat . the celestini , so called from pope celestinus the fifth , their founder , whose former name was peter moroneus . this order was confirmed by gregory the tenth , in the council of lyons . all these were branches of benedictines . the camalduenses , montelivetenses , and cistertians wear white ; the monks of the shaddowy vally , purple ; the celestins , skie colour , or blew . the grandimontenses wear a coat of mailes , and a black cloak thereon . q. . what other orders proceeded from the benedictines : a. benet may be called the founder and author of all the religious orders that were in the west , for . years together , that is , till the times of the dominicans and mendicants ; so that there were of benedictine monks reckoned by trithemius , l. . c. . above fifteen thousand abbies ; out of which proceeded multitudes of cardinals , arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , and other eminent men , besides popes . the gregorian order was a branch of the benedictine . gregory the great , afterward pope , was at first a monk , who , after his fathers death , erected on his own charges six monasteries in sicily , and at rome converted his fathers house into a monastery , and dedicated it to saint andrew ; to these monks he prescribed the rule of saint bennet , and assigned to them a large dark or brown coloured cloak to be worne , on which was woven a red crosse in the brest ; these did not shave their beards : the monks called gerundinenses were after the order of bennet instituted by iohn , bishop of the geru●dinenses in portugal about the year of christ , . he was warned in a dream to build a monastery ; which he did , and had it ratified by the pope . he gave them a white garment to wear , with his own arms on the breast ▪ thereof ; they were ordered to wear four ribbands , to wit , two red , and two green . this order was erected under pope boniface the fourth . the rule which bennet prescribed to his monks , was written out by pope gregory the great , and confirmed by pope eugenius the second . q. . what were the rules which st. bennet prescribed to his monks ? a. he first sheweth what the duty of the abbot is , namely to be careful of his charge , to be holy , just , wise , and charitable in his deeds ; and to be powerful in his words , to exhort , correct , reprove , to beware of partiality , and dissimulation , and chiefly of covetousnesse , and pride , not to do any thing of himself without advice of the covent ; he enjoyneth all to be obedient , silent , humble , to be watchful to prayer in the night ; he prescribes what psalms they are to sing every day and night ; and what psalms in their canonical hours . that haleluia should be said continually between easter and pentecost , that they should praise god with david seven times a day ; to wit , in the morning , at the first , third , sixth , and ninth hours ; in the evening , and completory , and at midnight . particular psalmes are appointed for each of these canonical hours ; that they must pray with all reverence . that their be deanes chosen in each monastery to ease the abbot ; that every monk have his own bed to sleep in , that a candle burn by them till the morning ; that they sleep in their cloathes girt , that at the ringing of the bell they may be the more ready for prayer ; divers degrees of pennance are injoyned according to the degrees of offences ; that the abbot use all the means he can to reclaim the excommunicate persons , that the lost sheep may be brought home with joy ; that if no correction will prevail , the obstinate person be expelled the covent ; who upon repentance may be received three times ; but never after the third time ; that the steward of the monastery be a man of discretion , government , and trust ; that the abbot keep an inventory of all utensils belonging to the covent ; that all things be common among the brothers ; that there be no grudging or murmuring ; that every one serve in the kitching , and in other places when his turn is ; that a special care be had of the sick and infirme , so likewise of the aged and children ; that their be chosen a weekly reader , to read in time of refection ; that each man be content with a pound of bread for a day : and that onely the sick be permitted to eat flesh ; that wine be drunk sparingly ; that from easter to pentecost the brothers may have their refection at the sixth hour , and their supper in the evening ; in the summer let them fast every fourth and sixth day in the week , till the ninth hour . the other days let them dine at the sixth hour ; from the midist of september till lent , let them have their refection at the ninth hour ; but in the lent time at the evening , so it be by day light ; that after the completory there be no speaking at all ; if any come late to prayers , or to the table , he is to stand apart by himself ; and to be last served , and shortned in his victuals ; if any for some great offence be excommunicated out of the oratory , he shall make satisfaction by prostrating himself before the oratory ; that they shall not onely give themselves to prayer and meditation , at the appointed hours , but shall also labour some part of the day with their hands , to keep them from idlenesse ; that they observe lent with all strictnesse ; that they use strangers with all reverence and cheerfulnesse , and that the abbot salute them with a holy kisse , and wash their feet ; that none receive letters or tokens from their parents without the abbots leave ; that the abbot cloath his monks as he findeth the seasons of the year requireth ; that no novice be admitted into the monastery , without sufficient trial of his constancy , and patience ; that if a priest desireth to enter into a monastery , he submit himself to the laws thereof ; and that he have the next place to the abbot ; that noble men , who offer their children to god in the monastery , swear they will never give them any part of their estate , but that it be conferred on the covent ; that if a stranger monk desire to continue in the monastery , he be not denied , so his life be not scandalous ; if the abbot desire to have a priest or deacon ordained , let him choose one of his own covent ; that he shall be abbot whom the whole covent , or the greater and better part shall choose ; that the provost or praepositus be chosen by the abbot to whom he must be subject ; that the porter be an ancient and discreet man , who may receive & give answers , & that the monastery be provided with water , and a mil , and other necessaries within it self , left the brothers should wander abroad ; if the abbot enjoyn to any monk impossibilities , he must with reverence and submission excuse his inability ; if the abbot urge it , he must obey , and trust to gods assistance ; that in the monastery none presume to defend , or strike , or excommunicate another : but that they be obedient and loving to each other ; that they be zealous for gods glory , and when they are working , to be still singing of psalmes . q. . what habit and dyet do the benedictines use ? a. their habit is a round coat , a hood called . cuculla , cappa , and melos from melis , a brock , gray or badger , because it was wont to be made anciently of the skin of that beast . scapulate is so called from scapulis the shoulders , which this covereth . in winter their hoods are lined . they were not wont to wear breeches but when they travelled into the countrey . the colour of their upper garment is black , under which they wear a white wollen coat with sack-cloath , and they go booted . the ancient benedictines were wont , after they were bishops , to wear the habit of their former profession ; and to this they were enjoyned by the eighth general council held at constantinople ; they were also tyed by their rule to lie in their coats and hoods , and to wear course cloth ; but now the case is altered , and so it was in saint bernards time , who complains against the monks luxury in apparrel , wearing , non quod utilius , sed quod subtilius : silk garments to shew their pride , but not of cloth to keep them warm . their simple and course dyet , as it was prescribed by benet , is changed into dainty fare ; they now eat flesh and drink wine plentifully ; of this hugo de sancto victor● complaineth . q. . what religious rules did the second council of aquisgran or aix prescribe to be observed by the monks ? a. this council being held the eight hundred and sixteenth yeare after christ , ordered that no lay-man or secular priest be received into a monastery , except he become a monk ; that the monks do not swear , that in the parasceve they use nothing but bread and water . that before they goe to sleep , the prior besprinkle them with holy water ; tha● the tenth part of their almes be given to the poor ; that they hath not without the priors leave ; that particular psalmes be sung for the dead ; that they how not their knees in whitsun-week , nor fast : but they must fast the ember-weeks , and on the eves of the apostles ; that in case of necessity the brothers walk with slaves ; that in uncertaine theft , there be a suspending from supper , till the guilty party confesse ; that at christmasse and easter for eight dayes together , they that will , may eat the flesh of birds ; that all monks , if they can , learne their rules by heart ; that in the kitchin , mill , and other such places they work with their owne hands ; that the delinquent cast himselfe on the ground before his abbo● , or prior ; that they kisse no women ; that in lent they wash each others feet . at the lords supper let the abbot wash and kisse the feet of his brethren . in easter and whitsun-week ; and on christmasse , and other festival dayes , let there be no speaking in the cloyster , but hearing gods word read . that the abbot exceed not the proportion of his monks in eating , drinking , cloathing , sleeping , and working ; and that he be not given to gadding abroad ; that the servants after the refection of the brothers , eat by themselves ; and that the same lessons ; be read to them , which were read to the brothers ; that hallelujah be omitted in the septuagesi●a . that novice must neither be shaved nor cloathed with a monks garment , till his time of probation be expired , and promise made by him of obedience , according to saint bennets rule . that none be set over monks , but he that is a monk . that in lent the brothers do work till the nineth houre , then repaire to masse ; and in the evening let them take their refection . these are the chiefe duties , to which saint bennets monks are enjoyned by the aforesaid synod . and whereas at first the monks were lay-men , and had no priest , but such as came from abroad ; at last they were permitted to have priests of their owne , and that they should receive tythes , first-fruits , oblations , & donations , as well as other priests , by gregory the great , boniface , and other popes , as may be seen in gratian. q. . what were the rites and institutions of the monks of cassmum ? a. this was the first monastery of the benedictins , where divers rites were observed , which are not in bennets rule . the chief are these . fourteen dayes before easter all the altars are stript of their ornaments , and covered with black ; the images are vailed ; gloria patri is not sung . three nights immediatly before easter the night service continueth till the morning , and is joyned to the mattins ; no hells are rung ; the lights are put out ; the abbot washeth the monks feet . in the parasceue late , a little bread and water is taken . on easter eve in the night time the tapers are kindled . on easter day , before masse , there is a procession with burning tapers , and holy water , the priests singing and praying . the two next dayes after , crosses , holy water , and reliques are carried about with the gospel , and burning tapers , with singing and saluting each other with holy kisses , the priests being in their rich copes . six severall times in the yeare they enter into the refectory singing ; namely , on christmasse day ; on the epiphany ; on palme sunday ; on the holy sabbath ; on easter day ; and the third day in easter week . every lords day they have . lectures , and so many on their chief festivals , namely , christs nativity , the epiphany , the purification of mary , the two martyrs , faustinus and iuletta , s. scholastica , s. bennet , ascension day , the festivals of the apostles , s. laurence , s. mary , s. german , s. andrew ; on these eves they fast , they doe not kneel , nor work ; but on the lesser festivals they read but eight lessons , and afterward they work . their meat and drink is measured to them , according to the discretion of the abbot . when they receive new garments , which is about s. martins day , they march singing , with tapers burning in their hands , into the vestry , or wardrobe , where this gospel is read [ be not carefull what you shall eat , nor what you shall drink ; nor for your bodies , with what they shall be cloathed ] then having prayed , they lay down their old garments , and receive new . they begin their lent on qu●●quagesima sunday ; and a few dayes before they receive wax for lights , with which they are to read in the night time . they confesse to one another twice a day ; in the morning of their failings by night ; in the evening of their failings by day . they must not walk either within or without the covent with a staff , except they be weak . what work soever they are about in the kitchin , or else-where , they sing psalms . they are shaven all together on certain days , namely , at easter , ascension day , the first of august , the first of september , and first of october , and at s. martins day , and christmasse . if easter fall out late , they are shaved a little before septuagesima , and in the quinquagesima . q. . what is the manner of electing their abbots ? a. each monastery is to chuse an abbot from among themselves , either by generall consent , or of the better part : if there be none among them fit for that place , then they may chuse out of some other monastery ; when he is chosen , it is not in their power to depose him . if a clergy-man be chosen abbot , he must leave off his former function . two abbots must not be chosen for one monastery ; nor must one abbot be over two monasteries ; they must not meddle with secular affairs . if an abbot do not punish grievous enormities , he is to be sent to another covent , where he is to do pennance ; but not in his own , because of the strict subjection and obedience , by which the monks are tyed to their abbots : if the covent chuse an unfit man for their abbot , the bishop of the diocesse , with the neighbouring abbots , or the prince of the place , may depose him , and choose another . now princes ordinarily choose such as they please , and impose them upon the monks ; but the abbot , when he is chosen , must be consecrated by the bishop of the diocesse , who hath power to visit the monasteries within his jurisdiction , and to correct what is amisse . if the abbot shall refuse to submit to the bishop , he is suspended from the communion till he repent . neither must he alienate any thing that belongs to the covent without the bishops consent ; if he do otherwise , he must be degraded , and the things alienated restored again by the bishops command . what is conferred by devout persons on the monastery , must not be converted by the abbot to his own particular use . no man must erect a monastery without the bishops consent ; nor must the abbot travell into a forrein country without leave from his diocesan , who must not do any thing that may tend to the prejudice of the monastery ; which if he doe , he is to be excommuncated ; neither must he , without the consent of the other abbots , depose an abbot , or alienate the things belonging to the monastery , for the abbots offence . in case of injury , the abbot may appeal from the bishop to the prince , or to a counel ; and some abbots there are , who , with their monasteries , are onely subject to the pope , as cassinum . the monastery of s. maximinus , near trevers , is subject onely to the emperour in temporals , and to the pope in spirituals . anciently the election of the abbot was ratified by the emperour , or prince , in whose dominion the monastery was ; but afterwards the pope extorted this power from the emperour , and drew all investitures to himself ; to whom the abbots swear allegeance and fealty . the ceremony used by the emperour in the abbots confirmation , was the delivering of a staff and ferula into his hands , to put him in mind of his pastoral office. q. . what were the nuns of this order , and what were their rules ? a. scholastica , sister to bennet , erected the order of nuns , after bennets rule . they are not permitted to be godmothers in baptisme , not to goe abroad , except in case of great necessity , and that with some ancient women . they must give themselves to singing , prayer , and meditation , and must observe the canonical hours . they must not speak with any man , except in publike before witnesses . none must be admitted into the nunnery without one years probation at least . if any be found unchaste , after three whippings she is sed with bread and water for one whole year in prison . none must wear silks ; they are consecrated and vailed by the bishop alone . when the nun is cloathed with her sacred vestiments , she approacheth to the altar , holding in each hand burning tapers ; there she kneeleth , and having heard the gospel read , the bishop prayeth for her perseverance in patience , chastity , sobriety , obedience , and other vertues . the abbatesse ought to be a woman of d●scretion , gravitie , and religion ; who should be carefull and vigilant over her charge ; who must not suffer any man to speak either with her self , or with her nuns , after sun-set , till the morning , and that before witnesses . she must not go abroad without the bishops leave , and upon urgent necessity , and must leave in the interim a deputy to look to her charge ; neither must she go abroad without some nuns to accompany her . no young woman must be chosen abbatesse , nor any under . years of age . no woman must be suffered to come into the monks covent , nor must men be permitted to enter the nunnery , except the priest to officiate , who must stay no longer then whilest he is officiating . the monasteries of men and women must be built apart , to prevent scandal and the temptations of the devil . the abbatesse must not presume to impose hands , to ordain priests , or to vaile the virgins . q. . what laws were prescribed for monasteries ? a. . that they should be built in such places , where all conveniences may be had , that the brothers may not have occasion to gad abroad . . that they may not , being once dedicated , be converted to secular uses ; but if the monks live disorderly , they may be thrust out , and secular canons be put in their place . so likewise the houses of secular canons may be converted into monasteries . . that in synods or other publike meetings , the abbot of cassinum take the place before all other abbots , because of the antiquitie and dignity of that monastery , being the mother of all other monasteries in the west . . they were exempted from all civil exactions , and secular affairs , that they might the more freely serve god. . every monastery was permitted to have an advocate , who was a lawyer , to maintain the priviledges , lands and revenues of the covent , for the ease of the monks , who were not to meddle with secular affaires ; but the advocate was to do nothing without the consent of the abbot and his monks , nor they without him in secular businesse . . most monasteries were erected not onely to be houses of devotion , but also schools of good learning ; in which the learned languages and liberal sciences were professed . for this cause oswald , king of the angles , as beda l. . c. . witnesseth in his history , gave large possessions and territories for building of monasteries , in which the youth might be educated ; and so gregory the great employed divers monasteries in england , for extirpating of the pelagian heresie . balaeus cen . . maidulfus sc●tus the philosopher erected the monastery of malmesbury , in which he set up a school for the greek and latine tongue , where he read the arts himself , as balaeus cent. . c : . sheweth . for the same end were the monasteries of saint dennis in paris , of millan ▪ of rhemes , of saint gall , of tours , of trevers , and many more erected ; so were the canons houses , neer cathedrals , built for this end , that youth might there , as in colledges and schools , be targht and educated ; that from thence able divines might be sent abroad to preach the gospel . therefore the canons were enjoyned to maintain professors of divinity , and to assign prebendaries for their sustinance . . though in the beginning monks were lay-men , and lived not upon tythes , but on their lands and rents , or on their own labours , yet afterward when they were admitted into the priesthood , and permitted to preach , and administer the sacraments , they were invested with tythes , oblations , first fruits , and other ecclesiastical duties . paschalis the second , about the yeare of christ . ordained that no monks should pay tythes of their own labours . and afterward pope adrian , exempted from paying of tythes , the cistertians , saint iohns knights of ierusalem , and the templars . . monasteries had the same priviledge that lords have over their vassals , namely , to demand mortuaries , which was the chiefe horse or other beast belonging to the party deceased . . great men and princes thought no prison so sure as a monastery ; therefore the greek emperours used to shut up in moasteries their rebellious children , and potent subjects whom they suspected either of greatness or ambition . so ludovicus pius was shut up in a monastery by his sonne ludovicus the second : divers other examples are extant upon record . . princes had such a conceit of the sanctity of monasteries , that they thought they could not make sufficient satisfaction to god for their sins , except they had for some time shut themselves up in monasteries . . the benedictine monks by the rule of their founder , were not to eat flesh , except birds at christmas and easter ; yet they may drink wine , except in lent : but children , aged , and sick people were dispensed to eat flesh . . when children by their parents are shut up in monasteries , though afterwards , when they come to years of discretion , they should desire to remove , yet they may not , by the lawes of the covent ; because ( say they ) who are once dedicated to god , may not returne to the world again : for this they alledge the example of samuel , who in the temple being dedicated by hannah his mother to the service of god , persisted therein . but this was not the custome of the first monasteries , which left men to their own liberty ; and the pope hath power to dispense with monastical vows ; so he did , when he dismissed out of the monastery casimir of polonia , whom the people chose for their king ; in memory whereof , the polonians were enjoyned by clement . to shave their crownes like monks , and the knights at certain feastivals to wear white surplices , like priests , in time of divine service . . of monks and lay-men were instituted fraternities . for many devout seculars , not being able to use the habit , or be subject to the rigid rule of the monks , were notwithstanding willing to partake of their prayers and merit of their order ; so that at certain times they had their meetings for relieving of the poor , for prayers and publick supplications , in which they had their processions in sackcloth , and their faces covered with linnen , whipping their naked backs in figne of repentance . of these fraternities were divers families , to wit , of . sebastian , s. roch , s. ann. s. anthony , s. dominie , s. martin of the rosary , and divers others . of these passages see bruschius , balaeus , pol. virgil , surius in the lives of the saints , the centuries of magdeburg , isidor , and divers others . the contents of the tenth section . of new religious orders sprung out of the benedictines ; and first of the cluniacenses . . of the camaldulenses and monks of the shadowy valley . . the sylvestrini , grandimontenses , and carthusians . . the monks of s. anthony of vienna , the cistertians , bernardins , and humiliati . . the fraemonstratenses , and gilbertins . . the cruciferi , hospitalarii , trin●tarians , and bethlemits . . the johannites , or first religious knights in christendom . . the templars . . the teutonici or mariani . . the knights of s. lazarus , calatrava , and s. james . . the orders of mendicant friers , and first of the augustinians . . of the carmelits . . of the dominicans . . of the francisca●s . . of things chiefly remarkable in the franciscan order . . of the knights of the holy sepulchre , and gladiatores . . of the knights of s. mary , of redemption , of the montesians , of the order of vallis scholarium , and canons regular , of s. mark. . of s. clara , s. pauls eremites , and boni-homines . . the servants of s. mary , coelestini , and jesuati . . the order of s. briget . . the order of s. katherine , and s. justina . . the eremites of s. hierom , s. saviour , albati , fratricelli , turlupini , and montolivetenses . . the can●ns of s. george , the mendicants of s. hierom , the canons of lateran , the order of the holy ghost , and of s. ambrose ad nemus , and of the minimi , of iesu-maria . . the orders of knight-hood , from the year . namely of the annunciada , of s. maurice , of the golden fleece , of the moon ; of s. michael , of s. stephen , of the holy spirit , &c. sect . x. quest. . what new religious orders did there spring up in the west , upon the decay of the benedictines , and what were the cluniacenses ? a. after the benedictines had flourished in the west about . years , namely from the time of iustinian , tili conradus the first , about the . year of christ ; out of this root sprung up new branches , who being offended at the loose lives of the benedictines , and that they had fallen off from their founders rule , resolved to retain the old rule of benet , but to adde some new stat●●es thereto , and to underp●op the old decaying house , with new posts . the first that began this reformation was ber●o , who built a monastery near cluniacum , over which , when he was dying , he placed one odo to be abbot thereof ; which odo , was the first indeed , that revived bennets rule , and inforced it with new additions , and so from the place his monks were called cluniacenses , and not benedictines ; by their rule , the abbot must eat with his brothers , and not alwayes with strangers ; a revolting monk may be recevied again above three times ; fearing least the wandering sheep should become a prey to the woolf. they renewed the custom of dipping the consecrated bread into the cup ; which was used in case of necessity to children and the sick ; and afterward was promiscuously used by all at the communion , till it was condemned by pope iulius , . years after christ : but this custom revived again an. . and was condemned again by the third synod of bracara : at last an. . it was revived by these monks of cluniacum . when any is to be admitted into their order , they are brought to the monastery , there they are clipped , shaved , washed , and stript of their old cloathes : and then being new cloathed , are admitted . these monks at first were very strict , but afterward became more loose . q. . what were the camaldulenses and monks of the shady valley ? a. about the yeer of christ . according to sabellicus , one romualdus of ravenna , perceiving how the rule of bennet was neglected , began to lay the foundation of a new order in the field camaldulum ; whence he gave the name of camaldulenses to his monks . he erected , as we said before , a monastery upon the top of the appenins ; having obtained a place from one modulus , who dreamed he had seen in his sleep ladders , reaching from that place to heaven , on which he saw mortals cloathed in white , mounting upward ; whereupon romualdus procureth the place , buildeth a covent , and gave his monks white hoods to wear . he enjoynd them also to silence , except in time of divine service ; and yet some , to keep their rule of silence the more strictly , will not joyn with the rest , but pray by themselves : two days every week they feed on bread and water , which is their fast ; and sit bare-footed on the ground . about half a mile from thence are wooden crosses , which women must not go beyond , under pain of the popes curse . the order of vallis vmbrosa , or the shadowy valley , was instituted an. . by one iohn gualbert , a florentine , as is said : this iohn having forgiven his enemy , who had killed his brother , ( for which mercy shewed to his enemy , in a certain abby church , whither he went for devotion , he was thanked ( so the story goeth ) by a crucifix there , which bowed its head to him ) resolved to renounce the world , came to the shadowy vally , where there were two monks living . in that place he makes up a like house of boards ; but his fame grew so great , that many both clergy and lay-men flock to him ; and the lady of the soyle being abbatesse , bestowed the ground upon him , with other large possessions . so he being made abbot , by the consent of the monks , who were gathered together there , proposed saint bennets rule to be observed ; which he enlarged by causing lights to burn still in the night , both in their chappel and dormitory ; and ordering that they should wear no other cloth , but what they made of the wooll of their own sheep . he reformed divers monasteries , and placed over them provosts of his own choosing ; he built also divers in lombardy , and elsewhere ; for which he was canonized , and by alexander . and gregory . popes ; his order was ratified . their habit was of a purple , or as others write , of an ash-colour . q. . what were the sylvestrini , grandimontenses , and carthusians . ? a. the sylvestrini were so named from one sylvester , who instituted this order after the rule and habit of the monks of vallis vmbrosa . this order was begun in the marquisate of ancona in italy . the grandimontenses were so called from the voice that three times uttered these words in grandi monte , that is , in the great hill , where one peter was advised by the same voice to build his monastery . this peter was disciple and successor to one steven , who in the year . erected this order in gascony , where on the hill muretum he built him a cottage , after he had wandered through many desarts . he prescribes a rule to his disciples , patched up of bennets rule , and of the rites of the canons regular , of saint austins monks , and of his eremites . he , as we said before , wore on his naked body a coat of males , his bed was a hard board , without either straw or coverlid ; with often kneeling , kissing of the ground , and beating it with his forehead and nose , he made his hands and knees hard like a callus , or corn , and his nose crooked . this order at first was ruled by a prior ; afterward pope iohn . gave them an abbot . the carthusians or charter friers were instituted by bruno , born in collen , and professor of philosophy in paris , about the year of christ . upon this occasion ; being present at the singing of the office for his fellow professor now dead ( a man highly reputed for his holy life ) the dead corps suddenly sitteth up in the beer , and crieth out [ i am in gods just judgements condemned ] these words it uttered three several days : at which bruno was so affrighted , that a man held so pious , was damned ; what would become of himself and many more ? therefore concluded there was no safety for him , but by forsaking the world : hereupon he with six of his scholars betook themselves to a hideous place for dark woods , high hills , rocks , and wilde beasts , in the province of dolphinie neer grenoble ; the place was called carthusia , whence his monks took their name , and there built a monastery , having obtained the ground of hugo , bishop of grenoble , who also became a monk of that order . by their rule , these monks should wear sack-cloth , or a hair shirt next their skin , a long white cloth-coat loose , with a hood , and a black cloak over , when they walke abroad . the lay-brothers wear a short coat to their knees . they eat no flesh at all , they buy no fish , but eat them when offered ; they eat branny bread , and drink wine mingled with water . on the lords day , and fifth day of the week , they feed onely upon cheese and egges . on the third day or saturday on pulse , or pot-herbs ; on the second , fourth , and sixth , upon bread and water onely . every one dresseth his own meat ; they eat apart , and but once a day . yet on the chief festivals of christmasse , easter , whitsuntide , epiphany , purification , the twelve apostles , iohn baptist , michael , martin , and all-saints , they eat twice a day , and together at one table , and then may talk together ; at other times , they must keep silence : every one hath his own cell , wherein they pray , read , meditate , and write books ; and in these cells they observe the canonical hours ; but their mattins and vespers they keep in their churches , and have masse on these days , wherein they eat twice . they are not suffered to go abroad , except the prior and procurator , and that upon the affairs of the covent . they are limited to enjoy a certain quantity of land , a certain number of sheep , goats , and asses , which they must not exceed . they must admit no women into their churches , nor were they to have in one covent above twelve religious me● , besides the prior , and eighteen converts or lay-brothers , with a few servants , who are not to come into the quire where the prior and his brothers sit ; but these are in a lower quire by themselves . they never admit any again into their society , who once leaves them . these were the ancient rules , to which they were tyed , but in some things are fallen off now : the monks of this order have a meeting or chapter yearly at carthusia , about their own affairs ; hither two monks out of every cloyster do repaire , where they stay fourteen days ; this order was confirmed by pope alexander the third , an. . they came into england , an. . and seated themselves at witham , neer bath . q. . what were the monks of saint anthony of vienna , the cistertians , bernardins , and humiliati ? a. about the year of christ . saint anthonies monks of vienna , were set up by gastho and gerondus , two noble men of that place , and were to live according to saint austins rule : of which we have already said . the cistertians began about the year . by one robert abbot of molismenia , who , as we have said , taking offence at the loose lives of the benedictines , by the perswasion of steven harding an englishman , forsook that society ; and being accompanied with one and twenty other monks , came to cistertium in burgundy , where they erected their covent . here they resolved to stick close to the rule of saint bennet , and to cut off all the superfluities of apparrel and dyer , introduced by the loose monks of that order : and because they did not find that saint bennet ever possessed churches , altars , oblations , tythes , and sepultures , or that he had mills ▪ farmes , or that he ever suffered women to enter into his covent , or that he buried there any , except his own sister ; therefore they meant to abandon all these things , and to professe poverty with christ ▪ they would not suffer their monks to meddle with husbandry , or any secular affairs ; and with saint bennet they ordered , that their monastery should consist but of twelve monks and an abbot . they must keep silence , except it be to the abbot or prior. if any monk run away from his monastery , he must be forced back again by the bishop . the cistertiant must be contented with two coats , and two hoods ; they must work with their hands , and observe strictly their fasts ; they must salute strangers by bowing their head and body ; and in imitation of christ , must wash their feet . no fugitive is to be received into the covent , after the third time . the abbots table must be furnished for strangers . this order was confirmed by pope vrban the second , an. . and came into england an. . their colour was gray , whence in the beginning they were named grisei . the bernardines , so called from saint bernard , abbot of clarivallis , were the same with the cistertians , but that , as we said before , they wear a black coat over a white cloak : yet on festivals they wear the cistertian habit , to shew whence they came . the bernardines and cistertians are not subject to advocats or bishops . and pope alexander the third , ordered that if the bishop refused to blesse the abbot , he may receive benediction from his own monks . the humiliati arose in germany about the year of christ . in the time of frederick barbar●ssa , who in his wars against lambardie brought captive thence into germany multitudes of men , with their wives and children ; these growing weary of their long exile , cloath themselves in white , and approaching to the emperour , fall down at his feet , begging pardon for their delinquency ; from this posture they were called humiliati ; the emperour being moved with their tears and habit , gave them leave to return home into their country : who being returned , resolved to live a monastical life ; therefore they built monasteries , in which they gave themselves to prayer , fasting , meditation , and making of cloth . innocent the third , did first ratifie this order , and then their succeeding popes . they wear a plain coat , a scopular , and a white cloak over it ; they follow bennets rule in some part . q. . what were the praemonstratenses , and gilbertins ? a. one robert of lorrain , or n●bert , as others write , arch-bishop of magdeburg , to which church he procured the title of primate of germany from the pope ; this nobert i say , being offended at the dissolute lives of monks , betook himselfe into a desar● , in the diocess of liege , with thirteen others . he went about bare-footed in the midst of winter ▪ preaching repentance , abou● the year of christ . these monks live after the rule of saint austin , which they say , was delivered to them in golden letters , from himself in a vision ▪ they were named praemonstratenses , from the place where they first setled in the dioc●ss of landunum , called praemonstratum , or because this place in a vision was praemonstratus , or fore shewed to them . their habit is a white coat , with a linnen sarpless , under a white cloak . calixtus the second confirmed this order , and gave them the title of canons regular exempt ; their abbot by their rule must not wear a mitre and glove● , whereas other abbots wear both , with rings also on their singers , and staves in their hands . all the abbots of this order , or their deputies are to meet once a year at praemnstratum , to consult about the affairs of their order . if any out of stubbornesse refuse to come , a penalty may be inflicted on him , by the other abbots , which neither bishop , nor arch-bishop can take off , but the pope alone . the abbots also have power of excommunication and absolution , in reference to the monks under their power : if differences arise , they must compose them among themselves , and not appeal to secular courts : they must not keep or feed deer , dogs , hawkes , swine , or any such thing as may bring scandal upon their order : if their dio●esan refuse to give them ordination , they may receive it of any other bishop : they were exempted from the bishops jurisdiction . these and many other priviledges pope innocent the third bestowed on them ; they had n● schooles among them for education of the youth they came into england about the year . and seated themselves in lincolnshire . they had liber●● from the pope to have nunneries close to their mon●●stries . the gilbertins were so called from one g●lbert of lincolnshire , who in the year . instituted this order , and erected in a short time thirteen monasteries ; to which he prescribed statutes , collected out of the rules of austin and bennet . this order was confirmed by pope eugenius the third . gilberts chief cloyster was at sempringham in lincolnshire , where he was born ; in which were . friers , and . nuns . q. . what were the cruciferi , hospitalarii , trinitarians , and bethlemites ? a. these cruciferi , crucigeri , or as we call them , cruched friers , came into england an. . and had their first monastery at colchester ; but were instituted , as the story goeth , by cyriacus bishop of ierusalem , in memory of the cross which helena found by his direction . these were to carry a cross in their hand still when they went abroad ; afterward in the year . they were restored or confirmed by pope innocent the third , or rather newly instituted , because the great commotion raised in rome by the albigense● , was suppressed by the croysud●s , or army of christians , whose hadge on their garments was a cross ; these were then going for syria against the infidels . this order was ratified by pope innocent the fourth , and alexander the third . they wear a sky-coloured habit by the appointment of pope pius the second . polyd●r takes the crucigeri for another order , because they wear a black cloak , and carry not in their hands , but on their breast a white and red cross , and observe st. austins rule . the hospitalers of the holy ghost had their beginning at rome , about the yeer . and were confirmed by pope innocent the third ; they had the same rule and priviledges that other monks before them . their chief office was to take care of , and lodge the sick and poor , and to bury them when they were dead . the trinitarians , or order of the trinity , began an. . by iohn ma●ta , and felix anachoreta . these two were warned in a dream to repair to pope innocent the third , to obtain of him a place 〈◊〉 their order ▪ he likewise being warned in a dream to entertaine them , confirmes their order , cloaths them both in white cloaks , with a red and ●ky coloured cross wrought on the breast of the same , and calls them brothers of the holy trinity , and monks of the redemption of captives ; for their charge was to gather money for redeeming captive christians from the infidels . this order came into england an. . two parts of all their revenues they were to reserve for their own maintenance , the third was for the captives . by their rule three clergy , and three lay-brothers may cohabit , with one proc●●ator , who was not to be called by this name , but by the name minister : their garments must be of white cloth ; they must lie in woollen , and must not put off their breeches when they goe to bed . they may ride on asses , but not on horse-back . they are to fast , as other orders doe , and to eat flesh upon sundays only , from easter till advent sunday , and from christmass till septuagesima sunday : likewise on the nativity , epiphany , ascension , and on the assumption , and purification of mary , and on all saints dayes . they are to labour with their hands ; to hold a chapter or meeting every sunday for regulating of their covent : and a general chapter is to be kept every year , on the octaves of pentecost . their minister must be chosen by common consent of the brothers , he must be a priest ; every covent must have his minister ; and over these must be a great minister . none must be admitted into this order till he be past twenty years of age . they must shave , but the lay-brothers may permit their beards to grow . at certain times of the year the faithfull that are dead must be absolved in the church-yard . their rules concerning love , sobriety , continency , and other christian vertues , ●re the saine that we have mentioned before in the rules of basil , austin , bennet , &c. the bethlemites about the year . had their first residence in cambridge . they were apparelled like the dominicans or praedieants , but on their breasts they wore a red star , like a comet , in memory of that star , which appeared at christs nativity . q. . who were the first religious knights in christendome ? a. the i●●●nnites or knight hospitalers of saint iohn baptist , who got leave of the calyph● of egypt to build a monastery in ierusalem , which they dedicated to to the virgin mary : the first abbot and moaks of this covent were sent thither from amalphia in ●●ly : the same amalphitans built also at ierusalem a nunnery for such women as came on pilgrimage thither . the first abbatess hereof was saint agnes , a noble matron ; these monks of ierusalem for the greater ease of poor pilgrims built an hospital , to receive them in , and withal a chappel or oratory to the honour of saint iohn baptist ; or as some think , to iohn eleemosynarius , so called from his bounteous almes to the poor ; he in the time of pho●● , was patriarch of alexandria ; this hospital was maintained by the amalphitans . the hospitalers , anno . when ierusalem was taken by the christians , began to grow rich , potent , and in great esteem , both with king godefrid , and his successor baldwin ; their order was confirmed by pope honorius the second ; so having obtained much wealth , they binde themselves by vowes to be hospitable to all the latine pilgrims , and to defend with their arms christianity against all infidels . they follow the rule of saint austin , and instead of canonical hours say so many pater-n●sters : they goe armed , having a belt with a white cross : over which they wear a black cloak with a white cross : many of them in time of peace wear a black cross ; but in time of war a red one : they have a master over them , whom they chuse themselves . their first master was gerard ; the next raymundus de podio a florentine , chosen in the year . in every province they have also a prior. every one that enters into this order voweth to god , the virgin mary , and saint iohn baptist , obedience , poverty , and chastity : they are tyed three times yearly , to wit , at christmas , easter , and whitsuntide , to receive the eucharist ; they must not use merchandizing , nor be usurers , no● make wills , or make any their heirs , or alienate any thing without consent of their masters : no●e borne of in●●dels , iews , saracent , arabians , and t●rks , must be admitted into this order ; nor murdere●● , nor married men , nor bastards , except they be of earls or princes : they must have special care of strangers , and of the sick , to lodge them ; they must admit onely such as are sound and strong of body , nobly descended , and at least eighteen years old . they are distinguished into three ranks , to wit , priests or chaplains . . serving men . . knights : these last must be of noble extraction . when christian princes fall at variance , these knights must side with neither , but stand neutrals , and endeavour to reconcile them . pope hadrian the fourth exempted them from paying of tythes to the patriarch of ierusalem , who claimed them as his due . pope alexander the third , for their brave exploits against the infidels , exempted them also from tythes , and the jurisdiction of bishops . at length about the year . when the western princes by reason of their domestick wars , could afford these knights no help , they were forced by the governour of damascus , called capcapus , to quit all their castles , lands , and garrisons they had in syria , and totally to abandon that country , in the year . after almost . years possession ; and so having got a fleet of ships , they invade , and take the isle of rhodes from the turks , an. . and possessed it against all opposition . yeares ▪ from this they were called the knights of rhodes ; and had eight several families , in eight provinces of europe : to wit , in gallia , avernia , francia , italy , arragon , england , germany , and castile . each of these provinces hath a prior , these priors chose the great master ; they have also their marshal , hospitaler , baily , treasurer , and chancellor ; these send out of their provinces to the great master young men nobly born , who gives them their oath to be chast , poor , and obedient , and to promote the well-fare of christendome against the infidels , and so he is admitted knight of the order . here they stay five years , and have fifty ducars yearly pension for their service ; then they are sent home into their country , and by the great master are set over some house . if in the election of the great master there be equal suffrages , one chief knight is chosen for umpire , who by his s●●frage ends the controversie . the great master in spiritualities is onely subject to the pope ; in his temporalties , to secular princes . after these knights had possessed rhodes 〈◊〉 . years , and had indured a siege of six moneths , for want of help from the western princes , were forced to deliver up the island to the turk ▪ anno . from thence they sailed to candy , where they were entertained a while by the venetians , at last they resolved to seat their great master in nicea , a town under charls duke of savoy , upon the ligustick sea , in brovino● between marsiles , and genua , being a fit place to descry , and suppresse pirates , but when buda in hungary was taken by the turk , fearing least solyman would assault italy , they fortifie nicea , and from thence remove to syracuse in sicily , which then with the kingdom of naples belonged to charls the emperor ▪ there they stoutly defended the christian coasts from turks and pirates ; but charls the emperor perceiving they might do more good if they were seated in malta , gives them that island , which they accept , anno . promising to defend tripolis , to suppresse the pirates , and to acknowledge the kings of spain and both sicilies , for their protectors , to whom every year they should present a falcon. this island they stoutly defended against soylman for five moneths anno who was forced to leave it . the great masters revenue is ten thousand duckats yearly , besides some thousands of crowns out of the eommon treasury , and the tenth of all goods taken at sea. they have for the most part six gallies , every one being able to contain five hundred men , and sixteen great canons . q. . what were the templars ? a. about the year of christ . not long after the institution of the iohannites or hospitalers , hugo de paganis , and gaufrid de s. aldema●o , with seven other prime men vowed to secure the high-ways , and to defend from robbers all pilgrims that came to visit the holy sepulchre . and because these had no habitation , baldwin , king of ierusalem , assigned them a place in his own palace neer the temple to dwell in ; whence they were called templarii : they lived after the manner of the canon regulars , possessing nothing in propriety , but were sustained by the bounty of the patriarch , and christian pilgrims . thus they continued nine years , till the year . then did honorius the second , bishop of rome , with the partiarch erect them into an order , assigning a white cloak to be worn by them ; afterward pope eugenius added a red crosse : these in few years by their valour , and care of pilgrims , grew mighty , numerous , and rich ; so that sometimes in publike meetings , three hundred knights have been together , besides infinite numbers of brothers ; they had above nine thousand mannors in christendom , whereas the hospitalers had but nineteen . they had the same rule prescribed them , that other monks had , to wit , obedience , poverty , chastity , gravity , piety , charity , patience , vigilance , fortitude , devotion , and such like vertues . when any of them were taken prisoners by the infidels , they were to be redeemed only with a girdle and a knife . they were exempted from the bishops jurisdiction by pope calixt●● the second , in the counsil of rhemes , anno . and from tythes by pope alexander the third . it was excommunication to lay violent hands on any templar . at last this order with their pride and luxury became so odious , that having continued . years , they were utterly rooted out of france by king philip the faire , and likewise out of other kingdoms by the instigation of pope clement . in france they were put to death , and their estates confiscated to the pope and king. but in germany their lives were spared , and their estates bestowed on the hospitalers , and the teutonick knights of saint mary . some think they were put to death for worshipping images covered with mens skins , for sacrificing men , for burning a child begot of a templar , and a nun ; with the fat of which child they anointed their image ; and for divers other crimes , yet doubtfull whether true or false . q. . what were the teutonici , or mariani ? a. these were a mixt order of iohannites and templars , for they both used hospitality to pilgrims , and defended them in the high-ways from robberi . they were called teutonici from their country , for they were germans that undertook this order , who living in ierusalem , bestowed all their wealth on the maintenance of pilgrims , and by the patriarchs leave , assigned to them our ladies chappel ; from this chappel of saint mary , they were named mariani . the chief promoters of this order , were the lubikers and bremers , with adolphus earl of holstein , who with a fleet of ships , assisted the christians , besieging ptolemais , and provided tents , with all necessaries for the sick and maimed souldiers . this order was erected before accona , or prolemais by the king of ierusalem , the patriarch , divers arch-bishops , bishops , and princes of germany then present , and was confirmed by the emperor henry the sixth , and pope cal●st●ine the third , who assigned them a white cloak , with a black crosse ; and added a white target with a black crosse also , and gave them leave to wear their beards , and granted indulgences , with other acts of graces , to those that should undertake or promote the order ; they had power to bestow knight-hood on such as deserved , and are enjoyned to follow the rule of saint austin : but none must be admitted into this order , except he be a teutonick born , and nobly descended . their charge was to be ready on all occasions , to oppose the enemies of the crosse ; and are tied to say . pater-nosters , creeds and ave ma●ies in . hours : when the holy land was lost , these knights came into germany , on whom the pope and emperor frederick the second , anno . bestowed the country of prussia , conditionally that they subdue the infidels there ▪ which they did in the space of . years , and so got the full possession thereof . upon the river vistula ; where they had raised a fort against the enemy , they built their chief city , and called it marie●burg : they set up three great masters , the one in germany , the second in liv●nia , and the third in pr●ssia ; this was over the other two : they aided the p●●●rians against the lituanians , much of whose country they subdued ; which caused great wars between these teutonicks and the polonians , after that poland and lituani● were united under own prince . after many bickrings , at last the polonian forced the great master to swear-sea●ty to him , to admit into his order as well polonians as germans , and make them capable of offices , that what land soever the teutonicks obtain , they should hold the same in ●ee of the king. this occasioned a war between albert marquesse of brandeburg , and the polander king sigismund , to whom for want of help from the emperor , being then imployed in wars against france and the turk in hungary , he was fain to submit , and to acknowledge the king for his lord. then he obtaines prussia , but changed his title from master , to duke of prussia , an. . venceslaus king of the romans and bohemians , drove all the teutonick knights out of bohemia , and seised on their estates . the knights are thus installed . the commendator placeth him that is to be knighted in the midst of the knights , then asketh every one of them , if they find any exception against him , either for his body , mind , or parentage ; the same is demanded of the party to be knighted , and withall if he be skilful in any usefull art , if in debt , if married , or if he have any bodily infirmity ; if he hath , he must not enter into that order : then he is commanded to kneel , and by laying his hand on the gospel , and rule of the order , to vow and promise obedience , chastity , poverty , care of the sick , and perpetual war with the infidels ; which done , the commendator promiseth to him sufficient bread and water , and course cloth for his life-time ; then he riseth , and having kissed the master , and each one of the brothers , he sitteth down in the place appointed for him . then the master or commendator exhorts the brothers to observe their rule carefully : after this , he is inaugurated , his kindred attend on him to the church with a torch burning before him , in which are fastned . pieces of silver and a gold-ring . then he kneels before the altar , and riseth again behinde the offertory , and so are delivered to him , a sword , target , spurs , and a cloak , which were all consecrated before ; then the commendator draweth his sword , with which he is girt , and with it strikes his target twise , saying , knighthood is better then service ; and with the same sword striking him on the back , saith , take this blow patiently , but no more hereafter ; then the responsory being sung , the rest of the day is spent in feasting and drinking . q. . what were the knights of saint lazarus , of calatrava , of saint james and divers others ? a. the order of saint lazarus was instituted about the year of christ . and being almost extinct , was renewed by pope pius . they wear a dark-coloured garment with a red crosse before their breast . this order is highly esteemed by the dukes of savoy , who also were instituted the knights of the annunciada in memory of the anunciation of mary ; he ordained fourteen of the prime nobility to be of this colledge , on each of whom he bestowed a golden collar , with the virgins picture hanging at it ; within the links of the collar are engraven these four letters , f. e. r. t. which was the motto of amadeus the great , who took rhodes . the meaning is , fortitudo ejus rhodum tenuit ; the annual solemnity is held on our lady-day in the castle of saint peter in turin . but this is scarce to be reckoned among the religious orders . the knights of calatrava , are so called from that province in spain ; they were instituted anno . or as some say , . by sanctius , ( others write ) by alphonsus king of spain , in the country of toledo , where the templars had a monastery , who not being able to resist the saracens , were forced to give place to these new knights , who were of the cistentian order . they wear a black garment with a red crosse ; the revenue of their master is forty thousand crowns yearly ; they are enjoyned by their rule to sleep in their cloathes girded ; to be silent in the chappel , hall , kitchen , and dormitory ; to eat flesh but on sundays , tuesdays , and thursdays , and but of one kinde and but once a day , and must fast mondays , wednesdays , and fridays , from the exaltation of the crosse till easter , if they be at home ; if any lay violent hands on them , they shall be excommunicated . in the lands that they shall acquire from the saracens , it shall not be lawful for any to build churches , or chappels , without leave from , the knights ; who also may chuse their own clergy ; other immunities and priviledges they have , as may be seen in the confirmation , or bull of pope innocent the third , which is extant in the second book of his decretal epistles . the knights of saint iames in spain , were instituted under pope alexander the third , who confirmed this order , and were to follow saint a●tins rule . the first master was peter ferdinand , whose yearly revenue is one hundred and fifty thousand crownes ▪ they were instituted anno . the great master i● next to the king in power and state ; they wea● both in peace and wars a purple crosse before thei● breast , resembling the hilts of a two-handed sword called spatha ; therefore these knights are called ▪ milites s. iacobi de spatho ; and the order from compostella is named compostellanus . many other orders of knight-hood there are in chrisstendom , as of saint george in england , of saint andrew in scotland , of saint michael in france , of the lilly in nava● , of saint mark in venice , of the dove in castile of the golden fleece in burgundy , of saint maurice in savoy , of saint stephen in tuscany ; and many more which are rather secular , then religious knights . th●●●st of which may be seen in our continuation of sir walter raleighs history , to be sold at the grey-hound in little britain london , the edition which i owne . q. . what were the orders of mendicant friers ? a. of these were four sorts ; namely , augustinians , carmelites , praedicants , and minorits . the augustinians were erected by william duke of a●nitania , ●bout the year . from whom they were named ●uilehelmits , but afterwards pope innocent the fourth , understanding that their were many sorts of eremiles in divers parts of the world , living under different title● and rules , he invited them to live under one ●●●d , and to professe one rule , to wit , that of saint austin . but this pope dying in the interim , alexander the fourth succeeded , to whom saint austin appeareth in a vision , having a great head , but small links ; by this he is warned to perfect the union which 〈◊〉 began , which he did accordingly , and so he 〈…〉 all in own order , and calls them by one 〈◊〉 to wit , the eremites of saint austin , whose rule he commanded they should follow , and be subject to one general prior ; and so dispensed with their former rules and obse●vances . withall he enjoynes them to forsake the desares , and to live in cities , that they might ●each the people . to this end he gave them divers priviledges ; and so did he●erius the fourth , about the year of christ . they wear a black coat with a hood of the same colour , and under a white short coat , a l●●thren girdle with ●orn buckles . they came into england anno . before alexanders vision , and by their sermons in deavoured to advance king richard . the third his title against the heirs of king edward . these eremites did spread so fast through the world , that there were reckoned of this order about ● . covents . these monks have three rules to which they are bound , given them by saint austin , as they say . the first is that they possesse nothing in property , but have all things in common ; that they be not sollicitous what they shall eat or drink , or wherewith they shall be cloathed ; that none be admitted without triall ; that none depart of carrie any thing out of the monastery , without the superiors leave ; that no man maintain any point of doctrine , without ac●●ainting the s●perior with it ; that secret faults be first reproved , and if not repented of , punished : in persecution , let them repair to their praepositus ▪ their second rule contains the times and manner of their praying and singing ; their times of working , reading and refreshing ; of their obedience , silence , and behavior , both at home and a broad , and how contumacy must be punished . the third rule contains their duties more largely , as that they must love god above all things , that they maintain unity ; that ●●eat drink and cloth be distributed as need is ; that all things be common , that there be not pride , contempt , or rain glory amongst them ; here they are enjoyned to prayer , reverence , devotion , abstinence , 〈…〉 : to hear the word read at table ; to be 〈◊〉 of the sick and infirm ; to be modest in apparre , worth and gesture , in their looks , when they 〈◊〉 to see a woman ; to reprove immodesty in their brothers , to receive no letters nor guifts without the superiors knowledge , to have their cloathes well kept from moths , to beware of murmuring and repining ; that to conceal any thing , shall be counted● theft , that they be not too nice an washing them cloathes ; that in sicknesse the physitian be advised with ; that they may bathe sometimes ; that the● sick want not any thing needfull for him , that there be not strife , envy , nor evil words among them ; that the superior use not harsh words in reproving ; that he shew good example to his brothers in holy conversation ; that he be wise , humble , and careful of ▪ his charge ; and that the duties here enjoyned may be the better performed , these rules must be read once every week ; which rules are followed , and observed , not onely by all the canon regula●s , and the eremites of saint austins order , but also by the mendicants , except the minors ; and likewise by the dominicans , the servants of our lady , the bridgidians , iesuati , canons● regular of saint george , montolihetenses , eremites of saint hierom , hieronymites simply , cruciferi , scopetini , hospita●arii , st ▪ a●●onii , trinitatis , servitae , feruerii , ferie●● , or of saint iohn of ierusalem , cruciferii with the star ; the friers of saint peter the confessor de magella ; sepulchritae , or brothers of the lords sepulchre ; the friers of the v●lliseholarii , victoriani , gilbertini , the eremites of saint paul , whom some think to be all one with the augustinians ; fratres de ●oei●ite●tia , coronati● the knights of saint iames de spatha , and divers 〈◊〉 , who notwithstanding differ in their habits ; exercises , and manner of living . q● . what were the c●●meli●es ? a. these were eremites , whose habitation was in caves and rocks within the hill carmel , famous for the prophetes , elias and elisha . about the year of christ . or as others say ● . almericus patriarch of antioch , and the popes lega● came thither ▪ and gathered these dispersed anchorites into one body ▪ and built them a monastery on the top of the hill near the well of elias , by which stood an ancient chappel of our lady ; perhaps from this chappel , the carmelites were called the virgins brothers . the same almericus translated into latine the book concerning the institution of the first monks , written in greek by iohn , bishop of ierusalem , for the benefit of these carmelites ; and placed over them a latine governour in the time of pope alexander the third ▪ who began this popedom a● . . the governours name v as ●ertholdus aquitanus ; some think this order was instituted . years after , to wit , in the papacy of innocent the third : their second governour was brochard of ierusalem , who made them a rule , much after the rule of saint basil ; which in the year . was abridged and confirmed by albert , patriarch of ierusalem , who tied them to fasting , silence , and canonical hours ; and the lay-brothers to peter the eremites beads or prayer , and to our ladies psalter . they were as , yet tied to no vow , but that of obedience to their superiour . they came into england about the year . ralph fresburn was their first governour here , and hunfrid nekt●n the first carmelite that read school divinity in cambridge , and was of that order the first doctor of divinity . this order came into lituania anno . whilst they were in syria , their garment was a striped cloak of party colours , which they say was used by the prophet eliah ; but pope honorius the third , or as some say the fourth , took from them this habit , as not beseeming or agreeable to religion ; and instead thereof gave them a white cloak , and a white hood , and under , a coat with a scapulary of hair-colour . the use of the white cloak was confirmed by pope nicholaus the fourth . whilst they used the former habit , they were highly esteemed by the egyptians , and maintained by the sultan ; but when they began to wear the popes new livery , he expelled them out of egypt , and burned down their monastery and chappel . honorius the fourth , exempted them from the jurisdiction of princes and bishops . gregory the ninth forbade them to injoy possessions , or revenues ; but to beg from door to door . honorius the fourth will have them called instead of carmelites , brothers of the virgin mary : alexander the fourth , allowed them prisons to punish their apostates , and iohn . took them into his immediate protection , and by a vision was warned to keep them 〈◊〉 of purgatory . many of the carmelites fell off from their first strictnesse of life , and gave themselves to all 〈◊〉 and voluptuousnesse ; whereupon they were divided into two sects : the one were called observantes , the other non observantes ; to undertake this order is h●ld meritorious , and three years indulgence is promised to him that shall at any time call them brothers of saint mary . in many of their cloysters they have the picture of iohn baptist in their habit , because he is named eliah , and they say that eliah did wear this habit ; they have changed now ( i mean the non observantes ) their hair-coloured coat into black . q. . what were the dominicans ? a. these were so called from dominicus a spaniard their first author ; they sprung out of the humiliali , and were instituted by innocent the third , anno . the chief end of their institution was to write , expound , and preach the word of god , whence they are named praedicantes or praedicatores . dominicus was by pope innocent the third , anno. . imployed with twelve abbots of the order of cister●iae●s , to preach down the doctrines of the a●●igenses . he by his preaching , so incensed the princes against them , that they took arms , and killed above one hundred thous●nd of them . dominicus with twelve more , accompanied by fulce , bishop of ●oled● , went to rome , where he petitioneth innocent the third , to confirm his order , who was somewhat averse , till he dreamed that he saw d●minicus supporting with his shoulders the church of lateran that was ready to fall down ; hereupon he adviseth dominick to pitch upon some rule , and he would ratifie it ; dominick returns presently to his disciples being sixteen together , acquaints them with the popes intention ; they all resolve to professe the rule of saint austin the preacher : in the interim innocent dieth , honorius the third , succeeded ; 〈◊〉 confirmed their rule and institution . d●●inick added some things to saint austins rule . he divided his monastery into three parts , one for himself and contemplative brothers , the other for contemplative sisters , the third was for both sexes , that were given to the active life : these were called brothers and sisters of saint dominick ; or the souldiers of jesus christ : for as dominick with the spirituall , so these with the corporal sword were to subdue hereticks . the dominicans are tied to reject all kinde of wealth , money , and possessions , that their work of preaching may not be hindred . to hold every year a general chapter . to fast seven moneths together ; namely , from holy 〈◊〉 day in september , till easter ; and at all other times on friday to abstain from flesh , except in times of sicknesse . to lye in blankets , not in sheets ; nor on feather-beds . to be silent . to wear a white coat , under a black cloak , which they say was prescribed by the virgin mary , to one rheginaldus in his sicknesse . to have low-built monasteries answering to their poverty and humility . to be content with the title of friers praedicants , whereas before they were stiled friers of the blessed virgin mary . to celebrate on every saturday the office of the virgin mary , except in lent , and on festival days . to disperse themselves through all parts of the world , for preaching the gospel . to choose them a generall master , whose subordinate prelates should be called priors but not abbots . the first that was elected master generall was dominious himself anno . who died the next year after . the 〈◊〉 do not promise to live according to their rule , or to keep it , ( because not to performe such a promise is a mortall sin ) but onely to obey according to the rule ; because in this case omission or transgression obligeth not to the sin , but to the punishment , as they think ▪ for dominick's good service against the 〈◊〉 , he is made by h●●●rius the third , master of th● sacred palace . and so the dominicans are ordina●●●● m●sters of this place . and because a dominican poysoned henry the seventh , emperor , in the eucharist ▪ therefore the pope inflicted this punishment on th●●●der , that their priests should ever after in the eucharist use their left hand . antoninus writes that dominick received a staff from peter , and a book from 〈◊〉 with ● command to preach the gospel every where ; hereupon his disciples dispersed themselves into all parts . dominick himself went to rome , where by the concession of the pope and cardinals , he gathered together in one covent all the nuns dispersed through divers places of the city , where they had the church of saint sabina assigned them ; of them met together , and took upon them the profession and habit of saint dominick . the order of praedicants increased so fast , that in the time of sabellicus , about the year of christ. . were reckoned . monasteries of dominicans , in which were masters of divinity ; besides divers cloysters of them in armenia and aethiopia , and ● ▪ covents of dominican nuns , in divers parts of europe . the cause of this great increase of praedicants , was partly the mortified life , humility , & abstinence of dominick ; for they write of him that he preferred bread and water to the best cheer , a hair shirt to the finest linnen , a hard boord to the softest bed , and a hard stone to the easiest pillow . he did use to wear an iron chaine , with which he beat himself every night , both for his own sins , and the sins of the world , for which also he did frequently weep , and pray whole nights together in churches . he offered himself twise as a ransome , to redeem others . and partly the cause was , his frequent visions and miracles , ( which whether true or false , i leave for others to judge ; ) partly also by receiving children and infants into their society before the years of probation ; besides the great respect which the popes carried towards this order ; for gregory the ninth , canonised dominick anno . they were subject to no ordinary , but to the pope : they had many priviledges granted them , as to preach in any mans pulpit , without asking leave of the bishop ; to make noble men and their ladies confess to them , and nor to their curates ; to administer the sacraments when they pleased , to be exempt from all ecclesiastical censures , and this priviledge they had from pope innocent the fourth , that no dominician could change his order , or enter into any other . q. . what were the franciscans ? a. they are so named from francis an italian merchant , who before his conversion was called iohn . he living a wicked and debauched life in his younger years , was at last reclaimed by a vision , as the story goeth , of a castle full of armes and crosses , with a voice telling him , that he was to be a spiritual souldier . afterward as he was praying , he was warned by a voice to repair the decayed houses of christ ; which he did by stealing money from his father , and bestowing it on the reparation of churches ; whereupon his father beats him , puts him in prison , and disinherits him ; he rejoycing at this , stript himselfe naked of all his garments , which he delivers to his father , shewing how willing he was to relinquish all for christ. within a short while he gathered many disciples , to whom he prescribeth this rule , anno , . that they shall be chast , poor , and obedient to christ , to the pope , and to their superiors ; that none be admitted into their order , till they be duely examined and proved ; that the clergy in their divine service follow the order of the roman church , and the lay-brothers say . pater-nosters for their matte●s , &c. that they fast from all-saints , till christmasse . &c. that they enter not into any house , till they say peace be to this house , and then they may eat of what is set before them ; that they meddle not with money , nor appropriate any thing to themselves ; that they help one another ; that pennance be imposed on those who sin ; that they have their publick meetings or chapters , and that they chuse their provincial ministers , and these must chuse a general minister over the whole fraternity ; that their preach●●● be men of approved gifts , and that they preach not abroad without leave from the bishop ; that they use brotherly admonition and correction , that they give themselves to prayer , modesty , temperance , and other vertues , and that they enter not into nun●er●es , except such as are authorized ; that none go to convert sarace●s or other infidels , but such as are sent by the provincial ministers ; that they all remain constant in the catholike faith , and that none break this rule , except he will incurr the curse of god , and of the two blessed apostles , peter and paul. this rule francis strengthened by his will and testament which he enjoyneth to be read , as often as they shall read the rule . this rule and order was confirmed by pope innocent the third , but not till he was warned by visions of a palme tree growing and spreading under him , and of a poor man supporting the decaying lateran ; and until he had tried francis his obedience , which he shewed by wallowing in the mire with swine , as the pope advised him . this order was also confirmed again by pope honorius the third , and by pope nicholaus the third , in his decretal epistles , which he enjoyned should be read in schools . francis would not have his disciples to be called francis●ans from his name , but min●res , and so he would have the superiors or governors of his order to be called not masters , but ministers , to put them in minde of their humble condition , and to follow christs advice to his disciples , whosoever will be great among you , let him be your servant . q. . what things else are observable in the franciscan order ? a. . francis divided his disciples into three classes or ranks ; the first was of the friers minorites , whereof himself was one , and whose life was most rigid , for they were neither to have granaries , nor two coats . the second was of ladies and poor virgins , who from saint clara were named clarissae , this order was not so strict as the former . the third was of poenitents instituted for married people , who desired to do pennance ; these might enjoy propriety in their goods . the first sort was for contemplation and action too ; namely , in preaching ; the second for contemplation onely , the third for action onely . this third order is not properly called religious , because they may continue in their maried estate , & enjoy propriety . these are called friers fenites of iesus christ , and saccii from their sack-cloath which they wore ; and continentes , not that they vowed continency , but because certain days every week , they abstained from carnal copulation . the women are called sisters penitents . the first order were not to permit any of the third order to enter their churches in time of interdict . this order was condemned in england an. . but is again advanced by peter teuxbury a franciscan minister , and allowed in the chapter at london . . many families sprung out of this minorit order ; namely , observantes , conventuales , minimi , caputiani , collectanei , who gathered or collected the moneys ; amadeani , reformati de evangelio , chiacini cum barba , de porti●●cula , paulini , bofiaini , gaudentes , de augustinis with their open shooes , and servientes . . francis himself wore a short coat without any artificiall tincture ; instead of a girdle , he used a cord , and went bare-footed ; hence after long altercation among his disciples about their habit and shooes , it was ordered that they should wear soles onely , having no more upper leather then to tie the shooes . that they should travel either on foot , or upon asses . and whereas they could not agree about the form , measure , and colour of their habit , ( for saint francis in this determined nothing , ) the matter is referred to pope iohn . who leaves it to the arbitrement of their general and provincial ministers . at this day they wear a long coat with a large hood of gray , or hair-colour , bare-footed , and girded with a cord . . such vertue hath been held in a franciscan garment , that divers princes have desired to be buried in it , thinking thereby to be safe from the devil . so we read of francis the second , marquesse of mantua , of robert king of sicily , and divers others , who have by their last will ordered that they might be interred in a seraphick habit . and yet we read that francis h●mself died naked , because he would be like christ , who hung naked on the crosse . . i read of divers schismes among the franciscans about the form of their habit ; one i finde in the time of crescentius de esey● their sixth general minister , anno . some among them bragging much of the spirit , would not live after st. francis rule , but after their own , accouting themselves the saints . these despised a long habit , and would go in short cloakes . another schisme they made in the province of narbon , anno . after the death of pope clement . during the vacancy of the popedom almost two years . these monks chose their own ministers and governours , and flung away the habit of their order as profane , wearing short garments , imprisoning and excommunicating the obedientes . pope iohn . condemned these minorities as hereticks ; and the fratricelli starting up at that time , condemned the same pope of heresie , for saying christ and his disciples had a common stock among them , whereof iudas bore the bag . another schisme they had about the year . some petitioned the pope for leave to live after the letter of saint francis his rule , and not after the glosse , as they all did . they obtain four places to reside in , and in each of them twelve brothers . but these aiming at liberty , rejecting the rule of their order , and wearing short undecent garments , were suppressed by pope innocent the sixth . another rupture was among them , during the schisme of the church , begun by vrban the sixth , who sat at rome , and clemens at avinion ; for the minorites of england , france , and spain , chose them one general , and those of italy , germany , and hungary another . an. . they divided themselves into conventuales , and observantes ; these despising the conventual prelates , chose their own govenours , calling the others profane and impious . these touch no money , eat no flesh , and wear no shooes : they multipled exceedingly in all parts , chiefly in italy . they were confirmed by the councel of constance , and divers popes . . francis prohibited his monks to meddle with ecclesiastical preferments , to be called lords or masters , to hear confessions , to eat flesh , to wear rich apparell , and to dwell in sumptuous houses . bonaventure their eight general , ordered that they should continue singing till the epipha●y , glory to thee o lord , who wast born of a virgin , &c. he taught them also to exhort the people to salute the virgin mary at the ringing of the bell , after the completory , in memory of the angel saluting her that hour . pope gregory the eleventh limited the power of the minorites protectors , that they should not meddle with any , except he disobey the pope and church , apostatize from the faith , and forsake his rule honorius the third decreed , that no minorite should ever forsake his order . the minorites obtained this favour , that they might make masters of divinity among themselves ; where of alexander de ales was the first . . the franciseans did increase so fast in all parts , that from the year , till the year . being the space of . years , there were erected in christendom above . monasteries of this order . sabellicus recordeth that in his time were ninety thousand minorites . the cause of this increase was partly their diligence and sedulity in making proselites , partly their priviledges , and partly their pretended sanctity and mortification , but chiefly their incredible miracles and visions of saint francis , which are obtruded on the peoples beliefe ; as his five wounds , his bearing of christ in his arms , his mansion in heaven next christ , and much other stuff to this purpose , with which their legends are fraught . . there be three sorts of poverty among the mendicant friers ; one is to have nothing , either in common or in propriety ; and this is the franciscan poverty , which is the greatest of all : another is which the dominicans professe ; that is to have nothing in property , yet some things in common , as books , cloathes , and food . the third is and the least , to have some things both in common and in property , but onely such as necessity requires , for food and rayment ; and this is the poverty of the carmelites and augustinians . q. . what were the knights of the holy sepulchre , ●nd the gladiatores ? a. these ascribe the original of their order to saint iames our lords brother , and son of alphaeus ; but it s more likely that this order began when ierusalem was taken by godsrey of bulloigne ; at this day , it is quite extinct . when ierusalem was taken by the soldan , these anno christi . with all the other religious knights of christendom were driven out of syria ; yet the care of the holy sepulchre , which these knights had charge of , was committed to the franciscans by the soldan , who of all the christian profession suffered none to stay in syria and ierusalem , but the armenians , syrians , georgians , greeks and franciscans ; the pope allows eight of this order with a christian knight , who is their guardian , to keep the sepulchre . the manner of installing the knights of the sepulchre was this : the knight after preparation , being brought within the sepulchre , where hymnes are sung , and prayers said , declares kneeling , that he is come to be made knight of the most holy sepulchre of our lord ; that he was nobly descended , and had means sufficient to maintain him ; withall promiseth to hear masse daily , to expose his life and estate against the infidels , to desend the church of god and ministers thereof , from their persecutors , to avoid unjust wars , duells , filthy lucre , and such like , to maintain peace amongst christians , to shun oppression , perjury , rapin , blasphemy , and all other grievous sins . then the guardian laying his hand on the knights head , bids him be a stout , faithful , and good souldier of our lord iesus christ , and of his holy sepulchre . upon this he gives him a pair of guilded spurs , with a naked sword , signing him three times with the crosse , and bidding him in the name of the trinity , use this sword to his own and the churches defence , and to the confusion of the enemies thereof ; then the sword being sheathed , is girt to the knight by the guardian ; the knight riseth , and bending his knees and bowing his head over the sepulchre , is by the guardian struck on the shoulder three times with the sword , saying , iordain thee knight of the holy sepulchre of our lord iesus christ , in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . this he repeats three times , and crosseth him three times , then kisseth him , and puts a golden chain about his neck , with a double red crosse hanging at it ; at last the knight having kissed the sepulchre , the monks present sing te deum , and after a short prayer , he is dismissed . this order was by pope innocent the eighth , anno . made one with the knights of rhodes . the order of gladiators began in livonia , much about the time that the tutonicks began in ierusalem , anno . they were called gladiatores , from carrying on their cloak two red swords acrosse . albert bishop of riga beg●n this order , and allowed the third part of his chutohes revenues towards the maintenance thereof . their habit was white , on which were woven two bloody swords , in manner of a crosse as is said ; to signifie their innocency , and warfare against the pagans ; whom they converted to christianity , not onely in riga the metropolis , but in most places of livonia . pope innocent gave them all the lands they could subdue there . the rule they professed was the same with that of the templars ; but by the popes perswasion both the cruciferi and gladiators incorporated themselves into the teutonick order . q. . what were the knights of saint mary of redemption , of montesia , and the order of vallis scholarium , and canons regular of saint mark ? a. the knights of saint mary de mercede , or of redemption , because their charge was to redeem captives , was instituted by iames king of arragon , who in the year . subdued the isles baleares . this order began about the year . and is confirmed by gregory the nineth . they wear a white garment , with a black crosse . they are of the cistertian order . the knights of montesia , are so called from that place in the kingdom of valentia . they were iustituted much about the time of the former knights of saint mary , by the same king iames , and confirmed by the same pope gregory the nineth ; the badge of this order is a red crosse , and are also cistertians . the order of vallis scholarium , began anno . by one guilelmus richardus , a scholar of paris , who with edward and manasses professors of divinity , betook themselves to the desare in champanie , where they set up a new order , but after the rule of saint austi● . they borrowed also some things of the cistertians , that the prior should visit all the churches of his order without exacting any temporalties ; that they hold a general chapter every year ; that they wear no linnen shirts , nor sleep on feather-beds ; that none eat flesh , but such as are sick and weak . the place where they first resided in , was called vallis scholarium . this order was confirmed by pope honorius the third . the order or congregation of saint marks canon regulars began in mantua , about the year . q. . what was the order of saint clara , saint pauls eremites , and boni-homines ? a. clara was of the same town assisium with francis , and his intimate acquaintance ; she was daughter to ortulana , who undertook pilgrimages both to rome and to the holy sepulchre ; in her childhood she wore sackcloath next her skin , and would never hear of marriage . she stole away from her parents , cut off her hair , and could not be drawn away by any perswasions from her intended course of life . about the year . at the church of saint damianus she instituted the order of poor ladies , called from her name clarissae , and from the place the nuns of saint damian . neer this church in a cottage she lived two and forty years , afflicting her body with fasting , watchings and all kind of hardnesse . next her flesh she wore the brisley side of a hogs skin , lay on hard boords , went bare-footed . in lent and other fasting times , she used only bread and water ; she tasted wine onely upon sundaies ; her rule was that of the franciscans . pope innocent the third , or as others say , honorius the third , confirmed this order . she could not be perswaded by pope gregory the nineth , to reserve any of her possessions , but forsook all for christ , as she thought . saint pauls eremites in huugary were instituted in the year . after the rule of saint austin by eusebius of strigonia , and was confirmed by gentilis the popes legat , anno . they came into england , and seated themselves in colchester , anno . the order called boni hom●●es , or boni viri , that is , good men , was instituted by edmund , sonne to richard earle of cornwall , who had been elected emperor . these did follow saint austins rule , and wear a skie-coloured garment . q . what were the servants of saint mary , the caelestini , and jesuati ? a. one philip tudert a florentine by birth , and a physician by profession , instituted this order of saint maries servants ; they follow the rule of saint austin ; they wear a short black coar , and over that , a long black cloak pleated about the shoulders . they were confirmed by pope bennet the eleventh , and seven other popes after him . they are permitted to carry a satchel or bag to put the almes in , which they beg . in italy there he eight and forty monasteries of these servants . this order was instituted anno. . or as others say , . the caelestini were so called from pope caelestine the fifth , who having before his popedom lived an eremiticall life in divers desarts , at last erected this order after the rule of saint bennet , and procured it to be confirmed by pope gregory the tenth , in the generall councell of lyons . their habit is of skie-colour without a hood . caelestin their author being elected pope , and cheated out of it by boniface the eight , who by a cane and a hole in the wall , speak to him to relinquish his popedom ; which he did , thinking an angel had spoken to him , i say caelestine returned again to his eremiticall life , which he could not long enjoy ; for pope boniface put him in prison upon jealousie , where he died . these monks came into england , anno . the iesuati began at senae by iohn columbanus , and francis vincent , anno . they were called iesuati from using the name of iesus often in their mouthes . pope vrban the fifth , approved them , and enjoyned them to wear a white garment , a white cover for their head , a leathern girdle , and to go bare-footed , using onely wooden soles . these monks were afterward called apostolici . q. . what was the order of saint briget ? a. briget , not that of scotland , who lived about the year , . but a princess of sweden , anno . obtained a confirmation of her order ( which she received immediately from christ , as she said ) by pope vrban the fifth . her rule was according to that of saint basils . the monks and nus may have their covents contiguous , and the same church , but the brothers must officiate below , the sisters above . both sexes must use gray cloaks and coats , with a red cross thereon . they must have nothing in propriety , touch no money , must lie onely upon straw . the fashion , colour , and measure of their cloathes are set down ; on their vaile they must wear a weite linnen crown , on which are sowed pieces of red cloath , representing drops of blood , and so placed that they may resemble the cross . the sisters are enjoyned how to officiate , and what prayers they shall use every day , to be silent , to avoid conference with men , except it be at a window , upon urgent occasion , on sundays and great festivals , and that onely from nine till the evening . she that openeth not her window at all , shall have the greater reward in heaven . days of fasting are prescribed them ; none must be admitted into the order , without a years probation : then she must be examined and consecrated by the bishop , who is to bring her into the church with a red crosse carried before her , having the crucifix on the one side , and the virgins image on the other , to put her in minde of patience , and chastity : two tapers burning must be carried before the crosse ; then the bishop consecrates a ring , and prayeth . she having testified her constant resolution to that kinde of life , the bishop by putting the ring on her finger , marrieth her to christ , and prayeth ; she comes to the altar and offers , then returns to her place again . her new cloathes are also consecrated , and she is called by the priest to come bare-footed to the altar ; the bishop prayeth again , and withall puts on her the coat of her profession , her shooes , hood , and cloak , which he tieth with a wooden button , in memory of christs wooden crosse , to which her minde should be fastned . then her vaile is put on , the bishop at every action , and parcel of her cloathes prayeth , and at last her crown , the bishop praying that she may be crowned with joy . she returns to her place , and is called again to the altar , where she falls on her face , the bishop with his priests read the letanie , absolves her , and gives her the eucharist ; her coffin , which during the time of the masse stood there , is carried by four sisters , sprinkling dust on it , into the covent ; at the gate whereof stands the abbatesse with her nuns , the bishop with two tapers carried before him ; and the priests singing , brings the new nun , and recommends her to the care of the abbatesse , which she receives , shuts the gate , and brings her into the chapter . the first eight days she is tied to no discipline . at table and in the quite she sitteth last . the number of the sisters is sixty , and no more . thirteen priests according to the number of apostles , whereof saint paul was one , four evangelists , or preachers , representing the four doctors of the church , ambrose , austin , gregory , and hierom ; and eight lay-men . all these together make up the number of the thirteen apostles , and . disciples . the priests garments shall be of course gray , on which shall be worne a red crosse , and in the middest a round piece of white cloth , to resemble the host which they daily offer . the four evangelists shall carry on their cloaks a white circle , to shew the incomprehensible wisdom of the four doctors which they represent . within these circles red pieces of cloth shall be inserted like tongues cloven , to shew their learning and eloquence . the lay-brothers shall wear on their cloaks a white crosse , to shew christs innocency , with five pieces of red cloth , in memory of christs five wounds . the number of brothers in the covent , must not exceed five and twenty , who are to be blessed by the bishop , after the same manner that the sisters were ; but instead of a ring , the bishop shall hold the priest by the hand , and for a vail , shall lay his hands on his head ; and instead of a crown , shall use the sign of the crosse. the abbatesse shall be among the thirteen priests , as mary was among the apostles ; she shall have for confessor , him whom the bishop alloweth . confession must be made at least three times yearly , and every day if need be , to such priests as the confessor shall chuse ; the priest shall be diligent in preaching , praying , and fasting . every thursday shall be a chapter held , wherein the delinquent sisters may be punished with fasting , standing without doores in the church-yard , whilst the other sisters are within at divine service , and with prostrating her self on the ground , till the abbatesse take her up , and intercede for her absolution . if a sister possesse any thing in propriety , and dyeth before she confesseth it , her body is layed on a beer at the church door , where they all say an ave-mary for her , and then is absolved , and after mass is carried from the quite to the church door by the sisters , where the brothers receive her , and bury her . neither the abbatesse , nor any sister must receive gifts , or have any thing in proper . every one after the first foundation , must bring their yearly revenues to be imployed by the abbaresse ; but after the number of sisters is filled , and a revenue setled , they that come after need brin● nothing . if any dye , her cloathes and allowance in dyet shall be given to the poor , till another be chosen . every year before the feast of all-saints , let there be an audit of expences kept ; if any thing remain over and above the expences , let it be reserved for the next years expences , or bestowed on the poor , on whom also the nuns old cloathes must be conferred . every novice must bring a present or almes gift to the covent , but nothing that hath been got by oppression , cheating , stealing , or any other sinistrous means ; such gifts must be restored again , and so must gifts doubtfully got be rejected ; and if the covent stand not in need of any persent , let it be given to the poor . in every church must be thirteen altars , on each of which one chalice , but on the high altar two chalices , two pair of flaggons , so many candlesticks , one crosse , three censers , one for daily use , the other two for solemn feasts , a cibory for the host ; let there be no gold nor silver in the covent , except where the holy reliques are kept ; let every one have her office or service book , and as many other books as they will , for good arts ; let each altar have two altar-cloths ; let no sisters be admitted under eighteen , nor priest or brother under five and twenty years of age ; let the sisters imploy their time in devotion , labouring with their hands , and about their own affairs , after the manner of christ and his mother ; let rich and poor have the same measure of meat and drink ; and let not any afflict their body too much ; for not their own correction , but gods mercy , must save them let the sisters confesse at the lattess of the windows , where they may be heard , but not seen ; but in receiving the eucharist , they may be heard and seen . but they must do nothing without the leave of the abbatesse , and some witnesses , except in time of confession . priests must not enter the nunnery , except to give the sacrament in the agony of death , and that with some witnesses ; all the priests and brothers may enter to perform funerall obsequies . the bishop of the diocesse must be the father and visitor of the monasteries and nunneries ; the prince of the territory shall be the protector , and the pope the faithful guardian ; without whose will no covent shall be made . let there be a hole like a grave still open in the covent , that the sisters may pray every day there with the abbatesse ( taking up a little dust between her fingers ) that god who preserved christs body from the corruption of the grave , would also preserve both their bodies and souls from the corruption of sin . let there be a beer or coffin at the church-door with some earth , that all commers in may remember they are dust , and to dust shall return : to the observers of this rule christ promiseth his aid , who revealed himself to saint briget , and counsels her to convey it to the pope , to be confirmed . so goeth the story , as it is set down by hospinian , who translated it out of the german into the latin tongue : this order came into england an. . and was placed at richmond . there be few of these elsewhere , except in sweden . q. . what was the order of s. katherine , and of s. iustina ? a. katherine born at senae in tuscany , in her childhood vowed virginity ; and in a dream saw dominick with a lilly in his hand , and other religion-founders , wishing her to professe some of their orders ; she embraced that of dominick , in which she was so strict that she abhorred the smell of flesh , drunk onely water , and used no other cheer but bread and raw herbs . she lay upon boards in her cloathes . she girt her self so close with an iron chain , that it cut her skin ; she used to watch whole nights together , and scarce slept half an hour in two days , in imitation of s. domimick . she used to chastise her self three times every day with that iron chain , for an hour and half at a time , so that the blood run from her shoulders to her feet . one chastisement was for her self , the other for the dead , and the third for those that were alive in the world . many strange stories are recorded of her , as that christ appeared and married himself to her with a ring ; that he opened her side , took out her old heart , and put a new one instead of the former ; that he cloathed her with a bloody coloured garment , drawn out of the wound in his side ; so that she never felt any cold afterwards : and divers other tales to this purpose some say this order began anno . others , anno . the nuns of this order wear a white garment , and over it a black vaile , with a head-covering of the same colour . the order of saint iustina , was instituted by ludevicus barbus , a venetian , anno . after the ancient discipline of benedict . this rule was enlarged by eugenius the fourth , and confirmed by iohn . the monks of this order are carefull not to eat out of the covent with seculars , and to wash the feet of strangers . q. . what were the eremites of saint hierom , of saint saviour , the albati , fratricelli , turlupini , and montolivetenses ? a. saint hieroms eremites in spain , under saint austins rule was instituted about the year . in vibinum a city of vmbria in italy , in the time of pope gregory the nineth , and was confirmed by gregory the twelfth . of this order there are in italy five and twenty covents . they differ in their habit , and other things , little or nothing from the other monks of saint hierom. the canons of saint saviour were instituted also in italy , neer senae , in a place called scopetum , whence they are named scopeti●i . they follow saint austins rule . their author was one franch of bononia , anno . in the time of pope vrban the the fifth , and were confirmed by his successor , gregory the eleventh , anno . they wear a white cloak , with a white hood above a white linnen gowne albati were so called from the white linnen they wore ; these in the time of pope boniface the nineth , anno . came down from the alpes into luc● , flaminia , hetruria , fisa , and other places of italy , having for their guide a priest cloathed in white , and carrying in his hand the crucifix : he pretended so much zeal and religion , that he was held a saint . these people increased to such a vast body , that boniface the nineth grew jealous their priest aimed at the popedom ; therefore sent out some armed men against them , apprehended their priest , and put him to death ; upon which the whole multitude fled , every man returning to his house . these made profession of sorrow , weeping for the sins and calamities of those times ; they eat together in the high-ways , and slept all promiscuously together like beasts : they are by most reckoned among the hereticks , and not religious orders , and so are the fratricells , or beghardi , who would be counted the third order of franciscans ; they were called fratricella , brothers of the cells and caves where they dwelt . their women were named beghinae , and beguttae . these sprung up anno . they went with their faces covered , and their heads hanging down ; their lives were ●●agirious , and their opinions heretical , as we have already shewed among the heresies ; therefore they are condemned by boniface the eight , clemens the fifth , and iohn the twenty second : yet gregory the eleventh , and eugenius the forth , defended such of them , against whose life and faith , no just exceptions could be taken : gregory about the year . eugenius anno . the turlupini also , though they would have been thought a religious order , were heretical in their teners , and therefore condemned and burned , anno . montolivetenses , or monks of mount olivet , began anno . when the church was divided between three popes . in this distracted time many of sene betook themselves to the next hill , which they called mount olivet , and cloathed themselves in white , professing st. bennets rule . they were confirmed by pope gregory the twelfth . there were others of the same name loug before these but boniface the eighth , anno . put them down , and executed their author at viterbium ; he only wore a linnen cloth about his wast , the rest of his body naked . q. . what were the canons of saint george , the mendicants of saint hierom , the canons of lateran , order of the holy ghost , of saint ambrese ad nemus , and of the minims of jesu maria ? a. the canons regular of saint george , called also apostolici , were instituted by laurence iustinian , patriarch of venice , anno . they were confirmed by gregory the twelfth . they wear a linnen surplesse over their garments , and a black hood ; but out of the cloyster they wear a black cloak , with a black hat . there be two orders more of this name ; the one wear white , the other blew ; they abstain from flesh , except in their sicknesse and are not tied by vow to their profession . the mendicants of saint hierom were iustituted by carolus florentinus , anno . and are confirmed by gregory the twelfth . they professe saint austins rule ; they wear dark-coloured cloathes , and over their coat a pleated cloak divided , they use a leathern girdle , and wooden shooes . the canons of lateran make saint austin their author ; these were expulsed , saint iohn lateran , by pope calixtus , after they had been seated there by eugeuius the fourth , who expolled the seculars thence ; but paul the second , called back the regulars , and by degrees expelled the seculars . their cloak , scapulars , and hood are black . the order of the holy ghost was instituted neer venice by gabriel of sp●letum , anno . they use the same habit that the canons regular doe wear . the brothers of saint ambrose ad nemus , were instituted at milan , and confirmed , anno . they wear dark-coloured cloathes , and profess saint austins rule ▪ the minimi of iesu maria , were instituted by one francis paula , a cicilian , anno . he made three rules ; one for the brothers , another for the sisters , and the third for both sexes called tertiarii . he would have the brothers to be called minimi , and the sisters minimae , to teach them humility . they were enjoyned to keep the ten commandements , to observe the church laws , to obey the pope , and to persevere in their vowes of chastity . poverty , obedience , and fasting . this order was allowed by iulius the second , innoce●● the eighth , sixtus the fourth , alexander the sixth , and leo the tenth . they abstain altogether from flesh , they wear onely corse linnen , and wander up an● down bare-headed , and bare-foote . q. . what orders of knighthood were there erecte● in christendome after the year ? a. the knights of the annunciation of mary by amadeus the fifth , earle of savoy , and first duke thereof , anno . of this order we have already spoken . the ord●● of maurician knights was instituted by amadeus the seventh , anno . to the honour of saint maurice , whose ring was delivered to peter earle of savoy , that by him it might be conveyed to his successors , as a badge of their right to , and soveraignity over that country . the knights of the golden fleece were instituted by philip the good duke of burgundy , and father to charles , whom the switzers defeated and flew . this philip on his wedding day , with isabel , the king of portugals daughter , erected this order , anno . which he called by the name of the golden fleece , in memory of iason , and those other worthies , who ventured their lives for that golden fleece , to encourage christians to venture their lives like couragious argonautes , for the defence and honour of the catholike church . there were appoynted thirty one knights of this order ; the chief whereof was the duke of burgundy : now the kings of spain are chief , in right of that dukedome . of these knights we have spoken already in our history of the world ; in the impression by me owned as before is mentioned . the knights of the moon were instituted by reiner , duke of anjou , when he obtained the kingdom of sieily , anno . these knights wore a silver half moon on their arme , and were bound to defend one another in all dangers ; and never to fall at variance among themselves . the knights of saint michael the arch-angel were instituted by lewis the french king , anno . these wear a golden chain , at which hanged the image of saint michael treading on the infernal dragon . this picture his father charles the seventh wore in his banners ; and it is worne by his posterity in memory of saint michael , who was seen in the battel at the bridge of orleans , fighting against the english , whom he forced to raise their siedge . the king appoynted there should be of this order . knights , whereof himself should be the first . they are tied to hear mass every day . the knights of saint stephen were instituted by cosmo , dake of florence , and confirmed by pope pius the fourth , anno . in imitation of the knights of malta . they differ from the ioannites , that instead of a white , they wear a red crosse set in gold. they may also marry once , which the ioannites could not do . their seat is in ilua an island in the ligustick sea. they are called saint stephens knights , not from stephen the first martyr , but from stephen bishop of florence , who was canonised , or from pope stephen . the knights of the holy spirit were instituted by henry the french king , anno . of the knights of saint george in england , or of the garter , instituted by king edward the third , anno . and of the knights of the star , set up by king iohn the first of france , in memory of that star which appeared at christs nativity ; the knights also of jesus christ in portugal , and of the knights of alcanthara in castile , we have already spoken . he that wll see more , let him read panuinius in chron. sabellicus , enne . . crantzius l. . frank in chron. polyd. l. . volaterran l. ● . girard . hist. l. . balaus cent. . heuterus l. . re● . burgund . tilius , hist. franc. genebrard in chron. hospinian de orig . monach. and the continuation of sir walter raleighs history of the world , in the edition by we owned ; to be sold by i. s. at the grey-hound in little britaine london , &c. the contents of the eleventh section . of religions orders and opinions from the year . till this day . . the order of jesuites . . of their general rules . . of their other rules . . of their rules for provests of houses , rectors of colledges , &c. . of their rules for travellers , ministers , admonitors , &c. . of their priviledges granted by popes . . of other orders in the church of rome . . how abbots are consecrated at this time . . wherein the christian orders of knight-hood differ . . of other orders of knight-hood besides the french. . of the orders of knight-hood in germany , hungary , bohemia , poland , &c. . the orders of knight-hood in italy . . of the christian military orders in the east . sect . xi . quest. . what religious orders , and opinions in religion are there sprung up in these latter times , that is , from the year . till this day in the christian world ? a. in the year . started up a new order , called poor pilgrims ; these came out of italy , into germany bare-foote , and bare-headed ; some covered their bodies with linnen , others with gray cloth , carrying every one in his hand a wooden crosse , but without scrip or bag , staff or money ; drinking neither wine nor beere ; feeding all the week , except on sundays , upon herbs and rootes sprinkled with salt : they abstained altogether from egges , butter , milk , cheese , fish , and flesh. in the church they stretch out their arms in manner of a crosse , and praying fell flat on the ground . they stayed not above four and twenty hours in any place , they went by couples begging from door to door . among them were divers priests , deacons , and subdeacons : this pennance they undertook voluntarily , some for three years , others for five or seaven , as they pleased , and at the end of their years returned home , and betook themselves again to their callings : they excluded from their pilgrimage onely monks and women . about six years after , was instituted the order of indians , under pope iulius the second , and maximilian the first emperor : these were of the carmalite race ; and were called indians , as i suppose from their intention to convert the indians then discovered ; they wore black cloaks , and over them white gownes , as appears by that verse of franc. modius : qui tegimus pura pallia pulla ●oga . under pope clement the seventh was instituted the order of the society of divine love ; these were devout people , who met in retired places , remote from the company of the vulgar : here they prayed , sung , administred the sacraments , and did other acts of devotion ; they were called also theatini , from theatinu●● ; the bishoprick of which place was rejected by iohn peter carrafa , that he might the more freely enjoy that devout life , and give himself the more seriously to contemplate divine mysteries , and to regain the honour of the clergy , so much degenerated from their former integrity . he refused also the bishoprick of brundus●um , which charles the fifth would have conferred upon him ; yet afterward he was content to change his name from iohn peter to paul the fourth , and to accept the popedom . of this society also were caietan the apostolical proton●tarie , boniface a noble man of piemont , and one paul a roman . in the year . was instituted the order of paulini , by a certain countesse called gastalia at mantua , hence her disciples were named gastalini . the brothers and sisters of this sect were by their own strength thus to came their flesh ; they were to lie two and two together in one bed , but with a crosse layed between the man and the woman , that they might not touch one the other . this course they were to use so long , till they had quite subdued the tickling of the flesh . but this order lasted not long ; for the inconveniencies found in it occasioned the extirpation thereof . q. . what is the order of the jesuites ? a. this order which is called the society of iesus , ( because they take upon them to advance the name , doctrine , and honour of iesus more then other orders heretofore , ) was instituted about the year . by ignatius loyola of cantabria , who being at first a souldier , and receiving some wounds in the french war , of which he lay sick above a year , resolved upon recovery of his health , to renounce the world , and wholly to addict himself to the advancing of the name of iesus ; for this cause being ●ix and twenty years of age , he forsakes all , and travels to ierusalem ; thence ( having done his devotion to the holy sepul●hre ) returns into spain , where at complutum and salamantica , he gives himself to study ; in the interim he took upon him to preach mortification , both by his doctrine and mean habit , though as yet he was furnished neither with sufficent learning , nor was he called ; wherefore he was imprisoned , and examined by the inquisitors , and being found zealous for the roman faith , was dismissed , and thence goeth to paris , where he studied ten years in great poverty and weaknesse of body , and was at last made master of arts. in the year . he returns to spain with ten more of his profession , and from thence to rome , to have leave of the pope to travel to ierusalem ; but finding the peace broken between the turk and venetian , they go to venice , and their did dresse the wounds and sores of poor people in hospitals . seven of these ten companions of ignatius took the priest-hood upon them , and preached up and down the territories of venice ; having neither temporal nor ecclesiastical meanes to sustain them . after this they all go to rome , where they are hated and molested by the clergy , yet their society increased daily , and procured a confirmation of their order from pope paul the third , which since was ratified by iulius the third , paul the fourth , pius the fourth , and the councel of trent . at first they were not to have above . of their society ; but afterward the pope perceiving how needful this order was to the decaying roman religion , permitted all that were fit to enter into the same . they have their chief or general , their coadjutors in spiritual things , such are their priests , and professors of divinity , philosophy , and inferiour arts : their coadjutors in temporals , who look to their clothing , dyet , and domestick affairs ; their scholars and novices are maintained , least this order or society might faile , who are bound to obey their superiors without doubting or inquiring into the nature of the thing enjoyned them . this order differs from others , in that besides the three ordinary vowes of chastity , poverty , and obedience , they binde themselves to the pope , in undertaking cheerfully , readily , and without charging him , any journey ●he shall command for propagating the roman faith : the title also of professor among them is more honourable then of priest ; for one may be a priest many years , before he be admitted professor . the iesuites , instead of a hood , wear a philosophical cloak , that is long and black ; their cap resembling a crosse is called bareta ; this they do not wear abroad ; their cassocks they call solannas , which they tie with silk girdles ; and they spread so fast over the world , that above sixty years ago they had . colledges . q. . what be the general rules to which the jesuites are tied ? a. to examine their conscience twice daily ; to be diligent in prayer , meditation , and reading ; to be daily at divine service , at the times appointed to confesse their sins ; to renew their vows every year twice ; to be abstinent on fridays , not to preach without the superiors leave ; nor to keep money by them , nor to have any thing in proper ; to read no books without leave , nor to meddle with any thing that is not theirs ; to learn the language of the country where they live ; not to lock their chests , or chamber doors ; not to sleep in the night with the window open , or naked , or to go out of their chamber without their cloathes ; not to teach or learn without the superiors leave ; not to drink between meals , or to eat abroad without leave , or to take physick , or to consult with the physitian , till they be permitted by the superior ; to harken to the bell when it rings ; to keep their beds neat , and chambers clean ; to aquaint the superior , when any is grievously tempted ; to be obedient , humble , and reverent in uncovering the head to their superior● , not to complain of one superior to another ; to be silent , or else to speak briefly , with moderation and submission ; to avoid contentions , contradictions , or speaking evil of one anothers native country ; let him onely reprove and command who is authorized so to do . let none enter into another mans place , office , or chamber , without leave ; whilest two are in one chamber , let the door stand open ; let no man mock another ; let no man at table put off his hat , except to his superior ; no talk with strangers , or commerce by letters without leave ; let no man report idle rumours , nor divulge abroad what is done at home . none without leave may write any thing of instruction or consolation , nor meddle at all with secular affaires . every one ought to instruct and exhort his brother to confesse ; let none go abroad without leave , and he must shew the cause of his going abroad , and what effect it took , when he doth return ; he must also write down his name , and aquaint the porter whither he goeth , and must return before night . that when any travelleth he shall lodge no where but in a iesuites colledge , if there be any in that place ; and shall be as obedient to the superior there , as to his own . let every one have these rules by him , that he may read , or hear them read , once every moneth ; but the coadjutors must read their rules every week . they have also their constitutions , wherein is shewed that the end of their society is to do good to their own souls , and the souls of their neighbours , and that therefore they are bound to travell to and fro in the world ; to confesse their sinnes to the priest every sixth moneth , and then to receive the body of christ ; to cast off all inordinate affections of kindred , friends , and worldly things , to deny themselves , to take up the crosse of christ , and to follow him ; to study humility , to aim at perfection and all other vertues , chiefly charity ; to have a speciall care of the inward man ; to imbrace poverty with cheerfulnesse , to give freely of their spiritual things , as they have received freely ; to study purity and chastity , and to be very vigilant over their senses , chiefly over the eyes and tongue . to be temperate , modest , decent and devout in all things , chiefly at table . to labour diligently for obedience , and to refuse nothing that the superior shall command . in confession to conceal nothing from the ghostly father . to study unity and conformity in judgements , and affections . to avoid idlenesse and secular affairs . to be careful to preserve health , and to avoid all excesse that may impare it , as too much watching , fasting , labouring , or any other outward pennance , and in sicknesse to to be humble , patient , and devout . to desire the superior once every year that he would enjoyn them some pennance for their failings in the observation of their rules and constitutions , which ought to be heard or read , every moneth . q. . what other rules have they besides these common rules and constitutions ? a. they have rules for every particular officer amongst them , as the provincials rule is to use diligence , fidelity , mildnesse , bounty tempered with severity in his government , to alter or adde nothing in the rules and customes of the province , without the consent of the general ; in his absence or sicknesse , he may name ( if the general do not ) a subprovincial ; he must always have with him four counsellors , with whom he may advise in matters of weight . he hath power to chuse divers officers , such as masters of the novices , the , governours in spiritual things , confessors , preachers , and readers , &c. he may dispense in divers things , and admit such as he thinks fit for probation ; and may dismiss also in some cases , if the general hinder not : none must be admitted , who have forsaken the society , or dismissed , without a new examination and probation ; he is to take care of the masters and teachers in schools and colledges , what proficiency there is , what books are read , who are to study divinity , and the learned tongues , that no stage-playes be acted , but in latine , and such as are modest ; &c. he must confer no degrees in divinity or philosophy without the generals leave . the degree or title of master and doctor , must not be used among them . he may chuse coadjutors in spiritual and temporal affairs . he must look to the edifices , revenues , and lands of the society within his province ; to avoid sutes in law , yet to maintain their rights by law , if need be ; to look to all expenses and accounts , to avoid running in debt , and to have a care of the wardrob , and all the utensils ; that if any lands or goods be given to the society , the general be acquainted therewith , and some share thereof be given to the poor of that place , where the goods or lands are . he is to be obedient , faithful , and reverent to his general ; to call provincial assemblies at fit times , and to help other provinces when need requires . to see that masses be had , and sacraments administred according to the custom of the roman church ; that preachers and confessors do their duties ; that none be made confessors , chiefly to women , but such as are well struck in years ; that in time of infection he appoint such as may look to the sick ; that he depart not out of his province without the generals leave ; nor the provost or rector from his house , or colledge without leave from the provincial . that he be carefull what labourers he sends abroad into the lords vineyard , that he give them full instruction ; that they travel on foote , rather then ride . he must visit every place within his province once a year , and first the church , the place wher the eucharist is keept , the holy oyl , the reliques , altars , seats of the confessors , &c. then the persons , with whom he must deale prudently : & lastly , the superior of the house or colledge . q. what rules have they for the provosts of houses , rectors of colledges , masters of novices , and counsellors , &c a. the provost is bound to observe the common and particular rules ; as also , all customes approved by the general or provincial ; to be careful of his under-officers , and confessors ; to impose ordinary pennance , such as publick reproof , to eat under the table , to kisse the feet of others , to pray in the refectory , to impose fasting , &c. he must have a book , in which he must record what concerns the good of his house . he must see that all the rules and constitutions of the house be duly observed . that confessions be made at the appoynted times . that scholars and coadjutors not formed , renew their vows twice a year . that every other friday he make an exhortation to obedience , pennance , patience , charity , humility , and other vertues . that he carry himself sweetly and wisely to his inferiors , moderate in reproving and punishing ; to send ( if occasion be ) one who ma● beg almes from door to door , for the hospital , or who may accompany the caterer , or who may preach in the streets . he must chiefly preserve love and unity in his house , and must read all letters , that are either sent to , or from any under his charge , and must suffer none to have a seal , without the provincials leave ; let there be no armes nor musical instruments , nor wanton books , nor idle recreations within his house . the provost may , if need be , preach and hear confessions , but must not suffer priests of the society to preach , and hear the nuns confessions , except upon extroardinary occasion . he must take care that all spiritual exercises be duely performed , and divine service every day . let there be seven hours allotted for sleep ; and eight hours between dinner and supper . let the table be blessed , and thanks given according to the roman breviary ; let an hour be allowed for recreation after dinner and supper , and on friday after evening collation half an hour , let there be conferences touching cases : of conscience held twice a week , at which all the priests should be present . let there be an account taken every moneth of what is received and expended in the house . special care must be had of those that labour in the lords vineyard , that they may not want . if any thing of moment is to be done in the house , let the provincial be acquainted therewith . let no man keep a horse , except upon urgent occasion , and with the generals leave . women must not be permitted to enter into the house . lands given by will must be sold for the use of the society , but not without the generals leave . let no man walk abroad without a companion ; let travellers of the society be entertained kindly , &c. the rectors of colledges also have their rules , which are in a manner the same with those of the provosts . which rules , and constitutions , must be read twice or thrice a year in the refectory . the examiner also of those that desire admission , hath his rules ; he must be a man skilful and discreet , who must signifie to his superior how he findes the party affected and qualified . if unfit , he must be cheerfully dismissed ; if fit , he must aske him if he is resolved to forsake the world ? and why ? what induced him to be of this society : if he be in debt , or subject to any infirmity ; what is his age , his country , his parents , and their condition ; if he be born in marriage , of christian parents , or of hereticks ; if he be a seholar , where , and how long he hath studied ; if he will be a coadjutor , and content with martha's lot ? then he must be well instructed in the constitutions and rules of the society . the master of the novices by his rules is tied to be courteous and loving to his novices , to help , comfort , and instruct them upon all occasions : he hath power in some cases to enjoyn pennance on them , and in some cases to absolve them . he must also be well exercised in basils rules , gregories morals ; austins confessions and meditations , in bernard , bonaventure , cassian , dorotheus his homilies , caesarius , ep●raim , huge , and richard de s. victore , vmbertus de eruditione religiosorum , innocentius of contempt of the world , thomas de kempis of the imitation of christ , and such like books ; for histories he must read gregories dialogues , gregory turonensis of the glory of confessors , and life of saint martin , eusebius his ecclesiastick history , sulpitius of saint martins life , the select lives of the fathers , the lives of lippoman , and surius , pet. damianus , pet. cluniacensis of miracles , the indian letters , and the life of ignatius . the probationer for the first three weeks is to be used as a guest : in which time he is to be instructed in the rules and constitutions of the house : then must be examined , and must promise that in a years space after his enterance he shall part with all his estate : if he be a scholar , he must read some lectures ; if no scholar , he shall do some handy-work . a general confession must be also made ; what he brings with him into the house must be inventoried in a book , where the day and year of his enterance , with his country , must be registred , and subscribed with his own hand ; he must also performe some spiritual exercises in his second probation , and he must be tried how he can serve for a moneth ; and then for another moneth , he must be imployed in begging from door to door , to shew how willing he is for the love of christ , to forsake all worldly hopes . and for a fourth experiment , fie must be exercised in some base employment , about the house . after this he shall be imployed in teaching the ignorant and children the doctrine of christianity , and must be tried with meane cloathes and diet , and with moderate pennance also : and must be instructed in the practise of devotion and mortification , and modesty , and must be made a chamber-fellow to one by whom he may profit . he must not speak with his kindred without leave , and witnesses , and therefore must not be in any such office as hath relation to strangers , as caterer , porter , &c. the novices once a week must have a day of recreation . the coadjutors must be taught the rosary . after all this , the novices must be asked if they are able to undergoe the burthens of that society ; if they bo , let it be recorded , and then let them confesse to the priest. in the morning after the ringing of the bell , they must by their private devotion , prepare themselves for publcik prayer . halfe an hour is allowed them , for dressing up their beds and chambers , then they must hear masse , and exhortations , which are made to them twice a week for half an hour , the other half hour they shall repeat and conferr . then the next day their master shall propose them ways to overcome tentations and difficulties , the rest of the time till examination before dinner , shall be imployed in some exercise . having recreated themselves an hour after dinner , at the ringing of the bell , they shall repair to their chambers to study ; an hour after they shall repeat something to their master , and twice a week they shall aske one another the grounds of christianity ; they must be silent , except in times of exercise and recreation : before supper , they shall pray , and so before they go to bed . after two years of probation , they are examined again , touching their resolution and constancy in that order , and then certain rules of modesty , and behaviour are prescribed them . the rules for counsellors are , that they be sincere , judicious , faithful , intelligent , free from partiality , considerate , and not rash in giving sentence , to use few words , to submit to the judgements of the superior , to divulge nothing without him , to maintain his dignity , and with submission to give him their best advise , &c. q. . what rules have they for travellers , or pilgrims , for the minister , for the admonitor , and other officers ? a. travellers must ease the wearisomnesse of their journey with spiritual fruits ; every day when they begin their journey , they must say all the letanies , and other prayers ; their talk must be of heavenly things , that christ may be their fellow-traveller . they must beg almes for the love of christ , who was poor himself ; let them accustome themselves to patience in bearing all injuries ; let the stronger follow the weaker , and not go before ; if any fall sick by the way , let one stay with him , to look carefully to him , to edifie in the lord all such as give them entertainment . let them in all places shew good examples of holinesse and modesty . if they travel neer any house or colledge of the society , they must not beg of strangers without leave from the superior of that house or colledge . let none travel without his superiors letters parents . the minister or controller of the house , is bound by his rules , to be assistant to the provost or rector , to be exact in all the rules , constitutions and customes of the house , to visit every other day all the offices and chambers in the house or colledge . in the spring and autumne he must acquaint the superior that the dyet and cloathes of the society must be changed . let him be present with the physitian when he visits the sick ; every day he must know the superiors minde touching the houshold affairs ; and must acquaint him with what is fit to be done , and what is amisse . he must see that all things be in good order , and clean , that the gates be shut every night , to look to the windowes , candles , fires , and linnen . let him see there be no disorders or quarrelling ; he may supply the superiors place in his absence , and may have an under-minister . the admonitor is tied by his rules , to put the superior in minde wherein he faileth in his office . but this he must do with reverence and submission , and with advice of the counsellors , and must not acquaint others what is done in this case : if the superior be incorrigible after divers warnings , he must acquaint the higher powers : he must have a seal for those letters which are sent to the superiors . the iesuites have also rules in writing of letters . the superior or rector of house or colledge , is to write every week to the provincial , and so is he that is sent abroad to preach or convert , of all matters of moment concerning their society ; the provincials are to write once a moneth to the general ; but the superiors and rectors of houses and colledges once in three moneths ; the provincials must write once a moneth to provosts , rectors , and those that are sent abroad in messages ; the general shall write to the provincials once in two moneths , but to rectors once in six moneths , except there be urgent occasion to write oftner ; iest letters be lost or intercepted , they must be written divers times : and the coppies thereof , if they be to the general , must be recorded in a book : secrets must be written in characters or mystical terms . the letters written at rome by the general , shall be read in the houses and colledges , and there safely laied up . he that hath the charge of spiritual things , is tied by his rules , to be carefull over the soules committed to him , in admonishing , instructing , exhorting , and examining . the overseer of the church , is by his rules bound to acquaint the provost every saturday of the next feasts and fasts , that warning may be given on sunday in the refectory at supper-time : he must every saturday set down in writting , what ceremonies are to be used the next week at the high alter . he must take care of the masses and prayers to be used for their deceased founders and benefactors , as also for the defunct of their society . he must see that the priests be shaved , and that they observe their rules . he must suffer no almes to be given for hearing of confessions , or saying divine service , he must have special care of the host , of the holy oyle , crosses , chalices , reliques , &c. when the reliques are to be shewed , two wax candles must be lighted . he must look to the fabrick of the church , and must admonish the superior to nominate preachers for the next day . he must take care over all the church moveables , and keep an inventory of them . he must also take care of the linnen , candles , prayers , graves . when the holy linnen groweth old and uselesse , let it be burned , and the ashes thereof cast into the holy pond or lake ; a catalogue also must be kept of all the masses that are to be celebrated by the priests , and the prayers to be said by those that are not priests , yearly , monethly , and weekly , besides extraordinary times ; the priests are tied by their rules , to be devout , holy , and reverent in the exercise of their function ; to observe all the roman rites , uniformity , and decency ; to be expert in cases of conscience , and diligent in hearing confessions ; but the confessor and penitent must not see one another in time of confession ; and there must be an eye witness present , though not an ea● . witness , if the penitent be a woman confessions must be heard from the morning till noon . the priests may exhort the sick to make their wills , but not to assist them in making thereof . preachers are tied by their rules to teach sound & wholsom doctrin , tending not to curiosity , but edification ; to be diligent in reading the scripture , and fathers , to be exemplary in their conversation , to abst●in from reproving princes , bishops , and magistrates in their sermons or any religious orders ; to forbeare any expressions that may , move laughter , or contempt . let them beware of pride , arrogance , vaine-glory , or affected eloquence ; let their gestures be modest and grave , let them chiefly commend the frequent use of confession , of the encharist , of good works , of obedience , of the church ceremonies , of pennance , prayer , &c , and let not their sermons be extemporary , or exceed an hour . they that are sent to preach abroad in remote places , are tied by their rules to walk on foot , to live upon almes , to lodge in hospitals , to aske leave of the ordinary to preach , to take notice of the most devout people in every place where they come . they shall not onely preach , but likewise conferr , catechise ▪ pray , administer the sacraments , visit the sick , resolve doubts of conscience , compose differences , &c. they must strive to make all men their friends , and to pray for their persecutors , and bear their burthens patiently . let them write every week to their superiors , what progresse they make in their preaching , and other spiritual exercises ; to preach to themselves as well as to others : and to do nothing but what they are inioyned to by their superior●s . the generals proctor is tied by his rules , to entertain no suites in law , if he can otherwise 〈◊〉 them : to give an account of all his actions to the provost generall ; to keep in books all accounts of expenses and receivings ; to keep a lift of all church 〈◊〉 united to their colledges ; to have a great care of all the writings , popes bulls , records ; and other papers committed to his charge , &c. the proctor of the house is tied by his rules , chiefly to have care of the houses , records , and money , how it is expended ; and to give an account thereof to his superiours . the proctor of the colledge and house of probation is tied by the same rules to be careful of the records and moneys ; to keep a good account of what is layd out and received ; and to write down all in his book . he that hath charge of the readers at table is bound by his rules , to take care that they have a loud , clear , and distinct voice ; that they be perfect in what they read ; that first they read a chapter in the bible , except in chiefe festivals , for them homilies must be read concerning the day . letters also from the indies are to be read yearly . in the beginning of every moneth their constitutions and common rules , with ignatius his epistle of obedience must be read . in the evening after the lesson , must be read the martyrology of the next day . leviticus and the canticles , with some obscure chapters in the prophets are not to be read at all . eusebius his history , nicephorus , gregories dialogues , ambrose , austin , bernard , with such like books , ( whereof the catalogue is set down in the rules ) are to be read . the superiour is to appoint what is to be read every day . he that hath the overseeing of the sick , is tied by his rules to be careful of them , of their dyet , physitian , and all things else that may concern them ; that his substitute called by them infirmarius , have all kinde of physical druggs , that he acquaint the superiour with the sicknesse and quality of it ; that every eighth day the sick receive the encharist , that prayers be made for him , and all things performed which may tend to his comfort and recovery ; if he die , that the corps ( if without offence ) be kept above ground foure and twenty houres , and then decently interr'd . the library keeper by his rules , must have still by him i●dex expurgatorius , and that he keepe no prohibited books , to keep the library locked , except to those who are permitted to be in it , to keepe the books cleane , to write down their titles , to have a catalogue of them , to lend no book without the superiours leave , &c. the 〈◊〉 minister of the house is to look to the chambers , ●●●ectory , kitchin , buttery , and other places , that all things be fit and in order . the aedituus or sexton must be subject to the praefectus or him that hath the charge of the church , to have a care of the sacred vestiments , of the linnen , of the host and wine ; he must in divine service light two candles , and at the elevation of the host a wax torch or taper , and then shall ring the bell ; he must keep clean the church plate ; before masse or sermon let him ring the bell , and the virgins salutation bell , in the morning , at noon , and in the evening ; and to ring the passing bell when any of the society is departing : he must have a light continually burning before the host ; and there must never be wanting holy water ; he shall deliver to the praesectus all oblations that he shall finde ; he must be careful of the church-doors , to shut them at noon , and at sun set : and whilest they stand open , he , or one for him , must not be wanting : he must suffer none to walk up and down , to make any noise , and let all things be kept cleanre the porter must haue a list of all the domesticks names , he must suffer none to go out without the superiours leave : all letters he shall deliver to the superiour ; none that returns from the country , must be let in till the superiour know it : if bishops or great men come in , let a priest attend them , whilest he acquaints the superiour . let the keyes of the gate be delivered every night to the provost or rector : he must acquaint the superiour if any poore be at the gate , or if any almes be given there , &c. the keeper of the wardrobe must have an inventory of all the cloathes in the house , and linnen thereof , of which he must be careful ; he must every saturday night furnish each chamber with cleane linnen , and carry away the soule every sunday morning to the washer . in summer every fifteenth day he must give out cleane sheets ; and in winter every three weeks , &c. the steward of the house must be careful of the wine , and vvater , and dyet of the society ; and to have the vvine-casks kept clean . he that hath the charge of the hall or refectory , must look there be not wanting vvater , towels , napkins , tablecloths , which must be changed once or twice a week ; that the due hours of refection be observed by ringing the bell ; that he have a list of all their names who are in commons ; that the remainders of the meat be reserved for the poor ; and that he have the names of the vvaiters at table every week , and of the readers , &c. the cook hath his rules , to be cleanly , frugal , diligent , to touch no meat in cutting or dividing with his hands , but with a fork ; to cut as he is directed by the superiour ; to dresse nothing for any particular man , except he be sick ; not to be wastful of the vvood ; to keep a list of all things belonging to the kitchin. the excitator who wakeneth the iesuites in the morning , must goe to rest halfe an houre before others , that he may rise so much the sooner , ring the bell , and carry lights to every chamber : a quarter of an hour after , he must visit each chamber againe , and if he finde some in bed yet , he must tell the superiour : another quarter of an hour after , he must ring to prayers ; he that visits the chambers at night , must ring or knock , that every one may examine his conscience : about a quarter of an houre after , he must ring to bed : and a quarter after that , he must see if every one be a bed , and the candles put out ; if not , to acquaint the superiour . each house or colledge hath one who buyeth all things necessary for the house ; his rule is to be diligent and faithful in buying and employing the money delivered to him , that he may give a just account thereof . these are the principal rules to which every officer and member of the society is bound . some of lesser note i have omitted for brevities sake , which may be seen at large in the iesuites own rules , set out by themselves in one book at lyons , by their superiours permission , anno . q. . what priviledges have been granted to this society from the popes ? a. pope paul the third , gave them power to make what , and how many rules and constitutions they pleased , towards the advancement of their society : to admit as many into their order , as their general shall please , whereas in the beginning they were stinted to sixty onely : he also excommunicates all such as shall either hinder , or not aid this society . he gave them also power to preach , administer the sacraments , hear confessions , absolve , &c. in any place where they please , and to have their coadjutors , both spiritual as priests , and temporal as cooks , bakers , caterers , butlers , &c. on whom the iesuites professed can conferr sacred orders . the iesuites have this priviledge also to change their general , and he power to send them whither he pleaseth , and call them back again without asking leave of the pope . they may also absolve all hereticks confessing , and the general may excommunicate , and imprison delinquents . they are exempted from the secular power , and from all taxes and tithes ; they may carry with them moveable altars when they travel , and may disguise themselves into any habit ; he that visits a iesuites house or colledge , shall have a plenary indulgence . they have also power to exercise all episcopal functions ; namely , to ordain , anoint , exorcise , confirm , consecrate , dispense , &c. all these privledges were given to them by paul the third , in several bulls . pope iulius the third , pauls successor , gave them a priviledge to erect universities where they pleased , and to conferr what degrees they will ; to dispense also with fasting , and prohibited meats . pope pius the fourth , confirmeth all the former priviledges . pius the fifth , grants that such iesuites as forsake their order by leave from the pope or general , shall enter into no other order except the carthusian ; if they apostatise without leave , they shall be excommunicate ; he gives them also power to read publickly in any university they come to , without asking leave and that none must hinder them , but all are bound to hear them . gregory the thirteenth , gave them power to have their conse●vators , iudges , and advocates , and to recite their canonical hours without the quire , and to correct , change interpret , expunge and burn such books as they dislike , and to be the popes library keepers , and exempteth them from being necessarily present at processions or funerals . by reason of these and other priviledges granted to this order ; besides their own industry , they grew so numerous in the space of . years , that they had anno . as ribadene●a sheweth , . colledges , besides . houses , and of their society were reckoned . out of their colledges they raise a reven●e of twenty hundred thousand crowns yearly . q. . are there no other orders in the church of rome ? a. there are divers more , but of lesse note , whose original is uncertain , both in respect of their author and time , besides there be many subdivisions of one and the same order , as the franciscans are subdivided into observantes , c●nventuales , minimi , capuci●l , collectanei whose charge was to receive the money that is given them . amadeani , reformati de evangelio ; chiacini cum barba , de portiuncula , paulini , bosiani , gaudentes , de augustinis with their open shooes , servientes . all these differ little except in some smal matters . there be also some monks called ambrosiani , who wear red cloaks over white coats . others are called capellani , whose garments are partly black , and partly blew . chal●meriani wear a white crosse upon a white cloak . cellarii , from their cells are so called , and brothers of mercy from visiting the sick , and carrying the dead to the grave ; in the inside they wear black linnen , on the outside a sooty colour garment : clavigeri wear upon a black cowle two keys , intimating by this , that they have power to open and shut heaven . they make saint peter the author of their order . cruciferi , these bow their bodies and heads as they walk , go bare-foot , and wear a white cloak girt with a rope , they carry always in their hands a little wooden crosse . the brothers of the crosse wear a black cloak without a hood , and bear the crosse before their breast . for●●ciferi , so called from wear●ng a pair of sheers on their cloak , by which they shew that they clip off all carnall lusts , as it were with a pair of sheers . they wear a black cloak and hood , these we may call sheet-brothers . the brothers of helen , brag that they were instituted by helen , constantin's mother , after she had found out the crosse ; they wear a white garment , and on it a yellow cross , hospitalarii , so called from looking to hospitals , they wear black ; they differ from the former of this name , and so do the cruciferi . the brothers of saint iames wear a fandy-coloured garment , and shells hanging at it ; they make saint iames their patron . the order of ignorance : these monks think it mans chief happinesse to know nothing . this order of ignorance is now the greatest in the world , and is like to swallow up all the orders and degrees of learning , as pharao's lean kine did devour the fat . so much the more happy will this order be , when it is fed with tythes and colledges . there is an order of ioannites differing from the former ; these wear a read garment to represent christs blood , and on the breast thereof is woven a chalice , to shew that in his blood our sins are washed ; they also hold a book still in their hand . the order of the valley of iosaphat goeth in a purple ●arment ; these appoint judges to decide controversies of marriage . the order of ioseph was erected in honour of maries supposed husband : these wear ash-coloured cloathes , and a white hood . the order of lazarus or magdalen wear a green crosse upon a black cloak with a hood : there be two sorts of them , some contemplative , who are black within , and white without , using ordinary food , the others wear a brown or ●awny colour , and are active , their food is onely herbs and roots . the order of nuns of saint mary de decem virtutibus , that is , of the ten vertues , which consist onely in repeating the ave mary ten times : they wear a black vaile , a white coat , a red scapular , and an ash-coloured cloak . there be two other orders of saint mary , the one wears a white coat , and a black cloak like carmelites , the other are all white ; there is also the order of maries conception . the order called reclusi , shut themselves up between two walls , or in narrow cells , whence they never go out so long as they live . the order of saint ruffus , instituted by him ; these go like the canon regulars , wearing a scapular over a linnen surplesse , and a black coloured hood . there is an order of free nums , who maintain themselves , and may marry when they will. the order of speculari● are so called from their looking glasses which they always carry ; their inward garment is black , their outward white : they wear on their breast a black crosse . among the romans it was counted an effeminate trick for men to carry about a looking glasse ; therefore otho is mocked by juvenal ▪ who speaking of the looking glasse , calls it , pathic●ge●t amen othonis . the order of the s●ellati , wore stars on their cloathes ; some of them have black gownes and black hoods , some have cloaks without hoods . some other perty orders there are of small account . q. . how are the abboots consecrated at this time ? a. if the abbot be not a monk , he is thus consecrated : on the consecration day , which is some festival , or the lords day , both the bishop , and the abbot elect , confesse , and fast the day before . in the church two chappels are trimmed up , me bigger for the bishop , the lesser for the abbot . on the altar of the greater chappel , stands a crosse and four candlesticks . at the foot of the altar the ground is covered with turkie carpets , or tapestry : there is also in the chappel a table placed for the bishop , on which is clean linnen , two candlesticks , basons with towels , the holy water pot , with the as●ersory , the censer , &c. likewise the bishops masse-ornaments ; there be also three chaites , one ●or the elect abbot , the other two for the two assistant abbo●s . the bishop hath three chaplaines . in the lesser chappel for the abbot , is an altar with the crosse , and two candlesticks , with the pontifical and missal ; there is also a table covered with clean linnen , with basons , and two candlesticks , and the ring which is to be consecrated , &c. the bishop having prayed at the altar , ascendeth his chair of state over against the altar , with his mitre on his head ; the elect abbot sits in his ordinary cloathes , between two ●●tred abbots his assistants ; then the elect boweth himself to the bishop , who riseth , taketh off his mytre , and saith some prayers : after this the bishop without his mytre blesseth the elects new cloathes , and besprinkles them with holy water , then he sits down , puts on his mytre , and takes off the elects secular garment ; saying , the lord take off from thee the old man , &c. and then cloaths him in a monastical habit ; saying , the lord cloath thee with the new man , &c. this done the bishop laying aside his mytre , riseth and prayeth , and sits downe againe . then the elect riseth , and beseeching him with bended knees , and his hands on his breast , that hee would receive him , the bishop riseth and prayeth over him ; then the elect being now made a monk , promiseth canonical obedience to the bishop and his successors , fidelity to the covent , continency and renunciation to his own estate ; with this the bishop receiveth him into the society of the monks , and withal into the kisse of peace . after this the elect abbot goeth into his chappel , where he is habited like a priest , and thence brought between the two abbots assistants to the bishop , who uncovering their heads , bow to him , and the elder of the two presents him to the bishop , desiring he would ordain him abbot of such a monastery , according to the apostolical authority committed to him . then the popes mandate is read ; the elect sweareth upon the gospel , the bishop asketh if he will be faithful over the flock committed to him , if he will reform his life , be sober , humble , chast , and patient ; if he will be subject , obedient , and reverent to the pope and his successors ; if he answereth i will , then the bishop prayeth that god will keep and strengthen him ; if the abbot be not exempted from episcopal jurisdiction , he is to promise obedience to the diocesan and his successors . this done , the elect kisseth the bishops hand , who standing before tht altar makes confession , kisseth the gospel and the altar , which he doth also incense , and sayeth masse . after this the elect goeth to his chappel where he is trimmed in the abbots ornaments ; and is brought againe before the bishop , to whom he boweth himselfe , and then the musick begins : the bishop after this takes the pastoral staff , blesseth it and prayeth for the elect abbot , who all the while is on his knees , then the bishop layeth both his hands on the abbots head , prayeth , and giveth to him the rule of the order , whereof he is to be head , with an exhortation to be careful over them . after the bishop hath blessed the staffe , he besprinkleth the elect with holy water , delivereth him the staffe , with an exhortation to use it with discretion . then he blesseth the ring and casts holy water on it , and puts it on the ring finger of his right hand , and prayeth for him ; this done , the abbot receiveth the kisse of peace , then ▪ retireth to his chappel , thence returneth with his two assistants , and presenteth to the bishop two burning tapers ▪ two breads , two vessels of wine , and kisseth his hand . then masse is said , the sacrament administred , and the abbot is solemnly blessed ; at length the mytre is blessed , and washed with holy water , which the bishop puts on the head of the abbot ; saying , lord we put on the ●ead of this thy servant the helmet of salvation , that he having his ●ead armed , may with the hor●es of both testaments appear terrible to the adversaries of the truth , &c. at last the gloves are blessed and washed , and put on the abbo●s hands , who with his mytre on his head , is by the bishop brought to the quire and set in his predecessors chaire ; whence he riseth , blesseth the people present , and thanks the bishop . the rest of the day is spent in good cheer . the consecration of the abbatesse and nuns is much after this manner . q. . wherein do the christian orders of knight-●ood differ from one another ? a. in the times , authors , occasions , habits , ends , ornaments and ceremonies of their institution . the first order of knight-hood in france , was that of the gennet , instituted by c●arls martel , in memory of the great victory he obtained against a●●dira●● , in whose camp were found good store of gennets ▪ which are beasts like spanish cats in bignesse , with long and slender snow●s , their furres ( whereof good store were found in the enemies camp , and presented to charls martel ) do smell like those of ci●● 〈◊〉 : from this beast the order is so called , consisting of sixteen knights onely , who were collars of gold made of three chains , linked with red roses enam●lled ; at the end of this collar hung a golden genne●● . the order of the crown royal , ( instituted by charlemaigne , in favour of the prisons , who had done him good service in his wars against the 〈◊〉 or ancient saxons ) wore on their breasts a crown royal in embroydery of gold , wherefore this was called l' ordye de la coronne royal. the order of the star instituted by king robert of france , anno . was composed of thirty knights , whereof the king was chiefe . these wore cloaks of white damask ; on the left side of the breast , was embroydered a scar wrought in gold , with five pointed beames . their oath was to say in honour of the virgi● mary ( whom they called star of the sea ▪ and lady of the star ) a corons or chaplet made up of five tenns of ave maries , and five pa●er nosters , with an antheme . the order of the broom flower , instituted by saint lewis the french king , did wear a collar composed of broom husks , or codds , interlaced with flowers de sys . king lewis chose this broom for his emblem , adding these words , exaltat humiles , intimating that god had exalted him for his humility to the royal throne of france , in stead of his eld●● , philip of france . the knights of this order 〈…〉 of white damask . the order of the ship , instituted also by saint lewis , for incouraging the french nobility to attempt the seas with him against the saraoens , wore a collar interlaced with double scallops ( signifying the sandy shore ) and doubl●●r●scents or halfe moons , which with the ship hanging thereat declared his enterprise was to fight with infidels and mahumetans , and to plant the christian faith ; therefore these knights were tied by their order to hear daily the office of our saviours passion , to defend the catholick faith , church , and ministers thereof ; and to protect vvidows , orphans , and other afflicted people . the order of saint mi●hael was instituted by lewis the eleventh , son to charls the seventh , in honour of saint michael the french tutelar angel , who commanded aubert bishop of auranches to erect a church to him on that hill , which ever since hath been called mount saint michael , frequented yearly with pilgrims from all parts of france : to whom also is dedicated the nine and twentieth day of september , in memory of this angel who fought against the english at orleans ; hereupon charls the seventh took for his oriflambe the image of saint michael , which was always carried before the king when he went to wars . they wear a collar of gold made of scallops fastned on small chaines , from which hangeth the image of michael treading on the dragon . as often as any knight misseth the wearing of this collar , he is to cause a masse to be said , and to pay seven sols and six deniers tournois . all the knights are bound on the vigil of saint michael to wait in their habits on the king from his palace to the church . on saint michaels day , they are to wait on the king in the same ornaments to masse , and to offer each man a piece of gold ; that day the king is to entertain them at his table ; the next day they offer ( being cloathed in black ) wax candles for the dead , for whom masse and prayers are said . their oath is to maintaine the dignity of the french crown , and the church . the order of the holy ghost was instituted by henry the third of france , anno . in memory of his nativity , election to the crown of poland , and his comming to the crown of france , all which happened upon vvhit-sunday , when the holy ghost descended upon the apostles . the knights of this order wear a collar made of flowers de luce of gold , cornered with flames of fire in●erwoven with some letters , the first whereof is h. the first letter of henries name . from the collar hangs the image of a dove in the middest of a crosse like that of malta , all beset with beames and four flowers de luce. the king is chief of the order , whose oath is to maintain the catholick religion , and unity amongst his subjects . the knights are all bound to communicate every first day o● the year , and on the day of pentecost , and to swear their zeal to the catholick faith , and their fidelity to the king and his successors . this order consisteth of the king , and one hundred knights ; among which are four cardinals , five prelates , the chancellour , provost , master of the ceremonies , the high treasurer , and register . all the knights are bound to wear the crosse on their garment . the feast of this order is kept on the first of ianuary , in which the king is accompanied to the church by the knights , and they after masse are feasted by him at the palace . at even song , they for the deceased knights wear black , and the next day offer wax candles for their souls , and then dine with the king again . the order of christian charity was instituted by the same henry , for the benefit of poor captains and maimed souldiers , to whom rents and hospitals were by him assigned . they wear on their cloaks an anchored crosse , embroydered with white sattin . the knights of saint lazarus had their original at ierusalem , but being expelled thence , were by saint lewis brought from thence , and entertained with great revenues , to the end they might look to the cure of leprous and other infected persons ; but when these knights became idle , and married , their rents were taken from them , and a part thereof given to the knights of saint iohn of ierusalem . by gregory the thirteenth , emanuel philbert duke of savoy was chosen great master of this order of saint lazarus , to whom he gave the command of all spittles for lepers . the order of the virgin mary in mount carmel , consisting of one hundred french gentlemen , was instituted by king henry the fourth of france , and confirmed by pope paul the fifth , anno . they are tied to keep a feast every year the sixteenth of may , to the virgin mary of mount carmel , to wear on their cloaks a crosse of taway velvet , in the middest where of shill be the image of the virgin mary , entowered with beames of gold : about their necks they shall wear an anchored crosse of gold , in the middest whereof shall be the virgins image enamelled . they may not marry above twice . they must ●ight for the catholick faith . the order of orleans was instituted by m●nsieur l●●ie of france , duke of orleans , anno . it is called also the order of the porcupine , because there hangs the picture of this beast from three chains of gold , which monsieur took for his device , to ●et iohn of bourgong●e his mortal enemy know that he w●●ted not arms and courage to be revenged on him , for his wicked and bloody intentions . the order of the golden shield was instituted by lewis the second , third duke of burbon , firnamed the good duke ; in the golden shield was a bend of pearles , whereon was written allon , which is as much as allons in french , that is , let us go all together to the service of god , and defence of our country . he instituted also the order of the thistle , called also the order of burbon in honour of the virgin mary , anno . consisting of six and twenty knights , who wore a belt , in which was embroydered the word esperance in capital letters ; it had a buckle of gold , at which hung a tufft like a thistle ; on the collar also was embroydered the same word esperance with flowers de luce of gold , from which hung an oval , wherein was the image of the virgin mary , entowered with a golden sun , crowned with twelve stars of silver , and a silver crescent under her feet ; at the end of the oval was the head of a thistle . the order of anjou or of the crescent or halfe moon , was instituted by the good king rene , being duke of anjou ; and king of sicily : the symbol of the order was a crescent of gold , whereon was ingraven this word loz , which signifies praise ; this the knights wore on their cloaks or gownes ; there were of this order six and thirty knights . the order of saint magdalen was instituted by iohn chesnel a noble gentleman of france , an. . out of a godly zeal to reclaim the french from their quarrels , duels , and other sins , that by remembring the repentance of mary magdalen , they might with her learn to repent . the crosse which might serve to wear on the cloak , or about the neck , had at three ends three flowers de luce ; the foot stood in a crescent , in the middest was the shape of magdalen ; the croffe is beset with palm● to shew this order was instituted to encourage voyages to the holy land ; within the palmes are sun beames , and foure flowers de luce , to shew the glory of the french nation . the knights are tied by their vow to abandon all hazardous gaming , blasphemie , reading of prohibited and vicious books , &c. their habit is of skie-colour . their collar is made up of the letter m. doubled with l. and a. to expresse mary magdalen , king lewis , and queen anne , interlaced with double hearts , wounded with darts of gold crossed ; the ribband is crimson , from which hangs an oval , having mary magdalen on the one side , and saint lewis on the other . the device about the oval on the cloak is , l' amour de dieu est pacifique . they had a house allotted them neer paris , wherein were ordinarily five hundred knights , bound to stay there , during two years probation ; at the end of which , they shall take the oath of the order of charity , obedience , and conjugal chastity ; they must also abjure all duells , quarrels , and assasinates . the knights that live abroad shall meet every year at their house called the lodging royal on mary magdalens festival day , to communicate and to give an account of their actions to the great master . the knights that live in the house , must on all sundays and festivals be assistant at divine service ; the knights have their academy for all kinde of exercise . but this order as it began , so it ended in the person of chesnel . the order of bretaigne , or of the hermine , and ears of corne , was instituted by francis duke of bretaigne , anno . it was called of the ears of corne , because the golden collar was made in the form of ears of corne , at the end of which hung by three small golden chains a little white beast , called an hermine ; his word or motto was , a ma vie ; intimating , that whilest he lived he would preserve his courage , purity and integrity , resembled by the ermine which is so loth to defile his white skin by running through durty and boggy places when he is hunted , that he will rather suffer himself to be caught ; whose skin is in great request for furs . this order consisteth of five and twenty knights of the ears of corne , so called , to signifie that princes should be careful to preserve husbandry . q. . what other orders of knight-hood were there in christendome , besides those of the french ? a. in flanders was instituted the order of the golden fleece by duke philip , in the city of bruges , anno . in memory of the great revenues which he raised by traffique of wooles ; or else in memory of gideons fleece , or of the golden fleece at colchos . this order consisted of thirty knights , the duke being chief . the great collar was made of double fusiles enterwoven with stones and flints sparkling flames of fire . the flints were the armes of the ancient kings of burgundy ; the flames did signifie the swiftnesse , fiercenesse , and terror these knights should shew to their enemies , to this purpose was this motto , ante ferit quam flamma micet . from the collar hung a golden fleece . the patron of this order was saint andrew : the knights were to keep three festivals ; on the first day they wore scarler , to shew that heaven and glory is got by martyrdom and effusion of blood. on the second day black , to shew their grief for the dead . the third day white damask , to shew their purity . the order of the garter was instituted in england anno . by king edward the third , consisting of five and twenty knights , under the patronage of saint george . the great collar was of gold , composed of white and red crosses knit in manner of true love knots , instead of which knots the thistles of scotlands order were combined by king iames , who united the two orders as he did the kingdoms . from the collar hangeth saint george on horse-back with the dragon at his feet . in england were instituted the knights of the bath by king henry the fourth , as some write , who made six and forty knights , who having their several chambers in the tower , watched and bathed themselves on saturday night , and on sunday ▪ they were made knights ; at high masse in the evening before the ceremony , they were cloathed with gray cloth like eremites , to shew they were willing to renounce the world for christ ; the next day they swear to love god , defend the church , honour the king , and to protest the oppressed : and then they lay aside their monks habit , and are richly cloathed ; then they mount on horse-back , having on the front-stale the signe of the crosse , and so they ride to the king , who girdeth them with the girdle and sword , and commandeth two ancient knights to put on their gilded spurs . at dinner they wait on the king , after which they present their swords to god on the high altar , and redeem them again with mony . these and other ceremonies of the knights batchelors , or of the bath , may be seen at large in our own histories . the order of the thistle , or of saint andrew in scotland was instituted by king achaius , who made a league offensive and defensive with charles the great , anno . the collar is made up of thistles and rue , the one being full of prickles , and not to be touched without hurting the skin , the other is good against serpents and poyson . the motto is nemo me impure lacessit , intimating that he wanted not power to defend himself , and offend his enemies . at the collar hangeth the picture of saint andrew with his crosse. the order of the lilly , or of navarre was instituted by prince garcia the sixth of that name , in the city of nagera , anno . where the image of the virgin mary issuing out of a lilly , was discovered in the time of the kings sicknesse , who thereupon suddenly recovered his health ; and in token of gratitude instituted the order of knights of saint mary of the lilly , consisting of eight and thirty knights , whereof he was chief . they sware to expose goods and fortunes to preserve the kingdom of navarre , and to expel the moores . each of these weareth● lilly on his breast , made of silver , and a double chaine of gold , interlaced with this gothish letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which stands for mary , at the end of the chaine hangeth a flower de luce , carrying the same letter crowned . the knights are tied to divers , services and prayers , to confesse also and to communicate . the order of saint iames of the sword was instituted anno . under the reignes of alphonso the nineth king of castile , and of ferdinand king of leon. the knights wear on their breasts , and on the left sid●● scallo●shell . about their neck they wear three chains of gold , from which hangs the form of a sword , being of red sattin embroidered , and a scallop shell upon the same sword . the red sword signified their victory over the arabians , with whose blood their swords were dyed . the scallop shell was a mark of their pilgrimage to the holy sepulchre of saint iames ; these they gather on the sea shore , and fasten them to their hats or hoo●s ; who go on pilgrimage . this order took first beginning in galici● under the homage then of leon ; at first these knights lived in common with the monks of saint helie , and shaved their crowns , vowing chastity , poverty , and obedience , but afterward they married ; they both were of saint austins rule . this order was also established in portugal ; above six hundred knights were of this order . many lords of spain hold it an honour to wear the habit of saint iames. the great mastership of this order was incorporated to the crown of castile , anno . by pope 〈◊〉 the sixth . the order of saint iulian , called of the pear-tree , was instituted in the kingdom of leon , anno . and was approved by pope alexander the third , l●cius the third , and innocent the third ; the knights have the pear tree for their 〈◊〉 . but after a ph●●so the ninth king of leon , beca●e master of the city alcantara , which he took from the moors and bestowed it on the great master of 〈…〉 and this gave it to the master of the pear tree ; these knights of the pear tree stiled themselves knights of alcant●ra , and forsaking their former armes , were the green crosse flower de 〈◊〉 on their brests ; they live under the order of benedict . they first professed chastity , but pope paul the fourth permitted them to marry . the great mastership of this order was by pope alexander the six 〈◊〉 spaniar● united to the grown of 〈◊〉 , in favour of king 〈◊〉 of arragon , and queen ●●abel his wife . the order of calatravs was ●ounded in the kingdom of castile-anno . under the reign of sancio the third , and sixth king of castile . they were called calatrav● from a castle of that name taken from the moors , and given to the 〈…〉 , but they fearing their own weaknesse , surrendered it to the king sancio of castile , who gave it to certain monks of the cistertian order , who offered themselves to keep this frontiered castle ; hence arose the order of calatrava . they wear a red crosse flower de luced . pope alexander the third approved this order ; at first these knights wore scapularies and robes of white , but pope benedict the third dispensed with them for that monkish habit , and they were permitted by pope paul the third , to marry once onely . at last the masterships of saint iames , of calatrava , and of alcantara were annexed to the crown of spain , in favour of charles the fifth emperour and king of spain , who enjoy the revenues of these three great masters . the order of the band or red scarffe , was instituted in castile by alphonso the th , anno . king of leon & castile . the knights wore a broad ribband of red silk , and are bound to accompany the king in his wars , to be valiant , sober , courteous , discreet , &c. the order of the dove , or holy ghost , was instituted in segobia in castile , anno ●● , by iohn the first of castile . they wore a colla● linked with sun beams , whereat hung a dove of gold , enamelled with white , as if it were flying down from heaven . but this order ended with the institutors life , to wit , the same year of his institution . the order of saint saviour of montreal , called the order of arragon , was instituted in arragon , anno . by alphonso the eighteenth , king of navarre , and first of arragon . the knights wore a white robe , and on the breast an anchored red crosse ; their rule was like that of the templars , to whom they succeeded in montreal , but only that they had power to marry . the order of our lady of m●ntesia , or of valencia , was instituted in the kingdome of valencia , anno . by iames the second , king of arragon , upon the extirmination of the templ●rs . the statutes of this order were answerable to that of calatrava , under the rule of the cistertians , whose cloathing they were dispensed withal to wear . their crosse was that of saint george , a full red crosse which they wore on their breast . the order of the looking glasse of the virgin mary was instituted by ferdinand the infant of castile , anno. . upon a memorable victory he had over the moores . the collar of this order was composed of bough-pots full of lillies , interlaced with griffons . the order of iesus christ was instituted in portugal an. . by dionysius the sixth king of portugal : the knights wear black , and upon their breast a red crosse , and another white over the red . pope iohn the twenty second confirmed this order anno . gave them the rule of saint bennet . pope alexander the sixth gave them leave to marry . this order as that of d. avis was annexed to the crown of portugal . this order d. auis was instituted in portugal under the first king alphonoso henriquez anno . under the rule of saint bennet . they beare for their armes the crosse like that of alcantara , with two black birds like ravens . q. . what were the orders of knight-hood in germany , hungary , bohemia , poland , &c. a. the order of the dragon was institu●ed in germany , by the emperor sigismund , anno . upon the condemnation of husse , and hierom of pr●gue . the knights did wear on high days a scarlet cloak , a double golden chaine , at the end whereof hung a dragon overthrown , her wings seeming broken ; and daily they wear a crosse flower de luced with green . this order was famous throughout germany , and hungary . the order of austria and carinthia , or of saint george , was instituted by the emperor frederick the third , first arch-duke of austria , anno . the knights wear a white coat , and a red crosse ; they were bound to guard the frontiers of germany , hungary , austria , styria , and carinthia , against the turks . the order of poland , or of the white eagle , was instituted by king ladistaus the fifth , anno ● . the knights wear a triple chaine of gold , whereat hangs an eagle crowned . the order of denmark , or of the elephant , was instituted by christierne the first , king of denmark , anno . the collar which the knights wear , is composed of elephants , with silver castles on their backs ; at the end whereof hangeth the picture of the virgin mary , beset with sun beams , and a crescent under her feet . the order of sweden , or of iesus , or of the s●raphims , was instituted by magnus the fourth , king of sweden , anno ▪ the collar of this order is composed of cherubins , and patriarchall crosses , in memory of the siege ●aied to the chief city of vpsala . at the end of the collar hung an oval , bearing these three letters , i h s. that is , iesus honainum salvator , with ●our nailes enamelled whire & black , to shew our saviours passion . the order of cleve , or of the swan , is at this day h●ld up by the princes descended of the house of cleve ▪ who do bear the swan for their order , crests , and supporters of their armes . of the order of pr●ssia called the marian or te●tonick , we have spoken already . the order of livonia , or of the sword-bearers , was instituted anno . by albert a monk of b●eme , with some rich merchants , who our of zeal to fight against the ●nfidels of livonia , renounced the world , and rowed obedience , and chastity , in the pres●nce of bishop albert , who prescribed them the rule and habite of the cistertians ; a long white cass●ck , with a black hood , having on the left side , neer to the shoulder , a red sword ; and on the breast two swords acresse , with the points downward . this order was confirmed by pope inn●cent the third . the order of saint gall in switzerland , was instituted by frederick the second , emperor anno . when he came on pilgrimage to the abby of saint gall , the and instituted that order which he called the order of the bear , giving to the chief lords thereof collars , and chaines of gold , at the end whereof hung the form of a bear of gold , enamelled with black . the abbot was to conferr this order every sixteenth day of october , being the feast day of saint gall , the apostle of the germans . this order was instituted to the memory of saint v●sus , mar●yred before the temple of the sun at soleuerre . the ca●tons of the switzers honouered this order , till they fell off from the house of austria ; now it is quite lost . q. . what are the orders of knight-hood in italy ? a. the popes have been sounders of divers orders . pope iohn the twenty second at avignion , instituted the order of iesus christ , anno . they did wear a crosse of gold enamelled with red , and inclosed with another crosse. pope paul the second instituted at rome the order of the holy ghost , anno . the knights wear a white crosse. pope alexander the sixth instituted the order of saint george , anno . they carried a crosse of gold , entowered with a wreath made in form of a crown . leo the tenth instituted the order of saint peter , anno . these wore within an oval of gold the effigies of saint peter , at the end of a tortis of chaines of gold. these were to guard the sea coasts against the turke . paul the third established the order of saint paul , anno . pope pi●s the fourth erected the order of the pies , anno . their charge was to carry the pope when he went abroad in publick . he would have them take place of the knights of malta , and of the empire● sixtus quintus ordained the knight-hood of lauretto anno . to whom he erected our lady church at louretto , for a cathedral . at rome also , there be some church-men of the order of knight-hood , as the knights hospitallers of saint anthony . the general of this order is called abbot of saint anthony of vienna ; the principals of this order do wear on their black cassocks , cloaks , and gownes , a double saint anthonies crosse , that is , two t. t. of blew sattin ; the meaner sort wear but one . the knights of the virgin mary ●yere instituted by brother bartholmew , bishop of vicenca , a dominican , anno . and confirmed by pope vrban the fourth ▪ the knights follow saint dominick's rule , wearing a white cassock , with a red crosse on the breast , with two stars . their cloak is of gray colour . their charge is to take care of widowes and orphans , and to reconcile differences between man and wife . they lived at home with their wives and families , and not in covents . hence they were named fratres ga●dentes , brethren of joy . the order of the glorious virgin mary was instituted at rome , anno . by three brothers , pedro , iohn baptista , and bernardo . they were confirmed by pope paul the fifth , who with his successors were to be great masters thereof . their covent is in the palace of lateran . they are bound to defend the christian faith , the catholike church , to suppresse the turkes , to be nobly extracted . the knights layicks of this order , and knights priests that are beneficed , are to wear about their necks a ribband of blew silk , and a golden crosse enamelled with blew , and on the cloak a crosse of blew sattin , to shew the colour of the virgins garment which she wore , to wit , of a blew-skie-colour ; but the knights chaplains are to wear the blew crosse on their cloaks , but not about their necks . within the crosse is a round circle , wherein is m. s. standing for maria sancta , with a crowne . about the circle are twelve silver beams , representing the twelve apostles ; each branch of the crosse hath nine tracts , demonstrating the nine orders of angels ; the four ends of the crosse are four lillies , to shew that the virgin is the lilly of the vallies ; at the ends of the crosse are four stars , figuring the four evangelists . at venice there is the order of saint marks knights , instituted when saint marks body was brought thither from alexandria . at genoa are the knights of saint george , and so divers cities of italy have their peculiar orders of knights-hood . in sav●y there is the order of the annunciation , of which we have already spoken . the collar of this order is composed of roses and love-knots , whereunto hangs an oval , containing the angell , holding a scepter , and saluting the virgin , over whom hovereth a dove . we have also spoken of the orders of saint maurice , and saint lazarus . the former of these two began anno . when amadis the seventh , first duke of savoy , retired to the desart of ripaille , to preserve the memory of that valiant knight , as of his lance and ring . they follow saint austins rule . the order of saint lazarus was united by gregory the thirteenth , to that of saint maurice ; these are cistertians , and have divers priviledges and immunities . the order of florence , or of saint stepben pope , was instituted by cosmo de medicis , first duke of florence , anno . in honour of pope stephen the ninth , patron of florence . they follow saint bennets rule , and have the same priviledges with the knights of malta . they weare a long gowne of white chamble● , on the breast a red crosse , like that of malta . the order of the precious blood of christ , was institu●ed by vincenti● de gonzaga the fourth duke of mantua , and second of montferrat ; anno . in honour of christs blood , some dropps whereof are kept in saint andrews church at mantua . the collar is composed of ovals of gold , and these two words , domine pro●asti ; in the ovals are flames of fire , burning about gold-smiths melting pots full of pieces of gold. at the end of the collar within an oval , are two angels standing upright , holding a chalice and pixe crowned , on the table whereof are three drops of blood , with this legend about the oval , nihil isto triste recepto . q. . what were the christian military orders in the east ? a. the order of cyprus , and of luzignan , or of the sword , was instituted by guye of luzignan , king of ierusalem and cyprus , anno . the collar of this order was composed of cordons of white silk twined into love knots , interlaced with the letters s. and r. at this hung an oval of gold , with a sword in it ; about the oval was engraved these words , securitas regni . of the other eastern orders wee have already spoken ; namely , of that of the holy sepulchre , instituted by baldwin , the first of that name , and second king of ierusalem , brother to godfrey o● bulloigne , anno . they were at first canons regular of saint austins order , permitted to live in ierusalem by the s●●acens : after they were knighted , retained their white habit , whereon they carried the crosse of ierusalem , such as the kings bare in their armes . pope innocent the eighth , anno . united these knights to the hospitallers of saint iohn ; but this union lasted not long ; for the knights married , w●ereupon pope alexander the sixth took the power of conferring this order himselfe , giving power to the guardian of the holy sepulchre , who is alwayes a franciscan , to conferr this order on pilgrims to the holy land , provided they take their oath on the holy sepulchre . wee have also spoken of the hospitallers of saint iohn baptist of ierusalem , instituted by baldwin , first king there , anno . likewise of the knights templars , instituted under baldwin , the second , third king of jerusalem , anno . of these i will make no further mention . there were other orders in the holy land , as the knights of saint john of acres , of saint thomas , of saint gerion , of saint blaze , &c. but these were of small note , and are now lost . see favines theater of honour . the contents of the twelfth section . the opinions of the anabaptists , and wherein they agree with the old hereticks . . the tenets of the brownists ▪ . of the familists . . the adamites , and antinomians . . the religion of the socinians . . of the arminians tenets . . of the church of aruhem , and the millenaries opinions . . of many other sects at this day amongst us . . the opinions of the independents . . the tenets of the presbyterians , where by way of a catechisme is delivered their whole doctrine concerning the ministery , episcopacy , presbytery , lay-eldership , deacons , civil magistrates , the election of ministers , ordination , power of the keyes , excommunication . . diver●s erroneous opinions which have been lately revived or hatched since the fall of our church-government , &c. sect . xii . quest. . what opinions in religion are there held at this day among them , that are fallen off from rome ? a. we have already spoken of the opinions of luther , calvin , oecolampadius , zuinglius , and other protestants , whose tenets are followed by many thousands at this day : we have also spoken somewhat of the original and encrease of anabaptisme ; now we will briefly set down their opinions , as they are recorded by pontanus , bullinger , g●stius , sleidan , osiander , and others ; and will shew wherein they agree with the old condemned hereticks . they hold that christ took not his flesh from the virgin mary ; so held the heretick valentinus . . that christ is not true god , so held arrius . . they deny baptisme to infants , so did the pelagians . . they re-baptise , so did the novatians , arrians , aetians and donatists . . they believe to enjoy here , after the day of judgement , an earthly monarchy , so did the cerinthians , nepotians , millenaries , and mahumetans . . they say our righteousnesse depends upon the works of charity and affliction , not upon faith in christ ; so did the cathari , meletians , donatists , and pelagians . . they maintain free-will in spiritual things ; so did the pelagians . . they account themselves the onely pure church without sin ; so did the donatists . . they say lay-men may administer the sacraments ; so did the marcionites , and pepuzians . . they reject magistracy among christians ; so did the minichees . . they say that christian magistrates are not to punish malefactors with death ; so said the tertullianists . . they will have all things in common , with the old nicholaitans . . they teach that a man may put away his wife , though not for adultery ; so taught the iews . . and that a christian may have many wives ; which is the doctrine of m●homet . . they will not swear at all ; in this they follow the tenet of the old pelagians . now all these opinions are ancient heresies as we have shewed , which have been refuted sufficiently by the ancient doctors of the church , and condemned by general and provincial councils , besides that divers late writers , both of the roman and protestant church , have fully refelled these opinions ; whose writings they that are at leisure may peruse . and by the way we must observe , that as the anabaptists have divers opinions , so they have divers names . some are called manzerians , from manzer , who raised the boores in germany against their lords . he taught that all things shall be common . . separatists , for separating themselves from the affairs of the world. . cathirists , for thinking themselves more pure then others ; therefore deny original sin , nor will they pray , forgive us our sins . . apostolicks , who like the apostles go without staff or scrip , up and down the world preaching . . enthusiasts , pretend revelations and brag they have the gift of prophesie . . silentes , who place all their holinesse in silence . . adamites , who believe that the wearing of cloathes is a cursed thing , therefore they affect nakednesse . . georgians , so called from david george the familist , who boasted he was greater then christ. . liberi , who think they are made free by christ from payments of taxes or debts , and free from obedience to humane laws . . hatites , so called from one huta who denyed christs divinity , and made himselfe the onely son of god. . melchiorists , so named from one melchior of strausburg , who taught that mary was the conduit through which christ did passe , as water through a pipe. . menonists , so called of menon a friezlander . . beuheldians , so called from their author , these affirme polygamy to be an holy kinde of life . . augustinians , from one augustine a bohemian , who bragged he was the first that opened paradise for himselfe and followers . . servetians , so called from servetus the arrian , who was burned at geneva , for denying christs divinity , . these will not baptize children till they be thirty years of age . . denkians , from one denkius their author , who with origen , would have the wicked and devils to be saved . . monasterienses , so called from munster , where iohn of leyden their king reigned , who taught that he had a commission from heaven to take many wives . libertines , who make god the author of sin , and deny the resurrection . . deo relicti , who rejected all meanes and relied onely upon god. . semper orantes , who with the old euchytes , are still praying , thinking they are tyed to no other duty . q. . what are the tenets of the brownists ? a. these being so called from their author , master robert brown of northamptonshire , sometimes a school-master in southwark , hold there is no other pure church in the world but among them ; so did the donatists of old . . they reject the lords prayer ; in this they are iewes , and agree with the old hereticks , called prodiciani . . they will not serve god in consecrated churches , nor will communicate with those they called wicked ; in this they follow the old cathari . . they reject tythes , and affect parity ; in this they are anabaptists . . they hold all the church ceremonies to be popish . . that the love which is in god is not essential . . that ordination of ministers by bishops is antichristian . . that the word preached , and sacraments administred by scandalous ministers , are altogethers ineffectual . . that church-musick is unlawful . . that lay-men and mechanicks may preach and expound scripture . . that set forms of prayers are aboninable in the sight of god , whereas notwithstanding we have diverts set forms , both in the old and new testament , at which they quarrel , and chiefly at the lords prayer . . there be divers sorts of this profession ; some brownists , of which we have spoken ; some barrowists , so called from barrow , their first martyr . he called the church of england ; sodom , babylon , and egypt . some are called wilkinsonians , from wilkinson their master , who thought that he and his followers were truly apostles , and therefore denyed communion with such as did not give them that title . a fourth sort there is of anabaptistical brownists , who hold themselves the onely true church , and condemn the other brownists for pedobaptisme ; therefore they re baptise such as come to them . they that would see more of this sect , let them read the book called the profane schisme of the brownists ; another called . the foundation of brownisme , master whites discovery of brownisme ; doctor halls apology against the brownists ; giffords declaration against the brownists ; pagits heresiography , &c. q. . what are the familists ? a. the familists , or family of love , are so called from the love they bear to all men , though never so wicked ; and their obedience to all magistrates , though never so tyrannical , be they iewes , gentiles or turks . their first founder was one david george of delfe , who called himself the true david , that should restore the kingdom to israel . he held . that neither moses , nor the prophets , nor christ could by their doctrine save the people ; but his doctrine was the onely meanes of salvation . . that whosoever spoke against his doctrine , should never be forgiven , neither in this life , nor in the life to come . . that he would set up the true house of david , and raise the tabernacle of god , not by suffering , but through love and meeknesse . . that he was the right messiah , the beloved son of the father . . that he should not die ; or if he did , he should rise again . his successor , henry nicholas of amsterdam , maintained the same doctrine , but in his own name , calling himself the restorer of the world , and the prophet sent of god. to the former tenets he added . that there is no other christ but holinesse , and no other antichrist but sin . . that the family of love hath attained the same perfection that adam had before he fell . . that there is no resurrection of the flesh . . that the day of judgement is already come , and that this nicholas is the judge of the world . . that there hath been eight great lights in the world , whereof christ was the seventh , but himself the eight , and greatest of all . . that none should be baptized till the thirtieth year of their age . . that the joyes of heaven shall be onely here on the earth , and so likewise hell. . that they ought not to bury the dead , not to give almes to such as are not of their profession . . that angels are born of women . . that every day of the week should be a sabbath . . that the law may be fulfilled in this life . . that there was a world before adam was made . . that there is no other deity but what man partakes of in this world . . that such wives as are not of their belief , may be rejected for whores . . that in h. nicholas dwelleth all perfection , holinesse , and knowledge , and that their illun●inated elders are deified in this life , and cannot sin . there be also divers sorts of familists , as castalians , grindletonians , of the mountains , of the vallies , of the scattered 〈◊〉 , &c. which hold with these former opinions , that the scriptures are but for novices ; that we ought not to pray for pardon of sin after we are assured of gods love ; that wicked men sin necessarily , and such more stuff . q. . what be the adamites and antinomians ? a. of the adamites in saint austins time , we have already spoken , as also of the bohemian adamites . of late years there were some of them in amsterdam , where the men and women did pray in their meetings , and perform other divine services naked . this posture they called the state of innocency , and their meetings paradise . in their opinions they were anabaptists . the antinomians are so called from their opposing and rejecting of the law , which they say is of no use at all under the gospel , neither in regard of direction , nor correction , and therefore ought not to be read or taught in the church . . they say that good works do neither further , nor evill workes hinder salvation . . that the child of god can no more sin then christ could , and therefore it is sin in him to aske pardon for sin . . that god never chastiseth his children for sin ; not is it for their sins that any land is punished . . that murther , adultery , drunknesse , are sins in the wicked , but not in the children of grace , nor doth god look upon them as sinners ; and consequently that abrahams lying and dessembling was no sin in him . . that the child of grace never doubteth , after ●e is once assured of salvation . . that no man should be troubled in his conscience for any sin . . that no christian should be exhorted to performe the duties of christianity . . that an hypocrite may have all the graces that were in adam before his fall , and yet be without christ. . that christ is the onely subject of all graces , and that no christian believeth , or worketh any good , but christ onely believeth and worketh . . god doth not love any man for his holinesse . . sanctification is no evidence of a mans justification ; of this and such like stuff you may read in pontanus his catalogue of heresies , who makes one iohn agricola the author of this sect anno . q. . what is the religion of the socinians ? a. faustus socinus , an italian of siena , placed all religion in these old condemned heresies , so greedily embraced by his disciples . . that man before his fall was naturally mortal . . that no man by the light of nature can have any knowledge of god. . that man before his fall , had not original righteousnesse . . that there is no original sin in us , as it imports concupiscence , or deformity of nature . . that there is a free-will to goodnesse in us , and that we may here fulfil the law. . that god hath no foreknowledge of contingencies determinately but alternatively . . that the causes of predestination are not in god , but in us ; and that he doth not predestinat● : to salvation any particular or certain person ; and that predestination may be frustrated . . that god could justly pardon our sins without any satisfaction . . that christ by his death did not satisfie for us , but onely obtained , power for us , to satisfie for our selves , by our faith and obedience . that christ died for himselfe , that is , not for his sins ( for he was without sin ) but for the mortality and infirmities of our nature which he assumed . . that christ became not our high priest , nor immortal , nor impassible , before he ascended into heaven . . that death eternal , is nothing else but a perpetual continuance in death , or anni●ilation . . that everlasting fire , is so called from its effect , which is the eternal extinction or annihilation of the wicked which shall be found alive in the last day . . that christs incarnation is against reason , and cannot be proved out of scripture . . that christ is not truly god. . that the holy ghost is not god : that there is not a trinity of persons in one god. . that the old testament is needlesse for a christian man. these opinions are but renovations of old h●resies broched by e●ian , photinus , arrius , samosatenus , sabellicus , servetus , an●●trini●arians , and others . q. . what be the armimans tenets ? a. iames arminius , divinity reader in leyden , anno . published and taught five articles , which have occasioned great troubles in holland , being eagerly maintained by his followers called remonstrantes . they hold . that election to life , is the will of god to save such as will believe , and persevere in obedience ; that men may be elected to faith , and yet not elected to salvation : that election is sometimes absolute , sometimes conditional , that the act of faith is chosen as a condition to salvation , and that in election to faith , the condition of using the light of reason is required . that faith and obedience are foreseen by god , as already performed by those who are to be chosen peremptorily and compleatly . that election sometimes is changible , and some elect may finally perish ; and consequently no certainty of our elections immutability . that god hath not decreed to leave any man in the state of sin and damnation , meerly out of his will and pleasure ; and consequently it is not gods meer will that one nation should receive the gospel , and not another , but a fore-sight of the goodnesse and worth of one nation above another . . they teach that god so ordained his son to dye , that he did not determin to save any particular man expresly , so that christs death was powerful and sufficient , in respect of impertation , though there had been no actuall application thereof to any particular man : that christ did not establish a new covenant of grace by his blood , but onely procured a right to his father , to make with men any covenant whatsoever : that christ by his satisfaction did not merit faith and salvation to any man in respect of effectual application ; but onely obtained power , that the father might make what conditions he pleased , with man ; the performance whereof depends upon his free will : that the covenant of grace consisteth not in being justified ▪ and saved by faith in christ , but in this , that god esteemeth our imperfect faith and obedience as meritorious of life eternal , as if we had fulfilled the law : that all men are received into the covenant of grace , and all freed from original sin : that christ died not for those whom god elected and highly loved , seeing such stood in no need of christs death . . they teach that original sin of it self was not sufficient to condemn man kind to temporal or eternal punishment : that an unregenerate man is not totally dead in sin , nor destitute of all strength to spiritual good things , but that he may hunger and thirst after righteousnesse and life : that a natural man can ( by using the gifts of nature rightly ) obtain saving grace , and salvation , and that god affordeth sufficient means to bring men to the knowledge of christ. . they teach that holinesse and righteousnesse could not be seated in mans will when he was created , and therefore in his fall , could not be separated from it : that in spirituall death , spiritual gifts were not separated from the will of man ; seeing the will of it self was never corrupted , but intangled by the darknesse of the intellect , and unrulinesse of the affection : that in mans conversion no new gifts are infused ; and therefore the faith , by which we are converted , is not a quality infused , but onely an act of man : that the grace ; by which we are converted , is onely a gentle perswasion , so that morall grace makes naturall men become spiritual : and that god by moral reason , produceth the consent of the will : that god in mans conversion , doth not use his omnipotent power to bend the will infallibly , so that man may and doth oftentimes resist and hinder his own conversion : that grace and free will are comperating causes in our conversion , so that grace in order of causality doth not precede the action of the will. . they teach that perseverance is not the effect of election , but a condition of the new covenant to be performed on mans part before his peremptory election , and that by his own free-will : that god furnisheth the faithfull man with sufficient means to persevere , yet it is in the choice of mans will to persevere , or not to persevere : that regenerate men may and do fall totally and finally from grace and salvation ; and that they may sin against the holy ghost : that no assurance of perseverance can be had in this life without speciall revelation : that the doctrine of assurance is hurtfull to all holy exercises , and a means of presumption and security , whereas doubting is commendable : that temporary , and true justifying faith , differ onely in continuance : that it is no absurdity , if man be oftentimes regenerated , his former regeneration being extinct : that christ never prayed for the faithfuls infallible perseverance in faith . these are the five articles of arminianisme , as they are set down in the book called the iudgement of the synod of do●t . q. . what are the opinions of the new church of arnhem . answer , they hold that independency is a beginning of christs temporall kingdome here on earth , that within five years , ( but these are already expired ) christ was to come in the flesh , and with an iron sword to kill most of his enemies , and then that he should reign here on earth with his saints a thousand years , in all carnal delights . . that god is not onely the author of sin , but also of the sinfulnesse or ataxie thereof . . that all men are bound to know god in abstracto without christ , without grace or scripture . . they held extreme unction to be a sacrament and necessary for the sick , and of divine institution : so they held the holy kisse of peace a religious and needfull ceremonie . . they put down , singing psalmes , and set up in lieu thereof singing prophets , who are to chant out alone in the congregation their own hymnes . . they teach that the soul is mortall . . that just mens souls go not into heaven till the last day , but remain in the upper element of fire , whither enoch and eliah , with the soul of christ before his resurrection , and the soul of the good thief went , and no higher : they teach also that the souls of the wicked go not before the last judgement into hel , but remain in the lower region of the air , or in the bottom of the sea . . they say , that after the day of judgement , all the world shall be hell , except that part of heaven where god resides with his angels . . in preaching , they will have their ministers covered , and the people bare , but in administring the sacrament they will have the people covered , and the minister bare . q. . vpon what grounds do these millenaries , build christs temporall kingdome here on earth for a thousand years ? an. upon that place of the revilation . , , . i saw the souls of them , who were beheaded for the witnesse of iesus , and they lived and reigned with christ a thousand years but this place proves no such kingdome , for it is mysticall , and symbolicall divinity , not argumentative . again , in this place there is no mention at all of any earthly presence of christ , nor of any earthly reign with him : besides , the kingdome of christ is everlasting , for of his kingdome saith the angel , there shall be no end : therefore here is put a definite number for an indefinite . christ saith , his kingdome is not of this world , the kingdome of christ is spirituall and within us , and if we speak of christs kingdome , as he is mediator , reigning in his church , by his word , sacraments and discipline , we must conclude that he hath reigned already above . years ; and how long more he shall reign here on earth we know not . . they build their opinion upon dan. . . many of them who sleep in the dust shall arise , &c. hence they inferre two resurrections , in the first , many shall rise to reign with christ here on earth , in the second they say , all shall rise to judgement : but this interpretations is ridiculous ; for the first resurrection mentioned in scripture is spirituall , to wit , a rising from the death of sinne , of which the apostle , if you be risen with christ , seek the things that are above ; for as sin is called death , you were dead in sinnes and trespasses , so the forsaking of sinne is called a resurrection ; this is the rising of the mind , the other of the body . agai● in scripture , many and all are promiscuously taken for the same , as here , many shall rise , that is all . so matth. . christ healed all diseases , that is , many : besides the words of daniel are directly spoken of the second resurrection to iudgement , and not to a temporary kingdome : for he saith , that some of those shall rise to life eternall , not to a temporary of a thousand years , and others to everlasting shame , which yet the millenaries deny , in saying , the wicked shall not rise till the expiration of the thousand years ; and where they say , that the saints shall shine as starres , or the firmament in the first resurrection , but as the sun in the second , it is vain ; for in the second resurrection shall be degrees of glory , as the apostle sheweth , cor. . for as one star differeth from another star in glory , so is the resurrection of the dead , some shall shine as the sun , who is the brightest of all the starres ; and some shall be lesser starres an glory ; they do also vainly call their first resurrection , a hidden mystery , whereas indeed it is the second resurrection that is a mesterie , and so hidden , that the wisest philosophers understood i● not ; and thought paul had been 〈◊〉 when 〈◊〉 preached this mystery as athens , that which cannot be apprehended by reason , but by faith 〈…〉 ●e truly called a hidden mystery . . they misapply divers places of scripture to prove this imaginary reign of christ here on earth , as psalm . . when the lord shall build up sion , he shall appear in his glory . this scripture was fulfilled when ierusalem was rebuilt , after the captivity . so they alledge , acts . . . the heavens shall receive christ , till the times of restitution of all things , but this is spoken of the second resurrection ; for then shall be a restitution of all things , and not before ; in their thousand years reign : for they confesse that then all the jews shall not rise , nor all christians , it must then follow , that there shall not be a restitution of all things , at that time . that place of rom. . . concerning the calling of the jews is impertinent ; for we deny not , but they shall be called to the faith of christ , but that they shall return , to build ierusalem , and be under christs earthly reign . years , is not at all spoken in that place : no lesse impertinent is that place of . pet. . . we look for new heavens , and a new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousnesse ; for this is spoken of the last judgement , wherein all things shall be renewed by fire , and not before ; as the circumstances of the scripture do shew , and all jnterpreters do agree : so without any sense or reason , they apply the . chapter of isa. to their millenary reign , which is plainly spoken of the calling of the gentiles , and of christs first coming to preach the gospell , and to gather a church , which there , and elsewhere ; is called ierusalem , and the prophets usually under the terms of planting , building , eating , and drinking , new heavens , and new earth ; the joy of hills , forrests , and trees , &c. do expresse the happy estate of the church of christ under the gospel . when the mountain of the lords house shall be coealted on the top of the mountains , and all nations shall flock to it , then jerusalem , that is , the church , shall be the throne of the lord. then out of sion shall go forth a law , and the word of the lord from ierusalem , then shall the god of heaven set up a kingdome , which shall never be destroyed , christ shall reign over the house of iacob for ever , to this city of the church , shall the kings of the earth bring their glory and honour : in that day , he that is feeble shall be like david , and the house of david shall be as god. see isa. ch . . ch . . and ch . . ier. . ezech. . dan. . zach. . luke . rev. and many more places , which speak of the churches felicity under the gospel , but not a word of a millenarie reign . q. . wherein doth the vanity of the millenaries opinion consist ? an. . in giving to christ a temporall kingdome of a thousand years , whereas , his kingdome is eternall , it shall stand fast for ever , of his kingdome shall be no end , saith the angel . . in giving him an earthly kingdome , whereas his kingdome is heavenly , my kingdome ( saith he ) is not of this world ; it is not from hence , it is within us . . in making his kingdome to consist in earthly pleasures , in eating , drinking , fighting , &c. all which are directly against the nature of his kingdome : which as the apostle saith , rom. . . is not meat and drink , but righteousnesse , peace , and joy of the holy ghost , the end of his coming was to fight with no other weapon , but with the two edged sword of his word , proceeding out of his mouth , he was the prince of peace , the dove that brought the olive branch in his mouth : he brought peace in his birth , he preached peace in his life , and recommended peace to us at his death : and as saint austin saith , pacem nobis reliquit , iturus ad patrem , & pacem nobis dabit perducturus ad patrem : his peace he left with us , and his peace he will bring again to us . . in this their imaginary kingdome , they bring christ down from heaven before his time ; for the heavens must contain him till the restitution of all things , which cannot be till the last judgement : it is an article of our creed , that christ shall come down from heaven to judge the quick and the dead , which shall not be till the last day . . he is to sit at gods right hand , untill be hath made his enemies his footst●●l , ps. . . but these men will bring him from thence before he hath obtained this conquest and triumph , which is not to be obtained till the last day , and consummation of all thing . . they are injurious to christ , to bring him from his place and condition of glory ; to play the part of a butcher and executioner in murthering of men with the sword , here on earth , an office ill beseeming him , and no wayes suitable to his glorious condition , and mercy , who came to save sinners ; and not to destroy them . . the scripture mentioneth no other resurrection of the bodies , but such as shall rise at the last day , iohn . , , . in the end of the world , when he shall have delivered up the kingdome to god , cor. . . where we shall be caught up in the clouds to meet the lord in the aire , and shall be ever with the lord , thes. . . but this millenarie resurrection is long before the last day , and end of the world ; neither in it shall we be ever with the lord , if we are with him but a thousand years . . the scripture doth not speak of three comings of christ , but of two onely ; the first when he came in humility , the second when he shall come in glory : unto them that look for him shall he appear the second time without sin unto salvation , heb. . . let them shew us out of scripture a third coming , and we will believe them . . christ tells us iohn . . that in his fathers house , that is in heaven , are many mansions , thither he is gone to prepare a place for us , that where he is , there we may b● ; but he is in heaven , in his fathers house , there doth he prepare a place for us , and not here upon earth ; for so we shall not be where he is , but he will be where we are ; which is repugnant to his own words . . they make the time of christs second coming to iudgement certain , in affirming it shall be at the end of their thousand years ; but this is repugnant to christs words , who faith , that his coming shall be sudden , secret , and unexpected , like the coming of a thief in the night : like the coming of noahs stood , or the fire of sodom : so that , of that day and 〈◊〉 knoweth no man , no not the angels in heaven ; nor christ himself as he is man. . whereas the condition of christs church here on earth is mixed , consisting of saints and reprobates , of sheep and goats , of good and bad fishes , of wheat and chaffe , of corn and ●ares ; they give christ such a church , as is without sinne or sinners , as need no preaching nor sacraments , no pastors and jeachers , no advocate with the father , no christ to appear for us in the presence of god : and lastly , such a church as is not subject to persecution , affliction , sufferings and trouble ; all which is directly repugnant to gods word ; and condition of the church mi●●tant here , which is subject both to infirmities and afflictions . . antichrist shall not be destroyed , till christs second coming to iudgement , as the apostle sheweth , thes. . . that christ shall destroy him with the brightnesse of his comming ; but the millenaries will have him to be destroyed before the beginning of their thousand years , which is flat against scripture . . they do exceedingly wrong the martyrs , in bringing their souls down from heaven , where they have the fruition of god and his angels , to reign here on earth , and to enjoy carnall and sensuall pleasures ; the meanest of the saints in heaven must be in a far better condition , than the greatest martyr in this earthly kingdome . . the reward that is promised to the saints after this life , is not a kingdome here on earth , but the kingdome of heaven ; a house made without hands , eternall in the heavens ; a mansion in our heavenly fathers house : to sit with christ in his throne , to be caught up in the clouds , to meet the lord in the air ; and to be ever with the lord ; to be with christ in paradise , to enjoy life eternall &c. . whereas they dream that ierusalem shall be rebuilt , and the iewes shall reign in ▪ iudea a thousand years with christ , is directly also against gods word , which ezech. . . . sheweth , that the iews shall be restored to their former estate , when 〈◊〉 and sodom shall be restored , which will never be , and gen. . . the scepter shall depart from iuda when s●iloh cometh : ierusalem saith saint hierom , est in aetornos collapsa cineres , fallen into everlasting ashes , and never to rise again . . whereas they dream ▪ that in the millenarie kingdome , sacrifices , circumcision , and all other iewish ceremonies shall be used , 't is plainly to deny that christ ever came in the flesh ; or that he offered himself a propitiarory sacrifice , to put an end to all iewish rites , which w●re but shadows of christs sufferings ; the substance being come , the shadows were to vanish : therefore the apostle saith , gal. . . that they who turns to these beggarly elements again , desire to be in bondage again , and in the next chapter , he tells the galathians , that if they be circumcised , christ shall profit them nothing . lastly , this millenary kingdome of eating , drinking , and sensuall pleasures , was fitly devised by cerinthus the heretick , as best suiting with his swinish disposition ; for he was noted for a person given to gormandizing , and libidinous sports . q. . what other sects and opinions are there now stirring amongst us ? a. we have anti-trinitarians or polonian arrians , which sprung up in poland , anno . these deny the trinity of persons , the divinity of christ , and of the holy ghost ; that christ was the son of god essentially , but in respect of his dominion , and say that the eternal generation of the son , is against truth and reason . we have also millenaries , the spawn of cerinthus the heretick ; these dream of a temporary kingdome bere on earth , which they shall enjoy with christ a thousand years . but indeed they aim at the enjoyment of the temporal estates of such as they call wicked , who ( as they think ) have no property in their estates . we have traskits , so called of one trask , who would have no christian sabbath kept , but the jewish laws observed , and their sabbath or seventh day to be perpetually kept holy , till the worlds end . others we have , who will keep no sabbath at all ; these we call anti sabbatarians . we have likewise anti-scripturians , who reject all scriptures as mans inventions ; there are amongst us divorcers , who hold that men may put away their wives upon small occasions . vve have also soul-sleepers , who with the arabick hereticks , hold that the soul dieth or sleepeth with the body : whose souls i think are asleep before the body dieth ; amongst other professions , we have of late seekers or expe●●ers , who deny there is any true church or ministery , and therefore they are seeking one , but they know not where to find this church , except it be in the land of utopia . there was one hetherington a box maker , who rejecting all church discipline , published that the sabbath of the iews was abolished by christ , and that every day now is a sabbath ; that the books of esdras were canonicall scripture , and in other opinions agreed with the ●amilists . q. . what opinions in religion are held by theaurau john. ans. he cals himself , priest of the iews , sent as he saith from god , to convert them : his wilde whimsies are these ; . he cals it nonsence and a lie , to say that god is father of us all . . that we gospellers ( as he cals us ) worship the devill , because ( saith he ) the spirit of man is a devill . . that it is a monster , and absolute blasphemie to say , the godhead dwelt in christ bodily . . he wonders how he that created all , could be born of a woman : by which we may plainly see he is a circumcised iew. . he saith , that the child which the virgin brought forth , is love , as if the generation of christ were altogether mysticall and not reall . . he saith , that mary is christ , and christ is mary , and that these are but names of one thing . . he denyeth , that christ was properly born , or that he was born in one , or that he was begotten ; or that be could be flesh properly ; or that he did descend into our fl●sh , but into our spirits onely ; or that he could be included in the virgins wombe , and withall he belyeth us in saying , that we have brought the humanity to be very god : whereas we say , the same person is god and man , one not by conversion of the godhead into flesh , but by taking of the manhood into god. one altogether , not by confusion of substance , but by unity of person . . he calls the english clergy , thieves , robbers , deceivers , sounding from antichrist , and not from the true christ , in which we see the impudent spirit of an heretick , who can no other wayes defend his lies , and blasphemies , but by railing . . he prateth , that the gospel cannot be preached by another , but by it self ; so that mans voyce or outward sound , is a lye , and antichist . . that our ministers , are not christs ambassadors , but that their call is a lye , for 't is learning , and learning is that wh●re which hath deceived the nations , and compleated the work of antichrist ▪ see the impudence and boldnesse of this blind ignoramus . . he denyeth , that the priests tips can preserve knowledge , though the scripture is plain for it , but by the priest , he understands knowledge it self , and so he will make the holy ghost to speak tautologies , in saying , knowledge shall preserve knowledge : here we see the fruits of ignorance . . he makes the spirit of man to be a quintessence abstracted out of the elementarie motions , such is his dull philosophie . . out of his kind respect to the devil , by whose instinct he writeth : he affirms , that he with the false prophet shall receive mercy at last ; because god with not punish a finite thing infinitely , but here be again bewrayes his ignorance ; for the devil is infinite a posteriore , both in regard of his essence , and of his desire in sinning ; besides , that god , whom he offendeth , is infinite . . h● ignorantly saith , that ●e who conf●rs gods gift , is as great , yea , greater than god himself ; is so , then it must follow , that the apostles were greater than god , when they gave the gifts of the holy ghost by imposition of hands . . he impiously saith , that saint paul wrote many things which he understood not . . and as impiously doth he say , that in them books , which we call scripture , is the lye , as well as in other books . . after his ignorant manner , he c●●founds the gift of prophesie , with the prophet himself , in saying , man is not the prophet , but the light in man from god. . he will not have us to seek for antichrist abroad , for man in darknesse is antichrist . i deny not , but every man in darknesse , is in some sort an antichrist : yet there is one great antichrist to be sought for abroad . . the trinity , which he acknowledgeth is , god , the sonne , and man : this trinity is hatched in his crasie 〈…〉 . . he is so mad , that he saith , he can make one word bear forty significations : so he can make 〈◊〉 thou , stand for dark or light , or hell , or heaven , or sea , or land , or angel , or sunne , or the devil . . he will not have christs body that suffered to be our saviour , nor christs body ; for christs body saith he , is obedience : thus he would fain make christ our saviour , a 〈◊〉 allegorie ; and therefore in plain termes affirmeth , that true christ hath not , nor cannot have any true corporall body ; for he is a spirit , and a spirit is free from fl●sh , as if forsooth a spirit & flesh could not be united in the same person then he concludes , that the body or flesh which suffered at ierusalem , was not christ body . . he makes the soul of man to be all one with the gospel ; and the body of christ to be the whole creation : by this and such like stuffe with which his books are fraughted , we may see that he deserveth to have his brains purged with hellebor , rather than his crasie opinions refused by arguments , or scripture . in the mean while , we may perceive to our great grief , the lamentable fruits which are begot of two much liberty in religion . these impious opinions are in his printed pamphlets lately published . one richard coppi● holdeth some of the before recited opinions , & withall , lately , before a confused multitude , in an usurped pulpit , asserted the lawfulnes of womens preaching ; for such ranters , a pillory were more fit than a pulpit . q. . what opinions in religion are lately broached by iohn reeve , and lodowick muggleton ? an. these two would perswade us , that they are the two last witnesses , and prophets of christ , sent by his spirit to seal the foreheads of the elect and reprobate : that one iohn robins is the last great antichrist , and son of perdition , spoken of by the apostle in the thessalonians , because he sheweth lying signes and wonders , and assumes to himself the titles of the onely god , in that he calls himself adam and melchisedeth , and father of iesus christ ; in saying , the three persons in trinity are adam , that is , himself , abel , that is his sonne iesus , and cai● , that is , the holy ghost : many such blasphemies they ascribe to him . they affirm also that christians using the sword of steel , are ignorant of iesus , and enemies to his gospel , and they teach , that the two uncreated substances of earth and water , were eternally resident in the presence of god the creator : that death was from eternity : that the person of the reprobate angel or serpent , entred into the womb of eve , and there died , but quickened in her all manner of uncleannesse : that there is no devil at all without the body of man or woman , but what dwells within them ; so that the devil spoken of so often in the scripture , is mans spirit of unclean reason , and cursed imagination : that god the father , was a spirituall man from eternity , and that in time his spirituall body brought forth a naturall body : that if the very godhead had not died , that is , ( say they ) the soul of christ , which is the eternall father had not died , all men had perished eternally : that moses and eliah are angels , and did represent the person of the father in heaven , as they did the person of the son on earth , that eliah was made protectour of god , when god became a child ; and that he filled the lord iesus with those great revelations of his former glory which he possessed in heaven , when he was the immortall father ; and that it was eliah who spake these words from heaven , saying , this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased : they say also , that all the ministry in this world , whether propheticall or ministeriall , with all the worship taught by them , is all a lye , and abomination to the lord. again , they declare , that whereas , there are three witnesses on earth , water , blood , and the spirit : that by water is meant the commission given to moses and the prophets under the law : by blood , the commission given to the apostles , and ministers of the gospel : & by the spirit is meant the commission of the two witnesses , that were to come in this last age , whose ministry is invisible , and spirituall , cutting off all formall worshipping of an invisible spirituall , personall god , they say there is hardly a minister in the world , that confesseth an invisible god , but they preach a god of three persons , that is a monster instead of one true personall god : they say , that the true god is a distinct body or person , as a man is a distinct body or person : again , they say , that there is no christian magistrate in the world , that hath any authority from christ , to set up any visible form of worship , and that the spirits and bodies of men , are both mortall , both begot together , and both of one nature : that the spirit is nothing without the body , that it is the spirit alone , that walks and works , eats and drinks , and dies , for the spirit is a naturall fire of reason : they say also that the bodies or persons of holy men , wherein they lived and died , shall not appear again any more ; but when the saints are glorified , they are absolutely of the very same glorious nature , both in spirit and body , as god is : and that believing spirits are of the very same divine nature of god this is the summe of their divinity , and phylosophie , as may be seen in their transcendent spirituall treatise , ( as they call it ) which is full of transcendent nonsence , and blasphemie● , for here they lay their axe to the very root of christianity , in giving a new father to our saviour jesus christ ; in calling the blessed trinity a monster ; in denying the creation , whilst they make earth and water eternall ; in making angels , and mens souls mortall ; in making weak man , gods protector , and author of that divine knowledge which was in christ ; in denying the ministry of the gospel , and the power of the magistrates , and the outward worship of god , and making the souls of men corporeall : in denying also the resurrection of the flesh , and transforming men into the divine nature . by this and other wicked tenets , permitted and countenanced among us , at this time ; we see what christian religion is come to in this land ; so famous heretofore for piety and zeal : we received christianity as soon as any nation in europe : whether by the preaching of saint peter , or saint paul , or simon zel●tes , or ioseph of arimathea , i know not , but all agree we received it very early , and have continued ever since in the profession thereof ; neither was there ever any nation more devout and zealous in the advancement thereof , as our goodly temples , monasteries , hospitals , colledges and schools can witnesse ; but alas ! now quantum mutamur ab illis angligenis ? what is there left among us , but the bare skeliton of religion , the vitall substance thereof being eat up and consumed by heresies and blasphemies , worse than any sarcophagus . i may here with ieremiah complain that from the daughter of sion , all her beauty is departed , her princes are become like harts , &c. how is the gold become so dimme , and the most fine gold changed , and the stones of the sanctuary are scattered in every corner of the streets , &c. q. . what are the opinions of the quakers ? an. these fanaticall spirits are called quakers , because they use to quake and tremble when they prophesie ; so did the heathen soothsayers of old , non vultus , non color unus , non compta mansere 〈◊〉 , sed pectus anhelum , & rabie fera corda tument , &c. but the spirit of god , is the spirit of peace ▪ quietnesse and tranquility , he is not in fire , earthquakes and whirlwinds , but in the soft and still voyce ; it s not the quaking of the body , but humility and reverence of mind which he requires : these sectaries deny all ministeriall ordinances ; and knowledge got by study and industry , pretending an inward light from the spirit , and that all our learning got by preaching , hearing , reading , or catechising , i● but notionall and carnall and hanging upon the tree of knowledge : they blasphemously prate also , that christ had his failings , and that he distrusted god on the crosse , when he cryed out , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? by which they overthrow the work of our redemption , which none could perform , but he that knew no sin , in whose lips was found ●o guil , whom his enemies could not accuse of sin . they will not have ministers to preach for tithe● , which they call wages , and yet our saviour saith . that the labourer is worthy of his wages , and the apostle , that they who serve at the altar , should live by the al●ar , and if they communicate of their spirituall things , why should they not participate of the peoples temporall things . they will not have particular houses for preaching and prayer ; and yet among the iews was the temple , and synagogues , and after christianity was settled , churches were erected . they cannot abide studied or methodicall sermons , nor expou●ding , nor learning in matters of divinity , by which we see , how ignorant these people are , who despise such helps as god hath given for propagating the gospel . is it not better to studie and premeditat● , than to utter quicquid in buecam ve●erit , undigested , immethodicall ignorant trash . christ and his apostles expounded and opened the scriptures ; and yet these men reject expounding : these men are also against singing of psalmes , a duty practised by christ , and urged by saint paul and saint iames. they reject infant-baptisme , and yet to infants belongeth the kingdome of heaven . they will have no set days for divine worship , and consequently the lords day must be of no account with them . they will have no prayer before and after serm●n ; and yet the apostles joyned prayer with their doctrine and breaking of bread , acts . . neither did they ever undertake any weighty businesse without prayer . they condemn set houres of prayers , and yet we read in the acts of the apostles , that the third and ninth houres , were set houres of prayer : but by these wild fancies we may see , how crosse-grained these people are in contradicting every thing , even gods word it self ; if it be not consonant to their shallow reason , which they call the spirit , but it is indeed the spirit of giddinesse , with which they are troubled , and trouble others ; for the rejecting of all outward forms , and decent ceremonies in religion i● the overthrow of religion it self ; which thought it consist not in ceremonies , yet without them it is like a man stript naked of his garments , and so for want of them exposed to all injuries of weather , and danger of death ; the leaves of a tree are not the fruit thereof , and yet without them , the fruit will not prosper . q. . what other opinions do the quakers hold ? an. not to mention their ●orrid blasphemies , in saying that some of them are christ , some god himself , and some equall with god , because they have the same spirit in them which is in god , they maintain that the scripture is not the word of god : that out preaching is conjuration , that expounding of scripture is adding to it : that the letter of scripture is carnall , that the word is not the rule to try the spirits : that the soul is a part of god , and long existent before the body : that there is no trinity : that christ hath no other body but his church : that christs coming in the flesh was but a figure : that all men have a light in them sufficient to salvation : that the man christ is not ascended into heaven : that there is no imputation of christs righteousnesse : that prayer for remission of sinnes 〈◊〉 needlesse : that we are justified by our own inherent righteousnesse : that there is no 〈◊〉 life or glory to be looked for , but in this world : that there is no locall heaven nor hell , nor resurrection of the body : that many of them cannot sin : that the calling of our ministry is antichristian : that our preaching is altogether uselesse : that themselves are immediately called by god : that our worshiping of god in the church is heathenish : that the of children with water in baptisme , is antichristian : that we have no sacraments : that d●vids psalms are ●arnall , and no● to be sung : that in our churches which they ●ll breasts houses , god is not worshipped : 〈◊〉 christ 〈◊〉 to destroy all propertie ; and that therefore all things ought to be common : that no man is to be called master or sir , or to be saluted by the way ; and that one man ought not to have power over another : here we see , that these men despise magistracy , reject the ministry , sleight all decency and ordinances in christs church , and in a word overthrow , as much as in them lyeth , all religion and piety , setting up a babel of their own , full of impiety , ignorance aud blasphemie : these are the fruits of too much liberty , and the effects of reading scripture , by ignorant and malicious spirits , who like spiders , suck poyson out of the sweetest and wholesomest flowers , and like mad men , use that sword of the word to destroy themselves and others , which was ordained to saye and defend us from our enemies . q. wherein do the absurdities and impieties of their opinions consist ? an. . in rejecting all vniversity learning , because christ and his apostles were never taught in schools : but this opinion is ridiculous ; for christ and his apostles , taught no other divinity for the matter , than what is taught in universities ; the difference is onely in the manner of attaining this knowledge , for they had it by inspiration , we by study , labour and instruction ; and yet the prophets had their schools and colledges both , on the hill of god , sam. . . . and at bethel , kings . . and at iericho , v. . and at nai●th , sam. . . elisha had his colledge , kings . . . they will not have us expound scripture because the apostles expounde● them ; but this conceit is also frivolous ; for to what purpose did christ appoint doctours , and pastors , to continue still with his church , if they are not to expound scripture : what the apostles expounded briefly , we expound more fully . in their expositions , there be many intricate , obscure , high and figurative passages , which require a further exposition . god did never reveal all his truth at one time . among the jews we read that ezra the scribe , and the levites expounded the law , neh. . christ took a text and expounded it luke . and so did philip acts . . they will not have ministers to be called masters : but i would know of these men , whether they that labour in the word and doctrine deserve not honour , even double honour , that is , honourable titles , and honourable maintenance ; 't is true , they should not ambitiously affect honours , nor ought they to reject them . christ was oftentimes called master , and yet he never reproved any for calling him so . . they quarrell with the word sacrament , because not found in scripture ; but i would know , whether thing meant this word sacrament be not found in scripture : where hath the scripture forbid us to call sacred things by significant terms ; they may as well say , that god is not every where , or that he knows not all things , because these words omnipresent and omniscient are not in scripture . . they will not have ministers to take tithes , then they will not have those who wait at the altar , to partake with the altar , which thwarts the apostles words directly , why should not the ministers under the gospel as well receive tithes , as the priests under the law ; is our burthen easier or our calling lesse deserving , it s too much presumption to discommend what christ hath commended ; but he commended the scribes and pharisees for paying their tithes , luke . . . they reject infant-baptisme , because the scripture speaks not of it , but the scripture speaks of baptising whole families , and nations , acts . . but infants are included in these : infants were circumcised , were admitted to christ , to them belongs the kingdome of heaven . ieremiah an infant , was sanctified by the holy spirit , ier. . . . the hand of the lord was with iohn baptist an infant , and he grew strong in the spirit , luke . . . can any man then , forbid water , that these should not be baptised , which have received the holy ghost . . they quarrell with publick prayers i● the church , because christ bids us pray in private ; this is a childish consequence ; for the one should be done , and the other not to be left undone : ou● saviour prayed sometimes privately by himself , and sometimes publickly with his disciples ▪ he calleth his temple the house of prayer ; but the prayers there used were publick . saint 〈◊〉 both prayed in publick , and taught in publick , acts 〈◊〉 . and . . publick prayers were used among the 〈◊〉 also . neh. . , . are we not co●●●●ded to pray continually , and to lift up pure hands in all places , is it not by prayer that our preaching is sanctified , and made usefull ? its true , we ought not to make publick places , ( as the pharisees did the temple and synagougue ) the places of our private prayers ; we have chambers at home to pray in private ; but this privacy doth no more exclude publick prayers , th●n private instructions at home by the master to his family , do exclude publick preaching . . they will not have david's psalms to be sung in meeter . these dull souls do not know , that david made his psalms in meeter , and did sing them ; and why may not we do the same in our language , which david did in his ? besides did not christ sing a hymne , did not paul and silas sing psalms to god at midnight , acts . doth not the apostle exhort us to psalmes and hymnes , ephes. . and doth not saint ▪ iames will us to sing psalms , when we would be merry ? there are in the psalms as in a store house , all sorts of materialls for devotion , and for all occasions . . they make faith and repentance necessary concomitants of baptisme ; this they hold to exclude-infants from baptisme , but they should know , that though infants have not faith , and repentance actually , yet they have both in possibility ; the seed of both are in them , and the actuall faith of their parents supplies the actuall defect of the children : besides simon magus , alexander the copper smith , and others , were baptised , who neither had true faith , nor repentance ; and repentance is enjoyned to simon , long after his baptisme , acts . , . & christ was baptized , who needed neither faith nor repentance . . they say , that the church is in god ; therefore , god is not in the church , by the same reason they may say , that god is not in heaven , because heaven is in god ; or that christ is not in us , because we are in christ : christ is in us as the head , we are in him as the members . the church is in god , because in him we live , move , and have both our naturall and spirituall being , god is in his church by his assistance , providence , and spirituall presence ; and so he hath promised , that where two or three are gathered together in his name , there is he in the midst of them , mat. . . divers other absurd opinions they maintain , as namely , against tithes , against maintenance for preaching , against clerks saying amen in the church , and such like ; of which we have already spoken , and indeed all or most of their opinions are an●baptisticall , and this sect is the spawn of anabaptists , who are subdivided into different factions ; and such diversity there is amongst them , that the anabaptists in holland will not admit those of moravia and suevia , without rebaptization . sebestian francus in his chronologie reckoneth seventy sects of them . q. . now you have satisfied me as to the quakers , i pray do me the like favour concerning a sort of people they call ranters , which i have received divers horrid relations of , and such , as for their strange and impious assertions , i have not yet admitted into my belief ? a. the ranters are a sort of beasts , that neither divide the hoof nor chew the cud , that is to say , very unclean ones such as hold no small correspondency with the quakers , their lives and demeanours are much alike , onely what the ranters act upon the stage , by an open profession of lewdnesse and irreligion , the other do it within the curtain , by crafty and seemingly innocent insinuations & pretences of sanctity , and the contempt of the things of this world . these are they that make a laughing stock of christianity by their bitter invectives , & derision at the ordinances and ceremonies of christian religion ; these are they that make no distinction between forms and order , for having cryed down the former , their dispensations will not bear with the later ; it being their main design to bring the businesse of religion to that condition , wherein man was before he had assum'd thoughts of government , that is to say , into anarchy and confusion . as for their blaspemies and horrid expressions of christian things ! mahumetanes , jews , and pagans , owne more modesty , and lesse prophanesse . but to retail their opinions , or to anatomize this monster , we must come to particulars . . they hold that god , devils , angels , heaven , hell , &c. are fictions and fables . . that moses , the baptist , and christ , are impostors ! and what christ and his apostles acquainted the world with as to matter of religion perished with them , and nothing transmitted to us . . that preaching and praying is uselesse , and that it is but publick lying . . that there is an end of all ministry and administrations , and people are to be taught immediately from god. . they hold baptisme a pure , legal administration , not proceeding from christ , but from iohn . . they jest the scriptures , that divine legacy of our salvation ! out of all life ; reverence and authority , quoting it in driblets and shreds , to make it the more ridiculous . in their letters , they endeavour to be strangely prophane , and blasphemous , uttering athiesticall curses and imp●ecations , which is a kind of canting among them , as among cypsies ; as for exampe ! in one you have this stile , my own heart blood , from whom i daily receive life , and being , to whom is ascribed all honour , &c. thou art my garment of needle work , my garment of salvation . eternal plagues consume you all , rot , sink & damne your bodies and souls into devouring fire , where none but those who walk uprightly can enter . the lord grant that we may know the worth of hell , that we may scorn heaven . . sinne is onely what a man imagines , and conceives to be so within himself . . ordinances they account poore low things , nay the perfections of the scriptures is so inconsiderable in their apprehensions that they pr●●ead to l●ve above them ! their lives witnesse they live without them . . if you ask them what christian liberty is , they will tell you that it consists in a community of all things , and among the rest , of women ; which they paint over with an expression call'd the enjoyment of the fellow , creature . . the enjoyment of the fellow-creature , cannot but be seconded with lascivious songs , drinking of healths , musick , dancing and bawdry . lastly , they are ( with the anabaptists ) those that most of all kick against the pricks of authority : for magistracy cannot have in it any thing more sacred than the ministry , so that they wish as much policy in the state , as government in the church , which is none at all ; so to bring an eygyptian darknes upon both : that the world might be the less scandalised at their madness●s & extravagancies . but this age , which is much more fruitfull of religions , than of good works , of scripture-phrases , than of scripture practises , of opinions , than of piety , hath spawned more religions , than that lady of holland did in●ant , to mention all which , were to weary both my self and the reader : therefore i will content my self to mention some few more , as the independents , presbyterians , &c. q. . what are the opinions of the independents ? a. . these are so called , because they will have every particular congregation to be ruled by their own laws , without dependence upon any other in church matters , ▪ . they prefer their own gathered churches ( as they call them ) in private places , to the publick congregations in churches , which they flight , calling them steeple-houses . . they hold there is no use of learning or degrees in schools , for preaching of the gospel ; and withall , that maintenance of the ministry by tithes , is superstitious and judaicall . . they are against set forms of prayer , chiefly the lords prayer , accounting such forms , a choaking of the spirit . . they give power to private men , who are neither magistrates nor ministers , to erect and gather churches ; and to these also , they give the power of election and ordination , ( if we may call this ordination ) of deposition also , and excommunication , even of their own officers , and finall determination of all church causes . . they commit the power of the keyes in some places to women , and publickly to debate and determine ecclesiastick causes . . they admit private men to administer the sacraments , and magistrates to perform the ministers office in marrying . . they permit divorces in slight cases . . they hold independency to be the beginning of christs kingdome , which is to be here on earth a thousand years . . they place much religion in names , for they do not like the old names of churches , of the dayes of the week , of the moneths of the year ; of christmasse , michaelmasse , candlemasse , &c : . in preaching they will not be tyed to a text , nor to prayer , but they make one to preach , another to pray , a third to prophesie , a fourth to direct the psalm , and another to blesse the people . . they permit all gifted men ( as they call them ) to preach and pray , and then after prophesying is ended , they question the preacher in the points of his doctrine . . some of them allow no psalms at all to be ●●ng in publick calamities , and will not suffer wo●●en to sing psalms at all , , they will baptise no children , but those of their own congregations ; whom they esteem not members of their church , untill they have taken their covenant . . they in divers places communicate every sunday among themselves , but will not communicate with any of the reformed churches . . whilest they are communicating , there is neither reading , exhortation , nor singing , not have they any preparation nor catechising before the communion ; and either they sit at table , or have no table at all , and because they would not seem to be superstitious , in the time of administration they are covered . . they allow their ministers to sit in civil courts ; and to voice in the choosing of magistrates . . they are against violent courses in matters of religion , nor will they have the conscience to be forced with fear or punishment , but gently to be inclined by perswasion and force of argument ; in which point , i commend their christian moderation ; for in propagating the gospel , neither christ nor his apostles , nor the church for many hundred years , did use any other sword , but the word , to bring men to christ. q. . what tenets are held by the independents of new - england ? an. besides those opinions which they hold with other independent ; they teach that the spirit of god dwells personally in all the godly . . that their revelations are equall in authority with the scriptures . . that no man ought to be troubled in his conscience for sinne , being he is under the covenant of grace . . that the law is no rule of our conversation . . that no christian should be prest to practise holy duties . . that the soul dieth with the body . . that all the saints upon earth have two bodies . . that christ is not united to our fleshly body , but to the new body , after the manner that his humanity is united to his divinity . . that christs humanity is not in heaven . . that he hath no other body but his church . . they reckon all reformed churches , except themselves profane and unclean . all these opinions , savour of nothing but of pride , carnall security , blasphemy , and slighting of gods written word , which is able to make the man of god perfect , and wise unto salvation . q. . vpon what grounds do the independents forsake our churches ? an. because they do not see the signes of grace in every one of our members ; but this ground is childdish ; for many are in the state of grace , in whom we see no outward signes ; so was saul when he persecuted the church , he was then a vessel of mercy ; and many in whom we see the outward signes of grace , may be in the estate of damnation ; such are hypocrites , whose wolfish disposition is covered with sheeps cloathing : moses did not separate himself from the jewish church , because most of them were a stiffe-necked people , a rebellious generation of uncircumcised hearts , and eares , a people that erred in their hearts , and knew not the wayes of god. neither did christ separate himself from the apostles , though there was a judas amongst them . neither did saint paul abandon the church of corinth , because of the incestuous person , and other wicked men among them , will the husband man for sake his field , because there are ●ares among the corn , or will he abandon his barn , because of some chaffe among the wheat ? there will come a time of separation , when the sheep and goats , the good and bad fishes , the green and withered trees shall be parted , which shall be in that great day , when all secrets shall be disclosed , and the visard of hypocrisie removed ; till then the true israelites must be content to have some canaanites live among them . . they say , that many among us professe the faith of christ outwardly , which have not the spirit of god within ; but i say , that whosoever among us professeth christ outwardly , hath the holy ghost for ought we know ; we are to judge of the tree by the fruits ; it is onely god that exactly knoweth who are his : it were uncharitably done of us to expell or exclude any man from the body of christ , that professeth him outwardly ; its true , there be many hypocrites , such as are among us , but are not of us ; these we cannot discern , whilst they continue in their outward profession , but by revelation ; the servants that invited and compelled all sorts of guests to the wedding feast , knew not who wanted the inward wedding garment of grace ; it was onely the master of the feast that could find that out . . they say that we receive divers into our churches , which shall not be saved . i answer , that no man is certain who shall be saved , or not saved , we are to judge charitably of all men , till we know the contrary ; we receive none into our church , but such as prosesse christianity , and the children of believing parents , to whom also the covenant of grace belongeth ; and though we did know such , as were not to be saved , yet we are not to debarre them from the church , so long as they joyn in outward profession with gods people . so christ knew that iudas should not be saved , yet he received him into the fellowship of the apostles ; but i would be informed , how these men can so exactly know , who shall be saved or not ; seeing in outward profession , the hypocrite can go as far , as the best saint , so likewise , the best saint may for a time seem to be in the state of damnation : besides , iohn baptist admitted scribes , pharisees , and all sorts of people to his baptisme , if they confessed their sins and repented ; and so philip , acts . admits to his baptisme all outward professours of faith , which is many times without the inward grace of sanctification . quest. . upon what grounds do the independents and anabaptis , allow lay men to preach , without call or ordination . an. because the sonnes of the prophets did preach , so did ieheshaphat and his princes , so did the disciples before christs resurrection : so did paul and b●nabas ; likewise the scribes and pharisees , and many in the church of corinth , who were not church-men ; besides , moses wisheth , that all the lords people were prophets . but these are all weak and groundlesse reasons ; for . the sons of the prophets were destinated for the ministry , and therefore were by probation sermons to give testimony of their gifts ; which they acquired by their pains , and industry in the schools of the prophets , which were their colledges . . ieh●saphat and his princes , in an extraordinary time of reformation , made an exhortation or speech to the people , to stir up the levites and judges , to discharge their dutie : neither do we read , chron. . . that the princes did preach or expound the law , but onely that they accompanied and countenanced the levites whilst they preached . . the disciples were called to the apostleship , and to preach the gospel before christs resurrection : . and so were paul and barnabas called to preach the gospel . . likewise the scribes and pharises , sate in moses chair , in that confused time , and they were doctors of the law ; therefore christ wills the people to hearken to them : they had their sinagogues , as well as the levites had the temple . . in the church of corinth , there were some extraordinary prophets indowed with infused gifts and revelations , which can be no warrant for lay-men , who want these gifts to undertake the ordinary function of preaching . . we deny not , but moses wished , that all gods people were prophets , and so do we , but neither he nor we , wish that they should prophesie without a calling , either ordinary or extraordinary , for how shall they preach , except they be sent saith the apostle , rom. . . n● man taketh the honour of sacrificing to himself , but be that is called of god , as was aaron , heb. . . much lesse should any without a call take upon him the office of preaching , which is more noble than sacrificing : and therefore the apostle prefers preaching to baptising , cor. . . and surely if lay-men may preach , they may also baptise ; for christ joyneth these two together , in his apostles and their successors , with whom he is by his assistance and spirituall presence , to the end of the world : but we see how far they are from being sent by god , or from having the gift of preaching , by the errours and heresies daily hatched among them ; and how can it be otherwayes , seeing they are not bred in the schools of learning , whereby they may be fi●●ed and set apart for this great imployment , which will require the whole man ; and who is sufficient for it ? saith the apostle : neither do we read in the scripture , that this ordinary gift of preaching , was communicated to any but to apostles , evangelists , prophets , pastors , and doctors ; and to give way that all men may preach , without call or ordination , is to make him who is the god of order , to be the god of confusion . quest. . what are the tenets of the presbyterians ? a. the presbyterians are so called , for maintaining that the church in the beginning was governed by presbyters or elders , and that it should be so governed still , because the office of a bishop came not to be distinct from the presbyter , till almost three hundred years after christ ; before which time they had the same name , for presbyters were bishops , as they shew out of the fifth , sixth , and seventh verses , of the first chapter to titus ; likewise out of hierom ep . ad evag. & ad ocea . ireneus l , . cont , haeret . c. , , eusebius hiss . l. . cap. . and others . and as they shew their names to be one , so likewise that their office of preaching and administring the sacraments was the same out of pet. . . the power also of ordination they prove to have been in the presbytery , tim. . . which hierom calls the ecclesiasticall scnat isa. . and ignatius epist. ad magnes . the apostolicall senat. and that in ruling there is no difference , they prove out of hebr. . . and th●ss . . . but because much hath been written in defence of this opinion , by the presbyterians of england , france , scotland , netherlands , and divers parts of germany , i have therefore out of their writings reduced the whole sum of their doctrine and discipline into . questions or a short catechisme , by way of question and answer . quest. what is the ministery of the gospel ? answ. it is the dispensation of divine mysteries , manifested by christs coming in the flesh . q. how many parts hath this ministery ? a. three , to wit , the preaching of the gospel , the administration of the sacraments ▪ and the exercise of church discipline , commonly called the power of the keys , and of binding and loosing . q. wherein consisteth church discipline ? a. in two things , to wit , in imposition of hands , and in correction of manners . q. are all church ministers properly ministers of the gospel ; an. no ; for they are properly ministers of the gospel , who preach and give the sacraments ; but deacons who look to the poor , and deaconisses are onely ministers of the church ; not of the gospel . q. are prophets in the new testament , and ministers of the gospel the same ? a. no ; for philip's four daughters were prophetesses , yet not ministers of the gospel . many of the laity had the gift of prophesie , which were not ministers of the gospel . q. are presbyters and priests all one ? a. no ; for he is a priest that offers sacrifice , but presbyter is an elder , which sometimes is called a bishop , as act. . mention is made of many bishops , that is , many elders or presbyters . the apostles also are called elders , pet. . presbyter , bishop , and pas●our are taken for the same office , act . we read also of many bishops in philippi ; phil. . which is meant of many elders : the apostle useth promiscuously the word bishop and presbyter , tit. . for indeed bishops or pastors ought to be elders , that is , excell others both in years and knowledge . q. were the . disciples subject or subordinate to the . apostles ? a. no ; for though they were called later than the apostles , yet i find not that their power in working miracles , in preaching , in administring the sacraments , in ecclesiastick discipline , was lesse or subordinate to the apostles ; for both were immediately called by christ , and equally subject to him without subordination , or subjection to the apostles , no more than of old the prophets were subject to the high priests . q. is the ordinatio● of the church of rome lawfull ? a. yes ; for neither husse , wickliff , luther , and other worthy men , who forsook the errors of the romish church , did ever reject her ordination , no more than they did her baptisme . she retains the faith of the trinity , the two testaments , the sacraments or seals of the covenant , the two tables of the law , therefore though she be a wife of fornieations , as the church of iuda sometime was , yet she may bring forth sons to god. q in what things did the apostles differ from their successors . a. . the apostles were immediately called by christ , but their successors by men . . the apostles were sent abroad into all the world , but their successors were confined to peculiar places . . the apostles doctrine was the rule and canon by which their successors must frame their sermons . . the apostles were the first , that gave the holy ghost by imposition of hands ; as for preaching , administring the sacraments , and discipline , in these they agreed with their successors . quest. who founded the first christian churches . a. the apostles , either immediately , as peter and iohn founded the church of samaria acts . , . peter the church of caesarea , acts . , , paul the church of corinth , . cor. . . and . . and the church of the galathians , gal. . . or else immediately by their deputies , or evangelists , as banabas founded the church of antioch , acts . . q. had any apostle power or jurisdiction over the rest . a. no ; but they were all of equal power , and authority ; whence it follows , that neither the pope should usurp any power over other patriarches , nor bishops lord it over their fellow bishops or presbyters , ( for these i take here for one ) except by consent for a time a superintendency be given for quieting of troubles in the church ; which perhaps was given to one of the apostles , it may be to peter , whilest they lived together at ierusalem , before their dispertion , but if so , it was onely temporary , and by consent . q. was it the chief office of the deacons i● the primitive church to prea●h the word ? a. no ; but to take care of the poore , of widows , and orphans , and to attend on the tables , that is , on their love feasts , called agapa , of which burthen they desired to be eased , who preached the word , as not being able to do both ; yet we read that stephen , acts . . . . did preach , but indeed in that place it is more likely that he disputed in the iewish synagogues , than preached in the temple ; and if he had preached , it will not follow , that the deacons office is to preach ; for this act of stephens was extraordinary , as having an extrorpinary measure of the spirit ; and so we read that philip another deacon of those seven-preached in samaria , acts . . but this he did , as being an evangelist in caesarea ; acts . . not a deacon in ier●salem . q. doth the ●are then of the poore rely upon the deacon . a. the care of collecting the charitable benevolence for the poore , and distributing of the same , relyes upon the deacon , but the care of exhorting to benevolence , of recommending the poore , of inspection into the deacons fidelity and industry , relies upon the presbyter ; from which the apostles exempted not themselves . q. did the apostles in all the churches , which they planted , appoint presbyters and deacons ? a. yes ; otherwise they had left these churches as sheep without shepheards , or ships without pilots , to be devoured by wolves , and to be swallowed by the waves of confusion , heresies and schismes , therefore paul having preached the gospel in crete , and having setled some presbyters there , he gives order to titus to set up presbyters in every town , and it is unlikely , that paul , who had continued at corinth a year and six months , acts . . would leave that church destitute of presbyters and deacons , seeing the lord testified to paul in a vision , that he had much people in that city , v●r . . and writing to the philippians , he salutes the bishops and deacons there . q. why did he not salute the presbyters there also ? a. because in that place a presbyter is all one in effect with a bishop ; for if presbyters had been distinct from bishops , paul would not have left them unsaluted ; for why should he salute the deacons , and not th● presbyters , which are a higher degree ? quest. why were the pastors called bishops and presbyters ? a. to put them in mind of their duty and dignity : for the word episcopus or bishop , signifieth the care , inspection , and oversight , which they should have of mens souls , in guiding , instructing , and feeding them with the word and sacraments . presbyter signifieth the age , dignity , and experience that ought to be in ministers , whose grave carriage , wisdome , and knowledge , should procure reverence of the people to that high calling , and obedience to their doctrine . q. are young men then fit to be made presbyters o● bishop ? a. no ; except there be extraordinary gifts in them , as were in timothy ; or in extream necessity , when grave and ancient men cannot be found ; temeritas florentis aelatis , prudentia sinectutes ; young men are rash , inconstant , head strong , proud , inconsiderate , and indiscreet in their words and carriage for the most part , which hath brought this high calling into obloquie and contempt . they have not that experience , wisdome , gravity , and knowledge , that are in old men ; nor are they masters of their passions and affections ; and how are they fit overseers of others , who cannot oversee themselves ? a young presbyter is a contradiction , and a young bishop is incongruous . young and green heads have been the cause of so much distemper , so many heresies and schismes in the church of christ , therefore little hope there is , that ever peace , religion , and truth shall flourish in that church where giddy young men are bishops or presbyters , and hot-spurs or green heads are preferred to gray hairs ; ancient divines are fittest to serve the ancient of dayes . q. but if paul constituted presbyters and deacons in all the churches which be planted , why doth he not salute them , as he did these of philippi ? a. for brevities sake , he oftentimes omits them , thinking it sufficient to have saluted the church in generall , in which they are included ; being members thereof . q. is not the degree of bishops higher than that of presbyters ? a. sometimes to avoid heresie , schismes , and troubles in the church ▪ the presbyters have chosen one of their own society , to precede or oversee the rest ; but this was onely in some places , and at some times , and rather an ecclesiastick custome than a divine tradition , saith hierom. q. but why did paul besides his custome salute the deacons at philippi ? a. because by epaphroditus they had sent him relief , therefore he would particularly thank them , besides he would shew , that under these two names of presbyter and deacon , is contained the whole ministry of the church ; the presbyter caring for the things of the soul , the deacon for the things of the body . q. what doth the ward deacon signifie ? a. a minister or servant ; for so the magistrate is called , rom. . a deacon or minister , paul calls himself the deacon of the gospel , eph. . and he calls christ the deacon of circumcision , rom. . but this word is appropriated to him that hath the charge of the poor and strangers , in collecting and laying out the church money for their relief . such were those seven mentioned acts ● . and as christ had twelve apostles , so one of them to wit iudas was a deacon , for he kept the bag . q. were there in the church preaching presbyters onely ? a. no ; there were also ruling elders , of which paul speaketh , . tim. . ● . let the elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine : for the preaching presbyters thought it too great a burthen to preach , and to have the inspection of mens manners , therefore they desired some of the laity to assist them , whom they called ruling elders . q. what difference is there between a minister and a deacon ? a. the greek word signifieth both promiscuously , but we have appropriated the word minister to a preacher , and the word deacon to the overseer of the poore . q. how doth it appear , that presbyter and bishop was the same ? a. because the apostle phil. . salutes the bishops of philippi ; but in one town , there is onely one bishop , usually so called . so acts . having called together the presbyters , he bids them take heed to the stock , whereof the holy ghost hath made them bishops : and leaving titus at crete to establish presbyters , sheweth that a bishop must be without reproof . q. have there not been sometimes two bishops in one town ? a. we read in sozomen , l. . c. . that the bishops assembled at sirmium , wrote to foelix , and the clergy of rome , to admit of liberius as an assistant bishop to foelix ; but the councel of nice forbids two bishops to be in one city , can. . q. why do not the reformed churches now call our ministers by the name of bishops and priests ? a. because these offices have been abused in popery , the one to pride and tyranny , the other to superstition and idolatry . q. may a man exercise the office of presbyter or bishop without a calling ? a. no ; for no man takes upon him this office , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . vzza was struck with sudden death , for his rash touching of the ark , . sam. . god complains of those prophets that run , and yet were not sent , ier. . and how can such preach , if they be not sent ? rom. . lepr●sie shall seize upon king uzziah , if he stretch out his hand to touch the ark , chron. . christ himself spoke not of himsel , nor was his doctrine his own , but his that sent him , iohn & . q. how must a man be called ? a. first , internally by the spirit moving his heart , and furnishing him with graces fit for so high a calling . secondly , externally by the church ; to which twofold calling we must yield obedience , and not resist and run from it , as ionah did . q. how shall we know the inward call of the spirit , from the stattering concept of our fancies ? a. if we are called by the spirit , we have no other ends but , gods glory , and the salvation of souls ; we seek christ for his miracles , not for his loaves , we will not trust to our own strength , learning or eloquence , but will disclaim our own sufficiency with the apostle , will accuse our own uncircumcised and defiled lips with mos●s and esay , and will rely onely upon the goodnesse and promise of god , who will give us wisdome , and will put in our mouths , what we shall speak . quest. how many sorts of callings are there in the church ? a. two ; to wit , extraordinary , as that of the apostles , evangelists and prophets ; and ordinary , as the callings of presbyters or bishops , of preaching prophets or pastors , and of deacons . q. can both these callings be in one ma● ? a. yes ; for ieremy and ezechiel were ordinary priests and levites ; yet were extraordinary prophets . so luther had an ordinary function in the church of rome , yet was called extraordinarily to preach the gospel in purity . q. in whom is the power of election and ordination of presbyters or bishops ? a. election was anciently in the laity and clergy , till the clergy shook off the laity . and the pop● excluded the emperour , from whom both he , and other bishops were wont to receive their investiture , by the ring and crosier-staffe ; not in reference to their spirituall function , but to their temporall means , which they injoyed by the munificence of princes ; but ordination is onely from the clergy ; the bishop was won● to ordain alone , but that was thought rather out of ecclasiastick custome , than out of divine institution . for apparently ordination did belong to the whole presbytery , . tim . . as may be seen also in divers canons and councels . q. may any preach now without calling or ordination ? a. no ; for if every one that pretends to have the spirit should be suffered to preach , preaching would grew contemptible , heresies , and sects would multiply . now the church is established , therefore ordination , and an ordinary calling must be expected . indeed in the infancy of christianity before the church was setled , private men in times of persecution dispersed themselves , and preached , as we see , acts . ● and so the men of cypr●s and cyrene preached the word at anti●ch , acts . so apollos a private man , who onely knew the baptisme of iohn and stood in need of more perfect instructions by aquila and priscilla , yet he taught the word of god , acts . , . but such examples were extraordinary , in a time when no preachers were found , no ordinary calling to be had , no church at all settled . q. are the names of apostle , presbyter , and bishop of equal extent ? a. no ; for apostles are called presbyters , . pet. . . but presbyters are not apostles , the higher dignity includes the lesser , but not on the contrary ; so apostles are bishops , iudas his apostleship is called his bishoprick , acts . . but all bishops are not apostles . q. because an elder must be apt to teach , will it therefore follow that there ought to be none , but preaching elders ? an. no ; for a ruling elder should also be apt to teach his children and family , and likewise apt to teach , that is , to advise and give counsel in the consistory , though he preach not in the pulpit . q. is a pastor and doctor all one ? a. no ; for all pastors are doctors or teachers ; but all doctors are not pastors ; paul in the synagogue at anti●ch did the part of a doctor or teacher , when he uttered words of exhortation , yet he was not their pastor . the prophets , christ , and iohn baptist were doctours or teachers , but not pastors . q. should there be any superiority of presbyters ever their fellows ? a. yes of order , or at sometimes , as when they meet in synods to determine matters , there ought to be moderators or speakers , as we know there were among the apostles ; sometimes peter , sometimes iames , see acts . and perhaps , such was the superiority , that samuel had over the prophets , in naioth in rama , . sam. . . such authority had eliah and elisha over the other prophets in their time . the superiority of the high priest over the inferior priests was typicall ; as it had relation to christ the high-priest of our profession , the prince of pastors , and b shop of our souls . quest. is it a novelty to have lay-elders in the church ? a. no ; for such were in the church of the iews , ier. . . elders of the people , as well as elders of the priests ; which the apostle means , , cor. . . for besides apostles , prophets , teachers , &c. he speaks of rulers under the abstract word of governments : for having mentioned before in the same chapter , the diversity of gifts . now in this verse he speaks of the diversity of functions in the church . q. are lay-men excluded from church government , because they are lay-men ? a. no ; for though they be no part of the clergy ▪ yet they are a part of the church , and members of christs mysticall body , as well as the clergy . and it is for the clergies advantage , that there be lay-rulers ; for by these means , the ministers are eased of much trouble , and they are backed with the greater power ; besides they are lesse obnoxious to envy and opposition , which the remish clergy hath brought upon themselves , by excluding the laity from church government ; proudly monopolizing all to themselves . lastly , many clergy men , though good scholars , yet are indiscreet in their carriage , and unskilfull in matter of government . question , may a lay elder with a safe conscience , leave his function at the years end , seeing it is not lawfull to put the hand to the plough , and look back , luke . . a. if there were not choice of such elders , he could not leave the church destitute of government , with a safe conscience . . he may not our of dislike to the function , or of his own head , leave it , but by order and authority he may , where there be others to supply his place . . that plough in luke is not meant of the plough of ruling , but of preaching , which no man called thereto may leave off , seeing it is of such necessity , for the erecting of christs , kingdome . q. is the function of a lay-elder unlawfull , because he is not called to preach and baptise ? a. no , for preaching and administring the sacraments , do not belong to the ruling , but to the preaching presbyter ; neither is ruling necessarily annexed to preaching and baptising , but that it may be separated from them ; yea it is fit they should be separated , for the reasons above alledged ; ministers shall have more time to study , and to follow their preaching better , if they be taken off from the trouble of ruling , and god who giveth to divers men divers gifs , and not the same to all men , hath made some fitter for preaching , others fitter for ruling . and it is fit that some of the laity should have place in the consistory , that nothing may be there concluded partially ; or prejudiciall to the laity ; for so they shall avoid all suspition of tyranny . q. of what elders doth ambrose speak in his exposition of the fifth chapter of . tim. ? a. both of elders by age , and of elders by office ; for having shewed that old age is honourable among all nations , from thence he inferres , that both the synagogue and church of christ had elders , without whose advise nothing was done in the church ; which office in his time ( as he there complains ) was grown out of date by reason of the pride of the teachers , that they alone might seem to be somewhat . q. can ruling elders be proved out of that fifth chapter of . tim. v. . a. yes ; for the apostle wills that the elders who ruse well , be counted worthy of double honour especially they who labour in the word and doctrine ; in which words , there is no opposition made between the reaching presbyters , as if they who teach and preach , were worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in teaching and preaching ; for there is no reaching and preaching without labour ; and where there is no labour , there can be no double honour merited ; but the opposition is plain between the ruling elders , and the other elders that labour in the word . the ruling elder deserves much honour , but much more deserves the preaching elder , that labours in the word ; for preaching is a toilsome labour , compared to ruling ; and so this exposition doth not force the words , as the forme ▪ doth . q. what priority had the high-priest , or chief priests ●ver the other priests ? a. the priority of order , but not of authority nad command , all being equal in the office of priesthood ; such a priority was among the presbyters , but when the church began to spread , and heresies to increase , there was some power or authority given to the chief presbyters , whom they called bishops ; but as there was no distinction of parishes till . years after christ , as polydor virgil witnesseth , so it is thought there could not be in that time any diocesse , or diocesan bishops . q. did all christian nations upon their conversian to christianity receiv● episcopacy ? a. no ; for the scots admitted of no bishops for . years after their conversion , if we may believe iohannes major l. . hist. de gest . scot. c. ● . and the cantabrians or people of biscay in spain , as yet admit of no bishops ; as it is recorded in the spanish story . q. was the power of iurisdiction in the bishop or presbyterie . a. it was thought to be in both joyntly : for in the time of cornelius , lapsed christians were not admitted into the church at rome , untill they confessed their sins before the presbyterie ▪ cypriat epist. . & epist. . yet the peoples consent also was required , as may be seen in the same cyprian epist. . & epist. . ad plebem . q. were timothy and titus bishops or not ? a. they were probably evangelists who were not to reside in one particular place , as bishops or presbyters , but to attend on the apostles , and to perform their messages , by preaching the gospel from place to place : for paul left him with silas at berea acts . . then paul sent for him to athens , vers . . from thence he sends him to thessalonica , . thess. . . from hence he returned to athens , and in sent by paul into macedonia , and returns from thence to corinth , acts . . after this he went to ephesus , and from thence was sent by paul to maccdonia , acts . . whom timothy accompanied thence into asia ; and then to miletum , where having sent for the elders of ephesus , gives them a charge to feed the flock of christ ; not naming timothy at all , to whom the charge should have been given , had he been a settled bishop there , which title is not given to him at all in scripture . so titus travelled with paul through antioch to ierusalem , gal. . . through cilicia he went to crete , where he was left a while , and sent for by paul to nicop●lis , tit. . . he was expected at troas , cor. . . he met paul in macedonia , . cor. . . and conveyed that epistle of paul to the corinthians , cor . postscript . he was with paul at rome , and went from thence to dalmatia , . tim. . . by which 't is plain , he was not a setled bishop in cre●e . q. were there any lay-elders or seniors in austin's tim ? a. yes ; for l. . cont. cresconium grammaticum , he speaks of bishops , presbyters , or preaching elders , deacons and seniors , or lay-elders ▪ and c. . ibid. he speaks of peregri●us presbyter , and seniors , by the one meaning the preaching , by the others the ruling elders . and in his . epistle he speaks of the clergy , the elders , and the whole people ; and in divers other places of his works , he speaks of these elders , as being distinguished from the clergy , and the rest of the laity , and having a charge of church affairs , whence it appears , that to have ruling elders is no novelty . q. what were those elders which are mentioned . tit. . a. they were bishops or preaching presbyters ; for acts . elders verse . are named bishops , verse . so in titus cap. . elder verse . is called bishop verse . . every city then and village had their elder , that is , their bishop , and this is witnessed by sozomen l. . these were then parochiall bishops , not diocesan , in all likelyhood . q. whether did the power of iurisdiction and ordination belong to the b shop alone , or to the church ? a. to the church , for christ saith , dic ecclesiae ; go tell the church , and to all the apostles together , which were then the church representative , he gives the keyes or power of binding , &c. and this is jurisdiction . so likewise ordination belongs to the church or presbytery , as we shewed before out of tim. . . q. it is not lawfull for one clergy man to exercise dominion or lordly authority over another ? a. no ; for christ will not have any of his apostles to ●im at greatnesse or superiority , but will have such become ministers and servants , mat. . . mar. . . luke . . for christs kingdome is spirituall and nor of this world , as the kingdomes of earthly princes are ; neither did he mean to set up an earthly dominion for a thousand years , as the millenaries thought ; and the apostles themselves had a conceit of an earthly kingdome , when they thought that christ did purpose to restore the kingdome to israel : neither doth christ forbid tyranny or the abuse of dominion , but all kind of dominion ; for the one evangelist useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the other doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet some respect is to be given to the ministers that have the greatest gifts , by those that have lesser . and a priority of order , though not of jurisdiction . q. what part of the apostolicall function ceased with the apostles , and what was to continue ? a. the universality of their function , and the infallibility of their authority were to cease with them ; for they were temporary gifts : but the preaching of the word , the administration of the sacraments , and the exercise of discipline , were to continue in their successors ; these gifts were ordinarie , but perpetuall , the other extraordinary and temporary . q. is the power of the keyes and apostolicall authority the same thing ? a. no ; for the power of the keyes is the church discipline , which was to continue for ever in the church . but the apostolicall authority , which consisted in their immediate calling from christ , in the u●niversality of their embassage , in the infallibility of their judgements , in giving of the holy gstost by imposition of their hands , and such like priviledges , were not to continue longer than themselves . q. had not timothy and tims the same power of the keyes , and apostolicall authority that paul had ? a. they had the same power of the keyes , that is , of preaching , administring the sacraments , and censuring ; but not the same apostolicall authority , that is , an immediate call from heaven , the same infallibility of judgement , or power of giving the holy ghost , that the apostles had ; nor was their doctrine otherwise anthenticall , than as it was conformable to the doctrine of the apostles . q. but was not the church after the apostles decease left an orphan , being destitute of these extraordinary apostolicall graces ? a. no ; for though she was deprived of the personall presence of the apostles , yet she is not destitute of their infallible judgement left in their writings with her , which supply the apostles absence till the end of the world. q. co●ld one man at the same time ●e both an apostle , and a bishop or presbyter ? a. yes , in case of necessity ; for iames was an apostle and bishop of ierusalem too ; because that was the mother-church , to which resorted jews of all nations , for instruction and knowledge ; therefore it was fitting that none lesse than an apostle should reside there , for the greater authority and satisfaction . q. can episcopacy be proved by the canons of the apostles , and councel of antioch ? a. those canons are much doubted , if they be the apostles or not ; however it is probable to me , that the parochian , not the diocesan bishop is there meant , for there is no superiority there given , but of order and respect , partly because of the eminency of the place or city where he lived , partly by reason of his own worth and learning , without whose advice matters of moment should not be done by the other bishops or presbyters ; nor should he do anything without them ; but should together ordain presbyters and deacons , for that is a matter of moment ; yet he is onely named there , because , he being as it were the head ; the rest are understood . q. was acrius an heretick for affirming there was no difference between a bishop and a presbyter ? a. no ; though for this opinion epiphanius , and out of him austin place him among the hereticks : for the scripture puts no difference between these . the church of alexandria was the first that put difference between them ▪ as epiphanius seems to affirm , when he saith , haeres . . that the church of alexandria doth not admit of two bishops . but though aerius was not in this an heretick , yet he was in an error , if he thought that there was no difference at all among bishops or presbyte●s ; for one is above another in gifts , in honour , in order ; though perhaps not in jurisdiction , authority and pastorall function . quest. is the church to be ruled by the civill magistrate ? a. no ; for the church being christs spiritual kingdome , and not of this world , is to be guided by her own spirituall officers , as the state is ruled by temporall officers ; caesar must have what is caesar's , and god , that , which is gods's : and for this cause the church and state have their different lawes , and punishments . neither had the apostles chose● elders , and other officers in the church , if the civil magistrate had been to rule it , and had the church of ierus●lem been all one with the state thereof , or the church of crete , all one with the kingdome of crete , the apostles had incroached upon the temporall government , had been guilty of rebellion , and proved enemies to casar , when they set up elders and other church-officers , in those and other places : besides vvomen sometimes , and children are magistrates and princes , but the one must not speak in the church , . cor. . . the others are not fit to be made bishops , . tim. . quest. are church governours ●y divine institution ? a. yes ; for christ appointed apostles , prophets , evangelists , teachers , and other helps of government , cor. . paul left titus in cre●e to ordain elders in every city , tit. . . the apostles ordained elders in every church , asts . . which officers were in the church , before there was any christian state or christian magistrate . and as christ appointed rulers for his church , so he gave them the keyes of heaven , or power to bind and loose , mat. . . & . . and to remit and retain sins , iohn . . these are said to have the rule over us , heb. . . . this ruling power was exercised by paul against hymeneus and alexander , . tim. . . and injoyned to the elders of corinth , . cor. . . , . and was practised before them , by the priests upon v●ziah , . chron. . , . . by phine●as the priest , num. . by christ himself , in whipping the buyers and sellers out of the temple . q. have we any president for appeals from the classicall to the higher assemblies ? a. yes ; for then was an appeal from the church of antioch concerning some jewish ceremonies to the assembly of the apostles and elders at ierusalem , acts . , , . q. who are to judge of scandals ? a. the ministers , . cor. . . for they succeeded the priests and levites in the old law , but these were appointed judges by god in such cases , deut. . , . q. is the church-government by elders or bishops , deacons , doctors and teachers , al●erable ? a. not in the substance or essentialls thereof , but in the circumstances or adjuncts it is alterable , as in the manner , time , place , and other circumstances of election . so the government by elders and deacons is not to be changed , but that they should be elected by all the people , and that there should be the strict number of seven deacons in each parish is not needfull , though at first , as acts . . there were but seven chosen , and that by the multitude . q. wherein is moderate episcopacy different from presbytery ? a. presbytery , is episcopacy dilated , and episcopacy is presbytery contracted ; so the government is in effect the same , differing onely as the fist or hand contracted , from the same hand expanded or dilated ; onely episcopacy is more subject to error and corruption than presbytery , and this more subject to disorder and confusion , by reason of parity , than episcopacy ; the peace of the church , the suppressing of schisme and heresie , the dignity of the clergy are more consistent with episcopacy than with presbytery ; ; but this again is lesse obnoxious to pride and tyranny , than episcopacy , by which we see that no government is perfectly exempted from corruption in this life , nihil est ex omni parte beatum . but i find that as the romans in their greatest dangers betook themselves to the dictatorship , so hath the church in her extremities had recourse to episcopacy . q. may the civil magistrate change the church-government ? a. he may alter the outward form thereof , as it depends upon the circumstances of time , place , and persons ; but the substance of it he cannot change ; he can also by his laws force the observation of the government , and punish the disturbers of the churches peace . q. may the same man be both a magistrate and a minister ? a. though among the gentiles it was lawfull , as we see in anius , that was both king and priest , rex hominum phoebique sacerdos ; and in the emperours of rome , that were also chief pontifies : and though melchisedech was king and priest , and among the iews abraham was a prince and a priest , heli a judge and a priest ▪ the machabees were princes and priests , yet this was not ordinary ; for abraham , melchisedech , heli , were types of christ ; the machabees by usurpation undertook both governments , but ordinarily these offices were distinct among the iews , therefore moses who gave lawes concerning the priesthood , did not exercise it himself ; neither did ieshua , david nor salomon ; but on the contrary , saul and vzziah were severely punished for medling with the priests office ; saul for offering sacrifice lost his kingdome ; and vzziah was struck with leprosie ; but among christian these officers are much more distinct ; for christs kingdome is not of this world ; and the ministry is burden enough without other addition ; who is sufficient for it , saith the apostle ? besides it is christs prerogative , to be alone king and priest of his church . yet so far may the magistrate meddle with the ministry , as to reform what is amisse , both in their life and doctrine ; examples hereof we have in iehosaphat , ezechia , and iosiah , and in salomon too , who deposed abiathar the priest. q. was the presbytery in use among the iews ? a. yes ; for besides the civill judicature , which by moses his appointment , consisted of . men , and had its seat in the city gates : there was a spirituall or ecclesiastick judicature kept in the synagogues , which judged of things holy and clean ; and discerned between holy and profane , clean and unclean things , and declared the statutes of god ; and because of the scribes among them , they decided matters of their civil law , levit. . . this judicature consisted of priests and levites , as also of the chief fathers of israel , which we may call lay , or ruling elders , as we may see . chro● . . . ichosaphat did not onely restore and reform from the civil courts called sanhedrim , in each city , the chiefest whereof was at ierusulem , but also he reformed the presbyteries , or ecclesiastick judicatures , as may be seen there , placing amariah the chief priest over these , but z●badiah ruler or prince of the house of iuda , over the synedria , or civil affairs , called there verse : the kings matters , because the king was chief over these courts ; as the high-priest over the presbyteries ; but afterward through the corruption of time , these courts were confounded , and the presbyteries did not onely judge de jure , as anciently they used , but also de facto , even of life and death ; as in the time of the matha●ees , but under the romans this power was taken from them ; for they neither could put christ nor paul to death ; as for stephen he was stoned , not by the sentence of the court , but in a popular tumult . q. how are these two courts named in the new testament ? a. the civil court is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the councell ; the ecclesiastick court is named the synagogue , mat. . . the chief of the synagogue was the high-priest ; but of the councel was the judge , deut. . . ierem●ah was condemned by the synagogue , ier. . . but absolved by the councel or secular judges in the gate , verse . q. why are ministers called presbyters and bishops , but not priests in the new testament ? a. because they were to be put in mind of their dignity and function , which consisteth in the care and inspection of their stcok , not in offering of sacrifice , which was the proper work of the priest , but ceased when christ our propitiatory sacrifice was offered ; besides christ would reserve this prer●gative to himself , in being the onely priest of the new testament , not after the order of aaron , which ended when he was sacrificed ; but after the order of melchisedech , which was in him to continue for ever without successor . therefore the ministers of the new testament are no otherwise priests , then they are kings , but these titles are common to all christians , who by christ are made kings and priests to god the father . q. how are ministers to be elected ? a. they must be examined , whether they be apt to teach , and well reported of by them who are without ▪ therefore ti●●othy must not lay hands suddenly on any man , . tim. . . and . . secondly , the bishop or pastor must be chosen by all the bishops or pastors of the province , or by three at least , as it was ordained by the councel of nice canon . thirdly , the election of the minister must be made known to the people , as we may see in the sixth canon of the councel of chalcedon . fourthly , the people must give their approbation ; acts . . therefore saint austin epist. . presented his succcessor eradi●s to the people for their consent . fifthly , there must be imposition of hands , a custome used not onely in the christian church , . tim . . and . verse . 〈◊〉 also among the iews , num. . . deut. . . sixthly , in the reformed churches the other ministers give to him that is elected the hand of fellowship ; as ia●s , peter , and iohn gave to paul gal. . seventhly , the new elected minister subscribes the confession of faith , and discipline of the church ; which custome was used in the churches of africa . q. are romish priests ( converted to our church ) to be re-ordained . a. there is no necessity of a new ordination ; for though their commission in the church of rome ; 〈…〉 the body and blood of christ in the eucharist , yet they were ordained to preach the word , and to administer the sacraments . which ordination is not nullified , when they shake off the errors of doctrine , and preach the w●●d in purity , 〈…〉 their ordination originally from the pope , or his subordinate bishop , but from christ● neither must their oath , taken in ordination to maintain the romish doctrine , hinder them from preaching the word in purity ; for an unlawfull oath must not be kept . therefore luther and others , who forsook the errors of rome received no new ordination . q. had the presbytery power to excommunicate ? a. yes ; and not the bishop alone ; for paul would not by himself excommunicate the incestuous corinthian , without the presbytery , or the church gathered together , . cor. . . for indeed the whole congregation should have notice given them of the excommunication , that they may avoid the party exommunicated . q. vpon what is this power grounded ? a. upon gods own practice , who excommunicated adam out of paradise , and cain from his presence . . upon his command , who prohibited the unclean from entring the temple till they were purified ; and from eating the passeover , or commercing with gods people , who commanded every soul not circumcised the eigth day to be cut off from the people . upon christs words , whomsoever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven . . upon christs counsel forbidding to give that which is holy to dogs ●rto cast pearls before swine . . upon the apostles practise ; peter excommunicated simon magus in keeping him off from imposition of hands . paul excommunicated the incestuous corinthian ; and delivered over to satan the two blaspheme●s , hymenaeus and philetus . . paul will have the corinthians purge out the old leaven and not to eat with such as are notoriously wicked ; & pronounceth maranatha against such as love not the lord jesus , and anathema against such as preach another gospel , than what the galathians received , and wisheth they may be cut off , who trouble them . and wills us to beware of such as cause dissention and strife , and to reject an heretick , iohn will not have us receive such men within our houses , nor bid them god speed ; by all which it is apparent that excommunication is both ancient and necessary in the church . q. may an excommunicate person be debarred from publick prayers and preaching ? a. yes ▪ for though meat is not to be denyed to him that is hung●y , yet we may justly refuse to feed him who is glutted , and hath taken a surfet . and heathen or infidel may be admited to hear the word , because he sins of ignorance , which is cured by preaching , but a wicked or profane brother , who sins of wilfulnesse and perversnesse , is not to be admitted to that which he despiseth ; for that pearl is not for hogs , and such by hearing the word , do but aggravate their own damnation . therefore sain● paul permits us to eat with an infidel without scruple , . cor. . . but with a profane brother , he will not have us to keep company , cor. . . so we read in tertullian , that cerdon the heretick was not suffered to enter into the church : and theodosius had the church doors barred against him by ambrose . yet in this case private exhortations and comminations are not to be neglected , that the prodigal son may be induced to return again to his fathers house . q. may a man that is excommunicate remain still in the state of election ? a. yes ; for the sentence of the church is declarative onely , and not effective ; and election as the other gifts of god , is without repentance . though peter fell dangerously ; yet in his fall he was the childe of election , for christ prayed that his faith should not fail : the tree in winter may seem to be dead when it is stript of its leaves , yet in the spring it revives again , because the vital faculty lurking all that while in the root , breaks out and shews its vertue upon the approach of the sun. so the root of grace remains alive in the godly , though the leaves be dead , for which they are or may be excommunicate . q. if exc●mmunication was in use among the jews , why did not the prophets excommunicate notorious sinners , nor the pharisees excommunicate the sadduces , who were dangerous hereticks , nor the priests and elders of the people , excommunicate christ and his apostles , whom they accounted pernicious seducers ? a. the prophets had no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , they were sent to preach against sin , but not to excommunicate for sin . the pharisees and sadduces were sects different in opinions , but had no ecclesiastick jurisdiction one over the other . though christ and his apostles were hated by the priests , yet the priests durst not excommunicate them , partly for fear of the people , partly for fear of the romans ; neither had iohn baptist any power to excommunicate the pharisees & sadduces , though he knew them to be a generation of vipers ; nor had he any reason to exclude them from his baptisme , seeing they came to confesse their sinnes , mat. . . q. why did not christ excommmnicate judas , whom he knew to be unworthy of the sacrament ? a. because the sinne of iudas was not yet known , nor scandalous ; for though it was known to some of the priests , yet it was not known to the disciples ; and though it was known to christ , as he was god , or else by revelation , as he was man , yet it was not publickly known ; and though it had been publick , yet without admonition , conviction , and condemnation , he should not have been excommnnicate . therefore christ bids them all eat and drink ; but yet by this he doth not give way , that such as are notoriously and scandalously wicked , should be admitted to the sacrament without repentance ; especially obstinate despisers of admonition ; but onely that such as are admitted , though hypocrites ; should not refuse to eat and drink . q. may the presbytery excommunicate any man for his absence ? answer , if his absence be prejudiciall to church or state , or joyned with obstinacy , he may be excommunicate for being absent ; but if he be absent upon unavoidale occasions , or upon the certain knowledge that he hath of the prejudicate opinion which the presbytery hath of him , he may absent himself till they be better informed . thus chrys●stome absented himself from the synod of constantinople ; because he knew that the●philus bishop of alexandria , and epiphanius of cyprus , before whom he was convented , were enemies to his cause ▪ therefore he was injuriously by them for his absence condemned . q. how many sorts of excommunication were there ? answ. three . . of those that were kept off a while from the sacament , they were called 〈◊〉 . of them who were excluded from the sacraments , but not for any certain time , these were named excommunicati . . of them whose condition was desperate , they were named anathematisati ; which decree of excommunication or anathema , was de●ounced rather against the doctrine , then persons of men ; of whom we should not despair while they live ; and being dead are not in our power : yet i find the persons of iulian the apostate , of arrius the heretick , and some others , were anathematised . q. was excommunication used onely among christians ? a. no ; for the iewes had this punishment among them , as we may see ioh. . in casting the blinde man out of their synagogue ; and threatning to do the like to those that should professe christ , which christ also foretold to his disciples . this kind of spiritual punishment was most strictly observed amongst the esseens , ioseph . de bell . iudaic. l. . c. . for not onely did they excommunicate notorious sinners , but suffered them also in the time of their excommunication to starve for want of food . this punishment also was in use among the gentiles . for the druides among the ga●les used to debar from their sacrifices scandalous livets , as casar witnesseth de bell . gall. l. . and devoveri diti , or diris was a kind of excommunication among the romans . q. what benefit hath the church by excommunication ? a. by this the word , sacraments , and other things are kept holy ▪ and vindicated from profanation ; swine are kept off from treading upon pearles , and dogs from tearing us ; the sheep are kept within their fold , the lost sheep is recovered , the prodigal son is brought home , the reputation of the churches holinesse is kept up , and all occasion of obloquie cut off ; the body is preserved by cutting off the gangrened member , and the tree prospers by lopping off the withred branches ; and the contagion is stayed from creeping further , which without this remedy would infect others ; men by this are deterred from sinne ; by this also gods anger is appeased , and his judgement removed of averted , and our communion with god is renewed and confirmed . therefore we are commanded deut. . to remove the evil from amongst us , and to depart out of babylon ; and not to communicate with the unfruitfull works of darknesse . q. are excommunicate persons members of the church ? a. as they are excommunicate , they are not members ; for how can they be members of the church , from whose union and society they are separated ; or how can heathens and publicans be members of the church , for such are excommunicate persons to be accounted ▪ yet in respect of their faith , which is not quite extinguished , and as they are subject to the external government of the church , they may be called members thereof . q. are we protestants justly excommunicate by the pope ? a. . no ; for we are not hereticks , but orthodox professors . . he hath no power to exclude us out of the church , who himself is scarce a member of the church . . t is no wonder that we are rejected by those who seem to be the onely builders , whereas christ himself the chief corner stone , was rejected by the builders . . by being excommunicate from babylon , we are made members of ierusalem , and indeed we had not been partakers of the true light , so long as we remained in darknesse ; nor had we been the servants of christ , so long as we served antichrist . . no sooner had the hirelings cast out christs sheep out of the fold , but christ the true shepheard found them out , and brought them home with joy : so the blind man , ioh . was no sooner cast out of the synagogue , but he was received and entertained by christ. so we have gained heaven by being excommunicate from rome ; and balaams curse is turned to a blessing . q. what hath rome got by excommunication ? a. though she kept the world a while in awe , and thereby got wealth , yet by her excommuications , she hath lost more then she hath got ; for she lost all the eastern countries , when pope victor inconsiderately excommunicated the eastern churches about the matter of easter . what the popes got by excommunicating the german emperors , and french kings , histories can tell us ; they lost england by excommunicating henry the eighth , and his protestant children . q. who are to be excommunicate ? a. . not iewes and turks , but christians ; for we are not to judge them who are without , but if any be called a brother , who is a fornicator , &c. . not every sinful brother , but he who sins of perversenesse , after admonition ; for he doth wilfully by his sinnes separate himself from god , therefore deserves to be separate from the church , by excommunication ; and consequently to be delivered over to satan , who reignes without the church , as christ doth within ; and this delivering over is to the destruction of the flesh , that is of the old man , or body of sin ; but that the spirit may be saved , that is , that grace or the new man may be strengthened . . a brother must not be excommunicate for every sin , but for that which is publick and scandalous ; private sins are to be punished by him who knowes all secrets . . a brother must be excommunicate for his own sins , but not for the sins of another ; every man must bear his own burthen ; therefore bishop auxlius , was justly reproved by saint austin epist. . for excommunicating the whole family for the masters offence alone . q. can excommunication consist with charity ? a. yes ; for there can be no greater charity then to save the soul ; but the end of excommunication is to save the soul or the spirit ; it is charity to keep a man from blaspheming ; but hymeneus and alexander were delivered up to satan , that they might learne not to blaspheme . . tim. . it is charity to stay an infection or plague , but excommunication is such a means , therefore paul wills the corint●ians to take away the evil from among them , f●r kn●w you not , saith he that a little leven will sowre the whole lump ? . cor. . it is charity to keep a man from eating and drinking his own damnation , but unworthy eaters of the sacrament , eat their own damnation , if they be not suspended , or kept off by excommunication . q. is the civil magistrate prejudiced by the censure of excommunication ? a. no ; for the weapon of the magistrate is the sword , but the minister useth onely the word . the end of the ministers censure is to save the sinner . the end of the magistrates is to kill the sinner ; the minister is content to receive the sinner into the church again upon his repentance ; but the magistrate regards not the repentance and sorrow of the malefactor ; the minister takes notice of many sinnes , which the magistrate doth not , because they are such as trouble not the state , as private grudges of neighbours , &c. there be also magistrates that wink many times at great sinnes , as for example drunkenesse , which the minister should not forbeare to censure . q. may the minister , or presbytery excommunicate any man without the consent of the church ? a. no ; for excommunication , or separation from the body of christ , is of that consequence , that it concerns all to take notice of it ; but the minister may suspend from the sacrament without the churches consent , such as he knows are scandalous and profane ; and this he ought to doe though the church should refuse to assent ; for he is commanded not to give that which is holy to dogs ; nor must he suffer any of his stock to eat his own damnation ; this is to put the sword into his hand that would kill himself ; which is to be guilty of his sin . qui no● vetat peccare , cum possit , jubet . q. from what things can we not be excommunicate ? a. . from the love of god in christ jesus our lord no man can separate us ; for the foundation of god remaineth sure . . nor from the practise of those duties which are grounded on the lawes of nature , can we be hindered by excommunication ; such as are the duties of husbands and wives , fathers and children , masters and servants . princes and people ; therefore the popes excommunication cannot loose people from their alleageance to their prince . . nor can excommunicate persons be hindered from practising such things as are grounded on the law of nations , such as traffique and commerce ; for an excommunicate person must be to us as a publican and heathen , but with such the iewes might have commerce and traffique . . excommunication doth not debar us from exercising the workes of charity ; for we are bound to feed the hungry , and not suffer them to starve because they are excommunicate . . excommunication doth not debar us from hearing the word , except we be scoffers of it . q. is the christian magistrate subject to the censure of excommunication ? a. yes ; for though he be a father as he is a prince , yet he is a brother as he is a christian ; and therefore lyable to be censered as a brother . hence king vzziah was excommunicate by the priest azariah , and theod●sius the emperor by ambrose . q. will it follow that there must be no excommunication , because christ will not have the tares plucked up till the harvest ? a. . no ; for christ speaketh there of hypoc●its which cannot be plucked up by the church , because she knoweth them not ; but in the great harvest , they shall be pluckt up by the angels , at his command who knows the secrets of the heart . . if the place be meant of hereticks , they are not to be plucked up at such times , as may endanger the churches peace , but they must be left to a convenient time , when the church may excommunicate them without danger ; or else left to the judgement of the great day . . all tares cannot be pluckt up , whilest the church is here militant ; for there will be found still some tares amongst the corn ; some goats among the sheep ; a iudas among the apostles ; as there were cananites and iebusites among the israelites . . christ by this condemns their rashnesse , who presently go to pluck up and flye to excommunication , before they use reproofe and admonition . q. can the minister exclude any man from the kingdome of god ? a. . he cannot by his own power , but by the power of him whose minister he is , . he cannot exclude any man from heaven , but he can pronounce and declare that such a man is excluded thence . q. can the delivering of a man over to satan , be a means to save his spirit ? a. yes accidentally : for god can draw good out of evil , and light out of darknesse ; thus the bufferings which paul suffered by the angel of satan , caused him to pray heartily : it is the special work of gods mercy , to save our souls by affliction and misery . q. can an excommunicate person be accounted as a brother ? a. yes ; for excommunication takes not away true brotherly love and affection ; an excommunicate person may be shut out of heaven , but not out of hope ; we may exclude him out of our society , but not of our ●owels of compassion and mercy : we draw the sword of excommunication against him , not to kill , but to cure him . who would be more fully resolved of these presbyterian tenets , let him read their own writings . q. how many erroneous opinions in religion have been lately revived or hatched since the fall of our church government ? a. it were almost endlesse to number every particular , it may suffice that i shall name more then one hundred of the most ordinary and latest received of them , which are . that the scriptures are a humane invention , insufficient and uncertain , and do not contain half of his revealed will. . that they are all allegoricall , and written according to the private spirit of the pen-men , and not as moved by the holy ghost . and that the old testament is now of no force . . that reason is the rule of faith . . that scripture binds us no further then the spirit assureth us that such is scripture . . that scripture should not be read to a mixt congregation without present exposition . . that god is the author of the pravity and sinfulnesse of mens actions . . that turks , jewes , pagans , and others are not to be forced from their opinions . . that god loves a crawling worme as well as a holy saint . . that gods will , not sin , is the cause of mans damnation . . that man was a living 〈◊〉 before god breathed into him , and that which god breathed was a part of his divine essence . . that god is the onely spirit , and that prince of the aire , who ruleth in the children of disobedience . . that the soul dieth with the body . . that reprobation cannot be proved out of scripture . . that there is no trinity of persons in god. . that every creature is god , as every drop in the river is water . . that christ is not essentially , but nominally god. . that christ was polluted with original sin . . that christ was true man when he created the world , yet without flesh . . that christ died onely for sinners , and not for unbelievers ; for sins past before our conversion , but not for sins done after conversion . . that no man is damned but for unbeliefe , and that man can satisfie for his own unbeliefe . . that heathens have the knowledge of christ by the sun , moon , and stars . . that the end of christs comming was to preach gods love to us , and not to procure it for us ; therefore did not obtain life for the elect , but a resurrection only , and deliverance us from death temporal . . that christ preached not the gospel , but the law ; for the gospel was taught by his apostles . . that our unction is all one with christs divinity . . that christ with the church of jewes and gentiles shall reigne one earth a years in carnall pleasures . . that the heathens are saved without christ. . that the spirit of god neither dwells nor works in any , but it is our own spirit which both works in the children of disobedience , and sanctifies the elect. . that god seeth no sin in his elect. . that a man baptized with the holy ghost , knows all things , as god doth . . that we may be saved without the word , prayer , sacraments &c. . that there is no inherent sanctification in believers , but all is in christ. . that adam had died , though he had not sinned . . that we have no original sin , nor is any man punished for adams sin . . that gods image consisteth onely in the face , which image was never lost . . that men who know the gospel , are of themselves able to believe . . that one man is not more spi●itual then another . . that we have no free will , not so much as in our natural estate . . that the moral law is of no use among christians . . that we are not justified by faith ; and that neither faith nor holinesse , nor repentance are required in christians . . that the childe of god can no more sin , then christ himselfe can . , that there should be no fasting days under the gospel . . that god doth not chastise his children for sin . . that god loves his children as well when they sin , as when they do well , and therefore abraham in denying his wife sinned not . . that gods children ought not to ask pardon for their sinnes , for though they have sin in the flesh , they have none in the conscience . . that the body of iniquity is the great antichrist mentioned in scripture . . that men shal have other bodies given them in the resurrection , and not the same they had here on earth . . that heaven is empty of souls till the resurrection . . that infants shall not rise at all , yet beasts and birds shall rise againe . . that after this life , there is neither heaven nor hell , nor devil ; but hell is in this life , in the terrours of conscience . . that there is no true ministery , nor church of christ upon the earth . . that none are damned , but for rejecting the gospel . . that now many christians , have more knowledge then the apostles had . . that miracles necessarily attend the ministry . that there ought to be no churches built , nor should men worship in consecrated places . . that the apostles were ignorant of the salvation to be revealed in the last days . . that all men ought to have liberty of conscience , and of prophesying , even women also . . that circumcision and the old covenant was onely of things temporal . . that paedobaptisme is unlawful and impious , and that others besides ministers may baptise , and that a man may be baptised often . . that the people should receive the lords supper with their hats on ; but the ministers in giving it should be uncovered . . that the church of england is antichristian . . that there is no divine right to call or make ministers ; that ministers should work for their living , and that tythes are antichristian . : ●hat christians are not bound to observe the lord● day , and that we should observe still the old sabbath . . that humane learning and premeditation is uselesse to preaching ; and that preaching should onely confist in disputing , reasoning , and conferring . . that the saints must not joyn in prayer with wicked men , not receive the sacrament with them , nor with any member of the church of england . . that ●ublick prayers are not to be used but by such as have an in●allible spirit as the apostles had . . that set hours of prayer are needlesse . , that singing of davids psalmes , or other holy songs , except they be of their own making are unlawful . . that wicked men ought not to pray at all . . that all government in the church ought to be civil , not ecclesiastical . , that the power of the keyes is as well in six or seven gathered together , as in the greatest congregation . . that neither miracles nor visions , nor anointing the sick with oyl are ceased . . that in these days many are with paul rapt up into the third heaven . , that the magistrate is not to meddle with matters of religion , nor forms of church government ; which if they do , they are not to be obeyed . . that there ought to be a community of goods , seeing all the earth is the saints . . that a man upon slight causes may put away his wife , and that one man may have two wives . . that children ought not at all to obey their parents , if wicked . . that parents should not instruct their children , but leave them to god , . that christians ought not to maintain religion by the sword , nor to fight for their lives , and liberties , no● to fight at all , nor to kil any thing , nay not a chicken for our use . . that it stands not with gods goodness to damn his own creatures eternally . . that i'ts unlawful for a christian to be a magistrate . . that man lost no more by adams fall , then the rest of the whole creation . that christ hath not purchased eternal life for man , more then for the rest of the creation ; and that he offered up himselfe a full and perfect sacrifice ; not only for man but for all that man kept , even the whole creation . . none are sent to hell before the last judgment . . it is not the law , but the gospel which threatens us with hell fire . . if god shew not mercy to all , he is not infinite . . christians are not bound to meet one day in seven for publick worship . . the saints are justified , not by christs obedience , but by the essential righteousness of god. . a woman committeth not adultery , in lying with another man , if her husband be a sleep . . that the saints may put away their unbeleeving wives or husbands . . there is no other seale but the spirit ▪ the sacraments are no seales at all . . the magistrate may not put to death a murtherer , being a member of the church , till first he be cast out of the church . . the promises belong to sinners , as sinners , and not as repenting sinners . . apocrypha books are canonical scripture . . to use set forms of prayer , even the lords prayer , is idolatry , . bells , churches , and church-yards , preaching in pulpits , in gowns , by an hour-glasse , the names of our months and days are all idolatry , . that the apostles creed is to be rejected as erroneous ; . that there ought to be no other laws among christians , but the judicial law of moses , and that the magistrate hath no legislative power at all . . that all learning , schools , universities , arts , degrees are to be rejected as pernicious . . that angels and devils are not substances , but meer qualities ; and that mens soules are but terrestrial vapours , perishing with the bodies . . that some in this life are perfect without all sin , and need not pray for pardon . . that in god there is some composition , and corporiety , and mutability also . . that christ took not his flesh of the virgin mary , but that his body was created without all consanguinity with the first adam . . that god doth personally subsist in every creature . . that the world is eternal . . that the lords supper may be celebrated in inns rather then churches , and that in the end of a feast . . that the devils have no sinne . but i will leave these divels , though i could mention many more ; but that it delights not my selfe , nor can it the reader , to be raking in such filthy mire and dirt . these are some of the poysonous weeds , which have ( too much of late ) infested our english garden ; i mean the church , once admired ( both at home and abroad ) for the beauty of her doctrine and disciplin , and envied of none but ignorants , or men of perverse minds . the poet bewailing the ruins of troy , said [ seges ubi troi a fuit ] corn grows where troy stood , but i may sadly complain , that in stead of corn , that is , sound and wholsom doctrine , which should be the food of our souls ; now grows tares and weeds , that choak the good word with which we were formerly fed , and might have been , unto a life of glory everlasting , if we had therein abode . but least i should bring thee into danger by giving thee onely a fight of these rocks and precepices , to prevent that , i shall commend to thy serious perusal master wollebius his abridgement of christian divinity , which for the good of my country men i englished , enlarged , and cleared in obscure places , and have now fitted for a second impression . a book worthy to be written in letters of gold , and imprinted in the heart of every good christian ; the knowledge therein contained ( by prayer , and through the assistance of gods spirit ) will root and establish the in every good word and work , to the comming of our lord and saviour jesus christ ; which god of his infini●e mercy grant . the contents of the thirteenth section . the doctrine of the church of rome concerning the scriptures . . their tenets concerning predestination , the image of god , original and actual sin , and free will. . their opinions concerning the law of god , concerning christ , faith , iustification , and good works . . their tenets concerning pennance , fasting , prayer , and almes . . their opinions concerning the sacraments , and ceremonies used in those controverted . . what they believe concerning the saints in heaven . . their doctrine concerning the church . . what they hold concerning monks , magistrates , and purgatory . . wherein the outward worship of the church of rome consisteth , and first part of their masse . . their dedication of churches , and what observable thereupon . . their consecration of altars &c. . the degrees of ecclesiasticall persons in the church of rome . their sacred orders , office of the bishop , and what colours held sacred . . wherein the other parts of the masse consisteth . . in what else their outward worship doth consist . . wherein consisteth the seventh part of their worship , and of their holy days . . what be their other holy-days which they observe , canonical hours and processions . . wherein the eighth part of their worship consisteth , their ornaments and vtensils used in churches dedicated to christ and the saints , their office performed to the dead . sect . xiii . quest. . what is the doctrine of the church of rome at this day , and first of the scriptures ? a. though they maintain the same scriptures with us , the same commandments , the lords prayer , and the three creeds , of the apostles , of nice , and of athanasius , yet in many points they differ from other churches , which briefly are these . . they hold that apocrythal books are for regulating our faith and manners , of equal authority with the canonical scripture ; such are iudith , tobias , third and fourth of esdras , the book of wisdom , ecclesiasticus , baruch , the epistle of ieremie , the thirteenth and fourteenth chapters of daniel , the books of macchab●es , and that part of hester , which is from the tenth verse of the third chapter . . they preferr the vulgar latine edition to the hebrew and greek texts . . they hold that there is no necessity to translate the scripture into vulgar languages . . that the scripture is not to be read of lay-people , except of such as are discreet , judicious , and learned , and are authorised by the ordinary . . that the masse is not to be celebrated in the vulgar tongue . . that the sense and interpretation of the scripture depends upon the churches approbation . . that the scriptures by reason of their difficulty and obscurity , are not fit to be read by the laity , or to be judges of controversies . . that the scriptures have four different senses ; namely the literal , allegorical , tropological , and anag●gical ; which are to be expounded according to traditions written and unwritten , according to the practise of the church , the consent of fathers , and interpretation of councels confirmed by the pope . . that the scriptures are not of absolute necessity for the being of a church , seeing there was a church from adam to moses , for the space of two thousand years , without any scripture , being onely guided and instructed by traditions , without which the scriptures are not perfect , as not containing all doctrines necessary to salvation . q. . what are their tenets concerning predestination , the image of god , original sin , and actual , and free-will ? a. . they hold election mutable , because the elect may totally fall from faith and righteousnesse . . that sin foreseen , was the cause of reprobation , in respect of the positive act of condemnation ; and some of them hold that foreseen works were the cause of election . . concerning the image of god , they hold that it consisteth most in charity , and that this is , gratia gratum faciens , grace which makes us acceptable , and that it is a habit infused ; whereas they say , that gratia gratis data , is the gift of miracles . . that man in the state of innocency , did not stand in need of any special assistance , by which he might be excited to good workes . . that original sin is not in the understanding and will , but in the inferiour part of the soul onely , which they call the flesh ; that concupiscence and ignorance are onely infirmities , and remainders of original sin . that the virgin mary was without original sin . that infants dying in original sin onely , are punished with the paine of losse , not with the paine of sense . that original fin is taken away by baptisme , and that in the regenerate it is remitted , and not imputed , or to be called a sin , but onely as it is the cause and punishment of sin ; that some actual sins are of their own nature veniall , and some mortal . that the sin against the holy ghost is pardonable . . they hold that in free-will is required , not onely a liberty from coaction , but also from necessity ; that an unregenerate man , can by his own strength , without gods special help , perform some moral good , in which there may be no sin found . that an unregenerate man hath freedom of will in matters of salvation , though not without the help of grace , so that he may hinder or further his conversion , and may by his natural power cooperate with grace . q. . what are their opinions , concerning the law of god , concerning christ , faith , justification , and good works ? a. . they divide the two tables so , that they make but three commandements in the first , and seven in the second ; making one commandement of the first two , and two of the last . they hold that idols and images are not the same , and that the images of christ , and of the saints may be worshipped without idolatry . that equivocation may be used in some cases , and an officious lye . . concerning christ they hold that he was not ignorant of any thing , and that he did not attain to knowledge by learning : that he descended truly into hell , in respect of his soul , and there preached to the fathers in prison , and delivered them from their limbus , so that they had nor as yet entered into heaven , till christ by his death had opened the gates thereof , which adam shut by his sin : that christ did merit by his sufferings , not onely for us , but also for himself that glory which he enjoyes after his ascension : . concerning faith , they say that historical , miraculous , and saving faith are one and the same ; that the special application of the promises of grace belongs not to faith , but to presumption ; that faith hath its residence onely in the intellect , and not in the will. that faith is an assent , rather then knowledge : that justifying faith may be totally lost in the regenerate ; that true faith may be without charity : that we are not justified by faith alone : that man by the natural strength of free-will , can prepare himself for future justification , being assisted by the holy spirit . in his preparation are contained these acts ; namely , fear , hope , love , repentance , a purpose to receive the sacrament , a resolvtion to live a new life , and to observe gods commandements . . concerning justification , they say , that the first is when a sinner of a wicked man is made good , which is by remission of sins , and infusion of inherent righteousnesse . the second justification is , when a just man becomes more just , and this is in doing of good works , by the merit of which , he can make himself more just . they say christ is the meritorious cause of our justification , but the formal cause is either intrinsecal , and that is the habit of infused grace ; or extrinsecal , to wit , the righteousnesse of christ ; or actual , which are our good workes ; so that here is a threefold formal cause : they teach that justification consisteth not in the bare remission of sins , but also in the inward renovation of the mind . that we are not onely justified , but also saved by good works , as efficient causes . . concerning good works , they teach that the good works of just men are absolutely just , and in a manner perfect ; that a just man may fulfil the law ; that a man is justified by works , not in the first , but second justification ; yet not without the assistance of grace . 〈…〉 unregenerate man by the works of repentance may merit the grace of justification ex congruo , as doing works agreeing to the law of god ; that they who are justified by the first justification , do merit life eternal by their works ex condigno . q. . what are their tenets concerning pennance , fasting , prayer , and almes ? a. they teach that faith is no part of pennance ; that repentance may be totally lost : that the parts thereof are not mortification , and vivification , but confession , contrition , and satisfaction . that pennance is a sacrament , that contrition is to be ascribed partly to grace , partly to free-will . that it is necessary to justification , and the cause of remission of sins , and that by it all sins are pardonable . that a●ricular confession to the priest is necessary to reconcile us to god. that a sinner before baptism is received into grace without his own satisfaction , onely by the satisfaction of christ , but after baptisme , he must make satisfaction himself . that after the fault is forgiven , there remaines often times the guilt of temporary punishment either here or in purgatory , which must make satisfaction ; that the punishments of purgatory may be redeemed by fasting , prayers ; almes , &c. . concerning fasting , they hold it a sin , and deserving death , to eat of meats prohibited by the church . that fasting consisteth onely in abstinence from meat , not from drink . that the times of fasting , chiefly lent , are of apostolical institution . that fasti●g is satisfactory and meritorious . that the tradition of the church in such indifferent things , obligeth the conscience . . concerning prayer , they say that it is meritorious , that the canonical hours of prayer should be observed , that they are to be said or sung in latine by the clergy and monks . that the titles given to the virgin mary are true and holy . that to prayer in the quite ought to be joyned singing , organs , trumpets , and other musical instruments . . concerning almes , they hold that the giving thereof is meritorious . that there is not onely a corporal , but also spiritual almes ▪ consisting in comforting , counselling , teaching , &c. that almes may be raised of ill gotten goods , and filthy lucre , as of whore-houses , &c. q. . what opinions do they hold concerning the sacraments ? a. they teach that the efficacy of the sacraments depends upon the intention of the giver . that the sacraments are not seals to confirm the promises of grace . that grace is contained in , and conferred by the sacraments ex opere operato , and that the receivers thereof , by their justifying vertue are saved : that three sacraments , namely , baptisme , confirmation , and order , do imprint an indelible character , form , or figure , in the very substance of the soul ; the caracter of baptisme is passive , making a man capable of all other sacraments ; that of order is active ; that of confirmation is partly active , partly passive . that there are seven sacraments of the new testament . that all the ceremonies used by them in the sacraments are necessary . . concerning baptisme , they say that lay-men and women in case of necessity , may baptise . that the baptisme of iohn was not the same with that of christ , nor had the same efficacy , and that after iohns baptisme , it was necessary to receive christs baptisme . that to water in baptisme should be added oyle , spittle , salt , &c. the signe of the crosse , exorcisme , exsufflation , a white garment , &c. that baptized infants have , if not actual , yet habitual faith infused into them . that infants cannot be saved without baptisme ; that baptisme began to be absolutly necessary on the day of pentecost . that it totally abolisheth original sin . . concerning the eucharist , they say , that onely unleavened bread is to be used . that christ by way of concomitance is wh●lly in the bread ; that is , his body , blood , soul , divinity , &c. that the whole essence of the sacrament is in the bread alone . that there is no necessity to communicate under both kinds . that the wine ought necessarily to be mixed with water . that the priest may participate alone . that the eucharist is profitable for the dead . that the bread should be dipt into the wine , that it should be elevated , carried in procession , adored , &c. that there is no trope in these words , this is my body , &c. that christs body is not onely really , but substantially in the sacrament . that it may be at one time in many places . that the bread is transubstantiated into christs body . that the form of consecration consisteth in these words , this is my body . that the mas●e is a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead . . concerning confirmation , pennance , extream vnction , orders , and matrimony . they teach that these are sacraments properly so called : that there is vertue in extream vnction , either to cure the body , or to do away the remainders of sin ; for this cause they anoint . parts of the body , to wit the eyes , ears , mouth , hands , reins , and feet . that ordination is a sacrament , as well in deacons , sub-deacons , acoluthi , exorcists , readers and door-keepers , as in priests . q. . what ceremonies do they use in the five controverted sacraments ? a. in confirmation the bishop anointeth the childs forehead with chrisme , making the signe of the crosse thereon , and saying ; i signe thee with the signe of the crosse , and confirme thee with the chrisme of salvation , in the name of the father &c. then he strikes him on the cheeke , to shew he must not refuse to suffer for christ. in pennance , the bishop goeth to the church door where the penitents lie prostrate on the ground , saying : children come to me , and i will teach you the feare of the lord. then he kneeleth and prayeth for them ; and having used some words of admonition , he brings them into the church ; this is done on the day of the lords supper , that they might be partakers thereof ; all the church doors are then opened to shew that all people have accesse to christ. the penitents being received into the church , cut their haire and beards , and lay aside their penitentiall garments , and put on clean cloathes , after the example of ioseph when he was delivered out of pris●n . this casting off their old cloathes puts them in minde of putting off the old man. in extream vnction the priest first besprinkleth the sick person , and the whole roome with holy water ; then he anointeth the organs of the five senses , because by them sin infecteth the soul ; the reines also and feet are anointed to expiate the sins that are in the concupiscible and motive faculties . they onely must be anointed of whom there is no hope of recovery . of the ceremonies used in sacred orders , we will speak hereafter . in matrimony the priest blesseth the married couple with prayers , and oblations if they were never married before ; but they are not to blesse the second marriage . the woman is covered with a vaile , after the example of rebecca ; and to shew her subjection to the man , she is united to the man by a lace or ribband tied in a knot , by a ring also put on the fourth finger of the left hand , because of the veine that reacheth from thence to the heart ; signifying the mutual love that ought to be between them ; but marriages are not to be celebrated in lent , and other times of humiliation . q. . what are their tenets concerning the saints in heaven ? a. they register their names in their calendars after the pope hath canonised them , or given a testimony of their sanctity , and decreed honours for them ; namely publick invocation , dedication of altars and temples to them , oblation of sacrifices , celebration of festival days , setting up of their images , and reservation of their reliques . the honour they give to god is called by them latria , that of the saints is dulia ; but the honour which they give to christs humanity and the virgin mary , is hyperdulia . . they say that the saints make intercession for us , not immediately to god , but through christ they obtain their requests . . that we ought to invocate both saints and angels . . that their images are to be worshipped ; that the images of christ , and of the saints are not idols , because idols are representations of that which is not , and in scripture the word idol is spoken onely of heathen images ; that it is not unlawful to represent god by such images as he hath described himself ; therefore they pain● god in the form of an old man , the holy ghost in the form of a dove . that though the images of christ and the apostles , are to be honoured in relation to the persons which they represent , yet we must not think there is any divinity in them , or that they can help us ; or that we ought to aske any thing of them . . that the images of christ and the saints should be placed in churches , because the images of the cherubims were placed in salomons temple , and before in the tabernacle . . that the reliques of christ and of the saints are to be honoured , and kissed , as holy pledges of our patrons , yet not to be adored as god , nor invocated as saints . . that the true crosse of christ , the nailes , the thornes , &c. by way of of analogy , and reduction are to be worshipped with the same kind of worship or latria that christ is ; that the signe of the crosse in the forehead , or in the aire , is a sacred and venerable signe , powerful to drive away evil spirits . . that pilgrimages ought to be undertaken to those holy places , where the images and reliques of christ and of the saints are kept . . that days should be kept holy in memory of the saints , the observation of which is a part of divine worship . q. . what is their doctrine concerning the church ? a. they teach that the government of the church is monarchical , as being the most excellent form of government . that the government of the church was founded on the person of saint peter . that peter was bishop of rome , and so continued till his death . that the pope is peters successor , and christs vicar , by whom he is made head of the church militant . that the pope is not antichrist , but that the great antichrist shall be a particular man , of the tribe of dan , who shall reign in ierusalem three years and a half , and shall be acknowleged by the iewes as their messiah , whom he will make believe that he is of the tribe of iuda , and descended of david . . they hold that the pope is the supream judge in controversies of faith , and manners ; that his judgement is certain and infallible ; that he can erre in particular controversies of fact , depending upon mans testimony , and that he may erre as a private doctor in questions of right , as well of faith as of manners ; but that he cannot erre , when with a general council he makes decrees of faith , or general precepts of manners ; and that the pope is to be obeyed , though either by himself , or by a particular council● , he erre in some doubtful matters : but they generally now believe , that though the pope were an heretick , yet he cannot prescribe or define any heretical doctrine , to be believed by the whole church . that the pope hath a spiritual coactive jurisdiction in making laws to bind the conscience , by his sole authority , without the consent of priests or people , and that he can judge and punish the transgressors of his laws . that as , the apostles had their immediate authority from christ , so the bishops have the same immediately from the pope . that the pope hath a supream power over the temporal estates of christians , to depose kings , and dispose of their kingdoms in order to spiritual things , and so far , as it is necessary to the salvation of souls . that it is not repugnant to gods word , for the same man to be both a political and ecclesiastical prince , seeing melchisedech , moses , eli , samuel , and the macchabees exercised both powers . . they believe that the true church of christ is onely that society which acknowledgeth the pope to be head thereof , and christs vicar upon earth . that they which are not baptized , and the catechumeni , are not properly and actually members of the church , but onely in possibility . that hereticks , schismaticks , and excommunicate persons are not members of the church . that reprobates are members of the militant church , because in noah's ark were unclean beasts , in the same net are good and bad fishes , at the same wedding-feast , many were called , but few chosen ; in the same sheep-fold are same goats ; in the same house are vessels of dishonour , judas was one of the apostles , &c. that the true catholike church is always visible ; for it is compared to a mountain , to a candle , to a city on a hill , &c. that the true visible church can never fail totally , because it is built on a rock , against which , hell gates cannot prevaile &c. that the true church cannot fall into errour , because it is the pillar and ground of truth , &c. that the true notes of the church are , universality , antiquity , continuance , multitude , succession of bishops from the apostles ordination , unity in doctrine , unity among the members themselves , and with their head , soundnesse of doctrine , power and efficacy of doctrine holinesse of life , miracles , the light of prophesie , the testimony of her enemies , the unhappy end of those who oppresse the church , and the temporal felicity of such as have defended her . q. . what do they hold concerning councils , monks , magistrates , and purgatory ? a. they teach that diocesan councils are to be convocated by the bishops ; provincial by arch-bishops , national by patriarchs or primates , but general councils by the pope alone , and not by the emperor without the popes approbation ; except it be when the pope is either imprisoned , or dead , or mad ; in such cases the cardinals may call a council . that ordinarily bishops have the power of decisive suffrages , but by custome and priviledge ; cardinals , abbots , and generals of orders , have the same power , though they be not bishops . that in a general council should be present all bishops , at least of the greater provinces , except any be excommunicate . that the pope and the four patriarchs , of constantinople , alexandria , antioch , and ierusalem , or their deputies , be also present , and at least some of the greater part of provinces . that the pope is the supream president , and judge of councils . that christians are bound to obey the decrees of councils . that general and particular councils confirmed by the pope , cannot erre . that the scripture is above councils , as it is the infallible word of god , but in respect of interpretation it is dependent from councils . that the pope is above councils , and not to be judged by any . . concerning monks , they teach that their original is of divine right ; that their institution is grounded upon evangelical counsel , not precept . that counsels are not commanded but commended to us ; that commands are of things easie to be performed , and taken out of the principles of nature ; counsels are of things difficult , and above nature , and of things better then those of commands . by precepts we are tied to obedience , by counsels we are left to our free-will ; precepts have their rewards and punishments ; but counsels have no punishments , but great rewards : hence arise the works of supererogation . that children if they be come to years of puberty , may enter into a monastery without their parents consent , if so be their parents need not their help . and so may wives , without their husbands consent . that vowes though of things not commanded , are a part of gods worship . that the promise made in baptisme , to renounce the devil , the vvorld and the flesh , is not properly a vow . that the vows of poverty , obedience , and continency , are lawful . that the pope may dispense with vows . that the habits and shaving of monks , are of great use and antiquity . . concerning magistrates , they teach that their laws doe no lesse bind the conscience , then divine or ecclesiastick laws . that magistrates are subject and inferiour to the clergy in matters of religion . that magistrates may inflict death on hereticks . . concerning purgatory , they say , that it is one of these four contignations or roomes under ground ; the lowermost is hell , where the pain of losse and sence is eternal . the next above that is purgatory , where pain of losse & sence is temporary . above that is the receptacle of infants , where onely is the pain of losse eternal . the uppermost was that of the fathers , where was onely temporal pain of losse ; now it is empty since christs descent thither . that in purgatory are those souls which depart hence with venial sins , or whose sins are pardoned , but not the punishment . that the suff●ages of the living are beneficial to the dead ; namely , masses , prayer , and satisfactory works , as almes , pilgrimages , fasts , &c. to which may be added indulgences . q. . wherein doth the outward worship of the church rome consist , and the first part of their masse ? a. . in churches , church yards , bels , altars , pictures , ●rucifixes , images , curtains , and other church orna●ents , as t●pestry , candlesticks , &c. in dedication also of churches , consecration of altars , anoyntings ▪ sacraments , &c. . in ministers , ecclesiastical orders ▪ and their functions , such are singers , psalmists , door-keepers , lectors ; or readers , exorcists , acolyths , who are to light the tapers , and hold them whilest the gospel is read , and to furnish wine for the chalice , &c. sub-deacons , deacons , priests , and bishops , &c. the office also of the acholyths is to make agnus dei , of consecrated wax , mixed with chrisme destributed by the pope in the church . these agni or lambs , represent the lamb of god , who taketh away the 〈◊〉 of the world ; for as the wax is begot of the bee , without libidinous copulation ; so was christ of the b. virgin ; & as the honey is hid within the wax , so was the divinity hid under the humanity . the oyl or chrisme mixed with the wax , signifieth , that mercy and gentlenesse which was in christ. they say that these lambs are preservatives against lightning and tempests , by vertue of their consecration . o catholicks , great is your faith , be it to you as you believe . . in the garments or ornaments of bishops , priests , and other church ministers ; such are the amictus , which like the ephod covers the head and shoulders of the priest or bishop ; therefore it 's called superhumerale . alba , or camis●a , is the surplice of linnen ; the girdle or belt , with which the priests loyns are girt . the stola is worn in form of a chain about the priests neck , it covereth both his sides , & hangs down to the knee ; it is called orarium , because it is the habit of orators , that preach to , or pray for the people . manipulus or sudarium , or mappula , or phanon , ( for all these names it hath ) is a towel or h●ndkerchieff , carried by the minister or priest in his left hand , or on his left arme . casula or cappa , or pianon , is an upper garment which covereth all the body , as it were a little cottage , called in latine casa . these six ornaments are common to priests and bishops : there be nine ornaments peculiar to bishops ; namely , caligae , which are long hose , or stockings ; sandalia , a kind of slippers or shooes ; succinctorium a kind of girdle ; orale a linnen vaile cast over his head ; tunica a long coat down to the heeles , therefore called talaris ; dalmatica , so called from dalmatia , the country where it was first woven , is a garment with long and large sleeves , representing the crosse ; chiro●hecae are white gloves of kids skins ; mitra is the mytre or ornament of the head ; annulus is the ring which the bishop wears , to shew he is betrothed to christ ; baculus pastoralis , is the bishops crosier staff ; pallium , or the pall , is the ornament of arch-bishops and patriarchs . the pall is not to be worn but in the church , and in time of masse ; yet pope gregory permitted it to be worn in solemn letanies out of the church : upon it are four red crosses , signifying the four cardinal vertues , justice , prudence , fortitude , & temperance , which ought to be in prelates , which vertues are not acceptable to god , but as they are sanctified by the crosse of christ , in which onely they should glory with the apostle ; for the gentiles had these vertues , but knew not christ nor his crosse . there are also in the pall three pins or bodkins , signifying the three christian vertues of faith , hope , and charity , without which he cannot justly claim or retain his pall ; they may signifie also a three-fold pricking , or compunction which ought to be in prelates . . of compassion towards those that are in miserie . . of care in the due and conscionable execution of their office . . of feare to offend god. . their worship consisteth in the masse , where we have many ceremonies ; first the bishop or priest before he begins , sings five psalmes : then he combs his head , and washeth his hands , followeth the aspersion of holy water , then is the introi●us or singing at the priests approaching towards the altar ; whilest the introitus is singing , the priest or bishop walketh towards the altar between a priest and a deacon , before whom walketh the sub-deacon , carrying the book of the gospel shut ; before whom march two taper bearers , and before them is carried the censer with incense . when the priest or bishop comes to the altar , he takes off his mytre , makes confession , openeth the book and kisseth it . over the bishop also , a linnen cloth full of pictures is carried by four ministers in form of a canopy . in their four solemn processions , to wit , at candlemas , palme-sunday , easter , & ascention day , they have crosse in banners , seven tapers borne by seven acolyths , seven deacons following , then seven priors , three acolyths with incense , one sub-deacon carrying the gospel , then the bishop in great state , whom the people follow with the porters , readers , exorcists , singers , &c. before the bishop or priest ascends the altar , he boweth himself to the ground , and then confesseth ; and during the time of the masse , he boweth his body eight times before the altar . after confession and absolution , the priest blesseth the incense , and puts it in the censer ; then he kisseth the altar and the book , and takes the censor from the deacon , with which he sumeth the altar , and then removeth to the right side of the same , and withal kyrie eleeson is said , not lesse then nine times in the masse . gloria in excelsis is also sung , which was the angelical hymne at christs nativity ; then the priest turning to the people , salutes them in these words ▪ the lord be with you ; to whom the quire answereth , and with thy spirit . seven times in the masse the priest salutes the people , but turneth to them onely five times . then the collects or prayers are said , and after them the epistle is read , with the face towards the altar ; it s the sub-deacons office to read the epistle ; which done , he delivers the book ( shut to the bishop , who layeth his hand on the sub-deacon ) which he kisseth . alter the epistle , is sung the gradual , so called from the steps of humility , by which we ascend to heaven ; it 's called also the responsory , because the matter thereof answers the matter of the epistle . next to this , hallelujah is sung , but from septuagesima sunday till easter , in stead of hallelujah , the tractus is sung , so called a trabend● , because it is sung with a long drawing tone , as containing the mournful condition of man in this life , as hallelujah is the joyful song of heaven . after hallelujah , is sung the prose which by them is called sequentia , it is a song of exaltation . this done , the priest removeth from the right to the left side of the altar , whence the deacon takes the gospel , and ascends into a high place , where he reads it , with his face to the north ; the crosse , the censer , and two lights are carried before the gospel , which is laid upon a chshion , to shew the yoak of christ is easie ; at the reading of it , all stand up , and crosse themselves , and give glory to god. after this the creed is rehearsed , and the sermon followeth , which concludeth the first part of the masse . q. . what is their manner if dedicating churches ? a. in the church to be dedicated or consecrated , are painted twelve crosses on the walls , before which burne twelve tapers . the bishop in his pontificalls with his clergy ; and the people come to the church door being shut , where he prayeth , and then besprinkleth the walls with holy water , whilest the clergy and people goe singing about the church . the holy water is sprinkled out of a bundle of hysope . then the bishop with his whole traine returning to the church-porch prayeth again , and with his crosier staffe knocketh the door thrice , saying these words : lift up your heads o ye gates , and be ye lift up ye everlasting doors , and the king of glory shall come in . of whom the deacon within the church asketh , who is the king of glory ? to whom the bishop answereth : the lord strong and mighty , the lord mighty in battell . then the door is opened , the bishop with three of his servants entereth , the rest remain without ; after-the bishop hath wished peace three times to that house , the door is shut again , and he on his knees before the altar prayeth , whilest the clergy without sings the letanie , and the priests carry on their shoulders a chest , or coffin , containing the reliques of that saint to whom the church is dedicated . the altar with all belonging to it are sanctified , the walls with certain letters are painted ; salt , water , ashes and wine are exorcized , and mingled together , into which he dipps his thumb , and makes the signe of the crosse on the altar , walls and pavement . then he offers incense , and blesseth the church in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost ; this being done , the bishop before the church door preacheth to the people concerning the anniversary dedication of that church , of honour due to the clergy , of tenths also and obl●tions . after sermon all are admitted into the church singing . the twelve lights and twelve crosses , do signifie the doctrine of the twelve apostles which shineth in the church , by which they preached the crosse of christ : the bishop representeth christ making intercession for his church , and by the staffe of his word knocking at the door of our hearts . his compassing the church three times , and his three times knocking at the door , signifie his three fold power , in heaven , earth ; and hell. and his threefold right or interest he hath in us , to wit , by creation , by redemption , and by the gift of life eternal promised to us . the making of greeke and latine letters with a crosse on the pavement with ashes , shew that the gentiles are made partakers of the crosse of christ , but not the jewes ; besides that the rudiments and alphabet of christianity must be taught to the weaker sort ; the oyle , salt , water , ashes , and vvine which are used in the dedication , have mystical significations . the vvater and vvine represent the two sacraments of baptisme and the eucharist . oyle sheweth our spiritual unction ; salt that wisdome which should be in us ; ashes our mortification ; hysop our purity and sanctification ; and the incense our prayers . q. . what else is observable in the dedication of churches ? a. . they hold that no church is to be dedicated till it be endowed ; for he that buildeth a church , is , or should be like a husband that marrieth a maid , on whom he ought to bestow a joynter . . that the feast of dedication which from the greeke , they call encaenia , ought to be kept every year ; for so it was kept among the jewes , which if it had been unlawful , christ would not have honoured it with his presence . . they say that the dedication of churches is a terror to evil spirits , and incitment to devotion and reverence ; a meanes to move god to hear our prayers the sooner ; a testimony of our zeal , that christians are not in this point inferiour to jewes and gentiles , who would not presume to make use of their temples for prayer , and sacrifice , till first by their priests they had consecrated and dedicated them to their deities . . that what is in the dedication of churches visibly acted , ought to be in us invisibly effected , namely , that if churches be holy , we should not be profane ; shall they be consecrated to the service of god , and not we ? shall their churches be filled with hallowed images , and our souls defiled with unhallowed imaginations ? shall the church be called the house of prayer , and our bodies ( which ought to be the temples of the holy ghost ) denns of theeves ? we are lively stones , but those of churches are dead ; we are capable of grace and holinesse , so are not churches ; for it is confessed on all sides , that temples by consecration are not made capable of actual holinesse , but onely made more fit for divine service . is it not a great shame that in their churches lights continually shine : and in the temples of the holy ghost , there is nothing but darknesse ? that they should burne incense on their altars : and we be quite destitute of zeale and devotion in our hearts ? they make use of outward unction , but we use neither the outward unction of the church , not the inward of the spirit ? vvhen we see them make use of salt and holy vvater , we should be careful to have salt within us , and that water of the spirit , without which we cannot be regenerated . . they teach that churches may be rededicated if they are burned down or fallen down , and built again ; or if it be doubtful whither they have been consecrated heretofore ; but if they be polluted by adultery , or such like uncleannesse , they are only to be purified with holy water . . that churches must not be consecrated without masse , and the reliques of some saint , and that onely by the pope or a bishop , not by a priest or any inferiour order ; and that gifts or presents which they call anathemata , be given to the new church ; after the example of constantine the great , who endowed with rich presents and ornaments the church which he built at ierusalem to the honour of our saviour . q. . how doe they dedicate or consecrate their altars ? a. the bishop having blessed the water , makes with the same four crosses on the four hornes of the altar , to shew that the crosse of christ is preached in all the four corners of the earth . then he goeth about the altar seven times , and besprinkleth it seven times with holy water and hysop ; this is to signifie the seven gifts of the holy ghost , and the seven-fold shedding of christs blood ; to wit , . vvhen he was circumcised . . when he sweat blood in the garden . . when he was scourged . . when he was crowned with thorns . . when his hands . . when his feet were nailed to the crosse. & . when his side was lanced . the bishop also makes a crosse in the middle of the altar , to shew that christ was crucified in the middest of the earth ; for so ierusalem is seated . at this consecration is used not onely water , but salt also , wine , and ashes , to represent four things necessary for christianity ; namely , purity , wisdom , spiritual joy , and humility . the altar must not be of wood , or any other materiall , but of stone ; to represent christ the rock on which the church is built , the corner stone , which the builders refused , the stone of offence at which the jewes stumbled , and the little stone cut out of the mountain without hands ; this stone altar is anointed with oyle and chrisme , so was christ with the graces of the spirit , and the oyle of gladnesse above his fellowes . this anointing also of the stone altar , is in initation of iacobi anointing the stone on which he sleept . so the remainder of the holy water is poured out at the foot of the altar , because the priests of old used to pour out the blood of the sacrifice at the foot of their altar . the holy reliques are layed up in a coffin with three graines of incense , as the manna of old was layd up in the ark ; our hearts should be the coffins in which the vertuous lives of the saints with faith in the trinity , or with the three cardinal vertues , faith , hope , and charity , should be carefully kept . these reliques are layed under the altar ; because revel . . the souls of these who suffered for christ were seen by saint iohn under the altar . it is also to be observed that as the altar is besprinkled with water , so it is anointed in five places with oyle , and then with chrisme , to signifie the five wounds of christ which did smell more fragrantly than any balsame , and by which we are healed ; the five sences also are hereby signified , which ought to be sanctified . after unction , incense is burned , to shew that prayers and supplication follow sanctification , at last after the altar , and all that belong to it are hallowed , the altar is covered with white , masse is said , and tapers lighted ; to shew that our holinesse and devotion must be accompanied with good works , which must shine before men here , if we would shine like stars in the firmament hereafter . q. . what else do they consecrate besides temples and altars . a. besides these they consecrate all the ornaments of the altar ; the patinae , for making the body of christ ; the corporal for the covering thereof ; the chalice for the blood ; the linnen with which the altar is covered ; the eucharistial or pix where christs body is kept , representing christs sepulchre ; the censer , incense , and capsae , that is chests or coffins wherein the bones of the saints are kept . they consecrate also their crosses and images , and easter tapers , their fonts , first-fruits , holy water , salt , church-yards , bells , &c. every one of which have their peculiar prayers ; besides , washing , crossing , anointing incense , &c. they hold that bells succeeded the jewish trumpets ; by which we are awaked , and admonished to put on the armour of god , to fortifie our selves with prayer against our spiritual enemies . bells are more durable then trumptes , and their sound louder , by which is signified that the preaching of the gospel exceedeth that of the law , both in continuance and efficacy . bells have clappers , and preacher● have tongues ; it is a shame that the one should be vocal , and not the other ; how is that congregation served , which hath sounding bells , and dumb preachers ? or that which hath sounding brass , and tinckling cymbal for their preachers ; such as have clappers , but no hands ; good words , but no good works ; which preach to others , and are cast away themselves ; like bels , they call upon others to hear sermons , but are not thereby bettered or edified themselves . in the roman church they baptize their bells and give them names , for this alledging the example of iacob , who gave the name of bethel to luz , the place where he had the vision of the ladder . their bells seldom are heard in lent , and three days before easter are quite silent , to shew the sadnesse of that time . church yards in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , dormitories ( because our bodies sleep there till the resurrection ) are consecrated with crosses , holy water , fumigation and prayers , as the churches are ; they be also as well as churches , sanctuaries , and places of refuge ; none must be buried here , but christians who have been baptized ; such as die without baptisme , or without repentance after murther , adultery , selfe-homicide , or any other grievous sin , though baptized , must not be buried there . in the church-yard are set up five crosses , one whereof stands in the middle ; before each of them are placed three burning tapers , fifteen in all ; the bishop beginning at the middle crosse , maketh a speech , then prayeth , and puts the three tapers on the top of the crosse : the like he doth to all the rest , and in the interim the letany is sung , and each crosse be sprinkled with holy water and fumed with incense . q. . what degrees of ecclesiastical persons are there in the church of rome ? a. they divide their church offices into dignities and orders ; their dignities are these ; the pope , patriarch , primate , arch-bishop or metropolitan ; bishop , arch-presbyter , arch-deacon and provost or praepositus . for the quire there are the dean , sub-dean , praecentor , succentor , treasurer , &c. the popes senators or counsellors , are named cardinals from cardo the hindge of a door , because on them , as the door on its hindges , all weighty affairs of the church are turned . their orders be seven , to wit , door-keepers , readers , exorcists , acolyths , or taper-bearers , sub-deacons , deacons , and priests . these three also are only sacred orders ; the other four are not . the door-keeper is first instructed in his office by the arch-deacon , who presents him to the bishop , and he ordains him , delivering to him from the altar the keys of the church , and saying , so●do and so live as tho● were to give account to god of the things locked up by these keyes ▪ the lecturers or readers office is to pronounce and read clearly and distinctly the lessons appointed to be read in the church ; none must exercise this function , but he who is ordained by the bishop , who in the presence of the people delivers the book to him , in which he 〈◊〉 to read , saying , take and read the word of god ; if thou at faithful in thine office , thou shalt have a share with them who dispense the same word . the exo●cist is he ●ho calling on the name of jesus , by that name doth ●djure the unclean spirit to depart out of the possessed , on whom he laieth his hands . when the exorcist is ordained , he receiveth the book of adjurations from the bishop , saying , take and learn these by heart , a●d receive power to lay thy ●ands on the possessed ; whether he be baptised or a catechumenus as yet . the acolyths or taper-bearers are they who carry the lights whilest the gospel is reading , or the sacrifice is offered , to represent christ the true light of the world ; and to shew the spiritual light of knowledge , which should be in us . their office also is to provide vessels for the eucharist . the bishop doth instruct them in their function when he ordaines them , and then the arch-deacon delivereth to them a candlestick with a wax light in it , and an empty tankard , to shew their office is to provide lights and vessels for divine ser●ice . these be the lesser orders , which are not sacred ; and which they teach christ himself did exer●ise ; for he performed the porter or door-keepers office , when he whipped the money-changers out of the temple . the readers-office , when he took up the book and read that passage in isaiah , the spirit of the lord is upon me , &c. the exorcists office , when he cast seven devils out of mary magdalen . the acoyths office when he said , i am the light of the world ; 〈◊〉 that followeth me walketh not in darknesse , &c. q. . which be their sacred orders ? a. these are three ; the first is the sub-deacon whose ●ffice is to read the epistle , to receive the peoples oblations , and to bring them to the deacon ; to carry also the patin and chalice to the altar ; to hold the bason whilest the bishop , priest , or deacon washeth their hands before the altar , to wash also the altar linnen . when the bishop ordains him , he delivers into his hand the empty patin and chalice , saying ; see whose ministration this is , which is delivered to thee . from the arch-deacon he receiveth then the tankard with wine and water , and the towell . he wears a surplesse and belt , as the four former orders do . his coat is girt to him , and he holds a handkerchef , or towel . they say that christ performed the sub-deacons office when he turned water into wine in cana , and when after supper he poured water in to a bason , and washed his disciples feet . their second sacred order is the deacon , or minister , whose office is to preach to the people , and to serve o● assist the priest at the sacraments ; to cover the altar , to lay the oblations thereon , to read the gospel , and the epistle also in the sub-deacons absence ; in processions to carry the crosse , to say the let●nies ; to rehearse the names of those who are to be ordained and baptized , and to name the holy days &c. they must not administer the sacraments , but in case of necessity , and by permission of the bishop , or priest ; nor must they without leave sit in the presence of a priest. vvhen the deacon is ordained , the bishop alone layeth his hands on him , and blesseth him , and delivers ( using certain words ) the book of the gospel and the stola to him . vvhen he reads the gospel the acolyths hold two tapers before him ; not to illuminate the aire , by day , but to shew what joy and spiritual illumination we have by the gospel . the censer also with the incense is carried , not onely to represent christ , in the sweet smell of whose sacrifice the father is well pleased ; but also to she● preachers that their prayers must like incense ascend before god , and that the good fame of their life and doctrine , must be like the fume of incense smelling sweetly among all men . the deacon also reads the gospel in a high place , that it may be heard the better ; and to shew that it ought not to be preache● in corners , but as christ saith , on the house topps ; this is also in imitation of christ , who when he would reach his disciples went up into an high mountain . the gospel is read with the deacons face against the north , that the frosen and cold hearts of the northern nations , might be warmed and melted by the comfortable heat of this bright sun of the gospel . when the deacon salutes the people , he signes himself with the ●rosse on the forehead , to shew , he is not ashamed of the crosse of christ ; and likeways on the breast , to put us in minde that we should be ready to crucifie our affections with christ. at the reading of the gospel all stand up bare-headed , to shew their reverence ; swords and staves are laid aside , to shew their peacable mindes , and the book is kissed , to declare by this their love and affection to the gospel . they say that christ performed the deacons part when he preached and prayed for his apostles . their third and highest sacred order is priest-hood ; when the priest is ordained , the bishop with some other priests lay their hands on his head , and anoint his hands with oyle , to signifie that not onely must the priest have his head stuffed with knowledge , but his hands must be supple and ready to do good workes ; the bishop also delivers into his hand the chalice with the vvine , and the patin with the hoaft saying , receive power to say masse for the quick and dead , and to offer sacrifice to god in the name of the lord. then the 〈◊〉 kisseth the priest , to shew he is his equal in respect of order ; whereas , the deacon and sub-deacon kisse the bishops hand , to shew they are of an inferiour order . the priest must not say masse , till he first have washed , and confessed if he be guilty of any deadly sin , and have put on first the amictus , which like a vaile covers his head and shoulders , to shew how christs divinity was vailed by his humanity : ● the alba or talaris , because it reacheth to the heeles , in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by its whitenesse signifieth innocency , and by its length perseverance , two vertues fit for priests . . the girdle or belt about their loynes , to shew the subduing of their concupiscence . . the stola or orarium about the neck , and hanging crosse-way on the breast , signifie that the priest most undergo the yoak of christ , and still meditate on his crosse. . the mappula or manipulus , which is a towell or handkerchief , for wiping away the sweat from their faces , and moysture from their eyes , representing also the purity that ought to be in the priests lives . . the casula over all the other garments , signifying charity which is above all vertues . christ exercised the priests office when he administred the eucharist , when he offered the propitiatory sacrifice of his body on the altar of the crosse , and yet whilest he is making intercession for us in heaven . q. . wherein consisteth the office of the bishop ? a. under this name are comprehended popes , patriarchs , primats , metropolitans , arch-bishops and bishops . some will have the bishop to be a particular order ; but indeed the order of priest and bishop is all one , in respect of catechising , baptising , preaching , administring the eucharist , binding and loosing . the bishop then is an office of dignity , not of order ; he hath nine priviledges above the priest , namely , of ordination , benediction of nuns , consecration of bishops , and imposing hands on them , dedication of churches , degradation , holding of synods , making of chrisme , hallowing of cloathes and vessells . because bishops are superintendents and overseers , therefore they have the highest seat in the church ; they are consecrated on the lords day only , and at the third hour , because then the holy ghost descended on the apostles , to whom bishops have succeeded . at the bishops consecation , there must be present at least three , to wit two bishops , and the metropolitan ; that the gifts of the spirit may not seem to be give● by stealth and in corners ; in this they follow the example of saint iames ; who was made bishop of ierusalem by peter , iames and iehn . in the bishops consecration two hold the bible over his head , one pouring the benediction on him , and the rest laying their hands on his head . by this ceremony is signified not onely the conferring of the gifts of the spirit , but also the knowledge which the bishop must have of the gospel , and the care he must undergoe to support it . on the saturday in the evening he is examined concerning his former life , and the trinity is three times called upon for a blessing . the next morning he is examined concerning his future conversation and faith ; and then his head and hands are annointed , and the mytre is set on his head , the staffe also and ring are given him . the priest is annointed with oyl , but the bishop with chrism , that is , oyl and balsome , to shew that the higher he is in dignity , the more fragrant must his fame and conversation be . he must excel in knowledge and good works , represented by the annointing of his head and hands . christ performed the bishops office , when he lifted up his hands , and blessed his apostles ; saying , receive the holy ghost ; whose sins you forgive , they are forgiven , &c. q. . what colours do they hold sacred in the church of rome ? a. four ; namely white , red , black , and green ; white is worn in the festivities of saints , confessors , and virgins , if they be not martyrs , to shew their integrity , and innocency ; in festivities also of angels , because of their brightnesse , in the feast of the virgin mary , of all saints , ( yet some then wear red ) of iohn baptists nativity , of saint pauls conversion , of saint peters chair ; also from the vigil of christs nativity , to the eighth day of epiphany , except there be some martyrs days between . on christs nativity , on the feast of iohn the evangelist , on the epiphany , because of the star tha● appeared to the wise men , on the day of the lords supper , because then the chrisme is consecrated ; on the holy sabbath till the eighth day of the ascension ; on the resurrection , because of the angel that appeared in white ; on the ascension day because of the bright cloud that carried up christ to heaven , and the two angels then in white ; on the feast of dedication , because the church is christs spouse , which ought to be innocent and immaculate . the red colour is used in the solemnities of the apostles , evangelists , and martyrs , for they shed their blood for christ ; in the festivity of the crosse , also in pentecost week , because the holy ghost appeared in fire : in some places white is worn on the festivities of the martyrs , because it is said cant. . my beloved is white and red . vvhite in his confessors and virgins , red in his martyrs ; these are the roses and lillies of the valley . black is worn upon good friday , on all fasting days , on the rogation days , in masses for the dead from advent till the nativity , and from septuagesima till easter eve ; on innocents day some wear black , because of the mourning in rama ; some red , because of the blood of those young martyrs . green which is made up of the three former colours , white , red and black , is used between the . of epiphany and septuagesima ; likewise between pentecost and advent ; but in the city of rome the violet colour is worn sometimes in stead of black and red . q. . wherein consisteth the other parts of the masse ? a. the second part begins with the offertory which is sung , and so called from the priests offering of the hoast to god the father , and the peoples offering of their gifts to the priest. then the priest before he offereth the immaculate hoast , washeth his hands the second time ; in the interim the deacon casteth over the altar a fair linnen cloth , called corporale , because it covers christs body , and represents his church the mystical body ; it 's called also palla , from palliating or covering the mystery above named . there is also another palla or corporal , with which the chalice is covered . then the deacon presenteth the patina with the round hoast on it , to the priest or bishop ; the deacon alone can offer the chalice , but the priest consecrates it ; who also mixeth the wine and vvater in the chalice , which the deacon cannot doe ; the priest poureth out a little on the ground , to shew that out of christs side , water and blood issued out , and fell on the ground . the water is blessed by the priest when it is mixed , but not the wine , because the wine represents christ , who needs no blessing ; the hoast is so placed on the altar , that it stands between the chalice and the priest , to shew that christ is the mediator between god , ( who is represented by the priest ) and the people , which the water in the chalice resembleth . then the priest fumeth the altar and the sacrifice three times over , in manner of a crosse , to shew maries three-fold devotion in annointing christs feet , then his head , and at last her intention to annoint his whole body ; then the priest boweth himself , kisseth the altar and prayeth , but softly to himselfe ; this prayer is called secreta , and secretella ; but though it be said in silence , yet the close of it is uttered with a loud voice , per omnia saecula saeculorum : then follows the praefatio , which begins with thanksgiving , and ends with the confession of gods majesty ; the minds of the people are prepared with these words , lift up your hearts ; the answer whereof is , we lift them up unto the lord : then is sung this hymn , holy , holy , holy , &c. heaven and earth is full of thy glory , &c. then follows hosanna , and after this the canon which containeth the regular making up of that ineffable mystery of the eucharist ; it is also called actio and secreta , because in it is giving of thanks , and the canon is uttered with a low voice . the canon by some is divided into five parts , by others into more : in it are divers prayers for the church , for the pope , for bishops , kings , all orthodox christians , for gentiles , also jewes and hereticks ; those in particular are remembred for whom the sacrifice is to be offered , whose names are rehearsed ; for those also that be present at the masse , and assistant , and for himselfe likewise : then is mention made of the virgin mary , of the apostles , evangelists and martyrs ; but the confessors are not named , because they shed not their blood for christ : then follows the consecration after many crossings , these words being pronounced , for this is my body ; the people answer amen ; then the hoast is elevated , that the people may adore it , and that by this might be represented christs resurrection and ascension : when the priest mentioneth christ ▪ passion , he stretcheth out his armes in manner of a crosse ; the hoast is crossed by the priest five times , to shew the five wounds that christ received ; but indeed , in the canon of the masse , there are seven several crossings of the hoast and chalice ; in the first the signe of the crosse is made three times , in the second , five times ; in the third , twice ; in the fourth , five times ; in the fifth , twice ; in the sixth , thrice ; and in the seventh , five times ; so all makes up twenty five crossings : prayers are also made for the dead . t●e deacon washeth his hands , to shew how pilate did wash his hands , when he delivered christ to be scourged . the third part of the masse begins with the pater noster , and some other prayers ; the sub-deacon delivereth the patina covered to the deacon , who uncovereth it , and delivers it to the priest ; kisseth his right hand , and the priest kisseth the patina , breaks the hoast over the chalice , being now uncovered by the deacon , and puts a piece of it in the wine , to shew that christs body is not without blood . the hoast is broken into three parts , to signifie the trinity : then the bishop pronounceth a solemn blessing : then is sung agnu● dei , &c , that is , o lamb of god that takest away the sins of the world , &c. and then the kisse of peace is given according to the apostles command , salute one another with a holy kisse . in the fourth part of the masse , the priest communicates thus , he takes the one half of the hoast for himself , the other half he divides into two parts ; the one for the deacon , the other for the sub-deacon : after these three , the clergy and monks communicate , and after them , the people : the priest holdeth the chalice with both hands , and drinks three times , to signifie the trinity ; the hoast must not be chewed with the teeth , but held in the mouth till it dissolve ; and after the taking thereof he must not spit , but must wash his hands least any of the hoast should stick to his fingers . the three washings of the priests hands in the masse doe signifie the three-fold purity that ought to be in us , to wit , of our thoughts , words and works : then follows the post-communion , which consisteth in thanksgiving and singing of antiphones : this done , the priest kisseth the altar , and removes again to the right side thereof , where having uttered some prayers for the people , and blessed them , the deacon with a loud voice saith , ite . missa est ; that is , go in peace , the hoast is sent to god the father to pacifie ●is anger . q. . in what else doth their outward worship consist ? a. the fifth part of their worship consisteth in their divine service or office , as they call it , whereof be two sorts ; one composed by s. ambrose for the church of millan ; the other by saint gregory , which the angel in the night by scattering the leaves up and down the church did signifie , that it was to be spread abroad through the world . in the sixth part , they place much religion in the observation of their canonical hours of prayer , whereof at first were eight ; four for the night , and four for the day ; the diurnal hours are , the first , third , sixth , and ninth ; the night hours are , the vespers , completory , nocturnals , and mattins or morning prayses : but now these eight are reduced to seven , to signifie the seven gifts of the holy ghost , or the seven deadly sinnes , or the seven-fold passion of christ ; the nocturnals are now said with the mattins , and not apart , as heretofore : every one of these canonical houres begins and ends with a pater noster : the nocturnall office is the first , and is sung at mid-night , in memory that about that time christ was born , and apprehended by iudas , and that about mid-night he shall come to judgement : the mattins or prayses are said and sung in memory of christs resurrection , and the creation of the world about that time ; the first hour is kept in memory of christs being delivered by pilate to the jewes about that hour , and that then the women who came to the sepulchre were told by the angel that christ was risen : the third hour is in memory of christs being at that time condemned by the jewes , and scourged ; at that time the holy ghost was given to the apostles , who then spoke the great works of god : the sixth hour is in memory of christs crucifixion at that time , and of the suns miraculous defection : the ninth hour christ gave up the ghost , his side was then pierced , and then he descended into hell , the vaile of the temple was rent , and the graves opened : at that hour also peter and paul went up into the temple to pray ; and so did peter into an upper chamber , where he fell into a trance : the vespers are observed , because in the evening christs body was taken down from the crosse , at that time he instituted the sacrament , and did accompany the two disciples to em●us ; at this time is sung the magnificat , because the virgin mary who compiled this song , is the bright evening star of the world . then also the tapers are lighted , to shew we must have our lamps ready with the wise virgins . the completory is so called , because in it are compleatly ended all the diurnal services ; it is observed in memory of christs sweating of blood at that time ; he was then also put in the grave . the song of simeon , nunc dimittis , &c. is sung in the completory ; because as he before his death sung it , so should christians before they sleep , which is a resemblance of death . in each one of these canonical or regular hours are sung gloria patri , with hymnes , psalmes , and spiritual songs , peculiar lessons are read ; and prayers said . q. . wherein consisteth the seventh part of their worship ? a. in observation of festival days , to every one of which are appropriated divine services or offices . they begin their feasts from the four sundays in advent ; kept to put us in minde of christs fourfold comming , to wit , in the flesh , in the mindes of the faithful , in death , and in judgement at the last day . in the third week of advent begins the first of the four fasts called iejunia quatuor temporum : and this fast is for the winter quarter ; the vernal fast is in the first week of lent. the aestival is the first week after whitsuntide ; and the autumnal in the third week of september . these four seasons of the year resemble the four ages of mans life , to wit , his childhood , youth , manhood , and old age ; for the sins of which we ought to fast . they observe also the fasts of lent , and of fridays , and on the eves of the apostles . saint laurence alone of all the martyrs , and saint martin of all the confessors , have their fasts . on the eve or vigil of christs nativity , a lesson is read out of exod. . concerning the manna that fell in the desart ; to prepare the people , for the due receiving of the true manna , christ jesus the next day ; in which are sung three masses , to shew that christ was born to save those that lived before , under , and after the law : the first is sung at mid-night with the angelical hymne ; the second at the breaking of the day , in which mention is made of the shepheards that came to see christ ; the third masse is at the third hour , in which are read prophesies , gospels , and epistles , shewing christs nativity . on the sunday following , are lessons of the same nativity : the first of ianuary being the eight day after the nativity , is observed in memory of christs circumcision , who in this would be subject to the law ; would teach us humility , and mortification , and would shew himself to be true man , and the messiah . the epiphany is kept in memory of the star that appeared , and of the three wise men that offered him guifts ; and because on the same day christ was baptized , when the whole trinity appeared , it is called theophania ; and because on the same day christ turned water into wine at the marriage in cana , it is called bethphania from the house where the miracle was done . the eight day after the epiphany , is kept in memory of christs baptisme . every sunday throughout the year hath its peculiar service or office ; chiefly septuagesima , sexagesima , quinquagesima , and quadragesima , sundays . their lent-fast , which is kept in memory of christs forty days fast , begins on ash-wednesday , in which consecrated ashes are put on their heads in signe of humility , and mortification , and to shew we are but dust and ashes . during the lent every day in the week , as well as the sundays , have their proper service and devotion ; on the fifth sunday in lent , they begin the commemoration of christs passion . palm-sunday is kept in memory of the branches of trees cut down by the people and born by them , when christ was riding in triumph to ierusalem ; therefore this day the priest blesseth and distributeth branches of trees . the three days immediatly going before easter are kept with much sadnesse and devotion ; their matti●s end in darknesse , the bells are silent , all lights are put out , &c. three sorts of oyle are blessed this day , to wit , that of baptisme , that of the sick , and that of the catechumeni ; the bishop breatheth on the oyle three times , to signifie the trinity , whereof the holy ghost represented by the oyle is one of the persons . after evening service the altars are stript naked , to shew christs nakednesse on the crosse. in some places also they are washed with wine and water , and rubbed with savin leaves , to represent the blood and tears , with which christ , our true altar , was washed , and the thornes he was crowned with . in the parasceve is kept a strict ●ast and silence , no masse is said this day : christs passion is read in the pulpit uncovered ; the dividing of christs garment is represented by the sub-deacons , much adoration is given to the crosse. christs body is carried by two priests to the altar , which body was consecrated the day before ; for on this day , and on the holy sabbath , the sacrament is not celebrated , because the apostles those two days were in great fear and sadnesse : and so there is no divine office this sabbath . on this day the agni dei , or lambs of wax are consecrated , to defend those that carry them , from thunder and lightning . the paschal taper is also consecrated , and the fire which was put out , is renewed by new sparkes out of a flint , to represent christ the true light of the world , and that stone cut out of the mountain : on the taper ( being lighted ) are fastned five pieces of frankincense , to represent the spices brought by the women , and christs five wounds . the taper hath three things in it , representing christ. the cotton or week signifieth his soul : the wax his body : and the light , his divinity . it also putteth the people in minde of the firie pillar which went before the israelites to canaan . the light of the taper also signifieth both the light of the gospel here , and the light of glory hereafter . the lessons are read without title or tone ; the fonts or baptisteria are also blessed this day , to shew that by baptisme we are buried with christ : the priest in consecrating the water toucheth it with his hand , dips the taper in it , bloweth on it , and mixeth the chrisme with it : baptisme is to be administred but twice a year ; to wit , at this time , and on the day of pentecost , except in case of necessity : besides divers ceremonies used in baptism , the priest bloweth three times on the infant , gives him chrisme , and a white garment . four sorts are excluded from being witnesses in baptism ; namely , religious persons , infidels , such as are not confirmed , a man and his wife together ; for becoming spiritual parents , they are not to know one another carnally any more . they say divers letanies in baptism ; confirmation is done by the bishop , who anoints the child with chrisme on the forehead , as the priest had done on the crown of his head in baptism . the reason why the child is twice anointed with chrisme , is , because the holy ghost was given twice to the apostles ; once here on earth before christs ascension , and once from heaven in a fuller measure after christs ascension . by the first they received a new birth or regeneration ; by the second growth strength and perfection . therefore this sacrament of confirmation is called by the greek fathers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfection or consummation . the chrisme wherewith they are anointed , is made and consecrated on the day of the lords supper , because two days afore easter mary magdalen anointed christs head and feet . the priest must not confirme except by delegation from the pope ; this belongs onely to the bishop , because it is an apostolical function , and bishops are the apostles successors . confirmation is not to be given to those that are not baptized ; because the character of this sacrament , presupposeth the character of baptisme . neither must children be confirmed till they be able to give an account of their faith . then the bishop strikes the childe on the cheek with his hand , to shew he must be content to suffer for christ. on the holy sabbath , the altars begin to be covered again , gloria in excelsis is sung , the bells are rung , as preparatives for the resurrection ; but before the gospel incense is carried instead of light , to shew that the light of the world was supposed to be yet in the grave by the women that went to embalme him . and the post-communion is not sung , to shew how the apostles were silent , when christ was apprehended . q. . what be their other holy days which they observe ? a. the chief is the feast of easter , in which their churches , altars , crosses , and priests , are cloathed in their best ornaments ; nothing this day must be eat or drunk without the priests benediction , and signed with the crosse. in easter week the custome was in salutations , to say the lord is risen , and to answer thus : thanks be to god , and then to kisse each other ; which custome is yet observed by the pope to the cardinals when he sayeth masse this day . the next sunday to easter is called dominica in albis , because they that are baptized on the holy sabbath , lay aside on this day their white garments . the second sunday is called expectationis , the day of expectation or looking for the comming of the holy ghost . on easter day before masse , there is a solemn procession of the priests cloathed in white , singing the resu●rection ; before whom are carried tapers burning , crosses , and banners . there are also processions all the week after to the fonts singing , in imitation of the israelites rejoycing for the drowning of their enemies in the read sea : baptism is the sea , and our sins are our enemies ; every day also this week the neophytes are led to the church by their god-fathers and god-mothers , with wax tapers before them , which on the next sunday , called in albis , they offer to the priests . from the octaves of easter till whitsunday , are sung two halellujahs every sunday , and one every working day , to shew that the joyes of heaven are represented , which the soul onely participates till the resurrection , and after that , soul and body together , which is a double hallelujah : every day i● easter week hath its peculiar epistle and gospel , mentioning the resurrection of christ , and our happinesse in heaven : to this same purpose hath every sunday after easter its peculiar masse and service . rogation sunday , which is the fifth after easter , is so called from praying or asking ; for being ascension day is neer , and we cannot follow christ corporally into heaven , therefore we are taught to follow him by our prayers : three days then before ascension day , are rogations , letanies , or prayers both for spiritual and temporal blessings ; the letany used at this time , is called the lesser , invented by mamertus bishop of vienna , in a time when wolves and other wild beasts had broke out of the woods , and killed divers people ; the greater letany was the invention of gregory the first , when rome was afflicted with a great plague , caused by the poysonable breath of serpents ; on these rogation daies there use to be processions , with crosses , reliques , and banners carried before , singing also and praying for divers blessings ; among the rest , for the fruits of the earth : the vigil or eve of ascension hath its proper mass ; on ascension day is a soleum procession ; on the sunday after , promises are read concerning the coming of the holy ghost : on whitsun eve baptisme is celebrated as it was on easter eve ; for as we are dead with christ i● baptisme , so we are baptized with the holy ghost , which was accomplished when he came down on the apostles : the feast of pentecost is kept seven days , at which time , because of baptisme , white is worn ; this colour signifieth that all who are baptized , are made priests to god the father ; for the priests garment is white ; it sheweth also the innocency and purity that ought to be among christians ; and it puts them in mind of the resurrection , and glory of the life to come . they pray standing , in sign of liberty obtained by the spirit ; hallelujah and gloria in excelsis are sung often this week ; from easter till this time , no man is bound to fast : this feast is observed seven days ▪ to shew the seven gifts of the holy ghost ; and every day three lessons are read , because all the seven gifts are included in these three , faith , hope and charity . the next sunday is kept to the honour of the trinity ; for as christmasse was ordained to be kept in honour of god the father , who sent his son into the world , and easter to christ the second person , and whitsunday to the third person ; so this sunday was instituted to the three persons together ; and from this day are named the other sundaies till adv●●t , whereof are twenty six ; to each of which is appropriated a peculiar masse , with lessons and psalms fit for each day . q. . what be their canonical hours of prayer ? a. their set hours of prayer are called canonical , because they are prescribed by the canons of the church , and regularly observed by devout people . these hours they ground upon the practise of david and daniel , who prayed three times a day . these hours are seven , because david speaketh of calling upon god seven times a day , because the gifts of the holy ghost are seven ; and the foul spirit bringeth seven spirits worse then himself ; there be seven deadly sins ; the walls of ierico fell down at the blowing of the seven ram horn trumpers ; there were seven aspersions in the levitical law , levit. . & . we read also of seven lamps , and seven golden candlesticks . these canonical hours are not onely for the day , but also for the night , after the example of david and christ , who spent some part of the night in prayer ; and of the church in the canticles , which sought christ in the night . the prince of darknesse is most busie in the night to assault us , therefore we ought to watch and pray , that we may not be slaine with the egyptian first born in the night . the nocturnals or night praises , are said at midnight , because at that time paul and silas praised god : and so did david . about that time christ rose from the grave , as the greek church believeth , but the latine church holdeth that he arose in the morning . the first hour of the day is dedicate to prayer ; that whilest the sun riseth , we may call upon the sun of righteousness who bringeth health under his wings . about that hour he was mocked , spit upon , & buffeted : and at that hour after his resurrection , he was seen by his disciples standing on the sea shore . to whom the first fruits of the earth were offered in old time ; to him also should the first fruits of the day be offered . the third hour is consecrated to prayer , because then christ was crowned with thorns , and condemned by pilate . it was the third hour also that the holy ghost descended on the apostles . the sixt hour is canonicall because then christ was crucified ; at that houre peter went up to the top of the house to pray , acts . and then it was that christ asked water from the woman of sa●atia . the ninth hour is for prayer , because then christ gave up the ghost ; so peter and iohn went up into the temple at the ninth hour of prayer acts . the evening also is a time for prayer ; then they have their vespers , because the iewes had their evening sacrifice : then it was that christ instituted the sacrament of the eucharist at his last supper . and then was his body taken down from the crosse. the hour of the completory about the beginning of the night is canonical also ; in memory of christs buriall . and because david would not go up into his bed , nor suffer his eye-lids to slumber , till he had found out a place for the temple . then is sung the song of old simeon , nunc dimittis . q. . what else may we observe about these canonical hours ? a. that all priests , deacons , and sub-deacons , are bound to observe these hours ; so are also monks and nuns , if they be not novices . but the inferiour orders of clergy that are not beneficed , as they are not debarred from marriage , so they are not tied to these canonical hours . they also that are excommunicate and degraded , are to observe these hours , for the character is indelible ; but sick persons and such as have any natural impediment are excused . again , these canonical prayers are not to be said everywhere , but in the church , because the multitude of petitioners makes prayers the more efficacious ; otherways , they acknowledge that private prayers may be said anywhere . the times also , order , and reverence , must be observed in saying of these prayers , and diligent attention must be used without wandering thoughts ; the attention must be ●ixed not onely on the words and sense thereof , but chiefly on god the object of our prayers ; and devotion must be used both outward in prostrating of the body , and inward in humility and submission of the minde . but on sundays and all the time between 〈◊〉 and pentecost they pray standing , to shew 〈◊〉 readinesse ( being risen with christ ) in seeking the things that are above . beneficed men who neglect in six moneths time to say the canonical prayers , are to lose their benefices . in the first canonical hour the kyrie eleeson is said ; so is the lords prayer , and the creed , but with a low voice , to shew that prayer and faith consist rather is the heart then in the tongue . in the third hour prayers are said for the dead , as well as for the living . the sixe hour they say adam fell , and was 〈◊〉 out of paradise , therefore they hold it then a fi● time , by prayer to enter into gods favour again . the ninth hour christs side was peirced , out of which flowed water and blood , the two sacraments of the church , then the vaile of the temple rent asunder , the graves opened , and christ descended into hell ; all which do furnish sufficient matter for prayers and praises that hour . in the end of the day are said the vespers or evening service , to signifie that christ came in the end of the world . in the evening christ washed his disciples feet and was known to the two disciples in breaking of bread , as they were going to emaus . five psalmes are then said , in reference to christs five wounds , and to expi●●e the sins of our five sences . in the evening is sung the magnificat , to shew that in the evening of the world the virgin brought forth christ , in whom is our cheifest rejoycing . and then are lamps lighted to put us in minde that with the wise virgins we should have our lamps ready to meet the bridgroome . the completory is a fit time for prayer , because then christ prayed , and swear blood in the garden . the song of 〈…〉 then sung ; for as he immediatly before his death uttered these words , so should we before our sleep● which is a resemblance of death . four psalmes 〈◊〉 are then said , to expiate the sins of our child-hood , youth , manhood , and old age . the creed is said the first hour and 〈◊〉 , to shew that all 〈◊〉 workes must begin and end i● saith . about mid-night are said the nocturnals , because about that 〈◊〉 the egyptian first borne were 〈◊〉 , then christ was borne , then was he apprehended by the iewes ; 〈◊〉 are we in greatest danger , then is the prince of darknesse most busie in his workes of darknesse . q. . what m●y we observe concerning their processions ? a. they ground their processions on the practise of david and salomon , when the o●e accompained the ark in triumph to the tabernacle , the other to the temple . they have four solemn processions . namely on the purification of the virgin , on palm-sunday , on easter day , and on holy thursday , being the fortieth day after easter , and the day of christs asension , kept in memory of that procession which christ made with his disciples , when they walked to the no●ne of olives , from whence he ascended to heaven ; as there is a procession every sunday in memory of christs resurrection , so there was wount to be another every thursday in remembrance of his ascension ; but because of the multitude of festivals this is kept but once yearly solemnly , yet every sunday it is remembred in that days procession . they hold also that these processions were typified by the israelits comming out of egypt . for as moses delivered them from the tyranny of phar●●h , so hath christ freed us from the oppression of satan . the tables of the law were received on sinai , and carried before the people , so the gospel is taken down from the altar , and carried in their procession . a fiery pillar went before the israelites , and burning tapers are carried before the people in these solemnities : as every tribe had their armes and colours carried before them , so here are carried crosses and banners . their levites hore the tabernacle , and our deacons carry the coffer or pix . their priests carried the ark , and our priests carry the holy reliques . in their procession aaron followed in his ornaments , and in ours , the bishop in his pontificals . there was the sounding of trumpets , here the noyse of bells ; there was sprinkling of blood , here of holy water , &c. they carry banners and crosses in memory of that crosse seen in the aire by constantin , and which after he always wore in his banners . besides these triumphant processions , they have also in times of publick calamity , m●urnfull processions which they call rogatio●s , and the greeks litaniae , that is prayers of supplications , of which there is the great letanie kept on saint marks feast , and invented by gregory the first in a great plague at rome . the lesser letanie is kept three days before the ascension , and was invented at vienna by mamertus bishop there , in a time when there were great earth-quakes and irruptions of wolves which in france did great hurt : this is called the lesser rogation , because it was found out in a lesser city then rome , and by a lesser bishop then gregory . yet the lesser is more ancient by . years , for it was devised in the time of zeno the emperor of constantinople ; whereas the other was found out in the time of mauritius , who was contemporary with gregory the great . pope liberius appointed there should be letanies , when wars , plague , or famine do threaten ; which commonly fall out about that time of the year , wherein the memory of christs ascension is observed . q. . wherein consisteth the eighth part of their worship ? a. in the worship of the saints , whom they honour with temples , chappels , altars , images , holy-days , mentioning of their names in the masse , reserving and worshiping of their reliques , praying to them , &c. they divide them into four ranks ; namely , apostles , martyrs , confessors , and virgins . the festival days of the saints , kept in memory of their martyrdom , are called natales , that is , birth-days ; for then they began truly to live , when they died for christ. in the kalendar these following saints have their holy-days ; fabian and sebastian , agnes , the conversion of s. paul , iulian , agatha , the purification of mary ; this day is a procession in memory of that procession which ioseph and mary made to the temple : this feast was instituted in the time of iustin●an , upon a great mortality which then hapned , and candles this day are carried with great solemnity , to shew that our light should shine before men ; that christ who was this day presented in the temple , is the true light of the world ; and that like wise virgins , whereof mary was the chief , we should have our lamps ready : the feast of s. peters chair is kept in memory of his advancement first to the bishoprick of antioch , then of rome : the feast of the annunciation is kept in memory of the tidings which the angel brought to mary of her conception : on the first of may is the feast of philip and iames the lesser , the son of alpheus , and brother of our lord , who was the first bishop of ierusalem , had seen christs transfiguration , and for preaching christ , was thrown down from the pinacle of the temple by the jewes : the other iames called the greater , and of compostella , was the son of zebedaeus , and brother to s. iohn the evangelist : on the third of may is the invention of finding of the crosse by helena , constantines mother : the feast of s. iohn baptist is kept the . of iune , in which are fires made , and torches carried , to shew that he was a shining and a burning lamp : the feast of peter and paul is kept the of iune , in memory that they both suffered in one day under nero : on the of iuly is the feast of s. iames , s. iohns brother , who preached the gospel in spain , and returning to ierusalem , was beheaded by herod : the feast of the seven sleepers is on the of iuly ; these flying from the persecution of decius , hid themselves in a cave , where they slept about years , and being awaked , thought they had slept but one night : the feast of s. peters chaines is kept august the first , in memory of peters miraculous delivery from herods prison , when the chaines fell from him of their own accord : the feast of s. laurence is kept august the tenth , in memory of his martyrdom under valerian ; he was arch-decon of rome , after whom , none there have had that title : the assumption of mary is on the fifteenth of august , this is her greatest feast ; for it is ushered in with a fast , and hath its octave : on this day herbes and flowers are gathered and blessed , because she is compared to the rose and lilly : s. bartholomews ▪ feast is on the of august ; he preached in india , and then in albania of armenia , where he was first ●leaed , and then beheaded , therefore some keep the feast of his excoriation , others of his decollation : s. iohn baptists decollation is kept the of august ; his head hath been removed from divers places : the nativity of s. mary is celebrated the of september ; it was kept in heaven by the angels , ( so goeth the story ) long before it was observed by men here on earth ; the romane church celebrates no nativities , except that of christs , of his mother , and of his forerunner : the exaltation of the crosse is kept the of september , in memory of the crosse recovered from cosroes , king of persia , by the emperor heraclius , and by him carried in triumph into ierusalem : the feast of s. matthew the apostle and evangelist , is on the of september , in remembrance of his suffering for christ in ethiopia , where having planted the gospel , he was beheaded there : s. lukes day is on the of october ; he was a painter , physitian , and evangelist , and the disciple of saint paul : the feast of simon and iude is kept on the of october ; these were brothers , and sons to mary cleophas , who married to alpheus ; they had two brothers more , to wit , iames the lesser , and ioseph called barsa●as , and sirnamed iustus : simon was called zelotes , and cananaeus , from cana of galilee : iude was named 〈◊〉 and lebeus ; simon preacht in egypt , afterward he succeded iames in the see of ierusalem , where he was crucified : iude preached to the medes and persians , and suffered at persis : the first of november is dedicated to all the saints , because there be more then can have particular dayes assigned them . the old romans worshipped all their gods together in one temple called fantheon ; christians held it fitter to worship all the saints and martyrs in the same temple , under the name of saint mary ; this feast is ushered in with fasting , the day before , and backed with prayers for all souls in purgatory the day after saint martin bishop and confessor , is honoured the eleventh of november , for his charity to the poor , in parting with his own garments to cloath them , and for his humility , in that he would dye on no other bed but on a heap of ashes ; this feast hath its vigil and octave . they thought that he should be thus honoured by men , who had been honoured by angels : the thirtieth of november is saint andrew● day ; he preached in scythia , achaia , and other places thereabout , and suffered death on a crosse ; his bones , with those of saint luke , were translated to constantinople , in the time of constantine the second . the sixth of december is for saint nicholas , the bishop , famous for his charity , boldnesse , and constancy in the maintenance of christianity . they write that being an infant he would never suck his mothers brests but once on wedensdays and fridays . the of december is for saint thomas , who preached to the indians , & by their idolatrous priests was first shot with arrows , and then thrust through with a lance , as he was at his prayers . saint stephen is celebrated the six and twentieth of december ; as he was the first martyr , so he deserved to be the first in the kalendar : the first martyr is placed next to christs nativity , to shew christ was born , that we might suffer ; and christs nativity here on earth , was the cause of stephens nativity in heaven . saint iohn the beloved disciple , is honoured on the seven and twentieth of december : he escaped miraculously , first poyson , and then burning oyle . the eight and twentieth of december , is for the innocents , who suffered in their infancy by herod , for the infant king of the iewes christ jesus ; there are multitudes of saints more , who are placed in the kalendar , as ambrose , bishop , on december . anselme , bishop , april . augustine , bishop , august . babylas , bishop , ianuary . barbara the virgin , december . barnabas the apostle , iune . basil , bishop , april . basil the great , ianuary . bernard , abbot , august . bonav●ntura the cardinal , iuly . three bonifaces , and three katharines on several days . christopher , martyr , iuly . clemens , pope and martyr , november . saint paul's conversion , april . saint austins conversion , may . cyprian , martyr , september . dionyflus the areopagi●e , october . epiphanius , bishop , may . george , martyr , april . gregory the great pope , march . gregory nazianzen , bishop , may . gregorius thaumaturgu● , november . william , confessor , february . hierom , september . ignatius , bishop and martyr , feburary . ignafius loyo●a , iuly . iohannes chrysostom , bishop , ianuary . iohn damascen , may 〈◊〉 ioseph maries husband , march . irenaeus , martyr , august . iulianus , martyr , ianuary . iustinus , martyr , april . landfrancus , bishop , iuly . laurence , martyr , august . . lewis , king , august . mary magdalen , iuly . matthias , apostle , february , michael , arch-angel , september . narcissus , bishop , october . olaus , king , iuly . patrick , bishop , march . polycarpus , bishop . ianuary . severinus boethius , october . thomas , bishop , december . tomas aquin●s , march . vigilius , bishop , iune . there are multitudes more in the roman ka●endar , but these are the chiefe which i have culled out : they have also holy days for some eminent iewes , as daniel the prophet , &c. for angels also , and for dedication of churches , which the greeks call e●coenia , a custom borrowed from the jews . q. . what ornaments and vtensils doe they use in their churches dedicate to christ and the saints ? a. they have in them their reliques , pictures , images ; crosses also , and crucifixes , the images also of angels , which they paint with wings to signifie their swiftnesse , and sublimity of their nature ; with white garments also to shew their purity . the images of christ and of the saints , are painted with the sunne , beams about their heads , to represent the glory they are in . god the father is represented like an old man , because he is described by daniel like the ancient of daies . the holy ghost is painted like a dove ; because in that form he appeared on christ. they have chalices not of glasse , because subject to breaking ; not of wood , because that is porous and drinks in the liquor ; not of brasse nor copper , because of the bad smell thereof , and rust , or canker , but of silver or gold . they have also candlesticks , tapers and lamps , which they burn to the saints by day , to shew they are not in darknesse , but in light . their censers and incense represent christ , and the prayers of the saints which like incense ascend before god ; these odors are burnt in their churches , both to expel bad vapors , and to refresh the sences . they have also their flaps or fans to drive away flies from the chalice , after the example of abraham , who drove away the birds from his sacrifice ; and to teach us that we should drive away all wandring thoughts when we pray . their patin● and other vessels shining bright , put us in mind how we should shine in out conversation . the corporal is the linnen cloath in which the eucharist is covered , signifying how christs body was wrapped up in fine linnen ; for as linnen is first washed , then wrung , and lastly dried ; so must our souls be first washed in tears , then wrung by repentance , and lastly dried by the heat of the love of god. organs are also used in churches to excite the minde , and to stir up devotion . yet in the popes chappel there are none , perhaps to shew that he needs no such helps . their altars are inclosed with railes , to keep off the people , for the priests only have accesse to them ; they were anciently places of refuge , and are covered all the year , except in the passion week ; then they are stript , to represent christs nakednesse on the crosse . ordinarily the altar is placed towards the east , yet in the church of antioch it was placed towards the west . on the altar s●ands the pixis or ciborium , which keepeth the host for strangers , sick persons and travellers ; but it must not be kept above seven dayes , least it mould ; therefore the priest must eat it himselfe , and put in a fresh one . they have fonts , called baptisteria , of stone , in which the water of baptisme is consecrated by the priest , who poureth oyle into it ; he also by breathing ▪ and by certain words exorciseth the evil spirit . salt is consecrated , and put into the childs month , to shew that he must have spiritual salt within him : then the priest layeth his hand on the childs head , in sign he is reconciled and made a member of the church . then he signeth his forehead with the sign of the crosse , that hereafter he may not be ashamed of christ crucified . he puts his finger into his eare and into his nostrils also with spittle ; saying to his right eare epph●ra , that is , be thou opened ; to shew that by nature we are deaf in spiritual things , as was that man whom christ after this manner cured in the gospel ▪ the touching of the nostrils sheweth that the child must remember his vow in baptisme , so long as he hath breath in him . then he anoints the child two times , that he may renounce the devil and all his works , &c. the breast is first anointed , then the shoulders , to shew the strength of our love , and faith in the trinity , and that withall we must be wrestlers against all spiritual wickednesse . the childe is three times dipe in the water , and in some places onely sprinkled ; to shew christs three days burial , and our faith in the trinity . after baptisme the child is anointed by the priest on the forehead with chrisme , and cloathed in white , to signifie he must cast off the old man , and be cloathed with innocency : antiently those that were baptized at easter , wore white all that week , which they laid aside the sunday following , called therefore 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ; this also signified the glory of the resurrection . then a wax candle burning is given him , to shew the light of faith and knowledge that should be in him , and with which he should be ready to meet the bridegroom . then the godfathers are instructed concerning their duty to the child . q. . what other vtensils have they in their churches ? a. they have three viols or flaggons for oyl , which the priest carrieth on the day of the lords supper ; one holds the oyl of the catechumeni , the second is for the chris●me , and the third for the oyl of the sick . with the chrisme the baptized are anointed on their crown ; and they that are confirmed , on the forehead , and so are they who be ordained . the catechumeni and 〈◊〉 are anointed with single oyl . they have also in thei● churches holy water pots , which by some are called 〈◊〉 , by others situlae , and aqu●nina●ia and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this pot must be of stone or marble , at which is tied with a chaine the holy water spunge ; with this salt water they are 〈◊〉 that enter into the church , because antiently they wasted before they entered into the temple , to shew that with pure and sancti●ied minds we must come before god. they have also bells which they 〈◊〉 with water , and consecrate with certain prayers ; these have suceeded the trumpets used by the jewes , to 〈◊〉 together the assembly . they have also altars which they anoint and consecrate ; & holy reliques , whereof many doubtlesse are supposititious and false ; therefore no new reliques are to be received without the bishops approbation , nor to be honoured without the popes authority . and because the altar represents christ , therefore the priest after masse , in sign of reverence and subjection kisseth the altar ; by which also he sheweth the great desire the church hath to enjoy christ when she saith , let him kisse me with the kisses of his mouth . the vestry is the place where the sacred vestiments ( of which we have already spoken ) are kept . here the priest before masse puts on his holy garments ; this place they say represents the virgins womb , in which our great high priest put on the garment of our humane nature , that in it he might offer the true propiatory sacrifi●e to god his father , for the sins of the world . they make also every part of their material temple , to have a mystical signification ; the quire represents the church triumphant , the main body the church militant ; the porch or great door is christ , by whom onely we have accesse to the father ; the windows are the scriptures , which give light to the spiritual church ; the pillars are the apostles by their doctrine supporting the church ; the pavement is humility and faith : the cover is gods protection ; the tower with the bells are the prelates , which ought to be eminent in their conversation , and sounding in their preaching ; the cock on the top thereof , is to put them in minde of their vigilancy ; the lights that shine continually in their churches , are to signifie our good works which should shine before men . q. . what office do they perform to the dead ? a. they have a peculiar office or service for the dead in purgatory , which some perform every third day , that they might be partakers of christs resurrection , who overcame death that day ; some again every seventh day , that they may attain to the eternal sabbath or rest in heaven , whereof gods resting from the works of creation on the se●enth day , was a type . others perform this office the thirtieth day , because the israelites mourned for moses and aaron thirty days . others again the fortieth day , because ioseph and his brethren bewailed iacob forty days . others the fiftieth day , because the fiftieth year is the jubilee , or year of liberty , which they wish these imprisoned soules may partake eternally . others perform this office yearly , and make it anniversary ; but if this day fall upon sunday or any other solemn festivity , then it must not be kept , nor put off till the next day , as the feasts of the saints are , but must be kept the day before , that the souls may the sooner partake the fruits of our devotion . no masse must be said on festival days for the dead , except the body be present . and although in the masse for the living incense is burned , to shew that their prayers like incense ascend before god ; yet in the masse for the dead incense is not burned , because their prayers are of no efficacy ; for do the dead praise thee ? saith david . the corps may not be brought into the church , whilest masse is saying for the living , but must be set in the porch till masse be done , and the mass for the dead be begun , in which masse the kisse of peace must not be given , because there is no communion between us and the dead , neither can they answer us ; the dead corps is washed and anointed ; then it is carried to the church ; but by the way the bearers rest three times , to signifie christs three days rest in the grave . holy water and frankincense is put in the grave with the corps , to keep off evil spirits thence , and to shew that the deceased party hath offered to god the incense of his prayers and good life whilest he lived . he is buried with green bayes , to shew that his soul is alive , and that it doth not ●ither with the body ; and with his face upward , and his feet towards the east , to shew his expectation of heaven , and his readinesse to meet christ in the resurrection , whose appearance ( is believed ) shall be in the east . every christian that is buried out of the church , or church-yard , hath a crosse set at his head , to shew he was a christian. c●ergy men that have taken orders , are buried in the habit of their orders ; all are wrapt in linnen , because christ was so ; yet some are buried in sackcloth to shew their repentance . antiently the names of holy men departed were registred in scrolls or ●olding tables called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word diptycha the latin church retained ; these were kept by the bishop , and the ●ames publickly read , in time of divine service , to shew that the just shall be had in everlasting remembrance . the prayers that are made for the dead , are not for the saints in heaven , for they need not our prayers , but our praises to god for them ; nor for the damned in hell , seeing our prayers can availe them nothing , but onely for those who dying in venial sins unrepented , make satisfaction in purgatory ; lastly there is neither gloria in exce●sis , nor hallelujah , sung in the office for the dead . of these passages see alcui●us de divin . offic . amalar. fortunat. de eccles. officiis , stephanus durantus de ritibus eccles. cathol . guliel . durandus in rationali , &c. the contents of the fourteenth section . of the eastern religions , and first of the greeks . . of the church dignities , and discipline in the greek church at this day ▪ . of the other nations , professing the greek religion , chiefly the moscovites , and armenians . . of the monks , nun● , and eremites of moscovia . . of the form of service in their chu . ches . . how they administer the sacraments . . the doctrine and ceremonies of the russian church at this day . . of their marriage and funeral ceremonies . . of the profession of the armenians . . of the other greek sects , namely the melchites , georgians , and mengrelians . . of the nestorians , indians , and jacobites . . of the maronites religions . . of the cophti . . of the abyssin christians . . wherein the protestants agree with , and dissent from other christian churches . sect . xiiii . quest. . having taken a view of the differences in religion among the romanists and anti romanists in the west , what religion do the christians in the east professe ? a. in the east the greek religion prevaileth in many places , chiefly in those countries of europe ; namely , greece , macedon , epirus , 〈◊〉 , thr●ce , servia , basci● moldavia , walachi● ▪ bosnia , podolia , and moscovia ; in the islands also of the aegean sea , and in some parts of poland , dalmatia , and croatia ; in some parts also of asia , namely , in natolia , circassia , mengrelia , and russia . the greek● place much of their devotion in the worship of the virgin mary , and of painted , but not carved images ; in the interces●ion , prayers , help , and merits of the saints , which they invocate in their temples . they place justification not in faith , but in workes ; school-divinity , chiefly the works of thomas aquin●s ; which they have in greek , are in great request with them . the sacrifice of the masse , is used for the quick , and the dead ; and they use to buy masses ; they do not hold a purgatory fire , yet they believe there is a third place between that of the blessed and the damned , where they remain who have deferred repentance till the end of their life ; but if this place be not purgatory , i know not what it is , not what the souls do there . though they deny the procession of the holy ghost from the son , yet ▪ they baptise in the name of the three persons . priests among them may marry once , but not of●●er . that marriage is unlawfull , which is contracted within the seventh degree of consanguinity and affinity . they use leavened bread in the sacrament , and administer in both kinds ; they have four l●●ts in the year ; they deny the popes supremacy , abstain from blood and things strangled ; observe the jewish sabbath with the lords day . they use neither confirmation , nor extream unction , and will not have either the blessed souls i● heaven to enjoy gods presence , or the wicked in hell to be tormented ●ill the day of judgement ; preaching is little used amongst them , but masses often ; therefore one of their monks , whom they call coloieri , for preaching , sometimes in lent , and at christmasse , and eastet , was accused and banished to mount sinai by the patriarch of constantinople , as chytraus witnesseth . they esteem equal with the scriptures , the acts of the seven greek synods , and the writings of basil , chrysosto●e , 〈◊〉 , and their traditions . they believe that the souls of the dead are bettered by the prayers of the living . they are no less for the churches authority and for traditions , then the roman catholicks be ; when the sacrament is carried through the templ● , the people by bowing themselves adore it , and falling on their knees , kisse the 〈◊〉 . q. . what ecclesiastical dignities and discipline is there in the greek church at this day ? a. they have their patriarch , who resides at constantinople , who is elected by his metropolitans and arch-bishops , but is confirmed by the great turkes chief bassa , who upon promise of some thousand duckets from the patriarch , do●h ratifie his priviledges . he hath no more authority with the great turk , then any christian embassadour , who thinks it a great honour to be admitted to fall down at the seigniors feet , and to kisse his cloak . next to the patriarch are the metropolitans , who are placed according to their antiquity . of thes metropolitans are . under whom are arch-bishops , and bishops . the metropolitan of thessalonica hath ten bishops under him ; he of athens hath six ; corinth hath foure bishops , and one hundred churches ; mitylena had five bishopricks , but now none ; chalcedon hath a metropolitan and sixty churches , but no bishops ; the metropolis of nicaea hath fifty churches , but no bishop at this time ; ephesus hath fifty churches , but no bishop ; philippi , the metropolis of macedonia , hath one hundred and fifty churches ; antiochia of pi●idia , is metropolis of fourty churches ; smyr●a is metropolis of eighty churches ; but fourty or fifty persons make a church in greece . most of the metropolies in asia are ●●ined . the greeks at constantinople are distributed into certain churches , where they meet on sundays and holy days ; their greatest congregations scarce exceed three hundred persons . their chiefe feast is that of maries assumption ; every lords day in lent , the patriarch sayeth masse , sometimes in one church , sometimes in another , where he collects the almes of well disposed people . they have no musick in their churches : the women are shut up in their churches within latises , that they may not be seen by the men . in the patriarchs own church are to be seen the bodies of mary salome , of saint euphemi● , and the murble pillar , to which christ was bound , when he was scourged . they have also in the greek church hieromonachi and priests whom they call popes ; 〈◊〉 may consecrate , and say masse . they have the● ? lay-monks , deacons , and sub-deacons , and their anagnostes , who read the dom●nical epistle and other things . the monks who are all of saint basils order have their archimandrithes or abbots . their monks are not idle , but work ; they are called caloieri ; the patriarch , metropolites , and bishops are of this order , and abstain from flesh ; but in lent , and other fasting times they forbear fish , milk and egges ; the greeks celebrate their liturgies in the old greek tongue , which they scarce understand . on festival days , they use the liturgy of basil , on other days that of chrysost●me . they have no other tran●lation of the bible , but that of the . q. , what other nations professe the greek religion , besides those al●eady named ? a. the moscovites and armenians ; ●s for the moscovites , they with the russians were converted by the greeks , and are with them of the same communion and faith , saving that they differ from the greeks , in receiving children of seven years old to the communion , in mingling the bread and wine in the chalice with warm water , and distributing it together in a spoon : besides , they permit neither priest nor deacon to officiate or take orders , except they be married ; and yet when they are actually in orders , will not allow them to marry : they dissolve marriage upon every light occasion : the arch-bishop of mosco , their chief metropolitan , was wont to be confirmed by the patriarch of constantinople , but is now nominated by the prince or great duke , and consecrated by three of his own suffragans , whereof there be but eleven in all that dominion ; but the bishops of south russia subject to the king of poland , have submitted themselves to the pope ; and whereas the russian clergy were wont to send yearly gifts to the patriarch of constantinople , residing at sio or chios ; now the gr●at duke himself sends him somewhat yearly toward his maintenance : the bishops of moscovia , besides their tythes , have large rents to maintain them according to their place and dignitie ; and they have as large an ecclesiastical jurisdiction , as any clergy in christendome : they do so highly esteemthe scriptures and four general councels , that they touch them not without crossing and bowing : besides their patriarch and two metropolitans of novograd , and rostove , they have arch-bishops , and six bishops ; besides priests , arch-priests , deacons , monks , nuns , and heremites . the patriarch of mosco was invested in his jurisdiction by hieronymo , the banished patriarch of constantinople , or sio ; because in the isle chio or sio , was the patriarchs seat , after he was banished by the turk from b●zantium . the bishops in their solemnities wear rich mitres on their heads , embroydered copes with gold and pearle on their backs , and a crosiers staff in their hands ; when they ride abroad , they blesse the people with their two fore-fingers . all bishops , arch bishops , and metropolites are chosen by the great duke himselfe , out of their monasteries ; so that first they must be monks , before they can attain these dignities ; so they must be all unmarried men . the ceremonies of the bishops inauguration are in a manner the same that are used in the church of rome . preaching is not used in this church ; onely twice a year , to wit , the first of september , which is their new years day , and on saint iohn baptists day , in the cathedral church a short speech is made by the metropolite , arch-bishop , or bishop , tending to love with their neighbours , obedience and loyalty to their prince , to the observation of their fasts and vows , and to perform their dnti●● to the holy church , &c. clergy there keep out learning , to keep up tyranny . the priests crowns are not shaven but shorne , and by the bishop anointed with oyle ; who in the priests ordination puts his surplise on him , and sets a white crosse on his breast , which he is not to wear above eight days ; and so he is authorised to say , sing , and administer the sacraments in the church . they honour the images of saints ; their priests must marry but once ; the 〈◊〉 people pray not themselves , but cause the priests 〈◊〉 pray for them , when they go about any businesse or journy . every year there is great meetings to solemnise the saints day that is patron of their church ; and to have prayers said to that saint for themselves and friends , and so an offering is made to the priest for his pains ; for he lives on the peoples benevolence , and not on tythes ▪ once a quarter the priest blesseth his parishioners houses with persume , and holy water , for which he is paid ; but whatsoever benefit the priest makes of his place , he must pay the tenth thereof to the bishop . the priest wears long 〈◊〉 of hair ▪ hanging down by his ears , a gowne with a broad cape , and a walking staff in his hand . he wears his surplise , and on solemne days his cope , when he reads the liturgy . they have their regular priests , who live in covents . in cathedral churches are arch-priests , and arch-deacons ; every priest hath his deacon or sexton . q. . are there any store of monks , nuns , and ere●ites in moscovia ? a. every city abounds with monks of st. basils order ; for many out of displeasure , others out of fear in avoid punishment , and others to avoid taxes and oppression , do embrace this life ; besides the opinion of ●●●rit they have thereby . when any is admitted , he is by the abbot stript of his secular garments , and next to his skin , is cloathed with a white fl●nnel shirt ; over which is a long garment , girded with a ●road leathern belt . the upper garment is of say , of a ●ooty-colour ; then his crown is shorne , to whom the abbot sheweth , that as his haires are taken from his head , so must he be taken from the world : this done he anoints his crown with oyle , puts on his ●wle , and so receives him into the fraternity , having vowed abstinence from flesh , and perpetual chastity . the monks do not onely live upon their rents , but they trade also , and are great merchants ; as for scholarship they have none . sergius is a great saint ●mongst them , to whom the empress goeth sometimes in pilgrimage . they have divers nunneries ; some whereof are onely for noble mens widows and daughters , whose stock the emperor meanes to ex●i●guish . they have e●emites also , who go stark naked , except about the middle , they wear long hair , and an l●on collar about their neck or middle . the people esteem them as saints , and prophets , and whatsoever they say is received as oracles , even by the great duke himselfe . he thinks himself in great favour with god , who is reproved , or robbed of any part of his goods by them . but of these e●emites there be very few in that cold country . q. . what form of service have they in their churches ? a. they have their matti●s every morning ; the priest attended by his deacon , in the middle of the church , calls on christ for a blessing , in the name of the trinity , and then repeats three times , lord have mercy upon us : this done , he marcheth into the chancel , whither no man may enter but the priest alone ; and there at the altar he sayeth the lords prayer , and twelve times lord have mercy upon us ; then praised at the trinity : the deacon and people answer amen . then he reads the psalmes for the day , and with the people turns to the images on the wall , to which they bow three times knocking their heads to the ground . then he reads the decalogue , and athanasius his creed . after this the deacon standing without the chancel door , reads a part of their legend of saints lives , which is divided into so many parts as there be days in the year ; then he addeth some collects or prayers . this service lasteth about two hours , all which time many wax candles burn before their images , some as big as a mans wast ; such are vowed and enjoyned by pe●nance . they have about nine of the morning another service , and on festival days they have solemn devotion . the evening service is begun like the marnings ; after the psalmes the priest singeth the 〈◊〉 in their language , and then all with one voice , lord have mercy upon us , thirty times together ; and the boyes answer thirty times ; then is read by the priest , and on holy days sung ; the first psalme , and 〈◊〉 repented ten times . then the priest reads some part of the gospel , which he ends with three hallelujahs ; and withal that evening service with a collect for the day ; all this while the priest standeth as , the high 〈◊〉 . the deacon● stand without the chancel , whither they dare not come during service time . the people stand together in the body of the church , for they have no pews to sit in . q. . how do they administer the sacraments ? 〈…〉 eight days after the child is born , he is brought to the church-porch , where the priest receives him ; and tells the witnesses their duties in the childs education after baptisme , namely to teach him how to know god and christ , and withal what saints are the chiefe mediators ; then he conjures the devil out of the water , and so after some prayers , he plungeth the child three times over head and ears in a tub of warm water , holding it necessary that every part of the child be dipped . they use the same words that we do ; in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost : and not by the holy ghost , as some hereticks have used . then the priest lay●th oyl and salt mixed together on the childes forehead , on both sides of his face , and on his lips praying that god would make him a good christian , &c. this done , the child being now made a christian , is carried from the porch into the church : the priest marching before , who layeth him on a cushion before the feet of the chief image in the church , to which he is recommended as to his mediator . after baptisme the childs hair is cut off , wrapped up in wax , and reserved as a relique in the church . the russians use to re-bapbaptise their proselyte christians , and in some monasterie to instruct them in their religion ; first they cloath the new convert with a fresh russian garment , then they crown him with a garland , anoint his head with oyl , put a wax light into his hand , and for seven days together pray over him four times a day ; all which time he is to forbear flesh , and white meats . after the seventh day he is washed , and , on the eighth day is brought into the church , and there instructed how to bow , knock his head , and crosse himself before their images . the russians communicate but once a year , in lent after confession to the priest ; who calls them up to the altar , askes them if they be clean from sin ; if they be , they are admitted ; but never above three at one time . whilest the priest prayeth , the communicants stand with their ●rms folded one within another ; then he delivereth to them a spoonful of bread and wine tempered together , saying , eat this drink this , without any pause . then he delivereth bread by it self , and wine mingled with warm water , to represent the water and bloc● that issued out of christ side . then the communicants follow the priest thrice about the altar , with their folded arms . at last after prayers the priest chargeth them to make good cheer and be merry for seven days together , & to fast the next seven days after . q. . what is the doctrine and ceremonies of the russian church at this day ? a , they hold that the books of moses ( except genesis ) are not to be read in churches , and are of no use since christs comming ; nor the prophets , nor the revelation . . they teach that their church traditions are of equal authority with the word of god. . that the greek church , chiefly the patriarch and his synod , have full authority to interpret the scriptures , and that their interpretation is authentick . . that the holy ghost proceedeth not from the son. . they hold christ to be the onely mediator of redemption , but not of intercession ; this honour they give to the saints ; chiefly to the virgin mary , and saint nichola● , who they say is attended upon by three hundred of the chief angels . . their doctrine and practise is to adore the images or pictures of the saints , whereof their churches are full , and richly adorned . . they teach that in this life there can be no assurance of salvation . . and that we are justified not by faith only , but by works also ; which consist in prayers by number on their beads , in fasts , vows , almes , crossings , offerings to saints , and such like . . they ascribe great power to auricular confession in doing away sin . . they hold al to be damned , that dye without baptism . . extream unction is with them a sacrament , though not of such necessity as baptisme , yet they hold it a cursed thing to dye without it . . they re-baptise christians converted to their church . . they esteem some meats more holy then others , and are very strictly superstitious in their fasts . . they disallow marriage in their clergy ; yet they permit their priests to marry once . . they place such vertue in the cross that they advance it in all their high ways , on the tops of their churches , on the doors of their houses ▪ and are upon all occasions signing themselves with it on their foreheads and breasts : they adore it , they use the signe thereof in stead of prayers and thanksgiving in the morning and evening , when they sit down to meat and rise from table ; when they swear , they swear by the crosse , &c. . such vertue they place in holy water , that after the bishops have consecrated the rivers on the ep●pbany , as their custome is then every year , people strive who shall first plunge their children , and themselves therein , and think their meat is blessed that is boyled in that water ; and that the sick shall either recover , or be made more fit and holy for god , if they drink thereof . . they have their solemn processions on the epip●any , in which go two deacons bearing banners in their hands , the one of our lady , the other of saint michael fighting with the dragon ; after them follow the other deacons and priests two and two in a rank , with copes on their backs , and images hanging on their breasts . after these march the bishops in their robes , then the monks and their abbots : and after them the patriarch in rich attire , with a ball on the top of his mytre , as if his head supported the world ; at last comes the great duke with his nobility ; when they are come to the river , a hole is made in the ice ; then the patriarch prayeth , and conjureth the devil out of the water ; which done , he casteth salt , and censeth the water with incense , and so it becomes holy . this is the procession at mosco ; where the people are provident , least the devil ( bring conjured out of the water ) should enter into their houses , they make crosses with chalk over their doors . in their processions also they carry the image of christ within a pix upon a high pole , which they adore , & think this image was made without hands . . such holinesse they place in their priests benediction , that when they brew , they bring a dish of wo●t to the priest within the church , which he consecrates , and this makes the whole brewing holy . in harvest they do the like , by bringing the first fruits of their corn to the priest to be hallowed . . on palm sunday , when the patriarch rideth through the mosco , the great duke holds his horse bridle , and the people crie hosa●●a , spreading their upper garments under his horse seet . the duke hath for his service that day a pension from the patriarch of . rubbels . . besides their wednesdays and fridays fasts , they have four lents in the year : the first and great lent is as ours , before easter , the second about midsummer , the third in harvest time , the fourth about all-hollow-tide ; the first week of their great lent they feed upon bread and salt onely , and drink nothing but water ; in this lent they have three vigils , in the last whereof which is on good friday , the whole parish watcheth in the church from nine a clock in the evening , till six in the morning ; all which time they stand , except when they fall down and knock their heads against their images , which must be ● . times in that night . . they have a saint for every day of the year , which is held the patron of that day . the image whereof is brought every morning with the crosse into the great dukes chamber , by the priest his chaplain ; before which image the great duke prayeth , crosseth himself , and knocks his head to the ground : then is he with his images be sprinkled by the priest with holy water . on his chair where he sitteth , he hath always the picture of christ , and of his mother ▪ as often as he , or his nobles , drink or change their dishes at table , they crosse themselves . q. what ceremonies use they in their 〈◊〉 ari●ges & funerals ? a. their marriages are performed with such words of contract as are used among us , with a ring also , and delivery of the brides hand into the bride-groomes by the priest , who stand both at the altar , opposite to each other . the matrimonial knot being tied , the bride comes to the bride groome , and falleth down at his feet , knocking her head upon his shooe , in sign of her subjection ; and he casteth the lap of his upper garment over her , in token of cherishing and protection : then the brides friends bow low to the bride-groome , and his friends likewise to hers , in sign of affinity and love : and withall the bride-groomes father offers to the priest a loaf of bread , who delivers it to the brides father , with attestation before god and their pictures , that he deliver the dowry wholy at the appointed day , and keep love with one another ; hereupon they break the loaf and eat it . this done , the married couple walk hand in hand to the church porch , where the bride-groome drinketh to the bride , who pledgeth him ; then he goeth to his fathers house , and she to hers , where either entertain their friends apart . in token of plenty and fruitfulnesse , corn is flung out of the windows upon the bride and brid-groom , at their entring into the house . in the evening the bride is brought to the bride-groomes fathers house ; there she lodgeth that night in silence and obscurity ; she must not be seen by the bride-groome , till the next day ; for three days she must say little or nothing ; then they depart to their own house , and feast their friends . upon any small dislike the man may enter into a monastery , and so forsake his wife . at their funerals they hire women to mourn , who howle over the body in a barbarous manner , asking him what he wanted , and why he would dye ? they use to put into the dead parties hand a letter to saint nicholas their chief mediator , to intercede for him . they use both anniversary and monethly commemorations of their dead friends , over whose graves the priest prayeth , and hath a penny for his pains . they that dye in the winter , because the ground then cannot be digged , have their bodies piled up together in a place , which they call gods house , till the spring ; what time the bodies and the earth being resolved and softned , every one taketh his dead freind and burieth him in the same apparel he used to wear when he lived . q. . what is the profession of the armenians ? a. they were altogether of the greek religion , and subject to the patriarch of constantinople , but now are fallen off in most tenets , and have two patriarchs of thir own ; the one resideth in 〈◊〉 the greater , called 〈◊〉 ; the other in armenia the lesser ; but now the one sits in persia ; the other , to wi● , the lesser , in cilici● . they are in some sort 〈◊〉 , holding a coalition of christs two natures , into one compounded nature ; but by their late confession ▪ ìt seems they have renounced this opinion . their patriarch ▪ they call catholikes : they administer the sacrament with unleavened bread ; and will not have christs body to be really in the sacrament under the species of bread and wine ; nor do they mingle water with wine . with the greeks they deny the procession of the holy ghost from the son. they give the eucharist to infants presently after baptism ; they pray for the dead , yet deny purgatory ; they re-baptise converts from the latine church . they fast the . of december , and keep christmasse day on the epiphany , or rather christs baptisme . they keep the feast of annunciation the sixt day of april , the purification the fourteenth of february . they eat flesh on fridays , betwen easter and ascention day . in lent they feed onely on herbs , rootes , fruits , and pulse ; they abstain from such beasts they account unclean ▪ they hold that the souls of good men obtain not felicity till the resurrection : they admit none to be secular priests till they are married ; but must not marry the second time . they will not have the sacraments to confer grace . they administer the cup to all , and celebrate no masse , without distributing the sacrament . they invocate saints , and insert divers words into the creed which are neither greek nor latine . q. . what other sects are there of the greek religion ? a. the melchites , so called from melech , a king , because they have always followed the faith of the emperors of constantinople , according as it was established by the councel of chalcedon , against eutyches and dioscorus . they are also called syrians , from the country where they inhabit . these are altogether of the greek religion and communion , but not of the jurisdiction of the patriarch of constantinople , but of the arch-bishop of damascus , under the title of patriarch of antiochia ; for this city , where christianity had its first residence and name , and where peter sat seven years bishop , being wasted and forsaken , the patriarchs seat was translated to damascus , where it remaineth . . the georgians are also of the greek religion , but are not sub●ect to the patriarch of constantinople , having a metropolitan of their own , whose residence is in the monastery of saint katharine , in mount sin●i , a great way from iberia , lying between the euxin and caspian seas , where the 〈◊〉 inhabit ; who are so called from saint george , as some think , who converted them to christianity , and whose picture they carry yet in 〈…〉 ; but doubtlesse they were called 〈◊〉 before saint george was born ; for mela speake of them in the first book of his geography , who lived in the time of claudius the emperor ; and vadianus on that place , thinks they were called georgians from their husbandry , to which they were much addicted . . the georgians next neighbours , to wit , the mengrelians , called of old colchi , and the ancient zychi , now called circassians , whence the sultan had his 〈◊〉 , are also of the greek communion , and subject to the patriarch of constantinople ; but they baptise not their children till they be eight years old . in other points they are of the greek religion , being converted to christianity by cyrillus and methedius the apostles or ministers of the patriarch of constantinople . q. . what is the religion of the nestorians , christians of saint thomas , and jacobites ? a. . the nestorians , so called from nestorius the heretick , whose opinion concerning two persons in christ they held a long time , and spread themselves through a great part of asia , by reason of cosroes the persian king , who in hatred to hera●●ius the emperor , caused all christians within his dominions to become nestorians ; these were subject to the patriarch of musal , which some think to be bagded or babylo● , others seleucia , and others a part of old 〈◊〉 ; but at this day most of them are subject to the pope , both in jurisdiction , and partly in religion , and have renounced their old errors concerning the two 〈◊〉 in christ , that mary should not be called the 〈◊〉 of god ; that the councel of ephesus , and all other councels after it , are to be rejected ; these errors i say , they have renounced , but they administer the 〈◊〉 with leavened bread , and in both kindes , 〈◊〉 permit their priests to marry the third or fourth 〈◊〉 they have crosses but not 〈◊〉 , nor crucifixes , nor 〈◊〉 ▪ confession . the christians 〈…〉 or of saint 〈◊〉 , so called , because converted by him . they were heretofore nestorians , and subject to the 〈◊〉 of masal , but now are subordinate to the pope , both in profession , and jurisdiction . they did use to give the eucharist in both kindes ; to season the bread with salt ; instead of wine to drink the ●oyce of raisons ; to baptise their children when fourty days old ; to reject all images except the cross , the popes supremacy , extream ●uction , and second marriages of their priests , & ▪ but now they are of the roman religion . . the iacobites ▪ so called from iacobus , the syrian , a great eucychian , are spread through many kingdomes in the east . they are named also dioscorians from dioscorus , patriarch of alexandria , a great patron of eutyches . they belonged anciently , before the councel of chalcedon , to the jurisdiction of antiochia ; but since , they yeild obedience to a patriarch of their own , whose residence is in caramit the old metropolis of mesopotamia , but yet retains the name of patriarch of antiochia . they held there was in christ but one nature , will , and operation , and therefore in signing with the crosse they used but one singer , whereas the other eastern christians used two . before baptisme they imprinted on their children the sign of the crosse with a hot iron . they deny purgatory , and prayers for the dead , and say that the angels are made of fire and light . they hold that just mens souls remain in the earth till the resurrection ; their priests are married , they deny 〈◊〉 confession , give the eucharist in both kindes , and the bread 〈◊〉 . they circumcise both sexes , they condemn eutyches as an heretick , and yet honour dioscorus , and iacob the syr●an as saints ; but now they have utterly rejected the heresie of one nature in christ , and with the latine church acknowledge two distinct natures , with their distinct properties , as may be seen by the iacobites confessions . q. . what is the religion of the maronites ? a. the maronites are so called from maron a holy man , their chiefe residence is in mount libanus , though some inhabit aleppo , damascus , tripoli of syria and cyprus . their patriarch is a monk of saint anthony , having nine bishops under him ; he is alwayes called peter , and will be stiled patriarch of antiochia , which title is claimed by the iacobite patriarch , who is alwayes named ignatius . the maronites were monothelites , and with the greeks denyed the procession of the holy ghost from the son ; abstained from blood and strangled things , observed the sabbath with the lords day , condemned the fourth marriage as utterly unlawful ; rejected confirmation ; administred the sacrament in leavened bread , and in both kindes ; and excluded the blessed souls from heaven , till the resurrection : they did besides hold that all mens souls were created together in the beginning : that hereticks are to be rebaptized ; that the child is not to be baptized till the mother be purified , which is fourty dayes after a male childe , and eighty after a female ; that children should receive the eucharist , as soon as baptized ; that the father may dissolve the matrimony of his child , if he dislike it ; that the eucharist is not to be reserved , nor to be carried to sick persons , in danger of death ; that priests and deacons must be married ; that children of five or six years old may be made subdeacons ; that women during their monthly purgations are not to be admitted into the church , nor to the eucharist . but these opinions the maronites renounced , when the christians had the command of syria and palestine ; but when saladine recovered those 〈◊〉 ▪ the 〈◊〉 fell off from the roman church , and embraced their former teners ; but in the 〈◊〉 of gregory the 〈◊〉 and clement the eighth they reconciled themselves again to the roman church . q. . what are the cophti ? a. the 〈◊〉 are the iacobites of egypt , for the egyptians were anciently named 〈◊〉 ; we call them cophti , that is , egyptian christians , as the iacob●res of syria are named syrians , and in no country were these eu●ychians more patronised then in syria and egypt ; yet these iacobites differ from eutyches in this , that he taught the two natures in christ to be one by confusion or commixtion ; whereas they say , that they are one by co-adunation , but so , that the properties oh each nature remain distinct , so that in effect they 〈…〉 but dare not say to , for fear of 〈…〉 persons ; not being able to 〈…〉 the nature and the person . these 〈…〉 to the patriarch of alexandria , whose 〈…〉 is now in the city of caire . they used heretofore to be circumcised ; but by the popes perswasion have left it . they baptize not children till the 〈◊〉 day : to whom they give the euceharist immediately after baptism , and then also confer on them all sacred orders under priesthood ; their parents promising for them ( and performing what they promise ) till they be sixteen years old , chastity , fasting on wednesdayes ▪ fridays , and in the four lents . they administer the eucharist in leavened bread , and in both kinds . with the greeks they leave out the words of the 〈◊〉 creed , and from the son ; they deny the sacrament and extream unction to the sick , reject purgatory , and prayer for the dead , and all general councils ( chiehly chalcedon ) after that of ephesus . they keep no lords day , nor feasts except in cities . they marry , within the second degree of consanguinity without dispensation , they account the romane church heretical , and in their liturgies use to read the gospel of nicode●●● . q. . what are the abyssin christians ? a. these be they which in habit the mid-land 〈◊〉 , under presbyter or pre●ious 〈◊〉 , they have a 〈◊〉 of their own , whom they call abunna , whose 〈◊〉 is white , his upper vestime●t is like a cardinals cloak 〈…〉 before . when he rides abroad on his mule , he is attended on with a great train ; three crosses or sta●es are carried about him , and holdeth a crosse in his own hand . they have many 〈◊〉 priests or bishops , and great store of monasteri●s . all their patriarchs and bishops are of s. anthonies order , as are the patriarcks of alexandria , to whose jurisdiction anciently aethiopia did belong ; and yet at this day they are tied to chuse their abunna ( whom they call catholike ) of the juri●diction of 〈◊〉 , by the 〈◊〉 of which place he is confirmed , consecrated and invested in his ecclesiastical rights . in their liturgy also they pray particularly for the patriarch of alexandria . the 〈◊〉 religion consisteth in circumcising male and female ; whether out of religion , or the ancient custom of their nation ( as being descended from the ancient aethiopians or arabians , ismaels posterity , who used to be circumcised ) is uncertain : but most likely they are circumcised in memory and imitation of christ , who was also circumcised . they use also every year to baptise themselves in lakes and rivers 〈◊〉 epiphany day , in remembrance of christs baptisme , who was baptized on that day in iordan . the other points of their religion be these : they abstain from such beasts as the old law accounteth unclean ; they keep the sabbath and sunday together : the thursday before easter they administer the sacrament is unlearened bread ; but ordinarily in leavened bread ▪ all communicate ( standing ) in both kindes . the wine they receive from the de●con in a sp●on ; and that in the church onely ▪ the day they receive in ▪ they must not spit till 〈…〉 . after sorty days the males are baptized , the 〈◊〉 after eighty , except in case of necessity ; and then also they give them the eucharist ; they think their children dying without baptisme shall be saved by the ●aith of their parents . they confesse after every sin committed , and then receive 〈…〉 . they are iacobites in acknowledging 〈…〉 and will in christ ; therefore they 〈…〉 of chalcedan , for condemning dioscorus the 〈◊〉 . so they deny confirmation extream and 〈◊〉 . they hold trad●ction of souls , admit of pain●ed , not 〈◊〉 images ; they usually excommunicate are none but 〈◊〉 and this onely belongs to the 〈◊〉 . priests and 〈◊〉 have neither tythes , nor almes by begging , but live by their labour . they permit not their bishops and priests to marry twice . flesh is eat every friday betwixt easter and whitsunday . the king conferreth all ecclesiastick promotions , except the patriarchship . of these passages see the above named authors , and 〈◊〉 the aethiopian liturgy in bibli●th●ca 〈◊〉 . tom . . alvares the king of portugals chaplain , who lived in aethiopia years , & wrote the aethiopian history . zega zabo an aethiopian bishop sent into portugal by king david the abyssin ; who set out the confession of the aethiopian faith , translated by damianus a goes , &c. q. , wherein doth the protestant church agree with , 〈◊〉 dissent from other christian churches ? a. they agree with the greek church , in giving the sacrament in both kindes , in admitting priests to marry , in rejecting images , purgatory and extreame unction , and in denying the popes supremacy ; in the same points also they agree with the melchites or syrians , with the georgians , mengrelians and gircassians , and with the moscovites or russians , who are all of the greek profession , though in some things they differ . the protestants agree with the nestorians in rejecting au●●cular confession , in permitting priests to marry , in communicating in both kinds , and in rejecting crucifixes . with the christians of saint thomas , they agree in administring the sacrament in both kinds , in rejecting images and extream unction , and permitting priests to marry , and denying the pope supremacy . they agree with the iacobites , in confessing their sins only to god , in rejecting purgatory , and prayers for the dead , in giving the sacrament in both kindes , and in unleavened bread , and in tolerating priests marriages ; in the same points also they agree with the 〈◊〉 or christians of egypt , with the abyssins , armenians and maronites . but the protestants difher from the above named churches in these subsequent points . they believe that the holy ghost proceedeth from the son. . they use unleavened bread in the sacrament . . the english protestants allow confirmation . . they hold that the blessed souls enjoy gods presence , and that the wicked are tormented in hell , immediately after their departure hence . . they permit priests after ordination to marry . . they reject pictures as well as massie-images . . they observe not the saturday 〈◊〉 sabbath . . they have but one lent in the year . . they make no scruple in 〈◊〉 of blood ; in these points the protestants dissent both from the greek● , melch●tes ; georgians , 〈◊〉 ▪ circassiani , moscovites and other sects above named . they defer not baptisme till the eighth year with the circassians ; they pray not for the dead , nor give the sacrament in a spoon , nor divorce their wives upon every light occasion , with the m●scovites ; they affirm not two persons in christ , nor deny mary to be the mother of god , nor reject the councel of ephesus , and all other councels after it , with the nestorians . they defer not baptism till the fortieth day , nor exclude priests from second marriage , with the christians of saint thomas . they do not ascribe one nature only , one will , and one operation to christ , nor do they use circumcision , and a hot iron in baptisme , nor do they reach that angels are composed of fire and light , with the iaoobites . they give not the eucharist to insants , they marry not in the second degree of consanguinity , nor do they read the gospel of nicodemus , with the cop●ti . they do not hold traduction of souls by seminal propagation , nor baptize themselves every year , nor suffer they their ministers to live by mechanical labours , with the abyssins . they use nor rebapti●ation , nor fasting on christmasse day , nor abstain from eating of uncleane beasts prohibited by the old law , with the armenians ; they do not hold that all souls were created together , nor that parents ought to dissolve their childrens marriages when they please , nor that children should be made sub-deacons , nor that menstr●ous women should be excluded from the sacrament , with the maro●ites . the protestants do not celebvate their liturgy in an unknown tongue , as the 〈…〉 , iacobites , indians and nestorians do , who make use of the 〈◊〉 or syriack language in their divine service , which few understand ; nor with the greeks , melchi●es , georgians , circassians and others , do they use the ancient greek tongue in their liturgies , which these above named know not , and yet make use of it in their churches ; nor with the boman catholicks doe they read and pray in latine , but in their own vulgar languages , which are intelligible by all ; in which point they agree with the abyssins , a●menians , moscovites , russians ▪ 〈◊〉 , anciently called illyrians . lastly , protestants differ from the roman catholicks in these points . . of the number of canonical books of scripture , of their sufficiency , authority and interpreter . . of christs descent into hel . of the head of the church , and of the popes supremacy . . of the true catholick church , . of their clergy , their orders , immunities and 〈◊〉 . . of ●he monastical life , vows , and evangelical counsels . . of the power of the civil magistrate . . of purgatory . . of invocation of saints . . adoration of images and reliques . . sacraments their number , efficacy and ceremonies . . baptisme its necessity ; effects and ceremonies . . transubstantiation , and the consequences thereof . . of administring in both kinds . . the sacrifice of the masse . . auricular confession . . satisfaction . . indulgences . . extream unction . . original sin . . free will , predestination , and grace . . justification , faith , and good wo●k● . . the latine service . . traditions . some other small differences there are , and fewer there might be , if men would be moderate on either side ; but the spirit of contention and contradiction , hath hitherto hindered , and will yet hinder the peace of the church , till the prince of pea●e , our true solomon , who built this mystical temple , without noyse of axes or hammers , put an end to all j●rrs and discords , till he whom both the winds and seas do obey , awake , who now seemes to be asleep ; till he , i say , awake and rebuke the stormy winds , and proud billows on which his ship is tossed to and fro ; that at last she may e●joy a calm time , and some halcyonian days , and may cast anchor in the safe harbour of tranquillity , where we may finde our saviour , not in the earthquakes , whirlewinds , and fire of contention ; but in the 〈◊〉 and quiet voice of peace , concord and unity , which he left to us as a legacy , but we have lost it by our pride , sacriledge , ●nvy , 〈◊〉 , covetousness , profanenesse , and vain-glory . the contents of the fifteenth section . religion is the ground of all government and greatnesse . . by divers reasons it is proved that religion of all common wealths , and humane societies , is the foundation . . that princes and magistrates ought to have a special care , in setling and preserving of religion . . that one religion onely is to be allowed in a common wealth publickly . . in what respects different religions they be tolerated in private . . a christian prince may not dissemble his religion . . why god blesseth the professors of false religions , and punisheth the contemners thereof . . false religions are grounded upon policy , & what use there is of ceremonies in religion . . the mixture and division of religions , and of idolatry . . how the gentile religion in worshipping of the sun , seems to be most consonant to natural reason ; with divers observations concerning sun-worship , and the knowledge the gentiles had of a deity , & the vnity thereof , with some glimmering of the trinity . . that the honour , maintenance , and advancement of a priest hood , is the main supporter of religion . . that the christian religion is of all others the must excellent , and to be preferred for divers reasons , being considered in it selfe , and compared with others ; with an exhortation to the practice of religious duties , which is true christianity . sect . xv. quest. i. having now pass't through all religions known in the world , it remains that we make some use of what we have viewed : let us know then , to what end and purpose hath this view been taken ? a. first to let us see , that there is no nation so barbarous , or brutish ( except some particular fools , who have said in their heart , there is no god ) which hath not made profession of some religion , by which they are taught to acknowledge and worship a deity : for religion is the pillar on which every common●wealth is built ▪ so long as the pillar is stable and firm , which is the foundation , so long will the house stand immovable ; though the rain descend , and the windes flow , and the hloods come , and beat upon that house , yet it shall n●t fall , because it is founded upon a rock , m●t. . but if blinde sampson , if people void of understanding ▪ trusting to their strength , shake once this pillar of religion , down falls the whole fabrick of government , law and discipline . of this , examples in all ages may be brought , to shew , how states and religion , like hippocrates twins do live and die together ; so long as religion flourished in iude● , so long did that state flourish ; but when the one failed , the other fell . iudah and israel were not carried away into captivity , till they had captivated religion : as sampsons strength consisted in his hair , so doth the strength of a common●wealth in religion ; if this be cut off , the philistions will insult over the strongest state that ever was ; and bring it to destruction : this is the ●alladiu●● , which if once removed , will expose the strongest city in the world to the enemy . the greek empire had not fallen from the pal●●●gi to the turk , had the christian religion stood firm in constantinople . the poet could acknowledge that so long as rome stood religious , so long the continued victorious ; diis de 〈…〉 . and tullie confesseth that the instruments by which the romans subdued the world , were not strength and policy , but religion and piety : non calliditate & r●bore ▪ sed pietate ac religione omnes gentes nationsque super astis . orat. de 〈◊〉 . resp . for this cause the senat and people of rome were careful to send their prime youth to 〈◊〉 , ▪ ( the university then of the 〈◊〉 religion ) to be instructed in the grounds of all their sacr●d and mysterious learning . therefore , 〈◊〉 in dion cassius ● . . adviseth augustus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by all means and at all times , to advance the worship of god , and to cause others to do the same , and not 〈…〉 innovations in religion , whence proceed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conspiracies , sediti●●● , and conventicles , or combinations . religion is the bulwark , as plato faith , of laws and authority ; it is the band of all humane society ; the fountain of justice and fidelity ; beat down this bulwark , break this band , stop this fountain , and bid adieu to all laws , authority , unity , justice , and fidelity . q. . how doth it appear that religion is the foundation of common-we●li●e● human societies ? a. . because religion teacheth the fear of god , without which , men should live more securely among lyons and beares , then among men ; therefore abraham gen. . knew that at ger●● he should both lose his wife and his life too , because he thought , surely the fear of god was not in that 〈◊〉 ; 't is not the fear of temporal punishment , or of corporal death that keeps men in awe , but of eternal torments and spiritual death ; therefore when men will not fear th●se that can destroy the body , they will stand in awe of him who can cast body and soul into hell fire , mat. . it was this fear that begot religion in the world , primus in 〈◊〉 deos fecit timor , and it is religion that cherisheth , increaseth and quickneth this fear ; the end then of common-wealthes and of all societies , is , that men may live more comfortably and securely then they can do alone ; but without religion there can be no security nor comfort , no more then there can be fo● lambs among wolves , for 〈…〉 . . there can be no durable common-wealth where the people do not obey the magistrate ; but there can be no obedience or submission of inferiours to their superiours without religion , which teacheth that princes and magistrates are gods vice - 〈◊〉 here on earth ; whom if we do not 〈◊〉 and obey , we cannot fear and obey god ; who commands rom. . that every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god. . there is in all men naturally a desire of happinesse and immortality ; which cannot be attained without the knowledge and worship of god ; whom we can neither know nor worship without religion , which prescribeth the rules and way of worshipping him ; and likewise sheweth us that there is a god , that he is one , invisible , eternal , omnipotent , the maker of all things , &c. . the essence and life of a common-wealth consisteth in love , unity , and concord ; but it is by religion that these are obtained ; for there is no band or tie so strict and durable , as that of religion , by which all the living stones of the great buildings of kingdoms and states are cemented , and like the planks of n●ahs ark , are pitched and glewed together . . as each particular man is subject to death , and corruption , so are whole states , corporations , and k●ngdoms ; but the means to retard and keep off destruction , and ruin from them is religion ; hence those states continue longest where religion is most esteemed and advanced ; whereas on the contrary , the contempt of religion is the fore-runner of destruction ; this we see that when the whole world was united into one corporation and society , for slighting religion , were all overthrown in the general cataclysme , except eight religious persons , saved in the ark. the poet acknowledgeth that all the miseries which befel italy , proceeded from the neglecting of religion ; dii multa neglecti dede●unt hesperiae mala luctuosae , horat. . as all common-wealths and states know and are assured that they cannot subsist without the protection of almighty god , who is the author of all humane societies , so likewise they know , that god will not owne and protect them who either cannot or will not serve , worship , and honour him , which without religion is impossible to be done by man ; for as all nations know , even by the comely order and harmony , the strange operations of nature , and the beauty of the world , that there is a divinity , which is also plain by the actions of providence ; so likewise they know that this divine power must be honoured and obeyed ▪ except they will shew ingratitude in the highest degree , to him , whence they have their living , moving , being , and all they enjoy ; but without religion they can neither know how nor where , nor when to worship him . . every man knows he hath a spiritual , reasonable , and heavenly soul , which naturally delights in the knowledge and contemplation of heavenly things , which shew that he cannot reject all religion , except he will shake off nature and humanity . . the veriest atheists in the world , who denyed god , ( at least in his providence , though they could not in his essence ) yet affirmed that religion was necessary in all societies , without which they cannot subsist , as is already said . . as subjects will not obey their princes , but fall into rebellions , so princes will not protect their subjects , but become wolves and tyrants , if it were not for religion that keeps them in awe , and assures them that there is over them a king of kings , and lord of lords , to whom they must give an account of their actions ▪ regum timendorum in pr●prios greges , reges in ips●s imperium est i●vis . horat. . if it were not for the force of religion , few common-wealths ▪ could defend themselves ; what souldier would fight with that courage , or expose his life to danger , if he did not expect a greater reward , a more durable garland hereafter , then any they could expect here ? this made the iewes so resolute against their neighbour gentiles ; this animated the romans against their enemies ; they fought pro aris for their altars in the first place ; this animateth the turks against christians , and these against the turks . q. . ought not then princes aud magistrates to have , a special care in the setling and preservation of religion ? a. yes : for no means is so powerful to establish and perpetuate their thrones and authority as religion ; no guard so strong as this , no castle so impregnable ▪ no spur so sharp to stir and extimulate peoples affections towards the defence , obedience , reverence , and maintenance of their governours , as religion ; therefore the wise roman emperors took more pride and delight in the titles of pius and sanctus ; of pious , holy , religious , then to be stiled , wife . fortunate , stout , or valorous ; and to let the people know what care they had of religion , they alone would be called pontifices maximi ; or chief bishops . there is no epithet that the wise poet gives to aenaeas so often , as that of piety ; pius aenaeas , pietate insignis & armis , insignem pietate virum , &c. qun justior alter , ●ec pietate fuit . &c. virgil. that good emperour antoninus , who succeeded hadrian , preferred the title of pius to all his other honorable titles ; and as wise princes have been chiefly careful of religion , to preserve it pure , and uncontaminate , so have they bin diligent in suppressing atheists , the chief enemies thereof : for they saw that atheisme did introduce anarchy ; for he who is an enemy to god , cannot be a friend to gods vice-gerents ; therefore in all wel governed states they have been either put to death or banished , as being enemies to government and humane society . wise princes finde that as religion uniteth peoples affections to them , so it makes them fortunate and successful in all their actions and undertakings ; never was there a more religious prince then king david , and never a king more successful against his enemies ; the like we may see in constantine , theodosius , charles the great , and many others no lesse famous for their religion , than for their victories ; and because wise law-givers are not ignorant how much religion is prevalent with the people , therefore they delivered them no laws , but what either they received , or said they received from some deity ; so lyc●rgus gave out that his laws were delivered to him by apollo : minos received his laws from iupiter , with whom he was familiar nine years together . zaleucus makes minerva the author of his laws . numa ascribes his laws to the nimph aegería , with whom he had familiar conferences in the night . and mahomet will have his laws backed by the authority of the angel gabriel ; such is the force of religion ; that without this , men would neither receive nor obey laws : for this cause god himself appeared often to the patriarchs , and came down in lightning & thunder upon mo●nt sinai , when he gave the law. neither hath there been any more forcible way to appease tumults and popular seditions , then the conceit of religion . when the c●ty of florence in a civil dissention was washed with her own blood , francis sodorinus the bishop , in his pontificals , having the crosse carried before him , and accompanied with his priests , struck such an awe of religion into the hearts of the citizens , with his very presence , that they flung down their arms ; the like religious stratagem was used by iaddus the high priest of the jewes , to obtain the favour of alexander , as he was marching against ierusalem with his army , who was so struck with the priests majestical presence and vestiments , that he both adored the priest , spared the city , and conferred on it divers benefits . the like respect and successe had pope vrban from attila when he besieged aquileia ; and many more examples may be alledged . q. . are pluralities of religions tolerable in a state ? a. . publickly one religion onely is to be allowed , because there is but one god , who is the object of religion ; therefore as his essence is most simple and indivisible , so should his worship be , because diversities of religion breed diversities of opinions concerning god. . as there is but one truth , so there ought to be but one religion ; for false religions either teach to worship false gods , or else in a false manner to worship the true god ; therefore god himselfe prescribed to the jews the rule and manner of his worship , strictly commanding them not to alter any thing therein ; and saint paul sheweth , that the gospel which he taught , was the onely true gospel , so that if an angel from heaven should preach any other gospel , let him be accursed , galat. ● . as there is but one church which is the ground and pillar of truth , and one faith to lay hold on that truth , and one spirit to lead the church into the way of truth , so there should be but one religion , which is the doctrine of that truth . . there is but one way to heaven and life ●●ernal ; but the wayes to destruction are many ; therefore there ought to be but one religion to conduct us in that way to eternal happinesse . . religion ( as is said ) is the foundation of all states and kingdoms ; therefore in one state or kingdom there ought to be but one religion , because there can be but one foundation ; for one building cannot have many foundations ▪ . ●eligion is the band and cord by which the unity of the state is preserved ; if this band be broken into many pieces , how can it binde the affections of people , and preserve their unity , either amongst themselves , or with their princes and governours : as therefore a city divided against it self cannot stand ; neither can that state subsist , which is divided into different religions , which occasioneth diversity of affections , and withall many jars and contentions . . as in bodies natural , contrary qualities cause destruction ; so in bodies politick , contrary religions ; for if there be but one true religion , the rest must needs be false ; and what can be more contrary then truth and falshood ? so that the belly of rebecca must needs be tormented , where such opposite twins do struggle : hence proceed heart-burnings , emulations , strifes , proscriptions , excommunications , and such like distempers , by which the seamlesse coat of christ is torne in pieces . . diversitie of religions beget envy , malice , seditions , factions , rebellions , contempt of superiors , treacheries , innovations , disobedience , and many more mischiefs , which pull down the heavy judgements of god upon that state or kingdom where contrary religions are allowed , because whilest every one strives to advance his own religion above the other , all these distempers now mentioned must needs follow . we could instance the condition of the iewes , how they flourished whilest they adhered to the religion prescribed them by god : but when they admitted the gentile religions also among them , they fell into all the mischiefs mentioned , and god cast them off as a prey to their enemies . but we have sufficient and experimental proof of this in our neighbouring countries of france and germany ; what distempers and civil wars not many years ago have ensued upon the differences of religion , to the desolution and ruine of many towns and cities ? tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum ▪ q. . may a state tolerate different religions in privat ? a. . if they be such religions as do not overthrow the fundamentals of truth . . nor such as impugne or disturb the government established in that state or kingdom . . if the professors thereof be such as are not factious , ambitious , or pertinacious ; but honest , simple , tractable , obedient to superiors , having no other end in holding their opinions of religion , but gods glory , and satisfaction of their own conscience , so far as they can conceive , and withal are willing to submit to better judgements , and to renounce their opinions when they are convinced to be erroneous ▪ in these regards i say a state may , and wise states do tolerate diversities of opinions in religion , upon good grounds ; because ( as solomon saith ) there is a time for all things under the sun : there will come a time when the tares shall be separated from the corne , though the wise husbandman suffers them to grow together a while . the wise physitian will not presently fall to purging out the noxious humours of a cacochymicall body ; for in some diseases nothing is more dangerous then precipitate and untimely physick ; chronical d●seases are not cured by physick and motion , but by time and rest . the nature of man is such ( saith seneca ) that he will be sooner led then drawn , facilius ducitur , quàm trabitur . stubborn and violent courses in reformation , beget stubborn and violent opposition . the warme sun will prevail more with the traveller , then the cold and boysterous winde ; the goats blood will break the adamant , which the hardest hammers cannot do . god also hath his times for calling of men to the knowledge of his truth ; some he calls at the nineth hour , and some not till the eleventh . christ sends abroad his disciples to preach and work miracles among the iewes : but into the way of the gentiles they must not yet go till his ascension . it falls out many times that the remedy is worse then the disease ; and while we go about to cure the state , we kill it ; and instead of purging out the peccant humours of the body politick , we cast it into a calenture or burning feaver . this was not unknown to that wise and good emperor theodesius , who could not be perswaded by the catholikes to extirpate , or use violent courses against the arrians , but permitted them to enjoy their churches and opinions , knowing how dangerous it would prove to the state , if the quietnesse thereof should be disturbed ; this had been to kindle the fire which was lately extinguished , and to raise a con●●●gration in the empire , which could not be quenched without an inundation of blood ; this had been camerinam movere , or to awake a sleeping dog. for this cause though the turk is zealous in his religion , yet he permits christians , iewes , persians , aethiopians , and others to enjoy their several religions . the like liberty is permitted in germany , france , and other places , for avoiding further mischief ; for this purpose that there may not be a breach of peace , and disturbance in the government of the state. the turks and moscovites inhibit all disputations in points of religion upon pain of death . the like inhibition was made by the emperor and princes of germany , after their civil wars , that there should be no dispute or contention between the catholickes and protestants ; for indeed by such disputes , religion it self is weakned , and the state indangered ; for if it be not tolerable to question laws once established , how can it be safe either for state or church to call in question religion once setled and confirmed by authority ? by questions and disp●tes the majesty of religion is slighted ; and that made dubious , which ought to be most certain ; the objects and high mysteries of our faith , are not to be measured by our shallow reason . the many disputes about religion , commonly overthrow the practise of religion , which consisteth not in talking , but in doing ; the one indeed is more easie then the other , as seneca saith , omnes disputare malunt quam vivere ; we had rather dispute of salvation , then work it out with fear and trembling . if heaven could be obtained with wrangling and disputing , a profane sophister should sooner have it then a holy christian , who knows that life eternal is not obtained by talking of , but by walking in the ways of gods commandements . but to return to our former discourse , and to end this question , as we began ; diversity of religious , with the limitations aforesaid , may be connived at ; especially when it cannot be avoided without the danger and ruin of the state ; and the rather , because the conscience cannot be compelled , nor faith forced . there never was a wiser state than the romans , and more zealous in the worship of their gods , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the custome and laws of their nation ; yet they admitted the worship of isis and aesculapius , forrain deities ; and a pantheon , or temple for all gods . and though they abhorred the iewes above all other people , yet augustus , that wise and happy emperor , permitted them to exercise their own religion . princes and magistrates must , like wise ship-masters , rather strike saile , and cast anchor , then make ship-wrack in a storme , and rather saile back with safety , then venture upon the rocks in the harbour with danger : praestat recurrere quàm male currere . as constans the emperor , and the●dosius the great , though catholick princes , yet for quietnesse sake tolerated the arrians . so did leo make an edict of union , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all the different religions within his dominions might live peaceably and friendly together . for the same cause anastasius made a law of amnesty , and accounted those the best preachers that were moderate . q. . may a christian prince dissemble his religion ? a. . he may not ; because god abhorreth hypocrisie , condemneth a double heart , and rejecteth such as draw neer to him with their lipps , when their hearts are far from him . christ denounceth more woes against hypocrisie then any other sin : of those who are wolves in sheeps cloathing , he will have us take heed , and threatneth to deny those before his heavenly father , who deny him before men . we are commanded to love god with all our heart , with all our strength , &c , which we do not , if we dissemble . he requires faithfulnesse , truth , and sincerity in the inward parts , he abhorreth lia●s , and deceitful men . shall we think it lawful to dissemble with god , and are offended if our neighbours dissemble with us ? god will not have us wear a li●sie-woolsie garment ; nor plow with an oxe and an asse : nor sow different seeds in the same ground . simulata sanctitas duplex impietas ; the divel is never more dangerous , then when he transformes himselfe into an angel of light ; malus , ubi se bonum simulat , pessimus est , saith seneca . . god is the chief good , in whom is no impurity nor guile ; therefore he requires of us pure and sincere love ; he is omniscient , there is nothing hid from him , he knoweth the hearts , and searcheth the reins , and knoweth our thoughts long before : all things are naked and open to his eyes ; therefore though we can delude men , we cannot deceive god ; he knows what is within painted sepulchres , and in those platters that have washed outsides . god is truth it self , therefore is an enemy to falshood . he is zealous of his glory ; but there is nothing wherein he is more dishonoured , then by dissimulation and hypocrisie . . never was there any good prince a dissembler , nor did ever any dissembler prove a good prince ; but cruel , tyrannical and impious ; as we see by the examples of herod , tiberius , nero , and many more , who at first made great shew of religion and vertue ; but when the visard was taken off , they proved monsters and not men , and wolves in sheeps cloathing ; nay there is more hope of him that in the beginning professeth his own infirmities , then in him that concealeth them ; for the one is more corrigible then the other : as bodin instanceth in king iohn of france , who could not hide his weakness , yet never committed any wicked act . and indeed dissembling princes fall into this inconvenience and mischief , that they cannot-be long hid under the visard of religion and vertue ; but their nature will break out , and then will become more odious to their people , than if they had at first detected their natures . dienysius the younger , so long as plato was with him , played the counterfeit egregiously , making shew of sobriety , temperance , and all other princely vertues ; but as soon as plato was gone , his wicked nature brake out , like a running streame that hath been dammed up . and how can a people put confidence in that prince , who dissembleth with god ? he that is not true to his maker , but playeth fast and loose with him , can never be true to his people . and indeed for a prince or state to dissemble with god , who had raised them out of the dust , to make them rulers over his people is ingratitude in the highest degree ; and much worse than of any private man , by how much the higher he is advanced above others . to be brief , among all the wicked qualities of catilin , there was none that was more exaggerated by the historian , then his dissimulation , and counterfeiting ; cujuslibet rei simulator ac dissimulator ; aliud in lingua ●rempt●●m , aliud , in pect●re clausum habebat . q. . seeing there is but one true religion , why doth god blesse the professors of false religions , and punisheth the contemners thereof ? a. . because in false religions there is the acknowledgement of a divinity , though the conceptions men have of this deity be erroneous , and the worship they give be superstitious . . because by false religions men are kept in awe and obedience to their superiours , and in love and concord among themselvs ; therefore god , who is the author of all goodnesse , and tender of the welfare of mankinde , will rather have a false religion then none , and superstition rather then atheisme ; for even in false religions both prince and people are taught their duties to each other . the romans stood so much in awe of their heathenish superstitions , that they would rather lose their lives , then falsifie the oaths they took in presence of their gods ; and were more moved to the performance of their duties , by the hope of rewards , and fear of punishments hereafter , then of any they could expect or endure here . humane society , fidelity , justice , temperance , fortitude , and other vertues , are upheld even by false religions : therefore the defenders of such have been outwardly rewarded by god , and the enemies thereof punished . philip of macedon , for defending apollo's temple against the phocenses , who came to rob it , obtained a glo●ious victory , and they an ignominious overthrow , to the losse of the whole army . the souldiers of cambyses , who went to pillage the temple of iupiter hammon , were overthrown by the sands , and he , for his many sacriledges committed in egypt , was slain by his own sword in the midst of his age , glory , and army . god punished the sacriledge of xerxes the son of darius , for robbing the delphick temple , with the losse of his innumerable army , by a handful of grecians , and the overthrow of his . sacrilegious souldiers , with lightning , hail , & storms , so that not one was left to bring tidings of the destruction of those wretches who were sent to ●rob apollo . brennus , captain of the gauls , had the like judgement fell upon him , for the like sacriledge upon the same delphick temple ; his army was overthrown by storms and an earthquake ; brennus himselfe , out of impatience , was his own executioner . sextus pompeius , for robbing iuno's temple , was exercised ever after with miseries and calamities , so that never any action he undertook prospered ; and at length lost both his army and himselfe miserably . i could speak of the wretched end of antiochus , who robbed the temple of iupiter dodon●●s , and of those who stole the gold of tholouse ▪ but these examples are sufficient , to let us see , what severity god hath used against sacriledge , even among the gentiles : what then shall they expect , that with sacrilegious hands have spoiled the temples of christians ? if he be such a favourer to superstition , will he not much ●ore patronize the true religion , and persecute with his plagues sacrilegious christians , who hath not spared sacrilegious gentiles ? god prospereth false religions , when conscientiously practised , and curseth wicked professors of the true religion ; for he pre●●ns practice to knowledge , and honest gentiles to wicked israelites . q. . what other observations may be made of this view of all religions ? a. that all false religions are gounded upon policy ; for what else were the variety of oracles , soothsayers , or divinations by stars , by flying and chattering of birds , by feeding of poultry , by inspection into the e●●rals of beasts , &c. what were their multitudes of sacrifices , priests , deities , festivals , ceremonies , lights , songs , altars , temples , odor● , and such like , used among the gentiles , but so many devices of humane policy , to keep people in obedience and awe of their superiours ? whereas the true christian religion is , of it self , so powerful to captivate and subdue all humane wisdom , and exorbitant affections , to the obedience of christ , that it needs not such weak helps of mans wisdom or earthly policy . yet i do not condemne such policy as is cond●tible towards the advancing of knowledge in divine mysteries , or of concord , justice and obedience ; for god himself prescribed multitudes of ceremonies to the jews : and since the first establishing of the christian church , she hath alwayes made use of some decent ceremonies ; which do not argue any defect or want in religion , but the weaknesse onely of those that are children in rel●gion , who must sometimes be fed with such milk . r●ligious ceremonies , are like the priests ornaments , which are not parts of his essence , and yet procure him reverence , which iaddus knew , when in his robes , he presented himself to alexander ; who , doubtlesse , had he appeared without them , had gone without either reverence or benevolence ; so that ierusalem did owne her safety and deliverance to the high priests vestments . religion without ceremonies , is like solid meat without sauce . though in the church of god some are so strong , that they need no sauce of ceremonies to the solid meat of religion , yet most stomacks are so weak , that they cannot digest the one without the other . christ deals not so niggardly with his church , as to afford her cloaths onely to cover her naked●esse , he is content to see her in rings , brac●lets , jewels , and other ornaments . thus he dealt with his first spouse of the jewish church ; i cloathed thee ( saith he ) with beoydered work , and shod thee with badgers skin , &c. i girded thee about with fine linnen , and i covered thee with silk : i decked thee also with ornaments , and put bracelets upon thine ●ands , and a chain on thy neck , and a frontlet upon thy face , and ear-rings in thine ears , and a beautifull crown upon thine head , ezek. . . &c. if god was so bountifull to his first wife why should he be so sparing to his second , as to afford her no outward ornaments at all ? is she so rich , that she needeth not any ? i wish it were so , but i find it otherwise ; for ▪ she stands in as much need of some outward decent and significant ceremonies , to help her knowledge and devotion , as the jews did , though not of so many , not of the like nature . i observe , that where are no ceremonies , there is small reverence and devotion , and where some cost is bestowed , even on the outside of religion , there some love is manifested : as our saviour proves that mary magdle●●● had more love to him than peter had ; because she had washed his feet , wiped them with her hairs , kissed them , and anointed his head with pretious ointment , which peter had not done . this cost was not pleasing to iudas , yet christ commends her for it . i know the kings daughter is glorious within , yet he● cloathing is of wrought gold , and her rayment is of needle-work . thi● i write not to commend either superfluous , needlesse , or too costly and frivolous rites , but to shew how requisite it is to have some decent , significant , and such as may further knowledge and devotion . q. . what else may we observe in the view of all these religion● ? a. that some of them are meerly heathenish , som● iewish ; some meerly christian ; some mixed , either of all , or some of these ; mahumetanisme is mixed of iudaisme , genti●isme and arrianisme ; the moscovite religion is , partly christian , partly heathenish : in the east are many sects , partly christian , partly iewish , observing circumcision with baptisme , and the sabbath with the lords day . among the corinthians some professed christianity , and yet with the gentiles denyed the resurrection ; but god alwayes abhorred such mixed religions , as joyn with micah , the ephod and teraphim , and halt between god and baal ; who are hebrews , and yet with the gentiles round the corners of their heads , and cut their flesh , &c. levit. . . god will not have any mixture in the ointment , flour , mirrhe , or incense , that is offerd to him , but will have all pure ; he would not have the oxe and asse yoaked together ; therefore the apostle reproveth sharply the galathians , for using their iewish ceremonies with christianity : the samaritans are condemned for worshipping the lord and idols ; christ ha●ed the works of the nicolaitans , who were partly christians , and partly gentiles , and punished the gergasites , by drowning their swine in the sea ; for being iews , they rejected circumcision , and eat swines flesh with the gentiles . for this cause , that the jews might not learn the religion of the gentiles , god would have them dwell apart by themselves , and not mix with other nations , nor dwell near the sea-side ; and yet we see how prone they were to idolatry , by the golden calf , the b●azen serpent , the ephod , teraphim , and graven image , taken out of the house of micah , and set up in dan. iudges ●● . the chariot and horses of the 〈◊〉 set up ▪ in the temple , as we may read in eze●hiel : the golden calves set up by jeroboam : the idolatry of solomon , manasse , and other kings , and the falling away of the ten tribes from god. the reason of this pronenesse in them to idols , was their education in ●gypt , the mother of strange religions , where they had been seasoned with idolatry ; and so pleasing is idolatry to flesh and blood , that they will spare no cost nor time , nor pains , nor their own lives and childrens , to please their idols : thus the hebrews could rise early in the morning , and par● with their golden-ear-rings to make a calf : the baalites could cut their flesh with knives and lance●s , till the blood gushed out , and could cry from morning till evening : yea , many idolaters did not spare to offer their children to m●loch : but there is no sin more hatefull to god than idolatry , which the scripture calls abomination , and idols ; lying vanities , and sorrows . and idolaters are named fornicators and adulterers ; and god will have the very places of idolatry to be destroyed , deut. . , . the iews must not eat of things offered to idols , nor marry with the heathen , who having forsaken the true god , made gods of their forefathers and benefactors , by setting up their images at first in memoriall onely , and then fell to adoration of them ; and because they could not see god , who is invisible ; they would have his visible presence in some outward image or representation , thinking they could not but b● in safety , so long as they had his image with them . this made the trojans so careful of their palladium ; the tyrians of their apollo , & other places of their tutelar gods . q. . which of all the religio●s we have viewed seems to be most consonant to naturall reason ? a. the barbarous and butcherly religions of the gentiles , in sacrificing men , in worshipping stocks & stones , &c. divers tenets also in mahumetanisme , iudaisme , and many opinions in hereticall sects among christians are against reason . the doctrine of the true orthodox christian is above naturall ●eason : for the natural man saith the apostle , understandeth not the things of the spirit : but the religion of those gentiles , who worshipped the sun , seemed to be most consonant to their naturall reason ; because they could not conceive what god was , being a spirit incomprehensible ; for all knowledge comes by the sences , and finding that no sensible entity was comparable to the sun in glory , light , motion , power , beauty , operation , &c. but that all things in a m●nner had dependence from him , in respect of life , motion , comfort , and being , they concluded that the sun was the onely deity of the world : and however the gentiles might seem to worship divers chief gods , because they expressed them by divers names , and effects , or offices ; yet indeed the wiser sort understood but one supream deity , which they worshipped under divers names , epithets , and operations . now that this deity was none other but the sun , whom they called by the name of apollo , iupiter , mercury , mars , hercules , &c. is apparent by the gentiles own writings ; for in nonnus , l. . diony . we see with how many name : the sun is called ; namely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , king of the fire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ guide of the world . belus of euphrates , the lybian ammon , apis of ni●us , the arabian saturn , the assyrian iupiter , the egyptian serapis , phaeton , with many names , mithris , the babylonian sun , the grecian delphick apollo , poean , aether , or the hea●en , &c. so orpheus in hymno under the name of vulcan understands the sun , when he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a perpetuall fire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shining in the flaming air or skie . so by mars they meant the sun , as appeareth by that image of mars adorned with the sun beams , and worshipped anciently in spain , thus adorned . they made him the god of warre , because all strife and contention● arise from the heat of the blood , caused by the suns influence . they meant also the sun by apollo , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , darting or casting of his beams ; or because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shines alone , and not others with him ; therefore in latine he is named , sol quasi solus : other reasons and derivations of this name may be seen in macrobius l. . saturn . some call him apollo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from killing or destroying of the creatures , with his excessive heat ; whereas with his temperate warmnesse he cures and drives away diseases ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and in this respect he was called apollo , and the god of physick ; and was painted with the graces in his right hand , and in his left holding his bow and arrows , to shew that he is ready and nimble to help and cure , but slow to hurt , and kill , he was called also phaeton and phoebus ; from his brightnesse and light ▪ delius , from manifesting or revealing all things , therefore was held the god of divination . he was named loxias , to shew his oblique motion in the ●●liptick . he is called by callimachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ abounding in gold , because gold is generated by his influence , and his beams represent gold in their colour , for this cause , his garments , his harp , his quiver , ar●ows , and shoes , are by the poets said to be all of gold. the sun was also called adonis , which in the ph●nician tongue signifieth a lord , for he is the lord of this inferiour world , and of the stars too , by imparting light to them . this adonis was said to be killed by a boar ▪ and to converse six moneths with proserpina , i● being dead under the earth , for which he was bewailed by the women : but the other six moneths he revived again , and conversed above with venus ; which turned the womens sorrow into joy . by this was meant , that the sun in the six southern signes seemeth to dye , and to be killed by the wild boar , that is , by the winter ; for that beast delights most in cold countries , and proves best in the winter . by proserpina is meant the inferior hemispere ; and by venus the superior , with whom adonis or the sun converseth , whilest he is in the six northerly signes . this adonis , is that thammuz , ezech. . . ( as s. hierom thinks ) for whom the women did mourn . but at his return the alexandrians , sent by sea to the mourning women at byblu● , letters shut up within a vessel of bull-rushes , to signifie that adonis or thammuz was returned , and that therefore they should rejoyce : of this custome speaketh procopius , gazaeus , cyril , in esaiam c. . . as some think , and so orpheus in hy● . by adonis , understands the sun , ●s may be seen in this verse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , th●● who art sometimes extinct , and shi●●● again in the beautfull cir●li●g hou● . the sun also is the same with 〈◊〉 , a fair boy beloved of cy●ele , by which they meant the earth , which is in love with the sun , with whose beautifull beams she is comforted . hi● they painted with a scepter and a pipe , by that representing his power , by this the harmony of his motion , or else the whistling of the winds raised by his heat . his fest●vals also they celebrated with joy , therefore called 〈◊〉 , about the . of march ; because then they perceive , the day to exceed the night in length . by osir i● also the 〈◊〉 was meant , whose genital● being cast by typhon his brother into the river , were notwithstanding honoured by isis , and after by the greeks , under the name of phallus , i●biph●llus , and priapus , because all se●in●ll vertue proceed● from the sun. saint hierom , ruffinus , 〈◊〉 , and others think , that this was the same idol , which the m●abiles , edomites , and other gentiles worshipped under the name of baal-pe●r . the sun also is called liber by virgil ge●● . . because by his light he freeth men from the fears and dangers of 〈◊〉 night ; so he is called dion●sius by orpheus in h●mnis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he is called dionysius , because 〈◊〉 is rolled about the immense and long heaven . he was worshipped by the egyptians , under the name of api● , and m●evi● , and shape of a bull or calf , to shew his strength , and benefits we receive by the sun , especially in the fruit of our grounds ; therefore the golden calf , which the hebrews did worship in the desart , and afterwards ieroboam set up , signified nothing else but the sun , who was also worshipped under the name of serapis , a● his image shews ; which was made of gold and silver , with beams , and painted over with blew , to shew that the sun at his rising and falling looks like gold , but in his meridian blew , and like silver , and so he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the glittering light of the sun. so in hebrew he is called acha● , that is , one ; as being the sole light and beauty of the world . and so may that place of esay , c. . . be understood ▪ they purifie and sanctifie themselves in gardens behind 〈◊〉 , that is , behind the image of the sun , which there is called ach●d , one. of this opinion is ioseph scaliger , in 〈◊〉 ad fragment . grec . veter ▪ de di●s germ. c. . and eli●● schedius ; save onely that they speak of the temple behind which they purified themselves , but i think rather , it was the image of the sun , which they had in their gardens ; for it is unlikely that the temples of the sun were built in gardens . moloch also was the sun ; for he is melech , that is , king of the world , to whose fight and power all things are obvious ; therefore the egyptians represented him by a scepter , with an eye on it : now this moloch had on his forehead a pretious stone shining like lucifer , or the sun , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith theophylact. in act● c. . and cyril upon am●s . the valentinian hereticks , by the word abraxas , meant the sun , as i have shewed ; for in this word are contained . which is the number of dayes the sunne makes in the zodiack : and it is derived from abr●ch . ab in hebrew signifieth father ; and rech , king , in the 〈◊〉 tongue . so they made the sun , father and ●ing of the universe , he was also called mithres , which signifieth lord , as ioseph scaliger de ●mend . temp . l. . sheweth , and ●l●ndian in tha● verse l. . de ●●ilic . et vagae testatur volventem ●idera mithram . for they thought that mithra , or the sun did regulate , and govern the other starres ; and in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is found the number of . dayes . the sun also was expressed by the name of iupiter , or juvans pater , the father that helps and supports all things : therefore he was painted with iupiters thunder in his hand . i know iupiter is most commonly taken for the heaven or aire ; but i rather think that by this name was meant the sun. so when virgil , ecl. . speaks thus : iupiter & largo de scendit pl●rimus imbre . he means not that the heaven comes down in rain , but the sun rather , who by his heat elevated the vapors , and by resolving them into rain , may be said to come down in a showre . so in another place , f●cundis imbribus aether conj●gis in laetae gremium descendit , geor. . there is also meant the sun , who is named aether , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shining , or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his constant race or motion . by mercury also was meant the sun ; for he is mercurius , quasi ●edius curre●s , keeping his court in the middest of the planets . and hermes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interpreting ▪ for by his light he expoundeth all da●k places . he was painted with wings , to shew the suns swift motion . he killed many-eyed argus , that is , he puts out the light of the stars , which are as it were , the eyes of heaven . mercury is still painted young , to shew that the sun never groweth old or feeble : he was pictured with three heads upon a four corner stone , to shew the sunnes three vertues , of heat , light and influence upon the four parts of the world , or four seasons of the year . he was held the god of merchants , because without light there can be no trading . the sunne also was worshipped by the eastern nations , under the name of bel , baal , belus , & baal samen , or baal-shammajim , that is , lord of the heavens ; & by the old cel●es and no●icks , under the name of belenus ; now belus , as macrobius sat. l. . ● . . sheweth us is the same that iupiter , and iupiter is the same that sol , as i have said , and which orpheus in hym. ad iovem confirmeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , ●eautifull iupiter the sun , generator of all things ; therefore the sun is called by plato in phaedro , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. iupiter the great commander●● heaven driving his swift charriot , whom the army of gods follow divided into twelve parts , and vesta alone stands immoveable in the court of the gods : he means the motion of the sun and starres , through the . signes of the zodiack , and the earth standing in the middle . that under the name of belenus was meant the sun , is apparent by the number of . which is found in the letters thereof , answering the . dayes , which the sun finisheth in his annuall motion . by hercules also ▪ was meant the sun , as his name sheweth , being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the glory of the air ; his twelve labours are the twelve signes of the zodiack , through which he laboureth every year ; he is called alcides , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , strength ; for like a strong gyant , he rejoyceth to run his cou●●e : iuno endeavoured to obscure the glory of hercules , so doth the air , which the poets called iuno , oftentimes obscure by clouds , mists and vapors , the glory of the sun. hebe , the goddesse of youth , was hercules his best beloved ; so is the spring-time , wherein in the youth of the earth is renewed , the suns lovely wife . hercules overthrew geryon , and rescued his cattle ; so doth the sun by destroying winter , preserve the beasts . the tenths of the earths increase were offered to hercules , to shew their gratitude to the sun for his heat and influence , by which the earth ●ructifieth . hercules is noted for his fecundity ; for in one night he begot sons : this was to shew that generation and fruitfulnesse is from the sun : he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the driver away of all evils and diseases , by which was meant , that grief of mind is driven away by the sunnes light , and infirmities of body by the sunnes heat : he is also much noted for his voracity in eating and drinking ; by which was signified the rapid heat of the sun , consuming the moysture of the earth , and exhaling the lakes , and brooks . in the name also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is contained the number of ; he was expressed also by antaeus the gyant , whose strength increased as he touched the ground , but being lifted up from thence , he grew weak ; so doth the sun begin to gather force when he is in his lowest declination , and near the earth ; but when he is in his apogaeum or highest elevation , his strength begins to decay . pan also signified the sun , whom they painted with a red face , horns , and a long beard , to shew the colour and beams of the sun. pan was covered with a spotted skin ; so is the sun covered in the dark , with the sported or starry mantle of the night ; his wings and crooked staffe was to signifie the suns swiftnesse , and oblique motion in the zodiack : he was the god of shepherds , and driver away of wolves ; therefore called lycaeus , and so was iupiter ; the sun by his heat and light is a friend to shepherds and their flocks , who by his presence drives wolves , and other wild beasts into their dens : the perpetuall fire kept by the arcadians in the temple of pan , was to shew that the sunne was the fountain of heat , which stirs up venery ; therefore pan is described by his salacious nature : the sunnes monethly conjunction with the moon was expressed by pan , being in love with the moon . they meant also the sun by bellerephon ; who by the help of winged pegasus overcame chimaera ; for the sun by the help of the winds overcometh the pestilentiall and infectious vapors of the air . by polyphemus also , they meant the sunne ; which 〈◊〉 that great gyant with one eye , put out sometimes by mists and vapors arising out of the earth . endymion was the sun , with whom the moon is in love , visiting him once every moneth . ianus also was the sun , who is keeper of the four doores of heaven ( to wit east , west , north , and south ; ) he hath two faces , seeing as well backward , as forward ; in one hand he hath a scepter , in the other a key , to shew that he rules the day : and that he openeth it to us in the morning , and shuts it in the evening . ianus was the first that taugh● men religion , and , doubtlesse , men became religious , and did acknowledge a deity , by beholding the beauty , motion , power and influence of the sunne . by ianus was placed a serpent biting his tail , intimating , that the sunnes annuall motion is circular , beginning where it ends , atque in se sua per vestigia labitur annus . by minerva also was meant the sunne , as appears by the golden lamp dedicated to her at athens , in which burned a perpetual light maintained with oil ; which not only shews the suns golden beams , and inextinguishible light , but also that oil , as all other fruits , are begot by his hea● ; for the same cause she was the inventer of arts and sciences , and held the goddesse of wisedome and learning ; for by the moderate heat of the sunne , the organs of the brain are so tempered , and the spirits refined , that all arts by men of such temper have been found , and wise actions performed : she had a golden helmet , and a round target , the one signifying the colour , the other the orb of the sunne , the dragon dedicated to her , signified the sunnes piercing eye , as the cock , was dedicated to minerva , so he was to the sunne , to shew , that by these two names , one deity was meant : no man could look upon her target , having gorg●ns head in it , without danger ; nor may any without danger of his eyes , look upon the sunne . the athenians preferred minerva to nept●●e , because the benefits men have by the sunne , are greater than those they have by the sea , and that hot and dry constitutions are fitter to make scholars , than cold and moist : for the fire , which prometheus stole from the sun , brought arts to perfection . the image of pallas was kept in vesta's temple , where the sacred fire burned perpetually , to shew , that the sunne , the ●ou●tain of heat and light , is the same that minerva , who was called pallas from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to signifie the shaking and brandishing of the sun beams , expressed also by the brandishing of the spear . she had power to use iupiters thunder , and to raise storms , to shew that thunder and storms are caused by the suns heat ▪ she and vulcan , the god of fire , were worshipped on the same altar , to shew , these two were but one deity , to wit , the sun , who is the god of fire , which homer also expressed , by giving her a fiery charriot , and a golden lamp , holding out a beautifull light , she made her self invisible , by putting on the dark helmet of orcus ; so is the sunne to us , when he is covered with mists , clouds , and vapours , which arise from orcus , or the lowe● parts of the earth ; and so he is invisible to us , when he goeth under orcus , or our h●misphere . by nemesis , the goddesse of revenge , was also meant the sun ; for he punisheth the sinnes of men , by pestilence , famine , and the sword ; for he , by his heat either raiseth infectious vapors , or inflameth the blood , burns up the fruits of the earth , and stirreth up the spirits of men to strife and wa●●es : as nemesis raised the humble , and humbled the proud , so doth the sun obscure lucid bodies , and illustrate obscure things . the a●gyptians to shew , that the sun and nemesis were the same , they placed her above the moon . by beautifull tithonus also they meant the sun , who is the beauty of the world ; aurora was in love with him , and rejoyced at his presence ; it is the approach of the sun , that gives beauty , lovelynesse , and chearfulnesse to the morning . tithonus in aurora's charriot , was carried to ethiopia , where he begets black memno● of her ; to shew that the sun in the morning , having mounted above our hemisphere , moves towards the south parts of the world , where by his excessive heat in the meridian , he ●awns or blacks the ethiopians , tithonus , in his old age became a weak grashopper , so , in the evening , the light and heat of the sun weakneth and decayeth to us . by castor and pollu● , they signified the sun and moon ; the one , that is , the sun , being a champi●● , subdueth all things with his heat ; the other , to wit the moon , is a rider , if we consider the swiftnesse of its motion : they may be said to divide immortality between them ; because when the one liveth , that is , shineth , the other is obscured , and , in a manner dead to us : they ride on white horses , to shew their light and motion . they that will see more of the sun , let them read what we have written elsewhere in mystagog . p●e●ico . but besides what we have written there , we now make it appear , that the sun was in a manner the onely deity they worshipped : for the hono●r they gave the moon , fire , stars , air , earth , and sea , was all in relation to the sun , as they are subservient to him ; and the many names they gave to the moon , as minerva , vesta , vrania , luna , iuno , diana , isis , lucina , hecate , cybele , astarte , erthus , were onely to signifie the different operations of the sun by the moon ; so that as aristotle de mundo saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god being one , hath many names , from his many effects , which he produceth in the world . the sun then in regard of the seminall vertue , generative facultie , and desire of procreation , which he gives to sublunary creatures , for eternizing of their severall species , is called venus à venis from the veins and arteries , ( for these also were anciently called veins ) in which are the blood and vitall spirits , the proper vehicles of venus , or the seminal vertue , & of which the seed of generation is begot ; which the prince of poets knew , when he said of dido's venereal love : vulnus alit venis . every spring when the sunne returneth to us , he brings this venereal faculty with him ; therefore , he may be called venus , à veniendo , from coming ; for he cometh accompanied every year in the spring with this generative desire , which he infuseth in the creatures ; which the same learned poet , geor. l. . acknowledgeth in these divine verses : ver adeo ●r●ndi nemorum , ver utile silvis . ve●e tument terrae , & genitalia semina poscunt , tum pater omnipotens foe●undis imbribus ●ther conjugis in gremium laetae descendit , & omnes magnus alit magno commistus corpore foetus . avia tum resonant avibus virgulta canoris , et venerem certis repet unt ●rmenta diebus . parturit omnis ager , &c. — and in another place geor. . he sheweth the reason why in the spring , living creatures are more prone to venery , because the sun infuseth then a moderate heat into the body . vere magis , quia vere calor ●edit ossibus , &c. this venereal desire is by the poets called vrania , and olympia , because it proceeds from heaven , namely from the sun , the chief ruler in heaven . and to shew that by venus , they meant the sun , as he is the god of love , they speak of her in the masculine gender , so doth virgil aen. . descendo , ac ducente deo flammam inter & hostes . they paint her with a beard , hence venns barbata , to shew the sunne-beams . they gave her the epithets of the sun , in calling her golden venus , so doth virgil aen. . venus aurea , and by the greek poets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by the eastern people she was called baa●eth shammajim , the ruler of heaven , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , phosphorus or lucifer from the light of the sunne ; which venus or the moon borroweth . so what orpheus in hymnis speaks of venus , is to be understood of the sunne : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , thou procreates all things in heaven , in the fruitfull earth , and in the sea or depth . she is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fair haired , to shew the beauty of the sunne-beams : and euripides in phoeniss . gives her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a golden circled light . by cupid also was meant the sunne , who was painted young , with wings , crowned with roses , and naked , to shew the eternity , swiftnes , colour , and native beauty of that great luminary ; who may be called the god of love , in that by his heat he excites love in all living creatures , as is already said . by luna or the moon , they understood the sunne ; for though these be two different planets , yet in effect they are but one luminary ; for the moon hath her light from the sunne ; therefore she is called sometimes the sister , sometimes the daughter of phoebus ; she is painted with a torch , and arrows , and with wings , to signifie her motion , and that her light and operations are originally from the sun . as the hawk was dedicated to the sun , because of her high flying and quick fight , so the moon was represented by a white skinned man with an hawks head ; for her whitenesse is not from her self ▪ but from the hawks head , that is , the sun . they held her to be both male & female ▪ to shew , that she is the sun in acting , the moon in suffering ; she receiveth her light and power from the sun , in this she is passive : she imparts this light and power to the inferior world , in this she is active : she is called lucina also from this borrowed light , and diana from the divine qualities thereof ; for which cause diana was held to bee the sister of phoebus : and iuno from helping ; she was painted with beams about her face , sitting upon lions with a scepter in her hand , by which was meant the dominion she hath received from the sun ; and whereas they made the rain bow to attend upon iuno , they meant hereby that the sun makes the rain-bow ; therefore by iuno they meant the sun . so when they make vulcan the son of iuno , they understand the sun , for he by his heat causeth fire , and not the moon . and so mars the god of fire , is said to be iuno's son , that is , the sun , for it is he that inflameth mens bloods , and not the moon . they expressed the power of the sun over the sea and other waters by the names of neptune , n●r●us , glaucus , triton , and other sea deities . when they would expresse his operations on the earth , they gave him the names of vesta , ●ybele , bona dea , &c : when they would shew his power under the earth , then they used the names of orcus , pluto , proserpina , charon , cerberus , &c. orcus is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an oath , because they used to swear by the sun : e●to mî sol testis ad haec , & conscia iuno , aen. . and in another place , aen. . sol qui terrarum flammis opera omnia lustras : pluto is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wealth , for all wealth , both upon and within the earth , is begot of the suns heat and influence . when he is under our hemisphere , he is called the god of hell , he is said to ravish proserpina , that is , the seminal vertue of vegetables , which in the winter and the sun's absence , lyeth hid in the bowels of the earth , his influence upon the corn , and other seeds cast into the earrh , and causing them proserpere to creep out , thence is called proserpina . charon is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joy ; the sun is joyfull to us by his presence , and as he is phoebus or light of the world ; he is also joyfull to us by his absence , and as he is charon under the earth , for then he permits the air to receive refrigeration , by which all things are refreshed . cerberus is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a flesh eater , for a● all flesh is generated by the sun , so is all flesh consumed by the same . cerberus had three heads , to shew that time which devoureth all things hath three heads , one present , the other past , and the third to come , now the sun by his motion is the measurer of time , in which respect he is called cerberus : and so he was represented by saturn , cutting down all things with his ●ickle ; for all things are consumed by time . tempus ●dax rerum , tuque invidiosa vetustas omnia dellruitis . by what we have said , appears that the wise gentiles did acknowledge but one deity , giving him divers names , from his divers effects and operations . this deity was nothing else but the sun , as we have shewed ; whose power is diffused every where , and nothing , as david saith , is hid from the heat thereof : iovis omnia plena saith virgil , ecl. , all things are filled with iup●ter : and elsewhere he sing● g●or . . that god runs through all the parts of the earth , of the sea , and of the heaven : deum namque ire per omnes terrasque , tractusque maris , coelumque profundum , aen. . and in his divine poem he sings that this spirit , ( for so he calls the sun , and so did solomon before him in the first of ecclesiastes ) cherisheth heaven , earth , sea , moon , and stars , and that he diffuseth himself through all parts of the world , and produceth men , beasts , birds , fishes , which he animates and foments . principio coelum , at terram camposque liquentes lu●entemque glo●um l●nae , titaniaque astra spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus mens agitat molem , & magno so corpore ●iscet ; inde hominum , pecudumque genus vit●que 〈◊〉 , et quae mar●●reo ●ert monstra sub aequ●re p●ntus igneu● est ollis vigor & ●oelest● origo , &c. but here it may be objected , that seeing the gentiles acknowledged the power and vertue of the sun to be every where , why did they devise so many pettie deities ? i answer , this multiplication of deities was for the satisfaction and content of the rude people , which could not comprehend , how one and the same deity could be diffused through all parts of the universe ; therefore the wiser sort were forced to devise as many god● , as there were species of things in the world : and because the ignorant people would worship no deity , but what they saw , therefore their priests were fain to represent those invisible powers by pictures and images , without which the people thought they could not be safe or secure , if these gods were not still present with them . they were affected with fear and joy , according to the absence or presence of their gods : this virgi● ecl. . intimates when he saith , nec tam praesentes alibi cognoscere divos . and elsewhere , geor. . & vos praesentia numina fauni : so they held nothing propitious if their gods had not been present ; this made aenaeas aen. . so carefull to carry his gods about with him , whereever he went ; feror exul in altum , cum soci●s , natoque , penatibus , & magnis di●s . therefore he foretells the ruine of troy , by the departure of her tutelar gods ▪ excesserg omnes adytis , arisque relictis dii , quibus imperium hoc steterat , aen. . hence such care was taken by the grecians● to steal away the palladium ; the presence of which made troy impregnable , as they thought : and the romans had a custome , that before they besieged any city , they would first by conjuration or exorcisme , call out their tutelar gods . therefore when carthage was in any danger of the enemy , the priests used to bind apollo their tutelar god to a pillar , left he should be gone from them . hence it appears that they were forced to have deities in every place : at home they had their lares and penates , in the fields they had their ceres , pales , bacchus , pan sylvanus , fauni , &c , at sea they had their neptune , trit●n , glaueus : in their harbours they had portunus , besides that , every ship had its tutelar god set in the stern thereof : aurato praefulget apolline puppis aen. . the woods had their dryades : the trees hamadryades ; the flowres , napa● : the hills , orcades : the rivers , naiades : the lakes , li●●eades : the fountains , e●hydriades : and the sea , nereides . but notwithstanding this multiplicity , the wiser sort acknowledged but one dei●y , as may be seen in orpheus , who thus singeth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , he is onely one , begot of himself , and of hi● alone are all things begot . so elsewhere : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , iupiter was the first , and jupiter is the last thunderer , jupiter is the head , jupiter is the middle , from jupiter alone are all things . there is but one power , one god the great lord of all things . trismegistus confesseth there is but one divine nature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in defence of this truth , socrates died , when he was forced to drink poyson for affirming there was but one god. and d●agoras laughed at the multiplicity of gods , and at the simplicity of those who held the wooden image of hercules a god , therefore in derision he flung it in the fire , saying , thou hast served euristheus in . labours , thou must serve me in this thirteenth . the s●bils in their verses prove the same , that there is but one god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , there is one god ▪ who alone 〈◊〉 ●●mense and ingenerable . and again : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i alone am god , and besides me there is no other god. so h●race , divosque mortalesque turmas imperio regit ●eus aequo : he alone ruleth ●a just●ce all things . i could alledge many testimonies out of the greek and latine poets : out of the philosophers also , to prove that the ge●tiles did acknowledge but one deity , howsoever they gave him many names , besides their practise in uniting all the gods in one , by dedicating the pantheon to them ; intimating , that as all the gods were united in one temple , so they were indeed but one in essence : the altar also at athens , erected to the unknown god , doth confirm the same . but this task hath been already performed by s. austin , lac●antius , eusebius● , and other an●ient doctors of the church , besides what hath been written of later years , by philip morney , ●lias sch●dius , and others , who also alledge many testimonies , that the gentiles were not ignorant of the trinity of persons , as well as of the unity of essence , which was the pythagorean quaternity , wherein they held all perfection consisted . hence they used to swear by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , quaternity , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fountain of perpe●ual nature , and this doubtlesse was the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the hebrew name of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which connsteth of . letters ; and so doth the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the latine deus ▪ the italians , french , and spaniards expresse the same name in four letters , so did the ancient germans in their word diet , the s●lav●nian buch , the panonian is●u , the polonian buog , and the arabian alla , are all of four letters ; and so is the na●e iesu , which was given to christ by the angel. the egyptians expressed god by the word te●● . the persians by sire , and the magi by orsi : all intimating this quaternity , or t●ini●● in unity . so the greeks expressed their chief god foreign , and the egyptians their i●is , and the romans their mars , and the ancient celtes their thau ▪ and the egyptians their orus , by which they meant the sun in four letters : and perhaps they meant this quaternity , when they gave the sun four horses , and four ears , and placed four pitchers at his feet . and it may be that the queen of cities , and lady of the world , understanding the mystery of this quaternity , would not have her own name roma , to exceed or come short of four letters . so adon and bael signified the sunne . now having shewed that the sun was the onely deity the gentiles worshipped under divers names ; in whom likewise they acknowledged a trinity , though not of persons , yet of powers , or vertues ; to wit of light , hear , and influence ; so the o●b ▪ beams , and light , are the same sun in substance . i should now shew how superstitious they were in their sun-worship ; some offering horses , and charriots to him , which the iews also sometimes did ; others used to kneel to him at his rising ; the ma●●age●s were wont to sacrifice horses to him ; the chinois and other indians honour him with ●inging of verses , calling him the father of the stars , and the moon their mother ; the americans of peru and mexico adored the sun by holding up their hand , and making a sound with their mouth , as if they had kissed : of this custom● we read in ioh . . if i have kissed my hand beh●lding the sun , &c. the rhodians honoured him with their great colossus ; and many barbarous nations did sacrifice men and children to him ; such were the sacrifices offered to moloch , by whom they meant the sun ; the gentiles also to shew their devotion to the sun , used to wear his colours , and to preferre the red or purple , the golden or deep yellow , to all other colours , hence the germans , as diodor sic● . l. . biblio . sheweth ; caesariem non modo fifta●t 〈◊〉 , sed arte quoque nativam coloris proprietatem angere student ; they used to make their hairs red by art , if they were not red enough by nature : of this custome of painting or dying the hairs red , martial speaks , shewing that they used some hot medicaments ; c●●stica tcutonicos accendit spuma capiltos . this red colour saith clemens alexandrinus l . paedag. c. . was used to make them the more terrible to their enemy , for it resembleth blood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i deny not this reason , out i believe they had a tu●ther aim ▪ for they thought themselves safe , and under the suns protection , if they wore his colours ; and because the sunne-beams look sometimes yellow and like gold , therefore hair of this colour was of greatest account ; hence virgil aer . . gives yellow hairs to queen dido , as flaventesque abscissac●mas , and again , nec-dum ill● flavum proserpi●a vertice erinem abstulerat : ibid. so likewise he gives yellow hairs to mercury , by whom as we have said , was meant the sun ; omnia mercurio similis , vocemque , coloremque , et crines flavos & membra decora j●ventae . ibid. tertullian sheweth , that the women of his time used to dye their hairs with ●affron , capillos croco vertunt , to make them look like the flame , or sunne-beams ; and so the bride alwayes wore a vail called flammeum , of a red or fir●-colour ; and so flamminica the wife of the priest called flamen , wore alwayes such a vail , as resembling the colour of the sun , whereof her husband was priest , but s. hierom forbids christian women to dye their hair of this colour , as resembling the fire of hell , ne capillos i●ruses , & ei aliquid de gehenne ignilus aspergas : the athenia●s , to shew how much they honoured apollo , by whom they meant the sun , used to wear in their hairs golden pictures of grashoppers ; for these creatures were dedicated to the sun : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the scholiast of aristophanes witnesseth , and so doth thucydides . iulius capitolinus in ver● , affirms of verus , that to make his hairs look the yellower , and that it might glitter like the sun , he used to besprinkle them with gold dust ; tantam habuit curam capillorum flavorum , ut & capiti aur● ramenta ●●s●ergeret , quò magis coma illuminata slavesceret : and because these two colours of yellow and red were sacred to the sun , hence kings and priests were wont to be adorned with these two colours ; for kings and priests have been held the great luminaries within their do●●inions ; therefore they shined with artificial ornaments , as the sun doth with his native : hence q. did● by the poet , aen. . is painted with gold and scarlet ; cui pharetra ex auro , cri●es nodantur in aurum ; aurea purpuream subnectit fibula ves●em : so elsewhere aen. . he describes the ornaments of chlorus the priest , of gold and scarlet also ; ipse peregrina ferugine clarus & ostro spicula torquebat tyrio cortynia cornu . aureus ex b●●meris sonat arcus , & aurea vati cassida : tum croceam ●blamydemque sin●sque crepante● carbaseos fulv● in nodum collegerat 〈◊〉 . the priest is commanded to cover himself with scarlet whilest he is sacrificing ; purpureo velare comas adopertus amictu , aen. . it was also a part of sun-worship to erect high altars , and to sacrifice to him under the name of iupiter upon the highest hills , because they thought it fit , that he , who was the chief god , should be worshipped on the chief places , and the highest in dignity , should be honoured on the highest places of scituation , hence he was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iupiter on the mountains ; of these high places , we read in scripture ; they used also to the honour of the sun , to build their temples and erect their altars towards the east . illi ad surgentem conversi ●umina solem : and elsewhere , aen. . — aetherei spectans orientia solis lumina , vite cavis undam de flumine palmis sustul●t — and to shew the suns inextinguishible light and heat , they used to maintain a perpetuall fire upon their altars ; whence they were called are , ab arde●do : for the same cause both the persian kings and roman emperous used to have the sacred fire carried in great solemnity before them , by this , intimating how carefull they were to maintain the worship of the sun , and so supersitious were the gentiles in advancing of this sun-worship , that they spared not to sacrifice their children to meloch , which was nothing else but the sun : this was a preposterous zeal ; for that glorious lamp required no such sacrifice at their hands , though he be the cause of generation ; he gave life to their children by his influence , but they had no warrant from him to use violence , or to destroy that nature by elementary fire , which he by celestial fire did animate . the milder sort of them were content to let their sons and daughters passe through the fire , or between two fires , as some will have it , which was their purgatory , though some were so bold as to run through the fire , and tread with their naked feet upon the burning coals without hurt , which might be done without miracle , as we have shewed elsewhere , arcan ▪ microcos , of this custome the poet aentid . . speaketh ; summe deûm , sancti custos soractis apollo , quem primi colimus , cui pineus ardor acerv● nascitur , & medium freti pictate per ignem cultores multa premimus vestigia pruna . lastly , as the sun by the asians , and africans was described under divers shapes , according to his divers effects and operations , so was he also expressed in the northern part of the europaean world , as he is the measurer of time , and cause of different seasons ; namely of summer and winter , of seed-time and harvest : they described him like an old man standing on a fish , wearing a coat girt to his body with a liunen girdle , but bare-headed and barefooted , holding a wheel , and a basket full of corn , fruit , and roses ; by his old age and coat girt to him , was signified winter ; by his naked head and feet , summer ; by the corn and fruits , harvest ; and by the roses , the spring ; his standing on a fish , which is slipperie and swift in its motion , and silent withall , shewed the slipperinesse and swiftnesse of time , which passeth 〈◊〉 without noise , — ●ulloque s●n● co●vertitur 〈◊〉 . and old age comes tacito pede , with a silent foot : the wheel signified the roundnesse of the sun , and the running about of the year ▪ and the linnen girdle might signifie the zodiack or ecliptick line , within which the sun containeth himself ▪ i think this may be the genuine meaning of that saxon idol , which by them was called crodo , which schedius de d●●s germanis ▪ thinks to be saturn , and doth otherwise interpret it : when they did expresse the sun as king of the planers , and chief ruler of the world , they painted him sitting on a throne , holding a scepter in his left hand , and a sword in the right ; out of the right side of his mouth came out thunder ; out of the left , lightning : on his head ●ate an eagle ; under his feet was a dragon ; and round about him sate gods ; the throne , scepter and sword may signifie the majesty and power of the sun , who by his heat causeth thunder and lightning ; the eagle sheweth the swiftnesse of his motion , and his piercing eye , as discovering all things by his light , his treading on the dragon may shew , that he by his heat , subdueth the f●rercest creatures , and most pestiferous vapours ; the . gods may signifie the . signes in the zodiack , or . moneths of the year : when they did expresse the heat , light and motion of the sun , they painted him like a man , holding with both his hands a flaming wheel : when they did represent the martiall courage , and military heat of souldiers , excited in their hearts by the heat of the sun , they set him out like an armed man , holding a banner in one hand with a rose in it , in the other a pair of scales ; on his breast was the picture of a bear , on his target a lion ; the field about him full of flowers , by which they signified valour and eloquence , both requisite in a commander ; the arms , bear and lion were to shew the fiercenesse , courage and defence , that is , or ought to be in military men ; the rose and flowery field , did represent the sweetnesse and delight of eloquence ; the scales were to shew , how words should be weighed in the ballance of discretion , before they be uttered : when they expressed how the sun by his heat and influence , stirreth up venereal love in living creatures , they painted him like a woman , for that passion is most impotent in that sex ; on her head she wore a mirtle garland , to shew she is a queen , and that love should be alwayes green , sweet and pleasant as the myrtle ; in one hand she holds the world ▪ in the other three golden apples , to shew that the world is upheld by love , and so is the riches thereof ; the three golden apples also signified the threefold beauty of the sun , to wit the morning , meridian and evening ; in her breast she had a burning torch , to shew both the heat and light of the sun , and the fire of love which burneth in the breast ; ardet in ossibus ignis ; caco carpitur igne . vul●us alit venis , est m●llis ●lamma medullas . ardet amans did● , trax●tque per ossa furorem , virg. when they did expresse the suns operation upon the moon , they painted him like a man with long ears , holding the moon in his hands , to shew that she receives her light and power from him ; his long ears i think did signifie his readinesse to hear the supplications of all men , though never so far distant . these interpreatations , i suppose are most likely to be consonant to the meaning of those , who first devised those images or idols , though the saxon chroniclers , albertus , crantzius , saxo-grammaticus , munster , sch●di●s , and others , do think these images were erected to the memory of some german princes or commanders : but it is unlikely , that the germans , who were as tacitus saith , such great adorers of the sun and stars , would give that worship to dead mens statues , caesar lib. . de bel . gal. tells us , that the germans onely worshipped for gods those which they saw , and received help from , as the sun , moon , and fire , other gods they never heard of : but of the europaean idolatries , we have spoken more fully before . q. . what hath been the chief supporter of all religions at all times ? a. the honour , maintenance , and advancement of the priesthood ; for so long as this is in esteem , so long is religion in request ; if they be slighted , religion also becometh contemptible . whereupon followeth atheism , and anarchy ; which wise states considering , have been carefull in all ages to maintain , reverence , & advance the ministers of religion ; for if there be not power , maintenance , and respect given to the publick ministers of stat● , all government and obedience must needs fail ; the like will fall out in the ● church , if the priesthood be neglected . therefore among the iews , we read what large maintenance was allowed to the priests and levites ; how they were honoured and reverenced by the people ; & how the high priest had no lesse , or rather more honour than the prince , the one being honoured with a mitre , as the other with a crown , and both anointed with precious oil . among the gentiles , we find that the priesthood was in such esteem , that the prince would be honoured both by the priests office and name ; as we read of metc●ised●●h king of sal●m , and priest of the most high god : numa was both king and priest : so was anius in the poet ▪ rex anius , rex idem hominum phoebique sacerdos . augustus and the other roman emperors held it no lesse honour to be stiled ponti●●ces max●mi , h●gh priests , than to be called emperours : for this cause priests wore crowns or garlands , as well as the emperours . some were crowned with bays , as the priests of apollo ; some with poplar leaves , as the priests of hercules ; some with myrtle ; some with ivy ; some with oaken leaves , &c. all priests among the romans , were exempted from taxes , wars and secular imployments . the high priest at rome , as dionysius witnesseth l. . had in some respects more priviledge than the emperour , and was not to give any ac●ount of his actions to people and senate . and cicero in orat . pr● domo ad po●tif●●s ▪ . doth acknowledge that the whole dignity of the state , the safety , life and liberty of all men : and the religion of the gods depended from the high priests . the great king of the abyssins , at this day will he called prester , or priest iohn ▪ though i know some deny this . among the mahume●ans none of the musalmans , or true believers , as they call themselves , must take upon him the title of lord , but the calipha , or high priest onely : and to offer the least wrong to the meanest priest , is there a heinous and punishable crime . the priests of mars , called salii , among the romans , were in such honour , that none was admitted to this dignity , but he that was patricius , or nobly born . in ty●us the priests of hercules were attired in purple ; and had the next place to the king. in old time among the germans , none had power to punish offe●ders , but the priests . the t●allii honoured none with the priviledge of a palace , but the king and chief priest. among the egyptians none were priests but philosophers ; and none chosen king , but out of the priest-hood . mercury was called trismegistus because he bore three great offices , to wit , of a philosopher , of a priest , and of a king. among the phoenicians the priests of the s●n had the honour to wear a long robe of gold and purple ; and on his head a crown of gold beset with jewels . the ancient greeks also priviledged their priests to wear crowns , whence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in rome the flamen dialis or iupiters priest , had this honour , that his bare word had the force of an oath ; and his presence was in stead of a sanctuary , if any guilty person had fled to him , he was free that day from any punishment . he had power to exercise consular authority , and to wear consular garments ; and whereas none had the honour to ascend the capitol in a sedan or litter , save onely the pontise● and priests , we see in what reverend esteem they were in old rome ▪ and no lesse honour , but rather more , the priests and bishops of modern rome have received from christian princes . among the iews we find that eli and samuel were both priests and judges : the levites were as justices , and by their word used to end all strife , deut. . in davids time of the levites were judges : and after the captivity some of the priests were kings of iud● , . chrom , . in the christian church , we see how at all times the clergy hath been honoured ; in scripture they are called fathers , embassadours , friends of god , men of god , prophets , angels , &c. tertullian l. de poeniten . shews , that in the primitive church penitents used to fall down at the feer of their priests ; and some write , that they used to kisse their feet . in what esteem the bishops of italy , france . germany , and spain are now in , and in england have been in ; is known to all that read the histories of these places . in moscovia , the bishops not onely are endowed with rich revenues , but also with great honours and priviledges , and use to ride in rich apparrell , and in great state and magnificence . what respect the great turk giveth to his mufti , or high priest , and in what esteem he hath the christian patriarch of constantinople , is not unknown to those that have lived there ▪ or read the history . in a word religion flourisheth and fadeth with the priests & ministers thereof ; it riseth and falleth , floweth and ebbeth as they do ; and with hippocrates twins , they live and die together ; so long as the g●ntile priests had any maintenance and respect left them , so long their superstition continued in the empire , even under christian emperors ; but as soon as theodosius took away their maintenance , gentilisme presently vanished , and went out like the snuff of a candle , the tallow or oil being spent . q. . what religion is most excellent and to be preferred above all others ? a. the christian religion ; which may be proved : first from the excellent doctrines it teacheth , as that there is a god , that he is but one , most perfect , infinite , eternall , omniscient , omnipotent , absolutely good , the authour of all things , except sin , which in a manner is nothing ; the governour of the world , and of every particular thing in it ; that jesus christ the son of god died for our sins , and rose again for our justification , &c. . from the reward it promiseth , which is not temporall happiness promised by moses to the iews in this life ; not sensual and beastly pleasures , promised by the gentile-priests to their people , in their elysium ; & by mahomet to his followers in his fools paradise ; but eternal , spiritual , immaculate , and heavenly felicity , in the full and perpetual fruition of god , in whose presence is the fulnesse of joy , and at his right hand are pleasures for evermore ; such as the eye hath not seen , nor the ear heard , and cannot enter into the mind of man. . from teaching the faith of the resurrection , which none of the gentiles did believe , and not many among the iews , for the saduces denyed it ; onely christianity believes it , being assured , th●t he , who by his power made the great world of nothing , is able to remake the little world of something ; neither can that which is possible to nature , prove impossible to the a●thour of nature : for if the one can produce out of a small seed a great tree , with leaves , bark , and boug●s : or a butterfly out of a worm , or the beautifull feathered peacock out of a mis-shapen egge : cannot the almighty out of dust raise our bodies , who first out of dust made them ? . no religion doth teach how god should be worshipped sincerely and purely , but christianity , for other ▪ religions consist most in sacrifices , not of beasts and birds onely , but of men also : likewise in multitudes of unnecessary ceremonies , whereas the christian religion th●weth , that god is a spirit , and will be worshipped in spirit and truth : that outward ceremonies are but beggerly rudiments : that he will have mercy and no● sacrifice : that th● sacrifice of god is a broken and contrite heart : that he is better pleased with the circumcision of our fleshly lusts , than of our flesh , with the mortification of the body of sin , than of the body of nature . he ca●eth not the flesh of bulls , nor drinks the blood of goats , but we must offer to him thanksgiving , and must pay 〈◊〉 vows . the best keeping of his sabbath , is rather to forbear the work● of sin , than the works of of our hands : and to wash our hearts in innocency , rather than our hands in water . the service he expects from us , is the presenting of our bodies ●living sacrifice and holy , which is our reasonable service . no religion like this doth teach us the true object of our faith and hope , which is god : of our charity , which is our neighbour : of temperance , which is our selves : of obedience , which is the law : of prayer , which is the kingdome of heaven , and the righteousnesse thereof in the first place ; and then things concerning our worldly affairs in the second place : no religion but this , teacheth us to deny our selves , to forgive our enemies , to pray for our persecutors , to do good to those who hurt us , to forget and forgive all injuries , and to leave vengeance to god , who will repay : no religion like this , teacheth the conjugal chastity that ought to be between one man and one wife ; for other religions permit either plurality of wives , or divorces upon light occasions , or fornication amongst young people unmarried ; crede mihi , non est flagitium adolescentem scortari , terent ▪ or that which is worse , and not to be named : but christianity forbids unchast talk , immodest looks , and even unclean thoughts . other religions forbid perjury , this swearing at all , except before a judge to vindicate the truth . no religion doth so much urge the mutual justice or duties , that ought to be between masters and servants , parents and children , princes and people , and between man and man ; all these , oppression , extortion , usury , bribes , sacriledge , &c. are forbid even all kind of covetousnesse and immoderate care , but to cast ou● care upon god , to depend on his providence , to use this world , as if we used it not , to cast ou● bread upon the waters , to make us friends of our unrighteous m●nmon , to be content with food and raiment , to have our conversation in heaven , & to seek the things that are above to lay up our treasures in heaven ; where neither ●oth can spoil , nor thi●ves break through and steal . . the excellency of christianity may be proved from the multitude of witnesses , or martyrs , and confessors , who have not only forsaken father and mother , lands and possessions , and whatsoever else was dear to them , but likewise their lives , ( and that with all chearfulnesse ) for the name of christ : and which is most strange , in the midst of flames and other torments , they did sing and rejoyce , and account it no small 〈◊〉 & happines , to suffer for christ , being fully perswaded that the afflictions of this l●fe were not worthy of the glory that should be revealed ; and that after they had fought the good fight , and finished their course , a crown of righteousnesse was laid up for them . . the excellency of the author commends christianity above all other religions , which have been delivered by men onely , and those sinfull men too ; as moses , ●ycurgus , minos , solon , numa , and mahomet , &c. but the author of christianity was both god and man , whose humane nature was without spot or sin original , and actuall ; for though he became sin for us , yet he knew no sin , there was no guile sound in his mouth ; he had done no violence , he was oppressed and afflicted , yet opened he not his mogth , but was brought as a lamb to the slaughter , and as a sheep before his shiarers was dumb , &c. isa. . his very enemies could not accuse him of sin ▪ he prayed for those that crucified him , and died for his enemies , he was obedient to his father , even to the death of the crosse ; he did not lay heavy burthens upon other mens shoulders , which he did not touch himself ; but as well by practise , as by precept , he hath gone before us in all holy duties ; and as he died for sinners , so he rose again for them the third day , ascended into heaven where he now sits at the right hand of his father , and will come again to judge the quick and the dead . he is the true messias , who in the fulnesse of time came , upon the accomplishing of daniels seventy weeks , not long before the destruction of ierusalem , as was foretold by the prophets ; by whose presence the glory of the second temple far exceeded the glory of the first , though in all things else inferiour to it . he is the true shil● , at whose coming the scepter departed from iuda ; and as it was foretold , that he should come of david , be born in bethlehem ? have a virgin for his mother , preach in gali●ce , and heal all manner of infirmities , and should reign over the gentiles , so these things came to passe . . never was there any religion propagated through the world , in that wonderful manner , as this was , if we consider either the authours that spread it , who were illiterate f●sher-men , and yet could on a sudden speak all languages , or the manner how it was spread , without either violence , or eloquence ; whereas mahumetanisme , and other religions have been forced upon men by the sword , christianity was propagated by weaknesse , sufferings , humility , patience , plainnesse , and working of miracles ; the suddennesse also of its propagation , the great opposition it had , by the potentates of the world ; whom notwithstanding these fisher-men conquered : the largenesse of this religions extent , as being spread over the four parts of the habitable earth : i say , all these being considered mus● needs shew us what preheminence this religion hath above all others , the course whereof could not be retarded either by the force , policy , or cruelty of tyrants , who exposed christians to a thousand sorts of torments , yet in spite of all opposition , it went like a mighty torrent through the world , and like the palm , the more it was suppressed , the more it flourished● per tela , per ignes , ab ipso ducit opes , animumque ferr● : what religion could ever name such martyrs , either 〈◊〉 number or constancy , as the christian can ? to be brief , how far truth exceedeth error , one god , multiplicity of gods ; his sincere and pure worship , the idolatry of worshipping evil spirits , starres , dead men , bru●● beasts , yea , meere accidents and phansies ; and ho● far divine power exceedeth all humane power , so far doth christianity exceed gentilisme . again , how much christ exceedeth moses ; and the gospel the law ; and how far the precept of patience and meeknesse taught by christ , exceedeth the precept of revenge delivered by moses ; how far baptisme excelleth circumcision , and the lords supper , the iewish passeover , the true propitiatory sacrifice of christs body , all the sacrifices of beasts and birds , how far the easie yoke of christ is lighter than the heavy burthens of moses : and the true messiah already come , exceeds the iews supposed messiah yet expected : so far doth the christian religion excell the iewish superstition , lastly , how far iesus in respect of his humane nature exceedeth mahomet ; the one being conceived of the holy ghost , and born of a virgin ; the other b●ing conceived and born , after the manner of other men ; the one being without sin , the other a thief and robber : the one teaching love , peace and patience ; the other hatred , war and revenge : the one cur●ing mens lust , by monogamy ; the other letting loose the reins to uncleannes by poligamy : the one planting religion in the soul , the other in outward ceremonies of the body : the one permitting the moderate use of all gods creatures , the other prohibiting wine , and swines-flesh : the one commanding all men to search the scriptures ; the ●ther prohibiting the vulgar to read the alcoran , or to translate it into other tongues out of the arabick : the one working by miracles ; the other onely by cheating tricks : the one propagating religion by suffering , patience , and humility ; the other by cruelty , oppression , and tyranny : the one choosing for his followers , innocent and holy men , such as followed their trade of fishing ; the other wicked and profane persons , whose trade consisted in thieving , robbing , and murthering : the one teaching sound and wholsome doctrine ; the other ridiculo●s and favourlesse fables in his alcoran : i say , how far in all these things the man christ jesus ( not to speak of his divinity ) did exceed mahomet : so far doth christianity excel mahumetanism . and thus have i with as much brevity as i could , taken and given a view of all known religions , and have set down what use is to be made thereof ; and withal have shewed the excellency of christianity above all other professions in the world : god grant that as it is the best of all religions , so we of this land may prove the best of all the professors thereof , learning to deny our selves , to take up the crosse of christ , and follow him in meeknesse , patience , humility , justice , sobriety , holinesse , love , and all other vertues , wherein the life of religion consisteth ; laying aside self-interest , idle quarrels , needlesse debates , unprofitable questions in points of religion , but let us maintain the unity of the spirit in the bond of love , and know that religion is not in words , but in works ; not in opinions , but in assurance : not in speculation , but in practice . pure religion and undefiled before god is , to visit 〈◊〉 fatherlesse and widows &c. to do good and to communicate ; for with such sacrifice god is well pleased , that not the bearers of the law , but the doers shall be justified ; that not they that cry lord , lord , shall enter into heaven , but they who do the will of our father ; that without peace and holinesse no man shall see the lord , that they who seed the hung●y , and cloath the naked , &c. shall inherit the kingdome prepared for them from the beginning of the world : and god grant that we may run the wayes of gods commandements , walk in love , tread in the paths of righteousnesse , ●ight the good fight , run the race set before us , with patience , looking unto iesus the authour and finisher of our faith ; that having finished our course , and wrought out our salvation with 〈◊〉 and trembling , may at last receive the crown of righteousnesse . in the mean while , let us not forget our saviours legacy ; which is , love one another , and my peace i leave with you ; are we not all the members of one body , the sheep of one fold , the children of one father ? do we not all eat of the same bread , drink of the same cup , live by the same spirit , hope for the same inheritance ? are we not all washed with the same baptisme , and redeemed by the same saviour ? why then should we not be of the same heart , and mind with the apostles ? why is there such strugling in the womb of rebecca , such a noise of hammers in building christs mysticall temple ; such clashing of arms under the prince of peace ; is this christianity ? alas , we are mahu●etanes or gentiles in practise , and christians in name . now the god of peace , that brought again our lord iesus from the dead , give us the peace of god that passeth all understanding ; that we may all think and do the same thing . that as there is but one shepherd , so the●e may be but one sheepfold . the church of god is a little flock , beset with many wolves ; of iews , turks , pagans , atheists ; why then should we not be carefull to preserve peace , love , and unity among our selves , the onely thing to make us formidable to our enemies ? concordia res parvae crescunt . a bundle of arrows cannot be broken , except they be separated and disjoyned ; nor could the horse tail be plucked off ( as sertorius shewed his romans ) so long as the hairs were twisted together ▪ as hard a matter it will be to overcome us , so long as we are united in love , but let this band be broken , and we are a prey to every enemy : imbelles damae quid nisi praeda sumus . if we will needs fight ▪ let us buckle with our profest and common enemies , with the devil , the world and the fl●sh , with principalites , and powers ; with spirituall darknesse , and chiefly with our selves : nec tonge scilicet hostes quaerendi nobis , circumstant undique muros . we have a trojan horse , full of armed enemies in the citadel of our hearts ; we have iebusites within us , which we may subjugate , but can never exterminate ; and such is our condition , that we are pestered with enemies , whom we can neither fly from , nor put to flight ; nec fugere possumus nec sugare . if we did exercise our selves oftner in this spiritual militia , we should not quarrel so much as we do , nor raise such tragedies every where in the church of christ , about controversies & opinions quarrelling about the shell of religion , being carelesse what become of the kernel . with martha we busie our selves about many things , but neglect that vnum necessarium : playing philosophers in our disputes , but epicures in our lives . i wil end in the words of lactantius , instit. . c. . & . innecentiam s●lam 〈◊〉 quis obtulerit deo , satis pie , religioseque litavit , he is the most religious man , who offers to god the best gi●t , which is innocency . for christian religion consisteth not in words , but in gifts and sacrifices ; our gifts are perpetual , our sacrifices but temporary ; our gifts are sincere hearts , our sacrifices are praises and thanksgivings . no religion can be true , but what is grounded on goodnesse and justice . finis . the alphabetical table of the chief things conteined in the severall sections of the view of all religions , &c. a. abbots , how elected , . &c. how consecrated , . &c. abraxas , the sun , . &c. abyssins , their religion , . &c. adamites , . adonis , the sun , . africa , the religion thereof , . &c. african islands their religions , . albati , . etc. albigenses , and their opinions , &c. america , the religion thereof , &c. southern america , the religion thereof , . etc. americans , their superstitious fear , and tyranny thereof , etc. anabaptists , &c. of moravia , etc. their opinions and names , &c. angola , its religion , &c. antinomians , . apis , the sun , &c. apollo , the sun , . apostles , and their office , . arabians , their religion and discipline , &c. armenians , their religion , &c. arminians , their tenets &c. asia , the religions thereof , . &c. atys , the sun , . s ▪ austins girdle ; &c. b. babylonians , their ancient religion . &c. bel and belenus , the sun , . bengala , its religion , . bishops , . . &c. bisnagar , its religion , &c. brasil , its religion , &c. s. bridgets order , &c. brownists , their kinds and tenets , &c. buildings first erected for divine service , . burial of the dead , an act of justice and mercy . &c. c. calvins doctrine . &c. camaldulenses , . cambaia , its religion , . canons of s. saviour , . of s. george , &c. of lateran , . carmelites . &c. carthusians , &c. cerberus , the sun , . ceremonies in religion , &c. charom , the sun , &c. chinois , their religion , &c. christianity , its beginning , , &c. it yeelds to mahumetanisme , &c. its excellency ▪ &c. christian duties urged ▪ &c. churches from the beginning● , . etc ▪ , . &c. set day , sacrifices , and church-government from the beginning , &c. under moses , . after moses , . under david and solomon , &c. after solomon , &c. among the ten tribes , . in , and after the captivity of babylon , &c. among the iewes at this day , &c. church offices sold among the iewes , &c. church how to be governed , . church-governours , ibid. &c. alterable , . church of arnhem , vide millenaries . church of england deplored , and remedy against her growing errours . . of protestant churches , &c. church of rome , wherein different from other churches , &c. cluniacenses , . colours of the sun worn , &c. cong● its religion , . the religions of its northern neighbours . ibid &c. cophti of egypt , &c. creation , the knowledge the pagans had thereof , &c. of it , and noahs flood , what knowledge the americans had , &c. d. dayes festival in the church of rome , &c. d●acons , and their office , . and . dead , vide burial . death , how worshipped , &c. domin●cans , ● &c. e. earth , &c. how worshipped , &c. egyptians , their ancient religion , &c. their idolatrous worship , &c. and continuance thereof , &c. their modern religions , &c. elders , &c. endymion , the sun , episcopacy , what among the presbyterians , &c. how diffeferent from presbytery , . &c. eremites , or anchorites , &c. their first manner of living , &c. their too great rigour , &c. of s. austin , ● &c. of s. paul in hungary , . of s. hierom , . ethiopians of africa , their ancient religion , &c. their religion at this day , &c. the religion of the lower ethiopians , . europe , the religions thereof , &c. excommunicate persons their condition , . prophets , pharisees , &c. could not excommunicate , ihid . &c. why christ did not excommunicate iud●s , . excommunication and excommunicate persons considered , ibid. &c. f. familists , their heresies , . superstitious fear , its cruelty , . festival dayes of christ , &c. of the saints , &c. fez , the religion and church-discipline thereof , &c. their times of prayer , &c. fire , &c. how worshipped , &c. florida , its religion , . franciscans , &c. subdivided into divers orders , &c. fraternities , &c. fratricelli , . friers mendicants , . predicants , &c. minorites , &c. g. gentiles , their gods , vid. gods. worshipped the sun under divers names and shapes , &c. acknoweldged but one deity , &c. under divers names , &c. their superstitious fear ibid. acknowledge a trinity , &c. georgians , &c. goa , the religion thereof , &c. god , acknowledged by the americans , . but one god acknowledged by the wiser sort of gentiles . &c. and . gods of the gentiles , &c. . &c. how ranked and armed . . their chariots how drawn , . in what peculiar places worshipped . ibid &c. one god acknowledged by them , . greeks , their religion and gods ▪ &c. their worship , and how painted , &c. the greeks sacrifices , &c. their priests and temples , . their chief festivals , &c. greek religion at this day , &c. their church dignities and discipline , &c. ●roves and high places condemned in scripture . ● etc. guinea , its religion , &c. h. hercules , the same with the sun , &c. heresy an enemy to christianity , hereticks and heresies , namely simon magus , . menander , &c. saturninus . basilides , ibid. nicolaitans , gnosticks . &c. carpocrates , cerinthus , . ebion , nazarites , . valentinians , ib. etc. secundians , p●ol●means , &c. marcites , ib. etc. colarbasii , ▪ heracleonites , . ophites , ibid. &c. cainites , and sethites , . archonticks , and asco●●yprae , cerdon , . marcion , ibid. &c. apelles . severus , ib. etc. tatianus , . cataphryglans , ib. &c. pepuzians , quintilians , . ar●otyrites , ibid. &c. quartodecimani , alogiani , . adamians , ibid. &c. elcesians , and theodotians , . melchisedecians , ibid. &c. bardesanists . noetians , valesians , . cathari , ibid. &c. angelici , apostolici , . sabellians , originians , originists , ibid. &c. samosatenians , . photinians , ibid. &c. manichees , ● ▪ &c. hierachites , . melitians , ibid. etc. arrians , audians , semi-arrians , . macedonians , ibid. &c. aerians , aetians , . eunomians , ibid. &c. apollinarists , antidicomari●nites , . messalians , ibid. &c. metangismonites , hermians , procli●●ites , patricians , ascitae , ibid. &c. pattalorinchitae , aquarii , coluthiani , floriani , aeternales , . nudipedales , ibid. &c. donatists , . priscillianists , ibid. &c. rhetorians , feri . theopaschitae , tritheitae , aquei , meli●onii , ophei , . tertullii , ibid. &c. liberatores , nativitarii , luciferians , iovinianists , and arabicks , . collyridians , paterniani , tertullianists . abellonitae , ibid. &c. pelagians , praedestinati , . timotheans , ibid. &c. nestorians , . eutychians , and their spawn , ibid. &c. hereticks of the seventh century , . &c. of the eighth century , . of the ninth and tenth centuries , ibid. &c. of the eleventh and twelfth centuries , . &c. of the thirteenth century , &c. of the fourteenth century ▪ &c. of the fifteenth century , &c. of the sixteenth century , . and ● &c. hierapolis , the religion thereof , &c. high places , vid. groves , &c. hispaniola , its religion , . hussites , their tenets ▪ &c. i. iacobites , . ianus , the sun , . iapon , its religion , &c. idola●ers their cruelty and cost in their barbarous sacrifices ▪ . &c. the making , worshiping of images , and bringing in idolatry . &c. idolatry of the gentiles , and of all kindes condemned . &c. idolatry further condemned . . &c. and . the gentile idols were dead men , &c. iesuites , . &c. their rules , . &c. their constitutions and rules for provincials , . provosts , &c. rectors , . masters , ibid. &c. counsellers , . travellers , ibid. &c. rules for the admonitor , &c. overseer of the church , . for the priests , ibid. &c. preachers , . for the generals proctor , ibid. &c. for the readers , infirmarii , . librarii , and under officers , ibid. &c. their privileges granted by divers popes . . &c. iewes , their church discipline from the beginning ▪ till their last destruction , &c. the difference of the high priest● from other priests . . solomons temple , and the outward splendor of the iewes religion . &c. what represented by solomons temple , and utensils thereof . . office of the levites . . prophets , scribes , ibid. pharisees . . nazarites , ibid. etc. rechabites . . essenes , sadduces , ibid. s●maritans . iewes , their ancient observation of the sabbath . &c. how they observed their passover . &c. their feast of pentecost . . their feast of tabernacles , ibid. &c. their new moons , . and . their feast of trumpets , . &c. their feast of expiation , . their sabbatical year , ibid. &c. their jubilee , &c. their excommunications of old , &c. how instructed by god of old , &c. their maintenance or allowance to their priests and levites , &c. their church government at this day , &c. their manner and times of prayer , &c. they hear the law three times a week , &c. their ceremonies about the book of the law , &c. their manner of observing the sabbath , &c. how they keep their passover , &c. their manner of eating the paschal lamb , &c. their modern ceremonies are rabbinical , . observations concerning the jewes at this day , ibid. &c. whether to be permitted ( amongst christians ) to live , and exercise their own religion , &c. wherein christians are no● to communicate with jewes , &c. they spend eight dayes in their easter solemnities , . their pentecost , ibid. &c. their feast of tabernacles , &c. they fast in august , . their solemnities in beginning the new year , ibid. &c. their preparation for morning prayer , &c. their feast of reconciliation , and ceremonies therein , . their rites after the law is read over , . their church offices sold , ibid. &c. their feast of dedication , . of purim , ibid. &c. their fasts , &c. their marriages , . &c. their bills of divorce , &c. the separating of the wife from the dec●●sed husbands brother , . their circumcision , and rites thereof , ibid. &c. how they redeem their fi●st born , . their duty to the sick , ibid. their ceremonies about the dead , ibid. etc. ignatius loyola , &c. independents , and their tenets , &c. independents of new-england their tenets , ● &c. the grounds whereupon the independents forsake our churches . &c. the grounds whereupon they and the anabaptists allow lay-men ▪ to preach , without call or ordination . &c. indians , their ancient religion . . and at this day , . iohn tany , vide theaurau iohn . iucatan , its religion , &c. iupiter , the sun , k. katharine of sena , &c. knights-hospitlers of s. iohn , &c. of rhodes , &c. of ●alta , . templars , ibid. &c. the teutonicks or marians , and their instalment , . &c. of s. lazarus , . of calatrava , ibid. &c. of s. iames , . divers other orders of knighthood , ibid. &c. knights of the holy sepulchre , &c. gladiators , &c. knights of s. mary of redemption , . of montesia , ibid. of the annunciation , of s. ma●rice , of the the golden fleece , of the moon , of s. michael , ● . of s. stephen , ib. &c. of the holy sp●rit , etc. and &c. knights of the gennet , &c. of the crown royal , of the stir , of the broom flower , of the ship , . of s. michael , ibid. &c. of christian charity , of s. lazarus , of the virgin mary in mount carmel , . of orleance , or porcupine , ibid. &c. of the golden shield , of the thistle , of aniou , . of s. magdalen , ibid. &c. of britaigne or ermin , . of the golden fleece , of the garter , . of the bath , ibid. &c. of s. andrew , or the thistle , of navarre , or the lilly , . of s. iames of the sword , ibid. &c. of s. iulian , or the pear-tree , or alcantara , . of calatrava , ibid. &c. of the band or red scarffe , of the dove , of s. saviour of montreal , of our lady in montesia , . of the looking . glasse , ibid. &c of iesus christ , of d. avis , in germany , of the dragon ; in austria , of s. george ; in poland , of the white eagle ; . in denmark , of the elephant ; ibid. &c. in sweden , of the s●raphims ; in cleve , of the swan ; in livonia , of the sword-bearers ; in switzerland , of s. ga●● ; . divers orders of knights at rome , ibid. &c. knights of venice , genoa , savoy , . florence , ibid. &c. of mantua , . of knight-ho●d in the east , ibid. &c. l. liber , the sun , life , vide sociable . luther his opinions , . and sects sprung out of lutheranisme . &c. m magistrates office , , and magor , its religion , &c. mahomet not that great antichrist spoken of by s. paul and s. iohn , &c. mahumetans their law , &c their opinions , &c. their sects , . &c. their religious orders , &c. secular priests , . their devotion , ibid. etc. their pilgrimage to mecca , etc. their circumcision , etc. their rites about the sick and dead , etc. mahumetanisme its extent , etc. and of what continuance , etc. malabar , its religion , maronites , etc. mars , the sun , melancholy its danger , melchites , mendicants of s. hierom , mengrelians , mercury , the sun , etc. mexico , its priests and sacrifices , etc. millenaries their opinions , etc. the grounds upon which they build christs temporal kingdom here on earth for a thousand yeares , ibid. the vanity of their opinion , etc. minerva , the same that the sun , etc. ministerial calling , ministers called presbyters , etc. how to be elected , . etc. three wayes whereby satan dedeludes men by false miracles , etc. the fear of satans stratagems ( though illusions ) whence it proceeds . . etc. our duty respecting the many stratagems and illusions of satan . etc. mithra , the sun , moloch , the sun , ibid. monasteries and their lawes , etc. monks , who were the first , monks of s. basil and their rules , etc. of s. hierom , . of s. austin , ibid. etc. and . they are not to beg , etc. the monkes first institutions and exercises , etc. why they cut their hair and beard , etc. whence came this custom , ● etc. in what account monks are in rome , etc. how consecrated anciently , benedictin monks , etc. authours of other orders , their rules , ibid. etc. their habit and diet , . rules prescribed to the monks by the council of aix , ibid. etc. monks of cassinum , etc. cluniacenses , etc. camaldulenses , . of the shadowy valley , ibid. etc. silvestrini , and grandimontenses , . of s. anthony of vienna , . cistertians , ibid. etc. bernardines , humiliati . . praemonstratenses , . gilbertins , ibid. etc. cruciferi , hospitalarii , trinitarians , ibid , etc. bethlemites , augustinians , ● carmelites , etc. dominicans , . franciscans , etc. their habits , schismes , families , rules , and priviledges , etc. of vallis scholarium , s. marks canons regular , boni homines , . of s. maries servants , ibid. etc. coelestini , iesuati , . of s. briget , ibid. etc. of s. iustina , of mount olivet , . of the holy ghost , of s. ambrose ad nemus , minimi of iesu maria , monks in moscovia , etc. moon , how worshipped , the same luminary with the sun , etc. her properties , morocco , its religion , moscovites religion and discipline , etc. their monkes and nuns , . etc. their church service , . their sacraments , etc. their doctrine and ceremonies , etc. their marriages etc. their fune●●ls , muggleton ▪ vide reeve . n. narsinga , its religion , &c. nemesis , the sun , nestorians , , &c. new spain its religion , etc. festival dayes there , etc. nuns in the primitive times , &c. how consecrated . &c. nuns of s. bennets order , etc. of s. clara , . of s. briget , &c. of s. katharin , &c. o. divers erroneous opinions which have bin lately revived or hatched since the fall of our church government , etc. orders of pilgrims , &c. of indians , of divine love or theatini , . of paulini , ibid. &c. of iesuites , &c. observantes , cellarii , ambrosiani , capellani , clavigeri , cruciferi , . hospitalarii , &c. see monks . ordination in the beginning of the world , . p. pallas , the sun , pan , the sun , pegu , its religion , persecution an enemy to christistianity , persians , their ancient religion , &c. persius his notable saying , peru , its religion , &c. festival dayes , &c. the peruvians beliefe of the departed souls , philippinae , their religions , &c. phoenicians , their religion and discipline , poor pilgrims , &c. pilgrims vide orders . pluto , the sun , polyphemus the sun , poverty , threefold , presbytery , the doctrine and tenets thereof , &c. the office of presbyters , . and among the jewes . their power to excommunicate , priapus , the sun , priests and levites among the iewes , . among the mexicans , &c. the dignity of priests and their necessity , &c. among the greeks , romans , and elsewhere , &c. princes should be careful of religion , &c they must not dissemble in religion , &c. proserpinae , the sun , protestants , &c. wherein they agree with , and ●●ssent from other christian churches . &c. q. qvakers their opinions , &c. other opinions of theirs , &c. wherein the absurdities and impieties of their opinions consist . . r. ranters characterized , and their opinions , &c. iohn reeve and lodowick muggleton their opinions , &c. religions of the northern countries near the pole , &c. of the nations by west virginia and florida , &c. of the northern neighbours of congo , of the african islands , . of new spain , &c. of the parts adjoyning to iucatan , &c. of the southern americans , &c. of paria , guiana , and debaiba , . of asia , , , , , &c. of africa &c. of america , &c. of europe , of greeks and romans , ibid &c. of germans , gauls , and britains , etc. of danes , swedes , moscovites , and their neighbours , &c. of the scythians getes , thracians , cymbrians , goths , etc. &c. of the lithuanians , polonians , hungarians , etc. etc. of the mahumetans , etc. of christians , etc. by what engines battered , . pestered with diversity of opinions , &c. of the greeks religion at this day , etc. of moscovia , etc. of armenia , . of the melchites , . of the georgians , ibid. etc. of the circassians , . of the nestorians , ibid. etc. of the indians , and iacobites , . of the maronites , ibid. etc. of the cophti , . etc. abyssins , . etc. religion the ground of government and greatnesse , etc. the foundation of all commonwealths , etc. most re●quisite in princes and governours , etc. one religion to be taught publickly , etc. different religions how and when to be tolerated , etc. dissimulation in religion rejected , etc ▪ false religions why blessed , and the contem●ers punished , ● etc. religious policie and ceremonies , etc. mixed religions , etc. what religion most consonant to natural reason , etc. religion how supported , etc. religion , which is best , etc. romans , their old religion , etc. their chief festivals , etc. their chief gods , etc. their priests , etc. sacrifices , etc. their marriage rites , etc. their funeral rites , . roman church different from others about the scriptures , . about predestination , gods image , and sinne , ibid. etc. about the law of god , christ , faith , justification , and good works , etc. about penance , fasting , prayer , and almes , etc , about the sacraments , etc. and their ceremonies in those controverted , etc. about the saints in heaven , etc. about the church . etc. about councils , monks , magistrates , and purgatory , . etc. the outward worship of the roman church , and first part of their masse , etc. roman acolyths their offices , romanists their manner of dedicating churches , etc. and what observable thereupon . etc. their consecration of altars , etc. etc. the degrees of ecclesiastical persons in the church of rome , etc. their sacred orders , etc. office of the bishop , etc. and what colours held sacred , etc. the other parts of the masse , etc. other parts of their worship , etc. their festival dayes , etc. their canonical houres of prayer and observations thereon , . etc. their processions and observations thereon . ▪ their ornaments and utensils used in churches , dedicated to christ and the saints . etc. their office performed to the dead , etc. russians , see moscovites . s. satans stratagems , vide miracles . old saxons worshipped their gods under divers shapes and formes , etc. scythians , their old religion , . sea , how worshipped , . sects sprung out of lutheranisme etc. sects of this age , etc. shakers , vide quakers . siam , its religion , etc. simon magus and his scholars , vide hereticks . sociable life preferred to the solitary , , etc. socinians , their tenets , etc. solomons temple , vide iewes , etc. soule , its immortality believed by the idolatrous pagans , etc. its immortality and life after this believed by the americans , . by the brasilians also , etc. spain , vide new spain . sumatra , its religion , etc. sun , how worshipped ; etc. the gentiles chief and onely god , etc. his divers names and worship , ibid. etc. superstitious sun worship , etc. how painted and worshipped by the northern nations , etc. syrians their gods , &c. t. iohn tany , vide theaurau iohn . tartars , their old religion , . &c. their diversities of religions , . &c. thesurau iohn , his opinions , . &c. titbonus , the sun , . trinity , acknowledged by the americans , . denied by simon magus and his scholars , with others , besides iewes and mahumetans , and why ▪ . etc. turlupini , . v. venus , all one with the sun , etc. virginia , its religion , etc. vulcan , the sun , . w. vvickliffe's opinions , . etc. z. zeeilan , its religion , . finis . apocalypsis : or , the revelation of certain notorious advancers of heresie : wherein their visions and private revelations by dreams , are discovered to be most incredible blasphemies , and enthusiastical dotages : together with an account of their lives , actions , and ends. whereunto are added the effigies of seventeen ( who excelled the rest in rashness , impudence and lying , ) done in copper plates . faithfully and impartially translated out of the latine by i. d. is printer's or publisher's device london , printed by e. tyler , for iohn saywell , and are to be sold at his shop , at the sign of the grey-hound in little-britain without aldersgate , . to the excellently learned , edward benlovves of brenthall in essex esquire , &c. worthy sir , i have here presumed to present you with a strange and bloody tragedy of hereticks and enthusiasts , written in latine by a most elegant pen , by one who hath concealed his name , as i conceive out of this reason , that , living near the times and places of this representation , it might have proved dangerous to him to have published it . here you have religion brought upon the stage in very strange disguises , nay they make her act parts the most contrary to her nature , imbruing her white and innocent hands in blood , and massacres . but as she hath met with wolves to destroy and tear in pieces , so hath she also met with shepheards to heal and protect , and among those the most laborious authour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anzebeia hath not bin the least considerable . his severe and most indefatigable labours in most parts of learning , are consummated in this piece of religion , wherein like an experienced anatomist , he hath left no vein un-cut up . to fall into excessive commendations of him , were to commit a moral absurdity , by praising one whom the general trumpet of fame hath blaz'd abroad for so great an advancer of vertue and learning ; but to trouble you with them , were yet to be so much the more importunate , whose conversation with him was so great , that whatsoever i may say of him , i shall not acquaint you with so much as your self know . nor did the influence of your patronage raise and animate only him , but there are so many other monuments of your great encouragements to learning , that it will be thought modesty in me not to mention all . but your excessive benefactorship to the library of s. iohns colledge at cambridge ( whereof i have sometimes had the honour to be an unworthy member ) i cannot passe over , as a thing , which will stand upon the file of memory , as long as learning shall find professors or children . and that which increases the glory of your munificence , is , that that library may hoast that it is furnished with the works of its owne sonnes , which , being the greatest act of retribution and gratitude that may be , must be accordingly acknowledged by all that shall come after . but that which hath the most engaged and satisfied the english world , is , that your endeavours have displayed themselves in their clearest light , in that one thing that is necessary , that is to say , religion , not only by being a constant assertor of her purity here in england , but in that , after more then ulyssean travels throughout most parts of europe , you have returned to your former enjoyments of that chast penelope , when others either out of weaknesse or surprise , are ensnared and besotted with the tenets of other countries , whereby they are both ingrateful and injurious to their own , by preferring the prudence and policy of another before hers . religion certainly , if well improved , is the talent , that felicifies the improver , if not , condemnes him . it is that universal patrimony , which entitles us to be the sonnes of god , and by which we are adopted into the assured hope of eternal happinesse . it is the loadstone wherewith when our soules are once touched , they are directed to the right pole of the eternally beatifical vision ; and without which , we must infallibly expect to split against the rocks and shelves of perdition . it is the consummation of heavens indulgence to mankind , that which doth familiarize us , and makes good our interest in the great being and cause of all things . it is the perfection of nature , since that whatsoever we know of the divinity by her comes only by the assistance and mediation of our sences , but the other furnishes us with a more evident assurance , ( and that , in things , which can be neither seen , heard , nor conceived , ) by the more particular providence of grace and faith , whereby he is pleased to bow down the heavens , and descend unto a familiar conversation with our very spirits . but that which ought further to endear all men to religion , is , that she only next to god may pretend ubiquity , as being a thing written in such indelible characters in the hearts of all men , that even the most barbarous nations , and the greatest strangers to civility and policy have acknowledged some divine worship , though their pravity or want of instruction , may have blinded them from the true , but yet that eclipse of the true god hath not been total , insomuch , as they have still retained a sense and veneration of religion , so that to the best of their imaginations , they have created something like god to themselves . to make this yet more evident , we are to note , that most people , though they had not so clear apprehensions of the immortality of the soul , as we have ; yet were they not only perswaded of the impossibility of its annihilation , but have also acknowledged rewards and punishments to be expected after this life . to ascend yet a little higher ; the divinity and preheminence of religion is demonstrated , in that it exerciseth that empire and soveraignty over the mind of man , that no blandishments of the flesh , no temptations , no torments have been able to dispossesse it . it hath triumph'd in the midst of its persecutions , and by her sufferings hath conquered her persecutors . her pleasing ravishments can stifle for a time all sence of humanity , elude flames , and racks , and so arm the delicacy and tendernesse of virgin-purity , as to overcome the hardiest tyrants . it is she that raises our soules to a holy boldnesse and intimacy in our addresses to heaven , being indeed rapt into the heavens of divine contemplation , by her extasies and illuminations . it was her inspiring communication , that elevated your pious soul , when you described the divine perfections of the incomparable theophila . these things can she do and greater , when there is but one grain of true faith ; but when she is defiled and adulterated with humane ceremonies and inventions , she is deformed , and looses all her grace and beauty . and among these hath she met with two most importunate pretenders , atheisme and superstition ; the one strips her stark naked , the other meretriciously prostitutes her in the disguises of humane inventions . and that she hath been thus evill entreated , in all places and times , this book gives but too great testimony , whether you look on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or this small appendix , treating for the most , of what happened in high and low germany . i would not draw any excuse for our own gyrations of religion here , from their madnesse ; but rather condem● them as things that would have out-vy'd the extravagance of the former . but to draw any argument against religion from either were impious ; for if we did , we must in consequence , deny all , both particular and universal providence of almighty god ; we must deny the scriptures , the heavenly legacy of eternal salvation ; we must deny heaven , hell , eternity , nay take away the cement of all humane society , and expect to see the order and beauty of the universe hurried into darknesse and confusion , since it ought not to out-last man , for whom it was created . nay ▪ but let us rather professe humanity , and make this use of the failings and extravagance of others in matters of religion ; to humble our selves to a relyance on that immense being , who hath thought fit to plant religion in the heart of man , to direct him in his voyage to eternal happinesse , wherein that every man might take the right way , is the earnest prayer of worthy sir , your most devoted , and most humble servant , jo. davies . these books are to be sold by iohn saywel at his shop , at the signe of the grey-hound in litttle-britain , london . viz. the history of the world , the second part , being a continuation of the famous history of sir walter raleigh knight , together with a chronology , &c. by a. r. the true copy whereof is distinguished by the grey-hound in the frontispice , from any other whatsoever , though coloured by a pretended representation of the authour in the title page . an exact collection of the choicest secrets in physick & chyrurgery ( both chymick and galenick ) by leonard phioravant knight , doctor edwards , and others . speedy help for rich and poor , as to the griping of the guts , cure of the gout ; &c. by herma●nus vanderheyden an experienc'd physitian . mr. charles hoole's grammar in latine , and english the shortest , orderliest , and plainest both for master and scholar , of any yet extant . also his terminationes & exempla declinationum & conjugationum , and propria quae maribus , quae genus , and as in praesenti , englished and explained , for the use of young grammarians . and there is now lately printed a new primer , entituled , mr. hoole's primer ; more easie and delightsome for the learner then any yet extant , having . several representations of persons , beasts , birds , &c. answering the several letters of the alphabet in a copper plate , laying also the surest foundation for true spelling ; the defect whereof ( in the ordinary teaching ) is so much complained of . the practice of quietnesse , by bishop web. the view of all religions and church-governments , with a discovery of heresies , in all ages and places ; &c. whereunto this apocalypsis is usually adjoyned . the authours preface , to the reader the doctrine of the anabaptists , courteous reader , to give it thee in a single expression , is nothing but lying and deceit . thou haply thinkest them a sort of people divinely inspired , and prophets : thou art deceived . they are false prophets and false teachers , as being a contagion , than which hell it self hath not vomited up a more dangerous since the beginning of the world . for i do not think it can be easily demonstrated , what other mischief could have reduced not only the netherlands , but almost all germany , into so great calamity and devastation . when i more narrowly look into the heresy of these men , i confesse i am puzzel'd to find a name for the monster , but what its aimes are , i may haply gesse . its first part speaks a lyon , its last ● dragon , the middle a pure chim●ra . i call it a monster , and i may adde the most monstrous that ever was , as having in it the ingredients of all formerly condemned sects . which when i consider , me thinkes all the ancient hereticks , such as nicholas antiochenus , the gnosticks , the valentinians , noetians , sabellians , patropassians , parmenians , present themselves anew out of hell to me . so that i can make no other judgement of thomas muntzer , that authour and raiser of a most pernicious sect , then that he hath r●-trected the standards of all former heresies . but that it may not be said , as in the proverb , that affrick alwayes furnishes us with novelties , he also with his desperate disciples , hath sacrilegiously attempted to advance some altogether new and unheard of opinions , whereof who shall say that what is made is good , must be very extravagant . out of these , have they resolved and decreed , that children till they come to age , are only catech●●meni , and ought not to be clad with the robe of holy baptisme . out of these , have they declared a community of all things . out of these , teach to dishonour and discard magistrates , who are the living ectypes of god , while in the mean time they themselves aspire to soveraignty , and would be accounted potentates , when they are indeed the wickedst among men ; dissemblers , cheats , hypocrites , novators , or advancers of novelties , and the subtle generation of the old viper novatus . which said novatus , if i display in the colours wherein the holy father and martyr cyprian sets him forth , discreet men shall be my iudges , whether i have not hit the mark , and the same description most fitly suites the greatest par● of the proselytes of muntzer . as concerning novatus ( sayes that ornament of his carthage , lib. . epist. . to cornelius then bishop of rome ) we needed not any relations to be sent to us of him , since that from us you were to expect a more particular account of novatus , a man that is a constant advancer of novelties , of an insatiable avarice , furious in his rapines , blowne up with arrogancie and pride , even to astonishment ; a man not admitting any good understanding with the bishops : the end of his curiosity is to betray , of his flattery to surprise , his love is dogg'd by his infidelity , he is the fuell and fire-brand that heightens the combustions of sedition , and the hurrican and tempest which causes the shipwrack of faith , an opposer of tranquility , and an enemy to peace . these were his thoughts of novatus , which what wise man but will allow us to attribute to our novators ? certainly , if john that botcher of leiden , the ulcer and deformity of that gallant city , were to be drawne in his own colours , we need borrow them no where else . you therefore , orthodox doctors , reduce those erroneous and miserably seduced men , which yet are so , into the way of truth , deliver them , i beseech you out of this phrensy , and omit no opportunities which may help to recover them out of this imaginary disease to which they are so accustomed . this shall be your reward , this is the prize you shall obtaine . him that overcometh , will i make a pillar in the temple of my god , and i will write upon him the name of my god , &c. revel . . . thomas muntzer . his opinions , actions , and end . the contents . muntzers doctrine spreads , his aimes high , his affirmations destructive ; he asserts anabaptisme , rests ut there , but growes worse and worse in his opinions and pra●tises ; his large promises to his party and the common people : 〈◊〉 endeavours to set up himself , pretending to restore the kingdom of christ ; being opposed by the landgrave , his delusive animation of his followers ; their overthrow ; his escape ; he is found , but dissembles himself ; is taken , but yet obstinate ; the landgrave convinceth him by scripture , when being ●acked , he laugheth , afterward relenteth ; his last words ; is deservedly beheaded , and made an example . . john mathias . the contents . iohn mathias repaires to munster , his severe edicts , he becomes a malicious executioner of hubert trutiling , for contumelions expressions touching him ; his own desperate end . . john buckhold , or john of leyden . the contents . iohn buckhold his character , his disputing and contention with the ecclesiasticks concerning paedobaptisme ; he succeeds john mathias , he comforts the people with a pretended revelation ; he makes bernard knipperdoling of a consul , to become common executioner , buckhold feigneth himself dumb , be assumes the magistracy , he allowes polygamy , he takes to himselfe three wives ; he is made king , and appoints officers under him ; his sumptuous apparel ; his titles were king of iustice , king of the new jerusalem ; his throne , his coin and motto thereon ; the king , queen , and courtiers wait on the people at a feast : with other digressio●s . the king endeavours to raise commotions abroad , is haply prevented . he suspects his own safety ; his large pr●mises to his captains , himself executes one of his wives , he feignes himself sick , and deludes the people with an expectation of deliverance ; in the time of famine , forgets community ; he is betrayed by his confident , is brought prisoner before the bishop , who checks him ; his jesting answer and proposal ; he is put to a non-plus , is convinced of his offences ; his deserved and severe execution . . hermannus sutor . the contents . herman the cobler professeth himself a prophet , &c. he is noted for drunkennesse ; the ceremonies he used i● anabaptisme , eppo his host discovers him and his followers to be cheats ; hermans wicked blasphemies , and his inconstancy in his opinions , his mothers temerity ; his sect convinced , and fall off from him ; by one drewjis of his sect he is handled roughly ; herman is taken by charles lord of gelderland , &c. and is brought prisoner to groeninghen ; when questioned in his torments , he hardened himself , and died miserably . . theodorus sartor . the contents . theodor the botcher turnes adamite , he affirmes strange things , his blasphemy in forgiving of sins he burn● his cloathes , &c. and causeth his companions to do the lik● . he and his rabble go naked through amsterdam , in the dead of ●ight , denouncing their woes , &c. and terrifie the people . they are taken and imprisoned by the burghers , but continue 〈◊〉 . may . . they are put to death ; some of their last words . . david george . the contents . david george , the miracle of the anabaptists . at basil he pretend● to have been banished his countrey for the gospels-sake ; with his specious pretenses he gaines the freedom of the city for him and his . his character . his riches . he with his sect enact three things . his sonne in law , doubting his new religion , is by him questioned ; and upon his answer excommunicated . his wifes death . he had formerly voted himself immortal , yet aug. . he died , &c. his death troubled his disciples . his doctrine questioned by the magistrates , eleven of the sectaries secured . xi . articles extracted out of the writings of david george , some of the imprisoned sectaries acknowledged david george to have been the cause of the tumults in the lower parts of germany , but dis●owned his doctrine . conditions whereupon the imprisoned are set at liberty : the senate vote the doctrine of d. g. impious , and declare him unworthy of christian burial , and that his body and 〈◊〉 should be burned , which was accordingly effected . . michael servetus . the contents . servetus his converse with mahumetans and jewes . he disguiseth his monstrous opinions with the name of christian reformation . the place of his birth . at the . year of his age , he boasted himself the onely teacher and seer of the world , he enveighed against the deity of christ. oecolampadius confutes his blasphemies , and causeth him to be thrust out of the church of basil. servetus held but one person in the godhead to be worshipped , &c. he held the holy ghost to be nature . his horrid blasphemy . he would reconcile the turkish alcoran to christian religion . he declares himse●f prince of the anabaptists . at geneva , calvin faithfully reproves servetus , but he continues obstinate . anno . by the decrees of several senates , he was burned . . arrius . the contents . arrianisme its increase , anno . the general council at nice , anno . called as a remedy against it , but without successe . the arrians misinterpret that place , john . . concerning the father and the sonne . they acknowledged one onely god in a iudaical sense . they deny the trinity . arrius his wretched death . anno . . mahomet . the contents . mahomet characterised . he made a laughing-stock of the trinity . he agreed with carpocrates , and other hereticks . he renewed circumcision , and to indulge his disciples , he allowed them polygamy , &c. his iron tombe at mecca . . balthazar hubmor . the contents . hubmor a patron of anabaptisme . he damned usury . he brought in a worship to the virgin mary , &c. the senate of suring by a council reduced him . he renounced th● heads of his former doctrine . himself or sect still active . he is taken and imprisoned at vienna in austria . he and his wife both burned . . john hut . the contents . iohn hut the prop and pillar of anabaptisme . his credulity in dreams and visions . he is accounted a true prophet by his proselytes . at merhern , his fraternity became as it were a monastery . . lodowick hetzer . the contents . lodowick hetzer a famous heretick . he gaines proselytes in austria and switzerland . anno , at a publick disputation oecolampadius puts hetzers emissaries to their shifts . hetzer denied christ to be co-essentiall with the father . his farewell to his disciples . he is put to death for adultery . . melchior hofman . the contents . hofman a skinner , an anabaptist ; anno , seduced . men and women at embda in west-friesland . his followers accounted him a prophet . at strasburg , he challenged the ministers to dispute , which was agreed upon jan. . . where being mildely dealt with , he is neverthelesse obstinate . other prophets and prophetesses deluded him . he deluded himself , and voluntarily pined himself to death . . melchior rinck . the contents . melchior rinck , an anabaptist . he is accounted a notable interpreter of dreams and visions . his disciple thomas scucker in a waking-dream cut off his brother leonards head ; pretending for his murther obedience to the decree of god. . adam pastor . the contents . adam pastor a derider of paedobaptisme . he revived the arrian heresie . his foolish interpretation of that place , gen. . . so often confuted . . henry nicholas . the contents . henry nicholas , father of the family of love. he is against infant-baptisme . his divellish logick . the end of the contents . thomas muntzer . hei mihi quot sacras iterans baptismatis undas muntzerus stygijs millia tinxit aquis ! his opinions , actions , and end . the contents . muntzers doctrine spreads , his aimes high , 〈◊〉 affirmations destractive ; asserts anabaptisme , rests not there , but growes worse and worse in his opinions and practises ; his large pro●ises to his party and the common people : he endeavours to set up himself , pretending to restore the kingdome of christ ; being opposed by the landgrave , his delusive animation of his followers ; their overthrow ; his escape ; he is found , but dissembles himself ; is taken , but yet obstinate ; the landgrave convinceth him by scripture , when being racked , he laugheth , afterward relenteth ; his last words ; is deservedly beheaded , and made an example . about the year of our redemption , m.d.xxi . and m.d.xxii . there rise up in sawny near the river sales , a most insolent sect of certain enthusiasts , among whom nicholas storkius was no ordinary person . these presumptuously boasting that their dreams , visions , and revelations , were inspired into them from heaven , had slily scattered it among other seditious persons of the same kidney ; that the world was to be reformed by their means , which done , and the wicked utterly cut off from the face of the earth , it should be governed ●y justice it self . all that gave not up their names , and embraced their sect , they branded with the name of ungodly . out of this sodomitical lake sprung thomas mvntzer , one that boasted that he had had communication with god. this mans doctrine incredibly spred , as being in the first place levell'd at the holy . doctors of the reformed religion ; and from thence discharged at the magistrates themseves ; for the christian flock being once deprived of these two constitutions of men , there were nothing to hinder the greedy wolves to break out into all rapine and oppression . and this is the reason why the wolves , that is to say , the false teachers , have ever most violently opposed the ministry and the magistracy , in hopes , if possible , to draw these from the care and charge of their flocks , or at least to bring them into contempt with their sheep , which by that meanes should stray into their parties . this muntzer did both by his teachings and writings publickly affirm ; that the preachers of that time that contributed their endeavours to the advancement of the gospel , were not sent by god , but were meer scribes , and impertinent interpreters of the scriptures ; that the scriptures and the written word , were not the pure word of god , but only a bare testimony of the true word ; that the true reall word was something that were intrinse call and heavenly , and immediately proceeding out of the mouth of god , and consequently to be learned intrinsecally , and not out of the scriptures , or by any humane suggestion . with the same breath he brought baptisme into contempt , most inconvincibly affirming that there was no warrant from god for paedobaptisme , or baptisme of children , and that they ought to be baptized after a spirituall and more excellent dispensation . he further endeavoured to teach that christs satisfa●ction for us was unnecessary , whatever honest and weak understanding men could urge to the contrary ; that matrimony in the unfaithful and incontinent , was a pollution , meretricious and diabolical ; that god discovered his will by dreames ( whence it was that he was mightily infatuated with them ) holding that those were ( as it were ) communicated by the holy ghost . hereupon was he acknowledged by his followers for some heavenly and spiritual prophet , and it was believed that he was thus taught by the spirit of god , without any humane assistance . this doctrine did he disperse throughout all germany by printed books and epistles , which the tinder-brain'd disciples of his seditious sect were soon fir'd with , read , approved , and propagated . the same man in the yeares m.d.xxiii . ●nd m.d.xxiv . taught at alsted which is a city in saxony , near thuringia ; and when not only the ministers , but also the magistrates lay under the lash of his calumny , insomuch that his sermons were stuff'd with most seditious and bitter invectives against them , and pretending to groan for the return of lost liberty , and for the insufferable pressures of the people under tyranny , he complained of it as a great grievance , that their wealth and estates were the prey of the magistrate , and therefore would perswade them that a remedy was timely to be applied to these things . being for this doctrine dispatched out of alsted , he comes to norimberg , and thence without discontinuing his journey into basil , and thence into switzerland ▪ from whence at length he came to cracovia , where at a certain ●own called griessen , he continued some weeks . in the mean time he was no lesse idle then ever , and that especially in the county of s●u●ing , where he sowed so much of his contagious seed among his factious disciples , as afterwards thrived in●o an extraordinary harvest . at the same time he publickly scattered abroad his doctrine of baptisme , and the word of god , in such sort as we have touched before . departing out of this countrey , and wandring up and down mulhusium in the countrey of during , he writ letters to some of the most confident to his religion ; by whose conn●enance and assistance factious spirits were sometimes more and more exasperated against the magistrate . some small time before the countrey people took up arms , he sent up and and down certain briefes by messengers , wherein were divers things , and among the rest was represented the greatnesse of those warlike instruments which were cast at 〈◊〉 upon occasion of this sedition , so to encourage and enflame the fiery followers of his faction . for having stayed two moneths at griessen , and that he thought he could not so much advance his designes if he ●eturned into saxony , because his affaires prospered not according to his desires in these places , he returns back to the people of during and mulhusium . but before he was arrived thither , lvther had by letters forewarned the reverend 〈◊〉 of mulhusium concerning him , that they should beware of him as of a destroying wolfe , and fitter to be 〈◊〉 then serpents , or whatever mankind beares any antipathy to , for that both at swickaw , and not long before at alsted , he was accounted a tree sufficiently evill and corrupt , which bo●e no other fruit but 〈◊〉 and inevitable destruction ; and one , who , no more then his com●●ades , could ever be brought to make any defence of their opinions , among which was , that they 〈◊〉 were gods elect , and that all the children of their religion were to be called the children of god ; and that all others were ungodly , and designed to damnation . and divers other things to the same purpose were contained in the aforesaid letter , which was dated from weimaria , on sunday , being the day of the assumption of mary , in the year m.d.xxiv . muntzer in the mean time with words plausibly sweetned , drew away the mindes of all he could to favour his party , and by promising mountains of gold to the common people , to the end they should cry him up with the general acclamations of being a true prophet , it came to passe that a very great conflux of the dregs of the people repaired to him from mulhusium and other places ; nay , by his subtilty and the authority he had gotten , he perverted the very magistrate of mulhusium , and made him a new abe●tor of his opinion . and this was the first original of the mischief ; and thence divers other hydra's of seditions like so many excrescencies took a suddain growth from this . for all mens goods became common , and he taught that no man had any propriety in what he enjoyed . to which he added , that it was revealed to him from god , that the empire and principalities of this world were to be extirpated , and that the sword of gideon was put into his hands to be employed against all tyrants , for the assertion of true liberty , and the restauration of the kingdom of christ : and at this time he gave orders for the preparing of certain warlike engines . while he was wholy taken up about these things , that is , in the following year m.d.xxv. the countrey people throughout swedland and franconia , and divers other places , rise up against their magistrates , forced away a great part of the nobility , plundered towns and castles , to be short , made an absolute devastation by fire and sword . the landgrave henry being moved at these things raises a warre , and fought the countrey people , the first time near franken●usium , the fourteenth day of may , which done , he prepared himself for a second fight to be fought the next day , which muntzer having intelligence of , said by way of animation to his followers , what are those cannon-bullets ? i will receive them in my gloves , and they shall not hurt me , whereby the countrey people being encouraged , were the next day beaten by the landgrave , five thousand slain , and three hundred taken , who had all their heads cut off ; so that , while they were ambitious of liberty , they lost even the liberty of life it selfe . and herein was the ancient proverb verified , warre is most delightful to those that had never experienced it . the discreeter part of the countrey people , having laid down their arms , put their hands to the golden plough , to hold which they had been designed , rather than to mannage lances and pole-axes . muntzer escapes to frankenhusium , and hid himself in a house near the gate , where a certain nobleman had taken up his quarters . this mans servant going up into the upper roomes of the house to see how they were accommodated , findes one lying upon a bed , of whom he enquired , whether he were of those who had escaped the fight , which he denied , averring that he had lain some time sick of a fever : whereupon looking about , he perceives a little bag lying carelessely near the bed side ; he opens it & finds letters from albert count of mansfield , wherein he dehorted muntzer from his wicked purpose , and from promoting the tumult already raised . having read them , he asked him whether they were directed to him , who denying , he threatens to kil him ; whereupon he cried quarter , and confessed himself to be muntzer . he is taken , and brought before george duke of saxony and the landgrave , whereupon they having made him confesse that he was the cause of the popular insurrection , and sedition ; he answered that he had done but his duty , and that the magistrates who were opposers of his evangelical doctrine , were by such means to be chastised . to which the landgrave made answer , and proved it by several testimonies of scripture , that all honour is to be given to the magistrate ; and that all tumult raised in order to a mans particular revenge , was by god forbidden christians . here muntzer being convinced , held his peace . being laid upon the rack , while he cried out aloud and wept , the duke of saxony spoke to him to this purpose ; now thou art punished , muntzer , consider with thy self by what unspeakable wayes thou hast seduced and brought so many to destruction ! whereat muntzer broke out into a great laughter , saying , this is the judgment of the countrey people . but when being brought to his death , he was thrust into a close prison , 't is wonderful how faint-hearted he was , and stood extreamly troubled in mind , not being able to give any account of his faith , but as the duke of saxony pronounced before him , and which he told him , he was to make a confession of before god : being surrounded with souldiers , he openly acknowledged his wickednesse , and withall addressed these words to the princes that were present ; shew mercy and compassion , ye princes , lest hereafter , you incurre by my example the punishment i now suffer ; read and attentively consider the holy books of the kings . having said this , his head was struck off , and fastened to a stake , for a monument and example to others . john mathias . primus hie è batavis muntzeri dogma sequutus turbavit mitis westphala regna modis . the contents . iohn mathias repaires to munster , his severe edicts , he becomes a malicious executioner of hubert trutiling , for contumelious expressions touching him ; his own desperate end . in the year of our lord god. m.d.xxxii . at m●●ster ( which is the metropolis of westphali● ) a certain priest called 〈…〉 undertook to preach the gospel of christ ; which being done with great successe , certain messengers were 〈◊〉 to marpyrgum , a place in has●ia , whose businesse was to bring along with them some men of learning and good conversation , who should be helpful in the propagation of the gospel ▪ from 〈◊〉 were their 〈◊〉 dispatched , who arriving at m●nster , reduced the principall heads of christian religion into thirty nine articles , which they proposed to the magistrate , being ready , ( as they pretended ) to make good and prove the said heads , by places of the holy scriptures ; which was effected . the religious , and ( as they are called ) the spiritual who were possessed of the chiefest church , could by no means digest this , so that departing the city , they caused much trouble to the citizens . upon this weighty businesse , the magistrates and citizens sate in long and prudent consultations . at length there was a certain agreement , upon these terms , viz. that all injuries committed in those tumults should be p●●doned , and that the gospel should be freely preached in six parish churches , and that the church of our lord only should be absolutely reserved to them . these conditions were readily subscribed to by both sides , and thereupon all things laid asleep in peace . but this peace was not long undisturbed by the devill , ( that irreconcileable enemy of peace and vertue ) and therefore by doing at m●nster what he had done at other places , that is , by raising up out of the jawes of hell , the seditious and pesti●erous anabaptists , those importunate disturbers and turn-pikes of the gospel , his design was not only to discourage the good and godly , but withall , shamefully to destroy the gospel it self . for in the same year there rise up at harlem a baker called iohn mathias , a man utterly unlearned , yet cr●fty and boldly eloquen● . this man being e●cessively lecherous , neglected and ●lighted his own wi●e , who being somewhat well ●trit●en in years , 〈◊〉 so much the lesse fit for the exercises of 〈◊〉 ▪ being therefore over head and ●ars 〈◊〉 love with a certain virago who was an alehouse-keepers daughter , he could not resolve of any way more advantageous to seduce , then by an angelical carriage , and a counterfeit sanctity . he made frequent visits to her , and entertaining her with his visions and revelations , he thereby drew her to his opinion , and conveighed her into a secret place in amsterdam , where he professed himself a doctor and a preacher , affirming that god had revealed certain secrets unto him , not yet revealed to others , and that he was enoch the second high priest of god ▪ upon some he laid hands , and sent them two by two as apostles and messengers of christ , dispatching to munster one gerard a bookseller , and iohn buckhold the botcher of leyden , others into other places . these emissary messengers of christ , or rather of satan , boyled over with their various opinions , held marriages of no account , and dreamed divers other things . some taught by parables , and their own illusive dreams ; others , acknowledged not him a brother who defiled his baptisme with sinnes ; others preferred the baptisme of iohn before that of christ ; others taught that all magistrates , and whoever were unsatisfied with their religion , ought to be destroyed root and branch ; some would acknowledge nothing but their own visions and prophecies ; others that all the prophets and teachers that were departed this life , should shortly rise again , and should reign with christ upon earth a thousand years , and should receive a hundred fold for what ever they had left behind them . some of these men affirmed that they had communication with god , some with angels ; but the more discreet and wiser sort of men conceived that their conferences had been with the devill . hereupon the great prophet iohn mathias ( upon whose account his most vain apostles already proclaimed a peace ) perceiving an occasion by this means of domineering in this world , consecrated in his stead his disciple iames campensis , a sawyer , bishop at amsterdam , committing unto his charge the people , to be seduced with the same zeal , as he had begun . these things being thus fairly carried , he repaired to munster to his apostle and ambassadour iohn buckhold , whom he made governour of the city , who presently published these severe edicts . that every man should bring his gold and silver , and whatever were of greater importance , into the common heap , and that no man should detain any thing at his house ; for the receiving of which things so collected , a place was appointed . though the people were not a little astonished at the rigour and severity of the edict , yet did they submit thereto . moreover he forbad the reading of all books but the bible , all which that they ought to be burnt , the divine authority had by him , its witnesse , commanded . at this very time a certain tradesman , whose name was hubert trutiling , had scattered some contu●●elious expressions concerning this great prophet ; whereat he being immeasur●bly incenled , even to the losse of all compassion , caused the foresaid trutiling to be brought into the market place , where he is accused and sentenced . whereupon he himself laying his violent hands upon this innocent man , layes him along upon the ground ; in that posture he runs him through with a spear ; but finding by the palpitation , that there was some remainder of life , he made him be conveighed thence , and , taking a musket from one that stood by , which was charged , killed him , intimating that he was commanded by god , that is to say , his own , ( who was a murtherer from the beginning ) to do what he had done . this noble exploit performed , he took a long lance in his hand , and hastily ran about the city , crying out that he was commanded by god the father to put to flight the enemy , which at that time had closely besieged munster . having taken the said weapon , and running like a mad man upon the enemy , he himself was run through by a souldier of misna . john buckhold , or john of leyden . agressusque nefas magnum et memorabile , regem somniat , abjecta forfice sceptra gerens . the contents . iohn buckhold his character , his disputing and contention with the ecclesiasticks concerning paedobaptisme ; he succeeds john mathias , he comforts the people with a pretended revelation ; he makes bernard knipperdoling of a consul , to become common executioner . buckhold feigneth himself ●umb he ass●●●es the magistracy , he allowes polygamy , he takes to himself three wiues ; he is made king , and appoints officers under him ; his sumptuous apparel ; his titles were king of iustice , king of the new jerusalem ; his throne , his coi● and motto therein ; the king , queen , and courtiers wa●e on the people at a feast , with other ligressions . the king endea●ours to raise ●●●●●tions abroad , is happily prevented . he suspects his own safety ▪ his large promises to his captaines , himself 〈…〉 one of his wives , he feignes himself sick , and deludes the people with an expectation of deliverance , in the time of famine , forgets community ; he is betrayed by his confident , it brought prisoner before the bishop , who checks him ; his jesting answer and proposall ; ●e is put to a 〈◊〉 place , is convinced of his offences ; his deserved and severe execution . iohn buckhold was a ●●●cher of leyden ▪ a 〈◊〉 fellow eloquent , very perfect in the 〈…〉 confident , more ●●●geable then proteus , a serious student of 〈◊〉 , briefly , a most ferrent anabaptist . this man being sent by iohn mathia● to munster was a perpetual thorn in the sides of the ecclesiasticks , craftily ●i●ting them about the b●sinesse of p●●●●baptisme , in which employment he spent nine whole moneths , and most 〈◊〉 making his party good with them , both as disputationand litigious contention , while in the mean time he secretly spawn'd and scatter'd the doctrine of anabaptisme , as much as lay in his power . about that time a certain unknown preacher of the word of god , 〈…〉 stapreda of meurs came to munster , who supplying the place of ro●man●●s in preaching , seduced him , and tea●ened him with anabaptisme , and he also publickly anat●●matized p●dobaptisme . this gave occasion of raising 〈◊〉 among the people ▪ they who before were only secretly instructed by iohn buckhold , discover themselves openly to the world , and lay aside all disguises of their intentions ; city , they have their in most parts of the frequentmeetings , indivers 〈◊〉 , but all in the night time , whereat the magistrates being 〈◊〉 and offended , prohibited their conventicles , and some they banished ; but they weigh not this any thing , and being sent out at one gate , they came in at another , and lay concealed among those that were the favourers of their sect. hereupon the senate caused all the ecclesiasticks to assemble at the palace , to dispute the businesse of paedobaptisme . in this assembly , rotmannus stood tooth and naile for the anabaptists ; but those of the reformation fully refuted their errors , as the publick acts concerning that businesse do abundantly testifie . at this very time the ministers of the church of argentoratum signed and set out an account of their faith in a printed book . hereupon the senate of munster by a publick edict banished the anabaptists out of the city ; which edict , they , persisting in contention , opposed , being now arrived to that rashnesse and impudence , that they thrust a reformed preacher , one peter werthemius out of the church . yea , some of them rioting about the city , ( whereof the ringleader was henry rollius ) cryed out as they went , repent and be rebaptized , otherwise will the heavy wrath of god fall upon you ! these things hapned about the end of the year m.d.xxxiii . and the beginning of m.d.xxxiv . some honest-hearted and harmlesse men , partly out of an apprehension of divine wrath ( as they made them beleive ) partly for fear of men , suffered themselves to be washed in the l●ver of anabaptisme . for , the anabaptists leaving their dennes , broke into the city without any controll , and with an unanimous violence assaulting the market place , they soon possessed themselves of the palace and the magazine , sentencing with loud conclamations and such as required a greater voyce then that of stentor , that all were to be destroyed as so many heathens and reprobates , that did not embrace anabaptisme . in this tumult , a certain young man of burchstenford was killed . this gave occasion both to the papists , and to those of the reformation to provide for their safety . the chiefest patrons of the anabaptistical heresy were , bernard rotman , iohn buckhold , bernard knipperdoling , gerard knippenburch ; bernard krachting , &c. these two parties having skirmished with as great eagernesse and animostly as greater armies exasperated one against another , for some dayes , there followed a truce , whereby it was agreed that every one should quietly enjoy , and persever in his own religion . however the surges of anabaptisme were not yet laid , till they had entered into a conspiracy to drive those of the reformation out of the city . the most eminent of the conclave writ to the anabaptists of the cities adjoyning , viz. to these of d●●men , coesvelt , soyst , warendorp , and osenburg , that leaving all things behind them , they should repair with all speed to munster , promising they should have ten-fold what ever they left . being enticed by these prop●●●●ns ▪ husbands and wives leaving all behinde them , 〈◊〉 in swarmes to munster . a great number of the more religious ●nhabitants looking on that strange rabble as an insufferable grievance to their city , left it to the disposal of the anabaptists , who being by this meanes increased in number , became also more extravagant , degraded the senate , and chose another out of themselves , wherein were consuls , gerard knippenburg , and bernard kniperdeling , whose effigies is the ensuing . bernard knipperdoling . quò non fastus abit ? quid non rex impius audet ? carnificem fecit , qui modò consulerat . being now become lords and masters , they in the first place seized on maurice church , and burnt it , and the houses all about it ; thence falling forcibly upon other holy places and monasteries , they carried away gold , silver , ornaments and utensils , and whatsoever else was of any consequence . upon the fourth day after those rapines , trudging up and down the streets and high-wayes , they with a horrible howling , uttered , repent , repent ! to which they added , depart , depart , be gone ye wicked , otherwise woe be to you ! this done , they immediately went armed in multitudes , and with unspeakable barbarisme and cruelty , turned out their miserable fellow-citizens , as enemies to their religion ▪ out of their houses and possessions , and thrust them out of the city without any consideration of age or sexe , so that many women with child had this misfortune seconded with that of dangerous abortions . the anabaptists presently by what right they please , seize to themselves the possessions of the banished : so that the honest and godly party being cast out of the city , fell into the hands of the souldiers , who had block'd up the city and all the avenues , as among enemies , by whom some were taken , others unadvisedly killed ; at which entreaty the other honester part of citizens being discouraged , and seeing , that guilty and not guilty fared alike , would not stirre a foot out of the city ; which being closely besieged by the bishops army , all places were filled with blood , ●igh● , ●eares . now do the mad men of munster , and such as no hellebo●e can have any effect on , grow insufferably insolent , and above all , that great prophet iohn mathias , of whom we have spoken before : but that sally of his out of the city , those of munster looked on as a great omen of their destruction , & thought that the unexpected death of that most holy man did signify , that some great calamity did hang over their heads . but iohn buckhold must be his successor , a lid fit for the other pot ; who addressing himself to the people , comforted them , perswading them that they ought not to mourn for that unlooked for miscarriage of the prophet , for that it had long before been revealed to him , and withall , that he should marry his widow . upon easter eve they fell upon all the churches and places of devotion about the city , and pulled down all the brasse works . some few dayes after , bernard knipperdoling prophesied that all the chiefest men ought to be disqualified and degraded , and that the poor and the humble were to be exalted . he also declared , that it was the command of the divine oracle ▪ that all churches should be demolished , which indeed was sufficiently performed . the very same day iohn buckhold putting into the hands of bernard knipperdoling , the executioners sword , conferred on him withall his employment , and that according to gods command ; so that he who had discharged the office of a consul , was now to execute that most dishonourable employment of a common executioner . this most excellent condition he cheerfully accepted . by this time had the city been besieged some moneths by the bishops forces when resolving to 〈◊〉 it , they lost both gentlemen , commission officers & others , to the number of about four thousand , upon which they quitted all hope of taking it by force . some few dayes after whitsuntide , the city being notwithstanding the dis-execution of that assault still besieged , was wholy taken up to rest and imaginary dreams , wherein there were spent three whole days ; which done , the anabaptist being awaken , acted the part of zacharias , iohn baptist's father ; for , pretending to be dumb , he desired to have a table-book ; wherein he wrote down the names of twelve men , who should be as it were the twelve elders of israel , and should administer all things at munster , as if it were the new ierusalem , and this he affirmed that he was commanded to do from heaven ▪ by this brokery did this crafty knave chalk out his way to that soveraign dignity whereof he was so ambitious . but in the mean time , consider by what a strange stitch this excellently wicked botcher did utterly dis-repute that magistrate whom god had ordained , and by the assistance of most illusive dreams & his own excellency of playing the impostor , he possessed himself of that dignity . a while after our prophet advanced certain conclusions tending to the allowance of polygamy , whereat the ecclesiasticks made some opposition , but afterwards were content to sit still . so that , not long after the prophet at one bou● took to him three wives , whereof the most eminent was the widow of the deceased prophet io. mathias , and whom he afterwards dignified with the title of queen ▪ this example of kingship , some other knaves like himself did without any difficulty admit ; but divers of the more godly citizens , looking on this thing with the greatest indignation that might be , repairing to the market place laid hands on the prophet knipperdoling , which occasioning the people to take up arms , they set upon those citizens in the palace , and having taken them , they delivered the prophet and the ecclesiasticks out of their hands . nine and forty of the said citizens were after a most barbarous manner put to death . hereupon the prophet cried out , that all those who should do any violence to those enemies of god , should do god a very high peice of service , whence it came to passe , that some were torn in peices with hooks , and not a few killed by knipperdoling himself . upon the four and twentieth of iune , which is the day of the nativity of iohn baptist , in the year one thousand five hundred thirty four , at munster or rather monster , ( for so may that place be called from the monstrous and portentous pullulation of anabaptists ) there sprung from hell another new prophet , one iohn tuysentschreuer , a goldsmith of warendorp . the people being generally summoned to the market place , this man acquainted them , that the most holy prophet iohn buckhold of leiden was to be exalted to kingly dignity , and that he should inherit the eternal seat of his father david , and should possesse it with farre greater majesty . having prophecied these things , buckhold kneeling down confirmed all , saying , that so much had been revealed to him from god the father ten dayes before ; though it was against his inclination to undertake the difficulties of government . the common people being astonished at this extravagant piece of villany , tore their hair as they went ; yet however some might smell out the cheat , fear was able to stifle all murtering . for , this beast fatten'd for destruction , having been very successeful in some encounters , had now assum'd what authority he pleased ▪ behold , he that at leiden was but a botcher , is made king at munster , iohn buckhold is invested with all the regalia of supreme authority . having hereupon immediately degraded the twelve counsellours of state , according to the wonted manner , he constitutes a viceroy , a controller of his houshold , four huissers or common cryers , a noble man , a chancellour , cup-bearers , carvers , and tasters , and master-builders , and disposed of all other offices ; as princes use to do . the kingly robes were some made of waterd stuffes , some made of silk , some of pure silk , some scarlet , some made more sumptuous with the gold of the ornaments which the sacriledge had furnished him with , so that it can hardly be expressed , how artificially , how gallantly , how indeed emperor-like they were interwoven , being embroyder'd with gold , edg'd , scollop'd , and dispos'd into divers colours . his spurs were gilt with gold , and he had two crownes of solid gold , and a golden scabbard . the king walking in these ornaments , two young men in a courtly and magnificent habit , one of each side of him accompanied him , whereof one carried a naked sword , the handle whereof glister'd with gold and precious stones ; the other held up the holy bible , together with a golden crown shining with most excellent pearls . a certain jewel dazeling the beholders with the bright sparkling of a diamond , and whereat was hanged a golden apple ( to represent as it were the world ) wounded through with two swords a cross , hang'd at his neck . his scepter was set forth with three golden incirculations . his nobles , who were eight and twenty in number , clad in green and ashie coloured garments , and having on white turbants , accompani'd him . the kings title was , the king of ivstice , the king of the new iervs alem ▪ in the market place there was erected a throne for him of three steps high , which , when the king sate in it , was adorned with ornaments of more then attalick sumptuousnesse ▪ some money he caused to be coin'd , whereon was this latin inscription , verbvm caro factvm qvod habitat in nobis , that is , the word made flesh , which dwelleth in us . the city being all this while besieg'd , the prophets and the doctors published the book call'd the restitvtions , wherein they endeavoured to defend that monstrous ( i would say munstrous ) and seditious tumult , and all those almost infinite inconveniences that were cons●quent to it : but to prevent that poysonous hydra , a gospel antidote was prescrib'd . in the moneth of august , about s. bartholomew's day , iohn tuysentschreuer went sounding a ●rumpet through all the streets , thereby inviting all to the lords palace , where there being a sumptuous feast prepared , he magnificently entertained all that came . the king himself , the queen , and all the courtiers waited on them ▪ at the last course he gave to every one a loaf of unleavened bread , saying , take , eat , and celebrate the lords death ; which done , the queen in like manner carried about the cup , by which ceremony , the supper of the lord , or rather that scean of pleasure , wantonness , and temerity , was certainly very frolickly celebrated . hunger being banished farre enough by this feast , the prophet tuysentschreuer goes up to preach , requiring of them obedience and complyance with the word of god , whereunto , ( with one head and as with one eye ) they unanimously consented . this obtained ; he acquaints them , that it was revealed from the heavenly father , that eight and twenty ecclesiasticks should depart out of this city , that should preach our doctrine throughout the world , whose names he recommended , and designed the w●y they were to take their journey , that is to say , six for osenburg , as many for warendorp , eight for soyst , ( for which quarter he himself was one ) and the rest for coesveld . these exercises performed , the king went to supper , and at the second watch of the night caused the forementioned apostles to take their journey , giving unto each of them a peece of gold , with this charge , that neglecting their own safety , they should deposit it for a note and testimony of consequent condemnation wherever they bestowed it . they went their wayes , and never returned again , all having ( except one who escaped the gallows ) met with punishments corespondent to their sedition . for , being entred the fore-recommended cities , they in a direful manner howl'd out their , repent , repent , the axe is laid to the root of the tree ; if you repent not and be rebaptized , woe be to you , ye are undone . but the several senates of the said cities caused them to be apprehended , and brought before them to give an account of themselves ; who answered , that they were divine preachers of the gospel , called and sent by god , and that all those who would receive their doctrine must be baptized , and that all things were to be made common ; but to those that should neglect these things , they were to leave the golden coin of eternal damnation . nay further , that the gospel had not been preached as it should have been , since the times of christ and the apostles , but that there were two prophets , the progeny of truth it self , slip'd down as it were from heaven , viz. iohn of leyden , and david george born at delph in the low-countries ; that there were many false prophets , that is to say , the pope of rome , and martin luther of wittemberg , who was worse then the pope . being taken and cast into irons , they were asked , by what right or priviledge they had thrust out of the city so many godly people , together with their wives and children , not granting them any toleration for their religion , and had disinherited them of all they had ? to which they replyed , that the time was now drawing nigh , wherein the meek and the humble should inherit the earth , and that they followed the example of the israelites , who with gods approbation took away from the egyptians their jewels and ear●rings . moreover , they boasted that munster was well furnished with provisions , ammunition , and all things requisite to warre , and that the king did daily expect great recruits out of holland , zealand and other places , by the means and assistance whereof , he should bring the whole world under subjection ; & all wicked & refractory princes being subdued , should establish the peaceful reign of justice . about the same time another prophet fell down from heaven , one henry hilverse , a notable ●nave . this man acquainted the king that it was revealed to him from heaven , that god was pleased to bestow on him three most rich cities , amsterdam , daventry , & wesell , near lippa . upon this divine message , he advises with his counsellours , whom he were best to send thither to baptise them with his baptisme . in the first place he sends iohn campensis to amsterdam ▪ to be the chiefest man in that city , to whom he assigned for companion and co-apostle iohn mathias of metellburg . these being sent into holland , issuing out of their holes , kept themselves among those of their own tribe , and infected most cities with the mortal infection of their doctrines . for at leyden , about ianuary in the year following , viz. one thousand five hundred thirty and five , very many by the perswasion of anabaptisme , and by the means of its contagious conventicles , were baptized into the baptisme of death . about the end of the year one thousand five hundred thirty and five ▪ this kingly botcher sent into frisland a most subtle fellow , and one very well experienced in warlike affaires , whom he furnished with very great summes of money which had been raised out of the sacriledges , wherewith he should raise souldiers in zeland , and should raise the close siege which was then before the city . he being departed , managed his affaires very secretly with the assistance of those of his way , and at length , upon the last of march one thousand five hundred thirty and five , having gotten together some hundreds of souldiers he set upon the monastery , which also was called old munster , drove away the monks , and having plundered all , he there pitched his tents , out of hopes thereby to strengthen his party by the accession of any that should come in . but g●orge sckenck the then governour of friesland , having with as much expedition as could be got together certain expeditionary forces , besieges these tumul●uary rioters , and gave an assault to the place , which though they avoyded as much as might be by a gallant defence , yet had they their belly-full of murther , blood , and dry blowes , so that they were all destroyed , save threescore and two , who being brought to leoward were paid for their audacious folly with the wages of death ▪ the ringleader of this businesse , who was also the camp-master , iohn geel escaping at this sight , flies to amsterdam , to prove the occasion of a greater slaughter . for many anabaptists being found in that place , whom iohn campensis had strangely fascinated , to engage them the more , they made promises to them of golden mountains , and talk'd highly of the magnificence and liberty of the anabaptists of munster , and cryed up the new kingdom of iustice upon earth ; for the report of the siege and defence of munster had smitten , and raised up the mindes of a many ; in regard the city being closely besieged by a potent army , yet performed religious duties without any disturbance . hence c●me it to passe ▪ that the liberty and liberality of the city was celebrated beyond all truth and beliefe , and there wanted not a many who desired to be embarqu'd in the same fortune ▪ there was therefore at amsterdam a burgher called henry gotbelit , a strong man and warlikely given , who being bathed in the waters of anabaptisme , joyned his endeavours with those of iohn goel . for by divers pretences and crafty shifts ( which it is not worth our labour to repeat in this place ) they drew together six hundred anabaptists , with whose assistance their intention was to have possessed themselves of amsterdam , to enrich themselves , and to introduce the religion of those of munster . whereupon , upon the tenth day of may , the chiefest that were engaged in this conspiracy , having their rendezvous at the house of peter gael , broke out in the night time to the market place , wherein being more and more seconded by some of their own , they killed some of the watch , and some they kept prisoners . but the burghers making head , discharged some musquets at the anabaptists , who most unworthily , when their consuls were cruelly killed , entrusted their safety to their heels ; so that the others courages being heightened by this , they violently ran upon the deuterobaptists , and after a most bloody engagement put them to the worst , wherein iohn geel and gotbelit were slain , iames campensis was taken and put to death . now other tumults had already forced others from those places , the prevention whereof could not be possibly without the infinite inconveniences which fell upon the honester sort . there wanted not also some clandestine vipers , who disguisedly waited for the restauration of the kingdome of israel ( as they called it ) whereof one being apprehended at leyden , and upon examination put to the question , confessed , that the king of the anabaptists who was a hollander , sojourned then at vtricht , and had not yet began his reign , but that according to the good hope they had conceived of him , and the confidence placed in him , they doubted not but he would undertake it ▪ having with what 's above , gotten out of this fellow , that some gold and silver vessels and other ornaments had by a most wicked surprise , been taken out of their churches by the means of their king , and who with his followers had attempted some most detestable villanies , it was discover'd that there could no other be meant ther david george . i crave thy pardon , courteous reader if i acquaint thee , that it is not any thing the lesse for thy advantage , if , in the description of these rotten an● contemptible rags and menstruous clouts of humanity , i have woven a longer web of discourse then thou didst expect . although iohn buckhold , and the other prophets had entertained the ignorant greedy vulgar with hopes of more then arabian wealth ; yet the citizens being daily more and more streightned by the siege , were accordingly brought into greater perplexities , and being brought low by the famine , which is the consummation of all misery , began , as it for the most part happens , upon the barking of the stomack , to snatle at one another , to grumble and complain , and to hold private consultations about the taking of their king , and by delivering him to the enemies , to better the terms of their composition . but the king , the stitcher and botcher of all deceit , being afraid of himself , chose out of all the people twelve men in whom he could place most confidence , and these he called his captains , assigning to them their several guards and posts in the city , which they were to make good . this done , he promised the citizens that the close siege should be raised before easter ; for he was confident that a certain emissary , whom he had sent into zeland , holland and friezland should return with such supplies , as by a furious and desperate assault made upon the besiegers should deliver the city : but hope it self was to him become hopelesse , nor could safety it self save him . to his captains as he called them , 't is incredible what wealth he promised , such as the fabulous riches of pactolus and the treasures of midas should not make good , with oceans of goods ( which haply must be paid them out of his dreams ) and that after the city were relieved , they should be dukes and governours of provinces , and particularly that iohn denker should be elector of saxony ? but behold , in the mon●th of february , a sad face of things appeared , many being meerly starved to death , which occasioned , that one of his queens ( for he had gotten a many ) elza or elisabeth , who was distinguished by the name of the glove maker , had bin often heard to say , that the most cruel sword of famine came not from god , which though he had not heard himself , having caused her to be brought with his other wives into the market place , he struck off her head , kneeling in the midst of them , which done ; insulting over her , he affirmed that she had carried her self as a common prostituted whore , and had been disobedient to him , while in the mean time her fellow queens sung this hymne , glory be to god on high , &c. easter day being now dawning ; and no hope of deliverance shining on them , the common people with just reason were extreamly astonished ; nor , considering how things were carried , could they have any longer patience . in this conjuncture of affaires , to elude the people , according to his wonted insinuations , he seignes himself to be sick , and that after six dayes , he would appear publickly in the market place , but that as to the deliverance which they were to expect according to his intimation , it was to be understood after a spiritual manner , and so it should certainly come to passe . for he affirmed for a most certain truth , that in a divine dream he saw himself riding on an asse , and bearing the unspeakable weight of sin , and that all that had followed him were freed from their sins . but indeed they may be fitly said to be like asses that rub one another ; or to the blinde leading about the blinde . it is a great affliction , it is a pennance to repeat the miseries and the woeful consequences of famine and want . there were a many who being impatient of so long hunger , revolted to the enemy , not so much out of hope of compassion , as to accelerate their own deaths ; not a few creeping upon all four , endeavoured to get away ; for being weak and strengthlesse , they could hardly fasten their feet on the ground ; some falling down were content to give up the ghost in the place where they lay . there you might see a sad spectacle of foreheads and cheeks pale as ashes , temples fallen , eyes sunk into hollownesse , sharp no●es , ears shrivel'd , lips black and blew , throats slender as those of spiders ; to be short , hippocratical faces , living carcases , and excellent shadows of men . they had sowne certain kindes of seeds and pulses in the city , which for a time served for high delicacies to the grumbling stomack ; but these being soon devoured by the hungry belly , cats , dormice , and rats , which themselves were almost starv'd to anatomies , became ( doubtful ) entertainments . some were reduced to that inhumane necessity , that they fed on the flesh of the buried carcasses ; some drest the feet of sweaty woollen socks , some cut to p●●ces the parings of tanned leather , and mincing them with some other things , bak'd them and made them serve for bread . to this we may adde , that the most wickedly obstinate citizens were not yet convinced , that by crafty insinuations and specious suggestions they were brought into the noose , whom therefore he still entertained with considerations of magnanimity , and the deliverance they were yet constantly to expect from god ; but as for those who admitted any thoughts of running away , and endeavoured to avoyd their miseries , he peremptorily sends for , & like a publick robber taking away all that their industry had furnished them with , depart , sayes he , and be gone to the hereticks , and bid farwell to this place . the king , though he had gotten at his house sufficient provision for two moneths , yet was he willing to embrace all occasions whereby he might keep up the heart of the city which now continually barked for sustenance . to which end , behold a certain man named iohn longstrat , being a nobleman and privy counsellor to the king , and one of whom he was very confident , bo●sted that he would within fourteen days relieve this hunger-stav●'d city , both with provisions and supplies of men , to the number of three hundred . by this pretence he flyes to the enemy , and betrayes the city to the bishop , for a certain summe of money with his life included . the eve of s. iohn was appointed for the execution of this designe , about ten of the clock , at which time he had obliged himself by oath to cause the gate called the crosse-gate to be opened . this commissary for provisions returning at length to the city , assured the king upon his faith and reputation , that the said recruits of provision and forces , should be ready within the time appointed . the day assigned being come , he acquaints the guards that the promised forces , were to come in in the night ( which would be starre-light enough ) that so they might receive them as friends . the gates are hereupon set open , and the enemies being admitted into the city as into another troy , upon the watch-word given , soon dispatch'd the guards and others that were near . now could be nothing heard for the cry of armes ▪ armes . the king and his courtiers being gotten into a body , drove back the enemy to the gates , which the citizens had by that time shut again : whereupon the rest of them that were without , were forced to set engines to force open the gates , which being once broken open , they flourished and set up their colours . the citizens stiffely resisted the first assault , and made a strong body in the market place , where the fight became very hot and bloody . the king himself , knipperdoling and krachting fell into the enemies hands ; but rotman seeing there was no possibility of safety , rushing where the enemy was thickest , was trod to peeces ; he it seems placing all hopes of life in death . the anabaptists upon the taking of their king being quite cast down and discouraged , went and hid themselves in larders , kitchins , and other lurking holes . the city was most unmercifully plundered ; and to make a full search of of it , there were ten dayes allotted . there was found by those of the kings guard at the royal palace as much provision as would maintain two hundred for two months . o goodman king , where is now the community of goods and provisions which your religion holds forth ! this sad fate did that city suffer in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and five . the third day after this sacking of the city , the king was carried to the castle of dulmen three miles off . the bishop having caused the king to be brought with all speed before him , said to him , o thou cast-away of mankind , by what deplorable means hast thou corrupted & destroyed my people ! to which the king , with an undisturbed and proud deportment made answer thus ; o thou pope , have we done thee any injury , by delivering into thy hands a most well-fortified and invincible city ? but if thou thinkest thy self any way injur'd or endammag'd by us , if thou wil● but hearken to our advice , thou shalt be easily enriched . the bishop hardly abstaining from laughing , desired him to discover that secret , to which he replyed . cause an iron cage or basket to be made , and cover it with leather , and carry me into all parts of thy country to be seen for a shew , and if thou take but a peny of every one for the fight , assure thy self it will amount to more then all the charges of the warr● . the more eminent anabaptists wore about their necks a certain medall wherein was the effigies of their king , to which were added these letters , d. w. f. whereby was signified , that the word was made flesh . but the king being carried up and down as a captive with his two associates , was shewn to divers captains and eccles●asticks of the landgrave , which gave occasion of disputation between them about some things , as of the kingdom of christ , and of magistracy , of iustification , and of baptisme , of the lords supper , and of the 〈◊〉 of christ , as also of matrimony : in which disputation , they prevailed so farre by the divine testimonies of hol● writ , that they brought the king of the anabaptist , ( though not acknowledging the least satisfaction to a non-plus , who to obtain another disputation out of hopes of life ( as was said ) promised , that he would reduce the a●abaptists which swarmed in holland , braband , england and frizland ; and that he would do all honour to the magistrate . upon the twentieth of ianuary one thousand five hundred thirty and six , he is brought with 〈◊〉 companions to munster , where they were secured inseveral prisons ; two dayes were 〈◊〉 in weeding and rooting up their 〈◊〉 . the 〈…〉 confessed his offences , and cas● himself w●●●●upon christ ; but his companions discover'd a vain 〈…〉 in the defence of their cause . the next 〈…〉 king is brought to the place of execution , fasten'd to a 〈◊〉 and is pulled peece meal by two execution 〈…〉 pincers red hot out of the fire . the first 〈…〉 , he suppressed , at the second he implor'd gods mercy . for a whole hour was he pull'd and with those instruments , and at length , to hasten somewhat his death , run through with a sword . his companions were dipped with the baptisme of the same punishment , which they suffered couragiously ; all whose carkasses put into iron , baskets ; as anathema's of eternal example , hang out of the tower of s. lambert . and this was the re●iring room of the tragedy of munster . hermannus sutor . hic qui se christum , et qui se jactârat iesum , servasse haud potuit seque suisque fidem . the contents . herman the cobler professeth himself a prophet , &c. he is noted for drunkennesse ; the ceremonies he used in anabaptisme , eppo his host discovers 〈◊〉 and his followers to be cheats ; hermans wicked blasphemies , and his inconstancy in his opinions , his mothers temerity ; his sect convinced , and fall off from him ; by one drewis of his sect he is handled roughly ; herman is taken by charles lord of gelderland , &c. and is brought prisoner to groeninghen ; when questioned in his torments , he 〈◊〉 himself , and died miserably . that there were divers emissaries and ambassadours sent by the king of the 〈◊〉 into holland , frizland , and other places to raise souldiers , you have understood out of the history of munster ; which souldiers having raised a tumult , caused the bishop to 〈◊〉 from before munster ; and of this heard was there 〈◊〉 nicholas 〈◊〉 , a worthy disciple of iohn m●thias , who being dispatched into frizland for the foresaid negotiation , got together a promiscuo●●s crue of anabaptists for the relief of munster ▪ but that it might appear how real and effectual he was in the businesse , they sent two of their fellow souldiers , antony cistarius , 〈…〉 trades-man whose name was iames , to munster . these two with some others having compassed 〈…〉 at a town called opt'●ant , having stuffled together from all parts into a kind of a troop , made their 〈…〉 at the house of one epp● , about the twilight , out of a pretence that they there should meet with some 〈◊〉 intelligence , which they receiving from their ambassadors , out of very joy for those good tidings , also l●tely broke forth into tumults . the bell-weather of these , was one herman [ an excellent vamper of all ●●●mination ] a cobler of opt'zan● , who professed himself a true prophet , and that he was the true messias , the redeemer and saviour of the world , nay , ( which causes horror to me in the relation ) that he was god the father . this fellow lay naked in his bed from the privy parts downward , and caused to be laid near him a hogs-head of strong beer , which he desired to drink in healths , which required no small draughts ; for he had gotten an excessive thirst , greater than that of any dog ; or that which the serpent dipsas causeth in those that are stung by it ; & all through his extraordinary bellowing and bawling . for , having for some dayes led a life like one of epicuru●'s heard ; that is to say , being drunk even to extravagance , he with a stentors voice , and a horrid howling ▪ among other things often repeated this ; kill , cut the throats without any quarter , of all these monkes , all these popes , and all , especially our own magistrate ; repent , repent , for your deliverance is at hand , &c. in the mean time , he , with the assistance of his fellow-souldiers , denounced to certain proselytes of another religion , that peace was not to be rejected without incurring the dreadful effects of the last judgement , which was no● at hand● , and these were such as both by sollicitation● and promises , his main design was to inv●●gle into his deceit . moreover he sent to redeem some of his followers out of a prison belonging to a certain nobleman called iohn of holten , with this charge , that they should kill with swords or pistols , whosoever should either by words or blowes any wayes oppose them . when they returned with their delivered captives ; they had dispatched a man ( it is thought he was a priest ) looking out at his dore , with a masquet , had he not turned his bac● and shut the dore against them . the very same night , which was to be the last , or wherein the world being to be turned to deceitful ashes , they expected it should by the means of this mediator and intercessor ( as was thought ) presently be restored to liberty , there were a great many that embraced him where ever they could , with those complements which they should use to one , as without the earnest of whose baptisme , they were to expect the reward of disobedience , and eternal destruction to be treasured up for them . the sacrament of anabaptisme being according to these ceremonies celebra●ed , the fore-commended parent exhorted his children to prayer in these words ; pray , pray , pray , pray , mouthing it out with an agitation of his lips , like that of our sto●ks ; which done , falling on their knees , they disgorged , a strange vicissitude of prayers and songs . the owner of that house , who was an inne-keeper , and withall lame , sate near this great father , towards whom the father turning , said unto him ▪ arise and walk . but eppo being still lame , and seeing that they were all deceived , and that by a sort of chea●● wickedly stitch'd together , withdrew from them , and hi● himself for fear in anothers mans house farre : from thence . these things being this past , there rises up another ; one cornelius ast; coemeteriensis , who ran about after a most strange manner ; and when the father [ of all execrable teme●ity ] lay sick in his bed , tormented with an imaginary , or at least such a disease as puzzelled the physitians to find any name for ; this man for an hour together uttered these and such expressions : o father , look upon thy people ; have mercy upon thy people ! o let thy bowels , o father , be moved to compassion ! &c. at which addresses the father being moved , he commanded a tankard of beer to be drawn out of the hogs-head , which was now almost at the bottom , which he drinking to his sonne , drank till it came to the lees , which presenting to his sonne , he said to him , drink ●p the holy ghost . the sonne like his father , and following his example having taken it off , he flings out of bed , and falls upon those that stood by , and ●ossing the tankard from one hand to the other , ran up and down like a drunken man , and at length joyned 〈◊〉 the father [ who was sick of an imaginary extra●agance , wherein he was much given to laugh ] in ●oaring out these words ; mortifie the flesh , mortifie the flesh ; the flesh is a devill , the flesh is a devill , mortifie the flesh ; &c. upon this there immediately starts up another , pursued ( as he thought ) by an extraordinary vision , and after their example , roared it out most furiously , which fellow ( as was reported ) was really advanced to some degrees ( if not the supream ) of madnesse . a certain woman better than middle aged , being frighted almost out of her wits , by the bawling and howling of this sonne , intreated that they would keep in the lunatick and possessed person , and that he might be carried to ●edlam . the common people being astonished at this impious , hellish crue , were forced to pinne their faith upon their sleeves , as a truth confirmed by the lying of those prophetical mouthes . these 〈◊〉 of fury and madnesse , having their intervalls of calmnesse and serenity , he admonished them , that 〈◊〉 armes and weapons were to be laid aside , and ●hat they should put off their guarded , edged and scolloped garments , and their wrought smocks and petticoats , ●ay that women ought to abstain wearing their neck-laces , and all things that were burdensome , intimating the manner wherein god that needs no armes , would fight their battels for them , and should discomfit all their enemies . the cowardly and inconstant vulgar being moved at the madnesse of this doctrin , disburthened their bodies of all manner of cloathing . a certain harmlesse man having cast away his knife , takes it up again , which his daughter looking asquint upon , rebuked her father , to which he answered , be patient , be patient , daughter , we shall have employment hereafter for this to cut bread withall . o how was this girle once a childe , but how was the old man twice ! when the student of bedlam , the sonne , wit his yelling , was exhorting the bewitched people to singing and prayer , and to resist the devil , the father presently , with his own son , in whom he was well pleased , taught them , that the time of prayer being done , and that the time of warre coming on , they must take up the instruments of warre ; whereupon he gets up into a pulpit , and declared himselfe to the people who stood all about him , with a loud voice , that he was the sonne of god , and cried out that he was born a true mediator unto them , &c. his mother being there present , they asked her whether she was the mother of the son of god ? to which between force and fear , she at length answered , though innocently , that she was . this gave occasion to many to be diffident , and to waver in the ●aith received ; insomuch that a certain man discovering his dissatisfaction , and speaking ill of the sonne , the said sonne taking hold of him , flings him into a common shore , saying unto him , now art thou deservedly cast into hell : from whence the said man coming out all dirt , divers others unanimously acknowledged that they were defiled and bespattered with the same filthinesse and abomination . and hence rise up that impious report of the sonn● of god , that he was thrust out of dores , which that ambassadour antony , being returned from munster , having heard , took it in mighty indignation , and by force breaking into the house , would have vindicated those holy expressions . the father and sonne , were much against it that any should come in ; yet he , though the people flocking about him made some opposition , bitterly rebuking that blasphemous wretch , broke forth into these words , thou villanous and contagious burthen of the earth ; what madness , what extravagance hath besotted thee without fear of divine judgement , to assume to thy self the title of the sonne of god ? which spoken , swelling up with the leaven of wrath , he casts himself upon the ground , whereupon the people ran violently upon him , knocking , beating , and kicking him like a football ; at last being well loaden with blowes he rises , and breaking through the presse of the people , he got away and escaped . in his way he comes to a hole in the ice broken for the cattle to drink ; twenty foot over , which he made a shift to get over , as is said , with the help of the devil ; for many that would have found him out , lost their labour . all being now convinced that they were abused , for fear of the most noble charles lord of gelderland , the viceroy of groeningen ( called also king of gelderland ) who was sent to appease that tumult , got secretly away . but before they were all departed , one of them called drewjis ( whom they called doctor nucius ) out of p●re spight , laying hold of the father , being sick in his bed , thundred to him in these words ; thou villain , thou fruit and groanings of the gallows , where , where is now your governing , and authority ? now the time of prayers is past , &c. having drag'd him out of bed by head and shoulders , they with some assistance , bound him with cords , and delivered him to the custody of the mistresse of the house to be safely kept till night . in the mean time the valiant charles surrounds the house with his men , and besieged it , which the woman seeing , cut the cords . being loose , he takes a trident fork wherewith assaulting them as with a sword ; he put to flight forty men through other houses ; whom he hastily pursuing , was unawares surprised by others ; and brought to groeninghen . but behold the miracle ! to that very place , where this naked [ of all truth ] messias with his forky scepter , and this shoemaker or cobler beyond his last , had with his trident put so many to flight , did the water-dreading anabaptists resort , and render unto god infinite thanks for the religious priviledges thereof . of this lewd messias , who was now well acquainted with the fetters of groeninghen , it was asked in his torments , whether those routs ( of whom he was ring-leader ) were out of pretence of sa●ctity raised to robbe the publick treasuries , ( as many thought ) which yet ( as some say ) was denied . for , he hardening himself against even the most cruel torments could be inflicted on him , still cried out ; destroy , destroy , destroy monkes , popes , kill all magistrates ▪ and particularly our own . in the midst of these bawlings being miserably worried out , he gave up the ghost . theodorus sartor . quis quaeso hic sartor 〈…〉 erit ille quî rogo ceruentis domine dignus erat ? the contents . theodor the botcher turnes adamite , he affirmes strange things , his blasphemy in forgiving of sins , he burns his cloathes , &c. and causeth his companions to do the like . he and his rabble goe naked through amsterdam , in the dead of night , denouncing their woes , &c. and terrifie the people . they are taken and imprisoned by the burghe●s , but continue shamelesse . may . . they are put to death ; some of their last words . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred thirty and five , upon the third of february at amsterdam , in a street called salar street , at the house of iohn si●rid a cloth-worker , who at that time was gone into austria about some businesse , there 〈◊〉 ●even 〈…〉 , and five women of the same perswasion ; of which flock , the bell-weather was theodoru● sartor , who rapt into a strange enthusiasme and 〈◊〉 , stretching himself upon the ground stark-naked upon his back before his brethren and sisters , seemed to pray unto god with a certain religious dread and horrour . having ended his prayers , he affirmed that he had beheld god with his eyes in the excessive and inef●●ble 〈◊〉 of his glory , and that he had had communication with him , both in heaven and in hell , and that the day of his judgement was at hand . after which he said to one of his companions , thou art decreed to eternal 〈◊〉 , and shalt be cast into the bottomless pit ; at 〈◊〉 the other cried out , the lord god of mercy 〈…〉 passion on me ; the prophet said to him , be of good 〈◊〉 , now art thou the sonne of god , thy sins are forgiven thee . upon the eleventh day of february , the foresaid year , the persons aforementioned , unknown to their husbands , repaired to the same augias's stable . this prophet , or seer , having entertained them with a sermon of three or four hours long , casts a helmet , a brest plate , a sword , and other armes , together with all his cloathes into the fire . being thus stark naked , and his companions who yet had their cloaths , being uncovered , he peremptorily commanded them to do the like , as being such as must be as safe as himself . he further affirmed , that the children of god ought to look upon all things of this world with contempt and indignation . and since truth , which is most glorious in her nakednesse , will not admit the deformity of any earthly disguise whatsoever , he affirmed that they ought in all things to conform themselves to that example of truth and justice . a great many hearing these things , having quite cashier'd all 〈◊〉 , offered up their shirts , smocks , and petticoats , and whatsoever 〈◊〉 of earth , as a burnt-offering unto god. the mistresse of the house being awaken by the stink which these cloath● made in burning , and going up into the upper chambers , she findes this deplorable 〈◊〉 of immodesty and impudence ; but the 〈…〉 influence of propheticall integrity 〈…〉 to that passe , that she was drawn in 〈…〉 in the same ●ire of 〈…〉 he advised to continue alwayes a constant 〈…〉 to the unblameable truth . going out of the house in this posture , about three of the clock ; the 〈…〉 and women marched barefoot after him , crying 〈◊〉 with a horrid voyce , woe , woe , woe , the heavy wrath of 〈◊〉 the heavy wrath of god , &c. in this fanatick errour 〈…〉 hypocondriack rabble run about the streets , 〈◊〉 such a horrid nois● , that all amsterdam seeme● 〈…〉 and tremble at it , as if it had been assaulted 〈…〉 enemy . the burghers not having the least 〈◊〉 of such a strange and unlook'd for accident , ( for this 〈◊〉 action happen'd in the dead of nig●t ) 〈…〉 ; and getting these people ( lost to all 〈◊〉 and modesty ) up to the palace , clap● them into prison . being so disposed of , they would owne no thoughts of shame or chastity , but would justifie their most 〈◊〉 and naked truth . in the mean time , the fire being 〈◊〉 , they broke into the house where it was , and wondring 〈◊〉 their casting off their cloathes into the fire , which had since reached the bed , they made a shift to quench it . but the other distracted and mad people , such as deserved to be sent to their kindred , the savages and heathens , inconvincibly persisted in their pestiferous opinion , and so upon the fifth of may the same year , they expiated their wicked impieties by their death . ones farewell saying , was , praise the lord incessantly ! anothers was , o god revenge thou these our sufferings ! others cried out , woe , woe , shut thine eyes ! david george . heretici plures visi hic , cui visus ego , illi pluribus in 〈…〉 sque haeresiarcha fui . the contents . david george , the miracle of the anabaptists . at basil he pretends to have been banished his countrey for the gospels sake ; with his specious pretences he gaines the freedome of the city for him and his ▪ his character ▪ his riches . he with his sect enact three things . his sonne in law , doubting his new religion , is by him questioned ; and upon his answer excommunicated . his wifes death . he had formerly voted himself immortal ; yet aug. . . he died &c. his death troubled his disciples . his doctrine questioned by the magistrates , eleven of the sectaries secured . xi . articles extract●● out of the writings of david george , some of the imprisoned sectaries acknowledged david george to have been the cause of the tumults in the lower parts of germany , but disowned his doctrine . conditions whereupon the imprisoned are set at liberty . the senate vote the doctrine of d. g. impious , and declare him unworthy of christian burial , and that his body and books should be burned , which was accordingly effected . david george , a man born at delph in holland , the miracle of the anabaptistical religion , having lived in the lower provinces forty years , did in the year one thousand five hundred forty and four , with some of his kindred and companions , in the beginning of april , begin his journey for basil , into the state and condition of which place , he had before very diligently enquired . whereof having sufficiently informed himself , he pretended that he had been driven out of his countrey for the gospels sake , and that he had been hitherto tost both on the land and sea of the miseries of this world ; and therefore he humbly intreated , that now at length he might be received into some place of rest. some being by the representation of his misfortunes and his teares , melted into compassion towards him , he presum'd to intreat the magistrate , that in tendernesse to christ and his holy gospel , he might be made capable of the priviledges of the city , which if it were granted , he bid them be confident of gods most particular protection towards their city , and that for the preservation of it , he engaged for him and his , that they should be ready to lay down their lives . the magistrate being moved with these just remonstrances and desires received the viper as a citizen , gave him the right hand of welcom and fellowship , and made him and his free of the city . what should the magistrate do ? behold , he hath to do with a man of a grave countenance , free in his behaviour , having a very long beard and that yellowish , sky-coloured and sparkling eyes , milde and affable in the midst of his gravity , nea● in his apparel ; finally one that seemed to have in him all the ingredients of honesty , modesty and truth ; to be short , one , if you examine his countenance , carriage , discourse , and the cause he is embarqu'd in , all things without him are within the limits of mediocrity and modesty ; if you look within him , he is nothing but deceit , fraud , and dissimulation ; in a word , an ingenouous anabaptist . having already felt the pulses of the senate and divers of the citizens , coming with his whole family to basil , he and his are entertained by a certain citizen . having nested a while in basil , he purchased certain houses in the city , as also a farm in the countrey and some other things thereto appertenant , married his children , and by his good offices procured to himself many friends . for , as long as he remained at basil , he so much studied religion , was so great an alms-giver , and gave himself so much to other exercises of devotion , that suspicion it self had not what to say against him . by these cunning insinuations ( this is beyond a young fox , and smells more of the lybian wilde beast ) many being surprised , came easily over to his party , so that he arrived to that esteem and reputation in matters of religion , he pleased himself : this perswasion thus craftily gotten , was heightened by his great wealth ( and his riches in jewels , whereof he brought some with him , some were daily brought from other places in the low countries ) & was yet further encreased , by his sumptuous and rich plate and houshold-stuffe , which though they were gorgeous and majestical , yet were they not made to look beyond sobriety , clean , linesse and inediocrity . these people sojourning thus in common houses , desiring as yet to suppresse the pernic●ous in●ection of their sect , very religiously enacted three things : first , that no man should profane or speak idly of the name of david george . secondly , that no man should rashly or unadvisedly divulge any thing concerning his country , or manner of life ; whence it was that some thought him to be a person of some quality ; some , that he was some very rich factor or merchant , whence it came that he was so excessively rich ; others had other imaginary opinions and conceits of him , for as much as they themselves being strangers , lived in a countrey where they could not be ascertained of any thing : thirdly , he was very cautious that none of the basileans should be car●lesly admitted into his requaintance , society or correspondence , imitating therein the policy of the ferrets and weesels , which ( as is reported ) never assault any bird of supremacy , in the place where they frequent . and th●s did he by letters , writings and emissaries , plant and water the venemous seed of his sect through the lower provi●ces , yet kept the wayes by which he wrought unsuspected and undiscovered . for , although he had lived two years among them , there was not so much as one man infected , or had privately caught the itch of his religion . what transcendent mysteries are these ! this man , though he feared neither deceit nor treachery from strangers , yet the fire kindled out of the deceitful embers of his own houshold . for , behold ; one of his is own r●tinue doubting of the certainty of the new religion , he caused him to be brought before him , and asked him whether he did not acknowledge him to be the true david sent from heaven upon earth , and to be the horn , redeemer , and builder up of the tabernacle of israel ; to which the other answered roundly and peremptorily , that the restauration of the kingdom of israel and other things foretold by the prophets were fulfilled in christ , the true messias , and that consequently there was no other to be expected . which he hearing , not without great astonishment , did with much commotion of mind and bitter ●menaces thrust him , though his sonne in law , out of dores , and [ which is heavy to think on ] excommunicated him . these things being thus managed , davids wife fell sick of a disease ( which afterwards visited him and many more ) th●e dispatch'd her into the other world . what a miracle is this ! he that declared himself to be greater than christ , and 〈◊〉 himself immortal ( upon the second of august , one thousand five hundred fifty and six ) did die the death , and was honourably huried according to the ceremonies of the parish church , and his funerals were celebrated in the sight of his sonnes and daughters ; sonne● in law and daughters in law , servant-men and maides , and a great conflux of citizens . this sad calamity of his death extreamely troubled and tormented the mindes of his disciples , as a thing that very much thwarted their hopes of his promised immortality , although he had 〈◊〉 told that he would rise again in three yeares , and would bring all those things to passe which he had promised while he was alive . upon the death of this 〈◊〉 great many with resolute mindes made it their businesse not only to bring his doctrine into suspicion , but into utter disesteem , unanimously resolving to embrace 〈◊〉 was good , sound , and consonant to christian doctrine ; and reject ▪ the rest as hereticall . in the meane time , the report beat up and downe , both among the people , and the more learned , that this man of ingenuity , and authour of private doctrines , this very david george , was a contagion and a destructive pestilence , a devoted incendiary of a most dangerous sect , that ( though most falsely ) he was born a king , and that he accounted himselfe the true messias . the magistrate being extreamly moved at these things , not deferring his zeale any longer when the glory of god and his son iesus christ was so much concerned , caused all those who were conceived to be infected with the pestilence of that religion to be brought to the palace , to whom he rubbed over what things had been transacted some years before ; that is to say , acquainted them , how that they had been banished their countrey upon the account of the gospel , and upon their humble addresses received into the protection , and made capable of the priviledges of the city , &c. but that it had appeared since , that they had fled for refuge to basil , not for the propagation of the gospel , but for that of the leaven of the sacrilegious david , though by all outward appearance , they had hitherto been accounted favourers and professors of the true religion . in the first place therefore the senate being desirous to know the truth , required to have his true proper name ; for , some have thought , ( as some authours deliver ) that his name was iohn br●●es . secondly , whether he had privately or publickly dispersed his religion , and what tenets he held . to which some made answer unanimously , that they had left their countrey for the true religions sake , nor did they acknowledge themselves any other than the professors and practisers of the lawfull religion . that for his name , he had not called himselfs by any other than his own proper name ; and for his doctrine , they had acknowledged none either privately or publickly , save what he had privately sometimes suggested , which was not disconsonant to the publick . the magistrate perceiving this obstinacy of mind caused eleven of them , the better to discover the reall truth , to be secured , and more narowly looked to . in the mean time , the senate leaving no stone unmored in this businesse , appointed some to bring forth into publick view some bookes and writings of david , which should give no small light in the businesse , and these the magistrate recommended to men of the greatest learning to be read over and examined with the greatest care possible , that so whatsoever they should meet with rep●gnant to the truth , they should extract , and give him an account thereof . those who had this charge put upon them , presented the senate with this extract of articles out of his writings . . that all the doctrine delivered by moses , the prophets , or by jesus christ himselfe and his apostles , was not sufficient to salvation , but ●ress'd up and set forth for young men , and children , to keep them within decency and duty ; but that the doctrine of david george was perfect , entire , and most sufficient for the obtaining of salvation . . he affirmed that he was christ and the messias , the well beloved sonne of the father in whom he was well ●leased , not born of blood , nor of the flesh , nor of the lust of man , but of the holy ghost and the spirit of christ who vanishing hencelong since according to the flesh , 〈◊〉 deposited hitherto in some place unknown to the saints was now at length reinfused from heaven into david george . . he held that he only was to be worshipped , as wh● should bring out the house of israel , and the true ( tha● is , the professors of his doctrine ) tribe of levi , and th● tabernacle of the lords not through miseries ▪ sufferings , crosses , as the messias of the jewes did , but with 〈◊〉 meekness , love , and mercy in the spirit of christ granted unto him from the father which is in heaven . . he approved himself to be invested with the auth●rity of saving , or condemning , binding and loosing , and that at the last day he should judge the twelve tribes of israel . . he further maintained , that jesus christ was sent from the father to take flesh upon him , for this reason at least , that by his doctrine and the use of his sacraments , men , being as it were no better then children , 〈◊〉 uncapable of receiving the true doctrine , might be kept within duty till the coming of david george , who should advance a doctrine that should be most perfect and 〈◊〉 effectuall , should smooth out mankinde , and should consummate the knowledge of god and of his sonne , and what●ever hath been said of him . . but he further affirmed , that these things should not come to passe according to humane ceremonies , but after a spiritual dispensation , and after such a manner as ha● not been heard of , which yet none should be able to discern or comprehend , but such as were worthy disciples of david george . . to make good and prove all these things , he wrested and misinterpreted many places of the holy scripture , as if christ and the apostles , whom he commends , had inti●●ted not themselves , nor any other ecclesiasticall 〈◊〉 ▪ save only the coming of david george . . and thence it was that he argued thus . if th● doctrine of christ and his apostles be most true and 〈◊〉 effectuall for the obtaining of salvation ; the church which they had by their doctrine built up and confirmed could not possibly have been broken to peeces , for ( as christ himself testifieth ) against the true church , the gates of hell shall not be able to prevaile : but that building of christ and his apostles is overturned and pulled down to the very foundation by antichrist , as may be evidently seen in the papacy , according to the testimony of the same christ ; it therefore necessarily followes , that the doctrine of the apostles is imperfect and interrupted : whence he concluded his own doctrine and faith to be the only solid and sufficient doctrine . . moreover he maintained himself to be greater than john baptist , yea than all the saints that had gone before him , for that the least in the kingdome of god ( according to the suffrage of truth it self ) is greater than john : but he said david george was one whose kingdome was heavenly and most perfect ; whence he makes himself not only greater than john , but also sets himself above christ , since that he was born of flesh , and that himself was born of the spirit according to a heavenly manner . . he further allowed with christ , that all sinnes committed against god the father , and against the son may be forgiven , but those that are committed against the holy ghost , that is to say against david george , shall be forgiven neither in this world , nor in the world to come ; by which means it is apparent that he conceiv'd himself greater and higher than christ , admitting christs own testimony . . he declared polygamy to be free and lawfull for all , even for those that are regenerated by the spirit of david george . these heads [ without any brains ] did the magistrate deliver to be carried to some that were in the prison , to fish out what confession they would make , who besides these , being provoked and challenged by a number of questions , answered at last , that this ( da●us ) i would say david george , was the same who had embroyled the lower parts of germany with so many tumults & sedition , but that as to that doctrine and the fore-recited articles , they unanimously affirmed that they had never heard not read of any such thing . neverthelesse they were to acknowledge the doctrine expressed in those articles , to be pestiferous , execrable , and derived not from heaven , but from hell , and that it was heretical , and to be banished with an eternal anathema ; and withall , as men miserably seduced , yet desiring for the time to come , to be reduced into the right way , they were , with good reason , to implore forgivenes ▪ among those that were in close prison , there was one formerly of davids greatest confidents , who confessed , that indeed he had been infected with that religion , but that since by the illumination of the grace of god , he discovered and detested the errours springing from it , and avoyded them as he would do a cockatrice . but there were others who were civilly acquainted with this man , who denied that they had knowne any such thing by him , and cried out against the fore-mentioned articles as impious and blasphemous . these passages , the judges appointed by the magistrate , gave him an account of , who perceiving that some that were in custody were not so extravagant , but that they had some remainders of discretion left , he sent to them some learned and able preachers of the word , who , having diligently weeded out the tares of their errors , should sow into their hearts the saving seed of true faith . those who were sent , sifting them with all the humanity , mildnesse , meeknesse and charity possible , could scrue nothing out of them , more than what the judges who had been employed before , had done . in the mean time a report was spread about the city , that it was no● david george , nor any eminent person of any other name that had been buried , but that a meer swine , calfe , hee-goat ( haply an asse ) had been carried out and buried , and that the dead carkasse embalmed with the strongest spices , was worshipped and adored with great devotion and religion . but this was but a report , and was not true . those that were in custody abhorring that doctrine , as unheard of , and such as deserved to be anathematized , and desiring to renew their acquaintance with discretion and their sences , are delivered out of those habitations of iron which they had kept possession of for two moneths , upon these conditions , that none should make any purchases either within or near the city , without the knowledge and consent of the magistrate ; that they shall not entertain any coming out of the lower provinces , though of their kindred ; but at publick houses or innes . that the printed books and writings that were tran●ated into the dutch language , shall be brought into the palace . that there should be nothing published that were disconsonant to christian doctrine . that children should be educated according to incorrupt manners . that they should not make such promiscuous marriages among themselves as they did . that they should take no dutch into their families . that they should submit to amercements and pecuniary mulcts [ if any were inflicted on them ] as citizens ought to do . that upon a day assigned they should in the parish church , in the presence of the whole congregation , make a publick abjuration of the said religion , and condemn and anathematize the whole sect of it . that they should hold no friendship or correspondence with any that shall persist in that religion . to these conditions did they promise to subscribe , with all the reverence and gratitude they could possibly expresse . these things being thus managed , the most renouned senate , returning afresh to the businesse of the arch heretick , passed these votes . viz. that the doctrine of david george , upon nature examination thereof , was found impious and derogatory to the divine majesty ; that the printed books , and whatsoever may have seen the light , should have the second light of the fire ; that he as the most infamous promoter of that execrable sect , and a most horrid-blasphemer against god and christ , should not be accounted worthy christian burial . that he should be taken up out of his grave by the common hangman , and together with his books and all his writings , and his manuscripts should , according to the ecclesiastical canons , be burnt in a solemn place . according to the said judgement , the carkasse being digged up , was , with all his writings , whereof the greatest part was that ( truly ) miraculous book , together with his effigies brought by the hangman to the place of execution , where having opened the direful coffin , he being found not much disfigured , nay so little ▪ that he was knowne by diverse ( he being covered with a watered garment , having about him a most white sheet , a very clean pillow under his head ; his yellowish beard rendring him yet gracefull ; 〈…〉 short , having a silk cap● on , under which was peece of red cloath , and adorned with 〈◊〉 of rosemary ) was set up publickly to be seen , and 〈◊〉 the third year after his death , was with his writings consecrated to vulcan , that is to say , burned . michael servetus . omnia quum portenta voces hominem que deumque infundi serves nominis opprobium ! the contents . servetus his converse with mahumetans and jewes . he disguiseth his monstrous opinions with the name of christian reformation . the place of his birth . at the . year of his age , he boasted himself the onely teacher and sec● of the world , he enveighed against the deity of christ. oecolampadius confute his blasphemies , and causeth him to be thrust out of the church of basil. serve●us held but one person in the godhead to be worshipped , &c. he held the holy ghost to be nature . his horrid blasphemy . he would reconcile the turkish alcaron to christian religion . he declares himself prince of the anabaptists . at geneva , cal●in faithfully reproves servetus , but he continues obstinate . anno . by the decrees of severall senates , he was burned . michael servetus , like another ▪ simon magus , having conversed long among the mahumetans and the iewes , and being excellently well furnished with their imaginous opinions , begat both out of divinity , and the general treasury of christian religion , amonstrous issue of opinions , with the co●tion of what he had received from the extravagant mahumetans , and thalmudists , upon which brat , this instrument of satan , must needs bestow the disguised name of christian reformation . from this cocks egge were bred these cocka●●ices , gonesus , gribaldus , blandrata , gentilis , alciatus , simanus , casanovius , menno ▪ and divers other anabaptistical vipers , who extreamly increased the restlesse waves of sects and opinions . we , recommending the rest to their proper place , hell , will take a more particular survey of one religion , and by the horridnesse of that guesse at the others . this servetus was a spaniard , born in the kingdom of arragon , most unworthy both of his name and nation . being rapt into a most incredible enthusiasme , he boldly laye● his unwash'd hands upon holy divinity ; and at 〈◊〉 four and twentieth year of his age , boasted himselfe 〈◊〉 be the only teacher and seer of the world , making 〈…〉 main design , and that by his impious and worthlesse ●●●●tings , to inveigh against the deity of the son of god ; 〈◊〉 which writings being sufficiently furnished , and with● enflamed with hopes of raising no ordinary tumults , 〈◊〉 bestirres himself winde and tyde , for basill ; but oec●lampadius , an ecclesiastical doctor , learnedly before a full senate confuted the blasphemies of this man , and by the publick authority he had , caused him as a poisonous blasphemer to be thrust out of the church of basil. from thence he went to venice , where , in regard the venetians had been timely forewarned of him by the wise and learned melancthon , he made no harvest of his incredible blasphemies , nor indeed was he permitted ●eed-time for them . religion is nowhere safe ! but having consulted with the arch-hereticks his predecessors , and being bird-lim'd , he held that there was but one person in the godhead to be worshipped and acknowledged , which was revealed to mankind sometimes under one notion , sometimes under another , and that it was thus , that those notions of father , son , and holy ghost , were to be understood in the scriptures . nay , with the same line of his blasphemous mouth , he affirmed that our saviour iesus christ according to his humane nature , was not the sonne of god ; nor coeternal with the father . the holy ghost he granted to be nothing but that influence by which all things are moved , which is called nature . he , most impiously ironical , affirmed that to understand the word person , we must referre our sesves to comedies . but the most horrid blasphemy of all , was , when by the suggestion of satan , he imagined , that the most glorious and ever to be worshipped and adored trinity ( who doth not tremble at it ? ) was most fitly-compared to cerberus the porter of hell-gate . but he stayed not here ; no , he thought it should be accounted nothing but a diabolical phantasme , the laughing-stock of satan , and the monstrous geryon , whom the poets by some strange mystery of philosophy feigned to have three bodies . o incredible , and unheard of subtily of blasphemy ! the most glorious name of the most blessed trinity is grown so odious to this man , that he would personate ( being the greatest that ever was ) all the atheists that have quarrelled with that name . moreover he maintained , that taking but away the only article of the trinity , the turkish alcoran might be easily reconciled to the christian religion ; and that by the joyning together of these two , a great impediment would be removed ; yea , that the pertin●cious asserting of that article had enraged to madnesse whole countries and provinces . this abomination of god and men held that the prophet moses , that great servant of god , and faithful steward of the lords house , that prince and captain generall of the people of israel , one so much in favour with god , that he was admitted to speak to him face to face , was to be accounted no other than an impostor . he accounted the patriarch abraham and his seed , too much given to revenge , and that he was most unjust and most malicious to his enemy . the most glorious church of israel ( 't is the swine that loves the mi●e ) he esteemed no better than a hogge-s●y ; and declared himself a sworn prince of the anabaptistical generation . but ; keep off , and approach not , o all ye other heresies and hydra's of opinions of this one man , furies not capable of expiation ! being arrived at geneva , and being forbidden to spue out and spatter his pestiferous blasphemies , he continued in hostility against all sharp , but wholesome admonitions : which calvin , that famous minister of the church perceiving , being desirous to discharge the duty of a soul-saving pastor , went friendly to servetus , in hopes to deliver him out of his most impious errours and horrible heresie , and so to redeem him out of the jawes of hell , and faithfully reproved him . but he being dazled with the brightnesse of truth , and overcome , returned nothing to calvin ( so well deserving of him ) but an intolerable obstinacy , and inconvincible recapitulation of his blasphemies , whence it came to passe , that by the just and prudent decree of the senates of bernen , zuring , basil , and scaffuse , and by the righteous condemnation of the eternal god , in the moneth of december in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and three , ( or as sleidan hath it , in october , ) he was ( how great is the obstinacy of blasphemy ! ) being at that time ecstatically hardened and intoxicated , consecrated to the avenging flames . arrius . divisit trini qui formam numinis ecce ! . dividitur membris , visceribusque suis. the contents . arrianisme it 's increase , anno . the general councill at nice , anno . called as a remedy against it , but without successe . the arrians misinterpret that place , john . . concerning the father and the sunne . they acknowledged one onely god in a iudaical sense . they deny the trinity arrius his wretched death ▪ anno . about the year of the incarnation of the son of god , three hundred twenty and three , hell was deliver'd of a certain priest at alexandria named arrius , a man subtle beyond expression , the trumpet of eloquence , one thee 〈…〉 have been cut out for all honesty and elegance , 〈◊〉 with the poison of his heresie , and the 〈…〉 of his destructive doctrine , did in the time of silvester bishop of rome , and the emperour consta●●● draw in a manner all christendome to his opinion , and so corrupted some , even great nations in the east● that except a few bishops who stood to the true doctrine none appeared against him . to remedy this disease , at nice in bithynia , in the year three hundred twenty 〈◊〉 a generall council was called ; but to 〈…〉 the contagious stocks of arrianisme were deeply 〈◊〉 , so that they were become such ravening wolves among the flock of christ , that all that would not embrace their belief , were to expect banishment or death . these imagined that the sonne was not of an equall nature and coeternall with the father , but that he was onely agreeing and concurring with his father ; to confirm which , they alledged that place of iohn . which sayes , i and the father are one ; and though they called the sonne a great god , yet they denied , that he was a living and true god , and coessential with the father : they boasted that they were ready to answer all objections , and acknowledged one only god , in a iudaical sense . to that , i and the father are one , they were used to retort thus , doth the unity in this place denote co-essency ? it must therefore follow , that it is as much , where the apostle sayes , cor. . . he that planteth and he that watereth , are one . they accounted the word trinity a laughing-stock and a fiction ; that the sonne of god was a creature , and that the holy-ghost , was both born of christ , and conceaved and begotten of the virgin mary . all that were baptized in the name of the blessed trinity , they baptized again . they denied that christ was the sonne of god according to the spirit and the godhead ; they denied god his own sonne . while arrius was disburthening himself of the necessities of nature , his bowels came forth , and with them his life . and so he who was the successor of those arch-hereticks , artemon ( who lived about the year of our lord two hundred ) and paulus samosatenus ( who lived about two hundred forty one ) came to a miserable death , in the yeare three hundred thirty six . see athanasius , epiphanius , hilarius , hiero● , augustine , ambrose , basil , theodoret , eusebius , socrates , nicephorus , sozomen , and other ecclesiastical writers , who have treated of these things more at large . mahomet . adsum ingens , mahometes ego , lachrymabile mundi . prodigium , omnigeni dux , et origo mali . the contents . mahomet characterized . he made a laughing stock of the trinity . he agreed with c●rpoc●ates , and other hereticks . he renewed circumcision , and to indulge his disciples , he allowed them polygamy , &c. his iron tombe at mecca . in the year six hundred twenty two , honorius the fift being bishop of rome , and meraclius caesar emperour of the east , a transcendent arch-heretick called mahomet , exchanged hell for earth ; a prophet , by nation an arabian , but most deprav'd and corrupt . he had sometimes been a merchant extremely rich , and withall very subtle ; to be short , he was a serious professor of diabolical arts , a most ungodly instrument of satan , the viceroy of antichrist , or his sworne fore-runner . this man endeavoured to extoll his brother arrius , with such praises as are correspondent to his heaven . he also with sabelli● ●●aewed the laughing-stock of the trinity . he with arrius and 〈◊〉 , most fervently and contumeliously held that christ , was onely a m●n , and that he was onely called god , 〈◊〉 dici , that is to say , according to a certain manner of speaking . he agrees with carsocrates who denied that christ was a god and a prophet . this is also he that shakes hands with cerdon●● who utterly abjur'd the godhead of the sonne , or that he was co-substantial with the father . he imagined with the manichees , 〈◊〉 it was not christ , but some other that was fastented to the crosse. with the donatists , he contemned the rurest sacraments of the church . with the most impure origen he affirmes that the devils shall be eternally saved according to an humine , yet an invisible manner . he with cerinthus placed eternal felicity in the lust of the flesh . circumcision , that was long since abolished and antiquated , he renewed . upon his disciples he bestowed the priviledges , of polygamy , concubines and divorce , as moses had done ; and with such dreams and an imaginary phrensy was the miserable wretch ever troubled . this man when he died was put into an iron tombe at mecca , which by the strength of loadstones , being as it were in the middle and centre of an arched edifice , hangs up to the astonishment of the beholders , by which means the miraculous sanctity of this prophet is greatly celebrated . all the dominions of the great turk , professe this mans faith , whom they acquiesse in as a miracle . balthazar hubmor . ille ego qui vndarum mysteria sacra negavi igne cremar ; fato disce cavere meo . the contents . hubmor a patron of anabaptisme . he damned usury . he brought in a worship to the virgin mary , &c. the senate of suring by a councill reduced him . he renounced the heads of his former doctrine . himself or sect still active . he is taken and imprisoned at vienna in austria . he and his wife both burned . doctor balthaz● hubmor of friburg , a man excellently well learned , another roscius in his affaires , a clergy man at ingolstade , was the third eminent patron of anabaptisme , and asworne promoter of that worthy sect. this man in his sermons at regenburgh , inveighed so bitterly and so implacably against the usury of the jewes , that he banished it even to eternal damnation ; he brought in a certain religious worship to be done to the virgin mary , and some superstitious vowes , and was the cause of great tumults and insurrections , and had built up his doctrine upon very firm and solid foundations , until the most wise senate of suring applyed the universal medicine of a council to these things , and assigned a day to reduce and root out that sect , which was the seventeenth of ianuary , in the year one thousand five hundred twenty five , wherein the senate being present , and a great presence of people , the most learned zwinlius and other sonnes of learning , opposed this our doctor , by whom , and the strength of truth after most hot and serious debating on both sides , he ingenuously confessed himself to be overcome . the heads of the doctrine , which he before defended , and whereof he afterwards made his abren●nciation , were these : that he detested the cheat , and humane invention of anabaptisme ; he affirmed that the spirit both before the fall and after was uncorrupt and unblamable , and that it never dies in sin ; whence it should follow , that not it , but the flesh , is deprived of liberty ; he also acknowledged that the spirit overcomes and triumphs over the flesh . though his recantation was made , and divers rebaptized into their better sences , yet the torrents of this sect neither stood still , nor were dried up , but increased in switzerland into a deluge , which overturned almost all . this man escaping the endeavours of spies , and shunning the halter , was at length taken with the figtree leafe of divine vengeance , and cast into prison at vienna in austria . being afterwards put much to the question , it being the designe of vengeance , the r●venging fire soon turned him to ashes . his wife being also baptized into the same whirle-pool of baptisme , they both , with mindes hardened to their own perswasions , were not disengaged of th●t faith , but with the departure of their lives . john hut. huttus ab hubmoro excrescit ; cervice resectâ sic vnâ in g●minum pullulat hydra caput . the contents . iohn hut the prop and pillar of anabapt sme . his credulity in dreames and visions . he is accounted a true prophet by his proselytes . at merhern , his fraternity became as it were a monastery . in the times of the forementioned b●lthazar ●ise up iohn hut , a learned man , the prop and pillar of anabaptisme , an eminent despiser of p●dobaptisme , which kind of baptisme be accounted the execrable fiction of the schoolmen ; whence it came ▪ that he perswaded men that if they were not baptized by him and his , they must necessarily incurre great danger 〈◊〉 their souls . to which he added , that , those who 〈…〉 with the p●crogative of his baptisme ; should be the restored people of israel , and that the wicked cananites should be destroyed by their swords , and the god himself should r●●eale from heaven the times wherein these things should be fulfilled . to visions & horrible dreams , ( which he thought proc●eded to him from god ) he gave great credit and he affirmed that he saw the preparations of the last day , and the angel going to blow the trumpet , by an indispurable revel 〈…〉 god● upon the account of which dreams , his 〈◊〉 , as ●redulous as their master , spe●r and destroyed all they had ; fearing the difficulties of the times , wherein they should spend them ; all which being scatter'd and consum'd before the day came , they suffer'd a punishment , and inconveniences befitting their folly , having the lash of poverty perpetually at their backs . however they , a generation on whom the greatest quantity of black hellebore would not be much effectuall , did still adore this miraculous piece of 〈◊〉 as ● true prophet , even to admiration ; of which men , some not worthy the face or name of mankind , do at this day in great numbers live at merhern in palaces and covents upon their accidental contributions , and where they get their livelihood with their hands , and apply themselves to any handy-craft , whereof they are the masters and governours , who by the commodities gained by them increase the common stock : they have at home with them their cooks , their skullions , their errand-boyes , and their butlers , who have a care and dispose all things as they do in monasteries and hospitals ; they study to maintain mutual peace and concord , being all equal . these even to this day are commonly known by th● name of the hutsian fraternity . lodowick hetzer . polluit ut mentem sectis deformibus error , corpore sic hetzer foedus adulter erat . the contents . lodowick hetzer a famous heretick . he gaines proselytes in austria and switzerland , anno . at a publick disputation oecolampadius puts hetzers emissaries to their shifts . hetzer denied christ to be co-essentiall with the father . his farewell to his disciples . he is put to death 〈◊〉 adultrery . lodowick hetzer famous for his heresie , and learning , was first very in●imately acquainted with nicholos stork , and then with thom● muntzer , yet he agreed not with these in some things , as in that opinion of theirs of the overturning and destroying of all the powers of this world , which opinion he looking on as * malicious and barbarous , forlook them , and joyning with iohn de●● , they by their mutual endeavours , sent some prophets into germany . but dissenting also from him in some things , be propagated his own sect in austria , and made many proselytes at ber● in switzerland . which gave occasion that the reverend senate appointed a publick disputation at soning , and caused letters of safe conduct to be sent to hetzer and his followers , for which bickering was set apart the first day of february , in the year one thousand five hundred twenty seven , where he appeared not himself , but his emissaries came , who were by the most learned ( but withall , stinging , ) oecolampadius driven unto their shifts ; and enforced to acknowledge conviction . hetzer was a considerable part , and the fire brand of the anabaptistical sect , but he stiffely denied christ to be co-essential with the father , which the verses made by him upon the carrying of the cross , do more than hint . ipse ego qui propriâ cuncta haec virtute creabam quaris quot simus ? frustra , ego solus eram . hîc non tres numero , verùm sum solus , at isti haud numero tres sunt , nam qui ego , solus eram . nescio personam . solus sum rivus ego , & fons , qui me nescit , eum nescio , solus ero . i who at first did make all things alone , am vainly ask'd my number ; as being one . these three did not the work , but only i that in these three made this great syzygie . i know no person , i 'm the only maine , and , though they know me not will one remain . he was excellent at three tongues , he undertook to translate the book of ecclesiasticus out of the hebrew into high-dutch . plauterus hath testified for him in writing , that he very honestly and unblameably bid farewell to his disciples , and with most devout prayers commended himself to god , even to the astonishment of the beholders . he having been kept long in dose prison , was on the fourth day of february , in the year one thousand five hundred twenty nine , sen●●nced to die : and thinking himself unworthy of the city , was led without the walls , where he was put to death , not for sedition or baptisme ( as plauterus say●● but for adultery , which act be endeavoured to 〈◊〉 by some arguments fetcht from the holy scriptures . melchior hofman . pellibus a teneris suetus , doctissime , nôsti hofmanni teneras excoriare greges . the contents . hofman a skinner , and anabaptist , anno . seduced men and women as embda in west-friesland . his followers accounted him a prophet . at strasburg , he challenged the ministers to dispute , which was agreed upon jan. . . where being mildely dealt with , he is neverthelesse obstinate . other prophets and prophetesses deluded him . he deluded himself , and voluntarily pined himself to death . in the year one thousand five hundred twenty eight , melchior hosman a skinner of strasburg , a most eloquent and most crafty man , at embda in west friezland , ensnared . men and women into his doctrine , where he conjured up anabaptisme out of hell upon pain of damnation , whereupon being returned to the lower provinces , who ever addressed themselves to him , he entertained them with water , baptizing all promiscuously . this man upon the prophecy of a certain decrepid old man went to strasburg , it having been foretold him , that he should be cast into prison , and remain there six moneths , ●t which time being set at liberty , he should , with his fellow-labourers , disperse the harvest of the gospel through all the world . he was by his followers acknowledg'd and honour'd as a great prophet . this was the great prop and pillar of the reign of munster . having therefore made what haste he could possible to strasburg in order to the fulfilling of the prophecy , he there challenges the ministers of the word to dispute , which offerture the senate engaged with , upon the eleventh of ianuary one thousand five hundred thirty and two ; at which time , the mists and clouds of errors and blindnesse , were quite dispersed by the sunne of the gospel . however , hosman stiffely adhered to the foresaid prophecy , as also to his own dreams and visions ; nor would he acknowledge himself overcome ; but , their mildnesse having somewhat appeased him , he was thence dismissed , as one judged worthy of such a place where lepers are shut up , left others be inf●cted . but 't is incredible how joyful he was at that newes , out of an excessive thanksgiving to god , putting off his shoes , and casting his hat into the ay●e , is and calling the living god to witnesse , that he would live upon bread and water , before he would discover and brand the authour of that opinion . in the mean time some prophets began to rise and keep a stirre ▪ hinting , that he should be secured for that half year , and that afterwards he should go abroad with one hundred forty and four thousand prophets , who should , without any resistance , * reduce and bring the whole world under the subjection of their doctrine ? there was also● certain prophetesse who should prophecy , that , this hosman was eli●● , that cornelius polterman was enoc● and that strasburg was the new ierusalem , and she 〈◊〉 also dreamed , that she had been in a great spacious hal● , wherein were many brethren and ●●sters fitting together , whereinto a certain young man in shining appare● should enter , having in his hand a golden bow●e of rich nect●● , which he going about should taste to e●●●y one ; to whom having drunk it to the dregges , there was none pretended to compare with him , but onely polterman . alas poor melchior : he having nothing , yet made master of a strong tower , did after the example of esdras , signify by letters that his baptisme should be put off for two years longer , untill africk should b●ing forth another monster , that should carry ha● in its horns . there were many other dreams ▪ and some nocturnal pollutions , which they attributed to heaven , and thought such as should have been wri●●en in cedar . but it was melchior's pleasure to think it a miserably happy kind of death , to die voluntarily , by pining and consuming away with hunger , thirst , and cold . melchior rinck . discipulos sic rincke doo● baptisma negare , sanguine carnifices et scelerare manus ! the contents . melchior rinck an anabaptist . he is accounted a notable interpreter of dream●s and visions . his disciple thomas s●●cker in a waking dream cut off his brother leonard's head ; pretending for his murther obedience to the decree of god. melchior rinck a most wonderfull 〈◊〉 , was also a most extraordinary promoter of anabaptisme , and among his followers celebrated the festivals of it . he made it 〈◊〉 businesse to extoll anabaptisme above all others , with those commendations ( which certainly i● wanted not ) besides he was accounted no ordinary promoter and interpreter of dreames and visions , which it was thought , he could not performe without the special indulgence of god the father ; nay , he arrived to that esteem among the chiefest of his opinion ▪ and became so absolute●y possessed of their minds , that his followers interpreted whatever was scattered abroad concerning dreames and visions , to have proceeded from heavenly inspirations from god the father . accordingly in switzerland ( to omit other particulars ) at sangall , even at a full concill , his disciple thomas scucker , being rapt into an enthusiasme , ( his father and mother then present , and his brother leonard , having by his command , cast himself at his knees before him ) calls for a sword , whereupon the parents and divers others running to know what was the cause and meaning of such an extravagant action , he bid them not be troubled at all ▪ for that there should happen nothing but what should be according to th● will of god ; of this waking dream did they all un●nimously expect the interpretation . the for 〈◊〉 thomas [ guilty alas of too much 〈◊〉 ] did , in the presence of all those sleeping-waking ●pectators 〈◊〉 off his own brothers head , and having forgotten the use of water , baptized him with his owne blood . but what followed ? the magistrate having sudden notice of it , and th● offence b●ing fresh and horrid , the malefactor is dragg'd to prison by head and shoulders , where he , having long con●idered his action with himself , professed he had therein obeyed the decrees of the divine power . these things , did the unfortunate yeare one thousand five hundred twenty and seven see . here men may perceive , in a most wicked and unjustifiable ●ction , the eminent tracts of an implacable fury and madnesse ; which god of his infinite goodnesse and mercy avert from these times . adam pastor . nomine qui pastor tu impostor moribus audis , qui â recto teneras tramite ducis oues . the contents . adam pastor a derider of paedobaptisme . he revived the arrian heresie . his foolish interpretation of that place , gen. . . so often confuted . adam pastor , a man born at a village in westphal●● , was one of those who with the middle finger pointed at 〈…〉 , that is to say , looked upon it with indignation , as a thing ridic●lous , being of the same opinion in that businesse , as menno and theodorus philip , but as to the incarnation of god , he was of a quite contrary judgement . for menno held , that christ was something more worthy and more divine then the seed of a woman , but ( our ) adam stood upon it , that he was lesse worthy then that of god , so that he rowsed up the arrian heresy , which had lai● so long asleep , as having been but too famous in the year three hundred twenty five . for in a certain book of his whose title was , of gods mercie , he writ thus , the most divine word , which is the main considerable in our businesse , is written in the second of gen. v. . the day that ye shall eat of the fruit , ye shall die the death , this is that word , which is made flesh . john . tea that god which is uncapable of suffering and impassible , is made passible , and he that was immortal , is made mortal ▪ for he was crucified , and died for our advantage . to be brief , he held , that christ was not to be accounted any thing but the hand , the finger , or the voice of god. but although the opinion or religion of this [ third , but most unfaithful ] pastor adam wander out of the limits of divinity , & that it seem to be an ancient heresie , containing nothing in it but what is childish , trif●ing , and meer foppery , & hath bin confuted & brought ●o nothing by the most religious preachers of the word of god , notwithstanding the barking of the viperous progeny of arrius and servetus ; yet he hath this in particular , that he would have us look narrowly to his ●●●lication of the second of genesis , which he so commends , where he foolishly and vainly endeavours to prove that the prohibition there , is the word m●de flesh . this monster did not only beget this sect , but nursed it ; here are baites , allu●ements , and all the poisonable charmes imaginable that may cunningly seduce the best and most innocent of men . but alas ! where is the free and indulgent promise of god of the seed of the woman , which cuts the very throat of the devill , and tyes him in the strictest chaines ? where are his often promise● to abraham ? to isaac ? to israel and to his old people , confirmed by a league so solemnly made ? in thy seed all the earth shall be blessed . and thou shalt be a blessing unto me . this seed , witnesse the apostle , is none other than christ himself , whom god without question meant . the desperate contagion of this mans religion did servetus and his adherents professe , embrace , and celebrate . henry nicholas . vestra domus nicholas cadat , qui● ex rud●re versae futile fundamen religionis habet . the contents . henry nicholas father of the family of love. he is against infant-baptisme . his divellish logick . there was also one henry nicholas the father of the family of love , ( as he called himself ) & not the meanest man of all his gang ; one who by many means endeavoured to cripple the baptisme of children , as is too known and apparent out of his writings , which at a third hand , he with all fredome , earnestnesse and kindnesse ; endeavoured to communicate to david george and the other of his fellow-labourers , and his new ierusalem friends . this man in ● pamphlet of his , wherein he notably described himself , and which he ●●●icated to an intimate friend of his under the name of l. w. maintaining that the * minute of the last t●●mpet was coming , th●t should unfold all the books of unquiet consciences , hell ▪ and eternal judgement ▪ which should be found to have been onely things grounded 〈◊〉 mee● lie● , and as all wicked and high misdeeds were hateful and detestable to god , so also were glorio●●●nd plausible lies no lesse odious to him . the same man endeavoured to perswade people , th●t he was a partake of god , and the humanity of his 〈◊〉 . he ●●rther affirmed , that at the last day , god should bring all men , nay , the devils themselves into perfect happinesse . all the things that were 〈…〉 , of hell 〈◊〉 angels , and eternall iudgement , 〈◊〉 the paines of ●●●nation ; he said , were only told by the scrip●●re to 〈◊〉 fear of civil punishments , and to establish right policy . the conclusion . these few things we have brought to light , were not invented by us , but were extorted out of their own disciples , with abundance of discourse , not without the presence of many men of godlinesse and excellent understanding , * they admitting not the universal rule of the scriptures . but alas ! take these away ▪ where is faith ? fear of god ? eternall happinesse ? but let us believe them , let us believe them , and we shall be ●aved . oh! that to heresies i could say finis . an alphabetical table to the revelation of hereticks . a. a pio●s act. . adam pastor , a derider of p●●●baptisme , . &c. an●baptists their leading principle , . usually they grow worse 〈◊〉 worse , ibid. their bold attempt , . &c. where masters most insolent , . of a levelling principle , . they , as the divel , pret●nd scripture for their base 〈◊〉 , they aime at universal monarchy , ibid. their design upon amsterdam , . they aim at the advancement of themselves , but destruction of others . . they would inforce others to their opinions , yet pretend liberty of conscience as to themselves . . arrius , his character , and wretched death . 〈◊〉 , &c. arrianisme , it● increase . . b. iohn bu●khold , or iohn of leyden , his actions and end . , &c. c. calvin's reproofe of servetus . . godly and loyal citizens hate usurpation . . conventicles usually the nurseries of tumults . ▪ d. the divell an enemy of peace . . e. a bad example soon followed . . f. famine the co●su●●●tion of all misery . . its character , &c. . g. david george , an anabaptist , his character , doctrine , actions , and death . , &c. h. heeresie , a c●●ching , or mad disease . ● . hereticks their usual pretence , . the end that they propose to themselves in opposing the ministry and magistracy , . they are restless , . their cruelty , . they are inconstant in their opinions , . they allow not of the scriptures . . herma●nus sutor , or herman the cobler , his blasphemies , opinions and ●nd . 〈◊〉 , &c. lo●owick h●tzer a famous ●eretick , , &c. his end . . melchior hofman , an anabaptist , ● . pined himself to death . . balthazar hubmor an anabaptist ; ● , &c. he and his wife burned , . iohn hut an anabaptist , , &c. i. iohn of leyden , vide buckhold . an item to the hot : spurs of our times . . k. bbernard knipperdoling , . l. the learned to be consulted with , in detection of sectaries and hereticks . . loyalty not alwayes successeful . . luther's advice to the senate concerning m●ntzer . . m. magistrates seduced , most umincus . a pattern for good magistrates . . mahomet characterized , , &c. his iron tomb , . iohn mathio● a baker at harlem , his actions and end ▪ , &c. moneys & preferments , the usual baits of sedition . . thomas muntzer , his opinions , actions , and end : , &c. n. henry nicholas father of the family of love , he i● against infant b●●tisme , his blasphemy , an● divellish logick . , &c. o. oecolampadivs puts hetzers emissaries to their shifts . . p. an ill president soon followed . . pretenders to religion , prove usually the distu●bers thereof . . r. a good resolution . . melchior rinck , an anabaptist . , &c. his disciple thomas sc●cker cut off his brothers head . . s. sectaries like tinder , are soon on fire , . their usual pretence to raise sedition . ibid. sedition goes not alwayes unpunished . . michael servetus an anabaptist , his blasphemous opinions and end . , &c. snc●esse in bad enterprises , causes evil men to rejoyce . . t. theodorus sartor , or theodor the botcher , an adamite , his blasphemy actions , and end. . &c. iohn tuysentschreuer , an abertor of iohn bu●●hold , , &c. his seditious sermon . . v. vice corrects sin . . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e asia , the religions thereof ordination in the beginning of the world. churches . groves and high places condemned in scripture . buildings first erected for divine service . set day of worship . sacrifices . iewes , their church government from the beginning till their destruction . vnder moses . priests among the iewes . levites among the iewes . difference of the high priest from other priests . church go●●●ment after moses . vnder david and solomon . after solomon . church government among the ten tribes . solomons temple , and the outward splendor of the iews religion . what represented by solomons temple and vtensils thereof . office of the levites . prophets . scribes . pharisees . nazarites : rechabites . essenes . sadduces . samaritans . iews , their ancient observation of their sabbath . their observation of their passeover . their feast of pentecost . their feast of tabernacles . their new moons . their feast of trumpets . their feast of expiation . iews their sabbatical year . their iubilee . their excommunications of old . iews , how instructed by god of old . their maintenance or allowence to their priests and levites . church government in , and after the captivity of babylon . iews their church government at this day . jews their manner of prayer . their times of prayer . iews hear the law three times a week . their ceremonies about the book of the law. their manner of observing the sabbath . modern iewes , how they keep theis passover . their manner of eating the paschal lamb. their modern ceremonies are rabbinical . observations concerning the iews at this day . iews , whether to be permitted to live among christians . whether to be permitted amongst christians to exercise their own religion . wherein christians are not to communicate with iews . iews spend eight days in their easter s●lemnities . their pentecost . their feast of tabernacles . their new moons . fast in august . their solemnities in beginning the new year . their preparation for morning prayer . their feast of reconciliation , and ceremonies therein . their rites after the law is read over . church offices sold among the iews . their feast of dedication . their feast of purim . their fasts . their marriages . their bills of divorce . their separation of the wife from the deceased husbands brother . their circumcision and rites thereof . how they redeem their first born . their duty to the sick . their ceremonies about the dead . notes for div a -e babylonians , their ancient religion . the making , worshipping of images , and bringing in idolatry . the gentiles idols were dead men . hierapolis , the religion thereof . gods of the syrians . phoe●icians , their religion and discipline . arabians , thei● religion and discipline . persians , their ancient religion . scythians , their old religion . tartars , their old religion . pagans , their knowledge of the creation . tartars , their diversities of religion . religions of the northern countries neer the pole. three wayes whereby satan deludes men by false miracles . the fear of satans stratagems ( though illusions ) whence it proceeds . our duty respecting the many stratagems and illusions of satan . chinois their religion indians their ancient religion siam its religion . pegu , its religion . bengala , and its religion . magor , and its religion . cambaia and its religion . goa the religion thereof . malabar its religion . pagans ( though idolatrous ) believe the immortality of the soule . narsinga and bisnagar its religion . japon its religion . philippinae , their religions . sumatra and zeilan their religions . egyptians , their ancient religion . egyptian idolatry , continuance thereof . egypt its modern religions . notes for div a -e africans , their religion . fez , the religion and church discipline thereof . their times of prayer . morocco , its religion . guinea , its religion . aethiopians of africa , their ancient religion . their religion at this day . the lower aethiopians , their religion . angola its religion . congo , its religion . the religion its northern neighbours . african islands , their religions . america , the religion thereof . virginia , its religion . florida , its religion . religions of the nations by west virginia , and florida . new spain , it● religion . idolaters , their cruelty and cost in their barbarous sacrifices . persius , his notable saying . mexico its priests and sacrifices . americans acknowledge a supreme god , a trinity , the immortality of souls , a life after this , and have some tradition of noahs flood . new spain , its festival days . jucatan , its religion , and parts adjoyning . southern america , the religion thereof . paria , guiana , and debaiba , their religions . brasil , its religion ▪ peru , its religion . peruviant , their festival days . peruvians their belief of the departed souls . americans , their superstitious feare aud tyranny thereof . hispaniola , its religion . idolatry further condemned . notes for div a -e europeans , greekes , and romans their religions . romans , their old religion . see alexan● . ab alexandro , plutarch , pli● ▪ cicero , gel●● ▪ fenestella , l●tus . their chief festivals . see plutarch , alex. ab alexandro , ioseph scaliger , rosinus , and others . their chiefgods . but one god acknow●edged by the wiser sort of gentiles . of these , see augustine in the city of god , lactantius , cicero , plutarch , rosinus , and others . their priests . of these see● the aforenamed authors . romans , their sacrifices . of these particulars , see servius on virgil , rosinus , alex●● ab alex. and the latine poets . their marriage rites . see sc●liger de re poetica , alex. ab alex. rosinus , servius , del-rio . in senecam , &c. their funeral rites . of these and other customs see virgil. and servius on him ; kirchmannus , also rosinus , rhodiginus , alex. ab alex. gyraldus , and others . burial of the dead , an act of justice and mercy . aen. l. . aen. lib. . greeks and gentiles their religion and gods . see the greek poets and their interpreters . of these see the greek and latine poets . greeks , their gods , how worshipped and painted . see pausanias , capella , boccatins , &c. see cartarius , martianus capella , scaliger , spondanus , &c. but see the mytbologists , and what we have written in mystag . poetice . moon , how worshipped . earth , and fire , how worshipped . see the mythologists . sea , how worshipped . of all these we have spoken fully in mystagogo poetico . death , how worshipped . of these things see more in mystag . poetic . greeks , their sacrificing . see suidas , eustathius , rhodiginus , athenaeus , &c. their priests and temples . but of the●● passages 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 on aristoph●● suidas , 〈◊〉 virgil , cerda on tertullian , rhodiginus . turne●us , and others . notes for div a -e germans , gauls , and brittains , their religions . see tacitus , cesars commentaries , camden , and others : old saxons worshipped their gods under divers shapes and forms . danes , swedes , moscovites and their neighbours their religions . see saxo grammaticus , cranzius on vandalia , olaus , guaguin , and other historians . scythians , getes , thracians , cymbrians , goths , &c : their religions . see olaus magnus , saxo , guaguinus , io●annes mag●●s , aventinus , &c. lithuanians , polonians , hungarians , &c. their religions . see olaus , munster in his geography , and others . gods of the gentils . of these see austin , lactantius , tertullian , plutarch , arnobius , eusebius , &c. how ranked and armed . of these see the poets and their commentators . their chariots how drawn . in myst. poet. in what peculiar places worshipped . greeks ; their chiefe festivals . of these see suidas , athenaeus , rhodiginus , gyraldus , hesychius , ●ertullian , austin , plutarch , iu● ▪ pollux , the scholiast of aristophanes , meursius , and others : notes for div a -e mahumetans , their religion . see lanicerus , and others . their law. their opinions . mahomet , not that great antichrist spoken of by saint paul , and saint john. their sects . see borrius , lanicerus , knolles , camerarius , iovius , &c. mahumetans , their religious orders . see menavino , nicholaus nicholai , septemcastrensis , &c. see georgiovitz , septemcastrensis , busbequius , and others . their secular priests . see cuspinian , knolles , &c. their devotion see georgiovitz , knolles , purcha● &c. their pilgrimage to mecca . see vertoman , lanicerus , and others . their circumcision . see georgiovitz and others . their rites about the sick and dead . see menavino , bellonius , &c. their superstition how far spread . mahumetanism , of what continuance . notes for div a -e christianity , its beginning . yeelds to mahumetanism . religion , by what engines battered . hereticks and heresies , namely simon magus . menander , saturninus , basilides . see austin , irenaeus , and epiphanius , upon this subject , in their books they wrote against heresies . trinity denied by simon magus and his scholars , with others besides iewes and mahumetans , and why . see irenaeus , austin , theodoret , tertullian , epiphanius , &c. nicholatians : gnosticks . see irenaeus , tertullian , austin , theodoret , &c. carpocrates . see the authors above named , eusebius also , and clemens alexandrinus . cerinthus . ebionites . nazarites . see epiphanius , eusebius , austin , &c. valentinians : secundians . ptolomeans . see irenaeus , epiphanius , austin , with his commentator danaeus , &c. marcites . colarbasians . heracleonites . see tertullian , itenaeus , epiphanius , austin , &c. ophites . cainites . sethites ▪ see the above named auth●●s . archonticks . ascothypta● see austin , theodoret , isidorus , &c. cerdon . marcion . see epiphanius , eusebius , austin , theodoret , &c. apelles . tatianus . see irenaeus , tertullian , eusebius , austin , theodoret , epiphanius , &c. cataphrygians . see epiphanius , eusebius , austin theodoret , isidor , &c. pepuzians . quintilians . artotyrites . see epiphanius , austin , theodoret . quartadecimani . alogiani . see epiphanius , austin , theadoret , is●dor , &c. adamians . el●●sians . theodotians . of these hereticks see tertullian , eusebius , epiphanius , austin , theodoret , &c. melchisedecians , bardesanists . noetians . see the authors already named . valesians . cathari . angelici . apostolici . see the authors above named . sabellians . originians . origenists . see eusebius , epiphanius , austin , theodoret , &c. samosatenians . photinians . see the forenamed authors . manichees . of these see clem. alexandrinus , epiphanius , theodoret , and austin , who had been himselfe a manichee . hierachites . meletians . arrians . see epiphanius , austin , eusebius , ruffinus , socrates , and theodoret , in their histories : audian● . semi-arrians . macedonian● . see socrates , sozomen , theodoret , isidor , austin , epiphanius , &c. aerians . aetians eunomians . apollinarists . see the authors above named . antidicomarianites . messalians . me●angismonits see philaster , austin , damascen , theodoret , &c. hermians . proclianites . patricians . see austin , isidor , gratian , and others . ascitae . pattalorinchitae aquarii . coluthiani . see philaste● . austin , theodoret , isider , &c. floriani . aeternales . nudipedales . see philaster , austin , &c. donatists . priscillianifts . rhetorians . feri . see philaster , austin , isidor , &c. theopaschitae . tritheitae . aquei . melitonii : ophei . tertullii . li●eratores● nativitarii . of which see philaster , austin isidor , &c. luciferians . iovinianists . arabieks . see the above named ; authors , and 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 . collyridians . paterniani . tertullianists abelonitae . of which see austin . pelagians . praedestinati . timotheans . of the timotheans see pet. lombard , evagrius , and nicephorus . nestorians . eutychians , and their spawn ▪ notes for div a -e hereticks of the seventh century . see damascen , nicephorus . sanders , baronius , &c. hereticks of the eighth century . see sanderus , ba●onius , gua●terus , &c. hereticks of the ninth and tenth centuries . see the above named authors . hereticks of the eleventh and twelfth centuries . see baronius ; genebrard , sanderus , gualterus , &c. albigenses , and their opinions . see baronius , sanderus , bellarmin , viegas , and the authors above named . hereticks of the thirteenth century . see the above named authors . hereticks of the fourteenth century . see the above named authors . wickliffes opinions . see florimundus raymundus of the original of heresies , genebrard , bellarmine , prateolus , gregory de valentia , and others , opinions and heresies , of the fiftieenth century . iohn hus. hierom of prague . hussites . see the above named autho●s . opinions of the si●teenth centurie . luther his opinions . anabaptist● . of these see the above named author , and besides , p●ntanus , bullinger , sleidan , osian●der , and others . anabaptists of moravia . of these see florimundus raymundus de origine haeres . sects sprung out of lutheranisme . see prateolus , sanderus , genebrard , coch●aeus , gualterus , &c. calvins doctrine . see calvins own works , beza , and others that have followed calvins tenets . of these see prateolus , genebrard , raymundus , sanderus , gualterus , and others . christian religion pestered with diversity of opinions . notes for div a -e eremites or anchorites . see hierom in the life of paul and anthony , and in his chronicle . see also marcellus ▪ sozomen , sabellicus , in their histories , and others . eremites , their first manner of living . see hierom , sozomen , ni●● pherus , and others describing their lives : and athanasius 〈◊〉 the life of anthony , if that book be genuine . their too great rigour . they that wil read the superstious sufferings of these men above named , and of others , let them look in sozomen , theodoret , socrates , nicephorus , evagrius , &c. sociable life preferred to the solitary : monks , who were the first . see sozomen , nicephorus and vincentius in his spec. hist. monks of saint basil and their rules . saint hierom. monks of s. hierom. see sabellicus , polydor virgil , baronius , erasmus on the life of saint hierom , and in his antidote to rusticus the monk. monks of s. austin . with him see sabellicus , pol. virgil , crant●ius , balaeus , alph●nsu● , alvarez de guevarra , &c. monks of s. austin are not to beg . austins girdle monks , their first institutions and exercises . see cassianus● hierom , erasmus , vadianus , &c. why they cut their haire and beard . con , agath , can . : tolet. . can . . see platina , balaeus , pol , virgil , bellarmin , and others . their shaving whence it came . lev. : isa. . . and . . ier. . ●● see hadrian iunius , pol. virgil , hospinian , schedius , bellarmine , &c. nuns in the primitive times . they that will read more fully what is written of the primitive nuns , let the● ▪ read basil , athanasius , cyprian , hier●in austin , &c. who have written largly of this subject . monks , in what account at rome at this day . see erasmus , polyd. virgil , hospinia● , baronius , bellarmine , &c. how consecrated anciently . nunns , how consecrated anciently . see ambrose , tertussian , hierom , austin , and di●nysius the areopagite , in his hierarchie , if that book be his . benedicti●● monks . see antoninus , sabellicus , bruschius of the german monasteries , baleus in his centuries , &c. benedictines , authors of other orders . of these passages see platina , francus in his chronicles , sabellicus , volaterran , trithemius , &c. benedictines , their rules prescribed by saint benet . these rules are set down at large 〈◊〉 hospinian , out of gregory , and contracted by isidor hispalensis . their habit and dyet . of the benedictines habit and dyet see more ●n polyd. virgil , hospi●ian , sabellicus , antoninus , turre-cremata , &c. rules prescribed to the monks by the council of aix . monks of cassinum . these rites , besides their ceremonies about the dead , are recorded by thedomarus , the twelfth abbot of that monastery , & out of him set down by hospinian de orig. monachatus . abbots , how elected . of these passages see bruschius in his german monasteries ; baleaus in his centuries ; hospinian , and others . nuns of s. bennets order , and their rules . of these things see gregory , and the councels , chiefly of tours , forojulium , the sixt of constantinople , of paris , under ludovicus and lotharius , &c. monasteries , and their laws . fraternities . notes for div a -e monks , or cluniacenses . of them see bernard , and peter cluniacensis , sabellicus , antoninus , cassander , &c. monks , or camaldulenses . monks of the shadowy valley . see surius de vitis sanctorum , volaterran , pol. virgil , antoninus , sabellicus , &c. monks , or sylvestrini . monks , or grandimontenses . carthusians . see balaus , surius , panuinius in his chronicles , genebrard , antoninus , pol. virgil , vincentius , &c. s. anthonies monks of vienna . monks , or ci●●ertians . monks , or bernardines . monks , or humiliati . of these orders see polydor , sabellicus , antoninus , v●laterran , balaeus , trithemius , crantzius , and others . monks , or praemonstratenses . see balaeus , capgrave , and scrope in chron. matthaeus paris ▪ cranizius , trithemius , sigiberts continuator , &c. monks , or cruciferi . monks , or crucigeri . monks , or hospitalarii . monks , or trinitarians . monks , or bethlemits . see balaeus , polydor , sabellicus , volaterranus , panuinius , genebard , mat. westminster , &c. knights , hospitalers of saint iohn . knights hospitalers of rhodes . knights of malta . see crantzius , polydor , iacobus de vitriaco in his history of ierusalem , volaterran , aemilius the french historian , hospinian , &c. templar● . see matthaus paris , antoninus , volaterran , sabellicus , pol. virgil , peucerus , crantzius , balaeus , hospinian , p. aemilius , &c. teutonicks or marians , and their instalment . see polidor , crantzius , funccius , trithemius , p. aemilius , peucerus , sleidan●● , vrspergensis , sebastian frank , hospinian , &c. knights of s. lazarus . of calatrava . of saint iames. divers orders of knight-hood . who would see more of the religious orders of knight-hood , may read sebastian frank in his chronnicle , panuinius in his appendix to platina , and in his chronicle , polydor , hospinian , and others . friers meendicants . monks , or augustinians . eremites of s. austin . monks of s. austin . see alphonsus alvares guerrera , and hospinian out of him . see also polydor , antoninus , sebastian frank , sabellicus , volaterranus , balaeus , &c. monks , or carmelites . of these passages see balaeus , sabellicus , mantuan eclog. . scrope , vincentius , in specal . hist. polyd. &c. monks or d●minicans . friers pradicants . of these passages see mat. paris , antoninus , vincentius in speculo hist. sabellicus , florentius , crantzius , theodoricus de apoleia in vita dominici , surius , de vit . sanct. frank in chron. &c. franciscans . who would know more fully these passages , let him read bonaventure in the life of saint francis , antoninus , sebast. frank , trithemius in chron. balaeus , m● paris , vincentius , &c. monks , or franciscans their habit , schisms , families , rules & priviledges . friers minorites . poverty , threefold . of these things see the authors above named . knight of the the holy sepulchre . gladiators . see crantzius l. . funccius l. . munster in his geography , balaeus cent. . &c. of saint mary of redemption . of montesia . monks of vallis scholarium . monks , or saint marks canons regular . see panuiuius in his chronicle , and genebrard . see also volaterran l. . balaeus , polydor , hospinian , and others . nuns of saint clara. eremites of saint paul in hungary . monks or boni homines . see polydor , both in his history , and in his inventions , frank in his chronicles , balaeus in his appendix , antoninus in his titles , &c. monks or saint maries servants . monks or caelestini . monks or iesuati . see frank in chorn. sabelli●us , enne . . crantzins l. . volaterranus l. . polydor l. . surius tom. . de vit. sanct &c. monks and nuns of saint brigets order . see antoninus , balaeus , nauclerus , trithemius , crantzius , &c. saint katherine of senae . nuns of saint katharine . monks of saint iustina . see frank in chron. polyd. virg. hospinian , antoninus , franc. modius , &c , eremites of s. hierom. canons of saint saviour . albati . fratricelli . turlupini . monks of mount olivet . see frank , sabellicus , and the other authors already named . canons regular of saint george . mendicants of saint hierom. canons of lateran . monks of the order of the holy ghost . of saint ambrose ad nemus . monks or minimi of iesu maria. see surius tom. . de vit . sanct. with the other authors already named . knights of the annunciation . of st. maurice , of the golden fleece . of the moon . of st. michael . of saint stephen . of the holy spirit . notes for div a -e order of poor pilgrims . of indians . of divine love or theatini . paulini . see hospini●n , franc. modius , nauclerus , and others . of iesuites : ignatius loyola . see christianus franken in colloq . iesuit . surius , hospinian , &c. iesuites , their rules . of these passages see the iesuites rules printed together in one book at lyons , anno . iesuites , their constitutions and rules for provincials . of these passages see more fully in the forenamed book . iesuits , their rules for provosts . their rules for rectors of colledges and the examiner . their rules for masters of the novices . their counsellors rules . of these things see the iesuits book afore named . their rules for travellers . their minister or controllers rules . admonitor his rules . overseer of the church , his rules . priests their rules . preachers , their rules . generals proctor , his rules . readers , their rules . infirmarius . librarii . priviledges granted by divers popes to the iesuites . of all their priviledges see the popes bulls and apostolical letters , printed at rome by their superiors leave , in the iesuites colledge anno . franciscans , subdivided into divers orders . observantes . ambrosiani , capellani . cellarii . clavigeri . cruciferi . for●●cifer● ; hospitalarii , of which see seb. frank in chron. franc. modius , heuterus de reb . burgaund . hospinian , &c. abbots , how consecrated . see alber●u● castellanus in pontificali , and hospinian out of him . knights of the gennet . of the crown royall . of the star● : of the broome flower . of the ship. of s. michael . of the holy ghost . of christian charity . of saint lazarus . of the virgin mary in mount carmel . of orleance or porcupine . of the golden shield . of the thistle . of anjou . of saint magdalen . of britaigne or hermine . they that would see these orders described at large , let them read the history of andrew favine , parisian , and advocate in the court of parliament . of the golden fleece . of the garter . of the bath . of saint andrew , or the thistle . of the lilly , or of navarre . of saint iames of the sword. of saint iulian , or the pear-tree , or alcan●rara . of calatravs . of the band or red scarffe . of the dove . knights of s. saviour of montreal . of montesia . of the looking glasse . of iesus christ. of d. avis . see favine , &c. of the dragon . of s. george . of the white eagle . of the elephant . of the swan . of the sword-bearers . of saint gall. see the histories of these places . divers orders of knights at rome . knights of venice . of genoa . of savoy . of florence . of mantua . see the above named authors . knight-hood i● the east . notes for div a -e anabaptists , their opinions and names . of these alstedius in his history of anabaptists , and bullinger in his first book against them ; have made a collection , and mr. pagit out of them . brownists , their kinds and tenets . familists , their heresies . as may be seen in dr. denisons white wolfe . mr. knewstub in the familists confession , mr. iessop , and others . adamites . antinomians . see also gataker in his preface , edwards in his gangreen , pagit , and others . socinians , their tenets . he that would see these opinions at large , let him read socinus himself , crellius , lubbertus , the r●covian catechism , volke●ius , ostorodius , and others . arminians , their tenets . the church of arnhem , and the millenaries their opinions . of these opinions , see the forenamed authors . the grounds upon which they build christs temporall kingdome here on earth for a thousand years . the vanity of the millenaries opinion . sects of this age. seekers or expe●●ers . theauran iohn his opinions . iohn reeve and lodowick muggleton their opinions . quakers , or as some call them shakers their opinions . other opinions of the quakers . see what hath been written against them by sa. robert eaton , sherlock and others . wherein the absurdities and impieties of their opinions consist ? ranters , their character , and opinions . independents their tenets . of the independents tenets , see the antidote against independencie , baylies disswasives edwards , paget , and others . independents of new - england their tenets . of these opinions , see baylies disswasive , edwards his gangrena , &c. the grounds whereupon the independents forsake our churches . the grounds whereupon the independents and anabaptists , allow lay men to proach without call or ordination . presbytery the doctrine and tenets thereof presbyters their office. apostles and their office. deacons and their office. presbyters , their office. bishops . deacons and their office. ministerial calling . elders . bishops . episcopacy what among the presbyterians . church how to be governed . magistrates office different from the church-governours . church-governours . church government alterable . episcopacy how different from presbytery . magistrates office . presbyters among the iews . ministers called presbyters . how to be elected . presbytery their power to excommunicate . excommunicate persons their condition the prophets , pharisees , &c. could not excommunicate . why christ did not excommunicate iudas . excommunication and excommunicate persons considered . divers erroneous opinions which have been lately revived or hatched , since the fall of our church-government . church of england depl●red . notes for div a -e church of rome different from other churches about the scriptures . see bellarmin , eckius , pighius , and the other writers of controversies in the romane church . romane church different from others about predestination . gods image , and sinne. see the above named authors , and the catechism of the councel of trent . romanists differ about the law of god , christ , faith , iustification , and good works . see the catechism of trent , with bellarmin , and the other writers of controversies . differ about pennance , fasting , prayers , and almes . see the authors above named . differ from others about the sacrament . see the former authors . ceremonies used in the five controverted sacraments . see besides the above named authors eckius in his homilie upon this subject . roman church differeth from others about the saints in heaven . of these passages see thomas in his summes , gregory , de valentia , bellaranine , and the others above named . church of rome , their doctrine concerning the church . see the above named authors . romanists differ about councils , monks , magistrates and purgatory . who would see more at lenght the doctrines of the church of rome , let him read the above named authors ; and withall baronius , bonaventura , p. lombard , canus , canisius , cassander , alphensus de castro , coccius , genebrard , gerson , gretzerus , suarez , turrianus , vasquez , hugo de s. victore , and others . the outward worship of the roman church , and first part of their masse . acholyths , their offices . of these particulars see stephanus durantus de ritibus ecclesiae , gul. durandus his rationale , alcuinus de divinis officiis , innocent . . de myster . missae , hugo de sanct. victore de offic . eccles. & in specul ▪ ecclesiae , berno de offic . missae , and divers others . romanists their manner of dedicating of churches . what observable thereupon : but of this subject concerning dedication , read durandus & durantus , turrecremata , hostiensis , hugo de s. victore de sacram. hospinian , raibanus , ivo , &c. their consecration of altars , &c. see the former authors . the degrees of ecclesiastical persons in the church of rome . their sacred orders . of these passages see innocent . . l. i. myst. missae , c. . stephan . eduensis de sacr . altari● . c. . amalar. fortunat . l. . de eccles. offic . c. . l. . & l. . rab. maurus l. i. de instit .. cler . c. . alcuin de divin . offic . alexand . de ales part . quest. . hugo de s. victore l. . de sacram . part . besides the councils of rhemes , of lateran , of braccara , and divers others . see also guliel . durand . l. . c. . office of the bishop . what colours held sacred . see durands rationale , l. . c. . the other parts of the masse . of these and other ceremonies see the above named authors , and gabriel biel decanone missae . other parts of their worship . see durandus and durantus . days festivall in the church of rome . festival days of christ. of these and other ceremonies , see the afore named authors . see the authors above named . their canonical hours of prayer , and observati●ns thereupon . of these hours cassianus speaketh , rabanus maurns , isidor , amalarius , fortunatus rupertus tuitiens . &c. see gabriel , biel in can . missae . navarr . de orat . et hor. can . durandus in rationali . durantus de ritibus ecclesiae &c. their processions and observations thereon . of these things see the forenamed writers . festival days of the saints . but of these passages see the roman martyrology , baronius , surius , durandus , fasti mariae , lippelous , &c. their ornaments and utensils used in churches dedicate to christ and the saints . see innocent . l. de myst . missae . rab. maurus de instit . eleric . amalar. fortunat . de eccles . officiis . isidor de eccles . officiis . alcuin . de celeb . missae d●●antus &c. of these and many more see durandus in his rationale , and the other writers above named . their office performed to the dead . notes for div a -e gre●k religion at this day . see the councel of florence , boterus , chytraeus , brerewood , ieremy , patriarch of constantinople in resp . ●d german . possevin . de reb . mosc●v . &c. greeks , their church dignities and discipline at this day . see the above named authors , and the letters of stephen gerlochius to crusius , an. . moscovites , their religion and discip●in . see the above named authors , and withall the history of russia , by g. fletcher , possevin . de reb . moscov . sigism . de moscovia , guaguin descrip . moscov . &c. monks and nuns in muscovia . see the above named authors . moscovites , their church service . see the 〈◊〉 of russia . their sacraments . see the above named histories . their doctrine and ceremonies . see fletcher , boterus , les estats du monde , and other relations of moscovia . their marriages . their funerals . see the above named writers . armenians , their religion . see baronius , borerus , chytraeus , boemus , vitriacus his oriental history ; the armenian confession , &c. melchites . georgians . mengrelians . circassians . see bellonius his observations , boterus , chytraeus de stat . eccles. thomas ● iesu. brerewood , prateolus de sectis , &c. nestorians . indians , their religion at this day . iacobites . in bibliotheca fatrum , baronius , &c. see the above named authors . maronites , their religion . see the above named authors , and withal possevin ▪ apparat . sacr . thomas a iesu. de conver . gent. vitriacus histor. orient . tyrius de bello sa●ra . &c. cophti of egypt . see the above named authors , with bar●nius , and thevets cosmography of the levant . c. . abyssins , their religion . protestant church , its agreement with , and dissent from other christian churches . notes for div a -e religion , the ground of government and greatnesse . the foundation of all common-wealths . religion , most requisite in princes and governers , they should be carefull of it . but one religion to be allowed publickly ▪ different religions how and when to be tolerated . princes must not dissemble in religion . dissimulation in religion rejected . false religions why blessed , and the contemners punished . ceremonies in religion . mixed religions . idolatry condemned . gentiles , worshipped the sun , under divers names and shapes . their religion most consonant to natural reason . sun , the gentiles chief and onely god. apollo , the sun. mars , the sun adonis , the sun . atys , the sun . priapius , the sunne . liber , the sun . apis , the sun . moloch , the sun abraxas , the sun . mithra , the sun iupiter , the sun mercury , the sun . bel , &c. the sun . belenus , the sun hercules , the same with the sun . pan , the sun . polyphemus , the sun . endymion , the sun . ianus , the sun . minerva , the sun . pallas , the sun . vulcan , the sun nemesis , the sun . tithonus , the sun , venus , the sun . moon , the same luminary with the sun moon , her properties . pluto , the sun . prosepina , the sun . charon , the sun cerberus , the sun . gentiles , acknowledge but one deity . gentiles , their superstitious fear . gentiles , their deities under divers names . gentiles acknowledged one god. gentiles acknowledged● trinity . superstitious sun-worship . colours of the sun worn . sun , how painted and worshipped by the northern nations . religion how supported . priests their dignity and necessity . dignity of priests among the greeks . dignity of priests among the romans , &c. religion which is best . christianity , its excellency . christian 〈◊〉 urged . notes for div a -e anno . . hereticks their usual pretence . muntzer a quick schollar in a bad ●chool . his doctrine spreads . his aimes high . the end that hereti●ks propound to themselves , in opposing the ministry and magistracy . his affirmations destructive . anabaptists their leading principle . seldom rest there , but grow worse and worse . sectaries like tinder , are soon on fire . anno ; . an usual pretence to raise sedition . hereticks rest●lesse . luther adviseth the senate to beware of muntzer , and his opinions . muntzers large promises to his party , and the common people . magistrates seduced , most ominous . muntzer endeavours to set up himself , pretending to restore the kingdom of christ. an ill president soon followed . the landgrave raiseth a war , and fighteth muntzer and his party . muntzers delusive animation of his followers . their overthrow . muntzers escape . is found out , but dissembles himself . muntzer taken , yet obstinate . the landgrave convinceth him by scripture . muntzer when racked , laugheth , but afterward relenteth . his last words . is deservedly beheaded . notes for div a -e anno . pretenders to religion , prove usually the disturbers thereof . the devill an enemy of peace . john mathias a baker at harlem . his lechery notrrious . at amsterdam he professeth himself a doctor and a preacher ▪ a murtherous opinion . john mathias repaires to munster . his severe edicts . he becomes a malicious executioner of hubert trutiling , for not siding with him . his desperate end . notes for div a -e john buckhold his character , his disputing and contention with the ecclesiasticks concerning p●dobaptisme ▪ conventicles usually the nurseries of tumults . anno . &c. anabaptists their bold attempt . notes for div a -e anabaptists where masters , most insolent . john buckhold successor of john mathias ▪ he comforts the people with a pretended to ▪ vel●tion ▪ he makes knipperdoling common executioner . about . men lost at the siege of munster . buckhold feigneth himself dumb . he assumes the magistracy . he allowes polygamy . he takes to himself three wives . a bad example soon followed . godly and loyal citizens hate usurpation . loyalty not alwayes successefull . hereticks , their cruelty . anno . john tuysentschreuer an upstart , and a bettor of john buckhold . iohn buckhold confirms his delusive prophecies . he is made king. he appoints officers under him . his sumptuous apparel . his titles were king of iustice , king of the new ierusalem . his t●rone . his coin and mot●o thereon . the king , queen , and courtiers wait on the people at a feast . a m●ck sacrament . a seditious sermon . sedition goes not alwayes unpunished . anabaptists of a levelling principle . anabaptists as the devill , pretend scripture for their base actions . they aime at universall monarchy . anno . kingly botcher indeavours to raise commotions abroad ▪ he is happily prevented . anabaptists , their design upon amsterdam . they break out in the night time . they are worsted . famine the consummation of all misery . the king suspects his own safety . his large promises to his captains , both of moneys and preferments , the usual baites of sedition . he becomes executioner to one of his wives he feigns himself sick , and deludes the people with an expectation of deliverance . famine , its character , and miseries . he forgets community . john longstrat his confident betrayes him by strat●gem . the city of munster unmercifully plundered ▪ the king is brought prisoner before the bishop . who ( deservedly ) checks him . his jesting answer and proposall . king of the anabaptists put 〈◊〉 a non-plus . anno . he is convinced of his offences . h●● deserved , and severe 〈◊〉 notes for div a -e successe in bad enterprises , causes evill men to rejoyce . herman the cobler professed himself a prophet , &c. he is noted for drunkennesse . his designe to inveigle others . the ceremonies he used in anabaptisme . eppo his host , discovered him and his followers to be cheats . ast; supposed to be a digger of graves . hermans wicked blasphemy . heresie , a catching , or mad disease . hereticks inconstant in their opinions . herman blasphemes again . his mothers temerity . the proverb verified , vice corrects sin . hermans party are convinced , and fall off from him . one drewjis of his party handles him rough●y . charles lord of gelderland , &c. with his men surrounds the house where herman i● . herman is taken and brought prisoner to groeninghe●● . he is questioned in his torments . he is hardened . he dieth miserably . notes for div a -e anno . theodorus sartor an ad●mite . he affirmes strange things . his blasphemy in forgiving of sins . he burns his cloathes , &c. and causeth his companions to do the like . he and his rabble go●naked through amsterdam in the dead of night , denouncing their woes , &c. and terrifie the people . they are taken and imprisoned by the burghers , but continue shamelesse . may the fifth . they are put to death . some of their last words . notes for div a -e david george the miracle of the anabaptists . anno . at basil he pretends to have been banished his countrey for the gospels sake . with his specious pretences he gains the freedome of the city for him ●nd his . his character . his riches ▪ he , with his sect , enact three things . his sonne in law doubting his new religion , is by him questioned , and upon his answer excommunicated . his wifes death ▪ he had formerly voted himself immortal , yet aug. . . he died , &c. his death troubled his disciples . a good resolution . a pattern for good magistrates . the senates enquiry . eleven of the sectaries secured . in such cases the learned to be consulted with . articles extracted out of the writings of david george . some of the imprisoned sectaries acknowledged david george to have been the cause of the tumults in the lower parts of germany , but disowned his doctrine . an ingenuous confession and resolution . a pious act . a lying report raised . conditions whereupon the imprisoned are set at liberty . the votes of the renowned senate . the doctrine of d. g. declared impious . he is declared unworthy of christian buriall . and that his body and books should be burned ▪ a fit punishment for perverse hereticks . notes for div a -e servetus his converse with mahumetans and jewes . he disguiseth his monstrous opinions , with the name of christian reformation . the place of his birth . his arrogant boast . he enveighes against the deity of christ. oecolampadius confutes his blasphemies , & causeth him to be thrust out of the church of basil. servetus held but one person in the godhead to be worshipped , &c. he held the holy ghost to be nature . his horrid blasphemy . he would reconcile the alcoran to christian religion . he declares himself prince of the anabaptists . at geneva , calvin reproves servetus . servetus his obstinacy . anno . by the decree of several senates he was burned . notes for div a -e arrianisme , its increase . anno . the general council at nice . anno : called as a remedy against arrianisme , but without success . the arrians misinterpret that place , joh. . concerning t●he father and the sonne . they acknowledged one only god in a iudaicall sense . they deny the trinity . arrius his wretched death , anno . notes for div a -e anno . mahomet characterized . he made a laughing stock of the trinity . he agreed with carpocrates , and other hereticks . he renewed circumcision , and to indulge his disciples , he allowed them polygamy , &c. his iron tomb at mecca . notes for div a -e hubmor paetron of anabaptisme . he damned usury . he brought in a worship to the virgin mary , &c. the senate of suring by a council reduced him . he renounced the heads of his former doctrine . himself , or sect , still active . he is taken and imprisoned at vienna in austria . he and his wife both burned . notes for div a -e john hut the prop and pillar of anabaptisme . anabaptists aime at the advancement of themselves , but destruction of others . hut his credulity in dreams and visions . hut , accounted a true prophet by his proselytes . at merhern the hu●sian fraternity ●became as it were a monastery . notes for div a -e lodowick hetzer a famous beretick . * anitem to the hot-spu●s of our times . hetzer gaines proselytes in austria , and switzerland . anno . at a publick disputation , oecolampadius puts hetzers emissaries to their shifts . hetzer denied christ to be co-essentiall with the father . his farewel to his disciples . he is put to death for adultery . notes for div a -e anno . hosman a skinner , and anabaptist , seduced . men and women at embda in west-friesland . a delusive prophecy . his followers accounted him a great prophet . at strasbing he challenged the ministers to dispute , which was agreed upon , jan. . . being mildely dealt with , he is neverthelesse obstinate . other prophets delude him . * yet it 's like , to back their prophecies , they pretended liberty of conscience . a prophetesse deludes him . he deluded himself . he voluntarily pined himself to death . notes for div a -e melchior rinck an anabaptist ▪ he is accounted a notable interpreter of dreams and visions . his disciple thomas scucker , in a waking dream cut off his brother leonards head . he pretend● ( for his mu●ther ) obedience to the decree of god. anno . notes for div a -e adam pastor a derider of paedobaptisme . he revived the arrian heresie . his foolish interpretation of that place , gen. . . his opinion hath been sufficiently refuted . notes for div a -e henry nicholas father of the family of love. he is against infant baptism . * as to that minute ( if he confine not god ) we may believe him . his blasphemy . doubtless he hugg'd himself in this opinion . his divellish logick . * hereticks allow not of the scriptures . a cloud of witnesses, or, the sufferers mirrour made up of the swanlike-songs, and other choice passages of several martyrs and confessors to the sixteenth century, in their treatises, speeches, letters, prayers, &c. in their prisons, or exiles, at the bar, or stake, &c. / collected out of the ecclesiastical histories of eusebius, fox, fuller, petrie, scotland, and mr. samuel ward's life of faith in death, &c. and alphabetically disposed by t.m., m.a. cloud of witnesses. part mall, thomas, b. or . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a cloud of witnesses, or, the sufferers mirrour made up of the swanlike-songs, and other choice passages of several martyrs and confessors to the sixteenth century, in their treatises, speeches, letters, prayers, &c. in their prisons, or exiles, at the bar, or stake, &c. / collected out of the ecclesiastical histories of eusebius, fox, fuller, petrie, scotland, and mr. samuel ward's life of faith in death, &c. and alphabetically disposed by t.m., m.a. cloud of witnesses. part mall, thomas, b. or . flavel, john, ?- . [ ], p. printed for the author, and are to be sold by robert boulter ..., london : . "to the reader" signed: j.f. [i.e. john flavel] includes bibliographical references. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, 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mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christian martyrs -- early works to . church history -- middle ages, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a cloud of witnesses ; or , the sufferers mirrour , made up of the swanlike-songs , and other choice passages of several martyrs and confessors , to the sixteenth century , in their treatises , speeches , letters , prayers , &c. in their prisons , or exiles ; at the bar , or stake , &c. collected out of the ecclesiastical histories of eusebius , fox , fuller , petrie , scotland , and mr. samuel ward 's life of faith in death , &c. and alphabetically disposed . by t. m. m. a. hebr. . . wherefore seeing we also are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses , let us run with patience the race , that is set before us . james . . take , my brethren , the prophets , who have spoken in the name of the lord , for an example of suffering afflliction and patience . london . printed for the author , and are to be fold by robert boulter in saint paul's church-yard . . gentle reader , thou art desired to take notice , that through the transposing of some leaves of the manuscript , the authour living far distant , there hath been committed an errour at the press , in mr. iohn bradford's letters , beginning at page . line . immediately before mr. iohn brown. wherefore thou art entreated to turn to page . line . and read to page . line . and so the mistake will be rectified . renowned mr. samuel ward of ipswich gives the following testimony to the living speeches of dying christians , which he collected . as for their last speeches and apothegms , pity it is no better mark hath been taken , and memory preserved of them . the choice and prime i have culled out of ancient stories and later martyrologies , english , dutch , and french. the profit and pleasure hath paid me for the labour of collecting , and the like gain ( i hope ) shall quit the cost of thy reading . — by these , which are but an handful of christs camp-royal , it sufficiently appears , they had their faith fresh and lively in the face of their grand enemy , death ; and by vertue of their faith , their spirits , wits and tongues , untroubled , and undismayed . the learned and ingenious author of the preface to mr. frith's treatises of preparation to the cross ( under the title of vox pisces , or the book-fish ) gives the following testimony to several of the remarkable passages in this collection . perhaps unto some palats no lequor seemeth desirable , but that which hath a delicious tang of the curiosity of these later times , both for method and stile . for my part i say with the words in the gospel , luke . . the old wine is better . and accordingly contemplating and comparing the devout discourses written in our language upon the breaking forth of the light of reformation , i am far more deeply taken with the solid simplicity and powerful spirit , which methinks i find in the writings of those confessors and martyrs , who watered the garden of reformation with their own bloud in this land , then with the more elaborate and artificial composures , written more lately in the times of our peace . who in reading the letters and ghostly meditations of blessed bradford , taylor , philpot , &c. yea even of other their brethren less learned , that wrote and spake with that hand , heart , and breath , which they were most ready to yield up for the testimony of the truth , doth not therein perceive that lively warmth of holy zeal , which is able to awake even a dull and sleepy soul ? among which martyrs , as this worthy frith is one of the first for antiquity , so well may he be in the foremost rank for comfortable exhortation and soundness of doctrine . the collectors preface . the speeches of dying men are remarkable ; the speeches of dying christians are much more remarkable ; how remarkable then are the speeches of dying witnesses for christ ? it is rationally expected that dying men , much more that dying christians , and most of all that dying witnesses for christ should speak best at last . it is their last . and the sun shineth brightest at setting . they are immediately to give in their last account . they are upon the borders of eternity . and the motions of nature are more intense , as they draw nearer the center . to be sure , saints are most heavenly , when nearest heaven . rivers , the nearer the sea , the sooner are met by the tide . we have good scripture-ground to expect that dying christians , especially dying witnesses for christ , should have extraordinary assistances from on high for their last discourses : that the wine of the spirit should be strongest in them at their last . they have gods word for it , that in that hour it shall be given them , what they shall speak : for it is not they that speak but the spirit of their father . one observeth that when stephen was to deliver his last speech , and to suffer , he was filled with the holy ghost , so that all that sate in the council , looking stedfastly on stephen , saw his face , as if it had been the face of an angel. his soul was so warmed by the love of god , that he looked both his adversaries and the tempestuous approaching storm out of countenance . when he was stoned he got a larger sight . he saw the heavens opened , and his majestick glorious master , the light-giving diamond of heaven , standing at his fathers right hand . and this he got , no doubt , as for himself , so to hearten all those that were to come after , he being the first martyr after christ. hence it hath been often found , that their last speeches have been oraculous and prophetical . zenophon personates cyrus as inspired , whilst he is breathing out his last requests . the nearer we return to the original divinity ( as plotinus speaketh ) the more divine we grow . one observeth from a scripture instance , that what hath been asserted by dying witnesses , hath most speedily come to pass . zachariah told the children of israel , because ye have for saken the lord , he hath also forsaken you . for this he was immediately stoned , and the lord sealed his word very speedily afterwards ; for the assyrians coming with a small company against them , the lord delivered a very great multitude into their hands , and so without delay in their sight sealed the words of his dying witness zachariah . and why his word sooner then isaiah's , ieremiah's , ezekiel's ? &c. by them he pleaded much longer with his apostatizing church . i know none but this : it was the lords pleasure ; and to shew his respect to dying witnesses , that he would have what they say taken special notice of . it may be , that he might shew , that whatever fail , the words of dying witnesses shall not fall to the ground . it is true , we must not lay such weight upon these sayings , as we must lay upon scripture prophesies ; for though such sayings may be true prophesies , yet we are not infallibly assured that these are prophesies , till they be accomplished : yet their sayings , while dying for and in the lord , do give good encouragement to them that remain alive , and so to be much esteemed by them ; whether they respect the honour of god , or the good of souls . the last speeches of christs dying witnesses , have extorted even from heathens acknowledgments to the honour of god , that truly the christians god is a great god : yea , by them sinners have been converted . iustin martyr and others by observing the end the martyrs made , were brought out of love with the wayes of sin , and in love with the wayes of holiness . these speeches ( here collected ) are called swan-like songs for their remarkableness , a cloud of witnesses , and the sufferers mirrour for their usefulness . the israelites found not onely comfort in the shadow of the cloud in the wilderness , but a directive vertue therein , they were led by it . there is a double power in such instances both to comfort , and to assimulate . to see that others have suffered worse is no small comfort to sufferers . iacob's sheep conceived according to the colour of the rods , that lay in the troughs . our conceptions will be like our visions : like the examples that are set before our eyes . here ( as in a glass ) even the best may see their spots ; and all , especially sufferers , may learn how to dress themselves for death . how can the best of us read these passages , without shame for our low attainments , for our little proficiency in the school of christ ? how unlike are our faces to the faces in this mirrour ? how self-denying were they ? how selfish are we ? how crucified to the world were they ? how much glued thereunto are we ? how easie was it for them to chuse the greatest sufferings , rather then the least sin ? how hard is it for us not to chuse the greatest sin , rather then the least suffering ? how willing were they to part with all for christ ? how unwilling are we to part with littles for christ ? what an honour did they esteem it to suffer for christ , to be chain'd , to be whipt , to be wrackt , to be halter'd , to be stak'd for christ ? have we such esteems of sufferings for christ , and of such sufferings ? are not we ashamed of our glory ? how patient were they under the greatest tortures ? how impatient are we under very little troubles ? how hot was their love to christ , his truths , ordinances , people ? how cold is ours ? how zealous were they for the honour of god ? how luke-warm are we ? how magnanimous were they ? how cowardly and dastardly are we ? how humble were they ? how proud are we ? how broken-hearted were they ? how hard-hearted are we ? what sympathizing spirits had they ? how little fellow-feeling is there now among christians ? how active were they for the glory of god , and good of souls under their sufferings ? how slothful are we ? and how little do we for either under our sufferings ? how strong was their faith ? how weak is ours ? how fearless were they of man , who can only kill the body ? how fearful are we ? how many of these worthies attained unto assurance , and had their evidences for heaven clear ? how are the most of us in the dark , as to an interest in god , and a right and title to glory ? how willing and desirous were they to die , even a violent death ? how loth are we to die , even a natural death ? how did they without the least fear play on the hole of this asp , and with much courage put their hand into the den of this cockatrice ? but how doth the fear of this king of terrors make us subject to bondage ? thus they are useful to shame us : they are also usefull to prepare us to die , especially a violent death . such examples chalk the way more plainly , then bare direction : these encourage more heartily : these perswade more powerfully : these chide unbelief with more authority . i beseech you all , who are the lords people , ( said one lately ) not to scare at suffering for the interests , of christ ; because of any thing you may see fall out in these days , as to the sufferings of his servants : but be encouraged to do and suffer ; for i assure you , in the name of the lord , he will bear all your charges . i do again assure you , in his name , he will furnish all your expences , and bear all your charges . mr. rough learn'd the way to martyrdome by seeing and hearing austo at the stake in smithfield . coming from his burning , and being askt where he had been , he made answer , there where i would not but have been for one of mine eyes : & would you know where ? forsooth , i have been to learn the way . and soon after he followed him in the same place and the same kind of death . now if one president made him so good a scholar ; what dullards and non-proficients are we , if such a cloud of instances work not in us a chearful ability to expect and encounter the same adversary , so often foiled before our eyes ? i shall detain thee no longer from seeing these rare sights , but now invite thee in the words of rev. . . the good lord adde his blessing , that thine eye may affect thy heart , and that these remarkable passages may be thus usefull to all our souls , and that the cloud of witnesses may not be a standing witness against any of us . farewell . to the reader . reader , the life present is onely preparative to that to come , as the hidden life in the womb to the more perfect and noble life in the world , col. . salvation is not instantaneous . the heirs of glory make their gradual approaches to it , and enter upon their inheritance by degrees , rom. . . and the nearer they come to heaven , the more heavenly their spirits are . could a man but hear the last breathings and whispers of dying saints , how would he melt and ravish ? like the sun they appear most great and glorious at setting . god often leads them to the top of pisg●h , whence they have a prospect of canaan , a little bef●re they enter in to possess it . but although god doth frequently indulge those that die in the faith of christ with rare and excellent visions of christ , yet ordinarily those that die for christ as well as in christ , have a benjamin's portion in comparison of their brethren . there is a joy proper to martyrs , which is bestowed upon them as an honorarium , partly to reward their faithfulness in trials past ; and partly to encourage them to break through the difficulties which yet remain . in these joyes heaven is let down to earth , glory antedated , and a short salvation here obtained , pet. . . during the continuance of this glorious frame , they are acted above the ordinary rate of man , which makes the world stand at gaze , an● all that behold them to admire at them . their aspec● is rather angelical then humane , acts . . and they seem no longer fit to be reckoned to the tribe o● mortalls on earth , but rather ranked with the glorious saints and seraphims in heaven ; they no longer wrap themselves up in their garment of flesh but the onely strife among them seems to be wh● shall first cast it off , to put on the garments of glory prepared for them . reader , wouldst thou see some of these earthly angels ? men that are a little too low for heaven , and much too high for earth . wouldst thou see poor frail creatures trampling the world under their feet , and with an holy scorn smiling at the threat● of tyrants , who are the terrors of the mighty in the land of the living ? wouldst thou see shackled prisoners behave themselves like iudges ; and iudges stand like prisoners before them ? woulds● thou see some of the rare exploits of faith , in it highest elevation immediately before it be swallowed up in the beatifical vision ? to conclude , woulds● thou see the heavenly ierusalem pourtraied o● earth , as the earthly ierusalem once was upon 〈◊〉 tile , ezek. . . and wouldst thou hear the melodious voices of ascending saints , in a ravishing consort , ready to joyn with the heavenly chorus , 〈◊〉 their ravishing hallelujahs ? then draw near come and see . if thou be a man of an heavenly spirit , here is brave and suitable entertainment for th● spirit . and after thou hast conversed a while wit these excellent spirits , it may be thou wilt judg● as i do , that dead saints are sweeter companion ( in some respects ) for thee to converse with , the● those that are living . and when thou shalt see th● magnificent acts of their faith , their invincible patience , their flaming love to christ , their strange contempt of the world , their plainness and simplicity in the profession of the gospel , and their fervent love to each other ; thou wilt mourn also with me to consider the scandalous and shamefull relapse of professors from these glorious heights , and to think how many degrees these graces are gone back in the souls of professors , as the sun upon the dial of ahaz . the judicious collector hath gathered this posie from the martyrs graves , bound up in an excellent method , and presented it to thee . here thou hast the cream of the larger martyrologies scum'd off , the very spirits of them extracted , which is more cheap and less tiresome . he intends if god permit a second part speedily . and i assure thee he is a person singularly qualified for the work , having both materials and judgement to dispose his collections . bless god for such profitable instruments , and improve their labours . such a book hath been long desired , many have attempted it , but every one hath not that furniture of books and parts for it . solomon detecting some of those artifices which the buyer useth in trading , prov. . . detects this as one , it is naught , it is naught ( saith the buyer ) i. e. he disparageth the commodity , to beat down the price , but when he is gone he bo●steth . i am mistaken if thou also do not boast of thy penny-worth in this book when thou art gone and hast well perused it , that it may reach the end upon thy heart for which it is designed , is the desire of thy friend to serve thee , i. f. the books poetical prologue i tell their death's , who dying , made death yield , by scriptures sword , and faith's unbattered shield their number 's numberless who ran to die under their saviour's standard valiantly . more saints ten tyrant emperours did slay , then for a year , five thousand to each day . since iesu●tes from th' infernal lake did rise , more then eight hundred thousand lost their lives in thirty years . bloody duke d' alva will'd in six years eighteen thousand to be kill'd . in henry's and in mary's bloody reign eight thousand have inhumanely been slain . twelve thousand and seven hundred more were stockt , or whipt , or wrackt , or else exil'd , or mockt . i onely promise many a swan-like song ; read them , and beg of god with heart and tongue , that as the vine , that 's cut , and prun'd bears more in one year , then it did in three before ; so may christs vine : and may the saints of god ( as cammomile ) grow better being trod . and may christs sufferer● in like cases find the living god as near , as true , as kind , as these have found ; and learn sin more ●o fear , then parting with what er'e they count most dear . swan-like songs . a. adrian . adrian's wife seeing the coffin hooped with iron , wherein she was to be buried alive , spake thus , have you provided this pasty-crust to bake my flesh in ? agnes . agnes a roman martyr , contemning all threats of tortures , was assaulted as to her chastity . to the lascivious wretch she said , thou shalt willingly bathe thy sword in my blood , if thou wilt , but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust , do what thou canst . hereupon his eyes were struck out by a flame of fire , like unto a flash of lightning , and upon her prayer he was restored to sight again . when she saw a sturdy cruel fellow ( to behold ) approaching with a naked sword in his hand ; i am now glad ( said she ) and rejoyce more , that such an one as thou , a stout , fierce , strong , and sturdy souldier art come , then if one more feeble , weak , and faint-hearted should come . this , even this is he , i now confess , that i do love : i will make haste to meet him , and will no longer protract my longing desire . albane . albane ( england's proto-martyr ) delivered up himself to the souldiers instead of amphibolus , who had converted him to christianity , after he had fled to his house for refuge , and being bound , was carried before the judge , who at that time was sacrificing to his idols . the judge perceiving the fraud , told albane , forasmuch as thou hadst rather convey away the rebel and traytor to our gods , then deliver him up to the souldiers , that he might undergo due punishment for blaspheming our gods ; look what torments he should have suffered , if he had been taken , the same shalt thou suffer , if thou refuse to practise the rites of our religion . albane , notwithstanding his threats , told him plainly to his face , that he would not obey his command . then said the judge , of what house and stock art thou ? albane answered , it matters not of what stock i am ; but if thou desirest to know my religion , be it known unto thee , i am a christian , &c. then the judge demanded his name : my parents ( said he ) named me albane ; and i honour and worship the true and living god , that made all things of nothing . the judge told him , if he would save his life , he must come and sacrifice to their gods . albane answered , the sacrifice that you offer to the devil profits you nothing , but rather purchaseth for you eternal pains and hell fire . the judge commanded him to be beheaded . the executioner , observing his saith and fervent prayers , fell down at his feet , casting from him the sword , desired rather to be executed for , or with him , then to do execution upon him ; yet afterwards another gave the fatal blow . alcock . constable rolf ( iohn alcocks master ) having bail'd his servant , said unto him , i am sorry for thee ; for truly the parson will seek thy destruction : sir ( said alcock ) i am sorry i am a trouble to you ; as for my self i am not sorry , but i do commit my self into gods hands , and i trust he will give me a mouth and wisdome to answer according to right . yet ( said rolph ) take heed of him , he is a blood-sucker , &c. i fear not ( said a●cock ) he shall do no more to me then god will give him leave ; and happy shall i be , if god will call me to die for his truths sake . in his first letter to hadley he writes thus : o my brethren of hadley , why are ye so soon turned from them , which called you into the grace of christ , to another doctrine ? — though those should come unto you , that have been your true preachers , and preach another way of salvation , then by jesus christs death and passion , hold them accursed : yea , if it were an angel came from heaven , and would tell you that the sacrifice of christs body upon the cross once for all , were not sufficient for all the sins of all those that shall be saved , accursed be he . — why cometh this plague upon us ? cometh not this upon thee , because thou hast forsaken the lord thy god ? thine own wickedness shall reprove thee , and thy turning away shall condemn thee , that thou mayest know how evil and hurtful a thing it is , that thou hast forsaken the lord thy god. algerius . pomponius algerius , whilst he was a prisoner at venice , before he was burnt at rome , writ thus in his comfortable letter to the christians , departed out of babylon into mount sion . to mitigate your sorrow , which you take for me , i cannot but impart unto you some portion of my joyes , which i feel , to the intent you may rejoyce with me . — i shall utter that , which scarce any will believe : i have found a nest of honey , an honey-comb in the entrails of a lion. in the deep dark dungeon i have found a paradise of pleasure . in the place of sorrow and death , tranquility of hope and life : where others do weep , i do rejoyce ; when others do shake and tremble , there i have found plenty of strength and boldness : in strait bands , and cold irons i have had rest : behold he that was once far from me , now is present with me ; whom once i could scarce feel , i now see most apparently ; whom once i saw afar off , now i behold near at hand , whom once i hungred for , the same now approacheth and reacheth his hand unto me ; he doth comfort me , and heapeth me up with gladness ; he driveth away all bitterness ; he ministreth strength and courage , &c. — o how easie and sweet is the lords yoke ! learn , ye well-beloved , how amiable the lord is , how meek , and merciful , who visiteth his servants in temptations ; neither disdaineth he to keep company with us in such vile and stinking caves . will the blind and incredulous world ( think you ) believe this ? or rather will it not say thus ? no , thou wilt never be able to abide long the burning heat , the pinching hardness of that place , &c. the rebukes and frowning faces of great men how wilt thou suffer ? dost not thou consider thy pleasant countrey , the riches of the world , thy kinsfolk , the delicate pleasures and honours of this life ? dost thou forget the solace of thy sciences , and fruit of all thy labours ? wilt thou thus lose all thy labours which thou hast hitherto sustained ? finally , fearest thou not death which hangeth over thee ? o what a fool art thou , which for one words speaking mayest salve all this and wilt not ! but now to answer : let this blind world hearken to this again , what heat can there be more burning , then that fire which is prepared for thee hereafter ? what things more hard , and sharp , and crooked then this present life which we lead ? what thing more odious and hateful then this world here present ? and let these worldly men here answer me . what countrey can we have more sweet then the heavenly countrey above ? what treasures more rich or precious then everlasting life ? and who be our kinsmen but they which hear the word of god ? where be greater riches or dignities more honourable then in heaven . and as touching the sciences , let this foolish world consider , be not they ordained to know god ? whom unless we do know , all our labours , our night-watchings , our studies , and all our enterprises here serve to no purpose , all is but labour lost . furthermore let the miserable worldly men answer me . what remedy or safe refuge can there be unto him who lacks god , who is the life & medicine of all men , & how can he be said to fly from death , when he himself is already dead in sin ? if christ be the way , verity & life , how can there be any life without christ ? the solely heat of the prison to me is coldness ; the cold winter to me is a fresh spring in the lord. he that feareth not to be burned in the fire , how will he fear the heat of weather ? or what careth he for the pinching frost , which burneth for the love of the lord ? the place is sharp and tedious to them that be guilty , but to the innocent it is mellifluous . here droppeth the delectable dew , here floweth the pleasant nectar , here runneth the sweet milk , here is plenty of all good things . — in this world there is no mansion firm to me , and therefore i will travel up to the new ierusalem , which is in heaven , and which offereth it self to me without paying any fine or income . — i have travelled hitherto , laboured , and sweat early and late , watching day and night , and now my travels begin to come to effect . — what man can now cavil , that these our labours are lost , which have followed and found out the lord and maker of the world , and which have changed death with life ? — if to die in the lord be not to die , but to live most joyfully , where is this wretched worldly rebel , which blameth us of folly , for giving away our lives unto death ? o how delectable is this death to me ! to taste of the lords c●p. — i am accused of foolishness , for that i do not rid my self out of these troubles , when with one word i may . but doth not christ say , fear not them which kill the body , but him which killeth both body and soul ; and whosoever shall confess me before men , him will i also c●n●ess before my father which is in he●v●n ; and he that denieth me before men , him will i also deny before my heavenly father . seeing the words of the lord be so plain , how , or by what authority will this wise counsellor approve this his counsel which he doth give ? god forbid that i should relinquish the commandements of god , and follow the counsels of men ; for it is written , blessed is the man that hath not g●ne in the way of sinners , and hath not stood in the counsel of the ungodly , &c. psal. . . god forbid i should deny christ , where i ough to confess him ; i will not set more by my life , then by my soul ; neither will i exchange the life to come for this world here present . — this letter he underwrit thus ; from the delectable orchard of leonine prison , calend. august . an. . allen. sir edmond tyrrel bidding rose allen to give her father and mother good counsel , that they might become good catholicks ; sir ( said she ) they have a better instructour then i , for the holy ghost doth teach them , i hope , who i trust will not suffer them to erre . thereupon the knight said , it is time to look to such hereticks . sir ( said she ) with that which you call herelie , do i worship my lord god. then i perceive ( said tyrrel ) you will burn with the rest for company . no sir ( said she ) not for company , but for my christs sake , if so i be compelled , and i hope in his mercies if he call me to it , he will enable me to bear it . to try her tyrrel burnt the wrist of her hand with a candle , till the very sinews crackt asunder , saying often to her , what , whore , wilt not thou cry ? to which she answered , that she had no cause she thanked god , but rather to rejoyce ; you ( said she ) have more cause to weep then i , if you consider the matter well . at last she said , sir , have you done what you will do ? he answering , yea , and if thou th●nk it be not well , then mend it . she replied , mend it ! nay the lord mend you , and give you repentance , if it be his will ; and now if you think it good to begin at the feet , and burn the head also . she being asked by one , how she could abide the painful burning of her hand ; she said , at first it was some grief to her ; but afterward the longer she burned , the less she felt , even well near none at all . almondus . my body dies ( said a●ondus a via ) my spirit lives . gods kingdome abides ever , god hath now given me the accomplishment of all my de●●res . alost . francis d' alost , a cutler in flanders , being conducted to prison , said , now you have taken me , you think to deprive me of life , and thereby to bring great damage to me ; but you are deceived , for it is all one , as if you took counters from me to fill my hand with a great sum of gold . as he went to suffer , he used that speech of the apostle st. peter , i must now shortly put off this my earthly tabernacle , pet. . . which the love of iesus my lord constraineth me to do , cor. . . am●chus . turn ( said he ) the other side also , least raw flesh offend you . ambrose . i have not so lived ( said he ) that i am ashamed to live longer , nor yet fear i death , because i have a good lord. to calignon ( valentinians eunuch ) threatning death , he said , well , do you that which becomes an eunuch , i will suffer that which becomes a bishop . andrew . when the proconsul threatned andrew the apostle with the cross , if he left not off his preaching ; i would never ( said he ) have preached the doctrine of the cross , if i had feared the suffering of the cross. when he came to the cross on which he was to be crucified , he said , o cross most welcome , and long look'd for , with a willing mind joyfully i come to thee , being the scholar of him that did hang on thee ; welcome o christ longed and looked for ; i am the scholar of him that was crucified , long have i coveted to embrace thee , in whom i am what i am . anvil . frederick anvil of bearne , to the friers that willed him to call on the virgin mary , three times repeated , thine o lord is the kingdome , thine is the power and glory for ever and ever ; let us fight , let us fight , avant , satan , avant . apprice . bonner asking iohn apprice what he thought of the sacrament of the altar ; he answered , the doctrine you teach is so agreeable to the world , and embraced of the same , that it cannot be agreeable to the word of god. ardley . iohn ardley being urged by bonner to recant , cried out , if every hair of my head were a man , i would suffer death for my religion . being again sollicited to recant ; no , god forbid ( said he ) that i should do so , for then i shall lose my soul. arethusius . marcus arethusius having at the command of constantinus pulled down a certain temple , dedicated to idols , and instead thereof built up a church , where the christians might congregate ; under iulianus he was beaten , cast into a filthy sinck , put into a basket anointed with honey and broth , hung abroad in the heat of the sun , as meat for wasps to feed on , hereby it was hoped he would be enforced either to build up again the temple which he had destroyed , or else give so much money as would pay for the building of the same . this good man whilest he hung in the basket , did not onely conceal his pains , but derided those wicked instruments of his torments , calling them bafe , low , terrene people , and himself exalted , and set on high , when they told him they would be contented with a small sum of money from him : he said , it is as great a wickedness to confer one half-penny in case of impiety , as if a man should bestow the whole . askew . mrs. iane askew being called by the bishop of winchester , a parrot , told him , that she was ready to suffer not onely his rebukes , but all things that should follow besides ; yea , and all that gladly . to her confession in newgate she thus subscribed ; written by me jane askew , who neither wish death , nor fear its might , and as merry as one bound towards heaven . in her confession of her faith she saith , though god hath given me the bread of adversity , and the waters of trouble , yet not so much as my sins have deserved . when nicholas sharton counselled her to recant , as he had done , she said , it had been good for him never to have been born . in an answer to a letter of mr. lacell's , she writ thus ; o friend , most dearly beloved in god , i marvail not a little what should m●ve you to judge in me so slender a faith as to fear death , which is the end of all misery . in the lord i desire you not to believe of me such weakness , for i doubt not but god will perform his work in me , like as he hath begun . when wrisley lord chancellor sent to her letters at the stake , offering her the kings pardon , if she would recant ; she refusing once to look upon them , gave this answer : that she came not thither to deny her lord and master . attalus . he answered to every question , i am a christian . being fired in an iron chain ; behold ( said he ) o you romans , this is to eat man's flesh , which you falsly object to us christians . audebert . blessed be god ( said anne audebert of orleance ) for this wedding girdle ( meaning the chain ) my first marriage was on this lords day , and now my second to my spouse and lord christ shall be on the same . augustine . boughs fall off trees ( said he ) and stones out of buildings , and why should it seem strange that mortal men die ? austine . austine a barbar , born about hennegow in germany , as he was led to execution , being desired by a gentleman to have pity upon himself , and if he would not favour his life , yet that he would favour his own soul : he answered , what care i have of my soul , you may see by this ; that i had rather give my body to be burned , then to do that thing that were against my conscience . b babilas . babilas bishop of antioch , being cast by decius into a filthy stinking prison for the name of christ , with as many irons as he could bear , intreated his friends ( that visited him ) that after his death they would bury with him the signs and tokens of his valour , meaning his bolts and fetters . now ( said he ) will god wipe away all tears , and now i shall walk with god in the land of the living . bainham . mr. iames bainham , when he repented of his recantation in austin's church in london , he declared openly with weeping eyes , that he had denied god , and prayed all the people to beware of his weakness , and not to do as he did ; for ( saie he ) if i should not return again unto the truth , this word of god ( he having a new testament in his hand ) would damn me both body and soul at the day of judgement . he perswaded them to die by and dy , rather then to do as he did ; for he would not feel such an hell again for all the worlds good . when he was at the stake in the midst of the flaming fire , which had half consumed his arms and legs , he spake these words ; o ye papists , behold , ye look for miracles , and here now you may see a miracle ; for in this fire i feel no more pain , then if i were in a bed of down , it is to me as a bed of roses . bar●evil . iohn barbevil said to the friers that called him ignorant ass ; well , admit i were so , yet shall my bloud witness against such balaams as you be . bale . mr. john bale in his excellent paraphrase in apocalyps . in his preface — he that will live godly in christ jesus , and be a patient sufferer ; he that will stand in gods fear , and prepare himself to temptation ; he that will be strong when adversity shall come , and avoid all assaults of antichrist and the devil , let him give himself wholly to the study of this prophesie — he that knoweth not this book , knoweth not what the church is , whereof he is a member . — it containeth the universal troubles , persecutions and crosses , that the church suffered in the primitive spring , what is suffereth now , and what it shall suffer in the later times , by the subtilties of antichrist and his followers , the cruel members of satan ; and it manifesteth what promises , what crowns , and what glory the said congregation shall have , after this present conflict with the enemies , that the promised rewards might quicken the hearts of those that the torments feareth . — unto st. iohn were these mysteries revealed , when he was by the emperor domitianus exiled for his preaching , into the isle of patmos , at the cruel complaints of the idolatrous priests and bishops , and by him writ and sent out of the same exile into the congregations . — the contents of this book are from no place more freely and clearly opened , nor told forth more boldly , then out of exile . — flattery dwelling at home , and sucking there still his mothers breasts , may never tell out the truth , he seeth so many dangers on every side , as displeasure of friends , decay of name , loss of goods , offence of great men , and jeopardy of life , &c. the forsaken wretched sort hath the lord provided alwayes to rebuke the world of sin , hypocrisie , blindness ; for nought is it therefore that he hath exiled a certain number of believing brethren the realms of england , of the which afflicted family my faith is that i am one . whereupon i have considered it is no less my bounden duty , under pain of damnation , to admonish christs flock by this present revelation of their perils past , and dangers to come for contempt of the gospel , which now reigneth there above all in the clergy . — graciously hath the lord called them , especially now of late , but his voice is nothing regarded . his servants have they imprisoned , tormented , and slain , having his verity in much more contempt then before . we looked for a time of peace , ( saith the prophet ieremiah ) and we fare not the better at all ; we waited for a time of health , and we find here nothing else but trouble . and no marvel , considering the beasts head that was wounded , is now healed up again so workmanly , as rev. . mentioneth . the abominable hopocrisie , idolatry , pride , and filthiness of those terrible termagaunts of antichrists holy houshold , those two-horned whoremongers , those conjurers of egypt , and lecherous locusts , leaping out of the bottomless pit , which daily deceive the ignorant multitude with their sorceries and charms , must be shewed to the world to their utter shame and confusion . — . to tell them freely of their wicked works by the scriptures , i have exiled my self for ever from mine own native countrey , kindred , friends , acquaintance , ( which are the great delights of this life ) and am well contented for the sake of christ , and for the comfort of my brethren there , to suffer poverty , penury , abjection , reproof , and all that shall come beside . — here are we admonished before-hand of two most dangerous evils ; neither to agree with those tyrants , that wage war with the lamb in his elect members , nor yet to obey those deceitful bishops , that in hypocrisie usurp the churches titles . — of those hath our heavenly lord premonished us in this heavenly work of his , and graciously called us away from their abominations , lest we should be partakers of their sins , and so receive of their plagues . if we unthankfully neglect it , the greater is our danger . — barlaam . he holding his hand in the flame over the altar , sung that of the psalmist , thou teachest my hands to war , and my fingers to fight . barnes . i have been reported ( said dr. barnes at the stake ) to be a preacher of sedition , and disobedient to the kings majesty ; but here i say to you , that you are all bound by the command of god , to obey your prince with all humility , and with all your heart ; and that not onely for fear of the sword , but also for conscience sake before god : yea , i say further , if the king should command you any thing against gods law , if it be in your power to resist him , yet may you not do it . basil. when valens the emperour sent his officers to him , seeking to turn him from the faith : and first of all great preferments were offered him ; basil rejected them with scorn : offer these things ( said he ) to children . when he was afterwards threatned grievously ; threaten ( said he ) your purple gallants , that give themselves to their pleasures . when the emperors messenger promised him great preferment , alas , sir , ( said this bishop of caes●rca ) these speeches are fit to catch little children , that look after such things ; but we that are taught and nourished by the holy scriptures , are ready to suffer a thousand deaths , rather then to suffer one syllable or tittle of the scripture to be altered . when the emperour threatned to banish him , &c. if he obeyed not , he said , those bug-bears were to be propounded to children ; but for his part , though they might take away his life , yet they could not hinder him from professing the truth . when modestus the praefect asked him , know you not who we are that command it ? no body ( said basil ) whilst you command such things . know ye not ( said the praefect ) that we have honours to bestow upon you ? they are but changeable ( said basil ) like your selves . hereupon he threatned to confiscate his goods , to torment him , to banish him , or kill him ; he answered , he need not fear confiscation , that had nothing to lose nor banishment , to whom heaven onely is a countrey ; nor torments , when his body would be dash'd with one blow ; nor death , which is the onely way to set him at liberty . the praefect telling him he was mad , he said , opto me in ae●●ernum sic delirare , i wish i may for ever be thus mad. the praefect another time threatning him with death he said , would it would fall out so well on my side , that i might lay down this carkass of mine in the quarrel of christ , and in the defence o● his truth , who is my head and captain . the praefect desiring that he would not , by rashly answering , throw himself away , offered him a day and night to consider further of it ; but basil said , i have no need to take further counsel about this matter : look what i am to day , the same thou shalt find me to morrow ; but i pray god that thou change not thy mind . benden . alice benden , when she was in prison at canterbury , agreed with a fellow prisoner to live both of them with two pence half penny a day , to try thereby how well they could sustain penury and hunger before they were put to it . at her first coming into the bishops prison , she was much troubled , and expostulated why her lord did suffer her to be sequestred from her loving fellowes in so extreme misery ? but was comforted ▪ by these words , why ar● thou so heavy , o my soul ? the right hand of the lord can change all . at the stake she took forth a shilling of philip and mary , which her father had bowed● and sent her when she was first in prison , desiring her brother there present , to return the same to her father again , that he might understand she never lacked money whilst she lay in prison . bennet . mr. thomas ●ennet , a school-master in exceter , being press't by a doctour , a gray frier , to recant for putting upon the doors of the cathedral in schedules , that the pope is antichrist , and that we ought to worship god onely , and not the saints , said , i take god to record , my life is not dear to me , i am weary of it , seeing your detestable doings , to the utter destruction of gods flock , so that i desire death , that i may no longer be partaker of your detestable idolatries and superstitions , or be subject unto antichrist your pope . — away from me i pray you , vex my soul no longer , ye shall not prevail . — if i should hear and follow you this day , everlasting death should hang over me , a just reward for them that prefer the life of this world before life eternal . berger . peter berger , burnt at lions ● . beholding the multitude at the stake , said , great is the harvest , lord , send labourers , i see the heavens open to receive me . b●tken . when she was brought to the rack , she said , my masters , wherefore will you put me to this torture , seeing i have no way offended you ? is it for my faith's sake ? you need not torment me for that , for as i was never ashamed to make confession thereof , no more will i be now at this present before you , i will freely shew you my mind therein . but for all 〈◊〉 when they proceeded on with what they inte●●●● , alas my masters , said she , if it be so that i must suffer this pain , then give me leave first to call upon god. her request they granted : whilst she wa● praying , one of the commissioners was so sur●●●● with fear and terrour , that by and by he swo●●● ▪ ●nd could not be fetcht again , and so she esca●●● the torture . bilney . mr. thomas bilney in a letter to dr. tonstal bishop of london , he gives this account of his conversion . — the woman which was twelve years vexed with the bloudy flux , had consumed all that she had upon physicians , and yet was still worse and worse , untill such time as she came to christ , and after she had once touched the hem of his vesture , through faith she was healed . o mighty power of the most high ! which i also most miserable sinner have often tasted and felt . before i came to christ i had likewise spent all i had upon ignorant physicians . — they appointed me fastings , watchings , buying of pardons , and masses , &c. but at last i heard speak of jesus , even then , when the new testament was first set out by erasmu● . at first i was allured to read , rather for the latine ( having heard it was eloquently done ) then for the word of god. at the first reading i hit upon this sentence of st. paul , ( o most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soul ) in tim. . it is a true saying , and worthy of all acceptation , that christ jesus came into the world to save sinners , of whom i am chief . this sentence through gods instruction and inward working , did so exhilarate my heart , being before wounded with the guilt of my sins , insomuch that my bruised bones leapt for joy . after this the scripture began to be more pleasant to me then the honey or the honey-comb . therein i learned that all my travels , all my fasting and watching , all the redemption of masses and pardons , without faith in christ , were but a hasty and swift running out of the right way , or else much like the vesture made of fig-leaves , wherewithall adam and eve went about in vain to cover their nakedness , and could never obtain quietness and rest , till they believed in the promise of god , that christ the seed of the woman should break the serpents head . neither could i be relieved or eased of the sharp stingings of my sins , before i was taught of god , that even as moses exalted the serpent in the desart , so shall the son of man be exalted , that all which believe on him , should not perish , but have everlasting life . as soon as i began to taste and savour this heavenly lesson , which none can teach but god onely , i desired the lord to encrease my faith . and at last i desired nothing more , then that i being so comforted by him , might be strengthened by his holy spirit and grace from above , to teach the wicked his wayes , which are mercy and truth , that the wicked may be converted unto him by me , who sometimes was also wicked . — accordingly i did teach , and set forth christ , being made for us by god his father , our wisdome , righteousness , sanctification and redemption , cor. . who was made sin for us , i. e. a sacrifice for sin , that we through him should be made the righteousness of god , cor. . who became accursed for us , to redeem us from the curse of the law , gal. . — i taught that all men should first acknowledge their sins , and condemn them , afterward hunger and thirst for that righteousness , which is by faith in christ , &c. rom. . and forasmuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to be quenched with the fulness of mans righteousness . — therefore oftentimes have i spoken of those works , exhorting all men not so to cleave to them , as they being satisfied therewith , should loath or wax weary of christ. for those things i have been cryed out of , attached , and now cast into prison . his abjuration cost him dear , it brought him even to despair , his friends were fain to be with him night and day . bishop latimer saith , that he thought all the word of god was against him , and sounded his condemnation : to bring any comfortable scripture to him , was as though a man should run him through with a sword . the day before his execution , some friends finding him eating heartily , with much cheerfulness , and a quiet mind , they said , they were glad to see him at that time so heartily to refresh himself : o ( said he ) i imitate those , who having a ruinous house to dwell in , yet bestow cost as long as they may to hold it up . in prison he divers times proved the fire , by putting his finger near to the candle ; at the first touch of the candle his flesh resisting , and he withdrawing his finger , did after chide his flesh in these words ; quid uniu● m●mlri inustionem ferre n●n potes , & quo pacto cras totius corporis confl● grationem tolerabis ? what ( said he ) canst thou not bear the burning of one member , and how wilt thou endure to morrow the burning of thy whole body ? i feel , and have known it long by philosophy , that fire is hot ; yet i know some ( recorded in gods word ) even in the flame felt no heat , and i believe that though my body will be wasted by it , my soul shall be purged thereby . at the same time he most comfortably treated among his friends , of isa. . , , . but now , thus saith the lord , that created thee , o jacob , and he that formed thee , o israel ; fear not , for i have redeemed thee , i have called thee by thy name . thou art mine when thou passest through the waters , i will be with thee , and through the rivers , they shall not overflow thee ; when thou walkest through the fire thou shalt not be burnt , for i am the lord thy god , the holy one of israel , thy saviour . the comfort whereof never left some of his friends to their dying day . the next morning the officers fetching him to execution , a certain friend entreated him to be constant , and to take his death patiently ; bilney answered , i am sailing with the mariner through a boisterous sea , but shortly shall be in the haven , &c. help me with your prayers . bland . mr. iohn bland a kentish minister , in his prayer at the stake . — lord jesus , for thy love i do willingly leave this life , and desire rather the bitter death of thy cross , with the loss of all earthly things , then to abide the blasphemy of thy holy name , or else to obey man in the breaking of thy command . — this death is more dear unto me then thousands of gold and silver . such love , o lord , hast thou laid up in my breast , that i hunger for thee , as the deer wounded desireth the soyl . blehere . levine blehere said to his friends , offering to rescue him by tumult ; hinder not the magistrates work , nor my happiness . father , thou foresawest the sacrifice from eternity , now accept of it i pray thee . bongeor . agnes bongeor , having prepared her self to go with her fellow-martyrs to the stake , putting on a smock made for that purpose , and sending away her sucking infant to a nurse , through a mistake of her name in the writ ( bowyer being put for bongeor ) was kept back . hereupon she made piteous moan , wept bitterly , &c. because she went not with them to give her life in defence of her christ ; of all things in the world , life was least looked for by her . in this perplexity a friend came to her , and put her in mind of abraham's offering up is●ac . i know ( quoth she ) that abraham's will before god was accepted for the deed , in that he would have done it , if the angel of the lord had not stay'd him ; but i am unhappy , the lord thinks not me worthy of this dignity ; and yet i would have gone with my company with all my heart ; and because i did it not , it is now my chief and greatest grief . she was grieved because she had not offered her self ( though she had given away her child ) which was more then abraham was put to . ) bossu . francis le bossu , a french martyr , to encourage his children to suffer martyrdome with himself , he thus spake unto them ; children , we are not now to learn , that it hath alwayes been the portion of believers to be hated , cruelly used , and devoured by unbelievers , as sheep of ravening wolves ; if we suffer with christ , we shall also reign with him let not these drawn swords terrifie us , they will be but as a bridge , whereby we shall pass over out of a miserable life into immortal blessedness . we have breathed , and lived long enough among the wicked ; let us now go , and live with our god. he and his two sons were killed , embracing each other , in the massacre at lyons in france , . bradford . mr. iohn bradford , the night before he was carried to newgate , he dreamt that chains were brought for him to the counter , and that the day following he should be carried to newgate , and that the next day he should be burnt in smithfield ; which accordingly came to pass . being askt what he should do , and whither he would go , if he should have his liberty ; he said , he cared not whether he went out , or no ; but if he did , he would marry and abide still in england secretly , teaching the people as the time would suffer him . when the keepers wife told him the sad news ( as she called it ) of the nearness of his death , being to be burned the next day , he put off his cap , and lifting up his eyes to heaven , said , i thank god for it , i have looked for the same a long time , and therefore it cometh not now to me suddenly , but as a thing waited for every day and hour ; the lord make me worthy thereof . cresw●ll offering to labour for him , and desiring to know what suit he should make for him , what you will do ( said he ) do it not at my request , for i desire nothing at your hands . if the queen will give me life , i will thank her ; if she will banish me , i will thank her ; if she will burn me , i will thank her ; if she will condemn me to perpetual imprisonment , i will thank her . the chancellor pressing him to do as they had done , in hopes of the queens mercy and pardon ; my lord ( said he ) i desire mercy with gods mercy , ( i. e. without doing or saying any thing against god and his truth , pag. . ) but mercy with gods wrath god keep me from . — gods mercy i desire , and also would be glad of the q●eens favour , to live as a subject without clog on conscience : but otherwise the lords mercy is better to me then life . — life in his displeasure is worse then death , and death with his favour is true life . he having refused again and again to answer to the chancellors quaeries , said , that no fear , but the fear of perjury made him unwilling to answer ( he having been six times sworn not to consent to the practising of any jurisdiction , or any authority on the bishop of r●me's behalf , within the realm of england ) i am not afraid of death , i thank god , i look and have looked for nothing else from your hands a long time ; but i am afraid when death cometh , i should have ma●ter to trouble my conscience by the guilt of perjury . — as for my death , as i know there are twelve hours in the day , so with the lord my time is appointed ; and when it shall be his good time , then i shall depart hence ; but in the mean season i am safe enough , though all the reople had sworn my death ; into his hands have i committed it , and do , his good will be done . the earl of derby sending one of his servants to him , willing him to tender himself , he told the messenger , that he thanked his lordship for his good will towards him , but in this case i cannot tender my self more then gods honour . the same servant saying also , ah mr. bradford , consider your mother , sister , friends , kinsfolk , countrey , what a great discomfort it will be to them to see you die as an heretick . mr. bradford replied , i have learned to forsake father , mother , brother , sister , friends , and all that ever i have , yea and my own self , for else i cannot be christs disciple . being askt by a good gentlewomans servant , that was sent to him , how he did ? he answered , well , i thank god : for as men in sailing , which be near to the shore or haven where they would be , would be nearer , even so the nearer i am to god , the nearer i would be . in a letter to his mother and brethren . — i am at this time in prison sure enough from starting to confirm that i have preached unto you : as i am ready ( i thank god ) with my life and blood to seal the same , if god vouchsafe me worthy of that honour . — if we suffer with him , we shall also reign w●th him . be not therefore faint-hearted , but rather rejoyce , at the least for my sake , who now am in the right and high way to heaven ; for by many afflictions we must enter into the kingdome of god. now will god made known his children . when the wind doth not blow , the wheat cannot be known from the chaffe ; but when the blast cometh , then flieth away the chaffe , but the wheat remaineth , and is so far from being hurt , that by the wind it is more cleansed from the chaffe . gold when it is cast into the fire is the more precious , so are gods children by afflictions . — indeed i thank god more for this prison , then for any parlour , yea then for any pleasure that eyer i had : for in it i find god my most sweet good god alwayes . — of all deaths it is most to be desired to die for gods sake : such are sure to go to heaven . — death , nor life , nor prison , nor pleasure , i trust in god , shall be able to separate me from my lord god and his gospel . — rejoyce in my sufferings , for it is for your sakes , to confirm the truth i have taught . — howsoever you do be obedient to the higher powers , that is , in no point either in hand or tongue rebel ; but rather if they command that which with good conscience you cannot obey , lay your head on the block , and suffer what they shall do , or say . by patience possess your souls . in his letter to the city of london . — i ask god heartily mercy , that i do no more rejoyce , then i do , having so great cause , as to be an instrument , wherein it may please my dear lord , and saviour to suffer . — although my sins be manifold and grievous , yet the bishops and prelates do not persecute them in me , but christ himself , his word , his truth , and religion . — let the anger and plagues of god most justly fallen upon us , be applied to every one of our deserts , that from the bottome of our hearts every one of us may say , it is i lord , that have sinned against thee : it is my hypocrisie , my vain-glory , my covetousness , uncleanness , carnality , security , idleness , unthankfulness , self-love , &c. which have deserved the taking away of thy word and true religion , of thy good ministers by exile , imprisonment , death , &c. — prepare your selves to the cross , be obedient to all that be in authority in all things , that be not against god , his word ; for then answer with the apostle , it is more meet to obey god , then man. howbeit never for any thing resist , or rise against the magistrates . avenge not your selves . commit your cause to the lord. if you feel in your selves an hope and trust in god , that he will never tempt you above that he will make you able to bear , be assured the lord will be true to you , and you shall be able to bear all brunts : but if you want this hope , flee and get you hence , rather then by your tarrying gods name should be dishonoured . in his letter to cambridge . — thou my mother , the university , hast not onely had the truth of gods word plainly manifested unto thee by reading , disputing , and preaching publickly and privately , but now to make thee altogether excuseless , and as it were almost to sin against the holy ghost , if thou put to thy helping hand with the romish rout to suppress the verity , and set out the contrary , thou hast my life and blood , as a seal to confirm thee , if thou wilt be confirmed , or else to confound thee , if thou wilt take part with the prelates and clergy , which now fill up the measure of their fathers , which slew the prophets and apostles , that all the righteous blood from abel to bradford may be required at their hands . — for the tender mercy of christ in his bowels and blood i beseech you to take christs eye-salve to anoint your eyes , that you may see what you do , and have done in admitting the romish rotten rags , which once you utterly expelled . o be not the dog returned to his vomit ; be not the sow that was washed , returning to her wallowing in the mire . beware least satan enter in with seven worse spirits , &c. it had been better you had never known the truth , then after knowledge to have run from it . ah! woe to this world , and the things therein , which hath now so wrought with you . oh that ever this dirt of the devil should daub up the eye of the realm ! — what is man whose breath is in his nostrils , that thou shouldst thus be afraid of him ? — dost not thou know rome to be babylon ? dost not thou know , that as the old babylon had the children of iudah in captivity , so hath rome the true iudah , i. e. the confessors of christ ? dost not thou know , that as destruction happened unto it , so shall it do unto this ? dost not thou know that god will deliver his people now , when the time is come as he did then ? hath not god commanded his people to come out of her ? and wil● thou give example to the whole realm to run unto her ? hast thou forgotten the woe that chris● threatneth to offence-givers ? wilt not thou remember that it were better that a milstone were hanged about thy neck , and thou thrown into the sea , then that thou shouldst offend the little one ? dear mother , receive some admonition of one of thy poor children , now going to be burned for the testimony of jesus ; come again to gods truth , come out of babylon , confess christ and his true doctrine , repent that which is past , &c. remember the readings , &c. of gods prophet bucer . call to mind the threatnings of god ( now somewhat seen ) by thy children , leaver , and others . let the exile of leaver , pil●inton , grindal , h●ddon , horn , scory , ponet , &c. something awake thee . consider the martyrdome of thy chickens , rogers , saunders , tailor . and now cast not away the poor admonition of me , going to be burned also , and to receive the like crown of glory with my fellows . — even now the axe is laid to the root . in his letter to lancashire and cheshire , &c. — indeed if i should simply consider my life with that which it ought to have been , and as god in his law requireth , then could i not but cry , as i do , righteous art thou , o lord , &c. but when i consider the cause of my condemnation , i cannot but lament , that i do no more rejoyce ; for it is gods truth . so that the condemnation is not a condemnation of bradford simply , but rather a condemnation of christ and his truth . bradford is nothing else , but an instrument in whom christ and his doctrine is condemned . and therefore , my dearly beloved , rejoyce , rejoyce , and give thanks with me , and for me , that ever god did vouchsafe so great a benefit to our countrey , as to choose the most unworthy ( i mean my self ) to be one , in whom it pleaseth him to suffer . — forget not how that the lord hath shewed himself true , and me his true preacher , by bringing to pass these plagues , which at my mouth you oft heard before . — my blood will cry for vengeance , as against the papists , gods enemies , &c. so against you , if ye repent not , amend not , and turn not unto the lord. in his letter to the town of walden . — what can you desire more , to assure your consciences of the verity taught by your preachers , then their own lives ? waver not therefore in christs religion truly taught you . never shall the enemies be able to burn it , and imprison it , and keep it in bonds , though they may imprison and burn us . — i humbly beseech you , and pray you in the bowels and blood of jesus , now i am going to death for the testimony of jesus , love the lords truth , love ( i say ) to love it , and to frame your lives thereafter . alas ! you know the cause of all these plagues fallen upon us , and of the success , which gods adversaries have daily , is for our not loving gods word . you know how that we were but gospellers in lips , and not in life . — remember that before ye learned a.b.c. your lesson was christs cross. forget not that christ will have no disciples , but such as will promise to deny themselves , and to take up their cross ( mark that , take it up ) and follow him , and not the multitude , custome , &c. — loth would i be a witness against you at the last day , as of truth i must be , if ye repent not , if ye love not christs gospe●● in his letter to b.c. — the world seems 〈◊〉 have the upper hand , the truth seems to be oppressed , and they which take part therewith an unjustly entreated . the cause of all this is god anger and mercy : his anger , because we hav● grievously sinned against him , we have been un●thankful for his word , &c. we have been so carnal , covetous , licentious , &c. that of his justice he could no longer forbear , but make us feel his anger , &c. his mercy is seen in this , that god do●● vouchsafe to punish us in this present life . if he should not have punished us , do not you think we should have continued in the evils we were in ▪ yes verily , we should have been worse . — the way to heaven is not the wide way of the world , but it is a strait way , which few walk in ; for few live godly in christ , few regard the life to come , few remember the day of judgement , few remember how christ will deny them before his father , that do deny him here , few consider that christ-will be ashamed of them in the last day , which are ashamed of his truth and true service , few cast up their accounts , what will be laid to their charge in the day of vengeance , few regard the condemnation of their own consciences , in doing that which they inwardly disallow , few love god better then their goods . — of this i would that ye were all certain , that all the hairs of your heads are numberless , so that not one of them shall perish , neither shall man or devil be able to attempt any thing , much less do any thing to you before your heavenly father , which loveth you most tenderly , shall give them leave ; they shall go no farther then he will , nor keep you any longer in trouble then he will. therefore cast on him all your care , for he is careful for you . onely study to please him , and to keep your consciences clean , and your bodies pure from the idolatrous service , which now every where is used , and god will marvellously and mercifully defend and comfort you . in his letter to erkinald rawlins and his wife . — first we have cause to rejoyce for these dayes , because our father suffereth us not to lye in iezabel's bed , sleeping in our sins and security , but as mindful of us , doth correct us as his children . — secondly , because they are dayes of tryal , wherein not onely ye your selves , but also the world shall know , that ye be none of his , but the lords darlings , whom we obey his servants we are . now it is seen whether we obey the world or god. — but the tryals of these dayes ye are occasioned more to repent , more to pray , more to contemn this world , more to desire life everlasting , more to be holy , for holy is the end ; wherefore god doth afflict us , and so to come to gods company . in his letter to mr. laurence saunders . — a friend having moved the prisoners to subscribe to the papists articles , with this condition , so far as they are not against gods word . dr. taylor , and mr. philpot think the salt sent by our friend is unseasonable ; for my own part , i pray god in no case i may seek my self , and indeed ( i thank god ) i purpose it not . in another letter . — this will be offensive ; therefore let us vadere plane , and so sane . i mean let us all confess we are no changlings , but re ipsa are the same we were in religion ; and therefore cannot subscribe , except we will dissemble both with god , with our selves , and with the world . in his letter to dr. cranmer , dr. ridley , and dr. latimer . — our dear brother rogers hath broken the ice valiantly ; this day ( i think ) or to morrow at the uttermost , hearty hooper , sincere saunders , and trusty tailor end their course , and receive their crown . the next am i , who hourly look for the porter to open me the gates after them to enter into the desired rest. god forgive me mine unthankfulness for this exceeding great mercy . for though i justly suffer ( for i have been a great hypocrite , &c. the lord pardon me , yea he hath done it , he hath done it indeed ) yet what evil hath he done ? christ , whom the prelates persecute , his truth , which they hate in me , hath done no evil , nor deserved death . — o what am i lord , that thou shouldest thus magnifie me ? is this thy wont , to send for such a wretched hypocrite in a fiery chariot , as thou didst for elias ? in his letter to the lord russel . — faith is reckoned , and worthily among the greatest gifts of god , by it , as we are justified , and made gods children ; so are we temples and possessours of the holy spirit , yea of christ also , eph. . and of the father himself , iohn . by faith we drive the devil away , pet. . we overcome the world , iohn . and are already citizens of heaven , &c. yet the apostle doth match even with faith , yea , as it were prefer suffering persecution for christs sake , phil. . — though the wisdome of the world think of the cross according to sense , and therefore flieth from it , as from a most great ignominy and shame ; yet gods scholars have learned to think otherwise of the cross , as the frame-house wherein god frameth his children like to his son christ , the furnace that fineth gods gold , the high-way to heaven , the suit and livery of gods servants , the earnest and beginning of all consolation and glory . in his meditation on the commandements . — as the first command teacheth me as well that thou art my god , as what god thou art ; therefore of equity i should have no other gods but thee , that is , i should onely hang on thee , trust in thee , serve thee , call on thee , obey thee , and be thankful to thee ; so because thou didst reveal thy self visibly , that thou mightest visibly be worshipped . the second commandement is concerning thy worship , that in no point i should follow in worshipping thee the device or intent of any man , saint , angel , or spirit , but should take all such as idolatry , and image-service , be it never so glorious . and why ? forsooth because thou wouldst i should worship thee as thou hast appointed by thy word ; for if service be acceptable it must be according to the will of him , to whom it is done , and not of him who doth it , &c. so that the meaning of this precept is , that as in the first i should have none other gods but thee , so i should have no worship of thee , but such as thou appointest — and therefore utterly abandon mine own will and reason , all the reasons and good intents of man , and wholly give my self to serve thee after thy will and word . — thou bidst me not to take thy name in vain , as by temerarious , or vain swearing , &c. so by denying thy truth and word , or concealing it , when occasion is offered to promote thy glory , and confirm thy truth . by reason whereof i may well see , that thou wouldst have me to use my tongue in humble confessing thee , and thy word , and truth after my vocation , &c. — thy ministers i pray not for , thy church i am not careful for , no not now ( good lord ) when wicked doctrine most prevaileth , idolatry , superstition , and abomination abound , the sacraments , &c. blasphemously corrupted , &c. all which my wickedness brought in , my profaning of the fourth commandement , and my not praying . thy ministers are in prison , dispersed in other countreys , spoiled , burnt , murthered , many fall ( for fear of goods , life , name , &c. ) from the truth they have received to most manifest idolatry , false preachers abound among the people , thy people dearly bought , even with thy bloud , are not fed with the bread of thy word , but with swillings and drink for swine . antichrist wholly prevaileth , and yet for all this also i am too careless , nothing lamenting my sins , which have been the cause of all this . — help thy church , cherish it , and give it harbour here and elsewhere for christs sake . purge the ministry from corruption , and false m●ni●ters . send out preachers to feed thy people . destroy antichrist and all his kingdome . give to such as be fallen from thy truth , repentance . keep others from falling , and by their falling do thou the more confirm us confirm thy m●nisters and poor people in prison and exile . strengthen them in thy truth . deliver them if it be thy good will. give them that with conscience they may so answer their adversaries that thy servants may rejoyce , and thy adversarie● be confounded . avenge thou thy own cause ( ● thou god of hosts ) help all thy people , and m●● especially , because i have most need . — set my heart strait in case of religion , to acknowledg● thee one god , to worship none other god , to re●verence thy name , and keep thy sabbaths . set m● heart right in matters of humane conversation , t● honour my parents , to obey rulers , and reverenc● the ministry of the word , to have hands clea● from bloud , true from theft , a body free from a●dultery , and a tongue void of all offence , but purge the heart first o lord , &c. — in his meditation concerning the sober usage of the body , and the pleasures of this life . — o that i could consider often and heartily that this body god hath made to be the tabernacle and mansion of our soul for this life ; but by reason of sin dwelling in it ; is become now to the soul nothing else but a prison , and that most strait , vile , stinking , filthy , &c. then should i not pamper up my body to obey it , but bridle it that it may obey the soul ; then should i flie the pain it putteth my soul unto by reason of sin and provocation to all evil , and continually desire the dissolution of it , with paul , and the deliverance from it , as much as ever did prisons his deliverance out of prison , for alonely by it the devil hath a door to tempt and so to hurt me . — if it were dissolved , and i out of it , then could satan no more hurt me , then wouldst thou speak unto me face to face , then the conflicting time were at an end , then sorrow would cease , and joy would encrease , and i should enter into inestimable rest . — in his meditation for exercise of true mortification . — he that will be ready in weighty matters to deny his own will , and to be obedient to the will of god , the same had need to accustome himself to deny his desires in matters of less weight , and to exercise mortification of his will in trifles . — if we cannot watch with christ one hour ( as he saith to peter ) we undoubtedly can much less go to death with him . wherefore , that in great temptations we may be ready to say with christ , not my will but thine be done , &c. help me to accustome my self continually to mortifie my concupiscence of pleasant things , i. e. of wealth , riches , glory , liberty , favour of men , meats , drink , apparel , ease , yea and life it self , &c. — in his meditation of gods providence . — this ought to be unto us most certain , that nothing i● done without thy providence o lord , i. e. without thy knowledge , i. e. without thy will , wisdome , and ordinance , for all these knowledge doth comprehend in it , &c. — this will we must believe most assurely to be● all just and good , howsoever otherwise it seem so unto us . — but though all things be done by thy providence , yet providence hath many and divers● means to work by , which means being contemned , thy providence is contemned also . — indeed when means cannot be had , then should we not tye thy providence to means , but make it free as thou art free ; for it is not of any need , that thou usest any instrument or mean to serve thy providence . thy power and wisdome is infinite , and therefore should we hang on thy providence even when all is clean against us . — grant ( dear father ) that i may use this knowledge to my comfort and commodity in thee ; i. e. grant that in what state soever i be , i may not doubt but the same doth come to me by thy most just ordinance ; yea , by thy merciful ordinance ; for as thou art just , and thou art merciful , yea , thy mercy is above all thy works . — look for thy help in time convenient , not onely when i have means , by which thou mayest work , and art so accustomed to do , but also when i have no means , but am destitute ; yea , when all means be directly and clean against me , grant ( i say ) yet that i may still hang on thee , and on thy providence , not doubting of a fatherly end in thy good time . and least i should contemn thy providence , or presuming upon it by uncoupling those things which thou hast coupled together , preserve me from neglecting thy ordinary and lawful means in all my needs ; if so be i may have them , and with a good conscience use them , although i know thy providence be not tyed to them farther then pleaseth thee . — howbeit so , that i depend in no part on the means , or on my diligence , wisedome , and industry , but on thy providence , which more and more perswade me to be altogether fatherly , and good , how far soever , otherwise it appear , yea is felt of me . in his meditation of gods presence . — there is nothing that maketh more to true godliness of life , then the perswasion of thy presence . ( dear father , and that nothing is hid from thee , but all to thee is open and naked , even the very thoughts which one day thou wilt reveal , either to our praise or punishment in this life , as thou didst david's faults , king. . or in the life to come , mat. . grant to me ( dear god ) mercy for all my sins , especially my hid and close sins , &c. and that henceforth i alwayes think my self conversant before thee , so that if i do well , i pass not the publishing of it , as hypocrites do , if i do or think any evil , i may know that the same shall not alwayes be hid from men . grant me that i may alwayes have in mind that day wherein all my works shall be revealed , so in trouble and wrong i shall find comfort , and otherwise be kept through thy grace from evil . in his meditation of god's pow●r , beauty , and goodness . — because thou lord wouldest have us to love thee , not onely dost thou will , entice , allure , and provoke us , but also dost command us so to do , promising thy self unto such as love thee , and threatning us with damnation if we do otherwise , whereby we may see both our great corruption and naughtiness , and also thine exceeding great mercy towards us . — what a thing is it , that power , riches , authority , beauty , goodness , liberality , truth , justice , which all thou art , good lord , cannot move us to love thee ? whatsoever things we see fair , good , wise , mighty , are but even sparkles of thy power , beauty , goodness , wisdome , which thou art . — in his meditation of death , &c — o dear father . — that our hearts were perswaded that when we go out of the prison of the body , and so taken into thy blessed company then . — whatsoever good we can wish we shall have , and whatsoever we loath , shall be far from us , &c. then should we live in longing for that which we now most loath . — if we remember the good things that after this life shall ensue , without wavering in the certainty of faith , the passage of death shall be the more desired . it is like a sailing over the sea to thy home and countrey : it is like a medicine or purgation to the health of the soul and body : it is the best physician . it is like a woman in travail ; for as the child ( being delivered ) cometh into a more large place then the womb , wherein it did lye before , so the soul being delivered out of the body , cometh into a much more large and ●air place , even into heaven . — in his prayer for the remission of sins . — o gracious god , who seekest all means possible how to bring thy children to the feeling , and sure sense of thy mercy ; and therefore when prosperity will not serve , then sendest thou adversity , graciously correcting them here , whom thou wilt shall with thee elsewhere live for ever . we poor misers give humble praises and thanks to thee ( dear father ) that thou hast vouchsafed us worthy of thy correction at this present , hereby to work that which we in prosperity and liberty did neglect . for the which neglecting , and many other our grievous sins , whereof we now accuse our selves before thee ( most merciful lord ) thou mightest have most justly given us over , and destroyed both souls and bodies . but such is thy goodness towards us in christ , that thou seemest to forget all our offences , and — wilt that we should suffer this cross now laid upon us for thy truth and gospels sake , and so to be thy witnesses with the prophets , apostles , martyrs , and confessours , yea with thy dearly beloved son jesus christ to whom thou dost now here begin to fashion us like , that in his glory we may be like him also . o good god , what are we on whom thou shouldest shew this great mercy ? o loving lord , forgive us our unthankfulness and sins . o faithful father , give us thy holy spirit now to cry in our hearts , abba , dear father , to assure us of our eternal election in christ , to reveal more and more thy truth unto us , to confirm , strengthen , and stablish us so in the same , that we may live and die in it as vessels of thy mercy , to thy glory , and to the commodity of thy church . indue us with the spirit of thy wisdome , that with good conscience we may alwayes so answer the enemies in thy cause , as may turn to their conversion , or confusion , and our unspeakable consolation in jesus christ , for whose sake we beseech thee henceforth to keep us to give us patience , and to will none otherwise for deliverance or mitigation of our misery , then may stand alwayes with thy good pleasure and merciful will towards us . grant this , dear father , not onely to us in this place , but also to all others elsewhere afflicted for thy names sake , through the death and merit of jesus christ our lord. amen . in his godly meditations . — we are rather to be placed among the wicked , then among thy children , for that we are so shameless for our sin , and careless for thy wrath , which we may well say to be most grievous against us , and evidently set forth in the taking away of our good king , and the true religion , in the exile of thy servants , imprisonment of thy people , misery of thy children , and death of thy saints : and by placing over us in authority thine enemies , by the success thou gavest them in all that they took in hand , by the returning again into our countrey of antichrist the pope . — what shall we do ? what shall we say ? who can give us penitent hearts ? who can open our lips , that our mouths might make acceptable confession unto thee ? — o what now may we do ? despair ? no , for thou art god , and therefore good ; thou art merciful , and therefore thou forgivest sins , with thee is mercy and propitiation ; and therefore thou art worshipped . when adam had sinned , thou gavest him mercy before he desired it , and wilt thou deny us mercy , which now desire the same ? adam excused his fault , and accused thee , but we accuse our selves , and excuse thee , and shall we be sent empty away ? — abraham was pulled out of idolatry , when the world was drown'd therein , and art thou his god onely ? israel in captivity in egypt was graciously visited and delivered , and dear god , that same good lord , shall we alwayes be forgotten ? how often in the wilderness didst thou defer and spare thy plagues at the request of moses , when the people themselves made no petition to thee ; and seeing we do not onely make our petitions to thee , but also have a mediator for us , now far above moses , even jesus christ , shall we ( i say ) dear lord , depart ashamed ? — take into thy custody and governance for ever our souls and bodies , our lives , and all that ever we have . tempt us never further then thou wilt make us able to bear , and — alwayes as thy children guide us , so that our life may please thee , and our deaths praise thee , through jesus christ our lord , for whose sake we heartily pray thee to grant these things , &c. not onely to us , but , &c. especially for thy children , that be in thraldome under their enemies , in exile , in prison , poverty , &c. be merciful to all the whole realm of england , grant us all true repentance , and mitigation of our misery . and if it be thy good will , that thy holy word and religion may continue amongst us . pardon our enemies , persecutors , and slanderers , and if it be thy pleasure turn their hearts . — oh mighty king and most high , almighty god , who mercifully governest all things which thou hast made , look down upon the faithful seed of abraham , &c. consecrated to thee by the anointing of thy holy spirit , and appointed to thy kingdome by thy eternal purpose , free mercy , and grace , but yet as strangers wandring in this vile vile of misery , brought forth daily by worldly tyrants like sheep to the slaughter . — thou hast destroyed pharaoh with all his horse and chariots , puffed up with pride against thy people , leading forth safely by the hands of thy mercy thy beloved israel through the high waves of the roaring waters . thou o god , the lord of all hosts and armies didst first drive away from the gates of thy people the blasphemous senacherib , slaying of his army by the angel in one night , and after by his own sons before his idols didst kill the same blasphemous idolater , &c. thou didst transfor● and change proud nebuchadnezzar , the enemy o● thy people , into a bruit beast , to eat grass and hay● to the horrible terrour of all worldly tyrants , &c. thou didst preserve those thy three servants i● babylon , who with bold courage gave their bodies to the fire , because they would not worship any dead idol , and when they were cast into the burning furnace thou didst give them chearful hearts to rejoyce and sing psalms , and saved●● unhurt the very hairs of their heads , turn●ng the flame from them to devour their enemies . thou o lord god by the might of thy right arm , which governeth all , broughtest daniel thy prophet safe into light and life forth of the dark den of the devouring lions , &c. — now also , o heavenly father , beholder of all things , to whom belongs vengeance , thou seest and con●iderest how thy holy name by the wicked worldlings , and blasphemons idolaters is dishonoured , thy sacred word forsaken , refused , and despised , thy holy spirit provoked , offended , thy chosen temple polluted and defiled . tarry not too long therefore , but shew thy power speedily upon thy chosen houshold , which is so grievously vexed , and so cruelly handled by thy open enemies . avenge thine own glor● , and shorten these evil dayes for thine elects sake . let thy kingdome come of all thy servants desired , and though we have all offended thy majesty , — yet for thine own glory ( o merciful lord ) suffer not the enemy of thy son christ , the romish antichrist , thus wretchedly to delude and draw from thee our poor brethren , for whom thy son once died , that by his cruelty , after so clear light , they they should be made captives to dumb idols and devillish inventions of popish ceremonies thereunto pertaining . suffer him not to seduce the simple sort with this fond opinion , that his false gods , blind , mumbling , feigned religion , or his foolish superstition doth give him such conquest , such victories , such triumph , and so high an hand over us . we know most certainly , o lord , that it is not their arm and power , but our sins and offences , that hath delivered us to their fury , and hath caused thee to turn away from us : but turn again , o lord , let us fall into thine hands , &c. least these vain idolaters do rejoyce at the miserable destruction of those men whom they make proselvtes , and from thy doctrine apostates . but o lord , thy will be fulfilled , this is thy righteous judgement to punish us with the tyrannical yoke of blindness , because we have cast away from us the sweet yoke of the wholesome word of thy son our saviour . yet consider the horrible blasphemies of thine and our enemies . — they say in their hearts there is no god , which either can or will deliver us : wherefore , o heavenly father , the governour of all things , the avenger of the causes of the poor , the fatherless , the widow , and the oppressed , look down from heaven with the face of thy fatherly mercies , and forgive us all former offences , and for thy son jesus christs sake have mercy upon us ; who by the force and cruelty of wicked and blasphemous idolaters , ( without causes approved ) are haled and pulled from our own houses , are slandered , slain , and murdered as rebels and traytors , like persons pernicious , pestiferous , seditious , pestilent , and full of mortal poyson , to all men contagious ; whereas we do meddle no farther but against the hellish powers of darkness , &c. which would deny the will of our christ unto us , we do contend no farther but onely for our christ crucified , and the onely salvation by 〈◊〉 blessed passion . — therefore ( o lord ) for 〈◊〉 glorious names sake , for jesus christs sake , &c. make the wicked idolaters to wonder and stan● amazed at thy almighty power . use thy wonte● strength to the confusion of thine enemies , and 〈◊〉 the help and deliverance of thy persecuted people ▪ all thy saints do beseech thee therefore : the young infants ( which have some deal tasted of thy sweet word ) by whose mouths thou hast promised to make perfect thy praises , whose angels do always behold thy face , who besides the loss of us their parents , are in danger to be compelled and driven ( without thy great mercies ) to serve dumb and insensible idols , do cry and call unto thee : their pitiful mothers , with lamentable tears lie prostrate before the throne of thy grace . thou father of the fatherless , judge of the widdows , and avenger of all the oppressed , let it appear , o lord omnipotent , that thou dost here judge , avenge , and punish all wrongs offered to all thy little ones that do believe in thee . do this , o lord , for thy names sake . arise up , o lord , and thine enemies shall be scattered and confounded . so be it . o lord most merciful , at thy time appointed . brown. iohn brown told his wife ( as he sate in the stocks ) that the arch-bishop had burnt his feet to the bones , so as he could not set them upon the ground , and all to make them deny christ , which ( said he ) i will never do ; for if i should deny him in this world , he would deny me hereafter . thomas brown being brought forth to be condemned , bonner said to him , brown , you have been before me many times , and i have took much pains to win thee from thine errors , yet thou and such like have , and do report that i go about to seek thy blood . yea my lord , ( said brown ) indeed you be a blood-sucker ; and i would i had as much blood as there is water in the sea for you to suck . bruger . a frier offering iohn bruger , a forreign martyr , a wooden cross at the stake , no ( said he ) i have another true cross imposed on me , which now i will take up . i worship not the work of mans hands , but the son of god. i am content with him for my onely advocate . bruse . i thank god ( said peter bruse ) my broken leg suffered me not to flie this martyrdome . buisson . i shall now have ( said iohn buisson ) a double goal-delivery ; one out of my sinful flesh , another from the loathsome dungeon i have long lain in . burgins . lord ( said annas burgins in the midst of his torments ) forsake me not , least i forsake thee . burgon . iohn burgon to his judges , asking him if he would appeal to the high-court , answered , is it not enough that your hands are polluted with blood , but you will make more guilty of it ? barnes . when dr. barnes was brought before cardinal wolsey , he told him , he thought it necessary that his golden shoos , and golden cushions , &c. should be sold and given to the poor , for that such things were not comely for his calling , neither was the kings majesty maintained by his pomp , but by god , who saith , by me kings reign . when the cardinal would have had him to re●fer himself to him , promising him favour , he an●swered , i will stick to the holy scripture , and t● gods book , according to the simple talent tha● god hath lent me . being called before the bishops and abbot o● westminster , who demanded of him , whether h● would abjure or burn , he was in a great agony and then thought rather to burn then to abjure ▪ but perswaded by gardiner and fox , because they said he should do more good in time to come , he abjured , and carried his fagot to pauls . after they had long detained him in prison notwithstanding , upon notice given him of their intentions to burn him , notwithstanding his abjuration , he escaped out of england into germany , where he made his supplication to king henry the eighth , against the lordly bishops and prelates of england , for the intollerable injuries , wrongs , and oppressions wherewith they had vexed not onely himself , but all true preachers of gods word , and professors of the same , contrary to the word of god , and their own laws and doctors . — i do not believe ( saith he ) that ever god will suffer long so great tyranny against his word , and so violent oppressions of christians , as they now use , and that in the name of christ and his holy church . — now it is come to that , that whoever he be , high or low , poor or rich , wise or foolish , that speaketh against them and their vicious living , he is either made a traytor to your grace , or an heretick against holy church , as though they were kings or gods. — if there be any men , that preach , dispute , or put forth in writing not any thing touching them , though it be never so blasphemous against god , the blood of christ , and his holy word , they will not once be moved therewith , — but if any man speak against their cloaked hypocrisie , or against any thing belonging to them , by which their abominations are disclosed , nothing can excuse , but he must either to open shame , or cruel death , and that under the accusation of treason . but who is he that would be a traitor , or maintain a traitor against your majesty ? sure no man can do it without the great displeasure of the eternal god. the doctrine of the gospel teacheth all obedience to rulers , and not sedition ; and such as have preached the word of god onely , have never been the movers of disobedience or rebellion against princes , but they have been ready to suffer with all patience whatsoever tyranny any power would minister unto them , giving all people example to do the same ; whereas the papists exempt the pope and priests from being bound to obey magistrates . yea , as to the people they teach , that the words requiring subjection are a counsel , and not a command ; and that the popes authority is sufficient to dispense with all the commandments of god. — wherefore most gracious prince , i lowly and meerly desire your majesty to judge between the bishops and me , which of us is truest faithfullest to god and to your majesty . the following articles were some of dr. barnes his position in his sermon , which the bishops condemned for heresie . ( ) if thou believe that thou art more bound to serve god to morrow , which is christmass day , or on easter day , or on whitsunday , for any holiness that is in one day more then another , thou art superstitious . ( ) now dare no man preach the truth and the very gospel of god , especially they that be feeble and fearful ; but i trust , yea i pray to god , that it may shortly come that false and manifest errours may be plainly shewed , &c. ( ) we make now adayes martyrs , i tru●● we shall have many more shortly ; for the verity could never be preached plainly , but persecution followed . ( ) i will never believe , neither can i believe that one man may be by the law of god 〈◊〉 bishop of two or three cities , yea of a whole countrey ; for it is contrary to saint paul , who saith , i have left thee behind to set in every city a bishop . ( ) it cannot be proved by scripture that a man of the church should have so great temporal possessions . ( ) sure i am , that they cannot by the law of god have any jurisdiction secular . ( ) they say they be the successors of christ and his apostles , but i can see them follow none but iudas ; for they bear the purse and have all the money . to burn me or to destroy me ( saith he in his defence of the two and twentieth article ) cannot so greatly profit them ; for when i am dead , the sun , and the moon , and the stars , and the elements , yea and also stones shall defend this cause against them , rather then the verity should perish . — as for me i do promise them here by this present writing , and by the fidelity i owe to my prince , that if they will be bound to our noble prince , after the manner of his law , and after good conscience and right , that they shall do me no violence , nor wrong , but discuss and dispute these articles , and all other that i have written after the holy word of god , and by christs holy scripture with me , then will i ( as soon as i may know it ) present my self unto our most noble prince to prove these things by gods word against you all . — he also writ unto king henry the eighth an excellent treatise to prove from the scriptures of truth , and out of the writings of the fathers , that faith onely justifieth before god. prefacing it thus , now if your grace do not take upon you to hear the disputation of this article out of the ground of holy scripture , my lords the bishops will condemn it , before they read it , as their manner is to do with all things , that please them not , and which they understand not , and then cry they , heresie , heresie , an heretick , an heretick , he ought not to be heard , &c. he writ also several other treatises , as what the church is , what the keyes of the church be , and to whom they were given . against free-will , that it is lawful for all men to read the holy scriptures , that mens constitutions , which are not grounded in scripture , bind not the conscience , &c. in which treatise he tells us , there be two manners of powers ; a temporal , and a spiritual power . the temporal is committed to magistrates ; in this power the king is chief and full ruler , &c. unto this power must we be obedient in all things that pertain to the ministration of this present life , and of the commonwealth , not onely for avoiding of punishment , but for conscience sake . so that if this power command any thing of tyranny against right and law ( alwayes provided it repugne not against the gospel , nor destroy our faith ) our charity must needs suffer it . — nevertheless if he command thee any thing against right , or do thee any wrong , if thou canst by any reasonable and quiet means ▪ without sedition , insurrection , or breaking of the common peace save thy self , or avoid his tyranny , thou mayest do it with good conscience . — but in no wise mayest thou make any resistance with sword or with hand , but obey , except thou canst avoid as i have shewed thee . — but now it will be enquired , if it please the king to condemn the new testament in english , and to command that none of his subjects shall have it under displeasure , whether they be bound to obey this command or no ? to this he answers ( having shewed why the king should not lay any such command on his subjects ) if the king forbid the new testament , or any of christs sacraments , or the preaching of the word of god , or any other thing that is against christ , under a temporal pain , or under the pain of death , men should first make faithful prayers to god , and then intercede the king for a release of the command . if he will not do it , they shall keep their testament , with all other ordinances of christ , and let the king exercise his tyranny ( if they cannot flee ) and in no wise under pain of damnation shall they withstand him with violence , but suffer patiently , and leave the vengeance of it to their heavenly father , which hath a scourge to tame those bedlams with , when he sees his time : neither shall they deny christs verity , nor forsake it before the prince , lest they run the danger of being denied by christ before his father . — this may be proved by the examples of the apostles , when the high priests of the temple commanded peter and iohn that they should no more preach and teach in the name of jesus : they made them answer , it was more right to obey god then man. also the pharisees came and commanded our master christ in herods name to depart from thence under pain of death : but he would not obey , but bid them go tell that wolf , behold i cast out devils , &c. nevertheless i must continue this day , to morrow , and the next day , &c. so that he left not the ministration of the word for the kings pleasure , nor yet for fear of death . the three children also would not obey the kings command against gods word . daniel would not leave off prayer , though commanded by the king. — so that christians are bound to obey in suffering the kings tyranny , but not in consenting to his unlawful command , alwayes having before their eyes , the comfortable saying of our master christ , fear not them that can onely kill the body ; and that of peter , happy are ye if ye suffer for righteousness sake , &c. — as for the spiritual power , it hath no authority to make statutes or laws to order the world by , but onely faithfully and truly to preach the word , not adding thereto , nor taking therefrom . — if these ministers will of tyranny , above the word of god , make any law or statute , it must be considered , whether it be openly and directly against the word of god , and to the destruction of the faith , &c. such statutes men are not bound for to obey , neither of charity , ( for here faith is hurt , which giveth no place to charity ) nor for avoiding of slander , &c. the more that men be offended at the word , and the stiffer they be against it , the more openly and plainly , yea and that to their faces , that make such statutes , must we resist them with these words , we are more bound to obey god then man. — the other manner of statutes be when certain things , that be called indifferent , be commanded to be done of necessity , &c. here must they also be withstood , and in no wise obeyed ; for in this is our faith hurt , and liberty of christianity , &c. and therefore must withstand them that will take this liberty from us , with this text of scripture , we are bought with the price of christs blood , we will not be the servants of men . this text is open against them , that will bind men● consciences in those things that christ hath left them free in . of this we have an evident example in paul , who would not circumcise titus , when the false brethren would have compelled him thereunto , as a thing of necessity . — it is plain , that by christ we are made free , and nothing can bind us to sin , but his word . — at the stake dr. barnes began with this protestation following : i am come hither to be burned as an heretick , and you shall hear my belief , whereby you shall perceive what erroneous opinions i hold . — i believe in the holy and blessed trinity , three persons and one god , that cteated and made all the world , and that this blessed trinity sent down the second person jesus christ into the womb of the most blessed and purest virgin mary , &c. i believe that without the consent of mans will or power , he was conceived by the holy ghost , and took flesh of her , and that he suffered hunger , thirst , cold , and other passions of our body , ( sin except ) &c. and i do believe that he lived here among us , and after he had preached and taught his fathers will , he suffered the most bitter and cruel death for me and all mankind . and i do believe that this his death and passion was the sufficient price and ransome for the sin of all the world ; and i do believe that through his death he overcame the devil , sin , death , and hell , and that there is none other satisfaction unto the father , but this his death and passion onely ; and that no work of man did deserve any thing of god , but only his passion , as touching our justification ; for i acknowledge the best work that ever i did is impure and unperfect . ( herewithal he cast abroad his arms , and desired god to forgive him his trespasses ) wherefore i trust in no good work that ever i did , but onely in the death of christ , and i do not doubt but through him to inherit the kingdom of heaven . — the sheriffe hastening him to make an end , he turned to the people and desired all men to forgive him , and if he had said any evil at any time unadvisedly , whereby he had offended any man , or given any occasion of evil , that they would forgive it him , and amend that evil they took of him , and to bear witness , that he detested and abhorred all evil opinions and doctrines against the word of god , and that he died in the faith of jesus christ , by whom he doubted not to be saved . bressius . if gods spirit say true , i shall streight rest from my labours . my soul is even taking her wings to flie to her resting place . brez . a lady visiting mr. guy de brez , a french minister , prisoner in the castle of tournay , told him , she wondred how he could either eat , or drink , or sleep in quiet ; for were i in your case ( said she ) the very terrour thereof would go ●igh to kill me . o madam ( said he ) the good cause , for which i suffer , and that inward peace of conscience , wherewith god hath endued me , makes me eat and drink with greater content , then mine enemies can , which seek my life . yea so far off is it , that my bonds or chains do any way terrifie me , or break off my sleep , that on the contrary , i glory and take delight therein , esteeming them at an higher rate , then chains and rings of gold , or any other jewels of price whatsoever . ye● when i hear the ratling of my chains , methinks i hear some instrument of musick sounding in mine ears : not that such an effect comes meerly from my chains , but in regard i am bound therewith for maintaining the truth of th● gospel . in his letter to his wife . — these thought came at first thronging into my head . what mean we to go so many in company together as we did ? had it not been for such and such , we had never been discovered , or taken . but meditating on the providence of god , my heart began to find wonderful rest , saying thus in my self , o my god , the day and hour of my birth was before ordained of thee , and ever since thou hast preserved and kep● me in great perils and dangers , and hitherto delivered me out of all . and if now the hour be come , wherein i must pass out of this life into thy kingdome , thy will be done . i cannot escape out o● thine hands ; yea though i could , yet , lord , the● knowest i would not , seeing all my felicity depends upon conforming my will to thine . — this world is not the place of our rest , no , heaven is ou● home , this is but the place of our banishment ▪ — take into your consideration the honour the lord doth you , in giving you an husband that is not onely called to be a minister of christs gospel , but also so highly advanced of god , as to be accounted worthy to partake of the crown of martyrdome . it is an honour , which the angels in heaven are not capable of . — i am here taugh● to practise , what i have preached to others ; yea let me not be ashamed to confess , that when i heretofore preached , i spake but as a parrot , in regard of that which i have now better learned by proo● and experience . ( all my former discourses , were as a blind mans of colours , in comparison of my present feeling . oh what a precious comforter in a good conscience ! ) i have profited more in the school-house of this prison , then ever i did in all my life before . — i would not change my condition with theirs that persecute me , though i am lodged in the vilest prison they have , dark and obscure , where i have no air to breath at , but a little stinking hole , where they lay all their rubbish , and where the drunkards commonly vent their urine , and though i be laden with irons both on my hands and feet , eating through the flesh even to the bare bones , &c. and that i may make no escape guarded with fourty men before the prison door . — when the provost brought him tidings that he was to be burnt at six , or thereabouts that day , he gave him thanks for the good news , which he had brought him . and going to the rest of the prisoners he said , brethren , i am this day to die for the doctrine of the gospel , and now , blessed be god , i joy and rejoyce therein . i had not thought that ever god would have done me this honour . i feel my self replenished with joy more and more , from minute to minute . my god addeth new courage to me , and my heart leapeth for joy within me . then exhorting them to be of good courage , he told them it was no hard matter to die , adding by way of acclamation , o how happy are the dead that die in the lord , for they rest from their labours , and their works follow them ! beware you do nothing ( said he ) against a good conscience , &c. for if you do , you shall certainly feel such an hell in your consciences , as will never cease to vex and trouble you . o my brethren , how good a thing is it to nourish a good conscience ! one of the prisoners asking him , whether he had finished a certain work , which he had begun , he answered , no , for now i must cease to labour , because i am passing along to the heavenly rest . the time of my departing is at hand , i go to reap that in heaven , which i have ●own on earth i have fought a good fight , i am at the point of finishing my course , from henceforth the crown of glory is laid up for me , which the lord , the righteous judge shall give unto me . methinks ( said he with a joyful and smiling countenance ) that my spirit hath obtained wings to sore aloft into heaven , being invited to the marriage supper of the lamb. the provost coming in with bands , mr. guy bid him welcome , and gave him thanks again for his good news . the provost replying that it grieved him much that things should be carried so , mr. guy joyfully answered , i accept of you as my good friend , i love you with all my heart . c. caesar. o lord ( said leonard caesar ) do thou suffer with me , lord , support me , and save me . caigneola . michaela caigneola , a noble matron , seeing her judges look out of the windows , said to her fellow martyrs , these stay to suffer the torments of their consciences , and are reserved to judgement , but we are going to glory and happiness . when certain poor women wept and cried , o madam , we shall never now have more alms ; yes hold ( said she ) yet once more , and plucked of her slippers , and such other of her apparel , as she could with modesty spare from the fire . calberg . i believe ( said thomas calberg to the friers , willing him to repent at the last hour ) that i am one of those workmen in christs vineyard , and shall presently receive my penny . calocerius . he seeing the great patience of faustinus and iolita , citizens of briria , in their very great torments , cried out , vere magnus est deus christianorum , verily great is the god of christians . which words being heard , caused him forthwith to be apprehended , and martyred with those two famous christians . cane . when a fool's cap was put on alexander cane's head ; can i have ( said he ) a greater honour done me , then to be served as my lord christ before herod ? lord , seeing my persecutours have no mercy , have thou mercy on me , and receive my soul. canesire . there is one passage in your letter ( said claude de la canesire , in a letter to his wife from lions ) which doth not a little comfort me , namely , that albeit you are loath to leave me , yet you had rather have no husband at all , then to have one that should betray the cause of christ. cardmaker . mr. i●hn cardmaker , burnt in smithfield , . in a letter to a friend writes thus . you shall right well perceive , that i am not gone back as some men do report me , but as ready to give my life as any of my brethren , that are gone before me . — that day , that i recant any point of doctrine , i shall suffer twenty kinds of death , the lord being my assistance , as i doubt not , but he will. — i have learned to rejoyce in poverty , as well as riches , for that i count now to be very riches . — i have conferred with some of my learned adversaries , and i find they are but sophisters and shadows . careles . iohn careles of coventry , weaver , being wisht by dr. martin to play the wise man's part , to save that which god hath bought . i thank you sir ( said he ) and i put you out of doubt , that i am most sure and certain of my salvation by jesus christ , so that my soul is safe already , whatsoever pains my body suffers here for a little time . art thou so predestinated to life ( said the doctour ) that thou canst no● perish in whatsoever opinion thou dost die . that god hath predestinated me to eternal life in jesus christ ( said he ) i am most certain , and even so i am sure that his holy spirit ( wherewith i am sealed ) will so preserve me from all heresies , and evil opinions , that i shall die in none at all . when the dr. told him that he was a goodly tall man , and might do the queen good service in ireland ; he said , wheresoever i am , i am ready to her grace the best service i can with body , goods , and life , and if she , or any under require me to do any thing contrary to christs true religion , i am ready also to do service in smithfield , as my bedfellows and other brethren have done , praised be god for them . in his letter to mr. philpot. — ah my true loving friends , how soon did you lay aside all other business to make a sweet plaister for my wounded conscience , yea , and that out of a painful pair of stocks , which place must needs be uneasie to write in ! but god hath brought you in a strait place , that you might set my soul at liberty . — ah good ieremy , hath phassur put thee into the stocks : why now thou hast the right reward of a prophet . — though you lye in the dark , slurred with the bishops black coal-dust , yet shall you shortly be made as white as snow in salmon , and as the wings of a dove that is covered with silver , and her feathers like gold . you know the vessel before it be made bright , is soiled with oyl and other things , that it may scour the better . o happy be you that you be now in the scouring house , for shortly you shall be set on the celestial shelf , as bright as angels . — my old friends of coventry have put the counsel in remembrance of me not six dayes ago , saying , i am more worthy to be burnt then any that hath been burned yet . god's blessing on their hearts for their good report . god make me worthy of that dignity , and hasten the time , that i may set forth his glory . — blessed be the time that ever i came into the kings bench to be joyned in love and fellowship with such dear children of the lord. in his letter to his wife . — are not two sparrows ( saith christ ) sold fer a farthing , and yet not one of them shall perish without the will of your heavenly father , &c. as though he should have said , if god hath such respect and care for a poor sparrow , which is not worth one farthing , it shall not be taken in the lime-twig , net , or pitfall , untill it be his good will and pleasure : you may be well assured , that not one of you ( whom he so dearly loveth , that he hath given his onely dear son for you ) shall perish or depart forth of this miserable life , without his good will and pleasure . — let not the remembrance of children keep you from god. the lord himself will be a father and a mother better then ever yo●● or i could have been unto them . he himself will do all things necessary for them , yea as much as rock the cradle , if need be . in his letter to mr. bradford . — if we had been thanful to god for the good ministers of his word , we had not so soon been deprived both of it and them . — take not away all thy true preachers forth of this realm ( o lord ) but leave us a seed , least england be made like unto sodom and gomorrah when thy true lots be gone . — hearken o heavens , and then earth give ear , and bear me witness at the great day , that i do here faithfully and truly the lord's message to his dear servant , to his singularly beloved and elect child iohn bradford . iohn bradford , thou man so specially beloved of god , i pronounce and testifie unto thee in the name of the lord jehovah , that all thy sins whatsoever they be , be they never so many , so grievous , or so great , be fully and freely pardoned , released , and forgiven thee , by the mercy of god in jesus christ thine onely lord and sweet saviour , in whom thou doest undoubtedly believe . christ hath cleansed thee with his blood , and cloathed thee with his righteousness , and hath made thee in the sight of god his father without spot or wrinckle , so that when the fire doth his appointed office , thou shalt be received ( as a sweet burnt-sacrifice ) into heaven , where thou shalt joyfully rema●n in god's presence for ever , as the true inheriter of his everlasting kingdom , unto the which thou wast undoubtedly predestinate , and orda●ned by the lords infallible purpose and decree before the foundation of the world was laid , and that this is most true that i have said , i call the whole trinity , the almighty and eternal majesty of god the father , the son , and the holy ghost to my record at this present , whom i humbly beseech to confirm and stablish in thee the true and lively feeling of the same . amen . selah . in his letter to his dear and faithful brethren in newgate , condemned to die . — cease not my dearly beloved , so long as you be in this life to praise the lord with all your hearts , for that of his great mercy and infinite goodness he hath vouched you worthy of this great dignity , to suffer for his sake , not onely the loss of goods , wife , and children , long imprisonment , cruel oppression , but death it self in the fire . this is the greatest promotion that god can bring you , or any other into , in this vail of misery ; yea , so great an honour , as the highest angel in heaven is not permitted to have , and yet hath the lord for his dear son christ's sake reputed you worthy of the same , yea , and that before me and many others , who have both long looked and longed for the same . — rejoyce with double joy , and be glad , my dear brethren , for doubtless you have more cause then can be exprest . but alas ! i that for my sins am left behind , may lament with the holy prophet , woe is me , that the dayes of my joyful r●st are prolonged . ah cursed satan ! which hath caused me so sore to offend my most dear loving father , whereby mine exile and banishment is so long prolonged . oh christ , my dear advocate , pacifie thy father's wrath , which i have justly deserved , that he may take me home to him in his sweet mercy . in his letter to mr. green , &c. — if they be so blessed of god that die in the lord , as the holy ghost saith they be , how much more blessed and happy then are you , that die not onely in the lord , but for the lord. — o blessed green , &c. fresh and green shalt thou be in the lord's house , and thy fruits shall never wither nor decay . — o happy mr. whittle , peter's part thou hast well play'd , therefore thy reward and portion shall be like his . now hast thou good experience of man infirmity , but much more proof and taste , yea sense and feeling of god's abundant bottomless mercy● although satan desired to sift thee , yet christ thy good captain pray'd that thy faith should not fail● god's strength is made perfect by thy weakness , &c. — but alas ! i lye like the lame man a● the pools side , and every one goeth into the place of health before me . in his letter to william tyms . — satan hath two great pieces of ordinance to shoot at you , with the which he cannot hurt you , because you have two bul-warks to defend you . the first of these terrible guns that he hath shot at you is fear and infidelity , for the uglesomness of death , and horrour of your many and great sins . but this pellet is easily put away with the sure shield of faith in the most precious death and blood-shedding of our dear lord and onely saviour , jesus christ , whom the father hath given to us wholly to be ours for evermore , and with him hath given us all things , as paul saith , so that though we be never so great sinners , yet christ is made unto us holiness , righteousness , and justification ; he hath clothed us all his merits , &c. and taken to himself all our sin , &c. so that if any should be now condemned for the same , it must needs be jesus christ , who hath taken them upon him . but indeed he hath made satisfaction for them to the uttermost , so that for his sake they shall never be imputed to us , if they were a thousand times more then they be . the other pestilent piece he shooteth off at you is , to provoke you to put some part of your trust and confidence in yourself , and in your own holiness and righteousness , that you may that way rob god of his glory , and christ of the honour and dignity of his death ; but blessed be the lord god , you have also a full strong bul-work to beat back this pestilent pellet , even the pure law of god , which proveth the best of us all damnable sinners in the light of god , and that our best works are polluted , in such sort as the prophet describes them , with the which manner of speaking , our free-will pharisees are much offended , for it felleth all mans righteousness to the ground . in his letter to mr. augustine bernher . — pray for me that i may be strong and hardy to lay a good load on that bloody beast of babylon . o that i might so strike him down , that he should never be able to rise again , but that stroke belongeth onely to the lord to strike at his coming , which i hope will be shortly . carpenter . all bavaria ( said george carpenter ) is not so dear to me as my wife and children , yet for christs sake i will forsake them cheerfully . carver . mr. derick carver , being asked by bonner whether he would stand for his confession , answered , he would , for your doctrine is poyson and sorcery . if christ were here , you would put him to a worse death , then he was put to before . at the stake he spake thus ; dear brethren and sisters , i am come here to seal with my blood christs gospel , because that i know it to be true . — as many of you as do believe upon the father , the son , and the holy ghost unto everlasting life , see you do the works pertaining to the same . as many of you as do believe on the pope of rome , you do believe to your utter condemnation , and except the great mercy of god prevent not , you shall burn in hell perpetually . in his prayer . — o lord my god , thou has● written , he that will not forsake wife , children , house , and all that ever he hath , and take up his cross , and follow thee , is not worthy of thee . lord , thou knowest that i have forsaken all to come unto thee . lord , have mercy upon me , for unto thee i commend my spirit , and my soul doth rejoyce in thee . chrysostome . eud xia the emperess having sent him a very threatning message , he gave this answer ; go , tell her , nil nisi peccatum timeo , i fear nothing but sin . when she had procured his banishment , as he went forth of the city , he said , none of these things trouble me ; but i said within my self , if the queen will , let her banish me , the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof , if she will , let her cast me into the sea , i will remember ionah ; if she will , let her cast me into a burning fiery . furnace , or among wild beasts , the three children and daniel were so dealt with ; if she will , let her stone me , or cut off my head , i have st. stephen , and the baptist my blessed companions , if she will , let her take away all my substance , naked came i out of my mothers womb , and naked shall i return thither again . he used to say the devil 's first assault is violent , resist that , and his second will be weaker , and that being resisted , he proves a coward . clarebachius . i believe ( said adolphus clarebachius ) that there is not a merrier heart in the world at this instant then mine is : behold , you shall see me die by that faith i have lived in . colham . see sir iohn oldcastle under the letter ( o ) clark. when roger clark was sentenced , he said with much vehemency , fight for your god , for he hath not long to continue . at the stake he cried out to the people , behold the lamb of god , which taketh away the sins of the world . coligni . iasper coligni , great admiral of france , who was slain in the massacre at paris , august . . being shot in the left arm with two bullets , and the fore-finger of the right hand broke off with a third ; and being told by a gentleman , that it was to be feared the bullets were poysoned , he said , all must be as it pleaseth god. seeing his friends weep , which held his arm whilst the incisions were made , he said , my friends , why do you weep ? i judge my self happy that bear these wounds for the cause of my god. to mr. merlin , his chaplain , he said , these wounds , my friend , are gods blessings . the smart indeed is troublesome , but i acknowledge the will of my lord therein , and i bless his majesty , who hath been pleased thus to honour me , and to lay any pain upon me for his holy names sake : let us beg of him , that he will enable me to persevere to the end . speaking concerning those that wounded him , i know assuredly ( said he ) that it is not in their power to hurt me , no , though they should kill me , for my death is a most certain passage to eternal life . n when the blood-hounds brake open the house where he lay wounded , he spake thus , i perceive what is a doing , i was never afraid of death , and i am ready to undergo it patiently , for which ● have long since prepared my self . i bless god that i shall die in the lord. — ● now need no longer any help of man , therefore my friends get ye hence . — the presence of god to whose goodness i commend my soul is abundantly sufficiently for me . co●v●r . sheep we are for the slaughter ( said franc● co'ver to his two sons , massacred together with himself ) this is no new thing , let us follow millions of martyrs through temporal death unto eternal life . coo. roger coo being asked by the bishop of nor●ich● whether he would not obey the kings laws , answered , as far as they agree with the word of god , i will obey them . whether they agree with the word of god or no , we are bound to obey them ( said the bishop ) though the king were an infidel ; coo replyed , if shadrach , m●shach , and abedn●go had so done , neluchadn●zzar had neve● confessed the living god. constantine . being carried with other martyrs in a dung● cart to the place of execution , he spake thus● well , yet are we a precious odour , and a swee● savour to god in christ. cornford . iohn cornford one of the last five that suffered martyrdome in queen mary's dayes ( when th● sentence should have been passed , and they should have been executed by the papists ) being move● in spirit with a vehement zeal for god , in the nam● of them all pronounced sentence of excommunication against the papists , in these words . — in the name of our lord jesus christ the son of the most mighty god , and by the power of the holy spirit , and the authority of his holy and apostolick church , we do hereby give into the hands of satan to be destroyed , the bodies of those blasphemers and hereticks , that do maintain any errour against his most holy word , or do condemn his most holy truth for heresie , to the maintenance of any false church or feigned religion , so that by this thy just judgement against thy adversaries , thy true religion may be known to thy great glory , and our comfort , and to the edifying of all our nation lord jesus , so be it . — it is observable , that within six dayes after this excommunication queen mary died , and the tyranny of all eng●ish papists with her . con●ogue . brethren and sisters ( said peter conlogue of breda at the stake ) be you alwayes obedient to the word of god , and fear not those that can kill the body , for on the soul they can have no power ; as for me i am now going to meet my glorious spouse the lord jesus christ. cranm●r . when dr. th●mas cranmer archbishop of canterbury was excommunicated , he said , from this your judgement and sentence , i appeal to the just judgement of god almighty , trusting to be present with him in heaven , for whose presence in the altar i am thus condemned . in his letter to mr. wilkinson . — the true comforter in all distresses is onely god through his son jesus christ. whosoever hath him hath comfort enough , although he were in a wilderness all alone . he that hath twenty thousand in his company , if god be absent , is in a miserable wilderness . in him is all comfort , and without him is none . wherefore i beseech you seek your dwelling there , where you may truly and rightly serve god , and dwell in him , and have him ever dwelling in you . in his letter to mr. warcup . — be not so dainty , as to look for that at god , your dear fathers hands , which the fathers , patriarks , prophets , apostles , evangelists , saints , and his own son jesus christ did not find , i. e. all fair way and fair weather to heaven . — the devil standeth now at every inne-door in this city and countrey of this world , crying unto us to tarry and lodge in this or that place till the storms be over-past , not that he would not have us to wet our skin , but that the ●●me of our runn●ng our race might over-pass us to our utter destruction . — fear not the flail , fear not the fann●ng-wind , fear not the milstone , fear not the oven ; for all these make you more meet for the lords tooth . in his letter to dr. hill. — such as think it enough to keep the heart pure , notwithstanding that the outward man carry favour , as they deny god to be jealous , one that will have the whole man , having created , redeemed , and sanctified both for himself , so they play the dissemblers with the church of god , by their parting stakes between god and the world , offending the godly , whom either they provoke to fall with them , or make more careless and conscienceless , if they have fallen , and occasioning the wicked and obstinate to triumph against god , and the more vehemently to prosecute their malice against such as will not defile themselves in body or soul with the romish rags , now received among us . — call to mind that there are but two masters , two kind of people , two wayes , and two mansion places . the masters be christ and satan ; the people the servitors to either of these ; the wayes be strait and wide ; the mansions be heaven and hell. this world is the place of trial of gods people and the devils servants by whom they follow : the cross it is that doth make the trial . in his letter to royd●n and esing . — whom would it grieve , which hath a long journey to go through a piece of foul way , if he knew that after that , the way should be most pleasant , yea the journey should be ended , and he at his resting place most happy ? who will be afraid or loth to leave a little pelf for a little time , if he knew he should afterwards very speedily receive most plentiful riches ? who will be unwilling for a while to forsake his wife , children , friends , &c. when he knoweth he shall shortly after be associated to them inseparably , even after his own hearts desire ? who will be sorry to forsake his life , who is most certain of eternal life ? who loveth the shadow better then the body ? who can desire the dross of this world , but such as be ignorant of the treasures of the everlasting joy in heaven ? who is afraid to die , but such as hope not to live eternally ? — what way is so sure a way to heaven , as to suffer in christs cause ? if there be any way on horseback to heaven , surely this is the way , acts . tim. ● . the devil cannot love his enemies . should we look for fire to quench our thirst ? as soon shall gods true servants find peace and ●avour in antichrists regiment . in a letter to mrs. anne warcup . — my staffe standeth at the door . i look continually for the sheriffe to come for me ; and i bless god i am ready for him . now go i to practise that which i have preached . now am i climbing up to the hill ; it will cause me to puffe and to blow before i come to the cliffe . the hill is steep and high ; my breath is short , and my strength is feeble . pray therefore to the lord for me , that as i have now through his goodness even almost come to the top , i may by his grace be strengthned not to rest till i come where i should be . oh loving lord , put out thy hand , and draw me unto thee ; for no man cometh but he whom the father draweth . see my dearly beloved , gods loving mercy : he knoweth my short breath and great weakness . as he sent for elias in a fiery chariot , so sends he for me . by fire my dross must be purified , that i may be fine gold in his sight . in his letter to mr. augustine barnher . — i have now taken a more certain answer of death then ever i did . ah my god , the hour is come , glorifie thy most unworthy child . i have glorified thee ( saith this my sweet father ) and i will glorified thee . amen . some of the subscriptions of his letters were observable . the most miserable hard-hearted unthankful s●nner , iohn bradford . a very painted hypocrite , iohn bradford . miserrimus peccatur , iohn bradford . the sinful iohn bradford . pray , pray , pray , was the usual close of his letters which he writ in prison . when he came into smithfield , he fell flat on his face , and prayed ; then taking a fagot in his hand he kissed it , and so likewise the stake ; and standing by the stake , lifting up his hands and eyes to heaven , he said , o england , england , repent of thy sins , repents of thy sins , beware of idolatry , beware of false antichrist , take heed they do not deceive thee ; and to his fellow martyr he said , be of good comfort brother , for we shall have a merry supper with the lord this night ; and then embracing the reeds , he said , strait is the gate , and narrow is the way that leads to life , and few there be that find it . what can be so heavy a burden , as an unquiet conscience , to be in such a place , as a man cannot be suffered to serve god in christs religion ? if you be loth to depart from your kin and friends , remember that christ calleth them his mother , sisters , and brothers , that do his fathers will. where we find therefore god truly honoured according to his will , there we can lack neither friend nor kin. if you be loth to depart for the slandering of gods word , remember that christ when his hour was not yet come , departed out of his countrey into samaria , to avoid the malice of the scribes and pharisees , and commanded his apostles , that if they were pursued in one place , they should fly to another . thus did paul , and the other apostles . albeit when it came to such a point , that they could no longer escape , then they evidenced that their flying before came not of fear , but of godly wisdome to do more good ; and that they would not rashly , without urgent necessity offer themselves to death , which had been a tempting of god. after he had recanted , and was brought to saint m●ry's church in oxford , where dr. cole after he had preached bitterly against him , shewing why he was to be executed notwithstanding his recantation , prest him to evidence to the people his conversion to popery , dr. cranmer entreated the people to pray with him and for him , that god would pardon his sins , especially his recantation . after he had prayed , he told them , it is a sad thing to see so many so much dote upon the love of this false world , and be so careful of it , and so careless of gods love , or the world to come ▪ therefore this shall be my first exhortation , tha● you set not your minds overmuch upon this glozing world , but upon god , and the world to come , and to learn to know what this lesson meaneth , which st. iohn teacheth , that the love of this world is hatred against god. — let rich men consider and weigh three scriptures , luke . it is h●rd for a rich man to enter into the kingdome of heaven . john . he that hath the su●stance of this world , and seeth his brother in necessity , and shutteth up his mercy from him , how can he say that he loveth god ? james . , . go to now ye rich men , weep and hard for the miseries that are coming upon you , your riches are corrupted . — another exhortation is , that next under god you obey your king and queen willingly and gladly , without murmuring or grudging . they are gods m●nisters : whosoever resisteth them , resisteth the ordinance of god. — and now i come ( said he ) to the great thing , that so much troubleth my conscience , more then any thing that ever i did , or said , in my whole life , and that is the setting abroad a writing contrary to the truth , which now here i renounce , and refuse as things written with my hand , contrary to the truth which i thought in my heart , and written for fear of death and to save my life if it might be . and forasmuch as my hand offended , writ●ng contrary to my heart , my hand shall first be punished therefore , for may i come to the fire it shall be first burned . at the stake , when the fire began to burn near him , he stretching out his arm put his right hand into the flame , which he held so stedfast , that all men might see his hand burned , before his body was touched . his eyes lifted up to heaven , he cried out even as long as he could speak , o his unworthy hand ! his last words were the words of stephen , lord iesus receive my spirit . cromwel . thomas lord cromwe● , earl of ess●x , the morning that he was executed , having chearfully eaten his break-fast , passing out of the prison down the hill in the tower , met the lord hungerford going to execution for other matter ; and perceiving him to be heavy and doleful , he willed him to be of good comfort ; for if you repent ( said he ) of what you have done , there is mercy enough for you with the lord , who for christs sake will forgive you ; and though the break-fast we are going to be sharp , yet trusting in the mercy of the lord , we shall have a joyful dinner . in his prayer on the scaffold . — o lord jesus , who art the onely health of all men living , and the everlasting life of them which die in thee — being sure that the thing cannot perish , which is committed to thy mercy , willingly now i leave this frail and wicked flesh , in sure hope that thou wilt in better wise restore it to me again at the last day in the resurrection of the j●st . — i see and acknowledge there is in my self no hope of salvation , but all my confidence , hope , and trust is in thy most merciful goodness . — thou , merciful lord , wast born for my sake , didst suffer hunger and thirst for my sake , didst teach , pray , and fast for my sake , all thy holy actions and works thou wroughtest for my sake , thou sufferedst most grievous pains and torments for my sake , and finally thou gavest thy most precious body and blood to be shed on the cross for my sake ; now , most merciful saviour , let all these things profit me , &c. — let thy blood cleanse and wash away the spots and foulness of ●● sins , let thy righteousness hide and cover my un●righteousness . — cyprian . he went in the time of persecution into volun●tary banishment , lest ( as he said ) he should 〈◊〉 more hurt then good to the congregation . when he heard the sentence pronounced a●gainst him , he said , i thank god for freeing m● from the prison of this body . he said amen to his own sentence of martyrdome . the proconsul bidding him consult abou● it , he answered , in so just a cause there needs no deliberation . d. daigerfield . william daigerfield and ioan his wife ( who then gave suck to her tenth child ) being imprisoned in several prisons , bishop brooks sent for the man , and told him , that his wife had recanted , and so perswaded him to recant , and so sent him to his wife with a form of recantation with him , which when his wife saw , her heart clave in sunder , and she cried out , alas ! husband , thus long we have continued one , and hath satan so far perva●led with you , as to cause you to break the vow , which you made to god in baptisme ? hereupon he bewailed his promise , and beg'd of god that he might not live so long as to call evil good , and good evil , light darkness , or darkness light . and accordingly it came to pass . damlip . mr. adam damlip , when he had been almost two years in the marshalsey , considering how he could not employ his talent there to god's glory , as he desired ( though he had many favours in prison ) resolved to write to the bishop of winchester , earnestl● to desire that he might come to his tryal ; for ( said he ) i know the worst , i can but lose my present life , which i had rather do , then here to remain , and not to be suffered to use my talent to god's glory . when he understood by the keeper , that his suffering was near , he was notwithstanding very merry , and did eat his meat as well as ever he did in all his life , insomuch that some at the board said unto him , they wondred how he could eat his meat so chearfully , knowing he was so near his death ; ah masters ( said he ) do you think that i have been so long god's prisoner in the marshalsey , and have not yet learned to die ? yes , yes , and i doubt not but god will strengthen me therein . when he was told that his four quarters should be hanged at four parts of calice , and his head upon the lanthern-gate , then shall i not need ( said he ) to provide for my burial . delos . alas ( said iames delos to the monks that called him proud heretick ) here i get nothing but shame , i expect indeed preferment hereafter . denley . mr. i●hn denl●y being entreated by bishop bonner to recant , said , god save me from your counsel . in the fire , with the burning flame about him , he sung a psalm , and having his face hurt with a fagot hurled at him , he left singing for a while , and clapt his hands in his bleeding face , and afterwards put his hands abroad , and sung again till he died . dionysius . dionysius areopagita ( who seeing the gener●●● eclipse of the sun at christ's death , said to one● either the god of nature now suffers , or the frame of the world shall be dissolved ; and to another , god unknown in the flesh doth suffer . when he was apprehended by sisinius the praefect , and sharply reproved for preaching against the worship of their gods , and required to confess his errour , said , that they were no gods , whom they worshipped , but idols , the works of mens hands , and that it was through meer ignorance , folly , and idolatry , that they adored them ; adding , that there was but one true god , as he had preached . after he was grievously tormented , he was brought before sisinius the second time , who sentenced him to be beheaded forthwith . dyonisius told him , he worshipped such gods as would perish like d●ng upon the earth ; but as for my self ( said he ) come life , come death , i will worship none but the god of heaven and earth . he pray'd thus at his death . o lord god almighty , thou onely-begotten son , and holy spirit ; o sacred trinity , which art without beginning , and in whom is no division , receive the soul of thy servant in peace , who is put to death for thy cause and gospel . he used to say , that he desired these two things of god ( ) that he might know the truth himself , and ( ) that he might preach it , as he ought , to others . driver . alice driver in her first examination , hav●ng got her adversaries to acknowledge , that a sacrament is a sign , and that it was christ's body , his disciples did eat the night before he was crucified ; seeing it is ( said she ) a sign , it cannot be the thing signified ; and how could it be christ's body , that was crucified , seeing his disciples had eaten him up over night , except he had two bodies . at the end of her second examination , she said ; have you no more to say ? god be honoured . you be not able to resist the spirit of god in me a poor woman . i was an honest poor man's daughter , never brought up in the university , as you have been , but i have driven the plough before my father many a time ( i thank god ) yet notwithstanding in the defence of god's truth , and in the cause of my mr. christ , by his grace i will set my foot against the foot of any of you all , in the maintenance and defence of the same ; and if i had a thousand lives , they should go for payment thereof . when she was tied to the stake , and the iron chain put about her neck , o ( said she ) here is a goodly neckerchief , blessed be god for it . drowry . thomas drowry ( the blind boy , to whom bishop hooper , as he was going to the stake , after he had examined him , said ; ah poor boy , god hath taken from thee thy outward sight , but he hath given thee another sight much more precious : he that endued thy soul with the eye of knowledge and faith. ) shortly after bishop hooper's martyrdome , was cast into prison . afterwards the chancellor of glocester asking him , who taught him that heresie , that christ's body was not really present in the sacrament of the altar , he said , you , mr. chancellor , when in yonder pulpit you taught us that the sacrament was to be received spiritually by faith , and not carnally and really , as the pap●● teach . but ( said the chancellor ) do thou as i ha●● done , and thou shalt live as i do , and escape bu●●ing . though you ( said drowry ) can so easily d●●pense with your conscience , and mock god a●● the world , yet will not i do so . then said t●● chancellor , i will condemn thee ; god's will b●● fulfilled ( said drowry . ) e. edward . king edward the sixth ( our english i●sias ) being prest by archbishop cranmer , and bishop ruley to permit the lady m●ry to have mass in he●● house ; after he had argued notably against i●●bid them be content , for he would spend his life and all he had , rather then to agree to , and gra●●● that he knew certainly to be against the truth and then fell a weeping , insomuch that the bishop wept as fast as he ; and the archbishop tol● mr. cheek , his scholar had more divinity in hi●● little finger , then all they had in all their bodies . elizabeth . the lady elizabeth ( afterward queen of england ) when she came out of the barge at traytor● stairs , going into the tower , said , here landed as true a subject , being a prisoner , as ever lande● at these stairs . and before thee , o god , i speak it having no other friends but thee alone . her gentleman-usher weeping , she demande● of him what he meant so uncomfortably to use her , seeing she took him to be her comfort , and not to dismay her , especially for that she knew her truth to be such , that no man should have cause to weep for her . when the doors of the prison were locked and bolted upon her , she called for her book , desiring god , not to suffer her to build her foundation upon the sands , but upon the rock , w●ereby all blasts of blustering weather should have no power against her . when she was locked up close in prison , at first she was much daunted , but afterwards she brake forth into this speech ; the skill of a pilot is unknown , but in a tempest ; the valour of a captain is unseen , but in a battel ; and the worth of a christian doth not appear , but in time of tryal and temptation . mr. burrough's mos. self-denial , pag. . upon gardeners and other counsellors strict examination of her , she said , my lords , you do sift me very narrowly , but well i am assured , you shall not do more to me then god hath appointed , and so god forgive you all . some telling her , that they were perswaded god would not suffer sir henry b●n●field to make her away privately ; well , said she , god grant it be so ; for thou , o god , canst mollifie all such tyrannous hearts , and disappoint all such cruel purposes ; and i beseech thee to hear thy creature , which am thy servant , and at thy command , trusting by thy grace ever so to remain . as she passed over the water to richmond , going towards windsor , in their journey to woodstock , she espied certain of her old servants standing on the other side , very desirous to see her , and sent one of her men standing by unto them ; go to them ( said she ) and say these words from me , tanquam ovis , i. e. just like a sheep to the slaughter . at her departing from woodstock she wrote these verses with her diamond in a gla●● window . much suspected by me , nothing proved can be , q●oth elizabeth prisoner . when a popish priest press'd her hard to declare her opinion of christs presence in the sacrament , she truly and warily answered him thus ; t was the word that spake it , he took the bread and brake it , and what the word did m●ke it , that i believe , and take it . esch. iohn esch and henry voes burnt at ●ruxels : ● being asked what they believed , they said , the books of the old and new testmant . and being asked whether they believed the decrees of the councils , and the fathers , they said , such a● agreed to the scriptures they believed ; and being asked whether it were any deadly sin to transgress the decrees of the bishop of rom● , they said , that it is to be attributed onely to the precep● of god , to bind the conscience of man , or to lose it . being condemned , they gave thanks to god their heavenly father , which had delivered them through his great goodness from that false and abominable priesthood ( they having been augustine friers ) and made them priests of his holy order , receiving them unto him as a sacrifice of ●● sweet odour . the greatest errour that they were accused of , was that men ought to trust onely in god , forasmuch as men were lyars , and deceitful in all their words and deeds ; and therefore there ought no trust or asfiance to be put in them . the day of their execution ( said they ) the day we have long desired . one of them , feeing that the fire was kind led at his feet , said , methinks you do strow roses under my feet . eulalia . the virgin eulalia ( of emerita in portugal ) having secretly got out of her fathers house ( where she was kept close for fear , least she should offer her self to martyrdome ) went couragiously unto the tribunal , or judgement-seat , and in the midst of them all , cried out , would you know what i am ? behold ! i am one of the christians , an enemy to your divelish sacrifices , i spurn your idols under my feet , i confess god omnipotent with my heart and mouth . — go to thou hangman , burn , cut , mangle thou these earthly members ; it is an easie matter to break a brittle substance , but the inward mind thou shalt not hurt for any thing thou canst do . the judge endeavouring to perswade her to recant , saying , behold ! what pleasures thou mayest enjoy by the honourable house thou camest of ; what! wilt thou kill thy self , so young a flower , ( she being not much above twelve years of age ) and so near those honourable marriages and great dowries thou mayest enjoy ? eulalia did not answer him , but being in a great fury , spit in the tyrants face , threw down the idols , and spurnt abroad with her feet ●he heap of incense prepared for the censers . — when one joint was pulled from another , she said , behold , o lord , i will no● forget thee ; what a pleasure is it for them , 〈◊〉 christ , that remember thy triumphant victorie● to attain unto these high dignities . f. fabrianus . first better , ( said christopher fabrianus ) the sweet ; first the battel , the victory when i 〈◊〉 dead . every drop of my blood shall preach christ and set forth his praise . faninus . faninus an italian kissed the apparitor tha● brought him word of his execution . to one reminding him of his children , he said i have lest them to an able and faithful guardian . to his friends weeping , he said , that is we●● done , that you weep for joy with me . to one objecting christs agony and sadness t● his chearfulness : yea ( said he ) christ was sad , tha● i might be merry . he had my sins , and i have 〈◊〉 merits and righteousness . to the friers offering him a woodden crucif●● he said , christ needs not the help of this piece , 〈◊〉 imprint him in my mind and heart , where he ha●● his habitation . farellus . mr. william farellus , being questioned by 〈◊〉 magistrates of metis , by what authority , or 〈◊〉 whose request he preached , answered , by 〈◊〉 command of christ , and at the request of h●● members . farrar . mr. richard iones , coming to dr. robert farra● bishop of st. david , a little before his death , a●● seeming to lament the painfulness of the death he was to suffer , the bishop said to him , that if he saw him once to stir in the pains of his burning , he should then give no credit to his doctrine . accordingly he never moved , but even as he stood , holding up his stumps , so he continued still , till richard gravell with a staffe dashed him upon the head , and so strook him down . filicu . iohn filicul and iulian l●ville ( who suffered in france ) being threatned if they constantly persisted , to be burnt alive , and to have their tongues cut out , or otherwise onely to be strangled , and to have the use of their tongues , contemned the offer , saying , you would fain have us renounce our god for saving our selves from a little pain , but it shall not be so ; and looking one upon another , said , we are ready not onely to lose one or two of our members , but the whole body , and to be burned and burned again in the defence of the truth . when the time of their execution came , the officer put into their hands , being tyed , a wooden cross , which they flung away with their teeth , saying , that they were now to bear a more noble and excellent cross then that . when their tongues were cut , god gave them utterance , insomuch that they were heard to say , we bid sin , the flesh , the world farewel for ever , with whom we shall never have to do hereafter . at last when the tormenter came to smear them with brimstone and gunpowder , go to ( said filiolus ) salt on , salt on the rotten and stinking flesh . fillula . by these ladders ( said iohn fillula to his fellows ) we ascend the heavens , now begin we to trample under feet , sin , the world , the flesh , and the devil . filmer . henry filmer said to person and testwood ( his fellow martyrs ) be merry my brethren , and lift up your hands to god , for after this sharp break-fast ▪ i trust we shall have a good dinner in the kingdom of christ our lord and redeemer . flower . william flower ( alias branch ) being told his death was near , said , i hunger for the same , dear friend , being fully ascertain'd that they can kill but the body , which i am assured shall receive again life everlasting , and see death no more . bishop bonner perswaded him to recant , promising him thereupon great things , he answered , that which i have said i will stand to , and therefore i require that the law may proceed upon me . at another time , do what you will , i am at 〈◊〉 point ; for the heavens shall as soon fall , as i will forsake mine opinion . in his prayer . — have mercy upon me for thy dear son our saviour jesus christs sake , in whom i confess onely to be all salvation and justification and that there is none other mean , nor way , no● holiness , in which , or by which any man can be saved in this world. burning in the fire , he cried out three times●punc ; o the son of god have mercy upon me , o the son of god receive my soul. folks . elizabeth folks being examined , whether she believed the presence of christs body to be in the sacrament substantially and really ? answered , that she believed that that was a substantial and real l●e . when sentence of condemnation was rea● against her , she kneeled down , lifting up her eye and hands to heaven , she praised god that ever she was born to see that most blessed and happy day , that the lord would count her worthy to suffer for the testimony of christ ; and lord , if it be thy will , forgive them that have done this against me , for they know not what they do . at the stake she being hindred from giving her petticoat to her mother ( who kissed her , and exhorted her to be strong in the lord ) threw it away from her , saying , farewel all the world , farewel faith and hope ; and so taking the stake in her hand , said , welcome love , &c. when she and the other five that suffered with her , were nailed to the stakes , and the fire about them , they clapped their hands together for joy in the fire . fox . the day after queen mary's death mr. iohn fox preaching at basil to the english exiles , did with confidence tell them , that now was the time come for their return into england , and that he brought that news by command from god. the lady anne hennage being given up for dead , he told her , she had done well in fitting her self for death , but that she should not die of that sickness ; and being blamed by her son in law for disquieting her mind with hopes of life , he answered , that he had said no more then was commanded h●m ; for it seemed good to god that she should recover , and so she did . mrs. honywood having been sick of a consumption almost twenty years , was scarce able to speak when mr. fox came to her , onely faintly she breathed forth a desire to end her dayes . mr. fox , after he had prayed with her , told her , that she should not onely grow well of that consumption , but also live to an exceeding great age . as well might you have said ( quoth mrs. honywood ) that if i should throw this glass against the wall , i might believe it would not break to pieces ; and holding a glass in her hand , out of which she had newly drunk , she threw it forth , but the glass falling first on a chest , and then on the ground , neither brake nor crackt . accordingly this eminent christian gentlewoman being then sixty years of age , recovered and lived till she was above ninety , and could reckon above three hundred and sixty of her children and childrens children . he also foresaw his own death , and therefore sent away his sons that they might not be present . frith . mr. iohn frith with some others , ( chosen into christs church oxford , whose foundation was laid by cardinal wolsey ) conferring together upon the abuse of religion , then crept into the church , were therefo●e accu●ed of heresie unto the cardinal , and cast into prison , within a deep cave under the ground of the same colledge , where their salt fish was laid . through the filthy stinch thereof they were all infected , and some took their death , but mr. frith was wonderfully preserved ; and was translated from that university ( after many miseries undergone both beyond sea and in his own land ) to another school , namely , to a more setled discipline of affliction , the tower of london ; where , as he remained a patient in regard of the persecution , which he suffered , so did he also the office of a physician , in prescribing to others preparatives and remedies in the like case . to which end a.d. . he employed his pen in writing those treatises , which now go under the name of vox pisces , or the book-fish . concerning which ( the author of the preface thereunto ) observes , that in some sort they ran the fortune of the author , being held in captivity in the sea , and kept in iohah's prison , the belly of a fish , being in danger there to be consumed , as the author was like to have perished in the dungeon at oxford by the noysome stinch of fish. the wine therein offered ( saith the same author ) is the purest juyce of a grape of the vine ( christ jesus ) trode in the wine-press of persecution about an hundred years since : which being put in a paper vessel , and formerly miscarrying by wrack in the transporting , is now beyond expectation in a strange living vessel brought back again to land , no doubt to the end , that it might after long lying hid in store , be anew broached and dispersed abroad for the refreshing of many thirsty souls ; to whom it is like to taste not the worse , but the better for the long lying in so salt a cellar , as is the bottome of the sea , wherein , by all probability , it hath been buried for many years . mr. frith did not light his candle at the lamp of mr. calvin , which then was not extant ; nor of great luther , who was then but in the beginning of his growth . and yet ( saith the same author ) how judiciously is there shewn the use of the cross among christians to consist in the due preparation for it , and constant patience under it ? how foundly are we taught that our election and justification are of gods meer mercy , and not for any thing foreseen in us ? — that remission of sins is through christ onely . — that no man can merit for others . — that true believers do sin , yet fall not away utterly from christ. — as the work commends the author , so the author much more the work. when he wrote of the cross , he fought valiantly under the cross ; he turned his words of patience into the perfect work of patience . he had the like happ●ness to that of st. paul , to bring forth children unto christ in his bands . whilst he was kept close prisoner in the tower , by his letters and treatises he gained many souls to christ , and among others ( which is most observable ) he converted one r●s●●l to the truth , who had formerly dipped his pen in gall , and wrote most bitterly against the truth of the gospel , and against the writings of this prisoner of christ , then ● bands for the gospel . like a swan he sang most sweetly before his death , and foretold both particularly his own martyrdome , and the propagation of the gospel through all england within twenty years after his death ; which accordingly came to pass in the reign of king edward . he was as it were a pr●mrose in the new spring of the gospel : and though he wrote in the twilight between the night of popery , and the day of reformation , yet god so enlightned him , that his tre●●ise of the sacraments , was the candle at which that great torch archbishop cranmer was lighted , as mr. fox reporteth . that is the true cross ( saith mr. frith in his treatise called , a preparation to the cross ) which god doth lay upon us — for the word of god to suffer all scorns , mocks , lyes , and persecutions , and not to fear the most cruel , yea even the most shameful death . — that we may be prepared to bear the true cross , we must consider that no calamity falleth on us by fortune or chance , but by the counsel and appointment of god , as witnesseth the holy scripture . — it is undoubtedly no sma● comfort to be assured , that the cross is of god , and that we are chastened of god , and not of the devil , or of any wicked man , who utterly can have no power upon us , not so much as to move one hair of our head , beside the will of ▪ the lord. — but it is not enough to consider that we are afflicted through the counsel and will of god , but must moreover mark the cause and intent of his godly will ; for reason judgeth that we are punished , to the end to be hurt or destroyed , &c. but we must forsake reason , and cleave to the word of god , which teacheth that we suffer affliction to our health and salvation ; for afflictions are not signs of wrath and displeasure , but of grace and favour . — this is no small comfort to them that bear the cross , that they are not punished of the lord to their hurt or destruction , but to their health and salvation ; and that their afflictions , poverty , &c. are not signs of gods wrath , but instruments by which god is glorified . — when god doth afflict his people for their sins , he doth not therefore afflict them , that by their afflictions they should satisfie for their sins : for the passion and suffering of jesus christ is the ransome and expiation of our sins ; but that by affliction he may bring sinners to repentance . — when a christian seeth himself forsaken of all men , he must pray , and not cease to pray , but pray in faith mistrusting nothing . — god calleth invocation or crying on him in trouble , a sacrifice , the true and most acceptable honour . — so likewise he calleth the hope , whereby we tarry his help in affliction , sacrifice . sacrifice you the sacrifice of justice , and hope ye in the lord , q. d. that hope is a sacrifice , whereby we yield justice to god , that ( seeing he hath so promised ) he will pluck us out and deliver us , for so much as he is righteous and true . — of patience to god-ward , springeth forth patience toward men ; for when the heart is at peace with god , it tarrieth help of him , and utterly setteth aside lust to revenge . — our reason is therefore troubled and vexed in persecution , because it thinketh that we are afflicted because god either hateth us , or doth not regard us , neither will help us . these false opinions god plucketh from us , and teacheth us , that we are afflicted , not because he hateth us , but because he will either amend us , or when we be amended , continue us so . — and that in our affliction he will help us , and keep us , and also comfort us with the holy ghost , and set our conscience at peace , and make us be glad in god , &c. — christian patience hath certain conditions , whereby it is known to be true patience . ( ) it grudgeth not , neither excuseth it self , as though it should suffer unworthily for his sins , wherefore he sitteth down and holdeth his peace , as i●remiah saith . — ( ) is casteth all carefulness on god , and committeth it self wholly to god , that gods will be done and not his . ( ) it humbleth himself , and casteth off the pleasures of the world. ( ) he is merry and ready to suffer yet more heavy and g●ievous evils . — we must look for help in all afflictions ; for god promiseth his help , saying , i am with you , f●ar ye n●t , i will strengthen you . — but the manner , time , and kind of help is unknown unto us , that faith and hope may have place , which sticketh to these things which are not seen nor heard . — god delivereth when most need is , that his glory may shine the brighter . — he will therefore help , when we be in a manner compelled to despair in all humane help , and when all carnal counsel deceiveth us ; for god only will be glorified . — he doth prolong help for our utility and profit , that he might exercise and prove faith by temptation , so that he onely might possess the title and name of helper . — he that believeth makes not haste . he which yet seems afar off , shall appear at the end , and shall not lye : although he tarry , yet look for him , for he is coming , and at the last he shall come and shall not be slow . — it is also a great comfort to them that be in affliction , to remember that they have christ , and his prophets , and apostles , and all good and holy men for their examples , — furthermore , it is a great comfort to the godly , that the wicked ( whom god doth use as a rod to scourge the godly ) go not clear away without punishment , whom he maketh either shamefully ashamed , or through their own counsel he doth take them , and bringeth them into the same destruction , which they themselves have studied and found out for others . — the cause is , for he that hurteth one faithful , wrongeth not onely him , but god , who doth revenge the injury and wrong done to the faithful , as injury done to himself . — he that toucheth you , toucheth the apple of mine eye . — saul , saul , why persecuteth thou me . — if thou beest tempted concerning the gospel , or suffering persecution for the gospel , think of these scriptures , he that receeveth not my cross , and follows not me , is not worthy of me . if any man will come after me , let him forsake himself , and take his cross and follow me . for he that will save his soul shall lose it . contrariwise he that loseth his soul for my sake , shall find it . he that will confess me before men , i will confess him before my father . — the apostles rejoyced that they were counted worthy . — the servant is not above his lord : all they that will live godly in christ jesus must suffer persecution . — if thou must die , and leave wife and children and thy dear friends , say , the lord shall be their defender ; for g●● both will , and is able to cherish mine , to nouri●● and defend them ; for he is the father of the fa●therless , and the widows husband . i forget thing● behind my back , and endeavour my self to th●● things that are before my face . they that ha●● wives , let them be as though they had none , an● they that weep as though they wept not . — if satan say thou must forsake the world , what then answer thou contrariwise : i shall attain heaven for blessed are the dead that die in the lord. all th● world lyeth in wickedness . all that are born ●● god overcome the world , and this the victor● which overcometh the world , our faith . all th● world shall perish with its lusts and desires . lo●● not the world , nor the things of the world . we are strangers in this world , and citizens of heaven ▪ — ye sons of men , why love ye vanities , and seek lies ? how long love you infancy or childhood ? — — the godly have most comfort ; though i● this life they be as sheep ordained to be slain , and seem forsaken of god , &c. yet they do not despair ▪ no not in death , but are sure they shall pass through death to life eternal , &c. also they have this comfort , that their death is good and precious ; the● also know , that through christs death , death is overcome and abolished . — christ by his death hath changed their death into a sleep . — such as be at the point of death , ought to take comfort and be strong , in that they know that they carry with them both letter and token , which is baptisme , whereby their death is incorporate with the death of christ , and that it is not their death , so much as the death of christ. wherefore let them surely trust , that they shall overcome , as that death of christ hath overcome . unto the godly it is a great comfort , that they know that death is not in the power of tyrants , nor put into the hand of any creature , least they should be much troubled , &c. they shall onely die when it pleaseth the lord. — we cannot live any longer then the lord hath appointed , and we shall not die , though we be in the greatest peril , and extreme jeopardy before our hour . — then wherefore should they fear death ? they cannot live longer then god hath appointed , nor die any sooner . — it is the comfort of the godly in all adversity , that through the grace of god , they shall be revived , and raised up , as well the body as the soul ; the souls to justice , the bodies to glory . this hope the wicked have not , &c. — it is a great comfort that affliction shall not endure continually , and the afflictions of this time are not worthy of the glory which shall be shewed upon us . — our trouble , which is but temporal and light , worketh an exceeding and eternal weight of glory unto us , who look not on the things that are seen , but on them which are not seen . — if a man praise a very fool ( saith mr. frith in his preface to his mirrour ) and think his wit good and profound , he is indeed more fool then the other . thus seeing man praiseth and commends riches , honour , &c. and such other vain and transitory things , which are but as a dream , and vanish like a flower of the field ; when a man should have most need of them , he himself is more vain then those things which are but vanity . if god hath opened the eyes of thy mind ( saith the mirrour it self ) and have given thee spirit and wisdome through the knowledge of his word , boast not thy self of it , but rather fear and tremble , for a chargeable office is committed unto thee which ( if thou fulfil it ) is like to cost thee thy 〈◊〉 at one time or other , with much trouble and pers●●cution : but if thou fulfill it not , then shall t●● office be thy damnation . for st. paul saith , w●●● to me if i ●●each not . and by the propher ezek●● god saith , if i say unto the wicked that he shall die t● death , and thou shew him not of it , the wicked shall 〈◊〉 in his iniquity , but i shall require his blood at thy ha●●● but peradventure our divines would expou●● these texts onely of them that are sent and ha●● cure of souls . whereunto i answer , that eve● man that hath the light of gods word revealed unto him , is sent wheresoever he seeth necessity , an● hath the cure of his neighbours soul , e. g. if go● hath given me my sight , and i perceive a blin● man going in the way , which is ready for lack 〈◊〉 sight to fall into a pit , wherein he would likely perish , i am bound by gods command to guide hi● till he be past that jeopardy , or else if he peris●● therein , his blood shall be required at my hand● thus if i perceive my neighbour like to perish 〈◊〉 lack of christs doctrine , then am i bound to instruct him with the knowledge god hath given me ▪ or else his blood shall be required at my hand ▪ peradventure they will say , that there is already one appointed to watch the pit , &c. and therefor● i am discharged and need take no thought . where unto i answer , i would be glad that so it were , notwithstanding if i perceive that the watchmen b● asleep , or run to the ale-house , &c. and through his negligence espie my neighbour in danger o● the pit , then am i nevertheless bound to lead him from it . i think that god hath sent me at that time to save that soul from perishing , and the law o● god and nature that bindeth me thereunto , which chargeth me to love my neighbour as my self , to do unto him as i would be done unto . — if god hath given thee riches , &c. thou art yet the very owner of them , but god is the owner , who saith by the prophet , gold is mine , and silver is mine , and he hath for a season made thee a steward of them , so see whether thou with be faithful in the distribution of them , according to his commands . — our spiritual possessionaries are double thieves and murtherers , as concerning the body , besides their murthering of the soul , for lack of gods word , which they will neither preach , or suffer any other to do it purely , but persecute them , and put them unto most cruel death : first , they are thieves and murtherers , because they distribute not what they have from charitable forefathers , to the intent it should have been ministred unto the poor , but upon horses , coaches , &c. gorgeous apparel , and delicate fare , &c. thus they defraud the poor of their bread , and so are thieves ; and ( because this bread is their life ) they are murtherers also . — besides they are thieves and murtherers for withdrawing their perfect members from labour , whereby they might minister unto their neighbours necessities ( i speak of as many as are not occupied about preaching gods word . ) besides these and many other treatises , he wrote also several choice letters , whilest he was prisoner in the tower. in his letter to the faithful followers of christs gospel , he thus expresseth himself . — it cannot be express'd , dearly beloved in the lord ) what joy and comfort it is to my heart to perceive how the word of god hath wrought , and continually worketh among you ; so that i find no small number walking in the wayes of the lord , according as he gave us commandment , willing that we should love each other , as he loved us . now have i experience of the faith which is in you , and can testifie , that it is without simulation , that ye love not in word and tongue onely , but in deed and truth . what can be more trial of a faithful heart , then to adventure not onely to aid and succour by the means of other ( which without danger may not be admitted unto us ) but also personally to visit the poor oppressed , and see that nothing be lacking unto them , but that they have both ghostly comfort and bodily sustenance , notwithstanding the strait inhibition and terrible menacing of these worldly rulers , even ready to abide the extreamest jeopardies that tyrants can imagine . this is an evidence that you have prepared your selves to the cross of christ , according to the counsel of the wise man , which saith , my son , when thou shalt enter into the way of the lord , prepare thy self unto tribulation . this is an evidence that you have cast up your accounts , and have wherewith to finish the tower , which ye have begun to build : and i doubt not but he that hath begun this work in you , shall for his glory accomplish the same , even unto the coming of the lord , which shall give unto every man according to his deeds . and albeit god of his secret judgements for a time keep the rod from some of them that ensue his steps , yet let them surely reckon upon it ; for there is no doubt , but all which will live devoutly in christ must suffer persecution ; for whom the lord loveth he correcteth , and chasteneth every child that he receiveth . — if ye be not under correction , of which we are all partakers , then are ye bastards , and not children . nevertheless we may not suppose that our most loving father should do that , because he rejoyceth in our blood or punishment , but he doth it for our singular profit , that we may be partakers of holiness , and that the remnants of sin , which ( through the frailty of our members ) rebel against the spirit and will , causing our works to go unperfectly forward , and may some deal be suppressed , least they should subdue us and reign over us . — of these things god had given me the speculation before , and now it hath pleased him to put in ure and practise upon me . i ever thought , yea and do think , that to walk after gods word , would cost me my life at one time or another ; and although the kings grace should take me into his favour , and not suffer the bloody edomites to have their pleasures upon me , yet will i not think that i am escaped , but that god hath onely deferred it for a season , to the intent that i should work somewhat that he hath appointed me to do , and so to use me to his glory . and i beseech all the faithful followers of the lord to arm themselves with the same supposition , marking themselves with the sign of the cross , not from the cross as the superstitious multitude do , but rather to the cross , in token that they be ever ready willingly to receive the cross , when it shall please god to lay it upon them . the day that it cometh not , count it clear won , giving thanks to the lord who hath kept it from you , and then when it cometh , it shall nothing dismay you ; for it is no new thing , but that which you have continually looked for . and doubt not but that god , who is faithful , will not suffer you to be tempted above what you are able to bear , but shall ever send some occasion by the which ye shall stand stedfast , for either he shall blind the eyes of your enemies , and diminish their tyrannous power , or else when he hath suffered them to do their best , and that the dragon hath cast a whole flood of waters after you , he shall cause even the earth to ope● her mouth , & swallow them up . so faithful is he an● careful to ease us , when the vexation shall be too heavy for us , he shall send a ioseph before you , again●● ye shall come into egypt ; yea he shall so provide fo● you , that ye shall have an hundred fathers for one an hundred mothers for one , an hundred house for one , and that in this life , as i have proved b● experience , and after this life everlasting joy wit● christ our saviour . notwithstanding since thi● steadfastness comes not of our selves ( as st. austi● saith ) there was never man so weak or frail , no no● the greatest offender that ever lived , but that every man of his own nature should be as frail , and commit as great enormities , except he were kept from it by the spirit and power of god. i beseech you brethren , in the lord jesus christ , to pray with me , that we may be vessels to his land and praise ▪ what time soever it pleaseth him to call upon 〈◊〉 the father of glory give us the spirit of wisdome , understanding , and knowledge , and lighten the eyes of our mind , that we may know his waye● praising the lord eternally . — amen . john frith the prisoner of iesus christ , at all times abiding his pleasure . in his letter to his friends concerning his troubles . — i doubt not , dear brethren , but th●● it doth some deal vex you , to see the one part 〈◊〉 have all the words , and freely to speak what they list , and the other to be put to silence , and not to be heard indifferently ; but refer your matter unto god , who shortly shall judge after another fashion . — the archbishop of canterbury having sent one of his gentlemen , and one of his porters to fetch mr. iohn frith out of the tower to be examined ; the gentleman pitying him , endeavoured to perswade him to relent to authority , and to give place for a time , and not to cast himself away , and suffer all his singular gifts to perish with him with little profit to the world , &c. mr. frith gave him thanks for his good will , but told him farther , thus , my cause and conscience is such , that in no wise i either may or can for any worldly respect without danger of damnation start aside , &c. if i be demanded what i think of the supper of the lord , otherwise called the sacrament of the altar , i must needs say my knowledge and my conscience , though i should presently lose twenty lives , if i had so many . — and if i may be indifferently heard , i am sure mine adversarie , cannot condemn me or mine assertion , &c. yea marry , quoth the gentleman , you say well , if you might be indifferently heard ; but i much doubt thereof , for that our master christ was not indifferently heard , neither should be ( as i think ) if he were now present again in the world , &c. well , well , ( quoth frith unto the gentleman ) i know very well that the doctrine of the sacrament , which i hold and have opened , contrary to the opinion of this realm , is vety hard meat to be digested , both of the clergy and laity : but this i will say to you , that if you live but twenty years more , you shall see this whole realm of mine opinion , &c. and if it come not to pass , then account me the vainest man that ever you heard speak with a tongue . — all things well and rightly pondered , my death in this cause ( which is gods and not mine ) shall be better unto me and all mine , then life in continua● bondage and misery . the gentleman was 〈◊〉 wrought upon , that he contrived a way for mr. frith's escape , and prevailed with the porter 〈◊〉 agree with him in the suffering thereof , and then told him , that the business which he had undertaken , viz. to lead him as a sheep to the slaughter , 〈◊〉 grieved him , that he was overwhelmed with care and sorrows ; whereupon he was resolved , wh●● danger soever he incurred , to find out a way to deliver him out of the lyons mouth , and so acquainted him with the way that he and the porter ha●● agreed upon . mr. frith having diligently hearkened to his speech , said with a smiling countenance ▪ and is this the effect of your secret consultation all this while , surely you are like to lose your labour , for if you should both leave me here , and g● to croydon , declaring to the bishops that you ha●● lost frith , i would surely follow after as fast as 〈◊〉 could , and bring them news that i had found an● brought frith back again . do you think that i am afraid to declare mine opinion before the bishop in so manifest a truth ? you are a fond man ( sai● the gentleman ) thus to talk . do you think th●● your reasoning with the bishops will do any good ▪ i much marvel that you were so willing to flie the realm before you were taken , and now so unwilling to save your self when you may . marry ( sai● frith ) there is a great difference between escapin● then and now , then i was at liberty , and not attached ; but now being taken by the higher po●●ers , and that by almighty gods permission an● providence , i am fallen into the bishops hand● onely for religions sake , and for such doctrine , 〈◊〉 i am bound in conscience under pain of damnatio● to maintain . if i should now start aside , and run away , i should run from my god , and from the testimony of his word , whereby i should deserve a thousand hells . at the time of his burning dr. cook admonished all the people , that they should no more pray for him , then they would do for a dog. whereupon mr. frith smiling , desired the lord to forgive him . fulgentius . an arian bishop offering to punish the priest that had most mercilesly beaten him , if he desired it , he said , it is not lawful for a christian to meditate revenge , our lord christ well knows how to repay the injuries offered to , and inflicted on his servants . if my case be avenged , then lose i the reward of my patience . it may also scandalize many little ones , if i a catholick should require judgement at an arians hands . in the midst of his greatest sufferings he used to say ; plura pro christo toleranda , we must suffer more then this for christ. g. gardiner . william gardiner , an english merchant in portugal , was so much troubled in spirit at the sight of the idolatry , committed by the priests in the mass , at the solemnization of the marriage between the king of p●rtugal's son , and the king of spain's daughter , that he could not be quiet , till he had ( though in the presence of the king , and of the nobles , and whole city ) the next sabbath with one hand snatched away the cake from the priest , and trod it under his feet , and with the other overthrew the chalice . the king asking him how he durst be so bold ? he answered , most noble . kin● — the thing which you have seen , was not done nor thought of me for any contumely , or reproac● to your presence , but onely for this purpose ( a●● before god i do clearly confess ) to seek the salvation of this people . being ask'd who set him on ? he answered ▪ he was not moved by any man , but by his o●● conscience , there being no man under heaven for whose sake he would put himself into so manifest a danger , but he owed his service first to god and secondarily to their salvation ; wherefore if he had done any thing displeasing to them , the ought to impute it to themselves , who so irreverently used the sacrament of the lords supper unto so great idolatry , not without great ignomi●●●● the church , violation of the sacrament , and the peril of their own soals , except they repented . for this he was cruelty tormented , and burned and in the fire he ●un● ; psal. . iudge me , o god , and defend my 〈◊〉 against the unmerciful ●●ple . gauderin . christopher gauderin , having been a spend-thrift , was converted by lewis st●llius , telling him , that he ought rather to distribute of his gettings to the poor , then to spend them so wastfully ; for if he continued so , god would surely call him to an account for it , insomuch that he was chosen a deacon in the church ; in the execution of which office , he was taken and imprisoned , and being ask'd how he came to turn heretick , seeing he learned not that of his master the abbot , he answered , i am no heretick , but a right believing christian , which he taught me not indeed , but rather , other vile qualities , which i am ashamed now to rehearse . some objecting to him his youth , being about the age of thirty , he told them , that mans life consisted but of two dayes , viz. the day of his birth , and the day of his death . and for my part ( said he ) i am now willing by death to pass into eternal life . the morning that he was to be executed , he said to his fellow-prisoners ( having put on a clean shirt , and washed himself ) brethren , i am now going to be married , i hope before noon to drink of the wine of the kingdome of heaven . a frier coming to them ( as he said ) to convert them ; christopher said unto him , away from us , thou seducer of souls , for we have nothing to do with thee . one of his fellow-sufferers ( as the hangman was gagging him ) said , what , shall we not have liberty in this our last hour to praise our god with our voice and tongue . brother ( said gauderin ) let not this discourage us , for the greater wrong our enemies think to do unto us , the more assistance we shall find from god : and so he never ceased to comfort them , till he was gagged also , and burnt iune , . gerard. about the year . in the reign of henry the second , came about thirty waldens●s into england , gerardus being their minister , to labour to win disciples to christ. they were converted before a council of bishops at oxford , and gerard speaking for them all , said , we are christians , holding and reverencing the doctrine of the apostles . — being urged with arguments against their doctrine , they answered , they believed as they were taught by gods word , but would not dispute their faith . — being admonished to repent , and threatned if they did not , they despised their counsel , scorned their threats , saying , blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousness sake , for theirs is the kingdom of heaven . they were excommunicated , burnt in the foreheads for hereticks , mr. gerard both in the forehead and cheek ; their cloaths were cut off to their girdles , and so whipt through oxford , they singing all the while , blessed are ye when men hate you , and despitefully use you , &c. ghest . laurence ghest had his wife and seven children brought to him ( the bishop hoping to overcome him by his nat●ral affection to them ) and his wife beginning to exhort him to favour himself , he desired her not to be a block in his way , for that he was in good course , running toward the mark of his salvation . gibson . some of the articles exhibited against mr. richard gibson . — ( ) that he hath commended , allowed , defended , and liked both cranmer , l●tim●r , ridley , and all other hereticks here in this realm of england , according to the ecclesiastical laws condemned for hereticks , and also liked their opinions . ( ) that he hath comforted , aided ; assisted , and maintained both by words and otherwise , hereticks and erroneous persons , or at the least suspected and infamed of heresies , &c. ( ) that he hath affirmed that the religion now used in this realm , is in no wise agreeable to gods word and commandment , &c. the bishop asking him , if he knew any cause why the sentence should not be read against him , he said , the bishop had nothing wherefore justly to condemn him . sentence being read , he again admonished gibson to remember himself , and so save his soul. mr. gibson answered , that he would not hear the bishops babling , boldly protesting that he was contrary to them all in his mind , though he aforet me kept it secret , for fear of the law. and speaking to the bishop , he said , blessed am i , that am cursed at your hands , we have nothing now , but thus will i ; for as the bishop saith , so it must be . and no heresie is it to turn the truth of gods word into lies , and that do you . mr. gibson also propounded nine articles to bonner , by him to be answered by yea or nay , or else by saying he could not tell ( ) whether the scriptures of god , written by moses and other holy prophets of god through faith , that is in christ jesus , be available doctrine , to make all men in all things unto salvation learned , without the help of any other doctrine , or no ? ( ) whether the holy word of god , as it is written , doth sufficiently teach all men , of what dignity , estate , or calling by office whatsoever be or they be , their full , true , and lawful duty in their office ? and whether every man — be found upon the pain of eternal damnation , in all things to do , as he is thereby taught and commanded , and in no wise to leave undone any thing that is to be done , being taught and commanded by the same ? ( ) whether any man ( the lord jesus christ , god and man only except ) by the holy ordinance of god , ever was , is , or shall be lord over faith ? ( ) by what lawful authority or power any man of what dignity , estate , or calling soever he or they be , may be so bold as to alter or change the holy ordinances of god , or any of them , or any part of them ? ( ) by what evident tokens antichrist in his ministers may be known , seeing it is written , that satan can change himself into the similitude of an angel of light , and his ministers fashion themselves , as though they were ministers of righteousness ? ( ) what the beast is , which maketh war with the saints of god ? and what the gorgeous and glittering whore is , which sitteth upon the beast ? — gilby . mr. anthony gilby , an exiled minister of christ in queen mary's dayes , in his admonition speaks thus . — whereas many have written ▪ many profitable admonitions to you twain ( o england and scotland , both making one island most happy , if you could know your own hapiness ) — and others with pen and tongue , with word , with writing , with jeopardy and loss of lands , goods , and lives , have admonished you both twain of that cankered poyson of papistry , that ye foster and pamper to your own perdition and utter destruction of your selves and yours , souls and bodies , for now and ever . i thought it my duty ( seeing your destruction to mans judgement to draw so near ) hom much or how little soever they have prevailed , yet once again to admonish you both to give testimony to that truth , which my brethren have written , and especially to stir your hearts to repentance , or at the least to offer my self a witness against you , for the justice of god , and his righteous judgements , which doubtless ( if your hearts be hardned ) against you both are at hand to be uttered . thus by our writing , whom it pleaseth god to stir up of your nations all men that now l●ve , and that shall come after us , shall have cause also to praise the mercy of god , that so oft admonisheth before he strikes , and to consider his just punishment , when he shall pour forth his vengeance . give ear therefore betimes , o britain ( for of that name both rejoyceth ) whilest the lord calleth , exhorteth , and admonisheth : that is the acceptable time , when he will be found . if ye refuse the time offered , ye cannot have it afterward , though with tears ( as did esau ) ye do seem to seek it . yet once again in gods behalf i do offer you the very means , which if god of his mercies grant you grace to follow , i doubt nothing , but that of all your enemies speedily ye shall be delivered . ye rejoyce at his word , i am sure , if ye have any hope of the performance . then hearken to the matter which i write unto you , not forth of mens dreams and fables , nor forth of prophane histories , painted with mans wisdome , vain eloquence , or subtile reasons , but forth of the infallible word of god. — is not this gods curse and threatning ( amongst many others ) pronounced against the sinful land and disobedient people ? that strangers shall devour the fruit of thy land , and be above thee , &c. and thy strong walls wherein thou trusted , shall be destroyed , &c. and doth not isaiah reckon this also as the extremity of all plagues , for the wickedness of the people to have women raised up to rule over them ? but what saith the same prophet in the beginning of his prophesie , for a remedy against these and all other evils , y●ur hands are full of blood ( saith he ) o ye princes of sodom and people of gomorrah ; but wash you , make you clean , take away your wicked thoughts forth of my sight , ●ease to do evil , learn to do well , &c. then will i turn my hand to thee , and purge out all thy dross , and take away thy tynne , and i will restore thy iudges as aforetime , and counsellors as of old . and moses said before in the place alledged , that if thou wilt hear the voice of the lord 〈◊〉 god , and do his commandments , thou shalt be blessed 〈◊〉 the town , and blessed in the field . the lord shall ca●●● thine enemies , that rise up against thee , to fall befo●● thee , &c. lo the way in few words , o britany , 〈◊〉 win gods favour , and therefore to overcome thin● enemies . but to print this more deeply upon your hearts , o ye princes and people of that island whom god hath begun to punish , seek ( i want you ) no snifting holes to excuse your faults ▪ no political practises to resist gods vengeance ▪ — submit your selves to him , who holdeth you● breath in your nostrils , who with one blast of hi● mouth can destroy all his enemies . embrace hi● son christ , and repent betimes for your obstinacy against him and his word , and for your cruelt● against his servants . repent , repent . for repentance is the onely way of your redress and deliverance . — consider how the lord hath intreated israel and iuda , his own people , how oft they trespassed , and how he gave them over into the hands of their enemies : but whensoever they repented and turned again to god unfeignedly , he sent them judges and deliverers , kings and saviours . — noah pronounceth , that within a hundred and twenty years all flesh should be destroyed . we have many noahs , that so cry in our times ▪ yet no man repenteth . all the time that noah was preparing for the ark to avoid gods vengeance , the multitude derided this holy prophet , as the multitude of you two realms doth at this day deride all them that by obedience to gods word seek the means appointed to avoid gods judgments . then the people would not repent , but as if they should live for ever they married , they banqueted , they builded , they planted , deriding gods messenger . do not you the like ? i appeal to your own consciences . the lord calleth to fasting ( saith the prophet isaiah ) to mortifie themselves , and kill their lusts , but they kill sheep and bullocks . ieremy cries for tears and lamentation ; they laugh and mock-malachi crieth to the people of his time , turn unto me , and i will turn unto you , saith the lord of hosts , and they proudly answer , wherein shall we turn ? are you not such ? do you not ask , wherein shall we turn , when ye will not know your sins ? ye will not confess and acknowledge your faults , though ye go a whoring in every street , town , and village with your idols : though the blood of the oppressed cry every where against you for vengeance . so that seeing no taken of repentance , i cannot cry unto you with iohn baptist , o ye generation of vipers , who hath taught you to flie from the wrath to come ? — but i will wound you no more with the words of the prophets , or of this holy saint of god iohn baptist , but with our saviour christs two most sweet parables of the two sons and of the tilmen , to whom he set his vineyard , i will labour to set before your eyes your rebellion , hypocrisie , and cruelty , if so i can bring any of you to repentance . — he hath called you by his word many a time to work in his vineyard . i ask , what you have answered . some of you have said plainly , like rebellious children , that ye would not do it , that ye would not work in your fathers vineyard . shall i apply this part to scotland ? scotland was indeed called most plainly and evidently through the mercies of god both by their own faithful countreymen , and also by earnest travel of our english nation to come into the lords vineyard in the time of king edward the sixth , but refused . that time ( as ye know ) the vineyard in england by the children of god was not altogether neglected , and then most earnestly were ye●● ( o brethren of scotland ) required to joyn han●● with us in the lords work , but satan alas would not suffer it . his old fo●tred malice , and antichris●● his son , could not abide , that christ should grow●● to strong by joyning that isle together in perfect religion , &c. lest this one island should become a safe sanctuary ( as it began to be ) to all the persecuted in all places . — god hath also by the blood of his saints , shed amongst you , by favour and friendship , by war and the sword , yea by famine and pestilence , and also by all other means called you to labour in his vineyard ; but to this days alas ! we hear not of your humble obedience , but still ye say with stubborn faces , we will not labour , we will not be bound to such thraldome , &c. ye think perchance i am too sharp , and that i accuse you more then you deserve ; for amongst you many do know the will of your father , and many make profession of his gospel , but consider , brethren , that it is not enough to know the commandment , and to profess the same in mouth , but it is necessary , that ye refuse your selves , your own pleasures , appetites , and your own wisdome , if ye shall be judged faithful labourers in the lord● vineyard , and that ye bear the burthens , together with your brethren , and suffer heat and sweat , before ye taste the fruits with them . god will no●● be content , that ye look over the hedge , and behold the labours of your brethren , but he requireth that ye put your hands also to the labours , that ye travel continually to pluck up all unprofitable weeds , though in so doing the thorns prick you to the bone ; that ye assist your brethren in their labours , though it be with the jeopardy of your lives , the loss of your substance , and displeasure of the whole earth . — i must needs leave thee , o scotland , after i have advertized thee of this , that thou follow not the example of england , but let thy reformation be full and plain , according to gods holy will and word , without addition . let all the plants , which thy heavenly father hath not planted , be rooted out at once . let not avarice blind thee , nor worldly wisdome discourage thy heart ; let none bear the name of a teacher , that is known to be a fosterer of superstition , or any kind of wickedness . — thus must thou , o scotland , repent thy former inobedience , if that thou wilt be approved of the lord. and now do i return to thee , o england , i do liken thee to the second son in the parable , which answered his father with flattering words , saying , i go father , but yet he went not at al● . for since the time i had any remembrance , our heavenly father , of his great mercies , hath not ceased to call thee into his vineyard , and to these late dayes thou hast alwayes said , that thou wouldest enter and be obedient . in the time of king henry the eighth , when by tyndal , frith , biln●y , and other his saithful servants , god called england to dress his vineyard , many promised full fair , but what fruit followed , nothing but bitter grapes , yea , briars and brambles , the wormwood of avarice , the gall of cruelty , the poyson of filthy fornication , flowing from head to foot , the contempt of god , and open defence of the cake-idol , by open proclamation to be read in the churches , instead of gods scriptures . — it grieveth me to write these evils of my countrey , save onely that i must needs declare what fruit were found in the vineyard , after you promised to work therein , to move you to repentance , and to justifie gods judgements , how grievonsly soever he shall plague you hereaft●● wherefore i desire you to call to remembranc● your best state under king edward , when all me●● with general consent promised to work in th●● vineyard , and ye shall have cause i doubt not to ●a●ment your wickedness , that so contemned the voic●● of god for your own lusts , for your cruelty , for your covetousness , that the name of god was by your vanities evil spoken of in other nations ▪ — god grant you all repentant hearts , for no order or state did any part of his duty in those dayes . b●● to speak of the best , whereof you use to boast , your religion was but an english mattins , patch'd forth of the popes portess . many things were in your great book superstitious and foolish , all were driven to a present service , like the papists , that they should think their duties discharged , if the number were said of psalms and chapters . finally , there could no discipline be brought into the church nor correction of manners . — to what contempt was gods word , and the admonition of his prophets come in all estates before god did strike , some men are not ignorant . the preachers themselves for the most part could find no fault in religion , but that the church was poor , and lacked living . — sure many things should have been reformed , before that the kitchin had been better provided for our prelates in england . it was most evident that many of you under the cloak of religion , served your own bellies ; some where so busie to heap benefice upon benefice , some to labour in parliament for purchasing of lands , that the time was small , which could be found for the reformation of abuses , and every little that was spent upon the feeding of your flocks . — in a word , the go●●spel was so lightly esteemed ; that the most part of men thought rather that god should bow and stoop to their appetites , then that they should be subject to his holy commandments . — even the nobility and council would suffer no rebukes of gods messengers , though their offences were never so manifest ; let those that preached in the court , the lent before king edward deceased , speak their conscience , and accuse me if i lie ; yea , let a writing of northumberland's to mr. harlow be brought to light , and it shall testifie , that he was not ashamed to say , that the liberty of the preachers tongues would cause the council and nobility to rise up against them , for they could not suffer so to be entreated . these were the fruits in the time of harvest , a little before the winter came , and of the time of mary what should i write ? — it hath cast off the truth known , and confessed , and followeth lies and errours , which once it detested . it buildeth the building which once it destroyed ; it raiseth up the idols , which once were there confounded . — they persecute , they banish , they burn christ the son of god in his members . — but to be short , this onely remaineth for both these nations , that they repent , and return into the vineyard , with the first son , and bring forth the fruits of repentance . the fruits of repentance i call not onely to know your sins , and to lament them , but to amend your lives , and to make strait the lords paths by resisting satan and sin , and obeying god in doing the works of righteousness , and executing gods precepts and judgements , so long amongst you contemned , for even now is the axe put to the root of the tree , &c. th● lord hath now his fan in his hand , and will purge his floor , &c. repent therefore whilst you have time , before you be ●anned , hewn down , and fired . — here have we to lament the miserable state of mankind , which i● so seduced by the subtile serpent , that he canno● know his misery , when he is admonished , nor perceive his perdition , when it draweth so near . whe● the servants of god set forth his truth , they are charged to trouble realms and countreys , as wa● elias , when they warn men to joyn hands with wicked kings and princes , they are counted traytors , as was isaiah and ieremiah , such is mans malice . — wherefore i do admonish and exhort you both in the name of the living god , that howsoever yo● have hitherto shewed your selves the servants o● men , to bear and flatter with the world , that no● ye learn in gods cause to despise the faces of men to bend your selves against this wicked world , neither regarding the visors of honours , vain titles nor dignities , any farther then they seek gods onely glory , for his glory will he not suffer to be contemned for any cause ; no , he will pour contemp● on those princes that strive against his truth , b●● those that glorifie him , will he glorifie . — behold , your onely remedy remaining , is to repen● your time of ignorance , of stubbornness , of cruelty of idolatry , wherein ye have so long continued mourn for your ignorance , and now with all diligence seek for knowledge of the world of god and openly profess the gospel , which is the powe● of god , whereof ye ought not to be ashamed . cease at the last from your old stubbornness , and labour in the vineyard with all meekness . cease from your cruelty against christs members , and learn t● suffer for christs sake , if ye will be true christians . banish all idolatry and popish superstitio● from amongst you , else can ye have no part i● christs kingdome , no more then christ can be partaker with antichrist . pray to the lord of hosts and armies to give you the courage , strength , and means . the lords arm is not shortened now , no more then of old . be strong therefore in the lord , for the defence of the truth , though all the world rise against it . now when the battel is fierce against the living god for dead idols , against the gospel of christ for the inventions of antichrist , against christ members for popish ceremonies ; can any of you that will be accounted gods children , still halt of both hands ? — if you will maintain gods truth in the earth , he will receive you as his children into the heavens , if you confess his christ before this wicked generation , christ shall confess you before his father in the heavens , in the presence of his angels : but if you persist stubbornly to banish gods word , and his son christ in his members forth of your earthly kingdomes , how can ye look for any part in his heavenly kingdome ? — lo here is the choice of life and death , of misery and wealth offered to you by gods mercies , and the means how you may win gods favour opened , whereby onely ye may prevail against your enemies . god grant you hearts to answer as the people did to ioshua , offering the like choice . god forbid ( say they ) that we should forsake god , we will serve the lord our god , and obey his voice , for he is our god. and we your ban●shed brethren , by the power of god , to provoke you forwards , will thus pronounce with ioshua , that we and our f●milies will serve the lord god , though all nations run to idols , though all people do persecute us . we know that satan hath but a short time to rage , and that christ our captain right speedily will crown his souldiers , to whom as he is the eternal god with his father be all honour and glory for ever and ever . so be it . a short prayer which mr. gilby made for t●● faithful in those dayes . o lord god , and most merciful father , we beseech thee for the honour of th● holy name to defend us from that antichrist 〈◊〉 rome , and from all his detestable enormities , manners , laws , garments , and ceremonies . destroy tho● the counsel of all the papists and atheists , enemi●● of thy gospel , and of this realm of england . d●●●close their mischiefs and subtile practises . c●● found their devices . let them be taken in the● own wiliness . and strengthen all those that mai●tain the cause and quarrel of thy gospel , with i●vincible force and power of the holy spirit , so th● they fail not to proceed and go forward to that tr●● godliness , commanded in thy holy word , with 〈◊〉 simplicity and sincerity , to thy honour and glor● the comfort of thine elect , and the confusion 〈◊〉 thine enemies , through jesus christ our lord an● saviour . amen , amen . and say from the hear●● amen . glee . when the friers told madam la glee , that 〈◊〉 was in a damnable estate : it seems so indeed ( sai●●sne ) being now in your hands ; but i have a 〈◊〉 that will never leave me , nor forsake me , for 〈◊〉 that . thou hast ( said they ) renounced the faith it is true ( said she ) i have renounced your faith which i am able to shew is rejected , and accurse● of god , and therefore deserves not so much as 〈◊〉 be called faith. when news was brought her , that she was co●●demned to be hang'd , she fell down upon he● knees , and blessed god , for that it pleased him 〈◊〉 snew her so much mercy as to deliver her by such kind of death , out of the troubles of this wretche● world , and to honour her so far , as to call her 〈◊〉 die for his truth , and to wear his livery ( meaning the haltar , which the hangman had put about her neck ) then sitting down at table to break her fast with the three other condemned servants of christ , giving thanks to god , she exhorted them to be of good courage , and to trust unto the end in his free and onely mercy . she then called for a clean linen wastcoat , making her self ready , as if she had been going to a wedding . mr. w●rd tells us , that she put on her bracelets ; for i go ( said she ) unto my husband . being commanded ( as she was led to execution ) to take a torch into her hand , and to acknowledge she had offended god and the king : away , away , ( said she ) with it . i have neither offended god , nor the king , according to your meaning , nor in respect of the cause , for which i suffer . i am i confess a sinful woman , but i need no such light , for helping me to ask forgiveness of god for my sins past , or present . life such things your selves , who sit and walk in the darkness of ignorance and errour . then one of her kinsfolks met her in the way , and presented to her view her little children , praying her to have compassion on them . i must needs tell you ( said she ) that i love my children dearly ; but yet neither for the love i bear to them , or any thing else in this world , will i renounce the truth , or my god , who is and will be a father unto them , to provide better for them , then i should have done , and therefore to his providence and protection i commend and leave them . when she saw the three men about to die silent , and not to call on god , she ex●orted then thereto , and gave them an example . glover . mr. robert glover in his letter to his wife ha● many memorable passages , the chief i shall collec● — i thank you heartily ( most loving wife ) 〈◊〉 your letters sent to me in my imprisonment . read them with tears more then once or twic● with tears ( i say ) for joy and gladness , that go● hath wrought in you so merciful a work ; ( ) 〈◊〉 unfeigned repentance . ( ) an humble and heart reconciliaton . ( ) a willing submission and ob●●dience to the will of god in all things . — the●● your letters , and the hearing of your godly pr●●ceedings have much relieved and comforte● me , &c. and shall be a goodly testimony for you at the great day , against many worldly and dain●● dames , which set more by their own pleasure an● praise in this world , then by gods glory , little re●garding ( as it appeareth ) the everlasting health 〈◊〉 their own souls or others . — so long as god shal● lend you continuance in this miserable world above all things give your self continually to prayer , lifting up pure hands without anger , wrath , o● doubting , forgiving as christ forgives . and that w●● may be the better willing to forgive , it is good ofte● to call to remembrance the multitude and greatness of our sins , which christ daily and hour●● pardoneth and forgiveth us . — and because god● word teacheth us , not onely the true manner ●● praying , but also what we ought to do or not to 〈◊〉 in the whole course of our life , what pleaseth 〈◊〉 displeaseth god , and that as christ saith , the wo●● of god , that he hath spoken , shall judge us . let you● prayer be to this end especially , that god of hi● great mercy would open and reveal more and mor● daily to your heart the true sense , knowledge , an● understanding of his most holy word , and gi●● you grace in your living , to express the fruit thereof . and forasmuch as gods word is , as the holy ghost calleth it , the word of affliction , i. e. it is seldome without hatred , persecution , peril , danger of loss of goods and life , &c. call upon god continually for his assistance , casting your accounts what is like to cost you , endeavouring your self , through the help of the holy ghost by continuance of prayer , to lay your foundation so sure , that no storm or tempest shall be able to overthrow it ; remembering alwayes ( as christ saith ) lots wife , i. e. to beware of looking back to that thing that displeaseth god : and nothing more displeaseth god then idolatry , that is , false worshiping of god , otherwise then his word commandeth . — they object they be the church , &c. my answer was , the church of god knoweth and acknowledgeth no other head , but jesus christ the son of god , whom ye have refused , and chosen the man of sin , the son o● perdition , enemy to christ , the devils deputy and lieutenant , the pope . christs church heareth , teacheth , and is ruled by his word , as he saith , my sheep hear my voice . if you abide in me , and my word a●ide in you , you be my disciples . their church repelleth gods word , and forceth all men to follow their traditions . christs church dares not adde nor diminish , alter or change his blessed testament ; but they be not afraid to take away all that christ instituted , and go a whoring ( as the scripture saith ) with their own inventions , &c. the church of christ is , hath been , and shall be in all ages under the cross , persecuted , molested , and afflicted , the world ever hating them because they are not of the world ; but these persecute , m●rther , slay , and kill such as profess the true doctrine of christ , be they in learning , living , conversation , and other vertues never so excellent . chri●● and his church referred the trial of their doctrine to the word of god , and gave the people leave to judge thereof by the same word ; search th● scriptures . but this church taketh away the wor●● from the people , and suffereth neither learned nor unlearned , to examine or prove their doctrine by the word of god. the true church of go● laboureth by all means to resist and withstand the lusts , desires , and motions of the world , the flesh , and the devil : these for the most part give themselves to all voluptuousness , &c. — i likened them 〈◊〉 nimrod , whom the scripture calls a mighty hunter , telling them , that that which they could no● have by the word , they would have by the sword and be the church whether men will or no. — be●ware of such as shall advertise you something 〈◊〉 bear with the world , as they do , for a season . ther● is no dallying with gods matters . it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of god. remember the prophet elias , why halt ye on both sides ? remember what christ saith , he that putteth his ha●● to the plough , and looketh back , is not worthy of me . and seeing god hath hitherto allowed you as a good souldier in the fore-ward , play not the coward ▪ neither draw back to the rere-ward . saint ioh● numbreth among them , that shall dwell in the he●y lake , such as be fearful in gods cause . set before your eyes alwayes the examples of such , as have behaved themselves boldly in gods cause , as stephen , peter , paul , daniel , the three children , the widows sons , and in your dayes anne askew , la●rence sanders , iohn bradford , &c. be afraid in n●thing ( saith saint paul ) of the adversaries of christ● doctrine , the which is to them a sign of perdition , b●● to you of everlasting salvation . christ commandeth the same , saying , fear them not . let us not follow the example of him , who asked time first to take leave of his friends . if we do so , we shall find few of them , that will encourage us to go forward in our business , please it god never so much . we read not that iames and iohn , andrew and simon , when they were called , put off the time , till they had known their fathers and friends pleasure , but the scripture saith , they forsook all , and by and by followed christ. christ likened the kingdome of god to a precious pearl , the which whosoever findeth , selleth all that he hath to buy it . yea , whosoever hath but a little taste or glimmering how piecious a treasure the kingdome of heaven is , will gladly forego both life and goods for the obtaining of it . but the most part now adayes be like to aesops cock , which when he had found a precious stone , wished rather to have found a barley corn : so ignorant be they how precious a jewel the word of god is , that they choose rather the things of this world , which being compared to it , be less in value then a barley corn . if i would have given place to worldly reasons , these might have moved me ; the foregoing of you and my children ; the consideration of the state of my children , being yet young , apt and inclinable to vertue and learning , and so having the more need of my assistance ; i was never called to be a preacher or minister ; and ( because of my sickness ) fear of death in prison before i should come to my answer , and so my death to be unprofitable . but these and such like , i thank my heavenly father ( which of his infinite mercy inspired me with his holy ghost , for his sons sake , my onely saviour and redeemer ) prevailed not in me . but when i had by the wonderful permission of god fallen into their hands , at the first sight of the sheriffe , nature a little abashed ; yet ere ever i came to the prison , by the working of god and through his goodness , fear departed . — little justice was shewed by mr. sheriffe ; but the less justice a ma● findeth at their hands , the more consolation in conscience shall he find from god ; for whosoever is o● the world , the world will love him . after i came to prison , and had reposed my self there a while , i wept for joy and gladness my belly full , mu●i●g much of the great mercies of god , and ( as it were ) saying to my self after this sort , o lord , who am i , on whom thou shouldst bestow this thy great mercy , to be numbred among the saints that suffer for the gospels sake ? and so beholding and considering on the one side my imperfection , unableness , sinful misery and unworthiness , and on the other side the greatness of gods mercy , to be called to so high promotion , i was as it were amazed and overcome for a while with joy and glad●ess , concluding thus ; o lord , thou shewest power in weakness , wisdome in foolishness , mercy in sinfulness . who shall let thee to choose where and whom thou wilt ? as i have ever zealously loved the confession of thy word , so ever thought i my self unworthy to be partaker of affliction for the same . some travelling with me to dismissed upon bonds , to them my answer was ( to my remembrance ) after this sort ; forasmuch as the masters have imprisoned me , having nothing to burthen me withal , if i should enter into bonds , i should in so doing accuse my self : and seeing they have no matter to lay to my charge , they may as well let me pass without bonds , as with bonds . secondly , if i shall enter into bonds , covenant and promise to appear , i shall do nothing but excuse , colour , and cloak their wickedness , and indanger my self nevertheless , being bound by my promise to appear . — afterward debating the matter with my self , these considerations came into my head . i have from time to time with good conscience ( god i take to record ) moved all such as i had conference with to be no dalliers in gods matters , but to shew themselves after so great a light and knowledge , hearty , earnest , constant , and stable in so manifest a truth , and not to give place one jot contrary to the same . now thought i , if i shall withdraw my self , and make any shifts to pull my own neck out of the coller , i shall give great offence to my weak brethren in christ , and advantage to the enemies to slander gods word . it will be said , he hath been a great emboldner of others to be earnest and fervent , to fear no worldly perils and dangers , but he himself will give no such example . wherefore i thought it my bounden duty both to god and man , being ( as it were ) by the great goodness of god called and appointed hereunto , to set aside all fear , perils and dangers , all worldly respects and considerations , and like as i had before , according to the measure of my small gift , within the compass of my vocation and calling , from the bottome of my heart unfeignedly moved , exhorted , and perswaded all that pro●ess gods word , manfully to persist in the defence of the same , not with sword and violence , but with suffering and loss of life , rather then to de●ile themselves again with the whorish abominaon of the romish antichrist . so the hour being come with my fact and example to ratifie , confirm , and protest the same to the hearts of all true believers , and to this end ( by the mighty assistance of gods holy spirit ) i resolved my self with much peace of conscience , willingly to sustain whatsoever the romish antichrist should do against me . — when mr. warren the chancellor willed 〈◊〉 chief jaylor to carry me to the bishop , i laid 〈◊〉 his charge the cruel seeking of my death ; a●● when he would have excused himself , i told h●● he could not wipe his hands so : he was as g●●●● of my blood before god , as though he had mu●thered me with his own hands . he departed fro● me , saying i needed not to fear if i would be 〈◊〉 his belief . god open his eyes , and give him gra●● to believe this , which he and all of his inclinatio● shall find ( i fear ) too true for their parts , that 〈◊〉 they which cruelly , maliciously , and spitefully pe●secute , molest , and afflict the members of chri●● for their conscience sake , and for the true test●●mony of christs word , and cause them to be mo●● unjustly slain and murthered , without speedy re●pentance shall dwell with the devil and his ange● in the fiery lake everlastingly , where they sha●● wish and desire , cry and call , but in vain ( as the●● right companion epulo ) to be refreshed of them whom in this world they contemned , despised , disdained , as slaves , misers , and wretches . — the bishop laid to my charge my not coming to church here i might have dallied with him , and put him to his proofs . — notwithstanding i answered him through gods merciful help , that i neither ha● nor would come at their church , as long as their mass was used there , to save ( if i had them ) 〈◊〉 hundred lives . — the bishop asking me wh● should judge the word ? i told him , christ wa● content that the people should judge his doctrine by searching the scriptures , and so was paul. methinks ye should claim no farther priviledge no● preheminence then they had . — the bishop telling me , he was my bishop , and therefore i mu●● believe him : if you say black is white ( said i ) must i also say as you say , and believe the same , because you say it is so ? — if you will be believed because you be a bishop , why find you fault with the people , that believed mr. latimer , mr. ridley , mr. hooper , &c. that were bishops ? because they were hereticks ( said the bishop ) and may not you erre ( quoth i ) as well as they ? i looked for learning at my lords hand to perswade me , and he oppressed me onely with his authority . he said i dissented from the church , and asked me where my church was before kings edward's time ; i desired him to shew me , where their church was in elias time , and what outward shew it had in christs time ? — the tidings that i should be carried to lichfield did at first somewhat discourage me , fearing least i should by reason of my great sickness through extream handling ( which i looked for ) have died in the prison , before i should come to my answer : but i rebuked immediately with gods word this infidelity in my self , &c. after this manner , what make i of god ? is not his power as great in lichfield as coventry ? doth not his providence extend as well to lichfield as coventry ? was he not with habakkuk , daniel , meshach , and ieremy in their most dangerous imprisonments ? he knows what things we have need of them . he hath numbred all the hairs of our head . the sparrow falleth not to the ground without our heavenly fathers will , much more will he care for us , if we be not faithless , whom he hath made worthy to be witnesses of his truth . so long as we put our trust in him , we shall never be destitute of his help , neither in prison , nor in sickness , nor in health , nor in death , nor before kings , nor before bishops . not the devil himself , much less one of his ministers shall be able to prevail against us . with such like meditations i waxed chearful of good consolation and comfort . so that hearing one say , they could not provide horses enough for us , i said , let them carry us in a dung-cart for lack of horses , if they list , i am well content for my part . — i told iephcot the chancellors servant , that they should have judgement without mercy , that shewed no mercy , and this mercy i found at his hand at lichfield . he put me into a prison that same night , where i continued till i was condemned , in a place next to the dungeon , &c. very cold , with small light , and there he allowed me a bundle of straw instead of a bed , without chair , form , or any other thing to ease my self withall . god of his mercy gave me great patience through prayer that night , so that if it had been his pleasure , i could have have been contented to have ended my life . — in the time of my imprisonment i gave my self continually to prayer and meditation of the merciful promises of god , made unto all , without exception of persons , that call upon the name of his dear son jesus christ. i ●ound in my self daily amendment of health of body , increase of peace in conscience , and many consolations from god by the help of his holy spirit , & sometime ( as it were ) a taste and glimmering of the life to come , all for his onely son jesus christs sake . to him be all the praise for ever and ever . the enemy ceased not many times sundry wayes to assault me : oftentimes objecting to my conscience my own unworthiness of the greatness of the benefit to be accounted amongst those that suffer for christ , for his gospels sake . against him i replied ▪ with the word of god on this sort . what were all those whom god had chosen from the beginning to be his witnesses , and to carry his name before the world ? were they not men , as well subject to sin and imperfections , as other men be ? — who gave first unto him ? what hast thou that thou hast not received ? all have received of his fulness . they were no bringers of any goodness to god , but altogether receivers . they chose not god first , but god chose them . they loved not god first , but he loved them first : yea he both loved and chose them when they were his enemies , full of sin and corruption , as well as void of all goodness . — he is and will be the same god , as rich in mercy , as mighty , as able , as ready , as willing to forgive sins without respect of persons to the worlds end of all them that call upon him . god is near , he is at hand , he is with all , with all ( i say ) and refuseth none , excepteth none , that faith●ully in true repentance call upon him , in what hour , what place , or what time soever it be . it is no arrogancy nor presumption in any man to burden god ( as it were ) with his promise , and of duty to claim and challenge his aid , help , and assistance in all our perils , dangers , and distress , calling upon him not in the confidence of our own godliness , but in the trust of his own promises made in christ. — his word cannot lye , call upon me in the day of trouble , and i will hear thee , and thou shalt praise me . i answered the enemy also on this manner ; i am a sinner , and therefore unworthy to be a witness of this truth . what then ? must i deny his word , because i am not worthy to pro●ess it ? what bring i to pass in so doing , but adde sin to sin ? what is greater sin then to deny the truth of christs gospel ? he that is ashamed of me or of my words ( saith christ ) of him also will i be ashamed before my father , and all his angels . i might also by the same reason forbear to do any of gods commandments . when i am provoked to pray , the enemy may say to me , i am not worthy to pray , therefore i shall not pray , &c. — when the bishop came to lichfield — he perswaded me to be a member of his church , which had continued so many years . as for our church ( as he called it ) it was not known , he said , but lately in king edward's time . i profess my self to be a member of that church ( said i ) that is builded upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , jesus christ being the head corner-stone . and this church hath been from the beginning ( said i ) though it bear no glorious shew before the world , being ever for the most part under the cross and affliction , contemned , despised , and persecuted . the bishop contended on the other side that they were the church . so cried all the clergy against the prophets of ierusalem ( said i ) saying , the church , the church , &c. so much out of mr. glover's choice letter . after he was condemned , his heart was lumpish and desolate of all spiritual consolation ; whereupon fearing least the lord had utterly withdrawn , he made his moan to mr. austine bernher , his familiar friend , telling him how he had prayed night and day to god , and yet had no sense of comfort from him . the minister desired him to wait patiently the lords leisure ; and howsoever his present feeling was , yet seeing his cause was just , he exhorted him constantly to stick to the same , and to play the man , not doubting but the lord in his good time would visit him , and satisfie his desire with plenty of consolation , whereof ( said mr. bernher ) he was right certain and sure , and therefore desired him , whenever any such feeling of gods heavenly mercies should begin to touch his heart , that then he should shew some signification thereof . the next day , as he was going to the place of his martyrdome , and was come within light of the stake , although all the night before , praying for strength and courage , he could feel none ; suddenly he was so mightily replenished with gods holy comfort , and heavenly joys , that he cried out , clapping his hands to austine , and saying in these words , austine , he is come , he is come , &c. and that with such joy and alacrity , as one seeming rather to be risen from some deadly danger to liberty of life , then as one passing out of the world by any pains of death . godfrey . when one called godfrey de h●mmele heretick , he said , no heretick , but an unprofitable servant , yet willing to die for his lord , and reckoning this death no death , but a life . goodman . mr. christopher goodman , an exiled minister of christ in queen mary's dayes , declaring the cause of all the then misery in england , and the onely way to remedy the same , writes as followeth from geneva . — if all in whom the people should look for comfort , be altogether declined from god ( as indeed they appear to be at this present time in england , without all fear of his majesty , or pity upon their brethren ) — then assure your selves ( dear brethren and servants of god ) there can be no better counsel , nor more comfortable or present remedy ( which you shall prove true , if god grant you his spirit and grace to follow it ) then in continual and daily invocation of his name , to rest wholly and onely upon him , make him your shield , buckler , and refuge , who hath so promised to be to all them that are oppressed and depend upon him ; to do nothing commanded against god and your conscience , preferring at all times the will of god to the will of men , saying and answering to all manner of persons , this god hath commanded , this we must do : that god hath forbidden , that we will not do . if you will rob us and spoil us for doing the lords will , to the lord must you make answer , and not to us ; for his goods they are , and not ours . if ye will imprison us , behold you are oppressours ; if ye will hang us , or burn us , behold ye are murtherers of them which fear the lord. — and for our part , if you take from us this vile and corruptible life , we are sure the lord will grant it us again with joy , and immortality , both of soul and body . if god give you grace to make this or the like answer , and strength to contemn their tyranny , you may be sure to find unspeakable comfort and quietness of conscience in the midst of your danger , and greatest rage of satan . and thus boldly confessing christ your saviour before men ( as by the examples of thousands of your brethren before your faces god doth mercifully encourage you ) you may with all hope and patience wait for the joyful confession of christ again , before his father and angels in heaven , that you are his obedient and dearly beloved servants ; being also assured of this , that if it be the will of god to have you any longer to remain in this miserable world , that then his providence is so careful over you , and present with you , that no man or power can take away your life from you , nor touch your body any farther then your lord and god will permit them , which neither shall be augmented for your plain confession , nor yet diminished for keeping of silence ; for nothing cometh to the servants of god by hap or chance , whose hairs of their heads are numbred . whereof if ye be so assured , as ye ought , there can be nothing that should make you to shrink from the lord. if they do cast you into prison with ioseph , the lord will deliver you : if they cast you to wild beasts and lions , as they did d●niel , you shall be preserved : if into the sea with ionas , you shall not be drowned ; or into the dirty dungeon with ieremy , you shall be delivered ; or into the fiery furnace with shadrach , meshach , and a●ednego , yet shall not be consumed . contrariwise , if it be his good pleasure , that you shall glorifie his holy name by your death , what great thing have you lost ? changing death for life , misery for felicity , continual vexation and trouble for perpetual rest and quietness , chusing rather to die with shame of the world , being the servants of god , then to live among men in honour , being the servants of satan , and condemned of god. otherwise , if you give place to the wickedness of men to escape their malice and bodily dangers , you shew your selves therein to fear man , more then the mighty and dreadful god : him that hath but power of your body , and that at gods appointment then god , himself , who hath power , after he hath destroyed the body , to cast both soul and body into hell-fire , there to remain everlastingly in torments unspeakable . and moreover , that which you look to obtain by these sinful shifts , you shall be sure to lose with grief and trouble of conscience ; for this saying of your master being true and certain , that they which seek to save their life ( meaning by any worldly reason or policy ) shall lose it . what shall be their gains at length , when by dissimulation and yielding to popish blasphemy , they dishonour the majesty of god to enjoy this short , miserable , and mortal life , to be cast from the favour of god , and company of his heavenly angels , to enjoy for a short time their goods and possessions among their fleshly and carnal friends , whenas their conscience within shall be deeply wounded with hell-like torments ? when gods curse and indignation hangeth continually over the heads of such , ready to be poured down upon them ; when they shall find no comfort , but utter despair with iudas , who for this worldly riches ( as he did ) have sold their master , seeking either to hang themselves with iudas , to murther themselves with francis spira , to drown themselves with justice hales , or else to fall into a raging madness with justice morgan ? what comfort had iudas then by his money received for betraying his master ? was he not shortly after compelled to cast it from him , with this pitiful voice , i have sinned in betraying innocent blood ? — then , dear brethren in christ , what other reward can any of you look for , committing the like offences ? — there is no trust but in god , no comfort but in christ , no assurance but in his promise , by whose obedience onely you shall avoid all danger . and whatsoever you lose in this world , and suffer for his name , it shall be here recompenced with double , according to his promise , and in the world to come with life everlasting , which is to find your life , when you are willing to lay it down at his commandment . i am not ignorant how unnatural a thing it is , and contrary to the flesh , willingly to sustain such cruel death , as the adversaries have appointed to all the children of god , who mind constantly to stand by their prosession , yet to the spirit notwithstanding is easie and joyful ; for though the flesh be frail , the spirit is prompt and ready . whereof ( praised be the name of god ) you have had notable experience in many of your brethren , very martyrs for christ , who with joy patiently , and triumphing have suffered and drunk with thirst of that bitter cup , which nature so much abhorreth , wonderfully strengthened no doubt by the secret inspiration of gods holy spirit ; so that there ought to be none among you so feeble , weak , or timerous , whom the wonderful examples of gods present power and singular favour in those persons , should not encourage , bolden , and fortifie to shew the like constancy in the same cause and profession . nevertheless great cause we have thankfully to consider the unspeakable mercy of god in christ , who hath farther respect to our infirmity , that when we have not that boldness of spirit to stand to the death , as we see others , he hath provided a present remedy , that being persecuted in one place , we have liberty to flee into another . when we cannot be in our own countrey with a safe conscience ( except we would make open profession of our religion , which is every mans duty , and so be brought to offer up our lives in sacrifice to god in testimony that we are his ) he hath mollified and prepared the hearts of strangers to receive us with all pity and gladness , where you may be also not onely delivered from the fear of death , and the papist●cal tyranny , practised without all measure in that countrey , but with great freedom of conscience hear the word of god continually preached , and the sacraments of our saviour christ purely and duely , ministred without all dregs of popery or superstition of mans invention , to the intent that you being with others refreshed for a space , and more strongly fortified , may be also with others more ready and willing to lay down your lives at gods appointment ; for that is the chiefest grace of god , and greatest perfection , to sight even unto blood under christs banner , and with him to give our lives . but if you will thus flee ( beloved in the lord ) you must not chuse unto your selves places , according as you fancy , as many of us , who have left our countrey have done , dwelling in popish places among the enemies of god in the midst of impiety ; some in france , as in paris , orleance , roan ; some in italy , as in rome , venice , padua , which persons in fleeing from their queen , run to the pope , fearing the danger of their bodies , seek where they may poyson their souls , thinking by this means to be less suspected of iezebel , shew themselves afraid and ashamed of the gospel , which in times past they have stoutly professed . and lest they should be thought favourers of christ , have purposely ridden by the churches and congregations of his servants , their brethren , neither minded to comfort others there , nor to be comforted themselves ; wherein they have shewed the coldness of their zeal towards religion , and given no small occasion of slander to the word of god , which they seemed to prosess . — this manner of fleeing then in ungodly , &c. neither is it enough to keep you out of the dominions of antichrist , and to place your selves in corners , you may be quiet and at ease , and not burthened with the charges of the poor , thinking it sufficient if you have a little exercise in your houses in reading a chapter or two of the scriptures , and then will be counted zealous persons , and great gospellers ; no brethren , and s●sters , this is not the way to shew your selves manful souldiers of christ , except you resort where his banner is displayed , and his standard set up , where the assembly of your b●ethren is , and his word openl● preached , and sacraments faithfully ministred ; for otherwise what may a man judge , but that such either disdain the company of their poor brethren , whom they ought by all means to help and comfort , according to that power that god hath given them for that end onely , and not for their own ease ; or else that they have not that zeal to the house of god , the assembly of his servants , and to the spiritual gifts and graces ( which god hath promised to pour upon the diligent hearers of his word ) as was in david , who desired , being a king , rather to be a door-keeper in the house of god , then to dwell in the tents of the ungodly , lamenting nothing so much the injuries done to him by his son absalom ( which were not small ) as that he was deprived of the comfortable exercises in the tabernacle of the lord , which then was in sion . neither doth there appear in such persons that greedy desire ( whereof isaiah makes mention ) which ought to be in the professours of the gospel , who never would cease or rest , till they should climb up to the lords hill , meaning the church of christ , saying one to another , let us ascend to the hill of the lord , to the house of the god of iacob , and he will teach us his wayes , and we shall walk in his footsteps ; for the law shall come forth of sion , and the word of the lord from ierusalem . which zeal the prophet doth not mention in vain , but to shew what a thirst and earnest desire should be in true christians , and how the same appeareth in seeking and resorting to those places , where it is set forth in greatest abundance and perfection , as was after christs ascension in ierusalem . and as that zeal shewed them to be of christ , by the like must we be judged christians also , that if we flee for christ , the places whereunto we flee , may bear witness for what cause we are fled . neither is it a sufficient excuse which many alledge , that they believe to be saved by christ , that they have sufficient knowledge of their duty , and the rest they can supply by their own diligence . i dare say their faith is not so much , but they had need to desire with the apostles , lord , encrease our f●ith . and if they will so confess , why do they forsake the chiefest means that god hath ordained , which is the open congregations of his people , where his word , the fountain of faith , is most purely preached , and where the godly examples of others may be a sharper spur to prick them forward ; and as for the knowledge and diligence of such , there may be no buckler to defend their doings ; for if they have those gifts whereof they boast , where may they better bestow them then in the church of god ? except they will say they are born to themselves , and have the gifts of god , which he would have common to others , applied to their own private fancy , which is to lap them up in a clout , and not to put them forth to the vantage of the owner , as did the unprofitable servant , and as do all they to whom god hath given either learning , counsel , or worldly substance , who either for the strength of cities , pleasantness of the air , tra●fick , or merchandize , or for any other worldly respect or policy do absent themselves from the congregation and company of their poor brethren , where christ hath advanced his standard , and blown his trumpet . if god then give you not strength at the first to stand in his profession to the death , nor that you cannot be quiet in conscience , abiding in your countrey , you see how his mercy hath given you liberty to kill , and what places he hath appointed you to flee unto , that is , where you may do good to your selves and others , where ye may be free from superstition and idolatry , where your faith may be encreased and not diminished , and your selves strengthened , and confirmed , and more strongly armed . but if you in tarrying will neither stand manfully to christ your master , but betray him , doing as the papists do ; nor yet with thanks use this remedy , that god hath granted to our infirmity , to resort to his churches , godlily instituted , what answer shall ye be able to make to his majesty , when he shall call for an account of your doings ? how shall you avoid his wrathful indignation , now ready to be poured upon his enemies ? — for in taking part with their impiety , you must be partakers of their cup likewise . neither is this any new or hard doctrine , that may exceed your capacity , but may rather be termed your a. b. c. and first principles , wherein none ought to be ignorant . that if we will be christs scholars , we must learn to bear his cross , and to follow him , not to cast it off our shoulders with the enemies , and run from him . — be no more deceived in so plain a matter . if the lord be god , follow him , if b●al be god , go after him . — let not the example of any lead you into errour , for men are but mortal . trust in the lord , for he is a sure rock . — trust not your own shifts , for they will deceive you . mark the end of others , and in time be warned . these lessons are hard to the flesh , but ea●●e to the spirit . the way of the lord is a strait path , but most faithful , sure and comfortable . — from geneva this first of ian. an. . goose. iohn goose ( burnt in england an. . ) being prest by the she●●ff of l●ndon to recant , and so deliver himself from death , answered , that for his religion he was at a pass , and neither could nor would recant the same . when the sheriff gave him some meat , of which he did eat heartily , he said to the standers by , i eat now a good and competent dinner , for i shall pass a sharp shower , before i go to supper . gordius . when a solemn feast was celebrated in caesarea , in honour to mars , gordius a citizen thereof , who had been a centurion , and had chosen exile for sometime in the heat of persecution , left the desert wherein he lived in exile , and got him up into the chief place of the theater , and with a loud voice cried out , behold , i am found of them that sought me not , and to those that asked not for me , have i openly appeared . the sheriff asking him , who he was , from whence he came , and for what he came thither ; i am come ( said he ) to publish , that i set nothing by your desires against the christian religion , but that i profess jesus christ to be my hope and safety . the sheriff threatning him with all kind of torments ; it would be to me a damage ( said he ) if i should not endure divers torments for christs cause . when he was tormented , he lifted up his eyes to heaven , saying , the lord is my helper , i will not fear the thing that man can do unto me ; i will learn no evil , for thou lord art with me . he blamed the tormentors if they favoured him at all . the sheriff promising great things , if he would deny christ ; it lieth not in you ( said he ) to place any in authority , which be worthy to have a place in heaven . when he was led out of the city to be burnt , many with tears beg'd him to save himself , but he said , weep not , i beseech you , for me , but rather for those that bring us to the fire , and thereby purchase hell fire to themselves . truly i am ready for the name of christ to suffer a thousand deaths , if need were . some perswading him to deny christ with his tongue , and to keep his conscience to himself : my tongue ( said he ) which by the goodness of god i have , cannot be brought to deny the author and giver of it ; for with the heart we believe unto righteousness , and with the mouth we confess unto salvation . gorgius . when the tyrant offered gorgius promotion : have ye any thing ( said he ) equal to , or more worthy then the kingdome of heaven . gonzalve . mr. iohn gonzalve a famous preacher in sevil , was often observed in all his sermons to aime at this mark , to deliver mens minds from that blind conceit of meriting by works , that so way might be made for justification onely by saith in christ jesus , and deeply to ingraft in them the knowledge of the sole merit of his plenary satisfaction . when he was led to the place of his martyrdome , he never shewed the least sign of his being dismay'd , but contrariwise with great constancy and courage of heart standing above all the people , to whom he had formerly preached and delivered the pattern of sound doctrine , he began with a loud voice to recite the psalm , which begins thus , o lord , my rock , be not thou silent to me , &c. he changed not his countenance upon the scaffold , though they had gagged him there , because he comforted and freely exhorted one of his sisters to be constant . when the time was come that those which should be burned were brought to the place of execution , they were every one commanded to recite the articles of their belief ; which they willingly did : but when they came to the article , i believe the holy catholick church , they were bid to adde the word romane , but they were silent . then did the monks and friers importune gonzalve's sisters , &c. to repeat the word romane , who answered , they would if they might hear gonzalve pronounce it . he being ungagged , the first word he spake was , that they should be of good courage , and not to adde one word more then what they had recited . grange . the bishop of arres telling mr. peregrine de la grange , that he was sorry to see him in that condition in prison . sir ( said he ) as for the base estate in which you now see me , god hath so comforted me therein with his grace , that i do without any great difficulty patiently suffer what he hath pleased to lay upon me ; yea i praise and bless his name , that he hath ballanced the weight of my afflictions , according to the strength which he hath given me , so as i sink not under the burden ; for as my sufferings in christ abound , he causeth his consolations by christ to abound in me also . it is usual ( said the bishop ) with such as you are to glory in this kind of speech ; for as soon as any afflictions do befall you , you by and by stile them the sufferings of christ ; and if any of you be put to death , then it is for gods truth : but when things are laid to the touchstone , the matter is nothing so , nor so . sir ( said mr. grange ) if your meaning be of such as have died for the doctrine , for which i am bound with this chain , and thus fettered with irons , i doubt not but they have given such a reason of their faith , that whosoever shall read their answers , and weigh the same without partiality , must needs judge as we do . and for my own part , i am ready to make it good , that the doctrine i now hold and teach , is according to godliness , taken out of the pure fountains of the holy scriptures , without adding thereto , diminishing or varying any way therefrom . we read ( said the bishop ) that in all times men have been wont to shelter themselves under the title of gods word , even the old hereticks , &c. i am not ignorant hereof ( said mr. grange ) in regard that satan knows how to transform himself into an angel of light , thereby to establish his delusions , causing darkness to be taken for light : but the holy ghost , who is the spirit of truth , hath in such wise discovered his juglings , that none are deluded thereby , but those who at noon day close their eyes that they may not behold the light . do you think ( said the bishop ) that the holy ghost hath given you such an illumination , that the truth should onely be revealed to you , and to none other . god forbid sir ( said mr. grange ) i should have any such thought . i am not of the mind of those dreamers , who brag of their having particular revelations of the holy spirit , but i speak of an ordinary and general revelation , such as is taught us out of the bible , &c. i am neither calvinist nor papist . i am a christian ; and what i hold concerning religion is taken out of christs doctrine , who is the onely doctor of his church . what calvin hath taught conformable to the word of god , i am of the same mind with him . and whereas you call your religion the old religion , and ours the new , it troubles me not at all ; since the father of lies hath long since forged the same , to disgrace the truth , &c. — in his dispute with the bishop concerning the real presence , &c. we may see what holy boldness mixed with meekness the lord had endued this holy servant of his with . when the provost gave him and monsieur de br●z ( of whom before ) notice , that they should die that day , they magnified god for his goodness , and gave the provost thanks for the good news , which he had brought them . monsieur la grange going to the rest of the prisoners , said , i am this day to die for the truth , and then the heavenly inheritance is prepared for me . my name is written in the book of life , never to be blotted out , because the gifts and calling of god are without repentance . — he called for a brush to brush his hat and cloak , causing his shoos to be blacked ; for now ( said he ) i am bidden to the marriage of the lamb , where i am to feast with him for ever and ever . being askt , whether he meant to suffer with those shackles on his heels ? i would i might ( said he ) yea and that they would bury them with me to , that they might manifest the inhumanity of my adversaries . he told his friends , he felt such joy of the holy ghost in his heart , that he could not with tongue express ; adding , that god shewed him a thousand times more favour by taking him after this manner out of this transitory life , then if he had let him die in his bed by sickness ; for now i shall die ( said he ) enjoying the benefit of all the powers of my soul , praying the lord to have mercy on me . monsieur la grange and de brez were sentenced to be hang'd for administring the lords supper against an express charge by the king given them to the contrary . when la grange was upon the ladder , he protested with a loud voice , that he died onely for preaching to the people the pure truth of god , taking heaven and earth to witness the same with him . gratwick . mr. stephen gratwick , seeing the bishops that sate upon to laugh , said unto them , why do ye laugh ? are ye confederate together for my blood , and therein triumph ? you have more cause to look weightily upon the matter ; for i stand here before you upon life and death . but you declare your selves what you are . you are lapped in lambs apparel , but you are bent to have my blood . — seeing you will have my blood , let me say a little more for my self : on sunday last you preached this truth , if any man think himself religious , and bridleth not his tongue , the same mans religion is vain : and yet in the mean time you seduced your tongue to slander us poor prisoners there present in iron hands , burdening us with the names of arrians , herodians , anabaptists , sacramentarians , pelagians : and when we stood up to purge our selves thereof , you said , you would cut out our tongues , and cause us to be pulled out of the church by violence . but there you gave your self a shrewd blow , &c. — being asked by the bishop of winchester if he would recant , he said , my faith is grounded more stedfastly then to change in a moment . it is no process of time can alter me , unless my faith were as the waves of the sea. when he was condemned , he desired god with a loud voice , that he would not lay his blood to their charge if it were his good will. green. mr. bartlet green wrote in mr. bar●r●m calthrops book a little before his death , thus . — two things have very much troubled me whilst i was in the temple , pride and gluttony , which under the colour of glory and good fellowship , drew me almost from god. — forsomuch as vain-glory is so subtile an adversary , that almost it woundeth deadly , ere ever a man can perceive himself to be smitten , therefore we ought so much the rather by continual prayer to labour for humbleness of mind . gluttony beg●nneth under a charitable pretence of love and society , and hath in it most uncharitableness . — let us therefore watch and be sober ; for our adversary the devil walketh about like a roaring lion , seek●ng whom he may devour . vale ( mi bartrame ) & mei memineris , ut semper simillimi efficiamur . vale , &c. farewell ( my bartram ) and remember me , that we may be alwayes like , farewell at newgate i●n . . a. . in his letter to mr. philpot. — being accused that i spake against the real presence , and the sacrifice of the mass , and that i affirmed that their church was the church of antichrist : i confessed it , and that i would continue therein , though not maintain it by learning , my conscience being satisfied in the truth , which is sufficient to my salvation . — i told mr. welch , forasmuch as it pleaseth you to use me so familiarly ( for he behaved himself towards me , as though i had been his equal ) i shall open my mind freely to you . i consider my youth , lack of wit and learning , which would god it were but a little under the opinion that some men have of me : but god is not bound to time , wit , or knowledge , but rather chooseth the weak things of the world to confound the mighty , neither can men appoint bounds to gods mercy ; for i will shew mercy on whom i will shew mercy . there is no respect of persons with god , whether he be old or young , rich or poor , wise or foolish , fisher or basket-maker . god giveth knowledge of his truth , through his free grace , to whom he list . — now i am brought hither before a great many bishops and learned men to be made a fool and a laughing-stock , but i weigh it not a rush ; for god knoweth that my whole study is to please him : besides that , i care not for mans pleasure or displeasure . as he was going to newgate ( after he was condemned ) there met with him two gentlemen , that seeing him burst out into tears , to whom mr. green said , ah my friends , is this your comfort you are come to give me ? must i who needed to have comfort ministred to me , become now a comforter of you ? — when he was going to , and was at the stake , he repeated this distich , christe deus , sine te spes est mihi nulla salutis , te duce vera sequir , te duce falsa nego in english thus . o christ my god , sure hope of health , besides thee i have none , the truth i love and falshood hate , by thee my guide alone . these verses he wrote in a book of mr. hussey's of the temple . behold thy self by me , such one was i as thou , and thou in time shall ●e , even dust as i am now ! bartlet green. in his letter to his friends of the temple . — very friends are they , which are knit together by the knot of charity . charity doth not decay , but increase in them that die faithfully . — if thy friend be out of sight , is thy friendship ended ? — if he be carried into heaven , is charity hindred thereby ? the fathers of the primitive church gave thanks for their friends that died in the faith , to prove that charity died not with death . — what saith saint paul , we are members of his body , of his flesh , and of his blood ; we are members one of another . is the hand or arm , foot or leg a member , when it is dissevered from the body ? what is it that couples us , but love ? when all things shall fail , love faileth never . hope hath his end , when we get that we hoped for . faith is finished in heaven . love endureth for ever : spiritual love , i mean ; for carnal love , when that which we love is lost , doth perish with the flesh . neither was that ever but fleshly love , which by distance of place or severing of bodies , is parted as●nder . — if we keep christs commandment in loving each other , as he loved us , then should our love be everlasting . this friendship paul felt , when it moved him to say , that neither length nor ●readth , n●ither height nor depth , should sever him from the love of christ. now you may say , why writeth thou this ? truly to the end , that if our friendship be stable , you may accomplish this the last request of your friend , &c. — mr. fleetwood , i beseech you remember witt●ance and cook , two singular men among common prisoners . mr. fernham , mr. fell , and mr. hussey ( as i hope ) will dispatch palmer and richardson , with his companions . i pray you mr. palmer think on i. grove , an honest poor man , tra●ford and rice apprice his accomplices . my cousin thomas witton ( a scrivener in lombard-str●et ) hath promised to further their delivery , at the least he can instruct you which way to work . i doubt not but that mr. bowyer will labour for goodwife cooper ( for she is worthy to be holpen ) and b●rard the frenchman . there be also divers others well-disposed men , whose deliverance if you will not labour for , yet i humbly beseech you to seek their relief . — for these and all other poor prisoners i make this my humble suit and prayer to you all my especial good friends , beseeching you by all the bonds of amity , in the bowels of mercy , to tender the cases of miserable captives . help to cloath christ , visit the afflicted , comfort the sorrowful , and relieve the needy . the very god of peace guide your hearts to have mercy on the poor , and love faithfully together . amen . this present monday when i look to die , and to live for ever . yours for ever , bartlet green. in his letter to mrs. elizabeth clark. — i shall not cease with continual prayer to labour for you , desiring almighty god to increase that which he hath long since begun in you , of sober life , and earnest zeal towards his region , she that is a true widow and friendless , putteth her trust in god , continuing day and night in supplication and prayer ; but she that liveth in pleasure is dead , even yet alive . and verily she is a true widow , that hath married christ , forsaking the vanities of the world , and the lusts of the flesh ; for as the married woman careth how to love and serve and please her husband , so ought the widow to give all her soul and heart , thoughts and words , studies and labours , faithfully to love god , vertuously to bring up her children and houshold , and diligently to provide for the poor and oppressed . — not to live in pleasure , but to watch unto prayer , stedfastly laying up all her trust in god. of anna it is written , that she never went out of the temple , but served god with fasting and prayer night and day , — to ●ring up her children and houshold godly in the nurture and information of the lord. — there are most manifest examples against parents for the offences of children . contrariwise how greatly might hanna rejoyce over samu●l her son , whom she had brought up in the house of the lord ? — but above all widows , thrice blessed was the happy mother of the seven sons , that so had instructed them in the fear of the lord , that by no torments they would s●rink from the love of his truth ? — to be liberal to strangers , to wash the saints feet , and minister to them in their adversity . saint paul ( as though they onely had been therefore meet ) appointed onely widows to minister to the saints , and to gather for the poor . — alas ! that christ so hungreth , and no man will feed him ; is so sore opprest with thirst , and no man will give him drink ; destitute of all lodging , and not relieved ; sick , and not visitted ; imprisoned , and not seen . in times past men could bestow large sums of money on copes , vestments , and ornaments of the church : why rather follow we not st. ambrose his example , who sold the same for the relief of the poor ; or chrysostom's command , who willed first to deck and garnish the living temple of god ? but alas ! such is the wickedness of these our last dayes , that nothing moves us , neither the pure doctrine , the godliness of life , nor good examples of the ancient fathers . if in any thing they erred , that will their charitable children embrace , publish and maintain with sword , faggot and fire : but all in vain they strive against the stream ; for though in despite of the truth , by force of the ears of crafty perswasion , they may bring themselves into the haven of hell ; yet can they not make all men believe that the banks move while the ship saileth , nor ever shall be able to turn the direct course of the stream of gods truth . — in another letter . — better is the day of death ( saith solom●n ) then the day of birth . — happy are the dead that die in the lord. man of woman is born in travel to live in misery ; man through christ doth die in joy to live in felicity : he is born to die , and dieth to live . strait as he cometh into the world with cries he uttereth his miserable estate ; strait as he departeth with songs he praiseth god for ever . scarce yet in his cradle , three deadly enemies assault him , after death no adversary may annoy him ; whilst he is here he displeaseth god , when he is dead , he fulfilleth his will. — here he dieth every hour , there he liveth continually ; here is sin , there is righteousness ; here is time , there is eternity ; here is harted , there is love ; here is pain , there is pleasure ▪ here is misery , there is felicity . — seek therefore the things that are above , &c. grey . the lady iane grey , daughter to the duke of suffolk , whose mother was daughter to mary , king henry the second's sister , having personated a queen for ten dayes , and upon queen m●ries proclamation being imprisoned , the queen sent mr. fecknam to her , two dayes before her death to commune with her , and reduce her from the doctrine of christ to queen maries religion . the effect which communication here followeth . madam ( said fecknam ) i lament your heavy case , &c. you are welcome unto me sir ( said the lady iane ) if you come to give me christian exhortation . and as for my heavy case ( i thank god ) i do so little lament it , that rather i account the same for a more manifest declaration of gods favour towards me , then ever he shewed me at any time before ; and therefore there is no cause , why either you or other which bear me good will , should lament or be grieved with this my case , being a thing so profitable for my souls health . i am here come ( said he ) from the queen and council to instruct you in the true doctrine of the right faith , &c. i heartily thank the queen ( said she ) who is not unmindful of her humble subject , and i hope no less that you will do your duty therein , both truly and faithfully . what is then ( said he ) requried of a christian ? to believe ( said she ) in god the father , son , and holy ghost , three persons and one god. what ( said he ) is there nothing else required or looked for in a christian , but to believe in him ? yes ( said she ) we must love him with all our heart , with all our soul , and with all our mind , and our neighbour as our self . why then ( said he ) faith justifies not , and saveth not . yes verily ( said she ) faith ( as paul saith ) onely justifies . why ( said he ) st. paul saith , if i have all faith without love , it is nothing . true ( said she ) for how can i love him , whom i trust not ? or how can i trust him , whom i love not ? faith and love go both together , and yet love is comprehended in faith . how must we love our neighbour ? ( said he ) to love our neighbour ( said she ) is to feed the hungry , to cloath the naked , and give drink to the thirsty , and to do to him as we would do to our selves . why then ( said he ) it is necessary unto salvation to do good works also , and it is not sufficient onely to believe . it is meet ( said she ) that a christian in token that he follows his master christ to do good works , yet may we not say , that they profit to our salvation ; for when we have done all , we be unprofitable servants , and faith onely in christs blood saveth us . how many sacraments are there ? ( said he ) two ( said she ) the one the sacrament of baptisme , by which i am washed with water , and regenerated by the spirit , and that washing is a token to me that i am a child of god : the other the sacrament of the lords s●pper , which offered to me is a sure seal and testimony that i am by the blood of christ , which he shed for me on the cross , made partaker of the everlasting kingdome . there are seven ( said he ) by what scripture ( said she ) find you that . well ( said he ) we will talk of that hereafter . what do you receive in the sacrament of the lords supper ? do you not receive the very body and blood of christ ? no surely ( said she ) i believe that the supper i neither receive flesh nor blood , but bread and wine , which bread , when it is broken , and wine , when it is drunken , putteth me in remembrance , how that for my sins , the body of christ was broken , and his blood shed on the cross , and with that bread and wine i receive the benefits that come by the breaking of his body , and shedding of his blood for our sins on the cross. why ( said he ) doth not christ speak these words , take , eat , this is my body ? require you any plainer words ? doth he not say it is his body ? i grant he saith so ( said she ) and so he saith , i am the vine , i am the door , and yet is not the vine , or the door . doth nor st. paul say , he calleth things that are not , as though they were . — when fecknam took his leave , he said , that he was sorry for her ; for i am sure ( said he ) that we two shall never meet . true it is ( said she ) that we shall never meet , except god turn your heart ; for i am assured , unless you repent and turn to god , you are in an evil case , and i pray god in the bowels of mercy , to send you his holy spirit . — in her letter to her father . — father , although it hath pleased god to hasten my death by you , by whom my life should rather have been lengthened ; yet can i so patiently take it , as i yield to god more hearty thanks for shortening my woful dayes , then if all the world had been given unto my possessions with life lengthened at my own will. — although my death at hand to you seem right woful , to me there is nothing that can be more welcome , then from this vale of misery to aspire to that heavenly throne of all joy and pleasure , with christ our saviour ; in whose stedfast faith ( if it be lawful for the daughter so to write to the father ) the lord that hitherto hath strengthened you , so continue you , that at last we may meet in heaven , with the father , the son , and the holy ghost . in her letter to mr. harding ( formerly her fathers chaplain , and a zealous preacher of the gospel , but then tnrn'd papist ) she writes thus . — as oft as i call to mind the dreadful and fearful saying of god , that he which layeth hold on the plough , and looketh back , is not meet for the kingdome of heaven ; and on the other side , the comfortable words of our saviour christ to those , that forsaking themselves do follow him . i cannot but marvel at thee , and lament thy case , who seemed sometime to be the lively member of christ , but now the deformed imp of the devil ; sometime the beautiful temple of god , but now the filthy and stinking kennel of satan ; sometime the unspotted spouse of christ , but now the shameless paramour of antichrist ; sometime my faithful brother , but now a stranger and an apostate ; sometime a stout christian souldier , but now a cowardly run-away : yea , when i consider these things , i cannot but cry out upon thee , thou seed of satan , and not of iudah , whom the devil hath deceived , the world hath beguiled , and the desire of life subverted , and made thee of a christian an infidel . wherefore hast thou taken the testament of the lord in thy mouth ? wherefore hast thou instructed others to be strong in christ , when thou thy self dost now so shamefully shrink , and so horribly abuse the testament and the law of the lord ? when thou thy self preachest not to steal , yet most abominably stealest , not from men , but from god , and committing most hainous sacriledge , robbest christ thy lord of his right members , thy body and soul , and choosest rather to live miserably with shame to the world , then to die , and gloriously with honour reign with christ , in whom , even in death is life ? why dost thou now shew thy self most weak , when indeed thou oughtest to be most strong ? the str●●gth of a fort is unknown before the assault , but thou yieldest thy hold , before any battery be made . oh wretched and unhappy man , what art thou but dust and ashes ? and wilt thou resist thy maker , that fashioned and framed thee ? wilt thou now forsake him that called thee from the custome-gathering of the romish antichristians , to be an ambassadour and messenger of his word ? he that first framed thee , and since thy first creation and birth preserved thee , nourished and kept thee , yea and inspired thee with the spirit of knowledge ( i cannot say of grace ) shall he not now possess thee ? darest thou deliver up thy self to another , being not thine own , but his ? how canst thou , having knowledge , or how darest thou neglect the law of the lord , and follow the vain traditions of men ; and whereas thou hast been a publick professor of his name , become now a defacer of his glory ? wilt thou refuse the true god , and worship the invention of man , the golden calf , the whore of b●bylon , the romish religion , the abominable idol , the most wicked mass ? wilt thou torment again , rent and tear the most prec●ous body of our saviour christ with thy bodily and fleshly teeth ? wilt thou take upon thee to offer up any sacrifice unto god for our sins , considering that christ ●ff●red up himself ( as p●u● saith ) u●●n the cross a live●y sacrifice once for all . can neither the punishment of the israelites , ( which for their idolatry they oft received ) nor the terrible threatnings of the prophets , nor the curse of gods own mouth , fear thee to honour any other god then him ? dost thou so regard him that spared not his dear and onely-son for thee , so diminishing , yea utterly extinguishing his glory , that thou wilt attribute the praise and honour due unto him to the idols , which have mouths , and speak not , eyes and see not , ears and hear not , whi●●●●all perish with them that made thee . — confounded be all they that worship them . — christ o●●ereth up himself once for all , and wilt thou offer him up again daily at thy pleasure ? but thou wilt say , thou dost it for a good intent . oh sink of sin ! oh child of perdition ! dost thou dream therein of a good intent , where thy conscience bears thee witness of gods threatned wrath against thee ? how did saul , how for that he disobeyed the word of the lord for a good intent , was thrown from his worldly and temporal kingdome ? — wilt thou for a good intent dishonour god , offend thy brother , and danger thy soul , wherefore christ hath shed his most precious blood ? wilt thou for a good intent pluck christ out of heaven , and make his death void , and deface the triumph of his cross by offering him up daily ? wilt thou either for fear of death , or hope of life , deny and refuse thy god , who enriched thy poverty , healed thy infirmity , and yielded to thee his victory , if thou couldst have kept it ? dost thou not consider , that the thread of thy life hangeth upon him that made thee , who can ( as he please ) either twine it harder to last the longer , or untwine it again to break the sooner ? dost thou not then remember the saying of david , when thou t●kest away thy spirit ( o lord ) from men , they die , and are tur●●d again to their dust ; but when thou let●est thy breath 〈◊〉 forth , they shall be made , and thou shalt renew the face of the earth . remember the saying of christ in his gospel ; whosoever seeketh to save his life shall lose it , but whosoever will lose his life for my sake shall find it . again , wh●soever loveth father or mother above me , is not meet for me . he th●t will follow me , let him forsake himself , and take up his cross , and follow me . what cross ? the cross of infamy and shame , of misery and po●●●●● of affliction and persecution for his names 〈◊〉 let the oft falling of these heavenly showres 〈◊〉 thy stony heart . let the two-edged sword of gods holy word sheer asunder the sinews of worldly respects , even to the marrow of thy carnal heart , that thou mayest once again forsake thy self , and embrace christ , and like as good subjects will not refuse to hazard all in the defence of their earthly and temporal governour , so fly not like a white-liver'd milk-sop from the standing wherein thy chief captain christ hath hath set thee in array of this life . fight manfully , come life , come death , the quarrel is gods , and undoubtedly the victory is ours . but thou wilt say , i will not break unity ; what ? not the unity of satan and his members ? not the unity of darkness ? not the agreement of antichrist and his adherents ? — tully saith of amity , amicitia non est nisi inter bonos . but mark my friends ; yea friend , if thou beest not gods enemy , there is no unity , but where christ knitteth the knot among such as he is . — the agreement of all men is not an unity , but a conspiracy . thou hast heard some threatnings against those that love themselves above christ , and against those that deny him for love of life ; saith he not , he that denies me before men , i will deny him before my father in heaven . and to the same effect writeth paul , it is impossible that they which were once enlightened , and have tasted of the heavenly gift , and were partakers of the holy ghost , and have tasted of the good word of god , if they fall away , &c. should be ren●wed again by repentance . and again , if we shall willingly sin after we have received the knowledge of his truth , there is no oblation left for sin , but the terrible expectation of judgement and fire , which shall devour the adversaries . thus paul writeth , and this thou readest , 〈◊〉 dost thou not quake and tremble ? well , if these te●rible and thundring threatnings cannot stir thee to cleave unto christ , and forsake the world ; yet let the sweet consolation and promises of the scriptures , let the example of christ and his apostles , holy martyrs and confessours incourage thee to take faster hold of christ. hearken what he saith , blessed are you when men revi●e you , and persecute you for my sake : rejoyce and be glad , for great is your reward in heave● ; for so persecuted they the prophets , that were before you . hear what isaiah saith , fear not the curse of men , be not afraid of their blasphemies ; for worms and moths shall eat them up like cloath and wooll , but my righteousness shall endure for ever , and my saving health from generation to generation . what art thou then ( saith he ) that fearest a mortal man , the child of man , which fadeth away like the flower , and forgetteth the lord that made thee , that spread out the heavens , and laid the foundation of the earth ? i am the lord thy god , that maketh the sea to rage , and be still , whose name is the lord of hosts : i shall put my word in thy mouth , and defend thee with the turning of the hand . christ also saith unto his disciples , they shall accuse you , and bring you before princes and rulers for my names sake ; and some of you they shall persecute and kill ; but fear you not , and care you not what you shall say ; for it is ●e spirit of your father that speaketh within you , even the hairs of your head are all numbred . lay up treasures for your selves , where no thief cometh , nor moth corrupteth . fear not them that kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul ; but fear him that hath power to destroy both soul and body . if ye were not of the world , the world would love his own ; but because ye are not of the world , but i have chosen you out of the world , therefore the world hateth you . let these and such like consolations taken out of scriptures , strengthen you to god-ward . let not the examples of holy men and women go out of your mind , as daniel and the rest of the prophets , of the three children , &c. — return , return again into christs war , and as becometh faithful warriour , put on that armour that st. pau● teacheth to be most necessary for a christian man ▪ and above all things take unto you the shield o● faith , and be you provoked by christs own example , to withstand the devil , to forsake the world , and to become a true and ●aithful member of his mystical body , who spared not his own body for our sins . throw down your self with the fear of his threatned vengeance for this so great and hainous ●ffence of apos●acy , and comfort your self on the other hand with the mercy , blood , and promise of him , who is ready to turn unto you , whensoever you turn unto him . disdain not to come again with the lost son , seeing you have so wandred with him . be not ashamed to turn again with him from the swill of strangers to the delicate of your most benigne and lov●ng father , acknowledging that you have sinned both against heaven and against earth : against heaven , by staining the glorious name of god , and causing his most sincere and pure word to be evil spoken of through you : against earth , by offending so many of your weak brethren , to whom you have been a stumbling block through your sudden sliding . be not ashamed — to weep bitterly with peter — to wash away the filth and mire of your offensive fall — to say with the publican , lord , be merciful to me a sinner . remember the horrible history of iulian of old , and the lamentable case of spira of late , whose case ( methinks ) should be so green in your remembrance , that being a thing of our time , you should fear the like inconvenience , seeing you are fallen into the like offence . last of all , 〈◊〉 the lively remembrance of the last day be alwayes before your eyes , remembring the terrour that at that time shall befall the runagates and fugitives from christ , who setting more by the world then by heaven , more by their life then by him that gave them life , did shrink , yea fall away from him that forsook not them ; and contrariwise , the inestimable joyes prepared for them , that fearing 〈◊〉 peril , nor dreading death , have manfully fought and victoriously triumphed over all power of darkness , over hell , death , and damnation , through their most renowned captain christ , who now stretcheth out his arms to receive you , ready to fall upon your neck , and kiss you , and to feast you with the dainties and delicates of his own precious blood ; which undoubtedly , if it might stand with his determinate purpose , he would not let to shed again , rather then you shall be lost . — the night before she suffered , she sent unto her sister , the lady k●therine the new testament in greek , at the end whereof she wrote thus . i have sent you ( good sister ) a book , which although it be not outwardly trimmed with gold , yet inwardly it is more worth then precious stones . it is the book of the law of the lord. it is his testament and last will which he bequeathed unto us wretches , which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy ; and if you with a good mind read it , and with an earnest mind do purpose to follow it , it shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life . it shall teach you to live , and learn you to die . it shall win you more then you should have gained by the possession of your woful fathers lands ; for , as if god had prospered him , you should have inherited his lands : so if you ply diligently this book , seeking to direct your life after it , you shall be an inheriter of such riches , as neither the covetous shall withdraw from you , nor the thief steal , nor the moth corrupt . desire with david to understand the law of the lord god. live still to die , that you by death may purchase eternal life . trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your life : the young die ( if god call ) assoon as the old . labour alwayes to learn to die , defie the world , deny the devil , and despise the flesh , and delight your self onely in the lord. be penitent for your sins , but yet despair not ; be strong in faith , and yet presume not . desire with st. paul to be dissolved , and to be with christ , with whom , even in death , there is life . be like the good servant , and even at mid-night be waking , least when death cometh , and stealeth upon you , as a thief in the night , you be with the evil servant found sleeping , and least for lack of oyl ye be found like the foolish women , and like him that had not on the wedding garment , and then ye be cast out from the marriage . rejoyce in christ , as i do . follow the steps of your master christ , and take up your cross. lay your sins on his back , and alwayes embrace him . and as concerning my death , rejoyce as i do , that i shall be delivered of this corruption , and put on incorruption ; for i am assured , that i shall for loosing of a mortal life , win an immortal life , the which i pray god grant you , and send you of his grace to live in his fear , and to die in the true christian faith , from the which ( in gods name ) i exhort you that you never swarve , neither for hope of life , nor fear of death ; for if you will deny his truth for to lengthen your life , god will deny you , and yet shorten your dayes . and if you will cleave unto him , he will prolong your dayes to your comfort and his glory ; to the which glory god bring me now , and you hereafter , when it shall please him to call you . fare you well ( good sister ) and put your onely trust in god , who onely must help you . in her speech upon the scaffold . — good people , i am come hither to die , and by a law i am condemned to the same . the fact against the queens highness was unlawful , and the consenting thereunto by me ; but touching the procurement and desire thereof , i do wash my hands thereof in innocency before god and you , and therewith she wrung her hands . i pray you bear me witness , that i die a true christian , and that i look to be saved by no other mean , but onely by the mercy of god in the blood of his onely son jesus christ. i confess , when i did know the word of god , i neglected the same , loved my self and the world , and therefore this plague is worthily happened to me for my sins ; and yet i thank god of his goodness , that he hath thus given me a time and respite to repent ; and now , good people , while i am alive , i pray you assist me with your prayers . — in her prayer . — thou , o lord , art the onely defender and deliverer of those that put their trust in thee ; and therefore i being defiled with sin , &c. overwhelmed with miseries , vexed with temptations , and grievously tormented . with the long imprisonment of this vile mass of clay , my sinful body , doth come unto thee ( o merciful saviour ) craving thy mercy and help , who hast said , thou wilt not suffer us to be tempted above our power . — o merciful god , consider my misery best known unto thee , and be thou unto me a strong tower of defence . suffer me not to be tempted above my power , but either be thou a deliverer to me out of this great misery , or else give me grace patiently to bear thy heavy hand and sharp correction . it was thy right hand that delivered the people of israel out of the hands of pharaoh , who for the space of four hundred years did oppress them , and keep them in bondage . o deliver me sorrowful wretch ! ( for whom thy son christ shed his precious blood on the cross ) out of this miserable captivity and bondage . how long wilt thou be absent ? for ever ? o lord , hast thou forgotten to be gracious , and shut up thy loving kindness in displeasure ? wilt thou be no more entreated ? is thy mercy clean gone for ever , and thy promise come utterly to an end for evermore ? why dost thou make so long tarrying ? shall i despair of thy mercy o god ? far be that from me . i am thy workmanship , created in christ jesus ; give me therefore grace to tarry thy leisure . — when the handkerchief was tied about her eyes , she kneeling down , and feeling for the block said , what shall i do ? where is it ? and being directed by one of the standers by , she laid her head down upon the block , and stretching forth her body , said , lord , into thy hands i commend my spirit . in her troubles she writ the following verse with a pin . non aliena putes homini , quae obtingere possunt ; sors hodierna mihi , tunc erit illa tibi . in english thus , think nothing strange which man cannot decline , my lot's to day , to merren may le thine . deo juvante , nil nocet livor malus : et non juvante , nil juvat labor gravis . post tenebras spero lucem . in english thus , if god protect me , malice cannot end me , if not , all i can do will not defend me . after dark night i hope for light . h. haggar . he was persecuted for saying , ( a. . ) that there shou●d be a battel of priests , and all the priests should be slain : and that the priests should a while rule , but they should all be destroyed for making of false gods . — that the men of the church should be put down , and the false gods that they m●ke : and after that , they should know more , and then shou●d be a merry world . hale . when thomas hale was taken by an alderman of bristow and another , he said unto them , you have sought my blood these two years , and now much good do it you . he was burned a. . for saying , the sacrament of the altar is an idol . hall. nicholas hall in his answer to the first article against him , granted himself a christian man , and acknowledged the determinations of the holy church , i. e. of the congregation , or body of christ : but denied to call the catholick and apostolick church his mother , because he found not this word , mother , in the scripture . to the second he said , that whereas before he held the sacrament to be but onely a token or remembrance of christ's death , now he said , that there is neither token nor remembrance , becasue it is now misused , and clean turned from christs institution , &c. hallewin . harman . when cornelius hallewin of antwerp had received a sharp letter , sent him from the minister of the flemish church , upon the occasion of a recantation spread and falsly fathered upon cornelius : the blood gushed out of his nose , he spread abroad his arms , and made pitiful out-cries . what to deny the truth ( said he ) god forbid ! o that the faithful should conceive so hardly of me ! good god , thou knowest i am innocent , nor have i this way offended . when he was condemned to die , the margrave offered him , that he should die a more easie kind of death , if he would give ear to the priests , which he had brought to him to prison : no sir ( said he ) god forbid i should do such a thing . do ye with my body what ye will. as they bound him and harman of amsterdam harman willed the margrave to take heed what he did ; for ( said he ) this will not go for payment in gods sight in bereaving us thus of our lives . i wish you therefore to repent before it be too late . you cannot long continue this tyrannous course ; for the lord will shortly avenge it . a cross being offered them , and a promise that they should be beheaded , and not burnt , if they would take it into their hands , they said , they would not give the least sign , that might be , of betraying the truth , and that it was all one to them what death they were put to , so they died in and for the lord. the punishment ( they said ) could last but for a while , but the glory to come was eternal . at the stake cornelius fell on his knees , praying god to forgive his enemies , who had sinned through ignorance . when the margrave of antwerp offered halle●i● and harmar mitigation of torments upon abjuation : we are resolved ( said they ) these momentary afflictions are not worthy that exceeding weight of glory , that shall be revealed . hallingdale . articles against iohn hallingdale . — ( ) that during the reign of king edward , he did depart from his former faith and religion , and so doth continue , and determineth so to do , ( as he saith ) to his life's end . ( ) that he hath divers times said , that the faith , religion , and ecclesiastical service , received , observed , and used now in this realm is not good , but against gods command , &c. and that he will not in any wise conform himself to the same , ●ut speak , and think against it during his natural life . ( ) that he absenteth himself continually from his parish church , &c. ( ) that he will not have his child by his will ( as he saith ) confirmed by the bishop . unto all which articles he made this answer , that he confessed all , and every part to be true . he told b●nner , that the blood of the prophets , and of the saints , and of all that were slain upon the earth , was found in the babylonical church , which is the church where the pope is head . — because i will not come to your babylonical church , therefore you go about to condemn me . being demanded whether he would recant , he answered , that he would continue , and persist in his opinions to the death . when the sentence was read , he openly thanked god , that he never came into the church , since the abomination came into it . when william hallywell and the twelve more ( that were burnt in one fire at stratford the how near london ) were condemned , and carried down thither to be burnt , they were divided into two parts , in two several chambers : thereupon the sheriffe came to the one part , and told them , that the other had recanted , and their lives therefore should be saved , willing and exhorting them to do the like , and not to cast away themselves : unto whom they answered , that their faith was not built on man , but on christ crucified : then the sheriffe went to the other part , and said the like to them ; but they answered as their brethren had done before , that their faith was not built on man , but on christ and his word . hamelin . mr. philibert hamelin of tournay , refusing offers of escape out of prison , said , i esteem it altogetder unleseeming for a man , that is called to preach gods word unto others , to run away , and to break prison , for fear of danger , but rather to maintain the truth taught even in the midst of the flaming fire . after sentence of death was past upon him , he eat his meat as joyfully , as though he had been in no danger , speaking to them of the happiness of eternal life , evidencing that a good conscience is a continual feast . when he was apprehended , there was apprehended with him , his host , whom he thought he had converted , but afterward he renounced christ and his word : whereupon he said unto him , o unha●py , and more then miserable ! is it possible for you to be so foolish , as for the s●ving of a few dayes , which you have ●o ●●ve by the course of nature , so to start away , and deny the truth ? know you therefore , that although you have by your folishness avoided the corporal fire , yet your life shall be never the longer ; for you shall die before me , and god shall not give you the grace , that it shall be for his cause , and you shall be an example to all apostates . immediately after , as he was going out of the prison he was slain by two gentlemen , that had a quarrel with him : whereof when mr. hamelin heard , he professed he knew of no such thing before , but spake as pleased god to guide his tongue . and thereupon discoursed excellently of the providence of god , to the conversion of some present . when he was in prison a priest came in one sabbath with all his furniture to say mass : but mr. hamelin , when he saw him , pull'd off his garments , &c. saying , is it not enough for you to blaspheme god in churches , but you must also pollute the prison with your idolatry ? hamilton . mr. patrick hamilton , brothers son to iames hamilton , earl of arran , and sisters son to iohn stuart , duke of a●thai , hating the world , and the vanity thereof , left scotland , and travelled into germany , where he became intimate with martin luther , philip melancthon , francis lambert , and became an eminent professor , the zeal of gods glory did eat him up , so that he could not chuse , but he must return into his own countrey to make known the gospel . articles objected against him . — that the pope is antichrist . — that the popes laws be of no strength . — that he doubted , whether all children , departing immediately after their baptism , are saved or condemned . at the place of execution he gave his servant ( who had been his chamberlain a long time ) his gown , coat , &c. saying , these will not profit in the fire , they will profit thee . after this , of me thou canst receive no commodity , except the example of my death , which i pray thee bear in mind ; for albeit it be bitter to the flesh , and fearful before men , yet it is the entrance unto eternal life , which none shall possess that denies christ iesus before this wicked generation . the fire being kindled , he cried with a loud voice , lord iesus , receive my spirt . how long shall darkness overwhelm this realm ? and how long wilt thou suffer this tyranny of men ? a black frier , called campbel , who had pretended some love to the gospel , cried out to him , convert heretick , call upon our lady , say , salve regina , &c. his answer was , depart and trouble me not , thou messenger of satan . — wicked man , thou knowest the contrary , and the contrary to me thou hast confessed . i appeal thee before the tribunal seat of christ iesus . mr. fox saith , that he cited him to appear before the high god , as general judge of all men , to answer to the innocency of his death , &c. between that and a certain day of the next moneth , which he there named : and that the frier died before the said day came , without remorse of conscience , that he had persecuted the innocent . he was burnt febr. ult . a. . in his treatise stiled patricks places , by mr. iohn frith , who translated it out of latin into english. — he that loveth god loveth his neighbour . if a man say , i love god , and yet hateth his brother , is a lyar , &c. he that loveth his neighbour as himself , keepeth all the commandments of god. — he that hath faith loveth god. my father loveth you , because you love me , and believe that i am come of god. — it is not in our power to keep any one of the commandments of god. — but you will say , wherefore doth god bid us do that which is impossible for us ? i answer , to make thee know that thou art but evil , and that there is no remedy to save thee in thine own hand , and that thou mayest seek remedy at some other , &c. — the remedy is shewed in the gospel . — to believe god is to believe his word , and to account what he saith true . — faith is the gift of god. — faith is not in our power . — he that lacketh faith cannot please god. — all that is done in faith pleaseth god. — he that believeth the gospel shall be saved . — no manner of works make us righteous . — he that thinks to be saved by his works , calleth himself christ. — thou must do good works , but beware that thou do them not to deserve any good through them . — mrs. katherine hamilton ( sister to mr. patrick ) was also accused ; and being questioned about works , she answered , that none was saved by his works . one thereupon speaking to her of the works of congru● and condigno , she answered , work here , work there , what kind of working is all this ? no works can save me , but christ's . hamell . when godfrey hamell was condemned for an heretick : nay ( said he ) not an heretick , but an unprofitable servant of iesus christ. when the hangman went about to strangle him , to diminish his punishment , he refused it , saying , that he would abide the sentence , that the iudges had given . hankes . mr. thomas hankes being ask'd by bonner why he suffered his child to be unchristened so long ? answered , because we be bound to do nothing contrary to the word of god. being told , that baptism is commanded by the word of god : his institution therein ( said he ) i do not deny ; but all things invented and devised by man , &c. but will you ( said bonner ) deny that which all the world and your father have been contented withal ? what my father ( said hankes ) and all the w●rld hath done i have nothing to do with , but what god hath commanded me to do , to that stand i. bonner telling him that baget was converted to think well of their baptism : i build my faith ( said he ) neither upon this man , nor upon you ; but upon christ , who is the founder and author of all mens faith . bonner threatning to take another course with him : whatsoever ye do ( said he ) i am ready to suffer it ; for i am in your hands to abide it . bonner telling him he would not have any heresie talked in his house : why ( said he ) is the truth become heresie ? god hath commanded that we shou●d have none other talk in our house , in our beds , at our meat , and by the way , but all truth . darbishire ( bonners kinsman ) telling him , he was too curious ; for he would have nothing but his pretty gods book : he answered , and is it not sufficient for my salvation ? yes ( said d. ) for our salvation ; but not for our instruction . god send me the salvation ( said h. ) and you the instruction . bonner threatning him again : you are ( said he ) in the hands of god , and so am i. — that which i have said , i will stand to it god willing , there is no way to remove it . bonner telling him that a fagot would make him know and believe the sacrament of the altar : no , no ( said he ) a point for your fagot . what god thinketh meet to be done , that shall ye do , and more ye shall not do . bonner telling him , that he was willing to teach him , but he was so stubborn , that he would not learn : except ye learn me ( said he ) by the word of god , i will never credit you , nor believe you . harpsfield telling him , if his child died unchristened , he was damb'd and his child both : iudge you no farther ( said he ) then ye may by the scritures . — how can your child being an infant ( said harpsfield ) believe ? the deliverance of it ( said hankes ) from sin standeth in the faith of his parents : saint paul saying , — else were your children unclean . to trust to any ( said bonner ) we bid you not ; but to pray to them , we bid you : they that list ( said hankes ) receive your doctrine . you teach me , that i should not believe , nor trust in any , but to call on them ; and saint paul saith , how shall i call on him , on whom i believe not ? bonner calling him fool : he said , a bishop must be blameless , or faultless , sober , discreet , no chider , nor given to anger . mr. hankes telling bonner , that christ saith , these tokens shall follow them that believe in me : they shall speak with new tongues , c●st out devils ; and if any drink deadly poyson , it shall not hurt them . bonner ask'd him , with what new tongues do ye speak ? forsooth ( said hankes ) where before i came to the knowledge of gods word , i was a foul blasphemer and filthy talker . since i came to the knowledge thereof , i have praised god with the s●me tongue , and is not this a new tongue ? how do you ( said bonner ) cast out devils ? christ ( said hankes ) did c●st them out by his word ; and he hath left the same word , that whosoever doth credit , and believe it , shall c●st out devils . did you ( said bonner ) ever drink deadly poyson ? yea forsooth thee i have ( said hankes ) for i have drunk of the p●stilent traditions and ceremonies of the bishop of rome . bonner threatning that he should be burnt for an heretick : where prove ye ( said hankes ) that christ , or his apostles did kill any man for his faith ? did not paul ( said b. ) excommunicate ? yes , my lord ( said h. ) but there is a great difference between excommunication , and burning . — if you will have us grant you to be of god , then shew mercy ; for that god requireth . an old bishop perswading him to learn of his elders to bear somewhat : i will bear with nothing ( said he ) that is contrary to the word of god. fecknam charging him for building his faith on latimer , ●ranmer , ridley , &c. i build my faith ( said he ) upon no man , and that ye well know ; for if those men , and as many more , as they be , should recant , and deny that they have said , or done , yet will i stand to it , and by this shall ye know that i build my faith upon no man. chadsey asking him , what he said of the bishop of rome ? from him ( said he ) and all his detestable enormities , good lord deliver us . bonner saying , you speak of idols , and you know not what they mean : god hath taught us what they be ; ( said hankes ) for whatsoever is made , graven , or devised by mans hand , contrary to gods word , the same is an idol .. chadsey telling him , it was pity he should live : in this case ( said he ) i desire not to live , but rather to die . — i wou●d my part might be to morrow . bonner threatning to send him to newgate : my lord ( said he ) you can do me no better p●easure . bonner telling the keeper , his prisoner would not go to the sermon : yes , my lord ( said he ) i pray you let me go , and that that is good i will receive , and the rest i will leave behind me . bonner asking after his imprisonment , whether he was the same man he was before ? he answered , i am no changeling , nor none will be . miles huggard asking him , where he proved that infants were to be baptized ? go teach all nations ( said he ) baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . sir , here is none excepted . bonner threatning him again : ye shall do no more ( said he ) then god shall give you leave . — as for your cursings , railings , and blasphemings , i care not for them ; for i know the moths and worms shall eat you , as they eat cloth or wooll . — his examination he writ himself , and subscribed it , t.h. who desireth all faithful men , and brethren , to pray unto god to strengthen me in his truth unto the end . pray , pray , pray , gentle brethren , pray . bonner advising him at his publick examination to speak advisedly ; for he stood upon life and death : well ( said he ) i will willingly receive what shall be put unto me . — my lord , as you be my friend in causing these my sayings to be written ; so do you cause them to be read , and yet i will never go from them . being exhorted to return again to the bosome of the mother church : no , my lord , ( said he ) that will i not ; for if i had an hundred bodies , i would suffer them all to be t●rn in pieces , rather then i will abjure , or reca●t . some of his friends being not a little confirmen by his example , and discourses , yet being somewhat afraid of so sharp a punishment , desired him a little before his death , that in the midst of the flame he would shew some token , if he could , whereby they might be more certain , whether the pain of burning were so great , that a man might not therein keep his mind quiet and patient ▪ whereupon it was agreed between them , that if the rage of the pain were tolerable , then he should lift up his hands above his head towards heaven , before he gave up the ghost . accordingly , when he had continued long in the fire , his speech taken away , his skin drawn together , his fingers consumed , so that all concluded he was dead ; contrary to all expectation , he reached up his hands , burning on a light fire , over his head , to the living , god and with great rejoycing ( as it seemed ) clapped them three times together . he was burned to ashes , iune . . in his letter to the congregation . — the holy spirit conduct and lead you all in all your doings , that you may alwayes direct your deeds according to his holy word , that when he shall appear to reward every man according to his works , ye may as obedient children , be found watching , ready to enter into his everlasting kingdome , with your lamps burning , and not be ashamed of this life , which god hath lent you , &c. all flesh ( saith the prophet ) is gr●ss , and all his glory as the flower of the field , which for a season sheweth her beauty , and as soon as the lord blowe●h upon it , it withereth away , and departeth . here we are as pilgrims and strangers , following the footsteps of moses , among many unspeakable dangers , &c. — in danger of that dreadful dragon , and his sinful seed , to be tempted , devoured , and tormented , who ceaseth not behind every bush to lay a ba●t , &c. casting abroad his apples in all places , times , and seasons , to see if adam will be allured and enticed to leave the living god , and his most holy commandment , &c. promising the world at will , to all that will fall down , and for a mess of pottage sell , and set at naught the everlasting kingdome of heaven . — therefore i am bold in bonds ( as entirely desiring your everlasting felicity ) to warn you , and most heartily desire you to watch and pray . — on the high mountains doth not grow most plenty of grass , neither are the highest trees farthest from danger , but seldome sure , and alwayes shaken of every wind that bloweth . such a deceitful thing ( saith our saviour ) is honour and riches , that without grace , it choketh up the good seed sown , &c. it maketh a man think himself somewhat , that is nothing at all ; for though for our honour we esteem our selves , and stand in our own light , yet when we shall stand before the living god , there shall be no respect of persons ; for riches helpeth not in the day of vengeance , nor can we make the lord partial for money . — though the world rage , and blaspheme the elect of god , ye know that it did so unto christ , his apostles , and to all that were in the primitive church , and shall be unto the worlds end . — i beseech you in the bowels of christ my lord jesus , stick fast unto the truth : let it never depart out of your hearts and conversations , &c. yours in him that liveth for ever . in his letter to his wife , after his condemnation . — i exhort you to love god with all your heart , and soul , and mind , &c. to lay sure hold on all his promises , that in all your troubles you may run strait to the great mercy of god , &c. and be sure that neither devil , flesh , nor hell shall be able to hurt you . but if you will not keep his holy precepts , and call for gods help to walk in the same , but will leave them , and do as the wicked world does , then be sure to have your part with the wicked world in the burning lake . beware of idolatry , which most of all stinks in gods nostrils , and hath been of all good men detested from the beginning of the world , for the which what kingdomes , &c. god hath punished with most terrible plagues , &c. to the utter subversion of them , is manifestly to be seen through the whole bible ; yea , for this he draadfully plagued his own people , &c. but how he hath preserved those that abhorred superstition and idolatry , &c. is also to be seen from the beginning , out of what great danger he hath delivered them ; yea , when all hope of deliverance was past , as touching their expectation , &c. i exhort you also in the bowels of christ , that you will exercise , and be stedfast in prayer , the onely mean to obtain of god whatsoever we desire , so it be askt in faith. o what notable things do we read in scripture , that have been obtained through fervent prayer ! — whatsoever you desire of god in prayer , ask it for jesus christ's sake , for whom and in whom god hath promised to give us all things necessary . though what we ask come not by and by , continue still knocking , and he will at length open his treasures of mercy , &c. — yet once again i warn you , that ye continue fervent in prayer , &c. in his letter to mr. throgmorton . — whereas the love of god hath moved you to require my son to be brought up before your eyes , and the self same love hath also moved me to leave him in your hands as a father in my absence , i shall require you in gods behalf , according to your promise , that ye will see him brought up in the fear of the lord , and instructed in the knowledge of his holy word , that he may learn to leave the evil , and know the good , &c. and this i require you to fulfill , or cause to be fulfilled , as ye before the living god will make answer for the same . — yours , and all mens in christ iesus . hector . bartholomew hector , being condemned , was threatned , that if he spake any thing to the people , his tongue should be cut off ; yet he did not forbear . he pray'd for the judges , that god would forgive them , and open their eyes . he refused a pardon , offered him at the stake . at his death many wept , saying , why doth this man die , who speaketh of nothing but of god ? when he was called before authority to be examined , he would answer them to nothing before he had made his prayer to god : whereupon falling down upan his knees , he said , lord , open my mouth , and direct my speech to utter that onely , that may tend to thy honour and glory , and the edification of thy church . when he was bound to the stake , gunpowder and brimstone was brought to be placed about him ; he lifting up his eyes to heaven , said , lord , how sweet and welcome is this to me ? hernaudes . mr. iulian hernaudes , ( a spanish martyr ) came from the wrack , and the tortures of the inquisition inflicted on him , for bringing with him , and causing to be brought into spain , many books of the holy scriptures in spanish ) as from a conquest , saying to his fellow-prisoners as he past by them , these hypocrites are gone away confounded , no less then wolves , that have been long hunted . when he was brought forth to his execution , he said to the rest , courage , my valiant and constant brethren , now is the hour come , in which as the true champions of iesus christ , we must witness his truth before men , and for a short tryal for his sake we shall triumph with him for ever and ever . herwyn . when iohn herwyn of flanders , was led to prison , the bailiffe meeting certain drunkards in the street , and saying , they say we have many gospellers in houscot , but it little appears by these disorders : he replied , mr. bailiffe , is drunkenness a sin ? what of that ( said the bailiffe ) why then ( said herwyn ) commit you not these fellows to prison , seeing it is your office to punish vice , and to protect such as fear god ? after he was in prison , because he was not called forth before the magistrates , assoon as he desired and expected , he grew heavy and sad , asking , why they so delayed the matter ? for his heart was fired with an holy zeal to confess christ before his judges . when he was brought forth , he admonished his judges to examine the doctrine of the roman church by the true touch-stone , which is the holy scripture , that so they might discern how opposite and contrary the one is to the other . consider also ( said he ) what the words of st. peter import , where the affirms , that we ought to obey god rather then man , &c. when he craved for justice , either one way or another , they urged him to desist from his opinion ; but he answered , that his faith was not built on an opinion , but ( said he ) the lord hath taught me to eschew evil , and do good . seest thou not ( said they ) how these opinions have troubled the world ? and how many of the learneder sort do contradict them ? so far is it off ( said he ) that the doctrine of the gospel should be the cause of troubles , debates and strifes , which raign in the world . these troubles indeed arise from the rage of men . and as for your learned men , it is impossible for humane wisedom to comprehend the doctrine of god ; for which cause christ saith , father i thank thee , that thou hast hid these secrets from the wise men of the world , and hast revealed them unto babes . when those two malefactors that were coupled with him brake prison and fled , he might have escaped , but fearing his flight might be imputed to the godly christians in the city , he would not fly . when he was advertised of his sentence , he thanked god for advancing him to so high an honour as to be counted worthy to suffer for his name . as he passed forth from the court , viewing the people , who waited to see him , he said , see here how this wicked world rewards the poor servants of christ. whilst i gave my self to drunkenness , &c. i was never in danger of these bands ( lifting up his hands which were bound ) i was then counted a good fellow , and at that time , who but i ? but no sooner began i by conversion to ask after a godly life , but the world made war upon me , and became my enemy , persecuting and imprisoning me , and now lest of all sending me to the place where i must pay my last debt . but the servant is no better then his lord ; for seeing they persecuted him , no question they will persecute us . at the stake he said , brethren , i fight under the standard , and in the quarrel of my great lord and captain christ. — i am now going to be crucified ; follow you me , when god of his goodness shall call yo● to it . he was burnt nov. . an. . hierome . i find two of this name . . mr. william hierome , vicar of stepney near london . being accused for preaching against magistrates , he affirmed ( as before he had preached ) that 〈◊〉 magistrate of himself could make any law or laws 〈◊〉 bind the infe●i ur people , unless it were by the power and authority of his or their princes to him or them given , but onely the prince . adding , if the prince make laws consenting to gods laws , we are bound to obey them ; and if he make laws repugnant to the laws of god , &c. yet we are bound not violently to resist , or grudge against him . at the stake he gave the following exhortation to the people ; i say unto you , good brethren , that god hath b●ught us all with no small price , neither with gold , nor silver , nor other such things of small value , but with his most precious blood . be not unthankful therefore , but do what you can to keep his commandments , i. e : love your brethren . — if god hath sent thee plenty , help thy neighbour that hath need , give him good counsel , if he lack . — bear your cross with christ. — let all christians put no trust nor confidence in their works , but in the blood of christ , to whom i commit my soul , beseeching you all to pray to god for me , and for my brethren here present with us , &c. . mr. hierome of prage . when he was brought prisoner to constance , several of the bishops said unto him ; hierome , why didst thou fly , and didst not appear when thou wast cited ? he answered , because i could not have any safe conduct , &c. and i would not my self be the occasion of my perils and danger ; but if i had known of this citation , although i had been in bohemia , i would have returned again . when certain cried out , let him be burned , let him be burned ; he answered , if my death doth delight and please you , in the name of god let it le so . when he was welcomed to prison by a friend of mr. hus , saying to him , be constant , and fear not death for the truths sake , of the which , when you ●ere at liberty , you did preach so much goodness ; he answered , truly brother , i do not fear death ; and for●smuch as we know that we have spoken . much thereof in times past , let us now see what may be known or done in ●ffect . vitus asking him how he did , he answered , truly brother i do very well . after a long sore imprisonment he was forced to recant and consent unto the death of mr. iohn hus , that he was justly condemned , and put to death ; but his hopes of freedome thereupon were disappointed , for they caused him to be carried back unto the same prison , but not so straitly chained and bound as before . after his recantation and consent to the death of mr. hus , he refused to answer to any questions propounded to him in private , except he might be brought before the council ; they supposing he would confirm his former recantation , sent for him may . an. . when he was brought before them , he began with prayer to god , beseeching him to give him spirit , ability and utterance , which might most tend to the profit and salvation of his own soul. then he spake unto them thus ; i know that there have been many excellent men which have suffered much otherwise , then they have deserved , being oppressed with false witnesses , and condemned with wrong judgement , as socrates , plato , anaxagoras , zeno , boetius , moses , ioseph , isaiah , daniel , and almost all the prophets , &c. iohn baptist , christ , stephen , and all the apostles who were condemned to death not as good men , but as seditious stirrers up of the people , and contemners of the gods and evil doers . — this was the old manner of ancient and learned men , and most holy elders , that in matters of faith they did differ many times in arguments , not to destroy the faith , but to find out the verity : so did augustine and hierome dissent . — as for mr. hus , he was a good , just , and holy man ( to his knowledge ) and much unworthy that death which he did suffer . — at last he added , that all the sin● that ever he had committed did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience , as did that onely sin , which he had committed , in that most pestiferous fact , whenas in his recantation he had unjustly spoken against that good and holyman and his doctrine , and especially in consenting to his wicked condemnation . concluding that he did utterly revoke that wicked recantation , which he made in that cursed place , and that he did it through weakness of heart and fear of death , and that whatsoever he had spoken against that blessed man , he had altogether lied upon him , and that it did repent him with his whole heart that ever he did it . — being again brought forth to have judgement given him , and prest to recant what he had before spoken in open audience in commendation of mr. wickliffe and mr. hus , he said unto them , i take god to my witness , and i protest here before you all , that i do believe and hold the articles of the faith , as the holy catholick church doth hold and believe the fame ; but for this cause shall i now ce●oondemned , for that i will not consent with you to the condemnation of those most holy and blessed men aforesaid , whom you have most wickedly condemned , for their detesting and abhorring your wicked and abominable life . after the bishop of londy had ended his sermon , which was but an exhortation to condemn mr. hierome , he said unto them , you shall condemn me wickedly and unjustly ; but i after my death will leave a remorse in your conscience , and a nail in your heart , and here i cite you to answer unto me before the most high and just iudge within an hundred years . this prophesie was printed in the coin called moneta hussi , of the which coin i my self ( saith mr. fox ) have one of the plates , having the following superscription printed about it , centum revolutis annis d●o respondebitis & mihi . an hundred years come and gone , with god and me you shall reckon . after sentence was pronounced against him , a long mitre of paper , painted about with red devils , was brought to him , whereupon he said , our lord iesus christ , whenas he should suffer death for me , most wretched sinner , did wear a crown of thorns upon his head , and i for his sake , instead of that crown will willingly wear this m●tre or cap. when the fire was kindled , he said , into thy hands o lord i commend my spirit . — o lord god , father almighty , have mercy upon me , and pardon mine offences , for thou knowest how sincerely i have loved thy truth . when the executioner began to kindle the fire behind him , he bade him kindle it before his face ; for ( said he ) if i had been afraid of it , i had not come to this place , having had so many opportunities offered to me to escape it . at the giving up of the ghost he said , hanc animam in flammis offero christe tibi . this soul of mine in flames of fire , o christ i offer thee . — in his letter to mr. iohn hus. — my master , in those things which you have both written hitherto , and also preached after the law of god , against the pride , avarice , and other inordinate vices of the priests , go forward , be constant , and strong , and if i shall know that you be oppressed in the cause , and if need shall so require , of mine own accord i will follow after to help you as much as i can . in the letter of poggius ( secretary to the council of constance ) to leonard aretin concerning hierome's death . — i profess i never said any man , who in talking , especially for life and death , hath come nearer the eloquence of the ancients , whom we do so much admire . it was a wonder to see with what words , with what eloquence , arguments , countenance , and with what confidence he answered his adversaries , and maintained his own cause : that it is to be lamented that so fine a wit had strayed into the study of heresie , if it be true that was objected against him . — when it was refused that he should first plead his own cause , and then answer to the railings of adversaries , he said , how great is this iniquity , that when i have been three hundred and forty dayes in most hard prisons , in filthiness , in dung , in fetters , and want of all things , ye have heard my adversaries at all times , and ye will not hear me one hour ? — ye are men , and not gods ; ye may slip , and erre , and be deceived , and seduced , &c. when it was demanded what he could object to the articles against him ? it is almost incredible to consider how cunningly he answered , and with what arguments he defended himself . he never spake one word unworthy of a good man ; that if he thought in his heart , as he spake with his tongue , no cause of death could have been against him , no not of the meanest offence . — in the end poggius saith , o man , worthy of everlasting remembrance among men ! this epistle is in fascicu● . r●● . expetend . fol. . holland . a friend of mr roger holland's thanking the bishop for his good will to his kinsman , and beseeching god that he might have grace to follow his council ; sir ( said mr. holland ) you crave of god you know not what , i beseech god to open your eyes to see the light of his word . roger ( said his kinsman ) hold your peace , lest you fare the worse at my lords hands . no ( said he ) i shall fare as it pleaseth god , for man can do no more then god doth permit him . the register asking him , whether he would submit himself to the bishop , before he was entred into the book of contempt . i never meant ( said he ) but to submit my self to the magistrate , as i learn of st. paul , rom. . yet i mean not to be a papist ; they will not submit themselves to any other prince or magistrate , then those that must first be sworn to maintain them and their doings . b●nner telling him , roger , i perceive thou wilt be ruled by no good counsel , &c. he answered , i may say to you my lord , as paul said to felix , and to the iews , acts . cor. . it is not unknown to my master , whose apprentice i was , that i was of this your blind religion , &c. having that liberty under your auricular confession , that i made no conscience of sin , but trusted in the priests absolution , &c. so that lechery , swearing , and all othervices i accounted no offence of danger , so long as i could for money have them absolved . — and thus i continued , till of late god hath opened the light of his word , and called me by his grace to repentance of my former idolatry and wicked life . — the antiquity of our church is not from pope nicholas or pope ione , but our church is from the beginning , even from the time that god said to adam , that the seed of the woman should break the serpents head , &c. all that believed this promise were of the church , though the number were oftentimes but few and small , as in elias dayes , when he thought there was none but he that had not bowed the knee to baal , &c. moreover of our church have been the apostles and evangelists , the martyrs and confessors that have in all ages been persecuted for the testimony of the word of god. — after sentence was read against him , he said , even now i told you that your authority was of god and by his sufferance , and now i tell you , god hath heard the prayer of his servants , which hath been poured forth with tears for his afflicted saints , which daily you persecute . this i dare be bold in god to speak ( which by his spirit i am moved to say ) that god will shorten your hand of cruelty , that for a time you shall not molest his church . and this shall you in short time perceive , my dear brethren , to be the most true ; for after this day , in this place , shall there not be any by him put to the trial of fire and fagot . which accordingly came to pass . he was the last burnt in smithfield . then he began to exhort his friends to repentance , and to think well of them that suffered for the testimony of the gospel . the day that mr. holland and the rest suffered , a proclamation was made , that none should be so bold as to speak to them , or receive any thing of them upon pain of imprisonment . notwithstanding the people cried out , desiring god to strengthen them ; and they prayed for the people and the restoring of his word . at length mr. holland embracing the stake and the reeds , said , lord i most humbly thank thy majesty , that thou hast called me from the stake of death unto the light of thy heavenly word , and now unto the fellowship of thy saints , that i may sing and say , holy , holy , holy lord god of hosts . lord into thy hands i commit my spirit . lord , bless these thy people , and save them from idolatry . hooper . mr. iohn hooper in his exile writ a declaration of christ and his office , and a declaration of the holy commandmants of almighty god , &c. in his epistle ( before his declaration of christ and his office ) to the duke of somerset . — because the right of every just and lawful heir is half lost and more , when his title and claim is unknown , i have written this little book , containing what christ is , and what his office is , that every godly man may put to his helping hand to restore him again to his kingdome , — who hath sustained open and manifest wrong this many years , as it appeareth by his evidence and writing , the gospel sealed with his precious blood . — in his declaration — ch . . — jesus christ in all things executed the true office of a bishop , to whom it appertained to teach the people , which was the chiefest part of the bishops office , and most diligently and straitly commanded by god. as all the books of moses and the prophets teach , and christ commanded peter , iohn . and paul all the bishops and priests of his time , acts . — christ left nothing untaught , but as a good doctor manifested unto his audience all things necessary for the health of man , iohn . — he gave also his apostles and disciples after his resurrection commandment to preach , and likewise what they should preach , go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature , teaching them to observe what i have commanded , matt. . — as they did most sincerely and plainly without all glosses or additions of their own inventions , and were as testimonies of the truth , and not the authors thereof . — alwayes in their doctrine they taught the thing that christ first taught and gods holy spirit inspired them , gal. . cor. . holy apostles never took upon them to be christ's vicar in the earth , nor to be his lieutenant ; but said , let a men so account of us , as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god , cor. . . and in the same epistle the apostle paul hiddeth the corinthians to follow him in nothing , but where he followed christ , chap. . they ministred not in the church , as though christ was absent , although his most glorious body was departed into the heavens above , but as present , that alwayes governeth his church with his spirit of truth , as he promised , matth. ult . behold i will be with you to the end of the world . in the absence of his body he hath commended the protection and governance of his church to the holy ghost , one and the same god with the father and himself . — it was no little pain that christ suffered in washing away the sins of this church : therefore he will not commit the defence thereof to man. it is no less glory to defend and keep the thing won by force , then it is by force to obtain the victory . — therefore he keepeth the defence and governance of the church onely and solely himself , in whom the devil hath not a jot of right . though the apostles were instructed in all truth , &c. they were but ministers , servants , testimonies , and preachers of this verity , and not christ's vicars on earth , &c. but onely appointed to approve the thing to be good , that god's law commanded , and that to be ill , which the word of god condemned . seeing that christ doth govern his church alwayes by his holy spirit , and bindeth all the ministers thereof unto the sole word of god : what abomination is this , that one bishop of rome , &c. should claim to be christ's vicar on earth , and take upon him to make any laws in the church of god to bind the conscience beside the word of god , and by their superstition and idolatry put the word of god out of his place ? — all , that are not blinded with the smoke of rome , know the bishop of rome to be the beast iohn describeth in the apocalyps , as well as the logician knoweth that risibilitate distinguitur homo a caeteris animantibus . christs supremacy and continual presence in the church admits no lieutenant , nor general vicar : likewise it admitteth not the decrees and laws of men brought into the church , contrary unto the word and scripture of god , which is onely sufficient to teach all verity and truth , for the salvation of man. — ch . . — this law teacheth man sufficiently as well what he is bound to do unto god , as unto the princes of the world , rom. . pet. . nothing necessary for man but in this law it is prescribed . of what degree , vocation , or calling soever he be , his duty is shewed unto him in the scripture . and in this it differeth from mans laws , because it is absolutely perfect , and never to be changed , nothing to be added to it , nor taken from it . and the church of christ the more it was , and is burdened with mans laws , the farther it is from the true and sincere verity of gods word . — though basil , ambrose , epiphanius , augustine , bernard , and others erred not in any principal article of the faith , yet they did not inordinately , and more then enough extol the doctrine and tradition of men , and after the death of the apostles , every doctors time was subject to such ceremonies and manners , that were neither profitable nor necessary . — — unto the writings of scripture onely , and not unto the writings of men , god hath bound and obligated his church . in this passage . i admonish the christian reader that i speak not of the laws of magistrates or princes , that daily order new laws for the preservation of their commonwealths , as they see the necessity of their realms or cities require ; but of such laws , as men have ordained for the church of christ , which should be now and for ever governed by the word of god. — this law must prevail . we must obey god rather then man. the example hereof we have in daniel of the three children , who chose rather to burn in the fiery furnace , then to worship the image that nebuchadnezzar had made . so did the apostles , acts . — cursed be those that make such laws ; and cursed be those that with sophistry defend them . — ch . . — the authority of gods word requireth me to pronounce this true judgement in the case of images that be not worshipped in the church , that their presence in the church is against gods word , as well as to say , sancta maria ora pro nobis . — the old testament saith , exod. . deut. . thou shalt make no image . the new saith , that christ came not to destroy the law , but to fulfill it , matth. . christ therefore hath left the commandments of the old law unto the church , in which he saith , thou shalt not make any image . — of late years images were in the temple , and honoured with pater noster , heart and mind , leg and knee : now they be applyed to another use to teach the people , to be lay-mens books , as damascene , &c. saith . o blasphemous and devillish doctrine ! — the most perfect churches of the prophets , christ , and his apostles used no such mean : and we ought to follow them and the word of god , writ by the prophets and apostles . — the words of gregory ad seren. episcop . m●ssil . part . . ep. . should move no man , though he say , quod legentibus scriptura , hoc ideotis pictura praestat cernentibus . this is but gregory's opinion . epiphanius was not of his mind , he willed the occasion of ill to be taken out of the church , as paul commandeth , thes. . this doctor was ( as all men know ) of singular learning and vertue . again against the authority of gregory the great i set the authority of athanasius the great , who denieth in express words the images to be the books of the lay people . lactantius firmianus crieth so out against images , that he saith there can be no true religion where they be . tertullian judgeth the same . — loved we god we would be content with the scripture . — shall not the patriarks , prophets , christ and his apostles suffice the church of god ? what although many learned men have approved images , should their wisdome maintain any contrary to the word of god ? — such as defend them have nothing but sophistical arguments to blind the people with . the scripture nor apostles church used none . had all asia , africa , and europe , and gabriel the archangel descended from heaven approved the use of images , forasmuch as the apostles never taught nor wrote any such thing , their authority should have no place ; the word of god solely and onely is to be prefer'd , which forbiddeth images . — ch . . — the office of christ to sanctifie us ( according to iohn . sanctifie my self , that they may be sanctified ) doth abrogate all other things that mans constitutions attribute any holiness unto , as bewitched water , &c. for onely christ sanctifieth , and all holiness we must attribute unto him . — sacraments must be used holily , yet not have this office of christ added to them . — ch . . — in the later dayes when christ , as king , was to be born , the angel declared the power and puissance of his kingdome . he shall reign over the house of jacob , and of his kingdome there shall be no end , luke . although the commonwealth of the church hath no certain place appointed , where it shall remain , as it was appointed in the old law , yet certain we be that this kingdome of christ remaineth upon the earth , and shall do till the earth be burned , matth. . . cor. . howbeit as christ wan and obtained this kingdome in the later dayes without shield or spear , so doth he preserve it with his holy spirit , and not with carnal weapons . my kingdome is not of this world , john . meaning he would not reign in this world , as a prince of this world in pomp and pride , but defend his people with his holy spirit , that the devil and the world should not break their patience , though many afflictions and sorrows should fight against them for the truth 's sake . christ doth not deny to be king of the world , but he meant not to reign worldlily , to the hinderance and defacing of the emperours dignity and title ; as the jews falsly accused him , as cyrillus l. . c. . in iohannem saith . — this kingdome shall be ever persecuted till the worlds end . isaiah the prophet described the church of this present life , saying , he will give you the bread of adversity , and the water of affliction , but he will not remove thy teachers , chap. . . thus the church shall alwayes remain but in affliction . i know such as favour not the truth , will interpret my words , that i condemn all princes and kings , as enemies of the gospel , because they peaceably enjoy their kingdomes , whereas i wish them alwayes so to do to the glory of god : but of the one thing i will assure every prince of world ; the more sincere he is in the cause of god , the more shall be his cross. — god indeed preserveth above humane reason his ministers , as he did iacob from the hands of esau , david from saul , daniel from the lions , and paul in the ship , when there was no humane hope of salvation . — likewise he governeth his church with his onely laws . — the onely law whereunto this congregation is bound is the gospel , as christ saith ; iohn . the holy ghost shall teach you all things , and bring to your remembrance all things which i have said unto you . here christ bindeth the apostles and all the church unto the things that he had taught them . — such as teach the people to know the commonwealth of the true church by these signs , the traditions of men , and the succession of bishops , teach wrong . those two false opinions have given unto the succession of bishops power to interpret the scripture , and power to make such laws in the church , as it pleased them . — god hath given the civil magistrates power and authority to make such laws for the commonwealth as shall be agreeable with reason , and not against gods law , and likewise power to interpret the same laws : but this is not to be admitted in the church , unto whom god hath given the gospel , and interpreted the same by his onely son , taught the meaning and contents thereof himself . — the adversaries of the truth defend many an errour under the name of the holy church : when the church therefore is named , diligently consider when the articles they would defend , were accepted of the church , by whom , and who was the author of them . leave not till the matter be brought unto the first original and most perfect church of the apostles . if thou find by their writings , that their church used the thing that the preacher would prove , then accept it , or else not . be not amazed , though they speak of never so many years , nor name never so many doctors . — if either the authority of bishops , or the greater part should have power to interpret the scripture , the sentence of the pharisees should have been prefer'd before the sentence of zachary , simion , elizabeth , or the blessed virgin. consider the true church is many time but a small congregation , as isaiah saith , unless god had left us a remnant , we had been as sodom . therefore the interpretation of the scripture is not obligated to ordinary power , nor the most part . — beware of deceit , when thou hearest the name of the church . the verity is then assaulted . they call the church of the devil , the holy church many time . — remember , christian reader , that the gift of interpreting the scripture is the light of the holy ghost given unto the humble and penitent person , that seeketh onely to honour god , and not unto those persons that claim it by title or place , because he is a bishop , or followed by succession peter or paul. — remember therefore to examine all doctrine by the word of god ; for such as preach it aright , have their infirmities and ignorance , they may depart from the truth , or else build some superstition and false doctrine upon the gospel of christ. superstition is to be avoided , false doctrine to be abhorred , whosoever be the author thereof , prince , magistrate , or bishop . as the apostles made answer , acts . we ought to obey god rather then man. — ch . . — the law is necessary for a justified man to teach him with what works he should exercise his faith , will , and obedience unto god. we may not chuse works of our own wisdome to serve him withal . he would have us to be governed by his word , as david saith , thy word is a light unto my feet : and christ , in vain do they worship me by the commands of men . — in the second declaration . — moses commandeth , deut. that no man should decline from this law , neither to the right , nor left hand , i. e. that no man should adde to , or take any thing from it , but simply to observe it , as it is given or written to us . from this right line and true rule of gods word man erreth divers wayes : sometimes by ignorance , because he knoweth not , or will not know , that onely the express word of god sufficeth . he holdeth with the most part , and condemneth the better , as it is to be seen at this present day . this reason taketh place , it is allowed of the most part , and established by so many holy and learned bishops , therefore it is true , &c. another way that leadeth from the word of god , is many times the power and authority of this world , as we see by the bishop of rome , and all his adherents , who give more credit to one charter and gift of constantine , then to the whole bible . another erreth by mistaking of the time , making his superstition far elder then it is , &c. one saith thus , my father believed , and should i believe the contrary ? — whereas no law at all should be spoken of conscience , but the onely word of god , which never altered , nor can be altered , matt. . luk. . psal. . . if heavens and earth made by word cannot be altered , how much more the word it self ! unto which law , the conscience of man in matters of faith is bound onely . — such as can interpret nothing , will say , i have an ill opinion of god in heaven , and of the superiour powers on earth , because i damn the disciples of the false doctors with the doctors , and take from all powers on earth authority to prescribe unto their subjects any law touching religion of the soul. as concerning those that be seduced by false teachers , st. luke c. . and ezekiel . and . judge as i do . — both he that leadeth to damnation , and he that is led , falleth into the pit . — notwithstanding i believe , that in the midst of darkness , when all the world ( as far as man might judge ) had sworn unto the bishop of rome , christ had his elect , that never consented to his false laws , as it was in the time of elias , kings . where god saith , he had preserved seven thousand that had not bowed the knee to baal . — as many as die before us , seduced by false teachers without repentance , the scripture condemneth : as many as believed them not , but trusted to the scripture ( or else deceived , yet repented before they died ) live eternally in joy and solace and are saved , as iohn saith rev. . in the blood of the lamb. — as touching the superiour powers of the earth , it is not unknown to all men that have read and marked the scripture , that it pertaineth nothing to their office to make any law to govern the consciences of their subjects in religion , but to reign over them in this case , as the word of god commandeth . howbeit in their realms they may make what laws they will , and as many as they will ; command them to be kept as long as it pleaseth them , and change them at their pleasure , as they shall see occasion for the wealth and commodity of their realms : — unto the which superiour powers we owe all obedience , both of body and goods , and likewise our daily prayer for them to almighty god , &c. and as many divers commonwealths as there be , so many divers laws there may be . howbeit all christian kings and kingdomes with other magistrates , should reign by one law , and govern the churches of their realms solely by the word of god , which is never to be changed . — thus christ commanded his apostles to teach , and their audience to hear the things he commanded , matth. . mark . — moses prescribeth unto his audience seven rules , wherewith he prepareth them to the receiving of the ten commandments . ( ) a right perswasion of gods word , that god will undoubtedly give the good promised to the good , and inflict the evil threatned against the evil . — ( ) to have a right opinion of the magistrates and superiour powers of the earth , to give them no more , nor any less honour and reverence then the word of god commandeth . — for lack of this preparative the world hath erred from the truth this many years . men do not look what gods word saith , but extol the authority of mans laws , preferring the decree of a general or provincial council before the word of god. — ( ) another preparative is obedience both to god and man. it were as good nere read the law , in case we mind not to be obedient . — ( ) to observe jus gentium . — ( ) to esteem the doctrine of the commandments , as it is worthy . — ( ) a true and right understanding of the law , not to constrain the letter against the mind of the text , but behold alwayes the consent of the scripture . — ( ) to adde nothing to this law , neither to take any thing from it . — if thou judgest that gods law containeth one part of such doctrine as is necessary for mans salvation , and the bishops laws another part , thou contemnest and dishonourest the whole law , and the giver thereof , and offendest against that command , deut. . . and prov. . — every thing that we do for the honour of god , not comanded by his word , is as strange , and not accepted by god ; as all good intentions , feigned works by man , and all things commanded by general councils , not expressed in the word of god , by the patriarks , prophets , christ , and the apostles , which be and ever were before god the holy and catholick church . whosoever adde any thing to their laws are the church of antichrist , deut. . . revel . . nadab and abihu offered strange fire , i. e. such as he commanded not . — read the commentaries of thom. val●●s and nicol. iu aug. de civit. dei , l. . and they will tell thee what superstition is , if thou believe not the scripture . superstition ( say they ) is a superfluous religion , what wayes soever it be superfluous whether it be of the superfluity of the things honoured , or of the things used for religion , or of the manner in religion . this doubtless is understood by the name of superstition , from whence soever the name hath its rise ; whatsoever thou dost to please god almighty , if it be not commanded in his word , it is superfluous superstition . — the purpose , end and will of the second commandment is , that gods pleasure is unto us , that we do not profane or dishonour the true religion or honour of god with superstitious rites or ceremonies not commanded by him . — i am a jealous god , q. d. when we two were married together for the love that i bore unto thee , i gave thee certain rules and precepts how in all things thou mayest keep my love and good will towards thee , and thou promisedst me obedience to my commandments , ex●d . . so honour me therefore , and love me as it standeth written in the writings and indentures written between us both , i cannot suffer to be otherwise honoured , then i have taught in my tables and testament . — against obeying of gods laws , the first sophism or carnal objection is , when men say it is no place nor time to learn or obey gods laws , we be not in the temple , &c. but in the broad world , and must do as other men do , and rather serve the place we be in , & u●ulare cum lupis , bark with the wolf , then speak of the scripture : besides , it is too dangerous a season , let it pass till the world be no more quiet , &c. — this objection moses breaketh , and proveth that the law should be alwayes received , and in every place . — those that observed it in the wilderness god fed by miracle from heaven , and preserved all their apparel , that it consumed not , nor perished in the wearing for the space of forty years . — a second objection is , when men put from themselves the obedience of the law unto others , saying , let the priests , &c. learn and keep the law , what should a prince , magistrate , or gentleman be so bound ? youth cannot be tied to so strait canons , it must not be so bridled , &c. this wicked acceptation of persons moses destroyeth , yea all ( saith he ) stand this day before the lord your god , your princes , your tribes , your elders , your officers , and all men of israel , your children , your wives , and thy guest , &c. no manner of prison is excluded from the league . — a third is presumption , when men know what is to be done , yet against their knowledge presuming of gods mercy , do the thing that is evil , saying , if i walk in the imagination of my heart , and take my pleasure , there is no danger , &c. but ( saith moses ) the lord will not favour such an one , but then be angry , and kindle his ire against him , so that every curse written in this book , shall rest on him , &c. a fourth is animosity , thus reasoning with ones self , who knoweth what his last hour shall be ? — but ( saith moses ) secret things belong to god , but the things that god hath revealed to us and our children for ever , that we do all the precepts of this law. — a fifth is desperation , when men think it is in vain for them to observe gods laws , there is no hope of their salvation , &c. it is impossible for him to return to god , and do all that god requireth , &c. moses gives a remedy against this dangerous disease , sheweth the way to god , declareth , that god is full of mercy , and ready to forgive , &c. — a sixth is the pretence of ignorance , saying , the scripture , the laws of god have so many mysteries , too hard for our capacities , &c. besides the doctors brawl and chide between themselves , and how should the unlearned understand it aright ? who can tell ( saith another ) whether this be the true law or not ? if it were the true law of god , then it should contain all verities , and have no deed of mans laws . now the greatest part of christians in name say , that this law is not sufficient , except it be holp and aided by the law of the bishops . — moses answereth and saith , this law is sufficient , simple and plain , easie to be understood , a perfect doctrine , and required of all men ; the commandment that i prescribe unto thee to day is not far above thee , nor put far from thee , &c. by which words it appeareth , that god hath made his will and pleasure simple and plainly open to his people , &c. yea the law of god to do well by is written naturally in the heart of every man , &c. though there were no law written , &c. mans conscience would tell him when he doth well and when ill . — farewell in our onely and sole joy and consolation , christ jesus . this holy exile parting with mr. bullinger and his friends at zurick , declared that the principal cause of his return to his own countrey was the matter of religion , &c. be sure ( said he ) neither the nature of the countrey , nor pleasure of commodities , nor newness of friends shall ever induce me to the oblivion of such friends and benefactors , and therefore you shall be sure from time to time to hear from me how it goes with me , but the last news of all i shall not be able to write ; for there said he , ( taking mr. bullinger by the hand ) where i shall take most pains , there shall you hear of me to be burned to ashes , and that shall be the last news , which i shall not be able to write . — when he was made bishop of worcester and glocester , the arms allotted him ( probably by his own appointment ) were , a lamb in a fiery bush , and the sun-beams from heaven descending down upon the lamb , rightly denoting as it seemed , the manner of his suffering , which afterward followed . after his return , in his sermons he corrected sin , and sharply inveighed against the iniquity of the world , and corrupt abuses of the church . — when he was elected bishop of worcester and glocester , he made humble supplication to the king , either to discharge him of the bishoprick , or to dispense with him as to the wearing of such garments and apparel as the popish bishops were wont to do . his petition the king granted , as appears by his letter to the archbishop of canterbury , telling him , that the rites and ceremonies he would be dispensed in were offensive to his conscience . the oath also , used then commonly in the consecration of bishops was against his conscience , as appears by the earl of warwick's letter to the archbishop , writ by the kings desire . in the beginning of queen mary's reign , when notice was given him that he should be sent for to london , and how dangerous it was for him to appear , he gave this answer : once i did flee , but now because i am called to this place and vocation , i am throughly perswaded to tarry , and to live and die with my sheep . when he was imprisoned in the fleet , he writes thus : i am so hardly used , that i see no remedy ( saving gods help ) but i shall be cast away in prison before i come to judgement . but i commit my just cause to god , whose will be done , whether it be by life or death . winchester exhorting him to the unity of the catholick church , and to acknowledge the popes holiness to be head of the same church , promising him the queens mercy ; he answered , that forasmuch as the pope taught doctrine altogether contrary to the doctrine of christ , he was not worthy to be accounted a member of christs church , much less to be head thereof ; wherefore he would in no wise condescend to any such usurped jurisdiction , neither esteemed he the church , whereof they called him head , to be the catholick church of christ , for the church of christ onely heareth the voice of her spouse christ , and flieth the strangers . howbeit ( said he ) if in any point to me unknown , i have offended the queens majesty , i shall humbly submit my self to her mercy , if mercy may be had with safety of conscience , and without the displeasure of god. come brother ( said he to mr. rogers , who was sent with him to the counter in southwark ) must we two take this matter first in hand , and begin to fire these fagots ? yea sir ( said mr. rogers ) by gods grace . doubt not ( said mr. hooper ) but god will give strength . the sheriffe telling mr. hooper he wondred that he was so hasty and quick with the lord chancellor , he answered mr. sheriffe , i was nothing at all impatient , although i was earnest in my masters cause , and it standeth me so in hand ; for it goeth upon life and death , not the life and death of this world onely , but also of the world to come . in his letter for the stopping of certain false rumours spread abroad concerning his recantation , by the bishops and their servants . — the grace of our lord jesus christ be with all them that unfeignedly look for the coming of our saviour christ. amen . dear brethren and sisters in the lord , and my fellow-prisoners for the cause of gods gospel , i do much rejoyce and give thanks unto god for your constancy and perseverance in affliction , unto whom i wish continuance to the end . and as i do rejoyce in your faith and constancy in afflictions that be in prison , even so i do mourn and lament to hear of our dear brethren , that yet have not felt such dangers for gods truth , as we have , and do feel , and be daily like to suffer more , yea the very extream and vile death of the fire ; yet such is the report abroad ( as i am credibly informed ) that i iohn hooper , a condemned man for the cause of christ , should now after sentence of death ( being in newgate prisoner , and looking daily for execution ) recant and abju●e that which heretofore i have preached ; and this talk ariseth of this , that the bishop of london and his chaplains resort unto me . doubtless if our brethren were as godly as i could wish them , they would think that in case i did refuse to talk with them , they might have just occasion to say that i were unlearned , and durst not speak with learned men ; or else proud , and disdained to speak with them . — but i fear not their arguments , neither is death terrible to me . — i am more confirmed in the truth , which i have preached heretofore , by their coming . therefore ye that may send to the weak brethren , pray them that they trouble me not with such reports of recantations as they do , for i have hitherto left all things of the world , and suffered great pains and imprisonment , and i thank god i am as ready to suffer death as a mortal man may be . it were better for them to pray for us , then to credit or report such rumours that be untrue . we have enemies enough of such as know not god truly : but yet the false report of weak brethren is a double cross . i wish your eternal salvation in jesus christ , and also require your continual prayers , that he which hath begun in us may continue it to the end . i have taught the truth with my tongue , and with pen heretofore , and hereafter shortly will confirm the same by gods grace with my blood . newgate feb. . . your brother in christ j. h. when the keeper told him he should be sent to glocester to be burned , he rejoyced very much , lifting up his eyes and hands to heaven , he praised god that he saw it good to send him among the people over whom he was pastor , there to confirm with his death the truth which he had before taught them , not doubting but the lord would give him strength to perform the same to his glory . sir anthony kingston ( formerly his friend , then a commissioner to see execution done upon him ) coming to him a little before his death , bid him consider that life was sweet , & death was bitter , &c. it is true ( said mr. hooper ) i am come hither to end this life , and to suffer death here , because i will not gainsay the former truth which i have heretofore taught among you . — true it is that daath is bitter , and life is sweet ; but alas ! consider that the death to come is more bitter , and the life to come is more sweet ; therefore for the desire and love i have to the one , and the terrour and fear of the other , i do not so much regard this death , nor esteem this life , but have settled my self through the strength of gods holy spirit , patiently to pass through the torments and extremities of the fire now prepared for me , rather then to deny the truth of his word , desiring you and others in the mean time to commend me to gods mercy in your prayers . i thank god ( said the knight ) that ever i knew you ; for god did appoint you to call me , being a lost child , and by your good instructions , where before i was both an adulterer and fornicator , god hath brought me to the forsaking and detesting of the same . if you had the grace so to do ( said the bishop ) i do highly praise god for it , and if you have not , i pray god you may have , and that you may continually live in his fear . the knight and the bishop parting with tears , the bishop told the knight , that all the troubles he had sustained in prison , had not caused him to utter so much sorrow . a papist telling him he was sorry to see him in that case . be sorry for thy self man ( said he ) and lament thine own wickedness ; for i am well , i thank god , and death to me for christs sake is welcome . when he was committed to the sheriffe of gl●cester , the mayor and aldermen at first saluted him , and took him by the hand . mr. mayor ( said mr. hooper ) i give most hearty thanks to you and to the rest of your brethren , that you have vouchsafed to take me a prisoner and condemned man by the hand , whereby to my rejoycing it is somewhat apparent that your old love and friendship towards me is not altogether extinguished , and i trust also that all the things i have taught you in times past are not utterly forgotten , &c. for the which most true and sincere doctrine , because i will not now account it falshood and heresie , as many other men do , i am sent hither by the queens command to die , and am come where i taught it to confirm it with my blood . and now mr. sheriffs , — my request to you is , that there may be a quick fire , shortly to make an end , and in the mean time i will be as obedient unto you , as your selves would wish . if you think i do amiss in any thing , hold up your finger and i have done : for i am not come hither as one inforced or compelled to die ; for it is well known i might have had my life with worldly gain ; but as one willing to offer and give my life for the truth , rather then to consent to the wicked papistical religion of the bishop of rome , &c. — when the sheriffs fetcht him from his chamber to the place of execution with bills , weapons , &c. mr. sheriffs ( said he ) i am no traytor , neither needed you to have made such a business to bring me to the place where i must suffer ; for if ye had willed me , i would have gone alone to the stake , and have troubled none of you all . when he saw the multitude of people that were assembled , he said unto them that were about him , alas ! why be these people assembled and come together ? peradventure they think to hear something of me now , as they have in times past ; but alas ! speech is prohibited me . notwithstanding the cause of my death is well known unto them : when i was appointed here to be their pastor , i preached unto them true and sincere doctrine , and that out of the word of god ; because i will not account the same to be heresie and untruth , this kind of death is prepared for me . when he was come to the place where he was to suffer , after he had begun to pray , a box was brought and laid before him upon a stool , with his pardon ( or at leastwise it was feigned so to be ) from the queen , if he would turn ; at the sight thereof he cried , if you love my soul away with it , if you love my soul away with it . in his prayer he was overheard to say ; lord , i am hell , but thou art heaven ; i am swill , and a sink of sin , but thou art a gracious god and merciful redeemer . — thou art ascended into heaven , receive me hell to be partaker of thy joyes , where thou sittest in equal glory with thy father ; for well knowest thou wherefore i am come hither to suffer , and why the wicked do persecute this thy poor servant , not for my sins and transgressions against thee , but because i will not allow their wicked doings to the contaminating of thy blood , and to the denial of the knowledge of thy truth , wherewith it did please thee by thy holy spirit to instruct me , the which with as much diligence as a poor wretch might ( being thereto called ) i have set forth to thy glory . and well seest thou , my lord and god ; what terrible pains and cruel torments be prepared for thy creature ; such , lord , as without thy strength none is able to bear , or patiently to pass . but all things that are impossible with man are possible with thee . therefore strengthen me of thy goodness , that in the fire i break not the rules of patience , or else asswage the terrour of the pains as shall seem most to thy glory . when he was at the stake , three irons made to bind him to the stake , were brought ; one for his neck , another for his middle , and the third for his legs . he refusing them , said , ye have no need thus to trouble your selves , for i doubt not but god will give strength sufficient to abide the extremity of the fire without bands : notwithstanding , suspecting the frailty and weakness of the flesh , but having assured confidence in gods strength , i am content ye do as ye shall think good . when he was first scorch'd with the fire , he pray'd , saying mildly , and not very loud ( but as one without pains ) o jesus the son of david have mercy upon me , and receive my soul. when the second fire was spent , and onely burnt his lower parts , he said , for gods love ( good people ) let me have more fire . in the third fire he prayed with somewhat a loud voice , lord jesus have mercy on me , lord jesus have mercy on me , lord jesus receive my spirit . the reasons of mr. hooper's refusing the episcopal habits , &c. i find thus . c. why do not you my lord use these innocent and harmless weeds ? h. i put my self upon the tryal of the searcher of hearts , that no obstinacy , but meer conscience makes me refuse these ornaments . c. these ornaments are indifferent of themselves , and of ancient use in the church . h. they are useless being ridiculous and superstitious . c. nay , my lord , being enjoyned by lawful authority , they become necessary , not to salvation , but to church-unity . h. being left indifferent by god , it is presumption in man to make them necessary . c. by a moderate use of these ceremonies we may gain papists into the church . h. while you hope to gain papists into the church , you lose many protestants out of it . c. you discredit other bishops , who have used this habit. h. i had rather discredit them then destroy mine own conscience . c. how think you , being a private person , to be indulged with , to the disturbance of the publick uniformity of the church ? h. if it please your grace but to read these letters , i hope you will be satisfied ( and then he produced the letters from the earl of warwick , an● king edward . ) c. these are to desire , that in such reasonable things , wherein my lord elect of glocester craveth to be born withall at your hands , you would vouchsafe your graces favour ; the principal cause is , that you would not charge him with any thing burdenous to his conscience . i. warwick . we do understand you stay from consecrating our well beloved mr. j. hooper , because h● would have you omit and let p●ss c●rtain rites and ceremonies ●ffensive to his conscience , whereby you thi●● you shall fall in premunire of laws ; we have though● good by advice of our council to discharge you 〈◊〉 manner of dangers , penalties , and forfeitur● 〈◊〉 should run into , by omitting any of the s●me , and 〈◊〉 our letters shall be your sufficient warrant and dis●charge . edward rex . in his letter writ in answer to one sent hi● concerning certain taken in bow church-yard whilst they were praying . — i do rejoyce in th●● men can be so well occupied in this perillous time and flee for remedy to god by prayer , as well fo● their own lacks and necessities , as also charitably to pray for them that persecute them . so doth the word of god command all men to pray charitably for them that hate them , and not to revile any magistrate with words , or to mean him evil by force and violence . they also may rejoyce that in well doing they were taken to prison . — thus fare you well , and pray god to send his true word into this realm again amongst us , which the ungodly bishops have now banished . in his letter to those christians so taken prisoners . — the grace , favour , consolation , and ●●d of the holy ghost be with you now and ever . so be it . dearly beloved in the lord , ever since i ●eard of your imprisonment i have been marvellously moved with great affections and passions , as well of mirth and gladness , as of heaviness and sorrow . of gladness in this , that i perceived how ye be bent and given to prayer and invocation of gods help in these dark and wicked proceedings of men against gods glory . i have been sorry to perceive the malice and wickedness of men to be so 〈◊〉 devillish , and tyrannical to persecute the 〈◊〉 of god for serving of god , &c. these 〈◊〉 doings do declate , that the papists church is 〈◊〉 bloody and tyrannical , then ever was the 〈◊〉 of the ethnicks and gentiles . — trajan the emperour commanded , that no man should be persecuted for serving of god : but the pope and his church have cast you into prison , being taken doing the work of god , and one of the excellentest works , that is required of christians , viz. whilest ye were in prayer . — o glad may ye be that ever ye were born to be apprehended , whilest ye were so vertuously occupied . blessed be they that suffer for righeeousness sake . if god had suffered them that took your bodies , then to have taken your life also , now had you been following the lamb in pertual joyes , away from the company and assembly of wicked men . but the lord would not have you suddenly so to depart , but reserveth you gloriously to speak and maintain his truth to the world . be ye not careful what ye shall say ; for god will go out and in with you , and will be present in your hearts and in your mouths to speak his wisdome , though it seems foolishness to the world . he that hath begun this good work in you , continue in the same unto the end . pray unto him , that ye may fear him only , that hath power to kill both body and soul , and to cast them into hell fire . be of good comfort , all the hairs of your head are numbred , and there is not one of them can perish , except your heavenly father suffer it to perish . now you be in the field , and placed in the fore-front of christs battel . doubtless it is a singular favour of god , and a special love of him towards you , to give him this preheminence , as a sign that he trusteth you before others of his people . wherefore ( dear brethren and sisters ) continually fight this fight of the 〈◊〉 your cause is most just and godly , ye stan● 〈◊〉 the true christ ( who is after the flesh in he●●●● ) and for his true religion and honour , 〈…〉 amply , fully , sufficiently , and abundantly contained in the holy testament , sealed with christs own blood . how much be ye bound to god , who put● you in trust with so holy and just a cause ? remember what lookers on you have to see and behold you in your fight , god and all his holy angels , who be ready alwayes to take you up into heaven , if ye be slain in his fight . also you have standing a● your backs all the multitude of the faithful , who shall take courage , strength , and desire to follow such noble and valiant christians , as you be . be not afraid of your adversaries ; for he that is in you , is stronger then he that is in them . shrink not although it be pain to you : your pains be not now so great , as hereafter your joyes shall be . read the comfortable chapters to the romanes , . , . hebrews . . and upon your knees thank god that ever ye were accounted worthy to suffer any thing for his names sake . read the second chapter of luke , and there you shall see how the shepherds , that watched their sheep all night , as soon as they heard that christ was born at bethlehem , by and by went to see him . they did not reason nor debate with themselves , who should keep the wolf from the sheep in the mean time , but did as they were commanded , and committed their sheep unto him , whose pleasure they obeyed . so let us do now we be called , commit all other things to him that calleth us . he will take heed that all things shall be well . he will help the husband : he will comfort the wife : he will guide the servants : he will keep the house : he will preserve the goods ; yea rather then it should be undone , he will wash the dishes , and rock the cradle . cast therefore all your care upon god ; for he careth for you . besides this , you may perceive by your imprisonment , that your adversaries weapons against you be nothing but flesh , and blood , and tyranny , for if they were able , they would maintain their religion by gods word ; but for lack of that , they would violently compel , such as they cannot by holy scripture perswade ; because the holy word of god , and all christs doings be contrary unto them . i pray you pray for me , and i will pray for you . fleet , ian. . . in a letter to certain of his friends . — now is the time of trial , to see whether we fear more , god or man. it was an easie thing to hold with christ , whilst the prince and world held with him ; but now the world hateth him , it is the true trial who be his . wherefore in the name , and in the vertue , strength , and power of his holy spirit , prepare your selves in any case to adversity and constancy . let us not run away , when it is most time to fight . remember none shall be crowned , but such as fight manfully ; and he that endureth to the end shall be saved . ye must now turn all your cogitations from the peril you see , and mark the felicity that followeth the peril , either victory in this world of your enemies , or else a surrender of this life to inherit the everlasting kingdome ▪ beware of beholding too much the felicity , or misery of this world ; for the consideration and too earnest love or fear of either of them draweth from god. wherefore think with your selves , as touching the felicity of the world , it is good ; but yet none otherwise then it standeth with the favour of god. it is to be kept ; but yet so far forth , as by keeping of it we lose not god. it is good abiding and tarrying still among our friends here ; but yet so , that we tarry not therewithal in gods displeasure , and hereafter dwell with the devils in fire everlasting . there is nothing under god , but may be kept , so that god , being above all things we have be not lost . of adversity judge the same . imprisonment is painful , but yet liberty upon evil conditions is more painful . the prisons stink ; but yet not so much as sweet houses , where the fear and true honour of god is lacking . i must be alone and solitary : it is better to be so , and have god with me , then to be in company with the wicked . loss of goods is great ; but loss of gods grace and favour is greater . i am a poor simple creature , and cannot tell how to answer before such a great sort of noble , learned , and wise men : it is better to make answer before the pomp and pride of wicked men , then to stand naked in the light of all heaven and earth before the just god at the later day . i shall die then by the hands of the cruel man : he is blessed , that loseth his life full of miseries , and findeth the life of eternal joyes . it is pain and grief to depart from goods and friends ; but yet not so much as to depart from grace and heaven it self . wherefore there is neither felicity , nor adversity of this world , that can appear to be great , if it be weighed with the joyes or pains in the world to come . i can do no more , but pray for you ; do the same for me , for gods sake . for my part ( i thank the heavenly father ) i have made mine accounts , and appointed my self unto the will of the heavenly father : as he will , so i will by his grace . — i am a precious jewel now , and daintily kept , never so daintily ; for neither mine own man , nor any of the servants of the house may come to me , but my keeper alone . ian. . . in another letter . — the grace , mercy , and peace of god the father , through our lord jesus christ , be with you my dear brethren , and with all those that unfeignedly love and embrace his holy gospel . amen . we must give god thanks for the truth he hath opened , &c. and pray unto him , that we deny it not , nor dishonour it with idolatry ; but that we may have strength and patience , rather to die ten times , then to deny him once . blessed shall we be , if ever god make us worthy of that honour to shed our blood for his names sake : and blessed then shall we think those parents , which brought us into this world , that we should be carried from this mortality into immortality . if we follow the command of paul , that saith , if ye be risen with christ , s●ek those things which are above , where christ sitteth at the right hand of god ; we shall neither depart from the vain transi●ory goods of this world , nor from this wretched and mortal life , with so great pains , as others do . — there is no better way to be used in this troublesome time for your consolation , then many times to have assemblies together of such men and women , as be of your religion in christ , and there to take and renew among your selves the truth of your religion , to see what ye be by the word of god , and to remember what ye were before ye came to the knowledge thereof ; to weigh and confer the dreams and false lyes of the preachers , that now preach , with the word of god , that retaineth all truth : and by such talk , and familiar resorting together , ye shall the better find out all their lyes , that now go about to deceive you , and also both know and love the truth that god hath opened to us . it is much requisite that the members of christ comfort one another , make prayers together , confer one with another ; so shall ye be stronger , and gods spirit shall not be absent from you , but in the midst of you , to teach you , to comfort you , to make you wise in all godly things , patient in adversity , and strong in persecution . ye see how the congregation of the wicked , by helping one another , make their wicked religion and themselves strong against gods truth and his people . — ye may perceive b●● the life of our fore-fathers , that christs words , in the world ye shall have trouble : h● that will live godly in christ must suffer persecution , be true ; for none of all his before our time escaped trouble : then shall ye perceive that it is but a folly for one that professeth christ truly , to look for the love of the world . ye be no better then your fore-fathers . be glad that ye may be counted worthy souldiers for this war : and pray to god when ye come together , that he will use and order you and your doings . ( ) that ye glorifie god. ( ) that ye edifie the church and congregation . ( ) that ye profit your own souls . in all your doings beware ye be not deceived ; for although this time be not yet so bloody and tyrannous , as the time of our fore-fathers , that could not bear the name of christ , without danger of life and goods ; yet is our time more perillous for soul and body . therefore of us christ said , think ye when the son of man cometh , he shall find faith upon the earth ? he speaks not of being christened and in name a christian , but of saving faith : and doubtless the scarcity of faith is now more ( and will , i fear , increase ) then it was in the time of the greatest tyrants , that ever were . in rev. . ye may perceive that at the opening of the fourth seal came out a pale horse , and he that sate upon him was called death , and hell followed him . this horse is the time , when hypocrites and dissemblers entred into the church , under pretence of the true religion , &c. that have killed more souls with heresie and superstition , then all the tyrants that ever killed bodies by fire , sword , or banishment , &c. and all souls , that trust to these hypocrites , live to the devil in everlasting pain , as is declared by hells following the pale horse . these pale hypocrites have stirred up earthquakes , i. e. the princes of the world against christs church . they have darkned the sun , and made the moon bloody , and have caused the stars to fall from heaven , i. e. they have darkned with mists , and daily darken the sun of gods word , imprisoned , and chained , and butchered gods true preachers , which fetch only light at the sun of gods word , that their light cannot shine unto the world , as they would : whereupon it comes to pass , that many christians fall from gods true word to hypocrisie , most devillish superstition and idolatry . — in his letter to bishop farrar , doctor tailor , mr. bradford , and mr. philpot , prisoners in the kings bench in southwark . — i am advertised , that we shall be carried shortly to cambride , there to dispute for the faith and for the religion of christ ( which is most true ) that we have and do profess . i am ( as i doubt not ye be ) in christ ready ) not onely to go to cam●ridge , but also to suffer , by gods help , death it self in the maintenance thereof . — i write this to comfort you in the lord , that the time draweth near , and is at hand , that we shall testifie before gods enemies gods truth . — may . . yours , and with you unto death in christ , j. h. in his letter to his wife . — as the devil hath entred into their hearts , that they themselves cannot , or will not come to christ to be instructed by his holy word ; so can they not abide any others to become christians , and lead their lives after the word of god , but hate , persecute , rob , imprison , and kill them , whether male or female ; though they have never offended gods or mans law , yea though they daily pray for them , and wish them gods grace ; having no respect to nature . the brother persecuteth the brother , the father the son , and most dear friends are become most mortal enemies . and no marvel ; for they have chosen sundry masters , the one the devil , the other god. the one agree with the other , as god and the devil agree between themselves . — as he that was born after the flesh persecuted in times p●st him that was born after the spirit , even so it is now . therefore forasmuch as we live in this life amongst so many great perils and dangers , the onely remedy is what christ hath appointed , ye shall possess your selves in patience . — when troubles come we must be patient , and in no case violently , nor seditiously to resist our persecutors ; because god hath such care of us , that he will keep in the midst of all troubles the very hairs of our heads , &c. and seeing he hath such care of the hairs of our heads , how much more doth he care for our life it self ? their cruelty hath no farther power then god permitteth , and that which cometh unto us by the will of our heavenly father , can be no harm , loss , destruction to us , but rather gain , wealth , and felicity . that the spirit of man may feel these consolations , the giver of them , the heavenly father , must be prayed unto for the merits of christs passion ; for it is not the nature of man that can be contented , until it be regenerated and possessed with gods spirit , to bear patiently the troubles of mind or body . when the mind of man sees troubles on every side , threatning poverty , yea death , except the man weigh these brittle and uncertain treasures , that be taken from him , with the riches of the life to come , and this life of the body with the life in christs blood , and so for the love and certainty of the heavenly joyes contemn all things present , doubtless he shall never be able to bear the loss of goods and life . — the christian mans faith must be alwayes upon the resurrection of christ , when he is in trouble , and in that glorious resurrection he shall see continual joy , yea victory and triumph over all persecution , trouble , sin , death , hell , the devil , and all other persecutors ; the tears and weepings of the faithful dried up , their wounds healed , their bodies made immortal in joy , their souls for ever praising the lord , in conjuction and society everlasting with the blessed company of gods elect in perpetual joy . if ye le risen with christ , seek the things which are above , where christ sitteth at the right hand of god the father . when he biddeth us seek the things that are above , he requireth that our minds never cease from prayer and study in gods word , until we see , know , and understand the vanities of this world , the shortness and misery of this life , and the treasures of the world to come , the immortality thereof , the joyes of that life , and so never cease seeking , until such time as we know certainly and be perswaded what a blessed man he is , that seeketh the one and findeth it , and careth not for the other though he lose it ; and in seeking , to have right judgement between the life present and the life to come , we shall find how little the pains , imprisonment , slanders , lies , and death it self is in the world , in respect of pains everlasting , the prison infernal , and dungeon of hell , the sentence of gods judgement , and everlasting death . when a man hath by seeking the word of god found out what the things above be , then must he set his affections upon them . and this command is more hard then the other ; for for mans knowledge many times sees the best : men know that there is a life to come , better then this present , &c. yet they set not their affection upon it , they do more affect and love indeed a trifle of nothing in this world , that pleaseth their affection , then the treasure of all treasures in heaven . we must set our affections on things above , i. e. when any thing worse then heaven , offereth it self to be ours , if we will give our good wills to it , and love it in our hearts , then ought we to see by the judgement of gods word , whether we may have it without gods displeasure ; if we cannot , if the riches of this world may not be gotten nor kept by gods law , neither our lives continued without the denial of his honour , we must set our affections upon the riches and life that is above , and not upon things that be upon the earth . this second command requires , that as our mind judgeth heavenly things to be better then earthly , and the life to come better then the present life ; so we should chuse them before other , and prefer them , &c. these things be easie to be spoken of , but not so easie to be used and practised . — read psa. . wherein is contained the prayer of a man , that being vexed with adversaries and persecutions , saw nothing but death and hell , apprehending not onely man , but god angry with him ; yet he by prayer humbly resorted unto god , and put the hope of his salvation in him , whom he felt his enemy . — in this command ( possess your lives by your patience ) god requires every one to be patient , he saith not , it is sufficient that other holy patriarchs , prophets , apostles , evangelists , and martyrs continued their lives in patient suffering the troubles of this world ; but christ saith it to every one of his people . by your patience continue you your life , not that man hath patience in himself , but that he must have it for himself of god , the onely giver of it , if he purpose to be a godly man. besides , as our profession and religion requireth patience outwardly , without resistance and force , so requireth it patience of the mind , and not to be angry with god , although he use us , that be his own creatures , as him listeth . we may not murmure against god , but say alwayes his judgements be right and just , and rejoyce that it pleaseth him to use us , as he used heretofore such as he most loved in this world . have a singular care to this command , be glad and rejoyce , &c. he sheweth great cause why , because your reward is great in heaven . christ also takes from us all shame and rebuke , as though it were not an honour to suffer for him , because the wicked world doth curse and abhor such poor troubled christians . he placeth all his honourably , saying , even so persecuted they the prophets that were before you . — we may learn by things that nourish and maintain us , both meat and drink , what loathsomness , and ( in a manner ) abhorring they come to before they work their perfection in us , &c. that whosoever saw the same would loath and abhor his own nourishment , before it come to its perfection . is it then any marvel if such christians , as god delighteth in , be so mangled and defaced in this world , which is the kitchin and mill , to boil and grind the flesh of gods people in , till they atchieve their perfection in the world to come ? — raw flesh is not meat wholesome for man , and unmortified men and women be not creatures meet for god. christs people must be broken and all to torn in the mill of this world , and so shall they be most fine meat to their heavenly father . — we must therefore patiently suffer , and willingly attend upon gods doings , although they seem clean contrary , after our judgement , to our wealth and salvation , as abraham did , when he was bid to offer his son isaac , in whom god promised the blessing and multiplying of his seed . ioseph at the last came to that which god promised him , although in the mean time , after the judgement of the world , he was never like to be , as god said he should be lord over his brethren . when christ would make the blind man to see , he put clay upon his eyes , which after the judgement of man was a means rather to make his double blind , then to give him his sight , but he obeyed and knew that god could work his desire , what means soever he used contrary to mans reasons . — to judge things indifferently , the trouble be not yet generally , as they were in our good fathers time , soon after the death and resurrection of our saviour christ. — was there ever such trouble as christ threatned upon ierusalem ? towards the end of the world we have nothing so much extremity as they had then , but even as we be able to bear . — in another letter . — i require you not to forget your duty towards god in these perillous dayes , in the which the lord will try us . i trust you do increase by the reading of the scriptures , the knowledge you have of god , and that you diligently apply your self to follow the same ; for the knowledge helpeth not , except the life be according thereto . — i commend you to god , and the guiding of his goost spirit , to stablish and confirm you in all well doing , and keep you blameless to the day of the lord , watch and pray , for this day is at hand . in his letter to his charitable friends in london . — for your liberality i most heartily thank you , and praise god highly in you for you , &c. praying him to preserve you from all famine , scarcity , and lack of the truth of his word , which is the lively food of your souls , as you preserve my body from hunger , and other necessities that would happen unto me , were it not cared for by the charity of godly people . such as have spoiled me of all that i had , have imprisoned me , and appointed not one half-penny to feed or relieve me withall ; but i do forgive them , and pray for them daily in my poor prayer to god , and from my heart i wish their salvation , and quietly and patiently bear their injuries , wishing no farther extremity to be used towards us : yet if the contrary seem best to our heavenly father , i have made my reckoning , and fully resolved to suffer the uttermost that they are able to do against me ; yea death it self by the aid of christ jesus , who died the most vile death of the cross for us , wretched and miserable sinners . but of this i am assured , that the wicked world with all his force and power shall not touch one of the hairs of our heads without leave and license of our heavenly father , whose will be done in all things . if he will life , life be it ; if he will death , death be it ; onely we pray that our wills may be subject to his will. — if we be contented to obey gods will , and for his commands sake to surrender our goods and our lives to be at his pleasure , it maketh no matter whether we keep goods and life , or lose them . nothing can hurt us that is taken from us for gods cause , nor can any thing at length do us good that is preserved contrary to gods command . let us wholly suffer god to use us and ours after his holy wisdome , and beware we neither use nor govern our selves contrary to his will by our own wisdome ; for if we do , our wisdome will at length prove foolishness . it is kept to no good purpose , that we keep contrary to his commandments . it can by no means be taken from us , that he would should tarry with us . he is no good christian that ruleth himself and his , as worldly means serve ; for he that so doth , shall have as many changes as chances in the world . to day with the world he shall like and praise the truth of god , to morrow , as the world will , so will he like and praise the falshood of man ; to day with christ , to morrow with antichrist . — glorifie your heavenly father both with your inward and outward man. if ye think ye can inwardly in the heart serve him , and yet outwardly serve with the world in external service the thing that is not of god , ye deceive your selves ; for both the body and soul must concurre together in the honour of god ; for if an honest wife be bound to give both heart and body to faith and service in marriage , and if an honest wives faith in the heart cannot stand with a whorish or defiled body , much less can the true faith of a christian in the service of christianity stand with the bodily service of external idolatry ; for the mystery of marriage is not so honourable between man and wife , as it is between christ and every christian. therefore ( dear brethren ) pray to the heavenly father , that as he spared not the soul nor the body of his dearly beloved son , but applied both of them with extream pain , to work our salvation both of soul and body : so he will give us all grace to apply our souls and bodies to be servants to him . — let us not deride our selves , and say our souls serve him , whatsoever our bodies do to the contrary for civil order and policy . but alas ! i know by my self what troubleth you , viz. the great danger of the world , that will revenge ( ye think ) your service to god with sword and fire , with loss of goods and lands : but ( dear brethren ) weigh on the other side , that your enemies and gods enemies shall not do as much as they would , but as much as god shall suffer them , who can trap them in their own counsels , and destroy them in the midst of their furies . remember ye be the work-men of the lord , and called into his vineyard , there to labour till evening-tide , that you may receive your penny , which is more worth then all the kingdomes of the earth ; but he that called us into his vineyard , hath not told us how sore and how fervently the sun shall trouble us in our labour , but hath bid us labour , and commit the bitterness thereof to him , who can and will so moderate all afflictions , that no man shall have more laid upon him , then in christ he shall be able to bear , unto whose merciful tuition and defence i commend both your souls and bodies . yours with my poor prayer . j. h. in a letter to a merchant of london . — i thank god and you for the great help and consolation i have received in time of adversity by your charity , but most rejoyce that you be not altered from truth , although falshood cruelly seeketh to disdain her . judge not my brother truth by outward appearance , for truth now worse appeareth , and is more vilely rejected then falshood . leave the outward shew , and see by the word of god what is truth , and accept truth , and dislike her not , though man call her falshood . as it is now , so it hath been heretofore : truth hath been rejected , and falshood received . such as have professed truth , have smarted , and the friends of falshood laughed them to scorn . the one having the commendation of truth by man , but the condemnation of falshood by god , flourishing for a time with endless destruction ; the other afflicted a little season , but ending with immortal joyes . wherefore , dear brother , ask and demand of your book , the testament of jesus christ , in these woful and wretched dayes , what you should think , and what you should stay your selves upon for a certain truth , and whatsoever you hear taught , try it by your book , whether it be true or false . the dayes be dangerous and full of peril , not onely for the world , and worldly things , but for heaven and heavenly things . it is a trouble to lose the treasure of this life , but yet a very pain if it be kept with the offence of god. cry , call , pray , and in christ daily require help , succour , mercy , wisdome , grace , and defence , that the wickedness of this world prevail not against us . — in his letter to mrs. wilkinson . — i am very glad to hear of your health , and do thank you for your loving tokens ; but i am a great deal more glad to hear how christianly you avoid idolatry , and prepare your self to suffer the extremity of the world , rather then to endanger your self to god. you do as you ought to do in this behalf , and in suffering of transitory pains , you shall avoid permanent torments in the world to come . use your life and keep it with as much quietness as you can , so that you offend not god. the ease that cometh with his displeasure turneth at length to unspeakable pains ; and the gains of the world , with the loss of his favours is beggary and wretchedness . — in his letter to mr. hall and his wife . — the dayes be dangerous and full of peril ; but let us comfort our selves in calling to remembrance the dayes of our fore-fathers , upon whom the lord sent such troubles , that many hundreds , yea thousands died for the testimony of jesus christ , both men and women , suffering with patience and constancy as much cruelty as tyrants could devise , and so departed out of this miserable world to the bliss everlasting , where now they remain for ever , looking alwayes for the end of this sinful world , when they shall receive their bodies again in immortality , and see the number of the elect associated with them in full and consummate joyes ; and as vertuous men suffering martyrdome now rest in joyes everlasting , their pains ending their sorrows , and beginning their ease : so did their constancy and stedfastness animate and confirm all good people in the truth , and gave them encouragement to suffer the like , rather then to fall with the world to consent unto wickedness and idolatry . wherefore , my dear friends , seeing god hath illuminated you in the same true faith , wherein the apostles , and evangelists , and all martyrs suffered most cruel death , thank him for his grace in knowledge , and pray to him for strength and perseverance , that ye be not ashamed nor afraid to confess it . ye be in the truth , and the gates of hell shall never prevail against it , nor antichrist with all his imps prove it false ; they may persecute and kill , but never overcome . be of good comfort , and fear god more then man. this life is short and miserable ; happy be they that can spend it to the glory of god. in his letter to mrs. warcop . — i did rejoyce to understand , that you be fully resolved by gods grace to suffer extremity , rather then to go from the truth which you have professed . — as you be travelling this perillous journey , take this lesson with you , practised by the wise men , matth. . such as travelled to find christ , followed onely the star , and as long as they saw it , they were assured they were in the right way , and had great mirth in their journey ; but when they entred into ierusalem , whereas the star led them not thither , but to bethlem , and there asked the citizens the thing that the star shewed before , they were not onely ignorant of bethlem , but lost the sight of the star , &c. — the word is the onely star that sheweth us where christ is , and which way we may come unto him ; but as ierusalem stood in the way , and was an impediment to the wise men , so doth the synagogue of antichrist , that beareth the name of ierusalem , i. e. the vision of peace , and among the people now is called the catholick church , standeth in the way that pilgrims must go by through this world to bethlem , i. e. the house of bread or plentifulness , and is an impediment to all christian travellers ; yea , and except the more grace of god be , will keep the pilgrims still in her , that they shall not come where christ is at all ; and to stay them indeed , they take away the star of light , which is gods word , that it cannot be seen . — ye may see what great dangers hapned unto these wise men , whilst they were learning of lyars ; where christ was . ( ) they were out of their way . and ( ) they lost their guide and conductor . — if we come into the church of men , and ask for christ , we go out of the way , and lose also our conductor and guide , that onely leadeth us streight thither . — sister , take heed , you shall in your journey towards heaven meet with many a monstrous beast : have salve therefore of gods word ; therefore ready you shall meet husbands , children , lovers and friends , that shall , if god be not with them , be very le●s and impediments to your purpose . you shall meet with slander and contempt of the world , and be accounted ungracious and ungodly , you shall hear and meet with cruel tyranny to do you all extremities ; you shall now and then see the troubles of your own conscience , and feel your own weakness ; you shall hear that you be cursed by the sentence of the catholick church , with such like terrours , that pray to god , and follow the star of his word , and you shall arrive at the port of eternal salvation , by the merits onely of jesus christ. — hudson . when thomas hudson of ailesham in norfolk saw the constables come to his house to apprehend him , he said ; now mine hour is welcome , friends , welcome , you be they that shall lead me to life in christ. i thank god therefore , and the lord enable me thereto for his mercies sake ; for his desire was , and he ever prayed ( if it were the lords will ) that he might suffer for the gospel of christ. when berry threatned him , saying , i will write to the bishop my good lord , &c. o sir ( said he ) there is no lord but god , though there be many lords and many gods . wilt thou recant ( said berry the priest ) or no ? the lord forbid ( said hudson ) i had rather die many deaths then to do so . when he came first to the stake , he was very sad , not for his death , but for lack of feeling his christ ; and therefore came from his fellow-sufferers under the chain , and fell down upon his knees , and prayed ; and at last he rose with great joy , as a man new changed , even from death to life , and ▪ said , now i thank god i am strong , and pass not what man can do unto me . hullier . mr. iohn hullier , conduct in kings colledge at cambridge , suffered martyrdome at cambridge , april . a. . in his letter to the christian congegation . — it standeth now most in hand ( o dear christians ) all them that look to be accounted of christs flock at the great and terrible day , when a separation shall be made , &c. faithfully in this time of great afflictions , to hear our master christs voice , the onely true shepherd of our souls , who saith , whosoev●r shall endure to the end shall be saved . — in this time we must needs either shew that we be his faithful souldiers , and continue in his battel to the end , putting on the armour of god , the buckler of faith , the breast-plate of love , the helmet of hope and salvation , and the sword of his holy word , with all instance of supplication and prayer , or else , if we do not work and labour with these , we are apostates and false souldiers , shrinking most unthankfully from our gracious and sovereign lord and captain christ , and leaning to belia● ; for he saith plainly , whosoever beareth not my cross , and followeth me , cannot be my disciple , and , no man can serve two masters ; for either he must hate the one and love the other , or else he shall lean to the one and despise the other . elias also said unto the people , why halt ye between two opinions ? if the lord be god , follow him ; or if baal be he , follow him . — if christ be that onely good and true shepherd , that gave his life for us , then let us , that bear his mark , and have our consciences sprinkled with his blood , follow altogether for our salvation his heavenly voice and calling , according to our profession and first promise . if we shall not , certainly ( say what we can ) though we bear the name of christ , we are none of his sheep indeed ; for he saith manifestly , my sheep hear my voice and follow me : a stranger they will not follow , but will flee from him ; for they know not the voice of a stranger . — the craft and wiliness of our subtile enemy is manifold and divers , and full of close windings : — at this present day if he cannot induce one throughly , as others do , to savour his devillish religion , and of good will and free heart to help to uphold the same , yet he will inveigle him to resort to his wicked and whorish school-house , and to keep company with his congregation there , and to hold his peace and say nothing , whatsoever he think , &c. by that subtile means flattering him , that he shall both save his life and also his goods , and live in quiet . but if we look well on christs holy will and testament , we shall perceive that he came not to make any such peace upon earth , nor that he gave any such peace to his disciples , i leave peace with you ( saith he ) my peace i give you , not as the world giveth it , give i unto you . let not your heart be troubled and fearful . these things have i spoken unto you , that in me ye should have peace , in the world ye shall have affliction ; but be of good cheer , i have overcome the world . the servant is not greater then his lord and master ; if they have persecuted me , they shall also persecute you . if any man come to me and hateth not his father and mother , &c. yea and moreover his own life , it is not possible for him to be my disciple . blessed be ye , that now weep ; for ye shall laugh : and woe be unto you that now laugh , for ye shall mourn and weep . he that will find his life , shall lose it . therefore the god of that true peace and comfort , preserve us that we never obey such a false flatterer , who at length will pay us home once for all , bringing for temporal peace and quietness , everlasting trouble , &c. for these vain and transitory goods , extream loss of the eternal treasure and inheritance ; for this mortal life , deprivation of the most joyful life immortal , and endless death most miserable , &c. — i judge it better to go to school with our master christ , and to be under his ferula and rod ( although it seems sharp and grievous for a time ) that at length we may be inheriters with him of everlasting joy , rather then to keep company with the devils scholars , the adulterous generation , in his school , that is all full of pleasure for a while , and at the end to be payed with the wages of continual burning in the most horrible lake , which burneth evermore with fire and brimstone , &c. — what doth he else , i pray you , that resorteth to the ministration and service , that is most repugnant to christs holy testament , there keeping still silence , and nothing reproving the same , but in the face of the world by his very deed it self , declare himself to be of a false , fearful , dissembling , feigned , and unfaithful heart , discouraging , as much as lies in him , all the residues of christs host , and giving a manifest offence unto the weak , and also confirming , encouraging , and rejoycing the hearts of the adversaries in all their evil doing ? by which he sheweth himself , neither to love god , whom he seeth to be dishonoured and blasphemed of an antichristian minister , nor yet his neighbour , before whom he should rebuke the evil , according to the command , thou shalt not hate thy neighbour , but reprove him , &c. — but god hath not given us the spirit of fear , but of power and love . be not ashamed to testifie our lord , but suffer adversity with the gospel , through the power of god , &c. fear not them that kill the body , &c. fear not , though they seem terrible unto you , neither be troubled , but sanctifie the lord god in your hearts . onely let your conversation be as becomes the gospel , &c. in nothing fearing your adversaries , which is to them a token of damnation , and to you of salvation , and that of god ; for unto you it is given not onely to believe in christ , but to suffer for his sake . — in the revelation it is written , that the fearful shall have their part with the unbelieving and abominable , in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone , which is the second death . — wide is the gate and broad is the way which leadeth to destruction , and many there be that go in thereat ; but strait is the gate , and narrow is the way that leadeth unto life , and few there be that find it . — thus i wholly commit you to him , and to the word of his grace , which is able to build further , beseeching you most heartily to pray for me , that i may be strong in the lord and in the power of his might , and stand perfect in all things , being alwayes prepared and ready , looking for the mercy of our lord unto eternal rest , and i will pray for you , as i am most bound . so i trust he will graciously hear us for his promise sake in christ. your christian brother , a prisoner of the lord , john hullier . in another letter to the congregation of christs faithful followers . — most dear christians , having now the sweet comfort of gods saving health , and being confirmed with his free spirit , ( be he onely praised therefore ) i am constrained in my conscience to admonish you , as ye tender the salvation of your souls , by all manner of means to separate your selves from the antichristian company , considering what is said in the revelation , if any man worship the beast and his image , and receive his mark in the forehead , or in his hand , the same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of god , which is poured into the cup of his wrath , &c. — the beast is none other , but the carnal and fleshly kingdome of antichrist . — what do they else but worship this beast and his image , who after they had escaped from the filthiness of the world , through the knowledge of the lord and saviour jesus christ , are yet again tangled therein , and overcome , using dissimulation for fear of their displeasure , doing one thing outwardly , and thinking inwardly another : so having them in reverence under a cloak and colour , to whom they ought not so much as to say , god speed ; and adjoyning themselves to the malignant congregation , which they ought to abhor as a den of thieves and murderers , and a brothel-house of most blasphemous fornicators . — but this feignedness and dissimulation , christ and his gospel will no wayes allow . — whosoever shall be ashamed of me and of my words in this adulterous and sinful generation , of him also shall the s●n of man be ashamed , when he shall come in the glory of his father , &c. cursed be the dissemblers , &c. ye were once enlightned , and tasted of the heavenly gift . — and no man that putteth his hand to the plough and looketh back , is apt for the kingdome of god. — they went out from us , but they were not of us ; for if they had been of us , no doubt they would have continued with us . — wherefore , good christians , for gods dear love , deceive not your selves through your own wisdome , and through the wisdome of the world , which is foolishness before god ; but certifie and stay your own consciences with the faithful word of god , &c. though gods mercy is over all his works , yet it doth not extend but onely to them that hold fast the confidence and rejoycing of hope unto the end , not being weary of well doing , but rather every day waxing stronger and stronger in the inward man. in the revelation , where it is entreated of the beast and his image , it is said , here is the sufferance of saints , and here are they that keep the commandments and faith of iesus christ ; intimating , that god doth use those wicked men as instruments for a time , to try the patience and faith of his peculiar people , &c. — peradventure you will say , what shall we do ? shall we cast our selves head-long to death ? i say not so ; but this i say , that we are all bound ( if ever we look to receive salvation at gods hands ) in this case to be wholly obedient to his determinate counsel , &c. and then to cast all our care on him , who worketh all in all for the best unto them that love him . now thus be commandeth , come away from her my people , that ye be not partakers of her sins , and that ye receive not of her plagues . — come out from among them , and joyn not your selves to their unlawful assemblies ; yea , do not once shew your selves with the least part of your body to favour their wicked doings . — now chuse you which way you will take , either the narrow , &c. or the broad way , &c. i for my part have now written this short admonition to you of good will , ( as god is my witness ) to exhort you to that way , which at length you shall prove and find to be best ; and i do not onely write this , but i will ( with the assistance of gods grace ) seal it with my blood . — hunter . atwell a sumner , telling william hunter it was never a merry world since the bible came abroad in english : say not so for gods sake ( said hunter ) for it is gods book , out of which every one that hath grace may learn to know what things both please god , and also what displeaseth him . could not we tell ( said atwell ) before this time how god was served ? no ( said hunter ) nothing so well as we may now , if that we might have his blessed word amongst us still , as we have had . you must turn or burn , ( said atwell ) god give me grace ( said hunter ) that i may believe his word and confess his name , whatsoever come thereof . whereas you doubt of my belief ( said hunter to wood the vicar of southwell ) i would it were tryed , whether that you or i would stand faster in our faith. yea thou heretick ( said wood ) wouldst thou have it so tryed ? that which you call heresie ( said hunter ) i serve my lord god withall ; i would that you and i were fast tyed to a stake , to prove , whether that you or i would stand strongest to our faith. it shall not be so tryed ( said wood ) no ( said hunter ) i think so ; for if i might , i think i know who would soonest recant ; for i durst set my foot against yours eyen to the death . bonner telling him , that he was content he should keep his conscience to himself , so that he would go to church , and receive , &c. no ( said he ) i will not do so for all the good in the world . then ( said bonner ) i will make you sure enough , i warrant you . well ( said hunter ) you can do no more then god will permit you . well ( said b. ) will you recant indeed by no means ? no ( said h. ) never while i live , god willing . bonner asking him how old he was , he said , he was nineteen years old . well ( said b. ) you will be burned ere you be twenty , if you will not recant . h. answered , god strengthen me in his truth . bonner , even after sentence was past , offering him , if he would then recant , to make him a freeman of the city , and to give him forty pound in money to set up with , or to make him steward of his house , &c. hunter said unto him , my lord , if you cannot perswade my conscience by scriptures , i cannot find in my heart to turn from god for the love of the world ; for i count all things worldly but loss and dung in respect of the love of christ. if thou diest in this mind ( said b. ) thou art condemned for ever . god judgeth righteously ( said h. ) and justifieth them , whom man condemneth unjustly . when he was brought to burntwood to be burned , his father and mother came to him , and desired heartily of god that he might continue to the end in that good way , which he had begun , and his mother said unto him , that she was glad that ever she was so happy to bear such a child , which could find in his heart to lose his life for christs names sake . then said he to his mother , for my little pain which i shall suffer , which is but short , christ hath promised me a crown of joy. may you not be glad of that , mother ? with that his mother kneeled down on her knees , saying , i pray god strengthen thee , my son to the end : yea i think thee as well bestowed , as any child that ever i bare . his father said , i was afraid of nothing but that my son should have been killed in the prison for hunger and cold , the bishop was so hard to him . the night before his execution , he had a dream , that he was where the stake was pitcht where he should be burned , and that it was at the towns end , where the butts stood , ( which was so indeed ) and that he met his father going to the stake , and that there was a priest at the stake , which went about to have him recant , and that he said to him , away false prophet , and that he exhorted the people to beware of him , and such as he was : which things came to pass accordingly . whilst he was led to the stake , the sheriffs son came to william and embraced him , saying , william be not afraid of these men , who are here present with bills and weapons , ready prepared to bring you to the place where you shall be burned . william answered , i thank god i am not afraid ; for i have cast my account , what it will cost me already . then the sheriffs son could speak no more to him for weeping . when he met his father ( according to his dream ) his father said unto him , god be with thee son william . william answered , god be with you good father , and be of good comfort ; for i hope we shall meet again when we shall be merry . at the stake the sheriffe told him , that there was a letter from the queen ; if he would recant , he should live , if not , he must be burned . no ( said william ) i will not recant , god willing . mr. brown telling him ( upon his desire to the people to pray for him as long as he was alive ) i will pray no more for thee , then i will pray for a dog. mr. brown ( said william ) now you have that you sought for , and i pray god it be not laid to your charge in the last day ; howbeit i forgive you . i ask no forgiveness of thee ( said mr. brown ) well ( said william ) if god forgive you not , i shall require my blood at your hands . then said william hunter , son of god shine upon me . immediately the sun in the firmament shined out of a dark cloud , so full in his face , that he was constrained to look another way . when the priest came ( according to his dream ) he said , away thou false prophet . beware of them good people , and come away from their abominations , lest that you be partakers of their plagues . then ( said the priest ) look how thou burnest here , so shalt thou burn in hell. william answered , thou lyest , thou false prophet , away thou false prophet , away . when the fire was kindled , his brother said to him , william , think on the holy passion of christ , and be not afraid of death . william answered , i am not afraid . then lift he up his hands to heaven , and said , lord , lord , lord , receive my spirit . higbed . mr. higbed of essex being prest by bonner to recant , answered , i will not abjure ; for i have been of this mind these sixteen years , and do what ye can , ye shall do no more then god will permit you to do , and with what measure ye measure unto us , look for the same again at gods hands . when his articles and answers were read , he said , — ye go about to trap us with your subtilties and snares ; and though my father and mother and other my kinsfolk did believe as you say , yet they were deceived in so believing : and whereas you say doctor cranmer and others , &c. be hereticks , i do wish that i were such an heretick , as they were and be . then bonner asked him again , whether he would turn from his error and come to the unity of their church ? no ( said he ) i would ye would recant ; for i am in the truth , and you in error . hus. mr. iohn hus preaching at the honourable and very solemn funeral of three in prague , who had been put to death in prison , for calling the pope antichrist , and speaking against indulgences , at whose funeral was sung on this wise , these be the saints which for the testament of god gave their bodies , &c. much commended them for their constancy , and blest god the father of our lord jesus christ , who had hid the way of his verity so from the prudent of the world , and had revealed it to the simple , who chose rather to please god , then man. this occasioned his expulsion out of prague , being before excommunicated by the pope . the emperour having given safe conduct to mr. iohn hus to come to the general council at constance , he promised to come , professing he was ready alwayes to satisfie all men , which shall require him to give a reason of his faith and hope , &c. and giving notice to all , that could object any error or heresie to him to appear , and not spare him . — the twenty sixth day after he came to constance , two bishops , &c. were sent to him to bring him before the pope and his cardinals : to whom he answered , i am not come to defend my cause particularly before the pope and his cardinals , but to appear before the whole council , and there answer for my defence openly , &c. unto all such things as shall be demanded , or required of me . notwithstanding forasmuch as you do require me so to do , i will not refuse to go with you ; and if it happen that they evil intreat me , yet nevertheless i trust in my lord jesus , that he will so comfort and strengthen me , that i shall desire much rather to die for his glory sake , then to deny the verity , which i have learned by his holy scriptures . when he came to the cardinals , they told him they had heard that he had taught great and manifest errors through the realm of bohemia , &c. you shall understand ( answered mr. hus ) that i am thus minded and affectioned , that i should rather chuse to die , then i should be found culpable of one only error , much less of many and great errors : for this cause i am willingly come to the general council , to receive correction , if any man can prove any errors in me . some of the articles presented to the council against him . — ( ) he saith that all priests be of like power . ( ) he holdeth this opinion , that a man being once ordained a priest or a deacon , cannot be forbidden or kept back from the office of preaching . when several false witnesses rose up against him , he said , albeit they were as many more in number as they are , i do much more esteem , yea and without comparison regard the witness of my lord god before the witness of all mine adversaries . he being ask'd whether it was lawful for him to appeal unto christ , answered , verily i do affirm before you all , that there is no more just , nor effectual plea , then that which is made unto christ ; forasmuch as the law doth determine , that to appeal is no other thing then in a cause of grief or wrong done by an inferiour judge to implore and require aid and remedy at an higher judges hands . who is then an higher judge then christ ? who can know , or judge the matter more justly , or with more equity ? in him is found no deceit , nor can he be deceived . who can better help the miserable and oppressed then he ? it being in his accusation , that he counsel'd the people to resist with the sword all such as did gainsay his doctrine , &c. he answered , that he at all times when he preached , did diligently admonish and warn the people , that they should arm themselves to defend the truth of the gospel , according to the saying of tbe apostle , with the helmet and sword of salvation ; & that he never spake of any material sword , but of that which is the word of god. some more articles against him , taken out of his treatise of the church . ( ) there is but one holy universal , or catholick church , which is the universal company of all the predestinate . ( ) a reprobate man is never a member of the holy church . — ( ) an heretick ought not to be committed to the secular powers to be put to death , for it is sufficient that he suffer the ecclesiastical censure . in his appeal . — forasmuch as the most mighty lord , one in essence , three in person , is both the chief and first , and also the last and uttermost refuge of all those which are oppressed : — and forasmuch as the lord jesus christ , very god and man , being compassed in with the priests , scribes , and pharisees , wicked judges and witnesses , &c. hath left behind him this godly example for them that shall come after him , to the intent they should commit all their causes into the hand of god. — o lord behold my affliction , &c. thou art my protector and defender . o lord , thou hast given me understanding , and i have acknowledged thee . — for mine own part i have been as a meek lamb , which is led unto sacrifice , and have not resisted against them . — deliver me from mine enemies , for thou art my god. — i appeal to the sovereign and most just judge , who is not defiled with cruelty , nor can be corrupted with gifts and rewards , neither yet be deceived by false witness . — i iohn hus do present and offer this my appeal to my lord jesus christ , my just judge , who knoweth , and defendeth , and justly judgeth every mans just and true cause . the day before his condemnation , when four bishops were sent by the emperour to him , to know whether he would stand to the judgement of the council , mr. iohn de clum spake thus unto him : mr. i. hus , — i require you , if you know your self guilty of any of those errours which are objected against you , that you will not be ashamed to alter your mind to the will of the council ; if contraiwise , i will be no author to you that you should do any thing contrary to your conscience , but rather to suffer any kind of punishment , then to deny that which you have known to be the truth . mr. hus with tears answered , verily as before i have oftentimes done , i do take the most high god for my witness , that i am ready with my whole heart and mind , if the council can instruct me any better by the scripture to change my purpose . one of the bishops telling him he should not be so arrogant as to prefer his own opinion before the judgement of the whole council ; he said , if he which is the meanest or least in all this council can convict me of errour , i will with an humble heart and mind do whatsoever the council shall require of me . when they condemned his appeal as heretical , he said , o lord jesus christ , whose word is openly condemned here in this council , unto thee again do i appeal , which when thou wast evil intreated of thine enemies , didst appeal unto god thy father , committing thy cause unto a most just judge , that by thy example we also , being oppressed with manifest wrongs and injuries , should flee unto thee . whilst they were reading his sentence — he interrupted them often ; and specially when he was charged with obstinacy , he said with a loud voice , i was never obstinate , but as alwayes heretofore , even so now again i desire to be taught by the holy scriptures ; and i do profess my self to be so desirous of the truth , that if i might by one onely word subvert the errours of all hereticks , i would not refuse to enter into what peril soever it were to speak it . when the sentence was ended , kneeling down upon his knees , he said ; lord jesus christ , forgive mine enemies , by whom thou knowest that i am falsly accused , &c. forgive them for thy great mercies sake . when he was degraded , he spake to the people thus ; these lords and bishops do exhort and counsel me , that i should here confess before you all , that i have erred ; the which thing to do , if it might be done with the infamy and reproach of man onely , they might peradventure easily perswade me thereunto , but now truly i am in the sight of the lord my god , without whose great ignominy and grudge of mine own conscience , i can by no means do that which they require of me . — with what countenance should i behold the heavens ? with what face should i look upon them whom i have taught , whereof there is a great number , if through me it should come to pass that those things , which they have hitherto known to be most certain and sure , should now be made uncertain ? should i by this my example astonish or trouble so many souls , so many consciences , endued with the most firm and certain knowledge of the scriptures and gospel of our lord jesus christ , and his most pure doctrine , armed against all the assaults of satan ? i will never do it , neither commit any such kind of offence , that i should seem more to esteem this vile carcase appo●nted unto death , then their health and salvation . when one of the bishops took from him the chalice , saying , o cursed iudas , &c. we take away from thee this chalice of thy salvation . but i trust ( said he ) unto god the father omnipotent , and my lord jesus christ , for whose sake i do suffer these things , that he will not take away the chalice of his redemption , but have a stedfast and firm hope that this day i shall drink thereof in his kingdome . the other b●shops took away the vestments put upon him , and each of them giving him their curse . whereunto he sa●d , that he did willingly embrace and hear those blasphemies for the name of our lord jesus christ. when the b●shops caused to be made a crown of paper , in which were printed three ugly devils , and this title set over their heads , h●resiarcha , a ring-leader of an heresie , and he saw it , he said , my lord jesus christ for my sake did wear a crown of thorns , why should not i then for his sake wear this light crown , be it never so ignominious : truly i will do it , and that willingly . when it was set upon his head , the bishops said , now we commit thy soul unto the devil . but i ( said mr. hus , lifting up his eyes toward heaven ) do commit my spirit into thy hands , o lord jesus christ , unto thee i commend my spirit which thou hast redeemed . when the people heard his prayers at the stake , they said , what he hath done afore we know not , but now we see and hear that he doth speak and pray very devoutly and godlily . after he had prayed some while , being raised by his tormentors , with a loud voice he said , lord jesus assist and help me , that with a constant and patient mind i may bear and suffer this cruel and ignominious death , whereunto i am condemned for the preaching of thy most holy gospel and word . when he beheld the chain with which his neck was to be tied to the stake , he smiling , said , that he would willingly receive the same chain for jesus christs sake , who ( he knew ) was bound with a far worse chain . the duke of bavaria , before the fire was kindled , coming to him , and exhorting him to be mindful of his safeguard , and renounce his errors , he answered ; what error should i renounce , whenas i know my self guilty of none ? for as for those things that are falsly alledged against me , i know that i never did so much as once think them , much less preach them ; for this was the principal end and purpose of my doctrine , that i might teach all men repentance and remission of sins , according to the verity of the gospel of jesus christ , and the exposition of the holy doctors ; wherefore with a cheerful mind and courage i am here ready to suffer death . he told them at his death , that out of the ashes of the goose ( so hus in the bohemian language signifies ) an hundred years after god would raise up a swan ( so luther in that language signifies ) in germany , whose singing should affright all those vultures , and who should escape their burning . this prophesie was exactly fulfilled in lut●er , who rose up just an hundred years after ( the year when mr. hus was burnt ) and though he so enraged the pope and his powerful party ; he died in his bed . in his letter to the people of prague . — be circumspect and watchful , that ye be not circumvented by the crafty trains of the devil ; and the more circumspect ye ought to be , for that antichrist laboureth the more to trouble you . the last judgement is near at hand , death shall swallow up many , but to the elect children of god , the kingdome of god draweth near , because for them he gave his own body . fear not death , love together one another , persevere in understanding the good will of god without ceasing . let the terrible and horrible day of judgement be alwayes before your eyes , that you sin not , and also the joy of eternal life , whereunto you must endeavour . let the passions of our saviour be never out of your minds , that you may bear with him and for him gladly whatsoever shall be laid upon you ; for if you shall consider well in your minds his cross , nothing shall be grievous unto you , and patiently you shall give place to tribulations , cursings , rebukes , stripes and imprisonment , and shall not doubt to give your lives for his holy truth , if need require . know ye , well beloved , that antichrist being stirred up against you , deviseth divers persecutions . — but i am in good hope , that through the mercy of our god , and by your prayers , i shall persist strongly in the immutable verity of god unto the last breath . — i commend you to the merciful lord jesus christ , our true god , and the son of the immaculate virgin mary , who hath redeemed us by his most bitter death , without all our merits from eternal pains , from the thraldome of the devil and from sin . from constance , a. . in his letter to his benefactors . — i exhort you by the bowels of jesus christ , that now ye setting aside the vanities of this present world , will give your service to the eternal king christ the lord. trust not in princes , nor in the sons of men , in whom there is no health ; for the sons of men are dissemblers and deceitful . to day they are , to morrow they perish ; but god remaineth for ever . he hath his servants not for any need he hath of them , but for their own profit , unto whom he performeth that which he promiseth , and fulfilleth that which he purposeth to give . he casteth off no faithful servant from him ; for he saith , where i am , there also shall my servant be ; yea , the lord maketh every servant of his to be the lord of all his possession , giving himself unto him , and with himself all things . — o happy is that servant , whom when the lord shall come , he shall find watching . happy is the servant which shall receive that king of glory with joy . wherefore well beloved lords and benefactors , serve you that king in fear . — in his letter to the lord iohn de clum . — the iniquity of the great strumpet , i. e. of the malignant congregation ( whereof mention is made in the apucalyps ) is detected , and shall be more detected ; with the which strumpet the kings of the earth do commit fornication , fornicating spiritually from christ ; and as is there said , sliding back from the truth , and consenting to the lies of antichrist , through his seduction , and through fear , or through hope of confederacy , forgetting of worldly honour . — i rejoyced to perceive your mind now to give over the vanity and painful service of this present world , and to serve the lord jesus christ quietly at home , whom to serve is to reign , as gregory saith , whom he that serveth faithfully hath jesus christ himself in the kingdome of heaven to minister unto him , as himself saith , blessed is that servant , whom when the lord shall come he shall find waking , and so doing . verily i say unto you , that he rising shall gird himself , and shall minister unto him . this do not the kings of the world to their servants . — in another letter . — as touching death , god doth know why he doth defer it both to me and to my well beloved brother mr. ierome , who i trust will do holily and without blame , and do know also that now he suffereth more valiantly then i my self a wretched sinner . god hath given us a long time that we may call to mind our sins the better , and repent for the same more fervently . he hath granted us time , that our long and great temptation should put away our grievous sins , and bring the more consolation . he hath given us time , wherein we should remember the horrible rebukes of our merciful king and lord jesus , and should ponder his cruel death , and so more patiently may learn to bear our afflictions . and moreover , that we might keep in remembrance how the joyes of the life to come are not given after the joyes of this world immediately , but through many tribulations the saints have entred into the kingdome of heaven ; for some of them have been cut and chopt all to pieces , some their eyes bored through , some sod , some roasted , some flain alive , some burned quick , stoned , crucified , grinded between milstones , drawn and haled hither and thither unto execution , drowned in waters , strangled , and hanged , torn in pieces , vexed with rebukes before death , pined in prisons , and afflicted in bonds : and who is able to recite all the torments and sufferings of the holy saints , which they suffered under the old and new testament , for the verity of god ? — and it will be a marvel if any man now shall escape unpunished , who dare boldly resist the wickedness and perversity , especially of those priests which can abide no correction . — in another letter . — i desire , that if audience be given me , that the king will be there present himself , &c. and that you right noble and gracious lord iohn , with the lord henry , and the lord wencelaus , &c. if you may , will be present , and hear what the lord jesus christ , my procurator , and advocate , and most gracious judge will put into my mouth to speak , that whether i live or die , you may be true and upright witnesses with me , lest lying lips should say hereafter , that i swerved from the truth which i have preached . — in another letter . — my faithful and beloved in christ , be not afraid with their sentence in condemning my books , they shall be scattered hither and thither abroad , like light butterflies , and their statutes shall endure as spider-webs . they were about to shake my constancy from the verity of christ , but they could not overcome the vertue of god in me . they would not reason with the scriptures against me , &c. and when i said i was desirous to be instructed , if i did in any thing erre , the chief cardinal answered , because thou wouldst be informed , there is no remedy but that thou must first revoke thy doctrine , according to the determination of fifty batchelors appointed . o high instruction ! — these things i thought good to write unto you , that you may know how they have overcome with no grounded scripture , nor with reason , but onely did essay with terrours and deceits to perswade me to revoke and to abjure . but our merciful god , whose law i have magnified , was and is with me , and i trust so will continue , and will keep me in his grace unto death . — in another letter . — beloved , i thought it needful to warn , that you should not be discouraged , because the adversaries have decreed that my books shall be burnt . remember how the israelites burned the preachings of the prophet ieremy , and yet they could not avoid the things that were prophesied of in them ; for after they were burnt , the lord commanded to write the same prophesie again , and that larger ; which was done . — it is also written in the books of the maccabees , that the wicked did burn the law of god , and killed them that had the same . again , under the new testament they burned the saints with the books of the law of god. — remember the sayings of our merciful saviour , by which he forewarneth us ; there shall ●e ( saith he ) before the day of iudgement great tribulation , such as was not from the beginning , until this day , nor shall be afterwards . so that even the elect of god should be deceived , if it were possible : but for their sakes those dayes shall be shortned . — the council of constance shall not extend to bohemia ; for i think that many of them which are of the council shall die before they shall get from you my books . they shall depart from the council , and be scattered abroad throughout all parts of the world , like storks , and then they shall know when winter cometh what they did in summer . i trust in god that he will send after me those that shall be more valiant ; and there are alive at this day that shall make more manifest the malice of antichrist , and shall give their lives to the death for the truth of our lord jesus christ , who shall give both to you and me the joyes of life everlasting . — this epistle was written upon st. iohn baptist's day in prison and in cold irons , i having this meditation with my self , that iohn was beheaded in his prison and bonds for the word of god. in another letter . — i desire you , if any man at any time have noted any levity , either in my talk , or in my conditions , that he do not follow the same , but pray to god for me , to pardon me that sin of lightness . — i look next day for the sentence of death , having a full trust that he will not leave me to deny his truth , &c. how mercifully the lord god hath dealt with me in marvellous temptations ye shall know , whenas hereafter by the help of christ we shall all meet together in the joy of the world to come . — i beseech you pray to god for our enemies . — in another letter to a minister . — my dear brother , be diligent in preaching the gospel , neglect not your vocation , labour like a blessed souldier of christ. first live godlily and holily . secondly , teach faithfully and truly . thirdly , be an example to others in well doing , that you be not reprehended in your sayings . — preach continually , but be short and fruitfull . — never affirm or maintain those things that be uncertain or doubtful . — exhort men to the confession of their faith. — against fleshly lust preach continually all that ever you can , for that is the raging beast which devoureth men , for whom the flesh of christ did suffer . in another letter . — o holy god , how largely doth antichrist extend his power and cruelty ? but i trust that his power shall be shortned , and his iniquity shall be detected more and more amongst the faithful people . — let antichrist rage so much as he will , yet he shall not prevail against christ. — i am greatly comforted in those words of our saviour , happy be you , when men shall hate you , and shall separate you , and shall re●uke you , and shall c●st out your name as execrable , for the son of man. rejoyce and be glad ; for great is your reward in heaven . o worthy , yea a most worthy consolation , which not to understand , but to practiae in time of tribulation , is an hard lesson ! — certainly it is a great matter for a man to rejoyce in trouble , and to take it for joy to be in divers temptations . a light matter it is to speak it , and to expound it ; but a great matter to fulfill it . for why ? our most patient and most valiant champion himself , &c. was troubled in spirit , and said , my soul is heavy unto death , &c. and yet he notwithstanding , being so troubled , said to his disciples , let not your hearts be troubled . — o most merciful christ , draw us weak creatures after thee ; for except thou shouldst draw us , we are not able to follow thee . — without thee we can do nothing , much less enter into the cruel death for thy sake . give us that prompt and ready spirit , a bold heart , an upright faith , a firm hope , and perfect charity , that we may give our lives patiently and joyfully for thy names sake . in another letter . — i love the counsel of the lord above gold and precious stones . wherefore i trust in the mercy of jesus christ , that he will give me his spirit to stand in his truth . pray to the lord , for the spirit is ready , but the flesh is weak . — know this for certain , that i have had great conflicts by dreams , in such sort as i had much ado to refrain from crying out . i dreamed of the popes escape before he went ; and after the lord iohn had told me thereof , immediataly in the night it was told me , that the pope should return to you again . i dreamed also of the apprehending mr. hierom , although not in full manner as it was done . all the imprisonments , whither and how i am carried , were opened to me before , although not fully after the same form and circumstance . many serpents oftentimes appeared to me , having heads also in their tail ; but none of them could bite me . these things i write , not esteeming my self a prophet , or that i extol my self , but onely to signifie to you what temptations i had in body and also in mind , and what great fear i had , lest i should transgress the commandments of the lord jesus christ. — in a letter to the lord iohn de clum . — i pray you expound to me the dream of this night . i saw how that in my church of bethlem they came to raze all the images of christ , and did put them out . the next day after i arose and saw many painters which made more fairer images , and many more then i had done before , which thing i was very glad and joyful to behold . and the painters with much people about them , said , let the bishops and priests come now , and put out these pictures . which being done , much people seemed to me in bethlem to rejoyce , and i with them : and i awaking therewith , felt my self to laugh , &c. — this vision the lord iohn and mr. hus himself in his book of epistles ( ep. . ) seemeth to expound , and applieth the images of christ to the preaching of christ and of his life . the which preaching and doctrine of christ , though the pope and cardinals should extinguish in him , yet did he foresee and declare , that the time should come , wherein the same doctrine should be revived again by others so plenteously , that the pope with all his power should not be able to prevail against it . in the forty eighth epistle , seeming to speak with the same spirit of prophesie , he hath these words ; but i trust those things , which i have spoken within the house , hereafter shall be preached upon the top of the house . in a certain treatise also by him written , de sacerdotum & monachorum carnalium abominatione , speaking prophetically of the reformation of the church , he hath these words ; moreover hereupon note and mark by the way , that the church of god cannot be reduced to its former dignity , or be reformed before all things first be made new . the truth whereof is plain by the temple of solomon . — as my mind now giveth me , i believe that there shall arise a new people , formed after the new man , which is created after god : of the which people new clerks and priests shall come and be taken , which all shall hate covetousness , and the glory of this life , hastening to an heavenly conversation . all these things shall come to pass , and be brought by little and little in order of times , dispensed of god for the same purpose : and this god doth and will do for his own goodness and mercy , and for the riches of his great longanimity and patience , giving time and space of repentance to them , that have long lain in their sins , to amend , and flie from the face of the lords fury , whilest in the mean time the carnal people , and carnal priests successively shall fall away and be consumed as with the moth , &c. in another letter . — you know how i have detested the avarice and inordinate life of the clergy ; wherefore , through the grace of god ; i suffer now persecution , which shortly shall be consummate in me , neither do i fear to have my heart poured out for the name of christ jesus . — if you shall be called to any cure in the countrey , let the honour of god and the salvation of souls move you thereunto , and not the having of the living or commodities thereof . — see that you be a builder of your spiritual house , being gentle to the poor , and humble of mind , and waste not your goods in great fare . i fear if you do not amend your life , ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparel , lest you shall be grievously chastised , as i also wretched man shall be punished , which have used the like , being seduced by custome and evil men , and worldly glory , whereby i have been wounded against god with the spirit of pride . and because you have notably known both my preaching and outward conversation , even from my youth , i have no need to write many things to you , but to desire you for the mercy of jesus christ , that you do not follow me in any such levity and lightness , which you have seen in me . you know how before my priesthood ( which grieveth me now ) i have delighted oftentimes to play at chess , and have neglected my time , and have unhappily provoked both my self and others to anger by that play. wherefore ( besides other my innumerable faults ) for this i desire you to invocate the mercy of the lord , that he will pardon me : — this letter to this minister was not to be opened by him before he was sure of mr. hus his death . in a treatise de sacerdotum , &c. before mentioned , he hath these words , in writing these things , ( and what else i have written before ) nothing else hath moved me hereunto , but onely the love of our lord jesus crucified , whose prints and stripes ( according to the measure of my weakness and vileness ) i covet to bear in my self , beseeching him to give me grace , that i never seek to glory in my self , or in any thing else , but onely in his cross , and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion . i do not therefore doubt but these things will like all such as unfeignedly love the lord christ crucified , and will not mislike not a little all such as be of antichrist , durst not have so written unless the lord jesus christ crucified by his inward motion had so commanded me . — hyperius . o what a difference is there ( said martin hyperius ) betwixt this and eternal fire ? who would shun this to leap into that ? finis . a cloud of vvitnesses ; or , the sufferers mirrour , made up of the swanlike-songs , and other choice passages of several martyrs and confessors to the end of the sixteenth century , in their treatises , speeches , letters , prayers , &c. in their prisons , or exiles ; at the bar , or stake , &c. collected out of the ecclesiastical histories of eusebius , fox , fuller , clark , petrie , scotland , and mr. samuel ward 's life of faith in death , &c. and alphabetically disposed . by t. m. m.a. the second part. deut. . . remember the dayes of old , consider the years of many generations : ask thy father , and he will shew thee , thy elders , and they will tell thee . psal. . . for thy sake we are killed all the day long : we are counted as sheep to the slaughter . phil. . . in nothing be terrified by your adversaries , &c. printed for the author , and are to be sold by robert boulter . . a brief account of what may be expected in this collection by a friend to the author . reader , it is a comfort thetis gives her brave son in homer , that though he should be short liv'd , yet he should continue himself in the admiration of posterity . though these blessed martyrs , and saints departed sought not glory to themselves , yet they all obtained a good report , and their memory is blessed , whilst the memory of the wicked rots , or which is far worse ) stinks . i grant many of them went in a siery chariot to heaven ; yet those mantles that fell from them may , through the concurs of god , so spirit oth●rs , that they may do worthily in ephrat● , though they never arrive to the glory of the ●irst worthies . i d●ubt not but many of them might , by their staying l●nger in their houses of booths , have been very beneficial to the world ; yet sampson's violent death was not without profit to the church of god in pulling down the house of the philistines : and therefore i cannot but commend the essay , and elaborate collections of this author , in reviving the memories of these ancient christians . it was well observed by sir francis bacon , that old wood is best to burn , and old friends best to trust , and old books best to read . hence scholars set a great price upon an ancient manuscript . here are old things , men of ancient dayes , and old books in a new edition , for thy benefit . here you will not find the fault , that historians are commonly guilty of , who , like flattering limners , draw too favourably , or shadow over a wrinckle , and slily forge in some secret grace : here is an honest pen modestly , but yet faithfully giving thee an account of believers , who through much faith , patience , and tribulation entred into the king●ome of heaven . here are worthy patterns for you to follow ; glorious copies for you , who are but beginners in the world , to write after . they all call upon you so to follow them , as they followed christ. here is a cloud of witnesses , which if you have ( with iesus ) in your eye , you will be the better prepared to lay aside every weight , and to run with patience the race that is set before you . man is led by nothing better then by example ; and examples of great ones are most effectual : such are these . i know abundantly how this lazy formal age is ready to look on scripture-worthies , as men unimitable ; as giants , to whose stature they despair ever to arrive : but h●re you may be tolled on in your active and passive obedience , as lazy travellers will h●ld out with good company , which beat the path before them : here is no excuse left of frailty , which we are ready to make against obedience ; for th●se presidents in all ages abudantly testifie , that we frail men , by the power of the same grace of god , may reach to the same perfections . we are too apt in these dayes to think our selves good enough , if we find any worse then our selves ; but we should not content our selves to run with the foot-men , but to excell the best . i have of late thought it a very high way to growth and perfection , to collect some of the choicest frames of the best christians , and alwayes set them before us : blessed be the lord , this is done to thy hand ; and mayest thou reap the advantage of this labour . here thou mayest read thy defects in these holy mens excesses , and amend thy self without any diminution to their glory . here thou mayest receive light from that which dazleth thee , and lustre from that which ( at present ) ecclipseth thee . when thou considerest what a dastardly , cowardly spirit is within thee , what an enemy of the cross of christ thou art , here is that which will promote thy shame , that these ( under the dawnings of gospel-glory and grace ) should be as bold as lions , whil●t thou art as timerous as an hare . how do we shrink and tremble , whilst these were as rocks in the midst of the floods , standing unmoveable when the winds blew , and the seas made a noise . i heartily wish that the dew of heaven may fall upon these holy reliques , that such a spirit may attend the reader as did these , when called before kings and rulers for the name of christ. i heartily wish that these experiments of gods presence with his suffering and witnessing saints , may help thee to trust in god. i kn●w you ought to trust god upon his single bond , without a pawn or pledge of his power and faithfulness ; but certainly faith is wonderfully holpen by former experiences in all ages : and therefore let this epitome of the bo●k of martyrs ( as to the martyrs sayings ) strengthen thy confidence , and make thee r●ly on god , as a constant tried friend . th●se are all great instanc●s , that god is seen in the mount ; that he hath good will to the flaming bush ; that he is willing to accompany the church in the fiery furnace . say after the perusal of this manual , i dare trust in god in the greatest difficulties ; i will take no th●ught what to answer to the sons of men , but will believe it shall be given in that hour ; i will cast all my care on him ; i will assure my self , that as my tribulations do , so my consolations shall , abound ; he hath been others help , therefore under the shadow of his wings will i rejoyce ; they that know thy name , will put their trust in thee ; for thou lord hast not forsaken them that seek thee ; our fathers trusted in thee : they trusted , and thou didst deliver them : they cried unto thee , and were delivered : they trusted in thee , and were not confounded . here you have gods former dealings with , and appearings for his suffering saints to publish to thee and me , what his future behaviour will be . what david said of the tried sword , we may of god much rather , there is none like it . i have considered the dayes of old , the years of ancient times . i will remember the years of the right hand of the most high. moreover in these gleanings thou wilt see the excellency of christ , and the high advantages of faith , in that the lord christ is worthy , for whose sake all is to be parted from . here is the lord iesus rated and valued above all the comforts , contentments , and happiness of both the worlds : not that these were of a stoical apathy , or prodigal of their blood and lives ; onely christ was the first figure , and all the world but empty ciphers without him . the estimate which their souls set on christ , did infinitely exceed the rate , which they s●● on any thing else : all was but dross and dung , this is the voice of all these saints ●●arted , christ is not valued at all , if he be not valued above all . what shall i say more ? here you may see somewhat to shoar up the dejected christians , who may be too much discouraged at the low condition of gods church : upon reading here sad melancthon may be contente● to let god continue the reins of government in his own hands ; and we may , when even sinking , lea●● of austin ; let the world ( said he ) sink or swim , be ruined or prosper , i will bless the lord that made the world . here you may ( in short ) see the cavils against the cross , blown off to your hand : the objections against the truth abundantly silenced . here you will meet with seasonable cautions against unscriptural compliances . here cases of the present age are briefly debated and cleared : and here you may have a directory how to keep your consciences inoffensive towards god , towards the saints , and towards them that are without . but ( reader ) i will not detain thee from enjoying the labours of my friend . the lord bless them to thee and me . see that thou refuse not him that speaketh from heaven , nor these , whose blood ( like their masters ) cries against their enemies for vengeance ; but calls aloud to you to stand fast in the faith once delivered , and to consider the end of their warfare : which that thou mayest , is heartily desired by a cordial friend to all the friends of christ , s.l. swan-like song' 's . the second part. i. ieuville . nicholas ieuville , being condemned to be burned alive , and his tongue to be cut out , the tormentor putting the halter about his neck , said , praised be god , for i am now counted worthy to be one of the heavenly order . ignatius . when trajan the emperour returned from the parthian war , and came to antioch , having commanded gratulatory sacrifices to be offered in every city , he required ignatius , who was pastour of the church at antioch , to be present at those sacrifices : but he before trajan's face did justly and sharply reprove their idolatry , for which cause he was delivered by ten souldiers to be carried to rome . as he passed through asia , so guarded , he confirmed the congregations , through every city where he came , preaching the word of god to them , and giving them wholesome exhortations . when he came to smyrna , he wrote an epistle to the church at ephesus , and another to the church of magnesia on the river meander , and another to the church at trallis . in his epistle to the ephesians . — you have heard of my being carried bound from syria for the common name and hope . i hope through your prayers i shall so fight against the beasts at rome , that through martyrdome , i shall become his disciple , who offered himself a sacrifice for us unto god. — i do not command you , as if i were any thing ; for though i am in bonds for the name of christ , i am not as yet perfect in christ jesus . now i begin to be a disciple . — onesimus himself doth exceedingly commend your decent and meet order , and that you all live according to the truth , and that there is no place for herest among you , and that you hear none farther then he preacheth christ jesus in truth . — oppose their anger with mildness , and their proud brags with humility , and their cursings with praying , and their errors with stedfastness in the faith. — let us be found in christ jesus unto everlaststing life . without him nothing becomes you : in whom i carry about these bonds ( spiritual pearls ) in which i may stand advanced by the help of your prayer : of which i alwayes desire to be partaker , that i may be numbred among the ephesian christians , who have alwayes in the strength of christ consented with the apostles . see that you often meet together to give god thanks and to praise him ; for when you have often met together in the same place , the power of satan is weakened , and his mischief vanisheth away by the concord of your faith . the tree is manifested by its fruit , — the work of profession doth not now appear , unless by the power of faith we be found to persevere to the end . it is herrer to be a mute , and a christian , then to be talkative , and no christian. it is good to teach ; but let him that teacheth , do what he teacheth . in his letter to the m●gnesians . — it becomes us not onely to be called , but to be christians . — as there be two sorts of moneys ; one gods , the other the worlds ; so each sort hath its peculiar stamp . unbelievers have the stamp of the world ; believers in love have the stamp of god the father through jesus christ : through whom , unless our will be inclined to die after the example of his passion , his life is not in us . — there is one christ , then whom , nothing is more excellent . let all therefore agree as in one temple . — although i am in bonds , i am not to be compared with one of you yet at liberty . i know you are free from pride , and when i praise you i know you even blush . — in his exhortation prefixt to his epistle to the church at trallis , he perswades them not to refuse martyrdome , lest thereby they should lose the hope that was laid up for them . in the epistle it self . — i savour many things in god ; but i keep my self within bounds , lest i perish by vain glory . now i am mostly to fear ; neither am i to mind those that would puffe me up . they that praise me , scourage me . i do indeed love to suffer ; but that i am worthy , i know not . — i beseech you ( not i , but the love of christ jesus ) to make use onely of christian food , and to abstain from heresie , a strange herb. temporaries embrace christ , — but they are not of the fathers planting : if they were , there would appear the branches of the cross , and their fruit would be incorruptible . — in his epistle to the romans . — i , christ jesus his bond-man , hope i may salute you , if it be his will , that i may be judged worthy to reach the goal . i have begun well , if , ( or o that i may ) have grace to take my lot without let . i fear least your love hurt me . i would not that you should please men , but god , even as you do . — do you labour that i may be sacrificed unto god , seeing the altar is prepared , that you in love making a quire , may sing to the father in christ jesus , that a bishop of syria hath been honoured thus to set in the west , being called from the east . it is good to fall from the world to god , that i may rise in him . — beg onely this for me , that i may be supplyed with inward and outward strength , that i may not onely say , but will , and not onely be called , but be found a christian. if i be found so , i shall be called so , even then when i shall not appear to be a believer to the world. nothing visible is perpetual . the things that are seen are temporary : those , which are not seen , are eternal . christianity is a work , not a work of perswasion , but of greatness , when it is hated by the world. i write to the churches , and require of all , that i may voluntarily die for god , if that you forbid it not . i beseech you , bestow not upon me unseasonable love . suffer me to be the food for the wild beasts , by whom i shall enjoy god. i am gods corn , when the wild beasts have ground me to powder with their teeth , i shall be his white-bread . yea rather cunningly entice the wild beasts to be my sepulcher , and to leave nothing of my body behind them , lest when i am dead i be found troublesome to any . then shall i be a true disciple of christ indeed , when the world shall not see even my body . pray unto god for me , that by these instruments i may become a sacrifice unto god. from syria even till i came to rome i fought with beasts , as well by sea as by land , night and day being bound among the cruel leopards ( i mean my military guard ) who , the more benefits they received at my hands , became so much the worse unto me ; but i being exercised and now well acquainted with their injuries , am taught every day more and more to bear the cross : yet hereby am i not justified . would to god i might once enjoy the beasts prepared for me , which i wish also to fall upon me with all their violence , whom also i will cunningly entice , without delay to devour me , and not to abstain from me , as they have from others , whom for fear they have left untouched , and if they be unwilling to it , i will even compell them to fall upon me . pardon me . i know what is for my advantage . mr. clark renders it , i know well how much this will avail me . now do i begin to be a disciple , seeing i neither regard things visible , nor invisible , so i may gain christ. let fire , the cross , skirmishings with wild beasts , cuttings , butcherings or rentings in pieces , breakin gs of my bones asunder , manglings of my members , bruisings of my whole body , and the torments of the devil ( all the torments that man and the devil can invent ) fall upon me , so that i may enjoy jesus , the ends and kingdomes of this world will not help me . it is better for me to die for christ jesus , then to reign over the ends of the earth . what will it profit a man to gain the whole world , and lose his own soul ? i seek him , who died for us , and rose again . pardon me , my brethren , be not an hindrance to me , that i may not live ; be not unwilling that i should die . seeing i desire to be gods , do not gratifie the world. suffer me to enjoy pure light : when i shall be there , i shall be a man of god. permit me to emulate the sufferings of christ , my god. whosoever enjoyes him , understands what i desire , and will bear with me , when he knows what constrains me . the prince of this world would hold me and corrupt my soul and will for god. let none of you help him , but rather help me , that is , god. do not name christ jesus , and love or covet the world. let not envy dwell in you . — living , but in love with dying , i write unto you . my love is crucified ; and there is not in me a fire of love towards any thing of an earthly matter ; but living water , and he , that speaks within me , saith unto me , come unto the father . i rejoyce not in corruptible nourishment , nor in the pleasures of this life . i would have the bread of god , heavenly bread , the bread of life , which is the flesh of christ , the son of god , who in these last times is made of the seed of david and abraham , and for drink i would have his blood , who is love incorruptible , and life eternal . be mindful in your prayers of the church in syria , which instead of me hath the lord for their pastor . jesus christ alone will take care for it , and your love to him . but i am ashamed to be called one of that number . neither am i worthy , seeing i am the last of them , and an abortive : but through the mercy of god i have obtained , that i may be some one , if i can enjoy god. in his letter to the philadelphians . — ye children of the light , flie the dividing of truth and wicked doctrines . follow , as sheep , your pastor . — in your concord there is no place for the wolves to get in . if any one preach judaism unto you , do not hear him . it is better to hear christianity from one that is circumcised , then iudaism from one that is uncircumcised . if both do not preach christ jesus , they are to me funeral pillars and monuments of the dead , upon whom names onely are inscribed . — where division and anger is , god dwells not . — in his letter to the smyrnaeans . — jesus christ is truly dead , and truly risen . he hath not suffered onely according to appearance , as some infidels teach . — if these things be done by christ onely in opinion , i am bound onely in opinion . but why should i deliver up my self unto death , to the fire , to the sword , to beasts , but that he that is near the sword is near unto god , he that is present with the beasts is present with god ? i hear all onely in the name of christ , that i may suffer with him , he strengthning me , who is made perfect man. — what doth it profit me , if any one praise me ; and blaspheme my lord , not confessing him to be clothed with flesh ? — your prayer hath reached to the church of antioch , which is in syria , whence i salute you all , being bound in gods honourable bonds , though unworthy , being the last of all there , yet made worthy by the will of god , not according to my conscience , but of the meer grace of god , &c. — in one of his epistles he saith , truly i did see him ( christ ) in flesh after his resurrection , and do believe that it is he , &c. he used to say , that there is nothing better then the peace of a good conscience . that good and wicked men are like true and counterfeit money ; the one seems to be good and is not , the other both seems and is good . that the lions teeth are but like a mill , which though it bruiseth , yet wasteth not the good wheat , onely prepares and sits it to be made pure bread. let me ( said he ) be broken by them , so i may be made pure manchet for heaven . other graces are but parts of a christians armour , as the shield of faith , &c. but patience is the panoply , or whole armour of the man of god. ioan. the lady ioan , queen of navar , who was poysoned at paris a few dayes before the bloody massacre on aug. . . in her sickness she said , i take all this as sent from the hand of god my most merciful father ; nor have i during this extremity , feared to die , much less murmured against god for inflicting the same upon me , knowing that whatsoever he doth , he doth the same so , as all in the end shall turn to my everlasting good . — i depend wholly upon gods providence , knowing that all things are wisely disposed of by him . — as for this life , i am in a good measure weaned from the love of it , in regard of the afflictions that have followed me from my youth hitherto ; but especially because i cannot live without daily offending my good god , with whom i desire to be with all my heart . — in regard of mine own particular , my life is not dear unto me , seeing so long as i live in this frail flesh , i am still prone and apt to sin against god : onely my care is somewhat for my children , which god hath given me , because they shall be now deprived of me in their young years ; yet i doubt not , but although it should please god to take me from them , that himself will be a father to them , and a protector over them , as he hath been to me in my greatest afflictions ; and therefore i commit them wholly to his government and fatherly care . — she often uttered these words , o my god , in thy good time deliver me from this body of death , and from the miseries of this life , that i may no more offend thee , and that i may attain to that felicity , which thou in thy word hast promised me . — to a minister a little before her death she said , i neither expect salvation , righteousness , nor life from any else , then from my onely saviour jesus christ , being assured that his onely merit abundantly sufficeth for the full satisfaction of all my sins , albeit they are innumerable . ioris . iohn ioris of assahen , in a letter of his to his parents and friends , a little before his martyrdome writ thus . — most dear father and mother , sister and brother , i write here unto you comfortable news , viz. that in all my life , i never saw any day so pleasing to me , as this is , in which the lord hath counted me worthy to be one of his champions , and to suffer for his holy name : for which i give him most humble and hearty thanks . — rejoyce with me , i pray you , that god hath now called me to so glorious and welcome marriage day . o how precious in the sight of the lord our god is the death of his martyrs ! dear friends , two priests and some of the magistrates have sought to terrifie me with many threats , thinking to turn me aside from my holy profession ; but the lord of his great mercy hath given me grace to withstand them all . i plainly told them , i was not ashamed of the gospel of christ , but would be willing and ready to die in the defence thereof , following my lord and master jesus christ , through all afflictions , to be made partaker with him at last of his eternal joyes in his celestial tabernacle . wherefore if god shall call any of you forth to suffer ought for his names sake , bear the same ( i beseech you ) with meekness and patience , not declining from the truth for fear or favour , to the right hand or to the left , but fear him rather , who is able to cast soul and body into hell . the time which god hath lent us to converse in this world , is but short ; and therefore let us begin to abandon the love of this world , with all things therein , betimes , that so we may be ready to follow the call of god. dear father and mother , i do take my last farewell of you , until we meet together again in the kingdome of heaven , where we shall partake of that joy that shall last for ever , all sorrows , tears , and griefs being wiped away . be ye not therefore grieved , i pray you , but be patient ; for the affliction which is befallen me , is most acceptable to me , for which also i bless and praise the lord. iueson . thomas iueson , being prest to recant , said , i would not recant for all the goods in london : i do appeal to gods mercy , and will be none of your church , nor submit my self to the same . and that i have said , i will say it again . and if there came an angel from heaven , to teach me any other doctrine then that which i am in now , i would not believe him . iuleddo , or iulitta . a servant to a good gentlewoman telling mr. bradford , that her mistress had been sorer afflicted with her own father and mother , then ever he was with his imprisonment . mr. bradford bid her tell her mistress , that he had read that day a godly history , written by basilius magnus of iuleddo , a vertuous widow , she had great lands , and many children , and nigh her dwelt a cormorant , which for her godliness hated her , and out of very malice took away her lands , so that she was fain to go to law. the judge demanded of him , why he wrongfully with-held these lands from this woman . he answered , he might , because she was disobedient to the kings proceedings ; for she will in no wise worship his gods , nor offer sacrifice unto them . woman ( said the judge thereupon ) if this be true , thou art like not onely to lose thy land , but thy life . whereupon she said , and is there no remedy , but either to worship your false gods , or else to lose my lands and life ? then farewell suit , farewell lands , farewell children , farewell friends , yea and farewell life too , and in respect of the true honour of the everliving god , farewell all . at the place of her execution , she exhorted all women to be strong and constant ; for ( said she ) ye were redeemed with as dear a price as men ; for although ye were made of the rib of the man , yet be you all of his flesh : so that also in the case and trial of your faith towards god , ye ought to be as strong . mr. ward calleth her iulitta , and records her speech thus : we women received not onely flesh from men , but are bone of their bone , and therefore ought to be as strong in christs cause . mr. fox out of basil tells the story thus , that when the judge passed sentence against iulitta , she said , farewell riches , and welcome poverty ; farewell life , and welcome death . all that i have if it were a thousand times more , would i rather lose , then speak one wicked and blasphemous word against god my creatour . i yield thee most hearty thanks , o my god , for this grace , that i can contemn and despise this frail and transitory world , esteeming christian profession above all treasures . afterwards , when any question was demanded , her answer was , i am the servant of jesus christ. at the stake she said to the women beholding her , stick not , o sisters , to labour and travel after true pie●y and godliness . cease to accuse the frailty of feminine nature . what ? are not we created of the same matter that men are ? yea after gods image and similitude , are we made as lively as they . not flesh onely did god use in the creation of the woman , in sign and token of her infirmity and weakness , but bone of bones is she , in token that she must be strong in the true and living god , all falshoods forsaken , constant in faith , all infidelity renounced , patient in adversity , all worldly ease refused . wax weary ( my dear sisters ) of your lives , led in darkness , and be in love with my christ , my god , my redeemer , my comforter , which is the true light of the world . perswade your selves , or rather the spirit of the living god perswade you , that there is a world to come , wherein the worshippers of idols and devils shall be tormented perpetually , and the servants of the high god be crowned eternally . iusberg . brethren ( said iustus iusberg ) you see that my end approacheth , which howsoever i fear , as a man burdened with the body of sin ; yet am i resolved as a christian , joyfully to endure it , being assured that all my sins are fastened to the cross of christ. iuventius . chrysostome in an oration on iuventius and maximus , two martyrs , brings in this objection of the persecutours against them ; do not you see others of your rank do thus ? and them answering thus ; for this very reason we will manfully stand and offer our selves as a sacrifice for the breach that they have made . k. kennedy . alexander kennedy , who passed not eighteen years of age , when he was presented before his bloody butcherers , at first was faint , and gladly would have recanted ; but while the place of repentance was denied him , the spirit of god wrought in him , and with a chearful countenance , and a joyful voice , upon his knees he said , o eternal god , how wonderful is that love and mercy that thou bearest unto mankind , and unto me the most caitiffe and miserable wretch above all others ; for even now , when i would have denied thee , and thy son , our lord jesus christ my onely saviour , and so have cast my self into everlasting dammation , thou by thy own hand hast pulled me from the very bottom of hell , and made me to feel that heavenly comfort , which takes from me that ungodly fear wherewith before i was oppressed . now i defie death , do what you please , i praise my god , i am ready . kerby . mr. wingfield telling him , the fire is hot , the terrour is great , the pain extreme , life sweet ; better it were betime to stick to mercy , while there is hope of life , then rashly to begin , and then to s●rink ; he said , ah mr. wingfield , be at my burning , and you shall say there standeth a christian souldier in the fire ; for i know that fire , water , sword , and all other things are in the hands of god , and he will suffer no more to be laid upon us then he will enable us to bear . when sentence was past against him , he with most humble reverence holding up his hands , and bowing himself devoutly , said , praised be almighty god. kilian . to such as asked kilian , a dutch school-master , if he loved not his wife and children ? he answered , yes , if all the world were gold , and were mine to dispose of , i would give it all to live with them , though it were but in prison ; yet is my soul and my lord christ dearer to me then all things whatsoever . knight . when stephen knight was at the stake , he prayed , — o lord jesus christ , for whose love i leave willingly this life , and desire rather the bitter death of thy cross , with the loss of all earthly things , then to abide the blasphemy of thy most holy name , or to obey men in breaking thy holy commandement . thou seest , o lord , that where i might live in worldly wealth to worship a false god , and honour thine enemy , i chuse rather the torment of the body , and the loss of this life , and have counted all things but vile , dust , and dung , that i might win thee , which death is dearer unto me , then thousands of gold and silver . such love , o lord , hast thou laid up in my breast , that i hunger for thee , as the deer that is wounded desireth the soil . send thy holy comforter , o lord , to aid , comfort , and strengthen this weak piece of earth , which is empty of all strength of it self . thou remembrest , o lord , that i am but dust , and able to do nothing that is good . therefore , o lord , as of thine accustomed goodness and love , thou hast bidden me to this banket , and accounted me worthy to drink of thine own cup amongst thine elect ; even so give me strength , o lord , against this thine element , which as to my sight it is most irksome and terrible , so to my mind it may at thy commandement ( as an obedient servant ) be sweet and pleasant , that through the strength of thy holy spirit , i may pass through the rage of this fire into thy bosome , according to thy promise , and for this mortal receive an immortal , and for this corruption put on incorruption . accept this burnt-sacrifice and offering , o lord , not for the sacrifice , but for thy dear sons sake , my saviour , for whose testimony ● offer this free-will-offering with all my heart and with all my soul. o heavenly father , forgive me my sins , as i forgive all the world . o sweet son of god , my saviour , spread thy wings over me . o blessed and holy ghost , through whose merciful inspiration , i am come hither , conduct me into everlasting life . lord , into thy hands i commend my spirit . amen . keyser . leonard keyser , as he was led to the place where he was to be burnt , said , o lord jesus , remain with me , sustain and help me , and give me force and power . when the wood was ready to be set on fire , he cried with a loud voice , o jesus , i am thine , have mercy upon me , and save me . knox. mr. iohn knox , wearied with removing from place to place , by reason of the persecution that came upon him by the bishop of st. andrews , was determined to have left scotland , and to have visited the schools of germany ( he had then no pleasure in england , by reason that , although the popes name was suppressed , yet his laws and corruptons remained in full vigour ) but was prevailed with by some gentlemen , for their childrens sake , whose education he had undertaken , to go to st. andrews , that he might have the benefit of the castle , which was fortified against the papists , since the death of the cardinal in it . thither he came an. . where he was called to the ministry after this manner . mr. rough having shew'd in a sermon what power the congregation , how small soever , passing the number of two or three , had to elect any man in the time of need , as that was , in whom they espied the gifts of god , and how dangerous it was to refuse to hear the voice of such as desire to be instructed , he directed his words to mr. knox , saying , brother , you shall not be offended , although that i speak unto you that which i have in charge even from all those here present , which is this . in the name of god , and of his son jesus christ , and in the name of these that presently call you by my mouth , i charge you that you refuse not this holy vocation , but as ye tender the glory of god , the encrease of christs kingdome , the edification of your brethren , and the comfort of me , whom ye understand well enough to be oppressed by the multitude of labours , that you take upon you the publick office and charge of preaching , even as you look to avoid gods heavy displeasure , and desire that he shall multiply his graces upon you . and in the end he said to those that were present , was not this your charge to me ? and do ye not approve this vocation ? they answered it is , and we approve it . besides this vocation , that which necessitated mr. knox to enter in the publick place , was his beating by his pen dean annan ( a rotten papist ) that had long troubled mr. rough in his preaching , from all defences , that he was compelled to flie to his last refuge , the authority of the church , which ( said the dean ) damned all lutherans and hereticks , and therefore he would not dispute . whereupon mr. knox in the open audience of the parish-church of st. andrews told the dean thus ; as for your roman church , as it is now corrupted , and the authority thereof , wherein stands the hope of your victory , i no more doubt but that it is the synagogue of satan , and the head thereof , called the pope , to be that man of sin , of whom the apostle speaks , then i doubt that jesus christ suffered by the procurement of the visible church of ierusalem ; yea , i offer my self by word or writing , to prove the roman church this day farther to degenerate from the purity , which was in the daies of the apostles , then was the church of the iews , from the ordinance given by moses , when they consented to the innocent death of jesus christ. the people hearing the offer , cried with one consent , we cannot all read your writings , but we can all hear your preachings ; therefore we require you in the name of god , that ye let us hear the probation of what you have affirmed ; for if it be true , we have been miserably deceived . the next lords day he preached on dan. . and another king shall rise after them , and he shall be unlike unto the first , and he shall subdue three kings , and shall speak words against the most high , and shall consume the saints of the most high , &c. in the beginning of his sermon , he shewed the great love of god towards his church , whom he pleased to forewarn of dangers to come , so many years before they came to pass . — after he made a short discourse of the four empires , the babylonian , persian , grecian , and roman ; in the destruction of the fourth rose up that last beast , which he affirmed to be the roman church ; for to none other power , that ever hath been yet , do all the notes that god shewed to the prophets belong , except to it alone , and to it they do properly appertain , as such as are not more then blind may clearly see . — then he shewed that the spirit in the new testament gives to this king other new names ; as the man of sin , the antichrist , the whore of babylon , which he proved to belong to the papists , and their head the pope . — hereupon he was ( with mr. rough ) convented before the sub prior of st. andrews , &c. and several articles were read against them . the strangeness ( said the sub prior ) of these articles , which are gathered forth of your doctrine , have moved us to call for you to hear your answers . mr. knox said , i for my part praise my god , that i see such an auditory ; but because it is long since , that i have heard , that ye are one that is not ignorant of the truth , i may crave of you in the name of god , yea and i appeal your conscience before that supreme judge , that if ye think any article there expressed , contrary to the truth of god , that ye oppose your self plainly unto it , and suffer not the people to be therewith deceived ; but if in your conscience you know the doctrine to be true , then will i crave your patr●cinie thereto , that by your authority the people may be moved the ●ather to believe the truth . the sub prior answered , i come not here as a judge , but onely familiarly to talk , and therefore i will neither allow nor condemn , but if ye list , i will reason . why may not the church for good causes devise ceremonies to decore the sacraments , and other gods service ? k. because the church ought to do nothing but in faith , and ought not to go before , but is bound to follow the voice of the true pastor . s. it is in faith that the ceremonies are commanded , and they have proper significations to help our faith , they have a godly signification ; and therefore proceed from faith , and are done in faith. k. it is not enough that man invent a ceremony , and then give it a signification according to his pleasure ; for so might the ceremonies of the gentiles , and of mahomet be maintained : but if any thing proceed from faith , it must have the word of god for its assurance ; for faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word of god. now if ye will prove that your ceremonies proceed from faith , and do please god , you must prove that god hath commanded them , else they are sin ; for whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . s. will ye bind us so strait , that we may do nothing without the express word of god ? what if i ask drink , think ye that i sin ? and yet i have not gods word for me . k. i would ye should not jest in so grave a matter , neither would i that you should begin to hide the truth with sophistry . — as to your drinking , i say , that if ye either eat or drink without assurance of gods word , in so doing you displease god by sinning against him ; for the creatures are sanctified by the word and prayer . the word is this , all things are clean to the clean . — but the question is not of meat or drink , wherein the kingdome of god consisteth not , but of gods true worshipping , without which we can have no society with god ; and here it is doubted , if we may take the same liberty in using of christs sacraments , that we may do in eating and drinking . — moses saith , all that the lord thy god commandeth thee to do , that do thou to the lord thy god , adde nothing to it , diminish nothing from it . by these rules i think the church of christ will measure gods religion , and not by that which seems good in their own eyes . s. pardon me , i spake it , because i was dry , frier follow the argument . f. i will prove that those ceremonies ye damn are ordained by god ; for the ceremonies of the church are the gold , silver , and precious stones , which do abide the fire , and consume not away , &c. k. i praise god , through christ , i find his word true ; christ bids us not fear when we shall be called before men to give confession of his truth ; for it shall be given in that hour , what we shall speak . if i had sought the whole scriptures , i could not have produced a place more potent to confound you . — i would learn of you what fire it is that your ceremonies do abide ? and in the mean give you this argument from the same text against you . that which can abide the fire , can abide the word ; but your ceremonies cannot abide the word , therefore they cannot abide the fire , then are they not gold , silver , and precious stones . f. i deny your m●nor , viz. that our ceremonies may not abide the trial of gods word . k. i prove , that abides not the trial of gods word , which gods word condemns ; but gods word condemns your ceremonies , therefore they do not abide the trial thereof , but as a thie● abides the trial of the inquest , and thereby is condemned to be hanged , &c. the minor is evident ▪ for the plain and strait commandement is , not th●● thing that appears good in thine eyes shalt thou do to the lord thy god , but what the lord thy god hath commanded thee , that do thou , adde nothing to it , diminish nothing from it . now unless ye be able to prove that god hath commanded your ceremonies , this command will damn both you and them . the frier would not answer directly , but ever fled to the authority of the church . whereto mr. knox answered oftner then once , that the spouse of christ had neither power nor authority against the word of god. then said the frier , you will leave us no church . indeed ( said mr. knox ) in david i read , that there is a church of malignants , that church ye may have without the word , &c. but as for me i will be of none other church , except of that which hath jesus christ to be pastour , which hears his voice , and will not hear a stranger . upon the appearance of one and twenty french gallies in the sight of the castle , the castle was demanded to be delivered , and the governour refusing , it was besieged by sea and land , the plague being within . mr. knox ever told them within , that their corrupt life , having fallen into all kind of licentiousness , puft up with pride of their success , and relying on england for help in case of need , could not escape the punishment of god. when they triumphed of their victory , he lamented , and said , they saw not what he saw . when they bragged of the force and thickness of their walls , he said , they should be but egge-shells . when they vaunted , england will rescue us , he said , ye shall not see them , but ye shall be delivered into your enemies hands , and shall be carried into a strange countrey . the last of iuly the castle was delivered upon articles , that the lives of all in the castle should be saved , and safely transported into france , &c. in france the principal , that looked for freedome , were put into several prisons , and the rest were left in the gallies , and miserably used , among which mr. knox was all the winter . when mr. iames balfour ( afterwards sir iames balfour , and an apostate ) would ask mr. knox , if he thought that ever they should be delivered ; his answer ever was , that god would deliver them from that bondage to his glory , even in this life . when the gallies returned to scotland , within sight of st. andrews , mr. iames willed mr. knox ( who was then extremely sick , that few hoped his life ) to look to the land , and asked if he knew it ? he answered , yes , i know it well , for i see the steeple of that place , where god in publick opened my mouth to his glory , and i am fully perswaded , how weak soever i now appear , that i shall not depart this life , till that my tongue shall glorifie his holy name in the same place . this he spake many years before he sate foot on scottish ground . in answer to a letter from those that were imprisoned in mount michel , mr. knox writes ; that if without the blood of any shed or spilt by them for their deliverance , they might set themselves at liberty , they might safely do it . but to shed any mans blood for their freedome , thereto would he never consent . adding farther , that he was assured that god would deliver them and the rest of that company , even in the eyes of the world , but not by such means they looked for , that the praise of their deliverance should redound to his glory onely . he willed therefore every one to take the occasion that god offered to them , provided that they did nothing against gods command for deliverance . — adding , that in one instant god delivered the whole company into the hands of unfaithful men , but so would he not relieve them ; but some would he deliver by one means , and at one time , and others must abide for a season upon his good pleasure . when mr. knox was delivered , he came into england , and was preacher to barwick , then to newcastle , then to london , &c. but before he was delivered , whilst in the gallies , he wrote a treatise containing the summe of his doctrine , and the confession of his faith , and sent it to his familiars in scotland , with his exhortation , that they should continue in the truth , which they had professed , notwithstanding any worldly adversity that might ensue thereof . whilst he was in england , he was in so great favour and esteem with king edward the sixth , that he was offered a bishoprick ; but he not onely refused and rejected it , but with a grave and severe speech declared , that the proud title of lordship , and that great state was not to be suffered to be in the church of god , as having quid commune cum antichristo , i. e. somewhat common with antichrist . king edward being dead , the persecution of queen mary made him leave england , with many other godly ministers ; and first he went to frankford , where for a time he preached the gospel to the english congregation there . there he wrote his admonition to england , an. . in his admonition to the true professours of the gospel of christ in england . — looking for a suitable scripture to handle for your consolation in these most dark and dolorous times , as i was turning my book , i chanced to see a note in the margin written thus in latin , vid eat anglia , let england beware , the note written was this , seldome it is that god worketh any notable work to the comfort of his church , but that trouble , fear , and labour cometh upon such as god hath used for his servants , and workmen ; and also tribulation most commonly followeth that church , where christ jesus is most truly preached . this note was made upon matth. . which place declareth that after christ had used the apostles , as ministers and servants to feed so many thousand , &c. he sent them to sea , &c. and there they met with a storm , that was like to overthrow their poor boat and them . — remembring that i had handled the same scripture in your presence , i thought nothing more expedient , then shortly to call to mind such things , as then , i trust , were touched . — why christ sent away from him the people , the evangelist iohn declareth , saying , when iesus knew that they were come to take him , that they might make him king , he passed secretly ( or all alone ) to the mountain . — the people sought by christ a carnal and worldly liberty , regarding nothing his heavenly doctrine , &c. viz. that such as would follow him , must suffer for his names sake persecution , must be hated of all men , must deny themselves , must be sent forth , as sheep among wolves : no part of this doctrine pleased them ; but their whole mind was upon their bellies , for sufficing whereof , they devised that they would appoint christ their worldly king ; for he had power to multiply bread at his pleasure . which vain opinion perceived by christ , he withdrew himself from their company , to avoid all such suspition , and to let them understand , that no such honours did agree with his vocation , who came to serve , and not to be served . — why the disciples should suffer that great danger , saint mark plainly shews , saying , that their hearts were blinded , and therefore did neither remember , nor consider the miracle of the loaves , i. e. albeit they touched the bread , &c. and gathered up twelve baskets full , &c. yet did not they rightly consider the infinite power of christ jesus by this wonderful miracle ; and therefore of necessity it was , that in their own bodies they should suffer trouble for their better instruction . when i deeply consider how the flock of christ was fed under king edward the sixth , and now behold the dispersion , &c. methinks i see the same causes to have moved god , not onely to withdraw his presence frem the multitude , but also to have sent his well beloved servants to the travels of the seas , &c. what were the affections of the greatest multitude that followed the gospel is easily judged by their lives . who lived ( in that rest ) as that he had refused himself ? — as that he had been crucified with christ ? — as that he had certainly looked for trouble to come upon him ? yea who lived not in delicacy and joy , and seeking the world and pleasures thereof , caring for the flesh and carnal appetites , as though death and sin had clean been devoured ? and what was this else then to make of christ an earthly king ? the word , that we professed , daily cried in our ears , that our kingdome , our joy , our rest and felicity , neither was , is , nor should be upon the earth , &c. but in heaven , into which we must enter by many tribulations . but , alas ! we sleeped in such security , that the sound of the trumpet could of many never be perfectly understood , but alwayes we perswaded our selves of a certain tranquility , as though the troubles , whereof mention is made within the scriptures of god , appertained not at all to this age , &c. and therefore was our heavenly father compelled to withdraw from us the presence of his verity , to the end we may more earnestly thirst for the same , and with more obedience embrace and receive it , &c. — i mean not that such as have left christ in body and heart shall embrace the verity , but such as by the infirmity of the flesh , and weakness of faith dare not openly and boldly confess that , which their hearts know to be most true , and lament for the imperfection by-past and present ; from such shall not the amiable presence of christ for ever be withdrawn ; but yet again shall the eyes of their sore troubled hearts behold the light of christs gospel , wherein they most delight . we the ministers , who were distributers of this bread ( the true word of god ) lacked not our offences , which also moved god to send us to the sea. and because no mans offences are so manifest unto me as mine own , i will onely censure my self . — ( o that all such ministers , as are put from their charges , would seriously and sadly peruse and lay to heart his humble confession . ) the portion of heavenly bread which i received from christ by his benediction multiplyed in breaking , &c. but alas ! how little did i consider the dignity of that office , and the power of god , that then multiplied the bread , the people received of my hands ? god i take to record in my conscience , that i delivered the same bread , that i received of christs hands ; and that i mixed no poyson with the same , i. e. i teached christs gospel without any mixture of mens dreams , devices , or phantasies , but alas i did it not with such fervency , with such indifferency and diligence , as now i know it was my duty . some complained in those dayes that the preachers were indiscreet persons , yea railers , &c. — but alas this day my conscience accuseth me , that i spake not so plainly , as my duty was to have done ; for i ought to have said to the wicked man expresly by his name , thou shalt die the death . i find ieremiah the prophet to have done so to pashur the high priest , and to zedekiah the king. — the blind love i did bear to this my wicked carkass , was the chief cause i was not fervent and faithful enough in that behalf ; for i had no will to provoke the hatred of all men against me . — as i was not so fervent in rebuking manifest iniquity , as i should , so was i not so indifferent a feeder as is required of christs steward ; for the love of friends and carnal affection of some men , with whom i was most familiar , allured me to make more residence in one place then in another , having more respect to the pleasure of a few , then the necessity of many . — moreover remaining in one place , i was not so diligent as mine office required ; but sometime by counsel of carnal friends i spared the body , some time i spent in worldly business of particular friends , and sometime in taking recreation ▪ &c. and albeit men may judge these to be light and small offences , yet i acknowledge that unless pardon should be granted unto me in christs blood , that every one of these three offences deserved damnation . — and beside these , i am assaulted , yea , infected and corrupted with seeking the favour , estimation , and praise of men . — o lord be merciful to my great offence , and deal not with me according to my great iniquity ; but according to the multitude of thy mercies remove from me the burden of my sin ; for of purpose and mind to have avoided the vain displeasure of man , i spared little to offend thy majesty . think not that i thus accuse my self without cause , to appear more holy , or to accuse my brethren ; no , god is judge to my conscience , that i do it from an unfeigned and sore troubled heart . — this great tempest cometh from the great mercy of our heavenly father , to provoke us to unfeigned repentance ; for neither preacher , nor professor did rightly consider the time of our merciful visitation , but we spent our time , as though gods word had rather been preached to satisfie our phantasies , then to reform our evil manners . which thing if we earnestly repent , then shall jesus christ appear unto our comfort , be the storm never so great . haste , o lord , for thy names sake . observe next the vehemency of the fear , which the disciples indured in that great danger , of longer continuance then any before ; they were in the midst of the raging sea , and it was night , and christ their comforter absent from them , and cometh not to them neither in the first , second , nor third watch. what fear think you were they in ? such as be in like danger in england do by this storm better understand , then my pen can express . — what we read here to have chanced to christs disciples , and their poor boat , the same thing hath chanced , doth , and will chance to the true church , travelling ( like a ship ) in the sea of this troublesome world , to the haven of eternal felicity . — the wind , that alwayes hath blown against the church of god , is the malice of the devil : as the wind is invisible , and yet the poor disciples feel that it troubleth and letteth their ship ; so the pestilent envy of the devil worketh in reprobates so subtily , that it cannot be espied by gods elect , nor by his messengers , till first they feel the blasts thereof to blow their ship backward . as the vehement wind causeth the waves of the sea to rage , and yet the dead water neither knoweth what it doth , nor can cease from being troubled , and troubling christs disciples in their poor ship ; so by the envy and malice of the devil are wicked and cruel , both subjects and princes ( whose hearts are like the raging sea ) compelled to persecute the true church of christ , and yet so blinded , that they see not their manifest iniquity , nor can they cease to run to their own destruction . — the whole malice of the devil hath alwayes this end , to vex and overthrow christs afflicted church . — albeit the tyrants of the earth have learned by long experience , that they are never able to prevail against gods truth , yet because they are bound slaves to their master the devil , they cannot cease to persecute the members of christ , when the devil bloweth his wind in the darkness of the night , i. e. when the light of christs gospel is taken away , and the devil reigneth by idolatry , superstition , and tyranny . — it is fearful to be heard that the devil hath such power over any man , but yet the word of god hath so instructed us , and therefore we must believe it . he is called the prince and god of this world , because he reigneth and is honoured by tyranny and idolatry in it . he is called the prince of darkness , that hath power in the aire . it is said , he worketh in the children of unbelief , &c. — and therefore wonder not that now the devil rageth in his obedient servants ; for this is their hour and power granted to them , they cannot cease , nor asswage their furious fumes ; for the devil , their sire , stirreth , moveth , and carrieth them at his will. — i do not attribute to him or them power at their pleasure , but onely as god shall suffer . when therefore i hear what the ravenous lions do , i pray , o lord , those cruel tyrants are loosed by thy hand , to punish our former ingratitude , whom , we trust , thou wilt not suffer to prevail for ever , but when thou hast corrected us a little , and hast declared to the world the tyranny that lurked in their boldened breasts , then wilt thou break their jaw-bones , and wilt shut them up in their caves again , that the generation and posterity following may praise thy holy name , before thy congregation . amen . — i know that god shall yet shew mercy to his afflicted church in england , and repress the pride of these present tyrants , as he hath done those that were before us . therefore , beloved brethren in our saviour jesus christ , hold up to god your hands , that are fainted through fear , and hear the voice of your god , who sweareth by himself , that he will not suffer his church to be oppressed for ever , and that he will not despise our sobs to the end , if we will rowe and strive against this vehement wind : i mean , if that ye will not turn back headlong to idolatry , then shall this storm be asswaged in despight of the devil . — be not moved from the sure foundation of your faith ; for albeit that christ iesus be absent from you ( as he was from his disciples in that great storm ) by his bodily presence , yet he is present by his mighty power and grace . he standeth upon the mountain in security and rest , i. e. his flesh and whole humanity is now in heaven , and can suffer no such trouble , as once he did ; yet he is full of pity and compassion , and doth consider all our travel , anguish , and labours ; wherefore it is not to be doubted , but that he will suddenly appear to our great comfort . the tyranny of this world cannot keep back his coming , more then the blustering wind and raging seas let christ to come to his disciples , looking for present death . — we gave you warning of these dayes long ago : for the reverence of christs blood let these words be noted ; the same truth , that spake before of these dolorous dayes , fore-spake also the everlasting joy prepared for such as should continue to the end . the trouble is come : o dear brethren look for the comfort , and ( after the example of the apostle ) abide in resisting this vehement storm a little space . the third watch is not yet ended . remember that christ came not to his disciples till the fourth watch . — observe next that the disciples at the presence of christ were more afraid then they were before : that christ useth no other instrument but his word to pacifie their hearts : that peter in a fervency first left the ship , and yet after feared : that christ permitted neither peter , nor the rest of his disciples to perish in that fear , but gloriously delivered all , and pacified the tempest . — there were three causes why the disciples knew not christ , but judged him to be a spirit : the darkness of the night , that letted their eyes to see him : the unaccustomed vision that appeared ; and it was above nature that a massy , weighty , and heavy body of a man ( such as they understood their master christ to have ) should be born up of , and walk upon the water of the raging sea and not sink : and finally , the horrour of the tempest , and great danger they were in perswaded them to look for none other , but certainly to be drowned . — what here hapned to christ himself , daily hapneth to the verity of his blessed word , &c. the truth and sincere preaching of his glorious gospel , sent by god for mans deliverance from sin , &c. is judged to be heresie and deceiveable doctrine , sent by the devil to mans destruction . — the chief note is this , the more nigh deliverance , and salvation approacheth , the more strong and vehement is the temptation of the church of god : and the more nigh that gods vengeance approacheth to the wicked , the more proud , cruel , and arrogant are they . whereby it commonly comes to pass , that the messengers of life are judged to be the authors of all mischief . thus the israelites cursed moses , alledging that he and aaron was the whole cause of their last extreme trouble . — this i write to admonish you , that although you see tribulation so abound , that no hope be left , that yet you decline not from god. and that albeit sometimes ye be moved to hate the messengers of life , that therefore ye shall not judge that god will never shew mercy after . no , dear brethren , as he hath dealt with others before you , so will he deal with you . — one cause why god permitteth such blood-thirsty tyrants to molest his church , is this , such is his justice , that he will not pour forth his extreme vengeance upon the wicked , until such time as their iniquity be so manifest , that their very flatterers cannot excuse it . pharaoh was not destroyed , till his own houshold servants and subjects abhorred and condemned his stubborn disobedience . — if gardener , tunstal , and bonner had suffered death when first they deserved it , papists would have alledged ( as they did ) that they were reformable , neither thirsted they for the blood of any man. and of lady mary , who hath not heard , that she was sober , merciful , and one that loved the commonwealth of england ? had she and her pestilent council been dead before these dayes , their iniquity and cruelty had not so manifestly appeared to the world . — thus ( dear brethren ) must the sons of the devil declare their own impiety and ungodliness , that when gods vengeance ( which shall not sleep ) shall be poured forth upon them , all tongues shall confess and say , that god is righteous in all his judgements . — the means christ used to remove the disciples fear is onely his word , he said , be of good comfort , it is i , be not afraid . the natural man ( that cannot understand the power of god ) would have desired some other present comfort in so great a danger , as either to have had the heavens to have opened , and to have shewed them such a light in that darkness , that christ might have been fully known by his own face , or else , that the winds and raging waves of the sea suddenly should have ceased , or some other miracle , that had been subject to all their senses , whereby they might have perfectly known that they were delivered from all danger . and truly equal it had been to christ jesus to have done any of these ( or any work greater ) as to have said , it is i , be not afraid : but he would hereby teach us the dignity and effectual power of his holy word . — this i write ( beloved in the lord ) that ye knowing the word of god , not onely to be that whereby were created heaven and earth , but also to be the power of god to salvation to all that believe , &c. may now in this hour of darkness and most raging tempest , thirst and pray , that ye may hear yet once again this amiable voice of your saviour christ , be of good comfort , it is i , be not afraid . — exercise your selves secretly in revolving that which sometimes you have heard openly proclaimed in your ears , and be every man now a faithful preacher to his brother ; if your communication be of christ , assuredly he will come before ye be aware . — what comfort was in the hearts of the disciples , when they heard these words , it is i , your master , your master , most familiar , whose voice you know , whose work you have seen , who commanded you to enter into this journey , it is i , be not afraid , cannot be exprest , but by those that have experienced the comforts of the spirit after great conflicts , &c. — it is certain christs voice had wrought in peter's heart , not onely a forgetting and contempt of the great tempest , but such boldness and love , that he could fear no danger following , but assuredly did believe that nothing could resist his masters command , and therefore he saith , command me to come , q. d. i desire no more then the assurance of thy command . if thou wilt command , i am determined to obey . the waters cannot prevail against me if thou speak the word : so that whatsoever is possible unto thee , by thy will and word may be possible unto me . — — such as bear reverence to gods most holy word , are drawn by the power and vertue of the same , to believe , and follow , and obey that , which god commandeth , be it never so hard , and contrary to their affections ; and therefore are they wonderfully preserved , when gods vengeances are poured forth upon the disobedient . — in peter's being afraid , seeing a mighty wind , and when he began to sink , crying , lord , save me : three things are principally to be noted ; from whence cometh the fear of gods elect : why they faint in adversity : what resteth with them in the time of their fear and down-sinking . — the cause of our fear , who would through the storms of the sea go to christ , is , that we more consider the dangers and lets that are in our journey , then we do the almighty power of him that hath commanded us to come to himself . — this i note for this purpose , that albeit this late most raging storm hath taken from you the presence of christ for a time , so that you have doubted whether it was christ which you saw before or not ; and albeit that the vehemency of this contrary wind , that would drive you from christ , hath so employed your ears , that almost you have forgotten what he was who commanded you to come to himself , when that he cried , come unto me , &c. pass from babylon , o my people , &c. yet despair not , such offences have chanced to gods elect before you . if obstinately ye shall not continue , yet shall you find mercy and grace . — so long as peter neither feared danger , nor mistrusted christs word , so long the waves did serve his feet , as if they had been dry , solid , and sure ground , &c. to instruct us , that lively faith makes man bold , and is able to carry in through such perils , as be uncapable to nature . but when faith begins to faint , then beginneth man to sink down in every danger . — indeed with gods elect in their greatest fear and danger , there resteth some small spark of faith , which by one means or other declareth it self ; albeit the af●l●cted person in fear or danger doth not presently perceive the same . — lord , save me , declares that peter knew the power of christ able to deliver him , and that he had some hope through christs goodness to obtain deliverance . — it is also to be noted , that in his great jeopardy peter murmureth not against christ , neither blame him , albeit at his command he had left his boat , he saith not , why lettest thou me sink , seeing i have obeyed thy command ? moreover , he asked help of christ alone . — immediately stretched forth his hand , &c. note , that god is alwayes nigh to those that call on him faithfully , &c. what was visibly done to peter , is done to christs members invisibly in all ages . — open your ears ( dear brethren ) and let your hearts understand that our god is unchangeable , his gracious hand is not shortned this day . — if we know the danger we are in , and unfeignedly call for deliverance , the lords hand is nigher then the sword of our enemies . christs rebuke of peter teacheth us , that god doth not flatter , nor conceal the faults of his elect , but maketh them manifest , that the offenders may repent , and that others may avoid the like offences . — in passing to christ through the storms of this world , it is not onely required that our faith be fervent in the beginning , but constant to the end , and not faint . — we have less excuse for doubting then peter , for he might have alledged , that he was not advertised that any great storm should have risen between him and christ , which we cannot justly alledge ; for since christ hath appeared to us , he hath continually blown in our ears , that persecution should follow the word that we professed . alas then , why doubt we through this storm to go to christ ? support , o lord , and let us sink no farther . — o blessed and happy are those that patiently abide the deliverance of the lord. the raging sea shall not levour them , albeit they have fainted , &c. the majesty of christs presence shall put to silence this boisterous wind , the malice of the devil , which so bloweth in the hearts of princes , prelates , and earthly men , &c. — — peradventure some there are of gods elect beholdin● such as have sometimes boldly professed christs verity , now to be returned to their accustomed abominations , and themselves to be so overcome of fear , that against their knowledge and conscience they stoop to an idol , and with their presence maintain the same fear , whether it be possible the members of christs body can be permitted so horribly to fall to the denial of their head. the dolour and fear of such i grant to be most just ; for o how fearfull is it for the love of this transitory life in the presence of man to deny christ , and his known and undoubted verity ? yet such as be not obstinate contemners of god i should counsel , that they would rather appeal to mercy , then to pass against themselves the fearfull sentence of condemnation , and to consider that god includeth all under unbelief , that he may have mercy on all . — and that all christs apostles fled from him , and denied him in their hearts , and yet were not rejected for ever . — some may demand , how shall it be known in whom faith is not utterly quenched , and in whom it is , seeing all flee from christ , and bow down to idolatry ? hard it is , and in a manner impossible , that one man should be able to judge of another , that could not elijah do of the israelites in his daies , but yet a man may of himself . — and wilt thou have a trial , whether the root of faith remaineth with thee or not ? feelest thou thy soul fainting in faith , as peter felt his body sink down in the waters ? art thou as sore afraid , that thy soul shall drown in hell , if thou consentest or obeyest idolatry , as peter was , that his body should drown in the waters ? desirest thou as earnestly the deliverance of thy soul , as peter did the deliverance of his body ? believest thou that christ is able to deliver thy soul , and that he will do the same according to his promise ? dost thou call upon him without hypocrisie , now in the day of thy trouble ? dost thou thirst for his presence , and for the liberty of his word again ? mournest thou for the great abominations that now overslow the realm of england ? if these promises remain in thy heart , then art not thou altogether destitute of faith , neither shalt thou descend to perdition for ever , but the lord shall mercifully stretch forth his mighty hand , and deliver thee . how ? it neither appertains to thee to demand , nor to me to define . — i think not that suddenly and by one means shall all the faithfull in england be delivered from idolatry : no , it may be that god so strengthens the hearts of some of those that have fainted before , that they will resist idolatry to the death , and that were a glorious and triumphant deliverance : of others god may so touch the hearts , that they will chuse to go as pilgrims , from realm to realm , suffering hunger , cold , heat , thirst , weariness and poverty , then they will abide ( having all abundance ) in subjection of idolatry : to some god may offer such occasions , that in despight of idolaters they may remain in their own land , and yet neither bow the knee to baal , nor lack the lively food of gods most holy word . — seeing we are so like the disciples , let us make such a complaint ( as the following one ) unto god. g god , the heathen are entred into thine inheritance , they have defiled thy holy temple , and have profaned thy blessed ordinances , &c. thy prophets are persecuted , and none are permitted to speak thy word freely , the poor sheep of thy pasture are commanded to drink the venemous waters of mens traditions , &c. such is the tyranny of these most cruel beasts , that they say plainly , they shall root us out at once , so that no remembrance shall remain of us on earth . o lord ▪ thou knowest we are but flesh , &c. we confess we are punished most justly , thy blessed gospel was in our ears , like a lovers song , it pleased us for a time ; but alas ! our lives did nothing agree with holy statutes . — but be thou mindfull , o lord , that thy enemies blaspheme thy holy name , &c. thy gospel is called heresie , and we are accused as traitors , for professing the same , &c. albeit our sins accuse and condemn us , yet do thou according to thy great name . — correct us , but not in thy hot displeasure , spare thy people , and permit not thine inheritance to be in rebuke for ever , &c. gather us yet once again to the wholesome treasures of thy most holy word , that openly we may confess thy blessed name within the realm of england . — amen . — abide patiently the lords deliverance , avoiding and flying such offences as may separate and divide you from the blessed fellowship of the lord jesus at his second coming . watch and pray , resist the devil , and rowe against this vehement tempest , and the lord shall come shortly to your comfort , and you shall say , behold , this is our god , we have waited for him , and he hath saved us . — mr. knox remained at frankford till some more given to unprofitable ceremonies , then to the sincerity of religion , essaied by a most cruel , barbarous , and bloody practice to dispatch him out of the way . they accused him to the magistrates of high treason against the emper●ur , and his son philip , and mary queen of england , for that in his admonition to england , he called the emperour no less an enemy to christ then n●ro , and queen mary more cruel then i●zabel . the magistrates , perceiving their malice , and abhorring their bloody attempt , gave advertisement secretly to him to depart their city , because they could not save him , if he were required by the emper●ur , or by the queen of england in the emperours name . the night before his departure he made a most comfortable sermon of the death and resurrection of christ , and of the unspeakable joyes that were prepared for gods elect , which in this life suffer persecution for the testimony of his blessed name . from frankford he went to geneva , and thence to diep , and thence to scotland . at his coming to edinburg , the lord made him instrumental for the comforting the troubled conscience of mrs. elizabeth adamson , who under extreme torments of body said , a thousand years of this torment , and ten times more joyned unto it , is not to be compared to a quarter of an hour that i suffered in my spirit . i thank my god , through jesus christ , that hath delivered me from that fearful pain , and welcome be this , even so long as it pleaseth the majesty of heaven to exercise me therewith . at his coming into scotland he began as well in private conference as preaching to shew how dangerous a thing it was to communicate in any son with idolatry . whereupon the question was debated , whether in any wise it was lawful for : christian to go to mass , or to communicate with the abused sacraments in the papistical manner ? i was urged , that paul at the command of iames , and of the elders of ierusalem passed to the temple and feigned himself to pay his vow with others ▪ but this and other things were so fully answered b● mr. knox , that mr. maitland confessed , i see ver● perfectly that our shifts will serve nothing before god seeing that they stand us in so small stead before men . his answer to the fact of paul , &c. was , ( ) the fact was most unlike going to mass ; for to pay vows was sometimes gods command , as was never idolatry ; and their mass from the original was and remained odious idolatry . ( ) i greatly doubt ( said he ) whether either iames's command , or paul's obedience , proceeded of the holy ghost , seeing he fell into the most desperate danger that ever he sustained before for obeying worldly-wise counsel . mr. knox was so successfull in a short time through the blessing of god , that the earl of glencarn , the earl of marschel , and henry drummond , were so contented with his exhortation , that they willed him to write unto the queen regent somewhat that might move her to hear the word of god. he obeyed their desire , and wrote that which was afterwards published , and is called , the letter to the queen dowager , which was delivered to her own hands , by the earl of glencarn . the queen having read it , delivered it to the bishop of gl●scow , saying in mockage , please you my lord to read a pasquil , which words coming to the ears of mr. knox , occasioned him to make the additions to his letter . — in his letter . — the christians victory standeth not in resisting , but suffering : as our sovereign master pronounceth to his disciples , that in patience they should possess their souls : and isaiah painteth forth all other battels to be with violence , tumult , and blood-shedding , but the victory of gods people to be in quietness , silence , and hope ; meaning that all others that obtain victory , do enforce themselves to resist their adversaries to shed blood , and to murder : but so do not gods elect , for they suffer all things at the command of him who hath appointed them to suffer , being most assuredly perswaded that then onely they triumph , when all men judge them oppressed ; for in the cross of christ alwaies is included a secret and hid victory , never well known till the sufferers appear altogether to be ( as it were ) exterminate ; for then onely did the blood of abel cry to god , when proud cain judged all memory of his brother to have been extinguished . — sometimes god toucheth the hearts of those , who in mans judgement have power to destroy his people , with pity to save them , &c. for two causes specially , ( ) to comfort his weak warriers in their manifold temptations . and ( ) to give a testimony of his favour to such great ones . — pity and mercy shewed to christs afflicted flock , as they never lacked reward temporal ; so if they be continued , and be not changed into cruelty , are assured signes and seals of everlasting mercy to be received from god. — from those words of christ , fu●fill the measure of your fathers , that all the blood which hath been shed since the blood of abel the just , till the blood of zechariah , &c. it is evident , that the murderers of our time are guilty of all the blood that hath been shed from the beginning ; and it is but equal and just it should be so ; for whosoever sheddeth the blood of any one of christs members , for professing his truth , consenteth to all the murder that hath been made from the beginning for that cause . as there is one communion of all gods elect , of which every member is participant of the righteousness of christ ; so is there a communion among the reprobates , by which every one of the serpents seed are guilty of all the iniquity which the whole body committeth , because they are altogether against christ jesus , and his eternal verity ; every one serving satan , the prince of this world , in their rank , age , degree , and estate . the kings and princes , that by power oppress the people of god , and will not suffer that they truly worship god , as he hath commanded , but will retain them in egypt , are brethren and companions to pharaoh : the prelates and priests , with their fathers the old pharisees , have taken away the key of knowledge , and have shut up the kingdome of heaven before men , so that neither they themselves will enter , nor suffer others to enter in . — as satan by craft hath corrupted the most holy ordinances of gods precepts of the first table , in the place of the spiritual honouring of god , introducing mens dreams , inventions , and fancies ; so hath he , abusing the weakness of man , corrupted the precepts of the second table , touching the honour that is due to parents , under whom are comprehended princes and teachers ; for now the devil hath so blinded the senses of many , that they cannot , or at least will not learn what appertaineth to god , and what to caesar ; but because the spirit of god hath said , honour the king ; therefore whatsoever they command , be it right or wrong , must be obeyed . it is blasphemy to affirm , that god hath commanded any creature to be obeyed against himself , that for the command of any prince , be he never so potent , men shall commit idolatry , embrace a religion which god hath not approved by his word , or confirm by their silence wicked and blasphemous laws made against the honour of his majesty ; and men that do so are traitors to their princes , whom by flattery they confirm in their rebelling against god. — god cannot lie , he cannot deny himself , he hath witnessed from the beginning , that no religion pleaseth him , except that which he by his own word hath commanded and established : the verity it self pronounceth this sentence , in vain do ye worship me , teaching for doctrines the precepts of men , and also all plantation , which my heavenly father hath not planted , shall be rooted out . before the coming of his well-beloved son in the flesh , he secretly punished all such as durst enterprise to alter or change his ceremonies or statutes , as in s●ul , uzziah , nadab , a●ihu is to be read , and will be now , after that he hath opened his counsel to the world by his onely son , whom he commandeth to be heard ; and after that by holy spirit , speaking in his apostles , he hath established the religion , in which he would have his true worshippers to abide unto the end , will he now ( i say ) admit mens inventions in the matter of religion , which he reputed for damnable idolatry ? if men or angels would affirm , that he will , or may do it , his own verity shall convince them of a lie ; for this sentence he pronounceth , not that which seemeth good in thy eyes , shalt thou do to the l●rd thy god , but that , which the lord thy god hath commanded thee , that do thou ; adde nothing unto it , diminish nothing from it , which , sealing up his new testament , he repeateth in these words , that which ye have , ho●d till i come , &c. — whilst mr. knox was thus occupied in scotland , letters came to him from the english church , assembled at geneva ( which was separated from the superstitious and contentious company that was at frankford ) commanding him in gods name , as he that was their chosen pastour , to repair unto them for their comfort . great desires there were to stay him in scotland , but he would not be perswaded , saying , once i must see that little flock , which the wickedness of men hath compelled me to leave ; adding , that if god blessed those small beginnings , and if that they continued in godliness , whensoever they pleased to command him , they should find him obedient . immediately after his leaving scotland , the bishops summoned him , and for non-appearance , burnt him in effigie at the cross in edinburg , an. . from the which unjust sentence , mr. knox made his appellation , and directed it to the nobility and commons of scotland , printed at geneva , an. . in his appellation . — to the nobility and states of scotland . — it is not onely the love of this temporal life ( right honourable ) nor the fear of corporal death that moveth me to expose unto you the injuries done against me , and to crave of you redress ; but it proceedeth partly from the reverence every man oweth to gods eternal truth , and partly from a love which i bear to your salvation . it hath pleased the lord of his infinite mercy , not onely to illuminate the eyes of my mind , &c. but to make and appoint me a witness , minister , and preacher of his doctrine , the sum whereof i communicated to my brethren in scotland , because i knew my self to be a steward , and must give an account , &c. i did therefore ( as gods minister ) whilst with them ( god is record and witness ) truly and sincerely , according to my gift divide the word of salvation , &c. — i affirmed ( so taught by my master christ jesus ) that whosoever denieth him , yea ●r is ashamed of him before this wicked generation , him shall christ deny , and of him be ashamed , &c. and therefore i feared not to affirm , that of necessity it is , that such as hope for life everlasting , avoid all superstition , vain religion , and idolatry ; vain i call , whatsoever is done in gods service or honour , without the express command of his word . — nevertheless me as an heretick , and this doctrine as heretical , have your false bishops and ungodly clergy condemned , pronouncing against me a sentence of death , in testification whereof they have formed a picture , from which false and cruel sentence , &c. i make it known to your honours , that i appeal to a lawful and general council , &c. most humbly requiring of your honours to receive me calling unto you , as to the powers of god , ordained into your protection against the rage of tyrants , not to maintain me in any iniquity , errour , or false opinion , but to let me have such equity , as god by his word , ancient laws and determinations of godly councils , grant to men accused or infamed . — it is lawfull to gods prophets and preachers of christ to appeal from the sentence and judgement of the visible church , to the knowledge of the civil magistrate , who by gods law is bound to hear their causes , and to defend them from tyranny , as appears in ieremiah's case , &c. he was condemned by the priests and prophets in ierusalem , &c. who then onely in earth were known to be the visible church , from which sentence he appealed , i. e. sought help of the princes . i am in your hands , &c. q. d. the princes of iudah and rulers of the people , to whom it belongs indifferently to judge between party and party , to justifie the just man , and to condemn the malefactour . you have heard a sentence of death pronounced against me by the priests , &c. i stand in your presence , whom god hath made princes , your power is above their tyranny , before you do i expose my cause , i cannot resist to suffer what you think just ; but least my lenity and patience should make you negligent in the defence of me in my just cause , &c. i dare not conceal . that if you murder me ( which thing ye do , if ye defend me not ) ye make your selves and this whole city guilty of my blood : whereupon they freed him from the sentence . — the same this prophet did before zedekiah . — this will more plainly appear in the fact of saint paul. — he appealed from all judgement of the priests at ierusalem to the emperour . — it seems that his cause was greatly to be suspected , partly for that he refused the judgement of those , that had most knowledge ( as all men supposed ) of gods will and religion ; and partly because he appealed to the emperour , who then was at rome , far absent from ierusalem , a man ignorant of god , and enemy to all vertue : but the apostle considering the nature of his enemies , and what things they had intended against him , did not fear to appeal from them , &c. grounding himself upon his innocency , he neither regarded the displeasure of festus , nor the brunt of the ignorant multitude , but appealed to caesar , &c. — what i think of mine own person god will reveal , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed , &c. but touching the doctrine and cause , for which that adulterous and wicked generation of antichrists servants ( who will be called bishops among you ) have condemned me : i fear not , neither do i shame to confess and avow before man and angel to be the eternal truth of the eternal god ; and in that case i doubt not to compare my self with any member , in whom the truth hath been impugned , since the beginning . — seeing that my battel is against the proud and cruel hypocrites of this age , as that battel of those most excellent instruments was against the false prophets and malignant church of their ages . no man ought to think it strange that i compare my self with them , with whom i sustain a common cause . — but lest that some doubt remain , that i require more of you then you of conscience are bound to grant , — i purpose briefly , but yet freely to speak what god by his word doth assure me to be true . ( ) that in conscience you are bound to punish malefactours , and to defend innocents imploring your help . ( ) that god requireth of you to provide that your subjects be rightly instructed in his true religion , and that the same be by you reformed , whensoever abuses do creep in by the malice of satan , and negligence of men . ( ) that you are bound to remove from honour , and to punish with death ( if the crime so require ) such as deceive the people , or defraud them of that food of their souls ; i mean , gods lively word . — after that m●ses had declared what was true religion , viz. to honour god as he commanded , adding nothing to his word , neither diminishing any thing from it ; and after also he had vehemently exhorted them to observe the same law , he denounceth the punishment against the transgressours , if thy brother , son , daughter , wife , or neighbour , whom thou lovest as thine own life , sollicite thee secret , saying , let us go serve other gods , &c. let not thine eye spare him , &c. observe here , ( ) that such as sollicitate onely to idolatry , ought to be punished to death , without favour or respect of person , &c. ( ) that the punishment of such crimes , as are idolatry , blasphemy , and others that touch the majesty of god , doth not appertain to kings onely , but also to the whole body of the people , and every member thereof , according to his vocation , &c. god even streightly commandeth , that a city declining to idolatry should fall by the edge of the sword , and that the whole spoil of the same should be burned , no portion of it reserved , that the lord may turn from the fury of his wrath , &c. hinting , that by the defection and idolatry of a few , gods wrath is kindled against the whole , which is never quenched , till such punishment be taken upon the offenders , that whosoever served them in their idolatry be brought to destruction ; because that it is execrable and accursed before god. — if any think that this is contrary to the practise of the ap●stles , who finding the gentiles in idolatry , did call them to repentance , requiring no such punishment : i answer , that the gentiles before the preaching of christ , were never avowed by god to be his people , nor received into his houshold , neither were his laws given unto them to be kept in religion , nor policy ; and therefore no corporal punishment was inflicted on them , &c. but after they repented of their idolatries and embraced , and made one people with the believing iews , they were subject to the same law , as the iews were , and were liable to the same punis●ment if they returned to idolatry again . — in universal defections , and a general revolt , such as was in israel after ieroboam , there is a diverse consideration ; for then , because the whole people were conspired against god , none could be found to execute the punishment god had appointed , till god raised up iehu , whom he appointed for that purpose . — i know that your bishops , &c. will cry , a damned heretick ought not to be heard . but remember , my lords , what i protested in the beginning , upon which ground i continually stand , i am no heretick , no deceivable teacher , but the servant of christ jesus , a preacher of his infallible verity , innocent in all they can lay to my charge , &c. and therefore am unjustly condemned , from which cruel sentence i have appealed , and do appeal ( as before ) in the mean time most humbly requiring your honours to take me into your protection , to be auditors of my just defences , granting unto me the same liberty , which ahab , a wicked king , and israel , at that time a blinded people , granted to elijah in the like case , viz. that your bishops , and the whole rable of your clergy may be called before you , and before the people whom they have deceived ; that i be not condemned by multitude , custome , authority , or law devised by man , but that god himself may be judge betwixt me and my adversaries . let god , i say , speak by his law , prophets , christ jesus , apostles , and so let him pronounce what religion he approveth , and then be my enemies never so many , and appear they never so strong and learned , no more do i fear victory , then did elijah , being but one man , against the multitude of baal's priests . and if they think to have advantage by their councils and doctors , this i farther offer , to admit the one and the other as witnesses in all matters debatable , three things ( which justly cannot be denied ) being granted , ( ) that the most ancient councils , ●ighest to the primitive church , in which the learned and godly fathers examined all matters by gods word , may be holden of most authority . ( ) that no determination of councils , or man , be admitted against the plain verity of gods word , nor against the determination of those four chief councils , &c. ( ) that to no doctor be given greater authority , then augustine required to be given to his writings , viz. if he plainly prove not his affirmation by gods infallible word , that then his sentence be rejected and imputed to the errour of a man. — — to the commonalty of scotland . — i am most assuredly perswaded , that whatsoever is used in the papistical church , is altogether repugnant to christs blessed ordinance , and is nothing but mortal venome , of which whosoever drinketh , therewith he drinketh death and damnation , except by true conversion unto god he be purged from the same . — it will be said , that it is unreasonable , that ye should call your religion in doubt , which hath been approved and established by so long continuance , and by the consent of so many men before you . but i shortly answer , that neither is the long continuance of time , neither the multitude of men a sufficient approbation , which god will allow for our religion : for as some of the ancients witness , neither can long process of time justifie an errour , nor can the multitude of such as follow it , change the nature of the same ; but if it was an errour in the beginning , so it is in the end ; and the longer that it be followed , and the more that do receive it , it is the more pestilent , and the more to be avoided . if antiquity or multitude of men could justifie any religion , then was the idolatry of the gentiles , and now is the abomination of the turks good religion ; for antiquity approved the one , and a multitude have received and do defend the other . but otherwise to answer ; godl● men may wonder from what fountain such a sentence doth flow , that no man ought to try his faith and religion by gods word , but he may safely believe and follow every thing , which antiquity and multitude have approved . the spirit of god doth otherwise teach us , search the scriptures , &c. the bareans are commended for trying the apostles doctrine by gods plain scriptures . believe not every spirit , but try the spirits , &c. whoso doth evil hateth the light ; neither will he come to the light , lest that his works be manifested and rebuked . — truth being of the nature of fine purified gold , doth not fear the trial of the furnace ; but the stubble and chaffe of mens inventions ( such is their religion ) may not abide the flame of the fire . — seeing religion is to man , as the stomack to the body , which , if it be corrupted , doth infect all the members , it is necessary that the same be examined , and if it be found replenished with pestilent humours ( i mean with the fancies of men ) then of necessity it is that those be purged , else shall your bodies and souls perish for ever . a corrupt religion defileth the whole life of man , appear it never so holy . neither would i that ye should esteem the reformation and care of religion less to appertain to you , because you are no kings , rulers , iudges , nobles , nor in authority . — to believe and receive the gospel the commonalty are no less bound , then be their rulers and princes . — as your bodies cannot escape corporal death , if with your princes ye eat re drink deadly poyson ( although it be by ignorance or negligence ) so shall ye not escape the everlasting , if with them ye pro●ess a corrupt religion . — as the just liveth by his own faith , so doth the unfaithful perish by his own infidelity — if ye look for the life everlasting , you must try if ye stand in the faith ; and if ye would be assured of a true and lively faith , you must needs have christ truly preached unto you . — when the tabernacle was built and set in order , god provided how it and the things pertaining to the same should be sustained , so that they should not fall in decay : and this provision ( albeit heaven and earth obey his empire ) would he not take from the secret and hid treasures , which lie dispersed in the veins of the earth , neither yet would he take it onely from the rich and potent of the people , but the rich should give no more for that use , then the poor , nor the poor less then the rich . — if this equality was commanded by god for the maintenance of that transitory tabernacle , which was but a shadow of a better to come ; is not the same required of us , who have the verity , which is christ jesus ? he being clad in our nature is immanuel , i. e. god with us . and for the more assurance of his promise of being with us , &c. he hath erected among us the signs of his own presence with us , the true preaching of his word , and right administration of the sacraments , his spiritual tabernacle , to the maintenance whereof is no less bound the subject then the prince , the poor then the rich . — as the one is obliged to believe in heart , and with mouth to confess the lord iesus , so also is the other . — the poorest that in the dayes of this cruel persecution believeth in christ , and boldly doth confess him before this wicked generation , is no less acceptable before god , then is the king , that by his sword and power rooteth out idolatry , and so advanceth christs glory . — from geneva , iuly . . afterwards mr. knox called back again into scotland by some lords , &c. but a stop being for a while put upon his return , he writ from diep , octob. . . having left geneva . in his letter . — if any perswade you for fear of dangers that may follow , to faint in your former purpose , let him be judged of you both foolish and your mortal enemy : foolish , because he understood nothing of gods approved wisdome ; and enemy unto you , because he laboured to separate you from gods favour , provoking his vengeance and grievous plagues against you ; because he would that you should prefer your worldly rest to gods praise and glory , and the friendship of the wicked to the salvation of your brethren . i am not ignorant that fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise : but o joyful and comfortable are the troubles and adversities , which man sustaineth for accomplishment of gods will revealed by his word ! how terrible soever they appear to the judgement of the natural man , yet are they never able to devour , nor utterly to consume the sufferers ; for the invisible and invincible power of god sustaineth and preserveth , according to his promise , all such , as with simplicity do obey him . — when the bishop of saint andrews threatned mr. knox , that if he preached there ( as he intended ) he should be assaulted with a dozen of culverings . being demanded his judgement , whether his preaching should not be delayed , answered , god is my witness , that i never preached christ jesus in contempt of any man , neither mind i at any time to present my self to that place , having either respect to my own private commodity , or to the worldly hurt of any creature : but to delay to preach to morrow ( unless the body be violently withholden ) i cannot in conscience ; for in this town and church god began first to call me to the dignity of a preacher , from the which i was reft by the tyranny of france , and procurement of the bishops , what torment i sustained in the gallies , &c. is now no time to recite . this onely i cannot conceal , which more then one have heard me say , when absent from scotland , that my assured hope was in open audience to preach at saint andrews , before i departed this life . and therefore , my lords , seeing that god , above the expectation of many , hath brought my body to the same place , where first i was called to the office of a preacher , and from the which i was most unjustly removed , i beseech your honours not to stop me from presenting my self unto my brethren : and as for the fear of danger , that may come to me , let no man be sollicitous ; for my life is in the custody of him , whose glory i seek ; and therefore i cannot so fear their boast or tyranny , that i will cease from doing my duty , when of mercy he offereth the occasion . i desire not the hand of any man to defend me , onely i crave audience , &c. whereupon the lords were fully content he should preach ; and so he did , upon the ejection of the buyers and sellers forth of the temple , applying the corruption that was then , to the corruption that is in papistry , and christs fact to the duty of those to whom god gives power and zeal to remove all monuments of idolatry . — when the lords and those that favoured reformation were driven from edinburg to sterling ( which was the time of their greatest trouble ) mr. knox preached on psal. . . , , . in the sermon . — god in wisdome sometimes suffers his chosen flock to mockage , and dangers , yea apparent destruction ; that they may feel the vehemency of gods indignation ; that they may know how little strength is in themselves ; that they may leave a testimony to the generations following , as well of the malice of the devil against gods people , as of the marvellous work of god in preserving his little flock by far other means , then man can espy . — it is a great and sore temtation , when god turns away his face from our prayers , &c. this temptation no flesh can overcome or abide , unless the mighty spirit of god interpose ; as appears in saul , when god would not hear him . the difference between the elect and reprobate in this temptation is this ; the elect , sustained by the secret power of gods spirit , still call upon god , albeit he appear to contemn their prayers , as iacob did , &c. but the reprobate , being denied their requests , do cease to pray , and contemn god , and it may be seek to the devil for what they cannot obtain by god. — such is our tender delicacy and self-love of our own flesh , that those things , which we lightly pass over in others , we can greatly complain of , if they touch our selves . — when the sins of men are rebuked in general , seldome is it that man descendeth within himself , accusing and condemning in himself that , which most displeaseth god ; but rather he doubteth that to be a cause , which before god is no cause indeed ; as the israelites supposed the cause of their overthrow was , because they had lifted the sword against their brethren of benjamin , and yet the express command that was given them , did deliver them from all crime in that cause . — the true cause was their going to execute judgement against the wicked without repentance for their own former offences and defection from god ; and their trusting in their own strength , they were a great multitude , and the other far inferiour to them . — when we were a few , &c. we called upon god , and took him for our protector , defence , and refuge ; among us we had no bragging of multitude , nor of our strength , nor of our policy ; we did onely sob to god to have respect to the equity of our cause , and to the cruel pursuit of the tyrannical enemy . but since that our number hath been multiplied , and great ones joyned with us , nothing hath been heard , but , this lord will bring these many hundred spears ; this man hath the credit to perswade the countrey ; if this eare be ours , no man in such bounds will trouble us . thus we made flesh our arm. — it resteth that we turn to the eternal our god ( who beateth down to the death , that he may raise up again , to leave the remembrance of his wonderous deliverance , to the praise of his own name ) which if we do unfeignedly , i no more doubt , but that this our dolour , confusion , and fear , shall be turned into joy , honour , and boldness , then that god gave victory to the israelites over the benjamites , after that twice with ignominy they were repulsed . yea , whatsoever shall become of us and our mortal carkases , i doubt not but that this cause ( in despight of satan ) shall prevail ; for it is the eternal truth of the eternal god. it may be that god shall plague some ; for that they delight not in the truth , albeit for worldly respects they seem to favour it : yea god may take some of his dearest children away , before that their eyes see greater troubles ; but neither shall the one , nor the other so hinder this action , but in the end it shall triumph . after the taking of kinghorn , at which time the queen regent blasphemously said , where now is iohn knox his god ? my god is now stronger then he even in fife . mr. knox preached a comfortable sermon , on the danger wherein the disciples of christ , when they were in the midst of the sea , and jesus upon the mountain , exhorting them not to faint , but to rowe against the contrary blasts , till that jesus christ should come ; for ( said he ) i am assuredly perswaded , that god will deliver us from this extreme trouble , as that this is the gospel of jesus christ , which i preach unto you this day . the fourth watch is not yet come , abide a little , the boat shall be saved , and peter , which hath left the boat , shall not drown . in his letter to sir william cicil , secretary of state in england . — as from god you have received life , wisdome , and honours , &c. so ought you wholly to apply the same to the advancement of his glory , &c. which alas ! in times past you have not done : for to the suppressing of christs true evangel , to the erecting of idolatry , and to the shedding of the blood of gods most dear children , have you by silence consented and subscribed this your most horrible defection from the known truth and once professed , &c. he hath not dealt with you , as with others , &c. but you guilty in the same offences hath he fostered ( as it were ) in his own bosome , during the time of that most miserable thraldome under queen mary ; and now hath set you at such liberty , as the fury of gods enemies cannot hurt you , except that willingly against his honour , you take pleasure to conspire with them . — god requires of you earnest repentance for your former defection , and an heart mindful of his merciful providence , and a will ready to advance his glory , that evidently it may appear , that in vain you have not received these graces of god. to performance whereof , of necessity it is , that carnal wisdome and worldly policy ( to both which you are too much inclined ) give place to gods naked truth . very love compells me to say , that except the spirit of god purge your heart from that venome , which your eyes have seen destructive to others , that you shall not long escape the reward of dissemblers . — now you are in that estate and credit , in the which you shall either comfort the sorrowful and aff●icted for righteousness sake , or else you shall molest and oppugne the spirit of god speaking in his messengers . the comforters of the afflicted for godliness have promise of comfort in their greatest necessities ; but the troublers of gods servants ( how contemned soever they appear before the world ) are threatned to have their names in execration to the posterities following . — except that in the cause of christs evangel you be found simple , sincere , fervent , and unfeigned , you shall taste of the same cup , which politick heads have drunk in before . — i hear that some of that poor flock , of late assembled in geneva , are so extremely handled , that those who most rudely have shed the blood of gods most dear children , find this day among you greater favours , then they do . alas ! this appeareth much to repugne to christian charity : for whatsoever hath been mine offence , this i fear not to affirm in their cause ; that if any that have suffered exile in those most dolorous dayes of persecution , deserve praise and commendation for peace , concord , sober and quiet living , it is they . — from diep , april . . in his letter to queen elizabeth . — consider deeply how for fear of your life you did decline from god , and bow to idolatry , going to mass under your sister mary her persecution of gods saints . let it not appear a small offence in your eyes , that you have declined from christ jesus in the day of your battel : neither would i that you should esteem that mercy to be vulgar and common , which you have received , viz. that god hath covered your offence , hath preserved your person , when you were most unthankful , and hath exalted you , &c. — commonly it is seen , that such as refuse the counsel of the faithful ( appear it never so sharp ) are compelled to follow the deceit of flatterers to their own perdition . — edinburg , iuly . a. . when mass was permitted to the queen for a time , mr. knox the next sabbath after the first mass , shewed what terrible plagues god had taken upon realms and nations for idolatry , and added , that one mass was more fearful to him , then if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm , of purpose to suppress the whole religion ; for ( said he ) in our god there is strength to resist and confound multitudes , if we unfeignedly depend upon him , whereof heretofore we have had experience ; but when we joyn hands with idolatry , it is no doubt but both gods amiable presence and comfortable defence will leave us , and what shall then become of us ? alas ! i fear that experience will teach us to the grief of many . when god began to make his words good , he did in the audience of many , dec. . ask god mercy that he was not more vehement and upright in suppressing that idol at the beginning ; for ( said he ) albeit i spake that , which offended some ( which this day they see and feel to be true ) yet did i not that , which might have been done ; for god had not onely given me knowledge and a tongue to make known the impiety of that idol , but he had given me credit with many , who would have put in execution gods judgements , if i would onely have consented thereto : but so careful was i of that common tranquility , and so loth was i to offend some , that in secret conference with zealous men i travelled rather to mitigate , yea to slacken that fervency god had kindled in them , then to animate or encourage them to put their hands to the lords work : wherein i acknowledge my self to have done most wickedly , and from the bottome of my heart do ask of my god pardon , that i did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idol in the beginning . when the queen accused him for stirring up her subjects against her mother & her self , and that he was the cause of much sedition & great slaughter in england , and that all he did was by necromancy : madam ( said mr. knox ) may it please your majesty patiently to hear my simple answers : and first , if to teach the word of god in sincerity , if to rebuke idolatry , and to will a people to worship god according to his word , be to raise subjects against their princes , then cannot i be excused ; but if the true knowledge of god and his right worshipping be the chief cause , which must move men to obey their just princess from their heart ( as it is most certain they are ) wherein can i be reprehended ? i think , and am surely perswaded that your majesty hath had , and now hath as unfeigned obedience of such as profess christ jesus within this realm , as ever your father or progenitors had of those that were called bishops . — and now shortly to answer the other two accusations , i heartily praise my god , through jesus christ , that satan , that enemy of mankind , and the wicked of the world , have no other crimes to lay to my charge , then such as the world it self knoweth to be most false and vain . if indeed in any of the places , where i was in england , during the time of my being there , there was either battel , sedition , or mutiny , i shall confess my self a shedder of blood ; but god so blessed my weak labours in barwick ( wherein then commonly used to be slaughter , by reason of quarrels that used to arise among souldiers ) that there was great quietness all the time that i remained there . and whereas they slander me of magick , necromancy , &c. all the congregations that ever heard me , know what i spake against such acts , and those that use such impiety : but seeing my master was accused thus , even that he was possessed with belzebub , i must patiently bear their false accusations . but yet ( said the queen ) you have taught the people to receive another religion , then their princes can allow ; and how can that doctrine be of god , seeing god commandeth subjects to be obedient to their princes ? madam ( said he ) as right religion took neither original , nor antiquity from worldly princes , but from the eternal god alone ; so are not subjects bound to frame their religion according to the appetite of their princes . — daniel and his fellows were subjects to nebuchadnezzar and unto darius , and yet they would not be of their religion . the three children said , we make it known to thee , o king , that we will not worship thy gods . and daniel prayed publickly to his god against the express command of the king. — you are not the church ( said the queen ) that i will nourish : i will defend the church of rome ; for i think it is the true church of god. your will madam ( said he ) is no reason , neither doth your thought make that roman harlot to be the immaculate spouse of jesus christ. and wonder not ( madam ) that i call rome an harlot ; for that church is altogether polluted with all kind of spiritual fornication , &c. yea i offer my self further to prove , that the church of the iews , who crucified christ jesus , when they manifestly denied the son of god , was not so far degenerated from the ordinances and statutes , which god gave by moses and aaron to his people , as the church of rome is declined from the purity of religion , which the apostles taught and planted . — you interpret the scriptures ( said she ) in one manner , and they in another ; whom shall i believe ? who shall be iudge ? believe ( said he ) god that speaketh plainly in his word ; and further then the word teacheth you , ye shall believe neither the one , nor the other . the word of god is plain in it self ; and if there appear any obscurity in one place , the holy ghost , who is never contrarious to himself , explains the same more clearly in other places . when he was accused as one that had irreverently spoken of the queen , and that travelled to bring her into hatred and contempt of the people , and that he had exceeded the bounds of his text. madam ( said he ) if your ears had heard the whole matter that i treated of , if there be in you any spark of the spirit of god , yea of honesty and wisdome , you would not justly be offended with any thing i spake . — my text was this , and now o kings understand , be learned ye iudges of the earth . after ( madam ) i had declared the dignity of kings and rulers , the obedience due to them , i demanded this question , but oh alas ! what account shall the most part of princes make before the supreme judge , whose throne and authority so shamefully they abuse ? the complaint of solomon is this day most true , that violence and oppression do occupy the throne of god on earth ; for whilst that murtherers , blood-thirsty men , oppressors , &c. dare present themselves before kings and princes , and the poor saints of god are banished and exiled , what shall we say , but that the devil hath taken possession in the throne of god , which ought to be ●earful to all wicked doers , and a refuge to the innocent and oppressed : and how can it be otherwise ? for princes will not understand , &c. gods law they despise , his statutes and holy ordinances they will not understand ; for in fidling and singing they are more exercised , then in reading or hearing gods most blessed word . &c. and of dancing ( madam ) i said , that albeit in scripture i find no praise of it , and in profane writers it is termed the gesture rather of those that are mad , then of sober men . yet do i not utterly condemn it , provided that two vices be avoided . ( ) that the principal vocation of those that use that exercise , be not neglected , for the pleasure of dancing . ( ) that they dance not , as the philistines their fathers , for the pleasure that they take in the displeasure of gods people ; for if they do so , they shall receive the reward of dancers , and that will be to drink in hell , unless they speedily repent . so shall god turn their mirth into sudden sorrow ; for god will not alwayes afflict his people , nor wink at the tyranny of tyrants . many that stood by witnessed , that mr. kn●x had recited the very words that publickly he spake . the queen looked about upon some of the reporters , and said , your words are sharp enough , as you have spoken them , but yet they were told me in another manner . — if you hear any thing of my self , that misliketh you , come to my self and tell me , and i shall hear you . madam ( said he ) i am called to a publick function within the church of god , and appointed by god to rebuke the sins of all . i am not appointed to come to every man in particular to shew him his offence ; for that labour were infinite . if your majesty pleaseth to frequent the publick sermons , then i doubt not but you shall fully understand , both what i like and mislike , as well in your majesty as in all others . or if your majesty will assign me a certain day and hour when it shall please you to hear the form and substance of doctrine , which is proposed in publick to the churches of this realm , i will most gladly wait upon your majesties pleasure , time , and place ; but to come and wait upon your chamber door , or elsewhere , and then to have no farther liberty , but to whisper my mind in your majesties ear , or to tell you what others think or speak of you , neither will my conscience , nor the vocation whereto god hath called me , suffer it . mr. knox departed with a reasonable merry countenance , whereat some papists offended , said , he is not afraid ; which heard by him , he answered , why should the pleasant face of a lady afray me ? i have looked in the faces of many angry men , and yet have not been afraid above measure . when the courtiers pickt quarrels against the preachers for reprehending avarice , oppression , excess , riotous cheer , banquetting , immoderate dancing , and whoredome , that thereof ensues , which then began to abound at court , alledging , that all their preaching was turned into railing . mr. knox told them ; it cometh to our ears , that we are called railers , whereof albeit we wonder , yet we are not ashamed , seeing that the most worthy servants of god , that before us have travelled in this vocation , have so been stiled ; but unto you do i say , that the same god , who from the beginning hath punished the contempt of his word , and hath poured forth his vengeance on such proud mockers , shall not spare you ; yea , he shall not spare you before the eyes of this wicked generation , for the pleasure whereof ye despise all wholesome admonition . have you not seen greater then any of you sitting where ye sit ( earl huntly ) pick his nails , and pull down his bonnet over his eyes , when idolatry , witchcraft , murder , oppression , &c. were rebuked ? was not this his common talk ? when these knaves have railed their fill , then will they hold their peace . have ye not heard it affirmed to his own face , that god should revenge that his blasphemy , even in the eyes of such as were witness to his iniquity ? by your hands hath god executed the judgement threatned . but what amendment can be espied in you ? idolatry was never in greater quiet , vertue and vertuous men never in more contempt , vice was never more bold , nor punishment less feared . and yet who guides the queen and court ? who but protestants ? o horrible slanderers of god , and of his holy evangel ! better it were unto you plainly to renounce christ jesus , then thus to expose his blessed evangel to mockage . if god punisheth not you that this same age shall see your punishment , the spirit of righteous judgement guides me not . when the queen sent for mr. knox , and would have him to perswade the people , especially the gentlemen of the w●st , not to put hand to punish any for using themselves in their religion as pleased them : he willed her majesty to punish male-factours according to the laws , and he durst promise quietness upon the part of them that professed the lord jesus within scotland ; but if her majesty thought to delude the laws , he said , he feared some would let the p●●ists understand , that without punishment they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend gods majesty . — i shall cause ( said the queen ) to summon all offenders , and ye shall know that i shall minister justice . i am assured then ( said he ) that ye shall please god , and enjoy rest and tranquillity within your realm , which to your majesty is more profitable , then all the popes power can be . in his letter to the earl of murray . — seeing i perceive my self frustrate of my expectation , which was , that you should ever have preferred god to your own affection , and the advancement of his truth to your own commodity , i commit you to your wit , and to the conducting of those which can better please you . — in a sermon concerning the queens marriage , he said , whensoever the nobility of scotland , who profess the lord jesus , consent that an infidel ( and all papists be infidels ) shall be head to our sovereign , ye do , so far as in you lies , banish christ jesus from this realm ; yea , bring gods vengeance on the countrey , a plague upon your selves , and perchance you shall do small comfort to your sovereign . when he was upon that account brought before the queen ; madam ( said he ) when it shall please god to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and errour , wherein ye have been nourished for lack of true doctrine , your majesty will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive . out of the pulpit i think few have occasion to be offended at me ; but there i am not master of my self , but must obey him , who commands me to speak plain , and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth . but what have you to do ( said she ) with my marriage ? i am sent ( said he ) to preach the evangel of iesus christ to such as please to hear . it hath two parts , repentance and faith. now , madam , in preaching of repentance , of necessity it is that the sins of men be noted , that they may know wherein they offend : but so it is , that the most part of your nobility are so addicted to your affections , that neither gods word , nor yet their commonwealth are rightly regarded ; and therefore it becometh me to speak that they may know their duty . ( and so he repeated to her self what he had said in publick ) whereupon the queen wept ; but when she had given place to her inordinate passions , mr. knox said , madam , in gods presence i speak , i never delighted in the weeping of any of gods creatures , &c. much less can i rejoyce in your majesties weeping ; but seeing i have given you no just occasion to be offended , but have spoken the truth , as my vocation craves of me , i must sustain your majesties tears , rather then i dare hurt my conscience , or betray the commonwealth by silence . about that time he p●ayed thus . — deliver us o lord from the bondage of idolatry . preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers . continue us in peace and concord among our selves , if thy good pleasure be , o lord , for a season . being asked , why he prayed for quietness for a season , and not absolutely ? his answer was , that he durst not pray , but in faith , and faith in gods word assured him , that constant quietness would not continue in that realm , wherein idolatry had been suppressed , and then was permitted to be erected again . the master of maxwell telling him , that he would not find that men will bear with him in times to come , as they had done in times past ; if ( said he ) god stand my friend , as i am assured he of his mercy will , so long as i depend upon his promise , and prefer his glory to my life and worldly profit , i little regard how men behave themselves towards me , &c. — the earl of murray , and the secretary sent for mr. knox , and lamented that he had so highly offended the queen by writing letters , desiring the brethren from all parts to convene at edinburg , that there was no hope for him , unless he would confess his offence , and put himself in her majesties will. i praise god through jesus christ ( said he ) i have learned not to fear the things that the godless multitude fear . i have the testimony of a good conscience , that i have given no offence to the queen ; for i have done nothing but my duty , and so my hope is , that my god will give me patience to bear what will ensue . when he was called before the queen and her council , the secretary lethington told him , the queen was informed , that he travelled to raise a tumult of her subjects against her , and for certification thereof , produced one of his letters , which he owned . then said the secretary , mr. knox , are not you sorry from your heart , that such a letter hath passed your pen , &c. before i repent ( said he ) i must be taught my offence . offence ( said lethington ) if there were no more but the vocation of the queens leiges , the offence cannot be denied . remember your self , my lord , ( said knox ) there is a difference betwixt a lawfull and an unlawfull vocation . if i have been guilty in this , i have oft offended since i came last into scotland ; for what vocation of brethren hath ever been since , to which my pen hath not served ? and before this no man laid it to my charge as a crime . then was then ( said lethington ) and now is now , we have no need of such vocation , as sometimes we have had . the time that hath been ( said knox ) is now before my eyes ; for i see the poor flock in no less danger , then it hath been at any time before ; except that the devil hath gotten a vizard upon his face , before he came in with his own face , discovered by open tyranny , seeking the destruction of all that refused idolatry , and then i think you will confess , the brethren lawfully assembled themselves for defence of their lives ; and now the devil comes under the cloak of justice , to do that which god would not suffer him to do by strength , by crafty deceit , making the prince party , &c. after a long conference between the queen and mr. knox , the secretary told him , he might return to his house for that night . i thank god and the queens majesty ( said he ) and madam , i pray god to purge your heart from papistry , and to preserve you from the counsel of ●latterers ; for how pleasant soever they appear to your ear and corrupt affections for the time , experience hath taught us , in what perplexity they have brought famous princes . after he was gone , the nobility in the presence of the queen absolved mr. knox. in his prayer for the queen . — o lord , if thy good pleasure be , purge the heart of the queen : majesty from the venome of idolatry , and deliver her from the thraldome and bondage of satan , into the which she hath been brought up , and yet remains , for the lack of true doctrine ; and let her see by the illumination of thy spirit , that there is no means to please thee , but by jesus christ thy onely son , and that jesus christ cannot be found but in thy holy word ; nor yet received , but as it prescribes , which is , to renounce our own wisdome , and preconceived opinion , and worship thee as it commands ; that in so doing she may avoid the eternal damnation which is ordained for all obstinate impeniten●s ; and that this poor realm may also escape that plague and vengeance which inevitably followeth idolatry , maintained against the manifest word , and the light thereof . secretary lethington was offended at two things therein . ( ) because he prayed for the queen conditionally , if it be thy good pleasure , &c. where have ye an example of such a prayer ? mr. knox answered , wheresoever the examples are , i am sure of the rule , which is this ; if we shall ask any thing according to his will , he shall grant us . — i have learned to pray in faith ; now faith ( you know ) depends upon the word of god ; and so it is , that the word of god teacheth me , that prayer profiteth the sons and daughters of gods election . — besides , did not the apostles pray as they commanded others to pray ? now peter commanded simon magus to pray conditionally , if it be p●ssible , &c. ( ) where find ye that the scriptures call any the bond-slaves of satan ( said the secretary ) or that the prophets of god spake of kings and princes so irreverently ? the scripture saith ( said mr. knox ) that by nature we are all the children of wrath , and our master christ affirms , that such as do sin , are servants to sin , &c. behold , i send thee ( saith christ to paul ) to the gentiles , to turn them from the power of satan unto god. — kings and queens are not excepted , but all unfaithfull are pronounced to stand in one rank , and to be in bondage to one tyrant the devil . — elisha was a subject in the kingdome of israel , and yet how little reverence did he give to the king ? he feared not to say to king iehoram , what have i to do with thee ? &c. as the lord of hosts liveth , in whose sight i stand , if it were not that i regard the presence of jehoshaphat , the king of judah , i would not have looked toward thee , &c. — lethington telling him , that we are not bound to follow extraordinary examples , unless we have the like command , &c. i grant ( said mr. knox ) if the example repugne the law ; as if a covetous man should borrow silver , raiment , &c. from his neighbour , and withhold the same , alledging the example of the israelites in egypt , &c. but where the example agrees with the law , &c. it stands to us in place of a commandement ; for as god in his nature is constant and immutable , so cannot he condemn in the ages subsequent , that which he hath approved in his servants before us . — lethington telling him , that prosperity doth not alwaies prove , that god approves the facts of men . yes ( said he ) when the facts of men agree with the law of god , and are rewarded according to his own promise expressed in his law , the prosperity that succeeds them is a most infallible assurance , that god hath approved them . — upon the nineteenth of august an. . a little while after the queen was married to the lord darley , who to please the protestants , came to church , mr knox preached upon isa. . , , , , &c. wherein he said , that god sets in government ( for the offences and ingratitude of the people ) boyes and women , and that god justly punished ahab and his posterity , because lie would not take order with that harlot iezabel ; for which sermon he was called in question , and in answering said more then he had preached ; for he added , that as the king had ( to please the queen ) gone to mass , and dishonoured the lord god , so should god in his justice make her an instrument of his ruine ; and so it fell out in a very short time . but the queen being incensed at these words , to please her he was forbid to preach for a time . this sermon he took care to have it printed , to make known to the world what ground there was to deal so with him , as he tells us . in his epistle to the reader . — i dare not deny ( least that in so doing i should be injurious to the giver ) but that god hath revealed to me secrets , unknown to the world , and also that he hath made my tongue a trumpet , to forewarn realms and nations , yea , certain great revelations of mutations and changes , when no such things were feared , nor yet was appearing : a portion whereof cannot the world deny ( be it never so blind ) to be fulfilled ; and the rest alas ! i fear , shall follow with greater hast , and in more full perfection then my sorrowfull heart desireth . notwithstanding these revelations and assurances , i did ever abstain to commit any thing to writing , contented onely to have obeyed the charge of him , who commanded me to cry . if any then will ask to what purpose this onely sermon is set forth , and greater matters omitted , i answer , to let such , as satan hath not altogether blinded , see , upon how small occasions great offence is now conceived . for this sermon ( from my bed ) i was called before the council , and after long reasoning , i was by some forbidden to preach in edinburg , so long as the king and queen were in town . — the sermon he writ for the press the last day of august . when the castle of edinburg was shooting against the exiled for christs sake ; and therefore he concluded thus ; lord into thy hands i commend my spirit , for the terrible roaring of guns , and the noise of armour do so pierce my heart , that my soul thirsteth to depart . be merciful to thy flock , o lord , and at thy good pleasure put an end to my misery . the next sabbath , after the earl of murray was slain , a note was sent to mr. knox , among the papers , wherein were written the names of those that desired the prayers of the church , with these words , take up the man , whom ye accounted another god . at the end of his sermon he bemoaned the loss that the church and state of scotland received by the death of that man , and said , that as god in his mercy giveth good and wise rulers , so he taketh them away in his wrath ; and then added , there is one in this company , that maketh the subject of his mirth this horrible murder , whereat all good men have cause to be sorry : i tell him , he shall die where there shall be none to lament him . the young gentleman that writ the note , hearing this comination , went home and said to his sister , that iohn knox was raving to speak of he knew not whom . his sister replied with tears in her eyes , telling him , that none of iohn knox's threatnings fell to the ground without effect : and so it fell out in this particular ; for this mr. thomas metellan shortly after went beyond sea to travel , and died in italy , having no known man to assist him , much less to lament him . he told his people , it was his desire to finish and close his preaching with preaching upon the history of christs passion . in his last sermon to his people at edinburg , ( which was preached at the election of mr. iames lawson to succeed him , to whom he had writ thus ; accelera mi frater , alioqui sero venies ; make haste , brother , otherwise you will come too late ; meaning , that if he made any stay , he should find him dead and gone . he called god to witness , that he had walked in a good conscience among them , not seeking to please men , nor serving his own or other mens affections , but in all sincerity and truth preached the gospel of christ most gravely and pithily , exhorting them to stand fast in the faith which they had received . in his sickness he said unto the earl of morton , who came to visit him ; my lord , god hath given you wisdome , honour , high birth , riches , many good and great friends , and is now to prefer you to the government of the realm . in his name i charge you , that you will use these blessings better in time to come , then you have done in times past : in all your actions seek first the glory of god , the furtherance of his gospel , the maintenance of his church and ministry ; next be carefull of the king , and the welfare of the realm . if you shall do this , god will be with you , and honour you : if otherwise you do it not , he will deprive you of all these benefits , and your end shall be shame and ignominy . these speeches the earl about nine years after , at the time of his execution , called to mind , saying , that he had found them true , and mr. knox therein a true prophet . a day or two before his death , he sent for mr. lindsay , mr. lawson , and the elders and deacons of the church , and said unto them , the time is approaching , for which i have long thirsted , wherein i shall be released from all my cares , and be with my saviour christ for ever ; and now god is my witness , whom i have served with my spirit in the gospel of his son , that i have taught nothing but the true and sincere word of god , the true and solid doctrine of the gospel ; and that the end i proposed in all my doctrine was , to instruct the ignorant , to confirm the weak , to comfort the consciences of those who were humbled under the sense of their sins , and born down with the threatnings of gods judgements . such as were proud and rebellious ; i am not ignorant , have blamed , and do yet blame my too great rigour and severity ; but god knoweth , that in my heart i never hated the persons of those , against whom i thundred gods judgements , i did onely hate their sins , and laboured according to my power to gain them to christ. that i did forbear none of whatsoever condition , i did it out of the fear of my god , who hath placed me in the ministry , and i know will bring me to an account . now brethren , for your selves , i have no more to say , but to warn you to take heed to the flock , over which god hath placed you overseers , which he hath redeemed with the blood of his onely begotten son. and now mr. lawson , fight a good fight , do the work of the lord with courage , and with a willing mind , and god from above bless you , and the church whereof you have charge : against it ( so long as it continueth in the doctrine of the truth ) the gates of hell shall not prevail . this spoken , and the elders and deacons dismissed , he called ▪ the two preachers to him , and said , there is one thing that grieveth me exceedingly ; you have sometimes seen the courage and constancy of the laird of grange , in the cause of god , and that most unhappy man hath cast himself away . i pray you two to take the pains to go to him , and say from me , that unless he forsake that wicked course , wherein he is entred , neither shall the rock , in which he confideth , defend him ; nor the carnal wisdome of that man , whom he counteth half a god ( this was young lethington ) yield him help , but shamefully he shall be pulled out of that nest , and his carkass hang before the sun ( and so it fell out ; for the next year , the castle which he did keep against the kings authority , was taken , and he hanged before the sun ) the soul of that man is dear unto me ; and if it be possible , i would fain have him saved . they went , but could not prevail ; yet at his death , he did express serious repentance for his sins . the next day he was much in prayer , crying , come lord jesus , sweet jesus , into thy hands i commend my spirit . being asked by those about him , if his pains were great , he answered , that he did not esteem that a pain , which should be unto him the end of all troubles , and beginning of eternal joyes . oftentimes , after some deep meditations , he burst forth in these words , o serve the lord in fear and death shall not be troublesome unto you : blessed is the death of those that have part in the death of christ. in the evening , having slept some hours together , but with great unquietness ; for he was heard to send forth many sighs and groans . being asked , after he awaked , how he did find himself , and what it was that made him to mourn so heartily in his sleep ? he answered , in my life time i have oft been assaulted with satan , & many times he hath cast in my teeth my sins , to bring me to despair ; yet god gave me strength to overcome all his temptations : and now that subtile serpent , who never ceaseth to tempt , hath taken another course , and seeks to perswade me , that all my labours in the ministry , and the fidelity that i have shewn in that service , hath merited heaven and immortality : but blessed be god , that brought to my mind these scriptures , what hast thou , that thou hast not received ? and not i , but the grace of god in me . with which he is gone away ashamed , and shall no more return . and now i am sure my battel is at an end ; and that without pain of body , or trouble of spirit , i shall shortly change this mortal and miserable life , with that happy and immortal , which never shall have end . after one had prayed for him , he was ask'd whether he heard the prayer ? he answered , would to god that ye had heard it with such an ear and heart as i have done : adding , lord jesus receive my spirit . with which words , without any motion of hands or feet , as one falling asleep , rather then dying , he ended his life . when he was buried , the earl of morton being near the grave , said by way of epitaph , here lies the body of him , who in his life time never feared the face of man. l. lalaeus . simon lalaeus to silvester his executioner said , never saw i a man in all my life , whose coming was more welcome to me then thine . silvester , seeing the great faith and constancy of this blessed martyr , was converted , and with all his family removed to the church at geneva . lambert . the first article against him was , whether he was suspect or infamed of heresie ? unto your first demand ( said he ) i answer , that i am not certain what all persons at all seasons have deemed or suspected of me ; peradventure some better , some worse . the opinion of the people was never one , but thought diversly of all the famous prophets , and of the apostles , yea and of christ himself : some saying that he was a very good man ; others said nay , and called him a seducer , &c. seeing therefore that all men did not say well by christ , the author of verity and truth , yea truth it self , &c. what should i need to regard , if at some time some person for a little cause should suspect of me amiss , and evil report of me ? &c. woe be unto you , when all men speak well of you ; for so did their fathers to the false prophets . — in his answer to their second demand . — our prelates have sent out commandments , that if any person shall adventure to keep any of luther's books , they shall be excommunicated , &c. but this is no novelty ; for so did their fore-fathers the prelates in christs time , &c. when christ went about preaching , the scribes and pharisees , who were prelates then , gave a general command , that whosoever confessed him to be christ , should be put out of the synagogue , &c. the apostles were in like manner served . in the old testament they procured of one , that was a temporal ruler at that season , to have the prophecy of ieremy ( for he of all other is most vehement against the dissimulation of priests ) to be burned . — if they had the spirit of christ , which they claim and pretend to , they would follow the counsel of the apostles , to prove all things , and to retain that onely which is good , refraining from all that hath semblance of evil ; and to try the spirits of them that should speak , whether they were of god , or no. — the priests ( saith chrysostome on matthew ) that were pharisees in christs time , made a●● ordinance , that whosoever should acknowledge i●s●● to be christ , should be excommunicate . if the ph●risees or priests , that now do occupy their rooms , should make a like ordinance , because they would not have christs doctrine professed for hindring their lucre , should we leave off to seek after the knowledge of christs doctrine ? no verily . — when it was objected against hierom , that he retained by him the works of eusebius and origen , he bringeth to prove , that it was lawful for him that passage of the apostle , prove all things , &c. — these things prove , that i and others may safely ( no good law inhibiting , but constitutions pharisaical ) read the works of luther , &c. in his answer to their fifth demand . — it is evident from christs words , when you have done all things commanded , say yet you be unprofitable servants , &c. that he would not have us esteem our merits , when we have done what is commanded by god , but reckon our selves to be servants unprofitable to god , forasmuch as he hath no need of our well doing for his own advancement , &c. and if we ought not to attend our merits in doing the commandment of god , much less in observing our own inventions , or traditions of men , unto which there is no benefit in all scripture , which paul calleth the word of truth and faith , promised . in his answer to the sixth demand . — that they will not suffer marriage to be solemnized at all times of the year ; i think it standeth not with christs rule , but rather is against the same . — it ought also freely to be administred , and without mony . — in the primitive church ( as ancient doctors deem , and the scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same ) there were no more officers in the churches of god then bishops and deacons . hierome in his com. on the epistles of paul saith , that those whom we call priests were none other then bishops , and the bishops none other then priests , &c. neither were they chosen , as they be now adayes , &c. but they were chosen not onely of the bishop , but with the consent of the people , among whom they should have their living , as sheweth cyprian , and the people ought to have power ( as he saith ) to chuse priests , &c. but alas ! such elections are now banished , and new fashions brought in . in his answer to the thirteenth demand . — i say that there is a purgatory in this world , the fire of tribulation , through which all christians shall pass , as testifies paul , whose testimony is full , notable , and true , albeit that few do know it , and fewer will believe it , that all that will live godly in christ iesus shall suffer persecution . in this purgatory do i now reckon my self to stand ; god send me well to persevere unto his honour . of this speaketh st. peter , — for a season ye are sundry wayes afflicted and tormented , that the trial of your faith , &c. though it be tried with fire , might be found unto laud , glory , and honour , at the appearing of iesus christ , &c. other purgatory know i none . — in his answer to the seventeenth demand . — forsomuch as no positive law of man , made without foundation of scripture , may bind any person , so that in breaking of such he shall therefore sin deadly , and of this sort made by man is the fast of lent , and other dayes ordained in your laws without authority of scripture , &c. — in his answer to the one and twentieth demand . — men may be wrongfully suspected of heresie , as the bishops and priests , with their oratour tertullus suspected paul , &c. and their predecessors spake of the prophets , yea , and of christ himself , calling him a seducer and preacher of heresie . men being thus suspected , ought in no wise therefore to cease preaching , as is evident in the instance of peter and iohn , &c. which is written without doubt for our instruction , so that thereby you may see when men be wrongfully suspected or in●amed of heresie , and so prohibited by bishops to preach the word of god , that they ought for no mans commandment to leave or stop , &c. — in his answer to the two and twentieth demand . — priests have two names in scripture , pres●yteri & sacerdo●es . they are most usually called presbyteri , who are set to be prelates in the church , to guide the same by his blessed word . and priests thus called presbyteri in the primitive church ( what time were but few traditions and ordinances to let us from the strait institution made by christ and his apostles ) were the very same and none other but bishops . — as many as are in this wise priests , ought to preach freely the word of god in all places and times convenient , &c. others be called priests by this word sacerdotes , and thus be all christians , &c. these ought not all to preach openl● in general assemblies , &c. yet privately are they bound for instruction of their servants , children , kinsfolk , &c. to speak that should be for the destruction of vice , and upholding and increase of vertue , &c. — notwithstanding this i say , both by supportation of gods law , and also of laws written in the d●crees , that in time of great necessity lay people may preach , &c. — in his answer to the four and twentieth demand . — excommunication bindeth before god , if it be lawfully denounced , if the persons be guilty , and if it be done with the consent of others gathered with the bishop in christs name for the behoof of christs church ; for so used st. paul in excommunicating the incestuous corinthian , and christ requireth , &c. so that excommunication ought to be done ( as methinketh ) by the congregation assembled together with their pastour , whose advice they ought principally to esteem and follow , if it be vertuous and godly . in his answer to the thirtieth demand . — where you speak of prelates deputies , i think such be little behoveful to christs flock . it were right and necessary , that as the prelates themselves will have the revenues , &c. they should themselves labour and teach diligently the word of god , and not shift the labour from one to another , till ( pity it is ) all be left undone . such doth saint iohn call thieves and murtherers , &c. — god would have every man get his living by the sweat of his own face , i. e. by his labour , according to his estate and calling . — in his answer to the five and thirtieth demand . — that one singular person may judge more rightly , then a great multitude assembled in a council , appeareth by gods law , and by the law of man. caiaphas is one instance ; a whole council did submit to his sentence . gamaliel is another . agreeable to this we find in the decrees , dist. . the whole council of nice commending the sentence of paphnutius , and upon this , that paphnutius did resist and prevail against the whole council ; the gloss notes , that one singular person may gain-say an universal generality , having a reasonable cause on his side . panormitane also gives his suffrage . i would ( saith he ) rather believe one lay person , bringing in for him authority of scripture , then universal council , that ordaineth a thing without scripture . in his answer to the five and fortieth demand . — concerning opinions or conclusions i can tell you of none other then i have shewed : the sum whereof i think concluded in these two scripture propositions , ( ) christ is the head corner-stone of our faith , whereupon it should be grounded , neither is there salvation in any other , &c. ( ) men do worship god in vain , teaching doctrines and precept or laws humane . thus i certifie you of all the opinions and conclusions which i intend or have intended to sustain , and not to decline from , neither for fear , nor yet for love of man or men . — these answers of mr. lambert the five and forty articles against him were directed and delivered to dr. warham arch bishop of canterbury , about the year . from the danger he was in at that time he was delivered by the death of dr. warham ; but falling into fresh troubles through the indiscretion of dr. tailor and dr. barnes , to make the quicker work ( following the precedent of st. paul , appealing to caesar ) he appeals to the king : who having lately taken upon him the title of the supreme head of the church of england , would shew that head had a tongue could speak in matters of divinity . in whitehall the place and day is appointed , where an act-royal was kept , the king himself being opponent , and lambert the answerer . when the king commanded him to declare his mind , &c. he gave god thanks , which had so inclined the heart of the king , that he himself would not disdain to hear , and understand the controversies of religion ; for that it hapneth oftentimes , through the cruelty of the bishops , that many good and innocent men in many places are privily murthered and put to death without the kings knowledge . but now forasmuch as that high and eternal king of kings , in whose hands are the hearts of all princes , hath stirred up the kings mind , that he himself will be present to understand the causes of his subjects . i do not doubt , but that god will bring some great thing to pass through him , to the setting forth of the glory of his name . when the king was worsted and wearied , arch bishop cranmer supplied his place , arguing though civilly , shrewdly against the truth ; and ( saith dr. fuller ) his own private judgement : which was worse ( saith the same author ) then keeping the clothes of those who killed stephen , seeing this arch bishop did actually cast stones at this martyr in the arguments he urged against him . yet after his whole body was reduced to ashes , his heart was found entire and untouched ; an argument of his cordial integrity to the truth , though fear too much prevailed , and too often on him . after the dispute was ended , the king said unto him , what sayest thou now ? art thou yet satisfied ? wilt thou live or die ? what sayest thou ? thou hast yet free choice . mr. l●mbert answered , i commend my soul unto the hands of god , but my body i wholly yield and submit to your clemency . the king notwithstanding commanded the lord cromwell to re●d the sentence of condemnation against him . and it is very observable , that through the pestiferous and crafty counsel of gardiner , satan ( who oftentimes raiseth up one brother to destroy another ) brought about the death of this martyr by such , viz. tailor , barnes , cranmer , and cromwell , who afterwards suffered the like for the gospels sake . after his legs were consumed and burned to the stumps , he lifting up such hands as he had , and his fingers ends flaming with fire , cried unto the people in these words , none but christ , none but christ. mr. clement cotton in his epistle to the reader , before his none but christ notes , that these words were uttered by mr. lambert , as the triumphant voice of faith , after that he had through the power of christ put to flight the fear of hell , sin , and death , &c. as by doubling of them may appear : and that by way of imitation ( not tying any to syllables ) they well beseem the thoughts and speeches also of every christian , upon sure and safe grounds , as in their daily , so even in their last conflicts to be taken up and used . latimer . after mr. hugh latimer was converted , and was become famous for preaching the word , dr. redman wrote to him to disswade him : to which letter he returned the following answer ; reverend mr. redman , it is enough for me , that christs seep hear no mans voice but christs ; and as for you you have no voice of christ against me , whereas for my part i have an heart ready to hearken to any voice of christ , that you can bring me . thus fare you well , and trouble me no more from talking with the lord my god. when he was cited to appear before dr. warham , arch bishop of canterbury , &c. and kept in london from his charge at west kingston in wiltshire , he wrote to the arch bishop , expostulating the case with him thus . — if peter thought it just , that by reason of his office he should not cease to teach and admonish the people , whilst he should be in this tabernacle , and that he should be so much the more instant therein , the nearer he drew to death . it cannot but seem unjust that those , that will not preach themselves , should hinder those that are willing , unless they be throughout conformable to their wills . — whatsoever i may suffer for the truth cannot trouble me ; for god liveth , and he hath taken the care of me . — o that we were as diligent in , & as much devoted to what god requires , as our own inventions . — hitherto i stand immoveable for gods commands , and so seek not my own gain or glory , but christs , and so shall stand whilst i breath . — who doth not see a manifest abuse of many things ? and seeing , grieve not because thereof ? and grieving , doth not labour the removal thereof ? and when shall it be removed , whilst the use is preached up , and the abuse concealed ? the truth is the abuse cannot but so long reign . — go forth and teach all things ( saith christ ) what all things ? all things ( saith he ) which i commanded you ; he doth not say all things , that shall seem unto your selves fit to be preached . go to therefore i beseech you by the immortal god , let us all and every one intend with all our soul to preach what god requireth , lest we become adulterators and hucksters of preaching , rather then true preachers ; especially seeing men are most dull towards the things of god , and most ready for their own things , needing no spurs at all , being deceived by an unjust estimation of things , and an innate superstition , received from fore-fathers , which can scarce be healed by any preaching , though frequent , earnest , and sincere . hence i dare not subscribe to the rude propositions ; because i dare not be a means of the continuing of popular superstition , lest i be the author of my own damnation thereby . — it is not i assure you any pride that hinders me from that subscription , which your lordship hath so often to my very great grief required of me . it cannot but be wicked not to obey the fathers of the church ; but yet they must see what and wherein they command , seeing it is said in a certain place , we ought to obey god rather then man. — the rude propositions ( as he calls them ) to which he was required to subscribe , may be seen in mr. fox in the same page . in a sermon of his at stamford , octob. . . he hath the following words concerning the crafty and deceitfull handling of those bishops in his examinations , and what subtile devices they used to intrap him . i was once ( saith he ) in examination before five or six bishops , where i had much turmoiling . every week thrice i came to examination , and many snares and traps were laid to get something . now god knoweth i was ignorant of the law , but that god gave me answer and wisdome what i should speak . it was god indeed ; for else i had never escaped them . at last the chamber wherein i was wont to be examined was somewhat altered ; whereas there was wont to be a fire in the chimney , now there was none but arras was hanged over the chimney . a subtile question being propounded to me ; i pray you mr. latimer ( said one ) speak out , i am very thick of hearing , and here be many that sit afar off . i marvelled at this , that i was bid speak out , and began to suspect somewhat , and gave an ear to the chimney , and there i heard a pen moving , they having appo●nted one there to write all my answers . god was my good lord , and gave me answer , i could never else have scaped it . after he was made bishop of w●rcester , he was accused before the king , the story whereof he gives us in a sermon he preached afterwards , before king edward . in the kings dayes that is dead ( saith he ) many of us were called together before him to say our minds in certain matters . in the end one kneeling down , accuseth me for preaching seditious doctrine . a heavy salutation . the king turned to me and said ; what say you to that sir ? then i kneeled down , and turned me first to my accuser , and said , sir , what form of preaching would you appoint me in preaching before a king ? would you have me preach nothing as concerning a king in the king's sermon ? — then turning to the king , i said , i never thought my self worthy , nor did i ever sue to be a preacher before your grace , but i was called to it , &c. and if your grace allow me for a preacher , i would desire your grace to give me leave to discharge my conscience , and to frame my doctrine according to my audience . — and i thank almighty god ( which hath alwayes been my remedy ) that my sayings were well accepted of the king , &c. it is even as the scripture saith , the lord directeth the kings heart . certain of my friends came to me with tears in their eyes , and told me they looked i should have been in the tower the same night . upon the coming in of the six articles , he did of his own free accord resign his bishoprick , and so was silent till king edward's dayes . at what time he first put off his rocket in his chamber among his friends , suddenly he gave a skip in the floor for joy , feeling his shoulders so light , and being discharged ( as he said ) of such an heavy burden . in king edward's dayes he was a diligent preacher , and an hard student at his study about two of the clock in the morning , winter and summer , though his body had been sore bruised by the fall of a tree , and he above sixty seven years of age ) and by the same spirit he did so evidently foreshew and prophesie of all those plagues , which a●terward ensued , that if england ever had a prophet , he was one . as touching himself , he ever affirmed , that the preaching of the gospel would cost him his li●e , to the which he no less chearfully prepared himself , then certainly was perswaded that winch●ster was kept in the tower for that purpose , as the event did too truly prove the same . it may be queried , seeing that latimer was outed of his bishoprick in the dayes of king henry the eighth , on the account of the sixth article , why was he not restored to the same under king edward the sixth , especiall seeing heath his successour was legally deprived , and the place actually void ; whereas on the contrary , hugh latimer continued hugh latimer , without any addition of preferment ? a late ecclesiastical historian answers , it was not for want of any favour from the king , &c. nor because his down-right sermons disobliged the courtiers , who generally delight in soft preaching , as in soft clothing ; nor out of sullenness , because he would not be bedded again with that wife , which ( though unwillingly ) had in his absence embraced another , &c. but we impute it either to his conscience ( oft-times sharpest in the bluntest men ) because he would not be built on the ruines of another , especially knowing heath one of a meek and moderate nature ; or to his age , who barzillai like was superannuated for earthly honour , &c. or because he found himself not fit for government , better for preaching , then ordering ecclesi●stical affairs : or lastly , because he prophetically foresaw , that the ingratitude of the english nation would shorten their happiness , and king edward's life ; and he was loth to come into a place , onely to go out thereof . sure i am it was a loud lye , which parsons tells , that latimer was kept bare . he kept himself bare , living not in the want but neglect , yea contempt of all worldly wealth ; though he was the corban or treasury , into which restored-ill-gotten-goods were cast to be bestowed on the poor , according to his discretion . at the coming of queen mary ( by the means no doubt of winchester ) a pursevant was sent down to cite him to appear at london , of which iohn carles gave him notice six hours before ; yet he would not escape , but prepared himself for his journey before the said messenger came to his house , at which the pursevant wondred : thereupon he said unto him ; my friend , you be a welcome messenger to me . and be it known unto you , and to all the world , that i go as willingly to london at this present , being called by my prince to render an account of my doctrine , as ever i was at any place in the world . i doubt not , but that god , as he hath made me worthy to preach his word before two excellent princes , so will he enable me to witness the same unto the third , either to her comfort or discomfort eternally , &c. as he came up to london through smithfield , without the pursevant ( for he having delivered his letters , departed , affirming , that he had command not to tarry for him ; whereby it is evident they would have had him fled out of the realm ) he said merrily , that smithfield had long groaned for him . in the tower being kept without fire in the frosty weather , he bade the lieutenant's man tell his master , that if he did not look better to him , perhaps he would deceive him . the lieutenant charging him with these words ; his answer was , i did indeed say so ; for you look , i think , that i should burn ; but except you let me have some fire , i am like to deceive your expectation , for i am like here to starve for cold . from the tower he was transported to oxford with archbishop cranmer , and bishop ridley to dispute with the learned men of both universities about the presence , substance , and sacrifice of the sacrament . when he was brought before the commissioners , and appointed to dispute , he alledged age , sickness , disuse and lack of books , saying , that he was almost as meet to dispute , as to be a captain of calice ; but he would ( he said ) declare his mind either by writing or word , and would stand to all that they could lay upon his back , complaining , that he was permitted to have neither pen nor ink , nor any book , but onely the new testament , then in his hand , which ( he said ) he had read over seven times deliberately , and yet could not find the mass in it , neither the marrow-bones , nor the sinewes of the same . when he was brought to dispute , in the close of his protestation , which he delivered to dr. weston in writing , saying , let me here protest my faith , for i am not able to dispute , and afterwards do your pleasure with me . he hath these words ; o sir , you may chance to live till you come to this age and weakness , that i am of . i have spoken in my time before two kings , more then once , two , or three hours together , without interruption , but now i could not be suffered to declare my mind before you , no not by the space of a quarter of an hour , without snatchings , revilings , checks , rebukes , and taunts . — i pray god give you grace ever well to use your gifts , and ever to remember , that he that dwelleth on high , looketh on the low things on the earth , and that there is no counsel against the lord ; and also that this world hath been , and yet is a tottering world : and that though we must obey princes , yet in the lord ; for who so doth obey them against the lord , they be most pernicious to them , and the greatest adversaries that they have ; for they so procure gods vengeance on them , if god be onely the ruler of things . — i would as fain obey my sovereign , as any in this realm ; but in these things i can never do it with an upright conscience . god be mercifull to us . amen . then ( said west●n ) you refuse to dispute , will you here then subscribe . no , good master ( said mr. latimer ) i pray be good to an old man , you may , if it please god , be once as old as i am ; you may come to this age , and to this debility . dr. cartwright telling him , that he was of his opinion , but he was sorry for it , and desired he might repent also . will you give me leave ( said mr. latimer ) to tell what hath caused mr. doctor here to recant ? it is poena legis , the pain of the law hath brought you back , and converted you , and many more , the which letteth many to confess god. and this is a great argument . there are few here that can dissolve it . smith telling him , he was not of chrysostome's and st. austine's faith : i am ( said he ) of their faith , when they say well , and bring scripture for them ; and farther , austine requireth not to be believed . weston telling him , he could not have found his doctrine forty years agone : the more cause ( said he ) have we to thank god , that hath now sent the light into the world. weston pressing him to recant : you shall have no hope ( said he ) in me to turn . i pray for the queen daily even from the bottom of my heart , that she may turn from this religion . when he was excommunicated by weston , he said , i thank god most heartily , that he hath prolonged my life to this end , that i may in this case glorifie god by that kind of death . when he was brought forth from the bailiffs to see a mass , with a general procession , and understood so much , he run as fast as his old bones would carry him to a shop , and would not look towards it . after the sentence was past upon him , he was committed again to prison in oxford , where in prayer he oftentimes continued so long kneeling , that he was not able to rise without help ; and among other things these were three principal matters he prayed for . ( ) that as god had appointed him to be a preacher of his word , so he would give him grace to stand to his doctrine to death , that he might give his hearts blood for the same . ( ) that god of his mercy would restore his gospel to england once again ; and these words once again , once again he did so inculcate and beat into the ears of the lord god , as though he had seen god before him , and spoke to him face to face . ( ) that god would preserve the lady elizabeth , and make her a comfort to this comfortless realm of england . neither were these things desired of him in vain , but the lord most graciously granted every one of these requests . ( ) the lord assisted him to be constant to the last . at the stake he lifted up his eyes towards heaven , with an amiable and comfortable countenance , saying , god is faithful , which doth not suffer us to be tempted above our strength . afterward he shed his blood in the ca●se of christ. the blood ran out of his heart in great abundance , his body being opened by the force of the fire . ( ) the gospel was restored again unto england . ( ) when the enemies tr●umphed , gods word was banished , no place left for gods servants to cover their heads , god hav●ng wonderfully preserved the lady elizabeth , set her on the throne , and thereby the captivity of sorrowfull christians was released . in his letter to mr. morice . — i thank you that now of late you would vouchsase to write unto me , so poor a wretch , to my great comfort among all these my troubles . — seeing there is no pain that can break my charity and patience , cause me to dishonour god , to displease god , to be displeased with god , nor to joy in god , bring me from surety of salvation , separate me from christ , or christ from me , i care the less for it . — in his letter in answer to dr. sherwood . — god gives us both what he knows best for us ; to me patience becoming a christian in the midst of my sufferings , and to you as sound a judgement , as you have now a fervent zeal . — i said that all popes , bishops , vicars , rectors , not entring by the door , but ascending some other way , are thieves and robbers , &c. hence you gather , that i said , all popes , bishops , vicars , rectors , simply are so . o my brother , is this a good collection ? — is there not a vast difference between these two assertions , all not entring in by the door are thieves , and all simply are thieves . whence i pray you could it seem to you to say , simply all are thieves , when i said onely , all not entring in by the door are thieves ? unless perhaps all appear to you to ascend some other way , and not to enter by the door ? if you think so , if you be wise , do not say that you do so think , you know how dangerous it will be for you to say so . — you say that christ did onely in secret , and not in publick , task the pharisees ; but i am but a man , not a searcher of hearts , &c. but did not christ by name accuse them , even before the multitude , saying , woe unto you , scriles and pharisees , hypocrites ? it is true , i am but a man , that see not the spot lying hid in anothers heart , but onely the life exposed to the view of all , and so knowing them by their fruits , whom christ would have so known . i do condemn that course of life , whoever take it up , which i find often condemned in the holy scriptures , and in the holy interpreters thereof . am not i then undeservedly found fault with by you ? — what i spake rightly concerning the church , you wickedly calumniate as if i had made all equal with peter as to the use of the keys , when there was not a word mentioned concerning the power of the keys , &c. — but i onely admonished my hearers , that the church of christ was built upon a rock , and not upon the sands ; least they trust in a dead faith , and not shew forth their faith by their works . — in his letter to sir edward bainton . — to recompence your goodness towards me , i shall not cease to pray my lord god , who is able , and also doth indeed reward all them that favour the favourers of his truth for his sake ; for the truth is a common thing , pertaining to every man , for the which every man shall answer another day : and i desire favour neither of your worship , nor of any man else , but in truth , and for the truth , i take god to witness , which knoweth all . — i marvel not a little how the bishop of london having so broad , wide , and large diocess , committed unto his cure , and so peopled as it is , can have leisure for preaching and teaching the word , in season , out of season , privately , publickly , to his own flock , convincing , exhorting , admonishing , &c. to trouble me , or to trouble himself with me , &c. — i do not think judges now adayes so deeply confirmed in grace , or so impeccable , but that it may behove and become preachers to admonish them to do well , to examine whether the accusers do not pervert the words of the accused ; and this i did upon occasion of the apostles saying , ye are not under the law , but under grace . what a saying is this ( said i ) if it be not rightly understood . the words sound as if he would encourage christians to break law , seeing they be not under the law : and what if paul's adversaries would have so taken them , and accused him of the same to my lord of london . if he would have heard paul declare his own mind , he would have escaped ; but if he would have rigorously followed , utcunque allegata & probata , and have given sentence after the relation of the accusers , good st. paul must have born a fagot at paul's cross , the bishop of london being his judge . — but my lord will say , peradventure that men will not take the preachers words otherwise then they mean therein . — as though st. paul's words were not otherwise taken . because he said , that our unrighteousness commendeth the righteousness of god , he was reported to mean , that we should do evil that good may come thereof , though he meant nothing so , &c. now my lord will not think ( i dare say ) that st. paul was too blame , that he spake no more warily , or more plainly to avoid the offence of the people , but rather the people for that they took no better heed to his meaning ; yea , he will pity the people who had been so long nuzled in the doctrine of the pharisees , and wallowed so long in darkness of mans traditions and superstitions , that they were unapt to receive the bright light of the truth , and wholesome doctrine of god , uttered by st. paul ; nor do i think that my lord will require more circumspection in me , then was in st. paul , when he did not escape slanderous reports of them , that be of corrupt judgements , who reported him to say whatsoever he appeared to them to say , or whatsoever seemed to them to follow of his saying : so they report us to say ( saith paul ) so they speak evil of us , whose damnation is just . and i think the damnation of all such , that evil report preachers now adayes is just also : yea , christ himself was mis-reported and falsly accused , both as to his words , and also as concerning the meaning of his words . he said , destroy you , they made it , i can destroy ; he said , this temple , they added , made with hands , to bring it to a contrary sense . — he did mean of the temple of his body , and they did wrest it to solomon's temple . — there be three sorts of persons , which can make no credible information . ( ) adversaries . ( ) ignorant ones , and without judgement . ( ) whisperers , which will spew out in hudder mudder more then they dare avow openly . the first will not , the second cannot , the third dare not : therefore the relation of such is not credible , and cannot occasion any indifferent judge to make process against any man. — it is a great commendation to be evil spoken of them , that be naught themselves , and to be commended of such is many times no little reproach . god send us all grace to wish well one to another , and to speak well one of another . meseems it were more comely for my lord ( if it were comely for me to say so ) to be a preacher himself , having so great a cure , as he hath , then to be a disquieter of preachers , and to preach nothing at all himself . — i am sure st. paul , the true minister of god , and faithful dispenser of gods mysteries , and right exemplar of all true and very bishops , saith , though some preach christ of envy , thinking to obscure me , and bring my authority into contempt , some of good will thinking to comfort me , notwithstanding so that christ be preached , i joy and will joy : so much he regarded more the glory of christ , and promotion of christs doctrine to the edification of souls , then the maintenance of his own authority , reputation and d●gnity , considering that what authority he had , it was to edification , and not to destruction . now i think it were no reproach to my lord , but rather very commendable , to joy with paul , and be glad that christ be preached qis vis modo , yea , though it were for envy , in disdain , despite , and contempt of his lordship . — the university of cambridge hath authority to admit twelve early , of which i am one , and the kings highness did decree , that all admitted of universities should preach throughout his realm , as long as they preached well . — to inhibit a preacher admitted of the king , is to disobey the king. — we low subjects are bound to obey powers , and their ordinances , and are not the highest subjects also , who ought to give us an ensample of such obedience ? as for my preaching it self , i trust in god my lord of london cannot justly blame and reprove it , if it be taken as i spake it , or else it is not my preaching , but his that falsly reporteth it ; as martial saith to one that depraved his book : quem recitas meus est , o fidentine , libellus ; sed male dum recitas , incipit esse tuus . in english thus ; mine is the book thou readest fidentine ; but thou not reading right dost make it thine . now i hear that my lord of london is informed , and hath informed the king , that i go about to defend bilney and his cause against his ordinaries and iudges , whereas i had nothing to do with bilney , except his judges did him wrong ; for i did nothing else but admonish all judges indifferently to do right . — it might have become a preacher to say as i said , though bilney had never been born . i have known bilney a great while , i think much better then ever did my lord of london , and to tell you the truth , i have known hitherto few such , so prompt and ready to do every man good after his power , both friends and foes , &c. in sum , a very simple good soul , nothing meet for this wretched world , whose blind fashion and miserable state ( yet far from christs doctrine ) he could as evil bear , and would sorrow , lament , and bewail it , as much as any man that ever i knew . — i cannot but wonder , if a man living so mercifully , so charitably , so patiently , so continently , so studiously and vertuously , and killing his old adam , i. e. mortifying his evil effections , and blind motions of his heart so diligently , should die an evil death . let him that standeth beware that he fall not . — i am ignorant in things , that i trust hereafter to know , as i do now know things , in which i have been ignorant heretofore . — it were too long to tell you , what blindness i have been in , and how long it was ere i could forsake such folly , it was so incorporate in me ; but by continual prayer , continual study of scripture , and oft communicating with men of more right judgement , god hath delivered me , &c. yea men think that my lord himself hath in times past thought , that by gods law a man might marry his brothers wife , who now both dares think and speak the contrary : and yet this his boldness might have chanced in pope iulius his dayes , to stand him either in a fire or a fagot . which thing pondered of my lord , might somewhat stir him up to charitable equity towards such who labour to do good , as their power serveth , with knowledge , and do hurt to no man with their ignorance ; for there is no greater distance then between gods law , and not gods law , nor is it so , or so , because any man thinketh it so , or so ; but because it is so , or so indeed , therefore we must think it so , or so , when god shall give us knowledge thereof ; for if it be indeed either so , or not so , it is so , or not so , though all the world have thought so these thousand years , &c. — the matter is weighty ( as you say ) and ought to be substantially looked upon , even as weighty as my life is worth ; but how to look substantially upon it , otherwise know not i , then to pray my lord god night and day , that as he hath emboldned me to preach his truth , so he will strengthen me to suffer for it , to the edification of them , who have by his working taken fruit thereby , and so i desire you and all others that favour me for his sake likewise to pray ; for it is not i ( without his mighty helping hand ) that can abide that brunt ; but i have trust that god will help me in time of need , which if i had not , the ocean i think should have divided my lord of london and me by this day ; for it is a rare thing for a preacher to have favour at his hand , who is no preacher himself , and yet ought to be . i pray god both he and i may discharge our selves , he in his great cure , and i in my little one to gods pleasure and safety of our souls . amen . in his reply to sir edward baynton's answer . — truly i were not well advised if i would not either be glad of your instruction , or yet refuse my own reformation ; but yet it is good for a man to look before he leap . — first , you mislike that i say i am sure i preach the truth , saying in reproof of the same , god knoweth certain truth . indeed none knoweth certain truth but god , and those which be taught of god , as faith paul ; for god revealeth it to them : and saith christ , they shall be all taught of god. — as to my arrogancy , either i am certain or uncertain that it is truth that i preach . if it be truth , why may i not say so , to encourage my hearers to receive the same more fervently , and pursue it more studiously ? if i be uncertain , why dare i be so bold to preach it ? if your friends in whom you trust so greatly be preachers , after sermon i pray you ask them whether they be sure that they taught you the truth or no. if they say they be sure , you know what followeth : if they say they be not sure , when shall you be sure that have such doubtful teachers ? — our knowledge here ( you say ) is but dark as through a glass . what then ? therefore it is not certain and sure . i deny your argument by your leave : yea , if it be by faith it is most sure , for the certainty of faith is the surest certainty , as duns and other school-doctors say . there is a great difference between certain knowledge and clear knowledge ; for that may be of things a●sent , that appear not , this requireth the presence of the object or thing known . — it is true there are too many that have a zeal for god , but not according to knowledge : there are also who have knowledge without zeal , holding the truth in unrighteousness : and there are , that have lost the spiritual knowledge of gods word , which they had before , because they have not ensued it , nor promoted the same , but rather with their mother wits have impugned the wisdome of the father , and hindred the knowledge thereof , which therefore hath been taken away from them . to him hath not , that also which he hath , i. e. seems to have , shall be taken away . to abuse that , which a man hath , or not to use it well , is as not to have it . — it behoveth every preacher to have so deep and profound knowledge , that he may call this or that truth , which this or that he taketh in hand to preach for truth ; and yet he may be ignorant in many things , both this or that , as apollo was , but such things , whether this , or that , he will not attempt to preach for the truth . — there be many things in scripture in which i cannot discern certainly verum & falsum , no not with all the exercise i have in scripture , nor yet with the help of all interpreters i have , to content my self and others in all scrupulosity , that may arise ; but in such i am wont to wade no farther in the stream , then that i may either go over , or else return back again , having ever respect , nor to the ostentation of my little wit , but to the edification of them that hear me , as far forth as i can , neither passing mine own , nor yet their capacity . — it is but foolish humility willingly to continue alwayes an infant still in christ ; — for though paul would not have us to think arrogantly of our selves , and above that , which it becometh us to think of our selves , yet he biddeth us so to think of our selves , as god hath distributed to every one the measure of faith . he that may not with meekness think in himself what god hath done in him , and of himself as god hath done for him , how shall he , or when shall he give due thanks to god for his gifts ? — every opinion or manner of teaching , which causeth dissention in a christian congregation is not of god , by the doctrine of st. iohn ; but not every thing , whereupon followeth dissention , causeth dissention . — an occasion is sometime taken , and not given . the galatians , having for preachers and teachers the false apostles , by whose teaching they were degenerate from the sweet liberty of the gospel into the sour bonds of ceremonies , thought themselves peradventure a christian congregation , when paul writ his epistle unto them , so that the false apostles might have objected to paul , that his apostleship was not of god ; forasmuch as there was dissention in a christian congregation by occasion thereof , while some would renew their opinions by occasion of the epistle , others would opine as they were wont to do , and follow their great lords and masters , the false apostles , who were not heathen , but high prelates of the professors of christ. — i would also learn of your friends , whether st. hieromes writings were of god , which caused dissention in a christian congregation ? what were they that called him falsarium and corrupter of scripture , and for envy would have bitten him with their teeth ? unchristen or christen ? what had unchristen to do with christian doctrine ? they were worshipful fathers of a christian congregation , men of much more hotter stomacks then right judgement , of a greater authority then good charity . but hierom would not cease to do good ( as he saith himself ) for the evil speaking of them that were naught , giving in that an ensample to us of the same . and i pray you what mean your friends by a christian congregation ? all those ( trow ye ) that have been christened ? but many of those be in worse condition , and shall have greater damnation , then many unchristned ; for it is not enough to a christian congregation that is of god , to have been christned , but it is to be considered what we promise when we be christned , to renounce satan , his works , his pomps ; which thing if we busie not our selves to do , let us not crack , that we profess christs name in a christian congregation in one baptism : and whereas they adde , in one lord , i read , not every one that saith lord , lord , &c. and why call ye me lord , lord , and do not that i bid you ? and whereas they adde , in one faith , st. iames saith , shew me thy faith by thy works . and the scripture saith , he that believeth god , attendeth to his commands . and the devils believe to their little comfort . i pray god save you and your friends from that believing congregation . — st. hier●m exhorts true preachers to suffer death for the same , when evil priests and false teachers and the people , that be by them deceived , are angry with them for preaching the truth , though they be christned as well as others . i fear st. hierom might appear to some christian congregation ( as they will be called ) to write seditiously , to divide the unity of a great honest number confessing christ in one baptism , one lord , one faith. — hierom calleth the priests masters , and very proverly : servants teach not their own doctrine , but the doctrine of their master christ to his glory : masters teach not christs doctrine , but their own to their own glory . — your friends have learned of st. iohn , that every one that confesseth iesus christ in flesh is of god , and i have learned of st. paul , that there have been , not among heathens , but among the christned , who confess christ with their mouth , and deny him with their acts . — i leave it to your friends to shew , utrum qui factis negant christum & vita sint ex deo necne per solam oris confessionem ; for they knew well enough from the same st. iohn , he that is of god sinneth not , and heareth the word of god. many shall hear , i never knew you , who shall not onely be christned , but also prophecy , and do many mighty works in the name of christ. — false prophets are called naughty servants ; servants , because they confess christ in the flesh ; and naughty , because they deny him in their deeds , not giving meat in due season , and exercising mastership over the flock . — in the people there is required a judgement to discern when gods ordinances are ministred , and when mens own , lest we take chalk for cheese , which all edge our teeth , and hinder digestion ; for it is commonly said , the blind eateth many a fly , as they did , which were perswaded of the high priests to ask barabbas and crucifie christ : and ye know that to follow the blind guides is to come into the pit with the same . — better it were to have a deformity in preaching , so that some would preach the truth of god , and that which is to be preached without cauponation and adulteration of the word , then to have such an uniformity , that the silly people should thereby be occasioned to continue still in their lamentable ignorance , corrupt judgement , superstition and idolatry , &c. — i see well , whosoever will be happy , and busie with vae votis , shall shortly after come coram no●is . — i shall have need of great patience to bear the false reports of the malignant church . — i wonder how men can go quietly to bed , who have great cures and many , and yet peradventure are in none of them all . — i must suffer of necessity , and so enter : so perillous a thing it is to live godly in christ iesus even in a christian congregation . god make us all christians after the right fashion . amen . in his letter to king henry the eighth . — saint austin saith , that he , who for fear of any power hid●th the truth , provoketh the wrath of god to come upon him ; for he feareth men more then god. saint chrysostome saith , that he is not onely a traitor to the truth , who openly for truth teacheth a lye , but he also , who doth not freely pronounce and shew the truth that he knoweth . — these passages made me sore afraid , and troubled in conscience , and at last drew me to this strait , that either i must shew forth such things as i have read and learned in the scripture , or else be of that sort , that provoke the wrath of god upon them and be traitors to the truth : the which thing rather then it should happen , i had rather suffer extreme punishment . for what other thing is it to be a traitor to the truth , then to be a traitor and a iudas unto christ , who is the very truth , and cause of all truth ? who saith , that whosoever deny him here before men , he will deny him before his father in heaven : the which denying ought more to be feared and dreaded , then the loss of all temporal goods , honour , promotion , fame , prison , slander , hurts , banishments , and all manner of torments and cruelties , yea and death it self , be it never so shameful and painful . but alas ! how little do men fear the terrible judgement of almighty god ? and especially they , who boast themselves to be guides unto others , and challenge to themselves the knowledge of holy scriptures , yet will neither shew the truth themselves ( as they be bound ) nor suffer them that would . so that what christ said to the pharisees may be said to them , woe be to you , &c. who shut up the kingdome of heaven before men , and neither will you enter in your selves , nor suffer them that would , to enter in . — now they have made it treason to have the scripture in english. here i beseech your grace to hear patiently a word or two . though as concerning your regal power you are to me and all your subjects in gods stead , &c. yet as concerning that you be a mortal man , in danger of sin , having in you the corrupt nature of adam , in the which all be conceived and born , and so have no less need of the merits of christs passion for your salvation , then i or other of your subjects have , &c. i was bold to write this rude , homely , and simple letter to your grace . — first i exhort you to make the life and process of christ and his ap●stles in preaching , and the words of christ to his disciples , when he sent them forth to preach his gospel . christ was born and lived very poor , though he might by his divine power have had all the treasures of this world when & where he would . but this he did to shew us that his followers should not regard and set by the riches and treasures of this world , if they happen to them , they should not set their hearts upon them . it is not against the poverty in spirit , which christ praiseth , to be rich , to be in dignity and honour , so that the heart be not set upon them . they be enemies to this poverty in spirit , though they have never so little , that have greedy desires to the goods of this world , onely because they would live after their own pleasure and lusts . — i will not that your grace should take away the goods due to the church , but take away all evil persons from the goods , and set better in their stead . i name nor appoint no person or persons , but remit your grace to the rule of our saviour christ , by their fruits ye shall know them . — the words that christ spake to his disciples , when he sent them to preach his gospel , are , that here they shall be hated and despised of all men worldly , and brought before kings and rulers , and that all evil should be said of them for their preaching sake ; but he exhorteth them to take patiently such persecution by his own example , saying , it becomes not the servant to ●e above the master , &c. read also the fourteeth chapter , and there your grace shall see that he promised to the true preachers no worldly promotion or dignity , but persecution , and that they should be betrayed even by their own brethren and children . in iohn also he saith , in the world you shall have oppression , and the w●rld shall hate you , but in me you shall have peace : and elsewhere , lo i send you as sheep among wolves . the true preachers go like sheep , harmless , and be persecuted , and yet they revenge not their wrong , but remit all to god : so far is it off that they will persecute any other but with the word of god onely , which is their weapon . this is the most evident token , that christ would that his gospel and the preachers of it should be known by , that it should be despised among worldly wise men , and be reputed foolishness by them , and deceivable doctrine , and the true preachers should be persecu●ed and driven from town to town , and at last lose both goods and life ; and yet they that persecuted them should think they did well and a great pleasure to god. — where the word of god is truly preached , there is persecution as well of the hearers , as of the teachers . he that will live godly in christ iesus must suffer persecution . it is not onely given you to believe in the lord , but to suffer perse●ution for his sake . where is quietness and rest in worldly pleasure , there is not the truth ; for the world loveth all that are of the world , and hateth all things that are contrary to it . st. paul calleth the gospel , the word of the cross. — may it please your grace to return to the golden rule of your saviour , by their fruits you shall know them . where you see persecution , there is the gospel , and there is the truth , and they that do persecute be without the truth . they whose works be naught , dare not come to the light , but go about to hinder it , letting as much as they may , that the holy scriptures should not be read in our mother tongue , saying , that it would cause heresie and insurrections , and so perswade , or fain would perswade your grace to keep it back . but here mark their shameless boldness , which be not ashamed to gather grapes of thorns , &c. and to call light darkness , &c. and to say , that that , which teacheth all obedience , should cause dissention and strife . — therefore good king , seeing the right david , our saviour christ hath sent his servants , his true preachers and his word to comfort our weak and sick souls , let not worldly wise men make your grace believe that they will cause insurrections and heresies , and such mischiefs as they imagine of their own mad brains , lest that he be avenged upon you and upon your realm , as was david upon the ammonites , and as he hath ever been avenged upon them , which have obstinately withstood and gainsaid his word . but peradventure they will say experience shews , how that such men as call themselves followers of the gospel , regard not your graces command , neither set by your proclamation , as appears by those that were punished in london for keeping such books , as your grace had prohibited by proclamation ; and so like as they regarded not this , so they will not regard other your laws , statutes , and ordinances . but this is but a crafty perswasion . — the very cause of your last proclamation , and the chief councellors ( as men say , and of likelyhood it should be ) were they , whose evil living and cloked hypocrisie those books uttered and disclosed . — and so it might be that these men did not take this proclamation as yours , but as theirs set forth in your name , as they have done many times more , &c. — there is no man , i hear say , that can lay any word or deed to their charge , that should sound to the breaking of your graces laws , this onely excepted , if it be yours , and not theirs . — there be some that for fear of losing of their wordly honour , will not leave off their opinion , which rashly , and that to please men withall , by whom they had great promotion , they took upon to desend by writing , &c. let these men remember st. paul and david . take heed of their worldly wisdome , which is foolishness before god , that you may do what god commandeth , and not what seems good in your own sight without the word , that your grace may be found acceptable in his sight , and one of the members of his church , and according to the office he hath called your grace unto , you may be found a faithful minister of his gifts , and not a defender of his faith ; for he will not have it defended by man , or by mans power , but by his word onely , by the which he hath evermore defended it , and that by a way far above mans power or reason , &c. wherefore gracious king , remember your self , have pity upon your soul , and think that the day is even at hand , when you shall give an account of your office , and of the blood that hath been shed with your sword. in the which day , that your grace may stand stedfastly and not be ashamed , but be clear and ready in your reckoning , and to have ( as they say ) your quietus est sealed with the blood of our saviour christ , which only serveth at that day , is my daily prayer . decemb. . a. . observe in this letter ( saith mr. fox ) the duty of a right pastour to truth ; that kings are many times abused by flatterers and wicked councellors , the subtile practises of prelates in abusing the name and authority of kings to set forth their own malignant proceedings , and the great boldness and divine stoutness of this servant of christ , who as yet being no bishop , so plainly and freely , without fear of death , adventuring his life to discharge his conscience , durst so boldly , to so mighty a prince , in such a dangerous case , against the kings law and proclamation , set out in such a terrible time , take upon him to write , and to admonish that , which no councellor durst once speak to him , in defence of christs gospel : and yet though his wholsome counsel did not prevail , god so wrought with his servant in doing his duty , that no danger , no nor displeasure rose to him thereby . it was not long after that the king made him bishop of worcester . touching the memorable acts and doings of this worthy man , i cannot neglect the taking notice of one ( for therein he spoke notably , though he said not a word ) viz. his bold enterprize in sending to king henry a present . it was a custome that every year upon ian. . every bishop should send the king a new-years-gift . mr. latimer , being then bishop of worcester , presented a new testament for his new-years-gift , with a napkin having this posy about it . fornicat●res & adulteros judicabit dominus , i. e. whoremongers and adulterers god will jundge . in his letter to mrs. wi●kinson out of bocardo in oxford . — if the gift of a pot of cold water shall not be in oblivion with god , how can god forget your manifold and bountiful gifts , when he shall say to you , i was in prison and you visited me . god grant us all to do and suffer , while we be here , as may be to his will and pleasure , amen . yours in bocardo , h. l. in his letter to dr. ridley , — you say except the lord assist me with his gracious aid , in the time of his service , i shall ( i know ) play but the part of a white-livered knight . truth it is , for , without me ( saith christ ) ye can do nothing , much less suffer death of our adversaries , through the bloody law prepared against us : but it followeth , if you abide in me , and my word abide in you , ask what you will , and it shall be done for you . what can be more comfortable ? — better a few things well pondered , then to trouble the memory with too much . you shall prevail more with praying , then with studying , though mixture be best ; for so one shall alleviate the tediousness of the other . i intend not to contend much with them in words , after a reasonable account of my faith given ; for it shall be but in vain . they will say , as their fatherr said , when they have no more to say , we have a law , and by our law he ought to die . be ye stedfast and unmoveable , stand fast . if ye abide , if ye abide , &c. but we shall be called obstinate , sturdy , ignorant , heady , and what not ? so that a man hath need of much patience , that hath to do with such men . — diotrephes now of late did ever harp upon unity , unity . yea sir ( said i ) but in verity , not in popery . better is a diversity , then an unity in popery . — the marrow-bones of the mass are altogether detestable , and therefore by no means to be born withall : so that of necessity the mending of it is to abolish it for ever . — what fellowship hath christ with antichrist ? — come forth from among them and separate your selves from them , saith the lord. it is one thing to be the church indeed , and another thing to counterfeit the church . — i thank you , that you have vouchsafed to minister so plentiful armour unto me , being otherwise altogether unarmed , saving that he cannot be left destitute of help , who rightly trusteth in the help of god. i onely learn to die in reading of the new testament , and am still praying to my god to help me in time of need . — my prayer shall you not lack , trusting that you do the like for me ; for indeed there is the help , &c. — there is no remedy ( now they have the master bowl in their hand and rule the roast ) but patience . better it is to suffer what cruelty they will put upon us , then to incur gods high indignation . wherefore be of good cheer in the lord , duly considering what he requireth of you , and what he doth promise you . our common enemy shall do no more then god will permit him . god is faithful who will not suffer us to be tempted above our strength , &c. be at a point what you will stand to : stick unto that , and let them both say and do what they list . they can but kill the body , which is of it self mortal : neither shall they do that when they list , but when god will suffer them , when the hour appointed is come . — let them not deceive you with their sophistical sophisms and fallacies : you know that false things may have more appearance of truth , then things that be most true . remember paul's watch-word , let no man deceive you with likeliness of speech . — fear of death doth most perswade a great number : be well ware of that argument . — the flesh is weak , but the willingness of the spirit shall refresh the weakness of the flesh . the number of the cryers under the altar must needs be fulfilled . if we be segregated thereunto , happy are we . that is the greatest promotion , that god giveth in this world to be such philippians , to whom it is given , not onely to believe , but to suffer , &c. but who is able to do these things ? surely all our ability , all our sufficiency is of god. he requireth and promiseth . let us declare our obedience to his will , when it shall be requisite , in the time of trouble , yea , in the midst of the fire . when that number is fulfilled , which i ween shall be shortly , then have at the papists , when they shall say , peace , all things are safe , &c. christ shall come gloriously , to the terrour of all papists ; but to the great consolation of all that will here suffer for him . comfort your selves one another with these words . — pray for me , pray for me , i say ; pray for me , i say ; for i am sometime so fearful , that i would creep into a mouse-hole : sometime again god doth visit me with his comfort . so he cometh and goeth , to teach me to feel and know mine infirmity , to the intent to give thanks to him that is worthy , lest i should rob him of his due , as many do , yea almost all the world . farewell . fare you well once again , and be thou stedfast and unmoveable in the lord. paul loved timothy marvellous well , notwithstaing he saith unto him , be thou partaker of the affliction of the gospel , and again , harden thy self to suffer afflictions . be faithfull unto death , and i will give thee a crown of life , saith the lord. mr. fox records one letter more of this holy mans , which he wrote when he was bishop of worcester to a iustice of peace , who could not at first bear his being told by this servant of god his fault in oppressing and wronging a poor man , but sent him word in great displeasure , that he would not take it at his hands , &c. but afterward proved a good man : in which letter his close is very observable . consider with your self ( saith mr. latimer ) what it is to oppress and defraud your brother , and what followeth thereof . it is truly said , the sin is not forgiven , except the thing be restored again , that is taken away . no restitution , no salvation : which is as well to be understood of things gotten by fraud , guile , and deceit , as of things gotten by open theft and rollery . i will do the best i can , and wrestle with the devil omnibus v●ri●us , to deliver you and your brother out of his possession . i will leave no one stone unmoved to have you both saved . there is neither arch bishop , nor bishop , nor any learned man in either university , or elsewhere , that i am acquainted with , that shall not write to you , and by their learning confute you . there is no godly man of law in this realm , that i am acquainted with , but they shall write to you , and confute you by law. there is neither l●rd nor lady , nor any noble person in this realm , that i am acquainted with , but they shall write unto you , and godlily threaten you with their authority . i will do all this , yea , i will kneel upon both my knees before the kings majesty and all his honourable council , with most humble petition for your reformation , rather then the devil shall possess you still to your final damnation : so that i do not despair , but verily trust one way or other to pluck both you and your crabbed brother ( as crabbed as you say he is ) out of the devils claws , maugre the devils heart . — in the moneth of october , an. . mr. latimer and dr. ridley were brought forth together to their final examination and execution . at his last appearence , being prest to recant , he said , — i must use here the counsel of cyprian , who when he was ascited before certain bishops , that gave him leave to take deliberation and counsel , to try and examine his opinion , he answered them thus . in sticking to , and persevering in the truth , no counsel nor deliberation must be taken ; and being asked , which was most like to be the church of christ , whether the persecuted , or the persecutor ? christ ( said he ) hath foreshewed , that he that doth follow him must take up his cross. how think you then my lords , is it like that the see of rome , which hath been a continual persecutor , is rather the church , or that small flock , which hath alwayes been persecuted even to death . mr. latimer being told , that his and st. cyprian's case was not one : yes verily ( said he ) my cause is as good as st. cyprian's ; for his was persecution for the word of god , and so is mine . as he was going to execution , dr. ridley spying him behind him , said ; o be ye there ? yes ( said mr. latimer ) have after as fast as i can follow . when he could not be suffered to answer dr. smith's sermon at their execution , on that in the corinthians : if i give my body to be burned , and have not charity , &c. he said ; well , there is nothing hid , but it shall be opened . when a fagot was brought kindled with fire , and laid at dr. ridley's feet , mr. latimer said , be of good comfort mr. ridley , and play the man ; we shall this day light such a candle by gods grace , in england , as i trust will never be put out . he received the flame , as it were embracing it , and crying out vehemently , o father of heaven receive my soul. laverock . hugh laverock , an old lame man , after he was chained to the stake , cast away his crutch ; and comforting iohn apprice a blind man , his fellow-martyr , said unto him , be of good comfort , my brother , for my lord of london is our good physician , he will heal us both shortly ; thee of thy blindess , and me of my lameness . lavoy . mr. aymond de lavoy , a french minister , having intelligence that some were sent to apprehend him ; and being willed by his friends to flie , and shift for himself , he said , that he had rather never to have been born , then so to do . it is the office of a good shepherd , not to flie in time of peril , but rather to abide the danger , lest the flock be scattered ; or else , least in so doing , he should leave some scruple in their minds , thus to think , that he had fed them with dreams and fables , contrary to the word of god. wherefore beseeching them to move him no more therein , he told them ; that he feared not to yield up both body and soul in the quarrel of that truth which he had taught , saying with st. paul , i am ready not onely to be bound for the testimony of christ in the city of bourdeaux , but to die also . when his hearers flew upon the sumner to deliver their preacher out of his hands , he desired them not to stop his martyrdome , seeing it was the will of god that he should suffer for him , he would not ( said he ) resist . whilst he was in prison , he bewailed exceedingly his former life , though there was no man that could charge him outwardly with any crime . one of the presidents coming to him , and shaking him by his beard , bid him tell what fellows he had of his religion . none ( said he ) but such as know and do the will of god my father , whether they be nobles , merchants , husbandmen , or of whatsoever degree they be . in his torments in prison he comforted himself thus ; this body once must die , but the spirit shall live . the kingdome of god abideth for ever . in the time of his tormenting , being but of a weak body , he swounded : afterward coming to himself again , he said ; o lord , lord , why hast thou forsaken me ? the president answering , nay wicked lutheran , thou hast forsaken god ; alas ! ( said he ) why do ye thus torment me ? o lord , i beseech thee , forgive them , they know not what they do . all their tortures could not force him to confess one mans name ; but he said unto them , i thought to have found more mercy with men ; wherefore i pray god i may find mercy with him . to the friers that came to confess him after his condemnation , he said ; depart , i will confess my sins to the lord. do ye not see how i am troubled enough with men ? will ye yet trouble me more ? others have had my body , will ye also take from me my soul ? away from me . at last he took a certain carmelite , bidding the rest to depart , whom after much talk he did convert to the truth . such trust have i ( said he to the judge ) in my god , that the same day when i shall die , i shall enter into paradise . the church ( said he ) is a greek word , signifying as much as congregation or assembly . and so i say , whensoever the faithfull do congregate together to the honour of god , and amplifying of christian religion , the holy ghost is verily with them . by this it should follow ( said the judge ) that there be many churches . it is no absurd thing ( said he ) to say there be many churches or congregations among the christians ; and so speaketh st. paul , to all the churches which are in galatia . when the judges left him , looking on him as a damned creature , he said with st. paul , who shall separate me from the love of god , shall the sword , hunger , or nakedness ; no , nothing shall pluck me from him . as he was carried to the place of execution , he sang psal. . and preaching still as he went , one of the souldiers bidding the carter therefore to drive apace , he said unto him , he that is of god heareth the word of god. many being offended , that passing by an image of the virgin mary , he would not pray unto her ; lifted up his voice to god , praying , that he would not suffer him at any time to invocate any other but him alone . at his execution he said , o lord , make haste to help me , tarry not , do not despise the work of thy hands : and you my brethren , that be students , i exhort you to learn the gospel ; for the word of god abideth for ever . labour to know the will of god , and fear not them that kill the body , but have no power upon your souls . my flesh repugneth marvellously against the spirit , but shortly i shall cast it away . i beseech you pray for me . o lord my god , into thy hands i commend my soul. laurence . i find three of this name recorded in the book of martyrs . first , laurence the deacon , when xistus his pastour was martyred under the emperour valerianus , was grieved that the son should be secluded from the father , that he should not suffer with him . seeing him led alone as a sheep to the slaughter , he cried out to him : o dear father , whither goest thou without the company of thy dear son ? whither hastenest thou , o reverend pastour , without thy deacon ? never wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister ? what crime is there in me , that offendeth thy fatherhood ? deniest thou unto him the fellowship of thy blood , to whom thou hast committed the distribution of the lords blood ? — he having after three dayes respit promised the merciless tyrant to declare where the churches treasure lay , caused a good company of poor christians to be congregated , and when the day of his answer was come , and he was strictly charged to staud to his promise ; he stretching out his arms over the poor , said ; these are the precious treasure of the church , these are the treasure indeed , in whom the faith of christ reigneth , in whom iesus christ hath his mansion-place : what more precious jewels can christ have , then those in whom he hath promised to dwell . it is written , i was hungry , and ye gave me to eat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me to drink ; i was harbourless , and ye lodged me . look what ye have done to the least of these , the same have ye done to me . — no tongue is able to expre●s the tyrant's fury and madness hereupon . kindle the fire of wood ( saith he ) make no spare . hath this villain deluded the emperour ? away with him ; away with him , whip him , buffet him , brain him , jesteth the traitor with the emperour ? roast him , boyl him , toss him , turn him on pain of our high displeasure , do every one his office o ye tormentors . when he was on the fiery gridiron , which was as a soft bed of down to him , he spake thus unto the tyrant ; this side is now roasted enough , turn up o tyrant great , essay whether roasted or raw thou think the better meat . secondly , iohn laurence , who was burnt at colchester , march . an. . he being not able to go , being lamed with irons in prison , was born to the fire in a chair , and whilst he sate in the fire , the young children came about the fire , and cried as well as they could , lord strengthen thy servant , and keep thy promise ; lord strengthen thy servant , and keep thy promise . thirdly , henry laurence , who was burnt at canterbury , about the later end of august , the same year . he being required to put his hand to his answers , wrote , ye are all of antichrist , and him ye fol ; probably he would have written , and him ye follow , had not he been hindred . lawson . elizabeth lawson , continuing almost three years in prison , in which time her own son , and many others were burnt , said often ; good lord , what is the cause that i may not yet come to thee with thy children ? well , good lord , thy blessed will be done , and not mine . this good old woman , about the age of sixty , before she went to prison , had the falling-sickness ; but she told a friend of hers , that after she was apprehended , she never had it more . leafe . bonner pressing iohn leafe , an apprentice of london , to recant , he said , no ; but i will die in that doctrine that mr. rogers , hooper , cardmaker , &c. died for . — my lord , you call mine opinion heresie , it is the true light of the word of god , and i profess i will never forsake my well-grounded opinion , whilst i have breath in my body . when two bills were sent to him in the counter in breadstreet , the one containing a recantation , the other his confessions , to see which of them he would sign ; when that which contained his confessions was read ( for he could neither read nor write ) in stead of a pen he took a pin , and so pricking his hand , sprinkled the blood upon the said bill , willing the reader thereof to shew the bishop , that he had sealed the same bill with his blood already . lewes . mrs. ioyce lewes was converted by mr. iohn glover , who after she was in some trouble , willed her in any case not to meddle with that matter in respect of vain-glory , or to get her self a name , shewing to her the great danger she was like to cast her self into , if she should meddle in gods matter otherwise then christ doth teach . when the bishop reasoned with her , she told him ; i find not these things in gods word , which you urge and magnifie as things most needfull for mens salvation . if these things were in the same word of god commanded , i would with all my heart receive , esteem , and believe them . the bishop answering , if thou wilt believe no more then is in the scriptures , concerning matters of religion , thou art in a damnable case ; she was amazed , and being moved by the spirit of god , told him , that his words were ungodly and wicked . when news was brought of the coming down of the writ , de comburendo , &c. she sent for several christians to consult with them how she might behave her self , that her death might be more glorious to the name of god , comfortable to his people , and most discomfortable to the enemies of god. as for death ( said she ) i do not greatly pass , when i behold the amiable countenance of christ , my dear saviour , the ugly face of death doth not greatly trouble me . two priests sending her word , that they were come to hear her confession ; she sent them word again , that she had made her confession to christ her saviour , at whose hands she was sure to have forgiveness of her sins . as concerning the cause , for the which she should die , she had no cause to confess that , but rather to give unto god most humble praise , that he did make her worthy to suffer death for his word . and as concerning that absolution , that they were able to give unto her , by authority from the pope , she did defie the same , even from the bottom of her heart . about three of the clock in the morning , before her execution , satan questioned with her , how she could tell that she was chosen to eternal life , and that christ died for her ! i grant that he died , but that he died for thee , how canst thou tell ? but satan was soon put to flight , and she comforted in christ , by arguing her election , and christ dying for her in particular from her vocation , and the holy spirit working in her heart love and desire towards god to please him , and to be justified by him through christ , &c. when the sheriff about eight of the clock that morning came into her chamber , and told her bluntly , that she had but one hour to live , she was somewhat abashed ; but being told by a friend , that she had great cause to praise god , that he will so speedily take her out of this world , &c. she said , mr. sheriff , your message is welcome to me , and i thank my god , that he will make me worthy to adventure my life in his quarrel . in her prayer , as she was going to the stake , she desired god most instantly to abolish the idolatrous mass , and to deliver this realm from popery . to which most of the people said amen , yea the sheriff himself . lucius . he said to urbicius a corrupt judge , threatning death ; i thank you with all my heart , that free me and release me from wicked governours , and send me to my good and loving father . luther . how devoted dr. martin luther was to the pope , when he first appeared , and what brought him upon the stage , he himself tells us . — above all things , i desire the pious reader , and that for the sake of our lord himself , christ iesus , not onely to read these things with judgement , but with much pity , knowing i was a monk , and a most mad papist , when i undertook this cause , so drunk with , yea drowned in popish doctrines , that i was most ready to kill , and to co-work with the murderers of all those who withdrew their obedience from the pope in the least . so great a saul was i , as there be yet many more . i was not so cold in defending the papacy , as was eccius himself , and such as he , &c. so that thon wilt find in my first writings very many and great things humbly conceded to the pope , which now i account highest blasphemy , and do abominate . — at first i was alone , and most unfit and unable to handle so great matters ; i call god to witness , that his providence , not my own will and purpose , engaged me so far . when in the year . indulgences were sold most shamefully , i was then a preacher , and a young doctour of divinity ( as i was called ) and began to disswade the people from hearkning to the sellers of indulgences , and therein i thought surely i had the pope for my patron , and upon that confidence was very valiant , seeing he doth in the decrees condemn the immodesty of the gatherers of money , so he calleth the preachers of indulgences . thereupon i writ two letters , one to the arch bishop of moguntz , who had one half of the money for the indulgences ( i knew not then that the other half did belong to the pope ) the other to the bishop of branderburg ; beseeching them to restrain the impudence and blasphemy of the gatherers of the money . but the poor monk was contemned . being contemned i published a short disputation , and a sermon , concerning indulgences , and afterwards my resolutions , and that for the popes honour , not that indulgences might be condemned , but that good works of charity might be preferred before them . this was accounted troubling of heaven , and setting the world on fire . i am accused unto the pope , and am cited to appear at rome , and against single me rise up the whole papacy . these things were done in the year . whilst maximilian the emperour held a council at ausburg , in which cardinal cajetane was the popes legate . him prince frederick , duke of saxony prevailed with , that i should not be compelled to go to rome , but have my business heard and composed by himself . being called before him , poor i came on foot to ausburg , upon the cost of and with letters of credence from prince frederick to the senate , and some other good men , who disswaded me ( after i was come ) from going to the cardinal till i had caesars safe conduct . when the cardinals oratour was told by me so much , he was angry . what ( said he ) do you think that prince frederick will take up arms for you ? i answered , that i would by no means . where then ( said he ) will you abide ? i answered under heaven . but ( said he ) if you had the pope and cardinals in your power , what would you do ? i would ( said i ) give them all reverence and honour . — at my meeting with the cardinal i made the following protestation . i martin luther an augustine frier protest , that i do reverence and follow the church of rome in all my sayings and doings , present , past , ond to come ; and if any thing hath been or shall be said by me to the contrary , or otherwise , i count it , and will that it be counted and taken as though it never had been spoken . having before this writ to pope leo the tenth thus , — i offer my self prostrate under the feet of your holiness , with all that i am and have , save me , kill me , call me , recall me , reprove me , condemn me , even as you please . i will acknowledge your voice , the voice of christ residing and speaking in you . — — here see men in my case , how hard it is to rise out of errours generally received , and by long custome becomes as it were natural . how true the proverb is , it is hard to leave customes , and custome is another nature : and how truly austine saith ; custome if it be not resisted will become necessity . i who had then seven years read and taught the scriptures most diligently , privately and publickly , and had some taste of the knowledge of christ , viz. that we were justified and saved not by works , but by faith in christ , and now defended publickly ( he means in his dispute with eccius at lipsia in the year . ) that the pope is not by divine right head of the church ; yet i did not see what naturally followeth thence , viz. that the pope is therefore of necessity from the devil , for what is not of god is necessarily of the devil . i was ( i say ) so corrupted by example and the title of holy church and custome , that i granted to the pope an humane right , which yet if it be not underpropt with divine authority , is a lye and divelish ; for we must obey parents and magistrates , not because they command , but because it is the will of god. hence i can better bear those that do even pertinaciously cleave unto popery , especially if they have not read the scriptures , seeing i that so many years most diligently read them , did notwithstanding stick thereunto so firmly . — in the year . the pope sent prince frederick a golden rose by charles miltitius , who perswaded me earnestly to be reconciled to the pope , and to study the things of peace . i promised that i would most willingly do whatsoever truth and my conscience would allow , and assured him that i was most desirous of and studious for peace ; and seeing i was drawn and necessitated to do what i did , what i did was not my fault . — charles is accounted unwise , and the course he took imprudent ; but in my judgement , if the bishop of moguntz and the pope , before he had condemned me unheard , had taken the same course , the business had never come to this . — these things i relate good reader , that if thou wilt read my little works , thou mayest remember i am one of them , who ( as austine reports of himself ) profit by writing and teaching ; not one of those , who from nothing on a sudden become chieftains . farewell in the lord , and pray for the increase of the word against satan , who is alwayes mighty and malicious , but now most furious and raging , knowing his time is but short , and that the kingdome of his pope is shaken . the lord god confirm what he hath wrought in us , and perfect the work he hath begun in us , to his own glory . amen . march . an. . mr. clark tells us , that when they threatned to burn his books , he writ thus to spalatinus . — as for my self , i contemn rome's favour and fury . let them censure and burn all my books , i will do the like by theirs , and will put an end to all my humble observance of them , which doth but incense them more and more . in his epistle to melancthon from auslurg , when he appeared before cajetan . — here is nothing new or wonderfull , but that the city is filled my name , and every one desires to see such a boutefeau . play the man as you do in rightly teaching the youth . i am willing for them and you to he sacrificed , if it please the lord. i had rather die , and ( which is most grievous to me ) for ever want your most sweet company , then recant , and be an occasion to the most foolish and bitter enemies of all learning of destroying good learning . italy is fallen into egyptian darkness , so ignorant are all of christ and the things of christ , and yet we have these for our masters and teachers of faith and manners : so filled up is the anger of god against us . — farewell my philip , and by holy prayer avert the lords anger . — when cajetan wrote to prince frederick , either to send luther to rome , or to banish him out of his dominions , he wrote unto the prince as followeth . — i refuse not banishment , as seeing snares laid for me every where by my adversaries , neither can i easily live any where in safety . but what should i a miserable and humble monk hope for ? yea what danger should i not fear ? when they threaten your excellency , so great a prince , so great an elector , so devout a favourer of the christian religion , i know not what misery , if you do not either send me to rome , or banish me . wherefore least any evil should happen unto you for my sake ( which i am most unwilling of , behold i leave your countrey , being resolved to go where my mercifull god pleaseth , and to commit the event to his will. — — i still rejoyce in the love of god , and give him thanks that christ the son of god hath counted me worthy to suffer in so holy a cause . — novemb. . . in his letter to pope leo the tenth , april . . — i have indeed sharply inveighed against all wicked doctrines , and been biting to my adversaries for their impiety , of which i am so far from repenting , that i am resolved in contempt of mans judgement to persevere in that heat of zeal , after the example of christ , who in his zeal calls his adversaries a brood of vipers , blind , hypocrites , the children of satan : and of paul , who calls the sorcerer the child of the devil , full of all subtilty and wickedness ; and others , dogs , &c. if his hearers were tender and soft , they would account him biting and immodest . who more biting then the prophets ? the wicked mad company of flatterers have made the ears of this age so delicate , that as soon as we perceive our own wayes not approved , we cry out we are bitten ; and when we cannot repel the truth on any other account , we avoid it under the pretence of railing , impudence , &c. but what is salt good for , if it be not sharp ? what a sword if it will not cut ? cursed is the man that doth the work of the lord negligently . — i contend with none but onely about the word of truth . in all other things i will yield to any , but cannot and will not desert and deny the word . neither you , nor any body else can deny , but the court of rome is more corrupt then any babylon or s●dom . — i have therefore detested and could not endure that the people of christ should be deluded under your name and the church of rome , and so have resisted and shall resist them while i breath . — the roman court is desperate , the anger of god is come upon it to the full , it hates councils , fears to be reformed , &c. and makes good her mothers character , we would have healed babylon , but she is not healed , let us forsake her . — hence i have been troubled good le● , that you were made pope in these dayes , who wast worthy of better . she doth not deserve you , and such as you but satan himself , who doth indeed reign in that babylon more then you your self . o would to god , that laying aside that which your deadliest enemies boastingly call your glory , you would be content with being a private priest , and live upon your own inheritance . — what do you my leo at rome , but let the most wicked and accursed wretches use your name and authority to destroy mens estates and souls , to increase wickedness , to oppress faith and truth with the whole church of god. o most unhappy leo , you sit in a most dangerous seat . i tell you the truth , because i wish you well . if bernhard did sympathize with his eugenius ruling rome in a more hopefull condition , though then very corrupt , what may not we complain , to whom in the space of three hundred years there is such an accession of corruption and perdition ? it incomparably exceeds the wickedness of the turks . — behold my father leo , upon what account i have so inveighed against that pestilent see. i am so far from speaking against your person , that i hope i should do you the greatest courtesie , if i should stoutly and fiercely destroy that your prison , yea your hell. — but this i never intended , but was forced to do so by my adversaries . — when i was before cardinal cajetan , he might have made peace with a word , for i promised silence , and to put an end to my gause , if he would command my adversaries to do the same : but he justified my adversaries , and required me to recant , which he had not in his instructions . not luther but cajetan is to be blamed ; for what followed afterwards , seeing he would not suffer me to be silent , when i most earnestly desired it . — upon the occasion of eccius challenging me to dispute with him , many romish corruptions were brought to light . — now the name of the court of rome doth stink in the world , and the papal authority languisheth , their famous ignorance is misliked , of which there would have been no mention , if eccius had not interrupted the treaty between me and charles miltitius . — being yet perswaded to hearken to peace , &c , i come , holy father , and humbly beg , that you would ( if it may be ) put to your helping hand , by bridling those parasites , the great enemies of peace , whilst they pretend to be for peace . none may presume , that i will recant . i cannot bear the imposition of any laws for the interpreting of the word of god , which ought not to be bound , &c. these two things excepted , there is nothing that i cannot , yea will not do or suffer for peace . i hate contentions . i will provoke none ; no more will i be provoked . if i be provoked , i will not be without a tongue for my master christ. — take heed , my father , of hearkning to those syrens , who make you more then a meer man , even an half god , so that you may command any thing . — these are your enemies , and seek your soul to destroy . — how unlike is christ unto his successors , who yet would be his vicars ? and i fear many are so too properly . a vicar is of one absent . if the pope be president , christ being absent , what is he other then christs vicar ? but what then is that church , but a multitude without christ ? and what is such a vicar , but antichrist and an idol ? how much better do the apostles , who call themselves the servants of christ present , not the vicars of christ absent ? — in his appeal , nov. . . — seeing leo the tent doth persevere hardned in his tyranny , and hath by his bull condemned unheard , and unconvicted , and moreover as an infidel and an apostate doth flie and find fault with councils , and most wickedly prefer his tyranny before their power , and most impudently doth require me to deny the faith of christ , &c. and to omit nothing that may shew him to be antichrist , doth subject the scripture to himself , and with incredible blasphemy trample thereupon , i martin luther do make it known to all , that i stick to my former appeal from him to the next council , &c. — in a letter of his to herman tulichins before his treatise de captivitate babylonica ecclesiae . — whether i will or no , i am made more learned daily , so many and so great masters contending with me . i have writ more then two years ago concerning indulgences , but so , that i am now wonderfully sorry for the publishing of that book ; for i was then very superstitiously devoted to the roman tyranny , and therefore would not have indulgences , which i saw so generally approved , altogether rejected . — now o that i could perswade all booksellers and others that read my books , to burn those concerning indulgences , and instead thereof receive this position , indulgences are the wickednesses of the flatterers of rome . — whereas then i denied the popes primacy to be of divine right , i yielded it to be of humane right , — but now i know and am certain , that the papacy is the kingdome of babylon and the power of nimrod , that mighty hunter , and therefore instead of what i have written of that subject take this position , papacy is the mighty hunting of the roman bishop . — — when the cardinals burnt luther's books , he burnt the popes decrees , and his bull lately sent out against him , and gives us the following account why he did so . i martin luther , called dr. of divinity , do notifie to all that by my will , counsel , and help , the books of the pope of rome were burnt , &c. and that ( ) because we have ancient examples for the burning of wicked and corrupt books , acts . ( ) i am a baptised christian , and a doctor of holy scripture , and a daily preacher , and therefore it belongs to me , my condition , my oath , my office to abolish , at least to hinder perverse , false , seducing , and wicked doctrines . and yet ( ) i had not gone about this work , unless i had upon experience found the pope and pontificians corrupters and seducers , not onely to erre and seduce , but after many admonitions by me given so hardned and bewitched , that they will not onely not suffer themselves to be taught , but condemn and burn the evangelical doctrine to confirm their antichristian & diabolical abominations . — ( ) because by their burning of my books truth is endangered , &c. i have also , being moved , as i hope , by the holy ghost , for the confirming and preserving the christian verity and the common people , have caused their books to be burnt , having looked for their hopeless amendment . let none therefore be moved by the sublime titles of the books , the canon law , the decreetals , &c. but first see what is taught therein , and then judge whether they be burnt justly or unjustly . — when luther threw the popes bull into the fire , decemb. . . because ( said he ) thou hast troubled the holy one of the lord , eternal fire shall trouble thee . the same day in his prelection on the psalter he admonished his hearers to take heed of popish institutions . that this burning was but a small business : it should be that the pope , that is , the papal see should be burned . unless ( said he with a grave countenance ) ye do with all your hearts depart from the popish kingdome , your souls cannot be saved ; so diverse is the kingdome of the pope from the kingdome of christ and the life of a christian , that it would be safer to live in a wilderness , and see no man , then to live in that antichristian kingdome . let every one therefore , that hath any care of his own soul , take heed lest he deny christ by assenting to popery . whoever will now be a minister , he must perish either in this world , or that which is to come . if he dare not contradict the working of errour , in the world to come ; if he doth contradict , in this world his life will be hazarded . for my part , i had rather run any danger here , then expose my conscience to give such an account for silence as god will require . therefore having heartily dissented from the roman madness , i do now abominate that babylonian plague . and these things i will declare to my brethren , as long as i live . if i cannot withstand so great a destruction of souls , yet many of our own may be kept from running headlong to hell. let others do what they please . it is high time to repent . in his letter to prince frederick duke of saxony before his postills . — the apostle requires that a bishop should not onely be mighty in doctrine , but able to convince gain-sayers . not that i account my self a bishop , seeing the riches and mitre , by which a bishop is now known , are wanting , but because whosoever fulfills the office of preaching , dischargeth the office of bishop , who ought to be a two-handed ehud , and kill eglon : and i do set my self to the work of peace , being through the grace of god a bold contemner of my adversaries , though in the midst of swords , bulls , trumpets , and papistical alarms , that cannot terrifie me . and indeed what cannot i do in him , who comforts me ? — in his letter to iustus ionas . — i fear lest whilst we fight valiantly for grace and good works , we do in the mean time deprive our selves of grace and good works . truly having beheld these terrible dayes of anger , i desire nothing more , then that my head were a fountain of water , that i may weep for that late devastation of souls , which the kingdome of sin , and perdition wrought . the roman monster sits in the midst of the church , and boasts of his deity , the pontificials flatter him , the sophisters obey him , and the hypocrites will do any thing for him . in the mean time hell enlargeth her bosome , and openeth her mouth beyond measure , and satan sports in the ruining of souls . — pray to god for me , that i may be delivered from wicked and unbelieving men in this babylon , and that my mouth may be opened to the praise of the glory of the grace of the gospel of his son. — be of good courage , and fear not this baal-phogor , seeing he is scarce baal-zebub , a fly , if yet we believe , seeing jesus christ is god blessed for ever . — from the place of my exile , june . . when he had safe conduct from the emperour charles the fifth to come to and return from wormes , dated march . . he took his journey thither ; and though his friends informed him in a town near wormes , that his books were before his coming condemned in publick proclamations , and therefore that it was dangerous for him to go , notwithstanding the emparours promise , yet having heard all they could say , he told them , as for me , since i am sent for , i am resolved and certainly determined to enter the city in the name of our lord christ iesus , yea although i knew that there were so many devils to resist me , as there are tiles to cover all the houses in the whole world , &c. at his first appearance before the emperour , two things were demanded of him , whether those books there present were his , and whether he would recant their contents or edhere thereunto ? he granted the former ; but as to the later , forasmuch ( said he ) as the question concerneth faith , and the salvation of souls , and because it concerns the word of god , then which nothing is of greater account , as well in heaven , as on earth , and which all ought duly to rererence , it will be rash and dangerous to pronounce any thing , before i be well advised , seeing through unadvisedness i may speak less then the business requires and more then truth , both which call to mind that of christ , whosoever shall deny me before men , him will i deny before my father in heaven . i therefore humbly beseech the imperial majesty to grant me time to deliberate , so that i may satisfie the question without any prejudice to the word of god , and peril of my own soul. whereupon a days time was granted him . it is observable , that as he was going to appear , and whilst he was in that assembly of princes , luther was exhorted by some present to be couragious and to play the man , and not to fear that onely can kill the body , &c. and also , when thou art before kings , think not what thou shalt speak ; for it shall be given to you in that hour . when he appeared the next time , he answered thus , most serene emperour , and your most illustrious princes , and most merciful lords , i appear before you here at the hour prescribed unto me yesterday , in obedience to your command , humbly beseeching for gods mercy , that your renowned majesty , and your most illustrious honours would be pleased benignly to hear this cause , which is ( i hope ) the cause of righteousness and truth . — as for my self i can affirm nothing but this , that i have taught and writ hitherto in singleness of heart , what i thought tended onely to gods glory , and the sincere instruction of christs faithful ones . — as for the second question , i beseech your most excellent majesty , and your honours to observe , that all my books are not of one sort . there be some in which i have so sincerely and evangelically handled the religion that consists in faith and observance , that my very enemies are forced to be harmless , profitable , and worthy to be read of christians . — if i should revoke these , what shall i do ? even i alone of all men , repugning the unanimous confession of all , shall condemn that truth , which both friends and foes confess . another sort of my books inveigheth against the papacy , and the doctrine of the papists , as those , who by their doctrines and most wicked examples have corrupted the whole state of christianity in soul and body ; for none can deny , nor hide it , seeing the experience and sad complaints of all are witnesses , that the consciences of the faithful are most miserably insnared , vexed , and tortured by the popes laws , and the doctrines of men , and that the substance , especially of this famous germany hath been , and is yet most tyrannically and by unworthy means devoured : when as they themselves by their laws provide ( as in dist. . & . q. . & . ) that the popes laws and doctrines , that are contrary to the scripture and the sentiments of the fathers , should be reprobated for erroneous . if therefore i should revoke these , i shall strengthen tyranny , and open not onely windows , but doors and wide gates to so great wickedness , which is like to extend farther and with greater licentiousnesses , then ever it durst heretofore ; and by the testimony of this my retractation , their most licentious kingdome of wickedness , and lest subject to punishment , most intollerable to the miserable common people , will yet be more confirmed and established , especially if this be bruited , that i have done this by the authority of your most excellent majesty , and the whole r●man empire . good lord ! what a cloak shall i be to their wickedness and tyranny ? the third sort is of such , as i have writ against some particular persons , such who have laboured all that ever they could to maintain the romish tyranny , and to demolish the religion which i have taught . i confess i have been more bitter against these , then became my religion and profession . neither do i make my self a saint , nor do i dispute concerning my life , but concerning the d●ctrine of christ. it is notwithstanding unsafe for me to revoke these ; for this recantation will occasion tyranny and wickedness to reign again more ragingly over gods people , then ever yet , seeing i am a man , and not god , i can no otherwise defend my books , then iesus christ himself , my lord , defended his doctrine , who being examined about his doctrine before annas , and cufft by a servant , said , if i have spoken evil , bear witness of the evil . if the lord himself , who knew he could not erre , did not refuse to have testimony given against his doctrine , even by a most vile servant ; how much more then should i , that am but vile corruption , and can of my self do nothing but erre , desire and expect the testimony of any against my doctrine ? therefore i beseech , for gods mercy , your most excellent majesty , and your most illustrious honours , or any other of high or low degree , to give in his testimony , to convict my errours , to confute me by the scriptures of the prophets or evangelists and apostles , and i will be most ready , when taught , to recant any errour , yea will be the first that shall cast mine own books into the fire . i suppose hereby it is manifest , that i have well weighed the perils and dangers , as also the divisions and dissentions , which have risen through the world by occasion of my doctrine , of which i was yesterday gravely and sharply admonished : as for me , the face of things is very pleasant , when i see discords and dissentions stirred up upon the account of the word ; for such is the course , the lot , and event of the gospel ; for christ saith , i came not to send peace , but a sword ; i came to set a man at variance with his father . — the emperours prolocutor telling him , that he had not answered to the purpose , neither ought he to call in question , what hath been in time past defined and condemned in councils , and therefore a plain and direct answer , whether he would recant or no , was demanded of him ? seeing therefore ( said luther ) your most excellent majesty , &c. require a plain answer , i will give one , and that without horns or teeth ; unless i shall be convinced by scripture testimonies , or evident reason ; ( for i believe neither pope , nor councils onely , seeing it is evident , that they have often erred , and contradicted themselves ) i am so evercome by the scritures which i have alledged , and my conscience is so captiv'd to the words of the lord , that i may not , neither will i recant at all ; and that because it is neither safe nor honest to act against conscience . here i stand . i have nothing else to say . god be merciful to me . the princes consulted together upon this answer given by luther ; and when they had examined it , the prolocutor endeavoured to refell it , telling him , that it nothing availeth to renew disputation concerning things condemned by the church and councils , through so many ages , unless it should be necessary to give a reason to every one of every thing that is concluded ; but if this should be permitted to every one that gain ayeth the determination of the church and councils , to be convinced by the scriptures , we shall have nothing certain and established in christianity : and therefore the emperour required of him a plain and direct answer , either negative or affirmative , to this question ; art thou resolved to defend all thy works as orthodox● or wilt thou recant any thing in them ? then dr. martin besought the emperour , that he might not be compelled to recant against his conscience , captiv'd to and hindred by the holy scriptures , without manifest arguments to the contrary . the answer ( said he ) that is required , is a plain and direct answer . i have no other , then what i have already given . unless my adversaries can deliver my conscience from captivity to those ( they call ) errours by sufficient arguments , i cannot get out of the net , in which i am intangled . all things , which councils have determined , are not therefore true ; yea councils have erred , and determined often things contrary to themselves : and therefore the prolocutors argument falleth . i can shew that councils have erred , and therefore i may not revoke what is plainly and diligently exprest in scripture . hereupon the emperour resolved to pursue martin luther and his adherents by excommunication , and other means , that may be devised to extinguish his doctrine , yet would not violate his faith , but intended to give order for his safe return thither whence he was called , and certified the princes electors , dukes , and the other estates assembled so much in a letter to them . before luther had any answer from the emperour , several of all ranks visited him , and conferred with him ; among the rest the archbishop of triers sent for him , and dr. vaeus in the presence of many nobles protested that luther was not called to dispute , but onely the princes had procured license from the emperour benignly and brotherly to exhort him , &c. to whom he gave this answer ; most gracious and illustious princes and lords , i give you most humble thanks for your clemency and singular good will , from whence proceedeth this admonition . i do indeed acknowledge my self altogether unworthy to be admonished by so mighty princes . i have not reprehended all councils , but onely that of constence , and that because that council hath condemned the word of god , as appears in that this article of iohn hus , that the church of christ is the company of the elect , is condemned by it . — i am ready to lose blood and life for you , so i be not compelled to revoke the manifest word of god ; in defence whereof , we ought rather to obey god , then man. here i cannot avoid scandal . there be two manners of offences , at manners and at faith. — now it is not in my power to make christ not to be a rock of offence . — i am ready to obey magistrates , how wickedly soever they live , so that i be not inforced to deny the word of god. hereupon dr. vaeus admonished luther to submit his writings to the emperours and the princes judgement . he answered humbly and modestly , that he was so far from fearing their examination , that he was content to suffer his writings to be discussed most accurately of the meanest , so that it were done by the authority of the word of god and of the holy scripture . the word of god ( said he ) makes so clearly for me , that i may not yield , unless i be untaught , and taught better by the word of the lord. st. austin writeth thus ; i give this honour onely unto the canonical books to believe them to be altogether true ; as for other holy and learned doctors i onely so far believe them , as they write the truth . st. paul bids us , prove all things and hold fast that which is good . he saith also , though an angel from heaven should preach any other doctrine , &c. wherefore i humbly beseech you not to urge my conscience , bound in scripture bonds , to deny the so clear word of god. in all other cases i will be most obedient to you . the marquess of branderburg asking him , whether he was not resolved not to yield , unless he were convinced by the holy scripture : yes ( said he ) most noble lord , or else by clear and evident reasons . afterwards pentinger and dr. vaeus endeavoured to perswade luther to let the emperour and empire to pass judgement upon his writings simply and absolutely : he answered , that he was ready to do and suffer any thing , so that they would build on the authority of the holy scripture : otherwise he could not consent ; for god by the prophet saith , trust ye not in princes , nor in the children , &c. cursed is he that trusteth in man. when notwithstanding this answer they urged him more vehemently , he told them , nothing is less to be permitted to mans judgement , then the word of god. then they prayed him to submit his writings to the judgement of the next council . he agreed thereunto , provided , that they pass judgement concerning them out of the scriptures , and prove the contrary by testimonies thence . afterwards the arch bishop of triers treated privately with him to perswade him ; luther told him , it was not s●fe for him to submit so momentous a business to them , who after they had called him under safe conduct , attempting him with new commands , had condemned his opinion , and approved the popes bull. afterwards the arch bishop desired luther to shew what remedies there were in this case ; he answered , none better then gamalie●'s , who said , if this c●unsel or work proceed of men , it shall come to n●ught ; but if it be of god , ye cannot destroy it . caesar and the states may write to the pope , that they are certain , if this his purpose 〈◊〉 of god , it will of i●s own acc●rd come to n●ught within three , yea within two years . the arch bishop asking him , what if the same a●●icles , which the ●ouncil of constance condemned , be collected out of your writings to be submitted to a cou●cil : i may not ( said he ) and i will not hold my peace concerning such ; because i am certain the word of god is condemned by their decrees , therefore i will rather lose life and head , then abandon the manifest word of the lord. when luther was commanded by the emperour to return within one and twenty dayes under safe conduct : he said , it is as pleaseth the lord. blessed be the name of the lord. i humbly give most hearty thanks to the emperour , and all the princes , &c. for so benign and favourable audience , and for safe conduct to come and return . i desire nothing of you , but a reformation by the holy scripture ; and that i do most earnestly desire . otherwise i am ready to suffer all things , life and death , shame and reproach , for the emperour and empire , reserving nothing for my self , but onely the free word of god to be confessed and testified by me . in his letter to his father . — know , dear father , that your son is come to this , to be most certainly perswaded , that nothing is before , nothing more holy , more religious then gods command . but you will say , didst thou ever doubt hereof ? truly i did not onely doubt hereof , but i was altogether ignorant that it was so ; and if you will suffer me , i am ready to demonstrate that this ignorance was common to you with me . — if you had known that gods command is to be preferred before all things , you would by your paternal authority have taken away my monks cole ; and if i had known it , i should not have entred into the monastery without your leave , and against your consent . — but god hath caused all to work for good . — he would have me to experience the wisdome of the universities , and the holiness of the monasteries ; that is , that they should be known to me by many sins and impieties , lest occasion should be given to wicked men to triumph over their future adversary , that i condemned what i knew not . i therefore lived a monk , though without crime , not without fault . — will you now come and free me , my father ? the lord hath come before you and freed me . — my conscience is freed , which is the richest liberty . i am now a monk and no monk , a new creature , not of the pope , but of christ. the pope doth indeed create puppets , that is , idols like himself , in which number i was once a poor seduced one , but now freed by grace . — your authority over me doth indeed remain intire . but he that hath freed me , hath greater authority over me . — novemb. . . in his epistle to prince frederick . — the perils and dangers which seem to hang over your person , dominions , and subjects , and especially my self , condemned by edicts and bulls , by the popes and emperours authority upon my return are not unobserved ; certainly no less then a violent death is to be expected by me every hour . but what shall i do ? god calls and urges me to return . — to this i am not induced by pride and contempt of the emperour , or of your excellency , or of any magistrate ; for although sometimes we must not do what is commanded by man , as when any thing is commanded contrary or repugnant to the word of god , yet the power and authority is never to be contemned , but alwayes to be highly honoured . — but i am assured , that the beginning of my preaching at wittenberg came not from my self , but from god. neither can any kind of persecution and death teach me otherwise ; yea i think i prophesie rightly , that no terrours nor cruelty shall be able to put out this light. — besides , whilst i was absent from wittenberg , satan hath entred in among my flock , &c. and i have resolved rather to regard the great necessity of that church , then the offending or pleasing your excellency ; yea , then the hatred and fury of the whole world . certainly this is my flock , committed to me by the lord ; these are my children in christ. shall i doubt whether i should c●me to or stay from them , for whom i ought to lose my life , and chuse death , which i shall ( god helping me ) willingly and cheerfully . — i do also very much fear least some great and horrible insurrection be in germany , to punish germany ' s ? contempt of , and ingratitude for the blessings of god. we see with how great liking , applause , and concurrency the gospel is received by very many ; but many receive this blessing carnally , they plainly see the truth , but do not walk in the truth as they ought . — the ecclesiastical tyranny is weakned and broken , and that was all i aimed at in my writings . now i see god will proceed farther , and will sometime do the same that he did to ierusalem , when he overturned altogether both the ecclesiastical and political government for persecuting the gospel , and other outrages . i have lately begun to learn , that not onely the ecclesiastical , spiritual , but the political and civil authority ought to yield unto the gospel , &c. seeing therefore that god requires by ezekiel , that we be as a wall unto the people , i have thought it necessary to do all we can and ought by mutual counsels , studies , instructions , admonitions , exhortations , for the averting , or at least for the deferring ●f the anger and judgement of god. — this i dare affirm , and wish that your excellency were assured thereof , that it is far otherwise concluded in heaven , then in the convention at norinberg ; and in short time we shall see , that they , who n●w dream that they have quite dev●ured and e●ten up the gospel , have not so much as far fashi●n sake said gr●ce ( as the english expressi●n is ) for these untouched dain●ies . — the gospel begins to be ●ppressed , and therefore herein i ought not to regard any mortal . i beseech theref●re your , excel●ency to take in good part my coming home without your command , yea privity . you are the lord of my body , and little fortunes , but christ of the souls , to wh●m he hath sent me , &c. — i hope , being confident that my lord christ is stronger then our enemies , that he will defend me from their rage ; if he will not , his good will be done : this i can confidently promise , that no peril shall come to your excellency for my sake . — an. . in his letter to sebastian schlick , a bohemian nobleman . — the loathsome death of the papacy is at hand , and its unavoidable ruine approacheth ; and ( as daniel saith ) she comes to an end , and none shall help her . — in a short time i shall by my writings ( christ favouring of me ) free the bohemians from their reproach , and cause that the name of popery shall be odious and abominable throughout the world , and that to be a papist , and to be anathematized shall be all one . — iuly . . in his answer to king henry the eighth's book against him . — let not king henry impute my sharpness against him to me , but to himself . — if seeing that meer corruption and a wretched worm dare knowingly belye the majesty of my heavenly king , it cannot but be lawfull for me for my kings sake , to bespatter the king of england with his own dirt , and to trample under foot his crown , filled with blasphemy against christ. — the lord cleared up his will by degrees unto me , till by the hand of the mighty iacob , it came to this , that by evident and pure scriptures i was convinced , that the pope , cardinals , bishops , priests , monks , masses , and that whole kingdome with their doctrines and ministries , are meer lies , idols , and the very abomination standing in the holy place , yea and the scarlet whore sitting upon the beast , drunk with the blood of christs witnesses , and making the kings of the earth drunk with the cup of her fornications and abominations . — this truth being discerned , i was forced to retract some of my writings , and still do so , being sorry at the very heart i ever writ one syllable in favour of the pope and his kingdome . — yea , i spake too modestly in my treatise concerning the babylonish captivity of the church in calling papacy the popes mighty hunting ; for that from the example of nimrod may be said of all profane civil powers , to whom notwithstanding god would have us to be subject to honour them , and pray for them . i now say most truly , that papacy is the most pestilent abomination of prince satan . — — against the sayings of fathers , men , angels , devils , i set not ancient custome , not multitude , but the word of one eternal god. here i stand , sit , abide , glory , triumph over the papists , thomists , henry 's , sophisters , and all the gates of hell. the word of god is above all . god is on my side , what should i care if a thousand austines , a thousand cyprians , a thousand churches of henry be against me . god cannot erre nor deceive , but austine and cyprian , as all the elect may erre , yea have erred . — let the henry's , the bishops , the turk , and the devil himself do what they can , we are the children of the kingdome , worshipping and waiting for that saviour , whom they and such as they spit upon and crucifie . — if any be offended at my sharpness against the king , let him take this answer . — it is no great matter if i contemn and bite an earthly king , whenas he feared not at all in his writings to blaspheme the king of heaven . — in the year ● . a diet was held at norinberg in the absence of the emperour , wherein the edict of wormes was made null : of this the popes legate complained to the princes , saying , that luther was not punished according to the emperours edict . the princes answer was , that the court of rome neglected reformation : that germany was so far enlightned with the sermons and writings of luther , that if they should go about to put the edict in execution , great tumults would arise , and the people would be ready to think , that they went about to oppress the truth , and to put out the light of the gospel , that so they might the better defend those manifest vices which could be no longer concealed . in the year . luther married katherine a boren , who had formerly been a nun ; the change of his condition troubled him , because of the unseasonableness of the time , it being then , when germany weltred in the blood of the clowns , and saxony mourned for the death of their prince , insomuch that melancthon was fain to labour to comfort him all he could . in his letter to melancthon , who was much troubled at the rage of the papists , and caesars threats to subvert the gospel . — in private conflicts i am weak and you are strong , but in publick conflicts you are found weak , and i stronger , because i am assured that our cause is just and true . if we fall , christ the lord and ruler of the world falleth with us ; and suppose he fall , i had rather fall with christ then stand with caesar. i extremely dislike your excessive cares , with which ( you say ) you are almost consumed . that these reign in your heart , it is not from the greatness of the danger , but the greatness of your incredulity . if the cause be bad , let us revoke it and fall back ; if it be good , why do we make god a lyar ? — be of good comfort , i have overcome the world . if christ be the conquerour of the world , why should we fear as if it would overcome us ? a man would fetch such sentences as these upon his knees from rome or jerusalem . be not afraid , ●e couragious and cheerfull , solicitous for nothing , the lord is at hand to help us . when the diet was met at ausburg in the year . the elector of saxony sent to luther to know , whether the cause of religion should be referred to the judgement of the emperour ? he answered , this honour is to be given to the word of god onely to be iudge of sacred controversies . in his preface before the smalca●dian articles . — in many bishopricks divers parishes are destitute of spiritual food , &c. i fear for this christ will call a council of angels to destroy germany , as he destr●yed sodom and gomorrah . — our sins weigh us down , and suffer not god to be gracious to us ; because instead of repenting , we defend our abominations . o lord jesus christ , do thou summon and hold a council , and redeem thy servants by the glorious coming . the popes and popelings are past cure ; therefore help us poor and distressed men , who groan unto thee , and seek thee with our hearts , &c. when the papists charged him for an aposta●e ; he yielded himself to be one , but a blessed and holy one , who had not kept his promise made to the devil ; i am ( said he ) no otherwise a revolter then a magician , renouncing his covenant made with the devil , and betaking himself to christ. when he fell sick of the stone , he made his will , in which he bequeathed his detestation of popery to his friends , and to the pastours of the church , having made before this verse ; pestis eram vivus , moriens ●ro mortua papa : in english thus ; i living stopt romes breath , and dead will be romes death . in this last prayer feb. . . — i pray god to preserve the doctrine of his gospel among us ; for the p●pe and the council of tren● have grievous things in hand . — o heavenly father , my gracious god , and father of our lord jesus christ , thou god of all consolation , i give thee hearty thanks that thou hast revealed to met thy son jesus christ , whom i believe , whom i profess , whom i glorifie , whom the pope and the reut of the wicked persecute and dishonour . i beseech thee lord jesus christ receive my soul. o my heavenly father , though i be taken out of this life , and must lay down this frail body , yet i certainly know that i shall live with thee eternally , and that i cannot be taken out of thy hands . — lord into thy hands i commend my spirit , thou o god of truth hast redeemed me . in this last will. — o lord god , i thank thee that thou wouldst have me live a poor and indigent person upon earth . i have neither house , nor lands , nor possessions , nor money to leave . thou lord hast given me wife and children . them lord i give back unto thee . nourish , instruct , and keep them ( o thou the father of orphans , and judge of the widow ) as thou hast done to me , so do to them . when he saw his daughter magdalen ready to die , he read to her isa. . . thy dead men shall live together , with my dead body shall they arise , &c. adding , my daughter , enter thou into thy chamber in peace , i shall ere long ●e with thee ; for god will not permit me to see the punishment which hangs over the head of germany . when the elector gave him a new gown , he said , i am made too much of ; for if here we receive a full recompence for our labours , we shall hope for none in another life . i say flatly , that god shall not put me off with these low things . in the cause of god ( said he ) i am content to undergo the hatred and violence of all the world . when his head was out of order ( as it used to be towards his later end ) he would usually say , strike lord , strike mercifully , i am prepared ; because by thy word i am forgiven mine iniquities , and have fed upon thy body and blood . he used to say that three things would destroy christian religion ; forgetfulness of the blessings received by the gospel : security , which reigns every where : and worldly wisdome , which will seek to bring all things into order , and to support the publick peace by wicked counsels erasmus said of him , god hath given to this later age a sharp physician , and that because of the greatness of its diseases . mr. fox saith of him , that luther a poor fryer should be able to stand against the pope , was a great miracle : that he should prevail against the pope was a greater : and after all , to die in peace , having so many enemies , was the greatest of all . when myconius fell into a consumption . and wrote to luther , that he was sick unto life , and not unto death . luther wrote back , i pray christ our lord , our salvation and health , &c. that i may not live to see thee , and some others of our colleagues to die and go to heaven , and leave me here among the devils alone . i pray god i may first lay down this dry , exhausted , and unprofitable tabernacle . farewell , and god forbid that i should hear of thy death , while i live . the lord prolong thy life for me . this i desire ; this i will , and let my will be done , ( amen ) for this will hath the glory of god , not my pleasure , nor advantage for its end . by and by hopeless myconius recovered and lived six years longer even till after luther's death . hence iustus ionas speaking of him , saith , that man could have of god what he pleased . he would by no means endure that any should be called after his name ; for ( said he ) the doctrine which i teach is none of mine ; neither did idie for any man ; neither would paul , cor. . . &c. endure such terms : besides we are all christians , and profess the doctrine of christ : and lastly , because the papists use to do so , calling themselves pontificians , whom we nought not to imitate . m. mallot . often have we hazarded our lives ( said iohn mallot a souldier ) for the emperour charles the fifth , and shall we now shrink to die for the king of kings ? let us follow our captain . man. thomas man having broken prison after his recantation , said , if i be taken again of the pild knave priests , i wist well i shall go the holy angel , and then be an angel in heaven . accordingly the sheriffe of london , when he had brought him into smithfield to be burnt , put him into gods angel. he thanked god that he had been instrumental to convert seven hundred persons . marbeck . iohn marbeck was a skilfull organist in the quire of windsor , a man of admirable industry and ingenuity . his english concordance ( the first that ever was in english ) bishop gardiner himself could not but commend as a piece of singular industry . king henry the eighth hearing thereof , said , that he was better imployed , then those priests that accused him . being prest to discover hereticks , and being told he could not do god and the king greater service : if i knew ( said he ) who were hereticks indeed , it were somewhat ; but if i should accuse him to be an heretick that is none , what a worm would that be in my conscience , so long as i live . yea it were a great deal better for me to be out of this life , then to live in such torment . he being called a dolt who would not discover them , who should be sent for , and would utter then all they can of him . whatsoever ( said he ) they shall say of me , let them do it in the name of god , i will say no more of them , nor of any man else , then i know . being further prest to write down what he knew of such , he thus prayed unto god ; o most merciful father of heaven , thou that knowest the secret doings of all men , have mercy upon thy poor prisoner that is destitute of all help and comfort . assist me , o lord , with thy special grace , that to save this frail and vile body , which shall turn to corruption in its time , i have no power to say or to write any thing , that may be to the casting away of my christian brother ; but rather , o lord , let this vile flesh suffer at thy will and pleasure . grant this , o most merciful father , for thy dear son jesus christs sake . then he rose up , and began to search his conscience , what he might write , and at last writ thus : whereas your lordship will have me to write of such things , as i know not of my fellows at home , may it please your lordship to understand , that i cannot call to remembrance any manner of thing , whereby i may justly accuse any one of them , unless the reading of the new testament , which is common to all men , be an offence . more then this i know not . the bishop of winchester asking him , what helpers he had in setting forth his concordance ? none , my lord ( said he . ) none ? ( said the ●ishop ) how can that be ? it is not possible that thou shouldst do it without help . truly my lord ( said he ) i did it without the help of any man , save god alone . nay ( said the bishop ) i do not discommend thy diligence ; but what shouldst thou meddle with the thing , which pertaineth not to thee ? and then speaking to one of his chapl●ins , said , this fellow hath taken upon him to set out the concordance in english ; which book , when it was set out in latine , was not done without the help and diligence of a dozen learned men at least , and yet he will bear me in hand , that he hath done it alone . the bishop of salisbury asking him , how he could invent such a book , or know what a concordance meant without an instructer ? i will tell your lordship ( said he ) what instructer i had to begin it . when thomas matthews bible came first out in print , being not able to buy one , i borrowed one , and intended to have writ it out , and was gone as far as i●shua , which when mr. turner understood , he told me it would be a more profitable work to set out a concordance in english. a concordance ( said i ) what is that ? he told me it was a book to find out any word in the whole bible by the letter , and that there was such an one in latine already , and that it required not so much learning as diligence . this is all the instruction that ever i had before or after of any man. being asked , how he could with this instruction bring it to this order and form , as it is ? he answered , i borrowed 〈◊〉 latine concordance , and began to practise my wit ▪ and at last with great labour and diligence brought it into this order . — but i marvel greatly , why i should be so much examined about this book . have i committed any offence in doing it or no ? if i have , i am loth any other should be molested or punished for my fault . therefore to clear all men in this matter , this is my request , that ye will try me in the rest of the book that is undone . you see i have onely done with letter l. now take what word you will of m. and so in every letter following , and give me the words in a piece of paper , and let me be any where alone with pen , ink , and paper , the latine concordance , and the english bible , and if i bring you not those words written in the same order and form , as the rest be , then it was not i did it , but some other . this is honestly spoken ( said the bishop of ely ) and then shalt thou bring many out of suspition . accordingly he writ in a dayes time in the same order and form , as he had done the rest , all the words they gave him , which contained three sheets of paper and more . being threatned if he did not discover what he knew , his fingers should be made to tell : if you do tear ( said he ) the whole body in pieces , i trust in god you shall never make me accuse any man wrongfully . if thou art stubborn ( said dr. oking ) thou wilt die for it . die for it ? ( said marbeck ) wherefore should i die ? you told me the last day before the bishops , that as soon as i had made an end of that piece of the concordance they took me , i should be delivered , and shall i now die ? this is a sudden mutation . you seemed then to be my friend , but i know the cause , you have read the ballad i made of moses chair , and that hath set you against me ; but whensoever ye shall put me to death , i doubt not but i shall die gods true man , and the kings . this worthy confessor was of so sweet and amiable nature , that all good men did love , and few bad men did hate him : yet was he condemned in the year . to be burnt at windsor , which his pardon prevented , of which divers causes were assigned , ( ) that bishop gardner bare him a special affection for his skil in the mystery of musick . ( ) that such , who condemned him , procured his pardon out of remorse of conscience , because of the slender evidence against him . ( ) that it was done out of design to reserve him for a discovery of the rest of his party , and if so their plot failed them ; for being as true as steel ( whereof his fetters were made , which he wore in prison for a good time , he could not be frighted , or flattered to make any detection . marcus. v. arethusius . part. . marcus of arethuse being hung up in a basket , anointed with honey , and so exposed to the stinging of wasps and bees , said to his persecutors , that stood and beheld him , how am i advanced , despising you that are below on earth . marlorate . mr. augustine marlorate , minister of roan , when in the civil wars of france that city was taken by storm , was taken also , and brought before mon●orency , the constable of france , who said unto him , thou art he , who hast seduced the people . if i have seduced them ( said he ) it is god that hath done it rather then i ; for i have preached nothing to them , but his divine truth . you are a seditious person ( said the constable ) and the cause of the ruine of this city . as for that imputation ( said he ) i refer my self to all that have heard me preach , be they papists , or protestants , whether i ever medled with matters of the politick state , or no. — the constable told him ( swearing a great oath ) we shall see within a few dayes , whether thy god can deliver thee out of my hands , or no. it is observable how speedily gods judgements found out his persecutors . the captain that apprehended him was slain within three weeks , by one of the basest sou●diers in all his company . the constables son was shortly after slain in the battel of dreux . two of his iudges also died very strangely soon after , viz. the president of the parliament by a flux of blood , which could be by no means stanched : the other being a councellor , voiding his urine by his fundament , with such an intolerable stink , that none could come near him . villeben that switched him with a wand as he was carried on the hurdle to execution● , a while after escaped death by the loss of his hand , wherewith he had so basely smitten this servant of the lord. marsake . sir l●wis marsake was so glad of the sentence of condemnation , that he went out praising god and singing of psalms . to a souldier that would have hindred him from stepping aside to call upon god ; what ( said he ) will you not let us pray in that little time which we have ? when halters were put about the necks of his two fellow-sufferers , he seeing himself to be spared because of his order and degree , called to the lieutenant for one of those precious chains about his neck in honour of his lord. why i pray you ( said he ) do you deny me the badge of so excellent an order ? is not my cause the same with theirs ? marsh. mr. george marsh , minister in lancashire , writes thus concerning his troubles . — my friends and relations advised me to flee . — if i were taken , ( said they ) and would not recant ( as they thought i would not , and god strengthning and assisting me never shall ) it would not onely put them to great sorrow , and losses , and shame , but also my self , after troubles and painful imprisonment , unto shameful death . — to their counsel my weak flesh would gladly have consented , but my spirit did not fully agree , thinking and saying thus unto my self , that if i so fled away , it would be thought and reported , that i did not onely flee my countrey ▪ and nearest and dearest friends , but from christ holy word , of late years within my heart , or at least with my life professed , and with my mou●h taught . i knew not what to do , but ceased not by earnest prayer to ask and seek counsel of god , a●● of other my friends , whose godly judgement and knowledge i much trusted to . still i was undetermined what to do , but told a friend , that had prayed with me for direction , i doubted not but god ( according as our prayer and trust was ) would give me such wisdome and counsel , as should be most to his honour and glory , the profit of my neighbours and brethren , and mine own eternal salvation by christ in heaven . — at length one came to me with letters from a faithful friend ( which i never read , nor looked on ) who said thus , my friends advice was , that i should in no wise flee , but abide and boldly confess the faith of jesus christ. at which words i was so confirmed and established in my conscience , that from thenceforth i consulted no more , whether it were better to flee , or to tarry ; but was at a point with my self , that i would not flee , but go to mr. barton , who did seek me , and patiently bear what cross it should please god to lay upon me . whereupow my mind and conscience , being much troubled before , was now merry and in quiet state . — thereupon i went to mr. barton . he shewed me a letter from the earl of derby , wherein he was commanded to send me to lathum . thither i went. the earl asked me whether i was one that sowed dissention among the people ? i denied it , and desired to know mine accusers ; but that could not be granted . he asked me , whether i was a priest ? i said , no , but a minister , &c. i was asked , whether i had ministred with a good conscience ? i answered , i had ministred one year with a good conscience , i thanked god , and if the laws of the realm would have suffered me , i would have ministred still ; and if the laws at any time hereafter would suffer me to minister after that sort , i would minister again . — the vicar of prescot having communed with me a good while concerning the sacrament of the altar , told my lord and his council , that the answer which i had made before , and then made , was sufficient for a beginner , and one that did not profess a perfect knowledge in that matter : and thereupon i had more favour . hereupon i was much more troubled in my spirit then before , because i had not with more boldness confessed christ , but in such sort , as mine adversaries thereby thought they should prevail against me . hitherto i went about as much as lay in me , to rid my self out of their hands , if by any means , without open denying of christ and his word , that could be done . this considered i cried more earnestly to god to strengthen me with his holy spirit , with boldness to confess him , and to deliver me from their enticing words , and that i might not be spoiled through their philosophy , and deceitful vanity after the traditions of men , and ordinances of the world , and not after christ. — the vicar of prescot and parson of grapnal much exhorted me to leave mine opinions , saying , i was much deceived , understanding the scriptures amiss , and much counselled me to follow the catholick church of christ , and to do as others did . i answered , my faith in christ conceived by his holy word i neither might nor would deny , alter , or change for any living creature whatso●v●r ●e were . — afterwards mr. sherburn and mr. m●●r perswaded me to leave mine opinions because of the adv●rsity of the maintainers of them , and the prosperity of the favourers of the religion now used . i answered , that i believed and leaned onely to the scriptures , not judging things by prosperity or adversity . they advised me not to let shame hinder me from renouncing mine opinions . i answered , that what i did , i did not for the avoiding of any worldly shame , saying , my soul and life were dearer to me , then the avoiding of any worldly shame : neither yet did i it for any vain praise of the world , but in the reverent fear of the lord. — mr. sherburn told me that it was great pity i should cast my self away , &c. i answered , that my life , mother , children , brethren , sisters , and friends , with other delights of this life , were as dear and sweet to me , as unto any other man , and that i should be as loth to lose them , as another would , if i might hold them with a good conscience , and without the ignominy of christ. but seeing i could not do that , my trust was that god would strengthen me with his holy spirit to lose them all for his sake ; for i take my self ( said i ) for a sheep appointed to be slain , patiently to suffer what cross soever it shall please my merciful father to lay upon me . — after this mr. moor told me , i was unlearned , and erred from the catholick faith , stubborn , and stood altogether in mine own conceit . i answered , for my learning , i acknowledge my self to know nothing , but jesus christ , even him that was crucified , and that my faith was grounded on gods holy word onely , and such as ( i doubted not ) pleased god , and as i would stand in to the last , god assisting me , and that i did not say , or do any thing of stubbornness , self-wilfulness , vain-glory , or any other worldly purpose , but with good conscience , and in the fear of god. desiring him to speak to my lord and his council , that i might find some mercy at their hands ; but he giving me but short answer , then i said , i commit my cause to god , who hath numbred the hairs of my head , and appointed the dayes of my life , saying , i am sure god , who is a righteous iudge , would make inquisition for my blood , according as he hath promised . — i desire the reader of this relation to pray for me , and all them that be in bonds , that god would assist us with his holy spirit , that we may with boldness confess his holy name , and that christ may be magnified in our bodies , that we may stand full and perfect in all the will of god. — whilst i was at lancaster , some of good will towards me , but without knowledge , that came to talk with me , gave me the same counsel , that peter gave christ , as he went up to ierusalem ; master , favour thy self , &c. but i answered with christs sharp answer to peter again , get thee behind me satan , and perceiving that they were an hinderance to me , and that they savoured not the things which are of god , but the things that are of men ; i made them plain answer , that i neither could nor would follow their counsel , but that by gods grace i would both live and die with a pure conscience , and according as hitherto i had believed and professed ; for we ought in no wise ( said he ) to flatter and bear with them , though they love us never so well , which go about to pluck us away from the obedience which we owe unto god , and to his word , but after christs example , sharply to rebuke them for their counsel . — god so strengthened me with his spirit of boldness , according to my humble request and prayer before ( everlasting thanks be given to him therefore ) that i was nothing afraid to speak to any that came to me , no not even to judges , before whom i was thrice arraigned at the bar , among the thieves , with irons on my feet , and put up my hand as others did ; but yet with boldness i spake unto them , so long as they would suffer me . — they threatned and rebuked me , for my preaching to the people out of prison , and for my praying and reading so loud , that the people in the streets might hear . — when the bishop of chester came to lancaster , he was informed of me , and desired to send for me , and examine me ; but he said he would have nothing to do with hereticks so hastily . so hasty in judging and calling me hereticks are our bishops in their lordly dignities , before they hear , &c. contrary to the word of god , which saith , condemn no man before thou hast tried out the truth of the matter , and when thou hast made inquisition , then reform righteously . give no sentence before thou hast heard the cause , but first let men tell out their tale ; and he that giveth sentence in a matter before he hear it , is a fool , and worthy to be confounded . — it is no new thing for the bish●ps to persecute the truth and the prophets of the lord for their constancy in preaching of the true faith ; faith ; for so did their pharisaical fore-fathers . pashur was the head bishop of the temple , the ring-leader of false prophets , the chief heretick-taker , that is as much as to say , the outthruster of true godliness . he imprisoned the prophet ieremy , &c. the ungracious bishop i●son was such another , machab. . . — such were also the execrable and blind bishops annas and caiaphas , who never spake the truth of god themselves , unless it were against their wills , unwittingly to their own destruction . — at chester several times came to me , and with all probability of words and philosophy , or worldly wisdome , and deceitfull vanity , after the traditions of men , and the beggarly ordinances and laws of the world , but not after christ , went about to perswade me to submit my self to the church of rome , and to acknowledge the pope to be head thereof , and to interpret the scriptures no otherwise then that church did . i answered , that i do acknowledge and believe one holy catholick church , without which there is no salvation ; and that this church is but one , because it ever hath , doth , and shall confess one onely god , and him onely worship ; and one onely messiah , and him onely trust for salvation : which church is ruled and led by one spirit , one word , and one faith , &c. and is built onely upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , jesus christ himself being the head-corner-stone , and not upon the romish laws , the bishop of rome being the supreme head , &c. and that this church is a little poor silly flock , dispersed and scattered abroad , as sheep without a shepherd , in the midst of wolves ; or as a company of orphans and fatherless children , led and ruled by the onely laws , counsels , and word of christ , who is the supreme head thereof , assisting , succouring , and defending her from all assaults , errours , troubles , and persecutions , wherewith she is ever compassed about . — i was thrust at with all violence of craft and subtilty , but yet the lord upheld me . everlasting thanks be to that merciful and faithful lord , who suffereth us not to be tempted above our might , but in the midst of our troubles strengtheneth us with his holy spirit of comfort and patience , giveth us a mouth and wisdome how and what to speak , where against all his adversaries are not able to resist . — at another appearance before the bishop , &c. the chancellor charged him , that he had preached most heretically and blasphemously in many parishes within the bishops diocess against the popes authority , the catholick church of rome , &c. he answered , that he neither heretically nor blasphemously preached or spake against any of the said articles , but simply and truly as occasion served , and ( as it were thereunto forced in conscience ) maintained the truth touching those articles , as ( said he ) all you now present did acknowledge the same in king edward's dayes . after the bishop of chester had read half-ways the sentence of condemnation , he asked him whether he would not have the queens mercy in time ? he answered , he did gladly desire the same , and did love her grace as faithfully as any of them , but yet he durst not deny his saviour christ , and so lose his mercy everlasting , and win everlasting death . being again called upon by the people to recant and save his life , he said , i would as fain live as any of you , if in so doing i should not deny my master christ , and again he should deny me before his father in heaven . when the bishop had read out the sentence , he said , now i will no more pray for thee then i will pray for a dog. mr. marsh answered , that notwithstanding he would pray for his lordship . when he was in the dungeon , and none suffered to come near him , some of the citizens would at a hole upon the wall of the city , that went into the dungeon , ask him how he did ? he would answer them most cheerfully , that he did well , and thanked god most highly , that he would vouchsafe of his mercy to appoint him to be a witness of his truth , and to suffer for the same , wherein he did most rejoyce , beseeching him that he would give him grace not to faint under the cross , but patiently bear the same to his glory , and comfort of his church . when he came to the place of execution , one shewing him a writing under the great seal , and telling him , it was a pardon for him if he would recant ; he said , that he would gladly receive the same ; but forasmuch as it tended to pluck him from god , he would not receive it upon that condition . after that he began to speak to the people , shewing the cause of his death , and would have exhorted them to stick unto christ. whereupon one of the sheriffs said , we must have no sermoning now . when the beholders supposed no less but that he had been dead , having been so long in the fire , he spread abroad his arms , saying , father of heaven have mercy upon me . upon this many of the people said , that he was a martyr , and died marvellous patiently and godly , which thing caused dr. cotes the bishop shortly after to preach in the cathedral , that he was an heretick , burnt like an heretick , and was a firebrand in hell . but shortly after the judgement of god took hold of the bishop ; it was a report in all mens mouths that he died burnt by an harlot . in his letter to the reader , touching his examinations . — though satan be suffered to sift us , as wheat , for a time , yet faileth not our faith , through christs aid , but that we are at all times able and ready to confirm the faith of our weak brethren , and alwayes ready to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us , and that with meekness and reverence , having a good conscience ; and whenas they backbite us as evil doers , they may be ashamed , forasmuch as they have falsly accused our good conversation in christ. i thought my self well settled with my loving wife and children , and also well quieted in the peaceable possession of that pleasant euphrates ; but the lord , who worketh all for the best to them that love him , would not there leave me , but took my dear and beloved wife from me , whose death was a painful cross to my flesh . i thought also my self well placed under most loving and gentle mr. laurence saunders in the cure of langton . but the lord of his great mercy would not suffer me long there to continue , ( although for the small time i was in his vineyard i was not an idle workman ) but he hath provided me to taste of a far other cup ; for by violence hath he yet once again driven me out of that glorious babylon , that i should not taste too much of her wanton pleasures , but with his most dearly beloved disciples to have my inward rejoycing in the cross of his son iesus christ , the glory of whose church i see it well , standeth not in the harmonious sound of bells and organs , nor yet in the glistering of mitres and copes , nor in the shining of gilt images and lights , but in continual labours and afflictions for his names sake . god at this present here in england hath his fan in his hand , and after his great harvest , whereinto these years past he hath sent his labourers , is now sifting the corn from the chaffe , and purging his floor , and ready to gather the wheat into his garner , and burn up the chaffe with unquenchable fire . take heed and beware of the leaven of the scribes and pharises . — try all things , and choose that which is good . believe not every spirit , but prove the spirits , whether they be of god or not . — the true touch-stone is the word of god. — in his letter to the faithful professors of langton . — grace be unto you , and peace be multiplied in the knowledge of jesus christ our lord. amen . i thought it my duty to write unto you , my beloved in the lord , to stir up your minds , and to call to your remembrance the words that have been spoken to you before , and to exhort you ( as that good man , and full of the holy ghost , barnabas did the antiochians ) that with purpose of heart ye continually cleave unto the lord , and that ye stand fast , and be not moved away from the hope of the gospel ; whereof god be thanked , ye have had plenteous preaching by mr. sanders , and other ministers of christ , who now when persecution doth arise , because of the word , do not fall away , and forsake the truth , being ashamed of the gospel , whereof they have been preachers , but are willing and ready for your sakes , to forsake not onely the chief and principal delights of this life , viz. their native countrey , friends , livings , &c. but also to fulfill their ministry to the utmost , viz. with their painful imprisonments , and blood-sheddings , if need shall require , to confirm and seal christs gospel , whereof they have been ministers . they are ready , not onely to be cast into prison , but also to be killed for the name of the lord jesus . whether those , being that good salt of the earth , i. e. true ministers of gods word , by whose doctrine , being received by faith , men are made savoury unto god , and which themselves lose not their saltness ; now when they be proved with the boisterous storms of persecution , or others , being that unsavoury salt , which hath lost it saltness , i. e. those ungodly ministers , who do fall from the word of god to the dreams and traditions of antichrist ; whether of these ( i say ) be more to be credited and believed , let all men judge . wherefore my dearly beloved , receive the word of god with meekness , that is grafted in you , which is able to save your souls , and see that ye be not forgetfull hearers , deceiving your selves with sophistry , but doers of the word ; whom christ doth liken to a wise man , which buildeth his house upon a rock , &c. that when satan with all his legions of devils , with all their subtile suggestions , and the world with all the mighty princes thereof , with their crafty counsels , do furiously rage against us , we faint not , but abide constant in the truth , being grounded upon a most sure rock , which is christ , and the doctrine of the gospel , against which the gates of hell , i. e. the power of satan cannot prevail . and be ye followers of christ and his apostles , and receive the word in much affliction , as the godly thessalonians did . they onely are the true followers of christ and his apostles , that receive the word : and they onely receive the word , who both believe it , and also frame their lives after it , and be ready to suffer all manner of adversity for the name of the lord , as christ and all the apostles did , and as all that will live godly in christ iesus must do ; for there is none other way into the kingdome of heaven , but through much tribulation . and if we suffer any thing for the kingdome of heavens sake , and for righteousness sake , we have the prophets , christ , the apostles , and martyrs for an example to comfort us ; for they did all enter into the kingdome of heaven at the strait gate and narrow way , which few do find : and unless we will be content to deny our selves , and take up the cross of christ , and his saints , it is an evident argument that we shall never reign with him . but if we can find in our hearts patiently to suffer persecutions and tribulations , it is a sure token of the righteous judgement of god , that we are accounted worthy of the kingdome of heaven , for which we also suffer . it is verily ( saith the apostle ) a righteous thing with god to recompence tribulations to them that trouble us , and rest to us that be troubled . — these things we ought to have before our eyes alwayes , that in the time of persecution ( whereof all that will be the children of god shall be partakers , and some of us are already ) we may stand stedfast in the lord , and endure even to the end , that we may be saved ; for unless we , like good warriers of iesus christ , will endeavour our selves to please him , who hath chosen us to be souldiers , and fight the good fight of faith to the end , we shall not obtain that crown of righteousness , which the lord , that is a right our iudge , shall give all them that love his coming . let us therefore ground our selves on the sure rock christ ; for other foundation can no man lay , beside● that which is laid already , which is iesus christ. if any bu●ld on this foundation gold , silver , &c. by fire the apostle doth mean persecution , the portion of those that do preach and profess the word of christ , which is called the word of the cross. by gold , &c. he understands them , that in the midst of persecution abide stedfast in the word . by hay and stubble , such as in time of persecution do fall away from the truth . when christ doth purge his floor with the wind of adversity , these are scattered as light chaffe , which shall be burnt with unquenchable fire . if they which do believe , do in time of persecution stand stedfastly in the truth , the builder ( i mean the preacher of the word ) shall receive a reward , and the work shall be preserved and saved ; but if so be that they go back and swerve when persecution ariseth , the builder suffereth loss , i. e. shall lose his labour and cost ; but let he shall be saved , if he being tried in the fire of persecution , doth abide fast in the faith. wherefore my beloved , give diligent heed , that ye , as li●ing stones be ●uilt upon the sure rock , &c. — let ●s be sure , that unless we keep christ and his holy word dwelling by faith in the house and temple of our hearts , the same thing that christ threatneth to the iews , shall happen unto us , viz. the unclean spirit of ignorance , superstition , idolatry , and unbelief , the mother and head of all vices , which by the grace of god was cast out of us , bringing with him seven other spirits worse then himself , shall to our utter ruine return again to us , and so shall we be in worse case then ever we were before ; for if ●e , after we have escaped from the filthiness of the world , through the knowledge of the lord and saviour iesus christ , be yet entangled therein and overcome , then is the lat●r end worse then the beginning , and it had been letter for us not to have known the way of righteousness , 〈◊〉 after we have known it to turn from the holy commandment given unto us ; for it is then hapned unto us , according to the true proverb , the dog is turned to his vomit , and the son that was washed to wallowing in the mire . — it is not possible ( saith the apostle ) that they , which were once enlightned , &c. if they fall away , should be renewed again by repentance , &c. st. paul's meaning in this place is , that they that believe unfeignedly gods word , do abide stedfast in the known truth . if any therefore fall away from christ and his word , it is a plain token , that they were but dissembling hypocrites , for all their fair faces outwardly , and never believed truly &c. they went out from us , because they were not of us , &c. if we sin willingly after we have received the knowledge of the truth , there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin , but a certain fearful looking for of judgement , &c. wherefore let us , on whom the ends of the world are come , take diligent heed unto our selves , that now in these last and perillous times ( in which the devil is come down and hath great wrath , because he knoweth his time is but short , and whereof the prophets , christ , and the apostles have given us such warning ) we withhold not the truth in unrighteousness , believing , doing or speaking any thing against our knowledge and conscience , or without faith , &c. if ye believe me ye shall die in your sins . — dear friends , we trust to see better of you , and things which accompany salvation , and that ye being the good ground , watered with the moistness of gods word plentifully preached among you , will with a good heart hear the word of god and keep it , bringing forth fruit with patience ; and that you will be none of those forgetful and hypocritical hearers , who , although they hear the word , suffer the devil to catch away what was sown in their hearts , either having no root in themselves endure but a season , and as soon as persecution ariseth because of the word , by and by they are offended , or with the cares of this world , and deceitfulness of riches choak the word , and so are unfruitful . read the parable of the sower , and note especially , that the most part of the hearers of gods word are but hypocrites , hearing the word without any fruit or profit , yea to their greater condemnation ; for onely the fourth part of the seed doth bring forth fruit . therefore let not us that be ministers , or professors and followers of gods word be discouraged , though that very few do give credit and follow the doctrine of the gospel , and be saved . — we trust that ye will not , like the gadarenes , for fear to lose your worldly substance or other delights of this life , banish away christ and his gospel from among you . — if ye do , your own blood will be upon your own heads . and as ye have had more plentiful preaching of the gospel , then others , so ye shall be sure to be sorer plagued , and the kingdome of god shall be taken from you , and given to another nation , that will bring forth the fruits thereof . wherefore my dearly beloved in christ , take good heed unto your selves , and ponder well in your minds , how fearful and horrible a thing it is to fall into the hands of the living god , and see that ye receive not the word in vain , but declare your faith by your good works : among which the chiefest are to be obedient to the magistrates ( sith they are the ordinance of god , whether they be good or evil ) unless they command idolatry and ungodliness , i. e. things contrary to true religion ; for then we ought to say with peter , we ought more to they god then man. but in any wise we must beware of tumult , insurrection , rebellion , or resistance . the weapon of a christian in this matter ought to be the sword of the spirit , which is gods word , and prayer , coupled with humility and due submission , and with readiness of heart , rather to die then to do any ungodliness . — ( ) we must obey our parents , and be careful for our houses , that they be fed not onely with bodily food , but much rather with spiritual food , the word of god. ( ) whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye likewise unto them ; for this is the law and the prophets . ( ) pray for all estates . ( ) after these works , we must learn to know the cross : and ( ) what affection and mind we must bear towards our enemies , whatsoever they be to suffer all evils patiently , to pray for them that persecute us . and thus doing we shall obtain a certainty of our vocation , that we be the elect children of god. and thus i commend you , brethren , unto god and to the word of his grace , which is able to ●uild farther &c , beseeching you to help mr. saunders and me your late pastors , and all them that be in bonds , for the gospels sake , with your prayers to god for us , that we may be delivered from unreasonable men , &c. and that this our imprisonment may be to the glory and profit of our christian brethren in this world , and that christ may be magnified in our bodies , whether it be by death or life . amen . the grace of our lord be with you all . — the unprofitable servant of iesus christ , and now also his prisoner . g. m. iune . . postscript . save your selves from this untoward generation . pray , pray , pray . never more need . in his letter to his friends at manchester . — these are earnestly to exhort you and beseech you in christ , as ye have received the lord iesus , even so to walk , rooted in him , and not to be afraid of any terrour of your adversaries , be they never so many and mighty , and you on the other side never so few and weak ; for the battel is the lords . — as i was with moses , so will i be with thee , saith god , and will never leave thee , nor forsake thee . be strong and bold , neither fear nor dread ; for the lord thy god is with thee , whithersoever thou goest . now if god be ●n our side , who can be against us ? in this our spiritual warfare is no man overcome , unless he traiterously leave and forsake his captain , or cowardly cast away his weapons , or willingly yield himself unto his enemies , or fearfully turn his back and flie . be strong therefore in the lord and in the power of his might , and put on all the armour of god , that ye may be able to stand stedf●st against all the assaults of satan . — if we submit our selves to god , and his holy word , no man shall be able to hurt us ; god will deliver us from all troubles , yea from death also , till such time as we covet and desire to die , as he did paul , &c. let us therefore run with patience unto the battel that is set before us , and look unto iesus the captain and finisher of our faith , and after his example , for the rewards sake , that is set out unto us , patiently to bear the cross , and despise the shame . all that will live godly in christ iesus must suffer persecution . christ was no sooner baptized , and declared to the world to be the son of god , but satan was by and by ready to tempt him : which thing we must look for also ; yea the more we shall increase our faith and vertuous living , the more strongly will satan assault us , whom we must learn after the example of christ , to fight against and overcome with the holy and sacred scriptures , &c. and let the fasting of christ , when he was tempted in the wilderness , be an example unto us of our sober living , not for the space of fourty dayes ( as the papists do fondly fancy of their own brains ) but us long as we are in the wilderness of this wretched life , assaulted of satan , who like a roaring lion , &c. it is the nature and property of the devil alwayes to hurt and do mischief , if god do not forbid . indeed if god will not permit him , he cannot so much as enter into a filthy hog , &c. let us , knowing satans deceits and rankor , walk the more warily , and take unto us the shield of faith , &c. let us fast and pray continually , &c. to fasting and prayer must be joyned mercy to the poor and needy , &c. let us go boldly to the seat of grace , where we shall be sure to find grace and mercy to help in time of need . — wherefore , my dear brethren , be ye fervent in the law of god , and jeopard ye your lives , if need shall require , for the testament of the fathers , and so shall ye receive great honour , and an everlasting name . remember abraham , was not he found faithful in temptation , and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness ? ioseph in time of his trouble kept the commandment , and was made a lord of egypt . phineas was so fervent for the honour of god , that he obtained the covenant of an everlasting priesthood . ioshua for the fulfilling of the word of god was made the captain of israel . caleb bare record before the congregation , and received an inheritance . david also in his merciful kindness obtained the throne of an everlasting kingdome . elias being zealous and fervent in the law , was taken up into heaven . the three children remained stedfast in the faith , and were delivered out of the fire , and daniel from the mouth of the lions . thus whoever put their trust in the lord were not overcome . fear not ye then the words of ungodly men ; for their glory is but dung and worms ; to day they are set up , and to morrow they are gone ; they are turned into earth , and their memorial cometh to nought . wherefore let us take good hearts unto us , and quit our selves like men in the law , &c. let us not faint , because of affliction , wherewith god trieth all them that are sealed to everlasting life , &c. seeing we are in the narrow and strait way , that leadeth unto the m●st joyful and pleasant city of everlasting life , let us not stagger , or turn back , being afraid of the perilous way , but follow our captain christ therein , and be afraid , no not of death it self . consider also the course of this world , how many for their master's sake , or a little promotions sake will adventure their lives , as commonly in wars , and yet is their reward but light and transitory , and ours is unspeakably great and everlasting . they suffer pains to be made lords on earth for a short season ; how much more ought we to endure , it may be much less pains , to be made kings in heaven for evermore ? — seeing , brethren , it hath pleased god to set me , and that worthy minister of christ , iohn bradford , your countreyman , in the forefront of this battel , where ( for the time ) is most danger , i beseech you all in the bowels of christ to help us , and all our fellow souldiers standing in like perilous place , with your prayers to god for us , that we may quit our selves like men in the lord , and give some exmple of boldness and constancy , mingled with patience in the fear of god , that ye and others of our brethren , through our example , may be encouraged and strengthned to follow us , that ye also may leave example to your weak brethren in the world to follow you . amen . — brethren , the time is short , it remaineth that ye use this world , as though ye used it not ; for the fashion of this world passeth away . see that ye love not the world , nor the things that be in the world ; but set your affections on heavenly things , &c. be meek and long-suffering ; serve and edifie one another with the gift that god hath given you : beware of strange doctrine , &c. — august , . in his letter to ienkin crampton , &c. — these be earnestly to exhort you , yea and to beseech you in the tender mercy of christ , that with purpose of heart ye cleave unto the lord , and that ye worship him in spirit , in the gospel of his son ; for god will not be worshipped after the commandments and traditions of men , nor yet by any other means appointed , prescribed and taught us , but by his holy word : and though all men almost defile themselves with the wicked traditions of men , and ordinances after the world , and not after christ , yet do ye after the ensample of daniel , and his three companions , &c. be at a point with your selves , that ye will not be defiled with the unclean meats of the heathen , i mean , the filthiness of idolatry , and the very heathenish ceremonies of the papists , but as the true worshippers , serve ye god in spirit and verity , according to the sacred scriptures . above all things i wish you continually and reverently to search and read the scriptures , and with the wholesome admonitions of the same to teach , exhort , comfort , and edifie one another , now in this time of the great famishment of souls , for want of the food of gods word . and doubt not but that the merciful lord ( who hath promised to be with us , even to the worlds end , and when two or three are gathered together in his name he will be in the midst of them ) will assist you and teach you the right meaning of the sacred scriptures , will keep you from all errours , and lead you into all truth , as he hath promised . and though you think your selves unable to teach , yet at the command of christ , now in time of famine , seeing the hungry people in the wilderness far from any towns , if they be sent away fasting , are sure to faint and perish by the way , employ those five loaves and two fishes that ye have , upon that hungry multitude , although you think it nothing among so many . and he that increased the five loaves and two fishes to feed five thousand men , &c. shall also augment his gifts in you , not onely to the edifying of others , but to an exceeding great increase of your own knowledge in god and his holy word : and fear not your adversaries ; for either according to his accustomed manner , god shall blind their eyes , that they shall not spie you , or get you favour in their sight , or else graciously deliver you out of their hands by one means or other . comfort your selves in all your adversities , and stay your selves in him , who hath promised not to leave you , as fatherless and motherless children , without any comfort , but that he will come unto you , like a most gentle and merciful lord. — in another letter . — the same grace and peace do i wish unto you , which st. paul wisheth to them , to whom he writ , &c. grace is taken for the free mercy and favour of god , whereby he saveth us freely without any of our deservings or works of the law. peace is taken for the tranquility of conscience , being perswaded that through the onely merits of christs death and blood-shedding , there is an atonement and peace made between god and us , so that god will no more impute our sins unto us , nor condemn us . — be not ashamed of the testimony of our lord jesus , nor of us his prisoners , but suffer ye adversity with the gospel ; for which word we suffer , as evil doers , unto bonds ; but the word of god is not bound with us . therefore we suffer all things for the elects sake , that they also may obtain the salvation which is in christ jesus with eternal glory . wherefore stand ye fast in the faith , and be not moved from the hope of the gospel : so shall ye make us with joy to suffer for your sakes , and as the apostle saith , to fulfill that which is behind of the passions of christ in our flesh , for his bodies sake , which is the congregation . st. paul doth not here mean , that there wanteth any thing in the passion of christ , which may be supplied by man ; but the words are to be understood of the elect , in whom christ is and shall be persecuted to the worlds end . the passion of christ then , i. e. of this ch●rch , his mystical body , shall not be perfect till all , whom god hath appointed , have suffered for his sake . — on our parts nothing can be greater consolation and inward joy to us in our adversity , then to hear of your faith and love , and that ye have a good remembrance of us alwayes , praying for us as we do for you . now are we alive , if ye stand stedfast in the lord. good shepherds do alwayes count the welfare and prosperous estate of christs flock to be their own . while it goeth well with the congregation , it goeth well with them also , in whatever affliction they be : but when they see the church in peril , then be they weary of their own lives , and can have no rest nor joy . who is weak , and i am not weak ? who is offended , and i do not burn ? but this affection is not in them that seek their own lucre and glory . — god is wont for the most part to warn his elect what trouble shall happen to them for his sake , not to frighten them thereby , but rather to prepare their minds against the boisterous storms of persecution . — in his letter to robert langley . — i thank you for visitting me a prisoner for christ , and unacquainted with to your cost , and for your promise , that if i did want any thing necessary to this life , you with some others would help me , and rejoyce greatly in the lord , who stirs up the hearts of others to be careful for me in this my great necessity . i thank god as yet i do want nothing , and intend to be as little chargeable to others as i can ; yet if i want , i will be bold with you and others to send for your help , desiring you in the mean while to pray for me and all others in the bonds of christ , that god would perform the thing which he hath begun in us , that we may confess jesus christ with boldness , and fight the good fight of faith , in another letter . — these be to certifie you , that i greatly rejoyce in the lord , for that my sweet saviour christ doth stir up the minds , not onely of my familiar friends in times past , but of sundry heretofore to me unknown to help me , sending me not onely necessaries for this life , but comfortable letters , encouraging me and exhorting me to continue grounded and stablished in the faith , &c. i call daily upon god , in whom is all my trust , and without whom i can do nothing , that he would perfect what he hath begun , being assured he will so do ; forasmuch as he hath given me , not onely to believe , ●ut to suffer for his sake . the lord strengthen me with his holy spirit , that i may be one of the number of those blessed , which enduring to the end shall be saved . — my trust in the lord is , that this my business shall happen to the furtherance of the gospel . — god will to your consolation gloriously deliver by one means or other his oppressed . onely tarry ye the lords leisure , and wait still for the lord. he tarrieth not , that will come ; look for him therefore , and faint not , and he will never fail you . marshall . i was from eternity ( said christopher marshall of antwerp ) a sheep destined to the slaughter , and now i go the shambles . gold must be tried in the fire . massey . i must needs here mention an infant without a christian name , and not capable of speaking , because its death still speaks aloud . this infant was the child of perotine massey , the wife of a minister of gods word , for fear fled out of the island of guernsey . she with her mother and sister were burnt for absence from church . the babe properly was never born , but by the force of the flame burst out of his mothers belly alive ; and yet by the command of the bailiffe ( supreme officer in the then absence of the governour ) cast again into the fire , and therein consumed to ashes . it seems this bloody bailiffe was minded like the cruel tyrant , commanding , canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum , though this indeed was no dog , but a lamb , and that of the first minute , and therefore too young by the levitical law to be sacrificed . here was a spectacle without precedent , a cruelty built three generations high , that grandmother , mother , and grandchild , should all suffer in the same flame . maximinus . we are ready ( said maximinus and iubentius ) to lay off the last garment , the flesh . melancthon . i tremble to think ( said philip melancthon ) with what blind devotion i went to images , whilst i was a papist . when luther began to oppose the pope , he was sent for by prince frederick duke of saxony to wittenberg to teach the greek tongue , and yet then he was but two and twenty years old an. . when he was first converted , he thought it impossible for his hearers to withstand the evidence of the truth , in the ministry of the gospel ; but after he had been a preacher a while , he complained , that old adam was too hard for young melancthon . in the year . he went with luther to lipswich , where he disputed with eccius . in this disputation eccius brought a very subtile argument , which he being not able suddenly to answer , said , i will answer you to morrow . eccius replying , that is little for your credit , if you cannot answer it presently . sir ( said he ) i seek dot mine own glory in this business , but the truth . to morrow god willing you shall hear further . in the year . when the divines of paris had condemned luther's doctrine and books , he wrote an apology for him against their furious decree . in his epistle to the reader . — see christian reader , what monsters in divinity europe hath bred . the last year the sophisters of colen and lorain condemned the gospel by some naked propositions , confirmed neither by scripture nor reason . m●dder then they are they , whoever they be , who have at paris condemned luther . — there is no cause to wonder that they are no more favourable to luther . alas ! they were not more favourable to their own great gerson , when the schools at paris were more wholesome . — it concerns us to consider , what is decreed , not who have decreed it . the apostle will not have us give place , no not to angels , corrupting the gospel . — farewell to the name of our masters , farewell to the name of parisians , unless in their own schools . in the christian commonwealth nothing prevails but the voice of christ , which whosoever hears not is not christs . — they say that luther ought rather to be overcome by fire , then by reason . — they accuse luther of heresie , not because he dissents from universities , fathers , councils ; not because he dissents from the scripture , and the opinions of universities , fathers , councils , they call the first principles of faith. — but it will be said luther doth dissent from the scripture , because he dissents from the expositions of scripture , which from fathers , councils , and schools , have hitherto been received . this is ( as i perceive ) the hinge of the controversie . here i ask this question of our masters , whether the scriptures be so delivered , that their meaning cannot certainly be collected without the exposition of councils , fathers , and schools ? if you deny that the meaning of the scripture cannot certainly be concluded without their glosses , i cannot see why the scriptures were delivered , or why the apostles invite us to the study of the scriptures ? — if you grant it , certainly the scripture ought to be preferred , not onely before the schools and fathers , but before councils determining otherwise . may not then luther oppose unto councils , fathers , schools , the certain sense and meaning of scripture ? but we will not yield so much , that luther opposeth the fathers and councils . — when the wars for religion brake out in germany , he foresaw in a dream the captivity of the e●ect●r of saxony , and the lantgrave of hess fifteen dayes before they were taken . when the plague broke out in wittinberg , and the university was removed , he said , he feared not that plague , but a far worse plague , which threatned the ruine of the commonwealth . in the year . in his letter to camerarius he gives this reason why he refused king henry's offers if he would come into england . — perhaps ( saith he ) many things are reported amongst you concerning england , that it lyeth open now for the religion of the purer doctrine ; but i have intelligence from a good hand , that the king hath no great care of the affairs of the church , onely this good comes of his rejecting the popes authority , that for the present no cruelty is used towards those that are desirous of better doctrine . when he went to hagenaw to meet the protestant divines there , foreseeing , that he should fall into a mortal disease , he made his will , and left it with cruciger , saying , viximus in synodis , & jam moriemur in illis . in english thus ; imploy'd in synods , living , oft was i , now in a synod i am like to die . he was often threatned with banishment out of germany , of which he writes thus ; i have through gods mercy been here these fourty years , and yet i could never say , or be sure , that i should remain here one week to an end . seven dayes before he died , many persons worthy of credit , betwixt nine and ten of the clock at night saw in the clouds over the tower of wittenqerg five rods bound together , after which two vanishing , the other three appeared severed in divers places , the branches of the rods turning towards the north , the handles towards the south . when this prodigy was told melancthon , he said , herein gods fatherly punishments are not swords , but rods , which parents use to correct their children withall : and i fear a dearth . when the pastors of the church visitted him in his sickness , he said unto them , by the goodness of god i have no domestical grief to disquiet me , &c. but publick matters affect me , especially the troubles of the church in this evil and sophistical age . but through gods goodness our doctrine is sufficiently explained and confirmed . when he heard by letters of the persecution of some godly men in france , he said , that his bodily disease was not comparable to the grief of his mind for his godly friends , and for the miseries of the church . — yet my hopes are very great , for the doctrine of our church is explained . if god be for us , who can be against us ? i desire ( said he ) to depart for two causes . ( ) that i may have the much desired sight of jesus christ , and the church triumphant . ( ) that i may be delivered from the cruel and implacable discords of divines . meyere . mr. giles meyere of flanders , after he was converted , he sought all means how to employ his talent . he was not onely carefull to preach to his charge , but he went from h●use to house , comforting and exhorting every one , as occasion served , out of the word of god , labouring above all with them to beware of the abominable superstitions of the papacy . when he was imprisoned . in a deep dark hole , he bore his affliction patiently , but so praised god for esteeming him worthy to suffer for his sake , and so comforted them that came to visit him , that they could not leave him without tears . in the midst of the fagots ( though he was gagged ) he was heard distinctly and plainly to say , father into thy hands i commend my spirit . mill. mr. walter mill being brought before the bishops of scotland to answer to articles against him , and placed in a pulpit before them , he prayed so long , that one of the bishops priests called out to him saying , sir walter mill arise , and answer to the articles , for you hold my lord here overlong . when he had ended his prayer , he answered , we ought to obey god rather then men . i serve one more mighty , even the omnipotent lord. and whereas you call me sir walter , call me walter , and not sir walter , i have been overlong one of the popes knights . being threatned with the sentence of death , if he would not recant , he said , i know i must die once ; and therefore as christ said to iudas , what thou dost do it quickly : so say i to you . ye shall know that i will not 〈◊〉 the truth ; for i am corn , i am no chaffe ; i 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 blown away with the wind , nor burst with the slail , i will abide both . being bid to pass to the stake , he said , nay , but if thou wilt put me up with thy hand , thou shalt see me pass up gladly ; for by the law of god i am forbidden to lay han● upon my self . being put , he ascended gladly , saying , i will go up unto the altar of god. after he had prayed , he spake thus to the people ; dear friends , the cause why i suffer this day is not for any crime laid to my c●arge ( albeit i be a miserable sinner before god ) but onely for the defence of the faith of iesus christ , set forth in the old and new testament to us ; for which ( as the faithfull martyrs have offered themselves gladly before , being assured ( after the death of their bodies ) of eternal felicity . so this day i praise god that he hath called me of his mercy among the rest of his servants to seal up his truth with my life , which as i have received it of him , so willingly i offer it to his glory . therefore as you will escape the eternal death , be no more seduced with the lies of priests , bishops , &c. and the rest of the sect of antichrist , but depend onely on iesus christ , and his mercy , that ye may be delivered from condemnation . being in the fire , he said , lord have mercy upon me , pray people while there is time . he was burnt an. . and by his death gave the very dead blow to popery ; for by his death the people of all ranks and conditions were so moved , that they made open profession of the truth , without any more dallying , and upon this occasion a covenant was presently entred in to defend one another against the tyranny of the bishops . so that he was the last that died for religion at that time in that kingdome . his epitaph . non nostra impietas , aut actae crimina vitae armarunt hostes in mea fata truces : sola fides christi sacris signata libellis , quae vitae causa est , est mihi causa necis . in english thus ; not any sin committed here by me against me arm'd my bloody enemy : the scripture faith , of life the onely cause , did cause my death , and that against all laws . monerius . claudius monorius , being cavilled at by the friers for eating a break-fast before his execution , said , this i do that the flesh may answer the readiness of the spirit . morall . let us not , my brethren , ( said iohn morall , an outlandish martyr ) fear the prisons ; seeing they are christs schools and colledges , wherein gods children learn their fathers lessons : there we find him true in his promises : there he manifests himself incomparably to his children . our prisons are schools of defence , where we learn how to ward off all the blows , that the world , flesh , or devil would foyl us with ; all which we learn of our captain christ. here we are quit of the vain allurements of the world : here we are freed of the fear of meeting idols in the streets : here we may without check call upon god , and sing psalms unto him . therefore let us not refuse to hear sermons for fear of going to prison . n. newman . iohn newman in his written answer to suffragen thornton . — it may please you to understand that good ministers all the time of king edward's reign taught us diligently , perswading us by the allegations of gods word , that there was no transubstantiation , nor corporal presence in the sacrament : their doctrine was not believed of us suddenly , but by their continual preaching , and also by our continual prayer unto god , that we might never be deceived , but if it were true , that he would incline our hearts unto it ; and if it were not true , that we might never believe it . we weighed , that they labourel with gods word , &c. — wherefore until such time as our consciences are otherwise taught and instructed by gods word , we cannot with safeguard of our consciences take it , as many suppose at this time . and we trust in god , that the queens highness , and her most honourable council , will not in a matter of faith use compulsion or violence ; because faith is the gift of god , and cometh not of man , or of mans laws , nor at such time as men require it , but at such time as god giveth it . being asked whether he would stand to what he had said ; i must need stand to it ( said he ) till i be perswaded by a further truth . it being replied ; nay , you will not be perswaded , but stand to your own opinion : nay ( said he ) i stand not to mine own opinion , god i take to witness , but onely to the scriptures of g●d ; and i take god to witness , that i do nothing of presumption , but that that i do is onely my conscience ; and if there be a further truth then i see , except it appear a truth to me , i cannot receive it as a truth . and seeing faith is the gift of god , and cometh not of man ; for it is not you that can give me faith , nor no man else ; therefore i trust ye will bear the more with me , seeing it must be wrought by god ; and when it shall please god to open a further truth to me , i shall receive it with all my heart . in his confession of his faith. — the lord is the protector of my life . the just shall live by faith ; and if he withdraw himself , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . — thus have i declared my faith briefly , which were no faith , if i were in doubt of it . this faith i desire god to increase in me . praise god for his gifts . nicaise . nicaise a say-maker in tournay for refusing to live according to the customes of the romish church , and to observe the traditions invented by her , &c. being condemned , and having heard the sentence , as he rose up , he said , now praised be god. as he was led to execution , seeing a great multitude of people , he lifted up his voice , and said , o ye men of tournay , open your eyes , awake ye that sleep , and stand up from the dead , and christ shall give ye light . as he joyfully ascended up the scaffold , he said , lord , they have hated me without a cause . as he was fastning to the stake , he said , eternal father , have pity and compassion upon me , according as thou hast promised to all , that ask the same of thee in thy sons name . noyes . when iohn noyes was asked by his brother in law if he did fear death , when the bishop gave judgement against him , he answered , he thanked god he feared death no more at that time then himself , or any other did being at liberty . being bound to the stake , he said , fear not them that can kill the body , but fear him that can kill both body and soul , and cast it into everlasting fire . when he saw his sister weeping and making moan for him , he bade her , weep not for him , but weep for her sins . when a fagot was set against him he took it , and kissed it , and said , blessed be the time that ever i was born to come to this . he said also , good people bear witness that i do believe to be saved by the merits and passion of jesus christ , and not by my own deeds . when the fire was kindled and burned about him , he said , lord have mercy upon me , christ have mercy upon me , son of david have mercy upon me . in his letter to his wife out of prison . — you desired me to send you some tokens to remember me . i therefore send you these scriptures even for a remembrance . st. peter saith , dearly beloved , be not troubled with this heat , that is now come among you to try you , as though some strange thing had hapned unto you , but rejoyce in as much as ye are partakers of christs sufferings , that when his glory appeareth , ye may be merry and glad . if ye be railed on for the name of christ , happy are ye ; for the spirit of glory and the spirit of god restest on you . — see that none of you suffer as a murtherer , &c. but if any suffer as a christian , let him not be ashamed , but glorifie god in this behalf ; for the time is come that judgement must begin at the house of god : if it first begin at us , what shall the end of them be , that believe not the gospel of god ? wherefore let them that suffer according to the will of god , commit their souls to him in well doing . st. paul saith , all that will live godly in christ iesus must suffer persecution . st. iohn saith , see that ye love not the world , nor the things of the world : if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him ; for all that is in the world , as the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and the pride of life is not of the father , but is of the world , which vanisheth away and the lust thereof , but he that fulfilleth the will of god abideth for ever . — st. paul saith , what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? what company hath light with darkness ? or what part hath the believer with the infidel ? &c. wherefore come out from among them , and separate your selves now ( saith the lord ) and touch no unclean thing , so will i receive you , and i will be a father unto you , and ye shall be my sons and daughters , saith the lord almighty . — so farewell wife and children , and leave worldly care , and see that ye be diligent to pray . take no thought ( saith christ ) saying what ye shall eat , or what ye shall drink , or wherewith shall we be clothed ? ( after all these things do the geneiles seek ) for your heavenly father knoweth that you have need of all these things ; but seek ye first the kingdome of god and the righteousness there●f , and all these things shall be ministred to you . — o. o●colampadius . he fell sick in the year . and of his age . about the same time that zuinglius was unhappily slain . his grief for his death much increased his sickness . he foretold his own death : was very desirous to enjoy the heavenly light. sending for the ministers of the gospel to him , he spake to them thus ; o my brethren , you see what is done : the lord is come , he is , he is now calling me away . — what shall i say unto you , the servants of the lord , whom the love of god your master , the same study and doctrine have most intimately united , now that i am to take my leave of you ? salvation , hopes of heaven , truth , light for our feet is procured by christ for us : it becomes us to cast away all sadness , all fear of life and death , &c. my brethren , this onely remains , that we who have for some time walked in the wayes of christ , continue constant and faithful followers of him therein , persevering in purity of doctrine and holiness of life . other things jesus christ the lord , who is able and willing to look after his own concernments , will take care of . he will defend his own church . go to then , o my brethren , so let your light shine forth , that god the father may be glorified in us , and the name of christ be made illustrious and conspicuous by the light of your life . continue to love one another unfeignedly . lead your whole life as in the sight , as under the eye of god. in vain do we press to holiness , if our words be without deeds : there is need of the light of life , and the heavenly spirit , if we will confound satan , and convert this world unto christ the lord. o my brethren , what a cloud is there arising ? what a storm a coming ? what a defection is at hand ? but it becomes you to stand fast . the lord , who is careful of his own affairs , will be present with you . — for my self , i pass not the horrible aspersion of corrupting the truth , that is c●st upon me . i am just now going before the tribunal of christ , and that ( through grace ) with a clear conscience . there it will appear , that i have not seduced the church . — the night before he died , when a very dear friend returned to him , oecolampadius asked him , what news he had brought ? his friend answering , none . i will tell you some then ( said oeculampadius ) i shall presently be with my lord christ. a while after being asked , whether the light offended him ? he putting his hand to his heart , said , here is abundance of light . here is light enough . ogner , or ogvier . robert ognier's son said to his father and mother at the stake with him , behold millions of angels about us , and the heavens opened to receive us . to a frier that railed ; thy cursings are blessings . to a nobleman that offered him life and promotion ; do you think me such a fool , that i should change eternal things for temporary ? and to the people ; we suffer as christians , not as thieves or murtherers . when the prov●st of lile had seized on robert ogvier , his wife , and his two sons , baudicon , and martin , as they were conveyed along through the streets of the city , baudicon with a loud voice said , o lord , assist us by thy grace , not onely to be prisoners for thy name , but to confess thy holy truth in all purity before men , so far as to seal the same with our bloods for the edification of thy poor church . when they were brought before the magistrates , they said unto robert ogvier , &c. it is told us that you never come to mass , yea and also disswade others from coming thereto , and that you maintain conventicles in your houses . he answered , whereas you lay to my charge that i go not to mass , i refuse so to do indeed , because the death and precious blood of the son of god , and his sacrifice is utterly abolished there , and troden under foot ; for christ by one sacrifice hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified . — the mass is the meer invention of men , and you know what christ saith , in vain do they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandments of men . — as for the second accusation , i cannot nor will deny , but there have met together in my house honest people fearing god , for the advancement of gods glory , and the good of many , and not to wrong any . i knew indeed the emperour had forbid it : but what then ? i knew also that christ in his gospel hath commanded it ; where two or three are gathered together in my name , there ( saith he ) am i in the midst of them . thus you see i could not well obey the emperour , but i must disobey christ. in this case then i choose rather to obey my god , then man. when one of the magistrates demanded what they did , when they met together ? baudicon the eldest son of robert ogvier answered , if it please you my masters to give me leave , i will open the business at large to you . leave being granted , he lifting up his eyes to heaven , began thus ; when we meet together in the name of our lord jesus christ , to hear the word of god , we first of all prostrate upon our knees before god , and in the humility of our spirits , do make a confession of our sins before his divine majesty : then we pray , that the word of god may be rightly divided , and purely preached : we also pray for our sovereign lord the emperour , and for all his honourable councellors , that the commonwealth may be peaceably governed to the glory of god ; yea we forget not you , whom we acknowledge our superiours , intreating our good god for you , and for this whole city , that you may maintain it in tranquility . thus i have summarily related what we do . think you now , whether we have offended highly in this matter of our assembling . when robert and baudicon were condemned , they praised god for the sentence ; and when they were returned to prison , after sentence was past , they rejoyced that the lord did them that honour to enroll them in the number of his martyrs . robert being told by a seducing frier , that i● he would give ear to him , he would warrant him he should do well : poor man ( said he ) how darest thou attribute that unto thy self , which belongs to the eternal god , and so rob him of his honour ; for it seems by thy speech , that if i will hearken to thee , thou wilt become my saviour . no , no , i have one onely saviour jesus christ , who by and by will deliver me from this present evil world . i have one doctor , whom the heavenly father hath commanded me to hear ; and i purpose to hearken to none other . another frier exhorting him to have pity of his soul which christ had redeemed : thou willest me ( said the good old man ) to pity mine own soul. dost not thou see what pity i have on it , when fo● th● name of christ i willingly abandon this body of mine ●n the fire , hoping to day to be with him in paradise . i have put all my confidence in god , and my hope wholly is fixt on the merits of christs death and passion : he will direct me the right way unto his kingdome . i believe whatsoever the holy prophets and apostles have written , and in that faith will i live and die . baudicon said , let my father alone and trouble him not thus , he is an old man , and hath an infirm body , hinder him not i pray you from receiving the crown of martyrdome . one telling baudicon , that he would sell all he was worth to buy fagots to burn him , and that he found too much favour ; he answered , the lord shew you more mercy . some of the friers having fastned a crucifix betwixt the old mans hands , when baudicon espied it , he said , alas ! father , what do you now ? will you play the idolater even at the last hour ? and then pulling the idol out of his hands , threw it away , saying , what cause hath the people to be offended with us , for not receiving of a jesus christ of wood ? we bear upon our hearts the cross of christ , the son of the everliving god , feeling his word written therein in letters of gold. baudicon beginning to sing on the scaffold the sixteenth psalm , a frier cried out , do ye hear my masters , what wicked errours these hereticks sing to beguile the people withall : whereupon baudicon replyed , thou simple idiot , callest thou the psalms of david the prophet , errours ? but no marvel ; for thus you are wont to blaspheme against the spirit of god. then turning his eye to his father , who was about to be chained to the stake , he said , be of good courage , father , the worst will be past by and by . the old man complaining of the blow , which the executioner gave him on the foot , as he was fastning to the post , a frier said , ah these hereticks they would be counted martyrs forsooth , but if they be but touched a little , they cry out as if they were killed : whereupon baudicon said , think you then that we fear the torment●rs ? no such matter ; for had we feared the same , we had never exposed our bodies to this so shameful and painful a kind of death . then he often reiterated those short breathings , o god , father everlasting , accept the sacrifice of our bodies , for thy wellbeloved son jesus christ his sake . with his eyes fixed on heaven , he said to his father , behold for i see heavens open , and millions of angels ready prest to receive us , rejoycing to see us thus witnessing the truth in the view of the world . father , let us be glad and rejoyce ; for the joyes of heaven are set open to us . when the fire was kindled he often repeated this in his fathers ear , faint not , father , nor be afraid ; yet a very little while , and we shall enter into the heavenly mansions . the last words they were heard to pronounce , were , iesus christ , thou son of god , into thy hands we commend our spirits . iane the wife of robert , whilst in prison , ( separated from her son martin ) was drawn away by a monk and prevailed with to let go her first faith ; and having promised to draw her son martin from his errours , he was suffered to come to her : which when he understood , o mother ( said he ) what have you done ? have you denied him , who hath redeemed you ? alas ! what evil hath he done you , that you should requite him with this so great an injury and dishonour ? now i am plunged into that wo , which i have most feared . ah good god! that i should live to see this . this pierceth me to the very heart . his mother hearing this , and seeing his tears , she with tears cried out , o father of mercies , be merciful to me miserable sinner , and cover my transgression under the righteousness of thy blessed son. lord , enable me with strength from above to stand to my first confession , and make me to abide stedfast therein , even to my last breath . when they that had seduced her came to her again , with detestation she said , avoid satan , get thee behind me : from henceforth thou hast neither part nor portion in me . i will by the help of god stand to my first confession ; and if i may not sign it with ink , i will seal it with my blood . when iane and martin heard the sentence past , returning to prison they said , now blessed be our god , who causeth us thus to triumph over our enemies . this is the wished hour . our gladsome day is come . let us not then ( said martin ) forget to be thankfull for the honour he doth us in conforming us to the image of his son. let us remember those that have traced this death before us ; for this is the high way to the kingdome of heaven . let us then , good mother , go on boldly out of the camp with the son of god , bearing his reproach with all his holy martyrs ; for so we shall find passage into the glorious kingdome of the everliving god. some of the company not brooking these words , said , we see now thou heretick , that thou art wholly possest body and soul with a devil , as was thy father and brother , who are both in hell. martin replied , sirs , as for your railings and cursings our god will this day turn them into blessings in the sight of all his holy angels . a certain temporizer endeavouring to stagger martin by the consideration of the multitude that believed not as he did ; his mother said , sir , christ jesus our lord saith , that it is the wide gate and broad way that leadeth to destruction , and therefore many go in thereat : but the gate is narrow that leadeth to life , and few there be that find it . do ye then doubt whether we be in the strait way , or no , when ye behold our sufferings ? would you have a better sign then this to know whether we are in the right way ? compare our doctrine with that of your priests and monks . we for our part are determined to have but one christ , and him crucified : we onely embrace the scriptures of the old and new testament . are we deceived in believing that which the holy prophets and apostles have taught ? martin being asked , whether he thought himself wiser then so many learned doctors ? answered , i pray you sir doth not christ our lord tell us , that his father hath hid the secrets of his kingdome from the wise and prudent , and revealed them to babes ? and doth not the lord oftentimes catch the wise in their own craftiness ? then came into the prison to martin two men of great authority , and perswading him to recant , promised him great matters , &c. martin gave them this answer , sirs , you present before me many temporal commodities : but alas ! do you think me so simple , as to forsake an eternal kingdome , for enjoying a short transitory life ? no sirs , it is too late to speak to me now of worldly commodities : speak of those spiritual ones , which god hath prepared for me to day in his kingdome . i purpose not to hearken after any other . onely let me crave one hours respite to my self , to give my self to prayer . afterwards martin declared the effect of this combate to certain brethren in prison , saying , let us lift up our heads , brethren , the brunt is over ; this i hope is their last assault . forget not i pray you the holy doctrine of the gospel , nor those good lessons , which you have learned from our brother guy ( probably he meant mr. guy de brez , of whom before in letter b. ) manifest it now to all , that you have received them not onely into your ears , but also into your hearts . follow me . we lead you the way . fear not , god will never leave you , nor forsake you . iane having ascended the scaffold , cried out to martin , come up , come up my son. as martin was speaking to the people , she said , speak out , martin , that it may appear to all , that we die not hereticks . she being bound to the stake , said , we are christians , and that which we now suffer , is not for murther , or theft , but because we will believe no more then the word of god teacheth us . both rejoyced , that they were counted worthy to suffer for the same . when the fire was kindled , with lifting up their hands to heaven in an holy accord , they said , lord iesus into thy hands we commend our spirits . oldcastle . sir iohn oldcastle , lord cobham , was of great birth , and in great favour with king henry the fifth , so as arch bishop arundel durst not meddle with him , till he knew the kings mind . the king when he heard the priests accusations , promised to deal with him himself , which accordingly he did in private , admonishing him to submit himself to his mother , the holy church , and as an obedient child to acknowledge himself cupable . the christian knight thus answered the king. most worthy prince . i am alwayes prompt and ready to obey , forasmuch as i know you a christian king , and the appointed minister of god , bearing the sword to the punishment of evil doers , and for safeguard of them that be vertuous . unto you ( next my eternal god ) owe i my whole obedience , and submit thereunto ( as i have done ever ) all that i have , either of fortuns or nature , ready at all times to fulfill whatsoever ye shall in the lord command me . but as touching the pope and his spirituality , i owe them neither suit nor service ; forasmuch as i know him by the scripture to be the great antichrist , the son of perdition , the open adversary of god , and the abomination standing in the holy place . when he was by a wi●e cited to appear before the arch bishop , &c. he told the messenger ( though he affirmed to him that it was the kings pleasure that he should obey that citation of the sumner ) that he would in no case consent to those most devillish practises of the priests . upon his non-appearance , the arch bishop judged him contumacious , and afterwards excommunicated him , &c. this constant servant of the lord perceiving himself compassed on every side with deadly dangers , he wrote a christian confession of his faith , and signed and sealed it with his own hand , which was a brief exposition of the common sum of the churches faith , called the apostles creed . in the close thereof . — i believe the universal law of god to be most true and perfect , and they which do not follow it in their faith and works ( at one time or another ) can never be saved : whereas he that seeketh it in faith , accepteth it , learneth it , delighteth therein , and performeth it in love , shall tast for it the felicity of everlasting innocency . this is my faith also , that god will ask no more of a christian believer in this life , but only to obey the precepts of that most blessed law. if any prelates of the church require more , or any other kind of obedience , he contemneth christ , exalting himself above god , and so becomes an open antichrist . all the premises i believe particularly , and generally all that god hath left in his holy scripture , that i should believe . this confession he delivered to the king , desiring him that it might be examined by the most godly , wife , & learned men of his realm , and if it be found in all points agreeable to the verity , that he might be holden for a true christian ; if it be proved otherwise , let it be condemned , provided that he be taught a better belief by the word of god. but the king would not receive it , but commanded it to be delivered to his judges . being threatned by arch bishop arundel , that he should be proclaimed an heretick : he said , do as ye shall think best , for i am at a point , i shall stand to my bill to the death . the arch bishop telling him , that all christians should follow the determinations of holy church : he said , that he would gladly believe and observe whatsoever the holy church of christs institution had determined , or whatsoever god had willed him either to believe or do ; but that the pope of rome with his cardinals , arch bishops , bishops , &c. had lawfull power to determine such matters as stood not throughly with his word , he would not affirm . when the arch bishop sent him their determination concerning the sacrament of the altar , &c. he saw that god had given them over for their unbeliefs sake , into most deep errours and blindness of mind , and that their uttermost malice was purposed against him , however he should answer , and therefore he put his life into the hands of god , desiring his onely spirit to assist him in his next answer . at his second appearance the arch bishop offering to absolve him from the curse that was against him ; he with a chearfull countenance said , god hath said by his holy prophet , maledicam benedictionibus vestris , i. e. i shall curse where you do bless : and further said , i will not desire your absolution ; for i never trespassed against you . and with that he kneeled down on the pavement , holding up his hands towards heaven , and said , i shrieve me here unto thee , my eternal living god , that in my frail youth i offended thee , o lord , most grievously in pride , wrath , and gluttony , in covetousness and in lechery . many men have i hurt in mine anger , &c. good lord i ask thee mercy . and therewith weepingly stood up again , and said with a mighty voice ; lo , good people , lo , for the breaking of gods law , and his great commandements , they never yet cursed me ; but for their own laws and traditions most cruelly do they handle both me and other men ; and therefore both they and their laws by the promise of god shall utterly be destroyed . being asked if he believed not in the determinations of the church ? no forsooth ( said ire ) for it is no god. being taxed to be one of wickliff's scholars : as for the vertuous man wickliffe ( said he ) i speak it before god and man , that before i knew that despised doctrine of his , i never abstained from sin ; but since i learned therein to fear my lord god , it hath otherwise i trust been with me . so much grace i could never find in all your glorious instructions . he said further , your fathers the old pharisees ascribed christs miracles to belzebub , and his doctrine to the devil , and you as their natural children have still the self same judgement concerning his faithfull followers . they that rebuke your vicious living must needs be hereticks , and that must your doctors prove , when you have no scripture to do it . — since the venome of iudas was shed into the church , ye never followed christ , nor stood in the perfection of gods law. being asked what he meant by that venome ? he answered , your possessions and lordships ; for then cried an angel in the aire ( as your own churches mention ) wo , wo , wo , this day is venome shed into the church of god. — rome is the very nest of antichrist , and out of that nest come all his disciples , of whom prelates , priests and monks are the body , these pild friers are the tail , which cover his most filthy part . — this is not onely my saying , but the prophet isaiah , who saith , he that preacheth lies is the tail behind . — then said he unto them all , christ saith in his gospel , wo unto you scribes and pharisees , hypocrites , for ye close up the kingdome of heaven before men , neither enter ye in your selves , nor suffer any other that would enter into it , but ye stop up the wayes thereunto by your own traditions . — the arch bishop telling him , that none should preach in his diocess , yea in his iurisdiction , that make division or dissention among the poor commons : he answered , both christ and his apostles were accused of sedition-making ; yet were they most peaceable men . but daniel and christ prophesied , that such a troublesome time should come , as hath not been yet since the worlds beginning : and this prophesie is partly fulfilled in your dayes , &c. christ saith also , if these dayes of yours were not shortned , scarcely should any flesh be saved ; therefore look for it justly , for god! will shorten your dayes . being asked what he said of the pope ? he said , as i said before , so say i again , that he and you together make up whole antichrist . — after the arch bishop had read the bill of his condemnation , the lord cobham said with a cheerfull countenance ; though you judge my body , which is a wretched thing , yet am i certain and sure , ye can do no harm to my soul , no more then could satan to the soul of iob. he that created that will of his infinite mercy and promise save it ; i have therein no manner of doubt . and therewith he turned himself to the people , and said with a loud voice , good people , for gods love be well ware of these men , for they will else beguile you , and lead you blind-fold into hell with themselves ; for christ saith plainly unto you , if one blind man lead another , they are like both to fall into a ditch . after this he fell down upon his knees , and before them all prayed thus for his enemies , lord god eternal , i beseech thee of thy great mercy sake forgive my pursuers , if it be thy blessed will. here it is observable , that arch bishop arundel that passed sentence of death against lord cobham , did feel the stroke of death , and had the sentence of god executed upon him , before the death of this famous martyr . the arch bishop died feb. . . and this condemned lord survived his condemner three or four years . oom . wonter oom writes thus from his prison at antwerp . — wellbeloved brother and sister , whom i love dearly for the truths sake , and for your faith in christ jesus . these are to certifie you that i enjoy the comfort of a good conscience , &c. whosoever will forsake this present evil world , and become followers of their captain christ , must make account to meet with many persecutions ; for christ hath told us aforehand , that we should be hated , persecuted , and banished out of the world for his names sake ; and this they will do , because they have neither known the father n●r me . but be not afraid , for i have overcome the world . st. paul also witnesseth the same thing , saying , all that will live godly in christ iesus , must suffer persecution , and to you ie it given to suffer , &c. and doth not our lord iesus say , blessed are you when men persecute you , and speak all manner of evil falsly , &c. now whereto serveth all this , but to bring us into a conformity with our lord and master jesus christ ? for christ hath suffered for us , leaving us an example , that we should follow his steps . he endured the cross , and despised the shame , &c. and became poor to make us rich . by him also are we brought by faith into that state of grace wherein we stand , rejoycing in the hope of the glory of god , knowing that tribulation worketh patience , &c. wherefore be not afraid of the fiery trial that is now sent among us to prove us ; for what father , loving his child , doth not correct it ? even so doth the lord correct those whom he loves ; for if we should be without correction , whereof all true christians are partakers , then were we bastards and not sons . and therefore solomon saith , despise not the chastning of the lord , &c. fear not then to follow the footsteps of christ ; for he is the head , and we are the members . we must after his example through many tribulations enter into heaven . let us say with st. paul , christ is unto me in life and death advantage ; and , o wretched creatures that we are , who shall deliver us from this body of death . — it is a good thing to hope , and quietly to wait for the salvation of the lord : and to bear the yoke in ones youth , &c. — the salvation of the righteous is of the lord ; he is their strength in the time of trouble . wherefore giving all diligence , let us adde to faith vertue , and to vertue knowledge , and to knowledge temperance , and to temperance patience , and to patience godliness , &c. out of my role , dec. . . origen . when he was but seventeen years old , his father being carried to prison , he had such a fervent mind to suffer martyrdome with him , that he would have thrust himself into the persecutors hands , had it not been for his mother , who in the night time privily stole away his clothes , and his very shirt also : whereupon more for shame to be seen naked , then for fear to die , he was constrained to remain at home ; yet when he could do no more , he wrote to his father in prison thus ; see o father , that you do not change your resolution for my sake . his fame was so great , that the emperour severus sent for him to come to rome , and commanded the provost of egypt to furnish him with all things necessary for his journey . the provost was very carefull to provide a ship , and divers garments , &c. but origen would receive no part thereof , no not so much as hose or shoes , but went in a single garment of cloth , and bare foot went to rome : and when at his arrival there were brought to him a mule and a chariot , to use which he liked best , he answered , that he was much less then his master christ , who rode but one day in all his life , and that was on a silly she ass ; and therefore he would not ride , except he were sick or decrepid , as his legs might not serve him to go . when he was brought into the presence of the emperour , and his mother , they saluted him , and rejoyced much to see him . being demanded what he professed ? he answered , verity . the emperour asking him what he meant thereby ? it is the word ( said he ) of the living god , which is infallible . the emperour asked which is the living god , and why he so called him ? origen answered , that he did put that distinction for a difference from them whom men ( being long drowned in errour ) did call their gods , whom they confess to have been mortal ones , and to have died ; but the god whom he preached was ever living , and never died , and is the life of all things that be , like as he was the creatour of them . — the emperour telling him , that he much marvelled why men of such great and wonderfull knowledge should honour for god a man , that was crucified , being but of a poor estate and condition : o noble emperour ( said origen ) consider what honour the wise athenians at this present do to the name and image of codrus , their last king ; for that when they had war with their enemies , who had answer made by the oracle of apollo , that if they slew not the king of athens , they should have the victory ; codrus hearing thereof , preferring the safeguard of his people before his own life , took to him garments of a slave , and bearing upon his shoulder a burden of sticks , he went to his enemies camp , and there quarrelling of purpose with some of them , and in the press hurting one with his knife , he was by him that was hurt struck through the body , and slain ; which being known to the enemies , they being confused , raised their camp , and departed ; and for this cause the athenians have ever since had the name of codrus in reverence worthily , and not without cause . now then consider most excellent prince , how much more worthily , with what greater reason and bounden duty ought we and all men to honour christ , being the son of god , and god , who not onely to preserve mankind from danger of the devil , his ancient enemy , but also to deliver man out of his dark and stinking dungeon of errour , being sent by god the father from the highest heavens , willingly took on him the servile garment of a mortal body ; and hiding his majesty , lived under the visage of poverty . and finally , not of his enemies immediately , but much more against reason , of his own chosen people the iews , unto whom he had extended benefits innumerable , and after his temporal nativity , were his natural people and subjects , he quarrelling with them , by declaring to them their abuses , and pricking them with condign rebukes , at the last he was not slain with so easie a death as codrus was , but in most cruel fashion was scourged , until no place in his body was without wounds , and then had long and sharp thorns set and press'd upon his head , and after long torments and despights , he was constrained to bear an heavy cross , whereon afterwards both his hands and feet were nailed with long great nails of iron , and the cross with his naked and bloody body , being lift up on high , was let fall with violence into a mortais , that his joynts were loosened ; and notwithstanding all this torment and ingratitude , he never grudged , but lifting up his eyes to heaven , he prayed with a loud voice , saying , father forgive them , for they know not what they do . this was the charity most incomparable of the son of god imployed for the redemption of mankind , who by the transgression of adam , the first man that was created , was taken prisoner by the devil , i. e. kept in the bondage of sin and errour , from actual visage of gods majesty , until he were on this wise redeemed , as it was ordained at the beginning . — but what maketh you bold to affirm ( said the emperour ) that jesus , which in this wise was crucified , was the son of god ? sir ( said origen ) sufficient testimony , which of all creatures reasonable ought to be believed , and for most certain proof to be allowed . what testimony is that said the emperour ? truly ( said origen ) it is in divers things , first , the promise of god , by whom this world was made ; also by his holy scriptures , speaking by the mouths of his prophets , as well hebrews as greeks , and others whom ye call vates and sybillas ; also by the nativity of jesus of a pure virgin , without carnal company of a man , the most clean and pure form of his living without sin , his doctrine divine and celestial , his miracles most wonderfull and innumerable , all grounded on charity onely , without ostentation , his undoubted and perfect resurrection the third day after he was put to death , his glorious ascension up into heaven in the presence and sight of five hundred persons , which were vertuous and of credence ; also the gift of the holy ghost in speaking all manner of languages , and interpreting the scriptures , not onely by himself , but afterwards by his apostles and disciples , and given to others by imposition of their hands . and all these ordinarily followed , according to the said promises and prophesies . in the reign of decius for the doctrine of christ he underwent bands and torments in his body , racking with bars of irons , dungeons , besides terrible threats of death and burning , &c. at length hearing that some christians were carried to an idol-temple to force them to sacrifice , he out of his zeal ran thither to encourage and disswade them from it ? when his adversaries saw him , they let go the other , and laid hold upon him , putting him to his choice , whether he would offer incense to the idol , or have his body defiled with a foul and ugly blackmoor . he chose to offer incense . then did they presently put incense into his trembling hands , and whilst he demurr'd upon it , they took his hands , and caused him to throw it into the fire , and thereupon presently cried out , origen hath sacrificed , origen hath sacrificed . after this fact he was excommunicated by the church ; and being filled with shame and sorrow he left alexandria , and came to ierusalem , where he was even constrained by importunity to preach to them . he took his bible , opened it , and the first place he cast his eye upon was this scripture , unto the wicked saith god , why dost thou preach my laws , and take my covenant into thy m●uth when he had read these words , he sate down , and burst out into abundance of tears , the whole congregation weeping with him also , so that he was not able to say any more unto them . after this he wandred up and down in great grief and torment of conscience , and wrote the following lamentation : in the bitterness and grief of mind i go about to speak unto them , who shall hereafter read this confused writing . but how can i speak , when my tongue is tied up , and my lips dare not once move or wag ? my tongue doth not his office , my throat is dried up , and all my senses and instruments are polluted with iniquity . — o ye saints and blessed of god , with waterish eyes , and wet cheeks soaked in dolour and pain , i beseech you to fall down before the seat of almighty god , for me miserable sinner , who by reason of my sins dare not crave ought at the hands of god. wo is me , because of the sorrow of my heart . — wo is me my mother , that ever thou broughtest me forth : — a righteous man to be conversant in unrighteousness : an heir of the kingdome of god to be now an inheritor of the kingdome of satan : a minister to be found wallowing in impiety : a man beautified with honour and dignity , to be in the end blemished with shame and ignominy : — a lofty turret , yet suddenly thrown to the ground : a fruitfull tree , yet quickly withered : a burning light , yet forthwith darkned : a running fountain , yet by and by dried up . wo is me that ever i was decked with gifts and graces , and now seen pitifully deprived of all . but who will minister moisture to my head ? and who will give streams of tears unto my eyes , that i may bewail my self in this my sorrowful plight ? alas ! o my ministry , how shall i lament thee ? o all ye my friends , tender my case , and pity my person , that am so dangerously wounded . pity me , o ye my friends , for that i have now trodden under foot the seal and cognisance of my profession , and joyned in league with the devil . pity me , o ye my friends , for that i am rejected , and cast away from before the face of god. — there is no sorrow comparable to my sorrow ; there is no affliction that exceeds my affliction , no bitterness that passeth my bitterness , no lamentation more lamentable then mine ; neither is there any sin greater then mine , and there is no salve for me . where is that good shepherd of souls ? where is he , that went down from ierusalem to iericho , which salved and cured him that was wounded by thieves ? seek me out , o lord , that am fallen from the higher ierusalem ; which have broken the vow i made in baptism , &c. alas ! that ever i was doctor , and now occupy not the room of a disciple . thou knowest , o lord , that i sell against my will : whereas i went about to enlighten others , i darkned my self : when i endeavoured to bring others from death to life , i brought my self from life to death : when i minded to present others before god , i presented my self before the devil : when i desired to be found a friend and favourer of godliness , i was found a foe and a furtherer of iniquity : when i set my self against the assemblies of the wicked , and reproved their doings , there found i shame , and the most pestilent wound of the devil . some promised me to be baptized ; but after that i passed from them , the devil the same night transformed himself into an angel of light , and said unto me , when thou art up in the morning , go on , and perswade them and bring them to god : but the devil going before me prepared the way , &c. and i ( o unhappy creature ) skipping out of my bed at the dawning of the day , could not finish my wonted devotion , neither accomplish my usual prayers , desiring that all men might be saved ; and come to the knowledge of the truth ) whilst in the mean time i wrapped my self in the snares of the devil . i gat me to those wicked men , i required of them to perform the covenant made the night before , i silly soul knowing not their subtilty , and we came to the baptism . o blinded heart , how didst thou not remember ? o foolish mind , how didst thou not bethink thy self ? o witless brain , how didst thou not understand ? but it was the devil that lulle● thee asleep , and in the end slew thy unhappy and wretched soul ? — o thou devil , what hast thou done unto me ? how hast thou wounded me ? i bewailed sometimes the fall of sampson , but now have i fallen worse my self : i bewailed formerly the fall of solomon , but now have i fallen worse my self . — sampson had his hair cut off , but the crown of glory is fallen off my head : sampson lost the carnal eyes of his body , but my spirititual eyes are put out : it was the wiliness of a woman that brought confusion upon him , but it was my tongue brought me into this sinfull condition . — alas ! my church liveth , yet i am a widdower : my sons be alive , yet i am barren : every creature rejoyceth , and i alone am desolate and sorrowfull , &c. bewail me , o ye blessed people of god , who am banished from god. — bewail me , who am shut out of the wedding-chamber of christ. — bewail me , who am abhorred of the angels , and severed from the saints . — who knoweth whether the lord will have mercy on me , and whether he will pity my fall ? whether he will be moved with my desolation ? whether he will have respect to my humiliation , and incline his tender compassions towards me ? i will prostrate my self before the threshold and porch of his church , that i may intreat all people both small and great , saying unto them , trample and tread me under foot , who am the unsavoury salt ; tread upon me , who have no tast , nor favour of god ; tread upon me , who am fit for nothing . now let the elders mourn , for that the staffe , whereon they leaned , is fallen . now let the young men mourn , for that their schoolmaster is fallen . now let the virgins mourn , for that the advancer of virginity is defiled . now let the ministers mourn , for that their patron and defender is shamefully fallen . wo is me , that i fell so lewdly : wo is me , that i fell most dangerously , and cannot rise again . assist me , o holy spirit , and give me grace to repent . let the fountains of tears be opened , and gush out into streams , to see if peradventure i may have grace throughly to repent , and to wipe out of the book of my conscience the accusations printed therein against me . but thou , o lord , think not upon my polluted lips , neither weigh thou the tongue , that hath uttered lewd things ; but accept of my repentance , &c. and have mercy upon me , and raise me up out of the mire of corruption ; for the puddle thereof hath even choaked me up . wo is me , that was sometimes a pearl glistering in the golden garland of glory , but now am thrown into the dust , and trodden in the mire of contempt . wo is me , that the salt of god now lieth on the dunghill , &c. now i will address my self and turn my talk unto god ; why hast thou lift me up , and cast me down ? — i had not committed this impiety , unless thou hadst withdrawn thine hand from me . — but why , o lord , hast thou shut my mouth by thy holy prophet david ? have i been the first that sinned ? or am i the first that fell ? why hast thou forsaken me , being desolate , and banished me from among thy saints , and astonished me , when i shonld preach thy laws ? — david himself , who hath shut up my mouth , sinned too bad in thy sight ; yet upon his repentance , thou receivedst him to mercy . peter , that was a pillar , after his fall , wiped it away with salt tears , not continuing long in the puddle of his infidelity . — now i humbly beseech thee , o lord , call me back ; for that i tread a most perillous and destructive way . grant me that good guide and instructer , the holy ghost , that i become not an habitation of devils : but that i may tread under foot the devil , that trod upon me , and overcoming his sleights , may be again restored to the joyes of thy salvation . — now all ye , which behold my wound , tremble for fear , and take heed that ye slumber not , nor fall into the like crime : but rather let us assemble together , and rend our hearts , &c. i mourn and am sorry at the heart-root , o ye my friends , that ever i so fell , &c. let the angels lament over me , because of this my dangerous fall . let the assemblies of saints lament over me , for that i am severed from their blessed societies . let the holy church lament over me , for that i am wofully declined . let all the people lament over me , for that i have my deaths wound . — bewail me , that am in like case with the reprobate jews ; for this , which was said unto them by the prophet , why dost thou preach my laws , &c. now soundeth alike in mine ears . what shall i do , that am thus beset with manifest mischiefs ? alas ! o death , why dost thou linger ? herein thou dost spite , and bear me malice . o satan , what mischief hast thou wrought unto me ? how hast thou pierced my breast with thy poysonous dart ? thinkest thou , that my ruine will avail any thing at all ? thinkest thou to procure to thy self any ease or rest , whilst that i am grievously tormented , who is able to signifie unto thee , whether my sins be wiped and done away ? whether i shall not again be coupled with , and made a companion to the saints ? o lord , i fall down before thy mercy-seat , have mercy upon me , who mourn thus out of measure , because i have greatly offended . — rid my soul , o lord , from the roaring lion. the assembly of the saints doth make intercession for me , who am an unprofitable servant . shew mercy , o lord , to thy wandring sheep , who is subject to the rending teeth of the ravenous wolf : save me , o lord , out of his mouth , &c. let my sackcloth be rent asunder , and gird me with joy and gladness . let me be received again into the joy of my god. let me be thought worthy of his kingdome , through the earnest petitions of the church , which sorroweth over me , and humbleth her self to jesus christ in my behalf : to whom with the father , and the holy ghost be all glory and honour for ever and ever . amen . ormes . cicely ormes of norwich was taken , for that she said to two martyrs at the stake , that she would pledge them of the same cup. the chancellour of norwich offered her , that if she would go to the church , and keep her tongue , she should be at liberty , and believe as she would : she told him , she would not consent to his wicked desire therein , do with her what he would ; for if she should ( she said ) god would surely plague her . then the chancellour told her , he had shewed more favour to her , then ever he did to any , and that he was loth to condemn her , &c. but she answered him , that if he did , he should not be so desirous of her sinful flesh , as she would ( by gods grace ) be content to give it in so good a quarrel . before she was taken this time , she had recanted , but never was quiet in conscience , till she had forsaken all popery . between the time she had recanted , and now was taken , she had provided a letter for the chancellour , to let him know that she repented her recantation from the bottom of her heart , and would never do the like again while she lived : but before the letter was delivered , she was taken . when she came to the stake , she kneeled down and prayed , and then said , good people , i believe in god the gather , god the son , and god the holy ghost , three persons and one god. this do i not , nor will i recant ; but i recant utterly from the bottom of my heart the doings of the pope of rome , and all his popish priests and shavelings . i utterly refuse , and never will have to do with them again by gods grace . and good people , i would ye should not think of me , that i believe to be saved , in that i offer my self here unto the death for the lords cause , but i believe to be saved by christs death and passion : and this my death is , and shall be a witness of my faith unto you all here present . good people , as many of you as believe as i believe , pray for me . laying her hand on the stake , she said , welcome the cross of christ. she was burnt at the same stake , that that simon miller and elizabeth cooper was burned at , to whom she had said , that she would pledge them , &c. after she had wiped her hand , blacked with the stake , she touched the stake again with her hand , and kissed it , and said , welcome the sweet cross of christ. after the tormentors had kindled the sire about her , she said , my soul doth magnifie the lord , and my spirit rejoyceth in god my saviour . oswald . iohn oswald denied to answer any thing , untill his accusers should be brought face to face before him : nevertheless ( said he ) the fire and fagots cannot make me afraid ; but as the good preachers , which were in king edward's dayes , have suffered and gone before , so am i ready to suffer and come after , and would be glad thereof . p. palmer . mr. iulius palmer was wont to say , none were to be accounted valiant , but such as could despise injuries . when he was a papist he told mr. bullingham , then a papist also , as touching our religion , even our consciences bear witness , that we taste not such an inward sweetness in the profession thereof , as we understand the gospellers to taste in their religion ; yea , to say the truth , we maintain we wot not what , rather of will , then of knowledge . but what then ? rather then i will yield to them i will beg my bread . his conversion was occasioned by the constancy of the martyrs at their death , he having oft said in king edward's dayes , that none of them all would stand to death for their religion . when he returned from the burning of bishop ridley and bishop latimer , he cried out , oh raging cruelty , oh tyranny tragical , and more then barbarous ! from that time he studiously sought to understand the truth for which they suffered . when he resolved upon leaving his fellowship in magdalens colledge in oxford , he was demanded of a special friend , whither he would go or how he would live ? he made this answer , domini est terra , & plenitudo ejus ; the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof . let the lord work , i will commit my self to god , and the wide world . after his leaving his fellowship being at oxford , he was perswaded to hear frier iohn , that succeeded peter martyr , in the divinity lecture ; and hearing him blaspheme the truth , departed ; and being found in his chamber weeping , and askt why he slipt away so on a sudden ? o said he , if i had not openly departed , i should have openly stopped my ears ; for the friers blasphemous talk in depraving the verity , made my heart worse to smart , then if mine ears had been cut off from my head . afterwards supping in the company of the said frier , and other great papists , and having refused to kiss his hand , or to pledge him , and being askt why he was so unwise and uncivil in his carriage ? he answered , oleum eorum non demulcet , sed frangit caput meum , the oyle of these men doth not supple , but breaketh my head . another time a little before his death reasoning stifly for the truth , mr. barwick then fellow of trinity colledge told him , well , palmer , now thou art stout and hardy in thy opinion ; but if thou wert once brought to the stake , i believe thou wouldst tell me another tale . i advise thee beware of the fire , it is a shrewd matter to burn . truly , said palmer , i have been in danger of burning once or twice , and hitherto ( i thank god ) i have escaped . but i judge verily it will be my end at last , welcome be it by the grace of god. indeed it is an hard matter for them to burn , that have the mind and soul linked to the body , as a thiefs foot is tyed in a pair of fetters ; but if a man be once able , through the help of gods spirit , to separate and divide the soul from the body , for him it is no more mastery to burn , then for me to eat this piece of bread . after he had not onely resigned up his fellowship , but left his school at reading for conscience sake , he went to his mother at esham , hoping to get from her some legacies left him by his father . her first words to him were , thou shalt have christs curse and mine whithersoever thou goest . oh mother ( said he ) your own curse you may give me , which god knoweth i never deserved , but gods curse you cannot give me , for he hath already blessed me . — whereas you have cursed me , i again pray god to bless you , and prosper you all your life long . at his trial at newberry dr. ieffery told him he would make him recant , and wring peccavi out of his lying lips , ere he had done with him . but i know ( said palmer ) that although of my self i be able to do nothing , yet if you and all mine enemies , both bodily and ghostly , should do your worst , you shall not be able to bring that to pass , neither shall ye prevail against gods mighty spirit , by whom we understand the truth , and speak it so boldly . ah ( said ieffery ) are you full of the spirit ? are you inspired with the holy ghost ? sir ( said palmer ) no man can believe but by the inspiration of the holy ghost : therefore if i were not a spirtual man , and inspired with gods holy spirit , i were not a true christian. he that hath not the spirit of christ is none of his . i perceive ( said ieffery ) you lack no words . christ hath promised ( said palmer ) not onely to give us store , necessary , but with them such force of matter , as the gates of hell shall not be able to confound , or prevail against it . christ ( replied ieffery ) made such a promise to his apostles ; i trow you will not compare with them . palmer answered , with the holy apostles i may not compare , yet this promise i am certain pertaineth to all such as are appointed to defend gods truth against his enemies , in the time of their persecution for the same . then ( said ieffery ) it pertaineth not to thee . yes ( said palmer ) i am right well assured that through his grace it appertaineth at this present to me , as it shall appear if i may dispute with you before this audience . thou art but a beardless boy ( replied ieffery ) and darest thou presume to offer disputation , or to encounter with a doctor . remember doctor ( said palmer ) the wind blo●e●h where is listeth , &c. out of the mouth of infants , &c. thou hast hid these things from the wise , &c. god is not tied to 〈◊〉 , wit , learning , place , nor person ; and though your wit and learning be greater then mine , yet your belief in the truth , and zeal to defend the time is no greater then mine . — the catholick church i believe , yet not for her own sake , but be-because she is holy , that is to say , a church that grounds her belief upon the word of her spouse christ. after dinner sir richard alridges sent for mr. palmer to his lodging , and by offers tempted him to recant ; mr. palmer told him , that as he had in two places already recounced his livelyhood for christs sake , so he would with gods grace be ready to surrender and yield up his life also for the same , when god should send time . when the knight perceived he would by no means relent , well palmer said he , then i perceive one of us twain must be damned , for we be of two faiths , and certain i am there is but one faith that leadeth to life and salvation . o sir ( said palmer i hope we both shall be saved . how may that be said the knight ? right well sir ( said palmer ) for as it hath pleased our merciful saviour , according to the gospels parable to call me at the third hour of the day , even in my flowers , at the age of four and twenty years , even so i trust he will call you at the eleventh hour of this your old age , and give you everlasting life for your portion . mr. winchcome perswading him to take pity on the pleasant flowers of lusty youth before it be too late . sir ( said palmer , i long for those springing flowers that shall never fade away . brethren ( said palmer ) to his fellow prisoners an hour before his execution ) be of good cheer in the lord and faint not . remember the words of our saviour christ , matth. . , , . we shall not end our lives in the fire , but change them for a better life : yea for coles we shall receive pearls . for gods holy spirit certifieth our spirit , that he hath even now prepared for us a sweet supper in heaven for his sake which suffered first for us . as he arose from prayer at the stake , two popish friers came behind him , and exhorted him yet to recant and save his soul. mr. palmer answered , away , away , tempt me no longer ; away i say from me all ye that work iniquity , for the lord hath heard the voice of my tears . when he was bound to the post , he said , good people pray for us , that we may persevere to the end , and for christs sake beware of popish teachers , for they deceive you . when the fire was kindled and took hold of his body , and the bodies of iohn gwin and thomas a●kine , they lifted up their hands to heaven , and quietly and cheerfully , as though they had felt no smart , cried , lord iesus strengthen us , lord iesus assist us , lord iesus receive our souls . after their three heads by force of the raging and devouring flames of the fire were fallen together in a cluster , so that they were all judged already to have given up the ghost , suddenly mr. palmer as a man awaked out of sleep , moved his tongue and jaws , and was heard to pronounce this word , iesus . epitaphium in palmerum . palmerus flammas christi pro dogmate p●ssus , impositum pondus , ceu bona palma , t●lit . non retrocessit , sed contra erdentior ivit , illaesam retinens fortis in igne fidem . propterea in coelum nunc palmifer iste receptus iustiti● palmam not pereuntis habot . paulinus . when he had his city , gold , silver , and all taken away , he said , lord , let not the loss of these things trouble me ; for thou art all , and more then all these to me . pareus . david pareus , having foreseen the great miseries , that would come upon the palatinate , when the spaniards came in with their army , by prodigies and dreams , he was perswaded to retire himself . at his departure he cried out , o heidelberg , heidelberg ! but it is better to fall into the hands of god , then of men , whose tender mercies are cruelty . paschalis . it is a small matter ( said lewis paschalis ) to die once for christ : if it might be , i could wish i might die a thousand deaths for him . patingham . patrick patingham being much prest by bonner to recant , he protested that the church , which the bishop believed , was no catholick church , but was the church of satan , and therefore he would never turn to it , &c. peloquine . the inquisitors telling dyonisius peloquine his life was in his own hands ; then ( said he ) it were in an ill keeping . christs school hath taught me to save it by losing it , and not by the gain of a few dayes or years , to lose eternity . person . mr. anthony person being come to the place of execution , with a chearfull countenance embraced the post in his arms , and kissing it , said , now welcome mine own sweet wife ; for this day shalt thou and i be married together in the love and peace of god. pulling the straw unto him , he laid a good deal thereof upon the top of his head , saying , this is gods hat , now am i dressed like a true souldier of christ , by whose merits onely i trust this day to enter into his joy . peter . the apostle peter was crucified , his head being down , and his feet upward , he himself so requiring ; because he was ( he said ) unworthy to be crucified after the same manner & form , as the lord was , &c. seeing his wife going to her martyrdome , ( belike as he was yet hanging upon the cross ) he was greatly joyous and glad thereof , and cried out unto her with a loud voice , remember the lord iesus . none but christ , nothing but christ. phileas . phileas , bishop of the thumitans , whilst he was in bonds , before he received the sentence of death , wrote to the congregation , over which he was bishop , exhorting them to persist in the truth of christ professed , notwithstanding the torments inflicted upon the martyrs in his dayes , which he thus describes ; some beat them with cudgels , some with rods , some with whips , some with thongs , and some with cords . — some of them , having their hands bound behind their backs , were lifted up upon timber-logs , and with certain instruments their members and joynts were stretched forth , whereupon their whole bodies hanging were subject to the will of the tormentors , who were commanded to afflict them with all manner of torments , not on their sides onely , but bellies , thighs , and legs . they scratched them with the talens and claws of wild beasts . some were seen to hang by one hand upon the engine , whereby they might feel the more grievous pulling out of the rest of their joynts and members . — some were stretched out ( after they were beaten ) upon a new kind of rack . others were cast down upon the pavement , where they were oppressed so thick , and so grievously with torments , that it is not almost to be thought what afflictions they suffered . some died of their torments , not a little shaming and confounding their enemies by their singular patience . — others were condemned , and willingly and cheerfully were martyr'd . philpot. mr. iohn philpot , son of sir peter philpot of huntshire , being threatned to be removed from the kings bench to lullards tower , said , you have power to transfer my body from place to place at your pleasure , but you have no power over my soul. — god hath appointed a day shortly to come , in the which he will judge us with righteousness , howsoever you judge of us now . when story threatned him with a worse prison , he said , god forgive you , and give you more mercifull hearts , and shew you more mercy in the time of need . do quickly that you have in hand . bonner telling him , he marvelled they were so merry in prison , singing and rejoycing in their naughtiness ; methinks ( said he ) you do not well herein , you should rather lament and be sorry . my lord ( said mr. phi●pot ) the mirth that we make is but in singing certain psalms , as we are commanded by st. paul , willing us to be merry in the lord , singing together in hymns and psalms . — we are my lord in a dark comfortless place , and therefore it behoveth us to be merry , least as solomon saith , sorrowfulness eat up our heart ; st. paul saith , if any man be of upright mind , let him sing ; and we therefore to testifie we are of an upright mind to god ( though we be in misery ) do sing . after this conference with bonner , i was ( saith mr. philpot ) carried to my lords cole-house again , where i with my six fellows do rouz together in the straw as cheerfully ( we thank god ) as others do in their beds of down . when he was brought before bonner ( and the bishop of bath , &c. ) a second time , before he answered any questions , he fell down upon his knees before them , and prayed thus ; almighty god , thou art the giver of all wisdome and understanding , i beseech thee of thine infinite goodness and mercy in jesus christ to give me ( most vile sinner in thy sight ) the spirit of wisdome to speak and answer in thy cause , that it may be to the contentation of the hearers , before whom i stand , and also to my better understanding , if i be deceived in any thing . bonner telling the bishop of wercester , that he did not well to exhort him to make any prayer ; for in this point ( said he ) they are much like to certain arrant hereticks , of whom pliny maketh mention , that did daily sing antelucanos hymnos , praise unto god before the dawning of the day : mr. philpot replied , my lord , god make me and all you here present such hereticks as those were that sang those morning hymns , for they were right christians , with whom the tyrants of the world were offended for their well doing . afterwards he made this protestation ; i protest here before god , and his eternal son jesus christ my saviour , and the holy ghost , and his angels , and you here present , that be judges of that i speak , that i do not stand in any opinion of wilfulness , or singularity , but onely upon my conscience certainly informed by gods word , from the which i dare not go for fear of damnation . the bishop of worcester telling him he was of ●●ch arrogancy , singularity , and vain-glory , that he would not see what was clearly proved . ha my lords ( said mr. philpot ) is it now time , think you , for me to follow singularity or vain-glory , since it is now upon danger of my life and death , not onely presently , but also before god to come ? i know if i die in the true faith , i shall die everlastingly , or if i do not , as you would have me , you will kill me and many thousands more ; yet had i rather perish at your hands , then to perish eternally . and at this time i have lost all my commodities of this world , and now lie in a cole-house , where a man would not lay a dog , with the which i am well contented . the bishop of glocester asking him , what do you think your self better learned then so many notable learned men as be here ? mr. philpot answered , elias alone had the truth , when there were four hundred priests against him . the bishop telling him elias was deceived , for he thought there had been none good but himself , and there were seven thousand besides him . mr. philpot answered , yea , but he was not deceived in doctrine as the other four hundred were . he told the bishop of london at his third appear●nce before him , my lord , in that you say you will ●it on me in judgement to morrow , i am glad thereof , i look for none other but death at your hands , and i am as ready to yield my life in christs cause , as you be to require it . dr. story telling him , what ? you purpose to be a stinking martyr , and to sit in judgement with christ at the last day , to judge the twelve triles of israel ? yea sir ( said mr. philpot ) i doubt not thereof , having the promise of christ , if i die for righteousness sake , which you have begun to persecute in me . the chancellor of lichfield advising him not to cast himself away wilfully ; he answered , my conscience beareth me record , that i seek to please god , and that the love and fear of god causeth me to do as i do ; and i were of all other creatures most miserable , if for mine own will onely i do lose all the commodities i might have in this life , and afterward be cast to damnation ; but i am sure it is not my will , whereon i stand , but gods will , which will not suffer me to be cast away i am sure . mr. philpot being sent for by bonn●r that he might go with him to mass , the keepers as they were going along asked him , will you go to mass ; mr. philpot answered , my stomack this morning is too raw to digest such raw meats of flesh , blood , and bone . when he was put into the stocks , he said , god be praised that he hath thought me worthy to suffer any thing for his names sake . better it is to sit in the stocks of this world , then to sit in the stocks of a damable conscience . as he was conveyed out of the cole-house into a close tower , joyning to paul's church , through many straits , there ( said he ) i called to remembrance , that strait is the way to heaven . harpsfield accusing him for being like himself in oxford , when in disputation he would not give over ; he said , mr. harpsfield , you know in the schools of oxford , when we were young men , we did strive much upon vain-glory and contention , more then for the truth ; and if i was then in the time of my ignorance earnest in my own cause , i ought now to be earnest in my master christs cause , and his truth . i know now that nothing done upon vain-glory and singularity can please god , have it never so goodly a shew . morgan telling him he should be burned for his heresie , and afterwards go to hell fire ; he said , i tell thee thou hypocrite , that i pass not this for thy fire and fagots , neither do i ( i thank god my lord ) stand in fear of the same : my faith in christ shall overcome them ; but the hell fire which thou threatnest me is thy portion , and is prepared for thee , unless thou speedily repent , and for such hypocrites as thou art . when bonner would not grant him candle light , he said , seeing i shall not have my request , the lord shall be my light , i would my burning day were to morrow , for this delay is every day to die , and yet not to be dead . dr. chedsey telling him , he was not like to die yet ; he answered , i am the more sorry thereof , but the will of the lord be done of me to his glory . amen . bonner telling him , that he made other prisoners rejoyce and sing with him , he said , yea my lord , we shall sing , when you and such as you are shall cry vae , vae , wo , wo , except you repent . the bishop of worcester bidding him to follow his fathers before him , he said , it is forbidden us of god by the prophet ezekiel to follow our fathers , or to walk in their commandments . the bishop replying , it is written also in another place , ask of your fathers : mr. philpot rejoyn'd , we ought indeed to ask our fathers that have more experience and knowledge then we of gods will , but no more to allow them then we perceive they agree with the scriptures . pray for grace , said the bishop . prayer ( said philpot ) is the comfortablest exercise i feel in my trouble , and my conscience is quiet , and i have peace of mind , which cannot be the fruits of heresie . my lords ( said philpot to the bishops ) you must bear with me since i speak in christs cause ; and because his glory is defaced , and his people cruelly and wrongfully slain by you , because they will not consent to the dishonour of god ; if i told you not your fault , it would be required at my hands at the day of judgement . therefore know ye hypocrites indeed , that it is the spirit of god that telleth you your sin , not i , i pass not , i thank god , of all your cruelty , god forgive it you , and give you grace to repent . when he was condemned for an heretick , he said , i thank god i am an heretick out of your cursed church , but i am no heretick before god. the chief keeper greeting him thus , ah! hast not thou done well to bring thy self hither ? he said , well , i must be content , for it is gods appointment . the keeper promising him all favour , if he would recant ; nay ( said mr. philpot ) i will never recant , whilst i have my life , that which i have spoken ; for it is most certain truth , and in witness hereof i will seal it with my blood . a messenger coming to him from the sheriffe , bade him make ready , for the next day he should be burned at a stake with fire . mr. philpot returned this answer , i am ready , god grant me strength and a joyfull resurrection . and so he went into his chamber , and poured out his spirit unto the lord god , giving him most hearty thanks that he of his mercy had made him worthy to suffer for his truth . his servant taking his leave of him said , ah master farewell ; mr. bradford said unto him , serve god and he will help thee . entring into smithfield , the way was foul , and two officers took him up to bear him to the stake ; whereupon he said merrily , what ? will ye make me a pope ? i am content to go to my journeys end on foot . coming into smithfield , he kneeled down , saying , i will pay my vows in thee o smithfield . kissing the stake , he said , shall i disdain to suffer at this stake , seeing my redeemer did not refuse to suffer a most vile death upon the cross for me ? in his letter to the christian congregation . — it is a lamentable thing to behold at this present in england the faithless departing both of men and women from the true knowledge and use of christs sincere religion , which so plentifully they have been taught and do know , their own conscience bearing witness to the verity thereof . if that earth be cursed of god , which eftsoons receiving moisture and pleasant dews from heaven , doth not bring forth fruit accordingly ; how much more grievous judgement shall such persons receive which prove apostates ? — it is n●t onely given us to believe , but also to confess and declare what we believe in our outward conversation . the belief of the heart justifieth , and to acknowledge with the mouth makes a man safe , rom. , it is all one before god , not to believe at all , and not to shew forth the lively works of our belief . — whosoever in time of tryal is ashamed of me ( saith christ ) and of my words , of him the son of man will be ashamed before his father . — the prophet aggeus . telleth us , the lord shaketh the earth , that those might abide for ever which be not overcome . — let no man deceive you with vain words , saying , that you may keep your faith to your selves , and dissemble with antichrist , &c. this is the wisdome of the flesh , but the wisdome of the flesh is death and enmity of god , as our saviour for example aptly did declare in peter , who exhorteth christ not to go to ierusalem , but counselled him to look better to himself . — we cannot serve two masters , we may not halt on both sides , and think to please god. — our bodies are the temple of the holy ghost , and whosoever doth profane the temple of god , him will god destroy . cor. . — god judgeth all strange religion , which is not according to his institution , for whoredome and adultery . — we must glorifie god as well in body as in soul : moreorer , we can do no greater injury to the true church of christ , then to seem to have forsaken her by cleaving to her adversaries . wo be to him by whom any such offence cometh , it were better for him to have a milstone tied about his neck , &c. such be judasses , traitors to the truth , &c. — st. john in the apocalyps telleth us plainly , that none of those who are written in the book of life do receive the mark of the beast , i. e , papistical synagogue , either in their foreheads or hands , i. e. apparently or obediently . see the commands for separation , phil. . cor. . rev. . thes. . — many will say for their vain excuse , god is mercifull , &c. truth it is , the mercy of god is above all his works , but cursed is he that sinneth upon hope of forgiveness . — others say , but we ought to obey the magistrates , although they be wicked ; true , but god must have his due , as well as caesar his . — if they command any thing contrary to gods word , we ought not to obey their commandments , although we should suffer death therefore , acts . dan. ● . — some run to this , if i be elected to salvation , i shall be saved , whatsoever i do : such verily may reckon themselves to be none of gods elect children , that will do evil that good may-ensue , rom. . god having chosen us that we should be holy , &c. eph. . — the lord open our eyes that we may see how dangerous it is to decline from the knowledge of truth contrary to their conscience . — in his letter to iohn carles . — i am in this world in hell , but shall be shortly lifted up to heaven , where i shall look continually for your coming ; and though i tell you that i am in hell in the judgement of the world , yet assuredly i feel in the same the consolation of heaven , i praise god , and this loathsome and horrible prison is as pleasant to me , as the walk in the garden of the kings bench. — if god doth mitigate the ugliness of mine imprisonment , what will he do in the rage of the fire , whereunto i am appointed ? and this hath hapned unto me , that i might be hereafter an ensample of comfort , if the like happen unto you , or any other of my dear brethren with you , &c. — be joyfull under the cross , and praise the lord continually ; for this is the whole burnt-sacrifice which the lord delighteth in . in another letter to careles . — behold the goodness of god towards me , i am careless , being fast closed in a pair of stocks , which pinch me for very straitness , and will you be carefull ? be as your name pretendeth , cast all your care on god , set the lord before your eyes alwayes , for he is on your right side , that you should not be moved . — praise god and be joyfull , that it hath pleased him to make u● worthy to suffer somewhat for his names sake . the devil must rage for ten dayes . — written in a cole-house of darkness , out of a pair of painfull stocks , by thine own in christ , iohn philpot. in his letter to certain godly women , forsaking their own countrey for the gospel . — i read in the evangelists of certain godly women that ministred unto christ , following him in the dayes of his passion , and never forsook him , but brought oyl to anoint him being dead , until he had shewed himself unto them after his resurrection , and bid them tell his dispersed disciples , that he was risen , and they should see him in galile : to whom i may justly compare you ( my loving sisters in christ ) who of late have seen him suffer in his members , and have ministred to their necessity , anointing them with the comfortable oyl of your assistance , even unto death ; and now seeing ye have seen christ live in the ashes of them , he willed you to go away , and to declare to our dispersed brethren and sisters that he is risen , and liveth in his elect members in england , and by death doth overcome infidelity , and that they shall see him in galile , which is by forsaking this world , &c. — let your faith shine in a strange countrey , as it hath done in your own , that your father which is in heaven may be glorified by you to the end . — commend me to the whole congregation of christ , willing them not to leave their countrey without witness of the gospel , after that we all be slain , which already be stalled up and appointed to the slaughter ; and in the mean season to pray earnestly for our constancy , that christ may be glorified in us and in them both by life and death . — in his letter to his sister . — fear not whatsoever is threatned of the wicked world , prepare your back , and see it be ready to carry christs cross ; and if you see any untowardness in you ( as the flesh is continually repugnant to the will of god ) ask with faithfull prayer , that the good spirit of god may lead your sinfull flesh whither it would not . — my dissolution i look for daily , but the lord knoweth how unworthy i am of so high an honour , as to die for the testimony of his truth : pray that god would vouchsafe to make me worthy , as he hath for long imprisonment , for the which his name be praised for ever . — in his letter to certain godly brethren . — it is an easie thing to begin to do well , but to continue out in well doing is the onely property of the children of god , and such as assuredly shall be saved ; blessed are they that persevere to the end . — god in rev. . doth signifie to the church , that there shall come a time of temptation upon the whole world , to try the dwellers on earth , from the danger of which temptation all such shall be delivered as observe his word , which word there is called the word of patience , to give us to understand , that we must be ready to suffer all kind of injuries and slanders for the profession thereof . — oh how glorious be the crosses ●f christ , which bring the bearers of them unto so blessed ●n end ? shall we not be glad to be partakers of such shame as may bring us to so high a dignity ? — it is commanded us by the gospel , not to fear them that can kill the body , but to fear god who can cast both soul and body into hell fire : so much are we bound to observe this commandment , as any other which god hath given us . — now it will appear what we love best , for to that we love we will stick . — what loseth he , which in this life receiveth an hundred for one , with assurance of eternal life ? o happy exchange ! even now he is of the city and houshold of the saints with god , he possesseth the peace of god , which passeth understanding , and is made a fellow of the innumerable company of heaven , and a perpetual friend of all those that have died in the lord , from the beginning of the world . is not this more then an hundred fold ? — stand and be no cowards in the cause of your salvation ; for his spirit that is in us , is stronger then he , which in the world doth now rage against us . — i beseech you with st. paul to give your bodies pure and holy sacrifices unto god. — god tempteth us now as he did our father abraham , commanding him to sacrifice his isaac , which signifieth mirth , joy , &c. he by obedience preserved his isaac alive . god commands us to sacrifice our isaac , our joy , which if we be ready to do as a●raham was , our joy shall not perish , but live and be increased , the ram shall be sacrificed in the stead thereof , onely the concupiscence of the flesh intangled with the cares of this stinging world shall be mortified . — to , withstand the present temptations set before your eyes , how our saviour christ overcame them in the desert , and follow his example , if the devil tempt you , to take a worldly wise way , that you may have your fair houses , lands , and goods to live on still ; say , man liveth not onely by bread , &c. if the devil tempt you to forsake the faith , & to be conformable to the learned men of the world , say , it is written a man shall not tempt his lord god. if the devil offer you large promises of honour , dignity , &c. so that ye will worship idols ; say , go behind me satan , it is written , a man must worship his lord god , and serve him onely . if your mother , brother , sister , wife , child , kinsman or friend do seek of you to do otherwise then the word of god hath taught you , say with christ , that they are your mothers , brothers , sisters , wives , children and kinsmen which do the will of god the father . — in his letter to mr. harrington . — glorious is the course of the martyrs of christ at this day ; never had the elect of god a better time for their glory then this is . — — a man that is bid to a glorious feast , wisheth his friend to go with him , and to be partaker thereof . god doth call me , most unworthy , among others , to drink of the bride-cup of his son , &c. — i wish you be as i am , except these horrible bands , but yet most comfortable to the spirit . praised be the lord for the affliction which we suffer , and he gives us strength to continue to the end . — though my lords cole-house be but very black ▪ yet it is more to be desired of the faithfull , then the queens palace . — in his letter to the lady v●ne . — the spirit confirm , strengthen , and stablish you in the true knowledge of the gospel , that your faithf●ll heart may attain and tast with all the saints , what is the heighth , the depth , the length , and the breadth of the sweet cross of christ. amen . — ah! great be the plagues that hang over england , yea , though the gospel should be restored again . happy shall that person be whom the lord shall take out of this world not to see them . ah the great perjury which ●en have run into so wilfully by rece●ving antichrist again and his wicked laws ! oh that the lord would turn his just judgements upon the authors of the truce-breaking between god and us , &c. — the world wondreth how we can be merry in such extream misery ; but our god is omnipotent , which turneth misery into felicity : believe me ( dear sister ) there is no such joy in the world , as the people of christ have under the cross , i speak by experience ; therefore believe me , and fear nothing that the world can do unto you ; for when they imprison our bodies , they set our souls at liberty with god ; when they cast us down , they lift us up ; yea , when they kill us , then do they bring us to everlasting life . what greater glory can there be , then to be at conformity with christ , which afflictions do work in us ! god open our eyes to see more and more the glory of god in the cross of jesus christ , and make us worthy partakers of the same . let us rejoyce in nothing with st. paul , but in the cross of iesus christ , by whom the world is crucified unto us , and we unto the world . — death why should i fear thee ? since thou canst not hurt me , but rid me from misery to eternal glory . j. p. dead to the world , and living to christ. — in another letter to the same lady . i have felt under the cross ( thanks be given to god therefore ) more true joy and consolation then ever i did by any benefit that god hath given me in my life before . for the more the world doth hate us , the ●igher god is unto us , and there is no perfect joy but in god. in a fourth letter to the same lady . — satan hath brought me out of the kings bench into the bishop of london's cole-house , a dark and an ugly prison as any is about london ( but my dark body of sin hath wel● deserved the same , and the lord hath now brought me into outward darkness , that i might the more be enlightned by him , who is most present with his children in the midst of darkness ) where i cannot be suffered to have any candle-light , neither ink nor paper , but by stealth . — pray ( dear lady ) that my faith faint not , which at present ( i thank god ) is more lively with me , then it hath been in times past . i tast and feel the faithfulness of god in his promise , who hath promised to be with his in their trouble , and to deliver them . i thank the lord i am not alone , but have six other faithfull companions , who in our darkness do cheerfully sing hymns and praises unto god for his great goodness . we are so joyfull , that i wish you part of my joy . let not my strait imprisonment any thing molest you ; for it hath added and daily doth unto my joy , but rather be glad and thankfull unto god with me . — cheerfull and holy spirits under the cross be acceptable sacrifices in the sight of god. — in another letter to the same lady . — this is the day that the lord hath made , let us be glad and rejoyce in the same ; this is the way though it be narrow , which is full of the peace of god , and leadeth to eternal bliss . o how my heart leapeth for joy , that i am so near the apprehension thereof ! god forgive me mine unthankfulness and unworthiness of so great glory . — i have so much joy of the reward that is prepared for me most wretched sinner , that though i be in place of darkness and mourning , yet i cannot lament , but both night and day am so joyfull , as though i were under no cross at all , yea in all the dayes of my life i was never so merry , the name of the lord be praised therefore for ever and ever , and he pardon mine unthankfulness . — pray instantly that this joy be never taken from us , for it passeth all the delights of this world , it surmounteth all understanding . — i trust my marriage-garment is ready . — in his letter to a friend in prison that writ to him concerning infant-baptisme . — the same night i received your letter , as i was musing on it i sell asleep , and in the midst of my sweet rest i saw a great beautifull city all of the colour of azure , and white , and four-square , in a marvellous beautifull composition in the midst of the sky . the sight hereof so inwardly comforted me , that i am not able to express the consolation i had ; yea , the remembrance thereof causeth as yet my heart to leap for joy ; and as charity is no churl , but would others to be partakers of his delight , so methought i called to others , and when we together had beheld the same , by and by to my great grief it vanished . this dream i take to be of the working of gods spirit . i interpret the city the church , and the appearance of it in the sky , the heavenly state thereof , and that according to the primitive church , which is now in heaven , men ought to measure and judge of the church of christ , and on earth the marvellous quadrature of the same , the universal agreement in the same , that all here in the church militant ought to consent to the primitive church throughout the four parts of the world , the wonderfull joy i conceived , the unspeakable joy which they have that be at unity with christs primitive church , and my calling others to the fruition of this vision , my moving you and others to behold the primitive church in all your opinions concerning faith , and to conform your self in all points to the same , which is the pillar of truth . — let the bitter passion of christ , which he suffered for your sake ; and the horrible torments which the godly martyrs of christ have endured before us , and also the inestimable reward of your life to come , which is hidden yet a little while from you with christ , strengthen , comfort , and encourage you to the end of that glorious race which you are in . amen . pikes . william pikes some while before he was last taken , he was in his garden reading the bible ; and about twelve a clock of the day , his face being towards the south , there fell down four drops of fresh blood upon his book , he not knowing from whence it came . calling his wife to him , he said , what meaneth this ? will the lord have four sacrifices ? i see well enough the lord will have blood . his will be done and give me grace to abide the triall . wife , let us pray , the day draweth nigh . afterward he daily looked to be apprehended , till the time came indeed . being at the point of death in newgate , so that no man looked he should live six hours , he declared to them that stood by , that he had been twice in persecution before , and that now he desired the lord , if it were his will , that he might glorifie his name at the stake . place . monsieur pierre de la place president of the court of requests in france , when out of that entire love which his wife bore him , fell down at the feet of one of those bloody instruments of that barbarous m●ssacre , . to intreat some favour for her husband . he rebuked her , and told her , that it is not the arm of flesh we must stoop unto , but unto god onely . perceiving in his sons hat a white cross , which through infirmity he had placed there , thinking thereby to save himself , he sharply chid him , and commanded him to pluck that mark of sedition thence , telling him , we must now submit to bear the true cross of christ. pothnius . pothnius , bishop of lions , to the president asking him in the midst of his torments , what that christ was , answered , if thou wert worthy , thou shouldst know . polycarp . this famous bishop of smyrna , st. iohn's disciple , having been in prayer three dayes before his apprehension , in a vision by night he saw the bed set on fire under his head , and suddenly to be consumed . when he awoke he gave this exposition of the vision to them that were present , that in the fire he should lose his life for christs cause . when the pursuers were brought to the inne where he was , he might have escaped , but would not , saying , the will of god be done . as he was going to the place of judgement , there came a voice from heaven ( heard by several of his church ) saying , be of good cheer polycarpus , and play the man. when the proconsul bid him say , destroy these naughty men , he looked up to heaven , saying , thou , thou it is , that wilt destroy these wicked naughty men . the proconsul bidding him defie christ and he should be discharged , he answered , fourscore and six years have i been his servant , yet in all his time hath he not so much as once hurt me ; how then may i speak evil of my king and sovereign lord , which hath thus preserved me ? the proconsul still urging him to swear by caesar's prosperity , he replied , if thou requirest this , pretending that thou knowest not what i am , know then that i am a christian ; and if thou desire to know the doctrine of christianity , appoint a day , and thou shalt hear . — i have thought it my duty thus to say unto you , forsomuch as we are commanded to give unto the governours and powers ordained of god , the hounour meet and due to them , and not hurtfull unto us . — the proconsul telling him he had wild beasts to whom he would throw him , unless he took a better way : polycarp said , let them come , we have determined with our selves , that we will not by repentance turn us from the better way to the worse , but convenient it is , that a man turn from things that be evil unto that which is good and just . i will tame thee with fire ( replied the proconsu● ) if thou set not by the wild beasts , nor yet repent . then said polycarp , you threaten me with fire , which shall burn for the space of an hour , and shall be within a little while after put out and extinguished ; but thou knowest not the fire of the judgement to come , and of everlasting punishment which is reserved for the wicked and ungodly . but why make you all these delayes ? give me what death soever you list . when they would have tyed him to the stake with iron hoops , he said , let me alone as i am ; for he that hath given me strength to come to the fire , shall also give power that without this provision i shall abide , and not stir in the midst of the fire . when his hands were bound behind him , he prayed thus , o father of thy welbeloved and blessed son iesus christ , by whom we have attained the knowledge of thee , the god of angels and powers , and of every creature , and of all just men , which live before thee . i give thee thanks that thou hast vouchsafed to grant me this day that i may have my part among the number of the martyrs , to drink of the cup of christ , unto the resurrection of eternal life both of body and soul , through the operation of thy holy spirit , among whom i shall this day be received into thy sight for an acceptable sacrifice ; and as thou hast prepared and revealed the same before this time , so thou hast accomplished the same , o thou most true god , which canst not lye . wherefore for all these things i praise thee , i bless thee , i glorifie thee by our everlasting bishop iesus christ , to whom be glory evermore . amen . as soon as the fire was kindled , some of his church then present saw this marvellour thing ; the fire being like unto a vault or roof of an house , and after the manner of a shipmans sail filled with wind , compassed about the martyr , as with a certain wall , and he in the middle of the same , not as flesh that burned , but as gold and silver when it is tried in the fire : they smelt also a savour so sweet , as if myrrhe , or some other precious balm had given a scent . when they saw that his body could not be consumed by fire , one thrust him through with a sword ; which being done , so great a quantity of blood ran out of his body , that the fire was quenched therewith . polycarp going with st. iohn to a bath at ephesus , and espying cerinthus the heretick in it , said , eugiamus ocius , &c. let us depart speedily , for fear least the bath wherein the lords adversary is do fall upon us . he so detested h●reticks , then when marcion ( of his former acquaintance ) met him at rome , and wondring that he took no notice of him , said unto him , dost thou not know me polyc●rp ? yea ( said he ) i know thee well , thou art the eldest son to the devil . his manner was to stop his ears , if at any time he heard the wicked speeches of heretieks , and to ●●un those very places , where such speeches had been uttered . he suffered martyrdome in the seventh year of ●●rus , anno christi . and of his age . praetorius . arias praetorius the day before his death , dream'd he saw a coffin carried , and asking whose it was , he heard this answer , that christ was to be laid in his sepulcher , and that he should speedily follow him . when he awaked , he concluded his own death was not far off . whereupon he cried out , he that followeth christ , walks well , not in darkness . jesus , be thou merciful to me a miserable sinner , and draw me after thy self . prest . prest's wife being asked by the bishop of exeter , whether she had not an husband ? she answered , that she had an husband and children , and had them not : so long as she was at liberty , she refused neither husband nor children ; but now standing here as i do ( said she ) in the cause of christ and his truth , where i must forsake christ or my husband , i am contented to stick onely to christ my heavenly spouse , and renounce the other . here she making mention of the words of christ , he that leaveth not father or mother , sister or brother , or husband , &c. the bishop told her , that christ spake that of the holy martyrs , which died because they would not sacrifice to the false gods : so ( said she ) i will rather die then i will do any worship to that foul idol , which with your mass you make a god . the bishop telling her , that if she had been an honest woman , she would not have left her husband and children , and run about the countrey like a fugitive : she told him , sir , i laboured for my living , and as my master christ counselleth me , when i was persecuted in one city , i fled into another . when i would have my husband and children to leave idolatry , and to worship god in heaven , he with his children rebuked men , and troubled me . i fled not for whoredome nor for theft , but because i would not be partaker with him and his of that foul idol the mass. during a moneths liberty which was granted her by the bishop , she went into the cathedral at exeter , and seeing a dutchman making new noses to certain fine images which were disfigured in king edwards time ; what a mad man art thou ( said she ) to make them new noses , which within a few dayes shall all lose their heads ? the dutchman accused her , and laid it hard to her charge ; and she said unto him , thou art accursed , and so are thy images . he called her whore. nay ( said she ) thy images are whores , and thou art a whore-hunter ; for doth not god say , you go a whoring after strange gods , figures of your own making . when judgement was given against her , she lifted up her voice , and said , i thank thee , my lord , my god , this day have i found that i long sought . this favour they pretended after her judgement , that her life should be spared , if she would recant : nay that will i not ( said she ) god forbid , that i should lose the life eternal for this carnal and short life . i will never turn from my heavenly husband to my earthly husband ; from the fellowship of angels to mortal children : and if my husband and children be faithfull , then am i theirs . god is my father , god is my mother , god is my sister , my brother , my kinsman , god is my friend most faithfull . after her condemnation she refused to receive my money from well affected people , saying , i am going to a city , where money beareth no mastery . whilst i am here , god hath promised to feed me . when she was brought to the stake , without the ●alls of exeter , in a place called so then hay , in the ●roneth of november . the priests again as●●ulted her ; but she prayed them to have no more ●alk with her , and cried still , god be mercifull to 〈◊〉 a sinner , god be mercifull to me a sinner . this agnes priest , or prest , was the sole devonshire martyr ( saith dr. fuller ) under the reign of queen mary : wherefore as those parents , which have but one child , may afford it the better attendance , as more at leisure : so seeing by gods goodness we have but this single native of this countrey , yea of this diocess , we will enlarge , &c. ( ) her christian name , which mr. fox could not learn , ●e have recovered from another excellent author , mr. vowell in hollingshead , pag. . ( ) i am informed by the inhabitants thereabout , that she lived at northcot in the parish of boynton , in the county of cornwall , &c. ( ) she was a simple woman to behold , thick , but liltle and short in sta●●re , about four and fifty years of age . ( ) she was endited on munday the fourth week in lent , an. phil. & mar. . and . before w. stanford , iustice of the assize : so that we may observe more legal formality was used about the condemnation of this poor woman , then any martyr of far greater degree . ( ) her own husband and children were her greatest persecutors , from whom she fled ; because they would force her to be present at mass. ( ) she was condemned by bishop troublefield bishop of exeter , &c. yea she was the onely person in whose persecution bishop troublefield did appear ; and it is justly conceived , that blackstone his chancellour was more active then the bishop in procuring her death . potten . agnes potten of ipswich , in a night a little before her death , being asleep in her bed , saw a bright burning fire , right up as a pole , and on the side thereof she thought there stood a number of queen mary's friends looking on , then ( being asleep ) she seemed to muse with her self , whether her fire should burn so bright or no. and indeed her suffering was not far unlike her dream . at the stake she and ioan trunchfield , who sufferred with her , required the people to credit , and to lay hold on the word of god , and not upon mans devices and inventions ; and to despise the ordinances and institutions of the romish antichrist , with all his superstitious and rotten religion . pusices . shut thine eyes but a while ( said pusices to an old man trembling at martyrdome ) and thou shalt see gods light. r. rabeck . i●hn rabeck , a french martyr , being urged to pronounce iesu maria , conjoyned in one prayer , boldly answered , that if his tongue should but offer to utter those words at their bidding , he himself would bite it asunder with his teeth . ramus . the great crime that the sorbonists objected against peter ramus , and for which he suffered much , was , that by opposing aristotle he enervated divinity . whence we may see what a divinity they were for , who made aristotle the great master thereof , who laughs at the creation of the world , divine providence , and the immortality of the soul : and slighting life eternal , placed the happiness of man in this mortal life onely , and left nothing for man after death , then to have it said , he was happy : in a word , who defined humane felicity from mans ability , and not from divine grace . in his adverse condition he would comfort himself with the following verses : . committe vitam , rem , decus , dei unius arbitrio , animi tibi ex sententia confecta reddet omnia . illustris aurorae ut jubar , tua faciet ul sit aquitas , ut luce virtus sit tua● meridiana clarior . in english thus ; commit to god , life , wealth , and name , and what thou wilt shalt have the same . thy righteousness shall shine more clear , then the light of the morning 〈◊〉 . — deus ●abit his quoque finem● durate , ut vos●●t rebus servate secundis . — these shall not want an end . bear up , and wait till g●d doth better send . that which he first disliked in popery , was their execrable idolatry in corrupting the second commandment , and the sacrament of the lords supper . when in the possiac synod he heard the cardina● of lorain acknowledge , that the first of the fifteet● centuries since christ was a truly golden age but the rest were so much the worse , by how much they farther departed from the first , peter ramus concluded , that the age of christ and his apostles was to be restored , and chosen . when the civil wars brake forth in france for religion , he went into germany , and at heidelberg , having made to tremellius and the church a confession of his faith , he received the sacrament of the lords supper in that church . after his conversion he daily did read the old and new testament , and out of each chapter collected an index , containing rules and examples relating to both the parts of christian doctrine , viz. faith , and the actions of faith , and so made his commentaries ; and certainly he had made much greater progress in divinity , had he not been so soon ( not much above two years ) after his conversion taken away by a violent death . when in that horrid massacre at paris , begun aug. . . he was mortally wounded , aug. . in the seven and fiftieth year of his age , he was heard to commend his soul to god in these words : o iehovah , against thee onely have i sinned , and done evil before thee . thy judgements are truth and righteousness . have mercy upon , and pardon my murtherers ; for they know not what they do . read. some of the articles that were exhibited against adam read , and other scotch confessors , were these following : ( ) that images are not to be had in the kirk , nor to be worshipped . ( ) that it is not lawfull to fight for the faith , nor to defend the faith by the sword , if we be not driven to it by necessity , which is above all law. ( ) that the pope is not the successor of peter , but where he said , go behind me satan . ( ) that the pope exalts himself against god , and above god. ( ) that the blessings of the bishops ( of dumb dogs they should have been stiled ) are of no value . ( ) that the excommunication of the kirk is not to be feared , if there be no true cause for it . ( ) that we are no more bound to pray in the kirk , then in other places . ( ) that the pope is the head of the kirk of antichrist . ( ) that they which are called princes and prelates in the church , are thieves and robbers . by these articles exhibited in the year ( which god of his merfull providence caused the enemies of his truth to keep in their registers ) may appear how god retained some spark of light in scotland in the time of greatest darkness . when arch bishop blacater asked adam read , whether he believed that god was in heaven , he answered , not as i do the sacraments seven . whereupon blacater insultingly said unto the king , sir , lo , he denies that god is in heaven : whereat the king wondring , said , adam read what say you ? he answered , may it please your majesty to hear the end between the churle and me : and therewith turned to the bishop , and said , i neither think nor believe , as thou thinkest , that god is in heaven , though i am most assured , that he is not onely in heaven , but also in the earth ; but thou and thy faction declare by your works , that either you think there is no god at all , or else that he is so set up in heaven , that he regards not what is done on earth ; for if thou firmly believedst that god were in heaven , thou shouldst not make thy self check-mate to the king , and altogether forget that charge that iesus christ the son of god gave to his apostles , to preach the gospel , and not to play the proud prelates , as all the rabble of you do this day . and now sir ( said he to the king ) judge you whether the bishop or i believe best , that god is in heaven . then the king said to him , adam read , wilt thou burn thy bill ? he answered , sir , the bishop and you will. ridley . dr. nicholas ridley , then bishop of london , went about septemb. . ● . to see the lady mary , and offered to preach before her : but she told him , the door of the parish church adjoyning shall be open to you , if you come , and you may preach if you list ; but neither i , nor any of mine shall hear you . madam ( said he ) i trust you will not refuse gods word . i cannot tell ( said she ) what you call gods word , that is not gods word now , that was gods word in my fathers dayes . gods word ( said he ) is all one in all times , but hath been better understood , and practised in some ages , then in other . — after this conference , sir thomas wharton , one of the lady mary's officers , brought the bishop to the place where they dined : but the bishop after he had drunk , pausing a little while , and looking very sadly , brake out into these words , surely i have done amiss . why so , said the knight ? for i have drunk ( said he ) in that place , where gods word offered , hath been refused : whereas if i had remembred my duty , i ought to have departed immediately , and to have shaken off the dust of my feet for a testimony against this house . these words were spoken by the bishop with such vehemency , that some of the hearers afterwards confessed , that their hairstood upright upon their heads . this done the bishop departed . in the time of queen iane , in his sermon at paul's cross , he prophesied at it were , that if ever the lady mary were queen , she would bring in foreign power to reign over them , besides the subverting the christian religion then established . shortly after this sermon queen mary was proclaimed , and dr. ridley speedily repaired to fremingham in suffolk , to queen mary , but had but cold welcome there : he was spoiled of his dignity , and sent back upon a lame halting horse to the tower. in the tower he was sometimes invited to the lieutenants table , where he had conference with secretary brown , &c. in that conference . — it is not in scripture ( said dr. ridley ) as in the witness of men , where a ●umber is credited more then one . a multitude of affirmations in scripture , and one affirmation is all one as to the truth if the matter . that which any one of the evange●ists sp●ke , inspired by the holy ghost , is as true ●s that which is spoken by them all . what john saith of christ , i am the door of the she●p , is as true as what matthew , mark , luke , &c. say , this is my body ; ●●t the scripture words are onely true in the sence in which they were spoken . — as for unity , i embrace it , ●it be with verity , and joyned to our head christ. — ●●r antiquity , i am perswaded that to be true which ●reneus saith , that which is first , is true . our religion was first truly taught by christ himself and his apostles , &c. — you know i were a very fool , if i ●iu'd in this matter dissent from you , if that in my ●onscience the truth did not inforce me s● to do . ye per●ive i trow , it is out of my way , if i esteemed worldly ●●in . afterwards he was sent out of the tower with cranmer and latimer to dispute at oxford . when he was the first time brought before the commissioners , they asked him , whether he would dispute or no ? he answered , that as long as god gave him life , he should not onely have his heart , but also his mouth and pen to defend his truth . in his protestation before his disputation . — whilst i weighed with my self how great a charge of the lords flock was of late committed to me , for which i am certain i must render an account to my lord god , &c. and that moreover by the command of the apostle peter , i ought to be ready alwayes to give a reason of the hope that is in me with meekness and reverence unto every one , that shall demand the same . besides this considering my duty to the church of christ , and to your worships , being commissioners by publick authority , i determined to obey your command in openly declaring to you my mind touching the propositions which you gave me . and albeit ( plainly to confess unto you the truth in these things , which ye now demand of me ) i have thought otherwise in times past , then now i do ; yet ( god i call to record unto my soul , i lye not ) i have not altered my judgement , as now it is , either by constraint of any man , or laws , or for the dread of any dangers of this world , or for any hope of commodity , but onely for love of the truth revealed to me by the grace of god ( as i am undoubtedly perswaded ) in his holy word , and in the reading of the ancient fathers . dr. weston telling him , what he said contained onely evasions and starting holes . i cannot ( said dr. ridley ) start far from you , i am captive and bound . bertram ( said he ) was the first that pulled me ●y th● ear , and that first ●rought me from the common errour of the popish church , and caused me to search more diligently and exactly both the scriptures and the writings of the old ecclesiastical fathers in this matter . when he was condemned by them for an heretick , he said , although i be not of your company , yet doubt i not ●ut my name is writ in another place , whether this sentence will send us sooner , then we should come by the course of nature . in his letter to dr. crannier . — i wish you might have seen these mine answers before i had delivered them , that you might have corrected them : but i trust in the substance of the matter , we do agree fully , both led by one spirit of truth , and both walking after one rule of gods word . — i trust the day of our delivery out of all miseries , and of our entrance into perpetual rest , and unto perpetual joy and felicity draweth nigh . the lord strengthen us with his mighty spirit of grace . — pray for me i pray you , and so shall i for you . the lord have mercy of his church , and lighten the eyes of the magistrates , that gods extreme plagues light not on this realm of england . turn or burn . in his letter to mr. latimer in prison . — i pray you good father , let me have one draught more of your cup , wherein you mingle to me profitable with pleasant to comfort my stomack ; for surely except the lord assist me with his gracious aid in the time of his service , i know i shall but play the part of a white-liver'd knight . but truly my trust is in him , that in mine infirmity he should try himself strong , and that he can make the coward in his cause to fight like a man. sir , now i daily look when diotrephes with his warriours shall assault me : wherefore i pray you good father , for that you are an old souldier , and an expert warriour , and ( god knoweth ) i am but a young souldier , and as yet of small experience in these fights , help me i pray you to buckle mine harness . and now i would have you to think , that those darts are cast at my head , by some one of diotrephes , or antonius his souldiers , ( by antonius he meant some popish persecutour , as winchester , alluding thereby to the story of victor l. . de persecu● . aphri . ) object . . all men marvel greatly why you do not go to mass , which is a thing ( as you know ) now much esteemed of all men , yea , of the queen her self . answ. because no man that layeth hand on the plough , and looketh back , is fit for the kingdome of god ; and also for the same cause why st. paul wou●d not suffer timothy to be circumcised , which is , that the truth of the gospel might remain with us uncorrupt , gal. . and again , if i build again the things which i destroyed , i m●ke my self a trespasser . this is also another cause , lest i shou●d seem by outward fact to allow the thing , which i am perswaded is contrary to sound doctrine , and so shou●d be a stumbling block to the weak . but wo be to him by whom offence cometh , mat. . it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and he cast into the midst of the sea . object . . have not you used in times past to say mass your self , and therefore why will you not now vouchsafe once either to hear it , or see it . answ. i confess unto you my fault and ignorance ; but know you , that for these matters i have done penance long ago , both at paul 's cross , and at cambridge , and i trust god hath forgiven me mine offence , for i did it ignorantly . object . . but you know how great a crime it is to separate your self from the communion or fellowship of the church , and to make a scisme or division . answ. i know that the unity of the church is to be ●●tained by all means , and the same to be necessary to salvation ; but i do not take the mass , as it is at this lay , for the communion of the church , but a popish de●ice , &c. object . . admit there be a fault in the mass , do not you know both by cyprian and augustine that communion of sacraments doth not defile a man , but consent of deeds ; if you do not consent to the ●●ult in the mass , why do you trouble your self in ●ain ? answ. forasmuch as things done in the mass tend ●●enly to the overthrow of christs institution , i judge ●hat by no means , either in word or deed , i ought to con●ent unto it . what is objected out of the fathers is meant ●f them who suppose they are defiled , if any secret vice be ●●ther in the ministers , or in them that communicate with them , and not of them which do abhor superstition , ●●d wicked traditions of men , and will not suffer the same 〈◊〉 be thrust upon themselves , or upon the church in stead ●f gods word , and the truth of the gospel . object . . the mass is the sacrament of uni●● , &c. answ. it 's true , the bread which we break accord●●● to the institution of the lord , is the sacrament of 〈◊〉 unity of christs mystical body ; for we being many 〈◊〉 one bread , and one body , forasmuch as we are parta●●rs all of one bread. but in the mass the lords institution is not observed , for we are not all partakers of one ●●ead , but one devoureth all , &c. so that as it is used it may seem a sacrament of singularity , &c. — object . . is not abstaining from the church by reason of the mass contrary to the examples of the prophets and apostles of christ ? — answ. it can no where be shewed , that the prophets , or christ , or his apostles did in the temple communicate with the people in any kind of worshipping forbidden by the law of god. — how else i pray you can you understand that st. paul alledgeth , when he saith , cor. . what concord hath christ with belial ? or what part hath the believer with the infidel ? or how agreeth the temple of god with images ? for ye are the temple of the living god , as god himself hath said , i will dwell among them , and will be their god , and they shall be my people ; wherefore come out from among them , and separate your selves from them ( saith the lord ) and touch no unclean thing , so will i receive you , and will be a father unto you , and you shall be my sons and daughters , saith the lord god almighty . object . . for so much as you are so stifly , i will not say obstinately , bent , and so wedded to your opinion , that no gentle exhortations and wholsome counsels , no other kind of means can call you home to a better mind ; there remaineth that which in like cases was wont to be the onely remedy against stiffe-necked and stubborn persons , that is , you must be hampered by the laws , and compelled either to obey , whether you will or no , or else suffer that which a rebel to the laws ought to suffer ? — do you not know , that refusing to obey the laws of the realm , is the readiest way to stir up sedition and civil war ? it is better that you should bear your own sin , then that through the example of your breach of the common laws , the common quie● should be disturbed . how can you say you will be the queens true subject , whenas you do openly profess you will not keep her laws . answ. — i grant it to be reasonable , that he that ●y words and gentleness cannot be made to yield to that which is right and good , he that will not be subject to gods word , should be punished by the laws . — these things ought to take place against him who refuseth to do that is right and just , according to true godliness , not against him which cannot bear superstitions quietly , but doth hate and detost from his heart such kind of proceedings , and that for the glory of the name of god. — whosoever love their countrey in truth , i. e. in god , they will alwayes judge ( if at any time the laws of god and man are contrary ) that a man ought rather to obey god then man ; and they that think otherwise , and pretend a love to their countrey , forasmuch as they make their countrey to fight as it were against god , in whom consisteth the onely stay of that countrey , such are to be judged most deadly enemies and traitors to their countrey . — satan indeed hath ever this dart in readiness to hurl against his adversaries , to accuse them of sedition , that he may bring them if he can in danger of the higher powers . thus ahab said unto elias , art thou he that troubleth israel ? the false prophets complained of jeremy to their princes , that his words were seditious , and not to be suffered . the scribes and pharises accused christ as a seditious person , and one that spake against caesar. did not they at the last cry , if you let this man go , you are not caesars friend ? thus the oratour tertullus accused paul before felix the deputy , we have found this man ( saith he ) a pestilent fellow , and a stirrer up of sedition unto all the iews in the whole world . but were these indeed seditious persons ? god forbid ; but they were of men falsly accused , and wherefore i pray you ? but because the reproved before the people their guiles , superstitions and deceits . — a man indeed ought to obey his prince , but in the lord , and never against the lord ; for he that knowingly obeyeth his prince against god , doth not a duty to the prince , but is a deceiver of the prince , and a helper to him to work his own destruction . he is also unjust which giveth not to the prince that is the princes , and to god that is gods. — hitherto you see ( good father ) how i have in words onely made a flourish before the fight which i shortly look for , and how i have begun to prepare certain kind of weapons to fight against the adversary of christ. — and here methinks i see you suddenly lifting up your head to heaven after your manner , and then looking upon me with your prophetical countenance , and speaking thus unto me , trust not my son ( i beseech you vouchsafe me the honour of this name , for in so doing i shall think my self both honoured and loved of you ) trust not to these word-weapons ; for the kingdome of god is not in words but in power . remember alwayes the words of the lord , do not imagine aforehand what and how you will speak ; for it shall be given you even in that same hour what ye shall speak , mat. . for it is not ye that speak , but the spirit of your father that speaketh in you , mar. . i pray you therefore ( father ) pray for me , that i may cast my whole care on him , and trust on him in all perils ; for i know and am surely perswaded , that whatsoever i can think aforehand is nothing , except he assist me with his spirit when the time is . — pray that i may out of a true faith say with david , i will not trust in my bow , and it is not my sword that shall save me , psal. . for he hath no pleasure in the strength of an horse , &c. but the lord delights in them that fear him , and put their trust in his mercy . i beseech you pray , pray , pray , that i may enter this fight onely in the name of god. — in his letter to mr. bradford and his fellow-prisoners . — how joyfull it was to us to hear the report of dr. tailor , and of his godly confession , &c. i assure you it is hard for me to express . blessed be god which was and is the giver of that and of all godly strength and stomack in the time of adversity . — it is not the slanderers evil tongue but a mans evil deed that can with god defile a man ; and therefore with gods grace ye shall never have cause to doubt but that we will continue , &c. sir , blessed be god , with all our evil reports , grudges and restraints we are merry in god , and all our cure and care is and shall be ( by gods grace ) to please and serve him of whom we look and hope after these temporal and momentary miseries to have eternal joy and perpetual felicity with abraham , &c. through jesus christ our lord. in his letter to his cousin . — i can do no less then lament their case , who for fear of trouble or loss of goods will do in the sight of the world those things they know and are assured are contrary to the will of god , being assdred their end will be so pitifull ( without speedy repentance ) that i tremble to think of it . — alas ! such as should in this dangerous time have given you and me comfortable instructions have perswaded us to follow ( i lament to rehearse it ) superstitious idolatry : yea , and the worst of all is , they seek to prove it by scriptures . the lord for his mercy turn their hearts . amen . in another letter to mr. bradford . — oh dear brother , seeing the time is now come , wherein it pleaseth the heavenly father for christ our saviour his sake to call upon you , and to bid you come , happy are you that ever you were born thus to be found awake at the lords calling . — if it be not the place that sanctisieth the man , but the holy man doth by christ sanctifie the place , then happy and holy shall be that place where in thou shalt suffer , and which shall be sprinkled over with thy ashes in christs cause . all thy countrey may rejoyce of thee , that it ever brought forth such an one which would render his life again in his cause of whom he had received it . — we do look now every day when we shall be called on , blessed be god. i ween i am the weakest many wayes of our company , and yet i thank our lord god and heavenly father by christ , that since i heard of our dear . brother rogers his departing , and stout confession of christ and his truth even unto death , my heart ( blessed be god ) rejoyced of it , that since that time i never felt any lumpish heaviness in my heart , as i grant i have felt sometimes before . oh good brother , blessed be god in thee , and blessed be the time that ever i knew thee . in his letter to the brethren imprisoned . — what worthy thanks can we render unto the lord for you my brethren , namely , for the great consolation which through you we have received in the lord , who notwithstanding the rage of satan , that goeth about by all manner of subtile means to beguile the world , and also busily laboureth to restore and set up his kingdome again that of late began to decay and to fall to ruine , ye remain still unmoveable as men grounded upon a strong rock . and now albeit that satan by his souldiers and wicked ministers daily ( as we hear ) draweth numbers unto him ; so that it is said of him , that he plucketh even the stars out of heaven whiles he driveth into some men the fear of death , and loss of all their goods , and offereth unto others the pleasant baits of the world , &c. to the intent they should fall down and worship not the lord but the dragon , the old serpent , which is the devil , that great beast and his image , and should be enticed to commit fornication with the strumpet of babylon , &c. yet blessed be god the father of our lord jesus christ , which hath given unto you a manly courage , and hath so strengthned you in the inward man by the power of his spirit , that you can contemn as well all the terrours as also the vain allurements of the world , esteeming them as meer trifles and things of nought . — in the faith of christ stand ye fast my brethren , and suffer not your selves to be brought under the yoke of bondage and superstition any more , and be of good comfort , and remember that our grand captain hath overcome the world . — we never had a better or more just cause either to contemn our life or shed our blood , we cannot take in hand the defence of a more certain , clear and manifest truth . — shall we or can we receive and acknowledge any other christ instead of him , who is alone the everlasting son of the everlasting father , &c. let such wickedness my brethren , let such horrible wickedness be far from us . — what can your adversaries else do unto you by persecuting you , and working all cruelty and villainy against you , but make your crowns more glorious , yea beautifie and multiply the same , &c. in another letter to the brethren . — now even now ( out of doubt brethren ) the pit is opened against us , and the locusts begin to swarm , and abaddon now reigneth ; ye therefore ( my brethren ) which pertain unto christ , and have the seal of god marked in your foreheads , i. e. are sealed with the earnest of the spirit to be a peculiar people of god , quit your selves like men , and be strong ; for he that is in us is stronger then he which is in the world , and ye know all that is born of god overcometh the world , and this is our victory that overcometh the world , even our faith. let the world fret , let it rage never so much , be it never so cruel and bloody , yet be sure that no man can take us out of the fathers hands ; for he is greater then all , &c. who shall lay any thing to the charge of gods elect ? &c. who shall separate us from the love of christ ? shall tribulation ? &c. in his letter to mr. west his quondam chaplain . — i wish you grace in god , and love of the truth , without which truly established in mens hearts by the mighty hand of the almighty god ▪ it is no more possible to stand by the truth in christ in time of trouble , then it is for the wax to abide the heat of the fire . — i am perswaded christs words to be true , whosoever shall confess me before men , him will i confess also before my father which is in heaven ; and i believe that no earthly creature shall be saved , whom the redeemer and saviour of the world shall before his father deny . — if you had wished that neither fear of death , nor hope of worldly prosperity should let me to maintain gods word and his truth , which is his glory and true honour , it would have like me well . you desire me for gods sake to remember my self : indeed it is now time so to do , for so far as i can perceive , it standeth me upon no less danger then of the loss both of body and soul , and i trow then it is time for a man to awake , if any thing will awake him . he that will not fear him that threatneth to cast both body and soul into everlasting fire , whom will he fear ? with this fear o lord fasten thou together our frail flesh that we never swerve from thy laws . you say you have made much suit for me ; god grant that you have not in suing for my worldly deliverance impaired and hindred the furtherance of gods word and his truth . — to write unto these whom you name , i cannot see what it will avail me ; but this i would have you know , that i esteem nothing available for me , which also will not further the glory of god. — sir , how nigh the day of my dissolution and departure out of this world is at hand i cannot tell , the lords will be fulfilled how soon soever it shall come . — my conscience moves me to require both you and my friend dr. harvey to remember your promises made to me in times past of the pure setting forth and preaching of gods word and his truth . these promises although you shall not need to fear to be charged with them of me hereafter before the world , yet look for none other but to be charged with them at gods hand . my conscience and the love i bear you biddeth me now say unto you both in gods name , fear god and love not the world ; for god is able to cast both soul and body into hell fire . — — what is it else to confess or deny christ in this world , but to maintain the truth taught in gods word , or for any worldly respect to shrink from the same . he that will wittingly forsake either for fear or gain of the world any one open truth of gods word , if he be constrained he will assuredly forsake god and all his truth , rather then he will endanger himself to lose , or to leave that he loveth indeed , better then he doth god and the truth of his word . i like very well your plain speaking , telling me i must either agree or die . sir , i know i must die , whether i agree or no. but what folly were it then to make such an agreement by the which i could never escape the death which is common to all , and also incur the guilt of death and eternal damnation ? lord grant that i may utterly abhor and detest this damnable agreement so long as i live . — if you do not confess and maintain to your power and knowledge that which is grounded upon gods word , but will either for fear or gain of the world shrink and play the apostate , indeed you shall die the death . in his letter to mr. grindall , then in exile at frankford , afterward arch bishop of canterbury . — rejoyce in the lord , and as you love me and the other my reverend fathers and concaptives ( which undoubtedly are gloria christi ) lament not our state , but i beseech you to give to our heavenly father for his endless mercies and unspeakable benefits even in the midst of all our troubles given to us , most hearty thanks : for know ye , that as the weight of his cross hath encreased upon us , so he hath not , nor doth he cease to multiply his mercies to strengthen us , and i trust , yea by his grace i doubt nothing , but he will so do for christ our masters sake even to the end . — west your old companion , and sometime my chaplain alas hath relented , but the lord hath shortned his dayes ; soon after he had said mass against his conscience , he pined away , and died for sorrow . — my daily prayer is ( as god doth know ) and by gods grace shall be so long as i live in this world for you my dear brethren that are fled out of your own countrey , because you will rather forsake all worldly things then the truth of gods word , that god our eternal father , for our saviour christs sake will daily encrease in you the gracious gift of his heavenly spirit to the true setting forth of his glory and gospel , and make you to agree brotherly in the truth of the same , that there arise no root of bitterness among you that may infect that good seed which god hath sown in your hearts already , and that your life may be pure and honest , according to the rule of gods word , that others may be in love with your doctrine and with you , and glorifie our father which is in heaven . — now we expect nothing but the triumphant crowns in the lord of our confession from our old enemy . i commend my self humbly and heartily to your prayers , dr. grindal , and to the rest of the brethren with you , dearly beloved by me in the lord , viz. cheek , cox , turner , lever , sampson , chambers , &c. and others who love the lord in truth . i commend also to you my reverend fathers and fellow-prisoners in the lord , thomas cranmer , now most worthy the name of a true and great shepherd , yea arch bishop , and hugh latimer , that old souldier of christs , and the true apostle of our english nation . — in his letter to augustine bornher . — brother augustine , i bless god with all my heart in his manifold merciful gifts , given unto our dear brethren in christ , specially to our brother rogers , &c. and also to hooper , saunders , and tailor , whom it hath pleased the lord to set in the forefront of the battel against his adversaries , and hath endued them all ( so far as i can hear ) to stand in the confession of his truth , and to be content in his cause , and for his gospels sake to lose their lives . and evermore and without end blessed be our heavenly father , for our dear and entirely beloved brother bradford , whom now i perceive the lord calleth for ; for i ween he will no longer suffer him to abide among the adulterous and wicked generation of this world . i doubt not but he hath holpen those which are gone before in their journey , that is , hath animated and encouraged them to keep the high way , and so to run , that at length they might obtain the prize . the lord be his comfort , whereof i do not doubt ; i thank god heartily that ever i was acquainted with him , and that ever i had such an one in my house . i trust to god it shall please him of his goodness to strengthen me to make up the trinity out of paul's church to suffer for christ , &c. upon the thirtieth of september , . dr. ridley ( with father latimer ) was brought before the queens commissioners to undergo his last examination . whilst the commission was reading he stood bare , till he heard the cardinal named and the popes holiness , then he put on his cap ; and being admonished by the bishoy of lincoln , the popes delegate to pull it off , he answered , i do not put it on in contempt of your lordship , nor of the cardinal , in that he came of royal blood , &c. but that by this my behaviour i may make it appear , that i acknowledge in no point the usurped supremacy of rome ; and therefore i contemn and despite all authority coming from the pope . — as for taking off my cap , do as it shall please your lordships , and i shall be content . when lincoln in a long rhetorical speech perswaded him to recant , &c. he said ; my lord , in your exhortation i have marked especially three points , which you used to perswade me to leave my doctrine and religion , which i perfectly know and am throughly perswaded to be grounded not upon mans imaginations and decrees , but upon the infallible truth of christs gospel , and to look back and return to the romish see contrary to my oath , contrary to the prerogative and crown of this realm , and especially ( which moveth me most ) contrary to the expressed word of god. ( ) that the see of rome taking his ●eginning from peter , upon whom ( you say ) christ hath builded his church , hath in all ages lineally from bishop to bishop been brought to this time . ( ) that the holy fathers in their writings from time to time have confessed the same . ( ) that i was once of the same opinion . for the first . — christ in saying , upon this stone , doth not mean peter himself , &c. but his confession , that he was the son of god , upon this rock-stone i will build my church ; for this is the foundation and beginning of all christianity , with word , heart and mind to confess that christ is the son of god. — christs church is built not on the frailty of man , but upon the stable and infallible word of god , that christ is the son of god. — whilst the see of rome continued in the promotion and setting forth of gods glory , and due preaching of the gospel , the fathers commended and honoured rome , and so do i ; but after the bishops of that see , seeking their own pride and not gods honour , set themselves above kings , challenging to them the title of gods vicars , &c. i cannot but with s. gregory a bishop of rome confess , that the bishop of that place is the very true antichrist , whereof st. iohn speaketh by the name of the whore of babylon . — for the third , i cannot but confess i was once of the same religion you are of , yet so was st. paul a persecutour of christ. lincoln farther urging him to recant , &c. he said , am fully perswaded that christs church is found●d in every place where his gospel is truly received and effectually followed . — your gentleness is the same that christ had of the high priests . your lordship saith , you have no power to condemn me , neither at any time to put a man to death : so the high priests said , that it was not lawfull for them to put any man to death , but committed christ to pilate ; neither would suffer him to absolve christ , although he sought to do it . what ? ( said dr. weston ) do you make the king pilate ? no dr. ( said ridley ) i do but compare your deeds with caiaphas his deeds and the high priests , who would condemn no man to death , as you will not , and yet would not suffer pilate to deliver christ. being required to answer to his articles presently , though he had time given him till the morrow ; first ( said he ) i require the notaries to take and write my protestation , that in no point i acknowledge your authority , or admit you to be my judges , as you are authorized from the pope , &c. at last the bishop of lincoln with his cap in his hand desired him to turn . but dr. ridley made an absolute answer , that he was fully perswaded the religion he defended to be grounded on gods word , and therefore without great offence towards god , great peril and damage of his soul , he could not forsake his master and lord god. for my part ( said weston ) i take god to witness i am sorry for you . i believe it well my lord ( said ridley ) forasmuch as one day it will be burthenous to your soul. after sentence was read against him , the bishop of glocester came to his prison , and would have perswaded him yet to recant , upon promise of the queens mercy ; but he answered him , my lord , you know my mind fully herein , and for the doctrine which i have taught , my conscience assures me it was sound , and according to gods word ( to his glory be it spoken ) the which doctrine the lord god being my helper , i will maintain so long as my tongue shall wag , and breath is within my body , and in confirmation thereof seal the same with my blood . — do with me as it shall please god to suffer you , i am well content to abide the same with all my heart . — the servant is not above his master ; if they dealt so cruelly with our saviour christ , as the scripture maketh mention , and he suffered the same patiently , how much more doth it become us his servants . — the bishop bidding him to hold his peace , he answered , that so long as his tongue and breath would suffer him , he would speak against their abominable doings whatsoever hapned unto him for so doing . when in the degrading of him they read , we do take from you the office of preaching the gospel , &c. dr. ridley gave a great sigh , and looking up towards heaven , said , o lord god , forgive them this their wickedness . after his degradation brooks the bishop of glocester refusing to talk with him , he said , seeing that you will not suffer me to talk , neither will vouchsafe to hear me , what remedy but patience ? i refer my cause to my heavenly father , who will reform things that be amiss , when it shall please him . in his supplication to the queen . — it may please your majesty , for christ our saviours sake , in a matter of conscience ( and now not for my self but for other poor men ) to vouchsafe to hear and understand this humble supplication . it is so ( honourable princess ) that whilst i was bishop of london , divers tenants took leases of me and the cha●ter for valuable considerations , but now bishop bonner will not allow those leases , which must redound to many poor mens utter ruine . wherefore this is mine humble supplication , that either their leases may stand , or their moneys be restored to them , and their former leases ; now the fines paid to me may easily be repaid , if you will be pleased to command some portion of those goods i left in my house to be sold for that end . i suppose half of the value of my plate will go nigh to restore all such fines received . when bishop brooks delivered dr. ridley to the bailiffs , charging them not to suffer any to speak with him , and to bring him to the place of execution when they were commanded , he said , god i thank thee , and to thy praise be it spoken , there is none of you all able to lay to my charge any open or notorious crime ; for if you could it should surely be laid in my lap . i see very well you play the part of a proud pharisee ( said brooks ) exalting and praising your self . no , no , no ( said ridley ) to gods glory onely is it spoken . i confess my self to be a miserable wretched sinner , and have great need of gods help and mercy , and do daily call and cry for the same . the night before he suffered his beard was washed and his legs , and as he sate at supper with mr. mr. irish and mrs. irish , he invited them to his marriage ; to morrow ( said he ) i must be married , and was as merry as ever in all his life . wishing his sister , he asked his brother sitting at the table , whether she could find in her heart to be there o● no ; yea i dare say ( said his brother ) with all her heart . i am glad to hear so much of her ( said dr. ridley ) at this talk mrs. irish wept ; whereupon dr. ridley said , o mrs. irish , you love me not now i see-well enough , for in that you weep it doth appear you will not be at my marriage , neither are content therewith : indeed you be not so much my friend as i thought you had been ; but quiet your self , though my breakfast shall be somewhat sharp and painfull , yet i am sure my supper shall be more pleasant and sweet . when he arose from the table , his brother offered him to watch all night with him ; but he said , no , no , no , that you shall not , for i mind ( god willing ) to go to bed , and sleep as quietly to night ●s ever i did in my life . when he espied mr. latimer at the stake , he ran to him , embraced and kissed him , and said , be of good heart brother , for god will either asswage the fury of the flame , or else strengthen us to abide it . after dr. smith had preached on cor. . if i give my body to be burned , &c. dr. ridley kneeled down on his knees towards the lord williams , &c. ●nd said , i beseech you my lord , even for christs like , that i may speak but two or three words . whereupon the bayliffs , and dr. marshal vice-chancellor of oxford ran hastily to him , and with their hands stopped his mouth , and said , mr. ridley , if you will recant , you shall not onely have liberty to speak , but your life . not otherwise ( said ridley ) no ( said marshal ) well ( said dr. ridley ) so long is the breath is in my body i will never deny my lord christ and his known truth . gods will be done in me . — i commit our cause to almighty god , who shall indifferently judge all . being in his shirt , he said , o heavenly father , i give unto thee most hearty thanks , for that thou ●ast called me to be a professour of thee even unto death . i beseech thee , lord god , take mercy upon this realm of england , and deliver the same from all her enemies . to the smith he said , good fellow knock in the chain hard ; for the flesh will have his course . when his brother brought him gun-powder , he said , i will take it to be sent of god ; therefore i will receive it as sent of him . to my lord williams he said , my lord , i must be a suitor to you for divers poor men , and my sister , &c. there is nothing in all this world troubleth my conscience ( i praise god ) this onely excepted . when he saw the fire flaming towards him , he said , into thy hands o lord i commend my spirit . lord receive my soul , lord have mercy upon me . in his letter to all his true friends . — i warn you all that ye be not amazed or astonied at the kind of my departure and dissolution ; for i assure you , i think it the most honour that ever i was called to in all my life , and therefore i thank my lord god heartily for it , &c. for know ye , that i doubt no more , but that the causes wherefore i am put to death , are gods causes , and the causes of the truth , then i doubt that the gospel which iohn wrote is the gospel of christ , or that paul's epistles are the very word of god. and to have an heart willing to abide and stand in gods cause , and in christs quarrel even unto death . i assure thee ( o man ) it is an inestimable gift of god , given onely to the true elect , and dearly beloved children of god , and inheritors of the kingdome of heaven : for the holy apostle , and also martyr in christs cause st. peter , pet. . saith , if ye suffer rebuke in the name of christ , i. e. in christs cause , and for his truths sake , then are ye happy and blessed , for the glory of the spirit of god resteth upon you ; and if for rebukes suffered in the name of christ , a man is pronounced blessed and happy , how much more blessed and happy is he that hath the grace to suffer death also ? wherefore all ye that be my true lovers and friends rejoyce and rejoyce with me again , and render with me hearty thanks to god our heavenly father , that for his sons sake my saviour and redeemer christ , he hath vouchsafed to call me , being so vile and sinfull a wretch in my self , unto the high dignity of his true prophets , of his faithfull apostles , and of his holy elect and chosen martyrs to die in defence and maintenance of his eternal and everlasting truth . — if ye love me indeed , you have cause to rejoyce , for that it hath pleased god to call me to a greater honour and dignity then ever i did enjoy before , either in rochester or london , or should have had in durham , whereunto i was last of all elected ; yea i count it greater honour before god indeed to die in his cause , then is any earthly or temporal promotion or honour that can be given to a man in this world . and who is he that knoweth the cause to be gods , to be christs quarrel , and of his gospel , to be the commonweal of all the elect and chosen children of god , of all the inheritors of the kingdome of heaven ? who is he ( i say ) that knoweth this assuredly by gods own word , and the testimony of his conscience ( as i through the infinite goodness of god , not of my self , but by his grace acknowledge my self to do ) and doth in deed and in truth love and fear god , love and believe his master christ , and his blessed gospel , and the brotherhood , the chosen children of god , and also lusteth and longeth for eternal life ? who is he ( i say again ) that would not , that cannot find in his heart in this cause to be content to die ? — farewell pembrohe hall in c. of late mine own colledge , my cure and my charge what cafe thou art in now god knoweth , i know not well . — wo is me for thee mine own dear colledge , if ever thou suffer thy self by any means to be brought from setting forth gods true word . in thy orchard i learned without book all pauls epistles , yea and i ween all the canonical epistles , save only the apocalyps . of which study , although in time a great part did depart from me , yet the sweet smell thereof i trust i shall carry with me into heaven . the lord grant that this zeal and love to that part of gods word , which is a key to all the scripture , may ever abide in that colledge so long as the world shall endure . — o thou now wicked and bloody see of london , &c. hearken thou whorish bawd of babylon , thou wicked limb of antichrist , thou bloody wolf , why slayest thou and makest havock of the prophets of god ? why murthereft thou so cruelly christs poor silly sheep , which will not hear thy voice , because thou art a stranger , and will follow none other but their own pastor christ his voice ? thinkest thou to escape , or that the lord will not require the blood of his saints at thy hands ? — instead of my farewell to thee now , i say fie upon thee , fie upon thee , silthy drab , and all thy false prophets . — to you my lords of the temporality will i speak , &c. know ye that i had before mine eyes onely the fear of god and christian charity toward you that moved me to write , for of you hereafter i look not in this world either for pleasure or displeasure ; if my talk shall do you never so much pleasure or profit , you cannot promote me , nor if i displease you can you harm me , for i shall be out of your reach . — i say unto you as st. paul saith unto the galatians , i wonder my lords what hath bewitched you , that ye so suddenly are fallen from christ unto antichrist , from christs gospel unto mans traditions , from the lord that bought you unto the bishop of rome . i warn you of your perill ; be not deceived , except you will be found willingly consenters to your own death . — understand my lords , it was neither for the priviledge of the place or person thereof , that the see and bishop of rome were called apostolick , but for the true trade of christs religion which was taught and maintained in that see at the first of those godly men ; and therefore as truly and justly as that see then for that true trade of religion and consanguinity of doctrine with the religion and doctrine of christs apostle was called apostolick , so as truly and as justly for the contrariety of religion , and diversity of doctrine from christ and his apostles that see and the bishop thereof at this day both ought to be called and are indeed antichristian . the see is the seat of satan , and the bishop of the same that maintaineth the abominations thereof is antichrist himself indeed . — as for your displeasure by that time this shall come to your knowledge , i trust by gods grace to be in the hands and protection of the almighty , my heavenly father , the living lord , the greatest of all , and then i shall not need ( i trow ) to fear what any lord , no nor what king or prince can do unto me . — much cause have you to hear me patiently , seeing i am appointed to die , and look daily when i shall be called to come before the eternal judge , and therefore you cannot think , but that i onely study to serve my lord god , and to say that thing which i am perswaded assuredly by gods word shall and doth please him , and profit all to whom god shall give grace to hear and believe what i do say . — if the popes supremacy be necessary to salvation to be owned , how chanced it that ye were all ( my lords ) so light as for your princes pleasures , h. . and e. . which were but mortal men , to forsake the unity of your catholick faith , i. e. to forsake christ and his gospel ? how chanced it also that ye and the whole parliament did not onely abolish and expell the bishop of rome , but also did abjure him in your own persons , and did decree in your acts great oaths to be taken for that purpose ? on the other side , if the law and decree which maketh the supremacy of the see and bishop of rome over the universal church of christ be a thing of necessity required unto salvation by an antichristian law ( as it is indeed ) then ( my lords ) never think other , but the day shall come when ye shall be charged with this your undoing that which once ye had well done , and with this your perjury and breach of your oath , which oath was done in judgement , justice , and truth , agreeable to gods law. the whore of babylon may for a time dally with you , and make you so drunken with the wine of her filthy stews and whoredomes ( as with her dispensations and promises of pardon a poena & culpa ) that you may think your selves safe ; but be ye assured , when the living lord shall try the matter by fire , and judge it according to his word , unless ye repent , without all doubt ye shall never escape the hands of the living god for the guilt of your perjury and breach of your oath ; then shall ye drink of the cup of the lords indignation and everlasting wrath , which is prepared for the beast , his false prophets , and all their partakers . for he that is partner with them in their whoredomes and abominations , must also be partner with them in their plagues , and be thrown with them into the lake burning with brimstone and unquenchable fire . — in his letter to the prisoners , &c. and exiles . — for the fervent love that the apostles had unto their master christ , and for the great commodities and increase of all godliness , which they felt by their faith to ensue of afflictions in christs cause . and thirdly , for the heaps of heavenly joyes which the same do get unto the godly , which shall endure in heaven for evermore , for these causes they rejoyced that they were accounted worthy to suffer contumelies and rebukes for christs name . and paul was so much in love in that which the carnal man loatheth so much , i. e. with christs cross , that he judged himself to know nothing else but christ crucified , he gloried in nothing else but christs cross. — why should we christians fear death ? can death deprive us of christ , who is all our comfort , our joy , and our life ? nay forsooth ; but on the contrary death shall deliver us from this mortal body , which loadeth and beareth down the spirit , that it cannot so well perceive heavenly things , in the which so long as we dwell , we are absent from the lord. — and who that hath a right knowledge of christ our saviour , that he is the eternal son of god , life , light , the wisdome of the father , all goodness , all righteousness , and whatsoever heart can desire , yea infinite plenty of all these , above that that mans heart can conceive or imagine ( for in him dwelleth the fulness of the godhead bodily ) and also that he is given us of the father , and made of god to be our wisdome , our righteousness , our holiness , and our redemption ; who ( i say ) is that believeth this indeed that would not gladly be with his master christ ? — to die in the defence of christs gospel is our bounden duty to christ , and also to our neighbour ; to christ , for he died for us , and rose that he might be lord of all ; and seeing he died for us , we also saith st. iohn , ioh. . should jeopard , yea give our life for the brethren . — farewell ( dear brethren ) farewell , and let us comfort our hearts in all troubles and in death with the word of god , for heaven and earth shall perish , but the word of the lord endureth for ever . in his lamentation for the change of religion in england . — of late in every congregation throughout all england was made prayer and petition unto god to be delivered from the tyranny of the bishop of rome , and all his detestable enormities , from all false doctrine and heresie , and now alas ! satan hath perswaded england by his fal●hood and craft to revoke her old godly prayer , &c. — this is one maxime and principle in christs law , he that denieth christ before men , him shall christ deny before his father and all his holy angels in heaven . — now then seeing the doctrine of antichrist is returned again into this realm , and the higher powers alas ! are so deceived and bewitched , that they are perswaded it to be truth , and christs true doctrine to be errour and heresie , and the old laws of anticrist are allowed to return with the power of their father again . what can be hereafter looked for of christians abiding in this realm , but extreme violence of death , or else to deny their master ? — therefore prepare and arm thy self to die , for both by antichrists accustomable laws , and scripture prophesies , there is no likelyhood of any other thing , except thou wilt deny thy master christ , which is the loss at the last of body and soul unto everlasting death . — my counsel to such as are yet at liberty , is to flie from the plague and get them hence . i consider not onely the subtilties of satan , and how he is like to deceive ( it it were possible ) even the chosen of god , and also the great frailty , which is oftentimes more in a man , then he doth know in himself , and which in the time of temptation will utter it self ; but also the examples of christ , paul , elias , &c. and christ saith , when they persecute you in one city flie unto another . — truly before god i think that the abomination that daniel prophesied of so long before , is now set up in the holy place ; the doctrine of antichrist , his laws , rites , and religion contrary to christ , and to the true serving and worshipping of god i understand to be that abominition ; therefore now is the time in england for those words of christ , then ( saith christ ) they that be in jewry let them flie into the mountains , then ( saith he ) mark this then ; for truly i am perswaded , and i trust by the spirit of god that this then is commanded . by those in iewry i understand such who truly confess one living god , and the whole truth of his word after the doctrine of christs gospel ; these are bid in the time of antichrists reign to flie into the mountains , i. e. places of safeguard . the wo that followeth signifieth , that such are then in extreme danger who are letted by any means whatsoever , so that they be no wayes able to flie from the plague ; and christs bidding to pray that our flight be not in winter , nor on the sabbath day , bids us to pray that we may flie in time , and far enough from the danger of the plague . — rev. . the angel cries mightily with a loud voice , fli● my people out of babylon , lest you be infected with her faults , and so be made partakers of her plagues ; for her offences and sins are grown so great , that they come to heaven : certainly the time doth approach , and the lords day is at hand . paul also that blessed apostle forbids us , cor. . to joyn our selves with the unfaithfull , &c. this counsel to depart the realm some good persons may think good ; others may think it may indeed by gods word be lawfully done , but not to be counselled to be done ; for they will peradventure say , we should counsel a man alwayes to do that which is best of all , and of most perfection ; but boldly in christs cause to spend a mans life is best of all , and of most perfection , and to flee may smell of cowardliness : whereas in many things that which is best for one , at sometimes is not best for all at all times ; and it is not meet for a child to covet to run before he can go . — but every true christian , either brother or sister , after they be be called and brought into the wrestling-place to strive in christs cause for the best game , i. e. to confess the truth of the gospel in hope of everlasting life , should not shrink , nor relent one inch , nor give back , whatsoever shall befall , but to stand to their tackle , and stick by it even unto death , as they will christ shall stick by them at the later day . — some may think they may stay and escape the danger notwithstanding , by keeping their faith and religion close to themselves , inwardly worshipping god in spirit and truth , and outwardly not transgressing common order . whereas gods word requireth not onely the belief of the heart , but the confession of the mouth , forbids not onely the thing that is evil , but to abstain from all appearance of evil , and both consenters and doers are accounted guilty by gods word , and we may not do evil that good may come thereof . thy heart thou sayest god shall have , and yet will suffer thy body to do the thing that god abhors : take heed , o man , what thou sayest , thou canst not deceive the heart-searcher . to give god thy heart is to give him thy whole heart , to love him , to dread him , and to trust in him above all other things , and he loveth god that keeps his commands ; and to dread god above all other is rather willingly to incur the danger and perill of all fearfull things , then wittingly to do what god forbids , and to trust in him above all things is assuredly to trust to his promise of his reward and of his tuition , and of his goodness and mercy , and to prefer that above all things in the world , seem they never so strong , so wise , or so good . now how canst thou say truly , that god hath thus thy heart , when thy deeds do declare far another thing ? thy body , o man , is gods , and all the parts thereof , even as thy soul is ; he made them both , and christ with his blood redemed them both , and is lord of both ; for he hath bought them both dearly , and darest thou suffer any part of either of them to do service to satan ? surely in so doing thou committest sacriledge , and dost rob god. — what is it to bear the mark of the beast in the forehead , and in the hand , that st. iohn speaketh of ? i suppose he bears the mark of the beast in his forehead , which is not ashamed of the beasts wayes , but will profess them openly ; and he beareth his mark in the hand that doth the works , though he may be ashamed to own them . — it may be objected , o sir it is no small matter you speak of , to depart from a mans own native countrey into a strange realm . some have lands and possessions , which they cannot carry with them : some have father , mother , wife , children , and kinsfolk , from whom to depart is as hard a thing , and almost all one as to suffer death , &c. i grant here thou mayest heap a number of worldly in commodities , which are very like to ensue the departure out of a mans own countrey : but what of all these and a thousand more of the like sort ? i will set against them all one saying of christ , which to the true christian is able to countervail all these , yea to weigh them down , viz. if any man do come to me , and do not hate father and mother ( he means , and will not in his cause forsake his father and mother ) &c. he cannot be my disciple . — it may further be objected ; alas ! sir , i am an impotent man , an aged man , a sick man , a lame man , or i have so many small infants & a wife which live by my labour , if i leave them they will starve , and i am not able to carry them with me , such is my state , what shall i do ? o lamentable state ! o sorrowfull heart that can neither depart , nor without extreme perill is able to tarry still ! of the state of such as are not able to flie the infection of the pestiferous plague of antichrists abominations christ lamenting , not cursing , saith , wo be to the great bellied and travelling women , &c. for these my heart mourneth the more , the less i am able to give any comfortable counsel , but this , that alwayes as they look for everlasting life , they abide still in the confession of his truth , whatsoever shall befall , and for the rest to put their trust wholly in god , who is able to save them against all appearance . and commonly in extremities , when all worldly comfort faileth , and the danger is at highest , then unto his he is wont after his accustomed mercy , to be most ready to put his helping hand ; instance in daniel , the three children , paul pluckt out of the mouth of the lion , in the mount god raised up most of the judges for the delivering of his people . — as to such instances it may be objected these were special miracles of god which now are ceased ; and to require them at gods hands were it not to tempt god ? i grant such were great wonderfull works of god , &c. but gods hand is as strong as ever it was , and he is as good and as gracious as ever he was , but in such as are put to death for his sake he doth more , when in anguish of the torments he standeth by them , and strengthneth them in their saith to suffer in confession of the truth the bitter pangs of death , &c. — to die in christs cause is an high honour , to the which no man should aspire , but to whom god vouchsafeth that priviledge ; for no man is allowed to presume to take to himself any office of honour , but he which is thereunto called of god. iohn saith well , speaking of them which have obtained the victory by the blood of the lamb , and by the word of his testimony , that they loved not their lives even unto death . and our saviour christ saith , he that shall lose his life for my cause shall find it . this manner of speech pertaineth not to one kind of christians ( as the worldly do wickedly dream ) but to all , that truly pertain to christ ; for when christ had called unto him the multitude together with his disciples , he said unto them ( mark , he said not this unto his disciples or apostles only , but unto all ) whosoever will follow me , let him forsake or deny himself , &c. for whosoever will to save his life , forsake me and my truth , shall lose it , and whosoever shall lose , &c. whosoever shall ●e ashamed of me and my words , i. e. to confess me and my gospel before this adulterous generation , of him shall the son of man be ashamed , &c. know thou , o man of god , that all things are ordained for the furtherance of thee towards thy salvation . all things ( saith paul ) work with the good to goodness , &c. it is not as the wicked think , that poverty , adversity , sickness , tribulation , yea painfull death of the godly be tokens that god doth not love them , but even the clean contrary . — now ( thou , o man of god ) for the lords sake , let us not for the love of this life , tarry here too long , and be occasion of delay of that glorious consummation of all christs sufferers , in hope and expectation whereof the former martyrs have departed in the lord , and the which also the living indued with gods spirit , ought so earnestly to desire , &c. crying out , come lord iesus , come . then shall our weak body be transfigured and made like to christs glorious body , and then shall we see , and have the unspeakable joy and fruition of the glorious majesty of our lord , even as he is . who , or what then shall let us to jeopard ? yea to spend this life , which we have here , in christs cause ? in our lord god his cause ? o therefore thou man of god , that art loaden , and so letted , like unto a great bellied woman , that thou canst not flie the plague , yet if thou lust after such things , as i have spoken of , stand fast whatsoever shall befall thee in thy masters cause , and take this thy letting to flie for a call from god to fight in thy master christs cause . of this be thou certain , they can do nothing unto thee , which thy father is not aware of , or hath not foreseen before : they can do no more then it shall please him to suffer them to do for the furtherance of his glory , edifying of his church , and thine own salvation . — o be not afraid , and remember the end . what i have spoken for the comfort of the big-bellied woman , i mean to be spoken likewise to the captive and prisoner in gods cause ; for such i count to be as it were already summoned and pressed to fight under the banner of the cross of christ , and as it were souldiers allowed and taken up for the lords wars , to do their lord and master good and honourable service , and to stick to him even unto death , &c. to conclude , i say unto all that love christ jesus our redeemer and saviour , that love to follow the wayes of the holy ghost , who is our comforter and sanctifier , that love christs spouse and body , &c. yea , that love life and their souls health . hearken my dear brethren and sisters , &c. to the word of our saviour jesus christ , spoken to his apostles , and meant to all his in st. matthew's gospel , fear not them which kill the body , for they cannot kill the soul ; but fear him , &c. — the lord grant us of his heavenly grace and strength , that here we may so confess him in this world amongst this adulterous generation , that he may confess us again at the last day before his father , &c. — in his reasons why images should not be placed and erected in churches . — first the words of the command , exod. . repeated more plainly , deut. . where observe those words , thou shalt not make to thy self , mean , to any use of religion : and those , and setteth it in a secret place , imply , that no man durst then commit idolatry openly . — the reason why god gave this general prohibition is , lest thou being deceived , shouldst bow down to them , and worship them . this general law is generally to be observed , though some be not hurt by them . moses was not deceived or seduced by iethro's daughter , nor boaz by ruth , a woman of moab ; yet the general law was to be observed , thou shalt not joyn thy children in marriage with strangers , least she seduce thy son , &c. — if by vertue of the second commandment images were not lawfull in the temple of the jews , then by the second command they are unlawfull in the churches of christians ; but , &c. in the tabernacle and temple of god no images were appointed openly to beset , nor by practice afterwards used or permitted , so long as religion was purely observed ; therefore , &c. for the second command is moral and not ceremonial , &c. the jews by no means would consent to herod , pilate , or pe●ronius , that images should be placed in the temple at jerusalem , but rather offered themselves unto death , then to consent unto it . besides that iosephus commends them for observing the meaning of the law : sure they would not have endangered themselves so far , if they had thought images had been indifferent in the temple of god. — ath●nasius tells us , the invention of images came of no good , but of evil , and whatsoever hath an evil beginning , can never in any thing be judged good , seeing it is wholly naught . — t●rtullian expounding those words , little children , beware of images , saith , that the meaning is , as if he had said , little children , keep your selves from the shape it self or form of them . images in the church either serve to edify , or to destroy . if they edify , then there is one kind of edification , which the scriptures neither teach nor command , but alwayes disallow : if they destroy , they are not to be in the church . the command of god is , thou shalt not lay a stumbling-block before the blind , and cursed is he that maketh the blind wander in his way . images are snares and traps for the feet of the ignorant . — images do not stir up the mind to devotion , but distract the mind from prayer , hearing of gods word , &c. hence in the council-chamber of the lacedemonians no picture was suffered , least in consultation of the weighty matters of the commonwealth , their minds by the sight of the outward image might be withdrawn or wander from the matter . — to allow a most certain peril for an uncertain profit , and the greatest danger for the smallest benefit , in matters of faith and religion , is a tempting of god , and a grievous offence . — in the primitive church there were no images in places of assembly for religion ; this the heathens objected to the christians for a crime , as origen and arnobius testifie , &c. — lactantius saith , it is not to be doubted that there is no religion , wheresoever is any image . — not onely by varro's judgement , but also by st. augustine's approbation of varro , the most pure and chast observation of religion , and nearest the truth , is to be without images . — by the judgement of this ancient father ( epiphanius ) to permit images in churches is against the authority of scripture , meaning , against the second commandment , &c. besides epiphanius doth reject not onely graven and molten , but painted images . again , he spared not the image of christ : yea , he did not onely remove it , but with a vehemency of zeal cut in pieces : and he is carefull that no such kind of painted images be permitted in the church . — it is manifest to them that read histories , that not onely emperours , but also divers and sundry councils in the east church have condemned and abolished images both by decrees and examples . — but this notwithstanding experience hath declared , that neither councils , nor writings , preachings , decrees , making of laws , prescribing of punishments , have holpen against images , to which idolatry hath been committed , nor against idolatry , whilst images stood . — in his letter to his dear brother , and reverend fellow-elder in christ iohn hooper . — my dearly beloved brother , &c. whom i reverence in the lord , &c. forasmuch as i understand by your works , that we throughly agree and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our religion , against which the world so furiously rageth in our dayes , howsoever in time past by certain by-matters and circumstances of religion , your wisdome and my simplicity ( i grant ) hath a little jarred , each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgement . now ( i say ) be you assured , that even with my whole heart , god is my witness , in the bowels of christ , i love you in the truth , and for the truths sake , which abideth in us ; and , as i am perswaded , shall by the grace of god abide in us for evermore . because the world , as i perceive , brother , busily conspireth against christ our saviour , with all possible force and power , let us joyn hands together in christ ; and if we cannot overthrow , yet to our power , and as much as in us lies , let us shake those high altitudes , not with carnal but with spiritual weapons . let us also prepare our selves for death , by which after our short afflictions here , by the grace of our lord jesus christ , we shall triumph together with him in eternal glory . i pray you brother salute in my name your reverend fellow-prisoner and venerable father dr. cranmer , by whom , since the first day that i heard of his most godly and fatherly constancy , in confessing the truth of the gospel , i have conceived great consolation and joy in the lord. — it will also be to me great joy to hear of your constancy and fortitude in the lords quarrel . i am earnestly moved to counsel you , not to hasten the publishing of your works , especially under your own name , least your mouth should be stopped hereafter , and all things taken away from the rest of the prisoners , whereby otherwise if it so please god , may be able to do good to many . farewell in the lord , my most dear brother . — once again and for ever in christ , my most dear brother farewell . rieux . dionysius de rieux was one of them who was first burned at melda , or meaux in france , an. . for saying , that the mass is a plain denial of the death and passion of christ. he was alwayes wont to have in his mouth the words of christ , he that denieth me before men , him also will i deny before my father . rogers . mr. iohn rogers preaching at paul's cross even after queen mary was come to the tower of london , confirmed the truth of that doctrine which he and others had there taught in king edward's dayes , exhorting the people constantly to remain in the same , and to beware of all pestilent popery , idolatry and superstition . for that sermon he was called in question . in his examination and answer ian. . . — i never granted king henry the eighth to have any supremacy in spiritual things , as are the forgiveness of sins , giving of the holy ghost , authority to be a judge above the word of god. — the chancellor asserting , that the parliament that abolished the popes supremacy was with most great cruelty constrained thereunto . he answered , with cruelty ? why then i perceive that you take a wrong way with cruelty to perswade mens consciences ; for it should appear by your doings now , that the cruelty then used hath not perswaded your consciences . how would you then have your consciences perswaded with cruelty ? — sir richard southwell telling him , that he would not burn in this year , when it cometh to the purpose : he answered , sir , i cannot tell , but i trust to my lord god , yes ; lifting up his eyes to heaven . — i desire the hearty and unfeigned help of the prayers of all christs true members , the true imps of the true unfeigned catholick church , that the lord god of all consolation will now be my comfort , aid , strength , buckler and shield , as also of all my brethren that are in the same case and distress , that i and they all may despise all manner of threats and cruelty , and even the bitter burning fire , and the dreadfull dart of death , and stick like true souldiers to our dear and loving captain christ , our onely saviour and redeemer , and the onely true head of the church , that doth all in us all , which is the property of an head , and that we do not traiterously run out of his tents , or rather out of the plain field from him , in the greatest jeopardy of the battel , but that we may persevere in the fight ( if he will not otherwise deliver us ) till we be most cruelly slain of his enemies : for this i most heartily , and at this present with tears most instantly and earnestly desire and bes●ech you all to pray . in his second examination and answer ian. , . . — should ( said the chancellor ) when the parliament hath concluded a thing , any private person have authority to discuss , whether they had done right or wrong ? no , that may not be . i answered shortly , that all the laws of men might not , neither could rule the word of god , but that they all must be discussed and judged thereby , and obey thereto : and neither my conscience , nor any christians could be satisfied with such laws , as disagreed from that word . — mr. hooper and mr. cardmaker were examined before me . the lord grant us grace to stand together , fighting lawfully in his cause , till we be smitten down together , if the lords will be so to permit it ; for there shall not an hair of our heads perish against his will , but with his will ; whereunto the same lord grant us to be obedient unto the end and in the end . amen . sweet , mighty and mercifull lord jesus , the son of david , and of god. amen , amen , let every true christian say and pray . — i told the chancellor , that i would not be out of the catholick church , but into his church by gods grace , i would never come . well ( said he ) then is our church false and antichristian ? yes said i. — when i desired leave to confirm my doctrine by writing , you would not grant it , because i was a private person , and the parliament was above the authority of all private persons ; and therefore the sentence thereof might not be found fault with , &c. and yet my lord ( said i ) i can shew that one man hath come into a general council , and after the whole had agreed upon an article , hath by the word of god declared so pithily that the council had erred in declaring the said article , that he caused the whole council to alter their act. — panormitanus also ( said i ) saith , that unto a simple lay-man that bringeth the word of god with him , there ought to be given more credit , then to a whole council assembled together . — the chancellor facing me , and hoping to dash me out of couutenance , i told him , in that cause , being gods cause , he should not make me afraid to speak . — i was never the worse but the better to be earnest in a just and true cause , and in my master christs matters . — when winchester had read the condemnation , he declared that i was in the great curse , &c. well my lord ( said i ) here i stand before god and you , and all this honourable audience , and take him to witness , that i never wittingly nor willingly taught any false doctrine ; and therefore have i a good conscience before god and all good men . i am sure you and i shall come before a god that is righteous , before whom i shall be as good a man as you : and i nothing doubt but that i shall be found there a true member of the true catholick church of christ , and everlastingly saved : and as for your false church , ye need not to excommunicate me forth of it , i have not been in it these twenty years , the lord be thanked therefore . but now ye have done what ye can , my lord , i pray you yet grant me one thing , that my poor wife being a stranger , and having ten children by me , may come and speak with me as long as i live . she shall not come at thee said he . then i have tried out all your charity said i. — two things more i purposed to have touched , if i could have been permitted : the one , how it was lawfull for a private man to reason and write against a wicked act of parliament , or ungodly council , &c. the other was to prove , that prosperity was not alwayes a token of gods love . for the first — i shall adde one example more . the high priests , the elders , scribes and pharisees decreed in their council , and gave ●he same command to the apostles , that they should ●ot preach in the name of christ , as ye have also forbidden us . notwithstanding when they were charged therewithall , they answered , we ought more to obey god then man. even so we may answer you , god is more to be obeyed then man ; and your wicked laws cannot so tongue-tie us , but we will speak the truth . the apostles were beaten for their boldness , and they rejoyced that they suffered for christs cause . ye have also provided rods for ●s , and bloody whips ; yet when ye have done that which gods hand and counsel hath determined , that ye shall do , be it life or death , i trust that ●od will so assist us by his holy spirit and grace , that we shall patiently suffer it , and praise god for it . and whatsoever become of me and others , which now suffer for speaking and professing the truth , yet be ye sure that gods word will prevail and have the upper hand , when your bloody laws and wicked decrees , for want of sure foundation , shall fall in the dust . — for the second point . — it may please your lordship to understand , that we poor preachers whom you so evil intreat , did most boldly and plainly rebuke the evil government of those under king edward in many things , especially their covetousness , and neglect and small regard to live after the gospel , as also their negligence to occasion others to live thereafter . i might instance in what i once did at paul's cross , for which i was fain to answer before all the council , and many of my brethren did the like ; so that we for the not rebuking of their faults , shall not answer before god , nor be blame-worthy before men . — i am an english man born , and god knoweth do naturally wish well to my countrey . i have often proved that the things which i have much feared should come to pass , have indeed followed . i fear you have and will with your governing bring england out of gods blessing into a warm sun. i pray god i may fail of my guessing in this behalf : but truly that ( englands welfare ) will not be with expelling the true word of god out of the realm , and the shedding innocent blood . — gods works are wonderfull and incomprehensible by mans wisdome , &c. he hath put his beloved and dear heart into his enemies hands . — this to worldly wise men is a madness above all madness , and yet god doth this , — can the world shew the cause ? — this i am right sure of , that it was not because they were in heresies , and subject to false gods services , and idolatry , and their enemies men of god , and beloved of god. — the herods and pharaohs plainly determined , that if the men which they killed and handled evil had been gods people , god would never have suffered them to come into their hands , but rather have done the contrary , and have let iohn baptist kill herod , and the israelites pharaoh and nebuchadnezzar . even the like is now to be seen in us , and in our most cruel adversaries . they are not therefore the catholick church , because our mercifull god hath at this present given our lives into their hands : neither are we therefore hereticks , because we suffer punishment at their hands . — the holy men of god recorded in scripture , were in their dayes accounted to be hereticks , seditious , and d●sturbers of the whole world . — but here they will cry out , lo these men will be still like ●●hn baptists , the apostles and prophets , &c. i an●●er , we make not our selves like to them in doing ●iracles , &c. but onely in this , in doctrine , and in ●ffering persecution and infamy for the same . we ●●ve preached their very doctrine , and none other ●●ing , and for this cause we suffer the like reproach , ●ame , and rebuke of the world , and the like per●ecution , losing of our goods and lives , forsaking ( as ●●r master christ commandeth ) father , mother , ●●ster , brethren , wives , children , and all ●●at there is , being assured of a joyfull resur●●ction , and to be crowned in glory with them , ●ccording to the infallible promises made unto us in christ , our onely and sufficient mediatour , &c. — but let us consider , that if it be gods good will and pleasure to give his own beloved heart , i. e. his beloved church and the members thereof , into the hands of their enemies , ●o chasten , try , and prove them , and to bring them ●o the true unfeigned acknowledging of their own ●atural stubbornness , disobedience towards god ●nd his commands , as touching the love of god ●nd their brethren , and their natural inclination ●and readiness to love creatures , to seek their own ●usts , and pleasures , &c. to promote repentance in ●hem , and crying to god for forgiveness , and for he said of the spirit daily to mortifie those evil de●ires and lusts , &c. with many other causes . what doth he hereafter with those enemies , into whose ●ands he hath given his tenderly beloved darlings ? he destroyeth and damneth the impenitent enemies , as is evident in herod , pharaoh , &c. — and think ye that bloody butcherly bishop of w. and his most bloody brethren shall escape ? or that england shall not for their offences , and especially for the maintenance of their idolatry , and wilful following of them , not abide a great brunt ? ye undoubtedly . if god look not mercifully on england , the seeds of utter destruction are sown in i● already , &c. — spite of nebuchadnezzar's beard and maugre his heart , the captive , inthralled , and miserable jews must come home again , and have their city and temple builded up again by zerubbabel , &c. and babylon's kingdome must go to ruine , and be taken of strangers , the persians and medes . so shall the dispersed english flock be brought again into their former estate , or to a better , &c. and our bloody babylonical bishops , &c. brought to utter shame and ruine ; for god cannot , and undoubtedly will not for ever suffer their abominable lying false doctrine , their hypocrisie , blood-thirst , whoredome , idleness , their pestilent life , pampered in all kind of pleasure , their thrasonical boasting pride , their malicious , envious , and poysoned stomacks , which they bear towards his poor and miserable christians . if judgement begin at the house of god , &c. the morning that he should be burnt , he was found fast asleep , so that he could scarce with much jogging be awakened . at last being raised and waked and bid to make haste ; then ( said he ) if it be so , i need not to tie my points . so little daunted was this proto martyr , of all the blessed company that suffered in queen mary's dayes , at the tidings of death and of such a death . after he was degraded by bonner but one petition , viz. that he might talk a few words with his wife before his burning , but that would not be granted . probably he desired to speak to her , that he might reveal where he had hid the book he had writ of his examinations and answers : but mans malice could not hinder gods providence from bringing that book to his wifes hands after his death out of the blind corner in the prison , where he had hid , and where it could not be found by his enemies , though they made diligent search for his papers . when he was in prison he told the printer of mr. fox's acts and mon. who was then a prisoner also for religion , thus , thou shalt live to see the alteration if this religion , and the gospel to be freely preached again , and therefore have me commended to my brethren , as well in exile , as others , and bid them be circumspect in displacing the papists , and putting good ministers into churches , or else their end will be worse then ours . whilst he was a prisoner in newgate he had devised , that he with his fellows should have but one meal a day , they paying for two , the other meal should be given to those that lacked on the other side of the prison : but their keeper would not suffer it . the lords day before he suffered he drank to mr. hooper , being then underneath him , and said , that there never was a little fellow , that would better stick to a man , then he would stick to him : supposing they should both be burnt together . but it hapned otherwise . as he was to be brought out of newgate to smithfield , mr. woodro●fe , one of the sheriffs , came to him , and asked him if he would recant ? that which i have preached ( said mr. rogers ) i will seal with my blood . then ( said the sheriffe ) thou art an heretick . that shall be known ( said he ) at the day of judgement . well ( said w. ) i will never pray for thee . but ( said he ) i will pray for you . a little before his burning at the stake , his pardon was brought to him , if he would recant : but he utterly refused it . his wife and children being eleven in number , ten that could go , and one sucking on the breast , met him by the way as he was going towards smithfield : but this sight , grievous indeed to flesh and blood , could nothing move him . as he was burning , he washed his hands ( as it were ) in the flame . romanus . when galerius with asclepiades invaded the city of antioch , by force of armes to drive the christians to renounce their pure religion , romanus ran to the christians , at that time congregated together , and declared that the wolves were at hand , that would devour the christian flock ; but fear not ( said he ) neither let this imminent peril disturb you my brethren . hereupon old men and matrons , fathers and mothers , young men and maidens were most ready to shed their blood in the defence of their christian profession . — romanus so encouraged them , that they did not stick to offer their naked throats , wishing gloriously to die for the name of their christ. whereupon romanus was brought before the emperour , who said , what ? art thou the author of this sedition ? art thou the cause why so many shall lose their lives ? by the gods i swear thou shalt smart for it ; and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the pains , whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy fellows . romanus answered , thy sentence , o emperour , i joyfully embrace . i refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren , and that by as cruel means , as thou canst invent : and whereas thy souldiers were repelled from the christian congregation , that so hapned , because it lay not in idolaters and worshippers of devils to enter into the holy house of god , and to pollute the place of true prayer . when the tormenters would not truss him up and draw out his bowels , because he was of noble parentage ; the captain commanded him to be scourged with whips with knaps of lead at the ends . instead of tears , sighs , and groans , romanus sung psalms all the time of his whipping , requiring them not to favour him for his noble birth . not the blood of my progenitors ( said he ) but christian profession maketh me noble . when the captain commanded his sides to be lanced with knives , until the bones appeared white again : sorry am i , o captain ( said he ) not that my flesh shall be thus cut and mangled ; but for thy cause am i sorrowfull , who , being corrupted with damnable errours , seducest others . he preached the second time the living god , and the lord jesus christ , his welbeloved son , and eternal life through faith in his blood ; together with the abomination of idolatry , &c. whereupon his face was buffeted , his eye-lids torn with their nails , his cheeks scotched with knives , the skin of his beard was plucked by little and little from the flesh , &c. thereupon the meek martyr said , i thank thee , o captain , that thou hast opened unto me many mouths , whereby i may preach my lord and saviour christ : look how many wounds i have , so many mouths i have lauding and praising god. when the captain blasphemingly said , thy crucified christ is but a yesterdays god ; the gods of the gentiles are of most antiquity . romanus desired the captain to hear what a child of seven years of age would say . his request being granted , tell me my babe ( said romanus ) whether thou think it reason that we worship one christ , and in christ one father , or else that we worship infinite gods ? to whom the babe answered , that certainly whatsoever it be that men affirm to be god must needs be one ; which with one is one and the same : and in as much as this one is christ , of necessity christ must be the true god ; for that there be many gods we children cannot believe . the captain hereat amazed , said , thou young villain and traitor , where and of whom learnedst thou this lesson ? of my mother ( said the child ) with whose milk i sucked in this lesson , that i must believe in christ. the captain thereupon commanded the child to be hoised up and scourged . the joyfull mother onely saw that sight with dry eyes : yea , the rebuked her sweet babe for craving a draught of cold water . she charged him to thirst after the cup , that the infants of bethlem once drank of , forgetting their mothers milk and paps . she willed him to remember little isaac , who beholding the sword wherewith , and the altar whereon he should be sacrificed , willingly proffered his tender neck to the dint of his fathers sword. then the butcherly tormentor pluckt the skin from the crown of his head , hair and all . the mother cried , suffer my child , anon thou shalt pass to him , that will adorn thy naked head with a crown of eternal glory . the child received the stripes with a smiling countenance . as they laid hands on romanus , to carry him to the place of execution , he looked back , and said , i appeal from this thy tyranny , o judge unjust , unto the righteous throne of christ , that upright judge ; not because i fear thy cruel torments and merciless handlings , but that thy judgements may be known to be cruel and bloody . when the tormentor required the child of the mother , who had taken it up in her arms , she kissing it , delivered the babe , and said , farewell my sweet child ; and as the hangman was cutting off its head , she sang , all laud and praise , with heart and voice , o lord , we yield to thee : to whom the death of all thy saints we know most dear to be . when romanus was cast into the fire , he said he should not burn . accordingly a great storm arose ( as it is reported ) and quenched the fire . then his tongue was cut out . nevertheless he spake , saying , he that speaketh christ , shall never want a tongue . think not that the voice , that uttereth christ , hath need of the tongue to be the minister . eusebius saith , that by his constancy in enduring his tongue to be pull'd out of his mouth , he really declared to all , that a divine vertue is never wanting to any , who suffer for godliness sake , which doth both mitigate their griefs , and corroborateth their hearts . this valiant souldier of christ was not at all , terrified thereat , but of his own accord put out his tongue , and willingly yielded the same to the tormentors hands . then he was clapt in prison again , and there a long while cruelly tormented , and at last in the year . strangled , and thereby according to his own desire was crowned with martyrdome . roper . george roper , a young man , at his coming to the stake , putting off his gown , fetcht a great leap . so soon as the flame was about him , he put out both his arms from his body like a roode , and so stood stedfast , not plucking his arms in at all , till the fire had consumed them , and burnt them off . rough. mr. iohn rough , a famous scotch minister in england in king edward's dayes , at the beginning of queen mary's reign fled into frizeland with his wife , where he laboured for his living in knitting of caps , hose , &c. till lacking of yarn , &c. he came over into england to provide for the maintenance of his occupation ; and at london hearing of the secret society and holy congregation of gods children there assembled , he joyned himself unto them ; and afterwards being elected their minister , continued for some time in fellowship with them , teaching and confirming them in the truth and gospel of christ. but not long after he was by a false brothers treachery taken , and clapt in newgate . when he was before bonner , he told him , that he utterly detested the service then used , and that if he should live as long as did me huselah , yet he would never come to hear the abominable mass , and other service , being as it was then . — dr. watson then bishop of lincoln , being at his examination , urged that he had done more hurt in the north parts in king edward's dayes , then an hundred besides , &c. why sir ( said mr. rough ) is this the reward i have for saving your life in those dayes ? he said , he had lived thirty years , and yet had never bowed his knee to ball. before bonner he affirmed , that he had been twice at rome , and there had seen plainly with his eyes , that the pope was the very antichrist ; for he saw more reverence given to him , then to that which they accounted their god. mr. rough having been at the burning of austoo in smithfield , and returning homeward again , met with one that as'd him , where he had been ? i have been ( said he ) where i would not for one of mine eyes but i had been . where have you been ? replied his friend . forsooth ( said he ) to learn the way . and so he told him , he had been at the burning of austoo , where shortly after he was burned himself . in his letter to some friends . — the comfort of the holy ghost make you able to give consolation to others , in these dangerous dayes , when satan is let loose , but to the trial onely of the chosen , when it pleaseth our god to sift his wheat from the chaffe . — i speak to gods glory ; my care in my great temptations was to have the senses of my soul open , to perceive the voice of god , saying , whosoever denieth me before men , him will i deny before my father and his angels : and to save the life corporal , is to lose the life eternal : and he that will not suffer with christ , shall not reign with him . therefore , most tender ones , i have by gods spirit given over the flesh , with the fight of my soul , and the spirit hath the victory . the flesh shall now ere it be long , leave off to sin : the spirit shall reign eternally . i have chosen death to confirm the truth by me taught . what can i do more ? consider with your selves , that i have done it for the confirmation of gods truth . pray that i may continue to the end . the greatest part of the assault is past , i praise my god. i have in all my assaults felt the present aid of my god , i give him most hearty thanks therefore . look not back , nor be ye ashamed of christs gospel , nor of the bonds i have suffered for the same . — it is no time for the loss of one man in the battel for the camp to turn back . up with mens hearts ; blow down the dawbed walls of heresie . let one take the banner , and the other the trumdet ; i mean , not to make corporal resistance , but pray , and ye shall have elias defence , and elizeus company to fight for you . the cause is the lords . — my heart with pangs of death is assaulted : but i am at home yet with my god alive . pray for me , &c. — from newgate prison in haste , the day of my condemnation . i. r. in his letter to the congregation two dayes before he suffered . — whosoever will live godly in christ jesus , must suffer persecution ; for it is given unto them not onely to believe , but to suffer : and the servant or scholar cannot be greater then his lord or master ; but by the same way the head is entred , the members must follow . — my dear soul is departing this life to my great advantage ; i make change of morality for immortality , of corruption to put on incorruption , to make my body like to the corn cast into the ground , which except it die first it can bring forth no good fruit . — happy are they that die in the lord , which is to die in the faith of christ , professing and confessing the same before many witnesses . — what a journey ( by gods power ) i have made these eight dayes , is above flesh and blood to bear : but ( as paul saith ) i may do all things through him , who worketh in me , iesus christ. my course ( brethren ) i have run , i have fought a good fight , the crown of righteousness is laid up for me , my day to receive it is not long to . pray ( brethren ) for the enemy doth yet assault . — be not ashamed of the gospel of the cross , by me preached , nor of my suffering ; for with my blood i affirm the same . i go before . i suffer first the baiting of the butchers dogs ; yet i have not done what i should have done . — what was undone , impute that to frailty and ignorance , and with your love cover that which was and is naked in me . god knoweth ye are all tender to me . my heart bursteth for the love of you . ye are not without the great pastour of your souls , who so loveth you , that if men were not to be found ( as god be praised there is no want of them ) he would cause stones to minister unto you . cast your care on that rock , the wind of temptation shall not prevail . past and pray ; for the dayes are evil . look up with your eyes of hope ; for your redemption is not far off , ( but my wickedness hath deserved that i shall not see it ) and also that which is behind of the blood of our brethren , which shall also be laid under the altar , shall cry for your relief . — the friday at night before mr. rough was taken , being in his bed he dreamed , that he saw two of the guard leading cuthbert sympson ( deacon of the said congregation ) and that he had the book about him , wherein were written the names of all them , that were of the congregation . afterwards he awaked , and having told the dream unto his wife , after some time spent in reading , he fell asleep again , and dreamed the same dream again : and awaking , told his wife his dream , and said , o brother cuthbert is gone . and whilst he was making ready for to go and see how it was with him , mr. sympson came into mr. rough's house , and brought the book with him . mr. rough having told him his dream , perswaded him to carry the book no more about with him : which he was loth to promise ; because ( said he ) dreams are but fancies , and not to be credited . then mr. rough straitly charged him in the name of the lord to do it . whereupon mr. sympson left the book with mrs. rough. and so the congregation was preserved . the next night mr. rough dreamed , that he himself was forcibly carried to the bishop , and that the bishop pluckt off his beard , and cast it into the fire , saying these words , now i may say , i have had a piece of an heretick burned in my house . and so accordingly it came to pass . rose . mr. thomas rose born at exmouth in devon , when he was first taken , was sorely stocked in prison . the stocks were very high and great ; so that day and night he did lie with his back on the ground , upon a little straw , with his heels so high , that by means the blood was fallen from his feet , his feet were without sense for a long time . — his mother might not be suffered to see him . — afterwards cranmer set him at liberty . — when he was brought before gardiner , being taken at bow in london with five and thirty more , winchester told him , that he would know who were his maintainers , or else he would make him a foot longer . my lord ( said he ) you shall do as much as pleaseth god , and no more , yet the law is in your hand ; but i have god for my maintainer , and none other . at his second examination the chancellour ask'd him , what he said to the real presence in the sacrament ? i wist right well ( said he ) you are made an instrument to seek innocent blood : well , you may have it , if god permit , it is present , and at hand ; for i came not hither to lie , but to die ( if god see it good ) in defence of that which i have said : wherefore you may begin when you think good , &c. — at his third examination the bishop saying , ah sirrah , you will admit nothing but scripture , i see well : no truly my lord ( said he ) i admit nothing but scripture for the regiment of the soul ; for faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of god ; and where the word of god is not , there ought no belief to be given ; for whatsoever is not of faith is sin . — roth. richard roth in his letter to certain brethren and sisters condemned at colchester , and ready to be burned for the testimony of the truth . — o dear brethren and sisters , how much have you to rejoyce in god , that he hath given you such faith to overcome this blood-thirsty tyrant thus far ? and no doubt but he that hath begun that good work in you , will fulfill it to the end . o dear hearts in christ , what a crown of glory shall ye receive with christ in the kingdome of god ? oh that it had been the good will of god , that i had been ready to have gone with you . i lie in my lords little-ease in the day , and in the night in the cole-house alone , and we look every day when we shall be condemned ; but i lie still at the pools brink , and every man goeth in before me ; but we abide patiently the lords leisure , with many bands , in fetters and stocks , by the which we have received great joy in the lord. and now fare you well dear brethren and sisters in this world , but i trust to see you in the heavens face to face . — how blessed are you in the lord , that god hath found you worthy to suffer for his sake . — o be joyfull even unto death . fear it not , saith christ , for i have overcome death . — be strong , let your hearts be of good comfort , and wait you still for the lord. he is at hand . the angel of the lord pitcheth his tent round about them that fear him , and delivereth them which way he seeth best ; for our lives are in the lords hands , and they can do nothing unto us , before god suffer them : therefore give all thanks to god. o dear hearts , you shall be clothed with long white garments upon the mount sion , with the multitude of saints , and with jesus christ our saviour , who will never forsake us . o blessed virgins , you have played the wise virgins part , in that you have taken oyl in your vessels , that ye may go in with the bridegroom , when he cometh , &c. but as for the foolish , they shall be shut out ; because they made not themselves ready to suffer with christ , neither go out to take up his cross. o dear hearts , how precious shall your death be in the sight of the lord ? for dear is the death of his saints . o fare you well , and pray . the grace of our lord jesus christ be with you all . amen , amen . pray , pray , pray . by me r. r. written with mine own blood . the bishop asking him what he thought of his fellow-prisoner ralf allerton ; he answered , that he thought him to be one of the elect children of god ; and if he were put to death for his faith and religion , he thought he should die a true martyr . the bishop asking him how he did like the order and rites of the church , then used here in england ; he said , that he ever had , and then did abhor the same with all his heart . being perswaded to recant , and ask mercy of the bishop : no ( said he ) i will not ask mercy of him , that cannot give it . rought . a suffolk man ( so called ) and his wife and several others , being rebuked for going so openly , and talking so freely : their answer was , they acknowledged and believed , and therefore they must speak : and that the tribulation was by gods good will and providence , and that his judgements were right to pur●●● them with others for their sins : and that of very faithfulness and mercy god had caused them to be troubled bled : and that one hair of their heads should not perish before the time ; but all things should work unto the best to them that love god : and that christ jesus was their life and onely righteousness : and that onely by faith in him , and for his seke all good things were freely given them , also forgiveness of sins , and life everlasting . rupea . you may ( said castalia rupea ) throw my body from this steep hill , yet will my soul mount upward again . your blasphemies more offend my soul , then your torments do my body . russel . ieremy russel being apprehended in the diocess of glasgow in scotland , a. . and railed upon , answered , this is your hour and power of darkness . now sit ye as judges , and we stand wrongfully accused , and more wrongfully to be condemned ; but the day shall come , when our innocence shall appear , and that ye shall see your own blindness , to your everlasting confusion . go forward , and fulfill the measure of your iniquity . he comforted his fellow-prisoner alexander kennedy ( of whom see the second part under k. ) saying , brother fear not , more mighty is he that is in us , then he that is in the world : the pain that we shall suffer is short , and shall be light ; but our joy and consolation shall never have end : and therefore let us contend to enter in unto our master and saviour by the same strait way , which he hath taken before us : death cannot destroy us ; for it is destroyed already by him , for whose sake we suffer . rycetto . mr. anthony rycetto of vincence being condemned to be drowned , his son , about twelve years of age , comieg to visit him , besought him with tears to yield , and to save his life , that he might not be left fatherless . a true christian ( said his father ) is bound to forego goods , children , yea , and life it self , for the maintenance of gods honour and glory . a captain telling him , that francis sega was resolved to recant : what tell you me ( said he ) of sega ? i will perform my vows unto the lord my god. a priest presenting him with a wooden crucifix , exhorting him to return , and to die in the favour of god , reconciling himself to the church of rome , the holy spouse of christ : but he rejected the crucifix , and besought the priest to come out of the snare of the devil , to cleave to jesus christ , and to live , not according to the flesh , but after the spirit . if you do otherwise ( said he ) assure your selves your unbelief will bring y●u into that lake of fire , that shall never be quenched ; for though y●u confess with your mouth that you know iesus christ , yet you not onely deny him by your works , but you persecute him in his members , being bewitched by the pope , the open enemy of the son of god. as he was carrying to be drowned , because it was very cold , he called for his cloke , which they had taken from him . whereupon the wherry-man said unto him , fearest thou a little cold ? what wilt thou do , when thou art cast into the sea ? why art not thou carefull to save thy self from drowing ? dost not thou see that the poor flea skips hither and thither , to save her life ? his answer was , and i am now flying to escape eternal death . being arrived at the place where he was to suffer , the captain put a chain of iron about his middle , with a very heavy stone fastned thereto : then rycetto lifting his eyes to heaven , said , father forgive them ; for they know not what they do . and being laid on the planck , he said , lord iesus , into thy hands i commend my spirit . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e these are the last words of david , ● sam. . mat. . . acts . . act. . chr. . , . pet. . vere magnus est deus christianorum calocerius solamen miseris , &c. cor. . . longum iter per praecepta , breve & efficax per exempla , seneca . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , come and see . notes for div a -e wards life of faith in death , pag. . fox's acts and monumens , &c. vol. . pag. . fox . vol. ● . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox vol. . pag. . ward , &c. pag. . fox vol. . cont. p. . ward , pag. . ward , pag. , . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. ● . pag. . word , pag : . ward , pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . st. chrysoft . cont . gentiles . ward , pag. , fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . see the image of both churches printed . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . burroughs in mose self-de● al , pag. clarks lives , part . pag. . leiglis saints encouragements in evil times , pag. . clark , &c. pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . suppl . p. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . leigh 's saints encouragements in evil times . p. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . cons. p. . fox , vol. . p. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. , . pag. , . this was his meditation in queen marie 's time . pag. , . pag. , . pag. , . pag. , . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. , . pag. . see the godly meditations of mr. iohn bradford . p. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . pag. . pag. . see his life and martyrdome before his works , set forth by mr. fox . tit. . acts . and . luke . dan. . dan. . mat. . cor. . gal. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . c●● . p. . ward , pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . pag. , . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . the mirrour of martyrs , pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . clark 's first volume of lives , pag. . ward , pag. . fox vol pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . clarks martyrology &c. pag. . of his life . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag : . fox vol. . pag . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . , . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . clark's first volume of lives , pag. . leigh's sain●s encouragements in evil times . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . clarks first volume of lives , p. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . clarks second volume of lives . fox , vol. . p. , . fox , vol. . pag. . w●rd , pag. . ward , pag. . cl●●ks fi●st v●lum● of lives , pag. . fox v●● . . pag. . the mirrour of marty●s , pag. . fox , vol. ▪ pag. . ward , pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . she his life before his second vol. of acts and monun . fox , vol. : pag. . see the preface to vo● pisces , or the book-fish . it was found in the maw of a codfish in cambridge market , . and printed . a prep . to the cross. pag. , . pag. . pag. . see also ch . . of the prep . l. . a prepar . pag. , pag. . pag. . pag. , , . psal. . psal. . pag. , , &c. pag. , , &c. pag. , &c. a pr●p . to the cross , pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . see cha . . of the prep . to the cross , l. . and c. . l. . see pag. pag. . . pag. , &c. see also chap. . l. . see p. , &c. of the preparation , &c. pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . see page , &c. pag. , . see the glass to know thy self , p. , , &c. hag. . see his works , pag. , . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. , . fox , vol. . pag. . clark's first volume of lives , p. , &c. fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . . clarks martyrology pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . see mr. gilby 's admonition to england and scotland to call them to repentance , printed at geneva , . pag. . pag. . deut. . isa. . pag. . deut. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . mat. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . josh. . see it at the end of the dialogue . fox , vol . cont . p. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . john . cor. . luke . pag. . iohn . acts . iohn . chr. . luke . phil. . mat. . pag. . pag. . acts . rom. . rom. . iohn . psal. . pag. . ward , pag. . see his sermon on act. . . enlarged and printed at geneva . . pag. , &c. pag. . pag. . pag. . mat. . pag. . mat. . pag. . mat. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . psal. . pag. . isa. . pag. . pag. . pag. . clarks marty●ology pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . cont . pag. . pag. . psa. . . fox , vol. . com. pag. cor. . tim. . . deut. . . see pag. , , , . pag. . phil. . ● . rom. . . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . fox . vol. . pag . pag. . rom. . iames . pag. . pag. . tim. . cor. . luke . ephes. . pag. . tim. . fox , vol. . pag. , , &c. pag. . pag. . rom. . pag. . luke . pag. ● . psa. . mat. . psal. . mat. . heb. . mat. . isa. . luke . mat. . pag. . mat. . iohn . eph. . luke . clark's second vol. of lives , p. , &c. fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . p. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . rev l. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . the eccles. hist. of scorl . p. . fox , vol. . pag. . scot. hist. pag. . pag. . vol. . pag. . pag. . iohn . rom. . galat. . iohn . pag. . rom. . pag. . pag. . pag. . see the preface before the eccles. hist. of scotland . fox , vol. . pag . fox , vol. pag. . pag. . pag. . cor. . pag. . mark pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. ▪ pag. . prov. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . p. . fox , vol. . cont . p. . psal. . mat. . . iohn . . fox , vol. . pag. ● . pag. . pag. . fox vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . clarks mart. of eccl. hist. pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . petrie's church hist. cent. . p. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . see his declaration of christ and his office , printed at zurick an . see his declaration of the ten holy commandments of almighty god , printed a. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . deut. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. : pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . see cabal . p. , . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . mat. . luke . iohn . pag. . pag. . pag. . col. . luke . pag. . pag. . gen. . gal. . luke . col. . pag. . pag. . mat. . mat. . cor. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol . pag. . mat. . ephes. . luke . mat. . kin. . iohn . iohn . , . luke . pag. . lev. . tim. . m●● . . pet. . phil. . rev. . matt. . pag. . revel . . pet. . ioh. ep. . luke . mal. . heb. . luke . iohn . cor. . psa. . hebr. . revel . . revel . . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . fox vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. ▪ . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . clarks first volume of lives , pag. . leigh's saints encouragements in evil times-out of luther 's pref●ce before daniel . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . mat. . pag. . pag. . luke . iam. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward 's living speeches , &c. pag. . notes for div a -e ps. . . psal. . , . psal. . , . notes for div a -e fox , vol. . cont . p. . clark 's first volume of lives , pag. , . v. mella patrum collect . per f. rous. pag. , . pag. . pag. . clark , pag. . rous , pag. . pag. . pag. . quid mihi neile ●ix ▪ ego novi . et diaboli ●ormenta . pag. . pag. . pag. . clark , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . p. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . vol. . pag. . the mirrour of the martyrs . pag. . burro●gh's on moses self denial , pag. . the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . the eccl●siastical history of scotland in folio , pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . d●u● . . ps. . . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . see his life set before the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . see this admonition at the end of the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . pag. . iohn . pag. . mark . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . exod. . , &c. pag. . exod. . pag. . pag. . pag. . luke . pag. . pag. . pag. . mat. . rev. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ☜ pag. . ☜ pag. . pag. . ☞ pag. . isa. . see the history of t●oubles at frankford , pag. . . and the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. , . the ecclesiastical history of scotland pag. , . pag. . pag. . see this letter with the additions at the end of the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . mat. . iohn . . isa. . pag. . pag. . mat. . pag. . pag. . deut. . & . mat. . deut. . & . rev. . the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . pag. . see his appellation at the end of the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ier. . pag. . pag. . ier. . pag. . acts . , , & . pag. . pag. . pag. . see pag. . to pag. . pag. , . deut. . deut. . & . pag. . deut. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . kings . pag. . pag. . iohn . & . acts . iohn . iohn . pag. . 〈◊〉 . exod. . pag. ● . pag. . the eccles. hist. of scotland , pag. , , . pag. . pag. . pag. . . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . iohn . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ☞ pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . see his life before the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . see the sermon it self at the end of the said history , p. . pag. . pag. see his life before the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ward , pag. , . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . thes. . iohn . pag. . pag. . pag. , . tim. . pet. . pag. . pag. . acts . acts . , . pag. . titus . pag. . ●ev . . pet. . ●phes . . p●g . . cor. . mat. . pag. . pag. . iohn . acts . pag. . acts . isa. . fuller's eccles h●st . cent. . l. . pog . . fox , vol. . pag. . see his eccles. hist cent. . l. . pag. . see his worthies of england pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . see none but christ. fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fuller 's ecclesiastiastical history , cent. . l. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . rom. . pag. . phil. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . matt. . hieron . tom. . in ieremiam , c. . pag. . pag. . matt. . pag. . matt. . matt. . matt. . iohn . matt. . pag. . iohn . ☜ pag. . ☞ pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . iohn . pag. . ☞ pag. . pag. . pag. . col. . tim. . rev. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . p. , . pag. . gal. . iohn . fox . vol. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . see his epistle to the reader , before the first tome of his works , printed at jena , an. . see the first tome of his works , fol. . fol. . clark 's first volume of lives , pag. . see his works , tom : . fol. . see his works , tom. . fol. . oper. tom. . fol. . fol. . see his works , vol. . fol. . see his works , tom. . fol. . fol. , . fol. . ☞ fol. . fol. . fol. fol. . fol. . fol. . thes. . gal. . fol. . act● ● see his works , tom . fol. . fol. . fol. . fol. . mr. cla●k saith he concludes , that he returned to wittenberg under stronger protection then the elector could give him ; for ( saith he ) god alone can order and prom●te the truth without any mans helping hand ; therefore in this cause , he that most strongly trusts to gods assistance , he most surely defends himself and others . see his relation of luther 's life , p. . fol. . fol. . fol. . fol. . clarks first volume of lives , pag. . fol. . clarks first volume of lives , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . clark , ● pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . thee o christ have i taught , thee have i trusted , thee have i loved , into thy hands i commend my spirit , ward , pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . acts and mon. vol. . pag. . see m. clark in the life of myconius , pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fuller 's englands wo●●●es in b●●kshire . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. ●● . fuller , &c. pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. ▪ cont . pag. . clark 's first vol. of lives , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . the mirrour of martyrs , pag . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ☞ acts . acts ●● . iam. . mat. . mat. . thes. . tim. . acts . mat. . mat. . mark . thes. . tim. . cor. . pet. . pag. . mat. . hebr. . iohn . hebr. . iohn . pag. . acts . matth. . acts . phil. . . c●r . . iohn . coll. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ward , pag. . fuller 's englands worthies in huntshire . pag. . ward , pag. . clarks first volume of lives , pag. . pag. . pag. , . see luthers works , tom. . fol. . pag. . 〈◊〉 pag. ▪ pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . for martyr . v●l. . com . p. . fox . vol. . pag. . pag. . see the ecclesiastical history of scotland , praef. pag. penult . see the mirrour of martyrs , pag. . ☜ pag. . hab. . heb. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . tim. . cor. . matth. . see his life in melch. ●dam . pag. . . ward , pag. . ward , pag. ▪ . fox , vol. . con● . pag. . hebr. . . matt. ● . . matt. ● . . pag. . matt. . . pag. . matt. . . matt. . ●● iob . . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . mat. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . p. . mat. . . iohn . . tim. . . phil. . . mat. . , . pet. . . heb. . . cor. . . rom. . . heb. . prov. . , . acts . . phil. . . rom. . . pag. . lam. . . psal. . . pet. . , , , . fox , vol. . pag. . see his life in clarks marrow of eccles. hist. pag. . whites little bo●k for children , p. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . clark , pag. . psal. . . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . iullus & palma● slorebit . shaw 's tomb-stone , pag. . see his life in clark 's first volume of lives , pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox . vol. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . cont . pag. . ward , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . s●e mr. cl●rks first 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , p . &c. melchior . adam . in vita ejus , pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . the history of the worthies of england , p. , . fox , vol. . pag. . ward , pag. . fox . vol. . cont . pag. . vide vitam ejus a theophilo b●●●sio descriptam in p. r comment . de relig. christ. see the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. pag. pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . luke . gal. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . the other two he means are the protamartyr rogers , and the exile grindal . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . rev. . mat. . mark s. rev. . pag. . mat. . pag. . pag. . deut. . cor. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . acts . pag. . ier. . iohn . acts . acts . acts . acts . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . euseb. e●c● . h●st . g● . & lat. pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . pag. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . fox , vol. . pag. . the mirrour of martyrs , pag. . the ecclesiastical history of scotland , pag. . foo , vol. . cont . pag. . the church history clear'd from the roman forgeries and corruptions found in the councils and baronius in four parts : from the beginning of christianity, to the end of the fifth general council, / by thomas comber ... comber, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the church history clear'd from the roman forgeries and corruptions found in the councils and baronius in four parts : from the beginning of christianity, to the end of the fifth general council, / by thomas comber ... comber, thomas, - . [ ], , [ ], , [ ] p. printed for samuel roycroft, for robert clavell ..., london : . third and fourth parts have special t.p. and separate pagination. running title of parts i and ii: roman forgeries in the councils. numerous errors in paging. advertisement: p. [ ] at end. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng baronio, cesare, - . -- annules ecclesiastici. catholic church -- controversial literature. literary forgeries and mystifications. councils and synods. church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the church history clear'd from the roman forgeries and corruptions found in the councils and baronius : in four parts . from the beginning of christianity , to the end of the fifth general council , . by thomas comber , d. d. dean of durham . for we have not followed cunningly devised fables , pet. i. . london . printed by samuel roycroft , for robert clavell at the peacock at the west-end of s. pauls , . imprimatur , martii . / . t. alston r. p. d. hen. episc . lond. à sacris domesticis . to the most reverend father in god , thomas , ( by divine providence ) lord arch-bishop of york , primate of england , and metropolitan . may it please your grace , there is nothing more pleasant in it self , nor more vseful to those of the sacred function , than the study of ecclesiastical antiquity : but yet many of that order have not the advantage or the opportunity to acquire this knowledge from the original authors , and therefore are forced to seek it in the roman editions of the councils , and the modern historians of that church : where every thing is misrepresented and placed in so false a light , that its hard to find out what is truth . some of the genuine remains of antiquity they have concealed , but they have falsified and altered more , and added so much to the primitive records , especially in the first four centuries , that near three parts of four ( both in baronius and the councils ) are modern forgeries , manifest legends , and impertinent excursions into sophistical vindications , of the later doctrins and practices of rome . it would therefore be a work worthy of this excellent church in so learned an age , to make an acurate collection of that , and only that which is true and certain in the primitive history and councils . 't is true , divers eminent men have made some steps toward it ; but it is too great an vndertaking for any one man to accomplish , as appears by that generous project of dr. thomas james , proposed to the most learned primate of ireland , to employ a select company of both universities , with due assistances and encouragement for the perfecting this design : wherefore in the mean time , it may be serviceable to gather together some materials for so noble a purpose , and that first encouraged me to make these observations as i was reading the annals of baronius with the councils : which i have ( by the advice of some of my friends ) methodically digested in this little tract ; and i hope it may be useful , not only to direct such as apply themselves to this kind of study , but also to confirm others of our own communion in their firm adherence to their excellent religion , when they see so many plain evidences , that all the roman churches pretences to antiquity ( both in doctrin and worship ) are founded on , and maintained by little else , but those forgeries and corruptions , by which they imposed upon the ignorant and easie world for six or seven centuries together . these pious frauds ( as they counted them ) did indeed then advance their interest , and establish their errors ; but now when they are detected by this discerning generation , they prove their utter shame ; and did not secular advantages and implicit faith , or fear and inquisitions hinder those under their yoke from being acquainted , or however from owning these unfaithful actings of their spiritual guides ; these discoveries would not only secure our people , but make many converts from them. but ( my lord ) whatever the work or the success be , i am obliged to lay it at your graces feet , as the first thing i have made public since your graces happy advancement to the government of this church , whereof i am a member , and wherein by your graces influence i shall study to serve the primitive-protestant-church of england . which i beseech almighty god to defend from all its enemies , and long to preserve your grace , to be a support and an honour to it . so prays , my lord , your graces most dutiful son and servant , tho : comber . york , aug. . . the introduction . when campian long ago undertook to defend the roman cause , he boasted , that he was strengthned with the firm and powerful guard of all the councils , and that all the general councils were on his side a . which vain brag the writers from the roman church do frequently repeat to this very day . but he that with judgment and diligence shall peruse their own allowed editions of the councils , will easily discover the falshood of this assertion : for there is such adding and expunging , such altering and disguising things in the body of the councils , and such excusing , falsifying , and shuffling in the notes , that a judicious reader will soon perceive these venerable records , truly set down and explained , do not favour them . but these corruptions are carried on with such confidence and cunning , that an unexeperienced and unwary student , may be imposed on by this specious shew of venerable antiquity : for their sakes therefore , it 's necessary to take a short view of that fraud and policy , which is so commonly made use of in those editions of the councils which pass through the roman mint , especially in those which are in most use among us , viz. the edition of severinus binius b , and that of labbé and cossartius c , wherein binius his notes are printed verbatim . which useful design was begun by a learned and ingenious gentleman , in a tract entituled roman forgeries , printed at london , an. : but that author doth not follow the exact order of time , nor doth he go much beyond the nicene council , and even in that period he left out many plain instances ; and whereas he died , before he had proceeded any further ; i resolved to begin where he left off : but for methods sake , and to make thid discourse more entire , i have begun with the first century , and so proceeded according to the order of the several councils ( only writing more briefly upon the three first centuries , which were largely treated of in that author before ) deducing the account of these impostures down to the end of the fourth century , and shewing ( as i go along ) what artifices have been used by the editors and annotator to dress up these ancient evidences , so as to make them look favourably upon their great diana , the supremacy and other corruptions of the roman church . to this end they have published many spurious councils , many counterfeit canons and forged decretals ; and for such as are genuine , they have frequently altered the text , both by additions and diminutions , and have so disguised the sense by partial and fallacious notes , that it will be evident ( by the remarks here made upon them ) their business in the publishing these volumes , was not to promote the truth , but to serve a party . nor can any thing else be expected from binius his notes , which ( as he owns in his preface ) he took out of baronius , bellarmin and possevin : the design of which three men ( saith richerius an ingenuous sorbon doctor ) is evident to all men to have been no other , but to prove the pope was appointed by christ to be the absolute monarch , and infallible judge of his church d . and since the notes chiefly follow baronius , we have , as we go along , in every period noted several of the designed falshoods , and of the contradictions , errors and mistakes in his annals . which history is so full of forgeries , false quotations , and feigned tales to set up the credit of the roman church , and its corrupt opinions and practices , that to discover them all would require almost as many volumes as his annals make : so that we must content our selves with some of the plainest instances which fall into this matter of the councils , and will set them in a clear light , and shew they are as contrary to reason , as they are to true history . which vndertaking we hope will be many ways useful : first , it will tend to the ease of those who intend to read over the tomes of the councils , or the annals of baronius , and save them much time and pains by presenting the principal errors of those great volumes at one view , which they would spend a long time in searching after , if they were to gather them up as they lye dispersed . secondly , it may be very useful to those who desire to be rightly informed in the controversies between us and the roman church , because it will give them a clear prospect of what councils and other antiquities are authentic , and may be allowed for evidence in this dispute ; wherein our adversaries have so little regard to their own honour , that generally one half of their evidence is such as they have either forged or corrupted . thirdly , it will be necessary ( by way of antidote ) to prepare those , who by reading books so full of infection , may by these plausible falsifications be in danger to be seduced into a great esteem of the opinions and practices of the roman church ; when they find so many seemingly ancient tracts and councils brought in to justifie her in all things , and see ( by this false light ) all ecclesiastical history and records so modelled , as to perswade their readers , that in the purest christian times , all things were believed and done in the catholic church just as they are now at rome . but when it shall appear , that all this is a continued series and train of impostures , it will render their notions and practices , not only suspected , but odious , as needing such vile and base artifices , to make them seem agreeable to true antiquity . to this it may be objected , that divers of the modern writers of this church , and especially the most learned , do now own divers of these forgeries which we here detect to have been spurious , and therefore it seems needless to prove that which they have already granted us . i reply , that none of them own all these corruptions , and divers of their authors cite them very confidently to this very day , and still the things themselves stand in their most approved editions of councils , and the remarks are only in marginal notes . but since they were believed in those ages , while their supremacy and other novel doctrins were setting up , and were urged for good proofs , till these opinions had taken root ; it is not satisfaction enough to renounce that evidence , of which they now have no more need , unless they disclaim the doctrins also to which they first gave credit : and till they do this , it is fit the world should know by what false evidence they first gained these points . for , if a man should get an estate by bribing his iury and his witnesses , it is not enough for him to confess these persons were suborned , unless he restore the ill gotten lands ; and till he restore them , he ought to be upbraided with his bribery , even after he hath acknowledged it . secondly , it may be alledged , that junius , river and daillé abroad ; perkins , cook and james at home ; have taken great pains on this subject , and that the learned author of the historieal examination of the authority of general councils , printed at london , . hath already handled this argument . i answer , that the six former are chiefly concerned in the tracts of particular fathers , and make few remarks on the councils : the last indeed keeps close to the great councils , but passes over the small ones ; and any who compares this discourse with that , will find the design , the method and instances so different , that this discourse will still be useful in its kind , as that will be also : for here , in an acurate order , all the frauds of that church are put together throughout every century , not only what have been observed by others , but many now first taken notice of , and not observed before . and indeed , the instances of these frauds are so many , that we have been forced to give but brief touches upon divers of the particulars , and could neither enlarge upon single instances , nor adorn the style ; our business being chiefly to direct the younger students in ecclesiastical antiquity ; and if our remakrs be but so clear as to be understood by , and useful to them , we have our aim . and it is hoped this may suffice to prove , that the genuine records of councils do condemn the modern doctrin , worship and discipline of the roman church , and that whatever in these editions of them seems to countenance those things , are forgeries and corruptions devised on purpose to set a false gloss upon their modern inventions . the methodical discovery whereof may convince any unprejudiced man , that ours is the truly ancient and catholic religion , and theirs a device of later times , which cannot be rendred any way agreeable to the primitive writings , without innumerable impostures and falsifications . a brief account of the roman forgeries , in the volumes of the councils , for the first three centuries . part i. chapter i. of the forgeries in the first century . § . . the volumes of the councils in the edition of labbe and cossartius , begin with divers tracts ; and in binius's edition with several epistles , designed to prepossess the reader with false notions of the popes supreme power over councils , and his parties high reverence for them , as also of the protestants having corrupted or else rejected the greatest part of them : but this whole discourse will sufficiently shew the notorious untruth , both of their boasting concerning their own side , and of their censures concerning ours . in the account of scripture councils , where they pretend to recite the words of scripture , they add , for to give colour to their new supremacy , that peter stood up , as the principal and head a ; and again , as the supreme and head b . s. luke in the acts , chap. vi. . saith , the twelve apostles gave the multitude leave to elect seven deacons . binius's notes say , they had this leave by the favour and grant of peter c . s. luke , chap. xv. declares , that the question about circumcision was finally determined by s. james , who also cited scripture for his determination , ver . , . but binius's notes say , this matter was determined , not by scripture , but by the suffrage of the apostles , and by the judgment of peter d . the same notes a little after tell us , that this council committed the care of the circumcised converts to peter e ; which was a poor preferment for that apostle , if christ had made him supreme head , and committed to him long before the care of the whole catholic church . to these passages of holy scripture the editors have tacked a sabulous story of the assumption of the virgin mary f ; but they do not cite one genuine ancient author , to prove it : that book which bears the title of dionysius areopagitus being invented many ages after , as learned men on all sides now agree . § . . that ancient collection of canons , which were decreed by the apostolical men in divers synods held during the times of persecution , is published by these editors under the title of the canons of the holy apostles ; and their notes affirm , they were made by the authority of the apostles g ; yet they are not agreed either about their number or authority . they print lxxxiv canons ; but the notes say , only the first fifty of them are authentic , but the rest may and ought also to be received , since they contain nothing ( two of them excepted , viz. the th and th canons , which contradict the roman church ) but what is approved by some popes , councils and fathers h . now , if ( as they say ) the apostles made them , their church hath been very negligent to lose the certain account of their number , and it is not very modest to pretend to try the apostles decrees by popes councils and fathers ; yet it is plain they make no distinction between the first fifty and the following thirty four , rejecting all that oppose their present doctrine and practice , as may be seen in these instances . the sixth canon forbids a bishop , priest or deacon ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to put away , or be divorced from his wife on pretence of religion : the notes pervert the sense of this canon , as if it only forbid clergy men to cast off the care of providing for their wives ; and prove this sense i by a false title , which dionysius exiguus put to this canon in his version many centuries after , and by an epistle of pope clement the first , which all men own now to be spurious , and by an epistle of pope gregory , who lived in the year ; as if the sense of dionysius and pope gregory , when single life was superstitiously pressed upon the clergy , were good proof , that clergy men did not live with their wives many ages before that superstitious opinion was heard of . 't is certain the greek clergy are married and cohabit with their wives , according to this apostolical canon , and the fifteenth canon of the sixth general council : and it is not unpleasant to observe , that these notes cite the second council of nice , to prove there were no canons made in the sixth general council ; yet that very nicene council often quotes , and highly approves the d canon of the sixth general council , as giving some countenance to their image-worship . so that their wresting this canon apostolical from its genuine meaning k upon such slight and false evidence , is in effect rejecting it . the ninth canon orders all the clergy and laity who are in the church , to receive the sacrament , unless they have a just excuse l : but the roman church allows the people generally to stand by and look on ; and therefore though this be one of the authentic canons before said by them to be made by the apostles , after some shuffling to restrain it ( contrary to the very words of the canon ) only to the clergy : the notes say , this whole decree was made only by human , not by divine authority , and is now abrogated by a contrary custom . so that if a canon of the apostles themselves contradict a corrupt practice of their church , it must be abrogated and rejected . the th canon saith , he that keeps a concubine shall not be in any order of the clergy . the notes cite some of their doctors , who affirm , that this crime doth not make a clerk irregular m ; and , that this canon is now revoked . the annotator himself is of opinion , it is only public keeping a concubine , by reason of the infamy which makes a clergy-mans orders void : wherefore such sinners have now more favourable casuists at rome , than the apostles or apostolical men were . the th canon , though it have as good evidence for it as any of the rest , is rejected by the notes n ; because it forbids men to fast on saturday , which is now a fasting-day at rome . the notes say , no father mentions this canon ; but presently own , that ignatius , clemens romanus , the canons of the sixth general council , gregory nyssen , and anastasius nicaenus , ( to which we add tertullian o , ) do all speak of saturday , as a day on which fasting was forbid . the notes confess also , that the eastern-church , and the church of milan in s. ambrose time , allowed not fasting upon saturday p ; yet after all , they will not grant this canon to be genuine , only because it is very unlikely that the church of rome should contradict a canon of the apostles , whereas we have already seen , it makes no scruple to contradict them , if they agree not with their practice . the notes indeed say , but without any proof , that rome received the saturday fast from peter and paul ; yet they grant soon after , that after the heresie of marcion was extinct , the roman church did not only lawfully , but piously fast on saturday . so that this was a private custom of the roman church , in which it differed from all other churches , and they know not when it began , nor who it came from ; yet for such a customs sake they reject an apostolical canon . the th canon expresly enjoyns the wednesday fast ; and the notes say , that many fathers mention it as of ancient institution ; yea , these notes affirm , it was certainly a fast of the apostles instituting , being observed by the whole church , and not appointed by any council , but spoken of by authors of greatest antiquity q . well then , i hope the roman church ( whose customs are all said to be apostolical ) do keep this wednesday fast ; they tell you , no : this wednesday fast in their church is changed into the saturday fast : and so farewel to this canon also . lastly the th canon gives us a canon of scripture , which doth not agree with the trent canon , for it rejects ecclesiasticus from being canonical , and mentions not wisdom , tobit , judith , nor ( in old copies r ) the book of machabees , which the roman church now say are canonical scripture : and this is the true reason why the notes reject this canon s : they alledge indeed some other frivilous reasons , such as , the leaving out the revelations , and putting in clements constitutions : but it seems very probable to me , that it was not the greeks ( as the notes suggest ) but that impostor ( who gave these canons a false title and called them the apostles canons ) which for carrying on his pious fraud , left out the revelations , being not written at that time , when he would have us believe these canons were made ; and he also put in the constitutions , which are forged in the name of the apostles , who were to be set up as authors also of these canons : and if that were so , this th canon being cleared from those two corruptions , is an ancient and very authentic record of the true and genuine books of holy scripture , but the romanists reject it , as being a good evidence against their new trent canon . § . to these canons are joyned a pretended council of the apostles at antioch , first put into the tomes of the councils , by binius , and continued by labbè t ; one canon of which allows christians to make an image of christ : but this notorius , and improbable forgery was never heard of in any author , till that infamous second nicene council , which wanting proofs for image-worship from genuine antiquity , impudently feigned such authorities as this pretended council . § . . the pontifical or lives of the popes ( which begins here ) bears the title of pope damasus ; but the notes say damasus was not author of it , being evidently patched up out of two different authors , containing contradictions almost in every popes life . so that no account is to be made of a writing so different from it self u : now if this be ( as it certainly is ) a true character of the pontifical , why do these editors print it ? why do the notes so often cite it as good hisstory ? why do their divines quote it as good authority to prove their modern corruptions to have been primitive rites w ? since it is a manifest legend , and contained at first nothing but the bare names and continuance of the several popes ; and was filled up by isidore mercator , who forged the decretal epistles , with many improbable fictions unsuitable both to the men and times , for which they were invented , and designed to be a ground for those decretal epistles ; and to make the world believe , that all the popes were considerable for their actions in all ages , as dr. peirson hath excellently proved in his learned post humous dissertation x : yet not only these editors of the councils print this corrupt legend , but their very breviaries and missals generally appoint the lessons out of it , on the festivals of these ancient popes ; publishing in the very church in time of divine service , these fictions for the true ground of the peoples devotions on those days : i confess binius out of baronius hath notes upon every pope ' s life , and rejects commonly some part of it ; but then it is such passages as no way concern the opinion or practice of the present roman church : for the passages which do agree thereto ( though equally false ) he generally defends , yea cites them to prove their modern faith and usages : but as we come to the several popes lives , which these editors make the grand direction in ecclesiastical chronology , we shall observe the many and gross errors contained in it ; we begin with the life of s. peter , whom if we do allow to have been at rome , as this author reports , yet we cannot believe he ordained three bishops for his successors there in his life-time , viz. linus , cletus and clement : nor that he was buried in three several places , in apollo ' s temple , and besides nero ' s pallace in the vatican , and besides the triumphal territory , which this fabulous writer affirms : nor will the annotator admit that s. peter could be crucified by nero in the th year after christ ' s passion , which was three years almost after nero's own death . § . . the next place , ( ever since p. crabs edition ) is by the roman editors allotted to a treatise of the popes supremacy y , writ of late times by some manifest sycophant of the roman church , yet placed here among the venerable antiquities of the apostolic age , to clap a false biass on the unwary reader ; and make him apt to believe ( that which richerius said is the main design of bellarmin , baronius and possevine in all their works , viz. ) that the pope was made by christ the infallible and absolute monarch of the church z ; but the tract it self makes out this high claim , chiefly by the decretal epistles , which are now confessed to be forgeries ; and by the sayings of popes , who were not to be believed in their own case a : to which are added some few fragments of the fathers falsly applied , and certain false arguments , which have been confuted a thousand times . so that the placing this treatise here , serves only to shew the editors partiality to promote a bad cause . § . . the pontifical places linus as s. peters successor ; but the notes confess , that the fathers are not agreed about it b : they own that tertullian , epiphanius and ruffinus make clement to succeed peter ; and the 〈◊〉 learned bishop of chester proves , linus was dead before peter c . irenaeus doth not say ( as the notes falsly cite him , ) that linus succeeded peter in the government of the universal church d ; but only that peter and paul delivered the administration of that church to him , which they had founded at rome ; which they might do in their life time , while they went to preach in other places : the epistle of ignatius to mary cassibolite , and the verses attributed to tertullian , which they bring for proof of this succession , are confessed to be spurious tracts : st. hierom is dubious , and upon the whole matter , there is no certainty who was bishop of rome next to the apostles , and therefore the romanists build on an ill bottom , when they lay so great weight on their personal succession . § . . the like blunder there is about the next pope : the fabulous pontifical makes cletus succeed linus , and gives us several lives of cletus and anacletus , making them of several nations , and to have been popes at different times , putting clement between them . yet the aforesaid learned bishop of chester , proves these were only two names of the same person e ; but the notes attempt to justifie the forged pontifical , by impudently affirming f that ignatius , ( anacletus contemporary ) irenaeus , eusebius , st. augustine and optatus , were all mistaken , or all wronged by their transcribers , who leave out cletus : but every candid reader will rather believe the mistake to be in the pontifical ( which is a meer heap of errors ) and in the roman martyrology and missal , which blindly follow it , rather than in those eminent and ancient fathers : and every one may see the folly of the romish church , which venerates two several saints , on two several days , one of which never had a real being ; for cletus is but the abbreviation of anacletus his name . § . . after this we have the life of clement , wherein the pontifical makes him succeed cletus , under those consuls which were in office the next year after s. peter's martyrdom , though he had assigned years to linus and cletus , his pretended predecessors g ; which years must all be expired in one years compass , if this account be true ; and one would admire the stupidity of this author , who though he had placed s. peters death so many years before clement's entrance , as to leave room for two intermediate popes ; yet here again repeats his old fable of s. peters delivering the bishopric of rome to clement ; a sufficient proof there is neither truth nor certainty in the pretended personal succession of the first popes . § . . from this pope clement down to the time of syricius , who lived years after him , there are printed in these editors , after every popes life , divers decretal epistles , pretended to be writ by the several popes , and vindicated by binius's notes annexed to them : which were received in the western church for many hundred years together as the genuine decrees of these ancient and pious popes , transcribed into the canon law ; and cited for many ages to justifie the usurpations , and defend the corruptions of the roman church , to determine causes and decide controversies in religion : and yet they are all notorious forgeries ; so that since learning was revived , divers of the most eminent roman writers have rejected them . card. cusanus affirms , that being compared with the times in which they are pretended to have been writ , they betray themselves h . baronius calls them , late invented evidences of no credit , and apocryphal i ; yea , labbé and cossartius have in their edition a learned preface to them , proving them to be forged k : and in their margin write almost against every epistle , this is suspected ; this is isidores wares , &c. and also note the very places of authors who lived long after these times , out of which large passages in them are stollen verbatim . which clear confession of our adversaries may make some think it needless to confute them , and unnecessary to charge this forgery upon the roman church : but i cannot think it sit wholly to pass them by ; because turrian the jesuit had the confidence to defend them all as genuine ; and binius in his edition , not only vindicates them by a general preface l , but by particular notes labours to prove most of them authentic ; and labbé himself prints those notes at large in his edition , so that such as do not look into his margen , may be deceived . besides , this confession of some romanists comes too late to compensate for the injury done to the truth , by their churches approving them so long : and they still keep up the supremacy , and all their corrupt practices and opinions , which were set up and cherished by these forgeries ; they now take away the scaffolds , when the building can stand alone ; they execute the traytor , but enjoy freely the benefit of his treason . moreover , while some romanists condemn them , others go on to cite them for good authority : harding brags , he had proved many points of faith by the epistles of clement damasus , julius melchiades , pontianus , sixtus , soter , and symmachus m : dr. tho. james shews the particular corrupt doctrines and practices , which the late roman writers defend by the spurious epistles of clement , marcellus , marcus , and hormisda n : and the learned cook with infinite diligence , hath cited the very places of the modern champions for the roman opinions , and shewed what doctrines and practices they do maintain by these forged epistles o . it is also well known , that the late scriblers for that religion do follow bellarmin and others , in citing these decretals for good authority , and that the canon law is in a great measure composed out of these epistles ; by which , causes are determined at this day in all popish countries : therefore till the romanists raze them and the notes in their defence , out of the volumes of the councils , and expunge all the false notions taken hence , out of their canon law ; yea , and leave citing them in their disputes with us , we cannot think it needless to shew the apparent forgery of them ; but we will not enlarge so as to disprove the particulars , but put together here our evidence against them all . § . . these epistles , though pretended to be writ in the first four centuries , were never heard of in the world till near years after christ : about which time came out a collection of councils under the name of isidore hispalensis ; but whereas he died an. , and this collector mentions the xith council of toledo and the sixth general council , which were held near fifty years after , this appears not to be the work of that isidore , but of one isidore mercator , and it was first brought into france by riculphus b. of mentz , in which collection these decretal epistles first appeared ; but the learned hincmarus of rheims immediately discerned them to be an imposture , and writ against them , as baronius confesseth p : but though he own the cheat , he is not willing to grant the roman church had any hand in it , yet that is as clear as the forgery ; because hincmarus was hated and prosecuted by the pope , and forced at last to recant his censure of these epistles ; and not long after benedictus levita having transcrib'd divers passages out of them into his capitulars , got them confirmed at rome , which could not but cherish so advantagious a fiction that supported the supremacy , which they then did so hotly stickle for ; and therefore though they came first to the birth in spain ; some conjecture they were all hatched at rome , whose evil designs and interest they are contrived to serve : but the age was so ignorant when they were invented , that there is such infamous and convincing marks of forgery upon them , as makes it very easie to prove the cheat beyond any possibility of doubting ; and we will here put the principal of them together under their proper heads . § . . first , the style of these decretals shews they were not writ within the four first centuries , wherein ( at rome especially ) they writ latin in a much more elegant style than is to be found here , where the phrases are modern , harsh , and sometimes barbarous , so that the reader is often puzled to reconcile them either to grammar or sense : as for example , pope victor's second epistle q , which of old began with enim , and was mended by binius with semper enim ; but still there is false latin in it , viz. aliquos nocere fratres velle r . the like barbarous style may be observed in the two epistles of pontianus s , and in many others : but the genuine epistles of cornelius , preserved in eusebius and s. cyprian t , are writ in a more polite style ; and as labbé notes , these epistles shew how much good mony differs from counterfeit , and how much gold excels counters : the like difference there is between the style of that genuine epistle of clement to the corinthians u , and those silly forgeries put out in his name in the very front of these decretals w ; from whence it undeniably follows , that the decretals were not writ in the ages wherein the latin tongue flourished , nor by those popes whose names they bear . and this is further manifest by divers words , which were not used in the time of these popes , but are often put into these epistles : such is religiositas for piety , and universitas for the world , in the decretals of dionysius x ; such is miles for a servant , and senior for a lord , in the decrees of pope pius y , which are words not heard of till the time of the french empire , in that sense : such is the phrase of making oblation to redeem mens sins , and the name of the mass in fabian's decrees z . pope gaius his decretal epistle mentions pagans , but that name was not used for the gentils till optatus milevitanus his time , who first used it in that sense , saith baronius a . moreover , innumerable places in these epistles mention primates and patriarchs , arch-bishops and metropolitans , &c. which words were not used in the christian church in the time of those popes , who are pretended to have writ about them ; as for example , the first epistle of clement b , the second epistle of anacletus c , and many others ; but no christian writer ever used the word patriarch for a christian bishop till socrates scholasticus , who writ an. d . in like manner we find the word apocrisary in anacletus's first epistle e , and also in the second epistle of zepherine f ; yet meursius in his glossary cannot find any elder authority for it than constantine's donation ( forged after that emperor's time ) , and owns the name was not heard of before , gloss . p. . the name of archdeacon also is in clements second epistle g , and in pope lucius's decrees h ; but the office and title did not come into the church till many years after : and finally , the name of a diocesan for a christian bishop , is put into calixtus second epistle i , but was not used in that sense till long after his time . all which prove these epistles were writ in the later barbarous ages , and not in the time of those popes , whose names they bear . § . . the same may be proved secondly , by the matter of these epistles , which is no way suitable to those grave and pious popes , who lived in times when the church was pestered with heresies , and oppressed with persecutions ; yet these epistles do not either confute those heresies , nor comfort the christians under persecutions ; but speak great words of the roman supremacy , and of appeals , of the exemption and priviledges of bishops and clergy men , of splendid altars and rich vessels for divine administrations , and the like , which make it incredible they could be writ in an age of suffering : instances of this we have in clements first epistle k ; where he orders primates and patriarchs , to be placed in such cities as the heathens , of old had arch-flamins in : whereas the heathensthen had flamines and priests in all cities : his third epistle l is directed to all princes greater and less , and commands them to obey their bishops : whereas all princes in the world at that time were gentils : the like absurdity appears in calixtus first epistle , where he gives laws to the emperors and all others professing piety m , as if heliogabulus and caracalla had been under his command : and in the second epistle of sixtus , ano. , who threatens to excommunicate the princes of spain , who spoiled their bishops n , though all princes then were heathens : marcellinus also in a time of persecution , under a heathen emperor gives direction what is to be done by an emperor professing the true faith o ; who can imagin , anacletus anno dom. , should speak of priests in little villages , and of cities which anciently had primates and patriarchs , or tell us in trajans time , that rome had cast away her heathen rites p ? or that he should affirm the christian people were generally enemies to their priests ; and command the bishops to visit the thresholds of s. peter's church ( before it was built q ? ) is it likely euaristus the next pope , should declare , that children could not inherit their parents estates , if they were not baptized by a christian priest r ; or suppose churches and altars consecrated long before the memory of any man in the parish s ? could pope xystus in adrian's persecution brag , that rome was the head over all bishops , and also a refuge to such as were spoiled by christian people t ? were there in pope hyginus time , ( as his decrees pretend ) more churches and larger than the revenue belonging to them could repair u ? is it propable pope pius should complain anno , that christians should sacrilegiously take away whole farms dedicated to pious uses ? yet this complaint is found in his second epistle w ; and binius notes justify this by a forged decretal of urban the first , and by proving that in the time of constantine ( years after ) the heathens had taken houses from the christians : the decree for vailing nuns at years of age must be of later time , because it is certain no nuns were vailed then , nor were any under sixty years old allowed to profess virginity x : when all christians were so constantly present at divine offices , and received the sacrament weekly ; what need was there for pope soter to decree , no priest should say mass unless two were present , and that all should communicate on maunday-thursday y ? how could there be secular laws forbidding the people to conspire against their bishop , as calixtus decretal pretends z ? or how could he mention the laws of the roman and greek emperors , so long before the empire was divided a ? had bishops in pope urbans time power to banish and imprison the sacrilegious ? or had they high seats in the form of a throne , erected for them in churches , as his epistle pretends b ? could the next pope by his decree hinder heathens and enemies to the christian clergy from accusing them ? as the first epistle of pontianus gives out c . antherus epistle charges bishops in those times with changing their churches out of ambition and covetousness d , even while nothing but martyrdom was to be got by being a bishop : and fabian is made to charge the faithful , with spoiling their bishops , and citing them before the lay tribunals e ; which is not credible of the christians of that age : cornelius his genuine epistle saith ; the christians durst not meet at prayers in any known rooms , no not in cellars under ground f . but the pontifical and one of his forged decretals , pretend that this same pope had liberty to bury the apostle s. peter's body in apollo's temple , the vatican and the golden mount , that is , in three places ( i suppose ) at once g : lucius a martyred pope makes it a wonder , that in his days churches should be spoiled of their oblations and ministers vexed h ; pope stephen threatens to make slaves of clerks , who accuse their bishop , and forbids lay-men to complain of the clergy i ; doth it consist with the poverty of those ages , for eutychianus to decree that martyrs should be buried in purple k ? or with its charitv , for the same pope to forbid christians to pray for hereticks l ; when our lord bids them pray for their enemies ? i should tire the reader and my self , if i proceeded to rake together any more instances ; and these may suffice to shew , that these epistles were not writ in those early ages . § . . thirdly , the same may be proved from the many absurdities found in these decretals , arguing the author to be illiterate and ignorant ; whereas the popes , whose names they falsly bear , were prudent and learned men ; however well skilled in holy scripture : yet anacletus is made to say , that the apostles chose the lxx disciples m , which the gospel affirms were chosen by christ himself : he also weakly derives cephas ( the syriac name of peter , signifying a stone ) from the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and saith it signifies a head , and proves peter's supremacy by this silly mistake n : it looks very ridiculously in pope antherus in his epistle to say , it is not fit for one in my mean condition to judge others , nor to say any thing of the ministers of the churches o ; but indeed the forger stole these words out of s. hieroms first epistle to heliodorus , and foolishly applied them to the pope : the decretal of stephen tells the gallican church , what the holy apostolic and universal church had undertaken to observe , as if they had been no part of the universal church p : but nothing is more ridiculous than the foolish expositions of scripture , which popes ought to interpret infallibly ; but these epistles make pope alexander prove , that holy-water doth sanctify , by heb. ix . , . where the ashes of an heifer are said to purify the unclean , and the blood of christ to purge the conscience : and he interprets hos . iv . . where the priests are said to eat up the sins of the people , of blotting out their sins by their prayers q ; pope pius proves bishops are only to be judged by god , because ( john ii. ) christ drove the buyers and sellers out of the temple with his own hands r . pope anicetus proves , priests ought to shave their crowns , because s. paul saith , it is a shame for men to have long hair , cor. xi . s ; which the apostle speaks of lay-men as well as clergy-men , and so the same logic would prove , that lay-men also should shave their crowns . pope soter proves , that nuns must not touch the holy vessels , by s. pauls saying , cor. xi . he had espoused the corinthians ( both men and women ) to one husband , even christ t . pope stephen proves , that bishops cught not to be disturbed , by that place in the psalms , the heavens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his handy work u ; and to name no more , pope foelix is very happy in that he can make out , that we ought not to persecute and disturb our brethren , from rom. v. , . when we were enemies we were reconciled to god by the death of his son : and from math. x. fear not them which can kill the body , &c. he proves , we must not persecute nor disturb preachers and doctors , because their souls do not dye with their bodies w . all these impertinent inferences from holy scripture , shew the forger of these epistles was some ignorant and impudent impostor ; but none can suppose those holy primitive bishops would abuse scripture and themselves at this rate . § . . fourthly , this further appears , from many quotations in these epistles , which are taken verbatim out of authors , that lived and writ long after all these popes were dead , in whose names these epistles are forged ; wherefore they could not write them . now this infallible mark of their forgery appears first , in that these epistles do all generally cite scripture , according to s. hieroms translation * , which was not made in their days ; yet clement in his th and th epistles , euaristus in both his epistles , telesphorus in his decretal , and indeed all the rest of them who have occasion to quote scripture , do use the very words of s. hierom , and that sometimes for a whole page together , as the reader will find by comparing these quotations with the vulgar latin bible . but learned men know that the latin fathers , who lived before s. hierom's translation was extant , used another version very different from that , and even pope cornelius in that genuine epistle of his , which is preserved in s. cyprian , doth not follow s. hierom's translation x ; but his forged ones do : which is a proof undeniable , that he who forged these epistles , lived after s. hierom's translation was grown common . besides ; anacletus is made to cite a long passage verbatim out of s. hierom's epistle to nepotian , which was writ almost years after his time y . pope eleutherius cites a law out of the theodosian code , judicantem cuncta rimari oportet , &c. z , which was made years after this popes death , and this convinced contius and baronius , that this epistle was forged after theodosius his reign ; yet binius hath the impudence to say , perhaps the code borrowed this passage from the epistle ; but labbé is so ashamed of this bold falsehood , that in his margen he writes , binius in this is mistaken ; and he had reason for that note , since this is not the only place in the seigned decretals where the code is cited . labbé owns that the second forged epistle for pope eutychianus quotes a law verbatim out of cod. theod. lib. . tit. 〈◊〉 , & . a . pope zepherine also cites imperial laws and edicts , forbidding men to cite a bishop despoiled of his goods , into any secular judicature , till all were restored b the same passage also is cited out of the secular laws in pope stephen's second epistle c . but it is most certain there could be no such laws in these popes times who lived under pagan emperors ; nor a law to forbid the people to conspire against their bishops , which yet calixtus cites in his second epistle d . moreover , antherus cites a long passage , word for word , out of s. hierom's epistle to heliodorus e ; pope lucius is made to use ( as labbé confesseth ) the words of his successor agatho , in the sixth council of constantinople , years after f : and yet bellarmin cites this place of the forged epistle twice , to prove the pope's infallibility , bell. de rom. pontif. l . c. . & de verb. dei , lib. . cap. . pope sixtus the second , his first epistle is stollen most of it out of ithacius and varimadus , who lived many ages after him g . in eutychianus's first epistle , there are two whole pages transcribed out of his successor , pope leo's th epistle h : and gains his decretal epistle , steals two large passages from the same pope leo's twelfth sermon on the passion , and his th epistle i . finally , whosoever will take pains to observe labbe's margen shall find , that he with great diligence hath marked in the margen of all these forged epistles , the very places of later authors out of which they are stollen , and transcribed by their cheating composer , who patcht them up together out of the writings of s. hilary , s. hierom , pope leo , innocent , gelasius , and gregory , &c. who lived many years after all these popes were dead , which is an unanswerable proof , that they could not be writ by those whose names they bear . § . fifthly , those popes could not but know their own times ; and if they had writ them , they could not have been mistaken in chronology , or in the date of their epistles ; but the forger of them had so little skill in the times for which he invented them , that he is almost every where erroneous in his computation . the two first epistles of clement are written to s. james after s. peter's death ; yet it is confessed by binius , s. james dyed six or seven years before s. peter . binius would solve this by saying , the name of james crept into the title instead of simeon ; but alass ! the name of james is repeated often in the very body of the epistles , and that proves them forged k . the names of the consuls also by which most of these epistles are dated , must have been right if they had been writ by these old bishops of rome , who could not be ignorant of the true consuls in their own time ; but alas ! they are so generally false , that binius in his notes , in vain labours to excuse some few of them , and is forced to own the rest to be false ; so that surius was more cunning to leave all the consuls names out of his edition , because ( he saith ) calvin takes occasion from thence to despise all the epistles l ; and doubtless the dates are as true as the epistles , both having sufficient marks upon them of a modern impostor , unskilled in those times . and it is evident , that the pontifical names the same false consuls , so that either one author forged the popes lives and their epistles , or the inventer of these epistles took the consuls names so constantly from the pontifical , that he imitates him in false-spelling the consuls names , and in joyning men who were never consuls together ; yea , because that fabulous pontifical usually names no consuls , but those in office at every popes entrance and death , this forger of the epistles dates them all either by the first or last consuls of every pope , as if all the popes had only written epistles in their first and last years : a few examples of these errors shall suffice . the pontifical makes pope euaristus to enter when valens and vetus were consuls , and to be martyred when gallus and bradua were consuls , and so the forger dates his first epistle by the names of his first consuls , and the second epistle by the consuls of his last year : but alas ! both the pontifical and epistles are wofully mistaken , since euaristus ( as baronius proves ) entred the th year of trajan , that is , fourteen years after the consulship of valens and vetus , and two years after the consulship of gallus and bradua ; so that by this account he writ decretal epistles long before he was pope m : so also , whereas pope alexander really sat in adrian the emperors time , and trajan was dead before his entrance , yet one of his epistles is dated with trajan as one consul , and helianus as the other ; but these two were never consuls together n : and his second epistle is dated by the consuls of adrian's first yea● , whereas pope alexander came but into his see in adrian's third year . i will not trouble my self with any more instances , because there are none of these dates true , and many of them with the pontifical ( which guides the forgery ) so grosly false , as to make popes write epistles before they were chosen , and after they were dead o ; which is an undeniable evidence , that the inventer of these epistles was a modern cheat , ignorant of the true times both of the consuls and the popes . there are other errors also besides the dates , which shew , the bungling author of these epistles neither understood chronology nor history . the pontifical , before it was corrected , had made anicetus pope , pius his predecessor ; and therefore pius his third epistle doth not reckon him among the priests at rome , but puts in eleutherius as one of pius his presbyters p , who was but a deacon in the time of his successor anicetus q . the same epistle makes cerinthus the heretic to be alive , and busie at rome in seducing men , an. ; yet binius before tells us he was present in the synod at hierusalem an. christi , at which synod , if he were but nineteen years of age , he must in pius his time have been , which is incredible ; but binius saith , this may be believed , because the first epistle of pius mentions hermes ( named by s. paul , rom. xvi . ) who set forth a book about this time an. ; which hermes , if he were but only year old an. christi , when s. paul writ his epistle to the romans , must be years of age , when he set forth this book ; but in conclusion , the story of hermes and his apocryphal book is a meer fable , stollen out of the pontifical r , and binius hath no way to defend one of these fictions , but with another equally absurd . again , pope victor is made to summon one theophilus ( bishop of alexandria ) to a council at rome ; but there was no theophilus bishop there in victor's time , severus was then bishop of that see , and this theophilus was bishop of caesarea in palestine s ; but if victor had really writ this epistle , he could not have made so gross a mistake : in like manner antherus epistle mentions one eusebius , as then bishop of alexandria t , who was not bishop there till two or three ages after u . the first epistle of pope fabian , dated in his first year , mentions novatus the heretic coming out of africa to rome , and seducing novatian , with others w ; but baronius out of eusebius and s. cyprian assures us , that novatus came not to rome till fifteen years after x . wherefore these epistles were devised by a later author , who knew neither the history nor chronology of those ages for which he invented these epistles ; but had only the fabulous pontifical in his eye , and follows it in all its errors and absurdities : so that since the pontifical makes pope hyginus an athenian , pope pius an italian , and pope soter born in campania ; isidore forges three epistles for h●ginus , to the athenians ; for pius , to his italian brethren ; for soter , to all the campanians : and when the pontifical falsly devises several superstitious rites , begun in the corrupt ages , and other usages , to have been first appointed by some of the ancient popes , the said isidore upon that always forges an epistle in those popes names to enjoyn those rites ; and hence pope alexander writes an epistle about holy-water y ; sixtus , about none but the clergies touching consecrated vessels z ; telesphorus , about keeping lent seven weeks a ; pius , about keeping easter upon sunday b ; anicetus , about shaving priests crowns c ; calixtus , about four ember weeks d ; and so did other popes , whereas most of these rites were setled long after , and only prove these epistles were forged by isidore . § . . now though it be so apparent and undensable , that these epistles are forged , and consequently of no authority ; yet the roman church hath made great use of them in the ignorant ages : for binius notes all along in his margen , what sections of them are transcribed into their canon law ; and even in later times their writers against the protestants do commonly cite their infamous impostures , to prove the supremacy of the pope , his infallibility , and right to appeals ; as also for the exemption of the clergy , their celibacy and habits , and to prove their mass with its ceremonies , auricular confession , apocryphal books , tradition , chrism , veneration of relicks and martyrs , &c. and cook in his censura patrum , hath noted the several epistles , and the authors which cite them , saving us the labour of instancing : and therefore we will only make a few general observations upon this matter , and so dismiss these forgeries . observ . i. that since the romanists have no other genuine ancient authors , to prove these new doctrines and practices by ; but are forced generally to place these apparent forgeries in the fore-front of all their authorities , we may conclude these points of their religion are all innovations , unheard of in the primitive ages ; so that isidore was forced to invent these epistles almost years after christ , to give some shew of antiquity to them ; and these points were in those ignorant times mistaken by this means , for primitive usages and opinions , and so got footing in the world under that disguise ; but now that the fallacy is discovered , the doctrines and practices ought to be disowned as well , as the epistles on which they are built . observ ii. there are many other points of the roman religion , which are not so much as mentioned in any of these forged epistles , such as worship of images , formal praying to the saints , and to the virgin mary ; transubstantiation , half-communion , and adoration of the host , purgatory , indulgences , and justification by merits , with some others . now these are so new , that in isidore's time , when he invented these epistles they were not heard of nor received , no not in the roman church ; for if they had , no doubt this impostor , who was so zealous to get credit for all the opinions and usages of that church which he knew of , would have made some popes write epistles to justifie these also , and his silence concerning them makes it more than probable , that these were all invented since the year of christ . observ . iii. though the later romanists frequently cite these forged decretals , yet no genuine author or historian for seven hundred years after christ did ever quote or mention them , no not so much as any of the popes themselves in all that period . now it is morally impossible so many important points should be so clearly decided by so many ancient bishops of so famous a church , and yet no author ever take notice of it . and doubtless when the popes attempted to be supreme , and claimed appeals about the year , zosimus and boniface , who quarrelled with the eastern and african bishops about these points , and were so hard put to it for evidence , as to seign some private canons were made at the first general council of nice , would certainly have cited these epistles , which are so clear evidence for their pretences , if they had either seen or heard of them ; but they do not once name them in all that controversie , which shews they were not then in being ; yea , those who know church history , do clearly discern , that the main points setled by these epistles , were things disputed of about the seventh and eighth centuries , a little before isidore's time ; and therefore these forgeries must never be cited for to prove any point to be ancient or primitive . § . . obs . iv. though the inventer of these epistles was so zealous a bigot for the roman cause , yet many things are to be found in them , which contradict the present tenents of that church . for whereas the pope now claims an universal supremacy even over jerusalem it self ; clement's first epistle is directed to james the bishop of bishop's , ruling the hebrew church at jerusalem , and all the churches every where founded by divine providence e . anacletus first epistle orders all the clergy present to receive , under pain of excommunication f ; which is not observed now in the roman church : pope telesphorus orders a mass on the night before christmas , and forbids any to begin mass , before nine a cleek g ; but binius confesses their church doth not now observe either of these orders : pope hyginus forbids all foreign jurisdiction , because it is unfit , they should be judged abroad , who have judges at home h ; so the third epistle of pope fabian , appoints that every cause shall be tried where the crime is committed ; which passage is also in a genuine epistle of s. cyprian to cornelius i . and all foreign jurisdiction is again forbid in pope felix his second epistle k , which passages do utterly destroy appeals to rome , unless they can prove all the crimes in the world are committed there : the second epistle of fabian allows the people to reprove their bishop if he err in matters of faith l ; the same liberty also is given to the people , in cornelius second epistle m ; which seems to make the people judges in matter of faith , a thing which the modern romanists charge upon the protestants as a great error : from these and many other passages we may see , that these impostures do not in all points agree with the present roman church . § . . i have now done with the epistles themselves , and proved them to be apparent forgeries ; i will only give the reader some cautions about those partial notes , printed on them both in binius and labbè , which though they frequently correct , confute and alter divers passages in these epistles ; yet if any thing look kindly upon the roman church , they magnifie and vindicate it ; but if it seem to condemn any of their usages , they reject and slight it : for example , pope pius cites coloss . xi . . against worshiping angels , and the notes , reject both s. hierom's and theodoret's exposition of the place , as reflecting on their churches practice , adding that s. paul condemned cerinthus in that place , for giving too much honour to angels ; yet binius soon after tells us that cerinthus was so far from teaching they were to be adored , that he thought they were to be hated as authors of evil n . pope zepherine cites the apostolical canons for the priviledges of his see , and saith there were but seventy of them o : but binius in his notes saith he refers to the seventy third canon : yet if the reader consult that seventy third canon , the pope's see is not named there ; yea , that canon forbids a bishop to appeal from his neighbor bishop , unless it be to a council : out of calixtus fust epistle which labbè owns to be a manifest forgery ; binius notes cite a testimoy for the supremacy , calling it an evident testimony and worthy to be noted p ; pontianus in his exile brags , ridiculously about the dignity of priests , in his second epistle q . and binius his notes vindicate this improbable forgery by a spurious epistle attributed to ignatius , which saith — the laity must be subject to the deacons : but binius cites it thus — the laity , of which number are all kings , even the most christian kings , must be subject to the deacons ; by which falsifying the quotation , he makes the meanest deacon in the roman church superior to the french king : again , in the vacancy after fabian , the clergy of rome and s. cyprian writ to each other r : where though the roman clergy write with all respect to the clergy of carthage , and give them humble advice , not commands ; yea , and thank s. cyprian for his humility , in acquainting them with his affairs , not as judges of his concerns , but partners in his counsels . binius notes that these letters do sufficiently shew the prerogative of the roman church — and that s. cyprian not only desired the counsel , but submitted to the judgment of rome . the first epistle of cornelius tells a false story out of the pontifical about his removing the bodies of s. peter and paul ; and though binius own this part of the epistle to be forged ; yet in his notes on the pontifical s , he strives to reconcile the differing ways of relating this fabulous translation , and slies to miracles to make those lies hang together . cornelius third epistle is genuine , being preserved in greek by eusebius , and yet binius prints a corrupt latin version with it , which where the greek speaks of one bishop in a catholic church — reads it — in this catholic church ; and the notes t impudently prove by this corruption , that the pope is the sole bishop of the whole catholic church : of which labbè was so much ashamed , that he prints valesius's latin version of this epistle , wherein the ground of binius his observation is quite taken away . s cyprian hath several epistles printed among the decretals , wherein are many things which overthrow the roman supremacy and infallibility , upon which no remark is placed , but an obscure passage wherein s. cyprian saith , that whether he or cornelius should be the survivor , must continue his payers for the afflicted christians u . there it is impertiently noted , that the deceased pray for the living : pope stephen's second epistle asserts , primates were in use before christianity w . binius in his notes out of baronius , saith herodotus confesses the same thing ; but labbè declares that some body had imposed upon baronius , for there is no such thing to be found in herodotus ; and adrian in vopiscus ( his other authority ) evidently speaks of the christian bishop of alexandria x : wherefore pope stephen , or he that made the epistle for him , was mistaken : it is an impudent thing also in binius to note upon one of s. cyprian's letters about basilides and martialis , you see the primacy of the bishop of rome : for these two bishops were justly condemned in spain , and unjustly absolved by the pope , after which s. cyprian condemns them again , only certifying the bishop of rome that he had justly nulled his absolution ; so that we may rather note , you see the primacy of the bishop of carthage y . pope eutychianus first epistle following the erroneous pontifical z , orders that only beans and grapes shall be offered on the altar : binius saith this is the fourth canon of the apostles , whereas that fourth canon doth not name beans , and the third canon forbids all kind of pulse to be offered on the altar ; so that the impostor was deceived , and binius becomes ridiculous by attempting to defend him : i shall not need produce any more instances , these will suffice to warn those who study the councils , not to rely upon any thing in these notes , which are so full of partiality and errors , of weak reasonings and false quotations , of ignorant and wilful mistakes , that there is little heed to be given to them . § . . i doubt i have been too tedious in discovering the forgeries of these decretal epistles ; but the reader must consider they take up the greatest part of this first period in the volumes of the councils , and we have here considered them all together : and now we have nothing to observe in this century , except the apostolical constitutions , which are left out in binius , but printed in labbè , in greek and latin , next after clement's genuine epistle to the corinthians : now the constitutions are a very ancient forgery , compiled about the end of the fourth , and beginning of the fifth century , of the rites of which ages they give a very good account , and have little or nothing in them , to justify the more modern corruptions of rome ; for which cause it is likely binius omitted them : but if we know before hand that the apostles did not make them , nor clement bishop of rome collect them , and can pardon the boldness of making the apostles the speakers , they are useful to be read , as a writing composed in the fourth or fifth age. chap. ii. of the forgeries in the second century . § . . this period begins with the life of anacletus , who was made pope , as they say , an. . but the fabulous pontifical brings him in , the th consulship of domitian , that is , just upon the fictitious cletus his death , and before clement entred , who yet is there said to be his predecessor ; so blundered and uncertain is that ignorant writer ; yet , except what he saith , no other author mentions any deeds of anacletus ; and though binius in his notes affirm , anacletus was most famous for many eminent deeds ( s ) , yet he cannot name one of them . euaristus his life follows , whom the pontifical and the breviary of sixtus the fifth b , make to have been pope in the time of domitian , nerva and trajan ; but binius out of baronius takes upon him to correct both the pontifical and the roman office also , assuring us he began in the th year of trajan ; but alas ! these first bishops of rome were so obscure , that nothing but their name is upon record in authentic authors . and what is said in the pontifical , and the notes , concerning their several parents , countries , times of sitting in that see , and all their actions almost , are meer impostures of later ages , as the learned dr. pierson proves in his afore-cited posthumous dissertation . alexander's life is next , wherein binius again corrects the pontifical and the breviary ; which say , he ruled the church in the days of trajan c ; affirming , he entred not on the papacy till adrian's time : but there was more need to correct the breviary of his infallible church , for those fabulous lessons it orders to be read in the church on this popes day , about alexander's converting hermes a praefect of rome , quirinus a tribune and balbina his daughter , who also is sainted ; yet after all , there were no such persons in those offices in rome at that time d ; and the whole story is a fiction taken out of a fabulous tract called the acts of alexander , yet this legend binius's notes defend . of xystus , the next pope , nothing is memorable , but that he is said by the pontifical to be a martyr . eusebius saith , he died in adrian's twelfth year , and mentions not his martyrdom e ; but binius contradicts him , and will have him to suffer in the d year of antoninus f ; and this without any authority for it , but his own . telesphorus , according to eusebius , was the seventh pope from st. peter , and came in the twelfth year of adrian † , that is , an. . but binius following the pontifical , makes him the eighth pope , and saith he entred the third year of antoninus , that is , twelve years after ; and in the notes on his life g , upon the pontificals saying , he ordained thirteen bishops in his eleven years , he observes , that these bishops were to be sent into divers parts of the world ; from whence ( he saith ) it is clear that the pope was to take care not of rome only , but the whole world. but first , no inference from so fabulous an author , as the pontifical , can be clear : and secondly , if there were so many bishops really ordained by popes , as the pontifical doth pretend , there are but sixty three bishops reckoned by him from s. peter's death to this time , which is near years . from whence ( if we grant the matter of fact ) it is rather clear , that the pope ordained only some italian bishops near rome ; for otherwise when so many bishops were martyred , there must have been far more ordained for the world in that space of time . hyginus , the next pope , began ( saith eusebius ) in the first year of antoninus ; but binius saith , he was made pope the fifteenth of that emperor ; the reader will guess whether is to be trusted : the pontifical could find this pope nothing to do , but to distribute the orders of the clergy , which pope clement ( according to him ) had done long before h . § . . from the notes on pope pius life i , we may observe there was no great care of old taken about the pope's succession : for optatus , s. augustine , and s. hierom , with the old pontifical ( before it was altered k , place anicetus before pius , but the greeks place pius before anicetus ; and in this binius thinks we are to believe them rather than the latins . the rest of the notes are spent in vindicating an improbable story , of an angel bringing a decree about easter to hermes the popes brother , who writ a book about keeping it on the lord's day ; yet after all there is a book of hermes now extant that hath nothing in it about easter ; and there was a book of old writ by hermes , well known to the greeks , and almost unknown to the latins ( though writ by a pope's brother ) read in the eastern churches , and counted apocryphal in the western : but we want another angel to come and tell us , whether that now extant be the same or no , for binius cannot resolve us , and only shews his folly in defending the absurd and incongruous tales of the pontifical . anicetus either lived before or after pius , and the pontifical makes him very busie in shaving his priests crowns , never mentioning what he did to suppress those many heretics who came to rome in his time ; but it tells us he was buried in the coemetery of calistus l , though calistus ( who gave that burial-place a name ) did not dye till fifty years after anicetus . but binius ( who is loath to own this gross falshood ) saith , you are to understand it in that ground which calistus made a burying-place afterward ; yet it unluckily falls out , that amcetus's successor . pope soter was also buried ( according to the pontifical ) in calistus his coemetery ; and afterwards pope zepherines's burial-place is described to be not far from that of calistus , so well was calistus's coemetery known , even before it was made a coemetery , and before he was pope . eleutherius succeeded soter , and as the pontifical saith , he received a letter from lucius king of britain , that he might be made a christian by his command ; which hint probably first produced those two epistles between this pope and king lucius m , which binius leaves out , though he justifies the story , of which it were well we had better evidence than the pontifical . this is certain , the epistles were forged in an age when men could write neither good latin , nor good sense ; and i am apt to fancy , if isidore had put them into a decretal , they would have been somewhat more polite ; so that it is likely these epistles were made by some monks , who thought it much for our honour , to have our christianity from rome . § . . this century concludes with the bold pope victor , of whose excommunicating the eastern bishops ( for not agreeing with him about easter ) we have a large account in eusebius n ; but of that there is nothing in the pontifical ; only we are told he had a council at rome , to which he called theophilus ( bishop of alexandria ) and decreed easter should be observed upon a sunday , &c. upon this hint , and the authority of a better author , we grant there were at these times divers councils held about keeping easter : but the editors of the councils ( though eusebius be the only credible author which gives an account of them ) presume to contradict him . for eusebius makes the council at caesarea in palestina to be first , and makes theophilus of that city , and narcissus of jerusalem , presidents of it ; but the editors ( for the honour of the pope ) place the roman council first o , and upon the bare credit of the pontifical ( who mistook alexandria for caesarea ) say , that theophilus was present at it ; whereas eusebius saith , this roman council was the second called about this question , consisting of the bishops about rome . secondly , the editors place the council of caesarea , affirming out of a suspicious fragment of bede ( who lived many centuries after , ) that it was called by victor ' s authority ; whereas eusebius ( as we see ) assigns other presidents to that council ; yea , they intitle all the other councils about this matter , under victor ; though in eusebius they are set down as independent upon one another , the bishops of each country calling them by their own authority . and though binius's notes p brag of apostolical and universal tradition ; the bishops of asia produced a contrary tradition , and called it apostolical , for keeping easter at a different time ; which shews how uncertain a ground tradition is for articles of faith , when it varied so much in delivering down a practical rite through little more than one century : and the asian bishops persisting in their custom , and despising victor's excommunication , proves , they knew nothing of his supremacy or infallibility in those days . we grant victor was in the right as to the time of easter , and that which he and other councils now agreed on , was agreed upon also at the council of nice ; but binius stretches it too far when he pretends , that general council confirmed victor's sentence of excommunition : for victor's authority is never urged in the nicene council , nor his excommunication mentioned ; and we know from eusebius , that the bishops of his own opinion severely reproved him for offering to pass so rash a sentence , and to impose his sense upon remote churches : so that thus far there is no genuine proof of any supremacy exercised or claimed by the roman church ; for the decretals , which only pretend to make it out , are notorious forgeries . chap. iii. of the forgeries in the third century . § . . this century begins with the life of pope zepherine , who sat eight years , saith the pontifical ; but the notes tell you , he sat eighteen , which is a small error in that fabulous author : yet the editors believe upon his credit , that this pope ordered vessels of glass to be used in the mass q ; and the notes prove it by pope gregory the great , who lived four hundred years after this time . however , if we allow the matter of fact upon the testimonies of s. hierom and epiphanius ; it will follow , that in those ages ( when they used glass cups ) they did not believe transubstantiation ; for if they had , they would not have ventured christ's blood in so brittle a vessel , but have forbid the use of glasses , as they have done in the roman church since this opinion came in among them r . under this pope the editors place an african council , and say it was reprobated ; yet they cannot make it appear , that this pope so much as knew of it . nor was his advice or consent at all desired in that case , which was never disputed at rome till pope stephen's time ( as themselves confess ) viz. fifty years after this . council was held ; from whence we learn , that every province in this age believed they had sufficient authority to determine controversies in religion among themselves , without the consent of the bishop of rome . § . . though the pontifical be guilty of many errors in the life of calixtus , and mistake the very emperors under which he lived and died , the notes gloss them all fairly over s , and correct them by the roman martyrology , which often follows the pontifical , and is as fabulous as that . however we are told , that calixtus was buried three miles out of the city ; because the law of the twelve tables forbid the burying of a dead body within the walls . now i would know , if this law were in force , how that can be true which the pontifical and the notes affirm and justifie , that s. peter , linus , cletus , euaristus , sixtus , telesphorus , hyginus , pius , and victor , were all buried in the vatican ? and what shall we think of the miracles done by their relicks and at their tombs , if no body know where they were first buried ? pope urban , the successor of calixtus , is said in the pontifical t , to be buried in the coemetery of praetextatus , which could not then be any coemetery at all , because praetextatus was not martyted till the persecution under maximinus , which hapned many years after : and if the story of s. cecily in the same author , be no truer than his chronology , the romanists worship a fictitious saint . the pontifical is forced to feign , that the emperor alexander severus was a persecutor , contrary to his character in all histories of credit ; and this only to make us think , that calixtus , urban , and pope pontianus his successor , were martyrs . however though eusebius knew not of their martyrdom u , the roman church adores them all as martyrs , and have peculiar days dedicated to their memories . antherus ( as the pontifical says ) sat twelve years and one month ; and the notes say , that he sat only one month w ; so that there is but only twelve years mistaken in this popes life : and if he was pope but one month , doubtless his secretaries had need be very swift writers , or else they could not gather many in his time . however binius will make it out , for he brings in a poetical hyperbole , of those scribes , who could write a sentence before a man had spoken it ; and so were as quick at guessing as writing ; and applies this in very serious earnest to this pope's notaries , to make us imagine , there were many acts of martyrs writ out in this short-lived pope's time . § . . pope fabian , as eusebius relates , was chosen by occasion of a dove 's lighting on his head , when the people were met to elect a pope ; of which remarkable story the fabulous pontifical takes no notice , but tells us , that in this popes time novatus the heretic came to rome x ; that is , say the notes , above a year after pope fabian was dead , after the vacancy , and in pope cornelius ' s time ; with such absurd comments do these gentlemen delight to cover the ignorance and falsehood of their historian ; but such excuses do only more expose him . in this pope's time were two councils held , one in africa , the other in arabia , and they intitle them both under fabian ; yet the only authors , who mention these councils , do not say pope fabian was concerned in either of them y , and therefore they were not under fabian . after this pope's death there was a vacancy of more than one whole year , which the editors , to slatter the papacy , call ( in the style of princes ) an interregnum ; but alas ! their admired monarchy , was now turned into an aristocracy , and the clergy governed the roman church ; to excuse which flaw in their visible monarchical succession , the notes say , the members next the head knew it was their parts , to do the office of the head : which notable kind of substitution , if it could be made out in the body natural , beheading would not be a mortal punishment ; however , they must say something to make us believe there was always a visible head of the catholic church , or at least a neck and shoulders , which stood for an head , till cornelius was chosen pope : and they called a council ( as they pretend ) in this vacancy , and writ a letter of their determination to all the churches in the world , that they might all observe what the empty chair of peter had ordered z . but if any one read the letter it self , it will appear that this council was only a voluntary assembly of the clergy in rome , and they met only to confirm s. cyprian's opinion , and only writ their letter to him ; but never pretended either to be judges over cyprian , or any other part of the catholic church . pope cornelius his life follows , for whose character we are more obliged to s. cyprian's epistles , than to the pontifical , which invents an idle story of a dialogue between cornelius and decius the emperor ; and though the notes own a , that decius ( who is here pretended to martyr him ) dyed the same month in which cornelius entred ; yet they will not own the story to be false , but boldly put in the name of volusianus into their margen instead of decius . however , the breviary b retains the fiction of cornelius suffering under decius , as it doth also the fable of his translating the bodies of s. peter and s. paul : but let any considering man compare the different ways of telling this sham story , and he will easily discern , that the notes cannot reconcile them without flying to a miracle c . it is evident they have told us , the body of s. peter was in the vatican , when pope victor was there buried , an. : and there is no author of credit mentions their removal into the catacumbae , and so consequently no reason to believe they were fetcht back from thence in a time of persecution . pope gregory lived years after this , and was very apt to credit feigned miracles , and he differs much from the pontifical ; so that probably the whole story is forged , by those who long after began superstitiously to adore the relicks of saints . however , it is read in the roman church septemb. . and many devout people on the credit of this legend make pilgrimages , and offer prayers and large gifts , to the shrines of these two apostles , of whose true relicks they can have none , because their real graves are not known . in this pope's time there were two councils holden at carthage , two at rome , and one in italy ; all which in the general titles are said to be held under cornelius d ; though the notes assure us , that those two at carthage were called by s. cyprian's authority , and that the italian bishops made a decree of their own , besides that of cornelius at rome . the roman councils indeed were holden under cornelius , as being bishop of that city ; but we may observe , he did not authoritatively confirm the sentence of the council of carthage , but only consented to it . we may also note , this african council calls not pope cornelius father , but brother , and writes to him as one of their collegues ; yea , they do not except cornelius , when they decree , that if any of their collegues agreed not to their sentence , he should answer it at the day of judgment e . moreover , in the same letter there is an evident testimony , that the people in those days were prepared for martyrdom , by receiving the eucharistical cup f ; which being now denied to the laity , the editors pass it by without a note ; yet soon after , where the council plainly speaks of confessing the name of christ before persecutors ; they have this impertinent marginal note , from this and other places , the necessity of confession is confirmed : as if this belonged to their new invented auricular confession . § . . the notes find divers faults in the life of pope lucius , yet they would palliare the grossest of all ; for the pontifical says , he was beheaded by valerian ; the notes affirm it was by gallus and volusiunus ; and yet the same notes tell us , the pontifical ( in saying it was by vulerian ) may be very well and truly expounded g . the reader must understand , it may be so expounded by such kind of notes , as are designed to make gress errors seem great truths . pope stephen , who succeeded lucius , fell out with cyprian and the african bishops , about the re-baptizing of heretics , which ( though it were the only memorable thing in this popes life ) the pontifical never mentions : and the editors are are so used to put into the title of all councils , under such or such a pope , that in this popes time they style those very councils , sub stephano , which were called without his knowledge , and which condemned his opinion h , as may be seen in the councils of carthage , iconium , and africa , where ( so easily may tradition be mistaken ) the re-baptizing of heretics is asserted to be an apostolick tradition , though it were contrary to pope stephen's opinion , and the tradition of the roman church . and when stephen on this account presumed to excommunicate the asian bishops , firmilianus ( bishop of coesarea ) in a letter to s. cyprian i , despises his sentence , compares the pope to judas , complains of his arrogance , and esteems those to be very silly who took the roman bishop's word for an apostolical tradition ; from which that church in many instances had departed . moreover , he calls him a schismatic , and affirms , he had by this rash sentence only cut himself off from the unity of the catholic church . s. cyprian also , and his africans k , condemned this pope as a favourer of heretics , an enemy to the church , and one who writ contradictions , and was void of prudence ; describing him as an innovator and bringer in of traditions , contrary to god's word , as one who obstinately presumed to prefer human doctrines before scripture . i grant pope stephen was in the right in this controversie ; yet doubtless , if these bishops had believed the supremacy , and infallibility of the pope and his roman council , they could not have used him at this rate : and the editors are so concerned to cover this rough usage , that they reprint an epistle of s. cyprian's verbatim l , after this quarrel was grown hot , which was writ while they two were friends , and contains very kind words to stephen ; which blind is only to make us think that cyprian submitted to the pope at last , though it is apparent he never did so : again , the reader may note that labbè here prints a tract of some ancient author , to justify the pope's opinion ; but though there be many good arguments for it from other topics , the argument from tradition , and the determination of the roman church , is not urged in the whole discourse m , which shews that these were no arguments allowed in this writers time : lastly whereas the third council of carthage , severely censures pope stephen for taking upon him as bishop of bishops , and for compelling his equals by tyrannical terrors to obey him n : binius impudently notes upon this , that the pope was called bishop of bishops , to him was the last refuge in matters of faith , and his determinations were received all the world over as the oracles of the holy ghost : which is from his usurping a title and authority , to infer he had right to them ; and to prove that all the world received his determinations , from a story which shews , that half the christian world rejected them . § . . the life of sixtus the second , in the pontifical is one heap of errors , for the author seems to mistake him for xystus the philosopher ; and as the notes confess , make decius raise a great persecution against the church , eight year after he was dead . he also places valerian before decius , supposing them to reign together , and saying sixtus was beheaded by valerian in decius's time o ; now decius was slain two year before valerian was emperor : yet the notes labour to colour over all these contradictions , to salve the credit of their missals and fabulous maityrology . dionysius the next pope , is said to have been a monk , upon the credit of the pontifical p ; the notes add that he lived a solitary life , before his election ; yet the modern monks have given over that primitive custom , and now croud into great cities : but the pontifical is so miserably mistaken in the consuls in this popes life , placing those for his last consuls who were so , two years before those he names for his first consuls , that nothing can be believed on this authors credit . under this pope the editors have feigned a council at rome , to which dionysius bishop of alexandria was cited , and so far obeyed the order , as to write an epistle to clear himself , for which they cite athanasius q : but we must never trust their quotations where the supremacy is concerned , without looking into the authors they cite : and athanasius only saith dionysius of alexandria was accused at rome , and writ to the pope to know the articles complained of , who sent him an account , upon which he vindicated himself by an apology : but what is all this to a roman council , or a citing dionysius thither ? there were also two councils at antioch , about this time as eusebius tells us r ; but the editors of their own head put in that the first of them , was appointed by dionysius bishop of rome , to whom the chief care of the church was committed — whereas eusebius never mentions this pope as being either concerned in the council , or consulted about it : but if they will have it under dionysius , then we may infer , that this pope approved a saying of this council , viz. that they knew of no other mediator between god and man but only christ jesus . the second council of antioch is intituled also , under pope dionysius : yet it appears by eusebius s , that this pope knew not of the council , till they by their synodical epistle informed him of it after they were risen : and in that epistle they joyn him , and maximus bishop of alexandria together as collegues and equals , not desiring either of them to confirm their decrees ; but acquainting them with their proceedings , they required them to shew their consent by writing communicatory letters to domnus , who was put in by them , bishop of antioch , in the room of paulus samosatenus , ejected for hersie ; and though this domnus his father , demetrianus had been bishop of antioch before , yet we hear of no papal dispensation to allow him to succeed there : we may also observe , that firmilianus ( who in pope stephens time so much despised the popes authority and infallibility ) is by this council called a man of blessed memory : by which we see how little any ancient and genuine councils do countenance the supremacy of the roman church , and what need they had to forge evidence , who would have it taken for a primitive doctrine . § . . that foelix the first was a martyr , is proved only by the pontifical , and the roman martyrology which often blindly follows it : but why may not the pontifical be mistaken in the martyrdom , as well as the notes confess it to be in the consuls t ? and the base partiality of the notes appears soon after in citing a place of s. cyprian , as if he desired to know the days on which the martyrs suffered , that he might offer a sacrifice for them by names on their anniversaries u ; whereas cyprian speaks of the confessors who died privately in prisons , of whose names he desires to be informed , that he might celebrate their memory among the martyrs : now there is a great difference between s. cyprian's and the protestants practice , to commemorate the saints departed ; and the roman way , of offering the sacrifice of the mass for the deceased : yet the notes would suborn s. cyprian to give in evidence for this corrupt practice . pope eutychianus lived not long before eusebiu's time , and he saith he only sat ten months w ; the pontifical allows him thirteen months , but the notes boldly say he was pope eight years x , and this only upon the names of two consuls set down in the pontifical , and the credit of the roman martyrology ; but since these two are scarce ever right in their chronology , we ought to believe eusebius rather than the annotator and his despicable witnesses . his successor gaius lived in eusebius's own time , and he affirms he sat fifteen years y ; but the pontifical allots to him eleven years only , and so doth the breviary z ; both of them making him dioclesian's kinsman , ( which eusebius knew nothing of ; ) the notes out of baronius contradict them all , and ascribe to him twelve years , making him dioclesian's nephew ; and yet the pontifical saith both that he fled from dioclesian's persecution , and died a confessor . yet was crowned with martyrdom with his brother gabinius ; which non-sense baronius and the notes also defend . § . . this century is concluded by the uunfortunate marcellinus , who as the pontifical tells us , did sacrifice to idols a ; and s. augustine in the notes plainly supposes it to be true : yet the annotator ( who dares not deny it ) labours to amuse the reader by saying , this story may be plainly refuted and proved false by divers probable reasons out of baronius ; but because their mis●als and martyrology do own the thing , he will not go that way to work : what then ? doth he clearly charge the infallible judge with apostacy ? no , he saith , he seemed to deny the faith by external acts , ( that is , sacrificing to idols ; ) yet by his internal acts , ( it seems binius knew his thoughts ) he did not believe any thing contrary to the faith : and truly this is an early instance of jesuitical equivocation : but we may make the same excuse for all the apostates in the world ; and it is plain the notes care not what they say , to protect their dear infallibility against the most convincing truths . about the very time of this pope ' s apostacy was held a council at cirta in africk ; and though s. augustine , the author from whom they have all they know about it , say not one word of marcellinus , yet the editors and annotator both , put in these words , that it was under marcellinus b ; where i cannot but wonder , that ( since they have invented a council in the same year to set poor marcellinus right again , after his apostacy ; ) they did not place that council first , and then their re conciled penitent might with a better grace , have sat at cirta and condemned such as fell in the persecution . but the most infamous forgery , is the ridiculous council of sinuessa c , devised by some dull monk , who could write neither good sense nor true latin , inspired only by a blind zeal for the roman church , whose infallible head must be cleared from apostacy , though it be by the absurdest fictions imaginable : for he feigns this apostate pope met three-hundred bishops near sinuessa , in dioclesian's time in a cave , which would hold but fifty of them at once , and their business was only to hear marcellinus condemn himself , and to tell him he could be judged by none . the two first copies of this council were so stuffed with barbarisms , false latin and nonsense , and so contrary to each other , that some body took pains out of both to devise a third copy , and by changing and adding at pleasure , brought it at last to some tolerable sense : surius and binius print all three copies , but labbè and the collectio regia leave out the two originals , and only publish the third , drest up by a late hand , which in time may pass for the true account of this council . but the two first copies in binius , yet extant , will give the reader a good proof into what depths of ignorance the monks were fallen , when such unintelligible and incoherent stuff as this , and the letters forged between the council of nice and pope sylvester , ( which are in the same style , ) were designed to support the roman supremacy and infallibility . i shall not reflect upon the absurdity , of making the pope his own judge , when he denies the fact , nor the contradiction of the councils , saying often they must not judge him ; and yet declaring soon after that they have condemned him d : whoever will but read this council over , shall find diversion enough , if blunders and dulness be diverting to them . i shall therefore principally note the gross partiality and fallacies of the notes , in colouring over this bare-faced forgery : first , the annotator accuses the century writers , and english innovators for rejecting this rare council as a forgery of the donatists , he should have said of the romish monks ; yet he makes more objections against it , than he himself can answer : protestants wonder that three-hundred bishops should dare to meet in times of persecution : he replies , a far less number did meet on a slighter occasion fifty years before , which is but a very indifferent proof : well , but to magnify the occasion , he saith , by this pope's fall , not only the roman church , but the whole christian religion was in extreme danger ; and in the president of the catholic faith , the very foundation of the church was shaken and almost ruined : yet a little before he had told us out of s. augustine , that marcellinus's fall did no prejudice to the church , and had affirmed that the ill deeds of bishops may hurt themselves , but cannot prejudice the churches orthodox doctrine e : again , he proves it could not be an invention of the donatists , because they never knew of it ; yet presently he owns they objected it to the catholics , and therefore must know of it , all that s. augustine saith , being only that they could not prove it : after this baronius and he say , that no writer doth mention this city of sinuessa , nor is there any memory of such a place or cave : which is a great mistake in them both . for livy , cicero , ovid , martial and pliny , do all speak of sinuessa f , and alexander ab alexandro , mentions a famous high-way , leading from rome to this city g . and if an earthquake have since overthrown it , that will not prove there was no such city then : all the wonder is that these gentlemen should defend a council for genuine , which they thought had been held in utopia : the notes proceed to tell us that very many most learned men , ( not hereticks , i suppose ) by very strong arguments have laboured to prove these acts spurious : but he ( who values no arguments against the supremacy , ) not only thinks them not to be false , but judges them worthy of great esteem for their venerable antiquity , and for their majesty which extorts reverence even from the unwilling : now their antiquity cannot be proved by one old author , and their majesty is so little , that they extort laughter and contempt from the gravest reader : let us therefore hear his reason for this approbation , it is because they are believed by general consent of all ; ( he forgets that he said but now , very many and very learned men did not believe them ; ) and because they are received and retained without any controversy to this day , in the martyrologies and breviaries of the roman and other churches h : so that at last , all the authority for this council is the roman martyrology and breviary ; which are modern collections , out of the fabulous pontifical and other forged acts of martyrs ; and though their own learned men by good arguments prove the things to be false , yet if they be read in a breviary , &c. these falshoods become true , and catholics receive them without controversy : yea , they cite the transcript of a forgery to prove the original to be a truth . again , the notes say it is no prejudice to the truth of marcellinus his fall , though the africans did not know of it , nor s. augustine , no nor any of the african church : yet in the next page it is observed , that there are very many names of the witnesses which prove his fall , which are peculiar to the african christians : now if these names were peculiar to the africans , then these witnesses were of the african church originally , and then it is morally impossible , that they should never tell none of their countrymen , of so famous a transaction : the notes confess that these acts often mention libra occidua ; which is a word invented after the empire was divided into east and west : and thence the same notes infer , these acts were not writ in those ancient times ; yet they make it a wonder , that they were not seen in africa in s. augustine ' s time or before : which is to wonder that they had not seen them in africa , before they were written : it puzzles the annotator to make out an excuse for that ridiculous falshood in these acts , that marcellinus was led into the temple of vesta , and isis , and there sacrificed to hercules , jupiter and saturn ; because these gods were never placed , nor worshiped in the temples of those female deities : nor can he allow what the acts say about this council , being held when dioclesian was in his persian war ; for he affirms it was held two years after that war , when dioclesian had devested himself of the empire , and lived a private life ; but then the acts make dioclesian to be present , and in rome when marcellinus did sacrifice ; and at this rate the pope would have laied two years at least in his apostacy , which the annotator must not endure . to conclude , we now see , that a council held no body knows where nor when , concealed from all ancient authors , writ in later times , full of barbarisms , and non-sense , falshoods and contradictions , if it do but pretend to make out the supremacy and infallibity of the pope , and set him ( while he was an apostate and falsly denied the fact , ) above a council of three hundred innocent bishops ; if it do but say the pope , though never so wicked , cannot be judged by any but himself : this council shall be published by the roman editors , and vindicated by partial notes , as if it were a most genuine and authentic truth : from whence it is plain , that these editors , and especially this annotator hath no other measure of truth and falshood , but the interest of the roman church , which they resolve to promote , though it be by the most unjust means . and this may suffice to observe for the third century . a brief account of the roman forgeries , in the volumes of the councils , for the fourth century . part ii. chapter iv. of the forgeries in the fourth century . § . . this century begins with the life of marcellus , a pope so obscure , that eusebius's chronicle wholly omits him a ; and theodoret knew nothing of him , nor of pope eusebius , but makes melchiades immediate successor to marcellinus b . it is very observable , that these two unknown popes , in the notes on their lives , are said to have sat seven years between them : and the pontifical saith , there was a vacancy of seven years after marcellinus , which vacancy is also asserted by anastasius biblioth . by luitprandus , abbo floriacens . cusanus , and genebrard c . and though baronius's and binius's notes , deny this seven years vacancy , it is upon meer conjectures : the scandal of so long a vacancy no doubt , setting some of the old parasites of rome on work , to invent two popes names and put them into the list , from whence probably they have been foisted into o●tatus and s. augustine , two latin fathers , while the greek authors ( which these forgers understood not ) do continue uncorrupted : and truly nothing but the names of these two popes remain ; for no good historian mentions any one eminent act done by either of them ; however , the annotator had rather fill up his scene with empty names of feigned popes , who did nothing for seven years together , than let the reader suppose the catholic church could so long want it s pretended head. but though the notes allow not the authority of the pontifical for the vacancy , they trust it for the fictitious story of this marcellus his life , and would have us believe , that in a time of persecution this pope appointed twenty five churches in rome , to baptize converts and bury martyrs in ; and though the laws and customs of that city then , forbad to bury dead bodies within the walls , we are to believe that the tyrant maxentius ( who made all these martyrs , and persecuted this very pope ) consented to his breaking this ancient law. on the credit of the same pontifical we are told , that a certain lady , called lucina , dedicated her house to this pope ( while he was alive ) by the title of s. marcellus ; and that the emperor turned it into a stable , and made the pope his beast-keeper there , where naked , and cloathed with sackcloth , ( they are the words of the pontifical ) he soon after ended his days , the th of the kalends of february d . which fiction the roman breviary orders to be read to the credulous people of that communion for lessions ; and tells them , that marcellus writ an epistle to the bishops of the antiochian province about the roman primacy , and to prove rome to be the head of all churches , and that no synod should be held without the pope's authority . but this epistle e is owned by labbé to be a forgery , patched up out of divers modern authors , citing the vulgar latin version , and dated after marcellus his death : and it is very strage , that times of persecution should be a proper season for a pope to wrangle for his supremacy : yet this notorious forgery saith , christ ordered s. peter , to translate his seat from antioch to rome ; and that the apostles by inspiration decreed , that all appeals should be made thither , and no council held , but by the authority of the roman church . for which cause binius vindicates it with notes as full of falsehood as the epistle it self f : his first note of this epistle being writ to one solomon a bishop , is an oversight , and belongs to the first epistle of pope marcell●nus g . his next notes about the primacy and power of calling synods , cite an apostolical and nicene canon for it ; but no such canons are to be found . he quotes also two epistles , one writ to pope foelix from alexandria ; another writ by pope julius , to the eastern churches , for proof of this supremacy ; and the same annotator afterwards owns them both to be forgeries h . he falsly saith , dioscorus was condemned at chalcedon , only for holding a synod without the pope's consent ; whereas he is known to have been accused of many other crimes . his text of fasce oves , is nothing to this purpose ; nor will pope pelagius his word be taken in his own cause . his story of valentinian makes nothing for the pope , more than any other bishop ; yea , the bishops desiring him to call a council , shews , they thought it was his prerogative ; and nicephorus relates his answer to have been , that he was so taken up with state affairs , that he had no leisure to enquire into those matters i : wherefore after all this elaborate sophistry , to justifie a false assertion of a forged epistle , the annotator hath only shewed his partiality for the pope's power , but made no proof of it . the second epistle of this marcellus ( to the tyrant maxentius ) is also a manifest forgery k ; part of it is taken out of his successor gregory's epistles , writ almost three hundred years after this ; and it is highly improbable , that a persecuted pope should falsly , as well as ridiculously , to a pagan emperor , quote the laws of the apostles , and their successors , forbidding to persecute the church and clergy ; and also instruct him about the roman churches power in calling synods , and receiving appeals ; and cite clement's forged epistle as an authority to maxentius , that lay-men must not accuse bishops . the notes indeed are unwilling to lose such precious evidence , and so pretend , that maxentius at this time dissembled himself , to be a christian ; but this sham can signifie nothing to such as read the epistle , where marcellus complains , that he then persecuted him most unjustly , and therefore he did not pretend to be a christian at that time ; and consequently the whole epistle is an absurd forgery : and so is that decree subjoyned to it , which supposes young children offered to monasteries , and shaved or veiled there ; customs which came up divers centuries after this . § . . the canons of peter , bishops of alexandria l , are genuine , and a better record of ecclesiastical discipline , than any pope to this time ever made ; the reader also may observe , the bishop of rome is not once named in these canons ; and they plead tradition for the wednesday fast , contrary to the roman churches pretence , of having an apostolical tradition , to fast on saturday . the council of elliberis in spain , is by binius placed under pope marcellus ; which words labbé leaves out of the title m , and justly ; for if there were such a pope , the council takes no notice of him , nor is it likely , that rome did know of this council till many years after . yet it is both ancient and authentic , though mendoza in labbé n , reckons up divers catholic authors , caranza , canus , baronius , &c. who either wholly reject it , or deny the th , th , th , and th canons of it , which condemn the opinions now held at rome : and though binius ( because pope innocent approves it ) dare not reject it ; yet he publishes notes to make the reader believe , it doth not condemn any of their opinions or practices . the th canon speaks of virgins , who dedicated themselves to god ; but mentions not their being veiled , or living in monasteries ; which customs came in long after , as the authors cited in the notes shew o . the th canon calls it an error , to fast upon saturday : but the notes are so bold as to say , the error which this council corrected , was the not fasting on saturday ; whereas even these very notes confess , that the eastern churches , and most of the western , ( rome , and some few others excepted ) together with the african church , did not fast on saturday , but wednesday ; yea , those they call the apostolical canons , and clement's constitutions , do both establish wednesday fast , and condemn their pretended apostolical churches saturday fast ; and if divers in spain ( as the notes say ) in s. hierom's and pope innocent's times , did not fast on saturday , and others then needed arguments to settle them in this roman practice : it may be gathered from thence , that in the time of this council , the saturday fast was esteemed an error , as it was also in that age almost in all christian churches , and so the very words of the canon import , which baronius saw , and therefore p only saith , there is mention of the saturday fast in this synod ; and so passes it , knowing it plainly contradicted the roman churches tradition . the th canon ( under pain of excommunication ) forbids the lighting wax candles in the places where the martyrs were buried ( q ) ; which agrees with the sentiments of the primitive church r . lactantius condemns lighting candles in god's worship by day , as a paganish superstition s . s. hierom faith , it was used in his time only by such as did it to humor the silly vulgar , who had a zeal without knowledge t . yet the notes confess this is the custom of the roman church ; for which only cause some of their doctors reject this canon ( since nothing must be authentic , which condemns their novel superstitions ) and these notes make a miserable blunder to excuse the matter ; but we are not concerned , whether ( with the annotator ) these candles in the day-light disturb the spirits of the living saints , by seeing an heathenish rite brought into the church , or ( with baronius ) displease the saints deceased , to behold so superstitious a thing vainly devised for their honour . since it sufficiently appears , the practice is novel and absurd , and ( though now used at rome ) condemned by the best antiquity . the notes also give us one extraordinary distinction u , between the souls of deceased saints in heaven , and those in purgatory ; which latter sort , if they had been saints , one would think should need no such dreadful scouring . the th canon determines , that pictures ought not to be in churches ; and that none may paint upon walls that wich is worshiped w : which so expresly condemns the roman-worship of pictures and images , that the boldest writers of that church reject this canon ; but others ( as the notes say ) would gladly expound it so , as to assert the honour and worship due to holy images ; ( which is a notable kind of exposition , to make a canon assert that , which it confutes : ) but such transparent fallacies deserve rather derision , than serious arguments . sanders and turrian observe , that these fathers forbid not images , which christians might take away and hide ; but pictures , which they must leave exposed to pagan abuses . but might not this have been prevented , by hanging up their pictures in frames ? and are not large images as difficult to be removed and concealed as pictures ? yea , doth not the present roman church adore pictures as well as images ? so that still this canon condemns them . martinez fancies , this council forbid painting on the walls , lest the pictures should be deformed by the decay of those walls : but he forgets , that the council first forbids them to be any where in the church ; and were not walls as subject to decay in the time of the second nicene council , as they are now ? and had not those fathers as great an honour for pictures , as these at elliberis ? yet the nicene picture-worshipers , order them to be painted on church-walls . martinez adds , that as times vary , human statutes vary ; and so the second council of nice made a quite contrary decree . what! are decrees of councils about matters of divine worship , only human statutes ? what will become of the divine authority and apostolical tradition , pretended for this worship of old at nice , and now at rome , if the orders against it and for it be both human and mutable statutes ? it is well however , that the patrons of image-worship do own , they have altered and abrogated a primitive canon , for one made four hundred years after , in times of ignorance and superstition ; and we know , whether of the two we ought to prefer . baronius is more ingenuous , who saith x , these bishops at elliberis chiefly endeavoured , by strict penalties , to affright the faithful from idolatry ; wherefore they made the th , th and th canons ; and by comparing the first canon with the forty sixth , it appears , they dealt more severely with an idolater , than an apostate . from whence we infer , that pictures in churches tend to idolatry , in this councils opinion . albaspinaeus ( whose notes labbé here prints y ) would enervate this canon , by saying , it forbids not the saints pictures ; but those which represented god and the holy trinity . but it is not probale , these primitive christians were so ignorant , as to need any prohibition about such blasphemous representations of god's majesty . and he brings no proof , but his own bare conjecture for this limitation of the canon ; which fancy ( if it were true ) would prove , that the saints were not worshiped or adored in that age , because nothing that was worshiped and adored , was to be painted on the walls ; and if that be meant only of god and the trinity , then nothing else but god and the trinity was adored in those days : finally , the former part of the canon destroys this limitation , by excluding pictures in general out of churches . these are the various fallacies by which these partial editors , would hide the manifest novelty of their churches , worship of pictures , which cannot be defended by all these tricks . i will only add , that this genuine ancient council in the fifty third canon , orders , the same bishop who excommunicated a man , to absolve him ; and that if any other intermedled , he should be called to an account for it z ; without excepting the pope , or taking notice of marcellus's pretended claim of appeals . § . . in the year , was a council at cartbage against the donatists , which never takes any notice of the pope ; yet they put into the title of it , under marcellus a . but there is a worse forgery in the notes , where s. augustine is cited , as saying , that cecilian ( bishop of carthage ) despised the censures of the donatists , because he was joyned in communion with the bishop of the roman church , from which all catholic communion , was ever wont to be denominated : but this is baronius his false gloss , not s. augustine's words , who only saith , — because he was united by communicatory letters , both to the roman church , wherein the principality of the catholic church had always flourished , and to other lands from whence the gospel came to africa b . now there is great difference between a mans being a catholic , because he was in communion with rome ( then orthodox ) and with other churches ; and his being a catholic meerly for being in communion with the roman bishop , which is the modern and false notion of the word catholic , among papists , in our days : but binius was so convinced , that s. augustine's words confuted baronius's paraphrase , that he cunningly leaves them out , to make this commodious sense of them go better down with careless readers . § . . the next pope eusebius , was so obscure , ( as the notes on his life declare ) that no writer mentions any thing of him that is memorable c ; and it is probable , there never was such a pope : yet the pontifical saith , the cross was found in his time , upon the th of the nones of may , which is the very day on which the roman church now celebrates the invention of the cross : and the third decretal epistle of this pope , was devised on purpose support this story ; yet both baronius and binius reject it for a fable , even while their church still observes that holy-day . there are three epistles forged for this name of a pope , all which labbé owns to be spurious d ; and i need not spend much time to prove it , since they cite the vulgar latin version , and are mostly stollen out of modern authors , ( as labbe's margen shews ) having only one consul's name for their dates , because no other was named in the pontifical . besides , the first epistle uses the phrase , pro salvatione servorum dei , which is not the latin of that age ; and talks of rigorous tortures used among christians , to make witnesses confess truth . the second epistle repeats the foolish argument , of christ's whipping the buyers and sellers ( many of which were lay-men ) out of the temple , to prove , that god alone must judge priests ; and out of a much later roman council , ( suspected also of forgery ) speaks of the peoples not judging their bishop , unless he err in matters of faith — ; and discourses of edicts of kings , forbidding to try an ejected bishop , till he be restored to his place . the third epistle hath the fable of the invention of the cross , and all other marks of forgery on it ; yet bellarmine cites it to prove , the pope's succession to s. peter , in his universal monarchy ; and to make out confirmation to be a sacrament e so little do those writers value the credit of any evidence , if it do but make for their churches authority , or support its doctrines . § . the seven years vacancy being now expired , melchiades was chosen pope , and sat three years and seven months , according to the pontifical f ; and though the ecclesiastical tables ( as they call them ) generally follow this author ; yet baronius here by them corrects the pontifical , and allows melchiades only two years and two months : but all this is conjecture , for he grants the consuls in the pontifical are so false , that they cannot be reconciled to truth g ; whence it follows , that the decretal epistle ascribed to this pope , whose matter is taken from the pontifical , and whose date is by those who were not consuls till after melchiades's death h , must be false also : yet the notes defend this forged epistle , and bellarmine cites it for the supremacy , and for confirmations being a sacrament i , whereas the beginning of it is stollen out of celestine's epistle to the french k ; it quotes the vulgar translation , and cites an apostolical priviledge granted to rome , for the sole right of trying bishops ; to justifie which , the notes cite the d and th apostolical canons ; but those canons , order bishops to judge an offending bishop , and make the last appeal to a synod , without taking any notice of rome , or of this pretended priviledge . again , this feigned epistle impudently makes confirmation more venerable than baptism ; and the notes defend that bold expression : but we cannot but wonder , ( since they assert , that bishops by gods law have the sole power of confirming ; ) the same men should grant , that the pope can give a priest leave to confirm , which yet ( they say ) changes not the divine right of bishops l ; that is in plain terms , one mans sole right may be delegated to another , by a third person , without any injury to him who had the sole right . after this follows a council at rome under melchiades , wherein the pope , by delegation from the emperor , is joyned in commission with three french bishops , ( who are called his collegues ) to hear the donatists complaint against cecilian bishop of carthage m , and constantine not only received the donatists first appeal , and delegated this cause to melchiades and his fellow commissioners ; but upon a second complaint , ordered this matter to be heard over again in a french council , which the pope in council had determined . now this so clearly shews , that the pope was not supreme judge in those days , that baronius and binius are hard put to it , to blunder this instance : the notes say , constantine was yet raw in the faith ; and yet they say also , he knew by god's law , nothing was to be done without the chief bishop . but they are forced to prove this by a false translation of constantine's epistle to melchiades n , the words of which in greek are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in their version is , as the most holy law of god requires ; but valesius's translation ( which labbé gives us ) is , as is agreeable to the most venerable law ; that is , ( as all men know ) to the imperial laws : so that constantine only says , he had ordered the accusers and accused , all to appear at rome before these delegated judges , as the venerable laws ( which order both parties to be present when a cause is tryed ) do require ; and by the help of a false translation this occasion is made use of , to make the credulous believe , that god's law required all causes should be tryed at rome : whereas it is apparent by this instance , that a cause once tryed there before the pope , might be tryed over again in france , if the emperor pleased . the two following epistles of constantine out of pithaeus his manuscript o , are very suspicious ; the first speaks more magnificently of christ than one who ( as they say ) was so raw in the faith was like to do : and in it constantine is made to decline judging in bishops causes ; which is a protestation against his own act , and contradiction to the second epistle , wherein he declares , that this episcopal cause shall be tryed before himself : nor is this first epistle recorded in eusebius , or agreeable to constantine's style ; so that we suppose , that was devised by such as designed to persuade princes , that bishops were above them : for which purpose baronius here cites a law of this emperor to ablavius p , giving men leave to choose bishops for their judges , and not allowing them after that to appeal to secular courts ; because they had been heard by judges of their own choosing : but baronius perverts this , to signifie , that bishops were above secular judges by their ordinary jurisdiction , whereas they were not so in any cause of this kind , but only when they were extraordinarily chosen arbitrators ; and so sozomen expounds this law. § . . we are now arrived at the time of pope sylvester , who living about the time when constantine publickly professed christianity , and being pope when the nicene council was called ; yet no author of credit , records his being much concerned in these grand revolutions : upon which the annalist , and our editors rake into all kind of forgeries , and devise most improbable stories , to set off pope sylvester as very considerable ; but we shall look into the original of the emperor's becoming a christian , which will discover all their fallacies . constantine was born of christian parents , and brought up under them , and was thirty years old when he entred on the empire . and from the year q he professed openly he was a christian , making laws to encourage converts , and to suppress paganism throughout his empire , building and endowing churches , and granting great immunities to the clergy ; yet all this while he took no notice of marcellus , eusebius , or melchiades , s. peter's successors , and pretended monarchs of the church . after seven years having vanquished maxentius at rome , they say , he gave to the pope his palace of the lateran r : the notes cite optatus for this ; but he only saith , a council of nineteen bishops met in the lateran ; but it doth not follow from thence , that constantine had then given the pope this fair palace . again , baronius ( without any ancient author for it ) saith , that constantive gave s. peter thanks for his victory over maxentius ; yet at the same time he affirms , he was yet a pagan , and durst not by his acts declare himself a christian s . very strange ! were not building churches , setling christianity by a law , giving his palace to the pope , and ( as they say ) fixing the trophy of the cross in the midst of rome t , acts sufficient to declare him a christian ? no , he must be a pagan eleven years after this , and a persecutor ; yea , in the year he was so meer a heathen as to know nothing of the christian rites , but what an egyptian taught him . after he had openly professed this religion eighteen years , he had forgot it all , and turned so great a tyrant , that pope sylvester ( who had no great mind to be a martyr ) ran away into the mount soracte , or was banished thither : but constantine , after he had been ten years pope , never had heard of him , till being struck with a leprosie ( mentioned in no authentic writer ) two glorious persons , whose faces he knew not , appeared to the emperor , and ordered him to send for pope sylvester to cure him ; who ( when he was come ) first shewed constantine these two glorious persons were s. peter and s. paul , and then cured him ; made him a christian , and baptized him . which idle and self-contradicting romance is magnified by baronius's and binius's notes ; but we will now confute it as briefly as we can . § . . first , this whole story is devised , to exalt the glory of the roman church ; to make men believe the pope could work miracles , and that the first christian emperor was baptized at rome : but then it casts such a blot upon constantine's memory , and feigns such odious and incredible things of him , as no wise man can believe concerning a prince , who s. augustine saith , was a christian eight years before this u . and whoever reads in baronius , the history of the first ten years of sylvester , from an. till an. , and observes what glorious things he saith of constantine's religious laws , his piety to god , his zeal for christianity , his respect to confessors , and his bounty to bishops ; his taking part with the catholics against heretics and schismatics : he can never believe this scandalous story of so excellent a prince . but in all this period of time , baronius himself cannot find one evidence , that ever constantine had any correspondence with sylvester , and therefore christianity was setled in the empire without the pope's help : to cover which great truth , some dull ( but zealous monk ) long since invented this sham story , to save the credit of rome ; and the annalist and these notes strive to defend it . secondly , this fable chiefly relies on the credit of the pontifical , ( so often proved false ) and upon the repute of sylvester's acts : but the annotator at first ominously charges them both with falshood w ; the former mistakes the time of the vacancy , and the latter ( he saith ) is wrong in making melchiades ordain sylvester a priest , he being ordained by marcellinus long before . baronius also confesseth , that these acts of sylvester are so false in many particulars , that it shakes the credit of the whole x . but it is very strange , after he ( who is so concerned for their reputation ) had found so many flaws in them , he should justifie them even where they contradict all the historians of the age ; which can spring from nothing but a resolution to maintain every thing which made for the credit of the roman see. thirdly , the notes say not only the acts of sylvester , but zosimus and sozomen do both attest this story : now first , zosimus was a pagan , and baronius and binius confess , he tells many malicious lies of constantine , for suppressing the heathen religion ; and though they confute the rest of his calumnies , they defend his relation of constantine's baptism , as sounding something like those forged acts y ; and though his account of it reflect as much upon constantine , as is possible ; yet the annalist and annotator labour to prove this spightful heathen to be a truer historian , than sozomen , socrates , or eusebius , whom they represent as lyars and flatterers , not to be believed against zosimus . yet there is a mighty difference between this pagan's history of the baptism of constantine , and that in sylvester's acts : zosimus saith , it was a spaniard , named aegyptius , lately by the court ladies brought acquainted with constantine , who advised him to be baptized ; and this the notes say was hosius ; yet it is plain , hosius was constantine's intimate friend , and his legate into egypt twelve years before ( z ) . besides , zosimus doth not name sylvester , and only designed by his relation to blacken constantine , and represent christianity as a sanctuary for villanies , which could not be expiated among the pagans : but the acts discourse of a persecution , and a leprosie , and make peter and paul the advisers of constantine's baptism ; and their business is only to set up sylvester's name . and the stories ( like all falshoods ) do not hang together : as for sozomen , he is no evidence for sylvester's acts , nor doth he once name that pope in the place cited a . he only confutes the scandalous stories , which zosimus had falsly told of constantine , shewing how improbable it is , that this emperor ( after he had reigned nigh twenty years ) should need a new conversion ; and how unlikely it must be , that the pagans would not have found out some rites to expiate him , that so they might secure him in their religion : so that he is a witness , that these reports of constantine were false , and invented by malicious heathens , and so far as zosimus and sylvester's acts agree , he confutes them both ; and since he lived within an hundred years after this time , while some alive might possibly remember these passages ; his early denial of these fictions is better evidence against them , than baronius and binius's testimony for them , after thirteen hundred years ; to serve a turn , and do honour to that church they resolve to magnifie . fourthly , the notes speak of sylvester's returning to rome in great glory ; which is not mentioned in zosimus nor sozomen , and only relies on the credit of these acts b : which have no evidence to attest them , but pope adrian , who perhaps forged them ; or however , first produced these acts in the second nicene council , four hundred and fifty years after sylvester's time , to prove the use of images in constantine's days . but the very acts declare , that constantine ( who had built and adorned so many churches , and if images or pictures had then been used , must have seen the faces of s. peter and s. paul ) did not know the faces of these two great apostles , till sylvester shewed them their images . whence we infer , that the acts are no good proof for images , if they were authentic ; and their being first cited in an ignorant council , made up of forgeries and false stories , gives us good reason to believe them spurious . § . . the annotator in the next place asserts confidently , that constantine was baptized at rome by sylvester , anno c : but his proofs are very weak , viz. first , he cites a roman council for this , held the same year : but the style of that council is so barbarous , the sentences so incoherent , and the matter of fact so false , that labbé owns it is a forgery , and binius confesses it is suspicious d ; so that this can be no evidence : nor secondly , anastasius bibliothecarius , who lived five hundred and fifty years after this time , and was a meer sycophant of the popes , to set up whose supremacy ( then newly hatched ) he stuck at nothing , and that spoils his credit . thirdly , zosimus is a malicious lying writer , as to constantine ; and though he do say , constantine was baptized at rome , he doth not affirm , that sylvester baptized him : fourthly , sozomen only relates zosimus his story to confute it ; so that not one of his witnesses do prove the matter : yet these authors with a weak conjecture , that constantine could not have been present in the nicene council , if he had not been baptized before ( which we will presently confute ) is all the evidence that baronius and these notes can give for this incredible story : but on the other side , there are many clear proofs , that he was baptized at nicomedia , a little before his death . first , eusebius ( who lived at that time , and knew constantine very well , and writ his history soon after ) doth affirm this : and if it had been false , many then alive who could remember it , would doubtless have exposed him for so manifest a fiction . the notes say he forged this story in favour of constantius ; but he must be very ridiculous , if he would be obliged by a story of his father , which many hundreds as well as himself , must have then known to be a falshood ; and eusebius must be as silly as he was knavish , to invent a fable so easy to be disproved by living witnesses : but the notes wrong eusebius , when they say , he reports that constantine died impious and alienated from the catholic church ; for eusebius saith he made a most christian and pious end : however eusebius by this testimony brings upon himself , all the rage and spite of baronius and our annotator , who upon all occasions blast this holy and learned writer , to whose pains they and all the christian world are infinitely beholding ; and though while eusebius's history continues , it be almost the only true record used by baronius in complling his annals ; yet he and binius in every page almost do revile him as an arian and a writer of lies : but there is so much malice , and so little probability in the accusation , that their own writers and ours also do vindicate ensebius from these slanders e , and we could easily confute these calumnies , but only that in this relation he is so certainly in the right , that we need not consider his opinion in other things , but will shew as to this particular he is supported by the best evidence imaginable . for secondly , theodoret also saith , that constantine was baptized a little before his death at nicomedia f ; and though that eusebius , who was bishop of that city , was an arian , yet he dissembled his heresie while constantine lived , and the emperor had restored athanasius , contrary to this bishop's mind ; wherefore though he was forced to make use of an arian bishop to baptize him , being taken ill in that city , yet it will not follow that constantine died an arian : moreover that constantine was baptized at nicomedia , is attested also by socrates g and sozomen h ; and also by the chronicles of isidore and s. hierom i , and by s. ambrose in his funeral oration for theodosius ; yea , athanasius and a whole synod at ariminum , do expresly declare , that constantine was baptized a little before his death ; that is , thirteen years after this pretended baptism at rome k , which last testimony baronius and the notes presume to corrupt , and contrary to all the best copies , and the necessary sense of the place , put constans his name into the text instead of constantine : so that in fine the only question is now , whether we will believe these two modern partial writers , with those most fabulous ( but as they call them most approved ) acts of sylvester , first cited by pope adrian years after : or we will believe the concurrent witness of all the ancient and eminent writers of that and the next ages ; to whom if we give credit , then constanstine's baptism at rome by sylvester , is a meer forgery devised for the glory of the roman church , and for that only reason so eagerly defended by this annotator and the annalist . § . . together with this fable we must also reject the fiction of constantine's leprosy , which was invented only that sylvester might cure it l ; and therefore the notes prove it very slenderly , viz. first , by those acts of sylvester , in which they confess there are many errors m : secondly , by a roman council , which is as manifest a forgery as the acts themselves : thirdly , by a metaphorical expression of gregorius turonensis , a credulous writer , who lived years after this , and yet even he doth not expresly affirm it . fourthly , but the annotator tells us the gentile historians do confirm this , though he names but one , viz. michael glycas , who unlucklily proves a christian monk , living in sicily , anno , about years after this time , and long after adrian and his nicene council had dispersed sylvester's acts , out of which glycas took this fable upon trust : so that at last he only proves the acts , by the acts themselves and by pope adrian ; and that is all the authority he hath for this feigned leprosy , which disease no writer ( of credit and antiquity ) saith constantine , ever had ; no not that malicious zosimus , who raked up all the odious things against this emperor he could devise ; and if ever he had been struck by heaven with leprosy , no doubt he would have blazed it abroad with great pleasure . § . . the book of constantine's munificence , is grounded on the fable of his baptism , and seems to be forged by the same hand with sylvester's acts : so that we ought also to reject it as a fiction : anastasius , who put it out , was the pope ' s library-keeper ; and whether he made it , or found it in the vatican , that shop of lies ( as richerius calls it ) the credit of it is invalidated , by reason , no author of repute or antiquity , mentions any of these gifts : it says blasphemously , constantine gave a saviour sitting five foot high ( so it calls a dead image n ; ) but if this were true , why did not adrian cite this in his nicene council ? or why did this emperor ' s sister write to eusebius bishop of coesarea for an image of christ , when sylvester could more easily have furnished her ? and by the way , the notes fraudulently mention this message o , but do not relate how severely eusebius reproved that lady for seeking after a visible image of christ : the annotator also cites paulinus to prove this book of munificence ; but he writ near years after ; and though he speak of a fine church of s. peter in rome ; yet he saith not that constantine either founded or adorned it : baronius attempts to prove this book by mear conjectures , by the forged acts , and by nicephorus , a late author , whom he often taxes for fictions p ; but he can produce no ancient or eminent author for it : and yet it is certain , if constantine , had given so many and so great gifts to the head city of the world , some of the most famous writers would have recorded it : besides , the cardinal himself rejects both the idle story of s. agnes temple , ( attested by a fiction ascribed to s. ambrose ) told in this very book q ; and the apparent falshood of constantine's now burying his mother in one of these churches , who was alive long after r : so that by his own confession there are divers falshoods in this book ; and he had been more ingenuous if he had owned the whole to be ( as it really is ) a forgery . § . . the editors now go back to the council of arles , held ( as they say ) anno s : and it troubles them much , to ward off the blows which it gives to their beloved supremacy : for it was appointed by the emperor , upon an appeal made to him by the donatists , to judge a cause over again , which had been judged before by melchiades and his roman council ; ( the pope in council it seems , being not then taken to be infallible : ) 't is true , in the title , which these editors give us , this council directs their canons , to their lord , and most holy brother sylvester the bishop , and say , they had sent them to him , that all might know ( the pope not excepted ) what they were to observe : so that though in respect they call him lord , yet they stile him also a brother , and expect his obedience to their decrees ; nor do they ( as the notes pretend , ) desire him to confirm these canons t ; but only require the pope who held the larger diocess , that he would openly acquaint all with them , as their letter speaks : that is , as he was a metropolitan , to give notice of these canons to all his province , which was then called a diocess ; and baronius is forced to point the sentence salsly to make it sound , toward his beloved supremacy u . so in the first canon , pope sylvester is ordered by this council to give notice to all , of the day on which easter was to be observed : that is , he was to write to all his neighbouring bishops under his jurisdiction about it , not as the notes say w ; that he was to determine the day , and by vertue of his office to write to all the bishops of the christian world to observe it : the council had ordered the day , and command the pope to give notice to all about him to keep it . and in the famous nicene council , the bishop of alexandria ( living where astronomy was well understood ) was appointed first to settle , and then to certify the day of easter ; yet none will infer from hence , that he was the head of the catholic church , because he had this duty imposed on him , which as yet , is more than the council of arles did put upon the bishop of rome : again , the notes are very angry at the emperor , for receiving the donatists appeal from the pope and his council , which they say constantine owned to be an unjust and impious thing x ; but they prove this only by a forged epistle mentioned but now , § . but it is certain constantine , ( though a catechumen , which they pretended was impossible at nice ) was present in this council , and so he must act against his conscience , if he had thought it unjust , and impious to judge in ecclesiastical causes : and in this emperor ' s letter to ablavius , he saith ; god had committed all earthly things to his ordering : and in that to celsus he promises to come into africa , to enquire and judge of things done both by the people and the clergy y . and indeed constantine , by all his practice sufficiently declared , he thought it lawful enough for him to judge in ecclesiastical matters . finally , the notes say the bishops met in this council , at the emperor ' s request z ; now that shews it was not at the pope ' s request ; but indeed constantine's letter to chrestus , expresly commands the bishops to meet ; the notes also out of balduinus or optatus , ( or rather from an obscure fragment cited by him ) say , sylvester was president of this council ; baronius addeth of his own head — namely by his legates a , which guess binius puts down for a certain truth : but it is ridiculous to fancy that a pair of priests , and as many deacons in that age , should sit above the emperor , when himself was present in that council ; so that though we allow the pope ' s messengers to have been at this council , there is no proof that they presided in it : we shall only add , that instead of arians in the eighth canon , we must read africans : or else we must not fix this council so early as an. , at which time the arians were not known by that name . § . . in the same year is placed the council of ancyra , which the editors do not ( as usually ) say was under sylvester , but only in his time b ; and it is well they are so modest ; for doubtless he had no hand in it ; the notes confess that it was called by the authority of vitalis bishop of antioch c : balsamon and zonaras say vitalis of antioch , agricolaus of caesarea , and basil of amasea , were the presidents of it d . yet not only leo the fourth , but the famous council of nice , approved of this synod called and carried on without the pope ' s knowledge or leave : there is but one canon in this council which contradicts the roman practice , viz. the ninth , which allows deacons to marry and continue in their office , if they declared at their ordination that they could not live single : this canon therefore baronius and binius strive to corrupt with false glosses : the former saith , we may by this canon see how firmly ministers single life was asserted , not only in the whole catholick church but in the east e . now it is very strange , that a private canon of a provincial council , which allows one order of ministers to marry , should shew it was the opinion of the whole church , that none might marry : the latter in his notes affirms that , this among other canons solidly proves , that not only priests , but deacons ( by the apostolical law ) were bound to live without wives f : but the apostles certainly allowed deacons to have wives ; and this canon was made on purpose , that they might live with their wives , if they pleased : the notes proceed to say , that deacons ordained against their will , and protesting they could not contain , were by these fathers permitted to marry after their ordination , provided they left off all sacred administrations , and did not communicate among the priests in the chancel , but among the people : which is an impudent falsification ; there being no word of being ordained unwillingly ; nor any reason why they should be ordained , who were to be reduced presently to lay-communion : yea , the words of the canon are express , that if they did marry , they should continue in their ministration g ; so that these editors make no conscience , to make these ancient records to contradict themselves , rather then let them seem to oppose their churches present practice : for which vile purpose there is another trick in the notes on this council ; for whereas the eighteenth canon speaks of lay-persons which vowed single life , ( as many had done in times of persecution ) and afterwards broke their vow , that these were to be counted bigamists ; the notes h on this canon , put these words of the thirteenth canon , those who are of the clergy , &c. before their observation on the eighteenth canon , on purpose to make the reader think the clergy in those days , vowed single life as they do now at rome . § . . the council of naeccaesarea ( according to these editors ) was under sylvester i , who is not once named in it , nor doth it appear he knew of it : they might also have left out leo the fourth's approving it five hundred years after , because the notes say , the council of nice allowed it , which is much more for its credit k . the same notes say , the first canon orders the same thing , which was decreed in the thirty third canon at elliberis , and the ninth at ancyra : and if so , that is not , ( as they falsly gloss the canon of ancyra ) that the clergy should live single , or be reduced to lay communion ? for in that canon some of the clergy are allowed to marry , and to continue to minister as clergy-men still . and the true sense of this naeocaesarean canon is , that whereas in times of persecution , when marriage was inconvenient , many priests promised to live single : now these only were not allowed to marry afterward l ; but when the church had peace , the nicene council left all clergy-men free , to marry or not , as they pleased ; which shews , that when the reason of this canon ceased , they believed its obligation did so also . the fifth canon forbids a catechumen , who falls into sin , to enter into the church : by which the notes say , that baronius had sharply censured eusebius m : but it is plain , that baronius shews more malice than wit in that censure : eusebius only relates matter of fact , that constantine was present in the nicene council , and he ( with all ancient authors ) agrees , that constantine was yet a catechumen ; where then is the crime ? do not baronius and binius both agree , that constantine was present in the council of arles , ten years before his pretended baptism at rome ? and if it be said , this canon forbid it : i ask , whether it be probable , that an emperor ( who , as baronius saith , was solutus legibus , above the civil law ) should be proceeded against by a canon of a small provincial council ? wherefore eusebius his only crime is , that he tells a truth , which happens to contradict the lying acts of sylvester , and consequently the interest of rome , for which the cardinal and annotator can never forgive him . the next place is assigned to a roman council , under sylvester , wherein there was a famous disputation between the jews and christians , before constantine and helena ; but in the notes n we are told the story is utterly false , only attested by sylvester's acts , which swarm with lies , as they are now extant ; ( yet out of these acts , as now extant , is the forgery of constantine's baptism at rome taken ; ) and therefore baronius and binius reject this council as a meer forgery . but why do they not reject constantine's baptism , as well as this council , since both rely on the same author ? the reason is plain , that makes for the interest of the pope , and this no way concerns ; and so it may pass for a forgery , as it is . § . . on occasion of arius's heresie now breaking out at alexandria , there was a council of an hundred bishops called by alexander , bishop of that city , to condemn him ; which first council of alexandria ( the editors say ) was under sylvester ; but it doth not appear that this pope knew of it till three years after o , an. ; at which time alexander gave notice of this council ( not to sylvester by name , as the notes falsly suggest , but ) to all catholic bishops , and in particular to the bishop of constantinople . but for fear the reader should observe , that more respect was shewed to that bishop , than to the pope , the editors have removed these epistles of alexander into the body of the nicene council , and only give us notes upon them here , in which the annotator out of baronius turns the charge of lying and forgery , of which themselves have been so often convicted , upon us , whom they falsly call innovators p . four years after followed a second council at alexandria , which the notes hope to prove was under sylvester q , because athanasius saith , this was a general council , and saith , hosins was there : upon this baronius , fancying nothing could be a general council unless the pope were present personally or by his legates , conjectures hosius was the pope's legate , and in that capacity presided in this council r : and the notes positively affirm this dream for a certain truth . but athanasius calls many synods general , which were only provincial ; and it is plain , he had not the modern roman notion of a general council , because he never mentions sylvester , nor doth he say , hosius was his legate . but even baronius owns , that hosius was constantine's intimate friend , and his legate into egypt six years before s ; and socrates saith , he was now again sent thither as the emperor's legate ; and no doubt , if he did preside in this council , it was not as sylvester's legate ( whom no ancient author records , to have had any hand in this council , ) but as the legate of constantine . after these two councils is placed a letter of this emperors to alexander and arius , taken out of eusebius , but is misplaced by the editors ; since it is plain , it was written in the beginning of the controversie about arius , and not only before constantine understood any thing of the matter , but before these councils at alexandria : but baronius and the editors place it here t on purpose to rail at eusebius , as if he put out an arian forgery ; whereas it is a great truth , and constantine may well be supposed to write thus , before he was rightly informed in the case ; therefore those gentlemen do not hurt eusebius's reputation , but their own , in accusing him so falsly , upon the old grudge of his not attesting their forgeries , devised and defended for the honour of the roman church . § . the council of laodicea ( though it do not appear any pope knew of it till after it was risen ) they resolve shall be held under some pope ; the title saith , under sylvester u ; labbé's margen saith , under liberius , an. , or ; or , under damasus : whereas in truth it was under no pope , and being placed in the old collections of canons after those of antioch , and also mentioning the photinians , it must be held long after the nicene council w : but it was falsly placed before the nicene council by baronius ( our editor's main guide ) to secure the book of judith by the council of nice's authority x . and the reasons given for this early placing it are very frivolous : for first , the softening of a canon of naeocaesarea is no certain mark of time . secondly , this council rejects judith out of the canon of scripture , and so did the council of nice also ; for though s. hierom , when he had told us , this book is not of authority sufficient to determine controversies ; adds , that the nicene synod is read , to have computed it among holy writings y . s. hierom only means , they allowed it to be read for instruction , but did not count it canonical ; for doubtless he would not have rejected judith , if that council had received it into the canon . and he saith elsewhere , the church indeed reads judith , tobit , and the macchabees , but receives them not among canonical scriptures z ; and again , a man may receive this book as be pleaseth a . herein therefore the council of laodicea doth not contradict the council of nice at all , as these notes falsly pretend . thirdly , this councels decreeing the same things which were decreed at nice , without naming it , is no argument it was held before that of nice ; nothing being more ordinary , than for later councils to renew older canons without citing the former councils for them . the notes on the second canon at laodicea ( which supposes penitents , to make their confession by prayer to god , and mentions no priest ) would willingly grast the use of their modern sacramental confession , to a priest , upon this ancient canon b ; but it rather confutes , than countenances that modern device . their labouring to expunge the photinians out of the seventh canon , since all the old greek copies have these words c , is meerly to justifie their false date of this council . the annotator on the fifteenth canon confesseth , that s. paul commands all the people to joyn in the hymns , and that this use continued to s. hierom ' s time ; yet he owns their pretended apostolical church hath altered this primitive custom grounded on holy scripture ; and that for very frivolous reasons d . but let it be observed , that this canon forbids not the people to bear a part in the church service ; but allows them not to begin , or bring in any hymns into the public service . the seventeenth canon speaks of the assemblies of the faithful in two latin versions , and the greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet because the worst latin translation reads , in processionibus ; the notes impertinently run out into a discourse of their superstitious modern processions ; for any thing serves them for an occasion , to make their late devices seem ancienter than they are e . the thirty fourth canon mentions and censures those , who leaving the martyrs of christ , go to false martyrs ; and the fifty first canon mentions the martyrs feasts : upon which the notes f most falsly infer , that the martyrs were then adored with religious worship : but this is only his invention . the canon speaks not one word of worshiping martyrs ; but only , whereas the orthodox christian assemblies were generally in the burial places of true martyrs , where they offered up prayers to god : some it seems began to make separate meetings in places dedicated to false martyrs , and therefore the properest note here would have been , to have set out the sin of schism , and the pious fraud ( as they call it ) of feigning false martyrs , of which their church is highly guilty . the thirty fifth canon expresly forbids leaving the church of god , and calling upon angels ; which they say is an hidden kind of idolatry , and forsaking christ the son of god , to go after idolatry . and theodoret , who lived soon after the true time of this council , saith , those who were for moses ' s law , which was given by angels , brought in the worship of them ; which error reigned long in phrygia and pisidia ; and therefore the councill of laodicea , in phrygia , did by a law forbid the praying to angels g . which canon doth so evidently condemn the roman churches prayers to the angels as idolatry , that the former editors of the councils impudently corrupted the text of this canon , and put in angulos , for angelos h , as if the council had only forbid praying in private corners ; whereas not only the greek , but the oldest latin copies , and theodoret , have angels : but our editors and annotator having baronius for their guide , venture to keep the true reading [ angels ] in the text , and put [ angles ] into the margen , hoping by false notes to ward off this severe blow i . and first , the notes dare not produce the place of theodoret at large ; then they strive to blunder the reader with a distinction of dulia and latria , which can signifie nothing here , because the canon and theodoret both say , it is praying to angels which is forbid ; and that the romanists certainly do . again , baronius censures theodoret for saying , that such heretics as were for moses ' s law , brought in angel-worship : but why doth he not censure s. paul , who saith , that those who were jewishly inclined , and observed differences of meats , new-moons and sabbaths , were the inventers of angel-worship k ? the angelic-heretics in epiphanius and s. augustine , who came in afterwards , did not ( as the notes represent them ) say , that angels were to be worshiped with the worship due to god alone : only as the romanists now are , so they were inclined to worship angels l ; that is , by praying to them . however , we protestants say with theodoret , we neither give them divine worship , nor divide the service due to the divine majesty , between them and the true god m : and when the romanists can say this honestly , and leave off praying to them , we will not tax them with this canon . baronius hath one device more , viz. that the angels , which this council says , must not be worshiped , were not good angels , but devils and the genii , adored by the pagans ; for ( saith he ) the former canon receives the worship of the true martyrs , and rejects that of false martyrs . to which i answer , first , it is false ( as was shewed ) that the former canon receives the worship of any martyrs , true or false . secondly , why doth not this canon call these pseudo-angels , as the former called those it rejected , pseudo-martyrs , if the prohibitions were of the same kind ? did ever any christian call devils , angels , without some addition , as evil angels , apostate angels , & c ? besides , in that age when this council was held ( according to baronius ) the worship of daemons and the tutelar spirits , was public , not secret idolatry ; so that it is manifest , this canon speaks not to pagans , but heretical christians . and theodoret shews , that it was those angels , who gave the law of moses , which were hereby forbid to be prayed to ; and i hope neither binius , nor his master , will say , these were devils : wherefore this canon plainly saith , praying to good angels , ( as they of rome now do ) is idolatry . to conclude , the sixtieth canon of this council , is the most ancient account of the canon of scripture , that ever was made by any christian synod , being the same which the church of england holds at this day ; for it leaves out all those books of judith , tobit , wisdom , &c. which we account not to be canonical ; but our annotator finding so primitive a council contradicting their new trent canon , and not being able to reconcile the difference , passeth this remarkable canon by , without any note . § . . the reproachful obscurity of sylvester in this time of action , in all other christian churches , puts the editors upon giving us an heap of forgeries together , to colour over the pope's doing nothing remarkable for nine or ten years : first , we have an epistle of the primitive church , and constantine's munificence o : but gratian , and the former editors of councils , cited this as a decretal epistle of melchiades , to prove the pope's supremacy , &c. whereas the forgery is so gross , that our annotator affirms it to be a fiction of isidore mercator's , patched up of fragments stollen out of the history of the nicene council , the council of chalcedon , and s. gregory's th epistle , and wofully . mis-timed p : yet being used to cite such forgeries , ( after this confession ) he will not let it go without making some use of it ; for he notes , that what is said here of constantine ' s donations to melchiades and sylvester , is very true , and may be firmly proved by optatus milevitanus . very strange ! optatus mentions no donation of constantine to either of these popes , vid. supr . § . . and therefore the reader may note , that false and weak inferences or quotations from manifest forgeries , are firm proofs with baronius and binius , when they make for the roman interest ; but the best canons of the most genuine councils are of no value , when they make against it . after this follows that odious forgery , called constantine's donation , wherein he is pretended to make over to the pope , the whole city of rome and all the western empire , with all kind of ensigns of imperial majesty , and all manner of jurisdiction ; which ridiculous fiction ( nauclerus saith ) antoninus rejected in his chronicle , because it is not extant in any ancient author , but only in the decretals q . but our editors print it without any note of its being false ; yea , with notes upon it , to prove it either true or very probable r . and baronius introduces it with many stories , to make all that concerns the popes temporal greatness credible to an easie reader s ; yet at last , to secure their retreat from so indefensible a post , he and the annotator make it a fiction of the poor greeks : i shall therefore , first , prove it a forgery ; and , secondly , make it out , that not the greeks , but the pope's creatures devised it . first , that it is a fiction appears from divers arguments : for , first , who can believe constantine , so unjust , first , to give rome and the western empire to the pope , and then to one of his sons ? or who can think the pope so tame never to put in his claim ? secondly , this edict is grounded on the idle story of constantine's baptisin by sylvester , which out of sylvester's fabulous acts is related at large in it ; but those acts being ( as was shewed ) a meer forgery , this edict must be so also . thirdly , it represents constantine , who was born and brought up under christian parents , and had setled christianity before this , as a meer heathen , till he met with sylvester at this time . fourthly , it pretends the whole senate and all the nobles joyned with the emperor , to give the pope this power . but besides the folly of constantine's delegating more power than ever he himself had , it is most false to suppose , that the whole senate at this time were christians ; for many of them continued pagans long after constantine's death . baronius indeed ( out of sylvester's acts ) affirms , that none of the senate was converted before the year t . forgetting that he had told us , divers senators had given up their names to christ twelve years before u ; and that one or both of the consuls were christians two years before this w . so ill a memory had the great cardinal , when his cause obliged him to defend a lye. fifthly , it speaks of the emperor's intending to build a city , and call it by his own name , in the province of bizantium , and his resolution to transfer his empire thither ; and yet before this , the edict had reckoned up constantinople by name , and hierusalem , as two of the five patriarchates , and given rome jurisdiction over all the other four. lastly , it is dated in the fourth consulship of constantine with gallicanus , whereas licinius was his collegue in his fourth consulship , which was in the year of christ , that is , nine years before the time fixed by baronius for this pretended baptism ; and that clearly shews the story to be all sham , as all modest and learned men of the roman church do now acknowledge : but baronius , and our annotator , considering not barely the falshood of this edict , ( for that alone would not discourage them ; ) but observing also , that it destroys the pretended divine right of the pope's supremacy , grant it at last to be a forgery , but say , it was devised by the greeks . secondly , therefore i shall shew the falshood of that accusation : for , first , they charge balsamon with publishing it ; now he did not write till an. , yet the notes out of baronius do confess , that a pope quoted it an. , ( that is , near an hundred years before balsamon was born ) to justifie his superiority over the greek church ; and therefore balsamon was not the inventer of it : secondly , it doth the greeks no good , for it gives the pope power over all their patriarchs , and reckons constantinople as the last and lowest patriarchate , so that the forger could not come out of that church . thirdly , it is grounded on the fabulous acts of sylvester , writ in latin , and feigned in the western world ; and its whole design is to advance the pope above all bishops , kings , and emperors ; and therefore no doubt it was advanced by a friend of the popes . fourthly , the notes confess , that a pope first set up this edict , to prove his universal supremacy , ( not considering with baronius , it seems , that it weakened his title ) and the grave and learned men of the roman church received it as authentic for many ages after . we add , that till the reformation they cited it , and writ in defence of it ; and though now their point is gained they begin to renounce it , yet the advantage that church got by it , shews , that they were the forgers of it ; yea , it seems anno one johannes diaconus , a member of the roman church , was thought to be the author of it . fifthly , whoever considers how unwilling the cardinal and our annotator are to have it clearly rejected , will be convinced , that their church gained by it , and consequently invented it . they labour to prove , the popes temporal power granted hereby , is both probable and true x : and though they own the french princes , pipin and charles , who gave many cities and countries to s. peter , never mention this edict ; yet they argue from their calling those gifts , a restoring them to the church , that they had respect to constantine's bounty y . these authors also mention pope adrian's confirming this edict , and quote the book of constantine's munificence ( shewed to be a fable just now ) to justifie it z . they also would make out what it saith of the images of peter and paul , then kept at rome , by eusebius , but cite him falsly , leaving out the main part of his testimony ; viz. that it was only some who had such images , and that these imitated the pagans herein ; from whence it will not follow , that eminent christians then placed them in their churches a . in short , though they dare not say it is true , yet they would not have it rejected as false , because it gives their admired church so much riches and power ; and therefore doubtless no greeks , but some of their church invented this most notorious forgery : and aeneas sylvius observes , that it was warily done of the popes , to let it be hotly disputed how far this edict was good in law , that so the edict it self might still be supposed valid b , it being their interest it should be thought so . this feigned donation is followed by a roman council under sylvester , in the preface whereof sylvester is falsly pretended to have called the nicene council ; and in the body of which there is a canon , that none must judge the chief seat ; not the emperor , nor kings , nor clergy , nor people . for the sake of which two advantagious fictions , baronius and the annotator , defend and justifie this synod c ; though the title be ridiculous , the style barbarous , and the matter of it as void of sense as it is of probability . labbé indeed notes , that the condemning photinus here shews , it was put together by an unskilful hand d , and rejects it as a forgery very justly : for photinus ( as the notes confess ) was not condemned till long after e ; nor were there any christian kings , but constantine the emperor at that time . besides , the forger first says , none of the laity were present ; and yet in the next page affirms , that calpharnius ( praefect of the city ) was there , and that constantine and his mother helena subscribed it f ; yea , baronius himself observes , that this council mistakes the custom of the roman church , where in that age presbyters use to sit in the presence of the bishops ; but in this fiction , they are represented as standing with the deacons g . moreover , it destroys the donation ( lies seldom hanging together ; ) for if constantine had given the pope such supreme power a few days before , what need was there for these bishops to grant the same thing ; or however , why do they not remember constantine's late gift ? lastly , arius ( who then gave so great trouble to the church ) is not mentioned here ; not ( as baronius guesses ) because he was to be more solemnly condemned at nice the next year h ; but because the forger had nothing in his eye , but meerly to set off the grandeur of rome . § . . we are now come to the first and most famous general council of nice , wherein the worst and most dangerous of all heresies was suppressed ; and yet the pretended judge of all controversies , and supreme head of the church , had so little share in this glorious transaction , that it is very uncertain in what popes time it was called : sozomen and nicephorus say , it was in the time of julius i ; others think it was in sylvester's time ; photius affirms , it was in the times of both sylvester and julius k , though unhappily pope mark was between them two : yet this council is introduced by a preface a la mode a rome , styled , the history of the council of nice l , wherein ( as well as in the notes and various editions of this famous council ) all imaginable artifice is used to abuse the reader into a belief , that pope sylvester not only called this council , and presided in it by his legates ; but also confirmed it by his sole authority afterwards . for the clearer confutation of which falshoods , we will consider , first , the authority which convened this council . secondly , the president of it , with the order of sitting in it , and subscribing to it . thirdly , the power which confirmed it . fourthly , the number of the canons . fifthly , the true sense of them , sixthly , the forgeries for supremacy herein inserted . seventhly , the corrupt editions of the council it self . first , as to the authority convening it . the preface saith , constantine assembled it by sylvester ' s authority m : the notes affirm , — it was appointed by the advice , counsel , and authority of pope sylvester ; and again , — pope sylvester , by his pontifical authority , decreed the celebration of a general council n . to prove these vain brags , they cite ruffinus ( whose version of this council they reject ; ) yet he only saith , that constantine convened it by the advice of the bishops : however , this is advice , not authority ; and advice of the bishops in general , not of sylvester in particular ; and if any bishops did give the emperor particular advice , it was those of alexandria and constantinople , not he of rome . secondly , they quote the sixth general council ( held years after this of nice , and in other things rejected by the romanists ) which saith , — this council was called by sylvester and constantine : but they quote falsly , for that sixth synod puts the emperor's name first o ; and though they are no evidence against authors living in the time of the ni●ene council ; yet even this shews , they thought the emperor's authority was chiefest in this matter . the notes also cite the pontifical ( which they have so often rejected as fabulous ) and sozomen , as if they said the same thing : but for sozomen , he never names sylvester ; but saith , pope julius was absent by reason of his great age ; and the pontifical only saith ; it was called by the consent of sylvester ; not by his authority ; and indeed it was called by the consent of all orthodox bishops : wherefore there is no good evidence , that the pope did call it . but on the other side , all the ecclesiastical historians do agree , that constantine convened it by his own , authority , and sent his letters to command the bishops to meet at nice p ; and not one of them mentions . sylvester , as having any hand in this matter : yea , ( to put us out of all doubt ) the very council of nice it self ( in their synodal epistle writ to alexandria , and extant in these very editors q ) expresly declares , that they were convened by constantine's command . which clear and convincing proofs , shew the impudence , as well as the falshood of the annalist and annotator , to talk so confidently of the pope's authority in this matter ; who , if he had ( as they pretend ) convened this council , should have summoned more western bishops , of which there were so few in this council , that it is plain , either sylvester did not summon them , or they did not obey his summons . secondly , as to the president of this council , and the order of sitting in it , and subscribing to it : the preface and notes falsly affirm , that hosius , vitus , and vincentius were all three the pope's legates , and presidents of this council r ; and vainly think , if it had not been so , it could not have been a general council : but if this be necessary to the being of a general council , surely there is some good evidence of it . quite contrary ! the preface to the sardican council is of the editors , or their friends making , and so is no proof : athanasius saith , hosius was a prince in the synods ; but not that he was president of this synod , or the pope's legate . cedrenus and photius are too late authors to out-weigh more ancient and authentic writers ; yet they do not say , ( as the notes pretend ) that sylvester , by his legates , gave authority to this council : yea , photius . places the bishop of constantinople before sylvester and julius , even when he is speaking of the chief bishops , who met at nice ; and he is grosly mistaken also , because neither of the popes did meet there s . socrates only saith , the bishop of rome ' s presbyters were his proxies , and present at this counoil t ; but hereby he excludes hosius ( who was a bishop ) from being a legate , and doth not at all prove vitus and vincentius were presidents . sozomen names not hosius , but these two presbyters as the proxies of pope julius ; but reckons that pope himself in the fourth place u . though these notes in citing sozomen ( according to their usual sincerity ) place the bishop of rome first , and all the other patriarchs after him . finally , they cite the subscriptions to prove , these three were legates and presidents at nice ; but richerius ( a learned romanist ) saith , these subscriptions are of as little credit , as the epistle to sylvester w ; and adds , that the placing these presbyters before the bishops , is a plain proof , that all these subscriptions were invented in later ages ; because the pope's legates never did precede any of the patriarchs , till the council of chalcedon x . as for hosius , he had been the emperor's legate long before , and divers of the ancients say , he was very eminent in this council ; but not one of them affirms , that hosius was the pope's legate : this is purely an invention of baronius ; but he only proves it by conjectures y . the truth is , constantine himself was the president of this council , and sat on a gilded throne ( not as the preface saith falsly , below all the bishops ; but ) above all the bishops , as eusebius an eye-witness relates z ; and the notes at last own , he sat in the chief place a ; yea , the annalist confesseth , he acted the part of a moderator in it b . richerius goes further , saying , it is clear by undoubted testimonies , that the appointing and convening of this council depended on the authority of constantine , who was the president thereof c ; and he blames baronius and binius , for wilfully mistaking the pope's consent ( which was requisite , as he was bishop of an eminent church ) for his authority , to which no pope in that age pretended . it is true , there were some bishops , who were chief among the ecclesiastics in this council : eustathius , bishop of antioch sat uppermost on the right-side , and opened the synod with a speech to constantine d : hence some ( and among the rest pope foelix , in his epistle to zeno ) affirm , he was president of this council e : others say , the bishop of alexandria presided ; and indeed all the patriarchs present , sat above all others of the clergy f ; yet so , as they all gave place to the emperor , when he came in . and for the pope's legates , baronius and bellarmin do contend in vain about the places they had in this council since no ancient author tells us , they sat above the chief of the bishops : so that this also is a forgery of the papal flatterers , to give countenance to their churches feigned supremacy . thirdly , as to the power which confirmed the canons of this council ; the ancient historians do suppose that constantine gave these decrees their binding power , and record his letters , to injoyn all to observe them g . and eusebius who was there , saith , that the emperor ratified the decrees with his seal h ; but the annalist and annotator seek to efface this evidence , by railing at eusebius , and by devising many weak pretences , to persuade the credulous , that pope sylvester confirmed this council by his authority ; and both the preface and notes tell us , that this synod writ a letter to sylvester for his confirmation , and that he called a council at rome ; and writ back to ratify what they had done i : but whoever will but read these two epistles , will find the latin so barbarous and the sense so intricate , that nothing is plain in them , but that they are forged k ; and labbe's margin tells us they are fictions , nor dare baronius own them to be genuine l ; and though binius cite them for evidence in his notes , yet at some distance he tells us , it is evident they are both corrupted m ; and again he says , if they were not both extreme faulty and commentitious , they might be evidence in this case n : but richerius is more ingenuous , and declares , that these epistles are prodigiously salse , the forger of them being so ignorant as to call macarius , ( who was then bishop of jerusalem ) bishop of constantinople : yet our annotator cites dionysius exiguus for a witness of these epistles ; whereas richerius shews , they were forged by some ignorant monk long after dionysius his time , who mentions not the pope ' s confirming of these canons ; nor doth he remember these epistles ; but only saith it was agreed , these canons should be sent to sylvester bishop of rome o ; the notes further urge , a roman council under pope sylvester , to prove his confirming these canons ; but that council is a confessed forgery it self , and so proves nothing p . lastly , the annotator here ( and almost every where ) cites socrates his speaking of an ecclesiastical canon , that no decrees of councils should be valid without the consent of the roman bishop q . but first , consent is not confirmation ; it is the priviledge of every patriarch as well as of him of rome , that a general council cannot be held without every one of their consents ; but this proves not their pretended sole and supreme power of ratifying all councils vested in the pope : besides , socrates here only historically relates what pope julius said in his own case ; and therefore the testimony relies on julius his credit ; and indeed that was a peculiar case , wherein , when the cause of athanasius was referred by consent of all parties to julius as arbitrator , the arians took it out of his hands against athanasius his mind ; and judged it in a council , to which julius was not at all summoned , which doubtless was very illegal and unjust : but yet none can tell , where this ecclesiastical canon was made , which the angry and injured pope here cites ; and therefore till it appear whence julius had this canon , we must be excused , if we give no great deference to it ; and unless they cou'd prove it was recorded before the nicene council , it is very impertinent to expect the nicene fathers should govern their actions by it . so that we conclude not sylvester , but constantine confirmed this council . fourthly , as to the number of the canons the annotator also notoriously prevaricates ; he confesses that all the greeks , and particularly theodoret and ruffinus , assert there were but twenty canons made there ; yea , that the sixth council of carthage , ( within less than an hundred years , ) after a diligent search in the three patriarchal seats of alexandria , antioch and constantinople , could find no more than twenty canons r : but the notes conceal gratian's naming no more but twenty canons , and his saying , there are but only twenty nicene canons to be found in the roman church s . for all this the annotator boldly tells us , that the truer opinion , ( or rather that which is most for the popes interest ) is , that more than twenty canons were made there : but we will examine his and baronius's reasons t . first , they say there is no decree about easter among the twenty canons : i reply , there is a genuine epistle of constantine's , in which this matter is determined with the reasons for it , which is better than a bare law without arguments , in a case which had been so much disputed u ; nor could they make any acurate canon , about it till the exact time was calculated , which they referred ( not to the pope , but ) to the bishop of alexandria . secondly , the notes say s. ambrose mentions a canon made at nice , against bigamists w ; but baronius himself confesseth , that s. ambrose only saith , they treated of this matter , but doth not affirm they made a canon about it . thirdly , they plead , there was a decree about the canon of scripture made at nice , ( which is not among these twenty ) because s. hierom saith , he had read that the nicene fathers computed judith , among the books of holy scripture . i reply — s. hierom only saith they computed it among holy writings , that is , ( as we shewed before § . ) among books to be read for instruction , not to be quoted in dispute : for if s. hierom had believed this council did receive judith for canonical , he would not have counted it ( as he doth to be apocryphal ; so that this proves not that there were more canons . fourthly , the notes affirm there is no canon now extant here , against a bishops choosing his successor in his life time ; which s. augustine saith was forbid in this council x ; which is a gross untruth , since the eighth canon forbids two bishops should be in one city ; and the notes own this was the very canon meant by s. augustine , in the next leaf y : liers should have better memories : fifthly , they say the third council of carthage cites a canon of nice , forbidding to receive the sacrament after dinner ; but if the place be considered ( as richerius notes z ) that council only refers to a former african synod , which had decreed this , and not to the council of nice . sixthly , the annotator speaks of a canon about appeals to rome , cited out of this synod in the sixth council of carthage , but he was wiser than to tell us who cited this for a nicene canon ; for it was pope zosimus's legate cited it , and he was convicted of a notorious falsification therein , as shall be shewed in due place . seventhly , he saith there was a canon made at nice ; but not to be found among the twenty , that a cause tried in a lesser synod , might be judged over again in a greater ; and for this he cites the fourth epistle of julius ; but in his notes on that epistle a , he confesseth this was no canon made at nice , but only it was matter of fact ; in that this great synod did judge arius over again , who had before been judged at alexandria . eightly , the notes say , atticus , bishop of constantinople at chalcedon , did affirm , that the nicene council agreed upon a form of writing communicatory epistles , which is not among these twenty canons : i reply , baronius and he both own this form was to be a secret among the bishops ; and if it had been put into a canon , heretics might easily have counterfeited these forms , and so the design had been spoiled b . lastly , the annotator cites sozomen , to proves that the nicene council added to the gloria patri the later part , as it was in the beginning , &c. whereas sozomen c in that place only speaks of such as praised god in hymns , agreeing to the faith delivered at nice , but mentions no canon or form of words agreed on at nice , about these hymns . so that after all this shuffling , it is very impertinent for this annotator to brag , that it is manifest there were more than twenty canons made in this council ; and nonsense to tell us , that the greeks who stifly maintain there were but twenty canons , cannot deny but there were more than twenty : and for all his confidence , neither he nor baronius dare defend those eighty canons , which turrian hath fathered on this council ; and therefore whatever is more than these twenty , or differing from them , must pass among the many forgeries of the roman church fifthly , as to the sense of those canons , which oppose the pope's interest , the notes use many impostures in expounding them . the third canon forbids the clergy to cohabit with women taken into their houses ; unless they were so near of kin , as to avoid suspicion and scandal : which plainly supposes , that they might have wives , because cohabiting with them , could give no suspicion nor scandal : and since the canon names not wives , who were the most likely to dwell with their husbands , doubtless this council did not suppose the cohabitation of the clergy with their wives to be unlawful . yea , not only socrates and sozomen d ; but pisanus and nauclerus , later romish authors e , relate the history of paphnutius his advice to the council in this point ; upon which the latter saith , the nicene fathers allowed priests to have wives , if they pleased : which full evidence against their churches practice doth so enrage baronius , that he not only denies this well-attested history , but lays by the character of an historian , and falls ( in his guessing-way ) to dispute against this manifest truth f . and binius in his notes g out of him , saith , this canon expresly forbids clergy men the use of their wives , after they were entred into holy orders ; rejects the history of paphnutius , and gives socrates and sozomen the lye : but we shall leave the reader to judge , whether he will give more credit to the words of the canon , and these ancient impartial historians ; or to the corrupt paraphrase , and impudent assertions of these two notorious sycophants , who have so often been proved to govern themselves , not by truth , but by interest and design . the sixth canon reckons the pope but equal to other great bishops , and limits his jurisdiction ; at which the annalist and annotator are much discomposed , and ( by various fictions and shuffling pretences ) labour to pervert the true sense of this famous canon . and first , they say , the beginning of it ( viz. the roman church hath always had the primacy ) is wanting h : whereas no authentic edition ever had any such beginning . dr. beveridge gives us eight several versions , besides the original greek , which all want it i ; and it is impudently done of binius , to cite alanus copus , saying , that dionysius exiguus ' s version had this beginning ; since that very version is printed by binius himself , without any such preamble k ; but 't is all one to him , true or false , in his notes , he makes a foolish paraphrase on this forged preface , about the divine right of the pope to his supremacy ; whereas the plain words of the genuine canon shew , that this council grounded the jurisdiction of these great bishops only upon ancient custom l : nor can it be gathered from this canon , that the bishop of rome then had any superiority over him of alexandria ; the one being allowed as much power within his own limits , as the other had in his . it is plain , the great bishops are all here declared to be equal , without any exception or salvo , upon the bishop of rome's account ; which would have been mentioned , as well as the rights of the metropolitan of caesarea are , when the bishop of jerusalem's place is assigned in the seventh canon , if the council of nice had believed , rome had any right to a supremacy over all the rest . the annotator is also angry at russinus ; and though upon the fourteenth canon he says , ruffinus set down the true authentic canons m ; yet because his version of this sixth canon limits the pope's jurisdiction to the suburbicarian regions ; he first falsly represents the words of ruffinus , adding to them , — which above all others are subject peculiarly to the diocess of the roman church ; and then rails at the version it self , as evil , erroneous , and proceeding from his ignorance : but doubtless ruffinus , who lived so near the time of this council , and knew rome and italy so well , understood the pope's jurisdiction at that time , and the meaning of this canon far better than binius ; and therefore baronius ( after he had condemned the version ) yet strives to accommodate it to their new roman sense . but there is full evidence , that these suburbicarian regions were only those provinces which were under the praefect of rome ; that is , some part of italy , and some of the adjacent islands ; and these were all the churches which were then under the pope's jurisdiction : as may appear by the great difficulty which the succeeding bishops of rome found in the following ages , to bring milan , aquileia , and ravenna ( churches in italy it self ) to be in subjection to them : so that the pope was so far from having an universal supremacy then , that balsamon is mistaken in thinking he was made patriarch of all the western church ; for the very fifth canon , which orders all causes to be heard and finally ended in the same province where they hapned , not only destroys appeals to rome , but shews that no bishop did then pretend to so large a jurisdiction . again , these notes frequently brag of that version of this canon , which the pope's legate cited at chalcedon n ; wherein the aforesaid sorged title of this canon [ the church of rome hath always had the primacy ] are quoted as part of the canon it self : but the acts of that council of chalcedon shew , that this edition was discovered to be false by the constantinopolitan code , then produced : and if the fathers there had believed this to be the true reading , they would not immediately have contradicted the first famous general council , by giving the bishop of constantinople equal priviledges with him of old rome : so that their quoting a false , baffled , and rejected version of this canon ; rather pulls down , than supports their dear supremacy ; to maintain which they have nothing but sophistry and fraud , as the next section will shew . sixthly , therefore we will consider the impostures and fictions annexed to this council , to give colour to their feigned supremacy : and first , because eusebius speaks little of the popes , for he could not truly say much of them ; baronius and the annotator invent all the calumnies against him imaginable ; and the former ( though he have little true history in his annals for three hundred years together , which is not taken out of eusebius ) rails at him most unjustly , as being an arian ; a malicious , fraudulent , and partial writer o . and binius treats this great historian at the same rate : but athanasius expresly saith , that eusebius of caesarea subscribed the orthodox faith p . socrates affirms also , that he agreed to the faith of the nicene council q . pisanus , his greek author of the history of this council , brings in eusebius disputing against the arians r : and valesius , in his life , clears him from this spightful accusation , which these men invent meerly to be revenged on him , for not countenancing the pope's supremacy ; which is not his fault , but his vertue , because there was no such thing pretended to in his days . secondly , these editors publish a letter of athanasius to pope marcus , with that pope's answer s , among the records of this council ; and the annotator often cites them , to prove the supremacy and infallibility ; because the roman church is here called , the mother and head of all churches , and , a church which had never erred ; and the pope is called , bishop of the universal church ; yet their being forged is so notorious , that bellarmin , possevin , and baronius t reject them . thirdly , they likewise publish in these nicene acts an epistle of pope julius , wherein divers canons for the primacy are fathered on this great council u : and pisanus is so bold , and so vain as to defend this to be genuine , by an epistle of the egyptians to pope foelix ( owned to be forged w ) , and by other decretal epistles , as false as this , which he defends ; but it is so manifest a forgery , this of pope julius , that the editors themselves afterward reject it x . fourthly , whereas the ninth canon of chalcedon allows the clergy to complain to the primate , or to the bishop of the royal city of constantinople ; notes are put upon this to falsifie that canon , which say , that constantinople is here put for rome y . fifthly , here is a canon called the thirty ninth of nice , which faith , he that holds the see of rome is the head and prince of all patriarchs ; because he is first , as peter , to whom power is given over all christian princes and people z , which must be a forgery of some roman parasite , because it not only contradicts the sixth canon of the genuine council of nice , but the eighth of these pretended canons , which limits the bishop of rome's jurisdiction to the places near to him a . however , the editors say , steuchus , turrian , and cope cite it ; and they print turrian's notes upon it , which affirm it to agree with the sixth canon of the true edition ; and would prove it genuine by no better evidence , than a forged decretal of anacletus b . by which we see , the most apparent falshoods shall be published and defended , if they do but promote the supremacy . lastly , we will make some remarks on the corrupt editions of this council : first , that of alfonsus pisanus is so fabulous , that labbé for meer shame omits it c ; but binius prints it at large , with all its fictions and impostures d ; of which richerius gives this character , by this history of pisanus we may learn , not what the council of nice was , but what it should be to fit it for a jesuits palate ; for he hath scraped together all the falshoods and forgeries he could find , for enlarging the number of the canons e . but i must add , that there are divers passages in this edition , which will not serve the ends of the modern roman flatterers : for first , pisanus his greek author highly extols eusebius f ; for which the jesuit corrects him with a note in the margen . secondly , the orthodox bishop bids the philosopher believe that which was written , but not to regard things unwritten ; because the faith is grounded on holy scripture g : whereas the margen cautions the reader , not to think that this is spoken against ecclesiastical traditions , though it be levelled at them . thirdly , hosius doth not subscribe ( as the pope's legates here do ) for pope sylvester ; wherefore this compiler did not think him to be the popes legate h . fourthly , it is here said to have been declared at nice , that every bishop under god was the head of his own church i . fifthly , here is printed that part of the african bishop's letter to celestine , wherein they blame his legate for falsly citing the nicene canons k . so also the lxxx canons were not invented by a through-paced friend to the roman modern interest , and therefore probably baronius will not defend them l . the th canon ( as was noted ) limits the pope's jurisdiction to such places as were near him : the th and th of these canons clearly declare , that some bishops had wives m , forbidding bigamy , and compelling them to take their first wife again . and there are other like examples which are not worth setting down , because they are all forged in later times , as appears by their citing a fabulous discourse out of the life of s. anthony , falsly ascribed to the great athanasius n , by their quoting a spurious work under the name of dionysius areopagita , which was ( as all agree ) writ after the nicene council many years o : by their giving the patriarch of antioch jurisdiction over the archbishop of cyprus , who was always free from that subjection , as was declared long after in the council of ephesus p . finally , though this pisanus do impudently reject the true story of paphnutius his advising to leave the clergy at liberty to marry ; which history is in his author , and in gelasius cyzicenus also : yet he magnifies a ridiculous fiction afterward of two bishops , which signed the nicene faith after they were dead and buried q . a fable so gross , that baronius rejects it , with a note which i wish he had often remembred , viz. that it was not usual among christians to confirm the faith by miracles , which was attested by more firm evidences of holy scripture r . secondly , turrians edition of this council repeats all these lxxx canons , and in his preface and his notes he vindicates them all ; and yet the tracts which he cites to prove these canons genuine , are owned to be spurious by all modest romanists , and his arguments are so trifling they are not worth consuting . we will only note therefore , that the th and the th of these canons require , that synods shall be held twice a year , which ( as turrian confesseth ) agrees not with the custom of the roman church s : and his notes say , the d canon differs from the th , and the d canon is contrary to the th t ; but he will rather suppose the holy nicene fathers contradicted themselves , than own any of these canons to be forged , because some of them seem to favour the pope's supremacy . as to the edition of gelasius cyzicenus , it is generally a very modest account of this council , and hath not many errors in it , but like all other ancient authors it speaks very little of the pope ; for which reason binius claps it under hatches , and will not produce it till the latter end of his second tome after the council of ephesus , to convince us , that all authors are valued or slighted meerly as they promote or discourage the usurpations of rome . § . . to all these impostures , contrived to misrepresent this famous general council , there is tacked a third council at rome under sylvester in the presence of constantine , wherein that pope with bishops are said to confirm the nicene council , and make two or three new canons u . but though it be certain and confessed by binius and baronius , that constantine was not then at rome , though the style be barbarous , and the matter frivolous , and the thing be a manifest forgery contrived to carry on the grand cheat of sylvester's confirming the council of nice ; yet barcnius and binius ( who confess the title to be false ) labour to prove this synod to be true , though binius be forced to justifie it by the forged letter of the nicene fathers to sylvester , and his answer to them , both which in the next column he owns are false and feigned w . and thus where the supremacy is concern'd , one forgery serves for the evidence of another . the council at gangra is genuine , and was an uncorrupted remain of primitive antiquity , till it fell into the hands of these editors , who have put the name of osius , bishop of corduba , into the title in their latin version ; and though that name be not found in the original greek printed over against it ; yet from this fiction of their own x the notes impudently say , that this synod was convened by sylvester ' s authority , and from osius his presence in it , binius certainly gathers it was celebrated under this pope ; but a little after he knows not in what year it was held ; and baronius treats of this council anno , that is , near years after sylvester's death y . they tell us that pope symmachus in his th roman council approves this synod , but he mentions not osius ; however baronius guesses , that the reason why symmachus approved it was , because osius the legate of the apostolic see was there ; which groundless conjecture and false assertion , binius in his notes turns into a positive affirmation , viz. that osius was there as the pope's legate . as to the occasion of calling this council of gangra , it was to condemn one eustathius , whom binius owns to have been a great favourer of monkish life , and sozomen saith , he was a monk z ; yea , the synodical epistle describes him as one who despised marriage , allowed not the administrations of married priests , who had a separate way of worship , and a different garb from others , making his followers to abstain from flesh , profess continency , and renounce propriety a ; all which are the very characters of a monk of the roman stamp ; and therefore it is wonder that binius should give sozomen and himself the lye , and say he was no propagator of monkery , and that it cannot be proved that he was a monk ; yet at last he fancies eustathius his name was mistaken for eutachus an armenian monk b . all which blunders are only designed to keep the reader from observing , that a monk was condemned for an heretic , yea , and censured for holding those very opinions , which now pass currant among the romish fryers for which end also in his notes on the th canon , he saith , the heretics ( that is , protestants ) foolishly apply this canon to condemn the celibacy of the clergy , whereas ( he saith ) it doth not concern priests who have wives , but such as had wives c . but i doubt it will prove the romanists are the heretics here : for both this canon , and the synodical epistle , have [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which signisies a priest who now hath a wife ; even as [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] cor. vii . . is those that have wives , and are actually married ; and so the best version of this canon is presbyterum conjugatum : for by it all those are anathematiz'd , who affirm , that men should not communicate , if a married priest say the office : that is , this primitive council anathematizes the modern church of rome , to hide the shame of which just censure the notes quarrel with our preferring the translation of their friend dionysius , who turns the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ministrante ; before those versions which turn it by sacrificante ; as if protestants did this out of a design to blot out the memorial of the unbloody sacrifice d ; whereas that greek word doth properly signifie ministring and saying the offices of the church , but no where is used properly for sacrificing ; and it is apparent , that protestants do most religiously believe the sacrament to be an unbloody sacrifice , and as such , do make it a memorial of christs one bloody sacrifice upon the cross . the notes also blame these eustathian heretics for perswading the people to give them the dispensing of their alms intended for the poor , contrary ( saith binius ) to the apostles doctrine and constitution e . yet thus the romish fryers do at this day , drawing the peoples alms to their convents under pretence of being dispensers of them . the same notes are mistaken in saying , that the manicheans were forbid by their doctrine to give any alms to the poor : for s. augustine ( who knew those heretics best ) assirms , that they only forbad their people , to give meat or fruits — to any beggar who was not of their own sect f . lastly , whereas this council condemns the eustathians , for abhorring the assemblies and divine offices used in the places where the martyrs were commemorated , can. ult . these notes falsly pretend they were condemned , for disapproving the worship and invocation of the holy martyrs g ; whereas it is plain by the canon , that the martyrs were only commemorated , not invocated nor worshiped in those days ; and the expression in this place , is only a phrase to signifie the usual assemblies of orthodox christians , which were then frequently held in the burying places of the martyrs , and these heretics separated from those public assemblies . the arians , to revenge their condemnation at nice , falsly accuse athanasius to the emperour constantine , who thereupon called a council at tyre , which these editors intitle , the council of tyre under sylvester h . yet all the ancients agree the emperour called it , and their own notes confess as much : only they pretend , he called this council contrary to custom and his duty ; but this is notoriously false , since constantine had already called divers councils , and particularly that of nice . and as for pope sylvester , he is not once named in this council at tyre , which looks a little odly upon the pretended supremacy , that when the catholic cause lay at the stake , we never hear one word of the roman bishop , neither in this council , nor in all the succeeding letters and councils relating to athanasius , till that cause was afterward brought before the pope , as an arbitrator chosen by both parties . § . . pope marcus succeeded sylvester , and sat but eight months ; yet , that he might not seem to have done nothing , the forgers have invented an epistle from athanasius to this pope , desiring a true copy of the nicene canons from rome on pretence , that the arians had burnt theirs at alexandria : to which is annexed marcus his answer , who saith he had sent him canons . now binius hath often cited these epistles , to prove the popes supremacy and infallibility , and to shew there were more than twenty canons made at nice , yet here his notes bring five substantial reasons , to prove these epistles forged ; and labbé notes , these wares of isidore are justly suspected by baronius , bellarmine , and other skilful catholics , nor doth binius himself doubt of their being spurious i . yea , it is remarkable , that this very binius out of baronius k here confesseth , that he who forged the epistle of boniface to eulalius , devised also these two epistles , to consult the credit of pope zosimus and pope boniface , who had cited a canon out of the nicene council , not found among the genuine canons . from which we may observe , first , that binius will cite those things for the supremacy , &c. which he knows to be forged . secondly , that the great design of all these forged records of antiquity was either to cover the faults , or consult the honour of the roman church , which seems to have both employed and encouraged the authors of these pious frauds , because her pretences could not be made out by any thing that was authentic . julius succeeded marcus in the same year , in whose life the pontifical mistakes the consuls names , and feigns he was banished ten months , which baronius proves to have been impossible l , he fills up this popes story ( according to his manner ) with trisling matters , and omits the only remarkable thing in his life , which was his concern in the cause of athanasius . in this popes name several epistles are published : the first from julius to the eastern bishops may be proved fictitious , not only by the confession of baronius and other learned romanists m , but by divers other arguments . for is it probable , that julius would only be solicitous about his supremacy when he writ to the arians , and not once reprove them for their heresie , nor their persecuting athanasius ? is it likely he should cite the council of nice falsly , and feign so many ancient decrees about the primacy of the pope , and the nullity of councils not celebrated by his authority ? this forger saith , julius consented to the nicene council at the time of its celebration ; but the romanists agree that it was held in sylvesters time . he imperiously forbids the eastern bishops to judge any bishops without him , and falsly tells them , they all had received their consecration from rome , yea , with the fabulous pontisical he mistakes the consuls name , and puts maximianus for titianus . yet by this forgery the editors would prove , that more than twenty canons were made at nice n , and ( after baronius had discarded it ) binius by frivolous notes strives to justifie it as speaking big for the supremacy o . secondly , here is the eastern bishops answer to julius , wherein though they call the pope father , which was the usual title of bishops of great sees ; yet they expresly deny his having any authority over them , and affirm he ought to be subject to the canons , as well as other bishops : so that there is no reason for binius his brag , lo , how they own the supremacy p ! for indeed they do not own it at all , and yet the substance of this epistle is genuine , being found in secrates and sozomen . the third epistle from julius to the arians , is owned by baronius and others to be a forgery q ; and binius in his notes upon it saith , it is false , corrupted , and stollen out of divers authors r , yet the same binius infamously quotes it over and over for the supremacy , the nullity of councils not called by the pope , and the number of the nicene canons . the fourth epistle of julius comes not out of the vatican , but was preserved in athanasius his apology , and is by all accounted genuine , being writ in an humble style , without any pretences to the supremacy s . and here the nicene canon ( about the re-hearing in a new synod , a cause not well judged before ) is rightly cited , without mention of any final appeal to rome t ; the power of all bishops is supposed to be equal , and not any greater power to belong to him that is fixed in a greater city . here julius writes not his own sense , but the sense of the bishops of italy , who were assembled in a synod at rome , of which great city julius being bishop ought , by ancient custom , to publish the decrees of such councils as were held in or or near that city u ; but binius falsly infers from hence , that it was an honour due to his place , to publish the decrees made in all synods . and whereas , when any thing was under debate concerning alexandria ( the second patriarchate ) julius saith , it was a custom , to write to the roman bishop ( who was the first patriarch , ) binius stretcheth this and saith , it was both agreeable to the canons and custom , that no bishop should be judged till the popes definitive sentence were heard w . the last epistle also is genuine , and writ in a modest style , owning that athanasius was not judged by the pope alone , but by a synod of bishops , whose judgment he supposes above his own x , and by these two epistles we may discern the impostures of those other epistles , which are forged about this time in the names of this and other popes . the decrees attributed to this pope are not suitable to the age , yet we may note , the third decree forbids a man to marry his deceased brothers wife , though his brother had not known her : which was shamefully broken by that pope , who gave licence to king henry the th to marry his brothers wife , and this decree justifies his divorce y . after these epistles follows a roman synod , wherein julius with bishops confirm the nicene council ; but labbé saith , it is a hotch-potch made up out of many authors , and put into the form of a council by isidore z , and it is dated with the same mistaken consuls , felician and maximian , with which julius his entrance into the pontifical , and all his forged epistles are dated ( for his genuine epistles have no date ; ) yet baronius a and the notes gravely dispute about the time of this forged council , and the bishops which were said to be in it ; meerly to perswade the reader , that the nicene council needed the pope's confirmation ; but since this council is feigned , it can be no evidence : and therefore binius gains nothing by alledging it in his notes on the third epistle , but only to shew us , that one falshood is the fittest prop for another . § . . athanasius being restored to alexandria , calls a synod there of all the bishops of his province , of which only the synodical epistle is now extant , written as the title declares , to all the catholic bishops every where ; yet the notes from baronius b say , it was writ particularly to julius ; whereas the body of the epistle saith , the arians have written to the roman bishop , and perhaps ( speaking to other bishops ) they have writ to you also : so that this is a falshood devised for to make out the supremacy , which is not countenanced by this epistle , wherein we are told , that religion depends not on the greatness of any city : though the notes say , that bishops had honours and jurisdiction given them , suiting to the dignity of the secular praefects of their several cities ; and thence alexandria was reckoned the second patriarchate , and antioch the third c , it follows naturally , therefore rome was the first patriarchate : but this inference they will not make : i shall only note that this synod saith , the lawful use of the cup of the lord was to make the people drink d ; from whence we gather , that the roman church ( who denies the cup to the people ) doth a very unlawful thing , and leaves off the lawful use of the holy chalice . the council of antioch , is by the editors said to be held under julius e , yet it was called by constantius on occasion of dedicating a new church there ; and the notes say , the emperour not only called it , but being present there , caused such decrees as he pleased to pass in it f ; yea , it is evident they valued pope julius so little , that they judged quite otherwise than he had done in the case of athanasius , and therefore the romanists rail at this synod as a conventicle of arians , and in the last roman edition ( saith richerius ( g ) ) have left out these canons as not favouring the practice of the roman court. however baronius saith , among bishops , only were arians h ; and the canons made here are excellent rules for discipline , having been received into the code of the universal church before s. chrysostom's time , confirm'd by the council of chalcedon , allowed by s. hillary , and ( as gratian saith ) received by the catholics ; and the learned richerius hath fully answered all the cavils of binius and baronius , by which they would invalidate them : so that we need only make some few remarks on this council , and so dismiss it . the th canon orders a bishop who was deposed , to appeal to a synod of bishops , and allowed none to be restored , unless it were by a greater number of bishops than had deposed him i . but they exclaim against this as a device of the arians , to take away that apostolical and ancient law and custom of appealing to rome , which ( they say ) was always observed till now : but hitherto they could never produce any such law , nor prove any such custom ; nor did s. chrysostom ever appeal to rome , but desired to be restored by a greater synod , as this canon requires k , and when his enemies made that impossible , then indeed he objected that this canon was made by arians ; yet the canon remained in force , and was generally received in that age. nor did the sardican council revoke it ( as binius falsly saith l : for though they put a new complement on the pope , yet they did not take away the ancient method of appealing from a lesser synod to a greater . the second canon decrees , that such as come to church to hear part of the service , and do not receive the sacrament , shall be excommunicated . this the notes say was to condemn the old audian heretics m ; but it evidently condemns the new roman heretics , who since they exalted their wafer into a god , expect the people should only gaze at , and adore it most part of the year , and excuse them , though they often go away without receiving it . the th canon forbids bishops to commit the treasures and fruits of the church to their kinsinen , brethren and sons : upon which binius hath no note , knowing it reflected on the roman churches custom , where the popes generally give all they can to their scandalous nipotismo . next to this council of antioch , is placed a second synod at rome , under pope julius , in the cause of athanasius n ; but baronius places it before that of antioch , an. . § . . and though the cardinal confess , that athanasius and his enemies by consent had referred this matter to julius his arbitration , and that athanasius came to rome after this reference was made ; yet he vainly remarks on this matter , in these words , behold , reader , the ancient usage for injured bishops , to come even out of the east to the roman bishop for redress o . but this is one of the first instances , and was a meer arbitration by consent ; and the ancient usage since the emperours became christians was to appeal to them , as these parties had done , before it was referred to the pope . in this roman council it is pretended athanasius delivered his creed ; but the acts of the council being lost , and the roman archives being a repository neither safe nor creditable , we can have no evidence from thence of the truth and antiquity of this excellent composure . one thing however is remarkable , that baronius and binius charge the greeks with taking away those words [ and the son ] out of this creed , and add , that they falsly pretended , this was a late addition of the latins p . yet baronius himself owns , that the western church added these words [ and the son ] to the nicene creed , above an hundred years after q ; so that they accuse the poor greeks for keeping the creed , as athanasius made it , and as their own church used to recite the nicene creed for many years after . the year following julius held a third synod at rome , and in it read the letter of the eastern bishops , wherein they wonder he should cite them to rome , and so value himself upon the greatness of his city , as on that account to take upon him to judge them concerning things which they had determined in their own synods . nor durst julius challenge any authority over them , by reason of the eminence of his city r : only he pleads for athanasius , who being bishop of an apostolical see , viz. alexandria , ought not to have been condemned by them , till they had writ to all the western bishops , and especially to him as bishop of the first see , that so all of them , ( viz. in council ) might have determined the matter according to right s . but baronius and binius turn this into their being obliged to write to the pope , and to receive what he had defined : and binius infers , from the popes writing this synodical letter from a council held in his own city of rome ( though the synod expresly command him to write the epistle ) that in respect to the pope , and according to ancient custom , it was his right to publish whatever was agreed on in councils t . but such false consequences from premisses that will not bear them , only shew the arguers partiality . after this we have nothing remarkable , but a second council at antioch , held by the arians , yet bearing this title under julius u , wherein the arians made a new creed , and sent four bishops to give constans the emperour and all the western bishops an account of their faith , and they met these legates in a council at milain ; and though it doth not appear julius was present , yet baronius makes as if this embassy from the east was sent to julius , chiefly to desire communion with him w ; and binius saith , they desired to be received into the communion of the roman church x . but the ancient historians assure us , they desired not the communion of the roman only ; but of the whole western church , of which that was then esteemed no more than one eminent part . § . . the sardican synod , which saith some kind things of rome , is prodigiously magnified by the editors , who place an history before it , and partial notes after it , which are full of falsities and designed misrepresentations : baronius also spends one whole year in setting it off to the best advantage ; but all their frauds will be discovered , by considering , first , by whom it was called : secondly , who presided in it : thirdly , of what number of bishops it consisted : and , fourthly , what authority the canons of it have . first , as to the calling it , the preface falsly states the occasion thereof : for it is plain athanasius did not ( as that reports ) leave the whole judgment of his cause to the pope y ; nor did he ( as is there said ) fly to rome , as the mother of all churches , and the rock of faith : this is the prefacers meer invention . for athanasius went to rome as to the place agreed on by both sides for arbitrating this matter ; and the other party so little valued the pope's decision in his favour , that they would neither restore athanasius , nor receive him into communion upon it ; which made julius complain to the emperour constans , who writ to his brother constantius about it ; but that letter did not produce this council ( as the preface fully sets out ) but only procured a fruitless embassy of three eastern bishops to rome . it was the personal addresses of athanasius and paulus , bishop of constantinople , to constans ( when they found the pope had no power to restore them ) which caused both the emperours to give order for this council to meet , as sozomen , socrates and theodoret affirm z . and the bishops in their epistle do expresly say , they were called together by the most religious emperours a : but baronius fraudulently leaves out this beginning of the bishops letter b ; and the bold writer of the preface saith , this council was called by the popes authority : and the notes offer some reasons to justifie this falshood , yea , they cite the aforesaid authors , who plainly declare it was called by both the emperours , to prove , it was called by the pope ; but they offer nothing material to make this out . 't is true , socrates saith , some absent bishops complained of the shortness of time , and blamed julius for it c ; but that doth not prove the council was called by his authority , only it supposes , he might advise the emperour to make them meet speedily ; but still that is no sign of full power . secondly , as to the president of this council , the preface saith boldly , that hosius , archidamus , and philoxenus presided in the name of julius . but first , it doth not appear that hosius was the popes legate , only as an eminent confessor he had a chief place in it ; whence sozomen saith , osius and protogenes were chief of the western bishops here assembled d : that is , osius as an ancient confessor , and protogenes as bishop of sardic , where the council was held ; but as for archidamus and philoxenus , they are not in the latin copies of the subscribers e . and athanasius only saith , julius subscribed by these two presbyters ; which shews , that hosius was not the popes legate ( for he subscribed in his own name ) and that these presbyters who were his legates , were not presidents of the council . thirdly , they magnifie the number of bishops also in this synod , to make it look like a general council ; where accounts differ they take the largest f , and falsly cite athanasius , as if he said it consisted of bishops , and so exceeded the first council of nice g . whereas athanasius expresly reckons only , who met at the city of sardica h ; and when many of the eastern bishops withdrew , there were not one hundred left to pass the decrees of this council . 't is true , athanasius affirms , that bishops signed the decree to restore him ; but many of these hands were got from orthodox bishops , who were not at the council i : so that this was never counted or called a general council by any , but these partial romanists ; for though the emperour seem to have designed it general at first k , yet so few came to it , and they who came agreed so ill ( the eastern bishops generally forsaking it ) that it is called frequently , a council of the western church , and so epiphanius in baronius describes it l . fourthly , the little regard paid to its canons afterwards shews it was no general council . richerius , a moderate and learned romanist proves , that this council was not extant in greek in the time of dionysius exiguus , so that he and pope leo the th reckon it after all the councils of note : the greeks received not its canons into their code , and pope nicholas epistle shows , that the eastern church did not value its authority , only the popes esteemed it , because it seems to advance their power m . the african church of old valued this council as little ; for a synod of bishops there ( among whom were s. augustine and alypius ) were ignorant of any sardican council , but one held by the arians . baronius tries all his art to palliate this matter n ; but after all his conjectures it is plain , it was of no repute in africa , because when two popes zosimus and boniface afterwards cited the decrees of sardica as canons of nice , the fraud was discovered , and when they were found not to be nicene canons , they would not receive them as canons of sardica , but flatly rejected them ; which shews , that these african fathers did neither take this sardican synod for a general council , nor for an authentic provincial council : and therefore whatever is here said in favour of the roman church , is of no great weight . however the champions of rome magnifie the th canon of this council , where in case a bishop judge that he is condemned unjustly , hosius saith , if it please you , let us honour the memory of peter the apostle , and let those who have judged such a bishop write to julius bishop of rome , that so ( if need be ) the judgment may be reviewed by the bishops of the province , and he may appoint some to hear the cause , &c. now here the notes talk big , and claim a supremacy and appeals as due to the pope by divine right o : but richerius well observes , it is nonsence , to ascribe that to a human law and privilege , or to the decree of a council , which was due before to the pope by the law of god p . and we add , that hosius neither cites any divine law , no nor any precedent canon or custom for this , but supposes it at the pleasure of this synod to grant or deny julius this privilege : and yet if it were an express law , this being only a western synod , doth not bind the whole catholic church . besides , it is not said , the criminal shall appeal to rome , and have his cause tryed there ; but only , that the pope ( if need were ) might order the cause to be heard over again in the province where it was first tryed ; and therefore julius is only made a judge of the necessity of a re hearing , not of the cause it self , which according to the th canon of nice was to be decided in the province where it was first moved . and this rather condemns than countenances the modern popish way of trying foreign causes at rome by appeal . to this i will add an ancient scholion on this canon found in some old copies : from this canon the roman church is much exalted with pride ; and former evil popes producing this as a canon of nice , were discovered by a council at carthage , as the preface to that council shews : but this canon ( whatever they pretend ) gives no more power to rome than other canons , since it saith not absolutely , that any who is deposed any where shall have liberty to appeal to the pope ; for at that rate the sardican synod would contradict the general councils ; it speaks only of him who is deposed by the neighbouring bishops and those of his province , and therefore doth not comprehend the synod of the primate metropolitan , or patriarch ; so that if they be present , and the sentence be not barely by the neighbouring bishops , the pope may not re-hear it , as this canon orders : and it only concerns those in the west , hosius and the makers of these canons being of those parts ; but in the east this custom never was observed to this day y . i shall make one remark or two more , and so dismiss this council . the preface cites sozomen , to prove , that hosius and others writ to julius to confirm these canons : but sozomen only saith , they writ to him , to satisfie him that they had not contradicted the nicene canons z ; and their epistle ( which calls julius their fellow-minister ) a , desires him , to publish their decrees , to those in sicily , sardinia and italy , ( which of old were suburbicarian regions , ) but never speak of his confirming their decrees b . yet in their epistle to the church of alexandria , they pray them to give their suffrage to the councils determinations c : which , had it been writ to the pope , would have made his creatures sufficiently triumph . i observe also , that upon the mention of the church of thessalonica in the th canon , the notes pretend , that this church had an especial regard then , because the bishop of it was the pope's legate ; yet the first proof they give , is , that pope leo made anastasius of thessalonica his legate an hundred years after ; and hence ( they say ) bellarmine aptly proves the popes supremacy d : but the inferences are as ridiculous as they are false , and they get no advantage either to their supremacy or appeals by this council . § . . the first council of carthage was appointed to suppress that dangerous sect of the donatists ; and though it bear the title of under julius , yet this pretended universal monarch is not mentioned by the council , or by any ancient author , as having any hand in this great work , which was managed by gratus bishop of carthage , and by the emperours legates e . in this council were made fourteen excellent canons , which possibly the romanists may reject , because they never asked the popes consent to hold this council , nor desired his confirmation to their canons ; and whereas the editors tell us , pope leo the th ( who lived five hundred years after ) approved of this council , we must observe that the catholic church had put them into their code , and received them for authentic long before , without staying for any approbation from the bishop of rome . soon after this , there was a council at milan , of which there was no mention , but only in the synodical letter of the bishops met at ariminum , an. . f ; who say , that the presbyters of rome were present at it ; they say not , presidents of it : and there it seems ursacius and valens , two arian heretics , abjured their heresie , and recanted their false evidence against athanasius . and either before or after this synod ( it is not certain whether ) they went to rome , and in writing delivered their recantation to pope julius g , before whom they had falsly accused athanasius , and who was the arbitrator chosen to hear that cause , and so not as pope , but as a chosen judge in that case , was fittest to receive these mens confessions : yet hence the notes make this inference , that since this matter was greater , than that a synod at milan ( though the roman presbyters were present ) could dispatch it , and lest the ancient custom of the catholic church should be broken , viz. for eminent heretics to abjure their heresies only at rome , and be received into communion by the pope ; they sent them to julius , that having before him offered their penitential letter , they might make their confession , the whole roman church looking on . all which is their own invention ; for the authors from whom alone they have the notice of this council say nothing of this kind , and it is very certain that there was at this time , no custom at all for heretics to abjure at rome , more than at any other place , many heretics being frequently reconciled at other churches . there was also a peculiar reason why these two heretics went thither , and it cannot be proved that this council sent them ; so that these are forgeries , devised to support their dear supremacy , and so we leave them : only noting , that the editors are not so happy in their memory as their invention ; for the next page shews us a council at jerusalem , wherein many bishops ( who had described the condemnation of athanasius , and therefore no doubt were arians ) repented and recanted , and so were restored to the churches communion , without the trouble of going to rome on this errant . a council at colen follows next , which they say was in julius his time , and under julius ; yet the notes say , they know not the time when it was held , only the bishops there assembled deposed a bishop for heresie by their own authority , without staying for the pope's advice , though they were then about to send a messenger to rome to pray for them ; so little was the popes consent thought needful in that age ; and perhaps it is in order to conceal this seeming neglect , that the notes h ( after they have approved far more improbable stories , which make for the honour of their church ) reject the report of this message to the prince of the apostles as fabulous , and we are not concerned to vindicate it . the last council which they style under julius , was at vasatis , or bazas in france ; yet the notes affirm , that nectarius presided in it ; the time of it very uncertain i , and the phrases used in the canons of it , shew it to be of much later date . besides this council saith , the gloria-patri was sung after the psalms in all the eastern churches ; but jo. cassian , who came out of the east in the next century , saith , he had never heard this hymn sung after the psalms in the eastern churches k : wherefore it is probable this council was celebrated after cassian's time , when the greek churches had learned this custom ; and yet these editors place it a whole century too soon , because they would have us think that custom here mentioned , of remembring the pope in their daily prayers , was as ancient as the wrong date here assigned . in labbe's edition here is added an account l of three councils against photinus , on which we need make no remarks . § . . pope liberius succeeded julius , whose life with the notes upon it are very diverting , if we observe the shifts and artifices used by the roman parasites to excuse him from heresie . the pontifical saith , he was banished three years by constantius , for not consenting to the asians , in whose place foelix was ordained , and he in a council condemned ursacius and valens , two arian bishops , who in revenge petitioned constantius to revoke liberius ; and he being thus restored , consented to the arians and the emperour , so far as to persecute and martyr the catholics , and his rival foelix being a catholic , was deposed . but this fable is not fine enough for the palates of baronius and binius , who are to dress a story to make the reader believe , that neither liberius nor foelix erred in faith while they were popes . to confute which let it be considered , that binius confesseth , liberius consented to the depriving of athanasius , admitted arians to his communicn , and subscribed an arian confession of faith ; as athanasius , hilary and hierom , witness m ; and there are arguments unanswerable to prove , he was an arian while he was pope n ; yea , binius in his own notes twice confesseth , that he unhappily fell o ; and that , he basely fell p . yet to mince the matter , he adds , that by his fall he cast a vile blot on his life and manners ; and the notes on the sirmian council say , by offending against the confession of faith , and the law of justice , he cast a most base blot on his life and manners q . what can be more ridiculous ! he erred in faith , and subscribed the arian confession , therefore the blot was upon his faith ; this did not concern his life and manners . that absurd phrase is a meer blind to keep the reader from discovering a pope turning heretic : to which end they impudently say , it is a false calumny of the heretics to say , liberius was infected with the arian heresie r . but i ask , whether athanasius , s. hilary and s. hieroin ( who affirm this ) were heretics ? or was platina an heretic , who saith , liberius did in all things agree with the heretics : to which the same forgers have added , [ as some would have it ; ] but those are not phetinus words , who saith soon after , he was of the same opinion with the arians s . and surely the catholic people of rome in his time took him for an arian , and as such would have no communion with him , and therefore we conclude he was an arian . as for foelix , who was put into his place , baronius and binius would excuse him by a false latin version of socrates , saying , he was addicted to the arian sect ; but the original greek expresly declares , he was in opinion an arian t . and it is certain , he was chosen by the arians , and communicated with them , ordaining arians to be priests ; and therefore the catholic people at rome avoided his communion , and s. hierom saith , he was an arian . as for the story of his condemning ursacius and valens , two of that sect , there is no better authority for it , than the fabulous pontifical . so that after all the devices of bellarmin , bargnius and binius u , to save their churches infallibility , we have two popes at once falling so notoriously into the arian heresie , that the lay-people disowned their communion : this is more than suspicion of heresie in s. peter's chair , and proves , that their infallible guides for some years were arian heretics . for this liberius divers epistles are published , with a preface before them , which saith , two of them were feigned by the arians w ; yet these two are found in the fragments of s. hilary , among which it is not probable there should be any fiction of the arians . so that it is very likely these two epistles are genuine , but rejected by these sycophants of rome , because they tell an ungrateful truth , viz. that liberius did condemn athanasius soon after he was made pope . and if we consider how inconstant he was , it is very probable that he might condemn athanasius twice , first in the beginning of his papacy , as is said in these two epistles , of which he repented , and then writ that tenth epistle , to own he was in communion with athanasius , and to tell him , if he approved of his form of faith , it would tend much to the setling of his judgment x , which is an odd complement from an infallible head. secondly he condemned athanasius after his banishment , of which more shall be said hereafter : but as to the particular epistles , we shall note , that in the first ( which they say is genuine ) liberius with other bishops petition constantius , to order a council to be held at aquileia y ; by which we see the pope had not then assumed the power of calling councils . when he writ the th epistle ( which they grant also to be genuine ) no doubt he was an arian : for he calls the arian bishops , his most beloved brethren , and declares his consent to their just condemning of athanasius , together with his being in communion with them , and his receiving their sirmian creed , as the catholic faith z . so in the xith epistle ( which is certainly genuine and recorded by socrates a , ) the notes confess , he was so easie , as to receive the semi-arians to communion , and to commend their faith , as the same which was decreed at nice : but it is gross flattery , to call this only , being too easie ; it was in plain terms , being deceived , and erring in matters of faith ; which spoils their infallibility b , as it also doth their universal supremacy ; for liberius in the same epistle to call himself , bishop of italy ( referring only to the suburbicarian regions ) and saying , he was the meanest of bishops , and rejoyced that those in the east did ( not submit to him , but ) agree with him in matters of faith. wherefore the xiith or ( as labbé calls it ) the xivth epistle , which is writ to all bishops , is manifestly forged c : and so are the two next , from liberius to athanasius , and from athanasius to liberius , as both labbé and binius confess d ; yet in one of these the pope brags of his authority over the universal church : but the forger was so bad at chronology , that while he strives to make this pope look like an orthodox friend of athanasius , he absurdly brings him in , even under julian or valens ( in one of whose reigns this epistle was written , ) threatning offenders with the emperours indignation , with deprivation , yea , with proscription , banishment and stripes e . i need not mention those decrees which are attributed to liberius , whose style betrays them , and shews they belong to the later ages , and are placed here by the collectors , only to make them seem more ancient than really they are . in liberius's first year it is said , there was a council called at rome by this pope , to clear athanasius f ; yet being sensible that their authority would signifie very little , they all agreed to petition the emperour for a council to meet at aquileia , to confirm what they had done at rome . anno . there was a council at milan , the editors call it , a general council , because it was with constantius permission , called by liberius , whose legates also were present at it g . but herein they grosly falsifie , for sozomen declares , that constantius summoned all the bishops to milan h ; and baronius saith , the emperour called them together i . therefore if this was a general council , it was called by the emperour , and not by the pope : in the notes on this synod they say , constantius being yet a catechumen , ought not to be present at a lawful council . but this is baronius his device , to colour over the forgery of constantine's baptism before the council of nice , there being no canon forbidding a catechumen to be present in a council , or in a church , except only while the sacrament was celebrating ; so that if constantius had been bound by an ecclesiastical canon , there being no canon to hinder his presence in this council , baronius assigns a wrong cause of his absence . again , the notes do very falsly suppose , that foelix , though chosen by the arians , was a catholic pope k : for he was ordained by three arian bishops at milan , as atbanasius declares l ; and socrates , as we noted before , faith , he was in opinion an arian . nor is it probable , when the arians had got liberius banished , for not complying with them , they should chuse a catholic and an enemy into so eminent a see ; or that the catholic people of rome should avoid the communion of foelix , if he were not an arian . 't is true , sozomen speaks of some who said , he kept to the nicene faith , and was unblameable in religion ; yet he adds , — he was accused for ordaining arians , and communicating with them m . but this bare report , raised perhaps by the arians ( who still pretended to be catholics , and hold the nicene faith ) cannot outweigh such strong reason and matters of fact , as are here alledged to prove foelix , not only a schismatical , but also an heretical pope . the dialogue between constantius and pope liberius at milan , ( here published ) shews , that at this time he refused either to condemn athanasius , or communicate with the arians , and was banished into thrace for this refusal : but the reader may justly wonder he should never mention his supremacy and universal authority , when constantius asked him , if he were so considerable a part of the world , that he would alone stand for athanasius ; and when he advised him , to embrace the communion of the churches n , how properly might he have here told him , he was head of all churches , and those who did not communicate with him were no churches ? again , why doth this pope offer to go to alexandria , and hear achanasius's cause there , which had been twice judged at rome ? surely he knew nothing of these last and highest appeals in all causes : the popes of after-ages claimed this as a right of their see ; yet it must be granted , that liberius was ignorant of that priviledge . § . . the council at sirmium was called by constantius , and consisted of arian bishops , who though they condemned photinus his gross heresie , yet would not put the word consubstantial into any of the three creeds , which they here composed , however the editors call it , a general council partly rejected : perhaps , because pope liberius approved it , who here openly fell into the arian heresie ; and that , not by constraint ( as the notes pretend o ) : for out of his banishment he writ to the eastern bishops , assuring them he had condemned athanasius , and would communicate with them in their form of faith , and therefore he desired them to intercede for his release and restitution to his bishopric . the ambition of regaining which great place was the cause of his fall p , as baronius confesseth ; and though that author had produced divers ancient writers expresly testifying , that he subscribed heresie q . yet a little after he again denies , that liberius was an heretic ; pretending , that he only sign'd the first confession of sirmium , which was not downright heresie r . though elsewhere he saith , athanasius rejected all these arian forms ( which wanted , consubstantial ) as heretical s , and declares that the catholic people of rome esteemed liberius to be an heretic , and would not have communion with him , for which he cruelly persecuted them . nay , he brags of it as a singular providence , that foelix ( who was a schismatical pope in his exile ) upon liberius's fall , suddenly became a catholic and a lawful pope , which still supposes liberius was an heretic , as doth also baronius his fiction of liberius's speedy repentance , and foelix his dying soon after his adversaries return to rome : for the writers of that age say , foelix lived eight years after t ; and for liberius his repentance , though many authors expresly speak of his falling into heresie , none are very clear in his returning , or however , none suppose it to be so long before his death , as baronius doth ; whose design in this history is not to serve truth , but to clear s. peter's chair from the imputation of heresie , and therefore he makes this out chiefly by conjectures u . the testimonies of damasus and siricius being parties and partial for the honour of their own see , are no good evidence if they did speak of his early repentance ; but damasus only faith , the bishop of rome did not consent to the faith of ariminum : baronius adds , this was liberius . i reply , that damasus was of foelix his party , before his own advancement to be pope , and so it is more probable that he meant foelix . again , the catholic bishop's letter from ariminum only says , the arian decrees created discord at rome w ; that is , there were then two factions there , one of which ( and probably that of liberius ) did agree to these decrees , the other rejected them . baronius adds to the bishops letter , — these decrees created factions , because the pope of rome opposed them : but this will not clear liberius , since both factions were headed by a pope . baronius goes on to tell us , that sozomen affirms , liberius was turned out of his church , for not consenting to the faith at ariminum x . i answer , sozomen must be mistaken in this , unless we feign a double exile of liberius , which no good author mentions , and which baronius will not allow . as for the epistle of liberius to athanasius , it was writ no doubt before he had condemned him , or else he ought to have confessed his fault , as well as his faith to that great man. i grant socrates doth say , that liberius required the semi-arians and macedonians , to consent to the nicene faith in the time of valens y ; but this was nine years after his return , and not long before his death , yet then liberius was imposed on in matters of faith by these bishops , whom he calls orthodox ; for they were still heretical , and did not heartily agree to the nicene faith , so that his infallibility was deceived : and though s. ambrose call liberius [ of happy memory ] where he cites a sermon of his ; that is a phrase which the primitive charity used of some men not altogether orthodox ● : but it is a great prejudice to liberius his repentance , that though athanasius speak of him as having been once his friend , and report his apostacy , yet he never mentions his turning catholic again . wherefore we conclude , that all these fictions , and falsifying of evidence and slight conjectures in baronius and the notes , are intended only to blind the reader , and hinder his finding out an heretical pope , whose fall is clear , his continuance in his heresie very probable , and his repentance ( if it be true ) came too late to save his churches infallibility , though it might be soon enough to save his own soul. the editors style the council at ariminum , a general council , and yet dare not say , as usually , under liberius , who had no hand in it , for it was called by the emperour constantius , as all writers agree z ; so that it seems there may be a general approved council ( as they style this a , which the pope doth not call . moreover , the emperour in his first epistle orders the bishops to send him their decrees , that he might confirm them b ; and though baronius saith this was done like an heretical emperour , yet the orthodox bishops observed his order , and call it , obeying the command of god , and his pious edict c : wherefore this general council was both called and confirmed by the emperour . again , constanti●s in his epistle declares , it was unreasonable to determine any thing in a western council against the fastern bishops . whence it appears , he knew nothing of the western patriarchs claiming an universal supremacy over all the churches , both of the east and west ; and for this reason baronius leaves this genuine epistie ( recorded in s. hilary's fragments ) out of his annals : we have also noted before , that though the orthodox bishops in this council ( who must know the matter ) say , that constantine was baptized after the council at nice , and soon after his baptism translated to his deserved rest ; as the ancient historians read that passage , and the sense of the place shews they could mean it of none but constantine d ; yet baronius corrupts the text , and reads constans instead of constantine , only to support the fable of constantine's being baptized by sylvester at rome , and the editors follow him in that gross corruption : for they examine nothing which serves the interest of rome . as for the arian synods this year at seleucia and constantinople , i need make no remarks on them , because the pope is not named in them , and so there is no occasion for them to feign any thing . only one forgery of baronius must not be passed over : that when cyril of hierusalem was deposed by an arian synod , he is said to have appealed to greater judges , and yet he never named the pope ; the reason of which ( baronius saith ) was , because the true pope liberius was then in banishment e ; but hath he not often asserted foelix was a catholic , and if cyril had thought fit , might he not have appealed to him ? but it is plain by socrates , that cyril meant to appeal to the emperour and his delegates , as all injured bishops in that age had used to do . § . . upon the restitution of athanasius from his third exile after the death of george the arian bishop , he called a council of bishops at alexandria , for deciding some differences among the catholics about the manner of explaining the trinity , and to agree on what terms recanting arians were to be received into the church . and though neither athanasius , nor any ancient historian take any notice of the pope in this eminent action ; yet the editors out of baronius say , it was called by the advice and authority of liberius f ; and to make out the notorious fiction of this popes calling this orthodox council ( even while he was an arian ) the notes affirm , eusebius bishop of vercelles and lucifer calaritanus , as the popes legates were present at it ; which they take out of baronius , who had before told us , that lucifer calaritanus was at that time at antioch , and sent two deacons to alexandria to subscribe for him ; yea , this synod writes their synodical letter to eusebius , lucifer and other bishops , which plainly shews they were absent ; though it seems by ruffinus , that eusebius came afterwards , and subscribed to what had been agreed in the council , and was by the authority of this council ( not of the pope ) sent into the east to procure peace among those churches : nor have they any one author to prove either he or lucifer were the pope's legates , nor any reason , but because they were employed in great actions , though in that age ( 't is plain ) the popes were little concerned in any eminent business . moreover , they bring in a fragment of an epistle , writ ( according to the ancient custom ) by liberius at his entrance into the see of rome , to shew his faith to athanasius , as if it were written now , meerly to impose on the reader a false notion of his being at this time orthodox , and concerned in this synod . they also cite another epistle of athanasius , to certifie liberius what was done here ; but that epistle is no where extant in athanasius's works , but is cited out of the acts of the second nicene council , where there are more forgeries than genuine tracts quoted ; and besides , the epistle is directed not to the pope , but to one ruffinianus , and only mentions the roman churches approving what was done here ; but the epistle being suspicious , it is no good evidence , and we conclude with nazianzen , that athanasius in this synod gave laws to the whole world g : and pope liberius had no hand in it . about this time there were divers councils called in france by s. hilary bishop of poictiers , and the catholic faith was setled in them , one of which was held at paris , and the synodical epistle is extant h ; yet the pope is never named in it . nor yet in that orthodox synod at alexandria , wherein athanasius and his suffragan bishops presented a confession of their faith to jovian , then newly made emperour i , which shews , that liberius either was an heretic at this time , or else that he was very inconsiderable : so that it is a strange arrogance in the editors to say , that the second council at antioch was under liberius k , when the very notes say , it was called together by meletius , and observe , that many arian bishops did there recant their heresie ; a thing , which a little before they pretended could be done no where but at rome , in the popes presence . upon valentinian's advancement to the empire , the eastern bishops petition him to call a council , and he ( being then very busie ) told them , they might call it where they pleased : which the editors pretend was a declining to meddle in church affairs , being a lay-man : but the bishops petition , and his giving them liberty , shews , that the right of calling councils was in him , and so was also the confirming them , as appears from the bishops sending the acts of this council ( at lampsacus ) to the emperour valens to be confirmed l . the same bishops also sent their legates with letters to the western bishops , and particularly to liberius bishop of rome , hoping valentinian the other emperour had been in that city ; but he being absent , these legates , perswaded liberius they were orthodox ; upon which he writ back letters in his own name , and in the name of the other western bishops , to own them for good catholics m . whence we may note , first , that the eastern bishop's letter styles the pope no more but collegue and brother . secondly , that liberius calls himself only bishop of italy , liberius ep. italiae , & alii occident is episcopi : but baronius alters the pointing , liberius episcopus , italiae & alii , &c. by that trick , hoping to conceal this mean title n . thirdly , the pope here saith , he was the least of all bishops , and was glad their opinion agreed with his and the rest of the western bishops . fourthly , yet after all these very eastern bishops were of the macedonian party , as the title of their letter in socrates shews o . baronius indeed leaves these words out of the title , but he confesses they were semi-arians : so that the popes infallibility , ( as being imposed on by heretics in mattets of faith ) loses more by this embassy , than his supremacy gains by it , because the legates were not sent to him alone , but to all the western bishops . fifthly , the notes on this council p feign , that besides these communicatory letters , liberius writ other letters , commanding that ejected bishops should be restored by the apostolic authority : but this is one of baronius his forgeries q . for s. basil , and also sozomen , cited by the notes on the council of tyana r , mention not the legates shewing any other letters at their return into the east , but only the communicatory letters ; and since it appeared by them , that the western bishops judged them orthodox , their eastern brethren did restore them : and so also these legates got the approbation of a council in sicily , as they were returning home ; for the sicilian bishops by mistake took them for orthodox , when they saw the rest of the western bishops owned their communion with them , and so approved their confession of faith ; and therefore it is very impertinent in the notes to say on this occasion s , that the authority of the pope was so great , that if he admitted even suspected heretics to his communion , none presumed to reject them . whereas we know that afterwards , the people of rome rejected even the pope himself , for communicating with semi-arians . the next thing which occurs is a synod in illyricum , convened at the request of eusebius bishop of sebastia , one of the eastern legates , who ( while his fellows stayed at rome ) went into that country , and prevailed with the bishops assembled there , to send elpidius a brother and collegue of their own , with a synodical letter to the eastern bishops ; declaring , they would communicate with them , if their faith was the same with that of nice . now though this synod do not mention the pope , yet baronius and the notes feign , that elpidius was the pope's legate t ; whereas the synod , the emperours letter , and theodoret ( from whom this story is taken ) mention elpidius only as a messenger sent from this council . when these eastern legates returned home , there was a council called at tyana in cappadocia u , wherein they shewed the communicatory letters which they had fraudulently obtained in the west ; upon which letters , those who had been ejected as heretics , and particularly eustathius of sebastia , were restored to their sees ; but neither sozomen nor s. basil say , this was done by any special letters of liberius , or by any command of his ; yet if it had been so , this would spoil this popes infallibility , it being certain these restored bishops were heretics , who liberius , poor man ! thought to be good catholics , and he hath the more to answer for , if this were done not by his consent alone , but by his command also . after this we have the life of pope foelix , about whom they differ so much , that nothing is plain in his story , but this , that little of him is certainly known . the pontifical in liberius life saith , he died in peace ; but here it saith , he was martyred by constantius , for declaring him an heretic , and one who was rebaptized by eusebius of nicomedia : yet constantius was not baptized at all till after foelix his pretended martyrdom , and he was baptized then ( not by eusebius , but ) by one euzoius . again , the pontifical allows him but to sit one year and three months , and the notes say , this is right , computing from liberius fall to his return ; which ( as sozomen affirms ) was but little before foelix his death w : whereas these very notes tell us , a little before , that liberius was above two years in exile x ; therefore if he lived but a small time after liberius's return , he must sit above two years : but marcellinus ( who writ in that age ) tells us , foelix lived eight years after liberius was restored ; which baronius and the notes would conceal , to hide the scandal that their church must get by a long schism , and by an heretical pope , of whom they will needs make a martyr , only upon the credit of the pontifical , and a modern fallacious inscription , pretended to be found at rome many ages after , belonging to some foelix , but which of them they know not . the epistles ascribed to this pope contain so many and so gross untruths , that labbé notes , they are discarded by baronius and other learned men , as isidores wares y ; adding , that the third epistle was stollen from pope martin the first , in his lateran council z . and though binius very often cite the two first epistles , yet in his notes on them he owns , they are of no credit a : for they forge many canons as made at nice , and tell that idle story of the true copies of the nicene canons being burnt by the arians b . but it is certain the forger of these epistles was a creature of the popes , because the inscriptions of them are stuffed with false and flattering titles , and the body of them nauseously and ridiculously press the supremacy , and the universal empire of the roman church . § . . the entrance of damasus into the papacy was not without blood , for the people were divided , and some standing for damasus , others for ursicinus , damasus his party being stronger , slew many of their adversaries in a church , as all the writers of that age testifie c ; and though ammianus be a pagan historian , yet it is very probable which he writes , that it was not zeal , but the ambition of living high and great , that made men contend so fiercely for the papacy ; for s. basil himself about this time taxes the roman church with pride ; and s. hierom , the great friend of that church , often reflects upon the pomp and luxury of the clergy there : so that the notes on damasus his life do but glory in their churches shame , when from these authors they boast of the magnificence and majesty of the papacy d . the fabulous pontifical was for many ages pretended to be writ by this damasus , and he who forged the decretal epistles , invented one to aurelius bishop of carthage e ; wherein damasus is feigned to send him ( at his request ) all the epistles writ by the popes from s. peter , to his time , and this of old was the preface to the decretal epistles ; but the forgery is so gross that binius rejects it , and if his affection for the papacy had not biassed him , he would also have rejected all the epistles , which are as errant forgeries as this preface . the first and second epistles written in damasus his name to paulinus , and the eastern bishops , are suspicious the third epistle of damasus to hierom is evidently forged by some illiterate monk ; but s. hierom's answer seems to be genuine ; yet the notes reject it f for no other reason , but because it truly supposes the pope and his clergy were so ignorant , as to need s. hierom's help to make them understand the psalms , and affirms , that rome obeyed his directions in singing the psalms , and adding the gloria patri to them ; whereas whoever considers the learning and authority of s. hierom in that age , will not think it at all improbable , that he should teach the roman bishop . and binius is forced to cite this epistle wrong in his notes , to get a seeming argument against it ; for the epistle doth not advise them to sing the gloria patri after the manner of the east ( as he quotes it ; ) but to sing it , to shew their consent to the nicene faith. the fourth epistle of damasus , to stephen archbishop of the council of mauritania , with stephen's epistle to him , are owned by labbé to be both spurious g . but since they magnifie the popes supremacy , binius justifies them both ; for whose confutation let it be noted , . that it is absurd to style a man archbishop of a council : secondly , that in this epistle is quoted a forged epistle of foelix , owned by binius himself to be spurious h : thirdly , that place of math. xvi . is falsly quoted here , and thus read , thou art peter , and upon thy foundation will i set the pillars ( that is , the bishops ) of the church : fourthly , the later of them is dated with flavius and stillico , who were not consuls till damasus had been in his grave full twenty year , as labbé confesses ; wherefore we justly discard these gross forgeries devised of old , and defended now only to support the popes usurped power . the fifth epistle says , the institution of the chorepiscopi was very wicked and extreme evil ; yet presently after it owns , they were appointed in imitation of the lxx disciples , and were at first necessary for the primitive church ; it is also dated with libius and the disius , who were never consuls in damasus's time , and finally labbé owns , that much of it is stollen out of the epistles of later popes i ; yet binius will not reject it , because it hath some kind touches for the supremacy . the sixth epistle to the bishops of illyricum passes muster also with him , though it be dated with siricius and ardaburus , who were consuls till years after damasus was dead k . the th epistle is dated with the same consuls ; yet binius allows of it , because in it the pope pretends to give laws not only to italy , but to all the world , though labbé confess the cheat , and owns it was stollen by isidore out of leo's th epistle l . so unfortunate is their supremacy , that whatever seems to give any countenance to it , always proves to be forged . the decrees attributed to this pope seem to have been the invention of later ages ; for it is not probable damasus would have fathered a lye upon the nicene council , in saying , it was decreed there , that lay-men should not meddle with oblations m ; or that he would say , such as broke the canons , were guilty of the sin against the holy ghost : nor doth his decree about the pall agree to this age. so that damasus's name hath for better credit been clapt to these decrees by the modern compilers , who are the guides to our editors . about this time the arians having the emperour valens on their side , began to grow bold ; but athanasius condemned them in egypt by divers synods , and upon his admonition damasus held two synods at rome , in the first of which , ursacius and valens , two arian bishops were condemned , and in the later , auxentius the arian bishop of milan was deposed ; not by the popes single authority , as the notes and baronius vainly pretend n , but by the common suffrage of ninety bishops assembled with him , as the words of atbanasius , and the very councils letter plainly shew . and though baronius here talks of the popes sole priviledge in deposing bishops , there are innumerable instances of bishops deposed without the popes leave or knowledge ; and auxentius valued and believed damasus his authority so little , that notwithstanding this sentence of the pope in council , he kept his bishopric till his death . apollinar is having disseminated his heresie at antioch , complaint was made to damasus of one vitalis who held those errors ; but the pope ( who had not the gift of discerning the spirits ) was imposed on by his subscribing a plausible confession of faith , so that he writ on his behalf to paulinus bishop of anti●ch o . 't is true , at the request of s. basil , damasus did this year joyn with peter , bishop of alexandria ( who was then at rome ) in condemning apollinaris in a roman council p ; but nazianzen saith , he did n●t this till be was better instructed in the points : for at first ( as the notes confess ) this pope took apollinaris for a picus and learned man ; and so beld communion with him till he understood by s. basil ' s third epistle , that he was an herctic . i know they excuse this by saying , that s. basil himself , and nazianzen and s. hierom were all at first under the same mistake with damasus : but then none of these ever were pretended to be infallible jadges in matters of faith , as baronius holds damasus was ; so that the mistake in them is pardonable , but upon baronius principles i see not how damasus his infallibility can be secured , when he was so long deceived by a heretic , and was forced to be instructed by a private bishop at last , even in cases of heresie . the next year a council was held at valentia in dauphiné , the true title of which saith , it was under gratian and valentinian ( the emperours ; ) but the editors put a new title over it , and say it was under damasus q who is not once named in it ; the french bishops there assembled making canons for their own churches , without asking the popes leave , or desiring his confirmation . upon the death of valens the arian emperour , while valentinian was yet very young , gratian managed both the eastern and western empire , and he makes a law to suppress all heresies , and to take away the use of churches from all such as were not in communion with damasus bishop of rome , and peter of alexandria r theodoret indeed ( who as baronius owns is much mistaken in his relating this matter s ) names only damasus in his report of this law ; and baronius cites the law out of him , meerly to make it seem as if damasus were made the sole standard of catholic communion , though the original law still extant t , and all other historians , name peter of alexandria as equal with damasus : perhaps the reader may wonder there is no other patriarch named in this law ; but it must be observed , that anticch at this time had two orthodox bishops , who separated from each other , meletius and paulinus , to make up which unhappy schism there was a synod this year held at antioch , under damasus u , say the editors ; but in truth , under the emperours legate , , who was sent to see a peace concluded between these two bishops by the advice of the council there assembled : and damasus had so little interest in this council , that meletius was generally approved for the true bishop , and paulinus ( whose party the pope favoured ) ordered only to come in after meletius his death w : so that since this council acted contrary to the mind of damasus , it is very improper to say , it was held under him . § . . the second general council at constantinople was called by the emperour theodosius , whom gratian had taken for his paitner in the empire , and assigned him for his share the eastern provinces ; where this pious prince finding great differences in religion , he convened this council to confirm the nicene faith , to fettle ecclesiastical matters , and to determine the affairs of the see of constantinople . this council the editors introduce with a preface or general history , and conclude it with partial and false notes , ho●ing to perswade the world , that it was both called and confirmed by the pope : for which end we read in the preface , that theodosius made a law for all to follow the faith , which the apostle peter delivered to the romans , and which pope damasus preached x ; which shews , as if the pope were the sole preserver of the faith ; whereas the law it self truly cited runs thus , — which pope damasus , and peter bishop of alexandria , a man of apostolical sanctity , are known to follow y . and in another law of the same emperours next year , those are declared to be catholics , and capable of benefices , who were in communion with the bishops of constantinople , alexandria , laodicea , tarsus and iconium z ; and in that law neither damasus nor rome are mentioned ; which shews , it was not the peculiar priviledge of any see , for its bishop to be made the standard of catholic communion , but the known orthodox opinion of that bishop who sat in this or that eminent church . the rest of the forgeries in this council , will best appear by considering , first , by whom this council was called : secondly , by whom it was confirmed : thirdly , what authority hath been aseribed to it : and , fourthly , whether the canons and creed ascribed to it be authentic . first , as to the calling this council , baronius had twice guessed , but never proved that damasus moved theod●sius to call it a ; this the preface improves and saith , it was called by the emperour , not without damasus his authority ; and the title before the notes , advance it still , — gathered ( say they ) by the authority of pope damasus , and the favour of theodosius b . but when this is to be proved , their evidence is , pretended monuments in the vatican , that shop of forgeries ; the testimony of later popes in their own cause , and some very remote conjectures and fraudulent inferences : yet at last they a●firm , that none but a pertinacicus heretic will a●●irm , that this pious emperour , who was most observant of the sacred canons would call this synod c . by which bold censure , they condemn not only all the ancient historians , but all the fathers here assembled for pertinacious heretics : for the councils letter to theodosius saith , we were called together by your epistle d ; and when they were to have met at rome , they a●●irm , that damasus summoned them to meet there , by the emperours letters e . s●crates also and sozomen expresly say , the emperour called this synod at constantinople f theodoret also doth a●●irm the same g , though the notes strive to pervert his words : but richerius , a learned romanist h hath fully cleared this point , and shewed that theodosius called this general council by his sole authority . and the acts of the sixth general council , with photius ( cited falsly in these notes ) do only import , that the pope gave a subsequent consent to it , which is no proof that he was concerned in calling it . secondly , as to the confirming it , the preface and the notes considently aver , that they sent their acts to damasus to be approved , and he did confirm them i ; yet they tell us , that pope gregory above year after declared , that the church of rome as yet neither had , nor received the acts of this council . i know they would shuffle o●f this contradiction , by pretending that damasus confirmed only the matters of faith , not the canons : but first , gregory denies their having the acts of this council , and the acts contain matters of faith as well as canons ; secondly , they can not shew any proof , that damasus made any distinction : if he confirmed any thing , it was all ; for if subsequent consent be confirmation , then he consented to all , and confirmed all that was done here . but in our sense of giving an authentic character to this councils decrees , theodosius alone confirmed them ; for the bishops desire him , by his picus edict to confirm the decrees of this synod k : and they writ not to damasus till the year after the synod , and their letter was directed not to him alone , but to ambrose and other western bishops with him l nor do they in it desire any confirmation from him or any of them , but say , that they and all others ought to approve of their faith , and rejoyce with them for all the good things which they had done ; with which letter probably they sent ( as was usual ) a transcript of all their acts : and photius saith , that damasus , bishop of rome afterwards agreed with these bishops , and confirmed what they had done m ; that is , by consenting to it , which is no more than every absent bishop may do , who in a large sense may be said to confirm a council , when he agrees to the acts of it after they are brought to him . thirdly , the authority of this council is undoubted , having been ever called and accounted the second general council , and so it is reckoned in all places where the general councils are mentioned , which title it had not , as bellarmin vainly suggests , because at the time when this was assembled in the east , the western bishops met at rome : for that obscure synod is not taken notice of , while this is every where celebrated , as held at constantinople , and consisting of one hundred and fifty bishops , which were they who met in the east n . as for damasus , baronius cannot prove he was concerned in it , but by we think , and we may believe o ; yet he elsewhere boldly says , damasus gave it supreme authority p ; and the annotator makes it impossible for any council to be general , unless the pope or his legates be there . now he and all others call this a general council : and yet he saith , that neither pope damasus , nor his legates were presidents of it , nor was he or any western bishop in it . whence we learn , that there may be a general council , at which the pope is not present , by himself , nor by his legates , and of which neither he nor they are presidents . fourthly , as to the creed and canons here made , the modern romanists without any proof suppose , that damasus allowed the former , and not the later : but if he allowed the famous creed here made , i ask , whether it then had these words [ and from the son ] or no ? if it had , why do the notes say , that these words were added to it by the bishops of spain and the authority of pope leo long after q ? but if these words were wanting , as they seem to confess , ( when they say , the roman church long used this creed without this addition ) then i must desire to know , how a man of their church can be secure of his faith , if what was ( as they say ) confirmed by damasus in a general council , may be al ered by a few bishops and another pope , without any general council ? as to the canons , damasus made no objection against them in his time , and it is very certain that the bishop of constantinople after this council , always had the second place . for as the first general council at nice gave old rome the first place , as being the imperial city ; so this second general council doubted not , but when constantinople was become new rome , and an imperial city also ; they had power to give it the second place , and suitable priviledges . yea , the notes confess , that s. chrysostom , by virtue of this canon , placed and displaced divers bishops in asia , and the th general council at chalcedon ( without regarding the dissent of the popes legates ) allowed the bishop of constantinople the second place , and made his priviledges equal to those of old rome r ; which precedence and power that bishop long retained , notwithstanding the endeavours of the envious popes : and gregory never objected against these canons , till he began to fear the growing greatness of the patriarch of constantinople ; but when that church and empire was sinking , and there appeared no danger on that side to the popes , then innocent the third is said by the notes , to revive and allow this canon again ; by which we see , that nothing but interest governs that church , and guides her bishops in allowing or discarding any council : for now again , when the reformed begin to urge this canon , baronius and the notes say , they can prove by firm reasons , that this canon was forged by the greeks : but their reasons are very frivolous , they say anatolius did not quote this canon against pope leo : i reply , 't is very probable he did , because leo saith , he pleaded the consent of many bishops ; that is , ( if leo would have spoken out ) in this general council . secondly , they urge that this canon is not mentioned in the letter writ to damasus . i answer , they have told us before , they sent their acts to him , and so need not repent them in this letter . thirdly , they talk of the injury done to timotheus bishop of alexandria ; but his subscription is put to the canons as well as the creed , and it doth not appear that ever he or any of his successors contended for precedence after this , with the patriarch of constantinople : and that the modern greeks did not forge this canon is plain , because socrates and sozomen both mention it s ; and the catholic church always owned it for authentic . yea , in the council of chalcedon it is declared , that the bishop of constantinople ought to have had the second place in the factious synod at ephesus , and he is reckoned in that fourth general council next after the pope , whose legates were there , and yet durst not deny him the second place , in which he sat and subscribed in that order , having first had this canon confirmed at chalcedon : so that all churches , but that of rome , submit to this general council ; and they who pretend most to venerate them , do despise and reject the authority of general councils , if they oppose the ends of their pride and avarice . to conclude , here is a general council called and confirmed only by the emperour , assembled without the pope or his legates , decreeing matters of faith and of discipline , yet every where owned and received as genuine , except at rome , when interest made them partial , and still no less valued for that by all other churches : which gives a severe blow to the modern pretences of their papal supremacy and infallibility . the same year there was a council at aquileia in italy , wherein divers arians were fully heard and fairly condemned . now this council was called by the emperour , the presidents of it being valerian bishop of aquileia , and ambrose bishop of milan ; but damasus is not named in it , nor was he present at it in person , or by his legates , though this council was called in italy it self , and designed to settle a point of faith : but these bishops ( as the acts shew ) did not judge heretics by the popes authority , but by scripture and by solid arguments : and they tell us , it was then a custom for the eastern bishops to hold their councils in the east , and the western theirs in the west t ; which argues , they knew of no universal monarchy , vested in the pope , and giving him power over all the bishops , both of the east and west . for it was not damasus , but the prefect of italy , who writ about this synod to the bishops of the east u : nor did this council write to the pope , but to the emperour , to confirm their sentence against heretics ; wherefore damasus had a limited authority in those days , not reaching so much as over all italy , and extended only to the suburbicarian regions , out of which , as being damasus's peculiar province , ursicinus his antagonist for the papacy , was banished by the emperour valentinian w ; and therefore sulpicius severus calls him not orbis , but urbis episcopus x , the bishop of the city , not of the world ; and speaking of italy , he saith in the next page , that the supreme authority at that time was in damasus , and s. ambrose y . to these two therefore the priscillian heretics applied themselves , when they were condemned by the council of caesar-augusta , or saragosa in spain , in which country the sect first began ; but when they could not get these great bishops to favour their cause , they corrupted the emperours ministers , to procure a rescript for their restitution z . now it is strange that this council of saragosa should bear the title of [ under damasus , ] and that the notes should affirm , sulpicius severus plainly writes thus : for if we read sulpicius as above-cited , we shall find that damasus knew nothing of this synod till long after it was risen ; so we may conclude this invention of theirs is only to support their pretended supremacy . § . . from a passage in s. hierom , and the inscription of the letter writ from the council at constantinople , the editors gather , that paulinus bishop of antioch , epiphanius bishop of constantia in cyprus , and ambrose , with other of the western bishops , met at rome in council this year , which they call the fourth roman council under damasus a ; who probably did preside in this synod , as all bishops use to do in their own cities ; but he did not call this council , for s. hierom expresly saith , the emperours letters called these bishops to rome b . and the synodical letter of the constantinopolitan fathers tell us , that damasus desired theodosius to write to them also of the east to come to rome : which shews that damasus could not summon them by his own authority ; but the editors and baronius , out of a false latin version of theodoret , have put in the word [ mandato , ] which word is not in the greek , nor any thing answering to it c ; and it was foisted in on purpose , to perswade such as did not read the original , that the pope had commanded the eastern bishops to come to rome . again , though the notes confess , the acts of this roman council are lost , so that it doth not appear what was done there . yet soon after they produce a long canon for the popes supremacy , and the precedence of the patriarchs ; feigning it was made in this synod . but if the canon be not a vatican forgery ( which is very much to be suspected ) however it is antedated one hundred and twelve years , as labbé confesses in his margen ; for he saith , it was decreed under pope gelasius , an. . d . but the policy of laying this canon here , is to make a shew as if damasus had then publickly declared against the council of constantinoples giving that bishop the second place ; but their forging this proof only shews , they have no genuine authority for it ; yet if they could prove that the pope disliked this precedence , since it is certain that constantinople did take the second place according to this canon , that would only shew that the popes authority was not regarded . which also appears in the case of flavianus , who ( as the notes conjecture ) was in this roman synod deposed , and paulinus made bishop of antioch : yet still the greatest part of the world owned flavianus for the true bishop of that see , and the synod of sides , where amphilocius bishop of iconium was president , directed their synodical epistle to plavianus , as patriarch of antioch e ; so that the editors should not have styled that council , under damasus ; because they acted against his mind : and so did the eastern bishops , who met again this year at constantinople , when the pope had desired them to come to rome , and from this meeting they writ that synodical epistle which the editors here print over again , and wherein they call jerusalem , the mother of all churches ; a title now by usurpation appropriated only to rome . § . . siricius succeeded damasus , but not without trouble ; for ursicinus , the competitor of damasus , being yet alive and at rome , was declared pope by a great party , and prosper's chronicle makes him the next pope after damasus f ; nor could siricius get the chair , but by a rescript from the emperour valentinian , which condemned ursicinus , and established siricius g . there is little or no notice of him before his election , and though he sat fifteen years ( as the pontifical and platina , ) or thirteen ( as the notes say ) there is very little worthy remarking done by him : and it is very probable he was one of those ignorant clergy-men with which the roman church was so well stored at that time , that s. hierom saith , not one of them did so much as pretend to scholarship ; but this illiterate faction , who had proclaimed war against all learning , conspired also against him h . for we have reason to judge this pope to be of their party , because s. hierom left rome in disgust , as soon as siricius came to be pope ; and paulinus who came in his time to rome saith , the city pope proudly despised him i ; yea , baronius owns , that ruffinus , when he was fallen into origen's heresie , imposed on the simplicity of this pope , and got communicatory letters of him k ; which also seems to spoil his infallibility , for which ignorance is no proper qualification . yet wanting real matter in this pope's life , the notes run out into the story of the death of monica , s. augustine's mother , saying , that when she died , she was only solicitous to have the mass offered up for her l , and this they prove out of augustine's confessions ; but the fathers words are , she only desired to be commemorated in the offices , when the priest stood at the altar . now there is a mighty difference between that ancient custom of commemorating the faithful departed , which is allowed by the church of england , and the popish way of offering mass for the souls of the deceased , a corruption of much later date than s. augustine's time . for this pope are published divers decretal epistles , which are the first that can pretend to be genuine ; and if they be really so , it is plain , that their style is mean , the arguments trifling , and the scripture proofs impertinent ; so that the author was no conjurer . the first directed to himerius is very severe against marriage , especially in the clergy : the notes would perswade us , it is not lawful marriage , which he calls pollution ( as they say calvin falsly affirms m ; ) but if we read the epistle , he calls new marriages ( that is , the marriage of such as had been widows ) pollution , as well as those marriages which were prohibited . again , he foolishly attempts to prove , clergy-men ought not to marry , because s. paul saith , those that are in the flesh cannot please god ; and though he confess it was usual for many clergy-men to live with their wives , he calls that cohabitation , the being polluted with carnal concupiscence , in his th epistle : so that he is justly taxed with speaking profanely of god's holy ordinance , and of contradicting s. paul , who excepted not the clergy , when he said , marriage is honourable in all men , and the bed undefiled , hebr. xiii . . and probably it was the hot and bold discourses of siricius and some other writers of this time , which provoked jovinian , not only to stand up for marriage , but to decry single life , the merit of which had so possessed the minds of some great men , that they resolved to condemn jovinian for an heretic . as for the second epistle of siricius to the council at milan , relating to this resolve , it may be questioned whether it be genuine ; but that the style is harsh and barbarous is unquestionable . the answer to this letter from milan is evidently patched up out of divers authors who writ upon this subject . however s. ambrose and his suffragans there , call the pope brother , even when they complement him , as a great master and doctor n , which smells strong of the forge ; and if this epistle were made up there , then the notes need not triumph so much , when it says , ( upon jovinians being condemned at rome ) that the bishop of rome had looked well to the gate committed to him ; that is ( say they ) the gate of the whole church of which christ made s. peter's successor the door-keepers o . but if the epistle be true , it only commends the pope for looking well to the gate of his own church at rome , as they had done to their gate at milan , having turned him out of that church before . the third epistle of siricius is like the former for style and sense , yet the editors will not reject it , because the pope saith , he hath the care of all the churches p ; but let it be noted , that aurelius bishop of carthage uses the same words of himself a little after q , and there binius notes , that aurelius means , of the churches of africa only , not of the whole world : so we may say justly of siricius here , that he means , he had the care of the suburbicarian churches , not those of the whole world. for the fourth epistle ( said to be writ from a roman council ) calls the pope no more but a primate r , and that title belonged to the bishop of carthage , as well as to him of rome ; but indeed labbé honestly confesses this fourth epistle to be stollen out of innocent's epistle to victricius . the fifth and sixth epistles are writ by maximus , an usurper of the empire , and seem to be genuine ; but we need not wonder at the tyrants speaking so kind things of the pope in them , since it was his interest to flatter the bishop of that potent city . § . . this maximus having seized on the northwest parts of the empire , summoned a council at bourdeaux which the editors without any ground style , under siricius ) wherein the bishops of the ga●ican church again condemned the priscillianists , and they appealed ( not to the pope , but ) to the emperour maximus s ) who was so far from favouring these heretics , that at the instance of ithacius , a catholic bishop , he caused them to be put to death for their heresie : which cruel sentence so displeased theognistus and other orthodox bishops , that they excommunicated ithacius and all his party , who had procured these heretics to be put to death ; and s. martin , s. ambrose , and the best men of that age , would not communicate with any of these bishops , who had prosecuted men to death for heresie ; no not though ithacius and his adherents were absolved from theognistus his excommunication in a council which maximus had called at triers . now the notes , fearing the reader should observe , that many popes and bishops of their communion have done just as ithacius did , viz. persecuted , such as they call heretics , to death , and delivered them up to the secular magistrate to be executed , tell us , that it was not an ill thing in ithacius to procure the death of these heretics , but his fault was in the violence of his proceedings , and in his not interposing such a protestation as their church uses on these occasions . wherein , when they have made it necessary for the magistrate to put an heretic to death , they solemnly declare , they wish he would amend , and do not desire his execution t . but as this protestation is a piece of notorious hypocrisie unknown to those ages ; so we may be sure so apparent a sham would not have excused ithacius , whose communion ( as sulpicius severus shews ) was renounced by s. ambrose , s. martin and others , purely because they thought it unlawful , especially for clergy-men , to procure any persons to be put to death for their opinion , though it were heresie . wherefore these holy bishops , if they were now alive , must renounce the communion of the roman church for the same reason , for which they renounced the communion of ithacius , even for their frequent procuring heretics to be put to death ; and this is so plain , that all their shuflling notes cannot wash their bishops hands from blood , nor fit them in s. ambrose and s. martin's opinion , to celebrate the eucharist with other christians . there had been ( as we noted ) a long schism at antioch , between paulinus ( of whose side was the pope , and many western bishops ) and flavianus , who was supported by the eastern bishops ; and now paulinus dying , one evagrius was irregularly chosen to succeed him , and keep up the schism ; and though flavianus was owned for the true bishop by the second general council , and he it was who ordained s. chrysostom , and obtained a pardon from theodosius for those citizens of antioch , who had broke down the statues of that emperour and his empress ; yet at the instance of some western bishops the emperour was perswaded to cite him to a council , which he had called at capua , in which s. ambrose was present ; but flavianus not willing to have his enemies to be his judges , did easily excuse his non appearance to the emperour , and the synod thereupon referred the matter between him and evagrius unto theoplalus , patriarch of alexandria , to whose decision flavianus refusing to stand , he appealed to theodosius ; on which occasion s. ambrose writing to theophilus , wishes rather flavianus had referred the matter to his brother the bishop of rome , because ( saith he ) you would probably have judged it ( if it had come before you ) so as he would have liked u . which implies no more , than that theophilus and siricius were both of one mind in this case of flavianus ; yet on this slight occasion the notes say , that the synod made theophilus arbitrator on condition , he should offer his sentence to be approved and confirmed by the roman church w : which is a meer forgery ; for theophilus was made absolute arbitrator by the synod , and this is not the councils wish , but s. ambroses ; and after all flavianus did not think a western synod had any power over him ; and therefore he rejected the arbitration of theophilus , the council , and pope siricius also , with whom though he did not communicate , yet he was always owned to be true bishop of antioch . § . . the second council at arles is supposed to be held about this time , because the followers of photinus and bonosus were there condemned : wherefore they say , it was in the time of siricius ; but under him it could not be , since the bishops there assembled do not name him , nor do they except the bishop of romes supreme power , when they refer all ecclesiastical matters to the final decision of their own metropolitan and his synod , and declare , that every bishop who receives a person excommunicated by another , shall be guilty of schism . yet the editors are so apt to dote upon the popes managing all councils , that they here style a meeting of the novatian heretics at angaris in bithynia x , a synod under siricius ; and call poor socrates a novatian , for barely relating a matter of fact concerning the novatians . at this time there was a great council at hippo , which the notes sometimes call a general , and sometimes a plenary council , because most of the african bishops were there , and the original dates it with the consuls of this year ; but the editors clap a new title to it , saying , it was under siricius ; who in all probability had no hand in it , nor knew any thing of it : yet here were made many of those famous canons for discipline , by which the african church was governed . but they are more wary in the next council of constantinople , at which many bishops were present , and among them the two patriarchs of alexandria and antioch ; being summoned ( in the absence of the emperour ) by his prefect ruffinus ; and they will not venture to say , this was under siricius , for the matters treated on it wholly related to the eastern church , and in that age they rarely allowed the pope to concern himself in their affairs : no nor in afric neither , where ( anno ) there were councils held both by the orthodox and the donatists , which are dated by the consuls , and no notice is taken of the pope y . we shall only observe , that upon one of these councils the notes say , it is a mark of the donatists , being of the synagogue of antichrist , that they named the several parties among them from the leaders and founders of their several sects , and were not content with the name of christians from christ . which note reflects upon the monks of their own church , who are called benedictines , dominicans , and franciscans , from the founders of their several orders . in the council of turin , composed of the gallican bishops , they decided the case of primacy between the bishop of arles and vienna , without advising with the pope , and determined they would not communicate with foelix , a bishop of ithacius his party , according to the letters of ambrose , of blessed memory , bishop of milan , and of the bishop of rome . now , here the roman advocates are much disturbed to find s. ambrose his name before siricius ; and when they repeat this passage in the notes , they falsly set the pope's name first , contrary to the express words of the fifth canon , and impudently pretend , that the bishop of rome , by his place , was the ordinary judge who should be communicated with , and ambrose was only made so by the popes delegation z . but , how absurd is it ( if this were so ) for the council to place the name of the delegate , before his who gave him power ? and every one may see , that this council was directed to mark this decree principally by s. ambrose his advice , and secondarily by the popes ; for at that time ambrose his fame and interest was greater than that of siricius ; yet after all , the council decreed this , not by the authority of either of these bishops ( as the notes pretend , ) but only by their information , and upon their advice by these letters , which were not first read ( as they pretend ) but after four other businesses were dispatched . the canons of divers african councils , held at carthage and elsewhere , have been put together long since , and collected into one code , which makes the time and order of the councils wherein they were made , somewhat difficult ; but since the canons were always held authentic , we need not ( with the editors ) be much concerned for their exact order , or for reducing them to the years of the pope , because they were neither called nor ratified by his authority . yea , the notes say , it was never heard that any , but the bishop of carthage called a council there , his letters gave summons to it , he presided over it , and first gave his suffrage in it , — and that even when faustinus ( an italian bishop ) the popes legate was present a . as for the particular canons of the third council , the nineteenth saith , that the readers shall either profess continence ; or they shall be compelled to marry ; but they feign old copies which say , they shall not be allowed to read , if they will not contain b ; the falshood of which appears by the th canon in the greek and latin edition , where this is said of the clergy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , except the readers , which they translate , quamvis lectoram c , on purpose to make us think , that the command of celibacy ( upon which that age too much doted ) reached the lowest order of the clergy , even readers ; contrary to the express words of the canons . and to the second council of carthage , where only bishops , priests and deacons are under an obligation to live single d . secondly , the th canon of the third council forbids the bishop of the first see , to be called by the title of prince , or chief of bishops , ( gratian goes on ) neither may the roman bishop be called vniversal e . the notes tax gratian indeed for adding this sentence ; but if he did , it was out of pope gregory , who saith , that no patriarch ought to be called vniversal . besides , considering how apt the editors are to strike out words not agreeable to the interest of rome , it is more probable that some of the popes friends lately left these words out , than that gratian put them in : and since this council forbid appeals to foreign judicatures with peculiar respect to rome , to which some of the criminal clergy then began to appeal f , it is not unlikely these fathers might resolve to check as well the title , as the jurisdiction ( then beginning to be set up ) which encouraged these appeals . thirdly , the th canon in the latin , and the th in the greek and latin edition , speaking of such books , as are so far canonical that they may be read in churches , reckon up some of those books which we call apocryphal , upon which the notes triumph g ; but let it be observed , that we grant some of these books to be so far canonical , that they may be read for instruction of manners ; and also we may note , that the best editions of these african canons leave out all the books of macchabees and baruch ( which are foisted into their later latin copies h ) . and it is plain , the whole canon is falsly placed in this council under siricius , because pope boniface ( who came not into the papacy till above twenty years after ) is named in it as bishop of rome ; yet after all these devices , it doth not declare what books are strictly canonical , and so will not justifie the decree at trent . fourthly , in the th canon of the latin version , the council agrees to advise about the donatists , with stricius bishop of rome , and simplicianus bishop of milan , not giving any more deference to one of these bishops than to the other , but looking on them as equally fit to advise them : yet the notes boldly say , they advise with the pope , because they knew he presided , as a bishop and doctor , over the catholic church ; but with the bishop of milan only , as a man every where famous for his learning i . which is a meer fiction of their own , for the words of the canon shew , that these fathers did not believe either of them had any authority over them , only they desired their advice joyntly , as being both eminent and neighbouring bishops , and their prohibiting appeals shews , they knew nothing of the popes presiding over the catholic church . § . . anastasius was the last pope in this century , of whom there would have been as little notice taken , as of many of his predecessors , if it had not been his good fortune to be known , both to s. hierom and s. augustine , and to assist the latter in suppressing the donatists , and the former in condemning the errours of origen , for which cause these two fathers make an honourable mention of him . yet in the african councils , where he is named with respect , they joyn venerius bishop of milan with him , and call them their brethren and fellow bishops k . as for the qualifications of anastasius , s. hierom gives him great encomiums ; but it must be observed , that at this time hierom had charged ruffinus with broaching the heresies of origen at rome , and he being then at bethlem , could not beat down these opinions without the popes help . and indeed , when ruffinus came first to rome he was received kindly by the last pope siricius , and anastasius did not perceive any errours in ruffinus or origen , till s. hierom ( upon pammachius information ) had opened his eyes ; and at last , it was three years before this pope could be made so sensible of this heresie , as to condemn it : so that notwithstanding his infallibility , if s. hierom and his friends had not discovered these errours , they might in a little time have been declared for orthodox truths at rome ; but anastasius condemning them at last , did wonderfully oblige s. hierom , and this was the occasion of many of his commendations . for this pope are published three decretal epistles , though baronius mentions but two , and condemns the first for a forgery , and so doth labbé l ; it is directed to the bishops of germany and burgundy , and yet burgundy did not receive the christian faith till the year ; it is also dated with the consuls of the year , that is , fourteen years before anastasius was pope . the matter of it is grounded on the pontifical , which speaks of a decree made by this pope for the priests at rome to stand up at the gospel ; which the forger of this epistle turns into a general law , and makes it be prescribed to the germans . the words of it are stollen out of the epistles of pope gregory and leo m ; yet out of this forgery they cite that passage for the supremacy , where the german bishops are advised to send to him as the head. the second epistle n is also spurious , being dated fifteen or sixteen years after anastasius his death , and stollen out of leo's th epistle . as for the third epistle , it is certain he did write to john , bishop of jerusalem , but it may be doubted whether this be the epistle or no o ; if it be genuine , it argues the pope was no good oratour , because it is writ in mean latin ; yet that was the only language he understood , for he declares in this epistle , that he know not who origen was , nor what opinions he held , till his works were translated into latin. so that any heretic who had writ in greek in this pope's time , had been safe enough from the censure of this infallible judge . the notes dispute about the fourth council of carthage , whether it were under pope zosimus or anastasius p ; but it was under neither , the true title of it shewing it was dated by the consuls names , and called by aurelius bishop of carthage , who made many excellent canons here without any assistance from the pope . the st , d and d canons of this council order monks to get their living , not by begging , but by honest labour ; and the notes shew , this was the primitive use q ; which condemns these vast numbers of idle monks and mendicant fryers , now allowed in the church of rome . the hundredth canon absolutely forbids a woman to presume to baptize ; but the notes ( r ) , ( because this practice is permitted in their church ) add to this canon these words , unless in case of necessity , and except when no priest is present . which shews how little reverence they have for ancient canons , since they add to them , or diminish them , as they please to make them agree with their modern corruptions . in the fifth council of cartbage , can. . bishops and priests are forbid to accompany with their wives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , at the time of their being to officiate ; but in their latin copies it is altered thus , — according to their own , ( or , to their former ) statutes ; which makes it a general and total prohibition : but the greek words of this canon are cited , and expounded at the great council in trullo , where many african bishops were present , as importing only a prohibition of accompanying their wives , when their turns came to minister s ; which is the true sense of this canon , though the romanists , for their churches credit would impose another . the fourteenth canon of this council takes notice of the feigned relicks of martyrs , and of altars built in fields and high-ways , upon pretended dreams and revolutions ; upon which canon there is no note at all t , because they know , if all the feigned relicks were to be thrown away , and all the altars built upon dreams and false revelations pulled down in the present roman church , ( as was ordered at carthage by this canon ) there would bè very few left to carry on their gainful trade , which hath thrived wonderfully by these impostures . this century concludes with a council at alexandria , which they style under anastasius u ; but it was called by theophilus , who found out and condemned the errours of origen long before poor anastasius knew any thing of the matter . the notes indeed say , this synod sent their decrees to pope anastasius , to epiphanius , chrysostom and hierom : but though they place the pope foremost , there is no proof that they were sent to him at all . baronius only conjectures they did , and saith , it is fit we should believe this w ; but it is certain theophilus sent these decrees to epiphanius to chrysostom and hierom ; and from this last hand it is like anastasius received them long after , because it was more that two years after this synod , before s. hierom could perswade anastasius to condemn these opinions of origen , which this council first censured : wherefore it was happy for the church , that there were wiser men in it than he who is pretended to be the supreme and sole judge of heresie . and thus we have finished our remarks upon the councils in the first four centuries , in all which the reader ( i hope ) hath seen such designs to advance the supremacy , and cover the corruptions of rome , that he will scarce credit any thing they say for their own advantage in any of the succeeding volumes . an appendix concerning baronius his annals . §i . the large and elaborate volumes of cardinal baronius , are the main guide to the editors and annotator : from him they take the dates of all councils , and out of him they have added divers new synods not extant in the older editions of the councils , of which they can say no more , than to abbreviate baronius : from him they borrow most of their plausible notes , by which they either paint over that which seems for the interest of rome , or disparage what makes against it ; and therefore we have had often occasion to discover his fallacies in all that part of his annals which concerns the councils ; but there are many other notorious frauds and manifest falshoods in that author , of which i shall here give some few instances , which may serve as a caution to all that read his history , and also as a direction by which they may in other centuries find out his manifold errours ; and i shall confine the examples here produced to the fourth century , because that is the most largely treated of in this discourse . it is evident , that all the writers of the roman side , for many ages have designed to impose upon the world ; in that , their disputants , their publishers of councils , and historians do all agree ; for their principles and practices cannot be maintained by plain truth . the methods used by baronius , in his ecclesiastical annals ( which he writ purely to serve the interest of the roman church ) may be reduced to these heads : first , his frequent quoting forged and spurious tracts ; such as the pontifical , the acts of the martyrs , the ecclesiastical tables ( that is , the roman missal and martyrology ) with other late and fabulous writers , such as nicephorus , simeon , metaphrastes , laurentius surius , &c. and the reader shall find , he very seldom cites any other authors to prove the great actions of primitive popes , or the dignity of the roman church , and its pretended priviledges : as also to make out the miracles done by many of their saints , and to be evidence for the invocation of saints , praying for the dead , worshiping the cross , relicks and images ; for the merits of celibacy and holiness of monks , or other superstitions . some examples of which in the fourth century are these : he cites the acts of procopius , which he confesseth need amending , to prove the adoration of the cross a ; he proves the same by the acts of gregory an armenian bishop , which he owns do not satisfie many ; and by euthymius , a late grecian monk , an. b . thus he asserts crispus his being baptized with his father constantine , only by nicephorus , and makes out constantine's use of putting an image of christ on his coyns , only by the acts of damasus , and by a coyn which he himself confesseth had been adulterated c . constantine's baptism in rome is also proved by anastasius bibliothecarius , who there hath the false character of an acurate writer d , and by the acts of sylvester , which he himself disapproves of in many things e ; and suspects , that notwithstanding all these fabulous authors , his reader will not credit the story f . the legend of s. agnes and her temple at rome , he confesses , was made by an unknown-hand under the name of s. ambrose ; yet he gives a long relation of it g . so when eusebius , who writ acurately about the temple built over the sepulchre by constantine , saith nothing of pictures in it , he proves there was such there by the second nicene council h . eusebius's greek chronicle saith nothing of the invention of the cross , but some forger hath put it into the latin version of it ; therefore baronius cites the corrupted latin translation to prove this legend i . the miracles of s. nicholas are all transcribed out of his acts , which were put together by authors who lived above five hundred years after his time , and the genuine ancient historians mention not one of them k . eusebius saith , constantine dedicated his new city of constantinople to god ; but baronius chooses to follow a later writer of little credit , viz. nicephorus ; who saith ( in the phrase of his own time ) he dedicated it to the virgin mary l . he makes a discourse about the use of the pall in the life of pope mark ; yet he can cite no author , but the fabulous pontifical , to prove it was used in his time m . to prove the arian pope foelix was a martyr , he cites an inscription pretended to be found in a grave at rome ( where such frauds are common ) about twelve hundred years after his death n ; so he makes out the martyrdom of divers under julian by an oration of nectarius ( which he confesses is corrupted ) and by nicephorus o : and a little after he tells long stories of martyrs at that time condemned by julian at rome , which he proves by the ecclesiastical tables , and by the acts of the martyrs ; yet he owns julian was not at rome at this time p . prayers at the graves of the saints he would establish by a forged book of the lives of the prophets , which he cites under epiphanius's name q : so he would make out prayers for the dead , used in this age , by feigned writings , which are ascribed to ephraem syrus r . the miracles ascribed to damasus cannot be proved by one author of credit , but are set off with the forged acts of damasus , and the modern legends s . so also the miracles ascribed to s. chrysostom , are not taken generally from any approved authors , but from his spurious acts t ; and ( to name no more ) thus he proves the adoration of the cross by an homily falsly ascribed to s. chrysostom u : for his genuine works do witness against this practice . and now that he did not cite these authorities out of ignorance , is plain from his confession ; for he saith of the acts of the martyrs , that we might better have wanted many truths concerning them , than have had such a mixture of errours as makes the whole suspected w . and again , speaking of the acts of gallicanus , it is the manner of some to be ashamed , to give a short narrative of a great affair , and so according to their own fancy they largely paraphrase on it x : and yet again in his preface to the roman martyrology he tells us , there was a sad loss of these martyrs acts in diocletian ' s time , so that very few of them are to be found , which may not in part be convicted of mistakes s . but melch. canus is more ingenuous , and saith , diogenes laertius writ the lives of the philosophers more honestly , than the christians have writ those of the saints t : yet you rarely have any better evidence than these , for most of the roman doctrines and rites . and though nicephorus and the modern greeks be frequently taxed by him , for giving easie faith to feigned stories , and for gross mistakes u ; yet when they tell never such improbable tales for the roman interest , then they are cited with great applause . now it is a clear evidence of an ill cause , when they can find no other proofs but such spurious writings as these ; of which practice i have here given but a few instances ; but the diligent reader will observe this to be customary with baronius , not only in this fourth century , but in every part of his annals . § . . another artifice is to corrupt the words or the sense of genuine authors , of which we will select also a few instances , in the same century . s. augustine barely names peter as one whom the pagans did calumniate w ; but baronius brings this in with this preface , that they did this , because they saw peter extremely magnified , especially at rome where he had fixed his seat ; and then he saith , s. augustine records this , &c. whereas this is his own invention , to set off the glory of rome x . so when athanasius is proving , that the fathers before the nicene council used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and first names dionysius bishop of alexandria , and then dionysius bishop of rome y . baronius saith , he proves it especially by dionysius the holy roman pope , and by dionysius bishop of alexandria z , inverting the order , and putting a note of eminence on the pope , contrary to the words and sense of athanasius . again , he cites pope leo ( who is no evidence in his own cause ) ; and yet baronius would make him say more than he doth , even where he saith more than he should say : for he cites his d epistle to shew , that leo affirmed the sixth canon of nice , allowed to the church of alexandria the second , and to that of antioch the third seat , which had before been conferred on them by rome . but the very words of leo , cited by baronius , shew this to be false ; for leo saith not , that these sees had their dignity or order from rome , but the former from s. mark , the later from peter's first preaching there a . moreover , to make his reader fancy the roman and the catholic church was all one of old , he mentions out of epiphanius , constantine's writing an epistle to all romania , which name ( saith he ) we sometimes find used for the catholic church b ; whereas it is manifest , that epiphanius both there and elsewhere plainly uses romania for the roman empire c ; and baronius did not find it used either in him , or in any other ancient author , in any other sense . that period in optatus , which baronius cites with great applause ( if it be not added by some ignorant zealot of the roman side ) is a scandal to the learning of that father , for he derives the syriac word , cephas , from the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by that ridiculous etymology would draw as contemptible a consequence , viz. that peter was head of the apostles ; and again he seems wilfully to pervert the precept of s. paul , rom. xii . . distributing to the necessities of the saints ; which in optatus's reading is , communicating with the memories of the saints ; that is , ( as he applies it ) with rome , where there are the memorials of two of the apostles . i could wish for optatus's credit that these weak passages were spurious , or buried in silence ; and the learned baldwin is ashamed of this gross errour d : but baronius thinks , though they make for the dishonour of the father , they tend to the credit of rome , and so he cites them in great pomp , and puts them in a whole line to make them look more plausible , — the head of the apostles , whence he was called cephas ( so optatus : but binius adds ) deducing the interpretation from the greek word , for in syriac it signifies an hard stone e ; and then glories extremely , as if optatus had made communion with rome the sole note of a catholic . whereas in the next page but one , optatus goes on , — you cannot prove you have any communion with the seven churches of asia , — and yet if you be out of the communion of those churches , you are to be accounted aliens . which passage baronius very fraudulently leaves out f , because it shews a true catholic must not only be in communion with rome , but also with all other orthodox churches , to proceed , even in spurious authors he useth this artifice ; for that forged book of constantine's munificence only saith , he placed a piece of the cross , in a church which he had built : but baronius relates it that he placed it there with most religious worship g ; and a little after he perceiving that fabulous author had supposed constantine buried his mother long before she died , puts in of his own head , but this ( i. e. the putting his mother in a porphyry coffin ) was done afterward h . speaking of the bishops returning home from the council of nice , he saith , they took with them the rule of faith , confirmed by the pope of rome , to be communicated to their people , and to absent bishops : but no historian , ancient or authentic , mentions any preceding confirmation of the nicene creed by the pope , who was one of the absent bishops , to whom it was to be communicated ; wherefore those words , of its being confirmed by the pope , are invented and added to the story by baronius i . he observes , that constantine confesses , he was not fit to judge in the case of athanasius , because ecclesiastical matters were to be judged among the clergy : which he proves by constantine's letter there recited ; but constantine's letter is not directed to the clergy , but to the people of the catholic church at alexandria : and his words are to the people who lived on the place , and knew the matters of fact ; and therefore he saith to them , it is proper for you , and not for me to judge of that affair k ; so that baronius forceth his own sense upon the emperour . and when theodoret speaketh of — time for repentance according to the canons of the church , he adds , — that is , for satisfaction . which popish satisfaction he would also prove out of a canon at antioch , which only mentions confessing the fault , and bringing forth fruits meet for repentance l . when socrates only saith , eusebius of nicomedia ' s letters were received by julius after his death ; baronius thus enlarges it , eusebius , who had fled from the judgment of the roman church was forced against his will , being dead ( as socrates saith ) to come to the strict tribunal of god m . where athanasius saith , i went up to rome , that i might visit the church and the bishop : baronius ridiculously infers , that when we find the ancients speaking of the church and the bishop , they mean the roman church and that bishop , of whom , and in whom , and by whom are all other bishops n . which note is forced upon this place , for here rome is named in the same sentence with the church and the bishop , and so it must be understood of the pope ; but without any advantage to him more than it would have been to the bishop of eugubium , to say , i went to eugubium and visited the church and the bishop . again , s. hierom saith expresly , that acacius substituted foelix an arian to be bishop of rome in liberius his stead . here baronius pretends some copies leave out the word arian , and so he reads it , substituted foelix to be bishop of rome o ; and because some such parasites of rome as himself , who would not endure that ingrateful truth of a pope's being an heretic , had left out this word , he boldly asserts it for the true reading ; whereas not only socrates expresly saith , he was an arian in opinion ; but hierom himself in his chronicle affirms , that foelix was put in by the arians ; and it is not like they would have put him in , if he had not been of their party . the greek of sozomen is no more but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but baronius improves this by a flattering paraphrase in these words , lest the seat of peter should be bespattered with any spot of infamy p . but it is a bolder falsification of s. chrysostom , where he saith ( in one of his sermons , on a day celebrated in memory of two martyrs , juventius and maximus ) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to pervert this by his latin version thus , the martyrs which we this day worship ; whereas chrysostom only saith , the martyrs which occasion us to meet this day q . epiphanius expresly condemns those as heretics who worship the blessed virgin , and saith , no man may adore mary . baronius will not cite this place at large , but adds to it these words , — she is not to be worshiped as a god : which falsification of the father is designed to excuse their churches idolatrous worship of the virgin mary r . the restitution of peter bishop of alexandria is by s. hierom ( whom he cites with applause ) ascribed to the late repentance of the emperour valens : who recalled ( now at last ) the orthodox from banishment ; and secrates only mentions damasus's letters , which peter took with him , approving both his creation and the nicene faith : yet he from hence notes the supreme power of the pope , by whose order the bishop of alexandria was restored to his church , in contempt of valens his authority ; and when he returned with the popes authority , the people placed him in his seat s . yea , after this he pretends to cite socrates , as if he said , peter was received , being restored by damasus t ; yet damasus did no more in all this matter , than barely to testifie that peter was an orthodox bishop , and that he believed him duly elected ; which is all that socrates saith , and which if any eminent orthodox bishops had testified , it would equally have served the bishop of alexandria's cause . to conclude , baronius owns paulinus , to have been a credulous man , and very unskilful in ecclesiastical history u ; yet thinking he had not spoken enough , when he relates , that a church was adorned with pictures ; he stretches this into , adorned with sacred images w . from all which instances we may infer , that the cardinal would not stick at misquoting and misrepresenting his authors , when it might serve the roman interest . § . . of this kind also we may reckon his crasty suppressing such authorities , in whole or in part , as seem to cross the opinions and practices of their church . his leaving out a passage in optatus , wherein that father makes the being in communion with the seven churches of asia a note of a true catholic , was noted before x . and we may give many such like instances : sozemen relates an imperial law , wherein those are declared heretics , who do not hold the faith , which damasus bishop of rome and peter of alexandria then held y ; but the fraudulent annalist leaves out peter of alexandria , and mentions only damasus as the sole standard of catholic faith z . when s. hierom saith , his adversaries condemned him with damasus and peter : baronius bids us observe , with what reverence the pope's enemies treated him ; for though they accused s. hierom of heresie , yet against damasus they durst not open their mouth a ; whereas s. hierom protected himself by the authority of the bishop of alexandria , as well as by that of the pope . again , after a crafty device to hide the evident testimony which gregory nyssen gives , against going in pilgrimage to jerusalem , he slightly mentions an epistle of s. hierom , which excellently confutes that then growing superstition ; telling us , that the court of heaven is as open from britain as from jerusalem . which remarkable sentence , and all the other learned arguments of that epistle he omits by design b ; though if it had countenanced this superstition , we should have had it cited at large . in like manner afterwards , when he had another fair occasion to cite this same epistle , which doth so effectually condemn pilgrimages , he will not quote one word out of it , but barely mentions it , and runs out into the enquiry , what time it was writ c . i have given many more instances of these fraudulent concealments in my discourse of councils , and therefore shall add no more here , but only this , that whoever reads baronius's annals , hears no more generally than the evidence of one side , and that too , enlarged , if it be never so slight , and commended , if it be never so spurious ; but whatever makes against the roman church is depreciated and perverted , or else clapt under hatches , and kept out of sight : of which we have an instance in eusebius , who because he will not justifie their forgeries about constantine's baptism and donation , ( though he be the best of all the ecclesiastical historians ) is never cited , but with reproaches and calumnies d ; and whatever he saith against them , is either concealed , or the force of it taken off , by reviling him as an arian . § . . another artifice of our annalist is , first to suppose things which make for the honour of his church , without any manner of proof , and then to take his own suppositions for grounds of argument . thus he supposes , that constantine gave s. peter thanks for his victory , without any evidence from history e ; yea , against his own peculiar notion , that constantine was then a pagan , and durst not do any act to make him seem a christian f . again , to colour their worship of images , he barely supposes , that the pagan senate dedicated a golden image of christ to constantine g : he argues only from conjectures , to prove the munisicence of that emperour to rome h ; whereas , if so eminent a prince had given such great gifts to the most famous city in the world , doubtless some author would have mentioned it , and not have left the cardinal to prove this by random guesses . again , he supposos without any proof , that constantine knew the supreme power over all christians , was in the church of rome i ; he produces nothing but meer conjectures , that osius was the pope's legate ; yet he boldly draws rare inferences from this k . he doth but guess and take it for granted , that the nicene council was called by the advice of pope sylvester l ; yet this is a foundation for the supremacy , and i know not what . thus , when he hath no author to prove , that athanasius venerated the martyrs , he makes it out with who can doubt it ? — and it is fit to believe he did so m . so he tells us , he had said before , that damasus favoured gregory nazianzen in his being elected to be bishop of constantinople n . he supposes this indeed a little before o : but all ancient authors say , and he himself affirms , that peter ( bishop of alexandria ) did institute him into that bishopric p . he only supposes siricius desired theodosius to banish the manichees from rome ; but the rescript is not directed to him , but to albinus the praefect ; and ( except the fabulous pontifical ) there is no evidence that siricius was concerned in this matter q . theodoret saith , the emperour chose telemachus into the number of martyrs ; but baronius supposes , this was done not only by the emperour's care , but by the ecclesiastical authority of the pope r . to conclude , he affirms by guess , that s. nicetus came out of dacia into italy , to visit the apostles tombs , and to consult the apostolical seat s ; but no author makes this out . now , how can any reader trust an historian , who in relating things done many ages ago , takes the liberty to invent and suppose whatever will serve a present turn ? § . . add to this that he scruples not to contradict himself , and to tell manifest : untruths to carry on the interest of rome , which we shall prove by these examples : he affirms coelicianus ( bishop of carthage ) relied upon one defence , the communion of the apostolic see ; but immediately he tells us , that he was supported by constantine ' s favour t . he cites s. augustine , saying , constantine ( when coelician's cause was referred to him ) was a christian emperour ; yea , he cites a letter of constantine , writ in a most christian style ; and yet he feigns , that coelicianus delayed his appearing before this emperour , because he thought it unfit that a bishop should be judged by a lay-man , not yet baptized u . and again , eight years after this he represents constantine as a meer pagan , who had never heard of peter or paul , and took them for some heathen deities w ; whereas he saith , he was a catechumen , and out of the gospel had imbibed the christian meekness eight years before x . he also affirms , that in the year there was as yet none of the senatours believed the christian faith y . and yet he saith , two year before this , that one or both the consuls were christians z ; yea , in the year . he reckons up many senatours , who had given up their names to christ a . thus he contradicts himself by following those lying acts of syl vester , in order to support the false story of constantine's being baptized at rome . soon after , out of a fabulous author he talks very big of the low reverence which constantine paid to the bishops at the nicene council b ; whereas all the authentic historians say , the bishops rose up when he entred in , and paid him a great respect c . and when he hath told many incredible legends about the nails of the cross , and-seems to grant that divers false nails have been adored for the true , he excuses his abused catholics for their mistaken worship of false relics , saying , that their faith excuses their fault d ; so that lies may be innocently told and believed ( it seems ) at rome . again he affirms , there were monks at rome in the year , and proves this by what s. augustine saw there at least fifty years after e ; yea , in the year he saith , athanasius first brought the institution of monks to rome f , which is a manifest contradiction . to proceed , i wonder with what face he could commend athanasius for speaking charitably of the heretic arius , after he was dead , when he reviles eusebius after his death g ; and never mentions any of the protestant doctors deceased , but with the bitterest malice , and in the most spightful language he can invent : if charity were a vertue in athanasius , then malice must be a vice in him . he largely relates many appeals to the emperour in the case of athanasius , and yet when at last the bishop of rome was chosen arbitrator in this case , and this but once , he cries out , behold , reader , the ancient custom ! &c. whereas since the emperours were christians , it was the custom to appeal first to him , as his history abundantly proves h . he very largely commends the acts of martyrs , but by following them falls into many absurdities ; as where he tells us , that the pagan temple of daphne at antioch was burnt two days after the martyrdom of artemius i : yet a little after he brings in this artemius arguing with julian , about the burning of this temple k . so he tells us , the body of s. john baptist was burnt to ashes , except some bones which were carried into egypt to athanasius : and yet a little after s. hierom affirms , his bones remained at sebaste , and wrought miracles there l . as little truth is there in his accusing maximus the emperour for presuming to judge of bishops causes m ; whereas maximus his letter to siricius ( which baronius records n declares , he would call the bishops to a council in what city they pleased , and refer it to them ( who were best skilled ) to determine these matters . again , in order to justifie those feigned relicks of protasius and gervasius shewed now at rome , he affirms , that s. ambrose gave part of them to several bishops , and some of them were brought to rome : whereas s. ambrose himself ( who knew best what was done ) assures us , he buried the rodies whole , putting every joynt in his own order o . and to name no more , he brags , that idols were pulled down no where with more zeal , than at rome p . yet in the same page he tells us , there was then newly dedicated an alter there for sacrificing to the heathen gods : so that we see , designed falshoods are not scrupled by him in things which seem to make for the honour of rome , or her opinions . § . . we may also observe , that for the same ends he makes innumerable false inferences on purpose to pervert the truth ; thus from s. augustine's calling melchiades , a father of christian people , ( as every bishop is ) baronius concludes , that s. augustine was for the popes supremacy q : so from bishops judging in causes where the people referred their differences to them , he frequently infers , a right in bishops , to judge in temporal matters r : in like manner from theodoret's , mentioning a canon of the church in general , and ( as his discourse shews ) referring to the canon , which forbids any bishop to judge a cause till both parties were present , baronius gathers , that the pope was supreme over the bishop of alexandria , and that by the canons of nice s . again , that the pope was not beholding to the council of nice for his supremacy , which he had from christ , he proves by pope nicholas his testimony , who had the impudence in his own cause and for his own ends , to tell this story five hundred years after t : so he condemns the arians , for ejecting bishops without staying for the bishop of rome's sentence , which he proves was unjust by an epistle of pope julius , which says , the arians should first have writ to all bishops , that so what was right might be determined by all u ; where julius arrogates nothing to himself alone , as baronius falsly pretends . and to make this single priviledge of rome the more credible , he doth frequently apply what the ancients say of all the bishops of the west , to the pope : thus what s. basil saith of all the western churches , he applies only to rome w : and when he recites two epistles of s. basil , whose title is to the western bishops , and the whole discourse in it directed to many bishops , he feigns the name of the pope is left out or lost , and concludes these letters were peculiarly directed to him , and this only to support the roman supremacy x ; and therefore he repeats over and over this matter , and affirms , it was an embassy sent to the pope y . thus also when s. ambrose saith , the western bishops ' by their judgment approved of his ordination : he infers that s. ambrose implies , it was confirmed by a public decree of the apostolical see z . and whereas basil speaking of those western bishops in his time , who ( he saith ) kept the faith entirely ; baronius infers from hence , that their successors , and especially the bishops of rome , have never erred since a . like to which is his inferring the usage of praying to saints from a pure rhetorical flourish of nazianzen's , in one of his orations b . and thus when s. hierom uses all his oratory to set off virginity , because that seems to make for the roman celibacy , he takes him to be in good earnest , and will have all his reflexions upon marriage to be solid arguments c , though s. hierom himself calls them trifles * . but when he tells a sober truth about the ignorance of the roman clergy , then the cardinal tells us , he speaks by way of hyperbole d . from which instances it doth appear , that our annalist did not , like an historian , endeavour to declare truth , but only to serve an interest and a party . § . . lastly , his partiality notoriously appears where-ever the church of rome is any way concerned ; for when any thing of this kind comes in his way , he puts off the character of an historian and turns disputant , labouring to confute the most ancient and authentic authors , if they seem to say any thing against that church . thus we may observe what tedious digressions he makes about the primacy of rome in his discourse on the nicene council , for which he twice makes apologies e . again , he runs out into a long and very impertinent dispute about the worship of images , in an age when no good author mentions them as used in the church f . in like manner , he makes a long excursion to disprove an authentic story of epiphanius , tearing a veil with a picture wrought in it , because such things were not fit to be in churches g ; and he scarce ever meets with any of the roman corruptions , mentioned in the most fabulous authors , but he leaves the history , and enlarges into remarks upon those passages . but if the writer be never so eminent , that touches any of these sores , his business always is , to baf●le the evidence ; of which there is scarce one year in his annals , wherein there are not some examples . on the other side , he takes every slight occasion to make the most spiteful reflexions on all that he counts enemies to the roman church : thus he applies the bishop of alexandria's description of the arians to the reformed churches , though it agree much better with these of his own religion h . again , he reviles us , because we do not honour the modern idle lewd monks of their communion , as much as the ancients did those holy and devout monks , which were in the primitive times , though it be plain to all the world , these are like them in nothing but the name i . the like outcry he makes upon protestants , for undeceiving some of those silly nuns , who have been decoyed into unlawful vows , meerly for interest and secular ends ; and affirms the perswading these to marry , is worse than the arian's ravishing and murthering them at alexandria k . thus also he compares the reformed divines to the eunomians , who taught , their faith alone would save them , though their lives were never so wicked l ; forgetting that their priest's convert ( as they call it ) murderers at the gallows , by teaching them this very principle . and , to name no more examples , when s. basil inveighs against those who despised the ancient customs of the primitive church , he spitefully applies this to the reformed m . whereas in very truth , they of rome have left off more ancient rites , and brought in more new ones , than any sort of christians in the world. by these and many more instances which might be given , even out of this one century , it is evident , that the whole design of his history is to make all the doctrins and practices of rome seem to be primitive and right , and that he cares not how unlawful the means be which he uses , to gain this belief in his reader . § . yet to conclude , we will observe , that after all his evil-methods there are many things which he could neither avoid relating , nor yet excuse , which condemn the modern roman church . i wonder how he could commend constantine for abolishing the stews , and the prostituting of christian women there ; and not observe , that the pope now tolerates these abominations in rome it self n . again , how doth it agree with the infallibility of the pope , to say , that one holy spirit governs the catholic church , so as to make the bishops of all ages and places agree in the same opinion o ? if this be so , what need one bishop alone be made infallible ? and if it be ( as he saith ) a doctrin taught by the apostles , and consequently true , that the holy spirit proceeds from the father ; then the pope , who condemns this as an heresie of the greeks , is not infallible p . if constantine had known of this infallibility lodged at rome , he would have sent thither for exact copies of the holy scriptures , and not to eusebius in palestina q . if damasus had this infallible spirit , how came he ( after he was pope ) to need to be instructed in the meaning of scripture by s. hierom r ? or , if his successor siricius had been infallible , how could the origenists ( who held such palpable heresies , that a woman discovered them to be in an error ) impose upon his simplicity ; and get letters testimonial from this sole judge of heresie s ? how came the council of alexandria to send their decrees to epiphanius , s. hierom and s. chrysostom , and not first send them to anastasius , who was infallible ? and indeed baronius cannot prove they were sent to him at all , but by saying , it is fit to believe , they were sent t . moreover , many things in this century related by these annals , look not favourably upon the supremacy . constantine calls eusebius's election to the see of antioch , an advancement to the bishopric of the universal church u , which looks as if he knew nothing of the pope's pretences : that marcellus of ancyra , even when he was accused before pope julius , should call him his fellow-minister , would have been very sawey , if he had known julius to be the supreme bishop of the world w . and if this supremacy had been owned in former ages , how came the eastern bishops to be so angry at their being desired to come to rome x ; yea , how came they to excommunicate the pope , for communicating with one whom they had judged a criminal y ? it is not concerning the pope , but athanasius , that nazianzen saith , he did again prescribe laws to the whole world z : it seems the pope was not the supreme caller of synods , when s. hierom ( speaking of a council which he thought was not authentic ) asks , what emperour ordered it to be convened a . we cannot find in any genuine antiquity in this age , so great an encomium of rome , as nazianzen the elder gives of caesarea , viz. that from the beginning it was , and now is accounted the mother of almost all churches , on which all the christian world casts its eye , like a circle drawn from a center b . a man would guess the pope's authority reached no further than the suburbicarian regions , because ursicinus ( damasus his competitor ) was forbid by the emperour from entring into rome , or the suburbicarian regions c . s. basil was very unmannerly , if not unjust ( had this supremacy been then claimed ) to send his first embassy unto athanasius , and tell him , that he had the care of all the churche ; d ; yea afterward , when he did send into the west , he directs his epistle to the italian and gallican bishops , without mentioning the pope in particular : and truly damasus ( if he were supreme ) took little care of his office , since upon so pressing occasions he would neither answer s. basil , nor s. hierom for a long time . and s. hierom was somewhat bold when he reproves the ambition of rome , and said , he would follow no chief but christ e . s. ambrose also seems not to give that deference to the mother of all churches that he ought , since he often dined and made feasts on the saturday , which was a fast at rome f ; and had the pope then been supreme , why did ambrose make a bishop at sirmium , in iliyria , so far from his own city of milan g ? the same s. ambrose also speaks of supreme bishops in gallia h . it is strange that siricius , the supreme pastor should let the pagans set up an altar to the goddess of victory in the roman capitol , and that s. ambrose should be the only complainant in this case i . finally , if the pope then had any jurisdiction over the eastern churches , why was not he consulted about ordaining s. chrysostom bishop of constantinople ? and how came the patriarch of alexandria to be sent to , and to ordain him k ? these instances shew , the supremacy of rome was unknown in that age : and so was the invocation of saints and adoring of relicks also , as one might suspect by these passages , that the holy men of those ages , in their dangers and necessities are said only to have prayed to god , not to the blessed virgin , or to saints and angels for help : so did alexander bishop of constantinople against arius l ; so did parthenius against the pagans m ; so did constantius the emperour , for recovery of his health n ; so also did those persian martyrs o . thus euphrates , an eminent bishop , implores only the help of christ against an illusion of the devil p . the christians who translated the bones of babylas the martyr , did not pray to him , but praised god q ; and macedonius , an holy monk , is observed only to call upon god night and day r . arcadius the emperour in an earthquade prayed to the lord , the only preserver of the humble s . porphyrius , bishop of gaza , and his people , called only upon christ , not upon any saints t : so that all these used the protestant way of worship . and the romanists must be very unsafe in their worship of saints , since baronius confesses , one of their catalogues of saints puts in the names of two hereticks , as good catholic saints u . so also as to the adoration of relicks , the faithful in persia did not keep the body of their martyr to worship , but buried it in a tomb w . so s. anthony the primitive hermit , fearing and disliking this superstition , ordered his body to be put into a private and unknown grave , according to the custom of the catholic church x ; and therefore metaphrastes his sole evidence will not pass , for the legend of translating the bodies of s. andrew and s. luke to constantinople y . 't is true , this superstition was then creeping in , and some cheaters did begin to sell the bones of false martyrs ( a trade used at rome for many ages ) ; but theodosius his law severely punished this crime z : which ridiculous imposture , julian the witty apostate had justly exposed some years before , as being contrary to scripture and to the christian law a . to proceed , had the altars been then used to be adorned with images , as they are now at rome , the faithful would not have been so surprized at bringing in an image , and placing it on the altar , as optatus saith they were b ; and baronius can find no precedent for carrying images in procession to procure rain , but the pagan superstition c . in s. ambroses time the virgins apartment in the church was not adorned with pictures or images , but ( after the protestant way ) with sentences of holy scripture d . theodosius should have excepted the images of the saints , when he forbad the honouring any images void of sense , with lighting tapers , offering incense and garlands to them e : so that doubtless this is an innovation in their church , and so are many other of their rites . the pope's bull , to choose a stranger to be bishop of a church , whereof he never had been a member , was unknown when pope julius condemned this practice f . the custom of putting the wafer in the communicant's mouth ( as baronius confesseth ) was unknown in this century , when ( protestant like ) they took it into their hands g . in s. augustine's time the people at rome fasted on wednesdays which use they have now left off h . when the rites of burial used at christian funerals are described by nazianzen ( on occasion of the funeral of caesarius ) there is no mention of any prayers for his soul ; for that superstition was not then allowed i . the carrying a cross before them in procession , cannot be made out in this age , but by the spurious act of martyrs cited by metaphrastes .. k but lest i tire the reader , i will conclude with one or two instances more , to shew the difference between modern rome and this age : their monks now are not like those of that time , but resemble the messalian heretics , who pretended to pray continually , and never used any labour , and claimed all mens alms as due only to them ; who said , that marriages might be dissolved , seducing children from their parents , and boasting they were pure from sin ; yea , wearing sackcloth , that all may see it l . theodosius made a law to banish monks from cities , and oblige them to retire into desert places m : but the modern monks are all for noble seats in the best freqnented cities ; so that these and those are vastly different . finally , he makes the persecuting spirit of macedonius , and the patience of athanasius , a mark to distinguish truth from heresie : now , if we apply this mark ; as none are greater persecutors than the romanists , so we must conclude none are further from the truth n . and now by these few instances , within the compass of one century , the reader may judge what truth there can be in that religion , that needs so many frauds to hide its faults ; and what trust can be given to that historian , who to serve an ill cause , makes no scruple to use all these kinds of deceit . this may warn all that design to peruse these annals , not to rely upon any of his authorities or arguments without examining , and also not to take every thing for primitive and ancient , which he pretends to be so . this may suffice for this volume , and ( if we proceed ) we shall make the like remarks on the following tomes ; to shew , that their religion is made up of falshoods , and cannot be defended without lying and forgery , which is the great support of their evil cause . finis . glory be to the god of truth . imprimatur march , . c. alston , r. p. d. hen. episc . lond. à sacris . the church history clear'd from the roman forgeries and corruptions found in the councils and bar onius : from the year , till the end of the fifth general council , an. dom. . being the third and fourth parts of the roman forgeries . by thomas comber , d. d. dean of durham . for we have not followed cunningly devised fables , pet. i. . london . printed by samuel roycroft , for robert clavell at the peacock at the west-end of s. pauls , . to the most reverend father in god , john , by divine providence lord archbishop of york , primate of england , and metropolitan . may it please your grace , when i formerly had the honour of your acquaintance , tho' at a distance , i reckon'd it none of my least felicities : but since that happy providence that delivered these nations , brought your grace nearer , to illustrate these northern regions with your excellent doctrine , and warm them with your pious example ; i could not better express my extraordinary satisfaction and my duty both , than by presenting these papers to your grace , who have suffered so much from the romish party , and done so much to prevent their once growing and dangerous errors . these collections were all made , when this church was threatned to have their corruptions imposed on us ; and the first part was ready for the press while that cloud hung over our heads . this second part hath been hindred by divers necessary avocations , but now comes to appear under your grace's auspicious patronage ; and if it be so happy also to gain your approbation , that will recommend it to all that know your grace's solid judgment and undisguised integrity . frauds and forgeries are naturally your aversation , and therefore the discovery of so great a heap of them , may i hope be acceptable to your grace ; not on your own account , to whom probably here is nothing new ; but because this essay may assist young divines and such as begin to read church-history , at a cheap and easy rate to distinguish truth from falshood in matters of great importance . i shall add no more , since to give your grace your just character , is as needless as it would be difficult for me , and would not be pleasing to your grace ; only i shall most heartily pray , that the church may be long happy in your conduct , and that he may be reckoned among your grace's friends , who is , my lord , your grace's most faithful servant , and your true honourer , tho : comber . the preface . antiquity seems so naturally to challenge veneration from all succeeding times , that it gives a value to many things which have nothing else to recommend them : but the records of former ages , especially those relating to the faith and practice of the church , while it was in its purity and splendor , are by all sober men accounted truly sacred . yet no writings have suffered more by fraudulent hands than these : for most of them being for many ages in the custody of those , who had a new authority to set up , and were to contrive new doctrines to furnish and support it with wealth and power , their interest obliged them to corrupt all genuine ecclesiastical history , and to invent innumerable spurious pieces , under great and ancient names , thereby to impose upon the ignorant ages , and make them imagine , their later devices were of apostolical , or at least primitive original : and this is done with so much artifice and cunning , that a careless reader of the ecclestastical story ( as they represent it ) is in danger of being persuaded , that the modern roman church is in all things conformable to the primitive , from which it differs as much as darkness doth from light : to prevent which fatal mistake , i think no time can be better spent , no pains more usefully employed , than in correcting the history of the ancient church , and discovering the various falsifications thereof . wherefore i have now pursued and enlarged my design of remarking the roman frauds and forgeries in their editions of the councils , and in baronius , by rectifying the history of the church , and all passages relating to it , as i go along ; having proceeded as far as the middle of the sixth century : a period which contains three of the first five general councils , and is memorable for variety of most important transactions . it was in this time that the most refined hereticks disturbed the church , and the barbarous nations broke into the roman empire , and setled in divers parts of it . and while the former employed the pens of the learned , and the later diverted the thoughts of the declining emperors , rome had an unlucky opportunity to serve the ends of her aspiring ambition , and to lay the foundation of her future grandeur : which projects were furthered by a great decay , not only of learning , but of piety and good manners , toward the end of this time , which made way for divers superstitions to creep into the worship , and many irregularities to grow up in the discipline of the christian church . yet still there were many learned and pious writers , who laboured to defend the faith , to check all sorts of vsurpations , and to keep up the primitive purity and good order : so that the editors of these councils and baronius have been put to all their shifts , to feign an agreement between the records of this period , and the modern doctrines and practices of their church , foisting in many legends and spurious tracts , and corrupting the words , as well as forcing the sense of the genuine writings of these ages . of which proceedings i was in hopes to have found , both an exact account and a just censure in the lately published work of the learned monsieur . du pin a . and it must be confessed he hath owned more of these ill practices , than any writer of that church , and suffered for telling more truth than the roman cause can bear . yet after all , either by the prejudices of his education , or the influence of his superiors , and the disadvantage of his circumstances , many things of this kind are omitted , which are necessary for us to know : and though i would advise young students of ecclesiastical antiquity ( whose service i aim at ) to read those elaborate collections ; yet i cannot assure them , they may every where depend on them . the best method to know the wole truth , is to read over the councils themselves , and compare them , as they go on , with baronius's annals , and both with these brief remarks ; which will so unfold that mystery of rome's corrupting and falsifying the church-history and writings of these times , that a diligent observer will hereby be enabled ( without a guide ) to discover more of these errors , than our designed brevity would allow us to set down : and such a reader may not only safely peruse the historians and disputants of that side , but will soon arrive at the skill to confute all their arguments , which are supported by disguising of ancient records : and as his discovery of the roman frauds , will give him a just aversation for that church ; so his seeing that our church rejects these arts of deceiving , and needs no false or feigned evidence , must give him as true a value for it ; since we appeal to all uncorrupted antiquity , our pastors can say with s. peter , we have not followed cunningly devised fables b . deceit in human affairs , is equally odious and mischievous : but in religious matters it is highly impious and intollerable ; because it not only misleads men in matters relating to their eternal salvation : but ( as a learned prince used to say , ) it makes god himself an instrument of the crime , and a party to the holy cheat c : to this horrid degree of guilt , may the design of imposing false and gainful doctrines drive partial men. but the mischief is prevented as soon as it is discovered ; wherefore i hope these papers , which so plainly expose this sort of falsifications , may set the history of these times in a clearer light ; and not only help to undeceive some well meaning and misled romanists , but to establish the inquisitive and ingenious members of this rightly reformed church , for whose safety and prosperity the author daily prays , and to whose service he dedicates all his labours . the contents . part iii. cent . v. chap. i of the time before the council of ephesus , page chap. ii. of the time from the council of ephesus , till the council of chalcedon , p. chap. iii. of the council of chalcedon , being the fourth general council , p. an appendix concerning baronius's annals , p. chap iv. roman errors and forgeries in the councils , from the end of the fourth council , till an. dom. . p. an appendix concerning baronius his annals , p. part iv. cent . vi. chap. i. errors and forgeries in the councils , from the year , to the end of the fifth general council , an dom. . p. an epitome of dr. crakenthorp's treatise of the fifth general council at constantinople , anno . p. errata . pag. . lin . . read , fourth time , p. . l. . those words quibus verbis , &c. were to be in the margen at ( * ) , p. . l. . r. noting in the , p. . l. . r. prove themselves , p. . l. . . to assert , p . l. . r. from giving , p. . l. . r. divers proofs , p. . l. . r. him by their , p. . l. . ( dele ) when , p. . l. . r. yet the inventor , p. . marg. at l. , r. amplificatorem , p. . l. . r. that inded leo , p. . l. . r. s. germanus , p. . l. r. a strange assertion , ib. l. . r. a packed party , p. . l. . r. pulcheria , p. . l. . r. forgēs the title , p. . l. . r. made to these , p. . l. penul . r. emperors patronage , p. . l. . r. constantius his time , p. . l. . r. the pilgrimages , p. . l. . r. legates ; of , p. . lin . ult . & p. . l. , r. pontificate , p. l. . r. theodoret , p. . l. . r. and again by , p. . l. . r. and marcian , ib. l. . r. commend justinian , p. . & . wrong numbred for , . p. . l. . r. agathias ( ibid. ) penult . & ult , r. justin . roman forgeries in the councils . part iii. cent . v. chap. i. of the time before the council of ephesus . § . . the editors of the councils being generally the popes creatures , seem not so much concerned to give us a true account of what was done , as to make their readers believe , that all the affairs of the whole christian world were managed solely by the bishop of rome , and every thing determined by his single authority : thus the first council . of toledo was a held in spain , under patronus , bishop of that city : the title says it was held in the time of pope anastasius , and notes the name of the consul for that year , . but baronius finding an epistle of pope innocent writ to a council of toledo five years after this b ( relating to the priscillian hereticks then abounding in spain . ) purely to make us think the bishops of spain could do nothing without the pope , removes this council down to the year . yet afterwards in his appendix , perceiving the trick was too gro●● , he recants that chro●ology , and restores it to its true year anno . c but after all , this epistle of pope innocent is by some suspected to be forged ; and sirmondus confesseth , that all the old books cite this epistle as written to a council at tholouse d ; so that he and baronius , probably altered the reading , and put in toledo instead of tholouse , because this was the more famous council ; and they had a mind it should be thought that all eminent councils expected the popes letters before they durst act : whereas this council of toledo , makes it plain , that they censured the priscillianists , and absolued such as recanted purely by their own authority . and when they thought fit to acquaint other churches abroad with what they had done , they send an embassie , not only to the pope , but to simplicianus , bishop of milan , whose judgment and authority they value as equal with the popes e . and here we must observe , that baranius and the annotator ( seeing it was a reflection upon the popes to have a bishop of milan ranked equal with the pope ) affirm ( without any proof ) that st. ambrose and his successor simplicianus were only the pope , legates , and that these spanish bishops would communicate with none but such as the apostolical s●● did communicate with f . whereas they have the principal regard to the see of milan , and in the definitive sentence name only st. ambrose g , though some forger hath there manifestly put in these words , add also what siricius advised : and in the council of turin , which baronius cites , st. ambrose is named before the pope ; yea it is manifest by divers african councils * , that they gave equal respect at least to the judgment and authority of the bishop of milan , as to those of rome f . so that it is ridiculous and absurd to fancy that st. ambrose and his successors ( who were greater men than the popes for learning and reputation ) were the legates of rome ; and this hath been invented meerly to aggrandize that see. and for that same reason they have stusted into the body of this council a rule of faith against the priscillianists , transmitted from some bishop of spain with the precept of pope leo , who was not pope till forty years after this council g . yea , binius in the very title of this council , would have it confirmed by another pope that lived divers centuries after , of which labbè was so ashamed , that he hath struck that whole sentence out of his edition h . as to the canons of this council i shall only remark : that the first of them lays a very gentle punishment upon deacons and priests who lived with their wives , before a late interdict , which is no more but the prohibiting them to ascend to any higher order i . and no wonder they touched this point so gently , for this prohibiting wives to the clergy was never heard of in spain till siricius ( who died about three years before ) advised it in his epistle to himerius , and therefore innocent in his third epistle said , siricius was the author of this form of ecclesiastical discipline , that is , of the clergies celibacy : and adds , that those who had not received his decree were worthy of pardon k : and by the many and repeated canons made in spain afterward in this matter , it appears , the inferior clergy would not follow the popes advice . the fourteenth canon l shews that the primitive way of receiving the communion , was by the peoples taking it into their hands , as they do now in our church : and the notes confess , that the roman custom of taking it into their mouths out of the priests hand is an innovation m , brought in after the corrupt doctrine of transubstantiation had begot many superstitious conceits about this holy sacrament , the altering of the doctrine occasioning this change in the way of receiving : whereas the protestant churches which retain the primitive doctrine , keep also the primitive rite of communicating . to this council are tack'd divers decrees which belong to some council of toledo or other ; but the collectors , burchard , ivo , &c. not knowing to which , have cited them under this general title , out of the council of toledo , and so the editors place them all here n . but most of them do belong to later times , and the name of theodorus , arch-bishop of canterbury , in one of these fragments shews it was made years after this time o . we have in the next place two african councils said to be under anastasius , though indeed they were under the bishop of carthage : the former of these , decrees an embassie shall be sent both to anastasius , bishop of rome , and venerius , bishop of milan , for a supply of clergy-men , of whom at that time they had great scarcity in africa p . the other african council determines they will receive such donatists as recanted their errors , into the same orders of clergy which they had , before they were reconciled to the church , provided the bishop of rome , milan and other bishops of italy ( to whom they sent a second embassie ) consented to it : now here , though all the italian bishops were applied to , and he of milan by name , as well as the bishops of rome ; and though it was not their authority , but their advice and brotherly consent , which the african bishops expected ; yet baronius and binius tell us , it is certain that anastasius did give them licence to receive these donatists in this manner , because st. augustin said they did receive them q . whereas st. augustine never mentions any licence from the pope , and his leave or consent was no more desired than the leave of other eminent bishops , only the annalist and his followers were to make this look as an indulgence granted from rome alone . § . . pope innocent succeeded anastasius , who had the good fortune to be convinced ( by st. augustine , and other bishops more learned than himself ) that pelagius and celestius were hereticks , and so to joyn with the orthodox in condemning them , for which he is highly commended by st. augustine , st. hierom , and by prosper , who were glad they had the bishop of so powerful and great a city of their side ; and so was poor st. chrysostom also , whose cause he espoused when theophilus of alexandria and the empress oppressed him ; and by that means innocent also got a good character from st. chrysostom and his friends in the east : but some think it was rather his good fortune than his judgment , which made him take the right side : the pontifical fills up his life , as usually , with frivolous matters r . but two things very remarkable are omitted there , the one is a passage in zosimus , viz. that when alaricus first besieged rome , and the pagans there , said the city would never be happy till the gentile rites were restored , the praefect communicates this to pope innocent , who valuing the safety of the city before his own opinion , privately gave them leave to do what they desired s . the other is , that when rome was taken afterwards by alarious , pope innocent was gone out of the city to ravenna , and did not return till all was quiet ; and therefore i cannot with baronius think that st. hierom compares pope innocent to jeremiah the prophet t ; for jeremiah staid among god's people and preached to them , but innocent was gone out of rome long before it was seized by the goths . further we may observe , that whereas st. hierom advised a noble roman virgin to beware of the pelagian hereticks , and to hold the faith of holy innocent u : baronius is so transported with this , that he quotes it twice in one year , and thus enlarges on it , that st. hierom knew the faith was kept more pure and certainly in the seat of peter , than by augustine or any other bishop , so that the waters of salvation were to be taken more pure out of the fountain than out of any rivers w ; which absurd gloss is easily confuted by considering , that this lady was a member of the roman church , and so ought to hold the faith of her own bishop , especially since he was at that time orthodox ; and this was all st. hierom referred to : for he doth not at all suppose the roman see was infallible , nor did he make any comparison between augustine and innocent , since he well knew that in point of learning and orthodox judgment augustine was far above this pope , who indeed derived all the skill he had as to the condemning pelagius from the african fountains , and especially from st. augustine : besides , nothing is more common than for some eminent bishops to be named as the standard of catholick communion , not from any priviledge of their see , but because at that time they were orthodox : so the bishops of constantinople , alexandria and antioch are named in a rescript of arcadius the emperor , with this character , that such as did not hold communion with them should be cast out of the church x . and thus athanasius , ambrose , cyril and others , eminent for being orthodox , have been made the touchstones of mens faith , such passing for true believers only , who held the same faith with them . for this pope there are divers epistles published , upon which and the partial notes upon them we will make some brief remarks . the first epistle to decentius , bishop of eugubium , was writ the last year of innocent anno . y but is placed first , because it talks big of st. peter , and of the duty of other churches to conform to the roman usages : but there are some passages in it which make it questionable whether this pope writ it ; or , if he did , shew his ignorance and gross mistakes ; for the author affirms , that no apostle but peter did institute churches , ordain priests and preach in italy , france , spain , africa , sicily and the adjacent islands z . whereas the scripture testifies that st. paul did institute the church at rome and preached in italy ; and most of the ecclesiastical writers affirm that st. james preached in spain . ly . he enjoyns the saturday fast a which was a peculiar custom of the roman church not observed in the east , nor at milan , nor almost in any other churches of divers ages after ; and we may observe that among all innocent's reasons for it , there is not one word of the blessed virgin , who was not worshiped in those days , as she is now by the romanists , who now pretend to observe this saturday fast peculiarly to the honour of the virgin mary . ly . he allows not only priests , but also lay christians to give extream unction to the sick , if the oyl be but consecrated by a bishop b . in which point the roman church hath since altered her opinion , and i doubt not but they will call this now , a manifest error . the second epistle to victricius ( as labbè confesseth ) is patched up out of the fourth epistle of siricius and the seventh of pope zachary c . and the centuriators note concerning all these epistles which go under innocent's name , that sometimes whole paragraphs are taken out of the epistles of both former and later popes d , which is a ground to suspect that most of them are not genuine : however there hath been a later hand employed to foist in a passage or two into this epistle ; for whereas the first writer declares that , all causes shall be determined in the province where they happen , some have put in a sentence [ excepting the reverence due to the roman church ] into the body of the section ; and an exception of reserving the greater causes for the apostolick see , in the end of that section e , which make the whole decree null , and contradict the nicene canon cited there : and whereas the former sentence was meer non-sense in binius , labbè hath put two words ( siue praejudicie ) into his edition , to make this gross addition seem coherent , and conceal the forgery : again , the author of this epistle in his zeal against the clergies marriage , falsly cites it for scripture , that god's priests must marry but once f ; and it is but a poor excuse which labbè makes , that tertullian had cited this as out of leviticus , since the infallible interpreter of scripture should have corrected his error , and not have countenanced an addition to the holy text to serve an ill cause . ly . the writer shews himself grosly ignorant of the courses of the jewish priests , when he saith , they did not depart from the temple nor go to their house in the year of their ministration g . whereas every one knows that there was but courses of the priests , and that every family ministred but one week at a time from sabbath to sabbath h . yet this author makes the same mistake again in the third epistle , and considently talks again of the year of their course . ly . whereas st. paul had declared marriage honourable in all men ( without excepting ministers ) and the bed undefiled i . this impudent epistolizer calls the use of marriage in the clergy a being stained with carnal concupisence , and expounds that place , those who are in the flesh cannot please god k ; of such marriages l , making the apostle contradict himself by this sensless and false gloss : but notwithstanding all these pernicious and absurd errors , baronius and binius do extreamly magnifie the pope upon this occasion , as being that original fountain from whence the most famous bishops of the world used to draw water , knowing of what great strength and authority these things were which came from the apostolical see m . but first , if these epistles be forged ( which is very probable ) then all these brags and bold inferences are vain ; if they be true and were writ by innocent , they may justly blush , that such poor stuff should come from the bishop of so great a see ; and however it will not follow that the roman bishop was the head of the catholick church , because victricius and exuperius writ to him for advice . for how many more and greater bishops writ to st. basil , st. augustine ; yea to isidore of peleusium and st. hieroin who were only priests ? and how far do their answers exceed those of the pope ? yet none will be so ridiculous to magnifie the see of coesarea or hippo , or the monasteries of peleusium and bethlehem , as if they were the very fountains of religion , or these persons the heads of the catholick church : i will only add , that orosius is noted by baronius himself to have consulted with st. augustine and st. hierom , ( about matters of faith , and greater concernment by far than these ) and not with innocent his pretended original fountain n ; so that every one doubtless did not take the pope for the sole infallible oracle in those days . the third epistle to exuperius is liable to all the objections against the former : labbè saith it is patch'd up out of siricius epistle to himerius , the second epistle of celestine , and one of leo to theodorus o ; and therefore probably it is forged : or if we grant it genuine , it looks not very favourably upon their modern pretence to infallibility ; for the pope here says , he will answer according to the measure of his understanding ; and confesses , that by conference he added to his knowledge ; and while he was answering others , always learned something himself p . the notes also are much mistaken in arguing from two bishops enquiring of pope innocent's sense in some matters of discipline , that all the catholick church ought to keep the decrees of the apostolick see q . for there were many hundred bishops in those and other provinces , who never enquired after the bishop of rome's customs , nor desired his advice ; and it is very certain that divers of these pretended decrees were not observed , no not in france ( where these two bishops lived ) for divers ages after they are pretended to be sent thither . before i leave this epistle i must observe , that the last section about the canon of scripture , wherein all the apocryphal books are reckoned up as part of the canon r , is a gross forgery added to it years after innocent's death ; for cresconius never saw this part of the epistle , nor doth he mention it under this head , though he cite the other parts of it ; so that if the whole epistle be not forged , yet this part of it is certainly spurious , and added to it by a later hand , as is at large demonstrated by bishop cosens in his history of the canon of scripture , to which i refer the reader s , noting only that the council of trent grounded their decree about the canon of scripture , not upon genuine antiquity , but palpable forgeries and corruptions . in the following epistles unto the twelfth , there is nothing remarkable , but some brags of the dignity of rome , and many pretences to a strict observance of the ancient canons , which were no where oftner broken than in that church : some think they are all forged , because they want the consuls names t . and the twelfth epistle may pass in the same rank , since it is dated with false consuls , viz. julius the fourths time , and palladius u ; but because it seems to shew that the pope took care even of foreign churches , baronius resolves to amend it of his own head , and puts in theodosius and palladius , though still the number is false w ; for theodosius was the seventh time consul with palladius , not the fourth ; and had not this epistle made for the popes supremacy , the annalist would not have taken pains to mend it . the thirteenth epistle , which passes in binius for a famous testimony of innocent's zeal in discovering the pelagians x , and meriting notes , is the same with the beginning of the second epistle of foelix the fourth y ; and labbè saith it is a forgery of the counterfeit isidore z . the fourteenth epistle calls antioch a sister church , and from peters being first there seems to confess it was the elder sister ; and both that and the sixteenth epistle speak of one memoratus , which baronius will not allow to be the proper name of a bishop , because indeed there was no such bishop in that time ; so that he expounds it of the bishop remembred , that is , of paulinus ; but the ill luck is , that paulinus is neither named before , nor remembred in either of these two epistles a . the notes on the sixteenth epistle mention it as a special usage of the bishop of rome , not to restore any to his communion , unless they were corrected and amended ; but this was ever the rule of all good bishops , and of late is less observed at rome than in any other church . the eighteenth epistle maintains a very odd opinion , viz. that the ordinations celebrated by heretical bishops are not so valid as the baptism conferred by them ; and the notes b own that the persons so ordained may truly receive ( as they call it ) the sacrament of orders , and yet neither receive the spirit , nor grace , no nor a power to exercise those orders , which seems to me a riddle . for i cannot apprehend how a man can be said truly to receive an office , and yet neither receive qualifications for it , not any right to exercise it . the twenty second epistle cites that place of leviticus , that a priest shall marry a virgin , and affirms it as a precept founded on divine authority ; and he censures the macedonian bishops as guilty of a breach of god's law , because they did not observe this precept , which every one knows to be a piece of the abrogated ceremonial law ; and the annotator cannot with all his shufling bring the pope off from the heresie of pressing the levitical law as obligatory to christians c : but there is one honest passage in this epistle which contradicts what this pope had often said before of the sinfulness of priests marriages ; for here he saith , the bond of matrimony , which is by gods commandment , cannot be called sin : however out of this epistle ( which is a very weak one , and dated only with one of the consuls names ) the editors feign a council in macedonia * and a message sent to the pope for confirmation of their acts ( which doth not appear at all in the body of the epistle ) . and baronius desires the reader to note , how great majesty and authority shined in the apostolick see , so that it was deemed an injury to require the popes to repeat their former orders d . whereas if this epistle be not forged , it is no more but a nauseous repetition of the same orders which he and his predecessors had given over and over ; and the frequent harping upon the same string , in all the decretal epistles , especially as to the marriage of the clergy , shews how little majesty or authority shined in the popes , since all the countries to which they sent their orders , so generally despised them , that every pope for divers ages was still urging this matter without that effect which they desired . the twenty third epistle was writ to some synod or other , they know not whether at toledo or tholouse , as we noted before e . and the jesuit sirmondus in labbe , by elaborate conjectures , and large additions ( probably of his own inventing ) had put it out more full , and adorned it with notes f , which pains the impartial reader will think it doth not deserve . the twenty fourth epistle is dear to the editors and baronius , because the pope therein is his own witness , that all matters ought to be referred to his apostolical see , and that the africans application to him was a due veneration , since all episcopal authority was derived from him g . 't is true , st. augustine doth mention a message sent to innocent out of africa ; but he adds that , he writ back according to what was just and becoming a bishop of an apostolical see h . but as to this epistle , besides the hectoring language in the preface , there is neither style nor arguments but what are despicable ; and erasmus did long since justly say , in this epistle , there is neither language nor sense becoming so great a prelate i ; so that probably the whole may be a fiction of some roman sycophant , which is the more likely , because labbè owns that one of the consuls names is wrong , that is , junius is put for palladius k : erasmus adds , that the twenty fifth epistle is of the same grain with the former l , the style is no better , and the matter of the same kind ; for he brags that whenever matters of faith are examined , application must be made to the apostollcal fountain . and yet this pope , as the notes confess , held the eucharist ought to be given to infants , yea that it was necessary for them m , that is ( i suppose ) for their salvation : now the council of trent hath determined otherwise , so that the romanists must grant , this pope erred even in defining things necessary to salvation ; unless they will allow the whole epistle forged by some later hand , who ( whatever binius say to the contrary ) hath dated it with the consuls of the year after innocent's death , according to the best chronologers . the twenty sixth epistle ( as the notes confess ) was writ to aurelius , augustine and three more eminent bishops of africa , by pope innocent , to clear himself from the suspicion of being a favourer and protector of the pelagian heresie * ; and by computation also this proves the very year in which he died ( according to most accounts ) . now if in those days it had been believed ( as it is now at rome ) that the pope had been infallible , and could not err in matters of faith , no man durst have raised this suspicion , nor would any have regarded it ; and innocent's best way of vindication had been only to have told them he was pope and sate in the holy infallible chair ; but now his labouring to clear himself by an epistle , shews it was possible he might err . as to the epistle it self , erasmus saith , innocent answers after his fashion , being fierce rather than learned , and more ready to condemn than instruct n ; and whosoever reads it will find that to be a true character of this epistle : to these is subjoined a letter of st. chrysostom's to innocent , in latin only in binius o , but in both greek and latin in labbè p . the phrase of which is so polite , the matter so pious and solid , that gold doth not excel lead , more than this genuine piece of the golden-mouth'd father doth all the former epistles of the pope , who ( if he writ those decretals ) was far more below st. chrysostom in learning than he pretended to be above him in dignity : i confess the editors would persuade us to think this epistle was writ only to innocent , and to him it is superscribed in savil's greek edition , thus , to innocent bishop of rome * ; but the roman parasites have added to this title , to my most reverend and pious lord ; but this hath been lately invented , for [ domino meo ] is not in the title in baronius q . and the epistle it self seems plainly to have been written to many ; for towards the end , he saith , therefore my most venerable lords , since you see these things are thus , use your utmost study and diligence to repress this injustice that is broke into the church r ; and the phrase doth every where suppose it was writ to divers western bishops ; and baronius in the end of the epistle hath these words , we have writ this also to venerius bishop of milan , and to chromatius bishop of aquileia s ; quibus verbis rom. episcopi primatum erigit , iisdem venerij & chromatij primatum erexisset * : so that since st. chrysostom writ to all the eminent bishops of italy as well as to the pope , it is unjustly done of baronius , to say , that chrysostom fled to his only refuge , viz. to the roman church , which he knew to be above all other churches , and to have power to correct the ill-deeds of others t . there is one thing more remarkable in this epistle , st. chrysostom tells the western bishops , that being oppressed by theophilus and his party , he appealed ( not to the pope , but ) to a synod ; yea , innocent himself saith , there was great need to have a synod called for this cause of st. chrysostoms u . so that neither did st. chrysostom appeal to the roman church alone , nor durst innocent take upon him to judge in this matter . as for those two epistles of innocent's , one to chrysostom , and another to the clergy of constantinople ( which are certainly genuine , as being preserved in sozomen w and not derived from the roman mint ) ; these two epistles ( i say ) are in an humble style , and so well written x that they make all the former decretals which come from rome , justly to be suspected as forged and spurious . the second epistle of chrysostom's which follows these two , seems also to have been written to other bishops as well as innocent , for it runs generally in the plural number ; but they who would have us believe the pope alone did all the business of the church , have falsified one place in it , where st. chrysostom saith , ye have shewed your selves loving fathers towards us : there the latin is in binius in the singular , paternam ergo nos benevolentiam declarasti y . but labbè thought fit to mend this corruption , and reads it in the plural , declarastis , ye have declared z . but the grossest forgery of all in this cause of st. chrysostom are the letters that are pretended to pars between innocent and the emperor arcadius , wherein first innocent excommunicates arcadius , and eudoxia the empress , for their injustice to st. chrysostom a . and then the emperor writes first one submissive letter b to desire him to absolve them , to which the pope consents c ; yet after all this , arcadius doth again write another letter to excuse himself and tells the pope , eudoxia was very sick upon the grief for her fault d : and all these letters are said to be writ after st. chrysostom was dead . but that which discovers the cheat is , that all the ancient historians do with one consent agree that eudoxia the empress was dead three years before st. chrysostom , which is attosted by socrates , sozomen and marcellinus e ; and the same is affirmed by learned modern authors f . the first who affirmed the contrary was georgius alexandrinus , a fabulus writer , who lived above years after this time , and he was followed by nicephorus , glycer and gonnadius g , which are all the authorities baronius can produce for these forged epistles ; only he countenances them , true or false , because this is an instance of a pope who excommunicated an emperor , and serves them for a good proof that the roman bishop is above the greatest princes : but labbè spoils the argument by noting the margen , that eudoxia died before st. chrysostom h , and so these letters are notorious forgeries . before i leave this matter i must observe that baronius his great design was to represent pope innocent as the chief , yea and almost sole instrument in vindicating the injuries done to st. chrysostom , and therefore he tells us , that innocent would not communicate with the bishops of the east , unless they would put his name into the tables ; and he cites theodores to prove this ; but theodoret's very words are , that the western bishops would not communicate with them , but on that condition * . so when the adversaries of st. chrysostom ( hearing that complaints of their proceedings were made among others to the pope ) sent some to give an account of what they had done , baronius ( without any proof ) dreams of a sentence passed by innocent to null what they had done i ; whereas it appears the same year , that pope innocent writ very frientlly to theophilus the chief agent in chrysostom's condemnation , and held communion with him long after that unjust fact k ; so that there is no reason to brag of this pope , as being the judge and patron of that glorious confessor l . who alas , died in his exile , and ( excepting good wishes ) had no benefit by the popes kindness : yea , he was so far from being judge , that he referred this cause of st. chrysostom's to the judgment of a synod m , as baronius himself afterwards declares : so theophilus of alexandria also never did submit the cause to innocent as baronius pretends n , nor did he take him for the supreme judge in it ; but after all , retained his obstinacy to his death : so that if we do allow pope innocent to be right in his judgment , yet he either had little power or small courage to serve this great and good man ; and what he did for him was in conjunction with other bishops , not by his single authority . innocent's st . epistle is directed to theophilus ( st. chrysostom's mortal enemy ) the patriach of alexandria , wherein the pope calls him brother , and saith he held communion both with him and with chrysostom also , and wishes him to refer the cause to a synod , and there let it be tried according to the nicene canons o . now baronius from hence notes , that the communion of the roman church was highly valued , and that all were to hold communion with those who were in communion with rome , and therefore they were to stick to the communion of chrysostom p : but the very words of the epistle confute this gloss ; for such as followed the popes example at that time , were to communicate both with chrysostom and theophilus and i must observe that innocent's advising theophilus to come to a synod and let this cause be tried there according to the nicene canons ; this ( i say ) shews , that the pope did not then pretend to find any thing in the nicene canons , for referring causes by appeal to rome ; but his two next successors ( as shall be shewed presently ) forged such canons soon after , and pretended they were made at nice . after this follows a rescript of honorius , pretended to be writ to his brother arcadius q ; wherein that emperor saith , chrysostom's was a cause concerning the bishops , which ought to have been determined in a general council , and when either party had sent legates to the bishop of rome and those of italy , a final sentence was to be expected from the authority of them all : but the editors have forged a title to this letter , wherein they say , episcopal causes are to be tried by a council of bishops , and to be examined and determined by the popes authority : where we see the forged title expresly contradicts the letter it self ; for that refers these causes to a council in the east with the consent of all the bishops of italy as well as the pope ; but this title is designed to persuade us , that the popes authority was finally to determine all matters of this kind . the th th and th epistles of innocent have nothing in them worth noting , and if they be genuine , their mean style and many incongruities are no credit to the author r . after these epistles labbè publishes certain canons sent from rome to the gallican church , by some pope or other ; and because by sirmondus his guess , it was innocent , they are placed here s ; there is nothing remarkable in them , but the zeal of the collector of these canons to persuade the french to follow the peculiar customs of rome . § . . the councils which the editors place next , and with the title of councils under innocent , were called indeed in his time , but neither by his authority , nor so much as by his advice : the first council of milevis , said to be under innocent , was ( as the notes confess ) held under the primacy of xantippus t , and was held so soon after anastasius his death , that probably these african fathers had not yet heard of innocent's election , nor do the acts of it mention any pope : the council at the oak , wherein chrysostom was deposed , was called by , and held under theophilus bishop of alexandria , wherein they proceeded to deprive an eminent patriarch without the knowledge or consent of the pope ; and had not the articles been false and the sentence unjust , it had never been revoked barely for wanting innocent's approbation u . labbè prints the acts of this synod which binius had omitted w . about this time were frequent synods held in africa ; the years and order of which being uncertain , the editors have placed the acts of them altogether x ; and here we have only some notes with the bare titles : on which we will make some few remarks : first , they are all here said to be held under innocent , but the acts themselves intitle them to be held in such a year of the emperor . secondly , the notes on the first african council tell us of legates sent to the pope for obtaining some indulgence to the donatists ; which legates being returned , they related in this council , what they had obtained from anastasius y . now this would make any one , who doth not consult the acts themselves ( printed on purpose in pages far off ) to think , the pope was solely concerned in this matter , which is an invention of baronius z . but if we look back into the former council , we shall find these african legates were sent in general to the parts beyond the seas , and to venerius bishop of milan as well as to anastasius bishop of rome a . and baronius himself in the year when these legates were first sent , saith , they were to go first to rome , and also to other transmarine bishops b ; and again , letters being sent to anastasius and other bishops of italy c . now the african fathers applying to all these bishops as well as to the pope , declares they did not look on him as sufficient alone to determine their matters : besides , they did not send to these western bishops to obtain indulgence ( as the notes out of baronius falsly pretend ) ; for they had decreed before to indulge them , only desired the western bishops for the more credit , to give their suffrages to this fact ; for so it would appear not to be only their single opinion . the second african council was not under innocent , as the title pretends d , but under aurelius , as may be seen by the acts ; and after the message from the italian bishops , added to their own authority , would not work on the obstinacy of the donatists , they decree to send legates to the emperor honorius to desire him to suppress them , ordering these legates to carry letters of communion to the bishop of rome , and other bishops of those parts , and to receive other letters of communion from them in italy to testifie they were catholicks : but a little after the notes , turn this into receiving letters of communion only from the pope e , and infer from thence , that none were catholicks but such as were in communion with the bishop of rome : whereas they should have added , and with other bishops of those parts ; and then it had appeared , that this was no peculiar priviledge of any one see , but related to all sees which then were filled with catholick bishops . i shall note only , that in these notes the emperor is stiled the lord of the general council f , which title the roman parasites of late have robbed him of , and given it to the popes . the eighth council of africa petitions the emperor honorius to revoke that edict , whereby he had granted liberty of conscience to the donatists ; and the notes out of baronius make it so meritorious a thing to revoke this scandalous and mischievous indulgence , that this made honorius so blessed as to have rome quitted by alaricus three days after he had taken it g ; but our english romanists , when an indulgence served their ends , counted it meritorious in that prince who granted the sects such an indulgence here , for we must note that things are good or evil just as they serve their interest , or disserve it . the synod of ptolemais in egypt h , whereby andronicus , a tyrannical officer , was excommunicated ; is strangely magnified by baronius , saying , that synesius bishop of ptolemais , knew that when he was made a bishop , he was elected by god to give laws to princes : and a little after he tells us , he deposed andronicus from his tribunal ; adding , that this shews how great the power of bishops was , even to the deposing of evil governors i . but after all , there is no more of this true , but only that synesius gives notice to his neighbour churches by circular letters that he had excommunicated andronicus , who seems to have been a military officer in a little egyptian town , and was guilty of most horrid cruelties and notorious crimes k : but what is this to kings and princes ? and the words which he cites out of synesius th epistle , which falsly translates , we have put him down from his tribunal , are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we have here taken him off from the seat of mourners ; that is , synesius tells theophilus his patriarch and superior , that though he had justly put andronicus among the penitents , yet now upon his sorrow and repentance , they had there absolved him and taken him out of that sad station where the penitents were wont to stand ; and if theophilus approved of this mercy shewed andronicus , he should hope god might yet forgive him l . now was not the cardinal hard put to it for an instance of a bishops deposing a king , when he is forced to falsifie his author , and use the words which express a restauration to the communion of the church , to prove a deposing from a throne ? it seems he could not or would not distinguish a captain or petty magistrate from a king ; nor a stool of repentance from a princes throne : this it is to serve a cause . about this time was held that famous conference at carthage between the catholicks and the donatists . seven bishops of each side being chosen to dispute before marcellinus a count sent by the emperor to hear this cause m . now baronius tells us that this marcellinus was not called simply a judge , but had the title of cognitor , because it was not allowed to a lay-man to act as a judge in ecclesiastical matters n . but cognitor is often used by the best authors for a judge , and cognoscere causam , is , to hear a cause ; dies cognitionis , is , the day of tryal : and which is more , the emperors edict calls him by the title of judex ; our will is , you shall sit in that disputation in the principal place , as judge o ; and baronius in the very page before cites st. augustine speaking of marcellinus by this character , ipse judex p . and as he moderated in the disputation , so in the conclusion he pronounces the sentence , and the emperor confirms it q ; which if the pope had done in person , or by his legate , to be sure that had been ground enough to prove him the universal and infallible judge in all causes . this is certain , honorius did judge in this cause by his legate marcellinus , and baronius ( who use to quarrel at other emperors for medling in these cases ) tells us god rewarded him for the pains he took about setling the true religion r . but as to the pope he was not concerned in this famous dispute ; and which is very remarkable , though the main dispute be about the catholick church , and the orthodox alledge the churches beyond the seas as being in communion with them , and so prove them catholicks ; yet they do not once name the roman church apart , as if communicating with that church or its bishop were any special evidence of their being catholicks : indeed they name innocent once , but give him no other title but bishop of rome : whereas if these african fathers had believed the pope to be the supream head of the catholick church , and that all of his communion , and only such were catholicks , this dispute had been soon ended , and they had nothing to prove to the donatists , but their communion with pope innocent . and i remember baronius argues that caecilianus , bishop of carthage , was a catholick , because he had communicatory letters from the church of rome ; but the place he cites to prove it out of st. augustine is this , when he ( that is , caecilianus ) saw himself in communion with the roman church , ( in which the eminence of an apostolical see always flourished ) and with other countries from whence the gospel came to africa , &c. s . by which it is plain , that it was communion with other churches as well as rome which proved caecilianus a catholick : and i know not where baronius found another passage , which he affirms was proved in this conference , viz. that the first head of the church was demonstrated by the succession of the roman bishops to be in peter's chair t : for there is not one word to this purpose in that conference which is printed by the editors here : so that till better authority be produced , this must stand for a devisable of the annalists . nothing after this occurs which is remarkable , till the council at lidda or diospolis in palestina , wherein pelagius imposed upon fourteen bishops a pretended recantation of his heretical opinions , and was by them absolved u . binius his title of this synod is , that it was under innocent : but labbè ( fearing this might imply the popes consent to a hereticks absolution ) hath struck that out . however we have baronius his word for it , that no letters were written to the pope from this synod w , only some lay-men brought him the acts of it . and he , good man ( not so cunning at finding out hereticks as the african bishops ) confesses he could neither approve nor blame the judgment of these bishops of palestina x . and pelagius himself , though he could not finally deceive the roman church , yet he hoped he might gain the pope to his party , and did attempt it ; yea 't is very probable he had succeeded , if st. augustin and other african fathers had not instructed the pope , and made him understand the danger of this heresie : and ( we have noted before ) that innocent's carriage in this matter rendred him suspected to be a favourer of pelagius y ; upon which the africans ( not trusting to his infallibility ) writ very plainly to him : and after they had condemned pelagius and celestius in a council of thirty seven bishops at carthage , they writ another brisk synodical epistle to the pope , telling him , that they intimated to him what they had done , that the authority of the apostolical seat might be added to their decree , because his eminent place gave more weight to his doctrine ; and if he thought pelagius was justly absolved , yet his errors and impieties ought to be anathematized by the authority of the apostolical see z . now the reason of this letter , was not so much for the confirmation of their acts ( as the notes pretend ) upon any single priviledge believed to be in the pope , as their supream head ; because they call him by the title of their brother , both in the title and the letter ; but because the pelagians had reported he was their friend , and a favourer of their opinions ; which report did very much mischief because of the eminence of his see , and therefore it concerned both the pope for his own vindication , and them also , that he should wipe off this accusation : and it appears both by st. augustine and prosper , that at last innocent did condemn this heresie ; but this synodical epistle from carthage , dated an. . shews that he had not condemned it before the last year of his life ; for he died ( according to baronius ) in july an. . so hard a thing was it for the african fathers to get a pretended infallible judge to understand and censure a notorious heresie . i might now leave this head , but that i must first observe the confidence of baronius , who from one word in a verse of prosper's , will needs have celestius a disciple of pelagius , to have been first condemned at rome , after the antient manner , that a new heresie should be first examined and condemned by the first seat a . but when he should make this out , he owns that pelagius and celestius indeed were first condemned in africa , but he tells us their heresies were condemned long before at rome in the person of jovinian : but if it were true that jovinian had held all the heresies of pelagius ( which is most false ) then we must attribute no great sagacity to innocent as to condemning heresies , because 't is plain he did not know these were the same heresies that jovinian had held , nor could he be brought to censure them , till above four year after . the second council of milevis consisted of sixty bishops , the title is , under pope innocent b . but baronius had told us before , that the same aurelius , bishop of carthage , presided in the former council of milevis , and in this also c ; so that neither of them were under any pope : the d canon of this council saith , that he who thinks to appeal to a tribunal beyond the sea , shall not be received into communion by any in africa d : which is a clear prohibition of appeals to rome ; and therefore gratian either found or made this notorious addition to it , unless they appeal to the see of rome e , which is so gross a forgery that binius rejects it , and out of bellarmin expounds this passage only , of prohibiting the inferiour clergy , priests and deacons , &c. to appeal beyond the seas , i. e. to rome ; but he supposes that bishops in africk still had liberty of appealing thither according to the th canon of sardica : but to confute this false gloss , let it be noted , that these african fathers profess in a following council , that they had never heard of any such canon , or of this sardican synod , and so it is not likely they should be guided by it : again , about ten years before upon a complaint to innocent of some bishops , who being censured in africa , ran to rome with complaints , this very pope had written , that bishops should not lightly go to the parts beyond the seas : and the council in africk confirmed that passage of the popes letter f . and since this would not restrain some bishops here in this second milevitan council , they make a decree , that bishops causes should be determined by bishops , either such as the primate ( of africk ) should appoint , or such as the parties chose by his consent g : and then they add this d canon to confine all appeals of the inferior clergy also to an african synod , or to their own primate ; and then add this clause recited before , that those who appeal beyond the seas , shall not be received to communion by any in africa : which certainly is the penalty relating to both canons ; because in their letter a few years after written to pope celestine , they declare it is contrary to the nicene canons for the pope to receive any into communion by appeal , who have been censured in their own province , especially bishops , adding , that his holiness should ( as became him ) also forbid the wicked refuges of priests and the lower clergy , &c. that is , not only the appeals of bishops , but of priests also h , which makes it as clear as the sun , that these fathers at milevis absolutely forbad all appeals to rome . and they had great reason so to do , not only because it was their right to judge finally all causes in their own province : but because some popes about this time had encouraged hereticks and notorious wicked men , both priests and bishops who had fled from the just censures of their own church , and found a sanctuary and shelter at rome : but of this more hereafter . this second council of milevis writ also to pope innocent about the pelagian heresie , to quicken him in providing some remedies to prevent the spreading of that infection , supposing the eminency of his place would add much weight to his censures , if he would heartily appear against these doctrines i . at the same time aurelius and st. augustin with three other eminent bishops there , writ a private letter to their lord and brother ( as they call him ) pope innocent , on the same subject k ; in which they deal very plainly with him , and give the reason why they writ so many letters to him against this heresie , because they had heard that in rome ( where the heretick lived long ) there were many who favoured him on divers grounds ; some , because they say that you have been persuaded such things were true ; but more because they do not think he holds those opinions . and doubtless it was this report which rouzed up the pope at last to condemn the pelagians , as may appear by our notes upon his th epistle , which is in answer to this epistle of the five bishops : but that answer , as also the answers to the two councils letters were not till january an. . as baronius and binius themselves compute l , which was but six months before innocent's death ; so long did this pope remain under the suspicion of being a favourer of pelagianism . § . . zosimus succeeded innocent in his chair , and in his partial affection for the pelagians ; his life as it is writ in the pontifical , hath nothing in it that is remarkable m , for his time was very short , but one year , two months and eleven days according to the pontifical , or one year , four months and seven days as binius in his notes ; though labbè correct both him and baronius , and says it was nine months and nine days above a year that he sat ; and he follows prosper ( who then lived ) in this account , and therefore it is the most certain . as to his acts , baronius prepares his reader for his entrance , by telling us out of the pontifical and gennadius , that innocent made a decree for the universal church against the pelagians ; and zosimus afterward promulged it n . but we shall see presently that he was very slow in publishing any censures against these hereticks : for though both baronius and binius would colour over the matter , yet labbè very honestly confesseth , that pope zosimus was deceived by the craft of celestius , and he proves it out of st. augustin o ; and marius mercator a writer of that very time ( whose admonition is printed in labbè ) owns that zosimus was imposed on by this heretick , till the african fathers had better informed him in these matters p ; so that the church was rarely well provided of an infallible head in the mean time , who was only zealous to affect his primacy , but had not sense enough to judge of heresie till he was informed of it from better divines . this pope is said to have writ thirteen epistles ; the first by the want of a good style and the barrenness of the matter , may probably enough be genuine q , having nothing worthy of note in it , except some impertinent brags of the authority of his see. the second epistle is a declaration of some of the roman clergy excommunicated , who had fled to ravenna to complain of the pope ( a ) . baronius and the notes meerly guess these to be favourers of pelagius ; but it seems more probable that they were catholicks who disliked the popes proceedings while he favoured celestius , which it is certain he did , till the year . was well advanced ( in which this epistle is dated , ) for he writ his fourth epistle for those hereticks , the th of the kalends of october s , doubtless in the year after his third epistle , which is dated an. . as to that third epistle , zosimus declares , that upon a solemn and judicial examination of celestius ( the scholar of pelagius ) he found him clear of the heresies with which he was charged in africa , and cites his accusers to come to rome within two months , or he should be intirely restored to communion t . at the same rate he talks in the fourth epistle , pleading the cause of both pelagius and celestius , declaring them innocent , and representing heros and lazarus ( two holy bishops of france ) as ill men and false accusers ; railing at timasius and jacobus , who had been converted from this heresie by st. augustin , as meer calumniators , boasting all along that the cause was by appeal referred to him , and magnifying the authority of his apostolical seat u . with this epistle also he sent into africa pelagius his confession of faith , which zosimus took to be very orthodox , and doubted not but the african fathers would think his faith to be unblameable ; whereas in that whole confession , there is not one clear acknowledgment of the absolute necessity of god's grace , or of the necessity of infant baptism to wash away original sin , which were the main errors that pelagius was charged with w : so that we see a pope , an infallible judge , either out of ignorance or evil principles , deceived both in matters of faith and of fact , mistaking heresie for truth , condemning the innocent and orthodox , and absolving the most notorious hereticks . now let us enquire how baronius and binius bring him off : they say first , that zosimus could not , if he would reject this confession of faith , because they said , if they had erred , they desired zosimus to correct whatever he thought to be wrong x : and that they were ready in all things of faith to believe as the pope believed y . now this is no manner of excuse , but rather an aggravation , that after so fair an offer the pope did not rectifie their errors ; this shews either that he did not understand the question , or that he was as much a heretick as they , especially since he not only passed over their errors , but commends them and pleads their cause : yea , baronius himself saith , this confession contained a manifest error , and bad things in it far from the catholick faith z ; yet still the pope could not or would not see these errors in matters of faith ; so that here was a manifest failure in their pretended infallibility , at a time when there was great need of it , to condemn a dangerous heresie , which the pope was so unacquainted with , that in his third epistle he calls these disputes ensuaring questions , and foolish contentions , which rather destroyed than edified : i further add , that in pelagius his confession of faith , which he pretended to be the faith of the roman church ; the holy ghost is said only to proceed from the father , the filioque is not added ; and though the popes of later times have condemned that omission as heresie in the greeks , zosimus here passes by that also , and takes all for sound doctrine . secondly , as to matter of fact , orosius and the african fathers , believed heros and lazarus to be holy bishops , and orthodox men ; and prosper ( who might know them personally ) testifies as much of heros a : but baronius and binius say celestius had belied them to zosimus , and so excuse the pope from blame : but if celestius did raise these scandals , zosimus made them his own by believing and publishing them ; and he who took upon him so much authority as to judge a cause , should not have espoused one of the parties so far , as to take all they said of their adversaries to be true : yet thus this pope dealt with timasius and jacobus also . like to this was his judgment about patroclus bishop of arles , and the priviledges of that see ; for ( as prosper informs us ) heros , an holy man , scholar of st. martin , though free from all crimes , was expelled out of his bishoprick by the people , and patroclus put in his place b , whom baronius calls an vsurper c : and when afterward he was slain , he saith , it was god's just judgment upon him to avenge his wickedness , who had invaded a worthy mans see , and also disturbed the rights of his neighbour bishops d . but zosimus in his fifth epistle , makes him the primate of all those parts of france , on pretence that trophimus was sent from rome , and was the first bishop there , and that it was his ancient right ; and allows none to come from thence to rome without letters dimissory from this patroclus e . and in the th , th , th and th epistles , he still advances this ill man , condemning proculus bishop of marseilles , and all others who opposed patroclus in his most unjust usurpations and encroachments : yet binius in his notes confesseth , that both his next successors , boniface and celestine did judge otherwise f ; that is , they took away this primacy from patroclus , and censured him for his evil doings , giving the priviledges to hilary bishop of narbon , to whom of right they belonged g : so that here is pope against pope , and decretal against decretal ; so odly do causes go at rome : but by zosimus his th and th epistles it doth appear , that the french bishops despised the popes decrees , and that proculus went on in exercising his primacy for all his being prohibited h , which looks not favourably on the roman supremacy . as ill fortune had pope zosimus ( who was always on the wrong side ) in admitting the appeal of apiarius , an african priest , who was excommunicated by urban his own bishop for most horrid crimes , which he afterwards confessed in an open council ( as we shall shortly shew ; ) yet zosimus thinking it for the honour of his see to have appeals made to it from foreign parts , admits this wicked wretch to communion , commands the african synod to receive him , and threatens vrban with an excommunication if he did not retract his sentence : but the african fathers for all this went on to judge apiarius , as will be seen afterwards ; for zosimus died before this cause was ended . i have deferred the consideration of zosimus his th epistle to the last place , because it was the last he writ ( that is now extant ) in the cause of celestius , and because it was writ to the council of carthage now assembled : for the pope after he had admitted hereticks and evil men to appeal to rome , was resolved to justifie the fact , and sent two bishops , faustinus and potentinus , and two priests , philip and asellus , his legates into africa , with false copies of the nicene canons to prove he ought to be appealed to in all causes from all provinces ; and probably by them ( or some little time before ) he sent this tenth epistle i , wherein he brags , that tradition and the canons had given such great authority to the apostolical seat , that none might presume to question its decrees ; with a great deal of such stuff about christ's giving peter the power to bind and loose , and the canons giving this to his successor , who was to have the care of all churches ; and that since he held this place , none might examine a cause which he had determined , &c. yet out of respect to the africans ( he saith ) he had done nothing in the cause of celestius , till they had deliberated about it , and that this cause was just in the same state as it lately was . i relate this more at large , because this unjust and ambitious claim was the occasion of a famous controversie that lasted many years after the death of zosimus : but as to the letter , the impertinency of it is very obvious ; for though he assume this authority , it is plain , that st. cyprian of old , and the african fathers afterward , did not think it any presumption to confute the decrees of popes , and to examine causes which had been ill judged at rome . and in the cause of celestius , whom zosimus would not yet be induced to condemn ; the council of carthage ( as prosper relates ) tell the pope , that they had resolved to confirm pope innocent ' s sentence against him , till he did openly confess the necessity of grace k : and they went on with the judgment against apiarius , for all his appeal to rome , and his being absolved there ; so that it is impudently done of the roman writers to go about to prove the supremacy from a popes evidence in his own cause ; yea , from a claim which was denied and despised at the same time that it was made . another note i make on this epistle is , that it is dated but the th of the ka. of april , and zosimus died in january following ; so that it is plain , that he had not condemned pelagius and celestius nine months before he died . and though by those passages which labbè hath published out of st. augustine and prosper l , it be certain he did censure this heresie at last ; yet it could not be long before his death , and therefore zosimus was a manifest favourer of hereticks , almost all the time he was pope ; and he may thank the african fathers for his repentance ; who ( though they were abused and injured by him ) hide as much as may be all his ill deeds in favour of celestius , and for the credit of zosimus and the catholick cause , only publish his latest acts , after he was by them convinced that pelagianism was an heresie : but celestius and his party openly exclaimed against zosimus for a turncoat m . the same year was that council in africa , which the editors intitle under zosimus n , but really was against him : for without regarding his suspending the cause of celestius , they particularly condemned all the points of the pelagian heresie by anathema's , and order all causes between bishops to be tried in the province where they arise , and renew the canon of milevis ; that the priests and inferior clergy should be tried by their own bishops ; and whoever should appeal to the parts beyond the seas , should not be received into communion by any in africa o : so that we see the african church persisted in maintaining their rights , and condemning appeals , as they had very good reason , considering the bold attempt of zosimus , to usurp a jurisdiction over them ; and his erroneous judging such causes both of faith and manners as he had presumed to meddle in ; which hapning in other provinces , he broke the canons of the ancient councils , by pretending to examine and decide them elsewhere ; forgetting that which gratian had collected out of his own seventh epistle , and gives us here for zosimus his decree p , viz. that the authority of the roman see it self cannot make any new order , nor alter old ones against the statutes of the fathers : so gratian reads it , and so aeneas sylvius cites it q ; so also the editors publish it here ; but some forging hand in the seventh epistle hath put concedere instead of condere , for fear this sentence should take away from the pope the power of making new canons contrary to the fathers decrees ; a priviledge , of which rome hath made more use than any church in the world. this pope's time is concluded with a forged african council at telepte , wherein it is pretended they only read the fourth epistle of siricius , and thence the notes and baronius gather that the african church shewed great respect to the see of rome r . but first labbè confessed before , that this epistle of siricius was forged s : and secondly the story is ill timed ; for the african church had never less reason to respect the popes than now , when they so manifestly robbed them both of their rights and their peace also : wherefore it is not probable that a council should meet there at this time , only to read an epistle which was invented long after . § . . upon the death of zosimus , there were two popes chosen , boniface and eulalius , and the pontifical fairly tells us , the clergy were divided for seven months and fifteen days , and that both of them acted as popes . this schism being notified to the emperor by symmachus , the prefect of the city , he cites both the pretenders to ravenna , and appoints divers bishops to examine into the cause ; but they not being able to agree whether had the better title , the emperor defers the business till the kalends of may , and forbids both parties to enter into rome , till a council had met at rome to determine this controversie . but eulalius ( who before stood fairer of the two ) impatient of this delay , contrary to the emperors command , on the fifteenth of the kalends of april goes into the city , and causes great factions there : upon which bishops met by the emperors order , execute his commands , and declare enlalius to be no pope , setting up boniface s . upon which passage i shall observe , first , that the notes make but a vacancy of two days between zosimus and boniface ; and baronius saith it was not vacant above one day t . whereas it is plain from the emperors letters , dated three or four months after , that neither of them was reckoned to be pope ; and he writes to the african bishops , that he would have the council meet by the ides of june , that the papacy might be no longer void u ; so that in truth the see was vacant till the emperor had judged it on boniface his side . baronius doth not like it should be said that the emperor had any right to interpose in the election of a pope ; but symmachus , the praefect of rome , saith expresly to honorius , it is your part to give judgment in this matter w ; and the emperor did at first by his single authority declare eulalius to be rightly chosen x : but upon better information he revokes that rescript , and commands that neither party should have any advantage by what was past , but all should be reserved intirely to his judgment y : and though he employed a synod of bishops to examine the matter , yet it appears in baronius , that the emperors edict was that which gave the papacy to boniface z : which will appear more plainly by the first epistle of boniface , and honorius his answer to it . for after this pope was in peaceable possession , fearing the like mischief after his death , which had hapned at his entrance , he writes an humble supplication to the emperor to take care of this matter for the future : and the emperor writes back to boniface , declaring , that if ever two should contend about the papacy , and be ordained , neither of them should be pope , but he who by a new election should be taken out of the clergy by the emperors judgment , and the peoples consent a . this writing of the popes among the councils , hath this title , the supplication of pope boniface : but baronius thinking that too mean , fraudulently leaves out the title b ; though the humility of the style sufficiently shews that the pope believed that the emperor was above him ; and whereas boniface there calls the church our mother , as the margin in binius rightly reads it c . baronius will have it to be your mother ; and labbè leaves out the marginal and true reading d ; for it seems they think it below the pope ( though not the emperor ) to be a son of the church . if the second epistle of boniface be genuine , it shews that when complaints were made to rome out of the near adjoining provinces , the popes ( even after they had given too much encouragement to appeals ) were wont to refer the matters complained of , to be examined and decided by the bishops of those provinces where the fact was done e . but the notes conclude from hence , that the accusation of bishops use to be referred to the pope * ; which is an universal conclusion from premises that will not bear it . the third epistle of boniface contradicts all those which were writ before by zosimus , in favour of patroclus , bishop of arles ; for boniface forbids patroclus to exercise the power granted him by the last pope , and decrees that hilary , bishop of narbon shall be metropolitan † ; and if he judged right , then zosimus judged wrong in this cause . for this pope the editors publish six decrees , one of which orders the differences among bishops to be decided by the metropolitan ; or however by the primate of that country ; from whose determination there was to be no appeal f . the fourth decree is certainly spurious , because it not only forbids a bishop to be brought before any judge civil or military for any crime , but declares the magistrate who presumes to do this , shall lose his girdle , that is , be put out of his office. now doubtless it was not in the popes power to give or take away civil or military offices : so that this hath been invented meerly by those who affected the popes being supreme over kings and emperors , and would have the clergy exempt from all secular jurisdiction . as to the pelagian controversie , he writ nothing about it himself ; but we are told by prosper , that boniface desired st. augustine to answer the books of the pelagians g , and he shewed his wisdom in putting the cause into a better hand than his own . we must now return to the business of the legates sent into africa by pope zosimus , a little before his death , who appeared in the sixth council at carthage , not till the time of this pope boniface , in order to justifie the roman churches right to receive appeals from all churches . the title indeed falsly saith this council was held about the manner of prosecuting appeals h ; but it is plain that the african fathers questioned the right of appealing , and had condemned before , all appeals to any church beyond the seas . in this council the popes legates produce a canon , which they say was made at nice , importing , that if a bishop were condemned in his own country , and appealed to rome , the pope might write to the neighbouring bishops to enquire again into the matter , and decide it ; but if all this did not satisfie the complainant , the pope might either send his legates , with his authority to judge it there with the bishops , or leave it finally to those of that country as he pleased i . now this canon was no sooner read , but alypius , one of the african bishops , declared he could not find any such canon in the greek copies of the nicene council , and desired aurelius , who presided in the council ( though the popes legates were there ) to send to the three other most famous patriarchal churches of constantinople , alexandria and antioch , to search their copies of the nicene council ; and that the pope might be desired to send some thither also at the same time ; which motion was so fair , and so certain a way to find out the truth , that the legates yielded to it , as they did also to have another canon examined , whether it were in the nicene council or no , about the appeals of the lower clergy : after which they resolve to annex a genuine transcript of the nicene creed and canons , to the acts of their synod , which concluded with a letter to boniface ; which the editors had no mind to publish in this place , but give it us elsewhere i . the sum of it is , they tell their honourable brother , that hearing he was in zosimus place , they had writ to him about apiarius , who had now confessed his faults before them , and begged pardon , and was removed from officiating in his old church , but allowed to keep his degree . then for the two canons pretended to be made at nice , they say , they had inserted them in their acts till the true copies of the nicene council came ; but if they were not found there , they would not be compelled to endure such things as they had no mind to mention , nor to suffer such intollerable burdens ; but they hoped while he was pope , they should not be used with such insolence or pride , but that they should be dealt with by brotherly charity ; adding , that they had sent a copy of their acts by two of his legates , who might make them known to his holiness . this is the true , though brief account of this famous council , wherein the roman church was discovered to aim at superiority , and a usurped jurisdiction , and to practise it to the prejudice of the faith , and the rights of other churches . moreover , it was here discovered , that rome , to cover this injustice and irregularity , had corrupted the canons of the most famous of all geneneral councils , and cited such canons out of it , as never were made there . and now to wipe off this scandal , binius and baronius stickle vehemently , and try all their art to get st. peter's ship off from these rocks . the former publishes long notes k ; the latter falls from writing history to dispute l : but all in vain ; for binius after he hath falsly told us , that it was the antient custom for bishops and priests to appeal to rome , and for the africans to desire their sentences to be confirmed by the pope ; confesses , that the popes legates cited the canons of sardica under the name of those of nice , and that they were not to be found in the originals of the council of nice , kept in the other patriarchal sees : but then he pretends the african bishops did not ( as we do ) charge zosimus with fraud and forgery . i answer , that how modestly soever they might speak of this fact , it really was a notorius imposture , and it was sufficient that they proved it to be so , and writ plainly to both boniface and celestine ( as the letters yet extant shew ) that they would never endure that usurped power any more , which the popes by virtue of these feigned canons had exercised : and if rejecting appeals to rome be making a schism , 't is certain the africans did not suffer them so long as the face of a church remained there ; so that probably that epistle of boniface the second , writ to eulalius near an hundred years after , may be true , and had not been censured by baronius and binius , but only because it supposes a church might have martyrs in it and be a true church , though it utterly disowned all subordination to rome : and i am sure they justifie many epistles that are less probable , if they make for the interest of the pope . against this , baronius and the notes object , that there was an appeal made by an african bishop of fussala , who for notorious crimes was put out of his see by st. augustine and others ; and it seems boniface and celestine both allowed this appeal , and heard his cause ; and this , these flatterers of rome think hapned at this time by the providence of god m . but let it be considered , that for so notorious a criminal as this bishop to appeal at this time , is neither any credit to the pope , nor any proof that there were no african canons at this time to prohibit it ; for it is likely enough , that an ill man , who had no means to shelter himself from the justice of his own country , but by appealing to those popes , who at that time pretended a right to receive such complaints , would use that means of appeal , even though it were condemned in africa . so that his appealing doth not prove it was lawful , nor that it was not forbid there : besides , though st. augustine writ modestly , yet he intimates no more , but that some such sentences as he had passed on this bishop of fussala , had been passed or approved by the popes ; which only prove in fact , that some african bishops had before this time appealed , but he doth not say it was right ; yea , we see the councils , in which he was present , condemning it as an usurpation and great injustice , ex malis moribus bonae leges . the thing had been practised till the popes fostering hereticks , and lewd convicted criminals opened the eyes of the african church , and made them prohibit them , and claim their antient rights . again , upon st. augustine's letter it appears , the pope did not proceed to restore this bishop ; and it seems when former popes had taken upon them to restore ejected bishops , they were forced to do it by strong hand , even by sending clerks with soldiers to execute the sentence , which shews their authority was not submitted to in africa : and the bishops in their letter to celestin● , boldly charge him never to send any such again ; for if they should submit to such proceedings , they should be guilty of bringing secular violence into the church of god. the notes go on to charge us protestants for ignorantly and treacherously insulting over zosimus , as one that attempted to steal a power to receive appeals from africa . whereas the african bishops themselves prove the fact : and in the second part i have produced a very antient scholion n , which expresly censures these popes for imposture as well as usurpation ; and i now add , that zonaras above year before the reformation saith in his notes upon the sardican council , that the bishops of old rome , from this canon , boasted a right to appeals from bishops in all causes , and falsly said it was made in the first council of nice ; which being propounded in the council of carthage , was found not to be true , as the preface to that council shows . so that neither was this canon made at nice , nor doth it decree that appeals shall be made to him from all bishops , but only from those who were subject to him , which at that time were almost all those of the west , that is , macedon , thessaly , illiricum , greece , peloponesus and epirus , which afterwards were subjected to the church of constantinople ; so that appeals from thence were to be made to that patriarch for the future o . wherefore we are not the first , who charged the popes with usurpation and imposture both in this case : but the flattering notes go on and tell us , that if the controversy had been about the right of appeals , and not about the manner of appealing , the popes legates would have cited the th and th canons of sardica , which treat of the right of appeals , and not the th which treats only of the manner of prosecuting them : now this is an open falshood ; for the first canon the legates cite is in the best edition of the sardican canons , the fifth , and is about the right of bishops to appeal p . and the second they cite is the th canon , and it is about the appeals of priests and deacons q ; so that neither of the canons cited is about the manner of prosecuting appeals ; and the latter which the notes call the th canon of sardica doth not mention rome . they proceed to tell us there were bishops first and last subscribed to this council , being a great provincial council , which shews how unanimous the africans were in condemning the popes usurpation : as to the popes legates , the notes grant they did not preside there ; and truly it was not fit they should , when their own cause was to be examined , and rome was the criminal church here to be tried . again , the note ( k ) impudently calls the fifth canon of sardica by the name of the seventh canon , and pretends the africans did not like the latter way of prosecuting appeals ; that is , by the popes sending legates into africk to hear these causes , but allowed him to delegate them upon an appeal to rehear the appellant : whereas the council doth expresly reject the whole canon as a forgery , and forbid all appeals to the parts beyond the seas , so that this is only defending one lie by another , and cleansing a blot with blotted fingers . the next note ( l ) gravely tells us , that the words sardican council , were falsly put into the text of this council , because the legates professed these canons were made at nice , and because the african fathers say they knew of no sardican council , which had allowed of the popes sending legates , &c. r now all this pains might have been spared ; for these words ( sardican council ) are only in a corrupt latin edition , but the greek and latin copy which is the best , hath no such words at all . but we may note here very justly , that these popes were strangely insolent to cite two canons of a poor obscure council , never heard of in africa , no not by the learned s. austin ( as the notes confess , ) and daringly fix these canons upon the most famous general council that ever was , especially since the nicene council doth expresly charge s , that every bishops sentence shall stand good in his own province ; so that he who is excommunicated by some shall not be received by others . now the pretended canon allows the pope to receive any person excommunicated by the bishops of his own province : so that it expresly contradicts the canons of the nicene council ; and yet the popes confidently said it was made there : had the african fathers believed them and submitted , no doubt these two canons , and perhaps all the rest of that petty synod had been imposed upon the world for genuin canons of the nicene council , by the roman church , whose emissaries have forged no less than new canons , and published them under the name of that famous council . before i leave this subject , i must note , that baronius and binius who here confess these two canons were made at sardica , do in the notes on the nicene council , impudently cite them , to prove there were more than twenty canons made at nice , of which number they say were the canons about appeals , produced in the sixth council of carthage t . baronius hath one trick more , for he saith the council of sardica was a general council , as well as that at nice , and of as great authority , and so it was all one , which council the popes cited u . i have disproved this before , and only note here , that if the african fathers had believed this , doubtless they would not have put themselves to so great cost and trouble , to send to three foreign and remote churches to search out the truth : i must add , that the bishops assembled at carthage , thought the nicene canons so considerable , that they annex a copy of them to their acts , wherein this is remarkable , that the sixth canon is cited without that forged preface , which the roman writers of late would make a part of the canon it self , viz. the roman church hath always had the primacy . no such words appear in this african copy w ; wherefore we may conclude , they have been invented since by some of the popes creatures . § . . celestine succeeded boniface , yet so as the notes confess the faction of eulalius would not communicate with him : however , he seems to have been very orthodox as to the pelagian controversy , though laurentius valla truly censures him for one of no great learning ; the style of his epistles shewing he was no accurate latinist ; and in his own epistle to nestorius , yet extant in the ephesine council , he confesses he understood no greek x : so that whatever he did against pelagius or nestorius , was done at the request and by the direction of men more learned than himself : however it was well , that this pope was so willing to assist s. cyril against nestorius , and prosper , with others , against the pelagians ; for his see being eminent , his appearing on the orthodox side gave great countenance to their cause , and promoted the condemnation of those hereticks , which the notes and baronius so extremely magnify y as if he was the first who condemned them ; and that it was solely his authority which suppressed them , the falshood of which we shall shew presently . the pontifical saith , he ordered the psalms to be sung by way of antiphon by all , before the sacrifice : but if he first brought in this kind of singing them at rome , we are sure they had been sung so long before , both in the east and at milan ; and it seems it is no disparagement for the holy roman see to follow other churches . the first epistle of celestine , hath a great many sections added to it in binius , which are a collection made by prosper , or some eminent writer against the pelagians z . but labbè prints the epistle by it self , and then prints the collections apart : however it is thought celestine approved them , and so they are cited by divers ancients under his name a : but if we compare the matter or the style of those additions with the former part , which is celestine's genuin work , it will easily be discovered , that the popes authority was far more considerable than his learning : and if any man wonder why this collector is so careful , to set down the decrees of the roman church against this heresy b , the reason is plainly expressed , viz. that some secret favourers of pelagius , ( considering the kindness he and his followers had found at rome ) professed they would stand by the decrees of that church . his second epistle hath nothing memorable in it , but that the pope thinks the affairs of the province of narbon , to be things far remote c ; which shews they had not then usually intermedled with the concerns of all the churches in the world. a little after he saith , we of the clergy ought to be distinguished from the laity , by our doctrin , not by our garments ; by our conversation , not by our habit ; by our purity of mind , not our dress : which looks as if he would abrogate wholly the distinct habits of the clergy , and persuade them and the laity to go alike : which gross notion the notes labour to cover as well as they can , by pretending he for bids only new fashions of habit to the clergy : but if it were so , this would reflect upon the various habits of every several order of monks . and yet if we look well upon the text , he positively dislikes all habits which may distinguish the clergy from the laity , which now adays protestants account a fanatical opinion . most of the following epistles are printed in the council of ephesus , and shall there be considered : it suffices to observe here , that the th epistle to the emperor theodosius d owns that arcadius and projectus were to represent his person in the council of ephesus , which the emperor had commanded to be held : therefore cyril did not represent pope celestine ; and not the pope , but the emperor called that council . the th epistle affirms , that the care which kings take in the matters of religion is not ineffectual e ; which shews , that baronius had no reason to be so severe upon all those princes who medled with religious affairs . out of the th epistle to theodosius we may note , that atticus late bishop of constantinople is said to be of most reverend memory , and a most couragious defender of the catholick faith f : and in celestine's epistle to nestorius , atticus of blessed memory , a teacher of the catholick faith g . but this very bishop had a long contest with the bishops of rome , and was excommunicated by pope innocent h ; and he on the otherside valued this so little , that he excommunicated those who were in communion with rome ; and calls paulinus and evagrius and their adherents ( among which was the pope ) by no gentler a name than that of schismaticks i . so that how orthodox so-ever he might be in any other things , 't is plain , he did not believe the roman church infallible , nor think it was necessary to be in communion with it : and though he erred ( as they now believe at rome ) in so main a point ; yet while he was at open enmity with the pope , baronius tells us he wrought a miracle k ; so that a man would think , miracles are no proof of the true church : another passage in this epistle is memorable , viz. that celestine saith , nestorius was excommunicated by the general sentence of the bishops : which the reader must remember , when the flattering notes any where say , the sentence against this heretick was solely the act of celestine . and indeed baronius having recited his th , th , th and th epistles , boasts of him , as if god had raised him up to stand in the gap against those hereticks which then infested the church , and gives him all the glory of the victory over them l . whereas , if prosper and cyril had writ no better against pelagius and nestorius than celestine , it is to be feared that these heresies had not been censured in that age. yet in the main he was a good pope , and had the fortune to take the right side in these controversies , and therefore is highly commended by divers of the orthodox ; and he is very free in returning the complements : for in his last epistle he calls cyril an apostolical man m ; and maximtanus of constantinople he styles his colleague . and this may suffice for this popes epistles . we are entertained next with another collection of african councils , held , as they say , under pope boniface and celestine n ; but the titles mention no pope at all ; nor were they called by any pope , but by the bishop of carthage , who presided in them , even when the popes legates were present : we have taken notice of most of these before , and therefore shall pass them over very briefly . in one of them they resolve to send a legate to their holy brethren and fellow bishops , anastasius of rome , and vencrius of milan , putting them so equally into the scale , that the pope is only first named o . a little after aurelius , bishop of carthage saith , that he by god's appointment sustained the care of all the churches : the margin tells us he means in africa p ; but i must note , that if a pope had said so in this age , though he could mean no more than the churches of the suburbicarian regions , these gentlemen would have stretched that to all the world. another council in the twelfth consulship of honorius , and the eighth of theodosius , had a canon in some ancient copy , wherein these fathers . anathematize them that hold any middle place between heaven and hell , to which unbaptized infants go ; and they expresly declare , that whoever is deprived of the right hand , must fall into the left ; and that no catholick doubts but he is with the devil who is not a coheir with christ q . now this looks so foul upon limbus infantum and purgatory , the later inventions of rome , that their parasites have left this canon out in other copies of this council r : and here it is printed in a different character , as if it were no genuine piece of the council , only because it condemns the modern opinion of the roman church ; but the impartial reader will conclude , that the ancient copy of this canon was elder than either purgatory or limbus infantum . here also the editors print at large the two famous epistles of the african bishops , to two popes successively , boniface and celestine , wherein they do utterly condemn appeals to rome , and discover the forgery of those pretended nicene canons , by which their legates attempted to justifie them . i have given an account of the former of these letters in the life of boniface . and i shall add here , that the latter epistle to their honourable brother celestine ( writ some years after ) shews the africans continued still in the same mind s ; for therein they acquaint him that they had called a council ; and though apiarius alledged the priviledge of the roman church which had received him unlawfully to communion , they examined his cause , and at last he confessed his notorious crimes : wherefore they earnestly desire the pope not so easily to receive complaints from thence , nor admit those to his communion whom they had excommunicated ; for they shew that the nicene council forbids this , both as to bishops , presbyters and lay-men , without any derogation to the priviledge of the african church , committing all the clergy to their own metropolitan , and wisely ordering every business to be determined in that province where it arose , knowing that the spirit of god would not be wanting to any country , where a council of bishops should meet ; so that none need fear to be injured , since they might appeal to a greater council of their own province , or to a universal synod : whereas if judgment were to be given beyond the seas , many witnesses must be wanting , and many other things must hinder the finding out of truth . they add , — that they could not find any council which allowed his holiness to send any legates to hear causes ; and for those canons which faustinus had produced , as made at nice , they could find no such canons in the authentick copies of that council . finally , they bid him not send any of his clerks to execute his sentence , to which if they should submit , they should seem to bring the vanity of secular arrogance into god's church . this is the sum of this excellent letter , which disowns and condemns all appeals , and renounces the popes jurisdiction over africa , with a modest intimation , that his claim was grounded upon a notorious forgery , and therefore he is required to pretend to it no longer , for that they will not submit to such an usurpation . yet such is the impudence of the roman editors , that in a marginal note upon this epistle t , they say these african bishops desire the pope , to appoint another way of prosecuting appeals : which is a gross contradicting the text it self , wherein all manner of appeals , and all ways of prosecuting them are utterly condemned ; but this was too harsh , and therefore the truth was to be daubed over with this plausible fiction . after this binius presents us with another edition of these african canons and epistles , in latin and greek u . and labbè newly publishes the epistle of one leporius , who had been converted from heresie , and reconciled to the church by the african bishops w , by which we may learn , that a heretick need not go to rome to recant , as the notes formerly affirmed . there is nothing further observable before the council of ephesus , except two councils , one at rome , wherein the pope is said to make cyril his legate in the cause of nestorius ; the other at alexandria , in which cyril is pretended to act by this delegated power x . but this will be more properly considered in the history of that general council , where these epistles are printed at large . chap. ii. of the time from the council of ephesus till the council of chalcedon . § . . in this year was held the third general council at ephesus , upon the account of nestorius , who about three years before had been made bishop of constantinople , and was at first believed to be both pious and orthodox ; but he had not sat long in that see , before he began to publish certain doctrines about our saviour , which gave great offence ; for he taught that jesus christ was two persons , one as the son of god , another as the son of man ; and therefore he denied the blessed . virgin to be the mother of god , holding that the person which was born of her , was no more than a meer man : which opinions , not only made a faction at constantinople , but caused divisions among the egyptian monks ; whereupon st. cyril first writ a confutation of them to those monks , and then with great modesty admonished nestorius of these errors , by divers letters ; but he despised his admonition , justified the doctrines , and persecuted those who would not own them , being supported by his interest in the imperial court. upon this , cyril called in pope celestine to his assistance , sending him an account of what he had writ to nestorius : on the other side , nestorius also writ to celestrine , and sent his sermons in which these doctrines were contained , for him to peruse . the pope by the advice of such western bishops as he could then get together , takes the part of cyril , and offered him to join with him in condemning nestorius , if he did not recant : but the authority of these two patriarchs of rome and alexandria , not sufficing to condemn a patriarch of constantinople , it was thought fit to desire the emperor to call a general council at ephesus , where nestorius might appear , and his opinions be examined ; and the emperor at length did agree to this request . now that which we are to observe concerning this general council , shall be under these heads . first , to enquire by whom it was called and convened . secondly , who presided in it . thirdly , what is memorable in the acts of it . fourthly , who confirmed the decrees there made . as to the first , the historical preface , before this council , labours to persuade us , that celestine commanded the council to be called a ; and the notes after it say , it was appointed by the authority of gelestine , and gathered together by the counsel , aid and assistance of theodosius the emperor b . the cardinal goes further , and saith theodosius called it by the authority of celestine c ; but when this is to be proved , both the notes and baronius are content to make out , that this council was not called without the popes consent ; which may be proved concerning every orthodox bishop that was there ; and so gives no peculiar advantage to the bishop of rome . but as to the convening it by his authority , nothing can be more false : for by the emperors first letter to cyril , it appears that some then thought to order matters of religion by power , rather than by consulting in common d ; in which words he reflects upon pope celestine and cyril , who thought , by the authority of their private synods at rome and alexandria , to have condemned nestorius , who was a patriarch as well as they ; and therefore the emperor rightly considered , that he could not be tried but by a general council : so that it seems celestine , at first , had no mind such a council should be called , nor cyril neither ; but when they saw their authority was insufficient , then cyril put the monks of constantinople upon petitioning the emperor to command a general council to meet very speedily ( as their words are ) e ; and the same cyril put juvenalis , bishop of jerusalem , upon writing to the emperor for the same purpose f . now why should not these applications have been made to the pope , if the council were to be called by his authority ? besides , if celestine had called it , his letter of summons would appear ; but though none ever saw that , the emperors edict is yet extant , wherein he fixes the day and place for the council to meet , enjoyns cyril , with the bishops of his province , to be there at that time , and tells him he had writ to all other metropolitans ( probably to celestine among the rest ) to attend the synod , and not to meddle with this matter , till the meeting of this general assembly , from which whoever absented himself , should not be excused g . which is as full a proof that the emperor called it by his authority , as is possible to be made ; and we need add nothing to it but this , that the synod it self every where declares it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the emperors decree h , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by his will i , and summoned by his letter k ; yea , the pope himself saith , i have obeyed your pleasure as far as i was able , and i do appear in the council which you have commanded , by those i have sent in my stead l . and when these legates came to ephesus , they say , we are come to the synod which hath been appointed by the most christian and gracious emperors m . so that it is a strange impudence of baronius and binius , in despite of so clear evidence , to pretend this council was convened only by the advice and ministry of theodosius , but by the authority of pope celestine . secondly , the like prevarication they use about the president of this general council , for bellarmine had made it a maxim , that in general councils it was the popes priviledge to preside by himself or his legates , and to moderate all as supream judge n : wherefore the preface to the council saith , cyril was to preside by the command of celestine , and the authority of the apostolick see o ; and the notes say , the pope presided there by cyril , who had the office of his legate p : and a little after they produce all the historians who writ after evagrius ( an. dom. . ) ; and because he saith celestine had given cyril his place , they conclude thence , that he was president of the council by virtue of that grant : but indeed the first place belonged to cyril as patriarch of alexandria , in his own right , because the bishop of rome was absent , and he of constantinople was the criminal to be tried ; yet celestine had cunningly given him that which was his due without any gift ; for in his letter to him long before the council was called ( when the synod at rome had condemned nestorius ) celestine saith , he might take to him both the authority of his throne , and the order of his place q ; which signifies no more , than that cyril might vote in celestine's name , and add the credit of the first patriarch to his own authority , to make the sentence against nestorius the more venerable . and the beginning of the acts distinguish cyril's precedency from his holding celestine's place ( if they be rightly pointed , ) cyril , bishop of alexandria , presiding , and [ having ] the place of celestine , &c. and so zonaras understood it , who saith , cyril of alexandria presided , and also had the place of celestine ; thus also balsamon s . so that it seems cyril was president of the council , either by choice of the fathers , or in his own right , as the chief patriach present ; and he also voted in the place of celestine who was absent ; and probably by virtue of that representation also , sate above all the other patriarchs . however this is certain , that the bishop of ephesus , memnon , who had no delegation from the pope , is also reckoned president of the synod ; and he , together with st. cyril , are often called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even thrice in one epistle t . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 u ; yea , these two are called , the head of the council w : and all this without any mention of their having these titles , or this power from the pope . moreover , we may observe , that cyril alone is sometimes called the president of this council x ; and the party of john , bishop of antioch , charges him with usurping this place , which was not given him by the canons or the emperor's edict ; ( they valued not , it seems , the popes grant y ; so that this title is variously applied , and no argument can be formed from it for the popes supremacy ; who also sent three other legates to this synod , to represent his person , and supply his place , as celestine's own letter declares z : yea , the council it self declares , that these three legates , arcadius , projectus and philip did supply celestin's place a . now it is not easie to understand how cyril should be the popes legate and supply his place , and yet at the same time three other legates need to be sent also to supply the same place , unless we expound this grant of the popes to cyril , to signifie no more than a declaration , that he would agree to all that cyril voted for , which is far from making him a formal legate , or for giving him that authority which he had in this council . we conclude therefore , that cyril , as the first patriarch present , and the most learned of all that opposed nestorius * , and memnon as bishop of ephesus , where the council was held , were chosen moderators by the synod : nor is it likely that the popes making these his legates ( if that were true , which baronius only supposes , but doth not prove ) b , would have given them any power over the council , since arcadius , projectus and philip , who really were the popes legates , did not preside , nor are they reckoned up in the first place , no not in the subscriptions , which yet are not certainly genuine c . and when the council sent two of these legates among others on an embassie to constantinople , they lay their commands on them , and threaten , if they do not observe their orders , they would neither confirm their acts , nor yet receive them into communion d : which shews the council was superior even to the popes legates ; and that their representing the popes person , did not intitle them to any power over the council , which is that the roman parasites would make out . richerius exposes baronius for saying philip had a place before the bishops , because he was a cardinal * . the first seat and vote therefore belonged to cyril , but christ ( as these fathers say properly ) was the head of this general council e , and was represented by the holy gospels , placed above all , on a throne , out of which all decisions were made , not by any humane authority , either of cyril or celestine himself . thirdly , we shall next examine into the proceedings of this council , and see where the editors have prevaricated therein for the interest of rome , as also what else therein is pertinent to our purpose . now these are , first those things which hapned before ; and , secondly in the council . first , before the council in cyril's letter to nestorius , he tells him , that celestine and the bishops assembled at rome , had advised him to enquire whether those papers were writ by nestorius or no f . this they all falsly translate , celestino jubenté , &c. as if the pope had a power to command cyril ; whereas the original word imports no more than an intimation given him to make this enquiry ; and that not by the pope alone , but by the whole roman synod . again , since this controversie began between two patriarchs , cyril was so modest , that he would not by his own single authority anathematize nestorius , till he had acquainted the bishops both of the east and west with it ; yet he declares he had power to have done this if he pleased g . now his forbearing to do this out of prudence and humility , is by the roman editors , in their preface and notes , ascribed most falsly to his want of power and authority . thirdly , in the protestation of the clergy of constantinople , they prove themselves orthodox , because they held the same faith with the church of antioch ; and that which was held by eustathius , bishop there , in the time of the nicene council , making no mention of rome at all h . and though now the faith of the roman church is pretended to be the sole infallible rule of what is orthodox , it was not thought so then : for pope celestine himself saith nestorius is to be condemned , unless he profess the faith of the roman and the alexandrian churches , and that which the catholick church held i : and the pope repeats this in his epistle to nestorius k ; and in that to john , bishop of antioch l : so that the roman church was then only a part of the catholick church as that of alexandria was ; had it then been ( as now it is said to be ) the same with the catholick church , the pope was guilty in three several epistles of a notorious tautology ; for according to the modern style ) it had been enough to have said nestorius must profess he held the faith of the roman catholick church . so when cyril had informed john of antioch , that the roman synod had condemned nestorius , and writ to him , to the bishop of thessalonica , to those of macedon , and to him of jerusalem to joyn in this sentence , cyril adds , that he of antioch must comply with this decree , unless he would be deprived of the communion of the whole western church , and of these other great men m . this passage the preface cites to prove that cyril made use of the popes authority as his chief weapon in this cause n ; but it is plain he doth not so much as mention the pope , or the roman church alone , nor doth he urge the danger of losing the communion of that church , singly considered , but of all the western churches , and divers eminent ones in the east ; and it was the popes agreeing with all these that made his communion so valuable . fourthly , as to the titles of these epistles , which were writ before the council , we may observe , that nestorius writes to celestine as to his brother , and saith he would converse with him , as one brother use to do with another o ; which shews , that as patriarchs , they were upon equal ground . 't is true cyril ( who was as eminent for his modesty as his learning ) calls celestine by the title of his lord p , from which the romanists would draw conclusions for their supremacy ; but we note , that in the same epistle he calls john of antioch also his lord , beloved brother and fellow-minister q , which very words cyril uses when he speaks of celestine in his epistle to juvenal , bishop of jerusalem , calling the pope there , his lord , most religious brother and fellow-minister r ; yea , such was the humility of those primitive bishops , that they frequently stiled their equals and inferiors their lords ; so cyril calls acacius bishop of beraea s : so john , bishop of antioch , calls nestorius , his lord t , and the same title in the same epistle he bestows upon archelaus , bishop of mindus , a small city u . and of this we might give many more instances , but these may suffice to expose those vain arguers , who from some such titles bestowed on the roman bishop , think to establish his universal supremacy . fifthly , among all these preliminary epistles , there are none meaner , both for style and sense , than those of pope celestine ; yet baronius brags of that to nestorius , as the principal thing which confuted him , calling it a divine epistle w . but alas it is infinitely short of cyril's letters ; the phrase is very ordinary , the periods intricate , the arguments such as might have been used against any heretick , and his application of the holy texts very odd ; as when the church of constantinople discovered nestorius to be a heretick , he saith , he may use st. paul's words , we know not what to pray for as we ought x . however there is one remarkable passage in it ( a little after ) where he saith , those things which the apostles have fully and plainly declared to us , ought neither to be augmented nor diminished . had his successors observed this rule , a great part of their trent articles had never been established : and it had been well if the editors had not in that very page left out by design , one of celestine's own words . for he threatens nestorius , that if after this third admonition he did not amend , he should be utterly excommunicated ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by his synod , and by a council of all christians . here they leave out ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) , and translate it ab universitate collegii & conventu christianorum y ; as if the pope alone had power to separate a patriarch from the communion of the universal church ; whereas even when the western bishops joyned with him , st. cyril notes , that those who submitted not to their decree , would only lose the communion of the western church z : and if this sentence were confirmed in the east too , then indeed nestorius and his party , as celestine intimates , would be cast out of the universal church . sixthly , in cyril's letter to nestorius , there is this remarkable saying , that peter and john were ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of equal dignity , as they were both apostles and holy disciples a ; which shews ( for all the brags of the popes legate in the council , that peter was the head of the faith , and of the apostles ) b ; they did not believe there was any difference as to power and dignity among the apostles , and that saying must pass for a piece of flattery , and is not to be regarded , because it comes from a creature of the popes , and one of his own house , who by the canons was no lawful evidence c . seventhly , in the emperor's commission to candidianus , one of his great officers , who was to preside in the council , we may see , the emperor gives him power to appoint what causes and questions shall be first treated of , and to forbid any pecuniary or criminal causes to be tried there d ; which shews that the emperor reserved the power of managing and ordering the synod , to himself , and made a lay-man his representative for that purpose . secondly , as to the passages in the council , if the preface and the names before the acts , be genuine ( of which there is some doubt ) , we may note , that it is there declared , the council met by the emperors command , and that cyril is mentioned first , both in his own right , as the chief patriarch present , and as he had the precedence due to celestine , here called arch-bishop of the roman church ( a title given to cyril afterwards ) whose legate he is no where said to be , but only to have his place e ; that is , to sit first as the pope would have done had he been there . moreover , it is remarkable , that the council begins without the popes legates , who did not come till the three sessions of the first act was over . but there is one notorious falshood both in the notes and in baronius , which they devise purely in favour of the pope , and to make him seem to have had some supremacy in this council : for they say , that in the very first action , peter , a priest of alexandria , did read that which pope celestine and cyril writ against nestorius f . whereas the acts of the council shew the contrary , namely , that though peter did say he had those epistles of celestine and cyril in his hands , yet the council ordered , that the emperors edict , by which they were convened , should be read in the first place g , and it was read accordingly : binius , by false translating the acts saith , peter offered to read these epistles first ; but labbè honestly alters that corrupt version , and saith only , he had them in his hands to do with them as the synod pleased : but we see the synod did not allow them to be read in the first place ; and afterwards when these epistles were called for , cyril's epistle to nestorius was first read and approved by the whole synod to be orthodox , not because it was agreeable to the opinion of celestine ( whom they do not once name ) , but because it was conformable to the council of nice h : yea the whole council had confirmed the faith of cyril , and unanimously condemned nestorius before they called upon the notary to read the epistle of celestine arch-bishop of rome i : so that the matters contained in that popes epistle , could neither be the sole nor principal motive to the council to condemn nestorius . for after the reading this epistle , they also read other writings of cyril upon this subject , and then heard the opinions of the ancient doctors , martyrs and orthodox fathers recited ; as also a collection of the blasphemies contained in nestorius his works , and the epistle of capreolus , bishop of carthage , declaring his consent to their proceedings : after all which they both pronounce and subscribe the solemn sentence of deposing and excommunicating nestorius , according to the canons , and agreeable to the decree mentioned in the letter of celestine , but the sentence was passed in the name of our lord jesus christ , the true and supream president of this assembly k : and all this was done before arcadius , projectus and philip , the popes legates , came to ephesus , and yet their absence was never objected by nestorius , as if that had invalidated these acts. further , we may observe that an oath was given in this council only upon the holy gospels ( according to the protestant usage ) l , not upon any relicts of the saints , as the practice is now at rome . in the second action , both baronlus and binius add a word to the text , and make the popes legate call the pope when he speaks to the synod [ vestrum caput ] your head m ; and baronius bids the reader observe , that philip the popes legate in open synod professed the bishop of rome was the head of the càtholick church , and other bishops , members under this head : but first , this word [ vestrum ] is forged by baronius and binius , the greek having no more than [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and labbè hath been so much ashamed of this addition , that he leaves out [ vestro ] n ; and the sense of the place is , that upon the councils acclamations by way of approving celestines letter as orthodox , philip gives them thanks , that by their holy voices , they as holy members had agreed to an holy head ; he doth not say to their holy head , yet if he had , the whole synod , and the three legates particularly in a solemn relation to the emperor , call cyril the head of the bishops here assembled o ; but he would be ridiculous who should thence infer that cyril was the perpetual head of the whole catholick church ; yet we may more justly prove that from an act of the whole council , than baronius doth the popes supremacy , from a rhodomontado of his own legate , who barely said this , the council neither approving nor disapproving * of what he said in favour of his own bishop . and no doubt the orthodox patriarchs might any of them properly be called by this title of an head : for cyril , yea memnon , bishop of ephesus , are so stiled in the councils petition to the emperor , to set them at liberty , lest the synod want an head , and all the bishops of the world lie under an heavy burden of grief for want of their presidents p . so that it is plain by these titles , in those days , no more was meant , than that the bishops to whom they are applied had some eminent place in the church , and in this general council ; not that all , or any one who is called an head , had , or ought to have any supream standing jurisdiction in all times over the whole catholick church . so when the council calls alexandria the greater seat q , and jerusalem is called an apostolical church r , and pope celestine stiles cyril an apostolical man s ; none of those churches did ever draw any consequences from these passages , that their bishops were supream judges over the whole catholick church ; that absurdity is peculiar to the parasites of rome , who make this inference from every honourable title , that is , any where , or upon any occasion , by way of complement , or seriously bestowed upon the pope ; but since others had the same titles given them upon occasion , it is plain there is no good ground for such conclusions . it is further memorable , that when john , patriarch of antioch , would have usurped a jurisdiction over the bishops of cyprus , the council of ephesus decreed , that no bishop should have , or assume any power over those provinces which had not been under him or his predecessors before that time t ; which decree plainly condemns the bishop of rome usurping a jurisdiction over this island of britain since the ephesine council , because it was not under any of the popes , either then , or of many years after . finally , we may note , that john , patriarch of antioch , being secretly a favourer of nestorius , would not joyn with cyril or celestine in condemning him , but held a separate council with such bishops as were of his party , and there they excommunicated and deposed cyril and memnon with all that joyned with them . on the other side , the lawful general council excommunicated john of antioch and his accomplices ; and afterwards upon his repentance cyril declares , he restored him to communion upon the terms prescribed by the true council of ephesus u . now if the pope of rome had then been known and believed to be the supreme head of the catholick church , and the only infallible judge in matters of faith ; how could the bishop of antioch so much as pretend to condemn that side on which celestine was , or to reject that council wherein his legates sat and voted against him ? or how came the pious emperor theodosius , and his officers so openly and so long to abet the party of john of antioch , against that of celestine and cyril ? there needed but two arguments , viz. those of the popes infallibility and supremacy , to have confounded all the pretences of this schismatical council , and they are not so much as once mentioned ; which is a certain evidence , that neither side knew of , or believed these papal priviledges , usurped in later times by that encroaching see. fourthly , i come to consider the confirmation of the acts of this general council : and this the preface ascribes intirely to the pope w , and so do the notes after the council upon the word [ approved ] x , and so doth baronius in several places : but all this is without any just ground ; for the preface saith , he sent his legates to confirm the acts of the council in his name , and cites for this these words out of celestine's letter sent to the synod by these legates : and what you derce● , shall be accounted , defined and determined for the tranquility of all churches y . but no such words are in that epistle , the pope saying no more , but only that he had sent these persons to be present at their acts , and to confirm what he had long since decreed * ; to which he hoped their holiness would assent , because they knew that which was determined , was for the peace of all churches z . the sense of which is , that celestine having long before condemned nestorius at rome , he sent his legates to the general council to get that sentence confirmed , and doubted not of their assent to it , since this casting out of nestorius ( the disturber of the churches quiet ) would tend to the peace of the whole church : so that this passage proves , that the council was to confirm the popes decree , not that he was to confirm their acts : and the synod in their letter to pope celestine do expresly say , that they had judged his sentence against the pelagians should remain firm and be valid , &c. adding that they had sent him the acts of the synod and the subscriptions , that he might know what was done a . but there is not one word desiring him to confirm their decrees : but as to the emperors , the case is clear ; for the synod and the three legates of the pope address to them , to command that what this general council had done against nestorius might be in force , being confirmed by their consent and approbation b . and they petition the emperors to make null and void the false synods uncanonical proceedings against cyril and memnon c . and in another relation to the emperors , they put both these requests together d : and sozomen saith in express terms , that the emperor by his suffrage confirmed their acts e : yea these testimonies are so express , that binius himself in his notes at last grants , that the emperor dimissed the bishops , adding this decree , that the sentence of this holy general council against nestorius should stand in full force f . so that nothing but the prodigious partiality of baronius and binius for the popes supremacy could put them upon inventing so groundless a story , as that of the popes confirming the decrees of this council ; which he did no otherwise than all other eminent orthodox bishops , that is , by consenting to their acts , and applauding them afterwards . § . . some other scattered passages there are which we will briefly put together here before we conclude this discourse . the preface boasts much of the words of firmus bishop of caesarea , and cites them thus , that the synod had followed that which celestine had prescribed , and being compelled by his authority had passed sentence on nestorius and his opinion g ; and a little after , firmus his words are otherwise cited in the same preface , viz. that celestine had prescribed a certain rule for this business , which the council following , observing diligently the form of the canons , they had inflicted the canonical and apostolical judgment † upon him h ; and hence they infer , that the pope had commanded the eastern bishops , to decree over again and execute his sentence against nestorius i ; yea baronius is so bold as to affirm . that celestine sent his legates , not to subject the cause of nestorius to a new examination , but only to see his sentence executed ; and that neither did he allow the council any more than only to execute his decree ; nor did this general council arrogate any thing to it self , but to act according to his sentence k . according to which account , this council of ephesus was a mear mock assembly , and all these bishops no more than officers under the pope , to put his decrees in execution . but that this is most notoriously false appears ; first , from their false citing of the words of firmus , who truly quoted saith thus . the apostolical seat of celestine formerly gave his suffrage , and set a pattern in this business l . and a little after , which we also following — have put in force that form , decreeing both a canonical and apostolical judgment against him : the sense of which is this ; that whereas the pope in his roman synod had condemned nestorius unless he repented in ten days , this general council approving of that sentence , had upon nestorius his refusal to appear after divers admonitions , condemned him also : so that he was now not only censured by one apostolical see , but canonically also by all the bishops of a general council : and that this is the sense , is evident from the words of the synod it self in the preface to the sentence by them pronounced , being convinced by divers proof , that nestorius holds impious opinions , we are forced by the canons and the epistle of celestine our fellow-minister , even with tears to come to this severe sentence against him , &c. m we see they name the canons first , and before celestine's epistle , as laying an obligation upon them so to proceed ; and they call the pope their fellow-minister ; nor was it his authority , but his having proceeded according to the canons , that laid the necessity upon this great council to follow his example , and imitate the pattern he had set them . for nothing is plainer , than that the council did always intend to examin this cause over again ; and for that reason they cited nestorius , and read first the letters of cyril and then of celestine ; and after a full hearing both of the fathers opinions , and of the blasphemies collected out of nestorius his writings , finding him finally obstinate , they pronounce sentence on him , not in the popes name , but thus , our lord jesus christ , whom he hath blasphemed , by this holy council decrees , that nestorius shall be deprived of his episcopal dignity , and shall be excluded out of the communion of bishops n . this certainly was an original decree , in the name of the general council , and by the authority they derived from christ , by which they gave force and validity to the sentence formerly pronounced by the pope and his roman council ; which had signified nothing ( against his equal , a patriarch of the eastern church , over whom he had no jurisdiction ) if it had not been thus confirmed : so that it is a strange extravagance to talk , as if a whole general council in that age were convened to no other end , but only to execute the popes decree blindly , without any enquiry into the merits of the cause . and celestine's own letter ( cited by baronius to make out this fiction ) declares he believes , the spirit of god was present with the council o , of which there had been no need , if all their business had been only to execute a sentence passed before : there is also great prevarication used by the cardinal and binius , about the case of john b. of antioch , one of the patriarchs summoned to this council : this john was nestorius his old friend , for they had both been bred in the church of antioch ; and he having ( as baronius relates ) received letters both from celestine and cyril , ( before the general council was called , ) importing that nestorius was condemned both at rome and alexandira , if he did not recant within ten days ; writes to nestorius to perswade him for peace sake to yield , telling him what trouble was like to befal him , after these letters were published p : here baronius puts into the text these letters , that is , of the pope of rome : as if the pope were the sole judge in this matter , and his authority alone to be feared ; whereas the epistle it self tells nestorius , he had received many letters , one from celestine , and all the rest from cyril q . so that this parenthesis contradicts the text , and was designed to deceive the reader . but to go on with the history , though nestorius would not submit to john upon this admonition , yet he had no mind to condemn him ; and therefore he came late to ephesus , after the council was assembled , and when he was come would not appear nor joyn with the bishops there , but with a party of his own held an opposite synod , and condemned cyril and memnon with the rest , as unjustly proceeding against nestorius , and by false suggestions to the emperor , he procured both cyril and memnon to be imprisoned . now among others in the orthodox council , who resented these illegal acts * , juvenalis bishop of jerusalem saith , that john of antioch ought to have appeared and purged himself , considering the holy , great and general council , and the apostolical seat of old rome therein represented , and that he ought to obey and reverence the apostolical and holy church of jerusalem ; by which especially , according to apostolical order and tradition , the church of antioch was to be directed and judged r ; alluding no doubt to that passage acts xv . where the errors arising at antioch , were rectified and condemned in the council at jerusalem . but baronius falsly cites these words of juvenalis , as if he had said , john ought to have appeared at least , because of the legates sent from rome ; especially since by apostolical order and ancient tradition , it was become a custom , that the see of antioch should always be directed and judged by that of rome s . and binus ( in his notes ) transcribes this sentence as baronius had perverted , mangled and falsified it t . which forgery being so easily confuted by looking back into the acts of the council , and so apparently devised to support the papal supremacy , is enough to shew how little these writers are to be trusted , when fictions or lying will serve the ends of their darling church . after this the preface-tells us , that though john still continued obstinate , the synod referred the deposing of him to the popes pleasure u ; as if they had done nothing in this matter themselves . but the councils letter to celestine says , that though they might justly proceed against him , with all the severity he had used against cyril ; yet resolving to overcome his rashness with moderation , they referred that to celestine ' s judgment ; but in the mean time , they had excommunicated him and his party , and deprived them of all episcopal power , so that they could hurt none by their censures w . therefore the council both excommunicated and deprived him by their own authority , and only left it to the pope , whether any greater severity should be used against him or no : 't is true not only the pope x , but the emperor y afterwards moved , that means should be used to reconcile this bishop and his party to the catholick church , by suspending this sentence a while , and procuring a meeting between cyril and john : but still it must not be denied , both that the council censured him their own authority ; and that cyril without any leave from the pope , did upon john's condemning nestorius , receive him into the communion of the catholick church z . yet because sixtus the successor of pope celestine , among other bishops was certified of this , thence the notes and baronius infer , that this reconciliation also was by the authority of the see of rome : whereas cyril's own letter shews , that the terms of admitting john , to communion , were prescribed by the council and the emperor , and that cyril alone effected this great work . we may further observe , binius in his notes tells us , that after the condemnation of nestorius , the fathers shouted forth the praise of celestine , who had censured him before a . and baronius saith , the acclamations followed the condemning of nestorius , in which they wonderfully praised celestine , as the synodal letter to the emperor testifies b . by which a man would think , that celestine had the only glory of this action . but if we look into the first act of the council , there are no acclamations expressed there at all after the condemnation of nestorius ; and the synodical letter to the emperor , cited by baronius , hath no more , but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] viz. that they praised celestine , which imports only their commending his sentence ; whereas in that first act every one of the bishops present , makes a particular encomium in the praise of cyril's faith , as being in all things agreeing to the nicene creed , which fills up at least forty pages together in labbe's edition c . as for the acclamations , they are in the second act , and in them cyril is equally praised with celestine ; for the fathers say , to celestine , another paul ; to cyril , another paul ; to celestine , keeper of the faith ; to celestine , agreeing with the synod ; to celestine , the whole synod gives thanks ; one celestine , one cyril , one faith of the synod , one faith of the whole world d . this was just after the reading of celestine's letter , brought by his legates to the council ; yet we see even when the occasion led them only to speak of the pope , the fathers joyn cyril with him , knowing that celestine's sentence , as well as his information , was owing intirely to cyril's learning and zeal . moreover we have another touch of their sincerity about the virgin mary ; for baronius calls the people of ephesus the virgins clients , subjects and worshippers , adding , — that as they had once cried out , great is diana , so now being converted , they set out mary the mother of god with high and incessant praises , and persevered to venerate her with a more willing service , and to address to her by a more solemn worship e . by which one would imagin , that in the time of this council , and ever since , the blessed virgin had been worshipped as she is now at rome ; but there is not one word of this true , except only that she was there declared to be the mother of god : that epistle of cyril's , from whence baronius proves this , saith nothing of either praises or worship given to the blessed virgin ; he saith indeed , that when the people heard nestorius was deposed , they began with one voice to commend the synod , and to glorifie god , because the enemy of the faith was cast down . and when he had related what honours the people did them by carrying lamps and burning incense before them , he add● , thus our saviour manifested his glory and his power of doing all things , to those who blasphemed him f : so that all this story of their praising and venerating the blessed virgin , is his own fiction ; as is also that other conjecture of his , that the synodal epistle declares , that john the evangelist , and mary the mother of god once lived together at ephesus g : for that synodal epistle speaks only of two churches there called by their names h . so when he and binius say , it is believed that this addition to the angelical salutation was then made , holy mary , mother of god , pray for us i ; and baronius adds , that all the faithfull use to say , and often repeat this , and teach it their children , even while they suck'd the breasts . but i ask , why doth any man believe this ? is it barely because baronius says so ? doth not he say an hundred false things to justifie the corruptions of rome ? or can he produce one ancient author , about this time , or of divers ages after , wherein this phrase , mother of god pray for us , is used ? it is certain he cannot * ; and therefore this blasphemous addition is much later than the council of ephesus ; and the custom of saying it and teaching it to their children , is a scandalous innovation , brought in by the roman church in the superstitious ages , and justly rejected by us who keep close to antiquity , in owning the blessed virgin to be the mother of god , but do not worship her or pray to her . and thus much for the council of ephesus , whose acts being extant at large , do abundantly confute the popes supremacy , and set forth many other usages and practices of rome , to be innovations and corruptions . § . . after celestine's death , pope sixtus or xystus the third succeeded , who sate about eight years , but did few memorable things : in his younger days he was not only a favourer , but a patron of the pelagians k , though afterwards he writ against them , and strenuously opposed them l . wherefore baronius doth not sufficiently prove those three tracts ( of riches , of evil teachers , and of chastity ) which go under the name of this pope , were not his , by saying there are divers pelagian doctrines in them ; since if they were writ in his youth , xystus was then a pelagian himself . this pope writ ( as is said ) three epistles , two of which are put into the council of ephesus , because they shew xystus his consent to what the council had done , and to cyril's actings afterwards as to john , bishop of antioch : in the later of these epistles , there is a memorable saying , cited by vincentius lirinensis , let there be no liberty for novelty hereafter , since it is not convenient to add any thing unto that which is old m . had his sucessors minded this good rule , the roman church had not added so many new doctrines and practices to those old ones , which were received and used before xystus his time . the pontifical relates a sory of one bassus , who accused this pope of adultery , and that a synod of bishops , convened by the emperor's order , cleared him , and condemned his accuser . now for the greater credit of this pope , some have forged a third epistle , wherein he is made to signifie to them his purging himself upon oath : but labbe condemns the whole epistle as spurious , and binius rejects it , because it is stolen in part out of pope fabian his third epistle , and because the date is wrong n ; for these arguments will serve to condemn an epistle , that supposes a pope accused and tried by his peers , whereas , had it been for the supremacy , binius would have justified it , though it had these and greater faults . besides this epistle , some illiterate monk hath forged the acts of this council , wherein the pope was tried ; and though there be neither latin nor sense in it ( being as dull as that of sinuessa ) but the inventor designing to do honour to the pope , is very gently censured both by baronius and binius o . and to this they have tacked another such a council of the trial of polychronius , bishop of jerusalem , before pope sixtus , for attempting to challenge the precedency before rome , &c. and binius confesseth not only , that pope nicholas alledged this council for good authority , but that the modern writers of their church do so also : whereas he owns there was no such man bishop of jerusalem , and that the whole story and acts are a fiction of no credit in the world p ; by which we may learn to be cautious how we trust the roman writers ( ancient or modern ) when they cite records to support the grandeur of the church . about this time theodoret mentions a great council at constantinople , under theodosius , about setling the precedence of the eastern patriarchats , on occasion of a contest between the churches of alexandria , constantinople and antioch . baronius ( and out of him binius ) in relating this , have added to theodoret's words , that alexandria claimed the priority before all the eastern bishops , because he was the first bishop of the catholick church after the pope : but the quotation he produces out of theodort , ep. . doth not so much as mention rome nor the pope : so that they have invented that part of the story to keep up their churches credit . however this council evidently shews q , that the roman church had nothing to do with the east ; they called great councils without him , and setled the precedencies of their own patriarchats without taking notice of the pope . as for sixtus , he made no figure in the world ; and all we hear of him further is , that being warned by leo his deacon ( and successor afterwards ) he discovered and prevented the attempts of julianus of hecla , a pelagian heretick , who endeavoured to get into the churches communion , as prosper informs us , an. . in chron. in this year was held the synod of riez , in the province of narbon , dated by the emperors and consuls , without any mention of the pope r . for it was held under hilary , bishop of arles , who first subscribes , and is meant in the canons by the name of the metropolitan , as marca confesses s . and though binius have no notes to this purpose , i must observe , that this hilary of arles , as primate of those parts of france , calls a provincial council , deposes a bishop of ambrun , uncanonically chosen , and makes divers decrees with his fellow bishops , who doubtless were not then so much enslaved to the pope , as in after times . § . . leo the first succeeded xystus , being an active , bold and aspiring man , so that he concerned himself in all the affairs of christendom , and every where laboured to advance the roman supremacy * , for which he had a favourable conjuncture by the misfortunes which then hapned to all other great churches . the africans were under a cruel persecution ; the eastern church distracted with heresie , and a woful schism ; the orthodox bishops in the east betrayed , and oppressed by three of the four patriarchs , and the fourth of the eastern patriarchs condemned and murdered ; the emperor of the west very young , and he in the east a weak man : and both governed by devout and zealous women : all which circumstances contributed to make leo ( who was always orthodox and powerful ) very great . the pontifical relates but few of his actions , and those with many mistakes t ; but because all the following councils give us so much of his life , i shall only make some remarks upon the pontifical , and take the rest in the order of time . first , 't is said there he found out two heresies , the eutychian and the nestorian : but the nestorian heresie was found out and condemned long before his time ; and as for eutyches , he was found out and censured by flavianus , bishop of constantinople , before leo took him for a heretick ; yea , he writ a kind letter to this heretick u , and two angry letters in his behalf to the emperor and flavianus w , because he was excommunicated . and till he was informed by the bishop of constantinople what dangerous doctrines he held , leo inclined to be eutyches friend , for which ( indeed ) afterwards he made ample amends , in assisting toward eutyches condemnation . secondly , the pontifical variously and falsly reports the number of bishops in the council of chalcedon , and is mistaken in saying , pulcheria was present with martianus there , and that they confessed their faith before the council , desiring them to send to pope leo to expound the faith : and that leo after this did write a tract , condemning all heresies ; all which are gross mistakes : but it is true , that he writ many epistles , and frequently shewed his approbation of the council of chalcedon , and that he did prevail with attila , king of the hunns , to deal gently with rome , when it was in his power to have destroyed it . 't is very probable also , that he added some passages to the roman office , and that he ordered some to watch the church of st. peter and paul , to which , in this age , many began to make visits and oblations . but binius his notes add divers incredible stories , as that about the hearse-cloth , which bled when leo clip'd it with scissors , which gregory mentions near year after only as a report , which he could not cite any author for : and another story or two out of sophronius his pratum spirituale , a book stuffed with fables , as baronius himself confesseth x , for having cited a false story out of this author , he hath these words , since he put so many lies together in this one narration , what credit can be given to the rest ? yet baronius himself cites this author for miracles and visions , very oft , and in one place relates two miracles out of sophronius , for the glory of that epistle which pope leo writ to flavianus against eujyches and nestorius . an epistle indeed very orthodox , and at that time very seasonable , but far from meriting those prodigious encomiums baronius or the legends give it , who magnifie it as if it equalled the creed , and proved the pope alone was to define all controversies of faith , to teach general councils what they were to believe , and to give laws to all bishops in the world y . but whatever excellency there is in this epistle ( which is in number the xth , and printed in the council of chalcedon z , it is not to be ascribed to pope leo , but to the learned prosper , who was his amanuensis , and wrote not only this , but many other letters for him ; so that the sense and phrase is prosper's , only they are writ in leo's name , as gennadius testifies , who lived but fifty year after leo became pope a ; and the same is affirmed by trithemius b : and we may observe , that an epistle of this very prosper's against the pelagians ( as we noted before ) went under pope celestine's name , but far exceeded the style of celestine's own letters : i only add , that labbè here prints all these epistles which bear leo's name c , some of which i shall have occasion to consider afterwards . the first council of orange , binius intitles under leo ; but labbè , ashamed of that gross pretence , leaves these words out d . for it was called by , and held under hilary , bishop of arles , who exercised the jurisdiction of a metropolitan and primate in those parts ; and all the bishops of those parts owned his primacy , and met at his summons e , of which binius takes no notice . there were made in this synod many good canons for discipline , which were observed in the gallican church , without any confirmation from the pope . at the end of this council is published a form of excommunication , and a very excellent office for reconciling penitents , supposed to be made in this council , which proves forms had then been long in use . the second council at vasatis , or razai in france f , seems to me to be wrong dated ; for i observe the fourth canon cites a passage out of st. hierom , with this title , one of the fathers asserts , &c. now st. hierom died but year before the date of this council , and could hardly so soon have been cited by the title of one of the fathers ; besides , the sixth canon cites one of the spurious epistles of clement , forged after this age. but the fifth canon orders , him who is aggrieved with the sentence of his bishop , to appeal to a synod ; which shews , that reserving causes to rome was not allowed or used then . the editors have a roman council of pope leo's , which was no more than a solemn meeting of the clergy and laity , to examine the manichean hereticks g . but there were two remarkable things in leo's proceeding against them , of which the notes say nothing ; but baronius informs us h , first , that he discovered the manicheans by their refusing to drink of the cop in the blessed sacrament , which this pope counts a great impiety in this sort of people , not foreseeing that his successors would take the cup away from all the people of that church . and this passage makes it clear , that all the people at rome , who were orthodox , did receive the cup then , or else the hereticks not receiving it could not have discovered them . secondly , baronius notes , that because these manicheans idolatrously adored the rising sun ; leo forbid the orthodox people to use that innocent and ancient custom of bowing toward the east , for the peril of idolatry : now had there been any images adored in his time ; for the same reason he must rather have forbidden bowing down before them . the second council at rome under leo , was in the cause of hilary bishop of acles , who had justly deposed a scandalous bishop in a provincial synod i . but he ( as such ill men had often done ) flies to rome to complain ; and leo not considering the equity of the censure , but hilary's having acted as a primate in those parts of france , contrary to the decrees of former popes , espouses this evil bishops quarrel , being more concerned for his designed usurpation of a supremacy , than the honour of the church . upon this hilary , who was one of the most pious and learned men of that age , goes on foot to rome , and requires the pope to act more solito , in the accustomed manner , and not to admit such to communion , who had been justly condemned in their own country k ; and when he saw the pope was resolved to break the canons , and set up his supremacy by right or wrong , he suddenly departs from rome without taking any leave of leo , for which the angry pope writes to the bishops of france , declaring hilary's acts null , and depriving him of his power , to congregate synods and depose bishops , &c. l and though he brags much of his universal authority , &c. in that epistle , yet knowing how little this would signifie to hilary and the rest of the french bishops , he gets an edict from the emperor valentinian to back his orders , which because there are some great words for the popes supremacy in it , baronius magnifies as worthy of perpetual memory m . and since their champions alledge this edict as a proof of the roman universal supremacy , i will observe upon it , first , that it was easie for the pope to cite false canons to a young and easy emperor , and persuade him , that the councils had given him this supremacy , as his predecessors had lately done in africa . secondly , that the pope probably drew up this edict himself , and so put in these flourishes about his own authority : which will be more plain if we consider , that the emperor leo in one of his edicts saith , constantinople is the mother of the orthodox religion of all christians , with much more to this purpose n ; but baronius relating this saith , thus indeed leo speaks thus , but without doubt it was conceived in the words , and writ in the style of acacius who swelled with pride : but leo bishop of rome was as proud as acacius , and had more influence over valentinian , than acacius ever had over the emperor leo ; wherefore in baronius own words , without doubt valentinian ' s edict was drawn up in pope leo ' s style , and so he is only a witness in his own cause . thirdly , the sentence of both the emperor and the pope was unjust ; and although leo wheedled the bishops of france to reject hilary , that bishop still acted as primate , and called synods afterwards ; so that this big-speaking edict was neither believed nor obeyed as de marca shews o . for indeed hilary was primate by original right , and the french bishops stuck to him not only for his great sanctity , but because they feared the then growing encroachments and usurpations of rome : and finally pope hilary , leo's successor determined this controversie , contrary to leo's decree p ; by which we see how odly causes go at rome , since some popes were for the primacy of arles and some against it : but when there was a stout bishop there , he kept his post without regard to the roman sentence : and now i hope the reader will smile at baronius his inference from this edict of valentinian's , thou seest clearly from hence ( saith he ) the pope of romes authority over all churches q , for he must be quick-sighted indeed , who can see any more in this instance than an unjust and ineffective claim . § . . soon after pope leo had an opportunity to encroach upon the churches of spain ; for one turibius a bishop there , who is called leo's notary , ( and probably had been bread a notary at rome , ) certifies the pope that there were many priscillian hereticks there , who confirmed their errors by certain apocryphal writings full of blasphemies ; leo writes back to turibius r , advising him to get a council of all the bishops in spain , and there to condemn the hereticks and their apocryphal books : this advice baronius calls his enjoyning a general council ( more majorum ) this being the right of the pope of rome . and though he confesses the bishops did not meet where the pope advised , nor could they meet in one place , because they were under divers kings , and those arians ; yet he desires us to observe from hence , how weighty the popes authority was , even with barbarous and arian kings s . but alas any one may see , he cannot make out that ever these kings gave leave for any council , and it is more probable these bishops met privately on this occasion ; yet they have made out of this , a general council of spain t : and here they would have that rule of faith first received from leo and approved , which is printed before , in the first council of toledo u : and baronius saith the word [ filioque ] proceeding from the father and the son , was first added in this council to the creed , by the authority of pope leo , and brags much of the popes supremacy , even in matters of faith on this occasion w . but first these words were put in by these councils , to check and discover priscillian hereticks , not by any express order of the pope ; and indeed leo had been an ill man , if he had imposed an article of faith upon the churches of spain , which ( as baronius confesses , ) was not received expresly at rome till many ages after . secondly , these spanish bishops did not add these words to the ancient creed , but put them in by way of explication , into an occasional confession of their own composing . thirdly , baronius himself notes , that the spaniards and french afterwards added it to their usual creeds , and at last rome took this addition from them : and in the same place he commends the northern nations for adding these words , and those of rome for rejecting them a long time ; so that contradictory actions may be ( it seems ) equally commended , by those who can blow hot and cold with the same breath . about this time was held a great council at verulam in britain , by st. garmanus a french bishop , called over by the orthodox britains to assist them , in confuting and condemning the pelagian heresy , as math. of westminster computes x . baronius indeed pretends this hapned divers years before , only because prosper ( or some who have since corrupted his chronicle ) affirms , that pope celestine sent st. germanus hither y . but most historians agree , the french bishops from a council of their own , sent over this assistance to the british church the first time , without any order from celestine ; and this council of verulam z was held long after celestine's death , at st. germans second coming hither : so that in this island , the roman church was not considered in those days ; and one sister church desired help of another to repress heresies , without any recourse to rome . § . . in a synod held at constantinople under flavianus , . eutyches a monk was formally accused of heresy , for affirming that christ had but one nature after his incarnation , and that it was as much nestorianism to hold two natures as two persons ; upon which he was three several times cited before the council , and had sufficient time given , but refusing to come till the time was expired , and ( though he did come at last ) obstinately defending his heresy , he was unanimously condemned , and by flavianus and the whole synod excommunicated and degraded , which was a judicial proceeding agreeable to the ancient canons . binius and baronius in relating this a , make some remarks which must be considered : for first , when eutyches saith , he would subscribe the nicene and ephesine councils , so far as they were agreeable to scripture ; they note this was ( more haereticorum ) according to the manner of hereticks : but i would ask first , whether it be not true , that the decrees of councils in matters of faith , are no further obligatory than they are proved by scripture ? secondly , whether the most orthodox fathers athanasius , cyril , &c. did not always appeal to scripture in the first place ? and the greatest councils ever confirm their determinations first by scripture ? thirdly , whether any of the adversaries of eutyches in that age did censure him , for appealing first to scripture ? baronius himself cites flavianus his letter , wherein he first alledges scripture , and then the expositions of the fathers b . and pope leo saith eutyches erred , by not having recourse to the prophets , apostles and evangelists , but to himself c ; so that it was no fault in eutyches to prefer scripture before the fathers expositions ; nor to appeal to it ; but to expound it wrongfully was his crime , and that is ( more haereticorum . ) secondly , when eutyches petitioned theodosius in this case , for a safe conduct to the synod , binius adds to his authors words , that this was also after the manner of hereticks : whereas it appears , that divers of the orthodox have applied themselves to the emperors to assist and support them , and none oftner than pope leo himself ; so that a thing done as frequently by the orthodox as hereticks , can be no sign or mark of heresy . thirdly , binius pretends , that eutyches appealed from this synod to pope leo : now this is confuted by the very acts of the synod , related in the council of chalcedon , and recited by baronius , where it is said , eutyches appealed to the council of the roman bishop , and of the bishops of alexandria , hierusalem and thessalonica d ; yet they make as if this had been an appeal only to the pope . fourthly , binius notes , the appeal was not admitted : i reply , pope leo did so far receive eutyches letter , that he writ three epistles on his behalf , before he was informed of the true state of the case , and quarrelled with flavianus for condemning a convicted heretick , before he had consulted him e . but in truth there was no appeal at all : flavianus did write indeed to leo , ( and probably to all other patriarchs ) after the canonical judgment was over , to acquaint them with his proceedings ; that so they might not break the canons , by admitting an heretick in one church , who was excommunicated in another : but the style of flavianus his letter shews , that he need not ask leo's leave to censure an heretical priest of his own diocess , nor doth he desire the pope to confirm his sentence , but only to make it known f : so that baronius falsly infers the popes power to judge of heresy , and confirm all sentences against them , from this letter of flavianus : and he as falsly makes the like inference from eutyches writing to leo , as if he knew of what weight the popes judgment was , for which councils in doubtful cases use to stay , and to which all the catholick church would certainly incline g . for eutyches writ to other bishops of italy as well as the pope , ( as baronius in that page confesseth ) and considered leo no otherwise than as one eminent bishop : and this synod of constantinople stayed not for the popes judgment , nor did those bishops who despised the decree of this synod , value pope leo's judgment after he had declared for flavianus : so little truth is there in the annalists pompous observations , which only shew , that all his aim is from every passage , to extort some kind of colour for his dear supremacy . in the same year were two synods , one at tyre , the other at berithus , in the cause of one ibas a syrian bishop , wherein the patriarch of antioch and constantinople were concerned ; but the pope is not once mentioned in the whole proceedings h ; but of the cause it self , we shall hear more afterward . theodosius the emperor being deceived by eutyches and chrysapius , one of his great courtiers , an eunuch , espouses the quarrel of that heretick , and labours to have the sentence which flavianus passed against him in the late synod , revoked ; and pope leo was drawn into the same snare by the letters of eutyches and theodosius , till flavianus had better informed him : for leo writ both to the emperor and flavianus on eutyches behalf at first : and whereas baronius ought to blush for the popes mistake , he recites these two letters , and talks big of his being owned for the lawful and chief judge in ecclesiastil controversies ; yea the supreme judge of the universal church , &c. i but though ( as an ingenuous romanist observes , ) leo in all his epistles boasts of the power of his apostolical seat , as much as he can , and more than by the canons he ought to do k ; yet neither of these epistles say any such thing , as baronius infers from them . and that letter of flavianus , which delivered this infallible judge from his mistake , declares that eutyches had received a just and canonical condemnation , to which the pope ought to consent , and to joyn in it : by which we see a sentence against an heretick was just , before the pope knew of it , and that he and all orthodox bishops , ought by their subsequent consents to ratifie what any one bishop had canonically done : and since eutyches was already rightly censured , flavianus requires leo ( and no doubt other eminent bishops ) to publish their consent to it , thereby to prevent the design of eutyches , which was to get a general council called , to judge his cause over again : now this serves baronius to brag , that flavianus knew there was no need of a general council , for that which the popes letters had defined * a strange affection ! for when pope leo , not first ( as baronius saith falsly ) but last of all the orthodox bishops did stand up for flavianus , and write to confirm his censure upon eutyches , that very cause was tried over again in the pseudo-general council of ephesus , and the true oecumenical council of chalcedon : yea , theodosius while the matter lay before the pope , not staying for his sentence , calleth a second council at constantinople , wherein a pacted party of hereticks friends revoked the judgment passed on him by flavianus l . and yet fearing this was not sufficient , eutiches moved by dioscorus , patriarch of alexandria , to have a general council called at ephesus , which might have sufficient authority , not only to restore eutyches , but to condemn flavianus , though leo should take his part . § . . this was the true occasion of calling this second council of ephesus , which as to the manner of calling , the persons present , &c. was a general council . but from the violent and unjust proceedings thereof , is commonly stiled the pseudo-synod , or the thievish council of ephesus the acts of this council are recited at large in the council of chalcedon ; wherefore the editors refer us thither , only entertaining us here with binius his notes , on which we will make some remarks m . first , the notes say , the emperor called this general council , usurping the popes authority against right and the custom of the church . now here he first owns that the emperor called it : as to the pretended usurpation and breach of custom , it is certain the pope never yet had called one general council , as we have particularly shewn in three general councils before , and they own it here ; so that undoubtedly the emperor only followed the custom of the church , and used that right which his ancestors had . besides , let binius or baronius produce one syllable in all leo's epistles , where that pope ( so jealous of his rights ) did once complain of any injury done him by the emperor in calling this synod : his legate owns in this very council , that the pope had received such a letter of summons as the rest of the patriarchs did receive n ; and he obeyed this summons , and sent his legates thither , excusing his own absence , without any reflection upon the emperors having no right to summon him : yea , had he known it was his right to call a general council , why did he write so many letters to theodosuis and to pulcherius , humbly beseeching the emperor to call a general council in italy o ? nothing can be clearer , than that this pretence of usurpation is a most notorious falshood . secondly , the notes blame the emperor for making dioscorus president of this council ; and baronius calls this arrogating and usurping a right never attempted before , and he thinks god justly deprived theodosius of his life the year after , for his wronging the pope herein p . but we have shewed , osius was the emperors legate , and by him made president of the council at nice , and cyril was by the emperor made president in that of ephesus : as for this council , the pope was not like to be there in person . flavianus , who should have had the second place , was a party , whose sentence was to be enquired into ; domnus , of antioch , was not altogether unsuspected ; but eutyches friends had commended dioscorus , of alexandria , and juvenalis , of hierusalem , to the emperor as impartial and fit to judge ; and their characters made them ( as the case was supposed to stand ) to have right to that q . 't is true the popes legates did murmur at this , as liberatus saith r , and the legates at chalcedon called this a usurpation in dioscorus ; but neither this council nor that did insist upon that matter . thirdly , the notes pretend theodosius therefore summoned leo to this council , because he knew the council would be null without the popes authority . but the letter of summons declares he called it by his own authority , and he writ no other summons to leo than he did to the bishops of alexandria and jerusalem ; so that it may as well be said , theodosius knew their authority was as necessary as the popes ; but the truth is , the consent of the great patriarchs was so far necessary , that they were to be duly summoned , and if possible , to be present ; but they had no authority single , as to the calling or disannulling of any council . wherefore , fourthly , though it be rejected , yet not because the pope did not call it , or preside in it ( as his notes pretend ) but because of the unjust and violent proceedings used in it ; against which , not only the popes legates , but divers other bishops did protest , and oppose them , even to the suffering of banishment and deprivation . and here i must note a manifest contradiction in baronius , who in one page saith , all the bishops consented to the restitution of eutyches , and the deposing of flavianus , the legates of the apostolick see only opposing dioscorus to his face : yet in the next page he reckons up some bishops by name , who suffered for opposing dioscorus ; and adds out of leo's epistle to pulcheria , that many were deprived and banished for this opposition , and others put in their places s . lastly , i only add , that the emperor , being deceived by eutyches , confirmed the decrees of this pseudo-synod , as his ancestors were wont to do t ; and for this reason the acts of it were valid till they were disannulled by the general council of chalcedon ; and though the pope disliked and complained of this council , he had no authority to null all its acts till another general council was called : wherefore that third roman council , wherein leo and the bishops of italy reprobated the acts of this pseudo-synod of ephesus u , was not sufficient to repeal the council it self , but only to shew that those western bishops would not receive it . for if the popes council alone had made it null , what need had their been of a general council to do that over again ? yea , the pope and this roman synod writ to the emperor , earnestly entreating him , that all things might remain in the same state they were before any proceedings , till a general council could meet w ; which shews that they did not believe their single authority was sufficient to annul all that was done t . after this roman council , it seems dioscorus , in his private council at alexandria , excommunicated pope leo , and baronius makes this a greater crime than his confirming the heresie of eutyches , and he ( with the notes ) observe it as a wonder , that whereas ninety bishops signed the heresie of eutyches , only ten could be found to subscribe the excommunication of the pope x ; but the wonder ceases , if we consider that eutyches was restored in a general council , or that which was called so , wherein there met an hundred twenty eight bishops , or their deputies ; but the pope was excommunicated in a private synod at alexandria . i shall not enlarge upon the cruel usage of flavianus in this pseudo-synod of ephesus , who died soon after of the blows and wounds given him there , nor remark how baronius would make him a martyr for the popes supremacy y , whereas he was a martyr for the orthodox faith , corrupted by eutyches : nor shall i detain the reader with any of his odd observations upon the flight of hilary , one of the popes legates , from this council . anatolius , being by dioscorus advanced to the see of constantinople , in the room of flavianus , leo had great reason to fear he was infected with the heresie of eutyches , and therefore he very carefully sent three legates to constantinople , to inform him whether anatolius were orthodox , and to desire a general council might be called by the emperor , and in italy , if he pleased , as his letter imports z ; in the mean time ( if we may trust the acts of one of these legates coming out of the vatican ) anatolius calls a council at constantinople , and in the presence of the popes legates owns himself orthodox , receives pope leo's letter to flavianus , and condemns eutyches and nestorius ; and this the editors publish with the title of a council at constantinople a . now though their own author of the vatican expresly says , that anatolius called this council ; yet both baronius , and the notes in the same page daringly affirm , that the popes legates commanded all the neighbouring bishops to meet in this council b : which is as false , as that these legates were sent to restore the lapsed oriental church ; and that both theodosius and anatolius , and all the eastern bishops , in all these transactions , owned the pope to be the supream head of the church . these things are only to be found in baronius his inferences , but no author or record of these proceedings hint any such thing . the legates chief business was to petition the emperor for a general council ; and it was usual when any new patriarch was advanced , that he should write an account of his faith to all the other patriarchs ; and anatolius having been justly suspected , was obliged to do it something more solemnly , for leo's satisfaction . chap. iii. of the council of chalcedon , being the fourth general council . being to discourse of the fourth general council at chalcedon , we must observe , that besides the partial preface before it a , and the fallacious notes after it b , published by the editors , the acts of it are divided into three parts . the first containing the epistles , and other writings precedent to the council . the second containing the several acts of it . the third containing the epistles , and other transcripts relating to that council afterwards . of the first part i shall treat very briefly , having spoken of divers things , there collected , in the former chapter ; only noting now some of the frauds and errors in these preliminary epistles . and first , i need not enlarge upon those false stories in the preface to this council , ( which i confuted before , anno , and anno . ) that eutyches appealed from flavian ' s council at constantinople , to the pope ; that the pope immediately became an enemy to that heretick ; that it was the highest crime in eutyches to appeal from the pope to the emperor c . nor will it be necessary to insist upon the prefacers owning that theodosius called the pseudo-synod of ephesus , at dioscorus his request ; and though pope leo did labour to hinder it , yet he durst not but send his legates to it , who indeed did generously refuse to joyn in the condemnation of flavianus : but whereas the prefacer pretends flavianus appealed to the apostolick see d ( as if the pope were alone fit to receive appeals ) , i must note , first , that de marca confesses all the rest of the patriarchs were his open enemies , and therefore he was compelled to apply to the western church for help e , and yet he did not appeal to the pope alone ; and leo told placidia , that flavianus appealed not only to the apostolick throne , but to all the bishops of those parts f ; and leo saith the same thing in his own epistles , that the appeal was to all the churches of those parts g ; and therefore all the western bishops joyned with leo in desiring a council might be held in italy : which was when they were met in council at rome , and had ( no doubt ) declared their dislike of dioscorus's proceedings ; but it sufficiently confutes the prefacers boast of leo and his councils rescinding the acts of this ephesine pseudo-synod , as if that had been sufficient to null all that was done there ; because if the pope , in that council of rome , had sufficient authority to have abrogated the acts of ephesus , there was no need for them to desire a greater council to re-examine this matter , or for leo ( as the preface owns ) to engage the western emperor , his mother and his empress to write to theodosius , to suffer the transactions at ephesus to be heard over again h . but theodosius having called that synod by his own authority , and being persuaded by eutyches his party , that the proceedings in it were regular , would not be prevailed on by any importunities to grant this request ; but he dying soon after , and marcian ( by marrying pulcheria , sister and heir to theodosius ) coming to be emperor , consented to call a general council , but not ( as the pope desired ) in italy , but in the east , where the controversie began , and where by the ancient canons it was to be decided . which suffices to discover all those falshoods that are in that part of the preface , which concerns the things before this general council . in the preleminary epistles and edicts which constitute the first part of the council of chalcedon , we may observe many of the titles of the epistles are corrupted by roman parasites . so in the first epistle of flavianus i the true reading is , to leo arch-bishop of the elder rome ; but they have made it pope , &c. in flavians second epistle to leo , the latin copies leave out of the title , and fellow minister k : so again [ pope ] is put into the latin copy instead of arch-bishop in a letter of leo's to the monks at constantinople l . and in leo's epistle to theodosius , in the latin ( for leo , bishop ) there is put in these absurd words , leo , pope of the catholick church of the city of rome m . and in his epistle to the second synod at ephesus , the latin leaves out these material expressions , to his beloved brethren in the lord greeting n . to conclude , the greek title owns that leo and his roman synod petitioned for a council in italy ; the latin leaves this out , though the body of the letter do expresly declare that request o now these are plain instances how little credit is to be given to the latin copies of this council , and especially to these titles , which the popes flatterers have frequently corrupted , and altered them from the modest style used in those days . and hence we may gather how frivolously baronius argues from the titles of pope leo's epistles , wherein he stiles himself bishop of the roman and of the universal church p ; that the popes then did use the style of universal bishop ; though st. gregory expresly denies that ever any of his predecessors used that profane , new and proud title ; but the annalist makes bold to give gregory the lie , meerly on the credit of these corrupted and fictitious titles , prefixed by forging parasites ; for leo's usual inscription was , leo , the bishop of rome , to , &c. so that where we see bishop or pope of the catholick church of rome , &c. q , there 't is certain the flatterers have been at work . but as to more material observations ; when flavianus had condemned eutyches , he doth not desire the pope to confirm the sentence , which being regularly passed on him by his own bishop in council , no man could relax ( as leo himself grants r ) : but his letter to leo requires him to publish it to all the bishops under his jurisdiction s . in leo's epistle to julian , one of his legates , the latin copy puts in [ nobis , ] and makes leo say there is one doctrine and teaching of the holy ghost , in us and in you ; but the greek reads — in the whole catholick church t . again , it is commonly pretended that pope leo was utterly against the emperors calling the second council at ephesus ; and that one reason which made all its proceedings null , was because it was called without his consent : but it appears by divers of this popes letters here published , that he owned it a pious resolution of the emperor to call this council u , and in observance of his commands , he sent his legates to it : so that he never pleaded his authority in bar to the emperors right , even when in his judgment he thought there was no need of it w . and he declares that he sent these legates , not to preside there , but to agree with them by common consent on such things as might be pleasing to god , as his letter to this synod shews , num. . it appears by petrus chrysologus , bishop of ravenna's letter to eutyches , that he appealed to him as well as to the pope ; for he excuses himself as unfit to judge a cause that had been tried in a far country , especially upon hearing only one party x : a rule , which if the popes had duly observed , they would not have received so many unjust appeals . 't is true , he refers him to pope leo's epistle to flavianus , lately writ on this subject ; but binius in his notes falsly puts in , that he warns him to rely on it as an oracle of the holy ghost y ; for he only saith , there was now an orthodox pope in st. peter's chair , who had taught the faith aright in this epistle , which had been sent by leo , a little before , to this and other bishops of the west , for their approbation . but that of leo himself in his epistle to theodosius , shews he was no honester than he should be , and deserved not so good a character as the bishop of ravenna gives him ; for he impudently cites one of the sardican canons , under the forged title of the nicene canon made by all the bishops in the world z ; the margin would excuse this , by pretending that other fathers cite these sardican canons under the title of nicene canons ; but we know no ancient fathers did so , except zosimus and boniface his predecessors , who , to their lasting infamy , were convicted of this notorious fraud in the council of carthage ; and therefore it was an odd piece of assurance in leo , so soon after , to make use of the same detected cheat. in another epistle of his against eutyches , he saith , in the mystical distribution of the spiritual food , that is given and received , by which those who partake of the virtue of the heavenly food , are changed into his flesh , who was made our flesh a , which is point blank against their modern opinion of transubstantiation , making the bread to be spiritual and heavenly food , and the change to be not in the elements , but in the receivers . after this we have divers epistles of the western emperor valentinian ; of his mother and empress , to theodosius and pulcheria , writ at the request of pope leo , to desire that emperor to revoke the judgment passed in the pseudo-synod of ephesus , which further proves the pope had no authority in himself to null those acts ; for he would not have begged with tears that which was in his own power . but the great use the romanists make of these letters , is on account of some high expressions in them about the popes having a power over all bishops b , and a principality among them c . but there is some doubt whether these epistles are genuine , the story of their being at rome the night after st. peter's day , not agreeing to the time when these pretended epistles must be writ : but if they be not forged , rome will gain nothing by these phrases , which leo put into their mouths ; for he certainly endited these letters for them , as we may know by this evidence , that the emperors mother , galla placidia ( who understood no more of the canons than the pope told her ) cites the canon of sardica , for a canon of nice d , as leo had done before ; and therefore ex ungue leonem ; we may easily know the penman of these epistles : now when he bears witness only to himself , his testimony is suspicious , and of no weight at all ; and theodosius valued these brags so little , that he calls leo only by the name of patriarch in his answer , and affirms the nicene canons were not broken , and therefore he utterly rejected the request e . yet leo was forced to be content , and to receive anatolius chosen bishop of constantinople , in this synod of ephesus into his communion , only desiring him to give an account of his being orthodox in the faith , that he might publish it to other bishops f ; soon after which theodosius died . marcianus succeeding , and having no other title to the empire than his being married to pulcheria , he remitted much of the majesty of style in his letters to leo and other bishops , used by theodosius and other emperors g . but even when he complements the pope in the highest strain , he will not yield the council should be called in italy as the pope desired , but resolves to have it in the east , in some city which he himself should choose h : where we may see a notorious forgery in baronius and binius , for whereas the emperor saith , where it shall seem good to us , baronius turns nobis , into vobis , and binius in his notes follows him i ; as if the emperor had left it to the pope , to choose what city he pleased for the council to meet ; nay further , binius who reads it nobis in the epistle , yet in a note before that letter , he saith it was where the peope pleased ; and hath the confidence to say in his notes at the end of the council , that the emperor writ to the pope to appoint the place , time and manner of calling this general synod : than which nothing can be more false ; for the pope would have had it in the west if he might have chosen , but the emperor summoned the bishops first to come to nice , as his letters yet extant shew k ; and thither the popes first letter to the synod ought to be directed ; and i wish that ignorant hand which altered the title , and put in chalcedon instead of nice , hath not put in those words in it , of saving the honour of st. peter , and of his legates being sent to preside in the council l , which passages might look favourably on the supremacy if they be genuine ; only they are no more but leo's own evidence in his own cause : after this the council being assembled at nice , they with the popes legates desired the emperors presence among them , upon which he removed the council to the city of chalcedon , and thither he afterward came to them m . on which i shall only note , that baronious and binius have turned this petition of the council and legates , into a declaration of the legates alone ; for they pretend that the emperor writ to the council , that it seemed good to the popes legates that he should be present n ; which is a false representation of the matter , as the emperors letter shews . § . . we proceed now to the council it self assembled at chalcedon , and will first consider these generals , viz. st . who called it . ly . who presided in it , and in what order they sate . ly . who confirmed the acts of it : and secondly make some brief remarks on the particular acts of this council . first , as to the authority by which it was convened ; though the preface had owned that marcian called this council o , yet the notes affirm , it was appointed by the authority of leo , and by the advice , assistance and help of marcian congregated : and again , it is clear this general council was convened by the exhortation and counsel of the emperor , but by the command and authority of the pope p : and this they pretend to prove by the epistle of the bishops of maesia , writ some years after the council , which they cite thus , many holy bishops meeting in the city of chalcedon , by the command of leo ( who is truly an head of bishops ; ) but the epistle adds — and of the venerable bishop and patriarch anatolius a council was held , which was confirmed under two emperors q . but these fraudulent editors leave out these last words , which shew that these bishops were as much called by the authority of anatolius as of leo , and also that the emperors confirmed the acts of this general council , which two things binius would conceal from his reader : now this accidental expression of six bishops long after , implying no more but only that leo and anatolius sent out the emperors summons to all bishops , ( the other three patriarchs being not then of unsuspected fame , ) is all they have to prove this egregious falshood of this councils being called by the popes sole authority , except an epistle of gelasius , another pope pleading his own cause : whereas there are clear and express proofs almost innumerable , that it was appointed and convened or called by the emperors authority : for leo was summoned himself by the emperor , and in obedience to that summons excuses his own absence , and sends his legates to the council r . and the emperors general letter , strictly requiring all bishops to be there is extant s , a copy of which probably was delivered to the pope : and in the beginning of every act it is expresly said , the synod met ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ) by the command , or divine authority of the emperors t ; and it is so often repeated , that this council was called by the precept or command of the emperor , as makes it needless and impossible to cite all the places : liberatus the deacon who writ some years after ( when the popes had encroached something further ) saith , at the popes request the emperor commanded this council to be assembled u ; which makes it a strange boldness in baronius to affirm , that the emperor requested the pope that a council might be called w , which not only this historian but the emperors letter in the next page contradicts : yea leo himself in his st epistle , which the notes cite with great applause owns , the council was gathered by the precept of the most christian princes , &c. x and the pope in divers of his epistles , owns the authority of calling general councils to be in the emperor ; yea the legates own in the very council it self , that the council was summoned by the emperors authority : so that for any of the popes flatterers to pretend the contrary , is to wink against the clearest light . secondly , as to the presidents of this council , the historical preface is very positive , that the apostolical legates presided y ; and the notes prove it was a general council , because the pope presided by his legates z . but if that were essential to a general council , there was none before this of chalcedon : here indeed three of the five legates named by the pope , paschafinus , lucentius and boniface , were allowed to sit uppermost on one side of the bishops , but basilius and julianus , the other two , who also were named legates by the pope , were not owned by the council under that character , and therefore had no precedency given them a . and if this be all they mean by the legates presiding , that they in right of the pope had the first place among the bishops , we will not contend with them ; but if they suppose any power or authority these legates had over the council by this precedency , we must deny that . baronius brags that all things were determined by the popes authority b and the notes before cited , speak as if they had done all things in this council c ; yea , the latin version of the council forgets the title of presidents , thrice , and claps it to the names of these legates d , which title is not in the greek : but if we examine into the matter , these three legates who were allowed by the council , had nothing more than the honour of sitting uppermost upon the left hand , and sometimes speaking and subscribing first : but in the twelfth act concerning the church of ephesus , over which the patriarch of constantinople claimed some jurisdiction , anatolius speaks before the popes legate , and by his direction the matter was determined e . and though both baronius and the notes boast , that the legates pronounced the sentence on dioscorus in the popes name , as presidents of the council f ; yet if we consult the place we shall find , that they twice asked the synods opinion of dioscorus his case , and the whole synod declared he was to be condemned ; yet the legates durst not pronounce the sentence , till they asked if the synod commanded them to give the ecclesiastical sentence , and upon the order of the synod they first pronounced it , and every bishop single , declared dioscorus was deposed and excommunicated g : so that there was nothing of authority in the legates , but only their speaking first , and declaring that which the whole council had agreed upon . and because anatolius commonly spoke in the second place , therefore he is joyned with leo , and both of them together are called the princes of this council h . so in one of the epistles , after the council , leo and anatolius are said to have regularly presided herein i : by which titles are meant only that they had the principal places in this general council : but the true president of this great synod , was the emperor , who , when he was present , sate above all the bishops in the midst , and his legates , the lay-judges , in his absence , sate there ; and these representatives of the emperor indeed had not only the most honourable place of all , but some authority over the synod it self : for they propounded or allowed all matters to be debated ; of them all bishops , even the popes legates k , desired leave to speak ; they summed up the debates , and generally gave the decisive sentence , and upon that followed the acclamations ; so that these judges performed all that the modern popes legates in late councils have taken upon them , since their supremacy hath been in its greatest exaltation . if they object , that neither they nor the emperor were allowed to be present when dioscorus was condemned according to the canons l . i answer , the judges in a former session , after a full hearing of the cause , had determined ( if the emperor consented ) that dioscorus should have the same punishment which he had inflicted on flavianus , and that he and his accomplices should by the council be deposed from episcopal dignity , according to the canons ; to which decree the whole synod consented m : so that there was no more to be done in the third session , but only for the bishops canonically to execute this sentence upon dioscorus ; and there was no occasion for the emperor , or the lay-judges to be present , only his confirmation of this sentence was so necessary , that they writ both to marcian and pulcheria to desire their confimation thereof n : so that the chief authority was in the emperor and his representatives , the bishops advising , and they finally determining and confirming what was agreed upon , so that they were properly the presidents here . thirdly , as to the confirmation of all these acts , the notes affirm , that all which was decreed here concerning the faith against eutyches , was confirmed and approved by leo's authority , as the fathers had desired of him in their synodical epistle ; but they pretend he annulled and made void the th canon o : and this they pretend to prove , not by the synodical epistle it self , for that speaks only of the emperors confirmation , and never desires the pope to ratifie the matters of faith , but saith , he and they by his legates had agreed on these points , only they wish for his consent to the th canon about the primacy of constantinople , which his legates had opposed p . and indeed they supposed they had his consent in all things which the legates agreed to ; and so those passages cited by the notes out of leo's epistle , do not prove that he confirmed the decrees of faith , otherwise than by giving his common suffrage to them by his legates , and agreeing with them afterwards q : and thus all other bishops , who were absent , and had legates there , confirmed them as well as the pope ; as for his dissent from that canon , and their brags that he had made it void , we shall shew afterwards , that it remained in force for all the popes opposition . but it may be observed how notoriously the latin version corrupts the text to insinuate this papal confirmation ; for in the speech they made to the emperor , in the end of the council , the latin hath these words , concilii hujus a vobis congregati praedicationem , petri sedis authoritate roborantes , implying that the popes authority was to confirm the determinations of the council : but the greek hath a quite different sense , viz. that the determinations of the pope ( that is , leo's epistle to flavianus ) were confirmed by that holy council which the emperor had gathered r : and not only that speech , but many other evidences do shew clearly , that the emperor confirmed the decree of this council . for first , in the end of divers acts , the judges , as the emperors legates , do confirm what was agreed upon s , and sometimes promise to acquaint the emperor for his confirmation t : yea , the emperor in his speech made to the synod , saith he came to the synod to confirm the faith , and not to shew his power , as baronius and the latin version reads it u ; but the greek more truly reads , i came to the synod to confirm what was agreed on , &c. which shews sufficiently , that the emperor was to confirm all the acts : yea , in that very session wherein the faith was subscribed by the bishops , the emperor expresly confirms it , and makes a penal sanction against all that shall contradict or oppose it w , upon which the fathers cried out thou hast confirmed the orthodox faith x : and a little while after the council was ended , the same emperor put out two edicts , wherein he doth fully confirm the decrees of this holy council , adding in the later , penalties to all that would not receive it y . wherefore we can make no doubt that the main confirmation of the acts of this council was from the emperor . § . . in the next place we will consider the several sessions and acts which were in number sixteen . in the first action , baronius , by mistake , affirms , that the emperor was present z ; but the acts shew that he was only present by his legates , the lay-judges , who representing the emperor the true president of this august assembly , sate in a more honourable place than the popes legates , and here and always are named before them a . but the champions of the supremacy boast extreamly of the great words of the popes legates concerning the see of rome ; who say in this first action , on the mention of rome , which is the head of all churches b ; and the greek seems to refer it to pope leo. to which may be added , that the same legates in the third action , though they do not call the pope head of the universal church , as bellarmine falsly cites their words c ; yet they magnifie st. peter as the rock and groundwork of the catholick church , and the foundation of true faith d : and in some other places they call the pope universal bishop , &c. to which i answer , the council no where gives the bishop of rome any of these extravagant titles , and did so little regard these empty brags of the legates , that in the first act , the judges do reject the very first request which leo's legates made to the council ; and when they petitioned in leo's name , that dioscorus might stand at the bar , the judges bid him sit down e : and if we consider how zealous this ambitious pope was for the dignity of his see , and that his legates had been taught their lesson at rome , we may justly argue from the councils silence , and the lower style of arch-bishop which they give him , that these big thrasonical titles were not believed nor approved by them ; for many things are reported in the councils , as said by particular persons , which were not the act of the whole council ; for which reason bellarmine egregiously prevaricates , when he makes this whole general council to call peter the rock and ground-work of the catholick church f ; for it was only the popes domesticks called him so ; and had the council foreseen the consequence , they would expresly have opposed , that which they only silently passed by as frivolous . in the next place we may observe , that it is said in this council , that the emperor confirmed the acts of the second council at ephesus g , therefore it was usual then for the emperor so to do , since this is alledged to prove that a lawful council . again , when the acts of this second council at ephesus were read at chalcedon , the greek plainly saith , the emperor by his letters exhorted the pope to be present there , but the latin version corrupts the text , and puts in supplicarunt b , as if the emperor had humbly supplicated the pope to be there ; whereas one of his legates , a few lines before , owned , that the pope had the same form of summons sent him , that was sent to the other great bishops . moreover , in eutyches petition read in that council , cyril is called the president of the third general council at ephesus i , without any mention of the pope : and we may further observe , that the heretick eutyches , in the acts of the council of constantinople which condemned him , is called pope eutyches , that being a name formerly given to all eminent clergy-men , especially in the east k . i shall make no more remarks upon this first session , which was spent in reading over and reviewing the council of constantinople , wherein eutyches was condemned , and the pseudo-synod of ephesus wherein dioscorus absolved him , because i have treated of both before : it is sufficient to observe upon this full hearing , the council of chalcedon condemned both eutyches and dioscorus , and the lay-judges summ'd up the act ; but there seems to be a roman addition in the end of this first act , where it is thrust in without choerence and sense , that leo writ an epistle to flavianus ; which , though it be true l , comes in very impertinently here ; but the forger thought when the writings of the orthodox fathers were mentioned , that of leo ought by all means to be mentioned right or wrong . in the second action there is nothing considerable , but the reading of this very epistle of leo to flavianus ( after the nicene and constantinopolitan creed ) being written expresly about the eutychian heresie , the main cause to be then decided m ; which was therefore received there as other orthodox writings were , with general acclamations ; but the notes , citing these acclamations , quote them imperfectly no further than these words , peter speaks by leo n : but the council goes on , and says , the apostles and cyril taught thus , by which we may see it was the consonancy of leo's doctrine , to the writings of the apostles , and of st. cyril , not the infallibility of his see which procured his epistle this general applause . wherefore the prefacer need not have mentioned these acclamations , as if they were only given to leo's epistle , or had been made upon some single excellency peculiar to the bishop of that see o ; for both the creeds , and two of cyril's epistles had been honoured with such like acclamations a little before . the third action contains the canonical deposition of dioscorus , after the bishops had heard all the complaints against him , cited him thrice , and could not prevail with him to appear . now there being nothing to be done at this session , but to proceed according to the canons , of which the bishops were the proper executors ; they only met , without lay judges , which ( saith binius ) is the most evident note of a general council p , but in truth it is no note of any such matter ; for if that were not a general council , wherein some of the lasty were present , then there never was any general council till this time , and this single act would then be the sole regular act of this general council ; to such absurd consequences doth these mens blind zeal lead them . the next thing to be noted is , a corruption in the titles of the petitions , which some of the aegyptian clergy offered to the council against dioscorus ; for the greek hath no more but this , the petition of theodorus , the deacon , exhibited against dioscorus ; but the latin version thrusts in pope leo's name thus , exhibited to pope leo and the council of chalcedon q , and the same corruption is in the titles of the following petitions of ischyrion , athanasius and sophronius . if it be objected , that the superscriptions of all these petitions , both in greek and latin are , to the most holy , &c. — universal patriarch of great rome , leo , and to the holy general council , &c. r : i reply , these superscriptions seem to be forged also : for first , eusebius his petition before , mentions not leo , and these petitions are addressed only to the council , there being not the least sentence in them peculiar to leo , or supposing him to see or read them ; so that these superscriptions to an absent bishop are non-sense , and in all probability added by some roman transcribers , as may be guessed by the great swelling titles , with which the pope is loaded . again , in the summons sent to dioscorus the third time , it is declared , that the emperor had commanded the bishops to hear this cause ; the greek word is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] , but the latin softens it into [ permisit ] s . however , whether the emperor commanded or permitted the bishops to hear this cause , it is plain , that even in this session , consisting only of clergy , the bishops had the emperors leave , and proceeded by his permission . as to the sentence it self ; the preface t , the notes u and baronius w pretend it was pronounced in leo's name , and boast much of the legates pronouncing it . but if we consult the place , we shall find that since no lay-judges were there , the popes legates were ( as these judges did in other sessions ) to collect the votes , and then to sum them up , and publish them ; and therefore , after the enquiry was ended , they ask what the synod thought fit to be done ; which they do over and over again , and till the council expresly commanded them , they did not pronounce the sentence x . 't is true , these legates had learned their lessons so well at rome , that they contrive it . in words very pompous , the most holy and blessed arch-bishop of the elder and greater rome , leo , by us , and by this present synod , with the most blessed and honourable apostle , peter , who is the rock and groundwork of the catholick church , and he that is the foundation y of the orthodox faith , ( that is , jesus christ ) hath deprived him of his episcopal dignity , and degraded him from all ministration ; therefore let this most holy general council decree concerning the said dioscorus what is agreeable to the canons z . but these rhetorical flourishes , coming only from the popes domesticks , give him no right to them ; it is more material what cardinal cusanus observes , that the legates , as sitting first in this council , first pronounce sentence by the synods command , and then all she rest in order ; and the force of the sentence depends upon the agreeing votes of all : and we see , that though the pope had before canonically deposed dioscorus , yet his sentence was re-examined in a general council a . this is certain , that anatolius , of constantinople , and all the rest , though in modester words , did singly condemn dioscorus , and he was deposed and degraded by the authority of the general council , and the free votes of the several bishops , who , as pope leo himself speaks , had confirmed his sentence with an assent , which made the cause uncapable of being tried any more b . and the sentence which was published about his deposition c , as well as the letter writ to alexandria d expresly declare , that he was deposed and degraded by the holy general council ( c ) : and the very same is affirmed in the synodical epistles , writ to martian and pulcheria , to desire them to confirm the councils sentence e . so that in vain do the modern romanists brag of the deposition of dioscorus by the popes supream authority ; for it was the opinion indeed of the pope , before the council met , that he ought to be deposed ; but it was the authority of the council , ratified by the emperor , which actually deposed him . in the fourth act , the epistle of pope leo to flavianus ( wherein the heresie of eutyches was confuted and condemned ) was subscribed by all the bishops , who severally declared they received it , because it was agreeable to the faith declared in the three former general councils of nice , constantinople and ephesus ; and some of them add , because it was agreeable to the scripture , and to the expositions of the orthodox fathers f . now had these fathers believed the pope to be infallible in matters of faith , they must have received this epistle only upon the credit of the pope ; whereas they now examin and judge of it by the rules prescribed in former councils , and receive it , not because the enditer of it was infallible , but because he had kept close to former determinations in general councils . and since the business of this council was to discover and condemn the heresie of eutyches , against which new sect no eminent bishop but leo had written , therefore this epistle was made a test , and all were obliged to subscribe it , not ( as the romanists brag ) because the see of rome was to fix the rule of faith ; but because this was the only writing then extant of this kind ; and we may as well prove that st. cyril was the supream bishop of the world , and the sole arbiter of faith , because his epistles were subscribed in the general council of ephesus , as a test to find out and condemn the nestorians , as infer the roman supremacy or infallibility from the bishops subscribing leo's epistle at chalcedon . we may further note in this action , that how confidently-soever modern editors place the councils of constantinople and ephesus , under damasus and celestine ; the popes legates here plainly say the council of constantinople was held under the emperor theodosius g ; and other bishops affirm , that cyril was the president and head of the council at ephesus h : again , it is to be noted , that though juvenalis of jerusalem , and four other bishops who had joyned with dioscorus in the synod at ephesus , to condemn flavianus , repented and had subscribed leo ' s epistle , and so declared themselves to be orthodox ; yet the council could not restore them to their places , till the emperor , by his judges , gave them leave to determine their case i . it is also memorable , that the egyptian bishops , after their own patriarch dioscorus was deposed , refused to sign the epistle of leo , till they had a new bishop of alexandria , under whose jurisdiction the nicene canons had put them ; and though the popes legates and many others urged they should subscribe immediately , yet these bishops were excused by the council , and their plea allowed k ; which shews , that those who were under the patriarch of alexandria , owed no subjection at all to rome ; nor did they or the council of chalcedon think the pope was really ( what his legates flatteringly call him ) the universal arch-bishop of patriarch , for then they could not have allowed this plea. moreover , 't is observable in this act , that photius , bishop of tyre , affirms , both anatolius and leo were the presidents of this council l : also this bishop in his petition to the emperors , stiles them lords of the earth and sea , and of all men , nations and kindreds m ; which shews that titles are not to be strictly understood , or to be made any ground for argument , since complements were used then as well as now ; and therefore the romanists should not attempt to prove a right from every flourishing title bestowed on the pope by those who speak of him . in the cause between this photius of tyre , and eustathius of berytus , there is a passage , how one of these bishops claimed a right to some churches by the imperial edicts , and the other by the canons ; and he who claimed a right by the canons , got the better : yea , the council declared , that edicts ought not to prevail against the canons * . from whence baronius infers , that princes ought to learn from hence to make their laws submit to the ecclesiastical canons n . but it must be noted , this was not intended to be a rule in all cases , only as to the old rights of bishops jurisdictions ; and it was a rule made now , only upon this occasion ; and which is most remarkable , the judges tell the council , it was the emperor's pleasure , this cause should be tried , nor by the edicts , but by the canons ; for which the bishops gave that pious emperor thanks : and therefore it is a great fallacy to argue from hence , that ecclesiastical canons are above the laws of princes in their own nature ; only in this case the good emperor , to oblige the bishops , suffered the canons to prevail . to conclude , this session ended with a confirmation of all things done by the lay-judges , who declare they should remain firm o , and so the session ended . in the fifth action , wherein the matters of faith were to be declared , the emperors legates were present , and prevented a schism which was like to happen among the bishops , some of which would not consent to the councils definition ; but the lay-judges from the emperor advised the dissenters to go with anatolius and the popes legates , and to confer among themselves so as they might agree , otherwise they threatned that the emperor resolved to call a council in the west , to which they must go to determin the difference p : from whence we may note , that they knew of no single person who could finally decide questions of faith ; and though it was to be determined at rome , a general council must do it there : however , this method proved effectual , and so they published their faith unanimously , annexing it to the creeds of nice and constantinople q . we shall only note further , that in the acclamations made in this session it is said , that the councils definition had confirmed leo ' s epistle , and the faith of leo is commended because he believed as cyril believed : and after all , the bishops agreement was not sufficient to ratifie this definition of faith , till it was shewed to the emperor r as the last words import . the sixth action was adorned with the presence of the emperor marcianus , who made a speech to the fathers , ( which baronius by mistake saith was in the first session s ; ) telling them he was come to confirm the faith they had agreed on , ( as constantine did ) not to shew his power t . which is a clear and undeniable proof , that the confirmation of their decrees depended on the emperor , in whose presence the definition of faith was read and subscribed by every one of the bishops ; and he declared his approbation thereof , and in the open synod appoints penalties for them who should , after this , call these points into question u . and then he gives them some rules , to be formed into canons , because they related to ecclesiastical affairs ; after which having been highly applauded by the bishops , he was petitioned to dimiss them , but told them they must not depart for some few days , and so took his leave of them . which shews that the emperor who convened them , had also the sole power to dissolve this general council : i shall add what richerius observes upon that definition of faith made in this session , that it contains many of the very words and expressions of the athanasian creed ; and though he doubt whether athanasius did compose that form which bears his name ; yet he saith , it is now become the creed of the catholick church , and there is not a tittle in it which is not agreeable to the credit , holiness and learning of athanasius w . he notes also the policy of the popes legates , who contrary to all ancient usage , and to the primitive simplicity of the former councils , do most impertinently put this epithete to the popes name , bishop of the universal church of the city of rome x . but when i consider the absurdity of the expression , and the frequent corruptions in these acts , why might not that bold hand who added to the legates name , president of the council ; in this very place ( and in this session where the emperor being present certainly presided ) add this huffing title to the pope's name ? and if so , it is a corruption and can be no ground for an argument : however , 't is a great prejudice to all these titles , that when any others of the council speak of the pope , they call him only bishop or archbishop , and none but his own legates load him with those vain titles . the seventh action contains only the ratification of a private agreement , made between maximus bishop of antioch , and juvenalis bishop of jerusalem , concerning the extent of their jurisdictions y . the eighth action was the case of theodoret , who having formerly favoured nestorius , yet being afterwards convinced of his error , was received into communion by pope leo , who had judged his cause and acquitted him before the council met : but for all that , the case was heard over again , and he called an heretick , and had been expelled the council , if he had not cleared himself over again by subscribing leo's epistle , and anathematizing nestorius and eutyches , upon which he was restored to communion and to his bishoprick z : by which it is as clear as the sun , that the council was above the pope , and had authority to judge over again the causes he had determined ; and also that barely being in communion with the pope , could not clear any man from heresie , nor give him a right to the communion of the catholick church . and if the epistles of theodoret to leo be genuin , ( whereof there is good cause to doubt ) and this cause were referred to the pope by appeal ; ( as the romanists brag ) this makes the matter worse , and shews that the last appeal is not to the pope , and that he cannot finally decide any cause , which shall not be liable to be tried again in a general council , yea though it be , as this was , a cause of faith ; which utterly ruins the infallibility . the ninth and tenth actions , concern ibas bishop of edessa , who had been a nestorian , and was deposed by dioscorus in the pseudo synod of ephesus , in which are these observables : first , the emperor commanded a lay-man and some neighbouring bishops to hear this cause , first at tyre , and then at berytus a ; so that even provincial councils did not meet without the emperors authority , and the popes universal supremacy was not known then . for in the council of berytus , antioch is called an apostolical throne b , and the council after they had restored him to his bishoprick , referred the cause between him and nonnus , ( who had been thrust into his place ) to maximus bishop of antioch , as the proper judge of that matter . no more is here to be noted , but only that the popes legates and the whole council desire , that the emperor would revoke and utterly annul the ephesine false synod d . for though the pope had done this , yet they knew that was insufficient , since none but the emperor had right effectually to confirm , or null a council which pretended to be oecumenical . to this action baronius and binius tack another , concerning an allowance to be made to maintain domnus late bishop of antioch , who had been deposed e : but they own this is not in the greek , nor was there any such thing in the acts of the council in justinian's time , who expresly affirms domnus was dead before , which is certainly true f ; wherefore the cardinal owns they found this in an old latin copy , in the vatican , the very mint of forgeries ; and this action ought to be rejected as a mear fiction . the eleventh and twelfth actions were spent in examing the cause of bassianus and stephanus , both pretending to be bishops of ephesus , wherein we may observe : that bassianus pleads , he was duly elected by the suffrage of the nobility , people and clergy of that city and the emperor confirmed the election g ; for the pope had not then usurped the nomination or confirmation of remote bishops . again , whereas baronius brags , that the pope deposed bassianus from the bishoprick of ephesus , and cites the words of stephen his antagonist thus , it is now four years since the roman bishop deposed bassianus — arguing from thence , that it was the ancient usage for the pope to depose metropolitans h ; he doth notoriously prevaricate , for stephen's words are , since the roman bishop deposed him , and the bishop of alexandria condemned him : and a little before the same stephen saith more fully , that bassianus was expelled by the holy fathers , leo and flavianus and the bishops of alexandria and antioch i . by which the reader may see there is no credit to be given to baronius quotations , who always resolves by false citations of authors , to ascribe that to the pope alone , which was done by him in conjunction with other bishops : and it appears , that the principal right over ephesus was in the patriarch of constantinople , whence it was pleaded by the friends of bassianus , that proclus of constontinople who had the right , received him to communion : and stephen urges , that flavianus of constanstinople expelled him afterwards k . and therefore it is remarkable , that in the twefth action where the sentence was to be pronounced , anatolius bishop of constantinople declares his judgment before the popes legates , and is always named before them in all that session , where a cause was to be decided concerning a church , which was specially under his jurisdiction l ; by which it appears , the principal person in the deposing of bassianus , was the patriarch of constantinople , who probably desired the other great patriarchs concurrence for the better credit of his sentence : moreover it is to be noted , that though pope leo favoured the cause of stephen , and writ an epistle in his behalf mentioned in the council ; the popes favour did him no service , for his cause was tried over again , and he deposed by this general council as well as bassianus ; and this by the consent of the popes legates , who notwithstanding their big words , did not believe it unlawful for a general council to contradict a determination of the popes . the thirteenth and fourteenth actions concern only the causes of private bishops , who had complained to the emperor ( not to the pope ) of injury done them ; and the emperor appointed them to be finally determined by the council , and so the bishop of nichomedias's jurisdiction was cleared , and the bishop of nice ordered to be content only with the honour of a metropolitan m . and in the fourteenth action athanasius was setled in the bishoprick of perrhaea ; and sabinianus , who claimed it , ordered to keep the honour of a bishop , and to be maintained out of the profits of that church , as the patriarch of antiooh should direct n . nothing is remarkable in them , but only that the lay judges pronounce the decree , and not the popes legates , and then the synod consent . the fifteenth action contains the canons of this general council for ecclesiastical discipline , three of which were recommended to the fathers by the emperor to be formed into canons o : so that in obedience to the emperor , they were obliged to make some ecclesiastical rules : and one of these is the fourth canon , which decrees , that all monks every where shall be subject to the bishop of that diocess wherein their monastery is built p ; which being a genuine canon of a general council , not objected against by the popes legates , it is somewhat strange that the modern popes have no regard to it , but daily and openly break it , in defiance of the primitive discipline , by exempting all monasteries from due subjection to their own bishop q ; and this meerly out of policy to make the monks intirely depend upon the pope , and serve his interests . the ninth canon ordains , that the causes betwen clergy-men shall be tried before their own bishop , and not in secular courts ; and if a bishop have a complaint against his metropolitan , he shall go to the primate of the diocess , or appeal to the see of constantinople : which canon pope nicholus resolved to force into his interest , and so ridiculously expounds , the primate of the diocess , is meant the bishop of rome , who is primate of all dioceses r : turrian as boldly expounds it , the primate of the universal diocess : and binius in his notes will have the word to signifie the prince of the christian diocess s . but all these feigned additions and forced glosses will not help them , because the canon gives leave to the party injured to complain , either to the bishop of constantinople , or to the pope , at his own choice , which sets that patriarch upon equal ground with him of rome . but the original word signifies an order of bishops below a patriarch , but above a metropolitan ; and the canon expresly limits appeals either to be made by these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , primates , who had jurisdiction over the province , or to the patriarch of constantinople ; which shews that this council never thought of any right that rome then had to receive appeals from all parts of the world. and if any question why the pope is not here named , at least , for the western churches appeals , as well as the patriarch of constantinople for the eastern ; i take the true reason to be , the absence of the popes legates from this session , consisting only of oriental bishops ; for which reason they modestly refused to decree any thing concerning discipline in the west , leaving affairs there to proceed according to parity of reason . we may add , that the latin version of the sixteenth canon hath put in the word [ confitentes ] into the body of the canon , which is not in the original * , but labbè leaves out this corruption . but that which hath occasioned the greatest controversie , is the twenty eighth canon , wherein this council confirms the decrees of the fathers , and the second council of constantinoples canon about the priviledges of that see. for as the fathers had given the see of rome its priviledges , because it was the imperial city , for the same reason the second general council gave like honour to the see of constantinople ; and would have it also even in ecclesiastical affairs , to be advanced to the second place : and they order that the bishop of constantinople should ordain and have a jurisdiction over all the metropolitans of the dioceses of pontus , asia and thrace t . the modern romanists do all they can to suppress or baffle this canon . the editors put a note before it , that it is not in their greek manuscripts ; but that is no wonder , since it hath been long the design of their church to conceal this canon ; but that such a canon was really made at chalcedon , is apparent , not only from the sixteenth action , where it was read at large , and allowed by the whole council , and confirmed by the lay-judges , notwithstanding the opposition of the popes legates ; but it is also found in all the greek collectors , cited in photius his nomo-canon ( writ above year ago ) and is also extant in that old latin interpreter , who put out the canons before dionisius exiguus ( that is , soon after the year ) u : so that there is no doubt but this canon was really made at chalcedon . yet gratian would not cite it under the name of a canon of chalcedon , but quotes it out of the sixth general council , wherein there are almost the same words ; but his old editions ( which were in use while the roman primacy was setting up ) had grosly corrupted the main words of it , and instead of the affirmative etiam in rebus ecclesiasticis non secus , ac illam extolli , — &c. it was in him non tamen in rebus ecclesiasticis magnificetur , ut illa w , which quite alters the sense , and makes it seem as if the council had not spoken of any ecclesiastical priviledges ; whereas they speak of no other but such . now this was so apparent a falsification , that the later copies of gratian have mended it , and made it nec non x : but this was not till that church had seen constantinople under the turkish yoke , and in no capacity to vye with her . in the sixteenth action the popes legates complain to the judges , before all the council , that this canon was made after their departure , and irregularly ; and desire it may be read : they were answered by the arch-deacon of constantinople , that it was customary in general councils to treat of discipline after matters of faith ; that they told the popes legates this , and desired their concurrence as to what should be done for the church of constantinople ; but they refused , saying they had other orders ; upon this they acquainted the judges , and they commanded the council to proceed ; and so they did , nothing being done fraudulently , but all publickly and canonically ; upon this the canon aforesaid was read y . then the legates objections were heard and answered ; first to his insinuation , that it was fraudulently obtained : the bishops all declared , and especially those of pontus and asia , newly subjected to constantinople , that they consented and subscribed to this canon , without any circumvention or force , voluntarily and freely . secondly , whereas the legates pretended it was contrary to the nicene canons ; and cite the sixth canon of nice falsly , putting this forged title ( that the church of rome always had the primacy ) into the body of the canon : the council first discovers the fallacy by reading a true and authentick record of that canon , without that corrupt addition , ( though still baronius z and binius a blush not to argue from this feigned addition ) ; and then was read the canon of the second council at constantinople , ( for in that age the popes cause was to be judged by the canons ) to both which this canon of chalcedon was thought so agreeable , that the bishops principally concerned , declared again , they had freely subscribed it as agreeable both to the canons and custom . and eusebius , bishop of dorylaeum , declares he read that canon of constantinople , here confirmed , to the pope at rome , and he owned it : where by the way , baronius egregiously prevaricates in expounding hanc regulam ( that is , this canon of the second general council ) of eusebius his rule or confession of faith b , quite contrary to the plain sense of the bishop here . to proceed , whereas the legates objected thirdly , that the bishops of constantinople had not formerly used the rights now conserred on them ; the contrary is manifest , both as to precedence , since all the acts of this council shew ; that anatolius sate and spoke in the second place next to the popes legates ; and they had said in the first act , that his due was the second place c . and as to jurisdiction , the very bishops of these provinces do in these acts , declare the patriarchs of constantinople had used it in their countries and dioceses for many years : upon which the judges pronounce the sentence , and give the second place to constantinople , with the patriarchal jurisdiction over those provinces named in the canon , to which the whole council consents , except the popes legate , who entred his protestation against it ; but still the bishops stood firm to the canon , and the judges declare it valid , with which this general council is concluded . baronius thinks the final acclamations are wanting d ; if they be so , we may easily guess who rased them out ; even that church which then , and since hath opposed this canon , and would conceal that general consent by which it passed . but the last words are plain enough , where the judges say , the whole synod hath confirmed it e , even though the legates did dissent . i shall conclude this history of fact , when i have noted two corruptions in favour of the roman church , which are evident in this last act. first , the latin version affirms the judges said , rome truly , by the canons had all the primacy , omnem primatum ; but the greek is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the primacy before all others f , which is not a supremacy over all other bishops , but the first place among them . again , the legates in the latin copy say , the apostolical see ought not to be humbled in our presence ; but the greek is quite different , that is , the apostolical throne commanded that all things should be done in our presence g : but he who made the alteration was one who dream'd that this canon was to humble rome , whereas it takes not away the first place from the pope , only gives the second equal priviledges within its own bounds to constantinople . § . . we shall now proceed to the third part concerning what was done after the council , and there will shew that this canon was valid , notwithstanding the dissent of the popes legates , and leo's furious endeavours to annull it . the first thing , after the councils speech to the emperor , in the old collectors of councils , was the imperial edicts , by which the decrees were confirmed ; but these late editors have removed these into the third place h : and first set down a pretended letter from the council to the pope , which is done only to impose upon unwary readers , and make them think it was not the emperor , but the pope who had the power of confirming the acts. but as to the epistle it self , it was dated in the end of march , four months after the council was separated ; and ( if it be not a forgery , as some vehemently suspect , on the account of a foolish and improbable story in it of euphemia's dead body confirming the true faith by a miracle ) it was writ not by the general council , but by anatolius , after he had heard of the popes dislike of the twenty eighth canon ; and therefore he doth not desire his consent to any other thing , but only labours to gain his assent to this cannon i . so that baronius falsly argues from hence , it was the custom to send the decrees of general councils to rome , to be confirmed by the popes authority k : for this letter was not writ by a general council , nor doth it desire a confirmation of any thing but one canon , which stood firm notwithstanding the pope always disallowed it : i only note that where the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , taking his wonted care , the latin reads consuete gubernando : as if the pope had by custom governed all churches as far as constantinople l . i observe also , that binius leaves out the date of this epistle to the pope , which is later in time than either of the imperial edicts ; hoping by that means the cheat of placing it before those edicts would be undiscovered , and that easie people might judge it a formal letter writ while the council was sitting , to petition the pope to confirm all they had done . i shall not insist upon any more particulars , but smile at baronius , who for a few complements , that the writer of this letter gives the pope , draws a serious argument for the supremacy , and would have all bishops , even in a general council , to be sons to their holy father the pope m . to proceed , the edicts of the emperor are dated , one in february , and the other in march , and they do effectually confirm the acts of the council , and ordain penalties on such as oppose the definitions of the synod n . after this follow three letters of pope leo , dated all of one day , directed to anatolius bishop of constantinople , and to the emperor and empress marcianus and pulcheria o , in all which he shews his consent to the other things done at chalcedon ; but argues and exclaims against the th canon , saying in his letter to pulcheria , that by the authority of peter he utterly makes it void . but all this spoils the cause ; for notwithstanding all his huffing , this canon did remain in force ; for liberatus , who writ in the next century , saith , the judges and all the bishops did not value the legates protestation ; and though the apostolical see still oppose it , this which was confirmed by the synod , by the emperors , patronage remains even till now p ; and almain of later times affirms , the constitution of the council prevailed over the protestations of leo against it : for the canons of general councils do prevail over the opposite decrees of popes q . and the history of following times doth clearly shew , that the bishop of constantinople was ever after this reckoned the second patriarch , and took his place accordingly in succeeding councils , and retained the jurisdiction over those provinces which this canon gives him : wherefore it is very weak in baronius , from some bold passages in leo's letters to draw this consequence , that it is clearly in the sole power of the pope to make void , what bishops in council , the emperor and senate had agreed on and confirmed r . for the contrary is clear as the sun , that the legates contradiction there , and the popes ranting afterwards , for all his pretended authority of st. peter , did not signify any thing towards a real annulling this canon ; and the more he strove to do it , the more he shewed his pride to be above his power : and indeed general councils were needless , precarious and insignificant , if any one bishop were not to be concluded by the major vote , or had a negative voice there . but because the pope argues as well as condemns , let us hear his reasons against this canon : first , he every where urges , it is contrary to the nicene canon : but this is false ; he and his legates indeed pretend this , but the nicene canon was read over in open council , and all of them unanimously agreed , it did no way contradict it : the council of nice declared those patriarchates , which custom had then setled , and ( since after that time constantinople came to be the imperial city , ) the second general council , and this at chalcedon had as good right to declare constantinople a patriarchate , as the first at nice had to declare others ; and since precedency was purely of ecclesiastical institution , and given ( as this canon saith , ) on consideration of the honours of the cities , when the emperors had made this city equal to old rome , as to the civil state , the council might allot it a suitable precedence in the church , which was a perfecting of the nicene canon , and a proceeding upon the same reason ; but no contradiction to it . secondly , leo argues , that this was a prejudice to the two sees of alexandria and antioch , which were elder patriarchates , and so ought to preceed constantinople : i reply , maximus bishop of antioch did not think this canon any injury to him , for he is the second who subscribed it , and all-along in the several sessions anatolius sat and spoke before him : and though leo stood nicely upon his points in these matters , we do not find other bishops were of that temper ; they freely submitted to the bishop of the imperial city , especially since he only had a place before them , but no authority over any other patriarch : so that leo need not make any objections for them , who are not found to complain , or to have thought themselves injured . i shall not insist upon leo's insinuation , that this canon was procured fraudulently , and that anatolius his pride made him seek it , and strive to impose upon the council : for every body sees the whole council clears him of this ; and 't is plain , leo was far prouder than anatolius ; he scorned a second , and feared in time he might prove an equal : but anatolius only got that place confirmed to him in this council , which he and his predecessors had hold long before : i might add here the elaborate arguments of baranius and binius ; but fearing i have been already too tedious , i shall refer the reader to richerius ( who discovers all their fallacies s ; ) and make some observations on the rest of these letters after the council . in an epistle of the emperors to the monks of alexandria , who disliked the council of chalcedon , he recommends its definitions , as agreeing to the faith of athanasius , theophilus and cyril , former bishops of alexandria t , which it seems was more considerable to them , than the faith of leo , in whom that age knew of no infallibility . again , it is a good rule in an epistle of leo's , that none should seek his own advancement by the diminution of another u , which had he and his successors observed they would not have degraded all the other patriarchs to set themselves up as supreme over them all . there may be some suspicion , whether that epistle of leo to maximus bishop of antioch be genuin ; however there is a very improbable story in it , viz. that juvenalis of jerusalem had sought to get the jurisdiction of all palestina in the famous general council of ephesus , and that cyril had writ to leo to joyn with him in opposing that design ; whereas that council of ephesus was held nine years before leo was pope w ; and therefore leo could not be applied to , as to any thing agitated in that council : after this follows a multitude of epistles , in answer to the complaints of the aegyptian bishops , who adhered to this council of chalcedon , and the emperor leo's order to all bishops , to give the sense of every provincial church , concerning this general council which some heretical monks had questioned : for this emperor prudently avoided the charge and trouble of another general council , appointing the metropolitans to call their own bishops together at home , and to send him their opinion of this council of chalcedon ; which was universally owned by all in their several letters , to have been an orthodox council , sufficiently approved and confirmed : now had the pope then been infallible , or thought to be so , it had been sufficient to write to him alone , and he could have told the emperor the sense of the catholick church ; but he was only writ to as other bishops were , to declare his own opinion : so that in this proceeding there are no marks of his supremacy ; for the other bishops confirm the faith decreed in this council as well as the pope , nor did his ratifying it make it needless for the emperor to require the sentiments of others . § . . we have no more to add to this , but only to make a few brief remarks upon such passages in binius's notes upon this council , as have not yet come under our consideration . the miracle of euphemia the martyrs taking the orthodox confession of faith into her hand ( so long after her death and burial ) and casting away that which was heretical , is only hinted at in that suspicious epistle from the council x : but the notes and baronius cite , for the formal story , no author elder than metaphrastes , who lived above years after ; and if we consider how he and the later writers , who mention it , vary and contradict one another in the time and manner of this pretended miracle y , we shall easily discern the whole story to be a fiction . a little after the notes say , that they highly injure this holy council , who say the epistle of ibas , which is heretical , and contains the praises of hereticks , and the condemnation of the orthodox , was received and approved by the fathers at chalcedon ; for those who say so joyn with the nestorians z . but alass it proves very unluckily , that it was pope vigilius who said this , and who was condemned for an heretick for this and other things of like nature , by the fifth general council a ; and binius knew this well enough , but because it was a friend , he conceals his name . again , he tells us of one julianus , bishop of coos , that he was the popes legate b , and so he is called indeed in the subscriptions sometimes ; but let it be noted , that the pope doth not name this julianus in his letter to the council among his legates c ; but paschasinus , lucentius and boniface with one basilius are there said to be his legates : and yet this basilius never appeared in the council , which makes a very learned man conjecture , that the fathers at chalcedon rejected two of those whom the pope had nominated for legates , viz. this basilius and julianus , the former not being admitted into the council , and the later having no other place than what his own see gave him ; so that baronius his observation concerning this julianus his speaking latin , as the dignity of the roman see required , will not prove him properly a legate , or if it do d , then the council placed the popes legates as they pleased . moreover , the notes call the excommunicating of the pope by dioscorus , scelus inauditum , an unheard-of-wickedness ; and a little after they say , that dioscorus was the first that ever was known to excommunicate the pope , or had committed this unheard-of-wickedness e . but why all this ? doth the council say such a fact was never attempted nor heard of before ? no , that is their addition , for we have heard of asian and african bishops , who took themselves to have as much power to excommunicate victor and stephen , bishops of rome , as they had to excommunicate them . and we have heard of liberius and foelix , whose communion was renounced by the orthodox ; and therefore dioscorus's fault was his excommunicating an orthodox patriarch in a pack'd , private , heretical synod , not because this patriarch was bishop of rome ; for had leo deserved this sentence by holding heresie , no doubt a greater council would afterward have ratified it , and joyned with dioscorus . in the account which the notes give of the third session , we are told that dioscorus was accused for wasting the goods left to the poor , and pious uses , by a noble lady deceased , so that no incense could be offered for her soul. and binius and baronius hence infer that they used then to pray for the dead f . but if we look into the council , this will appear an invention of their own ; for there is no mention of praying for that ladies soul , or offering in co●●e for it to god ; but only that dioscorus by spending 〈◊〉 gifts riotously , had ( as much as in him lay ) hindred the offering a sweet savour to god out of her oblation g . now whether this sweet savour be meant literally of incense , then used in christian churches , or allegorically of alms , ( so called philip. iv . . ) yet still there is not the least intimation that either of these were offered for the lady or her soul , or any prayers made for her after her decease . yet this false inference is nauseously repeated again afterwards h : in which last place binius saith , dioscorus his with holding the wheat which the emperor gave to the churches of lybia , so that the terrible and unbloody sacrifice could not be offered there , is a clear testimony for the mass i . whereas it is only an evidence , that the eucharist was made of wheat , and that they received a large morsel ( as we protestants do ) of the holy bread ; and when it is called an unbloody sacrifice , i think that to be a testimony , they did not believe the natural and true blood of christ was there by transubstantiation . it is also very false to say , that after the cause of sabinianus , act. . the council was ended , the assembly dissolved , when the legates and judges went out , and that the eastern bishops staid behind clandestinly k ; in which words there are more falshoods than lines . for if the council was ended , how came the whole council to meet again without a new summons , the very next day ? again , the legates went out indeed , but it was after the judges , not before them , as the notes insinuate ; and the judges went out because the causes were all heard , and only the canons to be treated of ; but before they went they ordered the bishops to make some canons : so that to say the council was ended , and the synod dissolved because none but the bishops staid , is ridiculous , and contradicts his note upon the third session , where he makes it a most clear evidence of a general council , when the bishops meet without lay judges : if he say the popes legates did not stay ; i reply , they were desired to stay , and their peevish absence could not hinder the councils proceedings , no more than dioscorus his absenting ; and the acts were next day approved as good , though done without them ; and there it was also proved , that the council did not act clandestinly ; yea , it is very absurd to say the going out of three men from who staid behind , could make the synod which remained , to be a clandestine assembly : so that we may wonder at the boldness of these editors , who in spite to the th canon upon false grounds condemn those actions which were examined , justified and approved by this whole general council . we have in the next place an old inscription , pretended to have been made in a chappel built by hilary , the legate of pope leo , after his wondrous escape from the pseudo-synod of ephesus , in these words , to his deliverer st. john the evangelist , hilary , the bishop and servant of christ l : which inscription gives baronius and the notes occasion to affirm , that he had prayed and made vows to st. john for his deliverance . but i see no reason to believe this inscription to be so ancient as the time of this hilary ( leo's successor an. . ) . for in his letter extant in the council , he relates the story of his flight , but-mentions no saint at all , only saith , he trusted in the grace of christ m . and this style which is so like the pagan vows to their little deities , was above the infant superstition of that age ; so that besides the improbability of an inscription continuing legible for near twelve hundred years ; none who knows the time of hilary can believe the invocation of saints was so far advanced , for a man to forget god and jesus christ the only deliverers of their servants , and publickly , yea blasphemously to ascribe his deliverance to a creature , rom. i. . wherefore we conclude this inscription was writ by some later hand in times of gross idolatry and ignorance ; and that this which they call an egregious monument of antiquity , and an argument for invocation of saints , is nothing else but an egregious imposture , and an argument to prove the fraud of those who set up false doctrines by feigned antiquity . 't is true in the th action , when stephen , whom flavian had condemned in his life-time , was deposed by the council after his death , some of the bishops cried out , flavian lives after his death , the martyr hath prayed for us n ; but this is far short of the aforesaid inscription , for they neither vow nor pray to the martyr ; only since his sentence was agreed to be just after his death , they rhetorically say this seemed as if flavianus had prayed for them * : yet this ( if it be genuine ) is the greatest step toward invocation of saints that i have seen in any writing of this age ; though it be no more than a flourish , proceeding from an excess of admiration of flavianus , so lately martyred by dioscorus , the mortal enemy of this council , concerning which dioscorus ( for likeness of the subject ) i observe the notes say , the aegyptians gave him ( oh horrible ) divine honours , and religious worship after his death o ; which means no more , as baronius ( the author of the story ) saith , but that they worshipped him as a saint , and gave him such religious worship as they give to saints p . now the wary romanists will not say these are divine honours , much less were they such honours , as were paid to any saints in this age , or some that followed : but when modern writers speak of ancient times , they often speak in modern phrases ; and so binius took it to be the same thing to honour dioscorus as a saint , and to give him religious worship , because they at rome now give religious worship to those they canonize . and this may suffice for this famous council , wherein leo ( being all along orthodox , while the patriarchs of most other great sees had been either faulty or suspected ) had the greatest advantage imaginable to carry on his great design of setting up for the supremacy ; and though by this accident , which he and his legates improved , higher titles are given him , than to any of his predecessors or successors for some ages in any council ; yet if the forgeries and corruptions be abated , and the fallacious notes well understood , there is no ground from any thing here said or done , to think the fathers at chalcedon took this pope for the sole , supreme and visible head of the catholick church . an appendix concerning baronius's annals . § . . this century proving so full of various observations as to swell beyond our expectations , we must here divert a-while , to view the errors in barvnius , lest the deferring these observations to the last , should make the reader forget the series of affairs already past , by laying these matters too far from the history of that time to which these notes belong ; and for brevity sake , as well as for the clearer seeing into this authors fallacies , we will follow our former method . and first we will observe , that when he would set up any doctrines , or justifie any practices of the modern corrupt roman church , he generally cites spurious authors , or such as writ so long after this time , that their testimony is justly suspected , since no authors of this age do mention any such thing . the miracle of julia , a manichean heretick woman , struck dead by porphyrius , bishop of gaza , when he could not convert her by arguments , is taken out of a latin copy ascribed to one mark , a deacon of gaza , very improbably ; but the stress of the evidence lies upon the credit of metaphrastes , lipoman and surius the collectors of legends , who trade in few others but spurious authors q . it were to be wished we had some better evidence of st. ambrose's appearing after his death , and promising victory over the goths , than a womans testimony : for both orosius and st. augustin , who write of that victory , ascribe it wholly to the power of god , and mention no saint concerned therein . and baronius cites both these , as well as the credulous paulinus , who for advancing the credit of st. ambrose , records an old-wives tale , not supported by any credible evidence r . the ridiculous story of st. paul's appearing to st. chrysostom , who is pretended to have had the picture of st. paul in his study , and to have discoursed with the sensless image , is not proved by any author near that age , but by leo the philosopher and emperor , who lived year after , and writ a very fabulous history of st. chrysostom's life ; and by a spurious tract of damascens , who lived year after chrysostom's death s . yet upon these false legends the annalist triumphs over those who oppose image-worship . like to this , is that fabulous story of theophilus , bishop of alexandria , not being able to die in peace till the image of st. chysostom was brought to him , and he had adored it t ; which he hath no other authority for , than the aforesaid spurious book ascribed to a late author damascen ; for the writers of this age mention no such thing : and there can be no doubt but the relation is false , because st. cyril , theophilus his nephew and successor continued for some time to have as ill an opinion of st. chrysostom , as his uncle had to his last breath , as his letter to atticus ( in baronius ) u shews : and therefore there is a story invented of a vision appearing to st. cyril , by which he was terrified into a good opinion of st. chrysostom : but though the quarrel he had at first to his memory be real , this apparition is feigned , and proved by no elder nor better authors w than nicetus and nicephorus . another forgery of st. cyril's removing the relicts of st. mark , and other saints into a church , newly built in place of an idol-temple , and thereby clearing it from evil spirits , hath no better authority than certain legends read in that woful council of nice , which set up image-worship year after this age x . the revelation of the relicks of st. stephen , pretended to be writ by lucian , is transcribed by the annalist , but it contains many improbable lies , and frivolous impertinencies , such as gamaliel ( the master of st. paul ) being a priest , and that st. stephen's body was exposed to wild beasts by the command of wicked princes , and that the way to engage st. stephen , gamaliel and the rest to interceed for them , was to build a chappel over their relicks , with many more absurd passages : so that indeed it is fitter to be derided , or left to the moths and batts , than to stand in a church history ( y ) . he cites for this one of st. augustin's sermons de diversis ; but it is supposititious , and therefore can be no evidence for this fable z : and it is a mighty prejudice to the whole relation , that st. hierom , who lived at bethlehem at this very time , doth not confirm it , no not in his fierce discourse against the mistaken opinion of vigilantius , who ( as he thought ) denied even common respect to be shewed to the bones of martyrs : and it is like sozomen did not like the story , because he ends his history with a promise to give an account of the invention of these relicks of st. stephen , but he omits it a ; though he writes out another legend there of the finding the body of zechary the prophet , of which he brings no other proof , but that he had been told this story b . but it is very unlikely , that the jews should have no regard to the bodies of their own prophets , nor know of any vertue in them , and yet after so many hundred years , the christians should find such power in their supposed dust ; and it is one of the greatest blots upon the latter end of this century , that their superstition made them too credulous and apt to be imposed on with fables of this kind , in which there is scarce any verisimilitude , or shadow of probability : which led the following ages into greater errors , and had worse effects than were foreseen by those easie and well-meaning writers , who hastily took up these false reports : which note i am obliged to insert here , to caution the reader against divers relations of miracles in baronius about this time , for some of which he cites authors , who are in other things credible enough c . to proceed , it is no great credit for the pope , that he and the western bishops mistook the time of easter a whole month , and were reproved by a miraculous appearance of water in the font on the right day of easter , if the story be true d : however to confirm this relation , baronius hath put together a great many such like miracles , but writ by later authors , ( cassiodorus an. . gregory turonensis an. . sophronius an. . ) when all men doted on these reports : but it is a little hard , that he should charge the reformed christians with being mad , for not believing these suspicious relations , and accuse them with deriding the consecration of baptismal water e ; which is a known practice in all regular protestant churches . a litle after he would prove the antiquity of the mass by a spurious sermon , faslly ascribed to st. augustin , viz. de temp . ser. . f : and he transcribes a suspicious epistle full of improbable stories for nine pages together , about the miracles wrought by st. stevens relicks , which epistle he would prove by another tract equally fabulous , which some say , was writ by evodius an african bishop ; others think it was only dedicated to him , in which are domnus and domna ( after the gallican fashion in later ages ) for dominus and domina : but the judicious reader who compares these legends with other writings of this learned age , will easily discern both these tracts to be forgeries of the modern superstitious times g : so that perhaps one miracle-monger made them both . and baronius had justified neither of them , if he had remembred what himself says of a spurious tract of the acts of st. hierom , viz. that the candor of ecclesiastical truth , and the modesty of christian sincerity , abhors always that which is feigned , rejects and accurses all that is spurious ; the true faith always bitterly hating and severely punishing every lye with the author of it h : but his practice is every where contrary to this profession . and soon after he cites the lives of the fathers , under theodoret's name , to prove the efficacy of st. john baptist's prayers , as to the conversion of the marcionites , whereas the epistle of theodoret there cited , ascribes it to the divine ayd i . and this fabulous book of the lives of the fathers is despicable for its gross absurdities , and can be none of theodorets , because it contains many miracles , that simeon stylites wrought after his death ; and baronius himself owns , that theodoret dyed seven year before this simeon k : yet this is the man who is so severe an enemy to all feigned tracts , who again , cites the rules for conjugal chastity as prescribed by st. augustin , but finds them only in a forged sermon , ( de temp. pag. . falsly ascribed to that modest father l ; wherein there is so much obscenity , as cannot be supposed to proceed out of st. augustin's mouth in publick , and such as is hardly fit for christian ears : besides many things that would be hissed at in any sober auditory m . again , he cites sophronius his pratum spirituale , as a book of good credit , and relating an apparition of the blessed virgin as it truly happened n : whereas both possevine and baronius himself confess this book to be full of fables , and of no credit o ; and the author of it lived above year after , in a credulous and ignorant , as well as a superstitious age , whose name was not sophronius , but joannes moschus : upon whose credit he would not have relied so much , had he observed a rule of his own , that he who writes the history of his own time is of greater authority , than he who writes after many ages p ; which rule he breaks in the very next page , by justifying a legend writ by gregory , the author of the dialogues , long after the year , and cited by eulogius of corduba , an. . concerning paulinus of nola , who died an. . as a writer of paulinus own age testifies there q : whereas if this fable were true , ( as those late writers relate it ) paulinus must be alive years after ; so that he credits later writers in contradiction to those of the same age. we have often seen modern authors describing the holy men of this and former ages , with images , crucifixes , &c. but constantius , who about this time writ the life of st. germanus , mentions no images or crucifix among that which he left at his death , but only a box of relicks , the sole point wherein superstion was advanced as yet r . and whereas late writers of the saints lives speak of addresses to the blessed virgin , to deceased saints , &c. this old author mentions only prayers to god ; for those other kind of prayers were not used in this age. a little after he tells more fables about the translation of the relicks of st. stephen to constantinople out of late and unfaithful authors , such as cedrenus , nicephorus , nicetus , &c. but he himself observes , that they do not agree as to the time , nor the quantity of the relicks translated s : and this disagreement should have made him suspect the whole for an imposture . and if the reader consider what incredible stories are told of the miracles wrought by the relicks of this one martyr , in sardinia , africk , spain , palestine and constantinople , &c. he must believe they cut his body into as many pieces as there were stones thrown at him , and will wonder how the body could become whole again , and be intirely translated out of palestine in the year . what theodoret relates of one african virgin captive , may be believed to be true , and that relation hath no miracle in it : but when ado , of vienna , writ the acts of another virgin , called julia , captivated at the same time , he hath stuffed the story with miracles t ; and the only reason of this difference is , that this later author writ his martyrology , anno , that is , above year after , when legends grew to be more in fashion . the annalist takes great pains to prove certain homilies ( which some ascribe to eusebius emissenus , others to faustus rhegiensis , others to caesarius of arles ) to be the work of eucherius , bishop of lyons ; but as the author is uncertain , the matter of them is justly to be condemned , being full of superstitions , and some that came not in till the corrupter and later ages u . however , baronius was obliged to get these homilies ascribed to some writer of good repute , since many of the evil practices and errors of their church w , which cannot be justified by known and genuine authors , are defended by such obscure tracts as this . again , we have a very absurd story of st. cyril's convincing a monk that melchisedech was not the son of god , by a revelation made to the monk himself , who had fallen into that error x : but that fable of cyril's being a monk upon mount carmel , is so gross , that he rejects it with this note , that a vehement desire to seem of antient extraction , makes men sometimes to dote y ; which remark is most true of almost all the monastick orders of the roman church ; for aventinus , an excellent historian , of their own communion , affirms , he had discovered the monks were wont to delight the minds of the vile populace with feigned tales , invented for gain , to make the original of their temples more noble and august z . he brings in a ridiculous story of an image of the blessed virgin , found in a cypress tree , and of a church built in the place by one cyrus , bishop of smirna ; but the credit of this relies only upon nicephorus , a modern and fabulous author . and at the same place he brings in a fiction of an image of our saviour , wounded by a jew , but he knows not when this matter hapned ; he thinks not till after the second nicene council ; but why then doth he mention it in this age ? no doubt to abuse his reader into a belief that images were then in use . but the story it self is all over legend , and not more authentick for being recorded in their publick monuments , and read in some churches in the corrupt ages a , in which there are the grossest romances imaginable . a little after he taxeth nicephorus for unfaithfulness and great mistakes in his relations ; yet immediately he cites him as good evidence for relicks belonging to the blessed virgin b . in the next year we have two ridiculous stories , the one of st. stephens praying to st. peter and st. paul to spare his chappel , when mets was sack'd and burn'd by the hunns c ; the other of a drunken man , shut up all night in st. peter's church at rome , and heard st. peter and st. paul talking together : but telling their discourse next morning , he was struck blind d . upon which last miracle , baronius gathers , that blind men may see great benefits are received by the intercession of saints . but i should rather think , he was blind indeed that could not discern these to be meer fables ; and truly the only author he cites for them is gregory turonensis , who lived year after , and is full of these fictions , contradicting even salvian , who lived in that country at this very time . but it is observable , that the writers of the lives of st. lupus and anianus ( cited in this very place ) do mention these holy men as praying only to god in these calamities e : for the direct invocation of saints was not used , no not when those lives were written . again , after the council of chalcedon had been confirmed by the most legal and authentick ways , it is very ridiculous in this great annalist to cite so many frivolous stories out of legends , how some ignorant and enthusiastical monks confirmed it , or were convinced by miracles , that it was a genuine and orthodox council f : for he cites no better author than surius for these fables , yet relates them with great confidence ; but this cause needs no such evidence . § . . secondly , we will note some passages in genuine authors , which he hath corrupted to serve a turn : he that reads baronius his note in the year . that it was an ancient custom to paint the saints in the churches , and that they use to worship them , with kindling lamps before them g , would imagine this superstition was ancient in the beginning of the fifth century ; whereas the author he cites for this is venantius fortunatus , who lived till the year . that is , year after , and though he speak of a picture drawn on a wall , and a lamp beside it , doth not mention that as any worship to the picture , that is baronius's own addition . again , when he cites a law of theodosius prohibiting the jews to burn any cross in contempt of christianity , he adds , that they burnt the cross together with our saviour crucified on it h ; but that is his own invention ; the custom of making a cross alone being indeed very ancient , but the adding the figure of our saviour to it , which they call properly a crucifix , is but a late device , and seems not at all to be referred to in that law. to proceed , he makes synesius a notorious dissembler , when he declares he had most solemnly protested to theophilus , who was to consecrate him bishop of prolemais , that he would not accept that order , unless he might live with his wife as before time i . now whoever reads that letter may see that synesius professes he tells truth in this relation ; yea , he solemnly calls god and men to witness , that it is true ; he observes truth is one of god's attributes , and most pleasing to him : yet baronius will have him to use the art of lying , in all these protestations , because forsooth he cannot think theophilus would ordain a bishop , who should live with , and have children by his wife ; that is , he measures the primitive church ( in which there were divers bishops married ) by their modern corrupt roman standard . and this sincere father must be made to mock god , and deceive men , and exposed as a notorious liar and dissembler , rather than there should seem to be any difference between the primitive church and theirs in the point of the clergies marriage . again , he observes out of st. augustin k , that he accounted the council of sardica heretical , because julius , bishop of rome , was condemned there ; and he infers , that whatever was said or done against the pope was of evil fame among the antients l : but if st. augustin had not been misrepresented , there had been no room for this fallacious note . st. augustin blames this council ( in the second place cited ) as heretical for condemning athanasius , and doth not mention pope julius there at all ; and in the former place he names athanasius first , and julius only in the second place ; and he blames them not for condemning him as bishop of rome , but because he was orthodox , as athanasius was . wherefore baronius leaves out the main part of st. augustin's argument , only to bring in a false and flattering inference for the popes supremacy . and i have observed before , he falsly gathers , that the roman church was the sole standard of catholick communion in cecilian's time , from a place where st. augustin saith , cecilian of carthage , was a catholick , because he was in communion with the roman church , and other lands from whence the gospel came into africa m ; that is , he was in communion with the eastern as well as the western church . but baronius is so dazled with rome , that where that is found in any sentence , he can see nothing else : and therefore when he cites this very place again a little after , he would prove that carthage owned a right in the roman church to receive appeals , and this , contrary to the express protestation of that african council , wherein st. augustin was present ; and the place it self doth not mention any appeals , and speaks of communion with other churches as well as rome n ; and so would equally prove a right in other bishops as well as the pope , to receive appeals from africa , if that had been spoken of there . further , from socrates his relation of a bishop of gyzicum , named by sisinnius , patriarch of constantinople , but not received , by reason of their mistaking a late law made to confirm the priviledges of that see of constantinople , and this in the time of a mild and quiet bishop ; he infers , that this patriarch challenged no right , no not in hollospont , by the canon of any general council o . now his naming a bishop for this city , shews he challenged a right , which was well known to be his due , both by the canon of the second general council , and by this late law ; but a peaceable mans receding from his right , after he hath made his claim , rather than provoke a factious city , is no proof there was no right , as baronius doth pretend . i observe also , that the latin version of an epistle to the council of ephesus , hath these words , cujus reliquias praesentes veneramini : which is to abuse the reader into an apprehension , that the relicks of st. john were worshipped in that age p : but the greek word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q , which imports no more than that they were honoured , which is far less than that which rome now gives even to feigned relicks of uncertain saints . a like falshood about the people of ephesus worshipping the blessed virgin , i noted before r . again , he manifestly perverts a phrase of theodosius , the eastern emperor , in his epistle to acacius , where he advises the nestorians to shew themselves approved-bishops of the roman religion s ; which baronius pretends , respects the western church of old rome in italy ; but the emperor plainly refers to his own empire in the east , which was then generally orthodox , and against nestorius : constantinople is often called rome , without any other addition ; and romania , or the roman empire , is in many authors of these ages , put only for the eastern part of it . it is also very odd , that he should cite basil's epistles to prove that the roman church was wont to send legates to regulate affairs in the eastern churches t : whereas st. basil in many epistles grievously complains of the pride of the west , and of their despising the calamities of the east , not so much as giving them that brotherly aid , which they might expect , when they were in great distress ; but there is not one syllable of any jurisdiction which the pope then did so much as pretend to over those eastern churches . leo was the first who ventured to make any steps towards this usurpation , an hundred years after st. basil's time . to this device we may add his silent passing by all that makes against the roman church ; but being large in his notes upon any thing which seems to make for it , how many words doth he every where use when one is described to be orthodox , for communicating with an orthodox pope ? but when those are declared to be orthodox who communicated with the patriarchs of constantinople , alexandria and antioch ( at that time differing from the pope ) u , we have not one observation of the honour of those sees . thus though he cite innumerable heretical and illiterate writings , meerly to confirm some incredible miracle or superstitious practice , without any censure passed on them ; yet when he comes to mention the imperfect work on st. mathew , ascribed to st. chrysostom ( which many roman writers highly commend , as writ by a catholick , antient and learned author ) w , he falls into a fit of railing against it , as heretical , and what not , because in that book we are told , the scripture is the only rule by which true christians may judge of the right faith x : which sentence , though it condemn the new romish way , yet it is agreeable to the primitive and most orthodox fathers , who very often say the same thing . * and baronius relates a little before , that a certain bishop who wrought miracles , and converted many pagans , charged his new converts to apply themselves diligently to read the holy scriptures . moreover he brings in a quotation out of st. augustin , with a long preface , because he designs to misapply it to justifie the roman supremacy : but the place it self plainly supposes the western to be but one part of the catholick church ; only he thinks the authority of latin fathers alone , and of innocent , a successor of the apostles , chief of this western church , might suffice his adversary ( who was one of the latin church ) . and as to innocent's opinion he might be sure it would agree with what the african councils had declared , and the roman church constantly held with other churches y : where we see innocent is only set out as the first in order of dignity in the western church , and his opinion supposed to be right , not because of the infallibility of his see , or any supream power in him to judge in matters of faith , but because he agreed with the african and other churches ; and now de facto took the orthodox side : wherefore when zosimus , and other succeeding popes favoured these pelagians , the dignity of his see did not secure them from the censures of the african fathers , as we shewed before . § . . we pass thirdly to his rare faculty of supposing things without any proof , and sometimes making inferences from his own inventions , for the advantage of rome : so when a few persecuted eastern bishops of chrysostom's party fled to the roman church to avoid the storm , their own patriarchs being all combined against them , baronius saith , they fled to it as to their mother , being admonished by the examples of their predecessors : and he goes on to insinuate a very false thing , viz. that all the bishops who were persecuted by the arrians in constantin ' s time , in the east , fled to rome z . whereas only some few came both then and now , and dire necessity had left them no choice , nor other refuge . thus he resolves ruffinus shall be a pelagian heretick ; and out of a council whose acts are not extant , and the relation of it only saith , celestius was condemned there ; he will have ruffinus condemned in that council upon meer conjecture , and can no other ways prove him a heretick , but by one witness , even this heretick celestius , who being in a strait , cited ruffinus's words , but probably very falsly a ; so that one heretick shall be sufficient evidence against a man that baronius hates ; but many orthodox witnesses will not persuade him that innocent favoured the pelagians almost to the end of his life . it is an odd conjecture that st. hierom would not translate any of theophilus his paschal epistles , after once he differed with pope innocent about restoring st. chrysostom's name into the dypticks b : for except another guess of his own , without any manner of evidence c , there is no appearance that ever st. hierom was concerned for st. chrysostom's sufferings ; and it is certain he was kind with his mortal enemy theophilus in the year of christ , when he got him to be banished ; and it would be very strange that st. hierom should refuse to translate any more of theophilus's epistles , on the account of a quarrel between him and pope innocent about restoring chrysostom's name into the dypticks , since the last paschal epistle translated by hierom , was writ anno ; and baronius saith , theophilus writ every year one till anno , but chrysostom died not till anno ; and innocent himself did not quarrel with theophilus till long after the year : so that the cardinal contradicts himself , meerly to support an idle conjecture , viz. that all eminent fathers loved and hated only those who were loved and hated by the pope : and into what absurdities and contradictions this fancy hath led him , may be seen by comparing those two places aforecited together ; and we may note , that though it be certain theophilus died unreconciled to chrysostom's memory , or to innocent , yet baronius shews he was commended as a most approved bishop d , for so it seems a man might be , though he had a difference with the bishop of rome . again , it is a bare supposition , that the priviledges of the patriarch of constantinople asserted in the province of illiricum , by a law of theodosius , was founded upon the false suggestions of atticus e : for the very law it self forbids innovations , and requires the ancient canons and customs , thus far observed , should be in force , on which theodosius plainly grounds the jurisdiction of the bishop of constantinople in this province : so that he refers to the canon of the second general council of constantinople , and the usage ever since ; and how could this proceed from any false suggestions of atticus ? to proceed , prosper relating germanus his going into britain , as some think , mistakes the time at least seventeen years f , and says nothing of st. lupus his companion in that journey ; howbeit , because prosper saith the pope sent st. germanus , baronius will have him to be authentick , contrary to all other authors g , who affirm st. germanus and lupus were sent by a gallican council , to whom a petition from the british bishops was sent : however he affirms it for a certainty soon after h , that st. germanus was the popes legate into britain , which he had but half proved before . and one author , who speaks favourably of the popes authority , shall be believed against many of equal credit who speak otherwise : i grant prosper is a credible writer ; only he is apt , for the credit of the cause , always to bring in the popes as enemies to the pelagians , sometimes without reason ; and constantine , bede with others who write of this journey into britain , and ascribe this mission to a french council , deserve more credit in that particular than he . a little after , upon cyril's mentioning nestorius's writing to the roman bishop , in hopes to draw him to his opinion : baronius supposes of his own head , that it was an ancient use in controversies of faith to write to the bishop of rome , and that the part he chose was generally favoured ; so that if nestorius could persuade him , the whole catholick church would follow his judgment i ; which is all chimaera , for pope victor , stephen and liberius of old , vigilius and honorius afterward , found opposition enough ( for all the dignity of their place ) when they seemed to other bishops to take the wrong side . from a fabulous writer called probus k who hath given us a legend of st. patrick's life ; he not only confidently affirms that pope celestine sent this patrick to convert the irish , but infers from thence , that it was clear to all men , the gospel was to be received from the apostolical see for the conversion of the pagans l . whereas it is not clear that st. patrick was sent from rome ; but it is clear , that other heathen countries have received the gospel by the care of other patriarchs and eminent bishops ; so that his ground is but conjecture , and the superstructure wholly vain . 't is true indeed , that pope leo , to shew his authority , desired three bishops of sicily to appear in his annual roman council once a year , and was the first pope who put this yoke upon them ; but how this new encroachment shews the ancient observance of holding councils of bishops twice a year , is very hard to conjecture m : only when a pope alters the fathers customs , the annalist will suppose he observes and confirms them : and he could see no usurpation in this popes calling the sicilian bishops yearly to rome , against the ancient usage . but when dioscorus of alexandria would have encroached upon the bishops of syria , he blames him severely n . we shall not mention the authority of the writings of athanasius , cyril and other eminent bishops of other sees , in controversies of faith : but it is very imposing for baronius to suppose , the pope presided as the master over the whole christian world , and out of his high throne taught all men the catholick faith o ; and all this only , because leo had the good fortune ( by his secretary prosper's help ) to write one orthodox epistle against eutyches in a lucky time , when a council was to be called to condemn that heresie : as to the author of it eutyches , it was always a rule in the church to receive even the inventors of heresies , if they would renounce their errors : so that for leo to say ( in his letter to the council of chalcedon ) he thought they might deal so with eutyches , is no manner of ground for baronius to suppose , that this was a special favour indulged to that general council by the pope , contrary to ecclesiastical laws and customs p . for it is well known , that a general council in that age gave laws to the pope , but did not receive any from him ; and whatever leo's opinion might be , the council were sole judges of the terms on which eutyches was to be restored ; and had he recanted they would have received him into communion by their own authority , since arius , nestorius and pelagius had that favour offered them by former councils , and eutyches would have found the like kindness here , if the pope had said nothing at all of the matter : wherefore the annalist hath crouded many falshoods into a few lines only , to persuade his weak readers , that the pope was above a general council . and to make him seem above all the other patriarchs , he supposes from a letter of theodosius the emperor , which he never saw , and which is not extant , that the emperor writ to rome about the succession of anatolius at constantinople , knowing it to be the head of all churches q . this is a groundless conjecture , because he doth not so much as know in what style theodosius writ ; and it was an ancient custom , for to give notice to all the absent patriarchs , when any new one was elected , and the patriarch elect ( even he of rome ) was obliged to satisfie the rest by letters , that he held the orthodox faith. certain it is that theodosius valued not leo much ; because he confirmed the condemnation of flavionus , though he knew that pope and his legates were of his side ; and it is plain by the best historians that he died in this opinion : nor can baronius prove , that theodosius repented of that mistaken judgment otherwise , than by nioephorus ( an author of no credit when single , ) or that he obeyed the pope before his death r ; for this last he can cite no author at all , and it is not only a conjecture of his own , but a very false one . for the last letter that ever theodosius writ to valentinian , not many months before his death s , shews how little he esteemed leo's request for a new general council , and how close he stuck to dioscorus , leo's enemy ; and therefore he could not write after this to leo , as head of the church . his successor indeed , marcianus , had some reason to caress the pope , and therefore he writes more respectfully to him than other emperors had used to do t : yet even in that first letter of his he must be very sagacious , who can discorn what baronius again supposes , that marcian turned his eyes to the chief visible head of the church , resolving to do all things by his command , or ( as he phrases it ) to be at his beck : for even in this highest strain of complement marcian saith no more , but that since leo had a principal bishoprick among the true believers , he desires him to pray for him , that he might resolve to call a council with leo ' s consent , to take away all error and settle a general peace u . which implies the power of calling councils was in the emperor , and the popes part was only to consent as one of the chief bishops , who was there to meet and consult : and if marcian had known or believed leo to be the sole supream judge of all controversies , he would not have been at the trouble of calling a general council , but referred all to him . § . . the rest of my observations on baronius shall be put in order of time for the better assistance of the reader , and not under those several heads which doth too much separate and confound things . when s. hierom , after three years labouring with pope anastasius , had at last got him and the roman church to condemn ruffinus , he then at that time prudently appeals to the roman churches faith for trial , whether he or ruffinus were the better catholick : but baronius , when he hath cited some words of s. hierom against ruffinus to this purpose , grosly prevaricates when he infers ; you see it was an undoubted maxim , customary in the mouths of all the ancients , and a necessary consequence , that if one were said to follow the roman faith , he must needs be a catholick w . for if we hear one father when he had the pope on his side in a particular controversie say this , this is not all the ancients : and many of them describe themselves , as being of the faith of athanasius , cyril , flavianus , &c. or holding the faith of the churches of alexandria , antioch , constantinople , &c. to prove themselves catholick ; and if s. hierom did instance now in rome , the consequence depended on the orthodoxness of the present pope , not on the infallibility of his see. and pope gelasius afterward confesseth , that the roman church in this point was guided intirely by s. hierom , she thought as he thought x . so that to make a general conclusion from such a special case , is very unreasonable ; and s. hierom himself a little after is cited , declaring the consent of many churches is of greater authority , than that of the roman alone y . it had been well if their roman church had considered the peril of idolatry , when they went about to establish the use or images , as baronius tells us theodosius did , when he made a law to prohibit any adoration to be given to his own statues , because such worship as exceeds the dignity of human nature , is to be reserved to the divine majesty . in the same place he relates how s. chrysostom reproved the people for their folly at the dedication of the empresses statue ; because it is easie in those matters to run into the sin of idolatry z . which observations of his own stand on record in these annals , to condemn that church which orders veneration , and all other expressions of reverence to be made to all sorts of images of the saints . again , he exposes his dear church in observing , that the ancients preserved both the consecrated elements of the sacrament in the church . but no sooner had he condemned us for not following this ancient usage , but he mentions as great an innovation in their own church , for he owns they have forbid the preserving any thing but the species of bread a . now i would ask , who differ most from antiquity , they who totally take away one part of the sacrament from the people , and keep only the bread to be worshipped : or we who give both bread and wine to the people as they did , and provide both , newly consecrated , for the sick , when there is occasion , but reserve neither for worship ? which was the usage of the first and purest times . and why may not we forbid the needless reserving of the sacrament in either kind , as well as they may prohibit it in one kind ? but so insatiable is his desire to extol the roman church , that though he cite all he can find of this sort good and bad , he wishes ( in one place ) he could find some things , which are not to be found , that he might let his style run out on so luscious a subject b . we note also , that how much soever the romanists here in the reign of king james the second were for toleration , because it was their interest , baronius highly commends the severe penal laws made by arcadius and honorius against such as differed from the established way of worship and profession of faith c ; for baronius is always a bitter enemy to toleration , and stiffly opposes the taking away any penal laws . moreover it is observable , that though his office be to write an history and relate matter of fact : when he comes to s. hierom's book against vigilantius , he puts on the character of a disputant , and makes large digressions to the hereticks , ( as he calls the reformed ) to justifie such a veneration of relicks , and such a kind of worship of saints , as rome uses at this day ; which kind of veneration and worship s. hierom would have condemned as well as vigilantius d , had it been practised in that age. he notes that upon the difference between theophilus and the pope about s. chrysostom , a council of carthage writ to innocent , that the churches of rome and alexandria should keep that peace mutually which the lord enjoyned e . which shews , those african fathers did not think one of these churches superior in authority to the other ; for if so , they had no need to write to innocent , but only to theophilus , to submit to the supream bishop : for that was the only way to settle a peace , if innocent's supremacy had been then allowed . and it is a vain and false conjecture , that if theophilus had writ any paschal epistles after his difference with innocent , no catholick would have received them f . for divers eminent and orthodox bishops writ to theophilus , and received letters from him after this ; yea , synesius himself writes to him , to determine a question by the authority of his apostolical succession g , and he lived and died with the repute of a catholick , though ( as i have shewed ) he never did yield to pope innocent in the case of s. chrysostom . alike groundless is his conjecture , that arcadius laboured to wipe out the stains he had contracted in persecuting s. chrysostom , by translating the relicks of the prophet samuel , and by going into a martyrs temple and there praying ( not to the martyr , observe that , but ) to god h . for if we set aside the two forged epistles recorded by baronius , pag. . there is no good evidence that arcadius , at the time when the aforesaid acts were done , was convinced he had done any fault in the affair of s. chrysostom ; wherefore he could have no design to purge himself from a fault he did not own at that time . in the next year he spoils one argument to prove theirs the true church , viz. by miracles , since he owns atticus , bishop of constantinople , did work a miracle even before he held communion with the roman church i . so that if miracles prove a true church , then a church that separates from the roman communion may be a true church . of which also we have another instance soon after , where the church of antioch was in a difference with rome for many years , ( theodoret saith , years , ) yet all that while she was owned by the best catholicks for a true church k . nor do i see how that can be true which baronius affirms , that the cause of restoring the eastern bishops to communion in chrysostom ' s case , was only decided by pope innocent , since alexander of antioch did transact this affair in the east , and western bishops subscribed with innocent in the west , to testifie their consent to this agreement of alexanders l ; yea , thodoret ascribes this , not to the pope alone , but to all the bishops of the west m . but the annalist will have all things done by the pope alone , right or wrong . poor socrates is branded for a novatian heretick , because he saith , it was not the usage of the catholick church to persecute n . yet the emperor marcian o , and pope gregory p , who were both i hope very good catholicks , say the same thing ; and therefore we may discern baronius his spirit , in being so bitter against all who censure persecuting . in the same year we may see , that the bishops under theophilus jurisdiction ( for all his quarrel at that time with the pope ) did reserve the greater cases to his decision q ; and yet were very good catholicks all the while . when a bishop pleads for mercy to such as have principally offended the church , those intercessions with pious magistrates ought to have the force of commands ; but to make a general inference from hence , that bishops ought to command things agreeable to the christian law to magistrates r , is to stretch the instance too far . but there is another obvious note from s. augustine's petitioning and urging marcellinus to spare the hereticks , and not execute the severity of the temporal laws upon them , which baronius would not observe , viz. that the primitive bishops used their power and interest to get hereticks spared by secular magistrates , whereas the inquisitors use their power now to oblige the lay-magistrates to kill and destroy them . further it is observable , that he takes upon him to interpret gods judgments in favour of his own party ; and thus he expounds the goths invading france , to be a punishment for the heresies there broke out s , which salvian more piously makes to be a scourge for their immoralities . but i note , that it was but two year before that alaricus wasted italy , and took rome it self ; yet baronius could not discern any heresies there , but his general maxim is , that god is wont to bring destruction on those countries where heresies arise . now one might observe leo's attempts to usurp a supremacy over all other bishops , and the many pious frauds used and beginning now to be countenanced at rome , about false relicks and feigned miracles , were as probable occasions of the divine judgments in italy , as those he assigns in france . to proceed , i cannot apprehend how atticus could have so little wit in his anger against rome , as to call paulinus and evagrius ( successively bishops of antioch ) schismaticks , meerly for communicating with the roman church , and this in a letter to so great a patriarch as s. cyril t , if he had known it to be then generally acknowledged ( as baronius often pretends , ) that to be in communion with rome was a certain sign of a catholick ; and to differ with it , a sure note of a schismatick . but s. cyril's reproving atticus for restoring chrysostom's name into the dyptics ( which was the known desire of pope innocent ) shews u , how little the rest of the patriarchs valued the judgment or the authority of the popes , when they supposed them to be mistaken in the case : for none could or durst have so severely censured the opinion of a person taken to be a supream and infallible judge . again , i wonder how baronius could record without some reflection s. augustin's speaking of orosius his journey from spain into africa , only out of zeal to understand the scriptures , and his sending him to palestine to s. hierom on that errand w . for according to the cardinals notion , he should have been more zealous for catholick tradition , than for scripture , and rome was the only place both to learn that in perfection , and by that to interpret the scriptures unerringly ; and this was nearer to spain than either hippo or bethlehem . but while he owns , that the salvation of some , after they had been purged by the internal fire , was one of the errors of origen , and counted an error both by orosius and augustine x , it seems to look ill upon purgatory , which their modern church hath made a catholick truth ; but the primitive censured it as a false doctrine . the reader also may note , that when he is commending theodosius for his piery , he magnifies him for fasting upon wednesdays and fridays y , ( the days now appointed for abstinence by the protestant church of england ) : so that a man may be a pious catholick and not keep the fasting-days appointed by the roman church , viz. fridays and saturdays . moreover he contradicts himself when he saith , according to the ancient usage of speaking , by the apostolical seat , is always to be understood the roman church z : whereas he hath often owned the other patriarchs sees had the title of apostolical thrones and seats ; and a little after cites sidonius calling lupus bishop of troys , a bishop of bishops , who had sat a long time in an apostolical seat a , he cites possidius in the life of s. augustine , to prove the pelagians were first condemned at rome , and then at carthage b . but if the reader consult that author , he will find that s. augustine writ against them , and that they went near to draw in first innocent and then zosimus to their party , till the councils of holy african bishops had with much labour persuaded first the one of these popes , and then the other , that this was an abominable heresie and contrary to the catholick faith c : all which the cardinal leaves out , and from half the story makes a false marginal note , viz. that these hereticks were first condemned at rome , and then at carthage : which is every way false ; for if it be meant of innocent's time , it is certain that the african councils under the primate of carthage ; yea , that of milevis had solemnly condemned pelagianism before this pope would openly condemn them , he being under suspicion of favouring that heresie to the last year of his life d ; and this council of carthage did condemn these hereticks while zosimus did defend them ; so that africk , not rome , first discovered and censured this heresie . he also falsly cites the preface of s. augustine's books to pope boniface , against the pelagians , telling us he affirms , that the pope being most eminent in the highest top of the pastoral watch-tower , did watch over all ; and from hence infers , that though s. augustine and others sometimes call the pope brother , and colleague , yet still they own his supream pastoral power e . but all that s. augustine there saith is this , communisque sit omnibus nobis qui fungimur episcopatûs officio ( quamvis ipse in eo praeemineas celsiore fastigio ) specula pastoralis : the pastoral watching is common to all of us who are bishops , though you have the advantage of a higher station f . which words only intimate the dignity of the roman see , as to order ; but plainly declare bishops to have equal obligations to guard the church . and whereas a little after , from s. augustine's modest complement of sending these books to boniface , to examine and correct , he would infinuate something of supremacy in judging : this is no more than the same father used to do to all other bishops to whom he dedicated his books ; so he desires claudius , a private bishop to read and judge of his books against julian , dedicated to him g . this therefore ascribes no infallibility to rome ; and if s. augustine himself had not judged better of pelagianism than any pope of these times , it would not have been condemned there to this day . after all these instances of sincerity , we cannot wonder that he falls upon the reformed as innovators , for refusing to stand to a general council , and so worse than the pelagians who desired one h . but this calumny will soon be dispelled , if we call to mind the breach of faith used to such as had trusted rome , in the council of constance ; the tricks used by the popes before the council of trent for many years together , to avoid a general council , when the reformed earnestly desired one ; and the great partiality of that packt assembly at trent , who met not to examine or amend abuses , but to establish them , and had resolved to condemn the protestants before they heard them . it is something odd , that baronius should quote gelasius his censure of the legends and acts of martyrs , that some of them were writ by ideots , and some by hereticks ; wherefore the roman church then used not to read them in publick i . for this condemns him for filling so many pages of his annals with this fabulous stuff , and discovers an alteration in the roman church , which of old was wiser and honester than to read those feigned legends , that in after ages took up a great part of their publick service . we may further observe , that leporius , an arch-heretick recants in africa , and applies himself to the gallican bishops only , without any notice taken of rome or pope boniface k ; which confutes what the annalist often affirms , that all great hereticks were obliged to recant at rome . he publisheth a rescript of theodosius , and bids us observe , that it contains the principal feasts received by the christians : now these are sundays , christmas and epiphany , easter and pentecost , with the memory of the apostles passions , which is a protestant catalogue ; and there is not one feast of our blessed lady , holy cross , corpus christi , &c. which are now so famous at rome in all this number assigned by theodosius l ; which shews they are innovations , and the effects of modern superstition . he relates it as the custom of s. augustine and other bishops , as well as of pope celestine , to salute presbyters by the name of sons , and bishops by the name of brothers m , which looks not favourably on the pope's universal superiority above all bishops whatsoever . when pope gregory grosly mistakes sozomen's history for theodoret's , baronius had better have owned it ; for none ever thought popes infallible in their quotations ; but the cardinal resolves right or wrong to vindicate gregory n , who rejects sozomen's history for that passage which is in theodoret , but is not in sozomen ; so rashly do popes judge sometimes : the passage is about commending theodorus of mopsvestia as an orthodox father to the time of his death , which theodoret doth affirm ; but sozomen only mentions this theodorus o his conversion by s. chrysostom , but saith no more of him ; and baronius is forced to feign this passage was in that part of sozomen which was long since lost , and which probably s. gregory himself never saw ; however baronius knows nothing what was there written , and therefore it is very boldly done to suppose a thing for a certain truth , which he could never know any thing of , only to save the credit of a pope who had little or no skill in greek authors . again , 't is apparently partial in him , where he produces some ancient testimonies of the french , being wont to break their words , to restrain this in modern times only to that part of them which is reformed , while he boasts of his catholicks as the justest men in the world p . to confute which , the perjury and treachery of the leaguers in our fathers time , and the many promises and engagements broken to the late hugonots in our days , are abundantly sufficient . he takes it for a proof , that the eastern bishops use to refer causes of the greatest moment to the pope , because one daniel a french bishop fled out of his own country for his crimes , ( probably into the east ) was complained of to the pope , being uncanonically ordained ; which complaint the pope transmits to the bishops of the province of narbon , as the proper judges in that matter q ; so that this cause was not referred to him at all , only he was desired to acquaint those with it who ought to determine that point . moreover , he makes it a certain evidence that socrates was an heretick , because he complains of nestorius , for urging the emperor to persecute hereticks ( as soon as ever he was ordained bishop of constantinople ) r . but this kingdom hath found romanists ( when it was their interest ) to censure men as hereticks for the contrary , viz. for only insisting upon the execution of some gentle penal laws upon such as differed from the established religion . he commends s. cyril for his modesty , in not mentioning the fault of theodosius his abetting nestorius ; yet he upon bare surmizes speaks very opprobriously of theodosius upon this account , and reflects upon all kings and sovereigns as inclined to follow his example s . now if the silence of these things proves cyril's modesty , who must needs know whether theodosius were guilty of this or no ; doth it not prove somebodie 's immodesty to rail by meer conjectures at theodosius and all princes ? to proceed , it is a very false consequence from cyril's calling in celestine to his assistance against nestorius , and that popes condemning the heretick in his private council at rome , that it was the ancient custom from the beginning , for s. peter's chair alone to determine controversies of faith , and condemn heresies with their authors as they arise t . for cyril had first condemned this heretick and his opinions , and the pope only came in as his second ; yet after all it was necessary that a general council should condemn him , which had been needless if the pope alone , or in conjunction with another patriarch had been sufficient . again , he cites two authors only for celestine's sending a pall and a mitre to s. cyril , and these writers lived or year after this time , and he rejects some part of their account as fabulous ; yet from this evidence he would prove , that cyril was celestine ' s legate in the council of ephesus u : but he must have better proof than this to make us believe so incredible a thing . we may further note , that where possidius is so particular in the circumstances of s. augustine's death , he mentions nothing of any image of the blessed virgin or the saints ; no crucifix placed before him , but only the penitential psalms were writ out and fastned on the wall , which he read over as he lay on his death-bed . nor doth he mention any office said for his soul after he was dead , but only an office for commending his body to the grave w , which shews these were devised in later and more superstitious times . baronius indeed supposes the word sacrificium , to signifie the mass here ; but it seems to signifie no more than the usual office at putting the body into the grave , in hopes of a joyful resurrection . but though nothing be more evident , even in these annals , to a judicious reader , than the many innovations in doctrin and worship , made by the modern roman church , contrary to the decrees of councils , the judgment and practice of the ancient fathers ; the annalist a little after ( upon capreolus bishop of carthage his affirming that to be the true faith which is delivered by the fathers ) flies out into foul language against the reformed churches for innovations and reviving heresies condemned by the fathers x . whereas we freely refer it to those ancients to judge between us , whether they or we come nearer to the doctrin and usages of pure antiquity , and can from substantial evidence prove them to be the innovators . i will only note , that in this epistle of capreolus , this bishop calls the emperor , his lord , and his son y : upon which baronius makes no remark , because he would have it thought that no bishop , but only the pope did ever call the emperor , son. for he alone is to be the father of all princes and all bishops also . a little after he interprets that woful destruction of the emperor's army in africa , to be a divine judgment upon him for countenancing the heretical party at ephesus z . though not many pages from hence he lays all the blame of this connivance upon the treachery of the emperor's domesticks a , and he may find as great defeats hapning often when the emperors did take the catholick part . so true is that of solomon , no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before him . all things come alike to all , &c. ecclesix . , . 't is remarkable what baronius saith of a very dubious rescript of valentinian , cited for the authority of the se● of ravenna by the friends of that bishoprick , the love of our country is an imperious thing ; yea , a tyrant , which compels an historian to defend those things , which if they were said of another place , he would utterly explode b ; which with the rest there said , is so applicable to the cardinal ( as to rome ) , that the only wonder is , he did not see how severe a censure he ( as david once did upon nathan's parable ) here passeth upon himself . again , he forgets that the miracle out of prosper concerning a maid , who could not swallow a piece of the sacramental bread dipped in wine ( being possessed ) , but was cured by drinking of the cup c , manifestly shews the innovation of the roman church , in that it declares they used then to dip the bread in wine , and thought it lawful to give the cup to the laity ; whereas now they only give the people a dry wafer . it was certainly a great oversight in the armenian bishops ( according to him who makes the pope the sole judge of heresie ) to send to proclus of constantinople , to know whether the writings of theodorus of mopsvestia were orthodox or no ? yet liberatus ( an ancient author ) affirms they did this secundum morem , according to custom d . so that neither liberatus nor the armenians knew of any custom to go only to rome , out of the east , to enquire concerning the true faith ; had they known this , no doubt they would have sent a little further . moreover , he highly extols the piety of florentius the praetorian praefect , who finding the tax paid by the curtezans of constantinople to the exchequer , hindred their expulsion from that city , gave lands of his own to compensate the publick damage , that he might get those infamous women banished e ; forgetting all the while the impiety of the pope and cardinals , who now tolerate them for a little scandalous pension paid to their treasury at rome . he also saith , it is a pelagian principle and heresie , to hold , that no rich man can be saved , unless he give all his estate to the poor f . yet he knew many hundred monasteries which have been and are endowed with great estates , upon a principle nothing different from this , which is preached frequently to rich men and women dying in their churches communion , by cunning and covetous priests and jesuits . it is manifest partiality also in him , to affirm it was a judgment of god to deliver carthage to the vandals , because there was pagan idolatry practised in that city g . but the same kind of idolatry was continued in rome notwithstanding all endeavours to root it out , till the goths took it ; but the annalist doth not expound that calamity after the same manner h . thus he exclaims against the cruelty of gensericus the vandal for persecuting the orthodox bishops upon the bare naming of pharaoh , nehuchadnezzar or holofernes in their sermons , pretending it was meant of him i . whereas had he lived to this age , he might have seen a king intituled , the most christian , instigated by the jesuits to persecute the reformed pastors for the same pretended fault . it is remarkable that theodoret , when he writes to a bishop of alexandria proves himself orthodox , because his faith was the same with the former bishops of that see , viz. alexander , athanasius , achillas , theophilus and cyril ; as also with s. basil and gregory , the lights of the world k . the pope is not named , so that doubtless he was not the sole standard of catholick communion then ; if he had , the name of one pope had been more to theodoret's purpose than all these . again , that pope leo writes as imperiously to dioscorus of alexandria , as he use to do to others , is very true , but it no where appears that dioscorus observed his orders : much less will it follow from hence , that leo was the master set over all churches l ; such assuming of empire over our equals , may indeed shew our ambition , but it will not prove our right . it is obvious to all that read baronius , how he strains all things that are said of s. peter , to apply them to the roman church ; but the reader may note ; how silently he passes it by , when our gildas calls the british bishops sees here in this island , the seats of peter m . but this may satisfie all impartial men , that the ancients accounted other bishops the successors of s. peter , as well as the pope , though now he alone usurps that and many other priviledges , of old enjoyed in common by others , as well as by the bishop of rome . again , he spoils the old famous story of the conversion of spain by s. james , wherein the spaniards so much pride themselves , out of a zealous partiality for rome , which inclines him to affirm , that spain first received the gospel from the roman church n : which notion may in time lessen the pilgrimaes to s. james of compostella , and calls in question the devotion of those many thousands , who have believed his body to be there , and worship his relicks in that place with great assurance . soon after , upon occasion of turibius , complaining of the apocryphal books used by the priscillian hereticks in spain , the cardinal shews the necessity of suppressing all books that are against the catholick doctrin , and urges the bishop of spain to suppress a book writ by one john de roa , about the rights of princes , containing doctrins ( as he saith ) which he could not learn from the jesuits , fryers or clergy of spain o . now how many books ( as apocryphal as those of the old hereticks , and as extravagant for the rights of the pope , as any that ever were writ on any subject in the world ) doth baronius cite , approve and admire ? but one book that speaks for the prince , and the civil rights of men , must by no means be endured . 't is observable also , that when theodoret was suspected of heresie , he appeals to a council in which the bishops and magistrates may meet , and the judges may determin what is consonant to the apostolical doctrin p . now if it had been known and believed then , that the popes communion was enough to make a man a catholick , and he had been the sole judge , why did not theodoret in one word appeal to the pope , and say he was in communion with leo bishop of rome ? he approves theodoret's censure of dioscorus , for invading the rights of other dioceses , contrary to the canons of nice and constantinople , and he blames dioscorus for his pride and ambition ; but though the pope labour to invade all dioceses , and make all the bishops in the world his vassals , contrary to law , equity , and primitive usage , this is no crime in a friend q . baronius is miserably put to it about the epistle of ibas , judged ( by two councils ) to be heretical ; yet approved by the infallible chair . this makes him contradict himself strangly ; for here he saith , this was really ibas his epistle , as the tenth action at chalcedon teaches , and himself confessed ; and the opinion of the apostolick legates of maximus of antioch and others confirm it , and ibas was proved a catholick by it r . but baronius had before cited the tenth action at chalcedon to prove , that this epistle in that council was found not to be ibas epistle , and so the epistle was condemned , and he absolved s . and in the former place , as well as elsewhere t , he affirms the epistle contained blasphemy and heresie ; yet pope vigilius approved it ; and the cardinal saith , ibas was by this epistle found to be a catholick . he that can make these contradictions friends , or reconcile them to the infallibility , — erit mihi magnus apollo . he commends pope leo for reproving theodosius the emperor gently and mildly , when he was going to establish heresie by a pseudo-synod * . whereas old eli's example may shew ( if the emperor was his inferior in this matter , and the pope his ghostly father ) that his reproof ought to have been sharper ; yea , he should have expresly prohibited the convening of this council ( if his authority was necessary to their meeting ) and have not so meanly truckled as to send his legates to a synod , which he judged needless , yea , dangerous u . and if we consider leo's high spirit , this submission shews , he had no right to call a general council , nor power to hinder the emperor from appointing one . again , when the pope ( by prosper's help ) had writ a very seasonable and orthodox epistle against eutyches , the french bishops were careful to have it exactly transcribed ; but it follows not from hence , that they would not vary one syllable from his decrees w . for this respect was shewed , not to the authority of the see , but to the excellency of the epistle , as appears in that the gallican bishops ( as hath been shewed ) rejected other decrees both of this pope and his predecessors , when they disliked them . and baronius owns a little after , that these bishops rejoyced that this epistle contained their own sense as to the faith , and were glad that the pope held the same opinion , that they had always held from the tradition of their ancestors x . so that this is no proof , as he would have it , that the pope was a master presiding over all the christian world. for they judged of his teaching , and approved it , because it agreed with their churches ancient tradition . on no better grounds he gathers , there was one only lawful judge , one governor of holy things always in the church , viz. the pope ; from theodoret's epistle to leo y : for first , these epistles are justly suspected , as being not heard of till they came to light first out of the vatican : and , secondly , they are demonstrated to be spurious by divers learned men , and especially this to leo , is shewed to contain manifest contradictions z . thirdly , if this epistle were genuine , it must be considered that all the patriarchs , except the roman , were at that time either corrupted or oppressed , and in that juncture theodoret could appeal to none of them but leo , and so might well give him good words , who alone was likely and able to assist him . as for that testimony wherein they much glory , that rome had the supremacy over all churches , ( as their translation speaks ) because it was always free from heresie , and no heretick had sat there a , it supposes a long experience of the church of romes integrity before this priviledge was bestowed ; and if the supremacy was given her for this reason , she ought to lose it again whenever any heretical pope shall get the chair ; nor doth theodoret at all suppose this impossible for the future . moreover he brags , that leo restored theodoret and others , deposed by this pseudo - ephesine-synod , and infers , that it was the popes priviledge alone to restore bishops deposed by a council b . but the misfortune is , theodoret was called an heretick after the pope had privately acquitted him , and his cause was to be tried over again at chalcedon ; and till that council restored him he remained suspended for all this pretended priviledge of the pope . and before we leave him we may note , that he used all his interest to persuade the emperor to call a lawful and impartial general council , as appears by all his epistles to his several friends c ; which shews he knew it was in the emperor's power alone to call one ; not in the pope's , to whom he would have written , ( being in favour with him ) if he had had authority in this affair . he reckons attila's leaving to harrass the eastern empire , to be a divine reward for marcian's setling the true religion there ; but presently tells us , that this scourge of god , and other sad judgments fell upon italy and the western empire ; from whence he supposes the reformation of all eastern heresies came , and where he believes no heresie could ever take place d . so miserably do men expose themselves , when they pretend to give reasons for all god's dispensations . in the next year hapned the famous council of chalcedon , wherein divers of baronius's frauds have been already detected ; so that i am only to add , that leo was politick in pretending to give anatolius a power to receive recanting bishops , who had fallen into eutyches heresie , and cunningly reserves the greater cases to his own see e . but 't is plain , anatolius of constantinople had as much power in the provinces subject to him , as the pope had in italy , and the greater cases were , according to ancient usage , reserved to the next general council , where both the bishop of rome and constantinoples acts were to be re-examined , and none of these erring bishops were restored but by that council . and finally , he makes it a great crime in dioscorus to pretend to lord it over egypt , and to say , he had as much authority there as the emperor f . yet the following popes did and said as much in relation to italy ; but baronius cannot see any harm in that , though socrates did , who saith , that both the bishops of rome and alexandria had exceeded the bounds of priestly-power , and fallen to a secular way of ruling g . and this may suffice for this part of the period we have undertaken . chap. iv. roman errors and forgeries in the councils , from the end of the fourth council , till an. dom. . § . . the synod of alexandria is falsly styled in the title , under leo : for their own text confesseth , it was assembled by the authority of proterius bishop of alexandria a . the second council of arles , which binius had antedated year , and put out with this false title , under siricius , is by labbè b placed here according to sirmondus his direction . the council of anjou , in binius , is said to be held under leo ; who is not once named in it : wherefore labbè leaves out that false inscription , and only saith , it was held in the th year of pope leo c . the th canon of this council is corrupted by binius and baronius . for where the text reads , if any be [ coelibes ] unmarried , they put into the margen as a better reading , if any be [ debiles ] weak : which is to make the reader believe , that all the clergy then were unmarried ; whereas this canon supposes many of them had wives . and the th canon allows a married man to be chosen priest or deacon , ( the popes decrees not yet prevailing in france : ) so that labbè honestly strikes out [ debiles ] and keeps only the true reading ( d ) . we note also , that in the end of this th canon , such clerks as meddle in surrendring cities are excommunicated . a sentence which if it were now executed , would put many priests and jesuits out of the communion of the church , for their treachery to the emperor and the king of spain , many of whose cities they have betrayed to the french. the notes falsly cite the first canon , and so doth baronius e saying , it orders , that the clergy shall not against their bishops sentence seek to secular tribunals ; and pretending this was in opposition to an edict of valentinian , published the year before , which restrained the bishops jurisdiction to matters of religion , unless the parties chose them . now the true words of the canon are , the clergy shall not appeal from the bishops sentence , nor seek to secular tribunals , without consulting the bishop . and valentinian's law was of no force in france , nor probably had these bishops ever heard there was such a law ; so that it is not likely they ever thought of opposing it . finally , we observe that baronius without any authority falsly affirms , that this council was sent to rome f only to insinuate , that it was to be confirmed there . whereas till fronto-ducaeus found the manuscript in france , they at rome seem to have known nothing of it . the council of vannes placed by binius here , by sirmondus authority is removed to an. . in labbè g . nothing in it is remarkable , but that the assembly desires ( not the pope , but ) the absent bishops of their own province to confirm the canons thereof . the council of bishops at constantinople , was called by , and held under gennadius patriarch of that city , and so is falsly titled under leo ; whose legates do not subscribe it , and so probably were not present at it h . baronius indeed saith they were , but proves it only by conjecture , because leo in an epistle speaks of his legates , being come back to rome the year after i . but the wonder is , how baronius and binius ( who confess all the acts are lost , except one canon about simony ) came to know , that eutyches was condemned , and the council of chalcedon confirmed in this council . however , if it was confirmed , no doubt the greek bishops would confirm the canons of it , with the rest , to which the popes legates could not consent : but since we hear of no difference , it is like these legates were not present . § . . pope hilary ( who succeeded leo ) might justly be suspected of heresie , because he confirms no more than three general councils , omitting that of constantinople which condemned macedonius . but since there is no evidence of this universal epistle confirming the other three councils , but only the fabulous pontifical , we may acquit him , and perhaps even in the very pontifical , this council may have been erased after the controversie of the primacy was started l . however , this being owned all along by the catholick church for a general council , it can suffer nothing by the popes not confirming it ; he alone would deserve censure for not subscribing to it . the spanish bishops who write to this pope , by their countries being wasted by euaricus the goth m were destitute of power , and desire hilary to declare the canons in some particular cases , hoping the persons concerned ( who despised them in their low estate , ) might have more respect for a great patriarch n . so that it is very sophistical in the annalist and binius , to draw consequences from hence , for the popes being the supream judge , and having power to dispense with all canons . the pope himself in his answer pretends no such thing o . he only declares the canons , but dispenses with none : yet if he had such a power , doubtless he ought to have used it in irenaeus his case . but the third epistle of hilary , writ about the same affair , seems to discover , that all these epistles ( which talk so big of the popes supremacy ) are counterfeit : for the forger , weary of inventing new phrases , steals the beginning verbatim out of those epistles , that are falsly ascribed to zepherine and fabian , and were not extant until long after pope hilary's death p . and labbè's marginal note on binius annotations shews , he smelt out the cheat , if he durst have spoken freely . the notes on the th epistle own , that the popes may be cajoled by false stories , and deceived in matter of fact ; and this so far as to condemn holier bishops than themselves , as leo and this hilary did , in the cases of hilary of arles , and mammertus of vienne q . and it is not easie to understand , how he who mistakes matter of fact , can infallibly apply the law to a fact wherein he is mistaken . the th epistle was writ three year before those that precede it , and the humility of the style makes me think it the only genuine letter ( as yet set down ) of this pope ; for he writes to the bishop of arles ( not as a son , but ) as a brother , and takes it well that he advised him to keep close to the ancient canons . the th epistle shews , that mammertus his piety was no protection to him , against the injuries of the roman court r . but binius doth penance for this in his notes on the th epistle s ; though all his devices will neither excuse his popes morals in persecuting so great a saint , nor vindicate his judgment who was so grosly mistaken . there is but one roman council under this pope , called ( as is pretended ) to confirm his false judgment about the spanish bishops ; for they absolve the guilty sylvanus , and condemn irenaeus who was innocent : and though this popes being commonly in the wrong makes it probable , he might get such a council together , yet the very acts smell strong of forgery , as well as the former epistles in these cases t : for besides their stile , maximus bishop of turin is mentioned not only as present at it , but speaking in it , who died ( as gennadius u a writer of that age and country affirms , ) in the reign of honorius and the younger theodosius , that is , above year before this council : so that baronius is very bold out of a suspected council , to correct a writer who lived so near this time , against the authority of divers printed copies w . and binius is more audacious to cover this with an evident falsification of gennadius , as if he said , maximus lived under those emperors , but continued bishop till this time x . and now let baronius boast of the acclamations of this synod , ( common in other councils ) as a singular honour done to hilary ; for after all it is plain , he liked not the canons of it so well as to give them a place in his annals y , which here he fills up with other manifest impertinencies . § . . the next pope was simplicius , whose appointing weekly confessors at rome , is far from proving ( what the notes infer ) that their sacramental confession was instituted by christ z . nor is it for the credit of this pope that three parts of seven in rome it self were arrians in his time a . but the pontifical gives the reason of it , and expresly charges him with dissimulation b , which seems a just censure ; for though the arrians and photinians sadly infested the western church c : and though the princes of that time were generally heretical d ; yet poor simplicius did nothing , and till he had been eight years pope , baronius cannot pick up one memoir concerning him , except a few brags of an interested successor of his , concerning his resisting the eastern emperors , which are both false and incredible : yea , the annals shew that all the great affairs of this time were managed by s. epiphanius bishop of pavy , who far outshined simplicius e . wherefore i wonder that du pin should say , he was very full of business all the time of his popedom f ; since for more than half that time there is no true account of his doing any thing : and when he did begin to write , baronius owns , he did no good by any of his letters g ; yet a little before , having a bad memory , he had ridiculously boasted , that simplicius in the midst of the arrian fury governed the see , with the same authority and freedom that his predecessors had done , bearing the causes of all the world , depriving and restoring bishops , correcting emperors , opposing barbarous kings , and sitting as arbiter and judge in all things over the east and west , as ( he saith ) he hath proved in the several years of his pontifical h . let the reader search , and try if he can find this proved . on the contrary this pope flattered all parties , and truckled to the heretical usurper basilius ( as i shall shew presently ) nor durst he attempt to do justice to a persecuted orthodox bishop of alexandria , because ( as an old faithful historian tells us i , ) zeno the emperor had forbidden him . it is so common for the roman forgers to invent sham epistles , in which the pope is feigned to make eminent bishops his legates in all parts of the world , that , no doubt , this popes first epistle to zeno bishop of sevil ( which hath no date ) is spurious k . and therefore it is of no force , that the notes infer from such a forgery , that the care of the whole church was committed to the pope by god. the th epistle tells the emperor , to whom it was writ , that none doubted of his orthodox mind , and that be did as certainly imitate marcian and leo in their faith , as he did succeed them in their empire . now this letter ( as baronius and the editors say ) was writ to zeno l ; and they own it to be at least prudent dissimulation , for the notes on the life of simplicius affirm , zeno was an eutychian heretick . but indeed it was inexcusable flattery , or as the pontifical calls it , downright dissembling : and the crime is worse , because upon a strict enquiry this epistle appears to be writ to that heretical usurper basiliscus . labbè's margen from an old manuscript reads it to basiliscus ; and zeno really was deposed a whole year before this epistle was writ ; for timotheus aelurus his coming to constantinople ( mentioned here by simplicius ) was in the time of basiliscus after zeno's deposition , as an authentick author relates m ; and the true date of simplicius his epistle shews it was writ in basiliscus his time , and so doth also the chronicle of marcellinus , a book writ near that time : but for all this , baronius quarrels with marcellinus , contradicts theodorus lector , alters the date of the epistle , and keeps zeno on the throne a year longer before his deposing , than ancient writers do allow ; and all this to conceal his holy fathers wicked flattering of an heretick , and usurper n . but i hope the reader will believe old and disinteressed historians , before the partial annalist . the th epistle writ at the same time to acacius patriarch of constantinople , shews that it was solely in the emperors power to call a general council o . since timothy of alexandria applied to the emperor for such a council , and simplicius with acacius joyned in addresses to the emperor against it . in the notes on the th epistle , where euagrius only mentioned a bare report of the martyr theclas appearing to zeno ; they out of baronius add , that she prayed and interceded for zeno p : which invention is to countenance the martyrs praying for us ; the date of this epistle being in october , and ( as the notes say ) writ to zeno after he was restored , and had sent to simplicius an orthodox confession of faith ; this date i say shews that the th epistle ( before spoken of ) must have been written to basiliscus ; for that is dated in january , at which time zeno was deposed , and basiliscus after he had reigned two years , as euagrius writes q , was ejected by zeno about july , long before which time , simplicius had writ that flattering letter to the usurper . the forgers have corrupted the title and conclusion of acacius his epistle to simplicius r . for simplicius in a genuine epistle calls acacius , his beloved brother , epistle : but here by turning patriarchae into patri , they make acacius style simplicius , most blessed lord and holy father , archbishop , &c. which corruption ( owned by labbè ) shews how little credit is to be given to the pompous titles of these epistles which are frequently feigned by the modern roman parasites . upon the th epistle they note in the margen , the pope dispenses with the nicene canon for peace sake , and in favour of the emperor s . this relates to the hasty election and ordination of stephen patriarch of antioch , which the emperor and acacius were forced to dispatch somewhat uncanonically for fear of a sedition in that city , and on that account they desired the pope however to own him as an orthodox patriarch , since they had resolved this single example should be no precedent for the future . the pope like a true signior placebo , assents to all tamely , and allows of their resolution , which was not ( as the notes on the th epistle falsly say , ) any condition that simplicius prescribed to the emperor , but a rule that zeno had made for himself , before the pope knew of the ordination of stephen . the th epistle declares , that simplicius had taken calendion the new bishop of antioch into his communion , and call him his brother and fellow-bishop t . the notes calls this , the popes confirming calendion in the see of antioch : whereas it was no more than his owning him for an orthodox brother ; yea , calendion was thus far confirmed by acacius , for ( at his request ) acacius had declared himself of his communion , before he writ to the pope . these notes also falsly say , acacius was made the popes legate , which is a groundless fiction of baronius u . for if acacius had acted in ordaining and deposing the eastern patriarchs , only as the popes legate , there had been no quarrel between him and rome . and how improbable is it , that he who contended for the supremacy of the whole eastern church with the pope , and who is taxed by baronius , to be one that thirsted after nothing so much as the primacy w , that he , ( i say ) should accept of a legantine power from rome ? yea , simplicius his th epistle doth not say any such thing , but speaks of their obligation to mutual love , and of the patriarchal office committed to him , as a talent god had entrusted him with : but not a syllable of his subjection to the pope , or of any office derived from him . § . . the council of tours , binius places here under simplicius , labbè years sooner under pope hilary ; but the truth is , that it was held an. . but under no pope at all : for they desire no other but their absent brethren , ( bishops of that province ) to confirm their canons x by their consent . the notes on this council mention the fasts and vigils , which perpetuus the th bishop of tours instituted for his church , recorded by an old historian of that place y . and 't is very plain they differ extreamly from those used at rome ; which shews how unreasonable it is in the modern roman church , to impose their fasts , feasts and other rites upon all churches in the world. the council of arles , in the cause of faustus assembled to examin points of faith , doth not so much as mention the pope , so that surely they did not take him for an infallible judge z . labbè's notes boast , that one de champs hath confuted bishop usher's censure of the epistles of faustus and lucidus , and of this council which approved them : but before the reader credit this , let him hear that most learned primate , who modestly excuses the council , but strongly proves , that faustus was a semi-pelagian heretick a : and if he did not feign the consent of this and another council to his doctrins , this will be one instance , that councils may err in matters of faith. § . . foelix the third , who followed simplicius , was much bolder , and openly reproved the emperor and acacius , for that which he called a fault : but the notes falsifie when they say , that in the beginning of his pontificat , he rejected , proscribed and cursed the most wicked zeno's ( henoticon ) edict for union , anathematizing all that subscribed it b . for euagrius recites this edict , and neither saith foelix condemned it , nor condemns it himself ; and foelix former letters treat both zeno and acacius with all respect , nor do they curse either of them on the account of this edict : theodorus lector indeed saith , that when all the patriarchs besides agreed to zeno's edict for union , foelix of rome [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] joyned not with him c . which only implies , his not communicating with the emperor in that point : but binius hath improved this into proscribing , cursing and anathematizing the edict . the first epistle of foelix to acacius often calls him brother , which shews as if then he did not reject his communion d ; and neither this nor the second to zeno , do at all mention the emperors edict for union , but quarrels only about matters of jurisdiction , being not so much concerned for any heretical opinions , as for keeping up his claim to a pretended supremacy : however some suspect both these epistles as being without date , and because that to acacius seems to contradict liberatus e : but i think they may be allowed for genuine . the second epistle to zeno is writ with modesty , yet wants not good advice . the pope owning it his duty to write to the emperor , upon his coming into the see of rome ; and he rather intreats , than either commands or threatens f : but it is certain , if this epistle be genuine , it is not perfect , wanting that account of the african persecution , which euagrius saith was mentioned in this epistle . it is said , foelix writ three letters to petrus cnapheus the heretical bishop of antioch , of which only two are extant , and it is well if both be not forgeries [ incepi sententiare contrate , ] is a phrase that smells of the later ages , when the flatterers of rome coyned great variety of this kind of epistles to make the world think , that an heretical patriarch could be deposed by none but the pope g . but this very letter owns , that acacius and his council had also deposed this peter of antioch , as well as the pope and his : and baronius saith , acacius did it first h : but the cardinal thought it worth his while to corrupt this suspicious epistle , wherein foelix saith , he was condemned by me , and those who together with me do govern the apostolical throne : which phrase plainly shews , that the pope did not rule alone as a monarch at rome , but the italian bishops had a share in that power : to avoid which truth baronius and they that follow him falsifie it , and read — condemned by me , and by them , who being constituted under me , govern episcopal seats i . the true reading implies the bishops are co-ordinate with the pope , but the corruption is to make us believe , they are only his creatures , substitutes and delegates . the fifth epistle to zeno speaks honourably of acacius , as an orthodox archbishop , commending him for opposing petrus cnapheus k : it is noted by a learned man , that ( excepting fabulous inscriptions , ) the name [ archbishop ] is here first found among the latins : but i rather observe , that foelix here reads that famous text for the supremacy , math. xvi . in this manner — and upon this confession will i build my church : so it is read often in gelasiui epistles l , — on the confession of peter will i build my church : which shews it is not a casual expression , but a testimony that at rome it self , in that age , it was not believed this promise belonged so much to st. peter's person as to his faith , nor to his successors any longer than they held that confession . of the th epistle we shall speak when we come to foelix his second roman council . the corrupters fingers have been busie with the title of the th epistle , which ( as labbè notes out of justellus ) was writ only to the bishops of sicily ; but they who are to support an universal supremacy have changed it thus , to all bishops m : and the date is falsified also , being pretended to be writ by a roman council held in march , an. dom. . yet it is dated in the year after , march . but if they will have it genuine , let them observe , that the pope here saith , ( speaking of a point of faith , ) he knows not but in this case , the spirit of god may have informed them of something that had escaped his knowledge , promising to hear them , if they can find anything omitted by him n . let them read this , and reconcile it with infallibility if they can . the decree of foelix about the subjection of kings to bishops , is neither agreeable to the age , nor to the style of this popes other writings to the emperor o ; so that we cannot credit it , though labbè hath put it into an epistle to zeno , because this epistle speaks of the deposition of acacius as a thing past , august st : but the margen of the next epistle saith , acacius was deposed july , p . and it is probable , that both the sentence and the synod are spurious , coyned out of a hint in the pontifical , viz. that foelix did condemn acacius in a synod : which was ground enough for the parasites to frame a council . but how little credit is to be given to the pontifical in this popes history , baronius declares , when he notes that author is not to be trusted in his report , that misenus and vitalis were sent to constantinople , three years after this synod at rome q . and it seems neither euphemius bishop of constantinople , nor pope gelasius knew of this roman synod : for when euphemius asked , in what synod his predecessor acacius was condemned ? gelasius mentions no roman synod r ; but saith , there was no need of any particular council , since he was condemned by the general sentence of the council of chalcedon , and upon that ground the roman church rejected acacius his communion . there are ( in labbè ) divers other epistles ascribed to foelix ; one to zeno s , said to be writ some time after the death of acacius , wherein the pope extols that emperour for his care of religion , and the reverence of divine worship ; which shews that foelix did not so stifly renounce zeno's communion , nor damn his edict for union so severely as binius pretends . the rest of these epistles i pass , though most of them be suspicious . § . . the first roman council under foelix , may be true as far as concerns the condemnation of peter mongus , the heretical bishop of alexandria t , though there is nothing to prove it , but the two first suspected epistles of foelix . however , if there were such a synod , it shews how little regard was had to the pope and his council in those days , since john , whose side rome took , did never get admittance to the see of alexandria ; and peter mongus kept that chair for all the popes sentence : and if the other , peter cnapheus , the heretical bishop of antioch was condemned here , it is certain , he was condemned before by acacius at constantinople : but that evidence of acacius his being orthodox , hath not discouraged the parasites from forging a pretended citation , in the name of this roman synod , to call acacius to rome , there to answer the matters charged against him : but 't is so improbable , foelix should attempt this against one , who thought himself his equal , if not superior , that now-a-days the romanists allow not these processes , but count them spurious . there is a second roman council placed in this year , wherein acacius and the two peters of alexandria and antioch are all said to be condemned u . but let it be noted , that whereas the th epistle of foelix saith , he had deposed acacius in a synod in august , w , and at that time baronius places his deposition x ; yet here we have a synodical letter , condemning him over again , dated above a year after , viz. octob. , which date baronius and binius fraudulently leave out y : but labbè sets it down in the margen , and so discovers the cheat z . upon the whole matter , this condemnation of acacius was done they know not when ; and 't is probable all these letters and synods were invented after the controversie for precedence between rome and constantinople grew high , meerly to put weight into the roman scale . but one corruption of this suspicious synodical epistle i cannot pass , being a passage evidently put in by a later forger : for whereas this letter makes the italian bishops call the pope their prince and head ( by way of limitation , ) who ought to preside in the synods of italy : — and tell those to whom they writ — that therefore they had by tutus sent the sentence underneath , which pleased the synod at st. peters , and which holy foelix their head , pope and archbishop had decreed : some later hand hath broken the sense , and absurdly thrust into the midst of this sentence these incoherent words — who is the head of all ; the lord saying to st. peter the apostle , thou art peter , &c. math. xvi . which words the fathers at nice following , gave the authority and confirmation of matters to the holy church of rome , both which , even to our age , all successions by the grace of christ have kept , — and then comes in — therefore ( as we have said , ) we have by tutus sent , &c. a . 't is plain they are forced to put in these words ( as we have said ) to tye these latter words to the former : and whoever considers the incoherence , the impertinence , the sham story of the fathers at nice , and the many ages supposed , from that council of nice to this time , ( which was but barely years ) will conclude this passage is a corruption upon a corruption , to support the supremacy , while such stuff passed for authentick proof to an ignorant age. the third roman council under foelix , ( as we noted on his th epistle ) lies under the same suspicion , being dated with the consuls of the year , yet is said to be read in council the year before , an. ; and from an epistle to one neighbouring country , is now made a letter to all bishops . § . . gelasius succeeded foelix in the roman see , a man of more wit and learning than most of his predecessors , for which cause it is thought he was called scholasticus before st. gregory's time , and that it was he that corrected and set out the roman offices . the pontifical relates , that the manichees being discovered at rome in his time , he made a decree , that those who would not receive the sacrament in both kinds , should receive it in neither , and declares it to be a grand sacriledge for any to divide the holy mysteries b . now these hereticks refusing the cup , were to be discovered by the priests taking care that all the people received the cup as well as the bread : but this happens to condemn the modern use at rome , ( of denying the cup to the people ) as a grand sacriledge ; wherefore all hands and wits are at work to ward off this fatal blow . binius in his margen feigns , that gelasius ordered the sacrament to be received in both kinds for a time : but if it had not been the custom at rome to receive in both kinds before , the manichees had never been discovered : it is very plain gelasius confirms the old custom , and thinks it in all times a sacriledge to receive but one half : wherefore labbè hath left out this pitiful note . the editors of gratian cover this blot , by forging this false title to the decree , the priest ought not to receive the body of christ without the blood c . but gelasius speaks principally , if not only of the people , and this sense supposes most of the roman clergy to be manichean hereticks . therefore baronius rejects this excuse as frivolous d , but takes as bad a method to salve up this business ; for he manifestly perverts the sense of the decree , — pretending the manichees superstition made it sacriledge only in them to reject the cup ; but it is none in the catholick people not to receive it , nor in the church to forbid it : but this is meer shophistry , for it was certainly the custom even at rome in gelasius his time , and many ages after , for all the orthodox people to receive in both kinds ; and he calls it sacriledge in any of the people , who did not receive the cup as well as the bread : for he saith in general , this dividing the mystery , can never happen without a grand sacriledge . now it is certain , that when either an heretical or catholick man or woman receives but in one kind , it doth happen that the mystery is divided ; and therefore in pope gelasius opinion , the present church of rome is guilty of a grand sacriledge , in taking the cup from the people : and it seems , the editors thought baronius had not sufficiently satisfied this objection , and therefore they cunningly leave it out of this popes decrees e , in both editions . with like craft , they omit the tract of gelasius against eutyches , and only give a touch at it in the notes f ; and there also care is taken ( out of baronius , ) if any shall elsewhere meet with this piece , to keep them from discerning , that pope gelasius condemns transubstantiation ; and expresly saith , that the substance of bread and wine remains , after the consecration : the words they cannot deny ; but first , baronius and binius argue it was not writ by this pope , but by gelasius cyzicenus , ( an author as orthodox and more ancient than pope gelasius ; but their arguments are not so cogent , as to outweigh the proofs that this pope writ the tract . labbè in his margen saith , that many learned men think it his . gennadius contemporary with the roman gelasius , and the pontifical say , he writ a tract against eutyches : fulgentius cites it as this gelasius his work g : pope john the second , also ascribes it to his predecessor : yea , the bibliotheca patrum allowed by the expurgators , put it out under pope gelasius his name h . and at last , baronius himself is not against supposing it was his . but then secondly , he manifestly perverts the sense of the words before-cited , being ( after long shuffling ) forced to this absurdity , that — by the substance , he means , the accidents of bread and wine remain i ; which makes this learned pope so ignorant , as to mistake the first rudiments of logick , and might almost shew he was an heretick , if his comparison in that sense be applied to the two natures of christ , for illustrating of which he brings it in : for thus it would follow , that gelasius held , nothing but the accidents of christs . body or human nature , remained after the hypostatical union : doubtless , contarenus his brother cardinal , was wiser and honester in making no reply at the colloquy of ratasbon , to this clear testimony : and it is great weakness in baronius , to brag what wonders he hath done , by heaping up a parcel of falshoods and impertinence . before we dismiss this , let it be noted , that the annalist and binius not only allow , but dispute for forged tracts and epistles , which support modern popery ; but they devise innumerable things , to baffle and disgrace the most genuine writings that condemn their innovations : which is baronius his meaning , when he gives this reason of his large digression about this tract , — because out of it the innovators take their weapons : but they who reject the old writings of their own doctors , do more justly deserve that title . as to this popes extraction , volatteran and panvinius say , — his father valerius was a bishop : which is now left out of the pontifical , and not mentioned in baronius or the notes k : but the omission signifies little , there being so many instances of married bishops that had children ; yea , of popes that were sons , or grand-children of bishops or former popes : as to the time of this pope's ingress , baronius places it an. , and upon the credit of the dates of a few papal epistles , ( which are always suspicious and often forged , ) he rejects the authority of marcellinus , who lived at this time , and died an. l ; in whose chronicle gelasius is said to be made pope an. ; that is , two year later than baronius places it . § . . if marcellinus be in the right , we may justly doubt of those three epistles , [ the st , d and th , ] which baronius cites as writ before the year : the st hath no date , and though the time of writing it be made an evidence against marcellinus his account ; yet he brings no proof it was writ an. , but this , nothing hinders us from allowing these things between euphemius and gelasius , to be done this year m . i reply , the testimony of a good author of that age , who affirms gelasius was not pope till two years after , hinders us from believing it was writ then : but i will not however condemn the epistle , which is modest enough , calling euphemius bishop of constantinople , — his brother and fellow , advanced to a precedence by the favour of christ n : and when he was pressed to declare , by what council acacius was condemned , he cites no roman council , nor pretended sentence of his predecessor foelix : but saith , he was condemned by the council of chalcedon ; but this he doth not make out . the second epistle also wants a date , and is by guess placed in this year by baronius , with this false remark , that the popes by custom used to prescribe a form of belief to all the faithful o : whereas the letter it self declares the custom was , — for every new pope to declare his faith to the neighbouring bishops , that they might know he was orthodox p . now there is a vast difference , between prescribing a form of belief to others , and labouring to get from them a testimony of our believing aright . the th epistles true title is , the monitory of gelasius : but in binius these words , [ of the most blessed pope ] are added q , which labbè rightly omits : in the monitory it self observe , first , that gelasius denies his predecessor or he had condemned the emperor anastasius . secondly , he saith , the church hath no power to absolve any after their death . thirdly , he claims no power to make any new canons , but only to execute the old . which other bishops may do . fourthly , he cannot prove appeals to rome by any canons , but those of sardica , which were rejected by many , and slights the canons of chalcedon , received every where but at rome . fifthly , he very falsly pretends , acacius was only the executer of the roman churches sentence , by whose sole authority some eastern bishops were condemned . but we know , acacius had condemned them long before any sentence was given at rome r , and scorned to act under the pope . sixthly , where gelasius in his own cause vainly brags , that the canons have given the judgment over all to the apostolical seat : binius and labbè mend it in their marginal note , and say , the canons and christ gave it this power s ; neither of which is true . in the th epistle , gelasius owns a private bishop for his brother , and declares , that he himself cannot alter the canons . the margen again here saith , the canons cannot be altered t , — they should have said — no not by the pope : but here they say too little , as before they said too much ; which puts me in mind of juvenal's note , quisquam hominum est quem tu contentum videris uno flagitio — the date of this epistle must be false , being an. , that is , two years before ( as they reckon ) gelasius was pope . labbè would mend it , by antedating the entrance of gelasius , forgetting that he had printed an epistle of foelix to thalassius , dated that year u ; his invention therefore was better than his memory . the th epistle shews , that notwithstanding the popes fair pretences to an universal jurisdiction , his neighbour bishops in dalmatia did not own it ; but looked on him as a busie-body , for medling in their affairs w , and suspected the snake of usurpation lay under the florid leaves of his seeming care of all the churches . the th epistle is briefly and imperfectly set down by baronius x , because he would conceal from his reader , that gelasius makes purgatory and limbus infantum a pelagian opinion ; let them ( saith he y ) take away that third place , which they have made [ recipiendis parvulis ] for receiving little children . and since we read of no more , but the right hand and left , let them not make them stay on the left hand for want of baptism , but permit them by the baptism of regeneration to pass to the right . — which illustrious testimony the editors would obscure by reading , [ decipiendis parvulis ] for deceiving children : but if that were the true reading , it shews , this pope thought none but children and fools would believe a third place invented by the pelagians ; since scripture speaks but of two , viz. heaven and hell. it is a trifling note on this epistle , that gelasius admonished some bishops of italy against pelagianism , not fearing two princes , one of which was an eutychian , the other an arrian heretick z . for what cared these princes for the popes letters , against the heresies of others , so long as he let them alone , and never admonished them of their own heresies ? the th epistle was writ to one of these heretical princes , viz. to anastasius ; and the pope is scandalously silent about his heresie , nor doth he once reprove his errors in the faith ; but only labours , even by false pretences to justifie his supremacy , which gave too just a ground for that emperor and his eastern bishops , to tax this pope of secular pride , a fault very visible in all his writings on this subject . further we may note , that this epistle was of old inscribed thus , bishop gelasius to the most glorious emperor anastasius a ; but the editors have left out the emperor's epithet , for fear he should look bigger than the pope : also , where the pope prays that no contagion may stain his see , and hopes it never will b ; which plainly supposes , it was possible rome might err ; otherwise he had mocked god , in praying against that which could not happen ; and assurance had left no place for hope , if the popes were absolutely infallible : yet here the marginal note is , the apostolical see cannot err : which may caution the reader , not to trust their margent nor index , for there is often more in the inscription , than can be found in the box. the th epistle being dated an. . was odly cited by baronius , to prove that gelasius was made pope in an. . c : it seems to be a collection of divers canons put together , no body knows by what pope . and one thing is very strange , that whereas the preface owns , the clergy were almost starved in many of the churches of italy d ; yet the epistle impertinently takes great care , that the rents be divided into four parts , as if all things had then been as plentiful as ever : and whereas these rules are sent to the bishops of lucania , near naples , the pope's forbidding them to dedicate churches without his licence , is by the marginal note made a general rule for all countries ; but falsly , since the bishops of the east , of afric , gaul , &c. did never ask the popes licence in that age , to consecrate churches . the th epistle is a bold attempt toward an universal supremacy e : for gelasius finding the bishop of constantinople at his heels , and come up almost to a level with him , uses his utmost effort to make a few rascian bishops believe he was set over the whole church : but he shews more art and learning , than truth or honesty in this argument , asserting these downright falshoods . first , that the canons order all the world to appeal to rome , and suffer none to appeal from thence : but bellarmin ( knowing these canons where those despicable ones of sardica , and that even those did not intend to oblige the whole world , ) in citing this passage , changes canones appellari voluerint , into appellandum est f : so that he chuses to leave it indefinite , that all must appeal to rome , rather than undertake to tell us ( with gelasius , ) how that see came by this right . secondly , that the roman church by its single authority absolved athanasius , chrysostom and flavian , and condemned dioscorus , ( as this little pope brags ) ; which is as true as it is , that the roman church alone decreed the council of chalcedon should be received , she alone pardoned the bishops that lapsed in the ephesine latrociny , and by her authority cast out the obstinate : which this epistle audaciously asserts , though there are more untruths than lines in the whole passage : and if liberty be not deny'd us , we appeal to all the authentic historians of those ages , who utterly confute these vain brags . yet bellarmin adds to this extravagant pretence of romes alone decreeing the council of chalcedon , ( these words ) by her single authority g : but launoy blushes for him , and says , what gelasius here saith is not strictly true , and that he needs a very benign interpreter h ; that is , one who will not call a spade a spade : but let this pope's assertions be never so false , they serve to advance the ends of the roman supremacy ; and therefore you shall find no more of this long epistle in the annals , but only this hectoring passage i though he unluckily confesseth immediately after , that gelasius did no manner of good with all this k . and no wonder , since that age , as well as this , knew his pretences were unjust , his reasoning fallacious , and his instances false . thirdly , he asserts , that pope leo vacated the canons of chalcedon : 't is true , he did it as far as lay in him , who measured right only by interest : but we have shewed they remained in full force , in all other parts of the church , notwithstanding his dissent openly declared . fourthly , he affirms , that the care of all the churches about constantinople was given to acacius by the apostolick see : which is , ( as hath been proved ) a notorious falshood ; of which this epistle is so full , that one would suspect it was the off-spring of a much later age. 't is certain , the title is very unusual , gelasius bishop of the city of rome , &c. and the date is false , the consul named is victor , whose year was year before : baronius and the editors of their own head mend it , and read [ viator ; ] and labbè tells us in the margin , that some things are wanting ( in this epistle , ) and some are read otherways in justellus manuscript l : and again he observes , that instead of these words , apostolicae sedi frequentèr datum est , — it is now read , apostolica sedes frequentèr ut dictum est , &c. which makes a great alteration in the sense : the former implying only a delegated power , the later an original power of absolving all persons : so that if the whole be not a forgery , yet it is now corrupted in many places , by the bold champions of the supremacy , to whom nothing was sacred ; yea , we are told it comes out of the vatican mint , restored and mended , ( we know what that means , ) as far as was fit by baronius m . so that the impartial reader may judge what credit is to be given to this epistle ( out of which they often prove their supremacy ) written by a bigotted pope ( who scrupled not at any thing to advance his see ) if it be genuine , and transcribed by such as are convicted of repeated corruptions . labbè gives us two other imperfect epistles of gelasius , about his renouncing communion with those who kept acacius his name in their dypticks , as most of the eastern bishops then did n . but in these the pope humbly saith , it is not for my humility to pass sentence concerning a difference reaching through the world , my part being to take care of my own salvation o . which is so different from the style of his former epistles , that if these be genuine those are suspicious . but since all these epistles of simplicius , foelix and gelasius , make so soul a matter of acacius his case , let me once for all here give his character , and state that business . that he was orthodox in all points is manifest by his epistle against peter of antioch p : and by his forcing basiliscus to revoke his edict against the council of chalcedon q . and while the pope flattered that heretical usurper , acacius made all the bishops who had subscribed it , recant r . he also ejected peter of antioch for heresie , before the pope knew of it , and excommunicated peter of alexandria , yea , deposed him when he maintained his heresie s : and would not admit him to communion again till he had professed the catholic faith , and by name expresly received the council of chalcedon t . 't is true , this bishop proved himself a dissembler by apostatizing afterward ; but that was not the popes quarrel at acacius , the roman bishops were jealous of the bishop of constantinoples growing power , who flourished under the eastern emperors , while their church was obscured under a barbarous king : and acacius by the emperors consent ( without consulting the pope u , put in and put out the eastern bishops as he thought fit , pretending this power was given him by the councils of constantinople and chalcedon : this galled the popes , and therefore in the pretended sentence of foelix , he is charged as one that usurped others provinces contrary to the nicene canons . this check'd the universal supremacy that rome had then been for some time aiming at , so that they could have forgiven any heresie rather than this attempt : which appears by this , that though pelagianism had spread it self all over the western church , and eutyches heresie prevailed in the east , yea , a great part of rome it self was arrian , we find few or no popes letters against these violators of the faith , as if they ( with tiberius ) left christ to revenge his own injuries w . but all their outcry is against acacius , whom they would never forgive living nor dead , for touching their jurisdiction , that was dearer to them than all the articles of their creed . but while they hated him , the whole eastern church took his part , and he continued to exercise his office ( in spight of all the popes sentences ) until his death , leaving behind him so good a character , that suidas saith , if ever any man were truly venerable it was acacius x . yea , it was a long time before the greeks could be persuaded either by the promises or threatnings of rome to put his name out of the dypticks , though the union of the east and west depended at last upon that single point : they objected , that he subscribed the edict for union made by zeno. i reply , so did three patriarchs more , and that edict contained no heresie , nor did it condemn the council of chalcedon . they urge also , that he rejected john talaia an orthodox bishop of alexandria : but that was because he believed him perjured , and consequently unduly elected . to conclude , acacius was a good man , and those who will consider the matter impartially , will think the popes deserve no commendation for their stiffness and violence in this contest . after the epistles follow some tracts of gelasius ; the first of which is about excommunication : wherein there is one passage that afflicts baronius ; for the pope saith , christ hath separated the kings office and the bishops ; so that bishops must not challenge royal dignity nor meddle in secular affairs , nor may kings administer holy things y . but the cardinal will have the roman bishop to have at least regal power , and kings to be subject to ecclesiasticks , who he thinks may meddle in temporal affairs , tho' kings must not in sacred matters ; citing for this an epistle of gelasius z . but i should rather think the epistle forged if it did contradict this tract , tho' baronius wrests the words he cites , and omits a passage that immediately follows them , viz. the ecclesiastical rulers obey your laws a ; which shews bishops were then subject to princes . and the next tract [ against the profane pagan festivals ] shews that the pope had no shadow of regal power at rome in those days ; for gelasius only declares them unlawful , and saith he will deliver his own soul in persuading the christians to forbear them : but it was the senates part to forbid them and take them away , and his predecessors were to petition the emperor ( as he owns ) to abolish such impieties b . so that baronius his huffing preface to this argument against these paganish feasts is very ridiculous . you may see ( saith he ) how he exalts himself against the emperor ; and though the city was under a gothic king , he prescribes laws to rome without asking leave of an impious prince c . he hath good eyes ( i am sure ) who in this sermon or discourse can see either any exercise of authority or law prescribed , only indeed it is a pious and rational exhortation . § . . a roman council under gelasius is placed next , said to consist of bishops , convened to settle the canon of scripture , and to distinguish genuine from spurious authors d . but the whole seems a meer forgery : for , first , the publishers are not agreed upon what pope to father it : divers manuscripts in labbè , ascribe it to hormisda ( who sat . years after this e . another very old book calls it , a declaration of holy scripture , &c. with gelasius his annotations f . the decree in gratian and in justellus his manuscript wants all the books of the old and new testament g . wherein also , all the stuff about the primacy , and the order of patriarchs is omitted : yea , the notes in gratian own , that formerly it went no further than to — item gesta sanctorum martyrum — so that the beginning and end ( that is , four parts in six ) are forged by their own confession ; yea , the whole , as binius grants , is so confused , that in many places it is impossible to read it ; yet ( they say ) they have ventured to mend it as well as they can . but after all their correcting , or ( rather ) corrupting it , the copies do not agree : some want the book of judith and the d of macchabees : some have only one book of kings , and one of chronicles : some reckon but two books of solomon , some three , and others five : some ascribe wisdom and ecclesiasticus to the son of syrach h . and after all , as to the canon it agrees neither with the council of laodicea , nor with that of carthage , nor indeed with it self , whatever binius vainly brags i . and is not this a rare foundation for the trent fathers to build their mistaken decree upon ? as to the rest of it , that passage [ — that the roman is preferred before all other churches , not by any synodal decrees , but by the voice of christ , &c. — ] is not only a modern addition ( as appears by gratian and justellus manuscript , which omit it ) but it contradicts the th epistle of gelasius , which saith , the supream power over all is not given to any by the canons , but to the apostolical church k . the order also of the patriarchal sees ( added since the time of gratian ) is drawn up contrary to the canons of constantinople and chalcedon : the account of councils make the emperors constantine and theodosius presidents of the two first general councils , marcian and anatolius of the th , without naming leo , and only mentions celestine's consent to the third council : so that this piece was coyned before the pope pretended all councils void wherein he or his legates did not preside . and that passage , that the acts of the martyrs are not read in the roman church , because many of them are writ by anonymous , mistaken , weak and heretical authors l , was writ before that church had stuffed all her offices so full of lying legends , and ridiculous romances about the saints , the reading of which ( before the reformation ) took up a third part of the priests time upon festival days : but upon the whole i dare aver , it is not gelasius his work , but most of it forged by isidore mercator year after the time of this pretended council : wherefore it ought not to be cited as evidence on their side . there is a d roman council under gelasius to absolve misenus , one of the popes legates , who had betrayed his master , and now repented : but admit the matter of fact be true , yet the bad style , and barbarous phrase of these acts are strong suspicions of their being forged . § . . anastasius the d succeeded gelasius , according to marcellinus chronicle ( an author of that time ) or in the year . but nauclerus places his election ( out of some other author ) an. m . baronius and the editors without authority correct both these , and place his entrance an. n . the matter is not great , and serves only to shew us the obscurity of the popes in that age , whose times are so differently related in history , that we may be sure they were not made ( as now at rome ) an aera to reckon councils and all other church matters by : the author of the pontifical ( who writ after the quarrel about acacius was over ) saith hard things of this pope ; viz. st , that his clergy rejected him , because without any council he communicated with photinus a deacon of thessalonica , a man of acacius party : and ly , because he would privately have restored acacius : for which also ( he saith ) by the divine judgment he was struck with death o . now all this was allowed for truth by their own writers before baronius p . and both ivo and gratian received it for authentic history , and placed it in their collections q . but since the partial cardinal writ , ( not to discover truth , but to disprove all that seemed to reflect on ) the roman see , gratian is corrected in later editions with a note which contradicts the text ; and the editors notes out of baronius ( which extol the pontifical to the skies when it reports the greatest falshoods for the honour of rome ) here say that book is erroneous and faulty ; yea , they charge them all to be hereticks that spread these reports , largely disputing that all this is false : but in vain ; for st , as to his allowing the name of acacius to be restored in the dypticks ( which is the meaning of voluit revocare acacium in the pontifical ) ; this is certainly true : for the emperor justin expresly affirms this pope did communicate with acacius his party , as the notes own , and they cannot disprove it but by falsifying an epistle of pope symmachus , and reading ego for nego ( as shall be shewed presently ) . nor is it any wonder that one pope should approve what his predecessors had condemned ; and if this be true , anastasius judged better than former popes , whose eyes were dazeled so by ambition , that they could not see the truth . ly , as to his communicating with photinus without a council , the notes finally do not deny it ; and it seems foelix the senator doubted not ( if anastasius had lived ) to have engaged him to subscribe zeno's edict for union ; so that he was likely enough to be moderate toward acacius his party : only i do not think he would ( as the notes pretend ) venture upon his single authority to absolve photinus , if he had been condemned by a council , because in that age the popes did not exercise any such power . dly , as to his being strook with death by voiding his bowels , it might be true ; nor can i think ( as the notes suggest ) that all the authors above cited are mistaken , and put the pope for the emperor , who died by thunder , because the deaths were very different : and though binius say it was about the same time r ; that is very false ; for the pope died an. , in the emperor's seventh year : but the emperor lived near twenty year longer , and died not till an. . so that those historians must be very dull who could not distinguish two such different things happening to two persons at so great a distance of time and place , but took it for the same story : yet after all it may be this pope died a natural death , and that this slander of his dying by gods judgment might be the invention of the next age , after the popes had got acacius to be declared a schismatick ; for then the writers were to blacken all his friends by such fables as these . and now that turn is served , baronius would wipe off the stain again , meerly because anastasius was a bishop of rome : how probable this guess is , i leave the reader to judge . there is but one epistle of this pope , writ to the emperor ( his name-sake ) anastasius , wherein 't is plain , he thinks the quarrel about acacius now deceased , no just ground for the two churches to separate from each other s : yet for the scandal he had given , his opinion was , that his name alone ought to be left out of the dypticks ; but withal he approves of the baptism and orders he had given , and justifies this by good proofs of scripture t . gratian holds this last decree to be illegal and uncanonical , because it contradicts the determinations of some of his predecessors u . but impartial readers will see , that his opinion is better confirmed by reason and scripture , than the contrary ever was by any pope that held it : nor ought the notes to say , anastasius decreed this by a dispensation grounded on his apostolical authority for it is an orthodox truth , that the crimes of the dispensers of sacraments and holy orders , especially if it be only schism , do not invalidate them , to such as in their integrity receive them : so that unless a pope need a dispensation to tell truth , here is no occasion for any dispensing power . this epistle is followed by a memorial given by the legates of alexandria to the popes legates then at constantinople , for an union between the two churches w , which they speak of as equal sister churches , and give no hint of any subjection due from them to rome , ( which they think ) had unfortunately mistaken them , as guilty of heresie : nor doth anastasius in the former letter to the emperor pretend to any power that he had over alexandria , but desires the emperor by his wisdom and authority to reduce them to the catholic faith , calling him the vicar appointed by god to preside in the earth : which the modern roman writers think too great a complement to a lay prince . upon the death of anastasius , the roman clergy were divided and chose two popes , laurentius and symmachus : but after a warm and long contest , both parties agreed to refer it to an heretical gothish king , viz. theodoric , to declare an infallibly orthodox head of the church x . who modestly referred it to a synod of bishops , and they at last confirmed the election of symmachus . the notes call this a schism of the universal church y . but it was no more than a schism of that particular church of rome , and had no influence , that we hear of , upon the whole catholick church : only a legend cited out of the fabulous dialogues ( which disparage the name of gregory the great ) tells us , that paschasius , a learned and holy roman deacon , was seen after his death in an odd purgatory of hot water , condemned thither ( as symmachus friends told the story ) for taking part with laurentius z : but it seems when this fable was made , praying to saints was not in fashion ; for paschasius desires the bishop that saw him to pray to the lord to release him . the notes also here cite a very idle story of an image which bled when it was shot ; but damascen is his author , who lived year after this , and whose stories about images are generally ridiculous and incredible . but 't is more material to observe , that this pope symmachus was charged with notorious crimes , and the papal power was then so low , that the roman clergy petitioned an arrian king to send visiters to try the pope , who submitted to this judicature authorized ( say the notes ) by this excellent prince : and the bishops ( as they observe ) not only acquitted the pope , but were so wise as to conceal the fault of which he was accused a . but if that were so great a piece of wisdom , ennodius , who then writ an apology for him , and baronius and binius , who now would vindicate him , shew no great discretion in confessing he was accused of adultery b : for which , ( if it were true , ) he deserved a worse purgatory than his antagonist paschasius . the epistles published in symmachus's name are eleven . the two first of which were formerly directed to caesarius , but now they alter the title , and inscribe them to eonius : it seems the forger was no good chronologer ; and the stile is so barbarous , the sense so obscure , and the matter so jejune , that it would be a scandal to any pope to have writ them c . and if symmachus writ these , the th and th may be discerned by their style , to have been endited for him by a more able hand d , that is , by ennodius , who binius supposes did write the th epistle e . however , this pope is very free in blaming his predecessor for decreeing contrary to the ancient custom f : but he scruples not to break many canons at once , by ordering that the popes for the future shall name their successors g . in the th epistle of symmachus , the editors and baronius have manifestly corrupted the text , reading ist a quidem ego , for ista quidem nego h : but the sense shews the forgery ; for the emperor had charged the pope for excommunicating him , in the case of acacius ; symmachus replies , i deny these things ; we have not excommunicated you , o emperor , but acacius : leave him , and you are quit of his excommunication ; if you do not thrust your self into his excommunication you are not excommunicated by us ; if you do , you are excommunicated by your self , not by us : so that whether you stick to him or leave him , however you are not excommunicated by us . we see the pope over and over declares , they had not by any particular sentence excommunicated the emperor at rome ; it was only acacius in particular , and his followers in general , who were sentenced there ; in which sentence if the emperor wilfully involved himself , they ( who had done nothing against him ) could not justly be blamed , as if they had excommunicated him : now to bring in this sentence with ista quidem ego — is to make the pope contradict himself , and confess he had excommunicated the emperor , which he utterly denies , and therefore ista quidem nego — must be the true reading , and that bold forgery of turning it into [ ego , ] was made on purpose to set up an early precedent for the pope's having excommunicated emperors . finally , the margen of the same epistle ( to carry on the same holy cheat ) observes , that the pope's dignity is greater than the emperors : but this is not in the text , where symmachus thus expresseth himself , i will not say , it is a greater , but an equal power : so that when the pope had stretcht a little , they go much further , and dare tell greater untruths than he . and here we shall conclude this century , because the first synod said to be held under this pope , ought to be dated after the year , and belongs to the next age : to which we shall proceed ( with gods assistance ) hereafter , when we have first ( in our usual method ) noted some remarkable errors in baronius , that are within this period , but have not fallen in our way , as we treated of the councils of this time . an appendix concerning baronius his annals . the cardinal hath given a just , but severe censure of his own history , where he saith , it is dangerous to enquire after truth among later writers , who are often found to write that which false rumors , vain imagination , private affection and sometimes flattery suggested to their minds , to the great prejudice of historical truth a . yet he borrows very many of his relations concerning the saints , and ancient practices , from modern authors , or from spurious tracts , of which this period affords us these instances . § . . they will have porcarius the abbot to have been a martyr , and celebrate his martyrdom aug. th , and yet the history is taken out of a spurious tract , and he owns the matter of fact to be false b . his report of a golden saviour ( so they name an image ) decked with precious jewels , made by the emperor valentinian , at the request of pope sixtus , hath no better authority than the epistle of pope adrian to charlemain , which is stuffed with fables : no writer of this age takes notice of it , nor were such images then used : so that it need be no wonder , that the vandals did not plunder this rich statue , because in the time of their sacking rome it was not there c . but if some worshiper of images about adrian's time , to gain repute to this golden statue , ascribed a greater antiquity to it , than he ought ( as was usual in such cases , ) baronius doth ill to represent it as a wonder , that an image was not stolen before it was made . the respect that childeric , a pagan king of france , payed to st. genovefa , and the miracles that occasioned it , depends on the credit of surius , and the acts of that virgin ; so that the matter of fact is very suspicious d ; and the large reflexion upon it is as frivolous , in representing a heathen king as more pious than those ( whom he calls ) hereticks , for venerating and worshiping the saints ; for his story proves nothing of his worshiping a saint departed ; and if any living saints could now be found in their church , i dare say , the very hereticks would give them great respect . that apparition of the blessed virgin to leo before he was emperor , which the annalist describes so prolixly , hath no other nor better author than nicephorus , who lived long after this age , and is by this very historian often censured for a fabulous writer e . again , to justifie an improbable story of caesarius while he was but a young bishop , imperiously commanding a greater and much elder bishop than himself , ( eucherius bishop of lyons ) to work a miracle , taken out of a corrupted piece of caesarius his life ; he rejects the chronology of gennadius , and talks of supposing two bishops of lyons , named both of them eucherius d , though no ancient author mention any such thing . the relation of an angels visibly waiting on st. marcellus , when he and his monks went to petition the emperor against the making an arrian , caesar ; is cunningly contrived : for the author notes , that of all the company , only some few witnesses fore ordained of god , who had clearer eyes than the rest , saw this angel e . and zonaras ( a more credible writer than the deviser of these acts , ) who mentions the story , never heard of this apparition at all f . however , if these few sharp-sighted gentlemen designed to impose upon the rest of the monks , the plot was well laid , that none but they should discern the angel. the miracle of the beam of light , appearing at the election of st. remigius , the apostle of the french , is very suspicious , because sidonius who knew and admired him , and lived at the same time , is silent ; and the report is fetched from a successor of his , who writ ( or is pretended to have writ ) this above year after g . though surius be one of his most common authors for all his legends , yet he confesses great defects , and many things which need correction , are found in his collection h ; and he in the same page taxes nicephorus to be erroneous i , yet hath no better authors than he and metaphrastes , for the invention of the most holy garment of the blessed virgin , which yet no doubt the ignorant people of the roman communion do mightily adore k : such another evidence , is the pratum spirituale of jo. moschus ( falsly ascribed to sophronius ; ) yet out of this , he records a very scandalous story ; that the blessed virgin declared to a devout votaress of hers , whom zeno had abused by violence ; that she could not take vengeance on him for his lust , because this emperor gave much alms l ; which teaches rich men how to continue as filthy as they please , and be secured against the divine vengeance , if any be so weak as to credit it . it shews great partiality for any story about the relicks of the saints , in that baronius rejects all the circumstances mentioned by theodorus lector about the relicks of st. eustatius , and yet will have us believe the solemn removal of them to antioch ; whereas we have reason to respect the story it self to be false , when the sole author was grosly mistaken , both in the time and effects of translating the relicks m . but the business of the annalist was , to defend and allow every thing that seemed to make the veneration of relicks ancient . nothing is more evident in this age , than that the emperors or the gothish kings ; yea , the praefacts of rome made rules for the election of the popes , and either confirmed or annulled them : but whereas there is a decree about elections at rome , made in the vacancy of the see , by the roman clergy and basilius the praefect , which seems to be very genuine n ; baronius rejects it , by the bare authority of a synod that hath been forged , ( as shall be shewed ) on purpose to persuade the world , that princes had nothing to do in the election of popes . the story of the apparition of st. michael at mount garganus , is cited only out of a late author , viz. sigebert , who lived above year after this time : and therefore the cardinal ought not to have been so nice , in mending a gross mistake in the relation , ( which shews the ignorance of the inventor of this fable , ( but rather to have rejected the whole fiction so absurdly related , and so ill attested ( o ) . with like industry baronius defends two most ridiculous fables about images , which jo. damascen cites out of theodoret's ecclesiastical history , and yet the facts happened ( as is pretended in the reign of anastasius , ) who was not emperor till year after theodoret's death p . now rather than lose such evidence for the veneration of images , the annalist falls to guessing , who was the true author of these fables ; and first he thinks it was theodorus lector ; but he writ in anastasius his time , who ordered this picture to be made , so that he could not speak of this , as an old piece spoiled with moisture : wherefore at last he finds another theodoret , besides the famous bishop of cyrus , but knows neither where nor when he lived : so that such an obscure writer is not a sufficient witness to make great improbabilities credible ; yet he takes this for a mighty and clear miracle , wrought by god at constantinople in the east , on purpose to confute the arrian princes then reigning in africa , italy and gaul q ; who in all probability never heard of this story , and would much sooner have believed it , if it had been done in their own country . it is very improbable , that later authors should know so exactly all the little acts , sayings and miracles of st. benedict , and yet differ almost year about the year of his birth ; nor are they agreed about his age and death . this minds me of a comical authors remark upon such as pretend to pray and preach extempore by an hour-glass — as if the spirit could teach them what to say ; but not how much — it is ( doubtless ) a strong suspicion that most of the relations were invented after the time of this saint , ( little noted in his own days ) was forgotten . yet i see not how the time of writing the dialogues ( called ) gregory's , should prove marianus , scotus , sigebert and trithemius mistaken , in saying benedict was born in the year : because if gregory the second ( which is very probable , ) were the author of those fabulous dialogues , he was made pope an. . ( in an age of legends , ) and so benedict dying , an. , might have four abbots his successors , before this heap of fables was put together , which are very unworthy of gregory the st pope r . it is worth noting , that this benedict despised learning and study , and ran away from school s ; an ill omen , that his followers the monks should help to ruin all polite literature , and bring in that ignorance which covered all christendom for many ages : for what other could be expected from such a founder , that was knowingly ignorant , and wisely unlearned ( as this gregory speaks ? ) but it was not only his case ; for st. francis , another founder of monkery , bids his followers — if they cannot read , never to learn any letters , but above all to take heed they may be inspired with the spirit t : yea , he makes reading much , and getting books , to be one of his bad signs u . these illiterate patrons were fit to lead on an army of ignoramus fryers , to extinguish the light of learning , that their false doctrins and cheating practices might pass undiscovered in the darkness they had made . further , we may observe , that the cardinal severely taxes trithemius , and other monkish writers , for falsly feigning that many eminent men , who preceded benedict in time , were monks of his order , out of a blind zeal to set up its glory w . but he considers not , that the same blind zeal hath put these authors , ( out of whom he brings innumerable stories , ) upon saying very false things for the glory of their order , which probably never were done upon the face of the earth . so that he should have better authority than these partial monks , for the miracles of their own saints . theodorus lector heaped up many scattered reports without care , and is not of the best credit , especially in case of relicks ; but his single testimony is enough , to make baronius believe , that god takes care of a dead saints bones , in an earthquake , which probably might swallow up many living saints x , who often suffer in such common calamities . those miracles of st. remigius , which are impiously equalled to them that the apostles wrought y , have no better evidence than two authors , ( aimonius and hincmarus , ) who writ about year after : for that epistle of hormisda , wherein that pope makes remigius his legate , is ( like the rest of that kind , ) a manifest forgery : for he mentions clovis , the modern name of ludovicus , as if he were the king of france , and newly baptized ; whereas clovis died at least four year before hormisda was pope , and was baptized near twenty year before this letter is pretended to be writ . from which examples , ( though but few ) it appears baronius his evidence for miracles , and other things that tend to support the superstitions of rome , are generally forged , or suspicious authors . § . . but when he cites genuine writers in such points , he often corrupts their sense , and sometimes their words : for instance , baronius pretends , that an intire edict of marcian's is imperfect , meerly because he cannot find in it any particular expressions , to take away the primacy of the see of constantinople z . whereas this edict clearly confirms the canon of chalcedon , which had given the second place to constantinople , by this very emperor marcian's consent : and it is something odd , that our annalist by meer fancy , should assert even with confidence , than an emperor of the east should revoke by an edict , and a bishop of constantinople renounce a priviledge granted by that same emperor , and in a general council , to that church , a few years before . again , he insinuates that st. severine allowed the worship of saints departed , now used in the roman church a : but the authors he cites , euagrius and eugippius , though they writ many years after st. severine's death , ) have not one word of any deliverance by the praying to saints : but one of them saith , they were freed from the famin by the providence of god : and the other affirms , they praised god for hearing st. severine ' s prayers in this calamity : so that severine prayed only to god , and the people of that age praised him alone : and how can this excite the posterity of that nation at this day to pray to st. severine so long after his decease ? what victor saith of those , who suffered death by the arrian persecution in africa , that the romans would count them martyrs b , must be meant either of the roman captives in africk , or of the roman church in italy , who looked on these sufferers as their brethren , and of the same faith , and so reckoned them martyrs : but to stretch this phrase , to signifie , that then the words [ roman ] and [ catholick ] were of the same import , is very unreasonable , and what victor never dreamed of . 't is very suspicious , that ecdicius did not get his wonderful victory over the goths by praying to st. martin , because that history is related by two authors , one very authentick , that is , sidonius , who might have been , and probably was an eye-witness , who doth not once name st. martin : the other gregory of tours , that lived near years after , and he mentions it indeed , as done by the invocation of the saint of his church c . but baronius in the next year taxes him with writing things that could not be credited d . wherefore , he should rather have drawn his conclusion from the living and certain historian , if truth had been the business of these annals . the emperor leo's edict , is solely designed for the keeping holy the lords-days , which are the festivals , properly dedicated to the majesty of the most high. but the annalist expounds this of all feast-days e , to give more colour to the scandalous usage of their church , where more reverence is given to a little saints-day , than to the sunday , which from the creation , or however , from the apostles times , was most religiously kept to the honour of god himself , as the principal time of his most solemn worship . baronius also wrongs zeno the emperor , in saying , that his edict for union did anathematize the council of chalcedon f : for the words of the edict shew the contrary , since zeno only anathematizes them , who believed not according to the nicene creed , whether in the council of chalcedon , or in any other council ; and the cardinal himself in the next page , only charges zeno , with tacitly abrogating the council of chalcedon g ; and liberatus affirms , the emperor was angry with john talaia , for not relishing the council of chalcedon h : yea , the zealots against this general council , at alexandria , renounced the communion of peter ; because by subscribing this edict of union , he had refused openly to anathematize the council of chalcedon i ; all which shews , that this edict did not condemn that council . liberatus saith no more , but that the papers were taken away , lest they should be delivered to the catholicks , to whom they were written : but baronius out of this affirms , that the pope writ to the clergy , the monks and orthodox laity k , ( as if he had seen the titles of the several letters , ) and cites liberatus for his evidence . in like manner he brings in the words of liberatus , after a fictitious letter of a roman synod : and cites him thus , these letters being given to acacius , he would not receive them , &c. l . by which one would imagine , that liberatus had attested this feigned synodical letter ; but this author speaks only of that epistle of foelix , which baronius had cited three pages before m , and knew nothing of any synodical epistle . thus he cites part of an oration made at the dedication of a church , which had been an idols temple , but now was consecrated to the memory of christ , and of st. peter and st. paul ; and though there be not one syllable in the words cited of any worship of saints , yet baronius concludes , that this is enough to intimate , that the worship of the saints did always flourish , not only among the bishops of this new dedicated church , but among all catholicks n : but he must be very willing to believe a false doctrin , that will receive it from a bold conclusion , that hath no premisses . again , to give credit to a relation of st. michael's appearing and being worshiped at rome in this age , he cites a poet , who says nothing of the worship of st. michael ; and he would also insinuate , that this drepanius lived about this time o , to make this superstition seem more ancient : whereas it is well known , that drepanius florus writ about the year , that is , year after this age , and year after pope gregory p , at which time many corruptions and gross ignorance were visible in the church . we may also note , that baronius corrects marcellinus's chronicle , about the ingress of pope anastasius , out of the pontifical ; whereas marcellinus lived at that time , and brought down his chronicle to the year , and so is a very credible author q . but in the same page our annalist shews , how grosly the pontifical is mistaken in point of time , speaking of things as done under one pope , that were done under another ; and affirming such and such facts done to persons , that were dead long before r : yet not only here , but in many places this mistaken author is the sole standard of baronius his chronology . and whereas theodorus lector , ( who writ an. . ) expresly saith , king theodorick called a synod at rome s : the cardinal rejects his testimony , and out of the pontifical and some spurious acts , affirms , that pope symmachus called this synod t : for those are the best authors that speak of their side . § . . with like artifice our author conceals some part of the truth , which might prejudice his cause : as for instance , he notes as a peculiar piece of impudence and madness in timothy aelurus , the invader of the see of alexandria , that he darted forth his anathema's against the roman bishops , and makes a dismal representation of that crime u : but the epistle which relates the story , saith , he anathematized anatolius arch-bishop of constantinople , and basilius of antioch , as well as leo bishop of rome w : so that there is no reason to conceal that in his recapitulation , but only to make the pope look higher , and greater than he was in those days . liberatus ( no doubt ) was better informed what passed at alexandria , than leo could he at rome ; so that his account that timothy aelurus was immediately sent into banishment by the emperor from alexandria , is far more credible , than that which baronius deduces from pope leo's letters , of his coming first to constantinople : but the cardinal corrects liberatus by conjectures , meerly to persuade the world , that the emperor obeyed the pope x in banishing that heretick ; whereas the writers of that time say , he did it by advice of a synod at constantinople . it is also observable , that when he speaks of epistles writ , or messages sent to the bishop of rome by any new patriarch , he always adds , de more , according to custom y ; but though it was as much according to custom , for every new patriarch to write to the bishop of constantinople , or to him of antioch , &c. to notifie his election , and declare his being in the communion of the catholick church z ; yet there baronius leaves out thole words , according to custom . § . . but there are more instances of his obscuring the truth by false reasoning , and particularly by supposing things as certain , which are not proved , and then making inferences from thence , and offering such conclusions for manifest truths . thus upon supposition that the pope was then above the emperor , and that nothing relating to the church could be done without the roman bishop ; he introduces an edict of marcian's , with a letter of pope leo's , and with this phrase , the emperor marcian obeyed pope leo a . whereas that letter of leo hath no relation to the edict , and is an humble petition to the emperor to get his letter to flavian well translated into greek , and sent to alexandria , to clear him from an imputation of heresie falsly laid to his charge : but the edict takes no notice of leo , or his epistle , or of the roman church , but charges the alexandrians to follow the nicene faith , as it was prosessed by their own bishops , athanasius , theophilus and cyril b : and though there be a mistake in the month , the year is right , and it is dated three years after leo's epistle to marcian c : but the cardinal alters the date , and would add to the sense , only to support his mistaken supposition . anatolius , bishop of constantinople , might perhaps regulate some of the officers or clergy of his church , at the request of pope leo ; but it doth not appear , that either leo did pretend to command anatolius , nor that anatolius owned he had any authority over him : and it is certain , that for all leo's huffing , the patriarchs of constantinople did keep the place and priviledges granted by the council of chalcedon : so that the cardinals inferences grounded on supposing , that leo exercised jurisdiction over , and took away the priviledges from anatolius d , are not only weak , but very absurd . he supposes acacius was the enditer of an edict of leo the emperor , touching the priviledges of the see of constantinople , and then harangues upon his ambition , and severely taxeth his pride e . but he brings no proof but his own conjecture , that acaoius did procure this edict : yet if he did , it only confirms the ancient priviledges of that see , and those it was then in possession of ; and if this make him appear proud as lucifer ( as the cardinal intimates : ) how many edicts with ten times loftier stiles have the popes procured or forged , to set up and support their supremacy ? yet we find no censures of them , nor no inferences , but in their commendation . it is a false supposition , that acacius was stirred up by the letters of pope simplicius to oppose the heretical attempts of the usurper basiliscus : for ( as we have proved before , ) simplicius flattered this tyrant , at the same time when acacius moved by his own zeal for the catholick faith , opposed him f . but it is the cardinals design , to make all good deeds owe their original only to the popes , and to blacken all that acacius did , because he would not truckle to the papal chair : otherwise , when basiliscus doth no more but restore the rights that constantinople had before his time , ( as the words of the edict shew g ; and theodorus lector affirms nothing , but that the rights of that see were restored ; why should it be a crime in acacius to procure this confirmation from basiliscus ? i dare say , baronius thinks it no fault in boniface , to get the primacy of rome established by phocas , a bloodier tyrant and greater usurper than basiliscus . a little after , upon the bare affirmation of an interested and partial pope , he saith , acacius governed the eastern provinces by a power delegated from the pope h ; and upon this supposition he explains the lapsed asian bishops supplication to him , as if it was on the account of his being the popes legate : but nothing can be falser ; for if acacius would have submitted to such a delagation , the popes and he had never fallen out ; so that nothing is more certain , than that he ever despised such a delegated power , and exercised jurisdiction over those asian bishops by an authority granted him by councils and imperial rescripts , that is , by as good right as the pope had in italy . another false supposition is , that timothy the orthodox bishop of alexandria , sent the petition of such as had fallen in the time of his heretical predecessors , to rome to beg pardon , and to desire they might be readmitted into the church ; and thence he infers , that the absolution from the crime of heresie , was wont to be reserved to the pope i . a note so false and absurd , that we must suppose those millions of hereticks , which on their repentance were absolved all the world over , in all ages , without consulting the pope ; were not rightly absolved , if this were true : but he builds it on a rotten foundation ; the letter of simplicius , ( whence he deduces it ) saying no more , but that this timothy of alexandria had sent him a copy of this petition , to shew upon what terms he had readmitted them to the communion of the church ; and the pope thought his proceedings were unexceptionable : but there is not a word of their desiring a pardon from rome , or of the popes granting it ; much less of that patriarchal church of alexandria's wanting power to reconcile its own members ; which was setled on it by the council of nice , as amply as the roman churches was . soon after he supposes , no election of a patriarch of alexandria or antioch was good and valid , unless it were confirmed by the pope : now he draws this consequence from a letter of simplicius , which only says , that upon zeno the emperors charging john talaia the elect bishop of alexandria with perjury , ( who had endeavoured to get the pope to own his communion ) simplicius would not confirm him , upon so eminent a persons objection k . which confirming , signifies no more than the popes giving him communicatory letters as to an orthodox bishop ; which was requisite for every patriarch to grant to any new-elected patriarch as well as the pope : and that it signifies no more is plain from hence , because though afterwards this john's election was approved at rome ; yet that confirmation did not make him bishop of alexandria : so that a papal confirmation in those days gave no bishop a title , and was no more but a testimonial of their communicating with him at rome , and judging him orthodox : and john talaia desired such a confirmation as this from acacius as well as from the pope , as liberatus affirms l ; and the miscarriage of those letters , it seems was one reason why acacius opposed his election . he reckons up a great many things ( in his opinion ) grievous crimes done by zeno the emperor , but that ( saith he ) which is more odious than all the monstrous wickednesses is , that an emperor should establish a decree about matters of faith m . now this is all on supposition , that princes are not to meddle in the setling the true religion : but if he look into sacred or ecclesiastical story , he shall find nothing hath been more usual , than for the most religious princes to confirm the true , and condemn false religions ; and therefore if this uniting edict of zeno were orthodox ( of which we do not now dispute ) the making it was no crime as all . the next year , he repeats the story of john talaia his appealing to the pope ; and because in this age they have made him the supreme judge over the whole church , baronius saith he appealed to him as to the lawful judge n . but liberatus , out of whom he hath the story , shews he applyed to the pope only as an intercessor , and persuaded him to write to acacius in his behalf : and indeed the popes definitive sentence in those days , would have done him no good : wherefore , he only desired he would use his interest in acacius , to reconcile him to the emperor ; but all in vain : which shews that the eastern church did not then believe the pope was a lawful judge in this case . it is a bold stroke , under such a pope as simplicius ( who submitted to the eastern emperors , who ( in baronius opinion ) were schismaticks , and to the arrian gothic kings in italy , and who could purge his own city from heresie , but connived at the arrians who possessed neer half rome ) ; for the historian to brag , that the popes majesty and authority shined as bright as under constantine , or theodosius o ; and as vain a boast , that their universal power was as great under pagan persecuting emperors as at any other time : for he never hath nor never can make this out ; and the history of all ages shews that the popes power was very inconsiderable at first , and grew up by degrees ; being larger or narrower in old times , as it happened to be savoured or opposed by kings and emperors : but it was never very great , till the popes had ruined both empires of the east and west . from this immoderate conceit of the papal authority in that age , proceeds that mistaken observation , that pope foelix and gelasius rejecting the books of faustus rhegiensis , was more than all the pious and learned writings of s. caesarius , s. avitus and the famous fulgentius , who in peculiar tracts confuted faustus p : they must be very good blind catholicks doubtless , who reject an opinion rather upon the bare authority of the pope , than upon the solid aurguments from scripture , reason and antiquity , urged by the most famous orthodox writers . baronius taking it for granted , that to be a catholic and to be in communion with the roman church is one and the same thing ; wonders that the orthodox in the east should communicate with euphemius the orthodox bishop of constantinople , and main defender of the council of chalcedon , who did not communicate with the bishop of rome : and hence he supposes the eastern catholicks were in the dark , and could not distinguish friends from foes q . whereas , it is the annalists prejudices that put him into this mist : the catholicks of the east cleerly saw their great patriarch was truly orthodox , and knew no such principle as the cardinal dreams of : wherefore they did not think an orthodox bishop less orthodox , because rome rejected him for not submitting to their usurpations . so that this instance utterly confutes his supposition , and shews how unjustly he calls us and others hereticks , meerly for not submitting to the popes supremacy , though we hold the articles of the catholic faith in all other points . of this we have a further proof in the next year , when elias bishop of jerusalem ( owned by baronius for a good catholick r , while the quarrel continued between the bishops of rome and constantinople ( which that author taxes as a schism upon both sides ) . this elias communicated only with euphemius , and is highly commended for so doing ; since euphemius was a sound catholic , and defended the council of chalcedon s . baronius indeed pretends euphemius was not yet condemned by gelasius t ; but his predecessor had condemned acacius and all that were his partakers , and gelasius was hotter in this quarrel than foelix ; which elias of hierusalem knew , and yet took the contrary side to the popes , as the safer for a good catholic : therefore it could not be the opinion of that age , that holding communion with rome , was necessary to denominate a man a good catholick , or to free him from the guilt of schism . to conclude these examples , who can value all those pompous consequences which he draws about the popes supremacy , appeals , &c. from the vain brags of an ambitious bishop of rome u , which were despised by those to whom he sent them , and ought not to be regarded by us , who know his partiality , and consider he speaks in his own cause w ? but we may note , this is the best evidence they have ; and therefore they must make as much of it as they can . our lord jesus did not desire to bear witness to himself x ; but his pretended vicar , ( knowing the weakness of his claim ) most unjustly decrees ; that when the priviledges of the apostolick see are in question , he will not have any judge of them but himself y . and if he be party , witness and judge , we may guess which way the cause will go . § . . in the next place we will note some of those absurdities and contradictions , wherein his zeal to serve a party hath intangled this learned historian : for example ; the cardinal brings in leo opposing the advancement of jerusalem to a patriarchate , and taxes juvenalis the bishop there , for arrogating this primacy to himself z ; forgetting that he himself had declared , that the council of chalcedon had setled this primacy upon him a . as for what he produces out of leo , that cyril writ to him against this , and with earnest prayers desired him to oppose it ; either leo feigns this story , or the epistle is suspicious ; since it is very unlikely that so great a bishop as st. cyril , should write so humbly , as to beg a favour of leo then but arch-deacon of rome b . but leo did not like juvenalis his advancement , and therefore baronius must condemn it , though granted in a general council : and though he say here , juvenalis had nothing of a good bishop in him , and sought the primacy by evil arts and forged writings , contrary to the nicene council : yet soon after he tells , that simeon stylites and the devout euthymius , ( the gratest saints of that age ) gave juvenalis a good character , and charged the empress eudocia , to communicate with him c . i confess , i cannot easily understand how any man can more evidently blow hot and cold , as occasion serves , than baronius doth in these different characters of the same bishop . he relates three wonderful , if not incredible stories of st. leo , and the last , though justified by an ancient picture , ( which is proof enough sometimes for a serviceable miracle ) , he utterly rejects as a fable ; the reason of which is , that the two former instances tended to the popes credit , but this last reflected something on his memory : otherwise we should have had some author or other to attest it , at least as good as sophronius d : but this poor fable wants a father , and issaid to be unworthy of christian ears , and to want all ancient authority . it is observable , that those which he calls the most faithful acts of daniel stylites ( and would have this saint pass for a prophet ) relate , that after a great fire was begun in the city of constantinople , and other endeavours to quench it proved vain ; they went to daniel to pray for them , who foretold them , that the fire should cease after seven days , and so it came to pass e : yet euogrius a more credible author saith , the fire endured but four days , and some say six f : but his faithful acts will have it burn seven days after the citizens came to daniel . we may note also , that these legends ascribe the saving the whole city , one to daniel's , another to st. mercellus his prayers , a third brings in st. marcian's prayers , as the means of preserving one church g : and baronius calls all these , consentientia dicta , agreeing reports : but an impartial historian would have discerned the difference , and rejected them all as fictions h : for truth is one , but fables have infinite varieties . he makes a severe reflexion upon the emperor leo , for making an eutychian heretick his admiral , and imputes the loss of the fleet to that sinful choice , and his tolerating of hereticks i . but unless he could prove all tolerating princes were conquered , and all heretical generals beaten , there is no strength in the reflexion : besides , he forgets that his majestick pope simplicius tolerated the arrians , who about this time possessed almost half the city of rome k , and yet he makes no remark of any judgment on him . there are many evidences , that baronius did not understand greek , and one instance of it is , that when he had named the heretical bishop of antioch , petrus cnapheus , ( that is in greek ) peter the fuller , he adds of his own , idemque fullo nuncupatus est l , the same man is called also peter the fuller . that baronius is mistaken as to ambrosius aurelianus m , who was saluted emperor in britain , both as to the person and time , is made evident by our learned country man archbishop usher n : to whom the reader is referred , for a more exact account of that famous man. it is very impertinent in baronius , to upbraid the reformed christians of these days , with the miraculous confession of the orthodox in africa , whose tongues being cut out by the cruel arrians , they still spoke plainly , and owned the true faith o : for we confess the same faith that they did , and have the same and no more sacraments : but though these bishops did then say , they held the faith that then was held in the roman church , that belongs not to the present romanists , who have added new articles to their creed , new sacraments , and set up many new objects for worship : so that if those african martyrs and confessors were now alive , they would no more own these than they did the vandals . the censure of nicephorus , who lived in a superstitious age , and the fictions devised in the second nicene council to support image-worship , are no way credible . xenaias ( if ever there were such a man , ) was not the first , who said the images of christ and the saints were not to be adored ; and it seems by his affirming , that worship in spirit and truth was only acceptable to christ p , that he had read the holy scripture more considerately than those at rome now , who overlook the second commandment , and many other places which expresly condemn their idolatry : so that for ought appears from any author of his time now extant , this xenaias was an orthodox christian , however in this point . baronius hath missed binius and others , touching the age of faustus the semi-pelagian , as also the time of the two councils in france , relating to his opinions q . but these and some other errors are learnedly and acurately corrected by the famous vossius in his pelagian history , to which i refer the reader r , for his own satisfaction . how often doth our annalist censure the eastern emperors and patriarchs , for tolerating hereticks ? how many dreadful judgments ( in his way of interpreting providence ) doth he note , came upon them for this single crime ? yet here we have an heretical emperor tolerated all his reign for year together , and his name allowed in the dypticks , by many successive popes , for near year after his death s . surely he will not own so many infallible guides , before hormisda , were ignorant of zeno's heresie ; and if they did know it , their fault in tolerating him , and owning his memory is much greater : how much so ever , therefore he would magnifie his roman bishops care of the catholick faith , when truth comes out , the bishops of constantinople in this age did more service to the faith , than the popes ; and euphemius threatned anastasius the emperor into professing the right faith while foelix flattered him t ; which is a good reason , why the pious eastern bishops chose to communicate with the patriarchs of constantinople rather than with the popes , while the churches were divided . it seems the emperor anastasius in a controversie about the sense of the council of chalcedon , falsly thought to procure peace by imposing silence , both on the catholicks and hereticks : and he is censured for this vain hope u . but in a like case that happened afterward , pope vigilius also decreed ( as he saith ) both sides should keep silence ; and this he calls a prudent care to preserve the church from danger w : so that baronius makes that to be praise-worthy in a pope , which is a grievous crime in any body else : such partiality is very unbecoming in any writer , but chiefly in an historian . he gives it us , as an ingenious argument of pope gelasius , that the cause between him and acacius could not be judged at constantinople , where the same persons were enemies , witnesses and judges x : but this pope aiming at his adversary , like an unskilful fencer hits himself : for this is a very strong reason , why acacius his cause should not be judged by the pope , an enemy , a witness and a judge . when a most pious bishop , the main support of the catholick cause was deposed and banished , viz. euphemius , the annalist saith , he deserved to be abdicated by gods just judgment , for not obeying the popes in abdicating acacius his name — and he pretends the fathers say , there can be no confessors or martyrs out of the roman churuh y . whereas cyril the monk , cited by our historian saith , euphemius was impiously deposed from his see , and exclaims against the wicked injustice of this fact z ; which this mans prejudice makes him call gods just judgment . but god doth not punish men for that which is no fault ; and it was none in euphemius , not to submit to the pope's most unjust claim of a superiority over his church , which had been exempted by two general councils from all subjection , and advanced to the second place among the patriarchs . as for his other assertion , no father of credit can be produced , that did appropriate martyrdom , or confessorship to those in communion with rome : yea , this very age produced a great many bishops and holy monks , such as elias , daniel stylites , st. sabas , &c. who did not communicate with the pope , but took part ( in this contest ) with euphemius , who then were and still are ( even by baronius ) called martyrs and consessors . yea , the cardinal himself asserts , that those who were slain , or suffered any thing in a petty contest at rome , meerly about the choice of a pope , were martyrs and confessors a , though no article of faith came into the dispute : and doubtless , he cannot rob these eastern martyrs and confessors , ( who suffered by hereticks only for the true faith ) of their deserved titles . in like manner he uses paschasius , a learned and pious roman deacon , who never separated from the catholick church ; but when two ambitious candidates , scandalously strove for the papal chair , he chanced to take the less fortunate side : and this he counts dying in schism , and ( without any authority ) takes it for granted , that he repented of it before his death , because otherwise he thinks it was impossible he should be saved b . the ground of these remarks is an idle legend , out of the fabulous dialogues ascribed to st. gregory : but the principles ( of making it schism and a mortal sin to mistake in a popes election ) are his own . to conclude this sort of observations , it is very hard that symmachus should long expect letters from anastasius the emperour , more majorum c ; when the controversie was yet scarce decided , who was pope , he or laurentius . and as for the mos majorum , that would have obliged symmachus first to write to the emperor , as his predecessors use to do . i need not make a new head , to observe what excursions he often hath to dispute for the roman side , which in an historian is not allowable , since he is to relate pure matter of fact , and neither to commend a friend nor reproach an enemy unjustly . there are many of these digressions about acacius , the bishop of constantinople , against whom he most bitterly inveighs for a long time together ; and treats him with language so rude and scurrilous , that one would think he was some monster or devil incarnate d . yet at last his greatest crime is , ( in comparison of which all his other faults were light ones , ) he opposed the pope ! who attempted to usurp a jurisdiction over him , and to rob him and his see of the priviledges , which general councils had granted to constantinople : otherwise ( as hath been shewed , ) he was a most pious and orthodox man : and zeno the emperor who stood by his own bishop in this just cause , cannot escape many severe lashes from this partial historian , who frequently goes out of his way and takes every little occasion e to aggravate his miscarriages , yea , to rail at him without any cause . it is agreed by all impartial historians , that the emperor valentinian the third , did advance ravenna to be a patriarchal seat , an. dom. , and that it held this dignity without any dependance on the see of rome , till after the middle of the th century f . and how they strugled to keep those liberties many years after , may be seen in a late eminent author g . but baronius , who allows a thousand forgeries for rome , every where disputes against this priviledge , and condemns all that the bishops of ravenna did h : and here takes a boasting threatning letter of the pope's , to be very good evidence , that all the priviledges of the church of ravenna flowed from rome i . but besides that his witness is a party , we may note , the priviledges were so large , that we may be sure the roman church never granted them ; their ambition to be absolutely supream , not allowing them to endure any equal , especially in italy . again , we have a digression about the hard usage of the popes legates at constantinople ; and he not only aggravates their sufferings beyond what either his authors say , or the truth will bear : but also takes occasion to tell you , that this is the way of hereticks , to act by violence and terror , and to treat the pious with clubs , swords and prisons , instead of charity and peace k . now if this be the character of hereticks , the roman church that always did and still doth proceed thus where it hath power , may fairly pass for an heretical church . and as for the ground of this unlucky observation , zeno and acacius did nothing , but what all wise governors would have done ; for since these legates of the popes came to justifie an usurped authority , and to disturb the quiet of the church at constantinople , their letters ( which were judged seditious ) were taken from them , and they ( without any hurt to their persons ) secured , till time and discourse had made them sensible how ill an errand they came upon : so that being convinced of the justice of acacius proceedings , they communicated with him , and let fall the popes business . i have touched that frivolous excursion about the worship of images before l ; i only note now , that if petrus cnapheus did oppose that idle superstition in its first rise , he was more orthodox than any who promoted it , as to that point ; and it may be the later historians , who doted upon the worship of images , may have given this peter a worse name than he deserved ; lying characters of all iconoclasts , being as common with them as other fabulous stories , which abound in the writers of this controversie above all others . from two passages out of the additions to gennadius , writ by some unknown hand , mentioning two books , one of honoratus bishop of marseils , approved by gelasius , and another of gennadius his own , presented to that pope , and one example of john talaias apology sent to his sole patron the fame gelasius ; our historian largely digresses , to prove that the pope was the sole judge of all writers and writings , and talks as if he was the only censor librorum , in that age m : whereas i can name him divers other bishops of less eminent sees , that had twice as many books sent to them for their approbation ; yet none of their successors were so vain , as to challenge any right from thence to judge of orthodox books : and for the decree of gelasius about apocryphal writings , it is a meer imposture . he complains of the arrogance of the constantinopolitan see , which insulted over that of rome , as a captive , and under a barbarous yoke : but he will scarce allow us to pity the roman church , since he runs out into vain boasting , that the popes had the same vigor , authority , power and majesty , now , that they had in the best times n . but his account of the little regard given to this pope gelasius , and his predecessors letters and sentences in this controversie , confutes his brags , and proves this authority and majesty was only in imagination . § . . after all these artifices used by the annalist for the interest of the roman church , one would not think any thing should be left , that reflected either upon the present doctrin or practice of rome : yet truth ( like the light ) cannot be concealed with all his artifices . it appears that pope leo was but a mean astronomer , since he could not calculate the true time of easter himself , but was forced to write to others to inform him ; and when the infallible guide is forced to enquire of many fallible persons to direct him in his decrees , it seems he is left to the same dull way , that other mortals use for their information o : and at this rate , learning must be of more use to the head of the church , than infallibility . he commends the barbarous suevians and vandals , for sparing a monastery in one of their cruel invasions , and reproaches the reformed in france , who had burnt very many monasteries and churches , at which he thinks they may blush p . but doubtless , lewis the th hath more cause for blushing , since he professes that religion that gives an extraordinary reverence to monasteries , and yet without scruple , burns , demolishes and destroys often where he conquers . by a letter writ to the emperor leo by anatolius , it appears that the eastern emperors consulted the bishops of constantinople in causes of faith q : and ordered them to consult the canons , and enquire into the violations of them ; yea , to give notice to the pope of such offences . and after all , the emperor was to give these canons their due force , by appointing the punishment due to such as had broken them : which proceeding was thought very regular then ; but the present roman court will not allow it , though pope leo himself begs of the emperor , ( not commands him , as our historian words it , ) to use this remedy to the church , not only to degrade heretical clerks , but to banish them from the city r ; yet now they will not have princes to judge or punish clerks : nor will baronius allow the emperor a right to call a general council without the pope's consent : but the letter of pope leo , from whence he infers this , shews , he was commanded by the emperor to come to a council , which order the pope reverently received , and wished he could have obeyed it ; but modestly hopes to be excused by the emperors approving the reasons he offers , why there was no need of such a council s . so that the authority was then in the emperor , and the pope was to obey or excuse himself by just reasons . and as to the confirmation , pope leo saith , the council of chalcedon was confirmed by the authority of marcian the emperor , and by his consent t ; yea , he owns , the definitions of that council were above him ; for what was defined there , he durst not call to a new scanning u : thus things stood then , but rome is now above this . if it were so excellent and pious a law , that none should force women to be nuns , nor any to be vailed till she were forty years old , till which age she was to remain free to marry if she pleased w ; how comes it to pass that nothing is more common now , than to carry young women against their wills into nunneries , and to make them take the vows at fourteen or fifteen ? these practices may be gainful , but they are very wicked , and contrary to the laws both of church and state , in elder and purer times . we may observe a visible difference between the prayers and usages of holy men in this ancient age , and those of the modern times . st. marcian takes the holy gospel in his hand , and directs his prayers only to christ to avert a dreadful fire x : but later legends represent their modern saints , taking up crucifixes , relicks or the host , and praying to the blessed virgin , or to deceased saints in all cases of danger : so that any considering reader may see , that the primitive worship was not like to that now used in the roman church . again , if the matter of fact be true , that pope hilary forbid the emperor anthemius , to allow any conventicles of the macedonian hereticks in rome , for which we have no proof , but the boasting letter of a bigotted pope , viz. gelasius ; yet ( supposing this were so ) the note of the annalist is very erroneous , viz. that heresies could not be planted at rome so easily as at constantinople y . for pelagius and caelestius , who were as great hereticks as eutyches and aelurus , were sheltered at rome a long time z : and the bishops of constantinople did more against eutyches and his heresie , than the popes against pelagius : and since a little after , three parts of seven in rome were arrians , tolerated by the pope , methinks we should not have the purity of rome extolled at this rate , as if no weed of heresie could grow there . it is but five years after this that baronius himself owns , that ricimer seized on st. agathus church in rome , where he and the arrians held their publick assemblies in spight of the popes a ; who were not wont to oppose princes who had great power , and only trampled on such as were weak . in the relation of cyril the monk , which baronius so highly commends , it is not much for the credit of rome , that a catholick bishop of jerusalem , martyrius , sends a legate to the emperor , to assist him in suppressing the eutychian hereticks , and not the pope : and that a saint from heaven should call jerusalem the mother of churches b : for this title is now wholly appropriated to rome . but as to the embassy sent to the emperor against the hereticks , martyrius took the right course ; for pope simplicius in his letter to the same emperor saith , the imperial authority only can keep the sheepfold of our lords slock pure — from the contagion of heresie c ; which shews , the pope's power was not considerable at that time . it is something remarkable also , that pope foelix in his letter to zeno the emperor , should affirm , that eustathius bishop of antioch , was the president of those three hundred and eighteen fathers assembled at nice d . for now they will allow no general council to be authentick , wherein the bishop of rome or his legates do not preside . the romanists proceedings against the reformed , at their councils of constance and trent , where some were burnt for a terror , and the oppressed party who held the right faith , were cited before their adversaries , who took upon them to judge in their own cause ; these proceedings ( i say ) , were an exact transcript of the arrian methods in asrick , when they resolved under the cover of a conference to suppress the orthodox catholicks e . in the story of finding st. barnabas relicks , we may observe all the prayers and hymns were directed only to god and christ , not any to this or any other saint ; from which we may learn , that piece of superstition , ( which now makes up so great a part of the roman offices ) was unknown to those ages f ; and st. barnabas declares , the chief bishop of cyprus is not subject to any patriarch ; he doth not except the pope ; so that this apostle seems not to have believed st. peter's universal supremacy . baronius presents us also , with a confession of faith made by one lucidus , and approved by a synod of bishops , wherein he declares , that he believes eternal fire , and the flames of hell prepared for deadly sins : but there is not one word of purgatory g ; which shews there was no such place invented , or at least believed by the catholicks then : and the th epistle of pope gelasius ( as we noted ) signifies , that he knew of no other places in the next world , but heaven and hell. to conclude , the annalist shuts up this century with a melancholy note , that at this time there was not one christian catholick prince in the world h . he might also have added , that all the eastern patriarchs were separated from the communion of the roman church , ( although three of them that were orthodox communicated with one another i : and he might have noted also , that at this juncture there was no certain pope ; and an heretical prince was then judge of the pretences of symmachus and laurentius , the rivals for that see. but the true faith can subsist as well without a pope , as without orthodox princes ; the church being founded on christ that invincible rock , against which the gates of hell can never prevail . the end of the fifth centry . part iv. cent . vi. chap. i. errors and forgeries in the councils , from the year , to the end of the fifth general council , an. dom. . § . . we referred the councils said to be held under pope symmachus , to the begining of this century : and the first six are pretended to be held at rome . the first was to prevent mens seeking bishopricks , especially the papacy , while the see was full a : on which we may note the cunning of this pope , who probably had got the papey by this means ; yet sees fit to condemn a fault after he had made his advantage by it . the fourth canon plainly supposes that the pope will name his successor , unless he die suddenly ; which is expresly contrary to the ancient canons ; which the notes can neither totally conceal , nor fairly excuse b . but i look upon the acts to be intirely forged in the later times , as the gross barbarity of the style shews ; and 't is not probable that italian bishops should come to rome as so many cyphers , only to applaud what this pope did ignorantly and uncanonically decree . 't is certain there was a synod at rome called by the arrian king theodoric , which is perhaps suppressed by the editors , lest it should discover the regal power was then above the papal : and this new stuff seems to be put into the old garment , to fill up the rent c . now baronius and binius place this synod before the kal. of may an. . d , and fall foul upon theodorus lector , for saying , that theodoric called this synod , whereas he knew nothing of this fiction : he saith indeed , that after the schism had lasted three years , ( which must be an. . since pope anastasius died an. . ) theodoric , who then ruled all at rome , called a synod of bishops , and setled symmachus in the papal chair e . so that according to him , no body called this synod of the editors , nor was symmachus yet pope ; but these are devices to make the schism seem shorter than it was . but theodorus is of better credit than the annalist , and cassiodorus shews , that this schism was not fully ended until symmachus his death , or years after : for he saith , that in his consulship ( an. ) he had united the roman clergy and people , and restored the desired concord to that church f so that 't is certain there was a schisin at this time , and long after . the second roman council under symmachus hath no voucher , but anastasius , who pretends it was called to condemn potrus altinensis , king theodoric's visitor , as an invader of the roman see. but 't is no way probable , this yet unsetled pope durst do so bold a thing , considering theodoric , ( to whose arbitration they had submitted this , and commended him for determining it by a bishp ) was then at rome in great glory , loved and admired both by the synod and people g . but the sport is , binius and baronius do not agree whether this were a distinct synod , or only one action of another synod called palmaria ; however , the dispute being about so frivolous a fiction , we shall not interpose . 't is probable upon theodoric's having declared symmachus the true pope , his enemies accused him of heinous crimes : to cover which , a synod is patch'd up , so full of barbarisms , false latin and non-sense , that it seems to have been writ by that ignorant hand who forged the ridiculous council of sinuessa for pope marcellinus ; and the design of both is the same , viz. to make us think , that a pope cannot be judged by a council , neither for idolatry nor for adultery h . besides , the forger mistakes the consul's names ; and ruffus magnus put in as colleague to faustus avienus , instead of pompeius , who is by two undoubted writers of this age i , joyned with avienus , as the notes and annalist confess , who yet have the confidence to say these acts are genuine k . but it seems they scarce think so , for these acts say expresly , the council was called by the precept of theodoric ; and own , that they could decree nothing without that princes knowledge . yet these parasites contradict their so commended acts , and affirm this synod was called by the pope , who was the criminal ; yea , though they immediately after print some suspicious precepts of theodoric about his calling and directing this whole process l . if the whole were not fictitious , i might note , that there is a manifest corruption in the acts ; for where the roman churches grandeur is said to flow , first from s. peter ' s merit , then following our lord's command , and the authority of general councils m , the period is not sense , and jussione domini seems put in to make the flattery still grosser : but the editor's margin hath a glorious note on this blunder , and baronius cites it with great triumph . another trick the notes put upon these acts , which in the next sentence declare , that symmachus and his bishops , desired letters from the king's clemency for calling this synod . which the annotator turns , as if the king desired the popes letters , and though he was an arrian , durst not call it without such letters n ; which note is as false , as it is impertinent . for we see by theodorus lector , that theodoric did call the real council : and zonaras saith , theodoric — calling a council , rejected laurentius , and confirmed the bishoprick of rome to symmachus o . and they must be able to out-face the sun , who out of a falsly expounded period would prove , that the kings of that age called no councils without the popes consent . symmachus his th roman synod ( of which baronius makes the two former to be only divers acts ) is said to be held when avienus junior was consul ; but the name of his colleague is omitted , which was probus , this makes it somewhat suspicious ; but the business of it confirms that suspicion , which was to revoke two laws made in a roman synod after simplicius his death , wherein ( according to ancient custom ) basilius , praefect for odoacer king of italy , was present , with some bishops and the roman clergy p . the first law was , that no pope should be elected , without the consent of the king of italy ( then lord of rome . ) the other , that no pope , bishop or other clergy-man should alienate things given to the church . which laws they pretend to annul , because they were both made by lay-men , and not subscribed by any pope . but first , it is certain that lay princes made many laws in ecclesiastical affairs , by advice of their clergy ; and these were frequently confirmed in synods . secondly , these laws were made in a council of the clergy , as appears by that title sanctitati vestrae , used by basilius ; and eulalius in this council confesses these laws were made , some bishops consenting to them q . moreover , the deceased pope had directed the making these laws . and the annotator ( who here objects , they were made in the vacancy of the see ) , in another place saith , the roman clergy well knew , that when the pope , the visible head of the church , was taken away , it was their part , by ancient custom ( as the nearest members to the head , and administrators of peter ' s church ) to take care of the vniversal church r . wherefore he cannot fairly deny , but the roman clergy had power in the vacancy , to confirm a law relating to the good ordering of their own church : and the bloody contest ( not yet appeased ) occasioned by a double election which was lately submitted to be judged by theodoric , makes it very improbable this law should be repealed now , when so fresh an instance convinced them , that their schisms would be endless and intolerable if princes did not interpose . and symmachus must be an ill man when he got the chair purely by theodoric's approbation , to kick down the step upon which he was raised , and to take away his right to confirm , by whom his doubtful : title was confirmed . and finally , neither this theodoric nor his successors , did ever take any notice of this repeal , but in every vacancy did interpose . so that i take this synod to be a fiction to cover over the power that a lay prince here exercised in making a pope , or if there ever were such a synod it was despised , and the law was in force after this assembly had revoked it . and thus all baronius his oratory about symmachus his courage , and exalting himself above kings and princes s vanishes into air , and is as false as this popes excommunicating anastasius the emperor in this synod ; which is only proved by a corrupt reading of ( ego ) for ( nego ) as i shewed before . for the other law to forbid alienations , they pretend to repeal it meerly because it was made by lay-men ( which is false ) ; but the clergy here reestablish it . if the acts were genuine , i should guess this was to put it in the clergies power to dispense with themselves and their canon , whenever they had a mind to be sacrilegious : since while a royal law forbad it , a royal licence must be first obtained , which would be hard to procure . but the power of theodoric and symmachus his circumstances then , make it clear he durst not repeal a law of the prince . so that it seems to be forged . wherefore i will make but two remarks more , first upon that sentence in the acts quia non licuit laico statuendi in ecclesiâ ( praeter papam romanum ) habere aliquam potestatem t . that no layman , but the pope , shall have any power to decree in the church . which passage supposes the pope a lay-man , and is too ridiculous to be spoken by laurentius bishop of milan . secondly , on the notes i remark , that it is very strange this synod should excommunicate anastasius for communicating with hereticks supposed , since the former synod complements theodoric à professed arrian ( the worst of hereticks ) with the titles of most pious and most holy u : if the former were as true as this latter of giving these titles is , it would more need to be excused than this : but the truth is , the popes were then so low , that they were , forced to give flatering titles both to the emperor and the gothick kings , whatever religion they were of . after this council is added an apology writ ( to answer a paper ( now suppressed ) against symmachus ) by ennodius , wherein as far as appears by the objections he cites , and the answers he gives , the accusers of this pope were too hard for his apologist . the annalist and binius highly magnifie this tract ; yet the former confesseth by the harshness of the style , and the horrid unevenness of a false copy , the quickest wit can scarce apprehend it w . as to the matter of it , the author huffs at a rate which shews more zeal than judgment ; and we note , first , that he clearly owns theodoric called the synod that absolved symmachus x , and therein confutes both his admirers , baronius and binius . secondly , whereas his objectors rightly urge that the apostle commands us not to keep company with a brother that is a fornicator y as ( symmachus was said to be ) ennodius saith it is the prophet david , and not the apostle which gives this advice z . thirdly , he ridiculously affirms that s. peter ( who was not innocent ) transmitted innocence as an inheritance to the popes , and wonders any should fancy or imagine that a pope should not be holy , who hath so high a dignity , and is praeordained ( as he blasphemously speaks ) to be the foundation on which the weight of the church leans a , as if the very chair gave grace to a prostigate wretch . fourthly , he falsifies the scripture , in saying samuel appealed to the lord , that men might not exmaine him b ; whereas the text expresly saith he appealed to the people ( before the lord and the king ) and challenged the people to prove any ill thing upon him , sam. xii . . fifthly , his maxim , that peter's successors were only to be judged by god ; was not believed by the councils of constance and basil c , nor by theodoric , nor any who had a hand in censuring or deposing any bishops of rome . lastly , if this book , which is so barbarous in its style , so abounding in railing and mistakes , and so void of true reason , were approved and applauded in the fifth council ; we may guess at the qualifications of those bishops who sat in it . as for the editors and baronius , it is enough that it pleads for a pope , for they must extol it . the fifth roman synod hath all the marks of forgery imaginable ; for the consuls are not named ; and the indiction is also false ( as baronius confesseth ) d . and he with binius own that the subscriptions are so monstrously falsified , that many bishops are named here , who were at the council of chalcedon years before , and belonged to the eastern church , who also had been long ago dead and buried e . and it is highly improbable , that bishops should meet only to approve such stuff , and to order this book to be inserted among the apostolical decrees to be obeyed by all , as they were f . this phrase also smels of a late forgery ; for in the time of this pretended synod , the name of apostolical decrees was not appropriated to papal decisions , nor were their decretals universally obeyed . for we see that in rome it self a great party both despised and writ against pope symmachus his synodical absolution again , here is that foolish sentence , that the sheep must not judge their pastor , unless he err in faith , nor yet accuse him but for injustice g , which is undoubtedly stolen out of a decretal epistle forged by mercator long after this time ; and it is wrong applied too , if symmachus were so unjust as to rob his neighbors of their chastity . wherefore the very book of ennodius is suspicious , and this synod is most certainly forged to save the credit of an ill pope . the sixth roman council hath no date ; but the subscriptions are certainly forged , having ( like the former ) the names of many eastern bishops who could not be in this synod . the acts are a rhapsody out of some later councils against sacriledge h , as appears by divers barbarous phrases , and some expressions , that are the dialect of more modern ages , such as that of mens giving to the church , for the remission of their sins , ( & aeternae vitae mercatione ) , and for purchasing eternalllife . the declaring also that the sacrilegious are manifest hereticks , is too absurd for this age. they further say , that the canons of gangra were confirmed by apostolical autherity : the forger meant , by papal authority . but those bishops at gangra scarce knew who was then pope : and it is plain the compiler of this council had respect to a forgery of later ages , where osius of corduba's name ( the pretended legate of the pope ) is added to the synodical letter from this synod ; and therefore these acts were devised long after this council is pretended to have sitten . and he must be a meer stranger to the history of this time ; who reads here that symmachus and his council should say , it is not lawful for the emperor , nor any other professing piety , &c. for this supposes anastasius no heretick , and that popes then prescribed laws to the emperor of the east i . i conclude with a single remark upon the notes on this forged council , which pretend , theodoric obeyed this councils decree k in ordering the patrimony of the church of milan to be restored to eustorgius , who was not in this council , nor bishop of milan till eight years after : and no doubt that order was made by theodoric in pure regard to equity ; for it is no way likely that he had ever heard of this council . i conclude these roman councils with one remark relating to mons . du-pin , who hath taken things too much upon trust , to be always trusted himself , and therefore he publishes five of these six councils for genuine l , and gives almost the baronian character of symmachus . but these notes i hope will demonstrate he is mistaken , both in his man and these synods ; and i only desire the reader to compare his account with these short remarks . § . . there were few councils abroad in this popes time , and he was not concerned in them . the council of agatha ( now agde ) in the province of narbon , was called by the consent of alaricus an arrian king ; caesarius bishop of arles was president of it , and divers good canons were made in it m ; but symmachus is not named , so that our editors only say it was held in the time of symmachus . i shall make no particular remark but on the ninth canon , where caesarius ( who was much devoted to promote that celibacy of the clergy which now was practised at rome ) and the council declare that the orders of innocent and siricius should be observed n . from whence we may note , that these orders had not yet been generally obeyed in france , and that a popes decretal was of no force there by vertue of the authority of his see , but became obligatory by the gallican churches acceptance , and by turning it into a canon in some council of their own . but that the usages of rome did not prescribe to france is plain from the notes on the xii canon , where it appears their lent fast was a total abstinence till evening , none but the infirm being permitted to dine o . but the roman lent ( unless they have altered their old rule ) allows men to dine in lent with variety of some sorts of meat and drink , which is not so strict by much as this gallican custom . the first council of orleance , is only said to be in symmachus time p ; but the acts shew he was not consulted nor concerned in it . the bishops were summoned by the precept of king clovis , who also gave them the heads of those things they were to treat of . and when their canons were drawn up , they sent them ( not to rome , but ) to their king for confirmation , with this memorable address , if those things which we have agreed on seem right to your judgment , we desire your assent , that so the sentence of so many bishops by the approbation of so great a prince , may be obeyed , as being of greater authority . and clovis was not wanting in respect to them ; for he stiles them holy lords , and popes most worthy of their apostolical seat. by which it is manifest , that rome had then no monopoly of these titles . i conclude that which relates to pope symmachus his time with one remark , that in the year the devout and learned african fulgentius came on purpose to visit rome : but the writer of his life , who acurately describes what the holy man saw there , and largely sets forth his view of theodoric , his visiting the tombs of the martyrs , and saluting the monks he met with q , speaks not one syllable of the pope , whose benediction one would think fulgentius should have desired : but whether the schism yet continued , or symmachus his manner did not please the good man , ' its plain he took no notice of him . § . . hormisda succeeded symmachus , and it seems by the letter of dorotheus , that in his election ( and not before ) the schism at rome ceased , which began when symmachus was chosen r ; which shews that symmachus having a strong party against him all his time , could do nothing considerable . this pope hormisda was either married before he was pope , or was very criminal ; for he had a son , i. e. sylverius , who ( as liberatus testifies ) was pope about twenty years after him s . this was a bold and active pope , and did labour much to reconcile the eastern to the western church , and at last ( in some measure ) effected it , after the greeks had been separated ( as binius notes ) from the unity of the church ( not catholick , but ) of rome ( he means ) about years t . from whence we may observe , that a church , may be many years out of the communion of the roman church , and yet be a true church ; for none ( till baronius ) ever said the eastern was not a true church all the time of this separation . the notes further tell us , that king clovis of france sent hormisda a golden crown set with precious stones , for a present , and thereby procured this reward from god , that the kingdom of the franks still continues u . which stuff is out of baronius w . but the story is as false as the inference ; for sirmondus proves that king clovis died anno , that is , three years before hormisda was pope x : labbè , who owns this to be an error , would correct the mistake , and put in childebert's name ; but he who told the story , could certainly have told the kings right name y ; wherefore we reject the whole relation as fabulous : and for the inference , the kingdom of franks indeed like all other kingdoms ( who sent no crowns ) hath continued , but not in clovis his posterity , which is long since extinct . we shall make more remarks on this popes history in his letters . and many epistles are lately found of this popes in the vatican , or forged there , which we will now consider . the first epistle is certainly forged , it is directed to remigius , but names king lovis or clovis , who was dead three year before , as labbè owns z ; for which cause sirmondus omitted it as spurious , and so p. de marca counts it a . and it is almost the same with another feigned epistle , wherein the pope is pretended to make a spanish bishop his legate there b : but the reader must beware of all such epistles , being generally writ by later parasites of rome , who would have it thought , that all the eminent bishops in the world , acted by a power delegated from the pope . the second and fourth epistles are this popes excuse , why he did not go , but send his legates to a council in the east , unto which the emperor anastasius had summoned him , more majorum c : which shews that as yet the emperors had the power of calling councils , and sent their precepts to the pope himself . the fifth epistle is also to excuse hormisda's not going , the title of which is false , viz. that it was a new thing for a pope to be called to a council by the emperor d . for the letter it self only saith , there is no example of a pope going in person to a council ( in foreign parts ) . but as to the summons , that was no new thing ; for pope celestine was called to ephesus by theodosius , and leo to chalcedon by the emperor marcian . and in this letter hormisda highly commends anastasius , for writing to him to be there in person ; and says , god moved the emperor to write this . the third epistle is a reply to dorotheus bishop of thessalonica , who calls the pope his fellow minister , in the inscription . but binius ( contrary both to baronius and labbè ) corrupts the title and text of the epistle of dorotheus e , reading patri — instead of — papae ; and twice in six lines putting venerando capiti nostro , — for — vestro : now the true reading , i have writ this to your venerable head , means no more , but to your self : whereas the corruption tends to impose upon the reader a false conceipt , viz. that the pope was the father and head of all bishops . the sixth epistle shews , that hormisda for two years after his advancement into the infallible chair , took anastasius for an orthodox emperor f . but baronius had exposed him as a known heretick , and persecutor of the orthodox many years before ; and binius notes charge him with the eutychian heresie g at this very time : which shews hormisda was very meanly qualified for an universal judge , in matters of faith. i add , that in this epistle the pope declares , he will throw himself down at the emperors feet for the service of the church . but after-times have seen an emperor falling down at the popes feet , and kissing his slipper . the title of the epistle of john bishop of nicopolis , calls the pope ( if it be genuine ) father of fathers , and prince of all bishops h . however it can only mean , that the pope was a chief bishop , because in the same title he styles him his fellow minister , and in the epistle saith his predecessor alciso , was a prince of bishops , who was only an archbishop over a few suffragans , and there were but eight bishops in this synod of epirus i , of whose complying with the pope , baronius brags , as if all the eastern church had submitted . in the eighth epistle , the pope distinguishes the apostolical ( that is , the roman ) from the general catholick church ; where he affirms that these hereticks were condemned , both by the one and the other . after the ninth epistle we have a paper called a form of faith , pretended to be sent with these letters , to be subscribed by these bishops of epirus ; but yet is dated the year after these letters , and hath other marks of forgery ; the matter of it being not designed to secure the articles of the old creeds , but to enslave all churches to believe implicitely as the church of rome did , which is so grosly flattered in it , that hormisda might well blush at it , and must take those who would subscribe it , for his vassals . but doubtless , this was devised after the supremacy and infallibility were got much higher : and we may observe , the forger of it not only claps it in here , but makes justin the emperor sign it , and send it to pope boniface , after that emperor and pope were both dead , where binius and labbè condemn it for an imposture k : and the deviser of it is so fond of it , that he hath thrust it in most falsly and impertinently , in four or five several places of the councils . after all the noise of the subjection of the eastern churches to the roman , all the letters of this time , mention no more than the agreement and concord of the eastern and western churches : so avitus enquires , if they were reconciled and a concord was made l . justin the emperor saith , he laboured pro concordia , &c. m . and hormisda himself speaks of it as an union , and a receiving the bishop of constantinople into an unity of communion n ; which shews the eastern church owed no subjection then to rome . the instructions to the legates last cited , are something suspicious , and look like the work of a later hand : but binius is so taken with them , that he prints them again verbatini o , whereas labbè omits them the second time . the seventeenth epistle shews , that this pope , under pretence of admitting inferior bishops to his communion , broke in upon the ancient rights and customs of metropolitans , freeing their suffragans from the obedience they owed to their superiors by the canons p . and a little after , because dorotheus opposed this usurpation , the pope represents him as having forsaken christ q ; a piece of cant that is common with every petty sect , in respect of all that are not of their party . and indeed the epistle of anastasius , which follows this d epistle declares , that hormisda was a stubborn and unmerciful man , and not only slighted the emperor and injured him ; but pretended to command him ; which he saith , he will not bear r ; or as baronius out of the pontifical hath it , he told the pope he would command , and not be commanded s , which was not spoken in fury , but like a prince ; and had all his successors kept the reins so stiff , they had curbed all the papal usurpations ; yea , wholly prevented them . the relation of the syrian monks , which we have here in latin , is corrupted in the title , and abused by a silly translator t . the title is with great swelling words directed to hormisda ; but the text speaks to a whole synod of bishops , and says , rise ye up holy fathers — and , the flock cometh to you true pastors and doctors , to whom the salvation of all is committed u ; yet the title appropriates all to the pope single , where the translator , for oecumenical patriarch ( a name which is often given also to the bishop of constantinople , ) ignorantly , or by design hath universae orbis terrae patriarchae ; and he calls the western legate angelum vestrum , your angel : 't is probable also , some such hand hath put in , vos estis caput omnium : ye ( not the pope alone ) , are the head of all ; where our editors marginal note is , the pope is the head of all . but the boldest forgery of all is , that binius and labbè make these monks in the end of their epistle accurse acacius bishop of constantinople , who did communicate with the hereticks , which is added by the editors . for in baronius w acacius his name is not once mentioned , neither in his edition at antwerp , . nor in that at venice , . so that we can scarce trust any thing which comes through such mens hands . the twenty fourth epistle , which pretends to make john bishop of tarragon the popes legate , and speaks of his coming to italy , and having papal constitutions sent him x , not only confirms our note , that all such kind of epistles are forged , but is certainly spurious it self . for in this year ( , ) this john presided in the council of gyrone in spain , where he and his fellow bishops made canons , and take no notice of the pope , or any legantine power : and the editors differ about the date of this epistle . and probably the next epistle containing the constitutions is forged also y , being directed to all the bishops of spain , who were not then under any one king nor primate — and whereas this letter speaks of peaceable times ; it is certain these gothick arrian kings , were almost continually at war with france , and with each other : however the inventer of these epistles is not very modern : for he makes christ the head of the church , and bishops to be his vicars : and penitents are here forbid to be chosen bishops , because they could not decently absolve others , who had openly confessed their own sins before the people . which shews , the pope was not christs sole vicar then : and that there was no auricular confession when this was writ . § . . justin being upon anastasius his death unexpectedly made emperor , gives the pope notice of it , and requires his prayers ; this hormisda ( if his letter be genuine ) craftily calls , offering up the first fruits of his empire to st. peter z : and the notes add , that it was the ancient use to certifie the pope of the new elected emperor , and to request him to confirm and consecrate him . but i have shewed it was a much more ancient custom , for the pope to certifie the emperor of his election : only when an emperor came to the throne without a good title , ( which was justin's case , ) it was such an emperor's interest to gain the pope's favour . but as for either consecration or confirmation , there is not one word of it ; that is a device out of baronius brain , and the annotator takes it from him of trust a ; and he was owned emperor by all , long before this notice . the epistle of john bishop of constantinople , in the title calls hormisda , his most holy brother and fellow-minister b ; and in the letter he calls him , most dear brother in christ ; which phrases epiphanius also his successor uses in his epistle to the same pope c : and from john's epistle we learn , that when old rome left out the names of the patriarches of constantinople , in their dypticks : these put out the popes name from their dypticks , which shews no subjection was owned or expected , and that the eastern church was on even ground with the pope in those days , despising his communion as much as he did theirs . an epistle writ to caesarius bishop of arles , this year , is suspicious , because baronius had mentioned his will and testament ten year before d : but if he were now alive , we must correct the title in binius , where he is called , the vicar of the apostolick see in france : which words are so manifest a forgery that labbè left them out . but we may suspect the whole , since the pope never names his last embassy before this time received from the emperor and patriarch of constantinople , when he pretends to give an account of the affairs in the east to this caesarius . the legates instructions here begin as the former did , viz. when by gods mercy , ye come into the eastern parts e , &c. and the legates in their third suggestion , ascribe their safe journy only to gods mercy f . so that probably those words ( in the first instructions ) — and the prayers of the apostles , are added by a later hand , when they used so often to pray to saints , as to give them a share of the glory due to god for his mercy . the same hand , to countenance the same practice , seems to have corrupted the thirty seventh epistle , where hormisdu tells justinian — he did daily and humbly beseech the apostle peter , that god might give a speedy issue to his endeavours g : which borders both on blasphemy and nonsense , but probably the true reading was — apud b. petrum — obsecramus . that the pope pray'd daily at st. peter's church to god , for justinian's speedy success . that the eastern and western church were united about this time is true ; but i am apt to believe , that those many particular circumstances , which baronius and these editors have out of a sort of reports of the popes legates , letters and other papers , lately found ( it seems ) in the vatican , are of later invention . the epistle of john bishop of constantinople , wherein he is pretended to subscribe that flattering confession of faith , formerly said to be subscribed by the bishops of epirus h , is certainly a forgery , that some parasite hath transcribed as often as any eminent person was reconciled to the pope ; and therefore , a little after ( as i noted but now ) he ascribes the same form to the emperor justin , three years after he was dead : there is no proof of this john's subscribing any such paper , but only the relation of dioscorus , one of the pope's legates , which is certainly false , because he saith , that at this time ( an. . ) john consented to rase the names of phravites , euphemius , macedonius and timotheus out of the dypticks , as well as the name of acacius , upon which baronius triumphs most extreamly i : but without any cause ; for if he had not craftily omitted an epistle of justinian's , writ the next year k , ( which is in binius l , ) it would have appeared that the eastern church would not yield to rase out any more names , but only that of acacius . but baronius hath later epistles of justinian which expresly say , ( a year after this pretended rasing out the names of euphemius , &c. ) that only acacius his name was left out of the dypticks , and that the scruple about the other names was not to be medled with ; for the eastern bishops would never yield that point m . and justin the emperor saith the same to hormisda n ; yea , in the year , we find the emperor still requiring the pope should communicate with those who only left out acacius his name , but kept in the other bishops names o . all which is sufficient to prove this story of dioscorus to be a meer fiction : yet it may be confirmed also by the chronicle of victor ; who mentions no bishops name of constantinople but acacius , that was rejected when the emperor justin reconciled the eastern and western bishops p : and no writers of this or the next age do mention this pretended submission of john of constantinople ; marcellinus , cassiodorus , euagrius and paulus diaconus are wholly silent in this matter : and if we consider how the scene is dressed up with variety of letters , ( lately found out ) we shall be tempted to think this part of the epistles are forged ; yet we may allow what baronius saith , that this abundance of letters may make us that read them now , know more of this case , than they who lived in that age knew , if they never saw these letters q . for 't is probable neither hormisda , nor his legates , nor justin , justinian , &c. did ever see these epistles that now appear under their names , so that we may very well know more than they did ; but the reason is only , because we know more than is true . we may discover some marks of forgery in divers of these papers ; as that most of them want the consuls names , and are not dated ; that germanus says , he was received in procession with wax candles and crosses r ; a custom of a later date ; for we have no crosses in another procession described by a writer of that time s . the calling hormisda in one of the letters , arch-bishop of the universal church t ; and the emperors giving the popes legate the title of his angel u ; these , with many other things that might be observed , make it probable these papers were invented for a pattern to the poor greeks , when the design of subjecting them to the latin church , was on foot in later ages . § . . to proceed : whereas justinian in one particular point desires the opinion of hormisda , and complements him so far as to tell him , he will believe that to be orthodox , which he shall answer w ; baronius prints this in great letters , and binius from this particular assertion draws a general inference in his margen , viz. that which is defined by the pope , is to be received by all for the catholick faith. a consequence so absurd , that labbè is ashamed of it and leaves it out , as well he might , since justinian did not agree with the pope in this question , after he had received his answer . and the dissenting eastern bishops , at this time reckoned hormisda to be a nestorian x , if we can credit any of these papers . so that doubtless justinian never thought a pope infallible . in another epistle ascribed to john of constantinople , not so very truckling as the former , that bishop is made to say , by the help of the intercession of the holy and consubstantial trinity , and of the glorious and true mother of god y . a phrase too absurd for any bishop to use : for with whom should the trinity intercede , or what can be more ridiculous than equalling the virgins intercession to the trinity , unless it be the making the trinity pray to it self ? labbè boldly attempts to mend this sentence , but without authority ; and after all , it s evidently writ by a later hand . if the next relation of germanus be true , it appears , no cause of a bishop of the east could be tried at rome , without the consent of the emperor , who expresly forbids the trying the cause of dorotheus at rome , though the pope earnestly desired it might be judged there z , as baronius also confesseth a . by the relation from the synod at constantinople it appears , that they call their new elected patriarch epiphanius , the popes own brother , and fellow minister ; and count their joynt endeavours , to be one brothers helping another b . binius strives to blunder this by printing it , germanum vestrum , as if it were the proper name of the popes legate . but labbè honestly restores the true reading germanum vestrum . the epistle next to this bears the name of justinianus augustus ; yet is dated anno c , which is a gross mistake ; for he was not styled augustus till near seven year after , as baronius owns anno . yea , after this justinian is styled vir illustris d ; and for certain was not emperor when this letter is said to be writ . the notes after hormisda's th epistle , do bitterly inveigh against johannes maxentius , and the scythian monks , as notorious lyers , and eutychian hereticks ; and labbè is more severe in his censure than binius or baronius e . but they are all mistaken ; for this maxentius was entirely orthodox , and defended the council of chalcedon against the eutychians , as is fully proved by two learned and judicious writers , bishop usher and forbesius f . and we may be sure baronius first invented this false accusation , ( thinking it impossible any man but a heretick could write against the pope ) , to be revenged on maxentius for so bold a fact. but in the age before , cochlaeus a papist or catholick ( as baronius calls him ) did honestly put out maxentius his works , as an orthodox writer , though maxentius do write against the epistle under hormisda's name , to possessor an african bishop ; and proves whoever was the author of that epistle , was a lyer and an heretick , as were also possessor and dioscorus , one of the popes legates ; and he further justifies himself , and the scythian monks , blaming the pope for banishing them from rome : saying amongst other thing , if the bishop of rome should prohibit us to confess christ , the son , to be one of the holy and undivided trinity , the church would never yield to him , nor respect him as an orthodox bishop , but utterly accurse him as an heretick g . so that no body then believed the pope to be infallible ; and for hormisda , maxentius suspects him to be a favourer of pelagianism . the emperor justin speaking of the church of hierusalem , saith , that all men shew [ tantum favorem , the editors read tamen , only to blunder the period ] so much favour to it , as to the mother of the christian name , that none dare separate from it h . had this been said of rome , how would the parasites have triumphed ? yet wanting real encomiums , in the next paper they steal one ; and where the eastern clergy speak of their own churches which had not swerved from the faith delivered to them ; the editors apply this to rome , and say in the margen i , the roman church never deviated from right doctrin : but the reader will find there is no mention of the roman church in that place ; only s. peter , who founded that of antioch , is pointed at a little before . before hormisáa's th epistle there is one of justinian , to hormisda ; wherein he declares , that after the controversie was setled ultra non patiemur ( they blunder it by reading nos patiemur ) he will not suffer any one under that government to stir any more in it k : which is a brisk order to the pope , in a cause of religion . for which reason , and because it shews , that he and the greeks would not yield to leave out any name , but that of acacius , baronius omits it , and only prints the answer to it l : for this was writ the year after the pretended consent of the patriarch of constantinople , to rase out euthymius , and macedonius , with other names out of the dypticks . we cannot leave this pope without some remarks on his carriage in answer to the question propounded to him by justinian , viz. whether it were orthodox to say ( as the scythian monks did ) one of the trinity was crucified for us ? dioscorus the popes legate represented this sentence to hormisda , as heretical , and that to allow it would open a gap to many heresies m . the pope first determined to refer the controversie to the bishop , of constantinople , as appears by another relation of dioscorus n ; though baronius would conceal this , by omitting the beginning of this paper o : but probably dioscorus durst not trust this question with the patriarch of constantinople . so that hormisda not yet declaring himself , justinian writ to him , that he and the eastern church thought this sentence orthodox , and required his consent to their faith p , which he further shews in another epistle complaining of the popes delays q . at last , after a long time hormisda writes a shuffling letter to the emperor , wherein baronius saith he utterly exploded this sentence r : yea , baronius owns afterward , that this pope would have all catholicks abhor these words ; one of the trinity suffered in the flesh s . but this very sentence afterward appeared to be true and orthodox , and they who condemned it were declared hereticks . yea , the scythian monks appealed from this pope to that most learned and orthodox father fulgentius , who declared they were in the right , and that he believed as they did t . and finally , one of the succeeding popes joyned with justinian and the orthodox christians to confirm this sentence : so that this pope and his legate were both on the heretical side , which spoils the infallibility . § . . the councils abroad in this popes times take no notice of him , yet bear the title of being held under him : the first , ( binius says ) was at rhemes , and he cites for this flodoardus u . but labbè calls this , a synod at an uncertain place , and gives us binius his notes ; but cites the words of flodoardus ; by which it appears that rhemigius his being made the popes legate , and calling this synod there by a legantine power , are fictions of baronius and binius , taken out of the first forged epistle of hormisda , and falsly charged upon flodoardus , who saith no such thing : and sirmondus with p. de marca say , rhemigius was not the popes legate : which manifestly appears from two epistles of his , writ ten year after this feigned delegation w , concerning an invasion made upon his jurisdiction , wherein he never urges any sort of power as legate , but pleads his original right as a metropolitan : and from baronius and his plagiary citing flodoardus at large for this , compared with the words of that author in labbè ; the reader may learn , these writers are never to be trusted in any quotation relating to the pope , till the authors be searched . the council of tarragon was not under hormisda , though it were in his time x ; the bishops there acting independently on rome , whose popes decrees of dividing the church revenues into four parts , they contradict , and divide it only into three y in the eighth canon : and in the eleventh , they order concerning the discipline of monks , the gallican canons shall above all others be observed . binius misplaces the council of pau , anno dom. . but labbè sets it in this year rightly ; it was called ( not by the pope , but ) by sigismund king of burgundy , as all provincial and national synods in that age were ; the famous alcimus avitus was president of it , and the pope had no hand in it ; for which reason these lesser councils are more sincere than any , where rome or the pope is named , for there the forgers are always tempted to leave , add , or alter something . the same year was a council held at gyrone in spain , not under the pope , but under john of tarragon ; and though by hormisda's forged epistles , he be pretended to have been the pope's legate a , and that he received constitutions from rome , it is plain this council proceeds upon its own authority b , and makes its own rules ; which shews these fictions are of a later date . the council of constantinople is falsly titled under hormisda ; the union was not yet made , and hormisda sent not his legates till next year , so that it is very trifling for the editors to say , it was partly reprobated at rome c , because this synod consisted only of eastern bishops , called by justin the emperor ; and their own patriarch john of constantinople presided , whom they call , most holy and blessed father of fathers , archbishop and oecumenical patriarch d , and of him and justin , only do they desire their acts to be confirmed . and not only they , but two eastern synods also at jerusalem and tyre ratified these decrees , which gave them a sufficient authority ; and it is but a roman fiction , that these acts were revoked upon the reconciling of the eastern and westrn churches . § . . john the first succeeded hormisda , probably by the interest of theodoric the arrian gothick king , for he commanded him to go as his embassador to the eastern emperor justin , to require him not to persecute the arrians , but restore to them their churches which he had taken away , threatning he would use the catholicks of italy severely , if this were not granted e . the pontifical softens this with a gentle phrase , rogans misit — as if theodoric entreated the pope to go on this ungrateful errant ; but the notes more truly affirm , he forced him to take this office f . however , the pope durst not disobey that king , wherefore he went to constantinople , and did deliver this request to justin , so as to prevall for liberty to the arrians in the east , as all authors ( before baronius ) affirm g : but the cardinal calls this a base blot of the popes prevarication ; and therefore he with the notes give anastasius the lye , and forsake him in this part of john's story whom in all the rest they follow . for baronius will not allow , that a pope should do so vile a thing , as to sollicit for liberty of conscience for arrian hereticks ; wherefore he pretends he encouraged justin to go on in punishing them : but they cannot prove this , except by a forged epistle writ in this popes name , and a mistaken passage out of gregory of tours , who knew not the true story , but speaks of john's embassy to theodoric , instead of justin . one argument only baronius urges , which is , why theodoric should imprison this pope at his return , and keep him prisoner till he dyed in that woful confinement , if he had faithfully discharged his embassy h . i answer from paulus diaconus , that theodoric was moved to anger , because justin the catholick emperor had received him so honourably i ; and also as baronius himself saith , this gothick king suspected the romans were then laying plots against him , and confederating with justin the emperor . so that doubtless he thought the pope was in this design , and so suffered him to dye in prison : now all this proves , that these gothick kings were absolute lords over the bishops of rome ; and it looks like a judgment on the roman see , that whereas they had been so bitter against acacius and other orthodox bishops of constantinople , for only conversing with supposed hereticks , one of their own popes was forced to plead that the worst of all hereticks , the arrians , might have the publick exercise of their religion allowed by law. i take no notice of the miracles ascribed to this pope , because the fabulous gregorian dialogues are the only evidence for them . the roman mint hath coined two epistles for this pope , of which labbè saith , many things prove that they are both forged k . the first is patched up out of the fragments of many other popes letters ; and that passage of the sheeps reproving their pastor , if he err in the faith , is originally stollen out of a feigned epistle under pope fabian's name . baronius and binius both confess a false date , viz. olybrius and maximus being consuls , who were never in office together ; and if we read id. junij maximo consule , john was not made pope till two months after , nor will olybrio consule , mend the matter with id. junij , because this pope dyed the th of may in that year : however , though they cannot reconcile these errors , the notes and baronius would have this forgery pass for genuine , to clear the pope from serving the arrian interest l . the second epistle is also fictitious , being a rhapsody out of leo's epistles and some places of scripture m , and dated after this pope was dead : so that we must reject them both together , with the legend of his consecrating arrian churches for the orthodox , in defiance to king theodoric , which baronius and binius would have us believe . the council of lerida in spain , was not as binius saith , under john , but under sergius bishop of tarragon who presided in it , and in the canon , is called the bishop of the first see ; a title common to all primates of old , but lately engrossed by the pope n . in the fragments of this council , there is a method of canonically purging clerks accused of crimes ; but it cannot belong to this council ( as labbè owns , ) because it mentions leo the third and charlemaign , who lived near year after this synod was held o . in the same year was another spanish council at valencia , in pope john's time , but he is not once named in it , and the canons were made by the bishops of the province p : wherefore , binius falsly titles it under pope john. the same year was held the council of arles , which binius miscalls the third , but was truly the fourth council there . this synod was placed wrong formerly an. , when one opilio was consul with vincomalus ; but another opilio was consul with rusticus this year an. , and caesarius his subscription to it shews , this is the true date of it q . binius is here twice mistaken . first , in his old title of sub johanne . secondly , in printing the epistle of faustus in this place , as if this council of arles were that which faustus pretended confirmed his pelagian errors : but labbè saith , binius is mistaken , and 't is certain he was quite out . in labbè , we have here a singular example of the modesty of fulgentius , who was very justly chosen president of an african synod : but perceiving a certain bishop took this ill , in the next council he renounced the seat and dignity , procuring that bishop to sit before him , resolving not to defend the primacy he deserved ( saith the author , ) where it would make a breach of charity r . and oh how happy had christendom been , if the popes had followed this pattern ! who at this time had renounced the communion of more than half the christian world ; chiefly for not submitting to their primacy , and in every age since , have qarrelled with all that would not allow them that claim . the council of carthage under boniface bishop there , stiles him bishop of the first see s : it never names the pope , and makes it very clear , that this primate did order all things in that province , without any dependance on rome . § . . foelix the fourth was named by king theodoric , who being now lord of rome , did of right propose him to the clergy as a candidate for the papacy , void by johns death t . the notes pretend this was an usurpation , and baronius for this rails bitterly at theodoric ; calling it an arrogant fact , and giving him the title of a cruel barbarian , a dreadful tyrant and impious arrian , adding that this was the cause of gods destroying him u . but for all this rage , this is no more than what all princes then did in their own dominions : and these editors a little before printed an epistle wherein it is said , that epiphanius was made bishop of constantinople by the election of justin and the empress , with the consent of the nobles , priests and people w : and hormisda in the th epistle saith he was rightly elected : which shews , that the eastern emperors did not learn this of the gothick kings ; but these learned of the emperors to name the bishops of their chief cities x . and theodoric ever exercised this right , as the case of symmachus shewed us before : wherefore that law of ordoacer , that the pope should be elected by the princes consent , remained still in force ; and symmachus his pretended repeal of it is either forged , or else these kings despised all papal councils which abridged them of their right . in the notes on this popes life , we have a fabulous vision of some doting hermit , who fancied he saw theodoric's soul thrown into the vulcanian kettles y . this out of gregory's dialogues is foundation enough for them to triumph in his damnation , who resolve to find out some vision or dream to perswade easie readers , that all princes who injured any pope were sent to eternal flames : again , the notes pretend , that justinian's ecclesiastical laws were made by the bishops of constantinople , and put out in that emperors name : but why might not justinian make his own laws about church matters , as constantine and all his successors to this time had done ? no doubt he and they used in such cases to advise with their own bishops : but these parasites of rome are angry , that the pope is not the sole law-maker in causes ecclesiastical ; now he was not so much as consulted in these laws , being then the subject of another prince : and what they object of justinian's speaking honourably of zeno and anastasius his predecessors ( enemies to rome ) confirms me in the opinion , that justinian in composing these laws took no advice from st. peter's chair . we may justly suspect most of these papal epistles , ( out of which the canonists for some ages fetcht those rules , by which they oppressed the christian world , ) because if a pope neither did nor writ any thing remarkable , the forgers invented business and letters for him as they have done for pope john and this foelix ; whose two first epistles labbè declares to be spurious z , and shews the former is made up out of the forgeries in pope eleutherius name , as also out of the epistles of leo , and gregory who was yet unborn ; the latter steals the beginning from an epistle of pope innocent's , and the rest is verbatim taken out of a spurious epistle ascribed to pope dionysius a : and the date of this also is after foelix his death . but binius boldly saith they are genuine ; and baronius would persuade us , the name of foelix was put for boniface , ( which is an unlikely change ) b . now if you ask why they vindicate such trash ; i must note , it is for the sake of one dear sentence , viz. that the roman church in one of them is twice called the head ; a phrase which is enough to make any coin currant at rome . the third epistle was dated year before foelix was pope c , till sirmondus lately mended the consuls name ; 't is said to be written to caesarius bishop of arles , who is here stiled not the son , but the brother of the pope : but the matter of it is such mean stuff , that the true author will have no credit by it , nor is it material whether it be genuine or no : and by the way 't is somewhat odd , that these forged or trifling epistles , should give du-pin ground for putting these two popes into his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers d . labbè adds here a form of anathematizing the manichaean heresie , wherein st. augustin's opinion guides the affair e . the pope is not concerned in reconciling hereticks ; for the authority of rome was not so considerable in those days , as these men pretend . 't is true , the council of orange owns they had some capitulars sent from rome against the pelagians f . but labbè's notes say , they were sentences collected out of the fathers , especially st. augustin , and agreeable to holy scripture g . wherefore binius falsly brags , that this controversie was determined by the popes authority ; it was determined by st. augustin's authority , whose doctrin pope john the second saith , the roman church then kept and followed h . rome only furnished the records toward it ; and a clerk of the rolls may as well be called the determiner and judge of a suit where he produces any old writing , as the pope made arbiter in this case : and it was the gallican synods decree , which made these definitions to be of force in france . sirmondus indeed pretends , pope boniface confirmed this council i ; but acknowledges the confirmation came some time after , though the modern parasites had falsly placed this papal confirmation before the council : but if we enquire more strictly , it will appear this second epistle of boniface the second , ( which is the confirmation ) is forged ; for it not only bears date the year after the council , but ( as sirmondus owns k , ) it is dated seven months before boniface was pope : so that unless you will allow him to alter dates at his pleasure , this pope did not confirm this synod at all : only any thing must be genuine with these men , which gives countenance to the papal usurpations . the notes upon this council cite a testimony out of gennadius , that pope foelix approved a book writ by caesarius against the pelagians l : which testimony is not in my edition of gennadius ; and if that author have writ any such thing , he must mean foelix the third , because he writ an. , which is above year before this foelix was pope . but when such learned men as prosper and caesarius writ against an heresie , the popes celestine and foelix gladly subscribed them , not to give the books any greater authority , but to prove themselves orthodox , and in communion with men so famous for defending the catholick faith. the second or third council of vaison , was falsly placed by binius under pope john the second , who was not pope till two years after m ; but sirmondus rightly places it in this year in foelix his time . in the first canon it would have appeared plainly , that the readers then had wives allowed , if the true reading had stood , which must be lectores — suas uxores habentes — recipiant . but the forgers have altered it in binius thus , — sive uxores habuerint ; in labbè thus , sine uxore , &c. but the corrupters in both editions have left this passage so abused , that it is neither grammar nor sense . the fourth canon is double in binius ; labbè hath made it but one ; it orders that the popes name shall be recited in the gallican offices . now to make this canon seem more ancient , the parasites had hoisted up this council year , even as high as pope julius , where binius shamelesly prints it : but sirmondus proves there could be no such french council at that time : and considering the forgers have been so busie with this canon , i judge it very probable , that it was made by a council much later than this age , only it is clapt in here very abruptly , to support an earlier grandeur than the popes at the time enjoyed ; i am sure it seems unlikely , the gallican church should then pay this great respect to rome . § . . pope boniface the second succeeded foelix , but not by a clear election , for another party chose dioscorus who had been legate to horsmida n ; but he was either poysoned or died naturally , within a month , and so boniface kept the chair : his malice however died not with his rival : for he called a synod , and got him anathematized after his death for simony : which crime pope agapetus a little after proved to be false , and the sentence extorted from the clergy by boniface ' s malicious craft ; so that the sentence was revoked , and dioscorus with his party absolved o . another evidence of this popes rashness was a decree made also in this synod , that the pope should name his successor , which was not only against the canons , ( which this pope and his council here had violated , ) but against an express law of the gothick princes ; and therefore when this fallible pope saw his error , a little after he called another synod and revoked this decree , confessing himself , as anastasius saith , guilty of treason , in making the former order ; by which we may see , in that age it was treason for the pope in council to repeal a royal law. wherefore i wonder that baronius should call that the wresting a presumtuous and usurped power out of the goths hands p , which his poor master owned to be treason . in short this pope is only famous for his errors and evil deeds . but to make him look great , the forgers have invented an epistle for him , containing many vaunts of the roman churches greatness , and a pretended submission of the church of carthage , after a very long separation from rome , even from the time of aurelius q . now though this came out of their own shop , it is so gross an untruth in the main , that binius and all their later writers reject it : but though i think the epistle certainly spurious , and this submission forged ; yet it is true , the african churches ( even while they did own the roman for an orthodox church , ) had for a long time denied that usurped jurisdiction of appeals from thence to rome , to which some popes pretended , which had made them stand at a distance from the see of rome : the notes on this epistle have a fallacious argument however , to prove the african church could not so long remain divided from the roman ; because if so , they could have no true martyrs all that time , since the fathers agree , that crown is only due to those who suffer in the catholick church r . i reply , this may be very true ; and yet since no father ever said that the particular roman church is the catholick church , a christian may dye a true martyr if he die in the communion of the catholick church , though he hold no communion with the roman church , which was the case at this time , or lately , of many eastern churches . another forgery out of the same mint treads on the heels of this , pretending to be a copy of the emperor justin , and justinian's submission to this pope ; wherein they are made to own the supremacy of rome to the highest pitch , and to curse all their predecessors and successors , who did not maintain that churches priviledges s . but the cheat is so apparent , the matter so improbable and ridiculous , and the date so absurd , that baronius and both the editors reject it ; so that i shall only note , that a true doctrine could not need so many forgeries to support it , and the interest they serve shews who employed these forgers . we have spoken before of boniface's two roman councils , one of them revoking what the other decreed : the third is only in labbè , being a glorious pageant , drest up by the suspicious hand of a late library-keeper to the pope . but it amounts to no more than the introducing a poor greek bishop or two , to enquire what was said in the roman records , and in the popes letters of the authority of that church t . so that the pope and his council were judges and witnesses in their own cause , and therefore their evidence is of no great credit : and 't is very ominous , that this synod is dated in december , that is , two months after boniface's death , who is said to have been present at all its sessions u . to cover which evident mark of forgery , holstenius gives baronius and all other writers the lye , about the time of boniface's dying , and keeps him alive some time longer only to give colour to this new-found synod . the council of toledo might be in boniface's time , but not under him : for the king of spain , ( whom the bishops here call their lord ) called it , and it was held sub mantano ( saith baronius ) w , under montanus the metropolitan , to whom the council saith , custom had given that authority x : wherefore he condemns hereticks , and exercises all sorts of jurisdiction belonging to a primate , without taking any notice of the pope , or of any delegated power from him . so that probably all those epistles which make legates in spain about this time , are forged . § . . john the second of that name succeeded boniface , but anastasius and baronius cannot agree about the date of his election or his death ; and holstenius differs from both ; an argument that this pope made no great figure y : however , right or wrong we have divers of his epistles . the first to valerius ( saith labbè ) appears by many things to be spurious ; it is stollen out of the epistles of leo and ithacius , and dated with wrong consuls z . and i must add , scripture is shamefully perverted by the writer of this epistle ; for he would prove that christ was not created as to his deity , but only as to his humanity , by ephes . iv . . and coloss . iii. . where st. paul speaks of putting on the new man , which after god is created in righteousness and true holiness , — and is renewed in knowledge after the image of him that created him : had a pope writ this , i would have affirmed he was no infallible interpreter . the next is an epistle of justinian to this pope , wherein the emperor is pretended to declare his faith was conformable in all things to the roman church ; and made to say , he had subjected and united all the churches of the east to the pope , who is the head of all the holy churches — with much more stuff of this kind a . this letter is rejected by the learned hottoman , and many other very great lawyers , who baronius calls a company of hereticks and petty foggers b ; but confutes their arguments with false reasoning and forgeries , as i shall shew when i come to note his errors : i shall now confine my self to prove the greatest part of this epistle to be spurious : for who can imagin justinian ( who vindicated the authority of his patriarch at constantinople as equal with rome , and by an authentick law declares , that the church of constantinople is the head of all other churches c : yea , in the genuine part of this epistle , calls his patriarch the pope's brother ) that he , i say , should here profess he had subjected all the eastern churches to rome ? and how should he ( that differed from pope hormisda in his decision of the question , whether one person of the trinity suffered for us ; and made pope john now yield to his opinion , and condemn his predecessors notion ) declare he submitted his faith in all things to the pope ? but we need no conjectures , for if the reader look a little further among the epistles of agapetus d , he will see one of the boklest impostures that ever was ; for there justinian himself recites verbatim , the epistle which he had writ to pope - john , and whatever is more in this letter set out among john's epistles , than there is in that which is owned by the emperor , is an impudent forgery , added by some false corrupter to serve the roman supremacy . now by comparing these two epistles , it appears , the beginning and end of both are the same , and may be genuine ; but in neither part is there one word of this subjection , or the universal supremacy : and all that wretched jargon comes in where it is corrupted , viz. from ideoque omnes sacerdotes universi orientalis tractus , & subjicere — till you come to these words — petimus ergo vestrum paternum — : which when the reader hath well noted , he will admire , that those who had the cunning to corrupt a princes letter , by adding twice as much to it as he writ , should be so silly to print the true letter , within a few pages : but doubtless god infatuates such corrupters , and the devil owes a shame to lyers . the next epistle from the gothic king athalaric , was probably writ soon after john's election , since it mentions the romans coming to that prince , to beg leave to chuse a pope ; and both athalario and the senate made laws to prevent simony in the election of the pope , as well as other bishops : and which ( baronius saith , ) was more ignominious , this edict was ingraven on a marble table , and hung up before the court of st. peters for all to see it e . but to me it seems more ignominious , that the letter shews some of the late candidates for the papacy had sacrilegiously sold the holy vessels to buy voices f : these no doubt were like to make hopeful heads of the universal church . baronius is angry at this letter and edict , and i suppose places it falsly after the forged epistle of justinian had aggrandized this pope ; but do what he can , the kings reckoning him among other patriarchs , and making laws for papal elections , and his giving him no huffing titles , do clearly demonstrate that popes then were not so great as our annalist would make them seem ; and i wonder with what face he can say , this law was not against the clergy but the lay-men , when the law it self , and the occasion of it confutes him . the third epistle may be genuine , wherein he doth well to say , that according to the decrees of his predecessors , the roman church ever kept and followed the doctrin of st. augustin g ; and if they had never followed any other guide , there would not have been so many false doctrins brought in to that church : however , the great impertinence of divers scriptures here cited shews this pope to be no great divine , and one of his proofs i doubt is forged ; for i cannot , in exod. xxiv . or any other place find these words , you shall see your life hanging on a tree : now to feign such a prophesie must be a horrid sin , being literally adding to gods word h , to which a grievous curse is due . the epistle from reparatus and his african council to this pope , is more likely to be true , because there is nothing of his universal supremacy in it : they call him holy brother and fellow-priest , nor do they expect laws , but desire advice from him : yea , they require him to exclude from his communion such of the african clergy , as came from them to rome without leave i ; which shews the african church still opposed appeals to the pope . the first council under this pope was called at rome , wherein he decreed according to justinian's desire , that it might orthodoxly be said , one of the trinity was crucified for us in the flesh k . now this decree puts baronius and binius to stretch their wits to save the infallibility : for pope hormisda had before judicially determined the quite contrary in a cause of faith , viz. that it could not be orthodoxly said so : so that these parasites are to prove both parts of a contradiction true ; and that two popes who defined directly contrary to one another , were both in the right : now here they shufflle and palliate this matter , calling pope john's disannulling hormisda's decree , to be only a declaring his opinion , how far this sentence may , and how far it may not be held l . but before , baronius compares this sentence with the heretical addition to the trisagion , and tells us , the popes legates ( in hormisda ' s time ) thought it was utterly to be rejected : and that the eutychians were the authors of it ; yea , he magnifies hormisda for condemning it m . yet pope john says , it is an orthodox sentence , though still divers monks at rome did not believe him nor receive it : but took hormisda to have been in the right , and so far questioned john's infallibility , that as ( liberatus notos , ) they forsook his communion n ; and for my part i cannot see , but one of these popes must necessarily be an heretick . in this year they place a genuine record of a conscience at constantinople , between the catholick and severian hereticks ( o ) . but binius notes own , this conference was held before justinian writ to pope john for his opinion ; and therefore it should have been placed before that popes roman council , and is fraudulently set after , to make it seem as if the east had followed rome in this decision . to this conference the eastern bishops were summoned by the emperor and their own chief patriarch : and we may here observe , first , that hypatius bishop of ephesus was prolocutor , and is compared to st. peter the apostle p . secondly , when they speak of the opinions of the fathers , cited by cyril in the council at ephesus against nesterius , they reckon two popes , foelix and julius , promiscuously with the rest , giving them no precedence , no mark of special priviledge q . thirdly , they reject divers epistles , that bore the names of orthodox fathers , pretended to be kept among the records at alexandria , as forged and corrupted by their heretical bishops ; and say , they must be excused from receiving their enemies for evidence r . which just rule , if the romanists allow us in our disputes with them , the controversie would soon be ended . fourthly , hypatius truly affirms , that the eastern and western churches were long time divided , about the manner of expressing themselves as to the trinity ; the orientals suspecting the occidentals to be sabellians , and these imagining those of the east were arrians , till athanasius at last reconciled them by understanding of both tongues s ; which shews that neither side pretended to infallibility : and that learning is the fittest qualification for a judge of controversies . lastly , they say , their holy mother the catholick and apostolick church of god , held it was orthodox to say , that one of the trinity did suffer for us in the flesh t . now this could not be meant of the roman church , where hormisda's contrary definition was still in force , nor do they name the pope in all their conference : so that binius is mistaken in his notion , that justinian contrived this conference to unite the bishops of the east with rome ; for he took no notice of the late popes sentence , but designed this conference to settle the truth ; and for all the pretence of union and subjection in hormisda's time , the churches of the east and west were not united till after this ; when pope john consented to their desinition , and owned that not his predecessor , but they were in the right . § . . the time of pope agapetus entrance and death is not certainly known : anastasius , and from him du pin , allow him not one whole year : baronius and binius would have him sit longer u , but can only prove it by the dates of some epistles which are not genuine . 't is certain he was dead before may . when mennas council at constantinople met ; wherefore he must enter in the year . the truest account of him is to be had in liberatus , a writer that knew him , who saith , he was well skilled in the canons , and being sent by the gothick king , theodatus , on an embassy to justinian , to divert his army from italy , he arrived at constantinople , where he honourably received the emperors messenger , but would not admit anthimius to his presence : after this he saw the emperor , delivered his embassy , which was rejected ; however , ( as christs embassador ) neither the princes nor the empress could prevail with him to communicate with the lately ordained bishop of constantinople anthimius , unless he would prove himself orthodox , and return to the church which he had deserted : upon this anthimius resigned and went off , yet still was under the emperors protection : yet agapetus by the favour of the prince consecrated mennas patriarch of constantinople , and having designed pelagius his deacon to remain there as his resident , he prepared to return to italy , but dyed at constantinople w . most of that which is added to this , is feigned by anastastus and the later writers ; except what another contemporary cassiodorus writes of agapetus , that he was so poor , that the sacred plate of st. peters church was forced to be pawned for mony to defray the charges of this embassy x . but anastasius his fictions about the popes quarreling with justinian about his faith , and the emperors humbling himself , and adoring the pope afterwards , have no truth at all in them . no , nor those miracles which binius notes , and baronius pretended this pope did in his journey y ; for they have no other evidence for them than those fabulous legends , gregory's dialogues and the pratum spirituale z . and no writer of credit , or that lived in that age , knew of any such thing . the fore-named authors for the credit of the roman martyrology , where agapetus death is set down on the of the kal. of october , will have that be the right day of his dying : but i can hardly think he dyed so long before mennas council , which was in may . and there he is spoken of as lately deceased : i shall only note , that baronius blunders his own account wofully , by citing a constitution of justinian , directed to anthimius as still bishop of constantinople , dated on the ides of august , ( long after agapetus death : ) and upon this he rails at theodora and justinian a ; and 't is true , the law is so dated and titled in the novels b : but there must be a fault either in the name of anthimius , put instead of menna's , or in the consuls , because the same emperor directs another constitution to menna , in the same month and the same . year , and some copies read its date , kal. of august . which is the of july c : wherefore the annalist should be cautious , how he makes characters of princes , on the uncertain credit of these dates . the copy of justinian's letter to john the second , before stuffed with forgeries and undated , is here printed without the additions , and dated in january saith binius , in june saith labbè , an. . d . and it assures us , john's confirmation before related is spurious , because here it is offered again to be confirmed by agapetus , the day before the ides of march , an. . and this popes confirmation is dated at constantinople , four days after the emperors epistle : but anastasius faith , the pope came not to constantinople till the of the kal. of may ; and justinian's letter supposes him then at rome , and if so , how could the pope receive and answer this letter in four days time ? but if agapetus were at constantinople , what need the emperor write to him , or date his letter from that city ? so that i suspect the confirmation to be a forgery , and labbè himself notes , these things are not coherent e ; for which we have a good reason in lactantius , who saith , ea enim est mendaciorum natura ut cohaerere non possunt f . yet binius is so immodest as to stretch this seigned confirmation , to be a solemn confirming of all justinian's edicts and constitutions in matters of faith g . whereas that emperor sent the constitutions to the pope and other patriarchs to be executed , not to be confirmed ; he only advised with his bishops about them , but his own authority was enough to ratifie them . to this is subjoyned that nauseous forgery called exemplar precum , which hath been printed by the editors four or five times over with variety of titles , and here is ridiculously applied to justinian h . the matter of agapetus second and third epistle to the african bishops and reparatus is not exceptionable ; for the pope calls them his most loving brothers , and owns it was not agreeable to the canons to receive clerks from africk without their letter ; wherefore he would forbear it , as they had enjoyned : he confesses also the rights of a metropolitan to be in the bishop of carthage i . but there are some suspicions that they are not genuine , for they say they were sent by liberatus : now he had been at rome a little before , and can scarce be supposed to be got back to afric , and to return to rome by the th of the ides of september : and which is worse , ( as labbè truly observes , ) liberatus himself who writes the story of agapetus , speaks but of one journey to rome , and says nothing of this second : and besides 't is dated post . cons . paulini , which is wrong , unless they call bellisarius his year by that name , which is an. . and then agapetus was at constantinople : so that we may fear the forgers , who would have it thought all the world applied to rome , have been at work here . however , if the third letter be genuine , we learn from it that agapetus came into the papacy in winter ; for it seems reparatus had writ to pope john ; but while his messengers were staied by the winter from sailing , he heard in afric of agapetus his election . baronius here affirms , that the pope now sent decretal letters to be published in africa , which are not extant k : but i believe there never were any such letters ; for his advice might be accepted there perhaps , but his decretals then had no authority in that church . the fourth epistle to justinian is very suspicious , being dated with no consuls as the rest use to be ; it mentions also the popes sending legates on the ides of october , which if it were an. . he was not then pope ; if the next year , agapetus must then be at constantinople , ( or dead there the of the kal. of that month , if the roman martyrology be true : ) wherefore we need not be startled at that incredible passage , that justinian had elevated the roman see by such titles of charity and bounty , as exceeded their desires and hopes l . for the letter is not genuine ; and i dare say , the parasites will not urge this , because they think 't is justice , not charity ; and right , not human bounty , which gives rome the highest titles ; and we are of opinion , no titles can exceed that churches desires , though they may its deserts . since binius suspects the th epistle , as dated before agapetus was pope , and labbè saith , many things prove it false , and more than suspected of imposture , as being stolen out of hormisda's , and leo's letters , and naming theodatus consul , who never bore that office m ; we may without more ado reject it , only noting the forger resolved right or wrong , to make the pope the mawl of all hereticks . the two epistles to caesarius ( supposing them genuine ) are very frivolous , the th being only to tell him that ecclesiastical goods must not be alienated : which he knew better than the pope ; and symmachus had writ this to him above year before : and the th epistle intimates that contumeliosus a french criminal bishop , whose cause was decided by pope john , had appealed again to agapetus , which shews a papal decree was not decisive : but either the pope or this letter hath had ill luck , because it contains in the decretal part , a flat contradiction , both forbidding , and allowing this bishop to say mass n ; wherefore , if we do not reject them , we may throw them by , as very inconsiderable . once more the editors abuse us with their old forgery of exemplar precum , their corrupt rule of faith , which cannot without the highest impudence be put upon justinian o ; and they confess here the consuls are mistaken a whole year , yet they presume to mend it , and obtrude it for genuine : and baronius would have us believe justinian did now repeat this profession of his faith upon the falsest and slightest conjectures p that can be imagined . § . ii. the council of constantinople about the deposition of anthimius , and the condemnation of severus and his followers , was held , as binius confesses , in the general title , after agapetus his death ; and as oft as this council mentions him , he is called of happy memory : yet in the title on the top , binius saith , it was held under agapetus and mennas ; which absurdity of a council being held under a dead pope , moved labbè to say it was under mennas q . the history of this council may be had from du-pin r . but the remarks on those things in it , which either condemn the errors , or savour of the forgeries of rome , are my business . wherefore , i will first make some general observations on the whole : secondly , consider the depravations in the acts. thirdly , examine the falshoods in the notes . first , this council was called to re-examine and confirm the sentence of pope agapetus , and it consisted ( all but five ) of eastern bishops s , to whom justinian sent this sentence for their approbation . and agapetus himself in a letter writ a little before his death , desires the eastern bishops to signifie to him , that they did approve of the judgment of the apostolical seat t ; which shews that neither the emperor , the pope , nor this council did then take the bishop of rome to be the sole nor highest judge . secondly , mennas the patriarch was the president of this council , and sat above and before those five bishops , which the annalist , and annotator say were the legates of agapetus , and the representatives of the roman church u . thirdly , it is certain the emperor justinian convened this council by his own sole authority ; for every action owns they met by his pious command , and that his care had gathered this holy synod together w . and it is as certain that he only could and did confirm it ; for mennas the president having heard the synods opinion , desires the emperor may be acquainted with it , because nothing ought to be done in the church without his royal consent , and command x . and he finally did confirm their decree by a special edict , which made it valid y . so that this council utterly confutes the popes pretended right to convene all councils , for which in this age nothing but forged evidence is produced . fourthly , though baronius z , and also binius do affirm that agapetus did both depose anthimius , and chuse mennas , neither of them is true if they mean the pope did it by his own authority ; for before the council , justinian ( as this synod often declares ) did assist agapetus , and made the holy canons authentic in deposing anthimius a . and because he thought it was scarce yet canonically done , he gets the sentence against him confirmed by this council : as for mennas , he was only consecrated by the pope , who in his own letter saith mennas was elected by the favour of the emperor , and the consent of the chief men , the monks and all orthodox christians b ; yea , the council declares the emperor chose him by the general suffrage c . so that these are false pretences designed to set up a single authority in the pope , unknown to that age. secondly , in the acts of this council there are divers instances of the hand of a roman depraver : the title of the monks petition , as binius margen saith , is not in the greek d ; yet he hath it both in greek and latain ( d ) ; and so hath labbè : but it must be the addition of a later hand , the greek being the original ; it is full of great swelling words applied to agapetus alone ; but the text speaks to more than one , do not ye suffer , o ye most blessed e — which ye ( o most blessed ) defending , receive ye our petition f , and generally it runs in the plural number ; so that it was addressed to the pope with other bishops . the like corruption we meet with also in the letter of the eastern bishops , where the title now is only to agapetus ; but the text speaks to more than one ; yea , where the greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latin version of rome . changes it into beatissime , and sanctissime , adding pater g . which shews the forgers fingers have been here . the aforesaid petition of the monks , mentions an image of justinian abused by the hereticks : the greek calls it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the image of that servant of god h , the roman version is imaginem dei veri : the image of the true god : as if these heriticks had been iconoclasts before that controversie was heard of . in the bishops letter the greek reads — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies by open force and secret fraud : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a warlike engine to batter with i . the translator dreams of manichaean errors , which are nothing to the purpose here . in the epistle of the syrian bishops to justinian , the greek saith , the pope deserved to follow the emperors pious footsteps , and so labbè reads it in the latin : but in binius ( for fear this should look mean ) we have it vestra pia vestigia digna facienti k . the title of hormisda's epistle to epiphanius is corrupted in latin by the addition of these words which are not in the greek , wherein he delegates to him the power of a vicar of the apostolical seat , in receiving penitents l : which is confuted by the epistle it self , which speaks of the church of constantinople , not as subjected , but united to the roman ; and doth not command , but desire epiphanius to joyn his care and diligence to the popes , as they now had one friendship , both in faith and communion ; yea , hormisda promises to act by the same measures which he recommends to epiphanius m . baronius hath another corruption of his own , in a letter from the monks of hierusalem and syria ; for where they desire justinian to cut off all that do not communicate with the universal church of god , and the apostolical seat n ; he leaves out the universal church , and puts in nothing but the apostolical seat o . in the same page he cuts off mennas title before the sentence be pronounced , viz. mennas , the most holy and blessed universal arch. bishop and patriarch said p : and he adds to the end of this sentence , that it was according to what hormisda and agapetus had prescribed q ; whereas this being the sense of the synod , gave authority to what the later of these popes had done ; and the former , hormisda , was dead before this matter came into question . and now i am upon the account of this council in baronius , i will also note , that in citing an author which saith mennas obtained an universal bishopric — he adds , that is , of the churches subject to him r . yet a little after he will not allow that paraphrase when the same words are applyed to the popes s , which shews his unfaithfulness in adding , and his partiality in expounding , two very ill properties in an historian — but to proceed with binius and labbè : in the th act there is a syod at constantinople held under john the bishop there anno , wherein he is called most holy and most blessed arch-bishop , occumenical patriarch , and father of fathers t . yet the editors put first in the margen , and then into the latin text , under hormisda ; which words are not in the greek , and are absurd , because the two churches were not yet reconciled u : which is plain , because in the acclamations they cry , let the names of euphemius and macedonius be restored to the church : which were two of their orthodox patriarchs and followers of acacius , whose names had been struck out of the dypticks by heretical princes , and stood then condemned by hormisda : and they cry again , are our synodical powers gon away to rome ? that is , must we reject our orthodox patriarchs because rome censures them ? but the latin corrupt version reads , synodica romana modo valeant w ; which would alter the sense , and persuade such as cannot look into the greek , that rome's decrees were valid at constantinople ; whereas , they decree contrary to the pope . in the epistle from john of jerusalem , to the patriarch of constantinople , the late forgers have put in a sentence to give some colour to the worship of the blessed virgin , which spoils the sense . the true reading is — ; do ye most holy pray for the same things that we do , for it is the common duty of bishops [ ] to intercede for the peace of the churches , and the emperors victory , and long life x . but into this they thrust in a line or two — thus — it is the common duty of bishops ; ( and pray ye to the holy , glorious virgin mary , the mother of god with us ) to intercede for the peace of the churches — which is a new piece put into an old garment so foolishly , that the rent is very visible . finally , the subscriptions to the fifth and last act are corrupted : for whereas the roman deacons , theophanes and pelagius in all other acts are placed after the eastern bishops , here they are set before them in the latin version y . and whereas the editors tell us , that justinian's edict to confirm the decrees of this council is depraved in the title to mennas z ; i confess it is so ; but the roman parasites have depraved it by cutting off all those titles which the novel here cited by them gives him a , viz. to mennas the most holy , and most blessed , and oecumenical patriarch — all which the editors of the council leave out . to these notes of the depraving these acts we may add a few remarks on some passages that are genuine , but oppose the late notions of the roman church . the epistle of agapetus was not writ to peter alone ( as the epistle pretends ) but to him , and other bishops ; whom the pope calls in the first line , his beloved brethren ; and to mennas there he gives the titles of brother , and fellow bishop b . the syrian bishops epistle to justinian , declares that christ is the head of the church c , which title the pope had not yet claimed . in the epistle from john of jerusalem , to the patriarch of constantinople ( where leo is called archbishop and patriarch of rome ) we have this memorable truth , that christ who gave the power of binding and loosing to peter the chief of the apostles , gave it in general to the episcopal order d : which confutes that doctrine of all bishops receiving this power from the pope . the bishop of tyre's epistle to the synod at constantinople , calls the see of antioch , which severus the heretick had invaded , the throne of the apostolical church of antioch e , and makes one of his great crimes to be his admitting strange clerks canonically deprived by their own bishop , to officiate without the consent of such as had sentenced them : a crime so often committed by the popes , that these uncanonical precedents are produced to prove he hath a priviledge so to do . the sentence of mennas against this severus , and his complices , recites that they had contemned the apostolical succession in the church of rome , which had condemned them , and set at nought both the patriarchal throne of constantinople , and the synod under it ; yea , and the apostolical succession , which the lord and saviour of all had setled in those holy places : and above all , had despised the sentence of the oriental diocess decreed against them ( i ) . so that their greatest fault was not the contemning the popes authority , and apostolical succession was setled in other churches by christ , as well as in that of rome . lastly , the constitution of justinian is made on purpose to give validity to the sentence of the pope and the synod against anthimius and the hereticks , declaring it was the custom for all preceding orthodox emperors , to confirm the decrees of councils ; and it says in the conclusion , this law was published , that none might be ignorant of those things which the bishops had agreed on , and the emperor had confirmed g . so that it is a fallacious note of the editors margen to say ; that it was the duty of emperors to take care that the decrees of the fathers and the pope were executed . which makes their master to be no more than their servant and under officer . in the notes on this council are many falshoods , which may be discovered by what is already observed . only we may consider some few of them more particularly : as first , he takes it upon baronius his credit h , that agapetus left the western bishops his legates , and that their power continued after his decease ; and thence boldly , but falsly affirms , that these legates procured the synod to meet , and that they condemned these hereticks by the authority of their deceased master , whose legate also he feigns mennas was i ; and in express contradiction to the council , he will have these italian bishops to be presidents with mennas k ; yet immediately calls him alone the president of this synod l . now all this is to impose upon the reader , as if nothing could be done without papal authority : but we have proved that justinian called and confirmed this council , and mennas presided solely in it : the acts also take no notice of these western bishops having any legantine power from agapetus ; and i shall shew presently , that before this council rose there was a new pope chosen , who should have renewed their commission to make it valid , but did not : so that they must suppose the dead and the living pope to have supream authority both at once : who can swallow these gross fictions ? again , mennas and the council declare , that pope followed the canons in allowing anthimius time to come in and repent , and therefore they followed him m ; but binius notes turn this and say , that agapetus commanded the synod to use this mercy n : but it is very pleasant to hear clodius accuse , and binius complain of the modern greeks , for forging the title of oecumenical patriarch , applied to john in his own council of constantinople o . but the latins are even with them and far out-do them , ( if it were so ) for they ( as we have seen ) have put in that title for agapetus into the latin when it was not in the greek , and have left it out before menuas name , though in the code it be given him : so that they cannot fairly complain ; yet after all , i can prove by authentic records of this age , that this title of oecumenical patriarch , was given to the patriarch of both old and new rome ; nor is this council of john corrupted by the modern greeks , and gregory is certainly mistaken in saying it was not used before his time : but the weakest complaint of forgery , and the worst proof of it imaginable , is that of baronius and binius , who pretend the greeks have fraudulently put the names of euphemius and macedonius bishops of constantinople , before pope leo's p ; and the annalist and annotator shew shameful ignorance , in thinking to prove by the liturgy of st. mark , that the pope of rome was prayed for first in all churches : for though in that office , god is desired to preserve their most holy and most blessed pope , whom he did fore-ordain , that his holy catholick and apostolick church should choose by their common suffrages , and also for their most holy bishop q . yet this ( being the office used in the whole alexandrian patriarchate , ) must be meant of the alexandrian patriarch , ( who was called pope ever since athanasius his time , ) and was the bishop of that church where these prayers were made : to prove which and shame this illiterate exposition , i shall produce jac. goar , a rigid papist , the editor of the greek euchologion ; who thus speaks , the greeks never name the supream bishop of all ( he means him of rome ) in publick ; wherefore urban the fourth desired of the emperor mich. palaeologus ( an. dom. . that is , year after this , ) that in their sacred offices , the popes name should be recited out of the dypticks , with the other four patriarchs , as the first and chiefest sign of their union with rome : for which he cites nicetas , lib. . r . here therefore is a proof , which proves only the mistake of them that produce it : and for the objection , it is a known custom for all churches , to name their own patriarchs before those of other churches ; so that it is no wonder , that at constantinople euphemius's name should be placed before leo's . as soon as the council under mennas was ended , the decrees were sent to peter patriarch of jerusalem , who by the command of the emperor , called a council there to confirm them s . in this year labbè places the synod of auvergne , which met , as the preface owns , by the precept of king theodebert t ; there is no pope mentioned in it : binius places it in the year . under vigilius , but sirmondus proves he was mistaken . § . . as soon as the news of agapetus his death came to rome , liberatus saith , sylverius was made pope by theodatus the gothick king u . anastasius saith , it was after one month and days vacancy w ; which is very probable , being a sufficient time for the intelligence to come from constantinople ; and if we allow that agapetus died about a month before mennas council , this entrance of sylverius will prove to be while that council sat . baronius saw this , and fearing it would ruin his invention of the western bishops , there being agapetus his legates , he blunders the time of sylverius's election ; and though he reject anastasius account , on whom ( in many less probable reports ) he often relies ; yet he will not fix any other time , and so leaves it uncertain ; only in general he and binius say , he was elected in the end of this year ; which cannot be ; because agapetus certainly died in the spring , and it required no long time for the news to come from constantinople . as to this sylverius , it is certain from liberatus , he was the son of pope hormisda ; and baronius with binius only conjecture that he was lawfully begotten ; they would prove it indeed by this argument , that otherwise he would have been irregular , and the roman clergy would not have chosen him : but they forget that his election was not regular ; for theodatus was in haste , and would not stay for that , but forced the roman clergy to subscribe , having got money of sylverius , as their own pontifical relates . baronius calls this fear and vile submission of the roman clergy , their clemency and a worthy example x ; yet confesses this pope deserved to be kept out : however , being got into the sanctifying chair , he magnifies him , but very unjustly ; for procopius a creditable author , who was soon after at rome with bellisarius , tells us , sylverius first swore to keep the city of rome for vitiges the gothick king y . and so soon as bellisarius came before it , he was the principal instrument to persuade the romans , who had sworn with him , to deliver up that city z : baronius would conceal this perjury , and therefore though he cite procopius here , yet he saith no more than that vitiges admonished the pope and senate , to keep faithful to the goths a , who indeed had been extreamly civil to the roman church ; and though they were arrians , yet ( as their enemy procopius tells us , ) they had such a reverence for the holy places , that they did not hurt the churches of st. peter or st. paul ; yea , they gave liberty to the catholick priests to serve god in their own way b . which confutes the false reports of their cruelty , in destroying the churches and bodies of the martyrs at rome , mentioned in the pontifical , and in paulus diaconus c . however sylverius turned once more , as procopius saith , and was suspected by bellisarius to have designed to betray the city of rome once more to the goths , for which he deposed and banished him d ; and marcellinus an author of great credit , and of that time , saith , sylverius favoured vitiges , and for that cause bellisarius deposed him from his bishoprick e . i know liberatus ( a mortal enemy to vigilius ) would have this to be a calumny , invented by theodora , and carried on by vigilius the succeeding pope , who had promised bellisarius two hundred crowns to get sylverius ejected , and himself admitted f ; and anastasius with paulus diaconus follow his account : but the two former authors are in this case more worthy of credit ; however this is certain , bellisarius did depose and banish sylverius , and got vigilius elected , who fearing his rival should be restored , got him at last into his hands , and barbarously caused him to be starved to death . this is a sad story of two popes , sylverius uncanonically elected , a simoniack and a perjured person ; and vigilius a favourer of hereticks , one that is said to have hired false witness , and to have given mony to make the see void , and at last a murtherer . which shews , how little reason there is for baronius and the notes , to make such a stir which was the true pope of these two . they will have sylverius to remain the rightful pope while he lived , and so rail freely at vigilius as an heretick , and bloody usurper g . but they cannot prove this by any evidence , but only by a manifestly forged epistle of sylverius . and the contrary is very certain , because the emperor , the gallican churches and all did own vigilius for the true pope long before sylverius his death , and he openly acted as such all that time . wherefore we must reject that dream of baronius , who saith ( without any ground , ) that vigilius did abdicate the papacy for six days upon the death of his competitor , and got himself new chosen ; and this purged him of all crimes , and in a moment made him a saint and a rare pope : he would force this fiction out of anastasius , ( who in like cases he generally despises , ) who only saith , the see was void six days , but plainly means after sylverius was deposed ; for he reckons vigilius his time from thence , allotting him above years and months ; that is , near two years more than baronius allows . there are but two epistles ascribed to sylverius , and they are the only evidence to prove him the true pope after he was deposed ; yet it is certain both are forged . the first charges vigilius with simony , yea , excommunicates and deprives him for usurping the papacy ; it is dated with the name of basilius , whereas baronius and the annotator say , there was no such consul in his time h . and labbè saith , it is to be rejected for the barbarity of the style , and other reasons , and concludes the mistake of the consul , shews the bold ignorance of mercator , the author of this imposture . now observe for the ingenuity and credit of baronius , that this epistle not only serves him to clear sylverius from simony , and to prove him the true pope , but he calls this odious forgery , the sword of the spirit , the word of god , and the exercise of that power , which he had to absolve or damn eternally all people i , which is no less than blasphemy . the second epistle to amator is so gross a fiction , that both baronius and binius reject it , being contrary to the true history delivered by liberatus , whom the notes call the most faithful writer of this time k : labbè agrees with them that it is spurious , and shews that mercator stole it out of gregory's epistles , wishing that the like censure which is passed on this , were passed upon many more of these writings . but the letter of amator to sylverius , ( which labbè saith , learned men suspect to be as false as the popes answer to it , ) baronius will have to be genuine ; and from this slight forgery alone , he proves , that all the catholick world groaned together , at the ignominies put upon the bishop of the universal church l : a rare historian ! whose assertions and his evidence are both false . binius places the second council of orleance in this year , but labbe from sirmondus puts it three years sooner , an. . in the time of pope john the second m ; it was called , as the preface saith , by the command of the king of france , and made very good canons , without papal advice or authority . binius his notes here blunder this and the following council , and will keep king clovis alive three year longer than nature allowed him , to support a fable of this kings giving the pope a golden crown , an. . n whereas he died an. . o . the third council of orleans , binius sets an. . but labbè more truly places it here p . however , it takes no notice of any pope , though vigilius about this time is pretended to have writ to caesarius bishop of arles . this synod made divers canons for discipline ; and by the second canon it appears , they were zealous for the celibate of the clergy : but the fourth shews , that hitherto the canons in this case had not been obeyed ; and the ninth canon decrees , that if any clerks having wives or concubines were ignorantly ordained , they should not be removed . § . . vigilius was made pope immediately after sylverius was deposed , and while the goths belieged bellisarius in rome , which was in this year : but the editors from baronius write an. . upon this entrance * , to cover the fable of his new election , after the death of sylverius : but he must come in in the year : for marcellinus places vigilius his death an. . q , which makes up the years and odd time that anastasius truly allots vigilius ; whose successor pelagius entred , as baronius and the editors own , an. , which is but whole year from that year , in which ( they say ) he entred ; and from which they falsly compute his time , who writ letters dated an. , and acted in all things as the sole true pope , from the time sylverius was deposed ; which was according to anastasius , after he had sat one year and five months r ; and he followed writers of undoubted credit , that is , marcellinus , who places his deposition and vigilius his entrance an. s ; so doth genebrard t , who with platina allow sylverius only some odd time above one year , in which all writers before baronius agree . his invention therefore it was to ascribe above years to sylverius u , that this false chronology might cover his devisable , of a new election of vigilius , an. . which we justly reject as an idle fable , invented to save the honour of the roman chair : yet it is well baronius did not think vigilius the true pope all this time , for by that means we have his true character , who , he saith , was driven on with the whirlwind of ambition , and like lucifer fell from heaven , — that his sacriledge cried out on every side — he calls him a schismatick , a simoniack , an usurper , a wretched man , an heretick , a wolf , a thief , a false bishop , and an antichrist w ; aggravating his crimes with all his rhetorick , wherein he rather exceeds the bounds of modesty than of truth ; for he really was extreamly wicked , and beyond the power of the sanctifying chair it self , to make him holy. we have so fully described the acts of this pope , and all the false stories about him in the following history of the fifth general council , that we may here pass him by , with a few brief remarks . first , liberatus assures us , vigilius did make good his promise to theodora the empress , and communicated with hereticks x . anastasius , a later author of no credit denies this , and binius is so fond of this popeexcusing fiction , that he puts into the text these words , see how vigilius ( though he came by evil means into the papacy , ) as soon as he got into that holy chair established by gods promise , was changed into another man , condemning the heresie he had promised to approve y . which false and foolish parenthesis labbè was ashamed of , and leaves it out . secondly , there are very many idle stories in anastasius his life of this pope , some of which i will briefly recite , the bare relation of them being enough to disprove them , viz. that when the people of rome had accused vigilius for a murderer , and got the empress to send for him prisoner to constantinople ; the romans as he was going off , first desired his prayers , and then threw stones at him — that though he was brought prisoner to justinian , yet the emperor met and kissed him , and the people sang that hymn — behold the lord the king cometh , &c. — which being applied to the pope is blasphemy , and so the editors and baronius counted it , as did also pope simplicius , when the heretical bishop of alexandria entring into constantinople , permitted his party to sing the words of an hymn only due to christ z . the rest shall be observed in the history of the th council , where we may find also the blunders , fictions and contradictions of the notes exposed , and so will mention but few of them here a , viz. that vigilius cunningly abdicated the papacy after the death of sylverius , and got himself new-elected by the roman clergy , who were divinely inspired in that act . — that vigilius was a catholick , and only polluted by communicating with hereticks , ( which was a horrid crime formerly in acacius . ) — that bellisarius was denied a triumph at constantinople , for his ill usage of the pope . — that vigilius anathematized the empress theodora , and that god thereupon destroyed her . — that the roman church is so secured by providence , that it is no blot to it , if we can prove this pope simoniacal and heretical — ( i ask by the way , why then do they tell so many lies to cover this ? ) — that the eastern bishops depended upon vigilius his judgment , and stayed till he came to constantinople , before they would subscribe the edict against the three chatpers . — that justinian after his coming revoked this edict . — that the pope finally confirmed the th council , — and lastly , that it was sacriledge in the emperour , to presume to depose or confirm a pope . — all which we shall shew to be notorius falshoods . the first epistle of vigilius is writ to three notorious hereticks , wherein he assures them he holds the same faith with them b ; and is so heretical , that the editors are ashamed of it , and print only the beginning of it , pretending from baronius that some eutychian writ it in his name c . but the reader will remember , that the annalist always condemns genuine writings , if they reflect on the pope , and justifies forgeries , if they magnifie him ; of which this is another clear instance ; for liberatus who was a little before called the most faithful writer of his time , hath this epistle at large , and affirms vigilius writ it d . yea , victor tuennensis hath recorded it as this popes almost in the same syllables in his chronicle ! e , who is another credible writer of that age. and both these africans did ever after look on vigilius as an heretick for this , and so he was , but secretly for fear of justinian . to whom about this time vigilius openly writ an orthodox letter , though baronius and the editors place it anno . and call it his th epistle , pretending it was writ after baronius his invented new election , and when the holy chair had set him right in faith f . but my reason why i judge it writ anno soon after his entrance , is because it was customary for a new pope to write to the emperor , and give an account of his faith ; and since vigilius had been advanced by justinian , it is not at all likely he should stay almost three years before he sent an embassy to enquire if he were orthodox ; and this epistle having no date they have clapt to it , another to mennas , with a date that smells of forgery , because the emperors embassador is made to subscribe to the popes letter anno , which is a thing so unusual , that either justinian highly suspected vigilius , or this postscript is added by mercator g . however it being certain that vigilius had writ privately to anthimius , severus and theodosius , that he was of the same faith with them , and it being also probable that he writ these open letters to justinian and mennas at the same time wherein he anathematizes those three hereticks by name , and professes himself orthodox , this proves him a most egregious hypocrite and dissembler in points of faith. i shall only briefly note on this fourth epistle , that vigilius reckning up the names of his immediate predecessors , names not sylverius among them , which seems to intimate he was then alive : and secondly , if mercator did not thrust in that sentence , that to disturb , or diminish the priviledges of the apostolical seat , appeared as bad as violating the faith : if this ( say , ) be not a latter addition , we may infer , that vigilius was more concerned for the power of his see , than for the faith. that which the editors call the second epistle , was writ to one eutherius anno : and though they and baronius say he was then no true pope h ; yet the collectors of the decretal epistles did not think so , for they have put this among the decretals of true popes . du pin hath well observed , that the latter part of this epistle is forged by mercator , where vigilius is supposed so ignorant of greek , ( after he had lived long in greece , ) as to derive cephas , ( the name of st. peter ) from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an head. and in this corrupt part is that absurd sentence , — that no true believer was ignorant , that all churches had their beginning from rome : which though a forgery , serves the editors to note upon in the margen , the church of rome is the mother and mistress of all churches : of which they have no better evidence than such trash , and so must be content with such as they have . the third epistle to caesarius bishop of arles , was writ in the same year ; and proves that vigilius was taken for the true pope , as well by this eminent father i , as by eutherius , anno . the sixth , seventh and eighth epistles are writ to auxanius successor to caesarius , and shew vigilius was then so much at the emperors devotion , that he durst not grant a pall to a french bishop without the leave of justinian k ; and when he had ( above a year after ) got this leave , he tells auxanius he was obliged to pray for the emperor and the empress , who had given their consent l . now if theodora were so great a friend to hereticks as baronius pretends , 't is plain , vigilius then was a favourite of hers , which makes him still suspected to be inclined to heresie : but there is one mistake in this epistle , viz. that his predecessor had granted a pall to caesarius , which de marca saith is false , and affirms this auxainus to have been the first legate the pope made in france : a hopeful high-priest to begin that usurpation upon metropolitans . in this year was that edict put out , which condemned the three chapters ; and here the editors call it , the edict of the most pious emperor justinian , containing a confession of faith , and a confutation of the heresies , that are contrary to the catholick church of god m . but for fear vigilius and his party might appear heretical for opposing this orthodox edict , the editors will not print it here , but thrust it on some hundred pages further n . and put in here their false comment before the text , hoping by the sham stories in these notes , to take off the readers aversation to this heretical pope : but since all the errors of these notes are confuted at large in the history of the fifth council , i will only name a few of them now , viz. that pelagius the popes secretary always opposed this edict , is false , for he afterwards subscribed it . — he saith vigilius , pontianus ( whose letter is here printed ) and facundus , who writ against this edict , were orthodox . — but the fifth council condemns all for hereticks , who wrote for the three chapters ' here censured ; and none but heretical writers could take upon them to confute an orthodox confession of faith : the decree of vigilius for silence , with his prudence and courage , are all fictions , as shall be shewn in due place . vigilius had now been near three years at constantinople , and carried fair with justinian , so that doubtless he had signed his edict , which condemned the persons of theodorus , theodoret and ibas , and their heretical writings ; yet here is an epistle of his to a scythian bishop , citing his constitution ( which defends these three chapters , ) and wishes the persons of theodorus , &c. might not be condemned , as some favourers of heresie desired : yet in the same epistle o he saith , he had suspended his two deacons for defending the three chapters , and would shortly excommunicate them : now what the notes on this epistle say , that both the opposers and defenders of the three chapters hated vigilius p ▪ is no wonder , for he was false to all parties , and such trimming sycophants , who strive to please all , get the favour of no body . the fifteenth epistle to the universal church , baronius and the editors do not censure ; but it is a meer forgery , being falsly dated ( as they own ) in the of justinian ; they alter it to . binius found but part of it in baronius , so prints no more : but labbé adds a great deal more , not saying where he had it q : as to the matter of it , the story of this popes sufferings at constantinople is false and improbable , not attested by any credible writer of that time : and whereas he saith , he had excommunicated and deposed theodorus bishop of caesarea , and suspended mennas patriarch of constantinople , that must be false , because the popes legates in the sixth general council affirm , that mennas died the st year of justinian , ( four year before the date of this letter , ) an. r . wherefore this epistle and the instrument of condemnation against theodorus and mennas are forgeries s : and it is very unjust , for baronius and the annotator on the credit of such stuff so rudely to rail at justinian , as if he were the vilest heretick and greatest monster upon earth . there are many other things in these notes deserving censure t , viz. the affirming that theodorus of caesaria deposed zoilus of alexandria , and put in apollinaris ; whereas liberatus expresly saith , the emperor did this u : the stories of justiman's revoking his edict , and of theodorus and mennas humble submission delivered in writing to vigilius , and of his absolving them , are equally false and most improbable , so that scarce any thing here can be trusted . were this epistle genuine i would have observed , that pope vigilius here saith , he knew justinian's hand-writing w : and that utterly confutes baronius and suidas , who say , he was altogether illiterate . i would also note , that the pope here affirms , ( an. . ) he had been seven year out of his country , attending for the peace of the church x : now if this be true , he must leave rome an. , that is , three years before baronius his account ; and this will also prove some of his epistles to auxanius counterfeit , being dated from rome after that time . but after all , i reckon this false account of the pope's journey , to be a sign that this epistle is a forgery ; only those who count it genuine ought to solve these difficulties . there is nothing more in our editors vere remarkable , but only some few french councils , called by their own kings , and the canons in them made by their own bishops , without any notice of papal authority , and so without any corruptions . wherefore we pass them , and go on to the fifth general council , where vigilius will be brought on the stage again . an epitome of dr. crakenthorp's treatise of the fifth general council at constantinople , anno . chap. i. the occasion of this council , was the trio capitulu , or three chapters about the writings of theodorus of mopsvestia , theodoret against cyril , and the epistle of ibas to maris , which the nestorians pretended was all approved by the council of chalcedon ; whereupon some doubted of the authority of that holy council , and the several sects ( called from their having no one head , acephali ) rejected it : so that to appease this dangerous schism , justinian set forth an orthodox edict a to condemn those writings : and that not satisfying all parties , he assembled this fifth general council . chap. ii . pope vigilius was then at constantinople , and often desired by the bishops , and commanded by the emperor to be present b : baronius falsly saith , they had no regard to him c ; yet he afterwards owns twenty metropolitans , and three patriarchs invited him to come , and offered him the presidency d , urging him with a promise under his hand to to be there e : vigilius first pretended to be sick , so they adjourned the first session , on his saying he would satisfie them next day f . then he alledged there were but few western bishops ; but they shewed there were more with him at that time , than had been in all the four former great councils g . he pretended also , he would offer his sense to the emperor alone h ; but the emperor required him to do it to the council i : so that the true reason why he would not be there , was , his affection to the nestorians and the three chapters . chap. iii. upon this the council resolves to proceed without him k ; which cusanus saith , ought to be done for the safety of the church , when the pope is resolved not to come l ; and herein they follow the example of the council of chalcedon , who proceeded without the popes legates , when they would not stay and join with them m . wherefore in the third collation this th council declared the true faith , and in the th and th examine the cause of theodorus and theodoret : on the fifth day ( saith baronius , ) pope vigilius sent his constitution to the council n , being made by the advice of bishops and deacons , and designed to oblige the whole church , the western agreeing with him in it o , and delivered by apostolical authority p wherein he confirms the three chapters , declaring st , that theodorus of mopsvestia cannot be condemned after his death q . ly , that theodoret's name should not be taxed r . ly , that ibas epistle to maris was catholick , and both he and that epistle received by the council of chalcedon as catholick and orthodox s . but binius cuts off the five last columns ( which are added by baronius and labbè , ) and which shew how fully vigilius confirmed all the three chapters chap. iv . in the th collation the council having received this constitution , do notwithstanding go on to examine ibas epistle t : and wonder any dare presume to say , it was received by the council of chalcedon u ; which baronius owns was levelled at vigilius , though out of respect he be not named w . and after a strict examination , they pronounce , that the approvers of this epistle are followers of theodorus and nestorius the hereticks ; they shew the council at chalcedon , owns god was made man , which this epistle calls apollinarism ; that council confesses mary to be the mother of god , the epistle denies it ; they commend the council of ephesus , and cyril's twelve chapters condemning nestorius ; ibas condemns the council of ephesus , defends nestorius , and calls cyril an heretick , and his chapters impious : they stuck to cyril's faith and the nicene creed , he condemns cyril's faith , and commends theodorus his creed : they held two natures , but one person in christ ; he is for two persons also x : whereupon this th council decree the whole epistle to be heretical , and anathematize all as hereticks who receive it y . and for this reason binius leaves out of his edition the most of that part of vigilius's constitution , which concerns ibas his epistle : and baronius ( who puts it in ) with the nestorians , would excuse it by saying the latter part of this epistle is orthodox : but the council condemns the whole epistle z , and all that say any part of it is right a ; and all that write for it or defend it b . so that pope vigilius , baronius , bellarmine and all the writers for this heretical epistle , were and are accursed by the sentence of this general council : and if ( as baronius pretends ) the popes legates at chalcedon , say , that ibas appeared a catholick by this epistle c ; the th council shews the fathers at chalcedon condemned it , not heeding what two or three said d . baronius urges , ( as the nestorians did , ) that eunomius said at chalcedon , the latter end of ibas epistle was orthodox e ; but the th council saith , this is a calumny f , and cite the very words of eunomius out of the council at chalcedon ; which import that ibas was innocent , after he had agreed with cyril and renounced his epistle , which he had done in the acts before photius and eustathius g . the th collation of this th council , was only repeating and approving former acts h . in the th collation , baronius owns this council condemned the three chapters contrary to vigilius decree i , and anathematize all that did defend them k , that is , vigilius , whom baronius often commends as a defender of them l : yea , they declare them hereticks , by the doctrin of the scriptures and holy fathers , and of the four former councils m : all which therefore vigilius contradicted in his constitution . and whatever baronius first says to disparage this council , it was ratified by the th council n , by the seventh , or second nicene council , act. . yea , ( and as baronius confesseth o ) , by all succeeding general councils ; by the popes , pelagius , gregory the great ; agatho , leo the second , and by all succeeding popes , who were sworn to observe all the general councils , and this among others p . to which we may add the councils of basil and constance , and all the catholick church till leo the th's lateran council , an. , which contrary to the catholick faith q decreed no council could condemn a pope : wherefore we may conclude , vigilius was a condemned heretick . chap. v. now let us examine baronius his shifts , and those binius learns from him . first , they pretend this was not a point of faith , but concerned only persons r : which is most false ; for the emperor justinian calls it a matter of faith s : so doth the th council it self declare t : yea , vigilius in his constitution calls the condemning these three chapters erring from the faith ; and facundus the apologist for them saith , the opposing them was rooting out the catholick and apostolick faith u . on the other side pope pelagius saith , they are contrary to the faith , and to receive them is to overthrow the faith of ephesus w ; which epistle gregory the great confirms x . bellarmine saith , that is de fide , which a council defines to be so , and calls the opposers of it hereticks and accurseth them y . and baronius calls the emperors edict for the three chapters , sanctio de fide catholica z , and fidei decretum a , so that it must be a matter of faith : and gregory the great was mistaken if he meant , that this th council handled no matters of faith , but treated of persons b : for the contrary is manifest . but indeed gregory means they altered no point of faith established at chalcedon , as some in his time fancied ; only condemning the persons there examined ; but still it was by shewing they held notorious heresies . chap. vi . but to consider the three chapters severally : the first was about theodorus of mopsvestia , who ( as vigilius saith c , ) should not be condemned after he was dead , citing leo and gelasius for it , as having decreed it for a point of faith : but on the other side st. austin declares , if caecilian were guilty of the crimes objected ( years after his death , ) he would anathematize him d : pelagius urges and approves of this doctrin of st. austin , and saith leo agreed with him e . the same is proved in the th council , to have been the opinion of st. cyril , of the african council , &c. f thus also domnus was condemned at chalcedon after his death , and many of the old hereticks g : honorius was condemned by name sixty years after his death h . yea , baronius who urges this in excuse of vigilius in one place i , in another declares that it is a mistake , and that the church of rome doth condemn men after their death k ; so as he is forced to commend and condemn the same fact ; and to excuse this reason of vigilius , he disputes for both sides of a contradiction : as to our saviours words , of binding and loosing on earth , math . which gelasius and vigilius cite , they respect the living ministers on earth , and not the persons bound or loosed : and leo and gelasius both speak of loosing persons , who dyed excommunicate and impenitent , which they held unlawful ; but neither of them say with vigilius , that an heretick , who is not discovered till after his death , and dyed in heresie , may not be condemned then . chap. vii . vigilius pretends in the second place , that this theodorus dyed in the peace of the church l ; which objection is taken notice of , both by justinian m and the th council n , and largely disproved by shewing he was condemned as an heretick by all churches , for that he dyed in his impiety ; and the council say it is a lye to affirm the contrary : wherefore baronius falsly saith , vigilius knew he dyed in the communion of the church o . for even binius saith , this cannot be believed , because justinian's edict witnesseth the contrary p , even that he dyed in heresie . so that unless an heretick be in the communion of the church , theodorus dyed not in that communion . chap. viii . the popes third reason is , that neither the fathers , nor councils had condemned theodorus , particularly not cyril , nor proclus , nor the synods of ephesus or chalcedon q : but the th council cites the very words of cyril and proclus , which declare him an heretick and condemn him r . they cite the words of cyril to john of antioch , in the council of ephesus , which say there were two sons s : also cyril's epistle approved at chalcedon saith , the council of ephesus anathematized not only nestorius , but all that taught as he did t : and nestorius being theodorus his scholar , as the emperor shews u , the th council doubts not to affirm he was condemned in the former great council w ; so pelagius the second saith , the ephesine council condemned theodorus and his creed x : vigilius indeed denies it was his creed ; but cyril saith it was his , and produced it under his name in the council of ephesus , and condemned it y : so the not mentioning his name in the anathema , is but a fallacious proof of his being not condemned there : but when the nestorians began to shroud themselves under his name , then a synod in armenia condemned him by name z , and proclus exhorted them so to do as cyril affirms a , and cyril there condemns him by name b : so did theodosius and valentiniam , by their edicts which the th council cites c . the church of mopsvestia put his name out of the dypticks d : and sergius bishop of cyrus was deposed for reckoning his name among the orthodox bishops : wherefore the th council rightly declares , that the catholick church had cast out theodorus after his death , for his impious writings e . but pope vigilius cites two forged epistles of cyril and proclus , to shew that neither of them condemned theodorus f . and with the nestorians he denies , that these impious writings were composed by theodorus g . but the armenian synod , st. cyril , justinian and the th council , all say they were writ by theodorus ; the same is also affirmed by pope pelagius h : as for what vigilius objects , that the councils of ephesus and chalcedon were against condemning theodorus after his death i , liberatus fortunes to say the same k ; and baronius , who takes no notice of vigilius , severely taxes liberatus for this , as a nestorian falshood charged on the council of chalcedon l . and binius saith , it is contrary to cyril's writings ( received at ephesus , ) and to the acts at chalcedon m . finally , vigilius most falsly saith , the emperor justinian himself , as if he quoted the acts of chalcedon in his edict for the trinity , is for clearing theodorus n ; which is so gross a slander as can scarce be paralleld . for justinian in that very edict condemns nestorius and all that teach with him o ; yea , he censures theodorus by name in a particular epistle , writ to this th council p : on these frivolous and false grounds vigilius decrees , none shall condemn theodorus q : but the th council , without scruple justly condemns both him , and all that held with him or defended him , that is , pope vigilius for one . chap. ix . secondly , vigilius held the heretical side as to the writings of theodoret , whose person after renouncing his former heresie all agree to be catholick ; so that this is a point of doctrin , not concerning a person . yet first vigilius pretends , theodoret did not write these papers against cyril , alledged under his name , as ( he saith ) appeared to the council at chalcedon r , which is most false ; for binius owns he writ against cyril , and defended both nestorius and theodorus s ; and baronius over and over confesseth the same thing t : so doth liberatus , cap. . and pope pelagius ep . . and the councils both of ephesus and chalcedon u : yea , theodoret himself in his epistles ( cited in the th council , and by pope pelagius ) owns it w ; so that it is a wonder vigilius durst urge so weak and false a thing : but he objects , the council of chalcedon only required him to renounce nestorius , not to condemn his own writings x : which is a meer fallacy , for he writ for nestorius , and against cyrils twelve chapters : now since he condemned all the doctrins of nestorius at chalcedon , and also subscribed the twelve chapters , he did really and virtually , though not by name , anathematize his own writings y : yea , pelagius saith expresly , he did condemn his own writings z . and though at the council of chalcedon this general condemnation sufficed , yet when the nestorians in the time of justinian , defended themselves by theodoret's writings , it was necessary to condemn them expresly , and by name . thirdly , vigilius saith , cyril on the union with the eastern bishops , required none of them to renounce their own writings a : which signifies nothing , since cyril made them all anathematize nestorius , whose cause they had defended before he would communicate with them b . wherefore vigilius falsly concludes those writings innocent , which so vigorously defend nestorius his doctrin ; and if he and theodoret vindicated these writings , after they had condemned nestorius , they contradict themselves , condemn only a name , but held the heretical doctrins still : which is plain also from vigilius his affirming , that the council of chalcedon would have no nestorian doctrins condemned under theodoret's name c . that council did condemn all that defended nestorius , of which these very writings of theodoret were the chief : but he there recanting his errors , they condemned those errors , when they declared him orthodox . and it was vigilius favour for nestorianism , which makes him so zealous for theodoret's nestorian writings . chap. x. thirdly , vigilius held the heretical side as to ibas his epistle , affirming that the council of chalcedon pronounced it to be orthodox d : but the th council expresly say , the council of chalcedon did condemn and cast it out e . again , vigilius saith , the whole council of chalcedon agreed with pascasinus and maximus , who say that ibas by this epistle was declared a catholick f . whereas the th council positively declare , that the discourse of these two single persons , was not regarded at chalcedon g : and baronius , after so many succeeding popes and councils had confirmed this th council , most impudently relates both these untruths , viz. that the fathers of chalcedon received this epistle as catholick , and that by it they did judge ibas orthodox h ; yet in contradiction to himself , he in other places i not only doubteth , whether ibas did write this epistle , but affirms expresly , it was found at chalcedon not to be ibas his epistle , citing for it the wretched nicene council for images , where this and many false stories are found : and after all , the cardinal forgetting himself , saith elsewhere k ; the council of chalcedon said it was his epistle , and ibas owned it to be his own , and that it was well known to be the epistle of ibas , and he cites the th act of the council of chalcedon to prove this , which he out of the very acts of chalcedon had denied before : into so many confusions and snares , doth he fall by labouring to defend this heretical pope . chap. xi . whose frauds , with baronius's , will further appear if we observe , that the true general council at ephesus excommunicated ibas l , and the spurious synod excommunicated cyril m : the emperor theodosius to heal this breach , writes to john of antioch , patron of the nestorians , to condemn nestorius and agree with cyril n : and he at last with his accomplices consented so to do , anathematizing nestorius , approving the ephesine council , and subscribed cyril's confession of faith o , and so were received into the peace of the church , and an union was made between them and cyril : now vigilius and baronius pretend , that ibas in the end of his epistle mentioneth this union of john and cyril with joy , therefore he was a catholick when he writ it p ; and was so proved at chalcedon by this epistle ; especially by the latter end of it q : but the th council condemns the whole epistle , and say the latter part of it is most impious r . and they had good reason , for though baronius pretend this epistle was writ upon the eastern bishops union with cyril s ; that is most false ; for that union was , an. , or , and rambulus was then bishop of edessa . but ibas succeeded him , and mentions in this epistle an edict condemning theodorns of mopsvestia , dated an. t ; yea rambulus was still bishop of edessa , and upon this edict condemned theodorus , so that ibas could not write this epistle till or years after the union , being bishop of edessa when he writ it u : yet then in this very epistle he affirmed , god was not incarnate , nor mary the mother of god : so that the union ibas praises god for , must be that false report spread by the nestorians of cyril's recanting , and yielding to john of antioch w : so theodoret years after the union brags , that the east and egypt were now agreed , that god was not crucified x . and ibas explains himself in this very epistle by saying , god had subdued the heart of the egyptian to subscribe ; john of antioch saith , yea , to the very heresie of nestorius , which this author calls the faith y in the latter end of this epistle ; by which baronius saith he proved himself a catholick z : yet baronius owns this story of cyril's recantation , was a vile calumny of the nestorians , who ( as he pretends ) forged this epistle for ibas , but it was found to be none of his a ; which is a ridiculous contradiction : and yet these shifts he is put to in justifying an epistle , wholly condemned in the th general council . but to proceed , ibas must relate to this feigned union , because the nestorians did at first require that cyril should recant his twelve chapters b , and by the proposals of eusebius bishop emisa made to him c , which were in vain ; and john of antioch was forced at last by that bishop , to send his submission to cyril's faith : to which second message cyril indeed consented , and thence the nestorians falsly said he consented to the first , and ( as they requested ) condemned his twelve chapters ; which remaining orthodox , ibas his epistle must be heretical , as it expresses a joy for cyril's supposed consent to nestorianism . chap. xii . the next method which vigilius and baronius take to prove ibas orthodox , is by the words of this epistle , wherein he rejects cyril's twelve chapters for teaching one nature , and affirms , two natures and one person d . now the nestorians could say this craftily like catholicks , but their meaning was , that each nature made a distinct subsistence , united only by cohabitation , so that the son of god dwelt in the son of mary ; as may be collected from nestorius own words e : and from justinian's edict , where he saith , for person , they perfidiously used the word natures f . but vigilius , to clear ibas , saith , dioscorus and the pseudo ephesine synod did condemn flavianus for this confession of two natures g . 't is replyed , they were all eutychians who denied two natures in all senses , and so might condemn these words , whether flavianus the catholick in a right sense , or iba● the nestorian in a wrong , used them : and whereas vigilius urges , that the council of chalcedon condemned dioscorus and received ibas h ; 't is plain , they condemned his whole epistle , as the th council prove at large i , and received him only after he had renounced the doctrin of this epistle : again , vigilius would justifie the epistle by pleading , that ibas owned the true ephesine council , before photius and eustathius i : but it was proved before that ibas writ this epistle , an. , and was then an heretick ; but the acts before photius were not till years after k ; but his being a catholick then , is no proof that his epistle is orthodox : further , vigilius saith , that ibas mistook cyril till he explained his chapters , after which he and the eastern bishops ran into cyril's commuion l . and baronius saith , that he did communicate with cyril , after he had purged himself of the suspicion of being an apollinarist by declaring his chapters m : yet baronius himself owns , that cyril explained his chapters at ephesus , while he was in prison there , an. n , while the pseudo-synod sat ; and so their title declares o . but ibas writ this epistle above years after this explanation , and was then a nestorian : nor did the eastern bishops communicate with him till long after ; and theodoret writ bitterly against him , after that they were reconciled to cyril p . and binius owns the difference between cyril and the eastern bishops , endured full three years after the council q ; yet ibas writ this epistle after the union was made , as the th council expresly declares r : from all which it is plain that vigilius mistakes the point ; for the explanation ibas meant of was cyril's absolute revoking his twelve chapters , ( a forgery of the nestorians ) which in the epistle he calls his recanting ; not this orthodox explanation of the twelve chapters , as vigilius pretends ; yea , it was proved before photius and eustathius that , ibas said , he would not have received cyril , if he had not anathematized his chapters s . wherefore ibas his epistle was always heretical , and he an heretick until he recanted and came over to cyril's faith ; but vigilius falsly affirms him to have been orthodox , both before he rightly understood cyril's meaning and afterwards t , and wrongfully supposes cyril came over to ibas , who held two persons , but called them two natures ; from all which it manifestly appears , st , that the dispute about this epistle was a cause of faith. ly , that ibas his epistle was heretical . ly , that vigilius and baronius in this dispute take the heretical side . chap. xiii . baronius further pretends , that neither the asserting or denying these three chapters , could denominate men hereticks u : but this was fully disproved before ( see chap. . ) and since this was a cause of faith , in which the whole th council held contrary to pope vigilius , it will follow , that men may contradict the popes decisions in articles of faith , and be no hereticks : yea , since here the pope was on the wrong side , they who are to believe all such decisions must sometimes be hereticks . secondly , baronius falsly affirms , that they who held contrary to the pope herein , were schismaticks convict w . 't is true , there was a schism , as he confesseth x : but vigilius and his party were the schismaticks , who separated from a general council , owned for such by all catholicks . chap. xiv . in the next place , baronius would excuse vigilius from heresie , because he professed to hold the faith of the council of chalcedon , and writ his constitution to defend it y : so did victor z , so facundus hermianensis a , who writ for the three chapters , pretend : yea , vigilius himself in his constitution pretends to maintain the faith of that great council b . but let it be considered , that the th general council after a strict examining all these pretences , anathematizes all that defend the three chapters in the name of the council of chalcedon c , which fact all catholicks who approve this th council must consent to . and nothing is more usual with all sorts of hereticks , than to profess they believe as the orthodox councils and fathers have believed ; yet they were condemned for all that pretence , ( see particular instances of this , as to the eutychians , monothelites , nestorians and modern romanists , in the learned author d : therefore baronius his excuse is frivolous , since hereticks professions are as false and contradictory as their doctrins : and vigilius would not forsake the three chapters , no not when they were proved contrary to the council of chalcedon , and forbids any to write or speak against them , so as he might never be convicted or convinced . chap. xv . baronius his third excuse for vigilius is , that he confirmed the th council e : and bellarmine saith , he did confirm it f : binius adds , no man doubts it : but if vigilius case be examined , it will be found he changed four times in this cause of faith. first , while he was at rome , upon justinian's first putting out the edict , he opposed it h , and stirred up facundus a nestorian to write against the emperor in rude language i . yea , baronius in the same place rails at justinian for this edict ; and vigilius writ a threatning letter to constantinople , against all that should joyn with the emperor k : so that vigilius , facundus and baronius stand all anathematized by the th council , for writing in defence of the three chapters l . but secondly , as soon as vigilius was come to constantinople he changed his mind , and in a council of bishops condemned the three chapters , which facundus upbraids him with m ; and baronius confesses he writ a book against them , and sent it to mennas bishop of constantinople ; and that he excommunicated rusticus and sebastianus ( two roman deacons , ) with other defenders of the three chapters n ; and in those epistles writ about these men , he calls this writing to mennas , his constitution , his judgment by peter's authority o . for which the other party called him a deserter , a prevaricator , &c. p ; and victor saith , that the african bishops in a synod excommunicated him q ; yet baronius owns these bishops at that time were catholicks : nor doth it excuse this pope , that he revoked this constitution which condemned the three chapters , presently after it was published ; and made another decree , that all should keep silence till the general council r . for this only shews him a dissembler , and a neutral in a cause of faith : but thirdly , at the th council vigilius returns to his vomit , condemns the imperial edict , and defends the three chapters ( as we shewed before s ) , and was so obstinate as to endure banishment for this opinion t , which ( though none suffered for but such as the th council declared hereticks , ) baronius calls an heavy persecution u ; and indeed his suffering on this side shews he was always a nestorian in his heart : but fourthly , binius and baronius say , he changed again after the th council , and condemning the three chapters was enlarged , but died in his way home w . yea , they are confident that he did confirm the th council , ( and so condemn his late constitution x ) : which last change no ancient author mentions : and though this only could keep him from dying in heresie , yet this is a fiction of baronius , who will say any thing to save a popes credit ; an instance of which we have in his commending this proteus , for a man of wisdom and constancy y , and in binius his praising vigilius for a prudent and pious pope , who imitated st. paul in changing his mind z ; while justinian , who was always orthodox and stood firm , is by these parasites decried as a wicked perfidious person a : so that truth in others is error , and error in a pope is truth , yea , if a pope hold contradiction , he is always in the right . chap. xvi . but in this account of vigilius changes , two of them are forged by baronius : first , that decree of silence is a fable , though it be so often mentioned in the annals b , and though he say vigilius decreed this synodically c , and affirm that theodorus and mennas consented to it d , and that he and justinian had promised to observe this silence e : whereupon he pretends vigilius excommunicated theodorus and suspended mennas f ; and stoutly opposing justinian , who this year hung up his edict in contradiction to this decree of silence g ; though he fled to st. peter's church , and then to chalcedon , yet thence he thundred out his spiritual darts against them all , and rescinded the emperors decree h . upon this baronius says , the emperor revoked his edict , and theodorus repented and submitted , as did also mennas , and so all were content to be silent till the council , and great joy followed thereupon : now this is all fiction : for first , if there had been such a decree for silence , let it be noted , domnus was condemned at chalcedon for an heretick , in that he decreed silence should be kept about cyril's twelve chapters k . and by that rule , vigilius would have been heretical for his decree : whereas the truth is , he never made any such decree ; for justinian affirms , that from his first coming to constantinople , until the council , he always was for condemning the three chapters k ; and as the emperors messenger affirms , to the th council then assembled , he often promised to joyn with them in it l . nor did vigilius observe his own decree , which is pretended to be made an. . the st . of justinian m , and to have silenced all disputes : for in the d year of that emperor , the two roman deacons above named , accused vigilius for condeming the three chapters by their leuers to divers bishops n . in justinian's d year , vigilius purges himself to valentinianus from these slanders , by appealing to his judgment , sent unto mennas , to which he declares he then adhered o . in the emperors th year , he writ the like apology to aurelianus p ; and as baronius proves , the same year he published his sentence against rusticus , sabinianus , and others for defending the three chapters q . now how could he by word and writing , thus sentence and punish all that disliked his condemnation of the three chapters , and appeal to his judgment in that case , if there had been a revocation of it , and a synodal decree of taciturnity three year before ? nor did justinian know of , or consent to any such decree ; for victor saith , in his d year he writ for the condemnation of the three chapters , compelling divers bishops to condemn them r . the next year the illyrian bishops persuaded the emperor not to proceed so s ; so did faeundus in the th year ; but he that year called the council at mopsvestia to condemn theodorus t . in his th year , victor and liberatus declared , he dealt with the african primates and bishops to condemn these chapters ; and got zoilus patriarch of alexandria deprived for refusing it u , and in his th year ( just before the council , ) he banished several obstinate afrirican bishops w : so it is very ridiculous in baronius , to speak of the emperor's publishing his edict an. th x , since it was published long before ; and to pretend he revoked it the next year , since justinian every year writ and acted in the defence of it : we add , that neither did theodorus and the catholicks observe this decree of silence ; for vigilius sentences them for writing against the defenders of these chapters y . no nor yet did the hereticks value it : for they writ warmly for the three chapters all that time z : yea , victor notes , that the illyrian synod in the d year of justinian , and the african in the th writ for the three chapters a . well , but baronius cites publick acts for this decree , and the subsequent agreement between vigilius and mennas b : but these acts are forged , being dated an. . justin . an. . post consul . basil . c where baronius places the suspension of mennas , and his submission next year after d : but mennas died the st year of justinian , that is , five year before , as the popes legates prove in the sixth general council e , and by that shew these publick acts were forged ; yea , baronius , who here cites these acts to colour over this fable , there owns the acts to be forged , and expresly says , mennas certainly died in the st year of justinian f . so that we may conclude this decree of silence and mennas suspension with the rest , are a notorious fable , invented only to save the credit of pope vigilius . chap. xvii . and so is his confirming the fifth council , either before or after his supposed exile , which baronius and others so boldly affirm g : for that he did not confirm it neither during its session , nor soon after , baronius proves , because his letters would then have been annexed to the council h . and he confesses the reason moving pelagius , the next pope , to confirm it , was , that he found the eastern church in a schism by vigilius his constitution i , which could not have been if vigilius in his life had revoked that constitution . again , the western church rejected the fifth council all the time of vigilius ; for there could be found but two western bishops who would consecrate pelagius after he was chosen pope , because be condemned the three chapters ( saith victor k , ) and as baronius adds , because they abhorred the fifth general council l ; yea , a council at aquileia condemned the fifth council an. m , urging that pope vigilius did not agree with it ; and in this opinion they remained till pelagius the second ( years after vigilius death and more , an. . ) instructed them that the apostolick seat understanding the controversie better after vigilius his time , had changed its judgment n , which letter of this pelagius is annexed to the fifth council , and by binius compared to the epistle of leo to flavianus o . which argument shews , that pelagius never heard that vigilius changed his judgment , or confirmed the fifth council . as to evagrius , who ( saith baronius ) with all the greek writers do affirm , that vigilius by his letters consented to the council , since he did not this during the council , nor shortly after ( being banished ) , we must assert he consented when he was freed from exile p : so the cardinal : i reply , this is very fallacious , for neither evagrius , nor any greek writer , say any more , than that vigilius did by letter consent to the fifth synod — but evagrius adds , — yet would not be present in it q . by which it is clear , the historian means nothing but that consent , which by word and writing he had often given , as to the synods opinion before they met , of which the fifth council often complains , because he denied it , and flew off afterwards r ; and it was these precedent writings , that both nicephorus ( s ) and photius mean t . wherefore it is falsly done of baronius to apply this to a subsequent decree , for confirming the fifth council after it was ended . baronius his last argument is , that since vigilius was banished for not consenting to the fifth synod , 't is not likely he should be released till he had confirmed it u . but first the consequence is not good , for justinian might restore him to gratifie so great a subject as narses , and narses might intreat the emperour to oblige the roman clergy , who then were enemies to the fifth synod . secondly , ( which is worse ) the whole story of this banishment and release is fabulous : for no author but anastasius mentions this last exile , who is very fabulous , and here much mistaken ; for he saith , pelagius was present at this release , and then set free w . whereas victor , who then was at constantinople saith , vigilius died in sicily the th year after basilius his consulship x , and that pelagius was not re-called from banishment till the year after vigilius his death , and so could not ( as anastasius saith ) be released with him y . besides , anastasius speaks only of one banishment of vigilius , for refusing to restore anthimius , near two years after his coming to constantinople , in the life-time of theodora z , ( who died anno , according to baronius a ; and this is the banishment from which vigilius was released at the intreaty of narses , according to anastasius ; and so both bellarmin and sanders affirm from the pontifical b : wherefore they and all writers place this banishment of vigilius divers years before the fifth council , held anno : so that the exile after the fifth council is a meer forgery of baronius , who openly contradicts his author , as if he mistook the time c , only because the real time of vigilius's exile will not serve his design to excuse the pope from dying in heresie . he rejects a story about vigilius , told by anastasius as a manifest lye , only because neither facundus nor procopius mention it d . by which arguing it will appear , not only that vigilius was not banished after the fifth council , but that he was not banished at all , because neither victor , liberatus , evagrius nor procopius , who then lived ( and victor is very particular in naming all that were exiled for this cause ) do not once mention vigilius his being banished , no , nor photius , zonaras , cedrenus , glicas nor nicephorus . and platina , with other western writers take up this fable upon the credit of anastasius , and baronius improves it to serve a turn . but baronius asks , if it be likely justinian would spare vigilius e ? i reply , yes ; because he was a weak and inconstant man ; and he having so great a post , justinian chose rather to connive at him , than to harden others by punishing him , whom he represents to the fifth council , as one who condemned the three chapters ; for which reason also he is not condemned by name in the th council . secondly , baronius tells us of great liberties , gifts , &c. given to vigilius upon his release and sending home , which he brings as a proof of his consent to the fifth council f : whereas that sanction granting some priviledges to italy is dated in august , the th year of justinian ; and vigilius ( according to victor , an eye-witness ) died not till the st of justinian . so that these liberties were promised to vigilius and other romans long before the council , while vigilius and the emperour were very kind g , viz. in the th of justinian , but performed five year after ; yet three years before vigilius death , and so his dying before his return with these priviledges is a fiction : but baronius by meer guess , places it falsly in justinian's th years beginning h , only to colour the fable . his last argument is from liberatus saying , he died afflicted by the eutychians , but was not crowned i . i reply , he despises leberatus testimony as to an epistle of vigilius k : but liberatus saith not , he was banished or put to death for his opinions ; yea , he counts his condemning the three chapters , heresie , and doth not tell us how he suffered or died , so that he is no witness to this fiction , but an evidence against it . chap. xviii . baronius's last exception is , that this was no lawful general council , nor had any authority till vigilius confirmed it l : and binius saith , his sentence gave it the title of a general council m . but we have shewed before , this was a lawful general council received by the whole catholick church n : now they grant it was not confirmed till after it was parted , and that it was never gathered by the holy ghost ; so that his act afterwards cannot make a nullity valid : the cardinal and binius o both tell us , it was no general council at first , being called though the pope resisted and contradicted it ; yet binius had said before , vigilius called the th council by his pontifical authority p . baronius also saith , the emperor called it according to the sentence of vigilius q : and the council charge vigilius with promising in writing to meet with them r ; and his own letter printed there , declares his consent to the assembling this council s . yet if he had opposed it , so did damasus the second council at constantinople , which was held ( repugnante damaso t ) , yet is accounted a lawful general council ; and cusanus saith , if the pope be negligent or refractory , the emperor may call a general council u . and though he was not personally present in this council , yet he sent his constitution , which was his decree , ex cathedra w . but saith baronius , their sentence was contrary to the popes decree , and therefore it cannot be a lawful general council x . bellarmine also urges this for a rule y , but the matter of fact sufficiently confutes them , since this council which did decree contrary to the popes sentence , is and was always held lawful . so was the second general council good and valid , being confirmed by an imperial edict in july , an. z , though damasus did not so much as hear of it , till after the council of aquileia held in september that year a ; and it seems by pope gregory , that the roman church till his time had not received the canons of it b . yea , the third canon which damasus and leo c both condemned , and which binius saith , the roman church rejects to this day d ; yet all the while it was held authentick , and by it anatolius held the second place at chalcedon , and eutychius in the th council ; by it st. chrysostom deposed and ordained bishops , and held a council in asia : so that both canons and custom had setled this rule , as is proved in the council of chalcedon e . and justinian made those canons of this second council to be inserted into the dypticks , and to be read in churches f : so that canons are good and valid , without the popes approbation , as well as councils , whose decrees have their force from the subscriptions of the major part of bishops there present g , though two of the popes legates h , or ten others did dissent i , especially when the emperor confirms them by his edict , as constantine did those of nice , theodosius those of the second general council , &c. in like manner justinian confirmed this th council : and so it was valid without the popes consent ; though absent bishops , ( others as well as those of rome , ) were desired to confirm a council after it was past , not to give any new authority to it , but to preserve unity , and to shew the orthodoxy of these absent bishops . chap. xx . omitting the th chapter , which treats of general councils at large , we proceed to baronius lesser and remoter objections against this council : he begins with justinian who called and confirmed it , whom he taxes st for want of learning , calling him an illiterate man who could not read a letter k , for which he cites suidas , a late fabulous , yea an heretical author l ; but platina commends justinian for his great learning and wit m . so also trithemius who with possevine reckon him among ecclesiastical writers n . pope agatho and the th council cite him as one of the venerable fathers and witnesses of the truth o : liberatus , an enemy of his mentions his writing a book against the acephali p . procopius speaks of his great diligence in reading the christian writings q : so that gotofred in his preface to the institutes shews , this is a meer a calumny of suidas ; but baronius greedily repeats it over and over , of pure malice to this learned emperor . his second quarrel at him is , for presuming to meddle in causes of faith , and making laws for priests r . but did not all the religious kings of judah do so ? did not constantine , the two theodosij and martin the same ? and the th council highly commend him for it s : the code of theodosius , his code and the authenticks sufficiently prove this was done by the best of princes . thirdly , he reproaches him for his sacrilegious fury , in persecuting vigilius t . now i have proved before this beating and banishing of the pope is a meer fable u ; and if he was persecuted , or rather punished it was for heresie ; and constantine , theodosius the elder and younger , and martian are commended for the same acts against the arrians , macedonians , nestorians and eutychians , and st. augustin justifies this proceeding w . fourthly , he charges him with falling into the heresie of the incorrupticolae in his last days , writing an edict for it , and madly persecuting all the orthodox , especially eutychius bishop of constantinople for opposing it , for which he rails intollerably at him , saying all authors , greek and latin attest this x : finally he dooms him to hell for this y . but first , justinian did not publish such an edict as evagrius and nicephorus , his two main witnesses attest z ; and baronius owns as much : and victor bishop of tunen , who suffered ( under justinian ) imprisonment , and speaks hardly of him , is silent as to this edict ; but shews he continued constant to his edict against the three chapters to his very death a , wherein he owns all the former general councils : and it is so far from truth , that all writers , greek and latin charge him with that heresie , that neither procopius , agathus , victor nor liberatus do it , nor damascen , though he treat of this heresie b , nor marcellinus , bede , nor anastasius : suidas saith , he was most orthodox ; aimonius and paulus diaconus affirm , he was for his faith a catholick c : and twenty other eminent writers ( cited by this author ) , do all give him a great character ; and pope gregory d with many others after his death , bestow on him the title of pious and of sacred memory . baronius names but three authors for this slander : first , nicephorus , whom possevine calls heretical and erroneous in history e ; and the cardinal in this relation judges him to be a fool f , and generally he is but evagrius his ape . his second witness is eustathias g : but surius is generally stuffed with fabulous writers , and such is this eustathius falsly pretended to have writ eutychius his life ; for neither photius , trithemius , possevine nor sixtus senensis mention any such writer : and the story is full of lyes ; for he makes eutychius to come to constantinople to the th council , and then to be chosen bishop after mennas death , who died five years before this council h ; and this eutychius was chosen full four years before it : and he reckons that eutychius was banished twelve years i , whereas two years after his banishment he crowned justinius k , and was actually patriarch when justinius was sick , and nominated tiberius his associate l , and so could not ( as this fabler pretends , ) be desired from banishment after tiberius reign began with justin m ; yet to make out this lye , anastasius his latine version of nicephorus adds ten years to john successor of eutychius , and makes him sit twelve year and seven months n , who in nicephorus sat but two years and seven months . 't is true , eutychius was banished by justinian , but it was for prophesying of his successors o , and for holding the heresie of origen as pope gregory witnesseth p , against which justinian had put out an edict , and which was sentenced in the th council q . and it was for opposing this edict , not an heretical edict that eutychius was banished : so that thirdly , baronius hath no author for this slander of justinian's being an heretick , but evagrius , who is owned by all to be a most fabulous author , ( as is proved in the history here very fully by many instances ; ) now what is his credit against so many truer and better historians ? finally , whereas baronius reviles justinian as a destroyer of the empire and the church , this author largely proves out of the best historians , that justinian was a wise , pious and victorious prince , the best emperor as to his laws , his buildings , his wars , and his love to religion that ever sat on the throne imperial , to which the reader is referred r . chap. xxi . in like manner the cardinal reviles theodora the empress , as a wicked , heretical , sacrilegious , mad woman , strook with death by heavens vengeance upon vigilius excommunicating her s . but other authors say , she was like her husband in her studies and manners t : yea , the emperor gives her an excellent character in his very laws u : he also w , and the th council after her death , call her a woman of pious memory x . nor ought baronius to revile her , for thrusting anthimius an heretical monster into the see of constantinople , as he doth ( an. . pag. . ut supr . ) since there he owns , that at his election he seemed a chatholick , and that she favoured him as orthodox y ; yea , he carried it so as to seem such to all z . as to her contending with vigilius two years about the restitution of anthimius , which baronius relates , ( an . pag. . ) it is a meer fable , for that cause of anthimius was determined long before ; and victor saith , that vigilius and theodora agreed after he came to constantinople , and that she persuaded him to condemn the three chapters a , and he ( who best knew ) saith , it was pope agapetus who excommunicated theodora , ( then favouring the acephali ) b : so that vigilius is by the scribes mistake , put for agapetus in gregory c , as appears by his speaking of the taking of rome by the goths immediately after , which was the sacking it by vitiges after agapetus his time , or by totilas , which was ( not after , but ) before this pretended sentence of vigilius against theodora , viz. that year vigilius came to constantinople d . from all which it is manifest , that this pope did never excommunicate theodora at all , who in her latter days was orthodox , but hated by the nestorians , for joyning with justinian in condemning the three chapters , which also raises baronius his spleen against her . chap. xxii . his next attempt is against the three chapters , which he wishes had been condemned to eternal silence , buried and extinguished e , adding it had been better for the church they had never been spoken of f , viz. because of the troubles ensuing : i reply , so there was about the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but this settled the true faith , as it did also that controversie , and ( by providence ) shews us , that a pope may err in matters of faith. chap. xxiii . after this he rails at the edict , calling it a seed plot of dissention g , and saying it was contrary to the three chapters of the council of chalcedon ; and ( as facundus affirms , ) contrary to justinian's own faith , and writ by hereticks h ; and the cardinal saith it was writ by theodorus bishop of caesarea i ; against whom he every where rails as a factious and schismatical man , yea , an heretick , and obstinate origenist k , a most wicked wretch , and a plague to the whole church l : but as to the edict , it is in defence of the council of chalcedon , and to say otherwise , is to condemn the th general council , who often declare as much : yea , baronius elswhere in contradiction to himself saith , this edict is a confession of justinian ' s right faith , a catechism and exact declaration of the catholick faith m . and he might as well call the decrees of nice , or other general councils seed-plots of dissention ; yea , the gospel it self may be so calumniated n : nor do liberatus , facundus and vigilius ( as he saith , ) declare that theodorus writ this edict o ; liberatus only saith , he suggested it to the emperor , to condemn the three chapters by a book , to be dictated by the emperor , which he promised to do p : facundus names not theodorus , but saith , they were willing to believe it was writ by the adversaries of the truth q ; which was but a conjecture , and is as false as what he next speaks of it , being contrary to the emperors own faith. and vigilius words cited by baronius ( rightly construed ) shew only , that when the edict was read in the pallace , theodorus required the bishops to favour it by his words r ; however this passage is taken out of a forged epistle of vigilius s , wherein mennas is said to be excommunicated the th year of justinian , who died the st year of that emperor : so that none of his evidence do prove , that theodorus writ this edict : and for his opposing vigilius his decree of silence , we shewed before there was no such decree t , nor could he lead justinian into the heresie of the incorrupticolae , because the emperor never held it u , and his only witnesses , that theodorus was an origenist heretick , are facundus and liberatus : now facundus is an heretick , condemned by the th general council , for writing in defence of the three chapters , and a malicious enemy of theodorus w : and so was liberatus , for which cause bellarmine x , baronius y and possevine z advise us to read him cautiously , especially in such things as he borrowed from the nestorians , and what he saith of the th council , professae inimicitiae suspicionem habent mendacij a . and this is certainly so , for how could he hold origen's heresies , who subcribed the th council wherein origen is by name condemned b ? and among other bishops , no doubt he had subscribed justinian's edict against origen's errors c , otherwise he could not have been so familiar with the emperor , nor so beloved by him as liberatus ( the author of this calumny ) reports him to have been : so that theodorus was always orthodox , and his advising this edict is no proof it was against the faith. chap. xxiv . baronius and binius do attempt after this to question the acts of the th council , not indeed in any main thing concerning their not condemning , or vigilius not defending the three chapters ( which is our point , ) but in lesser matters , such as may be objected against all the general councils in the world d ; which therefore if the objections were true , would not take away the authority of this general council , whose acts are as well preserved as any , and better than any of the other councils , except chalcedon , that went before it . chap. xxv . the first corruption they charge these acts with is , that they add to the acts of chalcedon ( in reciting them ) these words — which jesus christ our lord is one of the trinity , which words some ( suspected of eutychianism , ) would have added to the council of chalcedon , but could not obtain it e . but first , it was no eutychian heretick who first said christ was one of the trinity . theodorus of mopsvestia denied it f , but proclus who was orthodox , affirmed it , and taught it in an epistle , approved in the council of chalcedon g ; and justinian set out an edict for it against the nestorians , who denied it , wherein he also anathematizes the eutychians h ; which edict pope john the second confirms , and declares to be agreeable to the apostolick doctrin , and to the faith of the roman church i . wherefore those monks , who affirmed one of the trinity was crucified could not be eutychian hereticks , as baronius falsly says k but baronius is a nestorian , who denies this truth . and those monks did not seek to add it to the council of chalcedon , only they declared ( against the nestorians , ) this was the sense of that council , in the time of hormisda , ( who was heretical in denying it , ) nor doth the th synod recite it as the words of the council of chalcedon , but as their own words l , who were as orthodox as any in the council of chalcedon , and he is a nestorian who denies it . chap. xxvi . baronius objects , secondly , that in these acts , ibas is said to have denied the epistle to maris to be his , which he saith is false m , and binius calls it a lye n ; and they both give this as an instance of the corruption of these acts : they may as well prove justinian's edict corrupted , and pope gregory's epistles , where it is said , he durst not confess it ; yea , that he denied it to be his o : and the th council prove he did deny it , by the interlocution of six metropolitans at chalcedon p . and though baronius do say positively in one place , that the true acts of chalcedon have it , that lbas confessed it to be his epistle q ; yet he cites those very acts , and the second of nice elsewhere , saying , it was found not to be the epistle of ibas , and so it was condemned and he absolved r . and the truth of the matter is , that ibas denied at chalcedon that ever he called cyril an heretick after the union : but we have proved before , that he writ this epistle divers years before that union , and therein called cyril heretick s ; which is a denying the words of his own epistle , for which he is censured in the th council . chap. xxvii . he alledges that these acts say , the council of chalcedon condemned the epistle of ibas : which he saith is untrue , and that he hath demonstrated the contrary out of the acts of chalcedon t ; and binius calls this another lye u , both of them giving this as an instance that the acts are corrupted : but if so , the whole council is corrupted ; for they say over and over , that this epistle of ibas was condemned by the definitions at chalcedon , and that they had demonstrated this w ; and it was indeed their main business , to shew it was contrary to that council , who forced him to condemn his own epistle before they would receive him x : and if binius and baronius say this be false , they give a general council the lye ; and pope gregory also who saith , without doubt this epistle is contrary to the definition at chalcedon , which was exactly followed by the th council y . and since the council of chalcedon forbids all writings for nestorius , ( such as this epistle is , ) and approve the judgment of photius and eustathius , ( who condemned this epistle as heretical , ) and would not receive ibas , till he anathematized nestorius and his doctrines z ; 't is certain that council as well as the fifth , did condemn ibas his epistle . chap. xxviii . again , baronius and binius accuse the council of divers defects , first , in omitting the condemnation of origen , and giving only a brief touch upon it a . but this is a notorious calumny ; for the th council not only mention it transiently , in saying , they and vigilius had condemned origen now b , but expresly anathematize origen and his impious writings c : and the cardinal mistakes in saying , they first handled the cause of origen , and then that of the three chapters d : for nicephorus saith , they read the libels against the impious opinions of origen , the second session e : but indeed this council did not afresh condemn origen , but only mention his being condemned in that age , by most of the bishops present in this council , about year before ( in menna's synod ) upon an edict of justinian , to which the western bishops had subscribed f , which both evagrius , nicephorus and others mistake for this th council : so that the cardinal and binius are both out , in charging the omission of justinian's edict , as a defect in these acts g . for that edict was not sent to this th council , but to menna's synod ; and that epistle which binius hath added to these acts as justinian's , is a late extract out of justinian's large decree : yea , didymus and evagrius , who they say were condemned in this th council , were not condemned there except in general words h , as holding with origen in the point of praeexistence i . so that it is false and malicious in baronius and binius to charge theodorus of caesarea k , with stealing these things out of the acts of this council , which were never in them ; upon an unjust surmise and slander of his being infected with origens heresie . chap. xxix . like to this , is their pretence that these acts want the emperors epistle l , which he and binius add out of cedrenus , and thence insinuate the acts are defective : but justinian's only true epistle sent to the council is extant in the acts m , of which this is an epitome by an ignorant hand , which saith eutyches approved the opinions of nestorius ; and that nestorius was the master of theodorus , whereas justinian's true letter and the council teach that he was his scholar : and are not the cardinal and binius rare menders of councils , who would supply their pretended defects with such stuff as this ? chap. xxx . baronius also objects , that the constitution of vigilius which evidently belongs to this synod , is known to be taken away out of the acts m . it is granted , it bears date the of may , upon which the fifth collation of this council was had , but was sent to the emperor first , and by him considered , and then offered to the counsil the sixth collation , may th as binius owns n . but indeed the council never read this publickly , nor named it or vigilius ; to prevent offences , they confuted it indeed , and published his letters to rusticus and sebastianus , which contradict the constitution o ; but for his credit ( as baronius owns , ) thought fit to say nothing of his constitution p : and therefore , if this constitution were stollen out of the acts , it was by the roman church , to cover their fathers nakedness , and conceal his heresie . chap. xxxi . lastly , he and binius say , the acts want the assignation of a patriarchal seat to jerusalem , and taking two provinces out of antioch , and two out of alexandria to put under it , which being by leo opposed at chalcedon , was now passed contrary to the old order established at nice q : which is not true , for it had the title of a patriarchate long before this council r , and the jurisdiction over the three palestinas was assigned it at chalcedon t ; which binius in his notes on that council , and baronius also expresly affirm u : yet here in their account of the th council , the cardinal most falsly says , juvenalis got this decree to pass in the absence of the pope's legates , ( baron . an . pag. . ) but if we consult the council , the popes legates first spoke in this cause , and expresly gave their consent to it w : and though perhaps pope leo afterwards might oppose this , ( as baronius saith ) that only shews how little a popes authority was valued ; since in the council of mennas , john bishop of jerusalem held a synod , and presided over all the bishops of the three palestinas x . and baronius recites the title of another council at jerusalem , where peter the patriarch presided over all the bishops of the three palestinas , years before this fifth council y ; which shews , that jerusalem had the title and jurisdiction of a patriarch by virtue of the canon at chalcedon , and that baronius and binius are ridiculous and impudent to urge the want of a fiction of gul. tyrius ( refuted by berterius z ) as a defect in the acts of this general council . chap. xxxii . the cardinal objects also spurious and false additions made to these acts a : and he instances in the monothelites , who in the sixth synod are proved to have added leaves to these acts b , as also two epistles of vigilius to justinian and theodora c . but though this be true d , yet those corrupt additions were detected and razed out in the sixth council , and our acts of the fifth council have not one of those heretical additions , but follow those true copies which were extant in gregory's time , and those by which ( years after his death ) the false copies were detected in the sixth council , so that this is meer sophistry e . as is also his pretence , that the laws of theodosius , recited in the fifth collation against nestorius , are different from those in the code and in the ephesine council f . for there is but one law against nestorius in the code g , different from these , which mention his former condemning the nestorians ; but these laws were against diodorus and theodorus , as well as the nestorians , at the armenian monks petition h . and note , that all theodosius his laws against hereticks , are not in his code ; for that law in the ephesine council against the nestorians , was a true law of this emperours i : and another in the council of chalcedon k , which baronius owns for true laws of theodosius ; yet neither of them are in the code ; so that he may as well say those acts are corrupted as these , because those laws are not there . chap. xxxiii . again , baronius saith , that epistle of theodoret's to nestorius intimating his agreeing with that heretick and rejecting cyril after the union , is a spurious addition to these acts l ; which he proves by leontius m , who affirms some such letters to be fictitious . but will the cardinal allow him to be good evidence , where he makes but canonical books of the old testament n ? and doth he not commend theodorus of mopsvestia and diodorus , and deny that ever theodoret agreed with nestorius o ? but even baronius owns him to have been a nestorian p ; so that in this case leontius is of no credit . but that which is yet more strange , that the cardinal ( in contradiction to himself ) repeats and owns this very epistle read in the fifth council , to have been writ by theodoret after the union to nestorius , and that he favoured him still q ; yet he brags , there is no mention of theodoret's being addicted to nestorius after the peace made , and that his epistles to dioscorus and leo sufficiently wipe off that aspersion r . but those epistles are suspicious , as first appearing out of a vatican copy . and whereas the union with cyril was made an. . s , these epistles were writ long after that to dioscorus , an. , and that to leo , an. . so that if these epistles were genuine , they do not prove he was orthodox till ten or twelve year after the union . but two things prove them spurious : first , theodoret boasts in them both , that he had been years a bishop , and a preacher at antioch , yet none ever reproved his doctrin ; yea , that his sense and the churches always agreed , having never been accused by any , nor accused any t . which is an horrid falshood ; for had he not been reproved by cyril , deposed by a general council , and subscribed the condemnation of cyril ? secondly , in both these epistles he saith , he had been years a bishop , yet one was writ years after the other , and by baronius his computation he was but years a bishop when he writ to dioscorus , being made bishop anno . u . and his history ( which mentions the translation of the body of s. chrysostom w , and so must be writ seven years after the union ) commends theodorus of mopsvestia for orthodox x , shews he was a nestorian then . baronius would wipe off this by pretending he writ his history before the quarrel about nestorius y ; but in the same place saith , he follows sozomen ( whose book came out an. . ) in commending theodorus . so that after all his shifts , theodoret was a favourer of nestorius , an. . when he writ that epistle read in this fifth council , and long after . chap. xxxiv . baronius and binius say , the acts are corrupted , because they affirm an epistle to john of antioch , ( wherein the author rejoyces for cyril's death ) was writ by theodoret , which they affirm was writ by an impostor z ; because john was dead seven years before cyril . i reply , that is a mistake , for john was made bishop an. . and according to nicephorus sat years , which reaches to the year . in which baronius saith cyril died . but suppose john were dead when theodoret writ this , baronius of all men should not make this a mark of forgery , who allows clement's epistle writ to james bishop of hierusalem , who had been dead year , for genuine ; and so doth binius a : and the cardinal cites and commends an epistle of theodosius as authentick , writ to s. chrysostom years after he was dead b . and , secondly , the epistle is theodoret's ; but the inscription only ( which should be to domnus ) is mistaken ; for it is as plain by his sermon before domnus after cyril's death , which we have also in the fifth council c , as by this epistle , that theodoret was an enemy to cyril after his death ; and baronins may well pardon the error in the inscription of john's name for domnus ; for he allows innumerable epistles , edicts , &c. to be genuine notwithstanding errors in the title d , and therefore for so small a mistake in the title of an epistle should not ask , what credit is to be given to such acts e ? his own annals have many greater mistakes , as the author proves f ; yet he would have us credit them . yea , in this reckoning of john of antioch's dying seven years before cyril , he mistakes the whole time almost , according to nicephorus , and four years by his own reckoning of john's entring , an. dying , yet sitting years ; for so john did not dye till , that is , four year before s. cyril : and the epistles of theodoret to dioscoras and leo , on which he depends for his arithmetick , are one or both of them forged . we conclude therefore , that the epistle mentioned in the fifth council was theodoret's , who was a nestorian after s. cyril's death , and he writ it to domnus ( not to john ) bishop of antioch . chap. xxxv . but he who accuseth the fifth council for forgeries , doth follow many forged writings himself in his discourse about it . first , the confession of faith made by mennas , theodorus of caesarea and others , by way of submission , recorded in the very constitution of vigilius , is forged g . for as to the matter of it : how is it likely the eastern bishops should say , they allowed all the acts of the former four councils , made by consent of the pope's legates ? or ask him pardon for injuries which they say they had never done to him ? or how agrees this with baronius his saying . theodorus asked pardon for his scoffs and contumelies against vigilius h ? or with vigilius his form of excommunication of theodorus , for despising his authority i ? as to the time , this confession and submission is said to be made after the decree for taciturnity , ( which was never made ) viz. an. . k . and we have proved mennas was dead five year before , and that theodorus did always stand firm against the three chapters l . secondly , he cites one eustathius out of surius , who is proved fabulons before m . thirdly , the epistles of theodoret , which were shewed before to be forged n and we add , that for all his brags to dioscorus , an. . he writes a kind letter to irenaeus a nestorian , deposed bishop of tyre o : and another to nomus , wherein he rails at the pious emperour theodosius , by whom he and other nestorians were deposed , and his writings forbidden p , while as he falsly asserts arians and all other hereticks were tolerated . theodoret therefore was a nestorian year after the union with cyril , and these epistles are forged , which say the contrary . fourthly , he cites the action at chalcedon concerning domnus , which is a vatican forgery q : for it is not in the greek , nor in liberatus , evagrius nor nicephorus ; and that domnus ( for whom subsistence is provided in this forged action ) was dead before the council of chalcedon , as both justinian and the fifth council witness r , who ( for all baronius frivolous objections to support this forgery ) must needs have truer copies of the council of chalcedon , than his vatican now affords . and indeed domnus was deposed in the ephesine pseudo-synod , all whose acts were declared void at chalcedon , except that which deposed domnus ( then deceased ) and put in maximus at antioch s , fifthly , baronius cites auastasius's lives of the popes , who is always full of fables , especially in vigilius his life , in which are more lies than lines t : for he makes his entrance to be when bellisarius warred against vitiges , who , he saith , was taken by john the bloody , and brought to rome by bellisarius and vigilius , who gave bellisarius the sacrament to bring vitiges safe to justinian u . but john and narses were both absent at the taking of ravenna , where vitiges freely submitted to bellisarius , who kept him there till he carried him by sea to constantinople w . so that vitiges came not to rome at all . secondly , anastasius says , the emperour then enquired of bellisarius , how he had placed vigilius in silverius room , and thanked him for it x . but silverius was deposed , and vigilius put in three years before y ; yea , justinian had writ to vigilius , and knew that silverius was dead a year before ; and vigilius had writ to the emperour z , the year before bellisarius came with vitiges to constantinople a ; and binius saith , justinian did not thank bellisarius b . thirdly , anastasius talks of bellisarius being sent into africk , and of his killing gontharis , and offering great spoils in his return at rome , to vigilius , &c. c : but after this bellisarius was not sent into africk , but into persia d , where he stayed three years , and it was ariobindus and artabanus who were sent into africk , the latter of which treacherously killed gontharis e . so that bellisarius offered no vandal spoils at all ; or if ( as binius would have it f ) he did , when he wan rome from vitiges , that was in silverius his time ; so that is false also , fourthly , anastasius makes theodora write at this time to vigilius , to come to constantinople and restore anthimus , which he refused g . binius after baronius makes this a miraculous change h , and says it was just upon silverius his death , at his first step into the see : but if it was after gontharis was slain , it was not till the th of justinian i , five years or six years after vigilius was made pope : and the change is as false as the time ; for liberatus saith , vigilius did perform his promise to the empress , and writ as she desired k ; but afterwards it seems , he finding the emperour resolute , did confirm the deposition of anthimus l . so that anastasius his story of theodora's . writing to vigilius after gontharis was slain , is a fable : and victor ( who then lived ) saith , vigilius was called to constantinople by the emperour , ( not about anthimus , but ) to condemn the three chapters in his nineteenth year m . fifthly , anastasius fables , that the romans accused vigilius of murder , &c. and that anthimus sorbo was sent by the empress to seize him by force ; which he did ( the people abusing and cursing him as he went out of rome ) , and thus he was violently carried by sicily to constantinople ; to which place coming on christmas even , the emperour met and kissed him with tears , and the people sang , the lord cometh n . but baronius gives him the lye o , as doth also binius p , for vigilius voluntarily went from rome in the th year of the gothic war , an. . toward constantinople q , and staying long in sicily , arrived at the court about april of the year following . sixthly , anastasius tells a long story after vigilius came to constantinople , of the contests between him and the emperour , with his empress , about restoring anthimus ; which the pope refusing , they tore him from the altar of s. euphemia , cruelly used him , imprisoned and banished him a . which are all fables ; for anthimus was deposed ten years before b , and his cause forgot , the three chapters being now the only dispute ; yea , baronius and binius c , who would have something of this true , make the buffeting of vigilius and his flight to euphemia's church , to happen four years after theodorus's death ; and indeed in pope agapetus's time there was some such contest about anthimus , which anastasius fabulously applies to vigilius , and baronius with binius do cherish the fiction . seventhly , anastasius tells us , how the goths after this made totilas king , who besieged and took rome ; but spared the people , and lived like a father among them d . but totilas was made king four or five year before vigilius came to constantinople e , and took rome while he was in sicily f , and was so cruel as to kill all the citizens they met , and intended to ruin both city and people , had not pelagius and bellisarius stayed his rage from places and persons ; however , he made a woful desolation there g . eighthly , anastasius saith , narses was sent at the same time into italy , and totilas with many goths were slain , by the help ( saith baronius ) of the blessed virgin h . but first , he mistakes the time ; for narses overcame not totilas till six year after his first sacking rome , in the th year of the gothick war i ; and binius , with baronius , foolishly ascribe it to the year wherein justinian revoked his edict , ( which he never revoked at all ) and this binius saith was the th year of totilas ( as benedict had predicted k ) . but baronius proves benedict a false prophet ; for he ( truly ) places totilas his death in the th year l . as to the help of the blessed virgin , mentioned both by baronius and binius m , procopius saith , narses did ascribe the victory wholly to god n ; and evagrius doth not mention his praying to , or relying on the virgin ; but speaks of a report by some , of the blessed virgins appearing to him from god with notice when to fight o , but doth not affirm it for truth ; yet the cardinal proves invocation of sains by this fable . lastly , after this victory ( anastasius tells us ) the roman clergy in a body desired narses , if vigilius and the clergy banished with him were yet alive , they might be recalled p ; whereas vigilius was then at constantinople and never banished at all ; yea , the th council was assembled that year in which totilas was slain ; yet hence baronius ( on the credit of this fabulous author ) invents a story of vigilius banishment after the th council . chap. xxxvi . finally , baronius overlooking the ambition , treachery and heresie of vigilius , can find but one ill thing in his life , which is his going to constantinople when the emperor required him ; this he saith , was always fatal to the catholick church for the pope to leave rome q . was it so when the popes removed for years to avignion r ? was it so when agaperus years before came to constantinople ? no , saith baronius , that was lucky , god sent him , and the power of the apostolick seat was thereby demonstrated s : so that the difference was in the men , agapetus was a steddy catholic , vigilius an heretical hypocrite : whose life shall conclude this treatise . his ambition early appeared in procuring boniface the d . contrary to the canons to choose him for his successor in a synod t : but the senate and the laws of the empire forced boniface by a second synod , to vacate this election of vigilius u . again , upon agapetus death , he made a compact with theodora the empress , that for l. in gold , and the papcy ( which she was to give , ) he would restore anthimus , and disannul the council of chalcedon w ; but coming to rome he found silverius in the chair , upon which he tampers with bollisarius , and shewing him the empress ' s mandate , promises him l. in gold to make him pope x . whereupon silverius was falsly accused of a plot to betray rome to the goths , deposed and banished , and vigilius thrust into the seat y , usurping it two years during silverius life , and acting all that time as lawful pope , viz. from an. . to an. . z , writing to , and receiving epistles from justinian , caesarius , etherius , &c. a but persidiously broke his promise both to theodora and bellisarius , and would neither restore anthimus , for fear of the romans , nor pay bellisarius the money b : and cruelly uses poor silverius banished to patara , who in a synod there excommunicated vigilius c . but the emperor hearing of it , sent him back to have the cause heard more fully d , and being come into italy , vigilius by new promises , gets bellisarius to put him into his hands , and sent him to the island palmaria , and starved him to death there e . upon this baronius and binius pretend a fit of conscience took him , and he abdicated the papacy , desiring to come in by a new election , ( of which he was sure by bellisarius power f ) . and so the hypocrit gets in a second time , the electors being inspired , saith baronius g ; yet he hath till this moment described him as an ambitious deacon , mad with pride , a patron of hereticks , a schismatick , a simoniack , an usurper , a successor of simon magus , and an antichrist h . such was his entrance , and his acts were suitable , for liberatus saith , he did write an epistle pursuant to his promise to theodora , and victor affirms , that he writ unto theodosius of alexandria , to anthimus of constantinople , and to severus of antioch , ( eutychians deposed ) as to catholicks i , assuring them he believed as they did , but bids them not tell any so : but baronius says , this epistle is not his : bellarmin says it may be his , but that it was only in shew , and before he was pope k . baronius quarrels at the inscription , as if he called justinian and theodora his lords and christs , but victor expresly saith it was writ ( not to them , but ) to three heretical patriarchs , and that the inscription was , to my lords and bretheren joyned to us in the love of christ our saviour l ; and for all binius and his pretences , it is not unusual for the pope to call eminent bishops , lords ; pope urban calls anselm father and master m , and damasus calls prosper and other numidian bishops his lords n . secondly , he alledges that liberatus falsly affirms , that vigilius in the subscription of this epistle condemned dioscorus who was an eutychian , which is absurd in a letter whereby he would prove himself of that party : to which it is replied , it is an error of the scribe , putting dioscorus name for nestorius , of which party all the rest were there named ; and the annalist allows many such literal mistakes in liberatus o . thirdly , baronius asks , if this were his epistle , why he was not upbraided with it by theodora and others , when he refused to restore anthimus ? 't is answered , for ought he knows this was objected to vigilius , since none can argue , ab autoritate human● negativè : however , it would have been objected had there been occasion ; but the story of the restoring anthimus is a fiction of anastasius , as he applies it to be the ground of a quarrel , after vigilius came to constantinople : as to bellarmine's note , that owns the epistle , but says , it was writ in silverius his time before he was true pope p ; which excuse also baronius , binius and gretzer make q : we must note that liberatus , an author of that time , relates it to be writ after silverius death ; and when silverius was returned back to italy , bellisarius again pressed vigilius to perform his promise to the empress , which doth evidently suppose he had not as yet performed it , an. . and since silverius died in june that year , ( soon after he fell into vigilius hands , ) we may justly think he was too busie in dispatching him and contriving his new election , to write this till after he was real and sole pope ; so that r nauclerus puts after silverius death , theodora's demanding of him to fulfil his promise : but they object , that at this time he condemned anthimus and confirmed the council of chalcedon , in his epistles to justinian and mennas s , and so it is not likely he should write the contrary to these bishops just then . 't is answered , he was a notorious hypocrite ( as they own , ) and so might write on opinion openly to delude the emperor , and another secretly to the hereticks ; and ( for all bellarmine's pretences ) this last was his heart and mind ; for why should he dissemble in secret with his friends , with whom , as he tells them , he had but one soul ? he might very likely dissemble with the emperor , for fear of being expelled out of the seat he so much coveted ; but what hurt or good could deposed bishops do him ? fear therefore , not an orthodox mind , restrained him from openly condemning the true faith , and his ambition to keep his high station made him do it privately only : which shews the weakness of bellarmine's excuse , as if he did not write this ex animo : and equally frivolous , is that pretence of his not writing it as pope , for when he writes of a matter of faith and defines and declares it , he either writes as pope then or never , for that is his proper office : and the nestorians might make all these objections against his orthodox epistle to the emperor . the second act of vigilius was his constitution for nestorianism , by which he run into the contrary heresie to that wherein he was dipt before , which hath been sufficiently manifested in this treatise . there remains now only his exit to be considered , of which liberatus only saith , how vigilius being afflicted by heresie died is known to all t ; bellarmine expounds him , that it was that same heresie which he first secretly favoured , that afflicted him u : baronius observes , he was by gods just judgment miserably tossed all his life , hated by the emperor and eastern bishops for defending the three chapters , and execrable to the western for his inconstancy ; and when he was just coming into the haven , died before he could reach home in sicily , of the torment of the stone : as he had murdered his predecessor a little before in an island , so he died in one : and here we leave him to stand or fall to his own master , not imitating baronius his spite to justinian w , in determining his final estate . an appendix to this history . in labbè's edition , there is subjoyned to this council an epistle of vigilius to eutychius , and a dicourse of p. de marca's upon it , wherein it is extolled as a genuine writing and a sufficient confirmation of this th council a : and though the foregoing history do abundantly confute this , yet we will not pass it without some observations concerning this pompous piece of forgery . first , in the epistle vigilius is made to say , that he is and was of the same faith with eutychius , and the rest of the bishops at constantinople : but if so , why did he exclaim that the catholick faith was in danger to be rooted up b ? or how came he to anathematize theodorus ? and why did he suffer so much for a matter that was not of faith ? secondly , in this epistle vigilius anathematizeth all that at any time believed the three chapters ought to be received or defended , and all that have endeavoured to hinder their being condemned c : now is it probable he should curse all his friends in africa and in the western church , yea and himself so dreadfully , who had received and defended them , and done all in his power to hinder their condemnation ? thirdly , this illustrious monument ( as 't is called ) can be no confirmation of the th council , because it never names or so much as hints at that council . so that it can pass for no more than vigilius his recantation of his former opinions , and being writ after the council , seems to be designed for the emperors private satisfaction : for the eastern church then did not believe a popes confirmation necessary , to make a general councils decrees valid : fourthly , this epistle is dated in december , and the council arose but in june before , which argues the falshood of it ; for it is not likely that he should so soon revoke his solemn constitution , and make so great a change , or if he did , it is strange that living above two years after , he did not receive some mark of justinian's favour in all that time , no nor return to his see in peace . as to the dissertation of de marca , we may note d , that the years when , and the place where this writing was found , give just suspicions of its being an imposture : it was ( it seems ) found by a greek , an. . in the vatican , and he pretended to transcribe it out of a manuscript there writ an. . now the original of these is dated two hundred years after the th council , and all that time no body ever heard of vigilius his confirmation ; and if this date be genuine , it might very probably be invented at that time , being the very time when the eastern church began ( contrary to the sentiments of rome ) to pull down their images ; and that was a fit season to produce evidence , that the greeks ought to submit to the latins , whose popes as they pretended had made all their general councils decrees authentick . and the date of the later transcript is more suspicious still , being the critical time when the poor eastern emperor nich. palaelogus for getting money and aid from the pope , was forced to send some corrupted bishops , to make a seeming submission to , and union with the roman church , and to carry on this design an. . no doubt , care was taken to find out or make this epistle and send it into greece : and the vatican whence it was taken , is known to be the mint and ware-house of forgeries : so that every circumstance is suspicious . and so is the reason , which the learned patron of it gives why it is so valuable , viz. because it vindicates the credit of the roman see , which was much lessened by the belief , that the th council was owned for a lawful and general , though vigilius opposed it . now at rome where the popes authority is the main if not the sole point of religion , there have been innumerable writings piously forged , to carry on this great end , and this seems to be of that sort , only it appeared not early enough for baronius to cite it ; however as our author notes , he guessed there was ( or foresaw there would be ) such a thing ; for he positively avers , ( as was shewed ) upon meer conjecture , that vigilius did confirm the th council : but he and his party lay it down for a maxim , that nothing can be a general council , but what is confirmed by the pope : therefore evidence or not evidence , binius and baronius affirm it was so ; and they are as confident who never saw this epistle , as de marca is who published it ; so that to through-paced catholicks who take their words , this epistle is a needless discovery . but let us see , what authority he hath to support this famous confirmation : he saith evagrius witnesseth , that vigilius consented in writing , but would not come to the council e : but this consent was before the synod met , and is therefore plainly set down in evagrius before the convening , with which consent in writing both justinian and the council do often upbraid this inconstant pope : nor can evagrius be expounded of any subsequent consent , since he goes on after this passage to relate the acts of the council : nor do any of the later greeks who follow him say any more , than to imply vigilius his precedent consent : and the th council relate the calling of the th council , after the agreement between justinian and vigilius f ; nor can their words without manifest violence be stretched to this confirmation , which had it then been extant in the greek copy , and ( as de marca owns ) wanting in the latin g , that council had found out and observed this among other variations . the testimony of pelagius which our author thinks so clear , is no evidence unless it be against this epistle ; for he speaks not of vigilius , but of the latin church , which came slowly to see their error — laboured a great while — strove a long time even to suffering — and would not of a sudden lose their labour , till the truth did appear — h . this plainly refers to the roman clergy and western bishops , who after vigilius death stood out in defence of the three chapters so stisly , that pelagius the st , vigilius his successor , could scarce find any to consecrate him i . and at last he was forced to get narses to use violent methods to bring them in to his communion k ; now this was three year after the council . but how could vigilius his hasty turn in six months time be called a slow change , or a long striving ? and if pelagius the second had known of vigilius his confirming the th council , he would not have used so many shifts to ward off the force of his and the roman churches dissent , which was objected ; this epistle had stopt their mouths for ever ; and if st. gregory had known of it , he had referred those who doubted of the apostolical consent , not to pelagius his epistle , but to this authentick confirmation of vigilius himself . it is well , when de marca resolves to support the tottering credit of this pope , that he hath no better evidence of theodorus of caesarea's favouring hereticks , than facundus a condemned nestorian , and liberatus who writes so partially for that side ; it is plain , their spite to theodorus was for his zeal against nestorius , and for giving the emperor that wholsome and necessary advice , to condemn all those men and their writings under which the nestorians sheltered themselves ; and it is shewed before that he was no favourer either of origen l , or the acephali . yet this defender of vigilius reflects on justinian's edict , approved by a general council , upon the single testimony of a convicted heretick , who writes so bitterly against the truth , that he is not to be believed nor esteemed as any thing but a bigotted and provoked adversary : only our author passes by one thing , which is , that facundus and liberatus both rail at vigilius , for desetting their party , and look upon him after his coming to the emperor as one that took the heretical side , which shews they knew nothing of his latter change * . as to what he saith , that there was nothing of faith controverted in this council , but only concerning persons , this is fully answered before m : and i will only note the weakness of this distinction ; for what difference is there between condemning a mans heretical opinions , and condemning that man for holding those opinions ? suppose the arians should pretend , that because arius was condemned at nice , the controversie there was about a person , not about the faith , will de marca allow that distinction ? and the like may be said of macedonius , eutyches and nestorius in former councils : certain it is , that in this council the writings or opinions of theodorus and his person also are condemned , and so are the opinions of theodoret and ibas before their recantation , but not their persons ; and the main question in the fifth council , whether those writings of these three there cited were heretical ? which i think is a matter of faith and not of persons . wherefore , since the nestorian hereticks gloried in these writings , the question whether they should be condemned or no , was not ( as he pretended ) concerning discipline ; and so there is no room for his impertinent distinction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unless vigilius had a dispensation to defend heretical writings ; and his wavering was not prudence , but perfidiousness in such a case . facundus may be a good witness that vigilius confirmed the three chapters , before his coming to constantinople , and perhaps he might suspend mennas after his coming to that city , ( as de marca out of theophanes saith ) . but since mennas died that very year , as is proved by the acts of the sixth council at constantinople , where they must needs know the time of their own patriarchs death , but in the preceding century n , all the rest of his story is manifest forgery , viz. his delivering his decree to mennas , an. . ( after he was dead ) and he would prove this by a meer and gross imposture , which is vigilius epistle to theodorus , where in september , o , the pope is made to excommunicate theodorus and suspend mennas , ( who had been dead five year : ) yet in another forged epistle set down at large in labbè p , in february the year before , the same pope tells the catholick church , he had excommunicated and deposed theodorus and the other six months ago : yet these apparent fictions de marca gravely cites as good evidence , and in truth he hath no other testimonies but these two spurious epistles , and the incoherent stuff of anastasius biblioth . to prove that vigilius was persecuted by justinian at all , or that he ever opposed him after he came to the city of constantinople till the council met . de marca grants facundus after this called him a prevaricator ; and we find ( about that very time , wherein those sham epistles lay the scene of justinian's persecuting him , for excommunicating theodorus , and the condemners of the three chapters , ) by good evidence under vigilius own hand , that this pope excommunicated two roman deacons , for defending the three chapters p , full three year after his coming to justinian : so that this learned author should not bring such stuff in for evidence . yet again he quotes an epistle of the roman clergy to the legatories , now newly published q , which is as palpable an imposture as any of the former ; for therein the clergy of italy tell a long story to the french legates upon hear-say , to inform them what vigilius was then doing and suffering at constantinople , where these legates then were ; and whereas they might so easily have informed france of this by letters from rome , they desire the legates to write this from constantinople to the gallican church . again , these rare clerks say , that dacius bishop of milan had been absent from his church or year , till ' all the bishops of his ordaining were dead , so that vast multitudes died for want of baptism , ( it seems neither lay-men nor presbyters might then baptize : ) but if dacius did fly from milan when it was taken by the goths r , and never visited them till now , he had been absent but year at most ; but that stay is not probable , considering how good a bishop he was . the long history therefore of vigilius his returning to his vomit , and of his being persecuted by justinian , depending on nothing but forged relations , is to be wholly rejected ; and that letter which eutychius writ to vigilius , to have the three chapters condemned in a lawful council , whereunto vigilius by letter consented in january s , was not writ upon eutychius first promotion to the see of constantinople , in which he had sat now almost six years , ( being chosen immediately upon the death of mennas , ) but was writ purely on occasion of the designed council ; and the patriarch professeth his faith in it , not on the account of his entrance on his promotion , but to remove the scandal , which the nestorians laid upon such as condemned the three chapters , as if they did not assent to the former councils , especially that of chalcedon . vigilius only covered his nestorian principles with these shifts , and his main argument of the paucity of western bishops , is abundantly confuted by the councils , shewing there were more of them present then at constantinople , than had been in any former general council . and the event shewed , that neither his absence nor dissenting could hinder this , which our author wrongfully calls an imperfect meeting , from being universally received as a general council . the constitution of vigilius is proved heretical before t , and de marca gives a very weak reason to prove it was not read in the fifth council . for how could justinian be so silly , as to suppose he could keep the bishops then assembled ignorant of vigilius his aversion to condemning the three chapters , when he would not come at them , ( and if de marca say true ) suffered such injuries for defending them ? 't is plain they knew his mind , and do particularly confute his constitution , only sparing his name ; yea , 't is evident , they lookt on him as a sickle man , and published nothing but his first and soundest judgment , and never ceased acting vigorously for all his dissent ; for the greeks at chalcedon had shewed , they looked on a councils decrees as valid , though the pope opposed them . after all he hath no witnesses of his exile , but the fabulous anastasius ; all the greeks ( he confesses ) are silent as to his sufferings , and so are all authentick latin histories too . the epistle of peter of antioch was writ year after , and only speaks of some difference between vigilius and mennas , which must be at his first coming to constantinople anno , but that is nothing to this time after the council . it seems strange , that vigilius should pass for so great a politician by the art used in this epistle ; for if it were his , i should think he never intended to confirm the fifth council by it , because he never names it ; which silence must proceed either from his fear to anger the western bishops , with whom he joyned still in heart , or from his hope that the bare recanting his opinions , would cajole the emperor and his greeks ; and if we consider his hypocrisie and often changes , both of these might make him omit the naming the fifth council : but being a forgery , we need not any conjectures about the reason of a non-entity : yet if i were convinced vigilius writ this epistle , i should believe the date was false , and that this was his first recantation after he came to constantinople before this synod met , which is the most probable reason , why he did not name this fifth synod , viz. because no such had yet been . it was not the greeks , but the latins who put this epistle to the end of the acts of the fifth synod , for in their vatican it was first pretended to be found ; but whoever added it , must be very weak to imagin an unlawful synod could be confirmed by a popes private opinion delivered six months after , or that any body else should receive a council upon his authority , who did not own it himself . photius lived year after this council had been owned for a general council , and what he saith may well be explained of the letters of his which were read in the council , importing that once he was of their mind . the arabick manuscript is so full of mistakes , that its authority must be inconsiderable ; it says , that the living and dead were never excommunicated before this synod , and that the popes profession of faith was writ not to eutychius , but to the emperor justinian : and all these testimonies amount to no more , than that which the emperor and the council both gave out , that vigilius was ( as indeed he had often declared ) of the councils opinion . 't is certain pelagius the first , vigilius his immediate successor , and who was with him at constantinople , did own this for a general council ; and if vigilius had changed his mind , ( as pelagius had done ) so as to confirm the fifth council , he must have known of it , and for his own vindication would have pleaded this writing of vigilius , to satisfie the western bishops who rejected his communion ; and his silence of vigilius consent and confirmation , is next to demonstration , that he know of no such thing , and that no such thing ever was : as for all the rest they owned it for a lawful general council , but not one of them knew of the subsequent consent of vigilius . the next thing in de marca is , the consideration of the reasons moving vigilius to make this decree , the first of which is notoriously false ; for this forged epistle saith , that now the whole world and the church was restored to peace u , and our author thinks the illyrican and african bishops , were now reconciled to the condemners of the three chapters : whereas 't is plain , liberatus did not write his breviary till vigilius his death , that is , two year after the date of this feigned epistle ; and he shews how woful a schism and scandal there was then in the church , especially in africa w . and victor one of the african bishops of that side , died in restraint , after he had suffered much in defence of the three chapters thirteen years after x . as to the western bishops , how could their being restored to peace be a motive to vigilius to recant an. . when three year after , his successor pelagius was struggling with them to bring them to peace , and could not do it then without some force y ? and our author owns , that the french , spanish and italian bishops , did not come in till pelagius had been some time in the chair ; and baronius saith the same z , so that his first reason is not so much as true : i shall only add that justinian acted very sincerely in this matter , and leontius slanders him in supposing otherwise ; for his judgment was , that the three chapters were to be condemned , both opinions and persons , the heretical doctrins and hereticks too , if they had not recanted . but perhaps vigilius might act dispensatively in this change , for it is likely he still kept a nestorian heart , only this spoils his second reason , why vigilius writ this epistle , viz. christ having enlightned his mind , god revealing , and he diligently enquiring was now come to the knowledge of the truth a . for if after all , vigilius did only confirm them dispensatively , that supposes he did not believe the points to be either necessary or true , but only such as might be professed for peace sake ; and if that were all , what an hypocrite must this pope be , to talk of a change of his mind , and coming to know the truth by illumination , revela●●on and study ? in vain doth he and his patron alledge the example of st. augustin , st. paul and st. peter ; for did st. augustin retract things , and pretend to be convinced of his mistakes only dispensatively , that is , secretly believing still they might be true ? did st. paul only believe the gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after his conversion ; or was st. peter a jew in his heart , after he consented to discharge the gentiles from the ceremonies of the law ? pelagius the second's arguments are good as to the roman clergy , who sincerely opposed the truth for a time , but upon conviction as sincerely embraced it : but to apply these instances to such a proteus and dissembler as vigilius , is to prostitute them , rather than defend him , who often dispensed with himself in the duties of morality . if vigilius had gon to the council he might have learned those two rules de marca speaks of , in six days , without the help of revelation : but the feigned epistle says nothing of such rules ; it pretends that vigilius now understood the person and writings of theodorus , and the writings of theodoret and ibas against cyril were heretical , and that it was his duty to pronounce them heretical , and condemn them as such ; yea , anathematize them ; and is this only a point of ecclesiastical discipline ? may hereticks and their opinions be either condemned or not ? and is it an indifferent thing , whether a pope absolve and defend , or accurse and condemn in such cases ? surely the great name of de marca is forged and put to this weak tract ; he would not have argued at this rate . that the acts of this council were early translated into latin for the use of the western church , is probable enough ; but vigilius needed not this translation ; he had lived at constantinople long before he was pope , and now six years together after he was pope , and so must understand greek perfectly : but the true reason why vigilius epistle was not added to these latin acts , was because there was no such epistle then invented : for had he then writ such an epistle , or in six months after , it would certainly have been joyned to both the greek and latin copies for all mens satisfaction who were scandalized by his dissent , especially if that ( which de marca supposes ) had been thought true in those ages , viz. that the decrees of a general council were invalid without the popes confirmation : but this is an opinion of later birth . whatever he saith in defence of the sincerity of the latin acts , i agree to ; but since he borrows from crakenthorp , not only his arguments , but his conjectures also , ( such as altering the name of domnus into john , &c. ) i must believe the author of this discourse had seen crakenthorp's learned history of the fifth council , yet durst not own it , because he could not confute it . from the same author he borrows much of what he says , about condemning origen's opinions in this council : but since the council was risen , before vigilius began to deliberate whether he should receive their acts or no , ( yea , and their acts as he thinks translated into latin also , ) how could justinian after this send to the dissolved council , to know their judgment of origen and his followers ? therefore de marca mistakes the point ; and the learned crakenthorp solves this difficulty much better b , to which i refer the reader ; and only will enquire how this author and those popes he cites could truly say , that no matters of faith were handled in this fifth council , if origen and his heretical opinions were here condemned , as he goes about to prove ? this is a manifest contradiction . the sense of those popes and others must be , no points of faith decided at chalcedon , were called in question over again here : for the question only was , whether the opinions in the three chapters were not condemned in the council of chalcedon : and the fifth council affirming this concerning the opinions of three persons , did not ( as some feared ) decree any new , or different point of faith from the council of chalcedon . it is a needless thing to offer conjectures about the reason , why vigilius in this epistle doth not mention the condemning of origen's errors ; for the true reason is obvious , which is , because the forger of this epistle had nothing in his eye , but to clear this pope from the main thing he was charged with , viz. defending three heretical chapters , and that point he makes out : i grant he had ( yet only joyntly with other patriarchs , and by following , not leading justinian ) condemned origen before , as liberatus declares c : but i must note , that liberatus his telling us that so particularly , and saying nothing of vigilius his epistle to condemn the three chapters , is a shrewd suspicion there was no such epistle , since liberatus writ after vigilius death , and was a favourer of the three chapters , and writ all that he thought might disparage such as condemned them . to conclude , either the authority of the pope was not so considerable in those days , as this learned apologist fancies , or vigilius his carriage was such , that no body enquired what side he was of , after his so often turnings ; since he lived above two years after this council , and yet no mention in any genuine writer is made where he was , or how he carried himself to the time of his death , which is said to have hapned in sicily , an. . so little a figure did the roman pontiff then make ; and when the controversie was revived in the time of pelagius the second , and gregory the great , they chose to bury vigilius name in silence , his inconstancy to his principles and evil practices having made it the interest of the roman church to clap him under hatches so long as his character was remembred ; and this apologist had better have followed their policy , than to raise him ( as he hath done ) only to his greater shame . books printed for , and sold by r. clavel , at the peacock in st. paul's church-yard . the reasons of praying for the peace of our jerusalem : in a sermon preached before the queen at white-hall , on the fast-day , being wednesday august . . by thomas comber , d. d. dean of durham , and chaplain in ordinary to their majesties . printed by their majesties special command . a daily office for the sick ; compil'd out of the holy scriptures , and the liturgy of our church ; with occasional prayers , meditations and directions . the catechism of the church with proofs from the new testament , and some additional questions and answers , divided into sections by zach. ●shem , d. d. author of the book lately published , entituled a daily office for the sick , with directions , &c. a church carechism with a brief and easie explanation thereof , for the help of the meanest capacities and weakest memories , in order to the establishing them in the religion of the church of england , by t. c. dean of d. the pantheon , representing the fabulous histories of the heathen gods , and most illustrious heroes ; in a short , plain and familiar method , by way of dialogue , for the use of schools . written by fra. pomey , of the society of jesus ; author of the french and latin dictionary , for the use of the dauphin . bedae venerabills opera quaedam theologica , nunc primùm edita , necnon historica , antea semel edita . accesserunt egberti archiepiscopi eboracerifis dialogus de ecclesiasticâ institutione & aldbelmi episcopi scireburnensis liber de virginitate ex codice antiquissimo emendarus . disquisitio in hypothesin baxterianam de foedere gratin , ab initio & deinceps , semper & ubique omnibus indulto , & adhuc apud ethnicos & extra-evangelicos vigente ac valente ad salutem . authore carolo robothamo , ecclesiae anglicanae presbytero norfolciensi , s. th. b. q. horatii flacci opera : interpretatione & notis illustravit ludovicus desprez cardinalitius socius ac rhetor emeritus , jussu christianissimi regis , in usum serenissimi delphini , ac serenissimorum principum burgundiae , andium , biturigum . huic editioni accessere vita horatii , cum dacerii notis ejusdem chronologia horatiana , & praefatio de satira romona . l. annaei flori rerum romanarum epitome ; interpretatione & notis illustravit anna tanaquilla fabri tilia , jussu christianissimi regis , in usum serenissims delphini . compendium graecum novi testamenti , continens ex . verficulis totius n. testamenti tantum versiculos . ( non tamen integros ) in quibus omnes universi novi test . voces , una cum versione latina , inveniuntur : auctore , johanne lusden . philos . doctore , & linguae sanctae in academia ultrajectina professore ordinario . editio quinta . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a campian . decem rat . pag. , & . b edit . binii concil . omn. colon. . c edit . lab. & cossart . paris , an. . d richer . praef. ad hist . concil . pag. . notes for div a -e a a lab. tom. iii. pag. . & bin. tom. i. par . . pag. . b b ibid. pag. . bin. pag. . c c bin. pag. . col . . f. d d lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . e e lab. pag. . bin. pag . col . . f f lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . g g lab. pag. . bin. pug . . col . . h h ibid. lab. & bin. i i lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . k k vid. beveridg . not. concil . tom. ii. pag. . l l lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . m m lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . n n lab. pag. . bin. pag . col . . o o tertul. de jejun . adv . psycl . cap. & . p p aug. ad januar . ep . . cap. . & ad casulan . ep. . q q lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . r r dr. cosens histor . canon . chap. . s s lab. pag. bin. pag. . col . . t t lab. pag . bin. pag. . col . . u u lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . w w harding against jewel , pag. . dr. james corrup . of faith , par . . p. . x x cestriens . dissert . posthum . lib. . cap. , . &c. y y lab. col . . bin. pag. . col . . z z richer . praesul . ad histor . concil . a a john. v. . nemo sibi & professor , & tellis . tert. in mar●●n . lib. . b b lab pag. . bin. pag. . col . . c c cestriens . diss . . cap. . d d iren. adv . 〈◊〉 l. . c. . e e cestriens . diss . . cap. . f f lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . g g lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . h h cusan . de concord . cath. l. . i i baron . an. . §. . & an. . § , k k labbé pag. . l l bin. pag. . col . . m m hard. against jewel , pag. . n n dr. james cor. of fath. part i. pag. , , & . o o rob. coci censura patr. per totum . p p baron . annal . an. . §. , , , , . q q lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . r r rob. coci censurae pag. . s s lab. p. . bin. pag. , & . t t ep. & . cornel. lab. pag. , &c. bin pag. , , . u u edit . lab. pag. . w w lab. p. , &c. bin. pag. , &c. x x lab. p. . bin. pag. . y y lab. p. . bin. p. . col . . z z lab. p. . bin. pag. . a a lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . b b lab. pag . bin. pag. . col . . c c lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . d d beveridg . annot. in concil . nicen. tom. ii. p. . e e lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . f f lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . g g lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . h h lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . i i lab. p . bin. pag. . col . . k k lab. p. . bin. pag. . l l lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . m m lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . n n lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . o o lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . p p lab. p. . bin. pag. . q q decreta ejus lab. pag. . bin. pag. . col . . r r lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . s s lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . t t lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . u u lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . w w lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . x x cestriens . diss . . cap. . §. . &c. y y lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . z z lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . a a ibid. b b lab. p. bin. pag. . col . . c c lab. p. . bin. pag , . col . . d d lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . e e lab. p. ▪ bin. pag. . col . . f f lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . g g lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . h h lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . i i lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . k k lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . l l lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . m m lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . n n lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . vid. causab . in baron . pag. . o o lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . p p lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . q q epist . alex. . bin. pag. , & ep. . bin. p. . r r lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . s s lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . t t lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . u u lab. p . bin pag. . col . . w w lab. p. . bin. pag. . col . . * * de marca makes this an insallible note , that these epistles are forged . de concord . lib. . cap. . x x lab. p. ● . bin. pag. 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pref. p. . baron . an. . p. . o o cap. . bin. p. , . lab. col . . & . baron . an. . p. . p p cap. . bin. p. . lab. col . . q q bin. & lab. ibid. r r cap. bin. pag. . lab. col . . s s cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . t t ibid. cap. . u u ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . . w w baron . an. . pag. . x x cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . y y bin. pag. . lab. col . . z z ep. ad joh. antioch . cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . a a cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . b b par. . act. . bin. pag. . c c ad testimonium non admittendos quos ipse accusator de domo sua produxerit . concil . carthag . . can . . d d cap. . bin. pag. . & . lab. col . . & col . . e e concil . eph. par . . act . bin. pag. . lab. col . . f f bin. not . pag. . lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . g g bin. pag. . lab. col . ● . h h bin. pag. , . lab. col . . &c. i i bin. pag. , . lab. col . . k k bin. pag. . lab. col . . l l bin. pag. . lab. col . . m m bin. pag. . baron . an. . pag. . n n lab. col . . o o par. . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . * * vide dictum imp. justiniani ap . richer . tom. . cap. . §. . p. . bin. tom. . par . . pag. , . p p bin. pag. . lab. col . . q q act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . r r ib. bin. pag. . lab. col . . s s par. . cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . t t bin. pag. . lab. col . ● . u u par. . cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . w w bin. prof. pag. . lab. col . . x x bin. notis . pag. . lab. col . . y y praefat. bin. pag. . lab. col . . * * editio peltani & contij ita legit — actis vestris intererunt , quaeque à vobis sunt constituta suo calculo denuò confirmabunt . richer . hist . concil . tom. . cap. . pag. . z z concil . par . . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . a a par. . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . , & . b b ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . baron . an. . pag. . c c bin. pag. . lab. col . . d d bin. pag. . lab. col . , . e e sozom. hist . lib. . cap. . pag. . f f bin. not . pag. . lab. col . . richer . cap. . §. . p. . the emperors letter in the pseudo-synod saith , the confirmation of the acts should have been obtained from him : and there bin. his note is , how this confirmation is to be understood , other imperial letters shew . bin. pag. . lib. col . . g g praesat . bin. pag. . lab. col . . † † richerius shews that the apostolical judgment is meant of the synods sentence . tom. . §. . pag. . h h bin. ibid. pag. . lab. col . . i i bin. ut supr . pag. . lab. col . . k k baron . an. . pag. . l l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. par. . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . m m par. . act. bin. pag. . lab. col . n n bin. lab. ut supr . o o baron . an. pag. . p p baron . an. . pag. . cum pag. . q q vid. init . epist . ap . baron . & bin. par. . cap. . pag. . lab. col . . * * juvenalis speaks , because cyril and memnon being now accused , left their places and stood at the bar. richer . tom. . §. . pag. . cap. . r r par. . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . s s baron . an. ● . pag. . t t notis ad concil . ephes . bin. pag. . lab. col . . u u pref. ap . bin. pag. . lab. col . . w w par. . act. . pag. . bin. lab. col . . x x par. . cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . y y ibid. cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . z z par. . cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . a a bin. not. pag. . lab. col . . b b baron . an. . pag. . c c bin. pag. . lab. col . , ad col . . d d par. . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . e e baron . an. . pag. , . f f baron . ib. vid. epist . ap . bin. pag. . lab. col . . g g baron . ib. pag. . h h bin. ut supr . & ita lab. i i baron . an. . pag. . bin. not . pag. . lab. col . . * * cy●illi verba sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — . &c. homil. cyril . in fine bin. pag. . lab. pag. . ubi cultum attribu● it sanctae trinitati , gloriam christo , at solum laudes beatae virgini . an. dom. . k k aug. ad sixt. presb. ep . , & . l l prosp . adv . collat. & chro. an. . m m bin. pag. . lab. col . . baron . an. . p. . n n bin. pag. , . lab. col . . o o bin. pag. . lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . p p not. bin. pag. . lab. col . . an. dom. . q q baron . an. . pag. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . r r bin. pag. . lab. col . . s s de marca de sac . & imper . lib. . cap. . pag. . an. dom. . * * permaximum fuisse authoritatis papalis amplificationem . richer . de leon. hist . concil . univ . tom. . pag. . t t bin. pag. . lab. col . . u u leon. ep . . pag. . w w leon. ep . . & . x x baron . an. . n . pag. . y y baron . an. . pag. , & . z z lab. tom. . pag. . a a gennad . catal . ap . hieron . tom. . pag. . b b trithem . de script . in prosp . col . . & marcellin . in chron. c c lab. col . . an. dom. . d d bin. pag. . lab. col . . e e p. de mar. lib. . pag. . f f bin. pag. . lab. col . an. dom. . an. dom. . g g bin. p. . lab. h h baron . an. . pag. . tom. . an. dom. . i i lab. col . . k k lab. col . . l l leon. ep . . ap . lab. col . . m m lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . n n baron . an. . pag. . vid. item an. . pag . o o p. de marca de concord . lib. . cap. , & pag. , &c. p p vid. hilar. ep . . bin. tom. . par . . pag. . q q baron . an. . pag. . an. dom. . r r leon. ep . . ap . lab. col . . s s baron . an. . pag. , . t t bin. pag. lab. col . . u u bin. par. . pag. . ut supr . w w baron . an. . pag. , & . x x lab. col . . spelm. concil tom. . pag. . y y baron . an. . z z usherij brit. eccles . antiqu. pag. . an. dom. . a a bin. pag. . lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . b b baron . an. . pag. . c c ep. x. leon. m. ad flav. inter ep . leon. pag. . d d baron . an. . pag. . e e leon. ep. , , & . f f epist . flavian . ad leon. inter epist . leon. pag. . g g baron . an. . pag. . h h bin. pag. . lab. col . , &c. baron . an. . pag. . an. dom. . i i baron . an. . pag. , . k k richer . histor . concil . cien . cap. . §. . pag. . * * vid. richer . ibid. pag. . l l bin. pag. . lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . the d pseudo-synod of ephesus . m m bin. pag. . lab. col . . n n richer . hist . concil . gen. tom. . c. . §. . p. . o o richer . ib. p. . p p baron . an. . pag. . q q vid. richer . tom. . c. . §. . p. , &c. r r liberat. brev . c. . s s baron . an. . pag. . cum pag. . t t baron . ib. pag. . u u bin. pag. . lab. col . . w w vid. baron . an. . pag. . t t the emperor was desired to disanul this synod , by the pope , &c. concil . chalced. act. . bin. p. , &c. x x bin. in predict . concil . . rom. p. . lab. ut supr . baron . an. . pag. . y y baron . an. . pag. . an. dom. . z z baron . an. . pag. . a a bin. pag. . lab. col . . b b bin. & lab. ut supr . baron . an. . pag. . an. dom. . §. . a a bin. tom. . par . . p. . lab. tom. . p. . b b bin. ib. pag. . lab. col . . c c bin. pref. pag. . lab. col . , & . d d bin. pref. pag. . lab. ib. col . . e e de marca de concord . l. . c. . p . f f concil . chalced. par . . bin. p. . lab. col . . g g ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . . h h bin. pag. . lab. col . . i i vid. lab. num . . col . . marg . ita num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . k k bin. & lab. num . . l l bin pag. . lab. col . . num . . m m bin. pag. . lab. col . . num . . n n bin. pag. . lab. col . . num . . o o bin. pag. . lab. col . , . num . . p p baron . an. . pag. . leon. ep . . in concil . chalced . par . . bin. p. . num . . q q leon. ep . , & . concil . chal. par . . bin. p. , & . r r leo ep . ad pulcher. bin. p. . lab. col . . num . . s s flav. ep . ad leon. num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . t t ep. leon. ad jul. num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . u u ep. le. ad theod. n. . bin p. . lab. col . ● . ita in ep . ad pulcher. num . . ep . ad synod . ephes . num . . w w ep. leon. ibid. num . . & . bin. p. . lab. col . . x x ep. petr. raven . ad eutyeh . num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . y y not. in concil . bin. p. . lab. col . . z z ep. leon. ad theod. num . , . bin. pag. , . lab. col . , & . a a ep. leon. ad const . num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . b b ep. valent. num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . c c num. . bin. p. . lab. col . . d d ep. gal. placid . num . . bin. p. . lab. col . . e e ep. theod. num . , , . bin. p. . lab. col . , &c. f f ep. leon. ad theod. num. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . g g richer . hist concil . gen . l. c. . §. . pag. . h h epist . marcian . ad leon. num. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . i i baron . an. . pag. . bin. not . pag. . lab. col . . k k epist . marcian . num , & . bin. pag. , &c. lab. col . , &c. l l epist leon. ad synod num . . bin. pag. . m m epist . marcian . num. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . n n baron . an. . pag. . bin. not . pag. . lab. col . . o o praef. bin. pag. lab. p. . p p not. bin. pag. . lab. col . . q q concil . chalced. par . . num. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . r r epist . leon. num. . bin. p. . lab. col . . s s epist . marcian . num. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . t t concil . chalced. act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . , &c. u u liberat. brev. cap. . bin. tom . par . . pag. . w w baron . an. . pag. . x x not. bin. p. . lab. col . . y y praef. bin. pag. . lab. col . . z z not in concil . bin. pag. . lab. col . . a a not. bin. pag. . lab. col . . b b baron . an. . pag. . c c not. in concil . bin. pag. . lab. col . . d d act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . ibid. in subscrip . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . et subscrip . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . e e act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . f f baron . an. . pag. . not. in concil . bin. pag. . lab. col . . g g act. . bin. pag. , &c. lab. col . , &c. h h act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . i i concil . chalced. par . . num . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . k k act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . item act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . l l baron . an. . pag. . not. bin. pag. . lab. col . . m m act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . n n act. . in fine , bin. pag. . lab. col . . o o not in concil . bin. pag. . col . . lab. col . . ita baron . an. . pag. . p p ep. synod . ad leon. concil . chal. par . . num . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . q q vid. leon. ep . . cit . in not . verb. [ approbatum . ] r r concil . chal. par . . num . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . s s act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . t t act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . u u baron . an. . pag. . vid. act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . w w act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. ib. x x ibid. vid. y y par. . concil . num . , & . bin. pag. , &c. lab. col . , &c. z z baron . an. . pag. . a a act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . b b ibid. bin. p. . lab. col . . c c bellarm. de concil . lib. . cap. . pag. . d d act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . e e act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . f f bellarm. de rom. pontif. lib. . cap. . pag. . g g act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . b b ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i i ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . . k k ibid. bin. p. . lab. col . . l l in fin . act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . m m act. . bin pag. . lab. col . . n n not. in concil . bin. p. . lab. col . . collat. cum act. . bin. p. . lab. col . . o o pref. bin. p. . lab. col . . p p not. in concil . 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lab. col . . s s baron . an. , pag. . t t act. vi . bin. pag. . lab. col . . u u ib. bin. pag. , &c. lab. col . . w w richer . hist . concil . gen . tom. . pag. . x x act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . y y act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . z z act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . a a act. & . bin. pag. . & pag. . lab. col . . & . b b act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . d d ib. bin. pag. . lab. col . . e e bin. pag. . lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . f f vid. cratenthorp . vigil . dormit . chap. . §. . g g act. . bin pag. . lab. col . . h h baron . an. . pag. . i i act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . k k ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . . l l act. . bin. pag. , . lab. col . . &c. m m act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . n n act. . bin. p. . lab. col . . o o supr . act. . p p act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . q q vid. bever . not . in can. chalced. . tom. . p. . r r nicol. . ep . . ad mich. imp. s s bin. not . p. . lab. col . . * * bin. pag. . t t act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . u u bever . pand. tom. . annot . pag. . w w vid. gratian . decret . par . . dist . . c. . in not . x x edit . in octav. francof . . y y act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . z z baron . an. . p. . c. a a bin. annot. pag. . col . . b. lab. col . . b b baron . an. . pag. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . c c act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . d d baron . an. . pag. . e e act. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . f f ib. bin. pag. . lab. col . . g g id. ibid. h h bin. par . . num . , & . pag. , &c. lab. pag. . i i par. . num . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . k k baron . an. . pag. . l l ibid. bin. pag. . lab. col . . m m baron . an. . pag. . n n par. . num . & . bin. pag. . lab. col . . o o ibid. num . , , . bin. pag. , &c. lab. col . . p p liberat. brev. cap. . bin. tom. . par . . pag. . q q almain . de eccles . author . cap. . r r baron . an. . pag. . s s richer . hist . concil . gen . tom. . cap. . §. . t t par. . num . . bin. pag. lab. col . . u u ibid. num . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . w w ibid. num . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . x x par. . num . . 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x baron . an. . p. . 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. k k concil . rom. sub joh. . bin. pag. . col. . lab. . l l baron . an. . n. . pag. . & notis binij . m m baron . an. . n. . pag. . & n. . ibid. & n. . pag. . n n ap. baron . an. . n. . pag. . an. dom. . 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vigil . bin. pag. . lab. . h h ep. . vigil . bin. pag. . lab. . i i ep. . vigil . bin. pag. . col. . lab. . an. dom. . k k ep. . vigil . bin. pag. 〈◊〉 . col . . lab. . l l ep. . vigil . bin. ib. lab. . an dom. . m m titul . edict . ap . bin. pag. col . . lab. . n n edictum vide bin. pag. . lab. . an. dom. . o o ep. . vigil . bin. pag. . col. . lab. . p p not. in ep. . bin. pag. . col. . an. dom. . q q epist . . vigil . bin. pag. . c. . lab. . r r concil . . gen . bin. tom. par . . pag . s s damnatio theo. &c. bin. pag. . col. . lab. . t t not. in ep. . bin. pag. . lab. . u u liberat. brev. cap. . w w baron . an. . n . pag. . x x ap. lab. . lab. tom. v. , . col . . . a a bin. tom. ii . par . . pag. . lab. tom. v. pag. . b b bin. col. . , & . a. &c col. . . 〈◊〉 . c c baron . an. . pag. . n. . d d id. n. . e e bin. col. . . a. lab. . f f bin. col . . . a. g g bin. col . . . a. lab. . h h bin. & lab. ibid. i i bin. col . . b. lab. . k k bin. col . . . b. lab. . l l cusan de concord . cath. l. . c. . m m conc. chal. act. . bin. tom. ii . pag. . . lab. tom. iv . . h. n n baron . an. . n. , & . o o ibid. n. , & an. . n. . p p vigil . const . bin. pag. . lab. . q q bin. . lab. . r r bin. ib. lab. . s s bin. . lab. . t t bin. . lab. . u u ibid. w w baron . an. . n. . x x in fine col. . bin. pag. . lab. . y y ibid. z z col. . in fine . a a col. . bin. pag. . lab. . b b col. . bin. pag. . lab. . c c baron . an. . n. . d d bin. pag. . lab. . e e baron . ut supr . f f col. . bin. . a. lab. g g ibid. h h col. . bin. . lab. . i i baron . an. . n. . k k col. . bin. . lab. l l baron . an. . n. . an. . n. , &c. m m coll. . ut supr . & bin. . lab. . n n concil . . act. . o o baron . an. . num . . p p baron . an. . n. , . q q academia paris . in appellat . r r baron . an. . n. . n. . n. . n. . vid. item . bin. not . in . concil . pag. . lab. . s s bin. col. . pag. . lab. . t t col. . saepissimè . u u baron . an. . n. . w w pelag. . ep . . x x greg. l. . ep . . y y bellarm. de concil . cap. . §. . z z baron . an. . n. . a a id. an. . n. . b b greg. l. . ep . . c c const . vigil . bin. . lab. . d d aug. ep. ad bonifac. citat . in concil . col . . e e pelag. . ep . . f f col. . bin. pag. . lab. . g g edict . just . bin. lab. . h h concil . vi . act. , & . i i baron . an. . num . . k k id. ibid. num . . l l const . bin. pag. . lab. . m m edict . bin. . lab. . n n collat. . bin. . lab. . o o baron . an. . n. . p p bin. not . in concil . pag. . lab. . q q vigil . const . bin. pag. . lab. . r r collat. . bin. , &c. lab. , &c. s s ibid. t t concil . ephes . act. . c. . & chalcea . act. . pag. . u u justin . ep. ad synod . . bin. . lab. . w w collat. . bin. . lab. . x x pelag. . epist . . y y collat. . bin. pag. . lab. . z z collat. . epist . ibas & baron . an. . n. . a a collat. . bin. . lab. , &c. b b ibid. c c collat. . bin. . lab. , d d ibid. bin. . lab. . e e collat. . bin. . lab. . f f ibid. bin. . lab. . & . & . g g vigil . const . bin. , . lab. , . h h pelag. . ep. . §. etsi . i i vigil . const . ut supra . k k liber . brev. cap. . bin. pag. . lab. , &c. l l baron . an. . n. & . m m notis in liberat. bin. pag. . lab. . n n vigil . const . bin. pag. . lab. . o o edict . just . trin . cod. l. . tit. . lab. . pag. . p p bin. pag. . lab. . q q vigil . const . ut supr . r r vigil . const . bin. pag. . lab. . s s bin. praes . tom. i. pag. . pag. . & notis in epist . . leonis . t t baron . an. . n. . & an. . n. . u u act. concil . eph. cap. . & cap. . the chalced. act. . cap. . w w col. . bin. pag. & . lab. & . x x const . vigil . ut supra . y y vid. concil . chalced. act. . z z pelag. ep. . ut supra . a a vigil . const . bin. pag. . lab. pag. . b b cyril . ep. ad dynat . in concil . ephes . c. . c c vigil . const . bin. pag. lab. . d d vigil . const . bin. pag. lab. pag. . e e lab. concil . . col . . pag. . bin. p. f f vigil . constit . ut supra . g g concil . . ut supra . h h baron . an. . p. & an. . p. i i baron . an. . p. k k baron . an. . pag. . et an. . pag. l l concil . ephes . cap. . m m acta conciliab . ephes . ibid n n vid. in fine con. ephesin . o o vid. epist . cyril . ibid. p p vigil . const . lab. pag. . bin. pag. q q baron . an. . & an. . ut supr . r r concil . . col. . pag. . lab. s s baron . an. . n. . pag. . t t epist . jo. ad xystum inter act. concil . ephes . bin. t. . par . . pag. . u u liberat. brev. cap. . bin. pag. . lab. , &c. w w cyril . ep. ad donatum . concil . ephes . par . . num. . x x concil . v. collar . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . y y lb. col . . bin. . lab. . z z baron . an. . ut sup● . a a idem an. . pag. , . b b concil . eph. par . . epist . cyril . ad acacium . bin. pag. . c c ibid. pag. . d d vid. epist . iboe apud bin. tom. . par . . pag. . lab. concil . . collat . . pag. . e e concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . lab. . f f edict . just . post concil . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . g g vigil . const . in lab. col . . h h const . vig. ibid. i i concil . . collat. . bin. . lab. col . . i i const . vigil . ut supra . k k baron . an. . pag. . tom. . l l vigil . const . ut supr . m m baron . an. . pag. . n n idem an. . pag. . o o concil . eph. par . . bin. pag. . p p epist . theodoret . ad nestor . concil . . col. . propè finem . bin. pag. . q q bin. praefatio ad concil . ephes . tom. i. par . . pag. . r r concil . . collar . . bin. pag. . lab. . s s concil . chalced act. x. bin. pag. . t t vigil . const . lab. col. . u u baron . an. . pag. . item an. . pag. . w w baron . an. . pag. . x x id. an. . saepissime . y y baron . an. pag. , . z z victoris chron. an. . post consul . basil . a a facundus ap . baron . an. . pag. . b b vigil . const . lab. col . . c c concil . . col . . bin. pag. . lab. col . . d d crakenthorps vigil . dormit . chap. . pag. , &c. e e baron . an. . pag. & . idem . an. . pag. . f f bell. de concil . l. . cap. . h h baron . an. . pag. . i i ibid. pag. . ( g ) bin. notis in concil . . pag. . k k ibid. pag. . l l concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . m m baron . an. . pag. . n n baron . an. . pag. . o o concil . . collat. . ep. ad rustic . & sabin . & epist . ad valentin . ibid. p p baron . ib. pag. . q q victoris chronicon . an. 〈◊〉 post . consul . bas . r r baron . an. . pag. . s s see chap. iii. of this history . t t bin. not . in concil . . pag. . u u baron . an. . pag. . w w bin. notis ad concil . . ut supr . pag. . x x baron . an. . pag. , . y y idem an. . pag. . & . z z bin. notis ad concil . . pag. . §. cum . baron . an. . pag. , . a a baron . an. . pag. . b b baron . an. . pag. . c c an. . pag. . d d an. . ut supr . e e an. . pag. . f f an. . pag. . g g ibid. pag. . h h an. . pag. . ( i ) ibid. pag. , . k k concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . edict . justin . lab. col . col . . bin. pag. . k k epist . justin . ad concil . . collat. . bin. . lab. . l l concil . . collat. . bin. . lab. . m m baron . an. . pag. . n n idem . an. . pag. . o o concil . . collat. . bin. . lab. . p p ibid. bin. . lab. . q q baron . an. . pag. & . r r victoris chronic. an. . post . cons . basilij . s s ibid. an. . t t concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . lab. . u u victoris chron. ut supr . an. . liberat . breviar . cap. . w w idem an. ii. id est , an. justin . x x baron . an. . ut supr . y y idem . an. pag. . z z baron . an. . pag. & an. . initio . a a victor . chron. an. & . post consul . basilij . b b baron . an. . pag. . c c idem an. . pag. . d d idem . an. . ut supr . an. . just . e e concil . gen act. . & bin. not . ibid. f f baron . an. . g g baron . & bin. ut supr . cap. . h h id. an. . pag , . i i id. ib. p. . k k victor . chron. an. . post consul . basil . l l baron . an. . pag. . n. . m m beda de aetat . mund . an. . sigon . de reg . ital. an. . n n epist . pelag. . inter fragm . conc. . bin. pag. . lab. col. . o o bin. not. in epist . pel. . pag. . p p baron . an. . pag. & an. . pag. . q q evag. hist . lib. . cap. . r r concil . collat . . bin. & . lab. , & . t t phot. de synod . in concil . . ( f ) niceph. lib. . cap . u u baron . an. . pag . n. . w w anastas . apud baron . an. . p. . n. . x x victor . chron. an. . ( malè leg . . ) post consul . basil . y y vict. chr. anno . post cons . basil . z z vid. anastas . vitâ vigilii . a a baron . an. . p. . n. . b b bellarm. l. . de pont. rom. c. . sand. de visibil . monar . lib. . c c baron . an. . p. . n. . & an. . pag. . n. . d d id. an. . p. . n. . e e baron . an. . pag. . n. . f f id. an. . pag. . n. . bin. not . ad concil . . p. . g g procop. de bell . gothic● , 〈◊〉 . h h baron . an. . initio . i i liberat. brev. cap. . ap . baron . an. . pag. . n. . k k idem . an. . pag. . l l baron . an. . pag. . n. . an , . pag. . n. . m m bin. notis in con. . pag. . col. . n n supr . chap. . o o baron . & bin. ut supr . ( l ) p p bin. notis in con. . initio pag. . q q baron . an. . pag. . n. , . r r concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . lab. . s s ibid. collat. . epist . vigil . t t baron . an. . u u cusan . de concord . lib. . ch . . w w baron . an. . pag. . n. . x x id. ibid. pag. . y y bellar. de concil . lib. . cap. . z z baron . an. . num . . pag. a a id. ibid n. . pag. b b greg. m. lib. . epist . . c c turrian . de , & synodis pag. . d d bin. notis in concil . constantinop . . e e concil . chal. ced . act. . bin. tom. . par . . pag. . f f novel . cap. , . g g euseb . de vitâ constant . l. . c. . digest . lib. . lab. . h h concil . . col. . i i concil . chal. act. . k k baron . an. . pag. . n. . an . pag. . n. ● an. . pag. . n. . an. . pag. . n. . & . l l possevin . apparat. verbo suidas . m m platin. vit . bonif. secundi . n n trithem . lib. de script . eccles . o o concil . . act. . in epist . agath . p p lib. brev . cap. . 〈◊〉 q q precop . l. . de bell . goth. r r baron . an. . pag. . an. . pag. . an. . pag. . n. s s concil . . collat. . in fine bin. . lab. . t t baron . an. . pag. . n. . an. . pag. . n. . an. . pag. . u u see chap. & . w w aug. lib. contr . fulgent . donat. c. . x x baron . an. . pag. . , . n. , , , , . et an. . pag. . & passim . y y baron . an. . pag. , &c. . . z z evagr. hist . l. . c. . niceph. lib. . c. . baron . an. . pag. . a a victor in chron. an. . justin . b b damsacen . lib. de haeres . c c ai●on . de gest . franc. lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . paul. diac. de gest . lang. l. . c. . d d greg. mag. lib. . indic . . ep. . & lib. . ep. . e e possevin . in verb. nicephorut . f f baron . an. . pag. . n. . g g eustath . ap . sur. . aprills . h h see before chap. . i i baron . an. . pag. . n. . k k histor . miscel . lib. . l l zonar . tom. . vit . justin . m m baron . an. . pag. . n. . n n idem . an. , . n. . o o baron . an. . pag. . n. . p p greg. mag. lib. . moral . chap. . q q liberat. brev. cap. . baron . an. . pag. . n. . & in concil . . r r see crakenthpor's vigilius dormit . cap. . pag. , &c. s s baron . an. . pag. . n. , . an. . pag. . n. . an. . pag. . n. . an. . pag. . n. . t t constantin . manas . annal. pag. . u u justin . novel . . cap. . w w prag . sanct . c. . x x concil . . act. . & act. . y y baron . an. . pag. . z z ibid. pag. . n. . a a victoris . chronic. an. . post . cons . bas . b b idem in chron. in cons . justininani . an. . ejus regni . c c greg. mag. lib. . ep. . d d baron . an. . pag. & . e e baron . an. . pag. . n. . f f an. . pag. . n. . g g baron . an. . pag. . n. . h h id. an. . pag. . n. , . i i id. ibid. k k baron . an. . pag. . & alibi . l l id. an. . pag. . m m baron . an. . pag. . n. . n n luke xij . , . o o baron . an. . pag. . n. , . p p liberat. breviar . cap. . q q facundus apud baron . an. . ut supr . ( o ) r r vigil . ap . baron . ibidem . s s vid. ep. ap . binium . tom. . par . . pag. . lab. col . . t t see chap. . u u see chap. . w w vid. possevin . appar . verbo ( facundus . ) x x bellarm. de concil . l. . c. . y y baron . ap . bin. notis in liberat. brev . pag. . z z possevin . apparat . verbo ( liberatus . ) a a hieron . contr . russin . apol. . b b concil . . collat. . art. xi . bin. . lab. . c c ap. baron . an. . pag. . d d see instances in the author . vigil . dorm . pag. . c. . e e baron . an. . pag. . n. . f f dionys . exig . in praef. ad epist . procl . bib patrum . tom. iii. g g justin . leg. . de sum . trin. c. . h h baron . an. . pag. , . n. , &c. i i idem an. . pag. . num . . k k idem . an. . pag. & , &c. l l concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . m m baron . an. . pag. . n. . n n bin. notis in . concil . pag. . lab. . o o edictum justin . bin. pag. . lab. . greg. m. epist . . lib. . p p concil . . collat. . bin. pag. . lab. . q q baron . an. . pag. . n. . r r id. an. . ( pag. . n. . s s see chap. . t t baron . ut supra . ( lit . ( m ) u u bin. in notis ut supr . ( lit . n. ) w w concil . . col. . bin. . lab. . x x ibid. col. . bin. . lab. . y y greg. m. lib. . in d. . ep. . z z concil . chalced. act. . & act. . a a baron . an. . pag. . n. . & pag. . n. . bin. notis in conc. . pag. . lab. . b b concil . . collat. . bin. . lab. . c c lb. collat. bin. pag. . lab. . d d baron . an. . pag. . e e niceph. l. . c. . et evagr. lib. . c. . f f baron . an. . pag. . n. , &c. g g baron . an. . pag. . & bin. ut supr ( a ) h h concil . . collat. . bin. . lab. . anath . . i i concil . nicen. . act. . k k baron . an. . pag. . n. . bin. notis in concil . . pag. . lab. . l l baron . ibid. bin. & lab. ib. m m concil . . coll. . m m baron . an. . pag. . n. , &c. n n bin. notis in concil . . pag. . lab. . o o concil . . collat. . p p baron . an. . pag. . n. . q q baron . an. . pag. , . n. . è gul. tyr. de bel sacr . l. . c. . r r bellarm. de pont. l. . c. . t t concil . chal. act. . vel . u u concil . chalced. ap . baron . an. . sess . . pag. . n. . w w concil . chal. act. . bin. pag. . x x concil . sub . men. act. . bin. pag. . lab. pag. . y y baron . an. . pag. . & ap . bin. p lab. p. . z z berterii diatr . . cap. . a a baron . an. . p. . n. . & p. . n. . b b ibid. p. . n. . c c baron . ib. d d vid. concil . . act. . & . e e baron . an. . p. . n. . f f baron . an. . p. . n. . g g cod. theodos . tit. de haeret . l. . h h concil . . coll . . i i baron . an. , pag. . n. . k k id. an. . p. . n. . l l baron . an. . tom. . pag. . n. . m m qui vixit an. . lib. de sectis . n n leont . cap. . o o ibid. cap. . p p baron . an. . pag. , & . q q baron . an. . pag. . n. . r r ld . an. . pag. . n. , . et an. . pag. . n. . s s baron . an. . p. . n. . t t epistol . ad diosc . baron . an. . & ad leon. an. . & ad nomum . an. . u u baron . an. pag. . n. . w w id an. . pag. . n. . theodoret. hist . lib. . cap. . x x theodoret. ibid. cap. . y y baron . an. . pag. , & . n. . z z bin. not . in concil . p. . lab. . baron . an. . p. , &c. & an. . p. . a a confer . baron . an. & . & bin. not . in ep. clem. & turrian . maxime . b b baron . an. . pag. . n. . c c concil . v. collat. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . d d see many instances in the author at large . p. , &c e e baron . an. . p. . n. . f f vigil . dorm . c. . p. . g g baron . an. . p . n. . bin. tom. ii. par . . pag. . lab. col . . h h baron . an. . pag. . n. . i i vigil . epist . post . ep. . bin. pag. . lab. pag. . k k see above ( h ) l l see ch. . m m see ch. . n n see ch. . o o baron . an. . pag. . ● . , . p p id. ibid. pag. . n. . edict . vide leg. . cod. theod. q q baron . an. . pag. . n. . r r vid. justin . edict . bin. pag. . & lab. col . . vid. item concil . . collat . . bin. . lab. . s s concil . chalced. act. . bin. p . t t bin. tom. ii par . . pag. . lab. tom. v. p. . u u vita vigil . ibid. w w procop. de bell . goth. l. & . x x vita vigil . ut supr . y y procop. de bell . goth. l. . z z baron . an. . p. . n. . & . n. . a a baron . an. . p. . n. . b b bin. not . in vit . vigilii . c c vita vigil . ut supra . d d procop. de bell . persic . l. . e e idem bell . vandal . lib. , & . f f bin. not . in vit. vigilii . g g vita vigil . ut supra . h h bin. not . ibid. baron . an. . p. . i i baron . an. . pag. . k k liberati breviar . c. . bin. pag. . lab. . l l vigil . epist . & . m m victor . chron. an . . post . consul . basil . baron . an. . n n anastas . in vit . vigil . ut supr . o o baron . an. . p. . n. , . p p bin. not . in vit . vigil . p. . lab. . q q procop. de bell . goth. l. . a a anastas . vit . vigil . ut supra . b b baron . an. . pag. . c c baron . an. . pag. . n . bin not . in vit vigil . ut supr . d d anastas . in vit . vigil . ut supr . e e baron . an. . p. . n. . f f baron . an. . pag. . n. . g g procop. de bell . goth. l. . pag. , &c. h h anastas . vi● . vigil . ut supr . baron . an. . p. , & . n. & . i i procop. de bell . goth. l. . k k bin. not . in vit . vigil . p. . lab. . l l baron . ut supr . lit . ( h ) . m m locis supr . cit . n n procop. de bell goth. lib. . o o evagr. l. . cap. . p p anastas . in vita vigilij , ut supr . q q baron . an. . pag. . n. . r r genebr . chron. an. . s s baron . an. . pag. . n. , &c. t t anastas . in vit . bonif. . bin. pag. . an. . u u silverij ep. . & annst . ut supr . w w liberat. in brev. cap. . bin. pag. . lab. . x x idem . ibid. y y idem . ibid. & vid. anastas . in vitâ silverij z z baron . an. . pag. . & an. . pag. . a a vide epist . vigil . b b liberat. apud baron . an. . pag. . c c epist . . silver . ad vigil . d d liberat. ut supr . e e id. ibid. baron . an. . pag. . n. . & anastas . in vit . silverij . f f baron . an. . pag. . n. . g g ib. pag. . n. . h h vid. loca citat . ap . authorem . i i liberat. cap. . victor in chronico ubi ipsa epistola extat . & ap . baron . an. . pag. . n. . k k bel. l. . de pontif cap . l l vict. chron. an. . post consul . vigil . m m malmsb . l. . gest . pontif. pag. . n n damas . ep. . ap . bin. tom. . pag. . o o baron . an. . pag. . n. . p p bellarm. de rom. pont. l. . c. . q q baron . an. . pag. . n. . bin. not . in liberat. pag. . gretzer . defens . bel. l. . r r naucler . chron. gen . . s s ep. baron . an. . pag. . t t liberat. brev. c. . ut supr . u u bellarm. de pont. rom. l. . cap. . w w baron . an. . pag. . n. . notes for div a -e a a lab. col . . b b baron . an. . pag. n. . c c epist . vigil . ap . lab. col . . d d dissert . num. i. lab. pag. . num. ii . lab. col . . e e evagr. hist . lib. . c. . f f concil . . act. . tom. iii. par . . pag. . g g dissertat . insr . n. . pag. . num. iii. lab. col . . h h ep. pelag. . ap . lab. col . . i i vide not . in vit . pelag. . lab. col . . k k pelag. . ep. . lab. col . . baron . an. . pag. . num. iv . lab col . cad . l l see the history chap. . num. v. lab. ib. * * dissertat . insr . num. viii . col . . m m see the hist . chap. . num. vi . lab. col . . num. vii . lab. ib. & num. viii . ib. n n concil . vi . act. . bin. tom. . par . . pag. & notis ibid. pag. . o o vid. fragm . epist . vigil . lab. col . . p p epist . . vigil . lab. col . , &c. vid. dat . epist . col . . p p vid. . epist . vigilij . recit . in concil . act. . lab. col . , &c. baron . an. . q q ep. legatariis an. . lab. col . . r r baron . an. . pag. . num. ix . lab. col . . s s vid. epistol . concil . . collat . . lab. col . . num. x. lab. ibid. numb . xi & xii . lab. col . . t t see the histor chap. , &c. num. xiii . lab. col . . numb . xiv . lab. col . . numb . xv . ib. numb . xvi . lab. col . . numb . xvii . lab. ibid. u u epist . vigil . lab. col . . w w liberat. brev. cap. . bin. pag. . lab. col . . x x baron . an. . in fine & an. . pag. . y y vid. epist . . pelag. . lab. col . . z z baron . an. . pag. . n. . num. xviii . lab. col . . a a epist . vigil . lab. col . . num. xix & xx , lab. . num. xxi . lab. col . . num. xxii . lab. ib. num. xxiii , &c. lab. col . . b b see the hist . chap. xxviii . num. xxv . lab. col . . c c liberat. breviar . cap. . the abridgment of eusebius pamphilius's ecclesiastical history in two parts ... whereunto is added a catalogue of the synods and councels which were after the days of the apostles : together with a hint of what was decreed in the same / by william caton. ecclesiastical history. english eusebius, of caesarea, bishop of caesarea, ca. -ca. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the abridgment of eusebius pamphilius's ecclesiastical history in two parts ... whereunto is added a catalogue of the synods and councels which were after the days of the apostles : together with a hint of what was decreed in the same / by william caton. ecclesiastical history. english eusebius, of caesarea, bishop of caesarea, ca. -ca. . caton, william, - . the second ed. with larg editions by another hand. , [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed for francis holden, london : . "part i. a compendious commemoration of the remarkablest chronologies which are contained in that famous history. part ii. a summary or brief hint of the twelve persecutions sustained by the antient christians with a compendious paraphrase upon the same." "some passages out of a letter of a person of quality : giving a true relation in general concerning the heavenly lives of the primitive christians"--p. - [i.e. ] reproduction of original in the harvard university library. includes bibliographical references and index. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . persecution -- history -- early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an abridgment of eusebius pamphilius's ecclesiastical history , in two parts . part i. a compendious commemoration of the remarkablest chronologies which are contained in that famous history . part ii. a summary or brief hint of the twelve persecutions sustained by the antient christians , with a compendious paraphrase upon the same : whereunto is added a catalogue of the synods and councels , which were after the days of the apostles ; together with a hint of what was decreed in the same . by william caton . wickedness proceedeth from the wicked , as saith the proverb of the antients , sam. . . the second ed. with larg editions by another hand . london : printed for francis holden , in the passage going into white-hart-yard , in lombard-street , . to his well beloved friends the christian quakers , in england , or else where : william caton , your dear brother in the truth ; wisheth that , mercy and peace , with every good and perfect gift , necessary for your salvation , and consolation , may be plenteously multiplied among you , from god the father of our lord jesus-christ . my beloved , since i have heard of your manifold tribulations and frequent sufferings , which of late have befallen you , in your native country ; my heart hath often been filled with heaviness , not only ●hrough the report which plenteously have had thereof , but much rather ●hrough the sensible feeling which i have ●ad of the same : well , my friends , this the day which we have looked for , having foreseen its coming in the light the lord ; and therefore did some of th●… brethren often put you in mind of it , 〈◊〉 ( i believe ) many of you can testifie : a●… since this gloomy and dark day came upo●… the nation , i know your tryals have bee●… sharp , your burthens many , your tribulations great , and your temptations no●… a sew : yet nevertheless many of our ancestors , who have striven for the same fait●… and suffer for the same truth , for whic●… you suffer at present , have endured a gre●…ter fight of torments , exilements , and m●… terrible afflictions , then as yet you hav●… sustained , as may in part appear by this fo●…lowing treatise : yet in their days the fir●… had a time to kindle , before it brok o●… into such a vehement and consuming flame in which many of the antient believing christians were tryed , and their faith and patience thereby exercised , and when th●… lord had sufficiently proved and trye●… his jewels , as in a fiery furnace , then the vigor of the fire ceased , the flame came to be quenched , and then the jewels they were gathered , spared , and treasured up , in th●… closset of the lord's sanctuary : where neither moth , rust , nor thief could in any wise enter . this seems to be a day of your eternal trouble ( my dearly beloved ) wherein your faith and patience must be yet tryed , as in a furnace of hot persecution , and surely the flames thereof have lowed , and blazed already about you , though as yet it doth not appear that the vehemency thereof hath so much as scorched that vesture wherewith the lord had adorned you ; although the fury of man's wrath and indignation hath been greater against you ( that would not fall down to worship ) then against many malefactors and truce-breakers : but o will not the lord open their eyes , that they may see , that through the fiery indignation of their wrath and jealousie were kindled seventy times hotter than ever it hath been against any others , yet shall it not be able to consume your faith , nor to burn that garment wherewith your god hath arrayed you ; would they but see this , i know they would stand astonished ; yea and fall down in submission to the power of god , in the light of his son ; to worship him with you , o ye worshippers of the only true god , who can bow to no imag●… that is formed in the likeness of the true faith , true worship , true religion , but is it not that which it resembleth , neither conform to , or obey any decree , which enjoyneth you to act contrary to the righteous and royal law , which god the father hath put in your hearts , neither can purchase any freedom or liberty by fraud , guile , treachery , falshood or deceit ; surely your liberty shall be glorious , your reward shall be great , and your fame and renown shall spread among the godly and upright , who when they hear of your constancy and fidelity will be glad and rejoyce therein , and offer sacrifice of praise unto the highest on your behalf with me . wherefore my dearly beloved lift up the heads that droop , and the hands that hang down , yea strengthen the mind that is fee ble , and cheer up the heart that is heavy and sad , for your redeemer is at hand , and his salvation is very nigh , yet not withstanding his pleasure may be farther to try you that for the future you may be more precious in his sight , and his delight may be more and more in you ; who above many of the children of this world have obtained great favour in his sight , o loose not , loose not the same , but rather grow and increase therein ; to the enriching of your souls , with the coelestial or heavenly treasure which will remain when that which is uncertain is vanished and gone . i have here , composed a little treatise which consisteth chiefly of a cloud of witnesses who have been ingaged in the same case , for which you now suffer spoyling of your goods , the external ruin of some of your families & estates , the deprivation of your liberties , and what not ? and now through perusing of the same you may behold ( as in a glass ) what the antient christians have suffered ; first by the jews , secondly by the gentiles or heathen and finally by false christians ; yet i do believe that the notion of these things to some will be but as the shell to the kernel , or as the chaff to the wheat in comparison of that internal , sweet joy , comfort , and living refreshment which ( i do not doubt , but that ) many of you plentiously injoy , yea even in the heat of these troublesome and perilous times . this same abridgment of remarkable things which i have found upon record , i have thought good to dedicate unto you , in as much as you above many in the nation , are aquainted with the christian suffering state and condition , who heretofore have been men of sorrows and well acquainted with grief , as by that which followeth will more palpably and evidently appear . let not the innocent and simple be offended at it , because it is extracted out of some ecclesiastical histories ; for this i say , that many frivolous histories which frequently are perused by such as are prone and inclining to that wisdom and knowledge which is from below , are not to be compared to this ; for they being oft-times stuffed with forged fables , and lying tales , they stir up the vain , light , frothy minds in people : but the perusing of this which i have here collected , will rather stir up zeal , love and tenderness to the truth , and such as now suffer for it , as the antient christians heretofore have done . moreover through the viewing over of this , a litteral knowledge may in part be obtained , of the fruits , doctrines , principles and practises , of the apostatized christians , after their degeneration , of their synods and counsels , and what they decreed ; of the temptations , and provocations , which they had ( who retained their integrity ) both from the heathen and from the false christians , and how sad and lamentable their conditions were that did not continue faithful : which may serve for examples , to such among you ( beloved ) as are inconstant and of a doubtful mind , let them look upon origen and hear what he saith in his lamentation after his fall : and let them consider the faith and patience of such as chuseth rather to die than they would swear , or sacrifice , renounce the faith , or deny their lord and master , and therefore were some torn in pieces of wild beasts , some crucified , some beheaded , some stoned to death , some stifled , some fryed or rosted , some burned to ashes , some hanged , some brained , some had their eyes pulled out , and the empty place seared with a hot iron , some were drowned in the sea , some fettered and famished to death , in noysome prisons and dungeons : oh the torments that they endured are hard to be uttered , and that about the exercise of their conscience and the worship of their god. and truly i must tell you ( o beloved ) that i was constrained to lay those things before you , that if peradventure they might in any wise tend to the confirming and strengthening of the faith of some , to the forewarning of others of shrinking in the time of tryal , and to the strengthening of the hands of the weak and feeble against their persecutors ; who also hereby may see what judgment and misery came upon sundry of their persecuting fore-fathers : so that in my judgment it may be of use not only to you who are persecuted , but also to your oppressors and persecutors ; who now persist in their wickedness and impiety as if they should never come to judgment for the same : well my dearly beloved , be not you discomforted and cast down in your spirits , because the wicked is set up , and the ungodly prospers in his ways , and the workers of iniquity they are counted happy yet it was not thus in the beginning , neither shall it allways so continue ; for the lord our god in his due time , will strik the hook into the jaw of the leviathan , so that he shall be restrained , and the pure and upright in heart shall be delivered out of his paw , and snare , into the glorious liberty of the children of god : wherefore let none be afraid who are called to follow the lamb in this notable day , for i am perswaded , that tribulation , nor persecution , exilment nor banishment , fire nor sword , things present nor things to come ( though all these do come ) shall not be able to seperate us from that love which we are made partakers of , in christ jesus our lord , in whom i bid you farewel ; my dearly beloved . a general epistle for young schoollars and little children . dear children , remember your creator , and the end wherefore you were created , now in the day , of your youth , before you grow old in sin , and take rooting in corrupt ground of unighteousness , incline your hearts to holiness and to the fear of the lord , that you may abound in wisdom and knowledge ; learn you to know a tender principle in your hearts , to teach and instruct you to withhold and restrain you from folly and wantonness , from frivolous or vain gaming , and sporting your selves with idle toyes , and unprofitable playes , which do not only strengthen that which is thereunto addicted in your selves , but doth toyle and weary your tender bodies ; and when you sit down at night some times hungry , and often weary , consider then what you have reaped by your playes , sports and pastimes , have you not thereby some time provoked your tutors , to wrath and anger against you for neglecting of your books and learning ; have you not also offended and grieved your parents , by your neglect of your business and imployment , and then you being sencible of your fault and transgression , the shew of your countenance that witnesseth against you , and inwardly you are perplexed and terrified , partly through fear of your tutors and partly through fear of your parents , when through your folly you have procured their displeasure , and then are you afraid of chastisement ; now if for the time to come you would be freed from this fear , do that which is good , by being diligent and keeping in the fear of the lord , and then shall you obtain praise and commendation both of your parents and tutors . again ( o children ) when you are together , whether in families schools , or else where , be not wild , rude , brutish , nor provoke not one another to folly , and wantonness , but be sober , gentle , meek and civil , and let the fear of the lord be before your eyes , least you sall into condemnation . and you that are of a mild , gentle and tender nature , who seel something in your hearts restraining you from the evil , which abounds among your fellows ; if you cannot get dominion over it while you are with them , then separate your selves from them at convenient seasons , and pertake not with them in their wantonness in their . folly , plays , sports and pastimes , but rather betake your selves to your books ; or in some retired place , to wait upon the lord : and if they that be wild and wanton through their play and wantonness do get recreation to their bodies , you through your stillness and waiting upon the lord shall get refreshment to their souls , in which you shall have joy and pleasure , when they shall be ashamed of their folly and have trouble and sorrow for the same . when i was a school boy , i was for many years as much inclined to wantonness , and play , as my fellows , though sometime i was enticed and drawn by them into things which i knew then certainly , to be evil , and contrary to the tender principle of god in my conscience , yet rather than i would be behind them in their wonton childish follies , ( and thereby have come to have been jeered and derided by them ) i chused rather at that time to run with them to the same excess of vanity , though i knew for certain i ought not to have done it , and when for the same i came to be corrected by my tutor , and judged of the lord , i was made to confess , that it was just , and that i had justly deserved the same . afterwards through the mercy and goodness of the lord i came to be farther illuminated or enlightned before i left the school ; and come to have a perfect sense of true judgment being set up in my heart , and then i came to be filled with sorrow and heaviness , for the loss of my mispent pretious time , and the sins of my youth , ( even while i was yet a youth ) were brought exceeding fresh into my remembrance , and became in those daies my great burthen , and withal in those daies my study and learning became also burthensome , and not these alone , but especially the wantonness and rudness , folly and naughtiness of my school fellows , that also became grievous unto me at times , and a dread and fear was upon me , ( when i minded the lord ) that i durst not run with them to folly and wantonness as i had done before ; so that when they have gone to play , i have retired my self into some private place to ponder upon the things which the lord put into my heart . and when with a retired mind and upright heart , i came in sincerity to wait upon the lord , then came my soul to feel some secret communion with him , and to receive some crummes of living refreshment from him ; and then was i joyful in him at night , whereas formerly i had sorrow and heaviness by reason of my folly and wantonness . but then again at other times , when i neglected waiting upon the lord in the light of his son in my heart , and that i came to be enti●…ed by my school-fellows or some of them to go with them too , or to joyn with them in , or partake with them of one vanity , or another ; and some time rather ▪ then i would displease them ( or one especially unto whom i was then obliged ) i have consen●…ed to their request , and some time i have seemed to be cheerful and merry among them in the time of our pastime , when it was more in appearance than in my heart , that being smitten , and i inwardly wounded , for my folly and vanity , unto which i had condescended , yet i allowed not of it , nevertheless that which i ( the light ) hated and would not , that i ( that was born in sin ) did , and ●…mbraced ; and even then a good desire was present with me in my heart , but how to perform it , knew not otherwise then through the cross ; yet on these daies when i did well through keeping in the fear of the lord , then was it well with me ; but when i condescended to evil , and was thereby overcome inwardly and outwardly , then was my troubles and sorrow great , and my stripes many , and that in the daies of my youth ; but since , i have seen it to be the everlasting love of god to me . these things i rehearse unto you whereby you may understand how the lord dealt with me , and how it was with me , while i was yet a scholar ; to the end that you may somewhat the better know how to behave your selves ( i mean you that are tender , among them that are wild and rude ) in schools where you are appointed to learn and to be instructed . moreover ( dear children ) i have considered , how that many of you are naturally inclining to knowledge and understanding in the things which are laudable , or worthy of praise , among juditious men : and these things which i have here composed , being worthy not only of recording , but also of perusing , i have thought them very fit for you to learn or read at home and at schools , yea fitter then other writings which are hard to be understood , and beyond your weak childish capacity to comprehend : for the much reading of such deep things , which you can not perceive nor comprehend , doth rather dull your understanding , then enliven your senses , and rather mitigates your desires , then kindles your inclinations to reading and learning : but as for many of those things which i have here published , they are so worthy to be looked into , and the knowledge of them may be so good and profitable , that after you are entred into the reading of them , your desires may be augmented or enlarged , not only to look over part of them , but even to see the end and conclusion of them ; that henceforth they may be retained by you , in your minds , that when you see things fall out of the same nature in this your age , then you may remember h●…w that many of our ancestors have suffered and sustained a great fight of sore afflictions , and that the same you may communicate to your children , that they also may hear of them and learn them : for irenaeus in his epistle to florinus said , i remember better the things of old , then the affairs of late ; for the things we learn in our childhood , sink farther into our minds and grow together with us : euseb. lib. . ch. . now for your furtherance and profit ( o little children ) have i in part taken some what the more time in this matter , that so i might explain and interpret the most hard words i met withal , in this abridgment ; and that as i found them ; that you might understand them even as you read them ; for i believe there are but few of the school-masters that do teach those children that do only read english , rightly to understand such hard words when they meet with them in their lessons , as you may find in this following treatise explained : and thus may you know my interpretation of them which i have commonly written in a parenthesis as for example . let the whole clergy mourn ( i. e. bishops , priests , deacons , or the whole number of them that take upon them the ministry ) again the antient christians were forbidden formerly to hold conventicles ( i. e. private assemblies ) or meetings that are small in which there is plotting and conspiring against the powers ; or that are for other evil ends , such are commonly called conventicles ; these two letters ( i. e. ) serve for id est , which is as much as to say , that is , likewise , in the margent of the first part of my book you may often find lib. and a certain figure with it as lib. . know ye ( o little children ) that lib. serves for liber , which by interpretation is a book as lib. . the forth book ; and ch. serves for chapter ; and such as the figure is , that followes ch such is the chapter , as lib. . ch. . that is the fourth book and fifteenth chapter . moreover the use of the index or table is this : suppose you would know something concerning the christians formerly , whether of their prosperity , or sufferings ; then turn to the table , which i have placed in the begining of the first part of my book , and see for the letter c , which when you have found , then see in what book or chapter that is to be found which you desire to see . and then , and there , with very little trouble , ( when you come to understand my directions aright ) may you find the thing : so that the choicest things in the first part of my book , may you soon find out , by the help of the index , if your time will not permit you to look through the whole . yet this ought you to note , that the aforesaid index serves only to the former part of my book in which some of the things contained in the latter part , are to be found more at large . and as concerning the twelve persecutions which i have here inserted ; they are so exceeding largly treated on in the book of martyrs , that there are but few that will take the pains to look them through , nor not many of the vulgar or common sort of people that will , or can well buy them , they being of such high prices : and again they being locked up in chaines in steeple-houses , and so in the custody often times of persecutors , where you can have little bénefit by them ; therefore was there the more necessity of such an abridgment as this , which will neither cost much mony to buy it , nor yet very much paines to reàd it . as for the martyers that have suffered in our own nation formerly , i have scarce medled with them , their sufferings being yet fresh in the remembrance of many , and may yet be brought up fresher into the remembrance of many through the * present lingering martyrdom , which may become more sharp and bloody if a high hand prevent it not . wherefore record , record , as with a pen of iron , and as with a point of a diamond , the noble observations and transactions of this age , which your eyes ( o ye little children ) shall see and behold ; let them be told to your childrens children . in the mean time ( o you little ones ) mind you the fear of the lord , and be not you intangled in , or with the snare of satan , though he would give you all the glory of the world , yea and all that which your eyes in the world can behold , which may as truly now be accounted vanity of vanitis , yea , and all to be concluded to be vanity , as in the daies of solomon ; who said that all things under the sun were vanity , and vexation of spirit . one thing more must i add , as a very testimony indeed of truth unto you , ( towards whom my bowels yearnes ) and that is this , the sooner that you take up the cross , the lighter will it be for you , the sooner that you stoop under the yoak , the easier it will be for you , the sooner you imbrace the truth , the more natural it will become unto you , and the sooner that you forsake the divel and all his works , together with the world , and the pomp and vanity thereof , the easier it will be for you , and the more blessed and happy will you become : these things as my own experience do i commit unto you , in as much as in the daies of my youth , i obtained great mercy from the hand of my god , through whose unspeakable love i am at times constrained to intreat , and perswade them that yet are young to learn the fear of the lord , and the perfect knowledge of his way , into which god almighty of his infinit love , bring all you whose eyes may see , and hands handle this same book , that every one of you , in your generation , may become faithful and true witnesses , in your generation , unto him , who is your creator , and who created you to serve him in righteousness and true holiness , in the creation ; therefore , i say again , remember him in the days of your youth , and love him with all your hearts , ( who gives you life and breath , and thorugh whose blessing you obtain food and raiment ) that when your parents have finished their testimony , and sealed it with their blood ; that then you ( their off spring ) may stand up in the name , strength and power of our god , to the bearing of your faithful testimony to , and for the same blessed cause , for which many of your dear parents at this day do suffer ; and if it be the good will and pleasure of our god , to honour any of them with banishment , or to crown any of them with martyrdom ( as he hath done many of his pretious saints before them ) be you therewith content , without murmuring against the lord , or entertaining a revengful spirit in your hearts , and peradventer that you shall ( in your days ) see him repay , to whom vengeance belongs , who hath said unto his seed and off-spring , i will never leave thee , nor forsake thee ; this faithful creator is he unto whom you must look , and unto whom you must come , then will he not leave you comfortless , though you be deprived of many external comforts , yet behold ( o ye dear little ones ) he hath enough reserved in store for to comfort and refresh you withal ( if you love him and keep his commandments ) yea and all the comfortless that come unto him , who is said to be a father to the fatherless , a comforter of the comfortless , with whom there is mercy that he may be feared to whose disposing , and protection i commend you , wishing your good success and prosperity in all vertue , and in every goodwork , farewel dear children ; your real and entire friend w. c. rotterdam in holland the of the mo. . a father's advise to his child , or the maidens best adorning ; being a directory for youth , setting forth the greatest beauty by a holy conversation . dear child these words which briefly i declare let them not hang like jewels in thine ear . but in the secret closet of thy heart safe lock 'em up that they may n'er depart . give first to god the flower of thy youth take for thy guide the blessed word of truth . adorn thy self with grace , prize wisdom more than all the pearls upon the indian shore . think not to live still free from grief and sorrow the man that laughs to day may weep to morrow . nor dream on joys unmixed ; here below the fragrant roses on the thorn do grow . scorn the deluding world , that most bewitches and place thy hope in everlasting riches . make room for christ , let not so base a guess as earth have any lodging in thy breast . bad company as deadly poyson shun ; thousands by that are ruin'd and undone . the giddy multitude still go a stray turn from the broad and chuse the narrow way . keep death and judgment always in thine eye non's sit to live , but who are fit to dye . make use of present time because thou must shortly take up thy lodging in the dust . 't is dreadful to behold a settin sun , and night appearing e're our work be done . let not thy winged days be spent in vain when gone no gold will call 'em back again . strive to subdue thy sin when first beginning custom when once confin'd is strangly winning . be much at prayer , it is the begging trade by which true christians are the richest made . of meditation get the blessed art and often search thy own deceitful heart . fret not , nor envy at thy neighbours wealth , preferment , beauty , learning , strength or health . abhor the lying tongue , vile fraud detest , plain hearted men by providence are blest . take heed of idleness , that cursed nurse and mother of all vice ; ther 's nothing worse . and fly from pride , high hills are barren found but lowly vallies with christ fruits are crownd . short sinful pleasures and delights eschue , eternal torments are their wages due . i' th race of temperance run and always keep a mean in eating , drinking , and in sleep . nor costly garments weare , let men admire thy person most , and not thy rich attire . lay treasures that are good up in thy heart which by discourse , thou wisely mayst impart . to profit others , holy thoughts within will guide thy tongue , and guard thy lips from sin , learn to distinguish between faithful friends , and fauning flatterers , who for base ends will speak thee fair , whose words are soft and oylie and make a shew of friendship to beguile thee . the secrets of thy friend do not disclose , left in so doing thou resemble those whose ears are leaking vessels , which contain nothing , but what 's pour'd in runs out again at the mouth , these fools proclaim themselves unfit for any trust , and to be voyd of wit. if thou resolve to change a single life and hast proposed to become a wife , c●…use then thy husband not for worldly gain , not for his shape or air ; these things disdain . if money draw , or thou by lust art lead , expect no blessing of thy marrage bed . but if the fear of god most excellent , be thy chief end , then look for true content . cast off all needless and distrustful care , a little is enough , o're much a snare . our journey from our cradles to our grave can be but short , no large provision crave . for such conveniences as must be had confide to god who hath so richly clad the fragrant meadows , with fresh ' silver show'rs send down to nurse up tender plants and flowers . he for the chirping birds provides a nest , and gives each creature that which feeds 'em best . to him give thanks for mercys which before thou hadst receiv'd , and that makes way for more , for faults before his face , reprove thy friend but all good deeds behind his back commend . labour for peace , chuse to contend with none let reason , with sweet clamours , keep the throne , treading fierce wrath , and lawless passions down the grace of meekness is the womans crown . be loving , patient , courteous and kind , in doing these thou'lt praise and honour find , here on the earth ; and when all conquering death thy body shall desoul , and stop thy breath ; upon the golden wings , of faith and love thy soul shall fly to paradise above ; when sin , and sorrow shall for ever cease , and there be crown'd with endless joys and peace . greshon boate. catonis disticha . rumores fugè , ne incipias novus autor haberi : nam nulli tacuisse nocet , nocet esse locutam . shun rumors , least thou beest as th' author nam'd ; silence hurts none , but some for words are blamed . cum rectè vivas , ne cures verha malorum arbitrii nostri non est quid quisque loquatur . when thou livest well , mind not what lewd folks say : it is not in our power their tongues to sway . dilige non oegrâ charos pietate parentes nec matrem offendas , dum vis bonus esse parenti . thy parents love , the one as well as th' other ; to please thy father , doe not cross thy mother . tranquillis rebus quoe sunt adversa cave to : rursus in adversis melius sperare memento , when things go well adversity beware ; again , when things go ill , do not dispair . veritati adhaereto . stick to the truth . this historiographer eusebius is accounted by many , to be a witness unto whom credit may be given ; he was a bishop of caesarea , and one that was said to be very studious in the holy scripture ; he flourished chiefly under the emperour constantinus magnus , and his son constantius , about the year . the index , or table . a. adrian the emperours remarkable epistle in the christians behalf . lib. . chap. . agbarus epistle unto iesus . l. . c. ●… . antioch citizens stirred up against the christians . l. . c. . antonius pius epistle in the behalf of the christans . l. . c. . apphianus zeal and boldness . l. . c. . apollonarius touching montanus and the false prophets that then were entred , l. . c. . . . attalus revelation . l. . c. . b. basilides courtesie to a virgin martyr , how he would not swear , and so was beheaded . l. . c. . biblis restored again to the faith in the time of torment . l. . c. . bishops bribed with presents and sums of money . l. . c. . bishops divided about a lay-mans preaching . l. . c. . blandina refreshed in her suffering and torments . l. . c. . c. christians name , dwelling , and foundation . l. . c. . christians suffering by proclamations , or edicts . l. . c. . christians terribly threatned , and some converted by beholding their innocent sufferings . l. . c. . christians prosperity , & also calamity . l. . c. . christians were generally summoned to appear at the idols temple . l. . c. . clements and of his epistle . l. . c. . clements bishop of alexandria touching the scriptures . l. . c. . clergy freed from paying tax or tribute . l. ●… . c. . d. definition of a christian . l. . c. . doctrine of christ approved of by tiberius , l . c. . dioclesians proclamations against the christians . l. . c. . dionysius epistle concerning the martyrs . l. . c. . dionysius epistle to the romans . l. . c. . dionysius epistle to novatus . l. . c. . dionysius vision . l. . c. . dionysius fidelity and constancy in the time of tryal . l. . c. . e. easter and the controversie about that fast. l. . c. . emperors begun to favour the christians . l. . c. . emperours proclamation concerning christian religion . l. . c. . the emperour refered the bishop to the judges , for them to take acours●… with troublesome persons . l. . c. . the encratits and their heresie . l. . c. . f. the frenchman's epistle unto the church l. . c. . g. the gospel of the evangelists . l. . c. . vide l. . c. . h. how heresie crept into the church , when persecution ceased . l. . c. . hereticks were a slander unto christian religion . l. . c. . hereticks and false prophets among the christians . l. . c. . herod was smitten of an angel. l. . c. . i. james was slain with a sword l. . c. . the martyrdom of james the brother of jesus . l. . c. . a history of john the apostle , and a young man. l. . c. . ignatius his valourous courage . l. . c. . josephus testimony of christ. l. . c. . justinus the martyr . l. . c. , , . the jews would not allow of carved images . l. . c. . what irenaeus wrote concerning the holy scriptures . l. . c. . l. law against the christians l. . c. . licinnius cruelty towards the christians . l. . c. . m. why mark wrote his gospel . l. . c. . see. l. . c. . maximinus impiety , & proclamations . l. . . c. , , . maximinius conquered , his proclamation and iudgment . l. . c. . money given to ministers . l. . c. . n. nero's persecutions l. . c. . nicolas and his sect. l. . c. . novatus beresie and impietie . l. . c. . o. origen's zeale while he was young his l●…vs to the martyrs , how he sold his philosophy books . l. . c. . origen's tryall , fall , and bitter lamentation . l. . c. . p. paulus samosatenus's heresie . l. . c. . persecutions against the christians . l. . c. . persecution suddenly revived againe against the christians . l. . c. . pilate became his own murtherer . l. . c. . plinus secundus the christians great friend . l. . c. . polycarpus's nobility , and , constancy untill death l. . c. . pothinus dyed in prison . l. . c. . polycrates of the death of john , and philip the apostles . l. . c. . a proclamation against the christians . l. . c. . priests sedition among themselves about tythes . l. . c. . r. roman empire prosperous wh●…le the christians injoyed their liberty in it . l. . c. . s. sanctus's constancy and martyrdom . l. . c. concerning the scriptures . l. . c. . sects among the jews . l. . . simeon the bishops martyrdom . l. . . simon magus the 〈◊〉 . l. . c. . the church of s●…yrna's epistle to other churches . l. . c. . a synod summoned to rome . l. . c. . t. thaddaeus cured king agbarus but would receive no money for his cure , nor for his preaching . l. . c. . theodisia a virgins suffering . l. . c. . theudas the soycerer beheaded . l. . c. . v. valerianus was at the first mild and gentle towards the christians , but afterwards he became exceeding cruell . l. . c. . urbanus a cauel persecutor fell into great misery . l. . c. . y. young and old were injoynd to sacrifice unto the gods of the heathens . l. . c. . hoc genus literarum non cum credendi necessitate , sed cum judicandi libertate legendum est . this kind of writings is to be read , not with a necessity of believing them , but with a liberty to judge of them . the first book of eusebius pamphilus . the definition of a christian. eusebius saith , in his first book of his ecclesiastical history , in the fifth chapter , that he that will express the name of a christian , must be such a man as excelleth through the knowledge of christ and his doctrine , in modesty and righteousness of mind , in continency ( i. e. chastity ) of life , in vertuous fortitude ( i. e. srength ) and in confession of sincere piety ( i. e. godliness ) towards the one and the only universal god. of the martyrdom of john baptist ; and the testimony of josephus touching christ. in the th chap. of the aforesaid book , euseb. speaking of iohn baptist , relates how that when divers flocked together , ( for many greatly delighted in hearing of him ) herod fearing least that so forcible a power of persuading , which was with him , should lead the people into a certain rebellion , he supposed it far better to bereave him of his life , before any novelty were by him put in use , than that change , with danger , being come in place , he should repent him and say ; had i wist . thus iohn because of herod's suspicion was sent toward , and there beheaded . in the same chapter he repeats what iosephus wrote of christ ; saying , there was at that time one jesus , a wise man ( if it be lawful to call him a man ) a worker of miracles , a teacher of them that received the truth with gladness ; he drew after him many , as well of the jews as gentiles . this same was christ ; and though pilate by the judgment of the chief rulers amongst us , delivered him to be crucified , yet there wanted not them , which from the beginning loved him . of him the christian people borrow their name . the epistle of king agbarus unto iesus christ. agbarus governour of edessa , unto jesus the good saviour shewing himself in ierusalem , sendeth greeting ; i have heard of thee and thy cures which thou hast done , without medicines & herbes . for as the report goeth , thou makest the blind to see , the lame to go , the lepers thou cleansest , foul spirits and devils thou castest out ; the long diseased thou restorest to health , and raisest the dead to life . when that i heard these things of thee , i imagined with my self one of these two things , either that thou art god come from heaven , and dost these things , or the son of god that bringest such things to pass ; wherefore by these my letters i beseech thee to take the pains to come unto me , and that thou wilt cure this my grievous malady ( i. e. disease or sickness ) wherewith i am sore vexed : i have heard moreover , that the jews murmur against thee , and go about to mischief thee , i have here a little city and an honest , which will suffice us both . the epistle of christ unto agbarus . agbarus , blest art thou , because thou hast believed in me , when thou sawest me not ; for it is written of me , that they which see me shall not believe in me , that they which see me not , may believe and be saved . concerning that that thou wrotest unto me , that i should come unto thee ; i let thee understand that all things touching my message are here to be fulfilled , and after the fulfilling thereof , i am to return again unto him that sent me ; but after my assumption ( i. e. taking up ) i will send one of my disciples unto thee , which shall cure thy malady , and restore life to thee , and them that be with thee . unto these epistles there was a narration added in the syrian tongue , which sheweth how that after jesus ascention , there was one of his disciples sent to the city where agbarus resided , and when the king heard of him , he sent for him ; and when thaddaeus the disciple , and one of the heard the message , he said , i go , for it is for his sake that i am sent thus mightily to work : and when he was come to the king , he asked him , saying , art thou of truth a disciple of jesus the son of god , which made me this promise ; i will send unto thee one of my disciples , which shall cure thy disease , and shall shew life unto thee and all thine ? to whom thaddaeus made answer , because thou hast greatly believed in the lord jesus which sent me , therefore am i sent unto thee ; but in case that thou believest in him as yet , thy hearty petitions according unto thy faith thou shalt obtain . to whom agbarus said , i have continued so believing in him , that i could have found in my heart , mightily to destroy the jews which crucified him , were not the roman empire a lett unto my purpose . thad . said again , our lord and god jesus christ , fulfilled the will of his father , which being finished he is ascended unto him . agb. answered , and i have believed in him and in his father : to whom thad . replies ; therefore in the name of the same lord ●…esu i lay my hand upon thee , which when he had done he was forthwith cured of his malady , and delivered of the pain that pressed him sore . agbarus marvelled at this , that even as it was reported to him of jesu , so in truth by his disciple and apostle thad . without apothecary stuff , and vertue of herbs , he was cured with many more : so afterwards agb , being desirous to know many things concerning christ , he commanded his citizens to be gathered together to hear the sermon of thaddaeus , which being ended the king charged that gold coined , and uncoined should be given him ; but he received it not , saying , in so much that we have forsaken our own ; how can we receive other mens ? the second book of eusebius . tiberius approved of the doctrine of christ , but so did not the senate . the emperour tiberus , would have had christ canonized in the number of the gods , in whose time the christian name was spread abroad in the world ; and when this doctrine was signified to him , he communicated the same unto the senate , declaring withal that this doctrine pleased him right well ; but the senate rejected it , because they had not allowed the same ; but he persevered in his opinion , threatning them death that would accuse the christians . the jews would not allow of carved images . the jews formerly judged it an hainous offence , that any carved image should be erected in the city , yea so great was their indignation against pictures , that upon a certain time when the pictures of caesar were conveyed by night into jerusalem , they that were nearest unto them , at the sight thereof , when the day appeared , stamped them with their feet , as if they had been abrogated laws ( i. e. laws abolished or disannulled ) . the death of pilate . pilate that was president in the time of christ under cajus , fell into such misery , that necessity constrained him to use violence upon himself , so that he became his own murtherer . of the martyrdom of james the apostle . when king herod stretched forth his hand to vex certain of the church , he slew james the brother of john with the sword ; and it is recorded , that he which drew him before the tribunal-seat , when he saw that he would willingly suffer martyrdom , was therewith moved , and voluntarily confessed himself to be a christian ; then were they both brought together , but he in the way requested james the apostle to pardon him , which after he had paused a little upon the matter , turning unto him , answered , peace be unto thee , and kissed him ; and so they were both beheaded together . how herod was smitten . upon a certain time king herod put on a silver robe wonderfully wrought , which yielded so gorgeous a glistering to the eye , that the shining thereof seemed terrible , and intollerable ( almost ) to the beholders : flatterers forthwith , one one thing , and another another thing , bolt out such sentences , as turned , in the end , to his confusion , and saluting him as god , they added therewith all , be gracious ; for though hitherto we have feared thee as man , yet henceforth we confess thee to be above all mortal nature . these things the king rebuked not , neither repelled this impious flattery ; but after he was smote of an angel , and then he said , i which seemed to you a god , and was saluted immortal , am now constrained to end the race of this life : for we have lived not miserably , but in that prosperous estate , which is termed blessed . of theudas the sorcorer . there was a certain sorcerer named theudas ( of whom the scripture makes mention acts . ) who perswaded a great multitude to follow him unto the river jordan , bringing with them their whole substance ; for he reported himself to be a prophet , and that at his commandment the rivers should divide it self , parting in the midst , yielding unto them free passage through ; and in so saying , he seduced many who afterwards were suppressed , and theudas being taken was beheaded , and his head was brought to jerusalem . of simon magus . simon magus , was esteemed and accounted in the city of rome for a god , and honoured as a god , with a picture between two bridges upon the river tibris , having this roman superscription , simoni deo sancto ; to simon the holy god ; and in manner all the samaritans , and certain also of other nations did worship him , acknowledging him for the chief god ; he is said to have been the first author of heresie ; they that have followed his heresie , have much overflowed in filthiness , and obscenity ( i. e. silthy talk ) for it is said of them , that whatsoever may be imagined more foul than any filthiness , the same hath their damnable heresie surpassed , and poor wretched women they have deluded , with a heap of all kind of evils . of the gospel written by s. mark. it is said that the romans were not satisfied with hearing peter once , nor yet sufficed with the unwritten doctrine that he had delivered ; and therefore did they injoyn s. mark ( whose gospel is now spread abroad ) that he would leave in writing unto them the doctrine , which they had received by preaching , neither ceased they until they had perswaded him , and so given an occasion of the gospel to be written , which is now after mark. what the christians were called . the christians were called worshippers , either because like cunning physitians they cured and heald such as came unto them of their malicious passions , or that religiously they worshipped the celestial god-head with pure and sincere worship ; it is said they renounced their substance , and that they which professed philosophy abandoned ( that is , forsook or cast of ) their own proper goods , and severed themselves from all the cares of this life : and forsook the cities , and lived solitary in fields and gardens . further ( he saith ) they did contemplate ( that is , behold in their minds , or think upon ) not only divine things , but they made grave canticles , or songs and hymns unto god , &c. moreover , saith he , they placed continency ( that is , chastity ) in the mind , as a certain foundation ; next they built there upon other vertues . and among them there were divers elderly virgins to be found , who despised corporal lust , &c. what sedition was among the priests about tythes . the aforesaid eusebius relates something out of josephus concerning a dissention that was between the high-priests and the inferior-priests , and chief of the people at jerusalem ; they skirmished among themselves , saith he , they vexed one another , they slinged one at another ; yea so impudent and past all shame , saith he , were the high-priests become , that they stuck not to send and take away from the barn-floors the tythes due unto the inferior-priests ; so that in the end it fell out , that the priests were seen to perish for poverty . of the martyrdom of james , who was called the brother of jesus . james the brother of christ , was termed a just and perfect man ; it is said that he took in hand the government of the church after the apostles ; and when many of the princes were perswaded , there arose a tumult of the jews , scribes and pharisees , saying , it is very dangerous least the whole people look after this jesus , as though he were christ. and being gathered together , they said to james , we pray thee stay this people , for they err in jesu , as though he were the true christ ; we pray thee perswade this people concerning jesu , for we all obey thee , yea we and all the people testifie of thee , that thou art just , and respectest not the person of any man ; stand therefore upon the ●…innacle of the temple , that thou mayest be seen aloft , and that thy word may be heard plainly of all the people . the aforesaid scribes and pharisees placed james upon the pinnacle of the temple , and shouted to him and said , thou just man , at whose commandment we are all here : in somuch as this people is seduced after jesus who was crucified , declare unto us which is the door , or way of jesus crucified ? and he answered , with a loud voice , why ask ye me of jesus the son of man , when as he sitteth at the right hand in the great power in heaven , &c. when as he had perswaded many , so that they glorified god at the testimony of james , and said hosanna , ( i. e. save now i beseech thee ) in the highest to the son of david . then the scribes and pharise●…s said among themselves , we have done very ill in causing such a testimony of jesus to be brought forth ; but let us climb up and take him , to the end that the people may be stricken with fear , and so may be brought to renounce his faith ; and they shouted , saying , o , o! and the just also is seduced ; so they climbed up , and threw justus down headlong , saying , let us stone james justus ; and they begun to throw stones at him ; for after his fall he was not fully dead . and he fell upon his knees , saying , i beseech thee lord god and father , forgive them for they wote not what they do . and as they were a stoning of him , one of the priests , the son of rechab , the son of charabim , whose testimony is in ieremy the prophet , cryed out , cease , wh●…t do you , this just man prayeth for you ? and one of them that were present , taking a fullers ●…b , stroke iustus on the head and brained him , and so he suffered martyrdom . of nero's persecution and wickedness . it is recorded of nero the emperor , before whom paul appeared , that he was so wicked that he tormented his own mother with divers kinds of death , his bretheren , his wife , and many of his nearest kinsfolks , as if they had been enemies , and deadly foes unto him . he was counted the first enemy , of all the emperors , unto the service of god ; yea some boasted and said , they which knew him , may easily perceive that this our doctrine had never been condemned by nero , had it not been passing good : it is written that paul was beheaded , and peter crucified of him at rome . the third book of eusebius . of clemens and his epistle which was read in churches . when anacletus had been bishop of rome twelve years , clemens succeeded , whom paul , writing to the philippians , calleth his fellow labourer , when he saith : with clemens and the rest of my fellow labourers , whose names are written in the book of life ; one undoubted epistle there is of his extant , both worthy and notable , the which he wrote from rome unto corinth , when sedition was raised among the corinthians ; the same epistle we have known to have been read publickly in many churches , both of old , and among us also ; at that time there was raised a sedition among the corinthians . an history of john the apostle and a young-man . ensebius hath a certain relation of a passage concerning the apostle iohn , in the ch. of his third book there he sheweth ; how that when iohn was come unto a certain city , and among other things he having recreated the brethren ; he beheld a young man of a goodly body , gracious face , fervent mind , whom he committed unto him that was appointed chief over all the bishops , saying , i commend this young man unto thy custody , with an earnest desire as christ and the church can bear me witness ; so iohn returned to ephesus . but in process of time , this young man became very dissolute ( i. e. wanton , loose , or given to much vain pleasure ) and perniciously accompanyed himself with them of his own years , that were idle , dissolute , and acquainted with ill behaviour ; first , they brought him to sumptuous banquets , next they guided him in the night to steal and to rob , so after he forsook the right way , he brought himselfe unto a bottomeless pit of all misorder and outrage : and a rout of thieves being gathered together he became a most violent captain of thieves wholly bent to slaughter , and murther , and extreame cruelty . in the mean while ( necessity so constraining ) the bishop sent for iohn ; he , when he had ended and finished the cause of his coming ; go to ( saith he ) o bishop restore unto us thy charge which i and christ have committed unto thy custody , the church whereof thou art head bearing witness . the bishop at the first was amazed , supposing some deceit to be wrought touching money , which he had not received , yet was he not able to answer them for that he had it not ; but when iohn had said , i require the young man and the soul of our brother ; then the elder looking down with a heavy countenance sobbing and sighing said : he is dead . to whom iohn said ; how ? and by what kind of death ? he answered he is dead to god , for he is become wicked , and pernicious , and to be short a thief for he keepeth this mountain together with his associates ; the apostle then rending his garment , and beating his head with sorrow , said , i have left a wise keeper of our brothers soul ; prepare me a horse and let me have a guide . he hastened and rode in post , being come unto the place appointed he is straight wayes taken of the thievish watch , he neither fled nor resisted , but exclaimed : for this purpose came i hither , ( said he ) bring me unto your captain ; who in the mean time as he was armed beheld him coming , but as soon as he saw his face and knew it was iohn , he was stricken with shame , and fled away : the old man with might pursued him , and cryed , my son why flyest thou from thy father unarmed and old ? o son tender my cause , be not afraid , as yet there remaineth hope of salvation : i will undertake for thee with christ , i will die for thee , if need be , as christ did for us , i will hazard my soul for thine ; trust to me , christ sent me . but he hearing this , first stood still casting his countenance to the ground , next shook of his armour , anon trembled for fear , and wept bitterly . he embraced the old man , and coming unto him , answered as well as he could for weeping : so afterwards the apostle brought him unto the church again . concerning the writing of the gospel . it is reported that matthew and john were constrained to write their gospels , for matthew when he had preached unto the hebrews , and passing unto other people , wrote his gospel in his country language , supplying by writing in his absence , that which was desired in his presence . when mark and luke had published their gospels , john ( say they ) in all that space , preached without writing , but at length was moved to write for this cause . it is reported , that when the books of the three evangelists were much spread , and coming unto iohns hands he allowed of them , and yielded of them a true testimony , wishing that the declaration of such things had been printed in their books which were done at the first preaching of christ. iohn passeth over with silence the genealogy ( i. e. of the birth or pedigree ) of our saviour according unto the flesh , being before amply laid down by matthew and luke , and beginning with his divinity reserved of the holy ghost for him as the mightier : the cause why mark wrote his gospel we have declared before : and luke in the beginning of his history , sheweth the occasion of his writing , signifying , that divers now had already imployed their diligent care , to the setting forth of such things as he was fully perswaded of , necessarily delivering us from the doubtful opinion of others , when by his gospel he declareth unto us , the sure and certain narration of such things , whereof he had received the truth sufficiently . concerning the books of the new testament . it shall also be convenient ( saith easebins ) if in this place we collect briefly the books of the new testament ; in the first place must be set the fourfold writings of the evangelists , next the acts of the apostles ; then the epistles of paul are to be added , after these the first of iohn and that of peter , which are authentick ( that is , undeniable or approved of all ) lastly , if you please , the revelation of iohn , all these are received for undoubted . the books which are gainsaid , though well known unto many are these , the epistle of iames , the epistle of iude , the later of peter , the second and third of iohn : whether they were iohn the evangelists , or some others of the same name . divers do number the gospel to the hebrews among them that were disallowed , which was used especially of them , which received christ of the hebrews . of nicolas and his sect. concerning nieolas of whom the revelation of iohn makes mention , it is written of him , that he was one of the d●…acons ordained , together with stephen , by the apostles to minister unto the poor , but thus it is written of him ; this nicolas having a beautiful woman to his wife , after the ascention of our saviour , was accused of jealousie , and to clear himself of that crime , he brought forth his wife and permitted him that listed to marry her . but his followers say that their doing is agreeable with that saying ; that is , the flesh is to be bridled : and so following that doing and saying without all discretion , they sin without all shame , in filthy fornication . concerning iohn , and philip with his daughters , it was wrote thus by policrates unto the bishop of rome , for in asia ( said he ) the great founders of christian religion died , who shall rise the last day , at the coming of the lord when he shall come from heaven with glory to gather all the saints ; philip , one of the twelve apostles was buryed at hierapolis , and two of his daughters , which led their lives in virginity ; and iohn who leaned on the breast of our saviour rested at ephesus . the martyrdom of simeon the bishop . simeon the second bishop of ierusalem , being accused for being a christian , was scourged several days , and when he was a hundred and twenty years old , he suffered martyrdom , anno dom. . it is reported , that unto those times the church of god remained a pure and uncorrupted virgin , for such as endeavoured to corrupt the perfect rule , and the sound preaching of the word ( if then there were any such ) hid themselves unto that time in some secret and obscure place , but after that the sacred company of the apostles , was worn out and come to an end , and that generation was wholly spent , which by special favour had heard with their ears , the heavenly wisdom of the son of god , then the conspiracy of detestable error through deceipt of such as delivered strange doctrine , took rooting . and because that not one of the apostles survived , they published boldly with all might possible , the doctrine of falsehood , and impugned , ( that is , resisted or assaulted ) the open , manifest , known truth . how. plinius secundus wrote to the emperour in the christians behalf . under trajan the emperour there was a grievous persecution of the christians , and it seems that plinius secundus , a notable president , was stirred up to write unto the emperour in the christians behalf , who wrote as followeth , saying , that he found nothing in them that was impious or wicked , but that they refused the worship ing of images , signifying this withal , that the manner of the christians was to rise before day , to celebrate christ as god , and to the end their discipline might strictly be observed , they forbid sheding of blood , adultery , fraud , trayterous dealing , and such like . and for answer hereunto , the emperour wrote again , that there should be no inquisition for christians , but if they were met with , they should be punished . through which meanes the grievous persecution was somewhat qualified , yet nevertheless there was scope enough left for such as were willing to afflict them . concerning ignatius his valour and courage . it is reported that one ignatius , bishop of antioch , was sent from syria to rome ( for the confession of his faith ) to be food for wild beasts , who passing through asia , curiously guarded with a great troop of keepers , confirmed the congregations throughout every city where he came , with preaching the word of god , and wholsome exhortations , and specially giving charge to avoid the heresies lately sprung and at that time overflowing , &c. and in his journey he wrot unto several churches ; saying i strive with beasts by sea , by land , nights and days , fettered among ten i eopards , ( that is a band of souldiers ) and the more they receive , the worse they become . i thus exercised with their injuryes , am the more instructed , yet hereby am i not justified . now do i begin to be a diciple , i weigh neither visible nor invisible things , so that i gaine christ , let fire , gallowes , violence of beasts , bruising of the bones , racking of the members , stamping of the whole body , and all the plagues invented by the mischief of satan light upon me , so that i win christ-jesus : this he wrot from syria to the churches . concerning mark the evangelist . eusebius rehearseth one thing touching mark the evangelist , as followeth : the elder ( meaning iohn ) said : mark the interpreter of peter , look what he remembred , that diligently he wrot , not in that order , in which the lord spake and did them , neither was he the hearer , and follower of the lord , but of peter , who delivered his doctrine , not by way of exposition , but as necessity constrained ; so that mark offended nothing in that he wrote , as he had before committed to memory . of this one thing was he fearful , in omitting nothing of that he had heard , and in delivering that was false . concerning matthew it is thus written ; matthew wrote his book in the hebrew tongue , which every one after his skili interpreted by allegations . the fourth book of eusebius . when heresie crept into the church . when persecution ceased then heresie begun to spring apace among the christians , among whom iuglers and imp●…stors crept in as euseb. relates , who bear the same name and title , and in shew professed the same doctrine with them , thereby the sooner to insnare the faithful in the slippery way of perdition , and under pretence of reducing them to the faith , over-whelmed them in the whirl-pool , and deep dungeon of damnation . what a slander hereticks were unto christian religion . eusebius shews , how that some hereticks taught , how that they that would attain unto the perfection of their mysteries , or rather abominable devices , they were to work such facts though they were never so filthy , otherwise they could not overcome the secular ( i. e. worldly potentates ) unless every one played his part after the secret operation . and through the subtilty of satan came many thereby to be seduced , and great occasion was given to the infidels to blaspheme against the divine doctrine , and a great slander came to be spread , in that the fame of them was bruted abroad throughout christendom ; and by this means it fell out often , that the infidels of those times conceived a wicked , absurd , and shameful opinion of the christians , saying , that they used the unlawful company of mothers and sisters , and that they fed upon the tender infants and sucklings . how the christians were threatned , and how some were converted by beholding their innocent sufferings . in the judaical wars it was commanded that the christians should be grievously punished , except they would renounce christ and blaspheme god , but some were converted , by beholding the patient and innocent suffering of the christians , from paganism to piety , as one said ; for my self , saith he , delighted with the doctrine of plato , hearing that the christians were led captive , neither fearing death , nor any torments which are accounted terrible . i thought it could not be , that this kind of men were subject unto malice , and set on pleasure ; for what voluptuous person , or intemperate , or delighted with devouring of man's flesh , can so imbrace death , that he be deprived of his desire , and not rather endeavour that this may always last , that he be able to deceive princes , and not betray himself to death . moreover iustinus writeth how that adrianus receiving letters from a noble president , signifying in the behalf of the christians , that it was very injurious , that for no crime but only at the cut-cry of the people , they should be brought and executed . an epistle of adrian the emperor , who ordered that no christians should be accused neither suffer without just cause . unto m. f. proconsul of asia , adrian sendeth greeting ; i received an epistle from s. g ▪ thy predecessor ; the occasion whereof i cannot with silence leave untouched , least that thereby men be troubled , and a gap left open to the malice of sycophants ( that is , talebearers ) wherefore , if your provincials can prove ought against the christians , whereof they charge them , and justifie it before the bar , let them proceed on , and not appeach ( that is , accuse or bewray ) them only for the name , with making out-cryes against them : for it is very expedient that if any be disposed to accuse , the accusation be thoroughly known of you and siftod ; therefore if any accuse the christians , that they transgress the laws , see that you judge and punish according to the quality of the offence : but in plain words , if any upon spite or malice in way of cavillation complain against them , see you chastise him for his malice , and punish him with revengment . antoninus pius epistle in the behalf of the christians . the emperor caesar marcus , &c. sendeth greeting unto the commons of asia ; i know , saith he , the gods are careful to discover hurtful persons ; for they punish such as will not worship them more grievously than ye do those whom ye bring in trouble , confirming that opinion which they conceive of you to be wicked and ungodly men. it is their desire in gods quarrel rather to die than to live ; so that they become conquerors , yielding their lives unto the death rather than to obey your edicts : it shall seem very necessary to admonish you of the earth-quake , which have and do happen among us , that being therewith moved , you may compare our estate with theirs . they have more confidence to god-wards than you have : you during the time of your ignorance , despise other gods , contemn the religion of the immortal god , banish the christians which worship him and persecute them unto death ; in the behalf of these men , many of the provincial presidents have written heretofore unto our father of famous memory , whom he answered in writing again ▪ that they were not to be longer molested , unless they had practised treason aganst the roman empire . and many have given notice unto us of the same matter , whom we answered as our father did before us ; if any therefore hereafter be found thus busied in other mens affairs , we command that the accused be absolute and free , tho he be found such an one , i mean faulty , and that the accuser be grievously punished . this edi●…t was proclaimed at ephesus in the hearing of that great assembly of asia . an extract out of the epistle of the church of smyrna , unto all the congregations of the holy catholick church throughout pontus ; mercy peace and the love of god the father , and of our lord jesus christ be multiplied . we have written unto you brethren , of such as suffered martyrdom ; the beholders of them were amazed , seeing their flesh rent with scourges , even unto the inner veins and sinews , so that the most secret entrails of their bodies , their bowels and inward privities were piteously to be seen ; beholding again the sharp shells of sea-fish , and pibble stones strowed under the martyrs backs and bruised bodies , with every kind of torment that could be devised ; last of all they were thrown to be torn in pieces , and devoured of wild beasts . but there was a certain phrygian , by name quintus , that trembled at the fierce rage of the terrible beasts , and shrinked at the sight of their grim visage , and betrayed his own safety with slackness of courage ; for the same epistle testifieth of him , that he personally appeared , together with the rest before the bar , more of rashness than of any religion ; and being taken he publickly professed , that none ought to intrude himself among such men without good devotion , neither to intermeddle in matters wherewith he hath not to do . the same chapters sheweth how that after polycarpus was apprehended , he was brought to the city upon an ass on the great sabbath day : and a justice of peace , with his father , meeting him , they received him into their chariot , and perswaded him , saying , what harm is it to say , lord caesar , to sacrifice and so be saved ? at the first he answered nothing ; but when they urged him he said , i will not condescend unto your counsel . they perceiving he would not be perswaded , gave him very rough language , and tumbled him down out of the wagon , and afterwards he was brought upon the theatre , or stage ; and when the multitude saw him they were in a great rage : the proconsul , or deputy-counsel , demanded of him whether he were that polycarpus , beckning that he should deny it , and saying , tender thy years , with such like perswasions , swear by the fortune of caesar ; repent thee of that is past , say , remove the wicked . but polycarpus beholding with unmoveable countenance the multitude round about the stage , pointing with the hand sighing , and looking up to heaven , said , remove o lord these wicked : when the proconsul urged and said , swear , and i will let thee go ; blaspheme and defie christ : polycarpus answered , fourscore and six years have i served him , neither hath he ever offended me in any thing ; and how can i revile my king which hath thus kept me ? the proconsul still urged him , and said , swear by the fortune of caesar. to whom polycarpus said , if thou requirest this vain glory , that i protest the fortune of caesar , as thou sayest , feigning thou knowest me not who i am , hear freely , i am a christian ; and if thou desire to know the doctrine of christianity , appoint the day and thou shalt hear it . afterwards the proconsul said , i have wild beasts to devour thee , unless thou repent ; polycarpus answered , bring them forth , for it is determined among us not to pass from the better unto the worse by repentance ; but we count it a thing commendable to turn from the thing that is evil , to that which is good and just . again the proconsul said , i will quiet thee with fire , if thou regard not the beasts nor repent : to whom polycarpus answered , thou threatnest fire for an hour , which lasteth a while and quickly is quenched ; but thou art ignorant of the everlasting fire at the day of iudgment , and endless torments reserved for the wicked : but what lingerest thou ? dispatch as it pleaseth thee . so the proconsul being amazed , commanded the beadle , in the midst of the theatre , thrice to cry , polycarpus confesseth himself a christian. at which saying , the multitude both of the jews and gentiles inhabiting smyrna , shouted with a great rage , this is that doctor of asia , the father of the christians , the overthrower of our gods , who hath taught many that our gods are not to be adored : and they craved of the president , that he would let loose a lion to devour him ; and when he would not do that , then they cryed with one voice , that polycarpus should be burned quick . and in a short while all things necessarily required for the execution were applyed . and when as they would have nailed him to the stake , he said , nay suffer me even as i am , for he that gave me patience to abide this fire , will give me also an unmoveable mind to persevere within the fiery pale , without your provision in fastning my body with nails . cencerning the expressions of justinus the martyr . iustinus ( who reprehended , or reproved the philosophers , as gluttonous and deceiptful persons ) was by the malicious means of crescens the philosopher martyred , which he foresaw and signified in his apology ( i. e. defence , or speech ) in these words : i look for no other thing then this ( said he ) that i be betrayed by some one of them called philosophers : it is not indeed requisite to call him a philosopher , which ignorantly reporteth that the christians are impicus and irregulous , to the end he may please and flatter such , as are overshadowed with the mist of errour and darkness , for if he impugne or resist the doctrine of the christians , having neither read nor known the same , then is he full of malice , and far worse than idiots ( i. e. fools ) that sometime beware they reason not of unknown matters , least they speak falsly : or if he hath read them , he understandeth not the mistery and majestical meaning thereof : or if he do understand them , he doth this , that he be not taken for such an one , and then is he again far more wicked and spiteful , the bondslave of vain glory and brutish fear . what justinus reehearsed in his apology . the aforesaid iustinus makes mention of a certain woman , that had been given unto lasciviousness and lewdness , but when she learned the doctrine of christ , she repented of her former life , and imbraced chastity , and she exhorted her husband likewise to repent , but he continuing still in his former lewdness by his unlawful actions alienated his wife from him : for she said that it was thence forth unlawful for her to use company at bed and board with that man , who contrary to the law of nature , beyond all right and reason sought means to satisfie his filthy lusts , and therefore would she have been divorced from him : but through the perswasion of her friends , who counselled her , a little while quietly to live together , that there was yet hope at length of his repentance , she revoked her sentence , changed her mind , refrained her self , and continued with him in wedlock ; but he accused her for being a christian ; but having no other colour nor cloak to accuse her , his malice turned against ptolomaeus who instructed his wife in the christian faith ; and after he had suffered much in prison , he was examined whether he was a christian , or no ? whose conscience bearing him witness of no crime , but in a just cause , confessed that he had preached the true and heavenly doctrine of christ. for he which denieth himself to be that he is , either condemneth that which is in him , by denial , or knowing himself unworthy and estranged from the matter , refuseth to confess ; whereof neither is found in a true christian ; and when urbitius commanded that he should be brought forth : one lucius ( that was also a christian ) seeing the sentence given contrary to all reason , said to urbitius , what reason is it ( o urbitius ) that thou shouldst condemn this man for confessing the name of christ , which hath comitted neither adultery , neither fornication , neither man-slaughter , neither theft , neither robbery neither any wicked offence , that he may justly be charged withal ? urbitius answered nothing to these things , but said to lucius , and thou seemest to me to be such a one : lucius answered , i am so ; and he commanded him to be brought forthwith to the place of execution . of the spite that was in the jews . the aforementioned iustinus wrote a dialogue ( i. e. a communication betwixt two or more ) against the jews , wherein he declared their spite against the doctrine of christ , saying , you have not only hardned your selves from repentance , but have sent chosen men from ierusalem , which should pass throughout the world , and pronounce that there was a certain christian heresie sprung up ▪ slandering us , as the rest do which know us not , so that hereby you proved your selves authors of falshood ; not only to your own people , but to all other nations : he writeth also that unto his time the gift of prophecy flourished in the church . of hereticks among the christians , and sects among the jews . egesippus wrote , how that after iacobus iustus was martyred , in such sort as christ himself was put to death : his uncle simon cleophas was chosen bishop , and then they called the church a pure virgin ; for , as yet ( saith he ) the devil had not sown there any corrupt seed of false doctrine . but thebulis , because that he was not chosen bishop , went about to corrupt the same , being one of the seven hereticks among the people : he writes of many more hereticks , as of simon , ●…cobius , dosithaeus , gortaeus , machotaei , menend●…anises , carpocratians , valetinians , basilidians , and saturnians , whereof every one ( saith he ) hath set abroach a proper and a several opinion . of these ( saith he further ) sprang the false christs , the false prophets , the false apostles , rending asunder the church with their false doctrine , directed against god and christ ; the same author describeth likewise the old heresies of the jews , saying , there were in the time of the circumcision sundry sects among the children of israel , varying in opinions , and set opposite against the tribe of iudah and christ ; namely these , the esseans , the galileans , the hemerobaptists , the masbotheans , the samaritans , the sadducees , and pharisees . and by occasion the aforesaid egesippus reasoning of the scriptures called apocrypha , that is , hidden , doubtful , or unknown , he said that in his time , divers of them were published by hereticks , that is , such as make choice , of themselves , what points of religion they will believe , and what they will not . of dionysius epistle to the romans . moreover there remaineth an epistle of dionysius , bishop of corinth , unto the romans , as eusebius saith , wherein it is thus written ; it hath been your accustomed manner , saith he , even from the beginning , diversly to benefit all the brethren , and to send relief throughout the city , supplying the want of the poor , by refreshing them in this sort , and especially the want of the brethren appointed for slavish drudgery and digging of metals . the same author reporteth of his own epistles , that they were patched and corrupted ; in these words , when i was entreated of the brethren to write , i wrote certain epistles , but the messengers of satan have sown them with tares , pulling away some things , and putting to other some . for whom condemnation is laid up . no marvel then ( saith he ) though some endeavour to corrupt the sacred scriptures of god , whenas they went about to counterfeit such writings of so small authority . concerning the christians sufferings . melito , the bishop of sardis , in his apology to the emperour , reporteth some of the things practised against the christians , writing thus ; the godly people were grieved by reason of new edicts , which were published throughout asia , and never before practised , now suffer persecution . for impudent sycophants , ( that is , tale-bearers or slanderers , ) and greedy gapers after other mens goods , having gotten occasion , through these proclamations , openly to rob and spoil , day and night , such as commit no trespass at all . and after a few lines , he saith , the emperour that is just never putteth in practice any unjust thing , and we willingly will bear away the honour of this death ; yet this only we will crave of you , that you ( after notice and tryal had of the authors of this contention ) do justly give sentence , whether they are worthy of death and punishment , or life and quietness . of the encratits and their heresie . out of the school of syternius and marcion sprang the hereticks whom they call encratits , ( that is te say , contient or chast persons ) who taught that marriage was to be aborred , contemning the ancient shape and mould of man framed of god ; and so , by sequel ( or consequently ) reprehending him that made the generation of mankind ; again they have commanded abstinence from living creatures , for so they call them ; shewing themselves ungrateful towards god , who made all things for the use of man. after that iustinus was martyred , tatianus fell from the chureh , and being puffed up with presumptuous estimation and self-opinion of doctrineship , as though he passed all other , invented a new form of doctrine . he dreamed of certain invisible worlds with the valentinians : some report that he presumed metaphrastically ( i. e. by a metaphor to change one word from its natural sence into another sence like unto it ) to alter the words of the apostle , correcting , as it were , the order of the phrase . the fifth book of eusebius . the servants of christ inhabiting vienna , and lions , cities of france , unto the brethren throughout asia and phrygia , having with us the same faith and hope of redemption , peace , grace , and glory from god the father and iesus christ our lord be multiplied . when they had premised certain things by way of preamble , they pr●…ceed in these words : the greatness of this our tribulation , the fury of the gentiles against the saints , and what things the blessed martyrs had suffered , we are not able exactly to express by word , or comprehend in writing ; for we are not only banished our houses , baths , and common market-places , but altogether every one one of us are straitly charged not to shew our faces . and many have born all the vexations that the multitude have laid upon them , as examinations , scourgings , draggings , spoiling , stoning , fettering , and the like whatsoever the heady savage multitude accustomed to practise against their professed enemies . next , being had unto the open market-place , and examination had , they were condemned in the presence of the people , by the tribune ( that was , a certain officer that ought to have defended their liberty ) and the other chief potentates of the city , and were cast into prison until the presidents coming : after that , when they were brought before the president which had exercised all kind of extream cruelty against us : vetius epagathus , one of the brethren , ( whose conversation was so perfect , that he was thought comparable with zachary the priest ) allowed not of the sentence unjustly pronounced against us , but with vehement motion required that audience might be given him , to plead for the brethren , alledging that we had committed no impiety , which being denied him , of such as compassed the tribunal ( that is , the iudgment-seat ) and the president rejecting this just petition , only demand whether he was a christian ? which he confessed with a loud voice , and so he was received unto the fellowship of the martyrs : and was called the advocate ( that is , one which pleadeth for another in a consistory , or in a iudgment place ) of the ghristians . there was certain found unready and as yet weak , not of abillity to bear the burthen of so weighty a combate ( in number ten ) which fell through the frailty of the flesh , to our great heaviness , , and sorrowful lamentation , quailing the chearfulness of others , which were not as yet aprehended , but accompanied the martyrs , what torments soever befell them , and severed not themselves from them ; then trembled we all for fear , and that greatly , because of the uncertainty of confessions ; being not terrified with any torments , but careful for the end , least any should fall from the faith , daily there were apprehended such as were worthy to fulfil the number of the faln weaklings , so that out of both these churches , as many as ruled and bore the greatest sway were taken and executed , and also certain of the ethnicks ( i. e. heathens ) being our servants were taken ( for the president had commanded publickly a general inquisition to be made for us ) who being overcome by the subtil slights of satan , and terrified with the sights of the torments which the saints suffered , through the perswasion of the souldiers , feigned against us , and reported that we used the feastings of thiestes and the incest of oedinus , with divers other crimes , which may neither godlyly be thought upon , neither with modesty be uttered , neither without impiety be believed . these things now being bruited , ( or reported ) abroad , every body ( almost ) was moved and incensed against us , insomuch that they which for familiarity sake , used moderation before , now were exceedingly moved and mad with us , great then was the rage both of people , president and souldiers against the martyrs : and among the rest there was a woman called blandina , by whom christ shewed , that those things which in the sight of men appear vile , base and contemptible , deserve great glory with god , for the true love they bear to him indeed without boasting in shew . for when as we all quaked for fear , yea and her carnall mistress ( which also was one of the persecuted martyrs ) was very careful least that peradventure , at the time of her answer , by reason of the frailty of the flesh , she would not persevere constant : yet she was so replenished from above with grace , that the executioners , which tormented her by turns from morning to night fainted for weariness and ceased , confessing themselves overcome : and that they were no longer able to plague her with any more punishments , &c. for she like a noble wrestler , was nenewed at her confession , for ( as it is reported of her ) as oft as she pronounced : i am a christian , neither have we committed any evil : she was recreated , refreshed , and felt not pain of her punishment . sanctus also bare nobly and valliantly ; yea above the nature of man , all such vexations as man could devise ; his constancy was so great , that he uttered neither his own name , neither his kindred , neither the country whence he was : nor whether he were bond or free , but unto every question , he answered in the roman tongue , i am a christian. this confessed he often instead of all other things , of his name , and city and kindred ; neither could the gentiles get any other language of him ; wherefore the president and the tormentors were feircely set against him ; and when as now there remained scarce any punishment unpractised , at length they applyed unto the tenderest parts of his body , plates of brass glowing hot , which ●…ryed , scared and scoarched his body , yet he remained unmovable , nothing amazed , and constant in his confession , being strengthened and moistened with the dew which fell from the celestial ( that is , heavenly ) fountain of the water of life . over all his body his flesh was wounded , his members bescarred , his sinews shrunk , so that the natural shape , and outward hew was quite changed . and when as the wicked tormentors a few days after had brought him to the place of torment , and well hoped , that if they punished him now they should overcome him and prevail : or if that he dyed in torment , they should terrifie the rest , and so warn them to take heed : none of all these things happned unto him , but beyond all mens expectation in the latter torments his body was released of the pain , recovered the former shape ( as it is recorded of him ) and the members were restored to their former use ; so that the second plague through the grace of christ , was no grievous malady ( i. e. disease ) but present medicine , again , satan going about blasphemously to slander us , procured biblis a woman ( one of them which had fainted before ) to be brought forth , supposing her frail and fearful mind , now to be quite altered from the christian opinion , consequently through her blasphemous denial to be in danger of damnation . but she at the very hour of torment , returned unto her self , and waking as it were out of a dead sleep , by means of these punishments temporal , considered of the pains of eternal fire , and unlooked for , cryed out unto the tormentors , and said , how could they devour infants , which were not suffered to touch the blood of bruite beasts ? therefore when she confessed her self a christian , she was appointed to take her chance among the martyrs . afterwards the saints were imprisoned in deep and dark dungeons , and were fettered in the stocks , and their feet stretched unto the fifth boord chink , with other punishments , which furious ministers or goa●…ers , full of devilish rage are wont to put in ure ( i. e. use ) and practise upon poor prisoners : so that many were stifled , and strangled in prison . and when many of the saints were so weakned with grievous torments , that life seemed unto them unpossible , they remaining shut up in close prisons , destitute of all mans aid ; yet even then were they comforted of the lord , and confirmed in body and mind , so that they stirred up and comsorted the rest , several of the younger sort that were newly apprehended , whose bodys had not before tasted of the lash of the whip , loathed the closeness of the prison , and were choked up with stinch : and pothinus bishop of lyons being above four score and ten years old , weak of body , scarce able to draw breath , because of the imbecillity ( i. e. feebleness or weakness ) of nature ; he was carried of the souldiers and laid before the tribunal ( i. e. iudgment ) seat accompanied with the potentates ( i. e. princes or great rulers ) of the city , and the whole multitude diversly shouting , as if he had been christ ; he hath given a good testimony : and being asked of the president who was the god of the christians ; he answered , if thou become worthy , thou sholt understand . after this answer , he was cruelly handled , and suffered many stripes ; for such as were nearest to him , struck at him both with hand and foot , and such as stood afar off , look what each one had in his hand , that was thrown at his head ; and such as ceased from pouring out their poisoned malice , thought themselves to have grievously offended ; supposing by this means to avenge the ruine of their rotten gods. afterwards he was cast into prison , where after two days he departed this life . moreover , as many as fainted in the first persecution were all alike imprisoned , and partakers of the affliction , neither did they prevail , or the denial profit them ; it was thought sufficient fault , that they confessed to have been such ; but these as murtherers and hainous trespassers , were twice more grievously plagued . the joy of martyrdom , the hoped promises , the love towards christ , and the fatherly spirit , comforted the one company ; the other were vexed in conscience , so that their outward countenance bewrayed their inward apostacy , i. e. their revolting or falling from the true religion ; for the former went cheerfully with great majesty and grace , their fetters becoming them as the skirts of the new-married spouse , garnished with sundry colours , and laid over with gold , and withal yielding a christian fragrant , ( i. e. sweet-smelling ) smell , so that many supposed their bodies to have been outwardly perfumed : but the other all sad and mournful , as vile ond abject caitified i. e. base , naughty , mis-shapen creatures , full of all deformity , derided of the gentiles themselves , deserving death as degenerating cowards , destiture of the most precious , glorious , and lively name of christianity ; with the sight hereof many are confirmed , so that suddenly being apprehended , without stay they professed their faith. a little after , in the same epistle , it is shewn , how that maturus , sanctus , and blandina , were led unto the brute beasts in the popular and publick spectacle of the heathenish inhumanity , even at the day appointed of set purpose , where maturus and sanctus were diversly tormented with sundry sorts of punishment , as if they had suffered nothing before ; and whatsoever the outragious multitude craved and commanded , that they suffered ; but above all , they patiently suffered the iron chair , wherein their bodies boiled as in a frying-pan ; yet could they get no other sentence of sanctus , save that confession which he cried at the first . and because caesar had commanded that such as confessed themselves christians should be executed , and such as renounced should depart the frequented solemnity ( which by reason of the concourse of the gentiles from every country was at the beginning very populous ) he brought forth from prison the blessed confessors ( for so it seems the christians were sometimes called ) into the open spectacle , or view , and presence of the people , to be scornfully gazed upon , and when he had again made inquisition them , as many as he ( to wit , the president ) found to be priviledged persons of rome , those he beheaded , the rest he threw to be torn asunder of wild beasts . but attalus was burned in the iron chair ; and being demanded what name god had , he answered , god is not called after the manner of men. and after these things , blandina , together with ponticus ( a young man of fifteen years of age ) was brought forth , and compelled to swear by their idols names : but they constantly persevered in their opinion , and contemning their idols , set the multitude in such a rage against them , that they neither pitied the years of the young man , nor spared the womankind , but plagued them with many torments used in their theaters ( i. e. certain places made for people to sit and behold solemn games and plays ) urging them now and then to swear ; which when they could not bring to pass , ponticus , being encouraged of the sister in presence of pagans ( i. e. heathens or infidels ) who then beheld how she exhorted and confirmed the young man , after he had suffered many torments , yielded up the ghost . and blandina was afterwards wrapped in a net , and tumbled before a wild bull , who fanned and tossed her with his horns to and fro , yet , it is said , she had no feeling of these things ; her mind being fixed and wholly set upon the conference which she had with christ ; and finally she was beheaded . the rage and cruelty of the gentiles did not herewith cease against the christians ; for as many as were choaked up with the noisome stink of the prisons , were thrown to be devoured of dogs , and a continual watch set day and night , that none of them should be buried ; and some fretted and fumed at them , with the gnashing of their teeth , seeking further revengement of them ; others derided and scoffed them , magnifying their idols , as causers of the chrishians calamity . and such as were of a milder nature , and somewhat sorrowed at our sufferings upbraided us ( i. e. cast them in the teeth ) and said , where is their god ? and what profited them this religion , which they preferred before their lives ? and after they had kept the dead bodies six days unburied , at length were burned to ashes ; the ashes also they gathered and scattered in the river rhoanus , ) which passed by , so that no jot or relick thereof should longer remain upon earth . this they did , to the end they might overcome god , and hinder the reviving of the saints , lest that , as they said , there should be any further hope of the resurrection , whereof , say they , the christians being fully perswaded , bring among us a strange and new religion : they contemn ( i. e. despise ) punishment , and hasten themselves cheerfully unto death : now let us see whether they can arise , and whether their god can help and deliver them from our hands . of attalus's revelation . in the aforesaid epistle , there was a certain narration contained , concerning one alcibiades , who lived miserably , feeding only on bread and water , when he had determined with himself to live in prison : it was revealed to attalus , after his first conflict on the theater , that alcibiades did not well , in that he used not the lawful creatures of god , and also gave an occasion of doubting unto others . hereof when alcibiades was perswaded , he used all things indifferently , and praised god : for they were not destitute of the grace of god , but had the holy ghost for their director . what irenaeus wrote concerning the holy scriptures . eusebius relates what irenaeus hath writ concerning the four evangelists ( i. e. the bringers of good tidings ) saying , matthew delivered unto the hebrews the history of the gospel , written in their own tongue . when peter and paul had preached at rome , and planted the church , aftheir departure , mark the disciple and interpreter of peter also , delivered us in writing such things as he had heard peter preach . and luke accompanying paul , comprised in one volume the gospel preached of him . after these , iohn the disciple of our lord , which also leaned on his breast , published a gospel unto the posterity remaining at ephesus . moreover , in the same chapter it is said , that in the captivity of the iews under nebuchadnezzar , the scriptures were perished ( the iews returning into their own region , i. e. country , after seventy years , in the time of artaxerxes king of persia ) he inspired esdras the priest , of the tribe of levi , that he restored again all the sayings of the former prophets , and delivered unto the people the law given by moses . apollinarius concerning montanus . it is now a great while ago , well-beloved a. m. since thou didst enjoin me this task , that i should publish some book against the followers of the heretick montanus , whereupon i doubted unto this day what was best to be done : not because i was not able to confure their falshood , and give testimony unto the truth , but that i feared greatly , lest by writing i should seem to add something to the doctrine of the new testament , whereto nothing may be added , and wherefrom nothing may be taken away , by him that will lead a life agreeable to the gospel . i being of late at ancira in galatia , found the church through pontus , not with prophets , as they call them , but rather , as it shall be proproved , with fal●…e prophets ; where through the lord , as much as in me lay , i disputed in the chuhch , the space of many days , against them and their several objections , so that the church rejoiced , and was thereby confirmed in the truth ; but the contrary part yet repined , and the gainsayers were very sorrowful . it is written of montanus , that he was puffed up with an immoderate desire of primacy , i. e. chief authority , opened a gap for the adversary to enter into him ; and being mad and estranged suddenly , and bereft of his wits , waxed furious , and published strange doctrine , contrary to the tradition and ancient custom of ancient succession , now received , under the name of prophecy ; they which then were auditors of this unlawful preaching , some chastised and checked him for a lunatick ( i. e. one possed with lunacy , who at certain times of the moon is distracted in his wits ) and one that was possessed with the spirit of errours , and forbad him to preach , being mindful of the forewarnings and threatnings of our saviour tending to this end , that we should take diligent heed of false prophets . others waxed insolent ( i. e. proud ) and boasted and bragged of him not a little , as if he had been endued with the holy ghost and gift of prophecy ; so that through disobedient persons , he came to be more honoured than his merit did require : and two women being possessed of a foul spirit , spoke fond , foolish , and fantastical things , even as he had before , and they gloried and rejoiced in that spirit which pronounced them happy , and puffed them up with infinite fair promises ; yet sometimes by signs and tokens he rebuked them to their faces , so that he seemed a chastising spirit . there were few of the phrygians seduced , notwithstanding that bold and blind spirit instructed them to blaspheme and revile generally every church under heaven , because they neither did homage ( i. e. a servile ceremony of some tenants , which by duty they owe to their lords ) neither courteously received among them that false spirit of prophecy . those things he wrote in his first book ; and in his second book he writeth thus of their ends : these , say they , are the prophets which the lord promised to send his people . let them answer me : i charge them in the name of the living god , o ye good people , is there any of the sect of montanus , and these women which have been persecuted by the jews , or put to death by any tyrant ? not one of them bearing the name was either apprehended or crucified , neither was their any woman of them in the synagogues of the jews either scourged or stoned at all , but montanus and maximilla are said to die ' another kind of death . moreover , when the bishops went about to rebuke the spirit which spoke in maximilla , they were hindred by others that wrought by the same spirit , saying , let not the spirit of maximilla say , i am chased as a wolf from the sheep : i am no wolf , i am the word , the spirit and power ; but let him manifestly express the power by the spirit , and prevail . apollonius against the montanists . he wrote in this manner , saying , but what kind of new doctrine this is , his works and doctrine do declare . this is he which taught the breaking of wedlock , i. e. marriage ; this is he which prescribed laws of fasting : this is he which called p●…puza and tymium ( pelting parishes of phrygia ) jerusalem , to the end he might entice all men from every where to frequent thither . this is he which first ordained tollgatherers and taxers of money ; this is he which under pretence and colour of oblations , hath cunningly invented the art of bribing ; this is he who giveth great hire unto the preachers of his doctrine , that by feeding of the paunch his prophecies may prevail . moreover , he addeth , saying , doth not the whole scripture forbid that a prophet should receive rewards and money ? when i see a prophetess receive gold and silver , and goodly garments , how can i chuse but detest her ? again , of another he saith , and besides these , themison also , inflamed with the burning thirst of covetousness , tasted not of the tart cognisance of confession before the tyrant ; but shuffled himself out of fetters with much money . and whenas therefore he should have humbled himself , yet he all in bragery as if he were a martyr , i. e. one that died for righteousness sake , after the example of the apostle , wrote a catholick , i. e. universal or general , epistle very presumptuously , to instruct them which believed better than himself , and to exhort them to strive with him for this new doctrine , and to revile the lord and his apostles , and his holy church . again , speaking of one of their highly esteemed martyrs , he writes in this sort : and that we trouble not our selves with many , let the prophetess tell us touching alexander , who called himself a martyr , with whom she hath banqueted , whom also many do adore , i. e. worship , whose thefts and other heinous crimes , which he suffered for , i will not presently rehearse , for they are publickly known and registred , whose sins hath he pardoned ? whether doth a prophet yield theft unto a martyr , or a martyr an immoderate desire of gathering unto a prophet ? for as when christ commanded , you shall not possess gold , neither silver , neither two goats ; these , on the contrary , seek after the possession of unlawful substance ; for they whom they call prophets and martyrs , have extorted money , i. e. wrested it from people per force , not only of the rich , but of the poor , the fatherless and widows . but if they plead innocency , let them stay and join with us in the issue in the matter , upon this condition , that if they be overthrown , at leastwise from henceforth they will cease to commit the like sin again . the fruits of the prophets are to be tried ; the tree is to be known by its fruit. and that the case of alexander may be known of such as desire it , he was condemned at ephesus by aemilius frontinus , not for his profession , but for his presumptuous and bold enterprised theft , being a lewd person : and then with a false pretence of christian profession , seducing the faithful of that place , he was pardoned and set at liberty . again , in another place , he writeth of their prophets thus . if they deny their prophets to have been bribers , let them affirm it conditionally that if it be proved , they be no longer prophets . for all the works of a prophet are necessarily to be proved . tell me , i beseech ye , is it seemly for a prophet to painthimself in colours ? is it seemly for a prophet to smooth himself with the white glittering stibi●… ? i. e. a certain stone which maketh the skin look very fair , when it is rubbed with it . is it seemly for a prophet to pinch and gingerly to set forth himself ? is it seemly for a prophet to dice and cards ? is it seemly for a prophet to be a usurer ? let them answer me . of apollonius's apology before the senate . apollonius , who was said to be a christian philosopher , i. e. a lover of wisdom and learning , was brought before the tribunal , i. e. judgment-seat , at rome ; and being earnestly intreated of the judge to render an account of his faith before the noble senate , i. e. the council , he exhibited , i. e. gave , or presented , in the presence of them all , a notable apology , i. e. defence or speech , of his faith , in which he suffered martyrdom , i. e. a suffering of grievous torment unto death , for constant perseverance in true religion . for the antient deeree was of force , and prevailed among them , that the christians which were once presented before the tribunal-seat , and not revoked , i. e. called back again , their opinions should no more be set a liberty . a controversie among the bistops about celebrating easter . immediately upon this , victor bishop of rome goeth about to sever from the unity in the communion , all the churches of asia , together with the adjoining congregations , as savouring not aright , and inveighing , i. e. speaks bitterly , against them in his epistles , and pronounceth flatly all the brethren there for excommunicated persons . but this not pleasing all the bishops , they exhorted him to seek after those things which concerned peace , and unity , and love between brethren . and one amongst the rest wrote to him , saying , neither is this controversie only of the day , but also of the kind or manner of fasting ; some think they ought to fast one day , some two , some forty ; and telling the hours throughout day and night , they count a day . moreover , he added how that they that were bishops before soter , of the see which thou governest , neither did so observe it themselves , neither left they any such commandment unto their posterity ; and yet they ( though not observing the same custom ) were at unity with them , which resorted to them from other churches , and did observe the same , although their observation was contrary to the minds of such as observed it not . the sixth book of eusebius . concerning origen . this origen , when he was yet young , bear in his mind fervent desire of martyrdom . he exhorted his father not to faint , when he was in close prison . he was of a child trained up in the holy scriptures , and he contented not himself with the bare and casual ( i. e. that which happened by chance , or uncertain ) reading of the words , but sought farther , searching the perfect profound understanding thereof . when his father died a martyr , he was left an orphan , i. e. one that wanteth father or mother ; of the years of seventeen , he was also afterwards received of a certain matron , i. e. a grave motherly woman , who was very rich , and also religious . he was one that detested the doctrine of hereticks he purchased unto himself a famous opinion among the faithful , in that he cheerfully embraced , in the heat of persecution , all the martyrs , not only of his acquaintance , but such as were unto him unknown : he visited not only such as were fettered in deep dungeons and close imprisonment , neither only such as looked for the last sentence of execution , but after judgment given and sentence pronounced . he was present with the martyrs , boldly accompanying them to the place of execution , putting himself in great peril oftentimes , boldly embracing them ; so that once the furious rage of the fond multitude of the gentiles ( i. e. such as did not profess the faith of christ , or heathen ) had stoned him to death , if the divine power of god had not marvelously delivered him . souldiers were commanded to watch about his house , because of the multitude that came to be instructed of him in the christian faith. it is said of him , that as he taught , so he lived ; that as he lived , so he taught . when he perceived many disciples to frequent unto him , and that the charge of the school was now by demetrius the bishop committed unto him alone , he supposed the reading of humanity ( i. e. courtesie or pleasant manners ) to be out of season , and transformed the school , as altogether ●…nprofitable , by reason of prophane literature , to the exercise of godly discipline ( i. e. instruction . ) after good advice taken for necessary provision , he sold the prophane writers , which he had diligently perused , and laid by him , enjoing the buyer ●…ay by day four half penny of the set price , wherewith he contented himself . of the martyrdom of potamaiaena a virgin , marcella her mother , and basilides a souldier . it is said that potamaiaena for the chastity of her body , and purity of mind , strove very stoutly with her lovers ; and that after she had suffered very much for the faith of christ , with her mother marcella , she was burnt with fire , and consumed to ashes ; after sentence pronounced , potamaiaena was taken and led to basilidos , a souldier of authority among the host , to execution . and when the multitude molested her fore , spitefully handling her with opprobrious , i. e. repro●…chful , terms ; basilides repressed and rebuked their raging speeches , pitying her very much , and practising great courtesie towards her : and , on the other side , she approved and acknowledged his courteous dealings towards her , and bade him be of good cheer , &c. when she had done speaking to him , pitch scalding hot was poured by little and little over all her body . and such was the suffering that this worthy virgin sustained . but not long after , basilides being required by his fellow-souldiers to swoar for some occasion or other , he refused , and said that it did not become him , or it was n●…t lawful for him to swear , for h●… was a christian. at the first he was thought to dally ; but when he constantly a vouched it , i. e. affirmed it boldly , he was brought before the judge , and there confessing the same , was clapt in prison , afterwards he was beheaded and suffered martyrdom . clemens bishop of alexandria , of the canonical scripture . the epistle unto the hebrews he affirmeth to be paul's for undoubted , and therefore written in the hebrew tongues for the hebrews sakes , but faithfully translated by luke , and preached unto the gentiles . it is not to be misliked at all , saith he , that paul an apostle is not prefixed to this epistle ; for , saith he , writing unto the hebrews , because of the ill opinion they conceived of him , very wisely concealed his name , lest that at first he should dismay them , i. e. astonish them . afterwards of the order of the evangelists , according unto the tradition of the elders , he writeth thus : the gospels which contain the genealogies ( i. e. a description of stocks , lineages , or pedigrees ) are placed and counted , first , the gospel after mark was written upon this occasion : when peter preached openly at rome , and published the gospel by rote , many of the auditors intreated mark , being the hearer and follower of the apostle a long while , and one that well remembred his words , to deliver them in writing such things as he had heard peter preach before ; which thing when he had signified to peter , he neither forbad him , nor commanded him to do it . iohn last of all , seeing in the other evangelists the humanity of christ set forth at large , being intreated of his friends , and moved by the holy ghost , wrote chiefly of his divinity . bishops were divided about a lay-man's preaching . origen was intreated of the bishops to dispute in the open church , and to expound the holy scripture , before he was called to the ministry : which may evidently appear , by that which they wrote in defence of the fact unto demetrius concerning him , after this manner : ( he laid this down in his letters , that there was never such a practice heard of : that there could no where the like president be found , that lay-men , i. e. such as are not of the clergy ) in presence of bishops have taught in the church . we know not for what cause he reporteth a manifest untruth , whenas there may be found such as in open assemblies have taught the people ; yea , whenas they were present learned men that could profit the people : and moreover , holy bishops at that time also exhorting them to preach ; as several might be instanced . dionysius bistop of alexandria reporteth in his epistle , the constancy of such as were martyred at alexandria , under decius ; as followeth . dionysius unto rabius bishop of antioch . this persecution was not begun by the emperour's edict ( i. e. proclamation or decree ) but one whole year before : for there came unto this city a certain southsayer , and inventer of mischief , who moved and stirred up the whole multitude of the heathen against us , and excited ( i. e. stirred up ) them to defend the superstition of their native soil : by whom they being thus provoked , and having won to their side such as were of power and authority , to perpetrate ( i. e. to commit any unlawful thing ) all impious acts , they perswaded themselves , that the only worship of devils and our slaughter was piety ( i. e. godliness ) it self . first then , they apprehended a certain minister , and commanded him to utter blaspemy ; who for disobedience therein , was beaten with clubs , his face and eyes they pricked with sharp quills ; afterwards they led him forth , and stoned him to death . again , they brought into the temple of idols , a faithful woman named quinta , and constrained her to worship ; who contrarying and abhorrying their idols , had her feet bound together , and by them trailed and lugged all along the streets . which were paved with sharp stones ; and withal being beaten against mill-stones , and sore scourged , she was brought forth to the place and executed . which being done , they all almost with one accord violently rushed into the houses of the religious , and and the wicked led the heady multitude unto their neighbours houses , whom they knew to be godly and well-disposed , and they destroyed , spoiled , stole , and bore away the precious jewels ; but the vile , the base , and the wooden stuff they threw out into the street , and burned it to ashes ; shewing forth thereby a resemblance , or spectacle of a city taken and ransacked by the enemy . but the brethren took it in good part , and very cheerfully suffered they the loss of their goods ; much like unto them of whom paul hath testified , so great was the rage of the heathen , that there was no way left for us to pass , no not the common high-way , nor any by passages either by day or night ; they cried out all , and exclaimed every where ; there was no other choice , but either to utter blasphemy , or to be drawn and burnt at a stake . but in the end , this sedition and civil war overtook the seditious persons themselves , and turned upon them the self-same cruely , which they before had practised upon us ; so that for a little season we refreshed our selves , their fury wherewith they raged against us being somewhat abated . but a while after , the alteration of the imperial scepter was made known unto us , which before-time had been very favourable unto us , but now threatned great mischief to ensue , and the emperours edict or proclamation was proclaimed ; and that most dreadful saying of our saviour prognosticated ( i. e. foretold ) long before , then took place , that if it had been possible , the very elect themselves should have been offended .. then did all tremble and quake for fear ; some forthwith of the mightier sort fled away , doubting what would befall them ; some of their own accord were carried away with their worldly affairs , some were perswaded by their neighbours , and being called by their names , were present at their profane and impious sacrifices : some waxed pale and trembled , not as though they would sacrifice , but like to become sacrifices and oblations ( i. e. offerings ) to the idols , so that the whole multitude derided them ; for they seemed manifestly to be timerous both to die , and also to sacrifice ; some went stoutly to their altars , and affirmed boldly that they never were christians ; some other there were that held with both sides ; some fled , and some were taken , whereof divers endured fetters and imprisonments : othersome after long imprisonment , before they came unto the tribunal ( i. e. judgment ) seat , renounced ( i. e. forsook or denied ) their faith ; yea , some denied christ , after they had endured torments . but iulianus and cronion ( who confessed and acknowledged the lord with a sound faith ) were burned to ashes in the presence of the people , which compassed them round about . whenas they were brought forth , a certain souldier rebuked such as reviled them , wherefore they exclaimed against him , so that he was brought forth in that great skirmish for the christian faith , and was beheaded . dioscorus , a young man of fifteen years old ( with others ) were committed : first of all the judge took the young man in hand with fair speeches , as though he were easie to be intreated ; afterwards with torments , as though he were soon terrified ; but he for all his perswasion , would neither bow at his flatteries , or break at his threats . the rest , after they had endured cruel rending and dis-jointing of their bodily members , he commanded to be burned with fire : but dioscorus he set at liberty , wondring at his gracious countenance ( which gave a glittering shine ) and the wise answers which proceeded out of his mouth , saying he would grant him longer space to repent and remember himself , for his tender years sake . moreover , nemesion an egyptian was accused of theft , whereof , after he had openly purged and cleared himself before the centursion ( i. e. captain of men ) again he was accused of christianity , wherefore he was bound and brought before the president ( i. e. a ruler or judge . ) but the most cruel and unjust judge delivered him among the thieves , to be twice more grievously tormented and vexed . there stood before the tribunal-seat certain souldiers , and together with them old theophilus , who ( when any of the christians came to hear the sentence or judgment , and then was ready to shrink ) so strugled , that they were ready to burst within themselves ; they nodded with their countenance , and beckned with their hands , exhorting them to constancy , with many signs and gestures of the body ; the which when the multitude in compass had perceived , before that any laid hands on them preventing their doings , they stept forth before the bar , and proclaimed themselves to be christians ; so that the president and his assistants were amazed , and the christians upon whom the sentence had past , were thereby emboldened to suffer , and the judges marvellously afraid . these therefore departed from the tribunal ( i. e. judgment ) seat cheerfully , and rejoyced in the testimony of their faith , god gloriously triumphing in them . ischyrion martyred by his master . many others ( saith dionysius ) throughout the cities and villages , were quartered and dismembred by the ethnicks ( i. e. heathens ) whereof for example sake i will rehearse one . isohrion , being a noble-man's hired servant , and by office his stoward , was commanded by his master to do sacrifice , and when he obeyed not , he was contumeliously ( i. e. reproachfully ) reviled . the heathen master seeing his christian servant so constant , p●…rsisting in his former opinions , taketh a great cudgel in his hand , and beat his body and bowels till breath departed . what shall i say of the multitude of them which wander in the desart , and waste mountains , consumed with famine and hunger , and cold and diseases , spoiled by thieves , and devoured by beasts , whose blessedness and victories , they that remain alive are able to testifie . these things ( brother ) i write not in vain , but that thou mayest understand , what and how great evils and mischiefs have happened among us , whereof they know more , which among all others have felt most . of novatus his heresie and impiety . there was a certain priest of rome that was puffed up with pride , became himself the author and ringleader of his own heretical sect ( to wit ) of such as through their swelling pride did call themselves kathrous ( i. e. puritans ) whereof there was a synod ( i. e. a general or universal assembly ) gathered together at rome , of threescore bishops , besides many ministers and deacons : and it was decreed , that novatus , together with such as swelled and consented unto his unnatural opinion , repugnant , i. e. disagreeing , or contrary , to brotherly love , should be excommunicated and banished the church , &c. it is said , that this novatus longed of old after a bishoprick ; and to the end he might conceal his own peevish desire , he used the cloak of arrogancy , i. e. pride or loftiness , who chose two men of a desperate condition to be partakers of his heresie : these being simple men , not knowing their crafty and malicious fetches , they were unclosed by such lewd persons as were suborned , i. e. were brought in for false witnesses , for the purpose ; and a●…ut ten a clock when they were somewhat tipsie , i. e. wanton , or somewhat drunk with wine , and well crammed with victuals , were constrained to create him bishop , with imaginative , or devised and frivolous , i. e. vain laying on of hands , the which craftily and subtilly , not compatible for his person , he challenged unto himself . it is said of him , that he being loth to die , and desirous of life , in the time of persecution , denied himself to be a priest : and when he was intreated by the deacons , and admonished to come forth of the house ( wherein he had enclosed himself ) and to minister unto the necessity of the brethren which wanted ; he was so far from yielding to the deacons , that he went away , and departed in a chafe , saying , that he would playno longer the priest , but addict himself unto another trade of phylosophy . it is said of him , that when he distributed the oblation to people , that he caused them to swear unto him , by the body and blood of our lord iesus christ , that they would never forsake him . an epistle of dionysius bishop of alexandria , unto novatus . dionysius unto the brother novatus , sendeth greeting : if thou wast constrained against thy will , as thou saist , thou wilt declare the same , if thou return willingly . thou shouldst have suffered rather any thing , than to have rent asunder the church of god ; neither is this martyrdom which is suffered for not severing and dividing the church of less glory than that which is tolerated , i. e. suffered , for denial of sacrifice unto devils , yea , in iudgment , it is of far greater glory . for in the one martyrdom is suffered for one soul , in the other for the universal church ; i. e. the church in general , or the whole church . for if thou either perswade the brethren , or constrain them to return to unity , this notable act will be far greater than the fault that went before ; and the one will be imputed , i. e. laid to his charge , the other will be commended : if thou canst not perswade the rebellious and disobedient , save at leastwise thy own soul. i desire thy health in the lord , and thy embracing peace and unity . the seventh book of eusebius . concerning origen . origen is said to have suffered much affliction for christ's sake , being famous , eloquent , trained in the church even from his youth up ; but through envy he was brought before the rulers and magistrates , and through the despiteful subtilty and crafty invention of satan , he was brought into great slander and blemish of infamy . they say , that the authors of iniquity devised that a man should work the feat ; that is , they prepared an ethiopian , or foul black-moor , beastly to abuse his body ; but he not being willing to away with , neither willing to hear of so horrible an act , brake out into loud speeches , and exclaimed at both the things which were given him in choice : rather than the one , he would do the other . the choice was , that either a black-moor should play the sodomite with him ; or he himself should sacrifice unto idols : and in the end he consented to sacrifice ; whereof when they had put frankincense crifice in his hand , they threw it into the fire upon the altar . by this means he was by the judge put from martyrdom , and also banished the church . after that , he was intreated by the priests of jerusalem , to bestow a sermon upon the people in the church ; after great intreaty , and in a manner constrained by the priests , he rose up , took the bible , opened it , and happened upon this parcel of scripture : unto the ungodly , said god , why dost thou preach my laws , and takest my covenant in thy mouth ? when he had thus read , he clasped the book , sate down , and burst out into tears , together with all the audience , i. e. the assembly of people , which wept with him . he lived till he was threescore and nine years old : and after his fall , he wrote his lamentation , out of which i have drawn this following extract . o ye saints and blessed of god , with waterish eyes and wet cheeks soaked in d●…lour ( i. e. sorrow ) and pain ; i beseech you to fall down before the mercy-seat of god for me , miserable sinner : wo is me , because of the sorrow of my heart : wo is me that my soul is thus afflicted ; wo is me that i am compassed thus on every side , and shut up in my sin , and that there is no health in me : wo is me , o mother , that ever thou broughtest me forth for a skilful lawyer , to be overthrown in his unrighteous dealing ; for a religious man to fall into extream impiety ( i. e. ungodliness . ) wo is me , o mother , which broughtest me forth a righteous man to be conversant in unrighteousness ; an heir of the kingdom of god , but now an inheritor of the kingdom of the devil ; a perfect man , yet a priest found wallowing in impiety ; a man beautified with honour and dignity , yet in the end blemished with shame and ignominy ( i. e. infamy ) a man beset with many evils , and choaked with infamous doings : wo is me , o mother , which broughtest me forth as an high and lofty turret ( i. e. tower ) yet suddenly turned down to the ground ; as a fruitful tree , yet quickly withered ; as a burning light , yet forthwith darkened ; as a running fountain , yet by and by dried up . wo is me that ever i was bedecked with all gifts and graces , and now seem pitifully deprived of all . but who will minister moisture unto the temples of my head , and who will give streams of tears unto my eyes , that i may bewail my self in this my sorrowful plight ( i. e. estate . ) alas , o priesthood , how shall i bewail thee ? alas , o ministry , how shall i lament thee ? o all you my friends tender you my case , pity my person , in that i am dangerously wounded . pity me , all ye my friends , in that i am now become an abject person ( i. e. a cast-away , or one cast down in mind , almost desperate : ) pity me , o ye my friends , in that i have now trodden under-foot the seal and cognisance ( i. e. notable token ) of my profession , and joined in league ( i. e. peace , truce , or friendship ) with the devil : pity me , o ye my friends , in that i am rejected and cast away from the face of god : it is for my lewd life that i am thus polluted , and noted with open shame : bewail me whom the angels have bewailed ; bewail me whom the saints have bewailed ; bewail me , o all ye nations under heaven , in that i am fallen from my glory . the lord hath made and engrafted me a fruitful vine , but instead of pleasant clustered grapes , i have brought forth pricking thorns : bewail me also , for that instead of grapes i have brought forth brambles . alas , what have i felt , and how am i fallen ? alas , how am i thus come to naught ? there is no sorrow comparable unto my sorrow ; there is no affliction that exceedeth my affliction ; there is no bitterness that passeth my bitterness ; there is no lamentation more lamentable than mine , neither is there any sin greater than my sin , and there is no salve for me . alas that ever i was doctor , and now occupy not the room of a discipl●… : thou knowest , o lord , that i fell against my will , whenas i went about to enlighten others , i darkened my self ; when i endeavoured to bring others from death to life , i brought my self from life to death : when i minded to present others before god , i presented my self before the devil ; when i desired to be found a friend and a favourer of godliness , i was found a foe , and a furtherer of iniquity : when that i set my self against the assemblies of the wicked , and reproved their doings , there found i shame and the most pestilent wound of the devil : when that i was ignorant and unskilful in the divers slights of strivers which commonly entrap men ; i allured and exhorted them to the knowledge of the son of god ; wherefore after much sifting , they promised me , unhappy man , crafty conveyances to avoid the subtilty of satan . but after that i departed from them , the devil in the same night transformed himself into an angel of light , and reasoned with me , saying , when thou art up in the morning , go on , and perswade them , and bring them to god ; if they demand ought of thee , if in case they condescend and hearken unto thee , do it , and cease not , staggering nothing at the matter , to the end many may be saved . and again , the devil going before to prepare the way , whetted their wits to devise mischief against me silly wretch , and sowed in their minds hypocrisie , dissimulation , and deceit . but i , o unhappy creature , skipping out of my bed at the dawning of the day , could not finish my wonted devotion , neither accomplish my usual prayer , but wishing that all men might be saved , and come unto the knowledge of the truth , folded and wrapped my self in the snares of the devil . i got me unto the wicked ; i required of them to perform the covenant made the night before . o blinded heart , how didst thou not remember ? o foolish mind , how didst thou not bethink thy self ? o witless brain , how didst thou not understand ? o thou sense of understanding , where didst thou sleep ? but it was the devil which provoked thee to slumber and sleep , and in the end slew thy unhappy and wretched soul. he bound my power and might , and spoiled me of my knowledge ; he bound my power and might , and wounded me . i answered but in word , and became reproachfully defamed : i spake without malice , yet felt a spight . the devil raised an assembly about me , and pronounced against me that unjust sentence : origen hath sacrificed . o thou devil , what hast thou done unto me ? how hast thou wounded me ? i bewailed sometime the fall of sampson , but now have i felt a far worse my self ; i bewailed heretofore the fall of solomon , yet now am i fallen far worse my self ; i have bewailed heretofore the state of all sinners , yet now have i plunged in them all . sampson had the hair of his head clipped and cropped off , but the crown of glory is fallen off from my head : samson lost the carnal eyes of his body , but my spiritual eyes are digged out . it was the wiliness of a womon that brought him to his confession , but it was my own tongue that brought me to this sinful fall : and even as he wanted after that the loss of his earthly possession ; so my tongue having bolted out this wicked saying , deprived me of the spiritual gifts , which sometimes have flowed with heavenly riches . and even as he being severed from the israelites , and cleaving unto foreigners , endured these things ; so i going about to save notorious sinners , brought my self captive unto captives , and the bond-slave of sin. alas , my church liveth , yet am i a widdower ; alas , my sons be alive , yet am i barren : alas , every creature rejoiceth , and i alone am forsaken and sorrowful : alas , o church , wherein i was gladsome : alas , o seat , wherein i sate full merry : alas , o spirit , which heretofore camest down upon me , why hast thou forsaken me ? i am forsaken , and become desolate , because of the corruption and filth of mine iniquity . bewail me that am deprived of all godliness ; bewail me , o ye blessed people of god , who am banished from god ; bewail him who is bereaved of the holy ghost ; bewail me that am thrust out of the wedding-chamber of christ : bewail me who once was thought worthy the kingdom of god , but now altogether unworthy : bewail me that am abhorred of the angels , and severed from the saints of god : bewail me for that i am condemned to eternal punishments : bewail me , for that i am here on earth , and now tormented with the prick of conscience : and what shall i do i wot not , being thus on every side beset with misery . if there be any man that can , i beseech him now to help me with his earnest prayers , and with his sorrowful tears ; for now it behoveth me to shed infinite tears for me great sin. who knoweth whether the lord will have mercy upon me , whether he will pity my fall , whether he will tender my person , whether he will be moved with my desolation , whether he will have respect unto my humility , and encline his tender compassion towards me , who have no taste nor relish of him , but am as the unsavoury salt. now let the elders mourn , for that the staff whereto they leaned is broken : now let the young men mourn , for that their school-master is fallen : now let the virgins mourn , for that the advancer thereof is defiled : now let the priests mourn , for that their patron ( i. e. a great friend ) and defender is shamefully fallen : now let all the clergy ( i. e. bishop , priests , deacons , &c. ) mourn , for that their priest is fallen from the faith : wo is me that i sell so lewdly ; who is me that i fell most dangerously , and cannot rise again . now all ye which behold my wound tremble for fear , and take heed that ye slumber not , neither fall into the like crime ( i. e. fault or offence ; ) but come jointly which have the same measure of faith , let us assemble together and rend our hearts , and provoke streams of tears to gush out of the temples of our heads : i mourn and am sorry from the heart root , o ye my friends , that ever i fell from aloft ; i have fallen , and am bruised , there is no health in me . let the angels lament over me , because of this my dangerous fall : let the garlands and crowns of the saints lament over me , for that i am severed from among their blessed assemblies : let the holy-church lament over me , for that i am ruinously decayed : let all the people lament over me , for that i have my deaths wound . i was constrained of the holy bishops to break out into some words of exhortation , and taking the book of psalms in my hand , i prayed and opened ; and i lighted upon that sentence , the which i am ashamed to repeat , yet compelled to pronounce , unto the ungodly said god , why dost thou preach my laws , and takest my covenant in thy mouth ? but bewail me , and lament this my bitter sorrow ; bewail me who am in like case with the reprobate jews ( i. e. cast-aways ) for that which was said unto them by the prophet , now soundeth alike in my ears ; what shall i do that am thus beset with many mischief . alas , o death , why dost thou linger , to wit , that thou mayst spite and bear me malice ? o satan , what mischief hast thou wrought unto me ? how hast thou pierced my breast with thy poisonous dart ! thinkest thou that my ruine will avail thee any thing at all ? thinkest thou to procure unto thy self ease and rest , while that i am grievously tormented ? who is able to signifie unto me whether my sins be wiped and done away ? whether that i have escaped the pains which greatly i feared ? who is able to signifie to me whether again i shall be coupled , and made a companion of the saints ? alas , o the bosom of the father which i am deprived of ! alas , that i became partaker with the rich man of his condemnation in the horrible pit , and partner of his thirst , in the bitter place full of sorrow and heaviness ; why hast thou broke down my hedge and strong hold ? the wild boar out of the wood hath destroyed me , and the wild beast of the field hath eaten me up ; rid me , o lord , from the roaring lion. the whole assembly of saints do make intercession unto thee for me , which am an unprofitable servant ; have me , o lord , out of the mouth of the ravenous wolf , and suffer me not to become the sacrifice of sin , but let down upon me thy holy spirit , that with his fiery countenance he might put to flight the crooked fiend of the devil , that i may be brought home again unto thy bosom ; that the bill of sin written against me may be blotted out ; that my lamentation may cease in the evening , and receive joy in the morning : let my sack-cloth be rent asunder , and gird me with joy and gladness ; let me be received again into the joy of my god ; let me be thought worthy of his kingdom , through the prayers and intercession of the saints , through the earnest petition of the church , which sorroweth over me , and humbleth her self unto jesus christ , to whom with the father and the holy ghost , be all glory and honour for ever , amen . dionysius professed that he was profited by reading the books of the heretick . dionysius writeth thus unto philemon a roman minister , i have read over the traditions and commentaries ( i. e. registers , or records ) of he eticks , not infecting my mind with their impure cogitations , ( i. e. unclean thoughts or thinkings ) bu●… profiting my self so much thereby , that i reprehend ( i. e. reprove ) them with my self , and detest , i. e. abhor , them utterly : and when i was brotherly and charitably forbidden by a ●…ertain minister , who feared lest i should wallow in the puddle of their maliciour writings , whereby my soul might perish , who as i thought said the truth . a certain vision came to me from heaven above , plainly commanding and saying , read all whatsoever cometh into thy hands , for thou shalt be able to weigh , to prove and try all , and by this means at the first thou came unto the faith. concerning valerianus the emperour . we have to consider , how that above all his predecessors , i. e. those that were in place or office before , he was disposed at the first , gentle before all the men of god , meek , friendly-minded ; for there was none of all the emperours , so courteous and friendly affected towards them , no not they which openly were accounted christians ; he at the first embraced our men most familiarly , most lovingly , and that openly , so that his place was replenished with professors of the faith , and accounted for the church of god : yet afterwards he became so exceeding cruel and wicked , that he brought to pass impure ceremonies , i. e. unclean rites or customs , execrable , i. e. herrible or wicked , enchantments , and abominable sacrifices : he made a slaughter of miserable children : he sacrificed the sons of unfortunate , i. e. unhapy , parents : he searched the bowells of newly born babes , spoyling asunder the shaped creatures of god , as if by such hainous offences he should become fortunate , so that he became a deadly foe unto the catholick , i. e. universal or general , christian faith , under which was raised the eighth persecution against the christians . of dionysius constancy , and fidelity in the time of tryaly ; of his banishment and suffering . in as much , saith dionysius , as it is commendable to conceal the secrecy of the king , and glorious to publish abroad the works of god , forthwith then will i shew the willfulness of germanus ( a bishop who at times backbited dion : ) i came unto aemilianus with some of the brethren : and aemil. said not unto me specially raise no conventicle ( i. e. a small assembly commenly for evil ) for this would have been superfluous , ( i. e. that which is too much ) and the last of all he having recourse unto that which was first , his speech was not of making no conventicles but that we should be no christians at all , and commanded me to cease henceforth from christianity , for he thought that if i altered mine opinion divers others would follow me . i made him answer neither unreverently nor tediously , that we ought to obey god rather than man. yea , i spoke with open protestation : i worshiped god which is only to be worshiped , and no other , neither will i be changed , neither cease henceforth from being a christian : this being said , he commanded us to depart to a certain village adjoyning upon the desert called cephro , afterwards dionysius , with others were brought forth , and aemilianus sat in the presidents room , and said , i have here signified by word unto you the clemency , i. e. gentleness or mercy , of our liege and lord the emperours towards you . they have granted you pardon , so that you turn unto that which nature it self doth bind you unto , so that you adore , i. e. worship the gods which guard the empire , and forget the things which repugn , i. e. resist nature : what answer make you unto these ? i hope you will not ungratefully , i. e. unthankfully refuse their clemency , insomuch as they counsel you to the better . dionysius answered , all men do not worship all gods , but several men do worship several gods , whom they think good to be worshiped : but we worship and adore the one god the worker of all things , &c. then aemilianus the president said , what lett is there , i beseech you , but that naturally you adore that your god ( insomuch as he is a god ) together with these our gods ? dionysius said , we worship no other gods ; to whom aemili . the president said , i see you are altogether unthankful , you perceive not the clemency of the emperour ; wherefore you shall not remain in this city , but shall be sent into the parts of lybia unto a place called cephro ; this place by the commandment of the emperour , i have picked out for you . it shall not be lawful for you and others to frequent conventicles , neither to have recourse , as they call them , unto church-yards . if any of you be not found in that place which i have appointed for you , or in any conventicle , let him under his peril . there shall not want sufficient provision ; depart therefore whither you are commanded . so he commanded me , saith dionysius , although sickly , to depart with speed , not deferring no not one day . afterwards he wrote thus ; truly we are not absent , no not from the corporal congregation of the lord ( i. e. from some that were of or belonging to the body ; ) for , saith he , i gather such as are in the city as if i were present , being indeed absent in the body , but present in the spirit . and there continued with us in cephro , a great congregation , partly of the brethren which followed us from out of the city , and partly of them which came out of egypt ; and there . god opened to me a door unto his word ( that was in the place to which he was banished ) yet at the beginning we suffered persecution and stoning , but at the length not a few of the painims ( i. e. country-men ) forsaking their carved images , were converted . for unto such as before had not received , then first of all we preached the word of god , and insomuch as therefore god had brought us among them , after that the ministry was there compleat , he , to wit , aemilianus removed us unto another place , which was thought to be more rough : i hearing we must depart from thence , and knowing not the place whither we were commanded to go , neither remembred i that ever afore i heard it named , for all that , took my journey willingly and cheerfully . yet here i will accuse my self ; for at the first i fretted and took it very grievously . if places better known and more frequented , had fallen unto our lot , it should never have grieved me ; but that place whither i should repair , was reported to be destitute of all brotherly and friendly consolation , subject to the troublesome tumult of travellers , and violent invasion ( i. e. assault ) of thieves . moreover , he relates how germanus peradventure gloried of many confessions , and could tell a long tale of the afflictions which he endured : but what can be repeated on our behalf ? sentences of condemnation , confiscations ( i. e. forfeiture of their goods to the emperor or king's use ) prescriptions ( i. e. banishment , or open sale made of their goods ) spoiling of substance , deposition of dignities ( i. e. deprivation of honour ) no regard of worldly glory , contempt of the praises due unto presidents and consuls , threatning of the adversaries , the suffering of reclamations ( i. e. gainsayings ) perils , persecutions , errors , griefs , anguishes , and sundry tribulations , &c. yea , there were men , women , young men , old men , virgins , and old women , souldiers and simple men , of all sorts and sects of people ; whereof some after stripes and fire , were crowned victors ( i. e. conquerors ) some after sword , some other in small time sufficiently tried , seemed acceptable sacrifices unto the lord. and yet to this day ( said he ) the president ceaseth not cruelly to slay some that are brought forth , to tear in pieces othersome with torments ; to consume other with imprisonment and fetters , commanding that none come nigh them , and enquiring daily if any such men be attainted ( i. e. convicted , or proved guilty of some great crime . ) yet for all that , god refresheth the afflicted with chearfulness , and frequenting of the brethren . how persecution ceased . when valerianus's son got the supremacy ( i. e. chief place , rule , or authority ) he wrote unto the bishops , as followeth : the emperor caesar p. l. &c. unto d. p. d. together with the rest of the bishops , sendeth greeting : the benefit of our gracious pardon we command to be published throughout the whole world , that they which are detained in banishment , depart the places inhabited of pagans ( i. e. heathens . ) for the execution whereof , the copy of this our edict ( i. e. proclamation or decree ) shall be your discharge , lest any go about to molest you . and this which you now may lawfully put in ure ( i. e. use ) was granted by us long ago . marinus a souldier suffered martyrdom . the cause was this ; there is a certain dignity among the romans called the centurions vine , the which whosoever doth obtain , is called a centurion , i. e. a captain of a hundred ; when the room was void , the company called marinus to this degree ; and he being preferred , another came before the tribunal , or judgmen-seat , and accused him , affirming that it was not lawful , by the antient laws , for him to enjoy that roman dignity , because he was a christian , and sacrificed not unto the emperor , and that it was his turn next to come in place . the judge being very much moved with this , first demanded what opinion marinus was of , and when he saw him constantly confessing himself to be a christian ; he granted him three hours space to deliberate , i. e. advise or consider . this being done , theote●…nus bishop of caesarea took marinus in hand with exhortations , and shewed him the sword that hung by his side , and pulled out of his pocket the new testament , and set it over against the sword , and bade him chuse whether of these two he preferred or liked best , for the health of his soul , when he immediately stretching out his hand , had taken up the book of holy scriptures : hold fast then , saith theote●…nus unto him , cleave unto god , and thou shalt enjoy the things thou hast chosen , being strengthned by him , and get in peace . after he had returned thence , the crier lifted up his voice , and called him to appear at the barr , the time granted for deliberation being now ended . standing therefore at the barr , he gave tokens of the noble courage of his faith , wherefore in a while after as he was led , he had the sentence of condemnation , and was beheaded . several bishops wrote unto dionysius bishop of rome , and to others , concerning paulus samosatenus , who was rejected as a heretick by them . they say that neither by art , trade , or exercise he attained unto the abundance of wealth he enjoyed , but with lewd acts and sacriledge ( i. e. robbing of a church , or stealing of holy things ) by injurious or wrongful and tyrannical oppressing of the brethren , whom he made to tremble for fear with his guileful gain , and wily promise of hired patronship , i. e. defence or protection , by which subtilty and deceit he gained so much , that procured the givers to be liberal , to the end they might be delivered from their adversaries , and so he turned godliness into gain . neither need we declare how that he being puffed up with pride , usurped secular d●…gnities , i. e. took into his use contrary to right , worldly honours and would rather be called a warlike captain , than a bishop of the church , walking stately through the streets and market-place reading letters , and withal openly inditing ; maintaining about him a great troop to guard his person , some going before , and some coming after ; so that our faith and religion ran to great spight , slander and hatred , by reason of his swelling pride and haughty disdain . neither will we rehearse the monstrous figments , i. e. lyes , which he feigned , his glorious brags , the uglisome spectacles , i. e. horrible sights , he devised to amaze the minds of the simple sort . he made for himself a lofty seat and high throne , not like the disciple of christ , but severed , in shew and title after the manner of the princes of the world , smiting the thigh with the hand , pouncing the foot-stool with his feet : if any extolled him not as the use is upon theaters , i. e. places where people sit to behold solemn games or plays , with clapping of their hands , with shouting and hurling of their caps ; if any also both of men and women had not skipped to and fro with busie-bodies and undescent obeisance , i. e. uncomely obedience by bowing the knee ; if any as in the house of god had behaved themselves honestly and decently , i. e. comely or handsomely , the same he checked and all to be reviled . he licensed the bishops and ministers of the adjoining villages and cities , which honoured him to preach unto the people ; the elders and deacons which accompany with him know his wickedness , but dare not accuse him , insomuch as they themselves are guilty of the same crimes ; for he enricheth them , wherefore he is both beloved and honoured of them that gape after the like gudgeons , i. e. gift or reward . we know , beloved brethren , that a bishop and the whole order of priesthood , ought to be a patern of good works unto the common people ; neither , are we ignorant of this , that many are fallen by reason of the closely kept women , and many again are subject to suspicion and slander . the eighth book of eusebius . concerning the peace and prosperous success of the christian affairs , and calamity which followed after . the clemency , or mercy of the emperors was so increased towards the christians , that they committed the government of the gentiles to them : and for the great favour they bore to our doctrine , saith eusebius , they granted liberty and security to the professors of christian religion : what shall i say of them , who in the very palace of the emperours , and in the presence of princes lived most familiarly . yea the bishops of all churches came to be in great reverence and favour among all sorts of men , and with all magistrates , who can worthily describe those innumerable heaps , flocking multitudes , throughout all cities and famous assemblies , frequenting the places dedicated or appointed unto prayer ; because of which circumstances , they not contented with the old and antient buildings ( which could not receive them ) have throughout all cities builded them from the foundation wide and ample churches . but then after that our affairs through too much liberty , ease , and security , degenerated , i. e. turned out of kind , from the natural rule of piety ; and after that one pursued another with open contumely , i. e. disgrace or reproach , and hatred ; and when that we impugned , i. e. resisted or assaulted , our selves by no other than our selves , with the armour of spite , nd sharp spears of opprobrious , i. e. reproachful , words , so that bishops against bishops , and people against people raised sedition , i. e. discord or strife : last of all , when that cursed hypocrisie and dissimulation had swom even to the brim of malice , the heavy hand of gods high iudgment , after his wonted mann●…r , whilst as yet the ecclesiastical companies , i. e. them of , or such as belonged to the church , assembled themselves nevertheless , began softly by little and little to visit us ; so that the persecution that was raised against us took its first original , i. e. first beginning , from the brethren which were under banner in camp , whenas we were touched with no sense or feeling thereof , neither went about to pacifice god ; we heaped sin upon sin , thinking like careless epicures , i. e. such as are given to excess in gluttony , that god neither cared , nor would visit our sins . and they which seemed our shepherds , laying aside the rule of piety , practised contention and schism among themselves , i. e. division in matters of religion ; and whilst they aggravated , i. e. made things worse and worse by words , these thing , viz. contention , threatnings , mutual , i. e. that which passeth one from another , hatred and enmity , and every one proceeded in ambition , i. e. pride , or immoderate desire of soveraignty , much like tyranny it self ; then , i say , the lord , according to the saying of ieremiah , made the daughter of sion obscure , and overthrew from above the glory of israel , and remembred not his foot-stool in the day of his wrath. of dioclesians proclamations against the christians . in the nineteenth year of dioclesian's reign was there proclamations published , in which it was commanded , that the churches should be made even with the ground , the holy scriptures by burning them should be abolished , i. e. disannulled or destroyed ; such as were in honour and estimation should be contemned , and such as were of families , if they retained or held the christian faith , should be deprived of their freedom . and such were the contents of the first edict . but in the proclamations which immediately followed after , it was added : that the pastors , i. e. shepherds , throughout all parishes , first should be imprisoned , next with all means possible constrained to sacrifice : afterwards some endured bitter torments ; others fainted for fear , and at the first onset , or first violent assault , were quite discouraged : some were tortured and launched with more intolerable pain , some failed of the purposed end , some were found constant and perfect . yet the enemies of truth triumphed and laboured to bring their purpose to effect . concerning the persecution . the persecution against the christians grew so exceeding great , that some after many torments endured , were broiled to death ; some were hanged , and some were beheaded . and about that time , some of the emperour's palace hapned to be on fire , and when the christians were taken in suspicion to be the authors thereof , by the emperors commandment the whole troop generally of all the godly there , at that time was executed , whereof some with the sword were beheaded ; others burned with fire , others carried in a boat , and thrown into the deep sea. and such were the practices in the beginning of the persecution at nicomedia . afterwards the emperor commanded all the pastors throughout every church , to be imprisoned and kept in hold ; multitudes were inclosed or shut up , and the prisons of old appointed and ordained for murderers , diggers of sepulchres ; and riflers of graves , were then replenished with bishops , ministers , deacons , &c. so that there was no room in prison for such as were condemned for hainous offences . again , when the former edicts had taken place , there followed others , by virtue of which , such as sacrificed were set at liberty , and such as resisted were commanded to be tormented with a thousand kind of torments . concerning the roman empire . before the roman empire waged battel against us , saith eusebius , in the space the emperors favoured us , and maintained peace , it may not sufficiently be declared how prosperously the commonwealth flourished and abounded with goodness , &c. and whenas the empire after this sort increased without offence , and daily was enlarged , they had no sooner removed peace from among us , but they stirred up battels as could not be reconciled . not fully two years after this hurlyburly , i. e. tumult or stir , there was such a change happened unto the whole empire , which turned all upside down . for no small disease overtook the chief emperour , and bereaved , i. e. deprived , him of his wits : afterwards the empire was divided into two parts , the which was never remembred to have come to pass before that time . not long after constantius the emperor , passing all others throughout his life-time in clemency and goodness towards his subjects , when he died his son constantine supplied his room : in his life he was most benign among all the emperors ; who alone of all the emperors in our time governed most gloriously and honourably during the whole term of his reign , shewing humanity and bountifulness unto all men , &c. the dissimulation of maxentius . maxentius , who exercised tyranny at rome , in the beginning of his reign dissembled our faith egregiously ( i. e. some time basely ) creeping into credit by flattering the people of rome ; and therefore he commanded his commonalty or vulgar people , to cease from persecuting of the christians , whereby he might pretend a show of piety , i. e. godliness , and seem tractable and more benign , i. e. favourable , than his ancestors that went before him : but in process of time , he was not indeed found the same which men took him for , and hoped he would be ; for he fell into all kind of enormities ( i. e. he went out of rule or measure ) omitting no heinous offence , how detestable and lascivious soever it was unessayed ( i. e. untried ) wherefore all , both high primates ( i. e. archbishops ) and inferiour people , trembling for fear of him , were oppressed with his intolerable tyranny ; yet neither by silence , neither by suffering this grievous servitude ( i. e. bondage or base estate ) could they be free from the bloody slaughter and imbrued murther of this tyrant . concerning maximinus , and his proclamation in the behalf of the christians . it seems his behaviour towards the christians was very cruel , and the persecution long and tedious in his day , which continued for years : he exceeded many in hypocrisie , superstition , idolatry , oppression , prodigality , in drunkenness , lechery , &c. wherefore a plague lighted on him , which took root in his flesh , and afterwards proceeded even unto his soul. at length being thus tormented , and lying in this miserable condition , he began to ponder with himself the rash enterprises he had practised against the holy worshippers of god : wherefore returning unto himself , first he confessed his sins unto god , next calling unto him such as then were about him , he gave commandment , that with all speed they should cease from persecuting the christians ; and that by the commandment and decree of the emperor , they should build again their churches , &c. and his proclamations were published throughout the cities , containing a re●…antation of these things formerly prejudicial unto the christians . in the third year of our persecution under the reign of maximinus , the second hurly-burly was raised against us ; and the tyrants letters were then first of all brought to urbanus , charging all the people of what degree or calling soever , that they should sacrifice unto their gods ( the magistrates also throughout every city busily applying themselves to the same ) and that the beadles throughout all the city of c●…sarea , should , by virtue of the presidents edict , summon the fathers , the mothers and their children , to appear at the idols temple ; and that the tribunes should likewise out of a scroll ( i. e. a piece of paper or parchment which might be called a bill ) call every one by his name ; by reason whereof , there was no where but heaviness , sobbing and sighing . and apphianus went cheerfully unto the president as he was sacrificing , and boldly took hold on his right hand , and stayed him forthwith from doing sacrifice , exhorting him thenceforth to cease , and to be no more seduced ; saying moreover , there was no reason that he should despise the one , and the only true god , and offer sacrifices unto devils , immediately after he was haled of the presidents train as of savage beasts furiously raging againest him , and tormented over all his body with many stripes , the which he patiently suffered ; and for a while was clapt in prison ; and afterward shas brought before the judge , and was tortured with many torments , and was finally cast into the se. great persecution against the christians . a young virgin called theodosia coming to salute certain prisoners , she was apprehended , as if she had done some heinous and horrible offence , and she was haled before the president , and he forthwith like a mad man bereaved of his wits , scourged her bare sides with bitter and grievous lashes , and afterwards she was drowned in the sea. afterwards many were condemned to the mine-pits : , not for commodity and profits sake , but for affliction and misery ; some burned ; three martyrs enjoyned to buffet , if not to kill one another ; and some were torn of wild beasts ; and some of the christians were g●…lded , and afterwards condemned to the quarries ; and others were condemned grievously , and chastised with imprisonment and fetters . of which number was pamphilus , of all my familiars , saith eusebius , my dearest friend , a man who among all the martyrs of our times , excelled for every kind of virtue . but not long after this villany exercised upon pamphilus and others , vengeance from above began on a sudden to take hold on urbanus their persecutor , while as yet he governed in this sort ; so that after great shame and ignominy being convinced of hainous crimes , and horrible treachery , he was condemned to die ; then he whined like a child , and cried for the help of the whole nation which he had ruled . the punishment of confessors , and of persecution reviving again , against the christians . not long after there were valiant champions out of the country of egypt , protesting their faith in christ and religion to god-wards , which at the commandment of maximinus , suffered in egypt the like torments ( viz. ) that their right eyes should be sticked upon the point of a bodkin , and all to be digged out , and searched to the inner veins with a hot scalding iron , and that the left leg should be sawn alunder in the knee-sinews : but with these hainous and horrible treacheries practised against the noble and renowned martyrs of christ , the great heat of persecution was asswaged , and the flame thereof ( as it seem'd unto us ) by reason of their blood was quenched , and now pardon and liberty was granted unto the confessors , for so the christians ( it seems ) were then called of thebias , who were then oppressed with drugery in the digging of metais , growing in that region : and we poor silly christians , went about to recreate our selves in this calm season of quiet peace : but he in whose hand it lay to persecute us , i wot not how , neither by what motion , was again throughly and wonderfully incensed , i. e. stirred up to anger against the christians . therefore , upon a suddain the letters of maximinus were sent to raise persecution against us in every province , whereupon the president and the grand captain of the emperors whole host gave out commandments by writs , by epistles and publick decrees unto the wardens in every city , unto the governours and rulers of garrisons , unto auditors , i. e. officers of account , and recorders , that the emperours edict with all speed might take effect : and charged moreover , that withal celerity , i. e. swiftness or speed , they should repair and build again the idol-groves , and temples of devils , lately gone to ruine : and also they should bring to pass that men and women , their housholds and families , their sons and their servants , together with their tender sucklings hanging at their mothers breasts should sacrifice , and in very deed taste of the sacrifice themselves , &c. these things being come to this pass , and the christians being ( as it is most like ) altogether dismayed at these sad sorrowful plunges wherewith they were held : and the ethnicks , i. e. heathens themselves complained , of the intolerable , and adsur'd , too too shameful a dealing , for they were cloyed with too much cruelty and tyranny , and this lamentable season hanging every where over our heads , the divine power of our lord jesus christ again gave unto these his champions such valiant courage of mind , that they set at naught , tread down , and stamped under foot , all the terrors and threats which the enemy could devise . three therefore of the faithful christians linked together in one mind , went unto the president as he sacrificed , and with a loud voice exhorted him , to reform himself , to rev●…ke his errour , and to leave his folly , affirming there was no other god but he , who was the author and finisher of all things : and being demanded who and what they were , boldly made answer , that they were christians : whereat firmilianus being vehemently moved , without any more ado or farther punishment , commanded forthwith , they should be beheaded . the ninth book of eusebius . maximinus forbad assemblies in church-yards . this tyrant who bore rule in the eastern parts , would not suffer the christians to live in peace , no not six whole months , but pur in ure every mischievous practice , to the overthrow of peace and tranquility , first by a certain pretence he goeth about to bar us of our liberty of meeting in church-yards ; next , by sending certain malicious men , he incited , i. e. stirrod up , and provoked against us the citizens of antioch , that they should buy of him for a great benefit , that he would permit no christian at all to dwell within his dominions . maximinus waged battel with licinnius and was overcome , and then published an edict in the behalf of the christians . maximinus became so furious and mad that he broke the league made with licinnius , and he raised an irreconcilable war ; and in a short space therefore with all might he molested in manner every city , and having gathered all his host together and mustered a multitude of many myriads , i. e. ten thousands of souldiers , he marched to battle , trusting in devils whom he took for gods , and was arrogant , i. e. proud or insulting , because of his great multitude of armed souldiers , but he was overcome , and became subject to most vile shame and reproach , and being stricken with rage and madness , he slew many priests and prophets of their gods ; afterwards he ordained a most perfect absolute decree in the behalf of the christians liberty . wherein he said ; that if any were disposed to cleave unto such ceremonies ( i. e. rites , or customs , or to addict themselves unto the observation of that religion , it might be lawful for them without offence to follow their own will ; and that they should be hindred or forbidden , by no man. our pleasure is moreover , that without fear and suspition , they should use that service which pleased every man best , wherefore we have decreed to publish this edict , wherby it may appear manifest unto all men , that it may be lawful for them as many as will follow that opinion and religion , by this our gracious gifts and letters pattents , i. e. writs , or commissions from the prince , as every one listeth and is delighted , so to use that religion , which him pleaseth , and after his own manner to exercise the same , besides this also is permited unto them that they may build places of prayer for the lord : last of all , that this our gift may be the greater we have vouchsafed to decree that also : that if any house or mannors , i. e. farm-houses without the walls of the cities , heretofore belonging unto the christians title , by the commandment of our ancestors have passed unto the crown , either presently enjoyed by any city , or otherwise sold or given to any man for a reward , all these we have commanded they should be revoked , to the ancient rights of the christians , whereby all may have experience of our piety and providence in this behalf . these words of the tyrant , not one year being fully past , followed the edicts or proclamations which against the christians were ingraven in pillars . afterwards he was smitten of god with a plague from above , and his flesh wasted by an invisible fire , so that it consumed and dropped away , and lost all the fashion of the old form , being become like a painted image , dryed up of a long time ; his eyes passing their bounds , left him blind ; at length he confessed he suffered those things justly , and gave up the ghost . foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cantum . happy is he , whom other mens harms do make to beware . the tenth book of eusebius . the heathen were glad of the christians success : the emperor favoured them much . the heathen being delivered and rid of the former mischiefs , confessed diversly , that the only true god was the defender of the godly christians : but unto us there was an unspeakable joy ( saith eusebius ) which with incessant hope did depend upon christ the anointed of god : moreover , the most puissant , i. e. mighty , emperors by their often constitutions , i. e. appointments , published in the behalf of the christians , have amplified and enlarged the things granted to us by the free bountifulness of god. unto the bishops also there came favourable letters from the emperor ; dignities were bestowed , summs of money and presents were sent them . the edicts of constantine and licinnius , touching christian religion , and the liberty thereof . weighing with our selves , said they , that of old the liberty of religion was not to be hindred , and every one had licence after his mind and will ; we have presently commanded , that every one shall handle the holy affairs at his pleasure , and that the christians shall retain their faith of their former opinion and wonted service . whenas with prosperous success we came to milan , and enquired of the things which made for the commodity and profit of the commonwealth , these amongst many other things seemed expedient , yea , before all other , we purposed to decree ; wherein the reverence and service due to god is comprised ( i. e. contained ) that is to say , by which we might grant unto the christians altogether free choice to embrace what service and ceremony pleased them best , to the end the divinity of the celestial ( i. e. heavenly ) affairs now every where received , might in some part be pleasing unto us , and to all our subjects . then according unto this our pleasure , we have decreed , with sound and most right judgment , that licence any liberty be henceforth denied unto none at all , of chusing and following the christian service or religion , but that this liberty be granted unto every one , to addict his mind unto that religion which he thinks fit for him , to the end that god may grant unto us his wonted care and goodness . and now whosoever freely and firmly is disposed to retain the christian religion , let him do it without all molestation or grievance . and because that we have granted liberty to use their observance and religion , if so please any ; it manifestly availeth for the tranquillity , i. e. ease and quietness , of our times , that every one have liberty to chuse and worship what god pleaseth him best . this have we done , lest ought of our doings seem prejudicial unto any service or religion . and because the said christians are known not only to have enjoyed the place of their meetings and assemblies , but also certain other peculiar ( i. e. proper ) not to every one privately , but belonging by right unto their whole society ; see that thou command all those according unto the decree mentioned before , to be restored unto the christians . afterwards the emperor summoned a synod i. e. a general or universal assembly , of bishops to meet at rome , for the uniting and reconciling of the churches ; for it seemed unto him very grievous , that there should be found in his provinces , a multitude of people prone , i. e. inclining unto the worse , and disagreeing , and that among bishops there should be variance . money granted unto ministers by the emperor . constantine the emperor unto decilianus bishop of carthage , sendeth greeting : inasmuch as it pleased us to administer something for expences sake , unto some certain ministers of the approved and most holy religion , throughout all the provinces of africk : i have signified unto ursus , that he should cause three thousand poles of silves ( i. e. certain weights , one contain-in pounds and six ounces , the other weighing pence ) to be told unto thy fidelity . and forasmuch as i understand that some troublesom persons were supposed to pervert by some lewd corruption , to people of the most holy and catholick ( i. e. universal ) church ; wherefore if thou perceive such men to persist in their folly , without any more ado have recourse unto the judges , and make them privy thereof , that they consider of these as i charged them when they were present . a copy of the epistle , by the which the emperour freed the bishops from paying tax or tribute . we greet you , most honourable anilinus : because it appeareth diversly , that if the religion wherein great estimation of holiness is maintained be set at nought , great danger will ensue to the publick affairs : and again , if the same be orderly handled and maintained , great prosperity and special felicity ( i. e. happiness ) will follow unto the roman empire , and the affairs of all men , the goodness of god exhibiting ( i. e. giving ) the same . it seemed good unto us , that those men which labour in this godly religion , with due holiness and diligent observation of this law , shall receive recompence of their travels : wherefore our pleasure is , that they of the province committed to thy charge , whom we commonly term clergy-men ( i. e. bishops , deacons , and priests , &c. be wholly free and exempt ( i. e. free from any service or payment ) from all publick burthens , lest by any errour or cursed swerving they be withdrawn from the service due unto god , but rather may occupy themselves about their profession , without any molesting at all , who , while they perform the great ministry of the holy worship , do seem to profit very much the publick affairs . licinnius's cruelty towards the christians . afterwards licinnius began to imitate the wickedness and impiety of cruel tyrants , and secretly endeavoured by little and little to impugn , i. e. resist or assault , the saints under his dominion , who never molested or endamaged his empire , neither hurt him any kind of way at all : yet by his injunctions commanded , that no charity by any man should be extended towards them which were afflicted in prison , neither compassion should be had on them , which in fetters were like to perish with famine ; neither was it lawful for any to be honest , or to practise charity towards their kinsfolk , whom they were bound to pity , even by the law of nature . the law was indeed shameful and cruel , and far from a good nature ; unto the which there was a penalty annexed , that such as had shewed compassion , were punished alike with them unto whom they had been merciful ; and such as had shewed any kindness towards them , were fettered , imprisoned , and punished alike with the afflicted . such were the constitutions ( i. e. decrees or appointments ) of licinnius . so that the flattering presidents , to gratifie the mischievous tyrant , tormented some without cause that had done no evil , as if they had been murtherers ; whereof some endured a strange death , their bodies being cut in small pieces as butchers do use , and after this cruel and horrible spectacle , thrown into the bottom of the sea , to become food for fishes . but in a short time after , licinnius was overcome by constantine , who favoured the christians , and restored unto them external peace . the end of the first part. a summary , or brief hint of the twelve persecutions sustained by the ancient christians : with a compendious paragragh upon the same ; and a catalogue of the synods and councils which were after the days of the apostles : together with a hint of what was decreed in the same ; as also the judgment of some wise men concerning such convocation . like-wise an appendix of some observable things concerning the christians which lived about a thousand and four hundred years since ; with whose state , principle , and condition , is parallell'd the suffering christians of this age. part ii. qui est crucianus , non est christianus . he that beareth not the cross of christ , is no disciple of christ. for unto you it is given in the behalf of christ , not only to believe on him , but also to suffer for his sake , phil. . . london : printed for francis holder , in the passage going into white-hart-yard , in lombard-street , . part ii. how from the beginning the enmity of satan hath been great against the reghteous and innocent people of god. of a truth , he that is born after the flesh , persecuteth him that is after the spirit ; and that irreconcielable enmity which god ( after many transgression ) put betwixt the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent , hath in all the ages of the world , appeared in satans instruments against the righteous and harmless people of the most high , who since the fall have suffered through many generations : and it is observed , how that when the adversary of mankind had got possession in cain ( adam's first son , gen. . , . ) that then did cain rise up against his brother abel , and slew him : and this same adversary is he , who hath been a murtherer and a lyar from the beginning , who until this day hath retained a place in the hearts of cain's posterity ; and one remarkable token whereby he might be known in all ages hath been persecution . and after he had gotten dominion in mans heart , the wickedness of man became great in the earth , and the imaginations and thoughts of his heart were evil continually ; so that the earth came to be corrupted , yea to be filled with violence . and then did the wicked and ungodly often offer violence unto the just and righteous , even as the wicked sodomites did unto just lot , whose enmity was not only against him , but also against the angels whom he had entertained , gen. . . and likewise this adversary of god and good men , had gotten place in the hearts of joseph's brethren , who conspired together to slay him ; but they not being suffered of the lord to do that , they cast him into a pit in the wilderness . moreover , it appears that satan ( i. e. an adversary or devil ) had a possession in pharoah , and in the egyptians , who did much perplex and afflict the righteous in those days ; for they were grieved with them , and therefore did they make the lives of the righteous bitter with hard bondage , &c. again , the enmity of this adversary was great in many of the potentates of the earth , against the people of god in the days of old , as appears in sundry places of the old testament . and it may be observed , how that when they that were called the lords people departed from his counsel , that then this adversary got place in them also ; which plainly appeared by their murmuring against the lord , when they were wroth over his servants , and cried out , stone them with stones , &c. numb . . . again , this adversary of god , and of good people , got possession , yea dominion in the sons of belial ; who beset the house of him that entertained the way-faring levite , and intended to have slain him . again , we may see how that when saul departed from the gounsel of the lord , then did the evil spirit of this adversary enter into him ; and then commanded he his footmen to slay the lord's priests ; and although they would not do it , yet doeg slew fourscore and five of them upon one day , sam. . , . again , the evil persecuting spirit of this adversary appeared also in jezebel , ahab's wife , who stirred up the elders and the nobles to procure two false witnesses against naboth , to testifie falsly against him , as if he had blasphemed against god and the king ; and the people of the city being leavened with the aforesaid spirit , they carried him out of the city , and stoned him to death . again , when the israelites were departed from the lord , then did the enmity of this adversary of god and all goodness appear in them , which manifested it self by the wrath and indignation which appeared in them against the prophet jeremiah , whom they cast into prison , and against zechariah , whom they slew betwixt the temple and the altar . yea , so mightily did the enmity of satan's persecuting spirit prevail over them , that in the end they killed and crucified those whom god sent among them , and scourged them in their synagogues , and persecured them from city to city , mat. . , . from these few examples which i have here alledged , it doth most plainly appear , that satan , this adversary of god , of the creation , and of mankind , hath of old had a mighty enmity against the righteous , yea before the coming of the messiah , of whom the prophets that were slain testified ; and it is manifest , that it was his persecuting power and spirit which appeare in cain , in joseph's brethren , in the sodomites , in the sons of belial , in the egyptians , in saul , in jezabel , and in the jews : and the same enmity hath often appeared in the same persecuting power and spirit of this old adversary against the true christians since the coming of the messiah ; which may more clearly appear from that which followeth . when the jews had crucified the lord of glory , then did they raise a terrible persecution against the apostles , and that under pretence of religion ; yet they sought to conceal their blood-thirstiness , through their carrying on their wicked design by the romish authority ; for they said expresly , it was not lawful for them to put any man to death ; yet in the mean time they could hale them before their councils , where the high-priest was president , and there did they judge and condemn the christians , as they had done christ ; and afterwards they delivered them to the earthly powers , to be punished according to their sentence ; calling the christians the sect of the nazarites ; and said they set the whole world in an uproar , and sought to annihilate ( i. e. to bring to nothing ) the law of moses , whereupon they presently got the help of the rude multirude to persecute the christians , and that under pretence of defending of religion . note , are not the true christians now called a fanatick sect ? and are they not accused for making uproars and tumults , when they are as free from such things as the christians were in the days of the apostles ; who were not only accused for making uproars , but also for setting the law of moses at nought , even as true christians now are falsly accused for making void the scripture , and of setting it as nought ; whereupon many now suffer about their religion ( by such as pretend to defend and propagate it ) even as the ancient christians did then under the jews , who resisted the spirit of truth , and the holy men that spoke as it gave them utterance ; and being filled with an evil spirit of malice and enmity against the lord and his truth , they whipped the apostles , and haled stephen before their council , and procured false witnesses against him . and when stephen in his answer laid open their wickedness , they were pricked at the heart , and gnashed their teeth at him , and stopped their ears , and run forceably upon him , and stoned him to death . and after that , a mighty persecution of the christians arose , insomuch that they came to be scattered throughout the land of judah and samaria . after that the jews did bring much suffering upon the christians , against whom their indignation was great , and especially against paul , whose life they earnestly sought after , and sometime did they stone him , and sometime they did whip him , and often were they moved with envy against him and the brethren , and upon a time , took unto them certain lewd fellows of baser sort , and gathered a company and set all the city upon an uproar , and assaulted the house of jason , and drew him out with others of the brethren unto the rulers of the city , crying they that have turned the world upside down are come hither also , and these all do contrary to the decrees of caesar. note . hath it not been so of late in england , that when the true christians have come to one of their friends houses in a city , some evil affected person or other , hath gathered a company of rude people , and have haled the innocent out of their friends houses , when they have been edifying and building up one another in the most holy faith : so that oftentimes the anti-christians have behaved themselves like the unbelieving jews , and through their tumultuous uproaring have they caused the peaceable and harmless to suffer , when they who were guilty have gone free . moreover , the professing jews manifested their envious spirit against paul , when they stirred up the people and laid hands upon him , crying out ; men of israel help : this is the man that teacheth all men every where , against the people , and the law and this place ; and all the city was moved , and all the people ran together , and they took paul , and drew him out of the temple , and had him before their council , and accused him to the governor ; but when they could not prevail , neither by righteousness nor by violence , then did a company of them bind themselves by an oath , neither to eat nor to drink until they had killed paul. thus much concerning the jews . note , since that the gospel hath been preached again in the power and demonstration of the eternal spirit , some cities in england have been as in uproars , where the true christians have so preached the gospel as before mentioned ; and at the same time they have been accused for teaching people against the scripture , and for incensing of them against magistracy and ministry , yea against their laws and discipline ; and thereby have some professing antichristians , stirred up the rude rabble shamefully to intreat the good christians , who at this day are found in the footsteps of the ancient suffering christians . object . but some will say , who dost thou call the true and good christians , whom thou dost at this time parallel with the ancient christians ? we know not whom thou meanest , nor do we know whom thou callest the anti-christians ; thou mightest do well to inform us a little . answ. i call them the true or good christians , who walk in the light of the lamb , who follow him through honour and dishonour , through evil report and good report , who bear his daily cross without murmuring , who do unto others as they would be done unto , who renounce the vain customs of the world , and forsake the frivolous traditions of men , tógether with the hidden things of dishonesty ; who are truly contented in suffering when they are therein exercised , and that for the exercise of their conscience in matters pertaining unto religion , who for conscience sake cannot swear , because their master forbids them , nor pay tithes , because their lord is come who ends the first priesthood that took tithes , and is become their priest , unto whom they could freely give tithe , sacrifice , oblations , &c. but these that be external he wills not , therefore do they freely offer that unto him , which they are sure he will not reject nor despise , to wit , a clean , contrite , and broken heart , &c. and they who live godlily and unreprovably , as becometh right christians , such i do call good and true christians . and foras much as i find the people ( who in contempt are called quakers oftner than christians ) in the light of the lamb , in his doctrine , and in the practices in which the antient christians were exercised , therefore it is meet that they now should be called the good or true christians . and for the anti-christians ( i. e. opposers of , or adversaries to true christianity ) such i call so , as are found professing christianity in words , but deny it in works , as some that professed in words they knew god , but in works they denyed him ; so they that profess to be christians , and live in all manner of unchastity , they by their works deny that which they profess in words , and so are not worthy to be called christians , while they are found in that which is against , or contrary to christianity , in which thousands of persecuting false christians are found ; and therefore do i call such antichristians . how the ancient christians suffered by the heathen ; and how true christians now suffer by the same spirit of enmity and persecution , which is entered into the false christians , alias antichristians . the first persecution . when that the jews were bereaved of their power by the heathen , and that the time was expired wherein they had so cruelly used the people of god , nevertheless the christians were not therefore freed from suffering , for they were therein exercised under the heathens power , and nero was said to be the first tyrannical emperour that persecuted the christians ; it was called the first persecution , because it was under the emperors power , and it began in the year , after the birth of christ , and at that time was chiefly within the city of rome : about that time did people begin to accuse the christians , with all manner of wickedness , and to esteem them as reprobates , because they did not honour the gods. note , have not the true christians suffered in england , under the sundry powers that have been of late , even as the antient christians suffered under the iewes . and it appears that when the iewes were deprived of their power , then did the heathens persecute the christians ; and did not both protectors and parliaments persecute the innocent when they were in authority ? but since they have been deprived of the power , and turned out as the iewes were , when the gentiles came to have the preheminence , hath not the king himself become guilty of their sin in persecuting or suffering the innocent to be persecuted within his dominions ; and hath not all manner of evil been spoken of them , and they been accounted unfit to live in either kingdom or commonwealth , and that chiefly because they could no more honour that proud and ambitious spirit which is gotten up in the hearts of men , then the antient christians heretofore could honour the gods of the heathen ? the second persecution . in the year of our lord . did the second persecution begin under the emperour domitianus , under whom several were put to death , and about the same time was the apostle iohn banished unto the island pathmos , where he wrote his revelation ; in those days the christians were so little esteemed , that the people called them cobler , weavers , combers of wool , illiterate and exceeding rustick , or clownish , yea such as knew no good fashions . note . have not some of the true christians been put to death of late in new england ? and have not many of them suffered the spoiling of their goods , and their bodies to be cast into prison , to be whipt , and shamefully intreated by the anti-christians , and that about their religion ? and have not many of the true christians been in derision called coblers , taylers , weavers , plowmen , &c. so little esteem have the true christians now among the children of this world , as the antient christians heretofore have had among the children of men. the third persecution . in the year . did the third persecution begin under the emperour trajanus , who tho' he was called a good emperour , did nevertheless persecute the christians , out of humility to the gods , in which persecution several bishops were put to death , as the bishop of rome , the bishop of ierusalem , &c. and at that time the bishop of antioch testified , that sufferings made us like unto christ , who had suffered for us himself , preparing a way through suffering unto eternal life : about the same time did a governour write unto the emperour in the christians behalf , whereupon the emperour wrot , that they should seek no more of them , but those they had in prison should they put to death . note . without controversie the bishop or pope of rome , must needs be much degenerated from that state in which those bishops then were ; forasmuch as he now ( by that power through which they were put to death ) doth put others to death about their religion , for which they then suffered martyrdom : from hence it may be observed that the bishops now , which persecute tender consciences about religion , are found rather in the footsteps of the heathen , then in the condition of those bishops that suffered martyrdom : moreover in these latter days the lord hath stirred up some at times to speak a word , or to write a few lines in the behalf of the true christians unto them in authority , whereby their hearts have been so far moved and reached , that they have done something in order to the mitigating of the sufferings of the innocent , who at this day share with their brethren in the fellowship of the suffering of the gospel . the fourth persecution . in the year , . was the fourth persecution of the christians , which arose under the emperour , marcus aurelius and lucias verus , in which polycarpus bishop of smyrna was put to death , who had been a disciple of john , and had been many years in the service of the lord , as he himself acknowledged ; about the same time was iulianus put to death at rome , in whose time the christians were accused for having a fleshly conversion one with another , which he marked to be lyes by their willingness to die , and thereby he coming to be converted , became an eminent teacher of the christians . at lyons in france did there go forth a proclamation , that the christians might not dwell in their houses , nor that they must not converse upon the streets , nor shew their faces ; which being impossible for them to perform , their sufferings became exceeding great ; and in the mean time some of the slaves gave out that the christians lived in filthy lasciviousness among themselves : in this persecution there was one lucius put to death , for reproving the judge for puting the christians to crueller deaths then any other transgressors . note , though the true christians now are vilified and falsly accused by anti-christians as the ancient christians were in former ages , yet wise men can see their innocency , and therefore do they love them in their hearts , and some time some have been convinced , by beholding the patience , long-suffering , and innecency of the innocent in these latter days : who now some time do suffer the loss of their liberty , and the spoyling of their gods , if not banishment , either by vertue of proclamations , or of decrees , or of corrupt laws , which true christians now can no more observe and obey , then the antient christians observed the aforesaid preclamation of the king ; and this hath been evident , that sundry of the true christiant in these later days have died in prison [ as some did in the aforesaid persecution ] where they-sealed their testimony with their blood , as many have done before them : and sometimes it hath hapened that affliction hath been added to the bonds of some of the true christians , when they have told a judge or an inferior officer , that malefactors have had more freedom and liberty then they , and more favour shewn them , by such as were in place of trust ; and this hath been manifest enough in many parts of the nation as is well knowd to many . the fifth persecution . in the year . did the fifth persecution begin under the emperor severus , which was hence in part occasioned ( to wit ) when the emperor had a war , and had gotten the victory , the christians kept themselves still , without making tokens of joy , with fires or may-polls , or other triumphs , according to the manner of the heathen : whereupon they accused the christians out of envy , as if they had despised and hated the emperour , and the rather , because the christians would not swear by his fortune : again , they reported that the christians blew out their candles in their meeting in the evenings , and that they did behave themselves unseemly one towards another , so that the christians were despised of ( almost ) all : something to this purpose tertullian rehearseth , saying , the heathen accused the christians of meeting together to sacrifice a child , and after they had taken away his life in a barbarous superstition , that then they committed incest , ( i. e. carnal knowledge betwixt near kindred ) they also added , that the christians had doggs which served to overthrow the candles , and loosing all shame in taking the lights from them , and covering their actions under the vaile of darkness , emboldened them to seek the use of ungodly and sacrilegious ( i. e. abominable ) pleasures . again , ( said he ) the christians were accused of sacriledge , ( i. e. an abusing of sacraments or holy misteryes ) for they did not solemnize with the heathen the days they feasted on in honour to the emperours with all kind of beastly ceremonies , repugnant ( i. e. contrary ) to the christians modesty , chastity , and purity . in those days it was a manner among the christians not to go to any comedies or stage-plays , for they understood , that if they did forsake the devil and all his works , with the world , that then they must forsake comedies and stage-plays : moreover the christians said , we renounce ( i. e. resign or refuse ) your shews , as we condemn their divers originals by the knowledge we have , that they are effects of superstition and idolatry , &c. note . doth it not from hence plainly appear , that the tokens of triumph which are used by anti-christians in england , are heathenish inventions and traditions , in which many have been found of late who profess themselves to be christians : did not many of our english people [ who glory so much of christianity ] make bone-fires [ so called ] set up may-poles , and in , and with such like heathenish inventions , tryumph when the king was proclaimed , when he came to london , and when he was crowned ? and did not then the true christians that feared the lord , keep themselves still and quiet , like unto the antient christians ? and were not they judged to be enemies to the king , and despisers of him , because they did not run with the multitude to the like excess of vanity : but renounced their idolatrous superstitious shewes , which many did not only produce upon the times before mentioned , but which are produced by popishly affected anti-christians upon their popish holy [ but rather prophane ] days : and upon their mayor days , even like unto the heathen , whose manner was to set forth such vain shews upon the days on which they feasted , in whose practise the anti-christians are now found , who also are offended as the heathen were , when they that fear the lord do not observe their days and times , which they , or the heathen have appointed to be solemnized , which sometime they spend in voluptuousness , fulness , and excess , with all kind of beastly ceremonies , ( as tertullian well calls them ) which are now indeed as disagreeing and contrary to christians modesty , chastity , and purity , as the ceremonies were , which the heathen joyned the christians to observe . moreover the true christians have been the rather supposed to be evilly affected to the king , and to be despisers of him , because they can no more take the oaths of allegance ( i. e. obedience of a subject to his prince ) and supremay ( i. e. chief authority ) then the christians heretofore could swear by the emperours fortune , for the true christians now are of basilides mind , who said , it did not become him to swear , because he was a christian , neither would it become them now to do that which their lord and master hath forbid , who said , swear not at all . again , have not the true christians been also upbraided with such false accusations , as if they put out their candles and did behave themselves uncivilly in the evening meetings ; but let such as have thus falsly accused them see in whose steps and practise they are found . moreover it appears , that it was the practise of the heathen to have comedies , or stage-playes , but the christians manner then , was not to go to them , and behold it is not the manner now of antichristians to have comedies , but the manner of the good christians is not to come at them , except it be to bear a testimony against them ; wherefore may not even little children judge , that they who have their comedies for their pastime , at set times and appointed places that such are in the nature and practise of the heathen , who derided the christians and said ; their pleasures were not the christians , and therefore they had reason to reject the things which pleased them as they said : even as anti-christians now reject piety and godliness which pleaseth the true christians , who have pleasure in the lord , and not in unrighteousness , in which the apostatized christians now take pleasure , as the heathen herefore have done . the sixth persecution . in the year . did the sixth persecution under the emperour maximinus arise , who partly out of envy to his kinsman alexander ( who had been favourable to the christians ) did persecute the christians : in which persecution there were many put to death ; for the heathen in those days were so spiteful against the christians , that when there was an earth-quake , or a storm , or the like , they laid the blame upon the christians , saying , their gods were angry , because their honour went to nothing through the christians ; this emperour did not raign very long , therefore did this persecution cease the sooner . note . the same spirit of envy which was in the heathen , hath often appeared in the anti-christians , against the true christians in these latter days , who have boren a faithful testimony against the vain honour of false christians , which must be brought to nothing by the power and people of god , even as the honour of the gods , of the heathen was brought to nothing , by the antient-christians , who could not bow to the gods of the heathen , no more then the true christians now , can bow to the corrupt wills of ambitious and unreasonable men , and though the innocent suffer therefore for the present , yet for their sakes , will the lord shorten the days of the wicked , as he did the days of that persecuting emperour . the seventh persecution . in the year . did the seventh persecution arise under the emperour decius , who with excessive cruelty did persecute the christians , in this persecution several of the bishops were put to death and such as were the chief among the christians did they torture with many torments , and the houses of the christians they plundred , and that which the plunderers did not esteem that they burned ; in this persecution many suffered martyrdom , some being burned , some beheaded ( women so well as men ) some being whipt to death , and some souldiers ( for incouraging these martyrs in their suffering ) were put to death ; in this terrible persecution several departed from the faith for fear of the torments , yet afterwards came to be restored again , the suffering of the christians was great under this emperour , but his days were also shortened , for he had not raigned two years but was caught in a whag of mire , where he met with a check or reproof for his cruelty . note . thus it appears that the christians that lived godly in christ-iesus , suffered persecution , according to what the apostle hath said ; tim. , . and many now that live godly and righteously do suffer not only the imprisonment of their bodies , but also the spoyling of their goods , which have been spoyled both by priests and people , who have sometime ( as it were ) plundred their houses for their dishonest gain , and they have shewed themselves in their carriage and behaviour to be liker unto the heathen then the suffering christians ; who suffered their houses to be plundred , but we do not read that they then plundred the houses of any , but with patience suffered the plundring of their goods , and in this patience and long suffering are the christians ( that are so not in name only , but in nature ) found , in these perillous times . again , have not some souldiers been turned out of their places , yea and brought into suffering for countenancing and favouring the sober , innocent , true christians , among whom some for fear of suffering , may in some respect desert the truth , as some faithless ones among the ancient christians did ; yet we know certainly there are a remnant that cannot bow their knee to baall , but would chuse rather to die the death which many ancient christians suffered , then they will forsake the lords truth , or transgress his righteous law , by breaking his commands . the eighth persecution . in the year . did the eighth persecution arise under the emperour valerianus , who put forth a proclamation against the christians , wherein he forbad their meetings , and when this proclamation or order was not observed , then did there follow a great persecution of the christians , in which there was very many put to death , and some were banished , and they converted of the heathen in the place to which they were banished ; but the emperour under whom the christians thus suffered , did not go unreproved for his cruelty , for he was taken prisoner by the king of persia , who made use of him for a foot-stool when he got up upon his horse , &c. note . hath it not happned so in england , that by the kings proclamation the meetings of the true christians have been forbidden ? and when that , they observed the kings proclamation no more then the antient christians observed the emperours ; hath not a great persecution followed ? have not many of the prisons he silled with them , partly because they could not swear , and partly because they continved their meetings , when they were forbidden by the kings proclamation , as the religion of the christians was forbidden by the laws of the heathen ; and therefore did the heathen with much rigour pronounce these words unto the christians , your religion is forbidden by the laws &c. and did not anti-christians the like , when they abused them in their meetings , and broke them up with much violence ; did they not also pronounce these words with much rigour , your meetings are forbidden by the kings proclamation , &c. and forasmuch as the true christians now have chused rather to suffer bonds and imprisonment , yea the spoyling of their goods , and what not ? then they would renounce the faith , deny their religion , or forsak the assembling of themselves together ; it doth therefore appear that the same mind is found in them now , which was heretofore in the antient christians , who chused rather to suffer the loss of their lives , then to forsake him , for whose cause they suffered ; yet we see their persecutors did not always go unreproved ; oh! that other kings , princes , and magistrates , would take warning from that which happened to these persecuting emperours . the ninth persecution . in the year . did the ninth persecution arise under the emperour aurelianus , but this persecution was not so great as the other , because he was cut off by death soon after he had determined the same : yet in this persecution was felix the bishop of rome put to death , with several others here and there in divers places . note . often doth the lord frustate the purposes , and determinations of such as conspire mischief against his people , yea have we not seen sundry powers overturned in england , and parliments broken up , and councels ( if not committees also ) shattered to pieces , when they have been determined to do wickedly ? so that sometime they have not had power to bring that forth which they had conceived and brought to the birth , so mightily hath the lord confounded their conspiracies and brought their devices to nought , and this the true christians have concluded to be the lords doing , which they have beheld , and which thing hath been indeed marvelous in their eyes . the tenth persecution . in the year . begun the tenth persecution , which was so great , that it exceeded all that had been before it , not only in cruelty , but in continuance , for it continued years , eusebius ( who lived at that time ) writes of it at large in his eclesiastical history ; saying , it was occasioned through the freedom of the christians , who were come into great reputation , and were put in places of office , to rule in countrys and cities , but through their prosperity and voluptuousness , brotherly love came to decrease , haughtyness and pride got up , and in stead of the worship of god , an insolent authority begun to get up in the church of the christians ; and at that time the emperour diocletianus gave forth a proclamation , wherein he commanded that all the christian churches should be pulled down , and the holy scriptures burned , and that the christians should be turned out of their places , with other such like things . after that there came another order that they should cause the chief of of the church to offer unto idols , or else they were to be put to death , then did they begin to rack , torture , and put to death such as resisted , and some were constrained to offer . this persecution hegun as a little sparke , but it spread over the whole church , and the persecution was so hot and great that the persecutors themselves were troubled if not wearyed ; in syria there was so many of the chritians in hold that their prisons were filled with them , and with joy they went unbound to their death , eusebius writes how that many of the christians had their ears cut off , and their noses slit , and other of their members were cut off also , but they who caused it to be thus done unto the christians , did not escape the hand of the lord , for diocletianus who had endeavoured to root out the name of christians , did nevertheless see in his old age that the christians flourished , at which he was troubled and killed himself ; and maximinianus another persecutor , was terribly perplexed with pain in his bowels and other misery which came upon him , the hand of the lord was heavy upon others , who had persecuted the christians , yea and some was made to confess that they had deserved the iudgement from the hand of the lord. note . as the christians were then much prejudiced by their external prosperity , and preferment , so have many thousands been since ; and ( it's like ) the most of the sects that are yet in being among the christians may experience somthing of this ( to wit ) that their great external liberty , and prosperity in the flesh , with their promotion and preferment in the world hath been a great snare unto them , as it was unto the antient christians , who afterwards felt the chastizing hand of the lord , and if all wanton persecuting christians in europe and all the world over felt the same , it might ( i am perswaded ) be good for the humbling of them , who have exalted themselves higher then ever the lord exalted them ; and so are become haughty and insolent , the brotherly love being extinguished , and so have set up an usurpation of authority in matters of religion , concerning the worship of god ; but oh , will not the lord visit for these things , will he not avenge his soul of such hypocritical anti christians , who are now found persecuting and shamefully intreating the lambs of god , with whom in those latter days prisons have been filled , and some of them have had their ears cut off , and the lives of others have been taken away , and that by professing [ but persecuting ] christians who have run on in their blind zeal in persecuting the innocent and harmless christians ; and sometime the remakeable hand of the lord hath been upon their persecutors , though others have not laid it to heart , yet they that have felt it , have mourned under it , and therefore true is that saying . qui ante non cavet , post dolebit the eleventh persecution . in the year did the eleventh persecution of the christians arise , under the emperour licinius ; who formerly had been inclining to the christians and a favourer of them , yet afterwards did he imitate the wickedness and impiety of other tyrants , for he by his injunctions gave commandment , that no charrity should be extended to the christians , for they that shewed them favour were to be punished like the rest . in this persecution the bodies of some were cut in small pieces and thrown into the sea , for to feed the fish : and the flattering presidents to gratify this tyrant tormented such as had done no evil , even as if they had been murtherers , but when the emperour constantine could bear his wickedness no longer he made war with him and overcame him , then did this persecution cease , by whose means also the christians lived in external peace and tranquillity , but after this peace there ensued wars and deadly hatred among the christians themselves . note . many were the tribulations of the antient christians , during the time of these persecutions whereof i writ , howbeit it is very like that then true brotherly love abounded among them , and that they had a perfect fellow feeling of one anothers sufferings , for their hearts was bound up in the bond of love , while they were kept in the unity of the faith , and exercised together in the fellowship of the sufferings of the gospel ; but when these profitable chastizments ceased , and that they who succeeded in the places of those persecutors became the great friends and favourers of the christians , so that they thereby came to enjoy external peace , ease in the flesh , and liberty in the outward ; how soon then did they entertain prejudice and evil , surmizing one against another , how then did they begin to rend and tear one another , and that often about their bishopricks , an benefects ? how then did they run into sects , heaps , and partys , and how did they weary the emperour [ their special friend ] with their complaints one against another , and with the perpetul strife , and division that superabounded among them ? to demonstrate these things at large , would require . a greater volum then i intend to make at this time , and particularly to prescribe them would ask more time then at present i have to spend about this matter , yet thus much i may avouch or boldly affirm , that in those days many evils crept in among christians , which unto this day could not be totally excluded root and branch ; and about that very time when the church was thought to flourish most of all , did many hurtful weeds and degenerat plants took rooting , which have much more thriven and grown among the anti-christians , then the seed of the kingdom , which seed hath been so overgrown and overtopt , that , that little which yet thereof remains , is as hard to be found now in the children of men , as faith wili be to be found upon the earth at the coming of the son of man. the twelfth persecution . in the year did the twelfth persecution arise under the emperour julianus the apostate ( i. e. one that revolted from true religion who had been accounted a christian , but was an hyprocritical dissembler , and counterfeated a monkish life , who being sent into france by the emperour to make war with the barbarians , and obtaining some notable victories was afterwards proclaimed emperour by the souldiers , and then did he set wide open the temples and idoll groves , and sacrificed to pictures and intituled himself an high priest. then the pagans at alexandria stomaked the christians , and that the more , because they went about to disclose unto the world the pagans pictures , to the end their fond ceremonies might be derided of all men : whereupon they boyled within themselves for anger , and took what first came to their hands , set upon them ; and slew of them every kind of way , so that some were run through with swords , some others brained with clubs , other some stoned to death , some strangled with haltors about their necks ; in the end ( as commonly it falleth out in such hurly-burlies ) they held not their hands from their dearest friends ( for one brother sought the other brothers . life , one friend fell upon another , yea the parents put their children to death , and to be short , the one cut the others throat . moreover the emperour julianus gave out a proclamation , that such as would not renounce the christian faith mould warfare no longer in the emperours palace , likewise that all should prepare themselves to sacrifice , and that no christian should bear office in the common wealth ; for their law ( saith he ) forbideth the use of the sword unto such as deserved death , and therefore they are not fit to be magistrates . afterwards he devised a certain slight to wring money from the christians , for he set a great fine upon the heads of such as would not sacrifice , and the tax was very grievous and duly demanded of the christians ; then did the heathen insult over the christians , and the governours of provinces , suposing now that it was high tyde for them under colour of the emperours religion to make up their bagges , vexed the christians far sorer then the emperours proclamation bore them out , demanded greater tax then they were sessed at , and some time tormented their bodys . the emperour understanding of their doings winked at them , and answered the christians , which complained unto him in this sort , it is your part when you have injuries offered unto you , to take the same patiently , for so your god commanded you . the emperour made a law that the christians should not be trained up in prophane literature ( i. e. learning , or cunning , grammer writing ) for ( saith he ) seeing they have the gift of utterance so readily , they shall easely be able to overthrow the quirks of logick wherewith the gentills ( i. e. heathen ) do uphold their doctrine &c. note . as this apostatized emperour julianus exceeded many of his predecessors in subtilty and wickedness , even so have many apostatized professing christians , exceeded the common sort of ignorat people in hypocrisie and craftiness , in deceipt and spiritual wickedness , so that the sufferings of the true christians have been very great under such , as they were , under this emperour iulianus , and as theirs are at this present ; whose sufferings are augmented oftentimes through the covetousness and cruelty of inferiour magistrates , whose wickedness now is not only wincked and connived at , but tollerated and countenanced by their superiors : hath not this been appearent enough at sundry times in englland , where the chief officers have been privy to the unjust and illegal proceedings of their under officers , and yet they have passed it by , as if it had not been worthy of reproof ; in the mean time the innocent , harmless and true christians they have suffered the spoyling of their goods , and that because they would not swear , nor pay tythes to an hireling priest , nor be conformable to the national way of worship for conscience sake , no more then the antient christians could sacrifice , or uphold the worship of the heathenish gods , for the refusing of which they suffered as before mentioned , but it was indeed by and under the heathen , who did neither owne nor profess the doctrine of christ , like as the antient christians doe , who in many things are found as much out of it , as the heathen were , and so consequently rather in the practise of the heathen , then in his doctrine , who said , love your enemies , bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , and pray for them which dispitefully use and persecute you . math. . . but this doctrine is little more regarded by some anti-christians , then by the heathen themselves , whose manner was to uphold their doctrine by quirks of logick , even as the priests do now , for when they cannot uphold their doctrine , and maintain their religion by spiritual weapons , then will they betake themselves unto their quirks of logick , and when they are insufficient for them , then do they ordinarly make their addresses unto them in authority , for to crave their help and assistance , but this was not the practise of the ancient christians , neither is it the matter of the true christians now , but the custom of the anti-christians , who are found in the practise of the heathen . i have read , how that when the nicene counsel was sommoned , which consisted of above three hundred bishops , besides the priests , deacons and others which were heard to be numbered , the logicians busied themselves , propounding against divers others certain preambles of disputation , and when divers were there drawn to disptuation , and allured as it were by bait ; a lay-man ( that is not one of the clergy , who was of a simple and sincere mind , set himself against the logitians , and told them thus in plain words , that neither christ nor his apostles had delivered unto us the art of logick , neither vain falacies ( i. e. crafty devises ) but an open and plain mind to be preserved of us with faith and good works . afterwards the logitians quieted themselves and held with his sentence , logick . note . thus we see that this art of logick ( in which the heathens were very expert , and by the quirks of which they upheld their doctrine was not approved of by all the ancient christians , tho is begun to creep in amongst them when they appostized , but by some it was testified against then , as it is now , by the true christians , who are in the life and power of godliness , which was before this sophiestical and deceitful art was , by the quirks of which , persecutors have upheld their doctrine , and by the quirks of it , persecutors do uphold their doctrine ; but so did not christ , nor his apostles , nor the ancient suffering christians , neither doth the true christians now , who abide in the light and doctrine of their lord and master , who is king of kings , and lord of lords , blessed for ever more . the histories do relate , that in these twelve persecutions which were against the christian church , the blood of about five hundred thousand was shed ; and that among all these that suffered , there was not one that by weapons revenged himself , but patience was their armour , and thereby did they conquer the severity of the emperours : relig. vryh . lib. . fol. . note . therefore such christians now as suffer patiently for righteousnes sake , without resisting or revenging themselves by violence with carnal weapons , are rather found in the spirit and practise of the ancient christians , then revengeful persecuting men , who are commonly called christians , yet do not only do wrong to their brethren and fellow creatures , but are also found revenging themselves of the wrong done unto them by others , contrary to the doctrine of the apostle , and contrary to the practise of the ancient christians , in which doctrine and practise the true christians are found . thus have i very briefly run through these twelve remarkable persecutions which were sustained by the antient christians under the heathen . here followeth a short relation of some persecution , which was by some false christians after they were apostatized from the faith , and patience , love and long suffering , which the true christians retained while they abode in the doctrine of their lord and master . the first persecuting christians were called arians from one arius a priest at alexandria , a man very skilful in the subtilties of sophistical logick , who reasoned thus , saying , if the father begat the son , then had the son which was begotten a beginning of essence ; hereby it is manifest ( said he ) that there was a time when the son was not , and the consequent to follow necessarily , that he had his essence of nothing . when he had with this strange kind of doctrine concluded and laid down this position , he provoked many to reason hereof , so that of a small spark a great fire was kindled ; and for the debating of this , with a controversie that was in the church about the feast of easter , was the nicene counsel sommoned ; and when the arians had got the emperour on their sides , then did they set up themselves and did boast of the emperours religion , and by force of arms did they instal ( i. e. consecrate ) one lucius an arian in the bishoprick at alexandria ; and they laid hands or peter that before was bishop and clapt him in prison , and the rest of the clergy the banished , some unto one place , and some unto another ; and horible acts was committed afterwards against ' such as inhabited the rest of egypt , by imprisoning of some , tormenting of others , exileing ( i. e. banishing ) of the rest ; then did the world begin to favour the ariens much , and after the emperours edict ( i. e. ordinance or proclamation ) was proclaimed , the houses of the righteous in the desert were spoiled , overthrown and cruely beaten to the ground ; the armed souldiers set upon the silly and unarmed people ( who stretched not out a hand for their own defence ) and slew them miserably : the history saith , that the manner of the slaughter was so lamentable , that it cannot sufficiently be manifested unto the world , and when the emperour valens , had by law ordained that persecution should be raised against all that maintained the faith of one substance , then was many brought before the bar , many clapt up in prison , others diversly tormented , for they vexed them with sundry punishments which led a peaceable and quiat life , and many of them were set at nought , scourged , spoyled of their rayment , fettered in prison , grushed with stones , beheaded with bloody swords , shut up in the desert , covered with sheep and goats skins , destitute of aid and succour , grievously afflicted wonderfully troubled with the adversary , many wandred in deserts and dangerous ways , they hid themselves in mountains , in denns , in caves , and hollow rock's ; these afflctions they suffered for their faith , and for their works ; after that these notable men through their invinciblé patience and sufferance had overcome the sundry and manifold torments : lucius ( that persecuting bishop ) perswaded the captain to exile the father and ring leaders of these religious men , and they were banished into an island , where there was not a christian , yet it is said , that they converted both priest and people unto the christian faith. when the world favoured the arians in this sort , they set up themselves , they crowed insolently over the christians , they scourged , reviled , imprisoned , and laid upon them all the grievous and intollerable burthens they could devise ; the true christians being thus oppressed with extream dealing went unto the emperour , besought of him , that if not altogether , yet at least wise , he would ease them of some part of their troubles : but he was their deadly foe and the cause of their calamity ; for when eighty of the clery were sent in the name of all the rest to him , to open their grief unto him , and they certified unto him the injuries which they sustained at the hands of the arians : he , altho' he was very much incensed against them , yet concealed he his displeasure until that privily he had commanded his lieutenant to lay them in hold , and to punish them with death : and then he made them believe that he would banish them the country , which they seemed to take in good part , and they going aboard and taking shiping , as if they were to be conveyed into forrain and far countries : but the lieutenant charged the marriners , that when they came in the main sea , they should set the ship on fire , so that dying in that sort they should have none to bury them , and so they did , and in the end , the ship , with the christians that were in her , were consumed to ashes , but it is reported that this horrible act was not long after revenged , for immediately the land was plagued with a sore and lamentable famine . again there was a certain man called moses , who led in the desert the monastical ( i. e. solitry or comfortless ) trade of life , but for his zeal , faith and godliness , and for the strange miracles wrought by him , he was famous among all men : and a certain queen called mavia , required of the romans this moses to be her bishop . moses therefore was taken from the wilderness , and sent to alexandria for orders , and when moses was come in the presence of lucius , the persecuting bishow before mentioned , he refused to receive orders at his hands , reasoning with him in this sort : i think my self unworthy of the priestly order ; yet if it be for the profit of the common wealth that i be called unto the function , truly thou lucius shalt never lay hand upon my head , for thy right hand is imbrued with slaughter and bloodshed . then lucius said again , that it became him not so contumeously to revile him , but rather to learn of him the precepts of christian religion ; moses answered , i am not come now to reason of matters of religion , but sure i am of this , that thy horrible practises against the brethren , prove thee to be altogether void of the true principles of christian religion ; for the true christian striketh no man , fighteth with no man : for the servant of god should be no fighter : but thy deeds in exileing of some , throwing of others to wild beasts , burning of some others , do cry out against thee : yet are wee surer of the thing we see with our eyes then of these we hear with our ears : this happened in the year of our lord : in which time it came to pass that the meetings of the christians were forbidden : and upon a certain time there was a woman that went very zealously with her child towards the meeting of the christians , and being asked of the judge whither she was going , she replyed and said , to the meeting of the christians , to die there a martyr with this child : with which answer the judge was so smitten that he ceased persecuting . in the did berengarius with the bishop bruno in france begin to teach against infants babtizm , and transubstantiation ( i. e. a changing of one substance into another , as the papists imagine the bread and wine to be changed into the body of christ , through , or after consecration , which doctrine begun presently to spread it self through france and germany ; against which pope leo ix . held two synods in the year one at rome and another at vercle , in which the opinion of these two were condemned . in the year did peter de brusius teach against infants babtizm , transubstantiation , praying for the dead and such like things , which he preached near upon twenty years , and finally because of this doctrine , was he burned : for then was the pope begun to follow the foot steps of the arrians , in persecuting men to death for their religion , though it was not the practise of the apostles . in the year did arnaldus teach against infants babtism , transubstantiation and other things , but the pope innocentus the second , commanded him to be silent , fearing least he should spread this doctrine much ; there was one peter abailardus of the same opinion : and to this opinion many of the clergy were brought , insomuch that three popes had enough to do , one after another , to reduce them to their superstition : afterwards this abailardus was apprehended and burned to ashes in rome . moreover there arose some who suffered themselves to be called apostolical , because they said they walked in the footsteps of the apostles : they rejected infants babtism , the purgatory , praying for the dead , and calling upon the saines with other of the romish ceremonies , they also rejected the priests that led a sinful life ; these were called unlearned blockish clowns . in the year , there was a people raised up in the province of albi in france , whose opinion was ( as baronius writes ) that infants babtism was not necessary to salvation ; that an unworthy sinful priest , could not administer the sacrament , that none should be bishops except they were unreprovable , that men should build no churches to the honour of god , nor to the honour of the saints , and that it was unlawful to swear , neither would they receive the doctors interpritations . these people ( saith baron ) were taken into the protection of some princes and rulers , against whom the pope made war because they would not persecute them , and expel them out of their country . in the year . the king of france and the king of england , observing how these people did daily increase ; they concluded together per force of arms to expel them out of their coasts ; but changing their mind , they first laboured to convert them by the clergy : and to that end was there many bishops and learned men sent to convert these ( whom they juged to be heriticks ) by their sermons : but withal they sent several men with their clergy : that in case they with their sermons , reasons and arguments could not overcome them , that then the other should fall upon them and drive them out . and when the bishops with their traine were come to the city toulous , where the aforesaid people were ; they ingaged the citizens by an oath to discover them they knew to be of this people . and among the rest there was one peter moranus discovered , and being examined he made a confession of his faith freely , and therefore was he presently condemned for a heritick , and all his goods were confiseated , with his sumpteous house in which he had holden meetings , and part of it was demolished : but this faithless peter when he saw this storm , begun to fear and begun to be sorrowful seemingly , and begged forgiveness ; and it was granted him with this condition , that one bishop with another man should whip him , he going naked and barefoot towards the church , and that three years long he must go pilgrimage to ierusalem , ( which then was become a fashion among the apostazed christians ) and when the three years were expired , he was to have his confiseated goods again . now others of the aforesaid people observing this , begun somewhat to fear , and some seemed to recant , but when there was an oath required of them , they refused to take it , whereupon they were rejected as heriticks and afterwards were banished : and it was commanded that all the catholicks should shun them ; and that all princes should expel them out of their countrys . in the year the the aforesaid people begun to be dispersed in many citys and countrys , and their doctrine begun to spread exceedingly yea through the most part of europe that the popes with the assistance of the princes and secular powers , had enough to do to root out the same , first they endeavoured by disputing and afterwards by banishment , and lastly by all manner of torturing , burning hanging and cruell bloodsheding , so that the whole world seemed to be as in an uproar : and this was all about religion . when that the christians had gotten the power into their own hands ( i mean the secular or earthly power ) then did they by that power persecute as they had been persecuted , compel , as they had been complled , and put men to death about their relegion , as their bretheren had been put to death for their religion ; and with this thing the church of rome hath not only corrupted her self , but the most of the sects that have come out of her , when they got the carnal sword in their hands , then did they endeavour to defend their sect , their religion , their worship , and their discipline with that sword , which may kill the body , but connot slay nor destroy the spiritual wickedness in the body , which at this day abounds among anti-christians , who are yet persecuting about worship , faith , religion and things of this nature , as their forefathers , the arrians did ; in whose steps most of the professors have been found , who wrestle with flesh and blood ; and when that their clargy could not prevail with their original , with their philosophy , with their quirks of logick ; nor with their strong reasons and arguments ; then were they to have the help of the civil magistrate , unto whom they have cryed for help , as the jews did unto the men of israel , and often have they combined together for to kill and destroy , that which god had made alive , yea and to extinguish that which he had kindled , as appears from what i have rehearsed ; and the same spirit of enmity ( which hath been in the world since the beginning ) hath appeared often , against the work of god and his instruments , as it now hath appeared against the true christian-quakers , who are found in the footsteps of the suffering ( but not of the persecuting ) christians . i might here add , very much concerning the terrible and redious persecution in iermany , and in the low-countrys , which begun in the year . and continued untill the year . about the beginning of which , the emperour put forth a proclamation , wherein it was contained , that all such as were found stained or polluted with the cursed sect of anabaptism ( for so he called it ) of what state or condition soever they were , their adhaerents and compliences , were to forfeit both their lives and estates , and were to be brought to the utmost punishment without any delay , especially those that continued constant , and that had baptized any , likewise they that had the name of prophets , apostles , or bishops , they were to be burned : and all other sorts of people that were baptized , or had entertained any of the aforesaid anabaptists , though they renounced that oppinion and were truly sorry for what they had done , yet were they to be drowned : and for the better manifesting of the wederdoopers the emperour expressly commanded all his subjects , that they manifested the same to the officer , of the place where they lived , or where they were found : and if any knew of them , and did not manifest the same to the officer , or officers of the place , such were to be punished , as favourers of , complyers , with , and adhaerents to the aforesaid sect : and such as did discover the same , were to have the third part of the partys confiscated goods . moreover he forbad all his subjects , to re-require or further any mercy , favour or forgivness , for the aforesaid wederdoopers , or anabaptists , or to occasion request , or shew any petition on their behalf in pain of being arbitrarily punished ; forasmuch as he would not allow that any of the aforesaid people ( because of their wicked oppinion as he called it ) should be received into mercy or favour , but they should be severly punished , to be made examples to the rest , without any dissimulation , favour or delay . this was given out at brussel and printed the day of iuly ( so called ) anno . when this same came to be proclaimed , most terrible persecutions did follow , and great havock was made of these people , the cruelty of their persecutors towards them , the severity ▪ o●… their punishments , by terrible tortures and sad imprisonments , with the sundry sorts of cruel deaths which they suffered in this sore persecution , would be to tedious for me now to rehearse perticulerly , together with the reproach of the wicked , the threatning of tyrants , how they would not fly when they were apprehended , though sometimes they had oppertunity , how they were hindred from praying at the time of execution , how the rulers were devided among themselves concerning them , and somtimes the wrath of the furious magistrats was mitigared , and they brought to a sence of the suffering sufferers , and laid down their commissions , comforted the sufferers , and prayed for forgiveness : and likewise how the sufferers were prevented from speaking , sometimes with bridles , sometimes with balls in their mouths , and sometimes with cords or ropes , sometimes by drums , sometimes having their tongue bound , with other inhumane devices : and what iudgment fell upon their persecutors ? these things to demonstrate at large , ( i say ) would require a far greater volume than i am now determined to publish ; and them to compose , translate , and transcribe , would ask more time than i can now well spare , having the weight of a weightier service upon me ; yet for the reader 's better satisfaction , i shall here rehearse what articles were charged against one of them , with a hint of the manner of this suffering , whereby he may the better judge how and for what the rest suffered . first article . that he and his adhaerents had done contrary to the emperours proclamation . . that he had taught and believed , that the sacrament was not the body and blood of christ , . that he had taught and believed , that infant baptisme was not profitable to salvation . . that he had rejected the sacrament of anointing with oyle . . that he had rejected and despised mary the mother of god. . that he had said , that men should not swear to , or before the magistrate . . that he had begun a new and an unheard of custome of the lords supper , laying bread and wine in a platter , and hath eaten the same . . that he was gone out of the order , and had taken a wife . . that he had said , if the turk came into the country he would not resist him , and that if it were lawsul to fight , he would rather draw●…a sword against the christians , than against the turks . these were the articles that were drawn up against him , which were looked upon as hainous things against their holy faith , and their mother the holy church ( as they called it and especially the last of the nine , concerning which he gave them this reason , saying , den turck is een rechten turck , ende en weet van dat christen geloove niet , ende is een turck mae den vleesche : maet shy wilt christenen zijn , ende veroemt u christi , maer ●…hy vervolght de broom getuygen christi ende zijt curcken na den geest . which by interpretation is , the turk is a right turk , and knoweth nothing of the christian faith , and so is a turk according to the flesh ; but you will be christians , and you will glory of christ ? and yet persecuted the honest or faithful witnesses of christ , and so are spiritually turks . afterwards the magistrates laughed at his answer and reason , cast their heads together , and the recorder spoke to him , saying , yen , thou infamous , devil and monk , should men dispute with thee ; yea the hangman shall dispute with thee , believe me that . michael sadler ( for so he was called ) said , what the lord will , that shall come to pass . recorder , thou devilish heretick i tell thee , that if there were not a hangman , i would hang thee my self , and think that i did god good service thereby . after other words that passed betwixt them , there was one that stood by m. s. and drew out a sword that lay upon the table , saying to m. with this shall men dispute with thee . when some asked him , why he did not continue a lord in the cloyster , he answered and said , that according to the flesh he was a lord , but , said he , it is better to be thus : after these things had passed , his sentence was read , which was to this purpose , that he should be delivered over to the hangman , and that he should cut out his tongue , and that afterwards he should be cast upon a waggon , and that his flesh should be twice torn with hot glowing tongues , and that afterwards he should be brought withhot the port , and there tortured , and afterwards as a heretick burned to ashes . thus it was done to him , and so was he martyred ; his brethren were executed with the sword , his wife and sisters were drowned , anno . and these were the fruits of the false christians , who were become as cruel persecutors , as the iews and heathen had done of the true christians : which thing i determined to manifest according to what i have in part done , through the help and assistance of him that put it into my heart to undertake this matter . the people that suffered in this persecution were upbraided with ian van leyden , his consorts , and that bloody and ambitious insurrection which happened at munster , even as the christian-quakers have been upbraided with that infortunate and unhappy insurrection , which of late happened through wilful men at london . note . the baptists themselves do confess , that they are very much fallen and degenerated from that state and condition , in which they were , that then suffered martyrdom . how the papists once cryed out against forcing of conscience : how calvin was against it , and for it : how luther and they that owned him were intreated , when they renounced popery , and when the protestants begun to persecute . the papists themselves ( who have been the greatest persecutors of any that ever professed christianity ) when they were much conquered in the low-countries , and came to be persecuted by such as they had persecuted ; then they themselves cryed out against forcing of conscience as an unfitting thing , and then could they say also , that the conscience ought to be free , &c. this appears by their remonstrations , requests , and apologies : vide merckteyck , pag. . calvin , swinglius , and others , before they had gotten the power in their hands , they carried themselves meek and lowly , and condemned persecutors , but when they were become strong and mighty , then did they glory in their magnificence , and begun to beat their fellow creatures ; yet when calvin was persecuted himself , he blamed such as sought to compel others to believe by corporal punishments ; but afterward he himself taught that hereticks might be punished with the sword : merck-teyck , pag. , . when luther renounced popery , then was he looked upon as a devil in man's shape , and as a veterator ( i. e. an old experienced crafty deceiver , or a subtle knave ; ) yea , as a wicked shameless man that bewitched people ; and the lutherans were looked upon in the general for the shamefull est people that were to be found upon the earth , and not worthy that the sun should shine upon them , and in those days people were to burn them for hereticks , without shewing them mercy . bond. hist. lib. . f. . afterwards when they were grown mighty , then they contended with others about religion , and run out in bitter scolding , blaspheming , partial judgment , and condemning others that came out of popery , so well as the papists , and that not only in their pulpits , but also with their libels . likewise in the low-countries the reformed remonstrants scolded at , and reviled the contra-remonstrants ; notwithstanding the proclamation of the lords , the remonstrants were cryed out against as pelagians , socinians , &c. yea , as papists , traytors , and enemies of the country . acerba●… fratrum bella , prov. , . as for the arminians , they were accused for bringing in atheism , ( i. e. the damnable opinion of the atheists ) for being hereticks ; yea , more hurtful and more dangerous than the arrians , macedonians , and other sects , and it was said of them , that they damned themselves before god ; with all that heard them . and upon a certain time , when the priests were met together at harlem , they desired ( for the defence of their religion , that the proclamation against the arminians might be renewed , published , and put in execution . thus the priests manifested the same evil spirit of persecution to be in their hearts , which was in the papists , whom they pretended to renounce in words , yet they retained their envious spirit , which could bear others no more that differed from them , than the papists could bear them . the histories do shew how that after the protestant church , had been about ten years , then did they put forth a proclamation against the wederdoopers , ( i. e. such as were baptized again , or anabaptists as they are commonly called in england ) wherein they commanded all the inhabitants of the land , to discover unto their officers the wederdoopers , to prevent their multiplying , ( it is said ) they were determined to put them to death , with their adhaerents , according to their laws , &c , merck-teyck , pag. . thus it appears from what i have here briefly instanced , that the protestants so well as the papists , have been out of the right way , and that they have run in the way of the persecuting iews , persecuting gentiles , and persecuting arrians , who are said to be the first that persecuted under the name of christians ; but since many sects have followed their pernicious ways , rather than the practise of the ancient christians , who stretch'd not forth a hand in their own defence ( as it is said ) when they were persecuted , but both papists , lutherans , calvinists , ( otherwise presbyterians ) arminians , independants , and many of the wederdoopers have shewed themselves to be of another spirit since they degenerated from that glory and power ; love and life , meekness and long-suffering , patience and purity , which abounded among the ancient christians in the primitive church , unto which the eternal god hath again restored a remnant , who at this time suffer , as the manner of their fellow citizens hath been who are gone before . and such as are now found in the life and power of the truth , they are at this day judged by papists , by lutherans , by arminians , by presbyterians , by independants and paptists , &c. as the lutherans and others were , when they renounced popery : and the sects now , that are among the protestants , are as apt to hate and cast out their brethren from among them , when they come to walk in a more excellent way than the rest of their sect , as the papists were , to persecute them that renounced popery ; therefore are the protestants so well degenerated as the papists ; witness their daily practises . a catalogue of the synods and counsels . which were summoned after the days of the apostles : as also the cause for which many of them were summoned ; together with a hint of what they decreed , likewise shewing in what year several of them were held , &c. in asia sundry synods were held , in which montanus was excommunicated and his heresie condemned . euseb. lib. . ch . . anno . there was a synod held at rome touching the time of the celebration of the feast of easter , where victor excommunicated all the eastern churches euseb. lib. . ch . . anno . there was five or six synods held in sundry parts of the world about the celebration of the seast of easter , in which the bishop or pope of rome had no more authority then the other bishops , he in his city and they in theirs were chief , and when he went obout to challenge authority over the eastern churches , irenaeus bishop of lyons in france sharply reproved him for it , euseb. lib. . ch . . there was a synod held at carthage , which is said to have erred about the rebaptizing of hereticks . anno . there was a counsel of bishops called together at sinvessa where the bishop or pope of rome , was condemned for denying christ and sacrificing to idols . therefore the pope of rome , hath erred , and may erre . anno . there was a counsel held at neocaesarea , where among other things it was decreed , that none should be made priest before he was thirty years old . constantine called a counsel to remove the dissention risen among the bishops . anno . a general counsel was called at nice of three hundred and eighteen bishops by constantinus magnus , where they condemned arrius , debated the controversie about easter , laid down a form of faith , &c. silvester called at rome bishops in the presence of constantine , where they laid down canons ( i. e. laws ) for the government of the clergy . anno . a counsel held at eliberis in spain in the time of constantine , decreed , that the usurer , should be excommunicated : that tapers ( i. e. candles ) should not burn in the day time in church yards ; that images should be banished the church , that nothing should be painted upon the wall to be worshiped , &c. but are not usurers now admitted without any scruple to be members both of the papist , and also of the protestants churches ? and are not images errected in their masshouses , ( which they call churches ) and many painted upon their walls , and in their glasswindows ? the vanity and evil of which this aforesaid counsel saw , and therefore were they prohibited then , though they are practised and upheld now , by the apostatized christians . anno . the counsel of gragra condemned the heretical opinions of tustathius , and allowed the marriage of the priests . a counsel held at carthage , decreed that there should be no rebaptizing , and that clergimen should not meddle with temporal affaires . a counsel of arrian bishops met at antioch , where they endeavoured to abrogate ( i. e. to take away , abolish , or disannul ) the nicene creed . thus like the builders of babel were they devided , for that which one synod decreed and set up ; that did another synod abolish and throw down . anno . a general counsel was summoned at sardis , for the hearing of them whom the arrians had exiled ( i. e. banished ; ) the counsel restored them , and deposed ( i. e. put down ) their accusers , and condemn the arrians , and confirmed the nicene creed . anno . a counsel of arians held at sermium scourged among them osius , and made him subscribe unto atheism ( i. e. the damnable opinion of the atheist . ) but the like was never done by the apostles , for they never sought to bring any from atiheism , or to atiheism , by scourging but ●…ather suffered themselves to be scourged by iews and atheists . a general counsel was summoned to meet at millian , where the east and west chruches brawled about athanasius and dissolved the counsel agreeing upon nothing . the meletians assembled at antioch , where they laid down the macedonians opinion of the son of god , jump between the arians and the true christians , where they proved themselves neuters i. e. an indiferent party , not on the one side , nor the other . anno . a counsel at laodicea decreed that the laity , or common people should not chuse the priest : that lissons should be read in the church , between certain psalmes , and service should be morning and evening , that the gospel should be read with other scripture on the sunday ; that lent should be observed righteously without solemnizing the feasts of the martyrs and that christians should not dance at bride houses &c. a counsel was called at illytini where the truth in the blessed trinity ( i. e. three joyned in one ) was confessed . a counsel held at valentia in france decreed priests should not marry . the first counsel held at toledo in spaine , decreed that priests should marry . therefore one of those counsels have erred , though the papists say they could not erre . there was a councel held at chalcedon , where chrysotom was condemned : of spite , and for no other crime . a counsel was called at cyprus , where through the spite of theophilus bishop of origen were condemned . the third counsel held at carthage decreed ; that the cletgy in their yeirs of discretion should either marry or vow chastity ; and that the chief bishop should not be called prince of the priests or highest prles●… , but only the bishop of the chief see ( i. e. seat. ) if the counsel erred not in decreeing this decree , the popes have erred since , who have been called the prince of all the world , and hath been said to have the place of the everlasting king upon earth , unto whom all power in heaven and earth was given , and whom all nations should serve , &c. therefore may the pope through arrogancy err , so well as counsels which have erred ; so that we may conclude that both popes and counsels ( which are erred from the spirit ) are fallible and have erred , as doth and may more fully appear . anno . a counsel held at hippo decreed that bishops and priests should look well to their children , that the head bishop of the head see should not be called the chief priest , and that no scripture should be read in the church but canonical ( i. e. approved by exact rule . ) the counsel held at taurinum was held for the reformation of the clergy , which then was corrupted ; but since much more . the counsel of matta condemned the pelagians and donatists and concluded that infants were to be baptized . the counsel of agatha decreed that none should be made priest before he was years old ; and that the clergy should wear such attire as became their profession , with many other constitutions . the first and second counsel held at vasio decreed that in such churches , where preachers were not , deacons should read homelies ( i. e. sermons or speeches . ) a counsel held at carpentoracte decreed , that the bishops should not poul the parishes ( that i●… not to rob , pillage , or take mony from them by extortion or deceit . it would be good that every bishop now in being , observed well this decree , and kept clear of pouling their parishioners by extortion and deceit , which many of their forefathers have been guilty of , and it is expected now by many , that they who have of late been installed will in this particular follow their example , rather then the apostles , who covered no man's bishoprick , nor benefice , no man's tithe nor augmentations , no man's gold , silver nor apparel , &c. a counsel held at venice decreed , that no clergy man should be at wedding dinners , dancings and hearing of wanton sonnets , or vain songs , &c. all the bishops of affrick came together by the commandment of honoricus the arrian , where his heresie was confirmed and bishops exiled or banished . anno . a synod of bishops were called together at rome where the canonical scripture ( i. e. such as were approved by exact rule ) were severed from such as were apocrypha ( i. e. doubtful or not well known . ) a synod met at epaunis and decreed , that no clergy man should either hunt or hauk ; that throughout the province such divine service as the metropolitan ( i. e. chief city , or arch-bishop ) liked of , should be retained . it is to be noted , that though this uniformity was thus decreed by the synod in the apostacy , that through the province such divine service as the chief city , or arch-bishop liked of should be retained , yet the apostles decreed no such thing that the scripture makes mention of . a counsel held at aurelia decreed that lent should be solemnly kept before easter , the rogation or gang week with the emberdays about the assention , a counsel held a gerundia in spain decreed , that every province should observe one order of divine service , that baptism should be ministred only at easter and whitsontide , and at other times if necessity so required , and that the lord's prayer should be said at evening and morning prayer , a counsel held at caesar augusta , accursed such as received the sacrament , and eat it not in the church . a general counsel was called at constantinople , which decreed , that mary should be called the mother of god. anno . the first and second synods were called at lyons for the removing of schism ( i. e. divisions in matters of religion ) raised in the church . six synods were held at rome touching the electon of a bishop and the preservation of church goods , &c. malum consilium , consultori pessimum . these things have i thought good here to recapitulate or briefly to rehearse , to the end that the great apostasie ( so often spoken of ) might be evidently manifest to all , and the great fall and revolution of the church from the apostles doctrin and practise : for when they assembled together it doth not appear that there was such discord and divisions , such strife and a●…tipathy , such brawling and contention , in their general assemblies , as there was in the counsels before mentioned , neither did they manifest such a bitter spirit of enmity and discord , when they chused mathias in the room of judas , nor yet when they chused the seven disciples , acts . chap. . moreover when the apostles and elders and brethren were assembled together to determin what was best to be done touching the doctrin sowed by certain that came from judea , which taught the brethren saying ; that except they were circumcised after the manner of moses they could not be saved ; after they had debated the matter they decreed with one accord to send chosen men unto the gentiles and to injoyn them to abstain from things offered to idols and blood , from that which was strangled and from fornication , &c. but it doth not appear that they out of spite condemned or excommunicated those of iudea , and held them forthwith for acursed , because of their error , like as the apostatized bishops and clergy men have done one with another and one unto another , as appeareth from what i have before rehearsed . again when paul came to ierusalem he went with the brethren unto iames , where all the elders were assembled ; and there they determined what they thought best to be done , and decreed that paul should purifie himself according unto the law , &c. these counsels or general assemblies o●… the apostles and brethren the scripture makes mention of , yet it doth not appear from the scripture , that the apostles and brethren , decreed the celebration of the feast of easter , or that none should be made priest till they were thirty years old , neither doth it appear that they brawled about men , and agreed upon nothing ; nor yet that they ordered lessons to be read in the church between certain psalms ; neither doth it appear from the scripture that they decreed that lent should be righteously observed , and that the priests should not marry , nor yet that infants should be baptized ; neither doth it appear that they decreed that the clergy should wear a different attire from other men , or that such divine service as the metropolitan liked of , should be retained ; i say it doth not appear that they ( to wit the apostles and brethren ) decreed these or such like things in their counsells , but that since the apostles days they have been decreed by the synods and counsels , which have been in the apostasie , and yet at this day many of them are taught for doctrins , though they be but the traditions of fallible synods and counsels , as i have shewn . inclinemus igitur aurum verbo dei in corde , & non ex conciliis contendentium episcoporum non ex disputationibus novitiis , non ex forensibus & manicipalibus gestis , sed in nostris cordibus veritatem quaeramus . the iudgment of some notable men concerning synods , ( i. e. general or universal assemblies ) ●…nd counsels , together with their effects . i. in the days of berardus the church of rome was polluted with many superstitions ; and baudaert said , that the bishops were rather biters of sheep then true shepheards ; and upon a time when he was in a counsel of the clergy , and had seen how unchristianly they dealt , he said ; sometime i have admired , that among the little number of the twelve apostles there was a traitor ; but now do i wonder much more , that among this great number of so many bishops and prelats , that one upright disciple of christ cannot be found , apop . chr. lib. . pag. . daar geen godvreesendheid bij en is , daar is 't , hoe geleerder , hoe verkeerder . where ther 's neither god's fear , nor godliness , ther 's the more learn'dess , the more perversness . ii , gregorius theologus ( who lived about three hundred years after the birth of christ ) said , that he had promised and determined never to come at synods , forasmuch as he observed that always there came more evil then good out of them , for the ambitiousness and contention of the bishops is above measure ( said he ) anno . iii. the reformed protestants testified ; that synods and counsels which strove upon the earth might err , and with the most voyces conclude lies , in this or the other point , according to what experience in all ages hath taught , eub. ch . , , &c. iv. d. calvin testified that prophets and pastours , the church counsels have erred ; and that god hath often discovered that in counsels which was humane ; to the end that people should not rely or depend too much upon men , instit. . ix . ch . . v. boudaert said in gilterland's synod ; soffragia non ponderanda sed numeranda esie , ( i. e. that voyces were not to be pondred but numbred ) but said he , if the church reign in this manner or deal with voyces , shall not the most evil surprize the best which is the least , for is it not so most commonly ? and when that the shepheards come to be changed into wolves , are not the innocent , harmless sheep then in pittiful danger ; espetially ( saith he ) when rulers of cities are stirred up by passionate priests . vi. d. pareus said , often hath the truth suffered wrong in synods , because all that were assembled agreed in one error , so that the truth came often times to be abandoned , and with silence passed by . iren. . p. vii . it hath been said , the church judged of the doctrine of the church . according to this saying , shall the papists church judge of the the doctrine of popery , the lutherans , the calvinists , the anabaptists and every one of them ; but what such a judgment is this ? otherwise then that which is daily practised , by their one condemning another , and every one maintaining his own sect : so saith hilarius . what unity or edification is there in such work , and in so much following partial counsels or conferences ? none at all , said he . viii . beza declared expresly that the church and counsel might err , and that they had often erred , and that the devil in some old counsels had sitten as president in them . ix . the professors of leyden said , we see that particulars have not only erred , but general counsels , for shepheards may also be devoures ; isai. . . ezech. . jer. . and the church being gathered into a synod , may be a church yet not of god , but of malignity ; likewise they that profess the name of god , may abuse their power against the truth : yet they that do so , will not say that of themselves , not yet acknowledge themselves to be guilty ; may not every one then judge of synods , and declare their opinion concerning them ? x. museulus said , concerning the synods of priests , which the unexperienced think to be the only remedy against differences , yet they are nothing else ( said he ) but fencing-schooles . nevertheless the complaining church cryeth , after the synod then , after the synod , will they not do that , &c. xi . gregorius nazianzenus used to say , that he never had seen any good end of any counsel or synod , vide inst. calv. . lib. . ch . . xii . the states of holland said to the lords of amsterdam ; this hath men heretofore observed , that the reformation was not accomplished by synods : for the remedy was not to be expected from the clergy , who were the cause of the desease : anno. . mark-teeck . forasmuch as many at this day have great expectations in their minds of peace and tranquillity , together with an uniformity and settlement in ecclesiastical affaires , which they suppose might be procured through the means of a synod or convocation , which some imagin would be a speedy remedy for their deplorable disease : i have therefore thought good not only to give a brief hint of the many synods , of which i have spoken , but also in short to instance the approbation and judgment of them that were accounted wiser men in their generation , then the christian-quakers are accounted by this generation , that if peradventer i might thereby in any wise convince them , through alledging that which some that are renowned among them have affirmed ; even as paul when he sought to convince the athenians of the lords being near unto them , he instanced their own poets who also said the same , acts , . in like manner have i alledged the sayings of those noted men , to the end , that they whose expectations , are to see such great things produced by synods or convocations , may the rather be perswaded ; that the notable work of real reformation●… and the true and perfect establishing of the church or people of god , in lasting peace and pure tranquility , must be the lord's work by his eternal power and spirit , and not by the consultations of synodal conversations , nor yet by the arm of flesh : far that is not the means which god chuseth , but that which the sons of men have chosen in the apostasie , and therefore hath these excessive persecutions ensued , of which i have made mentlon : and now let england take heed how she heaps up counsels or convocations , least she look and run more unto them for help , then unto the lord ; for i testifie unto her in the name of the god of the living , that they shall not be able to heal her deseases , nor yet to bind up her breaches : oh that she would therefore fly unto the lord and look unto him , rather then unto the convocations or synods of mortal men , how soon would he then heal all her backslidings , bind up all her breaches , and with everlasting loving kindness gather her . an apendix unto the abridgment . whein is contained , many notable things which passed betwixt the antient christians and the heathen ; which are extracted out of tertullian's apology , ( the which he made in the defence of the christians against the accusation of the gentiles . ) to the end , that all may see , how the like railing accusations which are , and have of late been so frequently produced against the true christians of this age , have also been produced by the heathen against the antient christians . years ago . section . the heathens opinion of christianity , how they vilified them and their god , how they were judged when they denied to sacrifice , and how they were condemned . the heathen believed a man could not make profession of christianity , without being tainted with all sorts of crimes , without be●…g an enemy to the gods , to princes , to the law 's , to good manners and to nature , neither could a christian at that time be acquitted unless he denied himself to be a christian. tert. apol. pag , . are not many now of the like opinion , that a man cannot be a true christian-quaker without being an enemy to the worship of god , to the king , to the laws of the kingdom , to good manners , and to nature ? the heathen reproached the christians as wiched superstitious persons , whom they accounted worthy the infamy of punishment , and in conclusion objects of laughter and contempt , and with much rigour did the heathen pronounce these words unto the christians , your religion is forbidden by the laws , &c. page . are not such now become objects of laughter and contempt , as cannot run with the multitude to excess of riot , and be conformable to the workers of iniquity in their vain customs and frivolous fashions , which the true christians are redeemed from , and cannot be conformable unto , though they therefore be accounted worthy the infamy of punishment , and have it inflicted upon them , by vertue of unwholesom laws , which prohibit their liberty now , as the laws of the heathen prohibited the true christian religion . such were the calumnits ( i. e. false accusation ) that were invented against the christians religion , that upon a certain time a picture of their god was shewn by a certain infamous person , who openly shewed the same with this inscription therein , this is onochoetes ( i. e. the god of the christans ) this supposed god pretended by him , had the ears of an asse , a hoof on his foot , carried a book and was cloathed with a gown . page . hath there not been something of the like nature acted among the stageplayers of this age , in contempt and derision of the religion ( if not of the god himself ) of the true christians , whose profession is now reproached and vilified by infamous lewd men , as the profession of the antient christians was by the heathen . the christians were forbidden to have their religion apart , though none besids them were forbidden the like , and because they did not serve the gods of the romans , therefore did they offend the romans , and were accounted unworthy the name of romans . page . have not many in the nation laboured and endeavoured much to have the like brought to pass , concerning the true christians , who are not conformable to the national way of worship , which is much rather formal then spiritual , and therefore is it renounced by the true christians , who worship god in the spirit as the antient christians did . when the christians were injoyned to offer sacrifice , they resisted ; then said some , there was folly in their resistance , and that they might sacrifice when they were prest to it , and preserve their lives without injuring their consciences in keeping a secret resolution to remain firm in their religion : and that in neglecting their security , they preferred a vain self will before their welfare . p. . in like manner have many of the people of god in these latter days been injoyned to do things , which have been as absolutely against their consciences , as it was against the consciences of the christians to sacrifice ; and when the true christians now have resisted , when they have been prest thereunto ; it hath been said of them , that they were selfwill'd and obstinate , when they could not dissemble ( to avoid sufferings ) like other hypocrits , who asfumed unto themselves a liberty , which the spirit of god never allowed of ; so that the true christians have often been judged , and have suffered deeply , when time serving dissembling hypocrits have gone sree . the heathen caused the christians to undergo such punishment as was ordained for their wretched slaves ; for the christians they shut up in prison , and caused them to be condemned to work in the mines , or to some other servile work of the like condition , page , & . the punishments and sufferings which many of the true christians have undergone in these perillous times , have exceeded the sufferings which many malefactors have sustained for their transgressions , for thousands of the innocent and harmless christians have been shut up in close prisons , where ordinary necessaries could scarce be gotten to them for several days together , and others of them have been sent to houses os correction to work there like slaves and dissolute persons , when they have been as harmless and blameless as the antient christians were , section . how the christians societies were called factious , how unprofitable they were judged to be in commerce , who could gain nothing from them , how they renounced the heathenish superstitions in peril of their lives , &c. the societies of the christians were called factious ( i. e. troublesom or contentious ) but saith tertullian to such as called them so , tell me , did we ever assemble to procure the hurt of any one ; as we are in the particular , so we are in the general , that is to say , in whatsoever state we are found , we offended no body , we injure no body : and farther saith he , when any vertuous or godly people are associated , when any pious or chast persons assemble together , their union should not be called a faction , but a lawful society , page . are not the societies of the true christians called factious at this day also ? because they worship god in the spirit , and meet at places distinct from the common ordinary places of the national worship , though they by their peaceable assembling procure the hurt of none now , no more then the antient christians heretofore did . the heathen cryed out against the christians , and said , they were not any way profitable in commerce ( i. e. entercourse , or marchandise ) of the world : yet tertullian saith , neither were they without their publick places , their markets , their shops , their inns , &c. pag. . have not the true christian in like manner been upbraded , when they have been diligent in their places in the creation , and have frequented both faires and markets , &c. about their lawful callings ; for their religion did not separate them from their ordinary and lawful commerce , but from the superfluity of needless and frivolous words , and from the deceit therein ; though its true some have laid aside that kind of commerce in the world , which was neither useful to god , nor beneficial unto man , but prejudicial to the creation , and it is very like the antient christians did the like , after their illumination and conviction . there were certain persons that did complain of the christians , as people of whom there was nothing to be gained for them , but they were such saith tertullian , as were infamous corrupters of chastity , who meddled with giving poyson , and magicians ( i. e. conjurers ) and finally southsayers , diviners , and astrologers , to whom it is very profitable in this life to be unuseful , saith tertull. p. , . some such like men have of late als●… accused the true christians , together with taverren and alehouse-keepers , musitioners and stage players , with some sort of shop-keepers , that have sould gold , and silver-lace , with jewels , pearles , rings and ribbins , with such other unnecessary toys , such like men , with the priestly merchants of babilon , may in part complain so well as southsayers and astrologers , of the true christians now , as some such heretofore among the heathen have done , of the antient christians : but most commonly they that do complain of them without a cause , are infamous corrupters of chastity , who are adicted to speak evil of dignities . the heathen tollerated the sects of the philosophers without punishing of them , but the christians doctrine which they published was forbid by the laws , and they were exposed to all sorts of punishments ; but the philosophers were not so forced to sacrifice , to swear by their gods , and light candles at noon , which things were imposed upon the christians as necessary , which they refused on peril of their lives . page . it is well known in the nation of england , how that the christian-quakers have been much more restrained of their liberty then other sects , and their doctrine hath been more prohibited by the laws of the land then others , which have been much more pernitious , nevertheless it hath been tollerated if not upheld by a law ; when that the true christians have been exposed to grievous punishment , and others that have been guilty have gone free : yea have not many observed how their adversaries have endeavoured to force them to come to their places of worship and likewise to take the oathes of allegiance and supremacy , which have been hard imposed upon them , and which they have refused on peril of being shut out of the kings protection , and of forfeiting their estates , goods and chattels unto him , yet others are connived at as the philosophers were by the heathen , and in the mean time the true christians are exposed to sundry sorts of punishments , as the antient christians were by the heathen , some said that even among the christians there were a people , that gave themselves the liberty of doing evil ; but said tertullian so soon as they fall into this disorder , we own them no more for christians . pag. . with the like thing have the true christians been upbraded in these latter days by many , who have cast the failings and disorder of the unfaithful and disorderly upon the innocent , who have no more approved of their evil , then the antient christians did of the disorder of the disorderly among them , whom they did not judge worthy of the name ; which at this day is not a little dishonoured by the life and conversation of antichristians , who until this present , have retained the name , but are wholly degenerated from the nature , as their fruits do abundantly declare . section . how they that were not of the christian religion , had more liberty then the christians , what prejudice many had against the name christian , how some were praised before they became christians , and how both men , women , children and servants suffered for becoming christians . when men that were not of the christian religion were , accused of the same crimes they imputed to christians , it was permitted them to have their innocency made known , and to defend themselves by word of mouth , they also were suffered to give an answer to what was objected against them and to make their justification : for the laws did not allow those to be condemned , whose offences were not heard : but the christians had not the like liberty : for they were condemned for the confession of the name christian , and their confession only exposed them the publick hatred . pag. . hath it not been thus in our days , have not many malefactors had more liberty to plead for themselves then the true christians could have for some years last past ? and was not this one great reason ( viz. ) because malefactors could bow and stand uncovered , and withal given flattering titles unto men , but because the true christians could not do the like , therefore have they at times , been condemned before they have been permitted to speak in their own defence ; so that the wills of many now ( who are called christians ) have been more wicked and unreasonable , then some of the ancient laws of the romans . the heathen did certainly believe that the confession of the name christian carried enough with it of all crimes , and they also held , that to confess the name christian made the christians guilty . are there not many of the like opinion concerning the name quaker , against which many have received as great prejudice as the heathen did against the name christian , and therefore do they not only hate the name , but also them that are called by it , though their fruits ●…e never so good . the heathens believed all that was published against the christians , though they saw no proof , and they took occasion to condemn the name , which was the object of their hatred , and the only confession they made of the name was sufficient for the conviction of those crimes they attributed to it , without any other ground then their own opinion pag. . have not many done the like concerning the true christians in these latter days , who have born the name of quakers , which name yet remains the object of many ones hatred , who know little of the life , doctrine and conversation of them that bear it , yet the acknowledgment of it , causeth many to be judged as criminals or offenders , in the opinion of many , who judge now with evil thoughts , as the heathen did , and so with a prejudiced spirit condemn the righteous , without any just ground or cause ; and thus it happeneth now unto the true christians , as heretofore it hath unto the antient christians , whose life , doctrine , and practise , is lived in by the righteous now , and therefore must the same , or the like measure , be measured unto them , which heretofore was to the other . upon a certain time in a conferrence one of the heathen said , truly he of whom you speak is an honest man , if he were not a christian , and his life would be free from blame ? and others said do you know such an one ? who had the reputation of a wise and discreet man ; he is lately turned a christian , there were others that said , how pleasant and of what a good humour was that woman ? how sociable ( i. e. kind or loving ) and jovial ( i. e. merry ) was that man , its pitty they should be christians . pag. . hath there not often been the like communication among many people concerning the christian-quakers ? and have not many of them been lamented by their friends and acquaintance , after their conversion in such a manner , as the christians were lamented for by the heathen , and wherein differs that pitty now , from the pitty that was in the heathen ? who would praise and extol the christians while they lived in the vanity of the world with them , but when they were redeemed from the same , then were they bewailed by them that continued in the same ; and surely thus it is at this day with the true christian , who are now bewailed by such as continue in that which they through mercy are redeemed and saved from . thus is it written in tertullian's apology ; a man who heretofore had his mind full of jealousie , could no longer endure the company of his wife , what assurance soever he had of her chastity , after once he perceived she was turned christian. moreover , a father who of a long time endured the disobedience of his son , resolved to take from him the hope of succeeding him in his inheritance for turning christian. and a master that used his servant or slave gently when his carrage gave some cause of distrust , afterwards put him far from him , when he became a christian. pag. . thus hath it been with true christians in these latter days , for some honourable and devout women , have not only been excluded for some certain time , out of their husbands company , but they have also been shut up as close prisoners in their own houses , through the aversness of their husbands , whose wrath and fury was become great against them , and that chiefly because they were become quakers . item , sundry men who have long dispensed with the wantonness and disobedience of their sons ; aster they have been truly converted to god , and came to live righteously and soberly , then have their parents threatned them to disown them from being their children , &c. and that because they were become quakers . item , some masters who have born much with their servants when they had cause to distrust them , and sharply to reprove them , have upon their conversion and reformation from the evil of their ways , either turned them out of their places , or at least frowned very much upon them ; ( though they had more assurance , of their fidelity then formerly ) and that because they were become quakers . but may not we say as tertullian said : it 's committing of a crime to correct the disorders of a man's life , by the motions of a holy conversation to the christian faith , and the good which is produced by so happy a change , works not so powerfully on the minds of men , as the hatred they have conceived against us ; indeed this hatred is strange , and when i consider that the name of a christian , ( or the name of a quaker ) only maketh it to be so , i would willingly know , how a name can be criminal , and how a simple word can be accused ; me-thinks a word cannot be condemned , unless it be barbarous , or expresseth some evil speaking , or represents some unchast thing , and of ill report page . section . how the christians were haled out of their assemblies , what honour they rendred to the emperours , the heathens testimonies of affection to the emperour , how the christians would not revenge themselves , how they suffered themselves to be killed ; their order concerning their collections , how they disposed of them ; and how their sufferings were prejudicial to the comon wealth . when the christians saw themselves every day besieged and betrayed , and when they were very often taken in their assemblies , and prest to sacrifice to the gods , then they cryed out and said ; we cannot hinder our lives from being in danger , if we will be faithful to god. pag. , and . it is well known unto many , how that the innocent and harmeless christians have of late been often haled out of their assemblies , and prest to do things contrary to their consciences , upon the refusal of which , their liberties and estates , have not only been in peril . but their lives also ; so that the true christians may well conclude as the antient christians did , ( viz. ) that they cannot hinder their lives from being in peril , if they will be faithful to god. the christians were accounted publick enemies to the emperours , because the honours they rendred to them , were neither vain flattering , nor rash ; but mark what tertullian saith to the heathen concerning this particular ; think you ( saith he ) these are such great testimonies of affections , to kindle fires in the midst of the streets , to set up tables there , to make feasts in the publik places , to change the face of the city into that of a great tavern , &c. must a publick shame be the mark of a publick joy ? ( saith he ) must these things be accounted seemly on the solemn days of princes , which at no other time , or on other days , are fitting or decent . pag. . in like manner have the true christians been accounted enemies to the king , because they could not honour him with any vain flattering honour , like unto that wherewith , the heathens honoured their emperours , who manifested their affections to him , by kindling fires in the midst of the streets , and by changing ( as it were ) the face of the city into that of a tavern , &c. now let our english apostatized christians come forth , and parallel their bonefires , which they used to make in the midst of the streets ; their causing the conduits to run with wine , and their setting up scaffolds with shews , &c. which they did , when the king was proclaimed , when he came into the realm , and at his coronation , let them ( i say ) come forth and compare their practises then , with the practises of the heathen , and they may see how they resemble one another , to their great shame that profess christianity , and are yet manifesting their publick joy , by glorying in their publick thame , which is neither comly , decent nor profitable , either to the king , the kingdom , or to the subjects , nor yet in any wise becoming christians , therefore are they now to be testified against , as they were heretofore , when they were up held by the heathen , and were witnessed against by the antient christians the antient christians confessed they were commanded to love their enemies , and that they were to hate none , and that they were forbid to revenge injury received , though the sword and sire was imployed against them , and they were often by people assaulted with stones , yet they endeavoured in no wise to ressent the evil treating they had received , though they wanted not an occasion , if it had been permitted them to render evil for evil , but god forbid ( said they ) we should do so . pag , . the same mind is now found in the true christians , whose principle leadeth them to suffer injurie done unto them , rather then to revenge themselves on such as injure them , and therefore is it manifest that they are of the same spirit which the antient christians were of , who suffered violence to be done unto them but did not with violence resist nor defend themselves , like as the apostatized christians do now , who at times assault the true christians with stones , with pistols , with swords , &c , all which they suffer patiently without rendring evil to them that thus intreat them , and therefore may we conclude that they are found in the practise and condition of the antient christians . the christians suffered themselves willingly to be killed , saying , in their religion it was rather lawful to let themselves be killed then to kill others ; nevertheless they were declared to be the romans enemies , though they did them no hurt , and thus much they confassed , it 's true said they , we are enemies , yet not of men , but of their errors , pa. . . the true christians now that are of the pure religion say yet the same , though apostatized christians be imprisoning , banishing and killing their fellow creatures about their religion , but so did not the antient christians , who kept the faith and abode in the truth , in which the true christians are now found ; though at this day they are accounted enemies both to priests and professors , yet they hurt none , neither are they enemies to their persons as men , but to their error and deceit , which lodgeth in their hearts where it ought not , in the church of god there was nothing done ( saith tert. ) by allurement of gifts , for in the assemblies of the antient christians , every one contributed a little sum at the end of the month , or when he would , but it was if he would and could , for none were constrained to give ; and if they got any almes it was of good will , and riches gathered in this manner , they accounted them pledges of piety , and imployed them in feeding the poor and burying them ; in comforting children that were destitute of parents and goods ; in helping old men that had spent their best days in the service of the faithful , and in assisting them that served in mines , and were banished into islands , and shut up in prisons , because they confessed the religion of the true god , that so during the time they suffered for the confession of his name , they might be nourished with the stock of the church ; and these actions caused the heathens to wonder , and to cry out saying , see how they love one another , and how they are ready to die for one another , pag. , . this is also the practise of the true christians now , whose faith worketh by love , and not by the allurement of gifts and rewards , which have blinded the eyes of apostatized antichristians , who have lost the charity , and are departed from that faith which worketh by love , and therefore must they often times ●…orce and constrain one another , by a secular power , not only to contribute to the relief of the poor , fatherless and widdows , but also to their priests , who is allured to preach among them by gifts , and who without gifts and rewards will not preach , and also by sumes of mony may be allured from one place to another , and that more out of love to the gifts , then the souls of the people : but it is not thus with the true ministers , nor yet with the true christians , who give freely that which they have received freely , and are ready to serve the lord with their whole substance , and freely to communicate thereof unto one anothers necessity , even as they would have others to communicate unto them in the time of their necessity ; and that brotherly love , which in this particular hath been manifested among the true christian - quakers , hath caused their adversaries much to admire and wonder , even as the heathen did , over that entire love , which was among the antient christians . tertullian told the gentiles there was cause to wonder their passion was so irregular ( i. e. contrary to rule ) that in prosecuting the christians they made no difficulty to take away the life of men that were profitable to the common-wealth ; farther he said , the state received by their injustice an evident damage and important loss , and yet no body looks to it ( said he ) no body weighes of what consequence the sufferings are , of so many persons of good life and the punishment of so great a number of innocent . pag. . there hath also been cause to wonder at the rashness and imprudency of many bitter , willful antichristians , whose foolish indiscreet behaviour towards the true christians , hath been not a little prejudicial to the nation , in which no great difficulty hath been made , of casting thousands of them into prison , and they who have done it , or have been the cause of it , have fought and endeavoured thereby to procure the ruine of their families and estates , which thing certainly hath brought no honour to the king , neither hath it been any profit or advantage to his kingdom , but certain external inconveniencies , have been thereby procured to some of his faithful subjects the true christians ; yet few in authority seemed to lay to heart , nor yet see seriously to consider of what sad consequence the undeserved sufferings of so many harmless people might be . thus have i briefly stated the suffering condition of the antient christians , with which i have truly parallelled the true christians state in this present age ; and let now the upright in heart judge how far both papists and protestants ( that are accustomed to prosecute about religion ) are degenerated from the same , and how disagreeing their principles and practises are , to the principles and practises of the antient christians , yet notwithstanding will they glory of their antiquity , and condemn others , as new upstart sects , and unheard os religions that differ from them , and worship god in the spirit ; but by these things which i have re-capitulated in this treatise , the wise in heart may see , how that the christian-quakers , have whereof to glory , so well as others , ( if not beyond many others ) who at this day glory so much of their antiquity ; but this i know to be their resolution , and determination ( viz. ) that they will glory in the lord , and in the fellowship of the sufferings of his dear son , their lord and saviour ; this knowing , how that , he that was born after the flesh , persecuted him that was born after the spirit . thus it hath been yea thus it is , and thus it will be until he reign whose right it is . a register of the death , sufferings and martyrdome , of the prophets and apostles ; according to the testimony of the scripture , and other historical records . isaiah was sawn asunder with a woodden saw . ierimiah was often persecuted , and imprisoned , yea he was thrown into a deep dungeon , where ( it is said ) he stood in the mire to the head , and at length was stoned to death in egypt . ezekiel was slain in babylon , by the duke of the people . daniel was thrown among the hungry lyons yet the lord preserved him . the three children were thrown into the fiery furnace ; but the fire did them no harm . micah was thrown down , and his neck broken . amos was smitten with a club on the temples of the head , and so brained . zachariah was stoned to death . the life of peter . peter was born at bethsaida , formerly an obscure and inconsiderable village , till lately re-edified and inlarger by philip the tetrarch , cituate it was upon the banks of gallile , and had a wilderness on the other side , called the desert of bethsada , whither our saviour used often to retire the privacies and solituds of the place , advantageously ministring to divine contemplation ; but bethsaida was not so remarkable , as it self was memorable for a worse sort of barrenness , ingratitude and unprofitableness , under the influence of four sermons and mericles , thence severely upbraided by him and threatned till one of his deepest woes , woe unto the chorarin , woe unto thee bethsaida , &c. a woe that stuck close to it , for according to one who surveyed it in the last age , it was sunk again into a very mean and small village , consisting only of a few cottages , of moors and wild arabs ; and travellers have since assured us , that even these are dwindled away into one poor cottage , so fatally does sin undermine the greatest , the goodliest places ; so certainly does god's word take place , and not one jot either of his promise or threatning fall to the ground , the particular time of his birth cannot be recorded ; in general , we may conclude him to be at least two years elder than his master ; his married condition and setled course of life , at his first coming to christ and that authority and respect , which the gravity of his person , procured him amongst the rest of the apostles can speak him no less ; the name given him at his circumcision was simon or symeon , a name common among the iews ; our saviour adds thereunto cephas , signifies a stone or rock , was hence derived into the greek , and by us peter , his father was ionah , probably a fisherman of bethsaida , for the sacred story take no farther notice of him , than by the bare mention of of his name , and i believe there had been no great danger of mistake , thought metaphrastes had not told us , that it was not ionas the prophet , who come out of the belly of the whale ; brother he was to andrew the apostle , and it was as certain that he was a fisherman by trade , a very survile course of life , as besides the great pain and labour it required , exposing him to all the injuries of wind and weather , to the storm of the sea , the darkness and tempestuousness of the night , and all to make a very small return ; but meanness is no bar in god's way , the poor if vertuous are as dear to heaven as the wealthy , and the honourable equally alike to him , with whom there is no respect of persons . nay our lord seemed to cast a peculiar honour upon this profession , when afterwards calling him and some others of the same trade , from catching of fish , to be ( as he told them ) fishers of men. and hear we may justly reflect upon the wise and admirable method of divine providence , which in planting and propagating the christian religion in the world , made choice of such mean and unlikely instruments , that he should hid these things from the wise and prudent , and reveal them unto babes ; men that had not been educated at the accademy , and the schools of learning , but brought up to a trade to catch fish , and mend nets ; most of the apostles being taken from the meanest trades , and all of them ( paul excepted ) unfurnished of all arts of learning , and the advantage of liberal and ingenious education , and yet these were the men that were design'd to rund down the world , and to overturn the learning of the prudent ; certainly had humane wisdom been to manage the business , it would have taken quit other measures , and chosen out the profoundest rabbins , the accutest philosophers , the smoothest oratours , such as would have been most likly , by strength of reason , and arts of rhetorick , to have triumphed over the minds of men , to graple with the stubbornness of the iews , and baffle the the finer notion and speculation of the greeks ; but it being otherways , it is plainly evident , that they taught christianity by a divine power , the sum of the discourse is in the apostles words , cor. . . . that god chose the foolish things of the world to confound the wise , the weak to confound those that are mighty . in the enumeration of the apostles , all the evangelist constantly place peter in the front , and matthew expressly tells us , that he was the first , that is , he was the first called to be an apostle ; his age also , and the gravity of his person , more particularly qualifying him for a primar of order amongst the rest of the apostles : yea , our lord chose him , to be his more intimate companion , whom he admitted more familiarly than the rest , in all the most secrets , passages , and transactions of his life . peter preached such a sermon in the name of iesus of nazareth , the effect of which was so strange and wonderful , there being that day added to the church no less then three thousand souls , a quit and plentiful harvest ; and though the converting so vast a multitude , might justly challenge a place amongst the greatest miracles ; yet the apostles began now more particulars , acts . , to exercise their miraculous power , and peter and iohn going up to the temple , about the hour of prayer , they found a poor impotent criple , who , though above forty years old , had been lame from his birth , lying at the beautiful gate of the temple , and asking an alms of them , peter carelessly looking on him , told him he had no mony to give him , but that he would give him , that which was much better , restore him to his health , and lifting him up by the hand , commanded him in the name of iesus of nazareth to rise up and walk , the word was no sooner said than the thing was done ; while peter was this working miracles , and discoursing to the people in one place , we may suppose that iohn was preaching to them in another , and the success was answerable , there being by this means no fewer than five thousand brought over to the faith , acts . . whilest the apostles were thus preaching , the priests and saduces who hated christianity , intimated to the magistrates the danger thereof , seized on the apostles , and cast them into prison , acts . . the next day they were brought before the jewish sanhedrims , and being asked by what power and authority they had done this , peter resolutely answered , in the name of iesus of nazareth , whom they themselves had crucified , and god had raised from the dead , and made head of the corner , and that there was no other way to expect salvation but by him , &c. great was the boldness of the apostles , admired at by the sanhedrim it self , especially when this was the very court , that had so lately sentenced and condemned their master ; the council commanded them to preach no more in the name of iesus , but peter and iohn replied , that they could by no means yeild obedience thereunto , appealing to themselves , whether it was not more fit that they should obey god rather than them , and that they could not but testifie what they had seen and heard : the church exceedingly multplied by these means , and that so great a company ( most whereof were poor ) might be maitained ; they generally sold their estates , and brought their mony to the apostles to be by them disposed in one common treasury , and thence distributed , according to the several exigent of the church , which gave occasion to the dreadful instance , ananias and his wife , acts . . saphire , having taken upon them the profession of the gospel , according to the free and generous spirit of those times , and had consecrated and devoted their estates , to the honour of god , and the necessity of the church , and accordingly sold their possessions and turn'd them into mony , but as they were willing to gain the reputation of charitable persons , so were they loth wholy to cast themselves upon the divine providence , by letting go all at once , and therefore privately with-held part of what they had divoted , and bringing the rest , laid it all at the apostles feet , hoping thereby they might a deceived the apostles , though immediately guided by the spirit of god ; peter at his first coming in , treated ananias , with these sharp inquiries ; why he should suffer satan to fill his heart with so big a wickedness , as by keeping back his estate , to think to dceive the holy ghost , that before it was sold , it were holy at his one disposing , and after , it was perfectly in his own power , fully to have performed his vow , so that it was capable of no other interpretation , then that herein he had not only abused and injured men , but mocked god , and what in him lay , lyed too , and cheated the holy ghost , who they knew was privy to the most secret thoughts and proposes of his heart : this was no sooner said , but suddenly to the great terrour and amazement of all that were present , ananias was arrested with a stroke from heaven , and fell down dead to the ground , not long after his wife come in , whom peter , entertained with the same severe reproofs , wherewith he had her husband , adding that the like sad fate and doom should immediately seize her , who thereupon drapt down dead , as she had been copartners with him in the sin becoming sherer with him in the punishment ; an instance of great severity filling all that heard it , with fear and terrour , and become a seasonable prevention of that hypocrisie and dissimulation , wherewith many might possibly think to have imposed upon the church ; this severe case being extraordinary , the apostles usually exerted their power in such miracles , as were more useful and beneficial to the world , curing all manner of diseases , and disposessing devils , acts . . insomuch that they brought the sick into the street , and laid them upon beds , and couches , that at least peter's shadow , as he passed by might come upon them , these aftonishing miracles could not but mightily contribute to the propagation of the church , and convince the world , that the apostles were more considerable persons than they took them for , poverty and meanss being no bar to true worth and greatness ; thus peter , who converted the world not by power of arms , not by engins or artificers of pomp and gradeur , but by faith in the power of christ ; the jewish rulers alarm'd with this news , and awaken'd with the growing numbers of the church , sent to apprehend the apostles , and cast them into prison , but god who is never wanting to his one cause , sent that night an angel , from heaven to open the prison doors , commanding them to repair to the temple , and exercise their ministery , which they did early in the morning , and there taught the people , how unsuccessful are the projects of the wisest states-men , when god frowns upon them , how little do any councils against heaven prosper , in vain is it to shut the doors , where god is resolved to open them , the firmest bars , the strongest chains cannot hold , when once god has designed and decreed our liberty ; the officer returning the next morning , acquainted the council , who much wondered at it , sent for them , and asked them how they durst propagate that doctrine , they had so strictly commanded them not to preach , peter in the name of the rest , told them , that they must in this case obey god rather than men , so vexed was the the council with his answer , that they began to cosider how to cut them off , but gamaliel a grave and learned senatour prevented it by commanding the apostles to withdraw , and then bid the council take heed what they did , putting them in mind that several persi●…ns had heretofore raised partys and factions in great numbers but came to nothing , and therefore they would do well to let these men alone , for if their doctrine and design were mearly humain , they would in time , of themselves fall to the ground , but if of god , all their power and polisie , would never be able to defeat and overturn them , and that hearing they themselves would appear to appose the council and design of heaven , with this prudent answer , they gave them their liberty , commanding them to be only scourged , and charged them no more to preach this doctrin , but their hard usage , did not in the least discourage them , to their duty to god , or less zealous , and diligent , both publick and private , to preach christ every where . peter was dispatched by the apostles to consirm the church newly planted at samaria , where he baffled and silenced simon magus ; he is again cast into prison by herod agrippa , but as miraculously delivered by an angel. he is again with paul cast into prison by nero the emperor , who is resolved now the apostles shall fall as a victime and sacrifice to his cruilty and revenge ; peter is desired by his companion to make his escape , and accordingly did , but meeting his lord , peter asked him lord whether art thou going , who answered i am come to rome , to be crucified a second time , by which peter apprehended himself to be reproved , and that our lord ment , he was to be crucified a second time in his servant , and so returned back to the prison , and it is reported that in the stone where our lord stood , while he talked with peter , he left the impression of his feet , which stone hath been ever since preserved as a sacred relique ; before his suffering , he was no question scourged according to custom , and having saluted his brethren , more especially paul , he was brought out of prison , and led to the top of the vatican mount , near to tybur to be executed ; the death he was adjudged to , was crucifiction , but he intreated the officer that he might not be crucified the common way , but might suffer with his head downwards , affirming he was not worthy to suffer in the same posture as his lord suffered , ( as chrysostom glosses ) to be set in the rediest posture of travelling from earth to heaven ; his body being taken from the cross , is said to have been embalmed by marcellinus the presbiter , after the iews manner , and was then buried in the vatican near the triumphant way . the description of his person . his body if we may believe the description given him by nicephorus , was somewhat slender , of a midle size , but rather inclining to tallness , his complection very pale , and almost white , the hair of his head curled and thick , but withal short , his eyes black , but speak with read , which baronius will have to proceed from his much weeping , his nose long but rather broad and flat than sharp ; such was the case of that jewel that was within , he was very eager in his temper , which like a whetstone sharpned his soul for all bold and generous undertakings . the life of paul. though paul was none of the twelve apostles yet had he the honour , of being an apostle extraordinary , and to be immediately called in a way peculiar to himself , he justly deserves a place next peter , for in their lives they were pleasant and lovely , so at their deaths they were not devided , especially if it be true that they both suffered , not only for the same cause , but at the same time ; paul was born at tarsus , the metropolis of cilicia , a city infinitely rich and popular , and what contributed more to the fame and honour of it , an academy , furnished with schools of learning , where the scholars , so closly plyed their studys , that as strabo informs us , they excelled in all arts of politeck learning and philosophy , his parence was iews , and that of the antients stock , not entring in by the gate of proselitism , but originally desended from that nation , which surely he meanswhen he says , that he was an hebrew of the hebrews ; his parents belonged to the tribe of benjamin , whose founder was the younger son of the old patriarch iacob , who thus provisied of him ; benjamen shall raven as a wolf , in the morning he shall devour the prey , and at night he shall devide the spoyl ; this prophetical character tertullian and others will have to be accomplished in our apostle , as a ravening wolf , in the morning devouring his prey , that is as a persecutor of the church , in the first part of his life , destroying the flock of god ; in the evening deviding the spoyl , that is in his declining age as doctor of the nation , feeding and distributing to christ sheep ; we find him described in scripture by two names , the one saul , a name common in the tribe of benjamen , his other was paul asumed to him as some think at his conversion , to denote his humility ; in his youth he was brought up in the schools of tarsus , fully instructed in all the liberal arts and sciences , whereby he came admirably aquainted with famous and external authors ; having run through the whole circle of the sciences , and laid the sure foundation of humain learning at tarsus , he was by his parance sent to ierusalem to be perfected in the study of the law ; it is said when stephen was executed paul stood by , and kept the clothes of them that did it , whether he was any farther conserned in the death of this innocent man , we do not find ; however it was enough loudly to proclaim his approbation and consent , and therefore we find him indicting himself for this fact , and pleading guilty , when the blood of thy martyr stephen was shed , i also was standing by , and consenting unto his death , and kept the raiment of them that slew him , acts . . god chiefly inspects the heart , and if the vote be passed there , writes the man guilty , though he stur no farther in all moral actions , god values the will for the deed ; the storm thus increased apace , and a violent persecution began to arise in which our apostle was a prime agent and minister , raging about in all parts , with a mad and ungoverned zeal , searching for the saints , beating some , imprisoning others , and procuring them to be put to death ; indeed he was a kind of inquisitor , imployed to hunt and find out these upstart hereticks ; accordingly took a warrant and commission to go down to damascus , in fury and a misguided zeal , whether many of those persecuted christians had fled for shelter , but god who had designed him for a work of another nature , and separated him from his mother's womb , to the preaching of the gospel , stopt him in his journey as acts . . and he fell unto the ground , and heard a voice saying , saul , saul , why persecutest thou me , and he went to damascus another man , from a persecutor he became one of the persecuted ; from hence he traveled to arabia and spent three years in the ministery there , and then retunned to damascus , a great and populus city , from hence he went to ierusalem and converst with peter and iames ; it was at antioch about the beginning of claudious's reign , ten years after christ's ascension , where the desiples was first called christians , being usually stiled before nazarens ; from jerusalem he set sail to cyprus and planted christianity there , and now the old spirit of the iews did begin to hunt and persue them , who coming from antioch and iconium , exasperated and stired up the multitude , and they who just before accounted them as gods , used them not only worse then men but slaves , for in a mighty rage , they fell upon paul , stoned him , and as they thought dead , and then drag'd him out of the city , where the christians of that place coming probable to inter him , he suddenly revived and rose up among them , and the next day went hence to debe , and so traveled to several places to confirm the new planted church , he was imprisoned and ill-used at phylippi . his parents were tent makers by trade , preaching christ at jerusalem , italy , spain , labouring much among the gentiles , suffered at rome under nero ; as he was leading to execution it is said three of the soulders that guarded him , seeing his courage , become christians , and suffered death , he kneeled down and his head strucken off with a sword , as some write in the year of his age , and was buried with peter . the description of his person . he was a man said to be of low and tittle stature , and somewhat stooping , his complection fair , his countenance grave , his head small , his eyes carried a kind of beauty and sweetness in them , that he was low himself plainly intimates , when he tells us they were wont to say of him , that his bodily person was weak , and his speech contemptable , in which respect he is stiled by chrysostom a man three cubits ( or a little more than four foot , ) high , and yet tall enough to reach heaven . the life of andrew . history which hath hitherto been very large and copius in describing the acts of the two first apostles , is hence forward very sparing in its accounts , giving us only now and then a few oblique and accidental remarks concerning the rest , and some of them no farther mentioned , than the meer recording of their names , for what reason it pleased the divine wisdom and providence , that no more of their acts should be consigned to writing by the pen men of old , is to us unknown ; andrew was born at bethsaida a city of galile , standing upon the bank of the lake of genesareth , son to john or jonas a fisher-man , of that town , brother he was to simon peter ; he had scythia and the neighbouring country primary alloted him for his provinces , first then he traveled through cappadocia , galatia , and bithynia , and instructed them in the faith of christ. passing all along the euxine seas , formerly called axenus , from the barbarous and inhospitable temper of the people , who were wont , to sacrificed strangers , and of their skulls make cups to drink in at their feasts and banquets , he was brought before the proconsul , who perswaded him that he would not foolishly destroy himself , but live and injoy with him the pleasures of this life ; the apostle after many more words replyed , that now he saw it was in vain any longer to deal with him , a person incapable of sober counsel , and hardened , in his on blindness and folly , he might now do his worst , and if he had one torment greater than another , he might heap that upon him , the greater constancy he shewed in his suffering for christ , the more acceptable he should be to his lord and master , the procounsul first commanded him to be scourged seven lashes successively , whipping his naked body , and seeing his invincable patience and constancy , commanded him to be crucified , but not to be fastned to the cross with nails but cords , that so his death might be the more lingering and tedious ; as he was led to execution , to which he went with a chearful and composed mind , the people cried out , that he was an innocent and good man , being come within sight of the cross , he saluted it with this kind adress , that he had long desired and expected that happy hour , thus having prayed and exhorted the people to constancy and perceverance in that relgion , he was fastned to the cross , whereon he hung , two days teaching and instructing the people all the time , and when great importunities in the mean while was used to the proconsul to spare his life , he earnestly begs of the lord that he might at this time depart , and seal the truth of his religion with his blood , god heard his prayers , and he immediately expired , in the th month , though in what year , no certain account can be recorded ; his body being taken down and embalmed , was decently and honourably interred by maximilla , a woman of great quality and estate . james the son of zebede , a fisher-man , by birth a galilean , suppos'd to be one of the brethren that their mother asked , that one might sit at the right hand and the other at the left hand of jesus in his kingdom ; he preach't christ unto the tribes , some write that he came to spain , and other western parts , and also britain , ireland ; he was slain with a sword by herod the tetrach of the jews in judaea , where he was buried . john the brother of james , by birth a galilean , preach't christ in asia , coming near rome was accused to the emperor as an assertor of athesim , and subvertor of the religion of the empire , whereupon he was sent bound to rome , and put into a coldron of boyling oyl in which he had no harm , banished by trajan the emperor into the isle of patmos , and there he wrote his gospel , being releast in the reign of vertinax , and in the year of christ , as written by some , return'd to asia , chiefly residing at ephesus , his constant practise to his dying day ( being led to the metting ) saying no more than little children love one another ; he lived as some write to the age of years . philip , born at bethsaida , near the sea of tiberias , brought up in learning , t is said he preach'd christ in phrygia , and the city hierapolis , many having reciev'd the faith , he was seized and carried to prison , was cruely scourged and hanged by the neck against a pillar , at which time as some write , was a terrible earth-quake ; he was buried at hierapolis , and his daughters some say was crucified at paimimes . bartholomew , who some think to be nathaniel of cana in galile , preach'd christ unto the indians , buried in albania , a city of armenia the great , where he was crucified with his head downward and slain alive , and some wright that he was beheaded at the commandment of polemis king of india . matthew , otherwisé levi , born at nazareth , a city of zebulon , the son of alpheus a tax gartherer , preach'd christ to the ethiopians , which is called presbiter iohn's kingdom , by hurtychus's command thrust through with a sword , he dyed at hieropolis in porthia , and was buried , suppos'd to be years of age. thomas , a iew , and fisher-man , as some write , preach'd christ unto the parthimans , medes and persians , and to the caramans , hixcans , bartrians , and magicians , he rested at calamica a city in iudea , where the heathen priests , as he was praying a lone in a solitary place , they coming upon him with a dart called a spear or javelin , run him thorow . simon zelotes , born at cana in galile , preach'd christ throughout mauritania , and africk the less , and persia , egypt and bretania , where he was , as some write crucified and buried . jude , and sometime called thaddaus and sebbaeus , as some writ , brother of iames , preach'd christ in iudaea , samarie , throughout all mesapotamia ; he was slain in the time of agbarus king of edesse , and buried . matthias , one of the disciples , and numbred among the apostles in room of iudas , he preach'd in macedonia in ethiopia , about the haven hyssus , and the river phasis , a barbarous nation and ravonous of flesh ; he dyed at sebastobilus nigh the temple , stoned by the iews , at last beheaded with an ax , anno some say . mark , of iews parents , of the tribe of levi , preach'd christ at alexandria and all the bordering regions from egypt unto pentapolis , in the time of tarmin , he had a cable rope tyed about his neck , some write his feet , at alexandria ; by which drawn from a place called bucolus to the place called angeles , where he was burned to ashes by the furious idolaters in the month pharmuthi , with us call'd april , on the th day . luke , the evangelist , born at antioch the chief city of syria , brought up in learning , toyled with the apostles , epiphanias writes that he preach'd in dalanatia , galatia and france , and italy , and macedonia ; authours do not agree where he suffered martyrdom , but it is suppos'd at ephesus , he died and was buried . timothy preach'd at ephesus and illyricum , and throughout hellas in achaia , where he died and was buried . thus did these faithful wittnesses finish their testimony , and through their constancy and fidelity obtained not only a good report , but also a crown immortal , through faith in christ iesus , to whom be glory and dominion for ever . some passages out of a letter , writ to a person of quality : giving a true relation in general , concerning the heavenly lives of the primitive christians . such was the beginning , and first institution of the christian church ; that in it we find men , who voluntarily became little children , children who in wisdom exceeded patriarchs , virgins , who had the prudence and gravity of matrons , and matrons endowed with virgininal modesty , and chastity . men of gray hairs , and old in years , but children in malice , pride and ambition ; and it was hard to say , which were the old , and which the young disciples , for the younger sort strove to qual , if not exceed the elder in devotion . holiness was their ornament , and men were counted great , as they arriv'd to high degrees of piety ; and the more religious any man was , the greater majesty and respect he was thought worthy of . the light they came attended withall fill'd the world , as the sun doth the universe , which comes forth from its eastern conclave , and presently diffuses , and spreads its light over all the surface of our hemisphere . so soon did the world feel the influence , and operations of these new stars , and were focred to acknowledge their divine power and virtue ; for they pressed through the c●…aos mankind lay in , as souls do pierce through bodies , and the life , sense and understanding they taught them , was wholly new , so different from what was in the world before , that men gaz'd at the spectacle , and lost themselves in admiration . what advantages the soul can be supposed to give the body , the same did the first christians afford to the benighted world ; and whatever inconveniences the body puts the soul to , the same did the besotted world bring upon the first christians ; for as the soul tenders the bodies welfare , so did they the worlds ; as the soul directs the body to do things rational , so did they the world ; as the soul restrains the body from doing mischief to it self , so did they the world ; and as the soul makes the members of the body instruments of righteousness , so did they attempt to reform the deluded world into holiness : on the other side , as the body afflicteth the soul , so did the world persecute those first christians ; as the body makes the soul live uneasie , so did they incommode these excellent men : as the body puts ill constructions on the actions and admonitions of the soul , so the world did put the same on theirs ; and as the body seems to long for nothing so much , as the ruine of the soul ; so the destruction of those saints , was the great thing the world then did aim at . they were a commonwealth made up of great and low , of rulers and underlings , of governours and subjects ; and yet nothing was more hard , than to distinguish one from the other ; for what-ever the difference might be , they esteemed one another epual , and by their carriage one would have concluded that they had been all of the same degree and condition . their p●…stors and chief men were more known by their munificence and good deeds , than by their coats of arms , or splendour of their offices . they seemed to be all of the same kindred ; for the aged they honoured as fathers , and the youths they tendred as their children . those of the same age call'd one another brethren , and these were the names they gave one another ; and in these titles they gloried more , than men now-a-days do in the lofty epithers of duke , earl , baron , knight , or gentleman . you might see amongst them abundance of mothers that never had any children , and virgins took care of innocent babes , as if they had be●…n mothers , no family complained of barrenness or unfruitfullness , for they never wanted children to provide for ; and and those that had none of their own , would be sure to find some to take care of . none wanted paternal care , while so many fathers studied to do good , and men were readier to give , than others were to ask , and seemed to be sorrowful if they had not objects , upon which they might exercise a paternal charity . there was hardly a widow among them , that complained of solitariness , or sought comfort in a second husband , and second marriage was counted little better than adultery . their widows were the same , that they were whil'st their husbands lived ; and finding that upon their husband's death , they were become sisters of many brethren , they aimed at no other contract , but that with christ , who , if they were found worthy , would , as they thought , marry them at last to the service of the church , where they might exercise that material care to the poor and needy , which formerly they used to express to their own children . here you should see none rejoycing , that he had any thing of his own ; for what-ever he had , he look'd upon his fellow-christians as co-heirs ; and was so well contented , that they should inherit with him , that he thought , that which he had , a burthen , if his neighbours were not to share in his possessions . this present life was the least thing they minded , while that to come , engrossed their thoughts and considerations . they were so entirely christians , that in a manner they were nothing else , and cared not for being any thing else , lest if they should be something else , they should be suspected of deviating from their master's footsteps . hence it was , that the pagans accused them of unrighteousness , and unprofitableness , as if they were dead weights in the world , contributing nothing to the welfare and prosperity of manking , and as if they stood for cyphers in humane societies , though none were more ready to communicate of the profit of their labours to others than they , and did therefore on purpose keep close to their calling and profession , that they might be able to relieve the needy . and though they were loath to take upon them the employment of magistrates and governours , lest the empero's and god's commands should clash , and they lye under a temptation of obeying man more than god ; yet , when-ever they were thought worthy to bear office in the church , they readily embraced the charge , that they might be in a greater capacity to improve the talents god had given them , to his glory , and his people's good , and were pleased with the trouble of the office , that the world might see they had no design of gain , or worldly interest in the administration . they spake little , but their thoughts were always great and heavenly : and as they look'd upon sublunary object●… , as too mean for their lofty minds to rest on , so their care was to keep the eyes of their understanding fix'd on that world , which fades not away . their communications or answers in common discouries were yea , yea , and nay , nay . an oath they shunn'd as much as perjury , and a lye among them was more rare , than a sea-monster is to the inhabitants of a continent ; for they said , that in their baptism they were signed with the mark of truth , and that they could not be servants of the god of truth , if they should yield but to the least appearance of falshood . in the cities and towns where they lived , none was unknown to the other ; for they pray'd together , heard the word together , met frequently at meals together , and were continually helpful one to the other ; in-so-much that where-ever they met , they knew one another ; and when they durst not with their lips , yet with their eyes and gestures , they would salute one another , send kisses of peace one to another , rejoyce in the common hope , and if permitted , assist one another in adversities . this is one of us , saith such a saint , for we have seen him in our oratories , we have prey'd with him , we have been at the lord's table together , we have heard the scriptures read together , we have kneeled together , we have been instructed together . o happy kindred ! which comes by prayer , and communion of the body and blood of jesus ! o blessed relations ! where men are not called brothers of the sun or of the stars , as the antient tyrants styled themselves , but brethren of christ , children of god , and citizens of heaven ! when a christian , who was a stranger , came to them , before ever he shew'd his testimonias . they knew him by his lean visage , and meager face , which his frequent fasting had brought him to , by the modesty of his eyes , by the gravity of his speech , by his gate , and habit , and mortified behaviour , for something divine did shine through their looks , and one might read the characters of the spirit in their countenance . nor is it very strange , that a good man should be known by his carriage , for to this day , a serious person , though he says nothing , something in his lineaments , and features , and postures , will betray the inward zeal , and sincerity of his soul ; and his deportment will discover , there is something more than ordinary in him , as much as the roman senator was betray'd by the perfumes about him . whenever they were thrust : into the croud of malefactors , there fellow-christians soon guessed who they were ; for they hastned with meekness to their martyrdom , and without expressing any impatience , or indignation , submitted their necks to the stroak of the axe , prepared for them . they used to look frequently up to heaven , and one might by their smiles see that between god and them there was more than ordinary correspondence . sometimes they would provoke the executioners to begin their tortures , and be earnest with the hangman , not to delay their agonnies . sometimes they would laugh at the pain they suffer'd , and in the very jaws of death betray a taste of immortality . they looked upon christianity , as a religion , that taught them to suffer valiantly ; and to them it was no other but a science , to instruct men to dispise riches , honours , and torments too , in order to everlasting glory . their presidents , and pastors , were known by no other character , but that of officiousness , and charity , nor had their shepherds any other mark to be distinguish'd by , but their willingness to advance the good of the sheep , and their readiness unto every good word and work. and indeed so were the christians in general known by their mutual love , and kind offices . if any fell sick , the rest did chearfully run to comfort him ; and this employment their women were chiefly ambitious of , who seldom stirred out of their own houses , but upon such occasions , and when they resorted to their oratories . they were seen but rarely in the streets , except such charitable employments called them forth ; for none denied her neighbour her care , nor could any worldly rspects discharge them from that officiousness . if any were rich , or noble , they were the readier to express their compassion , and women of the highest descent were the forwardest to assist the calamitous in their need ; for religion had mortifi'd in them all punctilio's of honour and state , and made them remember that in christ they were all equal . she in whose veins the noblest blood did run , would say of her poor distressed nighbour , she is my sister , my fellow-member , one that hath part with me in my dear redemer . if she be antient , she is my mother , said she , if younger , she is my daughter ; nor were these expressions names of course only , but they were written in their hearts , and their lips spoke what their minds believed , and these words were at once pronounced , and thought . hence it was , that the greatest ladies touch'd their poorer neighbours sores , bound up their wounds , applied plaisters to them , made their beds and tended them , as the meanest servants . here you might see the industry of one , there the sweetness and patience of another ; one would turn the sick sister , the other help her up , the third dress her , the fourth feed her , and in all this , the sick creature saw , as it were , the face of the lord jesus . she that tended the sick , look'd upon christ in her that was sick , and she that was sick , thought she saw christ , in the person that tended her . so divine , so heavenly were their works of mercy , that one was to the other in god's stead , and that saying of christ , what you haue done unto the least of these my brethren , you have done it unto me , did not depart from their memories . thus stood the case with the holy women then , and this advantage they reapt by their charitable care , that when their husbands died , they were taken as deaconnesses into the church , and thus they prepared themselves for christ , and the church's service . if any were imprisoned upon the account of religion , all that knew them would fly to them . no keeper so hard-hearted , but they would find out a way to smooth him ; no lock , no bar so strong , but they would make a shift to break it , either by their gifts , or their soft answers , not to make the jaylers false to their trusts , but to get an oppertunity to see their suffering friends ; and when they saw them , one would kiss their chains , and fetters , another lay his lips to their wounds , a third give their bruised members and tired bodies such refreshment as was needful . 〈◊〉 any of them were driven into exile , in every place they met with brethren , and feliow-christians , and these would run to to them , comfort them , lead them into their houses , and treat them as members of their own family , especially when by letters from their brethren , they understood , that for christ his sake they were driven from their native home . were any condemned to work in mines , or quarries , the neighbouring christians , that that heard of it , would presently come together , help the innocent man , endeavour to make his burthen light , feed him with victuals , and assist him in the performing of his task . were any of them sent through the malice of the heathen governors to the correction-house , or forced to labour hard in caves and dens , or lamentably scourg'd , beaten , and abused for the name of the lord jesus . the rest that heard of it , would not complain , nor think their brethren unhappy , but rather count themselves so , because they were not counted worthy to suffer for the name of jesus , and therefore would wish that this might be their lot and portion too . if the fury of tyrants abated , or remitted at any time , and the imprison'd and afflicted believers got leave to return home again , some wounded , some bruised , some with disjoynted bones , some half burnt , some maimed , some with one arm , some with one eye , some with one leg only ; their friends would run out to them , and strive , who should first receive them into their houses . happy the man that could kifs their wounds . and refresh them with necessaries and conveniences ; and the longer any man could harbour such a christian at his house . the happier he thought himself to be . and such men as had thus suffer'd for christ , they honour'd for the future , and esteem'd them equal with their pastors and presidents . indeed out of these , they chose their bishops , thinking those fittest to serve at christ's altar who had already made themselves a sacrifice for him . thus men purchased the degree of pastours by their holiness , and their eminent sanctity , which pressed even through wounds and tortures for the name of christ prepared them for that function . men that were strong to suffer , they justly thought might be fittest to lalabour in god's church , and they that had been such champions for the truth , they looked upon as the properest instruments to defend it to their death . nor did their kindness extend only to their friends , but reacht even to their greatest enemies ; and they that jush before were persecuted by them , if their persecutors fell fick , or were afflicted , or the plague of god came upon them , these injured christians would offer their services , support them , comfort them , admonish them , attend at their beds side , and lend them their helping-hand , cherish them , supple their sores , relieve them , and with a pity great and magnanimous , weep over their calamitious estate to the amazement of the pagan world , who were now ready to look upon them as angels , when but just before they thought them as bad as devils . poverty was the least thing that troubled them ; nor did want sit so heavy on their souls , as it doth on ours , for they had learned to undervalue riches ; and that which made them slight it , were these two impressions the apostles doctrine had made on their souls this sunk deep into their hearts , that here we have no continuing city , but we seek one to come . that all we see here , is but shadow , and imagery , but the substance is not yet visible ; that the fashions of this world will pass away , and the gaudes and glories below the moon afford no real satisfaction . this made it ridiculous in their eyes , to snatch at a butterfly or a flying feather ; and they rationally believe , that what-ever is subject to time , and change , will certainly make it self wings , and flee away , and leave the soul as empty as it found it , and that therefore their thoughts must be turned another way , even there where constant satisfaction , lasting content , permanent happiness , perfect beauty , and uninterrupted joys are to be found ; and indeed , this duly weigh'd , will breed a mighty contempt of temporal things , and a certain expectation of future bliss . nor did the care of their children fill their hearts with anexious thoughts , for they were sensible , that when-ever the church had notice of their want , they would certainly be relieved , and looked after ; for as many fathers and mothers left their estates , and what they had to the church , so the church imploy'd those legacies , or gifts , to support all those that should be necessitous . besides this , their pastors both by their doctrine and example admonish'd them to be diligent in working with their own hands , that they might get something not only to be beneficial to themselves , but to others too , and indeed they thought they did little or nothing , if of what they got , they did not communieate to those , who were not able to help themselves . they had nothing that was superfluous and hence it was , that there was but little striving about what they left . to lay up much goods for many years , they thought was fitter for heathens that for christians ; and having seen no such thing in their master , they could not tell , how it could be proper in his servants . love of mony , and admiration of riches , and anxious worldly cares and desires of hoarding , were things they had an antipathy against ; and though out of that stock they provided themselves with necessaries , yet for engrossing any thing to themselves , besides , was a thought as far from their minds , as the heaven they longed for was from that earth , on which they trampled , and looked upon with pity and scorn ? for , alas ! what greediness could there be in them after temporal means , who were already greater than the world could make them , and took delight in nothing , but surveying that glory , which ere long they should rejoyce , and triumph in ? if any were so malicious as to traduce their teachers , and brand them with the guilt of covetousness , or slander them , their pastors used no other weapon to put by the sting , but meekness to the back-biter , and their own innocence by degrees dashed , and wiped away all aspersions , hence the christians gave them their own freely , for they believed they could lose nothing by it , and long experience had so confirm'd that belief , that envy it self could make no impressions upon them to the contrary ; when it was in their hands , they thought it was safer than in their own ; and being hereby freed from abundance of cares , and incumbrances , they pressed more chearfully to the promised mark. if any christian kept any land in his hands , his care was so to use his income , as to give god the first fruits of it , to bring his gift to the church , to lay by somewhat for alms , to help and assist the sick , and to relieve the prisoners and captives , not only such as were within the verge of the town he liv'd in , but others also . thus did those men live under riches , as under thorns , and were sensible of nothing so much as this , that great wealth is but a great temptation to be vain , and sensual , which made them use this self-denial in their incomes . he that for a kindness , he did to his neighbour , expected a recompence , was look'd upon as a person greedy of filthy lucre ; and he that could do nothing for his friend , without a reward , or prospect of some profit to himself , was censured as a person ignorant of the fundamental law of their religion . usury , interest , and such names , were scarce heard of among them ; and oppression was a thing , which they thought none that named the name of christ could be guilty of . in a word , they desired nothing so much in this world as to be quickly gone from it , and they thought it the joyfullest news imaginable to understand , that they were to be dissolved , and to go to christ. this was the temper nature , and constitution of that commonwealth . the members of it look'd mean , and contemptible . nothing about them was pompous , either in cloaths , or dyet , or habitation , or houshold-stuff . such among them , as were noble or learned , or of a gentile extract laid aside their pride , and all their swelling titles , forgot that they were better born , or educated than others , and became like their brethren . plaiting and curling the hair was a thing that both their men and women proscribed from their care , and they thought that labour lost , which was employ'd on such superfluities . they were jealous of their serious frame of spirit , and therefore all such dresses , as might serve to infuse vanity into their minds , or damp their zeal to religion , they shunn'd , as they did houses infected with the plague . they minded no such thing as modes and fashion , nor did any new habit , or ornament that came up , entice them to imitation . decency was their rule , and modesty the standard of their habit , and conversation . they wore nothing about them that was either costly or curious , and there greatest study and contrivance was , how to advance their souls , and make them fit for the wedding of the lamb ; laying on either white or red upon the face , or disfiguring it with something black , and of kin to hell , they knew not what it meant . their garments were either linnen or woollen , or furr , or sheeps-skin , and their furniture mean and homely . without god , they attempted nothing ; and whatever enterprize it was , they betook themselves to , they sanctified it by prayer , and suplication . if they went out either to sow , or to plough , or to reap , or to build , god's blessing was first sought , and begg'd , and they never put on their cloaths , but entertained themselves all the while with some holy reflections . theaters and seeing of plays they hated , as a thing contrary to their profession ; and though the heathen despised them for it , look'd upon them as unsociable , men of pitiful spirits , strangers to the art of conversation , melancholy wretches , brethren of worms , and no better than vermin of the earth ; yet they mattered not their censures , and triumph'd more in a good conscience , than the other could do in all the vanities and glories of this present world. the worlds contempt , was their glory , and they were proud of being scorn'd and undervalued by the vulgar crowd , that they might with greater earnestness long after a better inheritance . if any wanted business , he would find some ; and they that had no need to work for their living , work'd for the poor . idleness they had an aversion from , as from the root of evil , and great men and women would do something , which the needy might be the better for . the greatest lady would not disdain to spin , or sow , or knit for her distressed neighbour , and like bees , they were ever busie , and employed for the common good. love of the world was death to them ; and they thought it a certain sign , that they had no portion in christ if they did serve both god and mammon . to be in the world , and not of the world , was their motto ; and to be other men , than they seemed to be , was the thing they chiefly aimed at . they seemed to be profane , because they would worship no heathen gods , but were the devoutest persons in the world to the true god ; and they forgot to be men , that they might be the better christians . not a few left their high places , and great dignities to become christians , and chose to be low , and contemptible in the world , that they might have no impediments in their way to heaven . servants never concern'd themselves to get their freedom , for their masters were christians , and themselves were so ; both cheerfully discharged their duties one to another , and consequently lived in perfect peacé , and unity . many servants , that might have had their freedom , would not , because they lived sufficiently happy under their believing masters ; and while they saw nothing but love in their masters , their very bondage was perfect freedom . if one wept , his neighbour did weep with him ; if one mourned , his neighbour mourned with him , as if both had committed the same sin ; in a word , they had their joys and sorrows common , and they might be said to be all in one , and one in all : in their meals they were temperate . their houses were open to strangers , as well as to their friends and neighbours ; and where the traveller could produce a certificate , that he was a practical christian , he could not fail of a most hearty welcome . hospitality was their badge , and he that would not receive a brother into his house , because poor , and ragged , was either forbid the church , or not suffer'd to come into it . and though they never had studied pythagoras , yet both their faith and reason told ●…hem , that as the body waxes stronger by the ●…eath of the soul , so the soul becomes more ●…aliant , and lively by the death of the body . this made them conquerours of those pleasures of the flesh , which in all ages have weakned the bravest men. and women , melted hearts of iron , and conquered the greatest conquerours of the world. to suppress such satisfactions of the flesh , they were so watchful , so couragious , so magnanimous , that they seemed angels more than men , and were actually nearer to god , to whom they lived , than to the world , in which they lived . in their lives , chast and modest ; in their married estate , moderate and holy ; and not a man came near his wife , after he perceived , or had notice that she was with child , till she was deliver'd ; and even then when they came together , their thoughts were so innocent , that they proposed no other end but procreation of children to be brought up in the fear and nurture of the lord. in the very works of their calling , they would sing of christ , and make spiritual objects so familiar to them , that in their very sleep and dreams , they rolled in their imagination ; they were always ready for prayer , and holy ejaculations ; and so addicted to the love of goodness , that they could not endure a vitious person ; and if they met with any such in their assemblies , did thrust him out of their communion , and made it criminal for any christian either to eat , or drink , or converse , or talk , or keep company with him . of their teachers they were so observant , that without them they would begin nothing , and go no-where without their letters of recommendation . without their advice , they would not marry , nor do any thing considerable in their civil affairs without asking their counsel and approbation , for they looked upon them as their fathers , and as religion had made them so , so they thought the obligation to consult them upon all occasions was the stronger . and when they were beaten , would not beat again ; when reviled , would not revile again ; and when abused , would not abuse again , nay look upon an unjust calumny as a piece of martyrdom , and therefore bear it undauntedly . their meeting or coming together to pray , they esteem'd a thing so sacred , that no frowns , no thunders , no threatnings of tyrants could make them forbear it ; andbeing conscious of their innocence , they justly thought , their enemies might bytheir authority forbid , but could not with any colour of reason prohibit their assemblies . this made them flock to their oratories , though it was death to go ; and parants with their children would run , though the next news , they were like to hear was christianos ad leones , throw those dogs to the lions . though they were thrust into mines , and prisons , yet they would find opportunities to pray . some travelled into far countries , preach'd the gospel , and when they had laid a good foundation there , went farther , and spent their lives in pains and labours , and doing good . with this kind of life , the first christians amazed the unbelieving world , and their power and number quickly grew so formidable , that the emperours themselves began to be startled at their progress , and therefore employ'd their might and greatness to oppose it . to crush their towering piety , the heathens shewed them racks , flames , gibbets , grid-irons , cauldrons , boyling oyl , lions , bears , wild bulls , and set before them the worldly prudence of philosophers , but by the grace and assistance of that iesus , who strengthned them , they were more undaunted at their torments , than their hangmen , did fight with lions , and smile , and were more daring than the flames they suffer'd in , firmer than the racks , that broke their bones , and by their practises surmounted all the great acts that were ever done by hero's , and the most famous conquerours . they overcame death by a desire of death , and were more willing to die , than their executioners to suffer them . their blood proved the seed of the church , and the more they massacred , the more their numbers grew , till at last the emperors themselves became christians , and were forced to yield to the faith , and patience of iesus , and the christians at last gave law to those , who at first did stab , and murder them , and conquer'd them in the end , who in the beginning butcher'd them like dogs , and such inconsiderable animals . the end notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * being in . notes for div a -e lib. . chap. . lib. . chap. . concerning john baptist and herods iealousie . what josephus wrote of christ. lib. . ch . . agbarus wrote to iesus . euseb. lib. . ch . . the conference which thaddaeus had with agbarus . agbarus was cured . thad . would not receive a reward of gold. notes for div a -e euseb. l. . ch . . euseb. l. . ch . . euseb. l. . ch . . ch. . lib. . ch . . a prosperous estate , sometime miserable . theudas beheaded . lib. . ch . . ch . . the occasion of s. marks writing the gospel . christians renounced their substance . is forsook , or cast off . what foundation the christians laid formerly . ch . . lib. . ch . . the priests miserable end . the jews conspiracy against the truth . lib. . ch . . lib. . ch . . notes for div a -e lib. . chap. . euse. lib. . chap. . the same epistle or another of clemens is extant in holland , and i hear in english. lib. . chap. . of mat. of john. euse. l. . chap. . of luke . lib. . chap. . chap. . lib. . chap. . lib. . chap. . how long the church was said to remain as a pure virgin . when error begun to take rooting in the church l. . c. . what the christians refused to do , and what they did . euseb. lib. . ch . . ignatius epistle to the church chap . notes for div a -e lib. . ch . . lib. . ch . . christians ●…andered . lib ch . ▪ how wrongfully the christians were executed . lib. . c. . the accusers were so well to appear at the bar as the accused . mark what justice and eqtity . lib. . c. . the desire of the christians . the christians were not to be molested nor accused . l. . . . 〈◊〉 . . a warning to forward spirits . a temptation and provocation . polycarpus was provoked to lye and swear , but would do neither . nota. lib. . ch . . t is folly to speak evil of that one knrweth not . lib. . ch . . christiani ty brought chastity . impatiency wisdom . submission truth giveth boldness . nota. lucius's godly zeal against injustice . lib. . ch . . the jews spite against christianity which was accounted heresie . prophecy then not ceased . lib. . ch . . hereticks . false christs and false prophets were entered then too among the christians . many sects among the iews . lib. . ch . . the christians relieved the brethren . some corrupted the scriptures . lib. . chap. . the christians were made a prey upon , yet innocent . nota. lib. . ch . . notes for div a -e lib. . chap. . the epistle of the frenchmen unto the churces of asia and phrygia . extraordinary sufferings . of the love that was among the suffering christians . slanders falsty raised against the christians . their familiar acquaintance were offended at them . cruel torment . a wonderful thing if true . the saints cast into dark and deep dungeons . they were comforted of the lord when destitute of mans aid . recantation availed not . the difference betwixt the faithful & unfaithful terrible cruelty . a s●…d time . the christian martyrs would not swear . the martyrs were not be buried . the christians upbraided . christian religion termed new and strange . chap . the spirits of the christians were subject one to another . ch. . of the evangelists . concerning the scriptures . chap. . false prophets were entered . a deceitful spirit . saints did no homage false prophets are not persecuted to death . first inventer of bribes . gives hire to the preachers of his doctrine . bribes becometh not prophets . false prophets covetous . note . chap. . a cruel law against the christian●… chap. . a division among the christians when they apostatized . their opinions concerning fasting . notes for div a -e chap. . nota. origen sold his philosophy books . chap. . basilides compassion basilides would not swear . chap. . note . why mark wrote . why iohn wrote . chap. . demetrius answered . chap. . a martyr stoned . heathen cruelty . proclamation a-against christians a young sufferer . souldiers compassion . chap. . souldiers zeal . chap. . ch. . notes for div a -e chap. . twotkings put to his choice . his fall. psal. . he was guilty . the serpent's subtilty . it is sasd origen gelded himself . chap. . chap. . cruel inhumanity . nota. chap. . dionysius and others banished . heathens converted . chap. . christians sufferings . nota. chap. . the emperors edict . chap. . chap. . who licensed bishops &c. to preach . notes for div a -e chap. . christians honoured . note . chap. . cruel proclamation . chap. . prisons filled with christians chap. . note . chap. . ch , . judgment on a tyrant chap. . chap. . chap. . a new persecution . sacrifised young and old . cruelty to heathen●… courage of the christians . notes for div a -e chap. . chap. . an edict in behalf of the christians liberty granted . a judgment upon this persecution . notes for div a -e liberty of conscience granted . a synod called . chap. . chap. . chap. . notes for div a -e gen. . . , . gen. . exod. . , . ier. . john . . acts . acts . acts . acts . . chap. . chap. . who are christians psal. . , . who are antichristians . tit. . . baron . num . . origen lib. . christians . now vilified as formerly . baron . an. . num. . euseb. l. . c. . christians no●… are in the same mind as formerly . baron . an. . num . tertul. . pag. . the antient christians would not go to any ceremonies . heathnish inventions . euseb. l. . ch . . the heathens pleasures were not the christians the honour of the gods decayed . how some fell from the faith , in the time of tryal . tertul. apol. pa. . prisons fill'd with christians socra . . l. ch . . how evils crep in amongst the chrstians . luke . . socrat. l. c. . thap . . chap. how the wickedness of officers was tollerated . how the priests help themselves with the quirks of logick . socrat. li. . c. . christ nor his apostles the author of logick . socra . lib. . ch. . a porsecuting bishop set up . the christians defend not themselves . the calamity of the faithful . socra . lib. . ch . . the cruelty of false christians the emperobrs hipocrysie . socra . lib. . ch . . ruffin lib. . ch . . the courage of a woman . bar. an. . num. . bar. an. . num. . bar. an. . num. . anno. . num. . the popes cruelty . bar. an. . num. , . how the false christians behaved themselves after they had got the power in their hands . acts . . a cruel preelamation of the emperours calvin's apostasie . how luther and his adherents were reviled and what spirit they were of . protestants degeneration . notes for div a -e acts . acts . synop. d - d. acad . l●…id disp. . thes. . . nota. 't is the lord's work to establish his people in peace , and not the work of synods . good advise for england notes for div a -e tertull. parallel . tertull. nota. parallel . tertull , parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . pertull . parallel . nota. tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . the name quaker now the object of hatred , as the name christian hath been . tertull. nota. parallel . tertull. parallel . the name of a christian procured hatred as the name of a quaker doth now . tertull. note . parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. parallel . tertull. note . parallel . tertull. what order there was among the christians , concerning their collections . parallel . how gifts alure priests to preach . tertull. parallel . notes for div a -e matth. . . dissertation concerning the antiquity of churches wherein is shewn, that the christians in the two first centuries, had no such publick separate places for worship, as the papists generally, and some protestants also presume, and plead for. hill, joseph, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) dissertation concerning the antiquity of churches wherein is shewn, that the christians in the two first centuries, had no such publick separate places for worship, as the papists generally, and some protestants also presume, and plead for. hill, joseph, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for tho. parkhurst ..., london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to joseph hill. cf. wing. at head of title: ii. table of contents: p. [ ] advertisement: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ii. dissertation concerning the antiquity of churches . wherein is shewn , that the christians , in the two first centuries , had no such publick separate places for worship , as the papists generally , and some protestants also presume , and plead for . london : printed for tho. parkhurst at the bible and three crowns in cheapside near mercers-chappel , . nobilissimo domino , d o. roberto southwel , equiti aurato . summis virtutibus , perinde ac eruditione ornatissimo , longo rerum usu , & prudentia civili celeberrimo . magnis merito officiis & honoribus decorato . sub carolo ii. ad aulam portugalliae semel atque iterum , ad bruxellensem quoque , & brandeburgicam legato . necnon sanctiori concilio a secretis . gulielmo iii. in regno hiberniae ab epistolis . itemque regalis societatis praesidi . hanc qualemcunque dissertationem , quam humillime d. d. c. josephus hill . the contents . sect . . the question stated . sect . . the first argument , that the apostles , and primitive christians had no publick separate places for worship , taken from their persecution , vindicated and inforced . sect . . a second argument , from the defect of proof for churches so early . sect . . our adversaries proofs from scripture considered , and answered . sect . . what kind of places were used for worship . sect . . testimonies for our opponents in the first century answered . sect . . testimonies in second century answered . sect . . as also in the third century . sect . . their reasons answered , and of churches standing and worshipping towards the east . sect . . several considerations , for corroborating our assertion . sect . . testimonies of the persecution of christians , and how continued in the first ages . sect . . concerning the number of martyrs . sect . . testimonies that the christians had no churches in the two first centuries . sect . . and that they assembled frequently in the night , and always in the most private places , during their persecution under the heathens , dissertation ii. of the antiquity of artificial churches under the gospel . section i. having discoursed in a former dissertation , of the antiquity of temples in the times of the old testament : i proceed in this , with the consideration , of the antiquity of churches in gospel times under the new. wherein the common opinion of protestants is maintained , not only against bellarmine and baronius , but some protestants also , as fuller in his miscellanea sac. l. . c. . who undertakes to prove that christians had their churches or temples built , even in the days of the apostles : and more especially mede , who hath largely handled this subject in 's treatise of appropriate places for christian worship , both in , and ever since the apostles time . both these state and maintain the question as they do , and light their candles at their torches . in this controversie our adversaries take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which we render , when taken for a religious assembly , by the word church ; from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence the saxon cyric , and the german kyrk , and we by adding a double aspiration chyrch , or church ) as it was in after ages ( not in the beginning ) taken for a publick place for worship . concerning which , here let me premise , that although we have no particular command for building of churches , as of old for the tabernacle ( which was a moveable temple ) or the temples , which were standing tabernacles , ( their names being frequently interchanged ; ) nor do they recommend our services to god , as those that were typical of our saviour did : yet are edifices very convenient for the worshippers , and are so far necessary for the advancing gods service , as appears by the light of nature , and the use of synagogues amongst the jews : that by such structures we are better defended against the injuries of wind and weather ; as also , the voice of the minister is in them more audible than in the open air , and that thereby we have greater conveniency of excluding such , as ought not to communicate with us : besides that after the spreading of the gospel , they were more necessary for the containing a greater number of christians , than could meet together in private houses , or places : which occasioned afterwards , as liberty was granted , or encouragement given by christian magistrates , the building of oratories and churches . so that tho we grant the primitive christians had always places for publick worship ; yet we deny they built any edifices publickly for the exercise of their religion , or had any such appropriate places , as our opponents call temples or churches ; but worshipp'd god in such numbers , as could conveniently meet together , only in private houses , or such places as were obscure , for above years after our blessed saviour's ascension . altho in the third century , they had some oratories or conventicles , here and there , even in the roman empire , as well as in persia , and other nations , where the gospel was spread . for arnobius , who flourished about , mentions , l. . the christian conventicles . and lactantius his schollar ( justit . l. . c. . ) a temple destroyed in bithynia . who being schoolmaster to crispus , the son of constantine , it 's probable , the publick places , granted the christians by galienus , were then enlarged , which were before called conventicles ; as he saith , one in phrygia set a conventicle on fire , and burnt all assembled therein , cap. . sect . . the reasons for this our assertion are , ( . ) the great persecutions the christians lived under for the most part , all that time . which is so apparent from all histories , sacred and civil , that i wonder fuller should say , that persecutions in the beginning were more rare , and for the most part private . both which are notoriously false , as appears from the acts. for no sooner had the apostles begun to preach the gospel , c. . & . but they were by the rulers imprisoned , beaten and charged to desist , c. & . stephen taken and stoned , c. & . and thereupon the church of jerusalem by a great persecution , scattered , c. . & . v. . after we have herods persecuting the christians , killing james , and imprisoning peter , with intention to put him to death , c. . the rulers persecute paul and barnabas at antioch , c. . and at iconium ; and at lystra paul is stoned , c. . he and silas whip'd and imprison'd by the roman magistrates , c. . persecuted at thessalonica , c. . a tumult against paul , &c. c. . he saith , bonds and afflictions wait for him in every city , and that grievous wolves should enter among them , not sparing the flock , c. . and what persecutions he suffered at jerusalem , not only from the rabble , but the chief , both of the jews and romans , may be seen in the following chapters . most of his epistles were written in bonds . and it s generally said , that he suffered at rome under nero , as peter , many say , did also . and st. john's banishment into the isle of patmos , is certain ( as 't is said ) by the emperour domitian . and hospinian hath observed , that from the apostles time , till bishop sylvester and the emperour constantine's , for above years , not one of all those bishops of rome , but suffer'd martyrdom . but fuller adds , that the same publick calamities were usually common to the jews with the christians ; and therefore if they kept their synagogues , why might not these their churches . mede also urgeth this of the jewish synagogues , because the jews religion was no more the empires than the christians . both which we deny , for the jews were the persecutors , and the christians the persecuted : they usually stirring up and incensing the gentiles against these , as the acts of the apostles testifie , and st. paul , thes . . , , . nor had the christians then any churches , as the jews had synagogues , tho they had in some cities separate meetings . of the jewish synagogues we read in scripture , but neither scripture nor history mentions any publick churches for years . and afterwards , when they had some oratories , we read of courses taken for demolishing them : but not ( much less at the same time ) of the jewish synagogues . these having been long before , publickly tollerated in many places to the jews where they resided . and they having now renounced christ , the devil and heathen emperours had no cause to disquiet them , but made use of them in opposing christianity . as julian we know , employ'd them for building again their temple at jerusalem , to despite the christians . and no religion is more hated of a natural man than the true ; all others being prefer'd before this . mr. mede in answering the objections against his opinion , endeavours to enervate this of persecution two ways . ( . ) by asserting , that the greatest persecutions ( as the five last of the ten ) fell out in the third century , wherein 't is granted the christians had some oratories , and therefore why not in the two former , seeing their persecutions were not continual , nor of long duration . but tho we grant , in regard of the abundance of bloud-shed , the last were the cruellest ; yet was there always such as hindred , both the erecting and appropriating churches , and publickly assembling ( the laws and emperors being their enemies ) contenting themselves to meet as they could with the most safety in secret . and tho their persecution was not constant , yet were they constantly liable thereunto , as the apostle tells us , rom. . . for thy sake we are killed all the day long , we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter . histories also shew us , their sufferings were more continual , and less interrupted , in the two first , than third century . wherein after a sore storm under valerian , they enjoy'd a comfortable calm , under his son galienus , who restored to them their cemeteries , and all other places of worship ; which was such a favour or tolleration , as we read not of in the two first ages . ( . ) mr. mede argues from the credibility of the christians having oratories in the roman empire , as well as in the persian . which we deny , for 't is the roman empire only , that is represented under the shape of a red dragon with heads and horns , making war with the saints of god. nor are we now dealing with a matter of opinion , or credibility , but matter of fact and history ; which ascertains the persecution under the roman emperors for years , but mentions little or none at all , under the persian monarchs , during that time , tho afterwards , as sozomen l. . c. . relates by saporez , which was long before isdigerdis , who was contemporary with theodosius . nor doth the churches of persia prejudice our opinion ; seeing they were but ( by mr. mede's acknowledgment ) in constantine's time . before which , there were some churches in the roman empire . for dioclesian his predecessor made an edict for the demolishing them . having thus vindicated our argument from several attacks : we may further enforce it , both by the experience of former ages , and also our own . the israelites in egypt , tho they dwelt together , a long time at least , yet we read not of any temples they built there . and when they were in captivity in babylon , tho we read of their building houses , jer. . yet nothing of synagogues . pass on from the heathenish to the popish persecutions , former and latter : where at this day , in italy , france , spain and portugal , are any churches built , or publick meeting-places for protestants ? nay even the lutherans will not allow the publick exercise of the reformed religion . the story of the german church under johannes a lasco , who fled from london , to avoid the persecution under queen mary , to the lutherans , and how barbarously treated , is well known , and lamentable to consider . and the same spirit continues , so that the dutch church at hamburg go to altena , and the english are confin'd to their own house . sweden is expelling them , and several princes persecuting them . nor need we go so far , the experience of these three kingdoms is sufficient . where altho the persecution of the nonconformists , was not from the heathens , ( as the primitive christians : ) nor from papists ( as the waldenses of old , and all dissenters from them generally ever since : ) or any protestants of a different denomination ; nor to death ; but only fines or imprisonments . &c. yet who went about to build any publick places for worship , or had such , till a tolleration was granted them ? who can imagine any so mad , as to build or buy publick places , where their enemies are rulers ; and having all civil power in their hands , would not only shut them up , or demolish them , but also severely punish such presumption . sect . . our d argument is from the defect of sufficient testimonies from scripture , of the christians having any publick appropriate places in the apostles time ; or from authentick authors , of any such the two first centuries . nor let any think it sufficient to say , that argumentum ab autoritate non valet negative ; an argument from authority negatively , is of no force . for in religion , scripture so argues , not only in matter of our duty , because never commanded ; but also in matter of history , as hebr. . . our lord sprang out of juda , of which tribe moses spake nothing concerning priesthood . whence by the way , we may gather , that our saviour never went further into the temple , not being a priest of the tribe of levi , than the outward court. and in matters of fact so many hundred years ago , this way of arguing is generally used and received . as baronius useth it in a like case , a. d. . and others also frequently . for how should we know , what was done so long since , but by history . now in all the diligent searchers into antiquity , as eusebius , hierom , clemens alexandrinus , and other ancient fathers and authors , we find no footsteps of any publick churches , the two first centuries ; but many against them . for the scriptures , whosoever reads the apostles acts , which contain their history about years ; will find the church assemblies still in private houses , as c. . v. . so c. . v. . and to the very last , c. . v. , . so also in their epistles . and the all places were indifferent to them in respect of holiness , yet not of conveniency ; so that according thereto , no doubt they were appointed ; and in the heat of persecution , such as were most secret and secure . and will never find the church therein taken for a place . it being the general opinion of protestants , which the learned lutheran , gerrard de eccles . c. . relates . in s. literis significatio ecclesiae pro loco non occurrit ; sed progressu temporis factum , ut à scriptoribus ecclesiasticis tandem reciperetur . sed quilibet videt hanc appellationem esse impropriam , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the holy scriptures , the church is no where taken for a place ; tho in process of time , it came to be so used in ecclesiastical writers . but every one sees , the taking of it in this sense , is improper and catachrestical . camero likewise , a learned calvinist , in 's tract . de ecclesia , and generally all of both professions . so that we may conclude as to the scriptures , that however the grand tyrant custom prevailed in after ages , to call the place by the name of church , yet from the beginning it was not so . and for human testimonies ; for the first ages succeeding the apostles , we might here produce very many , to prove the primitive christians had no such publick churches or temples . but in regard we sustain the negative part , and our opponents the affirmative , to whom the proof most properly belongs , according to the maxim , affirmanti incumbit probatio : and those that favour our adversaries opinion , will be apt to say , we do but beg the question ; for that they have both scripture , and good humane testimonies for them . we shall therefore first examine what they alledge ; and afterwards produce such witnesses against them , as we shall willingly submit to the judgment of all impartial men , on which side the truth lies . for if they can either by scripture , or approved authors , mantain their cause , we shall yield it ; notwithstanding the improbability therof , from the persecutions the christians were under in the first ages . but here we must profess , that this being matter of fact , we are not to be put off , nor shall we acquiesce with conjectures or probabilities , such as platina , polid. virgil , &c. urge , from the apostles and primitive christians zeal to promote religion , ( as if there could be none , without such appropriate and consecrated places , as they call churches ) but there must be authentick records , from approved authors , that there were such in the apostles days , and the two first ages after our saviour ; otherwise we can have no certainty of what was done at such a distance from us , so many ages agone . sect . . we shall therefore now enter the lists with our adversaries , and not decline any of their weapons , being well secur'd by the shield of truth . tho we take no notice of several flourishes they make , that being needless , in regard of the several editions of the authors , wherein they may be seen , and especially of mede , our principal adversary . from scripture , especially cor. . , , . which bellarmine c. . de cultu sanctorum , and baronius , produce for churches and oratories distinct from private houses in the apostles days . answered at large by vedelius in his exercitation upon ignatius's epistle to the magnesians . mr. fuller likewise , who argues that from that the apostle having said , v. . when you come together in the church , forthwith expounds it by v. . when you come together in the same place ; shewing by the church he denotes the place . but here he supposeth , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to come together in the same place ; which is denied . for men cannot come , or meet together , but in some place , either natural or artificial . beza renders it in unum , others simul or conjuncti : i should ad idem . for the expression is hellenistical , and signifies not only a concourse in the same place , but agreement . in condition , and concurrence in the same action , tho in different places , according to the septuagint . even as in acts . . and other texts it must be understood ; for both the diversity of tongues , and multitude of christians , as five thousand , c. . v. . manifest it could not be in the same place . camero in his myrothecium , shews the phrase is taken from the septuagints version of psalm . . . where the princes assemble together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not in reference to the same place , but to their conjunction in heart and counsel about the same thing . which sence dr. hammond follows , on acts . . if any object , if the church be not the place , but the people , 't is as much as to say , when you meet together in a meeting . but this is also denied , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies only the general notion of coming together , or assembling , as acts . . but the church , a special , viz. a holy meeting . so that 't is not the place , but the imployment , that gives the denomination . for as it is not in every place , where the senators or parliament-men meet , that there is a senate or parliament . nor in every place , where the pastors of the church meet , is there forthwith a synod . seeing both sorts may come together at fasts or feasts , or other occasions . but there and then only , where and when they meet to deliberate about affairs , civil or ecclesiastical . so wheresoever the members of a church come together , they are not for that said to come together in the church , but only then and there , when and where they come together for the exercise of religion . but the chief argument all our opponents make use of , is from v. . where they assert an antithesis or opposition , between private houses proper to each , and the church which is common to all . let us therefore duly consider it . and ( . ) that tho the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be used above times in the new testament ; yet this is the only place our protestants insist on for their opinion . altho bellarmine alledgeth also , cor. . . which yet clearly proves the contrary . ( . ) we deny , as camero in his answer to fuller , ( tract . de eccles . c. . ) that the opposition here , is made between the doing of any thing in this or that place ; but in the presence of others , or not in their presence . as when one doth that in publick , which should be done at home ; we rate him saying , hast thou not an house of thy own ? dost thou despise the city ? understanding not the structures or streets , but the faces of the citizens who are there . and that this is the apostles meaning , appears both by the following words , and shame them that have not : that is the poor brethren , that had neither money to buy , nor provisions to bring for their feasts of charity ( then in use at the sacrament of the lords supper . ) so that 't is not despising the place , but the persons ; putting the poor ( who are a great part of the church ) to blush and be ashamed . and also by a parallel place in this epistle , c. . v. & . where the apostle forbids their women to speak in the churches , and if they will learn any thing , let them ask their husbands at home ; for it is a shame for women to speak in the church . where we see a plain opposition , between the church and their own home ; which yet cannot be understood of the church as a place : the case being clear , that it was not unlawful for women to speak in such a place simply , but only at such a time when the congregation was at divine worship : otherwise , it would be unlawful for any woman , before or after publick worship , to speak in the place . nor was it sinful surely , for women to speak at their love-feasts , tho in the church . besides , 't is said , your women in the churches , which implies , there were more than one congregation in the church of corinth . i shall not stand to alledge commentaries on cor. . . as cajetan , who is absolutely for the congregation , and aquinas , and carthusian , as also dr. pearson on the creed , p. . say , it may as well be so understood as of the place . but further prove the truth ( . ) by the argument which the apostle draws from the holiness of the meeting , and not from the holiness of the place , to take the corinthians off from their dissentions , v. . for in every meeting , dissentions are to be avoided ; but in a holy meeting , ordained for religion , they ought to be detested . and so from intemperance , v. , . shewing unity in the truth of doctrine , and unanimity in affections are necessary for the right receiving the lords supper , in the following verses . and i would further argue with mine opponents , suppose their meeting had been on some mountain , or in some cave , ( which was not unusual ) and the faults here mentioned had been committed ; should they not have been liable to the same censure of despising the church of god ? but ( . ) should we grant the opposition they make , between the church and their own houses , yet will not this serve to overthrow our opinion , or establish their own ; except they can further prove , this church or place to have been publick , and not in a private house , like unto others mentioned throughout the acts. mr. mede carries this d verse , for a reproof of the corinthians , for using profane banquetings and feastings in a sacred place , to introduce his opinion of the holiness of churches , as bellarmine c. . de cultu sanct . saith , satis inn●it●r , tunc etiam ecclesiam aliquo modo sacratam fuisse , hence 't is sufficiently gathered , that even then the church was some manner of way holy ; which he saith , was for consecration . but mede runs against the stream of interpreters , who expound it of their love-feasts . neither doth the apostle reprove them for any such thing , but for their schismatical , unbrotherly and intemperate carriage therein . these love-feasts , a lapide , as austin , aquinas , cajet an , and others , think preceeded ; and justinian as chrysostom and divers others , that they followed after the communion . the opinions of the ancients concerning their order , are cited by these two learned jesuites upon the place , where they may be seen ; and the manner of them in kerchers roma subterranea l. . c. . as far as my reading reaches , tho these love-feasts sometimes were before as in the church of alexandria , ( as sozomen saith , l. . c. . ) and some others : yet more usually they followed after the sacrament . however , we have multiplicity of testimonies in the writings of the ancients , for them at the communion in the primitive church : and none i can find amongst them for mr. mede's opinion , except sedulius ; nor amongst the modern , but salmeroni ; and these quite contrary to the genius of the text. but he proceeds to tell us , that as most of the words signifying an assembly or company , are wont to be used also for the place ; so here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which we deny not in common speech ; but then the expression is not proper , but figurative , continens pro contentis , the place containing , for the persons contained . he cites st. austin taking the church here for the place of meeting . it 's true , he does so , on leviticus , l. . c. . to which bede on the text refers , but only for the time wherein the congregation met , ecclesia dicitur locus , quo ecclesia congregatur : and it is apparent , that the faults mentioned by the apostle , are such only as were committed , at the time of their assembling for the worship of god. nor doth austin appropriate it to a place civil or artificial , as our opponents do , not considering such abuses have their course in their meetings in what place soever , natural or civil . the next author he produceth is basil , who pleads for the holiness of churches ; of which hereafter . commentators follow . the author of the comments on the epistles ( falsly ascribed to hierom ) a pelagian , seems to deliver the opinion of others , rather than his own , saying , quidam hunc locum ad illos referunt , qui epulas in ecclesia faciebant : facientes eam trielinium epularum . and sedusius ( whom the former author seems to point at ) is of that opinion , thinking it unlawful to keep their feasts in the church . wherein he is singular , and contrary to the apostle , who rectifies the abuse only , by admonishing them to stay one for another , and make their poor brethren partakers with them of their viands . furthermore , even those that take the church for a holy place , and cite this ( as sir h. spelman and several others ) of the corinthians making the church trielinium epularum , make it only a private room , for trielinium was never taken for a house , much less a publick one . to which may be added , the practice in after ages , in st. austin's time , when the christians kept their love-feasts in memoriis martyrum , or in their churches , as appears by his answer to faustus the maniche , l. . c. , . at large . as for chrysostom , theodoret , theophilact and cecumenius , tho they take the church for a place ; yet none of them as mede , that the corinthiaws fault was , in keeping there profane banquetings : nor otherwise than in reference to the very time only , of their meeting therein . and whereas chrysostom says , the church as well as the poor were wronged ; he cannot , i suppose , mean it of the place , for time and place cannot be said to be despised or dishonoured , but by an extrinsecal denomination , when god is dishonoured , or our brethren , by our unchristian behaviour in the place . as here the latter member , being joyn'd thereto by a copulative , may fairly expound the former ( as usually ) viz. in shaming them that have not , you despise the church , as cajetan and piscator expound it . so that tho the grammatical opposition be between two places ; yet the logical and theological is between a place of many present therein , and a private place . from these testimonies , mede concludes there were places appointed , and set apart for christian worship , even in the apostles times . but tho no man doubts , that believes the gospel , that the christians had places for worship ; yet it follows not thence , that they were set apart from all other uses , for christian worship . neither doth he , or any other opponent prove this . places of meeting , the ancients suppose , but separate places they suppose not . it was years and more , e'er they had publick oratories . and when the heathen objected they had no temples , altars nor images , they freely confess as much . having vindicated this text in the corinths , we shall briefly mention some others , alledged for separate and publick churches : tho some are so far-fetch'd , they deserve not mentioning . as mr. fuller from cor. . . that all things be done decently , and in order , inferring that publick offices be done in publick places , as much as may be . and what , i pray , is more publick than the open air , mountains and fields where our saviour instructed his followers ? likewise from acts . . paul separated the disciples , disputing daily in the school of one tyrannus : as if this school was one of the temples of christians , which he confesseth was but borrowed , or hired for the urgent necessity . his next place is acts . . whence he argues , the israelites from the beginning of their commonwealth had synagogues ; so the christians from the day of pentecost , churches . but that is very dubious ; for tho i judge synagogues much ancienter than till after the captivity ( whence many learned men date them ; ) yet that they were so ancient as he makes them , cannot be proved . nor will ps . . . serve , admitting various translations . the , they have put down the feasts ; hierome , tabernacula ; montanus , conventicula ; junius , synagogas , which denotes all kinds of assemblies , civil and ecclesiastical , in their places ; as gerhard de eccles . c. . § . . shews at large . nor that of ps . . of which sir h. spelman hath a discourse , at the end of his tract de non temerandis ecclesiis . and who sees not a vast difference ; the israelites were a free state of themselves , and had governours civil and ecclesiastical , supream and subordinate , in the land of canaan , of their own : whereas the condition of christians was quite otherwise , till constantine's time , as all know . his last scripture is james . . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 synagogue , is much more pregnant to denote a place , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church ; for of above texts where this is used , no one , except that in cor. . . is with any colour alledged for a place ; whereas synagogue is frequently so taken , both in the , and in the new testament , when applied to the jews , as acts . . & . . &c. tho sometimes for an assembly , and most usually so when applied to christians . as the syriac here renders it ; and beza , coetum : the vulgar latine ( which some say is the vetus italica , and make great account of it , ( as our bishop andrews , &c. ) conventum ; as our last version assembly , and the former company ; declining the word synagogue , for no other reason , that i can conceive , but because they judged , that christians had no separate places in those days , as the jews had ; james we know wrote to the twelve tribes dispersed , with whom the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was in use , as hellenistical ; so that after they became christians , they might well call their metting , of what condition soever it were , by that name : for the word signifies all kinds of assemblies , civil and sacred , as dr. hammond shews on matth. . . from many texts ; and here in james , consistories for judicature , by reasons . and the apostles having used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or church , to distinguish the christians meetings from the jewish , and as more proper , &c. ( which gerhard in the chap. above cited , notes ; ) the name of synagogue was soon given over among christians , and such places called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but whether before they became separate places , or after ; and about what time such were built for prayer , is the question . sect . . mr. mede from scripture , proceeds to enquire , what manner of places these appropriate were , before he produceth the testimonies of antiquity for such . where first he acknowledges ( as baronius had before him ) that they were not so goodly and stately , as after the empire became christian , and we now enjoy : but some capable and convenient room , within the walls or dwelling of some pious disciple , dedicated by him to the use of the church , usually an upper-room , such as that called caenaculum sionis , where the apostles and disciples after our saviour's ascension , usually assembled , and the holy ghost fell upon them , on the day of pentecost . concerning which place he brings a long train of traditions from nicephorus ; a most fabulous author , in the judgment of all learned men ; not worthy to be mentioned . here let me observe the difference amongst our opponents . ( . ) as to the place , bellarmine and baronius , as also our fuller , conclude from that text in the corinths , for appropriate houses or churches ; but mede only for one room , usually an upper , in an house . ( . ) bellarmine would have these houses to be holy temples , from the christian sacrifices therein , meaning the mass , which he thinks is alone sufficient for the denomination of a temple . for c. . de cultu sanctorum , he saith , templum nihil aliud est , quam locus altaris . a temple is no other thing than the place of an altar : called also , basilica , saith he , as erected at some saints sepulcher . baronius and fuller content themselves with the distinction of oratories , which tho poor and mean amongst christians , in comparison of the heathens temples , yet were those temples , as well as these . but mede will have his rooms , by reason of the owners dedication , to be oratories and churches : tho justinian distinguishes these , ( on cor. . ) saying , christians had their meetings first in private houses , afterwards in oratories and churches . and whereas mr. mede discourseth of a room and house , in the singular number ( as best suiting his opinion of appropriate places , even in the apostles days ) meaning without doubt , wheresoever there was a church , as he instanceth in the coenaculum sionis , in jerusalem . all this is nothing better than building upon the sand. for considering the several circumstances in acts c. . & . its far more probable , that that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or upper room , was in the temple , than any private house as appears from several authors and arguments gathered together in pool's synopsis , on acts . to which i refer , being unwilling to transcribe such authors , as are common , and easily come at . then what room could contain such numbers , as acts . . which soon increased ( as some think ) to , or more probably , ( as others gather from the text acts . . ) were so many more . the ingenious potter on . ch . . from the multitude of believers in jerusalem , computes that each of the twelve apostles might have about under his care . besides , the gift of so many tongues , implies their several meetings accordingly : for we must not fancy , as salmasius and some others , that whoever spake in any language , was understood by all : because this makes the miracle to be in the hearers , and not the speakers ; who were inspired for preaching the gospel abroad in the nations , whose languages they were ignorant of before . consider also that hot persecution that presently followed the year after , in the th of the acts , and whether this did not necessitate them , often to change the places of their assembling , it being neither safe to meet in great multitudes , nor always in the same place . it 's probable also , from v. . by saul's entring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into their several houses , was either when , or where they assembled ; for into every house ( as we render it ) of so many christians , as were in jerusalem , seems to me improbable . i pass over the fabulous traditions , and fictitious glosses on acts . . and . . especially , as unworthy the author , and the least consideration . and can grant him that which follows , of some giving whole houses , for sacred assemblies , as the multitude of believers increased ; tho this cannot be proved in the two first centuries . as also , that at length , they built structures in the coemeteries of martyrs ; which yet platina and polid. virgil say , were but sacella , chappels , and those in secret and unknown places sect . . we shall now proceed to examine their testimonies : which mr. mede having most fully gathered , and regularly , of all our opponents , ranked throughout the first centuries : we shall therefore follow his order , and paticularly consider them , as he represents them . altho we think it not necessary to express all his words ; his works by many editions , being in most scholars hands . he begins with eusebius's relating a passage out of philo the jew , concerning the essenes , whose manner of life and worship philo describes ( p. . &c. and more fully in his following book de vita contemplativa , p. . &c. of last edition . ) which place in eusebius l. . c. . hist . bellarmine before him had alledged , c. . de cultu sanctorum : tho they both knew eusebius's being generally censured , for his accommodating it to the christians . for its plain to any that peruses philo , that he speaks of a sect of jews , who were monks , and had each their proper place for worship , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or common , wherein they assembled for worship every th day . whereas the christians neither withdrew into cells , nor observed the th , but the first day of the week , from christ's resurrection , and the day of pentecost , which fell on the first , and after , as appears by scripture . and however confident mede is , of eusebius being of his opinion , the contrary appears in 's book de prepar . evangel . l. . c. . & l. . c. . and philo's book of the cherubims , shews he was not of mede's mind . his next argument is from the apostles salutations of several persons , and the church in his or their house . which he understands not of families , ( as he grants 't is commonly taken ) but the congregation of saints . whence he infers , appropriate places , and their dedication by their owners , to be oratories for the church in their several cities . and he cites lucian's philopatris , for their description . to which we reply , ( . ) that this proves no more , than that christians had meetings in private houses , which none denies : which yet were often interrupted , not only in dioclesian's time , when they were examined if they kept their meetings in their houses , as appears in the acts of martyrs , but in tertullian's time also . ( . ) the place in their houses , was but a caenaculum , or dining-room , as mede grants ; which as it was incapable of salutation , so of containing the whole church in most of those cities . for who can think their houses , much less one room , so large , seeing aquila was but a tent-maker , banished from rome by claudius , after whose death he returned , before st. paul's epistle to the church there , wherein c. . v. he salutes the church in their house . and not only at rome , but at philippi , or ephesus also , the church that was in his house , as cor. . . and what the rest were that had churches in their houses , we read not . ( . ) the church in their houses is considered as distinct from themselves , that were masters and owners , and thus it is fairly applied to their families : but if to the whole congregation , the persons whose houses they were , being members thereof , as well as any others , it were very improper . for so when st. paul bids the church of rome , salute the church in aquila and priscilla's house , rom. . . his meaning is , that the romans should salute themselves . so in wishing the colossians ( . . ) to salute the church in nymphas's house , he desires them to salute themselves . and so of the rest . now to say these masters of houses , bestowed some part or place thereof to the churches use , needs no proof ( for none can lawfully enter into another man's house , without his allowance ) but that they dedicated them , doth : for if dedication was then used ( of which hereafter ) yet surely not by a private person . and whereas some singular thing must be meant , saith mede , he concludes , this of the whole church in their house , must be it . which is inconsequent . and tho it be unreasonable , to demand a reason of anothers actions , which himself conceals ; yet something may be gathered for this , from the apostle . as for aquila and priscilla from rom. . , . and acts . . and as they were his helpers in christ jesus , that is in reference to the promoting the gospel : so were nymphas also , and philemon , whom paul calls his fellow labourer . as for lucian , cited also by baronius , for proof of houses separate : vedelius answers , ( . ) that the dialogue philopatris , is none of lucian's , sed alterius alicujus scioli : and ( . ) that the place may as well be understood of a private as a publick house . his d proof is from tradition , that theophilus to whom st. luke inscribes his gospel and acts , converted his house into a church ; derived from the traditions of clemens . as indens likewise mentioned , tim. . . a roman senator and martyr from the acta pudentis . this of theophilus mentioned by bellarmine c. . de cultu sanct . from clements recognit . l. . and baronius a. d. . num . . that had not found who he was , but in clements recognitions : vedelius answers , — ( in epist . ign. ad magnes . ) scriptis quae citat baronius tantum deferendum est , quantum citanti : to the writings cited by baronius we are to give as much credit , as to the citer . see the judgment of papists concerning these recognitions , in coci censura scriptorum , p. . of pererius , sixtus senensis , driedo , yea baronius himself , a. d. . num . . who saith , that out of these books , as out of a dirty sink , are taken such prodigious lies , and mad dotages , as are not only to be reproved , but extreamly rejected by the learned , &c. his last testimony is from clemens's epistola ad corinthios , who speaking of gods worship under the gospel , saith , he hath determined where and by whom , &c. whence mede concludes , places , as well as times and persons , were appropriate and distinct , in the apostles days . adding , that this divine ordinance is found in the analogy of the old testament . to which i answer ( . ) that 't is granted this epistle is authentick . grotius hath in a large epistle approved it . salmasius de epise . & presbyt . and blundel and hammond in their disciplinarian controversies , own it for genuine . junius and dr. fell , in their notes vindicate it ; tho i know , a late author , ernestus teutzelius a german hath largely answered them , and pronounces the epistle spurious ; especially for the mention of the phoenix therein . whom i have had thoughts to refute , and animadvert on some others that have nibled at it , when i get time to publish various observations i have upon it . for dr. wake in 's introduction to his translation , c. . hath only touched thereon . but ( . ) what needs mr. mede to make such a stir about clemens's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the scripture hath determined , that god under the gospel is to be worshipped every where , as malachy . . from the rising of the sun to the going down of the same . and our saviour himself signifies as much , john . , , , . where he declares who are the true worshippers of god under the gospel , without any reference to place , in opposition to the worshipping him , in this or that place ; whether on the mount where the patriarchs worshipped him of old , or at jerusalem where the jews worshipped him afterwards . as gorran observes , localitatem excludit : he excludes appropriation to any place , as necessary to gods worship ; and adds , non determinat locum orationis alienbi , sed ubique ; determines not the place of prayer to any particular place , but enlarges it to every place . to every private house , acts . , to the top of an house , . . to the sea shore , . . so the apostle , cor. , . in every place call on the name of jesus christ our lord ; and tim. . . i will , that men pray every where . and undoubtedly clement could not be ignorant of this , considering the persecuting times wherein he lived , when the churches of god were driven from place to place , and constrained to meet as they could , with most safety . and mede's saying , that clemen's divine ordinance , for the place of church service , is to be found in the analogy of the old testament ; seems very strange . for the temple at jerusalem was the only place god appointed for the jewish worship . and should the christians by analogy have but one temple ? they had also many synagogues , which our churches more resemble ; yet where did god prescribe the place wherein they were to be built ? and as to his principle . that as the divine majesty is most sacred , and incommunicable , so the things wherewith he is served , should not be common , but appropriate to that end . this proves nothing of the place , but only its qualification , that it ought to be appropriate , whereof any place is capable : nor doth clemens mention any such separate or appropriate places ; of which we shall have occasion to speak more hereafter . as also how this analogy hath misled him and several others , to assert the holiness of places by dedication , and temples , priests , altars , and proper sacrifices under the gospel . sect . . in the second century , mr. mede begins with the testimonies of ignatius the martyr , a. d. . first with his confessed epistle ad magnesios ; and then with the spurious ad antiochenos . but had he lived to have seen what is now extant , of and concerning these epistles , by the great luminaries of learning in this age , a. b. vsher , dally , bp. pearson , larock , &c. he would never have laid such stress upon them . the manifest difference between the ancient genuine copies , and the latter , is evident by their translations ; particularly that of caius college in cambridge , which a. b. vsher prefers to the common greek copies . wherein this very place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. is quite differently rendred from mede's ; carrying the words for an unity in doctrine , not devotion : and that they should all come into christ , as into one temple and altar , making him both ; as alluding to pet. . . where the one temple , into the which we are built up , coming unto him ; and one altar jesus christ , and spiritual sacrifices offered to god , in him as on an altar , whereby they become acceptable . not to insist upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or temple , no ways agreeing to the meeting places of the primitive christians : as both bellar. de rom. pontif. l. . c. . and vedelius hath shewn sufficiently , from the ancient fathers . and that which follows in mede , of one bishop , and one altar , in every church , is not only alien to the scope of ignatius , but the truth also . for the church of ephesus had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or bishops , acts . . so had the philipians , . . and of jerusalem , narcissus and alexander , who at the same time jointly governed the church , as eusebius relates . gersom bucer in 's answer to downam's sermon , p. . proves the like in other churches , by ten instances : and vedelius the same , exercit. . in epist . ignat. c. . and epiphanius of old , professed that the church of alexandria was singular in this , of having but one bishop . it 's true , the inscription of the epistles , apoc. c. & . each , to the particular angel of the church , seems to imply that they had but one apiece . which yet mr. mede himself sufficiently shews is inconsequent , in 's comment on apocal. p. . where he observes it the course in scripture , to attribute that to one angel , which is performed by the ministry of many . what 's alledged from justin martyr is answered by bucer ; and sozomen acquaints us , ( hist . eccl. l. . c. . ) that even villages had their bishops ; and no wonder then , if one lords table in each might suffice to make them correlatives . mr. mede proceeds with another proof out of ignatius's epistle ad antiochenos , ( wherein he salutes the keepers of the holy doors ) concluding thence holy houses . this epistle he endeavours to perswade us is genuine ( contrary to the judgment of all other protestants ) from sundry probabilities . but this is a strange way of reasoning , that it 's likely such a thing should be done , and therefore it was done . and to say , because the antiochians were his own flock , i think rather makes it improbable ; because he had sufficiently established them in the faith before he lest them ; which , when he went thence to rome , to receive the crown of martyrdom , he endeavoured by his epistles to do for other churches . and surely they would have been careful above all other churches , in keeping their own pastor's letter , if he had sent them one . and was not polycarp as likely to be acquainted with this , as the rest . besides that , if he or eusebius had had any inkling of such an epistle , surely they would have mentioned it , tho they could not meet with it . and how doth mede prove any such officers in the primitive churches ? that which he alledges for this from the apostolical constitutions , falsly father'd on clemens , is yet stranger . for besides others , my learned countriman cook , in 's censura scriptorum , hath detected so much vanity , and many lyes therein ( whereof he reckons eight ) besides the censures of athanasius , the synod in trullo , binius , baronius , bovius and bellarmine ; that i wonder mr. mede , who knew all this , should once offer to produce them . i know mr. cook and many learned divines reject all ignatius's epistles : altho others , considering the testimonies of the ancients , acknowledge for genuine , specified by eusebius , hierom and others , tho robbed of some passages mentioned by the fathers ; and also have a number of beggarly patches added to his purple , as a. b. vsher saith : of which , this ad antiochenos is none , and therefore not genuine ; for more were not found nor acknowledged by polycarp ( who composed them together ) euseb . hierome , sophronius and ruffinus . what mede observes besides , is the argument of baronius an. . numb . . and gretser against whitaker de s. script . l. . c. . which i shall not need to answer , it being done already so fully by vedelius on ignatius's epistles ( whom mede more especially undertakes in this treatise ) in 's pref . c . ( wherein he refutes martialis , mastraeus , baronius and pellarmine ) and his exercitation on this epistle : that i need not mention , cook , scult●tus , rivet , gerhard , erockman , &c. mede's next testimony , is from two epistles of pius the first , bishop of rome ; relating in the former how euprepria , titulum domus suae pauperibus resignavit , ubt nune cum pauperibus nostris commorantes missas agimus ; resigned the title of her house to the poor , where now ( saith pius ) we residing with our poor , say mass . and in the latter of a presbyter that erected a titulus or church . to this , which baronius alledged before to the same purpose , an . . numb . , , . and vedelius answered : we further say , ( . ) these epistles are forged , as causabon's exercit . . shews , for if mass was so early , how came it , saith he , that no footsteps thereof is extant in approved authors , for above years ? and bishop morton in 's book of the mass l. ● . § . . not before st. ambrose time , about a. d. . who uses it in another notion than papists do since . and morney of the mass , l. . c. . saith it was unknown for years . not to mention the many authors , who have handled this argument of the mass , against bellarmine , and other papists largely . i shall only name du moulin on the mass in french , and more largely in latine , c. . for the pedigree of the mass . ( . ) we answer , this was most likely some room in the house ( seeing they dwelt therein ) where they said mass ; and were it the whole house , yet was it but a private one , which scarce any wise man would call a temple . and for the name of title , that was given at pleasure . so that were these spurious epistles authentick , they neither prove our adversaries opinion , nor disprove ours . mr. mede produceth next theophilus antiochenus , l. . ad antolycum ; who saith , god hath given synagogues , which we call holy churches , &c. which yet is confest by him to be doubtful . for ( saith he ) if it were probable synagogue was here taken , as usually in the new testament for a place , then church likewise for a place . to which we say , that if church , in a hundred places of the new testament , be taken for a congregation : then 't is most probable , it 's so taken here . and the sense of the words makes this evident ; for theophilus compares heresies to rocky islands ; and the wholesome doctrine of truth and holiness , to good and habitable islands ; and not the places of truth and heresies . the last author in this d century alledged , is clemens alexandrinus ; who useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or church , for the place , and not the congregation only , stromat . l. . and so again in the story of the young man , who had left the church , and betook himself to a mountain with robbers . that christians had places of meetings is beyond all doubt ; but we say in private houses and places for years and upwards . nor doth clemens or any other , prove they had publick oratories . and vedelius , p. . upon this passage of clemens , shews , they did not think this appellation so proper and convenient . therefore salvian years after , l. . de gub . dei , itaque ecclesias vel potius templa , &c. correcting the impropriety , in using churches , for the places of assembling , and preferring the word temples . and for the opposition of church and mountain , in the story of the young man , that became captain to a band of robbers : the sense is plain , that he left the company of christians , rather than the place of their assembly , to associate with robbers on the mountains . thus for the two first centuries , we have heard the noise of our adversaries artillery , which was nothing but powder , and vanished into smoak , without any shot , that might in the least wound our cause . sect . . mr. mede goes on with the d century , wherein we shall follow him at the heels , tho not obliged thereto , by our assertion . for i know no protestant that in this century denies christian oratories ; but only in the two first . and therefore 't is not fair to feign adversaries , and represent us as denying that we willingly grant . we know well , the church being considerably increased , oratories were built ; and the fate that followed them , namely , to be demolished . for eusebius relates , how before dioclesian's days , there was both an enlargement of churches formerly built ; and an addition of new , more large and stately than the former , which were also destroyed in his reign ; and towards the end of this d age the christians not only questioned for affording their private houses to meet in , but moreover tortur'd for it . add hereunto , that mede still goes on to pervert the state of the question : as if private houses and secret places in sore persecutions ( which none denies ) were publick oratories , churches or temples . the first author cited by him is tertullian in three places , whereof the first hath reference to the assembly ; and if to the place , yet only to the time of worship ; for which an upper room served ; as hospinian ( de orig . templ . c. . ) explains him ; and the second citation implies as much , where 't is said their house was in editis & apertis , in high and open places , as their coenacula or upper rooms were ; seeing in temples tho never so large , people are upon the ground . i shall not meddle with what is added of churches anciently looking eastward ; ( for which bellarmine gives ●ive reasons , c. . de cultu sanct . ) further than by referring to such antiquaries , as have treated thereof ; walfridus strabo , hospinian and others . the d is in 's book de corona militis ; several others being waved : ( all which are brought to the same purpose by baronius , a. d. . num . . except that one out of l. de spectaculis . ) there c. . it s said , those that were to be baptised , first made their abrenunciation of the devil , &c. in the church , and after again at the water . upon which mede , to serve his own hypothesis , supposeth their baptisteries , were not then , as now our fonts , within , but without the church , and often in places very remote from it . but how will he , or any other prove that there were any baptisteries in tertullian's time , distinct from the places of their assemblies . hospinian that was well versed in ecclesiastical antiquities , finds none before constantine's time , de orig . baptisterii , p. , . for as no place for baptism was prescribed by christ , or his apostles , but lest indifferent , and accordingly used at first : so we find nothing certain concerning this in the primitive church . the history of basilides in euseb . l. . c. . manifests that some were baptised in prisons , and cyprian's epistle to magnus , that sick persons were baptised in their beds . nor doth it follow , the church here is not the assembly , because that was also at the baptistery . for if there were such ( as i think there was not ) yet a part more likely was only there ; and probably the abrenunciation was not the same day . however , without all doubt , it was not made but when the church was assembled , and respected the assembly and not the place . consider but those times , and what tertullian saith to encourage the christians to meet , notwithstanding the danger thereof , si fides transferre potest montem , annon potest militem ? can faith remove a mountain , and can it not remove a soldier ? and again , if you cannot keep your dominicals in the day , keep them in the night : and , then judge , if he can be thought a support to our adversaries . his next witness in hyppolytus , who in 's tract de antichristo , saith , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the temples of god should be as common houses : and churches every where demolished , &c. this author is cited by the rhemists , to prove that antichrist should abolish their mass : but of small or no account with protestants . for he makes antichrist to be the devil , appearing in the shape of a man ; and that john the evangelist is not yet dead , but shall continue with enoch and elias till the time of antichrist . and lived in cryptis , or subterraneous vaults , as baronius writes a. d. . numb . . where he officiated also , as eusebius relates . so that mede's inference , that he was well acquainted with such places , as temples and churches , seems less probable , ( seeing we read of none before ) than that this tract is supposititious . besides that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agrees not to christian churches , as both bellarmine and vedelius have largely proved , which we mentioned before . for the same time lampridius an historian is cited , who reports , quod cum christiani quendam locum , qui publicus flier at , occupassent ; contra popinarii dicerent , sibi cum deberi ; alexander mammeae imperator rescripsit : melius esse , ut quomodo cunque deus illic colatur , quam popinarits dedatur . that when the christians had possest a publick place ; which the victualers challeng'd to belong to them ; alexander the emperour determined ; it was better , that god should be there any manner of way worshipped , than that the victualers should have it . this passage is brought by baronius , a. d. . num . . for the same purpose ; who yet afterwards , a. d. . confesseth , that at that time the christians had no church there , but chose that place to build one in . for which he alledgeth a fabulous miracle . but platina in the life of calixtus , believes not this , by reason of the frequent persecutions in those days . calixtus himself having suffered martyrdom . and baronius acknowledgeth , that persecution was frequent in this emperour alexander's days , and divers suffered martyrdom , even the bishop of rome himself . so that 't is doubtful , whether they built any publick oratory , in that publick place , during his reign ; and if they did , 't is the first we read of in any classic author . the next author is gregory of neocaesarea , sirnamed thaumatourgus , who in an epistle called canonica , describes the discipline then in use , with the distinct and regular places for penitents , ( who stood without the gate of the oratory ) auditors , and others that stood within , as the catechumens and faithful in distinct places . and further in 's life written by gregory nissen , 't is said , that he was a great founder and erecter of churches ; whereof that built by him at neocaesarea in fontus ( where he was bishop ) gregory nissen saith , was still standing in his time , having remained unshaken in a great earthquake , which had thrown down all other edifices both publick and private . now let it be granted , that this canonical epistle is genuine ; tho i will not say , as bellarmine , that without controversie 't is so ; even for that which he saith is certain . that this gregory made a short confession of faith , which he learned of john the evangelist , appearing unto him in the company of the blessed virgin , the mother of god : and the many monstrous fables father'd on this devout man , by the name of miracles . but because balsamon , the learned canonist , hath commented upon it , i shall not reject it ; tho neither christ our lord and lawgiver , nor his apostles , no nor the church of the first age , ( wherein like occasions were given by defection ) ever made such orders , or used such distinctions of places : which any considering man will judge , more befitting peaceable than persecuting times . and ( . ) we further grant , as we have several times suggested , that in this third century the christians had their publick oratories , small at the first , and afterwards enlarged , as eusebius testifies , hist . l. . c. . tho most in secret , by reason of persecution . so that neither this , nor the following testimonies , prejudice our assertion : nor prove theirs , of such publick and separate places of worship , both in and ever since the apostles times . but how gregory nissen came to believe , that the temple thaumaturgus built , continued till his time , i know not . for whosoever considers the many edicts , made by heathen emperors between these two gregory's days , for demolishing them all , will think this incredible . except some ruderaes remaining , and a temple after built upon them , was accounted the same ; like as that which we read in the gospel , of solomon's porch . or that it was preserved by a miracle , as baronius thinks , and that a greater , than its preservation in the earthquake . for the decree of dioclesian was very general and severe , for demolishing all churches ; which both theodoret and eusebius write , was so punctually executed , that all were pulled down , not one by them excepted . and this decree came forth from nicomedia , a city in bithynia , upon which pontus bordered , wherein neocaesarea stood , and therefore very unlikely this should be spared . but if any have so strong a faith to believe , what is reported of this great wonder-worker gregory , he may possibly think that he had sufficient power to restrain dioclesian's agents , and defend the church he built . for baronius at the year . num . , , . relates what power he had over devils , to cast them out of their temples , and drive them out of any place , whither he pleased , and restore them also at his pleasure : which he did , to shew his power , to one in writing under his hand , saith baronius , in these words , gregorius satanae , ingredere ; gregory to satan , enter in , that was into his temple again . and bellarmine relates another miracle of him upon this very argument , c. . de cultu sanct. saying , that when he would have built a church , and wanted room , by reason of a rock , that border'd on the place , where he would build it , he by his prayers removed it away . mr mede was wiser than to mention this , for gregory's building of churches . and indeed none can imagine , how much prejudice such fabulous miracles and lying legends ( decryed and detested even by many sober and learned papists ) hath done to christianity . let but any one read a pamphlet printed this very year , of a conference between a jew and a jesuite , at amsterdam ; concerning christ being the true messiah , which this undertaking to prove by his miracles ; was replied upon by the other , with a number as great , out of many popish authors , insomuch that the jew quite confounded the jesuite . and wheras mr. mede notes , that a litle before the persecution of decius ( which was a. d. . ) the christians erected oratories , in the name of christ . i desire baronius may be consulted , and then let any one judge , how improbable it is that christians had publick churches , with such distinction of places , as is mentioned or built such publick oratories , as our adversaries say . for decius gave express order to forbid all christian assemblies ; upon pain of death , threatning accurate observing them ; ( because many heathens were converted thereby to christianity . ) as appears by aemilianus his writing to dionysius bishop of alexandria in euseb . l. . c. . vel . and baronius ad a. d. . num. . who further relates , how their very coemateria or burying places ( which were vaults under ground , called cryptae , as baronius shews a. d. num . . ) usually a mile or more from their cities ( which were often after some time discovered ; and then how dangerous it was to meet there , he shews . a ) were now strictly forbidden them in particular , as well as in the general all other places whatsoever . cyprian contemporary with gregory , is next alledged for christian oratories . ( ) in his book de opere and eleemosynis , by the name of dominicum brought also by bellarm. c. de cultu sanct. ( ) in epistle , by the title of ecclesia . we never doubted , but christians had from the first oratories , or places of meeting : and that in this century some publick , which as the church increased , were inlarged . but that even in cyprian's time their assembling were in subterraneous vaults ; both at alexandria , as we have shewn ; and rome , as is clear by pope cornelius's letter to the bishop of vienna , as baronius testifies a. . n. . and here at carthage in africa , a. . n. . where the proconsul urged cyprian himself with the emperors edict , ne in aliquibus locis conciliabula fiant , nee caemeteria ingrediantur ; that the christians should not meet in any places , nor enter into their coemeteries . in which they usually celebrated the holy mysteries ; which pameltus calls the sacrifice ; but goulartius , the word , sacraments and prayers ; performed only , when the church assembled . nor is the opposition mentioned , of any force , as we shew'd on cor. . . another contemporary cited , is dionysius alexandrinus in 's epistle to basilides , declaring his opinion , that women during the time of their separation , ought not to enter into the church , which he calls the house of god. by which we learn , saith mede , not only the christians had their houses of worship , but a religious respect also , to difference them from common places . to this we say , as formerly , that christians had always places for meeting in , but still whether in private houses , or in publick lies the question . and if but a chamber in a private house , where they worshipped god , it was sufficient to denominate it the house of god , as well as a cathedral . and that their assemblies then were very private , appears in that they were forbidden on pain of death ( as we have shewn ) and yet where this is related by eusebius , dionysius testifies , that nevertheless they kept them . but surely not in the usual places , where they had easily been discovered , to the loss of their lives ; but in all likelihood often changed the places , for their security . and whether every such , was thereby so sanctified , that it was unlawful for a menstruous woman to enter thereinto , let any one judge . nor was this a canon , as mede calls it , baronius hath made apparent against balsamon ; and by the equity of a contrary course taken by pope gregory , in regard that legalia or ceremonials are now abdicated . and if it were in force , it relates not to the place simply , but the offices there performed , and the time thereof , which suppose the congregation present , from which such an one was to be excluded , whether the meeting was on a mountain , or in an house , or under ground , in caves and dens of the earth . nor need mr. mede tell us , such places were known to the gentiles , and called worshipping places . for when the christians were grown so numerous , before this time of a d. . as tertullian thinks , near to equalize the heathens ; their assemblies could not possibly be concealed , whether above or under the ground ( especially when they enjoyed any tollerable freedom from persecution ) as appears by two rescripts of gallienus in euseb . hist . l. . c. . one for restoring all places in general to the christians , and the other their coemiteries in particular . nor doth aurelian's speech in vopiscus evince a publick place ; nor the opposition between the capitol and church imply the place ; but the congregation rather , that stands in congruous opposition to the sibyls oracles . for they might be masters of the christian oratories when they pleased , and there consult of what they list , even of setting forth the books of the sibyls . but mr. mede thinks his cause is supported by that of eusebius l. . relating how paulus samosatenus being deposed by the council , aurelian decreed , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the house of the church , should be taken from him , &c. this bellarmine c. . de cultu sanctorum , and also our fuller alledge to the like purpose . yet both ours confess , that some interpret it of domum epifcopalem , the bishops house . belike christopherson , tho a popish bishop in queen maries days , and zealous for the opinion of our opponents . so baronius takes it , a. d. . num . . and our learned antiquary sir h. spelman , de non temerandis ecclesiis , p. . for a house belonging to the church of antioch . and indeed 't is not reasonable to understand it , of a publick temple , as fuller calls it ; for to what purpose should he keep that , which could be of no use to him , neither for an habitation , nor for publick worship , being deprived of his bishoprick for heresie , and domnus in his place : and the congregation could keep him out of , without troubling the emperour . nor is it denied , that in the time eusebius mentions between the and persecution , for about years , several old oratories or churches were enlarged , and new built ; like as 't is manifest they were demolished by dioclesian years after . and were the places of eusebius alledged , taken for the place ; they speak of no more than an house or houses , which denotes them private , not publick , as churches and temples . mr. fuller lays mighty stress on eusebius calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he renders prisca aedificia , ancient edifices : and from thence infers , that therefore there were oratories or churches , even in the apostles times . for he tells us , the learned define saeculum , an age , to denote years : and that one age is not sufficent to denominate houses prisca , or antient ; considering that monas an unity , is not to be accounted a number ; wherefore they must be of two ages at least , or more , to be termed ancient . but all this is very strange talk . for ( . ) eusebius hath nothing answerable to saeculum an age . ( . ) if monas an unity be no number ; then one hundred years , or one thousand . is no number ; and so should be insufficient to denominate any thing ancient . ( ) the phrase may either import the distance of time , between their erection and amplification ; or the distance between their erection , and the time when eusebius wrote , which was considerably longer , and more probably i think to be here meant . ( . ) let it be considered , that we read of no edifices before decius and valerians persecution : and those specified only by coemiteria , places of burial , in which they had their cryptae , vaults under ground ; which were forbidden them , and again restored and granted them by gallienas . now this persecution by decius and valerian , was but about years before dioclesian's : so that if we take the phrase for the time intervening , it imports no more than edifices formerly built , and those not very ancient . ( . ) new and old , are terms of respect , and taken in great latitude ; so that now a man of an hundred years , is truly accounted a very old man ; tho in the antedeluvian days , one of but young , when men lived to eight or nine hundred . and tho some of our churches in england may be termed truly ancient , being perhaps of or years standing ; yet the eldest in eusebius's time , could not be ; nor hath any yet been proved to have been then an hundred years old . such a critick as mr. fuller might have observed the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is such , being both variously rendred , and applied in the new testament . sometimes to great antiquity , as mat. . . hebr. . . and jude . sometimes to things not long before , as pet. . . he hath forgotten that he was purged from his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , old sins ; and sometimes to that lately past , as mark . . pilate asked the centurion , if jesus had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any while dead . but the latin version prisca aedificia , ancient edifices , better suited his hypothesis ; which made him adhere thereto rather than the original greek ; which may well be rendred priora aedificia , former edifices . mr. mede's last witness , which he saith will dispatch all at once , and depose for the whole , and thinks alone sufficient to carry his cause , is euseb . hist . eccles . l. . c. . where describing those halcyon days , from cyprian's martyrdom to the persecution of dioclesian , the shews the vast multitude of christians and their meetings , cum antiquis illis aedificiis ( i. e. oratories ) satis amplius loci non haberent , amplas spaciosasque in omnibus urbibus ex fundamentis , erexerunt ecclesias ; so that having no longer room enough in their ancient buildings , ( i. e. oratories , as he had named them ) they erected large and spacious churches from their foundations , in all their cities . here 's not only churches in those days , but such as might then be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient edifices , which how far it may reach , let others judge . but if this witness will depose for the whole , there 's no thanks due to mr. mede ; considering that long before , this was dispatch'd ; baronius having alledged the same , and vedelius answered him , ( as he could not but know ) exercit , in epist . ad magnes . tertio , eusebii l. . c. . citat baronius , & dicit eum asserere , longe ante dioclesiani tempora fuisse ecclesias . sed falsum est , &c. thirdly , baronius cites the th book of eusebius c. . and saith , that he affirmeth churches to have been long before dioclesians time . but 't is false to say , eusebius speaks of the time long before dioclesians reign . for he speaks only of that part of time , intermediating between the and porsecution , ( or according to the computation of others the th and th ) as the series of the preceeding story , and the text it self sufficiently shew . now the persecution preceeding dioclesian 's began a. d. . under the emperour valerian , and ended about years after . and the persecution by dioclesian began , as some account , a. d. . whereby the ridiculousness of baronius 's inference appears , viz. there were churches long before the time of dioclesian ; therefore in the very days of the apostles there were such . as if i should say , eusebius testifies , that for about years before dioclesian there were churches : therefore he saith that there were churches years before dioclesian . but this course is frequently used by baronius , that corrupter of chronicles . but that mede insists on most , ( as others before him ) is that phrase in eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ancient edifices . which how far it may reach , faith he , let others judge . belike he trusted more to his readers forwardness , to embrace the suspicions this phrase might raise , at first sight in their minds , than his own improvement of it ; that he turns it off with so short and slender a remark , which in shew was his most pregnant proof . or knowing that fuller had done his best on the phrase , waved the speaking further thereon . however , having spoken sufficiently , i think , to it in the former paragraph , i need say nothing more in this . but that eusebius mentions there , and also c. . and . is very remarkable ; and lets us see , that tho prosperity be desired of all , yet few can use it aright : so that we may conclude , if it were best for god's people , they should enjoy it . for from valerian's persecution to dioclesian's , the church had a comfortable calm ( aurelian's edict made for persecution , being never signed by him , god having terrified him with lightning ( as eutropius and vopiscus affirm ) and so stopt his wicked tyranny . ) but alas , instead of being better'd , they extreamly degenerated : so that eusebius saith , god sent that direful storm of persecution on them under dioclesian , for the corruptness of their lives and manners . maximè vero ecclesiasticorum , in quorum vultu simulationem , in corde dolum , verbis fallaciam cernere licuit : livore , superbia , inimicitiis inter se certantes , tyrannidem potius quam sacerdotium sapere videbantur ; christianae pietatis omnino obliti ; divina mysteria profanabant potius , quam celebrabant . which i forbear to english . those that please may read more in fox's martyrology in the th primitive persecution ? tho he misreckon it , there having been no general persecution in aurelian's reign , who as he himself saith , rather intended , than moved persecution . but for their wickedness followed the th . when their churches were demolished , their bibles burnt , their persons punished with all kinds of cruelty ; neither courtiers , nor friends , not the empress prisca , nor daughter valeria spared ; his decree was aut deos gentilium , aut mortem eligerent ; that the christians should choose either the heathen gods or death . of this tenth and greatest persecution , eusebius in his th book of history . lactantius de mortibus persecutorum , from to chap. with the notes in latin of , which are times larger than the text. and fox in his first book of martyrology , from eusebius and several others , have written largely ; which i shall not transcribe , but dismiss with this short remark ; that of all the general persecutions , this last ( which was the forest , and continued above ten years , ) only reached england ; wherein albanus first , and very many after , sealed their faith in christ with their blood ; so that christianity was almost with the scriptures , and churches destroyed throughout the whole kingdom , tho shortly after revived by the blessed constantine . having now examined all our adversaries witnesses we leave the impartial reader to judge of their validity ; and whether they prove the christians to have had any publick appropriate places for worship in the two first centuries . which tho undoubtedly most sit and convenient always ; yet in times of persecution , men must do as they may , and meet as secretly as they can , and be constrained , often to change their meeting places , and when private houses will not serve for secresie , to seek out vaults under ground , where they may worship god. and yet not even in the most secret and retired places , without fear of their enemies , and danger of their lives : which shews our happiness in this regard , above theirs , who were much better than we . there is but one scruple , that i can imagine , remaining : and that is , tho these places were private , yet they might be , as mede terms them , appropriate . to which i answer , that his first argument for his opinion , which immediatly follows , from their worshipping towards the east , implies that he takes them for publick , and purposely built accordingly for that end . and ( ) . who ever diligently peruses his treatise , will see that he founds their appropriation ( as also their holiness , of which in the next dissertation ) on their consecration , ( or as he sometimes calls it dedication . ) now if we consider when this begun , platina in vitis pontif. tells us , that telesphorus having suffer'd martyrdom , in the first year of antomus pius ( which was about the year of our lord . ) hyginus an athenian succeeded him . who ordained these two things . first the use of those witnesses we commonly call godfathers and godmothers , in the administration of the sacrament of baptism . which was then , i confess , more necessary , by reason the generallity of those amongst whom the christians lived , were heathens . and therefore in case the parents , on whom it is incumbent to see thei children educated in the christian religion , came to die ; they that were sponsors , might take care to see them brought up therein . which institution ( as likewise confirmation ) is now degenerated into a meer formality : few regarding their solemn engagements made for that end . and ( . ) he ordained also templorum consecrationes ; the consecration of temples , that or churches , being the usual names , given to all places for gods worship , in after ages . so that consecration being but introduced in the second century ; if mede takes it in the usual sense ; his opinion that there were appropriate places for christian worship both in the apostles days , and ever since , falls to the ground ; except it can be proved , that some of them at least , lived so long . but if he takes it for a private house , or some room therein , where the church met together , as he seems in the beginning , and by the expressions of the church in their house : then whensoever any owners thereof , gave leave for the christians to assemble therein , their permission was a consecration thereof , whereby they appropriated the same to the churches use ; and so , according to his tenets , employed them no more for their own civil use , being appropriate to a sacred . or else some pious christians , gave their houses , as he thinks , and dedicated them to the church for a meeting place , by which dedication it was appropriated . but neither of these can be reasonably imagined . considering ( . ) that we read of several that sold their possessions , for the maintenance of the poor : but we read of none that gave their houses to the church for meeting in . ( . ) the multitude of christians increasing , many houses were requisite to contain them , as we have formerly observed . ( . ) how often in those bloody persecutious , they were forced to shift their meeting-places , to shun the loss of their estates , liberties and lives , we may easily conclude . and lastly , had any either granted , or given any house , or certain place , for such an use , as therein constantly to assemble : they had thereby , without all doubt , been quickly discovered , certainly dispersed , and often times most severely punish'd . so that tho we are not to question the readiness of many that were able , nor their pious liberality : so we must also consider their prudence , the times wherein they lived , and what was most conducible to their preservation , that they might not run themselves on the rocks of destruction . sect . . our opponents besides the authorities mentioned , produce several arguments for their opinion ; whereof are made use of by mede , which we shall now consider . first , it 's certain , saith he , that in their sacred assemblies , christians used then to worship and pray towards the east . which how it could be done , with any order and conveniency , is not easie to be conceived ; unless we suppose the places , wherein they worshipped to have been situated and accommodated accordingly , that is chosen and appointed to that end . this he had touched on before , from tertullian in the beginning of the d century ; for which no authority is vouched , but that only of the forged apstolical constitutions , falsly ascribed to clemens . here let me observe , whereas mede saith to worship and pray , bellarmine c. de cultu sanct . rightly restrains to prayers only , and those made publickly in the temples . for having mentioned several authors for this , adds , et omnes illi veteres , qui scribunt apostolicam esse traditionem , ut oremus conversi ad orientem ; id praecipue servari par est , in solemnibus precibus , quae funduntur in templis : and all those ancients which write , that 't is an apostolical tradition , that we pray turned towards the east : that ought especially to be observed in the solemn prayers , which are made in temples . secondly , tho we grant this an ancient custom ; yet is it without command , or example in the scriptures ; for christ never required it , nor was it practised from the beginning of christianity . where 's the proof they then used so to worship ? or when this custom first came up ? for as to the constitutions , rightlier to be called apocryphal than apostolical ( as we have formerly observed ) they deserve no credit at all . thirdly , if this necessarily implies edifices so situated , which i question , and he supposes , ( but hath not proved ) then those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upper rooms , the coenaculum sionis , that upper room in sion , and private houses , which were the first churches , he grants in the beginning of his treatise , were all so situate , which i hardly think , he himself thought . and much less that the coemeteries and vaults under ground , which so many authors mention for their meeting places ( as we shall shew hereafter ) were so : or had such light eastward , more than from other quarters of the heavens . fourthly , bellarmine there treating of the form of christian churches , saith only , vt plurimum eas ad orientem conversas fuisse , & quatuor latera habuisse quibus quatuor mundi partes aspicerent . that for the most part they were turned towards the east , and had four sides , turned towards the four parts of the world. likewise walfridus strabo de rebus eccles . c. . saith , majorem partem ecclesiarum ita fabricari ; that the greater part of churches were so made . so that by their saying , all were not so ; some might be round , as we have an ancient church in cambridge so built , which some say , was the usual form of the jewish synagogues , such as the lesser , at amsterdam . and some sited otherwise than eastward , as the church of antioch in syria , as socrates l. . c. . testifies . and if they were oblong , and stood east and west , seeing they had four sides , 't is meant doubtless of the chancel , which was eastward . of which distinction in churches ; when first it began , or who was the author thereof , is not set down by any writers i have met with . tho we know , in constantine's time , when stately churches were erected , this was used . and if we take this in the first ages , for private places , frequently stiled oratories and chappels , such as were in houses and vaults under ground , or above in the open air ; to say their aspect was eastward , is to beg the question , and cannot be proved . we may well imagine , those built , were rather according to the conveniency of the place , or pleasure of the founders . as the chappels of emanuel and sidney college in cambridge , which stood rather north and south . tho the former hath now a new one built in mode and figure ; and is no more to be derided , as formerly , by cart-wright , an oxford poet : much like the chappel ominous , of ' th colledge called god with us . nor the other now in danger to be demolished , as mr. mathews , an ancient fellow thereof , told me , was in the days of a. b. land , threatned therewith . i confess bellarmine brings several authors for this situation of churches ; but none that proves there was always such , nor that they were all such ; as also for the ceremony of praying towards the east , for which he produces reasons , ( such as they are ) i shall briefly represent them , to shew the sorry grounds of this practice , which takes away the liberty christ hath left us , to advance a custom of humane constitution . . because paradise was in the east , and we being here but strangers , should labour to regain our ancient country , which we were cast out of . which is produced by several other papists , as the opinion of the fathers , and lately by the learned huetius c. . de situ paradisi . as if paradise , where ever it was ( the place thereof having puzzl'd so many learned inquisitors ) whether in or near mesopotamia , or elsewhere , was not as well west to the christians beyond it , as east to us on this side . or that we were to look after a terrestial paradise , more than a coelestial , whereof that was but a type . and as the saints in the old testament lookt from all parts toward the temple , as a type of our blessed saviour ; so under the new , we are directed to look towards heaven , as the habitation of our heavenly father , where christ sits at his right hand to make intercession for us . . because the sun rising there , 't is the most excellent part of the world. but supposing its motion , doth it not continually arise in the several horizons , to those of the same latitude throughout the world and there set to their antipodes ? so that the east of jerusalem , as gregory explains it , must needs be west , to the further parts of the world. and how can that be most excellent to any , which is equally alike to all ? . because christ whom we worship , is the light of the world , vir oriens , the man of the east . it s true that as the blessed god , is called light , which of all creatures is the most pure : so christ is called , the sun of righteousness , the light of the world , and the day spring from on high &c. but this is only metaphorically , in regard of his illuminating us , and not at all to the place of east or west , north or south , all being equally alike to him for that end . . because christ was crucified with his face westward , so that we look eastward to behold his countenance . and he ascended towards the east , and from thence shall come to judgment . but where 's the proof of that posture in his crucifiction ? not in the scripture sure . and how should the christians beyond jerusalem pray towards his face so , who lived in persia , and other eastern countries . math. . . is meant of his gospel dispensation , or his speedy coming to destroy jerusalem , as hammond and lightfoot think ; or by that emblem to judgment : the point of east in the heavens , being no where so to all the world he is to judge . . because the jews prayed , and pray towards the west , we towards the east ; to signifie theirs to be the killing letter , and ours the vivificating spirit , and that the veil still remains over their hearts , which we converted unto the lord , have laide aside . that the jews at the temple looked westward , was because the mercy-seat , in the most holy place was at the west end thereof . but that they do so still , as gregory also saith , i think is a mistake ; i never observed it in any of their synagogues , tho i have seen several , and their worship : yet i never saw any people so regardless therein as the present generation of the jews . but why may we not pray in the same posture with the jews of old , which were gods people , and had his direction ? as well as in the posture of those gentile idolaters that worshipped the sun ( ezek. . . ) as the persians and many other nations ? truly if you will believe the cardinal , because this posture signifies so much more excellent things than the jewish , which he there mentions ; even the difference between the gospel and christianity , from the present religion of the accursed jews , the enemies of our lord jesus christ . here recommend me to the man that hath so strong faith , as to believe a bare posture can denote such great things , to which it hath no tendency , or likeness at all . but if any one hath list and leisure , to see a deal of dry learning thrown away on this subject of praying towards the east ; they may peruse the th chap. of gregory's notes on zachary . v. . who had written also a treatise , he intituled alkibla ( i. e. the place toward which men worship ) as the publisher of his posthumous works acquaints us : the loss whereof he laments , tho for my part , i think it not great . before i pass to another argument , let me set down the opinion of strabo in the place fore-mentioned ; ( an author near years old , when ceremonies and superstition were in vogue , and near their altitude ) concerning the site of churches eastward . et quia diversitas idololatriae , diversis modis templa extruxerat : non magnopere curabant illius temporis justi , quam in partem orationis loca converterent , dum tantum videretur , ubi eliminatae sunt daemonum sordes , ibi deum creatorem omnium , qui ubique est , coli & adorari . and because temples were built after divers manners , according to the different ways of idolatry : the righteous men of those days , did not much care which way the places of prayer stood ; their consideration being only this , that look where the filth and abomination of devils were cast out of doors , there god the creator of all , who is every where , might be worshipped and adored . now that by the righteous men of those times , which cared not which way they converted their places , or selves in prayer to god , were the times of the conversion of the empire from idolatry to christianity , is plain by what preceds , c. . where he saith , after the time was come , wherein the true worshippers in spirit and truth , not in jerusalem only , or in the hill of samaria , that is not locally but spiritually , began to worship the father , and the doctrine of salvation went forth into all nations , according to the commandment of the lord , the faithful began to seek loca munda , clean places ( which he interprets by that which follows ) and removed from tumults and affairs of men of carnal conversation , therein to celebrate pure prayers , and the holy mysteries , and the comforts of mutual edification . for tho we read in the gospel , the disciples were with the believers always in the temple , or in some upper room , praising god , and giving themselves to fasting and prayer ; yet after the coming down of the holy ghost upon them . we read act . & d chap. that they celebrated prayers and the eucharist circa domos , from house to house : and they met together not only within the city , in some house or other , but without also in secret places , as at philippi . acts . . but when the number of believers was multiplied , they began to make their houses , churches , as we often read in the legends of the saints . oftentimes also declining the rage of persecutors , they had their meetings in vaults under ground , and in places of burial , and in caves , and desert mountains and valleys . then as the miracle of christian religion profited more and more ; and the devil loosing ground , as christ gained : new oratories were built ; nor so only , but also the temples of their gods and idols , with the abominable worship thereof , being thrown away and banished , were changed into the churches of god. it 's true , that he dislikes not praying towards the east , but gives reasons for the congruity of it ; yet upon consideration of the temple at jerusalem , that the holy of holies was westward , and that solomon in 's prayer at the dedication thereof , turned his face that way , he concludes , his & aliis exemplis edocti , cognoscimus , non errasse illos , vel errare , qui templis vel noviter deo constructis , vel ab idolorum squalore mundatis , propter aliquam locorum opportunitatem , in diversas plagas altaria statuerunt ; quia non est locus , ubi non sit deus . by these and other examples , we learn that they who either in temples nowly built for god , or purged from the filthiness of idols , did according to the opportunity of places , set altars towards different coasts , did nothing erre , seeing there is no place where god is not present . and accordingly proceeds to shew , that in the temple built by helena at jerusalem , upon christ's sepulcher ; and in the pantheon at rome , converted to christian use ; as also , in st. peter's church there , altars were erected , not only towards the east , but also , other quarters of the heavens . and adds , haec cum secundum voluntatem , vel necessitatem fuerint ita disposita , improbare non audemus . so that tho he approves rather , of praying towards the east ; yet professeth , he dares not blame those , who otherwise ordered the matter , and that not only in case of necessity , but of meer will and pleasure . concluding thus , vnusquisque in suo sensu abundet , propè est dominus omnibus , invocantibus eum in veritate . let every one abound in his own sense , the lord is near to all that call upon him in truth . i must add to all these , the example of the church of england , in reading the liturgy , ministers prayers , and peoples practice ; and further shew , that tho mede joins the position of churches and prayers ; yet neither of these necessarily infer the other ; but i have run out too far on this argument already . the second is drawn from the discipline of the church , which required distinct and regular places in their assemblies , for penitents , auditors , catechumens and the faithful ; which argues , they had places accommodated for that purpose . we had this argument before , in the middle of the third century , where we answered the same ; and therefore shall be briefer here . where i shall not insist upon it , that distinctions might be made in private houses or places ; tho not so well or great as in publick churches . nor deny the authority of that obscure epistle ; however called canonical , of gregorius neocaesariensis , which was a little before alledged for this discipline , and also considered . but roundly answer , that no such distinction of places can be proved in the days of the apostles , or an hundred years after . it 's therefore a strange inference , that if there were such different places , for the several sorts of church members , in gregory's time ; which was about years after the nativity of our blessed saviour ; that there were such in the apostles days , and ever since ; as our adversaries would perswade us . but they must have stronger reasons than these , before they gain our assent . for who seeth not , that such distinction of places is more sit for times of peace than persecution ( such as were mostly the first years of christianity ) wherein men must be content to do as they may , and can , seeing they cannot do as they desire . the third argument is drawn from the example of the synagogues and proseucha's of the jews , whose religion was as contrary to the empires , as the christians , and yet in their dispersion amongst the gentiles , had appropriate places for the exercise thereof . who can believe that such a pattern should not invite the christians to an imitation of the same , tho we should suppose there were no other reasons to induce them , but that of ordinary conveniency . this reason supposes the christians might do , as the jews , who built them synagogues in those cities where they resided ; having a legal tolleration for the exercise of their religion ; whereas the laws of the empire were against the christians . which makes me wonder such learned men , as fuller , mede and others , that could not but know so much ; should produce this plea for their opinion . just as if they should argue , the jews in many popish countries , build and enjoy their synagogues , whose religion is more contrary to popery than the protestants ; and therefore the protestants should follow their example , and build themselves churches for their publick worship . to which the answer is easie ; that so they would if they had the like tolleration . but to what purpose should they build up that which the magistrates would throw down , and they should never enjoy , but instead thereof be more persecuted and punisht . whence in several great cities , where there are some protestants , ministers are sent them , which they call , sub cruce , or under the cross of persecution , as the learned professor hornbeck was in his younger years in collen , ( where i have seen the jews synagogue ) and others i have known at ghent , and elsewhere , incognito , or disguis'd , exercising their office with great secresie , for their greater security . not to mention the persecutions the christians were under in the first ages of christianity , when the jews enjoyed the liberty of their religion : having spoken something thereof in the second section , and shall more fully in the following . nor let any one stop me , with objecting the many thousands of jews under caligula and claudius reigns , for their tumults and insurrections : or the wars in the reigns of nero and vespasian , wherein eleven hundred thousand perished , jerusalem taken and demolished , with the temple burnt . nor after under aelius adrianus , about a. d. . who tho he built jerusalem , calling it aelia by his fore-name , ( as he did adrianople by his other ) yet made miserable havock of the jews and their country . for this was not by persecution , but by open wars with them for years together , which they brought upon themselves . the occasion is said to be , quod mutilare genitalia vetarentur , arma corripuerant ; that being forbidden circumcision , they took up arms. instead of humbly addressing for a revocation , they betake themselves to warlike opposition ; being also set agog by bencochab , who gave himself out for their messias . in which wars this their false messias was slain ; and more thousands of the jews , than the number of the israelites that came out of egypt , as their rabbins report ; or as our historians , five hundred thousand , and a thousand of their villages burnt down to the ground . sect . . having now answered their reasons , we shall proceed to lay down several considerations for the corroborating our assertion . which amount not to a demonstration , i confess , that there could be no publick places erected , for the exercise of the christian religion , in the two first centuries ; yet compared with our adversaries arguments , will render our cause much more probable , and weigh down theirs so clearly , as to satisfie all unprejudiced readers . . let 's consider the state and condition of the world as to religion , when our blessed saviour , after his resurrection , sent forth his apostles to preach the gospel to all nations . in which were two sorts of men , jews and gentiles ; of whom 't is hard to say , whether were the more implacable enemies to the christian religion , and the professors thereof . as for the jews , what calumnies and tumults did they raise against the christians , not only in judea , but wheresoever they resided ; accusing their doctrine as blasphemous , their persons as factious and seditious , and setting up a new king instead of caesar . and where they had no power to persecute them , they stirred up the magistrates in the empire to do it , as we find frequently in the acts of the apostles . and as to the gentiles , what ignorance , wickedness , and abominable idolatries they lived in , scripture hath abundantly declared . god having in times past suffered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the gentiles , rather than as we translate it , all nations , to walk in their own ways . acts . . for the jews had the way of salvation made known to them ; but the gentiles ways were in gross idolatry , setting up to themselves multiplicity of gods , whom they worshipped and served ; although some of the wiser sort of them held one supream , whom they called jove , contracted from jehova , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the father both of men and gods. and this their idolatrous worship and religion was so ancient , even from time immemorial , and so universal in all the nations of the gentiles ; that none can imagine but the gospel , which opposed and condemned this wherever it came , should have the utmost opposition , and its publishers and professors persecutions , rather than a toleration or permission to set up a religion in publick , destructive of their own . . consider the power of the roman monarchy , which was then at the height ; having conquered the greatest part of the western nations , both in europe and africa , and eastward as far as euphrates , in which especially the gospel was to be preached , though it was carried also into the remoter parts elsewhere , over which the roman eagle never stretcht her wings . in the city of rome , tacitus reports , hist . l. . there were not fewer than . and what vast nations were then subject to its empire , is sufficiently known ; and what numerous armies they constantly kept up . all which power was unanimous for the defence of their idols , and their idolatrous worship , against all men and means that would defame them , or tended to their demolition . . consider also , that at that time there was not only the greatest power to oppose christianity , but also the greatest intellectual helps and means , learning being then in its full meridian of glory . they had subtle philosophers for defending their religion , and as good arguments for its verity , as bellarmine , and the papists , alledge for theirs , such as antiquity , universality , extent , succession of their priests , prosperity , and the like . they had eloquent orators to plead their own , and implead , tertullus like , the christian religion ; besides the vast multitude of priests , and those imployed for the training them up in their idolatrous worship , whereby they became prejudiced to the utmost against the gospel of christ , especially considering the nature and tendency thereof , either as to the credenda or agenda , things to be believed or practised , injoyned therein . for sinners to be saved by a crucified jesus , might well to the carnal and unbelieving jews and gentiles be a stumbling block , and accounted foolishness ; as the resurrection of the dead , and other articles of our faith , strange doctrines : and things so contrary to flesh and blood , as self-denial , mortification , suffering joyfully persecution , and even death it self for christ's sake and the gospel , might well be accounted hard sayings not to be born , but rather derided and rejected , as indeed they were generally by the wise men of the world. nor let any here object mahometism , for that was set up when the empire was broken to pieces under heraclius , by the irruption of the barbarous nations ; and in arabia , amongst an ignorant people , where few christians were , and no learning , but ready to embrace any innovations , and receive any impressions of religion , especially such a sensual one as the alcoran holds forth ; when there were neither men of knowledge and parts to oppose it , nor princes of power to persecute it , but worldly power to set it up and support it . so that 't is less wonder that soon grew publick : whereas it was quite otherwise with the gospel , which was neither set up , nor carried on , by might and power of arms , but by the spirit of the lord accompanying it all along , where it was carried , to make it efficacious . . consider how strongly gentilism was guarded by laws . for all nations , though they had several idol gods , and worship , yet accounted their religion to be of a divine original : as the romans from the goddess egeria , and others from some god or goddess they worshipped : and would never suffer their gods to be dishonoured , or their rites of worship , how ridiculous soever , to be defamed by any amongst them , though foreigners they could not hinder , did , as the romans , the jews and egyptians especially . i shall not abuse the reader 's patience , in citing histories and poets for these things , they are so many , and so well known ; nor how they always provided by their laws , security for their own , and prohibition and penalties against other religions . the romans , by the laws of the tables , forbad nequis alios inducat deos , sed patriam sive romanam religionem sequatur . that none should introduce other gods , but follow the country's , or roman religion , and that under severe penalties . of which cicero , l. . de legibus largely . by vertue of which laws alone , many christians were extreamly punish'd by the praetors , and presidents of provinces , and put to death , without any edicts from the emperors ; though where these were added to enforce their execution , persecution was much more fierce and cruel : and this appears plainly by pliny's epistle to trajan ; who having condemned and executed many by the laws of the empire , deterr'd at length by the multitude of those that were to be punished , consulted the emperor what he should do in that case , the emperors having power to suspend execution , though not to abrogate the laws , which senatus populusque & principes romani decreverant ut non sint christiani : the roman senate , people and princes had decreed , as that no christians be tollerated . another early law made by the senate , mention'd by eusebius , . . non debere demitti christianos qui semel ad tribunal venissent , nisi propositum mutent : that the christians which once came to publick tryal , should not be dismist , except they changed their religion . . consider the policy of the state , which was against tollerating any diverse religion amongst them , and much more a contrary to their own . as the christian , which wholly changed the face of the world , accounted their deities idols , and their devotion gross idolatry ; which was therefore judged dangerous for raising tumults and commotions among the people , which might end in civil wars for religion : so that they unanimously concluded it best for the publick safety , to extirpate christianity , and the professors thereof . yea , so jealous were they , that all societies , or conventions , were forbidden , as appears by . & . epist . plinij , l. . and much more of christians , as ep. . acquaints trajan , how the christians forbore post edictum meum , quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse vetueram : after my edict , whereby i forbad , according to your command ; all conventions of societies . this consideration of state-policy , hath been the great argument and engine in all ages for persecution ; insomuch , that some christian writers of politicks , upon this account , justifie the heathens , and popish inquisition ; though s. james calls this wisdom earthly , sensual , devillish , quite contrary to that from above , which is , first pure , then peaceable , gentle and easie to be intreated , full of mercy , &c. and oh ! that it had not prevail'd amongst protestants , to the great scandal of the prince of peace , and his peaceable gospel , which they profess ! it was far more tollerable in the gentiles , who had only the light of nature for their guide ; as the romans , who yet tollerated the nations they conquered , to retain their religion , not only gentilism , but judaism also , both in judea , and in their dispersion in the roman territories : the jews having before submitted to the roman government , and become their tributaries , when subdued by pompey . by reason whereof , the christians coming from jerusalem , and passing in the empire , a while at the first for jews , whose synagogues they used then to frequent , passed undiscerned , without persecution ; 'till afterwards that they were discovered , and then both jews and gentiles became their implacable enemies , those frequently stirring up these ( as we read in the acts ) to persecute them . for they both accounted them setters up of a strange god and religion , in their worshipping christ , whom they both took for a meer man , whom their ancestors had crucified ; and that the gospel tended to overturn both their religions , and ways of worship ; which will yet more evidently appear , by that which in the next place follows . . consider the many and grievous false accusations brought against the christians , which greatly incensed all sorts of people against them . they were accused of atheism , and all manner of impiety , as killing and eating children , incest , and impure mixtures , magick , and every evil almost that might render them odious , which may be read in the primitive fathers , greek and latine , in their apologies for christianity ; summarily mentioned in spencer's annotations on the first book of origen . so that the christians for their impiety , were accounted the cause of all those publick calamities that befel the empire . if there was a famine , pestilence , &c. the people cryed out christianos ad leones , cast the christians to the lions , as tertul. apol. c. . cypr. ep. . and others . so when rome was taken by alaricus , it was imputed to the anger of the gods , for the contempt of their religion ; which occasioned s. austin to write that excellent book de civitate dei , and orosius his orchestra , for the refutation of their heathenish folly , which was so great , that they still thought to appease the anger of their gods , with the blood of the christians . nor were they less traduced for being enemies to the state , and such as turned the world upside down ; notwithstanding all their peaceable demeanour under the civil government ; because they would not pray to their idols ( though they did to almighty god ) nor offer sacrifices to them for the prosperity thereof . in like manner also were they accused , for being rebels to their emperors ; because they refused to frequent their solemn feasts and spectacles for their victories ; nor would swear , as others did , by their genius ; nor give them divine honours , by offering sacrifices to them , together with their idol gods. for as julius caesar , as suetonius tells us in his life , c. . decerni sibi passus est , templa , aras , simulachra , juxta deos : suffered temples , altars and images , to be decreed for him near the gods. so his heathen successors in the empire continued the same , as may be seen in pliny's epistle to trajan . hence they were called sacrilgi , sacriligious , and lawless , because this worship of the gods and caesar , was by law established : yea , the enemies of mankind , because by their contempt of the gods , they brought miseries upon the world. so that being accounted by the heathens enemies of their gods , and religion , their state , emperors , laws , manners , and all mankind : no wonder if they became the object of publick hatred , according to that of tertul. l. scorp . c. . odio habemur ab omnibus hominibus nominis causa . we are hated of all men for the name of christians , and his , and athenagoras , and justin , likewise in their apologies , as our saviour had foretold , matth. . . so . . and luke . . and it had been happy for after ages , since the world turn'd christian , if these calumnies had not been used , to represent the best sort of men , as enemies to princes and states , who could not in conscience comply to worship the image they set up . how have not only papists under such pretexts , all along persecuted all that would not submit to their impious impositions , but even protestants also , frequently for small matters , all such as refused to dance after the fidle of the times . . let us further consider the temporal interest of most , which carries all before it , with those that regard not their spiritual and eternal : the whole world turning continually upon the hinge of self-interest . and herein the vast number of those ingaged thereby against the christians ; some for preserving the dignities and revenues they had , and others for augmenting them . of the former sort were the several religious orders of priests , or flamines , and augurs or prognosticators , with the whole rabble that depended on them . which must needs be many , considering the multitude of places and people , as also of idols and temples they were to serve , by performing their religious functions in sacrifices , lustrations and supplications . all which had great credit , as in all religions such have , especially amongst an ignorant and superstitious people . and understood very well , that christianity , would ruine at once all their offices , honours , and profit . knowing that thereby their gods would be derided , their worship neglected , their oracles remaining contemned , and proved often false ; many of them being already silenced ; which the learned plutarch both confest and wondred at in 's book de defectu oraculorum , amongst his works , and with camararius's notes alone . which consideration stopt two of the heathen emperours , which had most kindness for christ , if we may believe lampridius in the life of alexander severus , who writes thus . christo ( alexander ) templum facere voluit , eumque inter deos recipere . quod et adrianus cogitasse fertur , qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulachris jusser at fieri : quoe hodie idcirco , quia non habent numina , dicuntur adriani , quae ille ad hoc parasse diccbatur : sed prohibitus est ab iis , qui consulentes sacra , repererant omnes christianos futuros , si id optata evenisset , & templa reliqua deserenda . alexander severus would have made a temple for christ , and receive him amongst the gods. which adrian , also is said to have determined , who had commanded temples to be made in all cities without images ; which therefore still , because they have no gods , are called adrian's ; which he was said to have prepared for this ; but was prohibited by those , who consulting the oracles , found all would turn christians , if that had happened well , and all other temples would be forsaken . of the latter sort , that were for augmenting their estates , were especially the magistrates , both supream and subordinate . for knowing they might gain , by the execution of the laws : those especially that were superstitious , covetous , and cruel , were thereby induced to fly upon the spoil , by confiscating the estates of christians , who indured a great fight of afflictions ; were made a gazing stock both by reproaches and afflictions ; and were companions of them that were so used , and took joyfully the spoiling of their goods , heb. . , , . and elsewhere their sufferings are set forth , comprizing their losses : yea , even felix the governour hoped to have got mony from poor paul for his freedom ; and communed with him oftner for this end , thinking belike , that his friends would contribute thereto , acts . . so that temporal interest ingaged all officers , sacred and civil , to prevent and suppress christianity , and the professors thereof . . to all the former considerations , which suggest sufficient reasons for the christians to keep themselves as private as possible , we may add several other particulars . as the vast multitude of their enemies , whose extream prejudice against christianity , and inveterate hatred of the christians , stirr'd them up frequently to raise popular tumults against their persons , families , and societies ; as we read in the acts of the apostles , and other authors . and if the people were supprest by the magistrates from exorbitant violence , they had always liberty to accuse them , and bring them to tryal . and such was their malice and rage , that sometimes they hurried them by violence before their rulers ; and sometimes exhibited multitudes in the same libel , or accusation . then were they strictly examined , and put to purge themselves upon oath . and if they denied , were commanded , for further proof thereof , not only to worship and sacrifice to the idol gods and emperours , but also to curse christ . and if they confest , were certainly condemned to punishment , which was of several kinds , most usually death . altho no other crime was alledged or proved then their christianity . their christian constancy , termed inflexible obstinacy , was judged sufficient ground for their condemnation . of which the primitive fathers apologies , and pliny's epistle to trajan , inform us sufficiently . and if they were brought to a publick tryal , where less tumultuousness , and more legal proceedings were used : yet how little hopes they could have , of escaping the utmost severities of the laws against them , may be easily imagined , seeing all that tryed them , as well as those that accused them , were their implacable enemies . for when an accusation was brought in , the pretor in rome , and the proconsul or supream governour in the provinces , having appointed the time of tryal , then came and sate on the tribunal , and the judges chosen by lot ( more or fewer , according to the quality of the cause ) sate on benches . and all the favour the accused had , was to object against those he thought good , ( as we are wont in england of the juries ) which the accuser had likewise liberty to do ; and the number of those rejected being again supplied by lot , the cause was pleaded , and the judges gave sentence , by capital letters in tables , a. absolvebat , absolved . c. condemnabat , condemned . n. l. non liquet , it s not manifest . as our juries pronounce , guilty , or not guilty , or ignoramus . i know the manner of the grecians passing sentence was otherwise , by casting small stones into an urne , the white and whole signifying absolution , the black and holed condemnation . but this only by the by . having thus laid down so many considerations , to support our assertion ; i submit them to the judgment of all impartial readers , if they do not preponderate our opponents reasons for theirs ; and proceed in the last place , to produce several testimonies , for defence of the truth we have laid down , and undertaken to prove . sect . . we come now to alledge several testimonies to make good our position ; which we shall take from such authentick authors , as are beyond all exceptions ; and not such spurious ones , as several that have been brought against us . and for the more distinct proceeding herein ; we shall reduce them to these three general heads . . such as speak of the persecution of the primitive churches ; whereby any one may judge , whether they were in a condition suitable to the injoyment of certain appropriate places , call them oratories , churches , or as some of our opponents falsly temples ( for that name came not in for them , till the fourth century ) if you please ; much less to build such publickly in the first ages , for their constant worshipping in . . such as declare , that for two hundred years at least they had no such , as our adversaries avouch . . what kind of places they then assembled in : which were the most private they could find or contrive for their security . as to the first of these , concerning the persecution of the primitive church , mentioned in the acts of the apostles ; we have spoken something already in the second section ; and shall therefore proceed to that part of nero's reign , that immediately succeeds . for st. paul's coming to rome , about the fifth of that emperour , and imprisonment there for the space of two years , concludes the acts. there he found a flourishing church , as appears by c. . v. . of that admirable epistle he had written to them , between two and three years before . whether founded by those strangers of rome that were at jerusalem in the day of pentecost , acts . . or by those mentioned in the . chapter of his epistle , or joyntly by them all , i determine not : but that it was not by peter , who had not as yet been there , is apparent by the series of history . during his imprisonment , he wrote several of his excellent epistles , as that to the galatians ( a people inhabiting tanium pessinunt , and anoyra in asia ) the ephesians , philippians , colossians , philemon , and as most think , even those that were last , as that to the hebrews , and those to timothy . tho' dr. cave and others judge , the first to timothy was written in 's return to rome , and the second in the year following . for both , some places of scripture , and many ancient fathers testifie , that being released after two years by nero , he went and preached the gospel , in the east , italy , france , and spain for about four years , and being apprehended and brought again to rome , was there beheaded . for nero now inraged at the increase of the number of christians , and the decrease of the worshippers of the idol gods , made that bloody decree , quisquis christianum se confitetur , tanquam generis humani convictus hostis , sine ulteriore sui defensione , capite plectitor . whosoever confesseth himself to be a christian , shall as thereby a convicted enemy of mankind , without any further defence of himself , loose his head. and orosius l. . c. . primus ( nero ) romae christianos supplicits & mortibus affecit ; ac per omnes provincias pari persecutione execruciari imperavit ; ipsumque nomen extirpari conatus , &c. nero was the first at rome , that punished the christians , and put them to death ; and commanded that through all the provinces , they should be tormented with like persecution ; and endeavoured to extirpate the very name of christians . where note , that tho' all authors generally make him the first persecutor of the christians , it must either be understood , as first of the emperors ; or the first general persecution , after the constitution of churches amongst the gentiles , which is usually reckoned from our saviours ascension , the time of twenty five years to nero. for that both particular persons , and the church at jerusalem , were persecuted before nero's time , is manifest in the acts of the blessed apostles . there is a passage in tacitus annals , l. . c. . transcribed by sulpicius severus , l. . hist . very remarkable , for congruity with scripture , and clearing some places therein . which i shall therefore , tho' somewhat large , relate , and improve . having set forth the burning of rome , attributed to nero , abolendo rumori subdidit reos , & quaesitissimis paenis affecit , quos per flagitia invisos , vulgus christianos appellabat . auctor nominis ejus christus , qui tiberio imperitante per proconsulem pontium pilatum supplicio affectus erat . repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio , rursus erumpebat , non modo per judaeam , originem ejus mali , sed per urbem etiam , quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt , celebranturque . igitur primo correpti , qui fatebantur , deinde judicio eorum multitudo ingens , haud perinde in crimine incendii , quam odio humani generis convicti sunt . et pereuntibus addita ludibria , ut ferarum tergis contecti , leniatu canum interirent , aut crucibus affixi , aut flamandi , atque ubi defecisset dies ; in usum nocturni luminis uterentur . hortos sui ei spectaculo nero obtulerat . nero to extinguish the rumor of his burning the city , falsly accused , and exquisitely tormented those , odious for their wickedness , which the common people called christians . the author of that name is christ , who in the reign of tiberius , was executed by his proconsul pontius pilate . and this pestilent superstition having been repressed for a time , broke out again , not only in judea , the original of that evil , but also in the city of rome , whither all heinous and shameful things from all parts flow together , and are had in estimation . first therefore they were apprehended , who confessed ; then a great multitude of them being discovered were convicted in judgment , not so much for the crime of burning the city , as the hatred of mankind . and mockeries added to their deaths , they were covered with the skins of wild beasts , that they might be torn in pieces by dogs , or crucified , or burnt , and when the day was spent , they were used for lights in the night . nero had offered his gardens for this spectacle . here we have the heathens opinion of christianity and christians : an attestation to that great article of our faith , christs suffering under pontius pilate : and the sufferings of his servants ( for which i alledge the place especially ) these caused that defection of many , the historian briefly touches in saying , this pernicious superstition ( meaning christianity ) was for a time represt . that is , by those former persecutions , we have frequently mentioned in paul's epistles ( and also those of james and peter . ) whereby some forsook the christian assemblies , others apostatized from the faith of christ , against which the apostle warns the rest , hebrews , . . to the end of the chapter . others mixt christianity with judaism ( which was tollerated ) lest they should suffer persecution for the cross of christ , gal. . . altho those sanguinary laws and bloody persecutions that followed , had not as yet fallen on them , as heb. . . shews , where the apostle saith , ye have not yet resisted unto blood. for these were begun by nero , about the seventh or eighth year of his reign . i suppose , before the conflagration at rome ( usually reckoned the tenth ) but for these , see the several notes on c. . of lactantius , de mortibus persecutorum . domitian about thirteen years after nero is made emperor , who in cruelty surpast him : taking pleasure in beholding those in torments , nor sparing some of his nearest relations . confirmatissimam toto orbe christi ecclesiam , datis ubique crudelissimae persecutionis edictis , convellere ausus est universali persecutione . saith orosius l. . c. . that is , he adventured to pluck up by the roots the church of christ , that was most firmly settled in the whole world , by universal persecution , edicts for most cruel persecutions every where being given out by him . so that how privately soever the christians kept their assemblies , most of their pastors were forced to fly , according to the verse of that time. vrbibus antiqui patres fugêre relictis . the ancient fathers leaving the cities fled . trajan about a year and four months after domitian , follows in the empire , under whom the third general persecution is reckoned . for that many christians suffer'd under him , by his governours executing the laws against them is manifest . for , suidas saith , tyberianus the president of syria writ him word , se non esse parem christianis occidendis , eo quod ultro illi se neci offerrent . that he was not able , or sufficient for killing the christians , because of their own accord , they offered themselves to death . and pliny his proconsul in bithynia , after he had put many to death , affrighted with their multitude , consulted the emperor what was to be done with them , in that excellent epistle to trajan , l. . epist . . ( mentioned by tertul. in apol. eusebius and others ) which i shall not transcribe , being in most mens hands . only let me observe , that so severe was the persecution , that many for fear , denied they were christians , tho' they had been they confest , but had forsaken it , some of them ante plures annos many years before ; and that after he had forbidden their societies , according to the emperors command , they had forborn them ; and having faithfully declared , their manner of worship , and innocency of life ; yet trajan answers him , they should not be sought after , but connived at , except they were accused and convicted , and then if they persisted , they should be punished . conquirendi non sunt : si deferantur , & arguantur , puniendi sunt , by which occasion , saith eusebius , l. . hist . c. . plurimi ex fidelibus multiplicis martyrii certamen subjerunt . many of the christian suffered manifold martyrdom . and thus i have gone through the first age , and the times of all the apostles ; st. john who out-lived all the rest , till the third year of trajan ( as iraeneus and hierom affirm ) and dyed . or more years of old age. from what 's said , let any impartial man judge , if in the apostles times as well as ever since , the christians had such places for worship , as our adversaries contend for . i design not a history , and therefore shall not proceed to the general persecutions that follows in the second and third century , which together with the former , are generally counted ten ( tho' differently reckoned ) that they may answer the ten plagues of egypt , but by some twelve in number . in regard 't is needless ; so many having related them at large , eusebius especially , at whose torch most after him light their candles . and in our own language , fox in the beginning of his martyrology . i shall only request , the considering the history of those general persecutions in the roman empire ; and it will appear , that tho' they were not continual , yet the christians in the first ages had not any long time of repose , tho' some lucid intervals sometimes , when the affairs of the empire were disturbed and turbulent , ( as is usual we know by modern examples ) especially from commodus to severus , and from severus to decius . so that it was the wonderful work of god , and power of his grace , that carried on the work of the gospel , against all opposition ; and let the world see how vain the attempts of men were , against what gods hand and counsel determined before should come to pass . as tertul . in c. . apolog. cruciate , torquete , damnate , atterite nos — . plures efficimur quoties metimur à vobis . semen est sanguis christianorum , torment , torture , condemn , break us to pieces . the oftner we are mowen down by you , the more we are made . the blood of christians , is the seed of the church . and because some pretend , the good nature of some of the emperors , and their peaceable reigns : it is not denied , that some were far better , comparatively than others , as nerva , domitians successor , who recalled those he had banished , as john the evangelist , with many others , and acquitted the christians from the rigour of the laws . but alas ! this was but a short breathing time , he having reigned but four months and nine days above a year ; so that it 's scarce accounted ; nor some that were longer , no nor any , as the effect of their clemency , but reason of state , and their being imbarrest in other affairs , or imbroiled in wars . for this we have theodoret's evident testimony , hist . l. . c. . quotquot imperatores ante constantinum m. regnarunt , contra veritatis professores insana rabie furere non desierunt . all the emperors that reigned before constantine the great , ceased not with mad fury to rage against the professors of the truth . so that we may conclude , there was no trusting to their friendship , or favour , further than their temporal interest , and their own safety , and security of the government were concerned . and therefore small opportunity or incouragement for christians injoying any publick places for worship constantly , much less for building any such . sect . . here occurs an objection , made against the greatness and cruelty of these persecutions , by reason of the paucity of the martyrs comparatively , with the common opinion of their great multitudes . which is especially managed , by my old friend , the learned mr. dodwel , in 's xi . dissertation on cyprian . but in this he seems not only singular , but to found his opinion upon a false foundation ; that because we find not so many mention'd in antiquity , therefore they were fewer , than we commonly account them . for some presidents of provinces prohibited the reserving the records of the martyrs tryals : and most of those that were recorded , and remained to the times of christian emperors ; afterwards by the irruption of the barbarous nations into the empire , were lost . so that we have little more than what eusebius had gather'd up , and published , in 's ecclesiastical history , and more particularly in two books of the martyrs ; the former a collection of the ancient martyrs , which is lost . the latter of those of palastine that had suffered in his time. besides , 't is observable , that great numbers were slain , both by the magistrates and people without any formal process of law , and so could not be taken notice of . propter confessionem torquetis . causa non judicata supplicia infertis , saith justin in 's apology , vpon our confession you torment us . no judgment being given of the cause , you punish us . and to the same purpose , tertul. in apologet. c. . the governours of cities and provinces , being stir'd up by the priests and people ; made no great difficulty many times , to sacrifice them to the popular fury . for things being carried often by tumults , many were slain quasi jure belli , as if it were in war , sometimes , , , , and sometimes , men and women with their little ones were massacred in a day , as eusebius tells us , l. . c. . and l. . c. . and l. . c. . of his history . insomuch that the emperors were forced to give orders for restaining them , as hadrian ne quis posthac sine objectu criminis & legitima accusatione condemnaretur . let none hereafter be condemned without setting forth the crime , and a legal accusation . nor are we to reckon the persecutions , or number of martyrs , by the emperors edicts ; for 't is evident , the roman rulers and governors , waited not for any such decrees , but when any were accused , they tryed , condemn'd and executed them , according to the laws made against them . this is evident by pliny's proceeding , when he was proconsul in pontus and bithynia , without trajans order . yea , under some of the emperors that more favour'd the christians , as alexander severus , through his mother mammea's perswasions , though they emitted no edicts for prohibiting their persecution , many martyrs suffered in their reigns . but this question relating to matter of fact , cannot be determined otherwise , than by having recourse to the historians and ancient fathers that have written of those times . which whosoever peruseth , may soon see that vast army of glorious martyrs , which may astonish him , and sill him with admiration of their christian fortitude , under such direful sufferings as they underwent . it would be endless to recite their sayings , for the great number of martyrs . in the third general persecution there were innumerable martyrs . the menologia graecorum say , decem millia christianorum in monte ararat cruci suffixa sub trajano . that there were ten thousand christians crucified under the reign of trajan in the mountain of ararat . in the fourth under adrian , passim martyrum millena , there were frequently thousands of martyrs . and so in the following , many thousands in the general , are reckon'd by several authors . chytraeus in 's historical kalender , reports from the fore-mention'd menology , decembris bis decem millia martyrum in nicomedia ustorum , that on the th of december twenty thousand were burnt in nicomedia . and if so many on one day , what numbers in so many years ? and if so many in one place , how great must the number be in all places ? but we must not stay upon particulars . euseb . l. . saith under the emperor antoninus , innumerabiles prope martyres per universum orbem enituisse ; that martyrs almost innumerable , were famous throughout the world. and if in the fifth persecution ( as that 's usually reckon'd ) alone , were so many , what were there in all the ten or twelve ? prudentius hymno xi . l. de coronis , saith , in●u●eros martyres ; rome ignoros fuisse ; that there were innumerable unknown martyrs at rome ; and if at rome alone , what in the whole empire ? and of them all cyprian saith , l. de exhort . ad martyr . non posse numerari martyres christianos novi testamenti ; that the christian martyrs of the new testament cannot be numbred . and st. augustin often in 's sermons de temp. mentions the millia martyrum , thousands of martyrs : and tract . . in joh. innumerabiles , innumerable . i shall only further recite what fox , l. . p. . saith from an ancient author , hierom or heliodorus , where he makes this calculation . nullus esset dies , qui non ultra quinque millium numerum martyrum , reperiri posset ascriptus , excepto die calendarum januarii , i. e. there is no day in the whole year , unto which more than the number of five thousand martyrs cannot be ascribed , except only the first of january . which by computation amounts to a million and eight hundred twenty five thousand . to animadvert on dodwels dissertation , is not necessary ; in regard the considerations laid down in the tenth section , with what is here added , i suppose sufficient . if any desire further satisfaction , i must refer them to such authors , as have industriously answered him . as monsr . jaquelot , in french , dissertation , . c. . in the general . pagius in critica baroniana , frequently in several places . mabellonius in itinere italico . and the notes of several on lactantius de mortibus persecutorum . but especially , theodor. ruinartius in praefatione ad acta martyrum , most particularly . to conclude this discourse of the primitive persecutions , i shall likewise refer the reader to such as have more largely treated thereof , besides those formerly mention'd . lactantius de mortibus persecutorum cum notis variorum . ultrajecti , . vo . meisnerus de persecutionibus & martyriis christianorum veterum . witteb . . to . gerhardi vossii commentarius in epist . plinii & edicta , caes . r. adversus christianos , amsterd . . christ . cortholtius de persecutionibus ecclesiae primirivae sub impp. ethnicis , deque veterum christianorum cruciatibus . jenae . . vo . a table of whose several sorts of torments , may also be seen in fox's martyrology . sect . . we shall now proceed , to confirm our opinion , by producing undeniable testimonies , from approved ancient authors , such especially as writ apologies for the christians against the gentiles . wherein they plead for those of former ages , as well as their own ; and in all places , as well as where they lived ; though especially where their enemies endeavoured to defame their holy profession . . minutius felix , who flourished as dodwel thinks about the end of m. antoninus's reign ; but bellarmine , under alex. severus , or about a. d. . and baldwin yet later . however cecilius the heathen objects , cur occultare & abscondere , quicquid illud colunt , magnopere nituntur ? cum honesta semper publico gaudeant , scelera , secreta sint ? cur nullas aras habent , templa nulla , nulla nota simulachra ? why the christians greatly endeavour to keep secret and hide , that they worship : seeing honest things may rejoice to be publick , but wicked things would be kept secret ? why they have no altars , no temples , nor known images ? to which octavius the christian replies , by way of concession , think ye that we hide that we worship , if we have no temples or altars ? what image shall i make of god , since man is his image ? what temple shall i build for him , seeing the whole world made by him cannot contain him ? concluding it better . he be set up in our minds and hallowed in our hearts . . origen , who flourished by bellarmin's account , about the year . in his excellent book against celsus , the epicurean philosopher . which he wrote at above sixty years of age , as euseb . saith l. . c. . therefore a. d. . having been born , . wherein celsus objects in the end of l. . that the christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , could not indure to see the temples , altars , and statues , and l. . p. , , and . of the cambridge edition , objects the same . to which origen replies , that the christians had for altars spiritual minds , and prayers out of a pure conscience for incense . for statues , the image of god their maker ; and temples agreeable to these ; holy bodies , and the most excellent temple of all , the body of christ , john . , . pet. . . isa . . , . not regarding liveless and sensless temples , which sensless men admire : because taught to shun those counterfeit religions , which make all those impious , that depart from the religion of jesus christ , who is the way , the truth and the life . by which some might think , origen thought it unlawful to worship god in a temple , as when he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we avoid to build liveless and dead temples to him that is the bestower of all life . but origen hath no such meaning , as the series of his discourse shews : but that wheresoever righteous persons are found , that offer up vows and prayers to god from a pure mind and conscience , there god is worshipped after the best manner , whether within a temple , or without , elsewhere . and lil. giraldus in 's hist . deorum syntagm . . commends this as a most acute discourse in origen . for , whereas the pagans thought they performed , a great piece of service and worship to god , by building temples to him : this origen opposeth , because a temple is a sensless or a liveless thing , and contributes nothing to the pleasing of god in his worship . our saviour and his apostles , having by word and prayers , worshipped god as acceptably often in the open air , as in the temple of jerusalem . so that hitherto the christians had no publick places of worship , but only in private , may be rationally concluded . . arnobius , who flourished by bellarmin's account about a. d. . or as other later , brings in the gentiles objecting against the christians as the greatest crime , that they had no temples , altars , nor images ; and answers not by denial , but granting what they said ; and for temples , in cujus rei necessitatem , aut dicitis esse constructa , aut esse ●ursus aedificanda censetis ? what necessity think you doth urge men to build them , or after they are pulled down , to repair and restore them ? see his reasons for the christians forbearing to build them temples , l. . he shews that temples were not necessary , though convenient for their religion . therefore when they had liberty , they built them oratories , in the third century , which were now demolished by dioclesian . for the christians in all times , and places of the empire , understood very well , that it was in the emperors power to pull down , whatsoever they built , whensoever they pleased . and therefore if their religion depended on temples or structures ( as the religion of the heathens did , who as lactant. saith l. . c. . found it all there , and left it there ) they had been in an ill case . if they have but a private house , or room , as our saviour when he instituted the sacrament of his body and blood , or the disciples met in at troas , their service is as acceptable to god , as if performed in a temple as glorious as solomons . and this is the meaning of arnobius , when he saith , neque aedes sacras ad venerationis officia extruamus , they did not build temples , to perform off●ces of worship . for that god is equally served , honoured , and worshipped , as well without temples as in them : which clemens alexandrinus , eusebius , athanasius , &c. have often asserted and proved . . lactantius , arnobius's schollar , condemns the gentiles for their temples , altars , and images . quid sibi templa , quid arae volunt ? quid denique ipsa simulachra ? what means your temples , altars , and images ? in his instit . l. . c. . non templa illi congestis in altitudinem saxis extruenda sunt : in suo cuique consecrandus est pectore . temples are not to be built to god , of stones raised on heighth , every one ought to consecrate him in his own bre●st so again , si deus non videtur , ergo his rebus coli debet quae non videntur . if god be invisible , he is to be worshipped with such things as cannot be seen . from these ancients , it appears , the primitive christians held it as a thing indifferent , as to the acceptableness of their worship to god , whether they performed it in temples , or without : and that gods worship being meerly of a spiritual nature , the place though never so magnificent and glorious , contributed nothing thereto : which was directly opposite to the opinion the heathen had of temples . and secondly , the gentiles objections against christians , shews that they had no temples in the days of minutius felix , and origen . for we deny not , that there were churches or houses of divine worship in arnobius or lactantius's time , who lived in the end of the third or beginning of the fourth century . for they both acknowledge them , though but in some places ( it being improbable that christians in all places had them ) lactan. l. . mentions a conventicle pull'd down , and l. . c. . of one burnt in phrygia with all the people therein . and l. . c. . of a temple of god demolished . for about his time , in the f●urth century , begun the christians to use the word temple , for the place of christian assemblies : which formerly , to distinguish them from the gentiles temples they called , oratories , assemblies , congregations , collects or gatherings together , churches , and sometimes also stations ; as bellarmin , and vedelius , formerly mention'd ; and bauldrus in 's notes on lactantius , de mortibus persecutorum , and spanhem have shewn . nor say we , that lactantius taxed the heathens barely for their buildings ; but for their error , in thinking , god was better served in temples than without : and that the more glorious they were , their service was more grateful to god. whereas the christian religion , tota in animo colentis est , is all in the mind of the worshipper . and this appears all along in his book , l. . c. . l. . c. . and l. . c. . and . also chrysostom , homil. . on corinth . saith , that in the apostle's days , houses were churches , meaning private houses no doubt . and isidore pelusiota his schollar is very plain and positive , l. . epist . . that in the time of the apostles , when the church abounded with the graces of the spirit , and holiness of life , there were no temples , though ours now are adorned more than is meet . and having distinguished between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church , and the place , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sacrifice and altar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the councel , and place of their convention ; concludes that in the apostle's times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there were no artificial churches . these with other of the ancients , are followed by many of the learned in after ages . gerhard the glory of the lutherans for learning , c. . § . . de ecclesia , saith , ex actis apostolicis , & seriptoribus vetustioribus constat , quod christiani . apostolorum tempore nondum habuerunt publica templa , sed in privatis domibus convenerunt . that 't is manifest from the acts of the apostles , and ancient writers , that the christians had no publick temples in the apostles time , but met in private houses . the learned jesuit justinian , in 's excellent comments on the epistles on cor. . . saith , the christian assemblies were first in privatis domibus in private houses ; afterwards in oratoriis & ecclesiis , in oratories and churches : plainly distinguishing oratories from private houses , and shews by reason of persecution , they met very often in vaults , and burying-places . our renowned bishop pearson in 's comment on the creed , p. . having said acts . . and cor. . . seem to take the church for the place , in the following page saith , it s not certain the apostle uses them in that sense , nor that there were any houses set apart for the worship of god , in the apostles times , which then could be called by the name of churches . and that the primitive christians thus continued , without publick oratories or churches , is concluded by vedelius in ignat. vltra ducentissimum annum , nullum oratoriorum publicorum vestigium apparet : that there 's no footsteps in antiquity of any publick places of worship for above the first two hundred years after christ : and upon the same grounds spanhemius in hist . saeculo d o. that templa adhuc christianis nulla , ex silentio veterum & conditione temporum liquet , &c. that the christians had no temples in the second century is apparent , from the ancient writers making no mention of any , and the condition of those times , by reason of persecution . so also cuperus in 's ep. ad p. voet. amongst the notes on lactantius de mortibus persecutorum . i shall add no more testimonies for this , that the christians had not any publick places to assemble in from the times of the apostles and ever after , as our adversaries affirm ; having shewn the opinions of clem. alexandrinus , eusebius and others , concerning temples in my first dissertation . but proceed to the third thing proposed , which will further clear this controversie : in shewing , what time , and in what kind of places they assembled , during their persecution under the heathens . sect . . first , how careful the primitive christians were , of keeping their assemblies for the worship of god , as private as possible ; appears by their holding them frequently in the night , of which we have unquestionable witnesses . pliny in 's ep. to trajan , writes se de sacris corum nihil aliud comperisse , quam caetus antelucanos , &c. that he found nothing concerning their religious worship , but that they held their meetings , in the night before day-light , wherein they sung hymns to christ as god , &c. the same is recorded in tertullian's apol. c. . euseb . hist . l. . c. . and hiecrom in chron. euseb . gerh. vossius in 's comment on the foremention'd epistle saith , it was necessary for them so to assemble in the night , because of the continual persecution they were under , persecutio totis sae●●lis duravit , ut passim necesse fuerit conveniri noctu . tertullian , l. . ad vxorem , disswading her from marrying an infidel , brings this as one argument , that he would not willingly suffer her to leave him in bed , to frequent the nocturnal assemblies of christians , if it were needful . quis nocturnis convocationibus , si ita oportuerit , à latere suo eximi libenter feret ? and the learned heraldus in 's notes on tertullian , de corona militis , saith , that the christians often assembled in the night , saepius noctu congregatos . and so do several others : whence the learned derive that ceremony , of burning wax candles before the shrines of saints even in the day time ( as is usual in all the popish . countries ) to retain that custom of the primitive christians , who in times of persecution met in the night , and usually in the burying places of the deceased christians . secondly , let us consider what kind of places , the primitive christians held their assemblies in , for worship : and we shall find them the privatest possible , that they might not be discovered . so that celsus p. , and . in origen , makes this his very first objection against the christians in general , and not of that time only , that they held their meetings in private and obscure places . the which none ever doubted of or denied , that are not strangers in ecclesiastical history or antiquity ; wherein this is so frequently mentioned . alexander hales writes of the whole time in general , related by g. biel on the canon of the mass , lect. . ab episcopatu petri apostoli , usque ad tempus sylvestri , &c. that from peter to sylvester persecution raging , the episcopal station of the bishop of rome was uncertain : but wheresoever the present necessity constrained them to be , whether in vaults under-ground , or the houses of christians , or what other places soever ; there they celebrated mass upon an altar of wood , made hollow like an ark , which was carried by the priests to the place , wheresoever tho bishop of rome lay hid . and hierom on . chap. of ezekiel describes those vaults , which they often made their meeting-places , dum essem romae puer , &c. when i was a youth at rome , and instructed in liberal studies , it was my custom with others of the same age and profession , on the lords days to visit the sepulchres of the apostles and martyrs , and often to enter into the vaults , which were digged deep in the earth ; wherein were on each side as we went , the bodies of dead men buried . and all places there were so dark , that it might well be said of them , according to that of the prophet , the living go down into hell. and rarely light was let in from above , to qualifie the horror of the darkness , through a hole rather than a window . and again , going on foot by foot , and being compassed about with dark night , we are minded of that which virgil saith , horror ubique animos , simul ipsa silentia terrent . horror on every side , and silence therewithal affrights mens minds . a like description of these vaults where tho christians met , we have in prudentius his th hymn , in excellent verses , but too many to be here inserted . not that these burying-places were peculiar to the martyrs ; for other christians were also buried there , though not in the same graves , till under christian emperors , churches were erected in cities , into which the martyrs bodies were brought from without , and superstition prevailed to make them the common burying-places : which many learned men both papists and protestants have written against , and shewn how injurious 't is to the health of the living , with many other reasons ; but the tyrant custom hath always conquer'd the strongest arguments . nor when they met in such places , was it for their worshipping the reliques of the martyrs , as the papists thence infer : but ( besides their privacy , being remote from their cities , ) for the preserving their memories fresher in their minds , and by their examples be excited to constancy in the faith , and suffering martyrdom . and though onuphrius de caemiteriis , maintains , that structures were made for worship in these burial-places ; and hospinian grants it came to that at length ; yet were they but sacella , or chappels under-ground ; as platina tells us in the life of calixtus , who having said he did not believe that famous and large church which alexander the son of mammaea ( who began his reign , a. d. . according to baronius ) had granted the christians , to be the same , with that which calixtus was said to have built , on the other side of tiber , he gives this reason , cun●…a tempestate , ob crebras persecutiones , occulta essent omnia , & sacella potius , atque eadem abdita , & plerumque subterranea , quam apertis in locis & publicis fierent . for in those days , by reason of frequent persecutions , all things were carried secretly : and they had chappels rather , and those hidden , and for the most part under-ground , than in open and publick places . which last words are also recited by pol. virgil. if any desire further satisfaction , concerning the primitive christians meeting in those burial-places : he may find it in kercher's roma subterranea , l. . c. . de coemeteriis . but though these places after some time , and martyrdom under nero and following emperors , were used more especially by the christians , as appears by the edict of decius , nec usquam omnino vel vobis , vel aliis quibusque potestas erit aut celebrandi conventus , aut in ea quae coemeteria appellantur ingredi ; thus the christians in alexandria , and all others were prohibited their meetings , or entering into the coemiteries particularly . as also by the edict of valerian , whereby all their assemblies being strictly prohibited , these places in special were forbidden them ; and as gallienus his son by his rescript graciously restored the places of worship in general : so by another these coemeteries in special , euseb . hist . l. . yet as necessity required , by reason of persecution , their meetings in these places , being found out and known by the heathens , they met elsewhere some times in one place , and some times in another , as in woods , caves , mountains , &c. when they could not in private houses , that they might not be discovered . our learned hooker in 's fifth book of eccles . pol. § . . hath a short , but very comprehensive passage for this . the church of christ ( saith he ) which was in jerusalem , and hold that profession , which had not , the publick allowance , and countenance of authority , could not so long use the exercise of christian religion , but in private only . and as god gave increase to his church ; they sought out both there , and abroad for that purpose , not the sittest ( for so the times would not suffer them to do ) but the safest places they could . in process of time , some whiles by sufferance , some whiles by special leave and favour , they began to erect to themselves oratories . thus hilary also in his book against the arrians and auxentius , speaking of christians in the apostles days , affirms that they were , per caenacula & secreta coenutes , such as had their meetings in chambers , and secret places . afterwards most commonly in caemiteriis & cryptis , in subterraneous vaults . and in the time of his banishment warns them to whom he writes , to beware of antichrist , for you are unhappily taken with the love of walls , you do not well in venerating the church of god for structures and edifices : is it doubtful that antichrist shall sit in these ? montes mihi & sylvae , & lacus , & carceres & vordgines tutiores sunt , &c. mountains and woods , and lakes , and prisons , and gulfs , are more safe to me . for in these , the prophets either abiding or drowned , have prophesied by the spirit of god , and walafudus strabo to the same purpose , whose words we recited in ninth section , page . so polid. virgil , a good antiquary in 's book de inventione rerum , l. . c. . affirms that , à christi ascensu , ad dioclesianum & maximianum , toto fere temporis intervallo tantum aberat , ut aliquod templum à christianis , publicè aedificaretur ; ut etiam ommia essent occulta & sacella potius , atque etiam abdita , & plerumque subterranea quàm apertis in locis ac publicis fierent . that from christs ascension to dioclesian and maximianus , for that whole interval of time almost , the christians were so far from building any temple in publick , that all things were kept secret : and chappels rather , and those also hidden , and for the most part under-ground , than in open and publick places . though he thinks it credible , where the fury of persecuting tyrants reached not , the apostles might consecrate some temples , as matthew in aethiopia , bartholomew in india , and andrew in scythia , and james at jerusalem . but these are but this conjectures ( for which he brings no proof in founded upon the piety of the apostles , who always imployed their utmost power to propogate religion amongst all nations . for : we no where find that any of the apostles required the erecting of structures for worship , or consecrating any for that end : nor the least signification , that without such , religion could not be propogated . and the renowned sir h. spelman , p. . de non temevandis ecclesiis , having mentioned the consecration of churches in constantines time , adds , that the christians being in elder ages in persecution , might hardly build or dedicate any churches ; but were constrained to use private houses , and solitary places for their assemblies . the learned mr. robert cook viccar of leeds in 's censura quor . script . shews dionysius works to be counterfeit , because he mentions several things , and particularly stately temples , after the manner of that at jerusalem , having their sancta sanctorum divided from the rest , into which it was not lawful for the monks and lay people to enter . whereas there were no such things in those days , saith cook , but christians met together after the manner of the apostles , acts . . and . . and . . in private and secret places , and there had their prayers and sermons : publick temples they had none by reason of tyrants . i might bring in the like attestations from our famous jewel article . p. . willet's synopsis papismi , sixth general controversie , quest . . with several others : but i shall conclude all with the testimony of a great historian yet living ( of whose acquaintance and friendship i have the honour to partake ) viz , dr. spanhem the honorary professor at leyden , who in 's learned and useful ecclesiastical hist . of the new testament saith , loca sacrorum conventuum fuere saeculo secundo , partim aedes privatorum , caenacula , balnea , porticus , cryptae , loca abdita . partim caemeteria seu sepulchreta martyrum ad quae conventus indicerent , zelo accendendo , his constantiae exemplis . the places of the christians meetings in the second century , were partly private houses , dining rooms , baths , galleries , vaults , and secret places : partly burial-places or sepulchres of the martyre , which they appointed their meetings , for the inflaming their zeal , by those examples of constancy . and afterwards shews , the manner of notifying their conventions , was by their servants from house to house : for as yet neither the beating of wood , nor sound of bells , or brass , or voice of cryers were used for , this end , lost their assemblies should be known to the heathens . in the third century , whether the christians had any temples or churches dedicated or consecrated by sacred and christian rites is , saith he , a controversie amongst the learned . pol. virgil , durantus , baronius , bellarminus , ciaconius and valcsius affirm it . and of ours also wower , fuller , selden and others . that churches are frequently mentioned in this age , is out of doubt : at nec temptorum illis aut nomen , aut forma , aut splendor , aut species quaedam . aedes fuere privatorum , domus , caenacula , sed plorumque caemeteria , cryptae spatiosissimae , quas areas martyrum dixere ; etiam latibula , stabula , oremi , carceres , agri ex antiquis scripporibus , & ox conditione temporum , saeviente ut plurimum persecutions . quanquam sub . al. severo , & philippis , & gallieno , conveniendi libertas christianis major . hinc nulla esse christianis templa . quae memorantur templa , tituli , consecrationum ritus sacerdotales , à baronio , ciaconio , fr. bivario , aliis ; ea ex apocryphis decretalibus , ex pontific . vitis , ex flavii dextri chronico supposititio , id genus fontibus lutulentis hausta . but they had neither the name , nor form , nor splendor , nor shape or kind of temples . they were the dwellings of private persons , houses , dining-rooms , and for the most part burying-places , very spacious vaults , which they called the floors of the martyrs : also lurking-places , stables , wildernesses , prisons , fields , as from ancient writers , and the condition of those times is manifest , persecution then for the most part raging . allthough under al. sevetus , the philips , and gallienus , greater liberty was given for christian assemblies . hence we conclude , the christians yet had no temples . those temples , titles , and sacerdotal rites of consecration , mentioned by baronius , ciaconius , fr. bivarius , and others ; are all taken from the apocryphal decretals , the lives of the popes , and the supposititious chronicle of flavius dexter , and such like impure fountains . thus far that learned professor . to draw up all in a short conclusion . we read in eusebius of the christians building publick oratories after deeius and valerians days , not of any built before . these were by publick decrees , commanded to be pulled down by dioclesian and maximus , and not long after restored by consiantine . those formerly taken from the christians by decius and valerian , were expressed to be caemeteria places of burial in which they had their cryptae or vaults under-ground , formerly represented . so that for separate and publick places for worship , for two hundred years and more after christs . nativity , we have no records in approved history . finis . a catalogue of books sold by thomas parkhurst , at the bible and three crowns , in cheap-side near mercers-ckappel . the fountain of life open'd , or a display of christ in his essential and mediatorial glory ; containing forty two sermons on varions texts . wherein the impetration of our redemption by jesus christ is orderly unfolded , as it was begun , carried on , and finished by his covenant transaction , mysterious incarnation , solemn call and dedication , blessed offices , deep abasement and supereminent advancement . a treatise of the soul of man , wherein the divine original , excellent and immortal nature of the soul are opened ; its love and inclination to the body , with the necessity of its separation from it , consider'd and improved . the existence , operations and states of separated souls both in heaven and hell immediately after death , asserted , discussed , and variously applied . divers knotty and difficult questions about departed souls both philosophical and theological , stated and determin'd . the method of grace in bringing home the eternal redemption , contrived by the father , and accomplished by the son , through the effectual application of the spirit unto gods elect being the second part of gospel-redemption . the divine conduct or mystery of providence , its being and efficacy asserted and vindicated . all the methods of providence in our course of life open'd , with directions how to apply and improve them . navigation spiritualiz'd , or a new compass for seamen , consisting of thirty two points of pleasant observations , profitable applications , serious reflections , all concluded with so many spiritual poems , &c. two treatises , the first of fear , the second the righteous mans refuge in the evil day . a saint indeed , the great work of a christian . a touchstone of sincerity , or signs of grace , and symptoms of hypocrisie , being the second part of the saint indeed . a token for mourners , or boundaries for sorrow for the death of friends . husbandry spiritualiz'd : or the heavenly use of earthly things . all these ten by mr. john flavel . a funeral sermon on the death of that pious gentlewoman mrs. judith hammond , late wife of the reverend mr. george hammond , minister of the gospel in london . of thoughtfulness for the morrow . with an appendix concerning the immoderate desire of foreknowing things to come . of charity in reference to other mens sins . the redeemer's tears wept over lost souls , in a treatise on luke . , . . with an appendix , wherein somewhat is occasionally discoursed concerning the sin against the holy ghost , and how god is said to will the salvation of them that perish . a sermon directing what we are to do after a strict enquiry whether or no we truly love god. these five by mr. john howe . tentamen novum continuatum. or, an answer to mr owen's plea and defense. wherein bishop pearson's chronology about the time of st. paul's constituting timothy bishop of ephesus, and titus of crete, is confirm'd; the second epistle to timothy demonstrated to have been written in the apostle's latter imprisonment at rome; and all mr. owen's arguments drawn from antiquity for presbyterian parity and ordination by presbyters, are overthrown. herein is more particularly prov'd, that the church of england, ever since the reformation, believ'd the divine right of bishops. by thomas gipps, rector of bury in lancashire. gipps, thomas, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) tentamen novum continuatum. or, an answer to mr owen's plea and defense. wherein bishop pearson's chronology about the time of st. paul's constituting timothy bishop of ephesus, and titus of crete, is confirm'd; the second epistle to timothy demonstrated to have been written in the apostle's latter imprisonment at rome; and all mr. owen's arguments drawn from antiquity for presbyterian parity and ordination by presbyters, are overthrown. herein is more particularly prov'd, that the church of england, ever since the reformation, believ'd the divine right of bishops. by thomas gipps, rector of bury in lancashire. gipps, thomas, d. . pearson, john, - . [ ], , , [ ] p. printed by tho. warren, for ephraim johnson bookseller in manchester, london : . "the second part: wherein all mr owen's authorities for presbyterian parity, and ordination by presbyters are overthrown" has separate dated title page and pagination; register is continuous. errata on verso of final leaf. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng owen, james, - . -- plea for scripture ordination -- early works to . timothy, -- saint -- early works to . titus, -- saint -- early works to . church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - -- early works to . ordination -- biblical teaching -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread - apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted - tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tentamen novum continuatum . or , an answer to m r owen's plea and defence . wherein bishop pearson's chronology about the time of st. paul's constituting timothy bishop of ephesus , and titus of crete , is confirm'd ; the second epistle to timothy demonstrated to have been written in the apostle's latter imprisonment at rome ; and all mr. owen's arguments drawn from antiquity for presbyterian parity and ordination by presbyters , are overthrown . herein is more particularly prov'd , that the church of england , ever since the reformation , believ'd the divine right of bishops . by thomas gipps , rector of bury in lancashire . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . con. gang. can. . & . london , printed by tho. warren , for ephraim johnson bookseller in manchester , . the preface to the reader . there has been two books publish'd by mr. james owen minister of a separate congregation at oswestry , 〈◊〉 i am under an obligation and promise of replying unto . the plea for scripture ordination , and the tutamen evangelicum alias defence of the plea. and though the time of their publication might justly require me to consider the plea in the first place , yet the nature of the argument forces me to invert that order , and to begin with the defence . the reason whereof is this . i had set out a small book entituled tentamen novum , or a new essay proving the divine right of episcopacy , the which engaged me to answer some few things in the plea , which concern that part of the controversy between the dissenters , and us of the establish'd church , viz. the scripture evidence . hereupon mr. o. printed his defence , endeavouring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to overthrow my hypothesis in the tentamen novum , and to vindicate the 〈◊〉 one by the word of god. it is therefore necessary i should first of all reply 〈◊〉 the defence , that is , clear my point about the divine right of episcopacy . 〈◊〉 also manifest the inconsistency of the old hypothesis with the scripture ; and 〈◊〉 descend to his numerous testimonies drawn out of the ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 , in behalf of presbyterian parity which will be a full and proper answer to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . accordingly i have cast this book into two parts : the first contains a 〈◊〉 to the defence , except a few testimonies of antiquity , which are more 〈◊〉 reserv'd to the second part , wherein i answer his plea. in the management of this work the reader must not expect that i should follow my adversary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 step by step , in all the sallies he has made into points nothing at all 〈◊〉 to the present controversy , and involve my self into new disputes before the old one be done with . my purpose is to keep close to the game , and not to run after every fresh hare , mr. o. is pleased to start . this would be an edless piece of work , and swell this book unto an intolerable bulk , which i design to draw into as narrow compass as i possibly can , and as the unreasonable cavils of my adversary will permit . nor will i trouble my self or my reader to take notice of all those snarling and ill-natured reflections which the defence abounds with , without any occasion given by me , that i am sensible of . 't is much better to neglect them , than weary my self and others with impertinent and abusive railery , which betrays the weakness of the writer or his cause , and hurts no body , but the man from whom it proceeds . 〈◊〉 . . . nevertheless it will be necessary to remove some little of the rubbish of both kinds out of the way , lest haply the world may be tempted to suspect me as ignorant , and my performances as 〈◊〉 as my adversary has all along represented ' em . but when i have vindicated my self in a few of the most material things of that nature ( if there be any such ) the ingenious reader will i hope 〈◊〉 perswaded that i am able , if i were as willing , to discharge my self of the most trivial matters that are to be met with in the defence . only let it be noted that i intend not to mix these by. disputes with the main argument , which would be perplext thereby , and become more obscure ; but to cast them into an appendix by themselves at the end of every chapter , as a separated entertainment unto those , who shall have the curiosity and leisure to consult 'em , and which may be easily laid aside by such as have no mind to trouble themselves with unnecessary squabbles . in my reply to the defence and vindication of my hypothesis as also to the plea , i will not 〈◊〉 my self with the opinions of 〈◊〉 authors , how eminent soever they were or still are in the church ; that is i will not be sway'd or governed by them farther than my own reason conducted by the word of god shall convince me , i am sensible that most ( if not all ) of the former writers engaged in this controversy about episcopal government , even many of the episcopal party as well as the dissenters for want of duly examining , and understanding the time of paul's beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus , have run themselves into such labyrinths and absurdities , that a man might justly wonder they could ever sit down quietly and content themselves with their own sentiments and explications . i am verily perswaded there is not one man in the world , that will allow himself the freedom of thinking , but would subscribe unto that learned prelate dr. pearson's judgment in this cause , after 't is once fully and fairly represented to him , except only such as are captivated by some powerful interest , secret pride , 〈◊〉 prejudice , or the design of upholding a party . where these evil affections rule and 〈◊〉 , truth will not be able to prevail non suaseris etiam si persuaseris . of this we 〈◊〉 had a notorious instance of another kind in the present age , when dr. harvey had 〈◊〉 and learnedly demonstrated the circulation of the blood , almost all the naturalists and 〈◊〉 in the world , even those of the first form with open mouth decry'd both the author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctrine : and when the truth had by degrees forc'd its 〈◊〉 , and gained ground upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 part of them , then envy stept in and would have snatch'd the laurels from the brow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immortal philosopher and physitian . how many of the ancients were alledged to have 〈◊〉 the circulation of the blood ? and solomon besure was not ignorant of it , as some have 〈◊〉 to prove from the th chap. of his 〈◊〉 . so 〈◊〉 a thing it is to bring men off their old mumpsimus and reconcile 'em to the truth , when it appears in the shape of 〈◊〉 , or to do justice unto those who have had the good hap to find her out . but to return to my business . mr. o. in his plea cited some hundreds of authorities in favour of pres byterian parity and ordination . my design is not ( as i said ) to meddle with those , which are adduc'd out of private and modern writers . all that is needful for me to do , is to consider the primitive the councils , especially the general ones , the fathers and other antient ecclesiastical writers , and the practice of the most flourishing catholick churches of old unto the th century or thereabouts , and to examine whether my adversary has 〈◊〉 any one good testimony for himself and brethren , out of these monuments of antiquity . if he has not ( as i hope will be made appear ) there is an end of his plea ( i suppose ) especially , when such a cloud of witnesses which of necessity fall in our way as we travel through the history of those times , will rise up against him within the compass of the or , first ages aforesaid . before i make an end of this preface i thought it needful to prepare the reader with a short account of my whole hypothesis , which if kept in memory as he goes will be some ease and advantage to him . he must remember then , that all authors i know of ( except haply the rhemists who so far as i see spoke but at random ) writing upon the present subject or commenting upon the first epistle to timothy , have asserted or at least taken for granted ( till very lately ) that the time of st. paul's beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus , when he went into macedonia , is somewhere to be search'd for in the acts of the apostles , before st. paul had the ephesian elders farewel in acts . v. . from whence our dissenters conclude , that the supreme government of the church of ephesus , was not in that epistle committed unto timothy : for that the apostle could not have so wholly overlook'd their bishop in that farewel sermon , and applied himself only to the elders , to whom he commended the care and oversight of that church . on the other hand i have shew'd that the first epistle to timothy was wrote long after paul's said farewel sermon , even after his enlargement out of his former imprisonment at rome , and by consequence , that he besought timothy to abide at ephesus , when he went unto macedonia , at another time , than what has hitherto been believ'd and assigned . and so that objection just now mentioned quite vanishes . thus then my hypothesis lies . after that schism at corinth had been in some measure though not intirely allay'd by st. paul , he with all hast made towards jerusalem taking miletus in his way , where he bad the ephesian elders farewel . at jerusalem he was imprisoned and thence sent to rome in bonds . here he continued two years and upwards writing epistles to the several churches , of ephesus , of philippi , of coloss , of judea , and to philemon . being at length set at liberty , and in his way as he went back eastward to visit the foresaid churches , he laid the foundation of a church in crete , leaving titus behind to finish and to govern it . thence as i suppose he prosecuted his journey to judea , heb. . . and thence as it were , back again through syria to as●a . being at troas ( . tim. . . ) about to sail unto macedonia , he besought timothy to abide at ephesus . shortly after , when in macedonia haply or greece or somewhere thereabouts , he wrote this first epistle to timothy giving him the necessary orders , how he was to behave himself in the charge lately committed , to him , and not long after from nicopolis , that epistle to titus upon the same subject . hence forward we hear no more of him in scripture saving that being once again got to rome , he thence wrote his second epistle to timothy as is undeniably evinc'd in these papers . the corinthian schism , like the leprosy , seemed incurable , and spread its self unto other churches also , particularly ephesus , as may be gathered from the epistle to the ephesians , and the first to timothy : and the like i reckon to have happened in other places also . wherefore paul in his visitation of the eastern churches before spoken of , his principal design ( i presume ) was to compose the contentions already risen , and to prevent them for the future . to which end he committed the government of the churches to single persons , of crete to titus , of ephesus to timothy : the like being to be believed of the rest of the apostles , and churches throughout the world : for how else could there have been bishops every ●where , as ignatius writes to the ephesians , and not one church at that time governed by a presbytery of elders only without an apostle , or bishop presiding over them , that we can find in ecclesiastical history ? nor are we to imagin this a perfectly new device taken up by paul , and the other apostles meerly upon the occasion of the schisms at corinth and elsewhere . for as i make account they came to this resolution among themselves even at the beginning , viz. to commit the government of the churches unto 〈◊〉 persons : not that they immediately did so assoon as they had made the decree : for every apostle ( 't is likely ) kept the government , and care of the churches by him founded in his own hands , so long as he thought fit and was able to manage them himself : so that every church was 〈◊〉 cast into this platform , nor furnish'd with a bishop distinct from the apostles at the same instant ; but 't was done paulatim , as jerom speaks in his commentary on titus . james was bishop of jerusalem , before the corinthian schism , titus of crete , at that church's first plantation , though timothy was not so of ephesus , till many years after the ephesian church had been formed . but at length because schisms began now to increase , and prevail , the apostles taking the alarm 〈◊〉 to put their former decree into execution , and more especially because at this time believers were multiplyed , churches were increased , business grew on their hands , and they forced to be long absent and unable to inspect all churches : as also because the time of their departure now drew on apace , 't was therefore high time , and necessary to provide for the peace and future government of the church , as they had in the beginning contrived . whereas then i have frequently express'd my self as if the church government had been alter'd from what it was in the infancy of christianity , and lest this should be taken for a rash and dangerous concession to the adversaries in prejudice of episcopacy , i thus explain my self . . this was not a change of the first principle and rule of government , but only a bringing it by degrees to that model and frame , which the apostles ( as i said ) first pitched upon , and afterward , as occasion required , by degrees brought to perfection . so that with respect to the original design and scheme of government there was indeed no change or innovation at all . but then , . if we consider matter of fact , there was an alteration of government , in as much as the apostles having left it for a while unto the presbyters , to discharge the ordinary affairs of the churches in their absence , but still reserving to themselves the power of ordination , and other matters of greatest moment , at length constituted bishops over them , pursuant to their prime resolution and in conformity to their own way of government , which was prelatical . in this latter sense i would always be understood ; and this change was nothing else but an improvement and completing the church government , as it had been from the beginning projected by themselves or rather suggested to them by the holy-ghost . i must also here take notice of one thing more , which is not sufficiently explained in its proper place . it being acknowledg'd that presbyters were subject and accountable unto the apostles , and by 〈◊〉 ( as i argu'd ) not supreme governours of the churches , mr. o. retorts that timothy and titus , and all bishops also in the apostles days were so , and by the same consequence not supreme governours . but i answer . . 't is true timothy and titus ( paul being alive ) were subject and accountable to him , and so not absolutely supreme rulers , if we look up towards the apostles , but if we look downward to the presbyters they were supreme , or which is the same to my purpose superiour to the presbyters , who were subject to the bishops . . timothy and. titus were not ( in paul's life time ) actually supreme governours , as if they had no superiour ; for paul was over them : true ! yet they were supreme intentionally even whilst the apostle was alive and actually after his decease . for so they must needs of course be . . there is a great difference between timothy and titus subjection , and accountableness unto the apostles , and that of the presbyters . the presbyters ( as i have shew'd and as far as we know ) did nothing without the express command and special direction of the apostles , i mean in the higher and most important business of the churches : but timothy and titus ( and so the rest ) had general rules only prescrib'd 'em , and were ordinarily left to their own discretionary power in the execution of them , as is evident from the epistles to timothy and titus , except the apostle in an extraordinary manner interposed sometimes , as we may reasonably admit . but there is nec vola nec vestigium , no footsteps in the whole scripture of any such general rules and discretionary power committed to the presbyters as is evinc'd in t. n. and these papers . jan. . / . the contents . part i. chap. i. several cavils against the church of england considered page chap. ii. id. p. chap. iii. id. p. chap. iv. the old chronology about the time of st. paul ' s settling timothy ruler of the church of ephesus overthrown , the pearsonian hypothesis more firmly established , and the second epistle to timothy demonstrated , to have been written in the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at rome p. chap. v. sundry objections are answered , and particularly 't is here proved , that the convocation is and ought to be allow'd as a just representative of the church of england p. chap. vi. being an answer to mr. o's th chap. p. part ii. chap. i. of clemens romanus p. chap. ii. of ignatius ' s epistles p. chap. iii. of mark and the church of alexandria p. chap. iv. of the syriac version p. chap. v. of the beginning of christianity in the most remote north-west parts of scotland p. chap. vi. of some passages in st. cyprian p. chap. vii . of the scythian church p. chap. viii . of the chorepiscopi p. chap. ix . of the first 〈◊〉 of nice . p. chap. x. of aerius p. chap. xi . of hilary the deacon p. chap. xii . of jerom p. chap. xiii . of the carthaginian councils p. chap. xiv . of paphnutius and daniel p. chap. xv. of pope leo. p. chap. xvi . of the church in the island taprobane p. chap. xvii . of pelagius his ordination p. chap. xviii . of the waldenses , boiarians , &c. p. chap. xix . of the church of england at and since the 〈◊〉 p. part i. chap. i. in answer to mr. o' s st chap. the rector in his preface to the t. n. complained of the unfair way which the dissenters have taken up in managing controversies , that is , of their bringing in other matter , nothing at all belonging to the point in debate ; which is as when a lawyer , when he is pleading the cause of his client , and setting forth his title unto the 〈◊〉 in question , should fall foul upon his clients adversary , exposing his person and upbraiding him with his private , perhaps , but suppos'd faults and infirmities . i instanc'd in three things , which are the common topicks of the dissenters railing against the episcopal clergy , and which they will be sure to hook in , whatever the matter in controversy be . but if recrimination be but cavilling ( as one of their own authors speaks ) much more 〈◊〉 accusing . my instances were , that the episcopal divines are arminians , that the church of england symbolizes with the 〈◊〉 ; that the bishops are proud lords , and lordly prelates . and if all this were true , what does it signify in the question about church-government ? mr. o. in the contents of his first chap. at the beginning , advertises his reader , that , the dissenters are justified in their way of mannaging controversies . indeed he should have edeavour'd it , if he would have answer'd to the purpose , and his way of vindicating the dissenters , should have been ( i conceive ) either to deny the charge laid against 'em , or else to justify the fitness and reasonableness of that way of controverting . but instead of this , he falls upon the old strain of accusing us ( the rector ) of arminianism , of symbolizing with 〈◊〉 , and the bishops for being lords , which is nothing to the question between him and me here , viz. whether it be fair to charge ones adversary with supposed faults , which have no relation to the question in hand , unless he is so vain as to imagin , that his own repeated practice , is a sufficient justification of the dissenters managing controversies . in giving an account of the nature of our church-government , i observ'd in general , that our episcopal government is establish'd upon certain canons and laws , made and consented unto by the convocation , consisting of bishops and presbyters , and by the multitude of believers ; that is , by their representatives in parliament , and that , thus it was in the council of jerusalem , acts . this is plain matter of fact , and one would have thought incapable of being cavill'd at ; and yet mr. owen who is a master at that knack , has many things to oppose me in it , and has found many disparities in the resemblance . as , . he affirms that , the apostles , &c. 〈◊〉 jerusalem enjoined the def. p. . necessary for bearance of 〈◊〉 few things : but the convocation has made canons enjoining the practice of unnecessary things , to create offence . ans. these last words are as malicious , as false , and without ground . how can mr o. at this distance tell , or how could the dissenters of those times know , that the design of the convocation was to 〈◊〉 offence ? has he , or had they the gift of 〈◊〉 spirits ? or dare they presume to lay claim to one of the transcendent attributes of god ; his omniscience and knowing the secrets of mens hearts ? the things enjoyn'd by the apostles ( excepting fornication ) were not necessary before they were enjoyn'd , but only charitably and prudentially necessary : and so our few ceremonies too were and still are , charitably and prudentially necessary , which was the reason of their being enjoin'd at first , and still continu'd amongst us . the council of jerusalem did not widen the door of church-fellowship ( as mr. o. asserts ) but made it straighter , if the matters here spoken of , can be said to belong unto church-fellowship . the gentile believers had a natural right to eat bloud , things strangled , and things offer'd unto idols , when sold in the market : but the apostles depriv'd 'em of this liberty , commanding them to symbolize with the jews in the forbearance of ' em . and i would know a reason , why in a few matters of indifference , decency and solemnity , it is not lawful for the church-governours , now to restrain the liberty of believers . i say in some few things out of charity to many foreign protestants , who have ceremonies , and to the primitive christians , which were not without 'em , even as the apostles restrain'd the liberty of the gentile believers in charity to the jews ? and why is it not as lawful for us to symbolize with the primitive christians , and our foreign brethren-protestants , as the apostles with the jews . . mr. o. goes on , the council of jerusalem freed the christians from the yoke of circumcision . ans. but it put on them those three yokes aforesaid . besides as the apostles freed the christians from circumcision , or rather declar'd them free from it : for they were never under that bondage : so did the convocation free us from all superstition and idolatry . . the apostles ( he adds ) asserted that christian liberty , which jesus christ purchased and obliged us to maintain , gal. . . ans. and yet the apostles took away the gentiles liberty in the things aforemention'd . the text of scripture here cited , has a false construction put upon it . the liberty there spoken of , is not a liberty not to do any thing , which is in its own nature indifferent , no not a liberty from all the smaller observations of the law ; for then the apostles could not have enjoin'd the forbearance of the three things , nor could paul have preach'd and urg'd , the observation of those decrees , as he did , acts . . but 't is the liberty from the bondage of circumcision , which made men debtors to the whole law , and to every ceremony thereof . . he complains of the number of our canons , whereas ( says he ) the apostles at jerusalem made none new , and continued but a few which were obliging before . ans. that these three canons made by the apostles at jerusalem , were new to the gentile believers , is out of all question , tho' mr. o. affirms the contrary ; not new ; as if they had never been known or heard of before ; but they were , i say , new to the gentile believers , who were not before oblig'd to the observation of 'em , tho' mr. o. says they were . but whereas the apostles at jerusalem continued ( made ) but a few canons ; 't is true : nevertheless at other times , and at other places , they might have made more than threescore for any thing we know . the code of the universal church , consists of two hundred and seven canons : yet they were made at several times , and in several places : even so , though the apostles at this time and at jerusalem , made but three canons , yet at other times , and in other places they might have made more , and did so , as we may learn from cor. . wherein ( i think ) we meet with several canons , as from those words of st. paul , the rest will i set in order when i come , cor. . . and again , hold the traditions which ye have been taught , whether by word or our epistle . thes. . . that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , tit. . . but . the apostles ( says mr. o. ) annexed no 〈◊〉 nor excommunications against the breaker of their canons , they only concluded 'em with these gentle words , from which if you keep your selves , ye shall do well . ans. well! and the gentile believers readily obey'd the apostles decrees without more ado , not stubbornly clamouring for 〈◊〉 liberty wherewith christ had made 'em free . for christ had made the gentile christians free from the three canons of the apostles , as well as from circumcision . but doing well was an effectual motive in those days unto obedience , though not in these licentious times of ours . if the punishment annext unto canons be now more severe than ordinary , it is because some men are more stiff and refractory , more disobedient and unpeaceable than the gentile believers were of old . . mr. o. adds , the canons of jerusalem were made by the apostles , elders and the whole church : but ours by the bishops and presbyters in convocation , which are the true church of england by representation , by which he thinks to destroy the parallel , because the multitude of believers were not present at the making our canons , as they were at the making of those at jerusalem . to obviate this exception , i observ'd that our canons were consented unto , or confirmed and receiv'd , by the multitude of believers , that is , by their representatives in parliament . but mr. o. having nothing else to cavil at , or wherewith he might invalidate the parallel , which is so much to the advantage of our church , and fatal to the dissenters , corrupts my words , and by way of gloss adds , to the multitude of believers , that is ( says he ) the church . i say , and say it again , that the parliament represents the multitude of believers , but i never said , that is the church , nor any thing like it . this invention was hammer'd out at mr. o's own forge , whence an abundance of the same kind have been uttered . all the colour he has for thus misrepresenting me , is , that i make the bishops to answer the apostles , the presbyters , the elders ; therefore i must make the parliament to answer the whole church . and so i do : yet this will do mr. o. no service . for that expression , the whole church , in the th of act. . is not so exact , but will need a little explanation on this occasion . these words then the whole church cannot be understood strictly : for the whole church here must be distinguish'd from the apostles and elders : but surely these also were part of the whole church properly speaking . the words then are meant of the multitude of believers ( they are call'd the multitude , v. . ) and in contradistinction to the apostles and elders , and therefore i avoided saying , the whole church , and chose to express my self thus . the multitude of believers , i am , then i flatter my self pretty safe from mr. o. and my diocesan too , were he ( what he is far from being ) the most severe and haughty prelate in christendom . because it is a common objection against the church of england's constitution , that parish priests have no power of discipline , i asserted that , they have power to rebuke and admonish , and to suspend for a while from the lord's supper . and so ( says mr. o. ) have private persons power to rebuke and admonish , lev. . . col. . . as if mr. o. never heard of that common and receiv'd distinction between fraternal , private , or charitable admonition , and that which is publick and ministerial , and authoritative . well! but as for our power of suspending , he alledges 't is but for fourteen days , and after that the sinner is left to the ordinary . ay! here we have the bottom of the dissenting ministers design out . they would be all so many little popes , from whom there lies no appeal . the very men who decry tyranny , are setting up for arbitrary government , and will not endure that in another , which they aspire to themselves . all i shall reply unto him is , to present him with the judgment of calvin , and beza ; and i hope mr. o. will lend both his ears unto these two presbyterian oracles . the former affirms — that to trust excommunication in the hands of every parochial minister , and his particular congregation , is contrary to the apostolick practice : the latter declares what the discipline at geneva was , viz. that the parochiat ministers proceed no further than admonition : but in case of contumacy , they certify the presbytery of the city . it is certain the power of excommunication is in the hands of the magistrates of that city . but mr. o. further objects , that we have no power to judge whom to baptize , but must baptize all that are offer'd , though children of jews , infidels , deists , &c. ans. this is nothing to the present question between us , which is whether our parish priests have any power of discipline . they may have some power , tho' not this . and that they have some power , to wit of ministerial admonition , and suspension from the lords supper , has been already asserted and prov'd , i presume , yea , and granted also . this then is a new and impertinent subject , thrust in here meerly to make a noise and dust with , and to avoid the thorough discussion of the point in hand . . the dissenting ministers , have a greater power than we have , or pretend to , 't is confest , &c. to refuse whomsoever they please , even the children of the most upright believers . they are responsible to no law , nor to any superiour that i know of , in case of refusal , nor to any punishment . only perhaps the parties aggriev'd will withdraw their contributions . but upon these terms we also have a power to judge whom we will , and whom we will not baptize : ' tis-but venturing the loss of our livings , as they must of their contributions . . mr. o. supposes here , what cannot easily be believ'd ever did , or will happen , viz. that jewish ; or gentile , or theistical parents , will offer their children unto christian baptism , or suffer others to bring 'em to that holy 〈◊〉 . . perhaps the children of very wicked christians are brought to be 〈◊〉 . these we acknowledge we have not power to refuse : for so we know , that the children of wicked jews were to be admitted unto circumcision , in the room whereof our lord introduc'd baptism : and we are perswaded the former is the rule and pattern of the latter . . if it should so happen that the child of a jew , or turk , or infidel , or heretick excommunicated , or theift , or atheift should be put into our hands to be baptized , 't is confest we take our selves oblig'd to baptize 'em : but 't is with this proviso , that there be sufficient susceptors , or persons who will undertake to bring 'em up in the christian religion . and of the sufficiency of these sureties we are the judges , except an appeal be made from us unto our diocesian , who may over-rule us if he sees just cause for it . . and lastly , how the apostles and presbyters , in the apostles days manag'd themselves in the point of infant-baptism ; mr. o. should have done well , first to have stated it out of the new testament , before he brought this exception upon the stage . mr. o. further objects — that we have no power to forbear giving the 〈◊〉 a notorious offender , unless we prosecute him in the bishops court. ans. . the reader may apply the two first answers , to the former objection unto this , whereby he 'll see how frivolous and impertinent it is . . mr. o. should have excepted thus , save for fourteen days . . it is a most false and wicked saying , that of mr. o's — that if he be absolv'd in the court , we must give him the eucharist , though we know him never so impenitent . we cannot know a mans impenitency except himself declares it , either by his words or actions , and continuing in his sins . in either case i can forbear giving him the lords supper , and in fourteen days certify as before . nay , by canon , i am not to admit him to the lord's supper , till he is reform'd , and of this i am the judge . i cannot 〈◊〉 but this method is troublesome , &c. but it is not odious 〈◊〉 the eyes of good men , nor is it possible to be fruitless , if the parish-priest is resolute . the ordinary cannot relieve the impenitent sinner , nor compel the priest to admit him . this course is indeed rarely undertaken , and that because ( as i have experienc'd ) if one warn a wicked person , one that is scandalously so , he 'll besure not to offer himself , left he be turn'd back and publickly disgrac'd in the face of the congregation . the method is as i have said troublesom : but better a mischief than an inconvenience . better many sinners be admited , than one good man rejected . if the parish priest should have it in his own power and breast to abstain , whom he pleas'd , and for as long time as he thought fit without liberty to appeal , his private revenge , or the influence of the parties enemies , might engage him to deprive a good man , of the comfort of that holy ordinance . i have an instance of this kind ready at hand , a late one , and in my neighbourhood . a member of the congregation , had given evidence in behalf of a church-man against a dissenter . no body objected against his testimony as false , 't was thought rather favourable to the dissenter . at his return from the assizes , a message was brought him by some of the congregation , that he was to forbear coming to the communion , he was also reprimanded by the minister , for giving evidence against a brother , the sub-poena being not actually , though ready be to serv'd upon him , in case he refus'd to go without it . this was not commutation , i acknowledge , which we hear of so oft , but it was base corruption , and 〈◊〉 to be punish'd by the judge . yet mr. o. goes on , and tells me — we have no power to call persons to repentance openly before the church . ans. as much as mr. o. has . he or i may call 'em to publick penance : but 't is at their choice , whether they will obey us . such penitents are but like mr. baxter's christians , meer volunteers . lastly , he urges that , we have no power to judge any man to be excommunicated , nor to absolve ' em . ans. mr. o. is so fond of the power of judging , that 't is a thousand pities he was not bred a lawyer , that so in good time he might have been my lord judge : for i suppose he has no exception against a temporal lordship . but it falls out to his great mortification , that in the post he is in , though he pretends to be a judge , yet he is but a cryer , the mouth of his congregation , and ecchos their sentence of excommunication , and that of absolution also . how can he do less , since he eats their bread , wears their livery , and is their stipendiary . i produc'd him an example of this kind just now . but that we have power to judge and absolve , is manifest in the case of dying persons , confessing their sins and desiring absolution . in a word , we are not asham'd of the name priest , though we are sensible the dissenters , oft call us so out of contempt : and we are asham'd of their folly in upbraiding us with a title , which the holy scripture has given us . chap. ii. being an answer to mr. o' s d chap. in thè first chapter of the tentamen n. my design was to consider in their order , all those passages of scripture which seem any way to concern ordination , or any other act of ecclesiastical government , excepting what belongs to the church of ephesus in particular ; which is treated of by it self afterward . here i take notice of matthias constituted an apostle in the place of judas , act. . of the deacons being appointed and ordain'd unto their office , chap. . of peter and john's laying on of hands upon some of the new converts of samaria , chap. . of ananias imposing hands upon saul . chap. . of barnabas and saul's separation unto the ministry of the gentiles . chap. . of the ordinations mention'd . chap. . of st. paul's laying hands on twelve at eph. chap. . of timothy's ordination spoken of , tim. . . tim. . . epis. . . and not known when nor in what place given him : of the delivering the incestuous person unto satan . cor. . and of the council of jerusalem , ast. . now 't is all one to me , and to my design in this chapter , what becomes of the four first instances , and of that other in the th of acts , whether they were ordinations or not . if not , let mr. prinn look to it , or mr. o. in his behalf . as they will do me no good , so they can do me no harm . though if they should prove ordinations , the advantage i made of ' emis of some moment in the question before us , they being perform'd either by apostles , or prophets , no other inferior and ordinary church officer joining with 'em , which was what i level'd at against mr. prinn . but the first uncontroverted ordination unto the ministry of the word and sacraments , is that of barnabas and saul , act. th . this ordination was had by prophets and teachers , who receiv'd an express and extraordinary commission from god , to separate these two unto the work whereunto ( says the holy ghost ) i have called them . seeing then prophets , as superiour , and extraordinary species of church officers , influenc'd by the immediate and express command of the holy ghost ; presided over this work of separating barnabas and saul , it can be no sufficient warrant nor precedent unto meer presbyters , to ordain by virtue of their ordinary power and office. herein lies the force of my observation , which ought to have been fairly answered . but mr. o. instead of this falls a cavilling , at my expounding prophets and teachers , the same persons that is , ordinary ministers ( or presbyters ) endu'd at that time with the gift of prophesy , or receiving a special commission from heaven . whereas he will needs have 'em distinct persons and officers : prophets and teachers in sensu diviso . ans. i will not here deny but mr. o's interpretation may be true , yet neither can i see any thing hinders but mine may be so . for caiaphas was but an ordinary ( though the supreme ) officer in the church of the jews , and yet he prophesy'd , and by consequence pro hâc vice was a prophet . if a man would have describ'd him , it had not been improper to have said , he was a prophet and the high 〈◊〉 . now , how to compromise this small difference between us , i know not . i 'll therefore suppose what mr. o. takes for granted , ( though at the same time i think the contrary is most evident , saul and barnabas , at least being both prophets and teachers ; ) the prophets there spoken of , were persons different from the teachers . yet if it be so , my argument is not alter'd , nor ever the worse : still the teachers were presided over by the prophets , and still the ordainers acted by special and extraordinary commission from heaven , which cannot warrant ordinary presbyters and teachers , to ordain by virtue of their ordinary power . if mr. o. himself , or any layman , should ordain some person by special command from god appointed thereunto , no body could with reason call his ordination into question . but then this could not rationally be drawn into example , nor justify every private believer in england , to ordain at his own pleasure . it is not material , whether the revelation was immediately given to the teachers , or to the prophets only , and by them unto the teachers : nevertheless i think mr. o. ought not to deny the former . the words run thus — and they ( the prophets and teachers ) ministred unto the lord and fasted , and the holy ghost said , separate me barnabas and saul , &c. and when they had fasted , and prayed , and laid their 〈◊〉 on them , they sent 'em away . they who sent barnabas and saul away , were the same that separated them by imposition of hands , and they who separated barnabas and saul , were the persons to whom the holy ghost spake , and they to whom the holy ghost spake , were the persons , that ministred unto the lord and fasted ; and they who ministred unto the lord and fasted , were the teachers as well as the prophets . therefore the revelation was communicated immediately to the teachers , therefore the teachers were prophets also : therefore this is no precedent unto common presbyters , to ordain by virtue of their ordinary power ; by consequence my argument holds good . concerning the ordinations spoken of act. . . i noted that paul and barnabas acted not therein , by any special revelation , but by their apostolical power , being not assisted therein by any presbyters ; that therefore these cannot be good presidents for presbyterian ordination . mr. o. replies that , this instance makes little for me . ans. it makes thus much for me , that it makes nothing for the dissenters , nor against me , which is what i design'd by it : though i might say it is a plain instance of ordination , by church officers , superiour to presbyters . as for mr. o's reason why philip did not lay hands on with peter and john , viz. because it was no ordination , but conferring the extraordinary gift of the spirit , which philip could not do , mr. o. forgot to take notice of the whole argument , but answers it by halves . i urg'd , that philip had the extraordinary and miraculous gift of the spirit , which was usually conferred by imposition of hands . that though he had this gift , yet he could not give it : that therefore they who have a gift , yet may not have power to conferr that gift ; and by consequence , that those persons who are ordain'd to the ministry of the word and sacraments , it does not follow that they can ordain , which was the thing to be prov'd . there is nothing that i perceive meriting any reply until we come to that piece of discipline , cor. . where we read of the incestuous corinthian excommunicated ( as i contend ) by the authority and command of st. paul. but mr. o. insinuates , that the apostle reproves the corinthians for not excommunicating the sinner themselves , cor. . . ans. this verse proves it not . the expression is in the passive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that the offender might be taken away . by whom ? why not by the apostle ? he may as well be thought to chide 'em , for not informing him of the misdemeanour , to the end , the offender might be delivered unto satan by st. paul himself . the whole story as we shall shew countenances this interpretation . ay , but ( says the minister ) the apostle enjoins the corinthians to avoid disorderly walkers , v. . ans. but this is by the apostles express commandment still . besides to put away from among themselves that wicked person , is not to deliver him to satan , or to expel him the church , but not to eat with him , v. . that is , not to have any familiarity with him , in civil conversation . in this the apostle does indeed declare , v. . that the corinthians had power to judge , with whom they might be familiar , and with whom not ; but it does not hence follow they had power to excommunicate . now that it was st. paul who judged and decreed , and gave thesentence of excommuncation against the offender , will appear plainly , if we read the first part of the d verse , with the th v. ( for all the rest is a parenthesis ) thus then let us put 'em close together , v. . for i verily , as absent in body , but present in spirit , have determined already ( then v. . ) to deliver such an one unto satan . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be governed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so the excommunication most certainly proceeded from the apostle . it is also worthy consideration , that the corinthians did not receive again into their communion , this excommunicated person , until the apostle had absolved him , and then besought them to confirm their love towards him . c. . . in the next place i am accused of altering and perverting the text. 〈◊〉 heavy charge , which ought not to be passed over lightly . the accusation is , that v. . i have put the words thus , of my spirit , whereas the translators leaving out of , render the place thus , my spirit , not of my spirit . ans. since the grammatical construction will bear it , there is no reason of accusing me of perverting the text. now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be coupled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being put absolute and into a parenthesis . upon this supposition , then , thus the words , may be laid — in the name of our lord jesus christ , and my spirit ( or of my spirit ) which is the same thing ) when ye are gathered together , &c. so that mr. o. could not have any just pretense for his accusation , whatever becomes of my interpretation of the text. this , perhaps he may call into question : and my purpose now is to vindicate it . i cannot reconcile my self unto that opinion , which couples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus more plainly in english — when ye and my spirit are gathered together . paul was now at ephesus , both body and spirit . i can form no idea of his spirit assembling with the corinthians , at so great a distance . true , he tells 'em , that he is present ( with 'em ) in spirit , but corrects himself immediately 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as though i were present . so that the sense is , st. paul was present with 'em , in heart and affections , studying their welfare , wishing them well , and praying that their souls might be saved , and their church edified , in peace and purity . or , why not present among 'em by his authority ? as we say , the king is every where present in his dominions , by his influence and providence . but that the spirit of paul should be gathered , or assembled with the corinthian congregation , is a too harsh and improper expression , at least in my fancy and opinion , especially , since so commodious and agreeable sense may be given of the words . nor let any one suspect me to have advanced this interpretation to serve a cause which stands in no need of it . for if it shall still be thought that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be coupled , then the latter words must import the apostles authority , ( as i formerly expounded it ) : and least the apostle should seem too assuming , in thus insisting on his own ' authority , with great caution he adds — with the power of our lord jesus christ. as if he had said , my authority , but in conjunction with , and subordination to the power of christ. for so the apostle was wont oftimes carefully to prevent mistakes , left he should be thought to haveusurpt his power . thus he , cor. . . speaking of his authority , adds , which the lord hath given us , &c. and chap. . . ( which comes nearer to our purpose ) when he had granted the absolution of the excommunicated person , i forgave it ( says he ) in the person of christ. upon the whole matter , thus much , at least , may be said of this instance of ecclesiastical discipline , that st. paul directed and commanded it , which is all i need to be concerned for . for then it can be no president for a college of presbyters , much less for a particular minister of one single congregation , to excommunicate , which was the thing i intended to evince . i proceed now to the story of 〈◊〉 's ordination briefly related , tim. . . tim. . . of which in the first place , i delivered this as my own settled opinion , that timothy underwent two ordinations , the one for presbyter , the other for 〈◊〉 ( or supreme ruler ) of the church of 〈◊〉 . one of my reasons for this , was , because paul himself seemed to me to have been twice ordained , once act. . , 〈◊〉 , . and again chap. . the first , unto the ordinary ministry of the word , the second , unto the apostle of the gentiles . against this mr. o. argues . . that paul , was more than an ordinary minister of the word ( gal. . . ) meaning before he received that imposition of hands , act. . that is , from the time of his conversion . ans. he might as well say , that paul was an apostle from his birth or from his mother's womb , gal. . . for then ( as we there read ) god separated him . besides this testimony of scripture , gal. . . proves not what 't is alledged for ; because paul wrote this epistle to the galatians , after he had been ordained , ( acts . ) then confessedly on all sides , an apostle . . he argues from , cor. . . act. . . that paul was honoured with visions and revelations , and received extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost . ans. neither will this prove mr. o's point : for philip had extraordinary gifts of the spirit , and was honoured with revelations , acts . cornelius a roman centurion , not yet a christian , only a jewish proselite , had a vision , act. . . and the gentiles before they were baptized , received the holy ghost , and spake with tongues , v. . . why not paul then , even when he was but a meer minister , or presbyter ? he still pleads , that paul was more than an ordinary presbyter , at ananias's laying on of hands upon him , cor. . ; . where ( says mr. o. ) paul reckons himself one of the apostles , from the time of his miraculous conversion . ans. this i deny . paul does not there reckon himself an apostle from his conversion . he tells the corinthians that he had seen christ , which qualified him for being an apostle and witness of christ's resurrection , but conferred not the gift , or office. and he tells 'em he was born out of due time , and was ; as it were , a 〈◊〉 in comparision with the twelve ( who were apostles before him ) , and therefore 〈◊〉 least of the apostles , which words do not imply , that he was an actual apostle , so soon as he was converted , but , that when he wrote that epistle , he was then an apostle , though the least , and the last of ' em . mr. o. yet alledges . gal. . , ; . neither went i ( says paul ) up to jerusalem , to them which were apostles before me , which ( says the minister ) implies , he was an apostle himself at that time . ans. at what time ? the natural sense is , that at the time of st. paul's writing this epistle to the galatians , he was then an apostle , that 's undeniable . but was it not true , and might not paul appositely say , that the twelve were apostles before he was , meaning before he was called by the holy ghost , and solemnly separated thereunto by the prophets and teachers , at 〈◊〉 , act. . , , ? moreover , to confirm my point , i offer to consideration , that if paul was an actual apostle , in foro ecclesiae , from his conversion , why then was he separated 〈◊〉 , by the prophets and teachers , act. . if it be askt what then is the meaning of that text , gal. . ? and was not paul called to the apostleship of the gentiles by christ , 〈◊〉 . . ? ans. i said enough of this in the 〈◊〉 . nov. in short , then in acts . paul is only designed for the apostleship , not actually admitted to it . in 〈◊〉 . . paul is actually , effectually and solemnly 〈◊〉 into the apostleship , and there expresly called thereunto by god. v. . separate me barnabas and saul , for the work , whereunto i have called them , that is , to the apostleship of the gentiles . hereunto paul ( i conceive ) alludes , gal. . . and in other places , where he speaks of his being called to the apostleship by god. for the further confirmation , therefore , of my own opinion , i offer unto consideration , that there is little recorded of his success in preaching the gospel , from the time of his conversion , to that of his separation ( which was about eleven years ) that his old name of saul was all that while continu'd unto him , and he is never once called apostle . that after his separation , act. . all his labours are remembred exactly , and his wonderful success recorded , his name was immediately changed into paul act. . . and the title of apostle given him . act. . . . yet i am prest with that passage , act. . . . where our lord appeared unto him in the temple at jerusalem , saying — make haste , get thee quickly out of jerusalem , v. . for i will send thee far hence unto the gentiles : and this was before his ordination , mentioned , act. . ans. but this was long after his conversion , and therefore shews , that he was not the apostle of the gentiles from the beginning , god having not as yet sent him . this interview between jesus christ and paul , was at his being at jerusalem , spoken of , act. . . gal. . . as i conceive , and happened ( i do acknowledge ) before his separation , act. . but let us mind the words — i will send thee : the lord did not then actually send him , but promised that he would hereafter send him to the gentiles . and the performance of this promise paul doubtless waited for , as the other apostles did , another promise of the like nature , act. . . . as this latter promise was afterward made good to the twelve , on the day of pentecost , so was the former unto paul , act. . it remains then very probable , that paul was a minister of the word , before he was an apostle , that he was twice ordained , first to the ordinary office of a presbyter , secondly to the apostleship of the gentiles , which is a good reason therefore to believe timothy twice ordained , first to the office of a presbyter , tim. . . secondly , to the prefecture ( or bishoprick ) of ephesus . tim. . . so jerom himself expounds that , tim. . — ad episcopa●um scilicet . before i dismiss this , i will for once take notice of a most disingenuous and deceitful remark of my adversaries , when he thus informs his reader — the rector ( says he ) allows that timothy was made a presbyter by presbyters , which mr. o. cannot but know , is false ; by presbyters . ( when i say so ) 't is manifest , and i oft enough declared , that i understood such presbyters as ordained timothy , but had special , divine and extraordinary commission from god thereunto , or else in conjunction with , and subordination to some extraordinary prophet presiding over them : but not by virtue of their own single ordinary power : that , therefore this instance cannot be drawn into consequence ; i observe this for once ( as i said ) to shew what an adversary i have to do with , and to give the reader a taste of the way of his controverting . i have pretermitted , and will pass over some hundreds of this kind . in the explication of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i observed , that by prophecy might be understood prophets , the abstract for the concrete , as presbytery is put for presbyters : that , if timothy was ordained but once , then must he have been ordained by paul ( tim. . . ) , who also was specially determined thereto by revelation , and so acted therein as an apostle and prophet , that is , ordained timothy by prophecy , the presbyters joining with him : that if there were more prophets than one concerned in this ordination , silas might have been another , who is stiled a prophet , act. . . he having been paul's companion before , timothy v. . and after also chap. . , , , , . lastly , that if nothing of this will be allowed , then it must be said , that the presbyters by special revelation , and prophecy appointed thereunto , ordained timothy . and i give mr. o. his choice of any of these expositions : if he accepts the last ( as most likely he will ) it is however no precedent or warrant for ordinary presbyters , by virtue of their ordinary power and office , to impose hands and conferr orders . mr. o. in reply to this , 〈◊〉 not offer'd one syllable : but he has interposed some ( as he thinks ) witty descants upon the rector's words and notions , merely to evade the argument , and to perplex it ; which i account not worth my particular notice . but whereas he thus paraphrases on my words , neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given by prophets , with the laying on of the hands of prophets , intimating it to be nonsense , observe me once more , and remember that the rector proposed two ways of interpreting this passage in timothy . first , that by prophecy may be meant prophets in the concrete , distinct from the presbyters , spoken of in the same period ; and then the sense must be , neglect not the gift which was given thee by prophets , ( directed and determined unto that action , by some extraordinary and express command of god ) with the laying on of the hands of the presbyters , as assistants in the solemnity . either this is sense , or i have none , and being admitted , confirms my point , that ordinary meer presbyters ordained not timothy by their ownsole power . secondly , or else the passage may thus be understood , that prophecy is to be taken in the abstract , as it lies in the text , and the presbyters were the persons , unto whom the prophecy came , appointing them to ordain timothy , who therefore were prophets , and not ordinary presbyters in that particular action . on this supposition the words must run , neglect not the gift , which was given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the presbyters , unto whom the prophecy came . and this ought to pass with mr. o. for sense , if he is master of any , and shews , that meer ordinary presbyters , did not ordain timothy , by virtue of their ordinary power , but by special commission from god. but mr. o. confounds these two different interpretations , putting them together ( which ought to be considered separately ) contrary to all laws of disputation , and then pretends to have found out some absurdity , or nonsense in the rector's gloss. moreover , the gloss is not absurd , even as mr. o. has laid it . for supposing that by prophecy is meant prophets , and that the presbyters were those prophets , 't is proper enough to say , that timothy was ordained by prophets , with the laying on of the hands of the prophets , the former clause donoting who ordained him , the latter by what ceremony or solemnity , it was performed . nor is it a degrading paul , when we make him a prophet , which is an order inferior to apostle , as mr. o. weakly enough argues . it s not unusual to give persons an inferior title . st. john and st. peter are called presbyters , saul and david prophets , balaam a prince , was a prophet , so was daniel , and so was caiaphas the high-priest , and so was paul sometimes , who had visions and revelations . i say 〈◊〉 . for sometimes also he spake and wrote with the spirit of a reasonable man , only , though at the same time with apostolical authority . for the power of an apostle was permanent and 〈◊〉 , his character indelible , though that of a prophet was not so : see concerning this jerom's comment on malachy , and his prooem to comment , on the epistle to philemon . but mr. o. questions whether the apostles were the heads of the presbyteries , in the churches by them planted , because then the churches by them planted must have had two or more heads . ans. if ever any man lov'd to trifle , and embroil matters with trivial , and sensless difficulties , the minister is he. for what if 〈◊〉 was inferior to paul , and ( as i may say ) a subaltern apostle ? then the objection is gone . and what if several persons in equal power , mav make up ( not heads , but ) one political head in a society ? then the wonder is over . in dioclesian's days , there were several emperours socii imperii . there were lately two czars in moscovy , and two princes in england . 't is indeed monstrous , when a natural body has two or more heads : but that a political body or society , should be governed by two or more persons jointly in a parity , nothing is more ordinary : casar indeed was of another mind , and his maxim was , imperium non capit duos : but 't was his pride and ambition , which prompted him to say so . for matter of fact , and his successors practice , has abundantly confuted him . but if mr. o. will not allow two or more governours of a body politick , to be called the head of that society , then are the presbyterian churches , and the independent congregations , so many bodies without an head. and i think , a body without any head , is altogether as monstrous , as a body with two or more . mr. o. adds , the presbyters at jerusalem had many apostles to govern them , besides prophets and evangelists , unto whom they were subject , and not to any one in particular . ans. . all the twelve apostles were instrumental , in planting this church , which therefore was subject to all , for a good while , as to one head. secondly , james afterwards was made the ordinary resident church-governour , as is very probable . thirdly , the elders spoken of , acts . were not those of jerusalem only ( as i conceive ) but such also as came thither from others parts , judea , syria , &c. and were members of the council , and on that score , not so much subject but assistants to the apostles . 〈◊〉 , the apostles and elders now assembled , intermedled not in the government of this church at this time , but met here ( it might have been in any other place , if they had so pleased ) to determin a question which concerned all churches , wherein there were any jewish converts , as may be gathered from , acts . . but paul the apostle ( says the minister ) had power over all churches , why is he then made the governour of ephesus in particular , though he planted it ? ans. why not ? i require a reason . it was his particular care for the reason assigned . a colonel has power over the whole regiment , but ' specially over his own troop . every apostle had a transcendent power over every presbytery ( grant it , ) yet he was the ordinary governour of those churches , which he had formed . camerarius comments upon the cor. . . thus , disignat 〈◊〉 , &c. paul means in this place , that a district , as it were a plat of ground , was given him , whereon he might build a church . still the care of all the churches lay upon the apostles , as to right and power , although for the better government of them , they divided the 〈◊〉 , as the 〈◊〉 of propagating the gospel required . mr. o. if the apostle joined the presbytery with him , in the ordination of timothy , it proves that presbyters have an inherent power of ordaining . ans. true , it may safely be granted , in conjunction with the apostle , and with bishops , but not without them . the house of commons has an inherent power to make a vote of parliament , but not without the lords ; and both houses have an inherent power to make a law , but not without the king. 't is he that inspires life and breath into it , after the two houses have formed the carcass . lastly , mr. o. adds — the apostles are distinguished from the presbytery , act. . . ans. this is not appositely observed : for it was a council not a presbytery , though the presbyters of jerusalem were in it : haply other presbyters also , besides an apostle ( or apostles ) though he be the head ( or governour ) of a presbytery , may be aptly distinguished from that presbytery , whereof he is head : and yet at the same time he is a member of that presbytery . jesus christ is by st. paul called the head of the body , ( the church ) eph. . . c , , . col. . . and so is distinguished from the body , though we cannot properly call any thing a body , except we comprehend the head also : for a body is not a body without the head ; and the head is a member of the body . and yet st. paul distinguishes between the body , that is the church , and christ the head of it ; when at the same time , christ the head , must be believed a member of his own body . i expect then mr. o. will in good time rally npon st. paul , and expose his expression , as he has mine . moreover though the apostles are distinguished from the elders , yet it follows not that they are distinguished from the council ( or presbytery ) when the members of a body are distinguished from one another , they are not to be understood as distinguished from the body , but from one another only . st. paul speaking of the natural body , cor. . tells us , that though the members of that body are many , yet'tis but one body : and he distinguishes also the members from one another , as the hands from the feet , and both from the eyes , and all these from the ears , and the hand from the rest of the body , but yet he affirms , they are all of the body , and together make up the body . so st. luke reckons the two principal and constituent parts of the council at jerusalem , and distinguishes between the apostles and the elders , between the head and the lower members , but not between the head and the body , between the apostles and council : for no one can think but the apostles were a part of the council , or , if you please , call it a presbytery . i beg the readers patience , when i say , a body is not a body without an head. our late presbyteries were such bodies without visible heads . the classical body moved to the place of meeting , i say moved without an head. a frightful spectacle ! when it had sat a few moments without an head , it then made it self an head , a president or moderator , protempore , who was before but an inferior member , but now mounted up for an hour or two , to be the head. but it may be ask'd who was the head , when this 〈◊〉 was set up ? herein the body acted without an head. however the business of the day being over , the artificial head drops off from the shoulders , and thence 〈◊〉 is an hand or a foot , as before . so every member of the body in its turn , becomes the head ; and the head dwindling again into a small member . the body then continues for some days or weeks without an head. and would it not scare one to see a body once more without an head ? hereby mr. o. may see , 't is possible to ridicule the presbyteries , if one will take the liberty to confine words to their natural signification , when they are used metaphorically . as to my exposition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am not sensible mr. o. has advanced any thing considerable against me . only , after his usual and sophistical manner he draws in what is admitted in one place ; and opposes it to what is supposed in another , which can with no justice be done . when ex . gr . i explain this passage , tim. . . supposing that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the concrete . it is a miserable shift to make use of , what i here assert against what afterward i propose , when i have admitted the phrase to be understood in the abstract , and then assert paul to be at least one , and the head or governour of the presbytery . i had laid down several ways of expounding the text , and had permited mr. o. to chuse which he pleased , that the argument might be brought to a certain head . but instead hereof he jumbles 'em all 〈◊〉 , contrary to alllaws of disputation . and whereas i laid this clearly before the reader , p. . by summing up briefly what had been said , he 〈◊〉 us off with calling it a recapitulation of my long perplexed 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 text. mr. o. has indeed perplex'd it : but it has been judged pretty clear by others . i wish mr. o. would have furnished us with a better . carpere vel noli 〈◊〉 , vel ede 〈◊〉 . but the minister is better at pulling down than building up : and indeed it is in a great measure the true character of the whole party . in the conclusion of my discourse upon the general history of the apostolical churches and their government , i examined that passage of st. peter , eph. . but do not find my adversary to have said any thing to that purpose , or which in the least affects the account i gave of it . some cavils are to be met with , but such , as if any one suspects of moment , let him but compare 'em with what i said in the 〈◊〉 . nov. p. . to p. . and he will easily discern the shifts mr. o. 〈◊〉 put to , in framing but a colourable reply . among many other things ; i will only in short produce one , and the rather because mr. o. has repeated it , i 〈◊〉 above times , and yet 't is nothing but what i granted more than once . ' 〈◊〉 this , 〈◊〉 and titus ( says he ) are no where expresly called bishops ( in the scripture ) nor constituted diocesan bishops . now i had oft enough 〈◊〉 in t. n. and cautioned against all mistake and 〈◊〉 cavil , that 〈◊〉 . and 〈◊〉 . are never called bishops , only contended they were the supreme rulers of the churches of 〈◊〉 and crete , that is , in the language afterwards prevailing in the church , they were bishops . and yet for all this we are at every turn told , they are never in scripture expresly called bishops , nor constituted diocesan bishops , as if i , or any other ever asserted it . nevertheless that which i affirm ( and which is sufficient to my purpose ) , is that they had express commission from st. paul to govern those chuches , and the particular acts of supreme power , are expresly committed to them , which is enough ( i think ) to prove 'em the supreme rulers of those churches , and is all i contend for . besides mr. o. should remember , that he himself acknowledges 'em evangelists , which where officers in the church , superiour unto ordinary presbyters , according to the supposition agreed upon between him and me : but on the other hand , whether the presbyter spoken of , pet. . and act. . were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 's not to be disputed , but whether they had the supreme power committed to them , is the question , and is ( i hope ) resolved in the negative , to satisfaction in the formentioned pages of t. n. viz. that it does not appear so from those expressions — feed the flock of christ , taking the oversight thereof : take heed unto the flock over which the holy ghost has made you overseers , to feed the church of god. for it can not be denied but that these exhortations might be properly given to the rectors and vicars of the church of england , though subject to a diocesian bishop . yea , might be given to every ordained presbyter , though but a curate . appendix . mr o. excepts many things against my instance of the jews ecclesiastical government by an high-priest , inferiour priests and levites : concerning whom i noted , that the fathers , and particularly clem. roman . seems to make this a president for the government of christian 〈◊〉 , &c. to the authority of clemens , i added in the margin jerom's epistle to euag. that which deserves to be consider'd is , that he observes the jewish high-priest to have been a type of jesus christ , the high-priest of our profession , and says he , we follow the jewish typical precedent , that is , we acknowledge jesus christ to be our high-priest . ans. for all this , the jewish oeconomy was a type of the christian , at least the pathers , though they make not the jewish high-priest a type of the christian bishop . yet they make him a precedent , or pattern of him : and clemens does so in particular , as also many others , as i shall shew in its proper place , viz. my answer to his plea : but why has not mr. o. after so much pains taken in vindicating clemens from what is imputed to him , endeavoured to take off the force of my other testimony out of jerom ? there was something in the wind , that he who undertakes to reply so fully to the authority of clemens , leaves poor jerom in the lurch , and has not one syllable to plead in his behalf . but the 〈◊〉 of this is plain , 't was too hard a knot for the minister at 〈◊〉 to unty , or so much as to cut . blundel promised to account for it , but was not as good as his word . walo put us in hopes of it from salmafius : but he deceived the world of their expectation : and honest ludovicus capella , was afraid to take the least notice of it . i know nothing that can excuse mr. o. and the other gentlemen 〈◊〉 a parting-blow upon this argument , mr. o. entertains us with a piece of drollery . the rector ( says he ) calls the 〈◊〉 ordinary ministers , and at the same time , saith they , were prophets , that is extraordinary ministers . one would think if they were ordinary ministers , they were not extraordinary , if extraordinary , not ordinary . now the rector undertakes to reconcile this contradiction , and to expose mr. o. as a meer trifler . the same man may be an ordinary and an extraordinary person , on several accounts , not secundum idem . i 'll give him one single instance , and so 〈◊〉 this point . mr. o. is ( as i reckon ) but an ordinary minister , and yet i account him an extraordinary wrangler . i had said in t. n. according to my present apprehensions , that james was not the apostle , but mr. o. will needs have him the apostle , that is , one of the twelve , for that was my meaning . ans , this i am sensible , has of old , and is still , a controversy among the learned : and bishop pearson , whom the minister gets on his side , as ost as he can , is not very positive in it , though he 〈◊〉 that way . however , i 'll comply with mr. o. for once , and let james pass for one of the twelve apostles : but then i must accquaint him , that one of the twelve apostles , was the fixt and constant prefect or ruler , that is , bishop of the church of jerusalem . we read of him being at jerusalem , act. . . gal. . . act. . . gal. . , . act. . . all which time to his death , takes up near thirty years , as is computed . it seems then that he was fixt and resident at jerusalem . salmasius thinks that he never was absent from jerusalem , nor mov'd a foot once from thence to his dying day . now that he was prefect or bishop there , is proved from clem. alexandrinus , from the council of constantinople , from hegesippus , and from jerom , besides a cloud of witnesses more ( and among them calvin ) that might be adduced in confirmation of this . whoever pleases to be so curious , may be directed to 'em in the fourth chapter of the learned mr. burscough's treatise of church-government , from whom i have borrowed all this , and several other things in these papers . appendix . in this chapter mr. o. has mov'd two controversies in philology his master-piece , on which he seems to value himself ; the first whereof is , that i call the government of the church by the apostles an oligarchy , which he says is a mistake . i had prepared a pretty large and exact account of this word , but have thought good to contract it : and 't is in short this , that tho' plato * disparages oligarchy in comparison with monarchy , and aristotle † calls it not oligarchy ( for with him that 's the corruption of the government ) but aristocracy : yet that the word . originally signifies a lawful and honest kind of government , and sets forth the true and distinct nature of it , as is manifest from its etymology , which aristocracy doth not ; for this word , according to the philosopher , denotes any of the three sorts of government well managed : that 〈◊〉 in herodotus * commends this form of government , by the very name of oligarchy : that plutarch † speaks of it , under the same name , describing it also by two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and calling its corruption 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 : that hesychius * reckons up three kinds of government , one of which is oligarchy : and lastly , that aristotle himself confesses † when a few govern well , and for the common good , it is a right and just government , plainly implying there was no harm in the word oligarchy , or in the government , though in his time and country custom had disparaged it . the next thing he quarrels about is my writing sanedrin , and that i seem to make it an hebrew word . ans. the rector neither makes nor seems to make sanedrin an hebrew word : but if mr. o , had any good nature , or observation in him , he would rather have concluded that the rector seems to derive the word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as himself also believes . for my writing sanedrin without the aspirate h in the middle , might reasonably have been judged , done , in conformity to the greek language , which frequently casts away the aspirat h in the middle of compound words , the conjugates at least of many derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this especially synedrium . wherefore since mr. o. will needs have 〈◊〉 borrowed from the greeks , 't is more conformable to the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to writ it sanedrin , not sanhedrin with the aspirat . and to speak the very truth in writing that word , my thoughts were ever upon the greek noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without 〈◊〉 into the orthography . but when all is said concerning this word sanhedrin , i must acknowledge , i have some scruple , and suspition about it . 't is very odd in my thoughts , that the name of this great council , which began with moses , should descend from the greek tongue , a long while unknown to the jews : and that it should have no other title in the hebrew language , that i ever heard of . but 〈◊〉 , or too much , of this trivial matter . chap. iii. being an answer to mr. o' s d chap. mr o. in this chapter , undertakes , first to 〈◊〉 his own hypothesis , scil . that paul at his taking final leave of the ephesian elders ( act. . ) appointed them the sole governours of that church , in a parity , and that this constitution was , and was intended to be unchangeable . i will briefly run through his arguments , and as i go along , make my answer to every one of 'em singly . mr. o. the apostle did not appoint one presbyter supreme , to preside over the rest : for timothy ( and titus ) were not ordinary presbyters , but extraordinary officers , that is , evangelists : there is no hint in the epistles to tim. and tit. that they were ordained to be the apostles successors , in ephesus , and crete . ans. i shall consider in the following fifth chapter , this pretence of their being extraordinary officers , and evangelists , whereby mr. o. would evade our argument , for timothy's being made the prefect or ruler , of ephesus , in the apostles stead , mean while , granting there is no hint in the epistle to tim. that he was ordained to be the apostle's successor in ephesus ( though the second epistle . . is a shrewd intimation of it , according to jerom ) yet it follows not hence , that he was not the apostle's successor . the reverend dr. stratford was not ordained presbyter , with 〈◊〉 design to be afterward bishop of chester , and yet for all that , he is bishop of this see. mr. o. the apostle did , and it was the proper season , and his duty , at his taking final leave , to settle the government of that church : but he then committed it to the presbytery , in a parity , and not to any single person , act. . . ans. . for any thing to be found in that , act. . . st. 〈◊〉 might have before this time , appointed a single person , over the ephesian elders , and so have left it . these words — take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost has made you overseers , to feed the 〈◊〉 of god , might , and may properly enough at this day , be spoken unto presbyters , subject to a president ( or bishop ) set over them . but . if the supreme power was here committed to the elders , however , it s not proved , nor can be , that it was in a parity : the words might have been spoken to 'em , divisim , severally , which divests one part of the dissenters , of their presbyteries . . however it was , suppose the government lodged in the presbytery , st. paul might afterwards , by divine authority , intrust it with a single person . as to the matter of fact , whether he did so , is the present controversy ; the issue whereof will depend on what follows . mr. o. we may with better reason affirm , that timothy's power at ephesus was temporary , than that of the elders . ans. not so . if timothy's supreme power followed that of the elders , ( as shall be proved ) and if it cannot be proved , that the 〈◊〉 of government committed to timothy was ever changed , afterwards by any subsequent act of the apostles , the objection vanishes . mr. o. paul gives not the least hint , act. . of any ruler set ; or to be set over them : that he must needs know what government god would have setled in the church , &c. ans. what hint is there to be observed , in the st epistle to lim . concerning presbyterian parity ? or indeed of the presbyters having the least share in the church government ? it was as necessary he should mention the presbytery in his first epistle to timothy ( supposed by mr. o. written before the farewel sermon ) as to make mention of their prelatical bishop , in his farewel sermon . nor did the apostle know beforehand , all the mind and intentions of god concerning his church . he knew not so much as what would befal himself , save , what other prophets told him ( v. . ) and yet still he was left in the dark as to many things ( v. . ) . i see no reason for believing , paul must needs know at that time , god's intention of altering the church government afterwards . if so , 't is not to be wondred , he did not acquaint the presbyters with it . besides , there 's good reason to think , that paul , though he knew it , would not acquaint 'em with it , at that time . happy he saw they would not then brook , nor endure to hear of the alteration , and of being subject to any other single person , except the apostle himself : especially when no occasion was , as yet , given for it . but in process of time , after some of themselves were risen , and had spoke perverse things , and turning schismaticks , 〈◊〉 drawn away disciples after them . v. . then was the time for changing the government , and charging timothy to silence those that taught false doctrine , tim. . . and then it was , that at least the humble , and peaceable , and obedient , and holy presbyters , would readily submit to the change. mr. o. asks , whether there were no prophecy of timothy's being the suture ( bishop ) ruler of ephesus : if there was , why did paul suppress it , in act. . ans. i have given a reason of this already : but further note , that there was such a prophecy , as i believe , tim. . . though it might not have been . given , till after paul's farewel sermon . i add , it is very probable also , that he was ordained unto it , . epist. . . so st. jerom thought , as i have already observ'd . mr. o. to overthrow the common reason given of the change of church government , asserts , that the establishment of the presbytery at ephesus , was for a remedy against schism , therefore the elders were admonished , to oversee the flock , v. . ans. the minister here , is not at all fair in his reasoning ; for the remedy , which the apostles prescribes against the wolves , or interlopers , that would thrust themselves in among 'em , and against the vipers , which would arise , out of their own bowels , was , to take heed to themselves , and to the flock , to feed the church of god , the other words , over which the holy ghost has made you overseers , being only a reminding them , by the way , of their power and duty . all government , of what kind soever it be , 't is confest , is in general a remedy against schism : but these elders , are not said , to have been ordained overseers by the apostle , as if that particular government of presbyterian parity , was especially intended for a remedy against future schism . the proper and parcular remedy here prescribed , by st. paul , is , to take heed , &c. and as it follows v. . to watch , &c. without which 't was impossible to provide effectually against a surprize from their enemies , the wolves , and the vipers , there spoken of . being overseers , or governours of the church , would not do the work , ( whether they acted in a parity or in subordination to some single person , was the same thing as to the apostles argument here , and whether it were the one or the other still ) it was their taking heed and watching , must secure 'em against schisms and against heresies . but if afterward this presbyterian parity , was by experience found inconvenient , rather a nursery , and occasion of schism , and therefore for that very reason , altered into prelatical form of government , for the security of the church in peace and order , as jerom owns , it is most proper , to say , that prelacy was introduced into the church , as a designed remedy against schism , and not presbyterian parity , which was indeed the occasion of it , at least , was not sufficient to prevent it . mr. o. further argues , that god did not , could not change the first instituted church government , because , he foresees all events , and knows how to prevent schisms , by apt and effectual remedies , and with him is no variableness nor shadow of turning . ans. such general harangues ( though grounded on true principles , if rightly understood , and explained ) prove nothing . for on the other side , we know that god oftimes repents , and takes new measures for the accomplishing his own great and good designs . god imployed noah , a preacher of righteousness , to perswade the then wicked world to repentance and reformation ; when this succeeded not , it repented him that he had made man , and so he drowned all the world , except eight persons . god , who himself in a peculiar manner , governed israel ; appointing what prophets and rulers should succeed at a vacancy ( the government of israel , is hence called a theocracy ) yielded to the importunity of the people , and gave them a king , saul to govern them , after the manner of the nations . but presently after , it repented god that he had set up saul to be king , because he turned back from following god. sam . . where then is the absurdity in saying , god upon the occasion of schisms , directed the apostles to alter the government among the christians ? or rather ( as bishop pearson * speaks ) to perfect and compleat it . for the apostles , so long as it seemed good unto 'em , retained in their own hands the government of all the churches by them founded , as appears from , act. . , , . and chap. . . but when the time of their departure drew on , or when business encreasing on their hand , by reason of their many conversions , they were forced , to be absent , or distant from those churches a long time , they substituted in their rooms , successors and single persons to preside over the churches : which indeed in exact speaking was not a change , but a continuance rather of the former government , all the difference being , that whereas the apostles were governours of many churches , these their successors were rules but of one haply , of which difference i speak afterwards . mr. o. after he had endeavoured to confirm his own opinion , by such weak arguments , as we have here mentioned , proceeds in the next place to attack mine . many things are here repeated , which have been answered already , and many things offered , which depend on the proof of the main point , and which to make a particular reply unto , here , were superfluous . mr. o. the tim. . . does not say , that paul constituted timothy bishop of ephesus , that is ruler . ans. let the text with the other passages of this epistle , relating unto the powers committed unto timothy speak for it self . i put 'em together in t. n. and mr. o. has no other way to evade the force of the evidence , but pleading that timothy , was an evangelist , and extraordinary officer , as before is noted . mr. o st. john resided long at ephesus , after paul's departure thence , he returned thither after his release from his banishment at paimos , and lived there , and among the other asian churches until trajan's days : by consequence st. john was the supreme ruler of ephesus , and not timothy ans. let us see what the authors , he quotes , say in this matter , euseb. l. . c. . writes . that in the persecution rais'd by domitian , john was banished into the island patmos . and out of 〈◊〉 , that he received his revelation at the latter end of domitian ' s reign . no more than this is to be found in that chapter , of euseb. cited by the minister : and yet mr. o. affirms — euseb. here writes that john returned to ephesus , after he was released , &c. there is here not a syllable of returning , nor of ephesus , nor of released , nor of living at ephesus , or among the other asian churches until trajan ' s day . this notwithstanding , i do acknowledge that euseb. in other places asserts these things . but this signifies nothing . euseb. says not that john in particular governed ephesus , but the asian churches ( after the manner it may seem of a metropolitan . ) to the same purpose speaks jerom , c. s. e. sub nerva principe redit ephesum 〈◊〉 usque ad trajanum perseverans totas asiae fundavit rexitque ecclesias . they affirm not that john governed these asian churches , immediately after st. paul's departure into macedonia , but in the days of trajan , and after his release out of patmos . nor do they tell us , who governed ephesus , and the other asian churches , from the time of paul's going into macedonia , tim. . . unto the reign of nerva , or trajan : and therefore timothy might in that interval of time ( notwithstanding any thing here produced to the contrary ) have been the ruler ( or bishop ) of ephesus . i do further grant that 〈◊〉 , l. . c. . writes that john remained among the asian christians , or churches until trajan : but he says not that the apostle remained there , from the time of paul's last departing from ephesus into macedonia , when he constituted timothy ruler ( or bishop ) there . one thing must not be omitted , that whereas eusebius , and irenaeus confess ( what is indeed manifest in scripture ) that paul founded these asian churches , yet jerom makes john the 〈◊〉 and ruler of them . ( totas asiae fundavit & rexit ecclesias ) which how to reconcile may deserve a few words . that paul founded the asians churches , cannot be deny'd , and settled their government , ought not to be questioned : that these asian churches were to decay , by the time of john's banishment into patmos , is manifest from the epistles unto the seven churches in the revelations . that john after his release , returning into 〈◊〉 new form'd , regulated and reformed 〈◊〉 churches , is most probable , and therefore is said by jerom , to have founded and governed them . perhaps he removed some of the angels or bishops of those churches , who had misbehaved themselves , in their offices , whether for a while he personally govern'd 'em all himself , without continuing or placing over them bishops : or whether as a metropolitan having a subordinate bishop in every church under him , cannot with certainty be determined , but 't is out of question , that he appointed bishops in them , before he dyed , as appears from 〈◊〉 epistles , and from those remarkable words , in tertullian , * ordo episcoporum ad originem recensus in joannem stabit authorem . mr. o. that he may shake off the argument , for bishops drawn from the angels in the revelations argues . . that angels minister to the heirs of salvation , heb. . . which imports a ministery not superiority . ans. he abuses the text : 't is ministring for not to the heirs of salvation . they minister to god for us . so the king is the minister of ( or to god ) rom. . . for us : nevertheless he is our superior , even as the angels are . briefly by this argument neither jesus christ , nor the apostles , nor bishops , nor presbyters , nor dissenting ministers , have any authority : for all these minister for our salvation , or pretend it . . that angel singular is often taken collectively for angels plural , as are stars also . ans. mr. o. has not produced one example hereof . if any one is at leisure , to examine the text cited by him , he 'll find this true : for of mal. . . i treat by and by . . that the epistles were directed to all the believers of the asiatick churches ( so i understand him ) and not to the angels only . ans. not so : but to the angles only for the use of the believers . . that 't is uncertain whether there is an hierarchy among the angels , that the pseudo-dionysius makes them the lowest order : that therefore they cannot represent the highest order in the church . ans. 't is meer jangling to alledge the opinion , of an author confessedly spurious . but 't is manifest that there is an angelical hierarchy from * scripture , and that angels are the superior order may be gathered from , rom. . . where they reckoned in the first place before principalities and powers . lastly , the superlative excellency of angels , supposing them the lowest order makes them a fit representation of the highest degree among men. we may say of the meanest angel , he that is least in the kingdom of heaven , is greater than the mightyest potentate of the earth . even jesus christ himself is called an angel , mal. . . . that the holy ghost in the epistles alludes to the minister , of the synagogue , in conformity to the language of the old testament , job . . . hag. . . mal. . , . ch . . . ans. in these texts there is no mention of synagogues , nor any where else in the old testament . nor do we meet with angels of the synagogue , but ruler in the new : nor any where else but in the late rabbins . job's messenger was either a real angel , or extraordinary prophet , interpreter and one of a thousand , v. . hagga was a prophet , so was the baptist , not ministers of synagogues . when mr. o. appeals unto malachy , he is gone from the synagogue , to the temple , and so quitted his argument . nor doth priests , mal. . . signify all , even the secondary priests in the temple , but the high priests only in succession , who are therefore , v. . exprest in the singular and indefinitely , or if mr. o. will have it so , priests here signfies collectively , all high priests . for it must be confest , when the subject of a proposition is put indefinitely , in the singular number , and the predicate belongs to the whole species , then the subject may be taken collectively , and is equivalent to an vniversal proposition , as when we say , man is a rational creature , we mean all men are so . but it will be said that the predicate , viz. his lips should keep knowledge , &c. appertains to the whole species of priests , even the secondary . i reply , . supposing this , yet still there was an high priest in the temple : and therefore agreeably hereunto , though all the elders were called angels ( admitting this ) yet there was an arch-angel in every church , unto whom the epistles were directed , who was , the angel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for angel in the epistles , is not described by a specifical , but an individual character , ex . gr . the angel of the church of ephesus . if it be said this is a specifical character , because all the elders were angels of that church , i return that cannot be . for no body ever directed a letter , thus indefinitely to all , and to every one , or any one of the same denomination . the title may haply belong to many persons , for different reasons , and yet the letter is intended for some one more eminently called so . as if a letter were directed , to the speaker of the house of commons , though every member is speaker , if he pleases , and though of the topping and forward commoners , we usually say , they are speakers , because they often speak to matters in debate , yet every foot-boy will apprehend the letter is sent , to a particular determinate person commonly called , the speaker . wherefore if all the elders of ephesus were in some sense angels , yet the angel must mean some single person , known in special manner stiled angel , who could be no other than the prelatical ruler of that church . a great deal is argued in defense of the hebrew reading of deut. . . against that of the seventy . but besides what has been elsewhere offered in the vindication of the latter , i here add , that clemens romanus * , that origen * , and jerom * , himself the fierce stickler for the hebrew , reads the place according to the seventy . it may then with reason be suspected , that the proud conceited jews , corrupted this scripture , to magnify themselves and their nation , as if god in dividing the nations , had his eye ' specially on the sons of israel , modelling the world according to the number of them , that went down with jacob into aegypt , as the rabbins imagine . as for the precise number of provinces , and their guardian angels , though the rabbins , and the hebrew reading of deut. . . seem to determine them by the number of jacob's children , who went with him into aegypt , yet neither the seventy , nor i have adventured so punctually to define it , but have left that point uncertain and indefinite . it is not known into how many provinces god cast the world at first , nor can we tell into how many more he might afterwards multiply , or into how few reduce it : for even the romans were wont sometimes to increase , and sometimes to diminish their provinces . as therefore god might ( for any thing we know ) in the beginning , have divided the nations into seventy times seven provinces , and constituted so many guardian angels over them , and afterward altered the number of both , by adding or diminishing , as he saw good : so might he have appointed , and varied the number of bishops , as the condition of the church requir'd , into sometimes more , and sometimes less . i will conclude the whole argument , with two or three observations , which will confirm what is before pleaded ; that there is an hierarchy among the celestial spirits , and angels ( as i said according to the current opinion in former times ) presiding as guardians over kingdoms and provinces , is witnessed by * jerom , who thus delivers himself , angeli , qui regnis & nationibus praesidebant . that angels in the revelations is an allusion to these guardian angels , is countenanc'd by that noted passage in clemens alexandrinus † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the progressions of bishops , presbyters , and deacons , are ( i think ) imitations of the angelical glory , and of that ordination : as also by that other of origen * per singulas ecclesias , &c. there are two bishops in every church , one visible ( the man bishop ) the other invisible ( the angel bishop . ) i think there may be found both an angel and a man , good bishops of the church , and as it were partners in the work. lastly , optatus milevitanus † stiles bishops , angels , and plainly alludes unto the apocalyptical angels . nor have i met with that conceit about the angel of the synagogue ( the charan or bishop ) in the primitive fathers , who make no use of that notion to explain the order of bishops : for indeed it is the invention of the later rabbins . but sometimes ( as i have just proved ) they allude unto the angels , and frequently unto the high priests in the temple . mr. o. whereas i argu'd , that the synagogue-rulers were subject to the 〈◊〉 high priests , ch ( says he ) so are presbyters to jesus christ our high priest. ans. but we are inquiring about subjection unto visible rulers , and if mr. o. will needs have the synagogue a pattern of the christian congregations , then the presbyters must be subject unto some visible superiour , ( as were the rulers of the synagogues ) which he is obliged to name . till then my observation is of moment , but his reply meerly delusory , and evasive . mr. o. let the bishops produce as clear a charter for their order , as the high-priests did for theirs , and we 'll submit . ans. first , it is sufficient , i suppose , that the bishops charter is a clear one , as to the power they claim and exercise , tho' not as to the title of bishop . it makes no great matter what becomes of that . secondly , let mr. o. bring as clear a proof of presbyterian parity , or independency , or of presbyters exercising the supreme acts of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , as are to be produced from the epistles to tim. and tit. in behalf of prelacy , that is , for a single persons presiding over churches and governing them , and there 's an end of the present controversy . thirdly , i ask mr. 〈◊〉 . between him and me , whether he does not submit to some religious usages , for which there is not so clear a charter in the new testament , as there is in the old , for some of the jewish rites . whether he has as clear and express commandments for infant baptism , for the observation and divine institution of the lord's-day , for days of publick and general fasts or humiliation , for singing david's psalms , in metre , as the jews had for circumcision , for saturday-sabbath , for their fasting-days , and for their singing the book of psalms , in their way ? it is not then for want of a clear charter ( as i fear ) that he refuses to submit to bishops , but for want of a clear understanding , and a peaceable and humble mind . he that can sit down with reasonable deductions , and be prevailed with , to make no scruple of doing what is thereby recommended unto him , if he were steady to his own principle , ought to be satisfyed with the like reasonable conclusions , in all other matters of religion . i said in the t. n. that a great deal of the temple-worship , being moral religion , it was as much the pattern of the christian , as the synagogue worship was . and on that account , the jewish priesthood might be the pattern of the christian hierarchy . mr. o. says no , because the jewish priesthood was appropriated to the ceremonial worship of the temple , though they performed the moral parts there also . ans. though the jewish priesthood , and the temple worship , were incumbred with ceremonies , yet they might be the pattern of the christian priesthood and worship . an embroidered garment may be the pattern of a plain one ; they may both be like in shape , and in substance , though not in ornament , and their trimming . besides , though the levitical ceremonies were abolished , yet some others were substituted by jesus christ , in their room , as baptism , and the lord's-supper . but how could the synagogue ( which had no ceremony at all , only the moral parts of religion performed in it ) according to mr. o's reasoning , be a pattern of the christian churches , which have ceremonies ? there is as much disagreement between a synagogue , which has no ceremonies , only natural religion exercised in it , and a christian church which has ceremonies , besides the natural religion , as there is between the temple which had levitical ceremonies , and the christian which has not . mr. o. argues , that the legal priests , and altar , and priesthood were changed . ans. true , as to the levitical ceremonies : but not as to any thing which was moral : and government , i conceive , is a part of moral religion : though therefore a levitical ceremonial high-priest was not ordained for the christian church , yet in imitation of the jewish ecclesiastical government , a christian high priest , might be appointed , the ceremonies of the law being laid aside . mr. o. the moral worship in the synagogues might be performed by such as were no priests . ans. and will mr. o. therefore assert , that any man may in a christian publick congregation , perform the moral parts of worship ? this very observation of mr. o's , shews that the synagogues were not the pattern of christian churches or congregations ; because i take it for granted , that none among us can perform , even moral worship , in publick , except deacons , presbyters , and bishops . it rather , therefore , imports that the temple worship is the pattern of the christian : because , as none but the priests and levites , could perform the moral worship in the temple ( chron. . . nehem. . . joel . . ) even so among us , none can , except bishops , priests , and deacons . i shall 〈◊〉 my answer to mr. o's discourses about 〈◊〉 's epistles , to the reply , which i intend unto his plea , judging that the most proper place . we are then now to treat of titus , and enquire whether he was the supreme ruler of the church in crete , by the appointment of paul. i had affirmed in t. n. and ( i think ) prov'd it . but , mr. o. tells us , 〈◊〉 no where said that paul made titus bishop of crete . ans. it is sufficient to me , that paul committed to him , the supreme governing powers over that church . i 〈◊〉 not about the word bishop . on the other side , i retort , that 't is no where said , that paul ordained or constituted any one presbyter in crete : will it follow that he made none at all . mr. o. titus was left in crete , but for a season , perhaps not above half a year , paul charging him to come to him unto nicopolis , &c. tit. . . ans. according to my hypothesis , it might be some years after paul's leaving crete , that he sent for him unto nicopolis . the apostle , as i suppose , left him at crete , as he sailed from italy to judaea , after his release from his first imprisonment at rome : and long after , as he was returning to italy , he sent for him to nicopolis . if this be once proved ( as i promise ) then titus was not left in crete for a season . but according to mr. o's hypothesis , i cannot imagine that titus could have been left in crete half a month , far enough short of half a year , and too short a time to set in order the things that were lacking , to ordain elders in every city , to stop the mouths of false teachers , to rebuke 'em , and that with all authority : in a word , to reject 〈◊〉 , after a second admonition . this surely was above a months work , or indeed half a years . it implies a permanent and continued employment . i said , according to mr. o's hypothesis , titus had not sufficient time for the work whereunto he was appointed . for he attended paul from achaia unto macedonia , and so into asia , till they arrived at jerusalem ; of all which i shall have occasion to treat more punctually in the fourth chapter . however it cannot ( i own ) be denied , that paul called titus from crete , and , by consequence , it will be said , he was not the fixt ruler ( or bishop ) there . ans. the resident governors of churches , in the apostles days , were not so tyed to their posts , that they might not , on any account whatever , stir thence . it is not to be doubted , but that they removed for a while , at the apostle's call , and for the furtherance of the gospel , unto other places , and afterwards returned to their residence again . i do suppose , titus went to st. paul at nicopolis , and thence with him unto rome : that as he returned back unto crete , by the apostle's direction , he took dalmatia in his way to plant the gospel there , or to confirm the churches : what became of him afterward , cannot be known from scripture , the divine history of the church of crete reaching no further . but if we will hearken ( as in reason we ought ) unto what is delivered in the church-history , we must acknowledge that titus returned into crete : for there he died and was buried . and i hope mr. o. who seems to have a due regard unto the fathers , and so frequently quotes 'em , for the support of his own opinions , will take notice of this evidence . mr. o. here tells us , that , the elders in crete were chosen by the 〈◊〉 , before they were ordained by titus , grounding himself upon , act. . . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word used , and is rendered ordained , but implies choosing . ans. although this is not to the point here debated , yet , lest i should be thought to over-slip a difficulty , i answer , that there is not in the epistle to titus , the least intimation of the multitudes chusing the elders , but the contrary rather , the qualifications and fitness of the candidates ; unto that good office , being left unto the judgment of titus . nor does it appear , in acts . . that the multitude chose those elders , there spoken of . 〈◊〉 if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place signifies ordaining ; then here 's not one word of choosing 'em ; but if it signifies choosing , then were the two apostles , paul and barnabas , the electors , as well as the ordainers . why not ? so god first without the suffrage of the people , chose the twelve apostles ( act. . . ) where the same word is used , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and then ordained 'em , act. . by anointing 'em with the spirit . nor is mr. o. mistaken , when he imagines me dreaming , that after ordination , titus assigned those elders some new powers , which i think is intimated in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which does not properly signify to ordain , but pre-supposes ordination , and imports the placing of those elders in their particular stations . and this , i believe , is distinct from their ordination . mr. o. after a tedious discourse about evangelists ( of which number he reckons 〈◊〉 and titus ) having contended that were unfixt officers of the church ( of which more hereafter ) believes it a degrading them , who had a general power over all the churches , to tie 'em to residence in one particular church , making ordinary officers of ' em . ans. i do not apprehend this to be a degrading them . for whilst they continued the companions and fellow labourers of the apostles , and unfixt officers of the church , they cannot properly be said to have had a general power over all churches , but were continually at the beck and command of the apostles , to dispatch such orders , as were from time to time given them . as they had no certain place of residence , so neither had they any certain work , but were like reformades in an army , who have nothing to do , but what the general by a special order employs 'em in upon sudden occasions . if it be allowable , magnis componere parva , to explain the condition of the unfixt evangelists , by an instance well known in this county palatine of lancaster , they were like to our itinerant preachers , founded by q. elizabeth of famous memory . these have a power from the bishop of the diocess , to preach , &c. in any church , or chappel within the said county , as his lordship shall direct them , or they know is necessary and convenient to the service of the reformation . they have a general power to preach in the churches in lancashire . now if the bishop fixes them in some rectory or vicarage , no man will say they are degraded , though the exercise of their ministery is brought into a narrower compass than before . but i have spent more words on this slight objection , than it deserves . appendix . mr o. whereas i affirm'd , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought properly to have been rendered , appoint , or constitute , and settle , or place them , pre-supposing at the same time their ordination , he hence concludes , i give up one of titus ' s main powers , adding , if this text proves not titus his ordaining power , no one in that epistle doth . ans. but mr. o. forgets that himself , as well as the rector , have all along taken it for granted , that whatever powers were committed to 〈◊〉 , were also given unto titus , and reciprocally , what to titus , were committed to timothy . besides , i take it to be out of controversy , that he , to whom any one part of supreme power is given , is to be understood as invested with all : consequently if titus was to appoint where every presbyter was to officiate , he then had the power of ordination also . as in like manner , though timothy had no express commission to reject hereticks after the second admonition , yet because titus had that power , so had 〈◊〉 likewise . in short , titus had authority to receive accusations , and to rebuke openly , as well as timothy , had epist. to tim. . and timothy to excommunicate the contumacious , as well as titus had , ch. . . and both had power to ordain , because one had . chap. iv. being an answer to mr. o's th chap. the question here is , whereas st. paul gave timothy those ample commissions and instructions , that we read of in his first epistle , concerning the government of the ephesian church , some time after he had besought him to abide still at ephesus , when he went into macedonia , epist. . . what was that precise time of paul's going into macedonia , and beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus ? in the tent. nov. following bishop pearson , i resolved this question thus , that paul's journey , here spoken of , could not be meant of any of those mentioned in the acts of the apostles ; that therefore it must be some other , after his bidding the elders of ephesus farewel : that coming to jerusalem , he was there made prisoner , and thence carried to rome , where he continued about years in bonds : that being at length released , he returned into the eastern parts again , visiting the churches ; and then as he passed out of asia , into macedonia , besought timothy to abide at ephesus , as the fixt ruler , or bishop of that church ; and shortly , after dispatched the st epistle to him . that paul himself , some while after , went back into italy , and unto the utmost parts of the west , preaching the gospel , and being at length once more got unto rome , was there imprisoned a second time , when he wrote the second epistle to tim. a little before he was beheaded . we are now to consider mr. o's objections against all this . mr. o. to abide still , doth not imply a continued residence : but may signify a short stay , act. . , . by consequence he was not the fixt bishop ( ruler ) of ephesus . ans. there is a great difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. . , . the former implies a continued stay at ephesus , the latter only signifies silas and timothy's halting , that is , tarrying behind paul at beraea . besides , we have no account of timothy's sudden remove from ephesus : but we have of timothy's leaving beraea soon after , act. . . thes. . . lastly , the orders given unto timothy , at ephesus , were many and important , which also required time to be executed , which does not appear to have been the case of timothy at beraea . mr. o. timothy's stay there ( at ephesus ) was but short , that is , until the apostle came to him , tim. . . ch . . . ans. there is no colour of argument in this . it is not said , he must tarry no longer there , than till paul came to him ; nor can that be the meaning ; for then it would follow , that timothy was to give attendance to reading , to exhortation , and to doctrine , but till the apostle came to him : which ( i hope ) mr. o. will not affirm . besides , paul was not certain of his going to ephesus shortly ; therefore he adds , tim. . — if i tarry long , &c. from which passages i gather , that paul , at his first beseeching of timothy , to abide at ephesus , thought his instructions not full enough , and therefore intended to see timothy , shortly at ephesus , and to furnish him with further orders , how he ought to behave himself in the house of god , the church of ephesus committed to him : but because he suspected he might tarry long , he therefore in the mean while sent him this epistle : all which shews , that timothy was designed for the fixt ruler of ephesus . although the apostle resolved to visit him there shortly : not to remove him thence , but to give him fuller directions about the management of the government of the church . mr. o. he was not fixt as resident at ephesus , because , the apostle afterward called him to rome , tim. . . . ans. i will take an opportunity by and by , to discourse about residence , where the weakness of this objection will fully appear . in the interim i 'll only acquaint the reader , that according to mr. o's own hypothesis , it could not be less than between three and four years , after the writing of the first epistle , that paul sent for 〈◊〉 unto rome , and according unto mine , about six years . which is a considerable stay , or residence in one place . i say , further that paul's sending for timothy to rome , is no argument that timothy for ever quitted that post : that he returned back to ephesus , must be made appear from ecclefiastical history , the scripture going no further , in the account of paul and timothy , than that , in the second epistle sophronlus , or jerom * witness that he was martyr'd at ephesus , and photius † acquaints us , with the time and occasion , viz. at the detestable festival called the catagogium , which timothy would have had abrogated . lastly , supposing timothy never returned back to ephesus , it 's no consequence , that he was not by paul constituted resident bishop ( ruler ) of ephesus , as will afterwards , in these papers , appear . mr. o. objects against the time assign'd ( in t. n. ) of paul's going into 〈◊〉 , after his release from his first imprisonment at rome , that is , after the history of the acts of the apostles , wherein no mention is made of this voyage , as i assert ; against this ( i say ) mr. o. objects , that nothing can be concluded from luke's silence in this point : for 't is certain that he doth not mention all the journies of paul and timothy . ans. i readily grant that bare silence is no good proof , without some other considerations to support it ; and i also grant , that luke mentions not all paul and timothy's journeys : but i contend that he omits none of paul's from the th chapter unto the end of the acts of the apostles , as any impartial man will believe , if he carefully reads that part of the history . and for proof of this , i shall at present content my self with the acknowledgement and. testimony of beza himself , who thus writes particularly as to paul's journeys into macedonia — ter omnino vidit macedoniam paulus , ut ex historiae filo apparet . quamvis enim non omnia perscripserit lucas , ita tamen contextam historiam esse apparet , ut non plures profectiones in macedoniam possint constitui . paul saw macedonia , but thrice , as is manifest from the history , as 't is closely laid together by luke . for though he remembers not all things , and every little movement of the apostle , yet his history appears so contrived , that more journies of his into macedonia cannot be assigned or allow'd . i do not indeed believe that st. luke has set down within the time mention'd , every step the apostle made by the by , unto towns , and villages near at hand . while paul was at corinth , 't is to me out of controversy , that he went into the neighouring places , preaching the gospel , though luke has not told us so . there were christians , and a church at cenchrea , rom. . . where doubtless the apostle had taught the word of god : but luke omitted this . nevertheless , 't is senseless to think , the historian should forget so considerable a voyage , as this of paul's going from ephesus , unto macedonia , and leaving timothy behind him . but that which i further add , is , that i do not rely barely on st. luke's silence , but observe , that in his history , he has left no room for st. paul's placing timothy at ephesus , at any of those three times , when he went into macedonia . and if this be well prov'd , as has been , and shall be once more , then another journey of paul's into macedonia must be searched for , and i do believe may be , and has been found out . in order to make out all this , let us first examine the ministers hypothesis . mr. o's hypothesis is this , that st. paul at ephesus , sent timothy to macedonia , and corinth . act. . , . expecting him back at ephesus , cor. . , . that 't is most likely , timothy went back to paul , at ephesus , where the apostle left him , when he went into macedonia , act. . v. . which ( as mr. o. thinks ) is the meaning of that , tim. . . my business then is to prove , that this could not be . in order whereunto i must give here an exact narrative of paul from the time of his two years stay at ephesus , unto his bidding the elders farewell , at miletus , in his passage towards jerusalem ; from whence it will appear plainly , that paul could not leave timothy at ephesus , at that time , when he went into macedonia , mentioned , act. . . paul having resided at ephesus two years ( act. . . ) ( and perhaps more ) purposed in spirit to pass 〈◊〉 macedonia , to 〈◊〉 , thence to jerusalem , and so to rome ( v. . ) . some while 〈◊〉 he departed from ephesus , news came to him of the schism at corinth , which occasioned his first epistle to the corinthians . that the apostle sent this letter from ephesus , is manifest from cor. . , . that timothy carried this letter , appears from chapter . . ch. . . and that timothy at the same time , had received orders from the apostle , to go into macedonia , may be seen act. . . st. paul resolving to 〈◊〉 at ephesus , or in asia , for a season , that is , till pentecost , cor. . . now because paul designed to tarry in asia but for a season , that is , till 〈◊〉 , and because in his letter to the corinthians , he promises to come to them shortly , ch. . . it cannot be doubted , but timothy set forth on this journey from ephesus to macedonia , and so to 〈◊〉 in the spring about easter , in the month of march. paul's stay therefore at ephesus , after timothy's departure , was about six weeks . the apostle 〈◊〉 leaving ephesus at whitsontide , came to troas ( cor. . . ) thence unto macedonia ( ch . . . ) where the long expected titus met him , ch . . . timothy also came to him in macedonia , and joined with him in the second epistle to the corinthians ( ch . . . ) paul and timothy , having spent some month , in macedonia , gathering the contributions , and exhorting the brethren ( act. . . ) unto liberality , as i suppose , set forward for greece , where they tarried all the three winter months , act. . , . that is wintered at corinth , as the apostle had promised , cor. . . during his stay here , paul wrote his epistle to the romans , ch . . , . timothy being then with him , ch . . . early in the spring , as the apostle was about to 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 to syria , and so to pass forward unto jerusalem , as he had before laid his journey , he suddenly altered his purpose ; the occasion whereof was the jews lying in wait for him. so he returned into macedonia , sending timothy before him , whom nevertheless he overtook at troas . hence paul and his company hasted unto miletus , where the apostle calling to him the elders of ephesus , bid em farewel . act. . , , , , . the arguments i raise hence against mr. o's 〈◊〉 are as follow . . here is not sufficient time for timothy's journey from ephesus to macedonia , so to corinth , and back again to paul at ephesus , before the apostle departed thence . according to mr. berry's maps , corinth is distant from ephesus , above * italian , or english miles , if one travel by troas , and through macedonia : so that backward and forward , timothy must have gone more than a thousand miles in six weeks time , besides crossing the sea , that 's to say , † miles a day , which is incredible , especially if it be considered , that he had much business to dispatch , both in 〈◊〉 and at corinth : and mr. o. will not , i suppose , allow that he travelled on the lord's-days . against this it will be objected , that paul looked for timothy back at ephesus , cor. . . and that the length of the journey ought 〈◊〉 to be pleaded against so good an evidence of the matter of fact. ans. i deny that st. paul expected timothy back at ephesus , but in macedonia rather : the words are — that he may come unto me , for i look for him . but whether at ephesus where he then was , or in macedonia , where he hoped shortly to be , is not said . now paul had just before advertised the 〈◊〉 , i do pass through macedonia , v. . and doubtless he had told timothy as much before : he departed from ephesus , acts . besides when paul at ephesus wrote his first epistle to the cor. he at that very time resolved to tarry in asia but for a season . acts . . and to go unto corinth shortly , ep. . . 't is then most probable that timothy was to meet paul , in macedonia , and that the apostle expected him there , and there we find 'em together at the writing of the second epistle to the corinthians . . there was no occasion for timothy's going back unto paul at ephesus , and tarrying there after the apostle was departed unto macedonia . st. paul had himself settled that church of ephesus , and left it in good order . he had furnished it with presbyters and able ministers . there were among them as yet no wolves , no vipers , no false teachers , who deserved to be brought before timothy , and rebuked openly for their disorderly walking . thus it was at paul's departure , and thus it continued some time after : even when the apostle the next year called together the elders at miletus , all was still well among ' em . the apostle makes no complaint to the contrary , nor had he any reason for it . why then 〈◊〉 timothy be put unto such an unreasonable fatigue , when there was nothing for him to do , at ephesus ? and yet , . ( as we read in the first epistle to tim. ) there was much business , and more than he could dispatch , in that little time allowed for his stay there by mr. o. there is the more force in this argument , because the apostle at his writing the first epistle to timothy , soon after from macedonia , hopes to be with him at ephesus shortly , ( ep. . . ) was timothy left at ephesus , in the apostle's room to discharge so many important matters , as are reckoned up in that epistle , and yet the apostle intend to return unto ephesus shortly ; and serve him with a writ of ease ? it is incredible . . paul's hopes of returning shortly , from macedonia unto timothy at ephesus , tim. . . according to mr. o's hypothesis , are wholly inconsistent with his former purposes of going from ephesus to macedonia , so to achaia , and thence to syria by sea , and so to jerusalem : for we read that he still continued in that mind after winter , act. . . which shews plainly that the apostle after his leaving ephesus , neither intended nor hoped to see it any more at this time . he did not then write his st . epistle to tim. whilst he was now in macedonia , newly come from ephesus , because he could not then think of returning to ephesus shortly , his journey to jerusalem being then laid quite another way , and by consequence he did not leave nor beseech timothy to abide at ephesus , at this his departure thence into macedonia . . paul was in great hast to gather the collections in macedonia and achaia , that he might bring them to jerusalem , by the next pentecost , if it were possible , act. . . in so great hast , that being at troas in his way to macedonia , though a door was opened unto him , that is , though he had a prospect of converting many souls unto god , yet he refused to 〈◊〉 ; but set forward immediately unto macedonia , 〈◊〉 . . , . how then can it be imagined that he designed or hoped to return shortly unto timothy at ephesus , when he would not tarry a while at troas , no not though he saw his preaching would have effect among those people ? and at the same time aimed to pass unto jerusalem , through syria by sea , as before is noted . . it timothy ( as mr. o. imagines ) returned unto paul at ephesus , before his departure thence for macedonia , about pentecost , the apostle had had no occasion of being restless at troas , cor. . . nor in macedonia , ch. . , . because of titus coming not to him from corinth . was st. paul troubled about titus , whether he was well and in health ? or earnest to know how the contributions at corinth went on ? or curious to hear what effect his first chiding letter had on the corinthians ? timothy if he had reached paul at ephesus , had certainly satisfy'd his curiosity , in all these things . but seeing he was restless and uneasy , both at troas and in macedonia , upon some or all the foresaid accounts , after he had left ephesus , 't is certain timothy came not to him at ephesus , and by consequence he left not timothy at ephesus , when he went to macedonia at that time , nor then besought him to abide there . . if paul left timothy at ephesus now , at his departure thence unto macedonia , 't is plain , timothy abode there but a very small while : for he was presently with paul in macedonia again , which is not at all agreeable to the business , st. paul afterward in his letter committed to timothy's charge . the case between them stood thus . paul desired timothy to abide at ephesus , hoping doubtless and designing to be back with him in a little time . but because the apostle had not yet given timothy all the necessary orders , nor sufficient instructions , how he should behave himself in the administration of the ecclesiastical government at ephesus , and because he foresaw it might however happen to be long e'er he came to timothy there , he therefore sends unto him this epistle full of directions , how he should behave himself in the house of god , the church . these things manifestly shew that timothy was intended to tarry a good while at ephesus , and till paul came to him , epist. . . although it should happen to be long : and likewise to continue there , though paul had come to him shortly . if paul had been certain of his returning shortly to timothy at ephesus : he had not sent him this epistle : for so 't is intimated , tim. . , . these things write i unto thee hoping to come unto thee shortly : but because they had been needless , or might have been thought so , if paul had been certain of his going unto him shortly . he therefore adds 〈◊〉 way of excuse ; but if i tarry long ( as perhaps i may ) i therefore write these things unto th e , that thou may'st know how thou oughtest to behave thy self in the 〈◊〉 , which i have committed unto thee . this is not at all consistent with timothy's being suddenly after with paul in macedonia , cor. . . if so , why should the apostle talk of coming to him at 〈◊〉 shortly ; and , if it happen'd otherwise , write to him concerning his behaviour in the government of the church ? but let us descend unto 〈◊〉 . in the first of tim. and th chapter , the apostle instructs him to reward the elders that rule well with double honour , especially if they 〈◊〉 labour'd in the word and doctrine , v. . to hear complaints made against elders and examine witnesses , v. . to rebuke offending blders openly , as he found cause , or to acquit 'em , if the accusation was not sufficiently proved against 'em , v. . and to ordain elders , as need required , v. . all which implies that timothy was designed to continue at ephesus some considerable time : whereas according to mr. o's hypothesis timothy tarryed not at ephesus till paul came to him , but went to paul in macedouia , soon after the receipt of this epistle , which is incredible , and ( as i said ) inconsistent with the instructions aforesaid contained in the epistle . timothy accordingly did abide at ephesus a considerable time , as appears from the apostles second epistle , which is very agreeable to my hypothesis , but not at all to mr. o's . nay but , mr. o. will say the second epistle was sent to timothy from rome , in the time of paul's first imprisonment . the apostle 〈◊〉 from miletus to jerusalem , had left him there , or thereabouts in asia ; and therefore this second epistle proves not that timothy continued at ephesus , a good while after paul left him there , paul sending for him to rome . ans. it shall e'er i make an end , once more be demonstrated ( under mr. o's favour , i say , demonstrated ) that the second epistle was wrote in paul's second bonds at rome . mean-while mr. o's assertion , that timothy went not with paul to jerusalem , but tarryed behind in asia , is supported by no probable circumstance in scripture . it must be confest , that st. luke no where expresly tells us , that timothy accompanied paul thither . but there is no force in this ; because luke mentions none of the apostle's other companions , who went along with him , with the contributions unto jerusalem , except trophimus . nevertherless it cannot be doubted but many accompanied him , not only to jerusalem , but to rome also , who nevertheless are omitted by luke . to say nothing of luke himself , colos. . . philem. . tychicus was one , eph. . . colos. . . and titus another , who is never once named by st. luke in the whole book of the acts , and yet doubtless went with paul from corinth , and so to jerusalem , and thence to rome : in proof whereof , see cor. . . and not that only , but who was also chosen of the churches , to travel with us with this grace or gift , the corinthians charity : which words of st. paul are to be understood of titus , not of luke mentioned in the precedent verse . the precedent verse being cast out , or put into a parenthesis , thus the th and th verses will run — for indeed he ( titus ) accepted the exhortation , but being more forward of his own accord he went in to you , and that only ( that is , he did not only accept my exhortation , and went willing of himself , but over and above ) he was also chosen of the churches to travel with us , with this grace . for the apostle is here professedly writing in the commendation of titus , and mentions luke but by the bye : and titus was the person , who took most pains in forwarding the collections at 〈◊〉 , for which reason , 't is most rational to believe , he was chosen for one to carry them . nor am i singular in this exposition , sir norton knatchbul , in the synopsis , differs but very little 〈◊〉 me , correcting the parenthesis thus — misimus cum eo fratrem ( 〈◊〉 laus , &c. ) cum hoc ministerio sive dono , implying , that both titus and luke , were sent with the corinthians liberality unto jerusalem . i will not take upon me to vindicate this gentleman's correction of the text , but he plainly shews , that he thought titus went along-with the contributions to jerusalem , which is all i contend . for . there are the same 〈◊〉 to believe timothy attended paul to jerusalem , and then to rome . . because timathy was employ'd by st. paul , to promote the collections in macedonia , as titus in achaia ( for that was his errand , i make account when paul sent him into macedonia , act. . . ) and we ought in reason to believe 〈◊〉 was join'd in the commission , for carrying the relief unto jerusalem ; since he had been imploy'd in forwarding and collecting them . this the rather 〈◊〉 . . we read he was with paul at rome in the apostle's first imprisonment , doubtless accompanying paul thither from miletus , and jerusalem , heb. . , . philip. 〈◊〉 . . colof . . . now then if timothy went along with paul , to jerusalem , and to rome , then he could not continue at ephesus , or in asia , a considerable time , neither was the second epistle written to him , in the apostles first imprisonment , as mr. o. supposes . having ( as i hope ) given irrefragable arguments , that paul at his going into macedonia mentioned , acts the . . did not then leave timothy behind at ephesus , beseeching him to abide there , i will now consider , when it was , that the apostle left titus in crete to set in order the things that were wanting . my opinion is ( as i have declared at large in t. n. ) that paul being released from his first imprisonment at rome , and returning into the east , as he promised or hinted in several of his epistles , writ to 'em from rome , touched at crete , and having laid a foundation of a christian church in that island , prosecuted his journey eastward , leaving titus behind to perfect it : whom therefore he afterwards furnished with instructions about the government of that church , in his epistle to titus . instead of this mr. o. proposes the opinion of dr. lightfoot , which is , that when paul returned from macedonia to greece , act. . . then he left titus there ( in crete ) tit. . . thinking that he should presently , after a little stay in greece , have 〈◊〉 forwards towards jerusalem . as he was about to sail into syria , the jews laid wait for him , which made him return through macedonia , acts . . about that time ( as dr. lightfoot conceives ) he writ the epistle to titus , in which he calls him to nicopolis , where 〈◊〉 intended to winter , tit. . . he had some thoughts of wintering in corinth , cor. . . but it seems , 〈◊〉 his resolution , he determined to winter in nicopolis a city of epirus , not very far distant from corinth . titus according to appointment came to him , and was thence sent by him to corinth to hasten the collections for the saints in judea , cor. . , . ans. before i come to the main business , i must take notice of several mistakes and inconsistences in this account . . that paul cannot be said to have returned from macedonia to greece , whereas yet in this peregrination he had not been . for paul first came from ephesus into macedonia , then went into greece , acts . . he returned indeed afterward out of greece into macedonia again , v. . but he did not return out of macedonia into greece . but the meaning is , i presume , 〈◊〉 must be , as far as i am able to comprehend him , that paul when ( or as ) he went from macedonia into greece left titus in crete , tit. . . which is absurd , as any one will confess , that knows the geographical situation of these places . . mr. o. thinks that paul intended to winter at nicopolis : but 't is evident , he intended to winter at corinth , cor. . . and 't is as evident , that he did winter there , act. . . for he 〈◊〉 there three months . . mr. o. says , paul returned through macedonia , act. . . about the time as he writ the epistle to titus , in which he calls him to nicopolis . but paul's return through macedonia , was in the spring , and he was got to philippi by easter , act. . . how then could he about this time write to titus , and in his letter call titus to him at nicopolis , where he was determined to winter , and yet winter was already past . . nicopolis ( says mr. o. ) a city of epirus not far distant from corinth . only about . miles : that 's nothing with mr. o. but i have shewn that 't is unlikely paul should at this time determine to winter at nicopolis , where he had never as yet been , and where there was no christian church , that we known of : and 't is yet more unlikely that the apostle's hast , whereof we have spoken , should permit him to go so far directly another way from jerusalem . lastly , says the minister , titus came to paul at nicopolis , and was thence sent by the apostle to corinth to hasten the collections . but the mischief is , paul wrote the second epistle to the corinthians by titus from macedonia before winter , before the three months mentioned , acts . . and then sent him to hasten the collections . whether mr. o. has done dr. lightfoot right in this confused account i am not concerned to examine . he has made this his own hypothesis , and 〈◊〉 i all along ascribe it to him . well! letting these things pass , mr. o's meaning is ( i guess ) that paul going from macedonia into greece , visited crete in his way , and there left titus . ans. i do not yet understand how it can be properly said , that paul as he went from macedonia into greece visited crete in his way . greece is in the way from macedonia to crete , how then did he visit crete in the way as he went from macedonia to greece ? however , sometime hereabouts — ( mr. o. will say ) between his leaving macedonia , and settling in greece , paul visited crete , and left titus there , which is the thing i now undertake to disprove : but will first as my foundation , tell the story of iitus , as exactly as i can gather it from scripture . paul at ephesus , dispatched titus away to corinth about the collections , as i conceive , a year or more before he sent timothy unto macedonia ; as may be gathered , from cor. . , . chap. . . where the apostles testifies of the corinthians , that they were ready a year ago . for this reason it was that paul looked and longed for titus's return , after above a years absence . but titus at last came to paul in macedonia , and gave him an account what effect his first epistle had upon the corinthians , cor. . , , &c. as also of their willingness to contribute towards the relief of the poor saints at jerusalem , chap. , , . chap. . . hereupon paul ( and t mothy ) writ the second epistle to the corinthians , titus carrying it , cor. . , . i must add , here another short account of paul he left ephesus soon after pentecost , and arrived ( let us imagine ) in june at philippi in macedonia . there he gave much exhortation , acts . . which implies ( as i gather ) that he spent much time in macedonia : let us suppose he tarry'd there , till about november . then he set forward for greece where he abode three months , v. . that is till february , thence he returned early in the spring into macedonia , and was got as far back as philippi by easter , v. and so crost the sea into asia , act. . this premised , my arguments against mr. o's hypothesis are as follow . . here is no time that can be assigned for paul's sailing unto crete , and there founding a church . if it be thought , that during the 〈◊〉 which is allowed for his stay in macedonia , he might go to crete , that cannot be granted : because luke would doubtless have taken notice of so considerable an enterprize : and besides , i do suppose , paul was too busy in forwarding the collections , and giving much exhortation , to undertake such a long voyage : lastly , luke plainly says , that paul came from macedonia ( not from crete ) into greece . if then within the time assigned to his stay in macedonia , he went to crete , he must have returned back again , first into macedonia , and then have gone into greece , which is absurd to suppose . nor did he sail out of grecce into crete . for then luke could not have writ , that he abode three months , in greece , one half of which time must at least have been spent in that voyage to and again , and in tarrying there . . nor could titus accompany the apostle thither at this time . titus was sent alone from macedonia to corinth : his business at corinth , was to encourage and promote the contributions , as abundantly appears in the second epistle to the corinthians . . if titus went along with paul unto jerusalem with the contributions ( as cannot in reason be deny'd ) : how then could he be left in crete to perfect that church , and set in order the things that were wanting ? i surely this required more than two or three months . paul was two whole years at least in planting the church of ephesus : but titus could finish that in crete ( it seems ) in as few months . . the great hast paul was in , and the multiplicity of business in macedonia , and achaia that lay on his hands , and the application wherewith he pursued it , will not suffer us to believe , that at this time he undertook such a great , and a new work , that of the conversion of the island of crete . at this time all other concernments of the church were laid aside , and gave place unto that of forwarding the collections , and carrying them to judea . . that passage ( titus . . ) when i shall send unto thee artemas or tychicus , make hast to come unto me at nicopolis : for i have determined there to winter , quite overthrows mr. o's ( o dr. lightfoot's ) hypothesis : for paul at that time , fix'd by mr. o. neither intended , nor did winter at nicopolis but at 〈◊〉 , as has been proved . paul as yet had never been so far westward as nicopolis in epirus , to preach the gospel as may be collected , from cor. . , — we are come ( says the apostle ) as far as to you in preaching the gospel : but we hope to preach the gospel in the regions beyond you , that is in epirus , which as yet it seems he had not done . how then could he intend to winter at nicopolis ? which implies that there were christians there already , among whom he would winter : but we know of none as yet in those parts . . paul ( as has been noted already ) was in so great hast to go unto jerusalem , that he would not lose any time , no not tarry to preach the gospel at troas , 〈◊〉 a door was open 〈◊〉 him : how then shall we believe that he made a voyage by 〈◊〉 into crete , to plant a church there , when it does not appear he had the least encouragment beforehand , to expect any considerable success , as he had at troas ? . i in general before noted , what great business st. paul had both in macedonia and at 〈◊〉 , which would not dispense with his absence from them . he could not at this time take so long a journey as to crete , about the conversion of that island , which would require a longer stay than he could dispense with : particularly , let it be observed , that his work at corinth was more than ordinary , viz. to reduce 'em unto peace , and unity , and order . so he promised , cor. . . the rest will i set in order when i come . whoever shall duly weigh these things with a 〈◊〉 mind , will be convinced , that st. paul at this time of his going from ephesus into macedonia , and 〈◊〉 , and tarrying there did not , could not beseech 〈◊〉 to abide at 〈◊〉 , nor yet sail unto crete to plant a church there leaving titus to finish it . mr. o. here is no express proof that paul ( after his release ) from his imprisonment at rome ) visited ephesus . ans. the rector's 〈◊〉 as laid in t. n. does not require that paul visited ephesus . i took notice of mr. bain's mistake , in saying or supposing that paul left timothy at ephesus , as if paul had then been there : but no such thing is to be found , in tim. . . besides i exprest my thoughts thus , that paul being at 〈◊〉 , going unto macedonia ( as he had signified philipp . . , . ) then besought timothy to abide at ephesus . not that paul was , at the time 〈◊〉 his beseeching timothy , at ephesus , but at troas : neither is it necessary to suppose that timothy was then at ephesus : for st. paul might , by letter beseech timothy to abide at ephesus , though he had at that present been at troas with paul , or timothy in some other place . these are unnecessary repetitions . mr. o. whereas in proof of paul's return into the east , after his enlargement from prison , i alledged ( tim. . . ) trophimus's being left at 〈◊〉 sick , &c. the minister replies , it is most likely that paul touched at 〈◊〉 , when he returned from jerusalem in bonds to rome : 't is evident he intended to sail by the coasts of asia , act. . . ans. 〈◊〉 to sail ? surely mr. o. forgets himself . paul was now a prisoner in bonds , how then could the apostle intend ? or determine which way the ship must sail ? our translation haply , which is not very exact here , betray'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 foul mistake — meaning to sail , &c. but in the original , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being about to sail by the coasts of asia we ( all in the ship ) lanched . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paul and his 〈◊〉 ; that meant or designed which way they would sail ; but the centurion and master of the ship , who determined that point . but for the ships sailing by the coasts of asia , the reason is plain : for thither the ship was bound , no further in the way to rome : and therefore they changed their ship at myra , v. . a city of lycia , part of the southern coasts of asia ; and took another belonging to alexandria , so sailing directly into italy , v. . it was then neither paul's 〈◊〉 , no nor the centurions commands , which brought the ship by the coasts of asia 〈◊〉 myra , but the merchants business , which indeed lay so far in the direct road unto italy . for every one knows the ancient way of sailing , before the compass and loadstone were 〈◊〉 they chose 〈◊〉 legere littus to sail by the coasts , as much as they safely could , and they were generally , all what we now call coasters . for they had no certain way to steer directly , from place to place , in the open broad sea , except by the sun or stars , which did not always appear : so that they were wont to keep within sight of land , if possible . but i pass this , and further say to mr. o. that 't is a very absurd conjecture to think , that paul in his voyage touch'd at 〈◊〉 . as if miletus lay in the way from myra to italy , or as if the 〈◊〉 nturion , or the master of the ship would go out of their way , i know not how many days sail to accompany paul in visiting the churches at and near miletus , when as paul was a prisoner sent to rome . the centurion could never have answered it to his superiours . as for the other two suppositions , that miletus might be a town in crete , of that name , or the island malta , it cannot be deny'd , that then paul might in his voyage from judea to italy , have left trophimus in one , or in either of those two places : but what then will become of paul's having been at troas , tim. . . and at corinth , v. ? if then he touch'd not at troas , and at corinth in his passage from jerusalem to rome , ( as for the foresaid reasons is clear ) there is good ground to believe he visited miletus in asia , philippi , and other churches at the time by me assigned . this will further be disputed by and by . after all this mr. o. undertakes directly , to vindicate the ancient chronology , and to prove that the first epistle to timothy was written before paul's meeting , and taking leave of the elders of ephesus , act. . ans. if this were substantially proved , yet still it will not follow , that timothy was not the supreme ruler ( bishop ) of ephesus . for first nothing in paul's farewell-sermon , proves the elders to be the supreme governours of that church , as has already been made out . and as for paul's taking no notice of 〈◊〉 in that farewel sermon , i must retort , that neither did paul mention the elders , in the commission given to timothy , in the first epistle , which mr. o. supposes written before that farewel sermon . there are several epistles to the churches , wherein the presbyters are not mention'd : but it will not thence be concluded that they had no presbyters atall : much less ought it to be gathered , that timothy was not the supreme ruler ( bishop ) of ephesus , because he is not spoken of in so short a 〈◊〉 - speech . but these things have been oft enough spoken of : let us then hear mr. o's arguments proving the first of timothy was writ before the farewell-sermon . mr. o. argues from paul's excommunicating alexander the copper-smith , 〈◊〉 . . . who is the person mentioned , act. . . he adds , that this excommunication was not long after his apostacy , and so is mentioned as a late thing . ans. i 'll not create mr. o. any unnecessary trouble : but grant that the same person is mentioned in both places . but i must say , it does not appear that this alexander was a christian , at the uproar in ephesus mentioned , act . the contrary is most probable . he is called a jew ( not a christian believer ) v. . if so , then he , who never yet believed , could not yet be an apostate and consequently could not be excommunicated . but say he were a christian-jew , it does not appear that he had any hand in raising the tumult against paul , or that he apostatized from the faith at that time . that his excommunication was not long after his apostacy i easily admit : but when he apostatized , i do desire to be informed , as also where or to what church he belonged , when he apostatized , and was excommunicated . the most likely was the ephesian . let that be supposed . the question then is still , when he 〈◊〉 , and was excommunicated ? but , the truth is , we are in the dark both where and when he apostatized , and by consequence know not when paul excommunicated him . and therefore nothing can be drawn hence in proof of the time of the apostles writing the first epistle to timothy . mr. o. puts the objection against himself , how came timothy to leave ephesus , and 〈◊〉 with paul in macedonia , act. . . seeing the apostle desired him to stay till he came ? tim. . . his resolution of this difficulty is out of dr. lightfoot , as follows — paul designing to have sailed for syria , acts . . came near to timothy , and there discovering the danger laid in his way by the jews ( which also might have involved timothy ) he brought him away back with him , and so both returned again into macedonia , and when winter was over , they set sail for asia again . ans. i 'll venture to call this a senseless story , though mr. o. has fathered it upon the learned dr. lightfoot , truly or falsly is no matter to me . for , . timothy was not at ephesus when paul was about to go for jerusalem . he was with paul in macedonia , cor. . . act. . . except mr. o. will affirm , as indeed in the account he gives of this matter , he must suppose , that timothy went back from corinth , to paul at ephesus , thence following him to macedonia , then returned to ephesus again , and lastly , was thence fetched back by the apostle unto macedonia once more , and wintered with him in greece , and then returned with paul through macedonia to miletus , all which has already been disproved . . it is here implyed by mr. o. that paul attempted to sail for syria , and judea before winter , which is inconsistent with act. . . and cor. . . . it is here supposed that paul designed to sail for syria from macedonia ; whereas 't is plain , it was from corinth or greece , act. . . and there ( in greece ) he abode three months , and when the jews laid wait for him , as he was about to sail into syria , 〈◊〉 purposed to return through macedonia . . it is supposed that paul was actually sailing towards syria , and was come near to timothy at 〈◊〉 , where he discovered the jews , lying in wait for him . whereas he had discovered the jews plot in greece , when he was about to sail or just before he took ship , and therefore alter'd his purpose , and returned 't is not said into macedonia ( though that 's true ) but through macedonia into asia , v. . . 't is supposed that paul designed to take ship for syria before winter , or before it was over : which cannot be : because he winter'd at corinth , act. . . compared with cor. . . or at nicopolis , as mr. o. mistakes . . 't is supposed the jews lying in wait came to his knowledge , when he was near timothy at ephesus , and that timothy ( then supposed at ephesus ) might be involv'd in the danger : but the wait laid for paul , by the jews was designed in greece , and there made known unto paul , which prevented him from going by sea , and determined his journey through macedonia . there are but two reasons , that i can imagine , why the jews laid wait for paul ; both which will argue it was in greece , and not at or about ephesus . . because he had in greece of late zealously preach'd the gospel . . because he had now a considerable quantity of money to carry thence to jerusalem . now if the jews plot was laid against paul in greece , and paul not know it there , how came he to know it at or near ephesus ? and how could 〈◊〉 at ephesus be involved in the danger , which threatened the apostle in greece ? in short , there are so many wild and unaccountable suppositions in this conceit , and so contrary to the plain and obvious meaning of the text , that nothing but a stiff and resolute adherence to a cause , could have brought it into the head of any man , and engaged others to defend it . before i make an end of this , let us take a view of the ramble , which mr. o. has cut out for timothy this year . timothy went from ephesus , about easter , to macedonia , and so to corinth : he came back from corinth to ephesus again , where he arrived by whitsontide : he followed paul shortly , after into macedonia , thence some way or other was got to ephesus once more . st. paul fetches him back unto maceaonia again , carries him with him unto corinth , so to nicopolis , back to corinth , thence once more unto macedonia , and so to miletus , where he took up his quarters of refreshment , as mr. o. believes : and indeed 〈◊〉 high time , after such a fatigue which he underwent , in about months , amounting to about . miles . mr. o. the first epistle to timothy must be written before , because the second epistle was written in paul's first imprisonment , for which he offers several reasons , which i am now to examine . . mr. o. argues hence , because timothy was a young man , at paul's writing the second epistle , the which he proves from the apostle's exhortation to him — flee youthful lusts , tim. . . ans. not to trouble my self , or the reader , about mr. o's calculations , i will admit that timothy was three or four and forty years old , when paul according to my hypothesis , in his second imprisonment , wrote the second epistle . and advised him to flee youthful lusts. it might not be improper to caution him , at that age , against youthful lusts , such as young men are chiefly inclined to . who is there , that has not known men of . of . of . years of age , overcome with these lusts ? well! but says mr. o. timothy was also a 〈◊〉 man , tim. . . and therefore 't is not likely , that paul should warn a sickly man above . years old , against youthful lusts , tim. . . ans. at paul's writing the first epistle , timothy was valetudinary . true , but at his writing the second , he might be recovered and confirmed in his health : it does not appear he was still sickly . mr. o. for the same reason ( sc. because he was a young man ) paul calls timothy son , tim. . . tim. . . ans. mr. o. i am perswaded does not believe himself , when he urges this as an argument , for timothy's being a young man. was onesimus a young man , when paul called him his son , phil. v. ? was mark a young man , whom st. peter calls his son , peter . ? were all those believers young men , of whom st. john speaks , epi. . ? or were all the christians at corinth young men ? and yet paul calls 'em his sons , cor. . . but , he calls 'em so for a quite different reason than is assigned by mr. o. viz. because in christ jesus he had begotten them through the gospel , . cor. . . and on the same account he challenged onesimus for his son ( v. . philem. ) whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 begotten in his bonds . there are sundry reasons , why men are wont to call others their sons ; which i will not insift on . one among the rest is , when there is a great difference in age : then the older will call the younger son , though the younger has past his juvenile years . but in t. n. i gave another different reason of paul's calling timothy son , which i hope will satisfy every body , but one who will be pleased with nothing , but his own phansies . . mr. o. in his next reason for the second epistle to timothy , being writ in paul's first imprisonment , many things are affirmed , but nothing proved , he asserts , that that second epistle was written before those to the philippians , colossians and philemon , timothy's name being prefixt to them ; which therefore supposes , timothy now got to rome , according to paul's order , tim. . . ans. the proper answer hereunto is , that paul's writing unto timothy , tim. . . to come to him at rome , agrees every whit as well with mine as mr. o's hypothesis . the question then between us , is not to be decided hereby , but by other circumstances , which are to be spoken of anon . and to cut off all unnecessary jangle , the same i reply to his third argument , taken from mark' s being with paul in his first bonds : the same circumstances may agree to the same persons at different times . . mr. o. phansies that paul's sufferings mentioned , tim. . . which happen'd at iconium , lystra and antioch , twenty years before the apostle's second imprisonment at rome , imply , that that second epistle was written sooner , than his second imprisonment : for the apostle would not ( 't is likely ) mention events so long since past , when there were other later sufferings of his , that were much fresher in his memory . ans. first , if there be any force in such kind of weak reasonings as these , then i ask , supposing with mr. o. this second epistle written in the apostle's first bonds , why , did he not rather mention his latter sufferings at jerusalem , which timothy ( being then in asia according to mr. o. ) knew little of , and were the the last that had happen'd unto the apostle , except those inconsiderable ones at rome ? but the plain account of this passage is , that st. paul is now animating timothy to undergo afflictions , as became a minister of jesus christ : to this end the apostle lays before him , his own example , v. , . and instances in his own sufferings at iconium , &c. but 't was indifferent which of his sufferings . he offered unto timothy's consideration : one as well as another , a former as well as a latter would set forth paul's faith , long-suffering , charity , patience , and demonstrate god's goodness and protection of such as endure persecution for his name's sake : because god had delivered paul out of them all . and might not paul say all this unto timothy in his second as well as in his first imprisonment ? if mr. o. has no better arguments than such as these , to prove the second epistle written in the apostle's first imprisonment , he had better keep 'em to himself : they betray the want of good evidence , and the weakness of his hypothesis , rather than establish it . . mr. o. advances another argument , viz. " from tychicus being at rome in paul's first bonds carrying thence the epistles to the ephesians and to the colossians : and ( says mr. o. ) that second to timothy ch. . . speaks of tychicus's journey to ephesus : therefore this second epistle must be written about the same time , as that to the ephesians was , sc. in his 〈◊〉 bonds . ans. but what absurdity is it to believe , and assert that tychicus carry'd those epistles to the ephesians and colossians , from paul a prisoner at rome the first time ? and then in the apostles second bonds , afterward to have once more been sent to ephesus , as is exprest tim. . . as if tychicus might not have been with paul at rome in both imprisonments . these things were noted in t. n. but the minister urges 'em afresh without pretending to reply unto the solution , i there offered of this small difficulty . here let it be observed how mr. 〈◊〉 . proves that tychicus went along with paul to rome in his 〈◊〉 bonds , viz. from acts . . where he is reckoned among those that accompany'd paul from macedonia into asia , and then carrying letters from rome to the 〈◊〉 and colossians : this is plain beyond contradiction , tychicus certainly went with paul to rome , at the apostles first imprisonment . mr. o. has demonstrated it . but is it not every whit as plain that timothy also was one of those who accompany'd paul from macedonia into asia , act. . . and do we not find that he was with paul at rome , philip . . colos. . . heb. . ? and does it not then follow according to mr. o's own argument ( when the interest of his cause is forgot or not concerned ) that timothy went with paul to rome , at his first imprisonment ? if this be a good proof of tychicus going along with paul to rome , 't is as good for timothy's . thus all mr. o's petty arguments and sophisms , for paul's writing the second epistle to timothy , in his first bonds are overthrown by himself . great is truth , and sometimes breaks forth , and shines through the thickest mists of prejudice and prepossession . the conceit then of timothy's being left behind paul in asia , invented merely to support a cause ( that of paul's writing the second epistle in his first bonds ) is now out of doors , and henceforth forever to be laid aside . . mr. o. the second epistle was written in his first bonds , because it mentions his being delivered from his confinement , which he was not delivered from in his second bonds . in the second epistle . . he was delivered out of the mouth of the lion , that all the gentiles might hear the gospel , that is , that he might go about , and preach the gospel to many nations . ans. mr. o. has unworthily inverted the order of the words , and so drawn 'em to a wrong sense . thus the apostle writes — the lord stood with me , and strengthen'd me , that by me , the preaching might be fully known , and that all the gentiles might hear : and i was delivered out of the mouth of the lion. the sense of which words is plainly this , that paul by some special assistance from god , so well pleaded his own , and the cause of the gospel at the tribunal of caesar ( where all the gentiles , a great number of the principal courtiers , and others being present ) heard him , that he escaped condemnation at that time : he was delivered out of the mouth of the lion ; his deliverance was the effect of the good management of this cause or vindicating the truth of the gospel , before the roman gentiles . but as for the gentiles in other nations , hearing the gospel it was not the effect of his deliverance at this time as mr. o. by misplacing the parts of the text would have it understood . besides , when 't is said , i was delivered , it is not said , from his confinement , as if he had been immediately set at liberty ( for then he would not have sent for timothy ) but rather have gone to him according to his intentions ( as is supposed by mr. o. ) but because he sent for timothy after the deliverance here spoken of it follows , that he was still a prisoner , though he had for once escaped with life . lastly , if this was his deliverance from his first imprisonment , then he could not write to timothy to come unto him : because timothy was with him already , * that is before his enlargement from his first bonds . philip. . . colos. . . heb. . . upon the whole matter this passage shews the epistle was writ not in the apostle's first , but second bonds . . mr. o's next proof taken from luke , is of the same nature with his th argument speaking of tychicus : the same reply therefore , that i made to the th will serve here , 〈◊〉 mutandis . . mr. o. argues from the apostle's cloak left at troas tim. . . which hap'ned ( says the minister ) at his going to jerusalem , just before his being sent prisoner to rome . this cloak was a roman habit , which might have prejudiced the jews against him : therefore he left it at troas : but being arrived at rome , he sent for his cloak , his roman habit. ans. though some believe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mention'd , was paul's cloak , his penula , a latin word made into greek , by the transposition and alteration of some letters : yet 't is but very uncertain whether they are in the right . for why may not penula be made out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of penula ? whatever it was , suppose a roman habit , which paul had brought with him from rome , after his enlargement from his first bonds , according to my hypothesis , why might he not leave it at troas , at that time that he sailed thence into macedonia ? for soon after he wrote his first epistle to timothy ( as i contend ) wherein he shews that his intentions were to return into 〈◊〉 parts once more , ep. . . which was the reason of his leaving his cloak there behind him , intending afterwards to call for it , but haply being prevented , and so making forward for rome , when there be sent for his cloak . this is a fair account of this passage about the apostle's cloak , without straining it to a sense which no body ever thought of before , and which has no foundátion in scripture . but after all this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here rendered cloak is a word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and never to be met with again , either in scripture or in the ancient classical greek authors ; and therefore its signification is very uncertain : it may denote a cloak , and it may denote any thing else , an hat , ex . gr . or a shirt : it may signify some sort of writings , or cover to carry writings in , 〈◊〉 to this last , the best criticks incline . e. in the synopsis criticorum , thinks it was a little cheft , box , or portable cover to carry books and papers in , grounding himself on the syriac translation ; where 't is rendered domus scriptorum . dr. ham. gathers from phavorinus that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies parchments rolled up , and was the very same , which the apostle 〈◊〉 calls the parchments , as is imply'd in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — bring with thee the parchments rolled up , and the books which i left at troas , but especially the former the parchments ; fail not to bring 'em , others understand thereby an hebrew volume of the old testament , deriving it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the liber or inward rind of a tree , on which the ancients used to write , from whence they suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derived . lastly , i find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hesychius expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the outward cover of books * . in this uncertainty about the signification of this word , and the variety of opinions concerning it , how is it possible to form any argumenr thence ? or of what force can the reasoning be , which is grounded on it ? see more of this word in suicerus lexic . . mr. o. argues to this purpose , that such as were more severely dealt with , were wont to be bound with two chains , act. . . but paul tim. . . was bound but with one ; that all agree paul's first imprisonment was more favourable than his second : therefore he must have written this second epistle in his first imprisonment ( which was most favourable ) because he was then bound but with one chain , tim. . . ans. whether peter was more severely dealt with than ordinary , cannot be determined , from act. . . except we had an account of some other milder treatment of him on some other occasion . besides , it may happen that one chain may be as long , and as heavy as two other chains . i have known one rope as long as two other ropes : and a prisoner may be as roughly handled , and as securely preserv'd from escaping with one long chain , as with two short ones . in the apostle's first imprisonment , which was indeed favourable , although st. luke describes his sufferings in the singular , act. . . even as st. paul himself does , eph. . . yet elsewhere we have 'em exprest in the plural , philip. . . insomuch as in my bonds , v. . my bonds in christ. v. . by my bonds , v. . to my bonds . colos. . . my bonds , philem. . my bonds , and v. . in the bonds of the gospel . so that paul in his first imprisonment was ty'd with many bonds or chains : as also he was in his second ( as i reckon it ) tim. . . for which ( gospel ) i suffer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto bonds . the difference then between his first and second imprisonment , was not as to the number of his bonds and chains , but other hardships which he endured in his latter imprisonment . if any one will consider the difference , between his imprisonment as 't is described in the acts ; and again , as 't is very plainly set forth by several intimations in the second epistle to timothy , whereof i spoke particularly in the t. n. he will be forced to confess , that that in the acts was his first imprisonment , and that other referred to , in the second epistle to timothy , to have been his latter imprisonment , and that the singularity or plurality of his bonds mentioned in both , will not decide this controversy . mr. o. demas was with paul at rome , in his first imprisonment , colos. . . we read nothing of his being there in his second imprisonment . ans. there is a manifest difference between paul's imprisonment , described in the acts , and in the second epistle to timothy , which clearly proves the second epistle written in paul's latter imprisonment , ex . gr . in the first demas was with him , and because there was then little or no danger , demas stuck close to him : but in the latter , when all turned away from him , demas among the rest ( then also with the apostle at rome ) forsook him in the extremity . this account is very natural . is it not possible , yea probable that demas was with him in both imprisonments ? besides 't is an unsufferable impertinence to urge such kind of arguments , as are reconcilable with both sides of the question ; such is demas's attendance upon paul in his bonds . but whereas he adds , that we read 〈◊〉 of demas being with paul at rome in his second imprisonment , 't is so absurd an observation upon his principles , that nothing could have been said more absurdly . for on his supposition , that the second epistle to timothy , was written in paul's first imprisonment , where should we read in scripture of demas , being with paul in his second imprisonment , which on this hypothesis is not mentioned any where in scripture ? but because a second imprisonment is on all hands acknowledg'd , any unprejudiced person will own , that we have the circumstances of it plainly enough intimated , in the second epistle to timothy , which cannot agree with his first imprisonment , as i noted in t. n. there is a passage , in this second epistle to timothy , which my adversary confesses stands in his way : 't is this ch . . . i am now ready to be offered , and the time of my departure is at hand . i have fought the good fight , i have finished my course , i have kept the faith. hencefore there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness . every parcel of this period argues , that the apostle had no hopes or expectation of being set at liberty , and escaping the present danger . i am now ready to be offered , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am now offered already , or as good as actually sacrificed . when a thing in futurition is exprest in the present tense , it denotes the certainty of the event . and the time of my departure is at hand . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is very near me , and has been a good while hovering over my head. i have fought the good fight : my work in this world is at an end , and the fight is over . i have finished my course : nothing more remains for me to do , but to wait the time of my approaching death . i have kept the faith : i have persevered stedfastly in the truth now to the very last . hencesorth there is laid up for me a crown , &c. therefore nothing now remains but comforting my self with the hopes , and expectations of the future reward . hence we gather that this second epistle was wrote in the apostle's latter imprisonment , which ended in his martyrdom . mr. o. paul speaks not here of his approaching martyrdom , but intimates that being now old and worn with travels , and hard labour , and now in bonds , he could not last long . ans. paul , it must be confest , even in his first imprisonment , stiles himself the aged , philem. v. . but let us enquire into his age. at stephen's martyrdom , he was a young man ( i 'll suppose as mr. o. has of timothy ) about twenty five years old , act. . . and this was in the thirty fourth year of christ. in the sixty second year of christ , he was first prisoner at rome . so that at his writing the second epistle to timothy , which mr. o. will have to be in his first imprisonment ( as that to philemon was ) the apostle was but about fifty three or fifty four years old . he was but in his viridi senectute in his first , and green old age. it was not then his extream old age , which put him in mind of his sudden dissolution now at hand , as it were in the course of nature . neither was it any decay of health , and strength occasioned by his labours , and the hardships which he had met with . we read not that he ever was sick or weak , or under any disorder as to his bodily health . that he continued vigorous , and healthful after his first imprisonment must be acknowledged , when we remember that after his release ( as is not denied by mr. o. himself ) he went 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unto the utmost limits of the west , preaching the gospel , which he could never have undertaken , had he been wasted with pains and travels . nor did his bonds in the first imprisonment , intimate that his death was then at hand . for he had all along great hopes of enlargement , as has been oft noted out of his epistles . but it was a violent death he then foresaw , and that he was to be offered up as a sacrifice , by the shedding of his bloud ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes ) , to be made a martyr or witness of jesus christ. nothing is more plain than this , if we would lay aside our prejudices . mr. o. objects , philip. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and this was certainly in his first bonds . ans. but who sees not a vast difference ? in that to the philippians , he puts the case , if i be offered ; i joy and rejoice , and will undergo it gladly : this is not an expectation , but a meer supposition of death or martyrdom , as is plain from verse — but i trust in the lord , that i also my self shall come shortly . so that paul looked not for death at this time : as he did at the writing of the second to timothy . mr. o. objects , act. . . i am ready to die at jerusalem . ans. st. paul did not here fore-see or expect to die at jerusalem : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am ready or prepared and resolved ( if it so please god ) to lay down my life for the sake of christ. mr. o. objects , cor. . . ch . . . second epistle . . the first of these passages shews only that god had counted the apostles worthy to suffer death for his names sake , and had appointed them unto it . but as to the time when , or place where 〈◊〉 not said : whether at jerusalem or at rome , whether in the first or in the second imprisonment , whether when the apostle was fifty , or sixty , or seventy years old , cannot hence be gathered . as for paul's dying daily , i suppose none will allow it as pertinently urged . lastly , when the apostle says , we are always delivered unto death , he has an eye in general unto the hazards they were constantly exposed unto , but not to any particular designed time of his own death . but here in tim. . . st. paul speaks positively in the present tense , without any reserve or limitation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am now already as it were offered , which is more than the conditional phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if i be offered . again it 's one thing to say , i am at the point to die , and another , i am prepared for it . it is one thing to be appointed at a distance unto death , as all men are , or unto martyrdom as the apostles were , and another 〈◊〉 say , i am even now ready to be offered . to conclude mr. o's reasoning here is very lame and imperfect . mr. o. adduces those other passages following , tim. . , . i was delivered , and the lord shall deliver me , parallel to that , cor. . . ans. 't is true paul was this once delivered out of the mouth of the lion : but it does not follow that he shall be again delivered : yes says mr. o. it follows — and the lord shall deliver me . it is an elegancy to apply a former word or expression unto a different matter . he had said , i was delivered from the sentence of death ; and then passes off quite to another thing , and says he — the lord shall deliver me , from what ? from every evil work , from doing any thing in the present pressures , and dangers unworthy of a christian or apostle and thereby will preserve me to his everlasting kingdom . mr. o. paul did not expect to die very suddenly , because he sent for timothy to come to him before winter . ans. this is truly observed and very obvious , and therefore we do not affirm that paul certainly expected to die , so very suddenly , but that he might send for 〈◊〉 . it sufficeth to say , that he expected not to be loosed from these bonds , but by martyrdom at last . that he judged at the writing of this epistle , his death might be deferred for some time , haply till timothy came . still death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hovered over him , and he plainly saw his enemies , would first or last by one means or other take away his life . nor do we 〈◊〉 that paul was now already under a sentence of death ; and that for the same reason , because he had sent for timothy . we rather affirm that his deliverance , out of the mouth of the lion , was only his escaping the sentence of condemnation at that time : that he was remanded unto prison , and reserved for another trial , when ever it pleased the emperor to appoint it . or else to be sacrificed unto the fury of that bloudy prince , nero , by a sudden and arbitrary or extrajudicial decree , as i rather believe . one great argument with mr. o. is , that st. paul at his farewel committed unto the ephesian elders , the supreme government of that church , as the perpetual and unalterable method of government , is because , he knew he should never see there faces more , act. . . or rather that , they should never see his face any more . i offered at a small criticism on the explication of this passage , but laid no stress on it . the minister takes a great deal of pains in 〈◊〉 this : how well let others judge . i am not concerned , 〈◊〉 does my-argument require me to justify that gloss. only it may be worth the while to remember that though paul says , they should not all see his face any more ; yet timothy did according to mr. o's own hypothesis , and so did trophimus the 〈◊〉 , who went with him to jerusalem . besides , 't is hard to believe that st. paul should so peremptorily affert without exception , that not one of 'em should see his face any more . but as i said , i insist not on this . mr. o. who busies himself in 〈◊〉 what i made no account of would have better employ'd himself , if he had more solidly replied to what i laid most weight on , that is , that the apostle's saying , i know was only conjectural : paul thought so ; but he was not absolutely assured of it . but mr. o. is of opinion that this is sufficient to his purpose , that paul thought they should see his face no more . that therefore he was not wanting in his duty of settling the government , but gave his final orders on that point , constituting the elders , the governours of that church , because he had no hopes of seeing them any more . ans. i have had occasion more than once in this book to acquaint the reader , that paul did not now ( so far as we find in scripture ) commit the supreme government unto the ephesian elders . that the . verse in the th of acts reaches not that sense , as is before made out , and shall be once more before i conclude this chapter . mean while supposing he had delivered the supreme power into their hands , yet the government might be altered , or perfected afterwards upon occasion by the same divine power , which first constituted it . but after all this , mr. o. not content with this argument of his , urges , that paul doth not use to express himself to positively — i know , when he speaks conjecturally . ans. . in all reason the apostle ought to be his own interpreter . and he tells the ephesian elders , acts . . that he knew not the things that should be fall him there , ( at jerusalem . ) how then could paul say absolutely , and without any reserve or condition , that they should see his face no more ? if festus had sent paul to rome by land , through syria , and asia , through ephesus , and troas , as he might , if he had pleased , and paul knew not the contrary , then the ephesian elders must have seen his face once more . ans. . i do undertake to produce an instance of paul's speaking as peremptorily or positively , as he does here in the th of acts , and yet mr. o. shall and has confest it , spoken conjecturally or uncertainly , as of a future contingent . i send him then to philip. . . the apostle had said , that he desired to be disolved : but that to abide in the flesh was more necessary for them — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having this confidence i know i shall abide and continue with you all . the case here is this ( that i may accommodate my self to the ordinary , and less observant reader ) paul wrote this epistle from rome in his first imprisonment , he tells the philippians that he knew he should abide and continue with them , which implies his return unto the eastern-churches , and particularly into macedonia , whereof philippi was a principal city : and yet mr. o. all along disputes , and denies the certainty of paul's going back into the eastern parts , though paul assured the philippians with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same word which he used when he spake thus to the ephesian elders , i know that ye shall see my face no more . if then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i know , is but conjectural in the epistle to the philippians ( as mr. o. must grant ) why not in the th of acts ? why then does mr. o. deny paul returned into the east , after his enlargement out of prison , grounding himself on acts . . if he was positive in the philippians , and in the acts , mr. o. has lost one half of his argument , and besides is obliged to reconcile paul in the acts , with paul in the epistle to the philippians . but i , who allow both spoken conjecturally , that is , with a possibility of failing , am no further concerned than to prove that de facto , he went back into the east , which ( i suppose ) is sufficiently demonstrated already . from what has been said in this chapter , it is manifest that mr. o. has in no tolerable degree vindicated the old chronology , which fixt upon the th of the acts , as the time of paul's beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus , when the apostle was going to macedonia : neither has he produced any one good argument , that the second epistle to timothy was wrote in the apostle's first imprisonment at rome . once more i observe if he had evinced both these ( as is also noted in t. n. ) it would not be a sufficient proof of the presbyterian parity . for i once again repeat it , that i did not avoid that older opinion , which allows the second epistle to timothy , to have been written in paul's first imprisonment at rome , consequently , that the first epistle was written before the apostle's taking leave of the ephesian elders , and by consequence , that he besought timothy to abide at ephesus , when he was going to macedonia , acts . . i did not , i say , lay aside this old hypothesis , as if episcopacy was not defensible on that supposition , but rather to bring the controversy into as narrow a compass as might be . i did therefore in the latter end of the third chapter , in t. n. shew that though paul had before the congress at miletus , constituted timothy the ruler ( bishop ) of ephesus , yet was he not obliged to take notice of timothy in that , his farewel-sermon . because paul in his epistle to the galatians , and that other to the ephesians , and that first and second epistle to timothy , takes no notice of the elders , neither does john , peter , or jude in their epistles , nor lastly , does ignatius in his epistle to the romans make mention of either bishop , presbyter or deacon : but shall we thence conclude , that those churches had none of those officers in them ? is it not as reasonable to believe that timothy the then supposed ruler ( bishop ) of ephesus , might be omitted by the apostle in his farewel-sermon , as the presbyters in his first epistle to timothy , wherein he professedly treats of church-government , and one would think could not have forgot'em , when he was discoursing on such an argument . particularly let it be remembred that ignatius himself , whose other epistles so often , and so fully remember bishops , presbyters and deacons , in that to the romans , had not onesyllable of any of 'em ; and yet he knew very well that bishops ( as well as presbyters ) were then established throughout the world , as he witnesses in that to the ephesians . 't is then no proof that timothy , was not even at that time the established ruler ( bishop ) of ephesus , because the apostle thought not fit to mention him in his farewel sermon . these things mr. o. was pleased to pass by unanswered : and why , let any one judge . i am sure they overthrow the best argument the dissenters have against bishop timothy . now whether ( as mr. o. pleads ) paul acts . commits the government of ephesus to the presbyters only , not by a prudential or temporary constitution , but divine , by the power of the holy ghost , v. . enough has been said of this already . nevertheless it may be proper to repeat a little for the satisfaction of those , who haply have not read the t. n. i do then acknowledge , that the ephesian elders were made overseers of the church by the holy ghost , having power to feed the flock committed to their charge . but this is no argument against timothy's bishoprick there , or his prelatical power over them . for it is not inconsistent to say , that timothy was appointed their ruler ( bishop ) ; and at the same time , that the presbyters were made overseers of the flock under timothy . we presbyters of the church of england , do believe our ourselves to be overseers of the flock , and that by divine authority too ; and yet at the same time we acknowledge our diocesans to preside over us , by the same divine authority . our bishops themselves declare as much in their atlmonition at the ordering of priests , viz. that we are messengers , watchmen and stewards of the lord , to teach , premonish , feed , and provide for the lord's family , and to seek for christ's sheep , that are dispersed abroad . and at our ordination , the first question is — do ye think in your hearts , that ye be truly called according to the will of our lord jesus christ ? what is all this less than that spoken to the ephesian elders — over which the holy ghost has made you overseers to feed the church of god ? it follows not then from these words , that st. paul put into the presbyters hands the sole , intire ; and supreme government of that church . they might even then be , and be left subject unto bishop timothy ( for any thing that can be rightly inferred from thence ) as we are to our diocesan bishops . if our provincial archbishop , should at his metropolitical visitation at the same rate , exhort as ordinary presbyters — to take heed to our selves , and to the flock over which the holy ghost has made us overseers , to feed the church of god , not mentioning our diocesan bishops at all , shall it thence be concluded that dr. stratford our reverend diocesan is not the bishop of chester ? these things i think ought not to have been shuffled off by mr. o. as unworthy , but perhaps it may be said more truly above his answering . before i conlude this chapter , there are two arguments which the unreasonable opposition mr. o. has made unto my hypothesis , has suggested to me , proving , i am bold to say , demonstrating , that the second epistle to timothy , was wrote in st. paul's second imprisonment at rome . i will lay 'em as briefly , and as plainly as i can before the reader , and so make an end . . if the second 〈◊〉 to timothy , was written in st. paul's first imprisonment ( as mr. o. affirms ) it must then have been written either before , or at the same time , or after the epistles to the colossians and 〈◊〉 . . not before the epistles to the colossians and philemon were written , as mr. owen himself acknowledges . def. page . for paul at the writing of the second epistle to timothy , had sent tychicus to ephesus , ( chap. . ) . how then could tychicus be the bearer of the epistle to the colossians , if he was already gone to ephesus , before the writing of that epistle to the colossians ? the second epistle to timothy , therefore could not be written before that unto the colossians . . not at the same time , as the epistles to the colossians and philemon were written . for timothy , who in the second epistle to 〈◊〉 , was sent for by paul to rome ( chap. . . ) was even then with paul at rome , and joined with him in the epistles to the colossians and philemon ( chap. . . ) therefore the second epistle to timothy , could not 〈◊〉 written at the same time , as that to the colossians was . . not after the epistle to the colossians was written . for then timothy , who joined in the epistle to the 〈◊〉 , must have been gone back into asia before st paul , which 't is certain he did not , heb. . . or else he must have returned again to paul at rome , and once more gone back into asia with him . in like manner 〈◊〉 , who carry'd the epistle to the colossians , from paul and timothy , must have returned unto the apostle at rome , and thence been sent back unto ephesus . tim. . . and all this during the apostle's first imprisonment , which is not in the least probable . 't is such a wild-goose-chase , as no rational man can admit . therefore the second epistle to timothy , was not written after that to the colossians . if then it was written neither before , nor at the same time , nor after those to the colossians , and philemon , it was not written at all during the apostle's first imprisonment , therefore it must needs have been written in his second . . the other argument is grounded upon the story of demas , as 't is related in the second epistle to timothy , and in the epistle to the colossians , and that other to philemon , i shall represent it first according to mr. o's hypothesis , and secondly according to my own . according to mr. o's hypothesis , demas had forsaken paul , loving this present world , and was departed to thessalonica , before the apostle wrote that second epistle to timothy . paul in the same second epistle , after demas had forsaken him , sent for timothy from asia unto rome , ( v. . ) . timothy being come to rome , joined with paul in the epistles to the colossians ( chap. . . ) and to philemon ( v. . ) and yet demas was still with paul at rome , even though he had forsaken paul , and he is by the apostle and timothy , mentioned with honour in both epistles , colos. . . philem. . after he had forsaken the apostle . this is absurd enough . for here are several inconsistences , yea , contradictions in the story . as 't is laid by mr. o. . demas had forsaken paul ( tim. . 〈◊〉 . ) and yet had not forsaken him , colos. . . philem. . . demas had forsaken paul , and was departed to thessalonica , and yet was still with paul at rome . . demas was at thessalonica and at rome , at the same time . . demas at once was an apostate , and yet a 〈◊〉 labourer with paul , 〈◊〉 tim. . . philem. . mr. o. may try ( if he please ) whether he can surmouut these difficulties . but according to my hypothesis , demas continued with paul at rome , all his first imprisonment there being little or no danger : at this time paul wrote the epistles to the colossians , and that to philemon , and therein commends demas , there being then no reason to the contrary . but in the apostle's second imprisonment , when the christian religion ( and the apostle in particular ) was more violently persecuted , then the apostle wrote the second epistle to timothy , and then demas had deserted paul , and withdrawn himself into macedonia , as indeed all men then forsook him , tim. . . let the reader judge , whether this is not a plain and coherent account : but mr. o's confused , false , and utterly irreconcilable with it self . in a word , here is an end ( i suppose ) unto that part of the controversy , about the time of paul's writing the second epistle to timothy . it must need be in his second imprisonment . and thus mr. o's main bulwark , raised for the defence of the old chronology 〈◊〉 ; paul's writing the first epistle to timothy , before his leaving miletus , act. . is demolished , and levelled with the ground . the appendix . i must not deny , as i once before acknowledged , that i borrowed my hypothesis , about the time of paul's beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus , from bishop p. and that i believed him , to have been the first publick author of it . i am very sure he cited none . and that passage out of the rhemists produced by mr. o. 't is confest , i was not aware of . and what then ? they stumbled upon , and had a suspicion of something , which they were not able to make out distinctly . but the bishop of chester has done it , with the approbation of the most learned men , except such as are led aside with the 〈◊〉 of interest , and have espoused a cause which will not allow it . and yet i hope i may say without breach of modesty , that i did add some further proofs and confirmations of this newchronology ; though they 〈◊〉 absolutely necessary , those of bishop pearson's being sufficient without 'em , as i freely own . mr o. is not mistaken when he say , miracles are grown very common in this last age. but he has not proved his proposition by a proper argument . he should have alledged those miracles of this age , who cast out the devil at surey : and that miracle of this age , who undertook the defence of the pretended exorcists , and yet acknowledged the imposture at the same time . it is indeed a surprizing miracle that the devil should be cast out , where he never entered : and much more , that two confident ministers should assume to themselves the glory of dispossessing dicky , when 't is well know that several other good men pray'd for that unhappy wretch . if mr. o's displeased , that i called bishop pearson the miracle of his time , i cannot help it : but would be glad he would shew me his equal from among the dissenters . of all others , i would advise him not to instance in that great man mr. baxter , i cannot believe his own testimony of himself sc. that he and 〈◊〉 amanuensis understood ninteen languages . all the world knows mr. baxter , did not understand latin very well . haply he understood english : and that 's all i verily believe he was master off . but this boast of his , puts me in mind of a certain bishop's chaplain , who told his lord , that they two had been during the civil wars , in all the prisons in england . the bishop modestly reply'd ( being unwilling to load his enemies with an untruth ) i was never in more than one ( and there indeed he had been near upon twenty years ) ay but ( the chaplain answered ) i have been in all the rest . thus perhaps mr. baxter , and his amanuensis understood ninteen languages : mr. baxter understood english , and his scribe the remaining eighteen , and here we have two other miracles of this age. a man of no learning , making as great a figure , at least noise , as any other even in this learned age : and his amanuensis who understood eighteen languages , much more than solomon did , as i believe , or any man will ever do again . but the greatest miracle of all is that mr. baxter and his scribe understood ninteen languages , yet no use is made of any of 'em to any purpose , except the english , in all the voluminous works of that great man. mr. o. informs us , that st. paul had preached the gospel in 〈◊〉 at that time , when being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he wrote his epistle to the romans . i will convict him of a great mistake ( to say no worse ) by laying the testimony before the reader — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that from jerusalem , and round about unto illyricum , i have fully 〈◊〉 the gospel of christ. not in but unto illyricum , which spoils the ministers argument in that place . concerning paul's preaching the gospel in spain and the western parts of europe , i chanced to express my self thus — all the 〈◊〉 say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 went to spain , and to the remotest parts of the west , &c. and at this he takes occasion to reproach me in general for my crude and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because i said all , &c. 〈◊〉 , i must needs own that every father has not affirmed this . but i have this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self , that 't is ordinary to express a notion thus universally , 〈◊〉 nevertheless there are many restrictions , and exceptions unto the universal 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mr. o. with some instances out of scripture , rom. . . by the righteousness of one , the free gift came upon all men unto justification of life . john . . and i , if i be lifted up from the earth , will draw all men unto me . titus . . for the grace of god that bringeth salvation , 〈◊〉 appeared unto all men. mr. o. i do suppose in the explanation of these , and many other the like passages in scripture , thinks himself oblig'd to qualify them with some limitations . to speak of that only which was last named . i ask mr. o. whether the grace of god had then ( when paul wrote to titus ) appeared to all men ? yea , had it then appeared to one thousandth part of mankind ? or if he will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 governed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was it saving grace unto all men without exception ? or to the greatest number of men ? or only , to some few ? let mr. o. deal with me , as he is forced to deal with the holy scripture , and then an end will soon be put unto this squabble . i did not then intend to be understood so strictly , as if not one individual father had omitted to record that piece of history concerning paul : no nor that the major part of 'em had mentioned it . but that a great many of the best reputed among 'em , who had occasion to speak of this matter have attested it . some instances i will here annex out of the late learned bishop of worcester . the first is that of eusebius , that some ( apostles ) passed over the ocean to those which are called the british islands : and as the bishop argues , of all others , paul was most likely , seeing we read of him alone in scripture , designing to go westward into spain . rom. . . theodoret , that st. paul brought salvation to the islands that lie in the ocean , having just before mentioned spain . jerom , that paul having been in spain went from one ocean to another , imitating the motion of the sun of righteousness ; of whom t is said , his going forth , &c. and that jerom meant our western ocean cannot be doubted : for he elsewhere says , that st. paul after his imprisonment preached the gospel in the western parts . clemens romanus , that st. paul preached righteousness through the whole world , and in so doing , went to the utmost bounds of the west . venantius fortunatus describes paul's labours thus . transit ad oceanum , vel qua facit insula portum quasque britannus-habet terras , quasque ultima 〈◊〉 . hereunto i add , an authority of my own collection , 't is of cyril , who writes thus — no one doubts but that st. peter , and paul himself preached jesus christ unto the western parts , which they went unto . i shall conclude this with the words of the learned mr. baxter , who learnedly expresseth himself thus , in that learned book of his intitul'd methodus 〈◊〉 , and in one of the ninteen languages , which he , and his amanuensis understood , et reverd 〈◊〉 scripta 〈◊〉 & seipsa , & me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bac 〈◊〉 ; ego me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non possum justificare . i proceed now to mr. o's challenging me with making paul to provide the remedy ( of schism ) about years after the disease ; which he reckons to be absurd . ans. i read of a certain man , jo. . . which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tears , and that jesus christ knew , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 been now a long time in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 never been made whole all that while . god's time for every thing is the best , at least we ought to wait his leasure , and not prescribe how soon he shall heal our infirmities , of what kind soever they be . but let us examine these fourteen years , which he challengeth me with . dr. lightfoot perhaps computes the time so as will reach fourteen years : but he 's none of my oracle . i am of opinion , he has scarce spoken one true word , in matters relating unto this controversy , and this happen'd by the first false step he made , about the time of paul's beseeching 〈◊〉 , &c. but i can reduce these fourteen years into seven , all which time paul had not an opportunity of applying the remedy ; and thus i do it . with bishop pearson , i reckon the corinthian schism to have happen'd in the year of christ . a year he tarry'd in macedonia and achaia , about two years i allow for his stay at jerusalem , and voyage to rome . he remained two years a prisonér there , and two years may be allotted for his return into the east , visiting and settling the government of those churches ; in all about seven , which at least in the gross agree with bishop pearson's chronology . but whereas mr. o. makes me say , the first 〈◊〉 to timothy was writ anno . it is a palpable mistake ( to say no 〈◊〉 . ) he hereby imputes unto me at least four or five years more than i ever reckon'd upon . well! but how came paul to defer changing the government , so long as seven or eight years ? this doubtless mr. o. will think strange , and not to be granted . ans. the reason is obvious from the history of paul. the corinthian schism broke out : paul endeavour'd to heal it by argument , and proceeded no further with them at that time . he therefore receives their contributions , hastes to judea , is there imprisoned , sent to rome , and there held in durance two years . after he returns into the east : by this time the like schism had burst out at ephesus , and haply in other churches : and now was the time , and the first fair opportunity he had to alter or perfect the government , and to place timothy , in his stead over the church of ephesus , and others over the rest . mr. o. all this is confidently affirmed after the rectors usual way . ans. it is so natural to mr. o. to challenge me with confidence , that he cannot forbear even when i least deserve it . i am therefore obliged for once , to set the saddle on the right horse : for i 'll not resemble him to blind bayard , as he very rudely doth me . in that paragraph , to which mr. o. refers , in the t. n. i gave a summary of paul's travels in the east , after his enlargement from his first imprisonment at rome : wherein i am far from confidently affirming , all his particular movements from place to place , tho' i guess at them . i over and over , and yet more than once over again delivered my opinion with so much precaution , that no man of the least modesty would have tax'd me with confidence on that score . if any one is at leisure to inform himself in the truth , let him but turn to the th page of t. n. and he 'll presently see what care i took , and what modesty i us'd in proposing my own thoughts , what frequent interruptions and parentheses i all along inserted , varying and repeating them meerly , that i might not seem too positive in such minute circumstances . ex. gr . as may reasonably be supposed . again , 't is likely . and again , this may be allow'd . and once more , very probably . then i conclude hitherto we have built upon conjecture . let then any man of sense judge , whether mr. o. deserves not once more to be corrected 〈◊〉 a more than ordinary sharpness . chap. v. being an answer to mr. o's th chap. this chapter is intirely spent about evangelists . in t. n. i suppos'd with my adversary , . that they were an order of church officers distinct from apostles , prophets , pastors , or teachers . . that in degree they were next under prophets , and above pastors or teachers : i added my own opinion , . that they were not only companions of the apostles , ready to serve in the work of the gospel , where-ever & whensoever they should be sent upon any special and emergent business : but sometimes likewise fix'd in some certain places as resident governours of those churches , in the room of the absent or dying apostles , of which number i reckon'd philip , timothy and titus , to have been . mr. o. because titus was to ordain elders in every city , and every city must have a bishop ( as mr. o. phansies ) titus therefore must have been the archbishop of crete ; and because the power of ordination was lodg'd in him alone , as the rector contends , it will follow ( says he ) that archbishops only have power to ordain , and the diocesan bishops are excluded . ans. there is no necessity that every city must needs have a bishop . at least in the infancy of the church , and whilst titus alone presided over it . it was not so in crete , nor was there any occasion for it . admitting that in the next age , christians and churches multiplying , and all the apostles dead then , haply there might be bishops in many 〈◊〉 , and some person constituted the archbishop of that island . i say admitting this , it will not hence follow , that the power of ordination was in him solely , and not in the other bishops also . an archbishop is not of a different species from a bishop , but was appointed , and agreed unto by the bishops among themselves for peace and orders sake ; although there might be plausible reasons given out of scripture it self , for the institution of archbishops . but that 's 〈◊〉 of my concernment . this is certain among our selves , when a bishop is made an archbishop , he receives no new ordination , consequently no new divine power , more than he had before ; that therefore as to the office of ordaining and governing their dioceses , a bishop and an archbishop are the same thing , and that the archbishop cannot supersede the episcopal power , of his provincial bishops . mr. o. will not allow that philip was the fixt , and settled evangelist at caesarea . ans. nor am i positive it was so . i gave my reasons for it out of scripture , such as do i confess perswade me to believe it . but the minister is of another mind . i cannot help that , nor do i wonder at it . where almost is there a man to be found , who is willing to renounce his former sentiments or errours ? mr. o. requires it to be proved , that philip was settled and resided at caesarea , and that he was no where else , &c. ans. 't is hard mr. o. should require me to prove a negative ; all i can say is , i read not of his being any where-else . after an account given of his labours in preaching the gospel , whilst he was yet but a deacon , for any thing that appears , i find him , as it were sitting down at caesarea . acts . . he preached in all the cities , till he came to caesarea , which words seem to intimate that there he rested . the next news we hear of him is , that near upon twenty years after we find him still at caesarea , and then stiled an evangelist , a title plainly there distinguished from deacon ( who was or had been one of the seven deacons , but was now it seems an evangelist ) : and further 't is said of him , that at 〈◊〉 he had an house and family there , and in condition to entertain paul and his companions many days , acts . , , . i think that here is a tolerable proof that he dwelt , and was the fixt evangelist of caesarea . mr. o. may not an unsettled officer have a settled family ? caesarea might be his birth place , or he might marry there , because he had four daughters there prophetesses . ans. these are bare possibilities at most , which cannot countervail those circumstances and matters of 〈◊〉 , whereon i build my conjecture . herein i appeal to the reader . besides , tho' 't is possible an unsettled officer , may have a settled family : yet a settled officer , must have a settled family ( one would think ) if he has 〈◊〉 at all . caesarea might be his birth place . this is possible : and it might not be , which is most probable . 't is great odds on my side . i have all the cities in judea ( to say nothing of all the other in the empire , and elsewhere , where jews liv'd ) to set against caesarea . his name would make one think he was an hellenist , and born somewhere among the greeks . his being chosen a deacon , in favour of the grecians , argues something this way : as also that , at that time his habitation was at jerusalem : for why else should he be chosen a deacon there ? he removed thence meerly upon occasion of the persecution . after all , imagine he was born at caesarea , this is no reason against his being an evangelist there . once more , he might marry there . true , that 's possible : but 't is as possible that he marry'd at jerusalem , or any other of the cities , where he had preached the word . but mr. o's reason why he might marry there , is a very pleasant one , sc. because he had daughters there prophetesses : as if he might not have marry'd in another place , and yet his daughters live with him at caesarea . children are no evidence , where a man was marry'd . but what if he was marryed there ? might he not also have been the settled evangelist there ? his marrying at caesarea could be no hindrance , nor is an argument against it . lastly , 't is most absurd to suppose from acts the . . that he marry'd at caesarea . for 't was now about years since he arriv'd first at caesarea . there mr. o. thinks he might marry , and so settle his family . i deny it . he must in all likelyhood have been marry'd before he ever came to caesarea ; and that because he had four daughters prophetesses . for if he was there , and then marry'd , the oldest of these prophetesses must have been but nineteen years old , and the youngest but sixteen . it is not credible , that at this age they should be prophetesses . lastly , the most probable conjecture is , that he marry'd before he was converted , or became a minister of the word . mr. o. he was an evangelist before he came to caesarea , which the minister confirms by bishop pearson's testimony . ans. it is no wonder that bp. pearson should be of this opinion , who esteem'd an evangelist to be , not a distinct species of officer in the church , but to denote a bare preacher of the gospel . but mr. o. who believes it otherwise , and i who have supposed it , must seek for other proofs of philip's being an evangelist before he settled at samaria . mr. o. philip preached up and down , by virtue of an extraordinary call , act. . , , , . ans. the places cited prove that philip had extraordinary gifts , and abilities , and sometimes an extraordinary call unto some certain place to preach the word . but philip had no extraordinary call unto the office of an evangelist that i can meet with , though he had extraordinary gifts in preaching the gospel . for any thing i read philip was yet but a deacon . 't is then reasonable to believe that he was afterward appointed the resident 〈◊〉 of caesarea . mr. o. observes very truly , and i freely acknowledge that i have no testimony at hand , out of the father's proving philip to have been the fixt evangelist of caesarea . but whereas the minister pretends that this philip died at hierapolis , and by consequence was not the fixt evangelist of caesarea , citing for this eusebius , e. h. l. . i am forc'd again to expose his unfaithful representing authors , making 'em write what is not to be found in them . the historian in l. . c. . first speaks of philip the apostle — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one of the twelve , who died at hierapolis . but he affirms it not of philip the deacon , or evangelist . to the same purpose 〈◊〉 — philippus apostolus , in phrygia praedicat evangelium domini jesu . sepelitur hierapoli cum 〈◊〉 bonorifice . 't is true euseb. at the latter end of that chapter , speaks also of philip , the evangelist and his daughters ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who lived with their father philip in caesarea . but not a syllable of hierapolis . nay , here is a tolerable proof that eusebius thought philip lived , and resided in 〈◊〉 . here then we have another instance of mr. o's false dealing with authors . mr. o. still contends that timothy and titus , were not resident ( bishops ) evangelists , the apostle calling 'em both away , tit. . . to the apostle titus came at nicopolis , and after was sent by paul to 〈◊〉 , tim . . and we hear no further of him . it cannot be made appear that ever he returned more to crete . ans. from scripture it cannot , because the holy history there ends , sc. at titus going into dalmatia . but the ecclesiastical history , which mr. o. rightly appeals to in the like cases , tells us , that titus died in crete . what would any man expect more ? the question is , whether eusebius asserts the 〈◊〉 to have been resident , or unfixt ministers in l. . c. , , . mr. o. maintains this latter opinion , 〈◊〉 testifying — that they preach'd christ to infidels , ordained pastors , and passed into other countries and nations : that they went far 〈◊〉 their own houses , did the work of evangelists , and diligently preached christ to such as had not yet heard the word of faith , delivered to them the scriptures of the holy gospels , ordained other pastors , and went into other countries and nations . ans. true , all this eusebius witnesseth : but it proves not mr. o's point . this many evangelists did for some time , but were afterwards fixt in some certain place to govern particular churches , as appears from the examples , eusebius produces , sc. 〈◊〉 , clemens romanus , polycarp and papias , all which ( he assures us ) were the constant residing bishops of particular churches ( euseb. l. . c. . ) though they had been sometime before unfixt evangelists , attending the apostles uncertain orders , as the necessities of religion occasionally required . and this is what i insisted on in t. n. that evangelists were both fixt and unfixt , according as the apostles ordered them , that therefore fixedness , or unfixedness is not a proper note , nor distinguishing character of an evangelist ; he may be one , or the other , or both at different times , as is manifest from eusebius . though i delivered my self in t. n. to this effect , mr. o. takes no notice of it , but urges again the old argument , avoiding what i observed out of eusebius , in proof that his unfixt evangelists , became afterwards the fixt bishops of churches . it remains then that evangelists , many of 'em were according to eusebius , fixt ministers , which is all i am concerned for ; and by consequence so might timothy and titus be . another controversy is moved about st. mark , whether he being an evangelist was the settled governour of the church of alexandria . ans. i do readily grant , that mark was a great while an unsettled minister , waiting on the apostle peter , and by him dispatched up and down , upon the service of the church , though afterward he went , or was sent unto alexandria , where he planted a church , and govern'd it . after whom annianus undertook the administration , and is by eusebius called the first bishop thereof : which implies , that mark was the evangelist of it , the administrator of that church , having not as yet perhaps received the title of bishop as particularly belonging to him . but mr. o. shakes me off by objecting — i may as well make peter a resident apostle , because eusebius saith , that linus succeeded him in the government of the church of rome . ans. supposing peter was there , so long as 't is reported of him , i must profess i think he was the resident apostle of rome , for there are men of learning and observation , who will tell mr. o. that peter was the first bishop of rome ; that apostles were wont to have the special care and oversight over some particular church or churches , besides their general power , which extended unto all places . of peter , jerom testifies — ibique ( romae ) viginti quinque annos cathedram sacerdotalem tenuit ( petrus ) : and i hope this father is of some credit , and in esteem with the minister . they will tell him , that the removing from place to place , and from one city or country to another , was not of the essence of an apostle : that they might , if they thought fit , remove , or else continue and fix . that if an apostle upon some emergent occasion 〈◊〉 to another place , this proves not that he was not before his removal , the settled minister of the former church ; no more than when a non-con minister leaves his former congregation , and running into a remote country adheres to a new one . will mr. o. in this case deny that he was ever the settled minister of the former ? they will tell him , that an apostle when he removed , did still hold ( even in his absence ) the government of the church which he left , until he thought fit to fix his successour , or was by death prevented taking any further care of it . there want not examples of this kind . thus 't is believed , euodius succeeded peter at antioch , in the apostles life time , and linus at rome after his death . and by the same reason it 's probable that annianus succeeded mark , tho' not with the same title and character . but mr. o. has st. chrysostom on his side — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. who went not about every where but ( only ) " preached the gospel , as priscilla and aquila , &c. he grants that the evangelists did not go about preaching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every where as the apostles did : but yet they travell'd up and down into divers places , as the apostles appointed them , distinguishing forsooth , between every where , which belong'd to apostles , and divers places , which was proper to evangelists . ans. i don't find that chrysostom speaks one word here of evangelists , as if they travell'd into divers places , though not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every where , as mr. o. glosses upon the passage . the instance of priscilla and aquila , will not evince this . for though we read of some removals of these two persons , yet it was not in order to preach the gospel , but on some other account . their first movement was from rome to corinth 〈◊〉 being by the emperors edict banished thence . this then was not moving up and down into divers places , by the apostles direction , to preach the gospel : but in obedience to the civil magistrates , and for their own security . the other motion was in company with paul from corinth to ephesus , where paul proceeding in his journey towards jerusalem , left aquila and priscilla , act. . , . whereas then mr. o. says , that aquila and priscilla , removed from corinth to ephesus , doubtless by paul ' s appointment , as other evangelists did , i see no such thing in the text. i rather think it was because they were all of the same craft or trade , tent-makers , v. . and as we shall see anon , not such evangelists as mr. o. and i am now disputing about . mr. o. the apostles went up and down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every where , whither the spirit guided them , and at their own pleasure : but evangelists not every where at their own pleasure , but up and down as the apostles appointed . and this forsooth , must be chrysostom's meaning , that evangelists did not go up and down every where as they pleased : but that 't is imply'd they travell'd whithersoever the apostles were pleased to direct them . ans. there is no substance at all in this slight gloss. for the apostles themselves strictly speaking , did not go up and down at their own pleasure , every where , but were under as great restraint , and determination as the evangelists were . as the evangelists were under the conduct and command of the apostles , so were the apostles under the conduct and determination of the spirit , as mr. o. confesses . the apostles then travell'd not up and down at their own pleasure , no more than the evangelists did : and the evangelists went up and down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and into as many cities , and nations as the apostles did , and perhaps more . but to pass over abundance of trivial observations made by the minister , i will here endeavour to explain the meaning of this dark passage of st. chrysostom , which i suspect mr. o. either does not , or will not understand , or has not duly considered . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in which words his meaning is ( as i conceive ) that there were a sort of evangelists , who went not up and down to preach the gospel publickly , but only taught and instructed some people that came to them , privately at home , and such were priscilla and aquila , so we read of 'em , acts . . aquila and priscilla , took apollos unto them , and expounded unto him the way of god more perfectly . unto this passage , i am apt to believe chrysostom alludes . for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , imports their not going up and down to preach publickly , will be easily granted me , i hope : and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies private instructing , may be inferr'd from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in which sense 't is taken , mat. . . tell him his fault between him , and thee alone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chapter . . when he had sent the multitude away , he went up into the mountain apart ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 privately ) to pray : and when the evening was come , he was there alone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or private by himself : see luke . . he was praying alone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus aquila and priscilla instructed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 privately , and alone , not in publick assemblies , or in the face of the church ; not every where , but in private , and at home . if this be the sense of st. chrysostom , the place nothing belongs to the controversy between mr. o. and me . st. chrysostom goes on , and having in the fourth and last place named pastors and teachers , he puts the question to himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; are pastors and teachers less ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : yes , he answers they are less than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . less than those , who travel abroad and preach publickly , as being invested with the evangelical office : but not less than aquila and priscilla , who were only private evangelists . thus far st. chrysostom has informed us of two sorts of evangelists . . the private , who went not up and down to propagate the gospel in publick , but at home only and privately . . such as did travel up and down , and were publick evangelists . here there ought to be a full point . then he proceeds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the meaning whereof is more fully — there are evangelists , who reside , and continue in one place , as timothy and titus . he had spoken before of private evangelists , viz. such as aquila and priscilla , and of publick evangelists , who travelled abroad and preached the gospel , and now thirdly , he mentions another sort of evangelists , who were fixt and resided in a certain place as timothy , and titus . which how far it favours mr. o's . opinion i leave to the judgment of the reader . if any one else offers me a better explication of this obscure passage in chrysostom , i shall thankfully embrace it . in the mean time , i believe , it makes nothing for my adversary , nor does it in the least distress me . yea , it agrees with my notion and eusebius , as i have expounded him , and i presume agreeably to his meaning . st. chrysostom , lastly , mentions a fourth sort of evangelists , sc. who wrote the gospels , but they come not under the present subject . lastly , mr. o. pleads that chrysostom , doth not 〈◊〉 timothy and titus , among evangelists , but among pastors and teachers . ans. how then is chrysostom of mr. o's side , as he boasted before ? how will he thence prove that evangelists travelled up and down as timothy and titus did ? and what becomes of mr. o's constant affirming , they were evangelists , and extraordinary officers ? but if my exposition holds good , as i hope it will , then timothy and titus , are reckon'd among fixt evangelists , and not among pastors and teachers . besides , i am not concerned among whom chrysostom reckons 'em : they were fixt according to chrysostom , and the sole and the supreme power was committed to 'em by paul , as is plain in the epistles . whatever then their title was , they were the settled rulers of those churches . finally mr. o. cites eusebius for saying , it was only reported , that timothy was the first bishop of ephesus , but that there was no certainty , who succeeded the apostles in the government of the churches , &c. for which he 〈◊〉 , euseb. h. e. l. . c. . ans. if eusebius had written to this purpose , the words however imply that some single persons succeeded the apostles , though it was not known of a certainty who they were , nor what their names were . but setting aside this , the principal thing here to be remark'd , is , that mr. o. according to his usual custom , has misrepresented eusebius . the historians words are as follows . how many , and who of the true followers ( of the apostles ) were reckoned sufficient to feed the churches founded by them it is not easy to say , those only excepted which any one may gather out of paul ' s epistles . for this ( paul ) had innumerable fellow labourers and ( as he calls 'em ) fellow-soldiers , very many of whom were by him thought worthy of immortal fame , he having in his epistles given an everlasting testimony of them , and luke also in the acts reckoning them by their names . among these timothy ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is reported to have receiv'd the episcopacy of the ephesian diocess , even as titus also of the churches in crete . but mr. o. craftily transposes the historians words . he begins at the latter end — it was ( says he ) only reported that timothy was the first bishop of ephesus . then he adds , from the beginning of this long period ; that there was no certainty who succeeded the apostles , &c. as if it were but a report , and not a certainty , that timothy and titus were bishops of their respective churches . whereas eusebius first says , 't was uncertain how many , and who governed the churches , that vast number of 〈◊〉 planted by the apostles : only he excepts those mentioned by name in the acts , and paul's epistles , who certainly ruled the churches planted by the apostles : and among them ( says he ) 't is reported 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : where is this reported ? why in st. paul's epistles , 't is witnessed , that timothy received the bishoprick of ephesns , and titus of crete . and i hope the testimony drawn from the historical part of the apostles epistles , is not an uncertain report . with the help of that common distinction , between ordinary and extraordinary church-officers , the dissenters 〈◊〉 off , whatever is brought against them out of scripture . they will tell you that the apostles , and the evangelists were extraordinary officers , and cannot be drawn into consequence , nor made a president for bishops , these being but ordinary church-officers . mr. o. i do believe , serves himself of this subterfuge , near an hundred times in this defence of his , and the plea. my design then here is to examine this distinction , that this short chapter may rise to some degree of proportion with the rest . the question then is , what is an extraordinary-officer : and my answer is , 't is of two kinds . . an extraordinary officer properly speaking is one , whose very office is extraordinary and temporary . such were the dictators among the romans , so long as that people preserv'd their liberty . these dictators were created upon some occasion of extream danger threatning the common-wealth , which being over , there was an end of the officer , and office both . the dictator returned back to the plough , and the consuls again reassumed the administration of the publick affairs . of this kind is the high-steward in england , who is constituted the chief manager at the coronation of the king , or trial of a peer . but so soon as these solemnities are over , there 's an end of the high-steward . he breaks his staff , the ensign of his honour and office , and becomes a private man , as he was before . such i reckon prophets in the church to have been , god raising them up by an extraordinary commission for the necessary service of religion : but it was not necessary , that a prophet should have a successor , or that the office of a prophet should be continued : for in the jewish church prophets ceas'd , as well as in the christian , which every one knows and acknowledges . . an extraordinary officer is one , whose office generally speaking , at least several parts of his office are ordinary , necessary and of perpetual use : but who is endued with many singular , personal , and extraordinary qualifications , and advantages for the discharge of his office. such was aaron the high-priest of the jews . such were the seventy taken in by moses , to bear with him part of the burden of the government . such were the apostles , and evangelists , the pastors and teachers ( many of 'em ) in the apostles days as i make account , and am now about to explain . the ordinary necessary , and permanent parts of the apostolical , and evangelistical offices were preaching the word , administring the sacraments , ordaining elders and managing the government , and discipline of the church . with respect hereunto the apostles , and evangelists were ordinary church officers ; though having received from god , many extraordinary personal gifts enabling them to discharge their office more effectually ; on which account they may be called extraordinary officers also . for so we are wont to call even persons of very eminent natural parts , and mighty improvements in knowledge , extraordinary men : much more then those , who receive their divine abilities immediately from god. but still for all that , their office was but ordinary , and it was necessary , and god appointed that there should be a succession unto the ordinary apostolical , and evangelistical offices , ( though he did not continue the extraordinary gifts . so it appears from those words of our lord — and lo , i am with you alway , to the end of the world. [ matt. . . this promise of christ cannot be thought to belong to the apostles personally : for they were mortal , how then could jesus christ be with them alway , and to the end of the world ? nor is the promise to be understood of extraordinary gifts and assistances , such as were given to the apostles and evangelists : for we know that those ceased in the church , in an age or two . it remains therefore , that in the fore-mentioned passage , christ promised to be with his church alway unto the end of the world , in the ordinary work of the ministery , preaching the word , discipling nations , administring the sacrament , exercising discipline , and governing the church . and from hence it follows , that they in whose hands is lodged the power of preaching the word , and administring the sacraments , of ordaining , and governing the church at this day , are successors unto the apostles and evangelists , and invested with the same powers , that the apostles and evangelists were , though not with such extraordinary gifts ; and by consequence are the same species of church-officers . ex . gr . was not caiaphas , as truly the high-priest as aaron , and the sanhedrim in the apostles days , the same that it was in moses's ? only excepting the eminent gifts , which were bestowed on the one , and not on the other . i conclude then , that the apostolical and evangelistical offices , were ( if we will speak exactly ) ordinary ; tho' the apostles and evangelists abilities were extraordinary . and that the apostles and evangelists had , and to this day have , and will , and ought to have unto the end of the world , successors in all the ordinary parts of their office. but it will be objected , if the apostolical , or evangelistical office was succeeded to , why was the name of the office altered ? the discontinuance of the title seems to argue the discontinuance of the office. ans. . it is held not without reason , that the name apostle descended at least upon their next , and immediate successors , which some call secondary apostles , the inseriour ministers being indifferently called bishops or presbyters . but in a little time the apostles successor , laid aside that title of apostle , out of modesty contenting themselves with that of bishop , and the inferiour ministers with that of presbyter . to this purpose theodoret , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is evidence sufficient in the scripture of these secondary apostles , such perhaps was james the just , and 〈◊〉 the apostle of the philippians . titus , and others are called apostles , cor. . . therefore it may be further observed , that the ancient fathers 〈◊〉 'em indifferently , both apostles and bishops * , as may be seen in jerom , 〈◊〉 and salvian , as mr. b. informs me . it may not here be passed over , that in after ages , the learned writers often called the apostles themselves by the name of bishop † , as may be seen in in cyprian and hilary : and in eusebius , peter is reckoned the bishop of rome , in conformity to the language of their own time , when bishop signify'd the supreme officer of a church . this observation shews clearly that the apostolical , and the episcopal office is the same in reality . but i answer , . that the changing of the title of the office cannot import the ceasing of the office. caesar was emperor by the title of perpetual dictator , augustus his successor by that of caesar : and the following emperors by those of caesar and augustus , ( though caesar at length was appropriated to one as yet only designed , and named the emperor's successor ) : whatever were their titles , they were all emperors . but to come nearer home , and to instance in a matter more directly to our purpose . at the reformation in scoltand , the prelatical rulers of the churches were stiled superintendents ; yet the office of bishop was not therefore changed , because the title was . the superintendents had the same power to inspect the churches in their own districts , as the bishops had . to conclude , the change of the name apostle into bishop , is no prejudice against the episcopal power , being the same as the apostolical was , and succeeding into its place . it will again be objected , that since ordinary presbyters are confest on all hands , to succeed the apostles in the ministry of the word and sacraments , why not then in the other parts of the apostolical office , sc. the ordaining and governing power ? ans. the solution of this difficulty ( such as it is ) depends upon matter of fact , sc. how god was pleased by the apostles to determine this point . this is not the place to dispute the question , whether the apostles convey'd their whole power and office unto every , or to all presbyters ; it has , i am in hopes , been cleared in the negative , both in these and my former papers : but to the objection i reply , that when an office is attended with variety of work , it does not follow of necessity , that he who succeeds in one part of the office , must be reckoned to succeed in all . it cannot be doubted , but the apostles had it in their power to divide , and put the several parts of their office into several hands : and we have an instance that they did so . they made seven deacons unto whom they committed the care of the poor , and distribution of the publick alms , which was before in the apostles themselves . but then no one will say , that because the apostles conferred upon these seven one part of their office , that therefore they must be understood to have committed to 'em all the rest , sc. the powers of ordination , of government , and of discipline . by parity of reason , though presbyters succeeded the apostles , and were by them ordained unto that part of the apostolical office , viz. ministring in the word and sacraments , it will not follow , that they also received the whole apostolical power , that of ordination , government , and discipline . 't is further objected , that the apostolical power extended it self every where , the evangelistical reached to divers places and countries , but it cannot be pretended that the episcopal power , and jurisdiction is so large , and as it were unlimited . 't is rather confined unto a certain compass or district , as we plainly see ; for which reason the bishops are not the apostles , nor the evangelists successors . ans. 't is no hard matter to get over this small rub. this unlimited power of the apostles , may be reckoned among their extraordinary , and personal privileges , and so does us no prejudice . the office may be the same , though the extent of power may be more in one than in another . the bishop of eugubium , was as truly a bishop , as the pope of rome . and ptolemy was as really , and to all intents and purposes , king of aegypt , as alexander had been of that , and many other vast kingdoms and provinces : and as he was really a king , so he was really alexander's successor also . for who will say , that william 〈◊〉 , was not will. the conqueror's successor , because he succeeded him not in the dukedom of normandy , as well as the kingdom of england ? we see by these examples , that one may have several successors , into several parts of their jurisdiction . how large soever the diocess of the apostles or evangelists was , yet the bishops may be their successors , unto some parts of their jurisdiction . among the romans , they who inherited any part of the decedent's estate ( were they few , or were they many ) were all called haeredes , and distinguished according to the proportion allotted them . hence we read of haeredes ex deunce , ex quadrante , ex semuncia , ex semisse ; as well as haeres ex asse , who inherited all . but what if after all this , every bishops power extends it self through the whole world , being not in its own nature limited and fixt to any one single district ? some have thought so , and upon good ground too . after many other reasons , and evidences of the universal power of bishops given by mr. b. p. . it seems to 〈◊〉 a strong argument for it , that bishops in synods have ever exercised their power in other diocesses , as well as in their own . i do not see by what authority bishops in councils could take upon 'em , to correct the miscarriages of particular bishops within their own diocesses , to remove the heretical , or schismatical , to restore the unjustly deprived , to confirm the customs and polity of single churches , except on this one principle , that every bishop is a bishop of the church universal , and has an inherent power over all the world , and every where . 't is true , it must at the same time be 〈◊〉 , that for peace and order's sake , and to the end the churches may be certainly taken care of , bishops are limited to some particular diocess , as to the constant and ordinary administration of church affairs ; and one bishop is not suffered to interlope in anothers district without necessity : nevertheless on extraordinary occasions , such as apostacy , heresy , and schism , the other bishops made use of their general power , to rectify disorders even in those churches , where ordinarily they had no jurisdiction . every bishop then is a bishop every where , besides the constant care of some particular church committed unto him . but it will lastly be objected — that apostles and evangelists were not 〈◊〉 , but itinerant officers , shifting from place to place , as the exigences of the church and interest of the gospel required . this the bishops do not pretended to , neither can . ans. . some of the apostles were fixt , or at least fixt themselves . thus james the apostle ( or at least an apostle ) was the constant residing prefect or bishop of jerusalem . so was simeon after him . so was peter at rome for years , according to jerom. so was john in asia for a long time . so was timothy at ephesus , and titus in crete . but . bishops are no otherwise fixt than were the apostles . i have shewed before that upon necessary occasions they interposed any where . besides , a bishop may in unconverted nations pass from one city and country to another , and plant churches , as the apostles did . thus frumentius played the apostle in india , being ordained bishop at alexandria in egypt , by athanasius . so did aidan in northumberland among the angles and mercians . . it is so difficult a matter to define exactly what residence is , and when a man may be said to be fixt : how oft , how long , and on what occasions he may be allowed to be absent , and yet at the same time be the settled minister of a church , that i think no man alive can , with any tolerable certainty prononuce a person not to have been the resident ruler , or bishop of a church , because he finds him employ'd in some other place upon some extraordinary service of the church . i make no difficulty to affirm , that when , and as oft as any emergent necessity requires it , and his superior commands him , a fixt resident officer may leave his flock for some time , and attend the business , which he is thus ' specially called to : and yet still he is their fixt and settled minister . if paul called timothy to him at rome from ephesus , and titus from crete , it will not follow they were not the fixt and resident rulers ( bishops ) of those churches , which the apostle had before committed to 'em ; no more than that the british bishops , who by order of the emperor constantius assisted at the council of ariminum , were not the fixt resident bishops of the british churches ; or that the members of the assembly of divines , were not the settled rectors , vicars , or lecturers , of their respective congregations , though they were a good while absent from 'em , and sitting at westminster . . one may be the fixt minister of a church , and yet afterward remove to another place and settle there . i suppose my neighbour mr. b. had been the fixt minister of some congregation in the west of england , before he settled here among us . so that if for some important reasons , paul had quite removed timothy from ephesus , and titus from crete , appointing tichycus in the room of the former , tim. . . and artemas to succeed the latter , tit. . . this will not evince , that timothy was never the fixt ruler ( bishop ) of ephesus , or titus of crete . to draw toward a conclusion all alterable circumstances , such as extraordinary divine gifts , different titles , largeness , or extent of power over all or very many cities and countries , and unfixedness as to any one city or province , or whatever else of this kind may be alledg'd , make no difference between the apostolical , or evangelistical and the episcopal power . it is the ordination which conferrs the office , and the power , not the fixedness or unfixedness of the ordainer . 't is the power of ordination given unto apostles , evangelists and bishops , which enables 'em to ordain others , not any alterable circumstance , which is observed in any of ' em . in a word , that ordinary officers , may succeed extraordinary officers ( understand extraordinary in the second signification before laid down ) must needs be confest by our adversaries themselves , i mean the presbyterians . they affirm , and believe that they succeed the apostles in the office of ministring in the word and sacraments of ordaining , governing , and exercising the discipline of the church . with what front then can any of 'em deny , that ordinary officers ( and such at this day are they at the best ) may succeed extraordinary ones , in the exercise of an ordinary office ? or with what colour can they pretend , that fixt officers ( such are they themselves now , as they believe ) cannot succeed those who were unfixt , that is the apostles ? so that these quirks of extraordinary , and unsettled officers are devis'd merely to disguise the truth , and gull the simple part of mankind into schism and errour . the appendix . mr. o. thinks he presses very hard upon me , when upon my supposing evangelists to be a species of church-officers distinct from pastors , and teachers , in eph. . . i must be forc'd to deny the diocesan bishops , to be the pastors of their 〈◊〉 churches , contrary to the prayer in the ember-weeks . ans. the good man has ( i fear wilfully ) forgot what i discoursed about pastors in t. n. to this effect , that in scripture pastor is a common name given to superior , and to inferior officers in the church , as minister also is . here in the epistle to the ephesians , it can mean none but the ordinary teachers : pastors and teachers by the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , importing the ordinary pres-byters , for which reason pastors is twice together left out , cor. . , . in after ages it by degrees came to signify bishops , at least principally them , and so ( as i reckon ) it is taken in this sense , in the ember-weeks prayer , bishops and pastors , there signifying the same church-officers . i say perhaps : for tho' i will not assuredly affirm , that by pastors in that collect , is meant the presbyters , who assist at ordinations , and examine the candidates for orders , and lay on hands with the bishop : yet the prayer is capable of that sense ; the bishops and pastors , that is , the bishops and the assisting presbyters . but mr. o. adds , if the rector says , they are both pastors and evangelists , he confounds those officers , which the apostle distinguisheth . ans. if what i said just now be not — a sufficient reply hereunto , i add , that one and the same person may have distinct offices , and the distinct titles belonging to those offices . john was an apostle and an evangelist . every apostle was a prophet , was an evangelist , was a pastor and teacher . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the apostles had all the ministerial powers . and so had evangelists all the powers , which their inferior officers had : they were pastors and teachers . nor is this a confounding the officers , because the proposition is not convertible . though every bishop or evangelist , is a pastor also and teacher ; yet every pastor or teacher is not an evangelift , or a bishop . mr. o. engages me once more to enter the lists with him in philology , a part of knowledge he values himself upon , but without reason , as will now appear , as it has also before . he corrects me for writing mark' s successor at alexandria , annianus , which he says , ought to be anianus , with a single ( n ) at the beginning . ans. i have the paris edition of eusebius , the best extant in the world , as all agree . i in my writing annianus conformed my self to that copy , wherein i find him not once called anianus . and valesius a critick of the first form , vindicates himself for writing it with a double ( n ) from the authority of the mazarine , and medicean mss. unto whom ( he adds ) ruffinus and jerom subscribe † . for annianus is a latin word , deduced from annius , as valerianus from valerius ; and many other of the same nature are obvious , to any who read the roman 〈◊〉 . particularly there was a poet of good esteem , in the reign of adrian the emperor , named titus annianus , as i observed in helvicus's chronology accidentally , when i was looking for another thing . 't is true , other mss. write him anianus , as mr. o. does , and 〈◊〉 has hananias . but what then ? when a word is differently written , may not one chuse to write it , as he pleases ? haply , if i had chanced to have followed those , who believe the right name to be anianus , mr. o. could have amended it into annianus . but i do him too much credit , by supposing he knew any thing of this different way of writing annianus . mr. o. hopes the rector will not make a settled church officer , a bishop , of priscilla a woman . this i suppose he intends for a little piece of wit , or a jeer. ans. why not a bishop as well as an evangelist ? and why not a settled church-officer , as well or rather than an 〈◊〉 one ? i am sure a 〈◊〉 and virtuous woman , is not very forward to gad abroad : 't is her character that she loves home , and not often appears in publick . st. chrysostom makes her an evangelist . let mr. o. look how well that suits with his professed opinion of evangelists being extraordinary unfixt officers . let mr. o. acquit st. chrysostom , and his own dear self in the first place , and the rector will be safe i am confident . but surely mr. o. knows an ancient father ( of good credit with him , tho' with no body else ) i mean dorothaeus — who among other of his fables makes priscilla a bishop . if his authority be so good , mr. o. has the mystery proved to him . mr. o. it is well observed by the late learned bishop of worcester , that the first that called timothy bishop of ephesus , was leontius bishop of magnesia in the council of chalcedon , four hundred years after . ans. by the ministers good leave , i must question the truth of what he here asserts , though he backs it with never so good authority . whoever shall tell me that , the first , who called timothy bishop of ephesus , was leontius bishop of magnesia , in the council of chalcedon , must excuse me if i say , he is grosly mistaken . eusebius , who lived , and flourished above an hundred years before that council , says , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which must at least be understood of the ecclesiastical history before eusebius's time ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is recorded in history , that timothy first received the episcopacy of the diocess of ephesus . jerom calls him bishop of ephesus : and he was years before the said council of chalcedon * . thus much i have adventured to say , before i consult mr. o's testimony , borrowed from the irenicum . but i am now going to consult the learned bishop of worcester , and examine whether he was guilty of this oversight , imputed to him by the minister — well! i have deliberately , as well as i can , read the 〈◊〉 and d pages of the irenicum , and i find mr. o. has served that reverend author , as he has done many a good one besides , in downright terms belying him . mr. 〈◊〉 ( so i will make bold to call him , that book being wrote in his youth , and before he had received the honours which were afterward deservedly bestowed on him ) speaking there of the succession of bishops , tells us , that the succession at ephesus is pleaded for with greatest confidence by leontius bishop of 〈◊〉 , in the council of chalcedon . mr. 〈◊〉 ( 't is confest ) afterward has these words — no wonder then if leontius makes timothy bishop of ephesus , and derives the succession down from him . he does not affirm , that leontius first called timothy bishop of ephesus . but that 't is no wonder , if he made timothy bishop of ephesus , and thence proved the succession of bishops , by the succession of the ephesian bishops , down from timothy . he made timothy bishop of ephesus ; but he was not the first that did so : for many had done it before him . i will not deny , perhaps this learned author at that time questioned , whether timothy was so or no. however he did not assert , that leontius was the first that called him bishop of ephesus . mr. o. then , who seems to value himself , for the hundreds of his quotations would do well , if he more carefully examined his authors , and more sincerely represented their opinions . but 't is no hard matter for any one ( if he will make it his business for some little time ) to collect an innumerable number of authorities upon this subject of episcopacy . 't is but taking into his hand , blondel and 〈◊〉 , forbes and stillingfleet , saravia and some others , particularly mr. baxter ( from whom mr. o. has borrowed at least two of his arguments in his plea , almost verbatim , and many of the testimonies , wherewith he has confirmed 'em ) and he shall be thought by ignorant readers helluo librorum , a devourer of books , a man of infinite reading , and intimate acquaintance with the fathers , and ancient writers , when perhaps he never read one of 'em , no nor so much as consulted the particular testimonies , which he cites out of ' em . but 't is one thing to dabble in authors , and another throughly to understand , and truly to represent ' em . chap. vi. being an answer to mr. o' s th chap. the principal matter whereof may be reduced unto four heads . . what has already been argued between us in the former chapters , which i quite lay aside . . what will fall in my way , when i reply farther unto the plea , which i reserve to a more convenient place , the second part of this book . . what is here de novo started against the rector , which i make the subject of this last chapter . and , . the cavils , wherewith he has furnished out this last part of his defence , which are considered apart in the appendix . in vindicating the politie of the church of england , i asserted in t. n. that the parish priests have a share of power in the ecclesiastical government ; for as much as all the canons , or laws of the church are made by them , with their knowledge and consent in convocation . mr. o. the acts of convocation are no laws , till they be confirmed in parliameut . ans. they are , though not civil , yet ecclesiastical laws , and formerly at east obliged in conscience , as the late bishop of worcester informs me , ecclesiastical cases p. . , . 't is nothing to me , whether in convocation they be made laws of the land ; i was speaking of the laws of the church . besides , mr. o's charge against us was , that all the power in the church is in the bishop's hands . but this argument of his excludes not only the presbyters , but the bishops also from having any power in the ecclesiastical legislative . for 't is likewise true that the decrees of convocation , tho' they were made by the bishops only , as mr. o. would insinuate , yet would not be laws of the land till confirmed by parliament . thus the minister by denying or questioning too much has destroyed the subject of the question , the bishops also being hereby strip'd of their power , as well as the presbyters . 't is then to no purpose for us to dispute whether the bishops have all the ecclesiastical power in their hands , or whether the presbyters have some , since according to mr. o. neither of 'em have any . mr. o. has every parish priest a power of making church laws ? if not , &c. he thinks — they have not , and argues , that if the parish priests make laws by their representatives , and shall therefore be thought to have power of discipline , it will follow , that free-holders have power of government , their representatives in parliament , being concerned in the making laws . ans. the rector asserts not that every parish priest has a power of making church laws . it were an unreasonable thing . but every parish priest has a share in the power of making ecclesiastical laws , which he executes by his representative in convocation : and i add , every free-holder has a share of power in making the political-laws . but all this is trifling . nothing is more evident than this , what is done by a representative is the act and deed of the persons represented . and nothing is more ordinary , than to tell discontented people , when the laws are executed upon them , that they are of their own making , that is made by their representatives . mr. o. the convocation is not a just representative of the clergy . ans. there are two things only ( that i know of ) necessary to make a just representative . . that the representers be sufficient as to number . . that they be freely chosen by the represented . on both accounts i will prove that the convocation is a just representative of the clergy . . one cannot from the reason of the thing gather with any certainty , what number of representers is necessary to make a just representative , and 't would be in vain to all edge the private sentiments of men , among whom it will haply be found quot homines tot sententiae , so many men , so many minds . the surest way then to determine this point is ( i think ) to compare the convocation with the house of commons , which is the representative of people . my argument lies thus — if the house of commons be a just representative of the people , as to the number of the representers , which no body , i presume , will dare to deny , then the convocation is a just representative of the clergy . let us then compare the number of the representers and the represented in the house of commons with the number of the representers , and represented in the house of convocation . the people of england represented in parliament , are according to dr. chamberlain's computation in 〈◊〉 angliae , between five and six millions : their representers in the house of commons about five hundred . the clergy of england , are , i reckon , about fifteen thousand ( allowing ten thousand for the parsons , rectors , and vicars of so many parishes , and adding to these the masters and fellows of the colledges in both universities , chaplains , lecturers , and curates , which will in all amount to five thousand more ) as i will grant , because i will not favour a side ; tho' it may be they 'll not reach above one third part of that number . the representers of these fifteen thousand in convocation , are an hundred sixty and six , which make up the two lower houses of convocation in both 〈◊〉 . any man may hence discern at first sight , the disproportion between five hundred members of the house of commons , representing above five millions of people . and one hundred sixty and six members of convocation representing only fifteen thousand clergy . every parliament man ( let us now consider them 〈◊〉 ) represents about ten thousand persons : but every member of convocation represents not much above ninety . the difference then is as ninety to ten thousand . if then the members of the house of commons are in respect of number , a just representative of the people ( as we all believe ) much more are the members of convocation , a just representative of the clergy . now because the wisdom and integrity of representers is to be regarded also , as well as their number , and because their wisdom and integrity , cannot be better judged of , than by considering the freedom of their choice , we are in the next place to enquire whether the members of convocation are not as freely chosen by the clergy , as the members of parliament are by the people . let it then be remembred that a great part of the nation , have not any voice at all in the election of members of parliament : for ( we know ) a vast number of servants , labourers , mechanicks , shop-keepers , merchants , artists of all sorts . scholars , attorneys , lawyers , physicians , divines ( not having freehold estates ) copy-holders , minors also , and single women have no voice in the election of any parliament man : that is ( as i reckon ) four parts of five of the people are not at all admitted to chuse parliament men. but all the parsons , rectors and vicars , have suffrages in the election of members of convocation , and these electors are two thirds of the clergy , viz. parsons , rectors and vicars , being ten thousand by my former calculation . it appears hence , that if the house of commons is a just representative of the people with respect to their election , much more is the convocation a just representative of the clergy : four fifths of the people , as i reckon , being intirely excluded from choosing members of parliament , and but one third part of the clergy from choosing members of convocation . but to evince this , and make it yet more plain , we must go another way to work , because of the various methods , whereby persons by ancient custom , or constitution become members of parliament , and of convocation without any due election . of the five hundred members of the house of commons , one hundred are knights , chosen only by free-holders , who are not haply an eighth part of the people of england ; and the other four hundred are citizens , burgesses and barons of the cinque ports , elected by an handful of men , who are not ( i believe ) a fiftyeth part of the people of england . and these latter , in respect of the body of the nation , i can scarce admit to be elected ; they may more fitly be said to come in by privilege . of the one hundred sixty and six members of convocation , about fifty two , or a third part are chosen proctors , by the parsons , vicars and rectors , who are two thirds of the clergy ; about an hundred and fourteen , come in by vertue of their dignities ( as deans and arch-deacons ) or by the election of the chapters only . let any one then judge whether the lower houses of convocation , are near so much cramp'd with members by privilege , as the house of commons is : four parts of the house of commons , being chosen by not a fiftieth part of the pople , and the fifth part of 'em , by about an eighth part of the people ; but a third part of the convocation is chosen by two thirds of the clergy , and the rest by privilege . if then the house of commons , notwithstanding what has been observed , are by all wise men look'd upon as a just representative of the people , with respect unto their choice , as well as their number , i would know a reason , why the convocation is not a just representative of the clergy . now least what has been said shall not be thought clear enough , and sufficient to evince what it is intended for , there being a great uncertainty in such calculations , i shall compare the convocation with the assembly of divines at westminster , who ( if i am not much mistaken ) will be found on both the forementioned accounts , that is of number , and of choice to have been not so just a representative of the clergy , as the convocation is . this will be dispatched in a very few words . in the year . the parliament called that assembly , consisting of one hundred twenty and two persons : of whom let it be noted , . that they fell short of the two houses of convocation , forty four in number , besides , that there were some scots among 'em . . that not one of 'em was chosen by the clergy , but all nominated by the parliament . either then let mr. o. give over taxing the convocation , as if it were not a just representative of the clergy , or confess the westminster assembly , to have been packed to serve a turn , contrary to all law and justice . in short , and to retort mr. o's reflections , the assemby of divines , were all of 'em ( except a few nominated for a colour ) the parliaments creatures , chosen by them alone . the rest , if they had joined in the westminster deliberations , had been meer 〈◊〉 : there were enough to out-vote 'em , besides , those lords and commoners , who were taken into the assembly , like so many lay-elders to influence their counsels , and prevent any decree that might be offered contrary to that parliaments inclinations or designs . mr. o. if the rector can find no proof in scripture , that ordinary presbyters did suspend at all , how dare they ( the episcopal-clergy ) do it for a fortnight ? if presbyters may by scripture suspend , how dares the rector condemn the dissenting ministers for suspending ? ans. we suspend not by virtue of our own sole inherent power , but in conjunction with our diocesan , with his knowledge and consent . there is a great difference between an inherent power for presbyters to suspend ( a precedent for which i require out of scripture ) and to suspend for a time , according to the constitutions of the church , and in subordination to the bishop , unto whom the party suspended may appeal . mr. o. whereas i affirmed , that the ordinary elders had not supreme authority in the churches , at least not after paul's return from italy in the east , the minister inferrs , that , herein is imply'd , that ordinary presbyters had the supreme authority before that time , and challenges the rector to prove they were ever deprived of it afterward . ans. there is no such thing imply'd by the rector , but only supposed at most , to avoid all unnecessary disputes with his adversaries . but if it were out of question , that the ordinary elders had once the supreme authority , yet the apostle committing afterward the supreme authority , unto single persons , ex . gr . unto timothy and 〈◊〉 , and making no mention at all of the ordinary presbyters , must be understood to supersede the power , that was before in the presbyters , and to subject them unto those single persons for the future . but this is the point in controversy throughout these papers , and needs not here to be insisted on . mr. o. here the rector fairly confesses there were no bishops , when the epistle to the ephesians was written in paul's first bonds . ans. the rector supposes it only , as is said before , but does not grant it . nay , he is quite of another mind . but it sufficeth to his hypothesis , that single persons were ( afterward at least ) constituted rulers ( bishops ) in the churches . mr. o. 〈◊〉 could not receive the sole power of ordination , because paul took in the presbyters , tim. . . ans. here mr. o. ( if i take him right ) grants that 〈◊〉 was ordained by 〈◊〉 , taking the 〈◊〉 into his assistance . this is as much , as i desire , and the exact pattern of our ordinations . presbyters therefore did not by their own sole power ordain , but in conjunction with the apostle . on the other hand , if the revelation concerning timothy's ordination , came to the presbyters , as well as to st. paul , they then acted not as ordinary 〈◊〉 , but as prophets , and so cannot warrant ordinary presbyters , ordaining by virtue of their ordinary power . 〈◊〉 , it no where appears that paul joined the presbyters in commission with timothy , it may then be reasonable to conclude , that timothy received the sole power , though 't is sufficient for me to say , he had the supreme . mr. o. but paul joined 〈◊〉 with him in the ordinations , acts. . . ans. be it so : yet still if barnabas was an apostle as well as paul ( as is manifest from acts . , . gal. . ) and if barnabas was equal to paul , as many believe , and mr. o. will not deny , then we are but where we were before . this is nothing to ordinary elders ordaining . that barnabas was tho' not equal to paul , yet independent on him , may be probably hence gathered that in the sharp contest between 'em , barnabas submitted not to paul but separated from him , acts . . besides , barnabas received the same commission that st. paul did , and at the same time , acts . , . however , admitting barnabas was but a secondary apostle , which i rather believe , or 〈◊〉 , yet mr. o. will not ( i hope ) deny he was more than an ordinary elder , what then is this to ordinary elders ordaining , by their own sole power , and inherent authority ? and how will it hence 〈◊〉 , that because paul admitted barnabas , an apostle , at least a secondary apostle , to join in the ordinations , ( acts . . ) that therefore timothy joined the ordinary presbyters with him ? all this notwithstanding , i give mr. o. what he cannot prove , sc. that timothy did not ordain alone . 't is enough to my purpose , that he was constitued the principal judge and director in ordinations , as in all other acts of jurisdiction . mr. o. the rector having argued from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that timothy , was intended the resident governour of the church of 〈◊〉 , the minister denies it , upon the authority of mat. . . mark. . . ans. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in these places produced against me is limited by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which makes a great difference . a man may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to reside or abide in a place one , two or three days , or months , or years , and yet we know what 't is to reside , when 't is spoken undeterminately . as for those words — till i come , tim. . . 't is no limitation of timothy's residence at 〈◊〉 , nor does it imply , that his authority there must then cease . if it were so , then after paul was come to 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 must have left off , giving attendance unto reading , to exhortation , to 〈◊〉 , which yet i suppose were duties perpetually incumbent upon him , let the apostle be at 〈◊〉 or not . in a word , st. paul's going shortly to timothy at ephesus , was not with intent to remove him thence , but to instruct him throughly , how to behave himself in the house of god , the church committed to his charge , as is before observed and proved . nevertheless , least the apostle should be prevented of his intended visit , and should tarry long ( as he suspected might happen ) he sent him for the present this epistle containing the sum of what afterward , when he came to ephesus , he would more at large communicate unto him . but these are repetitions . mr. o. to prove that 〈◊〉 had been furnished with the same powers at corinth , philippi and thessalonica , as he was afterwards at ephesus , " alledges the rectors granting that unfixt evangelists " governed the churches , and ordained elders under the apostles . ans. this concession proves not that timothy was furnished with the same powers in greece and macedonia , as at ephesus . for . it does not appear that timothy was an evangelist , when sent to corinth , &c. this is no where to be found in scripture . but in st. paul's second epistle to timothy , which was a great while after he had been sent to 〈◊〉 , philippi and thessalonica ; then indeed 't is intimated he was an evangelist , and not before . . it seems evident unto me , that timothy was sent unto greece and macedonia , for quite other purposes , than to govern those churches , and ordain 'em elders : his business at 〈◊〉 was to establish and comfort the christians there , concerning their faith ( thes. . . ) and afterward , he went thither again to hasten their contributions , as i conceive . his business to 〈◊〉 , was to carry the apostles letter , concerning the 〈◊〉 schisms and contentions . we read of no commission given him to receive accusations , to reprove offenders openly , to examine the qualification of the candidates for holy orders , or to ordain elders , either at corinth , 〈◊〉 or thessalonica , as he had at ephesus . . eusebius ( on whose authority the hypothesis of unfixt evangelists depends ) describes them thus , they went from place to place , among those who had not yet heard the word of faith , or where no churches were as yet established . but paul had already planted churches at corinth , philippi and thessalonica . these then were not places proper for an unfixed evangelist to be imploy'd in , and therefore timothy did not the work of an evangelist in those cities , that is , he had not the same powers there , as at ephesus . so that i still call upon mr. o. to prove timothy was furnished with the same powers in greece and macedonia , as he was after at ephesus . . if timothy had been furnished with the same powers , at his going to greece and macedonia , as at ephesus , why should paul resolve for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there to instruct 〈◊〉 in his office ? and because he foresaw , that journey might possibly be put off for a longer time , why did he dispatch a letter to 〈◊〉 , wherein in the mean while , he gives him the necessary orders for the better ruling of the church ? 〈◊〉 , i suppose was not so forgetful as to need these instructions , if he had before been furnished with 'em , when he was sent to 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 . mr. o. a great part of t. n. is to prove , that presbyters were not supreme governours , because the apostles were above'em : and yet that timothy and titus were supreme governours , though the apostles were above them also . either the elders were supreme governours , or timothy and titus were not . ans. i shew'd by induction of particulars , that the presbyters were subject unto the apostles in every single act of government : that either an apostle or a prophet , was constantly at the helm to guide and direct ' em . the elders had not a discretionary power in any case , that we read of . but timothy and titus ( though they also were subject to st. paul , whenever he thought fit to interpose , yet ) generally speaking were left unto the judgment of their own private discretion , as appears from the rules of government prescribed 'em by the apostle . there is a manifest difference between timothy and titus , their subjection to the apostle , and that of the ordinary elders : see the preface . mr. o. whereas in proof of many congregations in the church of ephesus , i cited acts . . all they which dwelt in asia heard the word of the lord jesus . and backed this with ignatius's calling himself the bishop of syria , not of antioch only , but of some considerable part of the adjacent country . the minister replies , this is little to the purpose , and that men will talk any thing . but ans. do not these observations render it highly probable , that the ephesian church was also composed of several assembles in city and country ? and is not this a good account why a bishop , and many presbyters , and deacons were employ'd in the church of ephesus , not serving one congregation alone in the city , but others also in the country round about called asia ? if there had been but one congregation at ephesus , one bishop , or presbyter might have sufficed . the christians at that time of day were not so wealthy , as to multiply church-officers more than needed . this is not ( i confess ) to mr. o's purpose , but i hope 't will be thought to mine . mr. o. further pleads that the rector ( understand in order to prove there were many congregations in that church ) may as well say , that the church of jerusalem took in the parthians , and dwellers in mesopotamia , cappadocia , &c. for all these heard the word of the lord jesus . acts . , . as well as those of asia did . ans. that 's the thing which i do affirm . the parthians , and dwellers in mesopotamia here mentioned , belonged unto the church of jerusalem , so many of 'em , as were converted . for the dwellers in mesopotamia , v. . are said to be dwellers at jerusalem , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word in both places . now if they dwelt at jerusalem , can it be doubted , whether they belong'd to that church ? the difficulty is , how the same persons should be called dwellers at jerusalem , and in mesopotamia at the same time . to this i answer , mr. o. is as much concerned as i am to give an account of the difficulty . nevertheless i 'll venture to shoot my bolt for once , leaving every man liberty to judge of it , as he sees cause . i am not satisfy'd with their opinion , who say that these dwellers in mesopotamia , &c. came up to jerusalem only for a time , to observe the feast of pentecost . how then could they be called dwellers at jerusalem ? mr. mede b. . disc. th being of this opinion expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. . a short stay , and v. th a durable mansion , supporting his exposition by gen. . . kings . . but 't is not likely , luke would use the same word , in the same period , in so different senses , and so perplex his reader . i reckon then that many jews , who formerly dwelt in mesopotamia , and were born there , v. . had now shifted their dwellings , and resided at jerusalem . they who had before dwelt in mesopotamia , did now dwell at jerusalem , in expectation as some think of the messiah , and by consequence the church of jerusalem , might take in the dwellers in mesopotamia . and what is said here of the dwellers in mesopotamia , must be apply'd unto the medes , and parthians , and cappadocians , &c. more particularly , i thus explain it . there were at jerusalem , many schools or colleges , for the education and instruction of youth in religion . these colleges were built at the charge of such jews as lived in foreign countries , and sent their youth to jerusalem to be brought up in the knowledge of their law. their tutors or instructors , were probably natives of the same countries . all these being born in foreign nations , and therefore called dwellers in them , are nevertheless reckoned as at this time dwellers in jerusalem , where they now resided , and so being converted , might become members of the new christian church at jerusalem . but this is a matter of little moment in the present controversy . mr. o. if the power of conferring other powers , is greater than those other powers , then bishops , who make an archbishop are greater than he is : and so are bishops than kings who they crown , as also recorders or town-clerks , than majors , whom they swear . ans. i know very well that my proposition is liable to several exceptions , which it is not worth while to trouble the reader with . it s certain , that when a free people , superior to the candidate , elect themselves a king , they are become subject to him , not greater than he is : and that because they divest themselves of the power , which they put into the hands of another . the case is the same , when bishops make an archbishop . they subject themselves to him , and thence-forward , he is their superior . but this is not the case before us . he who is possest of a power , and is able also to conferr the same power upon another , not diminishing nor destroying his own power , must needs be greater than he who receives that power , but is not able to give it to another . a bishop ( as my supposition is ) having power to minister in the word and sacraments , is also enabled to confer this ministry upon others , that is to ordain presbyters , and yet deprives not himself of it . he still ministers in the word and sacraments himself . but he is greater thàn a presbyter , because the presbyter , though he has received the power of ministring in the word and sacraments , yet he 〈◊〉 ordain another unto that office , as the bishop can . nothing needs be plainer . but i will illustrate it by a known instance . there are twenty four knights of the garter , the king is one of them . every knight of the garter , cannot create a fellow of the order , but the sovereign only . for which reason he is called the sovereign , and is greater than the other companions of the order are , i mean quatenus the sovereign knight . and therefore he is greater than the rest ; because he is not only a knight of the garter , but can make one , i need not apply it . as to mr. o's other instances , they are but so many 〈◊〉 mistakes . it 's the hereditary title or election , which makes the king , and not he who is appointed to manage the publick ceremony , of setting the crown on the king's head , and giving him the oath . and mayors , are made by the election of the freemen of the corporation , and not by the town-clerks or recorders , who swear them . the appendix . mr o. whose manner it is to 〈◊〉 off arguments which pinch him , by diverting his reader , with reflections on some casual corruptions , in the administration of our church-government , takes occasion here to rally upon our chancellors commutings , or dispensing with penace for money . ans. this is nothing to the argument before us : this is no scripture proof , that presbyters ever excommunicated , or suspended . and though i will not take upon me to defend or palliate any unwarrantable practice ; yet i am of opinion that some corrupt administrations , are not a sufficient reason for destroying governments , either civil , or ecclesiastical : for then an end must be put unto all government whatever . nor do i believe one 〈◊〉 - administration can excuse another : i mean recrimination is no just defence . nevertheless against my inclination , yea , and my resolution too , i 'll for once walk a little out of my way , and tell mr. o. a story , by the bye , to the end he may not be too much conceited of the integrity and innocence of his own party ; but may thence see the corruption of humane nature , and be convinced that presbyterians are not so sweet as some would have 'em thought to be ; but when 't is in their power , they also can be willing to commute , as well as other people . the second presbyterian class , in the province of lancaster ( as 't was called ) began at bury , march . . and continued there by adjournments till february th . . in which space of time they met often , as they declared , by virtue of an ordinance of parliament , not at all pretending to divine commission , that i find in the records of that class , which i have by me . the presbyterian ministers , and lay-elders , thus meeting were entertain'd , or rather entertain'd themselves , at the house of one john redfern , an inn-keeper in the said town of bury . i say entertained themselves , for like true members of a church militant , and as if they had been real soldiers , for the setting up the kingdom of jesus church , they lived upon free quarter , or at least , run into their landlord's debt , above twenty pounds . to give 'em their due , they had some design to pay him off , and to that end , were devising to raise the money out of the purses of such as were obnoxious to their spiritual discipline , that 's to say , they intended to commute , and punish the offenders purses , instead of bringing them to the stool of repentance . but oliver it seems , 〈◊〉 in their way and forbade the bans , and so the honest men adjourned to fresh quarters at bolton . thus poor john redfern was wronged , and no satisfaction could be had by fair means . but being ask'd why would he not sue 'em , he reply'd — no : the remedy is worse than the disease , and justice is not to be had . here then we have an example of , at least , designed commutation , or which is worse , of as errant a piece of roguery , as can ordinarily be met with in history . here we have a bevy of presbyterian saints of the first rate . painful preachers , and zealous lay-elders gathered together in the fear of god ( so doubtless they were willing it should be believed ) to reform the country hereabouts , and yet giving an example of the most scandalous knavery , such as a good heathen , or turk would have been ashamed of . i hope there is no precedent in the gospel for this kind of discipline . 〈◊〉 any questions the matter of fact , as 't is here related . i am able to prove it , when reasonably required thereunto . mr. o. the rector supposes that some in the church may rule well , who don't labour in the word and doctrine . ans. i do so . but then at the same time i suppose 'em ordained , not lay-elders . mr. o. when i alledged , heb. . . in proof that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not an artificial word , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , and observed that believers are there exhorted , to look diligently , &c. mr. o. asks , are all believers bid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to look diligently to the flock , as the pastors of it ? ans. no. but because it hence appears that the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in a common sense applicable to any man , therefore i conclude , that nothing of certainty can be argued from it , concerning the power of government . and i further say , that as believers are not directed to play the bishops , or to look diligently unto the flock , as pastors of it , so neither can it be proved , by this verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that elders were to look diligently unto the flock , as the supreme pastors of it , or as timothy and titus , who were commissioned to do so . mr. o. who so bold as blind bayard . ans. whether mr. o. exposes the rector , or his own wit and good breeding , by such a rude and trivial diverb , i leave to the reader , to decide , such a clownish expression , shews him to have convers'd rather among rude carters and dray-men , than men of polite learning , or celebrated authors that 〈◊〉 boasts so much of , and pretends to be so wonderfully 〈◊〉 in . now the occasion of this elegant and spruce questionis this . the rector in t. n. represented his hypothesis borrowed from bishop pearson , as an argument , which no papist had ever thought on before . but mr. o. belike has chop'd upon something to that purpose , as he thought in the rhemish testament , for which cause i am here compared to a blind tit. 't is confest ( though there 's no need to confess it , as will appear presently ) i was not aware of that passage of the rhemists , and i am certain 〈◊〉 pearson makes no mention of 'em , or of any other author , which drew me into this mistake , if it will prove one at last ; but what if it should ? it does not in the least affect me , that mr. o. is able to find me once in an errour . i pretend not to be infallible or omniscient . i have somewhat a better proverb to excuse my self with , than mr. o. had to revile me . aliquando bonus dormitat homerus . the good old man homer himself , was not only blind , but asleep too sometimes . nor would i trouble my self to make more words on this slight occasion , were it not that i think my self obliged to vindicate bishop pearson , least any one should surmise , that he was beholden to the rhemists for his new chronology , about the time when paul besought timothy to abide at ephesus , and yet had not the ingenuity to acknowledge it . let us then in the first place produce the rhemists words , which are as follows . this epistle was written , as it seems after paul's first imprisonment in rome , when he was dismissed and set at liberty , and thereupon it is , that he might say here , i hope to come to thee quickly ( tim. . ) that 's to say at ephesus , where he had desired him to remain . ans. but though the rhemists here stumbled upon a small part of the truth , they offer'd nothing in confirmation of it , neither in the argument , nor in their observations upon the epistle it self . nor ( which is to be noted ) did they in the least make use of their opinion in proof of episcopacy : but bishop pearson did both , without being beholden to the rhemists , for one syllable towards the establishment of this new chronology . moreover the rhemists , speak only of the time of paul's writing this epistle , not of his beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus , at his going into macedonia : concerning which they have not given the least intimation , but left that part of the old chronology as they found it . only they seem to think that paul , having long before his imprisonment besought timothy to abide at ephesus , did now , after he was dismissed and set at liberty , viz. about the time that he wrote to the hebrews , and immediately after his enlargement , send this letter unto timothy , which is an hypothesis quite different from that of bishop pearson's , as any one that understands , and remembers what has already been offered upon the argument , will readily confess . so that the learned prelate was not in the least beholden unto the seminary at rhemes , for the discovery and proof of this new chronology , the time of paul ' s beseeching timothy to abide at ephesus . there was then little occasion for mr. o's challenging me with boldness , and giving me that undeserv'd character — that when i am remotest from truth i am then most consident . i leave it to my adversaries themselves , the dissenters , to determine , which of the two is in the point of time now debated , guilty of most confidence . well , but mr. o. thought of this argument before the rector published it . ans. haply so , but the question is , whether he ever thought of it before bishop pearson brought it to light. and if he has been so long acquainted with it , as he would have us think , or has prepared a dissertation to vindicate the old chronology , as he boasts , i hope 't will be better put together than his defence , and that one time or other , we shall be blest with a sight of so elaborate a piece of work : in the mean while , i am of opinion , that if mr. o. had been so long acquainted with this new chronology , and had prepared a dissertation to vindicate the old one , his defence would have been more tight and correct , than i find it ; his plea , would have had something in it surely , relating to this new chronology . in fine , that mr. o. thought of the bishop's argument , before the rector's book came forth , is not material ; but that he thought of it before the rector proposed it to him , we have only his own word for it , which is not much worth in this case of self-testimony ; yea , granting this also , i have good reason to believe he derived this part of his knowledge from bishop pearson , for a reason best known to my self . mr. o. has wonderfully demonstrated , from tim. . . . that paul sent for timothy to him at rome , what no body ever deny'd ; and yet he has not hereby proved , that timothy was ever in the apostle's company , after he was besought to abide at ephesus , 't is not out of doubt to me that timothy saw paul at rome , though he sent for him . for not to speak of other obstacles , paul might have been martyred by the emperor 's special and sudden command , before timothy reached rome . this is very likely , if we consider the state of affairs at rome about that time , as we read 'em set forth in the annals of paul. what i excepted against in dr. whitaker , was not that which mr. o. pretends to make answer to , but that he asserted equals could receive accusations as timothy did . this the dr. proved ( if mr prinn wrongs him not ) from a synod of bishops , who received an accusation against one of their own number , and then censured him for his fault . now how far this is from a proof of what it was alledged for , i shewed at large , and mr. o. who taxes me for so doing overlooks it , nor makes any reply to it . indeed it is not to be answered if it 〈◊〉 true , as i think none will deny , that one bishop is not equal , but inferior and subject to a synod of bishops . therefore a synod's receiving an accusation against a bishop , is no proof of the doctor 's assertion , but an instance of the contrary . as for mr. o's own examples out of st. cyprian , were they never so convincing ( which shall in its place be considered ) they will not however vindicate dr. whitaker , nor are a proper answer to my exceptions against him . the proportion of dioceses , how large at most they ought to be , is not my business to determine , as i undertake not to define how big a parish or congregation ought to be . i suppose the ultimum quod sic , and the limits quos ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum , are in both uncertain : and are only to be adjusted prout viri prudentes definiverint , as superiors shall think fit to order , and not by the caprice and humoursome phancy of every overweening opinionanist , and self conceited reformer . mr. o. hears the rectors parish has four or five chappels in it . ans. the rectors parish has neither five nor four chappels in it . tho' the ministers ears be never so long , yet is he mistaken herein . if it had twenty , 't is nothing to the purpose . mr. o. because the rector affirm'd it no more impossible for timothy ( supposed then the angel of the chruch of ephesus , mentioned rev. . ) to leave his first love , than for judas to betray his master , is mightily disturbed , and to confute it musters up many commendations given of timothy in scripture . ans. in t. n. i declared my opinion plainly , that timothy was not that angel there spoken of : yet supposing it , 't was not impossible for timothy to be guilty of some defection . the commendations alone render it not impossible . abstracting from matter of fact then , that judas an apostle , who had the power of casting out devils , should turn apostate , is as strange , as that timothy should leave his first love. lastly , when 't is for his turn , mr. o. can admit , that timothy might be overtaken with youthful lusts , but when he wants an occasion of cavilling , then 't is monstrous horrid to suppose it possible for timothy to be guilty of some defection from the truth . if the one was possible , why not the other ? but especially if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spoken of tim. . . signifie the lusts of the mind , its proneness to paradoxes , to new up-start opinions , curious conceipts , and innovations in religion , of which kind we reckon presbytery and independency , which are but of yesterday , and the product of minds addicted unto novelties . i do not find commentators ordinarily expounding the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , youthful , i. e. fleshly lusts , but to the sense i have now given them . in a word , whoever attentively reads rev. . , , . will find considerable commendations of the angel of ephesus , perhaps not much inferior to those of timothy in other places of scripture ; and yet this angel left his first love. 't was not impossible then , but timothy might do so likewise . i have now done with mr. o's defence . if i have left any thing of moment unanswered ; or if i have failed giving full satisfaction to any material difficulty objected against me , i do promise either to supply these defects , or fairly to confess my self unable . only i could wish all personal reflections , and unnecessary digressions might be laid aside , that arguments be plainly proposed , and 〈◊〉 as few words as may be , that no trickish and evasive answers be made , when we have nothing else to reply . and finally , that we would not take to task a piece of an argument , and the weakest part of it too , and then make the reader believe we have fully accounted for the difficulty , when in truth we kept our selves all the while at a distance , and never came near the merits of the cause . the second part : wherein all mr owen's authorities for presbyterian parity , and ordination by presbyters are overthrown ; and particularly is prov'd , that the church of england , ever since the reformation , held the divine apostolical right of episcopacy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. one ought to endure to the utmost rather than divide the church of god : and dying rather than rend it in pieces , is a no less glorious martyrdom , and in my opinion greater than being a martyr for not sacrificing unto idols . in this latter case a man suffers for his own sake only , in the former for the whole church . dionys. alexand. apud euseb. eccl. hist. l. . c. . london : printed in the year . the introduction . having spoken of the government of the christian church in general , and as far as the holy scriptures afford us any light : having thence shewn that meer presbyters alone did never exercise any supreme act of jurisdiction of any kind that can be there discovered , except in conjunction with , and subordination to some extraordinary officers as apostles or prophets : having in particular traced the manner of government at ephesus , unto the death of st. john the apostle ; and the martyrdom of st. ignatius , and found it cast by st. paul into the same form , as the church of england is at this day , viz. consisting of three distinct orders of ministers ( the title only of the supreme governours haply excepted ) and so continued after him , as i said unto the time of ignatius : and lastly , having answered all the objections raised against our episcopal government , by mr. o. in his book entituled a plea , &c. ( so many of 'em , i mean , as seemed to carry any weight in them , and concerned the times , within the compass of which i have confin'd my self hitherto , that 's to say , the apostolical age. ) after all this , it remains that i consider the arguments , which to the same purpose he was drawn from ecclesiastical history , beginning where the scripture ends , and so descending unto these last ages , before which time episcopacy was never brought into question for fifteen hundred years , save by one arch-heretick aërius , of whom more hereafter . my adversary indeed thinks he has found in old authors many instances , favouring the presbyterian identity and parity , and ordination by presbyters : this is now to be examined . if my answers shall be thought old , i have this excuse for my self , that the objections are old also : and in such a case it is pardonable if not necessary , especially when an adversary demands , and even duns ; yea , and reproaches one for not having already undertaken it . i pretend not then to make new discoveries never heard of before , in the controversy now before us , ( though haply some few things not observed before , may be , here offered to the reader ) but to apply the proper answers unto the old objections , wherewith mr. o. has endeavoured to embroil and perplex the truth . i will not tie my self unto his method , which is not so well fitted to my design , it being my purpose to manage the dispute only 〈◊〉 matters of fact , which being once cleared from countenancing the presbyterian or congregational polities , mr. o's . syllogisms will and must fall to the ground . i will then digest and dispose all his authorities , and my replies to 'em , though not exactly ( for the controversy 〈◊〉 not on the niceties of chronology ) yet pretty near to the order of time , to which they belong ; i begin with the epistle of clemens romanus unto the church of corinth , which is the best colourable argument the dissenters do or can bring for themselves . chap. i. of the testimony of clemens romanus . the substance of what mr. o. argues from this epistle against prelatical episcopacy , and in favour of presbyterian parity is , whereas i affirm in t. n. clement seems to make the jewish high-priest , the inferior priests and levites a precedent for the government of christian churches by a bishop , presbyters and deacons — that clement no where saith there were those three distinct officers in the christian church ; or that the jewish government was a pattern of the christian : that clement mentions but two orders , viz. bishops and deacons ; that he calls these bishops presbyters : that they governed the church of corinth in common ; that he mentions no chief bishop there ; that he exhorts the corinthians to be subject unto their elders ; that clement , ought to be expounded by scripture , philip. . . and tim. . in both which places two only orders are to be met with ; that clement does not intend to affirm there were three kinds of officers in the christian church as in the mosaical ; but only that both the one , and the other church , ( that is the mosaical with three orders , and the christian with two ) were both established by the same divine authority . unto all which it 's reply'd ; . i readily grant clement no where expresly affirms there were three distinct orders in the christian church : or that the high-priests , priests and levites in the jewish church , were the pattern of bishops , presbyters and deacons in the christian. thus much is granted : nevertheless , what i cited him for may be true , and is so , sc. that he seems to make the jewish government the pattern of the christian , as we are wont to argue from him , comparing the one with the other . one would think this joined with jerom's testimony , cited with it in t. n. pag. . were sufficient to warrant me thus modestly to 〈◊〉 , that clement seems to 〈◊〉 the jewish government a pattern of the christian , which others before me have done : as dr. h. in his dissertations , and dr. 〈◊〉 , cod. can. &c. l. . e. . but mr. mede deserves particularly to be taken notice of , who has more than once declared his judgment in this matter . let us hear him teaching us that , in things for which we find no rule given in the new testament , there we are referred , and left to the analogy of the old. he instances in st. paul arguing , for the maintenance of the ministers of the gospel ( cor. . , ) in infant baptism , in hallowing the first day of the week , in the three orders , bishops , priests and deacons , asserted by jerom to be derived from 〈◊〉 , his sons , and the levites ; and lastly , in this passage of st. clement to the same purpose . once more he expounds those words , in clemens romanus to the corinthians — we ought to do all things in order , as the lord has commanded , putting the question to himself thus , where has the lord commanded this ? and answering himself thus , in the analogy of the old testament . now clement in the next following parts of his epistle , treats in general of the time when the christian ministrations were to be performed , the place where , and the persons by whom . if then the analogy of the law was a divine commission unto the christians , if the temple of the jews , a precedent of the christian churches , if the jewish sabbath , of the christian lord's-day , why not the levitical three orders of the christian 〈◊〉 , priests and deacons ? but that which is of most moment is , that many other fathers following clement ( as jerom , synesius , cyprian and firmilianus , of whom i have spoken elsewhere ) did not forget to allude or appeal to the law of moses , in confirmation of the three orders of church-officers among the christians . st. cyprian said , he had a divine law to punish his rebellious deacon , quoting deut. . . numb . . . here he thinks himself invested with the same authority as aaron was , and through aaron to have received it from god. the like we meet with in several other epistles . and indeed the names sacerdos , sacerdotium , altare , sacrificium , oblationes , &c. so familiarly used by the ancients ( and by our clement himself ) to express the christian officers , and offices , imply as much . it may then with reason be supposed that clement intended the same . . as i acknowledge clement did not totidem verbis assert the orders , so i observe that though he expresly mentions two only , yet he affirms no where , that there were two only kinds of officers in the church of 〈◊〉 , and no more . or thus , though he mentions two only , yet he denies not expresly , but that there might be a third . . i join issue with mr. o. that clement ought to be expounded by the scripture ; but surely not by the two places only which he has alledged , all the rest being laid aside . the epistle then of clement must be expounded by the whole scripture , and what intimations of three orders are any where therein to be found . this has been done already , and needs not be drawn in here again , to lengthen and confound the argument . only thus briefly to the two passages adduced by mr. o. though st. paul , philip. . . mentions bishops and deacons only , and no third superior officer in that church : yet chap. . . 〈◊〉 calls epaphroditus ( by whom he sent this epistle ) the apostle of the philippians : and though tim. . ch . he names bishops and deacons only , and no third officer , yet ( as i hope has been sufficiently made out ) he had constituted timothy ruler of the church of ephesus , and particularly of the elders there . so that there were at philippi three orders , an apostle , bishops ( or presbyters ) and deacons . likewise at ephesus , timothy the ruler of that church , and bishops ( or presbyters ) and deacons : and the same is to be believed of the church of corinth , when clement wrote to 'em , if we will suffer our selves to be guided by scripture and reason . . that clement exhorted the corinthians to be subject unto the presbyters , is certain . but so did ignatius require , that the churches should be subject to their presbyters , tho' at the same time he urged the christians , and specially the presbyters themselves to be subject to the bishop . the flock may be subject to the presbyters , and at the same time they and the presbyters ought to be subject to the bishop . again , that the presbyters governed the church in common , is not questioned , but that they did so without a bishop , is no where expresly said . lastly , that clement expresly mentions no chief bishop at 〈◊〉 , i own ; especially , not by the name bishop : but still he seems to speak of an order of church-officers , superior to , and distinct from presbyters . page the second commending , the peaceable behaviour of the corinthians , in time 〈◊〉 , he writes , that they had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . subject to 〈◊〉 rulers , and giving convenient honour unto the presbyters . and again p. 〈◊〉 . let us worship the lord jesus christ , let us reverence our governours ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) let us honour our presbyters . one would think here is sufficient intimation of an order of church officers superior unto presbyters , and distinct from them . . clement was himself bishop , or supreme ruler of the church of god at rome , being ( as 't is thought ) the same person that we read of philip. . . now 't is not at all likely , that clement a person of unquestionable piety and integrity , being a prelatical bishop himself at rome , should approve or countenance the presbyterian parity at 〈◊〉 ; and that those two apostolical churches , should thus widely differ in their form of government . . it may deserve our observation , what clement writes towards the conclusion of his epistle , p. . thus — whoever among you is generous and charitable let him resolve thus , if the sedition , contention , and schisms are risen on my account , i 'll be gone where-ever ye will , and whatever the people require , that i 'll do : only let the flock of christ , and the presbyters set over them , live in peace . methinks the author in these words , plainly enough distinguishes between that generous person first spoken of , and a considerable part of the presbyters immediately after mentioned separately from him . this generous person was it seems settled in some post or office , by one party of the 〈◊〉 , or atleast continued in it , against the mind and inclination of the rest. from hence sprang the quarrels and schisms among ' em . now what office could this be , but that of the prelatical bishop ? he could not be a meer presbyter , for he 's plainly distinguished from them . and besides , 't is not to be imagined that one common presbyter , equal with the rest , should have been the occasion of such a dangerous schism , or that his absence should immediately put an end to it , as 't is here imply'd . nor will any one ( i believe ) say , that he was a deacon , much less an ordinary believer . he was then ( as i conceive ) the prelate of that church : but not acceptable to one party of the 〈◊〉 , and on this occasion the peace of the church was disturbed . clement not intermeddling among 'em as to the merits of the cause , advises this generous person out of charity , and for the peace of the church , to abdicate and depart from his office , to the end , some other succeeding with the universal consent of the corinthians , by this means a period might be put unto their divisions . in further proof of this , i offer unto consideration , what i long since wrote in my clement upon the margin , but was not so happy as to refer to the author whence i had taken that note ; 't is this , that from the passage of clement's epistle just before set down at length 〈◊〉 and others , after him conjecture , that clement was named by peter to be bishop of rome , and the apostles immediate successor , but refused it for a like reason , that he here exhorts the generous person at corinth , to lay down his office. now 't was very proper for clement , to urge his own reason and example , and especially since his modesty , and condescension gained him afterward the affections of that church , and at length advanced him unto the bishoprick of rome . the like he hints unto this generous person , as a motive to him to resign , in the next period . he ( says clement ) who shall do thus , shall procure to himself great glory in the lord , and every place ( every church ) will receive him . the passage in epiphanius whereof i speak , is in english as follows — peter and paul , were both the first apostles and bishops of rome , then linus , afterward cletus , and next him clement , contemporary of peter and paul. nor let any one wonder , that others before clement received the episcopacy from the apostles , seeing clement was their contemporary . whether he received ordination to the episcopacy , and declined it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whilst they ( the apostles peter and paul ) surviv'd , for he says in one of his epistles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i depart , i am gone , let the people of god abide in peace , designing this for others good and advantage : or whether , &c. it may perhaps be objected , that clement ascribes not the corinthian schisms to that one generous person only , but to some misunderstandings between the people , and the presbyters , some of the latter being not suffered to continue in the exercise of their ministry any longer at corinth . so 't is intimated , pag. . in these words — it would be no little sin in us , to cast off those ( presbyters or bishops ) who have discharged the office of their ministry , 〈◊〉 and without blame : for we see that they have removed some ( presbyters ) whose conversation was laudable , and who exercised their ministry among you blamelesly . brethren , &c. all that needs be answered hereunto is , . clement manifestly teaches elsewhere , that the schism arose on the account of one ( or two persons ) p. . 't is ( says he ) a shame , an arrant shame , and unworthy a christians conversation , that the ancient and most firmly established church ( of corinth ) should raise sedition against the presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for one or two persons : that there being a difference among them about their bishop ( that generous person ) it must needs follow , that the presbyters were involved in the controversy , and by consequence , that some of 'em were deserted , and laid aside by those of the people , who had an aversion to the bishop ( that generous person so oft mentioned ) as well as to some of the presbyters , who stuck close to him . . it may reasonably be thought that the two persons here spoken of , were the bishop in possession , and the other whom the corinthians would have advanced into his 〈◊〉 . in short , if 〈◊〉 if what on this head has been offered for the clearing the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the meaning of the epistle ( which to us at this distance is dark enough ) be of any moment , it may then be allowed , that clement has intimated , that there was at corinth a prelatical bishop , and that the reason why he makes no plainer mention of him , but was forced himself to interpose , in procuring the peace of the church of corinth , was the prejudices a great part of the presbyters , and people had conceived against their bishop , who was 〈◊〉 unable by his own authority , to allay the heats and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'em , and for that cause was advised by clement voluntarily to surrender his office and depart . it is not an uncommon thing for authors to comprehend three orders of church-officers in two words , or at least to mention two orders only , when yet they acknowledge a third . this dichotomy is to be met with in the scripture it self . the three officers of the jewish church , are frequently expressed by priests and 〈◊〉 , wherein 〈◊〉 high-priest , who without controversy was a third , is included . 〈◊〉 himself in this epistle takes notice — that the priests and levites , came out of abraham's 〈◊〉 ; meaning the high-priest also , as i presume will not be denyed : for he also came out of the loins of abraham . clemens alexand . in his 〈◊〉 , cited by mr. o. speaks there only of the two orders , presbyters and deacons , in the christian church , and yet elsewhere , he reckons up expresly the bishops also with the other two . in the former place , 〈◊〉 presbyters must comprehend bishops ; at least they ought not to be excluded , though the author there omits them . so 〈◊〉 in his apologetick comprehends bishops , and presbyters under one common name seniores , yet he 〈◊〉 distinguishes the three orders , in lib. de baptismo c. . optatus milevit . an hundred times o'er acknowledges the three orders , yet once he contents himself , to express 'em in two words only , bishops and deacons . there are ( says he in the place cited ) on the margin ) quatuor genera 〈◊〉 , four orders of men in the church ; but he sums 'em up in three words , viz. bishops , deacons , and the faithful . it may deserve observation , that at this time of the day , and with optatus , ordinarily bishop signify'd the prelate of a church ; shall i then be allowed hence to infer there were either no presbyters , or no prelatical bishops according to this fathers judgment , because forsooth , he here mentions 'em not distinctly ? it cannot be fairly collected hence , as every one 〈◊〉 . this is manifest that optatus , in those two words , bishops and deacons , must understand the three orders , bishops , presbyters and deacons , else he loses one of his four orders of men in the church . besides saying here ( sicut supra dixi ) he refers us backward to p. . and p. . in both which places he mentions 〈◊〉 bishops , presbyters and deacons . wherefore the premisses considered , 't is reasonable to believe , that clemens romanus likewise did , in the same manner express the three offices of the 〈◊〉 church in two words , comprehending the prelate in bishops and deacons . it ought not here to be forgot , what st. chrysostom has observed , 〈◊〉 of old were called bishops also and 〈◊〉 : for in deed presbyters in some things resemble both . they minister ( like deacons ) unto the bishop-whilst he officiates , and are subject unto him as the other are : but they minister in the word and sacraments , as well as the bishop does , and have under him the over-sight of some part of the flock : for which reason they may not incongruously be called bishops . but , blundel ( and his followers , i remember ) to reconcile unto their own hypothesis , the different way of the fathers reckoning up the ministerial orders of the christian church , asserts , that sometimes they conform their language to the scripture and apostolical age : at other times to their own customs , and the ecclesiastical constitutions . in the former case they use the dichotomy mentioning only presbyters ( or bishops ) and deacons : in the latter they divide 'em into three ranks , bishops , and priests , and deacons . but this device will not do their work , and must be laid aside , for the following reasons . . st. cyprian , against whose testimony for episopacy this distinction was principally levelled and framed , though he often falls into the dichotomy , yet asserts , the divine right of bishops . cum hoc igitur ( sicut omnis actus ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernetur ) divina lege fundatum sit — the government of the church by bishops is ( says he ) founded upon a divine law. that the praepositi here are meant bishops is not to be doubted of , if we look backward unto the foregoing parts of this epistle . he begins it thus — our lord , whose precepts we ought to reverence , and observe , establishing the honour of the bishop and the churches affairs , says , &c. and again he adds — hence the ordination of bishops and the affairs of the church , pass through the course of 〈◊〉 and successions , so that the church is established on bishops , and every act of the church is governed , per eosdem praepositos , by the same praepositi , that is , bishops . if then bishops were by divine right in the judgment of cyprian , he must speak in the language of the apostolical age , where the divine right ends , as well as his own , when he reckons up the three distinct orders of bishops , presbyters and deacons . but of this see more in mr. dodwell's th cypr. dissertation . nor can these praepositi and episcopi , be understood of presbyters : for cyp. ( whatever any may fancy of praepositi ) never calls presbyters , bishops ; nor could he conformably to his own writings . he professes thus of himself and other bishops — neq , enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se episcoporum constituit . none of us makes himself a bishop of bishops . but if the presbyters were bishops , then cyprian was a bishop of bishops . . optatus in the same breath , in one short period expresses himself both ways , as well in the bipartite , as in the tripartite form. therefore he must surely be understood to respect one and the same age in the same sentence . if he had therein an eye unto the apostolical age , blundel's distinction is of no advantage to our adversaries . still upon that supposition , there were three orders in the apostles time : if he referred to his own age , then although he comprehends 'em in two words , yet was there three orders of ministers in the church . . ignatius can with no colour of reason be supposed to look to any other than the apostolical age , wherein he lived a great while , and was martyr'd but about ten years after the apostle st. john. his three orders therefore bishops , presbyters and deacons , were not , strictly speaking , of ecclesiastical , but apostolical constitution . by consequence blundel's device makes nothing for the identity of bishops and presbyters . . it no manner of way relieves our adversaries , from our argument grounded on the scriptures , which use the dichotomy , and in it comprehend the three jewish orders , the high-priests , the second priests and the levites . in conformity whereunto the fathers , may be thought to have summed up the christian ministers in two words also . if it be asked , with what congruity could the fathers so often fall into this dichotomy , and yet at the same time believe the three orders to be by apostolical constitution ? the answer is easy . except the ruling part , that 's to say , the administration of the church government , and discipline , otherwise the presbyters were and still are among us , as it were equal to bishops , sc. in the ministry of the word and sacraments , wherein they officiate as effectually as the bishops themselves : for which reason they may be accounted the bishops peers , and both not unfitly called by one common name . even as i before observed from st. chrysoftom , presbyters are comprehended in deacons , as agreeing in some things common to both . . and in the last place that which i insist , and chiefly rely upon , as a just answer unto the argument grounded on st. clement's epistle to the corinthians is this , that 't is drawn only from a negative , clement's not expresly mentioning the three distinct orders , which i contend is unconcluding . i have oft enough produced instances out of scripture , of the apostle's not constantly remembring all the church-officers in their epistles , and frequently mentioning none at all . to keep my self within the compass of my present province , the ecclesiastical history , ignatius , whose great design in all his other epistles was to assert , and vindicate the three orders of bishops , presbyters and deacons , passes 'em all over in his epistle to the romans . but 't is no good consequence that therefore the church of rome , had not in it so much as a presbyter or a deacon . it may farther be considered , that much more an argument deduced from an author's silence can be of no force , when there are other positive , and express witnesses attesting the truth brought into question . if a witness deposes , that john and richard , were engaged in the murder of robert , this shall not quit thomas , if another witness swears he also had an hand in the assassination . clement mentions bishops ( or presbyters ) and deacons , not so much as intimating , that there was a prelate at corinth ( let that now be supposed : ) but his contemporary ignatius , has again and again testify'd that there were bishops , priests and deacons in several churches , to which he wrote , and particularly in his epistle to the ephesians , that there were these three distinct-officers , throughout the world as far as he knew , and by consequence at corinth ; though clement , for reasons best known unto himself , thought not fit to mention the prelate . nor can it with reason be pleaded , that ignatius was ignorant of the government of this apostolical church of corinth , as i suppose it will be granted . from the whole then i gather that clement's silence is no good proof , that there was no prelatical bishop at corinth , because his contemporary is positive there was ; which now brings me to the testimony of ignatim in this controversy . chap. ii. ignatius his testimony . ignatius , clement's contemporary , the disciple and friend of st. john , the apostle , and martyr of jesus christ , has so plainly , so fully , and so often in his epistles , given in his testimony unto the three distinct orders of church-officers , bishops , priests and deacons : and i have so exactly , and at length cited his words in t. n. p. . , , , , , , and . that one might justly wonder , this truth should any longer be called into question , after so clear evidence produced . mr. o. has sundry things to throw in our way , which i must consider in their order , and remove , if it be possible . . mr. o. would bring the credit of these epistles into suspicion , as if it were not agreed among the learned , whether they are genuine , that daille endeavoured to prove 'em spurious , and la roque with great judgment , reply'd unto the learned bp. of chester , dr. pearson , who had endeavoured to confute monsieur daille , in his vindiciae epist . s. ignatii . ans. the genuineness of these epistles was never questioned by any learned man , that i know of , since dr. pearson published his vindication of 'em , save by monsieur la roque , who attempted to support monsieur daille but without success . i never heard he gained any one proselyte . 't is confessed , i have not read that french gentleman's book , the reason whereof is , that when dr. pearson was by his friends dealt with to make a reply to la roque , the wise man answered , there was no need of it , that la roque had advanced nothing of moment against his vindiciae , and that the authority of st. ignatius's epistles remained still unquestionable . this i remember very well was the common discourse among us many years ago , in the university of cambridge , and the event confirms it : no body now daring to deny them , not the dissenters themselves , though sometimes in general they would have 'em pass for uncertain . it 's not intended hereby to disparage monsieur la roque in the least . his misfortune was , that , he undertook the defence of an ill cause against a potent adversary , in such a case the learned'st man in the world , must be forced to retire with dishonour and disappointment . but for mr. o. to say that , 't was not agreed among the learned , &c. when one only learned man is to be found that stands out , is too much ( i think ) to offer unto the world , as if the balance were even , and the learned equally divided about the genuineness of ignatius's epistles . i am perswaded mr. o. himself believes , what bishop pearson has proved 'em to be , though he would 〈◊〉 that they are yet doubtful : but enough of this . . mr. o. further contends , there are strong presumptions , that the church of ephesus consisted of no more members than could ordinarily meet in one place , and had but one altar , at which the congregation ordinarily received the lord's-supper . and again , that ignatius's bishop was but the chief pastor of a church , which ordinarily assembled together for personal communion : that the bishop's diocess in ignatius's time , and long after , exceeded not the bounds of a modern parish . finally ( up and down in the defence ) that as the presbyters could do nothing without the bishops , so neither could the bishops without their presbytery , which is an argument of their parity , and that ( as elsewhere he , and generally all other dissenters make ignatius's bishops ) they were but the moderators in the presbyteries , and those not for life neither but temporary only , as many of them have affirmed . ans. the presumptions mr. o. means are those he speaks of in his plea and defence , as i suppose , grounded upon some slight passages in the epistles , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and such like , of which enough has already been said , unless their sense could be more certainly determined . for he and i may talk and dispute till dooms-days , that thus , or thus those phrases may or ought to signifie , and at last leave the matter as we found it , undecided , and every man to choose what sense he pleases , as his interest sways him , or as his affections and adherence to a cause shall byass him . letting then these things pass ; the answer which i make , shall be to lay before the reader some reasons , as will i hope evince the truth , and prevail with him , to embrace the sense of this father , which we have already given , and to believe that ignatius his bishops were truly prelatical and diocesan . and , . were it as mr. o. affirms , yet the dissenters are universally departed even from this form of church government . what one congregation among 'em has its bishops , presbyters and deacons , and the bishop the supreme manager without whom nothing ought to be done ? but . whereas he tells us , that ignatius his bishop was but the chief pastor of a church , that is the moderator of the presbytery , this cannot be , if we will allow ignatius to have been a man of common sense and understanding . for what more absurd and impertinent , could have been written than all along in these seven epistles , to distinguish so carefully between the bishop , and his presbyters , and yet all the while the bishop , was but one of the presbyters , set up only to moderate in their presbyteries , and debates for orders sake ? or how could ignatius direct , ( as mr. o. pleads ) that the presbyters , should do nothing without the bishop , nor the bishop without the presbyters , except he thought the bishop a distinct species of officer from the presbyters , and the presbyters from the bishop ? the bishop then , and the presbyter must needs be two different orders , in ignatius's opinion . it is objected , that since the obligation was reciprocal , i. e. the bishop could do nothing without the presbyters , as the presbyters could not act without the bishop , the bishop therefore had no preheminence above the presbyters . i answer , . that however the bishop must be allowed to have been more than an ordinary presbyter , yea at least equal to the whole presbytery , and to have himself made a distinct order from it , ( the very reciprocal obligation here objected of necessity implies as much ) . . not only so , but as the king is the supreme monarch of this nation , and more than the lords or commons , though he can enact no law without the parliament , as the parliament cannot without him ; as the king , i say , makes a distinct state of the realm ( this i think mr. o. will grant ) so was ignatius his bishop , an officer different from the presbyters ( if the father spake sense in his epistle ) and superior to them . if it be enquired , wherein could his supremacy consist ? i reply , that after any laws and constitutions were resolved on , between the bishop and the presbytery , or whatever was known to have been ordained by the apostles , he had the care and oversight to see 'em executed , and in matters of greatest moment , he generally was the executor of 'em himself in person , as the king is in the secular affairs of this nation . for as the king does nothing , that is , makes no new laws without the parliament , yet he sees to the execution of 'em after they are once made , and of all other the ancient laws of the realm , and that without the parliament : so the bishop though he did nothing , that is made no new constitutions without the presbytery , yet 't was he who had the care of their execution , and of the more ancient , and apostolical decrees and traditions . it must necessarily have been so , if ignatius his epistles carry any sense in them . but perhaps a positive proof of all this will be demanded from me out of the epistles . to this purpose , then observe , . what ignatius writes to the ephesians — whom the master ( jesus christ ) sends unto the administration of his own houshold ( the church ) we ought so to receive him as we would receive the master that sent him . 't is then manifest we ought to look upon the bishop , as we ought to look upon the lord ( jesus christ ) . here it appears , that ignatius accounted the bishop to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the administrator of the church or houshold . . that though ignatius exhorts the churches to be subject to , and obey the bishop and the presbyters also , ( and so he does to the deacons too , in the epistles to the trallians , philadelphians , and smyrneans ) : yet he never thus prescribes obedience to the presbyters , or the presbyteries only , or without mentioning the bishop with and before ' em . but he frequently admonishes the church to obey the bishop without express mention of the presbyters . . that though he advises the church to be subject unto the bishop and presbytery ( and to the deacons also ) , yet he never advises them expresly to do nothing without the presbyters , or presbytery . besides , mr. o's saying that the bishop could do nothing without the presbyters , is without ground in these epistles , it being never said , do nothing without the bishop and the presbytery , much less simply , do nothing without the presbyters . . 't is not to be forgotten , what ignatius takes special notice of in his epistle to the magnesians — you must not abuse or despise the youth of our bishop ( demas ) , but pay him all reverence , as i know the holy presbyters do , who look on the ordinance ( the bishop as i take it , or the episcopacy ) not as a new device ; but as wise men they submit unto him in the lord , or as the institution of jesus christ. so then the presbyters were subject and obedient to the bishop . but where will it be found , that the bishop is admonished or advised to obey the presbyters ? . when ignatius was in bonds ravished from his people , or church , h thus writes to the romans — which ( the church in syria ) in my stead now 〈◊〉 the lord only for its shepherd . but though the church of syria had lost its bishop , and was then at present without one , yet surely they had not lost all their presbyters . and if the church of syria retained yet her presbyters , as by the quiet that church even then had must be thought , they might easily have made to themselves a chief pastor or moderator , out of their remaining number , and not been destitute of a shepherd ( as ignatius bewails ) whole loss or absence at present , could only be supply'd by the chief shepherd and bishop of their souls . here by the way , the conceit of a temporary moderator , must be thrown out of doors . ignatius was bishop of , syria for life : nor could they have another whilst he was living , tho' absent in bonds . this was the reason , he so passionately resented the unhappiness of that church of syria , that they were forced to be without a bishop , which they needed not to have been , if another 〈◊〉 pastor and moderator might have been constituted in his absence and life-time , which by the presbyterian principles might easily have been done . . ignatius over and over prescribes , that the churches should do nothing without the bishop , and not only so in these general terms , ( which haply will be understood of his presiding in presbyteries , and moderating in their debates for order's sake ) , but also in particular , that marriages should not be celebrated , the lord's-supper should not be administred , nor baptism given unto . believers without him , without his appointment and approbation . this shews that ignatius his bishop , was not only the president in their synods and deliberations , but the supreme director of the execution of the laws , and rules of the church , without whose leave the 〈◊〉 could not marry , nor administer the sacraments . 't is all we desire of the dissenters , if we might prevail with 'em , that they would not presume to do any thing without the bishop , and particularly not to ordain presbyters . lastly , although he often calls the presbytery the council of god , and college of the apostles , yet to keep up the authority of the bishop , he then at the same time resembles him unto god himself , or to the lord jesus christ. if then god the father was superior to the apostles , and if jesus christ must be confest greater than the council of the apostles , so was the bishop , than the presbyters or presbytery , in the opinion of this father : and according to the analogy , and resemblance in this author . from the whole 't is ( i hope ) clear to a demonstration , that ignatius his bishops , were more than what mr. o. means by chief pastor : or moderator in their assembles pro tempore . they were prelatical , and in the nature of their office superior to presbyters . it remains that we shew , they were diocesan bishops , that is , had the oversight of more than one congregation ; for this is another objection mr. o. has raised against our established diocesan episcopacy . for proof hereof let it be remembred . . that if there were not in ignatius his time , de facto diocesan bishops , they were at least formed and designed for such , when ever the multitude of believers should be encreased . it has already been observed , that titus left by st. paul in crete , to govern that church , was particularly directed by the apostle to ordain elders in every city , in all , or as many cities as should afterward receive the faith , or in order to convert more of ' em . i gather hence that titus was intended to be the ruler of all these congregations . let mr. o. make him a bishop , or an archbishop , 't is all one to me ; he was constituted to be ruler over many cities and congregations . thus at least it was ( i conceive ) in these asiatick churches to whom ignatius wrote , as will hence appear , viz. that every of these churches was furnished with a prelatical bishop , with presbyters and deacons under him . to what purpose else so many presbyters , and such distinct kinds of orders ? one or two at most might have sufficed 'em at present , especially if it be considered , that the christians at that time were not in so flourishing a condition , as to be able to maintain so many church-officers for one congregation ; nor was there business enough to employ 'em all in the service of that one congregation . 't is then most rational to believe , that so many presbyters and deacons , were provided at least for carrying on the conversion of the infidels , and multiplying them into several congregations . but if every congregation , must have had or was , intended to have a bishop , we should doubtléss have read of bishops , ex . gr . at ephesus , as well as presbyters in the plural . let us then suppose what is most reasonable to admit , that some at least of these churches had been in ignatius's time , multiply'd into several congregations , yet still there was but one bishop . i do not remember that ever we read of two bishops , of any one city in all antiquity , excepting when the christians of that city were harrassed and disturbed , with schisms and divisions . now who can imagin , that no one city in the world , even in ignatius's time , ever had more believers in and near it , than did assemble for divine worship in one place ? especially in those times of persecution , when the christians skulked , and could not with safety meet in great numbers , nor had rooms capacious enough , and therefore cantoned themselves into several meetings . let any one put all these things together , and impartially weigh them , and he will not easily grant that paradox , that there was no more than one single congregation in any city ; nor will he make any scruple to believe that ignatius's bishop , was at least designed to preside over several presbyters and congregations . lastly , the negative that there was but one congregation in any of 'em has not been proved , neither can by any express testimony . i conćeive it behoves our dissenters , to make this out before they can throughly justifie their congregational churches . but let us now come to particulars , and therefore . . note , that ignatius stiles himself bishop of syria , in his epistle to the romans . now how large a tract syria contained , i need not say , neither will i affirm he was bishop of all syria , taken in its utmost latitude . but seeing he calls himself , and was bishop of syria , 't was more than of the bare city antioch , as any one will confess . his episcopal power must have extended unto some considerable compass of ground , in the adjacent parts of the country , else it had been foolish to have pretended himself , to be the bishop of syria , when he was only bishop of antioch , and of one congregation there . will any one then suffer himself to believe 〈◊〉 was bishop but of one congregation only ? it cannot enter into my head so much as to think it possible : because it must be supposed there were congregations in syria as well as at antioch : in country as 〈◊〉 as city . . i reckon also that the church of ephesus , consisted of more than one congregation , and my reasons are . as i argued in t. n. p. . from act. . . that the church of ephesus took in all asia — all they of asia heard the word of the lord jesus , from the mouth of paul , who then resided at ephesus , and there preached the gospel first in the synagogue ( v. . ) then in the school of tyrannus ( v. . ) . asia , i expounded asia the proper : but i would crave leave a little to mend that gloss , understanding it only of some of the nearer parts of it , adjoining unto ephesus , which belonged ùnto asia the proper . and wheras the historian expresses himself thus largely all asia , and yet intends ( as i suppose only the neigbhouring parts of it , we need not much admire at this , since it is so said to aggrandize and magnify the success , and increase of the gospel . we have an instance of this kind of expression in the chapter before us , act. . . where the mad and superstitious people of ephesus glory of their goddess diana , that all asia , and the world worshippeth her : and yet , v. . she is called diana of the ephesians : at least she was not worshipped all the world over strictly speaking . so i read jo. . . behold the world is gone after him ; and yet only some numbers of the jews followed christ. in short , by all asia , is to be understood the ephesian asia , or that part which adjoined pretty close unto ephesus , whither their secular business oft drew the country people : their curiosity first lead them unto the synagogue and school of tyrannus , and so they became acquainted with the word of the lord jesus and embraced it , of these country converts we read in this chapter , v. . — and certain of the chief of asia , which were his friends sent unto him , &c. nor is it an unusual thing to call the parts of a country , near unto the principal city by the general name of the province , whereof it is but a little member . thus ( as is before observed ) ignatius stiles himself bishop of syria ; not of all syria , properly so called , as will i hope be granted me , but of the country round about antioch , which was within the limits of syria . so then if all they which dwelt in asia , in the adjacent parts of ephesus , as well as in the city its self , heard the word of the lord jesus , both jews and greeks , v. . and this within the space of those two years , the apostle remained at ephesus , it must be allowed that the church of ephesus was too numerous to be contained within one single congregation ; and it is reasonable to believe , that there were some congregations in the 〈◊〉 ( especially in ignatius's time ) which the presbyters of ephesus , in ordinary , attended under the bishop . if it be doubted whether these country proselytes , or these country congregations , were members of the church of ephesus , some reasons or evidences to the contrary must be assigned . we read no where of any prelatical church ( which must be confessed , the form of church government thereabouts in ignatius's time ) nearer ephesus , than that at magnesia , distant from ephesus about fourscore miles . but that the country presbyters and congregations within the foresaid tract , did belong unto ephesus is most probable hence , that the scripture all along speaks of the church of ephesus and of asia , as one and the same church : acts . . ye know ( says he to the ephesian elders ) after what manner i have been with you from the first day , that i came into asia . acts . . certain of the chief of asia . cor. . . we would not ( brethren ) have you ignorant of our trouble , which came to us in asia . acts . . paul determined to sail by ephesus , because he would not spend the time in asia . these expressions could never have dropt from the holy pen-men , except the church of ephesus had extended its self , round about in the country of asia . we read 〈◊〉 times that when st. paul speaks of the affairs of corinth , he uses the word achaia ( whereof corinth was the principal city . rom. . , . . 〈◊〉 cor. . . cor. . . thes. . . ) which is an evidence , that the church of corinth comprehended a good part of achaia . from the whole i gather there must needs have been several congregations , belonging to the church of ephesus , even in st. paul's days , much more in the days of ignatius , and if so , then onesimus was a diocesan bishop of ephesus . but secondly . i also pretended to evince by an heap of arguments collected from the form of church government , drawn up by the assembly of divines , and vindicated by the london ministers after in their jus divinum ministerii anglicani , that in st. paul's time , there were several congregations in the church of ephesus : mr. o. who tells his reader somewhere in his defence , that he has followed and answered me paragraph by paragraph , has made a shift to skip over these proofs : they come too near the quick. i shall be forced therefore for that reason , and the more strongly to establish my position to repeat them once more , and so dismiss the epistles of ignatius . the assembly , and the london divines , undertook to evince by scripture , that even in the days of st. paul , there were several congregations in the church of ephesus , and argued as follows — the number of prophets and teachers at ephesus were many , paul continued there two years and three months , settled thereabout twelve disciples , who prophesied act. . . , . how should these thirteen ministers be employ'd , if there were not many congregations ? compare also act. . , , , . where 't is said of the bishops ( or presbyters ) of ephesus , that paul 〈◊〉 down and prayed with them all , and they all wept sore . here is a good number imply'd . the gift of tongues , also was given unto all these twelve prophets , act. . , . to what end , if they had not several congregations to speak unto in these several tongues ? the multitude of believers must needs be great at ephesus . for first , why should paul , who had universal commission to plant churches in all the world , stay about two years at ephesus , if no more had been converted there , than to make up one single congregation ? act. . , . during this space ( secondly ) all that dwelt in asia ( usually meeting at ephesus for worship ) heard the word of the lord jesus , both jews and greeks . act. . . at the knowledge of paul's miracles ( thirdly ) fear fell upon all the jews and greeks , dwelling at ephesus , and the name of the lord jesus was magnified , act. . . many of the believes ( fourthly ) came , and confessed and shewed their deeds , v. . whereby is intimated , that more did believe than did thus , ( fifthly ) many also of them that used curious arts , brought their books together and burnt them before all men , and they counted the price of them , and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver , ( this they would never have done publickly , if the major part , or atleast a very great and considerable part of the city , had not embraced the faith , that city being so furiously zealous in their superstition and idolatry ) . so mightily grew the word of god and prevailed , act. . , . paul testifies ( sixthly ) that at ephesus a great door , and effectual was opened unto him , viz. a most advantagious opportunity of bringing in a mighty harvest of souls to christ. cor. . , . put all these together , how is it possible to imagine upon any solid 〈◊〉 , that there were no more than one single congregation in the church of ephesus ? these are the assemblies , and london ministers arguments , which mr. o. may do well at his leisure to confute if he can . if he can't , and as i am apt to suspect will not endeavour , then my point is gained . for if even in paul's days , there were many congregations in the church of ephesus , then much more in the times of ignatius , the christian religion doubtless getting ground continually in those parts upon the gentile superstition , as is manifest afterwards from the churches hereabouts planted , and mentioned in the revelations ; to which may be added magnesia and trallis out of ignatius's epistles , none of which are to be found in the story of st. paul , except laodicea , that i can remember . now i will not contend that , every of the churches spoken of in ignatius was 〈◊〉 diocesan , not knowing how early they were planted . but thus much i repeat again , they were intended to be cast into the same model as ephefus was , as many be gathered from the bishops , presbyters and deacons fixt in them , which was , as i may say , the foundation of larger churches to consist of many congregations , after more believers , should by the grace of god , be added unto the churches . by this time ( i am in some hopes ) 't is undeniably proved , . that the bishops of those churches , to whom ignatius wrote , were prelatical , that is , were of a distinct species of church-officers , and superior to the presbyters , who were subject to them . . that they were likewise diocesan , that is , rulers over several congregations , and over the presbyters and deacons , who ordinarily ministred in them , from whence it must be concluded that the several passages , of whose sense mr. o. and i have disputed , must be so expounded as to be made agreeable to prelatical and diocesan episcopacy . whether i have done it , is left to the judgment of the reader , if he please to consult the t. n. to speak only of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one altar , very briefly , because he alledges the testimony , of no less a man , than the famous mr. mede , for one numerical altar , and not a specifical one , as i expounded it . those words in ignatius's epistle , ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are thought to favour one numerical altar , which mr. o. contends for , of which thus mr. mede delivers himself — here is a temple with an altar in it : for in these primitive times they had but one altar in a church . ans. no more have we at this day . though we have many churches in a diocess , yet every church has an altar , and but one : and so it might be at magnesia , for any thing that is yet said to the contrary . but mr. mede goes on — it should seem they had but one altar to a church , taking church for the company or corporation , of the faithful united under one bishop , in the city or place where the bishop had his see or residence ; as the jews had one temple , and one altar for the whole nation , united under one high-priest . the author endeavours to confirm this ( as mr. o. truly says ) out of justin martyr , and st. cyprian . ans. but still mr. o. misrepresents mr. mede , as if he were positive herein , which is not so . for . mr. mede lays down his position very cautiously — it should seem : intimating , it was not very clear from those words of ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for these words many imply only , that every temple had but one altar , as it is with us , and yet there might be more temples than one in the bishop's churches , and therefore more altars . . mr. mede at the same time , thinketh the bishop's churches to have been diocesan : for though they had not several altars , yet they had several oratories or lesser temples ( says he ) as the jews had their synagogues . so that the one numerical altar in the bishop's church , does not prove his church to consist of one congregation only in this learned gentleman's opinion ; no more than the one altar in the temple of the jews , proves there were no synagogues . . mr. mede to back his conjecture , grounded on ignatius , produces two testimonies , the one out of justin , the other out of cyprian ; and because he is not positive or certain of the conclusion he draws from them , it will be no breach of modesty , if i examine whether mr. mede has well grounded his conjecture on those two fathers . justin martyr in his second apology thus writes — all that live in cities or countries , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plural ) meet togeher ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in one place ( so mr. mede ) to celebrate the holy eucharist . this passage does not evince that the bishop's church taken for the whole company of believers united under him had but one altar , for which i offer the following reasons , first , because justin here intends not to give the gentiles an account of the politie , and government of the christian churches ; nor how many sort of church-officers there were among them , nor how many congregations under one bishop , but of the manner of their divine worship , and that not in one single congregation , but in all ; his meaning is that in all towns and countries throughout the world , the christians belonging to any one congregation , or certain district met together , &c. for all this there might be several congregations under one bishop . if i for example should write to a foreigner , concerning the manner of our worship here in england , not intermedling with the nature of our government , might i not , ought i not to say ? all that live in towns or countries ( or where-ever there is a congregation ) meet together in one place , though at the same time there be many churches , and many congregations , united under one bishop of the diocess , which thus meet together for divine worship ? secondly , whereas justin mentions the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the president , who celebrates the divine worship in these single congregations , there is no necessity of understanding him , speaking of the bishop only . he may using one common title for both , speak of the presbyters , who preside over the divine worship in their particular congregations . so mr. mede expounds antistes afterward ; not the bishop only , but the bishop or presbyter , that is , he who ministers in the congregation at that time . thirdly , supposing he means the bishop , he does but instance in , and exemplify the christian worship , by the most honourable assembly , sc. that , wherein the bishop himself ordinarily presided in person , not excluding others , wherein the presbyters ministred . fourthly , justin , because he writes in the plural towns and countries , and of christian worship in general , or indefinitely must here intend all christian assembles in the world : and therefore it may as well hence be concluded , that there was but one numerical congregation or altar in the world , as that there was but one in the bishop's church . upon the whole matter , the point is no manner of way proved from justin martyr . as for st. cyprian , who condemns the setting up altar against altar , it can't thence be gathered , that a diocesan bishop had but one numerical altar . what this father blames , is setting up an altar against the bishop's altar , in opposition to it , not in subordination to and communion with it . it is true here what our lord spake on another occasion , he that is not against the bishop , is for him , and he that is not with the bishop , is against him. in st. cyprian's time there were several , not oratories only , but 〈◊〉 stately , and magnificent churches in the same cities , and within the limits of one bishop's jurisdiction . so optatus milevita●us relates — post persecuit onem apud cirtam , quia basilica necdum sueram restituta in domum urbani carisi consederunt , &c. many traditors ( afterward turning donatist bishops ) met the house of urbanus 〈◊〉 , after the persecution 〈◊〉 cirta , because the temples were not yet restored , &c. now cirta was an episcopal see in cyprians'ss time , and crescens was bishop of it † , and the persecution here spoken of was that of dioclesian , wherein these temples were taken away from the christians . they must then have been built before that emperor's time . it follows hence , that at cirta the christians had several churches before dioclesian reigned , that is not long after cyprian , even in the third age ; therefore there were in the cyprianic age , several congregat●●●●●in in the same city , and episcopal church , and consequently several 〈◊〉 . for no man can think that among these basilicae these magnificent churches , that one only had an altar . and so from the whole it may be gathered , that the erecting altar against altar , condemned by cyprian , was not the erecting more numerical altars , than one in an episcopal church , but erecting them , or any one of them in opposition to the bishop . this father then does not favour mr. mede's conjecture at all . the premises duly considered , i think igantius's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one altar was rightly interpreted by me ; since it is made so manifest , that his bishop was both prelatical and diocesan . i need not then trouble my self any further , about the meaning of the other slight passages objected 〈◊〉 me out of that father , since they must all some way or other be reconciled with this hypothesis , and i hope i was not very wide of the truth in the tentamen novum . chap. iii. of st. mark the evangelist , founder of the church of alexandria . i having produced the testimony of eusebius ( hist. lib. . ch . , . ) in proof of a multitude of christians at alexandria , about the time that philo the jew wrote his treatise , de vita contemplativa , which was in the days of claudius the emperor , or beginning of nero's reign , near fifty years after christ , mr. o. excepts against the testimony as follows — that this passage of eusebius , overthrows the notion of the learned assertors of episcopacy , that a diocess is the lowest species of a church : that eusebius speaks of churches in the plural : that therefore there must be bishops of alexandria , and not one bishop only : that mark was an evangelist , that is , an extraordinary officer in that church : that annianus , mark' s successor was not a bishop of a superiour order , but an honourable president in their assemblies , and a moderator in their synods , without power of jurisdiction over his collegues . ans. i am not concerned in the private opinions of modern authors , who assert a diocess to be the lowest species of a church : nor will i trouble my self to shew how they limit their notion , and explain themselves in that point , nor whether mr. o. fairly deduces his consequence from that passage of eusebius , 〈◊〉 therefore there must be bishops , not one bishop only of alexandria . let the assertors of this notion see to it , mr. o's reasoning , such as it is , affects not me nor my hypothesis , it being my firm perswasion , that a single congregation as well as diocess , is even in scripture called a church . only let it be observed , mr. o. grants , that there were according to eusebius , several churches or congregations in alexandria , but how he will evince there were several bishops there , i am yet to seek . 't is moreover supposed , that mark was an evangelist ( or an extraordinary officer ) : and what then , still annianus an ordinary one might succeed him , in the ordinary office of governing a diocesan church . see part the first , chapter the fifth . and tho' mark was an evangelist ( an extraordinary officer ) which mr. o. must confess , and had power over all the presbyters there , yet ( says mr. o. ) annianus was not a bishop of a superior order , with power of jurisdiction over his collegues , but an honourable president or moderator in the synods . but this is only mr. o.'s singular conceit ; we are in the present controversy to be guided by what eusebius tells us , that annianus succeeded mark , in the administration of the church of alexandria . can any one understand less thereby , than that annianus received the same , and all the power of jurisdiction , that mark had ? in short , i cannot discern mr. o. has advanc'd any thing against me , or laid his own sentiments so close together , as to be consistent with themselves . from the acts. fourthly , the therapeutae composed hymns of divers kinds in metre , which the christians did not till afterwards in the days of the antanini . fifthly , the therapeutae spread themselves throughout the world , and were many in aegypt , but the cristians few ; whereunto it may be replyed . first , the christians expounded the law allegorically , as is manifest from the epistle to the hebrews , and some passages in st. paul's other epistles : and besides , though the jews did endeavour to improve the law by some allegorical deductions from it , yet they held primarily unto the literal sense , and accordingly observed the law ; whereas the christians rejected it in the literal sense , and adhered only to the allegorical . this then proves the therapeutae to be christians , rather than jews . secondly , it must be confess'd , that the christian religion was then new , and the writings of the apostles and evangelists of a later date ; they could not in any reason be called ancient . nevertheless philo , here meant the writings of the old testament , which were out of controversy ancient , and which the christians even the apostles and evangelists made frequent use of . they may properly enough be called the christians ancient authors . besides , tho' philo ( this must be owned ) believed the therapeutae to be a sect of the jews , and because they were conversant in the writings of the old testament , thence collected , that they were of the jewish religion , yet this is no good consequence . it would not pass ( i think ) if one should say timothy was no christian , but a jew , because the apostle saith , he knew the holy scriptures ( of the old testament ) which were able to make him wise unto salvation . thirdly , philo does not affirm the therapeutae pray'd twice a day only , but intimates the quite contrary . his words are , they passed the whole day in exercising themselves , understand , in prayers , praises , and other offices of piety and devotion . hence rather it may be gathered that the therapeutae , pray'd three times a day , as did the ancient , and more devout part of the jews , psal. . . dan. . . acts. . . as well as the christians . fourthly , it is no doubt with me , but the christians composed hymns from the beginning , and 't is not unlikely in metre too , if singing be a good proof of metrical praises , act. . . lastly the christians were spread throughout the world , as the therapeutae were : for if ( as ignatius teaches ) bishops were throughout the world , it follows of necessity that so were the christians also , in as large a sense as the therapeutae . upon the whole 〈◊〉 here is no proof , that i can see of the therapeutae being jews , not cristians . on the contrary , that they were christians may be gathered hence , because their religious exercises , their lives and manners , and their discipline were conformable to the christians , even in things peculiar to the christians . they divided their substance among their friends , as the christians are said to have done in the acts : the women among them ingaged into a state of celibacy , which the jewish women would not no ; they observed lent , or the fast about good friday more strictly , than at other times ; for indeed otherwise their whole life was abstinence . in a word , they had three orders of church-officers : first , they that performed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is presbyters ) , secondly , they that were employ'd about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is deacons ) and thirdly , those that obtained the highest degree of office amongst them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is bishops . on these and other accounts ( which i pass by ) eusebius roundly affirms — i judge that philo ' s words are plainly , and without controversy to be understood of christians . besides , i cannot easily perswade my self , that scaliger and valesius at this distance of time should see further into the matter , than eusebius , jerom and epiphanius , who flourish'd much nearer those days , whereof philo wrote . nor do we ever read of the therape●●ae , before philo brought them to light , for any thing i have found ; and as for josephus ( who doubtless had read philo ) he takes no notice at all of them , 't is probable , because they were christians . so that i conceive them , to be as new as the christians , yea christians , though philo did not or would not own it , being desirous ( it should seem ) to commend his own nation and religion , by representing , the strict holiness and devotion of these therapeu●ae , as of a sect of the jews . nevertheless , we ought here to remember what eusebius , almost in the beginning of the seventh chapter , has expresly delivered of these therapeutae , viz. that they were apostolical men , 〈◊〉 of the race of the hebrews ( or jews ) and for that reason in a great measure observed the jewish rites , and institutions , as the jewish christians at jerusalem , and in judea generally did , even unto the subversion of the city by titus . they were then christian-jews , or jewish-christians , who both believed in christ , and yet were 〈◊〉 of the jew , of which kind we meet with many in the acts of the apostles . whoever will impartially consider what has been said , will ( i hope ) be induced to believe they were christians . i am pretty sure 't is the only way to reconcile the arguments brought on both sides . the christians then , ( as i designed to prove ) must have been many at alexandria , and in aegypt , whilst mark presided there or soon after : they had many churches , and annianus succeeded mark in the government of them , we reading of no other bishops , then at or near alexandria , but annianus ; mr. o. has not told us of one . yet mr. o. pleads — mark was no resident evangelist at alexandria , but a companion of peter's , and paul's in their travels up and down , with paul , acts. . . ch . . . tim. . . philemon . . col. . . with barnabas , acts . . and at cyprus : with peter at babylon , ● ep. . . and since he was thus employ'd in divers countries one after another by these three apostles , he could not be the resident evangelist at alexandria . ans. first , all this is nothing to the argument drawn from annianus his succeeding mark , and having the administration of the church of alexandria committed to him ; for he might succeed in the administration , when the evangelist left it , and betook himself to another work. secondly , i conceive there were three several persons named mark , all to be found in the scriptures before cited ; for 't is in no wise probable , that paul , and barnabas , and peter , should all have the same person to be their disciple and companion , since they all took a different course , and travelled into distant provinces to propagate the gospel . thirdly , paul fell out with , and separated from barnabas , who took mark along with him , paul refusing it , acts . . we never read that they pieced again . 't is not likely then , that the same mark should accompany paul afterwards ; and yet we read of one mark with paul , all along in the texts alledged ; nor can it be thought that paul would receive this mark again , who had deserted him , and for that reason been rejected by him . fourthly , there was not a right understanding between peter and paul , as appears from the epistles to the galatians and corinthians . 't is not then probable , that the same mark attended them both . fifthly , the several characters and descriptions , given unto mark in the places adduced by mr. o. do 〈◊〉 that there were three of that name . first , in acts . . ch. . . ch. . , . the mark in all these texts spoken of , is either called john only , or john sirnamed mark : but he quite forsook paul , and adhered to barnabas in the last quoted place , act. . . this note of distinction imports , that there were other marks , besides this john. for secondly , i read of mark the nephew of barnabas , or barnabas's sister's son , col. . . he doubtless was the man , who was paul's disciple and companion , after his separation from barnabas , and continued with him to the end of paul's life . col. . . philem. . tim. . . but lastly there was a mark , peter's son , and with peter , when he wrote his first epistle at babylon , pet. . . for the several reasons before alledged , he could be neither of the two former marks , and moreover eusebius constantly makes him the disciple , interpreter , and follower of peter . 't is then incredible , he should have been the companion of paul or of barnabas . this last also is the evangelist , of whom the dispute is betwixt mr. o. and me , who is but once mentioned in scripture , and that at babylon , which being in aegypt ( as many with reason hold ) he might be a resident evangelist at alexandria , though occasionally with peter at the writing that epistle at babylon . but 〈◊〉 any will contend st. peter's babylon was rome , be it so what absurdity is it to affirm with eusebius , that peter sent him from rome to alexandria , where he planted that church , and departing this life bequeathed the government of it to annianus . yet once more admitting mark , after he had formed and regulated that church of alexandria , to have removed unto some other cities and countries ( for i am by no means obliged to maintain that he dy'd there , nor does eusebius expresly say so , that i know of ) 't is enough for me to affirm with eusebius , that annianus took the administration of that church of alexandria , after mark left it . to conclude , if there was but one mark , who sometimes was with peter , at other times with paul and barnabas , then with barnabas alone , after that with paul again , and lastly with peter , yet this hinders not , but at last he settled at alexandria . neither will his occasional removals thence at the apostle's call , destroy his residence , see part the first , chapter the fifth , whither i refer the reader for satisfaction : 't is high time now to consider mr. o's plea , on this argument . i am referred to page . . st. jerom is the only ancient author , that has any thing of the particular manner of church government established , by mark 〈◊〉 alexandria , and on whose authority the presbyterians very much rely . what he says is — the alexandrian presbyters , from mark to heraclas , and dionys. call'd one chosen from among themselves , and placed in a higher degree , i say , called him bishop . but he tells us not , who chose him , nor who ordained him , so that we are yet at a loss , as to one main part of the controversy , for any thing jerom has discovered to us . only one would have expected , that if the presbyters at any time had ordained their bishop , this father would not have failed to let us know it , for the honour of himself , and those of his own order . he also informs us in the same epistle that — one presbyter was set over the rest for a remedy against 〈◊〉 and this was done postea , that is , after john's two last epistles , those of paul to timothy and titus , and the first of peter were written : for bishop and presbyter , were all one till then , as he supposes , and we must be made to believe . but 't is very hard to believe all this upon the credit of jerom : nay , jerom himself did not believe it , if we may believe him : for he confesses , that paul made timothy bishop of ephesus . how then comes in this postea , after he had quoted st. paul's first epistle to timothy ? for if ever 〈◊〉 was made bishop of ephesus by paul , 't was before st. paul wrote that epistle . and if so , how comes jerom to say , that the devise was formed — postea , &c. that is , after the writing of that epistle , that is , after timothy was made bishop of ephesus . all that can be said , the good father writes somewhat confusedly , and is inconsistent with himself . but to let this pass at present . one thing only is very observable , that if st. paul constituted timothy bishop of ephesus , if james was bishop of jerusalem , statim 〈◊〉 apostolos , and if mark appointed a bishop to be chosen , and set over 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 at alexandria , then this remedy against schism was found out , and establish'd in the apostle's days , it being certain , that mark dy'd before peter and paul , or 〈◊〉 i might argue to the same purpose , from another passage in jerom , who affirms , that mark himself was the first bishop of alexandria . therefore this remedy against schism was prescribed in the apostle's days , and by the apostles also , and therefore bishops must needs be of divine institution , even in the opinion of jerom himself . but still the difficulty remains , who chose and ordained the bishop , after mark was gone . here mr. o. thinks he has caught us , having found an unquestionable testimony , that the presbyters at alexandria , both chose their bishop , and ordained him , yea , and ordained one another : so 't is testified by 〈◊〉 in his origines 〈◊〉 , set forth by mr. selden many years ago . his words are , mark appointed hananias ( or annianus ) first patriarch ( or bishop ) of alexandria , and twelve presbyters his constant assistants , to the end , that when the patriarchship was vacant , they should chuse one of their own number , should lay hands on his head , and bless him , and create him their patriarch : then after that they should elect some eminent person , and make him 〈◊〉 in the room of him , who was made patriarch , that so there should be always twelve 〈◊〉 , &c. this mr. o. calls a full proof of presbyters , chusing and creating their bishop , and that by imposition of hands , and benediction or prayer , also of presbyters making presbyters . before i give a direct reply , i will try what can he gathered from this narrative of eutychius , in favour of episcopal government . first , 't is natural , hence to gather that mark , not so much as dreamed of a parity between the bishop and his presbyters . his conceit was there should be twelve presbyters , answerable to the apostles , and a bishop , 〈◊〉 them like christ over his 〈◊〉 . secondly , by this constitution of mark' s at alexandria , episcopacy must be acknowledged , the first government set up in that church , and because mark was an inspired evangelist , it was divine also . thirdly , note , that according to eutychius , the presbyters were to chuse their bishop , and not the people , which the dissenters will not very well like of , fourthly , that the presbyters ordained new presbyters , which will scarce go down with the dissenting congregations now a days . fifthly , that excepting accidents the patriarch or ( as mr. o. ) the moderator of the class was chosen for life , which the presbyterians will not allow of . sixthly , that the dissenters are every whit , as much departed from the observance of st. mark' s model , as they can pretend we are , yea , and much more too . thus much being premised ; that which i would reply to 〈◊〉 his story is , that he is the first that told it , that he is an author of no credit , and that there are considerable exceptions to be made against him , and his tale. they are as follows — first , he is acknowledged by selden himself , to have lived but in the tenth century , about years after the pretended constitution of st. mark. he alledges no writer or records known unto us , from whence he received this account , nor is it known that there were any such . besides , jerom who was several times in egypt , knew nothing of this , which is very strange , 〈◊〉 should years after , and when their records had been destroyed by the saracens . it must then rest upon the credit of 〈◊〉 himself alone , and what that is will appear by and by . in the mean time this tale of 〈◊〉 must not pass , being wrote by one , who lived at so great a distance of time from the matter of fact , delivered by him without any other known ancienter author to support him , besides , he is an obscure writer pop't up into the world to serve a cause , and therefore cannot merit belief . secondly , 〈◊〉 differs from many authors of more unquestionable authority than himself . he differs from ignatius , who affirms that presbyters ought to do nothing without the bishop , not baptize , not marry , not celebrate the eucharist without the bishop : but according to 〈◊〉 , they ordained without him . he differs from eusebius , so far at least as to relate , what eusebius knew nothing of . it is very strange that eusebius so diligent , and so exact an historian , so curious , and inquisitive a searcher , into the antiquities of the most eminent churches , from their first plantation , particularly this of alexandria , should not have discovered any thing , of the presbyters ordaining their bishop and one another : that , he that has acquainted us with the names of all the patriarchs from mark to alexander , the precise order of their succession , the year when every bishop succeeded , in what emperor's reign it was , and sundry , other remarkable things which happened in that church , should be wholly silent , and ignorant of this constitution , of st. mark. more over 〈◊〉 says , that mark wrote the gospel which bears his name , in the first year of nero's reign : but eusebius affirms , it was done in the days of claudius , nero's predecessor . eutychius tells us , that mark was slain in the first year of nero , eusebius not till the eighth at soonest . he differs from st. jerom too who reports , that all the new testament was wrote in greek , except the gospel of matthew ; but eutychius will have it , that mark wrote his in the latin tongue . briefly , then he differs from some authors ( quoted by selden himself ) in whom he read of three presbyters , seven deacons , and eleven other 〈◊〉 officers , of what character is not said ; whereas eutychius mentions twelve only , and all those presbyters : on these accounts , then he is of very little credit . thirdly , he relates many things in his annals ( whereof these origines are a part ) against the faith of all approved history . he makes the council of nice , to have consisted of . bishops , which is not credible : he says , peter was crucified in the twenty second year after christ : and he reckons origen a bishop . fouthly , even in these origines , he is not at one with himself . he writes , that mark went unto barca to preach the gospel , that then claudius caesar dy'd , and nero succeeded him : that in the reign of nero , peter the prince of the apostles , wrote the gospel of mark , with mark in the roman tongue , and in the city of rome , and yet that mark was slain at alexandria , in the first year of nero. but if mark was martyr'd at alexandria , in the first year of nero , it cannot be , that he was at rome with peter in nero's reign , and joyned with him in writing the gospel . fifthly , eutychius's story seems most improbable , and in my judgment overthrows its self . for if the presbyters had the power , first of chusing , and then ordaining one from among themselves to be patriarch , and after that , ordained the new presbyter also , to what purpose was a bishop created ? was he to be a bishop of clouts , to sit in his chair and gravely to look on , whilst the eleven presbyters chose and ordained the twelveth , and he have no hand in it ? sixthly , the origines consists of so many childish , ridiculous , and absurd relations , that no wise man can given any credit to so trifling an author . that story of mark' s going to a shoe-maker or cobler , to have his shoe-latchet mended ; of hananias pricking his finger with the awl , and thereupon growing angry : of mark' s 〈◊〉 him with a promise to heal his finger , if he would belive in christ : of hananias believing and being cured ; and lastly , of mark' s baptizing him thereupon , and making him patriarch of alexandria , is to me incredible . another of the like nature , is that of alexander's desiring that the patriarch of alexandria , should not be called papa , whereas it had been decreed before in the days of heracles ( i suppose for distinctions sake ) bishops being stiled fathers , therefore it was judged fit , that the patriarch should be honoured with the title of grand-father . but-why alexander should be so self-denying , as to refuse an honourable title , which several of his predecessors had had beforehim , is to me a mystery . again , that wonderful design of mark ( as 〈◊〉 reports it , to have always the exact number of twelve presbyters in alexandria , appears to me not very solid . lastly , of the same stamp is , that request of peter to be crucify'd with his head downward , that he might not have the honour to die , in the same manner as jesus christ did . i fancy , that peter never requested such a thing , or if he did , that nero never granted it . seventhly , whereas eutychius would make us believe , that mark' s rule about the presbyters of alexandria ( not the neighbouring bishops of egypt ) chusing and ordaining the patriarchs , and presbyters continued unto the days of alexander , ( who must therefore be the last that was ordained by the presbyters , about the year . ) : yet st. cyprian , who flourish'd above years before alexander , has something that makes me suspect the contrary , and that mark establish'd no such order at alexandria , st. cyprians's words are these — propter quod diligenter de traditione divina , & apostolica observatione servandum est , & tenendum , quod apud nos quoque , & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad eam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus delegatur plebe presente , &c. this is part of a letter , written by the bishop of carthage , to the churches of leon , asturica , and emerita in spain : from whence 't is manifest , that this was a divine tradition , an apostolical practice , that the bishops of the province should assemble , chuse and ordain a new bishop , and that it universally obtained , apud nos ( says the father ) among us in africa , and almost in all the provinces in the world , in the roman empire besure . and i take cyprian to be a much trustier author , than eutychius , or jerom either . to support this testimony of st. cyprian , i produce the first , of the apostolical canons , which were collected before st. cyprian , at least a good while before the nicene council ( as dr. beverigde has shewn ) wherein , as is by selden pretended , the custom of alexandria was alter'd ; but 〈◊〉 cannot be , as may be gathered from the first canon aforesaid , which runs thus — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if then this apostolical canon was in force before the council of nice , then it was not the nieene council , which altered the alexandrian custom , as eutychius and selden suppose , it having been a much more ancient practise , it seems for the provincial bishops , to ordain bishops . and so eutychius is mistaken in this point also . if ever there was such a rule establish'd by mark at alexandria , of presbyters ordaining bishops , or presbyters , it was changed before alexander or the nicene council , yea , before st. cyprian's time . eighthly , whereas eutychius asserts , there were no bishops in egypt till demetrius , it is proved to the contrary by that most learned prelate bishop pearson , from several good testimonies , and particularly from the vetus vita marci , and rabanus maurus abbot of fulda , of both which mr. selden likewise takes notice . the former writes thus — pentapolim pergit ( marcus ) & ordinans episcopos , per regiones illas , & clericos ; iterum alexandriam venit . the latter thus — ordinaverat ( marcus ) pro se episcopum annianum , 〈◊〉 quoque longe lateque 〈◊〉 episcopos . mr. selden to avoid the force of these testimonies has invented this shift , sc. that mark made these bishops in pentapolis only , and not in egpyt . if one ask'd why mark should make bishops in pentapolis , and not in 〈◊〉 also , it would be hard for mr. o. to give a satisfactory answer to it . besides 't is said , that mark made bishops , per regiones illas , doubtless the meaning is through all the countries , that he travelled between alexandria and pentapolis ; and surely egypt was one of them . and why should one patriarch or bishop , suffice for alexandria and all egypt , but not for pentapolis ? except mr. o. would be so kind as to furnish us , with so early an instance , of a vast city and province , under the government of one single bishop . it cannot then be questioned , but that there were from the beginning bishops in the province of egypt , as well as one in the city of alexandria . ninthly , whereas eutychius says , that mark appointed the twelve presbyters to chuse their patriarch , and by imposition of hands , and prayers to ordain him , yet bishop pearson has produc'd several good authorities to the contrary , shewing they were not ordained by the presbyters ; as first the apostolical constitutions attest . of abilius who succeeded hananias — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and jerom's chronicle , we read that abilius was chosen ex presbyteris , & 〈◊〉 graecorum traditionem a sancto luca ordinatus est , that is , abilius was chosen out of the presbyters ( or from among them , as jerom has it , not by 〈◊〉 ) and according to the tradition of the greek church , was ordained by st. luke . furthermore 〈◊〉 , who wrote the lives of the alexandrian patriarchs , informs us , that cerdon who succeeded abilius , and cerdon's successors unto demetrius , were ordained by the bishops out of that region , that is , egypt , i suppose . by all which it appears , that there were bishops in egypt before demetrius , who ordained the patriarch , or bishop of alexandria . tenthly , it is not like , that 〈◊〉 had any authentick records , belonging to the churches of alexandria and egypt , the saracens having destroy'd and burnt 'em all , long before eutychius was born ; so that where he wanders from the truth , or when he 〈◊〉 , we must conclude , he fram'd his annals , and origines out of his own brains , or some uncertain monkish traditions and legends , then currant among them . to conclude , supposing the alexandrian presbyters , by st. mark' s appointment , did elect the patriarch or bishop , yea , and ordain him too , yet it must be confess'd , that bishops ) however chosen and ordained ) are as early as he , and by divine right , st. mark being a person inspired , and consequently having authority from god , at least from the apostles , to establish the government of the chuches , which he founded , with what face then could selden produce these origines , to justifie the presbyterian design in the late troubles ( i do not now say for altering the way of choosing , and ordaining them ) but for quite extirpating episcopacy ? or with what colour of reason can mr. o. argue against episcopacy , and blame us for not observing the supposed method of chusing and ordaining our bishops , 〈◊〉 himself and his partizans are undermining the fabrick , which st. mark is confest to have built , and levelling it to the very foundation ? let our adversaries first conform themselves to this rule of st. mark , let them in every city chuse , and ordain a bishop for life , unto whom themselves , and all the faithful in the city and country adjacent must be subject , and unto whose care and conduct , the administration of the ecclesiastical affairs may chiefly be committed , and when they have done this , then let them lay before us this special author eutychius : it will be time enough then to consider farther of him : mean while it seems not fair nor honest , to bring this fabulous instance on the stage against us , which they themselves will not be guided by . the 〈◊〉 is eutychius , of whom we have been speaking , liv'd about years distance from the 〈◊〉 by him related , without any intermediate testimony to confirm his story : he differs in many things , from several good authors of much more credit than himself : he relates things against the faith of all history ; he contradicts himself , 〈◊〉 own story 〈◊〉 its self , he intermixes many little foolish and very improbable remarks , he is contradicted by more ancient writers , yea , and more unquestionable than himself ; jerom , whose design and argument needed it , makes no mention of that constitution of st. mark , and lastly , the dissenters themselves observe it not . by this instance therefore ; 〈◊〉 they do us harm they do themselves no good , yea , rather hereby they condemn themselves . but lastly , against the testimony of 〈◊〉 , i lay that of 〈◊〉 . echellensis de orig. alexand. ecl. which i borrow from the bishop of worcester . echellensis tells us out of severns alex. bishop of the asmonaeans , and of the sect of the 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 , that after the death of the patriarch , the presbyters met together and prayed , and proceeded to election : the first presbyter declared it belonged to them to chuse their bishop , and to the other bishops ( in egypt ) to consecrate him . to which the bishops then present assented , only saying , if he were worthy they would consecrate him , whom they chose , but not otherwise : so then they had it seems , a negative voice in the election . and elmachinus makes this a constitution of st. mark in the first foundation of that church , and saith it continued to the nicene council , about which time it was ordered , that the bishop might be chosen from any place or church whatever , and this was all the alteration in the constitution of the alexandrian church at the council of nice , whatever selden or eutycbius say to the contrary . chap iv. of the syriac translation of the new testament . mr. o. argues , that the the syriac 〈◊〉 , which is so very ancient , that is comes nearest in time to the original , useth not two words , one for bishop , another for presbyter , as our translation and the greek do ; but it hath only kashishaa : the word in chaldee , and in syriac , signifies presbyters . from whence we are to conclude , that in the opinion of the syriac translators , bishops and priests ( though two words in the greek ) are nevertheless but one , and the same species of church-officers , and therefore express'd but by one word in the syriac translation , which properly signifies , 〈◊〉 , or elders . first , supposing all this true , viz. that bishop and presbyter in scripture denote , one and the same kind of church-officer , in the judgment of the syriac . translators , who therefore described them by one word only in their own language : yet this hinders not but that there was another order of 〈◊〉 rulers , superiour to bishops and presbyters . thus much ( i take it ) has been abundantly proved already in the tentamen novum , 〈◊〉 and titus , being such church governours , superior to the bishops and presbyters , though not distinguish'd by any special and appropriate title . so that , if all mr. o. has here said , and his deduction from it were true , 't will do him no service , nor us any disadvantage in the present cause . but. are commonly invested with all those powers , which inferiors have ; but inferiors cannot pretend to all the power , that superiors have . 't is no wonder therefore to me , if bishops are sometimes stil'd presbyters , since the apostles themselves in scripture , and bishops oftentimes in 〈◊〉 are so called . therefore . thirdly , mr. o. has not got the least advantage of us , by starting this criticism about the syriac translation : but rather has lost ground , so far as these translator's authority will go . for because he thought it a good argument on his side , that the syriac translators of the new testament ( as he imagined ) used not two words for bishop and presbyter , but one only , sc. kashishaa : it follows , that because 't is found to the contrary , that they used several other words , none of which are employ'd to express presbyter by , this ought to be taken as a good proof on our side , that even in the new testament there is a distinction , between the order of a bishop , and that of a presbyter , if mr. o's own way of reasoning has any force in it . finally , if the syriac version be so very ancient as mr. o. thinks , one might believe ignatius to have had an hand in the translation : for he was a bishop of syria . and who then can imagine the translators to have so-much as dream'd of the identity of bishops and presbyters ? chap. v. concerning the church-government , in the north-west parts of scotland . there is an argument for the government of churches and ordination by presbyters drawn from the scots , who being converted to christianity about the year . ( as is thought upon the authority of tertullian ) had no bishops among them , but were ruled by meer presbyters only , and that for 〈◊〉 centuries after . the dissenters argument grounded on this tradition , is more at large thus , according as it is urged by mr. baxter their oracle , as i find in the history called an account of church-government , &c. by my late lord bishop of worcester . first , mr. baxter tells us of a sort of men called culdees , that first guided the affairs of religion in scotland long before the coming of palladius , and yet were not bishops , but monks and presbyters . secondly , that these culdees chose some few among themselves to be as governours to the rest , whom writers called scotorum episcopos , bishops of the scots . thirdly , that these new found bishops of the scots , had only the name of bishops , about which he ( mr. baxter ) will not contend with the episcopal party . by the way , nor will i contend about the name bishop , but mr. baxter acknowledges , that they were as 〈◊〉 to the rest. and here is the thing which is more than the name only of bishops . fourthly , that afterwards 〈◊〉 began a higher sort of bishops , but the culdees still kept up the greatest part against him . fifthly , that columbanus his monastery , in the isle of hy restored the culdees strength ; and the monks out of that island , were the most prevailing clergy of scotland , who had no proper episcopal ordination , but bare election and ordination of presbyters . this piece of history is just 〈◊〉 all over ; one would guess 't was eutychius his mark , who first converted these northern - britains , and setled the government like unto that at 〈◊〉 . but against all this , i have in the first place to ask , who in good earnest , converted these northern - britains ? mr. o. thinks it was the southern - britains . i will take him at his word , and then demand , whether it be not most reasonable to believe that the northern - britains did , with the faith receive the same church-government , as the southern had , who converted'em : and that the southern - britains has bishops among them from the beginning , is out of doubt , and confess'd by the elders , and messengers of the congregational churches , met at the 〈◊〉 , october the th . in the preface of their declaration ; that its true in respect of the publick , and open profession of presbytery or 〈◊〉 , this nation had been a stranger to each way , it is possible ever since it had been christian i. e. till about . it is without all doubt to me , that the southern - britains , very early received the christian faith , and perhaps in the apostle's days , and by st. paul too , as my 〈◊〉 lord of worcester has made very probable , both from the testimony of many fathers , and some considerable conjectures of 〈◊〉 own . but the question is , whether the inhabitants of the north , and north-west parts of britain beyond edenburgh , received the faith before columbanus , settled in the island of hy or jona . our 〈◊〉 will have it , that these north people became christians , at least about the year of christ . and from that time ( until 〈◊〉 came among them ) were governed by monks and culdees , who were presbyters only . this opinion is grounded chiefly on a known testimony out of 〈◊〉 , who writes that the faith of christ had then 〈◊〉 unto 〈◊〉 loca romanis 〈◊〉 , and these places must needsbe the north-west parts of 〈◊〉 beyond edenburgh , which the romans had 〈◊〉 subdued . now tertullian flourished about the end of the second century , or beginning of the third . ans. this passage of 〈◊〉 reaches not the point ; it can't be hence deduced what was the government of that church , supposing those northern parts , were thus soon converted . 〈◊〉 might have been 〈◊〉 up there for any thing we know or find proved : and it is likely , it was so , if ( as mr. o. 〈◊〉 ) they received christianity from the southern - 〈◊〉 , as i observed before . but let us look more narrowly into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that some parts belonging to the 〈◊〉 , were then become 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . those who had not yet submitted their 〈◊〉 unto the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but who 〈◊〉 were is the question . some think they were the britains next beyond the picts wall. who were not conquered by the romans , and besides were small , and inconsiderable conversions , no church being formed or established among them : for so 〈◊〉 in the place cited mentions many other countries , where happly some few scattered christians lived , though no church was regularly established . now though this is sufficient to convince me , that the people of the remote north and north-west of scotland ( now so called ) beyond edenburgh , were not meant by 〈◊〉 ; yet foreseeing it will not satisfie others , whose interest and cause will not suffer them easily to be perswaded , i will therefore take the liberty to offer my own thoughts unto the readers consideration , my conjecture then is , that the loca britannorum romanis inaccessa referred unto by 〈◊〉 , were no other than ireland . ptolomy reckons the islands of the world thus . first , taprobane the greatest : the next was ( great ) britain , otherwise 〈◊〉 albion , and the third , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another island of the britains called ireland . and pliny says , albion was named britany , yet all the neighbouring island were called britannies , and that ireland of old time was inhabited by britains . aristotle ( or whoever was the author of that book de mundo ) witnesses , that there were in the ocean two the greatest islands in the world , called 〈◊〉 ' ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , albion and ireland . thus much i have gathered from mr. cambden . i shall add one of my own collection from dionysius de situ orbis , who speaking of our western ocean says . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who then can doubt , but that ireland was meant by 〈◊〉 's britannorum loca , as well as any other places of the britains , since 't is well known the romans never carried their arms , nor extended their conquests , so far as unto that island , although they were not ignorant of the place , be sure in tertullian's days , no nor in augustus's time , when dionysius the african wrote ? 〈◊〉 himself in the same period adds , and multarum insularum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many islands unknown to us , where the gospel had got footing . but least the unwary reader should think these very words overthrow my opinion , and that the island , ireland , being unknown to 〈◊〉 , cannot be meant by the loca 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inaccessa , it must be noted that by 〈◊〉 , he intends such islands with whom they had no commerce in ordinary , nor an exact account of . 〈◊〉 that they were wholly ignorant of them cannot be ; for then 〈◊〉 must talk at random and nonsense . how could he say , that christianity was propagated in these islands , if they were altogether 〈◊〉 . there is a passage in archbishop 〈◊〉 , i must not 〈◊〉 over . neither did celestine employ less care about freeing the britains from the pelagian heresies — a bishop being ordained 〈◊〉 the scots ; while be studies to preserve the roman island catholick , 〈◊〉 also made the barbarous island christian , the former whereof was great-britain , the latter ireland . the forecited words are 〈◊〉 's which vitus basinstochius † thus expounds , and thereby illustrates tertullian . when prosper said britannies , doubtless 〈◊〉 called the roman island , britain , and the other island called barbarous , he understood to be ireland , whither the power of the roman 〈◊〉 't is believed never came . it will be objected hence , that therefore because the pope is here said to have sent a bishop ( 〈◊〉 is meant ) and by him made ireland christian , ireland embraced not the faith till that time , 〈◊〉 about . by consequence 〈◊〉 is not to be understood of ireland . but i reply , first , that prosper and 〈◊〉 , must be supposed to speak a 〈◊〉 de rome , as believing none were good christians , but who depended on the pope . besides , ireland was christian long before this , as the story of 〈◊〉 proves . but secondly , it may with reason 〈◊〉 supposed , that a great part of ireland was yet unconverted . or thirdly , the scots a foreign people , 〈◊〉 , and barbarous had more 〈◊〉 invaded , and conquered them , and withal very much impaired the christian religion , ( as the 〈◊〉 once did here in england ) nevertheless , that about the year . the christian religion , by the preaching of 〈◊〉 , or rather st. patrick was restored again . if it be demanded of me , how i prove , that ireland became christian before 〈◊〉 , i reply , 't is proved by the same 〈◊〉 , others would prove that the north and north west of the now scotland , was so early converted , that is , by 〈◊〉 's testimony ; and which 〈◊〉 the must likely conjecture , must now be left to the reader . the summ is , if 〈◊〉 may as well speak of ireland , as of any other place , here is then no proof of so early a conversion in the utmost north of great britain . but let us hear what mr. o. has advanc'd in this controversy : for indeed my business is with him . he begins then and acquaints us . the histories of scotland tell 〈◊〉 their churches were governed by 〈◊〉 without bishops , for above years , and therefore had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 . in confirmation hereof , mr. o. cites hector 〈◊〉 , john major , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and indeed these are the best and the most ancient and only witnesses , that can be produced in that cause , except the invisible 〈◊〉 , who at best was but in the eleventh century . but these were the most errand 〈◊〉 of legends as ever appeared in publick , having no author , no records before them , to support what they affirm concerning their country and its affairs . thus much my lord of st. 〈◊〉 in his historical account has objected against these , and other such fabulous historians : and mr. o. who has read this learned . bishop , ought not to have urged these 〈◊〉 , unless 〈◊〉 had taken off the bishops exceptions against them . true , he tells us , archbishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with approbation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e. 〈◊〉 . p. 〈◊〉 . . . but when i consult archbishop 〈◊〉 , i find him indeed citing these authors , page . but not , no not 〈◊〉 himself , with approbation , unless his very citing them must 〈◊〉 taken as an approbation of them , which i must 〈◊〉 mr. o. is his 〈◊〉 . for the said archbishop in his preface to that book 〈◊〉 , the reader would object against him , the obscurity and little credit of many of his authors ingenuously confesses , that he had gathered together a 〈◊〉 of all manner of authors , good and bad , new and old , to the end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 historian might from thence pick , what seemed to his purpose and probable : but that otherwise ( he 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 was not so void of sense , 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of monmouth , or hector boethius , or any other of the lower form , as 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 thing of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hence it follows , that archbishop 〈◊〉 cites them not with approbation , especially not 〈◊〉 , and therefore not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is the vir gregis , the 〈◊〉 and leader , in all the romantick stories of the antiquity of the scotch nation and church . it is to be observed hector boethius , the last of the three takes upon him to mend the former , fordon , and major , saying ( what mr. o. leaves out ) palladius was the first , that was made bishop , by the pope among the scots ; whereas in former times , bishops were taken out of the culdees and monks , the people chusing them . here then the witnesses do not agree among themselves : for fordon says without bishops , and major presbyters only , but boethius plainly intimates the scots had bishops in former times , though not of the roman stamp , nor thence sent unto the scots . palladius was the first of the roman bishops , not the first bishop . whoever chose'em is nothing to our purpose : the scots had bishops before palladius , according to boethius , who were pickt out of the monks and culdees : but he says , not ordained by them . it may as well be affirmed , that because our bishops at this day are taken out of the presbyters , that therefore they are ordained by them . lastly , the said archbishop usher , there produces another testimony out of john baly , who writes — palladius was sent among the scots , that he might establish the episcopal order among them , after the roman fashion , for ( he adds ) the scots had before that time their bishops , and ( other ) . ministers , as it was among the britains after the asiatick manner . but it pleased not the romans ( the popes ) who affected ceremonies , and hated the asiaticks . but though the scots were anciently the inhabitans of ireland , yet says mr. o. these authors call the ancient inhabitants of ( the now ) scotland , by the name they were known in their own days , and to them palladius is thought to have been sent . true ! but 't was their ignorance or worse , nothing being more clear , than that the ancient inhabitants of the now scotland , were britains and picts , not scots . this is fully made out in the historical account of the church-government , &c. as well as by archbishop usher's authorities , to whom i refer the reader . whereas bede l. . c. . relates , how that columba was the first teacher of the christian faith , among the tramontane picts , to the north , mr. o. thus glosses on that passage — he was the first bede knew of , implying there were others before , that bede knew not of . ans. at this rate all authorities may be eluded : and all the testimonies produced by mr. o. in favour of his cause , may easily be laid aside . bede 〈◊〉 no other , yet the contrary is true ; thus , i may say , fordon and major talk of presbyters and monks , among the scots without bishops : that is , that they knew of ; but however there were bishops among them bede himself gives not the 〈◊〉 occasion for this gloss , but is as positive herein , as any writer can be . and he is a better witness in these matters , than fordon , major , and boethius . these talk of matter before their time a years , without any authority to back their relations : bede , of things which happened but about years , only before his time . for 〈◊〉 flourished anno . and bede was born anno . and flourish'd . in short then bede might well understand what happened at 〈◊〉 , and among the northern picts , the english saxons , having so lately received christianity from the bishops , sent hither by columba , and his successors . mr. o. goes on to acquaint us , christianity was much more ancient in the north of the now scotland , and that 't is proved by bishop cowper . ans. bishop cowper , laboured under the common disease of easily believing , and advancing the antiquity and honour ( as he thought ) of his own nation . he brought no testimony of credit , but that out of theodoret , which belongs unto the southern britains ( for of tertullian's we have before treated ) . but mr. o. would be resolved in some queries . first , when the fathers mention joseph of arimathea , simon zelotes , &c. to have preached the gospel in britain , what reason have we to exclude north britain ? the zeal of those apostles and apostolical men , and their charity would prompt them , to endeavour the propagation of the gospel throughout britain ; and part of the now scotland , belonged then to the british kings . ans. i know no father that mentions joseph of arimathea , and simon zelotes , except haply dorotheus , who is the father of a thousand lyes , or fordon , major , boethius , fleming , balaeus , and such other later and legendary writers . i can give several good reasons against the north - britains being so early converted , and good ones too , as i think britain anciently was divided into very many petty kingdoms : none of the princes received the faith very early ( that we know of ) save lucius perhaps : the romans never penetrated into the now scotland , till a good while after , and it was by their means in part , that christianity spread its self . the picts in north - scotland never stoop't to their yoke , which rendred their conversion more difficult . and something ( i hope ) in this point may be ascribed unto the secret will and providence of god. can mr. o. give me any other reasons than such as these , that the saxons and angli in germany , who over-run britain , were no sooner converted , tho' tertullian reckons the germans in general , to have been christians in his time ? nor were the apostles themselves , nor the apostolical men always successful in their endeavours . st. paul was forbid to preach in asia , acts , . . 't is a wretched way of proving a matter of fact in question , from such slender probabilities . by the like arguments one might prove , that all europe , asia and africa , embraced the gospel a thousand years since , even the most northern scythians , the most eastern indians and seres , and the africans about the cape of good-hope . in short , though paul plants , and apollos waters , yet 't is god , who gives the increase . 't is certain the apostles themselves did not always take fish , where-ever they cast their net. our lord foretold them as much , directing them therefore to shake off the dust of their feet , as a testimony against them , that rejected their doctrine . but enough of mr. o's first query . secondly , he asks if the north - britains received their first conversion by men sent from rome ( as seems from bede , e. h. l. . c. ) how came they to keep their easter , after the eastern manner . ans. this is accounted for by the bishop of st. asaph , and mr. o. ought to have acquiess'd , or else refuted the bishop , and not thus frivolously repeated the bare objection about easter , without vindicating it against the bishop . but he seems to read books on purpose to furnish himself with little objections ; not with a disposition to hearken unto reason , but to spin out , and continue disputes , for ever . besides , the north britain ( here so called by mr. o. ) is by bede in his history described , to be the most southern part of the now scotland , adjoyning vnto england , and called galloway or annandale , on this side edenburgh . but what is this , to the northern tramontaene 〈◊〉 , beyond edenburgh , whither we say the romans , neither gentiles nor christians , nor the christian religion , ever reached before columba settled at hy , who also came thither not from rome , but ireland . mr. o. farther pleads these words of bede . i. . ch . . that by the pope palladius was sent primus episcopus ad scotos creden tes . therefore the scots were christians before palladius . ans. if this testimony be adduced to any purpose , 't is to prove , that the tramontane picts received palladius , their first bishop from 〈◊〉 , the roman 〈◊〉 , that before that time they believed , and had presbytery only , but no bishops , because palladius was the first . now to shew the disingenuity of this suggestion , it must be noted very briefly out of the historical account , that by scots , are here meant the scots in ireland , that bede has not a word of their form of government ; that some copies read ad scotos convertendos , which would imply , that they were not yet christians ; that primus ( in prosper , whence bede is thought to have taken his narrative ) in some copies is read primitus , that is , formerly ; that palladius and patricius , were designed for the primates only , or the first bishops in rank ; and finally , that 't is true , palladius was the first bishop , sent into ireland by the pope ; yet there were bishops before that time , of which number archbishop usher produces four. this was the first attempt of reducing ireland to the obedience of the pope . i 'll say nothing of mr. o's confessing palladius was sent into ireland . plea . mr. o. now promises us an instance of presbyters ordaining in scotland : 't is that of segenius a 〈◊〉 , and the abbot of hy , who with other presbyters ordained bishop aidan and finan . bede h. e. l. . , ans. but mr. o. acknowledges that there were bishops at hy , and in that province from bede , lib. . ch . . and the ulster annals agree hereunto . what need we say any more to resolve this difficulty ? some bishop with the abbot and his presbyters , laying hands on ( as our custom is at this day ) ordained aidan , for to what purpose were these bishops among them , if not to ordain ? the government was in the abbots hands : the presbyters were able to minister in the word and sacraments : the bishops bufiness then was certainly to ordain . mr. o. excepts against the ulster annals , as not being attested by any author of that age : and yet they agree in most things with adamnanus , and with 〈◊〉 , and are a little relied on by archbishop usher . mr. o. urges ( a bishop being supposed in the monastery at hy ) he was subject to the abbot , and thinks he has here sufficiently reply'd , to my lord of st. asaph's solution of that difficulty ; i do therefore add thereto . ans. nothing is more certain than that bishops were wont to be in monasteries . i read in theodoret , of eleven residing in those of egypt , from their youth up to their extreame old age , and when they were bishops too . theod. e. h. l. . ch . . now though the bishops of the province were subject to the abbot of hy , yet it must remembred also , that the abbots jurisdiction extended it self throughout the province . no wonder then , if the provincial bishops were 〈◊〉 to the abbots : rule and order required thus much . if one of our english bishops should 〈◊〉 into a college of oxford , and readmit himself a member of the university , he becomes thereby subject unto the head of that college , and to the chancellor within the precincts of the university . and that i may not fain a case , some of our bishops have held a prebendary of a collegiate church in commendam : he is thereby subject to the dean therein , all matters belonging to that church , even as 〈◊〉 says , the provincial bishops were to the abbots of hy , viz. within the abbot's jurisdiction . but we know for all this the chancellor of oxford , and the dean of a cathedral cannot ordain . besides , the abbots of hy , though they retained an external government over all in the province , the bishops not excepted : yet as to the episcopal and ministerial acts of religion , in that age belonging to bishops , the abbots gave place to bishops , as 〈◊〉 appear from the following story , in my lord of st. asaph , it was it seems the custom at that time , for the priests being all equals to break the lord's bread in the 〈◊〉 together . a certain bishop being then at hy , and not discovering his character , was by columba invited to break the lord's bread with him : but columba at length discerning him to be a bishop , would have the bishop break the bread alone , as bishops then used to do : which shews that notwithstanding the abbots temporal jurisdiction ( as i may call it ) columba acknowledged the episcopal order , to be superior to that of a presbyter . lastly , bede's inusitato more ( for the right understanding whereof , i refer to the historical account ) implies , that this was but one singular , and unprecedented example . one swallow , and such a one as was never seen before , does not make a summer . one might then here justly cry out with 〈◊〉 , quid mibi profers 〈◊〉 ecclesiae consuetudinem ? cum 〈◊〉 turba 〈◊〉 , and the whole world was episcopal . the first person sent into northumberland , from hy was one described only , but without a name in bede . returning back to hy without 〈◊〉 , aidan is appointed and ordained unto the episcopacy : in whose ordination it is probable his predecessor , a bishop was concerned : for he was then present among them . mr. o. alledges , he is called only 〈◊〉 a priest ; but this is disputing a small point by halves : for if aidan was a bishop so was his 〈◊〉 : and of aidan 't is said — ipsum esse dignum episcopatu : and then in the next chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aidan at his ordination , 〈◊〉 antistes . so then in bede's language antistes is a bishop , and the nameless person we speak of is called so a little 〈◊〉 : he was therefore a bishop , if aidan was . lastly , aidan belike was a presbyter before he was ordained bishop of northumbria : if so , to what purpose was he ordained , if not to a distinct office ? i do suppose all mr. 〈◊〉 material objections are accounted for by this time , and his proofs of presbyterian ordination invalidated . i will conclude this chapter with two observations . first , it cannot with any reason be imagined , but that there were bishops in the province of hy , because columba , the first abbot thereof came out of ireland ; there we read of bishops among whom he was educated , convers't freely with them , and was ordained by them . he was ordained deacon by finian bishop of meath , and was an intimate friend of columbanus bishop of laghlin , and ordained presbyter by one of them , most probably by columbanus , from whom also he might take his name , as eusebius bishop of caesarea , did that of pamphilus , hist. account c. . after he was abbot of hy , he propagated bishops among the northumbrians , from whom our english saxons derived . on this account it was my lord of st. asaph argued , that the scotch ordinations must needs be episcopal , meaning those at hy : which he confirmed by this consideration , because the romans ( austin the monk , and his associates ) did not dislike the orders , that they found in the british church , as being episcopal , though derived from the monastery of hy. to this mr. o. excepts , that if by british bishops be meant the church of south britain , 't is not to the purpose as we observed before . ans. nothing is more plain than that my lord bishop meant the church of south britain . whatever mr. o. observed before is not material , but my lord bishop's observation is manifestly to the purpose . for if the romans did not dislike the orders of the church of south britain , they could not dislike the orders of hy , because the south britains derived their orders from hy , and doubtless were the same : and the reason they disliked neither was because they were episcopal , as were the romans and all the world beside . mr. o. adds , if the orders 〈◊〉 at hy , be intended as not disliked by the romans , yet ( says he ) the romans were not so ignorant of the privileges of abbots as to dislike their ordinations , which are allowed by that church . decret . greg. abbas , si sit presbyter , conferre potest ordinem clericalem . ans. ordo clericalis may possibly here 〈◊〉 neither the episcopal nor presbyterial , nor the diaconal order , but the inferior orders only , such as the sub-deacons , acoluthists , exorcists , psalmists , lectors and door-keepers . but that the episcopal order is not meant , is to me past dispute : for the romans never allowed an abbot presbyter to ordain a bishop that i heard of . secondly , if this privilege was allowed by the roman pontifs to the presbyter , abbots . it was allowed to such of them only , who 't is likely owned the jurisdiction of the roman see. but not unto those , who refused subjection to it , as did the abbots of hy , mr. o. knows very well . this privilege then , whatever it was , could not be the reason of the romans not dislkeing the foresaid orders . thirdly , the decretals mentioned were made or put together , by gregory the nineth pope of rome , in the thirteenth century , about years after these abbots of hy , almost as many after austin the monk , and therefore not appositely here alledged . fourthly , mr. o. seems here to countenance presbyterian orders , by popish 〈◊〉 , and canonsframed in the dregs of time , when the romish corruptions were at their height . but i like them never the better for that . the romans are more excusable in this then our dissenters , 't was their principle , that all church-officers derive from , and depend meerly upon the pope's will. he may then communicate the priviledge to whom he will , even to a deacon . but that a presbyterian dissenter should justify his orders by a pope's decree is something extraordinary and extravagant , as i fancy . but secondly , i would observe that columba a presbyter himself usurp't ( or received from the prince of the province of delried ) a dominion over a great province in the north-west of the now scotland , over the monks and culdees ( if any such were ) , yea even over his fellow presbyters themselves : for all or many of them at least were presbyters , and lastly , over the bishop also , if it will be acknowledged there were such in the province of hy. besides , he yet retained a jurisdiction over the monastery of dearmuch in ireland , which himself had formerly erected , and his successors over many more monasteries of lesser note , which sprang out of these two , both in 〈◊〉 and in 〈◊〉 . now this is a wonderful piece of antiquity to justifie the priciples , and practices of the united brethren at present amongst us . if it proves presbyterian ordination it destroys presbyterian parity , unless mr. o. will assert , that the monks of hy were equal to the abbots , and that every monk was the abbot in his turn , pro tempore . what room then has mr. o. to talk of bishops receiving their power from kings , ruling over many churches and congregations , exercising jurisdiction over their fellow presbyters ( as he thinks ) and that for life too ? all this did columba and his successors , who are pretended by mr. baxter , to have restored the culdees ( or presbyters ) strength against the incroachments of palladius . but all this while the tyrants only were changed , not the tyranny , the name altered not the thing . instead of palladius , the culdees and monks were in the hands of columba : and in the place of a bishop was set up an archpresbyter . moreover , i would ask whether in the supposed ordinations at hy by presbyters , the monk-presbyters could or did ordain without the abbot-presbyters . if not ( as i believe all will and must grant ) our united bretheren will find little relief from this rare instance of presbyterian parity and ordination . i should here have concluded this chapter , but mr. o. in the midst of this controversie , has interwoven an invidious reflection upon episcopacy , and asserted , that the hierarchy in the churches of the roman empire , had their platform from the heathen , who had their flamens and arch-flamens , and i know not what . ans. . if the heathens had sundry officers in the administrations of their idolatrous religion , subordinate to one another , it will not follow the christians took it from them ? why not from the jewish hierarchy ? his beloved hilarius sardus is of this opinion : or why may it not not be thought a piece of natural religion , wherein the patriarch , jews , gentiles , all agree ? but let us see how he attempts to make good this reflection of the christians , deriving their hierarchy 〈◊〉 the heathen . he grounds it on the epistle of julian to arsacius , the gentiles chief-priest in galatia , and after the citation of a scrap out of eusebius , which i do not find in the places directed to , cries out , here is a precedent for bishops intermedling with state affairs . whereas any one may know that will but read , or understand that epistle ( which mr. o. never did i preceive ) that 't is intirely spent about religious matters , and directs how arsacius the chief priest should behave himself , in governing the affairs of the gentile religion . thus we are wont to be teazed by a sort of men , that do not or will not understand what they say ; who , so they may cast dirt upon us , care not how ignorantly and falsly they do it . but to let this pass . the question here is , whether the christians derived their form of church government by bishops from the gentiles , or the gentiles from them . this latter i undertake to make out . first , from the ancient writers of the primitive church , who argue for the divine authority of bishops , as being borrowed from the levitical high priests , priests and levites . all the world knows this ; i need not bring forth 〈◊〉 testimonies , even mr. o's so oft mentioned hilary is one : but of this i have spoke before . secondly , although the druids according to caesar , had such a sort of government among them yet in the east , where episcopacy was first established , the gentiles had no such government , as appears from what eusebius has noted , of maximinus the heathen emperor , who observing the way of church government among the christians , and believing it conduced to the furtherance of their religion , for the same reason appointed the same among the gentiles . he then drew his pattern from the christians . which is moreover confirmed by lactantius , to have been then newly taken up by the heathens — maximinus novo more sacerdotes maximos per singulas civitates singulos ex primoribus fecit — parumque hoc fuit , nisi etiam provinciis ex alticre dignitatis gradu singulosquasi pontifices superponeret — maximinus then first ( novo more ) created chief priests in every city , and as if this had been too little , he ordained as it were high-priests over whole provinces : it was then a new device among the gentiles , first set up by maxinisnus in conformity to the christians . thirdly , the same is proved out of that very epistle of julian , to arsacius the chief-priest of galatia , though quoted by mr. o. himself , as if it were on his side . i am ashamed any man , that pretends to religion and learning , should thus foully misrepresent authors , and make as if they had written , what is manifest they never so much as dreamed of . to shew this , i 'll first sum up what sozomen himself relates concerning this matter , and then give you an abridgment of julian's epistle , that follows in the same chapter . he says — the emperor ( julian ) desiring that the gentile religion should prevail , but observing that it was far surmounted by the christian , was exceedingly troubled . when he thought with himself , that christianity was chiefly commended by the lives and manners of those , who profess'd it , he determined with himself , to 〈◊〉 the temples of the gentiles with the same rule and order , which was in use among the christians : also with the same degrees and prerogatives of supremacy . and sundry other things are mentioned , wherein julian was resolved to imitate the christians : he adds in general — the emperor endeavoured to conform the gentile unto the christian institutions . then follows julian's letter to arsacius , the chief priest of galatia , wherein there is not a syllable of state-affairs ( as mr. o. has falsly suggested ) , not a word that intimates , as if the christian derived their government from the gentiles . he only admonishes arsacius to take care about sundry , particular things belonging unto morality , such as hospitality to strangers , care about burying the dead , that the flamines should not frequent the theater , nor drink in taverns , nor profess any trade . he advises him to build hospitals for the poor , and promises to furnish him with moneys to do it : he warns him not to pay visits often to great men , but to write to 'em only , and live retiredly : that the inferior flamines should not meet secular officers , when they entred the cities in pomp , 〈◊〉 they came to the temples of the gods ; who when they are entred , are then but private persons . in a word , he orders arsacius to endeavour to make the flamines good men , by shaming them unto their duty or perswading them , or removing them from the priestly ministry : to bestow honour on them who obey'd , but the the stubborn and contumacious to expel . first , from the whole it appears that all this policy of julian was taken from the christians , whose rules and government he knew very well , having himself once been a christian , and a reader in the church . true ! many writers of latter ages have taught , that the christians followed the gentiles in their church-government . but 't is not my business to account for the dreams and fancies of school-men , and other authors that follow them : although at the same time i am of opinion , that the primitive church regulated their parishes , diocesses and provinces , according to the divisions , which they found ready made to their hands , by the civil magistrate , and perhaps to the districts formerly appointed by the druids in these western parts , which might occasion those authors to affirm , that the episcopal government it self , was borrowed from them , which is ( we see ) a great mistake . to conclude ; seeing we have found the government of the gentile religion ( in the east at least ) was taken from the christian , being before more like unto the presbyterian or congregational , the reflection may be retorted upon our adversaries , and it may with more truth be said , that they had their pattern from the gentile priests . if any one desire a more full and learned account of this , let him consult the late bishop of worcester . chap. vi. concerning fortunatianus bishop of assurae , basilides and martialis two spanish bishops . mr o. endeavours to prove that presbyters , and people may receive an accusation against their own bishop : which is as 〈◊〉 as to say , the bishop is not superior to his prebyters , who are his judges . this he pretends to evince from the th epistle of st. cyprian , which is thus directed — epicteto fratri & plebi . the case was this : fortunatianus bishop of assurae , had sacrificed unto idols in the late time of persecution , under decius the emperor , by consequence he had abandoned his bishoprick , and even christianity its self . when affairs were afterwards somewhat settled , and peace restored unto the church , fortunatianus claim'd his bishoprick again , and 't is not unlikely , but he had some interest among some of the people of assurae , who were willing to accept him ; for so it was i find , in the following case of basilides and martialis . cyprian acquainted herewith , in that letter exhorts epictetus , and the people not to receive him , 〈◊〉 to acknowledge him any more for their bishop . how this story establishes mr. o's proposition , i am not able to discern . for st , by this argument the bps were subject unto the people , as well as to their presbyters , which mr. o. would do well to consider of . ly , it does not appear that fortunatianus , was ever accused or cited to answer unto the charge laid against him : by consequence no judiciary sentence was pronounc't upon him . the fact was notorious . he had of his own accord abdicated and turned to the gentiles . thirdly , if fortunatianus was formally cited , accused and condemned , it follows not that epictetus the supposed presbyter , and the people were his judges . one may with more reason imagine that the cause was brought , if at all , before the the provincial bishops and by them decided . fourthly , it s not certain that epictetus was was a meer presbyter 〈◊〉 for ought any one knows or can say to the contrary , epictetus filled the episcopal chair at assurae , when cyprian wrote that epistle . fifthly , supposing epictetus was only a presbyter , yet here is no mention of a formal process or judgment given against fortunatianus : but only a caution given to that church , not to receive him again . for the matter of fact ( i suppose ) was plain . the unfortunate man had sacrificed , and thereby abandon'd his bishoprick . but peace being restored , he will needs intrude into it again , having as is to be presumed ) some friends at assurae favouring his pretences . this is certain the design of st. cyprian in this epistle , was not to advise them , to call fortunatianus before them to try , and to condemn or depose him , but only to warn the church of assurae , to think no more of their former bishop , who had 〈◊〉 into idolatry , and was therefore no bishop at all . and this was agreeable to the rule , which the churches of rome and of africa , and of the whole world had formerly made , as the learned 〈◊〉 has observed — that such as had sacrificed should be deprived of their ordination and sacerdotal honour , and upon their repentance should be admitted unto lay communion only . the observation is taken out of the th epistle ( of which i am to speak by and by ) in these words — jam pridem nobiscum & cum omnibus omnino episcopis in toto mundo constitutis , etiam collega noster cornelius sacerdos pacisicus ac justus , ac martyrio honoratus decreverit ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab ordinatione autem 〈◊〉 atque sacerdotali honore prohiberi . it is not then to be denyed , but that as the presbyters and the people of a diocess ( when 't is notorious that their bishop has apostatized , and fallen into idolatry , and for some time deserted them , and another is substituted in his place ( which was i presume the case before us ) have a power by the law of reason , and of scripture too to refuse him , when he offers to obtrude himself again upon 'em ; so more especially since there is a solemn 〈◊〉 ecclesiastical law provided in the case . but i demand of mr. o. to give me an instance , when ever the presbyters and people called their bishop into judgment before them , censured and rebuk't , acquitted or condemned him , either when the fact was in question , or the matter objected against him , was in controversy about its lawfulness . until mr. o. produces an instance of one of these kinds , he is far short of proving that presbyters , and people may receive an accusation against their bishop , as timothy had power to do against elders . for timothy had power to receive an accusation upon information of witnesses , and to rebuke the offender accordingly , and if need were to reject him , titus . . we are then safe as yet , notwithstanding any thing st. cyprian has written in this epistle . the case of basilides and martialis , is much what the same , as that of fortunatianus , and is to be found in the th epistle of st. cyprian . 't was wrote by st. cyprian in his own name , and in the name of other african bishops to felix presbyter , and the people of leon and asturia , also unto lelius deacon , and the people of emerita , all in spain , in answer to a letter of sabinus , successor to basilides , and of another felix successor of martialis , whom the bishop calls coepiscopos nostros , our fellow bishops . what may fairly be collected from this epistle follows : as first , it may from this epistle be gathered , that basilides and martialis , after they had been proved guilty of idolatry were deposed from their bishopricks . secondly , that sabinus and felix , were substituted in their rooms . thirdly , that the idolatrous bishops were deprived , and the new ones chosen and ordained , by the provincial bishops in the presence , and with the concurrence or consent of the people : for thus cyprian speaks — the people have power either of chusing good bishops or refusing unworthy ones : again , the people ought to separate from a wicked bishop : that episcopal ordinations ought to be celebrated sub populi assistentis conscientia , with the knowledge and assent of the people present , to the end that by the people the crimes of bad men may be detected , the merits of good men may be testified , and so a right and regular ordination may be made , which shall have been examined by the judgment and suffrage of all . st. cyprian goes on — that is to be observed , which is held among us in africa , and almost in all provinces , that to the end ordinations be rightly made , all the next bishops of the same province meet together with the people , for whom the bishop is design'd ; and let the bishop be chosen in the presence of the people , which knows and has been acquainted with the lives and conversations of the candidates . this we understand has been done among you , in the ordination of sabinus our collegue , how that the bishoprick was given him , and hands laid on him with the suffrage of the whole fraternity , and by the judgment ( or decree ) of the bishops , who were present at the meeting , and who had sent their letters ( of consent ) concerning the bishop to be chosen . that which i would deduce from all this is , that because the power of chusing and ordaining a bishop , was lodg'd in the provincial bishops together with the people of the diocess , it must follow that the power of depriving , consequently of receiving accusations against the bishop , was 〈◊〉 in the same provincial bishops , and and the people of the diocess . and if this be so , then basilides and martialis were deposed by the provincial bishops , in the presence and with the consent of the people , and so mr. o's inference from this story will not hold , sc : that the presbyters and people may receive an accusation against their bishop , that 's to say in a judiciary way . moreover it seems to me very probable by some passages in this epistle , that the people's power in chusing or rejecting their bishop consisted only in the testimony , which they gave to the provincial bishops , concerning the lives and conversations of the bishop propounded by the provincial bishops to succeed . i gather this from those words — 〈◊〉 ipsa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , the which is more clearly explained in the same paragraph , where cyprian adds , ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia fieri oportere , ut plebe presente , vel detegantur malorum crimina vel bonorum merita predicentur . ordinations ought to be with the knowledge of the people , that the crimes of bad men might be discovered , and that the deserts of good men , might be made known unto 〈◊〉 provincial bishops , who were indeed the proper electors . the same is shortly after again explained — episcopus deligatur plebe presente , quae singulorum vitam , plenissime novit , & 〈◊〉 . actum de ejus conversatione perspexit — — let the bishop he chosen ( by the next bishop of the province ) the people being present , who knew the lives of each ( candidate ) and saw every man's works and conversation . so that the peoples business seems but to have been only to give testimony for or against the candidate for the bishoprick , whilst the synod of the provincial bishops chose and ordained him . however this be , it is manifest from the whole — that the presbyters and the people did not ( without the provincial bishops ) by virtue of their own sole and proper power hear , or receive accusations in a judiciary way , much less take upon 'em to give sentence upon their own bishops , which is the thing affirmed by mr. o. without any ground or reason produced out of these epistles . whoever will impartially read st. cyprian , must confess he is intirely ours . among all others , he is the most hearty and zealous assertor of episcopacy , tho' he used and exerted his power with exemplary humility and moderation . the rector in t. n. observed , that in the epistles to timothy and 〈◊〉 , no share in the government of these churches was given to the presbytery , whereby is signified at least , that these two were the supreme or principal rulers of those churches committed to their charge . after this the rector granted , nevertheless , that the presbyters were not , ought not to be utterly precluded from all interest in the government of the church , as appears from the council of jerusalem , acts . hereunto after some cavils , and charging me with contradicting my self ( i leave that to the judgment of the reader ) the minister gravely admonishes us — — , that cyprian did nothing without the council of his presbyters , and without the consent of the people epistle . erasm. ans. . this passage proves not that the presbyters were equal unto st. cyprian : it may as well be said the people were equal both to the presbyters and to st. cyprian . all that can hence be gathered is , what i intimated and granted before , that the presbyters have a subordinate 〈◊〉 in the government , and are as a standing council to the bishop : but the bishop is the supreme and principal . 't is so in our civil government , especially when we have a wise and good king. he does nothing of moment without the advice of his peers , and consent of his people in parliament . . it may be questioned , whether st. cyprian thought himself in strictness obliged to this , or whether it was his own voluntary and prudent resolution , and condescention unto his presbytery and people . the whole passage runs thus — solus rescribere nihil potui , quando à primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro ( presbyterorum ) & sine consensu plebis 〈◊〉 privatâ sententiâ gerere . wherein is intimated , that he took this course not as obliged thereunto by any law , but by a rule he had of his own accord laid down to himself , and so would not without necessity depart from it . for . st. cyprian did take upon himself sometimes on extraordinary occasions , to dispatch some ecclesiastical affairs without the consent of his presbyters , and people , ( as in the ordination of aurelius the lector ) which notwithstanding were valid . . the council and consent of the presbyters , and people were only required , and admitted in testimony of the manners , age , merits , and qualifications of such as were to be ordained ( of which we just now spoke ) , the power of ordination still remaining 〈◊〉 the hands of the bishop , as may be seen in the epistles cited in the margin . chap. vii . of the scythians . mr o. very positively after blundel asserts that — the power of ordination and government , was in the hands of captive presbyters under the scythians beyond ister , for about years from the year to the year . now if this were as certainly true as blundel , and mr. o. have confidently reported out of the historian , it would do them no service at all : forasmuch as it is not deny'd but that christians in captivity , and under other necessities also may govern themselves , and worship god without bishops , yea , without presbyters and without deacons ; so our lord has determined in general , god will have mercy and not sacrifice . but not to insist on this ; let us see , with what artifice these two gentlemen have misrepresented and corrupted philostorgius , on whom they father the foresaid story . to this end i will make him speak english. philostorgius saith , that ulphilas one of the transistrian scythians , who by the ancients are called getae , but now goths , brought over into the roman soil a very great multitude of men , who had been thrust out of their native country for the sake of religion : that the nation of the scythians , formerly embraced the christian faith , on the following occasion . when valerianus and gallienus , were emperors , a vast multitude of scythians living beyond ister , cross'd that river into the roman empire , and by their excursions infested a great part of europe . after that having sailed over ( the hellespont ) into asia , they invaded galatia and cappadocia . and having made very many captives , among whom were some of the clergy , they returned into their own country with much prey . wherefore those captives and holy men , thus mixt with the barbarians , brought over not a few of them , unto true piety and godliness , and perswaded them , that instead of the gentile superstition they would embrace the christian religion . of the number of those cap. tives were the ancestors of ulphilas . this ulphilas , therefore was the leader of those holy men , who lately came out of gothia ( or scythia ) and was their first bishop constituted after this manner . when by the king of the goths , he was sent embassador with some others , unto the emperor constantine , he was ordained by eusebius , and other bishops with him , bishop of those , who became christians in gothia , and were now past over the river danube into the empire this multitude of refugees , the emperor plac'd in maesia , that is , on the roman side and bank of ister . there is nothing more material in this story , as 't is delivered by philostorgius . upon this passage then , i observe as follows . first , that philostorgius was by the ancients noted for an impudent , lying , and impious historian : and therefore his relations not easily to be credited , especially in the matter now before us . philostorgius's business was , to advance the name and reputation of ulphilas ( being a profess'd arian , as well as himself was ) and therefore he remembers that constantine , called him moses , and caused him to be ordained the first bishop of the christian scythians or goths . the latter of which , i shall by and by shew is not true , not in the sense blondel would have it . secondly , that philostorgius in the foresaid relation , is singular and by himself , none of the ecclesiastical historians before or after him , making any mention of the things related concerning ulphilas : and this is enough to bring him into suspicion , when he commends ulphilas , as the first bishop of the goths or scythian christians . thirdly , not to insist on either of the former observations , but allowing philostorgius , to be a faithful historian , and taking the matter of fact as granted , i farther note , that philostorgius speaks of clergy-men in general carried , into captivity , not mentioning the particular species . so that among the captivated clergy-men , there might be bishops , and there might not be presbyters , for any thing philostorgius has said , or mr. o. can tell . it is not to be gathered from him , that ulphilas himself was so much as a presbyter , when he first went unto constantine . jeroms adversaries therefore might with as much truth , and for the honour of deacons have hence concluded , that the power of government , and ordination was in the hands of deacons in scythia , for these years , as blundel could make his inference for presbyters . the most probable conjecture is , that there were some of all sorts , sc. bishops priest and deacons . fourthly , i might demand of mr. o. to prove that there was any one presbyter among those christian captives , which haply , he will be put hard to do , but in the mean while i 'll undertake to demonstrate , that there was at least one bishop in scythia , before ulphilas , viz. theophilus , who was one of the nicene fathers , and subscribed the canons of that council , so eusebius witnesseth — also the bishop of persis was present at the synod , nor was there wanting a scythian bishop . socrates names him — theophilus who being bishop of the goths , 〈◊〉 there present subscribed the nicene - council . theophilus therefore was bishop of the goths before the nicene synod , and was present at the council and subscribed it . therefore the power of ordination , and the government of the scythian church was not in the hands of presbyters among the christian goths ( or scythians ) for about years , as mr. o. and blondel have affirmed , but in the hands of bishops , or of a bishop at least . i add , that seeing we find a bishop among the goths before the nicene synod , 't is but reasonable to think that bishops , or a bishop at first went along with the captive christians into scythia , or that one soon followed them thither . i will confirm this con - jecture from that passage in sozomen , who informs 〈◊〉 that — it was an ancient custom ( speaking of the scythians ) that one bishop only govern the churches of that province . sozomen is now writing of the church-affairs , in the reign of valentinian and valens , that is about the year . years after ulphilas had been first ordained bishop . now ulphilas was not long before this time alive according to socrates , and invented the gothick letters , 〈◊〉 the reign of valens . without all peradventure , therefore the goths had bishops long before ulphilas . for if there had been but two in all , that is ulphilas , and after him vetranio , then bishop , it had been a foolish remark of sozomen , to tell his reader , that it was an ancient custom among the scythian christians , that one bishop only governed their province , when as this ancient custom , forsooth , had been but of years continuance from the first , and there had been but two , and the former of them dead but about four years before . for both ulphilas and vetranio were bishops in the reign of valens * . the sum is there were bishops in scythia , during some part at least of the years mentioned by mr. o. and in all likelihood all the while . i defy mr. o , to shew the contrary out of philostorgius , or any other historian extant . there does remain indeed a small difficulty to be accounted for , viz. how then comes it to pass , that philostorgius calls him the first bishop of the goths , if the goths had bishops before him ? the answer hereunto is easy and 〈◊〉 . fifthly , theophilus , who was present at the nicene synod , was bishop of the goths beyond the danube ( or ister ) : for they came not over the river into the roman empire , till after the said synod . upon their arrival or at their request , constantine allotted maesia for 'em to inhabit , that is to say , that part of the roman empire , which lay to the banks of the danube , on this side the river , and named ulphilas to be bishop , and he was the first bishop of the cisistrian scythians within the roman empire , and ordained by eusebius bishop of caesarea , tho' theophilus before him had been bishop of the transistrian . so socrates , moreover to this faith even ulphilas himself , bishop of the goths then first consented . for before that time , he had imbraced the 〈◊〉 faith , following theophilus bishop of the goths , who being present had subscribed the nicene council . so that after all this , it can't be questioned , but that the gothick christians were long before ulphilas governed by bishops , although blondel and mr. o. have so roundly denyed it without , yea , against plain evidence to the contrary . upon a farther search into blondel , i find him acknowledging , what i have before spoken of theophilus bishop of the 〈◊〉 ; but mr. o. who pretends to improve arguments , has left this lamer and more imperfect then he found it . let us then see what answer blundel has framed against theophilus the scythian bishop : it is as follows . if we grant theophilus was bishop of the gothick metropolis before 〈◊〉 , we will being hereby furnished with a stronger weapon justifie our cause : for they who make to themselves a bishop their superior , who dare deny them a power of ordaining presbyters , which are but their equals . ans. this argument is grounded upon a supposition , which is not to be allowed of nor can be proved . blondel takes it here for granted , the scythian presbyters ordained their bishops , theophilus for instance . but one may surmize several other things with equal probabilty , any of which will overthrow this wonderful demonstration . as . it may be supposed that a bishop , or bishops were by the scythians , at their irruption into galatia and cappadocia , carryed captives into scythia , as was before observed ; or . that some bishop might follow the captive christians into that barbarous country , being first ordained in the empire . theophilus ( which is a greek name ) haply was so made and ordained their bishop , or . the scythian church might send one of their own presbyters to be ordained by the imperial bishops , as ulphilas after was . for that there was a correspondence between the scythian and imperial churches is past doubt , when we consider that theophilus bishop of the scythians , assisted at the council of nice . there is nothing in philostorgius the only author of this tale , that thwarts any one of thesethree suppositions , or that countenances blondel's surmises of the scythian presbyters ordaining their own bishop . that of ulphilas being the first bishop , i have already accounted for . . if the scythian presbyters ordained a bishop to preside over them ( supposing this ) it hence follows they thought it necessary to have one : and rather then have none chosen in their necessity , to constitute and ordain him themselves contrary to the ordinary and established method , of which they could not be ignorant . but this is said upon a bare supposition of the scythian presbyters ordaining their bishops , which is not proved nor at all probable , as i have shewed before . that which appears above board is , that the scythians had a bishop , which , setting apart meer conjectures on both sides , is sufficient to my purpose . chap. viii . of the chorepiscopi . the occasion of their institution , as i conjecture , was either . to promote and quicken conversions in the countries and villages subject to the city bishops : or . after believers and congregations were there multiplyed to be as suffragans , and assistants for the better government of the churches . and because it was a fundamental law in the church , that there ought not to be two bishops in one diocess , with plentitude of power ( it being impossible to serve two masters ) therefore these 〈◊〉 , were intirely under , the jurisdiction of the city bishops , who were indeed the 〈◊〉 . there is not any monument of antiquity , that i am aware of , from whence we may better understand the nature of these chorepiscopi , than the canon of the council of antioch , which i will therefore transcribe at length into english . they who reside in villages and in the country , or are called chorepiscopi , although ordained by bishops , it pleaseth the holy synod that they know their own measures , and govern the churches subjected to them , and rest content with that care and administration ; that they constitute readers subdeacons and exorcists , and be satisfy'd with this power , not daring to ordain a presbyter or deacon , without the express consent of the bishop of the city , unto which both he ( the chorepiscopus ) and the country belong . but let the country bishop be under the bishop of the city , to which he is subject . now the main question is , whether these chorepiscopi were real bishops superior to and distinguished from presbyters , and in whom was lodged the episcopal character and power . the affirmative is proved by the following arguments . . i consider , that the title of bishop and the power of ordaining presbyters , was then acknowledged to be in 'em , which i can never be induced to believe , would have been granted them at that time of day , if they were meer presbyters . they were under the same bishop as the city presbyters were ; how came they to have that honourable title bestowed on them , which the city presbyters had not ? were the country presbyters ( such the chorepiscopi were according to mr. o. ) far more honourable and better deserving the title of bishop then the city presbyters were ? i can imagine no other reason of this , but because they had received the true stamp and character of bishops , had an inherent habitual power to do whatever any diocesan could , and more than any meer presbyter was able to do : only as yet they were not diocesan bishops , having no independent diocesses of their own to govern , and by consequence were under some limitations , which diocesans were not . . i remember that by the same conncil of antioch , they were allowed to give pacifick letters to the clergy to go into other diocesses , which in those days the bishops only could do , and which was one of the episcopal prerogatives . . again the th canon of antioch decrees , that the chorepiscopi although they had received imposition of hands by bishops , may not dare to ordain a presbyter or deacon : the obvious meaning whereof is , that although the chorepiscopi were ordained bishops ; 〈◊〉 , they might not ordain presbyters or deacons without leave from the diocesan . if a chorepiscopus received the real character or power of a bishop , he might be apt to think and conclude with himself , that he might ordain presbyters and deacons , as well as the diocesan being of the same order with him . no says the canon : and the reason of this prohibition is manifest , because at present he acted only as a comminister and assistant in anothers diocess , where he might not exert his episcopal power without licence from the diocesan , nor could do it without breach of the peace and order of the church : we have something of this kind even among our selves at this day . a diocesan bishop out of his own diocess , and whilst he abides in another mans , can't ordain presbyters and deacons without 〈◊〉 from the proper bishop : and something of this nature i find in the th canon of ancyra , where a presbyter being supposed to be ordained bishop for another diocess , but rejected is permitted to return to his former post , but still to as be a presbyter though retaining his episcopal honour and character : one may then be a real bishop , and have the habitual power and intrinsick character of a bishop , and yet can't put forth the act and ordain in anothers diocess . there is no reason he should ; it would breed confusion . . chorepiscopi were real bishops , because they had an equal right and authority , to assist , vote , decree , and confirm canons at councils as diocesan bishops had . divers of them subscribed the council of nice . it must be confess'd that meer presbyters did so likewise , but it was in the name and stead of their principals , as their very subscriptions shew . thus vito ( or victor ) and vincentius presbyters , and pope sylvester's legates , subscribed the nicene synod , yet added to their common names , romanus or roma missus : so in the council of carthage , anno . two roman presbyters and legates of the pope did — philippus presbyter , legatus ecclesiae romanae , asellus presbyter , legatus ecclesiae romanae . but the chorepiscopi subscribed in their own names , without mentioning any delegation at all , and therefore acted by their own proper inherent authority , and by consequence were real bishops . having ( i presume ) proved , that the chorepiscopi had the true episcopal character impress'd on them , i come to consider what advantage mr. o. would make of ' em . in the first place from the th canon of ant. a. d. ( or ) he lays it down that — the chorepiscopi or country bishops ordained presbyters , until they were restrained by that canon . i agree with mr. o. so far , that 't is very likely , the chorepiscopi presumed to ordain presbyters in another bishop's diocess , until they were prohibted by this canon . it was necessary , they should be restrained for the peace and good order of the church , from having an uncontroulable liberty of ordaining in another bishops diocess , and without his consent . the rule is highly reasonable and observed to this day . however this be , the canon will do mr. o. no service , if the chorepiscopi were real bishops , and more than presbyters , of which i have already produced sufficient proof . again mr. o. gathers , that if these chorepiscopi were bishops , then it appears that bishops were made not only in cities , but in country villages . this i grant also unto mr. o. but it nothing concerns the matter in hand . we must distinguish between diocesan bishops , whose seat and principal church was oft-times in villages , and the chorepiscopi , who were not diocesans , but the comministri and vicarii of the city bishops . now how far the delegated power of a chorepiscopus extended , no one alive can tell at this day . 't is nothing likely , that it was confined to one village only , as mr. o. contends , though haply his ordinary residence , and particular care might be in some country-town , where he discharged the ordinary duty of a presbyter , and on that score may be accounted as a country presbyter under the city bishop ; such at this day is even a diocesan bishop , who is by commendam possest of a rectory in anothers diocess . he can act there but as a presbyter , except he has leave from the proper bishop . for ought any thing then that mr. o. says or pretends to prove , the delegated power of a chorepiscopus reach'd to more than one or half a dozen villages . well! mr. o. goes on and tells us , that — the country villages , where the chorepiscopi were fixt , were but thinly peopled with christians , the majority or at least great numbers of the people being heathens , by which , ( he adds ) we may guess at the bigness of primitive diocesses , which were scarce as large as our lesser parishes . here are divers things supposed and asserted , but none proved . . 't is supposed that the chorepiscopus's power , was confined to one village or country parish only ; this ought to be made out by mr. o. . 't is asserted , that these country villages were thinly peopled with christians , but that is more then mr. o. knows ; and the contrary is more probable , so . that they abounded with christians now in the reign of constantius , son of constantine , the great , when that council of antioch was held , and from whence mr. o. makes the deduction . besides 't is likely , that a chorepiscopus was never made , but where the christians were numerous . in short , how , thin soever particular villages were of christians , yet there being many , very many villages , all of them having some christians , and a power over them being committed to the chorepiscopi , this note of mr. o's is not very much to the purpose . but however from the premises he collects . that we may thence guess at the bigness of primitive diocesses , which were scarce as large as our lesser parishes . something of this nature might perhaps be conjectured , if all mr. o. has asserted without proof , and overlook'd without examination were true . but i ask whether this be not an intolerable piece of confidence to intimate at this rate , that these country villages were seperate , and independent diocesses , when as 't is manifest from the very canon , that they were appendages of the city diocess , and subject to the city bishop . here then instead of a small parish bishoprick , we have found as large a diocess , haply as ours are at this day . mr. o. proceeds and affirms , that the chorepiscopi are an instance of bishops , without subject presbyters ; they were but parish bishops , under city bishops . say then a chorepiscopus had the charge of one only single village or particular congregation , specially allotted to him , which at this day , we call a parish ( admitting this ) : yet it follows not , that he was a bishop without subject presbyters : probably he had some district of the diocess committed to his particular care and inspection . the canon of antioch seems to intimate thus much — it seemed good to the synod , that the chorepiscopi govern the churches ( in the plural ) subject to them , and to content themselves with this care and sollicitude of constituting readers . but granting they had no subject presbyters , but acted ordinarily as parish presbyters : yet they were real bishops , and ready upon occasion to discharge the diocesans office , when required , which prebyters could not . morever if these chorepiscopi , were only presbyters and bishops of a small congregation ( as mr. o. has before concluded ) why was the caution given them against ordaining presbyters and deacons , except it was for other parishes or churches ? for surely they did not ordain presbyters and deacons for themselves . if they did , even so they must have had presbyters subject to them . in short , they had doubtless a delegated power from the city or diocesan bishop , to ordain presbyters and deacons . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where and when ever occasion required . but in the last place mr. o. urges , the second council of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. th which makes the chorepiscopi , to be one and the same with 〈◊〉 . this council was provincial aud held in spain , anno . which is therefore , of no great authority with me : especially since the argument it insists on , is chiefly drawn from the ecclesiastical laws of the roman church : for so the canon concludes — quoe 〈◊〉 eis a sede apostolica prohibita esse noscuntur . nevertheless , that i may not be thought to decline any thing said on this subject , that has the appearance of an argument against me , i answer , that although by the first design and institution of the chorepiscopi , they were real bishops ( so it was before and after the councils of ancyra and antioch , for sometime ) yet not long afterwards an end was put to these chorepiscopi . so i read in the council of laodicea can. . held anno . there , and then it was decreed that — bishops were not to be made any more in villages , and in the countries ( understand within anothers diocess ) but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in their steads : which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were but presbyters intrufted with the administration of some part of the episcopal power . but 't is observable what is after added , as for those ( chorepiscopi ) who have been already made , the former canons of ancyra and antioch must be observed by them , that they do nothing without the consent of the city bishop . where we see plainly a supersedeas is given unto that order of the chorepiscopi , for the future . nor is this alteration to be wondered at . for the making the chorepiscopi , or vicarious bishops in the country , belonging to anothers diocess was meerly an ecclesiastical constitution , and by the same power that it was introduced it might again be annulled . i observe moreover , that the d clause above mentioned , which still reserves to the former chorepiscopi their power , which had been committed to them by the city bishops , shews that they had received some character , which a council could not deprive them of . for otherwise the power of the former chorepiscopi , might have been abrogated as well as the order its self , intirely dissolved for the future . the occasion of this change made by the laodicean fathers doubtless was , that they had by experience found some inconveniences and disorders , happening through these chorepiscopi , who it may be could never be hindred from ordaining presbyters and deacons , in other bishops diocefses contrary to all order and good rule . therefore an end was put to them , and in their place were substituted the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who i imagaine were like our archdeacons at this day , and were instituted for the diocesan's ease in matters of less moment : but upon no account were to have the episcopal character impress'd on them with power to ordain , no not with the bishops licence . accordingly the late learned bishop of worcester observes , that lanfranc 〈◊〉 made an archdeacon with jurisdiction in his see , that thomas archbishop of york , first divided his diocess into archdeaconries , and remigius bishop of lincoln , his into seven archdeaconries , says harry of huntingdon . one occasion hereof was the laying aside the chorepiscopi , as too much assuming unto themselves . the sum of what has been said is , that the 〈◊〉 were at first real bishops , but in anothers diocess , where they might put forth such episcopal acts as were permitted them within some certain limited district , and even ordain presbyters and deacons , when expresly delegated thereto by the diocesan : that they refided in some country villages , where their ordinary and constant work was no other than of presbyters , and so were look'd on as the diocesans presbyters , which can by no means prejudice their episcopal character . one may be a bishop yet without a diocess , as one may be a presbyter without a title or parish . the council of laodicea , thought fit to put an end unto this order , so did the romans and spanish churches , as also the english. haply the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or archdeacons might have the title of chorepiscopi , for some while continued to them being substituted in their room : but this is no proof , that they were presbyters at their first institution , when the real episcopal character was 〈◊〉 on them , though no diocess was yet actually allotted them . this is what i thought needful , and enough to be offered in answer to the difficulties started about the chorepiscopi . as for that epistle to 〈◊〉 it shall suffice to note that 't is one of those , which are accounted spurious , as may be collected from bellarmin himself , whose judgment is — ejus scripta non extant , exceptis paucis epistolis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suns inter epistolds s. hieronymi , aliique in hiftorid 〈◊〉 . l. . c. . l. . c. . . the rest therefore and this in particular are apocryphal . it was possibly counterfeited by some , that lived after the council of hispalis , there being a very great agreement between this epistle , and that th canon of the council , as who ever will read them must confess . we shall not need therefore to be concerned at any thing brought against us out of this connterfeit epistle . chap. ix . of the council of nice . mro. as if all antiquity were on his side , omits not to argue even from the council of nice its self , in favour of the power of presbyters ordaining , which is a discovery so new and surprizing , that one would 〈◊〉 the whole chriftian church had been blind above these . years last paft , till he with the help of mr. baxter , has been pleas'd to open all our eyes at last and to assure us — that the council of nice , decree'd concerning the presbyters ordained by melitius at 〈◊〉 , as follows — hi autem qui dei gratia , & nostris ( lege vestris ) precibus adjuti ad 〈◊〉 scbisma deflexisse compersi sunt , sed se intra catholica & apostolicae 〈◊〉 fines ab erroris labe vacuos continuerint , authoritatem 〈◊〉 tum ministros 〈◊〉 . &c , mr. o. has taken this passage out of mr. baxter , and he out of some translator , that did not or would not understand the historian aright . the words are part of a letter wrote by the nicene fathers , to the church of alexandria , wherein they gave an account to that church , of what had been propounded and examined in the synod , and what had been decreed , and confirmed therein , as first , that the impiety of arrius , and his accomplices had been brought into question and condemned , &c. — that as for melitius , it pleased the synod to deal more gently with him ( than with arrius ) viz. that he should remain in his own city , but that he should have no power to ordain or to propose the names ( of the candidates to the holy function ) ; only he might retain the bare title of his honour ( that is of bishop ) ; that those who had been constituted ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by him being first confirmed ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by a more solemn and religious imposition of the hands of the bishop of alexandria , might be allowed to joyn in matters properly belonging to them , but that until they had obtained their honour and ministry again , they should be second unto all those , who in every diocess and church , have been before proposed under the authority of our most beloved collegue alexander : and moreover , should have no power to propound the names of those who are subject to alexander , nor in short to do any thing without the consent of the bishop of the catholick church of alexandria this is all the nicene synod wrote concerning the melitians or those , who had been constituted ( and ordained ) by melitius . here 's not a syllable ( of presbyters or ) of ordaining ministers ; the passage may as well , and is to be 〈◊〉 of bishops , and of ordaining bishops . but for the more thorough understanding it , we must remember that melitius , whilst peter was patriarch of alexandria , had been bishop of lycus , a city in egypt subject to the said patriarch : — that during the persecution under maximinus , peter absconding , melitius had taken upon him to constitute ( or ordain ) bishops , which belonged unto the patriarch to do . 't is not indeed doubted , but that he ordained presbyters and deacons also : nevertheless , his first and principal crime ( as i believe ) was his constituting ( or ordaining ) bishops , which was a manifest invasion of the patriarch's right . and that 〈◊〉 constituted and ordained bishops is proved by valesius , out of epiphanius . nay , the said learned annotator evinces , that melitius constituted ( or ordained ) twenty eight bishops , besides five presbyters and three deacons , as he gathers from the second apology , of athanasius against the arrians : from whence he makes no scruple to affirm , that socrates in this place speaks chiefly of bishops , constituted or ordained by 〈◊〉 , yet so , as that presbyters and deacons also were 〈◊〉 by him . 〈◊〉 ( says he ) if the nicene fathers hid herein decreed nothing against the melitian 〈◊〉 , they had left their work very lame and imperfect . besides , 〈◊〉 became schismatical not by ordaining presbyters , but by ordaining bishops . hence sozomen observes , that melitius — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had usurp'd the power of ordaining , which did not all belong unto him . the power of ordaining whom ? why not bishops ? for till by this means he was fallen into 〈◊〉 , he had certainly ( as bishop ) power to 〈◊〉 priests and deacons , but not of ordaining or 〈◊〉 bishops without the 〈◊〉 leave . and this was i suppose , if not his only fault , yet his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore , when the nicene fathers decreed , that the 〈◊〉 , who had been constituted and ordained by 〈◊〉 , might not intermeddle in the constituting ( or ordaining ) others , until themselves had been confirmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a more solemn imposition of hands , they must thereby mean , that the melitian bishops being ordained schismatically , were suspended from ordaining until they had been confirmed by the patriarch , and some of the egyptian bishops subject to him . and this is all that the synod declar'd concerning the melitians . but neither mr. o. nor mr. baxter , for any thing i can see in the plea , have taken any notice of this passage , 〈◊〉 whereof we are amus'd with something less pertinent to the matter in hand , as i am now about to shew . for the nicene fathers go on in that epistle to speak of the alexandrians , that is , such as had not withdrawn themselves from alexander the patriarch , nor had ever adhered to melitius . they thus then farther write to the church of alexandria , concerning these latter and regular clergy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. but as for those , who by the grace of god , and through your prayers have been found in no schism , but have ever stood firm , and unmoveable in the catholick church , it pleased the holy synod , that they should have power 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to point out , and to give up the names of 〈◊〉 as were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worthy to be of the clergy , and in short , to do all things according to the ecclesiastical law and constitution : which is the passage misrepresented by mr. o. and mr. baxter , wherein the synod confirms to 'em , their ancient rights and privileges . having given i hope , an exact account of this latter part of that epistle , let us now see whether mr. baxter or mr. o. have done so . to which end i observe , that here is not one word of presbyters , at least not of presbyters ordaining , and 〈◊〉 of all of presbyters , who had been ordained by melitius , nor lastly ( which was the thing mr. o. aimed at ) of presbyters ordaining ministers . . they speak not of presbyters , that is , not in particular , and expresly of them alone , as is manifeft to any one , that has his eyes in his head : but only in general of such as had not been engaged in the melitian schism . these surely must be bishops , as well as presbyters or deacons . the truth is , they include all the three orders , and that 's the reason in this whole epistle , they name no one of them expresly , meaning to confirm them all ( as well bishops as presbyters , that had stuck close to alexander ) in their ancient respective powers and 〈◊〉 . . much more they speak not of the ordaining power of presbyters . mr. o. at least ought not to say so ; for what then will become of the authority of father 〈◊〉 , who asserts , that alexander or the nicene council first deprived them of it ? what did this synod or alexander both deprive 'em of it , and confirm it to them ? that cannot be . either then eutychius is out in his story , or mr. o. is a little mistaken about the letter of the nicene fathers . besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not 〈◊〉 to ordain , but the 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one word to put up the names of the candidates for holy orders , and sozomen in his account of this fact uses that single word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to chuse , socrates expressing it in two words ( as valesius has observed ) exegetical of one another ; it being usual for authors to embellish their writings , and give them a grateful emphasis by a variety , and redundancy of expression . no body at this diftance of time can tell all the customs of this church , and what honorary 〈◊〉 the presbyters might have at the publick 〈◊〉 . however this be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to be expounded ordaining . and yet admitting that it signifies so , 't is not necessary to understand the passage of presbyters ordaining ; it may as well be presumed to be intended of bishops ordaining , there being no circumstance that limits the sense unto presbyters : and as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these words are spoken of those , that were to be ordained , and not of the ordainers , and may as well be taken to mean such as were thought worthy to be bishops , as those who were 〈◊〉 worthy to 〈◊〉 made presbyters . for in the ancient ecclesiastical writers , we read of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but least of all . thirdly do the nicene fathers speak here of the melitian presbyters , because the melitians , had not , according to the character here given of these persons , stood firm and unmoveable in the catholick 〈◊〉 , but had been engaged in the melitian schism . nor . does the synod speak of ordaining ministers , if by ministers our adversaries understand presbyters ( which title they seem at this day to affect , and usurp to themselves , though it generally denotes all the three orders . ) these four mistakes has mr. o. committed at the beginning of his account of the nicene synod . before i proceed to consider what he farther advances on this occasion , i will only note , that the patriarchs of alexandria had power over the bishops , and whole church of egypt , with its appendages long before the synod of nice . that they had then power over these churches appears plainly from this epistle , which in several places speaks of them as subject to the bishop of alexandria : that the alexandrian patriarchs had power over them before the patriarch alexander is evident from the melitian schism , which had not been a sinful schism , if peter and 〈◊〉 , alexander's predecessors had not had jurisdiction over them : that this power of the patriarchs was very ancient , is also manifest from the th canon of the nicene council , which begins thus — let the ancient customs obtain which are in egypt , libya and pentapolis , that the bishop of alexandria have power over all these provinces : which shews lastly , the extent of their power through 〈◊〉 , libya , and 〈◊〉 , and that it had been an ancient custom , that is , long before alexander , and the synod of nice , yea , before peter and achillas . thus much being said for the right understanding of that letter of the nicence fathers , let us now proceed to examine what mr. o. has inferred from the last mentioned passage , according to mr. baxter's lamentable translation of it . mr. o. argues — if any say the meaning is , that these presbyters shall ordain and govern with bishops , but not with out them , it is granted . for the decree refers to the ecclesiastica instituta ; but this sheweth , that ordination belongeth to the presbyters office , and consequently is no nullity , tho' an irregularity as to the canons , when 't is done by them alone . his meaning is ( as i take him ) that presbyters have an inherent and intrinsick power to ordain , but that the nicene fathers had by their ecclesiastical constitution restrained that power , so that it should not be exerted , but with the bishops : that when the presbyter did ordain without bishops , 't was only an irregularity 〈◊〉 breach of the ecclesiastical constitution , not a nullity . but to this i reply . . that the nicence fathers ( as has already been observed ) speak not of presbyter only , but of all the three orders bishops , priests and deacons , who are hereby every one of them , allowed to do what properly belong to their own order , according to the ancient custom and constitution of that church . . that therefore supposing their meaning to be ( what mr. o. would have it ) that presbyters in particular , according to the ecclesiastical constitution , shall ordain with the bishops , and not without them , it will not follow , that ordination by presbyters alone without bishops is vallid , and only an irregularity : because it may with as good reason be hence concluded , that the presbyters power to ordain with the bishops belonged to them , but by ecclesiastical constitution only , and not by any inherent right . there is nothing in this letter , that argues any thing for their intrinisick power to ordain . the most that can be said is , that they had an ancient right by ecclesiastical constitution , and custom to ordain with bishops , and if so , then their ordaining without bishops was a nullity , as well as an irregularity ; because they transgress'd that very law which alone gave them their power . . it is a great mistake , to think every thing established , or rather reinforc'd by ecclesiastical constitution , has no better foundation than that very ecclesiastical constitution or reinforcement . a divine and scriptural law may , and has been oftentimes confirmed and renewed by a synodical decree , and subjected to ecclesiastical penalties . the lord's-day , which mr. o. will not deny to be holy by divine institution , has been made so by humane appointment also , and punishments decreed against those that prophaned it . this is manifest among out selves here in england , and constantine ordained the first day of the week for divine worship : shall we say , the lord's-day was not holy and appropriate to divine worship before that emperor's constitution ? of the same nature , are the . . , . , . &c. can. apostol . the decree then of the synod of nice hinders not , but that it might have been a divine institution , that presbyters ordain and govern , only with and under bishops . and if this be so , as i have formerly ( t is hoped ) made good , then presbyters ordaining without bishops will prove a nullity , and contrary to the divine and scripture rule , as well as an irregularity or contrary to the ecclesiastical laws . but how does the ecclesiastical constitution shew , that ordination belongs to the presbyters office ? his meaning ( i suppose ) is that the nicene synod , could not appoint presbyters to ordain with bishops , except the presbyters had a prior , and an intrinsick power to ordain . but i ask , why may not the synod shew thereby , that the presbyters intrinsick power ( what ever it was ) belonged to them only in conjunction with bishops ? and not separately from ' em . if a prince commands the general of his army to do nothing of moment , without the advice of the principal field-officers , this shews that the field-officers have a power to act with the general and under him , but not that they have a power to act seperately and without him : and if the general or other the kings ministers declare this part of the commission to the field-officers , they may and ought to act in conjunction with their general ( for the commission so appoints ) ; but it would be presumption and mutiny to act without the general , which if they presumed to do their orders would of them selves be null and invalid . briefly mr. o. must first prove , that the nicene fathers supposed the presbyters to have an intrinsick power to ordain alone , before he can make out that their separate ordinations are irregular only , and not invalid in themselves . but mr. o. again argues that — if it be said these ( nicene constitutions ) condemn schismatical ordinations ( which he grants , yet answers ) that schism as such cannot make ordinations null , though it implys an irregularity . hereunto i return , that schism as such does make the ordination null . it is null as to the exercise of the office so conferred , though not as to the habitual power or intrinsick character given . this seems to have been the very sense of the nicene fathers , in this their epistle to the church of alexandria . the melitian bishops , because they had been schismatically ordained , were suspended from the exercise of their office , yet their character was not declared utterly void and annull'd . there was room left for their exercising it again upon some certain conditions , and the title of bishop was still continued unto 'em , which could not be , if the character had been intirely lost or null . hitherto belongs the case of colluthus and ischyras , which some episcopal divines have urged against the validity of ordination by presbyters ; for , say they , ischyras ordained by colluthus a presbyter , is in athanasius constantly called and declared no presbyter , but a meer laic , and not suffered so much as to have the honor and title of presbyter , as all others of the melitian schism , episcopally though schismatically ordained were allowed : so the nicene fathers had decreed . the reason why ischyras was rejected is this , he had been ordained by a presbyter only , viz. colluthus , blondel has taken much pains to perplex this fact with sundry difficulties , and objections thrown in our way on purpose to render it useless unto us in the present controversie : and mr. o. also has made his observations on it . i shall consider them both , and to that end shall in the first place produce the principal passages , that occur in athanasius's second apology relating to the said colluthus and 〈◊〉 . there i read of . ischyras , who neither was ordained by the church , nor , when alexander received the presbyters , ordained by melitius , was reckoned among them ( that 's to say in melitius his 〈◊〉 ) : so that he was no presbyter . how then or by whom was he created a presbyter ? by colluthus ? for that alone remains to be pretended . but 't is granted on all hands , that colluthus died presbyter , all his ordinations were void , and all ordained by him , in the schism reduced into the order of laicks — but they ( the eusebians and melitians ) called a private fellow presbyter — ischyras was not acknowledged a presbyter by athanasius . ischyras was not so much as a presbyter , he never was a presbyter of melitius ( not ordained by him ) ischyras was in no wise a cleric , though the eusebians , and melitians gave it out , that he was a presbyter . 't is remarkable , that ischyras in his submissive letter , unto athanasius disowned not his being a presbyter ordained by 〈◊〉 , which i note here by the by . ischyras our accuser is no manner of way a presbyter , because he is not mentioned in the 〈◊〉 or register of those , who had been ordained by melitius . ischyras never was a minister of the church , but boasted himself to be a presbvter of colluthus , though no body believed him — so that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was deposed by the alexandrian synod , and number'd among the laics . ischyras a fellow , that called himself a presbyter , but was no presbyter : for he was ordained by a catholick presbyter ( colluthus ) , who himself ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was but an imaginary or counterfeit bishop , and was commanded in the general council ( of alexandria ) by hosius , and the other bishops to be a presbyter , as he had been before : so that by consequence all ordained by him , went back into their former place , and ischyras appeared a laic . the eusebians and melitians called this fellow bishop , who was not at all a presbyter : but they made the emperor to write unto colluthus ( for nothing 〈◊〉 amiss to them ) that a church be provided for ischyras , and immediatly caused him to be called a bishop , when he was not so much as a presbyter : from all which we think the case as before stated is clear . but blondel contends , " that colluthus was a real bishop ordained by melitius , though shismatically , which is only a canonical irregularity ; but however he was episcopally ordained , and a real though schismatical bishop : that if he had out-lived this storm raised against him , by the alexandrian synod , he must have been a partaker of the favour granted to such by the nicene fathers , and by consequence would have been a bishop , though created schismatically : and therefore that ischyras , if at all ordained by colluthus , was episcopally ordained , and so could not be deposed for being ordained by a presbyter , but as schismatically ordained by a bishop in schism . the design of all which is to wrest out of our hands this weapon , and to make it believed , that the case reaches not ordination by presbyters : for blundel is very positive , and thus expresses himself — it is false and frivolous to assert , that ischyras was no presbyter , simply for this one reason , that he was ordained by colluthus a presbyter : because colluthus was a real bishop , after what manner created is little to the point . in answer hereunto , and to evince that this is a clever instance in antiquity against ordinations by presbyters , i will reduce the whole case into three questions . . whether colluthus was ever ordained bishop by melitius . . whether ischyras was ever ordained presbyter by colluthus . supposing he was not , whether ischyras became a laic for want of any ordination , or because schismatically ordained by a schismatical bishop , or lastly , because ordained by a presbyter only . qu. . 〈◊〉 . whether colluthus was ever ordained bishop by melitius . ans. never . for he is all along called presbyter , never bishop , nor schismatical bishop : he is described as one , that took upon him the episcopacy , personated and pretended to be what he was not , a bishop . if he had been a real , though schismatically ordained bishop , he could not have been said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have acted the part of a bishop , which implys , he was not really one . no body ever called 〈◊〉 bishop , though schismatical a counterfeit or phantastical one , there being a vast difference 〈◊〉 these two . lastly , if colluthus had been a real bishop though schismatical , then ischyras ordained by him , ought to have been partaker of the nicene indulgence , as other 〈◊〉 schismaticks were ; but ischyras was not in the number of those recieved by alexander ; and therefore colluthus was not a real bishop . against all this is it will haply be replyed , as blundel has endeavoured to prove , that melitius in his breviculum , presented unto alexander , owned colluthus as one of those bishops which he had ordained . ans. . here lies the knavery : for 't is not colluthus , but caluthus , who is mentioned in the breviculum . and least this should be thought a mistake in writing or in printing , i undertake to prove beyond all contradiction , that they were different persons however , if not different in name also . for 't is granted by blundel , and in its self manifest , that our colluthus died before the synod of nice broke up , or alexander returned into egypt , and demanded of melitius this breviculum . but the caluthus named in the breviculum , when melitius brought it to alexander , now returned from nice into egypt was then alive : so it follows in athanasius , immediately after the breviculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these persons then present , melitius brought unto alexander the bishop . so that , as the accusers of athanasius , pretended he had killed arsenius , though arsenius was then alive : even so by a contrary artifice , blundel will have our colluthus alive : though he was already dead , whosoever then were ordained by our colluthus , were ordained by a meer presbyter . qu. . . whether ischyras was ever ordained presbyter by colluthus . ans. that he was no presbyter is so often affirmed , that we need not trouble our selves to enquire farther into that matter . however , that he was ordained by colluthus ( because blundel is inclined to believe not ) will require a little proof . and . i note that though athanasius plainly enough denies , he was at all a presbyter , yet still with respect to melitius , who 't is certain did not ordain him . ischyras ( lays he ) is no manner of way a presbyter , because he was not mentioned in the breviculum , or register of those whom meltitus ordained . this argument , which he brings here , shews ischyras was not ordained a presbyter by melitius : but 't is no proof against colluthus his ordaining of him , neither did or could athanasius mean so . thus the sardick fathers , he never was a presbyter of melitius . . ischyras gave out himself , that he was a presbyter of colluthus his ordainnig : the arrians and melitians , called him presbyter on that account . . though none but himself , the eusebians and melitians , and a few of his relations , called ischyras a presbyter , yet the orthodox affirm , he was ordained by colluthus . the council of alexandria , admitting that he had been ordained by colluthus conclude , he was no presbyter , but deny not that he was ordained by collutbus the presbyter , and for that reason ischyras , though ordained was indeed no presbyter . the mareotic presbyters and 〈◊〉 , say plainly — he was ordained by the catholick presbyter colluthus , who counterfeited himself a bishop , and moreover add , that all ordained by colluthus , and among the rest , ischyras became and were mere laics . 't is evident then , that ischyras was ordained by colluthus , and yet was not a presbyter , because colluthus himself was but a presbyter . . supposing ischyras was not really ordained by colluthus , the point will come to the same issue : for the alexandrian synod not troubling themselves to enquire into the matter of fact , but taking it for granted , that he was ordained ( it was the same thing with them ) they pronounced the sentence against him , that he was not a presbyter , because he was ordained by the catholick presbyter colluthus , and so he - appeared a meer laic . qu. . . whether ischycas was declared a meer laic , either because not ordained at all , or because schismatically ordained , or else because he was ordained by a presbyter only , viz. colluthus . ans. it having been proved , that colluthus was no bishop , that ischyras was ordained by him , at least supposed by the synod of alexandria , to have been ordained by him , the first part of the question is at an end , it was not because he had not been ordained at all ; and then i affirm he became a laic , not simply because he was schismatically ordained , but because he was ordained by a presbyter , who had no competent power to ordain at all . for . colluthus is ever called presbyter ( not once bishop or schismatical bishop that i find ) or barely 〈◊〉 or catholick presbyter , or one that counterfeited himself a bishop , as in the synodical letter of the alexandrian fathers , and by the presbyters and deacons at mareota . they all then looked upon ischyras as ordained by a presbyter , and for that reason his ordination null . for so . it is expresly recorded , colluthus died a prebyter , therefore all his ordinations were void , and all ordained by him in the schism were reduced into the order of laics , says the synodical letter of the alexandrian fathers . ischyras was no presbyter , for he was ordained by the catholick presbyter colluthus ; so that by consequence all ordained by him went back into their former place , and ischyras appeared a laic , say the presbyters , and deacons at mareota . but it will be objected , that the words in the alexandrian synod are — all ordained by colluthus in schism became laics , implying by those words 〈◊〉 schism , that therefore his ordinations were void , not because colluthus was a presbyter , but because his ordinations were schismatical . ans. . it is very true in fact , that all colluthus his ordinations were schismatical , yet this was not the proper and immediate reason of their nullity ; but only mentioned as a circumstance which aggravated his crime , the true reaon , being assigned in the former clause of that period — colluthus being a presbyter died , therefore all his ordinations were void , viz. because he died a presbyter , and for the same reason those ordained by him were meer laicks . . schism , if it was one reason of the nullity of colluthus his ordinations , yet it was not the only one : for another was , because colluthus died a presbyter . . i do confess the alexandrian fathers , prosecuted the melitians with the utmost rigor , declaring all their ordinations without exception utterly void ; so that such as were schismatically ordained , were universally commanded to be what they were before . but the nicene fathers came to a better temper , and in some degree confirmed the schismatical ordinations , that is , such as were meerly schismatical : and yet ischyras was not permitted to tast of this favour ? why so ? why , because there was another fatal blot in his escocheon , which could never be wiped out , viz. he had been ordained by a presbyter only . . it is a great mistake to think that schism must needs be understood of the breach of the ecclesiastical laws only . there is schism in departing from some scripture or divine rules , which not immediatly appertaining to the fundamentals and essence of religion , denominates the persons not apostates or hereticks , but erroneous and 〈◊〉 only . if any of the believers at antioch , had presumed to eat blood contrary to the apostolical decree concluded on at jerusalem , he had been doubtless a schismatick . thus we reckon the dissenters schismaticks , as departing from the divine apostolical constitution of episcopacy . colluthus a presbyter ordaining ischyras did it in schism , true ! but 't was such a schism as contravened a divine law , and so the alexandrian fathers thought for any thing i see to the contrary , when they condemned his schismatical ordinations as null in themselves . for surely that which is done against a divine law , ( and such is schismatical ordination , schism being a work of the flesh ) is in its self null and of no effect . . we ought to distinguish between the law its self , and the censures of the church declared against the breach of that law. the law may be of divine appointment , though the censure is meerly ecclesiastical . st. paul has given us a canon , that a bishop ought not to be a striker : but deposition for this fault is purely ecclesiastical , not an apostolical penalty . in like manner a presbyter ( as colluthus ) ordaining without the bishop , and for that cause being deposed , the fault was committed against a divine law , though the punishment was ecclesiastical . 't were foolish and absurd to conclude , that ordination by a 〈◊〉 was only a canonical irregularity , because a synod declares it null : or that ischyras his ordination was only irregular & uncanonical not unscriptural , because his deposition was decreed by the alexandrian synod . as it is not the verdict of the jury , nor the sentence of the judge , nor the execution of the criminal , which properly and in intrinsick justice makes him a murtherer , but the murther its self committed ; so 't is not a synod's solemn declaration , which is purely ecclesiastical , but the schism its self or a violation of some scripture . law that makes him a schismatick , and subjects him to ecclesiastical punishment . blundel himself suspecting ( as i believe ) that the whole fabrick ; which he had with so much artifice , and subtlety here raised in opposition to us , would not stand , is therefore content at least to grant that — ischyras was for this one reason accounted a laic , because he was ordained by a presbyter , by colluthus a presbyter : but says it does not hence follow that bishops alone had power given them by the apostles to ordain , or that presbyters werenot originally invested with that power : and he adds , that nevertheless , ordination by presbyters was only a violation of the ecclesiastical constitution , which he endeavours to confirm from numerous instances of ecclesiastical canons , by vertue whereof bishops , presbyters and deacons , were sometimes deposed for canonical irregularities . ans. this is a sorry shift and unworthy so learned a man ; for on the other side , i am able to produce several canons , and have already produced enough , the matter of which canons is grounded on scripture , though reinforced by ecclesiastical penalties . it will not follow then , that because the ecclesiastical canons forbid presbyters to ordain ( reserving that power to bishops ) upon pain of deposition or deprivation , &c. therefore this was not a divine appointment , but ecclesiastical only . for at this rate blondel might pretend the th canon apostolical , the matter of which is , that a bishop must not be a striker , is a meer ecclesiastical constitution , which yet we know is one of st. paul's canons , tim. . . though at the same time we must confess that the deposition , which is the penalty annex'd is purely ecclesiastical . the matter of some church canons is often purely ecclesiastical as well as the penalty ; but it will not follow that all are so . for as the prince frequently causes old laws to be observed , reinforceing them by proclamation , so have synods done with ancient scripture laws and rules . in this case the king makes not new laws , nor the synods new ecclesiastical canons . the primitive christians were wont to explain , and propound unto the church the belief of the great fundamental and essential articles of christianity , as that of the trinity against the arrians , and that of grace against the pelagians , upon pain of deposition or excommunication ; we must not hence infer that these were only canonical not scripture truths , because others of their definitions were so . in short the tryal of the subject matter of church canons , whether divine or purely ecclesiastial will depend on the scripture chiefly . thither we are to resort for satisfaction , and not fancy whatever has been reinforced by canon is meerly canonical . we have 't is hoped already thence clear'd that point about episcopal ordination : that which properly belongs to us here , is to prove it to have been the principle and practice of the church in the beginning of the fourth century , when the alexandrian and nicene synods were assembled , which we think also is hitherto made good . but blondel goes on : ischyras was deposed by the alexandrian bishops ; whence it appears , he was taken for a presbyter , not a meer laic : for else 't is absurd to affirm he was deposed . a man cannot be said to be knock'd down , except he stood on his feet before . ans. this is what we utterly deny , and is indeed a meer quirk , no better than fooling . ischyras and many others were not properly deposed , but only declared no presbyters , as being ordained by a presbyter , which may reasonably be gathered from the expressions used in the foresaid synodical epistles . concerning such as colluthus had ordained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ischyras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denote no more . and therefore , when the synod of jerusalem complained , how the eusebians caused ischyras to be called bishop , they aggravated the insolence in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereas he was not so much as a presbyter , viz. at that very time ; that 's to say , when 〈◊〉 was alive and in some credit , and when the eusebians gave him out for a bishop , before the alexandrian synod was assembled , or had declared him a laic , even then he was not so much as a presbyter . so that he was a meer laic in the nature of the thing , and before the alexandrian fathers had so pronounced him . nor do i see any impropriety in saying ischyras ( tho' no presbyter ) was deposed . for though he was really no presbyter as being ordained by a presbyter only , yet he took upon him the office and title of presbyter , supported and upheld himself by stilts , by confidence and hypocrisy : he was believed a presbyter by many , and by many countenanced and kept up as such . now though a man lying prostrate on the floor can't be knock'd down , qui jacet in terrâ non habet unde cadat ; yet he who stands on crutches or is held up by others , 't is not absurd to say , he may be knock'd down , which is sufficient to shew the weakness of blondel's fancy , and the false colours put on this argument . but blundel gives it yet a siner turn thus — it was usual in that age ( says he ) to reduce real bishops and presbyters , transgressing the canons of the church , ad laicam communionem : and yet it cannot be deny'd , but they had been real bishops . ans. this is very true : but is just such another piece of sophistry as before , and reaches not the merits of the cause . for . this will not evince that ever 〈◊〉 was a presbyter , though some real presbyters for crimes proved upon them were allowed only lay-communion . he has not 〈◊〉 us that they were declared meer laics : they were only suspended from performing the office of presbyters , and admitted to lay-communion , their character still ( as i may say ) lying dormant in them . if any such instance were to be found , it can't thence be gathered , that ischyras also was so dealt with . 't is absurd to argue from one or a few particular instances , unto all others or to any other single case , especially which differs from them . for 't is one thing to misdemean ones self in an office , another to counterfeit it . the former is deprived from performing , what he is orherwise rightly qualify'd for , the latter is not what he pretends to be . the instance of the former kind is of a pure ecclesiastical punishment , whereas the latter labours under a defect and error of the first concoction which in the nature of the thing annuls all his following ministerial acts , he having never received the power , which he pretends to . though therefore a real presbyter is for his misbehaviour sometimes condemn'd to lay-communion , yet the suspension taken of , as he once was , so he again becomes a real presbyter to all intents and purposes . 't is no good consequence hence drawn that a counterfeit presbyter ( such was ischyras ) who is declared a meer laic , must needs have been a presbyter : neither will it follow that he , who has usurp'd the seat of a presbyter , from whence he is thrust down and deposed , was ever a real presbyter . for a man may well enough be said to be deposed from an office which he usurps and discharges for a while , but never had a right and title to . a real king , though deposed was once a real king ; that 's undeniable ; but one that personates and is called a king , and acts all the parts of the royal character for a time , must be acknowledged never to have been a real king. 't was ischyras his case , he acted the part of a presbyter , and was afterwards kick'd off the stage , shall it hence be concluded he was once a real presbyter ? under blondel's favour i think not . but let us see now what mr. o. ( who has a knack at improving arguments ) 〈◊〉 offered about the case of ischyras . he acknowledges colluthus was but a pretended bishop , and therefore was commanded by the alexandrian council to be a presbyter . i am of this mind , and 't is all i demand should be grantedme . the reader of himself will discern hereby , that he has given up the whole cause . but perhaps mr. o. means , that colluthus pretending to be a bishop , though he was not one , and under that false colour to ordain , therefore not his power of ordaining as a presbyter was called in question , but his dissimulation in taking upon him to be what he was not , was condemned , and so he was publickly declared to be a presbyter , that is a pretended bishop only . ans. but i ask then , why was ischyras laid aside as a meer laic ? surely , not because his ordainer falsly assumed the character of bishop , which belonged not to him . but then ( say i ) is it not hard my ordainers dissimulation ( supposing him otherwise to have the power ) should annul my orders . but colluthus his ordinations were vacated , not because he pretended to be a bishop and was not , but because he was a presbyter without power to ordain . well! but mr. o. tells us , ischyras's ordination was declared void as being not acknowledged by the authors , colluthus belike not owning he had ordained ischyras : so that it not appearing , 't was taken for granted , he was never ordained , and so he became a laic , no presbyter ; not because he was ordained by a presbyter , but for want of any ordination , that appeared . the meaning of all which ( as i apprehend ) is that the instance makes nothing against ordination by presbyters , seeing here was no ordination at all , ischyras's ordainers not owning , that they had imposed hands on him . for answer hereunto i referr the reader to what is above replyed unto something of this kind : the sum whereof is that ischyras was either really ordained by colluthus the presbyter , or at least by his judges taken for such , which is the same thing . as for dr. field's argument ( his authority i meddle not with ) cited by mr. o. in these words , presbyters ordinations were accounted void by the rigor of the canons in use then , because ordinations sine titulo were null , concil . chalced. can. . it belongs not to the time we are now speaking of , the council of chalcedon being held an hundred and twenty years after that of nice : nor was the qualification of a title required till long after that council of chalcedon , wherein also i meet not with a syllable of annulling ordinations for want of a title . that th can. makes void clancular ordinations not given visibly in the face of the church , the rule , which required the candidate to be offered unto the suffrage of the clergy , and people in the churches and congregation , being neglected , as justellus has observed from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the method of requiring titles indeed grew up afterwards , which the canonists in the following ages gathered from this sixth canon of chalcedon , as fancying some analogy or agreement between them in reason as calvin teaches me . however let us take the argument as 't is propounded . ordinations by presbyters were accounted void not in themselves , but by the rigor of the canons in use then : how does this appear ? why , because ordinations sine titulo were null by the sixth canon of chalcedon , which is just as if one should pretend to prove the lord's-day not holy by divine appointment but by the ecclesiastical constitution , because the other holy-days are not . is it not possible the lord's-day may be holy by divine institution , though good friday is not ? or that ordinations by presbyters may be null in themselves and by scripture , though ordinations sine titulo be uncanonical only ? but , if mr. o. intended this only as the judgment of so learned a person as dr. field , i let it pass as such , being no ways obliged to account for the opinions of private doctors . the reverend author of the naked truth ( if i rightly apprehend mr. o. for i lift not to look after the book its self ) intends to prove by the nicene canon ( which forbids bishops to ordain in one anothers diocesses ) that the irregular ordinations by bishops are as null , as the irregular ordinations by presbyters . now there is no strength in this reasoning . i can scarce allow it to be sense . he ought first to make out , that presbyters have power to ordain , and then indeed the irregular ordinations of the one would be null as well as of the other and both alike : but we deny presbyters to have power to ordain ( be sure that nicene canon gives them none ) and therefore the comparison here is foolish and frivolous . 't is as if one should lay down this grave maxim — the irregular sentence of a judge is as null , as that of a private man , whereas a private man can give no decretory sentence at all . i own bishops in their ordinations were under many canonical restraints , and some of their irregular ordinations were decreed null , at least so as that the ordained , were not allowed to exercise their function . but to talk of the irregularities of ordinations by presbyters is to suppose it proved they have power to ordain , which is to beg the question . i am sure their power is not intimated in the nicene canons ( as that of bishops is ) nor in any other that i am yet acquainted with . if a canon were any where to be found restraining ordinations made by presbyters , and limiting the manner and circumstances of 'em , 't were reasonable thence to gather that presbyters had power to ordain : but the canonical restraints laid upon bishops will not convince me that presbyters had that power . finally one may by the same reasoning conclude that deacons , yea , that every ordinary believer had power to ordain , as well as bishops . thus i proceed in the argument — by the nicene canons , bishops ordinations in others diocesses without consent are forbid , and hence we see , the irregular ordinations of bishops are as null as the irregular ordinations of ordinary believers and deacons : but this is no better than beating the air , out of nothing to gather something . for all this while neither deacons nor believers have power at all to ordain . haply mr. o. has left the reverend authors argument short : so i dismiss it . chap. x. of aerius . this was a turbulent and heretical presbyterian the only one to be met with in all antiquity . it may not be amiss in few words to present the reader with his character , as 't is transmitted to us by st. austin and epiphanius . the former tells us , that being a presbyter he is reported to have been troubled , because he could not be ordained a bishop ; that he fell into the arrian heresie , adding to it some of his own conceits , as that stated fasts ought not to be observed , and that a presbyter ought no ways to be distinguished from a bishop ; that the aerians his followers admitted to their communion only the continent , or such as embraced a celibate life , and who had so far renounced the world , as to account nothing their own : and did not abstain from flesh in the appointed times , as epiphanius writes . this epiphanius , among many other errors , and some of the aforesaid particularly remembers that he sought to be a bishop but could not obtain it . he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an hairbrained and mad doctrine , sc. that of the identity of bishops and presbyters . when epiphanius had reckoned up a great many of his errors and heresies , he proceeds to refute 'em , and in the first place takes him to task for that about the identity of bishops and presbyters , in short , he sets him forth as a very wicked and impious fellow . it is not material in the dispute , whether aerius was an heretick , or is called so by epiphanius and st. austin on the account of his teaching bishops and presbyters to be equal . i am sure st. austin places this error of his in the front and before that of arrianism : and both condemn him for his opinion about bishops and presbyters , which is sufficient to my purpose , for i am not concerned about private persons opinions , such as bishop jewel though an excellent man , and one of the greatest ornaments of our church and of the reformation , or others mentioned by mr. o. * — whatever their sentiments were , i shall hereafter shew , that it was ever the publick judgment of the reformed church of england , that bishops were jure divino , and i hope 't is no breach of modesty to confront theirs with the churches authority . chap. xi . of hilary the deacon . it is not agreed among the criticks , who was the author of the commentaries on st. paul's epistles , which are in the works of st. ambrose , vol. . and 't is as uncertain unto whom belong the quaestiones veter is & novi testamenti in st. austin , tom. . there are some excellent passages found in them , and cited by austin in his tracts against the pelagians under the titles of 〈◊〉 & sanctus hilarius , whence some conclude they cannot be ascribed to so ill a man as the deacon : but that either hilary bishop of poictiers , or hilary of arles must have them . yet vossius * contends that those titles of beatus & sanctus , were by custom and in civility given to all clergy-men , whether they deserved them or not , as at this day , reverendus & venerabilis are : that the commentaries were written when damasus was rector ecclesiae , pope of rome , and that hilary of poictiers , dying in the second year of damasus , was too old , to have either time or strength to perform such a work , whilst that pope was living : and lastly , that hilary of arles , came too late to write in damasus his pontificate , or to be quoted by st. austin . and thus the commentaries and questions will fall to the deacon's share . ans. . 't is certain to me , hilary of poictiers was not the author of the questions and commentaries , as we now have them : but not for the reason assigned . those words 〈◊〉 bodie rector est damasus are on tim. . from whence to the end of the commentaries are but leaves in folio , which he might have time and strength to finish in that popes first year . the commentaries moreover break off abruptly at the th ch. of the hebrews , and the work is left unfinished , whence it may be thought that there his life or his strength might fail him . but still it is confessed hilary of poictiers was not the author of them : they are too mean to be fathered upon so great a man. . the particular testimonies spoken of before cannot be attributed unto hilary of arles : for he flourished twenty years after austin . . neither can they belong to the deacon a reason of no credit or authority , as i shall shew . wherefore . they were cited out of some work of hilary of poictiers not now extant , which may be confirmed by another testimony in austin ( not yet observed by any that i know of ) writing still against the pelagians — ecclesiae catholicae adversus haereticos acerrimum defensorem venerandum quis ignorat hilarium episcopum gallum ? which can be understood of no other hilary then the bishop of poictiers , as is manifest from what has been said . . neither 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 , allowed this deacon so much as a place in their catalogues of ecclesiastical writers , being it seems unworthy that honour . bellarmine indeed incidentally mentions him in his observations on ambroses's works , yet makes no reckoning of him . but jerom falls foul on him calling him in derision orbis deucalionem , and adds — libellos adversus nos de haereticis rebaptizandis edidit . it can't then be thought st. austin would build upon this deacons authority . thus much i thought fit to say concerning the passages of st. austin borrowed out of hilary , supposed by some to be the deacon , and author of the commentaries and questions , of which i will now say something considering them in the lump . . i do suppose the same person or persons ( whosoever they were ) wrote these commentaries and questions . blondel himself is of this opinion , and so is bellarmine in his observations on ambrose's works . . i also judge they were written long after hilary of poictiers , yea , after jerom and austin , by some ignorant , idle and knavlsh fellow , who mixed truth and falshood , good and bad together , collecting some notions out of the fathers , and adding many of his own silly conceits . the testimonies which i have spoken of were its likely collected out of austin : the discourse , about the ambition of the roman deacons , exalting themselves above presbyters was borrowed from jerom's epistle to evagrius . but to make short work on it . let us hear erasmus's censure of the questions . the author ( says he ) repeats many the same things in several places , propounds the same questions , and treats of 'em over and over again ; is not constant in his opinions : some scraps out of other mens works are often inserted : he repeats what he had said 〈◊〉 , but in a quite different stile . he is very idle in starting questions , which he ought not . there is a perfect confusion in the work. sometimes he writes commentaries , sometimes controversie : sometimes he preaches , and sometimes disputes very foolishly and meerly prates . he is often scurrilous and abusive , and yet has said many things worthy to be read and known , but gathered out of others . he cites not his authors , he cheats the reader with counterfeit titles . by the repetitions and the disorder in his matter he writes of , by his tumultuous and womanish talkativeness he even kills his reader . the first part seems to be the work of some greek affecting to speak latin , &c. erasmus is more favourable to the commentaries , yet confesses the prefaces are not st. ambroses's , but some busy and illiterate fellow tack'd 'em to the commentaries . i make account then these commentaries and questions are of no credit or authority in any controversy whatever . . the compiler of them has intermixt several things favouring episcopacy , and so is jack o' both-sides . . he expounds the angels ( spoken of cor. . . ) bishops grounding himself on the revelations : and gives the reason why women ought to be covered in the church because of the angels , that is , bishops , quia episcopus personam habet christi & vicarius est domini , sustains the person of christ and is the vicar of the lord. the which must be understood of the days of paul : else the explanation is altogether fruitless and impertinent . . he resembles the deacons to the levites , presbyters to the priests , whereof one was the high-priest unto whom the bishop answers see question . . he grants timothy had the power ofordaining committed to him by paul in these . words , unde quemadmodum episcopum ordinet timotheus , ostendit paulus . but he no where expresly allows this to the presbyters . many other observations , if it were worth while , might be collected out of this author tending to the same purpose . . he contradicts himself the holy scripture , and the most ancient writers in the church . he affirms that at first all might preach , baptize and explain scripture , but after , churches were establish'd and distinct offices were appointed , and the church began to be govern'd another way , so that no man should presume to officiate in holy things , except he were ordained . whereas nothing is more manifest than that there were at the council of jerusalem * , besides , deacons two species of officers at least , apostles and elders , to say nothing of prophets , of whom also we read , act. , that when st. paul wrote his epistle to the corinthians , there were set in the church by god himself , apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors , teachers , &c. the same are to be met with in his epistle to the ephesians . in that to the philippians we read of their apostle , of their bishops ( or presbyters , ) and their deacons . timothy and titus had their elders and deacons under them . to omit sundry , other examples hereof in scripture , clemens romanus tells us , that the lord appointed who were to minister in divine offices among the christians , and ignatius needs not here to be brought in for evidence . but let us consider the several instances mr. o. gives in confirmation of this paradox , that there were no ministers in the church at the beginning . the first is of philip. but philip had been ordained by imposition of hands , and besides was a person endued with extraordinary and supernatural gifts , that is was a prophet , and of such i readily grant it true , that they were not strictly and indispensably ty'd to common rules of order , but might do what the spirit moved 'em to . but 't is remarkable what hilary himself says of philip , evangelistae diaconi sunt sicut philippus . so then here were ministers thus early besides the apostles . as for apollos act. . . to pass by other observations that might be useful , i much question whether , when he preach'd at ephesus , he was yet a christian , or rather am positive he was none : for he knew only the baptism of john , v. . unto whom therefore aquila and priscilla , expounded the way of god more perfectly , v. . and tho' after this he still preach'd at corinth , v. . it may be said that by this time he had been ordained to it , for any thing appears to the contrary : and we must not think none were ordained , but such of whom 't is expresly testify'd in scripture : we ought rather to conclude all were ordain'd because many were . of aquila and priscilla , their instructing apollos , i have shewed elsewhere , that it was private not ministerial instruction . in short , i know not one example of a person unordained , and of ordinary gifts only , that took upon him to preach in any christian assemblies , much more to administer the holy sacraments ; nor can i fancy , when that time was of which hilary speaks , when every man that would , did administer in the word and sacraments . but the story of vrigen is urg'd , who was made catechist in the school of alexandria , and taught the catechumens in the rudiments of christianty , as dr. cave relates it , and what is yet more , theoctistus bishop of cesarea , and alexander bishop of jerusalem invited him to preach before them . as africa has always been noted for a country abounding with strange and monstrous creatures ; so are we continually pester'd with some surprizing and extraordinary fact in the egyptian church , as if that differed from all the world besides . but to this example of origen , i first say , that mr. o. is as much obliged to reconcile it with the presbyterian principles , as i am with the episcopal : that origen , though he instructed the catechumens at alexandria in the principles of christianty ( so do our school-masters though not ordained : ) haply once or so he preach'd at cesarea before he had been ordained , ( so do our fellows of colleges at the university ) : yet this is nothing to the sacraments , which he did not presume to administer ; and lastly though theoctistus and alexander of jerusalem , out of curiosity desirous to hear the great origen discourse upon some profound point in christianty invited him into the pulpit , yet demetrius bishop of alexandria condemn'd it , and it became a scandal and occasion of offence among them . mr. o. speaking of evangelists would prove them to have been unfixt officers from this observation out of hilary , that evangelists , that is deacons ( as hilary thinks ) did preach sine cathedra , which he expounds without a fixt residence . ans. this is more absurd then any thing i have met with in my adversary . sine cathedra , without a fixt residence ? he might as well have rendred it without fear or wit. the meaning doubtless is , that whereas presbyters had their stalls , as well as the bishop , and sate in his presence , and perhaps according to hilary preach'd out of them , the deacons always stood , nor had their stalls , so that when permitted they preach'd sine cathedra . stantibus diaconis , we often meet with in st. cyprian ; and hilary himself took notice — that the roman deacons did not assume the privilege of sitting in the church , had 〈◊〉 cathedra , no seat in it . jerom has also observ'd the same : sedent presbyteri , stant diaconi . so that hilary's meaning was hereby to distinguish the one from the other , and intimated that deacons were inferior to presbyters , being not suffer'd to sit or to have a stall in the church , as the other had . in short , no one surely will dare to say , that deacons were unfixt officers in the church , either in the apostles or in hilary's days . mr. o. and before him blondel , in order to prove that bishops were meerly the first presbyters , and had only precedency , but no power or jurisdiction over the rest , argue from hilary , that in the beginning the oldest presbyter in years succeeded into the episcopacy , and so became the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the president of the presbytery , and that this apostolical custom or 〈◊〉 , continued till it was by experience found , that undeserving or disabled old men were advanced to the prejudice of ecclesiastical affairs , and the dishonour of the church : 't was therefore chang'd into election to the end , not order , but merit might take place . ans. . the controversy is not about the manner of succeeding into the 〈◊〉 . the method is either prescrib'd in scripture or not . if it be , let the presbyterians shew where , and we promise to observe it for the future : if not 'tis left to the church , to order this circumstance as shall be thought fit . in the mean time we may not lay aside bishops , because we have not a divine rule about their succession . many things are appointed in the word of god , the particular circumstances being left at large unto humane prudence . we are commanded to read the scriptures , but not how much at a time , whether one or more sections , whether one or more chapters , nor in what order : shall we therefore abolish the command it self , because these circumstances are not expresly delivered to us in scripture ? god forbid ! supposing then that there have been different customs taken up about the way of succeeding into the episcopacy , this is no prejudice against episcopacy its self . . it is some matter of wonder to me how the affairs of the church could be prejudiced by the oldest presbyters , succeeding as of right to the first chair or presidency , if he received thereby no power or jurisdiction as our adverrsaries pretend . . it is false , and nothing can be falser then this conceit of the oldest presbyter succeeding into the episcopacy . timothy was a young man and promoted by st. paul , and that not for his age , but his merit : for surely none can believe he was the oldest among the ephesian elders . what occasion then for the apostles admonition — let no man despise thy youth , if all the presbyters were younger than himself ? and jerom , who affirms that paul ordained timothy bishop of ephesus , his maxim was , presbyter aetatis nomen est , episcopus officii : it had then been more congruous according to our adversaries argument to have named all of 'em bishops , except the president , who should have been called presbyter as being the eldest among them . afterwards ignatius exhorts the magnesians , not to despise demas their bishop for his youth . lastly , 〈◊〉 assures us , that the presbyters of alexandria by mark' s institution , chose their patriarch , so that merit and election not age determined the competition . by the way they also according to this author eutychius ordained their patriarch by prayer and imposition of hands : with what truth then could hilary assert . episcopi & presbyteri 〈◊〉 est ordinatio ? but i have done this fictitious hilary his questions and commentaries , too great an honour in wasting thus much paper about him and them. chap. xii . of st. jerom ' s testimony . before i examine the testimonies of this father alledg'd by mr. o. in favour of the identity of bishops and presbyters , i will lay down my own hypothesis , such , i am perswaded , as is agreeable to the word of god. and i am of opinion also will go a great way to reconcile jerom with himself . as for my own opinion i make account with bp. pearson , that the christian church strictly speaking , began upon the day of pentecost , when the spirit descended upon the holy apostles , and , as i may say , anointed them unto the office of preaching the gospel , and establishing the christian church throughout the world beginning at jerusalem . that they were for some small time the only ecclesiastical officers in the church : that when the church increased and believers were multiply'd , and by consequence the apostles unable to manage the whole work by themselves , they took in seaven deacons to their assistance , devolving on them intirely one branch of their power , viz. dispensing the publick alms among the poor , as also admitting them to preach the word and baptize , when occasion offered , or necessity required , or their leisure from their own proper business would allow : that not very long after ( the church still encreasing more and more , and believers multiplying not only at jerusalem but at samaria , and in other parts of judea ) the apostles added another sort of church officers , that is presbyters , acts. . . ch . . that to these presbyters were committed by the apostles , the principal care and trust of ministring in the word and sacraments , and in their absence of ruling the flock in matters of less moment , the apostles still reserving to themselves the supreme power , in the highest and important affairs of the church , which they discharged either by messengers or by letters , or else visiting them , and lastly that these presbyters were indifferently called , either elders or bishops , and governed the aforesaid churches in a parity among themselves . of this interval of time , i reckon jerom might speak , when he contends for the parity and identity of bishops and presbyters . the churches then hitherto were governed communi presbyterorum consilio , by the colleges of presbyters , no other presiding over them in the apostles absence . in process of time , when the apostles had determined among themselves to disperse , in order to the preaching of the gospel unto all the world , they resolv'd , that one being chosen from among the presbyters should be set over the rest , unto whom all the care of the church should belong , the seeds of schism might be taken away , and that this should be established and observed , toto orbe throughout the world. the period of time , when this course was taken by the apostles , i have spoken of in the preface . but jerom in this circumstance seems not at one with himself . for whereas in his commentaries on the epistle to titus , he supposes the apostles to have taken up this resolution after the corinthian schism , yet making james bishop of jerusalem , he must of necessity suppose it done before or at the council of jerusalem , at which time there was not any church , or so much as one christian at corinth . by what name or title the persons thus chosen out of the presbyters , and intrusted with the supreme government of churches were called , is of little moment to be enquired into . nevertheless if theodoret is to be credited ( as i know no reason to the contrary ) they also were at first stiled apostles , and it is with reason thought that epaphroditus is therefore reckon'd or rather declared the apostle of the philippians * . blondel himself acknowledges there were a secondary sort of apostles among the churches , persons of the highest rank and most eminent gifts . i take these things in some measure proved sufficiently before , and in what follows , and most reasonable in themselves to be supposed . nevertherless if the adversaries shall reject them , as 't is most likely they will , i shall only say that i am not much concerned about them , that is , whether it be possible to make jerom write consistently with himself . if not , his testimony in the controversy before us , is not worth a rush , he having contradicted himself , and overthrown in one place , what he is made to have affirmed in another . the question then upon jerom's authority is not about the precise time , when this remedy against schism was applyed by the apostles ; that 's to say , whether before or immediately after the corinthian divisions ( let jerom look to that ) : but more generally , whether he believed or ever asserted , or could consistently with himself assert , that this provision against schism was devised and made not till after the apostles decease . the presbyterians are oblig'd to hold the affirmative , or else give up the cause . my business then is to prove that jerom did not believe nor ever asserted , nor could intend to assert , that the decree about chusing one from among the presbyters , and setting him above the rest , to preside and govern the affairs of the church was made after the apostles days , by some ecclesiastical constitution ; but that it was the ordination and appointment of the apostles themselves : this i pretend to make appear by the following observations out of jerom. . these words of jerom , toto orbe decretum est , must denote it to have been an apostolick constitution . for an ecclesiastical decree obliging all christendom to its observation could never have been made for above years after the apostles decease ; and nothing less then an oecumenical synod had competent power to prescribe this remedy against schism . but there never was any such universal council before that of nice ( too late to father the decree in the judgment even of our adversaries themselves . ) moreover this apostles canons ( as they are commonly called ) which are a collection of the most ancient decrees of the church , take it for granted , that the government of the church was lodg'd in the hands of bishops , and only regulate some circumstances about their ordinations and the methods of their government . if bishops had been meerly by ecclesiastical constitution , we should certainly have found them established in these apostolical canons . it is not to be imagin'd the collectors of them would have omitted so important a decree as this , whereon so many of their other canons are built as on a foundation . jerom's toto orbe decretum est , must then imply that episcopacy was an apostolical constitution . . the same may be 〈◊〉 from those words , remedium schismatis & episcopum nominabant , in jerom's epistle to evagrius . the remedy then against schism , must be as ancient as the presidents , who according to jerom were called bishops . now they were stil'd bishops before ignatius was martyred , as abundantly appears in his epistles ; therefore this remedy against schism was divised in the apostolick age , except any one will affirm that ignatius , and all the other followers , disciples , fellow-labourers , and fellow-soldiers of the apostles , who gave testimony to the gospel of christ even unto bloud , prepared this new remedy against schism , so soon as the apostle st. john's eyes were shut ; and took upon them to set up a government in the church , which the apostles were altogether strangers to , as our adversaries suppose . . jerom. witnesseth over and over again , that bishops were established in the churches , whilst the apostles lived and flourished . upon those words — quae est in to per impositionem manuum mearum , he thus glosses scilicet ad episcopatum . upon those other words — cum episcopis & diaconis , he thus comments — hic episcopos presbyteros intelligimus , non enim in una urbe plures episcopi esse potuissent , intimating that though bishops and presbyters were the same in that place , yet there was then an higher degree of bishops , of whom there could be but one in a city . now jerom here must of necessity speak of the apostles days , else his comment had been altogether vain and absurd . for to expound st. paul's 〈◊〉 by an usage , which sprang up in the church long after , were sensless . besides , he thinks epaphroditus was at that time bishop of philippi , as is plainly implyed when he glosses on the other passage in this epistle — epaphroditum commilitonem meum — commilito propter honorem : quia & ipse acceperat in illis apostolatus officium . epaphroditus then was the apostle of the philippians according to jerom , that is in the ecclesiastical language he was their bishop . again whereas jerom questions archippus to have been a deacon of the church of coloss. ch . . . yet elsewhere , he puts the question to himself — quid est ministerium quod archippus accepit a domino ? and answers — legimus , & archippo commilitoni nostro , exquo puto aut episcopum eum fuisse colossensis ecclesiae , aut si ita non est , &c. hereby though not positively asserting him the bishop of coloss , yet implying plainly by the disjunctive there were bishops in those days . moreover jerom in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers reckons up , james made bishop of jerusalem by the apostles , and simeon after him , timothy of ephesus , titus of crete by paul , and polycarp of smyrna by john. on the psalm . he thus speaks — constituit christus in omnibus finibus mundi principes ecclesiae i. e. episcopos : and that by princes he here meant single supreme governours of churches , appears from his comment on the st of titus , where he has this observation , that paul was then forming a prince of the church of crete . this institution then being by jerom attributed unto christ himself , must be understood as done at least by the apostles of christ. lastly , jerom notes † , that all who saw the lord , and preached the gospel were called apostles , paulatim vero tempore procedente , others also were ordained apostles by them , whom the lord had chosen , as epaphroditus . we can understand no less by ordained apostles here , than those who were set over churches to rule them called afterwards bishops : and the paulatim here being to be understood of the apostles time , will let us in to the understanding jerom's paulatim and his postquam , in his commentaries on 〈◊〉 , and that the decree there spoken of was put in execution by the apostles themselves but by degrees . if then epaphroditus was bishop of philippi , archippus of coloss , james of jerusalem , timothy of ephesus , and titus bishop and prince of crete , polycarp of smyrna , and in a word , if there were bishops and princes appointed by christ in all quarters of the world , and all whilst paul was alive in the opinion of jerom , then jerom's toto orbe 〈◊〉 est , is to be understood of an apostolical constitution . . the occasion of setting up one above the 〈◊〉 to take the care and charge of the churches , of necessity implies that the apostles themselves instituted episcopacy . it was according to jerom the corinthian schisiu : and yet more particularly ( because our 〈◊〉 contend that jerom only alluded to the corinthian schism , not that that schism in particular was the occasion of the decree : which is but mere 〈◊〉 at best : ) i farther note the schism , which gave occasion to the decree , was according to jerom founded on such a principle and pretence , as is not to be met with in any other church than that of corimh , nor in any other age than that of the apostles . the pretence ( as jerom believ'd ) was — posiquam unusquisq , eos quos baptizaverat suos esse putabat non christi , &c. alluding to the cor. . , . . if then the toto orbe decretum was occasioned by the corinthian schism , which in jerom's judgment sprang from that false and foolish principle , that every minister might challenge to himself all those christians , whom he had baptized , to be members of his own separate congregation , the remedy against this disease must of necessity be confess'd to have commenced soon after this corinthian schism , and by consequence in the apostles days . . jerom's instancing in the church of alexandria confirms , what i am proving , viz. that bishops were appointed in the apostles days . * a marco evangelista usque ad heraclam presbyteri unum ex se electum & excelsiori gradu collocatum , episcopum nominabant . here we have a bishop of alexandria name and thing acknowledg'd by jerom , from mark the evangelist . therefore jerom must have believed the 〈◊〉 orbe decretum est , happened in the apostles days , since many of them survived st. mark. . the character and commendation jerom gives of this institution of bishops , i observed before what he has written on the psal. constituit christus in omnibus mundi finibus principes 〈◊〉 . if then it was an institution of christ , it must needs be at least apostolical , so he calls it ; ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento . the apostolical traditions ( or institutions ) were borrowed from the old testament . and that episcopacy and the three distinct orders of church officers , bishops , presbyters , and deacons 〈◊〉 included , yea , principally meant here by the apostolical traditions is evident from what follows — quod aaron & filii ejus atque levitae in templo fuerunt 〈◊〉 sibi episcopi presbyteri & diaconi vindicent in ecclesia christiana . quod aaron & filios ejus hoc episcopum & presbyterum noverimus . . jerom not 〈◊〉 and more than once insinuates that bishops succeeded the apostles . apostolorum locum tenent episcopi * , bishops hold the place of the apostles . habes pro apostolis episcopos filios apostolorum , you have instead of the apostles , bishops the sons of the apostles , episcopi & presbyteri 〈◊〉 in exemplum apostolos & apostolicos viros , quorum honorem possidentes habere nitantur & meritum , and let bishops and presbyters take for their pattern , the apostles and apostolical men , whose honour they possess , and therefore should endeavour to have their merit . non est facile stare loco pauli , tenere gradum petri † . 't is no easy matter to stand in the place of paul to possess the degree of peter . omnes ( so . episcopi ) sive romae , sive eugubii , sive constantinopoli rhegii , sive alexandriae , sive tanais ( i may add from jerom sive divites , sive pauperes , sive sublimes , 〈◊〉 inferiores ) apostolorum sunt successores . * all bishops whatever , are the apostles successors . and whereas in this very epistle , he is exalting his fellow presbyters as high as with any colour of pretence he was able , yet no such thing as this drops from him , sc. that the presbyters are the apostles successors . — if then bishops are the apostles successors , as if jerom may be judge , they were , then also the office of a bishop must needs be by apostolical institution : for none could appoint successors unto the apostles but the apostles themselves . . the early establishment of bishops in the very days of the apostles , or at least , immediately after them , will force any ingenious man to confess episcopacy was of apostolical institution . this also jerom has witnessed , * telling us that clement , ( of whom we read , phil. . ) was the th ( some said the d ) bishop of rome after peter : that ignatius † was the d bishop of 〈◊〉 after peter : that papias , a disciple of st. john the apostle , was bishop of hierapolis , and quadratus , a disciple of the apostles , bishop of athens . to these add the asiatick bishops , of whom we read in ignatius's epistles . for because jerom believed the epistles genuine , and approves of the subject matter of them , he has hereby given in his testimony , that there were bishops in all those churches . is it then possible to imagine jerom beleived that decree to be any other than apostolical , or that episcopacy received its date from a meer ecclesiastical canon sometime after ? it can never enter into my head that the church government ( which some say was presbyterian , that is , administred by a college of presbyters acting in a parity , when the apostles were living ) should be thus quickly altered by a meer humane , or ecclesiastical decree , upon a pretence of preventing schisms ; whereas the apostles themselves did not ( as the presbyterians believe ) think this reason sufficient to change the church-government in their time ; that is , 't is most improbable and absurd to say so many holy men and martyrs of christ , familiar with , and disciples of the apostles , sc. st. clement , ignatius , papias , quadratus , and an innumerable company , ( whose names and whose particular diocesses are not transmitted unto us , says eusebius ) should dare not only to decree , and consent to the alteration of church-government , but themselves to usurp and exercise an authority over their equals contrary to the apostolical rule and practice . from the whole then that has been said , i may reasonably conclude . . that episcopacy , which is by jerom called the remedy against schism , was set up and decreed 〈◊〉 the apostles in their own days . . that though he terms it an ecclesiastical custom and constitution , he is to be taken to mean in opposition to 〈◊〉 veritati , our lord 's own personal appointment , and not unto apostolical tradition , or institution . . that what i have offer'd in this chapter towards the reconciling jerom with himself , is most reasonable to be admitted . and lastly , that the power and authority allowed by jerom unto bishops , particularly that of ordination , and the other of confirmation , belong'd to them by virtue of the apostles commission , and were not restraints laid upon the presbyters by ecclesiastical canons , that of confirmation he deduces from scripture in his dialogue against the luciferians . but mr. o. will , perhaps say , that all this is nothing to him , and to the objections he has laid in our way . i am then obliged now to consider in particular what observations he has mustred up out of jerom , and levelled against episcopacy in favour of the presbyterians claim . mr. o. then pleads , that jerom has shew'd the presbyters of alexandria 〈◊〉 their bishops for almost years , and that he would leave nothing out that was material in constituting them . ans. jerom has not shew'd , nor so much as directly asserted that the presbyters of alexandria made their bishops : but he has omitted several circumstances not only material , but advantagious to his main design , if they had been true . jerom , both in his commentaries on titus , and in his epistle to evagrius , speaks constantly in the passive voice , how that one was chosen , and set over the rest ; but by whom he says not . why not by the neighbouring bishops ? why not by the predecessor as well as by the presbyters ? jerom has not expresly told us that the bishop of alexandria chosen out of the presbyters , received another , and a new consecration , nor that the presbyters ordained him , all which would have tended much to the honour of himself , and his fellow-presbyters . true , he expresly says , the presbyters nam'd him bishop at his instalment , bnt this does not necessarily imply either that they chose , or ordained him . he ought , and doubtless would have spoken out , if either , or both these things had been true . whereas then mr. o. adds , jerom mentions no other way of constituting them but by presbyters , it is certain he mentions no way at all . this is manifest ' beyond all exception . jerom has assur'd us of it , that the apostles , not the presbyters , made and ordain'd bishops in most parts of the christian world ; at ephesus , at coloss , at philippi , at athens , in crete , at jerusalem , and if mark did not so at alexandria , it were very strange . however orbis major est urbe . it should indeed seem by the allusions wherewith jerom explains himself , that the presbyters chose one of their own number , and set him over the rest . so ( says he ) the army chooses their general , the deacons their arch-deacons . admitting then this at present , i reply . . 't is no where so much as hinted in jerom , that the alexandrian presbyters ordain'd their patriarchs : but rather the contrary , that the neighbouring bishops impos'd hands on him . quid facit excepta ordinatione episcopus quod non faciat presbyter ? in which words he must have an eye unto the custom of the alexandrian church , from mark to heraclas , and dionysius , implying that bishops , not presbyters ordain'd all that while . well! but i have admitted that the presbyters of alexandria chose their patriarch , and then mr. o. argues * that jerom makes this an argument of the identity of bishops and presbyters . ans. whatever may be inferred from jerom , i am very sure this is no good argument for the identity and equality of bishops and presbyters . for it is plain that ordinary deacons were not the same , nor equal to arch-deacons , nor the army to the emperor , ( as i have occasionally observ'd elsewhere ) although the deacons chose their arch-deacons , and the army set up the emperor . for to what purpose is an arch-deacon chosen , or a general , if they be but still equal to the army , and to the deacons , if they have no power over them ? there is a memorable story to our purpose , of the emperor valentinian . he had been chosen emperor by the army . the soldiers afterwards demanded of him to chuse and receive a partner in the government ; to which he reply'd — it was in your choice ( fellow soldiers ) whether you would chuse me emperor or not ; but since you have chosen me , what you require is in my power , not yours , and ye ought to rest contented as good subjects . but to return unto jerom. i have shew'd before out of him , that the apostles made bishops ; what then is become of this argument for parity in all the churches of the world , except alexandria ? but if jerom contradicts himself past all relief , i cannot help it . yet again . why may not one imagine that jerom's principal aim being to maintain the honour of presbyters above deacons , he noted that at alexandria , the bishop was chosen not out of the deacons , but unum ex se , viz. out of the presbyters ? ay , but 't will be reply'd , that jerom in this epistle design'd to prove that bishops and presbyters , were at first the same , and that to other arguments for their identity , he subjoyns this story of the church of alexandria . i reply , not so , if mr. o. will allow me to reconcile jerom with himself . i am not indeed able to account for jerom , when he proves the identity of bishops and presbyters , from sundry places of scripture , the epistles of peter and paul , and st. john ; and yet gives us a catalogue of several bishops in that time . but this i say , jerom after he had advanc'd the honour of presbyters above deacons , in that epistle to evagrius , telling us there was a time when bishops and presbyters were the same . he proceeds to argue from the church of alexandria , that there , even to heraclas and dionysius , for years , the bishops were chosen out of the presbyters , not out of the deacons , which observation was not designed to prove the presbyterian identity , nor the parity , but the honour given to the presbyters above deacons , because the patriarch was for a long while chosen out of their number only . lastly , let what will become of jerom and his arguments , this is sure , and confessed on all hands , there were always bishops of alexandria from the beginning of their conversion by mark. it no manner of way belongs to the present controversy how , or by whom chosen and set up . if the scripture shall be thought not to have determin'd this point , i mean what way , and bywhom the bishops shall be constituted , it is then in the church to determine , but not utterly to lay them aside . but mr. o. goes on † we read not of any other consecration of the bishops of alexandria , than the presbyters election , and their placing him in an higher degree , and naming him bishop . no , has mr. o. forgot , or did he not know till aster he had thus shot his bolt , that according to eutychius , cited this very th p. that by the institution of mark , the presbyters when the patriarchship was vacant , chose one of their number , on whose head they laid their hands , and blessed him , and created him patriarch . and if this be true , jerom forgot a very material thing that would have made for the honour of presbyters and their identity with bishops ; and mr. o. forgot another , that of the presbyters imposing hands on their new patriarch , which i take to be somewhat more than electing , placing and naming him bishop . mr. o. proves * there was anciently no other consecration but electing , placing and naming him bishop , from the testimony of polydor virgil , who in his book de invent. rerum , l. . c. . 〈◊〉 , ( says mr. o. ) that anciently in making bishops there were no ceremonies used , &c. ans. mr. o. has a knack above all other men to misrepresent authors : and though i resolved not to concern my self with late writers : yet being polydor was in his time a learned man , and of no small reputation in the roman church of engl. i will with mr. o. pay some deference to his testimony and character . let us then hear , what polydor has delivered in the place cited . he tells , that jesus christ created twelve pontiffs , whom he called apostles , also seventy disciples , whom he made ( sacerdotes ) priests ; that from these latter the order of presbyters arose , that the apostles and disciples were not admitted into their office by any other rites save only the election or institution of christ. which polydor proves immediately after from the practice of the apostles in taking matthias into their number , and instituting the seven deacons . let us run through polydor's argument backward , and see what it says . the apostles imposed hands on the seven deacons , therefore on matthias , and by consequence according to virgil , so did christ lay hands on the apostles , and seventy disciples . so that this authority out of polydor recoils upon himself . indeed mr. o. owns as much : but then thereby he destroys his own propositition , which is , we know no other ceremony but election , &c. but is not impositiof hands a ceremony , and more than electing , placing and nominating him bishop ? i am perswaded it is a ceremony . thus mr. o. confutes himself , when he pretends to confirm his opinion . i cannot pass by one thing , which polydor very falsly tacks to his discourse here concerning the original of imposition of hands , which he derives from our lord and his apostles , but adds , atque hinc olim factum , &c. hence it came about that 〈◊〉 , ( it was an old ecclesiastical practice ) in consecrating a bishop , the presbyters imposed hands , and for this cites cyprian's fourth epistle to felix ( in the oxford ed. the . 't is pity mr. o. stumbled not upon this hint of virgils . in appearance 't is better then any he has produced in his plea. but the comfort is there is nothing like this to be found in that epistle ; and this i thought proper to note to the end , no new trouble should be created me upon virgil's authority . mr. o. jerom saith the custom was changed , from the time of heraclas and dionysius . what custom ? not the election of a bishop by presbyters and people : for that continued long after ; therefore it must be be the 〈◊〉 of bishops ( which afterwards was done ) by neighbouring bishops in the way of consecration , that is laying on of hands , as i apprehend mr. o. hence we must learn , that before heraclas and dionysius , the bishops were not consecrated by imposition of hands , but barely elected , &c. that after 〈◊〉 and dionysius the custom was altered , and then they were consecrated by neighbouring bishops with imposition of hands . ans. jerom teaches us no such thing . he is here only falling upon a new argument , as i said before , to advance the honour of presbyters above deacons , sc. that at alexandria , the bishops were always chosen ( ex se ) out of the presbyters , says eutychius , not out of the deacons ( though the custom was afterwards changed about the time of heraclas and dionysius , or not until alexander as 〈◊〉 ) : nevertheless were bishops from the beginning consecrated by laying on of hands , for any thing jerom intimates , and which eutychius has affirmed , as may also be reasonably presumed and gathered from the practice of the apostles recorded in the epistles to timothy , yea , and from jerom himself in the following period , excepta ordinatione , eutychius his words are , the eleven presbyters laid their hands on the bishop ( elect ) and blessed and created him patriarch . this rule was made by mark himself . mr. o. after a long quotation out of eutychius thus triumphs , here is a full proof of presbyters chusing and creating their bishop , and that by imposition of hands , and benediction or prayer . ans. . and here is a full proof that bishops were from the beginning , and were created also by imposition of hands , which mr. o. just before denyed upon the authority of jerom , and was now to have proved , if he had stuck close to his argument . but it must be confess'd , eutychius does assert the alexandrian presbyters chose , and created their own bishops by imposition of hands and benediction , wherefore . not to insift any more on the incompetency of eutychius his authority , a late obscure and false historian , i ask how mr. o. will be able to reconcile jerom with eutychius , the former affirming ( as mr. o. understands him ) that the presbyters chose , and set up their bishops unto heraclas and dionysius ( then it seems this custom ceas'd ) the latter unto alexander : that is to say , eutychius will have this custom to have continued years longer then jerom assigned it . eutychius says , the presbyters all that while ordained their patriarchs by imposition of hands ; jerom no such matter , but rather the contrary : they only ( as mr. o. will have it ) chose placed and named him bishop . we must then dismiss them both as the evangelist did the witnesses against our lord , their witness does not agree together . i only add , that the th canon of the nicene council seems to overturn at least eutychius his testimony : let the ancient customs continue , which i understand of all things established by this synod , and among the rest that of the neighbouring bishops in egypt , ordaining the patriarchs of alexandria . for if this synod ( as eutychius believed ) at the motion of alexander the patriarch had altered the old custom , with what face could they have laid down this rule , let the ancient customs continue ? or was it wisdom to exasperate the alexandrians with a new decree , when they were already engaged in schisms and contentions about the melitian ordinations ? to shut up this chapter , whatever jerom shall be made to say concerning the alexandrian presbyters , chusing placing and nominating their bishop , he no where affirms they ordained him by imposition of hands and prayer : he acquaints us that the apostles ordained bishops in their time , not the college of presbyters . if afterwards the presbyters of alexandria chose , and created their bishop by imposition of hands , it was at best but an ecclesiastical indulgence , for which there is no rule or precedent to be found in scripture or in the apostles days . but i am well satisfy'd , that in truth there could be no such liberty allowed them . neque 〈◊〉 aliquid cuiquam largiri potest humana 〈◊〉 , ubi intercedit & legem tribuit divina proescriptio . this principle of st. cyprians ( who flourished about ) shews also , that in the days of heraclas and dionysius , that is anno the bishops had not yet taken upon them to dispense with any divine precept , and therefore could not have given or decreed unto bishops , the sole inherent power of ordination , or restrain'd the presbyters , if they had any title to it from the apostles . chap. xiii . of the carthaginian councils . it were to be wish'd that , when men built an argument upon the testimony of an author , they would 〈◊〉 read and weigh him , and be sure to understand him too before they pretend to bring him forth as a witness unto the matter in controversy : and also that they would let him speak the whole truth . but in the next instance mr. o. seems to have overlook'd both these necessary precautions , and has at adventures produc'd a scrap of a testimony in favour of himself , as he thinks , but which in the end will prove fatal to his cause , and will confirm the world in the belief , that he is either very rash and ignorant in his own quotations , or that he will stick at nothing , so he may seem to support his own opinion . the fathers ( says he * ) in the second council of carthage , anno † did observe , that until that time some diocesses never had any bishops at all , and thereupon ordained , they should have none for the future . they would never have made such a canon , had they concluded the government by bishops to be jure divino . i agree with mr. o. in the deduction he has made , provided the premises were true . to make these good , therefore he quotes that canon aforesaid thus — placet ut dioceses , quae 〈◊〉 episcopos acceperunt , non habeant . whoever first formed this argument against episcopacy , has grosly abused his reader and the the council too . mr. o. perhaps borrowed it of mr. baxter or some such kind of author , whose interest and partiality will not suffer them to let the reader see the whole period , least at the same time he should discern the truth , and themselves be found guilty of falsification , which i doubt not to make out in a few words . to which end i will take the liberty to lay the canon before the reader in its own language . for though the african fathers used the latin tongue , yet all the latin copies among us at this day were derived from the greek version , as justellus tells us , which is therefore the most authentick , and ought to be accounted of greatest authority . the said canon therefore runs thus — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in english thus — it was determined that the people in the diocesses ( not the diocesses ) having formerly belong'd to bishops , but never having had a proper bishop of their own , should not have ( now for the future ) their own proper rectors , that 's to say bishops , except by the consent of that bishop under whose jurisdiction ( at present ) they are . from whence it appears . that the people here spoken of were aforetime subject to bishops , which mr. o. has miserably perverted by saying , that — till that time the diocesses never had any bishops at all , contrary to the apparent sense of that canon , which affirms it , and describes those people thus — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the people here spoken of were even in the possession , and under the jurisdiction of bishops : ex. gra . to make the matter plainer to mr. o. the people of lancashire cannot be said never to have had any bishops at all , it being well known that the bishop of chester is their diocesan . . the people mentioned in the canon had not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a proper bishop peculiar to themselves . thus it is true , that the county of lancaster never had to this day a proper bishop of their own . . the african fathers did not peremptorily resolve that those people should have no bishop for the future , though mr. o. has very falsly affirmed it . but two things they define , either first that they should continue in subjection to their former bishop , that is to keep to my example , that the county of lancaster should continue as a member of the diocess of chester : or else secondly , that they should be erected into a distinct bishoprick , and have their own proper bishop , provided nevertheless that it be with the consent of their former bishop , or thus in the example , that the county of lancaster should be made a bishoprick by its self , and have a proper bishop of its own , provided my lord of chester would consent thereunto . there is another canon , in the african code which is more full to my purpose — it pleased the synod that the people , who never had proper bishops of their own , should not have them , except it be so decreed in a full provincial synod , and ( particularly ) by the primate , and with the consent of that bishop , unto whose government that church ( or the aforesaid people ) formerly belonged . mr. o. then , 〈◊〉 he had dealt honestly and faithfully with the african fathers and with us , should have cited the whole period at length , and not abused them , and endeavoured to cozen the present age with such counterfeit stuff . i have this only farther to remark upon these canons of the carthaginian councils ( and so shall conclude ) , that the occasion of making the former ( and of the latter too as is probable ) was the ambitious and haughty , and aspiring , stubborn and foolish ( for all these epithets are there bestowed on them ) disposition of some presbyters , who raising their crests against their own bishops , and wheedling the people by some indirect means , would needs in a disorderly manner make themselves their rectors i. e. bishops . this immediately follows in the aforesaid canon as any one that pleases may see at his leisure . to prove that presbyters have power to impose hands in ordination mr. o. alledges * the th council of carthage † can. . — omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius ( ordinandi presbyteri ) teneant . ans. . he has not given us the canon intire having left out something , which perhaps will go a great way to the overthrowing his argument , as will be seen anon . thus the canon runs — episcopo eum ( sc. presbyterum ) benedicente omnes , &c. but it is not unusual for mr. o. to quote his authors by halves , and to suppress , what seems to make against him . at this rate he may soon get the christian world on his side , so many of 'em at least as will not be at the pains or are unable to examine his authorities . . this canon , though caranza and other authors mention it , is not to be found in the african code set forth by justellus , which makes me suspect , that the fathers , who in the council of trull , took the african into the code of the universal church , look'd upon it either as spurious , or rejected it as to the matter therein decreed . but i will not insist on this . . it is most reasonable to interpret one canon by another . the said council decreed . — vt episcopus sine concilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet . from 〈◊〉 one would guess that the imposition of the presbyters hands was designed only 〈◊〉 a testimony , that the bishop ordained with the advice and consent of the presbyters , at least not without them . . if presbyters laid on hands as proper ordainers , how comes it to pass that in other councils and canons of the church it s declared that the bishop only ordains and not the presbyters ? in the . council of hisp. can. . — episcopus enim sacerdotibus & ministris solus honorem dare potest . can. . nam quamvis cum episcopis plurima illis ( presbyteris ) mysteriorum communis sit dispensatio ; quaedam tamen sibi prohibita noverint , sicut presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio . but the fifth canon is remarkable . the occasion of it was this . a certain bishop being blind , laid on his hands at the ordination of some presbyters and deacons with the rest of his presbyters ; & presbyter quidam illis contra ecclesiasticum ordinem benedictionem dedisse fertur . for which ( 't is added that ) the presbyter deserved to be condemned , but that he was in the mean time dead . from whence i think 't is plain , . that ordination was not effectually given by imposition of hands , but by benediction the charge or commission ( wherein properly consifted the ordination ) which was given to the ordained . . all the irregularity here committed was , that the presbyter presum'd benedicere , and there with it may be to give the commission , that is to ordain , which if imposition of hands was ordination , had been no irregularity at least no essential defect , as it is declared to be . . for if imposition of hands be the ordination , then there was no irregularity in these ordinations , the bishop having laid his hands on the ordained , as 't is testifyed in the canon , as well as that presbyter , who blest him . . the orders thus conferred were declared null by the council — hi ( presbyteri & diaconi ) gradum sacerdotii & levitici ordinis quem perverse adepti sunt , amittant . so that 〈◊〉 the whole it appears , that in the judgment of these fathers and of the church at that time , laying on of hands was not properly ordination , and by 〈◊〉 , though presbyters impose hands , yet they do not ordain , which 〈◊〉 overthrows mr. o's major proposition . but let us see how mr. o. confirms his major , he endeavours it by this medium — that which is an ordaining act bespeaks an ordaining power : but imposition of hands is an ordaining act. therefore , &c. to the minor i answer by denying imposition of hands to be an ordaining act , 't is only an outward and solemn concomitant of it , as is before evinc'd though warranted by holy scripture . by the imposition of the bishops and presbyters hands is signifyed to the congregation present , that the bishop ordains the person with the advice consent and council of his presbyters . but mr. o. adds , i should be glad to see one instance given in the apostles days , of persons laying on of hands in ordination , that had no ordaining power . if i should affirm that those mentioned tim. . . imposed hands , but had no ordaining power , i am very sure he can't disprove me : and if i should demand one instance in the apostles times of meer presbyters laying on of hands , or ordaining without a bishop ; i am sure mr. o. cannot produce it . but mr. o. pleads * how then comes the bishops to urge the scripture ? ( tim. . . ) lay hands suddenly on no man , in favour of timothy's ordaining power , and thence to infer that he was bishop of ephesus , since he might lay on hands , and yet have no ordaining power , nor be bishop . this difficulty is easily resolved . if there were no other argument for timothy's episcopal power in the church of ephesus ; but that text only , it might thence be fairly inferred , that timothy was bishop of ephesus , and had the power of ordaining , because no other are joyn'd in commission with him ; nevertheless , though this prov'd it not , it may be evinc'd from other pregnant passages in those epistles to timothy , which i need not repeat . nor do we acknowledge presbyters may perform all the outward acts of ordination : that of benediction belongs not to them at all . but ( says he ) what does the presbyters imposing of hands signifie , if not an ordaining power ? i have told him already , it denotes their approbation , and that the bishop 〈◊〉 with their advice and consent : no , ( he replys * ) they could signifie their approbation some other way without imposition of hands , as by saying amen to the ordination prayers . but this is to be wiser than god and his apostles , who have ( as i often have supposed , though i need not grant it ) recommended this way , which adds an agreeable solemnity unto the action ; at least the church has thought fit to admit the presbyters to lay on hands , and thereby to signify their approbation ( of such as are taken into their own proper ministry ) in a particular way and different from the peoples testifying their assent . and this is the reason why at the ordination of a deacon , presbyters were not to impose hands , sc. quia non ad sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur , * as the african fathers declared . in short , this canon 〈◊〉 with others , which appropriate the power of ordaining presbyters unto bishops only , ( as is above observ'd ) seems to me to shew , that in the judgment of the ancients , presbyters had no inherent original power of laying on hands , but that 't was granted to them by ecclesiastical constitution only . otherwise , probably they would have had power of imposition of hands at the ordination of deacons also . briefly , because in the prosecution of this argument mr. o. appeals to the scripture so oft for proof of certain things that fell in his way whilst he was managing this point ; i do once more here desire , what i have often call'd for , one single probable proof , or example from scripture of bare ordinary presbyters ordaining , or laying on of hands without some superior presiding in the action , . and to conclude this discourse about the councils of carthage , i that am not much concern'd about men's opinions , nor whether the presbyters impose hands tanquam ordinantes , or tanquam approbantes only , am very well content every one should abound in his own sense , provided there be an agreement in practice , and an occasion be not thereby taken to raise schisms and emulations in the church . let this matter be bang'd in the schools so long as criticks shall please , yet seeing there is no colour for asserting presbyters to be ordainers without the bishop , whatever they be with him , i make no difficulty to affirm that their ordinations without the bishop , are without precedent , either in scripture or antiquity , and by consequence , in themselves null and invalid . a partial cause can never produce the 〈◊〉 effect . mr. o. being about to establish the ordaining power of the presbyters , instances in the d canon of the fourth council of carthage , wherein it is decreed : that bishops must not ordain without their presbyters , as presbyters not without bishops , that therefore he may as well say bishops have no power to ordain , because they could not ordinarily do it without their presbyters : as we affirm presbyters have no power to ordain , because they can't ordain without bishops . ans. let us see the canon at length * — ut episcopus sine concilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet , ita ut &c. it is hence apparent that the bishop ordain'd , and not the presbyters , though he was to take along with him the counsel and advice of his prebyters . let mr. o. produce me a canon to this effect , presbyteri sine concilio episcopi sui clericos non ordinent , and then it will be time for us to think of a further answer unto this cavil . mr. o. urges * farther the following canon ; † the bishop may hear no man's cause without the presence of his clergy : otherwise the bishop's sentence shall be void , unless it be confirm'd in their presence . this we can assent unto without prejudice to our main cause . but i read no where that the presbyter's sentence shall be void without the presence of the bishop : the reason is , because the presbyters gave no sentence at all . mr. o. to confirm his maxim that lay-men were allow'd to preach , at the request of the clergy cites * the carthaginian canon . — a lay-man may not dare to preach , whilst the clergy are present , unless they ask him . ans. i have given my opinion of this matter before . it affects the presbyters as well as the bishops , and is of as much force against mr. o. ( unless he 'll turn quaker ) as against the rector . but over and above i note this canon is not taken into the universal code , and therefore was rejected in the council of trull . chap. xiv . of paphnutius and daniel . the next thing mr. o. urges in behalf of presbyters ordaining is the story , which joannes cassianus tells of one paphnutius , a presbyter abbot , who made daniel his design'd successor , a deacon first , and then goaequare sibi etiam sacerdotis honore festinavit — optansque sibi successionem dignissimam providere eum presbyterii honore provexit . he adds , that theophilus then bishop of alexandria , did not pronounce the ordination null that we read of , nor any other in that time . had it been either irregular , or unusual , doubtless it had been censur'd . ans. it must not be deny'd but that this instance of presbyters ordaining appears the fairest of all others that mr. o. has muster'd up in his plea. nevertheless , what i have to reply , is as follows . . it is but a single instance of a ( for ought i know ) humoursome abbot , who took upon him to do this contrary to the known and establish'd order of the catholick church , and particularly , of the alexandrian , whereof he is supposed to have been a part : the desert of scetis , where he usually resided , adjoining to the lake maria , or maeris , which borders on egypt . . whereas 't is urged , that theophilus , bishop of alexandria , did not pronounce this ordination void and null that we read of , there is no great matter in this . for it may with as great reason be argued , that theophilus would have censured it , if it had come to his knowledge , there being no probability that theophilus would have past by such a disorder and affront done to the ecclesiastical constitutions , seeing peter and alexander of alexandria , his predecessors , would not bear with the melitians . . 't is wonderful that mr. o. should insinuate that it was neither irregular , nor unusual , which in former cases he has granted over and over again . . valesius tells me , * that paphnutius was engaged in the melitian schism , as ephiphanius testisies , de haeresi melitianorum . he also observes , that the schism was then improv'd unto heresie . 't is no wonder then that an heretical schismatick should presume to break through the rules and orders of that church , from which he divided , and usurp a power that nothing belonged to him . and hence also may be drawn the reason why theophilus took no notice of what paphnutius did , he being a schismatick , ( if not an heretick ) and out of the communion of the church ; and what had the patriarch to do to judge them that were without already ? as st. paul speaks in somewhat a like case . but . i will not content my self with these answers , though i reckon them sufficient : but add , 't is no where affirmed by cassianus that paphnutius ordained daniel a deacon , or presbyter ; but only cum daniel multis junior esset aetate ad diaconii praelatus est officium , and then festinavit coaequare , made baste to equal daniel with himself in the honour of the priest-hood . and lastly , desiring to provide a most worthy successor to himself whilst he was alive , provexit promoted him to the honour of the presbytership . the question is whether these words signifie that paphnutius ordained daniel . that he did so , can no ways be concluded from this testimony of cassianus . for , . it has been ordinary to attribute that unto a person , which indeed he only commanded , or directed , devised , or procured to be done . thus parents are commonly said to make their sons ministers , but ordain them not themselves . thus patrons among us make and prefer vicars and rectors of churches ( and the king bishops ) though bishops ordain and institute them . thus joshua made him sharp knives , and circumcised the children of israel . joshua . . now i hope mr. o. will not affirm that joshua himself made the sharp knives , or circumcised all these israelites with his own hands . but to come yet nearer to our purpose , i read in st. cyprian * novatus felicissimum nec permittente me nec sciente sua factione & ambitione diaconum constituit . the enquiry is , whether novatus , a presbyter , imposed hands and ordained felicissimus , a deacon , and whether st. cyprian is thus to be understood . this doubt is to be 〈◊〉 from another passage of st. cyprian in the same 〈◊〉 . qui ( novatus ) isthic ( carthagine ) diaconum fecerat sc. felicissimum , illic ( romae ) episcopum fecit , sc. novatianum . novatus made felicissimus a deacon at 〈◊〉 , and novatianus a bishop at rome . but how ? not ordaining him himself , but procuring , or encouraging him to be ordained by bishops , as we read in eusebius * — novatianus , a presbyter of rome , ( by eus. called novatus also ) having from some remote parts of italy invited three bishops unto rome , forced them to ordain him ( novatianus ) bishop . this was the contrivance of the african novatus , as we learn from cyprian . as then novatus did not ordain novatianus , but three bishops procured for the purpose ; so neither can it be thought he ordained foelicissimus deacon , but by his policy and interest got him to be ordained : and yet cyprian witnesseth that he made ( fecit & constituit ) the one a deacon , and made ( fecit ) the other a bishop . in like manner 〈◊〉 made daniel a deacon and a presbyter , that is appointed and commanded him to take orders . for being the abbot , he had the authority to determine his own monk unto the orders of deacon and presbyter . but it may not be amiss to consider what blondel has from this testimony of cassianus advanced * for the establishment of presbyterian ordination . he places this fact in the year . when the egyptian church enjoyed a profound peace , and theophilus was bishop of alexandria , and the government of this church was improved in a manner into a secular dominion . if in these circumstances ( he argues ) a presbyter might ordain presbyters , how much more before the ancient simplicity of the gospel was shackled with novel constitutions . ans. it is is some prejudice against this story of cassianus , that neither 〈◊〉 , sozomen , theodoret , nor any of those ecclesiastical historians , though they mention paphnutius , should have one syllable of this action , nor so much as mention daniel . besides the egytian churches were not in so perfect tranquility , as mr. blondel imagines , and represents them . the melitian schism still remained among them , and this paphnutius was one of them , as i have before observ'd ; so that it is not be wondered at , that paphnutius presumed to ordain , and theophilus overlook'd , and neglected it . for what had he to do with them that were already out of the church and excommunicated , as the melitians must needs be supposed . this premised i frame an argument against blondel , and ( as i conceit ) every whit as good as his . 't is this . if in the most turbulent state of the egyptian church , when alexander was bishop of alexandria , the ordinations of melitius and colluthus were declared invalid , it is morally impossible that the ordination of daniel by paphnutius , should be approved or connived at , when theophilus being bishop of alexandria , the episcopacy was raised to a higher degree of grandeur , and the peace of the church better established . to conclude this chapter , let it be remembred , what i have already noted out of theodoret , how that bishops were wont to reside among the monks in the wilderness of egypt , and that seven of them are said to have done so from their youth up , to their extreme old age , even when they were bishops ; and a little sense will perswade one to believe , that daniel was ordained by a bishop , paphnutius the abbot commanding and directing his monk to receive holy orders . chap. xv. of pope leo ' s decree . the case was this . there were was in the diocess of rusticus bishop of narbona ( as may be conjectured from pope leo's epistle ) some persons , who toook upon 'em to ordain , and who are called by that pope pseudo episcopi . rusticus complains thereof in a letter to leo , which is not extant that i know of . leo's answer is — there is no reason they should be accounted bishops , who were neither chosen by the clergy , nor desired by the people , nor consecrated by the provincial bishops at the appointment of the metropolitan . whence , when the question often arises concerning the honour ( he means episcopacy , and the power of ordaining ) who can doubt that , what does not appear to have been truly conferred , is in no wise to be given by those pseudo episcopi . but if any clergy-man in those churches , which belong unto their own proper bishop , have been ordained by those pseudo episcopi , and the ordination was performed with the consent and appointment of the presidents ( or proper bishops ) it may be ratify'd ; provided they remain in those churches . this pope leo flourished about the year . now mr. o. who alledges , this decree of pope leo against us , is upon the proof of presbyters ordaining , which i do not see is in the least favoured by these words , except he will 〈◊〉 these pseudo episcopi were presbyters only . when mr. o. shall have proved this , i shall think my self oblig'd to return an answer to it , and not before . in the mean while i observe mr. o. leaving his argument adduces this passage to throw dirt upon our establish'd bishops , and prove 'em to be uncanonically ordained , instead of confirming his own dear presbyterian ordination : but let us see what he says . two things are remarkable in the decision of leo the great . . that our english bishops wanting two of the requisites mentioned in the popes decree , sc. the election of the clergy , and the demand of the people , their ordinations therefore have a canonical nullity in them , and our english bishops would have been reckoned pseudo episcopi in leo's time . upon which remark i make the following reflexions . . we are beholden to mr. o. for making his simple friends believe that we are departed from the decrees of the popes . from henceforth then let them not reproach our bishops for popish . . mr. o. is in the right . pope leo perhaps would have called our bishops pseudo episcopi : i am sure at this day the popes do not fail to condemn 'em as such . . the uncanonical ordination of bishops among us , will not excuse that of the presbyterians , much less justify their anti-scriptural ordinations . no one can defend himself by recrimination : but a greater fault can never be excused by a lesser . . we are so far from tying up our selves to the strict observation of papal or provincial canons , that we think not our selves absolutely oblig'd to the observation of the decrees of the oecumenical synods , but take libery to vary from them , when ever necessity or great convenience invites us to it : otherwise we endeavour to conform our selves to them , as much as is possible . . i have more than once in the preface to i. n. and in the former part of this treatise ( i hope ) sufficiently evinc'd , that our bishops want neither the election of the clergy , nor the consent of the people , and therefore their ordinations on that score have no canonical nullity in them . but. . mr. o. remarks from the foresaid decree of pope leo , that the consent of the true bishops ex post facto made the ordination of meer presbyters lawful , which could not be unless presbyters had an intrinsick power of ordination . hereunto i return . . mr. o. ought first to prove that these pseudo episcopi were meer presbyters . i am otherwise perswaded and think i can evince it out of leo's decree . . the consent of the true bishops was not required ex post facto ( that 's the disingenuous and false gloss of an adversary ) but antecedent to the ordination , as appears from these words , & ( si ) ordinatio clericorum consensu & judicio praesidentium facta est , if the ordination of the ministers was made with the consent and appointment of the bishops . let any man of understanding judge whether this consent and appointment of the provincial bishops , was to be antecedent to the ordinations or to follow them . . whereas mr. o. renders pseudo episcopi false bishops as it were in opposition to true bishops ( so he renders proprios episcopos ) 't is i think a mistake . the proper bishops being the bishops of the diocesses within the provinces , and by consequence the pseudo episcopi , such as had no diocess there , and therefore could not ordain regularly without the consent and appointment of the proper bishops of the diocesses : of which i have spoken before . upon the whole matter , how mr. o. will be able to infer hence , that ordination by meer presbyters can be lawful , or that they have an intrinsick power to ordain , i am yet to learn. if these pseudo episcopi were real bishops , as they must have been , if their ordinations were valid when the proper bishops consent was first obtained , what is this to the advantage of presbyterian ordination ? 〈◊〉 who will believe the pope of rome at this time of day , viz. in the middle of the th century would decree any thing that might countenance the ordinations of meer presbyters ? this is plain , that though the pope called 'em pseudo episcopi , yet they reckon themselves real bishops , and not meer presbyters : which is a strong presumption that in those times , meer presbyters were not allowed to ordain . for to what purpose else should they assume the title and character of bishops ? our presbyterians do not think there is any need for them to usurp the title of bishops , and that because they believe themselves to have power of ordination , as presbyters . all the difficulty is why leo calls 'em pseudo episcopi , if they were real bishops . ans. the reason hereof i conceivé is , because they had been ordained bishops , but were not possessed of any diocesses in those provinces , and yet took upon them to act there , which they ought not to have done , it being contrary to the peace and establish'd order of the church , this appears from the first words of the decree . there is no reason they should be accounted bishops ( that is have liberty to act as bishops in those diocesses and provinces ) who were neither chosen by the clergy , nor desired by the people , nor consecrated by the provincial bishops at the appointment of the metropolitan . from these words 't is plain that he speaks not of meer presbyters : for it was never required by any ecclesiastical canon , that meer presbyters were to be ordained by the provincial bishops with the consent of the metropolitan . this ecclesiastical rule and constitution concerned bishops only . so that i reckon the pope called them pseudo episcopi , not because they were not ordained bishops , but because they acted irregularly in other bishops diocesses . chap. xvi . of the churches in the island of taprobane . we are come now to the year . when ( says mr. o. ) in the island of taprobane , or * zeilan , as 't is now called , there was a church of christians governed by a presbyter and his deacon , without any superiour bishop to whom he or his flock was subject . this island is above miles in compass , a province big enough for a bishop , yet had none in justin the emperor's time , which was about the year . but was under the jurisdiction of a presbyter ordained in persia , who in all likelyhood ordained his successor , and would not be at the trouble of sending for one to very remote countries : from hence mr. o. roundly concludes — that bishops were not thought essential to churches , no not in the th age , and that meer presbyters have power of jurisdiction , and consequently of ordination . i 'll not now contest the truth of the story ; let us rather suppose the matter of fact to be as it is reported by mr. o. — but i have these following things to reply to it , and to the conclusion drawn from it . . how does mr. o. know that this presbyter and his deacon , and the flock of christians belonging to 'em were without a superior bishop , to whom they were subject ? they might be subject to some bishop in persia , for any thing he can tell or the first relator says . 't is true , this presbyter regebat , he did rule the flock , but it might be under some bishop ; the likelihood hereof is the greater , because he was ordained in persia , and from thence sent to propagate the gospel . . whereas mr. o. thinking to magnify the power of presbyters , and to shew what vast churches have been rul'd by them without bishops , acquaints us that this island is ( or was ) miles in compass , and that it was big enough for a bishop , it might not be unseasonable to ask him first , whether he is not mistaken in the extent of the island . heylin makes it but or at most . well but i 'll not stand with mr. o. for or miles ; almost two thirds shall 〈◊〉 break squares between him and me , especially since he has so good a geographer on his side as n. lloyd ; granting then this . . neither his country-man lloyd , nor heylin make any mention of christians in this island . the story then may be but a fable at last . . i ask whether there were any more than one single congregation of christians in this island , or more than one presbyter and his deacon . if not he has the reason why there was no bishop in the island ; but that the presbyter and his flock were subject unto some persian bishop . if he says there were christians up and down in the island ( as his telling us of the large compass of it seems to intimate ) and many congregations , and yet this presbyter ruled 'em all , why then we have a real , though not nominal bishop , i mean in respect of jurisdiction . . whereas mr. o. makes this reflection , that this island in compass miles , was a province big enough for a bishop , he 'll give me leave ( i hope ) to retort , that it seems it was not too big for one presbyter and his deacon . . let it be observed , that mr. o. knows not but this presbyter had a predecessor in that island : for there is a tradition that philip the evangelist preached the gospel in persia , india and taprobane . i demand then upon that supposition , who ordained his predecessor ? a bishop in persia in likelihood ; for so much is reasonably gathered from this presbyter's being himself ordained there ; and bishops were before that time in persia . if so , there is more probability that this presbyters successor also was ordained in persia , than that the presbyter himself ordained him . but these things are all in the dark , and we know not certainly that this presbyter had either a predecessor or a successor , and so mr. o's whole argument is lost : he has built upon no foundation : it tumbles down 〈◊〉 it s own accord . i add , 't is likely this church in taprobane increased not much , nor continued long , there being no monument of a christian church there , but the monk cosma's tale of this single presbyter . . since we must contend with likelihoods , i ask whether it be not much more likely , that this presbyter being ordained in persia , did take care rather , that his successor ( if he had any ) should be there ordained likewise , than that himself should presume to ordain him. there is not any the least ground to conjecture , that the presbyter himself ordained him ; but there is some to think that his successor was ordained in persia , viz. because he himself was . . admitting that the church of christ in this island of taprobane continued there for some ages , if it increased not much ( which is most likely because we hear nothing more of it ) it might depend upon and remain subject unto some persian bishop , and be under his guidance and direction , as our western islands are under the bishop of london . if it flourish'd and christians multiply'd considerably there , who can tell but they had bishops of their own afterwards ? the summ of the matter is — a certain monk called cosmas ( a man of no note and reputation that i know of ) tells a lame story of a presbyter ( without a name , which renders the tale suspicious ) who in the year , ( when all the world besides was confessedly episcopal ) was ordained in persia ( where the government of the church was episcopal ) and ruled a church in zeilan ( no one knows how numerous , or how long he ruled it , nor how long it continued a church ) without a superiour bishop ( says mr. o. which is more than is testify'd by the relators ) and in all likelihood ordained his own successor , and would not be at the trouble of sending for one to very remote countries ( all which is spoken at random , it being in the story not so much as intimated that he had any successor , or that he ordained him , or that he was unwilling to get a successor from a remote country ) . and from hence without any colour of pretence very rashly , and very weakly mr. o. has gather'd that even in the th century , bishops were thought essential , and that meer presbyters have power to ordain . if this must pass for a tolerable argument against episcopal government , or in the least favours the presbyterian , i do renounce all pretence to common sense . chap. xvii . of pelagius his ordination . we have now been a long journey in search after some instance of presbyters ordaining , or some law and custom that warrants it : we have been in africa , and among the moors in egypt , and the desert of scetis , at taprobane , which lies to east-india , among the northern scythians , in england , and in france , and among the picts , and scots , in the most remote parts of britain : we have examined the most famous councils and their definitions , of nice , of ancyra , antioch , and the carthaginian synods , and all to as little purpose as they who seek a needle in a bottle of hay . we are now at length going to visit limina apostolorum , rome its self the centre of christendom , and thence to learn what may be found in the practice of st. peter , and st. paul's successors for presbyters power to ordain : and surely we will not decline the determination of this question , which the infallible church has made by her example . to this purpose therefore we are put in mind of the ordination of pelagius bishop of rome , which happened about the year and is remembred by anastasius , who wrote the lives of the popes . anastasius then relates , as mr. o. tells me , how that — pelagius the first , bishop of rome , was ordained by john bishop of perusia , bonus bishop of florence , and andreas presbyter de hostia : whereas by the canons three bishops are absolutely necessary for the ordination of a bishop . before i make a direct answer to this and to the argument , which mr. o. builds upon the fact it is requisite , that i tell the story a little more largely . for some men have got a scurvy trick to leave out whatever is to their disadvantage or in validates the force of their argument , it being not the truth but the interest of the cause , which they labour to support . the story then is thus . vigilius , the immediate predecessor of pelagius had been severely treated at constantinople , by justinian or rather theodora his empress ; and returning back to rome , fell sick , and died . pelagius was suspected to have had an hand in his death * , at least had been his enemy and a cause of his sufferings , for which reason the clergy hated pelagius , so that he could not procure three bishops to consecrate him . he therefore in the place of the third admitted andreas the presbyter of hostia , and what will not such a man as pelagius do to establish himself in so considerable a post as the bishoprick of rome ? but if such as these shall pass for good precedents , any irregularity in the world may at this rate be justifyed . thus much being premised , let us see what use mr. o. makes of this ordination of pelagius . he argues thus — either pelagius was no canonical bishop , &c. or else a presbyter has intrinsick power of ordination , &c. that is , either pelagius was no canonical bishop , and then the succession was interrupted in the church of rome , and consequently the english bishops have no canonical succession , or , &c. ans. i reply that though pelagius was no canonical bishop , i. e. not canonically ordained , yet this notwithstanding the english bishops have true canonical succession . for . we need not pretend to derive the succession of our bishops from the popes of rome ; 't is more probable that they are the successors of st. paul or some other apostolical men , who first planted the gospel here in the days of the apostles or soon after : so that we are not concerned at any irregularity supposed in the roman succession . . we had bishops here in england , ( or britain ) long before pelagius was pope of rome , it being certain that some british bishops assisted at the council of arles held in the days of constantine the great , and at that of ariminum called together by constantius his son , above years before pelagius : and this race of bishops continued even unto austin the monks coming hither . whatever then becomes of pelagius his consecration , 't is no matter to us : his irregularity affects not our english bishops . . supposing ( what nevertheless is not true ) that the heathen saxons , the angli and the danes , quite extirpated christianity in this land , until austin the monk coming from rome , with the pope's commission once more reduced , and brought back the inhabitants of this isle unto the belief of the gospel , and gave us a new line of bishops : yet still the irregularity of pelagius's consecration will not at all disparage our succession of bishops , as mr. o. knows very well , if he would not dissemble . for i ought to believe that he has read the known history of venerable bede , o'er and o'er , and thoroughly digested him , because he so oft and familiarly quotes him in the plea , &c. he may then please to remember that austin was not created bishop by pope gregory , but by etherius archbishop of arles in france — interea vir domini augustinus venit arelas , & ab archiepiscopo ejusdem civitatis etherio juxta quod jussa sti. patris gregorii acceperant , archiepiscopus genti anglorum ordinatus est . so that from henceforth mr. o. and the papists may take notice that the english bishops as to the succession of their orders , are nothing beholden to the bishops of rome , at least not unto pelagius ; that if etherius was a canonical bishop ( as i must believe till the contrary is prov'd ) so was austin a canonical bishop , and so are our english bishops unto this day , whatever becomes of pelagius his consecration . without any farther fear of danger therefore i may conclude that pelagius was no canonical bishop , that is ; was not canonically ordained , and yet we have a true succession of canonically ordained bishops in england . but mr. o. goes on — or else he was a canonical bishop , and what then ? why then it follows , a presbyter has a canonical power to ordain ( for so andreas had , if pelagius was canonically ordain'd ) and then by another consequence , that presbyters have an intrinsick power to ordain : because no ecclesiastical laws can give to any order of men a canonical power to that , which they have not an intrinsical power to do . supposing this , ( for i need not contend the truth of it ) the answer then to the whole argument is , ( as before ) that pelagius was not canonically ordained . but now i think on 't , what if a man should affirm that pelagius was canonically ordained , and yet assert , that a presbyter has not an intrinsical power to ordain ? the first apostolical canon decrees — let a bishop be ordain'd by two or three bishops . pelagius's consecration therefore was canonical , being performed by two bishops according to this canoh , and presbyter andreas may stand for a cypher . true , the nicene and other synods afterwards said by three bishops . nevertheless the apostolical canons being always reckoned as part of the code of the universal church , the nicene ( and all other ) canons ought in conformity to this to be favourably interpreted , i mean that it did not intend peremptorily to command , but rather prudentially advised that if it could be , a bishop should be consecrated by three bishops . it is not improbable but pelagius's consecration was upon this very account afterwards allow'd of . for this is manifest , that pelagius ( what ever his ordination was ) is not reckoned amongst the schismatical bishops of rome , but was acknowledged , and peaceably submitted to . mr. o. then is too positive , when he affirms that — by the canons three bishops are absolutely necessary for the ordination of a bishop . without all peradventure , fewer might serve in cases of necessity , as this haply afterwards might be judged . if god himself is pleas'd that his own laws shall submit to those of necessity , much more the canons of the church shall . wise men have so determin'd , even in this particular case . gregory declared that austin ( notwithstanding the canons ) might himself alone consecrate bishops , & quidem in anglorum ecclesia , in qua solus tu episcopus inveniris , ordinare episcopum non aliter nisi sine episcopis potes * . doubtless , then the meaning of the canons must be , that in ordinary , and when it may be with convenience three bishops are requir'd to the consecration of a bishop , though even one in the case of necessity be sufficient . i will not affirm there was a necessity in the case of pelagius , ( because there was no necessity he should be bishop of rome ) yet after his consecration , the wise italians might judge it necessary to overlook the later canons , and confirm his consecration rather than create an anti-pope , and a schism in the church . pelagius then was a canonical bishop according to the apostolical canon , though not canonically ordained according to the strictness of the nicene canon . but it will be demanded why did not pelagius content himself with two bishops , but took in a presbyter to assist in the ordination ? the reason is plain , because pelagius being a wise man , ( as is to be presumed ) though not so good as were to be wished , would give his adversaries as little occasion as was possible to quarrel at his 〈◊〉 . if therefore he could not get three bishops , he at least procured two , and a third person , and so came as near to the nicene canon as he could . he observed the number , though not the exact qualification of the ordainers , and so vary'd as little from the rule , as might be . hereby he made account to impose upon the ignorant multitude , who 't is likely were the principal spectators of the solemnity of his ordination : for the clergy would not be present to countenance his ordination , whom they hated . chap. xviii . of the waldenses , the boyarians , the lollards , and some other people , who separated themselves from the roman communion . of the waldenses mr. o. speaks in his preface , page . &c. and in the plea p. , to the effect following . — that the vaudois , or waldenses have had no other ( ministers ) for near years past , than presbyters ordained by presbyters without bishops ; that they maintain all ministers to be in a state of parity ; that their presbyters imposed hands for ordination ; that the fratres bohemi had their succession of ministers from these waldenses . and for the truth of all this , he quotes perrin's history of the waldenses . of what authority perrin is , may be hence guessed , that the synod , which set him on work , disapproved it , as i am told ; or whether mr. o. has given us an honest and fair account of him i know not . i am a stranger to that author , nor can i hereabouts light on him , neither am i very much concerned about any thing he says ; which is so late , sc. according to mr. o's computation , near years after christ , and so obscure , that no weight can be laid upon the argument drawn from the practice of these waldenses ; i say obscure . for they being a poor and illiterate , thin , scatter'd and harassed people , and almost always under persecution , it is morally impossible they should have an exact history of themselves transmitted unto these last ages , especially , considering that their enemies the papists , made it their business to destroy the most ancient records of that people , and as sir s. morland testifies , * the most that is known of them , is supposed generally to be taken out of their adversaries writings , who will sometimes make bold to load those , who separate from them , with calumnies , and fasten on them odd opinions , meerly to expose and render them the more odious . lastly , although i do not delight to detract from their merits , yet i see no great reason for those excessive commendations some think 〈◊〉 to bestow on them , when i call to mind , that at the time when the fratres bohemi became 〈◊〉 acquainted with them , they found the waldenses taking the liberty of going to mass , and joyning with the papists in their idolatrous worship * nevertheless , these exceptions set apart , what i find in such authors as are at hand shall here be produced to confront the others cited by mr. o. to the end the reader may judge , whether mr. o. and his author perrin have made a faithful report of the waldensian . churches , at least , whether it may not truly be affirmed , that the history of that people is so uncertain , that no argument can thence be drawn to countenance the presbyterian government , and ordination by meer presbyters . sir sam. morland in his history of the waldenses ; shews * that claudius , archbishop of turin , was a great promoter of true doctrine against roman idolatry in his diocess , that the waldenses succeeded this archbishop , † that the said archbishop delivered his doctrine to his disciples , and these unto their successors unto the ninth and tenth centuries § . in the year . the waldenses again separated from rome ¶ in the year . the albigenses in bulgaria , croatia and dalmatia , had one bartholomew , whom they stiled their pope . the pope's legate called him bishop , mat. paris , anti-pope , adding , that he drew over to him bishops , and others , and that he ordained bishops * in the year . reinerius makes mention of their bishops in lombardy . in the year . the waldenses in moravia and austria , had bishops † they asserted that they had lawfully ordained bishops among them , and an uninterrupted sucession of that order , even from the apostles , although out of hatred to the papists , they chose to call them seniores and antistites . in their responsio excusatoria † anno . they declare , nec summum 〈◊〉 romanum , nec nostrum , nec quempiam alium caput esse 〈◊〉 , plainly intimating , that they had bishops among them , as well as the romanists . anno . leger was moderator of the churches of the valleys , which office was for life , with power to call synods to preside in them , and to lay on hands . thus much is delivered as matter of fact ; let us now see what were their principles concerning church-government . wolfius † saith , they held there were but three degrees of church-officers sc. bishops , priests , ( sacerdotes ) and deacons ; the same is delivered by guido . but aeneas sylvius † — that a bishop is not superior to a presbyter , either in dignity , or in power , as alphonsus de castro also observed * ; and most of the popish writers charge them with that opinion . but one of them , viz. reinerius does set forth their doctrine and practice to the effect following , — the cathari , ( or puritans , meaning the waldenses ) have four ecclesiastical orders , viz. the bishop , the elder son , the younger son , ( something like the chorepiscopus , or suffragan bishop ) and the deacon . the office of the bishop is always tenere prioratum , to possess the supremacy in every thing done , in the imposition 〈◊〉 hands , in celebrating the lord's-supper , and in beginning the prayers , as does the elder son in the bishop's absence . the said orders are created by the bishop , or by the sons with the bishops 〈◊〉 . when the bishop is dead , the younger son ordains the elder a bishop ; then the bishop ordains the younger son to be the elder ; and lastly , another younger son is chosen by ( prelatis & subditis ) the ministers and people , and ordain'd . but by another part of these cathari , near the sea , thus , — the bishop before his death ordains the elder son bishop , ( to succeed him ) and then as before . all the aforesaid ordinations are made with imposition of hands , and the honour of ordaining , and giving the holy ghost , is attributed unto the bishop , or unto him that is the elder son , who holdst he book of the new-testament upon the head of him on whom the hands are laid . thus much their adversaries said of them , wherein , doubtless , there is a mixture of truth and i alshood ; at least this miserable people scattered up and down , did somewhat vary in their rites , and were never at all times and in all places steady to themselves . i have mentioned before , how that about the year . the waldenses in austria and moravia had bishops ; and from these it was that the fratres 〈◊〉 drew the succession of their 〈◊〉 orders ; which history will deserve here to be more particularly transcribed . in order whereunto , i must now tell the story of the fratres bohemi as comenius , and the history of the persecut . bohem , have made it ready to my hands , fetching it from the very beginning of christianity . the sclavonian nations were converted in the apostles times . rom. . . ep. to tim. . . by sclavonians , comenius means all the nations from macedonia northward , even to russia , polonia and germany . some proof of their early embracing the gospel , he fetches from st. jerom , who was born at strydon , a city of 〈◊〉 , or dalmatia . in the sixth synod of constantinople , in the year . the lombards and sclavonians , are acknowledged to be christians : about the year . cyrillus and methodius , two graecian bishops , made the people inhabiting about the danube , christians , and then passing into moravia and bohemia , propagated the faith among them † after this , comenius mentions ditmarus saxo , bishop of prague * . the history of the bohemian persecution tells of waytichius ii. bishop of prague , in the year . of boleslaus pius , another bishop of prague , anno . of priests and prelates , anno . who opposed the usurpations of the popes , and of conrade , bishop of prague , who leaving the romish errors , remained bishop there anno . about years before this hap'ned , viz. anno . the bohemian churches separated from the roman , upon the account that the publick prayers were made in the latin tongue , that the clergy were obliged to celibacy , that transubstatiation was made an article of faith , and that the people were deprived of the cup in the lord's-supper . this occasioned the dispersion of the bohemians , and their settlement in austria , from whence they sent unto the greek church for the ordination of their ministers , and had hopes given them of their obtaining it . they removed after into silesia . now it was that gregory , an holy man , was by the persecutors tortured ; but falling into a trance , felt no pain , and was believed , dead . recovering , he told his friends of a vision , wherein , among other things , he saw three men standing about a tree laden with fruit , and defending it from the birds † ; and about the same time the fratres bohemi were under some trouble of mind how they should for the future be provided with a succession of rightly ordained ministers . for they considered that ( though several of the roman priests came over to them ) it was too uncertain to hope for them 〈◊〉 rome . they doubted also , whether the ordination was valid , when a presbyter , and not a bishop , ordained a presbyter , and that if the question was once mov'd about it , whether they should be able to defend such an ordination , either at home or abroad . at length , after some years deliberation , viz . and about years after the said vision of gregory , having fasted and pray'd for direction from god , they resolved upon the following course . they chuse nine of the most deserving brethren , and fittest for the ministry : they wrap up twelve tickets , nine whereof were blanks , and three full ones , having writ on them — est , that is to say , as they meant it should signifie — it is the will of god ; but the blanks were to denote it was not the will of god they should have bishops . these twelve tickets being mixed , were delivered to a young boy , ( not knowing what he did ) to be distributed one to every one of those nine persons . 't is manifest that the nine blank tickets might every one have been given out unto those nine persons , from whence it would have been concluded , that what they were about to do , was not the will of god. but it so hap'ned that the three full tickets were delivered to three of the nine , sc. to kunwaldius , praelausius , and crenovius . and hence they gathered assuredly , that what they were designing , was the will of god , sc. to seek for episcopal orders , and the means of continuing a right succession of them , and that to that end those three persons were to be ordained bishops . accordingly they sent three persons unto the church of the waldenses , who were at that time planted in the confines of moravia and austria , acquainting them with what was done , and asking their advice . one of these three was michael zambergius , so called , because he was pastor zambergensis † , his true name being michael bradacius . how it came to pass that he was sent in the room of one of the other three chosen by lot , is not said * . but zambergius , and the other two , coming to the wâldenses , find one stephen their bishop , who calling to him another waldensian bishop , and some ministers , they create these three bishops with imposition of hands , thereby conferring on them the power of ordaining ministers * . 〈◊〉 three new ordained bishops of the fratres bohemi were the three which 〈◊〉 saw in his 〈◊〉 , guardians of the tree , that is , of the bohemian churches . note that the waldenses affirmed themselves to have had a lawful and uninterrupted succession of bishops from the apostles days † , and derived their original from the time of 〈◊〉 . this hap'ned i reckon , about . or . about the year . my author witnesseth that there were churches in bohemia and moravia . in the history of the bohemian persecution , after their having received bishops from the waldenses , i read of lucas pragene , bishop of the bohemians * , of sanctuariensis , an italian bishop , who for conscience sake embraced the bohemian communion anno . † and of philip , bishop of sidon , being among them anno . afterwards in the year . the bohemians sent as far as armenia for ordination § , their succession perhaps by some accident failing . anno . i find joanes augusta , was their antistes , or bishop . the next year after , i meet with a great number of the bohemians retired into prussia , whom their bishop mathias sionius followed soon after . about . a synod was held in the middle of moravia , where were present more than of the clergy . then were fifteen ministers ordain'd , two bishops , and six conseniors . the two bishops were george israel for the polonian churches , and johannes blaboslaus for the moravian . at the same time joannes nigranus , was bishop in bohemia . now it was that the arrians ( afterwards called socinians ) disturbed the peace , order and unity of the 〈◊〉 bohemi , asserting that the pastors ( alias , the ministers , or presbyters ) had power to do all things in the church . and this paradox they pretended to advance , left any thing that smelt of popery should remain among them , who had renounced that communion § . therefore they were so true to their principle , as not only to disallow of bishops , ( called seniors , or superintendants ) but to deny even the godhead of jesus christ , 〈◊〉 forsooth , the papists maintain'd that doctrine : but for the same reason they might as well have denyed the being of god himself . at the same time , in 〈◊〉 polonia , the fratres bohemi had five bishops for so many diocesses , vix . the crasovian , the 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 , the russian , and the belsensis diocess . anno . joannes calephus , was their bishop in bohemia , joannes laurentius , in poland , stanislaus and andreas stephanus , bishop of the fratres in bohemia . and lastly , johannes adam comenius a moravian , and another , a polonian , their elect bishops , annno . ¶ comenius after this history , ( of which i have given a summary account so far as belongs to the present argument ) has furnished us with another tractate , which he stiles — ratio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 in unitate fratrum bohemorum . the pontifical of the bohemian brethren , as i may call it , the substance whereof is as follows . — he tells us , that in their church whereof himself was a bishop elect , there were four orders of ministers , sc. the 〈◊〉 , sen antistites , or the prepositi ministrorum , sometimes called vigiles , or speculatores , superintendentes , or superattendentes , that is as he explains himself in our language bishops . conseniores , which he expounds coepiscopi , or chorepiscopi , or the bishops fellows . . pastors , who were also ordinarily called ministers , the same as with us are stiled presbyters , priests or elders . . deacons called 〈◊〉 administratores , or adjutores . among the bishops there were besides a praeses , or primate , or the first bishop . the president 's , or primate's office , among other things , was to appoint and call synods . the office of the bishops , besides other things , was to ordain all ecclesiastical degrees , as deacons , pastors conseniors and seniors , ( or bishops ) . all other degrees were obedient and subject to the bishops . the conseniors were coadjutors to the seniors , ( or bishops ) , had power with the seniors ( or without them , but by their direction and command ) to be members of the ecclesiastical senate , and were above the pastors or deacons . their business was to provide for good order , to acquaint the seniors with misdemeanors , to admonish the ministers , to observe the ecclesiastical statutes and customes , to provide fit persons for the ministry , to exercise discipline over the ministers , together with the bishops , or without them , yet by their direction , to examine the candidates for holy orders , and to present them to the bishops , diligently to observe how the pastors discharged themselves in their office , to reprove their smaller offences , and to acquaint the bishop with their more scandalous ones . i do not find they had power to ordain , and 〈◊〉 in his annotations , says , that in minoribus negotiis episcopi vices obirent , as the ancient chorepiscopi did . if they be chosen seniors , they are new ordained with imposition of hands , as pastors , or ministers are . the seniors ordain all orders . the seniors are chosen by the seniors , conseniors and pastors , and are ordained in a general assembly with imposition of hands . at the solemnity is sung that hymn , — come holy ghost , &c. the former , or the ordaining seniors , offer the new created bishop their right hands in token of fellowship . the conseniors theirs in token of obedience . the conseniors being ordained with imposition of hands give their right hands to the seniors , in token of obedience , to the former conseniors , in token of fellowship . the ministers offer theirs to the new created conseniors in token of obedience . ministers are ordained by the seniors , with laying on of hands of the seniors , so many as are present . at the solemnity they sing that hymn , — come holy ghost , &c. the new ordained ministers give their right hands unto the seniors and conseniors in token of obedience , to the pastors in token of fellowship , and the deacons offer their hands to them in token of observance . to conclude , it most be confessed , that comenius says bishop and presbyter are one , ( i suppose he means have the same power and authority to minister in the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ; and this is out of all doubt ) ; but withal he intimates that a bishop is one , who is moreover , an inspector , or superintendent , and for this cites acts . . his mind is ( i suppose ) that st. paul in the th verse , addressed himself generally to all presbyters , whether meer elders , or those who moreover had the oversight of the rest . but in the th 〈◊〉 he turns his speech unto those , especially , who had been made bishops . and this is but what the syriac version seems to imply , wherein ( as has already been noted ) verse the th elders is rendered by kashishaa , which properly , and only signifies elders ; but verse the th episkupea is used , which denotes overseers . however this be , if any one carefully observes , what has been before related concerning the government of the church of the bohemians , it is impossible to conceive but that bishops ( or seniors ) were somewhat more than meer presbyters . the division of ecclesiastical officers into three or four orders , the power of ordaining appropriated to bishops , the great care they had about getting a right succession of orders 〈◊〉 bishops , and many other remarkable passages before mentioned , render this point uncontestable : from the whole , i think it follows , that the waldenses , and the fratres bohemi were governed by bishops superior to ministers , or pastors , long after they were separated from the roman idolatrous communion ; yea that the waldenses had bishops within years , and less , the fratres bohemi within . that therefore mr. o. is utterly mistaken , who avers that the waldenses had no other ministers than presbyters for near years last past , and that presbyters ordained presbyters without bishops . the contrary is most certain , if my authors have not deceived me . mr. o. was not insensible of this matter of fact , of the bohemians deriving their bishops from the waldenses , but he shuffles us off with saying , that the waldensian bishops were only titular bishops † . that is indeed meer presbyters honoured with the bare title of bishops . if mr. o. had not known that remarkable story about zambergius , and two others , being ordained bishops by stephen and another waldensian bishop , he might possible have been pardonable in some measure for this his rash and groundless assertion : but seeing he has thus against knowledge , and 〈◊〉 perverted the 〈◊〉 truth , by a gloss of his own making , without any ground , how any one should excuse him i can't tell , and whether he will be able to defend himself , i much question . in the mean while i 'll endeavour to demonstrate that what he has laid down concerning the waldensian bishops , as if they were such in title only , is a senseless surmize , altogether false , and no manner of way reconcileable with the faith of history . for let us but run over the story once more very briefly , and the truth will appear bright as the sun at noon-day . let it be rembered then , that the bohemians after their separation from the church of rome , were a good while supplied from thence with bishops and presbyters , who forsaking the romish communion joyned themselves to that of the reformed bohemians , and by consequence had been episcopally ordained . but the bohemians considering with themselves that it was a very uncertain thing to depend upon such a casual way of having rightly ordained ministers , and very much doubting , whether ordination by presbyters alone , was good and valid , after much deliberation among themselves ; solemnly ask'd 〈◊〉 of god by prayer and fasting upon that question , now , if they believed a presbyter could validly ordain presbyters , there had been no need for any thing of this kind . why should they be deliberating from time to time near six years about having episcopal orders , and that in a true succession ? if a presbyter having the bare title of bishop was sufficient to ordain , there had been no need to have sent zambergius unto the waldensians : it had been but affirming that bishop and presbyter is all one , and that the one has power to ordain , as well as the other . why all this fasting and praying , and seeking direction from god about a thing of nothing , a name and title ? what was this but to abuse themselves and the world , and to mock god also with pretences unto religion and tenderness of conscience , when 't was nothing but meer hypocrisie . let it be farther considered , what a device they formed about resolving themselves concerning the will of god , whether they should seek for a right succession of bishops for the continuance of holy orders among them . is it likely they would have us'd so much precaution against any fraud in the delivery of the lots and in the designation of the persons ? and all this only that they might have a true succession of the title of bishop , when they had the power before . zambergius at least was a pastor ( or minister or presbyter ) before he was created bishop by stephen . could not he have ordained presbyters as many as there was need of , and so transmitted the succession of holy orders unto future generations ? i am perswaded if any one should presume to say that 〈◊〉 was only a titular apostle but indeed no more than a disciple , mr. o. would be ready to rebuke so 〈◊〉 a conceit . can any one imagine the apostles would have put the multitude upon chusing one into the place of judas , telling them it was necessary his bishoprick should be filled by another , and because they chose two that they should by prayer and 〈◊〉 of lotts decide , which of the competitors should succeed and be declar'd apostle ? and after all this apostle was nothing but a word , a title , was not different from disciple . the fratres bohemi were but in a low and poor persecuted condition . they had no need to have been at the pains and charge of three persons , and perhaps more taking a long and dangerous and expensive journey unto the waldenses , and all for an empty and unnecessary title of honour , and which they might have as well assumed unto themselves as the waldenses had done before 'em according to mr. o. well , but perhaps mr. o. has not so good an opinion of the bohemians as he has of the waldenses . the bohemians perhaps were fond of bishops , and disirous of a right succession ; and some of the dregs of roman superssition yet remain'd among them : but the waldenses were nothing so : their titular bishops were nothing but presbyters 〈◊〉 another name . neither will this do mr. o's . work. for the bohemians declared to the waldenses all that had past among them , their scruples about presbyterian ordination , and a true succession of orders , the way they took to know the mind of god. the waldenses approved of all they had done , assur'd the bohemians that the succession of bishops among them was from the apostles : and so stephen and his collegue ordained three bohemians bishops . can these good men the waldenses be excused in all this , if bishop was but a word , a. title 〈◊〉 no more than presbyter ? they should rather have told them ( as mr. o. has assured us ) , that there 's no difference between bishop and presbyter , that among them presbyters ordain presbyters , though under another title . that the bohemians were mistaken , and that it was 〈◊〉 rag of popery still cleaving to 'em , to advance an order of bishops above presbyters , unto whom the power of ordaining belong'd . the waldenses ought plainly to have thus undeceived the bohemians , and let them know their error about the necessity of bishops . they ought not to have assured 'em that they had a succession of bishops from the apostles , and bolstered them up in their error by creating bishops . if the waldenses play'd the bohemians this trick , i cannot esteem 'em what mr. o. would have us believe 'em presbytorian saints , but as rank hypocrites as i ever read of . for no man can 〈◊〉 the waldenses , except by allowing 'em to have been of that perswasion , that a presbyter can't ordain a presbyter , and that orders and the succession , of the power of ordaining must pass through bishops not titular , but really distinguish'd from presbyters and superior to them : nor were the bishops and ministers all one , except in title . how then came the ministers by joining hands at their ordination , to promise canonical obedience unto the bishops ? lastly let it be considered , that the whole rationale of the bohemian hierarchy , was in all probability taken from the waldenses , from whom their episcopacy was derived . besides , if stephen was by title only a bishop , but really a presbyter and no more , how could the bohemians be able hereby to defend their orders and the succession of them against their adversaries abroad ( meaning i believe the papists , when as indeed their ordinations were meerly presbyterian , though in title episcopal ? and what sorry comfort was this to the bohemians , that the three titular bishops being returned to their own people could only acquaint 'em , that they had indeed been ordain'd by two titular bishops , who nevertheless were but presbyters such as they themselves were before , and to tell you the truth , we have deliberated long upon this business , we have prayed and fasted in vain , and god by answering our sign in the affirmative has but at last deceived us . we have taken a long and chargeable journey to the waldenses , but have brought no thing back worthy our pains , but a word and empty title . thus the whole action was meer pageantry , a scene of imposture , and an intrigue carried on by hypocrites on both sides : this must be confessed , if the waldensian bishops were meerly titular ( as mr. o. is pleased to say ) . on the other hand the history assures us , that the fratres bohemi were exceedingly comforted and encouraged at the return of their presbyters now created bishops and deriving their orders in an uninterrupted succession from the apostles , as they believ'd . but at length my adversary seems to melt a litle and to come half way over to us . he professes thus in his own and brethren's name — we dislke not that for orders sake the exercise of this power should be ordinarily restrained to the graver ministers , provided they assume it not as proper to them by divine right , nor clog it with unscriptural impositions . from this conclusion of mr. o. it follows — . that in mr. o's judgment the church may restrain the power of ordaining , taking the exercise of it from some of the yonnger fry , and lodging it in the hands of the graver sort . but the mischief is , the younger sort will presently cry our against the usurpation , they will plead , that they are presbyters as well as others , and have an inherent power to ordain ; that it can't be taken from them by ecclesiastical constitutions ; that they can't in conscience part with that power and right , which the scripture gives them . and in short will turn all mr. o's battering rams against the graver ministers , which he has planted against our bishops , and with more reason too . for st. paul when he restrained the power of ordination , he had not respect to age , but to ability . 〈◊〉 by was but a young man , when paul set him over the church of 〈◊〉 , and i have reason to think 〈◊〉 was so too . for he admonishes him to take care that 〈◊〉 man despise him , c. . . where i suppose it is to be understood that titus also was but young . and demas bishop of magnesia , in ignatius was a young man also . . if mr. o. would be pleased to give me leave to suppose st. paul as wise as himself , 't is all i ask . i will suppose then , that the said apostle for orders sake did restrain the exercise of the ordaining power to some persons by him made choice of , and for the prevention of schism did prescribe the same rule unto the churches , which mr. o. sees some reason for now doubtless then st. paul left not the power of ordaining promiscuously unto all presbyters , but limited it unto a few , i will not say the graver or older sort , but the wiser and most holy. if mr. o. would nourish this principle , and make such deductions from it as 't is capable of , he would soon see that episcopal ordination is apostolical . but i believe his own party will conn him no thanks for this liberal concession . mr. o. adds — and not clog it with unscriptural impositions . if there be any order in a church some few things must of necessity be imposed : but this is what the dissenters aim at , that every one may be left at liberty to say and do what is right in his own eyes . the impositions laid upon the ordained among us are not such as the bishops themselves alone devised , but the whole church consented unto , and though they be not prescrib'd in scripture , they are not antiscriptural nor introduc'd into the place of any thing required by the word of god. in short , did not the presbyterians when they were in the saddle clog their ordinations with unscriptural impositions ? i mean that of taking the covenant . but this is to carry the controversy into another quarter . i shall therefore let it pass . of the lollards . 〈◊〉 has , it is 〈◊〉 , fastned that practice on the lollards that their presbyters after the manner of bishops did create new presbyters , and that every priest ( or presbyter ) has as good a power to bind and loose , and to minister in all other things belonging to the church as the pope himself gives or can give . but to this it may be reply'd , that 't is only the report of an adversary , and perhaps may be a scandal . it may again be answered , that these lollards came too late to prescribe unto the church in any thing by them practised . it may yet further be said that , when people grope their way in a dark night , it is no wonder if they now and then stumble . they are to be both pittied and pardoned . for lastly , 't is manifest ( if the testimony of their adversaries concerning them be admitted ) that the lollards look'd upon even presbyters as an order no ways approv'd of by god. it was one of their maxims — presbyteratus non est 〈◊〉 approbatus a deo. so that presbyters as well as bishops are by the same authority utterly 〈◊〉 the church . it was another of their opinions 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 . . ) that no day is holy , not the lord's-day ( or sabbath day as people will call it ) , but that on every day men may work , eat and drink , &c. if then the lollards erred thus grosly in these points , it is no wonder that they were mistaken in that of the government of the church by bishops . but if their authority be 〈◊〉 to establish presbyters in the power of ordaining , by the same authority it may be proved the lords-day is not holy. yea , rather , 〈◊〉 the order of presbyters be not approved of by god , 't is in vain for mr o. to equal them unto bishops , because the lollards brought them down as low as the people , and utterly cancelled their office , at least denyed it to be of divine institution . in short , i think they were a well meaning , but ignorant people , who had 〈◊〉 and knowledge enough to discover the gross superstition , idolatry and corruptions of the romish church ; but not to define the true doctrine of the gospel , about government and discipline . finally note here , that this instance of the lollards ( who appeared at soonest about the end of the th century ) is by mr o. brought in proof of this proposition , that ordination by presbyters was valid in the primitive church . now i don't believe that there is one other author extant , that pretends such familiar acquaintance with the fathers and councils as mr. o. does , especially not among the protestants , that ever reckoned the practice of the th century for primitive . the th or th age are the latest we are wont to appeal to , at least under the title of the primitive church . but what ? all are fathers with mr. o. that favour his opinion , and the primitive church will never have an end , so long as any thing can be found conformable to the presbyterian discipline . concerning the boiarians , or bavarians , who , as mr. o. would have us believe , were once presbyterians , i will only say thus much in short . i find in their history written by jo. aventinus edit . basil. . that from the earliest times of their embracing christianity they had bishops , aud long before they submitted their necks to the yoke of the roman pontifs . i have made some collections and remarks out of the fore-mentioned historian ; but will not trouble my self , or reader with them . he that is curious , and has a mind to search into the principles and practice of this people , may take aventinus into his hands , and satisfie himself whether ever there was a time when the boiarians were without bishops , and governed by presbyters only . it is not indeed the design of this history to treat of this argument directly ; but however , as he goes along , he still occasionally mentions the boiarian bishops , even before they were brought into subjection to rome . chap. xix . of the doctrine of the church of england at and since the reformation . the controversy at last is brought to our own doors , and continued down to our own times : this doctrine ( says mr. o. ) meaning the identity of priest and bishop ) hath been maintained also by the church of england , both popish and protestant . hereunto belong the testimonies which he has in dvers 〈◊〉 of his plea drawn from the publick acts of the church and state , and the 〈◊〉 sentiments of private doctors , both of the roman and protestant communion , both of the established and dissenting party among us . all i am concerned for , is to consider whether the identity of presbyter and bishop has been declared in any publick act of this kingdom to be found , or produced by mr. o. out of the national records , at , or since the reformation . for 't is nothing to me , if the popish church of england was of the same opinion with our dissenters , as perhaps many papists were for advancing the power and supremacy of their pontiff . nor is it my business to account for every casual expression , that has dropt from the pen of any episcopal writer , much less of the dissenters , whose golden sayings make up a great part of those numerous quotations wherewith he hath 〈◊〉 his plea. my design is upon mr. o. himself , and the authorities he has gathered out of the publick transactions , or such as were directed and confirmed by the government . mr. o. has alledged three against us ; the little treatise , commonly called , the bishops book , another , called , the institution of a christian man , and a third is that celebrated ms. 〈◊〉 published by mr. stillingfleet , the late lord bishop of worcester , in his irenicum ; all which ( as i shall prove ) belong unto the reign of hen. viii . and whatever opinions are there to be met with , are not to be imputed to our first reformers , at least , not as their fixed and settled judgment ; for i reckon , that in hen. viii's days , the reformation was but an embryo in the womb , newly conceived , not brought forth , that in edward vi.'s time 't was an infant new born , and in its swadling cloths , and in queen elizabeth's reign arrived to the best degree of perfection and maturity , that it has yet been able to attain unto , during which queens government , something also is objected to us , which shall be examined in its order . the bishop's book , was an explanation of the ten commandments , the creed , and the grounds of religion , fitted for the common peoples instruction . 't was composed by sundry bishops , of whom , cranmer was chief , by vertue of a commission issued out by henry viii . in the year . established by parliament , and printed by tho. barthelet , with this title . the godly and pious institution of a christian man. out of this book , fox has furnished us with this following passage — * that there is no mention made , neither in the scripture , nor in the writings of any authentick doctor , or author of the church , being within the times of the apostles , that christ did ever make , or constitute any distinction , or difference to be in the preeminence of power , order , or jurisdiction , between the apostles themselves , and the bishops themselves , but that they were all equal in power , &c. and that there is now , and since the time of the apostles any such diversity . it was devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive church for the conservation of good order and unity in the catholick church . from hence mr. o. has gathered ( for he refers to fox's martyrology ) that these bishops ( the authors of that book ) affirm'd the difference of bishops and presbyters was a device of the ancient fathers , and not mentioned in scripture . ans. this deduction is downright false , and directly against the obvious meaning of the words . the design of that prince at that time , was to throw off the pope , and his jurisdiction over the church and bishops of england ; to this end in the bishops book 't is affirmed , that as the apostles were equal among themselves , so were the bishops equal among themselves in the apostollcal times , or ( according to jerom ) that the bishop of rome was not by divine right superior to the bishop of eugubium : that therefore as i anon observe out of the king's book , patriarchs , primates , metropolitans , and archbishops , and particularly , the pope of rome had originally no preeminence and authority over other bishops ; particularly , not over the english ; only that it was a voluntury agreement among themselvs for orders sake : but from the beginning it was not so . here is not one word of presbyters , or exempting them from subjection unto bishops . now , that i have not done the least wrong unto this book , i appeal to what i find elsewhere , taken thence by mr. strype † . how that the church of england is in no subjection to the pope , but to the king's laws : that priests and bishops never had any authority by the gospel , in matters civil and moral , but by grant and gift of princes , that it was always , and ever shall be lawful unto kings and princes , with the consent of their parliaments , to revoke and call again into their hands , or otherwise , to restrain all the power and jurisdiction given , and permitted by their authority and assent , and sufferance , without which , if the bishop of rome , or any other bishop whatsoever , should take upon them any authority , or jurisdiction in such matters as 〈◊〉 civil , that bishop is not worthy the name , is an usurper , and subverter of the kingdom : that the church of england is a catholick and apostolick church , as well as that of rome : that there is no difference in superiority , preeminence , or authority of one ( bishop ) over another : but they be all of equal power and dignity , and that all churches be free from the subjection and 〈◊〉 of the church of rome . the equality here spoken of in the beginning , and in the latter end of this period , is not between bishops and presbyters in the same church , but between bishop and bishop , church and church , and particularly , that no church ( that of england especially ) is subject to rome . and though in the beginning he names priests and bishops , such priests haply were meant as took upon them to act here in england , in subordination to , and by the popes authority ; not a syllable of the equality of bishops and priests is here to be found ; only that both depend upon the civil magistrate , and that in civil and moral matters only . the second testimony alledged by mr. o. is another ( if haply it be another ) book , entituled — the institution of a christian man , drawn up by the whole clergy in a provincial synod , anno . set forth by the authority of king henry viii . and the parliament , and commanded to be preached . out of this book ( afterwards translated into latin as i guess ) mr. o. cites as follows . — in novo testamento nulla mentio facta est aliorum graduum 〈◊〉 distinctionum in ordinibus , sed diaconorum vel ministrorum & presbyterorum , sive episcoporum . which words ( it must be confessed ) look pretty fair and favourable towards mr. o. at first sight . ans. in the first place , i will here present the reader with what the author of the memorials has delivered concerning this , and some other books of the same nature , and written with the same design . the bishops book , otherwise called the godly and pious institution of a christian man , of which before , came forth again two years after , sc. in the year . but bearing another name , viz. a necessary doctrine and erudition for a christian man ; printed also by barthelet : that this also was once more published in engglish , and dated anno . as at the end of the said book , according to the custom of those times ; though at the bottom of the title page i find it dated also . this was composed by cranmer ; but called the king's book , because hen viii recommended it to the people by proclamation , added to it by way of preface , and assumed to himself the being the author of it . mr. strype farther acquaints me that in the year . had been published a book , entituled the bishops book , because framed by them ; i guess it the same with that i first spoke of , and that it was written by the bishops anno . but printed . and he yet tells us of another , which came forth in the year . also commonly called the king's book , but entituled , the difference between the kingly and ecclesiastical power . i have procured a sight also of a latin book , going under this title . — christiani hominis institutio edit . . in the preface whereof , 't is said to have been at first writ in english , and then translated into latin , by whom , or by what authority i find not ; and whether this be the same with mr. o's , i know not ; but this is sure , mr. o's was printed . as himfelf confesses ; mine . and the passage cited by mr. o. is no where to be read in mine . and since nothing like it is to be met with in any of the other books , and all the controversy in those times was between the pope and the english bishops , not about the superiority , or the distinction of bishops and presbyters in the same church , i am apt to fear some foul play . but concerning the testimony its self , as allowed of , i shall speak more by and by . mean while let us search for what may be had to the purpose in the king's book , entituled a necessary doctrine and erudition of a christian man. if it shall be said , that mr. o's deduction before spoken of , was borrowed not out of the kings's book , but the bishops book ; yet i hope the one will be allowed to explain the other . thus then i read in the king's book . — that the sacrament of order is a gift or grace of ministration in christ's church , given of god to christian men , by the consecration and imposition of the bishops hands . that this sacrament was conferred , and given at the beginning by the apostles unto priests and bishops . that st. paul ordered and consecrated timothy priest : that the apostles appointed and willed the other bishops after them to do the like , as is manifest from tit. . . tim. . . that there is no certain rule prescribed , or limited by the word of god for the nomination , election , presentation , or appointing of any such ecclesiastical ministers , but the same is left unto the positive laws and ordinances of every christian region , provided , made , or to be made , &c. — he afterwards enumerates in particular the common offices and ministries , both of priests and bishops , sc. teaching , preaching , ministring the sacraments , consecrating and offering the blessed body and blood of christ in the sacrament of the altar , loosing and assoiling from sin , excommunicating and finally , praying for the whole church , and their own flock in special . — that they may not exercise nor execute those offices , but with such sort and such limitations , as the laws permit and suffer — that the apostles ordained deacons also . acts. . that of these two orders only , that is priests and deacons , scripture maketh express mention , and how they were conferred of the apostles by prayer and imposition of hands — that patriarchs primates archbishops and metropolitans , have not now nor heretofore at any time had justly and lawfully authority , power and jurisdiction over other bishops given them by god in holy scripture : that all powers and authorities of any one bishop over another were , and be given unto them by the consent ordinance and positive laws of men only , &c. in the christiani hominis institutio , which i have seen , there is some disagreement to be found : for whereas the necessary doctrine and erudition , &c. seems to speak of two orders only , i. e. priests and deacons , the christiani hominis institutio , expresseth it thus — de his tantum ordinationibus presbyterorum & diaconorum , scriptura expresse meminit , &c. meaning , as i suppose , not two ranks and degrees of church officers , but two ordinations or consecrations of persons appointed to the ministry , sc. of presbyters and deacons : that is , the consecration of presbyters and deacons , is only expresly mentioned in scripture , and that bishops received not any new distinct imposition of hands : and so orders in the necessary doctrine , &c. is to be understood , as i conceive not of persons , but of the ordination of them as 't is often used unto this day . it is not then affirm'd in either , that there was in the church but two ranks or degrees of ecclesiastical offices , that is priests and deacons , ( and not bishops ) according to the scripture : but that two consecrations only were expresly mentioned there , nevertheless a superiour rank might be found in the scripture , tho' not separated thereto by a new imposition of hands . mro's quotation seems indeed to sound quite to another sense , and to his purpose rather , sc. that in the new testament no mention is made of other degrees and distinctions ( in ordinibus ) but of deacons ( or ministers ) and of presbyters ( or bishops ) how ministers and bishops crept in here , i 'll not say : but they are capable still of the same sence , sc. that in the new 〈◊〉 there is no mention of other degrees and distinctions of persons in orders ( that is of persons ordained by imposition of hands ) except deacons and presbyters : for bishops were not consecrated again by any express appointment in scripture according to the prevailing opinion of those times . 't is lastly to be observed , that in the necessary doctrine , &c. that we read , that patriarchs , primates archbishops and metropolitans , have not now nor ever had power , authority and jurisdiction over other bishops given them by god in scripture , 't is in the latin translation added cetrosque inferiores episcopos aut presbyteros , which makes no alteration . for who is there that believes not , that the archbishop of york has no jurisdiction over the bishop of chester , nor over the presbyters of this diocess , but what is given him by the ecclesiastical and civil law of the land , for peace and orders sake ? but 't is worthy our notice that in the k's book ( as is before at large set down ) orders or ordination is taught to be , a divine gift or grace given by the imposition of the bishops hands : that the apostles gave this grace and appointed the bishops after them to do the like : what need we any more ? here are bishops having the power of ordaining distinguished from the ordained , sc. priests and deacons . but when all is said , and whatever sense any man shall think fit to put upon these passages out of the king 's and bishop's book i make little account of . at best they express the mind and opinion of hen. th , cranmer and other bishops , who were all still ingag'd and held fast in the toils of popish errors and superstitions , all their design hitherto in these books being only to cast off the power and jurisdiction of the pope . for the rest , they continued yet papists all over . cranmer himself , who was chiefly imployed in drawing up these books , still retained his old errors and prejudices suck'd in with his milk , and continued zealous for the corporal presence even to the last year of hen. 〈◊〉 . in the necessary doctrine publish'd . 't was taught , that in the ave mary the blessed virgin is honoured and worshipped , that the reading the old and new testament is not so necessary , as of duty the people ought and be bound to read it , but as the prince and polity of the realm shall think convenient , that the publick law of the realm had so restrained it . the seven sacraments are in the book its self asserted and explained , prayers for the dead recommended upon the authority of the book of maccabees , and of the ancient doctors in masses and exequies . now this is an hopeful book to establish protestant doctrines by , and thence to affirm , the protestant church of england was of the mind there were no more officers in the church , than bishops ( or presbyters ) and deacons . at best the reformation was but now on the anvil , and cranmer and the other reformers were but hammering it out by degrees . nor can we believe they always or at that very time declared their own opinions fully and freely . hen. viii . was an haughty and sturdy prince impatient of any oppósition , and resolved to assume unto himself all the popes usurped powers . cranmer and his associates thought it a good step towards their design , if they could but shake off the tyranny of the pope , hoping after this point once gain'd they might in good time compass their whole design , and establish the church upon the sure foundations of truth . to please then the humour of the king and gratify his pride , it must be declar'd and acknowledged forsooth , by the bishops , when they took out their commissions ( as cranmer himself did more than once ) that all power both civil and ecclesiastical flowed from the king , that the bishops exercised it only by the kings courtesie , that the king impowred them to ordain , to give institution , and to do all other parts of the episcopal function , of which opinion cranmer himself was anno , and even in the first of edward the th , or pretended to be . in short , this character dr. burnet gives of the archbishop , that his greatest weakness was his over obsequiousness to hen. viii . there is then no colour to ascribe any thing we meet with in these books , as the free and settled judgment of cranmer , much less as the the doctrine of the english protestant church . and if any man shall pretend by these testimonies to overthrow the divine right of bishops , he will be oblig'd to lay aside the divine right of presbyters also , who were at the same time and in the same manner subjected to the will of the king and to the laws of the land , as any intent reader may observe from the aforesaid passages out of the kings and bishops books . and so much of this matter . the third testimony objected against us is the celebrated ms. in the irenicum , from whence we are informed . that cranmer and other bishops set forth this to be their judgments , that bishops and priests were one office in the beginning of christ's religion alledging jerom in confirmation . ans. i have said enough of jerom already , and need not repeat or apply it here . i chuse . to present the reader with some particular account of that ms. before i directly reply to the objection . the king called a select convention of bishops and learned doctors at windsor castle , who were to give their resolutions of several questions relating to religion every one under his own hand . they did so , and cranmer's are particularly 〈◊〉 in the said ms. those which belong to our present purpose are . quest. . whether the apostles lacking an higher power , as not having a christian king among them , made bishops by necessity or by authority given them of god. ans. cranmer . all christian princes have committed to them immediatly of god the whole care of all their subjects concerning the administration of god's word for the care of souls . that the prince has sundry ministers under him as bishops , parsons , vicars and other priests , who are appointed by his highness unto that ministration : that the said officers and ministers , as well of one sort as of the other be appointed , assigned and elected in every place by the laws and orders of kings and princes : that in the apostle's time , when there were no christian princes , the ministers of gods word were appointed by the consent of the christian multitude among themselves . that sometimes the apostles sent and appointed ministers of god's word , sometimes the people did chuse them , and those sent and appointed by the apostles , the people of their own will accepted , not for the supremacy or dominion that the apostles had over them to command as their princes and masters , but as good people ready to obey the advice of good consellors , quest. . whether bishops or priests were first : if priest , then the priest made the bishop . cr. ans. the bishops and priests were at one time , and were not two things , but both one office in the beginning of christs religion . quest. . whether a bishop has authority to make a priest by the scripture or no : and whether any other , but only a bishop may make a priest. cr. ans. a bishop may make a priest by the scripture , so may princes and governours , and the people also by election : the people did commonly elect their bishops and priests . quest. . whether in the new testament be required any consecration of a bishop and a priest , or only appointing to the office be sufficient . cr. ans. in the new testament , he that is appointed to be a bishop or a priest needeth no consecration by the scripture : for election and appointing thereunto is sufficient . i have somewhat contracted the archbishops answers , but so as to preserve the sense full and intire , and somethings i have omitted not material ( as i judge ) here to be set down . these questions and answers in the ms. were subscrib'd t. cant. and this is mine opinion and sentence , which i do not temerariously define , but remit the judgment wholly to your majesty . to all which i reply . that though these were the opinions of 〈◊〉 yet other bishops , unto whom the same 〈◊〉 were put were otherwise perswaded . mr. strype , has furnished us with different answers given by some others of the learned doctors or bishops of that time from another ms. out of cotton's library . to the th question . the calling , naming , appointment , and preferment of one before another to be a bishop or priest had a necessity to be done in that sort , a prince being wanting : the ordering ( ordination ) appeareth taught by the holy ghost in the scripture per manuum impositionem cum oratione . this i doubt not will be own'd a truer and more scriptural resolution of the question then cr's was . to question th . bishops ( were first ) or not after : these learned men spake here cautiously ; cranmer rashly and roundly pronounces . to quest. . scripture warranteth a bishop obeying the 〈◊〉 to order a priest per manuum impositionem cum oratione , and so it hath been from the beginning . they do not boldly define that priest and bishop were one office in the beginning of christ's religion , as cranmer did . to quest. — manuum impositio cum oratione , is required unto the making of a bishop or priest : so as only appointing it is not sufficient . there is yet the judgment of other learned men to be seen in mr. strype , which i will add unto the former . to quest. th — making bishops has two parts , appointment and ordination . appointment , which by necessity the apostles made by common election , and sometime by their own assignment , could not be done by christian princes , because there were none ; yet now appertaineth to them : but in ordering wherein grace is conferred , the apostles followed the rule taught by the holy ghost , per manuum impositionem cum oratione & jejunio . a more solid and judicious answer then cranmer's . to quest. — christ made the apostles first both priests and bishops , but whether at one time some doubt . after that the apostles made both bishops and priests , the names whereof in the scripture be confounded . they manifestly imply a real distinction between them , in the beginning , though they were one in name , or rather though both were called by both names indifferently . to quest. — the bishop having authority from his prince to give orders , may by his ministry given to him of god in scripture ordain a priest , and we read not that any other not being a bishop hath since the beginning of christ's church ordained a priest. n. b. to quest. — only appointment is not sufficient , but consecration , that is to say , imposition of hands with 〈◊〉 , and prayer is also required . for so the apostles used to order them that were appointed , and so has been used continually , and we have not read the contrary . from the whole it appears , that what ever was cranmer's opinion , yet others were of a contrary mind : it cannot then be truly affirm'd , that cranmer's was the judgment of the church of england , as farther may be confirmed by what dr. leighton reply'd at the same time unto the queries . . i suppose , that a bishop has according to the scripture power from god as being his minister to create the presbyter , although he ought not to promote any one unto the office of a presbyter or admit him to any ecclesiastical ministry , unless the princes leave be first obtained in a christian common-wealth . but that any other person has according to the scripture power to create the presbyter , i have not read nor learned from any instance . . i suppose consecration by laying on of hands is necessary : for so we are taught by the examples of the apostles . thus much dr. durel , who read the whole ms. by the permission of mr. st. reports out of it in his vindiciae ecclesiae angli . the judgment then of cranmer set forth in that ms. cannot with any truth be ascribed to the church of england ; it was the opinion but of some persons , from which their contemporaries we see differed much . but , . the argument grounded on the ms. belongs not to the time when the church of england was protestant . so that the resolution of those queries were rather of the popish church of england . for the questions were not put by edw. vi. as was at first surmized , but by hen. viii . to make out which note . . the manuscript has no date , nor any king named in it , that called the assembly at windsor . one may then ascribe it to the father henry , as well as to the son edward . . cranmer submits himself and his sentence unto the judgment of the king. but edward vi. was a child too young , and unexperienced to ask these questions , or to have the final decision of them referred to him . . lee , archbishop of york , who subscribed the answers in the ms. died in the year . * some years before edward was king , by which argument ( dr. durel says ) he convinced mr. still . that the convention was held at windsor in the reign of hen. viii . not of edward vi. . in mr. strype's memor . the king makes his animadversions upon the bishops answers , which cannot be thought the work of edw. vi. a child , but of hen. viii . . the matter of the questions , and of the answers of cranmer sufficiently prove that hen. viii . convened that assembly at windsor . they both resemble the foresaid king's and bishops books , and one animadversion of the king in mr. strype ( which is , since they confess appointing bishops belongeth now to princes , how can you prove that ordering is only committed unto you bishops ? ) bewrays king henry's aspiring to be invested with all the spiritual and ecclesiasticall power , even of ordination it self . of which , see more in his memorials . p. , . append. n. . it. mem. . briefly as in his elder brothers life time , he was bred up in learning , that he might be alterius orbis papa , or archbishop of canterbury ; so after he was king , the ambition still prevailed in him , and was not , we see , easily removed . . early in the reign of edw. vi. and when the reformation was going on prosperously , cranmer and the protestant bishops understanding matters better , and having freedom to speak their minds , delivered themselves more clearly in the point , as may be inferred from sundry observations belonging to that time , and upon record . as . it is declared in the preface before the form of ordination drawn up and agreed upon in edw. vi's reign . that it is 〈◊〉 unto all men , diligently reading the holy scriptures , and ancient authors , that from the apostles time there have been these orders of ministers in christ's church , bishops , priests and deacons , by publick prayer , and with imposition of hands approved and admitted thereunto . cranmer it seems was now come over to dr. leighton's opinion , declared in the days of hen. viii . . cranmer set forth a catechism in the first year of edw. vi. anno . wherein the three orders are taught as of divine right , from whence ( says the historian ) it appears that he had changed the opinion he formerly held against the divine institution of those ecclesiastical orders . in the days of edward vi. cranmer suspended heath bishop of worcester , for refusing to subscribe the fore-mentioned form of ordination . . in the same reign john alasco , a noble polonian , was by cranmer's means made a superintendant over all the churches of the foreigners , yet newly planted in and about london ; the germans , italians , and the french. — and superintendant is but another word for bishop . whoever therefore will impartially weigh the darkness of the times in henry viii's reign , where the above mentioned king's and bishop's books were written , and the answers made unto the king's questions by cranmer , and some others , the stifness of that prince , his fondness of being head of the church , and the awe which the archbishop and his associates in the reformation stood in towards him , the earnest desire they had at any rate , and on any terms to be rid of the pope's tyranny , the falseness , uncertainty , and absurdity of many opinions delivered by the bishops , and their repugnancy to each other , he will be forc'd to confess that no stress can be laid upon any of their conclusions , much less that they were the first and steady sentiments of the protestant church of england : for even the popish clergy also generally subscribed them . but the sudden alteration of the bishops minds as to this present point in debate in edward vi's days : puts it out of all question , that the ms. of my late lord of worcester , belongs to king henry viii's days ; and that our first reformers their mature and setled judgment was , that there were from the beginning of the christian church three orders of ecclesiastical ministers by divine right , bishops , priests and deacons : let us hear the reflections of the learned prelate , the now lord bishop of salisbury . — * in cranmer's papers some singular opinions of his about the nature of 〈◊〉 offices will be found ; but as they are delivered by him with all possible modesty , so they were not established as the doctrine of the church , but laid aside as particular conceits of his own . and it seems , that afterwards he changed his opinion ; for he subscribed the book that was soon after set forth , which is directly contrary to those opinions set down in this paper , viz. mr. stillingfleet's ms. in the next reign 't is no matter to us what became of the divine right of episcopacy . the protestant church of england suffered an eclipse in queen mary's days , but soon recovering it self under the auspicious government of queen elizabeth shin'd so much the brighter , and in a short time came to that settlement which it enjoys to this day , without any considerable alteration : and to our present point , 〈◊〉 , . that the form of ordination of deacons , priests and bishops , with the preface before spoken of , were confirmed in the th of eliz. . and again in her th year anno . and which to make short work of it , continues in force unto this day . . in the general apology of the protestants , the th article of the english confession is inserted , and was drawn up in that queen's time , anno . and runs in the words following , — farthermore , we believe that there be divers degrees of ministers in the church , deacons , priests and bishops , to whom is committed the office to instruct the people , and setting forth of religion . but mr. o. objects unto us the th of eliz. c. . pretending to prove thereby , that ordination by presbyters was then allowed here in england . the clause he refers to , is more at length thus — all persons under bishops , who pretend to be priests , or ministers of god's holy word and sacraments , by reason of any other form of institution , or consecration , or ordering , than the form set forth by parliament in edw. vi. or now used , shall in the presence of the bishop declare their assent , and subscribe to all the 〈◊〉 of religion , which only concern the confession of the true christian faith , and the doctrine of the sacraments comprized in a book , entituled , articles agreed to by the archbishops and bishops of both provinces , and the whole clergy , in convocation anno . for avoiding diversities of opinions , &c , — and 〈◊〉 , &c. from hence mr. o. infers , that the statute respects not popish ordinations , only , if at all , but gave indulgence to those that were not satisfied to subscribe all the articles absolutely , among which was the book of consecration ; and that the statute requires subscription only to the doctrine of true christian faith , and of the sacraments , which he would prove in that the statute speaks of ministers of god's holy word and sacraments , and the title of ministers is rarely used among the papists , and is common among the reformed churches ; the ministry among the papists being a real priest-hood , and therefore they call their presbyters , priests . ans. the statute , doubtless , speaks of all priests and ministers , whether papists , or dissenters : all were to assent and subscribe , in case they would continue in , or be let into any ecclesiastical promotion : but chiefly the papists . 〈◊〉 first , i assert this upon mr. o's own words . — the ministry of the papists ( says he ) was a real priest hood , and therefore they call their presbyters , priests . on the contrary , i do not remember that dissenting ministers have ever been stiled priests in any publick instrument of church or state. now as for the word ministers , even that also ( it may be ) points at the popish priests ; for it had lately been used among the papists . i meet with it in smith's recantation † ; in the necessary doctrine , and other publick records , but chiefly , i consider that at the time of this act of parliament the popish priests herded themselves among the 〈◊〉 , and went by the name , and under the disguise of dissenting ministers . for the more effectual discovery of these foxes , and to unkennel them for the security of the flock , as well as to curb the dissenters themselves , ministers was thought a fit word to be added unto the act , to the end none might escape subscribing . mr. o's 〈◊〉 here turns upon himself , whilst he distinguishes , where the law does not , contrary to that wise rule of interpreting laws . besides , these words in the statute — who pretend to be priests or ministers by reason of any other form of institution or consecration or ordering than the english then in force do in my opinion , plainly and more openly strike at the popish ordinations , the great design of that reign , especially in the beginning , being to extirpate the romish priests . it may be urg'd — that the dissenting ministers by subscribing those articles , which only belong unto the confession of the true christian faith , were to be admited or continued in their benefices , and by consequence their ordinations allowed , though they did not declare their assent unto the ceremonies and traditions , nor to the th and th article of religion . ans. this cannot be : for i shall shew anon that they were oblig'd to subscribe those two articles , which if they did ex animo , they must of necessity forth with enter into episcopal orders , and approve of and use church ceremonies , which was what the statute aim'd at . nor ( as mr. o. argues ) does the subscription seem to intend those only , who scrupled traditions and ceremonies , and not the other doctrines in the , articles , which was the case of the dissenters alone . for the papists scruple , many other of the , articles , which also were to be assented unto , but were not scrupled by the presbyterian dissenters ( though other dissenting ministers haply did ) ; and though the papists scruple not ceremonies and traditions in general , yet they scruple ours in particular : by consequence were intended in the act , as much and more then the dissenters . mr. o. because the assent and subscription was only to the articles of religion concerning the confession of the true christian faith , and doctrine of the sacraments , therefore an indulgence was intended the dissenting ministers , who scrupled nothing else but ceremonies and the book of consecration which belonging not to the christian faith , are not required to be subscribed and assented to , and by consequence ordination by presbyters was here allowed . ans. all i have to do is to prove that the th and th articles among the , were by this statute required to be subscribed and assented to . and thus i prove it . 't is manifest that the articles are meant in this statute , viz. from these words in the act — — articles agreed to by the archbishops and 〈◊〉 of both provinces , and the whole clergy in convocation anno . for avoiding diversities of opinions in religion . oh! but ( cries mr. o. ) 't is meant of such articles only , as concerned the confession of the true christian faith , which the two aforesaid articles did not , all the rest being opposed ( it seems ) unto the th and th articles . ans. it is very absur'd in my judgment to interpret acts of parliament in so loose a manner , which are wont to speak more correctly , and with greater exactness ; and if this had been intended the statute would certainly have excepted the two articles . i rather believe the articles of religion here mentioned , are opposed to other articles of the queen's setting forth in the th of her raign , anno . and to be seen in the collection of dr. sparrow * called , articles 〈◊〉 doctrine and preaching , for administration of prayer and 〈◊〉 , for certain orders in ecclesiastical politie , apparel or persons ecclesiastical , and sundry other protestations . all which were injoined by the queens letters and authority only , unto which this statute did not direct an assent and subscription , but to the only . which for distinctions sake are entituled articles of religion , and in allusion thereto are so called in the statute . to all these articles called 〈◊〉 of religion , all priests and ministers were to subscribe : and this was enacted as well for the avoiding diversity of opinions , as establishing of consent touching true religion . moreover by ceremonies we commonly understand things of meer humane or ecclesiastical institution : these indeed considered every one singly by it self belong not to the true christian faith. right ! but the th article , which in general defines and declares it to be in the power of the church to appoint some decent ceremonies 〈◊〉 a principle or proposition , which belongs unto the true christian faith , as being founded on the word of god , and therefore with the rest was to be subscrib'd . the book of consecration confirmed in the th article , contains the scripture rule of ordination by bishops , and so concerns the true christian faith : it was then to be assented unto . finally , that i have not mistaken the sense of the statute or the lawgivers intendment , i will support my interpretation by the judgment of the great oracle of the law , and other reverend judges before him . subscription required of the clergy is twofold : one by force of an act of parliament confirming , and establishing the articles of religion , agreed upon at a convocation of the church of england , and ratify'd by queen eliz. c. . referring to canons made by the clergy of england , at a convocation holden at london , . containing articles of religion , and ratify'd as aforesaid — he adds , that in smith's case , who subscribed the articles of religion with this addition — so far forth as the same were agreeable to the word of god , it was resolved by wray chief justice , and all the judges of england , that this subscription was not according to the statute of the eliz. because the statute required an absolute subscription ; that this statute was made for avoiding diversity of opinions , which was the scope of the act , but by this addition , the party might by his own private opinion , take some of them to be against the word of god. contrary to the design of the statute , and the articles themselves : belike smith intended to decline , subscribing unto the th and th articles . hereby then 't is apparent , that this act intended no indulgence unto the dissenters , nor allowance of presbyterian orders . in king james the first 's reign , was publish'd a book entituled tractatus de politia ecclesiae anglicanae , by dr. mocket the then archbishop's chaplain , whereunto the author annex'd jewels apology , the greater and less catechisms , the publick liturgy , the articles of religion and the homilies . now because blondel builds upon these , i ought at least to examine the treatise and the catechisms . the latter , i cannot get a sight of , and shall at present only look into the former , from whence it may be collected — that the office of a bishop is twofold . the first has respect unto all the faithful of the whole flock : the second unto the ministers of the church . as to the former it is acknowledged that bishop and presbyter are the same degree of office or order , or call it what you please . for the presbyters minister unto the people as effectually , as the bishops in all the offices and conveyances of divine grace : and on this account are the successors of the apostles , as much as the bishops are . the presbyters administer the sacraments , preach the word , interpret scripture , reprove , exhort , incourage , and comfort , publish and declare authoritatively , and ministerially the promise of the remission of sin , and eternal life by jesus christ , not only in the sermons , but after solemn confession of sin , and in the visitation of the sick , and of such as have been troubled in mind and conscience . in short , to them in the 〈◊〉 administrations , appertains that principal gift and commission — receive the holy ghost : whose sins ye remit they are remitted , &c. thus far bishops and presbyters are the same , or , as st. jerom has it , pene idem gradus . this is not to be doubted of : for so they the presbyters are the same with the apostles . but the peculiar and distinguishing character , and office of the bishop is to inspect , govern and ordain presbyters and succeeding bishops . on this account the presbyter ( as jerom also speaks ) is secundus gradus . thus much we own and freely confess , let our adversaries make the best of it they can . i do suppose the difference and preeminence , and superiority of bishops from and over prebyters , and their ordaining power is sufficiently cleared to have been the doctrine of the reformed church of england from the beginning , though blondel would pick out of this treatise something to the contrary , which is not my business here to take to task . lastly , i shall only produce the testimony of the english divines in the synod of dort held . . the bishop of landaff , joseph hall ( afterwards bishop of norwich ) john davenant , and samuel ward , having approv'd all the doctrines in the belgick confession except three heads concerning ecclesiastical orders protested — that the government of the english churches by bishops , priests and deacons , was of apostolical institution . particularly landaff in a speech ran through the three heads or chapters , and then entred this protestation , that there was not in the apostles times nor ever had been in the church an equality of ministers . from the whole i gather . that it has ever been the judgment of the protestant church of england from the reformation , that there was by the scripture and ought to be an inequality of ministers , and that bishops are distinct from and superiour to presbyters . . that the presbyterians and particularly mr. o. do a great injury unto the memory of that great man archbishop laud , and through his sides unjustly wound all that defend and assert divine right of episcopacy , impeaching them of novelty and altering the doctrine of the church . that renowned prelate came into play , and became a leader in this church not till after all the instances , which i have alledged in proof of the divine right of bishops : even the bishop of landaff and his english collegues at the synod of dort were not inferior to him ; nor was it in laud's power to influence their opinions . he was not archbishop of canterbury till the year . not of st. davids , till . two years after the synod was broken up . it cannot therefore with reason 〈◊〉 thought , that these excellent persons , who assisted at that assembly , were led by the nose , or aw'd by the authority of dr. laud. nor do i find that he was any ways interested in their deliberations , or that he sent to them any letters , or dispatches upon that , or indeed any other subject . it can hardly be believed , since so many of the calvinistical points were then established , doubtless , to the regret of this prelate . besides , dr. andrews had before laud , written a book to prove the divine right of bishops , surely not sway'd thereto by laud , who was , or had been his chaplain . but to remove all the invidious calumnies and reproaches , that have been falsly laid upon that unfortunate prelate , and the rest , who before , and after him , have maintained the divine right of bishops , it were sufficient to call to remembrance , that it was the doctrine of ignatius , whose testimonies 't is needless to repeat any more : also of st. cyprian , jâm pridem per omnes provincias & urbes ordinati sunt ( episcopi ) and what he means by his jam pridem , he explains elsewhere , sciam episcopos plurimos ecclesiis dominicis in toto mundo divina dignatione praepositos . once more i read , cum hoc igitur ( omnis actus ecclesiae ) per eosdem praepositos gubernetur divina 〈◊〉 fundamentum sit . lastly , of jerom himself , constituit christus in omnibus finibus mundi principes ecclesiae , which also he calls traditionem apostolicam , writing to evagrius . , which have been remembred before . now if some of laud's immediate predecessors , or contemporaries , can be produced ( granting this ) as being of another mind , not seeing , or not openly confessing and contesting the truth , 't was surely for want of understanding , courage , or integrity . but why these failings and defects should be laid in the balance with the undoubted testimonies of the fathers , or prejudice the wisdom and faithfulness of others , yea the publick and authoritative declarations of our church too , is beyond my capacity to comprehend . this is out of question ( i judge ) that presbyterian ordination , the identity and parity of bishops and presbyters , has never yet been pronounced lawful , much less of divine right , by any publick and authenticksentence of the church of england , since the reformation except haply by that pack't assembly of divines , not one of whom were legally chose to sit at westminster . some private writers may haply be found inclining to the opinion , whereby presbyters are equal'd unto bishops , and thought to be of the same degree ; but i make no reckoning of such private authorities , though they were otherwise persons of singular learning , wisdom and piety : and some passages favouring the presbyterian pretences may possibly be found in the publick deliberations and conclusions , whilst hen. viii . was vindicating this church from the tyranny of the pope , and in his stead assuming it to himself . thus far we chang'd our rider , not our burthen ; but it ought to be considered , that as in those difficult times the episcopal power was subjected to the will of the prince , and to the law of the land , and so may be thought not by divine right , but humane constitution ; even so was the power and office of parsons , vicars and priests , or presbyters , and from thence also it 〈◊〉 with equal force , that these also are but by humane law , and thence derive their authority . let us for example but look back unto cranmer's answer to the king 's th query , and we may be convinced hereof . the substance of it is — that the whole care of the church is immediately committed to the prince . that parsons , vicars , and other priests , were to be appointed by his highness to their ministrations . to the th query , that the prince may make a priest. he that will infer hence , that according to the doctrine of the church of england at that time , bishops were not jure divino , but by the law of the land , must be also forced to conclude , that priests and ministers hold by the same tenure and no other : and from the whole it will follow that mr. hobbs was in the right , when he affirms the will and laws of the prince to be the standard of the peoples religion . furthermore , we are often confronted with the doctrine and practice of the 〈◊〉 protestant churches , and called upon to have a more favourable , charitable , and just opinion of them , and their ministry . hereunto it will suffice me only to answer with st. paul , what have i to do to judge them that are without ? but i farther consider with what difficulties they at first struggled , and still labour under , and am apt to think that the same good god that would have mercy , and not sacrifice , and so dispensed with his own appointed sabbath , may ( and i hope ) will accept their sacrifices , though they be not prepared according to the purification of the sanctuary . i also consider that the foreign protestants are by this time , ( many of them , even the most learned ) quite captivated by a long prejudice , which the continuance of the presbyterian government among them for so many years , since the reformation has now perhaps , rendred unconquerable , and that therefore god may ( and i hope does ) wink at this ignorance ; for such i reckon an inveterate prejudice to be . besides , though many of the foreign protestant ministers have zealously defended the presbyterian government , and seem not at all willing , or inclined to model themselves into the episcopal platform , though it were in their power , and opportunity served ; yet others of them have been contrary minded , and even in the 〈◊〉 of that darkness , wherein they lay , have been able do discover the truth , which shined through the clouds of their hardships and prepossessions . i will not here mention the french letters written unto the present honourable , and right reverend bishop of london . mr. o. has most maliciously suggested as if the authors were brib'd , or by some indirect means induc'd to write as they did . i do not know upon what authority he has published this scandalous surmize , and if it had been fit to take up reports by conjecture , or uncertain fame meerly to blast the credit of a writer , i could have told him 〈◊〉 now , what i have heard ( from one who was no stranger to the presbyterian intregues in . and so on , and may be presumed to speak what he had 〈◊〉 to know , sc. ) that mounsieur blondel came into england , with hopes to be preferred in our church by archbishop 〈◊〉 , but it seems mist his aim : that he was afterwards hired by the presbyterians to write for them against episcopacy . thus revenge and the love of money were the parents of that celebrated book entituled — apologia pro hieronymi sententia : and lastly , that even in the apology its self some things were intermixed , which undid and overthrew all he seemed to have advanced in defence of presbytery : which therefore he was forced to expunge before he recovered the promised reward of his labour . but after this let us now hear what a learned protestant , a foreign divine has written upon this subject , i mean peter du moulin , in a letter to a scotch man anno . he says — that the french protestant church never put down bishops ( p. . ) nor encouraged others to do it : that necessity not choice keeps 'em from setting up episcopal order : that at geneva , where episcopacy was changed into the presbyterian form , necessity bore more sway than council , and policie than divinity : that the reformation in france began among the people , in scotland ( and england ) at court : no wonder then that due regard was not had unto the primitive government in the one as well as the other , that the french protestants have much ado to maintain their ministers by reason of their poverty : that if they should establish bishops , it would provoke their adversaries and raise them to jealousy , and 〈◊〉 would look more like direct schism , two bishops being at the same time in onesee : that they are a body prepar'd for bishops , when bishops will reform : he gives an instance , that somewhere the bishop in his cathedral preach'd the pure word of god , and the protestants submitted to him . he farther apologizes , that their king will not suffer them to have bishops . i only add , hereunto bishop hall's observation , how that , when our bishop of landaff at the synod of dort , charg'd the divisions there ( in holland ) upon their want of episcopacy he received this only in answer — domine nos non sumus adeo faelices . whether this was spoken by way of modest excuse , and a tacit approbation of bishops , i know not of certaitny ; but believe so ; at least i look upon it as a shifting off the question about episcopacy the president not caring to enter into the lists with the bishop upon that argument . but if he intended it ( as perhaps mr. o. will think ) for a scoff , i will take the liberty to say , that as the high-priest prophesied a great truth but intended it not , neither understood it ; so might the president too stumble upon a great truth , and intimate episcopacy to be the happiness of a church , tho' at the same time he was otherwise perswaded or did not discern it . for there are a sort of creatures , which cannot endure the light , and by how much clearer the sun shines see so much the worse : like saul going to damascus before his conversion , are struck blind with the glory and lustre of truth which surrounds them . this we are assured of by manifold and woful experience , and therefore need not wonder at it . the eyes of the understanding labour under the same natural weakness , as those of the body do . when we have continued long in the dark or have shut our eyes for somewhile , we are not able to behold the objects of sense , though placed at their proper distance , and in a medium duly fitted for their reception . thus when pride , 〈◊〉 and prepossession , when passion , sturdiness and secular interest , when contentiousness opposition , and hatred have for some time drawn a veil over the understanding , it is not easy for these men to admit any notions , that thwart and contradict those , which they have for a long time before entertained , let the evidence brought for their conviction be never so bright and clear . for instance , mr. o. as has been noted in the former chapter has frankly acknowledged it as fit and warrantable , that some grave divines be set over the churches for peace and order sake , whilst the younger sort are for the present to be excluded or suspended from the exercise of their inherent power . now mr. o. is not able ( i perceive ) to see , that this very reasonable concession of his , if rightly pursu'd and improved as it ought ; puts an end unto the controvery . for though he has so frequently and unreasonably at every turn declared against ecclesiastical restraints , yet here he allows 'em , and supposes it in the power of the church to restrain some from the exercise of their power , and to reserve the cheif care and government of the church , to a few of the most eminent . here i say , then the cudgels are in effect laid down , and episcopacy is sufficiently vindicated and approved of by the adversary himself , though before he is aware . no! it will be replyed ; for still care must be taken , that it be not however admitted , as of divine right . well! but if an ecclesiastical right be sufficient to oblige us unto obedience to our superiors ( as in the concession its self he must suppose ) then have our reverend bishops a good title to their own power , and to our subjection to ' em . besides , how easy is it to improve this concession even to the vindication of the divine right of bishops ? for if mr. o. ( who , when he suffers himself to think , is , i am hereby convinc'd , a wise man , and sees far before him ) will but turn himself about and look the other way , that is behind him : i mean , will but admit st. paul and the apostles heretofore to have been as wise as himself is now , it would be no hard matter ( one would imagine ) to convince him presently of the divine , that is , apostolical constitution of bishops . if it is now , it was also in the apostles days fit , and reasonable to commit the care and government of the churches unto some grave and worthy presbyters : and if so , can we possibly believe the apostles did not appoint what their own reason and prudence suggested to them ? but let us pass to another instance . mr. stoddon in his pastoral charge , has confessed * that there were rulers in the church , who were not teachers , as appears plainly to me ( says he ) from tim. . . although i suppose the power of preaching was committed to them . something of this kind i have in the precedent papers offered my self , and could farther confirm it out of mr. mede , if it were worth the while and suited my design . but mr. stoddon again distinguishes between what is primarily , and what is secondarily jure divino , as bishop sanderson long before him has done : and to be short , is of opinion that the clergy has as much need to have a governour set over them as the common people themselves , and that if the scripture has not expresly appointed it , yet the reason and necessity of the thing does absolutely require it , or to this effect ( for at present i have not the book by me ) : and surely the apostles knew this and by experience too , as well as mr. stoddon . now i cannot comprehend what should hinder this gentleman coming over to us , but the inveterate prejudices , which he cannot part with , or a stiffness and aversion to change his opinions , for which his old friends would be sure to reproach him without 〈◊〉 . in a word , then 't is to very little purpose to pretend by the dint of argument to make proselites . one may happily comfort incourage and confirm some in the truth , which they already know and profess : but to convert any , there are very little hopes , seeing most men have an overweening opinion of themselves , and the party which they have espous'd . there i leave them , not expecting they will be reclaim'd from the evil of their way , till god shall open their eyes , and by some secret and powerfull influence dispose their hearts unto the knowledge and acknowledgment of the truth , or else by some visible judgments and afflictions constrain us unto unity , which is the only thing some men are afraid of . they have not stuck to declare , that an agreement would certainly destroy the liberties of the people , and introduce tyranny among us : a paradox , which jesus christ and his apostles were 〈◊〉 strangers to , and which all good men i hope do utterly abhor . but pray we for the peace of jerusalem : they shall prosper that love it : peace be between it's walls and plenteousness within its palaces : and if there be any man that is not a son of peace , let him be anatkema 〈◊〉 . addenda to the th chapter . there is an objection which escaped me in its proper place , and therefore must here be considered , 't is , that presbyterian orders have been allowed here in england , that peter martyr , bucer , p. fagius , &c. were suffered to exercise their ministry among us . ans. . allowances against an establish'd law are not very defensible , especially when that law was believed to be of divine right , which is the case here before us of ordination by bishops , let this then be put among the infirmities and mistakes of our first reformers . . our first reformers might think it justifiable in charity to foreign protestant churches , which had not the opportunity of episcopal ordination ; the present necessities and service of the church required it : the reformation otherwise would have received some stop or prejudice by bringing this point into controversy . for some such like reason as this it was , that the church of england in the reign of k. james i. sent delegates unto the synod of dort , and contented her self after the conclusions there made only to enter her protestations against the parity of ministers . . our first reformers haply went upon this principle , he that is not against us is for us , and such were peter martyr , bucer , fagius , &c. but our dissenters were always against us , making it their whole business to overturn the ecclesiastical government of this nation by railing , and reviling and representing it as popish and anti-christian . . the indulgence spoken of had in it perhaps more of state policy than true divinity , and is to be reckon'd as the act of the civil government rather , than of the church . thus the 〈◊〉 and huguenot ministers have ever even to this day been permitted to officiate in divine things without episcopal orders . . all these indulgences 〈◊〉 not amount to the destroying the truth of that principle concerning the divine right of episcopacy . forasmuch as the relaxation of the execution of a positive law cannot in reason be accounted the annulling or abolition of that law , as we see at this day , when liberty is given to the very dregs of enthusiastical and fanatical sectaries , which is no more prejudice unto episcopacy , than 't is to other acknowledg'd truths of the gospel . . as for those particular persons allowed to exercise their minstry here in england we may note , that peter martyr was in episcopal orders , and it may be others of them were also . but there is a story which i am obliged to take notice of because mr. b. my first adversary objected it to us . he affirmed , the protestant bishops of england formerly approved of presbyterian ordination , as he inferred from a passage about the ordination of bishop spotswood and others . the case was this . in the year some scotchmen were to be ordained bishops , and a synod was held by our english bishops for that purpose , dr. andrews bishop of ely said , that they ought first to be ordained presbyters as having not been ordained by bishops but by presbyters only . bancroft archbishop of c. maintained , that there was no necessity of that , because where bishops could not be had ordination though by presbyters ( only , ) must be esteemed lawful , else it might be doubted , whether there was any lawful vocation in most of the reformed churches . this applauded to by the other bishops , ely acquiesc'd . from hence i inferr , not that the protestant bishops of england approved of presbyterian ordination , but that in the judgment of this english synod , nothing but necessity can justify it ; now what degree of necessity is requisite , i 'll not here dispute . . that where episcopal ordination may be had there presbyterian ordination is unlawful . . that the necessity here pleaded in defence of presbyterian orders implies , that episcopal ordination is of divine right : otherwise it had been impertinent to excuse presbyterian ordination , only from the necessity of it . but i crave leave to interpose my own judgment , and i humbly conceive there was no need of flying unto this refuge of necessity , for still the ordination of these scotch gentlemen might have proceeded , salvo etiam episcopalis ordinationis jure divino ; for i do affirm that by the practice of the church a lay-man may be immediately elevated into the throne , and effectually receive the episcopal character without being first ordained deacon and priest. this latter is indeed more safe and regular in ordinary : nevertheless in extraordinary cases , the former has been practised . thus the learned dr. cave has observed , that monks were wont to be made bishops without going through the usual intermediate orders of the church . he instances in serapion , apollos , agathus , ariston , &c. mentioned by st. athan. tom. . p. . however this be i shall produce two notable and unquestionable instances of it . the first is of nectarius p. c. he being but a catechumen , i. e. an unbaptized christian ( if i may so say ) one of the senatorian order , and a praetor was nominated and chosen bishop of constantinople , when greg. nazianzen had abdicated it , and immediately after 〈◊〉 was ordained bishop without the intermediate orders of deacon or presbyter . the other is of st. ambrose bishop of milain . he also a catechumen only , and at that time the consular governour of the province was chosen , and after baptism ordained bishop thereof without the intermediate orders of deacon or presbyter : for a bishop according to st. chrysostom's maxim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has in him the whole ministerial power . i alledge this principally with this design to vindicate the succession of the scotch episcopal ordinations . the end. errata . part . i. page . line . read managing , l. . r. endeavour'd , p. . l. . r. diocesan , p. . l. . r. epist. . . . p. . l. . r. denoting , p. . l. ult r. designat , p. . l. . r. the for that , p. . l. . r. angels , ibid. l. . after they , add are , p. . l. . r. haggai . ibid. l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ibid. l. . after manner , add to be , p. . l. . after that , add they , p. . l. . r. months , p. . l. . r. argument , p. . l. . r. conclude , p. . l. . r. successors , p. . l. . r. pretend , p. . l. . after of , add the people , p. . l. . . gal. . . p. . l. . r. penance . part ii. page . line . read bold , p. . l. . r. christians , ibid. l. . for no , r. do , p. . l. . r. maximinus , p. . l. . r. asturica , p. . l. . r. council . p. . l. . r. counterfeit . p. . l. . r. valid , ibid. l. . r. intrinsick , p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. . r. received , ibid. l. . dele is , ibid. l. . r. ordaining , p. . l. . r. ischyras , p. . l. . r. adversaries , p. . l. . for this r. the , p. . l. . dele . be , p. . l. . r. liberty , p. . l. . r. joannes , ibid. l. . r. because , p. . l. . r. dislike , ibid. l. . r. out , p. . l. . r. sufficient , p. . l. . r. divers , p. . l. . r. voluntary , p. . l. . dele that , l. . r. ceterosque p. . l. . r. counsellors , p. . l. . after days dele : p. l. . r. bishops , p. . l. . r. intrigues , ibid. l. seq . r. opportunity , ibid. r. monsieur . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e gal. . v. . def. p. . see justellus . def. p. . calv. ep. . baz . ep. . def. p. . vide office of visitation of the sick. def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . and so was barnabas also . def. p. . def. p. . jo. ep. . . pet. . . deut. . . cor. . . . . def. . . def. ibid. def. p. . synop. crit. 〈◊〉 . p. . def. p. . def. p. . see office of consecrating presbyters in the 〈◊〉 . def. p. . def. p. . euseb. hist. l. . c. . theodoret. hist. l. . c. . e. hist. l. . c. . l. . c. . jer. cat. ser. def. p. . * de repub. dial. . † polit. l. . c. , . * thalia or l. . c. . † in libel . de mon. olig . & dem. * lexic . voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † arist. ubi supra . def. p. . , , , . p. , . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . * de serie & succes . p. . def. p. . def. p. . sc. edit . par. eus. h. e. l. . c. l. . l. . c. . * de praescrip . adv . haer. c. . def. p. . * dan. . . ch . . thes. . . judge . . col. . . *** ep. ad corinth . cont . celsum . l. . p. . edit . cant. comment . in dan. c. . . * comment . in zach. . . dan. . . † strom. l. . * homil. in cap. . s. lucae . † cont. parmen . l. . p. , . ed. mer. casaub. tit. . . . . . . . . tim. . . 〈◊〉 poem . . p. . sopbron . & hierom. in cat. scrip. eccles. def. p. . tit. . . t. n. p. . def. p. . * catal. scr . † cod. . col. . mr. bur. def. p. . in dissertat . de serie & succes . p. . def. p. . * near . † or . tim. . , . def. p . def. p. . def. p . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . * as mr. o. has elsewhere supposed . hesych . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cortex arboris . * as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a smooth piece of wood to write on , tabula . def. p. . def. p. . " tim. . . acts. . def. p. . def. p. . tim. . . def. p. . lanc. lev. reb . by n. n. def. p. , . rom. . . orig. britan. p. , &c. cyril . l. . 〈◊〉 . is. orat. . def. p. 〈◊〉 . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . see l. . . l. . . catal. script . def. p. . jerom. catal. script . def. p. . def. p. . euseb. h. e. l. . c. . ib. l. . c. . def. p. . def. p. . n. b. object . . bursc . p. . * kal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . † ep. . comment . ad ephes. hom. . in . act. see quaest. nov . test. . apud aug. c. . v. . 〈◊〉 ael . verus 〈◊〉 . c. . object . . object . . object . . soc. l. . c. . soz. l. . c. . histor. account of the bishop of st. as. ch. . . def. p. . st. chrysost. in . cap. ad ephes . serm. . def. p. . annotat. in euseb. p. . col . . b. † in my jerom 't is anianus , cat. script . marcus. i also read in socrates & soz. of one annianus bishop of antioch , and of another ( if another ) who subscrib'd the sardic council . athanas. apol. . contra arian . p. . def. p. . def. p. . euseb. h. e. l. . c. . catal. scr . eccles. * we find him acknowledged bishop of ephesus , in the apostolical constitutions , by chrysost . hom. . in tim. and by theodoret argument . in tim. and in his comment . tim. . . all before the council of chalcedon . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . euseb. e. h. l. . c. . def. p. . def. p. . des. p. . def. p. . rhemish argument before the first epistle to timothy . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . def. p. . notes for div a -e def. p. . , . b. . p. . ib. p. . st. cyp. ep. . oxon. ep. . . . . and . edit . pat. jun. we have a like story of greg. nazianzen bishop of con. who whilst many were contending about that bishoprick , even when he was legally possess'd of it , openly before all and of his own accord , said — if i be the jonas that raises the storm , throw me into the sea , and let these tempests cease ; i am willing to undergo whatever you have a mind to , to be banished the throne , and to be cast out of the city . only be careful to love truth and peace . and so he voluntarily departed . see st. chrys. hom. . in ephes. epiph. vol. . l. . advers . haeres . to. . n. . edit . paris . apud clementem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. p. , . id. ct. strom. and paedag. cited by bishop pearson in his vindiciae ign. epist. opt. milev . ed. casaub. lond. p. . in ep. ad philip . ch . . . st. cyp. ep. . tract . concil . carthag . de baptis . haeret. p. . def. p. . plea , p. . def. ubi 〈◊〉 . voss. edit . p. . is. voss. ed. p. . ep. ad magnesad trall . & alibi . pliny his contemporary witnesseth , that christianity had not only over-run city and country , but had infected many of every sex , age and order of men. plin. l. . e. . t. n. p. . , . b. . p. . ed. me. ca. saub . lond. . l. . p. . † con cart. int. cyp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . har. p. . ed. ox. def. p. . eus. e. h. lib. . ch. . soc. l. . c. . and theod. l. . c. . say ignatius introduced singing alternately at antioch . def. p. . eus. ec. hist. lib. . ch . . l. . ch . . l. . c. . e. h. l. c. . e. ad evag. jer. s. e. in tim. 〈◊〉 . in comm. sup . mat . def. p. . . e. h. lib. . ch . . lib. . ch . . preface ad evang. page : ep. . ox. cod. can. vind. i. . c. . vind. ig. epis. part. . c. . ubi supra . 〈◊〉 . of sep. d . ed. p. . orig. bri. c. . tertul. adv . 〈◊〉 . c. . lib. de mundo c. . cam. brit. engedit . . fol. p. . & . 〈◊〉 . see heyl cosm. † dion . de situ orb. edit . lond. . carm. . . brit. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 〈◊〉 . † id. p. . plea p. . . plea p. . plea p. . see bellar. de s. e. p. . hist. account p. . §. . def. p. . de prim. e. b. p. . . plea . plea p. . hist. account p. . . h. e. l. . c. . ib. lib. . c. . plea p. . bede e. h. l. . c. . plea p. . lib. . c. . l. . c. . de morte pers. c. . sozom. l. . c : . antiq. of brit. churches c. . def. p. . edit . ox. annal. cyp. p. . edit . oxon. cypr. ep. . edit . oxon. cyp. ep. . ep. id . and epis. . philosto . l. . ch . . photius bibliothec . ch . . p. . eus. l. . vit. con. c. . soc. l. . c. . soz. l. . c. . soc. l. . c. . * soz. l. . c. . the. li. . c. . soc. l. . ch . . can. . ant. can. th plea p. . . of ant. def. p. . eccles. cas. p , . in vit . dam. l. de scrip. eccles. def. p. . sol. l. . c. . soz. l. . c. . annot. in locum . ubi supra . eus. hist. cons. 〈◊〉 . . c. . apol. . ep. syn. alex. p. . apud . ath. id. p. . ap. . ep. syn. sard. ad eg. & afr. p. . apol. . p. . p. . ap. . p. . . ap. . ep. mar. presb. & diac. ad curiosum . p. . ap. . epist. maret . presb. & diac. ad curiosum . p. . ap. . ep. syn. hier. p. . apol. pro sent . hieronymi . sect. . p. . &c. epis. ad curlosum . ep. syn. alex. ubi supra . ap. . p. . ap. . p. . apol. . p. . . ap. . p. . ap. . p. . . ap. . p. . . ap. . p. . id. p. . ap. . p. . . tim. . . see cod. ec. afr. apud just. apol. p. . ep. synod . hier. plea. p. . see his lexic . jurid . st. aust. de haer. . . ep. haeres . . sive . . * page . . . aust. de nat & grat . cont . pel. c. . it. ad bonif. . . p. . * 〈◊〉 . pelag. pars. . p. . comment . in . cap. . ep. ad tim. aug. cont . jul. pelag. l. l. vol. . tom. . p. . hier. dial. orth. & lucif . tom. . p. . ap. sect. . ch . . p. . quaest. . * acts . def. p. . epiphan . haer. . seu . . questi . . apol. . . c. . lectiones in act. apost . de scr. ec. * phil. . . can. apos . . . and others . jer. com . in d . ep. ad tim. c. . v. . tom. . id. in philip. c. . v. . tom. . id. com. ad phil. . tom. . † com. in . cap. ep. ad galatas . * ep. evag. ep . ad nepot . * jer. ep. . id. in psal. . id. ep. . ad palin . † id. ep. . ad heliodor . * id. ep. . evag. * cat. s. e. clem. † id. ignat. in c. s. e. id. pap. p. . page . * plea ibid. soz l. . c. 〈◊〉 . † p. . * plea ibid. edir . novi . bat. . p. . p. . cyp. ep. . * p. . † an. . can. . an. . * p. . † held anno 〈◊〉 . can. . p. . * p. . * p. . * con. carth. . can. . * apud caranz . conc. carth. . * def. p. . † can. d . * def. p. . con. carth. . can. . anno page . * annot. in soc. p. . & . cor. . . * cyp. ep. . * eus. e. h. l. . c. . * apol. . hist. eccl. l. . c. . p. . p. . * or ceylon . zos. l. . c. . . de vit. pont. p. . plat. vita ejus . * anasta . 〈◊〉 pla. ubi supra . bed. e. h. l. . c. . * bede e. h. 〈◊〉 . . c. . resp. . * hist. wal. l. . p. . * com. p. * morland , lib. . p. . † id. p. . § morl. introd . ¶ allix . history of the churches of piedmont . p. . * m. par. . bib. pat. tom. . pt . . p. . † com. h. w. pres. ad rat. discip. &c. † fascic . rerum expetendarum . allin p. . † lect. p. . † c. . p. . * adv. haer. l. . p. . reinerus bib. pat. tom. . part. . p. . com. p. . p. . id. ibid. † hist. bohem . persec . c . p. . p. . c. . p. . c. . p. . p. , . † com. p. . p. . † p. . † com. p. . * it may be 〈◊〉 died in the mean time . * com. p. , , . h. boh. per. p. , . † com. pref. ad rat. dis. his. boh. pers. ubi supra . * p. . † p. . § p. . com. p. , . id. p. . p. . id. ubi supra . § p. . † p. . p. , , . ¶ com. ded. 〈◊〉 . p. , . these conseniors very much resemble our arch. 〈◊〉 . † p. . p. . p. . strypes mem a. b. cranmer . l. . c. . p. . * b. of mar. vol. . p. . † mem. p. . p. . id. ibid. par. i. par. . par. . par. . preface . p. . stripes men. l. . c. . burn. abri . b. . p. . and p. . . b. . p. . plea. p. . iren. p. . . mem. in appen . n. . id. ibid. . n. b. durel . vinc. eccl. an. c. . p. . * goodw. de pres. eccl. anglicanae . mem. app. ubi supra . burnet's abr. l. . p. . , 〈◊〉 's mem. p. , , , . hist. reflect . l. . p , . * abr. b. . p. . plea p. . † memor . p. . * sp. coll. p. . . . &c. cook' s insti . part . p. . tit. of subscription . vid. acta . syn. dor. in the rem . of mr. jo. hales of eaton . s. cyp. ep. . id. ep. . id. ep. . jer. com. in ps. . div. right of episco . p. . * past. charge . p. , . id. p. . spots . hist. of sc. p. . d edit . prim. christianity . soc. e. h. l. . c. . p. . soz. l. . c. . p. . . soc. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . c. . the estate of the church with the discourse of times, from the apostles vntill this present: also of the liues of all the emperours, popes of rome, and turkes: as also of the kings of fraunce, england, scotland, spaine, portugall, denmarke, &c. with all the memorable accidents of their times. translated out of french into english by simon patrike, gentleman. l'estat de l'eglise. english. hainault, jean de. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the estate of the church with the discourse of times, from the apostles vntill this present: also of the liues of all the emperours, popes of rome, and turkes: as also of the kings of fraunce, england, scotland, spaine, portugall, denmarke, &c. with all the memorable accidents of their times. translated out of french into english by simon patrike, gentleman. l'estat de l'eglise. english. hainault, jean de. crespin, jean, d. . patrick, simon, d. . [ ], , - , [ ] p. printed by thomas creede, london : . a translation of: hainault, jean de. l'estat de l'eglise. editor's preface signed "iohn crispin", to whom the work is often attributed. includes index. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every 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john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the estate of the church , with the discourse of times , from the apostles vntill this present : also of the liues of all the emperours , popes of rome , and turkes : as also of the kings of fraunce , england , scotland , spaine , portugall , denmarke , &c. with all the memorable accidents of their times . translated out of french into english by simon patrike , gentleman . london printed by thomas creede . . to the right worshipfull syr vvilliam vvray of glentworth , in the countie of lincolne knight . this worke ( right worshipfull ) called the estate of the church , from the beginning of the raigne of the emperour augustus , to the first yeare of rodolph the second , now liuing ; first written in french , by i. crispinus , and lately translated into our mother tongue by a gentleman of desert : at the request of my very friends , i haue bene intreated to propagate to this present time . for him , although some hold , that translation is not capable of that elegance , as is the original , because the one hath full libertie of inuentiō , the other is by necessitie tyed to obseruation : yet in my opinion the author hereof , for his faithfull & significant indeuour therin , hath deserued to be ranked with the choisest inuentions . for my selfe in the continuation , as i haue alwaies in matters of small consequence , shewed the mightie perturbation of my mind , feare ; so in this labour of extraordinary moment , especially in presuming of protection vnder your worships patronage , i am confounded , since the shewe of my deuotion is begun with so meane a sacrifice : for to this heape i haue onely added an handfull . in the whole discourse is set downe at large , the originall of papacie ( that slaughter-house of consciences ) the aduancing & increasing therof , the beginnings of all heresies , the persecutions of the faithfull , the chaunge of religions , the decrees and councells of bishops , the canonie and lawes of the church . the iudiciall knowledge wherof is a light , illuminating the blindnesse of soules , and deliuering them from the more then cimerian darkenesse of ignorance . this rectifieth the iudgement of man , and teacheth him rightly to distinguish between true religion and superstition , who both haue one ground , which is his soule . this prospectiue shewing the spots and errors of the church of rome , with the darke & sullen colours of hypocrisie & heresie , ( which two venemous wormes like snakes do poyson and infect the florishing estate of a setled church , ) will manifest the right diaphonia and concord thereof . but iealous of this ouer-boldnesse i take my leaue : humbly dedicating my poore labours to your worships true-iudicial consideratiō , desiring withal , your gentle hand of approbation to this essentiall testimony of my most dutious loue . your worships humbly at commaund , iohn crispin to the church of iesus christ . svch as apply their spirites to collect histories ought to look vnto this principall marke , to propose as in a glasse , the power , wisedome , iustice , and admirable bountie of the liuing and eternall god , to the ende hee may lesse nothing among men , of that which appertaineth vnto him . as indeed he proposeth and setteth out nothing in the world , be it in the person of kings or of such as be of base condition , wherein he meanes not to shew that it is hee which setteth his hands to all things , that men may learne to depend vpon him , to hope for all good things at his hands , and to honour and tremble vnder his iudgements . when we see an historie , that some kingdome hath bin established and brought into good estate , which before was dissipated & diuided : or else that some man hath bene deliuered from some great calamity , and hath recouered some prosperitie : behold heere is a glasse to let them know which reade such things , what good and happie issue they may attend at gods hands , after long and troublesome calamities , if they trust in him . againe , if we encounter such an example , that a common-wealth , which otherwise was of no great force to resist many enterprises attempted against it ; yet it standeth fast , only making it selfe strong vpon the succours it looked for at gods hands : behold here a painter to represent vnto vs liuely , with what wisedome god worketh , breaking the counsels of the proud which abuse their power , to confound and oppresse such in the middest of which he hath established his seate to be honoured . moreouer when such witnesses appeare , as the greatnes , force , magnificence , the long spreading & stretching of great monarchies , cannot often hinder , but all this hath bin ouerthrowne , or at the least comen to some decay ; this is an other portrait which should make vs thinke vpon the admirable iudgements of god raigning , who therein shewe euidently has strong and outstretched arme from aboue : and would giue men to know , that if he can reduce and bring to nothing powers established in so apparant assurance , farre more easily can he ouerthrow euery arrogant and proud head : to the end there may be no humaine creature of what condition or estate soeuer it be , which trembleth not in the consideration of such wonderfull iudgements . moreouer , so many chaunges and straunge mutations which the discourse of time bringeth vs , do demonstrate vnto vs what may be the assurance and felicitie of all the frame of the world , and what may be the common condition of men . as indeed there is nothing so well gouerned vnder the sunne , be it neuer so well ordeined and established , which is not subiect to diuers chaunges . we see the crownes of kings fall downe to the earth : the scepters of emperours bruised , yea broken in pieces ; the glory of common-weales fade and decaie , but ambitiō , proud ingratitude , insatiable auarice of such as were ordeined to rule and acknowledged not god , are the cause of such ouerthrowes and mutations . but since all men seeke to finde some firme estate wherein they may subsist & stand the reading of such examples should bring them to behold their god who is the firmitie & assurance of all things , and without whom , nothing can remaine firme one minute of time . and as he hath shewed this assurance in the middest of his church against all tempests and stormes , and against all the assaults & machinations of antichrists , as is clearly shewed in this present collection , so should this bee the refuge of euery one to finde out that hee would seeke for . the church may well be shaken , but it can neuer be ouerthrowne : for it leaneth vpon the foundation of the truth of god : it may be tossed by tempests , waues & stormes , but her ancre ascendeth euen to heauen , and is sure held by the hand of him which cannot be remoued out of his place . but contrary , men perceiue not the stormes and tempests which are to settle and sinke the great kingdomes of the world : yet it is so , that without being shaken they fall & vanish away as of thē selues . but the spirituall kingdome of the sonne of god , which is his church , ought not to be esteemed after the daungers of this present life : for it is preserued in the middest of the fiercest waues . as is said in esay . thou shalt haue no more the sunne to shine by day : neither shall the brightnesse of the moone shine vnto thee : for the lord shall be thine euerlasting light , and thy god thy glory , and thy sunne shall neuer goe downe , neither shall thy moone be hid : for the lord shall be thine euerlasting light , and the dayes of thy sorrow shall be ended . the assurance then of the church ought not to be considered according nor in regard of things present , because it is established in god and feareth no chaunges : for god is her light : so that she hath no need to borrow any brightnesse from either sunne or moone . and although the faithfull be not depriued of the commodities of this present life , but rather there is nothing either in heauen or earth which god hath not created for the loue of them : seeing he hath a particular care of them : yet is there one thing much more excellent which the children of god do enioy ; namely the heauenly light : which from all times hath bene cast on it . we must then lift vp our spirits vnto god , who gouerneth all both aboue and below , and not attribute any thing to fortune , as prophane men doo : heereunto men pretend to bring all the faithfull . therefore hither men come not to feede the spirit of foolish curiositie , or here to learne any thing to babble with vaine ostentation , or to take pleasure to heare a well adorned language : and assoone as the eyes are taken from off the booke , all fruite of that reading is lost : but there is neither fact , nor chance , nor issue , which euery man oght not to borrow for himselfe . if he finde that some vertuous and well liuing man hath bene well beloued of god and honoured of men , that vertue ought to be vnto him as a flame to lighten his heart , that following such a man he may come to a like felicitie . if contrary he encounter and light on one who for his vices fell into some greeuous inconueniences , it is an example to serue him for a bridle , that hee do not precipitate and throw himselfe headlong into the same ditch : and aboue all , such as haue great dignities and are called to doo great things , so much more as their ruine is daungerous , so much more also ought they to be carefull to looke how faithfully they acquite themselues in their charge committed vnto them . but well hath one said , that the historie is a treasure which should neuer depart from the hands , wherwith men being aided ▪ may more commodiously handle their affaires like to such as they finde registred in histories : seeing that almost alwaies alike causes happen and come to passe this small aduertisement may profit , if it light not vpon crooked and brutish spirits , vnto whom this labour will not be profitable , but onely vnto such as with an honest pleasure will ioyne a good desire to carry an humble reuerence to all the workes of god. but then o church of god , seeing all things come and are done for the loue of thee , it is good reason that thy litle estate ( or rather glasse of thy condition & of that thou hast endured since the comming of thy espouse ) be dedicated and consecrated vnto thee . on the one side thou shalt know the heretikes , schismatikes , mockers & contemners , with the tyrants and violent oppressors which haue done vnto thee a thousand euils : but on the other side thou shalt see iesus christ the stronger : who hath not declared himselfe thy head for a world or two : but for euer a protector of thine . and now is there any vnderstanding that can cōprehend , & lesse tongue to expresse what he hath done for thee in these last dayes : when from thy renting and treading vnder foote we see so many children each where of so fruitfull a mother . o admirable bountie ! o indicible ioy and consolation , to see the meruailes of the lord in these last times : let vs pray that hee will continue that hee hath begun and aduanced , to his glory and honour . so be it . thine in the lord , iohn crispin . the order of the bishops and pope of rome , after this booke . saint peter vpon false tokens called the first in number of the bishops of rome . linus . cletus . clement . anacletus . euaristus . alexander . sixtus or xistus . telesphorus . higinus . pius . . auicetus . soter . eleutherius . victor . zephirin or seuerin . calistus . vrbain . pontian . antherus . fabian . cornelius . lucius . stephanus . zistus . . denis felix . eutichien . caius . marcellin . marcel . eusebius . melchiades . siluester . marcus iulius liberius . felix . damasus . siricius . anastasius . . innocentius . zozimus . boniface . . celestinus . sixtus . leo . hilarius simplicius . felix . gelatius anastasius . simmachus hormisda . iohn . felix . boniface . iohn . agapetus . siluerius . vigilins pelagius . iohn . benit . pelagius . gregorie . sauian or sabinian . boniface . boniface deus dedit boniface honorius seuerin iohn theodorus martin eugenius vitalian adeodatus donus agathon leo benit iohn conon sergius iohn iohn sisinius constantine gregorie gregorie zacharie stephen paulus constantine stephen adrian leo stephen paschal eugenius valentine gregorie sergius leo iohn benit nicholas adrian iohn martin adrian stephen formosus boniface stephen romaine theodorus iohn benit leo christopher sergius anastasius lando iohn leo stephen iohn leo stephen martin agapetus iohn benit leo iohn benit donus boniface . benit iohn iohn gregorie iohn siluester iohn iohn sergius benit iohn benit siluester gregorie clement damasus leo victor stephen benit nicholas alexander gregory victor vrbaine pascall gelasius calixtus honorius innocent celestine lucius eugenius anastasius adrian alexander lucius vrbain gregorie clement celestine innocent honorius gregorie celestine innocent alexander vrbain clement gregorie innocent adrian iohn nicholas martin honorius nicholas celestine boniface benit clement iohn benit clement innocent vrbain gregorie vrbain clement boniface benit innocent gregory alexander iohn . martin . . eugenius . felix . nicholas . calixtus . pius . paul . sixtus . innocent . alexander . pius . iulius . leo . adrian . clement . paul . iulius . marcel . . paul . pius . gregorie . finis . a table of the romaine emperours , with the declaration of the yeares which euery one raigned . avgustus raigned . yeares , that is to say , . with antonius and lepidus , and . alone . the yeare . of his empire , was our sauiour iesus borne .   yeares . moneths . tiberius .   the . yeare of his empire , was christ crucified . caligula . . claudius .   nero . . galba otto   vitellius   vespasian . or .   titus   domitian   nerua   traian adrian or   antonius pius   marc antonin   commodus or   pertinax   iulian   or seuerus   antonius caracalla .   macrin   heliogabalus   alexander   maximin & his son .   gordian   phillip . or .   during the raigne of this emperour one . yeares is accounted since the building of rome . decius   gallus & his son   eucilian of some is not accounted valerian   gallien   egnatius saith he raigned yeares , namely . alone , and . with his father valerian . claudius   aurelian . and a halfe .   tacitus   florian   probus carus with his two sonnes , carin and numeran diocletian and maximini , or maximinian   these two freely resigned the empire . constans & maximin   maxencius . alone , and with licinius and constantin .   constantine the great alone . yeares .   constantine , constant , and constans , his . sonnes , diuided the empire . the first raigned   the second   the third   iulian the apostate iouinian or iouian   valentinian with valence his brother   gratian with his father , valentinian with valens his vncle   theodosius or   theodosius alone   arcadus and honorus his brother . theodosius   valentinian   martian   leo   leo the yong .   zeno   anastatius   iustin   iustinian   iustin   tiberius   mauricius   phocas   heraclius . or after some . constantine   heraclenas   constans   constantine the bearded .     iustinian after some .   leoncius   absimarus , or tiberius .   phillippicus anastasius . after some one yeare and . moneths . theodosius   leo isaurian   constantine coproninius .   leo . . after some one yeare . constantine   his mother himene alone . yeares .   charlemaigne made emperour . wee account from augustus till charlemaigne was crowned emperour , about . yeares . from the building of rome , . or as some say , . the names of the emperours of constantinople , after charlamaigne . nicephorus , and stauracius his sonne . yeares . michael curopleus . yeares . leo armenian . yeares . michael le begne . yeares . theophilus . yeares . michael his sonne . yeares . basile . yeares . leo the philosopher . yeares . alexander . yeares . constantine . yeares . romaine lecapen . yeares . romain leon . yeares . nicephorus . yeares . iohn zimiscus . yeares . basile and constantine . yeares . romain argiropilus . yeares . michael de paphlagonia . yeares . constantine monomache . yeares . theodora the sister of zoe . yeares . michael . yeares . isaac . yeares . constantine ducas . yeares . romain diogeues michael , constantius sonne . yeares . nicephorus botoniate . yeares . alexius commene . yeares . calcian . yeares . manuel . yeares . alexie . yeares . andronice . yeares . isacie angel alexie alexie the yonger . baldwin earle of flanders . . yeares . henry . yeares . peter of auxerre robert his sonne balwin . michael paleologus . yeares . andronicus andronicus the yonger iohn paleologus manuel iohn constantine . the rest of the romaine emperours after charlamaigne . lewis the gentle his sonne , raigned . yeares . lotharie yeares . lewis yeares . charles the bald yeares . lewis the stutter yeares . charles the grosse yeares . arnulphe yeares . lewis yeares . conrade yeares . henry yeares . otthon yeares . otthon yeares . othon yeares . henry yeares . conrade yeares . henry yeares . henry yeares . henry yeares . lothaire or luder yeares . conrade yeares . frederic barberosse yeares . henry yeares . phillip yeares . othon yeares . frederic yeares . some say . yeares , others . yeares . a schisme in the empire . yeares as some say : others say . yeares . william of holland yeares . rodolph yeares . adolphe yeares . albert or thereabouts . yeares . henry yeares . lewis as some say . yeares . charles yeares . wencelaus yeares . we passe ouer iosse and robert , because of the schisme in the empire . sigismond yeares . albert yeares . frederic yeares . maximilian yeares . charles yeares . ferdenand yeares . maximilian yeares . rodolphe . at this present raigning . yeares . finis . the estate of the church , with the discourse of times , since the natiuitie of our lord iesus christ , vntill this present yeare , . it was foretolde by daniell that the messias should bee borne vnder the fourth monarchie , which iulius caesar constituted about . yeares before the natiuitie of our lord : after he had brought the romane empire vnder his subiection . pompey before tooke by force and pilled the towne of ierusalem : and then the scepter and politicke gouernment of the iewes began to stoupe . see iosephus in the . booke of antiq. chap. . this came in the yeare of the world , . and threescore yeares before christ . augustus the sonne of iulius caesars sister , succeeded his vncle beeing adopted of him . vnder whose empire the eternall sonne of god was borne , taking flesh of the virgin mary in bethelem , a towne of iury , the yeare of the worlds creation , . this is the seede which burst the serpents head , and deliuered vs from the mortall sting thereof . this is the soueraigne head of the church , without which the body thereof can haue no forme . he takes a particular care thereof , and causeth his presence to be there felt with efficacie : and in the middest thereof will be inuocated , serued , honoured and glorified . the state whereof is to be deducted in this discourse . so soone as christ the true annointed of god was borne and manifested in the world , herod stirred great persecution . the occasion thereof was by the wise men which came from the east , which brought newes of the messias to them of ierusalem . he caused all the children in the coasts of bethelem to be slaine , which were two yeares old and vnder . this herod who obtained of augustus the title and dignitie of king in iudea , was the sonne of antipater the idumeen , sonne of an other herod which was a secretary in the temple of apollo , in the towne of ascalon . philo the iewe rehearseth , that in the . yeare of his kingdome , he killed the ordinarie iudges of the house of dauid , and substituted others in their places . hee was brought into such a rage , that hee made sley his owne sonne , which he had of a wife of the line of iuda . macrobius reciteth , that when augustus heard it rehearsed hee said . it were better to be herods swine then his sonne . his execrable deeds remained not long vnpunished , and it is profitable we should knowe the issue worthie of such a tyrant . iosephus in the . booke of antiq. chap. . describeth it thus . the kings maladie encreased , and god shewed openly that he would punish his impietie . for he was burned with a slowe heat , yet without , none could perceiue it , only he felt it within , because it grated & wasted his entralles . he was so hungry that he tooke no leisure to chawe his meate , but deuoured all that entred into his mouth : and so still some must cast meat into his mouth . his entralls were wounded and vlcerated , and he was tormented with collicke passions . his feete were swelled with flegmaticke humours , through which you might see the day . his shamefaste parts were rotted and full of wormes : his breath was stinking that none durst approach vnto him . and in the . chap. of the first booke of the iewes warres , the same historiographer writeth thus . all his bodie was taken with a disease , and hee was tormented with diuers dolours . he had a burning and intollerable heate in him . the chollick tormented him incessantly : his feete were swelled betwixt the skinne and the flesh : he sought to aduance his owne death ; and calling for a knife lifted vp his right hand , but archilaus his cosen-germane perceiuing it , ranne to him and held his hand : hee died . dayes after he made his sonne antipater die , hauing enioyed the kingdome the space of . yeares after he had caused antigonus to die , and . yeares after hee was declared king by the romanes . in all other things he was happie , yea if euer king were ; for a man of so base condition to acquire that kingdome and keepe it so long a time , and at last leaue it to his children . but concerning his domesticke affaires , none could be more vnluckie , &c. hitherto iosephus . this historie is worthie of memorie , that all that read such a vengeance of god , may learne to feare his iudgements . after the death of this herod , the iewes not being able to support the ruling of a straunger , sought to raise vp seditions , but they were repressed by archilaus . but whilest archilaus and herod antipas pleaded one against an other in rome , againe other troubles arose in iewrie ; in so much as augustus diuided herods kingdome . he constituted archilaus the tetrarch of idumea , iudea , and samaria , and the reuenew of those regions amounted yearely to sixe hundreth talents . he diuided the other part into two tetrarches . he gaue also to herod antipas , galilie and perea , out of which regions he had yearely . talents . and to philippes he gaue bathania , traconite , aucanite , & calcide , of which places the reuenew came by yeare to an hundreth talents . this archilaus was chased from iudea , and finally banished to vienne , which is in gaul nigh to lions , where he dyed . at this time the administration of the kingdome was againe chaunged in iudea . the romanes placed gouernours there , one after an other , as coponius , marcus , anius , rufus , valerius , gracchus , poncius pilate . tiberius succeeded augustus his father in lawe , and raigned . yeares . he gaue himselfe to idlenesse and drunkennesse , so that in mockerie he was called claudius biberius nero , in place of claudius tiberius nero. see suetonius and cor. tacitus , historiograph . iohn baptist began to preach the presence of the redeemer , shewing with his finger the lord iesus : he reprehended the false seruices inuented by men , so that persecutions began to arise . the most enraged persecutors were the pharisies , i meane such as were great in the church of ierusalem . these crimes they laid against him : namely that he vsurped the ministerie to teach without the will of such as had charge in the church . that he brought a new doctrine , diuerse from the vse of the sinagogues . that he shewed a messias , who had no appearance of a king , but abiect and poore . that hee vsed hard and sharpe words , and affirmed that the gouernment of moses was come to an ende , and that they must haue a new religion . that he foretold the reiection and ruine of the iewes , and the vocation of the gentiles . mat. . luk. . iohn . . but because the people came euery day in great multitudes to him , and was held for an excellent prophet , his enemies were brideled . but he endured an other persecution of herodes antipas ( the first king herods sonne ) the tetrark of galilie , who tooke herodias , his brother philip herods wife , and made him die , to please the appetite of that herodias and her daughter salome , after she had daunced at a banquet . as it is mark. . there were amongst the iewes at this time three sects ; namely pharisies , saduces , and esses , as appeareth . all the nation of the iewes had but that onely temple which was in ierusalem , called the temple of god. mat. . it was . yeares in edifying . ioh. . nabuchodonoser pilled and burned the stately temple of salomon , and rased it by nabuzardam generall of his armie , when the rest of the people were carried into babilon . cyrus the first of that name king of the persians , at the perswasion of daniel , gaue leaue to reedifie it . and the second yeare of cyrus raigne , the iewes began to build it , but they had great hinderances . the death of cyrus followed . cambises followed him , a man full of impietie and crueltie , hee caused the building to cease . darius hislaspes succeeded after him , who made an end of the temple . and this was the cause it was so long in building . this temple was situated in an imminent and high place , therein was great magnificence , and great gifts were giuen for ornaments thereof , as may be gathered in the . of s. math. mark. . luk. . see ioseph . in his last chap. of the . booke of antiquit. the ecclesiasticall gouernment of the iewes was this . they which held the preheminence in the church of the iewes were called principall high priests . it was ordained of god that there should be one high priest , who might remaine in that office vntill the end of his life , & after his death an other was substituted , exod . nomb. . when christ came , all was confused , all was solde for money , or by deceit and stealth . as iohn . . it is said that cayphas was chiefe priest that yeare . after the high priest , there was a great troupe of other priests , which were distinct amongst themselues . for dauid distributed the successors of aaron into . orders . therefore it is said , luk. . that zacharie was a priest of the family of abia , which had the eight lot. . chro. . there were after leuites , whereof is spoken , iohn . . and . chap. there were also scribes , which were doctors of the lawe . luk. . there was the maister of the sinagogue , who was the principall doctor . mark. . luk. . there were they which were called rabbi or maister , which was an estate or office of teaching . iohn . . art thou a maister in israel and knowest not these things ? the elders of the people , were they which they chose from among the people , hauing charge of things which belonged to the temple , to iustice , and the gouernment of the church . when iesus had chased from the temple the buyers and sellers , the next morning the high priests and elders of the people came to him , asking by what authoritie he did those things . math. . about the . yeare of christ , and the fift of tiberius , as eusebius saith in his chronicle , thirteene townes of asia were ouerthrowne by an earthquake : namely , ephesus , sardis , mesthenes , megechiere , cesarea , magnesia , philadelphia , hincel , tenus , cume , mirthina , apollonia , diahyrcania . such iudgements of god ought to serue for aduertisements and instructions vnto vs. our lord iesus christ exercised his ministerie and office the space of three yeares , three moneths , and tenne dayes : and the beginning is taken from his thirtieth yeare , because in s. luke , it is said , that iesus began to be about thirtie yeares of age . he suffered death and passion the yeare . according to the supputation of many authors . caius caligula was an horrible monster , who by his wicked life despited heauen and earth , vttering his furie through all the iurisdictions of the romane empire , and by his edicts would needs make himselfe a god. but finally he was taken with a straunge death . iosephus maketh a singular recitall thereof in the . chapter of the . booke of antiquities . chareas , sabinus , aquila and others , which of long time had conspired his death , slew him cruelly after he had raigned three yeares , tenne monethes , and eight dayes . his body as suetonius rehearseth , was secretly carried to the gardens of lamius : and being halfe burnt , was couered with a litle earth . he was of the age of . yeares . such a tirant who had prouoked both god and men against him , could no otherwise end his daies . caligula banished herod the tetrarch ( who went to rome at the perswasion of herodias , the yeare . ) into the towne of lions in gaul , where he died in pouertie with the said herodias his harlot . the same yeare the iewes endured great afflictions . one was at alexandria vpon this occasion . caligula had ordained that through all the iurisdiction of the romanes , there should be builded vnto him temples and aultars , where they should worship him as god. the iewes alone resisted his impietie . then were there many grecians in alexandria who wished death vnto the iewes , therefore then they tooke occasion to make them odious vnto the emperour except they obeyed his ordinance . when it came to proofe , the iewes resisted it strongly , and the sedition about it was such , that many were slaine on both sides . the cause was finally debated at rome : and caligula a peruerse man made chase away philo the iewe , who pleaded the iewes cause . who then said . it behooueth vs whom the emperour hateth to take courage . for it is necessarie that god should helpe , when humane succours faileth . caligula vsed to say ; would to god the romane people had but one head. the iewes also were greatly afflicted in babilon of the chaldeans , and in seleucia of siria . there were two brethren iewes of base condition : the one named asniens , and the other anileus : the which being robbers and theeues , they gathered together a great number of rake-hells and disordered persons . artanabus seeing this euill encrease , thought good to remedie it . but it was too late . and finally mooued with the prowesse of these two yoong men , receiued them into amitie , and gaue them the gouernment of the kingdome of babilon . see ioseph . in the . booke and last chapter . iesus christ ascended visibly into heauen to confirme his resurrection the better , and the glorie of his kingdome , . dayes after his resurrection . his disciples yet dreamed of an earthly kingdome of messias , & asked of him if he would not begin it . but iesus christ after he had spoken of the eternall kingdome and had blessed them , was lifted vp aloft , and a bright cloude receiued him into heauen , where he sitteth at the right hand and power of god. now then we must consider what aduancements and encrease the primitiue church made by the apostles and their disciples ; that all the faithfull may know that iesus christ the king of glory remaineth not idle in heauen : but by an admirable manner maintained , gouerneth , and aydeth his , that his gospell may be sowne through the world . but as god shewed that honour to the land of canaan , as to giue it the promises touching the redeemer , so there also by his death he obtained saluation vnto mankinde . aboue all countries asia the lesse had at that time the most flourishing churches . after the ascention of christ , there was an excellent church in ierusalem . in the first of the acts it is recited that there were about sixe score persons at the beginning . the holy scripture calleth churches the publicke assemblies of many faithfull . tenne dayes after the ascension , was the feast of pentecost . the lord iesus then raigning in heauen at the right hand of his father , powred visibly and sensibly the holy ghost vpon the apostles which then were assembled at ierusalem . the word of the lord tooke his course , and the number of the faithfull by litle and litle encreased in ierusalem , by the preaching and miracles of the apostles . behold the booke of the acts , for the first preachings and the persecutions which came after the death of our lord. the . yeare after the natiuitie of christ , and the . of the kingdome of tiberius , after the death of s. steuen , the high priests of ierusalem stirred more and more grieuous persecutions against the church . saul ( which is also paul ) was chosen to persecute the faithfull : for before his conuersion he burnt with false zeale , espying into each house , and drawing into prison all he could catch . s. ierome reciteth that s. paul his parents dwelt in sischal a towne of iuda , but when the romanes tooke the countrie they went into tharsis , which is in cilicia , where paul was borne . his father was a iewe of the tribe of beniamin , and a burgesse of rome . act. chap. . many then were martired , others were constrained to retire themselues into countries adiacent , which occasioned the gospell to be further spread abroad . about the yeare fortie and fiue after the natiuitie of our lord iesus christ , and twelue yeares after his resurrection , the third yeare of caligula , a great persecution was stirred by herode agrippa against the christians , wherein iames the brother of iohn was beheaded . peter put in prison , but the angell of the lorde drewe them out most miraculously . soone after the lord reuenged the death of his . for it happened that this herode went to cesarea . the cause was for that hee hadde enterprised a warre against the tyrrians and sidonians , which they preuented by gaining the chamberlaine blastus , and demaunding of a peace . one day herode sumptuously adorned sate downe in throne and spake to them , and the people made an acclamation as if god himselfe hadde spoken vnto them . but herode was incontinently strooken by the angell of the lorde , and was consumed with vermine and died miserably , because hee yeelded no glorie vnto god , and so the persecution ceased . heere is a second mirrour of gods iudgement against such as oppresse the church . saint paul after his conuersion returned fiue times to ierusalem . at his last beeing there , hee recited the historie of his ministerie in the assembly of the elders of the church . his preachings were greatly spread abroad , neither ceased hee to plant the gospell wheresoeuer he went , as it appeareth in the acts. he preached at rome by the space of two yeares , although he was a prisoner . where before there was an assembly of the faithfull as the epistle to the romanes witnesseth . philippe the apostle preached in samaria , where there was a church : which retired thither after the death of saint steuen . in azote the church assembled ; from thence it went into the maritine townes . peter the apostle also preached the gospell in many townes , as is at large seene in the historie of the acts. origine in his tome vpon genesis saith , it seemeth that peter preached in pontus , galatia , asia , bithinia , and cappadocia , to the dispearced iewes . there was also a church in babilon , as he himselfe witnesseth in the fist of his first epistle . in phinicia and siria , in tyre , sidon , serentia , silicia , pamphilia , pisidia , attalia , lycaonia . also in pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , bithinia , misia , and phrigia . vnto these did s. peter write . the seuen churches of asia are named in the apocalips : namely , ephesus , smirna , pergamus , thyatirus , sardis , philadelphia , and laodicia . aboue all , the church of antioche was most famous , where the disciples were first called christians . some say this was the thirtie and eight yeare after christ : others fortie . paul and barnabas remained there one whole yeare . acts. . and . saint iohn the apostle and euangelist , after hee had preached the gospell through all asia , he finally retired into the towne of ephesus , where he remained many yeares . from thence the church might easily spread it selfe into europe , which was nigh therevnto . now we see the beginning of the kingdome of christ , and as it were a renewment of the world . about the yeare . the vengeance of god fell vpon pilate . for after the iewes had accused him of too great crueltie , lord vitellius then gouernour of siria , commaunded him to goe to rome , to answere the accusations that were to bee laid against him . but as hee was in the way hee died . tiberius as iosephus reciteth in the eighteenth of antiquities , chapter fiue . eutropius in his seuenth booke saith , that pilate was nipped and pinched with so great anguishes , because caligula troubled him , that striking and beating himselfe with his owne hands , he sought to destroy himselfe . see eusebius in his . booke , chap. . this same yeare it is held that saint mathew writte his gospell in iudea . the same yeare the tetrach ship of herodes was deliuered to agrippa , and a great discomfiture now the second time was made of the iewes in babilon . see iosephus in the last chapter of his antiquities . claudius the fift emperour was chosen to the imperial dignitie the aforesaid yeare , and raigned fourteen yeares and nine moneths . herodes agrippa the yeare . and the third of claudius , held the kingdome of iudea , of the gift of caligula and claudius . beeing departed from rome to come to ierusalem , hee thought good to make a shew to the iewes that he loued their religion , and after to gratifie the high priests , he put to death certaine of the faithfull . at this time churches were gouerned by the apostles which were instructed in the schoole of the sonne of god , and therefore there is no gouernment to be compared to this . yet in this time the dwell had his instruments in churches gouernment ; that is to say , false apostles and false bretheren . euen alreadie wrought he the secret of iniquitie by his antichrist . . thessa . . and . iohn . and . there were heretickes , titus . dogges , philip. . wolues and men speaking peruerse things . acts . people which were neither hotte nor colde . apoca. . if at this time sathan had such license , how bolde thinke we will he be now that they are gone ? amongst them which now gouerned the church , some were giuen apostles to visit churches . their charge was to sowe the gospell throughout the world . they had no place assigned . besides the twelue , paul and barnabas are called apostles . acts . epaphroditus is called the apostle of the philippians . philippians . andronicus and iunia , are called notable amongst the apostle . romanes . sixteene . prophets are they which had the gift not onely to interpret scripture , but also to apply it to the true vse . s. paul preferreth prophecie before all other gifts . euangelistes hadde an office which came nigh vnto the apostleship . the difference was onely in the degree of dignitie . of this estate was timothie , and his like , which succoured the apostles . . timoth. . . philip is called an euangelist . act. . b. . doctors were for the conseruation of the puritie of religion , that the holy doctrine might bee kept and published . saint luke ioyneth prophets with doctors . acts. . a. . priest signifieth auncient ; not for that they were of an age , but because age commonly hath with it more wisedome , experience , and grauitie . vnder this name , are comprehended as well pastors , as such as were ordeined for the regiment of the church . s. peter calles himselfe priest , shewing thereby , that it was a common name . deacons is a general name of seruice , but is taken for such as had the charge to dispence the almesses . actes . . a. . ministers or seruants are called adioints , or such as accompanied the apostles in their viands . timothie and erastus ministred to s. paul. act. . a. . bishop and priest was then one same name and office . saint hierome in his epistle to euagoras witnesseth it . but afterward whilest schismes endured , one was chosen from amongest the priests and set in the most principall place , and called bishoppe , or superintendent . and therefore the office of bishoppe was after helde to bee higher then the priests . saint paul commaunded titus to place in euerie towne priests or bishoppes . titus . . a. . . . see acts . f. . with the good seede which was all ouer as is said dispersed , there beganne also heresies to be cast into the lords field . the first and most pernitious were the simoniaques . the originall whereof was simon magus , borne in a towne of samaria , which iustin calleth triton , and eusebius gitton ; a man exercised in letters , who by his arts enchaunted many in samaria before philip had conuerted them . as is recited in the acts. chap. . after s. peter had discouered his wicked hipocrisie , hee went away in such despite , that making a mingle-mangle of the dreames of philosophers and painims with the religions of the iewes , and that which he learned of the gospell he corrupted , and transferred to his owne person , that which was spoken of iesus christ , of the holy ghost , and of the saluation of man. and as the light of the gospell got aboue his mysts and cloudes , he came to rome in the time of claudius the emperour , leading with him an whore called selene or helena , which he had drawne out of the common stewes of tyre in phinicia , he called her the first conception of his vnderstanding , and the mother of all , by whom from the beginning hee had conceiued to make angels and arch-angels . he attributed also vnto her , almost all things which the holy scripture yeeldeth , vnto the eternall word of god , in the creation . hee said also of himselfe , that he was the soueraigne god which descended , and was transfigured to correct things which had bene euill administred by the angels . and although he appeared in an humane forme yet was he not man , and although men thought he suffered in iudea , yet he suffered not . so promised he saluation to all them which would trust in him and in his selene , and full libertie to do whatsoeuer their appetite desired . for men should be saued by his grace and not by their owne good workes . for such workes were not after his nature but from his angels , which by his permission had made the world , and had imposed such workes vpon men to drawe them into bondage . behold heere the doctrine of this maister , who afterward brought out the like fruite , as pailliardizes , adulteries , thefts , drunkennesse , blasphemies against the true god , and other the like fruites . briefly ireneus calleth him the fountaine and father of all heretickes , in the preface of his third booke of heresies . of his manner of death , epiphanius accordeth not with theodoretus . menander the disciple of this simon , was also a magician . the yeare fortie foure as many thinke , saint peter came to rome , and gouerned that church twentie and fiue yeares : but hardly can they shewe that he was at any time there , nor at what time , nor vnder what emperour . for first , if saint peter were at rome , he came not to rome at the time they say : namely in the yeare fortie foure , after the natiuitie of our lord iesus , and that which they say , that hee ruled the church twentie and fiue yeares , hath no likelihood . for it may easily be gathered from the epistle to the galath . that hee was in ierusalem the yeare . where the apostles great councell was held . let the yeares be numbred . the yeare thirtie and fiue s. paul was cōuerted , to which adde seuenteen , euen vntill that councell , and it comes to fiftie and two . how could he then before seuen yeares bee at rome ? if hee were there he returned soone . but s. luke then would not haue concealed it if it had beene so : neither is it found in any historie of credit , that after saint peter was entred rome , hee left that place to returne into the towne of ierusalem . moreouer it is certaine he was not at rome the yeare fiftie eight , and three score . and that it is so , when saint paul was ledde thither prisoner , he remained there in an hyred house two yeares . heereof saint luke makes no mention of saint peter . and by the second epistle to timothie , it may be plainely knowne that saint peter was not at rome at the time that s. pauls death was so nie . for then s. paul hauing occasion to make mention of all that was with him , would not haue forgotten saint peter if hee hadde beene there . many wise and good men haue handled this matter at large , vnto which i referre you . the same yeare herod the brother of agrippa , was made king of calcide . the yeare . s. marke the disciple of saint peter preached iesus christ in egypt , and euodius was first ordeined bishop of antioche . and there was iames the brother of iohn beheaded , and peter deliuered from prison by the angell . the yeare . which was about the ninth and tenth of the kingdome of claudius the emperour , there was a great famine through all greece , at rome , and in other parts of the earth , and this famine was foretolde in antioche by the prophet agabus . who being mooued with that hee heard say of the churches prosperitie of antioche , departed from ierusalem to come thither with other faithfull . dion and eusebius make mention of this famine . at this time helena queene of the adiabenians , and the king isares were accounted to serue god faithfully . iosephus speaketh amply thereof in his antiquities , lib. . chapter . . and . the same yeare agrippa who was called herodes , died after a straunge maner . in an assembly at playes he suffered the people to call him god , and therefore the angell strooke him , for that he gaue not glory vnto god , and he was consumed with lice . iosephus reciteth it at large : and herevnto agreeth the holy scripture . but it is worthy to be noted , that when he felt the horrible pangs of death , beholding his friends he said . looke vpon your god : i am now constrained to chaunge my life . and the necessitie imposed vpon me redargueth your lye . you called me immortall : but now behold how i am drawne to death . iosephus reciteth these things more at length in his antiquities . his kingdome was chaunged into a prouince , and cuspins fadus was made gouernour of the iewes . the yeare fortie and seuen , abbarus raigned ouer the arabians , and cassius longinus was made gouernour of siria . the yeare . marie our lords mother died after the common opinion of the age of fortie nine yeares . nancle . see also epiphanius , lib. . of heresies . if we will beleeue some dreames , shee was in body carried vp to heauen , but that tale is so friuolous , as he that cannot see it is more then blinde . vpon such foundations papists began by litle and litle to build the articles of their faith : namely vpon tales and dreames . the councell of ierusalem , recited in the . of the acts , was about this yeare , and the . of the kingdome of claudius , and the . yeare after the conuersion of s. paul , as appeareth by that which is rehearsed in the galath . . the same yeare during the said famine , tiberius alexander was made gouernour of the iewes . the yeare . which was the seuenth of the emperour claudius , there was so great a sedition in ierusalem vpon easter day , that twentie thousand men were stifled betwixt the gates , as iosephus saith , but as others , thirtie thousand . the same yeare cumanus was gouernour of iudea , and quadratus of siria . in the . yeare , a numbring was made of the people of rome , and there were found three skore and foure hundreth thousand , an hundreth three and fortie . the same yeare herod the brother of agrippa dyed , and his kingdome was giuen to agrippa the younger . this was he that gaue audience to s. paul. act. . the same yeare were seene three sunnes , which by litle and litle ioyned themselues together . there was also an horrible famine in greece , and the iewes were chased from rome by claudius . the yeare . s. paul did that which is conteined in the . . and . chap. of the acts. this yeare he came first to corinthe , where he remained a yeare and sixe monethes . at this time the emperour appeased the seditions which were betwixt the iewes and the samaritanes . the yeare . the emperour claudius tooke the kingdome of chalcide from agrippa , which hee had held foure yeares , and gaue him the tetrarchie of philip , with traconite , bathane , and abele : and constituted felix gouernour of the iewes . iudea was maruellously afflicted about this time by intestine conspiracies and robberies , which was committed by the greatest men of ierusalem . ionathan the high priest had admonished the gouernour felix , to acknowledge the true god. but felix was so grieued hereat , that he ordeined an other high priest , namely ioseph , who was a familiar friend of the said ionathan . ioseph assembled together a band of theeues and slew ionathan . these theeues which remained vnpunished for this , in an assembly of people fell vpon all they thought good , neither carrying reuerence to any persons nor places , how holy soeuer . and the true cause of all this mischiefe was , that some false prophets and seducers ioyned themselues with these theeues . but so soone as they were come vnto them , felix made them die as seditious persons . amongst them was a renowned egiptian , of whom iosephus makes mentiō in his antiquities . this deceiuer perswaded the common people to ascend with him into the mount oliuet ; saying that from thence he would shewe himselfe to them , and that by his commaundement the walles of ierusalem should fall : and promised them that thereby they might enter . felix hereof aduertised , made arme certaine people , and with a great number of horsemen rushed vpon that disguised band , which was of thirtie thousand , and slewe about . of them , and tooke . aliue . in the meane while this abuser escaped and was neuer after seene . those theeues againe perswaded the people to make warre against the romanes , and no more to yeeld them obedience . they burnt and pilled such villages as resisted them . the yeare . s. paul went to ierusalem , where he was taken and ledde to the gouernour felix . domitius nero succeeded in the empire , and raigned fourteene yeares , two monethes , and certaine dayes . hee was as very cruell man , and insatiable in whooredome and homicide , euen in sleying his owne mother , his sister , his brother , his wife octauia , and an other wife called pompeia , whom he slewe with a blowe of his foote . hee killed also his schoolemaister seneca , and a romane consull , named atticus , the better to enioy his wife called statilia . the yeare . after the death of of aziarius , king of the emesicians , his brother succeeded him . see iosephus . and nero gaue the principallitie of the lesse armenia , to aristobulus the sonne of herode king of calcyde : and the kingdome of agrippa the younger , was thereby greatly encreased . the yeare . after felix was departed from iudea , there was a great sedition in cesaria , which is in palestine , where a great number of iewes were slaine . the same yeare s. paul was sent prisoner to rome . there was a sedition also in the other cesaria . and festus succeeded felix in the gouernment of iudea . the yeare . in the towne of thoulouze which is in gaul , there was a verie renowned rethorician called statius surculus . the same yeare the towne of magunce was repaired by the romaines . the yeare . in rome was a great earthquake , and an eclipse of the sunne , at the time when nero exercised his parracides and whooredomes . the yeare . a boy of eight yeares of age in italie , in the time of fonteius and vispanus consuls , did runne fortie thousand paces , from noone till the euening . the same yeare there was an eclipse of the sunne the last day of aprill . the yeare . albinus was made gouernour of iudea . the yeare . iames the brother of the lorde iesus , which was called iust , accounted bishop of ierusalem , was slaine by the iewes . the high priest ananias thinking to recouer libertie , caused him to be called into iudgement , and accused him as a corrupter of moyses lawe . some say hee was cast downe from the toppe of the temple , and as hee prayed for them which put him to death , hee was strooken with a fullers bowe on the heade , whereof hee dyed . then did albinus gouerne iudea , succeeding festus . the yeare . a thunderbolte fell before nero his table . the same yeare saint marke the euangelist died , which was the eight yeare of the raigne of nero , hee was burnt for the gospell in alexandria which is in aegypt , where hee preached . at this time agrippa augmented the towne of cesaria phillippe , and called it neronia . the yeare . after s. marke his death , annianus was ordeined the first bishoppe of alexandria , and gouerned the church . yeares . the yeare . beganne the first persecution , which was the tenth yeare of nero , and endured till his death . by the commaundement of this tyrant , fire was lightned in the towne of rome , and that none should say it was his act , hee laide the fault vppon the christians , and made them die of many kindes of deathes . they that called themselues christians ( which name was as odious vnto all men as if they had beene enemies of mankinde ) and they also which were accused by the prisoners besides all other euills done vnto them , endured also this opprobry , that beeing couered with beasts skinnes , they were with dogges torne in peeces ; some were fastened to crosses and gallowes . others burnt with fire , in so much that of them they made fires to cleare and lighten the night . cor. tacitus rehearseth this . after festus vnder nero , succeeded in the gouernment of iudea , albinus , and after florus , vnder whom the iewes beganne to fall into such rebellions and dissentions , that neither menaces nor torments , exactions , nor occasions , could represse them . in asia three townes perished by an earth-quake : namely laodicea , hierapolis , and colossa . all townes which had receiued the gospell whilst s. paul liued , who had instructed them partly by writings , partly by his disciples , as by epaphras . a mirrour of gods iudgement , who cannot endure the despising of his word . the yeare . the church of the lord iesus in ierusalem , as it was assembled was diuinely admonished and transferred into the towne of pella , which is beyond iordaine . this same yeare vespasian was ordeined by nero to set an order in the countrey of iudea : who did many things worthy of memorie . the yeare . began the warres of the iewes vnder florus , because of his great crueltie , whereof iosephus makes mention , lib. . chap. . & egesippus , lib. . chap. . the yeare . if we will beleeue the catalogue of the romaines . linus succeeded s. peter . s. hierome , nicephorus . euthalius deacon and others say , that s. peter was crucified the . yeare of nero , which was the last of his raigne , and the . yeare after the conuersion of s. paul. how then could this be , that linus should succeed him in the apostolicke sea as they say , seeing linus was martired a yeare before s. peter ? for so is it rehearsed by a certaine monke restorer of the papaltie , who made two great bookes of counsell in the towne of colongne . hereby may we see how assured the foundation of poperie is . if linus were the high priest or soueraigne bishop of rome in the time of nero , it is certaine s. peter was not there . but to prooue the institution of popish ceremonies by the example of the elders , they say that linus ordeined that women should not enter into the church vnlesse their heads were couered : yet that was not an ordinance of linus , but of s. paul. there is a great diuersitie in the romish catalogues of bishops , that hardly can the writers thereof be agreed in their differences , which is a great argument that the papaltie of rome leanes vpon vncertaine arguments . you may also see this in cletus . this yeare vespasian war sent by nero against the iewes . nero hated of all , and searched to be slaine , killed himselfe , of the age of thirtie and two yeares , and the yeare of his empire fourteene . galba sergius succeeded , of the age of . yeares , and raigned seuen moneths . he became cruell , auaricious , a glutton , and a sodomite . he was slaine of his souldiers by his successor otho , in the place where men pleaded causes . his head was presented to the souldiers , and exposed for a derision and mockery . otho the eight emperour , like in all vices to nero. hee raigned three monethes . he slewe himselfe with a stroake of his poinard in his left pap , after the battaile he lost against vitellius . vitellius spinter the ninth emperour , raigned about seuen or eight monethes . he was a great whooremoonger , cruell , bloudie , and a glutton . it is rehearsed of him , that at one supper he was serued at his table with two thousand sundrie sorts of fishes , and seuen thousand sorts of flying fowle , he was so excessiue . he was miserably slaine and drawne naked through the streetes . and after hee had beene launced and pierced with many darts , was cast into tiber. hee was of the age of . yeares . the yeare . ignatius was ordeined the second bishop of antioche . and in this time all mathematicians were driuen out of italy . fabius quintilianus was drawne from spaine by the emperour galba , and brought to rome . vespasian the tenth emperour of rome raigned nine yeares : a man wise , prudent , loyall and affable , modest and patient : one onely vice brought dishonour vnto him , namely auarice , and couetousnesse of siluer , yea euen to impose tribute vpon vrine , saying . that of all things the smell of gaine is good . as he died he said ; that an emperour should die sitting . the yeare . the citie of ierusalem was besieged by the romanes . there hath bene no nation ( that we can gather by any historie ) that hath bene so much tormented as that of the iewes . so much the more familiarly the lord declared his mercies towards this ingrate and hard hearted people , so much the more was it needful he should visibly shewe horrible signes of his anger vpon it . no woe nor trouble could be imagined , whereof god gaue not some proofe vnto this miserable natition . the recitall whereof may serue vs for a glasse to shewe vs what end such may attend as are obstinate and mockers of the grace of god , such also as enhardē themselues against his bountie . after their reuolt which was the . yeare of nero , the romanes ceased not by the space almost of sixe yeares to powre horrible euils vpon the countrey of iudea . although a man speak not of the waste of the country , who can possibly esteem as belongeth therevnto the onely miseries of that towne ? for before it was besieged by the romanes , it was horribly afflicted by domesticke enemies , with so many factions of audatious theeues which fought one against an other which of thē should commit most rapines , murthers , oppressions : and not one of al those bands ( which were diuided into three principal : that is to say zelators , . such as followed ilion , & thirdly them of simon the gadarean , and of his sonne eleazar ) thought he mainteined his place well , but in surmounting one an other in all manner of wickednes . and finally , their rage was so ouerflowne , that there needed no more but only to haue an opinion of modestie and true religion , for to be put to death . they sought one with an other who should be the first to sley the rich , to robbe them of their goods . to sley the common people , such as were poore and of base condition , was but to take away such as were vnprofitable , and such as were like to be but a charge to the towne alreadie threatned with a siege , and to prepare the towne to sustain a longer siege . to giue to know by any one word , or to shew any countenance of griefe at such vnbridled licence to all euils which were then , this was called treason , and to complot with the romanes . when any lamented his parent or friend wrongfully slaine , hee was straight brought to some greeuous torment . to pollute the sanctuary by slaughters and murders , this was to combat for the conseruation of the temple and the countries religion . to take away the sacred money out of the temple and dispend it vpon dissolute villaines , was to borrow their necessaries for the defence of the ceremonies ordained of god. it was held a crime worthie of death , to seeke to withdrawe himselfe out of the middest of these euilles . and they which remained in the towne besides other miseries and publike griefes , were constrained to see before their eyes , their wiues , their children , and their goods , to serue the appetite of all sorts of villains . finally , this miserable people needed not feare any new oppression of the romanes , wherwith before they had not bene tormented euen by themselues , which called themselues their defenders . but after the towne was besieged by the romanes , there was so horrible a famine that during the siege eleuen hundred thousand men dyed . besides such as were slaine by the enemies at assaults , and such as were slaine when the towne was taken : and during that warre , there was about . thousand taken . some part of them were solde , others were carried to great townes to serue for princes pastimes , in exposing them to beastes to bee torne in peeces : others were put into some paled parke , where they fought till they slewe one an other : others were led into ●ands , there to spend their liues . the . day of aprill of the foresaid yeare , titus laide siege before ierusalem , during the feast or easter , the yeare of christ . vpon which day in respect of the solemnitie , there were infinite people assembled . the . of that moneth hee made platformes and rammes , and beganne to beate the towne . the . day of may he tooke the first wall , and the new towne called bezeth . the . day of the said moneth the second wall was again taken , with the base part of the towne , from whence the romanes had before bene chased . the . of the said moneth hauing gotten . parts of the towne , he gently inuited thē to require peace , but seeing they would not , he caused his platformes to be set vp against the fort called antonia , nie the . wal which the iewes burnt : but a new wall was made by y e romans , enuironed all the towne to hinder the lewes from flying and seeking victualls . the first day of iuly titus mooued with compassiō for the people which suffered and endured so much by the hard obstinacie of some , beganne to beate antonia and the third wall . the sixt day fell one part of the wall of the fortresse , on that side where the iewes had a conueyance out of the towne . the eight day of the moneth of august , the iewes repressed by great outrages and blowes of arrowes , heraulds were sent by titus to make them harken vnto peace , that the temple might haue bene spared . the temple was taken by force , and against the edict and defence of titus , it was burnt . the . day he began to batter the high towne , which is called the citie of dauid , after the iewes had againe refused peace . the seuenth day of september this high towne was taken , whereof the temple was the fortresse , as antonia was the defence of the temple . the eight day of the said moneth , all the towne was put to fire and bloud . the . day of october , titus celebrated the day of his brother domitian his natiuitie , in a taritine towne of cesaria : and there he made pastimes of diuers sorts , wherein were brought about three thousand iewes captiues . some were dispatched by beasts , others were set in order of battaile to sley one an other . the like was done in berith , a towne of siria , the . of nouember . where titus celebrated the natiuitie of his father vespasian . when we heare this summarie recitall ( which is not the tenth part of the euils and fearefull calamities that this miserable nation endured , ) let vs not stray into foolish imaginations , but thinke with our selues , if god spared not the naturall braunches , what shall become of vs. let vs behold the benignitie and seueritie of god. his seueritie vpon them that are fallen : his benignitie vpon vs , which are planted in the place of the iewes . this same yeare vespasian caused them to be sought which were of the family of dauid : for that there was a great persecution against the iewes . cesennius gouernour of siria , chased antiochus king of comageniens out of his kingdome , & sent him captiue to rome . in this time lucilius bassus was sent embassador into iudea . there happened a sedition in alexandria , wherein many iewes were slaine . achaia , licia , rhodes , bizantum , samathrachia , cilicia , and comagene , which before were free and vnder the iurisdiction of kings , friends , and confederates of the romanes , were made seruants and reduced into prouinces . ascanius pedianus an historiographer flourished at this time , who in the . yeare of his age became blinde , and liued yet . yeares in great honour . an earth-quake ouerthrew three townes in ciprus . titus the eleuenth emperour vespasians sonne , raigned two yeares and twentie dayes . hee was liberall and gentle , eloquent in the greeke tongue . hee vsed to say that none ought to goe from the presence of a prince sad or desolate . linus bishop of rome by the commaundement of the consul saturnine was beheaded vpon false accusation for art magicke . the . yeare of titus , horrible things happened in campania ( which is now called terra dilauoro , the land of labour . ) the mount vesnue which lookes toward the sea on naples coast , and hath comming out of it as it were great springs of fire , burst in sunder at the top , and cast out so great flames that it burnt the townes adiacent , with the men therein . there came also at rome a litle time after when all men were ignorant of that which happened in campania , great and horrible calamites , in so much that many were of opinion that all things would be ouerthrowne and the sunne would fall on the earth , for the multitude of ashes and smoake which were dispearsed in the ayre . the yeare following titus went to see the calamitie which was come , and in the meane while many things were burnt at rome , and the fire came out of the earth . for the bathes of agrippa , the temple of serapis and ifis , the theatre of balbus , the pantheon , the parkes and many other places were altogether consumed with fire , whereby may be coniectured of others which perished by the same fire . dion reciteth all this at large . the amphitheatre was now builded at rome by titus . these things are recited , to the ende that by the knowledge of such iudgements of god , we may learne to feare him . cletus a romane bishop of rome , gouerned a . yeares . he approued the visitation of saint peter , saying that such visitation was much better then a fasting two yeares . this was the first bishop that put in his letters salutem & apostolicam benedictionem . there are none of the elders which make mention of this cletus , neither do they sufficiently expound , if cletus and anacletus were two , or both one . onely damasus speaketh , but yet so confusedly , that there can be no agreement of the time . titus the emperour , of the age of . yeares , nigh to his death lamented sore ; saying , must i die and neuer deserued it ? he was deified by the authoritie of the senate after his death . there you may see how the panim gods came , created , and forged by the wills of men . iosephus an historiographer and a iewe , flourished at this time . he was duke of the hebrewes hoast , and being titus his prisoner , was set at libertie : which hee vsed , in composing seuen bookes of the iewdaicall historie , which he presented to vespasian and titus , who set vp an image of him at rome . the . yeare , which was the second yeare of the raigne of titus , linus hauing gouerned the church of rome . yeares , resigned the office to anacletus , who was the second bishop of rome . ireneus and eusebius doo witnesse this , without making any mention of cletus , which some say was the successor of linus . domitian the . emperour , raigned . yeares and sixe moneths . this man was exceeding wicked , cruell , adulterous , chollericke , a coward , proud , a rauener . he committed incest with his brothers daughter , whom he rauished and tooke out of her husbands hands . three virgin vestalls were buried aliue for whoordome . domitian hauing by publike edicts commaunded that he should be called lord and god , caused images of himselfe of gold and siluer to be erected . he cast out of rome all philosophers : he sent into exile many senators and nobles , and some he slew . he builded the pantheon at rome . he stirred the second persecution against the christians , and caused all such to be put to death as he found to be of the stocke of dauid . for he feared the comming of christ . afterward he caused the persecution to cease . s. denis , rusticus , and eleutherus , preached the gospel in fraunce . the yeare . albilius was constituted the second bishop of alexandria , and was bishop . yeares . the yeare . domitian by the conduction of fuscus passed ouer danaw , and ledde his army against dorpaneus , king of the gothes or of the dares . the gothes ouercame the romanes , and fuscus was slaine , and the campe pilled or spoiled . clement a romane the fourth bishop of rome , ruled nine yeares . he instituted notaries to write the acts of the martirs , their constancie and patience , for example and perpetuall remembrance . domitian of the age of . yeares was slaine in his pallace by the coniuration of his familiar friends , & consent of his wife . he was buried without any honor , & all his images cast down . the senate disanulled all his ordinances , and called againe such as he had exiled . s. iohn the euangelist from his exile of pathmos ( which is an i le in the sea egea : which is betwixt asia the great , & the lesse ) returned into ephesus , where he died of the age of an hundreth yeares or there abouts , and was there buried . nerua cocceius now olde , was made the . emperour , and raigned one yeare , . moneths . he died at the age of . yeares . being emperor , he pronounced al christians absolued , whether accused or banished , and called them backe . hee was wont to say that men must rather respect a mans vertue then his race or country . he was by the senate deified . now rose there many heresies in the church after the death of the apostles . traian a spaniard the . emperour , raigned . yeares , . moneths , and . dayes . hee was greatly praised of historiographers as a debonaire and gentle prince , yet he persecuted the christians . vnder him was clement martyred . foure townes perished in asia , and two in greece , with earthquakes . the third persecution made against the christians in the time of traian . he feared some hurt should haue come to the romane empire by the encrease of religion . there were each day a great number of martyrs slaine . in so much that plinie the younger hauing then the administration of a prouince , namely bithinia , and seeing the great number of men which then dyed , writ to the emperour how each day many thousands of persons were put to death , yet was there not found that they committed any fault , neither did any thing against their romane lawes : but only for that they sung certaine hymnes and psalmes afore day , to a certaine god they called christ . and finally , that adulteries , homicides , thefts , and other crimes , were prohibited them , and did keepe themselues from such faults , liuing carefully according to common lawes . wherevnto the emperour gaue answere and commaundement to make no more any inquisition against christians . yet was not thereby the occasion taken away from them , which had a will to shew cruelty against christians . timotheus a martyr in this time . anacletus . bishop of rome borne in greece , an athenian , ruled two moneths and ten dayes . we now enter into the times which were incontinent after the apostles , and take their beginning in the kingdome of traian . anacletus ordeined that no clarke should weare a beard , and commaunded all the faithfull that were at the administration of the lords supper , either to communicate or to be driuen out of the temple . eusebius placeth anacletus in the place of cletus , after linus and after clement , immediately he makes mention of euaristus , which is the cause of the discord that is found amongst historians in this place . ; anacletus ordeined that the cleargie two times in the yeare should haue sinodes or congregations , for the affaires of the church . in his writings amongst other things he admonisheth the people to carrie honour and reuerence to their ministers , and to support them . he that speaketh euill of a minister saith he , speaketh euill of christ ; and he iudgeth him to be seperate from christ . he was put to death vnder traian . heresies at this time grieued the church within , and publicke persecutions without . . cerinthus the hereticke , held that moyses lawe must bee kept alone . also that christ was not risen againe , but that hee should rise againe . he made the kingdome of christ carnall . . ebion held christ to be a pure man , engendred as others : and he called s. paul , the apostle of the lawe . . menander , a nigromancian , &c. . basilides , these did infinitely spread their imaginations touching the procreation of their gods and angels . and to yeeld the more astonishment , they vsed disguised and barbarous words . . the nicholaites would women to be common . . saturnin following simon magus , said also that men might vse women indifferently , as the nicholaites . papias bishop of hierapolis , policarpus bishop of smirna , ignatius bishop of antioche , good and catholicke pastors , disciples of s. iohn the euangelist . see how god destituted not his church of true pastors to withstand heretickes . euaristus the . romane bishop ruled . or nine yeares . he ordeined that seuen deacons should be chosen in euery citie , which should marke and keepe by the bishop as hee preached and taught the people . he appointed them also for witnesses of the word of god , that none might impose that he had preached euill against the truth . he ordeined that marriages should be publikely solemnized in churches . that the church should obey his bishop , and that the bishop should not leaue his church during his life , no more then the woman her husband . there be two epistles found of him . in the first he makes that apostolicke seate head of the church : wherevnto he wils that all doubtfull affaires should be brought : yet in his second epistle he contradicts it . in gallatia three cities perished with an earthquake . eusebius . euaristus was martired the last yeare of the empire of traian . the pantheon of rome burnt with lightning . lucian the apostate and atheist composed his dialogues vnder traian . the towne of antioch was so shaken , that euen the mountaines nigh did shake and quake , yea euen the mount cassius , the highest in siria , the flouds there dried vp , and the earth sounded in a strange maner . tiles falling clattered in such sort , and the cries of men ouerthrowne were so fearefull , and with dust the obscuritie was so thick , that there was neuer seene or heard speake of so straunge things . the emperour traian was then there , and likewise people of all nations of the romane empire . dion writeth this horrible confusion , & the calamities which proceeded this earthquake which happened at antioch . ignacius bishop of antioch was led prisoner to rome to be cast vnto beasts , and so to be aspectacle vnto the people . as he went from siria to rome , and passed through the countrie of asia , in all places where he came he preached to the people and churches the christian faith , exhorting them to perseuer and keepe themselues from the infection of hereticks which then began to spring , in carefully keeping the doctrine receiued of the apostles . the cause was , that in antioch hauing reprehended the idolatrie of traian , he was apprehended as one seditious & guiltie of treason , & was giuen in charge to . souldiers , or rather tormenters , to be led to rome and be put to lions : wherof ignacius himselfe saith . i haue had to fight with beasts from siria to rome , by sea , by land , night and day amongst . leopards , &c. ireneus in his fift booke speaking of ignacius , beeing condemned to beasts , he said ( saith he ) i am the wheat of iesus christ , and shal be grinded with the teeth of beasts , to the end i may be made the bread of god. alexander the . bishop of rome , was a romane , and gouerned . yeares ; namely from the . yeare of traian , til the third of adrian . many things are spoken of the integritie of his life , wherby many of the romane senators were drawne to the christian faith , seeing in him vertues truly episcopall : yet it is attributed vnto him , that he should first bring in new ceremonies of the church , as the holy water so keepe in houses and churches against the diuell , and for remission of sinnes : also to mingle wine and water together at the lords supper : also the asperges vpon the people : also that bread should be without leauen , and not commō bread as before . they make him the first , which by decree excommunicated them who resisted apostolicke messengers . he ordeined that no clarke should be accused and drawne before a secular iudge : he is said to be the first which added to the lords supper ( caena pridie quàm pateretur , ) & made that ouerture to his successors to adde thervnto : which haue not since ceased vntill the whole supper of the lord was corrupted and chaunged . also he ordeined to celebrate but once a day . note heere generally for the bishops which were first at rome , that many epistles haue bene attributed vnto them , which mention greater number of ceremonies then there is in other churches , and such as were vnknowne to them which writ in that time , which made them then suspected . for the popes which came after , haue made those first bishops their buckler for authors of their lyes and dreames . alexander receiued the crowne of martirdome vnder the emperour adrian , by the commaund of his gouernour aurelian , who demaunded of alexander why hee held his peace when the fire was lightned about him to burne him . he answered that he was speaking to god ( signifying that he prayed ) and therefore it was not lawfull for him to speake vnto men . honorius and nauclerus dion rehearseth of the emperour traian , that before he died his members were retracted , and al his body senslesse . his sences also were dulled , and after that , he became to be full of the dropsie , and greatly swelled . he finally died in selinion , a towne of cicile . some say his body was brought to rome and deified by the senate after his death , after the maner of the romanes . although this prince had great politicke vertues , yet is he to be placed in the third ranke of the cruel enemies and persecutors of the church of god. adrian the . emperour , raigned . yeares , gentle , and cunning in all knowledges . he persecuted the christians . but when he knew the truth of their life , he caused the persecution to cease . quadratus bishop of athens , the apostles disciple , presented an apologeticke booke to the said adrian , in defence of the christian faith. aristides a philosopher of athens , a faithfull man , made a like booke : wherevpon adrian sent to minutius fundanus , proconsul of asia , that he should no more persecute the christians . but if they did any thing against lawes , he would that he should therein deale according to the qualitie of the crime . and if any slaunderoufly accused them , he commaunded such should be chastised for their malice . nicomedia and nice were ruinated by an earthquake , and afterward restored by the liberalitie of adrian . euseb . chro. all euils which came to men were laide vpon the christians , saying they came all for their cause , whether they were earthquakes , warre , or other calamities . sixtus or xistus a romane , . bishop of rome , ruled about . yeares . he decreed that none should touch the consecrated ornaments , vessels , challices , &c. vnlesse they were church-men . he added to the communion of the eucharist . sanctus , sanctus , sanctus , dominus deus sabaoth . he graunted this priuiledge to clarkes , that they might appeale from their bishop to the apostolicke sea. in his decretalls he is called arch-bishop of the romane church . item vniuersall bishop of the apostolicke church . about this time , those words arch-bishop , metropolitane , and clergie , beganne to be vsed in epistles . he appointed certaine punishments for priests or ministers that were negligent in baptizing children before their deaths . at this time the supper of the lord was called eucharist : the words sacrifice or masse were not yet brought in . and although ireneus sometimes called the eucharist , oblation , hee declares his meaning therein in his . booke and . chapter . we make vnto him an oblation saith he : not as to him which stands in need thereof ; but as giuing him thankes for the good he hath done vnto vs. and againe he willes also that we giue offerings at the aultar : and often , and without ceasing . but the aultar is in heauen ( saith he ) and thither must we addresse our prayers and oblations . it may well be that then this word oblation was in common vse , because the custome then was to offer loaues of bread in great abundance for the vse of the supper : wherewith the ministers liued , and the poore were nourished . the iewes surprised with a new rage , beganne againe to take armes against the romanes . dion saith the occasion thereof was for that adrian had builded there a temple to iupiter , and placed there idols of the gentiles . the iewes chose for their captaine , barrochabas , who named himselfe the sonne of the starre . this man exercised great crueltie against christians , because they woulde not ioyne with the iewes : but adrian repressed those seditious people , and famished them , and tooke away their waters , and finally discomfited them nigh to bethera , a little towne by ierusalem , and in one onely battaile hee slew fiftie eight thousand men . after nicephorus ancelme , speaketh of fiftie thousand iewes slaine , fiftie holdes taken , and nine hundred eightie fiue villages destroyed , as well by famine , as by fire and bloud , and all the rest of the iewes miserably driuen from ierusalem into far countries , and sold ouer all the world . the emperour adrian would not that the citie of ierusalem should any more retaine his auncient name , but hauing againe made it , he called it by his owne name aelia capitolina . honorius and eusebius say that hee made edicts be published , whereby it was not lawfull for the iewes , no not so much as to regard a farre off their country of iudea . the first so terrible a destruction might haue sufficiently taught them that the kingdome was taken from them as the prophets had foretold . but god would that a second time they should feele a punishment almost as horrible as the first . the christians after dwelt in palestine with some assurance , and there had churches . sixtus sent many to preach the faith in france , hee was afterward martyred vnder adrian . pernitious heresies now did spring , saturnin , basilides , carpocrates , valentia , and tatien , tore in peeces the doctrine of god , forging many gods , & denying the humanitie of christ . valentine and martian forged that christ brought from heauen his humane flesh . martian saide there was two beginnings , the one good , and the other euil . montanus denyed the diuinitie of christ , and affirmed of himselfe that he was the holy ghost . they admitted and allowed whoredomes and villainous filthinesse against marriage . many were turned from the true doctrine by these heresies & blasphemies which proceeded from those horrible monsters , instruments of sathan . telesphorus . bishop of rome a grecian , ruled sixteene yeares of the time of adrian and antonine . it is attributed vnto him that he should enioyne church-men to abstain from flesh . weekes before easter . the decretall likewise attributed vnto him , makes mention of clarkes , but not of laie people ; yet after by succession of time , lent became obserued of all . he instituted three celebratiōs of christs natiuitie , one at midnight , an other at the point of day , and the last at three . he added gloria in excelsis deo &c. some say it was s. hillary others symmacus . this hymne seemeth to haue bin writtē against the arrians , as shall be said hereafter . and the fourth councel of toledo , chap. . makes mention that this cauticke was made by the ecclesiasticall doctors . henry bullinger lib. . of the beginning of his decad. chap. . he ordained also that none should presume to celebrate in the morning before . a clocke . in this decretall hee is called arch-bishop of rome . carpocrates an hereticke , was the inuentor of a sect & manner of people called gnostici : for he taught them secrets of magicke , & dreames of loue , which came by diuellishillusiō . many hereby were deceiued & led to destruction . they which were not yet instructed , seeing the execrable life of those villaines which called thēselues christians , would therefore abolish the christian faith as if all were alike . and all the slaunders wherwith they charged the christians , namely that they were cruell , and that they medled with all women carnally without any regard of bloud or parentage , yea that they did eate little children , came not but from those pernitious heretickes . so it falls out at this day : for the errours of anabaptists and libertines are without difference attributed vnto such as follow the gospell , and with a common name they are wrongfully called lutherans . adrian builded a temple and a sepulchre vnto antinous , whom hee had wickedly abused in his life , and ordeined that men should euery yeare celebrate the playes and pastimes called with his name antinoens . he also founded a citie of the said antinous name , which hee called antinoe . where for feare of the emperour , antinous is worshipped as god , although men knew what a man he was . adrian died very miserably ; there came vnto him a great fluxe of bloud : hee was also taken with great paine and fell to the dropsie : he assayed by arts magicke to drawe that water out of his body : but nothing helped him , neither ceased the bloudy fluxe . sopartianus reciteth , that hee called of his phisitian for poyson , and seeing he would not giue it him , he demaunded a knife , promising great things to him that would deliuer him one . he dyed of the age of . yeares , hauing no member in his body which was not vexed with torments . aurelius victor . he was punished with bloud , for the bloud he shead . the persecutions in asia were exceeding great . see euse . lib. . chap. . where at length he describeth the martyrdome of policarpus . lib. . chap. . the athenians offended at so great persecutions wherein they had lost publius their bishop , almost reuolted from the faith . there was no torment nor punishment that the instruments of the diuel could deuise , whereof the christians were not iudged worthy : for they were espied in and without their houses . they cried against them in all publicke places . they whipped them , trailed them , stoned them , pilled their goods , imprisoned them , plates of yron were applyed to their naked flesh : they locked them in an instrument of torture euen to the fift point , they were put in obscure and lowe places in prison : some strangled them , some exposed them to beasts , and other infinit torments . the dead bodies in prison , after they were cast into the fields , they set dogges there to keepe them that they might not bee buried . in these hard torments christians gaue courage one to another , and were very carefull to take such order as none should fall from their profession , either by infirmitie , or for want of abilitie to endure the torments . the number of martyrs of this time were too great to be recited in this litle treatise . but iustine , eusebius , basile the great , and other auncient doctours , haue carefully set them downe in writing . these examples ought to encourage vs constantly to maintaine the truth of the gospell . antonius pius a gentile , emperour . raigned . yeares or thereabout , a man benigne and modest . he said often that he had rather saue a citizen , then to sley a thousand of his enemies . tertullian witnesseth that hee was not altogether gentle towards the christians , and especially in the beginning of his raigne : when arrius antonius ( saith hee ) ceased not to persecute in asia , the christians assembling in a company , presented themselues before the iudiciall seate . and after hee had sent some fewe of them to the iibbet , hee said to the rest , o miserable men , if you haue an affection to die , haue you not cords to hang yourselues ? or high places to cast your selues downe ? higinius an athenian , a philosophers sonne , gouerned the church of rome . yeares . he ordained that churches should be dedicated by solemne ceremony . item that the number of temples should neither be augmented nor diminished without the consent of the metropolitane . see the decretall . de conse . dist . pri . ca. omnes bacilicae . this was the first who entituled himselfe pope , in his second decretall . he for bad that summers , sparres , tyles , and other matter of temples , should be after applied to any prophane vse , but burnt or giuen to other poore churches and monasteries , and not to the vses of laie men . he instituted that at catechisme , baptisme , and confirmation , there should be a godfather or godmother . de conse . dist . . ca. in cat . he ordained that if any woman came to the secōd marriage by whom shee had issue , that that issue could not be married to the consanguinitie of the first husband vntill the fourth degree . item , that no metropolitane except the pope , shall condemne any of his cleargie , priest , suffragane or bishop of his prouince , vnles first the cause be handled and knowne in the councell of other prouinciall bishops , otherwise the sentence not to be vailable . . q. . c. salus in omnibus . galen the phisitian flourished at this time . valentine the hereticke a platonician , denied the resurrection of the flesh . hee affirmed that christ tooke no humane flesh off the virgines wombe , but that hee passed through it as through a conduit . cerdon the stoike , said at rome that the holy ghost descended not vpon the apostles , but vpon himselfe . note here the saying of tertullian , namely , that the philosophers are patriarkes of heretickes . martian the stoike a follower of menander , made two contrary principles . this pope ( seeing hee named himselfe so ) was a learned man , and made a booke intituled de trinitate & vnitate dei. pius first of that name . pope of rome , an italian of aquilia , ruled at rome a . yeares . some say hee ordeined that easter should be celebrated vpon the sunday , by the perswasion of hermes , who said it had bene reuealed vnto him by an angell , in likenes of a shepheard . and this ordinance was after confirmed by many pope . that hee decreed punishments for ecclesiasticall persons which administred the sacraments of the body and bloud of christ negligently . that is to say , that he that by imprudency & negligently , let fal vpō the earth any of the blood of christ ( so speakes he ) should do penance . dayes . if it fell vpon the aultar , . dayes . if vpon the chalice cloth , . dayes . if on any other cloth , . dayes . and that the said bloud so falne , should be licked , scraped or washed , and after all burnt , and kept for the sacristeres . by litle and litle then the romane seate beganne to forge ordinances . also that virgins or nunnes should not take vpon them the vaile before the age of . yeares . item , that if any ecclesiasticall person did sweare or blaspheme he should be deposed , and euery laie person excommunicated . anicetus . pope a sirian , ruled . or a . yeares , wise , and of good life . some attribute vnto him that hee ordained the crowne for priests . he was martyred vnder marcus aurelius . in his time egesippus an hebrew came to rome , & dwelt there vntill eleutherius . iustinus a christian phylosopher , writ a booke in defence of faith and religion , to the emperour antonius pius , who also was much enclined to maintaine it . he writ against martian . policarpus bishop of smyrna in ionia , which is in asia the lesse aboue ephesus , came to great age . ireneus saith that he was ordeined bishop by the apostles , and it is likely that he began his ministery the . or . of traian . s. ierome in his catalogue saith he was placed there by s. iohn the euangelist , who dyed the yeare . after the passion of iesus christ as most say . ireneus reciteth of him , that one day as marcian encountred him and said vnto him ; take knowledge with vs. policarp . answered him : i know thee for the first sonne of satan . and ireneus saith further : there are some haue heard him say that iohn the disciple of iesus went into bathes to wash himselfe , and seeing cerinthus the hereticke there , he went out , and washing himselfe saying : let vs flie from hence least this house fall vpon vs , where cerinthus enemy of the truth washeth . note how the disciples of the apostles had this rule , not to communicate with them which falsifie the truth of the gospell . whilest policarpus was at rome , he withdrew many from their heresies . marcus aurelius , antoninus verus the brother of antonius pius , obtained the empire . yeares . lucius verus his sonne in lawe , gaue himselfe to dice , and to haunt the stewes . therfore was he sent into siria , by marcus aurelius , and at last as some say poisoned . after some , he dyed of an apoplexe . so marcus aurelius antoninus raigned alone . the fourth persecution after nero was stirred against the christians by marcus aurelius . and as eusebius saith , many euils happened in italie : great pestilence , warre , earthquakes , invndations of waters , and a multitude of grashoppers . in the meane while by the persecutions as it were continuall , the christians affaires encreased from day to day by the doctrine of the apostles disciples . wherof yet many then did liue : that the christian religion tooke strong roote being thus bedeawed with the bloud of martyrs . we must not here forget the sentence of iustine spoken in a colloquie with trypheus . hee saith thus ; men may each day perceiue that we which beleeue in christ cannot be astonished nor turned backe . let them cut off our heads ; let them crucifie vs : let them expose vs to beasts , to fires , or other torments : and so much more as men torment vs , so much more do the number of christians encrease . euen as when a vine is cut , it is but to make it more fertile : so the vine which god hath planted and the sauiour iesus , that is his people , cannot but multiply by torments , &c. melito bishop of sardis , writ to the emperour for the faith and christian religion . apollinaris bishop of hierapolis , was at this time . theophilus bishoppe of antioche , writ against martian . denis bishop of corinthe . iustus bishoppe of vienne , a martyre for the faith. attalus , blandina , photin bishop of lions , a martyr also for the faith. persecution in asia . the end of the life of policarpus was at this time . marcus antonius verus , and the chiefe gouernours of the empire , caused such a persecution that it came euen to the christians which dwelt in the towne of smyrna , whereof policarpus was bishoppe , and had beene a long time , and was there burnt , hauing serued the church of god about three score and tenne yeares , which was the seuenth of this emperour . some say hee was of the age of foure score and sixe yeares . the prayer of policarpus before his death , is in the eccleciast . history , booke . his bones taken out of the fire were laide in a sepulchre . pionius martyre . soter an italian , . pope , helde the seate about tenne yeares . he endured many aduersities , and in the ende was martyred . he ordained that none should celebrate without two men present . that nunnes should carry vailes on their heads . that they might not touch sacred ornaments , as chalices , corporalles , and that they should not incense in the temple , nor about aultars . in his second decretall he calleth himselfe pope . hee instituted that each priest doing his office should haue with him an other priest : if there chaunced some suddaine necessitie to happen . hee saide that an oath made imprudenly which redounded to an euill ende ought not to be kept . for it were better saith he to periure himselfe , then for keeping his oath to fall into a greater crime . at this time peregrine a philosopher , did publickely at pise cast himselfe into the fire vpon vaine-glorie . at this time beganne the cataphryges heretikes by montanus with priscilla , and maximilla . they vsed in their sacrifices a childes blood , which they mingled with flowre or with breade . if the childe whose blood was drawne out dyed , they held him for a martyr . if he liued , for a great priest . montanus was of phrygia , of a towne called ardaba . hee called himselfe the paraclet . hee forbadde marriage , and inuented and instituted fastes . against those heretickes writte apollinaris hierapolitaine , and before him milciades and apollonius . appelles the disciple of marcian , ( whome theodotius , called the great hereticke ) put a beginning to god. also that christ appeared in a fantasticke bodie . tatianus and his followers , encratites and seuerians , in this time . these abstained from all kindes of flesh , and drunke no wine . they blamed marriage as well as fornication . they cast off the epistles both of s. paul and s. peter . the doctrine of christian libertie beganne at this time to bee greatly obscured , and by little and little the errour tooke encrease . for although yet there was no forbidding to vse the good thinges or god , yet the historie of alcibiades recited in eusebius , booke . chap. . sheweth that by little and little men beganne to place a certaine religion in seruices forged at pleasure . this alcibiades was one of the martyres which suffered death in gaul , vnder marcus antonius verus the emperour . hee vsed to liue so austerely as hee did eate onely bread , and drunke water . in so much that beeing in prison hee would vse no other diet . attalus a romane ( a man renowned amongst the martyrs ) being also imprisoned , shewed alcibiades a better way , and brought him to this point , that after hee vsed indifferently the creatures of god , without scruple and with thankesgiuing . eleutherius borne in greece at nicopolis , ruled at rome . yeares and more . hee made a commaundement against the heresie of the seuerans which then raigned , that no christian for any ceremonie should reiect any sort of meates whereof there is an accustomed vse . also that none should be dismissed of his office , vnlesse first hee be accused and conuinced of crime . that bishops should finish nothing in an accusation intended against a bishop , without knowledge of the pope : but they might determine by sentences the causes of other church people . that a clarke may not be drawne into any cause but before his bishop , from whom ( if there were cause of suspition ) he might appeale . christian religion then greatly augmented , and came into farre greater suertie then before . lucius king of england and his countrey , receiued the faith. many nobles of rome with their wiues and children were conuerted and baptized . the said lucius left his kingdome , and went to preach the faith first in france , after in almaine , where hee was martyred . smyrna in asia , whereof policarpus was bishop , was ouerthrowne by earthquake : and for the repaire of it , tributes and tallages were laid . commodus the . emperour , raigned . yeares , cruel , luxurious , incestuous of his owne neeses : hee held in his pallaice three hundreth concubines , and three hundreth buggering boyes . in a wicked rage he slew lucilla his sister . being at the hot houses , and but pricked with a flea , he cast the maister of the house into the furnace . ireneus bishop of lions , flourished . the temple of serapis burnt in alexandria . the capitoll at rome , and the librarie , burnt by lightning . apollonius a senator of rome , accused to be a christian , presented to the senate a booke , conteining a defence of the christians . he was beheaded , because the imperiall lawe had so ordeined it . heereby appeares that popes or bishops of rome were not as at this present they are . apollonius a man of authoritie could not shunne the sentence of death : onely because he was a christian , hauing so many friends at rome . the imperiall lawe then was , that such as were in iudgement conuicted to be christians , should be punished with death . commodus made die many noble persons . it is recited in the history of the martyrs of gaule , that the painims sollicited , and by torments constrained the seruants of christians to confesse of their maisters things impossible once to be imagined . namely , that they did eate the flesh of litle children : that they committed paldiardizes and whoredomes , such as is vnlawfull to name . in so much as they which before had vsed some moderation in christians causes , gaue themselues greater licence to exercise crueltie against them . this happened at lions , and at vienne . eusebius reciteth it in his epistle of the faithfull of lions , and of vienne , in chap. . of the . booke . at rome the pallace and the temple of vesta , and of peace , and the greatest part of the towne was consumed by fire . commodus the . yeare of his empire was strangled , of the age of . yeares , by the counsell of martia his chiefe concubine , who fauoured the christians and other her friends which he had condemned to death , because they shewed him certain his insolencies , but they by this meanes preuented him : and little there wanted that the bodie of this tyrant was not drawne into tyber by the common people . aelius pertmax the ninteenth emperour , held the empire by the space of sixe moneths . his couetousnesse caused his death for retaining his souldiers wages . he was of the age of seuentie yeares . didius inhanus of millaine , . emperour , raigned foure , or seuen , or two moneths as some say . hauing slaine his predecessor , hee was slaine of his successor of the age of . yeares . for his auarice he was hated of all . some say he was slaine by a souldier of little estimation within his pallaice . victor bishop of rome , borne in affricke , ruled tenne yeares . he ordeined , that such as would not reconcile themselues should be depriued of the table of the lord. hee instituted , that vnlesse it were in cases of necessitie , catholicke baptisme should be celebrated in the time of the feast of easter . as we may see in the first decretall epistle attributed vnto him . it were incredible ( if all historians did not witnesse it ) that for the day of celebratiō of the feast of easter , so great a schisme should happen in the church , that of a dissention and question thereof , so terrible a warre should come , and all by this victors meanes , who would needs haue the feast of easter celebrated on the sunday , because of the mysterie of the resurrection : and would not haue the fastes broken but on that day . victor writ to policrates , who was a ruler amongst the bishops of asia , and gaue commaundement in his letters , whereat all the bishops of asia were greatly offended . septimus seuerus pertinax borne in affrica , . emperour , raigned . yeares , and dyed of the age of . yeares in england . many sinodes were held in diuers prouinces touching the feast of easter , vpon what day it should be celebrated : and by common accord it was agreed that the saide feast of easter should be celebrated vpon the lordes day , on which was his resurrection , and on no other day . but the bishops of the countrey of asia were of a contrary opinion : saying that they should keepe the customes of of their auncestors touching that . which victor seeing , would needs haue depriued generally all the churches of asia , and the nigh prouinces therof , of the churches communion and societie , and sent out letters to declare them excommunicated : whereof hee was greatly blamed and reprehended . and especially of ireneus bishop of lions , by letters which hee sent vnto him . that there was great folly for the difference of a ceremonie to breake the peace and vnion of churches , and to stirre vp schisme therein . alleadging to his purpose that the diuersitie of fastes neuer broke the vnion of churches , and so no more should they in this . eusebius in the ecclesi . hist . lib. . chap. . with this warre the tranquililtie of churches are troubled , and the doctrine of christian libertie obscured . the romanes ceased not to molest them of asia to subscribe to their opinion , and they became so outragious therein , that they which obserued the feast of easter the fourteenth of the moone , were called quatorzian heretickes , condemned as nicepho . reciteth . lib. . chap. . this schisme gaue montanus and other heretickes occasion and ouerture to lift vp themselues at this time in phrygia . they published certaine lawes touching fasts . also to breake marriages . affirming that the holy ghost had not taught all to the apostles , and that he had in himselfe the gift to conferre the graces of the holy ghost . and other such blasphemies whereby hee looked to come vnto some primacie . the romaine bishoppes now became more audacious to forge new ceremonies , yea and that to force them vpon other churches . the authoritie to excommunicate , conuerted into abuse , and so became despised , because of not obseruing certaine humaine traditions . the dissention touching the obseruation of easter , caused sixe principall councells to be assembled . euseb . lib. . chap. . victor in his second decretall calls himselfe arch-bishop of the romane and vniuersall church . tertullian a priest of carthage , who otherwise did well serue the christian church , finally reuoulted , and drewe him selfe vnto the enraged prophecie of montanus . saint hierome alleadgeth this the occasion : that tertullian beeing ledde with enuie and hatred of the church of rome , could not at the last endure the arrogancie thereof . he held one errour touching the kingdome of christ , and the voluptuous life of the faithfull in this world before the consummation of all things . hee maintained the superstitious and ridiculous fastes of montanus , calling him in many places the comforter . he brought in extreame vnction after baptisme , the signe of the crosse , offering for the dead , and for feasts of natiuities , and other the like dreames of the montanists . his writings witnesse that he was very desirous of martyrdome , and that a christian man ought not only to beare it constantly , but to purchase and seeke it also . ammonius the phylosopher , origens schoole-maister , perswaded in the christian faith euen vntill death . although porphirius say of him that he reuolted . victor with good cause depriued of the communion of the church , an hereticke called theodotus , who was a blasphemer and prince of the heresie , which afterward antemon followed , and paule samosathonus reuiued . for hee was the first that durst say publikely at rome that iesus christ was but pure man , of mans seed procreated as well as others . see nice . lib. . chap. . an other schisme or diuersitie of iudgements touching the heresie of montanus and his companions , and also of prisca and maximilla prophitesses , which montanus had filled with his fury . some said they were taken with a spirit of prophecy , and that , that they said were oracles . others maintained that contrary to the custome of true prophets , they were transported and carried away in their mindes , and taken with furie and extasie ; they were also giuen to couetousnesse and ambition , contrary to the scripture , which forbids prophets to take gold or siluer . the faithfull of asia assembled many times to examine those doctrines , and so newly forged prophecies . the faithfull of gaul writ their opinion touching the furious errors of montanus , and sent ireneus into asia with letters . see euseb . lib. . chap. . this schisme as it was to the condemnation of montanus and his complices : so the true church was aduertised more neerly to trie spirits whether they were of god or no. whatsoeuer heauie chastisements the iewes before had , the lord forgat not his mercy , but gaue sufficient witnesse that he calleth his enemies to repentance . he preserued doctors and pastors , and a litle number of faithfuls in ierusalem , which honoured the true god. from the sacking or destruction that titus made , vntill that of adrian , the church of ierusalem had successiuely . chiefe or high bishops . euseb . numbreth them . lib. . chap. . after the destruction made by adrian the emperour , there was no more any church gathered of the iewes at ierusalem , but onely of the gentiles , and of them were there bishops ordeined . al the iewes were driuen away ( as it is said ) by adrian . marcus then issued of gentiles , was chosen the . bishop , the . yeare of the emperour antoninus , after cassianus the . publius the . maximus the . iulian the . gaian the . symmachus the . caius the . iulian . the . capita the . thus dooth eusebius rehearse it . lib. chap . and in this time wherein we now are ( that is vnder the emperour commodus , maximus the . was the . antoninus . valens . dolichian . narcissus . elius . garmanian . gordius . narcissus . . . or rather narcissus the first returning from the desart , whither he withdrew himselfe ( for that his enemies had accused him to liue vnchastely ) of whom eusebius saith , that he had the gift to worke miracles , and that his false accusers were punished according to the imprecations which euerie one made . as for the time of all these bishops , euseb . saith that he could not well discerne , namely in what time euery one of them gouerned the church . seeing then the church of the gentiles had already their habitation in this place , the lord would declare that the true messias was come , and so we need looke for no other . this numeration here made of the bishops of ierusalem , sheweth that other churches may well number their bishops , as that of rome glorifieth her selfe in the continuation of hers . after the fift persecution raised by seuerus against the christians , came ciuill warres amongst the romanes . ireneus had liued long inough in the middest of so many persecutions . the greatest renowne that he had was vnder the emperour commodus . as for the contention concerning the feast of easter , the time in the which it was most lighted , was the . yeare of the empire of seuerus . he then bore the office of a minister . yeares . the errour of the chiliastes was attributed vnto him , yet it is not expresly seene in his writings we haue at this day . the manner of his death is vncertaine . they which haue written of the martyrs say that he and a great multitude of his sheepe were finally slaine for the confession of the name of christ , vnder seuerus . leonides the father of origenes , martyred for the faith : vnto whō origenes his sonne being but of the age of eighteene yeares said ; o good father take heed that for vs you chaunge not your purpose . this origen after his fathers goods were confiscated for the faith , he nourished his mother and . brethren by being a schoole maister . zephyrim a romane , the . bishop of rome , ruled seuenteene yeares as eusebius saith . in the first tome of councells we finde two of his decretall epistles , one vnto the bishops of cicilie , the other to them of egipt , which represent vnto vs no other forme of gouernment then that we see described almost in all the epistles attributed vnto the bishoppes of rome . in the first hee makes mention of iudgements , which ought to be constituted by . iudges , in causes of patriarkes and primates . not to admit indifferently all such as accuse priests . he sought to establish the supremacie , and that men should appeale vnto the apostolicke seate of rome : and therefore he called himselfe arch-bishop . in the second hee establisheth certaine ceremonies in priests orders , to elect such as were wise and approued , and in the presence of all . damasus attributed vnto him the decree to vse in the eucharist cuppes of glasse or tinne , and not of wood . also to receiue the eucharist once at the least in the yeare , from the age of . and aboue . it shall afterward be shewed what estimation men ought to make of those things , and of the epistles called decretalls , which are attributed vnto the romane bishops . he excommunicated natalius the confessor for ioyning with heretickes ; ouer whom he suffered himselfe to be made bishop . zephyrim would not receiue him to his repentance , vnlesse openly he shewed good tokens thereof . bassianus antoninus surnamed caracalla , the . emperour of rome , raigned sixe or seuen yeares ( after some ) incestuous and cruell , he tooke his mother in lawe to wife , called iulia : and slew his brother geta , and his vncle. of his cousin called saeuis or seua , or semyamira , or seulasyra , he engendered heliagabalus , who was after emperour . he was slaine of the age of . yeares by the ambush of macrinus his successor as he discended from his horse , and drew aside to make water . papinianus a lawier was slaine by the emperour , because he allowed not the murder commited against his brother geta. macrin optius the . emperour borne at marusia , raigned a yeare and two monethes , a man lasciuious , shamelesse in words , impudent , sacralegious , and bloudie : hee was slaine with diadumenus his sonne , of the age of . yeares and more . heliogabalus called varius heliogabalus the . emperour , raigned foure yeares . he was rather a monster then a prince , as giuen to al vncleannesse & filthinesse , a contemner of all religion , except he reuerenced the sunne , whose high priest hee had bene , and therefore called himselfe heliogabalus . hee died of a death worthy his life , slaine by a military tumult with his mother , and their bodies were drawne through the streets , and after cast into tiber. he raigned two yeares , eight moneths , and adopted alexander seuerus . he builded a citie called oresta , where he commaunded to sacrifice humane hostes and reasonable creatures . calixtus or after eusebius , calistus a romaine , the . bishop of rome , ruled sixe or seuen yeares . the epistles attributed vnto him , shewe the forme of his gouernment . one vnto benit the bishop , and the other vnto the bishops of gaul . there is attributed vnto him an edict common to all bishops , that no accusation should be receiued against clarkes : and commaunded that each one should take heed they made no conspiration against bishops . it is credible , in the time wherein persecutions were continually kindled , that such an edict should be commaunded the faithfull , which scant durst shewe themselues . item that none might communicate with such as were excommunicated . and that marriages of cousin-germaine should not bee admitted , and if they were made , to breake them . in one of his epistles there is an euill exposition ; that the wife of a bishop is interpreted a church or a parish , of which it is not lawfull during his life to dispose any thing without his will , nor to enioy the company ; that is to say , ordination of an other . the first decretall , instituteth the fast of the foure times and seasons of the yeare . damasus saith that he ordeined a fast of three times , because of corne , wine , and oyle . and further : that calixtus made three times orders in december , and ordeined sixteene priests , foure deacons , and eight bishops in diuers places , and finally , that hee suffered martirdome vnder alexander the emperour . it is vncertaine whether it was this calixt that made the ordinance for the single life of priests . for concerning this , the two decretalls attributed vnto him , make no mention thereof , neither is it found in the first volume of councells . againe in the councell of nice , there is nothing alleadged of the said ordinance : yea and that more is ; there was made there a statute to the contrary , at the exhortation of pathuntius , as shall be said after . alexander seuerus the sonne of mamea , the . emperour , was excellent and vertuous , he raigned . or . yeares , a friend of the christians : his mother had beene instructed by origen : he was slaine with his mother of the age of . yeares by treason , by theeues which in the time of heliogabalus hauing bene in honour , had bene cast out from their dignities and offices . he caused to be published this lawe , to be inuiolably kept . doo to an other no other thing , then thou wouldest should be done vnto thy selfe . porphirius of cicile a philosopher , left the faith , and was an apostate in despite of the christians , of whom he said hee had bene iniuried . vlpianus a lawier in this time . vrban a romane , bishop of rome , ruled eight or nine yeares . damasus saith he , was of an holy life . so that he drew certaine gentlemen , as tiburcius , and valerian , s. cecile her husband , to the christian faith . some attribute vnto him a decretall epistle to all bishops speaking of a common life , such as was in the time of the apostles , but he speakes not as it was . some attributes vnto him edicts to assure the gods of the church , as they call them . and he speakes a litle of the vowe of such as promise to possesse nothing of their owne . he instituted the confirmation after baptisme by imposition of the bishops hands to obtaine the holy ghost , and that they are made full christians , &c. there is none but he may see herein not onely a sacriledge but also an execrable blaspemie forged in the shop of this slauish decretists . damasus attributeth vnto him the ordinance , that the communion cuppes should be no more of glasse , but either of siluer or at the least of pewter . wherevpon boniface bishop of magunce said . in old time goldē priests vsed wodden chalices , but now wodden priests vse golden chalices . that confirmation ought to be with creame . that the foure times fast ought to be obserued . that churches should haue lands , medowes , and possessions , and their goods should be common , and distributed to nourish ministers , the poore , and notaries called protonotaries which writ the acts of the martyrs . origines the tenth yeare of the empire of alexander , fled from alexandria into cesaria of palestine , for a popular sedition there . some say hee was marteried vnder alexander . for although alexander fauoured the christians , yet were many martyred by his officers . for he made no edict to prouide for the affaires of the christians . pontian a romane , bishop of rome , ruled . yeares , or nine , after damasus . two decretall epistles are attributed vnto him , which haue this common argument with many others , not to molest nor accuse priests . by damasus it is attributed vnto him , that hee should ordaine sixe priestes , . deacons , and . bishops . martian the scottish historiographer saith , that pontian was sent into exile into sardinia , the first yeare of maximin . at this time at rome were . priests , cardinalls ( that is to say , eminent and principall amongst others ) which especially had care of the saluation of soules . of which they say marcellius ordained . to bury the dead and to baptise children . our cardinalls of this time would heere take their originall . but indeed they beganne in the time of innocent the fourth , about the yeare of christ , . iulius maximin , borne in thrace , . emperour , without authoritie of the senate , but by the souldiers : because he was a great and puissant man : he raigned about three yeares . a man inhumane and furious , he was slaine of the souldiers at the age of . yeares , with his sonne of the age of . yeares , and their bodies cast into the riuer . he raised the sixt persecution against the christians , and especially against the doctors of the church , for hatred to manea the mother of alexander his predecessor , of whose death he was culpable , and with his owne hands murdered the houshold seruants of the said alexander . the romane senate for hatred it bare vnto maximin , chose new emperours to maintaine the common-wealth , namely , pupian , balbin and gordian . the two first were slaine in the pallace at rome by a sedition of warriors , and gordian remained alone emperour . in this time some historiographers of small authoritie , say that syriacke was the successor of pontian as fasciculus tempo . henry de hereford , bergomensis and naucler : yet is there not one approoued author or historiographer which makes any mention of this siriake . they say that he occupied the state a yeare , three moneths and . dayes ; and that after he went to almaigne into colongue , with a great number of virgines , and that there he was martired with them . and the reason why he was raced out of the catalogue of the bishops of rome ; they say it was because that willingly he forsooke his dignitie , against the will of the cleargie . let euery one iudge what faith such historians merite , or such authors or forgers of decretall epistles attributed to romane bishops . celsire an epicurian philosopher , writ then a booke which he intituled , the truth : wherein hee pursued the christians with villanies & lies . origen writ eight bookes against him . anter damasus saith , that by nation he was a grecian . isnarda writeth that he came to be bishop of rome , because pontian going away substituted him . there is great difference in the supputation of the time of his gouernment . euseb . giueth him a moneth . damasus . yeares and a moneth . a decrerall epistle is attributed vnto him , vnto the bishops of betique and toledo , wherein hee pronounceth it lawfull for bishops to remoue from one place to an other if necessitie require it , and the profit of the church : he was martired vnder maximin . fabian bishop of rome after anter. a romane , gouerned . or . yeares . his election is described too miraculous ; namely by a doue . see eusebius . . . chap. . three decretall epistles are attributed vnto him , that the constitutions of the seuen sub-deacons , which ought alwaies to be with the notaries which gather together the deedes of the martyrs . hee was martired and his wife darfosa vnder decius , vnto whom he was married before his being bishop . gordian chosen by the senate , was a prince of a noble heart : wee finde not that hee made any cruell edicts against the christians . after he had raigned sixe yeares he was subtilly slaine by phillippes , which succeeded him . many heresies which rose vp in former times renewed at this time . at rome proclus mainteined the heresie of the cataphrygians . berillus who otherwise was an excellent doctor in arabia , fell into the heresie of artemon , which denied christ to haue bene before his incarnation . origines disputed against him . vnder gordian there was so great an ecclips , that the day-light seemed an obscuritie as darke as the night . there was also so terrible an earthquake that some whole townes were swallowed with the ouerturne of the earth . gordian obteined many victories against the persians , and chased sapor king of the persians euen to antioch , which then was held of the persians . he recouered both cares and nisible , and by this meanes came it to passe that the east was brought subiect vnto the romane empire , iulius capitolin rehearseth it in gordians life . to confute berillus , a councell was held vnder gordian at philadelphia in arabia , where origenes was , who ouercame him and brought him into a good way . m. iulius phillippus an arabian , with his sonne also called phillip , succeeded gordian in the empire . they were christians conuerted vnto the faith by pontian or pontius a romane senator , and baptized by fabian . hee , his mother seuera , and his sonne philip , desirous to resort into the company of the christians , fabian would admit them vnto the last vigiles of easter , although he had great desire to persist in the congregation and prayers of christians vntill he had confessed his sinne ( which was a murder as is thought ) and ioyned himselfe with them of whose sinnes inquest was made , and so placed amongst the repentants . eusebius . lib. . chap. . this philip refused not to do , but accomplished whatsoeuer was enioyned him by the bishop . in the raigne of this philip there were heretickes in arabia , which mainteined that the soules die with the bodies , and that together they shall rise at the day of iudgement . origines went towards them beeing sent thither , and confounded them . there are at this day certaine anabaptistes which say that when man dyeth , his soule sleepeth vntil the day of iudgement , which is an execrable heresie . there were other heretickes called helchescites , as eusebius saith , lib. . chap. . or elsecians after epiphanius and saint augustine , which dwelt in arabia in the region of the moobites ; they reiected the epistles of saint paul , and mainteined that in the time of persecution it was no sinne to renounce the faith with the mouth , if so bee the heart remained faithfull . this heresie was before sowne by basilides , and confounded by agrippa castor , an excellent doctor . o what great hurt this wicked heresie hath brought to the church in persecution . phillip and his courtiers receiued the doctrine of the gospell , and renounced all painim idolatries . but this felicitie endured not long for the church . for as phillip did to his predecessor , so was done vnto him by his successor decius : yea and to his sonne who was slaine at rome , and the father at verone . this was their ende after they had raigned . yeares . decius phillip decius borne at bubalie a towne of base panonia , was chosen after phillip . hee was a prince worthie praise , but that hee stirred the seuenth persecution against the christians , because of the euill will hee bare to his predecessor phillip . euseb . lib. . cap. . this hatred as sabellicus and bergomensis say , proceeded hereof , that the two phillips being in perill of death , gaue their treasures to fabian . saint ciprian rehearseth other more vrgent causes . and these be his words in his fourth booke and fourth epistle . we must needs confesse that this waste which hath pilled our flocke , and the theft yet at this day practised , comes because of our sinnes : for that we hold not the way of the lord , but giue our selues to gaine , to pride , to enuies and dissentions , &c. of this persecution nicephorus saith in lib. . cap. . that it was as possible to number them that suffered in this persecution , as to account the sand of the sea . alexander bishop of ierusalem honoured for his pietie , once was drawne before the gouernours seate in cesaria , and after hee had made a confession of his faith he died in prison . babilus bishop of nichomedie , asclepiades of antioche , germanie , theophile , cesarius , vital , polychronius bishop of babilon , serapion , apollonia a virgin , and infinit others , were martyred in this horrible persecution . aboue all other townes alexandria then was as a scaffolde when the faithfull mustered . see eusebius lib. . chap. . diuers kindes of torments were vsed against the martyrs , as eusebius saieth . as sharpe needles against the face and eyes , bursting betwixt stones , burning , pearsing the entralles , casting downe from high places to lower , tearing in peeces by cardes of iron , plates being applied to their sides , the rage of sauage beastes , condemnation to digge mettalls , &c. saint ciprian beeing in exile , writ verie consolatorie letters to them which suffered such euilles . and as tertullian , in his time defended the christians against scapula : so also did saint ciprian the like against demetrian a painim gouernour , shewing thereby that the calamities of the world are fully imputed vnto the christians . denis of alexandria writ , that after the publication of decius edict confirmatiue of this horrible persecution , many of the most excellent shewed themselues so fearefull , that of their owne motion they made abiurations and sacrificed vnto idols . ciprian made a sermon of such as fell , namely of such as perseuered not in the confession of iesus christ . there hee sets downe examples of gods punishment of such as abiured ; hee affirmeth that many of them were tormented with euill spirits . hee saith one became dumbe incontinent after hee had renounced . an other also after his renouncing , comming to take the supper with others , found in stead of bread , ashes . also a maide taken with a diuel , bitte off her tongue with her teeth . many things are attributed to fabian conteined in gratians decree , which are not worth rehearsing , and as vnworthy that bishop . beda and eusebius write , that fabian suffered martirdome at the beginning of decius raigne . for he bare him euill will , because phillip gaue him his treasures . eusebius in his chronicle saith that fabian gouerned the romane church , . yeares . damasus and marian the scot say , . origene writ to fabian touching the puritie of doctrine , as euseb . lib. . chap. . decius died miserably before hee had raigned two whole yeares . pomponius writeth , that in a warre against the gothes hee was swallowed vppe of a gulphe , into the which he cast himselfe , that he might not fall into his enemies hands . hereupon note the saying of s. cyprian . cyprian in his booke against demetrian toucheth it saying : certaine we are that all that we endure shall not long be vnpunished : and so much more as the outrage of persecution shall be great , so much the greater shall the vengeance be for that persecution , and so much the more manifest . although we keepe not in memory things of olde , yet the doctrines of things newly happening do suffice , that in very little time and so suddenly , so horrible a vengeance hath followed , &c. gallus and volucian his sonne , ioyntly succeeded in the empire . hee was otherwise called c. verus trebonian of gaul . hee was happie enough at the beginning as denis writeth , but continuing the persecution which fell into his hands by his predecessors , he prospered not . for before two yeares were passed , hee and his sonne volusian were miserably slaine in a warre against emilian , hauing before gotten an opprobry vnto the romane people to make thē tributary vnto the scythians by an alliance he made with them , as eutropius and pomponius laetus write . cornelius a romaine , was three yeares bishop of rome . by the epistle of the romane cleargie written to saint cyprian , we may knowe that the romane seate was vacant certaine time , and that cornelius succeeded the bishop fabian , at the beginning of the raigne of gallus and volusian . saint cyprian defended his election against the calumniations of nouatus the hereticke , saying in his fourth booke and epistle to antonian , that he occupied not his bishoppricke by bribes , nor of his owne desire , neither by violence , as many doo , which are swelled with their owne pride : but that hee came thither by the will of god , then , when the tyrant envenomed with mortall hatred against priestes the seruants of god , vttered horrible menacies . the things then attributed vnto cornelius in his decretall epistles : how can they agree with so excellent a doctor , who alwaies was at the combat ? as that which is written in his first epistle ; that at the request of a noble woman he caused to be transported the body ( or rather the rotten bones ) of s. peter and s. paul , which long time had bene kept in a sepulchre . the second epistle is to ruffinus a bishop of the east , touching the maners of priests . eusebius and saint hierome who most diligently writ of this holy person , make no mention of those epistles , but they mention his determination to haue a councell held at rome against nouatus . damasus and others haue written that cornelius was banished , and finally martired vnder decius : but s. hierome transferreth his administration to the time of the emperours gallus and volucian , whose authoritie we haue followed . eusebius . . cap. . writeth that cornelius gouerned the church of rome three yeares : yet in his chronicle he giueth him but two . lucius succeeded cornelius , he was a romane . eusebius saith he , was not a bishop . whole moneths . nauclerus , platina and sabellicus giueth him . yeares and more . gratian attributes vnto him this decree ; that priests , deacons , and other ministers of the aultar , ought to bee chosen such , as they can keepe themselues without marrying , and that no clarke should frequent the company of women . there is attributed vnto him an epistle written to the bishops of spaine and fraunce : wherein is proposed a kinde of gouernment , which seemes not to agree with the time of lucius . therein is ordeined that in all places there should be two priests , and three deacons , with a bishop , to keepe him company wheresoeuer he went , as witnesses of his life . as if then there had bene so great tranquilitie , as a bishop might goe take his pleasure or shewe himselfe with great companies . the yeare . the heresie of noetus and sabellius after theodoret , got a passage , although before it had beene debated in affrike by praxeas and hermogenes . they said that god the father suffered , and therefore s. augustine saith , they were called patripassians . many histories make mention of an horrible pestilence in the time of gallus ; the infection whereof came into aethiope , and after it had consumed the southerne people it came into the east , and there laid holde on the other parts of the world , so that many places were left desolate . and this wound endured so long time , that scant it finished before the end of tenne yeares . of this so terrible and extraordinary an euill , s. ciprian tooke an argument to make his booke , intituled of the crueltie . emilian succeeded gallus and volusian after he had slaine them . hee was a man of base condition , issuing from mauritaine , and was emperour but three moneths . valerian licinius valerianus chosen emperour , a man of noble race , excellent in knowledge and honestie , an examplarie of a true censor and senator in all his life . but in him all these vertues were defaced . first for that he ioyned with him in the empire his sonne galien , who was a monster in all abhominarion . item by the persecution that he stirred against the christians . of all the emperours there was not one before him which at the beginning hadde beene so soft and milde towards christians , yea familiar , in so much as his court was full of them . but after he gaue himselfe to deuines and aegyptian enchaunters , hee was perswaded to put to death the seruants of god , as they which hindered those wicked enchaunters ; to kill poore children , and to offer vppe the sonnes and daughters of theyr miserable parents . a litle after hee had begunne to persecute the christians , hee went to make warre vppon the persians , and in a battaile hee was taken aliue . sapor king of the persians vsed such crueltie towards valerian , who was of the age of seuentie yeares , that when hee mounted on horsebacke , hee serued himselfe with valerians backe to get vp . eutropius , pollio , aurelius victor , sabellicus and laetus , doo recite this , and say hee vsed his age in this miserable seruitude , eusebius in the oration which hee made heereof to the whole congregation of the faithfull , saith that sapor commaunded that valerian should bee scorched and salted . gallienus raigned then alone and gaue himself to idlenesse , dissolution , and whoordome . in his time there was no place in all the romane iurisdiction , except italie alone , wherein there were not seditions and rebellions . trebellius an historiographer , accounteth thirtie , all which at one time were named emperours ; some in one region , and some in others . cilicia , cappadocia , and syria , were pilled and wasted by the persians , vnder sapor . the almaines after they had tormented the gaules , entred by force into italie . the gothes pilled pontus , asia , macedonia , and greece . see the romane histories . vnder his rule monstrous things came to passe , horrible ouertures and earthquakes , whereof many there were which died of excessiue feare . rome was shaken , libia trembled . aurelius victor saith , that gallien was slaine with his sonne at millaine , or with his brother valerian , as eutropius saith . they which haue set downe in writing the romane affaires , were of opinion that these mischiefes happening to the romane empire , came by the wicked gouernment of the princes . but we thinke that the iudgement and vengeance of god prouoked by the former persecutions , as well of others as of himselfe , fell vpon them . s. ciprian hauing bene sent into exile vnder valerian and gallien , by paternus gouernour of affrike , and vnder maximus , who succeeded him in the gouernment , was finally beheaded in the time of lucius after sabellicus . marianus scotus saith , that lucius bishop of rome was banished for the confession of christ in the persecution of valerian and gallien , and that afterward he was permitted to return vnto his ministerie ; and that finally he was beheaded , and so might he be bishop the space of three yeares and more . theodorus and athenodorus , bishops of pontus in this time . theodorus was after called gregorie , as eusebius saith , lib. . cap. . these two hearing the great renowne of the learning of origine , came to cesaria , where origine read publikely , hauing forsaken alexandria , and were perswaded by origen to let goe their philosophie , and to apply themselues vnto the holy scriptures . basile the great said , that the heresie of sabellius was extinguished by this gregorie the great . if nicephorus deserue credit , theodorus or gregorie liued very long , namely vnto the time of dioclesian . yet basile in his . epistle , which is to the neocesarians , writeth that hee was not very olde when he died . paul called samosatenus of the towne of samosate , which is in mesopotania of siria vpon the floud enphrates , was ordeined bishop of antioch after demetrius , the thirteenth yeare of galien . the bishops which assisted the councell of antioch to refute his wicked doctrine and blasphemies against god and the lord iesus , haue sufficiently witnessed of him . we may not here let passe the historie of origines end : that is , that after the yeare wherein demetrius ordeined him in the office of catechist , vntil the time he died , it seemeth he trauelled fiftie two yeares and more , and the most part of that time hee employed in teaching , writing , busie in the affaires of the church , and refuting of heresies ; in so much that athanasius saith of him , that hee was admirable of great labour . finally , after he had constantly endured many greeuous torments , he was led before an aultar , vnto which they had brought a wicked aethiopian , and there was proposed vnto him two things , the one , either to offer vp sacrifice vnto the idoll , or else abandon his body to the villainous aethiopian . origen made a signe that hee had rather offer sacrifice . then they thrust a sensor into his hand . for which impietie he was after excommunicated out of the church of alexandria , from whence hee retyred into iudea , and being come to ierusalem , the priests and elders requested and after constrained him to speake in the congregation of the faithfull , because he was a priest . origen rose vp as if he should make a sermon , but hee only recited his theame of the . psalme . and god said to the preacher ; wherefore preachest thou my iustifications ? and wherefore takest thou my testament in thy mouth ? &c. and incōtinently shut the booke , then sat he downe sheading teares , and lamenting with great cry being not able to speake , and all that were present wept with him . suidas addeth , that hee was buried in the towne of tyre . euse . lib. . cap. . saith it was vnder the emperour gallus , . or thereabouts : and then was it betwixt the yeare . of his age , or . after nicephorus . and as it may be thought he dyed in great pouertie and miserie , if not in dispaire . s. ierome although he sometimes handled him rudely , yet he admireth him , and praiseth him , because of his great knowledge , in the epistle to pammathus and ocean . he praiseth his spirit , but not his faith . this should make vs walke in feare and care in our vocation . stephen borne at rome , was bishop of rome , and the successor of lucius . the greatest paine that he had in his gouernmēt was that he opposed himselfe forcibly against s. cyprian and all the councell of affricke , touching the difference that then was moued to rebaptise heretikes , as it is recited by eusebius . lib. . ca. . & . the contents of the two decretall epistles attributed vnto him deserue no credite . the one to hilarie bishop , and the other to all the bishops of the prouinces touching accusations made against priests . for it seemes not that the romane church was in such prosperitie then , that stephen bishoppe thereof , had no other thing to do and ordaine , but with what reuerence a man must handle the chalice and holy garments , or ( as isidore and polydore witnesse of him ) that he was the first inuentor of the couerings of the aultar . damasus attributes vnto him two ordinances , in which sixe priests , fiue deacons , and sixe bishops were ordeined : and saith that after he had gouerned seuen yeares and fiue moneths he was martyred . but euseb . lib. . cap. . sheweth that hee was but two yeares in his office . s. cyprian writ vnto him certaine epistles which are in his workes . denis bishop of alexandria , excellent in doctrine , although he suffered not martyrdome but watched in the midst of the church , therfore god preserued him from martyrdom as niceph. speaketh . li. . ca. . notwithstanding he endured terrible afflictions & diuers banishments in two violent persecutions vnder decius , and after vnder valerian . he died very olde , and it hapned at what time the two councells were held against paul. samosaten . an. . of gallien , and of christ , . hauing gouerned the state of alexandria . yeares , and the church . about this time many nations cast themselues vpon the marches of the romanes . the countrey of denmarke was taken out of their hands . likewise the almaines came euē to rauenna , putting all to fire and blood . this was the first waining and decreasing of the romaine empire : for the countrey was neuer after recouered . egipt reuolted , france was lost : macedonia , pontus , asia , wasted by the gothes : pannonia by the sarmates . zenobia queene of the persians ruled in the east . to vnderstand all this diminution and fall of this empire , see trebellio pollia , a romane historiographer . phillip bishop of alexandria martyred , and his daughter eugenia at rome . the great temple of diana in ephesus , was pilled and burnt by the gothes . a second cerinthus hereticke , promised in the kingdome to come , great store of meates and women , and that after a thousand yeares should bee the resurrection , and the kingdome of christ should be on earth . xistus or sixtus , the second of that name , succeeded stephen , he was of athens . he was ordeined bishop of rome by the election of the cleargie comming from spaine where he was preaching . there are attributed vnto him two decretals , the one to gayus bishop , the other to the brothers of spaine : the which containe nothing but the forme of the common gouernment which they make vs beleeue was thē . item touching the vowes of priests . but we may easily see that all is forged at pleasure . damasus after his maner reciteth that hee made orders twise , ordeining , priests , deacons , and bishops . bergomensis & sabellicus recite , that xistus trauelled much to take away the heresies of the sabellians , cerinthians , and nepotians . finally , that he was accused by them before gallien : and vpon his commaundement beheaded , and with him . deacons . s. ambrose in his offices li. . cap. . reciteth , that as he wēt to death , it is said that one laurence a deacon spoke to him in this sort . father wilt thou goe without thy sonne ? and xistus answered him . my sonne i shall not leaue thee . there are greacombattes for the faith prepared for thee : thou shalt follow me three dayes after . in the meane while if thou hast any thing in thy treasure distribute it to the poore . this laurence was the chiefe of the seuen deacons of the church of rome , which had the handling of the goods deputed for almes . the gouernour of rome being hungry of siluer , and perswaded that the church had gold , siluer , & moueables , as candlesticks , chalices , and such like things , would needs haue forced laurence to haue tolde him where those treasures were . laurence to do this hauing taken the terme of three dayes , distributed it all to the poore whatsoeuer he had . then hauing gathered together on an heape all the poore , lame and diseased , which were maintained of almes , at the day assigned , hee prayed the gouernour to goe with him to that place , and shewing him al those poore and diseased people he said . behold the vessels of siluer , yea the talents in order , receiue them , and thou shalt adorne the citie of rome , and enrich the reuenewe of the emperour and thine owne . the gouernour seeing himselfe mocked , commaunded hee should be stretched on an iron grate red hotte , and soone after the tormentors laid him on it , who with great courage endured that cruell and long torment , and finally prayed and inuocated the lord , and so yeelded his happie soule . prudencius a christian poet in his booke of crownes describeth this martirdome . denis succeeded xistus , and as damasus saith of a monke , was made bishop . but it appeareth rather by that which eusebius lib. . ca. . and s. hierome , say , that he was a priest of the church of rome , the yeare of our lord . and the . yeare of gallien . two decretall epistles are attributed vnto him . in the first he exhorteth vrbain to follow the true religion . the second distributeth and makes partitions of churches into parishes and diocesses . item that two seuerall times he held orders . but eusebius saith , lib. . cap. . that denis died without martyrdome , hauing gouerned . yeares . others say sixe yeares , and sixe moneths . the councell of antioche against paul samosetaine was celebrated in his time , wherein the said paul was condemned , and cast out of the communion of the vniuersall church , and donus a man accomplished with vertues was ordeined in his place . he was the sonne of demetrian , who had ruled in that church without reproach . hist . eccle. lib. . chap. . note how the sonne succeeded the father in their bishopricks . and so in victors time polictates a bishop of asia , said that he himselfe was the . bishop of his auncestors . some say that galien seeing the long & horrible seruitude of his father vnder sapor king of persia ( as is said ) caused to cease the persecution by publicke edicts , permitting euery one to liue after his owne lawe . hee was so giuen to his pleasures , that when it was tolde him that many countries were reuolted from him , hee did but laugh . in so much that his souldiers slew him at millaine , at the age of . yeares , hauing raigned . yeares : that is to say , seuen with his father , and eight alone . thirtie tyrants rose vp which sore afflicted the romane common-wealth . ignatius saith it . claudus the emperour raigned almost two yeares . trebellius saith that in his kingdome the gothes and diuers other people of scythia , pilled the romaine prouinces , and that there were three hundreth thousande men of barbarous nations , which by force entred into the romaine territories , against which people as well by sea as by land , the emperour claudus obteined victorie the first yeare of his kingdome , and finally chased them away . after him quintilius his brother was chosen of the romane senators , and raigned but seuenteene dayes , and was slaine : or as some say , he caused his owne foote to bleed in water , hauing vnderstood that aurelian was chosen emperour . aurelian the emperour , is rather to be numbred amongst necessary princes then good : for so much praise as his militarie art deserueth , so much his domesticke crueltie takes from him , which he exercised euen against his sisters sonne . vopiscus witnesseth , that the emperour aurelian the first yeare of his kingdome recouered gaule , after hee had vanquished tetrike who before occupied it : this was in the yeare of christ , . after eusebius . he also deliuered from the barbarians the inhabitants of auspourge , which were besieged by the said barbarians . after this he tryumphed ouer zenobia , and the persians , hauing vanquished them . some say hee founded orleans and geneua , renowned townes . eusebius saith of him , that he was towards christians very peaceable at the beginning , but soone after he chaunged his good opinion at the perswasion of wicked people : insomuch that he determined to persecute the churches : and letters of his edict were written , and wanted but his signet and hand for to send them vnto the prouinces : but god by his diuine clemencie hindered it . for hee dyed suddenly before he could execute his will. some say a thunderboult light nigh vnto aurelian and such as followed him , euen when he began to persecute the christians , and that soone after he was flaine by one of his houshold and familiars , as hee was going the second time to warre vpon the therikes . herein would god giue his to know , that his chosen are not executed at the pleasure of men , but when it pleaseth him . this was the ninth persecution against the christians , which endured not long for the death of the said tyrant . it should also be noted , that euen whilest aurelian the emperour raigned , foure tyrants inuaded the empire , namely firmian , saturnin , bonosus , and proculus . as vopiscus saith . after the death of aurelian , the empire was voyd seuen moneths . and after him tacitus was chosen emperour , a wise and graue man , but he was slaine the sixt moneth of his empire . florian his brother tooke from him his empire , not by the senates authoritie but of his owne will , thinking it belonged vnto him by hereditary right ; yet notwithstanding a while after he was slain nigh tharsus , hauing raigned . daies . some say he caused his owne veines to be opened . probus issued from dalmatia , was declared emperour , a man excellent both in peace and warre , hee raigned . yeares and foure moneths . the first yeare of his raigne he recouered gaul , which the barbarians and almaines had againe occupied , and brought them vnder the first obedience of the romanes . he reduced all germanie into a prouince . he tooke away olde tyrants and brought peace into the world : so that he said there should be no more any need of souldiers , which caused them so to malice him , that they conspired to sley him . manes the hereticke at this time composed many bookes , and almongst others , one hee intituled , the misteries of maniche . he was a persian by nation . and seeing many abhorred his lyes and blasphemies , sought all meanes to giue authoritie to his doctrine . he made the king of persia beleeue that he would heale his sonne , who was greeuously sicke . but after the kings sonne was taken from the phisitians and put into the hands of manes , he died . the king of persia caused him to be apprehended , and made him to be broyled aliue vpon an hot iron . suidas and epipha . recite it . hee was a great magician , and s. augustine saith , that the bookes of the maniches are full of fables of astronomie . s. ierom in the preface of the dialogues against the pelagians saith , that the manicheans affirmed that when they are come to the highest degree of perfection , they can no more sinne , no not in thought , nor by ignorance . felix borne at rome was ordeined bishop after denis , the yeare of christ , . after eusebius , and the first yeare of the raigne of probus . the last authors attribute vnto him two epistles decretals , without authoritie of the elders . the first is written to paternus bishop . the . to all the bishops of france : wherein he declareth that he had determined in a councell that messes should be celebrated vpō the memory of martyrs , least it might be quenched . the word messe , doth manifestly enough shew the deceit and forging of those decretals . for it was not yet vsed , neither are there found any authors of that time which haue written thereof . felix finally suffred martirdom after he had bin bishop of rome . yeares : after euse . but after dama . . yeres , . months & . daies eutichian a tuscā of the towne of lunes , succeeded him , the year of christ , . & the . yeare of y e raign of the emp. probus . two decretal epistles are attributed vnto him : the . to them of boetia , cōtaining certain doctrines of y e incarnatiō of christ , of his body , of his crosse , of his death , of hell , & of our saluatiō . damasus attributeth vnto him , a ceremony touching the oblation of gummes & fruites , as beanes , pease , raisons , and such like . the same damasus saith of him ( if we must needs beleeue him ) that with his owne hands he buried . martyrs , and that he ordained that none should bury any martyr without a damaltike or a sacerdoll coate , and without fire . whosoeuer vnderstands the horror of the persecutions of this time , way easily coniecture the lyes of such ceremonies . gratian the great forger , reciteth that eutichian made many constitutions : that abbesses and nunnes should not put vailes vpon widowes or maydens which should be nunnes . item that such as came to councells about deliberation of the churches affaires , ought to take oathes : and after he reciteth others : he suffered martyrdome after he had gouerned the romane church almost ten moneths , as eusebius witnesseth , lib. . cap. . damasus and platina say one yeare and a moneth . volareran , . yeares . many things are recited of the conquests of probus the emperour , which the romane historiographers describe . carus succeeded him the yeare of christ , . and associated his two sonnes in the empire , numerian and carinus . he beganne new warre against the persians , which probus had left imperfect . he sent carinus to the gaules , to maintaine them , and led with him numerian . he recouered in that warre mesopotamia , and hauing wasted all the region of the parthians , he got all the kingdome of the persians . see vopiscus . carus strooken with lightning dyed suddenly . numerian was of great modestie , giuen to study , especially of poesie . his father in lawe hauing laid ambushes , slewe him as hee was in his coach. his brother carinus a man giuen to all wickednes , defiled himselfe with the bloud of the faithfull , hauing the empire alone . these three then raigned not long . for all their times endured not three whole yeares , as eutropius victor and latus recite . the gouernment of those aforesaid emperours brought some release to the christians , and so things happened fauourable vnto them : insomuch that some of them were aduanced to offices and gouernment vntill the raigne of dioclesian , and shall be seene in his place . caius bishop of rome was of dalmatia , of the family of dioclesian the emperour after damasus . eusebius saith he was ordained bishop the same yeare that eutichian was , who with much adoo remained but ten moneths bishop . there is attributed vnto him a decretall epistle , wherein he speaketh but meanly of christ the mediator , and of iustification . hee after saith , that to ascend vnto the dignitie of a bishop , men must goe by degrees , and by ecclesiasticall orders , as first hee must be portier , then lector , &c. damasus witnesseth , that he liued during the time of dioclesian the emperours persecutions , from which he hid himselfe and dwelt vnder vaultes ; yet finally hee was drawne to death the . yeare of the said dioclesian , after he had gouerned the church . yeares after eusebius , or eleuen and foure moneths after damasus . the lord ( as hath beene said ) gaue some release to his church , vntill the kingdome of dioclesian , as euseb . lib. . cap. . dioclesian emperour , borne at dalmatia , the second yeare of his kingdome , associated to the empire , maximiam herculean , in which yeare he brought vnder the empire the gaules , which had bene occupied by the rustikes , which were called bagaricles , from thence he went into affrike , and vanquished the gentians . these two seeing the affaires of the empire might be better decided by many , named two cesars to gouerne vnder thē , namely galerian , and constantinus , who was father vnto constantine the great . euery of them were imployed in conquering that which was lost ; & aboue all to recouer egipt , which achillas had gotten . and this was the yeare of christ , . the east also which narsus had gotten . they brought vnder the yoake fiue prouinces beyond the floud tigris , which reuolted from the romanes since traians time . also britaine ( which is now england ) ten yeares after her reuolt , and after hauing chased away garesius or cranssius , who had made himselfe king. euseb . and pomp. laetus . after that things were thus ordered , in the place to acknowledge this good of the lorde , dioclesian caused himselfe to bee worshipped as god. laetus in his abridgement of romaine histories saith ; whereas the first emperours contented themselues to be called consuls , and to be saluted of the people by that name , this man was the first that wold be adored , naming himselfe brother of the sunne and of the moone . before emperours gaue to kisse their hands to nobles , and their knees to the common people . but dioclesian made an edict that all men without difference of whatsoeuer race , should kisse his feete : vpon which also he placed certaine markes of adoration , and had his shooes garnished with gold and pretious stones , which also caligula had done as is said . the popes and antichrists of rome haue bent imitators hereof , and haue well held this ordinance of dioclesian to conserue their dignitie . the tenth persecution raised against the christians , endured tenne yeares in the west countries . this was the greatest and cruellest persecution of all . for in lesse then thirtie dayes , through diuers prouinces were martyred about . or . thousand persons , as well men as women . marcelline borne at rome , succeeded caius in the gouernment of the romane church , his father was called proiectus . during this persecution hee was very greeuously pressed by the tormentors , vnder dioclesian and maximian emperours , wherein being taken , with feare of torments and punishments , he offered a graine of incence in the honour of idols , but afterward he acknowledged his fault in a full synode assembled at sinnesse , & did penance : and after came euen to reprooue dioclesian , and voluntarily presented himselfe to death . hee was martyred with claudius cyrinus and antonius , after he had gouerned the romane church nine yeares after damisen , eight after marianus , and foure after vrsperge . this was the yeare of christ . there are attributed vnto marcelline as to others , two decretall epistles . the first written to a bishop called salomon . and the other vnto the westerne bishops . dioclesian was of opinion that there was no meane more meere to pacifie the world , and to bring the romane empire into the face and brightnesse of his auncient maiestie , thē to abolish all new religions . his determination then was to begin to take away from the middest of the people the dissimilitude of the christian religion : and many sophisters and philosophers drew him on herevnto . as for the faithfull , euseb . in his . booke , chap. . saith , that the too great peace and libertie of the church made them degenerate , and brought debates and questions about words , so that at last they came to flames , and there could not be found a more singular meane to extinguish and bring it to nothing then this persecution . dioclesian might haue bene numbred amongst the princes worthy of praise , if he had not contaminated and obscured the vertues he had , with the christians bloud he shead . his companion in the empire , was maximian herculeus , a man meete to exercise all cruelties . the chiefe seate of the easterne emperours was then at nichomedia in bithinia ; wherein the imperiall pallace was consumed by fire . this being imputed to the christians , he sent commaundements all ouer to persecute them , yea & to burne the bookes of holy scripture , & to take from the place of magistracy with ignominy all them that were christians . dioclesian persecuted the east , and maximian the west . crueltie was sharpe in syria , and it began at the bishops . see euseb . lib cap. . this fury spread into mesopotamia , cilicia , pontus , phrigia , armenia , egipt , yea euen to the iles of lesbos , as witnesseth sabellicus , enne . . lib. . arithimus bishop of nichomedia , after he had made a confession of his faith , hee was beheaded with a great troupe of martyrs . serena , dioclesians wife , endured constantly martyrdome . this persecution was so cruell that none were spared . hermanus gigas . in europe , at rome aboue all places was there greatest number of martyrs . the prouost rictiouarus in gaul , made a great massacre , especially at cullaine , at treuers , and towards moselle . beda writeth , that this persecution came euen into england , and then that saint alban , a man very renowned , receiued the crowne of martyrdome . from this time they beganne to finde out diuers kindes of torments , but how much the more horrible they were , so much more exquisite appeared the constancy of martyrs . eusebius saith he beheld the persecution made at thebaida ; and saith that the glaues , axes and swordes of tormentors were blunted and turned againe with so great slaughter , and were altogether tyred , when the christians with ioy of hart singing psalmes presented them selues to death . sulpitius in the holy history , li. . saith that christians then more ardently desired martyrdome , then the ambition of the cleargie afterward demaunded bishopprickes . beda de temptat . and orosius lib. . cap. . dioclesian crooked with age , after he had assaied all cruelties that could be deuised to extirpate the christians , willingly dismissed himselfe of the charge of the empire , and went to nichomedia , and being tossed with rage and fury led a priuate life . maximian his companion , who obeyed him , as the lesser the greater , deposed himself at the same time in the towne of milaine . dioclesian at solone passed his time as a gardener . this change was made after they had raigned together the space of twentie yeares . what deaths they had shal be told hereafter . marcel borne at rome , one benets sonne , was chosen bishop , about the . yeare of dioclesian , after the chronicle of henry the first . he was a true pastor of the lords church . in the booke of councells there is attributed vnto him two epistles . the one to them of antioch , wherein he exhorteth to follow the romane church , and that without authoritie thereof no sinode can bee called . but any bodie may see it is but a counterfeyt , and not agreeing with the time which then was . the other written to maxentius , is altogether impertinent : wherein after he hath commended christian charitie , hee reciteth things which are as pertinent so the time of that church , as conuenient to haue bene written to a tyrant who afterward was named emperour . such epistles doo sufficiently shewe that they wore forged by them which after thrust themselues into the sheep-folde of the lord , not to feed , but to rule . he confirmed in the faith , maurice , as hee came from syria to goe into gaul , with the legion which was called of thebes . constantius chlorus and galerius maximin , or maximian , were made augustes to goe through with the warres which their predecessors dioclesian and maximian herculeus left . eutropius the father of constantius a romane knight , of a noble house was discended from aeneas . the empire as thus parted , that constantius gouerned gaul , spaine , italie , and affrike : and galerius , which dioclesian had adopted ( giuing him his daughter valeria ) the rest , namely slauonia , greece , and the east . yet constantius who was neither ambitious nor couetous , refused affrike & italie , cōtenting himselfe with spaine & gaul , which he gouerned well and peaceably , was well beloued of his subiects , and no enemy of the christian faith . he had two wiues : the first helena , which was of base condition , of whom he had constantine the great : which wife he was constrained to leaue , and take theodora , the daughter of the wife of maximian herculeus . he died of a mallady in england , two yeares after dioclesian had deposed himself from the empire : for long time before had he bene made caesar , and adopted by dioclesian . some attribute vnto him those two yeares of raigning , beginning from the natiuitie of our lord , . see pomp. laet. during his raigne there was stirres of warre . he was called chlorus , for the colour of his bright shining face . ignat. lib. . he had of his wife theodora , constantius , who was father of gallus and iulian. maximian herculian solicited dioclesian to take again the empire : some say dioclesian answered , if he once vnderstood the pleasure of gardens hee would neuer thinke of raigning . the historiographers write that dioclesian dyed in a rage and fury , feeling an infection in all his members . see nicepho . lib. . cap. . some say hee poysoned himselfe tenne yeares after he deposed himselfe from the empire , fearing constantine and licinius who bitterly reprehended him as a fauourer of maxentius . see eutrop. lib. . and bapt. igna. lib. . seuerus was adopted and made cesar by galerius , when constantinus had left the administration of italie and of affrike , and to seuerus was giuen the charge of the saide countries . but at rome maxentius was made emperour by the pretorian souldiers , and without contradiction of the senate , seuerus not thinking himselfe strong enough to resist maxentius , thought to retire into slauonia to maximin , but hee was entrapped and ouercome at rauenna . pompon . laet. maxentius sonne of maximian herculian , being chosen emperour by the pretorian souldiers in a tumult , and hauing gotten the victory vpon seuerus , waxed proud , and gaue himselfe vnto pleasures & cruelties . then maximin or maximian the sisters sonne of galerius , who also by him was made cesar with seuerus , and had once the charge of the east , adopted licinius which he left in slauonia , after comming to make warre vpon maxentius was tolde of the treason of his people , and so retyred . see pomp. laet. in the life of constantine and galerius . galerius then hauing made licinius cesar as is said , a litle time after fell into a terrible disease which fretted his entralles , whereof he died . this was because of his exceeding great lecherie towards all , and horrible crueltie towards christians . for an vlcer he had in his bladder did eate his priuy members , and as all that part of his bodie rotted , wormes came out , and no remedie could be found for it . so the phisitians abandoned him : for the stench was so intollerable , that neither phisitian nor other durst approach vnto him . wherefore in the ende hee dyed of a death worthy such a man , after hee had raigned two yeares alone , and with the cesars and companions of his empire the space of . yeares . in the persecution moued by maxentius , marcel pastor of the church of rome was apprehēded to sacrifice vnto idols , and to renownce his office , but hee despised all threatnings , and smiled , which the tyrant maxentius seeing , commaunded he should be beaten and chased out of the towne . he retyred into an house of a widowe named lucine , and there secretly maintained a church . which the tyrant hearing , made a stable of it for horses and other beastes of the house , & there locked vp marcel . being thus condemned , he left not to do the office of a true pastor , by epistles which he writ to many . but finally being tormented by the filthinesse and stench of the place , in the end he yeelded his spirit to god , the yeare . eusebius a gretian by nation , a phisitians sonne , after damasus succeeded in the gouernment of the romane church , in the great persecutions in the time of maxentius the horrible tyrant . the authours of the ecclesiasticall history make no mention of this eusebius . the booke of councells attribute to him three decretall epistles . the first to the bishoppes of gaul . the second to the egiptians . the third to the bishoppes of tuscane , and campania . his ordinances contained in those epistles are these in effect . that sheepe shall not draw their shepheard or bishop into lawe , vnlesse he denie the faith. that a mayd which shall be espowsed only by words of the present time , may enter into religion . that the sacrifice of the aultar be consecrated , not in cloath of silke , but in linnen cloth , and such like bables which the infamous fauourers of the seate of popes , haue not beene ashamed to assigne to those good and faithfull ministers of the lorde , to disfigure and defile with their orders this honest face of the primitiue church ( which follow his head iesus christ in continuall persecutions ) to establish their seate of perdition , and to pollute the bloud of those holy martyrs . but contrary eusebius trauailed much in the haruest of the lords word , as well at rome as other where in the time of persecutions vnder maxentius , vntill that ( as christianus mattoens saith ) hee finished his life by martyrdome , the yeare of the lord . but amongst histogoriographers , there is great diuersitie for the number of yeares . licinius born in dare , was made augustus , & companiō of the empire with maximin galari , after the death of seuerus , the yeare of our lord , . he was a warlike man , and slauonia was first giuen him to gouerne after the east : he was noble , although he came of a pesant : he shewed himselfe cruel towards the children of galerius , his ally . he was an enemy vnto letters , as hauing no knowledge , no not to write his owne name . and he called the liberall arts a publike poyson and pestilence . euseb . lib. . ca. . he deserued praise , in that he repressed abuses , the boldnesse & insolencies of the brauest of his court , which he called the moathes and rattes of his pallace . he raigned yeares , liued . see pomp. laet. constantine the great , sonne of the emperour constantius and helena , s. ambrose in his funerall oration of theodosius saith , that hee was a seruant in a stable , and was borne in england . hee was instructed in the militarie art vnder galerius . he tamed the sermates a fearce nation & barbarous , brought their duke captiue to galerius , who cōceiued enuy at the glory of this yong prince , whereof being aduertised , he retired from rome towards his father into england , who dyed soone after . by the fauour of princes he was declared emperour , the yeare . the senate writ vnto him letters to aduertise him of the euil gouernment maxentius , for the great cruelties hee exercised at rome , wherevpon he marched towards rome , and pursued maxentius , who retiring into the towne , made couer tyber with boats , nye the bridge miluius , which by subtil deceit ( as hee thought ) he made ioyne together to deceiue constantine , and to haue drown'd him whē he followed him . but he himself as furious first comming out to flie , & not remembring his owne stratageme that hee practised for an other , entred on horsebacke with a fewe people vpon the bridge , where he was drowned in tyber , the . yeare of his empire . for this happie deliuerance , honors were giuen to constantius , so he acquited italie and affrike . for his father had only left him the gaulois and spaine , and would so haue contented himselfe , had it not bene for the warre that licinius raised , making himselfe cesar , and was established in the east . maximian ( as we haue said ) with his great griefe had forsakē the empire , being greeued so long to lead a priuate life , did his best by the meanes of maxentius his sonne chosen emperour , to returne to the empire , but because hee succeeded therein not well , he retired towards his sonne in lawe constantine , vnto whom he had giuen his daughter fausta , and sought by ambushes to cast him out of the empire . which fausta perceiuing well , reuealed to her husband , preferring him before her father . wherefore the sonne in lawe besieged him at marcellis , tooke him aliue , and bad him choose whatsoeuer kind of death he would . he strangled himselfe with a cord or girdle . and so this wicked and bloudie man which had shead so much christian bloud , vnluckily finished his life : of his age sixtie . licinius at the first had some great familiaritie with constantine , and to please him made a shew to loue the christians , in so much that he married constance the sister of constantine , and by a mutuall consent together , caused to publish lawes for the christians , but afterward comming againe to his nature , and forgetting the honour that constantine had done him , began to conspire against him , because constantine so fauoured christians , whose enemie he declared himselfe , alleadging this cause , that in their assemblies they prayed for constantine , and not for him . licinius then beganne the persecution by his owne house ; after he stretched it farre by lawes and edicts , into the prouinces of the east , forbidding , especially bishoppes to make assemblies and sinodes . secondly , that men and women to auoyd scandalles and offence , not to assemble at prayers . thirdly , that such as were appointed prisoners , as transgressors of edicts , should not be visited nor succoured , in paine to incurre the like condemnation , &c. he then set himselfe against the bishops , not openly for feare of constantine , but made them die secretly by his committees . euseb . lib. . chap. . in the towne of sebasta , losias killed in a poole fortie souldiers , whose martirdome , basile the great described , and other martirs which were cruelly murdered . licinius increased more and more his crueltie : but the lord sent constantine to represse him , who experimented against him the forces of the gaules and italie , hauing ouerthrowne him in hungarie , and pursued him into macedonia , where he repaired his forces . he was chased into asia , and in the end yeelded himselfe , seeing he was vanquished by sea and by land , and was sent into thessalonica to liue priuately , yet could he not so escape the true vengeance of his boldnesse , crueltie , and infidelitie : for hee was slaine by constantines souldiers , about the yeare of our lord three hundred twentie and foure , after some writers . melchiades the thirtith bishop , succeeded in the church of rome , and was of affrike , after damasus : a man of great pietie , and a true seruant in the holy ministerie of the gospell , and in the affaires of the truth of god , vntill hee was put to death vnder maximin galerius , the yeare of the lord , . read herevpon the ecclesiasticall history of eusebius , where he reciteth diuers cruell kindes of death wherewith the saints of that time were persecuted . carsulan , platina , stella , and other of the popes flatterers , attribute wrongfully to these holy martyrs of the lord iesu , whole chariots full of lying decrees ; to the ende the diuellish ordinances of their ceremonies or rather blasphemies might be approued by their authoritie . they attribute vnto him the forbidding of fastes on the sundayes or thursdayes , because on them the painims celebrated the solemnities of their god saturne . item a decretall touching baptisme and the confirmation . de consecratione distinct . . cap. spirit . sanct . & cap. de his &c. note this for the bishops of the romaine church , vntill siluester the first . but what man would thinke that poore and simple ministers of the word and pastors of the church , such as then were the bishops of rome , inhabiting in ditches and caues , attending nothing vnder those tyrants from day to day , but only death , could haue thought vpon this pride & arrogancy , which after those popes vsed in buildings and other ordinances , seeing they had neither temples nor houses whether they might retire ? peace was not yet giuen to the church . they yet enioyed not that vnprofitable idlenesse , nor the soueraigne delights of this world : nor that whoore which by litle and litle rose vp , had not yet her bedde ready , yet such haue bene the inuentions of false prophets , to set out the whoores body : and so is the popes sinagogue founded vpon so euident lies , as nothing more . assuredly it were great folly to giue faith to such ridiculous dreames of sathan , forged for the gaine and profits of priests . better therefore it is in this case to prooue the spirits ; namely , whether they be of god or not , as it is said , . iohn . chapter . seeing many false prophets are come into this world . vntill this time pastors were as starres in the firmament of the church , shining as well in doctrine as in good example : they were also garded by the right hand of him that walked in the middest of the seuen candlestickes . hitherto men esteemed them as angels , preaching the word of the almightie god , without fiction , yea that more is , hitherto they were figured by the white horse : because in the ministerie they carried the victorious iesus christ , as well in their hearts as in their bodies , and as well in mouth as worke . ceremonies in the celebration of the supper . the memorie of the lords supper was not performed but in publike assemblies , and therefore the synode of gangre vnder the emperour constans , condemned eustace bishop of seluste in armenia , because contrary to the order of the vse of the church , he permitted some which disdained to come into the church to communicate in particular houses . socrat. lib. . cap. . neither was it lawful to celebrate the supper in a prophane place , as appeareth by athanasius in the epistle to them of antioche . hierome against iouinian reprehendeth the maner of doing in other christians at rome , which communicated in houses . wherfore said he entred they not into churches ? &c. deacons distributed the supper of the lorde , priestes beeing present , with one diuiding the eucharist , and this was after the canon of the councell of nice . the priests distributed the cup of the bloud of the lord ; doctors of this time often call it cup or mistike vessell . s. hierome writing of vessells to distribute the lords supper in , saith of a bishop of tholouze called exuperius ; there was nothing so rich as that which carried the body of our lord in an osier basket , and the bloud in a glasse . by the first booke of euseb . of the euang. . demonst . chap. . one may easily knowe that christians daily celebrated the memorie of the body and bloud of iesus christ . and s. ambrose in his fift booke of sacraments , chapter . . reprehendeth the easterne churches , because they communicated but once a yeare . in the churches of affrike , they which should communicate , passed the night in watchings & prayers . as athanasius reciteth in the apologie of his flight : adding , that all mutually ought before to be reconciled together . and in the westerne churches , al communicated except the catechumenistes , and such as did penance : as appeareth by hierome vpon the . chapter of the . to the corinthians . about this time water was giuen with wine , as appeareth by s. ambrose first chapter of his fist booke of sacraments . they put saith he into the cup wine & then water , &c. which being mingled , was consecrated with the wine . the maner of the churches was , to giue the eucharist in the hand of him that tooke it , as appeareth by the words of s. ambrose to the emperour theodosius . reachest thou out thy hands which yet are bloudie , and which yet distill the bloud by thee shead , to take the holy body of the lord ? darest thou apply to thy mouth the precious bloud of the lord ? &c. the priest as he distributed the bread , said . take the body of the lord : and in distributing the wine ; take the bloud of christ : and at both , the communicant answered , amen . ambrose in the . booke of sacraments , chap. . to such as were nigh their deaths they brought the eucharist . horatius a priest of the church of verseil , carried it to ambrose nigh his death . paulinus in the life of s. ambrose reciteth it . may abuses began in this time to arise . such as made any great voyage either by sea or land carried the eucharist , as appeareth in the oration of saint ambrose vpon the death of satyrius . touching the ceremonies vsed in administring the sacrament , denis hath left by writing that which followeth . the bishop hauing ended the prayers before the aultar , began to perfume and compasse all the place , after returning to the aultar , he began to sing psalmes , and all followed . this done , the ministers in order read something of the holy scripture . that read , they caused the catechumenistes with the enenguinians to goe out , and such as were admitted to penance . one part of the ministers kept themselues before the portall of the temple shut , the others did such things as belonged to their charge ; such as are elected to minister with the priests , presented the bread before the aultar , and the cup of blessing . whilest all the churchmen sung praises and himnes to the lord , the bishop which said the praiers pronounced peace to all . and after euery one had saluted one an other , the priests and the bishop washed their hands with water . after the bishoppe in the middest of the aultar , enuironed with priests and ministers , began to praise and magnifie the workes of the world , and propose to the people the signes of the supper , and to declare them vnto them , and inuite them to the participation thereof , which finally ended in thankes-giuing , &c. the word messe was not found amongst the writers of this time . and as for the two preparatiue prayers of the priest meaning to say masse , which are shufled into the workes of ambros ; erasmus himselfelfe iudgeth them not to be s. ambroses . they containe also errors contrary to the doctrine of him : as the adoration of the sacrament , the inuocation of saints , and chiefly of the virgin marie . the emperour constantine hauing ouercome all these tyrants , namely , maxentius , maximian , and licinius , the lord gaue rest to his church , which was almost ruinated and troden vnder feete ; and gaue a gentle spirit to constantine to repaire by a monarchy , the great dissipation and discord which the misgouernment of many had brought . constantine was long ere hee could vnwrap himselfe out of his auncient and ethnicke superstitions , his wife fausta maintaining him therein ; but after hee sawe himselfe peaceable in his empire , there was courage giuen vnto him to applye his power vnto the matters of the church . true it is , as for baptisme , that hee deferred it a long time , because hee alwaies determined to goe against the persians , and vpon deuotion without knowledge to be baptized in iordain . eusebius reciteth it in his life : yet after all , hee honoured it , and authorized it by edicts and lawes which hee caused to be published . hee had a burning heart to the faith , and was maruellous carefull to helpe the necessities of the church : hee was of nature soft and benigne , and delighted in all good workes : and not onely reuoked the tyrannicke and cruel lawes that were before made against christians , but gaue to churches great priuiledges . it was not inough for him to account ministers equall to himselfe , but hee honoured and preferred them before him , as representing the diuine maiestie . and by such meanes hee was both loued , honoured and cherished , not as an emperour , but as a father . euseb . siluester a romane , was constituted bishop of rome after melchiades , and gouerned the church a long time . being ordeined bishop , he exercised not onely the office of a pastor in teaching , but also in reprehending the vices of the cleargie . there are attributed vnto him certain miracles , by which he drew many to the christian faith . when maxentius raigned at rome , to shunne his crueltie , siluester retired out of rome , and remained a certain time at the mount soracte : and returned vnder constantine , after the death of the said tyrant . constantine established many lawes . first that christ should be worshipped of all , as the true god. item that whosoeuer should doo iniurie to any christian , the halfe of his goods should be confiscated . hee permitted all such as were vnder his empire , not onely to be christians , but also to found and build temples . the word martir , was vsed in the time of constantine , then when in remembrance of the martirs men builded temples , and about the thirtieth yeare of constantine , a temple called martirium magnum , was builded in ierusalem , in the place called cranium . see sozom , ich. . cap. . constantine caused to bee made a tabernacle in forme of a temple , which he commaunded to be carried when he went to the warres , wherein he held the assemblies of the christians . sozom. lib. . chap. . touching the donation attributed vnto him : that is to say , that he gaue rome , italie , and other westerne prouinces to siluester , as the romane bishops pretend , it is a matter inuented , or at least doubtfull : and euen the popes owne decrees are against it . the two last chapters make no mention of other prouinces , but onely of the towne of rome , no nor in the auncient volumes of decrees , is there any mention , nor any thing found in any author of that time , as antonine saith in his chronicles . see naucler . of this matter see laurencius valla , and iohn le maire in his treatise of the difference of schismes and councells of the church . constantine determined to build a towne of his name , and elected bizantium for it , which he compassed with ditches , and the towne builded in the middest he called constantinople of his name , there establishing the emperial seat of his empire . bizanzium was an auncient towne , which a litle before was destroyed by gallien and pertinax , but constantine restored it , and adorned it with rich ornaments , brought from all the parts of the world : in so much the hierome writeth that constantine stripped naked as it were all the townes of the world to embellish this new rome . for he transported from the castle which was at ilion , the chiefe towne of troy the palladium , and from troas the image of apollo , which was of brasse , and of a maruellous greatnesse . from rome a piller of porphire called coclis , which he enuironed with diuers mettalls , and placed it in the market place paued with stones . before wee come to the successors of siluester , wee will briefly touch the estate of the church at that time . and first ; of the ecclesiasticall degrees . there were of olde three ecclesiasticall degrees ; namely , the bishop , the priest , and the deacon , with the ministers and company of the faithfull . ambrose in his booke of the sacerdotall dignitie . hierome to nepotian saith , that bishops and priests were all one , sauing that the bishop was a name of dignitie , and priest was a name of age : but in respect of schismes and necessities happening in the church , there was made a distinction . ambrose in the aforesaid booke witnesseth , that the ordination is alike ; for both are priests : but the bishop is the chiefe priest . other names , as subdeacons , acolites , and exorcists , came after . the name of cleargie was receiued in this time , to signifie all ecclesiasticall offices and dignities . euseb . lib. . chap. . hierome to nepotian yeeldeth this reason of the name . cleros saith he in greeke , signifieth lot in latine ; therefore are clarkes named , because they are of the lot and of the inheritance of the lord ; or for that the lord is their lot , that is to say , their part and heritage . afterward men called clarkes such as euery church nourished at the owne charge , to serue after for the ministerie of the church . metropolitanes were so called by reason of the principall and chiefe townes whereof they were bishops , and so zozomen . lib. . cap. . he calleth basile metropolitane of cappadocea . and the same in lib. . chap. . saith the like of an archbishops name . patriarke was named the bishop of all the prouince , socrates lib. . chap. . the office of a bishop was to teach the people , as also the priests . but in the church of alexandria , after the poyson of arrius , the bishop alone had that charge . socrates lib. . chap. . the ordination of ministers appertained to the bishop , which is all the right of preheminence that they had aboue priests , as s. ierome saith to euagrius . vicars of bishops are found in the canons of the councell of ancyra , neocesaria and antioch , chorepiscopi , and basile vseth that name in the epistle fiftie and foure . amongst the generall epistles , there is one found vnder the name of damasus to prosper , wherein damasus beeing asked , answereth , that vicars called chorepiscopi , were no more but priests , and that they could not consecrate priests , deacons , subdeacons , nor virgines , nor aultars ; neither dedicate churches , or like things contained in the epistle , whereof let each man iudge , considering that time wherein damasus was . to priests or lords it appertained also to take vp debates and controuersies . it appeareth by epiphanius , lib. . tom. . heresie . that they were also sent embassadors to councells to accuse heretickes , the custodie of ecclesiasticall goods belonged vnto them . sozomen , lib. . chap. . saith , that theodoretus a priest of antioche , was gardian of the precious vessells . deacons administred onely , and executed ecclesiasticall charges . they were carried vnto publike disputations to play the notaries , and gather together the actes . as appeareth in the example of athanasius , who came with his bishop alexander then an olde man , to the councell of nice , and did greatly helpe and aide alexander to discouer and confute the fallacies of heretickes . rufin . lib. . chap. . the constitutions of siluester ( as is conteined in the . tome of councells , makes those degrees . a commaundement of subdeacons to obey deacons and acolites , subdeacons , exorcistes to obey acolites : lectors , exorcistes : porters , lectors : and to porters , the abbot : and to the abbot , the monkes . exorcists after epiphanius , were such as interpreted one tongue by an other , either at lectors , or at colloquies . in the code of theodosius there are certaine constitutions which make also mention of diaconesses , which was a ministry of women , for the visitation and inspection of bodies . each towne had his bishop . ruffin . lib. . cap. . saith , that in the . canon of the councell of nice , it was forbidden that in any cities should be two bishops : to the end that the order of ecclesiasticall gouernment ( as proceeding from one head ) might be distributed into diuers actions to priests and deacōs , wherof the number was indifferent , although ordinarily it was of seuen , according to the . canon of the councell of neocesaria . the eccclesiasticall administration . basile diuideth the auditors of gods word into two companies : the one , of such as were rude : and the other , of such as had made some progresse therin . ambrose distinguisheth them into lay-men & clarkes , in his booke of the sacerdotall dignitie . chap. . hierome vpō the expositiō of the chap of the . to the cor. diuideth them into . that is , catechumenes , faithfull , and penitent . praiers were ordinarily made for all things necessary ; for the prosperitie of the empire , for the health of the church , for publique tranquilitie , for enemies , and for such as were not yet conuerted . see socrates , lib. . cap. . nectarius first tooke away in the church of constantinople the ceremony ordained for penance and confession ; wherein a priest particularly applied absolution , & ordained that each one after the witnes of his conscience , should approach the cōmunion . the occasion of this defence came of a woman of a noble house , who hauing confessed to a priest that shee had had the company of a deacon in the church : the priest reuealed this scandal to the said bishop , and the ceremony of confession was abolished . socrates lib. . chap. . in the time of constantine , many ceremonies vnnecessary and euill agreeing with the word of god , were brought in ; as candles lighted in the day time ; which this costantine instituted in temples , newly by him builded , and consecrated worthy ornaments and other things altogether superfluous and superstitious , which other churches then tooke vp . bishops also at this time denounced to their people feast-dayes . as basile rehearseth of himselfe , that he denounced in a sermon the feast-day of a martyr iulitta . one new thing not vsed in times past , was now brought in . the emperour constantine gaue power to clarkes , to appeale from ciuill magistrates to bishops : which thing was the first that gaue occasion to antichrist to chaunge & transforme the kingdome of iesus christ into a polliticke kingdome , & by litle & litle to lift himselfe vp aboue magistrates , & of ministers and doctors , to become dictators and kings , leauing the charge of soules . a new thing also of this time , the care to build temples was committed to bishops . as constantine cōmitted to macarius bishop of ierusalem the building of a temple , which he willed should be builded in the place where the sepulchre was , sozomene in his . booke and . chap , rehearseth , that basile builded the tēple of the towne of ancyra in gallatia . a new charge also was giuen to bishops of this time , to consecrate temples , to seeke out & transport frō place to place , reliques of saints . as we may see in the . epistle of s. ambrose . such graunts peruerted the true office of a bishop , which is to teach and feed the flocke with the pure word of god. of the goods of the church . the church of this time began to be enriched by gifts , largitions & munificēces of princes . maximin feeling himself taken with a greeuous disease made an edict for the christians , that the houses , lands & possessions takē away in times of persecutiōs should be restored to the true possessors , euseb . li. . ch . the emperor cōstantin , not only caused that which had bin takē frō the christiās to be again restored , but also caused to be sold for the cōmoditie of the poore of the church , all the most precious images of the heathens . sozomene , lib. . chap. . moreouer he withdrew from the reuenewes of euery towne a certain impost , and ordained it for the profit of the church and cleargie thereof , commaunding by edict that that gift should passe to them successiuely for euer . the same sozomene li. . chap. . & li. . chap. . he commaunded further , to bring to the treasurie of the church their goods who had bene martyred , which left no children nor kinsfolkes their heires . as eusebius reciteth in the life of constantine , li. . hee willed also that men should distribute corne in common to the poore . basile in his epistle . witnesseth that many dedicated whole houses to the profit of churches : yea some of their owne motion all their substance vnto churches , which not being permitted daring the raigne of other emperours , was permitted and lawfull by the constitution of constantine , contained in the lawe ei eod . de sacro . sanct . eccles . the vse of the goods of the church , was applied to sustaine the poore pilgrimes . yet ambrose in his first booke of offices , chap. . excepteth such as had any goods and reuenues of their owne to maintaine them . and hierome in the epistle to damasus , admonisheth that amongst clarks there should be none but such as were nourished at the charges of the church , and that had no patrimony , or that had no other meanes to sustaine themselues . besides , the wages and oblations which constantin gaue , he also granted in all places immunities to priests , which also the heires of constantine ratified . see the code , de epischo & cleris . after ministers , the chiefe care was of the poore , whose proctors the deacons were . cyrillus bishop of ierusalem , is praised , because in a great dearth for the succour and helpe of the poore , he caused the vessells , vailes , and other precious things of the temple to be solde , sozomene lib. . cap. . and hierome ad rusticum accuseth bishops which vsurpe and make proper that which is common . if the liberalitie of emperours failed , the churches defrayed the charges of bishops and all others that went to sinodes . theodoret. lib. , cap. . libraries . the bookes of the holy scripture , which for the most part were lost during the persecutions at this time by the benificence of the emperour constantine , were written in great dilidence , and with magnificence worthy of such an emperour . by the witnes of athanasius it is plain inough , that in the chrians temples there were libraries , and therein he accuseth the impietie of the arrians , which tooke out these bookes & burnt them . hierome against rufin makes mention of the librarie at cesaria . it appeares by the acts , of a romane sinode held vnder siluister , that the romane church mainteined certaine notaries to write the acts of the martirs . schooles . there were also schooles of two sorts . ethnicks or philosophicall , and ecclesiasticall . nazianzenus in the death of his brother cesarius , makes mention of the schooles of palestine , wherein he learned rhethoricke . lactantius held that of nicomedia . ephiphanius a sophister , kept that of laodicea . that of cesaria in cappadocia was renowned , bicause constantius caused gallus and iulian his children to be taught there . but aboue al , that of alexandria was most famous , for blind didimus , who ruled there . rufin . lib. . cap. . and basilius calleth it a goodly shape of all doctrine . in europe that of athens because of letters , was of most acount : wherin iulian had for condisciples , basile and gregorie nazianzenus , as the said gregorie witnesseth in his inuectiue against iulian. victorinus affrican , taught at rome rhethorike . see hierome in his treatife of illustrious men . the salarie or reward was to professors payde after the lawe of constantine , conteined in the title de profess . & med . in the code . at this time there was a man called arrius , a professor in the schoole of alexandria in egipt , whose heresie did miserably torment and distract the vnion of the church . he was a man swelled with ambition and presumption . one day hauing heard in the congregation of the faithfull , alexander bishop of alexandria , subtilly and learnedly disputing of the diuine essence , after he had shewed that the vnitie thereof was in a priuitie , arrius logician , rather then a theologian , began to dispute and vomit out the p●ison he had long time gathered . epip . lib. . tome . necesie . . rehearseth , that arrius was now found in an errour : that melitius a bishop in thebaide accused before alexander his bishop , who after that , looked to him more narrowly , and tooke heed to his subtilties . such a care had bishops at this time one of an other , that no euill should goe forward . arrius maintained the sonne of god to be a creature , and the holy ghost created of him . but with what arguments and babble of words he vsed to confirme his error , it should be superfluous to rehearse . there are long epistles of arrius to alexander , and of alexander to all churches , by which one may more at large know the spring of all this infection . alexander at the beginning sought to stop this euill by silence . but seeing that eusebius bishop of nicomedia tooke vpon him the cause of arrius in hatred of the church of alexandria , alexander not onely published the apostasie of arrius , but also excommunicated him and his adherents as heretickes and schismatickes , which would maintaine that god was sometimes without being father , and that the sonne was a creature and made , who knew not perfectly and exactly the father . it is straunge how so cursed an errour should in so litle time subuert so many bishops , yea the most learned , not onely of the east church , but of the west also . epiph. saith , that arrius being chased away , went into palestine . but alexander hasted letters euery where to the number of seuentie , to aduertise the bishops of arrius his doings , who was receiued of his protector eusebius . arrius in the meane time sent letters to alexandria , naming him pope and his bishop . the great councell of nice . anno domini . . these debates and contentions brought great dolour and care vnto the good emperour constantine , and incontinent to giue order therefore , seeing this euill from day to day got the vpper hand , sent hosius bishop of corduba in spaine to alexander , a man of great pietie and authoritie , with his letters patents to the church , to finde meanes to extinguish this fire whose flames were blowne all ouer . eusebius reciteth the tenure of constantines letters full of all pietie , in the life of the said emperour . lib. . hosius furnished with these letters came into egipt , and did all that he could to agree alexander & arrius , but in vaine . whereof the emperour being aduertised , was more grieued then before , at the request of the bishops , and instance of alexander , as witnesseth rufin . lib. . cap. . ordained at his owne charge an vniuersal sinode at nice , a town of bithinia , the yeare of christ . . after some , and the yeare of his empire . at which sinode , from all the parts of the earth came bishops , and the number was . after socrates . li. . ca. . besides priests , deacons , a colites , & other multitudes . theodoret. li. . ca. . saith . bishops ; and this is about the number wherof the most part of the elders agree , that haue written thereof . some say , that the emperour before he assembled this generall sinode , had caused arrius to come vnto him , and in the presence of some bishops hauing enquired of his heresie , arrius with an oath answered that he bred no heresies , then straight the emperour in the presence of all said : if thou hast sworne with a good conscience , & that thy oath be made with a full faith , then departest thou an innocent . but if falsly thou callest god to witnesse , let him whom thou hast offended take vengeance . so many spake for him which he before had gained . notwithstanding the emperour writ large letters that men should take heede of arrius that they builded not their faithes vpon his heresies . these letters beganne with these words . constantine the great augustus , &c. the place for the sinode was in the emperours pallace , wherein hee had placed seates couenable and conuenient for each state and degree . the emperours seate was in the first ranke , and it was couered with golde , as eusebius saieth in his life . liber . . hee himselfe made the first exhortation to enter into the matter , wherevnto by consent of all , eustachius bishop of antioche had charge to answere . the emperour the better to agree with them , proposed the great crueltie and tirannie of the persecutions passed : that now peace was open vnto them , and that it should be a straunge thing , the outward enemies being vanquished , to stirre vp warres within . theodoret. lib. . cap. . amongst the bishops which were there assembled against arrius was macarius bishop of hierusalem , eustachius bishop of antioche , hosius bishop of corduba in spaine , pathuntius of egipt , and maximus , ( these two had their eyes put out for the faith ) and many other persons which had suffered persecution vnder the aforesaid titants . there was also spiridian , bishop of tremythe in cyprus , and nicholas bishop of mirme in licia , a very graue man. also athanasius then a deacon of the church of alexandria , theophilus bishop of the gothes , and alexander bishop of alexandria , &c. spiridian was he that in lent presented flesh to a pilgrim as he passed by , and did eate himselfe , and caused him also to eate , saying that to pure christians all things are pure . hist . tripart . lib. . chap. . after that license was graunted to the two parties , eusebius bishop of nichomedia , the patrone of arrius , presented a libell full of blasphemies , conteining briefly that which hath bene before said . that god who is for euer , was not alwaies the father . and seeing all things were created of god , the sonne also must be a worke made , and many other blaspemies . this libell was recited and read with great sorrowe of most part of them which were there , because of the blasphemies conteined therein , and was torne in peeces , to the great confusion of the author . there followed a very sharpe contention of both parts , which the emperour harkened vnto with great patience . but finally eusebius and his consorts fearing to be banished , made a countenance to renounce their errours , and to subscribe to the determination of the fathers , except secundus and theon , as athanasius reciteth in the decrees of the sinode of nice . but the bishops after they knew their fraude , and how they disguised the truth with words , began to vse the word essence and homousios , that is to say , of one same substance . then the eusebians abhorred these words , homousios and essentiall , as straunge & vnvsed in the holy scripture . the fathers declared , that necessarily they were constrained to vse these words , to signifie that the sonne was engendered of the substance of the father , according to which , bee was consubstantiall to the father , that is to say , of one same substance and essence . a philosopher who by no arguments could be surmounted , was finally conuerted by a simple bishop , who said vnto him : harken philosopher , there is one god which made all things in the power of his word , and by the sanctification of his holy spirite confirmed them . this word which we call the sonne of god , hath redeemed mankinde , which was in the bottomelesse pit of hell , by his death and resurrection . torment nor trouble thy selfe too much with thine owne arguments and demonstrations in this matter which must be apprehended by faith , and that iesus christ himselfe and his apostles hath taught vs. answere mee , doost thou beleeue it is so ? the philosopher astonished said vnto him , i beleeue , and confesse to be vanquished , & after exhorted others of his profession , with him to beleeue the doctrine . at the said councell , constantine hauing receiued diffamatorie libels , accusations , debates , and particular quarells of bishops one against an other , caused them all to be cast into the fire , that none might vnderstand their debates or errours . god hath ordeined you bishops ( saith he ) and hath giuen you power to iudge of your selues , by meanes whereof we yeelde our selues to your iudgement . men may not iudge you but god alone , vnto whom we referre the deciding and determination of your controuersies . this humilitie of constantine , afterward brought great damage to his successors . the said councell would haue forbidden priests and deacons to dwell with their wiues : but pathuntius whome constantine had in such reuerence , that hee often caused him to come into his pallace , and imbraced , yea kissed the place frō whence his eye was plucked out , rising vp , confessed that marriage was honourable amongst all men and the bed vndefiled : and said that the company of the husband with the wife was chastitie , and perswaded the councell not to set out such lawes which might giue occasion of fornicatiō both to them & their wiues . the councell approued his opinion , and so dealt nothing vpō that matter , but left to euery one liberty to marry or not : according as to euery one should seeme expedient : wherefore as before , so now also was it lawful for priests to retain their wiues and to marry . but after siritius & gregorie the seuenth , forbad such marriage , and commaunded continency : which notwithstanding the easterne priests neuer receiued . it is not then true which some write , that calixus who was before this councell , commanded continencie : for then there would haue bene some mention of him in the said councell and of his decree . eusebius . extract out of the acts of the councell of nice . we beleeue in god the father almightie , creator of all things , as well visible as inuisible , and in our lord iesus christ , the onely sonne of god , borne & engendered of him , that is to say , of his proper substance , and therefore god of god , borne and not made , of the same substance of the father : by which sonne all things were made , as well in heauen as in earth : who also for the loue of vs men and for our saluatiō discended from heauen & tooke our humaine flesh & was made man. he suffered death & passion , and after rose again the third day , then he ascended into heauen , and finally must come to iudge the quicke and the dead . we also beleeue in the holy ghost . all such as say that there was a time that the sonne was not , and that before be was borne in the earth he was not , and that he was created of nothing , or of other substance then of the father , or that he is the sonne of god , but cōuertible & mutable , the holy catholicke and apostolicke church , excommunicateth and anematizeth them . it was also amongst other things ordeined in this councell , that no bishop ought to receiue any of them which an other bishop hath excommunicated or thrust frō his church , were he clarke or laie man. but if we vniustly , for hatred or anger were excommunicated or chased away , it was ordained that in each prouince the prelates there should assemble euery yeare twise , to holde their prouinciall councell , to knowe and iudge of such matters : to the end that if any man had done any thing vniustly it might be retracted by others , and that if he had done well , it might be approued . that in alexandria and rome , the auncient custome should be kept ; namely that the bishoppe of alexandria should haue care of the churches of egipt , and that of rome , of such churches as are about rome . that if two or three bishops striue or do not agree to consecrate one elected for some dissention : in this case they must hold themselues to the determinatiō of others of the prouince , and especially of the metropolitane . that the prerogatiue which before times hath bene giuen to the bishop of ierusalem , shal be kept for him , without preiudice notwithstanding of the metropolitans dignitie . that the cathares heretikes called nouatians , if they would repent themselues & come again to the church & confesse the faith according to the beliefe of the church , should be receiued into the order thereof . and if their bishop come with ours let thē sit with our priests : and let the name of a bishop remaine only to thē which haue alwaies held the catholike faith & to no others . that in one citie there be but one bishop . that if any of them which indiscreetly haue bene ordained bishops , being accused of crime , do confesse it , or be by others conuicted , let them be deposed ; and likewise such as haue erred in the faith , and by errour haue bin promoted , if after they be knowne . that such as in time of persecution haue receiued the faith , and with a good hart repent themselues , do . yeares make their penance with the catechumenes , ( that is to say , such as learn the faith ) to cōmunicate with thē in praiers only : after which terme they may be receiued to y e sacraments of y e church . that such as for the faith haue renounced the campe , and after returne thither againe , doo there penance . yeare , and after to be receiued to the sacraments if a true repentance might be seene in them . and notwithstanding that it should be in the faculty & power of the bishop to abridge the terme , if he see their penance to be fruitfull and hartie . that if that foresaid penitents come to peril of death before their penance be ended , that then the sacraments should be administred vnto them : yet if they escaped , they should be bound to ende their penance . that the catechumenes which had likewise erred , should be three yeares seperated from others , and do their penance apart , and after be receiued with them . that no bishop nor clarke presume to clime vp from a little church to a greater . that the clarke which shall leaue his church without lawfull cause , going vagarant and running heere and there , be not receiued to other churches to the communion . that no bishop ordaine any who is not of his owne dioces without leaue of his diocesan . that none take any vsury , nor gaine or aduantage , vpon wine or corne , as customably men do , giuing new for old , or taking the sixt part of the gaine , or the tenth halfe , and if hee doo it , let him be driuen away as one that taketh vnlawfull gaine . that deacons be not preferred before priests , nor sit in their ranke , nor in their presence do distribute the sacraments but only minister vnto them , and assist whē they do distribute : but when there are no priests there , in that case they may depart them . that the diaconesses because they are not consecrated , be accounted amongst laie-people . there were many canons made and discerned in that councell and formes of confessions of faith touching the diuine essence really distinguished , truly and eternally into three persons , the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost , which are one onely god , alone eternall , infinite , and all perfect in himselfe . which persons are coessentiall and coeternall , without confusion of properties and relation , and without any inequalitie , &c. but heere it should be too long to recite the said confessions , which many good bishops presented in this councel . and for the most part they are found in the bookes they haue left vnto their posteritie . the fathers then vnited in the true doctrine touching the person of the sonne of god , concluded this article as is aboue said . the emperour constantine also gaue out a decree and ordinance thereof : and euen as porphirius an enemie to christian religion , in times past receiued the salarie and reward of confusion for his impietie . so arrius and his complices , true porphirians , were to all an horrour , and abhomination . he added further , and denounced the paine of death to all such as hid the writings of arrius , without discrying them and burning them in the fire . as for the other occasion and cause for which this sinode was assembled : namely touching the celebration of easter , the emperour being grieued that the inequalitie of the obseruation thereof troubled so many churches , proposed to the fathers , that the decision thereof was made , that all men should celebrate it on one same day . it seemed vnto him vnfit that so sacred a feast as that should be celebrated after the immitation of the iewish nation , the enemies of iesus christ . so hauing made these remōstrāces vnto the councell , he asked of acesius bishop , what he thought thereof : but acesius durst not say cōtrary to him . this question then was decided after they had ordained of things ecclesiasticall , and it was agreed therevpon that the celebration of easter should be obserued on one same day throughout all the world . the difference also which was betwixt miletius bishop of licia , a towne in thebaide , and peter bishop of alexandria , was agreed . epipha . saith : lib. . tom. . heres . . that the aforesaide peter helde that they which in time of persecution were fallen into renouncement , returning to the church and confessing their fault , if they demaunded pardon , that they ought not to be suspended from the communion . miletius maintained that we may not receiue them vntil the persecutiō cease , least others by too great facilitie of pardoning offenders , should be offended , or elfe thereby might be prouoked or induced to fall into like infirmitie . socrates saith , that for many other causes meletius had bin deposed by peter of alexandria , and that for this ignominy , he alwaies after bare euill will vnto peter and his successors , achilles and alexander : which theodorus also reciteth . lib. . chap. . this is briefly that which may be said in this history of the councell of nice , which although it was as a thunder-bolt to confound that wicked arrian heresie , yet was it not so destroyed , but after it lifted vp the head againe . and that more is , it was neuer more pernitious to all the church , thē after the death of constantine , when especially it had gotten for the defence some of the emperours which lifted vp her head ; notwithstanding that which athanasius in his epistle to epictetus , bishop of corinth saith is true : the faith which the fathers haue expounded by the holy scripture in that sinode , is sufficient to confound all impietie , &c. eusebius in his chap. . lib. . reciteth that the machinations & ambushes laid by the sectaries of arrius and eusebius against athanasius , gaue occasion to the emperor to conuocate in his time many councells and assemblies of sinodes . there was a priest who got fauour of constantia , widow of the tyrant licinius and the sister of constantine : whom this priest made beleeue that great wrong was done vnto arrius at the councell of nice , and that his faith was not repugnant from that of the said councell . a litle after , the said constantia , taken with a mortall disease , sent for her brother constantine , and gaue witnesse of the innocencie of arrius , whereby this priest hauing gotten accesse to the emperour by the meanes of constantia , hee himselfe then perswaded touching arrius , namely , that hee thought no otherwise then the councell did . constantine then sent letters to call againe arrius , who came to constantinople with euzoius a deacon , who also had bene deposed by alexander . they by the emperours commaundement gaue in a disguised and couert confession , the beginning whereof was . we beleeue in god the father almightie , and in our lord iesus christe his sonne , begotten of the father before all worlds . god and word , by which all things were created , as wel in heauen as in earth , who came downe and tooke humane flesh , and suffered death , was raised againe and ascended into heauen , & should come againe to iudge the quick & the dead , &c. the rest is in sozomen . lib. . chap. . after constantine had seene this confession , he asked them if with a good hart they thought as they spake ? arrius affirmed yea : constantine mistrusting his owne iudgement , sent arrius with his adherents to an assembly of bishops which then was at ierusalem , commanding them diligently to examine the cōfession of arrius : that is , if he had reuoked his error , & if alexander did him wrong or no. the sinode of ierusalem aduertised of the emperors will , sent letters to the bishops of egypt , thebaid , and libia , exhorting them , that according to the witnesse of the emperour , arrius might be receiued into the communion . the arrians strengthened with these witnesses , came againe into alexandria , and thrusting themselues into company , athanasius who then hadde the charge of alexandria , would not admit them . arrius returned to constantinople to make his complaints against athanasius : there likewise hee sought to bring himselfe by force into that church : but alexander who had the gouernment thereof opposed himself against him , saying : that the author of such an heresie , and a perturber of so many churches ought not to bee receiued . this came to a great contention , the eusebians threatning they would cause alexander to bee banished . certaine dayes following , the arrians concluded to introduce arrius by force into the church . but alexander placing his force in the armour of pietie , entred ouer night into the temple , accompanied with two of his household , and with teares passed all the night in orisons and prayers to the lord , that hee would not suffer that rauishing wolfe lately couered with a lambes skinne , to thrust into his flocke . some say that he added these words in his prayer : o lord if it be thy will , and that by thy iust iudgement ( which is inuestigable ) this wolfe be admitted into thy church , deliuer mee thy poore seruant from this present life . the next morning of this determination , arrius enuironed with a great multitude of eusebians , was ledde to be brought into the temple as in a triumph : but when they were come to the place called the market place of constantinople , arrius was suddenly taken with a feare and an astonishment within him , which caused a paine in his belly , so that leauing the company , he was constrained to goe into a secret place to purge his belly : the company which should accompany him to the temple , attended him in the meane while : but seeing him tarry long , some went to the easing place and found arrius dead vpon the siege , his entrails being come out at his fundament . this was the end of arrius , which greatly feared his companions ; who to couer so foule and infamous a death , said he was suddenly suffocated and choked with a disease of the stomacke . others , that he was poisoned . some said , that too great ioy had stifled him ; yet none could say , but this was a iust iudgment of god vpon him . athanasius , lib. i. against the arrians , and the epist . to serapion . sedulius a christian poet reciteth it in his verses . siluester called the dayes otherwise then before , for the day of the sunne , le dimanche : the other dayes , feries , . . . . . and samedi for the day of saturne . antonie being in egypt in the wildernesse , constantine writ vnto him , to pray to god for him , and for his children . victorinus of affrike an orator , was also of this time , and donatus , of whom came the donatist heretickes , against which s. augustine writeth . the constitutions attributed to siluester touching the consecrattion and vse of creame , to marke such as were baptized , and annoynt such as were nigh death , and such other inuentions , are in the booke of councels : whereof luitprandus , platina , and sabellicus make mention in their bookes , and speak of them after their owne iudgement . councells in diuers places . after the councell of nice , siluester at the commaundement of constantine , made assemble a sinode at rome of . bishops : wherin there was condemned arrius , photinus , sabellius , with one calixtus , as the booke of councels shewes . and againe by a sinode following , the decrees of the councell of nice were confirmed , and the solemnitie of easter established to be obserued on the sunday from the . of the moone , vntill the . the multitude of councels and sinodes , multiplied traditions vpon traditions , and brought in great errours , and the good and holy constitutions of nice were soone after by such meanes contradicted . . at neocesaria in pontus polemoniake , betwixt paphlagonia and armenia , was instituted , that none should be a priest before the age of . yeares . . at elebert in spaine , bishops , priests , deacons , and subdeacons , were commaunded to abstaine from theyr wiues , and not to haue children , otherwise that they should bee deposed . that there should be no images in the temples of christians . if any broke an image and were murdered : because it is not written in the gospell ; neither is there read that it hath bene done by any of the apostles , it pleased the councell that such a one be not admitted nor receiued into the number of martyrs . . at rome it was ordained for churchmen , that none should accuse them , nor draw them into lawe . . at arles the first , counsell was giuen to young people by no meanes to marry againe , if by chance for adulterie they bee seperated from their wiues . . at gangia in paphalagonia , they excommunicated and anathematized , such as condemned them that eate flesh , so that it were not offered vnto idols , &c. item , they excommunicated such as iudged a married priest ought not to excercise his ministerie because of his marriage : and likewise such as abstained from their ministerie . at this time vnder the shadowe of chastitie and virginitie , men began to despise marriage ; as appeareth by the first , ninth , tenth , fourteenth , and fifteenth chapter of the said councell : where all such as blame marriage and leaue their children , or the wife her husband , or the husband his wife , to liue in continencie , are excommunicated . . at arles the second , was ordained the contrary , that none should be admitted into the ecclesiasticall estate , vnlesse he promised to renounce the bonds of marriage . the iberians were conuerted to the faith ( they are of asia , vnder the climate of pontus ) namely , the king , the queene , the nobilitie , and al the people , by the preaching of a woman , a captiue there . paul the hermit the younger , hauing taken his wife in adultry , left her and went into the desart , and said to the adulterer : keepe her for thy selfe . hist . trip . siluester died without martyrdome , hauing . times made orders , at which he created . priests , . deacons , and . bishops . he gouerned the church . yeares : or after marianus , . others giue him but . marcus succeeded him , & gouerned the romane church . yeares , or . moneths after ierome : damasus saith he was a romane . his father was called priscus . some say he gaue to the bishop of ostia that priuiledge aboue all others to consecrate the bishop of rome , and the right of the archipiscopall pall , called pallium . and would that the creed which was made at the councel of nice , should be sung by the cleargie and people , after the reading of the gospell . platina , bergomensis , and polidorus . if he builded temples and adorned them with diuers gifts and presents , let their faith be examined which haue written thereof . sinodes for the cause of athanasius . the emperour constantine considering the number of the accusers of athanasius , and the crimes wherewith hee was charged , published a sinode at cesaria in palestine , whereat athanasius not appearing , there was doubted if was for feare of the bishop of that place , or of the eusebians ; and for that cause hee caused a councell of the nations to be assembled at tyre , calling athanasius to it by letters full of indignation . socrat. li . chap. . theodoret. lib. . chap. . sozom. lib. . chap. . and athanasius himselfe in his second apologie . at the said sinode were found . bishops , the most part orientalls . athanasius came thither accompanied with timotheus a priest . the eusebians to begin their wicked part , brought in a woman of dishonest life , whom they had suborned , who faining to haue vowed chastitie , maintained that athanasius in the night would haue rauished her : beeing then pressed to answer to that accusation , he spake not a word . timothius perceiuing why athanasius held his peace , turned himselfe towards the woman and said vnto her . had i euer acquaintance with thee ? did i euer lodge nigh thee ? the woman cried more then before . and poynting at the said timothius with her finger , shee said . it was thou and no other which by force hast violated mee . this calumniation beeing thus made knowne to the great confusion of them that inuented it : notwithstanding , the iudges which gouerned and sufficiently knew timothius and athanasius , let the said woman goe , sauing the good right of athanasius , who maintained that at the least she should haue named them of whom she was hyred . an other impudent accusation was againe attempted against him . the aduersaries brought forth the hand of one who was named arsenius , whom they maintained to haue beene murthered by athanasius . hee demaunded if any amongst them knew arsenius : to which question , many answered that they knewe him very well . arsenius was then brought before theyr presence . beeing againe asked if it were that arsenius whose hand was cut off , they confessed all that it was hee . herevpon athanasius discouering his cloake , shewed hee was whole of both hands which god had giuen him . this so liuely a refutation made the aduersaries infamous : but their refuge was , to trouble the sinode by tumult and sedition . theodoret. li. . cap. . one of the said aduersaries called achab , or iohn , got from the iudiciall seate , and escaped in this tumult . socrat. lib. . chap. . athanasius seeing that the tumult fell to great sedition , withdrew himselfe . the sinode in his absence condemned him , and deposed him from his bishopprick . hee then got him to constantinople , and shewed the emperour the iniuries that this sinode hadde done vnto him : and be sought him that hee himselfe would take the knowledge of the cause . the emperour then by his letters patents called againe all the bishops of the sinode of tyre to constantinople , that they might yeeld a reason of the sentence giuen against athanasius . and as sozomene . lib. . chap. . sayth , that eusebius . theognes , and other heretickes arriuing at constantinople , did assuredly affirme to the emperour , all that they had deuised against athanasuis , and hyred witnesses which deposed that all that which was brought against athanasius was true . the emperour mooued rather with a desire to pacifie the churches , thē with the accusation of his aduersaries , banished athanasius into gaul , into the citie of herers . but the emperour by certaine letters written to the people of the catholique church of alexandria , witnesseth himself to haue confined him thither only to the end his bloudy enemies should not grieue nor touch the sacred head of such a person ( these bee his words . ) and in the meane while all things necessary were sent to athanasius . iulius the first of that name was ordained bishop after marc. the . yeare of constantine . after the chronicle of hierome , hee gouerned the church about . yeares . hee was the son of one rustike ; who had great combats to maintaine the quarels of athanasius , and of other faithfull doctors against the arrians . the tripartite history saith , that the councell of nice was in the time of iulius . and is it possible that he was there as being bishop of some other place ? howsoeuer it is , it is plaine inough that the last age of the emperour constantine , is reported by ierome to be in the time of this iulius . the ordinance is attributed vnto him , that a priest should plead no where but before a iudge ecclesiasticall . that hee reprehended the bishops of the east , that they assēbled councels without his authoritie . there is an epistle gratulatory of this iulius , for the restitution of athanasius . socrates reciteth it , lib. . chap. . & sozo . lib. . cap. . the beginning of pilgrimages . vnder constantine the land of palestine being purged of ethnicke idolatries , began to be in deuotion for the memorie of the great and memorable things done in it . constantine caused an oratory to be builded in the place where the sepulchre of the lord had bin . helena his mother went thither vpon deuotion to worship , and hauing found the crosse , caused to bee built two temples , the one where the lord was borne , the other where hee ascended into heauen . ruffin . lib. . chap. . after that , constantine caused to be builded in the place called ( cranium ) a temple , with solemnitie and authoritie of a sinode assemble at tyre , this gaue the first occasion of pilgrimages , and anuuersatie solemnities . and it came to a superstition to haue seene the holy land and the holy places , as appeareth by the epistle of gregory nyssene , wherein he learnedly refuteth that superstition . the romane and imperiall eagle tooke the two heads , when constantine after he had established the townne of constantinople the new rome , made it the seate of the empire , and the chiefe of al people which acknowledged the romane empire , and inhabited the parts orientall , northerne and southerne , and towards the mediterranean sea . sozomene lib. . chap. . nicepho . lib. . cap. . saith that the towne was dedicated by him the yeare of his empire . and as he had taken the empire , diuided ; and vnited it in his person : so he diuided it againe as a paternall heritage , and made a partition thereof amongst his children : whom whilest he liued he created cesars , one after an other : that is to say , constantine his eldest sonne . anno. . constantius the second , anno. . and constans the youngger , anno. . whose empires were very turbulent , and endured but . yeares , . moneths , & . dayes : according to the chronicle of hierome . constantine the father died at nicomicha , after he had liued . yeares , and raigned . yeares . pompon . laet. licinius the sonne of constantia , sister of constantine the great , and crispus sonne of the said constantine the great , with his said son constantine the eldest , were created caesars the yeare of the lord , . but the wickednes of fausta , the wife of constantine the great , caused the death of licinius and crispus , and many other noble personages . see aure. victor and pompo . laet. crispus was instructed by lactantius . constantine the eldest sonne of constantine the great , was emperour , with his two brethren , after the father the yeare of our lord , . the empire was thus parted , namely , that constantine should enioy gaul , spaine , and england . constance should haue italie , with slauonia and greece . and constantius should holde constantinople , with the east . this partition contented not consantine : hee raised warre against his brother constance , being proud of his army of gaul , but warring more couetously then warily , was ouerthrowne by an ambush nigh to aquilea : and being wounded in diuers places , dyed there , hauing raigned but three whole yeares , and liued . see bapt. egnat . and pomp. laet. constance after he had vanquished his elder brother , passing the alpes , came to make warre in gaul , and in two yeares with great difficultie conquered the countrey which his brother had in partition . he at the beginning gouerned well , but after gaue himselfe to pleasures , and at last became odious to all men . so that in the end they conspired against him as he was at hunting , and was slaine by the deuice and treason of magnentius who vsurped his empire , yet he had saued this magnentius his life . constance liued thirtie yeares , and raigned fourteene . see pomp. laet. constantius had for his part the empire of constantinople , with the east . hee vanquished vetranio who made himselfe emperour in hungarie after the death of cōstance . moreouer , to reuenge the death of his said brother constance , hee made great warre against magnentius . in the first battaile there were slaine of one part and the other , . fighting men : magnentius had the worst . and againe making head , was ouercome nigh lions . constantius was suspected vpon enuie and ambition to haue made away dalmatius his cousin-germain , a vertuous man , who better resembled constantine the great , then his owne father ; and who was appointed for a copartner with the said constantius , when he had his partition . but constantius liued not long after . for as he was going the second time against the persians , vnderstanding that iulian had made himselfe augustus , he tooke a feuer and dyed , the yeare of his age . and of his kingdome . see eutrop. aurel. vict. pompon . laet. and bapt. egn. the sinode of sardis in her sinodall letters , calleth iulius their friend and companion . theodoret. lib. . chap. . it followeth , that the bishop or archbishop of rome had not the pretended superioritie . it seemeth that iulius was dead , when constantius hauing tamed the tyrannie of magnentius and syluanus , hee was in italie to appease the discordes of athanasius his cause . liberius borne in rome , his father being called augustus , succeeded iulius the yeare of christ after s. hierome , . about the . yeare of constance empire : his confession was agreeing vnto the catholique faith , and writ to athanasius very christianly of god the father , god the sonne , and god the holy ghost , as may be seene in his epistle , which is affixed to the workes of athanasius . athanasius in the epistle to them which leade solitary liues , rehearseth how liberius was subuerted . the emperour constans sent to rome one named eusebius an eunuke with letters , wherby he threatned him exile , and on the other side tempted him with presents to induce him to cōsent with arrius , and to subscribe to the condemnation of athanasius . liberius despised both his menaces and gifts as a sacrifice of blasphemie . whereat the emperour being exceedingly grieued , found meanes to get him out of rome : and being come to him , threatned him with death . but liberius manfully answered . i am ready to endure all , rather then of christians we should be accounted arrians . why what art thou said the emperour , that with one wicked man troublest all the world ? the word of faith ( said liberius ) dependeth not vpon multitude . he was then banished by this emperour constans into berrea , which is a towne in thrace . where after hee had bene two yeares , he was called home ( as saith theodoret ) his restitution after some , was accorded by the emperour , at the request of many romanes , and of the westerne bishops . the same saith athanasius in the before alleadged epistle . also that liberius after his two yeares exile feared with threatnings and apprehension of death , sealed to the condemnation of athanasius . ruffin saith the same : and hierome ( as baleus saith ) writeth that by ambition liberius fell into the heresie of arrius , being once fallen from the integritie of faith . we finde some constitutions of liberius , namely , not to make noises in fasting time , that times of fasting and lent bee not polluted by the act of marriage : that in time of famine and pestilence , men should appease the lords anger by fasting , almes , and prayers . an aduertisement . the principall felicitie and ornament of the church of this time , was the multitude of excellent doctors , which by their doctrine sought so farre as in them lay , to conserue & multiply the puritie of doctrine . but this felicitie was greatly obscured , partly by the multitude of heretickes , and partly by the rage of seditious people , and schismatickes : in so much , that since the time of the apostles , there was no church that hath endured more dissentions , combats and diuisions within it , then that of this world . wherevpon by good right , basile the great in a certaine poeme , writing of the iudgement of god , complaineth , saying . i haue liued the age of a man , and i haue seene great concord amongst the arts and sciences . but in the church of god alone , for which iesus christ dyed , i haue obserued so many dissentions that it is altogether dissipated and wasted . and comming to the cause ; as i searched saith he the cause , i remembred the place of the booke of iudges , where it is written ; that then euery one did whatsoeuer hee thought good in his owne eyes . great persecutions were vnder constantius after the death of constans , against the catholike doctors and bishops , by the arrians . many were put to death euen within the temples , others were exiled , others put in prison , virgins imprisoned , and the houses of christians pilled and sacked . s. hilarie was sent into exile . at this time for the great persecutions without , and heresies within , many retired into the desarts . they write of two which were called amon. the one was the father and chiefe of three thousand monkes . the other amon , with two hundreth and fiftie clarkes and monkes , was slaine by the arrians . eusebius . sarmatha and amathas disciples of s. anthonie , were slaine by the painimes . macarus the aegyptian , an other macarus of alexandria , hylarion the disciple of s. paul , the hermit theodorus , entichian , pachomius , moyses , beniamin , helias . serapiō was the father of . monkes , whom hee made worke for the necessitie of their liues , and to helpe the needes of other poore , paemen & other infinit . martin renounced his military estate . hist . trip . lib. . chap. . iohn cassian in the collat of fathers . naucl , a coniuration was made by the arrians after the councel of sardis , against two catholike bishops , eufrates and vincentius . they caused an whoore in the night time to come into their chamber , and by apostate people which suddenly went after the said strumpet , and so profered to accuse them to haue bene surprised in whoordome . but the harlot disclosed the coniuration . a councell was held at millaine in fauour of the arrians against athanasius , the which resisted , paulinus bishop of treners , denis bishop of millaine , eusebius bishop of verceil , and rhodamus : wherevpon they were cast out of the church , and with them liberius , lucifer metropolitane of the iles of sardine , and osius of spaine sent into exile , anno christi , . the said osius in his age by many torments , beatings and wounds , was forced to cōsent to the exposition of the arrians , and thervnto to subscribe in the first volume of councels . tritenius saith , that osius being rich , fearing either banishment or losse of his goods , consented to the arrians , and being about to depose a catholique bishop called gregory , he fell downe out of his chaire , and so died . hereby are we aduertized , that it is nothing to begin wel , vnlesse we perseuer vnto the end . vnder constantius many councels were held , namely in tyre , sardis , and millaine , as is said in arimine , in syrmion of pannonie , in nicea , which is in tharse , in seleucia , which is in isauria , wherein the faith of the fathers of nice was condemned . felix borne at rome , sonne of one named anastasis , hauing bene the deacon of liberius , was thrust into his place by the arrians , hoping he would consent with them in doctrine : but hee became a true catholique in the confession of the councell of nice , and gaue no place either to the heretickes , or to constance himselfe , declaring him an hereticke , and was rebaptized by eusebius of nicomedia . we finde in the booke of councels , an epistle of the bishoppes of aegypt to felix , and felix his answere to them , with certaine constitutions : namely , that none might accuse a bishoppe before a ciuill magistrate . item , to restore a bishoppe who is cast out by force . item , not to admit witnesse of prophane people against religious persons . item , that bishoppes should frequent sinodes , or send thither if they could not goe . som say , that felix gouerned with liberius a certaine time : but theodoret saith that felix withdrew himselfe into an other towne . socrat. lib. . chap. . saith , that felix was driuen away by the romane people in a sedition , and that the emperour thereby was constrained to send for liberius thither . others say , that felix was beheaded with many others , for that hee prooued the emperour . hilary bishop of poiters was reuoked from exile : and paul bishop of treuers died in exile in the countrey of phrygia . anno christi . . lucius bishop of adrianople , dyed in prison . paulus bishop of constantinople sent into exile , was strangled by the way . nicomedia by an earthquake was wholly subuerted , and the townes nigh were also afflicted . after the death of constance , constantius againe pursued athanasius , and then was the great persecution against the faithfull . liberius returned from exile the yeare of christ , . about this time three sectes of arrians rose vp . that is to say , macedonians , eunomians , and newe arrians . . the arrians held the sonne to be like vnto the father but by grace , not by nature . . the macedonians , that the sonne is altogether like the father , but not the holy ghost . . the eunomians , that the sonne is altogether vnlike the father . eusebius bishop of verceil endured great torments of the arrians , because in councell at millaine he tore in peeces a scedule , wherevnto the westerne bishops had subscribed to the arrians in the councell of arimine . some say hee was seuen dayes without bread and water in a caue , and afterward was kept in a very straight place . but after the death of constantius he was deliuered and returned to verceil , into his bishopricke vnder iouinian . finally , after the death of the said iouinian , vnder valens , who was an arrian , he was stoned by the arrians the yeare of christ , . note reader , that at this time in each towne there were both catholike dostors and arrians . temples for the one , and temples for the other : so the church was diuided . achatius bishop of cesaria in palestine an arrian , was in great reputation with constantius . iulian borne at constantinople , the sonne of constantius , brother of constantine the great , he was faire of face , subtill and of good spirit , giuen both to letters and armes : he set fraunce at libertie , which the almaines had wasted : hee tooke the king an the first cōflict , beyond the hope of all . colleine was taken of him when he was very young : of which prize hee got great renowne , and reioyced the hearts of the souldiers . in so much that they named him emperour in paris . whereof his cousin constantius being aduertised , died in dispite : about the age of . yeares , as he prepared to make warre vpon him . yet when he died , he made him his heire . anno domini . athanasius returned into alexandria . george who ruled in his absence , was slaine , and his body burnt . a sinode was in alexandria of good & catholique bishops , wherein they that fel into heresie , were permitted not onely to returne into the vnion and communion of the church , but euen into their offices and bishoppricks . there was also concluded and declared , that the holy ghost is of one same substance with the father and the sonne , and that in the trinitie there was nothing created or lesse , or after an other . item that god hath but one essentiall substance , but reall subsistence of three persons . this word ( substance ) differeth from the word ( subsistence ) when we speake of the persons of the trinitie . for substance cōcerneth the essentiall nature of a thing : after which , the three persons of the trinitie are but one alone , substance and nature . but this word ( subsistence ) sheweth in one same diuine substance three persons and different proprieties , not onely in name ( as the sabellians say ) but really . iulian was instituted in his youth in pietie , vnder eusebius bishop of nicomedia , as laetus saith : but after he had tasted the schooles of philosophie and rhethoricke , vnder libanius the sophister , and maximus the philosopher , ( whom valentinien the emperour after caused to be executed , for exercising magicall artes ) all that godlinesse which he had learned , was chaunged into ethnike superstition : yea , eutropius saith , that iulian in his youth was a reader in the church of nicomedia . moreouer , he was a man learned in humane letters , and exercised in deeds of warre , ambitious and cruell : which he shewed , hauing bin cause of the death of his brother gallus . ierome in the epistle to nepotian saith , that iulian denied iesus christ in france . beeing then altogether revolted from religion , hee was surnamed the apostate . hee first forbad christians to keepe no schooles of humane letters , nor bookes of philosophie or poesie . for he had often this word in his mouth . these galleleans ( so called he christians ) will make warre vpon vs with our owne writings , if they be once armed . he liked better to proceed against christians by long torments and insupportable griefes , then by great effusion of bloud . for he knew well inough , that the former persecutions were the cause of the multiplication and glory of christians . socrat. lib. . chap. . theodoret. lib. . chap. . the chief persecution that he could deuise , was to doo the same in the temples of painims , that the christians did in their churches at their ordinary assemblies in churches , lectors , prayers releeuing of poore hospitalls , and such like things which he opposed in the name of painim gods. valentinian entring one day into the temple of fortune with iulian , being angry at the casting of certain holy water vpon him , ( saying that it rather defiled then clensed him ) strooke him that cast it : but iulian would haue constrained him to sacrifice vnto the idolls : but he chose rather to forsake all , then to commit such a villanie . iulian then banished him the court , alleadging this for a shewe , that he had negligently gouerned his souldiers . for iulian the most that he could , dissembled that the crueltie he exercised was for the christian religion . he tooke from christian churches all their goods , immunities , honours , and the prouision of reuenewes which constantine had assigned thē . he destroyed their churches & tooke away their treasures and vessels , and caused the temples of the painims to be repaired , he suffred not them to dwell in townes but banished them vnto the extreame and outward parts of the empire , and gaue licence to vse vnto them all contumelies and shames . wherfore in ascolon and gaza , townes in palestine , great outrages were done vnto them . for christians there were beaten euen to death . they of gaza stoned many of the faithfull , opened women , and filled their bellies with barley , & then made them be eaten with swine . theoret . li. . cha . . the sacred virgins were exposed naked , and after they had shewed vnto them all kinds of reproaches , they were cut in peeces , and then cast to beasts . in some places the christians were laid , & aliue sacrificed vpon the aultars of the painims . it is recited by nicephorus , li. . chap. . and when the christians by their embassadors would haue shewed these iniuries vnto iulian , to take order therefore , they had no audience allowed . and if at any time he made a countenance that he would chastise them that did such outrages , by countenance again , he rather incited then repressed them . sozom , lib. . chap. . yea he fell into such impietie and malice to vexe the christians , that the fountaines in antioche by his commaundements were dedicated vnto idols in sacrifices and oblations : thinking thereby to pollute the christians , and to make them to bee partakers of such abhominations whensoeuer they vsed these fountaine waters : yea the flesh that came to the butchers stall , bread , fruites , and other such like things which were necessary for life , hee made them bee sacrificed to idolls by the priests . the christians with great sorrowe were constrained to see a detestable and abhominable prophanation : yea and to vse these fountaines and viands thus infected and polluted , beeing instructed by the doctrine of s. paul to take with a good conscience whatsoeuer came to the butchery , and that which is necessarie to the common life . these were two excellent captaines , inuentius and maximianus , who at a certaine banquet , deploring this prophanation of the goods of god , applyed the complaint of the captiue children in babilon , to the time of iulian. lord thou hast deliuered vs vnto a wicked king , and wee are made slaues vpon the earth , &c. which thing beeing reuealed vnto the emperour , he made them come before him . they there declared their iust complaint more at large then before , seeing they had the meane giuen them to speake vnto him . the emperour condemned them to grieuous torments , not as christians , but as iniurious and offering opprobry and shame to his maiestie : for he greatly enuied that word and honor of martyr . and this enuy made him assay all means to torment them before hee would come to execute them by iudgement . iulian burnt with desire to goe against the persians who had cruelly afflicted the east , and affected the name of partrike . but before he enterprised that act which was his last , he promised his gods , that at his returne from this expedition , he would yet commit more greeuous things against the christians then before . ruffin . lib. . chap. . doret . lib. . chap. . of this euill will he shewed sufficient witnesse ; for in the middest and as it were in the heate of this persian warre , hee tooke leisure to vomit out seuen bookes against iesus christ , although before he contented himself to write against christians , as eutropius saith . and indeed being in this expedition , he prepared a skaffolde in the towne of ierusalem , at his returne to place there the bishops , monkes , and the faithfull of these places , and to expose them vnto beasts . basile and other good doctors did all their duties to goe hither and thither to comfort & exhort christians , both publikely and particularly , nor did meddle nor pollute thēselues with the abhominatiōs of the gentiles , but to detest them , yea the gifts and honours which the emperour proposed to such as renounced christianitie . here we must not forget the prophetike answere which a schoolemaister in antioche made to libanius a sophister , when iulian went against the persians . libanius demaunded of him , mocking christ ; what thinkest thou doth the carpenters sonne at this time ? the schoolemaister answered : o sophister , the creator of al things whom thou calledst the carpenters son , makes a coffin to enclose iulian. soone after newes came that iulia was slaine . but behold what was the end of this cursed apostate iulian . after he had passed the sea bosphore , he wintered in antioche : as soone as the spring came , passing by hierapolis , hee went into mesopotamia : and after he had passed the floud hee fought against the persians , and receiued a mortall wound ; and casting a full handfull of bloud into the ayre , hee vttered this blasphemie against iesus christ . thou hast ouercome ô gallelean . in the end thou art vanquisher : and as hee had lost much bloud , being in a burning feuer , hee called for water about midnight , and dranke it colde , and expired the yeare of his age . hauing gouerned the empire the space of a yeare and seuen moneths . of the publike ioy they of antioche made for his death , see the tripartite historie . lib. . chap. . iouinian or iuuian borne in hungarie , was created emperour with great ioy of the armie , the next morning after the death of iulian. he was a prince naturally liberall , and who vnder iulian had shewed well , that he loued better to loose all dignities then to obey one wicked commaundement , and against christian religion . beeing importuned by the souldiers to accept the election , he said hee was a christian , and that hee would not bee the emperour of ethnicks and idollatrous people . hee accepted not the empire , vntill all with a common voyce had protested they would bee christians . eutropius lib. . socrat. lib. . chap. . one called lucius an arrian , whom george bishop of alexandria had promoted , accusing athanasius when he returned from exile . iouinian would not heare him , but knowing athanasius , commaunded silence to lucius . sozomen . li. . cap. . he customably said to flatterers , that they rather worshipped purple then god. the church had rest vnder him , and he restored whatsoeuer iulian had taken away . there was a councell held at antioche vnder him , to establish the faith of the councell of nice , sozom. lib. . chap. . he made peace with the persians to his great dishonour , and to their great aduantage : yeelding them fiue prouinces beyond tigris : also he promised to giue no succours vnto the king arsaces allied with the romanes . he died soone after of an euill of the stomacke as he was in his chamber , wherein for cold he caused to be made a great fire of coles all the night . he liued . yeares , and raigned seuen moneths . the originall of monkes and monasteries . the monastike life began first in aegypt , antonius and macarus were the first and most renowned authors of this maner of life , which incontinent was disperced into palestine , armenia , and paphlagonia . sozomen . li. . chap. . it is greatly to be maruelled at , how this world which in it had so many excellent doctors , did straight admit this manner of life , which was neuer instituted of god : and not onely allowed it , but euen themselues instituted it , and so made a new seruice of god by their owne traditions . it seemeth at the beginning there were two kindes of monkes , some in sollititude , and others in cities and companies : sozom. li. . ch . . basilius at large writeth the oeconomie and lawes of this monkish life : namely , that a monke before all things ought to possesse nothing , to be peaceable : that hee ought to haue an honest habit , a moderate voice , words well disposed , to take his refection peaceably , and with silence : and that his glorie ought to be patience in tribulation , humilitie and simplicitie of heart , watchings , teares in prayers , sobrietie in his speech and eating . ambrose in his . epistle of his booke saith , that monasteries were shops of vertue , abstinence , fasting , patience and labour . out of which they drew bishops that were accustomed and trained in these vertues . hierome ad ruffinum monachum saith that the monasteries of the aegyptians receiued none without dooing some labour or worke . and this was their rule , and as it were their simbole . hee that trauelleth not , ought not to eate . the same in his epistle ad eutychium , speaketh of three sort of monkes in egypt . the first were called cenobites , sansos in that countrey language , as we might say , liuing in common . the second anacharites , because they dwelt alone in the desarts , far from mē . the third they called remoboth : these dwelt two with two , or three with three at the most , and liued at their discretion and of that which they laboured for ; they nourished themselues in common , but often had they debates amongst them . before the time of hierome , it is not like there were any monasteries in europe : but that ambrose ( in whose time began persecutions of virgins ) makes often mention of companies of sacred virgins : otherwise there is no latine author of this time in whose writings the name of monke is found . certaine it is , that sozomen . lib. . chap. . affirmeth them of thrace , the illirians and they of europe had yet no monastike assemblies . valentinian borne also in hungarie , was made emperour by the souldiers in the principall towne of bithinia , anno. . hee and valens were the sonnes of gratian , borne in hungarie , of a meane place : and in fauour of him , valentinian was chosen to the empire , which hee refused , but after accepted and made his brother valens pertaker with him , who had the countrey of the east , and made his sonne gratian augustus . in their time procopius who vsurped the empire , was by them discomfited . after , valentinian chased away the gothes and other barbarous people of thrace : the saxons were brought to their dutie and obedience accustomed : germanie beeing tossed with continuall troubles , was set at rest and quietnesse by the happie successe of theodosius . valens then being chosen a consort of the empire , was at first of like pietie and will with his brother as hee hadde also shewed vnder iulian : but after hee was infected with the arrian heresie , at the perswasion of his wife , and of eudoxius bishop of constantinople , an arrian , of whom he was baptised . during the life of valentinian , the westerne church was peaceable , and agreeing to the decrees of the councell of nice : but valens did what he could to aduāce the arrianisme , against such as were called homousiastes : that is to say , the true catholiques : and stirred great & horrible persecutions , and aboue all , in antioche and laodicea , his brother valentinian reprehended him , and admonished him by letters to desist , as zonoras writeth : but hereby was he stirred so much the more , and determined to chase away basilius bishop of cesaria , because at his commaundement he would not communicate with eudoxius : but the lord sent a disease to his onely sonne ( who knowing it be gods vengeance ) turned him from his euill will , and certaine dayes he was an auditor of basiles sermons . athanasius after he had procured the good of the church . yeares , and sustained many persecutions in great constancie and patience , died about this time . after his death , persecution in egipt and alexandria was mooued by valens , hist . trip. lib. . chap. . damasus a spaniard ( some write him to bee of rome ) the sonne of one called antonius , succeeded liberius : his election was turbulent and bloudie , because of a competitor hee had called vrsin a deacon of the romane church . hereby may you see a first fruite of the riches of the church , and of the pretended donation of constantine . of the writings of damasus , see suidas and hierome in his epistle ad eustochium . tome . . makes mention of damasus . of virginitie saith hee , read the bookes of that pope damasus composed in verse and prose . he reuerenced the sinode of nice , and condemned auxentius bishop of millan an arrian . theodor. lib. . chap. . saith that with s. ambrose hee fought strongly against the arrian heretikes , expresly condemning sabellius , arrius , eunomius , the macedonians , photin , marcellius , and the heresie of apollinaris . hierome writeth vnto him often , and in his apologie against iouinian , he calleth damasus a singular man , well instructed in the scriptures , and doctor of the virgin church . athanasius in his epistle to the bishops of affrike , calleth damasus his deare companion , praysing his diligence , that hee assembled a sinode at rome against the arrians . he was charged to haue committed whoordome : whereof beeing accused by two of his deacons , namely concordius and calitxtus , hee defended his cause in a full assembly of bishoppes , and was absolued , and his accusers proscripted . sabelli . enu . . lib. . there were many vertuous monkes in this time , as paulus , pior , isidorus , apsius , pierius , enagrius , ammonius , &c. hist . trip. lib. . chap. . one of the monkes said : that the monke which laboured with his hands , was like a theefe . some were cruelly slaine by valens , because they would not goe to warre . anthonie of the age of an hundreth and fiue yeares , died at this time . hee sawe in a dreame as it were swine which destroyed and plucked downe aultars with their feete : and when he awaked , hee said that the church should bee once dissipated and wasted by whoremongers , adulterers , and men disguised . p. melancton noteth this prophesie against the whoordome and voluptuos life of priests and monkes . amongst other heretickes at this time , there was photinus , hebionite , ennomius an arrian , and priscilian a bishop in spaine , who cōfounded the persons in the trinitie . they which they called donatists , said that christ is lesse then the father , and the holy ghost lesse then the sonne , and rebaptized the catholiques . the luciferians and apollinaries said that christ receiued an humane body without a reasonable soule . the diuinity supplying the place thereof . athalarike king of the gothes , persecuted greatly the catholiques against his owne people . the burgonions gathered themselues together in number . towards rhene , which afterward receiued the faith . paul. diac. in the towne of arras in the countie of artois , the . yeare of valentinian , fell wooll from heauen with the rayne . hierome in his chronicle . paul. diac. and orosius lib. . herman gigas saith that it was in the third yeare of valentinian . for ( lana ) some historiographers haue set downe ( manna ) wherefore yet at this day they of arras vnluckily do worship it for the manna of heauen . the hungarians cast themselues vpon the west countrie in great numbers . the arrians made burne and drowne many faithfull and catholique people . hist . trip. lib. . chap. . the huns cast themselues vpon the westerne parts , and draue away the gothes which were cōstrained to giue place and passe beyond danubia , and came into thrace , and from thence into pannonie . vulphilas a bishop of the gothes in sarmathia , translated the bible into the gothike tongue for the vse of his people . as ierome did into the dalmatike for his people . and in creatia , which is in the lower pannonie , the churches there and the bishops , vsed the scriptures translated into their vulgar tongue . auxentius an arrian bishop deceasing at milan , there fell a great sedition betwixt the arrians & the catholiques , for the electiō of their bishop the proconsul his deputie then , was ambrose a citizen of rome , who hearing such a noise , by reason of his office , went hastily to the church where the people were assembled , and after he had made many reasons to reduce the people to concord , suddenly rose there vp a common and an agreeing voyce , that ambrose must needs be baptized ( who was yet a catechumene ) and after be consecrated bishop , whervnto he would not consent , but by the commaundement of the emperour valentinian who incited him therevnto , hee accepted the office . and then the emperour gaue thankes to god that hee had called this person from the gouernment of the body , to the gouernment of soules . councells held at this time . . in aquilege where s. ambrose assisted against palladius , and secondianus , arrians . . in valentia in dalphine , wherein it was ordained that bigami might not be consecrated . . in laodicea , whereof is before spoken , &c. . at rome , against apollinaris . hist . trip. lib. chap. . valentinian , of the age of . yeares , died of a flux of bloud of a veyne breaking . he raigned . yeares , . with gratian , and . after , his body was carried to be buried at constantinople . s. aurel. vict. and pomp. before his death he againe declared his sonne graiian emperour . procopius the tyrant vanquished by valens , was taken , and hauing his two feete bound vnto two trees and let goe , they tore him in peeces . naucle . valens gaue a blowe vnto the gouernour of the towne of edesse in mesapotamia , because hee had not chased away the christians which daily assembled in ths temple of s. thomas . it grieued him to put the emperours commaundement in execution , and to cause such a multitude to die : wherefore he secretly sent thē word that they would assemble no more there . but leauing his counsell , and searing nothing the emperours edict , the next morning all assembled in the said place , as they accustomed to doo . so then as the prouost of the towne , with a great company of souldiers , went to the said temple to put in execution valens his commaund : hee encountred a woman who ranne with a litle childe of hers to the assembly of the faithfull ; to whom he said , whether runnest thou ? thither said she whether all others haste to goe . how said hee ? hast thou not heard that the prouost goeth thither to sley all he findes there ? i vnderstand it said she , and therfore do i make so much haste to be with them . and whither leadest thou that litle childe ? that he may also receiue the crowne of martyrdome quoth she . when the said prouost vnderstood these things , and the courage of the christians which ran thither , he returned towards the emperor valens , & shewed him this storie , how they were ready to endure death for their faith ; & that he thought it very vnreasonable to sley so great a multitude of people . vpon these words valens moderated his anger . socrat . lib. . cap. . theo. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . affrates a very olde monke , departed from antioch , being sent into exile . valens seeing him from his pallace said to him ; whither goest thou ? i goe said he , to pray for thine empire . thou shouldest haue done that in thy house said valens . yea , answered affrates if thou wouldest permit it , and so did i when christs sheepe were in peace . valens in the end fought vnluckily against the gothes , viscoths , huns , and scyths , who hauing passed danubia , ran vpon hungaria , epire , and thessalia , endammaging much the countrey , and burning certaine townes . he was ouercome , and flying , was wounded with a dart , and so fell from his horse , and was put in a litle strawe-house to be healed . alanus the victor pursued him , & the house whereinto he went was burnt , none knowing he was retired thither . this was the reward of his tirannie and crueltie against the faithfull . and this came to him three yeares after the death of his brother , hauing raigned fourteene yeares . this battaile was the beginning of great warre that the romane empire after sustained . gratian sonne of valentinian , raigned eight yeares , with his vncle valens three , and with theodosius . but his true kingdome began after the death of valens , the yeare of our lord , . hee reuoked from exile the catholique bishoppes , and put backe the arrians . he made valentinian his litle brother on the fathers side , his companion of the empire . hauing called theodosius out of spaine , hee gaue him part of the east empire , establishing him as a ram-part against the gothes and huns , which occupied thrace and daceas as their hereditary countreys . theodosius handled them hardly . at his comming he obtained a great victorie against the almaines . but as he cherished too much some of those barbarous nations , which hee caused to come with him hyring them with gold : his owne souldiers bare him euill will ; insomuch that maximus was chosen emperour in england , and passing into fraunce with the romane army , ouercame gratian at paris , who fled to lions , where he was taken and killed trayterously by androgius . see pomp. laet. aurel. vict. bapt. egn. lib. . paul. diac. lib. . and oros . lib. . chap. . theodosius began his true kingdome after the death of gratian , the yeare . he was of the line of traian , who was also sent by the emperor nerua to help the common-wealth , theodosius maintained and amplified the empire : hee put to flight the huns and gothes in diuers battailes , which came very farre into the empire : hee also graunted peace to the persians . valentinian the second of that name , the brother of the aforesaid gratian on his fathers side , being chased from italie by maximus , with iustin his mother arrian which had wrought great troubles to ambrose , fled into the east towards theodosius , who receiued him and gaue him part of the empire : after hauing shewed him his fault , and that because he rebelled against religion , and persecuted the catholiques , he fel into this perill . valentinian was strangled seuen yeares at vienna in fraunce by his chamberlaines , at the suggestion of eugenius , and of arbogastes : so that it seemed he had strangled himselfe . theodosius tarried not long before hee ouercame maximus vsurper of the gaulois , and victor his sonne , and androgius their coronell , which caused gratian to die . auenging the death of valentinian : he ouercame eugenius the tyrant , and arbogastes his companion in a notable victorie : for the time , the windes , the snowe and hayle ranged themselues on his side , who had fewe people in respect of the armie of eugenius . claudians latine verses with exclamation witnesse it saying : o welbeloued of god , who gaue thee a winter armed for thy successors , and made come to thy wages the tempests and the windes , &c. the said iustin hauing drawne into her errour valentinian her sonne , sought also to haue deceiued ambrose , but in vaine . one day she sent a sort of souldiers to enuiron the temple to make ambrose come out : who spake to them and said : hee would not so easily forsake his place , and that to wolues hee would not expose the sheepfolde , nor the temple to blasphemers . and that if they determined to sley him , let them do it within the temple , and so should death please him . theodo . li. . chap. . reliques . the beginning of adoration of reliques , may be reduced to this time . ruffin writeth of theodosius , before hee enterprised warre against eugenius , the tyrant himselfe went with the priests visiting the churches , and before the sepulchres of the apostles made his orisons and praiers . the contention betwixt hierome and vigilantius , prest bishop of bercolne in spaine , doth sufficiently shewe that superstition was then come forward . by the writings of hierome ( which are stuffed rather with iniuries & outrages then sound reasons out of the holy scriptures ) we may know that vigilantius had reason to oppose himselfe to such idolatry , rather then veneration of the martyrs . the words of hierome writing to riparius , are : thou saist that vigilantius openeth againe his stinking mouth , and spitteth his infection against the reliques of holy martyrs , calling vs ( which receiue them ) cendrier idolaters , which do reuerence vnto dead mens bones . and in the booke which he perticularly writ against vigilantius , saith : one vigilantius is risen vp , which with an vncleane spirit against the spirit of christ , denieth that we must honour the sepulchres of martyrs , condemneth vigils , &c then addeth : and thou sayest in thy booke , that as long as we liue we may pray one for an other : but after we be dead , that the prayers are not heard , and yet they pray for the vengeance of their bloud and cannot be heard . in which thou proposest vnto me an apogrypha booke , which thou and the like readest vnder the name of esdras , where it is written , that after death none dare pray , &c. and thou darest out of the gulfe of thy brest , vomit so filthy a mockery , as to say the soules of martyrs then loue their owne ashes , and flie about them : for being absent they cannot heare a poore sinner , who by chance resorteth thither , &c. briefly he alleadgeth for great meruailes whatsoeuer vigilantius said , but refuteth it not . hee addeth also that vigilantius heretike saide , that alleluia should not be sung but at easter . that continencie of single life commaunded , is heresie , and the seede of whoordome : it is also reported vnto me ( saith hee ) that against the authoritie of paul ( vnto whom peter , iohn , and iames , gaue the right hands ) who commaunds to remember the poore , thou forbiddest that any should send any comfort of money to ierusalem for the vse of the saints , and maintainest that they doo better which vse their owne , and which by litle and litle distribute fruites of their possessions , then they which hauing solde their possessions , giue all at once . he saith yet : thou fearest and turnest away ( viperous tongue ) monkes from their application and studie , and sayest by way of argument ; if all men should shut themselues vp , or goe into solitude , who should celebrate churches , or who should gaine and winne seculer men ? &c. wee may know by this rehearsall , that vigilantius and other good doctors of this time , maintained that the adoration of saints was drawne from the ethnike superstition of the gods , into the church of the lord. the abuse came first from the too great praise of saints . it encreased afterward by the false perswasion of the intercession , confirmed by signes and lying miracles . the same ceremonies which were at the burial of bodies , were also in this age obserued in the translation and eleuation of holy bodies . the priests of apollo heretofore made that apostate emperor iulian ( as he sacrificed in antioche nie the fountaine daphne ) beleeue that the sepulchre of babyla martyr nigh vnto the said place , was the cause that apollo gaue no answere . iulian then cōmaunded the christians which he called gallileans to take away the said sepulchre : then all the church came thither , young and olde , virgins and mothers , and with great ioy drew out and conducted the coffer of the bones of babila , singing as high as they could . ruff. lib. . chap. . and toch . lib. . cap. . ambrose in his . epistle to his sister , sheweth how this manner of taking vp and translating of the martyrs bodies , was obserued in the west churches . the reliques saith he of a saint beeing found either aduisedly or by chance , first they are shewed the people , and declared it is by some , of what martyr those reliques are : after , hauing laid them in order they are carried into some temple , and there vigils & watches are made all night , then the next day a sermon is made of the life of that martir . see what ambrose saith , who also witnesseth ( if we must giue faith vnto him ) that miracles were done there . behold how a new deuotion transporteth not onely the common people , but also the pastors and bishops . the doings of many painims of this time . as for the gentiles of this time and their superstitions , we will heere touch one word , as we passe by . certaine it is that idolatry drew after it all kinde of wickednesse . from the gods they haue drawne out all that infection : of iupiter , adulterers , rauishments , and stuprations of children : of venus , the art of whoordome : of rhea , all filthinesse : of mars , murders : and so of the other bodies . it is then no maruell if their manner of dooings bee so straunge . in phenicia women were prostituted before idolls . athanasius reciteth it the women before marriage , being deliuered of proofe to their husbands . sozo . li. . chap. . they also accustomed to chastice adultry with an other whoordome and publike constupration . socrat. lib. . chap. . the indians had many wiues . hierom. lib. . contra iouinianum . the schooles of magitians had certaine prayers for the dead ; whervnto they attributed so great efficacy , that the powers of the ayre by them appeased , let soules flye so into heauen . arnobius . lib. . from hence hath antichrist drawne the hunting of his indulgences to set vp his seate and inrich it . some grecians on the dayes they call ( pandemi ) that is to say populary , carried viands and wine to the sepulchres of their dead . they burnt the meate , and presented the wine , calling the dead by their names . rise vp ( cried they ) and eate , and drinke , and be merry . epipha . in ancorato . and what other thing is this then the offertorie of the masse for the quicke and the dead ? many nations had no marriage nor lawfull coniunction , but rather brutall and common . and what is that single life which antichrist would bring in , but a burning fire breaking into all abhominable whoordomes ? in those dayes men superstitiously obserued the dayes of the moone , and enterprised nothing the first day thereof . ambrose lib. . epist . . when there was a question to know who should raigne after valens , ianulicus , and libanius , sophisters and true supporters of sathan , writ in dust the . letters of the greeke alphabet , and laid vpon euery one of them a graine of wheate and barley . after they caused a cocke to come , and after the recitall of certaine charmes they let him goe , to know by the letters whereon he tooke the graines , the name of the successor . the cocke tooke the graines vpon the letters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the emperour valens after hee knew this , made many to be slaine whose names began with these letters . zonaras reciteth it . they vsed violence against christians , with calumniations and slaunders . the first defence of their superstition was , that it had bene of long time , and that their elders had alwaies maintained it arnol. lib. . against the gentiles ; and so did simmachus argue against prudentius . the second , that it had alwaies bene profitable to the romane common-wealth , and that thereby the empire of the world had bene conquered , and therefore it worshipped all the gods which were adored in the world : yea the vnknowne gods , arnob. lib. . and so argueth maximinus in eusebi . lib. . chap. . the third , was of the discommodities that came by leauing the religion of the idolls . maximinus the tyrant , in his edicts impureth all publike calamities to the chaunging of sacrifices . euseb . lib. . chap. . . and contrary , they calumniated the christian religion , that it was new , and that their predecessors were ignorant thereof . sozom. lib. . chap. . . that the authors thereof were seditious and desperate persons . arnob. lib. . . that the christians were but heapes of poore idiots , and women that vsed to slie the light , and onely loued night assemblies . . that by secret and hidde markes they loued before they knew one an other , and that to couer their whoordomes , they commonly called one an other brothers and sisters . . that they are without aultars , without temples , and without sepulchres . in the said booke , . the papists at this day , which shame not to change the truth with the same slaunders , what other thing doo they else but either borrow or renew the olde ethnikes arguments . the ethnickes also say of the christian doctrine that which our mockers and epicures say at this day , that it is contrary to all reason . for to say that god seeth and makes enquirie not onty of out affaires , but also of our most secret cogitations , and that he is present euery where : this is not onely impertinent and euill becomming god : but also it is to grieue and trouble him , and to say he is curious and without rest . the same author . that to say , god loueth not them who willingly come vnto him , but his elect onely . this say they , is to doo iniurie to god , and to accuse him of iniustice . that christians agree not in their doctrine . this same did the philosophers obiect in the councell of nice against the fathers . that the scripture is full of contradiction , and therefore vncertaine . porphirius and iulian the apostate vsed this slaunder . socrat. . chap. . that all sorts of calamities came vpon them , and that god punished them because they beleeued that man is god , and after he was crucified , to say hee liueth and raigneth . arnob. lib. . many princes and magistrates of this time opposed themselues against these ethnike impieties . and after , constantine the great and his sonne iouinian , caused to shut the idoll temples which iulian had set open , and forbad sacrifices . socrat. lib. . chap. . valentinian in europe tooke away the seruice of idolls . theodoret. lib. . cap. . he forbad that none should learne the magike art by the law : culpasimilis . cod. de maleficis & mathematicas . finally the lord ordained this emperor theodosius as a second iosias , wholly to roote vp all the idols temples . thod . li. . ch . . on the other side , the doctors of the church were exceeding carefull to refute all this false religion of the painims and ethnikes . arnob. lactantius , theodoret , and the most part of them which writ in that time ; vnto whose bookes we send them that will know more at large . damasus builded certaine temples , and adorned them with gifts : he gaue fields and possessions , and bathes to the cleargie . he augmented certaine straunge facions of seruing of god. he approued s. hieromes translation of the bible . the hearts of the archbishops of rome , began to be taken with too much ambition . after this , damasus as hee could diligently calculate times , to the end that in time to come , in the romane seate might bee placed bishoppes of renowme , hee drew briefly in writing the liues and statutes attributed to his predecessors bishops of rome , yet this was not without manifest lies . as for his faith and doctrine theodoret giueth great witnesse : he had a good opinion of the trinitie , and by his epistle to the bishops , assembled at a sinode at constantinople , exhorted them to maintaine the holy doctrine of the sonne of god. but in his epistles , although he call the bishops vnto whom he writ , his brothers ; yet he sheweth himselfe too much giuen to eleuate the dignitie of the romane seate . for he thus beginneth his aforesaid epistle to them of constantinople . in the reuerence deare children which you owe to the apostolike seate , you doo much for your selues , &c. theod. lib. . chap. . he had many combats to maintaine the doctrine of the councell of nice ; especially against auxentius of millan . hee condemned many heretikes , and amongst others , the apollinaries , at a councell of many bishops at rome . hee had firme amitie with hierome , who in his writings gaue great witnesse of him . virgin , doctor of the virgine church , in his preface vpon the foure euangelists , calleth him great priest . athanasius in his epistle to the bishops of affrike , calleth damasus his very deare companion in the ministerie , &c. gregorie nazianz ▪ calleth damasus ( happie ) in his epistle to clidonius . damasus dyed of the age of . yeares , in the raigne of theodosius : witnesses hierome and suidas , after hee had administred his bishopricke . yeares , the yeare of christ after naucle , . but after prosper , the yeare . aduertisement . from the time of siluester the first and others after him , the bishops or archbishops of rome being inriched by gifts & munificences of many , began to liue at their ease , and to receiue vnvsed apparell , as miters and other pontificall ornaments , to make themselues to be accounted of , and to prepare the seate for the great antichrist by their traditions and canons : yet neither siluester nor his successors till boniface the . ( who was about the yeare , . were lords of rome , much lesse did they holde the domination of the west . for wee haue seene that liberius was sent into exile by constantius : that iulius implored the aide of constantius for athanasius against the furie of the arrians : and that damasus by vertue of the letters of theodosius , called the easterne bishop vnto the sinode of rome . and as for the right to choose the emperours to crowne them , and put on their imperiall purple and such other solemnities requisite , it was partly done by ordinary souldiers . and the emperours constantine the great , iulian , iouinian , valentinian the first and second , were created emperours and cesars by the campe of souldiers : constantine ordained his three sonnes . valens was ordained by his brother . theodosius by gratian. arcadius , and honorius by the father . it is not read in any approued author of this time , that any romane bishop thrust himselfe in , to choose or crowne an emperour . theodo . lib. . chap. . saith , that theodosius in a dreame sawe meletius bishop of antioche , who gaue vnto him the mantle , and the imperiall crowne . syricius a romane , the sonne of one tiburtius , succeeded damasus . there are attributed vnto him many ordinances . hee put such as were bigami , that is , such as were married twise , from the misteries of the masse , and was the first that admitted monkes to receiue ecclesiasticall orders , because of their continencie : which before were not accounted , no not amongst clarkes . fastings and abstinencies . the varieties and multiplications of fastings certaine dayes , at this time engendred great disputations and contentions . augustine in his epistle to casulan , writeth that some men fasted on the wednesday , because iesus christ was solde that day . and on the fryday , because hee was then on the crosse . as for fasting on satterdayes , there was great strife . they of millain and of the east , maintained that none ought to fast on it , because iesus christ rested that day in the sepulchre . and contrary , the romanes and affricanes and others fasted it , because christ was cast euen to the ignominie of the sepulchre . p. martir . monicha s. augustines mother , comming from affrike to millan , seeing none fast there on the saterday , maruelled greatly . augustine her sonne beeing then not yet baptised , came to ambrose , and prayed him in the name of his mother to expound what were best to be done therein . doo , answered ambrose , as i doo . augustine by this answere thought he should not fast vpon saterday , because ambrose fasted not : but hee declared his meaning more plainely in these words . when i am at rome , i fast on the saterday because there they fast : but when i am returned to millan againe , i there fast not . men attribute to melchiades bishop of rome , aboue mētioned , the ordinance not to fast on the sunday nor thursday , because christians fastes should bee farre from the fastes of ethnikes and heretikes . epiphan : also bringing the reason wherefore wee should fast on the wednesday , saith : because christ that day ascended into heauen . and that it is written , when the spowse shal be taken away , that then the apostles shall fast , &c. and this hee affirmeth to bee a tradition of the apostles . i leaue other fastes of angaria , that is to say , of torment , when some calamitie comes and other differences and abstinences and meates which were after inuented , as these discourses in their place shall shewe . superstition hath peruerted the exercises of pietie : despight or negligence hath caused them to be forgottē in the church , which are two extremities that all the faithfull must shunne . theodosius after hee had established peace in the church , and caused many publike sinodes to be assembled , died at millain , of the age of . yeares , and raigned . that is to say , . with gratian , and . after . the same yeare his body was carried to be buried in constantinople . see aurel. vict. pomp. laet. paul. diac. lib. . ambrose lamented his death , and made a funerall oration , wherein amongst other things hee said : i loued this prince who when his soule was ready to depart from his body , had more care of the state of the church , then of the dolours of his death . this care for religion is a singular vertue , worthy of a christian prince . archadius and honorius , the children of theodosius , and of placille his wife a vertuous ladie , raigned after their mother the yeare . arcadius was emperour of the east , and honorius of the west . their father ordained them tutors before hee died : to arcadius , rufin ; and to honorius , stillico ; and gildo was also instituted gouernour of affrike . honorius then ruled the empire at rome , his brother gouerning that of constantinople . three yeares after this , gildo gouernor of affrike carried himselfe as maister and lord , but afterward he was ouercome by mascezel his brother , whose children he had slaine . the westerne church about this time receiued the fashion to sing . augustine in his confessions , the . booke saith , it was by the meanes of ambrose . for in the time of the arrian fury , this holy person being constrained by the people to remaine in the temple , yea euen in the night time , fearing it should haue bene deliuered to the arrians , accustomed the people to sing psalmes and hymnes , to put off griefes , and passe away the time . the east church from the beginning receiued singing , as appeares by plinie to the emperour traian , who was at the time that iohn the euangelist liued . but augustine in the same booke confesseth he failed therein , in that hee gaue more attention to the song then to the words that in it are passed , and accused that sinne , for that the voyce and the song are made for the word ; but not the word for the sōg . in that place likewise he reciteth the maner of the church of alexandria vnder athanasius . see also hierome vpon the epistle to the ephesians . whensoeuer you assemble as s. paul saith ; if each one sing psalmes , or doctrine , or reuelation , or language , or interpretation let all be done to aedification . . cor. . f. . the appellation of the masse . the communion of the eucharist at this time to be called missa . it is twise found in s. augustine , namely , in his sermon of time , , wherein hauing exhorted men to pardon iniuries done to one another , saith : you must come to the masse of the catechumenes . there we pray : pardon vs our offences , as wee pardon them which wee haue offended , &c. and in an other sermon . he saith ; in the historie which is read at masses , &c. many doubt whether these sermons bee s. augustines . but peter martir a diuine of zurike saith , the stile and sentences seeme to bee s. augustines . i am of opinion saith he , that in that time of s. augustine it beganne onely to bee vsurped . for if it had beene vsuall , s. augustine would haue oftner made mention of it : seeing hee vsed to applye his sermons after the common manner of speech . iohn cassian liued in this time vnder the emperour honorius . the heretikes chased him from the church of ierusalem : hee came to marcellis and liued there a monastike life . the word masse is found in his writings , lib. . chap. . and . but in an other signification then for the holy communion ; that is , for the accomplishment and the ende of the congregation of the faithfull . for speaking of the sleepe of monkes , he saith . being contented with the time that is permitted to them to sleepe : that is , from the masse of the vigiles vntill the light of the day , &c. vnderstanding by these words , the time wherein they ended the vigiles . as for the deriuation of the name , euen as the latine doctors which were before this age , vsed the word ( remissa ) for remission . tertullian lib. . against martion in the leafe . and ciprian in his booke of the good of patience , so it seeemeth afterward they said missa for missio , or demissio , that is , sending away , when the catechumenes went out of the temple . for after the holy scripture was read in the assembly , and that the sermon was done , the deacon with a loude voyce pronounced goe : or goe out cathechumenes . after this , the cathechumenes went out with the euergumenes ; that is to say , they which were handled with euil spirits : and thirdly such as did penance . dionisius in his hierarchie makes mention of these orders , and so the latine church called the celebration of the eucharist messe , because it was done after the dimission or sending away of the catechumenes and such as were not capable to bee admitted therevnto . and in this signification , ambrose saith missas facere , for sending or letting goe . this is the opinion of peter martir in his commentaries vpon the iudges . some haue said that the word missa was deriued of the hebrew word mas , because the gifts which the faithfull offered , were said to be presents and sent . and the occasion hereof came of the oblations which the iewes offered at their feast of pentecost . if it were so , the papists abused the word masse : for they will not name it of the almes and gifts which are giuen there : but of the oblation they make of the body and bloud of christ for the quick and dead . p. martyr . catechumenes , signified such as were instructed in the faith and were not yet baptized . the word is deriued from the greeke word which signifieth to teach , especially by liuely voyce . tertullian calleth them sometimes hearers or auditors . augustine calleth them competitors . for before they were admitted to be baptised at easter , they gaue vp their names . dayes before . during which time , the pastors not onely got information of their faith and doctrine , but also of theyr life . p. martir . the papistes , apes of antiquitie , had it in custome to send their children to schoole in lent. rufin before named , french by nation , tempted with pride , sent presents and siluer to alarike king of gothes , and stirred him to raise vp warre against archadius , perswading him that that young prince affrighted would leaue him the empire . his practise was dicouered , and stilico pursued him . the souldiers cut off his head and his right hand , and after carried them into constantinople for a shewe . see pomp. laet. deuastation of the fourth monarchie . the yeare of the lord . the gothes entred into italie with a great and fearfull company . but because there is often mention of them , we will briefly touch the history of their originall . the appellation of gothes doth not only comprehend one people , but many ; that is to say gothes , vandales , rugians , hunnes , &c : but the gothes properly were they which from the i le of gothland occupied a great part of lifsland . procopius an historiographer saith they were cymmerians and greekes . being come into thrace and hungarie , the romane emperours sought to driue them backe but could not . the first & greatest battaile of the romanes against them , was vnder the emperour decius , wherein he was slain . but after the vandales and huns comming from scithia , did driue away the gothes , and placed their seates in hungaria . the gothes then entered into italie by the disloyaltie of rufin ( which as it is said fell vpon his owne head by the iust iudgement of god. ) stillico a vandall by nation , hoping to lift vp euchere his sonne to bee an emperour , raised vp the sueuians , vandales , and alenems , and other people , to the number of . conducted by theyr king redegastus or radagastus , who afterward was discomfited in the straite of appenin . after radagastus , a new armie of gothes came into italie , hauing for their captaine alricus , or alaricus , who was sollicited by the emperour honorius to leaue the countrey of italie , and to discend into fraunce , which then was so occupied with french burgonians and other nations , that honorius dispaired to hold it . but as alaricus prepared his departure , stillico thought to haue surprised him on the sudden beeing vpon easter day , there being a truce betwixt them not yet expired . alaricus the next morning came against stillico , and to be reuenged besieged the towne of rome , honorius being at rauenna . the treason of stillico being disclosed , hee caused him to bee beheaded ; so receiued hee the reward of his infidelitie . then was there found no captaine for the warre to leuie the siege before rome , wherefore the towne was taken by alaricus after it had endured long time the siege . this was about the fifteenth yeare of the empire of honorius , and of the lords natiuitie , . and from the foundation of rome , . alaricus neither burnt nor wasted rome , but gaue commaundement that they should be spared which fled vnto the temples of the christians . he died soone after . adolphus succeeded him and came to rome , but by the meanes of placidia the sister of honorius , he spared rome , and tooke his way towards gaul and spaine , and so the gothes left italie and occupied spaine , ( which alaricus before had inuaded ) and got the domination thererof . in so much that the kings of spaine that came after , discended of them . diminution , or the romane empire . from henceforward the fourth monarchie receiued such calamities , that in place to rule , and haue straunge people in subiection , it selfe was made a seruant vnto barbarous nations . the towne of rome the seate of the said monarchie , in lesse then . yeares , was foure times taken by the gothes , vandales , and other barbarous people . the first is that alreadie recited by alaricus . the . by gensericas the vandall vnder martinian , the yeare . the . by totila king of the gothes , which was the most grieuous oppression that euer rome endured . for it was taken and burnt the yeare . of iustinian , and from the foundation of rome . and of christ , . the . it was sacked three yeares after the other , namely , the yeare of christ . as shall be seene in this historie . the pope siricius added the anthems to the psalmes . he made a lawe that orders ( that is to say , the ceremonies and obseruations which they vse in the consecration of their church-people ) should be celebrated and giuen by certaine spaces of time betwixt one an other . ambrose bishop of millaine was his familiar , and writ vnto him some epistles which are amongst his workes . one in the number . and the other in the number . wherein hee calles him his father . he died about the yeare . hauing occupied that seate . yeares , after socrat. lib. . chap. . and sozom. lib. . chap. . anastasius the first of that name borne at rome , succeeded him , and gouerned about three yeares . hee ordained that euery one should heare the gospell standing and not sitting . hee cast out of the ministerie such as wanted or were maimed in any of theyr members , or subiect to any disease . hee ordained that none beyond the seas should bee admitted to any ecclesiasticall estate , without hauing a testimoniall sealed with fiue bishops . this was because of the manechies which came from affrike , to corrupt churches . chrysostome borne at antioch , disciple of libanius the sophister , and an auditor of andragatius a philosopher , forsooke the estate of an aduocate , and followed euagrius , with two other his companiōs , theodorus and maximus , which after were bishops , after they had well profited in holy scriptures in the monasteries . for then monasteries were publike schooles , and abbots , or priors , which gouerned them , did publikely teach the holy scriptures . innocent , the first of that name borne at albe , preferred the seate at rome before all others , and ordained that it should not be subiect to any other . he commaunded the faithfull to fast on the saterday , to the ende that that day they might with mary magdalen mourne for iesus christ being in his graue . he ordained that the pax should be giuen at masse : and that a temple which once had beene consecrated , should be so no more . hee made certaine lawes concerning the iewes , painims , and monkes , and made the sacrament of vnction of such as were sicke . chrysostome was often sicke of a disease of the stomacke : therfore he abstained from eating in company . he was hardie and liberall in reprehension , and aboue all in his publike sermons , and therefore was he hated of the cleargie . he resisted gaiuas an arrian , who begged of the emperour a temple in constantinople for his people . see the tripart . hist . chap. . lib. . constantinople was diuinely aided against gaiuas , who sending souldiers in the night to burne the emperours pallace , a great multitude of armed men were seene come against them three nights ; which made them desist and leaue off their enterprise . chrysostome was sent in ambassage towards the said gaiuas , ( who had wasted all the countrey of thrace ) who met the said chrysostome , and commaunded his owne children to kisse his knees , and he himselfe kissed his hand . certaine monkes egipt , antropomorphites maintained that god had a body whereabouts came many contentions amongst the bishops : insomuch that the arrians and catholiques in the night slew one an other . there was an earthquake in constantinople . the siluer image of eudoxia was placed nigh to the temple of s. saphie , and playes celebrated in her honour . chrysostome crieth out against it , and in a sermon vnder the name of herodias , taxeth eudoxia : whereof beeing angry , she suborned people to sley chrysostome : but the people guarded him both day and night : he was afterward exiled into pontus . the church of constantinople so increased by the chrysostonites , that many of them were put to diuers torments . after his exile , there happened at constantinople in september a great haile , and foure dayes after died eudoxia . see the forealleadged booke . chap. . . & . . the pernitious errour of pelagius . in the time of innocent pope of rome , there was in the countrey of england one called pelagius , who began to teach that we are not iustified by gods mercie for iesus christes sake without merite , but that through our owne workes and naturall vertues , we acquire true and perfect righteousnesse before god. against this pelagius , many good doctors of this time writ : but aboue all , augustine hath shewed , that by faith onely we are iustified , because by it wee embrace him that iustifieth vs : that is to say , christ our lord , with whom it vniteth and ioyneth vs. in such sort , that we are made partakers of him and all the goods he hath ; and that frō thence good workes should come ; that is from iesus who is within vs , by the force and free efficacie of whom we begin , to will that which is good , and to employ our selues therein . zozimus a grecian by nation : hee ordained that on the saterday before easter waxe should in euery parish bee blessed . that deacons shoule hide their windowes with a cloath . and that clarkes should not publikely drinke . he ruled about two yeares . the pelagian heresie was condemned of the bishops at the councells of ephesus , carthage , and mitiuitaine . before pelagius , england knewe not what superstitious monkery meant , neither yet learned to preferre by vaine and friuolous allegories , the righteousnes of workes before the merit of iesus christ . but this pelagius begun to broach this pestilent heresie vnder maximus king of englande , the yeare of christ . . the doctors which were before this pelagius , vsed in their writings this word merite , in the signification to obtaine or attaine . peter martyr . the beginning of the kings of france . the french-men are said to be issued of the troians , and as histories say , came after the destruction of troy , with the duke francion , to the pooles of meotides , which at this day is called the golfe de la tana , aboue and something farre frō constantinople , as men draw towards the north : neare there they builded a towne which they inhabited vntil the time of valentinian the emperour , sonne of valentinian , and the brother of gratian also emperours . they were honoured by the said emperour , and made free of paying tribute for . yeares , in consideratiō that they reduced the almanes vnder the obedience of the romanes . but afterward when the tribute came again to be laid vpon them , and they vnwilling to subiect themselues , they forsooke the country , and came with their duke marcomir into franconia , which is betwixt saxe and almaine . pharamond the sonne of marcomir , was chosen for their king , and began to raigne ouer them the yeare of the worlde . and of iesus christ . vnder whom first they vsed lawes , and appointed foure nobles which iudged of causes and differences betwixt men . then was the salike lawe made which stood vpon many articles , amongst which there was one which tooke frō daughters the right to succeed in the crowne and realme of fraunce . hee raigned . yeares . paul. emil. the first booke . boniface the first of that name a romane , ruled at rome . yeares . his father was a priest called iucundus . the fourth schisme was by a priest called enlalius , who was also ordeined : whereof came great dissention and schisme which endured . moneths , but finally boniface was approued . the sixt councell of carthage after some , & the seuenth . s. hierome died of the age of . yeares . the affricane councell was now , which is a confirmation and recapitulation of the councels of carthage . the titles of the canons are in the number . boniface renewed certaine decrees attributed to his predecessors . amongst others , that none should be ordeined a priest before the age of . yeares , &c. also that no woman or nunne might touch or wash the priests ornaments which are holy . the hunnes a cruell and barbarous people which came out of scithia , did great hurt all ouer , and at their comming into italie many fled towards the adriatike sea , and tooke place in those litle iles which were in great number , and liued as they could of fishing . after they beganne to make certaine buildings in these iles , and principally in that which is called miroalto , it being the chiefest of them . there was at this time many churches in italie . sozom. reciteth them , lib. . cha . . where hee makes mention of the faithful which retired into the places where is now builded the towne of venice , in the adriatike sea. there is also heereof made mention in the epistle of the romane sinode which was held vnder constantine . theodor. liber . chapter twentie and two . the emperour honorius being at millan , and vnderstanding the dissention for the electiō of the romane bishops , deposed them both , and writ to boniface that whē two were elected he would ordain that neither should be allowed , notwithstanding for this time he allowed the election of boniface . boniface by his legate faustin bishop , a fierce and proud man , and philip and esellus priests , proposed to the sixt councell of carthage , that it might be graunted that appellations of bishops might be sent to rome : and that no councell should be allowed vnlesse he send thither his legate to doo it ; and alledged for his speech the decree of nice . the bishops caused the bookes to be searched , and the registers of the councell if it were so . also they caused to come from constantinople a copie of the said councell : but finding it not to be so as the said boniface had alledged by his legate , his request was reiected . see the epistle of the said councell of affricke to boniface , and to celestine in the first volume of the councells . note here by what meanes the popes sought to obtaine their primacie . celestine first of that name a romane , or of campaine after some . he ordeined that the introitus of the masse should be of some psalme dauid , yea and the graduall which they call the offertorie , and added vnto the thē praiers with the song . naucler . also that the priest should say before the introitum the . psalme . indica me deus . supl. chron. item that they should sing three sanctus . abb. vsp . this said yeare . the emperour honorius died . the third generall councell at ephesus against nestorius bishop of constantinople , of . bishops : it was there concluded that iesus christ is one alone person in two natures , and that the virgine marie by good right is called the mother of god. cyrillus bishop of alexandria assisted there . theodosius the younger , alone obteined the empire , and raigned . yeares . celestine gaue commaundement to all ecclesiasticall persons to know and obserue the canons . he sent palladius a greeke and patricius , into scotland and ireland preach the faith . he sent into england saint germaine bishop of anxerce , against the pelagian heresie . he ordeined that none should attempt any thing in an others parish . item that no bishop should be ordeined against the wil of the people , but that the consent of the cleargie and of the people was requisite . the church in that time was greatly troubled , and especially in affrike : the ecclesiasticall people were cast into exile , and martyred by gensericus of the vandales . palladius composed the life of s. iohn chrisostome . s. augustine bishop of hipone , of the age of seuentie sixe yeares dyed , after he had gouerned the said church fortie sixe yeares , the third moneth after his towne was besieged by the vandales , euen when he writ against iulian a pelagian bishop . possidonius writ his life . sedulius , possidonius , sozomenus , socrates , and theodoriretus , were authors of the tripartite historie , which afterward was brought into one by cassiodorus . valentinian was made emperour with theodosius , and they raigned together , the one in the east & the other in the west . clodio a painim , king of france , raigned yeares . hee recouered from the romaines torney and cambray , where he was buried . superstition was now farre entred into the houses of great men : in so much as eudoxia the wife of theodosius the yonger went vnto ierusalem , and frō thence brought the chains wherewith s. peter was bound by herode , which were ioyned with them of nero , wherevpon afterward was instituted the feast of s. peter in bonds . item the relikes of s. steuen . s. hierome in his epistle to eustochius counteth them otherwise . sixtus the third of that name a romaine , gouerned the state of rome , . yeares . hee was accused by a priest of great credit called bassus , to haue committed incest , and to haue violated a religious woman named chrysogonus , and so did bassus vnderstand of a seruant of the said sixtus called peter . but in a full sinode of . bishops , by valentinian augustus , libertie was left to sixtus to iudge himselfe . for it is not lawfull saith he to iudge nor giue sentence against the hie and great bishop . he then tooke his oath that he was innocent of the matter , and so was absolued by the sinode , and bassus banished , and all his goods confiscate and giuen to the church . the beginning that the pope should not be iudged . sixtus then instituted the feast of s. peter in bondes , the first day of august , in place of an other feast which was before made , for the victorie of augustus caesar which he obtained against marcus antonius and cleopatra . suspition or idolatrie chaunged but not abolished . the vandales which from the outward parts of almaine vnder gratian came into france , and after into spaine , finally , vnder the conduction of genserich , came into mauritania , and after sell vpon carthage , and there occupied affricke more then . yeares . victor bishop of a towne in numidia which is in affricke , called in latine cattena , made a booke against the arrians , and presented it to genseric king of the aforesaid vandales an arrian . polychronius bishop of ierusalem is chased away . hee in the time of a famine sold all his goods and gaue it to the poore . for which chatitie and mercy he was after restored againe . sixtus ordeined that none should bee promoted in the cleargie into anothers diocesse or parish . he also before his death gaue all his goods to the poore . hillarie bishop of arles , left all his goods and went into an hermitage , where he composed the life of saint honorius . abb. tritem . he had done better if hee had preached constantly , and opposed himselfe against the peoples vices . arcadius , probus , paschasius , and eutichius , were in great estimation and honour with gensericus , but seeing he could not draw them vnto arrianisme , after many euils , finally he martyred them with others : yea hee cast certaine bishoppes out of their places , and bookes of religion and the christian faith were burnt . the councell of ephesus the second , was assembled by theodosius , wherein eutiches the heretike was restored , and flauianus a true catholike condemned , by a false accusation : for there was dioscorus bishop of alexandria president , who was of the sect of the said eutiches . this councell was corrected by the councell following which was assembled vnder leo the pope , first of that name , as followeth . the towne of rhemes was taken by attila , and put to fire and sword . nicasius bishop of the saide place a very auncient man was slaine , and his sister eutropia put to death . leo a tuscan first of that name , gouerned the romaine church . yeares . he ordained , that whosoeuer vnreuerently should handle the images of saints , should be seperated and depriued of the communion of the faithfull . he added to the masse , orate pro me fratres , &c. also the deo gratias is attributed vnto him . he added to the canon , sanctum sacrificium , immaculatam hostiam . item , hanc igitur oblationem , &c. attila sacked all italie . at the sacking of aquilia , one of the honourablest women called digna , cast her selfe from an high tower into the water , for feare to be rauished by the barbarians . for the fairest women were reserued from death , that they might be forced of those barbarous people . naucler . merouee the third king of france raigned ten yeares . he also was a painim : and was not the sonne of clodio , but the maister of his horse-men . yet to him the king clodio recommended the gouernment of his kingdome , of his wife , & of his three children , trusting vnto his loyaltie , which hee had sworne and promised vnto him in the presence of his princes . but soone after the death of the said clodio , merouee chased away his said three children , and caused himselfe to be chosen king. when the three children came to age , they made warre vpon him , and tooke from him all the countrey of austria , lorraine , brabant , namure , and hainault . leo ordeined that there should be but one god-father or god mother at baptisme , and at confirmation . some attribute vnto him the ordinance that alleluya and gloria in excelsis deo should not be sung from septuagesima vntill easter . letanies were first in constantinople , and after in the west by lupus bishop of troy receiued and approued . item by mamerus bishop of vienna , for an earthquake that happened and further to appease it ; was sung the sanctus deus , sanctus fortis , sanctus immortalis miserere nobis . from hence-forward thou shalt see infinit superstitions , traditions , and heapes of councells and relikes . he ordeined fasting the three rogation dayes . attila captaine of the hunnes tooke rome : before whom leo came at the first and obtained of him to touch nothing at rome . and attila being asked wherefore so easily he agreed therevnto , answered that hee sawe the angell of god with a sword drawne , who threatned him , if hee graunted not his request . paul. diaconus . the general councel of calcedon of . bishops against eutiches abbot of constantinople , vnder martian . in this councell . chap. this decree is set downe . if any virgin vowe and dedicate her selfe to god , and likewise a monke , it shall bee no more lawfull for them to marry : but if they be found to marry , then to remaine excommunicated , yet we ordaine that the bishop of the place , if he thinke good , may shew the same humanitie and fauour . the narration or fable of the . sleepers , named malchus , maximianus , martinianus , dionisius , ioannes , serapion , and constantinus , raised again as it were . yeares after their death , and preaching the resurrection of the bodie against certaine heretikes affirming the contrary , is forged about this time . long & great persecution was against the christians in the country of persia : in so much that theodosius made peace with them that they would cease the persecution . abb. vsp. the tripartite historie , lib. . chap. . and others , make mention that s. iohn baptist reuealed his head to two monkes which were hid nigh an house : and after that , the said head was transported into edissa , a citie in phinitia , where he was honoured . monkes beare witnesse in their owne cause . but how came this head from thence vnto amiens in picardie where hee is adored ? see iohn caluin in his booke of relikes . leo made many epistles , euen . in number . saint germaine bishop of anxerre , seuerus bishop of treners , lupus bishop of troy ▪ were againe sent into england against the pelagian heresie . many councels were held at this time , after that of chalcedone . the first at auranges , a towne in the prouince of narbone . the second at valens . the third councell of carpentras . the fourth at arles . the fift at venice . the sixt at tours . in the councell of tours the censure ecclesiastical against priests marriages was moderated , which was to be excommunicated and depriued of the communion , which was permitted them only , vpon condition they should not come to higher degree or dignitie , and that they should abstaine from celebrating and administring to the people . archephali heretikes in this time , which cast off the councell of chalcedone . eucherius bishop of lions , in this time sent a booke conteining the praise of hermits liues , to s. hilarie bishop of arles , who went into an hermitage as is said . item an other booke de contemptu mundi . in this time the wisest gaue themselues to write the praises of virginitie , and of a contemplatiue and monastike life . the bookes of the manicheans were burnt in rome . theodosius dyed of the pestilence at constantinople . earthquakes , comets , and other tokens were seene in heauen . anian bishop of orleans , lupus bishop of troy , nicasius bishop of rhemes , were martyred . valentinian the emperour , slaine at rome of his people , by the fraud of argobastus . martian chosen emperour , raigned . yeares , he made alliance with the vandales . it was he which was wont to say that a prince ought not to take armes as long as it is lawfull to liue in peace . rome was taken againe by gensericke , towardes whom also went leo , and entreated of him that the towne might not be put to fire and sword . some say hee intreated nothing at this time . orleans was besieged by attila about this time , after he had wasted almaine and a great part of france : but before orleans his people were discomfited by merouee king of france , and there was slaine . men . that which is said of geneuiesue virgin at paris , is reported of this time . this is now the great diana of the parisians . martian the emperour was slaine at constanstinople , by the conspiracie of his owne men . childeric the fourth king of france , a panim , raigned . yeares , a man subiect to leachery , which to maintaine , hee laide great taxes vpon the people , wherevppon hee was reiected from the kingdome . a gouernor of soisson , and meion of called giles a romane , succeeded in his place , and raigned eight yeares : but after childeric was restored . after childeric was called againe , hee gouernerned wisely vertuoufly , and valiantly : hee put to flight his enemy giles , and sacked the townes of treuers and coloigne , and hee retyred to treuers . after also he conquered orleans , and all the countrey along the riuer of loire vntill angiers , and then brought all the countrey of angiou vnder his subiection . he tooke also the cittie of trect , and all the countrey along the riuer of rhene , and greatly encreased the kingdome of france . he vsed great ingratitude towardes basin king of lorraine called thoringe , who had kindly entertained and maintained him , all the time hee was depriued of his kingdome . for hee receiued the wife of the saide basin , and tooke her for his owne wife . leo emperour , first of that name a grecian , left for his successor leo , who was of ariadne his daughter and of zenon . he sent basalike a warriour against gensericke king of the vandales . constantinople and a great part of italie , was as it were in perpetuall trouble vnder this emperour , who raigned about . yeares . hilarie borne at sardes , bishop of rome , ruled . yeares . his time was full of troubles . these ordinances are attributed vnto him : that no romane bishop should chuse him a successour . and this constitution stretched to all ecclesiasticall dignitie . naucler . and suppl . chronic. that a clarke should receiue no inuesture of a laie person . that none should be admitted vnto orders if he were not learned , and hauing all his members . in a sinode at rome of fiftie bishoppes , it was ordained that the decrees of the apostolike seate should be receiued and published vniuersally . there also it was ordained that the bishop might correct that which his predecessor had euil ordeined . this pope confirmed the domination and principalitie of the apostolike seate . he made three epistles . he depriued a bishop of his dignitie called ireneus , because by ambition he had left his church to goe into an other , which was by canons forbidden . remy bishop of rhemes , and patricius his brother , was bishop of soissons . simplicius tiburtin succeeded hilarie , and gouerned the romane church . yeares , and more after some . he declared ( as his predecessor ) that the romane church was the chiefe and principall . he builded many temples and dedicated them . hee instituted that in the church of peter and paul there should be seuen priestes to heare the penitents and to baptise them . in the first volume of councells . leo the younger was left a childe , successor of the empire , by his grand-father on the mothers side , and hauing gouerned a yeare , he was content that his father zeno should raigne for him . in so much that with his owne hands he placed the diademe vpon his fathers head . that which is said of king arthur is of this time . zenon isaurike emperour , raigned . or . yeares . he was an arrian , a cruell man. he was buried aliue being drunke , by his wife arriadne . the english men came farre into france . the arrians exercised great cruelties . honorius an arrian king of vandals , persecuted greatly the christians in affrike , & more then . were exiled in diuers places , without sparing sexe or age , & afterward at diuers times and with diuers punishments were put to death . some had their hands cut off , some their tongues . certain times after , vnder the shadow of a councell , hee made assemble all bishops , doctors , and other catholikes , to the number of . after paulus diaconus , but after others . he sent into exile , & caused the tēples to be shut vp against catholikes , & gaue them to the arrians . one bishop called laetus was burnt , to the end to feare others . the bishop of carthage eugenius , with more thē . of the cleargy were banished . but . yeres after honorius died miserably of vermine . and gonthamundus succeeded him . he reuoked eugenius from exile . at the request also of whom , all the others were called home and the churches opened . an horrible famine in affrike . naucler . it is a thing worthy of remembrance , the great constancie of a woman called denise , and the exhortation she made to her sonne called maioricus . remember said she my sonne , that we were baptised in the name of the trinitie : wherefore let vs not loose the garments of our saluation . also an other called victoria , who neither by the solicitation of her husband , nor the teares of her children could be perswaded , &c. naucler . epiphanius bishop of pauie , a very graue man , brought into peace and concord the people of liguria , and brought from burgonie many captiues , as well by his siluer as his holie life , whereby he entreated the redemption of . captiues . paul. diaconus and naucler . after him . seuerin an abbot in noric , was now of great renowne . odoacer king of the gothes , as he passed by noric into italie , went vnto him for his blessing . odoacer occupied italie , and was made king thereof , and the gothes raigned there by the space of . yeares . the west empire takes here an end after augustulus had deposed himselfe , the yeare of christ . . sidonius bishop of auuerne a famous poet in this time . clouis the fift king of france , and the first christian king , raigned yeares . that is , fifteene a painim , and fifteene a christian : hee reuenged himselfe of them which cast out his father childerike out of his kingdome . going to soisons hee tooke it by force , and draue away siagre the sonne of giles the romaine , who occupied the kingdome against childeric , as hath bene said : and at his returne tooke melum , and chased away the romanes . he amplified the kingdome of france , hauing subiected to it all the cities and townes which the romanes held betwixt the riuers rhene and seine , also all such as were betwixt seine and loire . the histories of france say , that in a certaine battel against the almaines , being at a strait , he remembred the admonitions which clotilde his wife had often giuen him , to imbrace the christian faith and religion : in such sort , that being pressed he lifted vp his eies to heauen and said ; lord god deliuer me from this perill wherein i am thus enuironed with mine enemies : and i will beleeue in thy name , i & all my people . it came to passe not only that he was deliuered from perill , but also that he had victorie vpon his enemies ; wherefore he was baptized by remy bishop of rhemes , his two sisters and more then . of the noblest of his people besides women and children . the inuention and fable of the holy ampoule ( as they call it ) wherwith the kings of france are annointed , is reported of this time . clouis for recompence , gaue to the church of rhemes many great gifts , lands , signories and rents . s. remy afterward had great authoritie , and was principall councellour of king clouis . some say he builded the church of laon , and that hauing erected it a bishops place , gaue vnto it the land of laon. patricius the brother of s. remy , earle of soissons , was after bishop of soissons , and also gaue to the said church the earledome , which the bishop there holds at this day . for you must vnderstand that s. remy and his brother were children of the duke of laon and of soissons , of a noble and auncient race . the annales of france make mention that alaric king of visigots , then occupied a great part of gaul , namely all the country along the riuer of loire , from orleans euen to mount pirenes , which do seperate france and spaine . item the countries of berry , auuerne , limosin , quercy , perignex , angolmois , agenois , languedoc , prouence , and other nigh places ; against which clouis willing to make warre as he passed nie tours , he sent to make his offerings to s. martin , to haue his succours against the said visegoths , and that after the victory he himselfe came to tours , and offered great gifts to the temple of s. martin . if this be so for a first christian king , he was partly instructed in the christian faith , and felt yet his paganisme , because in the place of his old gods , he reclaimed & called now vpon saints . the fault may be imputed to the bishops & pastors , which then were more superstitious then religious , and more foolishly deuout , then well and diuinely instructed in the word of god. as s. brice , patrice , fourcy , medard , gildard , vaast , remy , severin , germanie , loupe , nicaisius , aguien , and other saints of like branne were canonized after their deaths . vnder zenon there happened such a fire in constantinople that the greatest part of the towne was brought into ashes , and more then sixe score thousand volumes were lost and consumed . clouis had in marriage clotilde , the daughter of chilperic , king of burgonie , who was slaine by his owne brother called gondobaldus , and his wife mother of the said clotilde was drowned . felix the third of that name borne at rome , gouerned the church of rome . or . yeares , his father was a priest called felix . the consecrations of temples and their dedications , yearly are attributed vnto him . germain bishop of capua in this time . vaast , bishop of arras , vedastus in latin. fulgence bishop of rupe in affrike . auitus bishop vienne . solemus bishop of chartres , preached christ , and fourcy that came new from ireland . the councell of orleans the third at this time after iohn le maire . in the first melanius was president . in the saide councell which was vnder clouis , it was agreed that the goods of the cleargie should be imployed for the mainteining of priests , for the reliefe of the poore , for the deliuerance of prisoners , and for the repairing of churches . in the councell of tarrascon in spaine , church-men were enioyned not to buye good cheape , with intent to sell the same thing dearer , for then they should be deposed . meane cares occupied the assemblies of bishoppes . anastatius the emperour called dicorus , for the chaunge of colours which appeared in his eye-browes succeeded zeno , and raigned . yeares : he commaunded straightly to worship a quaternitie , that is to say foure persons in the diuinitie : which pernitious heresie was by him maintained . gelatius of affricke gouerned the romaine church fiue yeares : his father was a bishop named valericus . naucler . the distinction of autentike and apocrypha bookes of the scripture are attributed vnto him . hee declared many bookes apocryphaes , as the booke called the assumption of the virgine mary . item the canons of the apostles , & such like . in the volume of the councels . the manicheans againe are condemned and exiled , and their bookes burnt . he shewed how anastatius the emperor might be excommunicated . hee is numbred amongst them which chiefly ordained the canon , te igitur clementissime , &c. some attribute to him the ordinance of bigamies , that is , of such as haue bin twise married , that they should not be promoted to orders , vnles it were by ordinance of the apostolike sea . that orders should be made foure times a yeare , and on the saterday only . he made hymnes , collects , responds , graduels , prefaces of the masse , and brought all into order . he added to the masse vere dignum & iustum est . the canons then was made at diuers times , & in diuers times ; it is then no maruell if it be euil sowed , and patched with rags and tatters , without any certaine authour . he made . bookes against nestorius & eutiches . item two against the arrians , and a treatise of excommunicatiō . he restored messenus bishop , after the knowledge of his penance . he excommunicated the emperour anastatius because hee fauoured acarius and other heretikes . he excōmunicated the king of vandals , & all his people which thē in affrike afflicted the true faithfull in fauour of the arrias . he commanded priests that they should not communicate but in both kindes , and not vnder one alone . the cleargie greatly loued , waxed rich in this time and increased . gelatius in full councell at rome , declared that in the eucharist , neither the substance of the bread and wine , nor their natures are chaunged , but that in them as in an image , the flesh and bloud of the lord are represented : and that in the sacrament both are exhibited to the faithfull . hee also declared them to be excommunicated which gaue not nor tooke the sacrament of the eucharist whole . in the first volume of the councels . gennaduis at this time was bishop of marceil . anastatius a romane , second of that name pope , gouerned the church of rome two yeares . this is the second pope noted of heresie , whose beginning was reasonably good , and excommunicated the emperor anastatitius , an eutechian heretike : but afterward he himselfe did all he could to reuoke acetius from exile , and stucke vnto him . he prooued also very fauourable vnto the nestorians , and communicated with photin , a deacon of thessalonica ; wherfore many clarks , priests , and bishops , refused to communicate with him . see the chap. anastatius . distinct . . in the moneth of september he created . priests and . bishops . hee died very miserably ( as it is saide ) beeing vpon the priuie , where he voyded all his bowels , as did arrius . naucler . acatius bishop of constantinople an heretike , was at this time murthered . sigeb . simmachus borne in the i le of sardiue , ruled in rome . yeares . the first schisme in the romane church . the election of popes consecrated with bloud . when simmachus was chosen , an other likewise called lawrence was ordained : simmachus in the temple of s. iohn de latran , and lawrence in the church of s. mary the greater : for which election , there was great diuision in the church : in so much , as the people and the romane senate were diuided . wherefore a councell was held at rauenna , the king theodoric being present , wherin the election of symmachus was confirmed , & laurence was recompenced with the bishopricke of nycerre by symmachus : but by some of the cleargie of rome this same sedition began againe about foure yeares after . in so much that theodoric being grieued thereat , sent to rome one peter altin bishop of rauenna to be pope the other two reiected . but symmachus assembled the councell , and there in the presence of all , . bishops , made his oration , and therin so purged himselfe of all vices and crimes laid against him , that he was againe elected and approoued of all , and laurence and peter altin were reiected , yet the noise at rome was greater , and the sedition more enflamed then before . for at euery faction there was bloud-shead : as well priests as lay-men slew one an other in the streetes . finally , faustin the consul appeased the sedition , laying hand to armes against such as were chiefe captaines of so many euils . see the fruites of the riches of the romane church . symmachus ordained that on sundayes and solemne daies of martirs , they should sing gloria in excelsis deo , adding to the cantic . the rest , which are more then the words of the angell . item , that whilest the pope liueth , none should holde talke of chusing a new pope , vpon paine of excommunication . he caused certaine houses to be builded nigh the church of s. peter , for the ease of the poore , and prouided them of all things necessary for liuing . vnder trasimundus king of vandals , many bishops of affrike were put to exile and sent into the i le of sardine : to the number of . amongst the which was fulgentius : which this symmachus helped with siluer , and redeemed many captiues . olimpius bishop of carthage an arrian , beeing at the bathes and blaspheming the trinitie , was suddenly burnt . naucler . boetius a poet of this time , whose wife was named elphe ; was sent into exile by theodorice king of the ostrogothes , and after sent to prison , where he made his bookes , de consolatione philosophiae . in this time abbies and temples began to be founded in fraunce , and to be dedicated to the honour of saints , and called by their names . the king clouis vowed to build a church if he obtained victorie against allaricus king of visegothes . hee caused to bee builded the church of s. geneurefue at paris , then called saint peter and pauls , where hee was buried . he founded the great temple of strasbourge . gerard bishop of laon was married , and of his wife had a sonne , who succeeded him in the bishoppricke . symmachus cast out of rome the manecheans , and caused publikely their bookes to be burnt . and made a booke intituled , the excesse of clarkes . he created . priests , and . bishops . many sinodes were held at rome , and one councell at valence in spaine , whereby they sought to force ecclesiasticall persons to leaue their wiues . childebert , the sixt king of france a cruell man , raigned . yeares . he founded the abbay of s. germain des prees , nigh paris , where he was buried ; and the abbay du mont at s. michaels ; the church of s. germain del ; auxerrois at paris . but the booke called le mer des histoires , sayth otherwise . hormisda pope , borne at fresselon , a citie of campania , gouerned the romane church . yeares . hee ordained that priests should addresse no aultars without the licence of their bishop . that marriages should be made publikely and solemnly . suppl . chron. that no lay-man should be chosen to be bishop . a councell was at rome against the eutechians , wherein it was ordained that he that had done his penance , and made an honourable amends , should not be admitted into any ecclesiasticall estate . supp . chro. many monkes corrupted with the nestorian heresie , not leauing it by the exhortations of hormisda , but rather sowing diffametory speeches against him , were banished from rome , against the hipocrisie also of which , he writ . he sollicited by letters and messengers , iohn bishop of constantinople , companion of acarius , and euen the emperour himselfe to leaue the eutechian heresie : but not onely anastatius despised his admonitions , but iniuried his foure embassadors , saying that it belonged to an emperour to command , and not to a pope . paulus diaconus addeth , that the emperour anastatius besides all this , caused them to mount on the sea to goe into italy in a light and worne ship , forbidding them to take no land in greece , but quickly passe away without taking any porte . anastatius a litle after died with lightning : he was of the age of . yeares , the . yeare of his empire . hormisda was renowned for his great almes done to the poore , and for condemning the manichean heresie which sproong againe , and for burning their bookes . boetius was put to death by the commaundement of theodorike the arrian . iustine the auncient emperour raigned nine yeares . in his youth he kept swine , then he kept oxen ; after he was a carpenters man. about the age of . yeares he beganne to follow the warre , and by craft came to the empire . for hauing receiued a great summe of siluer to buy the suffrages of princes , captaines and other , for an other , he subtilly bought them for himself , and so was chosen , but he caused all them to die for whom he had receiued the said siluer . a councell at gerone in spaine at this time . a councell at satragosse . in the . chapter of the said councell , it is said : whosoeuer receiueth the eucharist and eateth it not , let him be excommunicated for euer . this is in the second volume of councells . in the . chapter . if any clarke vpon presumption of vanitie , or by dissolution make himselfe a monke , let him bee excommunicated . brigide a virgin in scotland , dyed the yeare . of whom , many fabulous things are inuented . iustin after his election sent embassadors vnto hormisda the pope , to confirme the apostolike authoritie , and to bring peace to all churches . he cast out of constantinople all the eutechian heretikes and arrians , and reuoked from exile all such as anastatius the emperour before had banished ; and temples were taken from the arrians , and giuen to the catholiques . theodorice much grieued that iustin should againe driue away the arrians , in despight determined to torment the town of rome . iohn , pope , the first of that name a tuscaine , gouerned the church three yeares at rome . hee with the bishop of rauenna , and certaine senators and councellors of rome , were sent to constantinople by theodorice king of italy , to the end that the emperour should restore to the arrian bishops and priests their churches , otherwise he would put rome and italie to fire and sword . as this company approached neare the towne , the emperour iustin with all his cleargie and all the people of the towne met them , and the emperour casting himselfe at the popes feete , saluted him . iohn then being receiued in such honour , expounded the cause of his comming , and seeing hee could not bring iustin to theodorics will , began to weep , and besought him to helpe the ruine of italie , and of the catholiques . then rose there vp a great lamentation on the ambassadors side , and of the auditors , euery one seeing religion to be in so great hazard if the arrians were restored : and on the other side , the great dissolation of rome and italie . finally the request of the embassadors obtained , the opinion of which was , that for a time the cause of the faith might tarry behinde to procure the saluation of the towne , and of italie . the emperour consented to the restitution of the arrians , suffering them to liue after their owne lawes and statutes : but for all this , the pope iohn and his companions got nothing heereby . for the honourable entertainment which the emperour gaue them was suspected of theodorice : wherefore hee put the pope in prison at rauenna , where hee finally died in great miserie , pouertie , and infection , and the other embassadors were likewise with him . this was a notable iudgement of god , vppon such as set behinde , the cause of faith , for a temporall commoditie . peace restored to the catholiques in affrike by hilderic king of vandales ; who reuoked from exile , all such as his father had banished : notwithstanding his father on his death-bed had charged him that he should neuer giue helpe nor support vnto catholiques . affrike was afflicted vntill this time , namely , about . yeares . some histories say , that the towne of antioche was by an earthquake wholly destroyed . iustinian , the emperor iustins nephew by his sister , raigned . yeares . he set his studie to repaire the estate of the commmon-wealth by bellisarius . felix the fourth pope of that name , ruled foure yeares . supp . chron. he was great grand-father of s. gregories father . there is attributed vnto him the ordinance of extreame vnction , grounding his ordinance vpon the words of s. iames , the . chapter . he caused to be builded at rome , the temple of s. cosme , and of s. damian , and repaired the church of s. saturnin , which was burnt . the feast of the dedication euery yeare ought to bee obserued and celebrated . in this time cassiodorus compiled in one the historie which is called tripartite . boniface ruled at rome two yeares and more . there was great contention and discention in his election . for some had chosen discorus , but hee died about a moneth after , and so ceased the diuision : wherefore hauing prooued the feare thereof , hee ordained that three dayes after the popes death if it were possible there should bee an other elected to shun sedition . this was hee which did seperate the people from the cleargie as they were hearing the diuine seruice as they called it . iohn , the second of that name , called mercurius , borne at rome , gouerned the church three yeares . the vandales tooke ende in affrike , . yeares after it was occupied by gensericus the tyrant , an arrian . and affrike was made tributary to the romane emperour by bellisarius . iustinian sent the confession of his faith , with his owne hand and seale , to iohn the second . in the second volume of councels . item he sent vnto him a cup of gold , and two of siluer , and certaine challices . gregorie bishoppe of langres , was married . fascicul , temp. the councell of toledo the second . agapetus a romane , ruled one yeare . his father was a priest , called gordian . iustinian was seduced by athemius the eutychian , bishop of constantinople . agapetus was sent to constantinople by theodatus king of the ostrogothes in italie , to appease the emperour , and to haue pardon for the fault hee had committed in putting to death queene amalasontha , the wife of theodorice , by whom he was admitted into the kingdome . agapetus comming to constantinople , contention arose betweene him and the emperour . and after many threatnings against agapetus , iustinian finally left his errour , was quieted , and cast anthemius out of his bishopricke , and there appointed one mennas in his place at the exhortation of agapetus . vnto agapetus is attributed the ordinance of processions on sundayes about the temples . the temple of s. sophie was builded at constantinople by iustinian . germaine bishop of paris , excommunicated the king of fraunce herebert , because he left his wife iugebergne . abb. vrsp . eleutherius bishop of tornay . medard bishop of noion . gildard bishop of rouan in this time . iordain a monke , after came to be a bishop of the gothes , a chronicler of the ieastes of the romanes , and of the gothes . abb. trit . syluerius pope , or liberius , borne in campania in italie , the sonne of hormisda bishop ( who as is said was pope of rome ) gouerned the romane church a yeare , fiue moneth , and . dayes . naucler . he was by force promoted to his dignitie by theodatus king of italie , who corrupted by siluer , constrained the cleargie to chuse syluerius , without the consent of the emperour . theodora the wife of the emperour iustinian , at the instigation of vigilius deacon , required syluerius to call again from exile anthemius , and to restore him to the dignitie from which he had bene cast and depriued for his heresie , and so to put out mennas . syluerius would not do this . bellisarius had commission to depriue him of the popedome , and to appoint vnto it vigilius , who subborned false witnesses , which affirmed that syluerius had intelligence with the gothes , and that he would haue deliuered them the towne of rome . wherefore syluerius was constrained to giue place and goe into exile . in the second volume of councells . at this time italie was greatly afflicted with an extreame famine . maurus a romane , and faustus an italian , disciples of saint benet , were sent into france to teach the monastike life , and at the request of the french men , who sent messengers to s. benet , to the mount cassim . amator a bishop , sent some siluer to siluerius to maintaine him in exile . syluerius gaue sentence of excommunication against vigilius . the feast of purification was at that time instituted in constantinople , to appease a great pestilence . abb. vrsp. this is candlemas , which then was called hypapanthy : that is to say , an encounter or meeting : for then simeon founde christ , whom hee hadde so long attended . liberius made fiue bookes of the incarnation of out lord and sauiour iesus christ , and a booke against the bishops of affrike . iustinian compiled the romane lawes : first the code , containing . bookes . secondly , the digestes . thirdly , the institutes . fourthly , an epitome of lawes . the warre in italie against the ostrogothes by bellisarius . leonard attelin . iustinian in his new constitutions , ordained that all bishops and priests should celebrate the prayers of baptisme , and of the lords supper with an high voyce , and with words vnderstood of all christians , to the end that the spirits of the auditors might be lifted vp with greater deuotion to sing praises vnto the lord. vigillius borne at rome , gouerned the romane church . yeares , after naucier . or . yeares . moneths , and . dayes , after others : hee entred wickedly into the papacie . it was hee also that ordained that the masse should be said towards the east . rome was taken and burnt by totila at this time . the first vniuersall councell was now held at constantinople , of . bishops , by the commaundement of iustinian the emperour , and at the request of vigilius , against anthemius , seuerus , peter of antioche , zona , and other heretikes , who said that the virgin marie brought forth iesus christ onely man , and not god and man. there againe it was agreed , that it is well said , marie the mother of god. the yeare of christ , . rome was taken the second time of the gothes , by totila the scourge of god : before whom came vigilius , or after nauclerus , pelagius . in this time besides the warre and famine which was in italie , there was also a sore plague , in so much , that houses were inhabited by sauage beasts . benet the younger was cast into a burning furnace by the commaundement of totila . herculien bishop of peruse , had his head sawne off , by the same . in this time were held the councels of orleance , the second and third : or fourth and fift after some . in the . chapter of the second councell , it was ordained that a christian should not take a iewe to wife , nor that a christian woman should marry a iewe , and such communication was vnlawfull , and if they were ioyned , they ought to bee seperated . in the third councell wherein honoratus arch-bishoppe was president , chapter . it was ordained that no priest , deacon , or subdeacon , should haue the company of his wife ; otherwise , that he should be deposed from his office and remitted into the communion of lay-people . in the . chapter it was ordained that the deacon before . and the priest before yeares should not be ordained . many in this time were infected with the priscillian heresie , abstaining from eating flesh . a councell held now at auuerne . vigillius being come to the popedome by the deceit and subtilties of the empresse theodora , shee commaunded him to come vnto constantinople and to restore athemius , as hee had promised : but hee refused to doo it : saying , that iustly he was cast out by agapetus and syluerius , and that therefore he was not bound to keepe his promise which hee made against all right and reason . theodora very angry hereat , sent an embassage to rome to drawe vigillius into lawe for the iniurie done by him , in casting syluerius into exile . item , for the plot by him laid for the death of a young man of the chiefe nobilitie , called asterius , and of one which was his secretarie . vpon these matters the embassador arriuing at rome , was aided of the romanes , and they tooke vigilius and lead him to constantinople , and as hee embarked , the people cast stones at him , with these imprecations . a famine bee with thee : a mortalitie be with thee : thou hast done a thousand mischiefes to the romanes : euill enough maiest thou finde where thou goest . doo ( said hee ) what you will vnto mee , for i haue well deserued it . and as he approached nigh vnto constantinople , a great multitude of the cleargie mette him and conducted him into the towne . theodora in the meane while ceased not to sollicite vigillius of his promise , and to restore anthemius . to whom vigilius saide , that hee would rather endure all things whatsoeuer , then doo it . he was grieuously afflicted , iniuried , and outraged , and drawne out of the temple of s. sophie , or euphemie , whereinto hee was fledde for safetie and refuge . one put a rope or corde about his necke , and ledde him all ouer the towne from morning till night . this done , hee was put in prison , fed with bread and water , and finally sent into exile with the cleargie which accompanied him at his entrie . after the death of theodora hee was called againe with all such as went with him , at the request of the captaine narses : but in the way he fell sick and died in sicile , at the citie of siracusa . denis abbot , a romane , made the great pascall cicle in this time . item , a booke of the reason of the feast of easter . abb. trit . arator a subdeacon at rome , wrote the acts of the apostles in hexamiter verses . radegonde queene of fraunce , the wife of clotharius , who was king of france , after the death of his brother hildebert . pelagius a romane , gouerned the seate . yeares : hee was accused to haue bene the principall cause of all vigilius his euills : but in the presence of the cleargie and people , and in the presence of narses , he mounted the chaire , and publikely swore that he neuer did any euill vnto vigilius , and so escaped and was absolued it is hee who ordained that heretikes and schismatikes should be punished with sword , power , and temporall iustice . and that none should bee admitted to ecclesiasticall orders by ambition or gifts . that cleargie-men should each day , say or sing the seuen canonike houres . that no patriarke should vse this word vniuersall , but onely the bishop of rome . that none might ordaine an abbot , vnlesse he were first chosen canonically . hee added to the masse , the commemoration of the dead . in this time was the fourth councell of orleance held , where it was ordained , that lent should be vniuersally kept through all churches . in the second volume . the second councell of tours in this time . in the said councell , chap. . it was ordained that euery citie should nourish his poore and straungers , euery one according to his power , that no poore might goe about from towne to towne . in the third chapter . that the bishop should holde his wife as his sister , and that he should gouerne as well his house and family as his church , in such sort as there might bee no euill opinion of him . in the . chapter , because priests were suspected to communicate with their wiues , it was there ordained that wheresoeuer they went , they should haue for adiacents some of the cleargie who might lie in theyr chambers to witnesse their chastitie . in the twentie and seuen chapter . that iudges and rich men which oppresse the poore , after they haue beene aduertised thereof by their pastors not to do it , that they should be excommunicated if they amended not . the first councell of paris was held in this time . clotaire , the seuenth king of fraunce , raigned fiue yeares ; and beeing pressed with necessitie , hee tooke the third part of the reuenew of the church , against which , the arch-bishoppe of tours and others opposed themselues . vppon a friday called s. hee slewe one gualter diuitot a knight , in the temple : whose heire for satisfaction , was exempted from all seruice and homage , as free as the king. annales of france . iohn , pope , the third of that name a romane , raigned . yeares . this pope ended the building of the church of s. phillip and s. iames , which vigilius had begunne . supp . chron. iustinian the emperour , after his falling into a phrensie , finally died , and his nephew succeeded him . abb. tri. iustine the younger emperour , raigned . yeares . hee was infected with the pelagian heresie , auaritious , and a contemner of god & men , who vpon great lust to haue more , became out of his wits , and so died . sophie his wife gouerned long the empire ; but by her imprudencie , italie came into the hands of the lombardes . vpon false reports shee began to hate the the captaine narses , and said she would send that gelded marchant to spinne with her maides . but narses answered that he would spinne such a webbe , as she should not vndoo all her life . abb. vrsp . a great plague in italie . here began the raigne of the lombardes in italie , whereof albionus was the first king. sophorachus bishop of paris , was sent into a monasterie by the authoritie of a councell at paris . cherebert , or aribeet , the eight king of france , raigned . yeares , he was much giuen to women . armenia againe receiued the faith . albinus king of the lombards , was slaine by his wife rosimonde the daughter of gondimanus king of gepilles , for that he made her drinke in a dish or masor made of her fathers scalpe . the beginning of exarches . longin a grecian , the first exarche in italia , after all italie as it were was occupied , raigned in rauenna a . yeares , appointed by the emperour iustin . this office of exarchate endured in italie . yeares , and was a soueraigne magistrate , as a liefe-tenant generall for the emperour . chilperic the ninth king of fraunce , raigned foure yeares . hee was slaine by his owne wife called fredegonde , as he returned from hunting , because hee had perceiued her whoredome . hee before had strangled his wife galfonde , the daughter of the king of spaine , at the request of the said fredegonde . see the annales of france . benet pope , the first of that name a romane , ruled at rome foure yeares . he helped the necessitie of many in the great famine aforesaid , especially at rome , yea euen to bring victualls from egipt for the poore . gregorie was sent by him to preach to the english men . abb. vrsperg . the lombards tooke and occupied all italie , at the instigation of narses , whom the empresse sophie had angred , as is said , and they entred millain . aman bishop of vtrect , or of liege , and maglorius bishop of dole , were in this time . abb. vrsp. fortunatus an italian , after bishop of poiters , made . hymnes , and the miracles of s. martin . also hee made the life of s. hilarie bishop of poiters , and the life of s. mauril bishop . when bishops are thus giuen to superstition , what will the people bee ? s. vaast of arras died in this time . tiberius , the second emperour of that name , surnamed constantine , raigned . yeares . hee was gentle and liberall towards the poore , euen to lay out largely the treasures of the empire for their vse . engippius an abbot , writ the life of s. seuerin a monke , and a rule for his monkes . abb. trit . sigebert king of lorraine , the brother of chilperike king of france , was traiterously slaine at tornay , at the sollicitation of fredegonde . the sea of histories . pelagius pope , second of that name a romane , ruled at rome . yeares . he was elected and ordained about the commaundement of the emperour , at the time when the lombards held the siege before rome . but when the siege was leuied , gregorie ( a deacon who after succeeded pelagius ) was sent to constantinople towards the emperour maurice to excuse the popes election : and the emperour seeing the willingnesse he had to come vnto him , contented himselfe . this pelagius ordained , that in all the masses of the yeare there should be but nine prefaces , after the auncient order of the romanes : that is to say , easter , christmas , of the kings , pentecost , of the trinitie , of the ascention , of the apostles , of s. crosse , and of lent fast . yet this is nothing in respect of the abhominations which by succession of time came into the masse . in this time there was great raines , in so much that men thought there would haue bene a second deluge . great strifes and contentions arose for the romane seate , against iohn bishop of constantinople . pelagius transported the patriarkship of aquilea vnto grad . and constituted it the metrapolitane of all the prouince of venice , which the emperour tiberius confirmed . mauricius emperor , raigned . yeares . he was sonne in lawe to tiberius cappidocian a magnanimous man ; a good catholique , and profitable to the common-wealth . he made warre vpon the armenians and persians , and ouercame them . the huns also were brought vnder him . supp . chro. clotaire , the second of that name , the . king of france , raigned yeares . at this time antioche was founded and subuerted for the most part . the councell of siuille : and at toledo the . time . in this councell it was ordained in the . chapter , that in churches the apostles creed should be recited euery sunday with an high voyce , that the people might be better disposed to the cōmunion after they had made a confession of their faith . the visegothes conuerted to the catholique faith , left the arrian heresie , by the means of their king recaredus , or richandus , and leander bishop of siuile . the confession of their faith was sent to the said councell of toledo . the councell of mascon , first and second , wherein the oblations and offerings of bread and wine are commaunded for remission of sinnes . this ordinance is wholly against the word of god , and the merite of iesus christ , by whom alone comes remission of sinnes . and this is the beginning of the establishment of merites . great abundance of waters were in italie , and principally at rome , wherewith many were drowned , and of the corruption of the dead bodies , came a great pestilence . pelagius died of the plague at rome . pretextatus bishop of rouan , was called from exile . fredegonde was slaine in the church on easter day , at the sollicitation of whom , this bishop was exiled . gregorie pope , first of that name a romane , ruled at rome . yeares , or after some . yeares , tenne moneths and sixe dayes . this man was called one of the foure doctors of the church , with s. augustine , s. hierome , and s. ambrose . his father was a senator of rome , and of the estate of seneshall or captaine . the said gregorie was a monke , after a deacon , and finally the romane bishop . in this time the emperors cōfirmed the election of popes and churches . there arose in this time a great contention for the premacie of the church . for iohn bishop of constantinople , was in a full sinode of the grecians published and declared the vniuersall patriarke : and the emperour maurice commaunded the said gregorie to obey that patriarke of constantinople . but gregorie could not endure that any bishoppe should be vniuersall ouer all others : whervpon it came that he called himselfe seruant of the seruants of god. see gregorie in the . epistle to maurice , and . to iohn patriarke . see iohn caluin in the institution of christian religion . note here reader , that after the persecutions before siluester , and the heresies before gregorie , now the church lifteth it self vp by ambition of preheminence , which engendred such a combat betwixt the east church and the west , that since that time that schisme is not yet ended . the emperour maurice was sharply reprehended by gregorie , for that he constrained ecclesiastical persons to go to the warres , the which gregorie resisted greatly . gregorie sent into england ( after naucler . ) or ireland , certaine great persons , to preach the faith , and amongst others , one called augustine : and melitus and other monkes , instituted in the rule of s. benet , to plant that order there : and their labour prooued so well , that from thence came great troupes of monkes into france and almaine . of the number of these irish monkes was colomban , and his disciple gallus , who after preached in diuers places of almaine : and finally , hee retyred into a sollitarie place which at this day is called s. gaul in suisse . great libertie and immunitie was graunted vnto blacke monkes by the pope gregorie , at the councell of lateran , by the consent of the assembly . in this time raigned seuerus bishop of marseil , who caused the images of saints and of christ to be broken , seeing the people worshipped them . gregorie reprehended him for breaking them , but praised him that hee forbad the worshipping of them . see the register or the booke of his epistle the . part , epistle . and pollidorus virgil. lib. . chap. . the building of the masse . the greatest part of the ceremonies thereof came from this gregorie . for he brought the office of the church ( as they call it ) into a forme . so that at this day it is called the gregorian office. he brought all the masse into certaine lawes , and almost such as it is at this day . and therefore many say he was the authour thereof . and although he constrained none to follow the romane forme , as hee testifieth to augustine bishop of canterbury , yet all churches followed the manner to celebrate their masses after the romane church : the english men by the said augustine , the spaniards , france , and after almaine , by boniface bishop of magunce , who was of great renowne . he made the antiphones and introite of the masse , of some verse of the psalmes . item the kyrieleison should be sung nine times , the alleluia , in the end of the offertorie of the communion . at the beginnig of the canonicall houres ( deus in adiutorium ; and in the end of euery psalme , gloria patri & filio , &c. item that the pater noster should be sung with an hie voyce ouer the consecrate hoste . he added to the canon of the masse , diesque nostros in tua pace disponas , &c. and made the supper with his people in the language of his country , which was latin , common and intelligible to all , as he witnesseth in the preface vpon ezechiel . in the register of his epistles , in the . part and . epistle he saith , the canon ( that is to say the prayer which the priest saith in secret ouer the eucharist ) was made by one called scolasticus . this word masse was inuented in his time , although as aboue , the supper of our lord be called messe of the writers , who called it with a common name of their time , as is said . but you must heere note , that so oft and wheresoeuer the church was assembled , the bishops preached to the people , and principally at masse : and this custome endured yet in gregories time , but after it was omitted by ignorant bishops : a multitude of ceremonies were brought in , in the place of preaching . henry bullinger . he instituted it rome the great letanies on s. markes day against the pestilence which was then , with the procession of order . the first conteined all the cleargie . the . the abbots and monkes . the . the nunnes . the . the children . the . laie-men . the . widowes . the . married women . and caused there to be carried the image of the virgin marie . the people died neezing , whereof comes yet at this day , that when one neezeth , they say god blesse you . he instituted a great part of the stations at rome , & chiefly such as are made to s. peter . he ordeined for the great multitude of people which resorted to rome to the said stations and patrons , certaine priests to keepe the sepulchres of the apostles , and called chamberlaines which afterward were deputed to keep the popes chamber . and leo the tenth made a colledge of them . briefly this pope gregorie vpon deuotion ( which was not according to knowledge ) brought into the church a great masse of superstition ; which by little and little suffocated and choked the true religion which remained . in his time in a certaine sinode of twentie foure bishops assembled at rome , the foure generall councells were approued to be obserued as the gospell , which is a sacriledge to compare humane ordinances with the eternall word of the liuing god. it was there also ordained that no bigamus should be ordained priest : and that priestes accused of the people should haue this authoritie , & that by oath they might purge thēselues , and approue their innocencie . by this meanes they would be all innocent . monkes were forbidden to carry any to baptise , and women that they should not enter into anye monasterie of monkes . in italie after a great drought there came an innumerable multitude of grashoppers which consumed all the graine and fruite , whereof came a great famine in italie , which endured two yeares . chro. euseb . the legends of saintes were forged at this time , of such liues as these fathers writ . many relikes were found out by the subtilties of sathan : as christes coate vppon which the souldiers cast lottes , is said to be found in a coffer of marble , in the towne of zapha , and frō thence carried into the towne of ierusalem . abb. vrsperge , and naucler . such foule absurdities merit no recitall , but that the greatest of the world haue bene deceiued with these inuentions of relikes : argentuel nigh paris , made a banner of this coat . agilulsphus king of the lombards , was . yeares before rome , and the arrabian sarrasins , entered into sicilie , and by fire wasted it . mauricius otherwise a good prince , who had many victories , especially against the persians , in the end became odious to his souldiers , because of his infinit couetousnesse , which is a very detestable vice in a prince . he by his auarice dissembled rapines and murthers , and payed not his souldiers : but not them especially which serued vpon the frontiers of sarmatia . to resist the fiercenesse of the scithians . they remained in barraine places enduring great necessities . for this cause the souldiers conspired against him , and phocas was designed emperour . who caused his m. maurice his head to be cut off in chalcedone , the heads also of his wife & three children , theodorus , tiberius , and constantine : the rehearsall thereof is worthy memorie : that maurice seeing his children murthered by phocas , and that hee himselfe straightway must be put to death , he often cryed in this voice which is in . psalme , and verse . lord thou art iust , and thy iudgements are also . and so dyed of the age of . yeares , and the . yeare of his empire . we may learne by the example of the emperour who was not of the worst : in great & cruell temptations in such sort to bridle our thoughts , that the iustice of god may alwayes haue his praise , and be vnto vs a buckler against all temptations . colomban of scotland , a very renowmed bishop , dyed the yeare . abb. trit . the lombards were conuerted to the faith by s. gregorie , who writ his dialogues and presented them to theodelinde the wife of agilulphus their king. supplem . chron. eutropius a bishop at this time . abb. trit . phocas . in number , and the . of the grecian emperours of constantinople , which ruled in the east from a gouernour of scythia , after he had wickedly slaine his maister , was chosen by the vnlucky armie whereof he had charge : a verie slaue of couetousnesse , who handled secret matters with courtiers after the manner of the persians , and solde the offices of magistrates & iudgements , and dearly loued such as tormented the people by rapine and extortion . this is hee who first ordeined that rome should first be the chiefe of all churches : yea though it were constantinople . gregorie the first , besides so many ceremonies and superstitions , made certaine ordinances , and gaue permissions and lycences : amongst others , he suffered diuorces for the long disease of a woman , which cannot yeeld her dutie to her husband , if he cannot conteine : vpon condition notwithstanding that he helpe and succour his said wife in her disease . this is in the second epistle to augustine the english man. and in the second volume of councells . but why then did he not rather vse moderation towardes men and women which were cast into monasteries , when they cannot conteine ? wherefore constraine they them not to marry ? see the same epistle . hee made many bookes : amongst many others the dialogues of the miracles of saints in foure bookes , which are full of fables , whereby he pretendeth to prooue that the soules of the dead returne againe , and that we must pray for them . these fables inuented to pray for the dead , gaue great authoritie to masses , which after came in great credit . sauinian , pope , a tuscane , after gregorie gouerned the church of rome two yeares . he is accounted the third pope noted of abhominable infamie , an insatiable man , and a sworne enemie of his predecessor gregorie , euen to cause his bookes to be burnt . he being once admonished to follow the liberallitie of the said gregorie towards the poore , he answered that he dissipated and wasted the goods of the church to get a good report , and the fauour of the people . hee passed not his popedome without inuenting and ordaining something , namely that there should bee burning lampes kept continually in the temple , and the houres of the day should be distinguished and rung in churches . the sea of histories . boniface pope , the third of that name a romane , after naucler . ruled in the church of rome one yeare fiue moneths . in a sinode at rome of . bishops , . priests , and some deacons , it was ordained vnder paine of excommunication , that none should be elected pope or bishop but three daies after the death of his predecessour , and by the consent of the prince , or of the lord of the place . it was also ordained , that all such as by gifts & fauour came to any episcopall dignitie , should be excommunicated . then it followeth that all their bishops at this day are excommunicated . this pope ordained that the aultar should be couered with cleane cloathes . that the corporall of the aultar should be kept cleane . this phocas ( as is said ) the murtherer of his m. the emperour , ordeined boniface bishop of rome , the soueraigne bishop of all chistianitie , and the romane church chiefe of all the churches of the world . abb. vrsp. the primacie then of the romane church was established by an homicide and a traytor , who died miserably . cosroes king of the persian , vnderstanding his father in lawe maurice was put to death by the ambushes of phocas , detested so that treason that he rebelled against the empire : in such sort that he wasted siria and tooke ierusalem , where there were nintie thousand men slaine . and the chronicles adde that the wood of the holy crosse was then taken and carried into persia , and the bishop zacharie was also prisoner . the east empire beganne to decline . the hans likewise reuolted against the empire , and with their great multitude they ouerranne the romane prouinces . the persians occupied mesopotamia and assiria , and from ierusalem ranne euen to cappadocia and gallatia , and succoured all the country euen to chalcedone . on the other side the sarrazins wasted egipt . boniface pope , . of that name , borne of the countrey of marses , in the citie of talleric , a phisitians sonne , gouerned the romane church the space of seuen yeares . at the request of this pope , the emperour phocas commaunded that the old temple of pantheon wherin were all the goddes and goddesses of the painims , should be consecrated and dedicated to the honor of the virgin mary , and of al saints . and then was insttiuted the feast of all-saints in the moneth of may , which after was brought to the first of nouember . see how those fathers rather chaunged then chased away superstitions . leontius bishop of naples , in the i le of cyprus , made a booke of the life of s. iohn the almes giuer , bishop of alexandria . abb. tris. after the death of boniface the fourth , the seate was vacant . moneths , and . dayes , for the great discentions which were at rome . the yeare of christ . phocas was miserably slaine by the souldiers of his guard . abb. vrsperg . others say that heraclius and priscus slew him , cutting off his hands & feete . others adde that his priuie member was cut off . finally after his head was cut off , his body was burnt . see the ende of this wicked tyrant , who caused so many good people to die . all his brethren and parents had like ende , and his race was vtterly extinct . the romane seate is worthie to haue had such a monster to authorise his primatie aboue all churches . heraclius the sonne of heraclien , succeeded phocas . when his father a captaine in affrica marched from affricke into egipt and asia , with a great army , the persians being out of feare of him assailed affricke , and brought it into their subiection . corfrees king of the persians , would neuer receiue any conditions of peace , vnlesse they renounced christian religion . the bishop didier of vienna , was stoned at the commaund of theodorus king of soissons . deus of dedit , or dorothea a romane , pope , ruled three or foure yeares . his father was a subdeacon , after some . he ordeined that no christian should take in mariage his gossip . item , that the sonne of a gossip or suertie should not take in marriage the daughter that his father had held at the font : and ordeined this so straitly , that if the father or mother carried their childe to baptisme , that they should be seperated : notwithstanding that the wise might receiue her dowry , and that after a yeare she might marry again in any other place . there happened a great earthquake at this time in the moneth of august , and after a great mortalitie . the councell of auxerre in this time , wherein it was decreed that it was a thing vnlawfull , that the estrenes should be giuen the first day of the yeare , calling them diuellish ceremonies , because of the obseruation of the day . in the . chapter there was forbidden to giue vnto dead bodies the eucharist or the paxe to kisse . in the . chapter , it is not lawfull for a priest to lye with his wife , nor for subdeacon , nor deacon . in the . and . chapter , it is not lawfull for abbots nor monkes to goe to marriages , nor to haue commothers , nor to present children to baptisme . in the . chap. it was forbidden to take his cousin germaine , or the issue of cousin germaine in marriage . in this time were loup arch-bishop of sens , amand , and bauon in flaunders . and priscian , after abb. trit , and eloy bishop of noyon , after the sea of histories . cosroes king of the persians , was vanquished by heraclius : and anastatius a persian monke , was martyred for the faith , with . others . he was hanged three houres by one hand , and after be headed . abb. vrsp . boniface pope , . of that name , borne at naples , gouerned the church fiue yeares . this was hee who first ordeined that offenders which saued themselues in churches , should haue immunities and priuiledges , and that from thence they should not be deliuered by force ; but that such as committed sacriledge in all places should be excommunicated . the waine and decaie of the romane empire . the romane empire began to fall . for whilest christians were at warres one with an other , the sarrasins occupied egipt and affrike , and do yet holde them . and in the space of an . yeares all asia was lost from the christians . also the best part of europe was occupied because of the couetousnesse , discention , and carelesnesse of the emperours and popes , which mused and studied vpon lesse matters , namely to forge naughtie inuentions , and ordinances vpon ordinances . cyrus bishop of alexandria , seeing the sarrasins came into egipt , and that there was no succours on the part of the emperour heraclius a carelesse man , yeelded himselfe tributarie to the said sarrasins at a certaine annuall summe , vpon which condition they returned back . he was after accused before the emperour , as he who transported the riches of egipt to straungers . wherefore he was deposed , and manuell of armenia ordeined in his place : who would not pay the said tribute ; whervpon the sarrasins came againe into egipt and occupied it . which the emperour vnderstanding repented himselfe , and sent cyrus in embassage towards the sarrasins , to cause them to goe out of egipt , and they should haue their said annuall tribute . but one of them answered in these words : canst thou cyrus ( saide he ) plucke downe this piller ? he answered no. as impossible ( said he ) it is that we should leaue egipt . by like pride many countries haue bene lost . many common-wealths by tributes haue bene maintained in peace . faith promised euen to enemies must be kept . the encrease of the kingdome of france . from the yeare of saluation . hitherto , the kingdome of france was diuided into certaine kingdomes , because the kings of france had many heires . one kingdome was called austrasia , & comprehended lorraine and brabant : and that which is betweene rhene and mense , from culloine to the countrie of alsasia . the other called neutria , which comprehends the regions which are betwixt mense and loire : and paris was the chiefe towne thereof . the third was called the kingdome of the soisons . in this diuision of gaul , the kingdome of arles tooke also his beginning , which had vnder it sauoy , the countrey of the switzes , zepingen , haspurge , and dauphine , but at this time those particular kingdomes returned into a monarchie . car. dagobert the . king of france , possessed first austrasia , after he ioyned vnto it the kingdome of burgoine , and finally was made lord almost of all france : and the name of france was then vniuersall for all those kingdomes . when dagobert dwelt in austrasia , his pallace was in alsatze . and he builded a castle at rufach called eisenburge : he also builded many monasteries of s. benet , wherevnto he gaue great reuenewes , and chiefly to that of wittenburge , within . leagues of strasbourge on the side of rhene : an other at surbourge , two leagues from wittenburge . item an other at haselach , hard by strasburge in the west mountain . he also brought the church of strasburge to a bishoppricke , and enriched it with great reuenewes . heereby note that france was then augmented when the romane empire in the east diminished : so the lord giueth vicissitude , courses and chaunges to the things of this world . the histories of france say that the bodies of s. denis , s. rhut , and s. pleutherius , were found at this time by the meanes of an hart , hunted by dagobert . it is no great maruell if the kings of france be giuen to superstitions , seeing sauadge beasts teach them , where holie bodies are . honorius pope , born in campania , ruled in rome . yeares . he caused the tēple of s. peter to be adorned withal precious things , & enriched it with goodly tables , couering them richly . he ordeined processions on the saterday with letanies . pyrrhus patriarche of constantinople , a monothelite heretike , was sent into exile into the country of affrike . the emperour heraclius was seduced by him : and so gaue himselfe to beleeue diuinations and enchauntments : and tooke his niece to wife , his brothers daughter , making a lawe that it should be so lawfull for all persons . yet euen in this time was the church greatly diuided by the artian sect : in such sort that almost each towne had two bishops , the one an arrian , the other a catholike : and during those dissipations came mahomet in the easterne parts . mahomet an arrabian , of a marchant became a false prophet , and finally a captaine of theeues and robbers : with a monke called sergius , who was an arrian & nestorian , & with one iohn of antioch an hereticke , and a necromantian iewe , he compiled the alcoran , vnto which the sarrasins and turkes shewe obedience . the sect of the mahometists . in the said alcoran is conteined that they of his sect shall bee circumcised , that they shall abstaine from swines flesh , that they shall drinke no wine , and that certaine whole months they shall fast . they take as many wiues as they can maintaine , and if they keepe company with others they die for it . friday is their sunday . no woman goeth in publike , vnlesse she haue her face couered . they hold christ for a true & great prophet , and make moses and mahomet christs companions . vadianus . the alcoran promiseth to his followers a paradice , where there are sweet waters and of all sorts of fruites , and goodly and fine women , also flouds of wine and honey ; yea briefly all that sensualitie can wish ; and there they shall enioy all good things eternally . azoara . . and naucler . they confesse the resurrection of the dead . by testament they leaue and do great almes . the alcoran forbiddeth to take siluer or victuals for aduocating or pleading in iudgement . they like to take no wiues of an other religion then their owne : neither to giue their daughters to men of diuers religions , vnles they conuert vnto theirs . azoara . . and although by their alcoran they be commanded to roote out all such as contradict their lawe , yet they constrain no man to renie his religion . women must nourish and giue sucke to their owne children , and that by the space of . yeares . they are also commaunded to defend their religion by armes and strong hand . azoara . . chap. . and by force of armes to force the christians and iewes to agree . azoara . euery one may take & sley him whom he knoweth to be incredulous and an heretike in their lawe . azoara . . they reproach christians because they worship others then one onely god , as the virgin mary . & images of saints . azoara . . in the . cha . he bringeth in god speaking to his prophet mahomet , & promising him y e . of their mē shal resist against . & y e . of theirs , shall ouerthrow a . of others . they are also cōmanded to wash thēselues , yea the priuie places after they haue done their naturall necessities , and after they haue lyen with their wiues : and this must they euer do before they pray vnto god. vpon commaundement they goe on pilgrimage into certaine places . azoa . . they haue saintes vnto whome they commend themselues and their beasts . see their alcoran which reciteth great miracles . they haue priests and religious men . some recluses and contemplatiues which do nothing but pray & meditate , and these are most esteemed . according to their foure sects , they haue also foure opinions touching the saluation of soules . . their priests are of opinion that none are saued but in the lawe of mahomet . . some of their religious are of opinion that the lawe profiteth nothing : but that euery man shall be saued by the grace of god , which alone is sufficient to saluation , without the lawe and merites . . the spiritualls and speculatiues are of opinion , that euery one shall be saued by his owne workes and merites , with grace and the lawe . . there are others amongst them , which say that euery one shall be saued in his owne lawe . where iesus christ is not knowne , all religion is vaine & vncertaine . touching iesus christ they hold him to be the sonne of a virgin . in the . chap. there they make mention of the virgin marie , and of her parents . of s. iohn baptist , and of his father zacharie . in the . chap. at the beginning god is brought in speaking and calling iesus christ , his soule conferring his force and vertue vpon him . in the . chap. he calleth him sent of god , the spirit of god , and the word diuinely sent to mary , &c. they fast euery yeare one whole moneth , and one weeke very straitly without eating or drinking in the day time : but after the sun set , they eate & drinke euen till the day following . on the friday they assemble all together , and obserue it as carefully as the iewes do the saterday , or others the sunday : and in each towne there is a principal temple which they called ( meschat ) into which they come that day after noone , as well kings & princes as the common people , and attentiuely pray vnto god. they which come not to this church , or pray not when they come , are condemned in a certaine summe of siluer when they are accused by the guardes which they commit for that businesse . see the alcoran . as they pray , they torment themselues pitiously in the continuall agitation of their bodies , and cries without ceasing . the pope and mahomet . antichrist his two hornes are there set vp one after an other , namely that of the pope & of mahomet : it were easie to conferre one of them with an other , both in doctrine and domination . heraclius had victorie against the persians , and brought againe zacharias patriarke of ierusalem and the holie crosse , first to ierusalem , and then to constantinople : wherevpon the feast of the exaltatiō of the crosse was ordeined & celebrated . councells were about this time at siuil and toledo . . . and . at the councell of toledo . . it was ordeined that all the churches of spaine should followe the forme of the romane church touching praier , the sacraments , and masse . one manner of singing masse all ouer after the manner of rome . see bullenger of the spring of errours . lib. . chap. . in the . chap. of the said councell , it is ordeined that the apocalips should be accounted canonicall . in the said councell priests were reprehended , because after the lordes praier , they communicated and blessed the people : wherefore in the . chap. they are forbidden to communicate alone , but with all the assembly , after the ordinance of iesus christ . it was also ordeined that after the lords praier the blessing should follow . and then only they should receiue the sacrament of the bodie and blood of christ in this order : that is , the priests and the deacons should make the communion before the aultar , the clarkes in the hearts , and the people out of the heart . the masse yet was not as is at this day , wherein priests communicate alone . in the councell of bracare . and . held in spaine , it was ordeined that if any did not confesse the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost , three persons to be one same substance , vertue and power , as the apostolike & catholike church teacheth , should be excommunicated and accursed . in the . chap. if any beleeue soules and bodies to be subiect to the starres as the painims say , and the priscillianists maintaine , let them be excommunicated and accursed . in the . chap. that they should bury no dead bodies in churches , but without . the councell of bracare , . in the . chap. all they are anathematized which abstaine from eating flesh vpon superstition . the same was ordeined in the councell of toledo . . note by this which is said , that the spaniards more then any other , resisted the forbidding of meates and of single life . dagobert king of france , raigned . yeares , and during his raigne he gaue great reuenewes to churches , and caused to be builded the abbey of s. denis in france , and placed there the three aforesaid bodies , of s. denis , eleutherius , and rusticus , in tombes couered with fine gold , and enriched with precious stones . and it wold hardly be beleeued the great riches of gold , siluer , and precious stones , the townes and other goods which he gaue to the said church and abbey of s. denis , which they yet possesse at this day . he founded also the abbey of s. amande , nigh tournay , and endowed it with great reuenewes . all his study was to gather , and wheresoeuer hee went to take relickes to enrich the abbey of s. denis . in so much that for that cause hee was called the theefe of relikes : and as clouis the first of that name had his trust in s. martine of tours , so this had in the bodie of s. hilarie of poitiers ; in so much that hauing taken and rased the said towne & destroyed the temples , yea that of s. hilarie , he caused to carry the coffin with other relickes to s. denis in france . the cause of this sacking & spoile was , because the poitiers had giuen succours , of people and siluer to the gascoignes which rebelled against him . moreouer dagobert was a man so giuen to women , that he instituted a colledge , whither hee caused to resort the fairest women , and apparelled them like queenes : for which thing being reprehended of s. amand , he sent him to exile . but gaguin saith he was after reuoked . seuerin pope , ruled at rome two yeares . his study was to repaire churches , to endowe them with many ornaments , and encrease the reuenewes therof . supp . chron. & fasc . temp. his election was ratified by isacheus exarche . for thē the election of popes was nothing , vnlesse it were authorised by the emperour or his lieftenant . naucler . the treasures of the church of s. iohn de lateran , were pilled by maurice gouernor of rome , & isacheus exarche of italie : one part of the bootie was sent to constantinople to heraclius . this was the yeare that the said heraclius endured that great wound of the sarrasins . naucler . in the time of this pope dyed mahumet , the yeare . and after began to be worshipped of his followers . mahumet signifieth fury or indignation . aman bishop of traict baptized sigebert , the sonne of dagobert king of france . chron. iohn pope , . of that name , borne in dalmatia , ruled at rome about two yeares . he ordeined that whosoeuer should take away any church goods should be bound to restore fourfold . naucler . the yeare . lent began to be kept in england . chro. sigeb . rotharis king of lombards was an arrian , and all his people after his example . in so much that there was almost no citie nor towne which had not two bishops , the one a catholicke , and the other an arrian . suppl . chron. theodorus a grecian , the sonne of theodorus bishop of ierusalem , gouerned the romane church . yeares , . months , and . dayes . supp . chron. dagobert gaue to the abbey of s. denis a faire and market , called le lendy , betwixt paris and s. denis . the emperour heraclius being aged , gaue trust to diuinations , and enchauntments of diuels . this is the first emperour that ruled in the east since the empire was transferred thither , who hath hadde that infamie to haue lost the empire of asia , and to haue bene of the heresie of the monothelites and eutechians . after he had thus polluted himselfe by these arts , heresies , and incest of his niece , he died of a newe and straunge disease ; namely , that the purses of his testicles turned vpside downe , with the priuie member alwaies stiffe . insomuch that whensoeuer he vttered his vrine , it sprinkled his face , if a table had not beene placed about his nauell to driue it backe . egnatius and others recite the same . constantine his sonne of his first wife eudoxia , succeeded in the empire , but his mother in lawe martine , caused him to be poisoned before he had raigned a yeare , and so she raigned with her sonne heracleonas about two yeares . nauclerus rehearseth that the said martine committed that fact , by the councell of pirrhus bishop of constantinople an heretike , who returned from his exile of affrike , after the death of the said heraclius . the senate of constantinople made the tongue of the said empresse to be cut out , and the nose of the said heraclionas , and cast them both into exile . they also caused pyrrhus to bee most shamefully put to death , whom paul succeeded , as wicked an heretike as his former predecessor . the pope theodorus in the church of s. peter , the cleargie and the church being present , excommunicated and declared the aboue named paul patriarke of constantinople , an heretike , and his adherents : and hauing mingled wine with inke in a challice , he writ with his owne hand the excommunication , to signifie that it was inuiolable , as if iesus christ had writ it with his owne bloud . consider here how much the church then , although it was wholly giuen to superstitions , did abhorre such as confounded the two natures in christ. this theodorus instituted the blessing of the sierge on easter saterday . constance emperour , sonne of the said constantine and of gregorie his wife , ( called otherwise by some , constantine the . ) raigned . yeares . he was a tyrant and an heretike and persecuted the catholiques . he fauoured the heresie of paul , bishop of constantinople , & tirannized ouer the faithful , by imprisonment , exile , and other torments . naucl. chron. abb. vrsp , and fascic . temp . at this time were vincent bishop of beanuais , and foursy the king of ireland his sonne , who came into france with two of his brethren . aubert bishop of cambray , gertrude & others , all which after their deathes were called saints . clouis the . king of france , raigned . yeares . this king in a time of famine tooke all the gold and siluer wherwith his father dagobert had adorned the chappels of martyrs , yea , and one of the armes of s. denis , to giue to the poore to relieue them . for that cause the monkes deuised , that he became a foole , and out of his wittes in the ende of his dayes . chron. de regib . fr. martin pope , first of that name , an italian , ruled at rome sixe yeares and more . at the beginning of his popedome he sent messengers to constantinople to paul the patriarke , to reduce him from his heresie : but so much wanted therein his amendment , that euen abusing the authority of the emperor ( an heretike like himselfe ) hee caused the saide messengers to bee throwne out : whereat the pope martin being mooued , assembled a councell at rome , of . bishops , and condemned paul the heretike , agreeing with the condemnation of pyrrhus , cyrus , sergius , and others . then the emperour constance sent olimpus exarke into italie , and commaunded him to make haste , either to sley pope martin , or to take him and bring him . againe , constance sent to rome theodorus calliopa , who by subtiltie tooke the pope , and hauing bound him in chaines brought him to constantinople , and from thence was hee banished and sent into a citie of pontus , where he finished his daies after many and great miseries , and the seat was vacant three moneths . supp . chron. in this time were held the councell of toledo , . . and . in the . there was an ordinance against bishops which gaue monasteries and benefices ecclesiastical to their parents , which was now made of no valewe . in the . chap. it was ordained that nunnes should make a profession and vow of chastitie , and that they should be apparelled in an other sort from others , to be knowne . ierusalem was taken by the mahometists ; some ( as nauclerus ) say that it was in the time of agathon pope , and of the emperour constantine the sonne of this constance . rhodes taken by the sarrasins ; the iles ciclades were wasted by them , and sicile forraged . naucl. at rome there appeared great signes : fire fel from heauen , and great thunder , lightnings , and invndations of waters : whereof great pestilence followed . fasci . temp. and nauclerus . eugenius pope , the first of that name , a romane , ruled at rome about three yeares . he ordained that bishops should haue prisons to punish crimes and faults of clarkes . that priests houses should be scituate , and builded nigh churches . supp . chron. that none bee kept in monasteries against their wills . one named peter succeeded paul the heretike at constantinople , and was of the same heresie . his letters were recited at rome : and the pope was hindered by the people from celebrating , vntil he had cast them away : because they denied two natures in christ . naucler . claudus arch-bishop of besancon , afterward abbot of the abbey of s. eugenius , was renowmed about this time through burgoine . fasci . temp . and after his death , they made that abhominable idoll which is at s. claud. in the countie of burgoine . the children of arikert king of the lombards , whilest they stroue one with an other , the one was slain , and the other a fugitiue : first into bauiere , after into france . naucl. at the councell of calibone , in the prouince of narbone , held in this time . theodoric bishop of arles , was accused to haue done somewhat against the ecclesiasticall statutes and canons , and because he appeared not , hee was suspended out of his bishoppricke vntill the next councell . vitalian pope , an italian , ruled at rome . yeares , and more . it was he who first ordained singing in the romane church , and agreed it with organes by the consent of rodoaldus , king of the lombards , who beeing taken in adulterie with a wife of lombardie , was slaine by her husband . it is not found that hitherto the romane church had full domination in the towne of rome , other goodly things it pretendeth since the death of constantine the great , vnlesse it were vnder certaine too soft emperours , and yet then not much . but to this vitalian , the emperour by singular grace confirmed the priuiledges of the church , which notwithstanding he after brake , and made them of no force , fasci . temp . and naucler . constant the emperor , caused to be assembled a sinode , and abiured his heresie , and after came to rome with a great company with cierges in their hands , and so entred into the temple , but he shewed well it was not vpon deuotion , but to see where the treasures were , to take and carrie them away . hee was there to visit it fiue dayes . afterward hee tooke away all that was delicate in his eyes . he tooke away more ornaments and riches , he alone in . dayes , then the barbarians had done in . yeares . naucl. and supp . chron. he was greatly hated at constantinople for his cruelties , and for causing to die in exile pope martin in such miserie , and for cutting the tongue and hand from maximin : wherefore he sought againe to bring the emperiall seate to rome , and kept his court sixe yeares in sicilie , abb. vrsperg . where hee did many great euills , as is recited by paulus diaconus . he was slaine in sicilie being in the bathes , this yeare , . and of his empire , . mizizius otherwise called mitius , or missessius , was constituted emperour , and raigned about sixe moneths . constantine the fourth sonne of constant , commonly called le barbu , the bearded , came against him and caused him to die , and all such as had bene of the conspiracie against his father . after these things were done , he raigned from the beginning with his brethren , tiberius and heraclius . abb. vrsp. but after , according to naucler . alleadging blundus and pius his abbreuiator , he caused their noses to be cut off , least they should after come to the empire : so that his sonne iustinian might raigne . the councell of toledo , . in this time . dado bishop of ruoan , writ three bookes of the life of s. eloy bishop of noyon . abb. trit . clotaire , the third of that name , and the king of france , raigned foure yeares . note reader , touching the kings of france which follow , that from this clotaire vntill pipin and charlemaine , they did nothing worthy of any great memorie , but became vnprofitable and full of cowardise , so that they had not like authoritie , as either their predecessors or successors . they had as it were nothing but the bare names and titles of kings . for the maiors or prouostes of the pallace , which then were as it were the constables , or great maisters , had the administration of all matters of the kingdome , as well those of warre , as of peace ; and all was done by their commaundement and ordinance . childeric second of that name , the . king of france , raigned two yeares . hee was by treason slaine for his crueltie ; and his wife bigge with childe , was also slaine . the annalls of france . adeonatus or deodatus pope , borne at rome , ruled there foure yeares and more . his father was a monke called iouian or iouinian . hee amplified the monasterie of saint erasmus , in the mount coelius , wherein he was a monke . hee instituted against thunders and tempests ( which then happened ) many supplications and letanies . supp . chron. donus pope , a romane , ruled at rome three yeares . after some a yeare and fiue monethes . hee caused s. peters court to be paued with marble , and so dedicated the church of the apostles , and of s. euphemia , and greatly augmented the honour and dignities of the cleargie . the sixt councell of constantinople , was called vnder this pope , began vnder agathon , and ended vnder leon the second . here the church of rauenna agreed not with the romane church , beeing not subiect vnto her , but called chiefe of it selfe , did willingly subiect her selfe for the integritie of this pope , and that with the consent of reparatus , then bishop of rauenna . in the second volume of councels . but their successors afterward would haue recouered this libertie and auncient freedome againe . wherfore there was a great and long cōtention betwixt the said churches of rome and rauenna . finally the chuch of rauenna was made subiect by violence . for iustinian the second , inducted and inuited by the pope , besieged the towne , and their goods were pilled , many banished , and their bishop which then was , called felix , had his eyes put out with an hotte iron , and was after sent into exile into the i le of pontus . some say this happened in agathons time . theodorike the fifteenth king of fraunce , raigned fourteene yeares : hee was drawne out of the monasterie of saint denis , where hee had beene a monke . hee founded the abbey of s. vaast at arras , and was buried there , as shall be said . agathon pope , a sicilian , a monke before , ruled at rome two yeares and an halfe , or foure yeares after naucler . it was he that ordained that the decree of the romane sea should be serued as proceeding from the mouth of s. peter , dist . . chap. sic omnes . in this time the romane church encreased much , and the letters of that sea were sealed yet with waxe , but after with leade . the sixt generall councell held at constantinople , was of . bishops against the monothelites , which denied two wills and natures in christ . gregorie or george , bishop of constantinople , left his heresie ▪ but machirus bishop of antioche , left it not . wherefore hee was cast out of his bishoppricke . the pope agathon sent to the councell , iohn bishop portuensis , and iohn deacon . and the dissention that then was betwixt the east church and the west , was appeased . in this councell , iohn bishop portuensis , celebrated the first masse in latine , and the vse and order thereof was allowed of the said councell . there also the priests of greece were permitted to liue in marriage , and to haue lawfull wiues ; but not the priests of the west churches . the author of the booke called fasciculus temp . yeeldeth a reason therof ; saying that willingly he had already vowed chastitie vnder gregorie . but what should they doo if they had not the gift of continencie ? and moreouer , could they vowe for others that came after them ? lastly , they vowed vppon constraint and authoritie of councells , as appeares aboue . it was there also ordained , that none should beare a child to be baptised , vnlesse he knew the lords prayer , and the beliefe of the faithfull . in the second volume of councells . item , not to vowe not to marrie , and that priests which seperate themselues from their wiues because of their sacred orders , should bee excluded from the communion . peter viret in the dialogue to them of orbe . a briefe of the sixe generall councells . hitherto there hath beene held sixe generall concells . the first at nicene was of . bishoppes , against arrius , vnder siluester and constantine the great . the second at constantinople , of . bishops , vnder gratian and theodosius emperours , and damasus , against macedonius bishop of constantinople , and eudoxius , who denied the spirit of god. the third was in ephesus , of . bishops , vnder celestine , sixtus , and theodosius the great , against nestorius bishop of constantinople , who called the virgin mary the mother of christ , man , but not god. the fourth in calcedon , of . bishops vnder leo the pope , and martine the emperour , against eutiches abbot of constantinople , who denied two natures in christ . the fift was vnder iustinian the emperour , and vigilius pope , against theodorus and other heretikes ; who said that the virgin marie did onely bring forth a man , and not god and man. there it was ordained that iustly and truly the virgin marie is called the mother of god. the sixt councell was at constantinople against gregorie or george , and machairus , and cirus , sergius , honorius , pirrhus , paulus , petus , bishops which denied two willes , as it is said , abb. trit . theodorus arch-bishop of rauenna , was a great almes-giuer , and very desirous to keepe the cleargie in good order : for the which hee was hated . in so much , that on a christmas day as he was going to celebrate masse , he was left of all , whereat beeing much grieued , hee went towards agathon and willingly subiected his church to the romanes . nauclerus . leger bishop of anthun was in this time . ebroine prince of the pallace of france vnder theoderic , caused legier his eyes to be plucked out , the soles of his feete taken away , and his tongue and lips cut off , and at last cut off his head , and his brother guerin was stoned to death . this ebroine cast lambert out of the bishoppricke of vtrich . ame bishop of sens was banished by ebroine . chron. . in this time there was a great pestilence at rome , whereof agathon died , and the sea was vacant a yeare , seuen moneths , and fiue dayes . leo pope , the second of that name a sicilian , raigned two yeares , or thereabouts . abb. vrsp . after his death the sea was vacant . monethes . supp . chron. this pope was cunning in greeke and latine , and made many epistles and homilies . he ordained that after the agnus dei of the masse , they should giue the paxe to kisse vnto the assistants . supp . chron. fasci . temp. hee permitted to baptise at all times in case of necessitie . he ordained by the authoritie of the emperour , that the election of the bishop of rauenna should not be good , if the romane pope did not approoue it : but that the arch-bishop should pay nothing for his inuesture ; for many mischiefes came of this largition . supp . chron. and fasci . temp. the councell of toledo . and . in this time , wherein such were anathematized as forbad eating of flesh . p. virel . this is meant as it was ordained in the . chapter of the councell of bracar . . see aboue . benet pope , second of that name , a romane , ruled at rome moneths . he was humble and soft . naucler . he restored at his great charges , the churches of s. peter and s. laurence : of s. valentin , and s. marie : aux martyrs . supp . chron. and gaue to the said churches , many vessels of golde and siluer , and many vestments and ornaments . the election of the pope taken from the emperour . the emperour constantine mooued with the popes sanctetie , ordained that the election of the pope from thence forward made of the cleargie and romane people , should bee stable and sure without any more attending the authoritie of the emperour , or of his lief-tenant exarche of italie ; without whose authoritie before it was not ratified . naucl. and supp . chron. iohn pope , fift of that name , of antioche in siria , gouerned the romane church a yeare : a man moderate , and subiect to diseases . he was consecrated ( as also was leo the second ) by three bishops , of ostia , portensis , and veliterus . and this maner was alwaies after obserued . the bishop of ostia as hee sung masse put the crowne on his head . before hee was onely ledde to the chaire of s. peter , and beeing there set , he was holden the true pope , without other ceremonie . the emperour constantine died at constantinople , hauing raigned . yeares . conon pope , borne at rome , gouerned the church of rome one yeare . fasci . temp . after the death of pope iohn the fift , there was great contention about the popes election : for the people ( or the cleargie ) elected one called peter , archbishoppe . the romane gendarmie corrupted by siluer , did chuse theodorus a priest , a pernitious man : after long strife betwixt these two , conon by all their agreements was confirmed . he fell sicke incontinently after his election : wherevpon he died . some said he would neuer occupie himselfe in secular matters . iustinian , or iustin , emperour , second of that name , sonne of constantine the fourth , began to raigne of the age of . yeares . hee gouerned himselfe so ill , that after tenne yeares of his raigne hee was banished . see the sea of histories . quilian , an holy scottishman , preached in franconia . he conuerted gosbertaine duke of the same countrey , who kept ceilam , ( sillam or gelana ) his brothers wife . and for that he preached that he ought to leaue her , she made him secretly be slaine . fasci . temp . and sigeb . beda the venerable in this time , made many bookes , and wrote the liues of many saints , abb. trit . sergius pope , a sirian , ruled at rome tenne yeares ; after chron. euseb . a noble restorer of churches . there was a great contention and debate for the election of the pope after the death of conon . some had chosen theodorus , a very rich man. others , pascall arch-deacon , who had promised a great summe of money to iohn platina , exarche , if hee were chosen . each of them maintained his election ambitiously . but the cleargie and romane people seeing that this sedition would cause effusion of bloud , tooke counsell to remedie it . wherefore they chose sergius , reiecting the two others . the said sergius was carried into the church of laterane , and hauing broken the gates , they cast out the factious , and constrained theodorus and pascall to salute sergius pope , and approoue his election . pascal accused and conuicted of art magicke , was sent to a monasterie , and there died obstinate naucler . it is attributed vnto him , to haue founded a good part of the holy crosse , which euery yeare they worship at rome . nauclerus . beleeue this who list . for in the time of heraclius the emperour , it was carried to constantinople . the church of aquilea not wholly approouing the first , after naucler . chron. segeb. paul. diac. or sixt , after ( fasci . temp. ) councell of constantinople , was reduced by sergius . in this time the saxons , yet painims , receiued the christian faith by the meanes of this sergius . after suppl . chron. the yeare . ebroine a french tyrant was slaine in his bedde . theodoricke the king of franc , was buried in the abbey of s. vaast of arras , whereof hee was founded , with his wife , called in her epitaph , doda . clouis , third of that name , king of france , . raigned . yeares . sergius sent vmbred to the frisons to conuert them to the faith . rabed their duke would not accord thereunto : alleadging that it were more meete to followe many then fewe . but afterward beeing vanquished in warre by pippin grand-maister of fraunce , the frisons receiued the faith , beeing instructed by willibrot bishoppe , or clement after some . the emperour iustinian broke his faith giuen to the sarrasins , and fought against them , wherein he was not happie . and after without necessitie brake the peace which his father hadde made with the bulgarians , and entered into the one and the other misia , where hee put all to fire and sword : but the bulgarians ceazed vppon the passages and straights , and shut them in so well , that they constrained them to doo what they would . hee beeing returned to constantinople , did so many euils to the christians that euerie one hated him , so that they conspired against him , and chased him away . leontius vsurped the empire , tooke iustinian , and cut his nosthrills , and sent him into exile into pontus , and raigned three yeares . some call him leond second . emperour . . the sarrasins seeing such troubles among the christians , came into affrica . childebert , second of that name , . king of france , raigned . yeares . hee founded the abbey of s. albane in angiers . lambert bishop of liege , was reuoked from exile , but because hee reprehended the adulterie of pippin , hee was cruelly slaine by dodon , brother of the adulteresse . the saide dodon and his complices perished miserably within a yeare . hubert succeeded the bishop of liege . the histories of france . absimarus , otherwise called tiberius , borne at constantinople , was chosen emperour by the souldiours for the negligence which they sawe in leontius , that no aide was sent vnto them for the guard of affrike , which they had recouered of the sarrasins . absimarus then came from constantinople and tooke leontius , and cut off his nose , and imprisoned him in a monasterie . he raigned seuen yeares . naucler . abb. vrsp. iohn pope , sixt of that name , a grecian , ruled at rome . yeares . after the maner of other popes , he was very curious to repaire churches , to adorne aultars , and redeeme captiues with the papall treasure . some write him a martyr , vnder the kings of lombardie , for defending the rights of the church . fasci . temp . the venetians at this time beganne to haue a duke to hinder quarells and disorders of such as gouerned , and the enuie which the lombards bare to their libertie : but after , as it were repenting themselues , they caused many of their first dukes to die . moreouer , the dukes ornaments differed not from those of a king , and all the senates letters , the publication of them were in the dukes name : yet he had not the bridle loose for a full authoritie . westfalia after some , was conuerted to the faith about this time . iohn pope , . of that name , ruled at rome two or three yeares , diligent to adorne and repaire churches . this is from henceforth the chiefest studio of popes and papists . iustinian hauing had succours from bulgaria and turkey , came to constantinople , and againe obtained the empire and raigned sixe yeares . he caused to be set out of prison , leontius and tiberius beeing bound with chaines , which hee made to be tied to the tailes of horses , and being so drawne through the streetes , were brought againe and troden vnder feete , and finally caused them to be beheaded . all their partners were put to diuers torments , and great vengeance vsed towards them . he put out the eyes of gallinicus patriarke of constantinople , and sent him to rome into exile , and in his place appointed cyrus abbot , who had assisted him when he was in exile , and foretold him his restitution . the sarrasins vnderstanding the debates betwixt the emperours , occupied againe affrike and libbia , and a part of the kingdome of spaine , and the kingdome of graneda . supp . chrn. and naucl. the faith began almost to bee cleane extinct in the east , because of the lawe of mahomet . beda the venerable , writ then to the christians princes , to driue the sarrasins out of spaine , but he spake to the deafe . sisinnius pope , otherwise sosinus a sirian , ruled onely . dayes . for being tormented with the gout both in feete and hands , and not being able to eate , he died suddenly . the . schisme was betwixt him and dioscorus , and a great combat for the papacie . the said schisme continued long time by his successors . a famine at rome by the space of three yeares , sharpe and rude . constantine pope , a sirian , ruled at rome seuen yeares , greatly beloued of euery one ; for he helped the people much during this famine . iustinian commaunded him to come to him to constantinople , which hee did , and being arriued the emperour embraced him , and falling on the earth kissed his feete , and demaunded pardon of him for all his faults , and that he would pray to god for him : and after receiued the eucharist of him , and then were renewed and confirmed the priuiledges of the the romane church . supp . chron. abb. vrsp. iustinian chaunged nothing his life passed , but that hee bare himselfe otherwise towards the romane sea then he was wont to doo , and maintained it . for vnderstanding that felix arch-bishop of rauenna , would not yeeld accustomed obedience to the pope , that was , to send a certaine breuiat , wherein he should acknowledge his obedience due , and a certaine summe of money : the emperour sent a captaine to rauenna called theodorus , who reprehended felix , and sent him bound to constantinople ; who was afterward sent into exile into pontus , and after , both his eyes were put out . many citizens also of rauenna were exiled with him , and others put to death , and their goods confiscate , and the towne taken by force , as it is aboue said . naucl. constantine admonished iustinian to attempt nothing against phillippicus who was exiled into pontus ; wherevnto notwithstanding , after hee obeyed not , but sent against him : but his people followed the part of phillippicus , and they came to constantinople , whom iustinian met . phillippicus bardanius , captaine of the warre , had the victorie of iustinian , and caused his and his sonnes head to be cut off , and raigned emperour a yeare and fiue monethes . he was of the sect of the monothelites , and sent cyrus a catholique bishop into exile into pontus : or as paul diaconus saith , into his abbey , and appointed arch-bishop in his place , one iohn , a monke of his sect. supp . chron. the beginning of the contention for the images of saints . phillippicus made an edict , that all the images of saints should be taken from churches , and that by the consent of iohn , patriarke of constantinople ; for which cause constantine pope excommunicated them , and declared them heretikes in a sinode at rome : hee likewise ordained that the image of the said emperour should not be receiued , nor ingrauen in gold , siluer , brasse , or leade ; no not his name nor his figure should not be receiued , nor mention made of him in the praiers of their masse . abb. vrsp . idolatrie findes the pope his defender . but it is no maruell : seeing the second commaundement , thou shalt make thee no grauen image , &c. is omitted in the commandements which the romane church approoueth , which is a sacriledge against the word of god. note that from henceforward the romanists condemne for heretikes such as agree not to their opinions . on the euen of pentecost , the emperour phillipicus after he had dined , as he was about to repose himselfe , was taken and bound , and his eyes put out . vrsp. anastatius , or arthemius , was chosen emperour , and raigned three yeares . he hauing sent an armie into egipt against the sarrasins , the souldiers created an other emperour called theodosius , who comming to the empire , caused anastatius to be made a priest , to the end he might no more thinke of the empire . yet after , thinking to returne thither by the helpe of the bulgarians , hee was drawne out . dagobert , second of that name , the . king of france , raigned . yeares . gregorie pope , second of that name , a romane , ruled . yeares and . moneths . naucler . hee sent boniface ( otherwise called wenefride ) an english monke , into frisia to preach the faith , where hee was martyred , and where before one called vuillibrordus hadde preached in the time of pope sergius . nauclerus . tiber ouerflowing his bankes at rome , destroyed the countrie . gregorie ouer all the towne made often supplications and processions . theodosius , third of that name , borne at constantinople , obtained victorie against anastatius , and constrained him to leaue the empire , and make himselfe a monke , and raigned one yeare . paulus . diacon . he caused againe images to be restored vnto temples , which phillippicus had taken away , and therefore he was held for a good catholique . leon , an isaurian by nation , third of that name , chiefe of the army which was in the east against the sarrasins , depriued theodosius of his empire , and raigned . yeares . he was called iconomachus , that is to say , an impugner of images . constantinople was besieged three yeares by the sarrasins and arabians , but they which besieged them bare as much euil , as the besieged , because of famine and pestilence . there was also a great famine in the towne : in so much that some write that there dyed . persons . after the siege was leuied , leon went into sicilia and italie , and beganne to cast images out of their churches . this was the . yeare of his empire . the emperour leon made an edict to take away & burne all the images , gregorie opposed himselfe against it , and gaue commaundement to all christians not to obey the said edict : in so much that they of rauenna and the venetians , rebelled , wherein the exarche and his sonne were slaine . supp . chro. rome and as it were all italie , withdrew their obedience from the emperour , and would paie him no taxes nor tributes . leo notwithstanding caused to be published againe ; that all images and statues of gold , siluer or brasse , marble & wood , should be brought into the market place , and incontinently burnt , ordeining the paine of death to the gainsaiers . hee depriued germaine patriarke of constantinople of his dignitie . heere beginne popes to lift vp their hornes against emperours , and to oppose themselues against them . for this pope durst excommunicate the emperour leo the third , in full sinode , because he desired to abolish the adoration of images . the office of exerchate ceased then in italie , which had endured . yeares or thereabouts , and was occupied of the lombards . supp . chron. and naucler . touching the kings of france . because of the great troubles which at this time were in the kingdom of france , the greatest part of the kings of france was created after the appetite of him who was maister of the pallace . the kings had but the title & their pleasures to build monasteries and temples as they thought good . this maister of the pallace had the gendarmie in his power , as the gardian and protector of the dignitie royall . this endured vntill these maner of kings were extinct ; and that the administratiō royall was deuolued into the family of pippin le court , which is the . king of france , the sonne of charles marteil , maister of the pallace , bastard sonne of pippin le gros duke of austrasia , a valiant man , and an excellent warriour . theodoricke cala , the . king of france , had the title and dignitie of a king , and raigned . yeares . the sarrasins of spaine ( which they had occupied ) came into france , being called by erido king of aquitane , who felt himselfe too weake to resist charles martel : these sarrazins discended in number . with their wiues , children , and seruants , as meaning to occupie all france : wasting & destroying all places where they came . endo who was their hoste to inuite them thither , seeing so great a multitude , made an agreement and retyred on the side of france : and charles martel met these sarrasins in tourrain , and made an incredible slaughter of them : so that their king abdirama was there slaine : and on the side of france there were no more slaine but . it should be an incredible thing , if besides the historiographers of france , straunge writers had not witnessed the same , this so miraculous a deliuerance from so barbarous and horrible a multitude , beeing so autenticke and so generally knowne . the eccleciastical people of france durst make the world beleeue ( with lye and all ) that this charles martel was damned , because hee exacted certaine tenths of the goods of the church , to help the charges of this so daungerous a warre . can there any ingratitude or couetousnesse be greater then is in this papall priesthood ? eucherius bishop of lion , of great authoritie , a little after the death of charles martel , namely the yeare . saith , hee sawe in a vision charles martel in the paines of hell : because he had vsurped the goods of the church , and had not restored them as he promised . fasci . temp . and others recite it . a lye which is for the profit of the priests kitchin , incontinently findes his witnesses , yea by horrible absurdities . iohn damascene was in this time . eutrop. and maintained the popes quarrels touching images . gregorie pope , third of that name , a sirian , gouerned at rome . yeares and more . this pope was cause that all italie departed from the domination of the empire , because leon the empeour would that in churches there should be no images of saints . and therefore the pope made a councell at rome to be held , where were assembled as many bishops as hee could get : and there it was decreed , that we may lawfully honour images . and a generall sentence was pronounced against all violators and gainsaiers of their canonike conclusiō and they excommunicated the emperour , and depriued him of his dignitie . emperours here may take a good example , that they suffer not themselues to be led by popes , least finally they loose their empires . gregorie restored many monasteries , and builded new , adding great lands and reuenewes vnto them , for the monkes liuing . he commaunded priests to make a commemoration of the dead , and to pray for them : and writ to boniface archbishop of magunce , that christians might offer for their parents which died faithfully . naucler . some attribute this to gregorie . the . in the . volume of the councells . he added to the seruice of the masse ( quorum solemnitas hodie in conspectu tuae maiestatis celebratur , &c. domine deus noster in toto orbe terrarum . chron. sigeb . some monasteries were richly founded in almaigne , at fulden , at herfelden , and other places . fasci . temp. rome was besieged by luitprandus , king of lombardes : wherefore gregorie sent to charles martel , king pippins father , the keyes of the holy sepulchre , and s. peters bands , with other goodly gifts , to the ende it would please him to deliuer and take the romane church from the seruitude of the lombards . charles martel writ to luitprandus , and intreated that which the pope desired , naucler . before when the citie of rome endured any violence by other princes , she vsed to demaund helpe of the emperour of constantinople ; but gregorie the third would not do this . so that the tutorship of the romane church was transported from the emperour of constantinople to other princes ; & by that meane came it to passe that rome is retired and exempted from the obedience of the emperour of constantinople . naucler . the masse beganne to be sung . paulus diaconus , lib. . chap. . saith , that luitprandus king of lombards , was the first of those kings which out of singers did elect priests and clarkes to sing masse , which fashion afterward was augmented in the time of gregorie the fift , by the inuention of robert bishop of chartres , wherevpon the song was called of the said gregorie , gregoriall song . note that singing came into the church by the lombards , which gregorie the first of that name had renounced . hen. bullenger . lieuen an english priest , preached in the countrey of west-falia . fasci . temp . they of the towne of gaunt in flaunders vse great idolatries vnto him . the popes come now as into their chiefe force . childeric third of that name , . king of france , hauing raigned nine yeares was chased away , and constrained to make himselfe a monke . so from pharamond vnto pippin we account . yeares : from merouee . from clouis the first , made a christian , . zacharie pope , borne in greece , ruled at rome . or a . yeares , an inuentor of cappes and other ornaments tissued of gold and stones . he assigned certaine rents and lands to priests to liue on , and for lampes in churches . he forbad the venetians vnder paine of excommunication , that they should no more sell christians as slaues to the sarrasins , as they accustomed to do . pippin , surnamed le court , of a maister of the pallace , became by ambition the . king of france , and besought the pope , that by his authoritie hee would confirme the kingdome vnto him . chilperic then king of france , after hee had raigned nine yeares became a monke , by the aduice and authoritie of pope zacharie , and his wife , was put into a monasterie : and in his place the said pippin sonne of charles martel , and father of charlemaigne was made king , and consecrated at soisons by boniface , arch-bishop of magunce , by the election of all the barons of france , and by the consent and councell of pope zacharie , being therevnto required : who not only commanded and confirmed the said election , but also absolued pippin of the oath which he had made to the king and to the crowne of france . abb. vrsp . this pope did as much with the king of lombards called lachis . for he found meanes that he left his kingdome & made himselfe a monke , and his children and wife , and his brother astulfe , succeeded him . in the . volume of councels . carloman , pippins brother , was also shauen and made a monke at rome , by the perswasion of zacharie , and remained in the abbey of the mount s●rap in lombardie , and after in the mount cassin . constantine the fift of that name , emperour . sonne of leon , raigned . yeares . this as he was baptized made water in the font , and therfore was he called in greeke copronymos . what necessitie was there to hold a naked childe ouer the font ? this gaue a forewarning that hee should be an euill christian . naucler . and indeed many crimes were imposed vpon him , because hee constantly maintained his fathers opinion against the pope , touching images : and from thence came also that they say he dyed desperate , when he said i am deliuered from the fire eternall . fasc . temp . chron. sigeb . and others . they which consent not to the popes decrees are iudged damned . vnder pippin a sinode was held in fraunce , by boniface arch-bishop of magunce , bucardus , guntarius , and other bishops , which had not beene in . yeares before : in so much that men said that religion in france was dissipated and laide vnder feete . naucler . it was then ordained that eache yeare there should be a sinode in france . that no church-man should beare armes . that none of them should vse hunting , nor keepe dogges nor birds of pray . that euery priest and bishop should hold himselfe in his parish , and do their diligence to roote out auncient heresies : that is to say , paganisme , and errors of the sacrifices of the dead : diuinations , enchauntments , and other immolations which are yet done after the manner of painims nigh churches , vnder the name of martyrs and confessors . naucler . paganisme of the gods , was persecuted in france : but true religion was not therefore established . in this time the hunnes called hungarians , occupiped pannonia . they were diuided into seuen bands : euery band builded a castle , which yet at this day are called septem castra in latin , which is a strong place against the turkes . edward king of england , who otherwise was reputed an vpright man , left his wife , and entertained nunnes , who was admonished by letters from boniface , to leaue off that vice . naucler . these be the fruites and enticements of that cursed single life . pippin le court dyed at paris , after hee had raigned . or . yeares after some , leauing his two sonnes , charlemaigne in soisonnois , and carloman at noyon . stephen pope , second of that name a romaine , ruled at rome sixe yeares . hee was carried vpon mens shoulders vnto the church of s. lateran : and thereof it comes that at this day popes cause themselues to be carried . the emperour constantine , the . yeare of his empire , assembled a councell at constantinople of . bishops , where it was commaunded that all images of saints should be taken and burnt . also he caused all his subiects to sweare , no more to honour any image of god , nor of saintes , but condemned to die all such as called to the virgin mary for helpe , and that had in their houses any relikes of saints . they commaunded monkes to marry , and nunnes to follow the estate of marriage . sigeb . after this the emperor sent the defruition of this councel to the pope , commaunding him to cast images out of churches . sabin king of bulgaria , throughout his kingdome caused all images to be taken away , after the example of constantine , whereby he came in grace with the emperour . naucler . stephen went into fraunce towardes king pippin , demaunding aide and succours against astulphus king of the lombardes . this king pippin went and met the pope , and discended from his horse , tooke the bridle of the popes horse in his hand , and so ledde him to the pallace . suppl . chron. stephen consecrated him and his two sonnes , charlemaigne , and carloman , in the church of s. denis in france , and confirmed them in such manner as hee and his posteritie should holde the kingdome of france in heritage for euer , and excommunicated all such which should set themselues against it . fasci . temp . also hee transported the empire of constantinople into france : which afterward pope leo approued , ratified , and put in execution . and therefore the empire was parted into east and west . supp . chron. fasci . temp . & naucler . from whence came this authoritie to bestowe kingdomes of the world , but from the diuel , who is called the prince therof ? pippin went into italie to the popes succours , and obteined victory against the lombards . astulphe was constrained to agree to the popes will. sigeb . the exarchate which was occupied by the lombards , and appertained to the emperour , is giuen to the pope by pippin without any right . for the estate of such as held that dignitie and office , were assigned the townes that follow : rauenna , imola , boulonge , mutina , rhegin , parma , placentia , &c. at this time happened an horrible thing in the abbey of s. martin at tours . for all the monkes which were giuen to pleasures and wickednes , dyed suffocated and choaked , except one . fasci . temp . the parliament instituted in france . constantine the emperour sent gifts to pippin , praying him to render vnto him the exarchate . pippin answered , that hee came not the second time into italie for any temporall profit , but in dutie to guard the church against the lombards , and to take from them rauenna , and the exarchate and other goods of italie , to giue them vnto the pope . naucler . abb. vrsp . thassido duke of bauier , did homage to the king of france . paul brother of the former pope . gouerned . or a . yeares : in whose election there was great debate . for some had chosen one called theophilactus . buggandus bishop of metes , at this time was very affectionate towards holie bodies and heaped vp relikes . he transported from rome into france the bodies of s. gorgon , and saint nazare , and of many others . rome which before was the butchery of martyrs , now selles bodies and bones . constantine seeing the foolish superstition of christians at the sepulchres of saintes , kissing and worshipping their relikes , caused their bones to be taken out of their graues and to be cast into the sea. at this time it was that sigebert reciteth , that in berithe a citie of siria , was found an image of iesus christ , wherevnto the iewes did many outrages , pearcing his feete , hands , and side , from whence bloud came , wherwith many maladies were healed . this thing being declared to the bishop of the said place , he made that blood to be preciously kept , and shewed it , and carried it hither and thither : and therevpon ordeined each yeare a feast , called the passion of the lordes image , the eight of nouember . of this blood there was brought to mantoua . supp . chron. who sees not that this fable was inuented , to the end that vnder the shadow of miracles , the seruice of saints and images might be set forward against the grecians & emperours . whē men haue no authoritie from the holie scripture , they cry , miracle , miracle . note hereby the refuge of papists . there was a sinode held in france against the grecians touching images , by the authoritie of king pippin . abb. vrsp . in this time saints liues were forged on all sides . verus biship of siuil , wrote the life of s. eutropius bishop . abb. trit . wibaldus composed the life of s. boniface his maister , bishop of magunce . tritem . constantine pope , second of that name a romane , gouerned at rome one yeare . by ambition and force hee occupied the papacice . and from the estate of a laie-man being made priest , hee was chosen pope by store of money and armes , but after was taken and cast into a monasterie , and his eyes put out . in this time likewise there was an antepope called phillippicus , or phillip , who also was deposed , and stephen the third constituted . sergius bishop of rauenna , and christopher , authours of the former schisme , had their eyes put out . stephen pope , third of that name , monke of sicilie , ruled at rome foure yeares . this pope assembled a councell at rome , where all that was reuoked , which constantine his predecessor had ordeined : euen in disgrading them , which by him were consecrated . in the said councell assisted . bishops of france . naucler . there was also ordeined , that no laie-man should be made pope or bishop , but successiuely by order and ecclesiasticall degrees . naucler . item , that euery sunday the gloria in excelsis should be sung at masse . there was condemned the councell of constantinople . . wherein the emperour constantine the . and the bishops of greece , had ordeined that images should be laid downe . this councell was declared hereticall , and againe images commanded , as worthie of honour and veneration . this thus agreed vpon , the next morning there was made a great procession , where the pope went on foote in great deuotion , and all others . naucler , and supp . chron. a great token of repentance for a pope . charlemaigne the sonne of pippin , . king of france , had this surname of great , for his prowesses and vertues . hee had maruellous warres . the first in aquitane . the second against the lombards . and the third against the saxons . he had also warre in spaine , in bauiere , and in hungarie against the hunois : which historiographers declare in their order . adrian pope , a romane , gouerned the romane church . yeares . this pope shewed himselfe cruell against such as impugned the seruice of images , and made a booke intituled , of the worshipping of saints . chron. sigeb . and abb. trit . dedier . and last king of lombards , desired the loue and friendship of this pope , but he would not consent therevnto : saying that he would not accord with him which so often had broken his promise : wherewith didier being moued , practised many euils against the church of rome , in so much that adrian was constrained to demaund aide in fraunce . supplim . of chron. charlemaigne came into italie at the request of adrian , against didier , and obtained victorie against him : after he had raigned . yeares hee sent him prisoner into france , with his wife and children . and the kingdome of the lombards finished in italie , which had endured . yeares , or . after hee had ouercome the lombards , hee instituted the vniuersitie of pauie , and adorned it with learned people . charlemaigne came to rome and kissed the popes feete . blundus and p. emilius . he restored to the romane church his reuenewes & priuiledges , and ratified all that which his father pippin had giuen to the said church . wherefore this adrian caused a councell to be held of . prelates : by which was giuen to charlemaigne the right of inuesture , placing bishops in possession of their seates , and to elect the pope of rome from hence forward . distinct . . cap. adrianus . this priuiledge endured not long , and was but feined & hypocriticall . and the succeeding popes obserued it not : saying it was but curtesie and a personable priuiledge which could not exceed the person of the emperour which then was . leon emperour , fourth of that name , sonne of constantine emperour , raigned fiue yeares , his wife was of athens , named hirene ( otherwise also theodora ) a faire woman , and of great spirit . naucler . he loued precious stones , and hauing seene a crowne full of precious stones in the treasury of saint sophie , put it vpon his head : but by the coldnesse thereof , he fell into a feuer , whereof he dyed . chron. sigeb . fasc . temp . naucler . supp . chro. after his wife hirene raigned . charlemaigne enterprised warre against the saxons , infidels , and painims : and this endured . yeares . naucler . for they often reuolted and feined themselues to be christians , abusing charlemaigne . abb. vrsp. finally they were made subiect . adrian builded certaine towers and walles at rome , and gaue great gates of brasse to the church of s. peter : and adorned the aultar with a couering of gold. hee ordeined that an hundreth poore people should be nourished in the court of lateran . he restored s. anastatius , and other ruinated churches . he was puissant and noble of race , and none of his predecessours came to like temporal glory and riches . supp . chro. fasci . temp . charlemaigne displeased at the discord of the church musicke , betwixt the romanes and the french , sent two clarkes to rome to learne the song of the romane church , which first instructed the church of metes in lorraine , and after al france , in the same singing . supp . chron. constantine . of that name , emperour . of leon the . raigned tenne yeares with his mother hirene , but being come to age , he depriued her of the empire , exhorting her rather to deale in domesticall affaires , without medling with gouerning the empire . sigeb . charlemaigne made warre in spaine against the sarrasins . naucler . where the peers of france were betraied ganelon . hirene had her deuotion towards the virgin mary , and all other saints : and at the request of pope adrian , and of therasius arch-bishop of constantinople , she assembled after sigeb . a councell at nice , called the seuenth , of , after some : or of . bishops , naucler . wherin it was decreed , that not only in temples should be images : but also that they should be worshipped of right , & that al gainsaiers should be excommunicated : but this decree was after abolished by constantine . chro. euseb . here tooke the vniuersitie of paris her beginning , by the care of alenin an english man , who was charlemaignes maister . constantine the . yeare of his empire , depriued his mother of the imperiall gouernment , and caused all images to be cast downe in temples , and raigned aboue . yeares . at this time a sinode was held in spaine , in a towne cal - eliboris or granado , where were congregated nineteene bishops , and thirtie sixe priests . felix bishop of aquitaine , was president there . amongst other points , there was principally concluded that there should be no images nor paintings in churches . the yeare . an other sinode was held at francford , by the bishops of almaigne & franconia . the pope adrian knowing this , sent two bishops , stephen and theophilacte , to vrge the decree made for images at the councell of niece , by the meanes of hirene . in so much that the sinode held at eliboris in spaine , was at the said francford condemned . abb. vrsp . seeing now iesus christ was left to be portraied by the preaching of his pure word , images were admitted into the temples of christ : therefore no maruell if so many contentious follow . hirene greeued to be depriued of the empire , by presents , sollicited certaine captaines to kill her sonne . they watched him and put out his eyes , vpon such a day as he had put out the eyes of his vncle ( after nicephorus ) fiue yeares before , then put him in prison , where he deceased fewe dayes after . hirene then his mother , gouerned alone by the space of three yeares . shee also caused to be taken out of his graue the bodie of constantine the fifth , father of her dead husband , and made it publikely to be burnt , and the ashes thereof to be cast into the sea , because in his life time he had broken images . this did she at the instigation of theodorus bishop , who fauoured the pope touching images . henry bullenger . alcuin , or otherwise albin , disciple of beda the venerable , monke , and after abbot of s. martin of tours , charlemaignes maister , made three bookes of the trinitie , and many other bookes . also the life of s. vaast bishop of arras . abb. trit . charlemaine during his raigne , caused . or . councels and sinodes to be held : whereof fiue , that is to say , at magunce , wormes , rhenes , tours , & arles , were assembled against the abuses of ecclesiasticall persons which then were very great , and did much displease the emperour charlemaigne . ansegisus abbot of this time , made foure bookes of the decrees of charlemaigne , and of his sonne lewis . amongst other things , and aboue all , he wold that bishops should preach to the people the true doctrine drawne out of the holy scriptures , and not otherwise : therevpon alleadging the saying of gregorie . that the priest which goeth without the care of preaching , lightly , lighteth against himselfe the wrath of the hid iudge . he also ordeined that no man should make profession of monachisme , without demaunding the kings licence to shun many fraudes . he would fewe feasts should be ordeined . he repressed the superfluitie of priests , and ordeined that they should be norished of the ecclesiastical reuenews with y e poore . he one day sharply reprehended the archbishop of magunce called boniface , because he had vsurped a crosse all couered with gold , and enriched with precious stones , as an imperiall scepter . for occasion thereof being offered in a publike assembly , he said to him in choller ; is it thus you make profession of the crosse of christ ? do you thus feed the flock , being rather in order of an emperour then a shepheard ? an other which on s. martins euen was made bishop , and for ioy therof forgetting to come the next day to the temple , was dismissed by charlemaigne , saying : what wil he do hereafter , when at first he is so forgetful of his office ? also one other hauing receiued a great benefice , for ioy , being vpon horseback , cast himself downe with great agilitie before the emperour . to whom the emperour said : so farre as i see you are an able man , and a good horseman , i haue need of you : leaue hardly this benefice to some weaker man. auentinus the historiographer in his bookes of the annales of bauaria . we may see by the recitall hereof , that popes had not that soueraigne power which afterward their successours vsurped . the emperours called sinodes , and proposed statutes and decrees , and conferred and bestowed benefices . at francfort whilest charlemain wintered there , a councell was held , wherin the decree of the councell of niece held by hirene touching images ( as is saide ) was declared false , and altogether condemned . and although the popes factors , as vrspergensis and others do passe and dissemble it , yet so is the truth . and that the pope adrian sent thither his embassadors , stephen and theophilacte bishop . there also was condemned the heresie of felix and eliphandus , which acknowledged their fault , and asking pardon were restored to their dignities . charlemaigne caused a booke to be published in his name , which agrreed with the articles of the said councell . yea and moreouer , he answered two bookes which were found written by adrian , to therasius patriarke , and to the emperour of constantinople . by this writing charlemaigne taxeth , and couertly condemneth adrian , without naming him idolater . there was also a councel held at cauaillon , vnder charlemaigne , wherein amongst other superstitions which were there condemned , that of pilgrimages in respect of religion , was sharply repressed in the . canon . alledging that saying of s. hierome . men should not be praised because they haue seene ierusalem , but because they haue liued well . leo the third of that name , borne at rome , after he had receiued the papall dignitie , incontinently sent to charlemaigne the keyes of s. peter , the ensigne or gonfanon ( as they call it ) of the towne of rome , with other presents : requiring him that he would doo so much , that the people of rome might yeeld themselues subiect to the pope in deliuering him their oath of fidelitie . for he feared the people one day would not stoope vnder his tyrannie . but charlemaigne willing to do a thing pleasing leo , sent a certaine abbot called agilbert , who by the emperours commandement constrained the romane people to sweare fidelitie to the pope . for this cause the people conceiued such an hatred against the pope , that hauing found some which stirred them more to execute their fury , and to serue them for guides & captaines : as one day he went a procession , hauing cast him from his horse they spoiled him of his pontificiall apparell , and beat him well . in which tumult none put out his eyes nor cut out his tongue ( as the papists affirme , teaching that straightway he was diuinely healed , by so manifest lies to amplifie his authoritie ) : but indeed hee was only put in prison in the monasterie of saint erasmus , as mantuan saith in his fourth booke , des fastes . finally , as charlemaigne came to rome , the people knowing how hee was affectioned towards the pope , for the feare they had of him , changed the anger they had cōceiued against leo into fauour , and durst not enterprise to proue the crimes whereof they accused him . after then they had bene examined touching his life , they cryed all with one voice , that the apostolike seate ought not to be iudged by a laie person . by which answere charlemaigne being appeased , after also that leo had affirmed by an oath that he was not culpable , he declared him absolued and innocent . the pope for these benefites , willing to yeelde some pleasure on christmas day , assoone as the king was come from the church , he put the crowne on his head , and pronounced charlemaigne emperour of the romanes , without that , he had aspired to receiue the imperiall crowne . and all the romane people cryed saying ; life and victorie be to the thrice christian charles , alwaies august , crowned of god ; great and peaceable emperour . and whereas before they vsed to call him by the name of patrician , he was called emperour : the yeare of his raigned . and of our saluation eight hundreth and three . hirene empresse of constantinople , hearing what had beene done at rome , sent three embassadors towards charlemaigne to confirme the peace . charlemaigne on his side also sent his embassadors towards the empresse for a greater confirmation of peace , demaunding her in marriage ; wherevnto she had consented , but for the hinderance by ambushes laid against it : as if she would haue solde the empire by her marriage to strangers . nicephorus then was crowned emperour , and hirene chased away ; who passed the rest of her life in exile . nicephorus sent his embassadors to charlemaine , to renew the alliance vpon those conditions ; that both should be called augustes and bretheren together : the one of the east , and the other of the west : that in italie which is on the side beyond naples , and on the other side beyond sipont : namely , all that which stretcheth towards the sea , should belong vnto the greeke emperour , and the rest to the french emperour . that venice should be in the middest , and as the limitte and border betwixt those two empires , and acknowledge the maiestie of them both . that the venetians should be subiect neither to the one nor the other , but should vse their owne lawes , and be the friend of both , whether in peace or warre . some say , that the emperour after his coronation said , that if he had knowne the popes enterprise , he would not that day haue entred into the church . aduertisement . although successiuely there were alwaies emperors of constantinople , which kept the romane empire vntill the towne was occupied by the turkes : yet because the true brightnesse and maiestie of the name and of the tuition of the empire , and of italie , was in charlemaine and his successors , we leaue in nicephorus the greeke emperours , because they haue not bene like these . therefore leauing the east , namely , that of constantinople , we will set downe in order the emperours of the west ; namely of rome . charlemaigne then deliuered the romane seate from all molestations of forraine princes , and atchieued that for which principally hee came into italie : that is to say , at the siege of pauie , hauing constrained didier the last king of the lombards to yeeld himselfe , hee got possession of all lombardie . and to the ende they should no more molest italie , hee droue them away as seditious persons , and sent didier captiue with his wife and children into the towne of liege . paul. diaconus , an historiographer , and secretarie to the said didier , was ledde with him ; and from that time charlemaigne made his the kingdome of lombardie , leauing all the townes of italie in theyr accustomed libertie , to the ende hee might giue no occasion of trouble vnto the greeke emperour . about this time , acayus the . king of scots , made the first alliance with king charlemaigne , and with fraunce , which hath endured euer since , and yet at this present is maintained betwixt these two nations . tassilo duke of bauiere , moouing warre against charlelemaigne , lost his countrey , and was put in a monasterie with his sonne ; and although hee was charlemaignes kinsman , yet for his faith before violated , hee vsed this seueritie towardes him . nicephorus raigned at constantinople eight or nine yeares , whom the romanes would not acknowledge for emperour : wherevpon there rose great enuie and hatred betwixt them of the east , and of the west . a schisme betwixt them of the east , and of the west . whatsoeuer agreement was made , there was stil enuie and enmitie betwixt the east and the west emperours , and they could not suffer one an other : yet this dissention hapned not onely betwixt them , but also betwixt the east and the west churches ; wherof altogether the pope was cause , in intent to withdrawe and exempt himselfe from the obedience of him of whom he held all his good . charlemaigne inriched many churches , abbeys , and bishoppricks ; especially in almaine , the bishoppricks of magunce , strasbourge , colongne , and treuers , giuing them great priuileges . briefly , there were fewe renowmed churches in germanie , nor in all the two frances , which hee endowed not with some goods and reuenewes . iohannes scotus , a monke of s. benet , a disciple of beda , and a companion of albin or alcuin , charlemaignes maister , wrote vpon s. mathewe three bookes , and other things . abb. trit . hinmarus bishop of rhemes , before monke of s. deuis , wrote two bookes of the life of s. remy bishop . tritem . charlemaigne at the last got the vpper hand of the hungarians , and tooke great riches from them : for it had bene two hundreth yeares that they did no other thing but pill and spoile all other nations , without beeing pilled themselues . after , he tamed the bohemians , hauing ouercome their king called lechon . and so in the ende charlemaigne was peaceable of italie , france , almaine , hungarie , and bohemia . so oftentimes the lord sends puissant monarkes to repaire things confused , as also to represse the insolencie and disordinate dealings of great persons dispersed on the earth . charlemaigne of the age of . yeares , died at aix in almaine , of a feauer and a plurisie , the yeare of his raigne , . of his empire . and the yeare of christ . hauing instituted the vniuersitie of paris and pauie . lewis , charlemaignes sonne , by his wife hildegarde , surnamed le debonaire , because he was of a soft and gracious spirit , was after the death of his father , pronounced emperour by the chiefs of the kingdome . stephen , fourth of that name , a romane , being substituted in the place of leo , three monethes after went into fraunce towards lewis debonaire the emperours , to the ende to purge himselfe concerning his election : for that against the decrees of adrian and leo his predecessors , hee had beene chosen and confirmed pope by the cleargie and the people of rome , without the counsell and authoritie of the emperour . wherein we see that the romane seate is so faithfull an obseruer of her owne lawes and ordinances , that the first that succeeds him which made them , breakes and transgresseth them . but to the end that this flatterer vsing hipocrisie might the rather for a time abuse lewis , hee set on his head a faire crowne ( which hee brought with him ) and an other on the head of the queene hirmingarde , calling her auguste , or empresse . but the subtil foxe being recompenced by the emperour , returning , and the church of reate in italie , euen then falling vacant , he would not consecrate the bishop who was chosen there , vnlesse hee would first acknowledge that the emperour should approoue his election . but see what followed after . as soone as he was come to rome , he beganne to thinke that the right and preheminence giuen to charlemagine and his successers , might bring with it many mischiefes , therefore taking the greater hardinesse , by the softnesse and benignitie of lewis , thought it good to abolish such a right : and there vpon pronounced that the popes election ought to be in the power of the cleargie , of the senate , and of the romane people ; yet fearing to prouoke the emperours anger against him , he added this interpretation : namely , that it should be very lawfull for them to elect the bishop of rome without the authoritie of the emperour , but that it should not be lawfull to consecrate him without the emperours presence , or his embassadors . so by this meanes for a certaine time were the emperours kept from the election of the pope . yet because stephen occupied not the seate past eight moneths , hee could do litle of that hee forethought to encrease his authoritie . but he died in his accustomed superstition . anno domini . . pascal first of that name , a romane monke , following the traine of stephen his predecessor , was chosen pope by the cleargie and people of rome , without the consent of the emperour . and as the emperour complained of this election , pascal subtilly purged himselfe by his embassadors sent thither . by tract of time this subtill and malitious pope seeing there was daunger if he longer deferred to augment his authoritie , so straungely enchaunted the emperour lewis , insomuch as he bare great honour to the romane church , that he consented to remit into the hands of the cleargie and the people , the right of electing of the pope , which had beene giuen before to charlemaigne ; and also that hee should by his letters confirme all donations made by his predecessors , although they were made of things acquired by vniust & vnlawfull violence . this hee did as one ignorant of their cautelous and deceitfull dealings , and sealed them with his seales . but after he had crowned at rome lotharie his sonne emperour , ( to the end that by that meanes he might more easily compasse that which he sought ) he did so much by treason and secretly , that theodorus and leon , officers of the emperours house , which faithfully held their maisters part , had their eyes put out , and after their heads cut off by the meanes of certaine mutinous and seditious people . and although he were accused to the emperour , as well for the sedition which had bene stirred , as for the murder against their persons committed : after he had assembled a sinode of a certaine number of bishops , he purged himselfe by oath . notwithstanding he accused of treason them which were slaine , and pronounced that by good right they had bene slaine : declaring them to be absolued which murthered them . behold the holinesse of these holy fathers in their kingdome of perdition . pascal honoured with a most magnificall sepulchre in the towne , two thousand bodies ( if he faile not in his account ) of saints before dead , which were buried in church yardes . he builded all new the temple of s. praxides , and set in it the bodies of s. cecilie , tiburcius , valerian , maximian , and other martyrs : also of s. vrbain and other bishops : he reedified some churches which were like to fall with great age . lewis vpon great deuotion he had to the apostolike sea , bestowed vpon the people and cleargie of rome , the power to choose the pope and the bishops , which authoritie belonged to the emperours . but hee reserued this prerogatiue ; that the pope beeing chosen , hee should alwaies send to the emperours to confirme amitie . naucler . the emperour also ratified the donation made to the pope of rome by his predecessors , and signed it with his owne hand , and his three children , tenne bishops , eight abbots , and fifteene earles . the copie of these letters are in volateran , in the third booke of his geographie . pascal then tarried not long after to commaund vnder paine of excommunication that none should presume to receiue an ecclesiasticall benefice of a lay-man , whosoeuer hee be . supp . chro. great signes and maruells happened in this time . in saxe a great earthquake ; so that many villages ( as vrsp . saith ) perished by fire . in diuers places it raigned stones amongst haile , which slew men and beasts . naucler . eugenius pope , second of that name , borne at rome , ruled three yeares . a schisme rose vp in the church , and there was great discord amongst the cardinalls , some choosing sozimus , but finally eugenius obtained the papacie , for he had in him great appearance of holinesse . at this time a peace was confirmed betwixt leo emperour of constantinople , and lewis the romane emperour . naucler . the king of denmarke , named hariolus , cast out of his kingdome by the children of godfrey , came for succours to the emperour lewis , and obtained helpe to be restored into his kingdome . chron. sigeb . translation of holy bodies . now was translation of the bodies of many saints from italie , into almaine , france , and england . fascic . temp . this was all the religion of this time . michael emperour of constantinople , sent embassadors towards lewis debonaire , to vnderstand his opinion towching the images of saints ; namely , whether they should keepe them , or reiect them . lewis sent them to pope eugenius to heare his opinion . bonif. simoneta . this emperour michael , sent to lewis the bookes of the hierarchie of s. denis . chro. sigeb . lotharie king of italie came to rome , and was royally receiued of pope eugenius : hee reformed the estate of the towne , and all italie , and ceased all partialities , and appointed at rome magistrates to do right to the people . naucler . blond . valentine , second of that name , cardinall and deacon , a romane , gouerned at rome onely fortie dayes , an eloquent man. bonif. simoneta . organes became first in vse in france about this time , by a priest called gregorie , who learned his cunning therein in greece . see the hist . of france . gregorie pope , fourth of that name , a romane , ruled at rome . yeares . this pope would neuer accept the popeship , vnlesse first the emperour would approoue his election , and therof he was certified by an embassage which the emperour sent to rome , to examine the said election . naucl. and abb. vrsp . the sarrasins with the souldan of babilon , came into rome , and of the church of s. peter , made a stable for horses , and wasted pouille , calabria , and sicilie , and pilled and spoiled all where they went. chron. euseb . and naucler . naucler . saith , that in the councell held at aixle chapele , vnder this pope , the yeare of christ , . there was ordained a meane and rule for monkes , nunnes , canons , and others to liue in . there was also ordained that euery church should possesse rents and reuenewes , that so priests might haue whereon to liue , and so to keepe them from applying themselues to any prophane thing , or dishonest gaine . prebendes were ordained for monkes , that for necessitie they might not be withdrawne from holy things . there was also graunted franches and libertie to monkes , clarkes , and priests , that they should not be subiect vnto temporall lords , &c. the body of s. marke was transported from alexandria to venice . naucl. after this councell , there were ambushes laid for the emperor lewis : euen his owne children , angry at the second marriage of their father , with one called iudith , an audatious woman . he sent them farre from him ; namely , lotharie into italie , pippin into aquitane , and lewis into bauiere . notwithstanding he was imprisoned in the monasterie of s. modard at soissons . iohn le maire declareth this historie as followeth . in the time of gregorie the fourth ( saith he ) was held a councell at campaigne , which was detestable and pernitious , by the disordinate prelates of france , who grieued that at the former councell the emperour had corrected their pompes and disordered superfluities ; hauing caused them to leaue their rings , they conspired against him , and caused the children to take armes against their father , and to take him and hold him in straight guard at soissons ; the pope gregorie aiding in this exploit . moreouer , at the said councell ( or rather conuenticle and monopole ) the said bishops and prelates coniured , condemned their soueraigne prince and lord to lay away armes and his militarie girlde , and to dispoile himselfe of his imperiall dignitie , and in the place therof , to take the monkes coole or frocke . o false , wicked , and pharasaicall priestly hypocrisie ( saith he ) . this is not the first time that thou hast conspired in great disdaine against such as reprehend and correct thee . for thou begannest at the head , that is , at our lord iesus christ . but afterward this said emperour was againe established into his kingdome by an other better councell of bishops and prelates of france , and by the conduct of certaine good barrons and loyall captaines of his kingdome , being nigh touched with his troubles and griefes . his sonnes which had imprisoned him , demanded pardon for their fault and villainous enterprise , and obtained it . see iohn le maire . ebdo archbishop of rhemes , and many other prelates which had conspired against the king , were deposed from their dignities , condemned and banished out of france , chron. sigeb . gregorie the fourth instituted the feast of all-saints , vpon the first day of nouember . rabanus first monke of s. benet , and abbot of fulden , after bishop of magunce , flourished at this time . he expounded all the bible , as well the olde as the new testament , and made many other bookes . strabus a monke of fulden , a disciple of rabanus , was the first which made the ordinarie close , which after was augmented . tritem . bertramus priest , a learned man , and well instructed in true pietie , made a booke of predestination , and an other of the body and bloud of the lord , wherein he speaketh very properly of the lords supper . he serued for a light to illuminate others in this darke time . turpin , archbishop of rhemes , wrote two bookes of the actes of charlemaigne . abb. trit . lewis debonaire died of the age of . yeares , hauing raigned . and was buried at mets in the sepulchre of his mother hildegarde . after his death , rose vp a cruell time : for whilst his children lotharie , charles , and lewis , were in debates and warres , the sarrasins on the other side lifted vp themselues , as also the saxons , with others . at a battle giuen at fountenay , a towne of auxerrois , lotharie fled to aixle chapelle , and and from thence to vienne . lotharie or lother obtained the empire . yeares . the felicitie of that kingdome , acquired by charlemaigne , soone finished in this man , whose empire was diuided . he had such debates with his bretheren , that one day at an easter feast , almost all the nobilitie of france perished at a combat , wherein charles had the victorie . finally , there was meanes found of agreement ; namely , that charles surnamed le chaune , should be king of france , lewis king of germanie , and lotharie who was then the eldest , should haue gaul , belgique , prouince , and that portion of the countrey which of his owne name was called lotharinge : that is to say , lorraine . he already possessed italie . lothaire left three sonnes , lewis , lotharie , and charles , vnto which he made a partition : to lewis , the empire , with italie : to lothaire , austrasia and lorraine : and to charles the youngest , the kingdome of prouince . this partition was during his life , in the presence of the greatest of his kingdome . after , he tooke him to a monasterie . sergius pope , the second of that name , a romane , ruled three yeares . his election was confirmed by lewis , the emperour lothaires sonne , who sent to rome for that purpose , and the said lewis was crowned king of italie by sergius . nauclerus . this sergius was before called swines snowte , and therefore chaunged his name , and so gaue first occasion to his successors to chaunge their names in their election . he then , and they which followed , esteemed more of the name which they receiue at their cursed vnction , then that they receiue at their baptisme : wherein there is an apparant marke of antichrist . some there are , which by reason of certaine misteries and secrets which were then reuealed , count the number of the beast from this change of the name , vntill the . yeare of iulius the second of that name : who casting s. peters keyes into tiber , tooke saint pauls sword : whereof wee shall speake in his place . this pope had a brother called benet , who outragiously vsursped to himselfe the church goods : and there was so great couetousnesse at rome , by the carelesnesse of sergius , that bishopprickes were publikely solde to him that would giue most : and no man in authoritie sought any remedie for such an enormitie : which they said came because of the sarrasins comming into italie . yet hee was very diligent to adorne and repaire churches , and to place many holy bodies in them . supp . chron. he builded a monasterie nigh the church of s. siluester . supp . chron. he added to the priuate masse , the breaking of bread into three peeces . leo , pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled . or . yeares . hee was presently chosen , euen before his predecessor was buried . hee repaired many temples which the sarrasins had destroyed . he ordained that no lay-man should presume to enter into the quier of the church , nor to come nigh the priest when he sung masse , vnlesse it were to the offering . for that place is ordained for them which doo diuine seruice . chron. euseb . hee also made many collects and orisons : as deus cuius dextra beatū petrū ambulantem in fluctibus , &c. item , deus quibeato petro collatis , &c. item , deus quiab ipso huis mundi principio , &c. item , presta quaesumus , omnipotens & misericors deus , &c. against the assaultes of the sarrasins and earthquakes . he builded the castle of s. angelo at rome , repaired the walles and gates , and builded fifteene bul●arkes for the defence of the towne . and he himsefle went to warre against the sarrasins . it was hee which enriched the crosse with precious stones , the which the deacons vsed to carrie before the popes . the yeare of christ . leo emperour of constantinople was slaine in his pallace , hee beeing in his chappell , by a conspiracie of his nobles , and especially of count michael , who after obtained the empire nine yeares . naucler . chron sigeb . a sinode at rome of . or after some , . bishops , was assembled by leo : wherein a great cardinall was condemned and deposed , because he had left his parish fiue yeares , and for other crimes . notwithstanding , after this , the same pope ordained that a bishop ought not to be condemned vnlesse hee were euicted by . witnesses . a great mutation hapned in france by the normanes , frisons , brittaines , and others : which wasted it . adulphus ( after the chronicle of eusebius ) or ethelwolphus , or alidulphus , or adolphus after some , the first christian king of england , went to rome on pilgrimage with his sonne alfredus . nauclerus . and graunted to the pope leo of each house in his countrey a certaine peece of siluer for tribute , payable to the popes of rome euerie yeare , in the honour of saint peter , which custome was long time after kept . this tribute was called s. peters pence , or guilt , and so was all england made subiect to the popes seate . functius . the body of s. helena , mother of constantine the great , from rome , was transpoted into france . chron. sig. and fasc . temp. in almaine vpon the coast of rhene , a great famine came , and after that , a great earth quake : whereby s. albons church at magunce fell . an aduertisement . as for the popes on the romane seate , from phocas the emperour hitherto , they haue still multiplyed , newe traditions , ceremonies , buildings , pleasures , pompes , and warres , they haue deuised and practised murthers , alterations and chaunges of kingdomes ; in such sort , as finally the church vnder their gouernmenment became altogether the whore whereof is spoken in the apocalips : and the better to discouer the thing , the lord hath manifested the truth thereof to all the world in this pope that followeth , iohn . the . who being a woman , and an whore , hath shewed in her body the true portraict of the great spiritual whoredome of the romane popes , which after , still more and more is manifested . iohn , . of that name , tooke the name of an english man , because of a certaine english moonke of the abbey of fulden , which he loued singularly : as for his office hee was a pope : but for his sexe hee was a woman . this woman , beeing an almaine by nation , borne at magunce , and first called gilberte , feigned her selfe to be a man ; hauing taken on her mans apparell , went to athens with her amorous louer the monke : in which place she profited excellenty in all kinde of sciences ; and after the monkes death came to rome , still dissembling shee was a woman : but because she was of a very sharpe spirit and had a notable grace , well and promptly to speake in disputations and publike lectures , so that many maruelled at her knowledge , euerie one was so affectioned towards her , and so well shee gained the hearts of all , that after the death of leo , she was chosen pope . into which office being brought , shee bestowed holy orders ( as they call them ) after the maner of other popes : shee made priests and deacons : she ordained bishops and abbots : she sung masses : shee consecrated temples and aultars : shee administred the sacraments : shee presented her feete to kisse ; and did all other things which the popes of rome vsed to do , and yet her actes were then of verie litle or no valew . whilest this woman was thus in the papall office , the emperour lotharie now olde , tooke the habit of a monke , and lewis the second of that name beeing come to rome , tooke the scepter and imperiall crowne at her hands , with s. peters blessing . in dooing whereof , this whore of babilon shewed her selfe to haue that power , that she made kings subiect vnto her . in her time ethelwolphus king of england gaue cowardly the tenth part of his kingdome to the cleargie and monkes ( as horeden saith ) and his sonne ethelbaldus espoused iudith his mother in lawe , his fathers widow now dead . but whilest this pope was in his estate , she was got with child by a chaplaine of hers a cardinal , who knew well of what sexe she was . and as she went on procession solemnly to the church of lateran , she brought forth this child gotten in whoredome , betwixt the collosse and the church of s. clement , in the middest of rome in the publike streete , in the presence of all the people of rome , and died in the same place , as she deliuered her childe , the yeare of our lord , . because of such a fault , as to bring forth a childe in a common streete , shee was depriued of all honor accustomably done to popes , and buried without any papall pompe . heere thou mayest see ( reader ) how the romane church cannot erre , after they haue caused a masse of the holy ghost to bee sung . this act alone certainly doth so euidently shewe that it is the seate of the great whore , and the mother of all whoredomes , that there is no apelles whatsoeuer that can better paint her in her colours . but to the end that popes and annointed fathers may seeme to detest such a sinne , they turne from that streete , as from a place which they much suspect , because of the euil luck . functius makes no doubt so say that this was permitted of god , that this woman should be created pope : and withall , that she should be an harlot publikely prooued , because in these times she made kings subiects vnto her , ( as ethelwolphus and alfredus were in england ) that they might acknowledge antichrist for their king . for god in this papesse harlot would manifest to the world this whore of babilon , whereof the holy ghost hath foretold , to the ende the faithfull i might take heed of her . but to the end those good fathers should no more fall into such an inconueniency , they haue ordained that a deacon should handle their priuie parts in an holied chaire , to the ende hee may be knowne whether he be a man or no. but now whilest they be cardinals , and before they be chosen popes , they engender so many bastards , that none can doubt if they be males , neither is there any more need of so holy a ceremonie . lotharie now old , hauing diuided his kingdome to his children , and made himselfe a monke ( as is said ) died the yeare . lewis , second of that name , the sonne of lotharie , ( vnto whom his father had assigned whilest hee liued , the kingdome of italie and the empire ) was a kinde man , and one that feared god. hee raigned nineteene yeares , and died the yeare , . benet pope , third of that name , a romane , ruled at rome about three yeares . this man when he was chosen pope , receiued the office weeping , taking god to witnesse that he was not meet for such a charge . hee was three dayes in fasting and prayer , desiring the lord to giue him grace wel to gouerne the church . sup. chron. naucler . the emperours embassadors came and confirmed his election . he visited the diseased , nourished the poore , cōforted the desolate , and defended widowes and orphanes . supp . chron. hee ordained that the pope by his corporall presence , should honour the obsequies of a bishop , priest , and deacon . boniface simoneta . and commaunded all the cleargie to assist the funeralls of a pope . r. barns . he was deposed from his papacie by the conspiracie of certaine wicked persons : and a cardinall called annastatius , vsurped the seate : but after , he was reiected and sent to prison , and benet was restored by the emperours embassadors . chron. sigeb . the english men came into france about this time , and wasted it . chron. euseb . nicholas pope , the first of that name , a romane , ruled at rome about tenne yeares : or after nauclerus seuen yeares . he was esteemed so holy , that after s. gregorie the great , there was found none comparable to him . he was created pope in his absence , and placed in the apostolike seate against his will. r. barns . he builded the temple or church of the virgin marie , which men call lanoue . the same . he made many decrees , & amongst others , he ordained that that emperours and secular princes should be reiected from the counells of the church , vnlesse there were some question of faith. dist. . cap. vbinam . item , that secular men should not iudge the life of clarkes . dist . . cap. consulendum . item , that it should not bee lawfull for any to preiudice or contradict his iudgment , neither to reprehend his sentence and opinion , nor to iudge of his iudgement . . q. . patet . item , that the pope may not be bound nor vnbound by any secular power , because he is called god. dist . . cap. satis euidenter . item , that bishops ought not to goe on warrefare , but occupie themselues in prayers and orisons . . quest . . cap. reprehensible . item , that hone should assist at the masse of a married priest . dist . . cap. nullus . item , hee commaunded to take the sacraments euen of such priests as were of wicked life , if they be not reiected of bishops , or excommunicated for some notorious crime . . quest . . cap. sciscitantib . item , hee would that the decrees of his predcessors and their epistles , should obtaine euerie where vertue and authoritie . by his authoritie the sequences were newly added and sung at masse , at the sollicitation of norgerus abbot of s. gall ; who after was bishop of liege . abb. trit . he writ a long and very rude epistle vnto michael emperour of constantinople , in mainteinance of his apostolike primacie . he ordained that no secular prince should presume to vsurpe things belonging vnto priests . hee excommunicated lotharius , brother of the emperour lewis , because hee kept two wiues , theoberge and galdrada , and sent a writing against him to the bishoppes of fraunce , almaine , and italie . . quest . . cap. scelus . item , to charles le chauue , vncle of the said lotharie , . quest . . cap. an non . moreouer , hee excommunicated and depriued of their dignities , the arch-bishoppe of treuens theogaldus , and the arch-bishoppe of coloigene gontarius , because that consenting to the diuorce , they maintained and defended the said lotharie , . quest . . cap. precipue . cap. thegaldum . wherevppon lotharie seeing himselfe accused , and also that they proceeded against him by excommunication , he tooke againe theberge his wife , and reiected galdrada : but straight after hee againe forsooke his wife and called again galdrada , and after could neuer be seperated from her for any correction . naucler . iohn arch-bishop of rauenna , meaning to maintaine the auncient libertie of rauenna , which constantine and iustinian the two emperors , and leo the second pope , had taken from them , was cited to appeare at rome , and because hee appeared not , he was depriued of his dignitie . the said arch-bishop went to the emperour and besought him to entreate the popes licence to goe to rome to defend his cause without daunger : which the pope graunted at the emperours request . the arch-bishop admitted to pleade his cause before many prelates , confessed himselfe giltie of treason towards the pope , and therefore demaunded mercy and pardon of all them which were present . the pope receiued him into grace vpon certaine conditions : namely that in full sinode he should purge himselfe of heresie . that each yeare he should goe to rome : that he should cease consecrating of bishops although they were canonically elected , vnlesse it were by the authoritie of the pope graunted by his letters . that he should chaunge nothing of ecclesiasticall goods without the popes licence , vnder paine of excommunication . the bishop of strasburge called ratholdus , otherwise radulphus , sent to rome a priest of his diocesse , conuicted to haue slaine his mother : vnto whom although there was enioyned hard penance , yet the pope permitted him to keepe his wife with him , to auoyd the daunger of fornication . see . quest . . chap. latorem . and renamus in the annotations vpon on tertullian , in the ende . but this pope nicholas made great haste to publish constitutions and decrees touching the singlenes and continencie of clarkes , but he could obtaine nothing therein . a bishop also of aspurge in almaigne , called huldric , greatly resisted the said decrees , and writ an epistle to pop : nicholas , which is worthie wholy to be here inserted , to confound the popish errour of the singlenes of priests . i haue therefore translated it word by word from his latin originall , as followeth . huldric bishop only in name , as a sonne promiseth and beareth loue , and as a seruant feare to nicholas his lord , father and vigilant pastor of the holy romane church . father and lord , after i knew thy decrees made vpon the singlenes of priests , lately brought vnto mee , to be farre from discretion , a feare vexed me with a sadnesse . i say feare , because it is commonly said that the sentence of the pastor , be it iust or vniust , is to be feared . i was also afraid that the weake auditors of the scripture ( which sildome obey a iust sentence , yea often cast it off as if it were vniust ) will not binde themselues vpon commaundement vnto an errour , or an importable transgression , for the pleasure of his pastor . on the other side , heauinesse and compassion moued me : for i see not by what meanes the members can be guarded , when the head is deteined with so greeuous a maladie . for what thing is more greeuous , or more worthie of compassion towardes all the church , then when the bishop of the seate ( vnto whom appertaineth the examination of all the church ) withdraweth himselfe , and straieth , yea though neuer so little from holy discretion ? assuredly thou art not a little out of the way when thou wouldest that clarkes ( whom thou shouldest admonish to keepe chastitie of marriage ) should be compelled by violence and imperious force , to keepe themselues continent . for is not this violence , yea euen after the common iudgement of all that haue knowledge , when any is constrained to keepe a particular decree against the institution of the gospell and doctrine of the holy ghost ? and seeing there are many examples both of the olde and newe testament , which teach ( as thou knowest ) an holy discretion , i beseech it may not be greeuous to thy fatherhood , if of many i bring some fewe in this my writing . the lorde in the olde testament hath constituted and ordeined marriage for priests : and we neuer reade that after he forbad it . he saith well in the gospell , that some are chaste which make themselues chaste for the kingdome of heauen : but hee addeth , that all men vnderstand not this word . hee that can comprehend it , let him comprehend it . and therefore the apostle saith , as for virgins i haue no commandement of the lorde : but i only giue counsell . which counsell yet all cannot ( as thoa maist consider ) comprehend , after the sentence of the lord. thou feest notwithstanding many to whome this sentence of the gospell is pleasant , and flatter themselues , being more willing to please men then god : and vnder a false appearance of chaslitie , commit many great and enormious sinnes ; do subborne and corrupt other mens wiues : and which is more , do not abhorre to lye with males , and with brute beasts . and to the end the estate of the church should not be so wasted and corrupted with such a pollution , infection , and contagious a pestilence , the apostle s. paul commandeth & faith : to auoyd fornication , let each man haue his wise . but hypocrites corrupt this sentence , and say falsly that it only appertaineth to lay people . and yet they make no difficultie nor conscience , in whatsoeuer holy order they be constituted , to abuse other mens wiues . and all those ( which we cannot see without weeping ) are abandoned to the aforesaid sinnes and enormities : surely they vnderstand not the scripture . and because they haue too rudely pressed the brest therof , in lieu of milk they haue drunk blood . for this sentence of the apostle , namely : let each one haue his wife : excepteth no person but him that hath the gift of continency , or him who hath purposed to perseuer in his virginity after the lord. wherfore ( ô reuerend father ) it shal be your part to see that whosoeuer either with hand or mouth hath made a vow of continency , and afterward would forsake it , should either be compelled to keep his vowe , or else by lawfull authoritie should be deposed from his order . an to bring this to passe , ye shal not only haue me , but all other of my order to be helpers vnto you . but y e you may vnderstand that such who know not what a vow mean , are not to be violently compelled thervnto , hear what the apostle saith vnto timothy . a bishop saith he , must be irreprehensible , the husband of one wife . which setence least you should turne and apply only to one onely church , mark what he inferreth after . he that knoweth not ( saith he ) how to rule his owne house and familie , how should he rule the church of god ? and likewise the deacons ( saith hee ) let them be the husbands of one wife , which haue knowledge to gouerne their owne house and children . and this wife how shee is wont to be blest of the priest you vnderstand sufficiently i suppose by the decrees of holie siluester the pope . to these and such other holy sentences of the scripture , agreeth also he , that is the writer of the rule of the cleargie , writing after this maner . a clarke must be chaste and continent , or else let him be coupled in the bands of matrimonie , hauing one wife . whereby it is to be gathered , that the bishoppe and deacon are noted infamous and reprehensible , if they be diuided in moe women then one : otherwise if they doo forsake one , vnder the pretence of religion , both they together , as well the bishop as the deacon , be there condemned by the canonicall sentence , which saith ; let no bishop or priest forsake his owne wife , vnder the colour and pretence of religion : if he do forsake her , let him be excommunicate : and if he so continue , let him be discharged . s. augustine also a man of discreet holinesse , saith in these words ; there is no offence so great or greeuous , but it is to auoyd a greater euil . furthermore we reade in the second booke of the tripartite historie , that when the councell of nice going about to establish the same decree , would needs enact , that bishops , priests , and deacons , after their consecration , either should abstaine vtterly from their owne wiues , or else should be deposed : then pathuntius ( one of the holy martyrs of whome the emperour maximus had put out the right eye & hockt his legges ) rising vp amongst them , withstood their purposed decreement , cōfessing marriage to be honourable , and calling the bed of matrimony chastitie : and so perswaded the councell from making that lawe ; declaring thereby what occasion might come of it to themselues , and their wiues , of fornication . and thus much did pathuntius being vnmarried himselfe , and the whole councell commending his sentence gaue place thereto , and left the matter free without compulsion , to the will of euery man , to do therein as he thought good . notwithstanding there be some which gatte s. gregorie for their defence in this matter , whose temeritie i laugh at , and ignorance i lament : for they know not being ignorantly deceiued , how daungerous the decree of this heresie was , being made of s. gregorie , who afterward well reuoked the same with condigne fruite of repentance . for vpon a certaine day as he sent to his fish-poole for fish , and did see more then sixe thousand infants heads which were brought vnto him out of the same ponde or moate , did greatly repent himselfe of the decree before made touching the single life of priests , which hee confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murther : and so purging the same with hartie repentance , altered againe the things hee had decreed before , commending that councell of the apostle which saith ; that it is better to marrie then to burne . adding moreouer himselfe therevnto and saying ; it is better to marrie then giue occasion of death . peraduenture if those men had red with me this which so happened , i thinke they would not be so rash in their dooing and iudging , fearing at the least the lords commaundement : doo not iudge that ye be not iudged . and s. paul saith ; who art thou that iudgest an other mans seruant ? either hee standeth or falleth to his owne maister , but he shall stand , for the lord is mightie and can make him stand . therefore let your holinesse cease to compell and enforce those whom only you ought to admonish , least through your owne priuate commaundement ( which god forbid ) you be found contrary , as well to the old testament as the new . for as s. augustine saith to donatus , this is onely that we doo feare in your iustice , least ( not for the consideration of christian lenitie , but for the greatnes and greeuousnes of transgressions committed ) you be thought to vse violence in the executing punishment , which we only desire you ( by christ ) not to do . for transgressions are so to be punished , that the transgressors may repent their liues . also an other saying of s. augustine we would haue you to remember , which is this . nilfiat nocendi cupiditate , omnia autē charitate proficiendi , & nihil fiat , crudelitèr nihil inhumaniter . that is , let nothing be done through the charitie of profiting , neither let any thing be done cruelly , nor vngently . item of the same augustine it is written : in the feare and name of christ i exhort you , which of you so euer haue not the goods of this world , be not greedie to haue them . such as haue them , presume not too much vpon them : for i say to haue them is not damnation , but if you presume vpon them , it is damnation . if for the hauing of them , ye shall seeme great in your owne sight , or if you do forget the common condition of man through the excellencie of any thing you haue , vse therein due discretiō therefore , tempered with moderation : which cup of discretion is drawne out of that fountaine of the apostolicke preaching which saith : art thou loose from thy wife ? do not seeke to thy wife : art thou bound to thy wife ? do not seeke to be loosed from her . where also it followeth ; such as haue wiues , let them be as though they had them not . and they that vse the world , let them be as not vsing it . item , concerning the widow he saith ; let her marry to whom she will , only the lord. to marry in the lord , is nothing else but to attempt nothing in contracting of matrimony , which the lord doth forbid . ieremie saith also , trust not to the words of lies , staine not the temple of the lord. the which saying of ieremie , hierome expounding saith thus . this may agree also and be applied to such virgins as bragge and vaunt of their virginitie with an impudent face , pretending chastitie , when they haue an other thing in their conscience . and knowe not how the apostle defineth the virgin , that she should be holy in bodie , and also in spirit . for what auaileth the chastitie of the bodie , if the minde inwardly be deflowred ? or if it haue not the other vertues , which the propheticall sermon doth describe ? the which vertues , for as much as we partly see to be in you , and because we are not ignorant that this discretion ( although neglected in this part ) yet in the other actions of your life to be kept honestly of you ) do not dispaire , but you will also soone amend the litle lacke which is behinde . and therefore with as much grauitie as we can , we cease not to call vpon you to correct and amend this your negligence . for although touching our common calling , a bishop is greater then a priest , yet augustine being lesse then ierome , ( notwithstanding the good correction proceeding from the lesser to the greater ) was not to be refused or disdained : especially when he which was corrected , was found to striue against the truth to please men . for as saint augustine saith writing to boniface , the disputations of all men be they neuer so catholicke or approoued persons , ought not to be had in steed of the canonicall scriptures . so that we may disproue or refuse ( sauing the honour and reuerence which is due vnto thē ) any thing that is in their writings , if there be any thing found contrary to the truth . and what can be found more contrary to the truth then this ? when as the truth it selfe , speaking of continency , not of one onely , but of all men together ( the number onely excepted of them which haue professed continency ) saith : hee that can take , let him take , which saying , these men do turne and say : hee that cannot take , let him be accursed . and what can be more foolish amongst men , thē when any bishop or archdeacon run themselues headlong into all kinde of lust , adultery and incest , yet shame not to say , that the chast marriage of priests do stink before them ? and as void of all compassion of true righteousnes , do not desire or admonish their clarkes or fellowe seruants to abstain , but command and enforce them as seruants , violently to abstain : vnto the which imperious cōmandement or counsell of theirs , they adde also this filthy & foolish suggestion : saying that it is more honest , priuily to haue to do with many women , then openly in the presence of many men , to be bound to one wife . which truly they would not say , if they were either of him , or in him which saieth : woe be to you pharisies , who doo all things before men . and the psalmist , because they please men they are confounded : for the lord hath despised them . these be the men who ought rather to perswade vs to be ashamed to sinne in his presence , with whom all things are naked and discouered : rather thē to seeme pure and neate in the presence of men . these men therfore although through their sinful wickednes deserue no counsell of godlinesse to be giuen them , yet we not forgetting our humanitie , cease not to giue them counsell by the authoritie of gods word , which seeketh all mens saluation , saying : thou hipocrite , cast first the beame out of thine owne eye : and then thou shalt see clearly to plucke the mote out of thy brothers eye . moreouer this also we desire thee to attend what the lord saith of the adulterous woman : which of you that is without sinne , let him cast the first stone against her . as though he would say ; if moses bid you , i also bid you . but yet i require you that you be competent ministers and executors of the lawe : take heed what you adde therevnto : take heed also i pray you what you are your selues . for if as the scripture saith thou well consider thy selfe , thou wilt neuer defame nor detract from an other . moreouer , it is also signified vnto vs , that some there be of them which ( when they ought like good shepheards to giue their liues for the lordes flocke ) yet are puffed vp with such pride , that without all reason they seeme to rent and teare the lords flocke with whippings and beatings . whose vnreasonable doings s. gregorie bewailing thus . quid fiat de onibus , quando pastores lupi fiunt ? s that is , what shall become of the sheep , when pastours themselues be wolues ? but who is ouercome but he which exerciseth crueltie ? or who shall iudge the persecutor , but hee which gaue patiently his backe to stripes ? and this is the fruite which commeth to the church by such persecutors , also which commeth to the cleargie by such spitefull handling of the bishops , or rather infidels . for why may you not call them infidels of whom s. paul thus speaketh and writeth to timothie ; that in the latter daies there shall certaine depart from the faith , giue heed to spirites of errour , and doctrine of diuels , of them which speake false through hipocrisie , and hauing their consciences marked with an hotte iron , forbidding to marrie , and commaunding to abstaine from meates . &c. and this is if it be well marked , the whole handfull of darnel and cockle , growing amongst the corne : yea this is the accomplishment of all madnesse , that whilest they of the cleargie be compelled to relinquish the company of their owne lawfull wiues , they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women , and wicked ministers of other sinfull filthinesse . these be they which bring vnto the church of god this heresie ( as blinde guides leading the blinde ) that it might be fulfilled which the psalmist speaketh of , as foreseeing the errours of such men , and accursing them after this manner . let their eyes be blinded that they see not , and bowe downe alwaies their back . for as much then ( ô apostolicall sir ) as no man which knoweth you , is ignorant , that if you through the light of your discretion had vnderstood and seene , what poysoned pestilence might haue come vnto the church through the sentence of your decrees , they would neuer haue consented to the suggestions of certaine wicked persons . wherefore we counsell you by the fidelitie of our due subiection , that with all diligence you would put away so great slaunder from the church of god , and through your discreet discipline you would remooue the pharasicall doctrine from the flocke of god : so that this only sunamite of the lordes ( vsing no more adulterous husbands ) doo not seperate the holie people and the kingly priesthood from her spowse christ iesus , through an irreconciliable diuorcement : seeing that no man without chastitie ( not only in the virgins state , but also in the state of matrimonie ) shall see our lorde iesu , who with the father and the holy ghost liueth and raigneth for euer . amen . this epistle , sheweth vs as it were with a finger , that in all times the truth of the lord hath found a passage through the middest of the furies of this world , raising vp faithfull ministers to oppose themselues against the horrible discipations of the aduersaries . the sarrasins came from affricke into italie , vnto the territorie of beneuent , before whome went the emperour lewis the second , being ayded by his brother lotharie , who dyed in the way at plaisans . pal. floren. the king of bulgaria receiued the faith , made himselfe a monke , and left the kingdome to his sonne , who reiected the faith : in so much as his father came out of the monasterie , and went against him in battaile , and hauing obtained victorie put out his sonnes eyes , and held him in prison , giuing his kingdome to his younger sonne , and after returned to his monastery . naucler . and sigeb . the body of saint innocent pope , was transported from rome into saxonie , by the duke of saxe . chron. sigeb . michael emperour of constantinople , made a fellowe and companion of his empire , one called basile , a macedonian , a puissant man , by whom afterward hee was slaine . nauclerus . lewis sonne of lewis de bonaire , king of germanie , vncle of lewis . emperour , obtained a victorie against the cleuois , and caused their dukes eies called rastrix , to be put out , because he had falsified his faith . naucler . after the death of nicholas pope , the seate was emptie eight yeares , seuen moneths , and nine or ten daies , as some say . abb. vrsp. the britons were vanquished of the french , vnder charles le chauue , king of france . naucler . the normains being ouercome , receiued the faith . naucl. the countrey of holland was erected into an earledome or countie , and flaunders likewise , whereof baudwin was the first count. adrian pope , second of that name , the sonne of talarus bishop , ruled at rome fiue yeares . the emperour hauing sent his embassadors for the popes election , the cleargie and romane people , attended not their comming , but vsurping the authoritie of choosing , proceeded to the election . the embassadors mal-contented , the subtil romanists laid the fault vpon the common people , as hard to represse and appease , being stirred . they satisfied with this excuse , saluted adrian with the name of pope . platina . r. barns . soone after came letters from the emperour , signifying that the election pleased him , and because strangers could not know the qualitie of him which should be elected , he graunted the election to the citizens . naucler . and cor. abb. adrian then ordained that no lay-man should thrust himselfe into the election of the pope . naucler . & . dict. cap. nullus . he sent three legates to the bulgarians , who were newly conuerted , namely , siluester , leopard , and dominic , to ordaine the affaires of that church , after the romane fashion : but after perswaded of the grecians , they cast off the latine priests , and receiued the greekes : which afterward engendred great hatred betwixt the latine and greeke church , and all the diuision of the aforesaid churches came onely for the primacie , and for the diuersitie of ceremonies . robert barns , and nauclerus . edmond the last king of the east angles , was slaine by the painims of denmarke , anno. . and was canonized a martyr . alfredus , or aluredus , the . english king , was crowned by the pope adrian . polydore . lib. . the greciās vsed bels by the benefit of the venetiās . sabell . about this time a councel was held at constantinople , which was called the eight generall councell . adrian sent thither his legates , donatus bishop of ostia , stephen , nephesin , and marinus , a deacon of the romane church . r. barns . ignatius who vniustly was depriued of his patriarchall dignitie , was restored : and photin ( some call him phocas ) was reiected and excommunicated . sabellicus in his . booke . . cap. it was there ordained that they of bulgaria should be subiect to the romane church , the emperour basilius contradicting it . here it was also ordained , that no lay-man should be admitted to the election of a pope , an archbishop , a patriarke , or bishop , but that the bishop should be chosen by the cleargie , of the chapter . r. barns . adrian excommunicated lotharius king of lorraine , brother vnto the emperour lewis , for his adulterie : but comming to rome as he returned from the warre against the sarrasins , ( as some say nauclerus alleadgeth ) to excuse himselfe , receiued the communion with his princes : but they all died within the yeare . and the king lotharius himselfe died in the way in the towne of plaisance . fascic . temp. chron. vrsperg . and sigeb . in lombardie nigh brize , it raigned bloud three dayes and three nights , after nauclerus , and the chron. sigeb . and in fraunce there was a great multitude of graffe-hoppers with sixe winges , fiue feete , and two teeth , which destroyed all grasse , hearbes and trees . they were driuen into the english seas , by the force of exceeding great windes : and againe by an other winde they were returned vpon the sea sandes , vpon the putrifaction wherof came such a pestilence , that great multitudes of men dyed saith sigeb . naucler . saith that the third part of men died . iohn scotus , a learned man , was called from france into to england , by alfredus , king there , who founded the schoole at oxenford , where the said scotus gouerned : but after making himselfe a monke , he was slaine by the monkes of that couent as he was teaching : he was cunning in the greeke tongue , and translated into latin the hierarchie of s. denis . naucler . iohn pope , . of that name a romane , ruled at rome ten yeares . suppl . chron. being a cardinall deacon , he wrote saint gregories life in foure volumes . lewis the emperour being in italie dyed , hauing raigned . yeares , and was buried at milaine . his successour was charles the second of that name , surnamed , le chauue , the sonne of lewis le debenaire , of his second wife iudith , & vncle of the dead lewis the second . after he was king . yeares , he heard say that the emperour his nephew was dead , and incontinent went to rome to receiue the crowne of the empire , hauing ordeined boso his wiues brother , king of prouince . pope iohn in a small time crowned three emperours , and after gaue occasion of great contention and warre . first hee crowned charles le chauue , who two yeares after he came into italie to driue the sarrasins out of the kingdome of naples , was taken with a feuer at mantone , where hee dyed , being poysoned by his physitian a iewe , called zedechias , the yeare . hauing bene king . yeares , and emperour two yeares , and was buried at verseile : and after ( as some say ) was transported to s. denis . the pope vnderstanding of his death , would that his sonne lewis le begne should be chosen emperour . but the romanes contradicted it , and would that charles the third surnamed le gros , sonne of lewis king of germanie it should be chosen . the pope remaining still in his opinion was sent to prison : but he escaped by the helpe of his friends , and fled into france , where he remained a yeare , first in arles , and after at lions : finally , some say at troy in champaigne , where he assembled the councell of the french church , and there created and crowned lewis le begne emperour , and saluted him augustus . in the meane while charles the third was at rome & kept it . he sent for the pope , who returned to rome , and pronounced , that the saide charles might dwell at rome , and crowned him emperour : and so they raigned together two yeares . finally , lewis was poysoned , and charles raigned alone . yeares . plat. florent . and robert barns . this pope at the same councell , gaue to the flemings a bishop in tornay . lewis le begne , two yeares after he was crowned in france , . of that name , died at champaigne , and left his wife great with childe , who after brought foorth charles le simple . nauclerus . charles called le gros , the sonne of lewis king of germaine , being at rome , occupied the empire and raigned alone . and by him the empire or the french men returned to the almaines . naucler . and r. barns . and came not at the wish of the french , nor according to the imaginations and subtill deuices of the pope . this pope iohn , ordeined that such as offended in sacriledge should be excommunicated , & amerced at thirtie pound of siluer . . quest . . chap. quisquis . iohn le maire saith that this pope was a cruell man , and disgraded formosus , bishop of portensis , which was an occasion of many mischiefes . fasci . temp . some historiographers say , it was for that he was the cause that the said iohn pope was imprisoned at rome . finally he was poisoned , or as some say , slaine with the blow of a mallet , vpon a conspiracie made against him . chron. abb. vrsp . r. barns . pascasius about this time was abbot in saxonie ; he writ a booke of the euchariste , and most men followed his opinion , which pleased the schoole-men more then the opinion of iohannes scotus , or of bertramus , which were reiected , as shal be told in his place . martin , second of that name , a french man , by euil arts entered into the popedome . supple . chron. and gouerned a yeare and fiue moneths , before he was called marin . betwixt martin pope second of that name , and adrian the third . sigebert and visperge , place agapetus : but other historiographers make no mention of them . adrian pope , the third of that name , ruled at rome a yeare and three moneths . hee ordeined that from thenceforth the emperours should not meddle with the election of the pope : and that his aurhoritie therein should be no more any thing requisite , but that the election of the cleargie should be free . dist . . chap. nullus chap. adrianus . hee made this lawe whilst the emperour was occupied in the warre against the normains , which then endured not long . for leo the eight , pope , did ordaine cleane contrary , as shall bee saide afterward . platina saith heere , that william pyon duke of aquitane , and counte auerne , founded the first monasterie of the order of clugny , vnder the rule of saint benet , and made berno abbot there , after whome odo succeeded , who hauing bene a musitian at tours , came to be a monke at clugny . chron. sigeb . the emperour charles became iealous of his wife for the great familiaritie shee had with luitwaldus bishop of verseil , who in a full assembly protested that hee neuer had her company . shee notwithstanding accepted the diuorce , and withdrew her selfe vnto the couent d'aulaui , where shee made an end of her dayes . sigeb . and p. phrig . . at this time the normains northerne people did great hurt in france , after they had spoyled artois , cambray , liege , brabant , gelders , and treuers , &c. charles being not able to resist them , finally agreed with them , in giuing in marriage the daughter of lotharie his cousin germain called gille , to geffrey or rotfrid their king , and assigned for her dowrie the countrey of frise , vpon condition he should be baptised . notwithstanding those normains afterward afflicted france , and besieged the citie of paris , as shall be said . the subiects of charles le gros greeued at his cowardlinesse , because he let france be so outraged by the violence and crueltie of the normains , and that also hee had forsaken his wife a good woman , they deposed him as vnworthy and vnprofitable for the gouernment of the empire , and gaue him a curator named arnulfe , or arnould , who was his brothers sonne . some say that charles le gros finished his dayes in great pouertie , in the abbey of the rich angell , called in alemand richenna , nigh vnto constans by the lake , without any great honour of sepulchre . others say he was strangled by his owne people . this is a glasse for great princes of the world , and an excellent patterne of the humaine condition . arnulphus thē his nephew by his brother carloman duke of france , orientall ( which then was called the teutonique kingdome , comprehending bauier , sorabe , saxe , turinge , frise , and lorraine ) was made emperour . hee was a valiant man , and repressed the moranians and slauonians , after hee made strong warre vpon the normains , nigh the riuer of mense . stephen pope , fift of that name , ruled . yeares & ten moneths , in the romane seate . it was in his time that the tale of s. michael in the mount bargamus in pouile is said to bee true . there was one of his decretals to hubert arch-bishop of manyeance . . g. v. c. consuluisti . ordeined the song of crosse , de consecrat , . dist . v.c. nunquid . odo . king of france , raigned nine yeares . he was tutor vnto charles le simple , and crowned king to resist the normains which then vaunted they would destroy all france . we must not here forget that odo brought vnto france the noble armory of the field , of flowers-delyce , without number , which endured vnto the time of charles , the sixt king of france . formosus pope , before bishop portuensis was appointed pope , and ruled fiue yeares and sixe moneths , against the will of some romanes , which pretended that cardinall sergius was chosen . but in the meane while sergius conceiued a mortall hatred against formosus , and went into france . and therefore there was a great schisme , which was the ninth , cruell and scandalous , and endured a long time , as shall be heereafter seene . this formosus bought the papacie ( as iohn le maire saith ) during which time he did nothing of account , vnles some will say he whitened the church of s. peter . suppl . chron. he called arnulfe to rome , and consecrated and crowned him emperour , who afterward beheaded the chiefe enemies of formosus . chron. abb. vrsp . in this time was held a councell at vienna in dauphine , where two cardinals of the romane sea , paschal and iohn , presidented : and yet was it lawfull for priests to espouse wiues if they were maides and not widowes , to shunne bigamy . iohn le maire in the second and third part of schismes and the councels of the church . the priests then had power to marry in france , almost nine hundreth yeares after the apostles . arnulphe subiected italie and burgongne . boniface . of that name , a tuscane borne , ruled at rome fifteene dayes . there was a sharpe and great famine in this time . vrsperge . there fell a great debate for the bodie of s. denis ariopagite . the almaines said it was transported by the emperour arnulphe , into the towne of reinsbourge , and there was shewed a bull of pope lewis the . approuing that translation : but the chronicles of france say the contrary , that it is in the abbey of s. denis in france . note againe ( reader ) the life of these popes , from formosus or from iohn the . which excommunicated the said formosus , vntill leo the . and consider the sanctitie of the apostatike sea , the contentions , aemulations , enuies , ambitions , and persecutions . o vnluckie time saith fascic . temp. this pope gaue three thousand yeares of true pardons to all priests , which deuoutly should sing the messe of the name of iesus : that is , three thousand yeares of true pardon for euery masse which should be sung with three sierges lighted . missale rom. witnesseth it . stephen pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled a yeare and . moneths . r. barns . this pope did euill recompence his predecessor formosus , who made him bishop of anania . he by councell cut off his ordinances . he caused his body to be drawne out of his tombe , and put vpon it a papall habit , and after tooke it off and put vpon it lay-apparell : then finally he buried it in that habit . platina . naucler . and r. barns . the sarrasins of affrike againe occupied sicile . palen . florent . stephen pope , at the last repented his faults , and became a monke . supp . chron. romaine pope , borne at rome , raigned . or . moneths , and . dayes , a seditious man , and contrarie to his predecessor stephen , for he established the acts and decrees of formosus , and ceased and annulled them of stephen , naucler . the intention of these popes ( saith suppl . chron. ) is to abolish the renowne one of an other . the yeare of christ , . or there abouts , arnulphus emperour being too voluptuous and rebellious against the cleargie men , the author of suppl . of chron. saith hee was eaten with vermine . sigibert saith , that after long sicknesse and languishment he died . he was carried and buried at ratisbone in a monasterie . nauclerus . but palmerius who added vnto the chron. of eusebius , saith hee died making warre vpon the normanes . others say he was poisoned the . yeare of his empire , leauing his sonnes named alnulphus , the wicked duke of bauiers , and lewis of an other wife , who succeeded in the empire after his death the hungarians came into germanie , vpon a people called marauani , or morauians , which arnolphe had already conquered by the help of the hungarians as is said , and put all to fire and sword . behold the fruite of calling the enemies of the faith into christendome , saith abb. visp . charles le simple , sonne of lewis le begne , . king of france , raigned . yeares . the sea of hist. in his time the danes and normanes returned in greater companies then euer they did , their captaine was called rolle , a cruel man , louing the effusion of christian bloud . hee burnt on a s. iohns day the church of naules , & martired s. guiniard , bishop of the said place , before the aultar as he said masse , and after burnt the citie of angiers , of tours , and many others . in aquitaine they destroyed charlemaignes pallace , & ceased not to do infinite euils , vntill by a neare accord they had gotten a new habitation ; that is to say , neustria , which of their owne name they called normandie , and rolle was called robert or rubert , after he was baptised . lewis emperour , third of that name , the sonne of arnolphe , obtained the empire , and raigned . yeares . naucler . the hungarians made warre in baeieaire , vnto which the the said emperour lewis was made tributarie , and gaue a great summe of siluer to escape . naucler . for in pursuing his enemies which feigned to flie , he was surprised by ambushes . they to satisfie their rage , ranne all ouer almaine . chron. abb. vrsp. theodorus pope , second of that name , a romane , raigned at rome . or . dayes , a seditious man , a very monster in nature , and wholy aduersarie vnto stephen . he receiued all such as before had bene ordained by formosus , and greatly esteemed the fauourers of the said formosus . naucler . who would not maruell that eight popes should obtaine in so litle space the romane seate vnder the emperour lewis the third ? that is in the space of . yeares , saith naucler . iohn pope , . of that name , ruled at rome two yeares and more . this also was a very seditious monster , and reuiued contentions alreadie buried : whereby there was great sedition and tumult amongst the romaine people , because some maintained one side , some an other : wherefore for feare he fled to rauenna . where he assembled a councell of . bishops in the emperour lewis his presence , the king and archbishops of france , to confirme the ordinances of pope formosus , which before were reiected by stephen . in the said councell was all that disanulled which pope stephen had practised against formosus ; yea the ordinances of stephen were burned . r. barns . and sigeb . lewis the . was not crowned for the discention which then was in the papacie : and withall , that the popes would not crowne for emperor such as were chosen out of the countrey of almain , but onely such as came out of lombardie . palin . and supp . chron. benet pope , . of that name , a romane , gouerned . yeares . supp . chron. and . moneths . naucler . in those great troubles of his predecessors , he did nothing worthy of memory , saith plat. at this time in italie , calabria , and pouille , the sarrasins did infinit mischiefes . leo . of that name , gouerned . daies . supp . chron. a cardinall priest his familiar , called christopher , imprisoned him , and by violence obtained the papacie . leo died of griefe , seeing himselfe thus handled of him vnto whom hee had done so much good . in what authoritie is this papall seate which is so easily vsurped by a priuate person , by force and faction in a moment ? saith naucler . christopher pope , ruled at rome . moneths , as hee acquired the papacie , so lost he it . for he was deposed and imprisoned . some say he was constrained to make himself a monke , which was the onely refuge of the miserable . for at this time church-men being insolent and giuen to wickednesse , were not sent to the iles : but for their disorders were deteined and enclosed in strong monasteries . naucler . and chron. abb. sergius then , third of that name , was pope , and ruled seuen yeares , and three moneths : after some , eight yeares , and . or . dayes . this was he , who in the election of formosus was cast off , and who returning into france , secretly returned into rome and vsurped the popedome : yet fearing that christopher should worke some treason , he caused him to be drawne out of the monasterie , and put him in a common prison , and yet putting him in a straighter prison , poorely and miserably he finished his dayes . suppl . chron. the westerne empire diuided . the occidentall empire was at this time diuided . for there was one emperor in almaine , and an other in lombardie . the first in italie was beringer , who made a great armie against the emperour lewis the third , and gaue him battaile in the plaine of verone , and discomfited him ; whose eyes afterward he caused to be put out , so the lombards for a time had the empire by force . a monster was presented to lewis the third , which had a dogges head , and all the other members as a man. a figure of that time . for men were then without an head , and as dogges barked one against an other : yea both the popedome and empire were diuided . fasci . temp . the hungarians pilled and destroyed the countries of saxe and turinge . chro. abb. vrsp . and from thence entred into italie vsing the like crueltie . thē was there the duke of fornil , called berēger , who vsurped the title of the empire in italie , and raigned . yeares : against whom , came the emperour lewis the third . but he was betrayed by his people , who in the night time tooke berenger into the towne of verone ; in so much that he was taken and had his eyes put out , so he dyed soone after . thus the empire which had endured an hundreth and tenne yeares in france since charlemaigne , was transported vnto the lombards . chron. sigeb . and naucler . conrade first of that name , duke of franconia , was made emperour after lewis the third , who deceased without a sonne , so that this conrade is esteemed the last of the race of charlemaigne , which had the gouernment of the empire more then an hundreth yeares . all the great men of germanie did elect without consent otho duke of saxe : but otho feeling himselfe olde , excused himself , and appointed them this conrade , a magnanimous man , sonne of conrade earle of franconia and hesset . and arnold the wicked sonne of the emperour arnulphe , was duke in bauiers . in the succession of arnulphe aforesaid , there are amongst the historiographers , some vncertain things touching their genealogie . but we haue here set in order all such as discended of charlemaigne , to shewe the maruellous change in the greatest things of this world . who can read them without being rauished in admiration , when we consider the greatest kingdomes and dominations to flourish for a time , and in the end being mingled with turbulent deuotions , are in such sort debilitated and weakned , as they come to nothing . wherein we must acknowledge the admirable prouidence of god. charlemaigne the sonne of pippin , left his sonne lewis de bonaire emperour : who had lotharie emperour : who had lewis of bauiers , king of germanie , who brought vnder the bohemians had charles le chauue emperour . lewis emper. . of that name . lewis the young king of germanie , franconia , and turinge . lewis emperour . of that name surnamed le begue , which raigned but two yeares , had lothairie king of austrasia called lorraine . charles le grosse , emperour , who tooke the empire frō lewis le begne . charles le simple . . king of france . charles king of prouence . carloman duke of bauiere , and of the kingdome thē called teutonique , had arnulphe emperour , who was father of lewis emperor , . of that name ; and of conrade last emperour of the race of charlemaigne . the empire then of germanie was transported frō the ligne of charlemaigne to conrade , duke of franconia : but the kingdome of france remained certaine yeares in the house of charlemaigne , seeing there was yet some remaining of the race of charles le simple . anastasius pope , . of that name , gouerned at rome two yeares and two moneths . supp . chron. he bare himselfe honestly without committing any act worthy of reprehension . laudo pope , a romane , ruled at rome fiue or sixe monethes . about this time the venetians obtained a licence and priuiledge of the emperour to beate money . hubert in lorraine flourished now , & was made a saint . the sarrasins destroyed calabria , ponuille , beneuent , and other regions of the romanes . the sea of hist. beringer , second of that name , raigned in italie . or . yeares . some say he was chased away the third yeare of his raigne by rodolphe , king of burgongne ; and that the same rodolphe hauing raigned three yeares , was after also driuen away by hugues king of arles . iohn pope , . of that name , before archbishop of rauenna , hauing bene deposed by a popularie tumult , ruled after at rome . yeares and two moneths . naucler . he was pope sergius his sonne , and prooued no better then his father , sauing hee was a good souldier . for he chased the sarrasins out of calabria , with the helpe of one called alberic , marquis of tuscane . finally , as the saide iohn gloried in his victorie , attributing all by great insolencie to his owne prowesse , hee stirred against himselfe the furie of his owne souldiers , who stiffled him to death . iohn le maire . hee had cast out of rome the said marquis albert , who to auenge himselfe of the pope , brought the hungarians into italie , which pilled and wasted all . finally he was put to death by the romanes . henry , first of that name , duke to saxe , surnamed the faulconer , sonne of otho duke of saxe , who had refused the empire , was chosen emperour by conrade his predecessor , who being sicke in his bedde , sent his brother eberard towards the saide henry , with the mantle royall , the sword , the lance , the diademe , and other imperiall ornaments , who found him at his pastime with his haukes , which was cause that hee was called the faulconer . for there he was saluted emperour . nauclerus . he made warre against the hungarians , slauonians , and bohemians . the combat of tournois was inuented by him . hugues raigned in italie tenne yeares , whom lotharie his sonne succeeded . king charles the simple was by treason taken of hubert , earle of vermandois , and poysoned in the castle of peronne , where he died , and was buried in the church of s. foursi . see the sea of histories . rodolphe bourgongne , . king of france , raigned two yeares . before this time there were not so many degrees amongst gentlemen and noblemen , nor so great diuersitie as there are at this . dukes , marquesses , counts , or clarkes , simple counts and knights , were rather names of offices , then hereditarie seigniories . for dukes , marquesses , & earles , or counts , were gouernours of countries and lands : wherevpon they were committed by emperours and kings . duke was a soueraigne , chiefe , or head of souldiers , as may be seene by auncient letters . count or earle , was a iudge and goueruernour ordained in a certaine towne or region ; and so germanie was full of countes : amongst which , some were called lantgraues , that is to say , countes of regions or countries . some maruegraues , or marquis : that is , countes of certaine marshes or countries . some countes de palatin , which were gouernors of some kingdome subiugated or conquered . this may bee seene in the second booke of the lawes of the lombards . some were gouernors of bourgages , and so were named bourgraues . the most auncientest name of dignitie after kings and princes , is the name of baron , which signifieth lord , whose sonnes were called young lords . and this say some was the estate of the nobilitie before the othons raigned . after their time all things chaunged . for then counts were made hereditarie , and were lifted vp aboue barons , marquesses , lantgraues and palatins : and that more is , bishops haue bene made princes : yea many counts abbots , abbesses haue obtained the title of prince . lewis . of that name , surnamed vltramarin , . king of france , the sonne of charles le simple , after his fathers imprisonment got with his mother ogine , towards his vncle king of england : but as soone as he retutned , he was in strife for the kingdome with rodulphe of burgongne , who died about eight yeares after at auxerre , anno. . and so lewis raigned alone . leo pope , sixt of that name , ruled at rome . moneths and . dayes . the danes at this time were conuerted to the faith . stephen pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled at rome . yeares and . dayes . supp . chron. the duke of bohemia spireneus , receiued the christian faith at the perswasion of the emperour henry . suppl . chron. iohn pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled at rome . yeares , . moneths , and . dayes . supp . chron. he did nothing worthy of memorie , a coward , and is not numbred in the catalogue of popes : after some historiographers . lotharie the sonne of hugues , raigned in italie two yeares . the sarrasins in italie tooke the towne of geans , and spoiled it . naucler . berenger third , the nephewe of berenger the first , raigned in italie . yeares , with his sonne adelbert . in this place histories are very confused . the emperour henry the first dyed of the palsey , the yeare of his age . and of his empire seuenteene : hauing ordained otho the great his sonne , successor of the empire , by the consent of all the great and noble men , who after was consecrated by the arch-bishop of magunce , hildebert . hee had three competitors which would needs hinder him to bee emperour : that is to say , henry his elder brother , giselbert duke of lorraine his brother in lawe , and eberhard earle of franconia : but he droue them all away , and reduced all vnder his obedience . wencelaus prince of bohemia , was slaine by his brother boislans vppon ambition to raigne . but otho reuenged the death of the said wencelaus , making warre vpon boislans , which endured fourteene yeares : and finally hauing vanquished him , he brought the countrey into his obedience . chron. sigeb . and supp . chron. leo pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled at rome three yeares , . monethes , and . dayes . supp . chron. the heresie of anthropomorphites ( which say that god hath a corporall forme ) was at this time renued . rotherius bishop of verone , writ against them . stephen pope , eight of that name , an almaine , or a romane , after some , ruled at rome three yeares , foure moneths , and . dayes . r. barns . some say he was murthered by certaine romanes in a sedition : in so much as he was neuer publikely seene . chron. abb. france was afflicted by an horrible pestilence and by inward contentions . the faction and puissance of hugues of paris , troubled king lewis exceedingly . martin pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled . yeares , . moneths , and . dayes . he was peaceable , and gaue himself to repaire temples and nourish the poore , saith supp . chron. agapetus pope , second of that name , a romane , a magnanimous man , ruled at rome . yeares , . moneths , and . daies . supp . chron. he called againe the emperour otho to rome , against berenger . berenger . the . emperour of the lombards , raigned . yeares . the sea of histories . the hungarians againe in italie . chron. abb. vrsp . iohn pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled . yeares and three monethes . his father called alberic , seeing himselfe one of the greatest power at rome , caused all the noblest and principallest rulers of the citie of rome , to promise and sweare that after the death of pope agapetus , they should elect his sonne octauian . which promise was kept , and he was called iohn . this pope was so excessiuely giuen to lecherie , that he maintained a publike stewes : for the shame wherof , some cardinals writ to the emperour otho , that he would remedie the publike scandall and infamie which the church then suffered : and that it was needfull he should in haste come to rome . as soone as the pope heard of this newes , he caused the nose of a cardinall a deacon called iohn to be cut off , beeing the principall councellor herein : hee commaunded also that the hand of an other cardinall a subdeacon called also iohn to be cut off , because hee writ the letters . when the emperour vnderstood that for no admonition the pope would amend , he caused him to be deposed , with note of infamie . otho was crowned by him , after he hauing sworne that hee would exalt the romane church and the pope , and that in nothing hee would hurt him : as more at large is contained . dist . . . tibi domino . otho remained a certain time at rome after his coronation , and admonished this pope to change and amend his wicked life , whereof hee was blamed . otho departing , came against berenger his enemie . albert the sonne of berenger , who with his father retired at otho his comming , seeing otho departed , came to rome , and with the pope complotted against the emperour . two cardinalls aduertised otho of this conspiracie , and of the popes wickednesse . otho then returned to rome , and the pope fled , after he had reuenged himselfe of the two cardinalls . otho beeing at rome , caused the pope to be thrice called , commanding him to returne and feare nothing , and he should be in suretie : but hee would not returne . wherefore he caused a councell to be held , wherein the pope was condemned and deposed for his euill life . and there was substituted in his place , leo a romane , of that name , but soone after the emperours departure , the seditious and inconstant romanes droue away leo , and recalled the aforesaid iohn , receiuing him in great pompe . leo got him to the emperour , who fearing to molest the church with a greater schisme , permitted the said iohn to hold his seate . but finally beeing surprised in adulterie , hee was slaine by the womans husband . robert barns . chron. sigeb . nauclerus . and iohn maire . conferre ( good reader ) these popes with the first , and see the difference . the yeare of christ . there hapned at venice a memorable thing . the duke of venice , peter of candie , was besieged in his ducall pallace , and the venetians angrie against him , set fire on the pallace : in so much that not onely the pallace burnt , but also the church of s. marke nigh vnto it , and more then three hundreth houses about it . and as the duke thus pressed retired into a secret place of the pallace which was not yet touched with fire : the people altogether enraged hauing found him , holding yet his onely sonne ( a young infant ) betwixt his armes , and requiring vpon both his knees and in great pittie the mercie of the people : they were not content most cruelly to murther him with his innocent sonne and wife , but after their deathes the bodies of the father and sonne were carried vnto the butcherie and hewen in peeces , and after cast vnto dogges . iohn le maire . and sup. chron. the cause of this massacre was , because he had constrained his first wife to make her selfe a nunne , to the ende hee might with colour espouse the sister of hugo , marquis of hetruria , of whom he had alreadie had one sonne . wherefore hauing married her , the allies and kinsfolkes of his said wife , stirred the people vnto sedition , and so they perished vnhappily . supp . chron. about this time flourished windichinne , a monke of corney in saxonie . smaragdus abbot of s. michael , of the order of s. benet , wrote the booke called diadema monachorum , a right monkish booke . item vpon the rule of s. benet , and vpon the psalter another : two vpon the euangelists and epistles . item , one of diuers sermons . trit . abb. spauher . benet pope , fift of that name , a romane , ruled ( after nauclerus ) . monethes and . dayes , or . moneths and . dayes : after supp . chron. hee was chosen by the romanes against the emperours will , after iohn was slaine in adulterie . the emperour vnderstanding these newes , returned to rome , besieged the towne , and so afflicted it , that they were cōstrained to present benet vnto him at his pleasure . the emperour restored leo to the seate , and benet was depriued , not onely of the papall dignitie , but disgraced also of his sacerdotall , and after banished and sent into almaine : where hee died in the towne of mamburge : others say he was put in prison and there strangled . leo then eight of that name , a romane , was restored into the popedome , and raigned a yeare and foure moneths . this pope minding to shunne the fury of the romanes which proceeded to the popes election by corruptions , menaces , and subtill deuices , ordained in a full sinode , that none should be made pope without the consent of the emperour , vnto whom aboue belonged the right of election from charlemaine and others . naucler . and . dist . cap. in sinodo . he restored also to otho all the donations made to the romane church . and this was it which they say constantine , iustinian , pippin , charlemaigne , lewis le debonaire , and arit part had giuen to the church . all this he reuoked and accorded to otho the first of that name and to his successors : to the end to keepe italie from oppressors . r. barns . the abbey of s. quintin in vermandois was in this time founded . chron. sigeb . richard duke of normandie founded and restored many churches and abbeys : amongst others the abbey of fesanan , of s. ouan at roan , and the abbey of s. michael nigh the sea. an aduertisement . note heere christian by the passed and subsequent histories , how in this time christian religion was so annihilated , that it was altogether set to gather dead bones , to build churches and monasteries , to reare vp and transport dead bodyes , to honour reliques , to dreame miracles , to make themselues monkes and nunnes , to dedicate and consecrate churches , to compose hymnes , and praises of saints , to sing and pray for the dead , and such like ceremonies . about this time also began the fourth pestilence of the church : that is to say , the schoole diuinitie mingled with aristotles philosophie , which after engendred transubstantiation and other new doctrines by the questionaries , as thou shalt vnderstand by this discourse . iohn pope , . of that name , an italian , a bishops sonne called iohn , gouerned rome sixe yeares , eleuen monethes , and tenne dayes . supp . chron. hee beeing apprehended by peter prouost of rome , was put in prison in the castle of s. angelo , where he remained a . monethes : but when they heard say the emperour otho came against them with a strong hand , they tooke him out and established him . some say he was sent into exile & banished into campania ; frō whence he came again after . monethes . for the emperor tooke vngeance on thē that persecuted him ; causing many of them to die by diuers kindes of death , such as were found culpable of the fact , and banished some into saxe . as for peter prouost , he was deliuered to the pope to doo with him at his pleasure . who gaue him into the tormenrers hands : so hee was vnapparelled , and his beard being cut off , he was set vpon an asse , his face towards the taile , and his hands bound vnder the taile of the said asse , and so was ledde through the towne and beaten with roddes . after this he was againe brought to prison , and finally sent into exile in almaine . naucler . iohn pope , in recompence of the benefite receiued of otho , called and declared otho the second , sonne of otho the first , augustus . palin . in the time of this pope , theodorike or deodorike , bishop of mets , caused infinit holy bodies to be transported from italy into france , with a peece of s. stephens chaine , and a part of s. lawrence grate , which the pope iohn gaue him . chron. sigeb . these bee the iewels of this darke time . the king of denmarke and all his countrey were conuerted to the faith by popon clarke . chron. sigeb . benet pope , sixt of that name a romane ruled a yeare and sixe moneths . he was put in the prison s. angelo , wherein he was strangled , by one called cinthius , or cincius : others say he dyed of hunger : for which iniurie , he neuer did iustice nor vengeance . naucler . roger bishop of liege , founded the abbey of s. iohn the euangelist , in the i le of flaunders . chron. sigeb . the heroicall acts of this emperour otho the first , do sufficiently shewe him to bee one of the number of such excellent persons as the lord giueth to repaire and restore things throwne vnder feete . he i say redressed the romane empire , and pacified europe . by his succours , italie and germanie were guarded and warranted , hauing tamed the hungarians and french. briefly , during his life the empire tooke again a brightnesse and face of maiestie . he founded the siluer mines in misua , and exercised great munificence towards many bishoppes which held the chiefe place in the religion which then was . many ciuile lawes were made by him : amongst which , that of the succession of nephues in hereditarie goods in the place of their fathers is greatly commended . after then in this sort hee had delated the empire , being made stoope with great age , finally he was surprised with a suddaine maladie , and dyed the yeare . and of his raigne thirtie seuen : of his empire thirteene , and was buried at magdeberge , in saint martins church , which he had caused to be builded . otho . of that name , sonne of otho the great , and of adetheide , queene of burgogne , during the life of his father , was declared at aix le chappelle king of the romanes , he appeased the mutinies which were in lorraine , and gaue the duchy of lorraine to charles , brother of lotharie king of france , and made him vassall of the empire ; but the limits were cut off : for one good part was adiudged on the one side to the church of colongne , and the other to the church of liege . hee espowsed the sister of the emperour of constantinople . donus pope , second of that name , a romane , ruled at rome a yeare and fiue moneths . it was said of him , that he was of great modestie and integritie , and that no iniurie was done him supp . chron. many holy bodies as of patroclus , priauatus and gregorie , with s. peters staffe , were transported from rome to colongne , by bruno bishop of the said place , and by the bishop of canterburie , called odo . fasci . temp . aldebert of bohemia , bishop of prague , went into pannonia to preach the faith , and baptised the king of hungaria : from thence hee came into brusse , where hee was martyred . boniface pope , . of that name , gouerned at rome . moneths : by vnlawfull meanes he entred the popedome , and by the same meanes fell out thereof . the greatest of rome conspired against him . but seeing himselfe in daunger , he secretly pilled the most precious treasures of the church of s. peter , and so fled vnto constantinople , where when he had remained . monethes , he solde and turned all into siluer , and after returned vnto rome . in his absence they lifted vp one of pauie called iohn the . he ruled . moneths . boniface then being returned , drew the citizens vnto him , and with siluer corrupted the vilest and wickedest persons of rome . this done , hee tooke the pope iohn , and hauing put out his eies , made him die with hunger in the castle of s. angelo . againe then he occupied and vsurped the seate , but incontinently after he dyed of a sudden death : his corpes was drawne with a corde by his feete through the streetes , and pierced with pikes by the romanes : but finally the clarkes buried him . naucler . robert barns . cor. abb. benet pope , . of that name , gouerned . yeares and sixe moneths . suppl . chron. or . yeares and . monethes , after fasci . temp . this pope at the emperours desire , imprisoned many seditious romanes . the sea of hist. otho the . enterprised a war against the greekes which held calabria and pouille , but he sought to reduce them to the romane empire , pretending a right by reason of a dowrie for theophaine his wife , who was the greeke empresse : but his enterprise was vnluckie . for he was taken by pirates and brought vnto sicilia vnknowne . afterward being ordeined by a slauonian marchant which knew him , he gathered together the rest of his armie , and returned against the grecians and sarrasins , and pursued them very vndiscreetly : in so much that hee was strooken with an inuenomed arrow , so returning vnto rome he dyed , a litle after the tenth yeare of his empire , leauing otho the third , and other his children , and amongst them frederic and valderic , dukes of saxonie , of whom after discended the countesse and princes of sauoy . otho third of that name , after the death of his father was very young when he was designed the emperour , but of such quicknesse and moderation of spirite , that for his excellent gifts he was named , the maruell of the world . lotharie king of france dyed at rheimes , being impoysoned ( as some say ) by his adulterous wife , leauing his sonne lewis fift of that name king of france , last of the line of charlemaigne , who raigned a yeare and litle more , and dyed also of poyson , and was buried at campaigne , leauing onely the memorie of his name . a third sort of kings beganne to raigne in france . from pharamond a painim , vnto hughe capet , are accounted . yeares . from clouis the first christian , . from pippin the father of charlemaigne , . yeares . hughe capet , . in number , and the first king of france , raigned nine yeares , and began the third sort of kings which yet endureth in the kingdome of france . dante 's a florentine poet , in his purgatorie saith , that hughe capets grandfather was a butcher . of a counte of paris by the fauour of souldiers he was first saluted king in the towne of noion . raigning then newly in france , he caused a councel of prelates of the french church to be assembled at rheimes in campaigne . and because he feared the posteritie of charlemaigne ( vpon which hee had vsurped the kingdome ) he caused in the said councell to be deposed , the arch-bishop of rheimes called arnulphe , or arnoul , bastard brother of the king lotharie , & set in his place a monk , a philosopher , and magician called gilbert , or gerbert : vnto this deposition consented all the prelates of france , except sergius arch-bishop of sens , who was sent prisoner vnto orleans with arnulphe , but three yeares after they were deliuered . see iohn le maire in the . part , and others . against the said councell , pope benet made an other be held in the same cittie of rheimes , wherein the said arnulphe was restored , and sergius or serinus , and gerbert or gilbert , was deposed : who notwithstanding was after archbishop of rauenna , & at last pope of rome by diuellish meanes , whose end was miserable . iohn le maire . many holy bodies s. landoul . s. adrian , s. amand of hasban , were transported into the towne of gaunt . chron. sigeb . the abbey of s. magloire at paris was founded by y e king . iohn pope , . of that name , ruled at rome . moneths : his father was called leo a priest . he distributed the goods of the church , to his parents , friends , and allies . therefore he was hated of all the cleargie and people : and was enclosed in the castle s. angelo , where he dyed of hunger . supp . chron. and r. barns . this custome was afterward much vsed in the romane church . iohn pope , . of that name , a romane , ruled at rome . or . yeares , . or . moneths , and . or . dayes , after the diuersitie of writers . in this time crescentius momentanus , a consull of rome , had vsurped rule ouer the towne of rome , and perswaded the romanes & italians to take againe the empire . hee so persecuted this pope iohn , that hee was constrained to flie out of rome , and to soiourne in tuscane and lombardie . but when he heard that the said iohn , had now the third time sent for succors of the emperor otho , he sent messengers towards the said pope to recall him ! at whose request the pope returning , crescentius demaunded pardon of him . otho desiring to haue the emperial crowne , hauing gathered together a great army , and before hee entred rome hee made a peace betwixt the duke of beneuent and the duke of capuae : from thence hee came to rome , and was crowned by gregorie . of that name , his cofin , before called bruno , son of duke otho of saxonie , whō he made pope in the place of iohn , maugre the romans , and by him was crowned emperour . certain time after crescentius conful of rome corrupted with auarice , procured y t the bishop of plaisance , who was a grecian by nation , a very pernitious man , was constituted pope , & was called iohn . and held the seate . months . gregorie then retyred towards the emperour , to bee reuenged of the iniurie was done him . the emperour sore mooued at that outrage , with great power returned to rome . crescentius vnderstanding of his cōming , not trusting in the roman people , caused the castle de s. angelo to be fortified . and as these things were in doing , the emperor besieged the towns . the romane people more meet for seditiō then to fight , desired pardō of y e emperor , & opened the gates vnto the almains . crescentius & pope iohn being destitute of councel , retired into the fort of the said castle . some by treason promised them assurance if they would demand pardon of the emperor . they then came downe , & as they came were surprised . pope iohn after his eies were put out & his mēbers mutilated he was slain . crescentius was set vpō a mare , his face towards the taile , & his nose & eares being cut off , hee was led before the towne , for a spectacle vnto all . some say he was hanged without the towne , others say his head was cut off . r. barns . therfore gregory being restored into his bishoprick , seeing the troubles y t in time past had bin for the electiō of emperors , and the variable issues therof , assembled a councel , wherein the first ordinance & establishment of electors was decreed , to the end the dignitie emperial should no more remain in one house & family by successiō of line . this electiō then was giuē to the germanike natiō , which yet holdeth it at this day . sixe princes were established : three ecclesiasticall , that is to say , the archbishoppe of magunce , of treuers , and of colongne : the three other secular , were the marquesse of brandeberge , the duke of saxonie , and the counte of palatine , vnto which was giuen the right and power for euer to elect the emperour . with them was ioyned the duke of boheme , ( boheme then had not obteined the title of a kingdome ) as the seuenth to accord them , if peraduenture they were euen in yeares . if it be demaunded wherfore so high a dignitie of election was not rather committed to other princes , which then were puissant , namely he of bauieres , sueuia , and franconia , historiographers make no mention thereof . but if it be lawfull to set downe some appearance of cause , it is certaine that boheme was a country meete to maintaine the right of election , as a countrey inuited by nature . saxonie had that honour , because the emperour descended out of that house , as also for that it is a very large and puissant country . the country of brandeberge held then also on the house of saxonie , and it is likely the emperour otho desired to aduaunce that which was of his owne house . the counte palatine sued to haue that prerogatiue , by reason of the posteritie of charlemaigne . for the countie of palatine was then of the line of charlemaigne . after that this election was thus established , the italians stirred many troubles against the emperour : new matter of sedition wanted not therevnto . whilest iohn . ruled at rome , and that gregorie the fift was absent and deiected ( as is said ) one called odillo a monke , and afterward the abbot of clugni , instituted in his monastery the day of all-soules , the next day after all-saints : which institution was incontinently receiued and approoued by all the church . the occasion hereof was , that this ignorant monke had vnderstood of an hermite returning from sicilie , that great noyses and lamentations were heard in the mountaine aetna , who hee thought were the soules of the dead which suffered paine in purgatorie : therefore hee thought they might be helped by orisons and prayers . see iustine in his booke , . chron. sigeb . and polyd. verg. lib. . cha . . the house of sauoye issued from the dukes of saxonie , as is said , is raised into a counte . the emperor otho espoused the daughter of the king of arragon , a very intemperate woman , who maintained a young man in womans array , as one of her chamber-maides : but the thing discouered the adulterer , who was burnt aliue , and by intercession of friends the empresse was reconciled : but for all this she desisted not from perseuering in her incontinences , often requiring men , before she were required . in the towne called modena in italie , she was imbraced with the loue of a count very faire and of good grace , and sought by all meanes to cause him to condiscend to her luxutious desire , which he would not , fearing the losse of his estate . she accused him to the emperour , saying he solicited her of dishonour . the emperour angred hereat , in his furie caused him to be beheaded . but the truth afterward being knowne , she was burnt aliue , and foure goodly places were giuen to the wife of the saide counte in recompence . ammonius a monke of fleury , in this time wrote a booke of the myracles of s. benet , and herigerus abbot of lob , wrote an other of the dissonance of the church , & an other booke of the diuine office . also of the bodie and blood of the lord , and others , abb. trit . robert . king of france , raigned . yeares , a learned and very studious man. he went to rome vpon deuotion . the sea of histories . constance his wife founded the abbey of poissi , wherin she was buried . the same . siluester pope , second of that name , of the countrey of aquitane , called before gilbert , or gerbert , a magician , & nigromancer ( as hath bene saide ) came to the saide seate by the art of the diuel , vnto whom he had done homage , that all his affaires might goe after his wish . in his youth he was a monke of fleury , in the diocesse of orleans : but for the ardent desire hee had of learning , left his abbey & got him to siuile in spaine , which then the sarrasins held , and gaue himselfe to a magitian philosopher , who had a booke none like it in the art magicke . gerbert sought often to steale it from him , but by reason his maister kept it very carefully , hee could not come by it . yet hee perswaded the philosophers daughter with whom hee had great familiaritie , to get the booke and lende it him to reade , which shee did . hauing then the saide booke , hee retired , and fearing to be surprized with it , hee vowed himselfe to the diuell , vppon condition hee would bring him to fraunce . being returned , he kept a schoole , and taught the liberall arts with great admiration of his auditors . after he was maister vnto otho the the fourth , of robert , sonne of hugo capet king of fraunce , and of lotharie , who afterward was arch-bishop of sens : by whose helpe hee was aduaunced : first to be arch-bishop of of rheimes as is saide , and after of rauenna , and finally pope . during which time hee alwayes dissembled his art magicke , and the communication hee had with the diuell . of whom once desiring to knowe how long hee should liue in the popedome , the diuell answered him that he should liue til he said masse in ierusalem . siluester then giuing himselfe altogether vnto his delights , hoping to liue long , and thinking of nothing lesse then of going to ierusalem , it came to passe that one day in lent as he celebrated in the church of the holy crosse of ierusalem , he was suddenly taken with a great feuer then did he remember y t the said place was called of y e crosse of ierusalem , & so had bin seduced by the ambiguity of the answer . straight heard he great tumults of diuels in his presence , & being surprised with feare began to lament . and although he was a very wicked man , yet fel he not into dispair : but seeing he must needs die , called his cardinals & told vnto them all his life : and the art magicke which he had vsed to come vnto that dignitie , exhorting them to liue holily : and before all men cōfessed himself miserable : & ordeined that his body should be hewen & cut in peeces , but especially such of his members wherby he had worshipped the diuel : and then that they all should be put in a cart , and in what place soeuer the horses which drew y e cart should stay , there he should be buried . and it came to passe that the horses without any cōduction of man , carried his body into the church of laterane ; where he was laid in a sepulchre . and at this day his sepulchre is a pronosticke token of a popes death . r. barnes . suppl . chron. and nauler . an aduertisement . from the time of iohn the . which was the whore , vntil the yeare after the natiuitie of christ , antichrist raigned at rome a brazen faced harlot , which had despised and troden vnder her feet holy mariage . all the popes which were within this time , which conteineth about an . yeares , were plunged in all voluptuousnes , impudency , and carnal villanies : in arrogancy , kissing of feete , sacriledges , horrible dissentions , homicides , & vnbrideled impudencies , as may easily be perceiued by the discourse of those proceedings . in this time now following , after the thousand yeare , the diuel is wholy vnchained : and rightly may this time be called the kingdome of the great dragons . siluester the second by his necromancies began to vnloose sathan , hauing couenanted with him to haue the popedome . benet the . did homage to the diuel in woods & mountaines . in hildebrand or gregory the . and other popes , thou shalt see what arts they vsed . otho the . the . yeare of his empire , was poysoned by a romane woman ( which had bin the wife of crescentius ) at the houre of his departing from rome , by the gift of a paire of persumed gloues being poysoned . and this was in reuenge of her husbands death , as saith crantius . henry second of that name , duke of banier , and counte of bamberge , surnamed the lame , obteined the empire by election , and raigned . yeares . iohn pope , . of that name , surnamed le sec ( as iohn blundus ) by nation an italian , succeeded siluester the magician , euen in the same art and studies which he practised . berno saith that there were great cōtentions amongst the necromancians , such as were fauourers of siluester & this iohn : but in the end he carried all away . some say he was poysoned , after he had gouerned . months . this pope gaue himself altogether to idlenes & pleasure , as witnesseth crantius . hydromany was his studie . he commanded the feast of the commemoration of the dead ( newly inuented and instituted in the abbey of clugny , by odillo as is said ) which was in the moneth of march , to be remitted vntill the second day of nouember , and then obserued also through all churches . r. barns , and supp . chron. the name of a cardinall appointed as a dignitie . the historiographers say , that at this time the name and appellation of a cardinall beganne to be in great account , as we see at this day . baconthorpius ro. barns , and carion . iohn , pope . borne at rome , called , fasanus , was suspected to haue made away his predecessor . these popes from siluester vntill hildebrand , gaue themselues to nothing but diabolicall arts . this man after he had gouerned foure yeares & fiue moneths dyed . naucl. not without some suspition of poyson . in this time there was an horrible pestilence , yea almost through the whole world . sigeb . fulbert bishop of chartres , wrote these respondes to the praise of the virgin marie . stirps iesse , &c. et chorus nouae hierusalem , &c. and other prayers . herman a monke of s. gall , wrote that salue regina & alma redemptoris mater . trit . abb. sergius pope , the fourth of that name a romane , gouerned the sea two yeares , and sixe moneths . suppl . chron. burchardus , first a monke of lob , the disciple of albert aboue mentioned , was bishop of wormes : he compiled the auncient canons , which afterward were abridged by gratian : yea rather corrupted , which is easie to iudge in comparing them together . rhenanus in his annota . vpon tertullian . ierusalem was taken , and the lords sepulchre destroyed by the sarrasins and mahumetists . nancl. and suppl . chron. benet pope , . of that name , a tusculan , gouerned the romane church . yeares , or thereabouts . he crowned the emperour henry at his comming to rome , and saluted him augustus . henry the second builded at bamberge the church of saint george , and prayed benet it might be a cathedrall church : which the pope agreed vnto , vppon condition that the saide church should paye to the pope euery yeare an hundreth markes of siluer , and a white horse with all his furniture . platina , and r. barnes . conrade . of that name , obteined the empire , and raigned . yeares . naucler . he was the sonne of herman duke of franconians , and was called salicus , because he came of the sicambians , from whom came the salicke lawe . and the french themselues were called salickes , which vsed that lawe , whereof we haue made mention in pharamond . after the death of henry the . benet was deiected frō his dignitie by violence , and a popular sedition of the romans , and an other ordeined in his place : but after the antipope was reiected , and benet established in his popedome with great honour , who soone after dyed . supp . chron. the historiographers doo heere alledge peter damianus a cardinall of hostia , who saide that this pope benet after his death appeared to a bishop his familier , vpon a blacke horse : and the bishop said vnto him , art not thou pope benet which art gone out of this world ? hee said , i am that vnhappie benet . being againe asked how he did : he answered ; i am greeuously tormented : but yet i may be helped with the mercy of god , by suffrages , masses , and almes deeds . therefore saith he , goe to my successor pope iohn , and tell him in such a coffer he shall finde a great sum of siluer , let him distribute it all to the poore . the said bishop hearing these words accomplished them , and after dispatched himselfe of his bishoppricke , and entered into religion . this is recited by naucl. r. barnes . suppl . chron. fascitemp . iohn le maire . bonif. simo. et cora. abb. thus played sathan with his instruments , to establish his kingdome by infernall idolatries , by purgatories , masses , and such suggested things . iohn , pope , . of that name , a romane , the sonne of gregorie , bishop of port. suppl . chron. ruled . yeares , . moneths , or about . yeares after naucler . and was chosen before hee was promoted to ecclesiasticall orders , against their rights . he had great troubles against the romanes , but finally he was deliuered by the emperour conrade his helpe . supp . chron. whom also hee crowned vpon an easter day : there being present , rodolphe king of burgongne , and the king of england . naucler . henry . king of france , raigned thirtie yeares . he had great contentions with his brother robert touching the kingdome : but they agreed . he founded the pryorie of s. martin in the fields nigh paris , and put therein regular chanons . he raigned . yeares : some say . hauing caused his sonne philip to be crowned . at this time flourished in italie , guido aretin , a monke of the order of s. benet , an excellent musitian , who first inuented the gamma to learne vpon the hand , and the notes vt , re , mi , fa , sol , la. see the sea of histories . he writ also against berengarius . trit . abb. benet , pope , ninth of that name , a tusculan , before called theophilact , the nephewe of benet the eight , surpassed in malice his vncle , and gouerned the romane church tenne yeares , foure moneths , and . dayes , after suppl . chron. conrade dyed at trect , and was enterred at spire . henry the third of that name , surnamed the blacke sonne of conrade the emperour , and of giselle , was chosen king of romanes by the electors : he was a courteous prince , merrie and liberall by nature . he appeased hungarie , which was troubled with diuers seditions . he did as much at rome to the three popes which were there . his wife was agnes , daughter of the duke of aquitaine , and the marriage was at ingelheim , at which he did an act worthie of memorie . for he cast off all pompes , and put away all moris players , dauncers , and such like : and in their places brought poore people . the pope benet was accused of many crimes by the romanes , and therefore the third yeare hee was driuen from his promotion , and in his place was ordained the bishop of saint sabine , called siluester the third : who likewise was reiected after fortie nine dayes , because he was vnprofitable . benet recouered his dignitie , but hee was againe cast off , and it was giuen to iohn arch-bishoppe of saint iohn port latin : who was called gregorie the sixt . others say that benet after he was againe receiued into his popedome , solde it for money . and so at one same time , the seuenth yeare of the empire of henry the third , there were at rome three popes : benet the ninth , siluester the third : and gregorie the sixt . one held his seate at laterane in the pallace . an other at saint peters . and the third at saint maries . a priest called gratian , mooued with zeale , went vnto the popes , and perswaded them each one to take some good some of money & depose themselues from the papacie . which they did . r. barnes , and naucl. vpon these stirres , the emperour henry the third hauing heard of those tumults and scandalles at rome , to abolish them , was constrained to goe into italie , with a great power . gratian pope , met the emperour , and gaue him a crowne of great price . the emperour receiued the pope honourably , and they came together vnto rome . the cleargie assembled , and shewed that gratian was a simoniacke : hauing with money caused others to yeeld vp their rightes , that he himselfe by that meanes might come vnto the popedome . r. barnes , and naucler . the emperour then caused a councell to be held , wherein all those schismatickes and simoniacke popes were deposed , and new created . see reader , and note the honour hereof , as true ensignes of the seate of antichrist . the heresie of transubstantiation commenced . at this time lanfrancus an italian borne , of pauie , flourished in france . he was one of the first inuentors and authors of transubstantiation and hereticall doctrine , new and pernicious , before wholly vnknowne of the auncient doctors , notwithstanding receiued since the yeare of christ . at the councell of verseil as shall be said . the new doctors which haue written touching transubstantiation , were iohn scotus and bertramus , both which guided with the spirit of truth , writ properly touching the body and bloud of christ in the supper . abande of such new doctours as opposed themselues against the true doctrine of the supper . pascasius abbot of the abbey of corbey in saxonie , in the time of charles le gros , the yeare of christ . . ratherius monke of lob , after bishop of verone , vnder henry the first . herigerus abbot of lob , of saint benet , vnder otho the third . guido monke , & abbot of s. benet , vnder conrade the . adelmanus bishop of brixe , vnder henry the third . guimondus monke , and after archbishop vnder henr. . algerus monke of corbey , vnder henry the third . lanfrancus archbishop of canterbury in england , before monke of s. benet , vnder henry the third . hildebert bishop of mans , and after archbishoppe of tours , a disciple of berengarius , but after a great persecutor of the holy doctrine thereof , vnder henry the fourth . honorius priest , vnder henry the fift and others , as nolsus , ancelmus , lomberdus , petrus commestor , and innocent the the third , which came after . siluester pope , third of that name a romane , bishop of s. sabine , before called iohn , after benet was driuen away as is said , was chosen by gifts and corruption , and ruled . dayes , or two moneths . behold the time of horrour and confusion . he which then was most wicked , and would giue most , obteined the feate soonest . supp . chron. gregorie pope , sixt of that name , ruled two yeares & sixe moneths : in the time of the former schisme , hee had bene adiudged a simoniacke and homicide , yet he bought the popedome of benet . r. barnes . there was great trouble in hungarie vnder the king andrewe , and after vnder his brother vela , against such as demaunded againe to returne vnto their paganisme and auncient superstition . naucler . clement pope , second of that name , before called werdigerus , or singerus , or sindegerus bishop of bamberge , was canonically elected in full councel , after that the foure others aboue named were deposed . he crowned the emperour henry the third , and his wife agnes , on a day of the natiuitie of christ . naucler . henry before he departed from rome , constrained the romanes by oath to renounce their right of election without any more medling therein thereafter , to auoyd schismes and scandales , which commonly rise of such election . others say the poore gaue them that commaundement and defence . naucler . the romanes after the emperours departure forgetting their oath , impoysoned this pope , after he had gouerned nine moneths . some say that stephen his successour ( who was called damasus ) was authour thereof . benno saith it was gerard brazure , a friend of theophilact , and of hildebrand , a man expert in poysoning . in this time men forged visions and miracles , to establish the sacrament of the masse , which then was called of the aulter . many durst not speake what they thought therein for feare of popes . the wickednesse of popes merited , that the power of election should be taken from ecclesiasticall persons by the iust iudgement of god , saith nauclerus . this pope was poysoned soone after the emperours departure . damasus pope , second of that name , otherwise called s. stephanus baguiarius , borne in bauiere , bishop of brixe , ruled by force the seate . dayes , as histo , and chron. say . for he occupied the popedome without election , either suffrage of people , or cleargie . r. barnes . leo pope , . of that name an almaine , of the countrey of alsac , the earles of ausperge , and being count or earle of etisheim , called bruno , bishop of tulles , a man of good nature , was sent to rome by the emperour , at the request of the romanes , and being chosen pope , gouerned fiue yeares , two moneths , sixe dayes , after suppl . chron. some say , that as he came to rome , hugo abbot of clugny , and hildebrand the monke , encountred and met him in his pontificall attire : they perswaded him to take off that habite , and to enter into rome in his vsuall and priuate attire ; vpon this reason , that the emperour had not giuen him the right to chuse the pope , but only the people and cleargie of rome . bruno agreeing to their speech confessed his fault , and accused himselfe , that he had rather obey the emperour then god. at hildebrandes perswasion the cleargie elected him for this , that hee confessed that the election ought to appertaine to the cleargie , and not to the emperour . leo then to recompence hildebrand , created him cardinall , and committed vnto him the church of s. paul. the yeare of christ one thousand fiftie one , leo assembled a councell at verseil : where was first handled the opinion of transubstantiation , ( although that word was not inuented of long time after ) and there was condemned the opinion of iohn scotus , of bertramus , and berengarius doctor , borne at tours , arch-deacon of angiers , who maintained the opinion of scotus , and of bertramus , touching the eucharist . in the said councell berengarius appeared not , but sent thither two clarkes : and as they would haue excused berengarius , and haue told the reason , they were laid hold on and put inprison . behold how they disputed , o ecolampadius . these be the pooceedings of the aduersaries of the truth , to ioyne tyrannie with ignorance . berengarius had lanfrancus for his aduersary , who maintained the opinion of pascasius , the first author of this doctrine against scotus and bertramus . hubert cardinall , rogerius & guimondus maintained lanfancus his part , which mingled subtilties with outrages against berengarius , who shewed himselfe litle constant . for although he had the truth on his side , yet had he a certaine hatred against lanfrancus & rogerius , mingled with glory & hope of victorie , which made him loose the desire he had to maintaine the puritie of the doctrine . for he mingled withal certain speeches of marriage & the baptisme of litle children , and therfore they stifled amongst some errours by his fault . so commeth it to passe , whē without the feare of the lord we wil maintaine the cause of the gospell . o ecolamp . at this time the emperour caused a sinode to be held of an hundreth and thirtie bishops at magunce . some write that leo was there , and there it was ordeined that the clarks should nourish no dogges for hunting , nor hawkes . that clarkes should deale with no secular nor prophane affaires . that none should be admitted or receiued into a monasterie for a monke , vnlesse hee were of a lawfull age , and that hee should come in of his owne good will without constraint . simony and marriage , was forbidden priests . that the houses of clarkes should be builded nigh vnto temples and churches , . quest . . cha . necessaria . henry the third gaue to leo the towne and countrey of beneuent , to redeeme the yearly rent of an hundred marks , paid ( as is aboue said ) yearely out of the cathedrall church of bamberge : and leo confirmed the priuiledges graunted to the said church , & accorded to the said archbishop the mantle ( which they call palilium ) to vse three times in the yeare . at easter , at the feast af s. peter , and s. paul , and vpon s. george his day , the patrone of that church . naucler . vpon the aforesaid sinode , nicholas a monke of constantinople , writ a booke against the latines , intituled de nuptijs sacerdotum . of the marriage of priests : which was condemnemned by hubert , the said popes legate , and sent to constantinople . trit . abb. this pope being at ratisbone , the legates of paris being present , approued the relickes of s. denis , whereof there had bene a long doubt , whether they were saint denis his relickes or no. chron. abb. vrsp. vnder henry the third , the hungarians returned vnto paganisme , and hauing reiected the faith , put to death all their bishops and cleargie . naucler . vpon a christmas day , leo the ninth , and henry the third , being at a great masse , in the towne of wormes , after the subdeacon had sung the epistle in the accustomed maner and tune , the pope presently deiected & depriued him of his office : because he sung the epistle in the popes presence , in an other song and tune then the romane church did . the arch-bishop of wormes who saide masse that day , greeued that his subdeacon should be so handled , after the gospell was sung , retyred into his episcopall seate , leauing his office vnperfected , saying he would make no ende if the pope would not restore his subdeacon to his former state . the pope because hee would not hinder that the seruice should not be ended , restored his subdeacon . r. barn. albert. crane lib. . saxo. ca. . anne queene of france , wife of henry the first , founded in the towne of senlis a church of s. vincent , where are regular chanons , and an other in the suburbs where were nunnes . the sea of histories . after the death of leo the third , the romanes fearing the puissance of henry the third , durst not attempt a news thing against their oath , which they made in the time of clement the second : wherefore they sent hildebrand towardes the emperour to chuse a pope : who vsing the authoritie of his legation , designed henry the fourth , the sonne of henry the third emperour . and in the meane while victor was chosen pope , second of that name , not so voluntarily as to please the emperour , in electing an almane borne of bauier , before called gebhard , who ruled two yeares and three moneths . naucler . hee assembled a councell at florence against forncating and simoniacke priests : whereat hee deposed many bishoppes , prelates , and priests , which hee called fornicators , which had not left their wiues according to the councell of magunce . there were clarkes threatened with great punishments if they did not obey the decrees and cannons of popes . there was also confirmed the opinion of paschasius , contrary to scotus , bertramus , and of berengarius . hildebrand by authoritie of the said councell was sent into france to tours , to assemble a sinode touching the matter of the sacrament and of transubstantiation . there was berengarius permitted to defend his opinion : but seeing all went by affection , and that hee could not maintaine his opinion without daunger , vppon pusillanimitie and cowardise , hee saide hee held the opinion of the catholicke church : by which wordes hee rather satisfied the legates and the said councell , then kept the libertie worthie of a chistian man. oecol . lib. . pluralitie of benefices . pluralitie of benefices beganne about this time , and after neuer ceased in the church , fascic . temp . the yeare of our lord . henry the third dyed the tenth yeare of his empire , and of his age . leauing . daughters and two sonnes : that is to say , henry which succeeded him , and conrade duke of bauiers . henry emperour , fourth of that name , obteined the empire , and raigned fiftie yeares . stephen pope , . of that name , borne of lorraine , abbot of montcassin , called fredericke , brother of the duke of lorraine , ruled at rome ten moneths . naucler . after others foure moneths . he brought vnder the obedience of the romane seate , millane : which since the time of the apostles hath neuer subiected , saith platin. and r. barns . others , as naucler . and supp . chron. say . yeares . stephen accused the emperour henry the fourth , of heresie , because he diminished the authoritie of the romane seate . platina . and hauing heard that the churches of italie and burgongne were corrupted with symonie , he sent hildebrand to roote out that cockle . hildebrand and hauing made his commission returned to rome , and found the pope very sicke : who thinking to die , caused his churchmen to come vnto him , and made them sweare that they should neuer suffer any to sit in the apostolike seate , vnlesse he were chosen by the consent of all : yet comming againe to his health , he came to florence , and called a councell : but he died there eight monethes after . nauclerus . a scottish monke called patermis , being in almaine in a towne called paderbrune , fire was put in the abbey wherin he was : yet though he might , he would not come out : chusing rather to be burnt for the vow of his obedience , then to shunne the daunger by going out . sigeb . the opinion or obstination of vowes is founded vpon such examples . benet pope . . of that name , of campania in italie , was a bishop of vileterne , before called mincius , and ruled at rome . monethes . the romanes corrupted by siluer , elected him against the canons , although the cleagie were against it , but he was constrained to giue ouer the popedome . for hildebrand returning from florence , brought with him gerard bishop of florence , who after was chosen at senes . and after his election was assigned a councell in a towne called sutry , against benet . and thither came goafred duke of italie , the first husband of matilde , and guillebert great gouernor . item , the bishops of lombardie and hetruria , and others . which thing benet vnderstanding , fled , putting off his pontificall habit , and after led a priuate life . nicholas pope , second of that name , borne of sauoy , called gerard , bishop of florence , gouerned three yeares , and sixe monethes . he was eleced at senes , by the instance of hildebrand , because he thought it no sure thing that the election should bee at rome , seeing benet the tenth and his friends were there present . nicholas comming to rome , assigned a councell nigh laterane , of an hundreth and fortie bishops . wherin it was ordained that the election of the pope should be made by cardinalls , clarkes , and the romane people : and that whosoeuer should attempt to come to the popedome , by siluer , fauour , ambition , or other vnlawful meane , and not by canonike election , that he should be held for an apostare , and an excommunicated person , deiected of euery one , without any aide or fauour . dist . . cap. in nomine domini . that ordinance endured not long : for afterwards cardinalls alone without either cleargie or people vsurped that election . in this councell berengarius deacon thinking rather to saue his life then to maintaine the truth , denied it , submitting himselfe to the will of the councell . his confession ( or rather recantation ) is contained deconsecrat : dist . . cap. ego berengarius it was at this councell of rome , that transubstantiation was decreed ; that is to say , that after the bread is consecrated , we must beleeue the bony of christ to be so in the sacrament , that sensibly and really he is between the hands of the priests : broken & bruised with the teeth . and the pope nicholas constrained berengarius so to say & confesse : the said nicholas being so taught and perswaded by lanfrancus . vadian . but the first opinion of berengarius which he pronounced for temporall feare , was this that followeth , as lanfrancus himselfe reciteth in his booke of the sacrament of the eucharist , against berengarius . the sacrifice of the church ( saith berengarius ) is made of two things : that is to say , visible and inuisible , of the sacrament , and of the thing of the sacrament . which thing yet ( that is to say , the body of christ ) if it were before our eyes , if it were present , it should be visible , but beeing eleuated vnto heauen , and being set at the right hand of the father , vntill the restoration of all things ( as saith s. peter the apostle ) it cannot be drawne from heauen : for the person of christ consisteth of god and man. but the sacrament of the table of the lord ( that is to say ) the bread and wine consecrated , are not chaunged but remaine in their substances , hauing similitude with the things whereof they are sacraments , &c. he said moreouer , that the bread and wine after the consecration were onely the sacrament , and not the true body nor the true bloud of the lord : and that they could not sensibly , but sacramentally be administred of the priests , or broken and bruised with the teeth of the faithfull . in the same chapter , ego berengarius . golfred , count of pouille and of calabria died , leauing his sonne bagellard his heire : but robert brother of the said golfred , and vncle of the said bagellard , hauing taken from him all that his father had left him , vsurped beneuent , which belonged to the romane seate . wherefore the pope excommunicated him . robert then knowing that he had taken the aforesaid countries from his said nephew , did what he could to returne into the popes fauour , and prayed him to come into calabria for the good of peace . being come , he absolued robert of the bond of excommunication . after , he adiudged him pouille and calabria , vpon condition he would yeeld him beneuent and troy , townes of pouille , and all that which belonged vnto the romane seate . item , that he would giue him helpe in his necessities . robert promised all this , and gaue him an armie by which the pope recouered many places about rome , and made them subiect to the seate . as prenesta , tusculum , numentum , and beyond tiber certaine castles , euen vnto sutri . rob. barns . the pope is content to make his profit to the damage of orphelius : he consented vnto the rapines of robert , so that he might haue his helpe . ancelmus the disciple of lanfrancus , succeeded his maister in the priorie of bec , and lanfrancus was made archbishop of canterburie in england . chron. sigeb . phillip the . king of france , sonne of henry , raigned . yeares . alexander pope , second of that name , of millaine , ruled at rome a yeare and fiue monethes , whose historie is this . after the death of pope nicholas , one ancelme bishop of luques was chosen for the renowne of his vertues , without the emperours knowledge , and was chosen being absent from rome . for he resided in his bishoppricke of luques . after the election , the cardinalls went for him and conducted him to rome , and was named alexander . but some bishops of lombardie ( whom alexander pleased not because he was not of their band ) stirred a schisme , and vnder shadowe that they said he entred by simonie , they would needs haue an other , such as they liked : and at the instigation of gilbert bishop of parme , a man mightie amongst others , they drew towards the emperour , to shewe that the election hath alwaies appertained vnto the emperors . briefly , they obtained of him to chuse an other pope at theyr pleasure , seeing nicholas the second was chosen without his knowledge . as soone as they were returned into lombardie , they assembled a councell , and did chuse one called cadolus of parme , a rich and maruellous puissant man , vnder whom all italie bowed , except the countesse martilde , or mehaut . cadolus then beeing so chosen antepope , drew towards rome with a strong band , and the power of the lombards . the pope alexander met him , accompanied with his romanes , and the batraile was hard and sharpe , nigh neron vnder the golden mountaine , where was a great slaughter : but finally the victorie turned on the part of alexander . yet cadolus for one euill encounter lost not courage , but before a yeare was passed , by the meanes of certaine friends which held his part ( which he had gained by force of siluer ) entred into rome . the romanes yet ranne to armes : but cincius the prouost , his sonne of rome , put cadolus in the forte of s. angilo . the war betwixt those two , endured the space of . yeares . finally , cadolus was constrained to yeeld himselfe , and redeeme his life with . markes of siluer . after to content the emperour who fauoured the said cadolus , a councell was assembled at mantua , where were the emperor and the pope alexander , & there in the presence of all the prelates , the pope purged himselfe both of simony & ambition & matters were agreed both of the one partie and the other . iohn le maire . . in the said councell was ordained that none should heare the masle of a priest that had concubines . . dist . c. preterhoc . . whosoeuer wittingly should be promoted by a simoniake , he should be reiected and deposed . . q. . c. de caetero . . that cloister monkes should not be admitted to the offices of clarkes . . q. . c. iuxta calced . tenorem . . that clarkes should take no ecclesiasticall benefice of a secular person . . q. . c. perlaicos . . that men should giue benefices & ecclesiasticall orders to learned people , without selling or buying any of them with any contract . . q. . c. exmultis . . that he which should be excommunicated , cannot excommunicate an other . . q. . c. audiuimus . . that alleluia should be banished out of the church from septuagesima , vntill easter . whilest this councell was held at mantua , richard the normane with his sonne william , tooke and occupied certaine places of the romane seate , as capua , beneuent , and others . hildebrand was sent against richard , and constrained him to yeeld vp againe such places as he had taken . the pope attending hildebrand at pise , they returned together from thence vnto rome , r. barns . this pope alexander gaue lanfrancus archbishop of canterburie , for the victorie obtained against berengarius , touching transubstantiation , two archiepiscopall mantles , or palls , the one of honour , and the other of loue . histories recite at length how the pope alexander was handled by hildebrand , who succeeded him , and how finally he detained him in great miseries , after hee had beene beaten and outraged of him . and after this time hildebrand retained to himselfe all the reuenewes of the church of rome , & assembled great summes of siluer . after then that alexander was dead , vnder the miserable seruitude of hildebrand , the yeare of our lord , . the same day at night he was inthronized in the papall seate by his souldiers , without the consent of the cleargie or people , least if he had tarried too long , an other had preuented him . in his election none of the cardinalls had subscribed . wherevnto when the abbot of clugny was come , hildebrand said vnto him : thou hast tarried too long brother . the abbot answered . and thou hildebrand hast made too much haste , that occupiest the apostolike seate against the canons , before the pope thy lord be buried . but how hildebrand was put in possession , in what maner he liued , how he drew cardinalls to him which should be witnesses of his life and doctrine , how miserably hee tormented them , and with what heresies he infected the world , what periuries , what great treasons he committed , hardly can many describe them . yet the bloud of so many christians shead , whereof he was author and principall cause , cryeth yet higher then all that . behold what benno saith . hanno the second archbishop of colongne , caused both the eyes to be put out of certaine iudges which had condemned a poore woman : of which , one iudge lost but one eye , for that he brought the other vnto triall . in memory of this iudgement , were erected images without eyes . naucler . nauclerus also and others do tell here of a rich and mightie man , who was so persecuted with rats , that finally he was consumed , yet no man touched that was with him . gregorie pope , . of that name , before called hildebrand , borne at siennes in tuscane , ruled at rome . yeares , and one moneth : rather a monster in nature then a man. hauing abandoned the monasterie of clugny , where hee was a monke , and being come to rome , he insinuated himselfe into the familiaritie of laurence an archpriest , of whom hee learned magike arts and negromancie : which arts the said laurence being yet young , had learned of that diuellish monster syluester , pope , second of that name , with certaine others . there was a certaine particular intelligence betwixt this laurence thoaphilacte , iohn gratian , and hildebrand , all archpriests or cardinalls of the sinagogue of rome . wherfore hildebrand did whatsoeuer he would with theophilacte , whilest hee was in the popes office , vnder the name of benet the ninth . but which is more , vntill he came to be pope , nothing was done vnder the other popes but at his pleasure . when hee list ( as benno saith ) he would shake his skirtes , and fire would come out like sparkes : and by such miracles he abused the eyes of simple people , as if it had bene some signe of sanctetie . and therefore saith benno , when the diuell could not persecute publikely iesus christ by the painims , he disposed himselfe fraudulently to destroy his name by that false monke , vnder the shewe and colour of religion . authors rehearse that this hildebrand poysoned seuen or eight popes , by the seruice of gerard brazut , to the ende by that meanes he might the sooner come vnto the papacie . yet during those great troubles , he handled all things so subtilly , that none doubted he by any meanes aspired to the seate . and although he was not pope by name , yet in effect he was the organe and onely instrument of him that was ordained pope , or of all his wicked inuentions : and by litle and litle , he practised vnder the other popes , that which he executed in his owne popedome . this notable hypocrite vnder the colour of canons , and a certaine pietie , hee did whatsoeuer hee would , although he was the most vniust and the wickeddest in the world . he accused alexander the second his lord and maister , because he had sought succours and helpe of the emperour against his aduersaties : and said it was not reasonable ( according to canons ) that he should enioy the papall dignitie , which had demaunded succours of a prophane prince . hauing dismissed the said alexander of his dignitie , he imprisoned him , and caused him secretly to die , and incontinently vsurped the papall seate , whilest men prepared for the obsequies and funeralls of the dead . he communicated his siluer and counsell with brazut , and certaine iewes his familiars , by the meanes of which , he found many tongues at his hire , which cried with an high voyce ( yea euen before alexander was buried ) s. peter the apostle hath chosen hildebrand : and they placed him in the papall chaire vnder the name of gregorie the . and this was done the , yeare after the destruction of ierusalem : in the which yeare the . vicars of sathan began to attribute vnto themselues openly the name of god , and the office and vertue of iesus christ , true god , and true man. for as soone as the said gregorie had bin declared and ordained pope , the same was proclamed , that the true vicar of christ iesus was chosen . and also the same gregorie appropriated vnto himselfe that which is said of iesus christ in the second psal . hee ouerthrew the lawes of god in forbidding marriage to priests , and casting kings out of their seats . it was he which shead out the first seeds of the warre of gog & magog , which were the most pernitious and bloudie that euer was , and which his familiar vrbain . of that name , afterward pursued . baleus anglus . the beginning of the mischiefes and extreame calamities of croysades against the turkes , vnder a shewe of recouering ierusalem . benno a crdinall , rehearseth the history folowing . one day ( saith he ) as gregorie came frō albe to rome , he forgot to bring with him a booke of negromancie which he held very deare , and without the which hee neuer went , or at least very seldome . whereof remembring himselfe at the doore of laterane , hee called hastily two of his most familiars which accustomed to serue him in all his wickednesse and villanies : and commaunded them that they should bring him the said booke with all expedition , straightly charging them that they should not presume so much as to open the booke by the way , and that vpon curiositie they should not enquire vppon the secrets thereof . but the more he commanded them , the more inflamed he their curiositie diligently to seeke the secrets thereof . as then returning , they had opened the booke , and had curiously read the diuellish commaundements of that art , suddenly the angells of sathan presented themselues : the multitude of which , and the horror of them , brought those two young men almost out of their wits , that with much adoo could they come to themselues . and as they themselues rehearsed it , those euil spirits insisted strongly , saying . wherefore haue you called vs ? wherefore haue you disquietted vs ? commaund vs quickly what you will haue vs to doo , else we will fall vpon you if you keepe vs any longer here . one of the young men then answered ; cast vs downe these walles straight . and saying so , hee shewed thē with the hand certaine high walles nigh the towne of rome , which in a moment these euill spirits ouerthrew to the earth . they then thus terrified , trembling & almost out of breath , scantly could come to rome vnto their maister . behold what benno saith , who was in that time . gregorie being come to the papall dignitie , began incontinently to sollicite that the canons which his predecessors had made by his cautelous councell , touching simonie and singlenesse of life in priests and monkes , should be obserued : not to the end hee might wholy abolish the wicked and detestable marchandise which was made of ecclesiasticall benefices : but that vnder some colour of honestie , hee might take from princes the power to conferre and bestow them , and to the end that by that meane all bishops might be reduced and brought vnder the power and authoritie of the romane seate ; which because of the right of inuesture , were obliged and beholding vnto princes , more then vnto the pope of rome . and although that the emperour henry were the greatest of all princes , yet this arrogant and proud marchant iudged it best , first to touch and deale with him tragically for the cause of simonie . hee assembled a councell at rome in the place of laterane , touching these things : but the emperour beeing hindered because of his warres , could not intend to debate his right in the sinode . the pope notwithstanding had taken the matter so at heart , that for that cause he ceased not to vse both treasons and murders , and that more is , he stirred in many places intestine and inward warres , which engendred all maner of calamities . for first he laide ambushes for the emperour , hee sought by diuers meanes to cause him to die . in so much as hee sought to haue slaine him euen in the church as he should be at his prayers . the cardinall benno rehearseth thus the historie . the emperour ( saith he ) had a custome often to goe make his prayers in the church of s. marke , in the mount auentine . as then , hildebrand enquired diligently by certaine spies , of all that he did : hee gaue charge to marke the place wherein the emperour prayed oftnest either standing or on his knees , and suborned one , promising him a great summe of money , to lay great stones on the beames or vpper lofts of the church ( see the holy councell of this pope ) and that he should lay thē so wel , that when the emperour should make his prayers , he might let them fall on his head to dash out his braines . but as he which had enterprised such a villanie , was at hand to accomplish it , and went about to handle and remoue a stone , the heauie for him , the stone by the waight deceiued him : and the scaffold which was on the beames being broken , the stone and the poore miserable man , by a iust iudgement of god , fell vpon the pauement of the temple , & was all burst with the same stone . after the romanes vnderstood how all things was past , they bound the feet of that wicked villaine , and by the space of . daies trailed him through the streets of the towne . but vsing their accustomed humanitie , commaunded he should be buried . the sonne of benno saith here yet further : that iohn bishop of port , who was hildebrands secretarie and great familiar , comming into the pulpit which was in s. peters church , said amongst many other things , in the hearing of the people and cleargie , hildebrand hath done such a thing , and we also as deseruers , should all bee burned aliue : meaning to giue to vnderstand that which hee had done of the sacrament of the body of our lord. whereof hildebrand demaunding councell of a certaine thing ( as of old the painims did of their idols ) cast it into the fire , because it gaue him do answere , although the cardinalls which were then present spake against his deed . this is a beginning of the fruite of that cursed decree of transubstantiation , applied vnto charmes and inchauntments . he excommunicated also the said emperour henry , without lawfull accusation , without canonicall appellation , without forme of iustice : yea euen for that he was but too obedient vnto him . hee diuided also from him the princes of the empire , and sought by secret treasons to destroy him , but god preserued him . o straunge treason proceeding from the sanctuarie , or rather frō him who seemed to be the high priest to gouerne the church , to haue superintendancie ouer iudges and elders . by menaces also he constrained bishops to sweare that they should not defend his cause , neither should they fauour or helpe him in any thing , drawing violently the scripture to make them serue his false dealing . notwithstanding ( saith benno ) so soone as hee arose vp from his seate to excommunicate the emperour , the seate ( which had lately bene made of new and strong wood ) by the will of god , of it selfe brake in many peeces in a terrible maner . in such sort as it gaue to know , that he that did sit vpō it , would sowe terrible schismes against the church , by so arrogant and presumptuous a maner of excommunication . this saith benno . but when he sawe that all his ambushes could serue him for nothing , he beganne to vse open force and emnities , and after he had excommunicated henry , declaring all his subiects acquited of their oath of fidelitie , which they had deliuered him , he sent the crowne of the empire vnto rodolphe sauoic , with this latine verse , such as it is . petra dedit petro , petrus diàdema rodolpho . that is to say , the rocke hath giuen the diademe vnto peter , and peter giueth it vnto rodolphe . henry then being for this cause sore troubled , laid downe his royall apparell and came towards him into the towne of canuse , with his wife and litle sonne , in the time of a strong and sharpe winter , & through a very daungerous way . being before the gate of the citie ( sayth benno ) from morning till night , without hauing eyther meate or drinke , in apparell of cloath , and barefooted , beeing made a spectacle for angels and men , hee required pardon in all humilitie . he endured three whole dayes in a very lamentable affliction ; in so much that hildebrand ( who tooke his pleasure the meane while with his whores and monkes ) mocked him . he desired sore that he might haue entry into the citie , but it was refused him : and as with great instance he demaunded it by the space of three dayes , he was answered that the pope had no leisure to speake with him . henry taking not in euill part that they would not suffer him to come into the citie , remained in the suburbes not without great grieuance . for the winter was sharper then of custome . yet to the end he would offend no person , he kept . whole dayes there without departing . finally , the fourth day , at the request of the countesse matilde ( who as histories say , loued a litle too much the pope ) and of the abbot of clugny , and of the earle of sauoy , called adelrans , he was permitted to enter of the pope . but when he demaunded pardon of the pope , setting his crowne betwixt his hands and in his power , he would neither pardon nor absolue him of excommunication , vnlesse first he promised to purge himselfe in a ful sinode of his fault , with other vnlawful and vnreasonable conditions . all which things he promised and confirmed them by estate : yet would they not remit him into his kingdome . can any body haue haue a more liuely portraite of the image of antichrist ? the princes of italy , after they knew this , were exceedingly offended that the emperour had so made his agreement with hildebrand , and that so dishonestly and vilely he had submitted himselfe to him , who had inuaded the papacie by wicked practises , and who had polluted and defiled all with murders and adulteries . &c. after this , the pope with his cardinalls glorying that he had brought the emperour into seruitude , durst now aduenture to enterprise greater things . but the emperour afterward tooke courage , and straightway dispatched all that , by taking armes : and after many sharp and hard warres he vanquished rodolphe in battaile . who hauing his right hand cut off , made call all the bishops and priests on his side . which being come , after one had brought him his hand , he spake in this sort . i confesse that this is worthily come vnto me , and wel bestowed vpon me . behold the hand wherewith i haue deliuered the oath of fidelitie to my lord henry : but at the sollicitation of you , i haue so many times vnluckily fought against him , and also falsified my faith vnto him : and therefore i haue receiued a reward such as my periurie meriteth . see if you haue guided mee in a right way . so then and now keepe to your prince the fidelitie which you haue promised vnto him . as for me , i goe to my fathers : and incontinently after , rodolphe yeelded vp the spirit . after this man was dead , they elected an other by the commandement of the pope : namely , herman of saxonie , count , or earle of lucenbourg , who not without the lords will , was slaine by a woman , who let fall a great stone vpon his head as he assailed a castle in almaine . and the malice of this cruel tirant could not be repressed , but it stirred vp a third competitor to this good prince : namely one egbert , earle of misue , his parent : but being surprised by the emperors people , he was miserably put to death . what man would not bee mooued by such iudgements of god , to obey his magistrate , and abhorre all rebellion and sedition : yet this romane seate was neuer stirred therewith : but finally wrought the emperours sonne henry to rebell against his father . the writings of henry the . sent to the king of france , by which he complaineth of his sonnes iniuries , and of such as drew him on to do them , do at large declare this tragedie , and at this day are to be seene . matilde countesse , kept ordinarie company with the pope , and neuer departed from him , as his harlot , despising aron her husband , marquesse of est. in so much that shee was commonly called s. peter his daughter . shee was diuorced by the romane seate for some affinitie that was pretended to be betwixt them . from thence came it as lambert hirsueldensis hath left in writing , that all people accused them , that there was a villainous and dishonest loue betwixt them : and euerie one said she lay with the pope , and had vnlawfull company of him which had taken frō priests holy & honest marriage . the abbot of vrsperge , called conrade de lihtenaw , addeth this in his chronicle . certaine it is that hildebrand was not chosen of god , but brought in of himselfe by fraud and force of siluer , who ouerthrew the ecclesiasticall order , troubled the kingdome of the christian empire , procured the death of a peaceable king , maintained periuries , entertained noyses and dissentions , sowed disorders , stirred scandalles , made diuorces , and shooke and ouerthrewe all which seemed well ordained amongst them which liued holily , &c. first , he was a great hypocrite , who with force of excommunications , depriued ministers of the church , of their wiues , and filled the world with an infinit number of buggeries . in such sort , that that great citie which is spiritually called sodome and egipt : that is to say , the romane church , was made after this time , a true sodome and egipt , his buggeries and idolatries . in the meane time he mooued maruellous tragedies in italie , france , almaine , and england , which would be too long to rehearse in this place ; and such dealing displeased many persons and wise men which were in that time . for to speake neither of england nor italie , as well in almaine as in france , there was . bishops and more , which together with their cleargie were married , and defended , and constantly maintained their marriage . he commaunded clarkes to vow singlenes , that is to say , not to marry : briefly , the most tiranically that could be , he forbad priests marriages , commanding them to leaue theyr wiues ; or otherwise to be depriued of their offices & prebēds . he willed that from henceforth none be admitted to ecclesiasticall orders , vnlesse he first promise and vowe chastitie . also he ordained that none should heare masse of a priest that had a concubine . he forbad monkes to eate flesh at any time . de consec . dist . . c. carinum . he commanded that no christian should eat flesh on the saterday . de consec . dist . . carinum . . why doo not monkes obserue that commaundement as well as they pretend to obserue their vow of chastitie ? for they are for like power . he ordained the offering of the masse . he canonized one named liberius an arrian , and commaunded his feast should be celebrated , as benno witnesseth . he commanded tenthes should be paid to priests . and tooke from the king of poloigne his crowne , interdicting his kingdome . hee condemned the opinion of berengarius touching the sacrament , & was the first they say , that preached transubstantiation . he condemned as sacriledge , a lay-man possessing tithes . him that gaue inuestures of benefices , as an heretike : and he that receiued them of a lay-man , as an idolater . so by this meanes made he the popes leaden dagger so strong as her power was able to driue backe the iron force of the empire . the emperour henry opposed himselfe against the force and enterprises of the said hildebrand , and the yeare of our lord , . in a sinode that he caused to assemble at bresse , after all crimes were laid against him , before the assēbly by good right he was deposed from his papall seate , and so appointed in his place an other pope , which they named clement the third . he sent straight his army to rome , driue out gregorie , and to bring in clement . the towne was by him brought vnto such pouertie , that the inhabitants were constrained to purchase peace . but hildebrand not thinking to be in presence of the emperor , & being abandoned & reiected of the romanes , fled vnto salerne , the yeare of the lord , . where hee finished his life in exile , which had caused so many to die , by the sworde , by famine , by poysons , and other sorts of deaths . yet the papists made a brute runne , that after his death he wrought many miracles : yea euen after , a priest of saxony , ( as sigebert witnesseth ) as he died , had seene him tormented in hell . antonine and vincent rehearse that this hildebrand being at the article and point of death , readie to yeeld vp his soule , called to him a cardinall his familiar , vnto whom hee confessed both to god and s. peter , and to all the church , that he had greeuously sinned , and had not done his office and dutie in the apostolicke state , and that by the perswasion of the diuel , he stirred hatreds , enmities and warres amongst many through the world . hee commaunded the said cardinall to transport him towards the emperour henry the fourth , and to crie him mercy for the faults he had committed against him , and that he should deliuer him from the excommunication , and likewise all his , as well aliue as dead . anto. and r. barnes . multiplication of the orders of munkerie . in this time the order of the templers beganne , and the order of regular chanons , in a difference from secular chanons . volateran . the order of the monkes of grandmont , of the rule of s. benet , tooke his beginning of one named stephen of fraunce , which carried haire vpon his flesh . volaterane . the order of charterux began , bruno borne at coloigne , a schoolemaister , and after a chanon of rheimes , hauing heard the voyce of a doctor renowmed in his life , when he made his obsequies saying , i am cōdemned by a iust iudgement of god , was afraid , and for suertie entered into an hermitage with certaine disciples , and founded the charter house in the country of dalphine , in the diocesse of grenople , by the meanes & help of hugues bishop of grenople , who also receiued the habite of chartreux . and so beganne the order , the yeare of christ , . chron. sigeb . and emil. lib. . and plati . the yeare of christ . in the time of gregorie the seuenth , and of the emperour henry the fourth . the abbey of s. sauiour of andim , of the order of s benet , in the country of hainault , in a litle iland called in latin commonly aquacinctum , or aquis cinctum , was beganne by two noble persons , sicherus , and gualterus , which went vnto ancelme of ribemont , a noble man , and demaunded the saide i le , beeing part of his patrimony , where the abbey was builded . sigeb . victor . of that name , borne in italie , called before didier , abbot of montcassin , and cardinall of the court of rome , was made pope , not by election of cardinalls , or of the romane people , but was there inthronized by that harlot matilde , and the normaines of that faction , and gouerned a yeare and foure moneths . after he had receiued the papall dignitie as gregorie his successour , he beganne lustily to maintaine his part against the emperour and the pope clement : and hee which was a monke to defend his predecessor monke , according as he had bene informed by the said matilde , the louer of gregorie . but death kept him from shewing by effect , yea with some great publike calamitie , that poyson which hee had hidde in his heart , and the inraged hatred which hee had conceiued against them . for the yeare of the lorde . hee finished his life with his papacie , and that sooner then he looked for . some authors , as herman . contract . carsulan , peter de premonstre , and many others , recite that he died of poison which was put in the challice by his subdeacon as he sung masse . yet vincent is of an other opinion as platina rehearseth it , when he saith that he dyed of a fluxe of the bodie , and that is not farre from a suspition of an impoysonment : for they which take poyson doo sometimes fall into a fluxe of the belly , because the guts and inward parts are wasted & corrupted . some historiographers , slaues of the romane seate , haue maliciously said that this was procured him by the emperour henry , others by the pope clement , although this wicked act was done by no other but by his chaplaine , doing his office of subdeacon . some haue left by writing , that in this time many prodigious & straunge things against nature appeared . for domesticall birds , as hennes , geese , pigeons , and peacocks , fled into the mountains & became wild , & that the greatest part of fishes , as well of riuers as of the sea , died . philip king of france forsooke his wife berthe , the daughter of baudwin , counte of holland , of whom he had a sonne and a daughter . chronicles of the kings of france . the relickes of s. nicholas , were transported from the citie of mirrhe , into the towne of bar. whereof came that famous idoll which giueth the name of saint nicholas in lorraine . chaunges of many dukes in the country of almaigne . who can here expresse how many euils & calamities that intestine and ciuil warre of almaigne hath caused , being stirred by the pope , not onely amongst the greatest princes which were slaine therin , but also in change of siegnories ? the emperour henry , after that his enemy rodolphe was dead , ( about foure yeares after hee had bene placed in his imperiall seate ) gaue the duchie of sorabie to fredericke de stanfeu his sonne in lawe . the race of franconian dukes in a small time perished altogether . egbert marquesse of misue , vnto whom the bishops had giuen hope to haue the empire , after the death of rodolphe was also slaine in the battell of the saxons , which the emperour henry gained . also gebbard father of lotharie , who after was emperour , dyed in the warres . briefly , the forces of almaigne were wholy debilitated and chaunged in this vnluckie warre of the popes . vrbane . of that name , borne of tuscane , called before otho a monke of clugny , and vnder hildebrand , cardinall of oftie , was inthronized in the papacie against the wil of the emperour , by such as had inthronized victor , namely by that harlot matilde , and the norans then lordes of pouille , and ruled . yeares . moneths , and . dayes . this is the disciple and houshold seruant of hildebrand , whom benno calleth in despight turban , a schismaticke , an hereticke , and companion of liberius the arrian , which gregorie the seuenth canonized as hath bene said . who ( saith hee ) for feare that the poyson of their errours might not be knowne , after the manner of sorcerers mingled hony therewith : for subtilly and vnder an intent to deceiue , hee added holy scriptures to his lyes , and perseuering in his errours with his hildebrand , he was sent into hell with the apostate angels . vrbain ( say some authours of our time ) perturber of the world , or rather whirle-winde of the tempests of townes , the familiar of hildebrand , watered , maintained , and caused to grow the pernicious seeds which his predecessors had before dispearsed here and there . he excommunicated guibert arch-bishop of rauenna , which was named clement the third , because hee had bene chosen by the emperour . at this time all things were in great trouble , as well in almaigne as in other nations , by the disputations then happening betwixt the cleargy and the people , but because vrbane would not absolue any which had beene excommunicated by hildebrand , fearing to fall in daunger of his life , went secretly out of the towne , and after this celebrated many sinodes . the first at melphe : the second at troy in pouillie : the third at plaisance : the fourth at cleremont , the yeare of the lord , . and the fift at tours ; in which he confirmed the acts of the monster hildebrand , and made new ecclesiasticall ordinances : to the ende the papall authoritie might in nothing be diminished in that which had bene acquired by violence and deceit . he ordeined that a clarke might not receiue inuesture of a benefice of a secular prince whatsoeuer : hee be . hee writ to matilde , an auncient friend and louer of the romane church , and armed all her sinagogue against them of the emperours side , whom he calleth heretickes . he gaue also to the arch-bishop of millaine , the pall archiopischopall , and so confirmed the orders and sects of chartreux , and of the monkes of cisteaux . such as had wiues , after they were promoted vnto the order of deacons , he depriued thē of their offices , taking also frō priests , their sons , their estates , and administrations . he made the arch-bishop of toledo ( who had made an oath vnto him ) primate of all spaine , to the end by that meane the beast of rome might make subiect all spaine vnto him . he stirred christian princes to take armes against the sarasins , vnder colour to recouer the towne of hierusalem . and for that purpose hee marked with the signe of the crosse three hundreth thousand men ; and in the meane while he guided all things for his own profit . for the yeare of christ . because hee would not finde meanes to doo his businesses as he would , for many tumults and seditions raised against him , he tooke occasion to depart from rome and come into france . he commanded to assemble an vniuersal councel of all the church in the citie of cleremont in anuegue : and made an oration of great efficacie . for straight there crossed themselues to the combat at least three hundreth thousand men , all readie to goe vnto ierusalem , of the number of which , there were many valiant princes , who to make mony , solde their owne landes and signeories , as hughe the great , the king of fraunce his brother . robert brother of the duke of normandie . robert or rambert , count of flaunders . raimond count of s. giles . stephen count of blois . brunamon or bayamond , prince of pouille : and godphrey de bullon , who was the chiefe , with his two brethren , eustace and baudwin . also ansele of ribemont , and many others . he excommunicated the king of galatia , because he had put a bishop in prison , and exacted this oath of such as he would promote to orders . so god helpe me , and these holy euangelists of god. hee made also certaine their statutes , namely clarkes should euery day say the houres of the virgine mary ( a verie idolatrous thing ) and vnto her to dedicate the saterday with a masse . he ordeined that no person should come into popish orders , vnles he were a virgin , that is to say vnmarried , whoremonger , or buggerer , as their acts shewed . as for priests they must needs be without wiues , althogh they passed not for whordomes . he forbad that bishops should be ordeined without titles , & that faith shuld be kept vnto such as popes had excommunicated . he held himselfe close for the space of two yeares , in the house of one peter leon , for the feare he had of one iohn paien , a romane citizen , where also he died , the yeare of the lord . and his body was buried secretly beyond tiber , for feare of enemies . the same yeare died also guibert , which was called clement the . after he had seene three popes dead in his time . theodorus bibliander writeth in this sort of that hildebrand aforesaid and this vrbane , speaking to the princes of al estates . hildebrand ( saith he ) in inciting the emperour of greece against the turks , sowed the seed of the war of gog and magog , against which crieth the bloud of the church , shead with a miserable ruine and losse , by the sword of his tongue . o how much blood hath beene shead at the sollicitation of vrbane the second ! to the end that vnder the colour of making warre to amplifie the christian religion , and recouer the sepulchre of the lord , he might be put againe in the romane seate , after hauing oppressed such as were of the faction of guibert . fredericke barbarossa did so the yeare of the lord . frederic . the king of france lewis . who was a saint after his death , did as much the yeare . sigismond did it twise . anno. . vladislaus king of hungarie , anno. . who dyed nigh varne . and at this day what shall we iudge of such as bring the turke into christendome to auenge their particular iniuries ? this pope vrbane by excommunications constrained philip king of france to take againe berthe his first wife , which he caused to be detained prisoner in the castle of monstrell , vpon the sea : and to leaue his second bertrande , who was wife of the count de angiou . nice in bithinie is taken , and after the towne of ierusalem , by the christians , whereof godfrey of bulloine was constituted king. naucler . antioche was taken by boemondus a norman , sonne of robert duke of pouille . supp . chron. the reward that those noble combatants and fighters for christendome got , was the carrying away of relickes . the speare which pearced the side of iesus christ , was found in the said towne , in the church of saint andrewe . supp . chron. robert count of flaunders , brought away the arme of saint george , which he sent into the abbey of anchin . sigeb . godfrey was the first king of ierusalem . baudwin his brother , is called the second . naucler . paschall second of that name , borne of italie , called before rainer a monke , and lately created cardinall , of the title of s. clement , by hildebrand his maister , succeeded vrbane the second in the papacie . when this proud squire knew hee was chosen , he would not mount into the papall seate , vntill first the people had cryed thrice , saint peter hath chosen rainer . after this , beeing apparrelled in a scarlet roabe , and a theatre or crowne vppon his head , mounted vpon a white steed , hee was ledde to the place of laterane , where the papall scepter was giuen him : and he was girt with a baudrier or large girdle , at which hung seuen kayes , and as many seales , as ensignes or tokens of the papall power ( so much did this great antichrist and aduersary of god magnifie himselfe ) by which things signified , that according to the graces of the holy ghost , which they distinguished into seuen ) he had the power to open and shut churches . by this meanes this harlot mounted on horsbacke , being come vnto a perfect age , in such sort encreased , that she got vpō the beast with ten hornes : which she had gouerned vntil our time in great pride & arrogancie , as had bin foretold . apo. . . this soueraigne vicar of sathan on earth , imployed all his time in warres and seditions , whilest godfrey de bulloine and other christian princes fought against the sarrasins in siria . and to the end he might not be esteemed lesse thē hildebrand , he sought all the meanes that might serue to the greatnes of his romane seate . hee furiously deposed from their dignities , all the bishops and abbots which had bene ordeined by the emperour . he sent into exile one albert theodoricke , and maginulphe , who aspired vnto the papacie . he assembled at rome a councell of the bishops of italie and france , anno. . because of an opinion of a bishop of fluence touching antichrist alreadie borne , as sabellicus rehearseth . for seeing so many mischiefes committed in the church , he said antichrist was alreadie manifested but he was repressed by many iniuries done vnto him . he againe prohibited ministers to marry , as all his prelate predecessors had done , and called that marriage the heresie of the nicholaits . he pronounced that they were great heresies , to make no account of yeelding obedience to the roman church , and to despise censures , and also to receiue inuesture of benefices at the hand of a prophane man. he renewed the statute of paying tenths to priests that said masse , and would needes it should be a sinne against the holy ghost to sell tenths . in this sinode he renewed the excommunication of gregorie the seuenth , and of vrbane the second , against the emperour henry the fourth , and published it againe . and which is more , the rage of this cruell tyrant was so inflamed against him , that he stirred the sonne of the said emperour , called henry the fift , to take armes against his father : an horrible thing to speak . there was neuer inhumanitie nor cruell act , if this were not . the sonne , yea that onely sonne , not angred or stirred vp by any publike or particular iniurie , despised not onely his parent , neither only abandoned and destituted him of his succours and helpe : but vnder colour of the church and the publike good , assaulted him by armes , besieged him , by circumvention tooke him traiterously , despoyled him of his imperiall dignitie , and made him die a poore miserable man , in great captiuitie and heauinesse . and all this he did ( saith rodolphe galterus ) not by the commaundement of any barbarous tyrant , not at the instigation of some phalaris , but by the councell of the holy father of rome . reioyce ( saith he ) you caligula & nero , and you all which haue bene renowned for crueltie , for you haue now found one that shall take away the memorie of your name so cruell , because he goes much before you : that is to say the pope of rome , who commaunds the sonne to drawe his sword against the father . henry then the fourth , was dispoyled of his imperiall dignitie : and finally his sonne henry the fift by treason tooke him prisoner , the fiftie yeare of his empire , as hee went vnto an assembly held at magunce he died , after he had bene miserably handled in the citie of liege , anno. . after the chron. of euseb . or . after others . but the enmitie of this papall monster was not yet appeased by this death , for in an inraged manner hee did exercise his crueltie against him after his death , commaunding by letters that his body shuld be vnburied , cast out of the church , and transported from liege to spire , and to be depriued by the space of fiue yeares of sepulchre . behold how this proud antichrist obeyeth magistrates ordeined of god! but see what god did in the meane time . at spire blood ranne out of loaues of bread , as vrspergensis faith in his cronographie . the yeare of the lorde , . hee made an assembly of many princes and bishops at guardascall in lombardie , with whom he handled matters appertaining to the faith ( that is to say , cōcerning the popes kitchin ) as of homages , of fealties , & of oaths that bishops had before made vnto laie persons . he despoiled also the arch-bishop of rauenna of his lands , applying them vnto his owne profit . and this pope not content with such crueltie , caused the body of guibert archbishop of the said place of rauenna to be taken vp , who had bin chosen pope by the emperour henry the . in the time of gregore . sixe yeares after he was laide in the sepulchre . now as for henry the . he was an excellent emperor , meete for an empire , of a noble race , and an incomparable spirit . o that other princes had possessed such hearts , and had not attributed so much vnto that romane harlot . he was affable and benigne towards all , liberall to wards the poore : it is said that during his life hee fought with ensigne displaied , threescore and two times . after many histories . henry the fift of that name , sonne of henry the fourth , and of berthe , marquesse of italie ; was chosen at magunce , by the gouernours and chiefe of the empire , and raigned twentie yeares . chron. palm . lewis le gros , otherwise called the good lewis , . king of fraunce , raigned . yeares , and was crowned at orleance , and annointed by the archbishop of sens. it is said of him , that he often disguised himselfe in the habit of a poore man , or of a woman , or seruant , the better to knowe the truth of some secret matters of his kingdome . he was founder of the abbey of s. victor in paris . the yeare of christ , one thousand , one hundreth , and eleuen , henry the fift went to rome , to appease seditions stirred since gregorie the seuenth , and continued in victor , vrbane and paschal the second . the emperour and other princes would vse the authoritie , right & priuiledges of auncient emperours . for charlemaigne and others which had obteined the empire since three hundreth yeares and more , vnder threescore and three popes , bestowed bishopprickes , abbaies , and other benefices . against this authoritie and custome , the pope following by sinodall decrees , mainteined that ecclesiasticall benefices ought not to be giuen by laie-persons , and excommunicated as simoniackes , as well such as receiued them , as them that gaue them . this emperour then being at rome , after he had kissed the feete of the holy father , prayed him to confirme and to like of such as had ordeined bishops : but as he refused to confirme them , he was taken by the emperour and imprisoned , and came not out vntill hee had confirmed them all , and yeelded him the right of inuesture giuen vnto charlemaigne , and therevpon making letters and seales , and also confirmed the said emperour . yet after the pope had said masse & was in his chaire ( saith masseus ) behold the souldiers came suddenly in , crying , yeeld vnto caesar that which is caesars : and assailed as well him as all the cleargie , carrying them all out from thence and spoyled them , without leauing them any thing , then put they them in prison in the mountaine of soracte . finally , after debates and discentions were appeased , and the emperour henry crowned , paschal renewed the priuiledge of inuesture of bishops , and pronounced before all the assembly , that whosoeuer made of no force the saide priuiledge was excommunicated . there was also sung gloria in exelsis , because the peace was made betwixt the emperour and the pope . but so soone as the emperour was returned into almaigne , this periured traitor reuoked all hee had promised with solemne oathes : affirming that he accorded with the emperour , not of his good wil , but by force and constraint . after this , hee condemned that priuiledge , and excommunicated the emperour , and stirred maruellous tragedies , which incontinently were published throughout all the wide world . hee assembled a councell at troyes in champaigne in fraunce , wherein againe hee forbadde marriage vnto the priestes of fraunce , as hildebrand had before forbidden the priests of almaigne , euen to the chasing of some prelates out of their seates , because they were marryed . desiring to encrease the papall authoritie , hee renewed the quarrell of giuing bishopprickes , which had caused great calamities throughout the regions of europe . ancelme an arch-bishop of englande , and a monke , augmented the impudencies of this pope , by such sophisticke perswasions as he had before done them of vrbaine . for he was their councellor at rome , and their vicar in england . this ancelme tirannously depriued henry the first of that name , king of england , of the right that kings haue to prouide officers vsed by the kings of israel , dauid , salomon , iosaphat , ezechias , iosias , & others ; likewise against the saying of iesus christ . the kings of nations haue rule ouer them , &c. but so it is not with you . he also perpetually condemned the lawfull marriage of priests in england , as hath bene said : against the holy lawes , as well of the olde , as of the new testament , and the manifest examples of the primitiue church : to the and by the suggestion of sathan , the cleargie might serue there in all sodomie to the dragon called the diuell , and to antichrist his vicar . bertol duke of zeringuen and of souabe , founded the citie of fribourg in brisgoye . naucler . paschall assembled a councell at laterane , wherein hee reuoked the right of inuestures , accorded vnto henry the fift , whereby arose a new schisme . and the popes legates declared the said henry to be excommunicated ; whereof rose great euils . for the emperour returned to rome the second time , and the pope paschall was constrained to flie . s. barnard of the age of . yeares , accompanied with . persons , entred into the religion of the cisteaux , in the time stephen liued , the third abbot of that place . it rayned bloud in the field emilian and flaminian , in the moneth of iune , nigh rauenna and parma , without and within . chron. sigeb . and palin . the monasterie of cleruaux was founded , whereof s. barnard was the first abbot , being of the age of . yeares , and was there , by the space of . yeares . naucler . the fruites of the warre of ierusalem . foure orders came from ierusalem . naucler . . the order of chanons of the sepulchre of the lord , and they had double redde crosses . the order of the knights of s. ihon , otherwise called the knights of rhodes , and they weare blacke apparell , with a white crosse on their brests . the order of templers , which haue the white habit and the redde crosse . the order of teutoniques or almaignes , or otherwise the knights of the virgin mary , which had a white habit and a blacke crosse . the pope paschal sent to the bishop of palerme in sicilie , the archiepiscopall pall , yet with a condition , that by oath he should binde himselfe to the pope of rome . the said bishop humbly sent him word , that hee maruelled , and with him the princes and councellours of sicilie , how the pope demaunded an oath of a bishop : seeing iesus christ in s. mathew , cha . . had forbidden to sweare : and that it was not found by any councell that it was lawfull to exact such an oath . the pope sharpely answered in these tearmes . thinkest thou ( saieth hee ) that any councell can prescribe a lawe to the romane church ? knowest thou not that all councels haue their perfection and vertue by the romane church ? martin luther . in this time liued hiltpert or hildebert , bishop of mons , a fauourer of transubstantiation as well as ancelme . matilde or mehaut countesse , of the age of . yeares died , and gaue her goods by testament vnto the romane church . r. barnes . the emperour henry was defrauded by the said testament , for he was cousin of the said countesse : which after gaue occasion of great stirres and murthers . r. barnes & naucl. baudwin second king of ierusalem , dyed : and baudwin his nephewe , surnamed burgo , was created the third king of ierusalem . gelasius pope , . of that name , was a monke of mountcassin , chauncellour of the romane church , named iohn , borne at gayotte a citie of campaigne in italie . soone after his election , he was apprehended by cincius , a mightie man , & imprisoned : but incōtinently he was deliuered by the people . the emperour sent his armie to rome . gelasius fearing his comming , fledde to gayette . the emperour created an other pope a spaniard , called maurice , otherwise burdin , archbishop of bracare , which was called gregorie the eight . this done the emperour returned into almaigne , and then beganne the eighteenth schisme . gelasius condemned the emperour and the antepope , and sent into almaigne the bishop prenestin , to publish the excommunication against the said henry the fift . r. barnes . gelasius secretly came to rome , but he was knowne of his enemies , and with much adoo escaping , went for refuge into fraunce . suppl . chron. he ordeined a councell at rheimes , whither came bare-footed , robert of lorraine , founder of the order and place of premonstre : and entreated of the pope gelasius , licence to preach the word of god , and also authoritie and confirmation of his order . naucl. chron. sigeb . this pope had alreadie dedicated the great church of saint laurence at florence , and had there placed the ashes of s. iohn baptists bones , newly brought from mirrhe , confirming them , and approuing them for the true ashes of s. iohn . supp . chron. this pope gelasius died of a pleurisie at clugny , where hee was also buried , hauing ruled at rome a yeare & sixe moneths . calixt . of that name succeeded him , & was . yeares pope : before called guy , ( or guido ) of burgongne , after fasc . temp . and the sea of histories : or brother , after supp . chron. he was doctor in the ciuil lawe , and in theologie . without contradiction he was chosen of the cardinalls , and honourably receiued at rome . when the antepope burdin heard those newes , he met him , thinking to haue hindered him : but he profited nothing , for he was in full battell ouercome with the french helpe . and being taken by the pope calixt , and by the cardinal of s. grisogon , chiefe of his armie , he was set vpon a camell , his face towards the taile : and in such sort hee made him goe at his entrie , & then imprisoned him . iohn le maire . fasc . temp . eghardus saith that the said antepope was powled & made a monke : because whē he resided at sutry , he was a partie of many robberies committed vpon such as went and came to rome . chron. sigeb . calixtus made continue the councell at rheimes in champaigne , which gelasius had commenced , wherein he excommunicated the emperor henry the fift , as an enemy of the church . this excommunication was about the cause of the quarrell of the inuestures of bishops . iohn le maire . henry the fift fearing to be deposed from his empire as his father was , accorded the right of inuestures in a full councell it rome , vnto calixtus . supp . chron. calixtus ordeined that the bishop of compostella should be made an arch-bishop : for the reuerence of the bodie of saint iames who rested there : and hee made a booke full of fables of the miracles of the said s. abb. trit . he appointed the foure times for taking orders ( as they call them ) for before they did take them only three times in the yeare . he excommunicated such as tooke siluer for baptisme , and for burying . chron. r. franc. by this decree popish priests should be excommunicated . he founded a monasterie of the order of cisteaux , called boneuan . fasc . temp . he ordeined it should not be lawful for any bishop to turne from the romane church , neither to contrary it . for ( said he ) euen as the sonne is come to do the will of his father : so it behoueth all christians to do the will of their mother , ( that is to say ) the romane church . dist . . ca. non decet . see how this brazen faced harlot of rome alleadgeth scripture : and is not ashamed to call her selfe a mother . he excommunicated all such as molested pilgrimes which went to rome . q. . chap. si quis . william duke of pouille , preparing himselfe for the voiage of constantinople , to take vnto wife the emperor alexis his daughter , recommēded his country to the pope calixt , doubting the ambitiō of roger his cosin , who failed not incōtinently after the departure of the said william , to seize vpon calabria & pouille : insomuch as william was depriued both of his wife , and of his principalitie , and dyed without children . naucler . and corno . abb. calixtus prepared an armie against roger , but the popes death came betwixt , and innocent the second pursued the enterprise . one called iohn , a patriarke of the indians , came vnto rome , and rehearsed to the pope and cardinalls in a councell , that by a myracle s. thomas the apostle came euery yeare to giue the eucharist vnto the good , and refused the wicked . naucler . miracles and apparitions are on all sides forged . the emperour henry the fift , bearing a long time an hatred vnto the king of france , assembled a great armie to runne vpon him , taking occasion that hee was at the councell which the pope calixt held at rheimes , wherein he was excommunicated : and vaunted that he would destroy the citie of rheims , where the said councell was held , but when he perceiued the kings power which met him with the precious standard called the auriflame , he desisted from his enterprise , and returned into his country . iohn le maire . pomerania receiued the christian faith. nancler . honorius pope , second of that name , borne at imola in italie , a man of base condition , yet learned , gouerned the romane church . yeares & . moneths . before he was called lambert , bishop of ostia , and was promoted rather by the ambition of some , then by the consent of the good . supp . chron. he inuested roger of the duchy of pouille , after the said roger had done vnto him homage : who also was king of sicilie . the same . robert author of the order of premonstre , went to rome vnto the pope , & obteined what he desired cōcerning y e order . nauc . arnulphe arch-bishop of lion , had at this time a singular grace in preaching , who after he had preached in fraunce and italie , came vnto rome . but because in his sermons he rebuked too sharply the vices , the delights and pompes of church-men , he was slaine . honorius feined to be grieued therat , yet he made no search for the murderers . plat. and sabel . bonifa . simo. say that hee did this in fauour both of the nobilitie and of the common people . the yeare of christ , . henry the . died in the citie of vtreict , without heire male . lothaire , in the almaine tongue luder , the sonne of count gebhard ( who was slaine in the warre by henry the fourth , as hath bene said ) being created duke of saxonie , was chosen emperour : a man of great industry and prudence , and persecuted the race of the emperour henry , whereof arose many troubles : for frederic and conrade , dukes of souanbie , were a long time rebels vnto him . finally , s. barnard abbot of cleruax reconciled these two brethren with lothaire . hugo a saxon by nation , and surnamed of victor , a theologian of paris , was at this time in paris . amongst his writings are found many complaints against the disordinate life of clarkes in this time . it is he whom some say , that at masse as he lifted vp the body of our lord , there appeared a litle childe , which said vnto him : eate me . and he abhorring it , said hee could not eate him , vnlesse he hid himselfe againe vnder the bread : and straight it came so to passe , and he eate him . who sees not that this is a fable inuented to proue the new doctrine of pascasius and lanfrancus ? and yet this is against their doctrine , and especially against that of thomas aquine , in the third part , question . . charles count of flaunders , nephew of lewis king of france , was traiterously murthered as hee was on his knees in the church of s. donatus in brugis in flaunders . the murtherers were certaine villaines of the countrey , which were grieuously punished in sundry maners . sigeb . baudwin the second , who was the third king of ierusalem , died in a monkes habit : whom fulco succeeded . naucl. chron. sigeb . innocent pope . . of that name , a roman , gouerned . yeares . after his coronation he attempted mortall warre against roger the norman . who first named himselfe king of naples : but in the end innocent was ouerthrowne in battaile , and ledde away prisoner . whilest he was in prison the romanes elected peter leon , the sonne of a puissant romane citizen : but innocent after he had agreed with the said roger , was constrained to goe into france for succour towards king lewis le gros , of whom hee was honourably receiued . being come into france , he held two councells ; one at auerne , and an other at rhemes in campaigne . from france he retired towards the countrey of liege , where he found the emperour lothaire , who also promised all the assistance he could : by meanes of which , hee returned into italie . anacletus the antepope stole away all the treasures and reliques of the church to wage them which were of his band : he died with griefe , and his cardinals craued pardon . in the councell held at rheimes , subdeacons were commaunded to liue without marriage , vnder paine to loose theyr benefices . there became a contention betwixt the pope & the king of france , because that after the death of alberic archbishop of bourges , the pope sent one called peter , by him consecrated archbishop of the said place , to reside and rule there : but the king reiected him , neither was be receiued into the towne , because he was created without his knowledge . sigeb . innocent agreed & set a peace betwixt the towne of pise , and the towne of genues , and raised them vp vnto archbishops . a sinode at rome at this time ordained , that no lay-man should presume to lay hand vpon a clarke , vnder paine of excommunication , from which none could absolue him but the pope , vnlesse he were at the poynt of death : for then his bishop might absolue him . . quest . . chap. si quis suadente diabolo . in this time was richardus de sancto victore , and hugo a monke of corbie in saxonie , who wrote the booke ( de clanstro animae . ) peter de balard , an hereticke of this time , said that the passion of our lord iesus christ was onely giuen vs for an example of patience , of vertue , and of loue , he shewed vnto vs. wherefore he was condemned with all his writings by the pope innocent . s. barnard writ against him . writers say , that one called iohn of time ( if it be a thing worthy the credite ) liued . yeares : that is to say , from the time of charlemaigne , whose councellor he was , and died in this time . naucler . and suppl . chron. the emperour lothaire went to rome to restore innocnt , according to his promise . the faction of the guelphes for the pope , and of the gibellins for the emperour , began in this time . naucler . lothaire returning from italie , the second time after hee had deiected roger of pouille and calabria , died of the pestilence nigh trent amongst the mountaines , in a poore lodging saith naucler . but palin , saith that he died at verona , the . yeare of his kingdome , and the . of his empire , leauing one daughter , called gertrude . conrade . of that name , duke of souabe , sonne of frederike of haulte staufen , and of agnes , daughter of henry the fourth , obtained the empire . yeares . lewis the young , . of that name , . king of france , raigned . yeares . he vpon superstition went into spaine vpon pilgrimage vnto s. iames. ascalon was taken of the christians beyond the sea . suppl . chron. edessa a citie of mesopotamia was taken of alaps , a prince of turkie , the christians put to death , and women violated vpon the aultar of s. iohn baptist , saith naucler . fulco king of ierusalem , fell from his horse as he ran at an hare , and died , naucler . and chron. euseb . baudwin . and . king of ierusalem , succeeded him . celestine pope , . of that name , an italian , before called guido , a priest , cardinall of s. mark , hauing ruled . monethes and . dayes , died of the pestilence . lucius pope , . of that name , borne at boulongne , before a priest , card. of s. crosse , named gerard , ruled about one yeare . this man willing by force to take away the dignitie of the patrician from the romanes , was on the body wounded with the blowes of stones by the common people . r. barns . and being oppressed with the romanes , hee sent vnto the emperour , who beeing occupied otherwhere , could not succour him . he did all he could to incite christians to warre beyond the sea , because he had receiued newes how the holy land was in daunger to be lost for the christians . iohn le maire . some say he died in a sedition . others , that he died of the pestilence . supp . chron. and fascic . temp . eugenius pope , third of that name , borne at pise , a monke of cleruaux , disciple of s. bernard , abbotte and cardinall of s. anastasius at rome , ruled eight yeares and foure monethes . he was constrained by the romanes ( whom hee had excommunicated with iordan the patrice ) to flie from rome , and shaking the dust off his feete against his enemies , hee got him into france , not onely to shunne the feare of the said romanes , who with force of armes chased him away , but also to encourage and drawe on the french king lewis to the succours of the holy land. he celebrated then a councell at vezelay in burgoigne : and there caused s. barnard with his liuely voyce to vtter out all the mischiefe like to fall vnto the holy land. after which speech of s. barnard , the king vowed to giue succours to the christian princes beyond the seas , and the queen helionor his wife promised to follow him : and with them , many princes , barons , and noble men of france . also the emperour conrade the third , alphonsus king of spaine , henry , king of england , and many other princes and prelates : yet in this voyage they did nothing worthy of memorie , and this was the second vniuersall voyage , as iohn le maire saith , but the third expedition to goe into ierusalem . the first vnder vrbain , and the second vnder paschal . anno. . eugenius also assembled a councell at rhemes , and called thither cardinalls and other prelates , of whom hee was consecrated , as appertained . and there s. barnard confuted by disputation , and vanquished gilbert poretaine , bishoppe of poitiers , an excellent clarke , who erred in touching the vnitie of the trinitie . there were made many decrees for monkes : that they should not leaue their monasteries , nor baptise , nor carrie children vnto baptisme : that they might not enioyne penance , nor giue absolution : that they might not visit the diseased , nor assist the funeralls of the dead . briefly , that they might not apply themselues vnto secular businesses , but remaine sollitarie in theyr monasteries . that the husband or wife ought not to enter into religion , and the marriage should not be broken , if one of the parties contradicted it : nor without the consent of the bishop , if both parties accorded . there was also ordained for the maintenance of schooles , and for prouision of doctors and masters . after those things done in france , eugenius returned vnto rome , where hee was honourably receiued of the people , but soone after died at tiber , where he went to recreate himselfe . his body was brought to rome , and buried in the temple of s. peter . suppl . chron. in this time raigned gratian the monke , who compiled the decretall . which eugenius approoued and commanded to be read through all vniuersities . supp . chron. petrus lumbardus bishop of paris , compiled the bookes of sentences . petrus commestor wrote the scholasticke historie . auicen and auerrois liued in this time , excellent in phisicke . by the writings of saint barnard wee may knowe how in this time beeing so miserably corrupted , he stroue against the impietie of popes , and the ecclesiasticall sort . see his . sermon , where he calleth them the ministers of antichrist . in the sermon . in the booke vnto this pope eugenius , and in the . sermon vpon the cant. he often saith that prelates are but pilates . he reprooueth eugenius , that leauing the word of god , he aduanced humane traditions . hugo cardinall in his postile vpon s. iohn , alleadgeth that s. barnard said in a certaine place . it seemeth ô good iesu , that all the vniuersitie of christians haue conspired against thee , and they are the chiefe of the coniuration which obtaine the primacie of the church . at the end of his dayes hee shewed well that hee perfectly knew the true doctrine of the iustification by iesus christ , on whom only was his refuge , reiecting all other sanctities and righteousnesse . his writings yeeld a certaine witnesse of him . the emperour of constantinople , emanuel , sent victuals to the christians beyond the seas : but like a traitetous wicked man hee mingled chalke amongst their floure , whereof infinite people died . he gaue also guides vnto the emperour conrade , which conducted him through solitary places ; insomuch that he lost all his souldiers . as much also almost came vnto the king of france , yet they both got into ierusalem . the emperor conrade , the king lewis , and baudwin king of ierusalem , being in ierusalem , determined to assaile damas. naucler . aluisius abbot of auchen , and bishop of arras , died in this iourney of the holy land , in a towne called philopolis , & simon bishop of noyon , at selencia . bishops , abbots , and monkes , trotted then in voyages beyond the seas . norway receiued then the faith which was then . s. barnard died of the age of . yeares . naucler . conrade the third , emperor , returning from his voyage of ierusalem , died at banberg . . frederic , first of that name , surnamed barbarous sonne of frederic duke of souanbe , who was brother of the said conrade , was chosen emperour . this was a prince of a good spirit , hardie , of great stature , and faire of face , his haire and beard , was redde , affable , and gracious . after his election , hee ledde seuen times his armie against the italians which rebelled against him . anastasius pope , . of that name , a romane , abbot , ruled the romane church , one yeare or two , . monethes , and . daies . they qualifie him a great almes-giuer of many priuiledges vnto religious people , of challices very sumptuous , and of repairing churches . adrian . of that name , borne in england , a man learned , before called nicholas-breakspeare , the sonne of one named robert , a monke and priest of the temple of s. albons , of a regular chanon he was made bishop cardinall , and after pope , ruled at rome fiue yeares and sixe monethes . he was sent vnto norway by eugenius the third , pope , to preach the faith , and when he had instructed the people of the said countrey , he was chosen pope . beeing receiued , the romanes prayed him to leaue the administration of the towne free to consuls and magistrates , after their auncient maner , which be refused : wherat the romanes grieued , did many euils vnto a cardinall . in so much that adrian set all the citie of rome vnder an interdict or excommunication . after his election he would by no meanes go to the church of laterane to be consecrated , vntill first arnold bishop of brixe were cast out of the towne : who opposed himselfe against the administration of ciuill things , and of the temporall sword which the cleargie had vsurped . and therefore he called him an heretike , solliciting the romane people to maintain their libertie , magistracie , and other offices . r. barns . of this same time was peter de blois , who in his writings touched the wickednesse of the cleargie-men . in a certaine epistle which he writeth to a bishops officiall , he admonisheth him to come out of babilon , detesting the tirannie of bishops and their officials , calling them infernall harpies which do but powle and sheere the church of iesus christ . he often calleth the cleargie , siria , edom , calues of bethel , idols of egipt , the fatte of samaria , priests of baal , and iudges which forge vniust lawes , and many such like names he giueth them . this saith he of rome . at rome all is subuerted by gifts , monkes may do all things by siluer , and redeeme by annuall pentions , all wickednesse of the flesh . there filthinesse began to be sung in the tabernacle of geth , & in the streets of ascalon . so was he made the prince of sodome , and his disciples after him , are set in the chaire of pestilence . such writing should be noted for their excellencie and raritie . the yeare of christ , . frederic went into italy , adrian met him euen at sutry , hoping by the emperours meanes to reuenge himselfe vpon his enemies . and as hee arriued at the emperours lodging , the emperour hasted to meete him , and as he lighted he held the left stirrope of his horse , and taking him by the hand ledde him into his castle . the pope greatly disdaining , held as a mockery , that the emperour at his lighting held his left stirrope , and not his right : insomuch that he departed from his castle much offended & discontent . the next morning the emperour dissembling all , like a wise man , calling the pope as hee met him againe , held his right stirrope at his lighting . for hee had not forgotten his lesson of the day before . after they went to rome , and there frederic was crowned by adrian at s. peters , and returned into almaigne . ri. barnes . iohn of salisbury , bishop of chartres , was in this time , who sharply opposed himselfe against the wickednes of popes and cleargie . he writ a booke , intituled obiurgatorium cleri . in his booke intituled policraticus , he saith thus . in the romane church are set scribes and pharisies , loading mens shoulders with insupportable burthens . the great bishop is heauy vnto all , yea importable . his legates cast themselues so into the fields , as if sathan were come from the lorde to torment the church . iudgement amongst them , is no other thing but a true marchandise . they esteeme of gaine as of pietie it selfe . they iustifie the wicked by gold and siluer , and reioyce in wickednes . they eate the sinnes of the people . they are apparelled & nourished in all luxurie : whilest the true worshippers worship the lord in spirit . he that sticketh not vnto their doctrine , either is he iudged an hereticke , or a schismaticke , &c. often were there such doctors in the church , but they durst not speake nor write of all that was needfull . in a booke intituled speculum , that is to say , the glasse . it is said that that good bishop iohn , amongst other complaints , hath bene sometimes heard say to the pope adrian the fourth ( his very familiar friend ) these words . the pope indeed is truly the seruant of seruants , because he serueth the romanes , seruants of couetousnesse . the same pope adrian was heard say to the said bishop iohn , that there were many popes which rather succeeded romulus in murders & paracides , then s. peter in feeding of sheep . romulus , the first founder of the citte of rome , slewe his owne brother remus , and so the walls were dedicated in that parricide . adrian excommunicated william the sonne of rogier king of sicily and pouille , and absolued his subiects of their oathes towards him : but seeing he profited nothing by that meanes , he incited emanuel emperour of constantinople : emanuel promised the pope to deposed the said william . onely he demanded three maritime or sea townes if he came to his purpose . these conuentions made , in the meane while the grecians occupied pouille , and wasted it . william vnderstanding these practises , prayed the pope to be reconciled vnto him , and that hee would onely graunt him the title of king of the two sicilies , and he would restore him whatsoeuer he demanded ; yea he would giue of his owne . the pope was content , but the cardinalls kept him from it . william then went into battaile against the grecians and obtained the victorie , droue the grecians out of pouille , and recouered it . the captaine prisoners were bound with chaines . afterward he went against beneuent and besieged it . the pope and his cardinalls which by chance were there , are prisoners , and constrained to demaund peace , and to agree wiih him . the pope first absolueth him of his excommunication , and pronounceth and declareth him king , after hauing done him homage to hold his land & seignory of the holy father . adrian returned to rome , and straight fel vnto cōtention . for the consuls would maintaine their franchise & ancient libertie . wherfore fearing ( because the interdict endured yet ) he got himselfe anagnia or arignianum . r. barns . frederic was not content that the pope without his knowledge had graunted the title and right of sicilia , because he was thereby defrauded of the inuestures : also for that the popes legates pilled so the countries subiect vnto his empire . because the pope began secretly through all the empire to sowe reasons to retire his subiects from his subiection . wherefore he demaunded homage of the bishops of the germaine nation , and oath of fidelitie : hee forbad that any should appeale vnto the romane sea. he commaunded the popes legates which appealed not to him , to get them out of his countries . the pope very much grieued at all those things , as also that the emperour set his owne name before the popes in his letters missiues which he sent ; writ letters vnto him , rebuking him for those foresaid things , admonishing him to amēd . the emperor answered them frō point to point . first , that iustly & by good right he set his name before his seeing the pope oweth all humilitie to the emperour as christ hath taught . and if popes haue any priuiledge , it comes of especiall grace , and by the liberalitie of kings and princes . also that iesus christ hath taught vs to yeeld to euery one that which belongs vnto him , to caesar that which belongeth vnto him . wherefore he iustly redemaundeth the inuestures and homage of bishops . touching cardinals and legates , that iustly he reiected thē out of his country . for said he , they come not to preach , but to pill and spoile : not to cōfirme peace , but to heape vp siluer . wherefore he prayed the pope and his , not to mooue so many schismes & scandalls , but that that they would studie for peace and humilitie . naucler & r. barns . the yeare . frederic tooke the towne of millaine , and made it subiect to the empire . sigeb . after this , the pope ceased not to sollicite the italians to withdraw their alleageance from the emperor , and therfore he sent his legates to millaine , to perswade them to reuolt . but the millanois sought no other thing but a quarell for that purpose ; and that was , that the emperour was excōmunicate . the pope then wrought a cōspiracie against the emperor with the aide of william king of sicilie , of them of millaine , and other nobles of italie , which gaue a great sum of siluer to the pope to excommunicate the emperour . the coniuration was confirmed by oath , vpon condition that none of thē should euer returne into grace with the emperour , vnlesse all were consenting therevnto . and if by fortune the pope died , that they should then elect a cardinall of their owne faction and band . after the former defence of the emperor that none should appeale to rome , the bishop of laude going to rome by appellation , was encountred by certaine of the emperours people ; and after they had beate him , they put him in prison . the pope adrian sent towards the emperour two legates with very sharpe letters . in which amongst other words , there were these . although thou hast not answered vs as thou oughtest , yet do we not repent if thou hadst receiued greater benefites at our hands then thou hast receiued . which words so angred the emperor and all the princes , that with much adoo did they abstaine from violating the league . of which one of them answering for the pope , said foolishly . if the emperour ( saith he ) hold not his empire of the pope , of whom holdeth he it ? by which words otho pallatin wittilispach before the emperour drew his sword , and ran against the said legate , and hardly was retained from sleying him . naucler . for store of siluer , then the pope adrian being at anagnia , thundred forth the sentence of excōmunicatiō against frederic : but god ( iohn de cremona saith ) who by the mouth of the prophet speaketh . ( they shal curse you , and i will blesse you ) ouerthrew their enterprise . for it fell out that the pope after hee had denounced the excommunication , came out of anagnia to take ayre , nigh a fountaine of which he dranke : but soone after a flie entred into his mouth , and kept so in his throate , that he left his breath and so died . naucler . vrsperg . the yeare . frederic laid siege before the towne of millaine , which was reuolted . pauie , plaisance , and as it were all lombardie , yeelded themselues subiect vnto him . chron. sigeb . crema is pilled and spoiled . behold what they gaine to beleeue the pope , and rebell against their naturall lord. the poore men of lyons , otherwise called vandrois , were in this time . after the death of pope adrian , yet ceased not the former conspiration against frederic , for the coniurators sent a strong man of body , who was a good musitian , but counterfeited a ieaster , to the end to take occasion to sley the emperour : but he was surprised and put to death . againe they sent him an arrabian ehchaunter , who carried mearcery ware , and drugs impoisoned . but the emperour finding out his treason , caused the enchaunter to be strangled . the duchie of bohemia was erected to a kingdome vnder frederic . naucler . the prince of austriche was made a duke . the body of s. bartholomew , and the body of paulin bishop of nole , were found in an old church , saith sigeb . the bodies of the three kings ( as they call thē ) were found nigh millaine , and carried into the said citie . fasci . temp . helinandus rehearseth that the pope adrian was wont to say ; that there is nothing in the world more miserable , nor condition or estate more vnluckie , then the popedome . and that hee found such tribulation in the apostolike seate , that he wished he had neuer departed from england . and that he was neuer so much at ease , as when he was but a simple cloyster-monke . adolphe count of nole d' albigeois , was slaine by the slauons , apostates of the faith : his death was reuenged by the duke of saxonie . henry leon. this henry founded three abbeyes , at lubec , racebourg , and souerum . he visited the sepulchre , and builded the church of s. bloise at brunswic . amongst many reliques , he gaue to the said church of the bloud of iesus christ , which he brought from the holy land , saith the sea of histories . alexander pope , third of that name , of sienne in tuscane , ruled . yeares or thereabouts . the sea of histories . he was before called rowland , and was an enemie of the empire , and therefore was he chosen by . cardinalls . some elected one called octauian , a romane citizen , priest , cardinall of s. clement , called after , victor the third : who came towards frederic . so was there a great schisme which continued . yeares . alexāder sent his legates towards frederic , who thē besieged cremona , to the end by his authoritie to take away the schisme . the emperor commanded that the two elected popes should come vnto him vnto pauie , and there hee would assemble a councel to take order for that schisme . alexander sent him the olde answere : that the pope might not be iudged of any liuing man , &c. and would not assist or appeare , but retired himselfe vnto anagnia . victor appeared , and was approoued pope , and the emperour sent him into almaine , and commanded that euery one should obey him : whereat alexander being greatly mooued , sent sentence of excommunication , against both the emperour and the said victor , at cleremont in france . we haue seene that after charlemaigne many pettie kings rose vp in italie , whereof some were called berengarij , which brought into subiection the kingdome of the lombards . otho the great got lombardie out of their hands . but after millaine as it encreased in riches , so the citizens withdrew themselues from the obedience of the romane empire . frederic hauing raised a great armie , constrained them with others to yeelde to the yoake . but the common people bearing euill will vnto the emperour minding againe to reuoult , discouered their wicked intent with a maruellous insolencie . the empresse frederic his wife , hauing a desire to see the towne , entered into it with effeminate assurance , without feare to suffer iniurie of such as obeyed the empire . but the common people forgetting all honour , being exceedingly inraged , set the said princesse vpon a she asse , causing her to turne her face towards the taile : the which they gaue her for a bridle in her hand , and in a mockerie sent her out at one of their gates . the emperour taking iust indignation against this iniury , besieged them seuen yeares before they could enter : but at the last constraining them to yeeld , hee ruinated and sacked the towne with great effusion of bloud . he receiued some to mercie , but it was vpon this cōditiō , that if they would saue their liues , they shuld draw out with their teeth a figge from behind of the she asse . many chose rather to die then to suffer that ignominy . others desiring to liue , did whatsoeuer was commanded them . frō hence comes a iust mockerie amongst the italians , to shewe the thumbe betwixt two fingers , and say ; ecco la fico , beholde the figge : crantes reciteth this story in his . booke of saxonia . frederic sent embassadors vnto the king of france , to take away that schisme from rome , they agreed to meete in a certaine place very conuenient for france and almaine , and that was at dijon . thither came henry king of england , the king of scotland , the king of bohemia : alexander would not bee there , saying he was not ordained by his authoritie . the king of france was not there in fauour of alexander . frederic not well content that he and so many princes had thus lost their paines , commaunded victor to drawe into italie : but victor died in the way at luques : and in his place guido bishop of cremone , was chosen , who afterward was called paschall the third : vnto whom the emperour frederic , the duke of bauiere , the count palatin in rhene , the lantgraue of turinge , the bishops of magdeburg , of breme , of treuers , of colongne , and of banberge , promised him obedience . r. barns . amaricus the brother of baudwin , was the sixt king of ierusalem . sigeb . alexander in the meane while held a councell at tours . but at rome the vicegerent of the pope alexander , the bishop of prenestine died , and in his place was substituted iohn , cardinall of the church of s. peter . he by siluer and other meanes drewe to alexander the most part of the romane citizens : and did so much , as they created new consuls , such as fauoured the said alexander . they recalled alexander out of france , and he was well receiued at rome , the bishop of pauie was put out for that he held on the emperours side . frederic the third time went into italie against certaine that rebelled , and came to rome to knowe the cause of those popes . alexander would not appeare , but drewe backe as before . the townes of italie rebelled against the emperor at the perswasion of alexander , and they conspired together . the millainois reedified their towne in fauour of this alexander , and called it alexandria . frederic the fourth time returned into italie with a great armie against the rebells : but henry leon duke of saxonie , corrupted by siluer ( as is thought ) left the emperour , and returned into saxonie with his company . the emperour required him not to faile him in that great need , but he lost time : therefore was hee constrained to withdrawe from italie , and returne into almaine , in a seruants apparell , and that with great difficultie . behold how by popes the world hath euer beene troubled . the yeare of christ , . saladin slew his lord the calyphe , and raigned in his place . chron. euseb . the yeare of christ , . frederic the fift time returned into italie : but at the perswasion of his confessor , he conuerted his armes against the turkes : and passing through hungarie , came vnto constantinople , & occupied many townes and places of the turkes , as philomenia and iconium , after he came into armenia the lesse , finally euen to ierusalem . whilest frederic was thus busied with the turke , the pope alexander with his confederates ceased not to thinke how they might destroy him . to the end then that hee should not returne victorious , the pope sent to the souldan the image of the emperour , which he caused to be drawne very liuely by an excellent painter , with letters by which he gaue aduertisement vnto the souldan , to sley or destroy the said emperour by treason , if euer hee pretended to liue in peace . the souldan hauing receiued the said popes letters , with the emperours figure , sought by all meanes to come to his purpose ; but occasion fell not out so soone . but finally as the emperour returned from the conquest of ierasalem being in armenia , one day as it was very hotte , hee withdrew into a wood with a fewe of his people , and with his chaplaine , and not thinking of any daunger , there made his people goe aside , and hee and his chaplaine lighted off their horses , vnapparelled themselues , and so refreshed them in a running streame of water . there was hee surprised by the ambushes which the souldane had laid , and were carried through the wood vnto the souldan . his people knowing nothing of his taking , sought him all the next morning . the brute came vnto the campe , the emperor was drowned , and by the space of an whole moneth they sought him in the floud where he washed . the emperour being brought before the souldane , feigned himselfe to be the emperors chaplaine , but the souldan knowing him by the image the pope sent him , maintained that he was the emperour of the christians , and indeed commanded that straight some should bring him the said image , and that the popes letters should be read . the emperour astonished at this treason , confessed the truth and demaunded fauour . certaine time after , the souldan sent him away , vnder certain couenants agreed betwixt them . the emperour returning , assigned a day at noremberg , and assembling his court , declared the pope alexander his treason , shewing his letters and the image . briefly , euery one promised him helpe to pay his ransome , and to doo iustice of the said alexander . in this time of darknesse and horrible tempests , after the grashoppers and vermine of begging friers , which deuoured the title graine of the world : here gaue the lord again a light , as it were the breake of day . the beginning of the waldois . peter waldo a citizen of lions , beganne by litle and litle in this time to cleare the thicke darknesse therof : and this was as a first and litle beginning of the instauration of the christian doctrine and religion . the historie is this . in the towne of lions , as many of the chief of the towne in sommer time to recreate themselues and talke together , one amongst them suddenly fell downe dead in the presence of others ; amongst which was this waldo , a rich man , who more then all other men was mooued and surprised with feare , and an apprehension of the humane frailtie , and began to think ( the spirit of god drawing him ) more nearly to repencance , and to meditate true pietie more then euer hee had done before . he began then to giue much more almes , to open his house to all , and to speake of penance and true pietie to such as for any cause came vnto him . this feare was of god , the fruite and the ende sheweth it in this person . but the feare that moued bruno to seeke remedie and comfort to his fancie without the word of the lord , was of the diuel , and proceeded of his illusions . this liberalitie drew many poore and needfull people vnto him , that they came by troupes , and he alwaies expounded some place of holy scripture in the vulgar tongue : for hee was a man learned ( as the writings of that time witnesse , and the catalogue of the witnesses of the truth ) the bishop of the place , and the prelates which carried the keyes as they say , and would neither enter , nor let others enter , beganne to murmure that a laie man , or secular man ( as they call them ) should handle or declare in the vulgar tongue the scripture , and make assemblies in his house : admonishing to cease to do so vnder the paine of excommunication . but for all this , the zeale that waldo had to aduance the glory of god , and the desire the little ones had to learne , was nothing diminished : but contrary , the resistance and tyrannie of the prelates gaue occasion to discouer the errours and superstitions of the romane seate , which then were as it were hid in darknesse . the like happened in our time : for whē the pope & his priests could not endure that martin luther should reprehend their indulgences , they were the cause that a further search was made into their errours , and so discouered their abhominable blasphemies . waldo now gathered in the vulgar tongue many places out of the auncient fathers , to cōfirme and strengthen such as were of his side , not only by the authoritie of holy scriptures , but also by witnesse of doctors , against the aduersaries . it is likely to be true , by historiographers , yea euen by the writings of the aduersaries , that this assembly endured certaine time ( it may be foure or fiue yeares ) that waldo taught in the towne of lyons , before he was driuen to exile & banishment . for because he was mightie and had friends , he was not so soone exposed to daungers which afterward were laide for him . and thus came the appellation of the pope of lions . some called them waldois , some lyonists , and some insabbatati : that is , such as obserued neither sabboth nor feast , and many other like names to make them odious and detestable , as shall be shewed in the discourse of this historie . alexander vnderstanding the emperor marched to come to rome , perceiuing himselfe culpable of the treason he had done him , the . yeare of his popedome , fled from rome in the habit of his coole , & came vnto venice , & remained in a monasterie : where finally being knowne , he was led by the duke & the senate with great solemnitie into s. markes church . the emperor vnderstanding y t alexander was at venice , sent embassadors to demaund alexander . the venetians maintained the pope , which the emperor seeing , sent thither his son otho with an army , yet commanding him not to fight against the venetians before his comming . but otho led with youth gaue battell , lost the victory & was prisoner . which the pope seeing , wold not agree with the emperor , vnlesse fist he came to venice & receiued the meanes that he wold offer . frederic to help his son came to venice : the pope would not absolue him of y e bond of excommunicatiō , vntill he presented himselfe at the doore of s. mark his church . whē he was come thither , the pope cōmanded him in the presence of all the people , to cast himself vpon the ground , and to demand pardon of him . the emperor prostrating himselfe vpon the earth at the popes feete : hee set his foote vpon the emperors neck , & pressing it downe said ; it is written , super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis & conculcabis leonem & draconem : that is to say ; thou shalt goe vpon the aspe & basilike , and tread vnder thy feet the lyon & the dragō . the emperor taking in ill part the contumely , answered ; this was not said vnto thee , but vnto peter . but the pope stepping againe vpon his neck , answered ; both to me , & to peter . the emperour fearing the peril or an hid danger , held his peace , & so was absolued : and an accord was made betwixt them , vpō condition that the emperour should hold alexander for the true & legitimate pope , & that he should restore to the romane church all that he had vsurped & takē during the war. these things ended , the emperor & his son departed frō venice , & so ceased y e schisme . this pope gaue many priuiledges to the order of chartreux , and canonized s. barnard . the bodies of three kings ( as they call them ) were transported from millaine to colongne , by the bishop of the said place . sabell . eun. . lib. . the order of the carmalites began in this time , and the order of willelmins hermirs . fasc . temp. about this time henry the second , king of england , seeing the power of bishops & cleargie too great in england , and that they by oathes made to the pope , did alienate themselues , and the forces of the realme by such means weakned , renewed the auncient rights , called the dignities of the kingdome . and aboue all that , which saith , that bishops and prelates shal sweare to be loyall and faithful vnto the king and the publike vtilitie of the kingdome . thomas becket archbishop of cāterburie gaue that oath to the king ; but after repented himselfe thereof , as of an vnlawfull oath , and demanded therfore the popes absolution . the king grieued at such periurie , banished him ; and about fiue yeares he was in france . the questiō was long debated at rome , & cost much mony vpō embassadors going betweene the one partie & the other . gratian cōpiler of the decrees , was sent on the popes side , & petrus lombardus on becket his side . the king fearing apparent daungers on the side of france , was glad to be quiet : but becket being restored , and stil remaining contrary to the king , and vnwilling to absolue such as before he had excommunicated , he was slain by certaine nobles of the realme . the . yeare after his death , there was a disputation in paris amongst the doctors , whether he were damned or saued . there was one roger a normane , who maintained that he deserued death , being a rebell against the king , who is the minister of god. others contrary , maintained that by good right he ought to be held in the number of martirs , because he died for the clergie , and so the pope alexander canonized him . this historie sheweth vs what difference there is betwixt the popes martyrs and them of iesus christ . the punishment makes not the martyr , but the cause . many haue written against this archbishop becket , and condemning him , haue maintained the kings cause . baleus rehearseth it . so doth iohn eliot , and iohn bishop of poitiers . our ladies church of paris is now builded by the bishop there called maurice , who also founded besides three monasteries , that is negranx , hermeries and yeres . the sea of histories . about this time were there seene in the west countries three sunnes in september , & the yeare after three moones . chro. euseb . baudwin fourth of that name , the seuenth king of ierusalem , raigned sixe yeares . chron. euseb . berthold , duke zeringen , sonne of conrade the emperour , founded two freburgs , that is to say , free bourgages or francborgs : the one in brisgoy , and the other in little bourgogne , commonly called vchland , against sauoye . and . yeares after he founded the towne of berne , which he surnamed because of a beare which he encountred in the place where the said towne was builded . for that word in their tongue signifieth beare . naucl. the scituation thereof is almost an iland which the riuer of arre maketh . phillip dieu done , . of that name , . king of france , sonne of lewis le ienne , constituted the escheuins of paris , and enuironed with walles a great part of the towne , and walled the wood of vincennes nigh paris . naucler . at this time was a great multitude of iewes in france , of which there went a report that euerie yeare they stole a christian childe , and ledde him vnto a place vnder the earth , and after they had tormented him , crucified him , and that day they call great or good friday . king phillip hearing this , caused the iewes to be taken and tormented in diuers sorts . hee burned . in one fire , and after the yeare . he draue them all out of his kingdome , except such as were conuerted to the faith. after the king being scarce of mony through warres , demanded of the iewes a great summe thereof , and hauing it graunted , he was content they should again come into his kingdome : as also his successour lewis opened them all the kingdome of france . lucius pope , third of that name , of luke , ruled at rome foure yeares , two moneths , and . dayes . he was before called hinebaldus , or vbaldus , cardinall of ostia . this pope would needs banish the consuls & patricij at rome : wherefore he was cast out of rome , and withdrew himselfe to verona . such as tooke his part , some had their eyes put out , others were set vpon asses , their faces towards the hinder part , and were ignominiously handled . after some . in this time was the fourth expedition made beyond the sea , and there were crossed vnto it the king of france philip augustus , and henry king of england . and there was a tenth laide vpon all benefices and reuenews of church goods , to help the charges of the warre . and this subsidie was called saladins tenth . iohn le maire . vrbane pope , third of that name , borne at millane , of the people of cribelles , ruled a yeare and sixe moneths , or as it were eleuen . suppl . chron. before he was called imbert . suppl . chron. sigeb . baudwin king of ierusalem , left the kingdome guyon of lusignan , his sisters husband , and the saide guyon was the last king of ierusalem . saladin , by auarice , ambition , and discord of christians , occupied ierusalem , which the christians had held from godfrey de bouillion , . yeares . he tooke also aca , beritus , biblon , and all the rest euen to ascalon , inclusiuely . naucler . gregorie pope , . of that name , borne in beneuent , ruled at rome . dayes . hee sent messages vnto the christian princes and their people , to goe against the enemies of the faith , promising indulgences and pardons vnto all ; but he dyed vpon that enterprise , as he went vnto pise to sollicite , that they of that towne with the geneuois together , might send into asia for the defence of religion . cor. abb. lynonia , or lyfland , a northerne land , was conuerted to the faith. clement pope , third of that name , the sonne of a romane citizen , ruled at rome . yeares and . moneths , and made a decretall against such priests as celebrated masse in wodden vessels , and with common bread . the emperour frederic , philip king of france , richard king of england , and the pope clement , agreed together to send mony vnto the christians : they sent also many ships , and after went themselues in person , with many princes and prelates of ierusalem , but they could not accord : therefore soone after they returned . supp . chron. the yeare of christ . frederic being at nice , a citie of bithinia , it being also very hotte , he descended into a floud to wash : but the force of the water carried him away , so that he was drowned , in the presence of his people , the . yeare of his empire , leauing fiue children which hee had of his wife beatrix , daughter of regnand , count of besanson . the king of england was taken by a duke of austriche , called leopold , as he returned passing through almaigne , and was deliuered vnto the emperour henry the sixt . for his raunsome , were solde the treasures of the church , the chalices of gold and siluer , &c. and so returned into england . during this time , the king of france but a litle before also returned into france , and occupied certaine townes appertaining vnto the king of england . the treasures of england solde for the kings raunsome , came markes of siluer . celestine . of that name , a romane , before called iacinthus , very aged , ( his father was called bubonis ) was chosen pope by the cardinalls vpon easter day . the next morning he crowned henry emperour , . of that name , sonne of fredericke , and at the exhortation of this pope , he made an expedition to goe vnto ierusalem . william king of sicile dying without heires , it was thought that therefore the kingdome should devolue vnto the romane seate : but the greatest of the kingdome elected tancredus , the bastard sonne of the said william . the pope stirred heereat , drew constance the daughter of roger , and sister of william king of sicilie , out of an abbey of nunnes in the towne of palerme , and dispensed with her marriage . wherefore henry sonne of the emperour fredericke , espoused her , and so came vnto the kingdome of sicilie and occupied it . and tancredus was slaine in battaile , so henry abode in place . the said constance of the age of . yeares , conceaued and brought forth a sonne called fredericke the second , who after was emperour . supp . chron. the order of the friars of the hospitall of the almaines , beganne at this time . also the order of the trinitie . the yeare . the towne of aca was taken by the christians . naucler . saith here , that saladine seeing the force of the christians , determined to haue yeelded them the towne of ierusalem : but the discord happening betwixt the king of fraunce and the king of england , was cause of verie great troubles . in matter of diuorce , celestine permitted the catholike partie to remarry , if the other partie fell into heresie . but contrary , the pope innocent forbad it . poll. ver . de diuor . cap. . arthois was erected into an earledome , the yeare . and the first count or earle therof was lewis , sonne of king philip. the kingdome of cyprus came into the hands of the christians , and remained there . yeares . the archbishop of magunce with a multitude of almains , the king of hungarie & the queene , went into palestine against the sarasins . sigeb . they tooke berinthus and ioppe . naucl. innocent pope , third of that name , borne in campania , his father was trasimondus , of anagnia , a man of base estate , suppl . chron. ruled at rome . yeares . this pope , a very daungerous pestilence , added vnto the articles of the faith transubstantiation , as a . article . see the decretalls , tit. . de summa trin. & side catholica , ca. firmiter credimus . this decretall was made the yeare of christ , . & promulged in the councell of lateran . where were the patriarkes of constantinople & ierusalem , . archbishops , . bishops , . abbots , . conuentuall priors , and many embassadors of kings & princes to stop the sarasins . for there was a croisado published , therfore was there demanded the . peny of all rents . he commaunded that the canon of the masse should be receiued as if it came from and were ordeined of the apostles . see the decretals , dit . . de celebratione missarū , ca. . cū . he commanded confession in the priests eare , that is , that he which came to be capable of deceit , should confesse himselfe at the least once in the yeare to his owne pastor . see the decretals tit. . chap. omnis vtriusque sexus . in the said councell of lateran , it was ordeined , that the canonization of saints might not be done but by the pope . there also was condemned the booke of ioachim abbat , against peter lombard . now was the error of almaric bishop of chartres , ( of whom we shall hereafter speake ) and of the albigeois : against which innocent made preach the croisado . there was also ordeined , that if princes had offended one an other , the correctiō therof shuld appertain vnto y e pope . nauc . the yeare of christ . the emperour henry dyed at palerme . being sore heated in the pursuit of an hart , he drunke so much of a fountaine that he rankeled his bodie . philip brother of the said emperour henry , duke of souabe , obtained the empire , and raigned . yeares . he was crowned at magunce . innocent hated philip , and was against his election : the bishop of colongne and other princes , as well seculars , as of the cleargie , seeing themselues despised that they had not bene called to the electiō of the said philip , vpon an assembly at aix , they chose for emperour otho , the sonne of henry , surnamed lyon , duke of saxonie and bauiere , and was crowned by the archbishop of boulongne : so was there a diuision in the empire whereof great mischiefes came in almaine , by rapines , pillings , fires , warres , robberies . benefices ecclesiasticall became litigious , and much siluer did runne to rome . naucler . and vrsperg . otho then . of that name , duke of bauiere and saxonie , a man proud and hardie , raigned three yeares , being a fauourite of pope innocent : who had said that he would either take away phillips crowne , or he should take away his . vrsperg . there happened then great discord in almaine by the popes treason , who procured phillips death . otho of wittilispach , count pallatin , entered into the emperor phillips chamber at bamberge , and slew him traiterously with a dagger , the ninth yeare of his raigne . his esquire seeing this , being greatly troubled , began to crie , and being wounded in the cheeke , fell downe . the traytor fled to the bishop of bamberge , a companion of the conspiration in the popes fauour : who notwithstanding was afterward slaine by the emperours marshall nigh ratisbone , being hid in a poore cottage . see naucler . after the death of the said phillip , the pope sent vnto otho , to come to rome to be crowned , and so he was , the yeare . adolphe bishop of colongne , who sometimes was on phillips side , was deposed by the pope , and died in exile . naucler . and likewise the bishop of sutry , before the said phillip was emperor , because he had absolued him frō an excommunication . the yeare of christ , . otho whom the pope so much loued , in despite of phillip the emperour , is now become the popes mortall enemie , yea euen to be excommunicated , and in full councell declared to be deposed from his empire : with commaundement from the said innocent , that none should hold him for emperor , nor obey him , acquitting his subiects of the oath they ought him . naucler . this done , he sent letters to the archbishop of magunce , that he should declare the said otho through all his cities to be excommunicated and deposed frō his empire , in full councell held at rome : which he did . wherevpon the princes of almaine inuaded his bishoppricke , and put all to fire . the cause wherefore the pope published the said excommunication , was because otho occupied romandiole , the patrimonie of the romane church . otho then fearing a new chaunge , left italie and returned into almaine : which hee found all troubled for the said excommunication . the abbey of s. antoigne by paris , a religion of women was founded about this time . the sea of hist. the king phillip gaue to the church of s. denis diuers precious reliques which the emperour baudwin had sent him frō constantinople : that is to say , the true crosse of a foote long ; also the haires which iesus christ had in his infancie ; one of the thornes of the crowne ; one side and foure teeth of s. phillip ; the cloathes wherein iesus christ was wrapped in the maunger ; and the purple garment which he had on at his passion . see the sea of hist. such as were great in this world , submitted their greatnesse vnto those toyes and trifles , more then childish . the yeare of christ , . otho hauing assembled the princes at noremberg , shewed the popes subtil deu●●s against him , and that vniustly he persecuted him . from thence hee led his armie into turinge against his enemies which tooke the popes part : after he came into saxonie , where his marriage was celebrated with the daughter of king phillip , who died foure daies after . iohn king of england , king richard his brother , made his kingdome subiect to the romane pope . for a signe whereof , he promised to pay yearely fiue markes of gold . suppl . chron. or . markes of sliuer . see the annales of france . after otho had bene emperour . yeares , frederic . of that name , sonne of henry . king of both sicilies and of ierusalem succeeded : and after his election made in almaine , hee was annointed and crowned at aix : and otho depriued of his empire , died the yeare following of a fluxe of bloud . naucler . and the said frederic raigned . yeares , or . after suppl . chron. innocent edified the hospitall of the holy ghost , and gaue vnto it great reuenewes . he repaired the church of s. sixtus . he gaue vnto all the churches of rome , the waight of a pound of siluer to make their challices on , vpon condition that none should sell or alien them . the foure sects of begging friars . s. francis an italian , of a towne called assisium , was in this time . s. dominike a spaniard of caliroga , in the diocesse of lexonia , in this time also . the said dominike went to rome , and prayed the pope innocent in the said councell of lateran , to confirme his order of iacobins : but hee would not consent therevnto . albert patriarke of ierusalem , made the rule of carmes , the first author of the said order in siria . the pope approued the order of the hermits of s. augustin . the emperour vsed all diligence to get fauour of the pope , thinking to liue at rest : yet was he excommunicated , because he had not accomplished the vow he made to goe vnto ierusalem : then had he great troubles all ouer . but the emperor hasted his voyage beyond the seas to mittigate the popes furie : but whilest he was absent , the pope got pouille vnder his power . the emperour frederic vnderstanding this fraud of that subtil foxe , returned with a great armie into pouille , droue the popes people away , and recouered that which was taken from him . then the pope againe excommunicated the emperor because hee had allied himselfe with the souldane , and writ letters vnto the souldane , by which hee prayed him , that he would not yeeld the holy land vnto the emperor , as he vnderstood by a certaine vncertaine bruite that he would do . also he sent and commaunded the princes of almaine , that they should elect none of the children of frederic for king , nor any of his house . the historiographers of france make heere mention of one called almaricus of chartres , a learned man , but an heretike , who approued ( say they ) all whoredomes , vnder the vaile of charitie . many of them both men and women , as well ecclesiastical as lay-people were taken , found guiltie , and condemned at paris , and burnt without s. vistors gate . they say further , that almaric maintained that euery one was bound to beleeue that he is a member of iesus christ , and that when iesus christ suffered death and passion , we suffered with him . the said almaric after his death , was condemned and excommunicated at a councell at rome , and his bones cast out of the church-yard , and after burnt to ashes . nauclerus also reciteth , that there was in his time in the countrey of alsatee , many heretickes which maintained it to be lawfull to eate flesh in lent , and vpon fridayes . and that they themselues said that it was no sinne to haue the company of women : but a naturall thing . there was at strasbourg about . burnt . such as are against the popes doctrine , haue bene euer flaundered , and histories haue often followed their affections when there hath bene a question of truth . the albigeois or albiois , a people which had receiued a beginning of the light of truth , opposed themselues against the idolatrie of transubstantiation : which first gaue them occasion to withdrawe thmselues from the romane church . they inhabited the countrey about tholouse and d' albi. s. dominike author of that new sect of such as named themselues preachers , came from spaine , and persecuted them greatly both in deed and word . the pope sent also towards them his legate nicholas bishop of tusculan , who being there with . horses & . mules , returned in a litle time with . and with great pillage , hauing exercised great tirannie against these poore people , vppon whom they laid enormious crimes , to make them odious to all the world . this pope caused to be published a croisado against them , and gaue full indulgences and remission of sinnes to such as would make war vpon them . simon count of mountfort , went against them , & ouercame a great number nigh vnto tholouse : . were burnt in the diocesse of narbone , and . in the diocesse of tholouse , at diuers times . in this ouerthrowe of the albigeois , peter king of tarracon , who had drawne them back , and bore them fauour and amitie , was slaine at the combats . simon de mountfort pursued his victorie . see mathew de paris , an english historiographer , who was in this time . in the time of innocent was held a councell in france , against king phillip of france , after he was returned from beyond the sea. the popes legate had laid an interdict vpon all the kingdome of france , because the king had put away his wife ingeberge , sister of the king of dalmatia ( or morauia , after some chronicles ) vnder the colour that she was his kinswoman , and had espowsed newly the daughter of the duke of boheme , called mary . against the sentence of the said legate , the king armed himselfe , with appellation to a future councel , and in the meane while reuenged him of the bishops which had consented vnto the said sentence . for he cast them out of their diocesses and benefices , and caused to be held in straight guard the said ingeberge , in the castle of estampes . the king tooke againe his first wife ingeberge , wherevpon his second dyed of griefe . the children the king had by her were declared legitimate . the yeare . innocent dyed at pise , and there was buried : hee came thither to appease controuersies betwixt the townes of pise and genes . honorius pope , . of that name , ruled at rome ten yeares , . or . moneths , & certaine daies , and was chosen at peruse . the first yeare of his popedome hee confirmed the order of the iacobins , which his predecessors had refused to do . honorius being admonished by a dreame confirmed it : for in a vision he thought that the church fell , & that s. dominike sustained it with his shoulders : by reason hereof he sent for him , and so was confirmed the third older of mendicants or beggers . yea honorius would needs haue him to obtaine the first place . he commaunded that the host should be kept in a place by it selfe , and well enclosed . that when the priest lifteth vp the host , the people shall with all reuerence bowe , as also when it is carried vnto the sicke . ierusalem was rased euen to the foundations , by gordirius the sonne of saladin , whilest the christians were before dimiere . supp . chron. honorius went into fraunce fearing frederic , and held a councel at lyons , where he declared frederic an enemy of the church , and deposed him of his empire : deliuering all princes from their oath of fidelitie that they had promised him . naucl. all the cause was , because he conferred benefices . honorius , then did so much with the princes of almaigne , that iohn king of cact●le ( or henry lantgraue of turinge ) was elected emperour : and after rodolpe , or william count of holland , who raigned two yeares : which obteined not the imperiall blessing , being preuented by death . histories in this place are confused . the yeare . or . dominike the emperour died . the yeare . honorius confirmed the religion of s. francis , which was the fourth order of mendicant friars . all the foure orders of the said mendicants , were confirmed by honorius fascic . templ . the fulnesse of all infection is come into the church by these foure plagues of begging monkes . frederic was reconciled with honorius , by the meanes of iohn king of ierusalem , who gaue his daughter in marriage to the said frederic . lewis . of that name , father of s. lewis , the . king of france , raigned three yeares . he made warre vpon the english men , when his father phillip did the like vpon otho . he spake with the emperour frederic , and renewed the fraternitie betwixt the french and almaignes . see gaguin . li. . all lombardie at the perswasion of pope honorius rebelled against the emperour frederic . naucler . honorius dyed , and was buried in the church of s. mary the greater . the said yeare ( or as others say . ) was inuented the fable of the stigmates , and wounds of s. francis. s. claire was in this time , a disciple of s. frances , suppl . chron. gregorie pope , . of that name , before bishop of ostia , called hugolin , or anagnia , of the parentage of innocent : and as platina saith , honorius his nephewe , ruled at rome . yeares and three moneths . this pope heaped vp decretalls by one of his chaplaines called raymond , and commaunded all doctors and maisters to hold the said decretalls , and to vse them through all christendome in schooles and iudgements . the pope canonized s. dominicke and s. francis , also s. elizabeth , daughter of the king of hungarie . hee ordeined that the salue regina should be sung at the tolling of a bell . paralip . vrsperge . gregorie took this boldnesse to admonish frederic , vnder paine of excōmunication , to goe into asia to recouer the citie of ierusalem . at the second time he denounced him excommunicated : in so much that frederic was constrained to goe into syria , by the aduice of his friends , but after sending to rome to be absolued , the pope refused it : & withal sent vnto y e knights , templars , & hospitaliers which were there , in any wise not to fauour the emperor , but as a publike enemy : & moreouer procured that his subiects of pouille reuolted . to bring this to passe he sent iohn king of ierusalem with a great band . which thing being vnderstood , frederic withdrew hastily from syria , leauing his marshall with his armie . s. lewis . king of france , raigned . yeares . blanch his mother , who was ordeined regent by testament , gained the hearts of the princes & lords , part by force , part by loue , which practised euil against her sonne . the yeare . the genenois elected a duke , after the maner of the venetians . about the yeare . a solemne disputation was held at paris by the doctors in theologie , against the pluralitie of benefices . see chron. reg. fran. peter de vigne , or vinea , chauncellour vnto the emperour fredericke . writ at this time many letters in the emperours name , whereof there are yet some extant imprinted , whereby he complained that all the world cannot fil the insatiabilitie of the pope . that the turpitudes of the cleargie are so great and enormious , as shame forbiddeth to speake thereof . he also manifestly maintained , that the pope neither by diuine or humane right , hath any power of the sword . he was also excommunicated of the pope . william the goldsmith was also at this time , who sheweth that he pope is antichrist , rome babilon , and the prelates , members of antichrist . caesarius . dist . . of his dialogues . the fruite of the doctrine which the waldois at that time dispearsed abroad , was seene in the persons of many which opposed themselues against the fraudes and errours of popes seates . frederic went into italie against millain and other citties which rebelled . the pope ioyned with the venetians against the emperor : and the third time excommunicated him . there contentions were published by letters , wherein are conteined the reproches that one offer vnto an an other . gregorie in great impudencie calleth the emperor the forerunner of antichrist , and an heretike , because he said the pope had no power to excommunicate . gregorie published in a sermon the croisado against the emperour , and shewed s. pauls head , the rather to moue the romanes against the emperour , promising reward of glory and of eternal life , to all such as crossed & armed themselues against gods & the churches enemie . great mischiefes happened at rome and thereabouts . such as emperor caught were cauterized and marked in the forehead with an hot iron . the faction of guelphes & gibellins , shewed it selfe in this time . cōtentions were sharp all ouer , and diuided into two factions , that is , into guelphes and gibellins . some say that this emperour when he was thus tormented of the pope , called in the almane tongue such as fauored him , gibellins , because he leaned himself vpon thē , as an house vpō . strong walles . and he called such as were contrary & followed the popes part , guelphes : that is to say wolues . but the pronuntiatiō hath bin corrupted . from this diuision proceeded infinit mischiefes , and destruction of townes and people : so that the miserable calamitie of these factions cannot be expressed . there was no towne but it was diuided . but at millain were those factions , the vicounts held on one side , & the turrians the other , which were two great and noble families in the towne : about the dissention whereof , all the towne was turned into sedition . gregorie willing to assemble a councel at rome to depose the emperor ( the king of france consenting thervnto at the popes request ) . the emperour caused watch to bee laide both by land and sea . fortie gallies which the cardinalls , bishops and abbots had made , were taken by them of pise . gregorie vnderstanding those newes , excommunicated them . finally , the yeare of christ , . gregorie afflicted with so many mischiefs fell sicke , and dyed with sorrow and griefe . accursius florentine , an expounder of the pandects , was in this time . margarite daughter of s. lewis duches of brabant , founded the monasterie of s. marcel nigh paris , for religious women , in which place the said margarite liued the residue of her dayes after her fathers decease . celestine pope , . of that name , borne at millaine , ruled at rome . dayes onely : before called ieffrey , bishop of saint sabin , a very auncient man. he often vsed this sentence . it is harder to be moderate in prosperitie then in aduersitie . suppl . chron. after his death the seate was vacant about two yeares , for the horrible dissentions that then were amongst the cleargie . bolloigne taken by frederic , the vniuersitie and studie was remoued from thence to padua . naucler . s. lewis founded in the bishoppricke of benuais , the abbey of loy anmont , where are monkes of the order of sisteaux : the couent of the order of sisters minors , nigh paris , otherwise called the humilitie of our lady . the hostel dieu of paris , of pontoise , of compienne , of vernon : the abbey of beaulieu : the abbey of s. mathew at roan . he founded also in the towne of paris the quinze vingts , the church of s. crosse , the chartreux , the fillis dieu , the house of saint augustine , and the white mantels . innocent pope , . of that name , before called senebaldus , borne at senes , ruled rome . yeares , . moneths , and sixe dayes . he canonized many saints , and loued much the foure orders of begging friars , ( as it were supporters of his seate ) and gaue them many priuiledges . he added vnto the feasts ordeined . see the decret . de consec . dist . . cap. pronuntiandum . he came for refuge into fraunce , fearing the emperour , and held a councell at lyons , whereat the degree and estate of cardinals was exalted against heretickes , and commaunded by edict , that from thenceforth they should goe on horsback , and a redde attire on their head , and a scarlet gowne , for a signe and witnesse that they ought to be alwaies ready to suffer & to present themselues vnto all perils and dangers , for the defence of christian religion , euen to shead their bloud . c. masseus . o craft and childish mockerie . he cited the emperor personally to appeare . and because he appeared not , he excommunicated him , and depriued him of his empire , although he sent thither his embassadors . immunities of monkes . he gaue great immunities and priuiledges to monkes , not onely to mendicants , but to all others , and made likewise the rule of the sisters of s. claire . after this councell , he sent to the electors , to proceed to a new election . frederic on his side writ letters to the king of france , by which he shewed the wrong that the pope did him . see naucler . the electors at the popes commandement elected henry lantgraue of turinge , who hauing laid siege before vlme , was strooken with an arrowe , and soone after died of a flux of the belley . naucler . o deiection of christian princes , that will suffer themselues to be so fondly carried away by a foolish feare of excommunication . this pope hauing not onely absolued from the oath of fidelitie the emperors subiects , but also excommunicated all lords and princes which fauoured and obeyed him : so mooued and angred the emperour , that he depriued . bishops of their dignities , sacked the houses which appertained vnto the popes parents , and caused to be put to death vpon a gibbet many notable persons which had consented to the popes conspiration . note how many troubles and mischiefes comes in the world by popes . after the death of henry , guilliam count of holland was chosen , but soone after was slaine of the frisons . in the said councell of lyon , was the croisado published ; whereof s. lewis was made chiefe . but yet the holy land was not recouered : for things went alwaies from euill to worse . s. lewis in that voyage beyond the sea was prisoner . frederic gaue to manfroy his bastard sonne , the kingdome of sicilie : but the pope vrbaine tooke it from him by reason he was contrary vnto him , and gaue it to the brother of s. lewis , charles count of aniou . in this time raigned odo chauncelor of paris , hugo cardinalis iacopin , vincent the historiographer , alexander de hales an english man , alexander de villa dei , a frier , who made the doctrine . the yeare of christ , . frederic founded a towne in italie , and called it victoria . it was after taken by the popes souldiers and by his legate , and raced vnto the foundations . then frederic returned into pouille , where soone after he died of sicknesse , of the age of . yeares . some say he was traiterously slaine by his sonne manfroy . conrade king of germanie , was crowned in his father frederic his time : vnderstanding then of his death , he went into italie , and from thence into pouille , where hee became sicke . his bastard brother manfroy to raigne peaceably , gaue the phisitian a summe of siluer to poyson his medicines , whereof he died but first he made his testament , and instituted corradin his sonne , heire of his kingdomes and countries , and was honourably buried . the pope assembled souldiers to goe against manfroy , and thinking shortly to obtaine his kingdome , died at naples sooner then he thought , and was buried in the church of saint laurence . naucler . s. lewis returned from beyond the sea. the colledge of sarbone was now instituted and founded at paris , by robert brother of s. lewis . alexander pope , . of that name , of campaigne , ruled at rome . yeares . the pope canonized s. claire . the hermittes of the order of saint augustine , were by this pope drawne from their hermitages in woods , vnto good townes , commaunding them to preach and heare confessions , and gaue vnto the said order , priuiledges , exemptions , and indulgences . he excommunicated manfroy the bastard , and after made warre vpon him ; but the pope was ouercome , and his legate imprisoned at naples . the archbishop of rauenna was created legate apostolike : hee preached the croisado against ecclinus , promising eternall life to such as would goe to warre against the popes enemies . so did gregorie the . against frederic the . the yeare of christ , . william count of holland , fell into a poole , and his horse not being able to get vp , was slaine by the frisons . after the death of henry lantgraue of hesse , and of william count of holland , the electors disagreed . some elected alphonsus king of castile . others , richard count of cornwall , the king of england his brother , and that by the popes instigation . naucler . there was a schisme in the empire . yeares , after naucler . or . after others : and all by the occasion of popes ; and this schisme endured from the yeare , . vntill the yeare . which was the first yeare of the empire of rodolphe . the first league of the switzes . the alliance of leagues and cantons in the countrey of switze , beganne now . they droue out of their country many noble men which were tirants , and committed vniust actions vpon them . so did they defend the poore , the orphanes and widowes , whereby they became renowmed through all the world , saith fasci . temp . in this time , s. lewis king of france as soone as he was returned , made many goodly lawes and ordinances to hold his people in iustice : bayliffes , prouosts , and sargeants , in theyr duties , that they might not be raueners or eaters of the people , vnder the paine to be put from their offices . he droue from his court morrisdauncers and ieasters , forbidding officers to take gaine , or to take benefices for theyr children . hee ordained that the blasphemers should haue the hotte iron set in their browes . he went into affrike , tooke carthage , and besieged tunes . the plague fell in his campe , where he died of a fluxe of the belley , hauing raigned . yeares . his body was carried to bee buried at s. denis . see emil . lib. . an opposition against the sects of mendicants or begging friars . guilliam de s. amour , doctor of paris , chanon of benuais , flourished in this time . in his sermons ( as himselfe witnesseth ) he especially enuied against the hipocrisie of prelates : saying that that vice was of all most dangerous , wherewith all the church was infected . he opposed himselfe against monkes , and aboue all against mendicants , accusing them that they troubled churches , and brought out the witnesses of the scriptures , which make mention of antichrist and his supporters . and applying them to the time present , proued by . signes , that begging friars were false prophets . he expounded that place of the gospell : if thou wilt be perfect , goe and sell all that thou possessest , &c. vpon which place the mendicants founded their order : and he gaue to know in full disputation , that the place was not meant of actuall pollicie ( as sophisters speake ) but of habituall pouertie : that is to say , that iesus christ demaundeth of vs , not that we should forsake and cast off that which we haue , but that we be readie ( when the confession of the name of god , and the glory of iesus christ requireth it ) to abandon and forsake , not onely that which we possesse , but euen our owne soules : and not onely ( as is said in an other place ) to leaue their father and mother , but also to hate them , yea our owne liues . briefly , iesus christ would that we should be readie to forsake all , when the confession of his truth requireth it . there are learned people of our age , which say they haue seene foure bookes which he writ , intituled , a collection of the catholike and canonicke scripture . he writ also a booke intituled the fiftie markes and signes of false prophes . hee writ against bonauenture , who then was the chiefe buckler of the begging friars . matheus paris an english historiographer , writes that in this same time there was in the schoole of paris great disputations against monkes , which by multitude would needs oppresse and oppugne all the schoole , hauing forged a new booke full of errors and blasphemies , which they then reiected and intituled ( euangelium eternum ) that is , the euerlasting gospell ; which they would needs bring into light . but to appease this tumult , there were sixe delegates of all the schoole , which were of the greatest estimation in all the vniuersitie , amongst which was guilliam de s. amour , to send them to rome vnto the pope , and shewe the insolencies and blasphemies of those monkes . the monkes also sent thither on their part : and after great contention , their errors were condemned touching their eternall gospell . but the pope with certaine cardinals , monkes , repressed nothing the tirannie of the begging friars , thinking it was needfull that such his black gard should become mightie ouer all . these be the words of matheus paris , who was in this time . wee also finde a booke written in this time , intriuled ( de periculis mundi ) of the daungers of the world , which the papists attributed vnto guilliam de s. amour , making him alone of that opinion : but it seemeth to haue bin written by many , and conteineth complaines against those new rising monkes , with an aduertisement vnto the church , that by them great mischiefes would follow . this s. amour was condemned an heretike , wherevpon great stirres fell out amongst the schooles at paris : but to obey the popes commaundement , guilliam s. amour was banished from france . we heare that some of his bookes are yet at this day in the librarie at sorbone : and many other doctors haue since written the like , as in our discourse shal be said . truth is alwaies banished , yet still getteth the vpper hand of all . alexander being come to viterbe , to make peace betwixt the venetians and geneuois , died there , and the seate was vacant foure moneths . albert the great , and other studious people were at this time at paris . an aduertisement . from siluester the . that diuellish magician , vntil this time . popes haue raigned as incarnate diuels in all trumperies , deceites , oppressions of the good , and manifest tirannies . their cardinalls , legates and bishops , haue come out from them as sathans to trouble the world . the greatest monarkes haue bene tormented by their infernall furies . examples for all , are the two emperours , henry the fourth and fift , the two fredericks , first and second , and other princes of the earth . from henceforward , from innocent the fourth , and alexander the fourth , the popes by a new forged armie , established and priuiledged by them , they wasted and destroyed all : that is to say , by foure sects of mendicant monkes , ( which like true locusts ) deuoured and consumed by their sophistike doctrine , whatsoeuer was greene of the word of god. from which ( like theeues which enter into the sheepfolde by breaches and mines ) nothing can bee looked for henceforth , but thefts , robberies , persecutions , and murthers of the true faithfull , which god gaue and raised vp to maintaine the eternall veritie . vrbain pope , . of that name , french borne at troy in campagne , a monke , of the order of cysteaux , patriarke of ierusalem , ruled at rome three yeares , one moneth , and foure dayes . the greekes recouered constantinople , which the french had held . yeares . chron. of the kings of france , and the sea of hist. vrbain instituted the feast of the sacrament , and the octaues , with indulgences ( whereof he was free ) to such as obserued the said feast . martin fift , pope , doubled them , and added yet others to such as fasted the eue , and as went to the precession and communion that day . s. thomas d' aquin iacopin , made the office of the said feast , with the prose and the hymne , and sent it to the pope ; who for a recompence of such an inuention , sent him a doue of siluer , &c. naucler . the yeare of christ , . vrbaine sent to s. lewis king of france , that he would send him his brother charles count angiou , and count de prouence , with a good armie , then hee would crowne him king of sicilie , and giue him pouille & calabria . hee said that the said kingdome was held of the romane church , and that the king of sicilie was the popes man. vrbain caused the croisado to be preached in france against manfroy , who occupied the said sicilia . the said charles came and marched in battaile against manfroy , and after against conradin , and ouercame them both , and so obtained the lands : but the end was miserable . for the sicilians after , in the yeare . rebelled against him , maintaining the quarell of the king of arragon , whom they would needs haue for their king . and they marked the doores and gates of whatsoeuer houses the french men lay in , in the countrey , then at an euening slew them all indifferently , and opened which they knew to be great with childe with the french men , and cast away their fruite , that there might remaine none of that generatiō in that countrey . this occasion was afterward ordinarily called , the euensong of sicilie . in this time , bonauenture generall of the friers , wrote two bookes against m. guilliam de s. amour . the one of the pouertie of christ , and the other an apologie of the poore . the bishoppricke of ratisbone was offered vnto him : but he refused it , louing better to follow his studies : and died of the age of . yeares . chron. abb. vnder this pope , the idolatrie of chaplets was inuented at amiens in picardie , called peter the hermit . see peter viret of the spring of chapelets . the souldane made a great armie in siria . a comet seene . monethes together . this pope died at peruse , and for troubles the seate was vacant . monethes . clement pope , fourth of that name , borne at narbone , ruled at rome . yeares , . monethes , and . dayes : before hee was called hugo falcodius , hee had bene an aduocate , and was after the king of france his councellor . after the death of his wife , he was bishop of puy , and after , archbishop of narbone ; lastly . cardinall and bishop of sabine . finally , by the pope vrbane hee was sent into england for the reformation of peace , and being in that legation , was chosen pope at peruse , after the death of vrbain . he caused to come info italie , charles brother of the king of france , and made him senator of rome , and sent two cardinalls into the church of laterane , and there crowned him king of ierusalem and sicilie : vpon condition notwithstanding , to sweare to pay vnto the romane church yearely , peeces of gold , and that he should not receiue the empire at the hands of the almaines , no not though they would thrust it vpon him . the sarrasins came into spaine and committed a great massacre there . the yeare of christ , . conradin , the true and legitimate king of sicilie , sonne of conrade who was sonne of frederic the second , vanquised in warre by charles count d'angiou , and was finally taken and disclosed by a marriner , vnto whom he gaue his ring in pawne for his passage to pise , but hee was brought vnto the count d' angiou and put in prison : afterward by the popes councell he was beheaded , the yeare . naples with frederic duke of austriche and many others . there is great diuersitie in histories touching the taking of the said conradin . see the chro. of the emperors in the . tome . iohn naucler . in the generation . in the . volu . see heerevpon martin luther , in the booke against the romane popedome , inuented by the diuell . this pope clement demaunded a certaine tenth in almaine , iohn surnamed teutonicus , glossator of the decree , and prouost of s. stephen d'alberstat , opposed himselfe against it , and appealed to the next councell , for which appellation , the said prouost was excommunicated by the pope , and depriued of his office . the sea of hist . clement hauing a nephew which held . benefices ecclesiasticall , constrained him to forsake two of them . naucler . the said clement died at viterbe : and the seate was vacant two yeares . gregorie pope , tenth of that name , borne at plaisance in lombardie , ruled at rome foure yeares . before hee was called thiband , archdeacon of lande , and was then in the parts beyond the sea in the citie of acre , when hee was chosen at viterbe . the cardinalls being in the conclaue for the election , iohn bishop of port mocking him , said . come let vs vncouer this house ; for the holy ghost cannot discend & passe through so many couerings . after his election he sought to pacifie the venetians and the geneuois . phillip . of that name , surnamed le hardie , sonne of s. lewis . king of france , raigned . yeares . the yeare of christ . gregorie made assemble a councell at lyons , of all the barons and prelates of france , wherein he ruled : and king phillip met him & gaue him a guard of souldiers , and three strong places about lions for the suretie of his person . iohn le maire . in the said councell was ordained , that the pope should be chosen of the cardinalls incontinent after the others death : and that they should put the cardinalls in sure prison , wherein they should giue them neither to eate nor drinke vntill they were agreed . this ordinance was then made because the seate had bene vacant almost three yeares before they could agree vpon the election . in the said councell was also accorded the tenth part of the church goods to be giuen for sixe yeares to maintaine the warre for the conquest of the land beyond the sea . at the said councell some sorts of monkeries which liued of almes were defaced , namely the bretheren des sacs , the bretheren des pres , the bretheren des blancs manteaux , and many others . michael paleologus then the emperour of constantinople , came thither for the vnion of the greeke and latine church , which was ratified by the said emperour . and this was the third time that the greeke church was revnited with the latin : but it was alwaie broken , as yet this third vnion was . during the time of the said councell , certaine princes of tartaria , which had followed the said emperour paleologus , receiued baptisme . moreouer there was great disputation about the voyage vnto the holy land ( which was the old practise of popes ) but nothing was concluded therein . s. thomas d' aquin going to the said councell of lions , whervnto he was called , died in the way , of the age of . yeares . bonauenture was created cardinall by the pope , but soone after he died . gregorie . returning from france to rome , and passing by florence , was required to take away the interdict ( hee had forbidden them all right of warring ) but he did nothing therin : and from thence came to aretinum , where he died . after the empire had bene long vacant , and that many ciuill warres had therevpon followed . rodolphe count of habspurge in suesia , was chosen king of the romanes by the electors , a man of mean age , and who had valiantly carried himself in the charge he had vnder frederic . he had also bene great maister in the court of ottocarus king of bohemia , who sought to hinder the election , because he also aspired vnto the empire . whilest they were chusing rodolphe , he held the seate before baste . for there were then two factions in the towne . such as fauoured the bishop bore a perroquet . such as fauoured the count rodolphe , carried the starre . rodolphe sought to place in the towne them of the faction of the starre , which were chased out . munster . after he was crowned at aix , he held certaine assemblies or imperiall iourneyes , where the king of bohemia was declared a rebell , who ( during the vacancie of the empire ) vsurped austrich , siria , carinthia , and carniota . rodolphe then with the power of the princes occupied austrich , and droue out ottocaire king of bohemia , and after constrained him to yeeld himselfe a vassall , and to do homage . ottocairus according therevnto , required that one thing might bee graunted him , namely that he might not do his homage publikely . for hee was very proud , and shamed to bow the knees before him that before had serued him as his great maister . the emperour agreed that it should be vnder a pauillion . but this pauillion was made with such industrie , that in drawing it would diuide in foure parts . beeing then vpon his knees and receiuing the standerd at the emperours hand according to the custome , one broke the coard of the pauillion , so that it opened on all parts , in such sort that ottocairus was seene of all dooing homage on his knees . this being come vnto the knowledge of kunegunde his wife ( which he had espowsed during the life of his other wife margaret ) as soone as her husband returned , mocked him that he had bowed his necke being adorned so pompeously , before him that once had bene his seruant , and so incited him to reuenge himselfe of that despight . the king being thus pricked forward , made warre vpon the emperour against the oath he had taken , & against the aduise of the princes of his countrey . the emperor met him , put him to flight , and finally a gentleman of styria wounded him , and being dispoiled of all that hee had , was carried dead to the towne of austriche , anno . and . thousand of his people were slaine besides prisoners . after this , rodolphe entred into the countrey of bohemia and wasted it . pride intermedled with shame and disloyaltie , falleth into confusion and ruine . the bishop of olmunce made the peace , and brought things to this passe that wencelaus son of ottocaire should take to wife gertrude the emperors daughter : & on the other side , rodolphe the emperour his sonne , should espowse agnes the daughter of ottocaire , austrich also came vnto the emperours sonne albert. the tartarians . till this time the tartarians were vnknowne in europe . now they shewed themselues , and finally entred into hungarie with fiue hundreth thousand men , from thence into polonia schlesia , morauia . see monstre . lib. . some recite that in this time , haalon king of the tartarians ouercame the countries of persia , and tooke babilon , then called baldaca , with the great caliphe : who in the mahumetist lawe is to bee compared vnto the pope of rome , in authoritie and treasure . this haalon hauing the caalipho prisoner ( as is said ) inuented and ordained in a great mockerie his death in this sort . it is conuenient ( saith hee ) that that man ( speake of the caliphe ) which loued so much gaine , should be nourished with precious viands , go then and place him in the middest of heaps of gold and precious stones , and let him vse such meates . as then he had certaine time bene kept in great affluence of gold and siluer , and in the middest of these riches , he died with hunger . see paralip . vrsp. innocent pope , fift of that name , borne at burgongne , after supp . chron. and cor. abb. or in lombardie , after fasci temp. before called peter de tarentaise , prior prouinciall of the iacobins in france , maister and doctor in theologie , archbishop of lyons , cardinall d' ostia , and great penitenciary of the pope . see how these grashoppers mendicants , enter alreadie into power to appoint ouer them the king abadon , as is spoken , apocalips . . whilest this man was bishop of ostia and cardinall ( whose office it is to consecrate the pope ) bonauenture friar was also cardinall and bishop of albe . this peter or innocent , beeing chosen pope , came soone after to rome . where hauing bene crowned in the church of s. peter , that hee might rest at his pleasure , he sent embassadors , men of great authoritie which commaund them of tuscane , ( which had conspired to destroy the pisans ) and the geneuois and venetians , beeing at deadly foode to lay downe their armes vpon paine of excommunication . the embassadors of charles king of sicilie were also there present ; by meanes of whose authoritie , hee hoped things should more easily haue such issue as they desired ▪ the tuscanes straight did what was commaunded them . and aboue all , the florentines : which also for that cause he declared and absolued of the interdict which gregorie his predecessor had published against them . but the geneuois & venetian ( whose hearts had of long time beene inueterated ) consumed one an other by losses and mutuall victories : which notwithstanding innocent would haue made consent vnto that he pretended , if he had longer liued , he tooke the matter so much to heart . but he dyed sixe moneths and two daies after he was chosen pope , the same yeare of his predecessour gregorie , and was buried in the church of laterane . this saith carsulanus , although he had determined to do many things , yet did nothing worthie of memorie , because he was preuented by death . this pope ( as platina saith ) displeased much the secular priests : because that being at viterbe after he had heard the processe that was betwixt them and the iacobins touching the sepulcure of clement the fourth , hee ordeined by sentence that his bodie should be buried by the said iacobins , rodolphe . adrian pope , fift of that name , borne at genes , of the house of tolisques , before called othobonus , was created pope at rome , in the pallace of lateran , after the death of innocent his vncle , hauing bene ordeined by him cardinall , deacon of saint adrian , and sent into england with large power to leuie a great summe of money . but as hee sought to appease certaine discordes betwixt the king and his barons , that hee might dispatche his businesse the more easilie , hee was clapt vp in prison by the londiners , but finally deliuered againe . the yeare of our lorde , . hee helde a sinode in northumberland , and an other at london , whether resorted a great number of bishoppes and priests . there after they had brought to such estate as he thought good the things appertaining to the popedome , hee published certaine lawes , which in time to come england should vse in such things as concerned popery . he declared wicked all such bishops as had rashly followed the princes part against king henry the third : which yet were absolued by him , partly by gifts & presents , and partly because he was constrained vnto a quicke transportation to the pope of rome . being then created pope of rome , he tooke incontinently his way towardes viterbe , and sought to bring into italie the emperor rodolphe , to diminish the power of charles king of sicilie , ( this was hee which a little before they had lifted vp into that roome against all iustice and equitie ) who at that time did his pleasure and as he would at rome . but rodolphe being wrapped in warre against the bohemians , could not satisfie adrians request . as for charles meaning to flie the enuie against him , transported into achaia all his forces which he had prepapared to make warre : to the end by that meane to make a way to be emperour of constantinople . adrian had a will ( saith platina ) to cause that all seignories belonging vnto the church should come into great assurance against such as oppressed them : and to reduce into an other forme the constitution of his predecessour gregorie , touching the shutting vp of cardinalls at the popes election : but death hindered his enterprises , and opposed it selfe against the greatnes of his courage . what could he do ( saith wicelius apostate of the truth ) that was a pope but of fortie dayes ? for be deceased at viterbe , the yeare . before he could be consecrated , and was enterred in the couent of friars the fourth day of his popedome , and the seat was vacant about . dayes . many debates and contentions happened amongst the bishops and pastors against the mendicant monkes which troubled churches ; because whether bishops & priests would or no , they would ascend into pulpits to preach . amongst such as complained of them besides guilliam d'amour ( of whom we spake before ) there was bernard the glossator of the decretalls , godfrey des fountaines , henry de gaud , and many others . laurent an english man , doctour of paris , in this time maintained the opinion of guilliam de saint amour , and writ against the monkes a booke conteining an admonition against false prophets , and an other by which he defendeth the said de saint amour . the booke that the bogging friars set out of the eternall and spirituall gospell , to e●●●●ct the true gospell of our lord , was publikely burnt : and to couer their filthinesse and impudencie , they saide that a certaine monke ( which long time before was dead ) had made it . iohn , . of that name of portugal , borne in the towne of lisbone , making profession of phisicke , called before peter of portugall , of a cardinall and bishop of tusoule , was created pope . this pope although he was accounted a very learned man , yet because he had not such knowledge of things that hee had to gouerne , as was requisite : and also because he was of inconstant and mutable maners , as platina saith , hee brought much more domage vnto the popedome , then honour or profit . for he did many things , wherein he shewed himselfe astonished and light . there was one onely point wherein he was worthy praise ; that is , that willingly hee helped many young people which had desire to profit in good letters , in giuing them siluer and ecclesiastical benifices , and aboue all , such as were pressed with pouertie . the venetians then did greatly molest them of the marquesdome of ancone , because they made traffique of marchandise into dalmatia , without paying any portage to the venetian : the pope defended them not as he ought , they beeing the churches subiects : for hee was readie inough in words , but when it came to lay hand to worke , he had neither courage nor hardinesse . they of ancone seeing themselues destitute of the popes succours , taking courage , made a sallie vpon the venetians which had besieged their towne , and droue them away after hauing greatly indomaged them . in all things this pope accustomed not to vse any other councell but of iohn de gauiette , by the will and direction of whom all things were gouerned : for that by his meanes hee was chosen pope . he sent embassadors as well towards michael paleologne , as to westerne kings , exhorting them in his name that they would make peace one with another , and take armes against the sarrasins and other enemies of christian religion : which thing if paleologne would not do , and if he kept not the vnion that he had accorded vnto , iohn would giue his empire vnto charles king of sicilie . this pope promised himselfe long life , yea he foretold it by the starres , and affirmed before euerie one that he should liue long . but as he affirmed such a folly , in the presence of his people , a new vault ( valerius calls it a playing hall : stella , a rich and precious chamber ) which he had builded in his pallace at viterbe , fell suddenly the fourth day following , the yeare . and the seuenth day after the said ruine , being found miserably slaine betwixt the stone and the wood , was enterred in the great church , the . moneth of his popedome . he knew by experience how great was the vanitie of his diuination . the sea was vacant by the space of sixe monethes by the meanes of debate amongst the cardinalls . hee writ certaine problems , following therein aristotle , the canons and rules of phisicke . the treasure of the poore , and certaine epistles . the doctrine of the waldois . after that waldo and his company were driuen from lyons , one company drew towards lombardie , where they multiplied greatly : in so much that their doctrine began to be dispearced through italie , and came euen to sicilie : as the patents of frederic the second giuen against them when he raigned , witnesseth . by the recitall of such as writ against them , and likewise by one reinerius , who liued and and writ a litle after this time , it may be gathered that this was their doctrine . that we must beleeue the scriptures onely in that which concerneth saluation : and that no other thing ought to bee receiued but that which god commaundeth vs. that there is but one onely mediator , and therefore we must not inuocate saints . that there is no purgatorie ; but that all men iustified by christ , goe to eternall life ; and such as do not beleeue , goe to eternall death . and that there is neither third nor fourth place . they receiue and allowe two sacraments . baptisme , and communion . they said that all masses , and chiefly such as were inuented for the dead , were abhominable and damned , and therefore ought to be abolished . all humane traditions ought to be reiected without holding . them for necessarie to saluation . that singing , and recitall of the officiall , and fastings tyed to certaine dayes , superfluous feasts , the difference of meates , as well of degrees and orders of priests , monkes , and nuns ; as blessings and consecrations of creatures , vowes , pilgrimages , and all the confusion and great heap of ceremonies before inuēted ought to be abolshed . they denied the popes supremacie , & aboue all the power he had vsurped vpon pollicies . and they admitted no degrees but bishops , priests , and deacons . that the romane seate is very babilon , and that the pope is the fountaine of all euils at this day . that the marriage of priests is good and necessarie in the church . that such as heare the word of god and haue a right knowledge thereof , are the true church : to which iesus christ hath giuen the keyes to cause sheepe to enter , and driue away wolues . see briefly the doctrine of the waldois , which the enemies haue impugned , and for which ( by their owne witnesse ) they were persecuted in this time . mathias illiricus in the catalogue which he gathered of the witnesses of the truth , saith that he hath by him the consultations of certaine aduocates of auignon . also of three archbishops , of narbone , of arles , and of aix , and likewise of the bishop of alban to roote out the waldois , written past . yeares : by which it appeareth that then and before there were a great number of the faithfull heere and there dispearced throughout all france . it may also be collected by the consultations of the said archbishops , that as the number was very great , the persecution was very cruell . for in the end of them , there is thus found written . who is so new in france that is ignorant of the condemnation of these heretikes waldois made of long time so iustly ? a thing so famous , so publike as hath cost so great expences , sweats , and trauells for the catholique , and hath bene sealed with so many condemnations and deathes of those wicked infidells , can it be called into doubt ? it appeareth then what a butcherie in this time was made of the faithfull , and what crueltie the supporters of the romane antechrist exercise against the good . nicholas . borne at rome , of the house of vrsins , called before iohn de gauette , ( the election being deferred vntill the sixt moneth , not wthout great debate and contentions amongst the cardinalls ) occupied the papall seate . charles king of sicilie , as senator of rome , had the charge of the conclaue , who insisted much that some of the french nation might be chosen . after then that nicholas had taken possession of the popedome , meaning to diminish the credit and power of charles , tooke from him the vicariatship of tuscane , and filled all italie with vprores and tumults of warre : and to the end he might prouide well for his businesses , he perswaded peter king of arragon ( these be old popish trickes ) to redemaund the kingdome of sicilie , shewing him that by right of heritage it belonged vnto him , because of constance his wife . which counsell pleased peter well . but what fruite wrought the counsell of this s. peter ? peter hauing gotten into his power a puissant armie for the sea , came vnto sardeigne , and there attended till there was some stirre in sicilie . for the sicilians hauing coniured against charles , and the french had assigned a day to sley them all , yea without hauing respect vnto sexe , or condition of any person , so soone as the sound of bell should bee heard at euening , as shall bee said heereafter . but this cruell and horrible acte was not executed in the time of nicholas , but vnder martin the fourth of that name , his successor . nicholas transported to himselfe the dignitie of the senator of rome , which clement the fourth had giuen vnto e foresaid king charles , and ordained for a perpetuall edict that from thence forth no king or prince should dare to demaund such an estate , or to take such a charge vpon him . by the disloyaltie of this pope it came to passe that all flammina with the towne , of bolongne it selfe , and the exarchate of rauenna , ( which things had long time bene in the seignorie and domination of the emperors ) were reduced vnder the puissance of the romish sinagogue . and besides , hee alone tooke vpon him the charge ( as stella saith ) of the office of senator : which the church had accustomed to giue vnto kings and princes . he inriched the towne of rome with new edifice ; and amongst others , he builded an house very commodious for s. peter : and a parke for hares or conneys , which hee enuironed with high walles . wherein he himselfe often hunted . he reedified the churches of s. peter and s. paul , which fell with age . hee atchieued and ended a certaine house in laterane , which had long time before bene commenced . hee builded from the bottome to the top the church called sancta sanctorum , and set there the apostles keyes in siluer chaines . when this hypocrite sung masse , the teares fell from his eyes . hee carried such fauour vnto the friars , that hee declared certaine doubtes which were in the rule of the sect , by a decretall epistle . he made many ordinances for the profit and vtilitie of the cleargie , ( not of christian people ) and made many cardinalls of the order of begging friars . he droue from him certaine notaires , commaunding vnder paine of excommunication , that in what place souer , magistrates should bee but annalls for a yeare . many reprooued him for that hee had made his nephew called berthand , count or earle of romagnole , and had sent latin cardinall iacobin his other nephew , or rather bastard , legate into tuscane . for platina , stella , & others say , that he loued his owne too much . in so much that whatsoeuer hee got from others , hee gaue it without reason or measure . for he tooke by force from certaine romane gentlemen , their castles , and gaue them to his friends , and amongst others , one called surien . after he had euery where set vp the gibellins , ( a sort of mutinous and rebellious people ) into their first estate , to the end they might maintaine his tirannies , he placed in florence as in other places , magistrates at his pleasure , and many other domages he did vnto them . this pope had also determined to haue made two kings of the house of vrsini , and to haue placed one in tuscane , and an other in lombardie . but as he purposed to put all these things in effect being in the towne called sutry , he was taken with an apoplexie of which he died suddenly and without speaking , the yeare of our lord , . and after some , the . of his popedome , although by his good complection it seemed he would haue liued much longer . some say his death was foretold by one which sawe a great invndation or ouerflowing of the riuer of tiber. som say also he engendred vpon a concubine of his a bastard , whose haire and nailes were like a beares . see what iohn de noyan saith in his illustrations of beda . william durand a subtill man , made at this time his booke intituled rationale diuinorum officiorum . albert the great , bishop of ratisbone , died in this time . martin the . of that name , borne in france in the towne of tours , named before simon , and cardinal priest of s. cecile , ruled . yeares and monethes . being chosen by the french cardinalls which then were in greatest number , would not be crowned at viterbe , because he tooke that towne to be interdicted for a rowte they made against the cardinalls . for they of viterbe following one called richard hanniball , captaine of all such as tooke part with the italians , entered into the conclaue , tooke the cardinalls and put them in prison , after hauing not onely dispised , but also giuen the chase to all them of the house of vrsins . this pope martin then being come into the old towne , which commonly is called oruieto , vsed all the solemnities and created . cardinalls that same day , that he might be strongest when he came vnto combat . but hee not onely receiued very courteously the king charles comming towards him , but also yeelded him the dignitie of senator , whereof he was depriued by nicholas . this euery man found not good , for that it seemed it should stirre vp great seditions in the towne , seeing the vrsins were alreadie returned , and such as were of hanniballs faction chased away . for charles was a great aduersarie of the vrsins , for the hatred he conceiued against nicholas . yet martin subtillly casting his affaires , had in great estimation mathew d'aquasporta , of the order of his bretheren friars , cardinall and bishop of port , of the house of vrsins . this pope martin published sentence of excommunication against peter king of arragon , who ordeined an army by sea to come into sicilie against charles , and exposed his kingdome for a pray to the first that could get it , declaring his subiects absolued of the oath of fidelitie which they had promised him , naming him an vsurper of ecclesiasticall goods , and leuied an armie against him , of such as had taken the croisado . all the pastime of popes and their supporters , is to stirre vp warre and dissention amongst the princes of this world . yet peter making no account of all this , obtained the kingdome of sicilie with the helpe of paleologus emperour of constantinople : who was also excommunicated , as making no account of that he had promised at the councell of lions aboue . moreouer , the sicilians not being able longer to beare the pride and whoredomes of the french : at the perswasion of iohn prochita , coniured against charles , and slew them all at the sound of a bell , without hauing any regard to sexe , and from thence came the prouerbe , when one wisheth the death of many , that they may say , the euensong of sicilie , as hath beene touched a litle before . besides , this martin amongst other acts worthy of a pope , graunted to the romanes that they might chuse two senators of the nobilitie , and excommunicated paleologus emperour of greece . he made warre against them of forley , and graunted many priuiledges vnto begging friars , which hee knew to be like horses prepared vnto the battle , and all this was still to munite and fortifie the more his tirannie . but as once he was taking his ordinarie refection with his captaines , ( as casulanus reciteth it ) the yeare of our lord , . he was taken with a secret malladie of which hee died , after hauing said hee endured much griefe : although the phisitians founde not in him any signe of death , and was buried at peruse . some authors , which thomas cooper one very learned followeth in his abridgement of chronicles , haue left in writing , that the first yeare of his popedome , hee tooke as the prouerbe is , to bread and to potte , the concubine of his predecessor nicholas . but for feare such an accident should happen vnto him as did vnto the other , namely , that if he had a childe , it should be like vnto a beare , he commanded that all the beares which had bene painted in the pallace by a pope of the house of vrsins , should be defaced and cleane taken away : because he knew well that the figure of things vpon which women think when they conceiue their children , oftentimes is certaine imprinted in them . it appeares well that this pope was herein very expert , but he tooke no heed that such a monster shewed to the world , what sanctetie there is in popes singlenesse . giles of rome , bishop of bourges , disciple of s. thomas d'aquin , liued in this time . phillip le bell . king of france , and of nauarre , raigned after his father phillip the third , the yeare . the pallace was sumptuously builded in the ile which sene maketh . euguerrant de marigni , the kings councellor , and president des finances , had the charge thereof . in this pallace the court of parliament had his seate distributed into chambers . the king dwelt there . the colledge of nauarre was builded by the queene ioane , at the entry of the raigne of this king . honorius , . of that name , borne at rome , of the house of sabellius , which is a noble race , called before iames , and beeing cardinall deacon , after he had bene chosen by the cardinals , tooke possession of the popedome , and ruled . yeares . naucl. he had a brother called pandulphe , which was then senator of rome , who greatly punished theeues , homicides , and other such like . this pope dwelt in mount auentine , where he builded a new house , and incited many others to do the like . he excommunicated peter king of arragon , who then occupied the kingdome of sicilie against charles , and confirmed the interdict published against him by his predecessor martin , because hee would not permit that the popes seate should enioy that region . the florentines and they of luke obtained by siluer of rodolphe the emperour , libertie for their common-wealthes . the florentines gaue . skutes , and the luquets . skutes . the venetians also obtained licence to forge ducats of gold at venice . the geneuois got themselues franchis and libertie . chro. of the emp. tom. . this emperor was noted of couetousnesse . a childe called rodolphe , was martired at berne by the iewes , whereby they of berne put the iewes to death . and therefore the emperour rodolphe assembled thirtie thousand souldiers and besieged berne , but profited nothing , as is aboue said . the colledge of collets at paris , was founded by iohn collet priest , cardinall of s. cecilie , legate in france , borne in beauoisin , saith the sea of histories . he mooued a maruellous warre against guy feltron , who occupied the townes of flaminia , and ouercomming him , hee annexed vnto the seignorie of rome all that countrey . this pope confirmed the sect of the augustines , which was not yet receiued at paris , but was by many impugned , because it was not well allowed by the councell of lateran , and graunted them many priuiledges . and besides hee would that the carmes leauing their coloured apparell with barres , should take the white habit , and ordained they should be named the bretheren of the virgin marie . after which goodly deeds , he liued not long : but being dead , the yeare . hee was carried from the church of s. sabine in the mount auentine , into the church of s. peter , where hee was buried with great pompe . after the death of honorius , the seate was vacant tenne moneths . for the cardinalls beeing in the conclaue , died vpon sudden malladies , euen when great earthquakes terrified them , and so the election was deferred vntill an other time . nicholas pope , . of that name , minister generall of the friars , called ierome , borne at marke d'ancone , ruled at rome foure yeares and one moneth , naucler . or . yeares , . moneths , and . dayes , after some . he succeeded the foresaid honorius . moneths after his death : yet the cardinalls were not all of one opinion . this pope superstitiously deuout dwelt nigh vnto the church called s. marie the greater , or ad praesepe because they forged that lie , that the crib where the virgin marie laid iesus christ after hee was borne into the world is there , and adorned it with edifices and rich paintings . hee created cardinalls of all sorts of monkes , for the profit of the kingdome of abaddon : to the end they might be light-horses , prepared to the battaile , and might haue teeth like lyons , & tailes like scorpions , wherewith they might hurt men . for as platina sayeth , he loued all alike , and thought not himselfe any thing more bound to his parents and kinsfolke , then vnto others . hee caused the croisado to be preached , and sent at his owne charges many souldiers into asia to keepe the towne of ptolemais . supp . chron. there hapned in his time many ciuill warres , murders , dissentions , and brawles at rome , vppon his occasion , giuing more countenance to the one part then to the other . and this contention endured the space of two yeares and an halfe . fasci . temp . many hauens of the sea were lost , the christians were rooted out of ierusalem and siria , by a long and great dissention of the venetians , geneuois , & pisans , which then were ( for communalties ) the mightiest by sea. it is said their contention was for an abbey , which each of them said to be theirs : and this quarrell endured thirtie yeares . in so much that the popes , alexander the fourth , vrbain the fourth , clement the fourth , and the kings of fraunce and sicilie , were greatly busied to agree them , and yet did no good . in the meane while the empire of constantinople was vsurped by others , and the french and italians cast out of greece . the ports of tyre and ptolemais were also taken from the aforesaid contendants . the last yeare of the empire of rodolphe , charles prince of salerne , and sonne of charles king of sililie , was deliuered from the prisons of the king of arragon : and after came to rome , and on the day of pentecost was crowned king of sicilie by the pope nicholas , and absolued from the oathe hee had made to the king of arragon . see the historie of france . the yeare of christ . three thousande christians were slaine by the sarrazens in the countrey of syria : the rest for feare retired . chron. euseb . acha , according to naucl. was taken by the souldan , with fifteene other townes , twelue castles , and a great number of christians slaine : and this happened by the dissention of the christians , and rashnesse of such as were crossed saith fascic . tempo . there was mortall warre betwixt the geneuois and they of pise , for the i le of corsike : but finally the pisans were vanquished vpon the sea , and more then twelue or sixteene thousand men slaine , with a losse of fortie eight gallies . fasci . temp. and other ships besides them were sunke and drowned . suppl . chron. the tartarians got hold of the kingdome of constantinople and a great part of that empire . the same . nicholas pope , dyed of griefe that all things happened not after his wish , seeing so manifold calamities all ouer , and especially at rome . the cardinals after his death retired to peruse , that their election might be more sure : but in two yeares and three moneths they could not accord . suppl . chron. rodolphe the emperour dyed also the yeare of his age . of our saluation . & of his empire . he had for his wife anne countesse of hohemberg : which was buried at basle , with her sonne herman , who was drowned in rhene . adolphe count of nassau , was chosen emperour by certaine of the electors , and albert duke of astrishe by other : yet adolphe was crowned at aix the chappell . his brother who was archbishop of magunce helped him much . he raigned sixe yeares , and after was deposed by the electors ; for besides that he was not puissaunt enough in domestical faculties to sustaine that imperiall dignitie , he also despised the princes of the empire , and dignified diuer without merite . he committed adulterers , violated virgines , nunnes and widowes : he enterprised warre against fraunce , because of the kingdome of arles : but he executed no memorable thing , sauing that he ledde an armie into thuringe and misne , to pacifie contentions betwixt albert lantgraue of thuringe , and his sonne dietere and others . celestine fift of that name , an esermen by nation ( which is a place nigh the towne of sulme ) by profession an heremite , and before called peter moron : after that briberies of the cardinalls which had endured the space of two yeares , had taken ende , by the fauour of charles the second of that name king of naples , and of the cardinall latin , was declared pope . incontinently after his election he went to aigle , and caused to come before him all the cardinalls , and created new , to the number of twelue , amongst which there were two hermites . ptolomie and laques haue written , that at his installing were two hundreth thousand men . in the first consistory he held ( saith christian masseus ) as he went about to reforme the romane church , to the ende the cleargy therof might serue for an example to others , he incurred so the maleuolence & indignation of many , that grinding their teeth against him , they called him sot , and dotard . one of these companions called benet , suborned an other , who making a crany or hole in his chamber , many nights cried as it had bin an angel from heauen . celestine , celestine , renounce thy papacie : for that charge exceedeth thy forces . some also in the day time counselled him to giue ouer his popedome , and prouide for his saluation . the king charles was aduertised of these things , & getting their pope to come to him , he praied him as much as was possible , that he would not reiect such a dignity which was giue him from heauen : wherevnto he answered : i wil do what god will. as hee returned from naples , it may bee hauing no rest in his conscience , on the vigile of saint luce , he dismissed himselfe of that charge , and hasted to returne into his hermitage . all this rehearseth masseus : yet first he made a constitution by the consent of all ▪ that it should be lawfull for a pope to giue ouer such a charge . which constitution boniface . his successor , a man subtill and malicious , confirmed and placed if in the , booke of his decretalls . moreouer the said boniface his successor fearing that the people despising him would cleaue vnto celestine , he caused him to be put in close prison , where he kept him euen till his death . he died then in prison , the yeare of our lord , . the . day of may , two yeares and fiue moneths after he had bene chosen pope . the sect of monkes called celestines , had their name and originall of him . arlot general of the order of friars , who made the concordances vpon the bible , liued in this time . abb. trit . boniface , . of that name , borne in campania in the towne of anagnia , called before benet de gauete , one of the chiefe councellors of celestine his predecessor , beeing at naples , was thrust into his place by a maruellous treason . being cardinall , priest of s. martin in the mountaines , he desired so to come vnto the papall dignitie , that he left nothing behind , either of ambition or fraud , that he thought might bring his purpose to passe . againe , hee was so arrogant , that he despised almost all men in respect of himselfe . this is he of whom it is commonly spoken ; that he entred as a foxe , raigned as a lyon , and died as a dogge . for it was he that sollicited celestine to depose himselfe , and so hee entered like a foxe ; he gouerned like a lyon , in so much that hee was so arrogant and cruell to the end : so that he called himselfe lord of all the world : but he died like a dogge . for his end was miserable , and all his deeds were reprooued , as may be seene by his historie . he said ( as marius witnesseth ) that he shut celestine in prison not for any enmitie towards him , but for feare the authors of sedition by his conduction should do him and the romane church any domage . but who will not say that this boniface was an horrible monster , and an ignorant person , hauing circumuented , despoiled , and finally murdred in prison a simple man , which was his father ? after that the princes of almaine had chosen albert duke of austrich , adolphe hauing on his side otho duke of bauiers raoul count palatin , and certaine imperiall cities , gaue battaile against albert nigh spire , which was sharpe and cruell , wherein adolphus was slaine , the yeare of his empire , . or . after some . albert duke of austrich , sonne of rodolphe the emperor , was againe chosen by the electors , and crowned at aix the chapple , the yeare , . hee gaue the gouernment of the duchie of austrich to his sonne rodolphe , and gaue him in marriage blanch the sister of phillip king of france . he made many warres . that against the bishop of salisburie , was for certaine salt-wells . for this bishop being prouoked by albert , caused to be destroyed the place where the salt was made . the emperor who could not be ouercome , was impoysoned : but the phisitians gaue him such remedies , that the venome came out at his mouth and nosthrills . the force thereof was so great that it wasted one of his eyes , and hee was called borgne . hee was a magnanimous and valiant prince . he demaunded of boniface to be crowned , but he refused him , saying hee was vnworthy of the empire , because hee had slaine his naturall lord in battaile . and the said boniface holding a crowne vpon his head , and a sworde at his side , answered : i am caesar . the yeare . boniface published the sixt booke of decretalls , and sent them to the students of bolongne , and to other vniuersities , commanding them to vse them in all iudgements and schooles . this proud and arrogant pope , ordained that all king of the earth which would not hold their kingdomes of his sanctetie or rather tirannie , should bee excommunicated and deposed . he excommunicated phillip king of france , because he would not suffer his money to be carried out of his kingdome , and cursed both him and all his , euen to the fourth generation , yea with his reliques and crosses . he would not confirme the emperour albert , whom hee had alreadie reiected twise or thrise , but vpon this condition , that he would occupie the kingdome of france , and depose phillip . he declared alphonsus king of arragon absolued , and gaue him the kingdome of sardeigne , vnder certaine conditions . iohn duns , surnamed the scot , a frier , called the subtil doctor , was in this time . he died of an apoplexie . some say hee was buried aliue . supp . chron. dinus the legist , petrus de bella pertica , iacobus de arena , iohannes de sancto , geminiano iacobin , ihones andrea , and dante 's aliger florentin , were in this time . the yeare of christ , . this pope instituted a iubile : giuing full remission of all sinnes to such as from an hundreth to an hundreth yeares would visit by vow of pilgrimage , the churches of s. peter and s. paul in the citie of rome . he then celebrated the first iubile , and opened the faire for indulgences , and made them serue euen for such as were in purgatorie . agrip. de vanita . scien . such as they called in italie fratricelli , are condemned and persecuted . historiographers say , that they vsed carnall pleasure , contrarie to the honestie of marriage : and this they did in the night time after they had celebrated their misteries . supp . chron. one called aerman , chiefe amongst them , was vnburied . yeares after his death at ferrare , ( although before hee was accounted as a saint ) and his bones were burnt . a woman called guillaume . which was very renowned , and her husband andre , were also vnburied , and their bones burnt . the chroniclers rehearse how those of this sect were disclosed , namely , by a marchant of millain called conrad , whose wife in the night time haunted these assemblies , and that the candles being put out , they abused one an other brutally , and such or like , which haue rather an appearance of affable then of a true narration . this pope nourished discords & the dissentions which were amongst the factions of italie , and sought alwaies to maintaine them . he prohibited that the cleargie should pay no tribute to princes , without his leaue & licence . he gloried in his pride to be the key-keeper of heauen ; and published that hee ought not to be iudged of any person , no not though he led an infinit number of soules into hell with him : because it is lawfull for him to do all things . o infernall decree , and execrable blasphemie . he eleuated his parents into dignities : two of his nephewes very young he made cardinalls : also his vncle , hee made some , counts or earles , and left them great treasures , by meanes of which , after they would auenge his death . naucler . he depriued two cardinalls colonnois , peter and iames , of their benefices , yea and of their fathers goods : because that during celestins life they had written that he was no lawful pope , but that celestine was he . he imputed also vnto them , that they had pilled the treasure of the former popes . in a full councell he excommunicated sarra the said cardinalls vncle , and honourable prince , with all the collonois . supp . chron. he exercised such enmitie against the gibellins , that vnderstanding that some of them were retired to genes , he himself went thither also ; to the end to ouerthrowe them altogether . and as one day vpon an ashwednesday hee gaue ashes vnto the people , according to the custome , porchat archbishop of the town , presented himselfe before him ( but he vnderstood of many that he was of the faction of the gibellins ) falling on his knees , with his head vncouered : which when boniface marked , without hauing any regard to the day , or to the place , or to the people present , or to religion , became angry against the archbishop , & casting a great sort of ashes in his eies , said , remember that thou art a gibellin , and that with the gibellins thou shalt bee brought to ashes ; and straight depriued the archbishop of his dignitie : although afterwards he remitted him into his former estate . plat. & cor. abb. but being ingratefull for the good ( saith iohn marie ) that his predecessors had receiued of france , he rose vp in such pride against the king phillip , that it were an hard thing to beleeue . he sent to signifie vnto the king , in maner of a commaundement by the bishop of appaine his legate , that incontinently and without delay he should prepare himselfe to go beyond the sea . vnto which thing then the king could not well harken , for the great warres hee had against the flemmings . the legate seeing that he could not obtaine an answere according to his appetite , he began to vse great menaces , saying that if he did not obey the pope , he would depriue him of his kingdome : by which two rigorous words , the king beeing much grieued , caused the said legate to be detained a prisoner . but when these things came to the notice of the proud pope , hee dispatched the archdeacon of narbone , with letters of commaund , forbidding the king , that in no case he should entermeddle to take any subsidie vpon the lands and reuenewes of the church , ( which thing king phillip le bel had bene constrained to doo , because of great warres that he sustained for the good and defence of the kingdome ) and moreouer that for the kings contumacie , and for that he had detained prisoner his embassador against the common right of all nations , the kingdome of france was deuolued & fallen to the romane church : and if he did not obey the commaundements and defences of the pope , he should bee held in the number of heretikes , with all his fauourers and adherents . this archdeacon cyted many bishops , abbots , theologians , and decretists , at a certaine day named to be before the pope at rome , and annihilated all the indulgences and priuiledges giuen to the french men by the pope of rome his predecessors . this rigour perceiued , the king in the presence of his barons and of all his councell , commaunded vpon good deliberation of the assembly , that the first legate who had outraged the king , should bee deliuered , and that they both without delay should voyd his kingdome . soone after he caused to assemble a councell of all the prelates and barrons of france in the citie of paris . in the saide councell , the king did sit , and reciting the outrages and iniuries which he had receiued of the pope boniface , he vttered how ambitiously and wickedly he came to be pope . he demaunded of the ecclesiasticall lords vpon whom they had the foundations and reuenewes of their churches and benefices . after he turned him towards the princes , barons , and knights , and said vnto them . and you nobles and vassalls , what hold you for your king ? all they which were there answered with one voyce , that they held their lands and their goods vnder the kings hand . then the king replied and said : yet you see what force and tirannie boniface practiseth , as if you and all the realme of france were subiect vnto the romane church ; as now he vsurpeth the title of the emperour of almaine : and hauing three times the said duke albert of austrich , saith himselfe is emperour and lord of all the world , and in token thereof , hee hath newly giuen the empire to the duke albert , yea euen the title of the crowne of france . these things thus proposed and brought to deliberation , the king interiected an appellation from the pope to the generall councell , and ordained by publike edict vpon great pains that none should bee so hardie to drawe or transport any gold or siluer out of his kingdome for the affaires of the romane court : and caused to guard all the bridges , portes , and passages . on the other side , boniface the eight sought by ecclesiasticall censors , enmitie betwixt the emperour and the king. yet notwithstanding they accorded , meeting together in the plaines of vuancoulers . but the end was this , that to tame the arrogancie and malice of this pope , the king secretly dispatched two hundreth men of armes vnder the conduction of one named sarra colonnois , a romane , and of an other captain called nogaret : which secretly passed from marceille , and by night tooke the pope in his house , which was in anagnia , in the kingdome of naples , and carried him prisoner with the aide of the gibelins to rome , where he died . dayes after , or . dayes , after chron. abb. of griefe and age : and all his goods and treasures went to pillage , iohn le maire . iohn the monke cardinall , the founder of the colledge of picars at paris , came into france at the popes commandement . the sea of histories . the memorable battaile of courtray in flaunders which the french lost , and wherin a great part of the nobilitie of france perished . the sea of histories . benet . of that name , a lombard by nation , borne at treuis , called before nicholas , of the order of iacobius , borne of parents of base condition , his father was a sheepheard : after he was made cardinall of ostia , he was chosen pope : a man of a cautellous and subtill spirit , and therefore pleased boniface exceedingly . incontinently after he was come vnto the papaltie , hee sought to pacifie italie , and therefore went to peruse , but hee fell sicke there and deceased , and was buried in the iacobins . a certaine abbesse presented vnto him poysoned figges whereof he died . this was after prooued . and leander affirmeth that he died of poyson . the seate was emptie about a yeare . the yeare of christ , . phillip le bel king of france , founded in the honour of s. lewis , the abbey of poisy , where hee placed nunnes of the order of the friars preachers , and after his death his heart was carried thither and buried . the sea of histories . the first emperor of the turkes . the wickednesse of men being come to the fulnesse of all impietie , ottomanus a turk began to raigne about this time , and raigned . yeares . he began by litle and litle to vsurpe vpon europe . the occasion was , for that the emperours of greece demanded helpe of the said turkes against the bulgarians . but they seeing the countrey fit for them , vsurped vpon the emperour , first in thrace , and after in misia , superiour and inferiour , macedonia , achaia , peloponesus , epirus , dalmacia , and a great part of illyria and pannonia ; and finally into hungaria . the yeare of christ , . the first league of swissers was made of three cantons , namely suits , vry , and vnderuald . naucler . peter casiodore an italian , a noble man , and well instructed in pietie , was in this time . hee writ vnto the enghsh men not to carrie the importable yoake of the romane antechrist , shewing the extortions and extreame seruitude of england which the popes of that time had multiplied . the epistle beginneth cui comparabo te , &c. which i haue here inserted , transcribed , and translated out of an old booke found in the church of s. albans in england . to the noble church of england , which serueth in bondage , peter the sonne of cassiodore , a catholique souldier and deuout champion of iesus christ , desireth saluation and deliuerance from the yoake of captiuitie , and to receiue the price and reward of libertie . the scribes and pharisies placed themselues in moyses chaire , &c. it followeth after : to whom shal i compare thee ? or to whom shal i say thou art like thou daughter of ierusalem ? to whom shall i equall thee thou virgin daughter of sion ? for thy ruine is great as the sea : thou art become sollitarie , and without any sollace , being all the day ouerwhelmed wilh heauinesse . thou art deliuered into the hands of him from whence thou canst not relieue thy selfe , without the aide of some one which will lift theee vp . for the scribes and pharisies beeing set vpon moyses chaire , that is to say , the romane princes being thy enemies , are vpon thy head , and enlarging their philacteries , and desiring to inrich themselues with the marrowe of thy bones , impose heauie and insupportable burthens vpon the shoulders of thee and thy ministers , and bring thee vnmeasurably vnder the charge of paying tribure , thou which euer hast bene free . let all occasion and matter of maruelling cease : for thy mother which had rule ouer the people , hauing espowsed her subiect , hath appointed thee for a father , and before all others hath eleuated thee bishop of rome , who in no paternall act sheweth himselfe to be such an one . very true is is that hee spreadeth out his skirtes , and sheweth by experience that he is thy mothers husband . for often he bringeth to memorie in his heart this sentence of the prophet . take thee a great volume and write therein as with a touchstone , after the maner of men . hast● thee to the spoile , dispatch thee of pilling and spoiling . when the apostle said , euery high priest beeing taken of men , is constituted for men in things which are concerning god. doth not this shewe that men must not occupie themselues with spoiles and rapines , to impose censors , and annuall rents , nor to destroy men ; but to the end he might offer gifts and sacrifices for sinnes ? and that he might haue compassion of the ignorant and sinners ? and also we read of peter who was a fisher ( whose successor he saith he is ) that after the resurrection of iesus christ , he returned to his fishing againe with the other apostles : who when he could take nothing on the left side of the ship , by the commaundement of iesus christ he turned himselfe towards the right hand , and drew the nets to ground full of fish . profitable then it is to exercise the ministerie of the church in the right part , by which misterie the diuell is vanquished , and a great number of soules is brought to iesus christ : but surely it is not so of the labour which is taken on the left hand of the ship : for therein faith staggereth , and heuinesse ruleth when men finde not that which they seeke . for who will beleeue that one man can serue god and mammon both together and please his will , sticke to reuelations of the flesh and of bloud , and offer to christ gifts and presents , such as appertaine vnto him ? and without doubt the sheepheard which watcheth not for the edifying of the flocke , prepareth an other way a roaring lyon , which seeketh euery way whom he may deuour . behold say i , the straunge and before vnheard deedes of him which is called thy father ; who taketh from the sheepfoldes the good sheepheards , and in their places setteth his nephewes and parents , and others ignorant of letters , dumbe and deafe , which vnderstand not the bleating of the sheepe , neither care for the byting of the wolues , which like hirelings carrie away the fleeces , reape others haruests , the hands of whom also serue to the pottes , and their backes turne away from burthens . hereby it plainely appeareth the priests office was left , the seruice due vnto god was subtracted , and the custome to giue almes abolished : by which things the holy deuotion of kings , princes , & christans are abolished . this then is a thing which ought to be found very strange in the iudgement of euery one , that whereas iesus christ commaunded to pay tribute vnto kings for himselfe & for peter this man against his will ( whose vicar he saith he is ) who hath cast backe from himsselfe the kingdomes and iudgements of the world , seekes to subiect vnder his domination , kings and princes , vnder the title of his stile : because all that he hath set downe in writing to be his , he attributeth vnto himselfe . nay what doth he more with thee ô daughter ? behold he draweth from thee whatsoeuer he thinketh good : and yet hee holdeth not himselfe contented to take of thee the tenth part of thy grounds , but euen the first fruites of the benefices of thy ministers : to the end that as well for himselfe , as for such as are of his bloud , he might constitute a new patrimonie of good and holy wills of the founders . moreouer , he alreadie imposeth other execrable things for the wages of his curriers which he sendeth into england , which carrie away not onely the victualls of thee and thine , but also rent of their skinnes and their flesh like dogges . meriteth he not to be compared to nabuchodonozor , who destroyed the temple , and spoiled it of the vessells of gold ? for that which he did , this doth he also . he spoiled the ministers of the house of god , and depriued them of that which was necessarie for his seruice . and this here doth as much . and surely the condition of them which are slaine by the sword , is better then the condition of such , as be any thing bitten with hunger . for the first are straight dead , but the other is consumed by the stirrilitie of the earth . let all such as passe by thy way ( ô daughter ) haue compassion on thee : for no sorrowe is like to thine . for alreadie because of thy great dolour and teares which thou hast shead , thy face is blacker then coales : in so much as thou art no more knowne in the streetes . thy father hath set thee in clowdie and darke places , he hath made thee drunke with wormewood and gall . lord see the affliction of thy people , harken vnto their sobbings and come downe . for the heart of this man is harder then the heart of phaua● , who would not suffer that thy people should goe a● libertie , but onely in the force of thy hand . but this afflicted and plagueth not onely vpon earth , but also after death . for after death he deuoureth the goods of all christians , vnder colour that they died without making testaments . the church of england doth sufficienly know , that the french men casting the eyes of their concupiscence vpon that kingdome , sought in time past to haue reduced it vnder theyr power ▪ but it is to be feared that , that which they could not hitherto bring to passe , is now supplied by the coniuration of that man , as of a new enemie . for if the treasures of the kingdome faile , and that the priesthood be ouerthrowne , verily it shall he made lesse puissant against the enemies . to the end that thou ô daughter , and thy priest , should not fall into a miserie of any longer endurance , it is expedient for the saluation and safetie of thee and thine , that thou ô christian king , and the great lords of thy kingdome , ( which haue adorned thee with great and excellent benefices , and which in such a case ought to maintaine and defend both thee and those benefices ) should resist the coniurations and conspirations of that man : who not hauing regard to god , but for the aforesaid things , and to enrich his parents , and for his owne nest , lifting himselfe vp as an eagle , by the aforesaid things , and other impostes by him imposed , he hath collected all the siluer of england by a new domination . let not then thy dissembling simplicitie in this case cause the ruine of thy kingdome and thy selfe , and take heed thy remedie come not too late . the lord god take the vaile frō off the heart of this man , and giue him a contrite and humble hart , and make him knowe the traces of the true god , whereby hee may be drawne frō darknesse , and constrained to forsake those wicked labours wherof we haue spoken , & that the vine which the right hand of god hath planted , may be filled with good grapes . for take heed vnto the lords words , & to the prophesie of ieremie , to put back such enterprises : who saith thus . thou sheepheard which hast dispersed my people , & put thē out of their habitations , behold i will visit vpon thee the malice of thy into prises , and no man of thy seed shall sit vpon the seat of dauid , nor haue more power in iuda . let thy neast be made barran , and ruinated as so-some and gomorrhe . but if it so fall out that being nothing feared by these words he cease not his enterprises , nor make restitution of that which he hath taken : then let thē sing for him that shall be so wickedly hardned , the . psalme . as for vs , we will each day openly sing praises through iesus christ , to him vnto whom all things serue . thus the light by litle and litle came forward , and ouercame the mightie darknesse . clement , . ruled in auignon . yeares and . monethes . this pope was a gascoin , sonne of bernand , a warrior and a gentleman , borne in burdeaux , before called bextrand goth , bishop of coseran , and archbishop of burdeaux , he being absent in france , was chosen at peruse , by the cardinalls there resident . iohn le maire saith it was at the instance of phillip le bell. after he was aduertised of his election , he departed from burdeaux and came to lyons , and sent word that all the cardinalls then in italie , should appeare there , wherevnto they all obeyed without delay or contradiction , and the coronation of the said pope was made publike and solemne in the church of s. iust . but this ioy and pompe was troubled . for as an innumerable people were mounted vpon an old wall of s. iust to see this great pompe and noblenes , the said wall fell , and flew duke iohn of britaine : the king was there wounded , and the pope throwne ouer his horse and rudely troden vnder feete , in so much that he lost a rich carbuncle out of his triple crowne , esteemed at . florents of gold : and more then . other notable persons were there wounded and died . after the pope clement was crowned the king tooke leaue of him , and went to marrie his sonne lays hutin to the daughter of the duke of burgongne , called margarite . the pope on the other side left lion , and made his residencie in auignon . this was the first of the popes , that kept there his romane court , where it abode the space of . yeares before it returned to rome . iohn le maire . after the end of this solemne pompe , and that all things were appeased , he created many french cardinalls . but hee made not one italian : onely he restored that dignitie of a cardinall to iohn and iames of the house of colomnois . moreouer he sent to rome three cardinalls , with the power of senators , by whose direction the towne and all italie was gouerned . he gaue to frederic king of sicilie the ile of sardeigne , which was occupied by the sarrasins , vpon this condition , that in chasing them away he might incontinently recouer it . the yeare . the iewes were pilled and reiected fraunce . albert the emperour , riding in the fieldes about noone , was slaine by his nephewe and other princes of austrich , his companions . munster . this iudgement might bee , because in warre he had persecuted the emperour adolphe , who although he was his inferiour vnto him in power , yet was he ordained of god and ought him obedience . but such murthers remaine not vnpunished . hiero. marius adding to the words of platina , sayth thus . clement the fift because he desired not to serue others as iesus christ commaunded his disciples , but rather to be serued euen of emperors , ordained that emperours chosen in almaine , although they tooke the name of king of the romanes , yet they should receiue of the pope the rights and name of the emperour , moreouer that when the emperour should bee dead , whilest the empire was vacant , the gouernment of the townes of italie subiect to the emperor , should be in the popes power . the romane court transported into france , where it remained . yeares . this clemens who was a publike whoremonger , and a great maintainer of harlots , chron. herm. and paralip . vrsp. placed the papall seate in auignon , to the end the better to enioy his delights and pleasures . he celebrated the generall councell of vienne , the yeare of our lord. . wherein he cruelly abolished the order of the templers , to the end to confiscate their goods , & with their spoiles raised vp the hospitaliers into dignities , called the knights of s. iohn of ierusalem , which had conquered the i le of rhodes vpon the sarrasins . the knights of the rhodes succeeded in the goods of the templers . the pope excommunicated the venetians because they had vsurped ferrare , which was of the churches patrimonie , and caused the croisado to be published against them in italie , till they were constrained to yeeld the said seignorie of ferrare , which they had vsurped of a lord called frisius estensis , who had slaine his father to gouerne at ferrare , being notwithstanding aided by the venetians to doo that wicked act . item he excommunicated the florentines and them of luques . henry the . would needes make himselfe to be crowned at rome , but it was not without great contradiction and effusion of bloud . robert king of sicilie , sonne of charles the second , king of pouille , was condemned of the said henry to bee beheaded . clement graunted to all such as coiced themselues against the turke , that at their pleasures and will , foure soules should be deliuered from purgatorie : but the theologians of paris detested this , and reprooued it , saith agrip. de vanit . this pope persecuted such as they named fratricelli , and one called dulcinus of navarre ; and published against thē the croisado , for that purpose seruing themselues with the iacobins . the dulcins were named of that dulcinus , who was executed with his wife margarite . naucler . he had bene taught of one called gerard. they which detested them and haue written their maner of doings , say that they wore white mantles , & long haires : sometimes walking barefooted , sometimes shod . item , that they named themselues the order of the apostles , and they preached saying . repent , for the kingdome of heauē is at hand . moreouer , they said that the authoritie which christ gaue vnto his church was expired for the malice of the prelates . and that the romane church was reprooued because it was an whore . also that they were the church & followed the rule of the apostles . that all the popes since siluester were preuaricators and vsurpers because they liued not in true humilitie , and that therefore men ought not to giue them tythes . many of dulcius adherents were taken , to the number of . persons , dwelling in the mountains of verseil in piemont . rhodes in this time wes reconquered of the knights of the rhodes , which before were driuen away . henry . of that name , sonne of henry count of luxembourg , and of beatrix his wife , was chosen emperour . he was not rich of goods that his father had left him , but he was the excellentest prince of his time , as well in prudence as in the glory of praise-worthy deeds . from the death of frederic the . vntill the yeare . wherein this man was elected , the kings of the romanes had not entred into italie , namely rodolphe , adolphe , and albert , and therefore almost all the townes of italie subiect to the empire , were reuolted . after henry was crowned at aix , he determined to enter italie to be sacred of the pope , but it was not without great danger , for great ambushes which were laid for a him at millaine by guido turrian . see the chronicles of the emperours . many templers of the kingdome of france , by the commaundement of the pope and king , for certaine accusations were condemned and burnt without paris . twelue or nine articles contrary to the faith , were imposed vpon them : which notwithstanding iohn bocace a florentine excuseth in his . chapter of his . booke , of the cases of vnfortunate nobles . their order endured . yeares : all their goods were confiscated and giuen to the knights of the rhodes . others say that the best part of their goods was giuen to the king by the popes consent . chron. of the french kings . hermanus saith , that the pope clement in fauour of the king , noted them of heresie and infamie , wrongfully and vpon enuie . paral. vrsper . some thinke that the kings of france , of england and of spaine , conspired against them for the possessions and castles which they had in their kingdomes . the yeare . the sarabits ( monkes which came out of egipt ) began in england . their garments were of oxe and swines skinnes , and they were tyed with cordes . iohn clyn hybernus . the order of paulins entred into england , and placed thēselues at glocester , the yeare . chron. caletense . this pope clement in a well leaded bull ( which is yet at this day kept by copie at vienna , at limoge , and at poiters , in the coffers of priuiledges ) commanded the angels of heauen to carrie into the ioyes of paradice , and draw out of purgatorie the soule of him , whosoeuer should die in the way , going in pilgrimage to rome . moreouer ( saith he ) we will that the paines of hell shal no way be inflicted vpon them . agrip. de vanit . sciēt . iean wife of lewis king of fraunce , after the death of her husband , went to rome , and resigned the kingdome of naples , deliuering it into pope clements hand , who after made a gift of it to lewis duke of angiou , brother of charles the fift king of france , sauing the profits to the vse of the said iean for her life . but he enioyed it not : for he died with fiue thousand men in conquering it against charles nephew of the said lewis king of hungaria , who occupied the kingdome , and held it foure yeares , and left a sonne called ladislaus , who raigned . yeares at naples by the helpe of pope vrbain the . this pope condemned the beghards or begnins , which would not worship the bread of the eucharist . he commaunded that the great maister of the templers should be burned at paris , with one of his cōpanions , in the presence of cardinals , & made certain ordinances against the insolencies of the iewes , after hauing confiscated their goods . he ordained that oathes deliuered by princes , were not oathes of subiection , but of fidelitie : and commanded that the goods of the church should not be alienated . hee ordained that clarkes which occupied temporall traffiques , and wore precious garments , should be punished ; and forbad monkes all kinde of huntings , as well of beastes as birdes . he confirmed the feast instituted in the honour of the bread of the eucharist , which the papists commonly called , la feste dieu . god his feast . he gathered in his volume the constitutions called clementius , and pronounced that the reliques of saints ought to be greatly honoured . he gouerned the affaires of italie by neapolion and pelagura cardinalls , his legates : and added celestine the fift to the number of popish confessors . he set in order the constitutions of monkes , and againe declared the rule of friars . finally this clement being tormented one while with a flux of the belley , and an other with a paine of the stomack & sides , deceased in a castle called rocquemaure , vpon rosue , the yeare of the lord , . his body was carried into gascoin , and the papall seate was emptie euen till the third yeare . this yeare it selfe that he died , as henry of lucembourg emperor determined to draw to him by force of armes the kingdome of sicilie , vnto which he was called , hee was traiterously brought to death by a wicked monke , called bernard du mont , polician of domcastre : who was of the conspiration of the guelphes , and yet made a countenance that he was the emperours friend . he gaue a poysoned host to this good prince : who as soone as he felt the mischiefe , aduertised this traitor monke to flie away , saying vnto him ; away , away , for if the almanes perceiue any thing , and such as doo affect mee , you shall die . so this wicked iudas withdrawing himselfe to sienes , receiued the siluer that had bene promised him , for the reward of his treason ; but hereby hee deliuered not his bretheren iacobins . for many of them perished by fire and sword with their houses , as wel in tuscane as in lombardie , and many other places . the vniuersitie of orleance was instituted in this time . chron. of the kings of france . the yeare at crist , . the king of fraunce phillip le bel became a leper , and therefore he caused all the leapers of france and flaunders , as well men as women , to bee burnt . for he vnderstood that they had infected the waters . and the chroniclers of almaine say that the said king became a leper , because he made the templers die . arnold de villa noua , an excellent phisitian , and mathematician , ( some say of chalon , others of narbone ) was iudged an heretike , because he said that sathan had made all christian people stray from the truth . item , that the faith of christians of his time , was no other then such as diuels haue . item , that such as are in cloisters are out of charitie , and condemne themselues in falsifying the doctrine of iesus christ , & leading christians into hell . item , that the theologians haue maliciously mingled the dreames of philosophers with the holy scripture . item , that in the sacrifice of the aultar the priest offereth nothing to god , and that masses profiteth neither quick nor dead . he prooued by daniel and by sibilla erithra , that antichrist in a full tirannie should persecute the faithfull after the yeare , . besides his phisicke bookes , he writ against the iacobins , that it was lawfull to eate flesh : the cutting sword against the thomistes : the admonition of iesus christ to christians : of the subtilties of false prophets : of the misterie of the churches cymballs : of the consummation of the world , and other bookes . he was iudged an heretike by the iacobins at tarraeon . finally being sent to the pope by frederic king of sicilie , he died in the way , and was buried at genés , a true champion of the lord. margarite queene of nauarre , daughter of the duke of burbon , iean daughter of the count of bourgongne , and wife of the count of poiters , blanche second daughter of the said count of bourgongne , wife of the count de la marshe , were taken by the kings commaundement and condemned to continuall prison , for their fornications and adulteries against them manifestly prooued . yet afterward iean countesse of poiters , returned with her husband . for it was knowne that she was not culpable of all that which was imposed on her . the adulterers , that is , phillip d'annoy which kept the queene , and his brother . gualter de annoy which kept the said blanch knights , were scorched , there genitories cut off , and they drawne and hanged . schisme in the empire . there was a diuision amongst the electors : some did chuse lois the fourth of that name , duke of bauiere : others , frederic duke of austrich , and the one had warre against the other eight yeares . in the end lewis obtained alone the empire , and raigned yeares , after the chron. of euseb . which make . yeares , the sea of hist . loys hutin , sonne of phillip le bel , succeeded in the kingdome : and is the . he had before succeeded iean his mother in the kingdome of nauarre . enguerrand de marigni , count de longueuille , great generall of the kings reuenewes , being accused to haue robbed the king , was hanged : and his image throwne downe the pallace stayres . this king raigned almost two yeares , and died in the wood of vincennes , and was buried at s. denis . iohn pope , . of that name , french by nation , sonne of arnold d'ossa , before called iames de cahors , cardinall , bishop du port , after the space of two yeares ( during which time as hath bene touched , the seate was emptie for the difference happening amongst the . cardinalls ) was declared pope at lions : departing therfore frō thence with his court , and comming to auignon , he created . cardinals , of the number of which , were cahors the younger , his nephew and sisters sonne , and iohn de gayete , of the house of vrsins . he deliuered into the hands of the iudge , hugh gerard bishop of cahors , after hauing taken from him his pontificall ornaments , hee was disgraced and giuen to the tormentors , who put him to death most cruelly . iohn le maire . phillip le long , . king of france and of nauarre , brother of lewis hutin the former king , succeeded in the kingdome , the yeare . this was by meanes of the lawe salike . he was called long , because he was tall & slender . during his raigne , he could neuer get either of the church or of the people , tributes , impostes , or borrowe that which he damaunded . some say , that during his raigne the leapers poysoned the water pits , at the suggestion and perswasion of the iewes , whereof followed a great pestilence : but the iewes and leapers were greatly punished . the king determined to make that in all his kingdome there should be but one maner of waight , measure , and money : but he could not bring to effect that which was his will , for he died soone after . he raigned fiue yeares without hauing any warre , and was buried at s. denis . see emil. lib. . and gogin . lib. . this pope iohn caused to be published the constitutions of the councell of vienne , called clementius , and sent them into the vniuersitie of boulogne , vnder a faire leaded bull , commanding they should bee vsed in all schooles , vniuersities , and iudgements , from thence forward . the sea of hist . birger king of denmarke hauing inuited his two bretheren to dinner with him , tooke them , and with irons laid them in prison , where they died . the same . a prouost of paris called henry carpenel , for a false iudgement that he had giuen , was hanged on a gibet . this pope iohn condemned the constitution of pope nicholas , which was of the order of the friars minors , and began exijt qui seminat , and forbad vpon paine of excommunication , that none should glosse or dispute vpon it . see the decree . in the title . de verborum signifi . charles le bel , brother of phillip le long , and sonne of phille bel king of france and nauarre , . raigned . yeares . iohn . made a constitution which beginneth , ad conditorem canonum , against the friars minors . see the extrauagants of this iohn , . in the title . . de verborum signifi this pope iohn canonized s. thomas bishop of erford , and s. thomas d' acquine . chron. euseb . loys duke of bauiere , and frederic duke of austrich , with his brother , gaue battaile the one against the other ; where were slain as wel on the one part as of the other ; foure thousand horse men . lewis obtained the victorie , & frederic was prisoner with his brother henry . naucler . leopold his other brother came late to the succours . see the chron. of the emperorus . this pope receiued into the safegard and protection of s. peter the carmes , exempting them from all subiection of ordinary iudges to the end they might be subiect onely to s. peter as his well beloued children , and mooued many of them to episcopall dignitie . as guy de parpinan , iohn claran. both of catalogue , and some other nations . for before he was pope he had a maruellous vision , or rather diuellish illusion , as he witnesseth in his bull : namely , that as the cardinalls were in a great debate , the virgin marie deliuered them and made him pope , yet vpon this condition , that he should exempt from the paines of purgatorie his good bretheren . this iohn here taught certaine errors , and amongst others , that soules so soone as they were dispoiled of the body , should not see god before the last iudgement . for as masseus witnesseth , his father had so taught him , being seduced and abused by the visions of a certaine irish man , called tundalus . he sent to paris two monkes , the one a iacobin , and the other a friar , who preached the same heresie : but thomas walleis a iacobin , an english man , resisted the pope ; but he thrust him into prison . thus also did durand de s. porcin , william caleth , and others . he corrected at his pleasure the orders of churches , and changed them , and distributed into a certain number the colledges of the scribes : which for certaine prices writ such letters as by him would be dispatched . he made many constitutions which were called ioanninies , & condemned iohn de pouilly a theologian , because he taught that men must not cōfesse thēselues to begging friars : yet he constrained the monkesses or nuns called beguines , to marry , and to detest painting . he held also for certain articles of the faith , that iesus christ gaue not to his apostles any other rule to liue wel , but that he gaue to other christians . that the apostles neuer vowed the vow of pouertie , and that vowes serue for nothing to perfection . this pope writ to the grecians at large , that there was but one church alone , whereof he was chiefe , and the vicar of iesus christ . the grecians answered him in fewe words . we beleeue surely that thy power is very great ouer thy subiects . we cannot endure thy extreame pride , nor satisfie thy couetousnesse . the diuell be with thee , for god is with vs. by which breuitie of words , they shewed what was the popes maner of life and estate . iohn de mandeuile rehearseth it in his . booke . this pope declared lewis de bauiere to the church a rebell , schismatike , and heretike : because that after he was chosen by the princes , he tooke the gouernment of the empire without any oath to the pope of subiection . hiero. marius saith thus . iohn pursued with a sharpe hatred lewis de bauiere : partly because being chosen king of the romanes by the princes , hee disdained the name and title of emperour at the popes hands , as clement the . had ordained it : partly also because he maintained and defended against him certaine monkes , which hee had condemned as heretikes , and therefore iohn held the said lewis for an heretike . lewis comming into italie , placed in all the imperiall townes vicegerents , ( as reason required ) and after came to millaine , and because he desired to appease the popes rage , hee sent embassadors vnto him euen to auignon , where he resided ; who demaunded that according to the custome of his predecessors he would graunt him kindely and with a good and free will the ornaments of the empire . the pope not onely refused to doo it , but pushed backe his embassadors with great shame and ignominie , & cyted the said emperour peremptorily ( as they speake ) that he should come vnto auignon and submit himselfe to the ordinances of the church . the emperour knowing the tirannie that raigned in the church , knowing also that he had receiued of god the imperiall maiestie , sought on his side nothing wherein he might violate it . and therefore to popes hee would not subiect himselfe , as if he were their seruant ; by meanes whereof he refused to come into auignon : yet because still hee greatly desired to nourish peace , he sent againe messengers to make the same request . the pope persisted in his opinion , and in token of the hatred he bore to the emperour , he excommunicated the vicountes , vnto whome then the emperour had giuen the gouernment of the seignorie of millane . the emperour seeing the popes heart obdurate , calling to him many princes and lords of italie , came to rome , where he was honorably receiued of all the people , and required that according to custome some would deliuer him the ornaments of the empire . the greatest lords of rome , together with all the people , sent embassadors into fraunce to the pope , beseeching him that he would visit the towne , and graunt to the king of romanes the imperiall ornaments , which if he refused to do , they protested to obserue the auncient lawe , and to vse the rights of the romane people . iohn after he had heard the embassadors , draue them back from him shamelesly with rude words and threats , which the romane people seeing , determined to graunt to lewis that which he demaunded ; and so by the commaundement of all the cleargie and people , he was crowned with his wife , by stephen and nicholas senators , in the presence of all the nobles , which cryed lewis augustus , emperour of the romanes . but what did lewis hitherto , wich was not the part of a good emperour ? yet iohn vnderstanding this , accused him as one guiltie of diuine treason and an heretike , and published against him certaine very rigorous proces , and deiected him out of the dignitie of the empire , and put him out of his kingdome as an heretike & rebel against the romane church , thundring out against him a very cruell pronunciation . in this time were certaine theologians and lawyers which said that christ and the apostles had nothing proper , and that the emperour was no way subiect to the pope in that which concerneth the temporaltie . of this number were michael oecenus and william ; ockam friars ; marcille of padoue , and iohn de landum , lawyers , with certaine others . the emperour lewis was so fortified by this , that he hardly opposed himselfe against all the popes enterprises , publishing in all parts of the empire an appellation , such as followeth . we lewis king of the romaines , propose against iohn which saith he is pope , that he dooth ill execute the testament of iesus christ touching peace , which he disturbeth in all christendome , and remembers not that all the honor he now hath , was graunted by s. constantine to siluester when hee was yet hid . he is vnthankfull towards the romane empire , whereof he hath receiued all that great magnificence , which he now abuseth , &c. as then lewis & the greatest lords of rome knew well the vniust deeds of iohn , as also the people , frō the least to the greatest , who tooke in ill part that their embassadors which they sent was so ill handled , and all with one accord agreed to bring into the church the auncient custome obserued in electing the pope : namely , that being chosen by the people hee should be confirmed of the emperour . and therefore one called peter carbaria or corberia a friar , was created pope , and named nicholas the fift , and as for iohn he was declared an hereticke and a tyrant of the church , and not a pastor but a perturber of the peace of christians . all which things the emperour and the princes assistant at the councell held at rome , submitted to the iudgement of the catholicke church . this saith marius . this done the emperour returned into almaigne , and the pope nicholas remained in italie : but finally boniface counte of pise deliuered him into pope iohns hands , and hee dyed being straightly detained and in great miserie . see the suppl . chron. iohn de lisle ( some iordain ) a renowmed man in fraunce , was hanged at montfaucon at paris , for pilleries & rauishments . emilius denieth that hee was father in lawe vnto iohn pope as some say . king charles le bel was the first that permitted the pope to leuie tenths in france , and he did it to haue part with him . but the pope did it to warre vppon the emperour lewis , whom he had declared an enemie of the church . chron. reg. fran. the venetians by their captaine and duke called franciscus dandalus , tooke from the patriarke of aquilia their neighbour , two cities , that is , polle and valentia , which are in gorice . benet pope , . of that name , ruled in auignon . yeares , three moneths , after naucler . iames de furnerio borne at tholouse , of poore parents , a monke of the order of cisteaux , priest , cardinall , and doctor in theologie . this pope saith marius , was no more modest or louing to the emperour lewis , then iohn his predecessor had beene . for he renewed the excommunications , and dispoyled him of all royall honor , and of the duchie of baniere by his sentence . this good prince lewis assembled at francford all the electors , dukes , bishops , counts , and all such as were thought cunning , as well in humane sciences as diuine , and in the presence of all , by publike and solemne proclamation , hee gaue new authoritie to the auncient lawes , and confirmed them : and freely shewed that it onely appertained to the electors of the empire , and not vnto others , to chuse the king of the romanes . so that he which hath the greatest number of princes voyces , he is truly reputed chosen , be hee king or emperour . ( for in substance they be one same thing , although their names be diuers ) which emperour may exercise and administer the affaires of the empire without any confirmation of the romane seate . who also ought to be sacred by the pope , after it shall bee signified by the princes that hee is legitimately chosen . but if the pope refuse , hee may he proclaimed emperour augustus by any catholicke bishop whatsoeuer , as hath bene long time vsed ; seeing especially all such vnctions are onely certaine ceremonies inuented by popes , which giue onely the name and not the thing , in token of the vnion which ought to be betwixt the church and the romane empire . for the emperour makes not an oath of fidelitie to popes , but for the defence of the faith . and seeing it is so , how can such an oath giue him any superioritie in things which concerne the temporaltie . moreouer , the emperor also shewed that it is a false thing to say , that whilest the empire is vacant the right of the emperour is deuolued vnto the pope , and that this is against the libertie of the holy empire , against the dignitie , rights , and maiestie thereof : but that by a custome approoued and vsed of long time , and obserued by his auncestors , without that euer was done to the contrarie , during the vacation of the empire ; it appertaineth vnto the count palatin of rhene , to haue the managing of the affaires of the empire , to conferre feastes and imposts , and ordering of other businesses . after all this to excuse himselfe , he yeelded in the presence of all , clearely and holily a reason of his faith ▪ and confessed openly he was a christian , beleeuing wholy the articles of the faith , as they were taught by the catholique church : and purged himselfe very well of all things that were obiected against him by iohn the . and benet . . who would not admire the pietie of lewis thus vexed and tormented by popes ? what would this haue come vnto if he had tried it by armes against them ? the integritie of this lewis , finally was acknowledged by pope benet . and the peace was soone after made betweene the emperour and the pope . who straight bore the emperor such an amitie , that he defended and maintained him hardily in his innocencie against the embassadors of the king of france , which vsed alwaies rude & defamitorie words against the said emperour : in so much that the pope was called by the said embassadors , the protector of an heretike . and although benet for a certaine time was not without great feare , because of their words , ( for they threatned him with great warres if hee absolued the emperour ) yet hee commaunded by a publike decree ( which was proclaimed through all almaine ) that all processes which had bene attempted by iohn against the emperor should be nothing and of no valew : and that it appertained not to iohn to attempt such things against him , seeing the emperors and the popes iurisdiction are distinct and seperate . hee further declared openly that lewis in all things had borne himselfe like a good & valiant emperour . yet you must vnderstand that the pope did nothing herein , freely & of good courage : but cautelously to acquire the fauour of lewis . for because he sawe the king of france ( in the kingdome & seignory of whom hee remained ) had taken some ill conceit against him , hee feared that if also hee had the emperour his enemie , there were no person where he might haue succours , if the king of france practised any mischiefe against him . therefore benet iudged that it should be for his profit if he got the beneuolence of the emperour : hoping by that meanes that the other durst attempt nothing against him . these be the practises and meanes wherewith popes haue nourished and do yet nourish their tyrannie in the church of the lord. benet being menaced by the king of france chaunged his opiniō , and left the sentences giuen by his predecessors against lewis . he placed vicars in the imperiall townes of italie , and drew vnto the romane seate the charge and office of a senator , withdrawing it frō the emperour . he inuented all that was needful for the apostolike penetētiary , declaring in order the taxes of letters , and so assembled great riches frō all nations . this pope first vsurped collations of all prelatures , bishopprikes , & other benefices , as wel for himselfe as for his successours : and depriued such as were vnlearned and ignorant from their benefices : and ordained that all his chaplaines should sing by note their canonicall houres . that thay should lie in one dortoire , and that they should haue no other reuenewes , but that was necessary for their life and apparell . he builded in auignon a very faire house , with towers and goodly orchards : and this olde adulterer bought deare the sister of francis petrarke which was very faire , of her brother called gerard , to abuse her . he ordeined . cardinals being absent frō rome , & repaired with great charge & cost the roofe of s. peters church , & published certaine acts against the iacobins , as leander witnesseth . ockam & dante 's held for heretikes , bicause they maintained by liuely reasons out of the scriptures that the romane empire depended not vpon the pope , but of god onely . naucler . such as speake against the pope are heretikes . benet made many extrauagants and benedictines for the monkes of the order of s. benet , wherein is made mention in the sixt and seuenth chapter , how abbots ought to send their young monkes , such as are fittest to their studie vnto the vniuersities , and offer them pentions to do it . he made a decretall which beginneth benedictus deus in donis suis : to the ende benefices should not be giuen to such as were vnworthy of them . wherein is confuted and condemned as hereticall , the doctrine which his predecessor iohn had publikely preached touching the happie soules : and it was determined & declared y t the soules which had nothing to purge , incōtinent as they are departed frō the body do see y e face of god. he was said to haue bene so rigorous that hee would scant know such as were of his blood : and said that the pope had no parents . fascic . temp . the yeare of christ . the castle of loppen was besieged by certaine gentlemen , with . footemen , and fifteene thousand horsemen : but they were valiantly driuen back and chased away by the swisses , which with the number of two or three thousand slew . of the said combatants & three counts . fasc . temp . and others . the sarrasins in spaine were discomfited , where there were . slaine , & as many prisoners . chro. euseb . the sea of histo . benet dyed in auignon , to the great ioy of many , for his great rigor , and therefore some write of him . hic situs est nero , laicis mors , vipera clero : deuius a vero , cuppa repleta mero , that is , here lyeth death to laie-men , a viper to the cleargie , a straier from the veritie , a cup full of wine . he left great summes of gold and siluer , whereof he gaue nothing to his parents and friends , but to the church . francis petrarke flourished in this time , and gregorie de aremino the augustine and generall of his order . orchanes second emperour of the turkes , sonne of ottoman , who raigned . yeares . clement pope , sixt of that name , limosin ruled in auignon . yeares : before called peter roger , borne of limoges . first hee was prior of s. babille , which is a priorie of the order of s. benet , after abbot of fescan , after bishop of arras , then archbishop of roane , and after by pope benet . was made cardinal , and finally after his death was made pope , although hee was the youngest of all the cardinalls . h. marius in his booke intituled eusebius captiue , in this maner describeth the pope . clement . saith he , a man very desirous of women , of honour and power , being incited with a diabolicall furie , fixed letters vpō the gates & doores of temples , by which he threatned the emperour vpon grieuous punishments , that within . daies he should renounce the rights of his empire . the crueltie of this emperour was maruellous . this emperour came to francford , and being readie with all his power to do that which was enioyned him , required by his embassadors , that he would receiue him into grace . this pope answered the embassadors , that he would neuer pardon lewis , vnlesse first he confessed all his errors and heresies , and dismissed himselfe of the imperial dignitie , & put into his hands , himselfe , his children , and all his goods , and that he would promise to take nothing of all those things , but by his consent . and he gaue a formularie vnto the embassadors , and commaunded them to present it vnto lewis . what forme or fashion is there here , i will not say of a pastor , but of a man onely ? lewis shewed this formularie to the princes , to the electors , and to the embassadors of the imperiall townes . the princes detested some of the articles , for that they were laid by the pope to the ruine and destruction of the empire : and they promised the emperour succours if hee would defend the rights of the empire , as hee had done before : yet they prayed clement by their embassadors , that he would leaue off such articles inuented to the detriment of the empire ; but the embassadors returned without doing any thing . clement laying the cause of all those things vpon lewis , sought the ruine of him and his children . wherfore the thursday before easter , he excommunicated him very cruelly , and renewed all the rigorous processes made by pope iohn , and declared him an heretike and a schismatike : he also sollicited the electors to chuse an other emperour . he depriued the archbishop of magunce of his dignitie , and of the priuiledge & authoritie to chuse : because that knowing the emperors innocencie , he would not violate his maiestie . as for the other electors , the new of magunce , he of treuers and colongne being corrupted by force of gifts and presents by the king of bohemia , declared emperour charles the fourth , sonne of iohn king of bohemia , who was sonne of henry seuenth of that name , who was crowned at bohemia during the empire of lewis : but hee was not reputed a lawful emperour , no not after the death of lewis , as may be seene . who can here rehearse the horrible warres which proceeded of the wickednesse of this clement against the empire ? twentie thousand french men were ouerthrowne by edward king of england : who discended into normandie , and came euen to paris , destroying all the countrey . it was called the battaile of cressy ; where there was great effusion of french bloud . chron. euseb . callais was yeelded to the king of england , after it had endured extreame famine . a great famine was in all italie , accompanied with a pestilence and mortalitie , which was almost vniuersall . it continued till the yeare , . see the histories of almaine & france . lewis the fourth was poysoned ( as is said ) hauing drunke of the cup of iane dutchesse of austrich , which came to see him ; and feeling himselfe grieued he would needs goe on hunting , and beeing in the wood , hee fell from his horse , as if hee had bene stricken with a palsey , whereof he died soone after . at the article and point of death hee cryed : o my god bee merciful vnto me a poore sinner . munster and others . after his death , there was yet more trouble then before . the electors were sollicited to elect edward king of england ▪ but he refused the election as a thing too troublesome . after , they chose frederic count of misne : but hee loued better to maintaine peace with the bohemians , then to charge himselfe with the titles of the empire . at francford one part of the electors chose gunther of scwartymbourge : who accepted the election as being sufficiently munited and puissant to hold good against the emperor charles , who then remained at magunce . but gunther a litle after was poisoned and died at francford , so charles raigned alone . let all people know hereby the detestable tirannie that popes haue exercised through all the world , spreading the seedes of seditions and warres . the empire was brought into great calamitie : for charles to the end to leaue his sonne successor , did so corrupt the electors with store of gifts and promises , that hee gaged vnto them the publike reuenew of the empire , which they yet detaine at this day : and therefore the romane empire could not relieue it selfe . for then did the electors constraine charles to sweare that he would neuer reuoke that he had engaged . the empire being ouerthrowne , the turke assailed the church of iesus christ , and ruinated many of them in europe , putting all to fire and sword , and laying vpon them that miserable yoake of mahomet . but how can christian princes driue backe ottoman and his successors out of the church of christ , if they first represse not the turkish pope an houshold enemie ? this pope clement reduced to the fiftieth yeare the iubile , wherof hath bene spoken , to the end by that meanes to gather more gold : and being absent from rome , hee made it be celebrated the yeare of the lord , . all the length of the said yeare there were at rome euery day to the number of fiue thousand pilgrimes , entring and going out , as easily might be counted . thus saith peter premonstre . the bringing in the obseruation of the ceremonie of iubile , is a renowncing of iesus christ , who hath brought vs the agreeable time , and the yeare and day of saluation and perpetuall pardon . . cor. . . in this time a company of people of diuers nations were assembled , making a sect , which did beate and whip themselues , going from towne to towne , from borough to borough , and from village to village : there came one time . from souabe , and amongst them was one prince and two gouernours , whom they obeyed . one day being before the monasterie of spire , in the day about one of the clock , they made a round and stripped themselues naked , except that they had shirtes like hose , from the thighes to the heeles , and so fell prostrate vpon the earth one after an other in forme of a crosse , and whipped themselues , singing and inuocating god : they also laid their faces towards the earth , praying for themselues and for all such as did them good , likewise for them that did euill vnto them . they had certaine priests amongst them , and some lettered people : there were also gentlemen and handicraftsmen , women and children . if any man inuited them to dinner , they durst not go , nor take any almes without the leaue of their gouernours . but they whipped themselues twise a day , and each one once in the night secretly . they spake not to any woman . they all carried crosses both before and behinde , in their apparell , hattes , or caps . their whips were tied to their robes , and they remained no more then one night in a parish . from the towne of spire , there were more then an hundreth which raunged themselues in their company . yet none was receiued of their band , vnlesse they promised to keepe all the aforesaid things . and if any had not inough each day to spend eight pence : and if he promised not to be confessed , and to haue good contrition , and to forgiue all iniuries his enemies had done vnto him moreouer , his wife must consent vnto him . finally the emperour forced them to leaue off these toyes and bables : and the pope forbad them vpon paine of excōmunication from thenceforth not to whip themselues . yet in repentant maner they might whip themselues secretly . imbert daulphin of vienne , renouncing the glory of the world ( as they speake ) tooke the habit of a iacobin in the couent of lyons vppon rhosne : solde the countrey of dolphine to the king of france , vnder conditiō that the kings of france should not aliene it , and that their eldest children should beare the title thereof . and this did he in despight of such as should haue bin his heires , which had done a thing contrary to his will. see the french histories . bartholus the legist or lawyer was in this time , and petrus bercorij , who translated titus liutus into french , at the king iohn his commaundement , and made the breuiarie vpon the bible , and the morall reportorie . phillip de valois . king of france , the coozin-germain of the three former kings , hauing raigned . yeares , died at noogent le roy , of the age of . yeares . iohn his sonne duke of normandie , was crowned at reims , the fiftieth king of france , and raigned . yeares . the brotherhood of the order of the starre , began in the house of s. oyon nigh paris , at the instance of king iohn . the knights of this order carried a starre in theyr hattes or on their coates . about this time the iewes were sent out of almaine , because they had infected and poysoned the fountaines and pits of water . fasci . temp. clement the sixt died suddenly , being stroken with an aposteme , the yeare . innocent pope , sixt of that name succeeded , borne of limoges , first called stephen aubert , hee was an aduocate doctor in the lawes and the decrees : after he was bishop of cleremont and cardinall of ostia . after he had taken possession of the popedome , looking prudently for his profit in time to come , he suspended certaine reseruations made by clement his predecessor : and straight ordained that all prelates and beneficed men should retire vnto their churches : not to the end to preach the gospell , but to magnifie and maintaine all abuses and papish rights . and that they might gather the fruites thereof to liue in all idlenesse and dissolution . he said well that sheepe ought to be kept by their owne sheepheard , and not by an hireling . this pope would needs gather a tenthe of all the rents and reuenewes of the cleargie , but the prelates of france would not consent therevnto , therefore it was not leuied , yet hee did what he could in almaine , in the dioces of spice . see nauclerus . the dearenes of victualls was extreame in france , for the warres of the englishmen , the quarter of good wheat was at eighteene pounds at paris . he diminished his ordinarie expences ( which was great ) in reducing his familie to a certaine number , yet not very honest , as may be seene in petrarke . he would haue no person in his house but such as should serue either his profit or affections , and he very straightly by edict enioyned all his cardinalls that they should do the like . and said that his life and that of all ecclesiasticall persons ought to serue for an example to others , so that all christian people may take heed to follow our examples . moreouer hee ordained a certaine sallary or stipend for the auditors of his pallace , to the end they should steale nothing . he was sparing in his diet and liuing ( say some authors ) but in expences of warre very large . the vniuersitie of prage in bohemia , is instituted and endowed with priuiledges by innocent , at the request of the emperour charles the . naucler . charles the . going to rome to be crowned , his wife was taken at pise , and carried with her damzels into a stewes to despite the emperour , but shee escaped from thence in great danger : and then appeared the vertue of the almaines . nauclerus . the yeare . charles the . was crowned at millaine , and after at rome on easter day , vpon condition straight to depart out of italie . naucler . what pride was this to commaund the romane emperour to retire out of his owne countrey ? franc. petrarke . the iourney of poitiers was to the great dammage and confusion of all france , and victorie of the english . there were slaine the duke of bourbon , and the constable of fraunce , the marshall and others , to the number of eight hundreth knights . the king of france was a prisoner , phillip his fourth sonne and others , as well counts as knights and men of armes , at least . hundreth . see the histories of france . the yeare of christ , . was held an imperiall iourney at magunce , whether the pope innocent sent his legate for the subsidies of the apostolike chamber : and the said legate had power to dispence with all ecclesiasticall persons touching benefices which they had obtained otherwise then the holy canons permitted . in this assembly were the archbishop of magunce , treuers , and of colongne , the dukes of saxe , bauiere and others . the emperor then called the legate vnto him & said : the pope hath sent you into almaine to exact a great summe of siluer , without reforming the cleargie . after hee said to a canon of magunce ; deliuer mee your hatte , and gaue him his which was much worse . then said he to the princes which were there ; locke not i with this hatte more like a warriour then a man of the church ? then turned hee againe to the archbishop of magunce , and said . wee commaund that you reforme your cleargie , and take away the superfluitie in their garments , shooes , hattes , and other things . the popes legate hearing this , went away all confounded , and as it were flying , tooke a boate and got him to cologne . naucler . this pope , a true tyrant of babilon , commaunded that iohn de roquetaillaid should be burnt in auignon , because he said something against the cleargie . this man ( saith peter de premonstre ) prophecied many things should come to passe touching antichrist and the popes , and therefore was he held suspected of heresie . for he began to prophecie the yeare of our lord , . in the time of clement the sixt , and many things were seene come to passe of that he had foretold . this pope ordained the feast of iesus christs launce and nailes : to the end those dead idolls might bee adored by the christians . hee inuironed auignon with walles and ditches , and without the towne founded the monasterie of chartreux . before this popes death , there was a great ecclips of the sunne , such as was neuer seene the like ; to shewe that that very time was so full of darknesse , that scant was there any remainder of the light of truth in the church . there was also seene in his time a a flame after the sunne-setting ( as masseus witnesseth ) which endured a long time , and shewed what a great fire should after come . moreouer there was great numbers of grashoppers , which after they had destroyed the corne , euen all trees were burned . as the said pope was preparing an armie by sea against the turkes , because the romanes were in troubles and seditions , he was so vexed in his minde , that he died with griefe , the yeare . and was buried in the said monasterie of chartreux without the towne of auignon . vrbain fift of limosin , called before grinnald grisant the sonne of an english phisitian called william , monke of s. benet , first abbot of auxerre , and after of s. victor , nigh to marseillis , being absent in a certaine embassage , was created pope . he was a great doctor of the canon lawe , and an exceeding arrogant maister . he straight applied himselfe to defend the libertie of the papall church by couetousnesse , dissolutions and pompes , and chiefly serued himselfe therein with such as affectioned him most in such affaires . but aboue all , he sent one called gilles a spaniard , cardinall of s. sabin as a legate into italie with full power : who as a true executor of all his bloudie commaundements , rode through all italie , and so repressed the vicounts and other gouernours of townes , bringing vppon them great losses and hurts if they would not submit themselues vnder the obedience of the romane church . yues a brittaine priest , solde his goods and gaue them to the poore , and was canonized after his death . sabell . armacan ( some call him richard and qualifie him an archbishop ) a learned man , published conclusions against friars , teaching that it was a villainous thing for a christian to begge without constraint . volater . baldus a lawyer of peruse , was renowned in this time . the monasticke order of iesuites began by iohn colomban and francis vincent of bourgongne . volat. and sabell . they were afterward by the popes priuiledge , called the apostolike clarkes . brigide princesse of sauabe , had foure sonnes and foure daughters : a litle before pope vrbain died , she went to rome to erect the order which after she instituted . valat . lib. . she then to accomplish her vow , procured that the order of monkes ( named with her name ) as well men as women might be confirmed . the emperour charles merited great praise by the bull of gold , wherein he gathered many things very necessarie to maintaine publike peace . iohn king of france went into england for the deliuerance of his brother duke of orleance , and of his sonne iohn duke of berry , and of many others which he left in hostage ; and being there , died in london , & after was carried to s. denis in france . see emili. lib. . & . charles fift of that name , . king of france , was surnamed le sage . hee caused many latin bookes to be translated into french , yea bookes of holy scripture . amurathes the third emperour of the turkes , raigned . yeares , and was the first that entred into europe : for hee aided the emperour of constantinople , and sent him . thousand men , which passed into greece . this was after , cause of the taking of the couuntrey of asia , the yeare of christ , . wickliffe beganne as a breake of day , the preaching of the gospell . iohn wickliffe an english man , a man of great spirit , flourished in this time , and began as from a deepe night to draw out the truth of the doctrine of the sonne of god. he studied in the vniuersitie of oxford , and came to such degree of erudition , that hee was thought the most excellenrest amongst the theologians . in his readings with the puritie of the doctrine which hee taught , hee also liuely touched the abuses of the popedome : in so much that the locusts , that is to say the begging monkes , lifted themselues vp against him . but the lord gaue him for a protector , the king edward , during whose raigne , he had great libertie in his profession . richard the said edwards successour , persecuted and banished him : but as a true champion of the lord he remained alwaies constant euen to his death . his conclusions , his bookes and his doctrine , shew sufficiently the gifts and graces which god had bestowed vpon him . whosoeuer will more largely know those things , let him looke in the booke of martyrs brought by vs into light since the said wickliffe . vrbane went to rome to pacifie italie , where hee builded many things at viterbe , and at montlacon , minding to returne into italie . and as he returned into france in hope to bring againe the court to rome , he deceased at marcellis , not without great suspition of poysoning . sabel . an vniuersitie founded at vienna in austriche , by albert duke of austriche . planudes a greeke monke liued in this time : hee translated cato and other bookes out of greeke into latin. charles king of france often held his seate of iustice , and was altogether a man of peace , neither was euer armed . only walking nigh paris , he made his warres and other his affaires of importance by his brothers and other committees , by whom he recouered as it were all that which the english men had taken from his father . to helpe the charges of the warre , he laid a taxe vpon salt & wine that men sold . he had fiue armies at once against the english men . gregorie pope , . of that name , of limosin , ruled in auignon . yeares & . moneths , before he was called rogier , sonne of the earle of benfort , and nephew of pope clement the sixt : hee was the disciple of baldus the legist , who then read at peruse . returne of the papaltie to rome . most of the townes of italie withdrawing themselues from his obedience ( as volateranus saith ) at the perswasion of caterine de siene , a nunne of the order of iacobins , & of baldus his late maister , parting frō france with . gallies , with . ranks of ores returned to rome , the yeare of the lord . he pronounced sentence of interdict against the florentines , which were the first authors of the reuolt , and had seized all the popes townes which were about them . vpon whom finally he made strong and sharpe warre , because they made no account of the thunder of his excommunications : which the legists said were of no validitie , because they proceeded of hatred and enmitie . naucler . some set downe certaine causes of his returne into italie . a woman called brigide ( saith masseus ) returning from ierusalem , writ to gregorie that the lord would that the romane court should be turned into her house . cranzius addeth , that as he reprehended a bishop , that he left his church and followed the court , he answered him . and thou saith he which art pope of rome , and which ought to giue example to others , why goest not thou to thy bishoppricke ? then transported he his seate to rome at the perswasion of two women and of a bishop , the seuenth yeare after he was departed . this pope demaunded a tenth of all church goods in almaigne , & to gather it sent his legate . but many resisted & formed appellations against the pope , saying that they could not pay it . others that they would not pay it : and so was there a schisme in the churches of almaigne . naucler . petrarke dyed about this time . so did boccace , of the age of . yeares , abb. trit . simon de cassia was in this time , and s. bonauenture whom gregorie . made cardinall and bishop of albe . abb. trit . amurathes was slaine with the blowe of a dagger , by the seruant of a christian called seruianus : for that the said amurathes had slaine his maister . peter de premonstre hath left by writing , that in this popes time there was a kinde or new sect of diuellish people , as well men as women , which without any shame daunced hardely . and he said that in the yeare of the lord . they came frō aix in almain into henaut , and from thence into france . some said this signified the returne of pope gregorie & his cardinals to rome . these thought they daunced in a flood of blood , although such as were present with them saw no such thing . the common people iudged that these people were ill baptized by priests which keep whores and harlots : and therefore they determined to haue risen vp against the cleargy to slay them and pill their goods , but that god remedied it by the meanes of certaine coniurations , & that which followeth in the said author . the yeare of christ . the english men and brytons , with other people to the number of fortie thousand and more , fell vpon the countries of alsarce and sangania , and tooke cities and castles and raced them to the ground , violated virgins and wiues , burned churches and monasteries , and after many other tyrannies they attempted also vpon the bernois : but a great multitude of them and their duke were slaine and discomfited by the said bernois at frowenbrun , the rest were assailed by other swisses , and were ouerthrowne , and so they all perished miserably . fascic . temp . the emperour charles sought to stretch out the limits of his kingdome of boheme , partly by siluer , and partly by warres and other meanes : which was cause that he gaue to iohn henry his brother , the countrey of morauia , to the end he might renounce the right he had in the kingdome of boheme . long time after he also caused the princes electors to elect wencelaus his sonne king of the romanes . finally , after many requests hee obtained that he demaunded , the yeare of grace . and gained the princes which elected wencelaus king of romanes , being but . yeares of age . after his coronation he espoused ihehanne or iane daughter of albert , counte of holland , and duke of bauiere . but the yeare following charles dyed , which was the yeare of grace . and of his empire . hee was an emperour worthie of praise , sauing that he regarded more his kingdome of boheme , then the publike weale of his empire . for knowing his sonne should succeede him in the empire , hee corrupted the electors by great and faire promises , the which being not able to accomplish , hee gaged vnto them the publike taxes and tributes , and brought the romane empire into that calamitie wherein it is at this day . for the electors retaine that vnto themselues which should be the emperours . a great number of the poore of lyon were burnt at paris , in the place de greue . the sea of histories . the colledge of benuais was founded at paris , the yeare . otherwise called the colledge des dormans , because it was founded by three brethren called dormans , the one was bishop of beauuais , the other archbishop of angiers , and the other chauncellour of france . wencelaus sonne of charles fourth of that name , was chosen king of the romans , beeing but . yeares of age , at the pursuite of his father , and crowned at aix la chappelle , with his wife the daughter of albert duke of bauiere , and counte of holland . but this wencelaus was euil made of bodie and spirit , his bodie crooked and of an effeminate courage . he was borne at nuremberge , and his mother dyed at his byrth . assoone as hee was made king of boheme and of the romanes , incontinently he gaue himselfe to all idlenes and dissolution , following his pleasures , caring for nothing but to make good cheare . and because he vsed great tyrannie , in the end the barons of the kingdom tooke him & kept him in prison the space of . moneths , til he was brought forth by his brother the marquesse called iohn : but he became no better . his subiects then seeing that all the country was infected with his orders , tyrannies , whoredomes & dissolutions , they complained to his brother sigismond king of hungarie , and he was againe taken and imprisoned in austriche , but escaping out of prison , he returned into his kingdome , and returned to his first manners . the electors of the empire often admonished him , but hee cared not , therefore he was depriued of his empire at bopard . baiazet fourth king or emperour of the turks , the sonne of amurathes , after the death of his father , slewe his brother soliman traiterously , and so alone enioyed the empire of the turkes , the yeare of the world . after christes natiuitie , . to reuenge the death of his father , he made war against marke lord of bulgaria , ouercame and slewe him , and so subiected a great part of his country . a little after he ouerranne hungarie , albania and walachie , and did great hurt , tooke many christians and led them into thracia prisoners . in his enterprises and affaires he was so hotte and so suddaine , that he was called baiazet hildrin , that is to say , thunder from heauen . he brought vnder as it were all greece , being aided with the goods and graces of nature , both in body and spirit . he besieged constantinople by the space of eight yeares . wherevpon the emperour sailed into france requiring succours , which was graunted him : yet got baiazet victorie of the french , hungarians , almaines , syrians and misians , in one assembly against him : after hee returned to constantinople , and there was no other meane to conserue the empire of constantinople , but that tamberlan , who was lord of a certaine countrie of east scythia towards parthia , hauing ( as it were ) an infinit number of people , put to the sworde in one onely battaile on the mount stella ( where pompey fought with mithridates ) . hundreth thousand turkes , and ouercame baiazet , and bound him with chaines of gold and put him into a cage of iron , and so ledde him through all the countreys of asia and syria : in the which miserable estate the said baiazet died . he raigned twentie and sixe yeares . edward king of england who had so many victories in france , died of the age of . yeares , the yeare . of his raigne . charles the . and wencelaus his sonne , came into france to accord the french and the english : but they returned without doing any thing , because of the death of the queene , and her daughter isabel . the pope gregorie after he had done all that belonged to a good pope , ( as platina saith ) being tormented with an intollerable paine of the blather , deceased the yeare of the lord . some say that at the houre that he yeelded the spirit , the fire flamed in the pallace of auignon , which could not be put out vntill the greatest part of it was burnt . and after that , followed a schisme in the popedome , the greatest of all the others . then saith masseus , the people and cleargie of rome assembled towards the cardinalls , and prayed them to chuse some italian , and no french man. vrbain sixt of that name , a nepolitain by nation , called before bartholemewe , archbishop of bar , being not yet of the order of cardinalls , and absent at the great pursuite of the romanes , was created pope . he was ( saith crantzius ) a cruell man , of whom by prayers nothing could be obtained . being come to the popedome he would not procure that peace might be amongst christians as his dutie was : but sought to reuenge himself of iniuries done him by cardinals , and by iane queene of sicilie . clement pope , . of that name , was also chosen , and ruled in auignon . yeares . and thus began the . schisme , the cruellest and horriblest , which endured long . this came to passe for that after the death of gregorie . the cardinals parted themselues into two bandes , the italian cardinals by constraint of the romanes did chuse the said bartholemewe archbishop of bar , and called him vrbane the . but because he reprooued and reprehended the cardinals for their lightnesse , they all departed from him , and went into the cittie of tendes , where vpon enuie with the frenche cardinals they chose one called robert , borne at geneua , cardinall of the title of the twelue apostles , and called him clement the seuenth , who came to dwell in auignon , because of the schisme . nauclere saith that this clement was borne at catalongne , and was chosen . moneths after the promotion of vrbain . for the french cardinals , for the heate of the time demaunded lycence of the pope to goe into anagnia , and from thence were transported into pouille , where they elected the said clement . when vrbane sawe himselfe thus left of his cardinalls , he created thirtie new vpon one day . this schisme endured fortie yeares vntill the councell of constance : whervpō came great disorder . the king of france and all his kingdome : item spaine and england held the part of clement the . the other countries , that is to say , italie , almaigne , hungarie , &c. followed vrbane the . and on both sides there was great contradiction . the kingdome of france endured great euils about this schisme . for clement had good . cardinals maintained & liuing chiefly of the said kingdome , and all held the best prelateships , benefices and dignities . the kingdome there also was sore greeued , with impositions , annuities , tenths , expectiue graces and other inuentions : insomuch that the poore clarkes & students of the vniuersitie of paris could get no benefices , but all were occupied for cardinals and other courtiers of auignon , who had euer hired people to enquire of the value of benefices . vrbane was cautelous , seditious , and vncurteous , memoratiue and reuengefull of iniuries , and one that tooke pleasure to sowe dissentions amōgst christian princes , rather thē appease them . neither could he liue in peace with the king of hungary and of naples . he would haue depriued charles king of sicilie of his kingdom , insomuch that charles came against him , and cōstrained him to flie to genues by sea , and as he passed on , the pope caused . or . cardinalls to be drowned , because he thought they fauoured clement the . who was at auignon . two other cardinalls fled towards the said clement , and were welcommed : but vrbain excommunicated them , & clement absolued them , and the two popes one excommunicated an other , and their adherents . naucler . vrbain absolued the florentines of an excommunication to acquire their grace and fauour . to shewe himselfe deuout , he instituted the feast of the visitation of the virgin mary in the mountaines . he went to naples to put ladislaus sonne of charles king of naples , and iane his sister from their heritage : but it was in vaine . therefore he returned to rome , wherein he was poysoned and died . the said charles at the sollicitation of pope vrbain the . came from hungarie to naples , where being , he slew the queen iane to please the popes apppetite . all the archbishops , bishops , abbots , and priests , which adheared vnto the said iane , were depriued of their benefices by the pope , and in their places other were instituted . see naucler . so charles remained king of naples fiue yeares , afterward he returned into hungarie , but by the subtiltie of the queene he was poysoned , and died the yeare , . so wickedly as hee had caused queene iane of sicilie to be slaine : so the queene of hungarie slew him . but the cause why vrbane sent for charles to naples was in despight of queene iane , who had receiued his cardinalls into her kingdome , wherfore he depriued her thereof , and was crowned king of sicilie by the pope , the yeare . vnder conditiō that he should leaue to his nephew certaine duches & counts in sicilia . but because the said charles was poore , the pope sold the churches goods , yea and the goods of certaine monasteries , euen amounting to . florence : he aliened also and sold certaine ornaments of gold and siluer , crosses and images , with which helpe he obtained the kingdome of naples as is said . charles the sixt , sonne of charles the fift , was sacred king of france very yong . he would beare but three fower deluces in the french armes . his father left him . scutes . ( gaguin saieth . millions ) and yet at the beginning of his raigne he had no mony : for it was dissipated and dispearsed by diuers tutors and gouernours . the aforesaid clement . crowned lewis king of naples , who by armes occupied the prouince , going into italie against the said charles and vrbane , hauing in his campe . thousand fighters : but hee dyed two yeares after hee was in italie . the fountaines and waters were impoysoned , wherof he dyed and all his nobilitie . naucler . the said iane queene of sicilie & countesse of prouence , the wife of charles duke of calabria , sonne of robert king of sicilie and nauarre , and the sister of the king of france philip , had made the said lewis , duke of aniou , her heire . ( for she had now raigned . yeares without hauing any line . the sea of histories . lewis archbishop of magdebourge , as hee daunced in the towne of caluin with ladies and damozels vntill night , sell vpon the ground and brake his necke , and beat out his braines , with one of the ladies which he led . the same hist . the yeare . hugo aubriot , born at bourgongne , who before had bene great gouernour de finances of france , by the meanes of the duke of bourgongne was made prouost of paris , and during his gouernment , the policie of paris was well administred . many buildings were made , as the bridge of s. michael , the walles towards the bastile , s. antonie , and the length of the riuer of seine : the litle bridge , the litle castle , and many other places . hee was accused of many crimes , and aboue all , for that hee derided churchmen , and principally them of the vniuersitie of paris ; which conceiued great enmitie against him : but especially because hee caused to bee builded the towre of the litle castle vpon the litle bridge to represse the insolencies of schollers , and to stay their night courses . wherefore at their pursuite many secret inquestes were made against him , and hee was charged to haue had the company of iewish women . that hee beleeued not in the sacrament of the aultar , but mocked at it , and would neuer bee confessed . beeing charged with these informations , hee was imprisoned in the chastelet , and from thence yeelded to the bishop of paris his prison , and was declared an heretike worthy to bee burned . at the princes request the sentence was moderated , and he was publikely placed on a scaffold in our ladies court at paris , as an heretike and contemner of sacraments , and as such an one , condemned to perpetuall prison with bread and water . hee was afterward deliuered from the saide prison of paris by a popularie tumult , which would haue made him theyr captaine , but hee withdrewe himselfe to dijon where he was borne . the ninth of iuly , ludolphe or lupolde duke of austriche , with a great company of people of warre deceiued by the counsell of the nobles , fell vppon the swissers nigh sempac , which were in number of a thousand sixe hundreth , which draue away all that multitude , and slewe the duke of austrich with eighteene other princes . two yeares after the gentlemen which escaped , returned with sixe thousand combatants : but two hundreth men of glaronne put them to flight , and ouercame . fasc . about the yeare fell there a schisme betwixt the vniuersitie of paris , and the friar iacobins . one doctor of the friars preachers called iohn de montelon , preached and maintained publikely that the virgin marie was borne in originall sinne . such questions come of pride and ambition , they are not such as the lord requireth . at rouen an other doctor of the same order preached publikely , that if he prooued not that the virgin marie was conceiued in originall sinne , let them call him huet , that is owle . herevpon in despite and derision of them , when men sawe any of the said order , they called them huets . the sea of hist . charles . king of france , visited the pope clement . in auignon . clement died the yeare of our lord iesus . and was buried in auignon , as they say . these two popes sent terrible bulles into diuers parts of the world , and sowed diffamitorie bookes , wherein they named one an other antichrists , schismatikes , heretikes , tyrants , traitors , theeues , vniust , sowers of tares , and children of belial . iohn de ligni doctor of both lawes , published a treatise in fauour of vrbaine : and the abbot of s. vast the kings councellor of france , an other in fauour of clement . the seate of rome could neuer be better approoued of antichrist , then by the acts of these popes , and the witnesse of their partakers and complices . boniface pope , ninth of that name , ruled at rome . yeares ; hee was a neapolitain , & elected of the age of . yeares , before called peter thomocel . he was the likeliest amongst the cardinalls which vrbain had created . he confirmed the feast of the visitation of the virgin marie , instituted by vrbain his predecessor . hee fortified the castle of s. angelo against the romane people . he made a lawe whereby he obtained the seignorie of all the world : that is to say ; that it should not be lawfull for any person to enioy any benefice wherevnto he should be promoted , before he had paid to the fiske or apostolike chamber all the reuenewe of the first yeare . he abolished tribuns , which was a noble magistracie in the towne of rome : and constrained the romanes by a cruel edict to call a stranger to be senator , namely , one maleteste of piscane . boniface canonized s. brigide , as is aboue said , in the life of vrbain the . he made great merchandise of indulgences , and sold them for money . the yeare of christ , clement the seuenth dyed in auignon . benet pope , . of that name , otherwise called peter de la lune , borne at catalongne , father to the king of arragon , gouerned in auignon . yeares , and after went into arragon , in the time of the councell of constance . before he was pope being a cardinall , he made a voyage to paris to cause the schisme to cease . and then in the vniuersitie of paris , were m. peter d' aliaco , cardinall , doctor in theologie : and m. iohn gerson , who after the said aliaco , was chancellor of paris . the yeare . the christian princes , sigismond king of hungarie and boheme , brother of the emperor wencelaus , phillip d' artois , iohn count de neuers , and many other christian princes , were discomfited nigh nicopolis , going against baiazet the turke , to giue succours to the emperour of constantinople : the pride and dissolution of the french was cause thereof . the beginning of the dukes of millaine . wee haue saide that in the time of henry the seuenth there was at millaine two factions , that is , of the gibellins and of the guelphes . the vicounts stucke to the one , the yeare . and were the strongest in their families . in so much that in the end mathew vicount cast out of the towne of millaine the great familie of turrians ; galeace succeeded mathew in the administration of the common-wealth . after galeace , came actio his sonne , out of whose helme fell the serpent . and because this man dyed without issue , his vncle 's iohn bishop of millaine and luchin , tooke the gouernment of the duchy , and had great warres against the cities of parme , lande , cremone , bergame , genes , and others , & subiected them . the bishop being dead , and luchin also , the administration came to barnabas , who with the aide of his brethren , had many warres against the pope of rome , but principally he a long time molested bolongne , vntill the citizens redeemed themselues with money . see munster . the vnluckie battaile for the christians in hungaria against the turke , where . christians were slaine , and infinite others taken and put to death . the count of neuers was there taken prisoner , but his life was saued with . others , gentlemen . his raunsome was . scutes . naucler . & the sea of histories . benet the . graunted to the vniuersities , rolles to haue prouision of benefices . mary daughter of king charles made her selfe a nunne at poissy . the yeare of christ . was assembled a councell by the prelates of france , wherin it was said , that because pope benet would not accord to that way of cession , they would obey him no more in any thing . that ordinaries should make collation of benefices . that vnto electiue dignities men should proceed by election , without any more resorting to the pope benet . the english men imprisoned , and after vngently murthered their king richard : because he had made peace and accord with the king of france , without consent of the people . the yeare . certaine monkes of the order of s. bernard , brought a s. snairy , & placed it in an abbey of theyr order called cadoyn , in the diocesse of cahors . annales of france . how then say they it is at chambery ? the sect of white mantles in italie was destroyed . for boniface the . made take ther rector , and caused him to die . some say he was burnt . see naucler . the trinetois otherwise called the bretheren of the redemption of captiues , which was also called the order of inham , multiplied greatly . the turelupins are persecuted , they were otherwise called the poore of lyons : many were burnt in frāce with their babes . iohn hus. the light brought in by the writings of wickliffe , greatly profited such as came after him , and aboue all to iohn hus , who also cleansed the fountaines of the gospell , which were filled not onely with infectious clay and mire , but also euen with mortall poyson , which the begging monkes and prophane schoole-philosophie had tempered . and although the vertue that god had giuen to this person , meriteth a longer recitall of his beginning , yet we will send the readers to the booke of martirs , since wickliffe and hus. as for vs , we haue chiefly to render thankes vnto god , that through him and other true faithfull , he hath sent vs the light of his gospell . the pope benet gaue to charles the sixt , king of france , the tenth part of all ecclesiasticall goods : partly that the king should maintaine and defend him , and partly to the end hee himselfe might bee partaker of the bootie . and as hee made his residencie in his countrie of catalongne , in a strong castle called pauiscole , maintaining himselfe to be the true vicar of iesus christ ; he was condemned many waies by the authoritie of the said councell . he assembled a councell at parpignan , and created many cardinalls . finally , dying at pauiscole the yeare of our lord , . he commaunded his cardinall , that straight they should chuse an other in his place , and they elected one called giles munios , chanon of bercelone , and named him clement the . he incontinently at the instigation of the king alphonsus created cardinalls , and did all that which popes are accustomed to do . but after that pope martin the first had agreed with the king alphonsus , giles by his commaundement , renounced all the rights which he pretended in the popedome , and was declared bishop of maiorque , and the cardinalls created by him , willingly renounced their dignities of cardinalls . the witnesse of mathias flactius of esclauonia , a diligent author , extracted and taken out of theodoric of nyem , shall not bee heere impertinent : who made a chronicle of that schisme , comprised in three bookes . theodoric of nyem saith he , who was a very familiar secretarie to a certaine pope , and a good and a wise man , hath faithfully described the historie of this schisme , which hath bene amongst popes by the space of . yeares before the councell of constance . good god what subtilties , what fraudes , what wickednesse , and what straunge acts rehearseth he of those popes and good spirituall fathers in that historie : whereby they mocke god , all religion , and the church of iesus christ , yea molest and do subiect it to their tirannie ? and surely i cōfesse that although before i had read , heard , and seene many of their villainies , and that therefore i had conceiued in my selfe an euil opiniō of the malice of that antichrist and of his children , yet after i had read this booke , i perceiued that they were ten times more wicked then euer i could haue thought before . in the same booke also he saith , that such are not worthy of the title of emperour , which make a countenance not to see , yea dissemble the execrable wickednesse of popes tirannies . chrysoloras of constantinople , taught greeke letters in italy , which . yeares before had not bene in vse : whose daughter espowsed at constantinople , francis philelphe . bertholde schwartz monke and alchemist was the first of gunnes and artillerie about this time . scotland conuerted to the faith. wencelaus emperour for his cowardise and couetousnesse was deposed from the empire , and his nephewe elected . iosse sonne of iohn henry , marquis of morauia , who was the brother of charles the fourth of that name , marquis of brandebourge , an vnprofitable man , was chosen king of the romanes by some , before robert ( as some say ) being now old , because he was the vncle of wencelaus , yet he was neuer crowned : for there passed not sixe monethes after his election . robert or rupert , duke of bauiere , and count palatin of rhene , was chosen after frederic duke of brunswic and of lunebourge . this frederic was a valiant prince , wise and exercised in armes , and truly worthy to gouerne the empire , but there was long time enmitie betwixt him and the archpriest of magunce . for before he was crowned , the count of waldec hauing charge of this gentle archbishop , hee slew him villainously , which was cause of great hurly burly and tumult throughout all almaine , vntill the princes electors assembled in the towne of bopert : where they elected robert count palatin , a man well exercised in deeds of warre , and a great louer of iustice , but of a small stature : but willing to enter into aix la chapelle to be crowned , the citizens were against it : saying that in that case they could not fauour robert , because as yet they were not absolued of the oath they had giuen to wencelaus : but that the election might not be vnprofitable , the bishop of colongne , crowned robert in the towne of colongne . after this , robert made preparation to goe to rome , the yeare . to receiue the imperiall crowne , but hee was hindred by the venetians and millanois , and so could not execute that which he had enterprised . hee dyed at oppenhem the tenth yeare of his empire , and was buried in the towne of heidelbourge . innocent the seuenth , borne at sulmo , before called cosmar de peruse , priest , cardinall of the title of saint crosse : all italie beeing in great trouble , was created pope after boniface the ninth . this pope ( as platina saieth ) beeing yet a cardinall , vsed customably to reprehend the negligence and pucillanimitie of popes : saying that with their carelesnesse the schisme and trouble which was thē so great , as well in the romane church as in the common-wealth , tooke yet no end . but being mounted into the papall seate , and in some things following the fashions of vrbain and boniface , his predecessors which he reprehended , being a priuate person , not onely he did the things which he condemned so sore before , but he could not so much as beare , that one should speake to him thereof . he gouerned the affaires in such confusiō , that once the citizens of rome beeing come towards him to require him that they might haue their old libertie , & be put in possession of the capitoll , of the bridge miluins , and of the fortresse of adrian : and that that pernitious schisme which was in the church might be takē away : wars & seditions banished : remonstrating that to do the same , the king of france promised to deliuer his hand , and that leter de luna would not refuse to enter into the way of agreement . but in place to graunt their request , hee sent them towards his nephewe loys , who remained at the hospitall of the holy spirit as were towards an hangman prepared for them , who tooke eleuen of his citizens which came to consult with him touching the affaires of their common-wealth , which was in perishing by the popes negligence , and put them all to death , he after cast them out of the windowes to the ground , saying that schismes and seditions could not be otherwise taken away . with this crueltie the romane people being mooued , hauing called to their aide ladislaus ( or lancelot ) king of pouille , tooke armes for the punishment of that cut-throate lewis ; but the pope to shunne the furie of the people , fled to viterbe , with lewis his nephewe . the people seeing they could not take vengeance of him that had committed such wickednesse , fel vpon the curtezans , whose goods were almost all pilled : yet some saued themselues in the cardinals houses : which being ayded with their people , receiued such as came vnto them , although very hardly . after the romanes hauing taken the capitoll , and being seized of the mount miluins , they assailed the fortresse of aebrian : but it was lost labour , although iohn colomne the count of troy , and other valiant captaines assisted them vnder the conduction of the king ladislaus . in the end this stirre being appeased , the pope came againe to rome , where he created many cardinalls : amongst which was angelius corrairus a venetian , petrus philargus of creete , and otho colomnus a romane gentleman . hauing by this meanes strengthned & established his popedome , he created lewis his nephwewe , marquis of pise , and after appointed him for the principalitie of firman . this pope demaunded as well in france as in england , the halfe of all ecclesiasticall reuenewes ( as gaguin saith ) but it was not graunted him . after which things he liued not long : for the yeare . he died at rome . diuisions in religion in the country of boheme . we haue abouesaid that the emperour charles the fourth instituted the vniuersitie of prage , and prouided it of learned men : and as a prince giuen to letters , adorned often with his presence the disputations made in schooles . but because the teutonians in that vniuersitie seemed to carry away the prise and honour there in disputations aboue the bohemians , they were greatly ashamed that straungers should surmount them : it came to passe that one of the bohemians hauing recouered the bookes of wickliffe , communicated them to his companions , and they drewe out of them great arguments , which the teutonians could not resist , wherevpon many dissentions fell amongst them , euen to batteries and murthers . the teutonians seeing this , forsooke the place ; insomuch that more then . schollers on one day went out of prage , the yeare . and came to lipse , where they begun an vniuersitie after leaue obtained . iohn hus then had the greatest renowne , a man that came out of a village called hus , which signifieth an hen , whereof he tooke his name . he was of a great and quicke spirit , and well spoken , beginning to recommend the doctrine of wicliffe to the people . the bohemians instructed with this doctrine , began first to set against the pope , esteeming him no more honourable nor greater then other bishops or priests . and therevpon reformed the doctrine by the conclusions and articles following . that the dignitie makes not the priest or bishop honorable , but sanctitie of life and good doctrine . that soules seperate from bodies , goe right vnto eternall paines , or straigth obtaine happie life . that there is no witnesse in all the scripture wherby can be proued that there is purgatory after this life . to make oblations and sacrifices for the dead , is an inuention of the couetousnes of priests . images of god or of saints : benedictions of waters and such like things , are forged of men against the word of god. that the orders of begging friars were inuented by diuels . that baptisme ought to be administred with water , without creame , oyle , spittle , and such pollutions . that the temple of god , is the world ▪ that such as build churches , monasteries , and oratories , therein to enclose him , do enclose maiestie which is incomprehensible . that the ornaments of priests , chasubles , corporals , chalices , plates , vestments and aultars , are all but vanitie . that in vaine we implore the helpe of saints , and that it is time lost to sing the canonicke houres . that fastings merit nothing . that the eucharist ought to be administred vnder both kindes . they reiected the masse , and receiued onely the communion of the supper , the word and prayer , and many other articles drawne from the holy scripture . gregorie . of that name , borne at venice , called before angelus corrarius , patriarke of constantinople , and cardinall , priest of the order of s. marke , was chosen at rome after the death of innocent : but vpon this condition , that if the profit and vtilitie of the church required it , he should giue ouer his papall dignitie , because of benet . named peter de la lune , who succeeded clement . in auignon . the venetians tooke of one named franciscus curiario vicar of the empire , two imperiall cities , verone and padua , after , the said francis was sent prisoner to venice , where finally he was slaine in prison . so after they vsurped traiterously the towne of rauenna , which was the romane churches patrimonie . they sent to summon with great magnificence the gouernour hostasius polentan , his wife and his sonne , and prayed them that they would come and take their pastime at venice at a certaine great feast and solemnitie which was made there . but whilest he was at venice , they tooke rauenna by treason , and sent the said lord , his wife , and his child , into perpetuall exile into the i le of candie , where they died poorely . iohn le maire . lewis duke of orleance , comming from the queenes house about eight of the clocke at night , was murdred at paris by apostate people , which first threw him off his mule , & when he was fallen on the earth , an almaine his squire fell vpon him thinking to saue him , who was also put to death with his maister . iohn duke of burgongne caused him to be slaine : who after the case was knowne , fled incontinently from paris and came to arras , riding . leagues that day . see the annales of france by m. nichol. gille . this pope gregorie approoued the sects of the monkes of mount oliuet and hieronymites , with the congregation of them of venice , which were named of s. george de alga . benet the . beeing in auignon , the king charles the sixt sent in embassage towards him , the dukes of bourgongne , of berry & of orleance : to the end to perswade him to giue place to his right for the good and vnion of the church : and that on the other part gregorie the . would do the like . wherevnto the said benet gaue no answere , but left the said princes without bidding them farewell , and retired into spaine for feare he should be compelled to renounce the popedome , and held a councell at parpignan , and after went to remaine in the castle of panisole , to be there more assured . in this time was a councell held at pise , to revnite the vniuersall church , wherevnto gregorie and benet were cited , but they had no care to appeare , but derided it . and so thinking to do well , they made a double schisme and diuision . before there was two popes , and now three . for at the said councell gregorie and benet were deposed , and one called alexander was instituted . during the said councell of pise , gregorie the . fled also into austrich : but fearing not to be there in suretie , he returned into italie , and dwelt in the citie of arinunum , vnder the protection of a baron called malateste . to the said deposition of the two popes , as it were all christian nations consented , except a part of spaine , and the count arnimake , and the kingdome of scotland , which fauoured the said benet the . what shall we say of this schisme of three popes , but that it is a token that that seate of babilon shall bee diuided in three parts : as it is said in the apocalips , and that from thence shall come the ruine of antichrist and his end ? the yeare of christ , . chrisebeles or calephin , the first , the fift emperour of the turkes , obtained victorie against sigismond . this calephin raigned sixe yeares , & left two sonnes , orchanes and mahomet : but orchanes was slaine by his vncle moyses , who was after slaine by mahomet the first of that name . alexander pope , fift of that name , was elected at the councell of pise , borne in the i le of candie , of the order of friars , called before peter philarge , or of candie : first bishop of nauarre , after archbishop of millaine ; and consequently cardinall , priest of the title of the church of the . apostles , and succeeded gregorie in the popedome . after that the two old popes gregorie and benet were deposed at the councell of pise as is said , this was chosen by the consent of all the cardinalls , vnto which degree and dignitie he being come ( as platina saith ) it was with good right that they called him alexander : seeing he that before was but a poore begging friar might be compared to any prince whatsoeuer , in matter of prodigall and superfluous expences , and in greatnesse of courage . herehence it comes that that graspopper in times past of small and base condition , did obtaine in the kingdome of abaddon , a face like a mans , and teeth like to them of a lyon. this pope also vsed commonly to say as hee played , that hee had bene a rich bishop , a poore cardinall , and a begging pope . this alexander was of so great boldnesse , that in the councell of pise with the consent of the priests that were there present , he tirannously depriued of the right of his father the kingdome ladislaus then king of naples and of pouille : who occupied certaine seignories which the church had ill gotten : and vniustly adiudged it to lewis duke d' aniou . after that this councell of pise was finished , this pope went to bolongne : of which towne a wicked sodomite called balthasar cosse , cardinall of s. eustache , had the gouernment : whom alexander confirmed in his election , because through his subtill deuises that councell had bene assembled : and also for that hee was a man meete encounter at any time with such as would seise vpon any goods of the church . there was in this man ( as platina saith ) more fiercenesse , boldnesse and secularitie ( if i may say so ) then his estate required . his life was esteemed like a man of warres , giuen altogether vnto crueltie . in such sort that in this holy singlenesse of life , he thought that many things were lawfull vnto him , which ought not so much as to be named . see what platina saith . amongst other acts worthy of a pope , this alexander published certain bulles touching the stigmates or markes and wounds of s. francis his idoll , that they might be placed in the ranke of the articles of the christian faith : and ordained them a solemne feast that they might be honoured of the faithfull . as this good pope began to be sicke of a poysoned drinke which was giuen him by marcillus of parma , a phisitian whom balthasar had hired to do it for a great summe of money ( as panetius reciteth it in his . sermon ) and knowing that his death was nigh , he exhorted the cardinalls as they came towards him to mutuall concord , and to maintaine the libertie of the church . that is to say , to make peace amongst the wicked , and to maintain the papall pompe and seate , that iesus christ may be troden vnder foote . iohn bauiers bishop of liege , the duke of bauiers his brother , lord of holland , and count of hainaut , being chased from the towne , demanded helpe against the liegeior of the duke of burgongne that married his sister : who fighting against them of liege , hee slew more then fortie thousand of them , burnt their citie , churches and monasteries . the priests slew and put to death their women and children . fascic . temp. the vniuersitie of lipse or lypizen , was set vp by the maisters of the vniuersitie of prage , by the aide of frederic marquis of misne , and after duke of saxonie . sigismond sonne of charles the fourth , king of hungarie and of boheme , brother of wencelaus , after the death of albert was chosen emperour of rome by the consent of all . he performing the dutie of a true emperour , was very renowned in wisedome , knowledge , and bountie : hee loued vertuous people and such as were learned , and raised them vp vnto honour and dignitie : yet he was vanquished by amurathes emperour of the turkes , and lost a great battaile , and his tents & pauilions . he went by the space of three yeares through europe , to set order , and to roote out the great schisme so damageable to all christendome . therfore hauing reiected three popes , schismatikes and vnlegitimate , and which held the seate at barione , oddo columnius was made pope by the consent of all . iohn pope , . of that name , succeeded alexander , and ruled at bolongne fiue yeares or thereabouts : hee was before called balthasar cosse , or ihea de coza , after the sea of histories , cardinall of eustache . some there are , euen of such as approoue the popish tyrannie , which affirme that he came vnto the popedome rather by force and violence , then by free and canonicke election . for ( as stella saith ) being at bolongne rather as a lord and maister then as a legate , when the fathers were there assembled to chuse a new pope , he exceedingly threatned them if they elected not such an one as pleased him . therefore many were presented whereof hee would not approoue one . then said the cardinalls vnto him ; name him of whom you can like . and he answered ; giue me s. peters mantle and pontificall habit , and i will giue them vnto him whom i would to bee pope . when hee had the habit hee put it vpon himselfe , and saide , it is i that am pope . but although it displeased the others which were there present , yet they must needs dissemble it , so furious , terrible , and enuironed with souldiers was hee . after his election he remained a certaine time at bolongne , then went he to rome , it beeing the chiefe of his enterprise . there he assembled a sinode , to the end to giue the imperiall crowne to sigismond . in the first session of this sinode , as the aforesaid iohn was sitting on an high seate , after the masse of the holy ghost was sung , there came an owle , who placing her self vpon one of the balkes of the temple , and looking directly vpon the pope , saluted him in a straunge maner with his fearefull song . such as were there present began to wonder , looking one at an other : and also casting their view vpon the pope , they could scant keepe themselues from laughing . as for iohn hee began to bee much ashamed , to sweate , and to bee sore anguished and tormented in himselfe . finally finding no other meane whereby hee might remedie his so great confusion , after hee had giuen leaue to such as were there assembled , he rose vp and retired . there was an other session after this , wherein came the like . for this owle could not bee chased away neyther for any cryes , no nor yet for stones and staues which were cast at him . there were then many which by this spectacle were induced to beleeue that such spirituall pillers haue long time gouerned the church of rome . nicholas clemengis archdeacon of baieux , reciteth this historie in his epistles . a councell assembled at constance . to put end to the aforesaid discords and slaunders , they were forced to assemble a general councel , for which , the place was assigned at constance . this was against the pope iohns wil , who desired it might be held in such a place wherein hee had more powre then the emperour . see naucler . & leonard aretin , who were in this time . in the said councell finally appeared pope iohn the . of that name , and arriued at constance vpon s. simon and iudes euen . anno. . likewise the emperour sigismond came thither on christmas euen after midnight , with the empresse his wife , and many other princes , counts , barons and nobles , which were in number about . persons courtiers , saith the sea of histories . with the pope iohn arriued foure patriarkes , twentie and nine cardinalls , . archbishops , and . bishops . see naucler . on christmas day the pope sung three masses , one at midnight , one in the morning , and one at noone : and sigismond attired deacon like , sung the gospell , exijt edictum a cesare , &c. naucler . this councell endured three yeares and seuen weekes after some , or about foure yeares after naucler . and there was . sessions . see the . volume of councells . the yeare . the king of france laid siege before champaine , and it was taken by composition . hee tooke soissons , and after laid siege before arras : but a peace was made by the duchesse of holland , sister of the duke of burgongne . the sea of hist . the friday after candlemas day , ( as they call it ) there arriued at the councell sixe cardinalls of pope gregories the . which approoued the councell by the authoritie of the said gregorie . naucler . the yeare . was the battaile of blangy , betwixt the english and french , wherein the chiefe bloud of fraunce was shead : and it was commonly called la male iournee . the sea of histo. in this time wencelaus king of boheme , was required by the councell to send iohn hus , who went thither with the emperours safe conduct . there went with him also ierome of prage , with one onely clarke . they were admonished and greatly sollicited to desist from their opinions , but they were constant . they maintained that they were true in their propositions and reasons , being founded on the truth of the holy gospell . and contrary , that the romane church had withdrawne it selfe from the truth and the apostles doctrine , &c. see a more ample declaration of this historie , in the first part of the booke of martyrs . they were both condemned to be burned . iohn hus was first executed about the fourth day of the moneth of iuly , the yeare . and a good while after , ierome of prage was also burnt in the moneth of september . they endured death constantly , and merily went to the fire glorifying the lord , euen in the middest of the flame . their ashes were cast into the lake of constance . the bohemians vnderstanding what was done at constance against their doctors , sacked and spoiled all the couents and monasteries of the countrey , and fired them : and from that time withdrew themselues from the subiection of the romane pope , as is said . in the said councell iohn wickliffe an english man , was condemned an heretike : and although dead , yet his bones were condemned to be vnburied . also lay-people were inhibited to communicate the sacrament vnder both kindes . there was also a decree that the councell was aboue the pope , and not contrarie . that the councell hath full power to correct , iudge , and depose the pope , yea to ordaine of all things , and not the pope to iudge , correct , or chaunge decrees and statutes of the councell . iohn . pope , seeing that in the said councell many crimes were obiected against him , fled away in a disguised habit , by the helpe of the duke of austrich , frederic , and by the councell of the archbishop of magunce : although the emperour did all he could to hinder it . naucler . he fledde first to shaffufe , and from thence to lusemberge , and after to fribourge , to take his way towards the duke of bourgongne if hee could get thither . naucler . the duke frederic was cyted in full councell by the emperour and that many times : and for that hee appeared not , the emperour absolued his subiects of the oath of disobedience which they ought vnto the duke . also hee depriued him of all his riches and goods ; and gaue his goods to such as could take and occupie them . this gaue many occasion to assaile his person and his goods , whereof yet at this day the cantons and the valesans hold many places , as bade , melingen , prenigarten , wallestat , diossenhosen , which they got by force of armes . others occupied other townes and places . see naucler . iohn was taken and brought to constance , and there deteined prisoner at richman . after they prooued against him . criminall articles . he was deposed by all the councell , the wednesday of trinitie , . and . and hee himselfe approoued his deposition . in the second volume of councels there is mention made that more then . articles were proposed and proued against him , to euery of which he answering cryed ; ah i haue yet committed a greater crime ; namely , i haue passed the alpes , and am come into almaine . after his condemnation hee was giuen vnto the count palatin , who kept him three yeares in menhen : he was not suffered to haue any italian with him , no not his chamberlaine : his gard were all almaines , and he spake vnto them by signes onely . naucler . after the deposition of pope iohn , they proceeded also against pope gregorie the . who was cyted to appeare in person , but he would not come there : yet either by faire meanes or force , hee sent malateste , lord of armenia , with an ample procuration and power to resigne the said right hee had in the the papall dignitie into the hands of the said councell . the which was done , and the said gregorie . was created legate in the marquesdome of ancone , where he died soone after with mourning in the towne of racany , which is a port of the adriatike sea. iohn le maeire . there remaineth yet the third antipope , peter de la lune . of him it was that gerson often said : we must needs take away this man of the moone ( called benet the . ) who would not obey the councell , but died obstinately in the kingdome of arragon : and commaunded his cardinalls on his death-bed , that as soone ar he was dead they should elect an other , which they did , and elected clement the . borne at barselone , wherein they profited litle . for the pope martin ( as shall bee saide ) had the popedome whole , and had the obedience of all the princes in christendome : yet the saide clement the eight was after made bishop of maiorque . see iohn le maire . that pope benet troubled much the emperour sigismond , for seeing hee would not consent to any agreement , the said emperour was constrained in person first to goe into france vnto the king , then to the king of england , to make an attonement betwixt those two kings . item , towards the king of arragon in spaine , with certaine embassadors deputies of the saide councell , to exhort them to hold the hand to the vnion of the church , and to perswade the said pope to doo as others did , which hee would neuer be brought vnto . then the princes of spaine , the arragonians , the cathelains , armignaes , and the kings of fraunce and england seeing his obstinacie , followed the opinion of the councell , and withdrew themselues from the obedience of pope benet the thirteenth , which sigismond signified to the said councell . naucler . sigismond returned after to constance about candlemas , and the councell with burning candles excommunicated and depriued the said benet of his popedome , & after declared him an heretike & a schismatike , the . day of march. . naucl. this pope iohn whilest he was placed in the romane seate , amongst other ieasts of a pope , he did that which followeth in diuers authors . he had stirred maruellous warres against the king ladislaus , and assembled a councell at rome to find means to driue him from his kingdome . he also commanded to make a procession with the head of s. iohn baptist , for that subtilly and cautelously he had determined to sell it to the florentins . he approoued the sect of such as named themselues de la chemise , or frisonniers , which lifted themselues vp in the territorie of luques : and admitted the congregation of that new reformation in the monasterie of s. iustine , commenced at padoue by lewis barbe . as pope martin the fift was at florence , this pope beeing deliuered from prison ( contrarie to the opinion of all , so that all that were present maruelled thereat ) came thither towards him , and after he had kissed his feete , acknowledged him as his pope , the successor of s. peter , & saluted him as if he had bin some earthly god. martin mooued with affection , certain daies after receiued him into the number of cardinals , and hee made him bishop of tusculū : but after certain moneths he finished his life sad and grieuous , the yeare of the lord , . in the same towne of florence : where he was honourably buried with great pompe in the temple of s. iohn baptist by cosme de medicis , who euer bore him great loue . in the said councell the counts of cleues and sauoy were erected to duchez by the emperour sigismond . things being effected as is said , the emperours will was that there should now be an handling to correct the maners of ecclesiasticall persons , and to reforme the church : but it was said that this could not well bee done during the vacation of the apostolike seate : wherefore it was concluded to proceed to a new election of a pope . naucler . martin pope , fift of that name , called otho , a romane cardinal deacon of the house of colonnois , of one same accord and will , by the consent of all was chosen of . cardinalls , at the councell of constance : and was called martin , because hee was consecrated on s. martins day , hee gouerned fourteene yeares . the emperour sigismond very ioyfull that the cardinalls had chosen such a pope and so necessarie to the christian common-wealth , entred into the conclaue , where without regarding his dignitie , falling on his knees before the pope , in great reuerence hee kissed his feete . on the other part the emperour receiued him beningly , and heartily thanked him for the diligence and paines which he had taken to establish the vnion of the church . naucler . after that the emperour had long time trauelled to assemble this councell of constance , desiring to see the particular reformation of the church , excused it that rome had bene long without an head , and the time would not permit to begin a reformation , for the councell had long endured . wherefore an other councell should bee assigned at basil where that should be done , and so the emperour was frustrate of his purpose and hope for seeing a reformation in the church-people . in the said councell was dispatched letters and bulls to lewis duke d' aniou , to goe take possession of the kingdome of pouille for him and his . naucler . martin pope returning from constance to rome , remained two yeares at florence , and for recompence of his entertainement , he ordained that the bishop of that place should bee a metropolitane , and subiected there vnto the church of volaterre , pistorie and fesides . the hussites came vp at this time , which reiected all humane traditions , more purely preaching the doctrine of iesus christ , which engendred many contentions betwixt lay-men and clarkes . a pestilence was at florence , where died more then . thousand men . chron. euseb . mahomet emperour of the turkes , died after he had raigned . yeares . wencelaus died taken with feare , because of a tumult raised at prage : hee fell into an apoplexie , and from that euill into a palsie , which within . daies tooke away his life , the yeare of his raigne . charles . of that name , king of france , the onely sonne of charles the . succeeded his father . hee was assailed by the english and bourgonions , and hauing lost as it were all the countrey of the frontiers , tooke his recourse into bourges , and there remained a certaine time , and therefore the enemies in mockerie called him king of bourges . henry sonne of charles his sister , called himself in his titles , king of england & of france : and at paris was crowned king of france . a pucell or maide plaide the part of a man at armes , and gaue succours to orleance which was besieged , constrained the enemies to leaue the siege : conducted the king charles to bee crowned at rheims , passing through the places which the enemies held . the english after were driuen from paris . the taberlites , adamites , orebites , heretikes in boheme were in this time . see naucler . sigismond with the pope and almaine , banded themselues together to make war against the bohemian hussites , but they got nothing , but were faine to leaue them . naucler . iohn gerson maintained in this time that wee must rather beleeue the sentence and opinion of one doctor approoued and confirmed by the canonicke scripture , then the popes declaration . item that wee ought rather to beleeue a doctor well learned in the holy scriptures and alleadging a catholick authoritie , then a generall councell . a councell began at pauie , but the pestilence became so great there , that they were constrained the place and time , and was ordained at pise the yeare . and from thence remitted to basill seuen yeares after in the yeare of christ , . the venetians corrupted with store of siluer , the captaine generall of the duke of millaine called carmagnolle , a valiant man , but a traitor : who stole from the said duke the strong towne of brixe , and the yeare following the towne of pergamum and their appendances : which places , king lewis the . recouered , the yeare . after that the venetians against all right and reason had avowed themselues to be right possessors thereof the space of . years . iohn le maire . the pucelle or maide aboue mentioned , called of orleance , borne in lorraine , called iane , did things incredible in warlike affaires for the king of france his succour . finally hauing found meanes by force and subtiltie to enter into the towne of campaigne , ( which was besieged ) making sallies vpon the enemies , was taken by iohn de luxembourge , and from thence sent to roane to the duke of sommer set where hauing beene kept certaine time , she was burnt . she was accused to be an enchauntresse . see the annales of france . the pope martin of the age of . yeares , died at rome of an apoplexie . he commanded before his death to assemble the councell of basill : for in the councell of constance , it was concluded that from . yeares to . yeares , there should be held an vniuersall councell of the church ; which was not obserued . eugenius . of that name , borne at venice , of the order of celestines , called before gabriel condelmer , the sonne of one called angelus , being cardinall , priest of the title of s. clement , obtained the papall dignitie in the place called minerua , ( as platina saith ) by this meanes . when gregorie the . who was of the house of corrariens , and venetians by nation , was chosen pope , being before canon of the celestines of the congregation of s. george in the place of alga , he carried with him this gabriel , who was of his profession , henry king of england of the age of . yeares was crowned in the great temple of paris as king , by the cardinall of winchester . sigismond went to rome and was crowned emperour by the pope eugenius , after he had raigned . yeares . chron. euseb . at the instance of certaine reporters and flatrerers which said that martin his predecessor had bene very curious to gather great treasures : some brought this man into such a rage , that he caused his vice-chauncellor , with all his familiars and nephewes to be taken and dispoiled of their goods . after this , the romanes applying themselues to recouer their auntient libertie , crying let vs goe to armes , and hauing driuen away all eugenius his officers , and taken francis condelmer , his nephewe or bastard , and his chamberlaine , they created new magistrates , which they called gouernours , and had power of death and life ouer all . eugenius amongst so many troubles being vncertain what to doo , began to thinke to flie away : hauing then chaunged his habit and taking a monkes frocke onely with a monke called arsennius , put himselfe in a fishers boate ; and without that they which kept him perceiued he retired to ostia by the riuer tiber , then when certaine of the romanes knew that he was fled , they assailed him as well as they could with stones and shot . from thence he went vnto pise , and after vnto florence in certaine gallies which purposely had beene prepared for that purpose . where making his residence certaine yeares hee made sixteene cardinalls , amongst which there were were two grecians , namely , bessaron , who was a cunning man in philosophie , borne at nice , and isidorus of russia , and guillam de stouteuile , archbishop of rouan . the coucell of basill . after the councell of constance , there was an other held at basill , which cardinall iulian began by the popes commandement : beeing forced so to doo by the emperour sigismond : and because then sigismond was gone into italie ( as is said ) to receiue the imperiall crowne , the italians sought to perswade the pope to breake the councell of basill and bring it vnto them , that the townes of italie might bee inriched with the great summes of money that should be brought thither : and that the countrey should not bee subiected vnto straungers : alleadging for a shewe , that sigismond came for no other cause but to make himselfe lord ouer italie . sigismond after his coronation returned vnto basill . this councell endured tenne yeares , and there the cardinall iulian called of s. angelo , was president . the bohemians being called vnto the said councell with sure accesse and safe conduct , proposed . articles wherin they differed from the romane church . the communion giuen to the people vnder both kinds . that ciuill dominion is forbidden by diuine right to the people of the church . the preaching of the people ought to be free . that publike sinnes ought not to be borne , if it were but to shunne a greater mischiefe . in the said councell the bohemians were permitted to communicate vnder both kindes , as a thing lawfull by the authoritie of christ , and profitable and healthfull to all such as duly receiued it . vadian & naucler . in the time of this councell of basill was papistrie set vp in bohemia by the great meanes and industrie of sigismond : but incontinently after they came to that they did before . naucler . about the yeare of christ , . ( as saith naucler , ) or . after others , eugenius would needs transport the councell of basill to ferrara , for his commoditie ; and after vnto florence : his excuses were because the greeke church would rather agree there with the romane church then at basill : notwithstanding the councell proceeded against him , and he was cyted three times , but would not appeare . there was against him proposed that he was a fauourer and a louer of warres , a persecutor of church men , and a man of bloud , and scandalous . naucler . in the counccell of ferrara were presented the pope eugenius , the patriarke of constantinople , and the emperour of the same place , iohn paleologus , with his brother and fiue hundreth men : so was the said church of greece revnited with the romane church . the said councell was transported from ferrara to florence , the yeare . the grecians accorded the holy ghost to proceed as well from the sonne as the father . they agreed also to purgatorie : and the romane pope to be the primate of the catholicke church : which they had neuer done before now , but euer were of contrarie opinions . but as soone as they were come to their countrey againe , at the perswasion of marcus bishop of ephesus , they againe denied the two last articles , plat. vola . and naucler . it is straunge that the grecians which haue beene so slowe to acknowledge and confesse so true a doctrine of the holy ghost , are now so quick and light to accord so friuolous and false a thing : that is , to receiue and beleeue against all holy scripture that there is a purgatorie , and romane pope to be primate of the catholicke and vniuersall church : wherevnto the first generall councell had openly resisted in the time of constantine the great . in the said councell of florence , the armenians and indians were also brought into the vnion of the romane church , and promised to keepe and maintaine the sacrament of confirmation . naucler . this pope eugenius confirmed annates vpon all benefices . hee canonized s. nicholas tolentin , of the order of the hermits of s. augustine . bessarion cardinall flourished , and his house at rome was open to euery man of knowledge like a colledge . vadian . sigismond of the age of , yeares died , and was buried in hungarie , in the citie called albe . his wife barbara was without all religion and without god , insatiable in all paliardize and whoredome . shee mocked her damzels because they fasted and prayed , saying ; they must liue iocondly and merily , and take all their pleasures during this life : for after death the soule perisheth with the bodie . the councell of basill continued still , and proceeded against eugenius the fourth : who after many times cyting and not appearing , was publikely deposed by the authoritie of the councell , the tenth of iuly . eugenius mooued herewith , incited the dolphin of france , ( who after was called king lewis the . ) to lead a great armie in to the countrey of ferrara and alsarce , and to come to basill . wherefore the said councell brake vp , and herevpon came many mischiefes . see naucler . albert the fift of that name , duke of austrich , and second king of the romanes of that name , sonne of albert the fourth , duke of austrich , was scant . yeares olde when his father died of poyson , fighting against iosse marquesse of morauia : but being yer vnder tutors which were his vncles , there was great strife betwixt them for his tutelage . therefore vienna and all the countrey of austrich endured great calamities till albert came to age and was dispatched of his tutelage and planted a peace in austrich , which was before full of theeues and of intestine warres . after the yeare . he espowsed elizabeth the doughter of sigismond , and had with her in marriage the noble townes of maruia . but after the death of sigismond ▪ he was chosen king of hungaria by the consent of all the principall of the countrey , and crowned the yeare of grace . after this he was also made king of bohemia : and that came , because there was a great alliance betwixt the kings of boheme and the dukes of austrich : whereby they had ordained betwixt them , that whensoeuer one of the houses remained without heire-male of the other , they should create a king . he was also chosen king of the romanes by the common accord of all the princes electors . the yeare . the . day of nouember , in the councell of basill , after the deposition of eupenius , the cardinalls elected amedeus of ayme , duke of sauoy , and called him felix the fift : so came into the church the . schisme and diuision , which endured the space of sixteene yeares . some followed eugenius , others felix : some said they were newters , and so obeyed neither one nor the other . the kings of france , england , spaine , & scotland , obeyed the pope eugenius : for although he was deposed , yet held he good during his life . this councell of basill assembled with great authoritie , was notwithstanding dissipated and broken by one onely pope . that of constance deposed three , and ordained the fourth . this could not bring about to depose one . fasci . temp. in the councell of basill it was forbidden that secular princes , councellors , and communalties vpon paine of excommunication , should not bee so hardie to greete and submit the churchmen with tallies and common collection . fasci . temp . augustine of rome was condemned an heretike in the said councell : and there was confirmed the conception of the virgin marie to bee kept as a solemne feast : but to the contrarie see epiphanius in his booke , and . tome , . and . heresie . see also s. bernard in the epist . . to the canons of lions . the said councell then confirmed that the virgin marie was conceiued without originall sinne : it also confirmed her visitation . in this time was a councell held of the french church at bourges in berry , and there was published the pragmatike sanction ( which is all the marrow and substance of the canons of the councell of basill ) to bee expresly obserued for euer . iohn le maire . the duke aime of sauoy after the death of his wife margarite of bourgongne , had left his ducall estate and withdrew himselfe into an hermitage pleasant and delightfull , called ripaille , , vpon the lake of lansanne , which he had caused to bee sumptuously builded , and so left the gouernment of his signiories to his eldest sonne lewis , father of duke phillebert of sauoy . beeing then in his said place of ripaille , the said duke anne with tenne knights all hermits , wearing great beardes and simple cloathing , and writhen staues full of knottes , in great renowne of sanctetie of life , was by the said councell elected to be pope , ( as is said ) the . of nouember , the yeare . and the . day of december the election was denounced vnto him , and he went vnto basill , and was there solemnly crowned in the presence of two of his eldest sonnes . before this ceremonie his beard was taken from him , and in a small time he learned the romane office . he created some cardinalls of great estimation and vertue . iohn le maire . the emperour being called to goe into hungarie , sound himselfe greatly tormented in the moneth of august with an intollerable heate , which hee thought to haue taken away by colde viands , which brought to him a fluxe of the belley , euen to bloud , whereof he died , the yeare . nigh strigoma , after hee had beene emperour almost two yeares , hee left two daughters , and his wife with childe , who soone after brought forth ladislaus . frederic duke of austrich , after albert , was emperour of rome . he loued peace and rest , restrained and brideled easily them of austrich which stirred strifes and commotions . so extinguished he the warre alreadie commenced by matthias king of hungarie by agreement with him . likewise this frederic making warre against the flemmings to haue his sonne maximilian ( whom they detained prisoner ) appeased and contented them by the punishment of some , and so taking and receiuing his sonne maximilian , he gently buried all occasion of warre commenced . hee was crowned at rome , & his wife helenor , which he espoused at naples , in king alphonsus his court. at his departure from rome , he went to naples vnto the said king alphonsus , his wiues nigh kinsman : of whom , and after of the venetians , he was entertained with great honour and prouision : and so euer after hee loued the venetians . he would often say to his wife ( vnto whom her phisitian counselled to drinke wine to auoyd barrennesse ) that he could better loue a sober barren woman , then one fruitfull giuen to wine . naucler . chron. of the emper. printing inuented . the noble art of printing with letters made in brasse , was found out in this time : a verie diuine inuention , worthy of memorie and admiration : yet were it more admirable if it were not so much prophaned . the inuention was germanike , and very straunge at the beginning , and of great profit : iohn gutemberge knight , was the first author of this goodly inuention . the thing was first assayed at magunce . yeares before it was divulged in italie . one saith that iohn faustins , called gutman , inuented it , with peter sheffer . eun. . dionysius charthusianus in this time writ vpon daniel . the pope engenius retiring from florence , came and dwelt at rome , where he was welcomed because hee diminished their tallies and subsidies . naucler . the swisses ( except berne and soleure ) made warre against some of their allies called in latin duricenses , because contrarie to their alliances , they ioyned with the dukes of austrich : and the said swisses obtained victorie against their said allies . naucler . foure thousand swisses were put to death against the armie of the aforesaid dolphin , which was of . or . thousand horsemen , besides footemen , and was ouerthrowne nigh the hospitall of s. iames by basill . the said dolphin hauing wasted the countrey of alsarce , returned with great losse of his campe. the yeare of christ . on s. martins euen the turke amurathes gaue battaile against the king of polone , vladislaus and the cardinall iulian , who was president in the councell of basill . the said iulian , the apostolike legatein hungarie , fled after the battaile was lost : but as he let his horse drinke he was perceiued and knowne of the hungarians , who slew him , thinking he had had much money about him : and hauing dispoyled him , they left him naked . see naucler . this legate vppon the exhortation of pope eugenius , councelled the king vladislaus to breake his faith with the turke and to assaile him in his countrey : the which hee did with . combatants ; all which vnluckily perished in that warre : whereof rose infinite mischiefes , and carnall and mortall warres throughout all christendome . the king fell from his horse , & had his head cut off , which was carried on a launce throughout all the countrey . the bloud of many princes and prelates was shead . two bishops were cause that the chrstians lost the victorie . for beeing willing to pursue the turke , they kept not the places which they had in charge . in so much as the turkes as it were vanquished , returned againe into battaile , and entred into the christians armie . iohn huniades fled from the battaile with a great number of people , to the number of tenne thousand hungarians , francis caldemonio a cardinall of venice , nephewe vnto pope eugenius the fourth , being legate and chiefe of the armie by sea , ordained to keepe the straight of the arme s. george , that the turkes should not passe that way to goe to the succours of their people : and although he had a great and puissant armie of the christians , yet vpon treason and cowardise hee let passe through that straight an hundreth thousand turkes , with amurathes their prince : and which is worse , hee vsed not diligence to aduertise the christian armie . a carack of genoua ledde their way : whose patron was of the house grimald , and made the said passage vpon a couenant with the said turkes ; namely to haue a ducat for euery head . the said grimald of genoua patron , went from thence into flaunders to employ his hundreth and . thousand ducats which hee had gotten : but he was consumed before he came there with a sea-tempest . constantine paleologue , the brother of iohn paleologue , was the last christian emperour of constantinople , and raigned eight yeares . eugenius the . died the . day of the moneth of aprill of the age of . yeares : hee did many good things to the towne of rome , and in diuers places caused it to be repaired and paued . amurathes the second of that name being victor , did not pursue the christians after the discomfiture , nor shewed himselfe merrie as his custome was : being demaunded why he was so sad , not reioycing at his victorie , hee answered ; i would not alwaies thus ouercome . soone after hee dismissed himselfe of his dominion and principalitie , and left the gouernment to his sonne mahomet , he after made himselfe a monke of the straightest religion that was amongst them . see nauclerus . nicholas pope , fift of that name , borne at genes , ruled at rome eight yeares : before hee was called thomas de sirsone , or sarresane , in the signiorie of lucan : cardinall of bolongne , sonne of a phisitian . suppl . chron. this pope in lesse then a yeare was made bishop of bolongne , cardinall and pope of rome : hee was elected the sixt of march , and crowned the ninteenth of the said moneth , the yeare . yet ceased not the schisme of the church . for still liued felix the fift , of sauoy , who accounted himselfe pope . nicholas was esteemed a great theologian . in this time writ laurentius valla , blundus the historiographer : trapezontius the rhetoritian , and theodorus gaza . the king of fraunce recouered normandie which the english men held . and recouered the yeare after the countrey of aquitaine . the sea of hist . the yeare of christ . after some . felix the . renounced his popedome and sent to salute nicholas the true successor of s. peter : so was obedience giuen vnto nicholas , and by that meanes ceased the . schisme . then brake off the councell of basill , which for that purpose was assembled . this treatie and composition of that session was made as lausanna by many princes of france , almaine , england , and sauoy , for the vnion of the church . and this was at the sollicitation of the emperor frederic , and the request of pope nicholas . the king charles the . to bring a peace in christendome , caused a councell to be assembled of the french nation at lyons to appease all . iohn le maire . this yeare brought the first inuention of the francarchers in france . nicholas pope , sent the cardinalls hatte to the said felix , appointed him legat a latere , in saouy , in france , and in almaine . this felix , or ayme de saouy , was of litle stature , a deuout man , founder of the monasterie of rapaille , vnder the rule of s. augustine : wherein hee was sumptuously buried . fasci . temp. whatsoeuer hee said felix had done and decreed during his papaltie , was ratified and held for good . iohn le maire . the yeare of christ . the pope nicholas held a iubile at rome , wherat there was such a multitude of people , that many were stifled as they entred and came out of churches : there perished more then . persons besides an infinit number which fell into the floud as they passed ouer the bridge of s. angelo . this is the reward that such deserue that leauing the truth , follow the inuention of antichrist . amurathes turke second of that name died , after he had raigned . yeares , whom mahomet the second succeeded . this amurathes tooke the lord of seruia , and mesia , and occupied sophia , &c. also he tooke captiues three of his children : whereof two were males , and put out their eyes with an hotte iron , and the third a maide , hee tooke to wife . he made warre vpon the venetians and occupied thessalonica , which at this day is called salonike . the yeare . the . day of may , after naucler . or of march after some , mahomet the second , surnamed the great , sonne of amurathes , by the cowardise of iohn iustinian of genoua , tooke constantinople , hauing with him . fighters . the siege endured . dayes . michael paleologus a grecian , tooke it of the french by the helpe of the geneuois . the said ionh iustinian was made king by the space of three daies , as the turke had promised him : but the fourth day he was be headed saith fasci . temp. the patriarke and all the christians were slaine without any mercie . they had sent to demaund helpe of the pope and the christians , but no helpe came . it is impossible to recyte the horrible crueltie which was there exercised . constantine the last emperour of the last greekes , as he fled was encountred and murthered nigh the gates . his head was stucke on the top of a launce and carried about the towne . mahomet also caused to be erected an image of a crucifixe , and did write vpon it ; this is the god of the christians : and commaunded to cast dung and other filth against the said image . the emperours wife , with her daughters and the most noblest damzels there , were brought before mahomet , and after he had done them all the shame he could , yea the greatest villanies of the world , he caused theyr bodies to be cut in peeces . such examples of so extreame crueltie ought to induce vs to abhorre so barbarous an enemie : and to detest the papists idolatrie , which by the adoration of images are the cause wherefore the passion of iesus christ is thus slaundered . the king of france recouered all the townes which the english held in france , except the towne of callais . the sea of histories . in this time flourished nicholas perotus , ioannes de turre oremata , a iacobin , doctor in theologie , bishop and cardinall . nicholas canonized s. bernardine of senes , a friar . chron. euseb , he was a louer of letters and learned people , & greatly loued such : bookes were also presented and dedicated vnto him on all sides . for hee stirred such as were learned to translate greeke authors into latin. naucler . he couered with lead s. marie the round , auntiently called the pantheon : he repaired the church of s. stephen : he also builded the church of s. theodore , repaired the bridge miluius , paued many streetes : hee gaue to many churches vessels of gold and siluer , and many crosses adorned with precious stones . the yeare . the . of march , nicholas the . died of a feauer , hauing bene sore troubled with the taking of constantinople . naucler . the sea of hist . saith he was poisoned ; as was found by effect when he was opened . scanderbeg so called of the turkes when he was circumcised , ( for before he was called george castriot ) was giuen in hostage by his father king of epire and albania , of old called macedonia , to amurathes the . emperour of the turkes , who after he had in many deedes of armes experimented his prowesse , made him chiefe of the armie against the hungarians : vnto whom he yeelded himselfe , and moreouer constrained bassa the turkes secretarie to write letters to the gouernours of the towne and countrey of croya : whereby was sent in the name of amurathes , that the said towne should be deliuered into his gouernment . so subtilly recouered he his countrey about this time . but amurathes fell vpon egipt with a great power : after hauing in vaine besieged croya many monethes , he died of griefe . calixtus or calistus , the third of that name , a spaniard , called before alphonsus borgia , being alreadie of a great age , by the consent of the cardinalls succeeded nicholas : a man onely learned in the lawe or right canon . some say he was first , secretarie to alphonsus king of arragon , and was made bishop of valence by martine the fift , and vnder eugenius was made cardinall of the title of foure crownes , as commonly they say at rome ( de sant quatre ) as soone as hee had receiued the papall dignitie , hee published warre against the turkes , according to a vow hee had made . but by the dutie of his office hee ought rather to haue sought peace with all men : painims should be taught and not assailed by warre . the turke mahomet went into hungarie against alba and was vanquished , and more then fortie thousand of his people perished . naucler . iohn huniades a vertuous captaine at the iournie of albe , died shortly after the said victorie . but the pope the better to execute so couragious an enterprise , sent preachers like himselfe in capacitie and couetousnesse , with bulles and indulgences : that is , certaine begging friars garnished with power like the scorpions of the earth . the principall of them all were iohn capistran and robert de la lice , of the order of friars and hypocrites : which euery man receiued with great admiration . these men knowing the popes subtiltie , and hauing no certaine hope that they could gather much money out of the iubile , did all their businesse and trafficked by the the meanes of feigned prayers full of hypocrisie , of letanies , of images , of crosses , of songs , of ringing of bells , and of their pastie god : to the end they might fill all the purses , budgets , and sacks of their maister . calixtus ceased not by his embassadors to exhort other christian princes to enterprise that warre as a thing very necessarie and holy . therefore sent he to all priests that as they sung masse they should pronounce certaine prayers or collects against painimes and turkes . he also commanded that at noonetime a bell should toll as there was done at night to salute the virgin marie : to the end that ( as stella the good popish theologian saith ) they which ordinarily fight against the turkes , might be helped by that prayer . this is also the reason saith he wherefore hee ordained the feast and seruice of the transfiguration of iesus christ : and commaunded it should bee celebrated with like pardons and indulgences , as that of the feast of the body of iesus christ . this was for the victorie which the christians had against the turkes the sixt day of august before albe in hungarie . hee sent also towards the armenians and persians to sollicite them to doo the like against the turkes , and caused certaine peasants to be hanged and strangled which mocked and derided these toyes and follies . he placed in the kalender of saints one vincent borne at valence , of the iacobin order , albert of dropan carmelite , and edmond of canterburie english . he ordained also that no person should appeale from the pope to the councell , and yet had done more if he had liued longer . he gaue too much licence to his followers , and made one roderic borgia his vice-chauncellor , who after was pope , called alexander the sixt . he published ( saith valerius ) letters of pardons which he solde then for fiue ducats a peece , but now they are better cheape ) by the meanes whereof he left vnto his successor an hundreth and . thousand ducates . iohn capistran and robert de la lice , aboue named ( as is said ) were sent by the pope into diuers countries to preach the yeelding of obedience to the romane church , to giue some colour and appearance to their filthy fooleries , prohibited pastimes , and other ciuill exercises , as bankets , daunces , and other like things . briefly they acquired such great brute and fame by their hypocrisie , that afterward they were adored as saints of many , although they knew not what the doctrine of iesus christ meant . the world meriteth to haue such doctors since they make so small account of the truth . this pope calixtus died in iuly the yeare . beeing very olde , and left great riches . frauncis foscarius was duke of the venetians about . yeares , who hauing conquered ( or rather vsurped ) many lands and dominions in italie vnto the profit of the seignorie of venice , in the end of his dayes for a repentance the venetians deposed him of his ducall dignitie , without alleadging any other reason but his age and impotencie : and constrained him to leaue his ducall pallace , to see a new successor enter into it , whereof incontinently after he died . after his death his sonne was banished , and after called againe and cruelly tortured , and againe sent into perpetuall exile : although they found nothing in him of that which they laide to his charge . chron. euseb . pius the second of that name , a tuscan by nation , borne in the towne of sienes : whose father was siluius , and his mother victoria , before called eneas picolominius : although long time he had bene spotted with the vice of ambition , yet finally he came vnto the popedome . this poore young boy became so great ( as all historiographers say which haue written of the popes liues ) that hee was held one of the learnedst popes and much esteemed , for that he had written many things worthily . in the councell of basill he was the popes secretarie , and by orasons and epistles he purged the authoritie of eugenius , a litle after that , he was crowned a poet laureate , by the emperour frederic the third of that name , and being called from his court , he came vnto greater estates , and was both his secretarie and counceller . he was sent embassador hither and thither vnto many princes , and after ordained bishop of trieste by nicholas the fift , and consequently bishop of siennes , and after placed in the number of cardinalls by calixt . finally comming vnto the papaltie , following the examples of his predecessors , hee published a voyage against the turkes : but being preuented by death he could not put it in execution . some there are ( as saith iohn functius ) which haue left in writing , that he sought to draw to himselfe a great summe of siluer from the almaines , vnder a colour to make warre vpon the turkes , because he knew well the riches of the almaines as he that had long conuersed with them , and that to the end he might dispend them in pompes and papall dissolutions , and to inrich his parents and friends . vnder the shadow of warring against the turkes , popes get store of siluer . lewis . sonne of charles the . the . king of france , being in bourgongne , and hearing newes of his fathers death , came straight into france and was crowned . the aforesaid pope though before he was pope , hee had with singular diligence written two bookes of the acts of the the councell of basill , yet as soone as he was made pope , hee sought to suppresse it . for as he was very ambitious in all hee did when he was pope , so he trauelled in nothing to lessen the maiestie or rather papall tyrannie , but rather to encrease it what he could . which to maintaine ( saith stella the venetian ) it is found that hee spared neither kings nor princes , people nor tyrants : hee i say which was more cruell then any tyrant . he was a great enemie of lewis king of france , the eleuenth of that name : because he would not consent to the abolition of the pragmatike sanction in his kingdome , because it derogated from the libertie of the cleargie . hee was angry against borge de est duke de mutine , and made warre vpon him because hee fauoured sigismond malateste , and the french men against ferdinand . for vpon his owne authoritie and by force of armes hee put in possession of the kingdome of naples , alphonsus bastard of the king ferdinand , to the great disaduantage of iohn de aniou sonne of king rene. he pursued with cruell and sharpe persecutions sigismond duke of austrich , because hee had chastised nicholas de cuse a cardinall , for his rapacitie and couetousnesse full of arrogancie . he shead out also the venome of his malediction against gregorie de hambourge , a man very learned in the ciuill lawe , as it had bene a chased viper ( as wolfgang de winsebourge , a diuine of basill saith ) and so sharply pursued him with the letters of his thundring excommunications , that he was constrained to remooue into boheme . he furiously cast out of his feat diether d' eisenbourge , archbishop of magunce because ( as he said ) he had an euil opinion of the romane church , and placed an other in his place . besides , he depriued the archbishop of beneuent of his archbishoppricke : because against his will he tooke in hand new enterprises . he caused a day to be giuen to george king of boheme , because he fauoured such as held the doctrine of iohn hus , & that vpon the paine to loose his kingdome . he for his particular profit deposed many bishoppes , and added . newe cardinalls to such as were alredie before . he celebrated a councell at mantua , and abbrogated in france the pragmatike sanction , as a pernitious practise against the romane church . hee was the first that created the abbreuiators of the chauncelerie , and reducted them into their order . he brought vnder his gouernment many townes of campania , called at this day terra de lauoro : the land of labour , and maruellously encreased the churches reuenewes and rents . he neuer graunted any thing eyther to kings or to people for any feare hee had ( as his fierce and arrogant papists say ) but he sharply persecuted the enemies of the cleargie , as if they had beene publike enemies . as for his friends , hee shewed himselfe very gentle towards them , and greatly helped them . at the sollicitation of soreth , he canonized one called angelus , borne at ierusalem : and placed in the number of virgins katherine de sienes , a iacobin . because he was a very curious builder ( as the papists giue him that praise ) he repaired the courts of vatican : and had sooner atchieued a castle in the towne of tiuoli then was thought he had begunne . at sienes where hee was borne , hee builded a goodly porch of wrought stone . at a place called corfinium he founded a citie , and named it pientia of his owne name , and builded there a vaulted temple very sumptuous , and a pleasant house : and besides this , a sepulchre of marble for his father and mothers bones . see what platina sayth thereof . the kingdome of bosne . the kingdome of bosne stretched euen vnto macedonia : it was made tributary vnto the kingdome of hungarie , the yeare . after it reuoulted from the kings obedience and made alliance with the turke . sigismond king of hungarie sought to chase away such as occupied it : but the turke was the stronger , and reteined the countrey of bosne . after the hungarians got together a great armie , came into bosne , and slew the king itrarch who was a turke , and subiected to their power all that region , and constituted a king there : namely the first christian which had yet bene . there was a prince in ruscia called george despot , who had giuen his daughter in marriage to the turke . hee had three sonnes , stephen , george , and lazarus . lazarus succeeded his father and had but one daughter , who espowsed stephen king of bosne : who soone after his enioying the principalitie of ruscia , gouerned with a turkish spirit , full of great impietie and wicked religion . but it hapned that about the yeare of saluation . as hee had a great land in the higher misia , mahomet the turke by flatteries drew him out of the castle where hee was , and calling him to him to talke vnder the shadow of amitie , laid hold on him , and caused him to be scorched aliue : so lost he both his life and kingdome which he had by his father . by this mans temeritie and wickednesse together , ruscia and bosne with the greatest part of seruia , fell into the turkes obedience . as the pope pius was at ancone , vpon his departing to goe to warre , he was surprised with a slowe feauer , the yeare of the lord . whereof hee died . from thence he was carried to rome , and buried in the church of s peter . one vice of ambition saith volaterane , contaminated and defiled all the vertues of this person : as he that alwaies greatly desired great estates and honours . and for that cause endured hee great trauells , and alwaies maintained himselfe in the fauour of princes . the warre called the publike weale , was begunne the yeare . by the conspiration of the princes of france , meaning to reforme the kings affaires : who tooke offices and dignities from such as had long time faithfully exercised them : he greatly also vexed the nobles and puissant of the kingdome by demaunds . the duke of britaine and the count de chaelois , the duke of bourgongnes sonne , perswaded charles duke of berry to bee the chiefe captaine and prince of that warre and conspiration : which phillip de commines handleth at large and truly : therefore see his historie . the aforesaid pope pius , as platina and sabellicus recyte , amongst other sentences which he vsed commonly , left this in writing . with great reason was marriage taken from priests : but yet there is a farre greater reason wherefore it ought to haue bene yeelded them againe . he inserted also this sentence in his second booke of councells . it may be ( saith hee ) that it were not the worse if a many priests were married : for many being married priests should be saued , which in their barren singlenesse are damned . he himselfe would needs abolish certaine monasteries of s. brigide and s. claire : commaunding them out that they might burne no more , and vnder the habit of religion they should not hide whoredome , saith caelius secundus . about this time there was no small debate in italie betwixt the friars minors and such as they called bullists , which of those should guard and gouerne the nunnes there : as for the discords which were betwixt the obseruantins and the non obseruantins , baptista mantuanus accordeth them in his bucoliques , , in the tenth eglogue . paul the second of that name , borne at venice , the sonne of nicholas and of polixene , called before peter barbe or balbe , and nephewe of eugenius the fourth , on his sisters side , beeing cardinall of the title of s. marke , was chosen in the place of pius , and occupied the seate of antichrist . before he was made bope , he meant to traffique as a marchant : but hearing that his vncle gabriel was chosen pope , he gaue his minde vnto letters : and comming to rome , he was first created archdeacon of bolongne after that bishop of ceruio , consequently cardinall , and as hath bene said , finally pope and romane antichrist . it was he who first vaunted that hee held enclosed in his breast all lawes both diuine and humane . he was a goodly man and of faire representation , but of a proud spirit and very couetous to gather riches , and yet more to distribute ecclesiasticall benefices for his owne gaine and profit . as for his popish apparell ( saith platina ) you neede not doubt but he surpassed all his predecessors , and especially in his mitre , which he maruellously inriched , buying from all countries , diamonds , saphyrs , emeraudes , chrysolites , iaspers , pearles , and other precious stones of great price . thus adorned and shining he would come publikely abroad with an exceeding magnificall apparence . then would he be seene and adored of each one : & for that cause would he often stay pilgrims in the towne , deferring the accustomed day to shew the snaire , that at once he might be seene of more people . and that hee alone might not differ from others in habits and garments , he commanded by publike edict vpon greeuous paines that none should weare redde bonnets but cardinalls : vnto which also the first yeare of his popedome he gaue them a cloath of the same colour for footcloathes for their horses and mules when they rode . platina . he fought to encrease his maiestie as well by authoritie as by force of armes . all the time of his raigne he stirred great warres in italie by his deuices and practises . hee assailed the towne of ariminum and others , and miserably destroyed and wasted not onely the suburbes , but euen the townes themselues with gun-shot . he greatly hated the decrees and acts of pius his predecessor : and depriued also of their goods and authorities such as ( for their knowledge and doctrine ) hee should haue sought through the world and haue drawne them vnto him by gifts and promises . he declared such to be heretikes as from thenceforth should but onely name an academie or vniuersitie , eyther in sport or earnest . he was of an heauie and grosse spirit , and therefore loued neither letters nor vertues . as one that was giuen altogether vnto ambition , dissolution , and voluptuousnesse . he employed all the day either in gourmandizing or waighing peeces of gold , or in regarding and contemplating the auncient money , precious stones , or images and portraitures . in the romane consistorie , gregorie king of boheme was condemned an heretike & depriued of his kingdome : and after the pope by his legate sollicited the princes of almaine and the king of pannonia to inuade the kingdome of boheme , which they did : and the said george was cast out of one part thereof . chron. euseb . in the moneth of september a legate arriued in france to breake the pragmatike sanction : vnto whom iohn de s. romain the kings proctor generall would not consent for any menaces of the said legate : but said hee would rather loose both his office and goods before hee would yeeld to doo any thing so greatly to the preiudice of the realme and common-wealth . the towne of liege was put to fire and sword by the duke of bourgongne because they had put their bishop in prison , who was his nephewe by his sister , as is reported by the chronicle of eusebius . others say he was his brother by his wife , the duke of bourbon his daughter . frederic the third vpon deuotion went to rome in winter . chron. euseb . pope paul hauing made alliance with the turkes , ioyned in league also with the venetians . chron. euseb . the pope paul held platina the historiographer in prison wrongfully : but his successor deliuered him . he destroyed the abbreuiataires in hatred of his predecessor , who had reduced the said estate into order . at that time it was a colledge of learned and studious people in diuine and ciuill lawes , poets , orators , historiographers , &c. see naucler . he set the iubile from . yeares to . yeares , not for the saluation of soules : but rather to drawe new money vnto him , saith fasci . temp. there is found in the booke of stanislaus ruthen , a thing worthy to bee noted . that is , that this paul hauing read certaine poesies that were made against him and his daughter , began to weepe , and amongst his friends began to accuse the rigour of the lawe of his former predecessours which forbadde priestes to marrie : for as much as hee which ought not onely to bee the head of the church , but also of continencie , sawe that each one had talke of his daughter to his great dishonour , and had theyr eyes continually vpon her . and although shee were most excellent in beautie , yet did it grieue him that men should thinke that hee had engendred her in whoredome : seeing hee knew well that there was a lawe ordained of god , whereby shee might haue bene borne in wedlocke , had it not bene for that singlenesse ( that is the defence for priests to marrie ) which hindred it . therefore he had determined to haue set vp againe the marriage of priests , but he could not execute it , because death preuented him . for as he perswaded himselfe that hee should liue long , he was suddenly taken with an apoplexie , and died suddenly , hauing well supped the night before . after this time the popedome fell and decayed more and more . the kingdom of cyprus . the venetians got the kingdome of cyprus : first the yeare . they had established in the kingdome one iames , bastard of cyprus , against lewis sonne of the duke of sauoy , and the queene charlotte his wife , daughter of iohn king of cyprus , the true heire of that kingdome . but for the better vnderstanding of the matter , you must know that the said venetians gaue to the said bastard in marriage , katherine the daughter of marke corrario , a gentleman of venice : who vpon their commaundement had ayded the said bastard in all his affaires against the said lewis of sauoy , and the queene charlotte his wife , euen to cast them out of cyprus : this katherine was solemnly adopted a daughter by the signiorie of venice : but it was not but for to adopt also the kingdome therewith . but the said king bastard with his venetian wife espowsed the cause of their death : for as soone as she was espied to bee with childe the venetians poysoned the said king , & caused a fame to runne , that he died of a fluxe of the belley , and that hee had left his wife and the childe she was with , his heire , recommending them vnto the seignorie of venice . when then shee was brought to rest , they did with the chide as they had done with the father . and they tooke the said katherine which they called queene , and brought her to venice , and from that time they ceased and tooke possession of the said kingdome , which they haue held since the yeare . vntill this day , saith iohn le maire . of this iames bastard and of the oath he made vnto the souldan , see naucler . sixtus or sistus , fourth of that name , a geneuois by nation , borne in the towne of sauonne , called before francis de ruere , generall of the order of friars , and cardinall of s. sixtus , after the death of paul , succeeded in the execrable chaire . as the solemnitie of his coronation was done , whilest they carried him in his litter to the church of laterane , hee was in great daunger of his life in a mutenie which arose suddenly : in such sort that he was assailed euen with stones , and forsaken almost of all that accompanied his litter . this pope was very liberall towards his , and bore them such an affection , that in fauour of them , he did and agreed vnto many things against all right and reason . he promoted vnto the dignitie of a cardinall before all others , one called peter de ruere , one of the same order and nation , and had bene nourished from his infancie with a brother of his called hierome : although it seemed this man was borne foolishly to spend money . for in two yeares that he liued after , he consumed in all dissolution and violence , the summe of . skutes , besides many debts he left . iohn textor in his officine makes mention of this cardinall , and saith , that in two yeares he spent in dissolutions , vanities , and incredible luxurie , . skutes . the yeare . a citizen of trent , lost in the weeke before easter , commonly called the passion weeke , a childe of two yeares olde . and hauing sought him through all streetes in the towne , and not finding him , he suspected he was carried away by the iewes which inhabited there . wherefore he got him towards the magistrate , making great sorrow and deliuering his suspitions . the sunday following the iewes told the bishop that they had found a childe betwixt the floud called rusch and the house of samuel , a iew which the force of the water had cast vp there . certaine men were appointed to visit the childe which was found in the house of the said samuel with his garments all wette : his body was marked with diuers prickes . being asked how this childe came there , they answered they knew not , but that the fiercenesse of the water had driuen him thither . but as soone as they were put to the racke they confessed and rehearsed the case in order : that is to say , how they had consulted and chosen amongst them one tobias to steale a christian childe and to crucifie him at easter , and that this tobias did take vp the said childe for that purpose , called simon , and hauing offered him in the full assemblie of the iewes in the house of the saide samuel , they clasped his necke with pinsons to keepe him from crying : then stretched his armes on a crosse , cut off his priuities , after his right eye-lid , then each one pricked him with sharpe instruments euen to death , and lastly cast him into the floud . after information made of this execrable murder , all they were executed which were attainted about this deed doing in the said towne of trent . the common-wealth of florence . although in the time of the emperor henry the seuenth , the florentines receiued robert king of naples to bee their protector to resist the gibellins or imperialistes , ( so much hated they the emperours of almaine ) yet about this time cosme by surname medices , flourished in that towne in great preheminence , prudence , and authoritie : and was held as a prince and chiefe of the towne . he led the senate at his pleasure , inriched the poore citizens , builded many places , for more and more to maintaine his authoritie . but after that cosme was dead in the yeare . hee left a sonne called peter , who also was mightie in the towne . vnto whom succeeded in the administration of the common-wealth lawrence de medices his son : who with his brother iulian augmented the seignorie of florence . and because this greatly displeased certaine bishops , cardinalls , and other lords , they made a conspiracie together , and came to florence the yeare . which with one of the noblest of the towne called francisquinus de pactis , dissembling their hatred entred into the tmple : and as they lifted vp the host they slewe iulian , and wounded lawrence , who escaped their hands . but the malefactors thought they had done an act greatly pleasing to the citizens to recouer libertie , but they were deceiued : for they were all taken , and neither priest nor bishop pardoned . frodesque saluiat archbishop of pise , who said the masse , was giuen to the slaughter-man and hanged at an high window in his habit : for hee had sung masse in his coate of male. the pope being grieued at these dooings , excommunicated lawrence de medices , and stird vp ferdinand king of sicilie , alphonsus duke of calabria , and frederic duke of vrbin , against the florentines to be reuenged of them . but lawrence seeing he was not puissant enough to sustaine such enemies , by the consent of the citizens got him to a shippe , and secretly came into sicilie to the king ferdinand himselfe , and promised him tribute if he and his would leaue that enterprise begunne at the popes instance . which was done , & the towne with all the countrie by that meanes was deliuered from the destruction of the enemies . the pope heereat was more inflamed then before : but the venetians gaue aide vnto the florentines against the pope , after they had made peace with the turke : who during these stirres besieged rhodes and got it , the yeare . in this time began the superstition to toll a bell at noone as a pardon , called the ( aue maria pacis ) which the king had entreated of the pope . the yeare of christ . the great iubile alreadie ordained and commaunded by paul the second , was confirmed by sixtus , and obserued at rome this yeare . charles the sonne of phillip duke of bourgongne , agrreed with king lewis the . frederic the emperour refused to erect bourgongne for a kingdome , whereat charles was mooued , therefore he besieged nisse , ( which is a towne placed in the territories of colongne ) and held it during a yeare besieged . hee did it to gaine vpon the empire the diocesse of colongne : but the emperour prepared a great power to meete him and to leuie the siege . in the ende they accorded : so that maximilian the sonne of frederic should take in marriage marie the onely daughter of the saide duke of bourgongne . after these things the said charles fought twise against the swisses vnluckily enough for this cause . about the years . sigismond duke of austrich engaged to charles duke of bourgongne his lands which he had , as well on this side as beyond rhene : namely sungaw brisgaw , the blacke forrest , and the townes scituate vpon rhene , for . florents . great mischiefes came herevpon . for the duke of bourgongne appointed ouer those lands as gouernor general , peter de hagenbach , who exceedingly tormented them of mulhuse and swisses . about this time charles duke of lorraine died of the pestilence at nancy , which gaue occasion to charles duke of bourgogne , to see if hee could conquer lorraine by force , taking the cause against rhene the successor of lorraine , that charles his predecessor was bound vnto him in a certaine sum of money : and by the same meanes though also to vsurpe the royall title of sicilie and ierusalem . peter de hagenbach count of thiersteine , greatly molested the subiects of sigismond , duke of austrich , who had lately after long warres made peace with the swisses . wherevnto they of strasbourge sicistad , colmar , and basill had sealed . and the money due vnto the duke of bourgongne , was committed into the hands of a changer or banquer of basill , and the paiment signified to the duke of bourgongne by an herauld . after they proceeded against peter de hagembach , who being taken prisoner was solemnly disgraded of his order of knighthood , and publikely beheaded after he had gouerned the said lands engaged three yeares and an halfe . the duke of bourgongne hearing hereof , determined to reuenge the death of his gouernour , and assembled an armie , being also aided of the duke of millaine and the duchesse of sauoy , and tooke lansanua a confederate of the swisses : from thence hee besieged the towne and castle of granson , solliciting them to yeeld : when they had yeelded , the duke caused to hang . and to drowne in a lake nigh the towne . such an act greatly stirred the swisses , and not only them , but also whole high germanie : which with the armie of the duke of austrich , ( of which the conducter was herman d' extingen ) chased from granson the duke and slew one part of his armie , lost his artillerie and his furniture for warre , which was very magnificall . after they tooke downe their companions which the duke had hung vp , and hanged in their places as many bourguignons . gelatius maria duke of millaine , on s. stephens day , in the church of s. stephen being at masse , was slaine by a citizen of millaine called andrew de lupagnano , who making a shewe to speake vnto him stabbed him in the stomacke . he said the cause was for that the duke deteined from him vniustly certaine possessions , that he kept his wife , and further , hindred that iustice could not be done him touching an abbey : for which he had paid at rome during vacation , and the duke would haue had an other to haue had it . sixtus cast the manfrois lords of the towne of imola , namely the father and the sonne out of the seignorie , and gaue it to one of his houshold . likewise he deiected the gouernours of forliue , and constituted there a familiar friend of his . charles duke of bourgongne returned the second time against the swisses : before , he had taken from the duke rene of lorraine nancy : wherefore the duke of lorraine ioyned with the swisses . and when the duke of bourgongne was before morat , they of the towne came out and altogether inuaded the the armie of the bourguignons , and put them vnto flight . in so much that . thousand bourguignons or . after fasci . temp. or . after the sea of hist , were there slaine . the spoile was there left to the duke of lorraine for recompence , who also after recouered nancy . see nauclerus . the third time the duke of bourgongne being greeued to haue beene vanquished by so weake a prince as the duke of lorraine was , returned and againe besieged nancy . hee had combattants , and still looked for other bands of souldiers . vpon this the duke of lorraine and the swisses came vpon them , parted in two bandes . the bourguignons were discomfited and put to flight : some slaine in the woods , and others drowned . there was also slaine the duke of bourgongne , hauing receiued three mortall woundes , one on the head , an other in the thigh , and the last in the fundament . see naucler . the bourguignons would not beleeue he was slaine , but that being escaped hee retired into almaine , and hee had vowed to make his penance there seuen yeares , there were amongst the bourguignons which solde precious stones , horses , and other such like things , to be paid at his returne . yea euen in bruchel in the diocesse of spine , there was an olde man which men thought to bee the duke of bourgongne , making there his penance , whom euery one desired to see , and therby got he good almes . nauclerus saith hee sawe the said poore man in the said place . the king of france vnderstanding of the death of the duke of bourgongne , tooke monididier , roy , peronne , abbenille , monstraeul , arras , an hesdin . see the hist. of france . maximilian sonne of the emperour frederic the third , affianced mary the onely daughter of charles duke of bourgongne , with whom he had bourgongne , brabant , flaunders , luxembourge , hainaut , zeland , artois , guelders , with other sergnories and lands . the said maximilian had of his said wife one sonne called phillip ; and a daughter called margarite . they had two other children francis and george , which died in their youth . phillip espowsed iane queene of chastile , of whom hee had charles the fift emperour , and ferdinand , and foure daughters , leonor , isabeal , mary , and katherine . the iacobins inquisitors , deputed against heretikes ( as they call them in diuers sorts ) molested certaine theologians of the order of carmes , in certaine causes of the faith . amongst which they said one was called iulian de bresse , an excellent preacher of the word of god , and an other peter de neuolaite , for whom mantuan writ an apologie conteining three bookes . but all this was pacified by the pope sixtus at the pursuite of christopher martignon , which sextus ( as tutor and defender of monkes ( as stella witnesseth in the popes liues ) that he might take away all occasion of enuie and riots amongst them , ordained that all mendicant and begging friars should bee equall in such priuiledges , as all popes had graunted vnto them . the vniuersitie of tubinge in the diocesse of constance , by apostolicke authoritie was instituted at the instance of the count of wittemberge . naucler . the swisses beganne now to receiue wages of the king of fraunce , lewis the . casheering the french archers , because they pilled and spoyled , and did many other mischiefes . naucler . platina composed the popes liues in latin , and dedicated them vnto sixtus the . wessalus of frise , in this time writ against the pope , his doctrine and traditions . mahomet the second died of poison as was suspected . naucler . or else of a collicke passion , of the age of . yeares , & after naucler . of . baiazetes his son succeeded him . paul. iou. margarite the daughter of maximilian was brought into france and espowsed vnto the dolphin charles the . in the moneth of iuly at ambroise , who afterward was sent backe againe . naucler . mary duchesse of bourgongne , maximilians wife , madam margarites mother , being on hunting fell from her horse and died . chron. euseb . and naucler . the pope sixtus canonized s. bonauenture . the last of august died lewis king of france , a very superstitious man. he pilled the people to inrich churches . hee worshipped and kissed bones and relickes of saints , to obtaine health . for hee maruellously feared death : in so much that in the end of his dayes hee gaue excessiue gifts to his phisitian each moneth , if at the least they might but prolong his life . sixtus made many warres wrongfully against ferdinand king of pouille , because hee gaue ayde vnwillingly to his sonne in lawe hercules d'st duke of ferrara , which was besieged of the venetians , against the venetians , which he excommunicated . also against the florentines ( as is said ) : although that the matter better vnderstood hee absolued them and restored them to their honour , and lawrence de medices likewise . sixtus being deteined sicke in his bed of a feauer , vnderstanding that a peace was made betwixt the venetians and other potentates , suddenly yeelded the spirit . naucler . innocent . of that name , borne at genes , the sonne of one called aaron , called before iohn baptist cibo , of a cardinall , priest of the title of s. cicilie , was created pope of priests and monkes , after of sixtus . volaterane saith he was once a poore childe , yet faire , and was nourished amongst the seruants of ferdinand king of sicilie , where he learned all the fashions of the court life . comming from thence to rome , he remained long time in the house of phillip , cardinall of boulongne . after this he was made bishop of sauonne , and thirdly of melphe by the pope xistus and also dataire , finally cardinall , & after pope as hath bin said . he was of a great stature , a white man , and of faire representation : but of an heauie and dull spirit , and far from all studie of good letters : in so much that sometimes when he was idle from publike affaires hee seemed as though he slept . almost frō the beginning of his popedome he conspired against ferdinand king of sicilie , with the princes of the kingdome . see how popes vse to recompence the amitie of such as nourish and educate them . hee called one named robert d' s. seuerin to be chiefe and captaine of the armie which he sent against ferdinand . this holy man said that for the churches dignitie and the defence of saints , it was lawful to take armes , that peace might follow of it . yet seeing himself deceiued , he was forced to make peace vpon this condition , that his yearely tribute should be paid him , and that such as rebelled should not be in daunger . but the king ferdinand kept neither the one nor the other condition : although hee sent one named peter de vincence an hardie and bold man , who was auditor of the chamber with his secretarie to sollicite his causes . after these things innocent wearie of warring , delighted in nothing but a dastardly idlenesse , ful of sloath : which brought with it nothing but diuers concupiscences , fraudes , pleasures , pompes , gourmandizes , dissolutions , pailliardizes , and idolatries . he erected a new colledge of secretaries , for his owne profit , augmenting , the number of them which were there before . he builded a new pallace and an house of pleasure , of a new fashion . he was the first of all the popes which in an invsuall maner aduanced his bastards vnto honour and riches . for hee gaue certaine townes nigh rome vnto his bastard francis , and greatly inriched his daughter called theodorine , which he married vnto a very rich man of genoa . charles eight of that name king of france , succeeded his father lewis the . being of the age of . yeares . the three estates were solemnly assembled at tours for the kings person . hee was very conscionable , yeelding vnto the king of spaine the countes of roussillon and parpignant . hee conquered the kingdome of naples : and the princes and gentlemen went thither of their owne charge . at rome the pope declared him emperour of constantinople . the king alphonsus and his sonne ferdinand for feare retired into sicilie , and charles entred triumphantly into naples . then the lords and townes in italie banded themselues against the king to enclose him at his returne , yet he got through with a great victorie ouer them at fonnone , ( for he had fewe people against many ) and as vanquisher returned into france . but at the end of the yeare naples reuolted vnto the said ferdinand . king lewis the . would not that his sonne charles should learne any part of the italian tongue , but onely this prouerbe ( qui nessit dissimulare , nescit regnare ) that is , hee that cannot faigne and dissemble knowes not how to raigne . a poore lesson , better beseeming a tyrant then a king. m. iohn an english man , a priest in this time , was burnt at paris , in the place called the swine market : because in the morning of the day then called corpus christi , in the great church of our lady , in the chappel dedicated vnto s. crispin and crispinian , he tooke from a priest that sung masse his host , and cast it on the ground . the pope innocent absolued the venetians which had bene excommunicated by sixtus for acts before recited : and solde pardons and indulgences as well for the liuing as for the dead . he inriched with great presents many temples through italie . he gaue vnto the augustins of bergoine , a church of siluer of an exquisite and maruelous worke . he by his bulles permitted to them of norway that they ought to sing masse without wine . moreouer seeing that pardons , nor the iubile , nor the warre against the turkes serued him any thing to gather siluer : hee inuented a new maner of gathering siluer . for he found inclosed in an old wall , the title which was set vpon the crosse of iesus christ , written in three languages , iesus of nazareth , &c. with the iron of the launce wherwith christ his side was pearsed . being hindred by a long disease he could not accomplish that which he purposed in his courage . but the yeare of our lord . he deceased out of this world . there was a poet called marcellus , who made an epitaph in latin verses , whose sence is this . what needest thou seeke witnesses to know whether cibe be male or female ? behold onely the great troupe of his children , they will yeeld a certaine testimonie thereof . he begot eight sonnes , and as many daughters . it is not without cause that rome calls him father , &c. the towne of arras was againe taken by the flemmings in the nigh time . the keyes of one of the towne gates was counterfeited and giuen to foure of the conspiracie , poore mechanikes : the one of which was called grisard , who had an ordinarie garde of the gate , and vsed customably vpon the wall to sing with an high voyce . what houre is it ? it is not time . what houre is it ? it is not day . this was to aduertise the enemies when they should approach . and when they were nigh hee sung an other song . marchez la duron duraine , marchez la duron durean . so the towne of arras was by him deliuered into the emperours hand without any effusion of bloud . horrible things of roderic borgia . to shewe the horrour of that abhominable seat of rome it shal not be impertinent to declare how and by what meanes a spaniard came thither . in the time of innocent the . after that borgia was placed in the number of the cardinalls and fathers of the romane church , his affection was incessantly set to mount higher , and to that ende hee inuented each day all the meanes hee thought good and meete to enioy the accomplishment of his desires . finally he gaue himselfe to the diuellish art of necromancie : to the end that by the helpe of diuells and euill spirits he might enter into the way whch he sawe shut to him , as well by the riches as the great credit and prerogatiue of his companions . after hee had certaine time employed his studie and diligently watched about the cursed and dammable art of necromancie , he began to inquire of his diuels , ( wherewith he prooued very familiar ) if they would not sauour him so much as in the pursuite of the papall dignitie , they would giue him support and helpe . wherevnto they readily agreed , but yet vnder this especiall rescription and couenant , that by certaine words he should deliuer an oath to shewe himselfe in all things a faithfull protector of sathan . to which this cardinall of a wicked minde consented : onely he required that when hee should come to do his homage and take his oath , the diuell would not appeare vnto him in any hideous and fearefull forme , but rather vnder some humane forme , namely vnder the person of a protonotaire : which hauing graunted him , at the time assigned and established , on a sommers day the cardinall beeing retired into a place called montcauallus , being alone in a chamber , the saide protonotaire presented himselfe vnto him , like a man of meane age , honourably apparelled , who after certaine talke helde betwixt them , hee assured the cardinall that hee should bee pope . then roderic borgia beeing very ioyous , began to inquire of him how long hee should raigne . this protonotaire deliuered him a very ambiguous answere , ( namely that hee should raigne the space of eleuen and eight ) the cardinall foolishly promised himself the time of . yeares in his papall dignitie , although sathans meaning was but . yeares and . monethes . after pope innocent was dead , by pluralitie of voyces hee was established pope . and because there should be no want at the solemnities , he named himselfe alexander the sixt , before named roderic borgia , borne at valence in spaine , the nephewe of calixtus late pope , third of that name ; as one that long time had had the handling of the office of vice-chauncellor , hee knew all the estate of the court of rome , and knew all the councels and enterprises of the princes and communalties of italie . being then placed where he desired , he subiugated almost them all by the meanes of his bastard called valentin : which of a cardinall he made a duke , and surnamed him . besides this , hee exterminated all the mightiest houses that were in the towne , so that after he feared them no more . in which combat ( as valerius reciteth ) being munited and strengthened with the succours of the french and swisses , he shead much humane bloud . the emperour frederic the third , died at vienna the . of august , vpon the eating ( as is said ) a great quantitie of pompions as hee meant to refresh himselfe , and was buried in the church of s. stephen . the malladie of naples , called the french disease , or the poxe , began about this time . maximilian the emperour fredericks sonne , third of that name , held the empire alone after his father , and was a fautor and louer of learned people . the almaines made a great discomfiture against the french men , nigh salnis in bourgongne . the religion and couent of the obseruation of lyons vpon rosne , was founded in the suburbes of the said towne , in the place of two louers . the founder was king charles the eight , and anne of britaine queene of france , and the said couent was named nostre dame des anges . that is , our lady of angells . if they had said of asses , they had said better . the last day of december the king of france , charles the eight , arriued at rome , and made a magnificke entry thereinto . the kingdome of granado was recouered by ferdinand king of spaine , which had about . yeares before beene taken from the christians . batazetes came into hungarie , where were slaine . of them that met him . alphonsus king of portugall fell from his horse and died , and in his place succeeded emanuel his brother . the order and religion des filles repenties began at paris , by friar iohn trisseran , religions of the obseruation of lyons , borne at bourge in bresse . maximilian by an embassage affianced the duchesse of britaine , which thing greatly displeased charles the . king of france . wherefore he made warre against the britaines and had a great victorie vpon them : and incontinently after , hauing repudiated margarite of flanders ( whom he had affianced ( as is said ) during his fathers life ) tooke anne the eldest daughter of francis duke of britaine : so was the peace made with the britaines . she had by him many children , all which died before their father . maximilian afterward ( that is , the . of march ) espowsed in the towne of insprulz blache , marie , an honourable virgin , daughter of galeatius duke of millaine . alexander celebrated a iubile , anno . whereat he deliuered this grace and fauour by his bulles to such as had made no account to come thither , or such as could not come , that they might gaine and obtaine the iubile by sending thither . he sought by all meanes to heape vp siluer as much as he could to satisfie his lusts . wherefore hee set vs a new colledge of abbreuiators , to the number of . of which each place was folde at . ducates . he inuited all princes vnto his iubile by his bulls , and ordained that in euery towne men might haue stations . he created in his time . cardinalls , amongst which were . spaniards , and of his kinsmen three : that is to say , iohn borgia , valentin borgia , and francis borgia . hee receiued the oath of fidelitie of alphonsus king of naples , which he tooke betwixt the hands of the said iohn borgia , touching the keeping of loyaltie to the seate of rome , and to pay him his annuall tribute . he fortified at his great charge the castle s. angels , repaired and beautified the temple of s. mary maior . that which followeth is extracted by iohn functius out of the workes of volateranus . the cardinalls which elected him ( he speaketh of pope alexander ) were the first that felt his ingratitude . for he oppressed them all by diuers calamities , banishing some , and imprisoning others . he made warre vpon the vrsins , which he vanquished and tooke prisoners by the meanes of his sonnes . after this hee desired nothing so much as to life vp vnto honours his bastards , as innocent had done : yea this , farre more . for now this began to be held a thing much honourable , and worthy of great praise amongst the venerable fathers . he made the youngest of his sonnes a prince in sicilie . the second called caesar valentin , he made cardinall . and the eldest he made a duke in spaine : who not long after was slaine at rome & cast into tiber. as for the cardinall caesar , reiecting the order of priesthood , after his brothers death came into the kingdome of france with a great summe of siluer , where he espowsed one of king lewis his kinswomen of the house of albert , and there was giuen him the duchie of valentinois in daulphine . after this by the kings helpe and the alliance which was made with him , he acquired many seignories in italie : vnto whom also his father gaue the hand , who desired nothing so much in the world , as to see his sonne so great a lord. his daughter lucrece whose carnall company himselfe had ( which was an horrible and detestable thing ) was married vnto three princes successiuely . first vnto iohn sforza duke of pisance . after being repudiated by him , to lewis the bastard sonne of alphonsus king of arragon . finally after hee was slaine , shee espowsed alphonsus d'est , duke of ferrara , men may easily knowe ( by her epitaphe made by iohn iouian poutanus , in very elegant latin , verses ) what was the chastitie , sanctitie , and religion as well of the father as of the daughter and sonne . for shee was renowmed to haue companie of them both . this also which followeth is drawne out of the booke of hierome marius , in his booke called eusebius captiue . what need we to recite the infamous and dishonest deeds of alexander the sixt , seeing hee made alliance with diuells , gaue himselfe altogether vnto them , and subiected himselfe vnto them . hermolaus barbarus a very learned man , died of griefe in exile at rome , depriued of his church and patriarkship of aquilea , by the ingratitude of the venetians , whom he had serued as an orator and embassador vnto diuers princes of christendome . the cause wherefore he was thus handled of the venetians , was because hee had receiued the patriarkship of the pope without theyr priuitie . therefore not content , they banished also his parents , and confiscated their goods . see iohn le maire . iohn picus prince de randole , a mirrour of true nobilitie , in the flower of his youth died at florence . wee finde many things written of this pope by notable authors of his time : as certaine excellent latin verses well worthy to be noted , which recite the praises of this holy father . whereof this is the sence following . alexander sells crosses , and aultars , yea iesus christ himself . he first bought them , and may well sell them . rome passeth from vice to vice , and from flame to fire vnder the gouernment of this spaniard . tarquinus was the sixt king of rome , nero the sixt emperour , and this pope the sixt of his name : alwaies rome hath bin destroyed by the sixths . this was he who for the summe of . ducats which he receiued of the turke called baiazet , poysoned gemen his brother who fled to rome . this is he ( say i ) who being willing to maintaine his tirannie , called to his helpe baiazet emperour of the turkes , against the king of france charles the eight : and sought to make the kingdome of naples , yea the very citie of rome , the frontiers of the turkes empire . lewis the . as the nighest , succeeded to the crowne of france after charles the . he sent his armie into lombardie vnder the conduct of iohn iaques trivulse , and of sieur aubigny , which tooke alexandria and pauie : so that then lewis sforza abandoned millaine for feare and retired into almaine . the king vpon these newes passed into italie , and made his triumphant entrie into millaine : from whence hee departed hauing diminished the charges of the people and left the said trivulse as gouernour . lewis sforza returned within a yeare after , and againe tooke millaine , and from thence being againe chased by a new armie from france , hee tooke his flight towards nauarre : after his comming from whence , being pursued by the french , hee was taken and led a prisoner into france . this king ordained in france that ( o salutaris hostia ) should be sung in the eleuation of the host . friar hierome sauanarola of ferrara , of the order of dominicains , preached at florence . he was burnt at the instance and by the commaundement of that monster alexander pope the sixt , because hee preached against him , and his more then notorious wickednesse . he composed certaine meditations vpon the . psalme and certaine others . see the booke of martyrs . the pope caused to bee cut out the tongue and both the hands of anthonius mancinellus a learned man : because he had written a very elegant oration against the wicked maners and villainous and dishonest life of him . the warre of maximilian against the swissers is renowned in this time . batazetes the turke , tooke by force a towne in macedonia called dyrrachium : and the yeare after in morea hee tooke methone which belonged vnto the venetians : as also certain time before he had vsurped naupactus in epire. he also beheaded the bishop of the said towne of methone . italie was greatly afflicted by the turkes : as soone as warre against the venetians was on a flame . charles after emperour , sonne of phillip arch-duke of austrich , and of iane daughter of the king of castile was borne at gaunt on the bissext day , the of februarie , on s. matthias day . the marrhans ( these were iewes which made themselues christians fearing to leese theyr goods , such are commonly in spaine , and secretly obserue the iewish ceremonies ) are reconciled with the pope , hauing with great summes of money acquired his good grace . naucler . the towne of basill , the ninth day of iune made alliance with the cantons of swisse , in the towne of lucerne : and the tenth of august , they of schaffusen made also a perpetuall alliance with the cantons of the swisses , in the said towne of lucerne . they of noremberge were discomfited by cassimere marquesse of brandebourge , with great effusion of bloud nigh their towne . king lewis the . tooke the kingdome of naples vnder the conduction of sieur d'augbini , frederic , his wife and his sonnes prisoners , were carried into france . he recouered bolongue , vsurped by bentiuoli , and yeelded it vnto the pope : after in proper person going against the venetians , which vsurped many lands of the duchie of millaine , valiantly vanquished them nigh agnadel : tooke bartholomew balnian , the conducter of that armie , and carried him prisoner into france . hee tooke againe the said vsurped townes and many others , yeelding vnto the pope such townes as the venetians had taken from him . the issue of the pope alexander was fearefull , and with manifest token of the iust iudgement of god , and therefore would diligently be noted . as on a certaine day he had made readie an exceeding great banket for certaine rich senators and cardinalls , and had recommended to his sonne valentin , that he should giue wine to drinke vnto one of the said cardinalls wherein there was poyson put : it came to passe that hee that had the charge to deliuer the wine , vnwittingly gaue to the pope of that flaggon wherin the poison was : who being of great age , was taken with a languishment and grieuou● paine . he had by the space of eleuen yeares and certaine monethes excessiuely oppressed italie , and troubled the world . being then deteined in his bed ( as iohn baleus saith ) hee commaunded one of his men called madena ( which amongst all them of his court and house was his most faithfull and familiar ) to goe into his gardrobe or wardrope , and to bring him a certaine litle booke enriched with gold and precious stones : which was in an armorie which he specified . but this litle booke conteined all maners and kindes of illusions and enchauntments of negromancie : whereby the old man thought to enforme himselfe , to be certified of the closure and ende of his life . the seruant obeing the commaundement of the pope his maister , and going vnto the place specified : as ( after hee had opened the doore ) he was readie to haue entred into the chamber , he sawe a certaine person sit in the popes chaire there , who was altogether like vnto his maister : at the sight whereof beeing surprised with an horrible feare & astonishment , and and as it were halfe dead , without taking the booke , ranne backe againe towards alexander , vnto whom he rehearsed what hee had seene : namely that in his wardrope hee found such a pope as himselfe set in a chaire . alexander after he had vnderstood the thing , and seeing his seruant to be exceedingly affraide , suffered him to rest a while : after hee did so much perswade him , that he returned into the said wardrope to see if againe hee could finde the said pope . the seruant then being entred , found in the said chamber him whom before he had seene : and that more is , being asked by him that sate there what cause brought him into that place , and what businesse hee had there , hee being taken with a sore trembling , and as it were out of breath , aunswered , hee came to take a certaine garment for the pope . at which words , the diuell beeing then in the chaire , making an horrible noise siad , what pope ? i am the pope . but after that those things were reported vnto alexander , his euill began to encrease , and death approached . a short day after , a man apparelled like a carrier or lackey , came and fiercely knocked at the chamber doore wherein the pope was deteined sicke , saying hee must needes speake with him . the doore being opened and hee admitted parley with the pope , all others drew aside , and the pope and hee spake together , as two vse to doo in secret causes , yet men might see a great and maruellous strife and debate betwixt them two , and that the pope was not content . for hee said vnto him . how goes this ? my terme is not yet accomplished . thou knowest that thy promise was nineteene yeares , whereof i haue liued but eleuen and eight moneths . vnto which words the lackey hardily answered : you vnderstood not well the speech , but are greatly abused . for i said not nineteene yeares as you imagined : but i said you should remaine pope eleuen yeares and eight moneths , the which are come and passed , and therefore you must needes die . but although the pope was very actiue to require and to pray instantly that he would haue regard to his life , and to the terme that hee had graunted him in his popedome , yet it was as to speake to a deafe man , and to pleade in vaine . for all his alligations , remonstrations , exceptions , and requests profited nothing : so that they which were in the chamber and heard this maruellous debate and difference , might iudge that sathan was more expert in the art of arithmetike then the pope was , and they might easily conclude that alexander erred in his account . finally to close vp the matter , euen as sathan went and departed from the place , in like manner also with great cries , sighes , and fearfull sobbes , the popes soule ( as it were following his steppes ) dislodged and miserably departed from his body . thus miserably and vngodly died this pope alexander , leauing to his sonne his seignory , altogether wasted and ruinous , and to the italians , their comonwealth all confused , peruerted & wasted : to the end he might be a publike example to all ages , how things euill gotten melt away , and are wickedly and vnluckily spent . this pope had with his said sonne a daughter called lucrece , with whom both he and his sonne lay , as pontanus and samazarius haue left written . phillip archduke of austrich , the son of maximilian and of mary , the onely daughter of charles duke of bourgoine , tooke to wife iane the onely daughter of the king of arragon , and by reason of her right , going into spaine , passed through france in the yeare , . after returning into flaunders , to appeease certaine stirres of warre betwixt them of gilders and brabant , he tooke many townes of gelders , with the duke of suffolke a young gentleman , which he nourished in his court with his children . the said phillip yeelded homage vnto king lewis the . for the counties of flaunders and artois , before guy de rochefort , grand-chauncellor of france , and lewis de luxembourge count de ligni , embassadors sent for the purpose vnto arras . pius third of that name , a tuscan by nation , borne at sienna , nephew of pope pius the second , on his sisters side laodamie , before called francis picolhomineus , that is , a litle man , succeeded the said alexander , being elected by the cardinalls after great strifes and debates . valentin borgia hauing seized vpon all the treasures of his father alexander , after his death with twelue thousand souldiers occupied vatican where the pope should be elected , tending to this end , to constraine the cardinalls to choose such an one for pope as should like him . the cardinalls to shun this danger , withdrew themselues first incontinently into the temple of minerua , where straight they were besieged by him . but as a bruite went through the towne that the cardinalls were taken , and that he committed many murders and sackagements through the towne , they were all taken with a great feare . after this , the shops were shut , and each one ranne to armes . the issues and endes of streets were stopped with bankes , peeces of wood , and chaines of iron : no more nor no lesse then if the enemie had againe bene nigh the walles . borgia then seeing that he had enterprised a thing so hard to execute : and also being required by the cardinalls to cease frō such doings , promised that , which a litle after he obeyed . after pius was chosen , borgia hauing passed his choller , thanked the cardinalls that they had chosen such an one , as he had greatly wished . hee then incontinently as he was made pope , made a cōspiracie against the french which had occupied a part of italie ; for he tooke in very euill part that their king had brought pouille & a great part of italie vnder his subiectiō . this pope hoped that a day would come , when he should doo some great damage vnto the french , after he had drawne them into ambushes that he had laid for them ; and with the helpe of such as had conspired with him , he hoped to driue thē cleane out of these lands . but whilest he went about this , he died , the . day after his election , they yeare . of an vlcer , which he had in his thigh , wherwith he had long time bene troubled , without doing any thing at al of that which he had enterprised . for beside the war he purposed against the frēch , he determined to haue reformed the church to haue celebrated a councel , and haue gotten an armie against the turkes , after the example of his vncle. aduertisement . note reader for a conclusion of the precedent popes , that such as were since siluester the second , vntill innnocent the fourth , had the key of the bottomelesse pit giuen them : to the end that by the horrible smoake thereof they might send out the locusts or grashoppers to deuoure all , through all christian regions , and that they might worke the secret of their iniquitie . as for the last which were after innocent the fourth , vntill iulius the second of that name , they haue bene permitted to nourish and maintaine it , to obscure all truth : that by their false doctrines , and lying myracles they might seduce and deceiue euen the elect of god ( if it were possible ) . for that great dragon , which is sathan ( that is the angell of the bottomelesse pit , and the king of these locusts , that is to say of mendicant friars , and of the massing priesthood ) called abaddon , which signified as much as destroyer , saccager , and exterminator , or rooter out . for these by their infernall doctrine of popes decrees of lombardike sentences , of ordinarie questions , determinations , quodlibets , summes , monasticall predications , and other such bables , haue drawne into hell an infinite number of people since the said innocent the fourth , by the space of . yeares . so that those popes and doctors are signified by the pale horse vpon which sat death as well of the body as soule , after whom followed hell . moreouer these popes and all other wicked persons vsing the insatiable tirannie , leese and destroy euery day the bodies of the true martyrs of the truth of god , by fire , sword , water , halters , and all maner of punishments , because they would not renounce iesus christ , to obey theyr prince abaddon . but from hence forward , that is , since the yeare of our lord . vnder iulius the second and his successors , vntill the last iudgement , the papacie dooth and is like to decay . for the power that the diuell hath to deceiue by his antichrist is diminished , and from day to day shall decay : but not the power that hee hath to exercise his crueltie against the elect of god. there haue bene many signes of the ruine and fall of the popish kingdome before the time of iulius . iohn the . was maruellously troubled and molested by an owle , as is afore said : and as he was in the way to constance , he fell from his charriot . he was there ignominiously deposed , and there was it concluded that the generall councell had power ouer the pope . and therefore from his time , and also from paul the second , the affaires of the papacie haue gone ill , and haue alwaies past from worse to worse . vnder the gouernment of alexander the sixt , the angell which was placed in the dungeon of the castle s. angelo , was stricken downe by a fearfull thunder , and fell into tiber. there is hardly any person which knoweth not the mischiefes which haue hapned since iulius the second , vntill this present . but according to the sentence of s. paul , iesus christ shal shortly destroy that wicked antichrist by the brightnesse of his comming . he shall be put aliue ( saith the angell speaking to s. iohn ) into a poole of burning fire & brimstone , where he shall be tormented for euer . so be it . so be it . iulius the second of that name , borne at genes , nephew of sixtus the fourth , who had bene named before iulian reuerins , of the title of s. peter ad vincula , was chosen pope . hee was a man of a quicke spirit , and very subtill , and as it were chiefly borne for warre . phillip , willing againe to passe into spaine , by sea-tempest was cast vpon england , and well receiued of king henry the seuenth : yet he payed for his welcome , and redeemed his departure by deliuering to the said king , the duke of southfolke , who was of the house of the white rose , and thought the nighest heiremale of the crowne of england : who by the said phillip had bene taken in guelders , whither he was fled for feare of king henry . this iulius plucked away by force , and by excommunications many things from certaine christian princes . and in the space of seuen yeares he was cause of the death of infinite persons : yea this tyrant because of the victories which he had obtained , ( wherein hee reioyced that hee had shead so much humane bloud ) gaue vnto the swisses the title of defenders of the ecclesiasticall libertie , and with a certaine number of ensignes of warre , and priuiledges , cōfirmed by his bulls , a golden sword and an hatte . he very straightly besieged rauenna , which the venetians had occupied : and in the end hauing taken it , he reduced it into his obedience . with a litle brauerie he plucked into his hands from certaine princes , setina , imola , faience , boulongne , and other townes , which was not done without great effusion of bloud . philibert the eight duke of sauoy , succeeded his father phillip in the yeare . he was a magnanimous and vertuous prince , and full of great beautie , in so much that he was called philibert the faire . he was amiable also , and courteous to euery one . he espowsed margarite the emperor maximilians daughter . but after hee had done many things worthy of memorie he died , without leauing any heire issuing of him : wherfore charles his brother succeeded him in the said duchie . margarite for a witnesse of the loue she bare him , would neuer manie againe : but alwaies remained a widow . phillip returned into spaine , and died in the yeare . of his age , the . the king lewis had sent phillip de rauestone as gouernor of genes . the towne reuolted the yeare . but incontinently it was taken againe by the french. the yeare . there was a great contention betwixt two orders of begging friars : that is to say , the friars , and the iacobins . and this was because of the conception of the virgin mary . the cordeliers or friars said that she was preuented of the grace of the holy spirit , so that she was nothing spotted with originall sinne , and the iacobins affirmed the contrary , that she was conceiued after the manner of the other children of adam , and that priuiledge to be conceiued without sinne , was onely reserued to iesus christ : yet they saide that the holy virgin which was the mother of the sonne of god , was sanctified in his mothers wombe , & purged from all originall spot , as s. iohn baptist , ieremie , and certaine others were : which by especiall priuiledge were sanctified , before they came out of their mothers wombes . the said iacobins made themselues strong to prooue that opinion , by reasons of the holy scripture : as also they had enterprised to make publike disputations at heidelberge , touching the conception of the virgin mary , but nothing was executed . afterward the said iacobins began to prooue that opinion , euen before the people , by certaine false myracles and visions , which they themselues had inuented . but these bad people were deceiued , and their lies turned on their owne heads . for there was a lay friar , simple and an ideot , which they had enterprised to seduce and deceiue by their inchauntments , who in the ende reuealed all their knauery . there were foure bretheren of that order taken at berne , vnto whō the torture was deliuered : which after they had confessed the matter , were disgraded , and finally burnt for their fraudulent and diabolicall machinations which they had forged to maintaine their opinion . for they had inchaunted with superstitious charmes , a poore nouice . it was at the great instance of the bernois , that haimo bishop of lansanna , ( in which diocesse berne is ) tooke knowledge of their cause , and after inquisition made therof , brought it to this point , that they were disgraded , and deliuered vnto the secular arme , and burnt the last day of may in the meade nigh the riuer side of ar. there were other culpable of this deed , but they escaped from the hands of the bernois . the king frederic of naples , and the cardinall de ambose died . in this time happened a great malladie and sicknesse in france , which they called the coqueluehe . the pope iulius excommunicated the king of france and iohn d' alebret king of nauarre , and gaue their kingdomes to whomsoeuer could first occupie them . masseus in the . chapter of his chronicles , reciteth that the king of france perceiuing that the pope iulius with the venetians went about something against him , assembled a councell in the towne of tours in the moneth of september : where he proposed the questions following , namely ; whether it were lawfull for the pope to make warre against any prince without cause or reason : and if such a prince defending himselfe may not assaile the said pope and withdraw from his obedience ? it was answered that it was not lawfull for the pope so to do : but that it was lawfull for the prince to do that whereof he had enquired . moreouer it was agreed that the pragmatike sanctiō should be kept through the realme of france , and if hee thundred his excommunicatiōs , that they should make no account of them because they should be vniust . after these things the king sent to iulius the answere of his councell , requiring him , either to agree to peace , or in some place to appoint a generall councell to dispute the said questions more at large . the councell of laterance was begunne by iulius this yeare . leo his successor continued the said councell , the ende whereof was the . of march , . this horrible monster died the yeare following after he had begun the said councell , that is , the yeare . hauing committed an infinit number of murders and wickednesses vnheard of before , he died the yeare . the of februarie , before the councell which he had assembled at rome was ended . see functius in his commentaries . there was an almaine called conrade garbelius , who made of him tetrastike in latine verses , whereof the sence was this . hee that hath for his father a genoua , for his mother a grecian , and that is borne in the sea , it is impossible he should be good . the genouaes are deceiuers ; the grecians are lyars , and there is no securitie nor faithfulnesse in the sea. thou iulius hast in thee all these things . we read a certaine commētarie of the doctors of paris against the lutherans , being drawne on by a diuellish rage , had by force the carnall company of two young children of a noble house which the queene anne of france had sent to roberte cardinall of nantes , to teach . melancton amongst others hath written certaine latine verses : how that iulius meaning to go to warre , cast s. peters keyes into tiber , and tooke the sword of s. paul , saying . seeing the keyes of s. peter serue vs to no purpose , it may be s. pauls sword will do something . gaston de fouex the kings nephewe , was sent into italie , and tooke bolongne and bresse by force . the swisses alreadie practised by the pope , passed into italie . on easter day , the yeare . the french got a battaile at rauenna , and tooke the towne against the pope , the spaniards , and the venetians . gaston died there , aduauncing himselfe with too small a company vpon his enemies . iulius practised with the emperour and the king of england , to assaile the king of fraunce in diuers places of his kingdome . ferdinand king of spaine , tooke and occupied against all right vnder colour of excommunication , the arrathame of iulius , the kingdome of nauarre . the king of england beeing assured of succours from flaunders , discended to calais : but the king of scotland iames the fourth , and the king of france his allie , entered into his countrey , but lost a great battaile , and was himselfe slaine . they did litle in guien or normandie , whether they sent two armies . afterward the french and they fought vpon the sea. two faire ships well furnished , that is , the regent of england , and the cordelier of france , grapled one with the other : and the most part of such as were within , were either burnt or drowned . a peace was published betwixt the king and the venetians . the english men besieged terwine . at the iourney of sporrs the french fared ill . the townes of terwine and tornay were taken by the english . anne de britaine the wife of king lewis the . and before the widowe of charles the eight , dyed at this time leauing two daughters : claudia which afterward espowsed francis de valois and renee , at this present widowe of the duke of ferrara . leo the tenth of that name , borne at florence , of the house of medices , before called iohn de medices , being cardinall of the title of s. mary ( in dominica ) beyond all mens expectation was elected pope , and succeeded iulius : hee had beene very diligently instructed in good letters in his first youth , and had had learned schoolemaisters : amongst others , angelus politian , a man very learned as well in the greeke as latin tongue , & this was the cause he loued so much men of learning and knowledge . being of the age of thirteene yeares hee was chosen cardinall by innocent the . and in the . of his age he was chosen pope of rome . this leo of his owne nature was debonaire , gentle , and peaceable , but he was too much gouerned by such as were enemies of rest , and cruell : after whose wills many things were done very disloyally . the king lewis died the first day ianuarie . hauing raigned . yeares . he was called the father of the people , a title which fewe kings had after him . the greatest pleasure that pope leo had , was delicately to nourish himselfe in all things pleasant to the flesh , and such delights as would soonest drawe men into all wicked concupiscences . he tooke great pleasures in singers and musitians to recreate his spirit at table , as hee dranke and made good cheare . hee bare an irreconciliable hatred vnto the gospell of the kingdome of god : which he persecured in the person of luther and many others . for as one day the cardinall bembo vttered before him a certaine thing drawne from the gospell , he answered him mocking . it hath euer sufficiently bene knowne what profit that fable of iesus hath brought vs and our company . this marchant gaue hereby sufficiently to be knowne that he was that antichrist which s. paul called the man of sinne , and the sonne of perdition . he spread abroad through the world certaine pardons and indulgences full of all impietie , yea and ridiculous : to the end to heape vp siluer to maintaine his pleasures , to nourish his whores , and enrich his bastards . and heerein he serued himselfe with mendicant beggers , which in infinit number traced and ranne ouer all christian kingdomes . one called sampson of millaine a friar , heaped vp by that meane so great a summe of siluer in diuers countries , that the world was astonished thereat as a thing contrarie to nature . for he one day offered the summe of an hundreth and twentie thousand ducats for the papacie . this pope leo created in one day one and thirtie cardinalls , and by that meanes pursed vp a great sum of siluer : and that same day were seene very horrible signes and wonders , the yeare . at which time soliman emperor of the turkes tooke rhodes . on the day of christs natiuitie as leo went out of his chamber to goe sing masse at the breake of the day ( after their maner , a marble couer well couched and laid , fell suddenly downe , so that many of his company were there slaine , and amongst others the captaine of the swisses gard . by such a presage god shewed that the popedome should shortly perish , because of the enormeous and detestable wickednesse committed therein . he greatly inriched at other expences his bastards , and erected and lifted them vp to principalities and dignities , as well secular as ecclesiastice . hee created duke of mutine , iulian , whom some said was his nephewe , his sisters sonne : and laurence duke of vrbin , and married the one , that is to say iulian , with the duke of sauoyes sister , and the other with the the daughter of the countesse of bolongne . but hee had depriued the true duke of vrbin of the possession of the duchy , to the ende hee might establish one of them in his place , hee sought also to doo the like to the duke of ferrara , but it was in vaine . as for his nephewe iulius , hee made him a cardinall . the yeare . and the first of december , vnderstanding that the french had bene vanquished at millaine by the emperours people , and chased out of all italie : which also was not done without his meanes , drinking & making good cheare , hee maruellously reioyced at this newes , and herein suddenly died as they say . hee which neuer beleeued there was either hell or heauen after this present life . there was a poet called sannazarius which made a distiche , that is , two latin verses of the death of the said leo , which because they seeme to be wel made , are set downe . sacra sub extrema , si forte requiritis hora. cur leo non poterat sumere : vendiderat . the sence of these verses is : if you aske wherefore leo could not take the sacraments beeing so nigh his death : the reason is , he had sold them before . that which is aboue spoken of the taking of rhodes and of the wonders seene the same day , that agreement was made to yeeld the towne into the turkes hands , cannot accord with that which is spoken of the death of leo. for it is a certaine that rhodes was taken by pope adrian his successor , and was yeelded to the turkes . anno . an aduertisement touching a certaine coniecture of the supputation of time . it would bee noted in this place , that the yeare after the incarnation of iesus christ , . paulus samosatenus beeing bishop of antioche , began to disgorge his blasphemies against iesus christ , denying that he was the true and eternall sonne of god. which most daungerous and pernitious heresie of all others , was afterward augmented by arrius and mahomet , and is yet at this day by that antichrist the pope . moreouer , the monkes which began as it were the same yeare vnder paul the first , here vnto haue nourished and maintained the same heresie in theyr diuers maners of life , and theyr wicked doctrines whilest antichrist raigned in the temple of god , and dealt with preaching and teaching publikely in the church , namely , by the space of . moneths , or of . dayes , which is all one , which dayes if wee take them for yeares as they ought , adding thervnto the first number of . yeares , they will come to the yeare . after the natiuitie of iesus christ . but that you may vnderstand this secret ; that yeare was discouered that great aduersarie of god , who lifted himselfe aboue all that ws called god , or worshipped as god. this yeare then , that error which so long time had beene mainteined vnder the tyrant of antichrist , began to bee shaken and to fall , because the truth and righteousnesse of faith through the spirit of iesus christ were reuealed by the meanes of certaine learned persons . for in the said yeare . martin luther beeing well fortified by the spirit of god , in the presence of all the estates of the empire assembled at wormes , confessed and maintained constantly and hardily the true doctrine of our lord iesus christ , which the aforesaid heretikes denied . and since this confession , the true church of our lord iesus christ hath againe begun to renew it selfe , and his kingdome to take and gather more greater forces : and the kingdome of antichrist hath begun to diminish and approacheth his ruine . this which followeth is extracted out of the book of christien masseus . the yeare of the lord . frances king of fraunce receiued of leo a iubile , ( that is to say , pardons to sell ) to be published through all france : which was also spread through all christendome . this was a bottomelesse depth of all euills ; for vnder the shadowe of fighting against the turkes , they heaped vp inestimable treasures . they which had this charge and commission , perswaded the simple people , that whosoeuer would giue tenne french soules , should deliuer the soule for whom hee gaue them from the paines of purgatorie . for they held this for a certaine rule , that god would doo whatsoeuer they would , according to that which is said . all that you doo on earth , &c. so that if there had wanted but one farthing lesse then the said tenne soules , they said all could profit nothing . such like marchandise displeased many good men , and they began to debate this question touching the popes power : whereof the old bishops neuer heard speake . martin luther was then in almaine , who then began to cry very sharply against indulgences , against whom one called iohn bekins opposed himselfe , and they two entered into great disputations and contentions touching this matter . pope leo the tenth thundred a great processe against martin luther , and condemned him as an heretike , and reiected him from the communion of the faithfull . he straight appealed vnto the councell to come . after this , leo commaunded that his bookes should be burnt at rome , and on the other side luther burnt at wittemberge , his canons and popish decretalls , saying : as they haue done to me so haue i done to them . thus farre masseus , the rest of this historie you may see in sleidon . baptista mantuanus had before exhorted the said leo to doo his office , thus speaking vnto him in the fourth booke de fastis . yet there remaineth many things for thee to doo of great importance holy father . if they be great and waightie , thou must enterprise them with great courage . but there are there amongst others which are most worthy wherin thou shouldest employ thy selfe and trauell therein . the first is warre wherewith italie alreadie tyred , and the fields thereof bedeawed with humane bloud . an other is ; that the romane court is infected with a daungerous poison which spreadeth it selfe ouer all nations . lastly , there is a faith which is oppressed , and on all sides offered a pillage , vnto all cruell and barbarous nations . all these things cry after thee , and demaund succours of thee : helpe them , for the commonwealth of christ staggereth , and faith is sick and alreadie nigh her death . leo hauing gathered a great summe of siluer for pardons which he sold , inriched his parents bankers , and listed them vp into great dignities . martin luther a great theologian , began to preach the true and pure doctrine against the hypocrisie of papists , and from thence forward the popedome ceased not by litle and litle to fall into ruine . francis de valois duke de angoulesme as the nighest and meetest to succeed in the crowne , was king . yeares after the death of lewis the . whose eldest daughter called claudia , he married . selim hauing driuen away and after poysoned his olde father because he liued too long , was emperor of the turkes in the yeare . vnto this wickednesse he added the murdering of his bretheren and the strangling of his nephewes . he vanquished and droue the sophie away : and in many battailes ouercame the two souldans , campson , & tonombeus , with the mammelus and arabians : hee added to his empire , egipt and arabia , and tooke the great caire . afterward returning the into his countrie an vlcer engendred in his loynes , which still encreasing as a canker , killed him the . yeare of his raigne . see hereof munster in his cosmographie , paulus iouius , and ritche the first booke . soliman the onely sonne of selim aforesaid , succeeded him in the empire of the turkes , anno . soliman three yeares after tooke belgarde in hungarie , which was the fortresse and defence of the christians , and from thence about other three yeares he tooke rhodes by composition , hauing in his armie . turkes , and . gallies : and two yeares after that he destroyed the country of hungarie with fire & sword , vanquished the king of the country , and tooke bude . but the . of his kingdome comming to besiege vienna in hungarie with a great puissance , he was put backe by god his grace , and the force of the almaines . by nature he was hautie and glorious , hauing so great dominions and victories . hee pretended that the empire of rome and of the west appertained vnto him : for he said he was the true successour of constantine , who transported the empire from rome and vnto constantinople . his ordinary reuenew is of sixe millions of skutes ( some say seuen ) for each yeare : and whensoeuer it pleaseth him to make warre , he gaineth more thereby then he leeseth , because of the great store of siluer he taketh of his subiects . he hath more treasure and precious stones then all other kings together , as paulus iouius saith : who also attributeth the losse of rhodes to the carelesnes and negligence of the pope . maximilian deceased in austriche the . ianuary , after the obteining of the empire . yeares . charles . the sonne of phillip archduke of austrich , of the age of . yeares was chosen emperor of rome the . iune , and succeeded his graundfather maximilian ▪ the pope would haue hindered his election , because he was king of naples , and that the kings of naples were bound to the pope to denounce that empire , whilest they should be kings of naples : but it was in vaine . zuinglius is called from glarone to zurich , to read & teach theologie . the bookes of luther are burnt the popes partakers in almaine : luther also for his part publikely burnt at wittemberge the popes canon lawe , as also a new decree whereby hee was condemned : and after yeelded a reason of his so doing . the emperour at the instance of frederic of saxonie , sent the . of march to luther , that vnder his faith and safegard he should come to a iourney held wormes , whither hee came against the aduise of his friends : and entering there the . of of aprill , he came out againe the . of the said moneth . ferdinand the emperours yonger brother prince of austrich , tooke to wife anne , the onely daughter of vladislaus king of hungarie and of boheme , the sister of lewis , the last king of the line of hungarie . luther apposed by eckins the lawyer at the iourney at wormes , constantly maintained the truth . the emperour writ letters to princes , wherby he declared his aduise that luther should be abandoned to whosoeuer would sley him . he is excōmunicated & anathematized by pope leo. the sorbonists of paris assailed him : so did henry the . king of england by his owne writing . wherevpon the pope gaue him the title of defendor of the church . a decree at wormes published by the emperours letters patters against luther and his fauorites . adrian pope sixt of that name , borne at vtrict , in the country of holland , come from a poore house , passed his youth in studie at louaine , norished and brought vp amongst the poore of the colledge called du pourcean . from a doctor in diuinitie and doyen of s. peter de louaine , he was called to be a pedagoge and schoolemaister of charles the fift , after emperor . erasmus hauing bene cast off as a suspected person , because of the doctrine , which after luther published ; afterward being sent embassador towards ferdinand king of spaine , he obteined the bishoppricke of derthuse . the emperour passing into england to goe into spaine , made alliance at windsore with henry the . to espowse marie his daughter ( then of the age of seuen yeares ) when she should be of full age . iohn rouchlin , restorer of the hebrew tongue in almaine , this yeare died . rhodes besieged in the moneth of iune by soliman emperour of the turkes , the seuenth moneth following is taken by composition , to the great damage and dishonour of the christians . christierne king of danemarch ; noruege and snede , for feare that for his great tyrannie , and ill gouernment , he might fall into some daughter of his person , this yeare fled into zeland , with his children and his wife isabel the emperours sister , brought vnto great necessitie . we may learne by such examples to feare god his iudgements , when hee chastiseth both countries and kings for our instruction . charles duke of bourbon , constable of france , willingly departed , partly drawne by the emperors faire promises , & turned himselfe against the french king , to the great misfortune both of his owne person and of france . the bookes of a phisitian & magician were burnt at rome , some of which were brought vnto adrian , whereof hee made great account : and they were after his death founde amongst his secret papers . and some thought he came to his popedome by an euil art . paralip . chron. abb. vrsp . the pope adrian after like others , he had persecuted the truth of the gospell in the person of luther and oecolampadius , died of a death suspected of poison in september , the second yeare of his popedome . clement pope , seueth of that name , a florentine , of the sect of knights of s. iohn of ierusalem , prior des cappes , succeeded adrian . he before was called iulius , but admonished by his familiar cardinalls , he tooke the name of clement , functius . some write him the nephew , others the sonne of leo , others his bastard brother , of the house of medices . at zuric there was a disputation three dayes whether the masse and idolls should be abolished . the . of ianuarie following , the iourney of the swisses was held at lucerne , where they wholy cōfirmed the popes doctrine , and condemned that of the gospell . the swisses in common complained of them of zuric . bourbon besieged marceill in vaine , from whence hee retired into italie , where he was pursued of the french king , who tooke millaine , and in winter besieged pauie vppon tesin . anthonie duke of lorraine sharpely persecuted such as bare any fauour to luthers doctrine . about the ende of this yeare , certaine countrey-men or peasants of snabe beganne to rise and rebell against the count de loupae their lord , and after their example their neighbours did the like , vnder the colour of certaine charges , wherewith they complained to be burdened . this stirre was after verie pernitious , and brought great troubles and effusion of blood . a battaile giuen at pauie betwixt charles de lauoy , a gentlemen of the country of hainaut , the emperours lieutenant , and the french king , wherein the said king was taken in the combat , and from thence carried by sea into spaine . zuinglius agreed not with luther in an article of the supper . he said that in the words of iesus christ there is a figure , such as there is found in infinit places of the scripture the like . luther denieth it , and saith that the bodie of iesus christ is within the bread & wine , and that it entreth into the mouth . the saxons follow luther , and swisses , zuinglius . of long time hath sathan with his darke cloudes obscured the doctrine of the supper : and now by contentions and debates hee also seeketh to take away from men the true taste thereof . the sedition of peasants remained not only in almaine , but spred it selfe also in lorraine , nigh to sauernes . duke anthonie accompanied with his brother claude de guise , and of some of the french troupe which were at the iourney at pauie , fought with them and slew a great number , keeping not his promised faith vnto them . the sorbonist doctors of paris whilest their king was in , draue out of france iames faber d'estaples , partly vpon enuie , and partly vpon suspition of religion . the king aduertised hereof , made the cause to be staied vntill his returne . frederic duke of saxonie dyed , and iohn his brother was his successor . carolostadius writ against luther , vnto whom hee answered at large . the pope clement whilest the king was a prisoner writ letters vnto the parliament of paris , greeuously to persecute the lutherans . touching the seditions of the peasants multiplied in diuers places . see the historie of sleidan . luther taketh a nunne to wife , whereby he receiueth many reproaches at his aduersaries hands . in ianuary a peace was made at madril in spaine , betwixt the king and the emperour , vpon condition , aboue all to bandie himselfe against the turke , and the heresie of luther . the king after he had seene his two children as hostages , returned into france . the emperour espowsed in spaine isabel the daughter of emanuel , and sister to iohn , king of portugall . the turke departed from belgrade , and hauing passed from danubie and sauo , hee drew strait into hungarie , and bad battaile vnto king lewis , who died in the fight , and his wife mary the emperours sister , saued her selfe with swift running . iohn sepuse , vaiuoda de transiluania , after being allyed with the turke against ferdinand , was appointed king of hungaria , as his vassall and tenant . whilest they debated their rights by dint of the sword , there fell out a very damageable warre both for them and their neighbours . francis king of fraunce returned from spaine , allyed himselfe with the pope & the venetians to defend italie by sea and land , against the emperour , and to recouer the kingdome of naples : and published a writing , whereby he shewed his reasons . and the emperour caused to be published an other to the contrary . swisse infected with anabaptists . at saint gaull , one of that sect , before his father and mother , and others his parents , cut off his brothers head , saying hee had beene so commaunded of god by reuelation , ioachim vadian a learned man , consull of the said towne , with other iustices , incontinently caused the head of the said paracide anabaptist to be cut off . they of berne made knowne to their next bishops their disputations , touching the reformation of religion : and publish articles . bourbon willing to passe for the emperour into the kingdome of naples , tooke his way towards rome , which he got by assault , bourbon was there strooken with a bullet as he scaled the wall , and there left his life . the towne was pilled the sixt day of may. clement was besieged a long time with his cardinalls in the castle of saint angelo . and finally the seuenth moneth after , hee was deliuered by his raunsome of . ducats , after some . the birth of phillip , the emperours sonne ; was this yeare . the king of france hauing made a league with the king of england , sent into italie the lord de landrece , to succor the pope : he tooke alexandria , and after pauie . the seuenth of ianuary , they of berne held disputation , wherein zuinglius , oecolampartius , bucer , capito , blanrer had by the holy scriptures surmounted and vanquished such as were of the aduerse partie . finally , they confirmed by the authoritie of the magistrate through all theyr lands , the said articles , abolished the masse , and threw downe images and aultars . the kings of england in france demaunded of the emperour many things by their heraulds : the king of fraunce his children , offering siluer for them . he of england first three hundred thousand skutes for the borrowing of fiue hundred thousand of interest , because the accords made betwixt them , in the yeare . had by him bene violated and broken . finally three yeares pension , which by paction betwixt them the emperour was bound to pay him : that is to say , . skutes by yeare . if hee refused , their heraulds were to denounce warre . at strasbourge , by the popes aduise euery man assembled in his tribe . the masse was laide downe , vntill the papists should shew by the holy scripture , that it is a seruice agreeable vnto god. it may then lie downe long enough . for contrary it is wholy opposite vnto the supper of iesus christ . sedition at basil , betwixt the burgesses and certaine of the senators for the cause of religion . the burgesses hauing taken armes , cast downe the images in temples : which was the cause that the senate agreed to what they demaunded : yea and that twelue senators which fauoured papistrie should be deiected out of the senate : and that from thenceforth , when any question fell out to ordain any thing , concerning the common wealth , that a councell of . should be called therevnto to haue their aduise therin . the masse then was abolished through all their seignorie , and images publikely burned as the instruments of idolatry . vpon a wednesday which the papist call ashwednesday , the idolls were burnt at basil . lantrec being dead , and andrew danre of genoua reuolted , the french king began to hearken vnto peace . margarite the emperours aunt , and loyse the kings mother , assembled at cambray , and dealt for a peace in the moneth of august in this sort . the emperour left to the king , bourgongne , if he engendred any male childe of his sister . the king gaue for the deliuerance of his children to the emperour , twentie hundred thousand skutes , the debt of england being comprehended therein . the article againe is added to extirpate the lutherans . the emperor returning from genes , and arriuing at ausbourge , denounced vnto the protestants that they should let their preaching cease , and goe to masse with him . they refused both he one and the other : shewing there was no reason to constraine them to do it , vnlesse the cause were debated . the . of february after he had sworne , namely that he should all his life defend the honour & dignitie of the romane seate , he is with great pompe & magnificence crowned emperour at boulogne . ellenor the emperours sister and the kings spowse , came from spaine into france with the kings two children , frauncis , and henry , after they had bene foure yeares in hostage in their fathers place . the pope clement and the emperor besieged the florentines , because they set out of their towne such as were of the house of medices . in the ende ferrand de gonzague brought them to composition , and they receiued for their prince , alexander de medices : vnto whom the emperour promised his bastard daughter margarite . in this time tiber at rome ouerflowed his bankes , and the winde so beat back the surges and waues therof , that the whole towne was greatly terrified therewith . the like and more greeuous tempest , came also in holland & the countries adioyning , the sea hauing burst her banks and leuies , and tooke away all it met withall , the length of the flat country . ferdinand the emperours yonger brother , the fift of ianuary , at cullen is proclaimed king of the romanes : and the eleuenth of aprill following crowned at aix , notwithstanding the duke of saxonie protested by his sonne that he would not agree there vnto . the turke returned the second time against the towne of vienna in austrich : but the emperour and ferdinand went against him in battaile , and forced him to retire . the eleuenth of october , zuinglius of the age of fortie foure yeares , younger then luther by foure yeares , was slaine at a battaile of the petit cantons , against them of zuric : and about the ende of nouember oecolampadius of the age of . yeares , passed also from this life into an other , in the towne of basil . mary , the widowe of lewis king of hungarie , is appointed by the emperour her brother in the gouernment of the lowe country , in the place margarite his aunte , lately deceased . a comete appeared almost through the whole moneth of august . loyse mother of the king of fraunce , and sister to charles duke of sauoy , dyed this yeare . a warre recommenced betwixt the swisses , namely they of zuric and fiue cantons , but in the end a peace was concluded . the towne of munster receiue the gospell . christierne king of denmarke now banished from his countrey by the space of tenne yeares : hoping to recouer his kingdome was taken by sea , and laid in prison . his sonne which the emperour his vncle entertained , dyed of the age , able to be imployed in warlike affaires . soliman emperour of the turkes came with a great armie to belgrade : and from thence drawing on the left hand , he besieged the towne and castle of giunte : but nicholas iurixe being then within made him leaue his siege . iohn de leiden a cutler an hollander , secretly , and harman staprede minister , rotmans companion , publikely beganne to dispearse about the towne of munster , the seede of anabaptisme . rotman after he had resisted him in the beginning , and caused them by the senate to be driuen out of the towne , declared himselfe to be an anabaptist , in a disputation appointed in the towne house . see the historie of anabap. of munster . who would not tremble at such a iudgement of god , to see such as lately professed the gospell of the lord , to fall into so great wickednes ? george prince of saxonie , for the gospell banished three score and ten bourgesses of the towne of lipsic , because they would not communicate in the sacrament of the supper , vnlesse it were vnder both kindes , of bread and wine . the pope clement signified the councell vnto the duke of saxonie , that it should be at plaisance , or else at boulongne , or at mantua , imperiall townes : the duke sent his embassadors towards the protestants about the last of iune : who answered by writing , that they woulde haue a councell free and wel ordeined in almaine , where the difference in religiō might be decided by newter and equall iudges , yea and that by the bookes of holy scriptures . in fauour also of the french king hee made foure french cardinalls : odes de chastillion , phillip de bologne , claude de gnyuri , and iohn the hunter . in the moneth of march the emperour of italie sailed into spaine . there was a marriage at marceille delt in , betwixt henry the king of france his sonne , a prince of the age of fifteene yeares , and katherine de mecides pope clements neece , by the king of fraunce his meanes , and the saide clements . during the emperours absence the lantgraue passed into fraunce , and in the name of vlrich prince of wirtemberge engaged and pawned vnto the king ( borrowing of him readie siluer ) the earledome of montbeliard , to the ende to restore the saide prince his cousin into his seignories and countries : vpon this condition , that if within three yeares it were not redeemed , it should remaine hereditarie vnto the kingdome of france . henry king of england , hauing put away the daughter of ferdinand king of spaine , the said henry his brothers wife , tooke anne bullen : wherevpon the pope commaunded him to take againe the said katherine . see sleidan . the pope clement by the counsell of curtius his phisitian , hauing chaunged the regiment and maner of his liuing , in his age , dyed in the ende of september of a disease of the stomacke . iohn baptist folengius in his commentarie vpon the . psalme , speaking of pope clement his death saith thus . some say that in our time clement the seuenth pope of rome , dyed of so dishonest a death as he was eaten with lice . others thinke he was but poysoned . in the moneth of nouember , at paris , were many placarts fixed vnto postes in diuers places against the masse and other articles of the popish religion : wherevpon was exercised great crueltie and horrible butchery against such as they called lutherans . paul pope , third of that name , an auncient man , was chosen the . of october , and created pope of rome , and crowned the third of nouember . he raigned . yeares , whereof we will handle hereafter . in the moneth of ianuary the king of france came to paris , ordeined there a generall procession where the idoll saint geneuiefue was carried about in great pompe : there also made hee an oration to the people against the lutherans ( as they called them ) . and for a solemne sacrifice to appease gods anger , hee caused sixe poore christians to be burned , which confessed the name of god in sundrie places of the towne . for this cause was hee ill beloued in almaine . in the moneth of aprill the emperour embarking at barcelonne went into affricke , where he tooke the towne of thunis , and the fort of golete : hee after made tributarie the king muleasse . barbarosse the turkes lieutenant , who occupied that kingdoms escaped , and assembled a certaine number of vessels in argell : and the emperour retired into sicilie . in the moneth of iuly , the king of england beheaded iohn fisher bishop of rochester , and thomas moore his chauncellor , because they would not agree to the edict and statute made for the abolishment of the popes authoritie , who challenged to be head of the english church . fisher whilest he was prisoner was chosen cardinall , which nothing amended his cause with the king , about the ende of the moneth of october , francis sforce prince of millaine , deceased without any heires . the sixt of december the protestants assembled at smalcalde . guillaume de bellay , lord de langeny embassador for the king of fraunce came thither : who the . of december excused the king for the executions hee had made of the lutherans : saying they were seditious people , and held a farre other religion then that of the protestants . moreouer if they thought good of it , hee had a great desire to send theologians and learned men into amaigne : or else if they woulde they might sende theyr learned diuines into fraunce to communicate together of certaine points of religion . the senate of auspurge receiued the doctrine of the gospell . the . of iuly the town of munster is besieged and by might taken by the count d'obersten , captaine of the armie , and by their bishop . about the end of the moneth of ianuary , iohn de leiden head of the anabaptists , coipperdolin and chrechring his companions , being tyed to postes were slaine at munster : the head alone confessing his fault and something repenting . henry king of england had by his wife anne bullen , a faire daughter called elizabeth . the emperour entred into prouence with his armie , but wanting victualls for his campe , he was constrained to retyre to gene. a great number of his souldiers dyed , and amongst others , his lieutenant anthonie de leue. francis the king of france his eldest sonne , dyed at tournon vpon rosne , of the age of . yeares . sebastian de moncucul , an italian was drawne with . horses : for giuing him poyson ( as it is said ) . perone besieged by henry count de nassau , and by adrian d'erouy , count de reux . there arose a great sedition in england against the king : for that bee had plucked downe and banished the popes authoritie . the emperour by sea returned from genes ouer into spaine . alexander de medices duke of florence , is slaine by lawrence his kinsman , promising him the enioying of a ladie his neighbour of excellent beautie . iames the fift , king of scotland , espowsed magdaline king francis his eldest daughter . the emperours armie in artois vnder the conduction of florent de bure tooke by force s. paul , besieged terouanne , but could not winne it . the eleuenth of october was borne edwarde , king henry his sonne of england , of iane semer , which he tooke to wife after anne bullen . anne de mont-mourancy is created constabled france , which is a soueraigne degree of honour , which office had bene vacant . yeares since the reuolt of charles de bourbon . the emperour and the king francis assembled nice , where the pope was to make a peace betwixt them : and although they accorded not in the principall , yet they concluded a truce betwixt them for tenne yearers . margarite the emperors bastard-daughter , after the death of the aforesaid alexander , is married vnto octauian the popes sonne in lawe . henry of england caused the relickes of s. thomas of canterburie to be taken out of his schrine , and made them publikely to be burnt . the emperour and king francis met at aignes mortes in languedoc , and entertained one an other . charles d' egmond duke de gueldres , deceased very olde , and william duke of cleues possessed his countrey as well by the dead mans will , as by the nobilitie of the countrey . castelubro a towne of illyrica , in the gulfe of ambracia , is taken from the turke by the emperour and the venetians , allied together . touching this pope paul , amongst a great number of his acts i will recite but this litle following ; that the world may know how great their sanctitie is , which the papists maintaine with an his voyce to be peters succors , and the vicars of iesus christ . this paul was an astrologian , a magician , and diuine , and amongst his most familiars , had one called denis seuila a magician , whom therefore afterward hee made a cardinall , with one named gaurice of portugall , cecius and marcell negromancians and wicked villaines : of these did hee enquire the fortune of himselfe and his bastards . he got his red hatte in this maner . hee had a sister called iulia farnese , which hee deliuered to pope alexander , that hee might be a cardinall and bishop of hostia , and to finde meanes to pay his debts . for those good popes commonly are so inflamed with whoredome , that they make no difficultie to promise redde hats and bishopprickes to such as will bring them their sisters , or else that which is more horrible , their young bretheren , to violate . many by such practises obtaine great riches , & fatte benifices . and ( as agrippa saith ) there is no shorter way then that to come therevnto . this murderer poysoned his mother and a nephewe , to this end that all the succession of the farneses , might fall vpon him . moreouer seeing the other of his sisters ( whose carnall company he had sometime had ) followed too openly the maners and conditions of them of the house of farnese , and that shee loued more the company of others , then his , hee poysoned her also . beeing a legate in marke d'ancone , in the time of iulius the second , hee most wickedly abused a maide , issued of a noble house of that towne . for hee counterfeited and disguised himselfe , feigning to bee one of the gentlemen of the legates house , so vnder the colour of a promise to marrie her , deflowred her : who after shee knew the truth what hee was , and that shee was not his legitimate wife , but his whore ( at the least by the canon lawe ) shee became almost out of her wittes . and of this marriage came that great porteenseigne and captaine of all buggerers and sodomites . peter lewis . as one nicholas de chesme found him one day adulterously abusing his wife , laurea farnese , ( who was the saide pauls neece , ) hee wounded him so well with his dagger , that hee carried the marke thereof all his life . hee slewe with poyson bosuis sforza , the husband of his daughter constance , ( whom before hee had often vsed as his whore ) to the ende hee might more at his ease , and with greater libertie enioy her . this dotard very tyrannously oppressed them of peruse , and droue from the seignorie ascanius columne , a very iust prince . this detestable robber and rouer tooke and vsurped for himselfe the towne of camer , after hee had driuen away the lady thereof : which was a woman endowed with a rare and singular religion and prudence , and did so much with his practises with cardinalls , that hee exchaunged the said citie of camer ( which was not his owne ) with the townes of parme and plaisance , to the end to make his sonne lewis , lord & maister of them . which act afterward by a iust iudgement of god was cause of the death of the said peter lewis . he often consulted with his cardinalls how hee might hinder a nationall councell in almaine : and commaunded his embassadors that they should enflame the hearts all princes against the king of england . anne de cleues , sister of william duke of cleues , is accorded in marriage to the king of england . in the moneth of maya comete appeared in the ayre , and almost the same day deceased elizabeth the emperours wife . in august castelnouo in illirica is taken againe vpon the emperor by barbarosse the great turkes lieftenant , & almost all the garrison of the spaniards slaine . the citizens of gaunt rose vp against mary , regent in the lowe contries for the emperour : for which cause it was need-full for him to haste into flaunders . he passed then through france from spaine , with great receiuing and entertainment of the king and his subiects . the emperor and the king sent their embassadors to the venetians , to ioyne with them for making warre vpon the turke : but without any thing beeing mooued with that embassage , they incontinently sent towards the turke to make peace with him . some say they were behinde counselled herevnto by the french embassador . they of gaunt are punished by the emperour : many are beheaded and otherwise punished , and after he had taken their liberties from them , he caused a strong forte to be there builded , to bridle them . the french king seeing himselfe out of hope to recouer millaine , he began to contract with the duke of cleues , cōcerning a marriage betwixt him and the princesse of nauarre . iohn de vainoda king of hungarie died , leauing a little child called stephen , borne of elizabeth , daughter of sigismond king of polonia . phillip chabot admirall of france , is condemned at melnue vpon treason , and in seuen hundreth thousand scutes as a fine , and after banished into the wood of vincenne : but a litle after hee was againe restored vnto all his goods and estates . the disputation of remsbourge , began in aprill betwixt the protestants , and them which they called catholickes . phillip melancton , bucer , pistorius , & other theologians were there on the protestants side , against eccius , iulles pffug , and iohn gropper . caesar fregosa and antonie rincon ( which the french king sent embassadors to the turke ) as they passed the pan to drawe towards venice , they were taken by the imperialists and put to death . the marquesse alphonsus daual the emperours lieftenant in lombardie , is accused of that murder by the lord de langeay . the king dispatcheth his embassadors to the iourney at reiusbourge , to complaine of that wicked act : after , hee stayed at lyons george d'austriche , bastard sonne of the emperour maximilian , archbishop valence , as he passed through fraunce from spaine vnto the emperour , who was in the lowe countries . francis , sonne of anthonie duke of lorraine , espowsed christierne , widowe , the daughter of christierne king of denmarke , which displeased the king of france . ferdinand besieged bude , a towne in hungarie , where the queene dowairie was shut vp with her litle sonne : but the turkes comming downe in great numbers in the moneth of iuly , he was glad to leaue his siege . the turkes arriuing a litle while after , tooke the towne of pest , and discomfited a great part of ferdinands people . after , whether the said dowairie would or no , he forced her to appropriate bude vnto him : vnder the colour that shee could not defend it against ferdinand . so the litle king and his mother were banished into transiluania . the emperour came to lupues to speake with the pope : and to hinder the turke of an other side , & to withdraw him from hungarie , hee embarked himselfe with his armie in the porte of de venere , and passing by the iles of corseigne , maiorque , and minorque , he made saile to argiere , where he tooke land the third of october : but there arose a great and horrible tempest of the sea , which scattered and dispearsed a great number of his sayles : so that hauing lost a good part of his artillery , and almost all his furniture of warre , he was constrained to retire into spaine . the french after they vnderstood of this losse , tooke occasion to mooue warre . the principall lords of austriche , euen to the number of . and with them , tenne cities , presented a request vnto the king ferdinand the third of december at prague : to this end , that according to the decree of the last iourney at reiusbourge , they might reforme their churches . ferdinand answered , that that that decree onely appertained vnto the protestants : therfore he commaunded them to attend the issue of a generall or nationall councell of almaine , promised by the emperour at the said reiusbourge . the beginning of the councell of the trent . paul pope , published the councell at trent the first day of nouember . edicts of extreame rigour were published at paris against such as they called lutherans : namely , to bring vnto certaine deputed theologians , all such as were any thing spotted therewith . and that all stationers and booke-binders should bring in within a certaine time all suspected bookes . priests also had set downe a certaine forme of interrogating such as came to confession , if they knew any lutherans . a generall procession on is made , and geneuiefue , the parisians goddesse , trotted through the streetes in great pompe . the french king sent the lord de longueuil to the duke of cleues , there with martin de rossem to leauie people , and to attend occasion to begin their enterprise . after in the moneth of iuly following , warre is denounced to the emperour . longueuil & rossem pilled & spoiled in brabant all the countrey : but they wanted powder and furniture for artillery . they of rochel in xantoinge mutined against the king , for a garrison placed there against the custome , and for extreame tollages . gernac is sent thither by the king . whilest the king goeth vnto parpignan , guillame poyet chauncellor of fraunce , is by iustice apprehended in the night time in his bed , and lead to prison : who foreseeing this tempest , made himselfe a priest a litle before , to shun the punishments which he knew to be due for his deserts . the papall priesthood serueth for a good cloake to couer all maner of infection . the scots about the beginning of december fought very vnluckily against the english . the cause of the warre was , because the king of scotland came to yorke as he had promised , to end a controuersie which they had together about the limits of their countries . the emperour made crowne his sonne phillip king of spaine , and gaue him in marriage marie the daughter of iohn king of pontugall . sigismond the sonne of sigismond king of pologne , tooke in marriage elizabeth , the daughter of ferdinand king of the romanes . clement marot retiring to geneua , set out in french verses , . psalmes of dauid . he had before published . at paris , wherevpon he was persecuted by the sorbonists . the emperor and henry of england , ioyned themselues to make warre vpon the french king , who tooke landrecy and fortified it . the hauen and towne of nice taken , and the castle besieged by the prince d' anguien , after that barbarossa ( conducted by the captaine poidin ) had taken land with his armie by sea at tolon . the duke of cleues chastised by the emperor , forsooke the alliance of france . the princesse of nauarre , in the way against her will with the cardinall de ballay for her conduction vnto cleues , was stopped with great ioy of the marriage broken . trouble in scotland , by such as demanded that their young queene might be accorded vnto edward sonne of king henry . the king of france did so much , that he pacified the nobilitie to drawe vnto himselfe that alliance . the vauldois , a people in prouence , are put to the spoyle for the gospell : wherefore the historie is faithfully described , and at large in the booke of martyrs which i haue set forth . at the iourney of carignan in piemont , nigh cirisolles , the emperialists vnder the conduction of alphonsus dauall , are discomfited by the prince d' anguien . the emperour taketh againe luxembourge by composition , he taketh ligni and the castle : after s. dedier , where rene prince of aurange was stricken with a bullet and died , to the great griefe of the emperour . anthonie duke of lorraine , died not so much of age , as of griefe to see the warre so nigh him , yea euen as it were in his countrey . francis his sonne succeeded him , who married the emperours neece . the king of england laid siege before bologne , and in the end tooke it by composition . the emperor being incamped vpon the riuer of marne , the count guillam de furstemberge was taken by certaine french horsmen as he sounded the watch. the emperor being at soisson made peace with the king of france , the . of september . in the moneth of march lewis palatin elector deceased , and had frederic his brother his successor . henry de brunswic , a sworne enemie of all vertue , making no account of marie the sister of vlrich prince of wittemberge his wife , but giuing himselfe to an whore , one of his wiues damzells , by whome hee had seuen children , was accused by the protestants in a full audience of estates the fift of aprill , and to the end the thing should be more secret , they caused to be made an image like to an whore , by certane apostate women ; when this was done , they caused her to bee buried with great pompe and magnificences , after they had made all the priests thereabouts say masses , vigills , and all the seruice accustomed to be done by the papists at the buriall of their dead . to this he had nothing to answere , but remained confounded . the king of france caused a fort to be built vpon the sea banke nigh bullen , to hinder the victualling of the towne , holding his armie thereabouts . charles duke of orleance , the king of france his sonne , who should haue bene sonne in lawe or in other alliance of the emperour , the ninth day of september beeing of the age of . yeares , was taken away by a malladie which held him but fewe dayes . guillam de fustemberge prisoner at paris , after he had payed . skutes for his raunsome , was set at libertie in the lowe countrie with the emperour , who honourably and amiably receiued him . the sorbonists of paris were assembled at mèlun by the kings commaundement , to determine of articles to propose at the councell . after long disputation they thought it best wholy to followe them , which they had lately caused to be disputed on at paris . the theologians at louaine , writ . articles of the same subiect that they of paris . peter bridly , minister in the church of the straungers at strasbourge , was secretly called vnto tornay by such as were there desirous of the gospell : after hee had some litle while caught there , the . of februarie he was cruelly burnt with a litle fire . see the booke of martyrs . francis duke of lorraine died leauing a sonne , a litle child . the bishop of mets his vncle , and his mother , were appointed his tutors . the daughter of ferdinand married to the sonne of the king of poland , dyeth also . this pope paul had assigned the councell of trent ( as is said ) not to remedie the euills of christianitie for the tranquilitie of consciences , or to place religion in a good seate and estate , to the honor and glory of god : but to tread vnder feet his truth , and to oppresse the ministers of his word . in which place , seeing that he did not all he would , the yeare . vnder colour that the ayre was there corrupted , he transported himself vnto boulongne , to the end by that meane hee might the better take away all libertie from christians to say their opinions , and to hinder the reformation of the church . this antichrist raised horrible and straunge warres against the seruants of god , pursuing them by fire , sword , imprisonments , and all other sorts of punishments . yea he spared not his cardinalls , namely , fulger and contarien , after they had tasted the sauour of the word of god : nor the bishop of pontus , iohn baptist : nor his brother paulus vergerius , bishop of iustinopoli . the chiefe amongst the tormentors were his nephewes , the cardinall farnese , and octaua duke of parma his brother : which beyond all measure glorying therein , the yeare of our lord iesus christ , . as they were vpon their departure frō italie into almaine to make warre vpon the protestants , they vaunted brauely and fiercely that they would make such an effusion of the lutherans bloud , that their horses should swim therin . and the meane while that good holy father paul tooke his pleasure with his daughter constance , after the old maner . they say also that that old man stinking as a goate , sollicited to whoredome an other his niece , who was a very honest maide , and no lesse laudable for her honestie and chastitie , then for her excellent beautie . this pope as baleus saith , had in his tables the number of . whores , whereof he exacted euery moneth tribute : to the end they might haue libertie to exercise their whoredome : and as saith the booke intituled eusebius captiue , they are greatly esteemed , they kisse the popes feete , they talke very familiarly with him , they frequent day and night with him : but such as trust onely in iesus christ and embrace the true doctrine , are held by the pope for heretickes , and of him are banished , set in prisons and stockes , and punished by fire , sword , and gallies . the elector palatin reformed in his countrey the doctrine and popish ceremonies , and receiued the gospell . the conference of reiusbourge is held . see sleidan . the . of ianuary the councell began at trent . alliance betwixt the pope and the emperour , concluded the . of iune , to reduce the almaines vnto the obedience of the pantople : the pope binding himselfe to deliuer . ducats into the hands of the venetians : moreouer to furnish ten thousand footemen italians , and fiue hundreth light-horsemen , waged for sixe moneths . moreouer permitting the emperour to sell of the reuenew of the monasteries of spaine , to the valew of . crownes , and to take the moitie of all ecclesiasticall liuings . in the end a peace was made betwixt the kings of france and england , vpon conditiō that bologne should remaine english , vntil the king had payed the siluer by him promised . on satterday the . of august , of this yeare , . the towne of maligues was in such sort handled with thunder and lightning , that of long time there had not bene seene the like . the thunderbolt fell vpon a tower called saderpoort , that is to say , the gate of canon powder : where there was more then . barels of gunpowder , which being on a flame augmented the tempest , and first laid on the earth that which was about it : after , it so embraced the towne , that without abundance of raine mingled with the thunder , it was thought all should haue bene consumed by fire . the next morning , which was sunday , there was found so many dead bodies stinking , that in all hast of necessitie a great ditch was made to burie them by cartfulls . of wounded , there were found more then an hundreth and fiftie . a woman great with child was found stiffled , who being opened , the childe receiued baptisme . a damzel casting her selfe out of a bed to open a windowe in the streete , called blochstranssem , the tempest so cut off her necke , that the head hung at the remaining skinne , a very sad and horrible spectacle . in a corner of a street where is the pallace bernard , a tauerner called croes , beeing discended into a seller to drawe beere for his ghuests , ( of which , one company were playing at cardes ) the house in a moment was throwne on the earth , and the gamesters ouerwhelmed wth their cardes in their hands : none of that house remained safe but the host , by meanes of the vaulted caue or seller into which he was discended . three or foure dayes after this accident , there were many found in caues and sellers which were dead of hunger , others stiffled , others lay in traunses and swounds , with feare and incredible stench of the thunder . there was a man and a woman found , that were carried away and hanged betwixt the braunches of a tree . the towne which before was adorned with exquisite buildings , was now altogether disfigured , and as it were rent in peeces . the suburbes of neckerfpful was almost all ruinated . the pallace of bergues , and that of madame margarite , and the emperours , were cleane ouerthrowne . the house of lombards ( they are they which lend siluer to vsurie ) from top to bottome was ruinated . the hosterie of the postmaister was destroyed , and the stable with the horses , were all carried away . one part of the monasterie of the augustines and of the temples and churches of the towne were broosed and broken downe : and if the storme had not broken his forces in the ouerthrowe of the house of the count d'hostrat , there had beene no likelihood that any house in the towne , or thereabouts , had remained whole . there were found many hewen stones , throwne by the tempest sixe hundreth paces off , to the great damage of the places where they fell . the glasse windowes through all the streetes were broken . the fall of tyles , and the cry of persons , was horrible and fearefull . thus the lord sometimes makes men feele his terrible and fearfull power . in iune , the emperour sent the cardinall of trent to rome , to conclude that cōfederacie with the pope , who had now deliuered siluer to the captaines of warre , for the warre in almaine . on the other side , the duke of saxe and the lantgraue , leuied people in all haste . the emperor being demanded the causes of the warre , he answered , it was onely meant against rebells culpable of treason . he sent embassadors to the swisses , praying them to remaine stil in their auncient amity . and that hee onely determined to chastice certaine mutinous people . the protestants purposed in august to besiege seiusbourge , so meaning to fight against the emperor : but as they passed leisurely , ten thousand footmē of italie came to the emperors succours the last of august , and . horsmen , whose captaine was octauius farnese , the popes sonne in lawe . the count de bure , who had leuied people in the lowe countries , passed phine in the moneth of august nigh mets , and in september ioyned himselfe to the emperour . great troupes of the popes friends of all estates ranne vnto the councell of trent : in the number of which , amongst others were two notable archbishops , the one of vspale in the countrey of the gothes , called olaus the great , and the other of armacane in ireland : they were poore archbishops which had litle but winde and smoake of archbishops , and were entertained of the pope at fifteene crownes a moneth , and therefore thought hee good they should be at this councell vnder those titles , and to take place amongst others , that the world might beleeue that there were yet found in farre countries , as gothia and ireland , people which reuerence his name , and submit themselues to his obedience . herman archbishop of colongne , by the counsell and aduice of his estates , and of his meer will , surrendred and gaue ouer his estate of a prince , and his electorship : and withall remitted vnto the people , the oath of fidelitie , wherby they were bound vnto him . adolp schauembourge is chosen in his place , who straight chaunged religion through all the countrey of colongne . at genes a sedition rose vp : the count fliscan was captaine of them , who fell into the sea and was drowned , whereby the furie of the seditious was much lessened . yet the lord ioanuin d' aure was there cut in peeces . the emperour laid the cause vpon the farneses , and amongst others , vpon peter lewis , duke of plaisance . henry king of england , dyed about the end of ianuarie , hauing instituted edward his sonne , of the age of nine yeares : and after him , he substituted mary his daughter by his first wife , and after her , elizabeth by his second wife . vnder this young king edward , the doctrine of the pope was driuen out of england , and the gospell put in the place by the authoritie of the duke of sommerset his tutor , and vncle by the mothers side , and of thomas cranmer archbishop of canterburie . the councell of trent diuided , some of the venerable fathers retired to bolongne , because a phisitian ( who was in the popes wages ) told them that the aire of trent was not wholesome . the other bishops which were vnder the emperors obedience , remained at trent . a sedition at naples of the bourgesses against the spaniards , because that peter de tolledo viceroy , sought to bring in the spanish inquisition concerning religion . the last of march , francis king of france , after hee had raigned . yeares , died at ramboillet . henry . of that name , his son , succeeded him in this yeare , and the same day he was borne , that is to say , the last of march. anne de montmourancie , now hauing bene absent from the court sixe yearers , was againe called . such as before were in honour and credit , some were laid in prison , others were deposed , or lost their credit and honour . peter martir a florentine , professor of theologie , is called from strasbourge into england , and bernardin ochinus , a man renowmed in ilalie for his eloquence . anne the onely daughter of vladislaus , the last king of hungarie and boheme , the wife of ferdinand king of the romanes , a fertile mother for children , died about this time . the . of aprill , the emperor vsing extreame diligence and subtiltie , passed the riuer of abis , and suddenly tooke the duke of saxonie : who hauing but a weake armie was discomfited : and be himselfe after he had fought all the day , wounded in the left cheeke , was taken and carried away prisoner . the seuenth of may the emperor condemned him to be beheaded : yet at the earnest intercession of the elector of brandebourge , he yeelded him his life : and in the place thereof , imposed vpon him lawes of extreame rigour : amongst others , that hee should subiect himselfe to that which the pope would ordaine vpon him , touching religion . the duke wished rather to die ; whereat the emperor maruelling , remitted that condition : but yet he tooke from him all his goods sauing . crownes which the duke maurice ( vnto whom that spoyle came ) should giue him yearely . the . of may , wittemberge yeelded it selfe by that dukes commaundement : after hee had acquited to his sonne and his subiects , the oath of fidelitie they ought him : and maurice tooke season thereof . an example of magnanimitie and constancie , more then heroicke , that is , christiā , which god giueth to his in the middest of the greatest afflictions of this world . the estates of the empire assembled at vlme . there the emperours embassadors purposed to make a league frō thenceforward to appease all troubles , if any such arise like this last : but the pestilence dissipated this conspiration against the gospell , and the estates retired to ausbourge . the lantgraue of hesse , to obey the conditions of peace proposed vnto him , came vnto the emperour at hale : and after supper as he would haue departed , he was stayed . he complained that hee was betrayed , and promises not performed vnto him . the emperour before the estates at ausbourge , declared the cause wherefore he set him not at libertie to be this : that hee exhibited not the letters and secrets of the league of smalcalde . and taketh witnesse vnto maurice and brandebourge , that he neuer meant him lesse then a perpetuall prisoner . the doctrine of the papists dispenseth herein ; namly , that vnto heretickes men should keepe no faith . peter lewis , the popes sonne , was shine at plaisance in his castle , by a band of . which had cōspired against him . they hanged his body in a chaine , on the toppe of the castle walls , a thing much pleasing the people . he was slaine the . of september , on the same day wherevpon his father pope paul being cunning in negromancie , had warned him to take heed . the end of tyrants are miserable and horrible , and should put vs in mind of gods iudgement . certaine time after he had beene cast into the graues , the plaisantines themselues massacred him with the stabs of daggers . after , dom ferdinand de gonsague strengthned the towne with a garrison . the masse was abolished in england by a decree & iudgement of the publike councell of all the realme . the venetians after the emperours fashion , made a very rigorous edict against such as are called lutherans . one called francis spiera , of the citadelle ( a towne of the territories of venice ) for that in the said venice before iohn cuse , the popes legate , he had renounced the truth of the gospell which hee knew , fell into dispaire : and of a vehement and great apprehension thereof , got a great malladie and sicknesse , wherein hee could no way be comforted : and whatsoeuer any alleadged of gods promises of his mercie , he would still answere that they nothing appertained vnto him , because he said , hee had sinned against the holy ghost . and in that dispaire finished he pitiously his dayes . this is a great good example , worthy to be earnestly thought on . maximilian the eldest sonne of ferdinand , from trent arriued in spaine , and in great magnificence espowsed mary the emperours eldest daughter , his cousin-germaine . iane the onely daughter of the king of nauarre , who before was promised vnto the duke of cleues , was giuen in marriage vnto the duke of vendosme . the emperour giueth charge to certaine traytors of the truth , namely , iulles pflug , michael sidonius , and iohn islebe agricula , with a secretarie of grauiele , to build a booke of religion , and called it interim . this booke shooke almaine more then all the grieuous persecutions that had bin before . it was called the emperours booke . ellenor the dead king francis widowe , left france and retired into her brothers lowe countries . the bourdelois in guienne mutined against the king because of a subsidie or taxation , and slew the kings lieftenant there , whereof they were by the constable chastised . he constrained themselues to make the fire , and to burne all their priuiledges . he caused a great number of the chiefe of the towne to be put to death . they were constrained to follow the funeralls of the said lieftenant slaine , in the habit of criminalls , carrying torches in their hands , and demaunding mercie . ambrose blaurer , minister of constance , and with him a great number of the bourgesses , left the towne because of religion . the princes and townes of almain are sollicited and forced by the emperour to giue answere vnto the approbation of his booke . the emperor also caused to be set out a forme of ecclesiasticall reformation for an outward shew , which after they had heard recited , they approoued and promised to cause them to be obserued in their churches , with the popes good pleasure . the duke of wirtemberge at the alone commandement of the emperour , straightway caused the booke to be read vnto the people , forbidding them to do any thing to the contrary . the duke of saxonie being prisoner , was much sollicited to receiue the emperours booke of reformation , but he still remained constant without bowing or yeelding either by threatnings or promises , which was cause that his gardes began to handle him more roughly and rudely . the preacher , which he alwaies till then had with him , fearing danger , found meanes to escape . a great diuersitie of courage betwixt the two dukes . the duke maurice returning into his countrey , proposed the emperours decree , & caused the diuines of leipsic and of wirtemberge , to assemble and determine therevpon . which after they had two or three times assembled , they ordained of things indifferent , commonly called adiaphores . in the end they set out in writing at leipsic , a forme of religion , which all duke maurice subiects should follow . the bishop of strasbourge , summoned the ministers and regents of the schoole which held the colledge of s. thomas , to receiue the emperours decree . bucer and phagius with the senates leaue , departed the first day of april , to goe into england , whither they were called by thomas cranmer archbishop of canterbury . thus the lord prouideth for his : after he hath taken his truth from one place , he sendeth them into an other , to doe his worke there . the king of fesse in affricke , being chased by a certaine zepziphe king his neighbour , who from low estate was growne vnto that greatnesse , implored helpe of the emperour at auspourge . whilst religion was thus troubled in almaine , the pope thought it good to make his profit thereof . therefore he sent their legates into almaine with an indult : by which power was giuen vnto them , to receiue all such as they would into the bosome of the church : and to permit by the popes authoritie to communicate the supper of the lord vnder both kinds , and to eate all kinde of meates at all times . the ministers of the lantgraues country refused the indult . phillip of austrich made his entry into bruxelles where his father was , and is receiued in great magnificence and pompe , the first day of aprill . they of magdebourge opposed themselues with might and maine against them of wirtemberge and leipsic , and taxed and reprooued them greatly , for that concerning indifferent things , they had made a way and entry for the popes doctrine . the . of iune the queene of france was crowned at saint dennis . in the said moneth of iune , henry king of france made his entry into paris , commaunded a generall procession , and dedicated it with the blood of certaine poore christians , which hee made to be burned for religion . see the booke of martyrs . le sieur de veruin , for yeelding bullen to the english men , was beheaded at paris , and le sieur de biex his father in lawe , was condemned to perpetuall prison . the cantons of basil & schaffuse in swissia , made alliance with the king of france , whereof euery one greatly maruelled , because he persecuted their religion with fire and blood : zurie and berne refused that alliance . sedition in england , partly for the chaunge of religion , and partly for common grounds occupied by gentlemen for their priuate vse : there was great bloodshead : in the meane time the king of fraunce tooke certaine holdes about bologne , whereby he put the english in great distresse . the fault of all this was laid vpon the duke of somerset , and therefore he was imprisoned at london . this pope paul of the age of . yeares , dyed the . of nouember . on all sides cardinalls ranne to rome to elect a new pope . iulius the third of that name borne at aretio , called before iohn maria de monte , who was president in the councell of trent and bolongne , was chosen pope the . of february , after that the cardinalls , which were in great number had long time debated in the cōclaue . some say that this pope promised by oath vnto the ferneses to leaue parme to octauius bernese . whilest the cardinalls were in the conclaue to chuse the pope iulius , certaine letters came into the handes of some of them , which were written the . of ianuary by an houshold seruant of the cardinall of mantoue , called cornelius oliue , to a friend of his called hanniball contin : and with them certaine verses made in the vulgar italian language , wherein speaking of his good affection towards him , & the desire he had to see him , he vseth so infamous and dishonest words , that hardly can any recite them without shame & blushing . hereof came the taunt of such as said it signified that some infamous & dishonest pope should come out of that conclaue , from whence such proceeded . they which read these letters saide as well in italie as in almaine , they neuer read any more villanous & detestable . hereby ( reader ) maist thou iudge what the spirit is , which the papists vaunt so much to haue in their masses & in the election of their popes . the . of frebury , iulius is crowned pope by the cardinall cibo , two daies after he had opened the gilded gate with a golden key : and celebrated the yeare of iubile , which his predecessor paul the third had so much desire to see . and because of an auncient custome , the new pope might giue his red hat to whom he thought good , he made cardinall a young boy called innocent , whom he had sometimes abused whē he was legate at bologne , notwithstanding the other cardinalls approoued it not , yea resisted it . moreouer hee receiued him into his house , & into the number of his domestickes and familiars . a brute went through the towne of rome , yea it was divulged by certaine diffamitorie libells , that ganymedes was entertained by iupiter , although he was not faire . this pope himselfe dissembled it not : but customably in a maner of pastime , would account his follies therein . paulus vergerius hath left in writing this historie . pope iulius ( saith hee ) determined to make a young youth called innocent a cardinal , who not only came frō a father and mother of base condition : but that was of a most wicked and dishonest conuersation . wherfore as on a certain day he had made this motiō in the presence of the cardinalls , & that there was no man which resisted it not : but that more is , as certaine cardinalls said freely . i pray you what finde you in this young man who deserueth that we should doo him that honour ? iulius answered . and i pray you what found you in mee to doo mee that honour , as to make mee pope without any desert ? aduance this young man , and hee will merit it . the masse which had bin banished strasbourge the space of . yeares , was set vp againe in three churches the first of february . a great number of children ran thither to see so straunge and new a thing . the priests were affraied at it , and complained vnto the emperour . the emperor and the king of france , one after the other , made publish each in their countries very cruel edicts against the lutherans , as they called them . about the ende of may , the emperour with phillip his sonne , departed from bruxelles , to come to the iourney at auspourge , and brought with them the duke of baxe captiue , leauing the lantgraue in prison at malignes . in the time of this pope , was iohn de case a florentine , archbishop of beneuent , and legate of the seate in the territorie of venice . this man who made so magnificall a profession of popish singlenesse , was not ashamed to make a booke in italian rime , wherein he praiseth and exalteth that horrible and detestable sinne of sodomitry , yea euen to name it a diuine worke : and affirmeth that he tooke great pleasure therein , and that he knew no other kind of palidiarzing or whoredome . the booke was imprinted at venice , by one traian naun . behold notable archbishops of the papall seate : with such iudges doo the pope and his maister the diuel serue themselues in their consistories , to condemne as heretikes such as teach and write the truth with puritie . in a catalogue of bookes prohibited which he made whilest he was legate , he comprehendeth no other therein , but such as make profession of the pure euangelike doctrine . francis spiera as is abouesaid , fearing the tyrannie of tormentors , renied the veritie of iesus christ , and dyed in extreame dispaire . sleidan also makes mention of the sodomitike booke aboue spoken of . it would be here too long to rehearse the gests and deeds of iulius the third , concerning the iubile which was in his time : the councell of trent , the confirmation of that idol de laureto : the debate which he had with the bishop of aremin his steward for a peacock , and many such like things . amongst other viands hee greatly delighted to eate the flesh of swine & peacocks . but his phisitian had aduertised him that hee should take heed that he eate no swines flesh , because it was contrary vnto the gowt , wherewith hee was often tormented , but yet hee would not abstaine therefrom . the phisitian secretly aduertised the clarke of his kitchin that no porke flesh should be serued . as then there was none serued , the pope perceiuing it , demaunded of his steward where his dish of porke was : who answered that his phisitian appointed that none should be serued . then cryed he in this manner : bring me my porke flesh , al di spetto di dio , that is to say , in despight of god. this now is a common ieast , and ordinarie amongst rakehells and rascalls , ruffians and bawdes , through italie , as also many other speeches as infamous and dishonest . blasphemies vsed in italie , authorised by the popes word . hauing one day seene a peacocke at his dinner which he had not touched , keepe said he , this cold peacocke for my supper , & spread the table in the garden , for i will then haue company . as then he sat supper , he saw other hot peacockes serued vpon the table , and not seeing his colde peacocke which hee commaunded to be kept , being exceedingly vexed , he disgorged an execrable blasphemie against god. at which , certaine cardinals that sate with him at the table , said . let not your holines be so chollericke for so small a matter . wherevnto iulius answered . if god would bee so angry for an apple , as to cast our first father adam out of paradice ; wherefore should it not bee lawfull for mee that am his vicar , to be angry for a peacocke , seeing a peacocke is of much more valewe then an apple ? as hee was about to create cardinall peter betan bishop of fano , of the order of the iacobins , certaine of the cardinalls resisted him , and amongst other things , alleadged that he was infected with the heresie of the lutherans . vnto whom iulius answered : although it be so , should it not be wisely done by putting a redde hat on his head to purge him of that euill , and so retaine him one of ours with such a bond , then to suffer him to flie from vs and ioyne with our enemies that we haue in almaine , as vergerius did ? the . of september , affrike a towne of affrike , was taken by the emperours armie , vnder the conduction of the viceroy of sicilie . dracut lord of the towne , withdrew towards the turke his maister , and the warre began againe more sharpe betwixt the emperour and the turke . a sedition in ausbourge , because of certain spaniards which in the moneth of august made mockes in the church , at the sermon . a woman also of the said towne mocked a priest which in his surplice , walked through the towne with his hoste . the emperour had put the said woman to death , had it not bene that mary the gouernour of the lowe country , entreated for her and saued her . maurice and albert his cosin the elector of brandebourg , and henry of brunswic , tooke armes against them of magdebourge . nicholas pernot , sieur de granuelle , dyed at ausbourg , about the end of august , to the emperours great griefe . anthony pernot his sonne , bishop of arras , succeeded in his estate . about the beginning of nouember virich prince of wittemberge deceased from this world , and his sonne christopher was his successour . stephen bishop of winchester was dispossessed of his bishopprick in england , and put in prison , because he would not submit himselfe vnto the kings edicts and lawes touching religion . the last of february , bucer dyed at canterbury , and was very honourably buried , with a great number of epitaphes , made by learned men lamenting his death . the councell of trent was deferred by the pope from the first of may vntill the first of september . in saxonie diuers prodigious things were seene , as three sunnes , and three moones , now pale and bleake , or blew , now red as blood . the king of france caused to be published a very cruell edict against the lutherans , confirming , yea passing all his former edicts , and left nothing behinde that appertained to extreame crueltie . on all sides the papists assembled at trent on the councell day : likewise from almaine resorted the electors ecclesiasticall . the cardinall of cressentia was president in the popes place . the emperour and the king ferdinand sent thither also their embassadors . but the king of france by his embassadour disavowed the councell for generall : reputing it but a particular congregation to the profit of some . his protestation was held for none , without vouchsafing to record it . le sieur , d' brisac , tooke in piedmont and about turin , a certaine number of townes , and amongst others , cheri , and saint damian . the turks army after hauing assayed the fort of malta , and rushed vpon tripoly in affrické and tooke it . the emperour accused the king of fraunce to bee the authour of this losse . an edict published by the king of paris , whereby it was forbidden to transport any siluer out of the kingdome to rome , because of the warre betwixt the king and the pope . there came a writing from the emperors court , whereby was declared the cause and originall of the warre of parma , and wherefore hee receiued plaisance into his protection . the fact of duke octauius is condemned and detested . the french to the contrary , shewe also by writing the daunger wherein octauius was at parma , the iust cause that the king had to succour it , and that wrongfully the emperour had taken the towne of plaisance . the duke of somerset is againe imprisoned in october , by the meanes of the duke of northumberland : vnto whome came the gouernment of the realme after him . the eleuenth session of the councell of trent was in october : where was confirmed the locall presence , transubstantiation , and all that euer was inuented for the deification of that faire morsell of bread . george de martinuse , of dalmatia , commonly called the monke , a man of great authoritie in hungarie , was made cardinal , who was after slaine the . of december in his own house by certaine italians , vnder colour that he dealt with the turke suspitiously : although before he had so wrought with the wife of the deceased vaiuoda , that she gaue ouer the gouernment of transiluania to the king ferdinand . in nouember the duke maurice agreed altogether with them of magdebourge . the ende of her euils and calamities , was the entry of a great warre , yea of all ill luck vnto the emperour . for maurice hauing practised with kings and princes straungers , determined with himselfe by force to deliuer the lantgraue his father in lawe : which notwithstanding hee deferred a certaine time , because first he thought it good to prooue all by loue . the duke of somerset the vncle of king edward , was beheaded at london : at the instance of the duke of northumberland . maurice by a writing dedicated vnto the states of the empire , greatly complaineth of the discord of religion amongst them . item of the captiuitie of lantgraue , a prisoner by treason , to the great dishonour of the emperour . albert of brandebourge , complaineth also of the miserable seruitude of almaine : and hauing expressed the causes thereof , he declareth that he and his companions do iudge the ecclesiasticall people to be the chiefe authours of all the abouesaid euils : and maurice and albert allyed and ioyned themselues together at rotebourge . ausbourge besieged by them , is taken . the fathers of the councel at trent being at discord , the imperialists against the romanists : after they vnderstood that the princes marched right to the alpes to gaine the straights , incontinently left all and tooke them to their feete . take counsell and it shall be dissipated : speake the word and it shall not be established saith the lord. esay . . martin de rossem conductor of the emperours armie in the lowe countries , pilleth and burneth picardie & campagne , and tooke astenay . the king henry of france published in writing the causes of the said voyage , and of the warre that he enterprised in almaine : namely to withdraw the princes out of prison , to bridle the emperours ambition , and to remit that countrey into his first libertie . he sendeth to them of mets in lorraine , to prouide victualls for his armie , which if they did , he promised them fauour & amitie : but after he had takē toul & verdun , townes of the empire , hee drew right into lorraine , and the third of may came to sauernes , strasbourge sent him victualls . the prince of salerne , about some dissention betweene him and the viceroy of naples , withdrewe himselfe from the emperours seruice , and turned directly vnto the king of france . king henry his armie entred lorraine , they conducted into france the prince of the country . the of aprill the constable entred metz , vnder the colour of amitie , and so laid hold of the towne . the king arriued there certaine time after , and constrained that people to take of him an oath . the king comming againe into france in may , burnt the country of luxembourge , tooke againe astenay , got also iouy and danuil●iers . the sennois chased away the garrison of the spaniards , and by the helpe of the king of france , destroyed the castle which the emperour built there , and set themselues at libertie . metz besieged by the emperour the . of october . albert not agreeing with the king of france for his estate , nor for his companies pay , turned on the emperours side . the duke d' aumaile beeing come into lorraine with a great company of people , assayling the marquesse albert , was vanquished , wounded , and taken prisoner , by the said marquesse . in december the emperor was constrained by euill weather to remoue his campe from metz , and to withdraw himselfe into the lowe country , where the third part of his armie dyed . in this time the great turke sultan solyman committed a cruell act on the person of soltan mustapha his eldest sonne , which he had of a slaue : this man hauing bene sent with his mother from his first youth into the prouince of amasia , which had bene giuen him , was so well and carefully nourished , that he acquired and got with his yeares great estimation , not only in the said countrey , but through all other his fathers regions . this his mother beeing absent , solyman called to him an other slaue named roze , which was endowed with admirable beautie , accompanied with all delicacies and entisements possibly to be in a woman . he had of her foure other sonnes , mahomet , baiazeth , solim , grangier with the wenne , and one daughter which was married vnto bassa rostan . the said roze could so well play her part with soliman , that hee was exceedingly rauished with her that with helpe of muchly , that is the high priest of mahomets lawe , and vnder shadowe of religion , shee was not onely made of free condition , but the legitimate and espowsed wife of soliman , vnto which no other euer came . beeing lifted vp into such honour , and seeing herselfe entierly beloued and fauoured , shee had no greater care then to drawe the empire vnto one of her children after their fathers decease . for shee knowing that the singular vertues of mustapha were so contrary vnto her , and that as long as hee liued shee should neuer haue rest ( for that hee had obtained the loue of the people of warre , and that all mens eyes were vppon him , for the great hope they had of his excellent courage and singular dexteritie ) therefore sought shee to make him odious vnto soliman . wherevnto her sonne in lawe greatly aided her , because he gouerned all affaires . her reason was , that mustapha trusted so much in the loue and fauour which he had obtained of all men , by a great liberalitie , hardinesse and valiancie , that he burnt with such lust and desire to raigne : that euery one feared that in affecting the empire , hee would aduance the dayes of soliman : as selim had before done to his father . therefore shee incited soliman , and besought him with teares and lamentations , to take order and prouide for his safetie . and although that from the beginning she had profited little , and that mustapha had discouered her impoisonments and ambushes which she laid for him ordinarily : yet left she not to continue it , with the helpe of a iew , a renowmed enchantresse : who hauing giuen her certaine drugges , shee caused the loue of soliman towards roze to redouble : insomuch that she assured her selfe to end her purposes , though it were long first . finally , after many practises , she found meanes to suborne mustapha his gouernor , and caused him to write ( though falsly ) vnto soliman , that his said sonne would marry the daughter of the king of persia . this old man stirred , yea tyred with the continuall complaints of roze and rostan , easily beleeued these newes and aduertisements . wherfore in the yeare . after hee had spred a brute & fame of the dissent and comming downe of the persians into siria , he sent thither rostan with a puissant armie , for ( vnder the shadow to goe meet his enemies ) to seaze vpon mustapha , and to bring him prisoner to constantinople : with expresse commaundement to sley him if hee could not take him otherwise . but mustapha who was aduertised of all , and knewe also that the persians were not at all in the fielde , met him with seuen thousand of his most experienced souldiers , which made rostan returne without dooing any thing . soliman being more angred , the yeare following made such an other brute of the persians , and hauing leuied a great army as if he would haue gone against thē , beeing arriued in siria , he sent to his son , to will him come to his camp. mustapha , knowing certainly that it was he alone they would haue , although he was praied and sollicited to withdrawe some other where , and to shunne the furie of his father : yet hee trusting in his innocencie , and thinking it a thing more commendable and worthie of his greatnesse , to dye in obeying his father , then liuing to incurre the note of infamie and treason , yea though hee might haue had the empire of the whole worlde : thinking also that without hauing made any refusall , by his presence hee might haue appeased his fathers wrath , he aduentured to goe thither to him : and beeing arriued in solimans campe , hee was suddenly taken and strangled in his presence . and at the same instant , the head of bassa of the prouince of amasia , was taken from his bodie . this crueltie assoone as it came to the eares of grangier , one of the foure brethren , hee manfully reiected the gift and spoyle that his father gaue him , and greatly lamented the death of his brother ; saying . a cruell traytor , i say not father . take to thy selfe now the treasures , the tapistries , and the prouince of mustapha , and gouerne it at thy pleasure . is it possible i should fall into thy spirit infamous man , without all humanitie , against all right to put to death so valiant a person , as neuer was nor shal be the like in the house of ottomās . ha , ha , i will take good order that thou shalt not impudenly vaunt & glory that thou hast done the like to me . and straight drew his dagger and strooke it so farre into his owne bodie , that he fell downe dead vpon the earth . which so soone as his father knew , he made a maruellous mourning , and yet left not to seize vpon all his goods , which caused a tumult in the campe of mustapha : but it was nothing in regard of that they did after they knew of his death . in such sort that solyman to the great danger of his life was constrained to chase away rostan , and to dispoile him of all his honours and dignities . this death came wel for the christians : whose great enemy mustapha was , who tooke great delight in sheading their blood . it brought also such great displeasure vnto the turkes , that therevpon followed amongst them this prouerbe . gietti soltan mustaphat . that is , all we thought on is ended in musthapha . for they thought that he would haue enlarged their empire , which they looked for at no other hand . the french tooke verceil in the countrey of turin , but seeing they could not keepe it , they spoyled , pilled it , and retyred . edward king of england , being in his mortall bed in the moneth of may , northumberland caused one of his sonnes to espowse iane suffolke , the kings cousin . this king of the age of . yeares , dyed the . of iuly , to the great damage of christian religion . so soone as mary was peacibly queene of englande , at her arriuall at london , she caused to be tooke out of prison the duke of norfolke , and the bishop of winchester , a pernicious man , and made him chauncellor . the emperours hoast after it had raced terouane , marched into artois , and there in the moneth of iuly forced hesden , which the king of france had a litle before taken . there was slaine horace fernese , the husband of the kings bastard daughter , and a great number of gentlemen prisoners . a battaile in saxonie vppon the riuer of visurge , betwixt the duke maurice and the marquesse albert : wherein albert was vanquished , and maurice victorious , strooken with a bullet , whereof he dyed two dayes after . a deare victorie bought with death . michael seruet de ville-neuisue , a spaniard , a pernicious hereticke , hauing of long time written execrable things against the trinitie , & proudly maintained them at geneua : after long detention & the participation of the councell of the churches and faithfull common-wealths of suecia , finally in the ende of october was condemned by the lordes of the said towne to be burned aliue . the hardnesse of his heart was such that being vpon the wood hee would neuer confesse iesus christ the eternall sonne of god : but only the sonne of dauid , and the sonne of the eternall god. in england by the decree of all the bishops of the kingdome then assembled , the edicts and statutes of the deceased king edward concerning religion , were defaced and made voide , and the popish doctrine approued and allowed . albert agreed with augustus , the brother of maurice , by meanes of the king of denmarke , and of the elector of brandebourge . iane suffolke queene of england , as is said by king edwards testament , and the three sonnes of the duke of northumberland , were declared culpaple and condemned of treason . iohn alasco , a polonian gentleman , with a great number of the french and flemish churches , flying from england , did wander and stray a certaine space of time into denmarke and saxonie , seeking a place to dwel in : but they were euery where refused , not only of a place of habitation , but also they were commaunded to get them out , yea in winter time , not suffering them to remaine in their hauens . the cause of this inhumanitie and inhospitalitie was their difference for the doctrine of the supper of the lorde : whereof we haue before touched . finally , a place was allowed them in east friseland , in the towne emden , where a church was open for them , and granted by the countesse of the said emden , a true christian princes . ferdinand being at vienna reiected the supplication of the estates of his countrey , which demaunded to permit the administration of the supper of iesus christ whole vnder both kindes . iohn fredericke duke of saxonie , after his deliuerance from captiuitie , agreed with the duke augustus , and he acquited to him and his heire males the electorship , the country of misne , and the townes where the mines be , yet he held vnto himselfe the name and armes of the elector . the . of february , sibille of cleues , wife of the said iohn frederic , dyed at vinaine . eleuen dayes after the said frederic also deceased happily in his country , amongst his children and other friends , and the same day that he dyed was borne vnto the elector augustus , a sonne named alexander . thomas wiat an englishman , conspired and rose vp against the queene of england : because of the straunge marriage she enterprised with phillip the emperours sonne . on an other part of the kingdome , henry of suffolke gathered people against her : the one and the other were declared enemies of the commonwealth , taken , and at diuers times beheaded . the . of february iane suffolke , king edwards cousin germaine & instituted heire of the kingdome , by his testament was with her husband beheaded . after them was made a great butchery of heads at london and westminster , where the queene then was : elizabeth also her sister was imprisoned , vpon her suspition . sienna was besieged by the pope and the duke of florence . peter stosze which defended it , made a sallie vpon them , and ouercame a great number of their people . charles duke of sauoy spoyled of the greatest & best part of his countrey , dyed , leauing emanuell philebert his sonne heire . king henry about the end of iune tooke bouuines , dinan , marienbourge , bius , and wasted all the country : besieged renty vpon the marches of artois : but the emperour comming and skirmishing together , the king departed in the moneth of august , remouing his siege from thence . the kings armie in tuscane which strosze conducted , was surprised by the imperialists , and for the most part ouerthrowne . phillip the emperours sonne arruied the . of iuly in england , the . following , the marriage was made betweene him and the queene at winchester . the marquis albert chased from his country , withdrew into lorraine , and after to the king of france . the emperour caused a fort to be builded nigh the place where hesden was . cardinall poole in a full assembly of all the estates of the kingdome of england , commenced the . of nouember , was restored into his dignities , goods and honours , of which he was depriued by king henry the eight . the historie of the reuoult of england . to the ende the lord may be knowne in his iudgements which daily happen , and that he which is to day aloft may take heed hee fall not , let vs harken vnto that infamous revoult of england , and see how they returne to their first vomite . the wednesday the . of nouember of this yeare , the parliament of england was assembled : and in the presence of king phillip and queene marie , the cardinall poole expounpounded his legation , and exhorted them to the holy seate of the pope : shewing them how greatly bound they were to god who now enlarged vpon them his diuine grace , prouiding for them such princes as they had . after he declared vnto them how the holy father the pope vsed towards them his benignitie and clemency by him his legate , greatly thanking them that they had receiued him and placed him in his country and nobilitie , whereof he had bene long depriued : and that therefore he held himselfe more bound to procure , they might be restored into the ecclesiasticall court , as his desire was . this vile apostate of the truth , calleth that stinking court of rome , the celestiall court. after he had thus spoken be withdrew himselfe , to the end to giue respet vnto the lords of the parliamēt to resolue thervpon what to doo . the chauncellour of england straight tooke the cardinalls wordes : and shewed how they had cause to thanke god , who had raised them vp such a prophet out of their owne seed to procure their saluation , as the reuerend legate did . insomuch that all with a common accord concluded to cōsent vnto the vnion & obedience of the romane church . the thursday following they ordained to agree vnto that which the cardinall had saide : so that vpon a common accord they presented a supplication : wherein they prayed the king and queenes maiesties as heads of the kingdome , that they would pray the popes legate that they might haue absolute remission of their sinnes and errours : promising to make voide all such lawes , as they had before established against the authoritie of the romane seate : whervnto they would sweare neuer to contradict . the king sent the said supplication to the legate , and the day after assembled the parlament in the place where the king and the queene , with the cardinall legate were set . and the chancelor rose vp , & with great reuerence & an high voice vttered the resolutiō made by the lords of the parliament , praying in the name of all , that they wold accept the supplicatō written in latin tongue , shut & sealed by the said chancellor . the supplication being opened by the legate , was deliuered vnto the chancellor to publish : hee red it with an high voice : and that done , demaunded of all them of the parlament if their wills were according to the tenor thereof : and they all answered yea . vpon this the king & queene rose vp and presented the said supplicatiō to the legate , who red it : then presented he the bulles of his legation , which were red also , to make appeare vnto them the authoritie hee had from the holie father to absolute them . that is to say , to plunge them into the deepe pit of hell . that done ( the reuerend ) made them an oration in their own language : shewing penance which pleased god , and that the angell of paradice reioyce more at a sinner repenting his sinnes , then of ninetie nine iust persons , and vpon that brought for his examples , cōtrarily drawne to furnish out his impudencie , falsly abusing the word of god. after he had ended he rose vp , and the king and queene fell vpon their knees before him , calling vpon god and the holy saints , that hee would pardon the penitent people of england , the authoritie of whose person he representeth . then the legate pronounced a generall absolution : which done , they all departed , with the king , the queene , and the legate , towards their chappell , where was sung ( te deum ) and after the saide legate had made his triumphant entries , hee yeelded all power and authoritie to the bishops , the first sunday of aduent , ( as they call it ) on which day , the bishoppe of winchester , ( an other apostate of the truth ) made a sermon after a solemne masse , taking for his theame ( nunc tēpus adest de somne surgere ) that is ; it is now time to awake . as if before in the time of the gospell , vnder the raigne of king edward of england , they had still slept . but that awaking shall be deare sold vnto all such organes and instruments of sathan , which haue caused so many murders and bloudshead of gods children since that time in the realme of england . see the booke of martyrs . a more horrible vengeance of god cannot come to a countrey , then when god withdrawes his light therefrom . ferdinand sent out of their countrey , . ministers of the faithfull , in the kingdome of boheme . touching the true martyrs of the lord , executed this yeare in england vnder the tyranous raigne of queene mary , and the disputations held betwixt the popish doctors , and them of the true religion . see the fourth part of the bookes of martyrs . a iourney of the empire was held at ausbourge , and although fewe princes came thither , ferdinand made a long oration the fift of februarie , of two principall poynts . the first of religion , by reason whereof he said , all the disorder and destruction of almaine happened , and that it might be remedied by disputations and communications of theologians , as once had beene begun . the second was to helpe and succour the afflicted estate of the warre past , and punish such as made the troubles . melancton and other learned people by their letters comforted the ministers of the churches of boheme , which were dispersed ouer misnia . casal , a towne nigh vnto po , was taken by the french , vnder the conduct of brisac , the . of march. marcel , second of that name , a tuscan by nation , called before marcel ceruin , succeeded , and was borne in a place called the monte pelicien , in the territories of florence : of a cardinall of the title of the holy crosse in ierusalem , was created pope , by the common consent of all the cardinalls which were in the conclaue , the . day of aprill , . the day following , he receiued the pontificall ornaments in the church of laterane , but he would not change the name that he receiued at his baptisme . being come vnto the papacie , he was an enemie vnto the gospell , as before he was pope , you may see he was euer . in his youth he had some litle profited in humane letters , and so kept the schooles . afterward , as paul the third had created cardinall alexander farnesius , the sonne of peter lewis his bastard sonne , hee gaue his , this marcel for a schoolemaister . certaine time after , the cardinall alexander leauing there the studie of letters , applyed himself altogether to handle the affaires : wherein as well he , as also paul his grandfather , serued themselues with marcel , who was their secretary . the bishoppricke of nichastre being vacant , hee was made bishop of that church : yet he alwaies liued in the court of rome , and neuer went to his church . pope paul sent for legate the aforesaid cardinall farnese , towards the emperour and his brother the king ferdinand , who were then in flaunders . but because he was yet young , he gaue him marcel for his conduction and gouernor in all the affaires of his legation . amongst all other things , there was a question for setting out an army against the turke ; which the emperor and his brother required very instantly . but marcel ceruin pulished a writing ( which is yet to be seene ) wherein he saith it is much better to make war vpon the lutherans , & that they are much worse thē the turkes . the pope paul made him cardinal being absent , & a while after caused him to come againe into the towne , and vsed his counsell in all things of great importance . he gaue him the tytle of the holy crosse of ierusalem , and created him generall inquisitor against all heretikes , therein making him a companion vnto cardinall theatin and cardinall de bourgues : which were the rudest and cruellest that euer were . when a legation was to be sent vnto the councell of trent , the pope paul made him legate , with the cardinalls pol and de monte. hee created cardinall de monte chiefe legate of the councel , because he had knowledge in the ciuil lawe . pol or poole , the second , as he that seemed to desire that the church might be reformed ( although it after appeared that he neuer stirred it in earnest ) and ceruin for the third , as hee in whom the pope had most trust . and therefore the pope had giuen him expresse charge that he shuld suffer nothing to be done in the councell which tended to the detriment of the romane seat . but that he should driue out all such as enterprised any such like thing . therfore as one in the said councel called iames nachiantes , bishop of a place called fossa clodia , said that he could not allow the decree , where it was written that traditions ought to be receiued and obserued with like reuerence as the gospell : ceruin caused him to be throwne out of the councell . as also a certaine iacobin called guillam de venice , said that the councell of constance was aboue the pope , ceruin calling him , reprehended him sharply . and after that the monke had answered that the thing it selfe yeelded witnesse thereof , because that councell deposed the pope , therefore it was aboue him ; it is not so said ceruin , but that more is , the pope gaue place willingly : the which i can well prooue by a bull sealed with leade : and straight commaunded this man to goe out of the councell . about this time peter paul vergerius , was come from mantua to trent , who had many times beene an embassador in almaine for the popes affaires : but because men held him suspected in some things to accord with the almaines : although the two other legates , namely , pol and de monte , liked well to consent that he should be one at the councel . also the cardinall paciccus and the cardinall of trent ; yet ceruin neuer ceased till he saw him deiected . many bishops vnderstanding this of vergerius , determined to haue written vnto the pope , to admonish him not to suffer this : because then many would say that that councel was not free , from which bishops were put backe . hierome vida de cremona , bishop of alba , & an excellēt poet , had alreadie indighted letters , as well in his owne name as others . which being come vnto the knowledge of marcel ceruin , hee very seuerely aduertised vida , wholy to abstaine from sending letters vnto the pope : for it was a thing of euill example , that bishops assembled at a councel , should write such letters vnto the pope , as though they would impose a lawe vpon him . which hee said was so great a fault , as a man had need take heed , he fall not into any suspition thereof . vida being vanquished by his teasons , changed his purpose of sending letters vnto the pope . vergerius being then willing to withdrawe himselfe from the councell , came towards ceruin , and demaunded of him what the articles were for which he was deiected from the councell and company of other bishops . ceruin answered , because i vnderstand thou deniest that the legends of s. george and of christopher are true . is it true said vergerius ? i haue , and doo yet denie it : and my opinion is founded vpon pope paul the third . for he hath cōmanded that both those legends should be taken out of the breuiarie : and in the preface at the beginning of the booke , he saith that he hath commaunded that all such should be taken out , which were not true . ceruin seeing himselfe surprised , could answere nothing ; but that men ought not to hold such for good men , as in any maner whatsoeuer , seemed to agree with the lutherans , and therefore wee withdrawe thee from our councell . i thought it good to recite this , to the ende it might bee knowne , that there are alwaies some euill affected towards the true doctrine , ignorant of holy letters , and stubborne to maintaine and defend all superstitions . yet as he was a man of singular modestie , and of a life and conuersation reasonable honest , & likewise endowed with good prudence , so was he in great estimation : in so much that it was verily looked for at his hands , that if euer hee came vnto the popedome , he would correct many things in the romane court ; and before all things , that he would shunne all dissolutions and superfluities : but it fell not out so . for after the death of iulius the third , hauing bene chosen pope , as alreadie before he was diseased with the iaundies , it increassed so vpon him , that he died the . day after his election , the night before the first of may. a brute ranne that he was poisoned , but it was not so . a feawe dayes before his death , he would needs be crowned , but with small charge , very modestly . the cardinall farnese with them of his part , had giuen him his voyce , although before there had bene great enmities betwixt them : but hee did it because he hoped there was none would be more diligent to bring that to an end , which paul the third had determined to doo . namely , that he should do his best to maintaine the house of farneses , to the end they might not bee depriued of the duchie of parma and plaisance . for also the cardinall farnese so practised with iulius the third , that he made him that promise before hee would fauour him for his comming vnto the popedome . some said hee did willingly elect the said ceruin , because they sawe him already to be sore worne and weakened with diseases , so that there was no hope that hee could liue long . the custome is willingly to choose popes , such as they hope will not liue long . hercules de ferrare , and vbalde duke of vrbin , arriued at rome to salute pope marcel , and to court him after theyr manner . paul . of that name , a neapolitane , called before iohn peter caraphe , was chosen pope the same yeare , namely , . the . day of may , by the consent of all the cardinalls . this man being in venice , in his hypocrisie inuented a new sect of monkes , called iesuites : as if our sauiour iesus had ingendred such popish idolaters . after this , beeing made cardinall , as he departed from venice to rome , he said vnto his monkes which asked him whither he went. whither i go , you cannot come now . abusing the scripture and prophaning the lords words , hee meant hereby , that he left them shut vp in a cloister in pouertie and miserie , & that he went vnto rome , to come vnto an high and mightie estate and dignitie , wherevnto they could not come . he writ a booke sometimes vnto paul the third , touching reformation of the church : but being become pope , he cared neither for iesus christ nor his church . in that booke he confirmeth almost all the poynts that we vse to reprehend in the papists : namely , that the church is so ruinated in poperie , that it is no more the church of iesus christ , but of the diuell : for saith he , popes heape vp doctors after their owne fancies and desires . that cardinalls and bishops are cause that the name of christ is blasphemed amongst people , which vnder the colour of keyes , gather great summes of money . that wicked people are prouided for . that symoniacke marchandices are greatly practised . that prelates burne with ambition and couetousnesse . that horrible sinnes and iniquities are committed in monasteries . that the towne of rome is full of whoredomes and many such like . more enormious and wicked things are committed at rome , then that which theatin rehearseth in that booke : for hee there only toucheth the vices & abuses that are found in their common maner of liuing , without making any mention of the contempt of the doctrine there vsed . on thursday the . day of may of this yeare , there hapned a tumult at geneua , about . of the clocke in the night , by the conspiracie of some which had for their stirrers & captaines , certaine of the petit councell of the towne : which not being able to beare so happie a prosperitie of the gospell , determined to chase away such as into that towne had come from france , to shun persecutions : and as in the night time they ranne too and fro , they cryed as for a false ensigne and token , that the french were in armes , and the towne betrayed : but the french men stirred not out of their houses . the commotion was bridled and stayed by certaine lords of the towne . as for the seditious people , some amongst them were executed , others saued themselues by flight . but the cause wherefore they would haue driuen away the french amongst others was , because lately there were many of them receiued for burgesses , by meanes whereof their faction was weakened , and the other part strengthned , by the number of the new burgesses which had bene added therevnto . the french at this time raced many castles by the count montferrat , that they might haue victuals in greater assurance : for if the enemie had occupied them , casal had bene brought into great necessitie . in these parts was there a towne called vlpian , which is of great importance . the spaniards held it then : and it was revictualled at the comming of the duke of albe , who had gathered together a great number of people . mariembourge also , which the yeare before had beene taken in the lowe countries from the emperour , was at the same time againe victualled by the french. in the countrie of grisons there is a towne nigh italie called lucarne , which appertaineth vnto the whole communaltie of the swisses . the citizens thereof required that they might be permitted to liue according vnto the reformation of the gospell . but because their superiours and they , were not of one religion , there was vpon deliberation , diuers opinions . some agreed vnto their demaund : others sought to hinder it . so that there appeared towards some intestine and ciuill dissention : yet in the end they of the towne preuailed , which wished that they should remaine in the religion of their auncestors : and that they amongst them which accorded not therevnto , might goe dwell otherwhere . so were there found a great number which forsooke their naturall countrey , and withdrew vnto zurich : where they were receiued ioyfully , and much relieued in their pouertie . a great number of vessels laden with all kindes of marchandize , came by sea from spaine towards flaunders : but vpon the coast of normandie they were assailed with all force by the french , which had espied them . the combat amongst them was horrible : many ships both of the one part and of the other were burnt , and many sunke : many a valiant man died there , as wel by the sword , as by burning and drowning . the french in the end carried away some number of ships which they tooke , into diepe hauen , from whence they departed . this happened in the moneth of august : in the end of which moneth , phillip of austrich repassed from england into flaunders , accompanied with a great number of english gentlemen , to finde the emperour his father at bruxels . in september , george count de montbellard , the duke of wittemberge his vncle , tooke to wife barbe , the lantgraues daughter . the dissention of the lords supper , and the presence of christs body , which had continued the space of thirtie whole yeares amongst the learned , renewed againe in this time : and there were published by certaine ministers of hambourge and breme , certaine litle bookes , namely , against caluin and iohn alasco . caluin after answered them in earnest : so did also bullinger and alasco : who dedicating his booke to the king of polongne , greatly complained that without knowledge of the cause , that without any disputation or amiable talke , but onely vpon a certaine preiudice , their doctrine was condemned after the maner of the papists : who in lieu of arguments from holy scripture proceed not , but by force and commaundement . the marquesse of marignan dying at millaine , the cardinall of trent was sent into lombardie by the emperour and king phillip , to bee there gouernour . at naples the duke of albe was constituted . about christmas day , the pope according to his custome created new cardinalls , and amongst others , iohn gropper , the archbishop of cologne his councellor . then also , the cardinall poole being made deacon , cardinall prest ( as they say ) began to say masse . for by the popes lawe , deacons haue not yet that power . in the beginning of ianuarie happened great stormes and tempests in saxonie , misne , and boheme , thunders and lightnings , which endaungered many places , especially churches . in the same moneth at vitodur in suetia , a litle towne within two leagues of zurich , appeared in the night in one of the towers of the church there , a sparkling fire , making such a noise , as the burgesses on all sides ran to put it out : being come thither , they found no flame : yet it twise appeared : that is to say , the . & . of the said moneth . after this , certaine of the cantons of suetia sollicited by the pope , got them to rome , whereas many maruelled . king phillip after he had receiued of his father the gouernment of flaunders , the . of ianuary he made a solemne entry into antwerpe . in the moneth of february , henry duke of brunswic espowsed the sister of sigismond , king of pologne . the . of the same moneth died at aitsem , frederick count palatin elector now very old , and there succeeded him otto , henry his brothers sonne , who long time before had receiued the gospell , and for that cause was in daunger to haue lost all his goods . shortly after he had receiued his peoples oath of fidelitie , he made an edict that no person shuld sing any masse , or exercise any other ceremonies any where in his countries . mary queen of englād , did what she could that church goods and lands might be restored : because pope greatly vrged her thervnto : but many princes & great lords held them , & therfore it could not be done . during this parliament , many innectiue and biting bookes were dispersed in london , amongst which , some were sufficient to haue stirred the common people to sedition against the spaniards , and to haue with drawne the queenes loue frō king phillip . search was made for the authors of these libels , but it was not possible to finde them out . before the assembly was departed , & affaires dispatched , the bishop of winchester the chauncelor , died of a dropsie . thomas heth archbishop of yorke , who had sometimes bene in almaine with him , before of canterbury , and once had knowledge of the true religion , was come into his place . about the fift of nouember died the wife of duke iohn frederic of saxonie , the lantgraues daughter . the duke of venice , francisco venerio , was deposed from his estate , for ill dealing in the charge of victualls , and hauing much more regard vnto his particular profit , then to the publike weale . about the end of february of this yeare , the mo●r●a●●e called dupetit s. bernard on the valley side of aouste , which is in the subiection of the duke of sauoy , was seene couered with red snowe : and certaine white snowe fell , but the whitenesse vanished away , and the rednesse remained . this was notoriously knowne and seene , and the red snowe touched by many inhabitants of the said countrey . these prodiges and maruels , admonish vs to beseech the lord to turne away the tribulations and calamities , which the poore world ceaseth not to draw vpon it selfe by his rebellion . a frost of three weekes was so sharp in december , that seine was frozen , wherevpon followed great mischiefes . oziander with his new doctrine of iustification , had long time stirred trobles in pruse : but after , as it were , al learned people had condemned him by their writings , the duke of pruse , albert , declared by a publike writing , that therein hee would follow the doctrine of the confession of ausbourge , and so enioyned the ministers of the churches to teach accordingly , and gaue them full licence . and to the end the thing might be so fully and surely accorded , that the wound might no more renew and be worse , iohn albert , duke de megelbourge , the duke of pruse his sonne in lawe ( a prince very well instructed in letters ) went into the said countrey of prusia , and by the meanes of certaine learned people whose labour he vsed , hee did so much with iohn functius , ( which was hee that chiefly maintained the opinion of ozeander ) that publikely he confessed his fault , and withall , protested that he would neuer teach but according to the tenor of the confession of ausbourge . others did the like . so the theologians were receiued into fauour and the estate of the church pacified . the . day of march began to appeare a comet , which was seene by the space of dayes . there is a litle towne in auls●i● , three leagues from strasbourge , called oberene , in that towne a certaine gardiner the tenth of aprill , in the absence of his wife was the murderer of his owne children , of a girle of the age of . yeares . of a boy of the age of . yeares , and of an other yet in the cradle , not past sixe moneths old . the . of may the duke d' arscot who was a prisoner in the wood de vincennes nigh paris , escape and came safe into his countrey . the bauarois sollicited their prince albert to haue libertie of their religion , as well as they of austrich , and almost at one time , the prince seeing that ferdinand his father in law had permitted to his people the same thing was content to doo the like . and because there was then some question for siluer , he suffered his subiects for a time to receiue the lords supper whole , and to eate flesh on dayes prohibited , when necessitie driues them therevnto . yet he made great protestations that he would not diuide himselfe from the religion of his auncestors : and that this should onely be , till by publike authoritie it were otherwise ordained . about this time certaine great lords of transiluania reuolted from ferdinand . there became also great mutinies in england , where diuers nobles were imprisoned , others beheaded , and some saued themselues in other countries : as for such as died for the truth of the gospell , we haue amply deducted their estate , and extracted their confessions in our bookes of martyrs . albert de bauieres began the imperiall iourney at ratisbone in the name of king ferdinand who then was busied in holding the estates in boheme● and austrich . the emperor hauing attend 〈…〉 of septembe● and from 〈◊〉 countries accompanied 〈…〉 ▪ ●●●ior dowary of france , and mary que●●● of hungary , 〈…〉 cauing al the rule of the lowe countries to king phillip his sonne , and the administration of almaine vnto his brother king ferdinand . dauid george ( who after called himselfe iohn de bruck ) borne at delphes in holland , a very pernitious seducer , author and prince of the vilest sect that euer was , making himselfe king and immortall christ , died this yeare , . the . day of august , his wife being dead a litle before . he retired with his family which was very great into basill , the yeare . making himselfe a fugitiue from his owne countrey for the cause of the gospell . he bought houses in the towne , and a castle nigh the towne called binningen , with possessions of a great reuenew : it was easie for this man being very cautelous and subtill , and hauing his eyes looking on all sides , to gaine the hearts of many , and to procure outward reputation : who was greatly sustained and augmented , by that he had great summes of money and very pretious moueables daily brought him , from base almaine and flaunders . there hapned certaine prodigious signes before his death . one of his houses ( he had two in basill ) was burned with fire of lightning : and the other which he had sumptuously builded in the medowes , was also consumed by fire , and all his pretious moueables which were therin : & soone after , the chamber floores of his house where he made his residence , fell downe suddenly : yet they say , nothing hapned vnto him more intollerable to beare before his death then this , that one of authoritie in base almaine , came to the towne of basill , and dauid george knew well , that by litle and litle hee should be discouered . his secretaries and disciples were maruellously astonished at his death , because they were of opinion he should neuer haue died : although their hope was something maintained , by that he had said ( as after was reported ) he would againe take life , by the space of three yeares , and bring to passe excellent things . hee held in his house a state almost royall . and for the gouernment of his house and castle , it was well ruled , euery one had his estate and office in that family , and the labours were so distributed , that he had no need in any thing to employ others then his owne . in the gouernment of their common good , they very strictly obserued three things , to the end they might more and more conceale their so pernitious a sect. first , that none amongst them should publish the name of dauid george . secondly , that none should reueale of what state and condition hee had bene : wherevpon many thought hee came of some great nobilitie : others , that he was some great marchant , hauing many factors both by sea and land . thirdly , that they should not discouer any one article of their doctrine to any of basill , no not to any switzer , neither should they seeke to drawe any to their doctrine . the summe of his accursed doctrine was : that whatsoeuer had hitherto bene giuen of god by moyses , by the prophets , by iesus chirst himselfe , by his apostles and disciples , is imperfect , and vnprofitable to make vs obtaine the true and perfect felicitie : and was onely giuen to this vse , that hitherto their doctrine might represse men , and keepe them vnder as young men and children , and so containe them in their offices . but the religion of dauid george is perfect , and hath in it sufficient efficacie and strength , to make happie him that receiueth it , he being the true christ and messias , the we beloued of the father , in whom the father taketh great pleasure : borne not of the flesh , but of the holy spirit , & of the spirit of iesus christ : hauing hitherto beene kept in an vnknowne place , for all his saints : to restore in spirit the house of israel , not by the crosse or tribulations , or death as the other christ , but for the loue and grace of the holy spirit of christ . o execrable monster , or horrible efficacie of error & deception , or plasphemies drawne out of the deepe pit of hell ! in the yeare . many good men mooued with affection to amplifie the kingdome of the lord , through many trauels and perills hauing passed the torride zone , and long time soiourned in the way , they fell to inhabit in a region on the south coast , vnknowne vnto our fore elders , full of brasill : which before in the yeare . had bene discouered by the portugales , and it was called america , of the name of their captaine and cōducter americ vespucius . the inhabitants the eare very sauage and wilde , without any forme of religion or ciuilitie . there it pleased the lord in this time to erect a church of certaine french men , which one villegagnon had sollicited and gathered together : he receiued thē also at the beginning with good countenance and outward ioy , seeing his enterprise commended by many notable persons . but in the yeare . and . the said villegagnon gaue sufficiently to know , that he was neuer touched with any true zeale or feare of god. for after he had persecuted both the ministers and poore flocke of that church , by many tyrannies and impudent writings ; with seditious practises , he hindred as much as in him lay , the aduancement of the lords glory : who after raised vp the portugales to take the fortresse which he had builded in the i le , by him called collignyen valois : finding no resistance within , because the said villegagnon being retired into france ( taken with an apprehensiō that the sauage people would eate him ) had ordained no such company of people as were necessary for the defence of such a place . and although in that number there were some valiant and wel experimented in armes : yet for as much as they were accompanied with such as had no knowledge therein , and were ill maintained , yea pined away with famine and diseases ; before they would abide the enemies furie , they withdrew themselues with the sauage people . therefore was it easie for the enemies to enioy that castle which had beene builded at the charges of the king of france , and with the sweat and trauel of many good people : and the artillery marked with the armes of france , with certaine munitions of warre transported to lisbone , the principall towne of portugall , in a trophee and triumph of the victorie . the french retiring to land , receiued the cruel yoake of that sauage people , liuing without any forme of religion : a sad and lamentable thing to rehearse . by all histories , as well auncient as moderne , we my be instructed that . hypocrites and apostates , haue in all times hindred the course of the gospell . charles the . emperour , after he had resigned by expresse embassage , into the hāds of the princes electors , the romane empire , hauing held it about . yeares , died in his country of spaine , the . of septēber , . in a monastery of s. iust , of the order of the hieronymies , nigh to plascencia , a towne scituated betwixt the kingdomes of castile and andalonsia . ferdinand , . of that name , succeeded him , & was cōsecrated emperor in the towne of francfort vpon mein , by the electors and princes of almiane , with the accustomed solemnities . after great and continuall warres by the space of . yeares , at the instigation and by the practises and meanes of popes , iohn maria de monte , surnamed iulius the third , and his successors and adherents , as well in italie , piemont , almaine , and france , as in the lowe countries of flaunders , artois , and lorraine , by the spaniards and french. finally , there happening great victories and prises one vpon an other , to the ouerthrow and totall oppression of people and subects , the third of aprill , . after easter , at a castle in cambresis , there was a peace concluded betwixt henry the second of that name , king of france , and phillip king of spaine : wherein they promised , to yeeld one to an other , the landes that were lately conquered . they also compounded and agreed of all other controuersies and differances in regard of the kingdomes of naples and sicilie , and of the duchie of millaine : vpon condition of the marriage of the said phillip , with the eldest daughter of henry : which lands should appertaine to the children comming of that marriage . by the same treatie of peace , there was yeelded vnto emanuel philibert , duchie of sauoy , and the principalitie of piemont , which the french had held from his father & him , more then . yeares , by the meanes of a marriage betwixt him and dame margarite , daughter of king francis , the first of that name , and the alone sister of henry : reseruing certaine strong places in the said piemont for a certaine time . the yeare . the fift of march , the sonnes , the sonnes in lawe , and all the family of the dead dauid george , ( of whom we haue spoken before ) some also which were not of his family , but adherent vnto his sect , were adioyned before the senate of basill : after information taken of the pernitions sect which the said dauid george had alwaies held whilest he liued . the advower declared vnto them , that the seigniorie was dulye enformed , that they withdrewe themselues into the castle of binningen , not as they which were persecuted for the gospell , ( as they falsly said ) : but for the sect of dauid , wherewith they were alreadie spotted eleuen were appointed prisoners , out of them to draw the truth . the most part examined by the straightest inquisition , confessed the truth of the matter : which finally obtained pardon . the first of may the ministers rector , professors and maisters of the vniuersitie of basill , hauing all with one voyce condemned the poynts of doctrine professed by dauid george : the senate beeing fully informed of all , proceeded the . of may , to the indyting and condemning of dauid george : that is , that all his writings , as full of impietie and mortall poyson , also his body or his bones , and all that which remained in his graue , should be burnt , with his image which was found in his house , liuely representing him : and that generally all the goods of so wicked a man , in what place soeuer they were found , should be confiscated and adiudged vnto the seignorie . this sentence was proclaimed according to the custome of the place : and all the forme of lawe , and of the ordinances of the towne , was obserued in the execution thereof . the life , maners , and death of such pernicious men , admonish vs to watch diligently , least being deceiued with any beautifull appearance , we allow not euill for good , and contrary : and so fall into the snares of the diuell . a peace ( as hath bene said ) being concluded betwixt henry king of france , and phillip king of ppaine enemies of the gospell tooke their opportunitie to persecute such as they called lutherans . commissions were dispatched to go through all the prouinces of france , to attend while the conditions of peace were accomplished . king henry by his letters patents on the second of iune , sent to all bailiffes and stewards , to aide the said commissioners : with power to assemble ( as they call them ) ban and arrierban : that is as i take it we vse to say , tag & rag : and the prouost marshals and their archers , straightly forbidding the sparing of any , either vsing any dissimulation or winking at any : otherwise that they themselues should be first punished . the cardinall of lorraine charged a great number of the councellours of the parliament of paris to be fauourers of heretickes : and this was vpon the occasion of a deliuerance they made of certaine prisoners for the gospell , by a simple banishment out of the kingdome . and did so much that the mercuriall was held at the instance of the kings proctor general , wherin a great part of the councellours were of aduise , that by an holy and free councell all matters of religion should be remedied , rather then by persecutions . the king henry being at this parlament , and hauing heard anne de bourge councellour reasoning , caused him to be staied prisoner , with other councellors : and the . of iune a coniunction was directed to certaine iudges to make theis proces . during the marriage feastes of the daughter of fraunce , and the last of iune king henry imploied himselfe all that morning in the examinations of , as well presidents as councellors of the said parliament , and other prisoners and their companions which were charged with the like doctrine . when he had dined , because he was one of the sustenants at the solemn turney which was made in the streete of saint anthonie , he entered into the listes : and after hee had broken good store of staues as brauely as was possible ( as he was cunning , and a valiant man at armes ) running against montgommery , the sonne of captaine lorges , a strong souldier , they encountred so rudely , that bursting ther launces , the king was attained with a counter blowe , so right in the vizard , that the shiuers entred into his head : and the blowe was as suddaine as violent , so that his braines were wholly astonished , without finding either succour or comfort : and whatsoeuer any could doo with sending phisitions and surgions on all sides , yea from brabant by king phillip , nothing profited : insomuch that eleuen dayes after , namely the . of iuly , . he expired and finished his dayes in great dolour , hauing raigned . yeares , three moneths , and ten dayes . to the christian readers . hauing gathered from diuers histories of our time , a sort of the most memorable things happening about religious matters , and the state of this world , since the yeare . vntill this present yeare : and perceiuing that this volume handling the churches affaires was deliuered vnto the printer : i haue also giuen these my remembrances following to the same imprinter to ioine thē vnto the former : that you may haue a whole briefe and summary from that time of christ , vntil now . there remaineth : that considering the wonders of god , especially in the conduction & gouernment of his church , we should pray that it would please him to cause vs to see more & more the effect of that promise so precious : that he wil be with his vntil the consummation of the world , and that we may remaine firme in the profession of his truth vntil the last sigh , maugre all the forces of sathan , of antichrist , and of their complices . so be it . francis the . of that name , of the age of . yeares & fiue moneths , succeeded his father henry . in the beginning of his kingdom the churches of his realme florished vnder the crosse , hauing the fauour of certain princes and great lords : yet in such sort as the faithfull endured much in sundry places that same yeare . the church of paris was one of the chiefe : but it was exceedingly molested by slanders and subornations of certaine iudges , and especially of an inquisitor called demochares , they were charged , & the thursday before easter they procured a great assembly of men , women & mayds about midnight , where after they had preached , eaten a cochon in lieu of the paschall lamb , & the lamp which gaue them light put out , euery one committed wickednes with other . chals cardinall of lorraine gouernour of the king ( who had espowsed mary steward queene of scotland , the said cardinals niece ) impaired & made things worse , by imputing vnto them of the religiō , all the pollutions of the auncient heretikes ; insomuch that during the raigne of francis , there was nothing but imprisonments , robbing of houses , proclimatiōs for banishments , & executions of them of the religiō , with cruel tormēts : notwithstanding amongst such tempests , they discōtinued not their preachings & other exercises of religion , although also many were burned at paris , & executed in other places . amōgst which are not to be forgotten , nicholas guerin , marin marie , margarite le riche , called the lady de la caille , a yong carpēter , adrian panssi , marin roussean , giles le gourt , phillip parmentier , peter millet , iohn befferoy , peter arondeau , m. anne du bourge , a man of great pietie , very learned , & a councellor in the parliament of paris . the death of this last man , was especially amōgst others noted , because of the qualitie of his person : his constancy astonished also many of his enemies : who notwithstanding left not to cōtinue as wel in paris , as in other parliaments of france , in that remainder of the yeare , & in al the yeare following , during which the french church , before being hid because of persecutions , began to shew it self : insomuch that in all prouinces thoughout the kingdom , they of the religion had sermons openly : the zeale of some , surmounting the crueltie of others . in this same yeare . in the moneth of may , the lord triumphed ouer antichrist , in the cōstancy & patience of many christians , executed to death for the witnesse of his truth in the kingdome of spaine , by the practises of the officers of the inquisition , wherof it shal not be impertinent briefly to touch . about an . yeares ago , that ferdinand and isabelle , kings of castile , established that inquisition against the iewes , which after baptisme kept their cerimonies . certaine yeares after , the monkes assailed by the doctrine of the gospell , did so much , that it was cōuerted & practised , especially against such as they could discouer to be neuer so litle aduersaries of the romish traditions . for the better establishing of this tyrannie , and to lift it vp aboue the king and the councell of spaine , the spanish theologians made thē belieue that the holy inquisitiō could not erre : and for the exercise thereof they had iudges & officers in the most part of the townes of the realme , which alwaies had a watchful eye to bridle all the world . but ordinarily they espied the richest , the learnest , & such as of little began to become great : for they desired bootie of some , they feared y e knowledge of others , and the last are odious , least they should make head against the inquisitiō . they espied & marked very nigh these . sort of people , that if there came any word out of their mouthes it shuld be noted : & thogh they spake no word , yet would the inquisitors finde meanes enough against such as worshipped them not sufficiently : for after they had shut them in prison , they would keep them there a long time without speaking vnto them , and at leisure inuent rymes against them : in the meane while no man durst sollicite nor speake for the prisoners . if the father shewed to haue any care of his childe , hee was straight imprisoned as a fauourer of heresie . no person could haue accesse to any prisoner which was in any dungeon or other obscure place : neither might hee write : but besides the misery and horror of the prison , the prisoners endured a thousand outrages and menaces , and after blowes with whips , and diuers other the greatest iniuries that can be imagined . sometimes they are suffered to escape by infamy , and from some high place they are shewed vnto the people . during their imprisonment , their processes and their inditements goe not forward in course of lawe : ( and for ordinarily a prisoner shall be so kept vp & tormented , two , three , or foure yeares ) and if there be any thing done therein , there are none but the inquisitors , their officers and executioners , that know any newes of them . after one hath tortured and beaten them the space of many moneths , he that will haue his life , he must diuine and gesse at his accusor . if then the accused can diuine the name of his accusors , and what is the accusation , in firmely and strongly denying that which is imposed and laid to his charge , and after great protestations , to be an hartie and a very affectioned seruant and subiect of the popedome , his life being so saued : yet he is not thereby set at libertie , but after hauing endured infinit pouerties & miserie ( which they call their penance ) they are let goe , but yet in such sort as they make him weare a kinde of coate of yealow colour , called sambenito , which is a publike infamy vnto him and all his race . but if contrary the prisoner be an ill diuiner , after diuers tortures he is condemned and cruelly burnt . they that constantly maintaine the truth of the gospell , are so vngently tormented and cruelly handled , that the punishments of the greatest tyrants which were in the time of the primitiue church , were nothing in comparison vnto these . but then assoone as many persons of high and base condition in sundry places of spaine beganne to see the light of the word of god , the antichrist his subiects straight discouered certaine assemblies , insomuch that the inquisitors imprisoned a great number of them , whereof some were put to death the . of may , in the presence of the kings sister their gouernesse in her brothers absence , of dom charles prince of spaine , and of many great lords which deliuered their oaths vnto the inquisition , namely the gouernesse , and the prince , to maintaine against all . this done with great solemnities , the faithfull remaining constant were burnt aliue , namely augustine cacalla late the emperour charles the fifts preacher , francis de biuero priest of valledolid , the brother of augustine , blanche and cōstance de biuero their sister , alphonsus peres priest of valence , christopher del campo , christopher de padille , antonio de huezvelo , catherine romaine , francis errem , catherine ortegne , isabella de strade , and iann velasque . many other men and women were then condemned to diuers honourable amends ( as they call them ) and to remaine prisoners a certaine time . in the moneth of september following , the inquisitors of siuil caused to be burnt iohn ponceus de leon , sonne of the count de bailen a gentleman , amongst all spaniards commendable , because of his great pietie , constancie and doctrine , iohn gonsolue theologian of siuile , isabelle de vacine , mary de viroes , cornelie , mary and iane de bohorques , ferdinand de saint iohn , iulian fernand , and others in great number . for three yeares before a goodly church was raised and set vp at siuile , which being discouered by the spies of the inquisition , very nigh eight hundred persons were imprisoned , insomuch that after that the tormentors did no other thing , but hang , strangle and burne men and women : yet notwithstanding many verie liuely tasted the doctrine of the gospell , and forsooke spaine , the more freely to serue god , some flying into england , others into almaine & to geneua : likewise all the monks of the couent of saint isodore nigh siuile , forsooke their habit and their country , and saued themselues at francford ; two of which , namely iohn leon , & iohn fernand , were taken in a port of zeland , brought againe into spaine , and put to death . in this same yeare the estates of the empire were assembled at ausbourge , to handle affaires of religion : and it was agreed that things should remaine peaceable : and the funerall of obsequies of the emperor charles the fift were then made . the embassador of othon henry chiefe elector assisted at that seruice but he refused to kisse the dish or pax , offered by the cardinall of ausbourge , who sung the masse : whereat the cardinall was so despited , that he said vnto him : if thou wilt haue no blessing , receiue a curse euerlasting . other deputies of the townes , and princes of the confession of ausbourge , entered not into the church . certaine time after , othon henry elector palatin , left his dignitie and estates to frederick , who reformed his countrey after the pure doctrine , whereof he shewed himselfe a constant and faithfull protector , with an admirable wisedome and moderation . the diethmarsois yeelded themselues vnto frederick the . of that name , king of denmarke , about the end of the moneth of iune , after they had couragiously maintained the war , and receiued diuers battailes : before they gouerned themselues without yeelding any subiection vnto any person . but now they yeelded to gouernment about . yeares after the death of henry de supphon minister of the word of god , whom they had cruelly put to death in the towne of meldorf : where the truth of the gospell encreased greatly by the preachings of that man. the first day of ianuary , that christian king of denmarke , of the age of . yeares died , and about three weekes after , died also christierne his cosin and predecessor , who for his vniust & wicked dealings , was driuen away of his subiects , straying out of his own kingdome the space of . yeares , & thinking to come thither again was taken vpon these , and after locked in prison , where he reamined . years vntil his death , being vs the age of . laurence priarli duke of venice . & heroides duke of ferrare , died the same year , y e one in●●● , the other in octo. paul. . hauing bin pope . yeares , . moneths & . daies , died the day of august , . of the age of . yeares ▪ scant had he yeelded vp his spirit , but the romane people which wished death vnto him , because of his warres , exactions ▪ and 〈◊〉 , brake the prisons of the inquisition , deliuered the prisoners , fired the whole building , threw downe the popes image cutting off the head and right hand 〈…〉 which were drawne three dayes 〈◊〉 : 〈…〉 cast 〈…〉 and it was 〈◊〉 that the armes of the family of ●●r●ffes should be plucked downe from all places of the towne and burst in peeces , which was 〈◊〉 the same day : his body was in daunger to haue bene handled as his images , and so had bene , but that they kept certaine dayes 〈◊〉 a●●●d and strong hand from the people . he was also very violent in his popedome , not only toward his enemies , many of which were yet in prison , but also towards his seruants and friends . the . day of the said moneth of august , phillip d' austrich king of spaine , hauing set in order his affaires in flaunders and the lowe countries , made saile from the hauen of flushing into spaine , pretending to set vpō the turke , seeing he was agreed with the king of france , elizabeth the eldest daughter of the dead king henry , being accorded vnto him for wife , and committed vnto the king of nauarre & other , to conuoy her euen vnto the frontiers of spaine , but being embarked with a great number of ships , and all the riches which his father had heaped vp out of almain & italy , with a great quantitie of the rich tapistry of flaunders , as he approached the port of s. iames in galicie , so great a tempest arose , that of all that magnificall furniture and riches gotten together with so long time and so great trauell , nothing arriued in safetie , but the sea was made heire of those riches , euen in the sight of the spaniards . as for him , that tempest spared him so litle , that scant could he set foote in any 〈◊〉 but the vessel wherein he was , was ready to sinke into the bottome of the sea . this losse chafed him so much the more against them of the religon , especially of the lowe countries : which were there persecuted with fire and sword before , & after his depart●●● . in england the churche got vp vnder the pe●c●●ble gouernment of elizabeth . as for scotland , many came vnto the gospell and they so multiplied , that soone after they remained maisters . the papall seate being vacant the space of foure moneths , by the aduise of the cardinalls , iohn angelus de medicis , cardinall , was chosen pope about the end of december , and was crowned the sixt day of ianuary , . naming himselfe pius the fourth : he liued in the throne of error fiue yeares , eleuen moneths , and fifteene dayes . he confirmed the election of the emperour ferdinand , which his predecessour would not approue , hee also iustified and set at libertie out of prison , certiane cardinalls and bishops . at the beginning of this said moneth , elizabeth of france was brought to the limits of spaine , & deliuered into the hands of the cardinall de burges , of the duke d'el infantasque , king phillip his deputies , vnto whom they brought her : and there was great triumphs in the celebration of the marriage , which they called the firme bond to holde vnited the kingdomes of france and spaine . charles prince of spaine , receiued the homages of many townes , insomuch that for a time there was nothing but reioycings , iusts , feasts and bankets , through all king phillips countries : but this mirth endured no long time , as shall be seene hereafter . for the estate of france , the churches had many troubles this yeare . for the violent and illegitimate domination of the house of guise , which ruled the king and the kingdome at their pleasure : the recoyling of princes and great lords , the despising of the states , and other cōfusions brought in by these new gouernours , stirred a great part of the nobilitie to ioyne themselues together to get the king out of the hands of such people , and to procure by good order that things might return into their auncient estate : and because this could not be executed but by armes , they assembled certaine troupes vnder the conduct of godfroy de barry seur de la renaudie , and other valiant captains to come vnto amboise to seaze the duke of guise and the cardinall of lorraine , to make an account of their administration . but hauing bene discouered and betrayed long time before , they came into the field : this enterprise did but ●●uenome & make more cruell the lords of guise : insomuch that they put to death a great number of lordes , captaines , gentlemen , and souldiers , at amboise . and because the most part of them professed the true religion then in france , called lutherisme : the cardinall charged the churches that they had made this enterprise : yea they dealt with y e princes of the blood royall , namely with anthonie de burbon king of nauarre , and his brother lewis de burbon prince of conde , after with the houses of montmorencie , & of chastillon , determining to roote vp churches & houses all at once : to effect which , the lordes of guise made infinit preparatiues all this yeare , both within & without the realme , they also found meanes to draw the king of nauarre and the prince vnto the court , after stared them prisoners , and handled the prince very rigorously . on the other side their forces assembled on all sides to ouerrun the realme . the king of spain should enter into bearne to ruinate & destroy the queen of nauarre , and to solemnise the entry of the estates , the prince should haue bene publikely beheaded : afterward straigt vpon the conclusion of the estates , the armies marched to sacke and spoyle such as were suspected , and the people were suffered and countenanced to runne vpon all such as were religious , to dispatch them with out other inquisition . and to the end to leaue none aliue , the king should cause all the princes , lords , and knights of the order , to sweare and seale all the articles of sorbone , sending to the fire without longer proces , all such as denied it . the chancelor did the like with such as were of the order d'la longe robe about the court : the parliaments & prelates had charge to do the like with such as belonged to iustice and to the cleargie . likewise ladies & honorable womē were not forgotten . this being done , the inquisition of spain entred into france , to begin new tragidies : but as all things were vpon the point to be executed , god cut the strings thereof , striking the king francis , with an apostume in his eare , wherewith after he had languished certain dayes he was finally stifled , and dyed the fift day of december , . hauing only raigned . moneths . this death ouerthrew the disseines and purposes of the duke of guise , and constrained the aduersaries of the reformed church to yeeld some reliefe vnto the faithfull , who had that yeare giuen them in mockery the huguenots , ( because of their night assemblies ) to muse & deuise new subtilties and persecutions : whereof we will ( god willing ) speake briefly in the years following : but yet the churches in that yeare prospered in all prouinces , with infinite witnesses of god his fauour towards his , and of his iudgements vpon his enemies of all estates . some of the religion were publikely executed in diuers places : but for one which died , there came a thousand to the doctrine of the gospell : in so much that it was incredible the great number of persons which this yeare and that following , forsooke the romane religion , to come vnto the christian . this yeare scotland was troubled with a ciuill war , by the practises of some which would needs commaund all ouer , vnder the colour of maintaining the romane religion : but they frustrated of their hope , and the reformed religion began then to set foote in that kingdome by the fauour and assistance of elizabeth queene of england . the queene , widowe of iames the fift , died in the moneth of iune . martin bucer and paul phagius , whose bodies had bene buried and burned foure yeares before in england , by the sollicitations of cardinal poole , were established in their first honor , and their memorie publikely celebrated the . of iuly . the . day of aprill before , died that very learned and modest person phillip melancton , an excellent ornament of all almaine : after whose decease , many wicked spirits troubled the almain churches , which during his life they durst not haue enterprised : ioachim camerarius a man very learned and his great friend , hath described his life . the moneth of ianuary before , tooke also from this world iohn alasco , a gentleman of polonia , one very affectionate to the aduancement of the kingdome of chist , whose memory is precious in all churches . about the end of the same yeare , emanuel philebert duke of sauoy , warred vpon them of the vale of angrogne , and their neighbours , professing the doctrine of the gospell : which after assaying all meanes of peace to conserue it , offering their prince all that good subiects should do , defended themselues ( though fewe in number ) so couragiously , and were assisted of god , that after many combats they were left in peace , which at this present they enioy : the fauour of margarite of france , duchesse of sauoy ( amongst other humane meanes , seruing them greatly both then and afterwards . in the same countrey of piemont , were seene many prodigious wonders : the like in france , austrich , pologne & almain . at the begginning , and vntill the end of this yeare , . the french churches encreased & openly shewed themselues . katherine de medices queene mother , hauing all affaires in her hand , was counselled by the princes of the house of bourbon , by the admirall and other great lords of the religion : by meanes whereof , the greatest of the romane religion entred into league with them , and so made priuie preparation for great troubles and vexations after hapning . in the moneth of ianuary the princes and great lords being assembled at s. germaine in laye , an edict was made the seuenteenth of the said moneth : which on the one side gaue some release and libertie vnto them of the religion , and on an other side curbed and brideled them . after the councell assigned , on the ninth day of september following , was a conference and disputation at poissy betwixt the doctors of the romane and reformed churches . in that same moneth the electors and princes of almaine being assembled at neubourge in turinge , to take councell for maintaining the confession of ausbourge , by them presented vnto the emperour charles the . anno , . gaue audience about the beginning of february the popes embassadors , which commaunded them to send their embassadors vnto the councel assigned at trent ; to effect which , they offred for the pope their m. such safe conduct as was possible to desire . the . of february the electors and princes made answer , that they found it strange , that the pope , being the cause of all the cōfusions then in the church , should go about to assemble a councel , & to assigne it vnto them , whom he had nothing to doo to command , that they did not , neither euer would acknowledge any soueraigntie to belong vnto the romane seate : yea they were assured that it appertained not vnto the pope to conuocate or call a councell . and after they had shewed the orders and filthinesse of the romane church , and that it were good to regard and looke vnto the meanes to procure a generall and free councel , they sent away their embassadors , and after they writ vnto the emperour ferdinand , that they all with a commō aduise agreed vnto the confessiō of ausbourge : afterward they published in an imprinted writing their causes of reculation against the councell of trent . these embassadors went into diuers other places to the same effect , but they receiued no good answere o any king , prince , or great lord , making profession of the gospell , but especially the queene of england would not giue leaue to the abbot martinengue , who was sent by the pope vnto her , to passe the sea to come into england . the . day of march the pope caused to bee strangled in the night time in the s. angelo , the cardinall charles caraffe : he beheaded also in an other prison , the counte of palliane , and certaine other cardinalls : the next day shewing all their bodies vnto the people . the . day of may charles the ninth of that name , sonne of henry de valois , and of catherine de medicis , was sacred king at reimes in campagne , and soone after crowned at s. denis in france . the churches of his kingdome to the eye-sight flourished , to the preiudice whereof was made an edict , called of iuly : notwithstanding which , they maintained themselues with great testimonies of the blessings of god. in the meane while the king of nauarre the first prince of the bloud next vnto the kings brethren , sent for peter martyr and theodore de beza , to be at the disputation of poissy , which were sent thither by the lords of zurich and geneua . the . of august the prince of conde was recōciled by the king and his councell , with the duke of guise : who vpon the princes words , which he spake on high . i hold him and them for villaines which haue caused my imprisonment : answered i beleeue so , it nothing toucheth me . soone after the gouernmēt of the kingdome during the kings minoritie who was then but ten yeares old & an halfe , was cōfirmed to the queene mother . in the meane while the deputies of the churches and certaine other ministries with safe conduit arriued at poissy , presented vnto the king a request for the order of the disputation , and also the confession of their faith : who with good countenance receiued thē , promising to communicate their requests vnto his councell , & make them an answere by his chancelor . in the beginning of september many requests were presented to set forward that which was begun : and finally the . of the said moneth , in the presence of the king , prince , lords , and notable persons of the kingdome of france , as wel of y e one , as the other religion , theodore de beza in the name of all the french churches , after publike inuocatiō of the name of god , made long oration , cōprehending a summary of all the christian doctrine , held & preached by the ministers of the reformed churches : and his oration finished , he presented their cōfession of faith : which was receiued & deliuered into the hands of the prelates , to prepare themselues to answer it . but they opposed themselues only against two articles of that oratiō : the one of the supper , and the other of the church : and pronounced their answere by charles cardinal of lorraine , who had for his maister claude despence , a doctor of sorbone , who once shewed some seed of religion . this answere hauing bene made certain daies after the oration , the ministers prayed that they might reply straight way : but it was deferred to an other day : and audience was giuen them , but not so notable as the first : thē fel there out a sharp disputation , which began an other time after a third oration . then entred into conference fiue of the romane churches side , with fiue of the reformed churches : who after a long , disputation vpon the matter of the supper , retired without according any thing assuredly . frō the end of this moneth vntil the end of this yeare , diuers leagues & factions were made against the churches , & seditiōs were stirred at paris and in other places , against the christians assembling to heare the word of god : the kings councel being occupied to prouide by some edict , against the mischief to come , & to procure rest for the kingdome . about this yeare died shuvenckfeld , a very pernitious heretike , who by his wicked doctrine greatly endamaged the churches of almaine . the summe of his principall errours , was to reuiue and renew againe the heresie of eutiches . for hee maintained that the humaine nature of iesus christ ought no more to be called a creature : but we must think that it is at this day swallowed vp by the diuine nature : by that meanes cōfounding the two natures . vpon this foundation so badly placed , he established other mōstrous opinions : the fault was in not wel cōsidering the vniō of the two natures in christ , and the communicatiō of the properties . but these opinions are not dead with him : but contrary haue bene renued & promoted by such who will needes at this day haue the the humaine nature of christ infinit . in the moneth of ianuary which was then . because they then began the yeare at easter , ( and at this present we begin it the first of ianuary ) an assembly was made of the most notable persons of all the parliaments , and other renowmed people besides the priuie councellors , which decreed and set foorth that notable edict , named of ianuary , which permitted free exercise to them of the religō through all the kingdome of france , prouiding good securitie for all people , and rest for the common-wealth . many thought that hereby the churches should haue rest , when soone after newes arriued of the massacre of vassi , committed by francis the duke of guise , who in his owne presence caused . persons of the religion to be slaine , and a great number others to be wounded , being all assembled to heare the word of god. this was the beginning of the ciuil warres of france . for the duke of guise and his partakers tooke armes on the one side : the prince of conde , the admirall and others , meaning to maintaine the royall authoauthoritie , the edict of ianuary , and the churches that were vnder the protection and defence thereof , opposed themselues against them by armes also , and the war began through all the kingdome , where infinit cruelties were exercised in diuers places against them of the religion : as the history of our time maketh mention . many townes & fortresses were besieged , carried away by assaults , sacked & spoiled more cruelly , thē by the most barbarous people in the world : diuers encounters & bloodie battailes , namely that of dreux : wherein the two chiefe captaines of both partes remained prisoners , many of the nobilitie and souldiers , as well straungers as french , were slaine : churches dissipated and dispersed in most part of the prouinces , and a maruellous desolation in infinite families . maximilian the emperour ferdinands sonne , was declared king of the romanes the . day of nouember , and sixe daies after he was crowned : two moneths before he was crowned king of boheme . peter martyr , borne at florence , an excellent theologian , and professor of theologie at zurich , where he writ bookes full of great and sound doctrine , died the . day of nouember , being then of the age of . yeares . the ciuill warre continued in france , notwithstanding the taking of the prince of conde , and the constable . the duke of guise hauing laid siege before the towne of orleance , being kept by them of the religion , was wounded in the shoulder with a pistoll shot , the . day of february , and died certaine dayes after in great torments . by this meanes orleance was deliuered , & a peace concluded the moneth following , the edict of ianuary abolished in the most part of the articles , to the great disaduantage of them of the religion : which notwithstanding tooke hart , and in the quarters maintained themselues in their accustomed order . in the moneth of iuly , the english men gaue ouer hance de grace , or new hauen , vnto the french king . the same time they of lubec , and the king of denmarke , made warre vpon the king of snede . henry de brunswic made many courses into almaine , into the lands of the bishop of munster . the eight day of september maximilian king of the romanes , was crowned king of hungary . the . of september , charles the ninth , king of france , caused his maioritie to be published , declaring to the parliament of paris , that he would take vpon himselfe the managing of the affaires of the kingdome . the . was published and affixed at rome on the part of the cardinals inquisitors , a monitorie & personal adiournament against iane d' albret , queene of nauarre : who because of the profession of the gospell , was cited to rome , to answere in the popes consistory therefore , and for want of appearance , within sixe moneths , her countrey to be giuen vnto the first conquerer thereof , and her vassalls and subiects absolued from their oath of fidelitie . this was but a subtill deuice tending to an other end : and the king of france tooke into his hand the cause of this princesse : so that for that time the popes thunderclaps turned into smoake . the second day . of october the bishop of wirtzbourge was slaine , his towne occupied and raunsomed , wherevpon followed great troubles in almaine : and at that time of automne , the pestilence was vehement in the quarters about francfort , nuremberge , and in the coastes about the balthique sea , which carried away nigh three hundreth thousand persons . the ninth day of nouember the armies of denmarke and snede encountred together and had a bloudie battaile , wherein were slaine . snedes , with great losse of their artillery and baggage . the fourth day of december was ended the councell of trent : betwixt the first and last session whereof , were eightteene yeares . in it all the articles of the popish doctrine were confirmed . there was a great strife betwixt the embassadors of france and of spaine , for the primer seat , but he of spaine got it at that time . in the same yeare , and the . day of august , died wolfangus musculus , doctor in theologie at berne , a man who by his writings greatly serued , and yet doth the churches of god. he was then of the age of . yeares . the . of ianuary , . the lithuaniens got a great victorie vpon the muscouites , which lost nine thousand men vpon the field with their baggage , and many flying , perished in pooles and isy marishes . the first day of february died at marpurge , a towne of hesse , andrew hiperius , a very learned theologian amongst thē of our time , who left many profitable bookes to the edification of the churches of god. he was then of the age of . yeares . in the moneth of april , frederick elector , & count palatin , came with christopher duke of wirtemberge , into the abbey of malbrun nigh to spire , where by the space of . daies their diuines disputed , some against others , of two articles in the doctrine of the holy supper ; that is to say , of the vbiquitie or presence of the body of christ iesus in all places , and the interpretation of the words of the holy supper ; this is my body . after long contestations and strifes , they departed without according any thing : and after that , their debate waxed hotter , to the ruine of churches , and to the great contentment of the pope and his adherents . the . of may , about eight of the clocke at night , dyed iohn caluin , a professor in theologie , & a minister of the word of god in geneua a person of singular pietie , memorie , viuacitie of iudgement , and admirable diligence , of a solide doctrine , wherin he hath comprehended the pure theologie : as his writings read without preiudice or sinister affection , do apparantly shewe . he was moreouer endowed with incredible zeale and prudencie in all the course of his ministery , hauing serued to the aduancement of the doctrine of the gospel , and to the edification of the churches , amongst all the excellent persons raised vp in our time , to ruinate the tyrannie of antichrist , and to establish the throne of the celestial veritie he was of the age of . yeares , saue one moneth and . daies : he was buried without pompe , hauing left many bookes very profitable for such as would seeke to aduance and goe forward earnestly in the intelligence of the holy scripture , and an honorable memorie vnto all reformed churches . about this time the maritimal and sea armies of the kings of denmarke and snede , encountred vpon balthique sea in battaile , wherein the snedes remained victors , and carried away three great ships of warre , with a number of prisoners , which the king of snede caused afterward to be cruelly handled . but about the end of iune , they of denmarke and lubec had their reuenge , and ouercame the snedes vpon the sea , conquering one ship , though inexpugnable vntill then , after hauing sunke many moe . the emperour ferdinand , a gentle and peaceable prince , died the . day iuly at vienna in austrich , hauing liued . yeares , foure moneths , and an halfe , leauing for successor to the empire , his sonne maximilian , who soone after was elected and crowned . the beginning of his yeare , . was very sharpe and colde in many countries of europe , and there fel an extraordinary quantitie of snowe , which beeing frozen , and after melted , in the spting time there followed great invndations . the churches of france maintained themselues in some estate , whilest the young king , guided by his councell , made his voyage of bayonne . a warre in hungary against the turkes , with losses and ruines on both parts . the churches in the lowe countries began also to lift vp their heads , especially vnder charles the fift . the encrease of the french churches encouraged them : they also published their confession of faith . the ecclesiasticke romanes that which afterward came to pass ; e , amongst other practises , sought to establish the spanish inquisition , and certaine yeares before made new bishops , to the end more easily to maintaine the popes authoritie . after this erection , by the space of foure or fiue yeares , whilest margarite dutches of parma , gouerned the lowe countries for her brother the king of spaine , some ceased not to cōtend against others , by remonstrances , bookes , and diuers practises , some to abolish , others to giue entry and authoritie vnto the inquisition . the i le and towne of malte , was furiously assailed by the turkes in the moneth of may , but they were iustained and pushed backe by the knights of malta , being assisted with the succors which were sent from many places . in the monethes of iune and iuly , were great deluges and ouerflowings of waters in diuers quarters of almaine , especially in thuringe . a very sharpe warre was in hungarie betwixt the turkes and the almaines , with diuers accidents that befell on both sides . the eight of december , the pope pius the fourth , died of the age of . yeares , and . moneths , hauing bene pope about six moneth . conrad gesner of zurich a phisitian , learned in the tongues and humane sciences , laborious and painfull amongst others , and who very diligently writ a perfect and full historie of all beastes , foules , fishes , and creeping things , died also in the moneth of december , leauing infinite other writings in all sorts of litterature , alreadie imprinted , and others to imprint . about the end of this yeare , the king phillip sent from spaine into the lowe countries , an edict , wherby he ordained that the auncient and new placarts against them of the religion should be executed : that the inquisition shuld be throughly established , and the inquisitors fauoured in the exercise of their charge : that the decrees of the councell of trent should be receiued and obserued from point to point . these letters patents were the cause of all the troubles following , and not yet ended . the . day of ianuary , . michael gillier a monke of lombardie , being come from one degree to an other , till he was cardinall , finally was chosen pope , and called himselfe pius the fift . the . day of the said moneth , the emperour maximilian second of that name , held his first imperiall iourney at ausbourge , where the affaires of religion was handled . frederick count palatin de rhene , and chiefe elector of the empire , a christian and magnanimous prince , constantly maintained the pure doctrine and the true reformation established in his countrey : by meanes whereof , he made himselfe redoughted of all such is resisted him , either openly or secretly , and was well beloued of the emperour , and of the greatest in almaine . he was then accompanied with the prince cassimere his sonne , who kept him good company , and a great company of the nobilitie . in the moneth of march , and in the other following , hapned great troubles in scotland , and finally the king himselfe was strangled in the night , and the chamber wherein hee was , ouerthrowne with cannon powder . an earle of that realme espowsed his widow , but being ouerthrowne in battaile by the nobilitie , he fled out of the realme . the queene thingking to saue her selfe in france , was stayed prisoner in england . iames the sixt , the sonne of her , and her slaine husband , at this present king of scotland , of the age of fifteene or sixteene yeares , is a prince of great hope . in the same moneth of march , at the imperiall iourney at ausbourge , the emperour there assisting it , was decreed that the affaires of religion should remaine in their present estate , but for the affaires of the empire they prouided , especially for the warre against the turkes . in the beginning of aprill certaine great lords and gentlemen of the low countries , leagued themselues in good number against the inquisition : pretending the same to be contrary to the liberties of the lowe countrie . the people banded themselues , and the assemblies of them of the religion began to encrease . in so much that the fourth of may there was publike preaching at antwerpe without the towne , & fiue weekes after within the said towne . at the same time , such as were leagued against the inquisition , were surnamed les gueux . the cause hereof was , for that some of the principalls going to present a request to the councell of the estate , the sieur de barlaimont their aduersary , said to an other councellor that sate nigh him : voici mes gueux . great and litle after that , tooke a deuise , wearing apparell of gray cloath , and peeces of money about their necke , hauing on the one side the kings image , and on the other side a beggers dish , with this inscription ; faithfull to the king , euen to the begers dish . in the moneth of iune , iuly , and the other following , fell a sharpe warre in hungary against the turkes , but the end was not very good , for the hungarians and almaines lost many men in diuers encounters , also many strong holdes , especially at zigeth , which was besieged by soliman himselfe , who dyed a fewe dayes before the taking thereof . selim the second of that name , succeeded his father soliman , was acknowledged and crowned emperour of the turkes in the moneth of september , and soone after transported himself into hungarie , to prouide for the affaires of that warre , and then straight departed towards constantinople , leauing one of his b●ss●es called pertaw , to continew , who with a puissant armie of turkes and tartarians , forraged hungarie and transyluania , committing very straunge saccagements and cruelties . the vainoda of transyluania , called this bassa to his succours , to recouer certaine places occupied by the hungarians , but perceiuing such succours did wholly ruinate & ouerthrow himself , he sound means to surprize the tartarians , cut them all in peeces , and so dissipated all that turkish armie : first himselfe beeing well chastifed for drawing such people into his countrey . iohn functius a learned chronographer amongst all them of our time . matthias horst , and iohn shnell , ministers of the gospell at conigsprucke in pruse , were beheaded the . of october , for the crime of conspiracie against the prince albert , who had established the osiandrisme , that is to say , the dreames and errors of one andrew osiander , concerning christian righteousnesse , and other points of diuinitie : which errour these three maintained , and would haue reuenged themselues of albert , who had purged his countrey of that infection . the death of soliman , the great whip of christendome , gaue some release vnto almaine . selim preparing himselfe to make warre vpon venetians : but the emperour decreed a new warre within almaine it selfe , against frederick of saxonie , sonne of the dead elector , taken in battaile by charles the fift . the cause heereof was , that iohn frederick supported and gaue refuge vnto william grembach and other gentlemen which were banished out of the empire , because of the murder of melchior zobel , bishop of wirthbourge . augustus elector , & duke of saxony , the cosin-germaine of iohn frederick , had the charge of this warre , whervnto he prepared himselfe in the moneths of october and nouember , and about the end of the yeare he laid siege before the towne of goth , where there was a citadell or castle , one of the strangest in almaine . iohn frederick , grombach and others , were there , which sustained the siege certaine moneths . they of the religion encreased maruellously in flaunders , brabant , and in many other prouinces of the lowe countries , and their affaires got so forward , that the . day of august the images in the churches of antwerpe , were broken in peeces . the images of other townes were vsed incontinently after the like handling , euen with an incredible swiftnesse by the simple people : with such an astonishment of euery one , that none of the magistrates opposed themselues against them . william de nassau , prince of orange , gouernour of antwerpe , hauing done what he could to hold things in an euennesse , and considering that it should be impossible for him to withstand the tempest which he sawe comming , gaue place to the time , and resolued to retire himselfe into almaine , admonishing other lords to do the like , seeing men made account to think vpon meanes to conserue the priuiledges of the countrey , but rather to yeeld themselues vnto the yoake of the inquisition . in the moneth of ianuary , the subiects of iohn frederick were absolued by the imperiall authoritie , of their oath fidelitie due to their lord , and were cōstrained to promise their obedience vnto iohn william , brother of the said frederick . this done , the siege of gothe continued . about the ende of the moneth troubles began to arise in the lowe countrey ; valencienne was besieged , beaten , taken , and rudely handled by the sieur de moircarmes because of religion . the ministers of the word of god , and certaine of the chiefe of the towne were imprisoned , and after put to death . the . of feebruary henry de bredenrode a lord of great authoritie in the lowe countries , and very affectionate vnto religion , seeing the peoples heartie desires to haue publike exercise thereof , presented a request vnto the gouernesse in the name of him and his associates , that she might quickly puruey for the affaires as they presented themselues . she made such answere , as they might perceiue well , that things tooke a way vnto troubles and confusions . indeed after certaine goings and commings , from words they fell vnto armes : in so much , that in the moneth of march there hapned encounters and combats betwixt them , of the one and the other party . the towne of antwerpe sawe it selfe in a maruellous diuision , and vpon the point of her ruine , but by the prudence of the prince of orange , who yet was not departed the affaires , it remained peaceable for certaine monethes . in the meane while the king of spaine aduertised of those chaunges , gaue commission to the duke of al●a , an olde and subtill captaine , to tame the flemmings , and chastice their heads and principall rulers : that therby he might bridle the lowe countries , appointing for him a strong army of spaniards , which about this time departed by sea , and so came into italy , obtaining there a further strength of people which attended them with a good minde to gather booties in the lowe contries . the last day of march , phillip lantgraue of hesse , a christian prince , sage , valiant , and endowed with all the goodly parts required in a great lord , hauing in his life time executed many valiant and memorable exployts , and especially for religion , died at cassel , of the age about . yeares , leauing foure sonnes , william , lewis , phillip , and george , and foure daughters , agnes first married to maurice . elector and duke of saxonie , after in her second marriage , to iohn frederick , anne married to wolfgang , count palatin de rhene . barbara to george count de montheliard : and christine to adolpe duke of holsac . two daies after , ernest duke of brunswick , a prince fearing god , wise , couragious , and constant , and who bore himselfe well in the protestants warre , dyed in his castle of hertaberge . the fourth of aprill they of gothe beeing besieged by the elector of saxonie , laid hold of the proscripts banished men , and the . of the said moneth , yeelded the towne & the citadell : iohn frederick was deliuered prisoner vnto the emperours deputies , which hapned the same day , and . yeares after that , his father elector of the empire , was taken prisoner in battaile nigh mulberge , by the emperour charles the fift . the citadell of gothe was destroyed , grombach and certaine of his complices executed to death , and the elect or augustus being deliuered from great trouble , caused to coine dollers of siluer , with this inscription on the one side : tandem bona causa triumphat . at the beginning of may , the duke of alua arriuing from barcelone at genes , to goe into flaunders , began to giue order for the passage of his army . about the same time , emanuel philebert duke of sauoy , the bernois , to yeeld him certaine lands by them conquered vpon the dead duke charles his father , after certaine conferences betwixt them , they yeelded him three bailiwickes , namely , gez , ternier , and chablais , which enuiron geneua , with certaine conditions ; whereof the chiefe was , that the said bailiwicke ▪ should remain in the state they then were in namely with profession and publike exercise of the only religion , reformed certaine moneths after the duke was put in reall possession of the said bailiwickes . about the beginning of iuly the duke of alua departed italy with a good armie of foote men , spaniards & piemontois : being entred sauoy , he made a countenance to stay before geneua : but fearing to receiue some shame , he entred into le franche comte : where he ioyned himselfe with certain new troupes conducted by the court de lodron , and straight marched right vnto bruxelles in brabant . at his arriual , he published the edict of the inquisition , established the bloodie councell , cut off-infinit heads , confiscated the goods of all sorts of people , about the end of the moneth of august : and in september he sent prisoners into the castle of gaunt , the countes of aigremont , and of horne : and to found his bloudie executiōs , that request presented by the principall of the country to the duchesse of parma , was declared to be but a coniuration against the kings maiestie . the prince of orange , the count ludouic , le countes de berge , de hochstrate , de culembourge , le fieur de brede●●●● ▪ many other lordes , gentlemen , guests and marchants , which had signed or assisted the preachings , or carried armes , were adiourned to appeare in person before the duke of alua , within sixe weeks , and their goods noted . the moneth of september following they were improied in taking prisoners , the best they could lay handes on : and then began confusion on all sides in the lowe country . about the end of october he begunne the citadell of antwerpe . in the said time , the second ciuil warre for matters of religion lighted in france , and a battaile was giuen betwixt paris and s. denis the tenth day of nouember , wherein the constable was wounded to death , and deceased soone after . many lords , gentlemen , and valiant souldiers remained in the field . the armie of the religion drew into lorraine , to gather the succours which the duke cassimere led . a great deluges of waters was at verone the two last dayes of october , where there were persons drowned , and infinite goods wasted and destroyed . likewise certaine other places of italie were in like maner so destroyed . about the end of the yeare , the duke cassimere with his armie of . horses , and . footemen , ioyned himselfe vnto the troupes of the prince of conde at pontamonsson in lorraine : and there was some conference about a peace , which succeeded not . in the month of ianuary the duke cassimere made many remonstrances in writing to the king and his councell , for the pacifications of troubles in the kingdome of france . this seruing for nothing , his army set forward : whilest the warre waxed hotte in diuers prouinces . on the other side iohn guillaume duke of saxonie , brought . reisters to the succors of the catholicke romanes in france . the . day of the said moneth , phillip king of spaine caused the prince charles his only sonne , to be kept in a chamber as prisoner . the flemings in a certaine request presented vnto the emperour and the states of almaine assembled at spire , declared that that imprisonment was practised by the inquisitors of spaine , because the prince condemned the dealings of the duke of alua , and the rigor of the inquisition , and bore great amitie vnto them of the low countries , against which they proceeded with a straunge violence , which cōtinued more & more . in the month of february the elector palatin , stayed in his hands a great sum of money descried in the country of the empire , which was going vnto the duke of alua into flaunders , by reason whereof there was great notice & threatnings , but in the end the marchants were faine to pacifie and content him . the sixt day of march the prince of conde & cassimere besieged and assaulted the town of chartres , so that their troupes made ready to goe to the breach , the king sent to offer a peace , which was incontinently accepted , and the second edict of pacification published in the campe the . day of the same moneth , of the same tenor as the first . but this accord endured not , for so soone as the duke cassimere was retired , they of the religiō were assailed as they went homeward , and in their houses : and people were dispatched on all sides to seaze and take dead or a liue , the prince of conde , the admirall , the lords , gentlemen , and captaines , professing the religion : so that in a moment appeared the third ciuill warre on all sides , what remonstrances soeuer the prince could make to cause the contentions against the edict to cease . the . day of march , died albert marquesse of brandebourge , duke of pruse , of the age of . yeares : a prince right noble , vertuous , learned , wise , and fearing god. he repurged his countrey of the errors of andrew osiander . anne mary of brouswic , his wife by his second marriage , deceased the same day , and left a sonne called albert frederick , then of the age of . yeares . the . day of aprill , william de nassau , prince of orange , and anthony de ludain , count hochstrate , published their defences and iustification , against the personall adiornament decreed vpon them by the duke of alua , at the instance of the proctor generall , and shewed in their writings , vnto whom the cause of all the troubles of the lowe countries ought to be imputed , and that they were nothing culpable of these stirres . in the moneth of may , certaine people being chased from diuers prouinces , gathered themselues together , attending the count de hochstrate , and other captaines : but they were ouerthrowne , and the most part cut in peeces , by the troupes of the duke of alua. in the same time , the count lodowick tooke armes , and seazed vpon many places in frise . the duke of alua sent incontinently an army of spaniards , vnder the conduct of the count d' aremberge . they encountred the . of may , where the spaniards were ouerthrowne , their captaine slaine in the field : the count adolphe , lodowicks brother , was also slaine as hee pursued the victorie . but because the prince of orange and others that were adiourned , appeared not at the day assigned , they were declared criminalls of treason . the first of iune , the duke of alua greatly stirred with the death of the count d' aremberge , caused to bee beheaded at bruxells , many gentlemen , amongst others , the two barons of battembourge : and foure daies after , the counts d' aigment and de horne , which had done great seruice vnto the emperor charles and king phillip . the same day , the house of the count de curembourge , where the lords of the league assembled when they made their request , was sacked and destroyed , and a piller placed in the middest thereof , with a writing , that it was raced for the execrable coniuration made therein against the catholicke romane religion , the kings maiestie , nor the estate of the countrey . at the same time the count de bure , the onely sonne of the first marriage of the prince of orange , a student at louaine . was taken , & carried into spaine , against the priuiledges o● brabant , and of the vniuersitie of louaine . after , there was an edict published , forbidding ●●pon con●●●●●cie 〈…〉 any way , or 〈◊〉 doe with 〈…〉 the count lodowick was alwaies in the field the duke of 〈◊〉 ●●nt an army to ouerthro●●● him , who attended 〈◊〉 resolutely . but at the ioyning his souldiers refused to fight , so that hee was constrained to saue himselfe by swimming ou●● a riuer nigh vnto that place , had leauing many of his people there , the . day of iuly . the prince of orange seeing that the duke of alua continued in his strange and bloudie actions , after diuers sorrowful cōplaints vnto the king of spaine , wherof there was no account made , published his iustifications , and tooke armes , and conducted his army with such speed , that quickly he passed meuse , resolued to giue battaile to his enemie : but vpon the point to fight , his souldiers demaunded siluer , which the prince not able to do , ledde a part of his troupes through brabant and hainaut , and entred france , where the princes and lords of the religion called him to their succours . then the churches of france and the lowe countries were very desolate . as for the lowe countries , the duke of alua and the bloudie councell sought by all meanes to roote out religion , to plant the inquisition , and to ruinate all the countrey , killing publikely , and secretly , an infinit number of innocent persons . the affaires of france were in no better case : for from the peace made , vntill the ende of august , there were slaine in diuers fortes , more people of the religion , in townes and the fieldes , without any distinction of sexe , age , or estates , then there died in all the second warre . the . of iuly , died in prison charles prince of spaine , hauing attained the age of . yeares . certaine daies after deceased elizabeth queene of spaine . the . of the same moneth , iohn duke of einland , was chosen king of snede , in the place of his brother henry , who for his demerites was deposed . three moones were seene at one instant in heauen , in egall and sufficient distance one from an other especially in 〈◊〉 , the ninth day of august . the towne of treuers long 〈◊〉 before besieged , 〈◊〉 archbishop thereof 〈◊〉 ●●●bg●t to 〈…〉 by the mediation of the emperour and 〈…〉 . in the same m●●●th , the emp●●●●● 〈…〉 many times bene desired , at last permitted the lords 〈◊〉 gentlemen of austrich , profess●●● the gospell to 〈…〉 in their castles , 〈◊〉 , and ho●s●s 〈…〉 doctrine contained in the confession of ausbourge . the . of the said moneth , the prince of conde being vpon the point to fall into the power of his enemies , saued himselfe with his wife and children , and departing from noyers in bourgongne , accompanied with the admirall of sieur d' andelot , and of their traine , passed the riuer of loire at a forde , and were constrained to saue themselues at rochell . then began the third ciuill warre in france , wherevnto both parties prepared themselues . iane d' albert queene of nauarre , an excellent princesse , came thither to find her brother in lawe , the prince of conde , & brought with her , her son henry , then very young . from that time , that campe of the religion , was called the army of the princesse . they presented and published many remonstrances which serued for nothing , and churches were dissipated and dispersed in the most part of prouinces , and very rigorous edicts published against them of the religion . henry duke of aniou , and brother of king charles the ninth , being then chiefe of the army of the catholicke romanes . the chauncelor d'l'hospitall , perswading to peace , was sent to his house and his seales giuen to an other . the almaines and other straungers were sollicited on both sides to come to their succours . the emperour behaued himselfe very wisely in this behalfe . the . day of october , sixe theologians of the part of augustus elector of saxonie , and as many on the side of iohn william duke of saxonie , were assembled at aldenbourge , to agree the controuersies hapning amongst these theologians vpon certaine points of christian doctrine . the duke iohn william assisted there personally , & that conference and disputation continued vntill the beginning of march in the yeare following , and there was at large disputed vpon iustification , and many articles depending thereon . as the acts of the disputation do shewe . the . of this moneth , paul de ridnend sieur de mouuans , a braue and valiant souldier amongst the french captaines , & much affectioned towards religiō , was ouerthrowne , with his footmen of prouence and daulphine , by the companies of horsemen of the duke montpensier , of the count de brissa● , and other catholicke romanes , were slaine in the field , with a great number of souldiers , and losse of many ensigne . such as escaped , ioyned themselues to the princes army . the . of nouember , the captaine la coche , a gentleman of dauphine , was ouerthrowne with his troupes , by the duke d' aumale , betwixt metz and sauerne . he was taken , and after put to death . about the ende of nouember , the prince of orange not beeing able to take order in the affaires of the lowe countries , withdrew into almaine , with certaine warriours , attending the departure of the duke de deux ponts , who prepared to giue succours to the princes . in the meane while , the french armies besieged and tooke diuers places , remaining in the field notwithstanding the rigour of winter , which killed a great number of souldiers . christopher , duke of wittemberge , and count de montbelliard , died the . of december . about the same time , . reisters , conducted by philibert , marquesse de bade , and other great lords of almain , passed rhene and soone after they entred . the queene of england about the . of nouember , tooke three spanish ships , laden with great riches . the sixt of ianuary she made a reason of her action , in an imprinted writing . wherein she shewed how litle the duke of alua his menaces astonished her . during the moneths of ianuary and february , the next countrie to strasbourge was seene full of people of warre , almaines , readie to enter france . the prince of orange was in great distresse , about pleasing of the reistres : but in the end he appeased them , and ioyned himselfe to the duke de deux ponts , who before he departed , wrote largely vnto the king , the reasons that mooued him to succour the princes , and them of the religion : and the next morning mounted on horsback , and the . of march he mustered , where there were found seuen thousand and sixe hundreth reistres well mounted , besides the troupes of the prince of orange , and of certaine french lords and gentlemen , and certaine lansquenets footemen . the last day of february , the duke of alua adiourned by publike edict , all fugitiues of the lowe countries , to appeare in person within six weekes after , vpon paine of confiscation of their goods . they doubting his crueltie , thought it better to loose the sleeue , then the arme : in so much that no person returned : therfore the duke fatted himselfe with confiscations , and continued also to feede himselfe with the bloud of such faithfull as he could catch . the thirteenth day of march , lewis de bourbon , prince of conde , fighting valerously in the battaile fought nigh to coignac in poictu , amongst the troupes and army of the catholickes , was ouerthrowne from his horse to the ground , taken prisoner vpon his faith , and against all right , diuine , and humane , slaine with a pistoll behinde on his head , by one called montesquian . the catholicke romanes made great reioycings at that death , thinking to haue gained as much , as if they of the religion had now no helpe at all . there were also great triumphes made at rome . many gentlemen and valiant captaines were slaine with the prince . the admirall de chastillon hauing gathered together his troupes vnder the authoritie of henry de bourbon , prince of nauarre , and of henry de bourbon , prince of conde , sonne and successor of lewis , both of them as yet very young , hartned so euery one , that the catholicke romanes willing to pursue their victory , with an inconsiderate boldnesse , were beaten downe before coignac , & had other notable great losses after that . the princes , the admirall , the lords , & gentlemen , captaines and souldiers of the army , renewed their former oath to do their duties in opposing themselues against the violence of the enemies , to procure a good peace to the glory of god , to the rest of the churches , & of al the kingdome . the queene of nauarre brought the prince her sonne into the armie : and after hauing made many good remonstrances and reasons to encourage and stirre him to the performance of his dutie towards god and his country , she retired into rochell . then waxed the warre hotter then before , with diuers exploits and chaunces on both sides . the estates of the empire were assembled at francford the . day of aprill , to prouide for the affaires of almaine . in the same moneth the pope sent vnto the duke of alua as a recompence of so great paines as he had taken to maintaine the popedome , an helme , and a paire of gloues , blessed with great ceremonies on christmas day . paul the third sent the like present vnto the emperour charles the fift , after he ouercame the protestant princes . the seuenth day of may , francis de colligni , sieur d' andelot , colonell of the french footemen , very affectionate towards the maintaining of the true religion , a knight without all feare , and greatly dreaded of the gospells enemies , died of poison in the towne of saintes . many other great lords and gentlemen of the religion , died in the same manner before and after , by the cunning art of certaine poysoners sent through fraunce , and better recompenced for such execrable acts , then the wisest , valiantest , and faithfullest seruants of the crowne . the duke de dreux ponts being entred into france maugre the hinderance of claude d'lorraine , duke d' aumale , besieged and tooke charite , a towne placed vpō the riuer of loire , and passing forward to ioyne himselfe to the princes army , arriued vpon the marches of limosin , where an hotte feauer tooke him , and carried him out of the world , the . day of iune , leauing for commander of his troupes , wolrad count de masfeld , who brought his army nigh to the princes foure daies after this accident , and performed greatly his due , with the other lords that accompanied him in all the rest of this warre : hereof is a witnesse that which happened in the encounter which was the . of that moneth : at what time , if a great ruine had not come , the army of the catholicke romanes had bene ouerthrowne : yet they loft a great number of their auantgard , and afterward the princes got many places in poictou : although the princes were strong , yet they neuer ceased to demaund peace : but their herauld was not suffred to carrie their request vnto the king : so warre was continued , and the princes besieged poiters , where they lost time and many people , by diseases happening in their campe. whilest things were thus confused in fraunce and flaunders , the emperour maximilian , the . day of august , suffered the lords and gentlemen of the archduche of austrich , to enioy a free exercise of religion , in their townes , villages , and castles , after the doctrine of the confession of ausbourge . the . of the same moneth , cosme de medices duke of florence , was created , and after solemnly proclaimed at rome , great duke of thuscane , by the declaration of the pope pius the fift . the parliament of paris condemned the admirall as guiltie of treason , who notwithstanding was of great authoritie in the princes army , couragiously acquiting himselfe of the charge he carried , without any apprehension of the daungers wherevnto he was still subiect , by murderers and poisoners , which were daily sent to sley him . one of which ( who had once bene his chamberlaine ) was put to death for the like attempt , by the sentence of the princes , lords , and captains of the army , the . of september . after the one army had long time sought the other , finally they encountred in the plaine of montcontour the third of october , and there was a generall battaile , wherein after great losse of both sides , but more of the princes , especially of their lansquenets , and a part of their french footemen , the field remained vnto the catholicke romanes : which made great triumphes thereof through europe . but in lieu of following their victory , they stayed vpon the siege of the towne of s. iohn d' angeli , which was yeelded to them by composition at the end of certaine weekes : during which time , the besieged occupied themselues so well , that the catholickes lost many thousands of men , and that of the most resolute of their troupes , by meanes whereof , the princes had meanes to reassure theyr people , to gather in their forces , and to prouide for the affaires of warre , so that the catholickes found themselues againe to begin . the sixteenth of nouember , the duke of alua caused to bee published in the lowe countries certaine letters of absolution and pardon of the king of spaine , for such as were absent and would returne into their houses but this deceit serued for nothing but to bring in birdes too much alreadie tamed with the too much violence of so bloudie a fowler . the . there was discouered in england , a coniuration or rebellion of certaine earles , which would haue planted poperie in that kingdome : but the queene prouided there so well for all things , that their forces remained wholy vnprofitable . the third of december , s. iohn d' angeli was yeelded by composition . sansac & other catholick romanes , were shamefully chased from before the towne of vezelay in bourgongne , after great losse of his brauest souldiers , to the number of . the rest of the yeare passed in diuers exployts of warre , heere and there , to the great hurt of both parts , and to the ruine of the kingdome . in the beginning of the yeare , . the princes and lords of the religiō of the kingdome of france , desiring peace , had diuers negotiations about it : but at that time nothing was concluded , but warre continued , the churches then being very desolate . the theologians of the countrey of saxony being then in great contention for the intelligence of certaine articles of christian doctrine namely of iustification of free will , of good workes , of things indifferent , and of the presence of the body and bloud of iesus christ in the supper . by occasion whereof , they assembled themselues in a towne of the duchie d' aumale , called zeruest : where by the stepping in of a certaine doctor of tubingue , called iames andrew ( a man then very renowmed in all almaine : through the prouinces whereof hee had not ceased certain yeares to runne to cause that monstrous opinion of the vbiquitie of christs body to be receiued : by the meanes whereof , the errors of nestorius and of eutiches auntient heretikes , and their complices , are againe renewed ) there was made a certaine agreement , which after was reiected and controwled by diuers theologians . heerevpon afterward happened greater troubles , which euen at this day doo endure , by the practises and slaunders of that vbiquitarie doctor . whilest the christians contended with their voyces , with their writings , and blowes of sworde in diuers places of europe , and that the westerne antichrist sought by all meanes to maintaine his tyrannie , the antichrist of the east did what hee could by meanes of selim soliman his successor , the turke , to encrease his domination . for selim sent his embassador , who arriued the . of march at venice , and denounced warre against the venetians , if they refused to yeeld him the i le of cyprus . which they refusing , there was preparation for warre on both sides . the . of aprill the ministers of the churches of lithuania and sathogitia , comprehended in the kingdome of polongne , held a sinode in the towne of sendomire : where they agreed vpon certaine articles touching the mediatorship of iesus christ , and the holy supper , to the end they might all agree in one concordance of doctrine . during this time , the troubles of france continued . the electors palatin and of saxonie , assembled at heidelberge , with certaine princes and great lords of almaine , for to honour the marriage of duke cassimere , who espowsed elizabeth daughter of the duke of saxonie , sent large letters to the king , to exhort and induce him to enter into a pacification . about the end of iune , the king of polongne and the muscouite , made a truce for three yeares . the muscouite was then sore troubled with extreame famine . in the moneth of iuly , the estates of the empire were assembled at spire , to prouide for the affaires & quietnesse of almaine . the emperor was there in person , with his two daughters , marie , and elizabeth , which were affianced vnto the kings of spaine and france , vnto which they were sent . in the moneth of august the duke of alua put to death in the towne of antwerpe a great number of souldiers of the garrison of valenciennes , for a mutinie against the count de lodron theyr captaine . after by the space of certaine moneths , hee remained peaceable in his gouernment of the lowe countries , which he forraged at his pleasure , heaping vp a maruellous bootie to himselfe . the third ciuill warre tooke an end in france , and the edict of pacification was published in the parliament of paris , the . day of august . iohn brencius , a minister in the duchie of witemberge , of the age of . yeares , and who had begun to preach & write after the first doctors of our time , died the . day of september . certaine yeares before his death , he had published by diuers imprinted bookes , a new opinion to maintaine the carnall presence of iesus christ in his holy supper . the summe of this opinion ( willing to attribute to the flesh of iesus christ a presence in all places , as well as to his diuine nature ) was , that the humane and diuine nature being inseperably vnited in one alone person , the humane is in each place , as well as the diuine . but in the explication of this mysterie , he maintained that the personall vnion of these two natures in iesus christ , doo onely signifie that they are together , & not otherwise in iesus christ , then in s. peter and other seruants of god , according to the essence : but as to the efficacie , that all the properties of the diuine nature , are really , and indeed dispersed and communicated to the humane nature , so that thereby hauing egall maiestie and power with the diuine , the said diuine nature worketh and doth nothing without it . although the authoritie of this person serued to the increase of this dangerous errour , yet there wanted not for many learned men which opposed themselues betimes against this errour , and prooued euen to brencius himselfe ( without that either he or any of his disciples could answer pertinently therevnto ) that if such an opinion of the vbiquitie of the flesh of iesus christ , and of the personall vnion of the two natures , according to the definition of brencius , were true , the two natures of iesus christ should be seperated euen according to the essence , as well in iesus christ , as in s. peter , and other the faithfull : and christ should be god after the flesh . behold a blasphemie which establisheth the heresie of nestorius , seperating the two natures of christ , and which on the other side confoundeth the properties of those two natures , as did the heretike eutiches . notwithstanding that they discouered to brencius , the absurdities and blasphemies rising vpon his opinion : yet left not he to maintaine it , hauing a disciple called iames andreas , who with certaine other that after rose vp , added errors vnto errors . and which is worse , brencius in the end of his life , in the place to humble himselfe before god , for so molesting the churches , in the making of his testament , thundred against the churches which approoued not his vbiquitie , being so farre audacious , euen he alone , who could not vnto the purpose reply to the arguments of certaine doctors which liuely refuted him , as to condemne all the churches of france , england , scotland , suetia , and others . this testament was maintained by his disciples , and from that time , till this instant , hath caused great euils , and kindled a fire which cannot be extinguished , if god set not too his hand in some especiall maner . the last day of october , east and west , friseland , holland , zeland , brabant , and other places thereabouts , were sore tormented and beaten with a straunge tempest of windes : and two dayes after , the sea swelled , and hauing broken and ouerthrowne her dikes and leuies , drowned many countries and infinite people and cattaile , with such an astonishment of all , that it was feared all the lowe countries would haue bene swallowed vp . there happened as much in the balthike sea , especially at hambourge . there was also great ouerflowings of waters in france , about the end of this yeare . about this time the turke made quicke warre vpon the venetians in the i le of cyprus with a puissant army , which by assault tooke nicosia , one of the greatest townes thereof , wherein there was made a cruell and bloudie butcherie of the besieged in the moneth of september . the fourteenth day of nouember , phillip king of spaine espowsed his nieco mario , the daughter of the emperor maximilian . the . of nouember , a great earthquake hapned at venice , ferrara , and other places of italy , whervpon followed maruellous tuines and desolations especially at ferrara . the . and others following , charles king of fraunce , espowsed at mezieres , elizabeth the daughter of the emperor maximilian . the . of december , the riuer of rhene so ouerflowed , that in . yeares had not beene seene the like : wherevpon many discourses published , remembring the miseries passed , and the wonders happening , teach vs euery one to feare and preuent the euils to come . the . of the same moneth , the emperor assembled the estates at spire , to prouide for the affaires of almaine , and to giue audience vnto straunge embassadors . the kings of denmarke and snede , made peace together the . of the same moneth , hauing bene at warre together . yeares , or there abouts . the . of that moneth , the embassadors of the protestant princes , made a long oration to the king of france , beeing then at villers , to exhort him aboue all things to keepe his edict of pacification : which he promised to doo . the french churches lifted vp their heads after many stormes . ieachim , elector of brandebourge , died the second day of ianuary , and . dayes after , deceased also his brother iohn , marquesse of brandebourge . the . day of march , iohn vaiuoda of transiluania , suffering himselfe to be gouerned by a pernitious heretike , called blandrata , one that counterfeited himself a phisitian , was slaine by the drugges of the said blandrata , and died without heires , by meanes whereof , stephen bathory was chosen vaiuoda in his roome . the . day of may , began a disputation betwixt peter datherius , minister of the gospell , and . preachers , anabaptists , in the presence of frederick elector palatin , who had giuen them safe conduct . the articles in the disputation , to the number of . touched that which is in chiefe debate at this day , betwixt them and the reformed churches : namely of the authoritie of canonicke bookes of the old and new testament , of the vnitie of the diuine essence , and of the destination of the three persons subsisting therein : of the one flesh and humane nature of iesus christ , borne of the virgin mary : of the israelitike and christian church : of originall sinne of little children : of iustification : of the resurrection of the flesh : of excommunication and diuorce : of the proprietie and possession of goods : of the magistrate , and of criminall iustice : of an oath : of the baptisme of litle children : and of the communion of the body and bloud of iesus christ in the supper . this disputation was set downe in writing , and continued from the . of may , vntil the . of iune , without any fruite , because of the obstinacie of the anabaptists , which the elector sent away safe , forbidding them to maintain opiniōs , or teach in his countries . the . of may , the pope , the king of spaine , and the venetians , made a league against the turke . the fourth day of iune , it rayned great abundance of turnep-rootes , peas , and other kinde of corne , at goldtberge , lemberge , and lauben , in solesia : whereof the peisants and poore countrey people made bread , and were nourished in a great famine which afflicted the countrey . on the other side in base saxonie , in a litle towne called leubourge , nie to lunebourge and hambourge , two vsurers and sellers of corne were destroyed through a maruellous iudgement of god. the one fell dead suddenly as he opened his barne doore , the corne whereof also was eaten and carried away with vermine : and the other corne-seller , as he was going to drowne himself , was taken and carried to prison , where he hanged himselfe the night following . about the same time , the muscouites made courses and strange forragings vppon the frontiers of the kingdome of snede , and meaning to enter further , they were constrained to retire to goe to defend their owne countrie , which the tartarians put to fire and sword . the first day of august , famagoste a capitall towne in the i le of cyprus , hauing sustained a long siege , and diuers furious assaults , was yeelded by composition , to mahomet bassa , who in the place to keepe his promise , caused to be slaine all the christian captains and souldiers which came towards him , and certaine daies after , caused one mark anthony bragandin , a venetian gentleman , gouernour of famagoste , to bee scorched and broyled aliue , and so got all the whole i le for selim , whose successors are at this day peaceable possessors thereof . the . of september , almost through all almaine the sun was seene of the colour of bloud . the same day the towne of reuel , the chiefe towne of liuonia , was sucked and spoyled by the muscouites . the seuenth of october , the memorable nauall battaille in the gulfe of lepante , in the mediterrane sea , betwixt the army of the league , and that of the turkes : selim lost there . thousand men , and the most part of his vessels . the christians tooke a great number of prisoners . this victorie greatly abated the pride of the turkes : yet the venetians certain time after , perceiuing the estate of their affaires required peace , they sought , and obtained it of selim. the tenth day of october , the theologians and ministers of the electorship of saxonie , assembled at dresde to prouide for troubles alreadie come , for matters of religion , and they agreed to publish a confession of the person and incarnation of iesus christ , of his maiestie , ascention , and sitting on the right hand of god : also of the supper of the lord. the other theologians of saxonie , opposed themselues by writings imprinted , against the said confession : wherevpon many debates followed . a coniuration against the queene of england , was miraculously discouered , and the duke of northfolke captaine of that coniuration , arrested and condemned vpon letters , and after executed to death . almaine was greatly afflicted in many places with daungerous diseases , and with extreame famine in snabie , and in bauiere . the churches of france were a good quietnesse , because of the good countenance that the king shewed vnto them of the religion . the sixt day of ianuary , the riuer of vistule passing in the duchie of pruse , nigh vnto thorne , was conuerted into bloud the space of three dayes , to the great feare of all the people : hauing againe taken his ordinary colour , about nine of the clocke at night , there was a straunge earth-quake , two cloudes rent and let fal their waters , with so great a force , that fortie houses were carried away by the furie of the riuer , sixe arches of thornebridge ouerthrowne , and . persons drowned . there fell also from heauen , stones of ten pound waight , wherewith many people were slaine . the . of the same moneth , the towne of inspruck was troubled with so terrible an earthquake , which endured three dayes , that the most part of the houses , the pallace of the arch-duke of austriche , the church and the printing-house went downe : by meanes wherof , the arch-duke was constrained to retire into a great parke , where were nourished diuers sorts of sauage and wilde beastes , euery man iudging the world should haue ended . munchen in bauiere and ausbourge , had their part of this feare . the castle of wirtzbourge was burnt the . of that moneth , so suddenly , that the bishop had no leisure to carrie any thing away but his shert . he lost by that fire , all his registers , titles , and papers . the winter hauing bene very sharpe , this moneth continued all ianuarie and februarie exceeding sharpe , and extraordinarie . in the moneth of february the duke of alua thinking to haue come to the vpper hand of all his purposes , laid vpon the flemmings great exactions : and amongst other , the tenth penney perpetual . and notwithstanding remonstrances vnto him of the impossibilitie thereof : and that without the aduise of the estates of the country he could not charge nor taxe them , yet resolued he to put it in execution . but the people , especially of bruxelles , sought all means to exempt themselues from it . such as were absent , beholding this ouerture thus made , gathered in companies here and there to busie the spaniard : as they did soone after . for the first day of aprill the count de la marche , sieur de lumey , arriuing secretly frō england , surprised the ile & the towne of brielle in holland , & straight flusshing , a notable hauen of zeland and emchuse , forsooke the duke of alua his part , who to remedie it , sent the count de bossu with an army of spaniards into holland , who the ninth of the same moneth sacked roterdam , and slew a great number of the burgesses . the count lodowick , the prince of orange his brother , hauing obtained a new army in france , with certain lords of the religion , by the kings consent suprised monts in hainaut , the . of may , where shortly after hee was enclosed by the duke of alua his troupes , houering thereabouts and stopping the passages . valenciennes was also take , but straight againe recouered by the spaniards . then also it seemed that france should haue bin peaceable for a long time , & that the reformed churches should no more be disquieted in time to come : namely , in regard of a marriage concluded of henry prince of nauarre , with margarite the kings sister , as also that then the admirall seemed in great credit in the court , by means wherof the most part of men , especially they of the religion , imagined already a gospell without the crosse , and a worldly christ . pope pius the fift died the first day of may , and the . after his obsequies ended , the cardinalls elected for pope , a boulognois , doctor of the canon lawe , called iaques boncompagne , against the purpose of diuers competitors . he called himselfe gregorie . and for his entry gaue order for warre against the turkes , confirmed the decrees of the councell of trent , made great a sonne and two nephewes of his , ratified the promises of marriage of the prince of nauarre , with margarite of france , whereof his predecessor made difficultie , and carefully and readily prouided for the good assurance of his temporall greatnesse . the ninth day of iune , iane d' albert , queene of nauarre , an excellent princesse amongst all them of her time , daughter of henry d' albert , and of margarite d' valois , sister of king francis the first , going to paris to giue order for diuers things requisit for the honor of the prince her sonnes marriage , fell suddenly sicke and died , to the great griefe of them of the religion , and of all persons that loued the rest of france , which this princesse had procured by all meanes . the . of iune , the duke de medina coeli , being sent from spaine into flaunders , to gouerne in the duke of alua his place , was shamefully ouerthrowne by them of flushing , lost . hundreth spaniards , . ships , and foure of them were burnt in his presence , hee sauing himselfe by flight . the bootie was very great , and almost inestimable . on the . day , an alliance was confirmed at paris betwixt the king of france , and the queene of england , who sent thither the lord clinton her admirall . the . the prince of orange published the causes wherefore hee againe tooke armes against the spaniards and their adherents , in the lowe countries . the . certaine gentlemen of frise , with good troupes , holding the prince of orange his part , seized vpō dordrec and other places of holland , which ioyned themselues on that side . the exercise of religion was again set vp , to the great despite of the duke of alua and the spaniards . three dayes after , the prince of orange writ at large vnto the emperor , shewing him the causes of that warre . in the mean while , certain almain lords leuied reiters to succour the duke of alua. sigismond august , king of polongne , died the first of iuly without heire-males , which gaue occasion vnto katherine de medices , queene mother and regent in france , to send embassadors into polongne , to the end to obtaine the crowne for henry duke d' antou , her second sonne then liuing . the . of iuly , the emperour put the prince of orange to banishment from the empire , and pronounced him acquited from all priuiledges and rights , and all his goods confiscated , if he continued with strong hand to enter into the lowe countries . this notwithstanding , the prince pursued that which he had begun . but in this moneth of iuly , . or . thousand french men marching to the succours of the besieged at monts in hainaut , before they came there , were defeated , their chieftaines taken , and they of monts straighter kept in . the prince passed rhene & tooke ruremond , the . of august . louaine yeelded . maligues , and certain other townes were surprised . after he drew towards monts to succor his brother . but the news of the pitious estate of frāce , brought such a change , that the prince was constrained to cut off his way , to enter his troupes , and retier himselfe into holland , whether he was called by the estates of the countrey , being accompanied with a small number of people . this retrait so encouraged the duke of alua , hauing now nothing to hinder him , that the . of september , he made himselfe maister of monts by composition , and kept promise with the count lodowick , causing him safely to be conducted vnto the lands of the empire . after this , maligues was abandoned by them , which the prince left there , and all other places before taken , were taken againe into the hands of the spaniards . from monts the duke went towards malines the first day of october . certaine burgesses and all the cleargie met him with crosses and banners , but it serued for nothing , for as much as they had receiued the prince into their towne , he gaue the pillage and spoile of the towne to the souldiers , which tooke their pleasure there three daies , slew many men , and violated many women and maidens . whilest the lowe countrie churches sobbed thus vnder such tempests , they of france which were thought should haue enioyed some long rest , were rudely beaten , and as it were , flatly ouerthrowne by a maruellous straunge accident . wee haue before spoken of the death of the queene of nauarre , as she came to paris , about the marriage of the prince her son . this prince , afterward called the king of nauarre , henry de bourbon his cousin prince of conde , gaspar de coligni , great admiral of france , le count de la rochefoucand , the marquesse de reinel , many lords , gentlemen and captaines , which had alwaies borne armes against the catholike romanes , came to the court about that marriage , at the kings request . this marriage hauing bin solemnized vpon monday , the . of august , the friday following the admirall was grieuously wounded with the blowe of an hargabush , shot out of a certaine window , by a man then not sufficiently knowne , called maureuel , a waged murderer , yea one of the most execrablest manquellers of the world : who afterward by the iust iudgement of god , lost the same arme with which he gaue that detestable blowe . the sunday following , the admirall was most traitorously slaine in his chamber , and cast dead out of the windowes vpon the pauement : where he was knowne of henry duke of guise . after , they rushed vpon the other lords , gentlemen & captaines , which were slaine also : some within the castle de louuine , others without . this was done betimes in the morning . all that day and morning was employed by such as they call catholicke romanes , in sleying men and women of the religion , many , not sparing women bigge with childe , no nor litle children . they continued this the dayes following , but not in so great number , because the murderers found not any more to sley . the day of the wounding , and the sunday , the king dispatched letters expresly vnto the gouernours of the prouinces , whereby he aduertised them , that that disorder hapned besides his knowledge , and to his great griefe , by the practises and enmities of the house of guise , and that he determined to take good order therefore ; in the meane time , hee would that his edict of pacification should in each point be maintained : briefly , he imputed the admiralls wounding and death ( whom in the said letters he called his cousin ) to the particular quarels of the houses of chastillon , and guise . but meer contrary , on thursday the . hee declared and caused to be published , that that massacre and horrible murder had beene done by his expresse commaundement , and to preuent a conspiration of the admirall and his partakers : wherof notwithstanding neither he nor his councellors made it appeare , nor could produce any profit , although it was much prooued and desired of many . whilest great and litle were thus hungring and thirsting after innocent bloud , the same sunday the . of august , certain priests by art made a great thorn-tree in the church-yard of s. innocent , flourish at noone time of the day , and cryed , a myracle , a myracle . this encreated the rage of the people against them of the religion . and although the priests in the meane while filled well their powches by such an inuention , making the people beleeue that the catholicke romane religion began now to flourish againe in fraunce : yet their deuise was soone after discouered , and the tree remained destroyed : but euen then when it flourished , some said that god had shewed to all mens eyes the innocencie of such as were slaine , and that by such a token hee assured his church that it should not perish as the persecutors pretended , but that it should florish vnder the crosse against all hope of men , as that tree florished extraordinarily . moreouer certain weekes after le sieurs de briquemald & de caragues , excellent men , & which had done great seruices to the crowne , the one by armes , and the other in affaires of iustice , were ( in hatred of the admirall and of religion ) hanged & strangled within paris , in the presence of the king himself , his mother & his brethren . they maintained euen to the last sigh the innocency of the dead admiral , and of them of the religiō , shewing a singular cōstancy in their deaths . certaine yeares after they were iustified by the edict of henry the third the next king , and their names declared honorable : as also the before mentioned massacre was cōdemned & disavowed . but men cōtented not themselues thus to haue imbrued the towne of paris with blood , but in like sort were all of the religion handled at meaux in brie , at troys in champagne , at rouen , at orleans , at le charite , at burges , at lyons , at romains in dauphine , at thoulouse , at bourdeaux , with so barbarous disloyalties and cruelties that scarce our posteritie will beleeue it . in few dayes with them of paris were slain more then thirty thousand persons , olde and yong , of all quallities , men , women and children , as bookes in print do shewe euery day . the king of nauarre and the prince of conde , were constrained to abiure religion . the parliament of paris published a diffamatorie arrest and iudgement against the admirall , whose bodie was taken from the gibet , and so secretly buried that his enemies could not finde it out . many persons forsooke religion , some vpon infirmitie , others vpon despight : so that so hard a proofe discerned the false from the true christians . rochell , sancerre , nismes in languedoc , montaubon in querci , and a fewe other townes in the kingdome , after diuers consultations maintained themselues and kept the exercise of religion , which put the authors of the murthers and confusions into a new paine , as shall be touched hereafter . amongst so many troubles & commencements of greater sorrowes , a new starre appeared in heauen as great as the day starre , nigh the starre cassiopec , of the figure of a lozenge . this beganne the ninth day of nouember at night . it stirred not from the place the space of three weekes . it was thought to be like the starre which appeared to the wise men which came from the east , to worship iesus christ in bethlehem , straight after his birth . this starre appeared in seuen , the space of nine moneths or thereabouts . hereof were many discourses made by diuers learned men . concerning the lowe countries ▪ after the princes retrait aboue mentioned , the waight of the warre fell vpon holland and zeland , whither the duke of alua sent the captaine montdragon with twentie ensignes of wallons , which to the great astonishment of euery one got the i le of suitbeuerland , and constrained the princes troupes to leuie the siege before a towne called tergoes . in the meane while the duke marched with his armie , and the . of nouember tooke and spoyled zutphen , a towne in holland . and to feare others and drawe them to yeeld the sooner , without delay all manner of cruelties were executed by the spaniards and wallons in that towne . frideric de toledo the dukes sonne and lieutenant , marched from zutphen to narden , which is an other litle towne , wherof the inhabitants at the yeelding of themselues the . day of nouember , were so cruelly handled against the rights of reddition and of war , amongst people of any humanitie , that men might iudge that this sacking and spoyle with that of roterdam , were the onely motiue and cause of the rising of other townes which then were vpon the point to returne vnder the yoake . after the taking of this towne the army drew straight to harlem , the inhabitants whereof determined to defend it , rather then submit it selfe vnto the mercy of people without mercy . indeed they bore themselues valiantly , and sustained diuers assaultes with the aide of certaine souldiers which were sent them by the prince , and kept good defence vntill the . of iuly the yeare following . in the yeare . the townes of rochel & sancerre were cruelly handled , assailed and bearen by the catholick romans , but with a diuerse issue . as for rochel being well garded and defended , the newes also of the report that the duke of anion should be king of polongne , were cause that rochel was deliuered , and obtained peace : yea and remained with her priuiledges . they of sancerre hauing beene troubled with an horrible and grieuous famine the space of certaine moneths , receiued some fauourable dealing by the comming of the polonian embassadors , which then came into fraunce to conduct away their new king . these things ended in the moneth of iuly , to the confusion of the catholicke romanes , which lost more then twentie thousand men before rochel . some churches then began to respire , and many tooke againe good courage to redresse some portion of so many ruines . warre was also kindled in holland , especially at the siege of harlem , where the besieged men and women , executed maruellously their duties : but not being able to be succoured , oppressed also with famine : finally they yeelded themselues the . of iuly at the discretion of frederick de toledo , who drowned , hanged , & beheaded , more then two thousand souldiers . the burgesses escaped death by the payment of a great summe of money , which they straight disbursed . in the moneth of april before , they of flushing obtained a memorable victory ouer the army of the duke of alua , and cast into the sea a great number of spaniards . after the taking of harlem , frederic besieged alemar , a towne nigh therevnto , resoluing with himselfe to make a goodly butchery of the burgesses , if they could obtaine it . but he was constrained to leaue his siege after great losse . the prince on the other side found meanes to obtaine the strong castle of rameken , and the towne of s. gertrudenberghe . they of linchuse ouercame the nauall army of the count de bossu , and tooke him prisoner the . day of october , whilest leiden was besieged of the spaniards . the second day of september , the duke of alua forsooke the lowe countries , making his iourney through the franche counte , sauoy and piemont , to embarke himselfe at genes , and so to saile into spaine , carrying with him an infinit bootie from the lowe countries , which he left in great heate of warre betwixt the hands of lewis requescens , great commaunder of castile , a man in appearance of soft condition , but no lesse fellonious and cruell , then his predecessor in that gouernment . iohn de austriche made warre in barbarie about the ende of this yeare , and got tunes , builded a strong citadell betwixt tunes and the goulette , to resist the turkes : after hee withdrew into sicilie . the great commander meaning to driue away the prince of orange , incamped before middelbourge in zeland , armed a puissant fleete , about . vessels , and the . of ianuary , . made saile towards zeland , but his army encountred the princes army : in so much that after a long combat , where that commaunder commaunded not , but looking ouer the dikes , to iudge of the blowes with more assurance , he sawe the spaniards ouerthrown with his wallons , wherof some were drowned , others carried away prisoners , and almost all their vessels lost . they of middelbourg wayed with the siege , and all hope which they had of succours , turned into dispaire : they yeelded themselues a moneth after . in the beginning of february , the warre waxed hotte in barbary , betwixt the spaniards , moores , and turkes . the . of the same moneth , henry duke of aniou , arriuing from france in polongne , made his entrie into cracouia , and was crowned three dayes after , with accustomed solemnities . about this time , the venetians beeing tyred with warre , entred an accord with selym , whereat the pope and the king of spaine were not content . fraunce entred into new troubles . they tooke them to arms in normandie and poictou . the king in great hast retired himselfe from s. germaines to paris . from that time followed great chaunges in france , there then seeming to be no more any question of religion , but of the estate : a thing notwithstanding of longer discourse then i need now set down , seeing it i● handled in particular bookes depending vpon the history of this time . the warre continued in holland , and the spaniards encamped before leyden : but they were constrained to leaue their siege the . day of march to goe meete the duke christopher , son of the elector palatin , & the counties lodowick and henry de nassan brethren , which came downe in the strength of winter towards mastriche , with a good number of footmen and horsemen . these lords being aduertised that the spaniards came to finde them , aduanced themselues , and encountred in a field of thornes called morkerheide , where the lansquenets crying after siluer , refused the combat : insomuch that the lords were vanquished and slaine all three , vpon the fourth day of april . ioachim camerarius , a learned man amongst all the almaine , an inward and familiar friend of phillip melancton , dyed at leipsic , beeing of the age of . yeares , the . day of aprill . the . day , died cosme de medices duke of florence , and great duke of thuscane , leauing a sonne , vnto whom the state and tytle of great duke , was confirmed by the pope . the great commaunder thinking to haue gained all , by the ouerthrowe of the count lodowick , caused a generall pardon to bee published in the towne of antwerpe , the of aprill , but none came for it , so that the war continued . yet three daies after this publication , the spanish souldiers kindling a mutinie for want of their pay , entred into the towne of antwerpe by the fauour of the castle , constraining the burgesses to furnish them the summe of foure thousand florents : to bring this to passe , they vsed great insolencies . they constrained also the gouernor and the wallon souldiers to auoyd the towne , with intent to gorge themselues the more at their ease . they also set farther off , the ships which had the guard of the hauen . the princes nauie hauing discouered these ships , got quickly hold of them , and carried them away in the commaunders view , whilest he and his souldiers tooke their pastime in sacking of antwerpe . the spaniards prceiuing that during their absence leiden was not againe victualled , returned to besiege it the second day of may , and held it closer then before , for in diuers places they made forts , to the number of . vpon large and deep dikes , the most part invnited and strengthned with . or . canons . the eleuen day of may a great part of s. markes pallace at venice was burned , and two daies after a great number of houses at venice with a notable losse for many marchants . there happened as much at bruxels in brabant , the . of the same month , and the fire tooke hold of certaine gunpowder which was in a tower , which by the ruine thereof greatly endamaged all the towne , and slew . persons . a great warre was then in france , especially in poictou , and in normandie . gabriel counte de montgommeri , hauing with a fewe men sustained the siege and diuers assaultes in the castle of danfronc , yeelded it by composition : but he was reserued and carried prisoner vnto paris , where not long after by decree of the parliament his head was cut off . in the meane while the duke of alencon the kings yongest brother , and the king of nauarre , were as prisoners in the court : and the churches languished vnder so many confusions . the last day of may , charles the ninth king of france , dyed of the age of . yeares , in the wood of vincennes , leauing his kingdome much indebted , and maruellously full of broyles . henry of valois , the third sonne of henry the second , born in the yeare . the . of september , beeing in pologne when his brother charles dyed , and vnderstanding the newes of his death , departed secretly that kingdome , and tooke possession of that his mother had kept for him . he passed through venice , so into piedmont , where he visited margarite the duchesse , his aunt , who dyed soone after , and arriuing at lyons in the beginning of september , hee caused certaine edicts to be published against them of the religion , who stood vpon their gard , seeing their new prince threatned them so openly . a litle before his comming , henry montmorency marshal de danuile , and gouernor of languedoc , entred in cōference with the principals of the religion , least that prouince & other nigh therevnto might come to ruine and destruction by ciuill warres , and to procure some rest for france . the prince of conde retired into almaine . the king descended into languedoc , hauing failed to take liuron , a smal towne of dauphine . about the end of this yeare , died charles cardinall of lorraine , one of the chiefe instruments of the troubles and confusions of france . to come vnto the affaires of the low countries . the siege of leiden hauing continued all the sommer , with appearance of extreame confusion for the besieged , the third day of october following , it was refreshed and victualled by the prowesse of a fewe souldiers , conducted by boisot admirall of holland , beeing helped with the sea-floud , which the prince , by the meanes of pearcing of certaine dikes , and sluces opening , had caused it to come farre , euen nigh vnto the towne . the spaniards after they had fought a litle , seeing the water began to enclose them , abandoned their forts , left their siege , and retired away shamefully . selym emperour of the turkes , dyed about the . of december , after hee had ended the warre against the walaques : wherin he lost an infinit number of men , and tooke peace with the venetians . his sonne and successor amurath , at his comming in , caused fiue of his bretheren to be put to death , and two wiues of selym , the one of which , who was great with childe , seeing the death of her children , threw her selfe to the ground out of an high windowe . hauing thus prouided for his estate , hee prepared to make warre vpon the polonians , some of which , called kosaques , had succoured the vayuoda of watachia . the . of ianuary , . they of the religion found meanes to get arguesmortes , a strong towne , and of great importance in languedoc , especially for salt that comes from thence , and greatly furnisheth the prouinces . the same day the marshall d' danuile made a league with them of the religion , and a publike and large declaration , containing the causes of his doings . the duke de montpensier tooke fontenay in poictou , and lusignen yeelded vpon composition . this notwithstanding the churches of that prouince , and other nigh vnto it , in some sort maintained themselues euen in the middest of armes . the duke d' vzes , sometimes affectioned vnto religion , tooke armes against it , but hee prospered not much therein . the churches of languedoc and dauphine redressed themselues after the king was retyred from auignon : but their vnion with the politikes or malcontents , destroyed them within by the wicked liues of many of those politikes badly aduised . king henry the third was sacred at reimes the fifteenth day of february , and espowsed soone after louyse , the daughter of nicholas count de vandemont in lorraine : so that then and after , there was nothing in the court of france but pastimes , such , as there is lesse euil to conceale , then profit to describe . in the mean while warre continued in languedoc , well for the aduantage of them of the religiō , being assisted of the marshall de danuille their confederate , vnto which part many enclined and ioyned themselues daily . in the moneth of april a negotiation and parley was made at paris , betwixt the kings councell and the deputies of churches & the politikes , without any conclusion . but contrary the warre waxed hot in dauphine & languedoc with losse on both sides : but they of the religion were the stronger . and since we are vpon that point , we will set downe in this present article that which was done in france during this yeare . worthy of note , in few words . about the end of april the duke d'vzes besieged bais , a litle towne vpon rhosne , and got the towne : but they of the religion which held the two castles , constrained him to forsake it after he had lost many of his people . to reuenge himselfe he burnt a part of the towne , and continued after such sackings and destructions , that he became very odious . in the month of may sell a tumult at marseillis , and in certaine other places of prouince , against gatherers & farmers of the kings demeasnes which were chased away . and therevpon arose a band of politike malcontents , which they called les raises , shauen : because they caused their beards to be shauen , or some part of them , to be knowne by that signe : and in prouence they of the religion held certaine places , as riez , lourmarin , siena , and others , some of which soone after were taken out of their hands . the . day of iune le sieur de monbrun , a daulphenois gentleman , a wife and valiant captaine of warre , ouerthrew le sieur de gordes gouernour of daulphine , who saued himselfe by flight within gap , and left . companies of swisses in the field , which were broken , and nine hundred cut in peeces straight with frenlich their colonell , and sixteen captaines , with . ensignes carried away by monbrun and his people , which had a great bootie of armes especially , and lost on their part but sixe men . le sieur de gordes after that , gathered great forces , and againe meeting in the field he ouerthrew monbrun , who meaning to leape a ditch to obtaine a meet passage for his retrait , his horse fell , and he vnder him , whereby his thigh was broken , and so remained prisoner , hauing only lost twentie two men , and thirtie eight were taken prisoners . this happened the ninth of iuly , and soone after by decree of a parliament at grenople , monbrun had his head cut off . on the other side , the duke of vzes , destroyed and burnt all the flat countrey of languedoc , with the losse of infinite corne. le sieur de lodignieres ordained chieftain of the troupes of dauphine , in the place of monbrun , gaue order for the affaires at the beginning of august , and tooke many places . vpon these actions , and the sixteenth day of september , francis duke d' alencon , and brother vnto the king , conueyed himselfe secretly in the night from the court then at paris , wherevpon came brutes and discourses maruellous straunge and diuers . two dayes after his retraite , hee published by writing the causes thereof , declaring that hee meant to procure a good peace and reformation in france . hee writ vnto the princes and lordes of the religion , to the churches , to the marshall danuile , and to the politikes , vnto the same end ; insomuch that each one assured himselfe soone to see goodly things , and there remained but verie fewe which feared any hid euill , as discourses after published doo shewe . in the meane time the prince of conde tooke order almaine to leuie an army to enter into fraunce , and by armes to obtaine some rest for them of the religion , and for the whole estate : hee dealt fully with duke cassimere , of all things requisite for such a good . the king , the queene mother , and their councell , were greatly troubled , as if all had beene lost by the retrait of the duke d' alenson , writing to all places , calling as ( they say , tag and rag ) they made leuies and brought troupes into the field , and yet without any exployt of warre . they made flie a report of souldiers from almaine and sueuia , yet none entred france during that fourth warre to do seruice vnto the king , who in the meane while demaunded siluer of his townes , and for the rest hee bore himselfe , as if there had beene no appearance of warre . his mother in the meane time got her towards the duke d' alenson , ( as some said ) to make peace betwixt the two brethren , and for the quiet of the kingdome . in the meane while the king forbad all the nobilitie to come nigh the duke of alenson ; hee sent also certaine troupes , to hinder not onely that , but the comming of certaine almaines which le sieurs de thore and de cleruant ledde , which were ouerthrowne by the duke of guise , and cleruant was taken prisoner , with certaine others , the tenth of october . soone after was there a truce made betwixt the queene mother and the duke of alenson , for sixe moneths , wherewith each one was miscontented , but the king accorded them : whilest the prince of conde leuied people in suifferland , and the armie of almaine whereof was the captaine the duke cassimere , marched , composed of ten thousand horsemen , sixe thousand suissers , two thousande lansquenets , three thousand french men and wallons , sixe great battering peeces , and sixteene field peeces . the . of december the prince of conde published in writing the causes wherefore hee brought that armie into france , in diuers places whereof in the meane while were courses and taking of townes , with notable happes and chaunges , reserued vnto the generall historie of our time . to be briefe , the confusion was extreame throughout all the kingdome , and so much the more as almost all were blinded , the churches became very desolate , and such as feared god and were of some iudgement did foresee nothing but new calamities . thus in fewe words was the estate of france this yeare . the estate also of the low countries was as followeth . in the moneth of february by the aduise of the king of spaine , the emperour sent into brabant towards the commaunder , and from thence towards the prince of orange and the estates of holland , the count schuartembourg , to cōsider of the meanes for peace . the said count tooke so much paines therein , that hostages were sent to the prince for suerties of the hollanders , because assembly was made at brede in brabant , where the counte remained . but because the prince and the hollanders persisted in their exercise of religion , the commaunder vnwilling to consent therevnto , the said negotiation came to no effect . incontinently that towne and castle de bure appertaining to the princes sonne , being besieged by the spaniards , was yeelded by the cowardise of the gouernour . in the moneth of august following , the towne of onde water was besieged by the spaniards , by meanes wherof the prince transported himself to gonde , to cause the dikes to be cut out , wherof the spaniards aduertised , furiously beat the towne , and after a breach made gaue two assaults , but receiued liuely repulses , so that they returned the third time , and then becomming maisters thereof , they slew all the souldiers and burgesses , and burnt the most part of the towne . amongst those souldiers there were two companies of scots , which not beeing able any more to stand vpon the breach because of the canon and the violence of the assailants , retyred into the towne nigh the great church , where they fought the space of certaine houres very couragiously , and they all dyed their weapons in their hands , and neuer would yeeld themselues . foure dayes after the spaniards besieged an other towne called schoonhouē . the prince quickly sent thither le sieur de la garde , colonell of the french companies in holland , who so wisely behaued himselfe that by capitulation he was licenced to go out with all his , and their armes and iewels saued . in the meane while the commander practised so with certain hollanders that he drew some to his part , so , that to the great astonishment of all he passed his army through the straites of the iles of s. anne . phillip lanat and bunenlant , got by assault the fortresse of bommene , the twentie eight of september , after incontinently besieged ziriczeo , one of the principallest townes in zeland . the king of france was sommoned and required by the estates of poland , to appeare in the towne of steczise , the . day of may : which he not performing , they caused to be published that he was falne from his kingdome , and from that time was there adiudged an interreigne , as in the case of death , which was published the . day of iuly following at cracouia , and after in the principal townes of the kingdome , and an other day appointed for the estates to prouide for a new election . henry bullenger , minister in the church of zurich , a learned theologian of our time , who with his writings hath greatly serued the church of god , hauing attained the age of . yeares , dyed the . of september . rodolphe the eldest soone of the emperour maximilian , hauing beene a yeare before crowned king of hungarie , was crowned king of boheme , in the great church of prage , the . of september . by the consent also of the princes of the empire he was elected king of romanes , and crowned at ratisbone , the first day of nouember , being then of the age of . yeares . the estate of france in the yeare . was such as followeth . the . day of ianuary the duke of alenson wrote vnto the parliament of paris the causes wherefore an army of almanes for him entered into france , and by them mightily threatned his enemies . they ment to astonish the parisians , to the ende more easily to emptie their purses . in the meane time there was sent messages vppon messages to the prince of conde and the duke cassimere , to keep them from further entrance with their troupes , but they aduanced into the kingdom , & tooke certain litle things of small importance . the k. of nuarre withdrew from the court the . of february , which the more augmented the hope of many touching the repose of the affaires of france . but all things was so confused & mingled together , as it was no maruell if yet at this present things so wrinckled and knottedtogether , bee impossible ( in regard of men ) to bee vntied and loosed . the men of warre were greatly outrayed . therefore they of vuerettes by a common accorde leagued themselues notwithstāding the diuersitie of their religion , to hold their prouince in peace , against all such as would enter with armes . the duke of alenson seeing nigh him the almaine armie , demaunded siluer of the churches in languedoc , but they were sucked by other horsleaches , so that hee obtained nothing there , nor other where : but that he was aided by the king his brother . vpon these stirres the deputies of the churches assembled at paris , vnder safe conduct , to aduise vpon meanes of pacification : and on the other side the duke of alenson ioyned himselfe vnto the armie that cassimere & the prince put in his hands the thirteenth day of march. incontinently a peace was a making to cause to vanish in the aire all the strengths of them of the religion , and after many goings and commings it was accorded , and so was made the fift edict of pacification , in the beginning of may , agreeing vpō many things to the aduantage of them of the religiō : but they gained nothing therby , but rather found themselues new to begin again . the almain army retired without any memorable exployt . the duke of alenson obteined much for himself . others were contented with promises , and the reisters in some sort were satisfied . one of the principall articles of the edict concerned the assembly of the states of the kingdome , to take order for all affaires . but it came otherwise to passe . for that was the meanes which the enemies of the publike state vsed to make their leagues , to breake the edict for a newe commencement of warres , and so to leaue the kingdome in more confusion then euer it was , as appeared by the yeare following . yet notwithstanding the churches were redressed and encreased in diuers places , maugre the rage & deuices of sathan , whilest the king called the estates to blois , where he made his entry the . day of nouember , and all the remainder of the yeare after was imployed vpon diuers conferences amongst the deputies . the affaires of the lowe country bore themselues as followeth . in the moneth of february . the prince of orange obtained a fortresse of great importance , called crimpen in holland , whereby hee warranted suindree , and all other places thereabouts . during the siege of ziriczee , the commander died of the pestilence at bruxelles , the . day of march. then the gouernment of the lowe countries was by the king remitted into the hands of the councell of the estate . in the moneth of may following , ziriczee being not able to hold out any lōger was yeelded to the spaniards , who straight after began to mutenie , vnder colour of paiments due vnto them , and determined to haue surprised bruxelles , & so to pay themselues . the inhabitants hereof aduertised , prouided so well for theyr assurance , that the spaniards found the gates shut : wherat they were so despited , that without any resistance about the ende of iuly entring alost , a towne situate betwixt gaunt , malines , and bruxelles , they vsed there the inhabitants as in a place takē by assault . and bicause they continued their disorders by the winking of certaine of the councell of estate , in the beginning of september the captaine of bruxelles well accompanied entred into the pallace , and in the name of the estates of brabant , cōstituted prisoners , amongst others the counties of mansfield , and de barlaiment , assonuile councellor , barti , & scharemberg , secretaries . soone after the spaniards were declared rebels , enemies to the king & his country , by an edict of the councell of estate , published the . of september . for all this the spaniards left not running hither and thither , putting to flight all such as in the field made head against them , and by the intelligence they had with the lansquenets they entered into the towne of mastricht , which they pilled . this done they ioyned themselues together & marched towards antwerpe , & arriuing there they got in at the citadel or castle , the . of nouember , and sodenly assailed the companies of souldiers , and all the inhabitants of the towne , with a maruellous fiercenes & resolution , during many daies , pilling , sacking , & spoyling the towne , one of richest & fullest of marchandise in all europe , they massacred & slew many thousands of persons , of all ages , sexes , estates , and of diuers countries , burnt one of the richest quarters of the towne , with the magnificall and most sumptuous house thereof : briefly they committed there all maner of wickednes . the estates of the fifteene prouinces which till then had bene spanish , hauing learned to their cost , that they which thus handled them , looked for nothing so much as wholly to ruinat and destroy them , made a peace with the princes & the states of holland & zeland , the . day of nouember , in the towne of gaunt . during all those tempests god conserued the reformed church of antwerpe , and certaine others also , as sometimes in babilon he conserued the companions of daniel in the middest of the burning fornace , and daniel himselfe in the lyons den . incontinently after the spoyling of antwerpe , the almaines would needs remooue their goods to valenciennes , but they were preuented by the inhabitants , and driuen away out of the towne the . day of nouember . they of groninghe in friseland maintained themselues in the like sort , and arrested prisoner their gouernour , who meant to haue spoyled theyr towne . and at this time all the lowe countries were in armes , readie to runne vpon the spaniards , extreamly hated of them all . iosias sinder , an execellent theologian & professor of holy letters at zurich , dyed the second day of iuly , in his age of . yeares . he left some bookes which were full of solide doctrine , and especially exceellently refuting the antitrinitaries and vbiquitaries . stephen bathori , vaiuoda of transiluania , hauing beene crowned king of polonia the first day of may , tooke order for the affaires of his kingdome , and prepared himselfe for the war against the moscouite . he left the churches of poland in peaceable estate . the emperour maximilian hauing held his last imperiall iourney at ratisbone , dyed the . day of october , beeing about the age of . yeares . rodolphus his eldest sonne king of the romanes , of hungarie , and of boheme , succeeded his father maximilian in the imperiall dignitie , being the second of that name . assoone as he was proclaimed emperor , he caused the embassadors of poland , to be released and sent to amurath , to demaund truce , which was without any difficultie graunted , because that the turke hauing had aduertisement of the warre , which the king of persia prepared against him , could not any way assure himself , to make resistance in so many places ; his empire elsewhere , being sorely weakened , by the iust punishment of god , with plague and famine . ieronimo conestagio . frederic , elector palatine of rhene , a prince fearing god , greatly affectionating true religion , the ornament & true iosias of all almaine , died the . of october , being . years of age . his eldest sonne lewes succeeded him , in the dignity of princely electorship , who chaunged the doctrine & discipline which his father had happily established in the countie palatine . in the moneth of ianuary , february , and march , the estates of france were at blois , where the last edict of pacification on was reuoked after infinit practises , and the duke alenson forsooke the part of polititians and of them of religion . from thence followed in sommer next a new warre against them of the religion , which lost the townes de la charite vpon loire , issoire in auuerne , melle , and brouage in guien , with great desolations , especially at issoire . the marshall also danuile forsooke his confederates , and did the worst he could vnto the churches of languedoc ; finally a sixt edict of pacification was treated of at bergerac , and agreed on at poitiers , in the moneth of september , by the meanes whereof the former was abolished , and the churches more troubled then euer they were ; insomuch , that after that they had nothing assured ; yet notwithstanding god maintained them in many places , against the opinion of great and title . in old saxonie which we now call westphalia , salentinus bishop of padeborne , and archbishop of coloine , being the last of the honourable house of eisenberge , voluntarily resigned both his bishopprickes , and tooke to wife antouia , witelma , the daughter of iohn counte of arenberge , and sister to charles arenberge . whom in the diocesse of padeborne , henry duke of saxonie archbishop of breme succeeded , and in the electoriship gebardus truchesses , the sonne of william lord of walnogh . dauid chytreus . iohn de austrich , the bastard sonne of the emperor charles the fift , was sent as gouernor into the lowe countries . he before hee entered into brabant , confirmed the pacification of gaunt , and made an accord with the estates the . day of february . the next morning the spaniards forsooke the castle of vtrich , according to the accord , and the of march folowing , they which were in the townes and citadell of antwerpe came out with their bootie . the almaines remained in the towne vnder the colonels foncquer and fronsperge , attending paiment : the . of april , the spaniards came out of mastricht . iohn de austria made his entry into bruxells by the . of may , and tooke his oath according to the statutes of the countries ; the eleuenth of iune , hee went to malignes , where hauing performed that he came for , hee retyred vnto namur , and laide hold of the castle the . of iuly : the estates hauing discouered the drifts and practises of iohn de austria , stood vpon their guardes , and discouering what hee went about against them , got the castle of antwerpe , and constrained the almaines quickly to dislodge , seazing diuers places , and dismanteling the citadell or castle of antwerpe , ioyned it to the citie of antwerpe the . of august , and in the moneth following , caused their iustification to be published , taking armes for theyr defence , calling the prince of orange to their succours . who arriued in antwerpe the eighteenth day of september , and fiue dayes after at bruxells , being of all receiued with great ioy : hee was after the . of october chosen gouernour of brabant . about the same time was there trouble at gaunt and groine , which after was appeased . genebrardus . mathias archduke of austria , the emperours brother , being called to be gouernour of the lowe countries , made his entry into the towne of antwerpe the . of nouember , and the . of december , he accepted the gouerment of the countries , vpon the conditions proposed vnto him by the deputies of the estates . the churches of holland and zeland florish , they of other prouinces of the low countries begin to hope well . stephen bathori king of poland this yeare made warre vpon the dantzick , but after certaine encounters a peace was accorded vpon conditions . sebastian king of portugall , sent peter d'alascoua , embassador to phillip king of spaine , with commaundement to treat of three point , that is , for aide in the action of affricke , for the marriage of his daughter , and for enterview . the embassador obtained all three , the promise of marriage , with one of his daughters , when she should come to yeares , that the catholick king should goe to gradalupa to meet with k. sebastian : and as for succours , he should furnish men & gallies to vndertake the enterprise of alarache , the which was spoken very coldly . philip confirmed the succors of men & gallies , so as the turke should send no mē into italy , and that they should vntertake alarache in this yeare , the whole being referred vnto their enterview at gradalupa . in the parliament held at blois , pierre d' epinac archbishop of lyons rose vp , and before them all , declared his reasons touching the cleargie , the lord of senscey spake for the nobilitie , and versoris for the common . the two first by a multitude of reasons & wonderfull speeches , concluded that it was most fit and conuenient , that there should be but one religion in the realme . the third shewed , that the people wholly desired the revnion thereof , so it might be done by peaceable and quiet meanes without warres . but the cleargie and nobilitie after many difficulties , caused the parliament to breake vp , so that vnder the ashes of the last warres , which as yet were hot , there might be found the sparkes of a great fire . for after many messages ( although in vaine ) sent by the king to the protestant princes , the warre began again , for the prince of conde rose vp in arms , and swore not to leaue them ( vnder whose protestation was placed , deo & victricibus armis ) vntil he had brought the realme into her former splendor & dignity . but the reasons that perswaded peace to the king , got the vpper hand of those that desired warre , and therevpon an edict of peace was made at poitiers , with great contentment on both parts , and the prince of conde the same night he receiued it , caused it to be published by torch-light , although with lesse aduantage on his side then the first , for it restored the exercise of the catholicke religion in the places , where it had beene prohibited , it suffered mens consciences to be free , yet without publike exercise , but onely in the townes and places , whereas then it was openly preached , and to gentlemen of qualitie and degree , in their owne houses : yet there was some difficultie in the execution and obseruation of this peace , which the conference at nerae betweene the queene mother and the king of nauarre soone auoyded ; but the wound not well healed , did still bleede , by means of the furious disorders of those that were his chiefe doers : but the yeare one thousand fiue hundred eightie one , it was wholly ioyned and drawne into a scarre . see the historie of france . syr martyn forbisher tooke his voyage by sea about the the end of may , towards the north and west , discouering vnknowne countries , and came againe rich laden into england , about the end of september following . the pope forasmuch as this intended warre by sebastian was attempted against infidels , opened his spirituall treasures , graunting the bull of the croisada , which till that time was not brought into the realme . the ninth of nouember there appeared in the zodiaque , in the signe of libra , neare vnto the station of mars , the goodliest and greatest comet , that hath bene seene in many ages , the which hapning in the progresse of this warre , amazed many , who looking to examples past , said it was a signe of vnhappie successe , and that comming frō a corrupt aire , it did endamage the delicate bodies of princes . and for as much as the auncient captaines with their diuines , did interpret it to good , not for that they beleeued it , but to incourage the souldiers : the portugall likewise taking it for a fauour , said , that this comet spake vnto the king , saying , accometa : which is to say in the portugall tongue ; let him assayle them , not hauing any such beliefe , but for flattery , fearing more the kings choler , by reason of his rough inclination , then the heauens . ieronimo conestaggio . after the sixt edict of pacification in france , the king hauing published certaine ordinances in regard of policie , sollicited much the prouinces of his country to get mony of them , wherevpon followed great discontentment . in the meane while the souldiers being dispersed in many places , and yet hauing weapons in their hands , gaue them of the religion to thinke they could not long continue in quietnesse ; yet the churches maintained themselues in diuers places . about the end of march the towne of geneua had great alarums , many troupes appearing in diuers places , to haue surprised it : but their comming being discouered , and the towne holding her selfe vpon her guards , there followed no exployts of warre . the queene mother made diuers progresses through the realme of france , to maintaine ( said she ) the publike repose : and so all that yeare passed in doubtfulnesse , in regard of the churches and the estate of france . warre began in flaunders in brabant , betwixt iohn de austria , and the estates : he gained a battaile the last day of ianuary , and after he got giblon , louaine , arcscod , tiltmond , diest , and sichem , and in this last , handled most discourteously the officers of the place . the . of february , the towne of amsterdem by capitulation , with the prince & the estates of holland , revnited themselues with the other townes of the countrie vnder the princes gouernment . the estates at the same time sent their embassador to the imperiall iourney , where they shewed the iustice of their cause , and demaunded succours . the duke cassimire prepared himselfe with an army , the queene of england also promised to furnish them with men and money . cassamire ( by the counsell of imbysa , consull of gaunt and borhutus , was requested by those of flaunders to take the earldome vpon him ) came to gaunt , where he found petrus dathenus and others , the chiefe of the congregation : by whom the citizens being stirred vp , thrust out all the masse priests and monkes out of the citie , and put their goods into their treasurie , to serue afterwards for the necessary vse of the common-wealth : and by a booke set forth by them , they drew others to the free libertie , not onely ciuill , but also to a libertie of conscience and religion . from thence cassamire in the beginning of the next yeare , came to the queene of england for money to pay his souldiers . alexander farnese prince of parma , the sonne of octauius , the nephewe of peter and pope paulus the . his nephewes sonne , was created duke of parma by the king of spaine , d. chytraeus . the iesuites and certaine friars were thrust out of antwerpe in the moneth of may , & as then , phillits a towne , yeelded it selfe by composition to the spaniard . kempens was besieged & taken by the estates . a noble encounter hapned betwixt thē and iohn de austria , who had the worst , the first of august . in the moneth of august , a free exercise of the reformed religion was permitted in antwerpe by mathias arch-duke , chiefe generall and lieftenant of the prince of orange , and the authoritie of the estates . so the libertie of religion was proclaimed , vpon these conditions , that the reformed should not hinder or trouble , either by themselues or others , the rights and exercises of the olde religion , nor should offer any iniurie , reproach , or violence to any one , for the diuersitie in religion , that they should obey the political magistrates , & beare the like taxes & impositiōs with other citizens , that they shuld haue no sermons ▪ but in such places as the magistrates appointed , that the ministers should swear to preach nothing scandalous or seditious in their sermons : that no man shuld spoile any holy place , or breake any images , nor should sell any ballads or libels reproachful to the other religiō , &c. these the gouernor , the deputie of brabant , the praetor , & senate of antwerpe , promised to receiue into their charge and patronage . this libertie of religion , they of gaunt with the hollanders and zelanders , embraced . to the which a litle after , the states of geldria condiscended . but the hannonians & artesians taking in very ill part that the catholick roman religion ( which they professed at bruxelles , they would constantly retaine , before the emperror , the king of spaine , and other princes ) should now be left and abolished of thē of gaunt ; in whose citie their protestation was made ; seperated themselues frō the other estates , who had changed their religion , & by bookes published , accused them of their inconstancie and periurie . and therein protest that they wil be faithful maintainers & defenders of the catholick romane faith , and true liegemen to the king , if he would conserue their priuiledges . these were presently called malcontents , who forthwith made war vpon them of gaunt , deadly hating them for this change . they of the reformed religion at antwerpe , desired to haue their religious exercise , which they obtained with fewe churches ; namely , the chappell of the castle , the temple of the iesuits , of the iacobins , s. andrewes , and halfe of the friars . certain daies after , the protestants of ausbourge obtained also certain tēples . the emperor & the king of france , sought to make some agreement betwixt the parties , but it came to nothing . on the other side , cassimere hauing soiourned in the countrey of zutphen certaine time for the muster of his people , being in number . footmen , & . horsmen , came into brabant , and ioyned with the estates the . of august . iohn de austria died of the pestilence in his campe nigh nance , the . of octob. alexander prince of parma , succeeded him in his charge . the malcontents , made war vpō the gauntois , vnder the conduct of sieur de montignie , the cardinall of granuell his brother . this league did after maruellously hinder the proceedings of states affaires , and vnder that ouerture , the spaniards who could not long haue stood , do hitherto maintaine themselues . the . of nouember , the towne of deuentry yeelded it selfe by composition vnto the estates . mathew hamond , by his trade a ploughwright , three miles frō norwich , was conuented before the bishop therof , for that he denied christ to be our sauiour . for this and many other heresies he was condemned in the consistorie , and burned in the castle ditch of norwiche . about the end of the yeare , they of alenson forsooke the estates , to draw into france . the prince of orange appeased the troubles which hapned at gaunt . almaine was then in quiet , in regard of ciuill affaires : but greatly troubled by the practises and factions of certaine disciples of brencius , the father of the vbiquitaries , whereof , after followed many disputations , without any conclusion of the mater . they which desired a truce of peace in the church , attended no other thing by the sollicitation of so many wandering spirits , but some great troubles in both the politicke and ecclesiasticall estates , if god be times remedie not the same by the wisedome of the princes and states of the empire . at this time , the irish men rebelled in diuers parts of that kingdome , pretending the libertie of religion , and complained to the pope , taking for their leader the earle of desmond , onrake , and some other of the sauage irish , affirming that if they were aided , they would easily drawe the whole countrey from the queenes obedience . the pope did communicate this with the catholicke king , exhorting him to vndertake this action , as most godly , and to succour this people , the which they resolued to do . but for as much as the queene of england did seeme in words friend vnto the king , and did as the spaniards supposed , couertly vnderhand assist the prince of orange in flaunders against him , the king would likewise walke in the same path , and make a couert warre against her . they concluded to assist this people in the popes name , but secretly at the kings charge . to this effect they leuied certaine footemen in the territories of the church ; whereof , sixe hundred were vnder the conduct of thomas stukely , an english man , who fled out of england for treason : ( who a litle before had obtained the title of a marquesse from the pope ) were embarked at ciuitauechia , in a ship of genua , to be transported into ireland , the which arriued at lisbone , in the time that they made preparation for the warre of affrike . the king hearing of their arriuall , and that for want of money he could haue no italians out of tuscane , desired to see them , with intent to retaine them , and vse them in the warre of affricke , and hauing caused them to disimbarke , and to lodge at oeicas , neare to the mouth of tagus , hee went one day to view them , and hauing had some conference with stukely , hee perswaded him to promise to goe with him into affrike . the catholicke king , because he would not shewe himselfe a partie , would not contradict it . the pope was so farre of , that before the newes could come vnto him , he gaue them impresse , and they remained for his seruice . the . of iune , beeing midsommer day , sebastian hauing a prosperous winde , the whole army set saile , to his great pleasure and contentment , who young and vnskilfull , guided by some sinister starre , or by that diuine permission , which would punish this people , went into affricke , to a dangerous ( although a glorious ) enterprise , leaning the realme emptied of money , naked of nobilitie , without heires , and in the hands of ill affected gouernours . in this most fierce and bloudie battaile between the portugalls and the moores , three kings died . the king sebastian the . of august , when both the battailes were ioyned , fought so valiantly , that those which saw his valour wondred at it : for although they slew three horses vnder him , without any whit daunting him , yet was he neuer wearie to change , strike , & succour all parts of the army , where was greatest daunger : many of his nobilitie which remained yet on horsback , seeing the army in rout , sought the king in all parts to saue him : but the standard which was carried before him as a marke to knowe him , was now taken , and the bearer slaine ; and being deceiued with an other some what like vnto that , which edward de moneses carried , they followed the one instead of the other ; so as the king remained as a mā lost , with some of his most trustie seruants about him , and one renegado , who laboured to saue him : hauing in vaine sought to flie , being aduised to yeeled with his armes , he would by no means agree vnto it . one amongst thē , holding vpon the point of his foote a white napkin in signe of peace , went towards the moores , as an embassador for the rest to yeeld : but they either barbarous or wilfull , tooke the messenger prisoner , and charged the rest , who being fewe in number , wearied , and without courage , they were all slaine . some say there grew a controuersie amongst them about the kings owne person , and for that occasion they slew him . they sent afterward to seeke his body , and by a notable example of the inconstancie of this world , they carried it naked vpon a saddle pomell , into the royall tent of moluc , where letting it fall to the ground , it was carefully viewed by the nobilitie who were there present , and a publike certificate that it was he , keeping it after at alcazar-quiuer . ieronimo conestaggio . mulei moluc seeing his men at the first to flie , ( although he were sicke vnto the death ) mounted to horse in choller , going towards them that ranne away , to stay them and encourage them : the shot of the christians drawing neare , he made shewe to match himselfe foremost : but his fauourites came about him , entreating him not to hazard himselfe . but he persisting his resolution , and they to stay him , he grew in choller , laying hold on his sword to disperse them , at what time being seazed with a deadly fit of an apoplexie , he swowned , and fell from his horse : but being taken downe by them about him , hee was laid in his litter , where putting his finger into his mouth in signe of silence , suddenly , or ( as some report ) before he was laid downe , gaue vp the ghost . mulei mahamet escaped his enemies hands , but his too great haste to passe mucazez , and to recouer azzill , was the cause he was drowned in his passage , those whom idlenesse had made curious , did note the diuersitie of these princes deaths , for being all lost in one battaile , within the space of sixe houres , the one died of his naturall death , the second by the sword , the third was drowned . hamet was proclaimed king of the moores . hee caused the body of mulei mahamet to be found out , and causing it to be fleied , filled the skinne with straw , and carried it in triumph , to the end to take from the moores all the hope they had conceiued in him . monsieurs the king of france his brother , after the example of the arch-duke mathias , went into flaunders , there to make worke for the king of spaine , where he made a goodly entrie , but an euill retreit . henry the third , this yeare by the example of lois the eleuenth , to vnite great persons in concord and inuiolable amitie , both for the benefite of the estate and countrie : he instituted the order of the holy ghost . d. chytraeus . of him this anagrame was made . henricus tertius : in te verè christus . in this yeare and the next , the estate of france and of the lowe countries , and of almaine , remained as before . in france the prince of conde retiring vnto fere , a towne vnder his gouernment of picardie , warre flamed , which continued in diuers places by the taking holds on either part , but more slowly then in former yeares . the strongest was in dauphine and in guienne , fere , mouire , and other places , hauing bene yeelded by composition . these tempests ended by a negotiation of peace . in the augustine friars at paris , this also was done in remembrance of his birth day , and the two kingdomes of poland and fraunce , falling to him as vpon that day , expecting as then the third crowne in heauen , of which this symbole was made : manet vltima coelo . he made . knights of the order before spoken of , and gaue them yearely pensions out of abbies , and ecclesiasticall liuings , in despight of the pope . this yeare , iohn fox , william wickney , and robert more , english men , hauing bene prisoners in turkie about the space of . or . yeares , with more then two hundred and sixtie other christians of diuers nations , by killing their keeper , maruellously escaped , and returned to their natiue countries . i. stowe . the towne of maistricht was taken by force of the spaniards , the . of iune , where they slew a great number of people . after the estates sought a protector , and addressed themselues in the yeare , . to the duke of alenson , who dealt with them . the turkes leauing europe in quietnesse , after peace made with the venetians , waged warre against the persians , and after many battailes lost , especially for the turkes , they fell to a peace about the end of this yeare . the cardinall don henry , brother of king don iohn the third , grandfather of don sebastian , was by a generall consent of the nobles and gouernours , chosen and sworne king of portugall , who like an other anius , was made king of a preist , of whom virgill saith in the . of his aeneiads , rex anius , rex idem hominum , phaebique sacerdos . of this cardinal say the portugalls that he was borne in the eclips of the moone , and in the eclips of the moone he died . m. cyprian . val. almaine was troubled by the cries and factions of the vbiquitaries , against whom , certain princes , common-weales , and learned mē , opposed thēselues , both with liuely voice & writing the faith and obedience of the king of france his subiects began to decline . vpon the . of ianuary , henry cardinall king of portugall , departed this life : he began to die in the eclips of the moone , and died with the end thereof , as if that the celestiall signe had wrought that effect in him ( being a man of a weake body ) which it doth not in strength , or at the least not so suddenly , as astrologians do write : neither is the houre to bee neglected , being the same wherein he was borne , . yeares before . this was the last king of portugall , in whom ended the right masculine line . and as the first lord of portugall , although vnder the title of an earle , was called henry , so doth it seeme the last should be so termed . he was bishop , gouernour of the realme , inquisitor , maior , legate apostolicke , and king. on the sixt of aprill , being wednesday in easter weeke , about sixe of the clocke towards euening , a certain earthquake happening in london , and almost generally throughout england , so amazed the people as was wonderfull , for the time . this earthquake endured in or about london , not passing one minute of an houre , but in kent , and on the sea coasts it was felt three times , as at sandwich at sixe of the clocke , at douer at the same houre . these and many other places in east kent , the same earthquake was felt three times to mooue , at sixe , at nine , and eleuen . hollenshead . the first of may , after of the clocke in the night , was an other earthquake felt in diuers places in east kent , namely at ashford , and great chard . king phillip performed the funerall obsequies of sebastian , in the church of s. ierome at madrill , although it was secretly muttered , that the duke of alua should say , the king should haue performed it in potugall , in our ladies church of belem , where the other kings are accustomed to be interred , inferring it may bee , that phillippe was successor vnto sebastian , or at the least should assure himselfe by force , of the succession after henry , causing himselfe to be sworne prince . ieronimo conestaggio . in the beginning of iune , the frislanders passing rhene , returned into their countrie , and meeting the count hollocke with . auncients , and two thousand horsmen , gaue him an ouerthrow , in which were slaine of the counts part , one thousand and fiftie , and on their owne side , but fiftie and fiue , by this encounter the siege was raised at the groine , and many townes , hauens , and holdes of friseland were redeemed . genebrard . after k. henries death , whē katherine duchesse of brabant , anthony the bastard sonne of king lewis , and others had promised themselues the next succession , at the last phillip king of spaine , ( who was for that named of the dying cardinall ) was inuested by the consent of the lords , spirituall and temporall . others , chiefly they of lisbone , did sweare to don antonio , but phillip with a great power both by sea and land ( of the which he made the duke of alua generall ) came to lisbone and expulsed don antonio , and recouered the citie . who beeing hotly pursued by sanches d' auila , was constrained to flie into france and england for succour . chytreus . in the moneth of iuly , stephen king of poland comming out of luchem in moschouie , tooke by force two fortresses , vualisium , and vsuum , and after that vuielukim : but hauing lost many of his men , at the end of the yeare hee returned . genebrard . on the nineteenth day of august , the king of spaines prescription was published against the prince of orange at namours . in these monethes of iuly and august , fera a citie in picardie , was deliuered to the huguenots . emanuel philebert duke of sauoy , died this moneth , a prince most famous for his courage , wisedome , and religion , leauing his sonne and heire , and sucessor charles . the first day of september of this present yeare , the grecians and muschouites began to recken the yeare from the worlds creation , . certain spaniards and italians confederate with the earle of desmond , and some of the cleargie of ireland landed there , and tooke certaine holds and castles , but they were soone discomfited and chased away . ferdinand duke of alua , began to exercise his tyrannie at aquisgrane , a chiefe citie of the empire , vpon certaine citizens and others that came from antwerpe and the lowe countries , such as were of the reformed religion : by whose conference and conuersation , very many of aquisgrane when they had embraced their profession , desired of the senate that they might vse a publike exercise of their religion : which when it was denied , neuerthelesse they met openly at sermons and the celebration of the sacramens . which beeing shewed vnto the emperour , certaine commissioners were appointed , to roote out the religious , and onely to establish the doctrine and rites of the pope . the emperour himselfe wrote also vnto the senate , that they should banish those preachers forth with , and that they should iustly keepe the old lawe , which was , that none should be admitted of the senate vnlesse they were altogether catholicke . d. chytraeus . the eight day of october , immediately after the new moone there appeared a blazing starre in the south , bushing towards the east , which was nightly seene the aire being cleare , more then two moneths . in this yeare there was great abundance of corne , wine , and all maner of fruite , and in autumne in many places roses did bud againe . a great sicknesse did followe , spreading it selfe throughout all europe . this is the yeare which the grecians holde for the seuen thousand yeare from the beginning of the world . genebrardus . iohannes martianus , a millanois , embassador for spaine to the turke , hauing obtained a truce for three yeares , returned from constantinople into spaine , but so , as neither desired others friendship ; but that the turke molested by the souldan , feared the christians , and the spaniard hauing enough to do at home , was constrained by warre to seeke repossession of his owne . idem . in ianuary , proclamation was published at london for the reuocation of sundry the queenes maiesties subiects remaining beyond the seas , vnder colour of studie , and yet liuing contrary vnto the lawes of god , and of the realme . and also against retaining of iesuites and massing priests , sowers of sedition , and other treasonable attempts . i. s. queene anne , the wife of king phillip , fell sicke of a feauer , the which in fewe dayes brought her to an other life , wherwith the king was much grieued , beeing a lady wholy conformable to his humour , and endued with singular beautie . this was the yeare , where in the ships from the indies , brazill , s. thomas cape , verde , and all other new found lands were expected , the which staied somewhat long , & put then in some feare , being looked for with greater desire then euer any were : they were wished , both for the riches they carried , as to vnderstand by them , how the people of those parts were addicted to the obedience of the catholicke king , whereof many doubted . certain iesuits being walled vp within their monasterie at the terceras , ( to whom me at was giuen but once a weeke ) grieuing to be thus wrongfully imprisoned , vpon a certaine day they opened the doores of the church , & hauig placed y e sacrament in the midst , they would try by this means , if they might remain free . the ministers of iustice went vnto the couent to demand the reason of this innouation , to whom it was propounded by the fathers , that if their offences so required , they shuld punish thē , but holding them as suspect , they shuld suffer thē to depart into portugall . the resolutō was ( after some speeches vsed beyond modestie ) that the fathers should be walled vp again , & a certaine person , who said that in iustice they should burne these priests , with their monasterie , the which they had for the affection they bare vnto the castillians . hee stayed not long to acknowledge his error , for departing from thence , hee fell sicke vnto the death , and god would haue him confesse ( as he said ) that this griefe happened vnto him for that occasion . ieronimo conestaggio . francis duke of aniou , the french kings brother , and other nobles of france , the first of nouember ( hauing lately arriued in kent , came to london , where he was honorably receiued . the . of february he departed out of england , where at his shipping , a post brought him word , that the states of the lowe countries were reuolted , and namely the citie of antwerpe , whither he presently sailed with . ships , and was there entertained by the prince of orange . in the time of this pope gregorie the . a very straunge thing happened in valladolid . there dwelled in valladolid a knight well qualified , who in the inquisitiō had two daughters which constantly perseuering in that religion that they had learned of the good d. cacalla , and other martyrs of iesus christ , were cōdemned to be burned . the father being a most ranke papist , besought the inquisitors to permit them for their better instruction , to be carried to his house : which things the inquisitors in regard of the great credit they reposed in him , graunted . and brought thus to his house , the father endeuoured to diuert them from their constant resolution : but seeing he could not conuince them , hee caused priests & friars to dispute with them : but it was in vaine . for the lord ( as in luk. . . he had promised ) gaue them vtterance and wisdome , which the new pharisies , priests , and friars , were not able to resist or gainesay . the father seeing then , that all his endeuour not auailed , went himselfe to his groue , cut downe wood , and caused it to be drawne to valladolid , hee himselfe kindled the fire ▪ and so they were both burned . m. cyprian . val. in the moneth of iuly , one richard atkins borne in hartfordshire , an english man , came to rome to the english colledge there , whom they kindly welcomed , willing him to go to the hospitall , and there to receuie his meate and lodging , according as was appointed : wherevnto hee answered , i came not ( my countrey men ) to any such intent as you iudge , but i come louingly to rebuke the great misorder of your liues , and to let your proud antichrist vnderstand , that hee dooth robbe god of his honour , and poisoneth the whole world with his most abhominable blasphemies . when they heard this , a student in the colledge caused him to bee put in the inquisition , but after certaine dayes , hee was set at libertie againe . and one day as he was going in the streete , hee met a priest carrying the sacrament , which offending his conscience , to see the people so crouch and bowe downe to it , hee caught at it to haue throwne it downe , but missing it , hee was iudged by the people that he catched at the holinesse which ( as they say commeth from the sacrament ) & so vpon meer deuotion hee was let passe . certaine dayes after he came to s. peters church , where many were hearing masse of the priest at the eleuation , ( hee vsing no reuerence ) stepped to the aultar , and threw downe the chalice with the wine , striuing likewise to pull the cake out of the priests hands : for which cause diuers of the people rose vp and beate him , and after carried him to prison : where hee was examined wherefore hee did it , who said , that hee came purposely to rebuke the popes wickednesse , and their idolatrie . vpon this hee was condemned to bee burned : but before that , hee was set vpon an asse , without any saddle , hee being from the middle vpward naked : all the way as hee went , there were foure that did nothing else but thrust at his body with burning torches , whereat hee neuer mooued , and when hee came before s. peters church where the place of execution was , there was hee burned . i. fox . katherine de medices , mother to the french queene , was discontented with the catholicke king , for diuers respects , but that she made most shewe of , was that he had taken the realme of portugall by force , refusing to submit himselfe to iustice , saying that shee had more interest then hee . wherevpon it was supposed , that ( mooued with this disdaine ) shee should labour to make warre against portugall , with whom agreed frances duke of alanson , her sonne , no lesse enemie to the catholicke king , then the mother , mooued therevnto , for that hauing demanded one of the daughters of the said king in marriage , he was refused , for that he required with her a portion fit for her qualitie . hee was followed by the whole nobilitie of france , whom he might easily haue ledde where hee pleased , although it were against the kings liking , the which grew , for that remaining the third sonne to henry the . with small hope neuer to aspire vnto the crowne , hauing two brothers , charles and henry , his elders , hauing a great mind and stirring , he gaue care to all such as were discontented with the king , or desirous of innouation ( whereof there are numbers in france ) laboured to alter the quiet estate of christendome , with whom hee had often resolued to conquer himselfe some new estate out of france . ieronimo conestaggio . the duke alanson againe returned into england , beeing alreadie agreed with the prince of orange , who was the instrument of all these practises , he passed from thence to antwerpe , where the peoples humours being before disposed by the said prince , hee was receiued with great ioy , and on the eleuenth day of february , . they did sweare him duke of brabant . in cyonia , a citie of muschouie , within a pleasant valley , the tombe of p. ouidius naso was found , with this epitaphe . hic situs est vates quem viui caesaris ira augusti , latio cedere iussit humo : saepe miser voluit patrijs succumbere tectis sed frustra ; hunc illi fatadedere locum . genebrardus . the . day of march the prince of orange being in antwerpe quiet , and in the greatest fortune that hee was euer , was shot in his house as he was rising from the table , in the middest of all his seruants , with a pistoll , by one iohn scarigni ; a biscaine , mooued therevnto by zeale of religion as hee pretended , the bullet hitting him vnder his right iawe , passed forth through the windowe , and although hee was supposed dead , yet was he cured and liued , and the offender was presently slaine by his guard , and all such as were found accessary , were executed . cardinall albert arch-duke of austria , was made gouernour of portugall . ieronimo conestaggio . don antonio departed for france from the terceres , leauing emanuel de sylua in his place , with . frenchmen , vnder the charge of baptist florentine , and charles a french man , their captaine . in the moneth of august , the forces of don antonio king of portugall , skirmishing with phillip king of spaine , in a battaile at sea at s. michaels mount , were discomfited . heere strossius the generall of the forces of france , with the losse almost of all his army , was in the ende discomfited . genebrardus . there was one thing worthy of obseruation in the fight at sea. within the gallion of s. mathew , a priest called iohn de iaem , chaplaine vnto the marshall of the field , a man which had seene the warres during the fight , being vnder lowest deck of the gallion , when hee sawe so much wilde fier cast by the french , heauing their shot , and seeing the hurt which the cannon did , he died onely of feare and amazement , hauing receiued no wound . phillip after the death of diego his eldest sonne , who was sworne prince of portugall at tomar , hee would likewise that the same oath should bee made in the person of phillip , his second sonne , being then sicke ; and for the swearing of him , hee assembled the estates at lisbone , resolute to accomplish this ceremonie before his departure . at that time the duke of alua ( consumed with a continuall feauer ) died in the pallace at lisbone , in the kings owne quarter , being of the age of three score and fourteen yeares . during his sicknesse hee was greatly fauoured of the king , who did visit him a litle before his death : but after it , the next day the portugalls obserued that he went publikely to masse without any shewe of discontentment in him , contrary to the custome of their kings , who vpon the death of one of lesse qualitie ( hauing done many notable seruices to the crowne ) relied themselues for a time , the which seemed the more straunge , for that king emanuel vpon the death of a noble pilot , withdrew himselfe three dayes . ieronimo conestaggio . he arrogating too much to himselfe , caused a statue of brasse to be erected for him in the citadell of antwerpe , which the king willed afterwards to be beaten downe . charles borgia duke of candia , a man of greater vertue then experience , succeeded in his place . vpon the . of iune , peregrin bartu lord willougbie , was sent embassador to frederick the second , with the garter . the prince of orange hauing recouered his hurt , came abroad . his wife carola , lineally discended from the right noble house of montpensier , with ouermuch ioy of his recouerie , within three daies after died of a plurisie . d. chytreus . in this yeare of our lord , . this pope by anticipating tenne daies in the yeare , gaue himselfe to correct the calender , and to eternize his name ; this calender he called gregorianum : and by his decree , all christian princes obeying the romish sea , gaue commandement to cut of tenne daies in the moneth of october , so as for the fift day , they should generally write fifteene : the which was done to fitte the meanes , and principall aspects , wherein the heauens were , when as our redeemer iesus christ suffered , that they might celebrate easter , and the other feasts vpon their proper dayes . the which they had not formerly done , for that the true course of the sunne which makes the yeare , being certaine minutes of an houre lesse the time , which they vntill then had taken for a yeare . it seemed that in the course of so many yeares , so small a difference had mounted vnto tenne dayes , so as by this equallitie , it was made cōformable to the time past . ieron . con. d. chytreus . phillip caused the bones of sebastian , late king of portugall , to be brought out of affricke , the which with king henries that were at almerin , he would before his departure see solemnly interred in the church of belem , neare to the other kings of portugall . at this time were revnited all the kingdomes of spaine , which from the entrance of the moores into spaine , . and so many yeares fithence , haue bene diuided . m. cyprian . valera . d. saunders the popes nuntio and legate , who came from rome with iames fitzmoris in iuly , in the yeare . to beare armes in ireland against her maiestie , after that hee had wandred vp & downe three yeares together with the earle of desmond , and syr iohn his brother , hee fell sicke of an irish ague , and a flixe , and lay in the wood clennetisse , which wood is full of withies , bryers & thornes , and through which is no passage , where partly through his sicknesse , but chiefly through famine and want , dyed . hollenshed . the earle of desmond was taken by one kollie an irishman , in an old house alone , and there slain , whose head was sent into england , and set vpon london bridge . amias d. of leneux , so created in the yeare . was now in this yeare vpon displeasure banished scotland , and enforced to returne into france : in whose exile was performed an olde prophecie , that a man of fiue shillings should buy all the dukes of england & scotland : for when this duke was out of the scottish kingdome , there was neither duke in that countrey nor in england . idem . henry king of nauarre , when hee vnderstood that the archbishop of cullen was in great distresse , and the many traiterous practises of the pope against him , hee sent his embassador to the electors & princes of germanie , who professed the true doctrine of the gospell ; first for the establishing of a generall concord , by a generall synode of the churches in germanie , france , england , and other countries imbracing the true religion . then that these princes of the reformed church , should by oath , all ioyne their powers against the pope & his adherents : which that hee might the better perswade , hee set downe in his letters the imminent daungers ouer the principall kingdomes in europe , which professed the true faith. as many as in spaine or italie were suspected for the truth , were put into the inquisition , and so martyred . in france the promulgation of the councell of trent , and the constitution of the inquisition was vrged by the popes legate , against the intercession of the senate , and the liberties of the church of france . that in england by the treacherous practises of the iesuites , the hearts of her maiesties subiects were drawne from their alleagiance . as for the scots such matters were set abroach euen in the court , that those of the better sort , and such as studied for the common good and peace of the realme , by the dissention of some nobles and the kings youth , were banished , which vnlesse it were presently remoued , it would hazard the estate of their church , and raise warre betweene england and scotland . the miseries of belgia , it being so ouerpressed by the spanish powers , and they euery day encreasing , promise no good successe to their church . in heluetia , by the popes contributions , subtilties , and the most turbulent preachings of the iesuites these two yeares , haue bene ciuil warres : insomuch that the bernates , imbracers of the reformed religion , should be oppressed by the power of the d. of sauoy . the churches of suecia stand wauering , whilest the popish ceremonies are there kept , and iesuites frequent the court , and feare least their perswasions should alienate their king. and for germanie , in the which by the care & sinceritie of the most mightie princes , the surest and safest harbours are giuen to the churches , the pope doth what in him lyeth to confound and ouerthrow . in coloine he hath stirred vp such tragedies against that princely elector , the ende whereof , vnlesse it be brought vpon his owne head , he hopeth wil be the confusion of all germanie . this embassage although it was beningly receiued of all the princes to whom it came : yet new disputations & troubles arising in france about the death of alanson , the dangers encreased . d. chytreus . georgius ernestus , the last prince of henneberge , died this present yeare . idem . elias thacker was hanged at s. edmonds-bury in suffolke , and iohn copping for spreading certain bookes , seditiously penned by one robert browne , against the booke of commō praier , established by the lawes of the realme ; their bookes as many a could be found were burnt before them . i. s. iohn lewis , who named himselfe abdiot , an obstinate heretike , denying the godhead of christ , and holding diuers other detestable heresies ( much like to his predecessor mathew hamond ) was burned at norwich . albertus alasco , free baron of lasco , vaiuode , or palatine of syradia in poland , arriued at harwiche in essex , and on the last of april , came by water to winchester house in southwarke , where he remained for the most part of his abode . frances of valois duke of alanson , attempted diuers exployts in the lowe countries , the issue whereof fell out to his misfortune , wherefore feeling himselfe sicke , he retyred from dunkerke towards fraunce , where hee fell into so straunge a iudgement , that euen the phisitians beganne to doubt him : for a flixe of blood issued so continually out of his nose , and mouth , that they were still forced to hold him a basen whereinto hee voyded the cleare and pure blood , whereof he dyed . some say this happend either by his riotousnesse in the lowe countries , or for griefe of the hard successe of his affaires there , or by salcedas meanes that was executed . his death weakened the most drowsie heads , it brake all the bonds that staied the proceedings of the league , and caused it presently to waine , at chalouns , rhemes , troy , dyon and mezeiuel . historie of france . the tenth of iuly , william nassau prince of orange ; in the one and fiftie yeare of his age , was slaine with a bullet , by balthazar gerardus , otherwise called serach . see genebrardus . this villaine beeing taken aliue , confessed that hee was neither set on by the french nor spanish , but did it of his owne minde , thinking that thereby hee did god good seruice , foorthwith hee was punished with such a death as the qualitie of so hainous a fact deserued . yet a certaine writer of coloine setteth him downe for a martyr . see dauid chytraeus . h. earle of darbie by the queenes maiestie was sent embassador to henry the third the french king , the . of ianuary , to inuest him with the order of the garter . hyperas the eight day of april , and briges , which next to gaunt is the chiefe citie of flaunders , a little before the prince of orange his death , in the moneth of may , was recouered by the prince of parma , all former offences forgotten , so that they would restore the catholicke religion of rome , and performe true allegiance to the king of spaine . assoone as the league perceiued that diuers townes had made great fiers for ioy of her byrth , it was presented to the pope , that he might giue it his blessing , auouch it for his , and declare it to be for the catholicke , apostolicke and romish church . but gregorie the . desiring to shewe himselfe the father of all christians , and a pastor , and not , a dispearser of his flocke , considering that the raising of armes against a most christian & catholicke king , was wholy contrary to the doctrine of the gospell , the examples of christ and his apostles , and the lawes of policie and state ; certified the leagues deputies , that he could not approue their inuentions : and to conclude , sent them back againe without an answer . and not long before he dyed , hee said to the cardinall est , that the league should neuer haue bull , letter , nor commission from him , for hee knew not what they meant : and that hee would not serue for a fire-brand to kindle a warre , which he could by no means quench . in the prime of this yeare the first of april , s. walter raleigh tooke his voyage for the discouery of that land , which lieth between norembega and florida in the west indies , and returned in august following , preparing afterwards for a second voiage . s. h. gilbert attempted to discouer with intention this country of norembega , to settle an english colonie there , in the yeare . accompanied with a company of gentlemen of good calling , and ten sailes of all sorts of shipping ; but the iourney tooke no successe , for all their ships inforced by some occasion , or mischance , made their present returne , that only excepted , where his brother s. w. r. was captaine , who tooke his course to the west indies , but for want of vittailes & other necessaries , when he had sailed as farre as the ilands of cape de verde , vpō the coast of affrica , he was cōstrained to set saile and returne for england . but s. h. g. enterprised the voyage the second time , and set to sea with three shippes and pinnases this yeare . in which iourney he lost his life . this yeare also s. w.r. encouraged by the reports of his men of the goodnes of the soile , and the fertillitie of the country , which they had discouered the last yeare past , and now by her maiestie called virginia , furnished with . sailes of all sorts , set them to the sea , appointing s. richard greenfeeld his lieutenant , enioyning him either to tarry himselfe , or to leaue some gentlemen of good worth with a competent number of souldiers in the country of virginia , there to begin an english colonie . after they had sailed a certain number of leagues on the sea , by force and violence of fowle weather , they were seperated one from the other ; so that s.r.g. being singled from his fleete , all alone arriued in the iland of hispaniola in the west indies , about the midst of iune following . in the moneth of may , the prince of parma recouered the towne of bruges , which next to gaunt is the chiefest citie in all flaunders , all matters forepassed forgotten , vpon condition they would restore the catholicke romane religion , and become true leigemen to the king of spaine . they of gaunt likewise , all their townes about them being taken by the spaniards , and all their passage for prouisiō stopped vp , as also constrained through famine , entered into counsell either of deliuering their towne , or else of some reconciliatiō : and the prince of parma offered them the same cōditions which they of bruges had , all which , the senators addicted to the romane religion , and the citizens thought good to imbrace . and imbysa who being consull sixe yeares before , was the cause that their pacification was broken , and the expelling of the popes agents , necessitie thus constraining , yeelded therevnto . the pope daily vrged by his embassador the emperour , rodolphe , that his calender might be receiued & vsed throughout all germanie . but although the emperour commaunded it to be kept and obserued in the kingdome of bohemia , austria , and other his hereditary possessions ; yet the princes of saxonie and others , constantly refused so to do , following the counsell of augusta . but the bishoppes for the most part , and amongst those , ernestus of coloine , elector , and the bishop of monasterie , began to allow of it in their diocesses . the senate of augusta said , that in allowing of this calender , they intended nothing against the quiet of religion , but for policie sake , that they might exercise their vsuall marchandise with the subiects of those neighbour princes and bishops which had receiued it ; and that all manner of confusion in iudgements , markets , and other publike places in the citie , risen by the difference of the calenders , might be auoyded : the which decree was obtained . which when it was published at augusta , the ministers of the gospel wrote to the senators , that they would obey the decree in all politicall affaires , but in their churches and celebration of their feasts & exercises of their religion , they would by no meanes obey the pope . therefore the . day of may , they denounced to their auditorie the feast of the ascentiō of christ , the next day the . of may to be celebrated , which the bishops had finished one moneth before . the senate taking this in ill part , caused the superintendent to be carryed out of the citie , but the citizens knowing thereof , ran first vnarmed , then with weapons , and at the gate of the citie tooke their pastor out of the cart ; but the tumult increasing , the ministers of the gospell at the intreatie of the senate disswaded the citizens from sedition , and appeased them . when some should be chosen out of the senate , patricians , marchants , and the commons , which should determine this controuersie . to these the d. of wittenberge and the senate of vlme ioyned their embassadors , who the . day of iune , which according to the gregorian calender was the . doo so arbitrate the matter , that al faults remitted , they after that throghout the whole citie , should follow the new calender , which should be kept in policies , and both the churches of religion . notwithstanding the peace and quietnesse of it should remain constant and firme . and that it should be lawfull for the ministers of the gospell to protest vnto their auditors , that they had chaunged nothing , nor would chaunge any thing in that doctrine which they had hitherto preached vnto them , nor that they did obey the pope , but the imperiall maiestie and politicall magistrates , in obseruing & keeping the new calender with the rest in the citie . d. chytraeus . about the middle of iune , syr i. perrot knight , was sent ouer to be lord deputie in ireland . this deputie by the aduise of the councell of ireland , thought it best to bring the whole land into shyre grounds , whereby the lawes of england , might haue a thorough course , and passage . and what s. h. sidney had done in fewe countries , that be performed in the whole realme , and to euery new county he appointed & assigned seuerall sheriffes . hollen . vpon the k. of frances deuise when he was k. of poland , manet vltima caelo : the leaguers made this distiche . qui dedit ante duas vnam abstulit , altera nutat , tertia tonsoris nùnc facienda manu . ericus duke of brunswicke , the sonne of ericus , who spent the better part of his life in belgia , italie , spaine , and gaue himselfe more to the romish religion then the true doctrine of the gospell , imbraced of his nobles and subiects , in the fiftie sixe yeare of his age departed this life at papia in italie , vpon whom this was written . papa tibi , papiaque fuit , non patria cura , hinc procul a patria te tegit vrbs papia . whom iulius , founder of the vniuersitie of iulia , succeeded in the kingdome . d. chytraeus . iohannes basilides , the great duke of mochouia , or emperour of russia , who for whole yeares had afflicted & scourged linouia with warre , this yeare ended his tyrannie with his life . who after the manner of russia is reported to haue bene verie godlie . beeing readie to die , hee called his sonne faedor ( so they call theodore ) and the chiefe of his nobilitie to him , in whose presence , with a godly exhortation he committed the whole empire , and ioyned to him foure of his wisest counsellors , who should haue care of him and the empire , whom hee perswaded , that being warned by him they would abstaine from making warre , and make peace with their neighbour kings and princes . he commaunded also that for ten yeares space they should remit his subiects ( sore wasted and brought to pouertie by his waries ) all his tributes , taxes , and subsidies , that in this space they might recouer themselues , and to all his captaines he gaue free leaue either to stay or depart : after this done , he was shauen , and betooke himselfe to a monasticall life , and so dyed . idem . the same time that amurathes ioyned the north part of tauricus cherronesus to the turkish prouinces , all the christian churches at constantinople ( of which i vnderstand there are about in monasteries and otherwise remaining ) had almost bene conuerted into denne● and holes of the religion of mahomet , by the earnest motion of the high bishop of the turkish priests ( whom they call mufti ) and when the grecians , armenians , and other christian nations most humbly pleaded and alledged the priuiledges granted by mahomet the second , and other succeding emperours to the christians , for a free exercise of their religion ; the answere was , that they were tollerated by reason of the desolatiō of the citie , and the smal number of musulmans now since such multitudes professe the religion of mahomet , that they need more churches , it is meete that the christians should yeeld to them . after this the spanish liedger at venice , wrote , that amurathes had spoyled all the christian temples , and made them his owne : and had commaunded to be done so with them at ierusalem : his anger was so great towards the patriarke , that hee caused him to be bound in chaines & to be shamefully carried through the citie , and from thence sent him to rhodes . one cause of his anger towards him was , that he vnderstood , that he had receiued the popes new calender into greece & other christian churches of the east , to the great offence of many . an other , for that he pronounced a sentence of diuorcement against a mightie man in greece , who the better to be reuenged vpon the patriarke , renounced his faith & turned turke , liuing afterwards in amurathes court , and continually incyting him against the patriarke . finally when in a synode , it was decreed ( as the turke willed ) that a company of the grecians shouuld be carried into the desarts , and there erect a colonie , and the patriark had said it was very hard & iniust : theophilus hieroneonaclus & perachonnius , told the turke hereof : who abdicated the patriark , and put pachonnius in his place ; who being a rude and vnlearned man , after hee had beene in the place one yeare , was remooued , and theoseptus succeeded , who was inaugurated the yeare , . william carter of london , at a sessions in the old-bayly , was there indighted , arraigned , and condemned of high treason , for printing a seditious and traiterous booke in english : intituled , a treatise of schisme : and was for the same ( according to sentence pronounced against him ) drawne , hanged , and quartered . i. st. two and thirtie seminaries , massing priests , and other late prisoners in the tower of london , marshall-sea , kings bench , and other places , were embarked in the mary marlin of colchester , to bee transported ouer into the coasts of normandie , to bee banished this realme for euer , by the vertue of a commission from her maiestie , before specified . in the beginning of this yeare , at riga in liuonia , a great hurly burly happened amongst the citizens about the popes new calender , which presently burst out into open sedition . d. chytraeus . henry archbishop of breme , osuaborge , padeborne , duke of saxonie , the sonne of frances the elder , a prince endued with vertue , wisedome , clemencie , and learning , in the flower of his youth , being of the age of . yeares , was called out of this world. idem . pope gregorie , the thirteenth of that name , a bolonist , called before hugo boncompagno , beeing of the age of eightie yeares , dyed at rome the eleuenth day of aprill , when he had ruled in the sea the space of thirteene yeares and a litle more . this pope renewed the hatred of his predecessor pius the fift , against the queene of england : and so practised by all manner of meanes , one while by force , ( as it appeareth by the great armada sent into ireland , and had a miserable ende ) an other while by craft and deceit ( as was seene in the great traytor parry , and others by him sent ) who had also miserable end . it was the common voyce and fame in rome , that this gregorie before hee was pope , and also beeing pope , had his concubine , of whom hee had also title sonnes , which said vnto him such graces as made him to laugh : and beeing pope , such was the grace that phillippicus his sonne said , that the pope his father gaue him . crownes a yeare . m. cyp. val. felix pereto , called sixtus . was borne in a village called montalto , neare to the citie of firmo , which is in the marches of ancona : he was of the order of the franciscans , & cardinall of montalto . in this pope the common saying of spaine was fulfilled : rex por natura , y papa por ventura . a king by name , a pope by aduenture : for so poore was his father , that hee was a swine-heard . felix in his childhood was very poorely brought vp , but shewing some sparkes of wit , a gentlewoman for gods sake cloathed him with the habit of s. frances , and entreated the warden to receiue him into his couent , where hee studied the liberall sciences and schoole diuinitie , and in those sciences hee much profited . in the end , being now of age , he was made inquisitor . in which office such was his carriages , as feawe could abide his crueltie : and so it hapned , that he called before him a magnifico of venice , ( who being come ) hee intreated discourteously & inhumanely . this gentleman vnaccustomed to h●●re such iniuries and disgraces ( as by that which after he did for reuenge to the l. inquisitor appeareth ) stomacked the matter . a feawe daies after , this gentleman encountred the inquisitor ; and when he sawe him , he commanded his seruant with a good cudgell which he carried , to abate the fiercenesse of the vnhappie pereto . felix being thus cudgelled returned to rome , and recounted his mischance to pope pius . the pope hereat disdaining , sent him backe to venice with much more authoritie and power then before . when hee was returned to venice . hee presented his commission to the seignorie . the seignory beeing wise , and knowing the quarrelous humour of this man , and well perceiuing that hee came with a desire to bee reuenged , commaunded a waxe candle to bee lighted , and felix , if hee were wise , precisely to depart theyr dominion and iurisdiction , before that candle were consumed . this felix vnable to doo otherwise , returned eftsoones to rome , and complained to the pope . the pope seeing this man meete for his seruice , made him maister of his pallace . after this , when the spanish inquisition ( of all men how high so euer feared , and liked of none ) held the archbishoppe of tolledo for suspected of heresie ; the pope sent felix into spaine to heare this cause . the generall of the franciscans , the chiefe dignitie among them , now happened to die . this dignitie gaue the pope , whom a feawe yeares after , the same pope made cardinall . in the conclusion , when gregorie was dead , felix by the meanes of his good friends in spaine was made pope , and called himselfe sixtus the fift . this name he tooke in memorie of sixtus . who was as he , a franciscan friar . m. cyp. val. this pope talking one day of his base birth and parentage , saide that hee came from a most illustrious house : for ( said hee ) the vpper part of the roofe thereof beeing alwaies torne and vncouered , the sunne daily made it most glorious with his beames . anthonius ciracella , de vitis pontificum the princes of the empire , with the k. of denmarke , sent their embassadors in the moneth of march to the emperor at prage , to entreat for the enlargement of iohn frederick prince of saxonie , whom hee held in prison the space of . yeares : which although the emperor condiscended to in word only , yet he bound the captiue prince with such hard conditions that he had rather haue bene a continual prisoner , then to be deliuered after such maner . d. chytraeus . two things gaue an alarum to he league : one , the assembly at mountauban : the other the voyage of the d. d'espernon to the k. of nauarre , which it tooke as brands to kindle her fire , and began to send out commissions in all places in the kings name , who disauouched them , & prohibited the raising of souldiers . the first point of their disliking , shewed the reason which mooued the cardinall of bourbon , the princes , lords , townes and commons , beeing catholickes , to oppose themselues against the heretikes . secondly , because they were offended that the parliament which they would haue had to be holden concerning warres , to be made against the huguenots , had beene reuoked . thirdly , to breake the edict of pacification . fourthly , because they stood in feare , that if the king should die without children , there would rise great trouble for the succession of the crowne : whereof the king of nauarre had great hope since the death of monsieur the kings brother , by the practice of his friends , and fauourers of the king . fiftly , because of the great preparations of warre , made both within and without the realme , that should be readie by the . of aprill then next ensuing , to execute that which they said had beene concluded in an assembly at magdebourge the . of december , . against y e religion , the king , and his subiects : by the which it was agreed , that the queen of england should furnish . rutters , . switzers , . english count palatine , prince cassamire , and the d. pomeranie , each of them , rutters . the lantgraue of hesse , two thousand & . the duke of wittemberge . the lords of their league besides the queene of englands forces . switzers . the kings protector and consull of scotland , . scots . the king of nauarre , the prince of conde , & their associats , twentie and fiue thousand harquebusiers , and . horse , that had sworne neuer to make peace with the king of france , but with all their consents to maintaine the prince of orange in the lowe countries against the king of spaine , and to helpe the emperour to get the domaines of the empire , withholden by the pope , and to send their deputies from all places in the moneth of march , to basill and switzerland , there to determine the differences of the lords supper . sixtly , because those of the religion would not yeeld vp the townes by them held for the assurance of the execution of the edict of peace . seuenthly , because of the vniuersall abuse suffered in placing of officers , in leauying of monies , and by inuention of excessiue oppressions laid vpon the people : and lastly , against such as at abusing the kings fauour and authoritie , had in a manner seazed vpon his person , impeached the ordinary accesse of honest men vnto him , consumed the kings treasures , braued the nobilitie out of the libertie of iustice , spoiled the cleargie of their tithes , and perswaded the king that it was necessary for his seruice , to weaken and diminish the authoritie of the catholicke princes and lords . vpon these iust occasions , they said they were forced to meete in armes . h. of fr. the league made warre against the huguenots , seazing vpon the best townes of the catholickes in all the realme . religion was preached in guyenne , and they went to driue it out of picardie : the huguenots were rochell , and the leagues army marched straight to paris , they were at mountpellier , and the league set vpon marsaille : which by meanes of the second consull of the towne they tooke , who afterward was hanged . antwerpe , a citie brabant , the most famous towne of all belgia and europe , after alexander farnese duke of parma had stopped their passage by the riuer by the space almost of an whole yeare : constrained by famine and the daily tumult of the common people , who desired peace , returned to the obedience of the king of spaine , & yeelded to the duke vpon very meane conditions . on the . of iune , arriued at london , deputies for the estates of the netherlands or lowe countries ; and on the . of the same , they came to greenwich , where by vertue of their commission from the vnited countries , they presented to her maiestie the soueraigntie of those countries , to wit , of brabant ( but the commission for the siege of antwerpe not fully authorised ) of gelder , of flaunders , holland , friseland , zeland , and vtrick . i. hooker . the queene of england , of her most gracious compassion and mercie , tooke into her protection and defence , the estate of poland and zeland . syr frances drake , generall of the english nauie , tooke his voyage to the coasts of spaine and america , that thereby hee might weaken the power of king phillip : hee tooke the greene promontory , where the ships that are to goe to america lie at roade . then came he to hispaniola , an iland of s. domingo , in the beginning of ianuary , where he stirred vp the slaues of affrica and aethiopia ( who had there their colonies , and were so cruelly handled , that many times in dispaire they offered violence to themselues ) to fight for their libertie , who being armed by thē , killed the spaniards , and deliuered vp the i le . he tooke all their gold which was ready shipped for spaine : . peeces of ordinance , and returned richly laden with gold into england , before autumne , with . ships . d. chytraeus . at this time was the conspiracie of anth. babington , salisbury , tytchbourne , abington , &c. against our most gracious soueraigne , incited thereto by mary q. of scots : who for this traiterous attempt , were arraigned , conuicted , condemned & executed , according to the law made for traitors . a great victory hapned to the queen in ireland , against the e. of arrane and l. feruhurst , who were banished out of scotland . these practised with the guise & the spaniards , & brought with thē . scots into ireland , and at conocke they were put to the sword by s. ri. bingā , gouernor of that prouince . chytraeus . vpon the . day of september , robert e. of leicester , accompanied with diuers honorable personages , captaines , and souldiers , with a traine to the number of . sailes of ships and hoyes , set forward toward flushing , where he was princely entertained by graue maurice , second son to the deceased prince of orange . i. hooper . the pope excommunicated the king of nauarre & the prince of conde , declaring him incapable to the succession of the crowne of france : abandoning his person and his countries , for a pray to such as could obtaine it : but they sleigthly regarding it , opposed themselues against it . the k. of nauarre complained himselfe to all the estates of france , in that they had caused the succession of a king being yet aliue , to be decided in the court of rome , made the title of a prince of the bloud , to be iudged by the pope : and suffered the consistorie to giue that which belonged not vnto them : he sent his letters to the cleargie , the nobilitie , and the commons . the princes of germanie , that sought to aide such as were of their religion , perceiuing france to be a body wounded to death , sent their embassadors to the k. desiring him to open his eyes to the teares , & his eares to the complaints of his poore subiects , to heare the requests of his neighbours for his owne good , the quietnes and honor of his faith , his name , and reputation . the k. answered , that he knew what was necessary for himselfe and his subiects , & that according to the cause , and for their good and tranquillitie , he had made and changed his ordinances , as all princes in christendome vse to do : and that for his part , hauing the feare of god , & the loue of his subiects liuely ingrauen in his heart , hee would do nothing against the honour of his conscience , nor the fatherly care he had of his people . with which answere they returned not well pleased . this yeare , augustus duke of saxonie , one of the princes electors , new come from hunting suddenly died , being of the age of . yeares , and was buried at friberge . genebrardus . there died likewise at the same time , margarite of austria , the base daughter of charles the fift , and mother of alexander duke of parma , and gouernour of belgia . charles count palatine married dorithie the daughter of william duke of brunswick , at cella . d. chytraeus . on the fourth day of iune , l. edward , earle of rutland , went embassador into scotland , for a ratificatiō of a firme bond of peace betweene elizabeth queene of england , & iames the sixt , k. of scots , vpon certain causes necessary and important , which was confirmed at barwicke the . of iune , where the embassadors of scotland were likewise present . i. vowell . the . of iuly , not farre from barwick , the borderers of both the nations of england and scotland assembled to determine for recompence of all such iniuries , as each people offered to other , at what time the lord of fernhurst . warden of the scottish borders , iames steward , earle of arrane , then chauncelor , and syr 〈◊〉 russell knight , lord russell , and syr i. forster knight , warden of their middle marshes . came with their company . when the wardens were set vpon the bench , there did suddenly arise amongst the people a contention , whereby followed at the first , some small fray , which beeing perceiued by the lord russell , hee arose from the bench , and called for his horse , who meaning to appease the matter , went amongst the prease , at what time a certaine number of shot comming on him , he was suddenly ( but most vniustly ) slaine with a peece amongst the rest , discharged against him by a scot , borne about that place ( suspected by the most , to be the lord of fernhursts brother ) the losse of which noble gentleman , being of so great a hope , was much lamented , and that especially for his vntimely death , so iniuriously by the earle of arrane ( as the common report went ) procured and so suddenly performed , hee in the . yeare of his age , did bereaue the realme of england of a goodly young person , well stayed in gouernment , bountiful , wise , and vertuous , whose death happened the day before that his honourable father the earle of bedford , departed this world . i. hooker . fourteene thousand heluetians who were catholickes , and commaunded to appeare by the king of nauarre , went to the aide of the holy league : but before they tooke their iourney , they all receiued the sacrament , and swore that they did beare armes onely for the defence of the catholicke faith : but if the king shuld be found to do any fauour to the heluetians , they promised to lay downe their weapons and returne . anth. cicarella . a parliament was held in nouember , both for the continuing of the defence of the lowe countries against the king of spaine : and as for the determining of the treacherous practises of the queene of scot , shee was forthwith conueyed to foderinghay castle , in northampton shire , which sometimes belonged to the dukes of lancaster ; where being tried by the nobles of the realme , shee was found guiltie , and afterward beheaded . she was crowned queene of scots when she was but . moneths old , and after in the sixt yeare of her raigne called into france , where at . yeares she was married to frances the second : then the dolphin of france being . yeares of age , with whom she liued three yeares . after whose decease , she returned into scotland , and was married to henry arlye , at the age of . by whom she had one onely sonne , ieames the sixt , now king . this husband dead , she was married the third time to the earle of bothuell , who died in prison ; after this , she liued . yeares in england . genebrardus . gulielmus gonzaga , duke of mantua , departed this life , whom his onely sonne vincentius succeeded , being of the age of . yeares . idem . syr f. drake returned out of america , came into zeland , the other fleete went towards india , who tooke two ships out of s. thomas i le , and the gouernour thereof . the one of them perished , the other was brought home a rich prize . this yeare at zutphen in gilderland . s. phillip sidney , englands mars and muse , was shot in the thigh with a musket , whereof he died . his body was conueyed into england , and honourably buried in powles . i. vowell . frederick king of denmarke , sollicited by the king of nauarre for aide against guise , sent his embassadors to henry king of france , who should entreate that the peace of the reformed religion , graunted before by the king , and confirmed by oath , might bee kept with the king of nauarre and his followers d. chytraeus . at augusta , after the superintendent was cast out , the estate of the ministers of the church , waxed euery day worse . for after that , the gregorian calendar was receiued of them , the pontificall magistrate assured to himselfe authoritie and right of choosing and calling the ministers of the church , which priuiledge the elders and gouernours of the church had before , with the ministery , & held it by the authority of the emperor , who sent commissioners to that end into the citie . but when the ministers of the church would not agree to them , they were all commanded to depart the citie before sunne set , and others of the same confession were called from noriberga and other places , and substituted in their places . whom when the people could not heare , nor vse their seruice , the pontificall magistrate besides the garrison that was alreadie in the towne , brought more souldiers , thereby to terrifie them , and bring them to obedience . d. chytraeus . iulius bishop of wurtzeburg began to vse great crueltie towards them of the confession of augusta , in his diocesses , banishing many of them , and constraining them to sell their goods in so short a space that they left the third part to him . william lantsgraue of hesse his neighbour , disswaded him from this crueltie ; but following the example of balthasar abbot of fulden , who greatly persecuted his subiects vnder the praetext of religion : hee not only incurred the hatred of all men , but was depriued of all titles and dignities . idem . this yeare vpon the . of september , stephen bathorus king of poland , prince of transiluania , died when he had raigned . yeares . him followed in this way of all flesh , mahomet ( the seruant of god ) king of persia , who all his raigne held warre with the turke with equall fortunes . and in saxonie fredericke duke of saxonie . the . of october , iames the king of scots was besieged by his subiects , and taken in the castle of saint damian . those dukedomes and seignories which many yeares before iohn basilides prince of moschouites had taken from the polanders , the aforesaid stephen recouered again , and annexed them to the crowne , he shewed himselfe of a dauntlesse spirit against the turke , for when according to the auncient custome , he demaunded certain forces to maintaine his warres against the sophy of persia , hee denied him , saying that the white eagle of poland which before was vnfeathered , and of no force , was now become young againe , full fledged , and had whet and sharpened her bill and talents . anch. cicar . this yeare maister thomas cauendish began his voyage about the world , vpon the twentie one of iuly , entering in at the straight of magellan , and returning by the cape bona speranza ; which voyage hee finished to the space of two yeares , and lesse then two moneths , arriuing at plimmouth the ninth of september . . maister richard haklnit . in the beginning of this yeare , syr william standley traitorously yeelded vp those townes of the which he was made gouernour by the earle of leicester . after the death of stephen king of poland , the polanders were carefull for the election of a new . some thought it best to offer it to the emperour , who had succeeded without any other election his father maximilian , the chosen king of poland , if hee had come to the possession thereof . some proposed the duke of parma , because hee was a wise and valiant souldier , and for that he was the nephew of cardinal farnese , who when he was protector of this realme , was verie kinde and liberall to the people . many had liking to the prince of transiluania , and to cardinall bathoraeus , and the duke of ferrrara . nobles likewise were desirous of it , amongst whom samoscius the high chauncellour ( whom stephen had preferred to such height of honor that nothing was thought wanting in him for the perfection thereof but the title of a king ) was thought most fit . but all these were excluded , and there were yet two other competitors , sigismond prince of suecia , and maximilian archduke of austria , and brother to the emperour . maximilian is chosen of the one part ; others proclaimed med sigismond , a young prince of twentie yeares of age , or there-about . these two were both called to the possession of a kingdome , who hearing thereof made speedie haste thereto . maximilian first came with his armie , consisting of sixteen thousand horse and foote , and pitched his tents in a field neare the citie of craconia , and sent to the citizens that he might be crowned . the cracouians would by no meanes admit him , but sent letters to the prince of suetia , that hee would come , who with great ioy was receiued and crowned . now the polanders thought themselues strong enough for the muschouites , whose duke they called the dragon of the north , and against whom they beare an innated hatred . chytraeus . and. cicarell . gen. the duke of guise perceiuing the army of rutters to be a body dispearced , hauing nothing but the legs and armes , executed vpon them that , which he had determined from the first day of their entrie , which was vpon the generalls lodging , and so by striking the shepheard , diuided the flocke , as caesar did at the battaile of pharsalia . the pope , the king of spaine , and the duke of sauoy , made fiers of ioy , and pronounced the praises of the duke of guise . the pope sent him a sword engrauen with burning flames . the duke of parma had sent him his armes , saying : that among all the princes of europe , it belonged only to henry of lorraine to beare armes , and to be a commaunder in the warres . after many broiles betweene these two elected kings of poland , max ▪ was constrained to leaue poland , but hee was pursued by samoscius the chauncelor , and at pitscha he besieged him and tooke him prisoner . in this yeare , . maria de la visitatione , prioresse of the monasterie de annūciada in lisbone , was held for wonderful holy : whose hypocrisie and false myracles were discouered , and publikely condemned . her the fond people called the holy nunne . another franciscan ( i should haue said a dominican ) a feawe yeares since , rose vp in lisbone , who they said had the fiue wounds of christ , as had s. francess : and many other things they say of her . one stephen de lusignan , a dominican friar , who collecting all he could get to extoll her , compiled a booke in french , and dedicated the same to the queene of fraunce , imprinted at paris by iohn bessant . in the beginning of the booke , shee is pictured like a dominican nunne , with a blacke mantle , and a white rolle , a coate , and white loose habit vpon the mantle , and on her head a crowne of thornes : the crucifix on high set ouer her , and falling towards her , with rayes from the wounds which reach to the feet and hands of the nunne , that out of the same commeth a heart , which she holdeth betwixt the fingers of her right hand : a dragon she hath vnder her feete , a dominican friar before her kneeling , and a secular man and woman : and at her left side , a paire of beads hanging . the title of the booke is this . the great miracles , and the most holy wounds , which this present yeare haue happened to the right reuerend mother , now prioresse of the monasterie de la anunciada , in the citie of lisbon , in the kingdome of portugall , of the order of preaching friars , approoued by the reuerend father , friar lewis de granada , and by other persons of credit m. cyp. val. so famous was the holinesse of this nunne , that cardinall albertus of austria , sent information to pope sixtus the fift . to whom the pope wrote this letter . with great ioy haue wee read that thou hast procured to bee written , the vertues of the prioresse of the monasterie anunciada , of the most holy virgin. and of the great benefites which god hath shewed her , we pray thy diuine goodnesse from day to day , to make her more worthy of his grace , and to inrich her with his heauenly gifts , for the glory of his name , and ioy of his faithfull . giuen in s. maries at rome , with the litle ring of the fish . fredericke the second , king of denmarke , the . yeare of his raigne , and . of his age , departed this life at arderfoa in zeland : whom christian the fourth , of eleuen yeares of age succeeded . in the moneth of aprill , . phillip the second of that name , king of spaine , pretending to send his inuincible fleete for the conquest of england , made choyce by the aduice of the prioresse of the monasterie of the anunciada , whose name was mary of the visitation , as most worthy for her holinesse , to blesse his standard royall , the which shee did , with vsing diuers other ceremonies , and in the deliuerie thereof to the duke of medina sidonia , who was appointed the chiefe generall , shee did pronounce openly good successe and victorie to the duke , in saying hee should returne a victorious prince . this standard was carried in procession by dan francisco de gordoua , who was a spaniard , and the tallest gentleman that could bee founde , hee beeing on horse-backe , to the ende it might bee better seene . at the solemnizing whereof , there was such a number of people assembled , that diuers of them perished in the thrōg . there was present the arch-duke albertus , cardinall and gouernour of the kingdome of portugall , the popes nuncio the arch-bishop , who was head inquisitor , with diuers other nobles , prelates , and gentlemen . this solemnization dured so long that albertus fainted with fasting , and his holie nunne to comfort him , caused a messe of the broath which was for her owne diet to bee brought , who presented it to him , which hee accepted most willingly , comming from the hand of so holy a nunne : but the next yeare all her holinesse false myracles , and great dissimulations was then found out , and shee condemned and punished for the same . m. cyp. val. the nauie of the king of spaine three whole yeares in furnishing , was . great shippes , with . choyse souldiers out of spaine and italie , . souldiers , . peeces of ordinance , with all manner of furniture and prouision for sixe moneths , at the ende of may set out from the hauen of tagus , and slowly proceeding to the westerne coast of spaine , the . of iune it came to coronis , a port of spaine , towards the farthest north in the bounds of gallicia and asturia , which ptoloney calleth the hauen of the artabrians . the chiefe generall of the nauie was alphonsus peresius , duke of medina sidonia . the admirall by sea was iohannes marsinus recaldeus of cantabria . but when hey had hoisted their sailes , scarce out of the sight of the spanish coast , a tempest suddenly rising , they were diuided and scattered , and with contrary windes driuen into the same and the neighbouring hauens of asturia and biscay . the king when hee vnderstood that the whole nauy met together at coronis , commaunded that forthwith it should goe for england , ioyning with the duke of parmaes shippes in belgia , and to set the souldiers vpon the continent . s. f. drake vice-admirall , followed them close , and tooke the hindermost that slowly sailed after , and in her , petrus valdesius . the nauy of the duke of parma partly by aduerse windes hindered , and partly by a nauy of zeland , that lay before dunkerke , in vaine any longer expected of the spaniards , the duke of sidonia cast anchor neare vnto callaice . syr frances drake the next night filled eight old ships with pitch , brimstone , and other matter for fire , a great winde blowing on their backes , draue them vpon the spanish nauie . who fearing least their ships likewise had beene burnt , cut their anchors and departed . whom s. frances by this stratagem so dispersed and put to flight , pursued with his balls of fire , and by reason of the greatnesse and height of the spanish ships , feawe of them missed . of this great fleete . were sunke and taken by the english , and in them , . souldiers , the rest of the nauie were thus scattered : two were driuen to flissingam all to beaten and wrackt : the other after long sayling , returned into spaine . the d. of parma dismissed his fleet , cashiered his marriners , and sent some of the souldiers to the siege of bergam vpsome . d. chytraeus . m. gall. anth. ciccarella this yeare the duke of bullen died at geneua of the age of . yeares . the most christian prince of conde , whom sixtus the fift excommunicated and cursed , died of poison . in the same yeare , h. of lotharing , d. of guise , by the commaundement of the k. of france , was slaine at blois , where the parliament was held : and the day after the cardinal his brother . the duke was . yeares of age , and was slaine in his clymactetic yeare . if plutarch had liued in these times , hee would haue compared him to c. iulius caesar . genebrardus . this is that wonderfull yeare of the which iohannes rhegiomontanus the great mathematician wrote a prognostication or prophecie , almost after that of sibilla . post mille expletos . idem . the like iohannes stofflaus a famous astrologian , and in our time that noble gentleman iohannes rantzoutus , foretold in his booke of climacterike yeares , and the fall of empires . whose prophecies haue sorted to trie euents , which we haue seene this yeare . first the kingdom of poland was most miserably troubled by ciuil & intestine warres , by reason of foure kings they had at once in this yeare . sigismond of suecia , maximilian of austrich , henry valois , and stephen bathor , as then vnburied . so likewise suecia was vexed by sundry tumults ; fredericke the second being dead , foure protectors gouerned the kingdom during his sonnes minoritie . the queene of scots was beheaded . england obteined a wonderful victorie at sea ouer the spaniards . the sophie of persia dyed . the turke had ill successe in hungarie against the christians . the hungarians likewise suffered great losses . maximilian taken captiue by the polanders was committed to prison . italie was sore molested by the bandetti . fraunce was incombred with ciuil broyles . germanie brought to sleep by her old religion , imbraceth now that face of religion . and to be briefe , from the rising of the sunne , to the setting thereof , there was no place in the which somewhat happened that was not worthie to be wondred at . see genebrardus . the death of the duke of guise and of his brother , caused many , and the most principall cities of france , as paris , roan , lyons , tholous , and others , to rebell against the king. m. cyprian . val . after that the king of france had commanded the d. of guise to be slaine , and his brother cardinall to be strangled , he committed likewise to prison charles cardinall burbon , legate apostolike , peter arch-bishop of lions , and heire of the duke of guise , which when the pope vnderstood , he tooke it greeuously , and in the highest consistory , made an oration thereof to his cardinalls . about this matter , not long after hee sent an embassador to h. of france , to intreat for the deliuery of the cardinall of bourbon , and the archbishop of lyons : to whom was answered , that for the cardinall , he might by no meanes be deliuered , for that his enlargement would stirre sedition : and as touching the archbishop , that it was not in him to doo , whē that guastius , who had charge of the castle of ambois , and the prisoners , now being treated lord therof , no prisoner could be dismissed without paying his raunsome , whē the pope had often in vaine sollicited the k. and was denied , he thus decreed , that if at a certaine time the king did not deliuer them , and thirtie daies after their enlargement , certifie it to the apostolicke sea by his letters , vnder his owne hand and seale , that forthwith he was excommunicated , and did incurre all ecclesiasticall censures , which are read in the holy canons , in the generall and particular constitutions , and in the bull of the supper of the lord. this also was determined against all those which were of his counsell or aide , or any way had assisted him in the premisses . besides , he cited the king himselfe , that within the space of . dayes , which should begin from the day of the notice to the king : that hee in his owne proper person , or some one especially in his place , should come to rome , there to yeeld reason wherefore he caused the duke of guise to bee slaine , and held in prison the cardinall and archbishop : and that the rest that were sommoned , should come themselues without deputies : to this also hee added , that none of them , nor the king himselfe , no not in case of conscience , the houre and dayes of death excepted , and not then to bee absolued , vnlesse hee obeyed , and satisfied the church in all things which hee was enioyned to doo . without this promise hee might not be absolued , not in the full iubily , or the holy marke of the crosse , any indulgence , power , or priviledge whatsoeuer , to him or his predecessors before granted notwithstanding . anth. cicarella . the huguenots in their writings published at that time , acknowledged not that action of the thirteenth of december , as a clap of thunder , that maketh more noise then it doth hurt , nor as a disgrace of fortune , wherevnto the greatest personages are most subiect ▪ but as a worke of god , and as one of the most notable workes that he had wrought for them , thereby beginning to worke their reuenge , for the massacre of s. bartholomewes day , and to relieue them out of the miserable state wherin they stood . in the moneth of ianuary the embassadors of the emperour rodolphe , treated with the polanders about the deliuerie of max. arch-duke of austria , in the territories of silesia & polonia at beutena . where vpon certaine conditions to bee by him performed , he was enlarged without ransome . d. chytreus . vpon twelfe eue , katherine de medices , the daughter of laurentius de medices , d. of vrbin , and magdelen the daughter of the e. of bononie and auerina , the wife of h. the . king of france , and mother of the french k. h. . in the . yeare of her age , and fift day of her sicknesse , died at blois . genebrardus . this yeare , . the holy nun before spoken of , was found to be a counterfeit . wherfore the lords pronounced sentence against her , in the monastery of the mother of god , of the order of s. francis , in the citie of lisbone . and for that she had not dealt with , nor inuocated the diuell , they adiudged her to perpetuall imprisonment . m. cyp. val. the pope sixtus . excommunicateth the k. of france . the k. came vpon paris , and besieged it straightly . the parisians . seeing themselues in that estate , resolued of no other remedie for deliuerance of their present miserie , but to kill the king . to him that would kill him , they did promise great rewards . amongst all these , was a iacobine friar , called iaques clement , borne in a village called sorbone , neare seins , hauing passed through the hands of certain confessors , and conferred with some iesuites and others , was for a kind of dexteritie in him obserued , found meete to strike so great a stroake . he was vrged and put forward therein ; and in the end the d. demaine , the sister of montpensier , & other , had conference with him in diuers places , they requested him to perseuer in this good determination , which they knew to rise in him by extraordinarie inspirations to performe so renowned a seruice to the holy vnion , the catholick church and his countrie . they caused the zealous sorbonists and iesuits to preach , that the people should yet haue patience for . or . daies , and they should see some wonderfull matter come to passe , that shuld make wel with the vnion . the preachers of roan , orleance , and amiens , preached the like at the same time , and in semblable tearmes . the friar hauing taken order for his complot , departed frō paris , & went toward s. clouis . he being presented to speake to the k. the . of august , said that he had letters from the president of harlay , and credence on hs part : the k. caused him to be called into his chamber , where there was no other but the l. of belle-good , and the procurer generall , whom he procured to retire a part . the friar perceiuing himselfe alone , and opportunitie put into his hand , confirming his countenance more & more , drew out of one sleeue a paper , which he presented to the k. and out of the other , poisoned knife , with which , violētly he sheathed a thrust within the kings small ribbes : who feeling himselfe wounded , plucked the knife out of the wound , wherewith hee strooke the friar aboue the eye , & thervpon some gentlemen rushing in , could not containe , but murdered the murderer , although the king commanded the contrary . this friar after , for his bloudie deed was canonized a saint . in the annagransme of his name , friar iaques clement , were found these words in so many letters : c'est l'enfer quim'a creè : which signifieth : it is hell that created or brought me forth . the k. died y e next morning following : but before his departure , he named the k. of nauarre his brother , lawfull successor to the crowne , exhorted his subiects to obey him , to remaine vnited , and to refer the difference of religion , to the conuocation of the estates generall of the realme , who would thinke vpon conuenient remedies for the same , to haue a care of religion and pietie , and pray to god for him : vpon these words he gaue vp the ghost . hist . of france . d. chytraeus . he liued yeares , moneths , and . daies , he raigned . yeares and two moneths , in this prince failed the kings of the race of valois , which had raigned in france from the yeare , . to the yeare , . vnder their dominions , almost all the wonders of former ages had bene renewed . whom h. the . of the race of bourbon , succeeded . genebrardus . this is worthy of speciall note . in the moneth of may , . moneths before he was slaine , a certaine learned man beeing asked by his friends what he hoped of this h. the third k. per sortes virgilianas inquirens , the booke of virgill being opened , and the . verse , which number he chose in his mind ▪ he found , olli dura quies oculis , & ferreus vrget soninus , in aeternam clauduntur lumina noctem . after his death , warres began a fresh , betwixt the confederate catholickes , and the king of nauarre , many hotte skirmiges were , at the length , on the tenth of march , a battaile was fought at harens , where the king had the victory , but not without the losse of many of his nobles . the d. demaine presently repaired his hoste , but the k. conuerted all his forces against paris , and besieged it , where was so great a famine , that a bushel of wheate was sold for one hundred & fiftie crownes , a mutton for . pounds . this siege was raised by the duke of parma : in all this space the pope sent no succour to the confederates . anth. cicarrella . phillip k. of spaine , was much displeased with the pope , for that he would not aide the confederates , nor excommunicate those princes and prelates which followed the k. of nauarre . the k. therfore vrged that there might be a protestatiō made therof against the pope . but the pope iustified his cause before the cardinals , shewing that hee alwaies behaued himselfe vprightly in the french affaires wherfore certain cardinals were appointed , who should vnderstand both the causes of y e popes , and the kings , so that no protestation might be made . a litle before , some difference hapned between the pope and count oliuer , the kings embassador : for that cause the k. sent the d. of soisson for the french businesses , but what time this legate came , he was fallen very sicke , so that no conference was had about so waightie a cause . anth. cicarr . this sixtus was very couetous , for he sold many offices which before were giuen gratis . when newes came to him rome of the king of france his death , he made a solemne oration in the consistory of cardinals the . of september , . where he not onely compared the treason of this cursed iacobine friar , with the act of eleazar and of iudith , but said also that it surpassed thē . of eleazar is made mention . machab. . who seeing an elephant more mightie then the rest , armed with the armes of the king , supposing that king antiochus was vpon him , to deliuer his people , and purchase eternall glory , he aduentured himselfe , and ranne couragiously to the elephant , through the midst of the squadron , killing on the right hand and on the left , and all sides throwing downe , vntill he came vnder the elephant , and placing himselfe vnder him , slew him : the elephant fell to the ground vpon him , and there he died , iudith cut off the head of holophernes . the warre that antiochus and holophernes made against the people of god , was most vniust : the war which h. the . made against the league which had cōspired against him , to kill him , was most iust , so that herein was he no tyrant . this pope likewise not thus satisfied , forbad that any obsequies & honors accustomed to be made for the dead , should be made for him ; and commaunded also , that they should nor pray for him . m. cyp. valerian . this yeare in the moneth of aprill , the queene of england commiserating the wrong of d. antonio , the exiled king of portugall , sent a well appointed nauie to vlisbone , vnder the conduct of syr f. drake , and syr i. norris . where they tooke many spanish ships , richly laden with all manner of marchandize . thē landing their souldiers , they tooke cascais , a neighbouring towne to lisbone , and a suburbe . but the plague encreasing in their ships , they went no further , but returned for england : and by the way forbidden the coasts of germanie , by reason of their contagious sicknesse , many of them died miserably . this pope through the deuotion & request of the most catholicke k. of spaine , ordained to bee made the processe of the miracles of friar lewis de beltram in aragon , one of the order of the friars of s. dominicke , to put him in the number and catalogue of the saints . m. cyp. val. william tedder and anthony tirrill , seminary priests , recanted their erronious opinions at pauls crosse . this yeare in italy fell such store of raine , as neuer was remembred the like before . and at rome was a great aboundance of waters , that tybris could not be held within his bounds , but twise breaking forth , so ouerflowed the citie , that they went vp and downe the streetes in boates . at venice ( which containeth in circuite . italian miles , . ilands , parishes . monasteries . and . common bridges , which euery yeare receiueth onely out of custome and toll , twentie hundred thousand ducats , which is a citie in the midst of the sea , built vpon piles , without walles , & most famous throughout al the world ) the adriatique sea did so arise , that the chanels of the citie with the abundance of the water fallen , did so rage and swell , that they had no other thought but the whole citie would haue bin drowned . genebr . after this , followed a great dearth . cicar . anne , the sister of christiā the . k. of denmarke , daughter of frederick the . is married to iames the . k. of scots . d. chytr . in the higher germanie , iohannes starmius rector of the vniuersitie of strasbourge , a very learned and studious man , departed this life the . yeare of his age . idem . pope sixtus , the first yeare of his popedome , laid vp in the castle of s. angelo , tenne hundred thousand ducats , with this decree , that no part of this treasure might be expended , or errogated , vnlesse it were in the recouery of the holy land , or a generall expedition against the turke ; and not then , till the armies were ouer the sea , and vpon the turkish shore . or that there were such an exceeding dearth & scarcitie , or pestilence , or some christian prouince were in distresse , or like to fall into the hands of the infidels , and enemies of the church , which cannot be recouered without money . anth. cicarrella . frances ket , m. of art , of wimondham in norfolke , was conuented before edmund bishop of norwiche , for holding diuers detestable opinions against christ our sauiour , and was therefore burned nigh the citie . this yeare died iohannes sturmius in high germanie , being of the age of foure score and two yeares : hee was rector of the vniuersitie of argentine , a very learned and religious man. in the same yeare , and for the same vse , the pope laid vp tenne thousand ducats more , for the recouerie of some kingdome in the possession of the enemies of the church of rome : to these two treasures he added thirtie hundred thousand more , so that after his death were left about fiue millions , . . crownes . anth. cicarrella . in the moneth of ianuary , the marriage of the king of scots to anne the daughter of fred. the . was solemnized with great and royall pompe at crouebourge . genebrardus . all saxonie this yeare was in quiet . in the beginning of march , the duke de maine with all his troupes came to the riuer of seine , therby to passe ouer the bridge of mante , whereof the king being aduertised , prouided for his affaires , and the . of the same moneth , he set forward to meet his enemies : and at yurie he did many notable exploits , and had the victorie . of the horsmen there were about fifteene hundred slaine and drowned , and about . taken prisoners . amongst the dead was knowne to be slaine , the e. of egmont , who was colonell of the troupes , sent by the duke of parma : one of the dukes of brunswicke , chastegueray with others . more then . coronells of horsmē was at this time wonne by the k. among the which was the white cornet , the chief standard belonging to the spanish generall , and to the flemings : the cornet of the rutters , and more then . ensignes of footmen , besides the . ensignes of the switzers , which were yeelded presently after the slaughter . in this battaile of yurie , all the footmen of the leaguers were ouerthrowne . the king lost the lords of cleremount , d' antragues , captain of his guards , the lord scliomberge , de bongualuay , de crenay , fesquieres , and . or . other gentlemen , a fewe souldiers , and a fewe hurt . d. chytraeus . the . of may , charls cardinal bourbon , proclaimed k. by the cōfederates of the league , by the name of charls . died at fountnay , being in prison . the same learned man that prophesied of h. the . his death , being asked likewise by a friend , whether this charles should be k. of france or no , hee opened his virgill againe , and pronounced this verse which was next at hand . cedat ius proprium regi , patriaeque remittat . this was done the . of august , . genebrardus . the . of august , whilest the parisians did striue with famine and death , pope sixtus the . died at rome . this pope made a decree that there should not be aboue . cardinalls at once , and amongst them , . doctors of diuinitie , who shuld be chosen out of the regulars mendicant , and that the cardinal shuld be created in the moneth of decemb. for frō clemēt . this custom began in december , & cōtinued in the church aboue . yeares after christ . this pope notwithstanding brake this decree whē he created cardinals , allen and morosine , who he made out of this time . besides , he decreed that the number of . shuld neuer be ful , but there should alwaies be some voyd places . hee made many new holy daies in the church , as the presentation of the glorious virgin mary , of s. frances , of paula , s. nicholas , of tollentius , s. anthonius , of padua , s. placid , & his fellowe martyrs , eutichius , victorinus , brothers of those cardinals , and his sister flauia , whom hee commanded to be put in the romane calender . anth. ciccarella . a dissention happened between the legate of spaine and france , about the popes canonizing of didaco in the church of s. peter . idem . whilst the sea was voyd , by reason of some who would haue pulled downe a statue , which was erected to this pope in the capitoll ; the romanes decreed that no pope afterward should haue any statue set vp during his life . vrban pope , the . before called iohn baptist , borne at rome , of the house of castagnea , which was one of the noblest houses in genoa , sixtus alwaies loued this house well , & greatly approued his iudgement , which he vsed in all his serious affaires . a litle before he died , when peares were set vpon the table , he tooke one of them & cut in the midst , and found it rotten , likewise an other , and found it so too , then hee said , these peares are loathsome , let them be chaunged for chest-nuts ; by the peares signifying himselfe , for that he issued from the stock of the piretts , and in his armes did beare peares : by the chest-nuts he meant the cardinall , who descended from the house of castagnea or castanea , and bare in his scutcheon a chestnut in cheefe . this pope would be called vrbanus , either for that he much affected the precedent popes of this name , or that he might signifie , that hee was borne at rome , for vrbs with the romanes per automasiam , signifieth rome . or for that he had determined to vse all sorts of men gently . anth. cicce . genebrardus . d. chytraeus . vpon the day of his election , there happened a wonderfull earthquake at vienna in austria , and in many townes of morauia and bohemia . this yeare dyed iacobus andrens , chauncelor of the vniuersitie of tubing , who reformed many churches of the princes and cities in germanie . and hieronimus mencetius a reuerend old man , whē he had gouerned the churches of the countie of mansfeeld thirtie yeares . likewise paulus mathias bishop of roscilda in denmarke , a most learned man and religious . and iohannes areuarius , who set forth the hebrew lexicon . the next day after his election he fell sicke , wherefore he determined in the euening to remoue his court to the hill of quirinus , as to a better aire ; many cardinalls therfore , prelates and lordes , came to attend vpon him , but when hee was tolde , that it was against custome to goe abroad before he was crowned , hee would not goe . but his disease increasing so violently vpon him , that the . of august hee departed this life , hauing continued in the place . dayes , and in the . yeare of his age : and was buried in s. peters church . anth. ciccer . the same day that vrbanus was chosen pope , there was a great earthquake in vienna , morauia , and bohemia , prage . d. chytraeus . a truce was taken for . yeares betweene the emperour of the turkes amurathes , and the king of persia . marcus bragadinus a grecian borne , first a franciscane , then a capuchine a notable cosoner , was executed at monaca in bauaria . this fellow professed at venice the art of making gold , neither did his art or cunning deceiue him , for he made so much gold that hee gaue away whole wedges to his friends , making no more account of gold then of brasse or iron . hee liued princelike , and kept a great traine , and by his excellencie in the art magicke , drew the hearts of many of the greatest nobles in italie to him , so that he was called an other paracelsus . when his name was thus spred far & neare , at the length he came to monaca , the d. of bauaria his court . who soone finding out his deceits and diuellish arts , cast him into prison , and when the d. commanded that he should be examined vpō the rack , he desired that he might not be tortured , saying that he would confesse all he had done voluntarily ; with request that it might not be published . he likewise said that he had deserued death , but desired that his concubine signora caura & her family might be conueyed safe & harmlesse into italie . this sentence then was pronounced vpon him : first that a couple of dogges whom hee had abused in his diabolicall art , should be shot , and himselfe to be hanged . the next day a new gibbet was set vp couered all ouer with copper , and in the midst of it an halter , likewise wrapped with copper , by which signe his cosoning in making golde might be signified . neare the gallowes a high scaffold was set vp and couered with blacke cloth , vpon it a chaire where marcus bragadinus was placed , and after a speech made he was executed . m. g. belgicus . the duke de maine being in the d. of parmaes court , writ diuers letters to the borderers of picardie , that shortly they should see a puissant army for the deliuerance of paris . afterward the d. de nemours being the popes legat , the embassador of spaine , the bishop of paris , the archbishop of lyons , the bishop of plaisance , those of remes , senlis , and others , bellarmin and tyceus , iesuites , with many more of the romane cleargie , caused solemne processions to be made , double fastings , brotherhoods , visitations of temples , vowes & supplications , and all to entertain & hold the people in a vain hope of deliuerāce ; but all this while famine made warre against the parisians . gregorie . before called nicholas , was borne at millaine , his fathers name was frances sfondrate , of an auncient & wealthy family . he was elected pope in the place of vrbane . the . day of ianuary he instituted a iubily , and commaunded it to be published . anth. cicca . after this he made gcnerall of the churches army , count sfondrate his nephew , and sent him with an army into france , to the maintenance of which warre , he contributed fiue hundred thousand ducats , besides other . poundes of his owne . he created his nephew duke of mount marian , the which state , for that the great d. of florence for his conspiracies and rebelliō against the church was put to death , was now void by confiscation , and therfore the pope said he might bestow it where he thought good . a great & dangerous tumult hapned at cracouia , ( the king himself being there ) vnder the name of religion , chiefly by certaine schollers , who egged on by their maisters the iesuites , assaulted violently such houses where the exercise of religion different from the popes were celebrated . this was soone appeased by the magistrates , but the third night when they thought all had beene quiet , they gathered their companies together and set fire on the house . d. chytraeus . the princes & romane catholicke lords which were the kings partakers , perswaded with him to frame himselfe to the exterior profession of the religiō , and by the d. of luxembourg , who had before made a voyage vnto rome in their name , they practised with the pope to that end . on the contrary side the protestant lords , beseeched the king to haue them in remembrance , who were so faithfully imployed for him . other of his councel pressed vpō him , to prouide for his peaceable subiects , as wel of the one as of the other religiō . also that he wold preuent the new attempts of the pope and his adhaerents against france . and these sollicitations begat an edict for the vpholding of the two religions in his kingdome . d. chytraeus . an act was made by the high court of parliament at chalouns and at tours , against the popes bulls , his nuntio , and his legate in france . this likewise was proclaimed ; we haue proclaimed , and do proclaime pope gregorie the . of that name , an enemy to the common peace , to the vnion of the romane catholike church , to the king , and to his roial state , adhearent to the conspiracie of spaine , a fauourer of rebels , guiltie of the most cruell , most inhumane , and most detestable parracide , traiterously committed on the person of henry the . of most famous , most christian , and most catholike memorie . christian duke of saxonie , prince elector , died of the age . yeares . d. chytraeus . gregorie the . fell now sicke of a quotidian feuer , hee was also troubled with a continuall flix and the stone , whereof he dyed , and was buried in the chappell of the gregories in s. peters church . hee sate in the seate ten moneths , and as many dayes , and it was vacant . dayes . anth. cicca . in this time there was a great dearth through the most part of italie , and other christian prouinces : after which followed a great plague . there dyed in rome from august . vnto the end of august the yeare following . threescore thousand . idem . innocent the . before called antonius fachiuertus , cardinall of the . holy crownes . he was borne at bononia , and before hee was cardinall , by pope gregorie made patriarke of ierusalem . fredericus wilelmus duke of saxonie , and iohannes georgius elector and marquesse of brandebourge , had the protectorship of christians sonne : these no further vrged his mandates concerning religion , and recalled home many ministers of the church and superindents who had not obeyed them , and therefore banished by him , a litle before his death . d. chytraeus . the duke of guise by a cord which was giuen him , wherwith sliding downe out of a window , escaped out of prison , and fled to the lord de la chastre . the great chancelor of poland zamoscius , rebelled against his leige lord , with an armie of . men . pope innocent the . being . yeares of age , and hauing ruled two moneths & odde dayes , dyed . so that in the space of fourteene moneths . popes dyed : sixtus , vrban , gregorie and innocent ; and it is to be thought , the most , or all of them dyed of poyson . for brazuto is not dead that giueth them poyson . this brazuto killed . popes with poyson , ( as it is to be read in the life of damasus ) . the seate was vacant one moneth , and a day . edmond coppinger and h. arthington , conferring with one of their sect called william hacket , they offered to annoint him king ; but hacket taking coppinger by the hand , said : you shall not need to annoint me , for i haue bene already annoynted in heauen by the holy ghost himselfe : then coppinger asked him what his pleasure was to be done : goe your way both said he , and tell them in the citie , that christ iesus is come with his fanne in his hand to iudge the earth . which they did in diuers streets , crying also , repent england , repent : and in cheapeside got vp into a cart , and preached how this hacket represented christ , that they were two prophets , the one of mercy , the other of iudgement , sent , and extraordinarily called by god , to assist him in this great worke , and were witnesses of these things . for these misdemeanors and spreading of false prophecies , as also for his traiterous words against the queenes maiestie , hacket was hanged . but coppinger dyed in bridewell , and arthington long after was reserued in the counter in woodstreete , in hope of repentance . i. stowe . hippolitus aldobrandinus cardinall , was elected pope by the name of clement the eight . when sebastian king of portugall went with his armie into affrica , hee requested hostage of muhameth , to whom hee deliuered his sonne mulei xeques ; him , sebastian sent magaza ; but they both being slaine in the battaile of alcazar , . xeques was sent into spaine , and brought vp vnder king phillip . at the last this yeare ( hauing before by degrees perswaded to become a christian ) was baptised with his kinsman & other of his nobles , in the most famous monastery of s. laurence , and vowed euer after to continue true christians . genebrardus . the . of ianuary cassimere duke palatine , to the great sorrow and discomfort of the church of geneua , departed this life . ladislaus king of hungarie and boheme , died of the age of yeares . this yeare amurathes emperour of the turkes prepared for warre against the christians . the cause was this . the truce taken was yet kept betweene the emperour and the turke , to the great quietnesse of both their subiects . but in the meane season a peace was concluded betweene the turke & the persian . wherefore many of the turkish bass●es perswaded their emperour to make war vpon the christian , and so forthwith he dispatched a puissant army into the confines of hungary . the emperour rodolphe , although hee had this opinion that amurath would deny that the truce was broken by him , notwithstanding knowing that it is the turkes custome not to restore those cities which they had once taken , maketh all the power he can to resist his forces . m. g belg. william , lantgraue of hesse , a most wise vertuous & learned prince , being . yeares of age departed this world . william duke of brunswicke , the sonne of ernestus , a prince of most sincere religion , dyed likewise , leauing behind him seuen sonnes , whom he had by dorithie the daughter of christian , the third king of denmarke . d. chytraeus . at this time deceased likewise iohan . king of suetia , the father of sigismond , the . king of poland . as the leaguers were promised great things , by the estates of paris and the partakers of spaine ; held it for a most certaine troth , that the duke of parma would returne yet the third time with puissant forces to doo some notable exployt , thereby to couer the shame of his two former voyages , and so to assure the k. of france to king phillip , or to the princesse his daughter . but death cut off the thred of his life , together with his enterprises : the . of december , . his bodie was carried to parma , and buried without any great solemnitie in the litle chappell of the cappuchins , with this epitaphe . alexandr farnesius belgis diuictis , francis obsidione leuatis , vt humili hoc loco cadauer eius reponeretur manaauit . nonas decem. . et vt secum mariae eius coniugis optimae ossa iungerentur . genebr . the senate and the people of rome caused his statue to be made and set vp in the capitoll . m. g. belg. after much conference , commings & goings , letters and answers frō the deputie on each side , the supplications of those which desired , in such sort , that the king who since he withdrew himselfe from the court of france , for . yeares before , had made open profession of the reformed religion , cōtrary to the aduice of his ministers , went to see & heare masse sung in the cathedrall church of s. denis , the . sunday of iuly , where he was receiued of the archbishop of bourges , and other prelates , with certaine peculiar ceremonies , peculiar receiuing , which was incontinently published throughout the realme , with diuers censures as well of the catholicke nobilitie , as also of those of the religiō , wherof not one followed this example . the preachers belonging to the league , publike & priuately , before & after the truce , their discourses at paris & other places were , that the masse which they sung before the king , was but a deceit . that the pope should not recatholize him : that it was lawfull for the people to rise against him & his officers : that it appertained to the sorbonists , to iudge whether the pope ought to receiue him as king. and if peraduenture hee should doo it , neuerthelesse hee might be held for an hereticke , and one excommunicate : that it was lawfull for any particular man to kill him that should say , he was vnited to the catholicke romane church . d. chytraeus . the parisians , and other townes , that held for the league , desired that the king of spaines daughter might be marryed to the duke of guise , and so be crowned king and queene of france . ernestus duke of pomerian a prince endued with singular vertues , most bountiful to the churches & vniuersities departed this life , leauing his successor philippus iulius , of the age of seuen yeares , who was committed to the custody and protection of bogislaus . chytraeus . in poland the marriage of sigismond the . king thereof , and anne of austrich , the daughter of charles the archduke , was solemnized . idem . in belgia maurice count nassau the sonne of william prince of orange , and gouernour of holland , tooke the mount gertrude , a towne well fortified , bordering on the confines of brabant and holland ; when for three moneths he had besieged it , and they by force and famine were constrained to yeeld : although petrus ernestus count mansfeeld , ( to whom after the death of the duke of parma the king of spaine committed the gouernment of the lowe countries ) labours in vaine by his forces to raise the siege . at aquisgrane the dissention in religion raised great tumults : but they of the reformed religion had the worst . the turke spoyled and deliuered many townes in hungarie and croalia ; but comming with his forces to gomorra , he was most valiantly resisted . he not only presecuted at this time the christians , but the persians also , ( vpon some cause vnkowne the truce being broken ) and inuaded them with two hundred thousand men , where he made great hauocke sparing none . after this the christians had a notable victorie ouer the turkes in hungarie , and did kill in fight & put to flight more then fiue thousand of the turkes . charles guise , & duke de maine , vnder the colour of restoring the catholick religiō in france , were confederate with the pope and the king of spaine , against henry the . k. of france and nauarre , therefore out of euery prouince of the kingdome elected certaine embassadors to holde a parliament at paris , there to determine and set downe for a catholike king . pope clement the eight , sent phillip cardinall of plaisans . and the king of spaine his embassadors . at this time the king of france was againe excommunicated . afterward the duke of guise , the sonne of him that was slaine by henry the . being of the age of . yeares , was nominated and elected king by certaine of the confederates , but the senat & parliament of paris not admitting that any one should be king , vnlesse he were of the blood royall , he was not proclaimed , neither would the guise beare the citie thereof . d. chytraeus . vpon this the king of france as before is declared , bare-footed , with a candle in his hand , went to the temple of saint denis , and being confessed to the archbishop of bourges , and absolued of his heresie , had solemne masse , and remoued the preachers of his late professed religion out of his court. at riga in liuonia , the kings commissaries , amongst their affaires of the estate , vrged them for the restoring of the religiō to the same estate it was , determined with king stephen and the churches likewise , that the iesuites should be againe admitted into the temple of s. iames , and mary magdalen , whom the yeare before the incensed citizens had expulsed : so by these meanes that the senate and people of riga should hold all the other churches within the citie and the suburbes , with all the goods , profits , and reuenewes belonging to them . but the senate and citizens refusing to entertaine the iesuites as being most vnquiet & turbulent spirits , and the very brands of discord and sedition ; as also the better part of them desirous to keepe and continue in their citie one onely religion of the confession of augusta : or if they should altogether obey the kings authoritie , and the present necessitie of the time and fate ; thinking it better the secular authoritie as king stephen had set it downe , to be admitted againe into the cittie then the iesuits : the matter as then was left in suspence & put ouer to the k. & the parliament of the realme . but the iesuits being importunate vpon the king , the k. the yeare following sent one iohannes ostrouius into the citie , who instructed by the kings commandement , demaunded that all those that were spoyled and eiected of the seditious communaltie , might be put into possession of their churches , whose oration was forthwith answered in the name of the citie and the senate , by dauid hilcheuius theyr aduocate . the . of august , peter barrier , alias bar , borne at orleans , was prisoner at melena , where he confessed that he was seduced by a capuchin friar at lyons , by the curat & vicar of a certaine parish in paris , and also by a iesuite , closely to follow the king , and to murder him with a two edged knife , the which was found about him : he further confessed , that two priests by him nominated , were also come frō lyons for the same intent : and that he set himselfe the forwardest in the execution therof , to the ende hee might get the greatest honour thereby . for the which hee was executed . at this time was the duke of nemours within lyons , from whence he would not stirre , to goe to the estates of the league , although the pope had giuen him commaundement : the other chiefe captaines thought it meet , and his friends & seruants desired him to goe , he vouchsafed not so much as to send vnto them , knowing that the leaguers cast their eyes altogether vpon the d of guise , and that the d. de maine his brother by the mothers side , crost all his purposes , and would worke all meanes for his death . a certaine bold friar of lyons , perceiuing well that this young prince pretended to bring some new matter to passe within the league , whereby he might at least haue some great hand in the gouernment , by the aduice of two or three councellors , who were of his complices , he compassed lyons , with many fortresses , which held on his side at toissai , vienne , montbrison , chastillon , de dombres , and other places . quilian forsaking him , he bought it with a great summe of mony , at the hands of the lord of s. iulian , who was gouernour thereof . this done , lyon was inclosed , as well by water as by land . the lyonnois did not withstand neither his prodigallities , nor his councellors , nor his men of warre , which forraged the plaine country , receiuing the guerdon of their reuolt from the kings obedience . in the end acknowledging themselues , they rose vp against the d. of nemours , assisted by the presēce and counsell of the archbishop , sent by the d. de maine : and the . of decemb. they tooke hold of nemours , who was seene three times at deaths doore , committing him to close prison , where hee continued certain moneths , and at last escaping by cunning meanes , spoyled of his succours , chased from his fortresses , he went & dyed farre from france , in a litle towne called aueci scituate in sauoy , in the country of geneuois . after the solemne funeralls of henry the . late king of france were performed in the cathedrall church of s. denis , henry the . king of nauarre , was publikely proclaimed king . in the meane season the popes legat with the embassador of spaine , vrged the election of the d. of guise at paris , and cursed the k. of nauarre , for that he s oft had fallen , and those bishops , with the archbishop of bourges , by whom he had bin reconciled to the church , and absolued . likewise at rome , the agents and ministers of the k. of spaine , sollicited the pope , that he would confirne the excommunication pronounced by his legate at paris : nor would admit any embassadors from the hypocriticall king : if he did , they vowed as his embassadors came in at one gate , they would goe out at the other . the . of nouember , the duke of neuers came to rome , sent by the k. of france for his absolution , whom the pope entertained with all kindnesse : but a litle while after , hee dismissed him , not denying simply absolution to the k. but deferring it vntill he sawe more manifest signes of penitence . d. chytaeus . the k. of france deliberated to assemble at mante , certaine of the chiefe nobles of the realme , to take counsell of diuers matters at that time needfull . the deputies of the reformed churches were there present about the ende of nouember , whom the king caused to be called together the . day of the moneth following : and hauing giuen them audience , and heard the great sorrowe which they made vpon the infinite cōtradictions of his decrees , and the complaints of the wrongs done vnto them through all his prouinces ▪ hee answered , that the change of religiō had not any way changed his affection frō them ; that he would redresse their griefes , and make peace and concord among his subiects . hee receiued their bills of complaints , to haue them pervsed . but these affaires were driuen to such length , that the distance of many yeares hath buried all . and the captaines of the league hauing plunged the realme into new miseries , those of the religion almost in all parts of the kingdome , continued as grieuous vnder the crosse as before . sigismond k. of poland , was perswaded to embrace that religion and seruice of god , comprehended in his word , & the confessiō of augusta , as it had flourished in y e later time of gostauus , and the former daies of iohn the . king of poland : and as it was receiued by the states of the land , in the councell of vpsalem , the yeare , . by a solemne testification , for the confirmation and defence of the same religion , hee voluntarily offered his oath , which remaineth vpon record . chytraeus . the same day that sigismond k. of poland and vpsalem , was inuested with the crowne of suetia , iames the . k. of scots , had a sonne by anne his wife , the sister of christian the . k. of denmarke : to whose christening , the k. of france , the q. of england , the k. of denmarke , count maurice , h. d. brunswic , vtricus duke of magapolis , were inuited . the . of april , ferdinādo e. of darbie , deceased at latham . henry the . king of france and nauarre , was with great solemnitie crowned king at chartres . when the last yeare he sent to the pope , the d. of neuers , for absolution : pope clement the eight then answered , that hee stood in need of three fold benefite from the apostolicke sea : first of absolution in court of conscience : secondly in a lower court of conscience , from publike excommunication : thirdly , in the court of rehabilitation ( as they say ) to the kingdome , for the which before , by reason of his heresies hee was held vnfit . paetrus mathaeus . mathias arch-duke of austria , was by the emperour his brother , chosen generall of the forces against the turke , and went to vienna . idem . the same time , the pope promised to send to the emperour . footemen , and . horsemen ; for the leuying of which , sixe tents were gathered of the cleargie throughout all italie : which amounted to . crownes . paetrus mathaeus . the princes likewise of italy , sent their aide to caesar , euery one as they were able : the great d. of hetruria . genoua . the duke of ferrara . luca . parma . crownes : the dukes of mantua and vrbin , offered their owne persons and forces , against the mightie enemie of christendome , the emperour of constantinople . ionsonius . at what time many vncertaine rumours were spread abroad throughout y e turkish kingdomes of the happie successe the christians were like to haue in these warres ; beglerbegus of greece , whether to know the euent , or that hee desired to traine the turkish youth in martiall affaires , he gathered together of them , some of eleuen , some twelue and vpwards of age , these hee armed with little staues , and brought them into an open fielde , where hee diuided them into two battailes , of the which hee commaunded one to be called the christians , the other the turkes : the one in their fight , to crie iesus , the other , hala , hala. hee willed them both to fight couragiously , and promised rewardes to the hardiest . the signall giuen , both armies ranne together , and fought so eagerly , that many on both sides were so beaten , that they were carried away halfe dead . but they , that called on the name of iesus , got the victorie , and put their enemies to flight , driuing them into the citie before them . beglerbegus tooke this as a very euill signe , and as many as were with him , and greatly feared that the christians after this would bee victors . henry king of france , hauing newly recouered camerake a towne in picardie , hee entered into it with great pompe : whom balignius the gouernour of the same entertained with the senators & citizens all armed , on their knees : and to him they deliuered the keyes of the citie ; first the cleargie men did sweare , then the senators , nobles , and citizens , that they would euer become faithfull and obedient to god , the king , and the christian catholicke church . ernestus archduke of austria , offered a peace to the estates of holland and the vnited prouinces , by his letters and embassadors , protesting therein his loue to belgia , and his desire for the common tranquillitie thereof . but when a litle before a certaine priuie murderer an elder of nemours , that was suborned by count barlymount , by commandement from the court ( as he said ) to kill the count maurice of nassau , was prisoner with the count of hage ; the states of holland and other confedarates , thinking they were not well dealt withall , set downe in writing at large , certaine conferences and dealings of the spaniards with them concerning peace of late yeares , but all tending to a fraudulent and deceitfull ende ; besides they complained that the spaniards did no way seeke the quietnes of the subiects in belgia and other christians , but that they might be lordes , and tyrannize ouer all as they list . d. chytraeus . doctor lopes a spaniard & a phisitian , practised in england towards the queene , by the instigation of the earle of fuentes his country-man , and the promise of . crownes , to haue poysoned her maiestie : but ( god be thanked ) in the attempting thereof he was apprehended , with his companions and associates in the treason ; who were emanuel lois , and stephen de ferera , for which they were hanged , drawne , and quartered . the aforesaid earle dealt with one emanuel andrad , to kill the king of fraunce , with the odious smell of a poysoned rose . this is worthie to be noted . the estates of holland and the vnited prouinces , this sommer set forth . shippes well appointed for munition and victuall , with skilfull generalls and captaines , towards the north and the east , that leauing vpon the right hand norwege , moschouia , and tartaria , that so they might passe to sinae , or the kingdome of china ; the indians , and the iles of moloccus . they hauing past beyonde condora and obdora , regions of the continent to the new iland , sembla and wigatz , and passing through the straites of a narrow sea ( which was . miles lōg , & but one in breadth , they came to oby , which is a frontier of tartaria . that narrow sea they called the sea of nassau : to one of the ilands they gaue the name holland , to an other of euchusa , and to the rest other names . and being commaunded to returne this sommer , they did so , but the next yeare determined to goe the same voyage & better appointed , for they hoped to turne the traffique of spices and other easterne marchandise , by the which the spaniard is so enriched , an other way , by the northerne sea into the lowe countries , and other prouinces of europe . d. chytraeus . this sommer the turkes had a notable ouerthrow by the christians . the spaniards being desirous to continue the fire of dissention in france , instantly sollicited the duke de mercaeur , one of the chiefe of the league , and an vsurper of a part of the duchy of britaine , alwayes to continue warre . his sister loyse d' vandemont , king henry the thirds widow , did all she might to make his peace . certaine troubles happening in the meane time , brake all that was done . the spaniards who were maisters of blauet , a fortresse almost inuincible , had builded during the sommer of the yeare . a strong fort neare vnto croysil , to stop the entrance to the port of brest : which would haue bin better for them , if they had made an other right against it , and on the other side of the hauen . to hinder them came the marshall of aument , and syr iohn norris , generall of the english men , to whom was sent a supply by sea , vnder the conduct of captaine furbusher , they soone became maisters of quinpercouincin , and of the towne and castle of morley . soone after they assailed the spaniards new fort , and slew foure hundred souldiers that kept it , not without losse of their owne men , among other , captaine frobisher . the king on the other side , deliberating to make warre out of his owne realme against the spaniards , agreed with the states of holland and their confederates , to begin in the duchie of luxenbourge , where the marshall of bouillon , who married one of the daughters of the deceased prince of orange , and e. philip of nassau , assaied to enter in the moneth of october , where they found all the passages shut vp , and earle charles of mansfeeld making head against them , especially on the troupes of holland . the king on the other side , sought to ouerrunne the frontiers of picardie , and gaue the estates of artois and hainaut to vnderstand , that if they fauoured him so little , to suffer the spanish forces to molest cambray and countries adioyning , that hee should make warre vpon them incontinent . p. math. the . day of december , as the king was returning from picardie to paris readie booted and spurd within a chamber at louure , hauing about him his cousins , the prince of conde , the earle of soissans , the earle of s. paul , and or . other lord and gentlemen of his court. there came also in , the lords of ragne & mountigni , who had not as yet takē their leaue of his maiestie . and euen as he was receiuing them for his farwell a yong stripling named iohn castil , of . yeares of age , a drapers sonne of paris , who was got into the chamber amongst the preace , drew neare vnto the king , before he was almost perceiued of any bodie , and suddenly would haue stabd him into the bodie with a knife , but by reason that his maiestie was very readie to take vp the lordes , which were on theyr knees before him , in his stooping hee strooke him on the face , on the vpper iaw on the right side , therewithall cutting out one of his teeth . wherevpon hee was apprehended by the captaine of the garde , to whom the king commanded , after hee had throwne his knife to the ground , to let him goe : saying that he freely forgaue him . but afterwards vnderstanding that he was a scholler to the iesuites , hee sayd , and must it needs be , that the iesuites should be confounded by my mouth ? this villaine being brought vnto the bishops prison , freely declared the circumstance of his trayterous intent , and that he was perswaded thereto by his maister a iesuite : who said that it was lawfull to kill him , that hee was excommunicate of the church , that hee was not to be obeyed , nor to be taken for the king , vntill such time as he was allowed by the pope . for this he was executed , and the iesuites of claremount with whom this fellow was brought vp , and all other throughout the whole realme of france , were commaunded within three dayes to depart their colledges , and after . dayes to leaue the realme . d. chytraeus . in the beginning of this yeare , amurathes the third emperour of the turkes , the sonne of selim , in the . yeare of his age , ended his life and empire with much blasphemie , and impatience . whom mahomet the third beeing thirtie yeares of age succeeded : who before hee performed his father ; funeralls , hee caused eighteene of his brethren borne of diuers concubines , to bee strangeled and most honourably to be buried with his father in the same monument . he suffered his . sisters to liue in teragliuun . and that no more might bee borne , hee comaunded tenne of his fathers wiues to be throwne into the sea , and hauing richly furnished his owne mother , he sent her to dwell in a farre countrie . genebrardus . this mahomet is the thirteenth emperour from othoman . ferdinand arch-duke of austria , the sonne of ferdinand the emperor , and brother of maximilian the second , departed this life . the one and twentieth of february likewise dyed ernestus his brothers sonne , archduke of austria , gouernor of the prouinces in the lowe countries , being . yeares of age . idem . some of the deputies of the court which were sent to search cleremount colledge , which belonged to the iesuites , hauing seized vpon many papers , found among them certain written bookes made by a iesuite priest , named iohn guiguard , since the generall pardon giuen by the king at paris : there was written in these bookes many vile matters , as well against h. the . as against h. the . now liuing , containing nothing but traitorous practises : for the which the iesuite being sent for , auouched , by meanes whereof he was found guiltie , and therefore executed . the k. of france proclaimed open warres against spaine , and the spanish army is ouerthrowne by the marshall of bouillon , in the duchie of luxembourge . the king after two yeares suppliant intreaties to the pope , at the length was absolued by the pope at rome , and receiued into the lappe of the mother church , and declared the most christian king of france . the conditions propounded were these . that the king should receiue the councell of trent , and giue commaundement that it should be kept throughout all his realme : but and if in some of his prouinces he could not do it without danger of new seditions , he should aske leaue of the pope . that hee should within the compasse of one yeare , remooue the young prince of conde , being . yeares of age , from the company of heretikes , and to bring him vp in the catholicke apostolicke romane religion . that he should restore all the reuenewes and goods which he had taken from his bishops and abbies . lastly , that he should by his letters certifie all catholicke princes , of his conuersion and detestation of all heresies . after this , the church of s. peter which before was shut , was now opened . then the pope said to the orators of france , that as hee now opened againe to their king , the doore of the church militant vppon earth , so should his maiestie endeuour likewise by a liuely faith and good workes , to make his way into the triumphant church of heauen . d. chytraeus . vpon the church doore were placed the armes of the k. of france , with this inscription : henricus . galliae , & nauarrae rex christianissimus . whilst camerac is besieged by the spaniards , phillip king of spaine , created albertus arch-duke of austria , and cardinall of toledo , generall of all his forces in belgia : hee was the sonne of max. . emperour , and mary the sister of phillip king of spaine , the fift in order after rodolphus the emperour that now is , borne in nouember , the yeare , . genebrardus . the d. de maine seeing the spaniards take other course then was accustomed , his forces slaine , his credit crackt , & his destruction at the doore , though late , yet at last he sought by mediators the kings fauour , which he obtained : vpon this receiued grace , the d. wrought the yeelding vp of soisson , pierfont , and other places , to the king. the duke of aumale , who onely remained among all the chiefe leaguers , lawe being prosecuted against him in the parliament of paris , he was found guiltie of treason in the highest degree ; so that his image of likenes being made , it was drawne in peeces with foure horses , and his goods and lands confiscate to the king. the most famous poet and orator of all italy , torguatus tassus , died this yeare at rome . the garrisons of peronne , amiens , and other places that he held for the king , began againe in ianuary their former courses against the enemies countrie , still killing and sleying certaine spaniards and wallons . marseill is brought to the kings subiection . george , lantgraue of hesse , the sonne of phillip , a vertuous , wise , and religious prince , departed out of this world , leauing his sonne lodowicke to succeed him . albert arch-duke of austria , and gouernour of the lowe countries , entered bruxelles with great pompe , accompanied with the dukes of fere and aumale , and philippus wilihelmus , the prince of orange his sonne . before his comming , there was great hope of peace , but after his arriuall he made no mention of peace , for that he foresawe there would be none graunted . d. chytreus . in the beginning of march , the cardinal gaue such order , that the besieged within the towne of fere , were succoured with some munition , and for his first exployt against france , in the beginning of aprill , did so dispose of his armie ( at that time most mightie ) so pollitikely and secretly , that in fewe dayes hee besieged , assailed , and with plaine force , wonne the towne and castle of calais , in spight of all the kings forces , and the resistance of the besieged . there dyed in the taking heereof , a great number of the nobilitie of france . the cardinall following this new wonne victorie , besieged the strong towne of ardres in the beginning of may , and became maister thereof the . of the same moneth , seuen daies before fere was yeelded to the king vpon composition . chytraeus . the emperour appointed alphonsus , duke of ferrara , generall against the turkes : who thirtie yeares before in the time of maximilian the second , the father of rodolphus , had waged warre against them at his owne charges . but hee beeing the last duke that was of his house , and hauing had no issue by his three wiues , was very desirous to leaue a certaine successor before hee departed , and therefore he desired the pope that cardinall est might be his heire , and to that end offered him a great summe of gold , but the pope stifly denying to do it , the expedition for hungary was intermitted by the duke of ferrara . d. chytraeus . christian , the fourthking of denmarke , the sonne of fredericke the second , of the age of twentie yeares was crowned king. in the moneth of iune the queene of england sent a fleete of . sailes , well appointed with munition and vittaile , vnder the conduct of robert earle of essex , into spaine , who with a prosperous gale hauing passed the bound , of france and portugall , the . of iune arriued neare gades , and lighted vpon the . apostles of the king of spaine ( of the which s. phillip carried . souldiers , and . peeces of ordinance ) and . marchants ships , bound for the easterne indies . but when in these straits they had fought with them valiantly , and happily , and had set s. phillip on fire , the rest conueying themselues into the deepe , the earle came on land with part of his company , and when he came neare the citie , the gouernours and knights of the citie , to the number of . came out , who seeing the english so well appointed , drew backe into the citie : but such was the courage of our men , that following , some of them got into the citie with them : some at the assult got vpon the walles , and recouered the market place , although they were much troubled by the citizens from out of theyr houses and house tops . the same euening the greatest part of them got into a castle , the lower part of the citie was spoiled , the vpper part was ransomed for . ducats . and for the indian fleet they offered great store of gold . but the duke medine would not let it be redeemed , and therefore set it all on fire . the losse of which , was . millions of crownes . the english nauie in august following , returned to england . d. chytraeus . the spaniards greatly incensed with this daring enterprise of the english , of their owne free will gaue a great summe of money to their king , whereby to make new ships , and leuie new forces against them , and in the moneth of october , the fleete loosed out of the mouth of tagus , into corouis , a hauen in spaine , towards the farthest north , in the territories of gallicia , which ptolomey calleth the harbour of the artabry , a people by the promontory artabrum , which is in portugall . but when the nauie came neare the coasts of gallicia , by night it ranne vpon the rockes , where . of the spanish ships perished , the rest went forward to corouis , and attempted nothing else this winter . the emperour appointed arnold baron of echwartzenberge in belgia , marshall of the field in hungarie against the turke , in the place of the d. of ferrara , whom the pope clement the . would not graunt , that his adopted heire should succeed him . anne , q. of poland , the widow of stephen , the sister of sigismond augustus , died this yeare , being . yeares of age : leauing great store of treasure behind her , which shee gaue to her sisters catherines children , q. of suetia , sigismond the . king , and anne his sister . the last of aprill , deceased syr iohn puckering knight , lord keeper of the great seale : he died of a dead palsie , and was buried at westminster . in prussia , a prouince in the kingdome of poland , the chiefest bishops , armed with the kings decrees against the true churches of the gospell , remooued many preachers out of their parishes into the countrie , and vpon s. iohn baptists day , tooke possession of the chiefe church in the citie of turon : the like was done at meua and stargardia : besides , they earnestly desired that the church of s. maries which was neare the market place , might be deliuered to them , with the monasteries of s. briget , and that therein their religion might bee freely exercised , and all their causes belonging to the consistorie to be referred to their officialls in the citie , and to be iudged by them . iacobus fabritius gouernor of the colledge , was peremptorily cited to subcouia , for that he allowed , preached , & maintained publikely , the doctrine of caluin , and as they inferred against the expresse priuiledges of the citie , the constitutions of the commissaries , and the decrees of the senate , concerning religion . but the senate excusing him , said that the citizens were not bound to appeare out of their citie : the bishops sent their commissaries into the citie , who with their officialls should there proceed against him . the king himselfe likewise commanded that the senate should deliuer vp the church to the bishop of subcouia within certaine daies , or should agree with him . but agria , a neare neighbour to poland , being newly taken by the turkes , and the court was busied in counsell how to auoyd new dangers : the dantiscanes were quiet till easter , the yeare following . the estate of the vnited prouinces of belgia , geldria , zutphen , holland , and westfrizeland , zeland , vtricht , friseland , the groine , &c. with the q. of england , and the k. of france , entered a league of defence for themselues , and offence of their enemie , the k. of spaine . none of these could make peace with him without the consent of all . which was also agreed betweene the king of france and the vnited states of belgia , that the kings of scotland and denmarke , should be vnited to the societie of this league . the . of iuly , the right honourable h. cary , baron of hunsdon , and lord chamberlaine to the queene , deceased at sommerset house in strandstreet , and was honourably buried at westminster . the second of iune , the emperour rodolphe , caused all the princes electors , and others of his dominion , with the embassadors of those that were absent , to come before him in the pallace of the bishop of ratisbone : who all appeared the next morning and accompanied him to the church , and from thence , to the court ; where when euery one according to their calling had taken his place , philippus ludouicus stood vp , and made an oration in the name of the emperour rodolphus caesar : wherein he shewed how the emperour of the turkes sultan amurathes had broken the truce , which was made in the yeare , . by haly bassa in bosua , who had forraged diuers of their frontiers , and had spoiled and wasted crotia , and the fertile region tyropolia , leading away many christians captiues , and that this bassa beeing thereof explained to the turke , he was therefore bountifully rewarded , and set in greater place and authoritie then he had before : but at the siege of the castle zisekna , he was driuen to flie , and there receiued by death a iust reward for his trecherie . this making the turke more incensed , hee made warre vpon the christians , and sent beglerbegus of creece , who besieged the aforesaid castle ziseckna , and forced them to yeeld it . at this time also he sent diuers of his choisest bassaes to inuade hungarie , and tooke there two cities , vesprian and palotta . besides , hee imprisoned the emperours embassadour and orator at constantinople . caesars request therefore was , that greater defence might be made against the turkish powers , and that all the christian princes of his empire would conioyne to the resisting of this great enemie of christ and christendome . which forthwith was agreed vnto . but in this session a great dissention arose amongst the protestant princes : the reason was , for that the elector palatine did not so strictly and precisely keepe the confession of augusta , as the rest of them did : that is to say , duke william fredericke , administrator of the electorship of saxonie , who in the administration of the charge of the electors in their minoritie , recalled and brought in the opinions of flaccus illiricus , and iacobus andreas ( approoued of the aforesaid electors ) and all those that withstood them , or opposed themselues against either , in vniuersities , schooles , or any place whatsoeuer , hee cruelly persecuted and banished them , as caluinists and zuinglians : so that at lipsia and other places , vnder the pretext and colour of his execution against the caluinists , much spoile and hurt was done . many of these beeing let out of prison , were receiued by the elector palatine : and for this cause the protestants of saxonie would seperate themselues in this session , in the common petitions and propositions from them that held of the count palatine : but the greater part of them desirous of peace , did not consent thereto . but when it was obiected to the prince palatine , that hee was of a contrary religion to his father , hee before them all made an orderly and modest confession of his faith and religion , in this maner . i haue not anyway digressed from the religion which my worthy father professed . he whilest he liued , beleeued not in s. martin or s. iames , but in christ . the same beliefe , the same grounds and principles of faith i do constantly hold , and euer intend to do . my father condemned the errours of arrius , nestorius , eutychius , and the anabaptists , and so do i his sonne ; not onely condemne them , but with my soule detest and abhorre them . the errours in the sacraments ( which are two fold ; some of them who make idolls of sacraments , and worship and reuerence the signes for the thing signed , not obseruing nor considering the signification of the sacraments : other some that vnderstand them for naked and simple signes ) my father detested , and so do i his sonne . i come nearer : my father reiected caluanisme and zuinglanisme , and so do i his sonne . if so be it be true , that the vbiquitaries and flactians do faine , that is to say , if truth , or omnipotencie , or the whole presence of christ should bee denied vpon the earth . but in this errour i am happier then my father , in that i know the true and right religion vnder the name of caluine , to bee defiled and scandalled , by certaine seditious and ambitious persons in germanie : which my father had knowne if he had liued longer , as now the two mightie electors of saxonie , augustus his sonne , and christian do vnderstand . in this session great consultation was had , for composition for peace in the lowe countries . this yeare the italians made great tumults in brabant : the reason was , for that they were not so much esteemed of since the duke of parmaes death , and that the spaniards were preferred before them : that they had pay daily , and the italians not regarded . for this cause they left the kings campe , and tooke the towne of sidien in brabant , and fortified it . in this space no pay was sent , wherfore they made great hauocke throughout all brabant , euen to the gates of bruxelles . complaints were made hereof to the gouernour the arch-duke of ernestus , that hee was faine to send certaine companies of the spaniards who had authoritie to bring them into order , and make them obedient , or driue them out of the countrey . this more incensed the italians , but the spaniards draue them out of certaine of their holds : and graue maurice fearing least they of enemies , should become friends , went to the italians , and politikely praised them and their dauntlesse spirits , extolled their worthy acts , and great victories that they got vnder their famous leader the duke of parma , that the spaniard , had offered them such an iniurie and disgrace as the like was not to bee borne , and therefore it behoued them to looke to their safetie , and that there was no better way but to serue vnder the king of fraunce , as long as they might bee well payed . the italians mooued by his perswasion , the last of nouember wrote to the king of fraunce , humbly desiring him , that he would receiue them into his charge and defence , beeing in number . footemen , and . hosemen . but the king commended the determining of these businesse to the states of holland . the arch-duke ernestus died at bruxells , as some say , of a melancholy , for that hee might not marrie the infant of spaine , and that the names of his house of austriche against the turkes , and his owne against the confederates , had no better successe , that he was not onely despised of the enemie , but of the spaniards , and that hee had receiued no letters a long time from the king , amongst whose councell hee had many enemies : hee died of the age of . a very modest and sober prince , who was seldome seene to laugh . this winter dyed amurathe the . the . emperour of the house of othoman , and the very best thereof , beeing not so cruell as the other : hee was much giuen to pleasure . his eldest sonne succeeded him in the empire , beeing of the age of . yeares . the castle and citie of strigon by ister , after it had bene three and fiftie yeares vnder the tyrannie of the turkish emperour , by the valour and industrie of count charles mansfield , was deliuered to the christians : which victorie hee sawe not , for he died at the siege thereof , of a lingring disease . this prince was from his childhood brought vp in martiall affaires , and shewed himselfe a good subiect to the king of spaine his maister . the king of fraunce hauing got absolution from the pope , sent by his embassadors , letters and thankes to him , and in them , promised all obedience to the apostolicke sea of rome . christopher mountdragon a spaniard , gouernour of the castle of antwerpe , and captaine of the garrisons , dyed at antwerpe . the estates of holland and the vnited prouinces , that they might more establish and make strong the common-wealth , which they had already instituted and begun , published a new edict , against those that rashly go into the prouinces and cities , of the aduerse faction , or should come out of them into theirs : also against the iesuites , against such as were in the vniuersities , subiect to the king of spaine , and against those who were preferred to promotions vnder the oath of the mainteinance of the romane religion . further , it was decreed that all the fauourers and adherents of the pernitious and bloudie sect of the iesuites , should be excluded out of all the confederate prouinces , and that by no meanes they should be againe remitted . it was likewise enacted that none of the same sect , whether borne in the same prouinces , or a stranger , do at any time come into these vnited prouinces either by sea or land , vpon paine to bee taken for an enemie , and so to be presently executed , although in this case he come with testimoniall by letters . furthermore , that within the space of two moneths they depart out of these prouinces , nor returne againe into them during the present warres , vnlesse in that space they go to the gouernour and magistrate , and satisfie them in euery point , and renounce their oath and fealtie to the k. of spaine . besides , that all his subiects beware that after the publishing of this edict , they doo not frequent any schoole of the iesuites in belgia . of the academies , they determined , that none inhabiting the prouinces , should studie in any of the vniuersities which are subiect to the king of spaine : willing also that within sixe moneths after this edict published , they should depart from those vniuersities . against those that haue sworne to maintaine and vphold the romish religion , and to othersome that were promoted to dignities , this punishment was set downe , that heereafter they should haue no dignities , officies , or publike ministeries in the confederate prouinces . whosoeuer after sixe moneths next comming , shall be preferred vnder the oath of the defending the romish errors and superstitions ; and that they haue alreadie got this promotion , or in sixe moneths after shall get it , and are now admitted to offices , or shal be hereafter admitted , shall first desire that they may be absolued from this oath , and in that stead shall sweare alleagiance to their countrey , and shall vtterly renounce and abiure the gouernment of the k. of spaine . and this absolution of oath , and exaction of the new , to bee made before a iudge , to whom full power thereof and authoritie is giuen . if they doo not appeare and satisfie this edict , they shall not execute their offices . those that doo not obey , they shall presently depart the countries : which if they doo not the first moneth , they shall bee fined at discretion , the second time the penaltie shall bee doubled : but if at the ende of three moneths they shall bee found to stay within the confederate prouinces , they shall bee banished for euer . the . day of august the cardinall came to antwerpe , where hee was receiued with great pompe . and the next moneth following , the english nauie and certaine shippes of the hollanders and zelanders , returned out of spaine richly laden . in hungarie the christians recouered against the turke , the citie of hattawan , where except some fewe , they put all to the sword . on the . day of september , the turkes laid siege to agria , by which the way lieth open into transiluania , bohemia , morauia , and silesia , and with faire words and promises , desired them to yeeld : but the gouernours of the citie , for that by reason of the continuall battailes , they could not possibly any longer hold out , set fire on the citie , and got them to the castle . the turkes then entered , and through couetousnesse of the spoyle , saued most of the houses . then did the emperour of the turkes request them to yeeld , but they denyed it , and brauely resisted the fierce assault made against the castle . in the end , beeing so farre ouermatched , they were constrained to their great griefe and losse , to yeeld vp the castle , where the gouernours and diuers captaines were in most cruell maner put to the sword , for the slaughter which they made of the turkes at hattawan . maximilian leauing off this , came downe with an army consisting of . horse and foote . the christians then marched towards agria , where the emperour of the turkes was . the first encounter was with light skirmiges , but when the maine battaile was ioyned , the christians got the better part , and hauing slaine certaine thousands of the turkes , they put the rest to flight , and were maisters of their tents . but whilest they too greedily entended the spoile , the enemie recouered his scattered troupes , and vpon the sudden killed a number of the christians in their tents , the rest beeing daunted with this vnexpected ouerthrowe , betooke themselues to flight . this so amazed the christian hoste , that they were all dispearsed : and maximilian himselfe accompanied with a small number , came to caschoccia . thus the victory that was thought happy in the beginning , sorted to this vnluckie end . king phillip determined to marry his daughter to cardinall albert , and for her dowry giueth the prouinces of the lowe countries . on sonday the . of august , great triumph was made at london for the good successe of the two generalls and companies in spaine , the winning , sacking , & burning of the famous towne of cadiz , the ouerthrow and burning of the spanish nauie , and other accidents . the . day of august the duke of boloine arriued in england , and came to the court at greenwich , and there by her maiesties oath , confirmed the league of amitie and peace betwixt the two realmes of england and france , and shortly after , souldiers were sent ouer to aide the french in their wars against the spaniards . presently vpon the departure of the duke of bulloine , the right honourable gilbert earle of shrewsburie , was sent embassador into france , to take the oath of henry the fourth , the french king , for the confirmation of the said league , as also to inuest the king with the order of the garter . i. stowe . this sommer arriued heere an orator from the king of polonia , and had audience at the court then at greenwich , whose oration was in latin ; the which was presently most learnedly & eloquently answered by her maiestie , in the same language . in the parliament at roane , the reformed churches desired free exercise of their religion throughout the whole kingdome of france , wherefore concerning the controuersie of the two religions in the parliament at paris , these articles following were set downe . first , that an heretike fallen , and by name excommunicated by the holy sea , shall not loose the right of the crowne . that he is a lawfull king , sent and appointed of god. that the church cannot depriue him of this right , nor generally any princes of their dignities , or succession of their kingdomes , for any heresie whatsoeuer . nor release their subiects of their alleagiance to theyr princes . to withstand these sentences , and that they do not bind the conscience . that they must looke into the actions of the prince or his conscience . that by the christian religion , no order may bee appointed to the salique lawe , that the king be constrained to be a catholicke . that an herelike by diuine grace is a christian . that it is not lawfull to resist a prince that is an heretike . that a catholicke king may permit and suffer two religions in his kingdome . not to punish heretikes , nor to compell any to be catholickes . to pray for those that are excommunicated , as well the liuing as the dead , and that publikely in churches : and to performe this , the cleargie to be bound vpon paine of departing the realme . . that confessions may be reuealed for iustice sake . this yeare arnald whitfeeld , chauncelor of the realme in denmarke , came embassator into england , and christian barnice his assistant : they had audience at the court then at tiballs . turnbaut is deliuered vp to graue maurice . and this yeare belgia was in reasonable guietnesse . the states of the vnited prouinces entered a mutuall league with the queene of england and the king of france , defensiue and offensiue against phillip the king of spaine , their common enemie . the king of france with often excursions and assailes , had troubled and vexed the confines of artesia and hamonia . the cardinall albertus being at bruxells , and thinking of repairing his army , found great difficulties for want of money ; for king phillip refused to pay the italian merchants , and those of other nations their money , who tooke monstrous vsurie of him , so that he complained that by this meanes his kingly patrimonie , his annuall reuenewes , and extraordinary subsidies , were consumed . yet that he might keepe his word , and shewe himselfe to be of a good conscience , he turned the controuersie into religion , and appointed two of his , and his sonnes confessors , to disswade these merchants from taking this vnreasonable vsurie , and to tell them what daunger their soules were in , if they did not remit it : in the meane season , certaine of the creditors became bankerupt , the rest by their example were afterward afraid to lend the king any money . d. chytraeus . the emperour rodolphus promised sigismond duke of transiluania , new supplies of souldiers and money , and with great solemnitie receiued him into the fellowship of the golden fleece . maximilian againe was made generall by the emperour . the pope by his embassador iohannes franciscus aldobrandinus , promised to send ten thousand italians into hungary at his owne costs and charges , and made the d. of mantua their generall . the higher saxonie sent a thousand horsemen , and the lower saxonie as many . francouia , bauania , suenia , and the other countries , bohemia and austria , sent in their aide likewise . these all marched towards pappa , the which after eight day siege they tooke : from thence to raba , which yeeded without any assault : but hearing that mahomet bassa was comming towards them , and finding themselues too weake to bold out that place against them , they went backe ouer danubie , into scythia , towards gomorrha . the turkes eight dayes after besieged the castle of totes , whilest the christians armie lay idle : which went downe to watsia , and there hearing that the turkes came towards them , they went to strigonia . alphonsus duke of ferrara , whom the yeare before gone , the emperour rodolphus determined to make generall of the turkish expedition , departed this life : whose dukedome caesar est bastard ( being in his life time appointed his heire and cessor ) presently possessed . the pope was much discontented with this , and forthwith strooke caesar with the thunderbold of excommunication , and made warre vpon him . christian the . king of denmarke , was married to anne the daughter of ioachimus fredericus , marquesse of brandebourghe , by the archbishop of magdebourghe . this yeare dyed in the higher germanie , iohannes postius an excellent poet , and the chiefe phisitian to the count palatine . graue maurice made a bridge vpon rhene . berke was besieged of him , and yeelded within twelue dayes : which hee fortified . syr robert cecill principall secretary , maister harbert maister of the requests , sir george carewe lieftenant for the ordinance , and others , prepared for their embassage into france , and set sayle from douer the ninteenth of february . syr robert cecill returned the fift of may out of france . in the beginning of this yeare many princes died . iohannes georgius marquesse of bradenbourghe , of . yeares died , leauing behind him , sixe sonnes and foure daughters . the same moneth of ianuary , died richard count palatine of rhene at sinouerne , where he kept his court. him followed theodorus the great duke of muschouia . in the lower saxonie died henry duke of brunswicke and luzemburge , the sonne of ernestus : and clare the wife of bogislaus , duke of pomerian . the last of ianuary , anne queene of poland , the daughter of charles arch-duke of austria , departed this life . this moneth the pope clement the . made warre vpon caesar est duke of ferrara , for the dukedome , but the matter was taken vp : and the duke yeelded vp ferrara vnto him : but all the other cities and townes he enioyed , and by the emperour rodolphus , was created duke of mulina . the pope annexed this to the popedome . sigismond prince of transiluania , who hitherto had held out with an inuincible courage against the turkes , in the beginning of this yeare chaunged the course of his life , and surrendred the prouince of transiluania , to the emperour rodolphe and his heires , least it should fall into the hands of the turkes . a peace was concluded betweene the kings of france and spaine , in the lowe countries at veruini , in the beginning of may : pledges sent into france from the spaniard , were philippus de croy , franciscus de mendoza , the admiral of the kingdome of arragon , charles prince and countie aremberge , ludouicus de velasco ; the popes embassadors that made the peace , were alexāder cardinal de medicis , and generall of the order of the franciscanes , bonauentura a sicilian . the king of spaines deputies , were iohannes richardotus president of the councell , iohannes baptista , and ludouicus verreiken the k. his secretary in the lowe countries . amongst the conditions of peace , this was the chiefe : that former iniuries and vnkindnesses forgotten , these articles of peace that were set downe in the yeare at camerac , betweene henry the second , king of france , and phillip the . king of spaine , might be kept . the whole pacification was comprehended in . articles , and printed at paris and poloine . calice , capella , ardea , and other cities of picardie , were restored to henry the . k. of france , by the spaniard . the queene of england perswaded the hollanders to peace , who notwithstanding preferred warre before a trecherous peace with the spaniards . therefore albertus arch-duke , going into spaine to be married , franciscus mendoza admirall of arragon , chiefe generall of the spanish forces , hauing brought his army to rhene , prepareth it against the hollanders and the vnited prouinces . they of aquisgrane two yeares before condemned by the sentence of caesar were now exposed to the spoiles & slaughter of all . sigismond prince of transiluania , repented him of his change of life , and that he had giuen vp his gouernment , wherfore he came out of silesia through poland , into transiluania , and desired of his subiects that their oath of alleageance to him might be renewed , and perswaded maximilian arch-duke , ( whom the emperour had made gouernour of transiluania ) that hee would lead his forces against the turkes towards the recouerie of agnia , then against transiluania . vpon the fourth of august , syr william cecill knight of the order , lord burghley , maister of the wards and liueries , high treasurer of england , a famous counsellor to y e queenes maiestie all her raigne , and likewise had bene to edward the sixt ; who for his singular wisedome , was renowned throughout all europe , departed this mortall life at his house by the strand , his body was conueyed to westminster with solemne funerall , and from thence secretly to stamford in lincolnshyre , and there buried . i. stowe . the second of october , george earle of comberland , returned from the seas , hauing made spoile of the strong towne and castle of s. iohn de portanoico in spaine . this yeare died phillip the . king of spaine , being of the age of . yeares . pope clement the . created . cardinals , amongst whom was robert bellarmine , iesuite . phillip the . the sonne of phillip the . succeeded his father in the kingdome of spaine . hee tooke to wife margarite of austria . and albert arch-duke of austria , married the infant of spaine , the kings sister . both these marrriages were celebrated by the pope clement the . at ferrara . the . of february , the right honourable charles blunt. lord mountioy , hauing taken his leaue at the court , departed towards ireland , as lieftenant there . souldiers out of diuers shyres were sent before him , and also after him , in this moneth of february . this yeare , richard lord bishow of london , with two other commissioners , to wit , doctor perkins , & doctor swale , were sent in embassage to emden , there to treat with the commissaries from the king of denmarke , and returned the eight of iuly following . on tuesday the . of august , charles iames king of scots , in scotland escaped a straunge and strong conspiracie , practised by the earle gowrye and his brother . about the . of august , arriued at doner certaine embassadors and assistants , . in number , sent from the king of marocco in barbaria . i. stowe . the . of september , certaine embassadors came from moschouie or russia , and the . of october , the said embassadors rode to the court , and had audience before her maiestie . finis . a briefe discourse of the churches estate from the death of iesus christ , vntill this present . all which hath bene succinctly said in this booke touching the estate of the church , should remember the reader of three diuers times in the consideration of the gouernment of the house of god , the better to marke things as they came , and to haue thereof a certaine abridgement in his memorie . we take the first time of the christian church , from the beginning of the apostles preaching vntil the empire of phocas : which is ordinarily distinguished into three periodes . . the first of about . yeares from the lords ascention , vntill the death of the apostles , and of their first disciples . . the second began at the empire of traian , and stretched by the space of . yeares vntill constantine : which time also was honoured with the presence of certain of the apostles disciples , & other excellent pastors of the church , and faithfull martyrs of iesus christ . . the third frō cōstantine vntil phocas , which is the last periode of the first time of the church , about . years : during which , the church had many great doctors , greeks & latins . as for the first periode of the first time , it is very certaine that neuer christian church was more happie thē during that time , whether we consider the doctrine taught by the apostles and their first successors , or wee contemplate all the parts of the ministerie , and of the ecclesiasticall discipline . now for the doctrine we haue by a singular grace of god , the apostles epistles whereby it is easie to gather a body and summary of all that which euery christiā ought to know touching his saluation . and that which is more , if they which came after the apostles had continued to build vpon the foundation which they had laid , the church had remained in his first spirituall splendor and brightnesse : the simplicitie then being such and so great in doctrine , in the maner of teaching , and in ceremonies , that the sheepheards and sheepe , were altogether eliuated vnto the heauenly father through iesus christ ; liuing moreouer in such charitie & concord , as truly this world might be well called the golden world . for although that in the apostles time and their next successors , there rose vp certaine mutinous persons to trouble the happie rest of the church , this hurt not much , the maiestie of the spirit of god discouering it selfe in such sort in the preaching of the gospell , that all the world was constrained to acknowledge in this infirmitie of the seruants of god , an admirable efficacie , to biing all wisedome and humane power captiue vnder the obedience of iesus christ . true it is , that alreadie sathan thought vpō his affaires , and brought forth his practises with greater force then euer before , building his sinagogue nigh vnto the church . for euen when the apostles themselues liued , certaine iewes and gentiles making the same profession of christianisme , fought against iesus christ in diuers maners , as s. paul his epistles doo witnesse . and what diligence soeuer the seruants of god vsed to eradicate and root out the tares which the enemie did sowe : yet remained there the seedes thereof in the bosome of the church during the periodes following : god meaning to humble his , and to shewe them that truly they had and would alwaies haue cause to fight in this life , but that the triumph therof was reserued for the other world . for as for the strength of the persecutors since the apostles time , it hath alwaies shewed it true , that the bloud of the martyrs is the seede of the church . but let this be said in a word , onely to awake the reader and to prepare him to a diligent meditation of the ecclesiasticall historie . now something is to be said of the second periode of the first time . the apostolike men , armed with the vertue and power of y e lord , maintained constantly the truth , amongst all the tempests and stormes of persecution , and in despite of gentilisme , & of diuers heresies which boldly began to left vp their heads . in so much , that great maruel it was , that so soone after so great light , men should see the east in many places couered with so deep darknes , many goodly churches ruinated , and the doctrine of saluatiō transported otherwhere . yet the greatest euil was in the bowels of the church it selfe ; many pastors wherof , not being so attentiue as of reason they shuld haue bin to conserue and keepe the puritie of the euangelicall doctrine , but suffering to take roote ( i know not how ) that which tasted of carnall wisedome : in so much that in the place of the true end & marke which the gospell proposeth vnto vs , men began to establish vnto vs , all the perfection of christianitie in sufferings and afflictions for the gospell , and in arresting & abiding a litle too subtilly , vpon the stay of certaine fantastike persons , springing from the schoole of philosophers , so fell by litle and litle , to that vnhappinesse , as to transforme the holy scripture into allegorike interpretations , a maruellous baite for the curiositie of humane vnderstanding , and a fountaine of infinite mischiefes in the church . true it is that the first inuentors of such things , thought nothing lesse then that which came after . so much then did the lord humble his people . but about the end of this periode , euil was seene to aduance , and ceremonies encrease in such sort , that men enclined vnto indaisme and paganisme , the loue of solitude and munkery , the abstinence from marriage , and from certaine viands and meates on particular dayes , many feasts and other seeds of superstition after succeeding , tooke a maruellous roote . so the commencement of praiers for the dead , and of the sacrifice of the masse , did then discouer themselues : not that the intent of such as made mention of the dead , to encourage the liuing constantly to serue god , and which brought of their goods into the company of the faithfull , for the comfort of the poore after the celebration of the supper , was to bring in the execrable idolatrie which long time after sprung vp . there were also introducted and brought into baptisme , certaine ceremonies , yet not such as the ridiculous superstitions which since haue bin forged . finally the good intent began to shewe it selfe , and from thenceforth to lift vp the head , vntill at the last vpon the ende of the second time of the church , it rose vp aboue the word of god. as for the third periode of the first time , heerein it was happie , in that god during that time , raised vp diuers learned persons , greekes and latines , to oppose themselues with liuely voyce at sinodes , as also by their bookes , whereof wee haue some number at this day , against the impietie of infinite heretikes . amongst other , s. augustine was an excellent doctor of the church : who notwithstanding is not alwaies so cleare as is to be desired . amongst the latines this time also brought forth other great persons , yet men also , which yet is more seene in the greeke doctors , lesse pure then the latines , especially in the right knowledge of the merite of iesus christ , and all was the want of a pure and natiue intelligence of the lords language in the prophetike and apostolike bookes . their allegorike interpretations had as it were gotten the vpper hand , ceremonies maruellously encreased , monkeries began to take footing , the true meanes to diuide the church , and to forge a new seruice of god : afterward , the veneration of the martyrs sepulchres , paintings , and after images glistered in churches . the pure doctrine of the lords supper began to bee falsified for want of right vnderstanding the manner of sacramentall speeches , and the vertue of the alone sacrifice of iesus christ . bishops , especially that of rome , thrust into the world , and the misterie of iniquitie formed it selfe as it afterward should come into the light . for arrianisme hauing serued for a seed to mahumatisme , and the dispising of the celestall veritie , with corruption of manners maintaining the audacitie and boldnesse of the bishops of rome ▪ this periode finishing , gaue entry vnto straunge euils , wherewith the church was ouerthrowne a litle space after . let vs now say something of the second time of the church , which we diuide into two periodes . the first , from phocas about the yeare . vntill charlamaine by the space of . yeares . the second from charlamaine vnto charles the fift of that name , emperour , about . yeares . in the first periode of this second time of the church , as the antichrist of the east thrust himselfe well forward , that of the west established his throne , and then was the doore open to all errours : which notwithstanding entred not at once , but came by litle and litle into the church . aboue all , the opinion of purgatorie , fire , and of the sacrifice for the dead , were the foundation of the papaltie and of all that vermine of their cleargie and infinite sects of monkes , which like grashoppers from the deepe pit , came to spread themselues through europe . but it was in the second periode of the second time , that idolatrie and superstitions obtained the vpper hand . insomuch that the poore church as it were buried , had no more any spring , neither appeared there any token wherevpon to cast her eye , but onely the inuocation of the father , of the sonne , and of the holy ghost in baptisme . and although from time to time , the lord made shine some flames and torches in the bowells of that darkenesse , to redargue and weaken such as rotted in so heauie and palpable ignorance : yet was their blindness so lamentable , and their sleepe so deepe , that for one which lifted vp the head , and to whom antichrist gaue no release nor leaue to approach , witnesse all such as during this periode opposed themselues neuer so litle against his tyrannie , an infinite remained liuelesse and altogether dead . the lord making himselfe admirable in the mercie which he shewed vpon some , and renowned in horrible and iust punishment of their ingratitude , which loued better lyes then truth . who can heere recyte the superstitions & idolatries of antichrist , & his crafts and subtilties , to establish his kingdome and tirannie vpon bodies and soule ? he had his seruants and instruments of all sorts , to leane , fasten , encrease , and multiply his throne in the temple of god , carrying in his browe the name of miserie , sitting in the temple of god , calling himselfe god , yet vnknown of such as called themselues christians , which he put off vntill the end of the world , and to i know not what fancie and dreame of an antichrist which should be borne but a litle before the second comming of the sonne of god. briefly , the great spiritual babilon , the murdresse of soules , had her kingdome during this period , tyrannizing the israell of god , hid and dispearced in a litle number and by her impostures , blasphemies and impieties , mocked the true god , & father of iesus christ , whose name auowed with the mouth , shee trode vnder her feet , by her abhominable errour . but the lord willing to make his worke admirable , which was to ruinate babilon , to destroy the man of sin by the breath of his mouth , and by the brightnesse of his comming , presented himselfe in the third time , and by the ministerie of people , feeble and of small appearance , yet driuen and drawne on with the zeale of his glory , first brought in y e knowledge of tongues , then the celestial truth , maugre all the strengthes of the world , and in sixtie yeares hath made vs againe see all the maruells of the worlds passed in the gouernment of his church , as well in the efficacie of his word , as in the vertue thereof , to maintaine it , to fortifie his seruants , against all sorts of enemies , within and without , and to represse tyrants , apostates , heretikes and hipocrites : which we hope he will pursue more and more , and we pray him to do it for the loue of iesus christ his sonne , vntill that great sauiour appeare in the cloudes , to iudge the qucke and the dead . amen . finis . a table of the principall things contained in this booke . a. abbey of s. denis in france , builded by dagobert . absimarus emperor . abbreuiataries created . destroyed acarius an heretike , murdred . acephali heretikes . acolites . achaia and other countries brought into prouinces . acchio d. of millain from whose helme fell the serpent . adamites heretikes in bohemia . adiaphores . adrian the emperour chaunged the name of ierusalem . adrian the . angry because the emp. held his right stirrop angry because hee placed his name before the popes . he is choaked with a flie . albertus alasco . aluaes tyrannie . his death . amais banished scotland . a priest dieth for feare . a notable act of the seignory of venice . antwerpe yeeldeth . augusta . augustus d. of sax. dieth . a fleet for lisbon . a iubiley . an act against the p. bulls . albertus made generall . he winneth callais . articles concerning controuersies in religion . aemilian emp. ayme d. of sauoy , became an hermit . albarit marquesse of toscane , chaseth away the sarrasins . alban martyred . appellation of the masse . albert first author of the carmes . adrian pope a buggerer , yet worshipped as god. his death . ibid. aeli●s pertinax . alexander seuerus emp. albigeois , or albiois , opposing themselues against transubstantiation are ouercome . albinus first k. of lombard is slaine . alcoran of the mahomatists . alcibiades martyr , of a scrupulous life . almaine followed the fashion of the romane masse . almaine changed by ciuil war. alexander bishop . alexander ordaineth new ceremonies . alexander martyred . alex. bishop of ierusalem . alex. . sent vnto the souldā , the image of the emp. barbarossa . he fled in his cookes attire . hee treadeth vpon the necke of fredericke barbarossa . alexander . poysoned . alexander . poysoned . ambrose beeing sicke , receiueth the eucharist . anacletus . martyr . auicetus pope . . martired . ibid antonius pius emp. amurathes emp. of the turkes . anastatius commandeth to worship a quaternitie . anastatius the emp. dieth with lightning annates imposed vpō frāce . confirmed . antichrist in his ful tiranny persecuteth the faithfull after the yeare , . according to sybilla erithred , and makes warre vpon himselfe . anthonius & his cohaeritikes . anthonius bishop of nicomedia martyred . anthropomorphits . antinous . antioche shaketh & trēbleth . sinketh in an earthquake . taken by boemundus the norman . antiphones and the introite of the masse . apollonius beheaded . apostles gouerne churches . false apostles . ibid. apostles & their charge . a fabulous apparition of s. michaell . arabici heretikes . arcadius and other martired by genseric . archilaus herods successor . archpriests and cardinalls . arrius & his adherents excommunicated . could not bee revnited with alexander . purgeth himselfe by oathes . armacan publisheth conclusions against the friars . armenia againe receiueth the faith . arnoldus de noua villa , a true and faithfull man. arnold brira opposeth himselfe against the cleargie , vsurping the temporall sword . arnulphus bishop of lyons slain . arrius antonius persecuteth the christians . articles of the doctrine of the valdois . . of the bohe. ibid. artois erected vnto an earldome or countie asia looseth . townes by earthquake . asia the lesse , hath flourishing churches , . persecuted . attyla spoyseth aquileia and all italy . . taketh rome . besiegeth orleance . . is discomfited by meronee . aug. s. dieth . athanasius . aubriot accused of heresie , is cōdemned to perpetual prison with bread and water . augustines drawne from their hermitages to preach in good townes . auignō the seat for the romane court. auriflame the french standerd . ausbourge deliuered from the barbarians . augustus caesar . aurelian emp . his death . b babilon hath a church . battaile of lepante . baiazeth emp. of the turkes , slew his brother soliman . baia. is put in an iron cage . baiazeth giueth . ducats to pope alexander the . to poison gemē his brother . basilides heretikes . bauier conquered beda the venerable bellisarius makes affrica tributary beneuent giuen to the pope bennet the yonger cast into a fornace berēgarius smothered the truth vnder certaine errours he speakes against himselfe . ibid. benet . pope beginning of leaden seales baron berillus heretike barnard monke poisoned h. the . bishop and priest all one . bishops married . bishop of rome made vniuersall bishoppe ought to bee conuinced by . witnesses before hee be condemned . bishops make of a councel a conuenticle and a monopoly blasphemy new of the popes keies blondus the historiographer . boheme tamed by charlemaine . is erected into a kingdome . brought into the obedience of otho bohemians communicate vnder both kindes make no account of the pope . ● withdraw from subiection . they propound . articles in the councell of basill . boniface pope . boniface an english man , preacheth in frise and is there martyred . burgraues . bruno the first chartreux , with hugh bishoppe of grenoble . bulgaria made subiect to the romane church . bull of gold . bull of the stigmates of s. frances . bullist and friars minors doo striue for the gouernment of the nuns . burchardus compileth the auntient canons . bells in vse . bell tolls at noone-tide . c caligula afflicteth the iewes . calyphe the great , comparable to the pope . hee dieth of famine in the midst of his great riches . caluin . charlemaine first called treschristian . canons obserued by the commandement of caelestine . canonization of saints . cardinalls name now in vse . cardinalls alone to weare redde hats . cardinalls named as principalls of the cleargie . cardinalls exalted against heretikes . carmes called the bretheren of the virgin mary . carpocrates heretike . carus emperor died being stricken with lightning . cataphryges heretikes . catechumenes . . cathares heretikes , called nouatians . chapplers inuented . cassimere . carmelites . conrade emp. celsus heretike . caelestinus pope . cerdon a stoicke heretike . ceremonies inuented . . cerinthus heretike . caesar valentine , alex. the . his bastard . chaldeans afflict the iewes . chanons regular or irregular instituted . calixtus bishop of rome . carus emp. caius emp. of rome . caracalla emp. . slaine . charles k. of naples , sleyeth his sister iane at the popes instigation . chartreux order founded . castle of s. angeto builded . chiliastes renued . chorepiscopi particular bishops . christian libertie . church of antioche in great fame . church in babylon . in affrike troubled by gensericus . romaine declared principall . church called sancta sanctorū builded . churches flourishing in asia the lesse , gouerned by the apostles . churches orientall communicated but once a yeare . churches orientall and occidentall appeased . church of aquilegia reduced . christians persecuted the first time by nero. the second vnder domitian . the third vnder traian . the . vnder m. aurelius . the . vnder seuerus . the . vnder iulius max. the . vnder decius . the . vnder galius . the . vnder aurelian . the . and most cruell , vnder dioclesian . christ exerciseth his ministerie , suffereth his passion . cleargie , clarkes , and their signification . the cleargie augmented . cleargie romane vsurpeth the election of the pope . the temporall sword . they wil haue no reformatiō except from common collectors . clarkes enioy immunities . that they ought to meddle with secular affaires . clouis baptised and his nobles . collation of benefices . colledge of faire women . comet seene three moneths together . commodus strangled . cōmunicants take the wine and bread in their hands . councell at ierusalem . councells touching easter . clerus bishop . clement the first . claudius emp. councells of philadelphia . at antioche . at nice . councels prouinciall euery yeare . councell affrican . councell of carthage . ephesus . of chalcedon . of orleance at tara in spaine . tolledo constantinople councell at auuergne at orleance at lyons paris ciuill tolledo councells the foure generall to be kept as the gospell councell at rome councels cannot prescribe lawes to the romane church , but from thence hath her vertues and perfections cornelius b. of rome councell at reius at tours . . lateran councell in france , against the k. thereof . councell generall at vienna . councel national in fracē . councel general at vienna . at parpignan at pise at constance cardinall albert. christian churches of constantinople . charles borgia . clement . pope he maketh warre vpon caesar est confession taken away by nectarius confession annicular instituted . conon pope conrade . of that name emperour conrade the second conrade the third conrade a merchant of milain , disposeth the sect of the fratriceilli conrade the lawfull k. of sicilia , beheaded by the popes councell consecration of water mingled with wine constance sister of william king of sicily a nun , was dispended with for marrying constātius emp. an heretike . constance pilleth rome constance emp. abiureth his heresie . ibid. constance slaine at the bathe , comodus emp. . his death . count or earle . constantine the great , emperor , desired to be baptised in iordan . hee caused a tabernacle to bee carried in warre . he burneth the libell of the bishops . by his humillitie he raiseth vp the pride of the popes against his successors constant . the . emp. constant the emp. . he commanded images to be cast out of churches . constant . emp. constant . pope , . of that name , hath his eyes put out constant . paleologne the last emperor of constantinople . . murdered at the taking therof . costātinople builded in the midst of byzantium is fired . . is besieged . yeares of the sarazins and arabiās , recouered by the grecians , . besieged of baiazeth . . is taken . cosroes k. of persia destroyeth syria . . he would abolish christianitie . ibid. he is ouercome by heraclius . coronation of clement the fift troubled with the deathes of many . cresselius punished for his ambition croisades take their beginning . crueltie of pope pius the fourth . cyrus reedifieth the temple . custome vpon wine and salte in france . cyprian s. his death . d dagobert instituted a colledge of faire women . damasus . of that name pope . ● denmarke with his k. conuerted to the faith danes and normans do returne into france . darfosa martyred . darius histaspes endeth the temple dauphin sold to the k. of fr. decadence and fall of the pope . decretalls frō whence forged . decretalls examined decretalls gathered together by raymond the monke . decretalls attributed to lucius . degrees ecclesiasticall denis bishop of alexandria , & his death denis b. of rome and his decretalls denis a romane abbot , made the great paschall cicle . denis the woman of great constantine , martyred deus dedit or dorithe pope . deacon and his signification . didier last k. of lombards . dydius iulius emp. dydinus a blind man , a famous regent in the schoole of alexandria digna a noble matron in aquilea , cast her selfe headlong into the water dioclesian caused his feet to bee kissed . dioclesia . & max. depose themselues of the empire . d. saunders . duke alanson . his death . duke of guise slaine . death of the l. russell . death of the q. of scots . dissention in religion . duke of parma dieth . death of sixtus the . d. de maine . death of ch. burbon . d. of neuers . dissention amongst the protestant princes . death of amurathe . d. lopez executed . dioclesian dyeth in a rage . diuision of the kingdome of iudea . diuorce permitted for the long sicknesse of a woman . doctrine euangelicall receiued at valence in dauphine . domitian emperour . domitian slaine . domitius nero. donation of constantine . . death of the duke of guise . decius emperour . his death . diaconesses . deodatus pope . e easter ordained on the sonday . to be celebrated in one day in all places . ibid. ebion an heretike . edmond the last king of the easterne english men , slaine by the danes . edward the . king of england elected emperour . election of the pope giuen to charlemaine . giuen to the people and cleargy of rome . vsurped by them the ro. people . to the popes elders . election of the emperours giuen to the germaine nation . emperour kisseth the popes feet . empire westerne endeth . empire romane decayeth . . empire of constantinople transferred into france . empire diuided betwixt two emperours . empire of the west diuided . empire in discord . england first keepeth the lent fast . euensong of sicily . estate of france . . estates of the lowe countries . estates of almaine . euangelists which . euaristus martyred . eucharist called oblation giuen into the hand of the receiuer . . carried to such as were nigh dead . . a booke touching the eucharist generally receiued elutherius bishop of lyons , and his dreames eugenia daughter of phillip king of alexandria martyred eutalius priest , cause of the . schisme euaristus b. . martyred . ibid. elutherius pope eutichian k. of rome . eutychians and arrians reiected from constantinople exarches in italy exarches cease in italy . . is giuen to the pope . & asked againe by constantine . excommunication conuerted into abuse excommunication written with inke mingled with wine in the challice . . for temporall goods exorcists eusebius bish . of r. euerguacenes f fabian bishop and his election miraculous martyred with his wife darfosa ibid. fable of the stigmates of s. frances . fausta maintaineth her husband costantine in superstition . faelix bishop and his decretalls and martyrdome faelix bishop of rauenna hath his eyes put out faelix and elephandus condemned for heresie , which they repent faelix . renounceth the popedome ferrara vsurped by the venetians feasts denounced to the people . feasts of all saints instituted . feasts of the sacrament called feste dieu . confirmed . fastings feast of the speare and nailes . feast of the transingration . feast of dedication festus gouerneth iudea flagellers or whippers flaunders made a countie . flower-delyce of france . forbidding to eate flesh annathenized florentines buy their libertie . florentines interdicted absolued by vrban the . florian brother of tacitus . vsurped the empire , and is slaine ibid. florus mooued the iewes to war. fraunce followeth the fashion of the romane masse france diuided into certain kingdomes france agreeth in their ecclesiasticall singing with the romanes frances dandalus d. of venice frances curiario vicar of the empire , taken of the venetians and slaine in prison s. frances canonized frances petrarke fratricelli condemned and persecuted fredegunda sleyeth chrisperic . fredegunda flaine in the church ibid. frederic barbarossa goeth into italy hee is excommunicated of alexander the third . felix bishop of rome formosus pope ferdinand . . frederic barbarossa is surprised by the souldan , and set at libertie troden vnder foote by alexander the third frederick the . declared an enemie to the church he is constrained to lead an armie into siria frederick the . excommunicated and depriued of his empire by innocent the . frederick . being angred at the pope , made many notable persons die frederick d. of austrich beheaded at naples , with others . frederick count of misne , elected emperour frederick d. of brunswic elected emp. slaine by the count de waldec frisons receiue the faith frodesque saluiat archbishop of pise , hanged fulco succeeded baudwin in the kingdome of hierusalem . fuscus ouercome by derpains . fulbert bishop of chartres , made stirps iesse g gamma inuented galeaze duke of millaine galerius max. eaten with wormes gallien emperour gallus emp. he and vclutian are slaine ibid. ganclon betrayeth the peeres of france gantier diuelot slaine in the church gautlier d' annoy an adulterer , scorched and hanged geneua and orleance founded by aurelian , geneua ordaines a duke geneuiefue the parisians diana . gregorian calender refused gregory . pope dieth gregory the . gerard brazut hildebrands instruments to kill popes gibelins set vp gnostiques godfrey of bullen king of ierulem gratian perswades . popes . . to depose themselues . greekes graunt purgatory , and the pope to be primate of the church gregory one of the foure doctors of the church gregory calleth himselfe the seruant of seruants . and will not iudge an vniuersall bishop ibid. gregory celebrateth the supper in the vulgar tongue ibid. gregory the . pope , opposeth himselfe against the ordinance to burne images gregory the fourth accepted not the popedome vnlesse the emperour allowed the election . gregory alias hildedrand defended symonie and single life . gregory the seuēth cast the host into the fire ibid. gregory the . a liuely picture of antichrist gregory the . after his death tormented in hell , doth great myracles guelphes the popes fautors , and gibelins the emperours . guilbert archbishop of rauenna taken vp againe . yeares after buriall guido aretine the first inuentor of the gamma & the notes guillaine pion duke of aquitaine , founder of the first monasterie of the order of augustine friars guillian orseure shewed that the pope is antichrist guillaine count de holland chosen emperour against frederick the second . . is slaine . ibid. guiniard bishop of nantes martyred guisards audition guy de lusingam last king of ierusalem . gaule began to be called france . gordian emperour grashoppers out of the bottomelesse pit guns inuented . h haalon k. of the tartarians , ouercommeth the persians helchesites heretikes henry the . emperour , inuented the combat of tournies . h. the . vpon his marriage day draue away all morris-players , and such like h. the . emperour , sheweth a deiection of heart vnworthy an emperour h. poysoned by his sonne , vnburied by the space of . years . h. the . resigneth the inuestitures to the pope h. lātgraue of thuring , elected emperour , dieth h. the . will needs bee crowned at rome h. the poysoned in an host. h. the . k. of england , depriued of his right by an archbishop henry carperell prouost of paris , a false iudge , condemned . heliogabalus emp. hilary . pope herculian bishop of peruse hath his head sawne . heresie of ebion . . nicholaits . . menander . . basilides . . saturnine . . cerinthus . . valentine . marcian and montanus . carpocrates gnastici . . cerdin . . cataphryges . . apalles . . talianus . . fratricelli . . seuerians . theodorus . . proclus and berillus . . noetus and sabellius . . of the manichees . . arrius . . pelagius . . acephales . . a quaternitie . of many monkes . . of iohn bishop of constantinople . . athenians and others . . prifallian . . . monothelites . . of constantius . . of paul the successor of pyrrhus . . of peter the successor of patriarch . . constant . by him abiured . . of machoris bishop of antioche , monothelite . heresie of a councell heresie pernitious of transubstantiation herman of saxe elected emperour herod stirreth persecutiō . . and dieth by a horrible iudgement ibid. herod antipas beheaded iohn . herod tetrarch banished to lyons herodes agrippa beheaded iames. . his death herodias wife of phillip herodes houres canonicall sung by note . hildebrand causeth eight popes to die hildericke king of the vandales , restoreth the catholickes . hirene assembleth a councell at nice . . causeth her sonnes eyes to be put out holland erected into a countie . homousis and essence hungarie and boheme become one kindome honorius king of the vandales persecuteth the christians , and dieth of vermine hospitalls hospitall of the holy ghost builded at rome . hospitaliers called the knights of s. iohn of porsale h. k. of nauarre . heluetians huguenots h. the . k. of france h. . king of france crowned . he is absolued of the pope . hussites do reiect all humane traditions . . are assaulted by sigismond emperour and the pope . hypona besieged by the vandales i iacobius founded vpon pope honorius his dreame . iacobius of berne . idolatrie finds the pope a defender thereof idolatry of them of gaunt . idolatrie of chaplets iohn baptist preacheth iohn apostle and euangelist dyeth iohn of antioche heretike and a iew , compiled the alicoran . iohn king of england subiected his crowne to the pope . ignatius cast to beasts innocent the first iohn the . pope . . . iohn surnamed teutonicus , opposeth himself against the popes demaunding of tenthes in almaine . iohn duke of britaine slain with a wall iohn . an heretike iohn de roquetaillade martyred . iohn colunban and frances vincent the first iesuites iohn wickliffe iohn gerson iohn hus commendeth the doctrine of wickliffe to the people . iohn hus and hierome of prage go to the councel and are burned . . their death . ibid. iohn . saluted of an owle , is much troubled . . hee flyeth from the councell of constance . iohn paleoleauge emp. of constantinople iohn guttenberge inuentor of printing iohn pusters called gurman , and peter sheffert sell their printing ibid. iohn huniades escapes from the battaile . . dyeth . ibid. iohn iustinian of geneua beheaded iohn an english man burnt . iohn fissers author of the repentants order iohn picus prince of miradula . iohan of orleance a maide , burnt ierome died ierome sauanaroll burned . iulius max. emperor slaine . iust. of faith iulius philipp . emperour . ierusalem diuided into . sects . is in sedition . . left of the christians , is besieged . . horrible famine ierusalem taken ierusalem changeth the name . ierusalem taken by cosroes king of the persians ierusalem taken by the mahometists ierusalem taken by the christians ierusalem raced euē to the foundations images broken . . taken out of churches . . restored ibid. taken away and burnt , forbidden to honor them vpon paine of death . . throwne downe by sabin k. of bulgaria . ibid. images and paintings abolished in churches images set vp by hyren . . impugned by charlemaine . ibid. imbert dauphin of viēna , makes himselfe a iacobin indians brought to the romane church , promise to keepe the sacrament of confirmatiō . indulgences do penetrate euen to such as are in purgatory . inuention to pray for the dead . inuestatures agreed to henry , reuoked inuestatures resigned to pope calixtus ionathes high priest , slaine by ioseph ioseph the historiographer . iouinian a christian emper. iesuites originall ireneus is slaine isaach exarch ratifieth the election of stephen italy and burgoine subiected to arnulphe italy the sea of seditions . italy in great factions italy gouerned by three cardinalls , hauing the power of senators italy afflicted by the turkes . iubile first iubile remitted to fiftie yeares . celebrated at rome ibid. iubile of . yeares , to yeares . iubile celebrated by alexander the . iohn de austria iohannes basilides iames king of scots besieged and taken innocent . . his death ibid. irish rebellion iewes and leonards punished for poysoning waters iewes crucifie a christian chude . iulian medices slaine in hearing masse iustin emperour iustin the pelagian dieth out of his wits iustinian seduced by antsenius to depart from his error . ibid. iustinian compileth the romane lawes . dieth of phrenzie iustinian emperor breaketh his faith giuen to the sarasins . sent inta exile . ibid. kisseth the popes feet . . his head is cut off . iul. an emp. . his death . k kingdome of cyprus . . of aragon made a pray by the pope . king of bulgaria dooth receiue the faith king of the romans emp. diuers names , but of one substance . king. phillip . . king of nauarre excommunicated king phillip displeased with the pope ▪ he dieth . king of er● excōmunicated . king of france conuerted . l lantgraues lambert bishop of liege rebuketh pepin for adultery lewis laudo pope lansrancus the first author of transubstantiation laurence deacon of rome suffereth martyrdome . laurentius valla laurence de medices excommunicated legends of saints forged leger bishop martyred . leo emperour burneth images . leo emp. of constantinople slain in his pallace leontius and tiberius emperors beheaded letanies the great instituted . leuites libertie to preach the gospell in france liberius the arrian canonized . lombards raigned in italy . lombards haue the empire conuerted to the faith . they occupie the exarchate . linus . . his death . libraries licinius emperour longin gracian the first exarch in italy lotharius dieth a monke . lewis debonaire giueth power to the romane cleargie to elect the pope lewis sonne of king phillip first , came to artois lewis s. marketh blasphemers with an hotte iron lewis emperour declared heretike by the pope crowned by . senators of rome ibid. giueth a reason of his faith . lewis archbishop brake his neck in a daunce lewis duke of orleance murdered at paris leo the . pope lucian the apostate lucius king of england receiued the faith lucius b. of rome martired . lucrece daughter , wife & daughter in law to the pope luitprandus king of lombards , besiegeth rome leopold d. of austriche takes the king of england prisoner . lupus bishop of troy approueth letanies luquois entreateth the libertie of their common-wealth . liuonia or lisland conuerted to the faith lēt attributed to telesephorus . first lent in england lotharius emperour liberius emperour luther . . excommunicated lewis beltram friar m mahomet an arabian a false prophet . . adored after his death . mahomets alcaron his paradise lawes and ceremonies ibid. mahomet and the pope conferred together mahometists take ierusalem . maister of the synagogue . mancinellus manes heretike , broiled aliue . manichees books burnt at ro. manicheus againe condemned , are cast out of rome mantell episcopall marke preacheth in egypt . marke the euangelist dyeth . marcelline offereth a graine of incense to idolls marcian heretike marcion heretike margarite queene of nauarre condemned to perpetual prison for fornication marriage publike mariage forbidden to priests . mary the mother of our lord dyeth martian emperor slaine . martine empresse , hath her tongue cut out marcell bishop of rome massacre in france marcus bishop of rome martirs suffer diuers tormēts . martir the word when vsed . martirs of the pope differ from them of the church martyrain builded in ierusalem maxentius drowned in tyber maximian chooseth his owne death maximilla and prisca prophetess●● maximin hath his hand and tongue cut off matild the harlot of gregory the . is called s. peters daughter . . shee giueth all her goods to the pope marquesse maurus the romane , and faustus the italian , teach the monasticall life . malcontents maximilian dyeth moluchs death . mulei mahamet drowned . monsieurs voyage into flaunders mariade lauisitatione max. taken prisoner m. cauendish voyage marcus bragadinus mauricius beheaded with his wife and children macrin emperour menāder disciple of symō magus max. emperour mendicant friars messe the word , how it was vsed . . his introite . . augmented . . called the gregorian office . . inuention of the word . . song after the romane manner . . celebrated in latin. ibid. augmented with gloria in excelsis . metropolitanes and archbishops michael emperour of constantinople millaine taken , made subiect to the empire , reuoulteth . . after a siege of . years , is sacked . . reedified and called alexandria ministers myracles lying myracles & apparitians forged . mytre of the pope monkery planted monkes heretikes , banished from rome monkes blacke priuiledged monkes of three sorts monkes may not carry to baptize monkes may not bee kept in monasteries against their wills . monkes rents monkes voluptuous . . commaunded to marry . monkes of england haue by gift the . part of the kingdōe . monkes priuiledges monkes , venetians , and of the mount oliue monasteries founded montanus and his heresie . moses brother of calapine . marcus aurelius meldriades king of r. n naples conquered by charls the . the disease of naples nero persecuteth the christians and killeth himselfe nicasius bishop of rhemes slaine nicholaites nichomedia the seat for the easterne emperours names of dignities nunnes and inuention of theyr habits nunnes dispensed with to marry . normanes receiue the faith . norway receiueth the faith . ibid hath a priuiledge to sing masse without wine ibid. notaries and protonotaries . nerua emperour nicholas . pope o obseruation of daies . . of betters ibid. ocham and dante 's held for heretikes office of a king office of a subiect ibid. office of a bishop office of priests office of deacons olympus bishoppe of carthage , suddenly burnt order of the holy ghost ouids tombe orange receiueth the gospell . orange sacked orchanes . emperour of the turkes ordinance of bigamies of orders of extreame vnction of protections to say masse toward the east . to celebrate prayers of baptisme and the supper with an high voyce . . of the feast of candlemas . ibid. of punishing heretikes . . of the . canonical houres . ibid. commemoratiō of the dead at masse . ibi. of lent not vniuersall . . to sing the creed on high . . of offering bread and wine . ibid. of lamps burning in churches . . aultar coucred with cleane cloathes . ibid. that the corporall should be kept clean . ibid. that a bigant should not be made priest . . of the exaltatiō of the holy crosse . . of the signe of the crosse . ibid. of burial out of churches . . of organs . . of supplications against thunder . ibid. of bearing children to baptisme . . to kisse the pix or masse . . that popes should bee made with consent of the emper. that clarkes should bring vp no dogges nor haukes . that a lay man should not lay hands vpon a clarke ordinances humane made equall with the word of god. . ordinance of pope vrban . ordinances execrable the order of clugny of the carmes . . of william hermit . ibid of the trinitie . off the bretheren of the hospitall . ibid. of the iacobins confirmed . . of the caelestines . . of the pawlines in england order of the iesuites foure new orders of such as were crossed . orobite heretikes in bohe. organs first in vse in france . origines . . his fall , his end . ostragoths made warre with belizarius . otho the first otho the second otho the third . . he causeth his wife and the adulterer to be burned . . he is poysoned otho the . excommunicated of the pope othoman the first , emperour of the turkes , by litle and litle vsurpeth vpon europe . . p paganisme pallace of auignon burnt . paleologue emperour . . he is excommunicated . ibid. palladium carried to constantinople pantheon builded pantheon burnt pantheon dedicated to the virgin mary , and to all saints . the papaltie returneth to rome it decayeth . . it was voyd . yeares pope ratified by the exarche . he is elected without the emrours authoritie . . consecrated with a new ceremonie . ibid. pope defender of idolatrie . the king of france holdeth his bridle pope authorized of the diuel , bestoweth the kingdomes of the world pope condemned by a pope . goeth on procession on foot . abuseth the emperour . . cause of schisme , in the empire . . transgresseth his owne lawes . is called god. deposed and againe restored . . entereth by diuellish art. . slaine in adulterie . disgraded and after banished . . he studieth necromancie . . appeared after his death . . a symoniake . chosen by corruption . . is an apostate ibid. pope elected at rome , an other at senes . . recouereth s. peters patrimonie by armes . ibid called prince of sodome , seruant of the seruants of god . he is shewed to be antichrist . . he will be iudged of no man. . hee may bee deposed by the councell . popes imitators of doiclesian . excommunicated . . rise against emperours . . doo crowne emperours , sell publike benefices . . chaunge their names : prooued by the shame fast parts popes schismatikes ane simoniniakes three popes at once . ibid. make warre with one another . excommunicate one an other . papists runne to false myracles . papinianus slaine paternus monke , burnt in his cloyster for the vow of obedience . poulian pope probus emperour paschal . pope . patricke bishop of soissons . giueth the countrey thereof to the church of rome ibid. patrician paul his parents , and place of his birth paul conuerted . . led to felix . . sent to rome ibid. paul samosatenian . . condemned by the councell of antioche ibid. paul heretike paul patriarhe condemned . parma created duke prince of orange shot . hee is slaine poland troubled patriarch of constantinople . prince of sax. prisoner . prince of conde poysoned . priests reconciled peter barrier peace betweene fr. and spaine . phillip the king of spaine . pentecost palatines persecution vnder herod . persecution in flaunders persecutions at paris . petrarke peterpence peter lombard petrus comestor petrus bercoris ibid. phillip preacheth in samaria phillip bishop of alexandria martyred with his daughter . peter whether he were at rome . peter in bonds past thereof . peter de bailard heretike pelagian peter de ruere spent in . yeares . skutes pilate cyted to rome peregrin a philosopher , cast himselfe into the fire . pilgrimages began printing pelagius . phillip de anioy , the queene of nauarres adulterer , broyled aliue phillip emperour a monothelite pientia builded by pius second . platina writeth the popes liues . he is imprisoned ibid. pluralitie of benefices began . polycarpus polycarpus burnt pomeriana receiueth the faith . porphyrius pragmatike sanction . . abrogated priest and his signification . priests communicate vnder both kindes priests cannot communicate alone priests of greece might marry . priests rents priests married in france about . yeares after the apostles . priests married in england , are condemned . prayers of the church prayers for the dead primacie of the church established by an homicide & a traytor pius the first priuiledge of the temple . priuiledge of the roman church probus bringeth germanie into a prouince prophets and their interpretation purgatory inuented pyrrhus patriarke , dieth shamefully penitentiaries . q qvadratus gouernour of syria . quadratus bishop of athence ibid. quatorrian heretikes s. quintin in vermendois founded quintilianus quintilius brother of claudius the emperour r rabbi maisters rastrix d. of cleue , hath his eyes put out reliquaries sold and giuen to the poore red hattes relickes inuented by sathan . repertory morall reseruation of benefices rodolph . . emperour reformed church of antwerpe . riga rodoaldus k. of lombardie slain in adulterie rome set on fire by nero. . giuen to syluester by constantine . . taken againe by genseric . . taken of the hunes . . of the gothes the second time rome and italy returne from the obedience of the emperour leo rodolphus a child , martyred by the iewes reconciliation . s sacrament of the aultar . saints liues are forged . saladin killeth the caliph . occupieth ierusalem ibid. salike law saladins salue regina singing receiued into the church sapor king of the persians siluester bishop of rome scanderbeg , seuerus pertinax . the house of sauoy made a coūtie schisme for the feast of easter schisme in the papaltie . schisme in the empire . serena empresse martyr . sergius pope seruians killeth amurathes . sigismond emperour simon magus . . simoniakes . scotland receiueth the gospell . scotland allied with france . schoole of caesaria . ethnike of laodicea schooles of two sorts seuertists stephen stoned . spaine followeth the manner of the romane masse stephen k. of bosne rosted aliue . smyrna destroyed by an earthquake swisses called defenders of the romane libertie sinagogue hath his maister . sebastian king of portugall . . his death s. martin frobisher s. w. raleigh s. r. greenfield ibid. s. h. gilbert seueniaries banished spanisp nauie s. f. drake sixtus the fift s. ph. sidneys death . sigismond king of poland . sinode twise in the yeare of bishops at rome . touching images , soter pope . stephen king of rome t tacitus emperour taborites heretikes . tancredus tartars talianus heretike titus temple of ierusalem ended . burned . . templers beganne . templers abolished tertullian reuoulteth theodorus pope theodocius emperour theologie scholasticall theophilus tymothe martyr thomas stukeley tumult at cracouia treasure of the popes the church troubled turkes ouerthrowne . . transubstantiation inuented . is forged . decreed . practised by gregory the seuenth , and is made the article of the faith . . honoured with a feast tyber ouerfloweth tyrannie of the duke of guise . tyberius traian emperour telesephorus bishop of rome . . v valentine heretike valerian taken , and his miserie venice is builded venetians haue a duke victorinus a rhetorician . vrban . . his death . valence emperour valentinian emperour vigills obserued . vincent the historian vlpianus ibid. vniuersitie erected at paris . at pauie . . at prage at vienna . . at lipsia . . at thuring vnction forged by popes . . victorian martyred vandales take end in affrike . . come into mauritania . . are excōmunicated . vespasian vicegothes conuerted vrban bishop of rome victor bishop of rome virgin what victor . . vigillius pope vitalian pope w warres proclaimed against spain waldois wencelaus emperour willielmes hermites white mantles x xixtus bishop of rome . xeques mulei his sonne , turned christian . z zacharie pope zenon isaurike emp. zephirim b. of rome . zimglius zuric . . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the true end of histories . for what purposes changes do serue vs. a glasse for the comfort of such as be afflicted . a glasse for them of geneua . a glasse to cōtemplate the incomprehensible iudgements of god. things here below subiect to changes . the causes of changes and mutations . the alone church of god remaineth firme . the church may be shaken , but not ouerthrowne . the condition of the kingdomes of the world . the church of god is subiect to change the heauenly light peculiar to the childrē of god. how examples written in histories are to be taken . examples of prosperitie . examples of aduersitie . the aduerti●●me●t that we h●u●●y like histories . notes for div a -e augustus . behold the iudgement of god. tiberius . archilaus herodes successor , of whom there is spoken . math. . a diuision of the kingdome of iudea . three sects in ierusalem . touching the temple . the ecclesiasticall gouernment which was then . soueraigne high priest . priests . leuites . maisters . auncients . caligula . naucle . two bretheren iewes . churches in asia the lesse . steuen stoned . claudius ▪ difference of degrees in the gouernment of the primatiue church . . cor. . ephe. . . pet. . heresies at this time . agrippa called god , is straight punished . act. . the death of heod agrippa . lib. . cap. . oros . ch . . act. . nero. felix . act. . . towards the end . lib. . . chap. . of the iewes warres . eusebius . act. . . . . . & . church . chap. . of the iudaik warre . act. . festus . chro. eus . iulius . solinus . chap. . hist . eccle. lib. . chap. . osnald . mic. hist . eccle. lib. . ch . crime imposed vpon the christians . the first persecution against the christians . linus . . cor. . galba . otho . vitellius spinter . vespasian . couetousnes or inordinate desire . vespasian . suetonius . three bands in ierusalem . horrible famine . the taking of ierusalem . rom. . titus . linus . naucler . cletus . chro. euseb . anacletus . domitian . euseb . fasc . tem. the second persecution against the christians . notaries and pronotaries , the death of s. iohn the euangelist . the chron. of the emper. clement . eusebius . the third persecution . suppl . chro. singing of psalmes auncient . fasci . temp . anacletus naucle , now none but the priest communicateth . suppl . chro. sinode . in the first volume of councell . heretickes . suppl . chron. s. aug. eusebi , sup. ch. eusebi . histo . ecclec . lib. . cap. . euaristus . anno. christ . . euseb . fasci . temp. marriage pub . like . euseb . lucian . alexander euseb . de cense . dist . . cap. in sacramento . dist . . . to . si quib . , dist . cap. relatum . the first addition to the lords supper . adrian . . tess . . de conse . dist . . cap. sufficit . the popes afterward forged their decretalls . anno christ . . suppl . chro. sixtus . not to touch challices . the word oblation . the last destruction of the iewes . barrochabas the iewe. telesphorus . heresies in the church . epiphanius . gnostiques . adrian . a buggerer , worshipped as god. the death of adrian . torments and cruelties against christains . pius . an. christi . . in the booke he writ to strapula . higinius . pope . de conse . dist . . ca. lignae . . hom , . cap. . si qua nud . s. august . anicetus . supp . chro. easter celebrated vpon a reuelation made to hermes . swearing and blaspheming . priestes crowne . marcus aurelius . the company of heretickes daungerous . chro. of emper . the fourth persecution . soter . anno dom. . montanus . not to touch chalices . . . . ca. illud diuini . . q. . ca. quid . cataphryges s. augustin . the vse of things indifferent . alcibiades . anno domi. . commodus lucius . naucle . chroni . euseb . naucler . chron. of the empe. chro. euse . sup. chro. edict imperiall . persecution . pertmax . didius . reconciliatiō seuerus . seuerus . ireneus bishop of lions . quatorzians . in the volume of councells . of tertullian a schisme by the occasiō of montanus . the bishops of ierusalem . the church of the gentiles in ierusalem . the fift persecution . zephyrim . the death of ireneus . bassianus . execrable incest . macrin . heliogabalus . calixtus . a place of s. paul euill interpreted . alexander . porphirius . maximin . wodden priests . notaries , and protonotaries . pontian . the beginning of the cardinals . the sixt persecution . celsus the heretick . fabian . gordian . proclus an hereticke . sapor king of the persians . the councell of philadelphia phillip . the first christian emperours . helchesites heretickes . the death of phillip . the cause of this seuenth persecution vnder decius . alexander bishop of ierusalem . the torments of the martyrs . the death of decius . gallus . this persecution counted the eight . the death of gallus . the romanes tributaries . lucius . decretalls examined . decretalls attributed vnto lucius . noetus and sabellius . the art magicke ouerthrew valerian . lucian . the miserie of valerian . lucius . ed. . the death of saint ciprian . the death of lucius . athenodorus gregor , of neocesaria . the heresie of sabellius buried . paul samosatane . the end of origenes . stephen . suidas . counteth this of origen and nicephorus after him . the fall of origenes . the differēce of rebaptizing heretikes . the death of denis bishop of alexandria . sixtus . chiliastes renewed . laurence a deacon of rome . the history of laurence . denis . the councell of antioche . married bishops . hist . eccle. lib. . cap. . claudus . quintilius . aurelian . aurelian . the ninth persecution . tacitus . florian. probus . felix . probus . numerian slaine . carinus . dioclesian . marcelline . dioclesians pride . kissing of shooes . the tenth persecution . dioclesian . the empresse martyred . cōstantius . the death of dioclesian . the ende of galerius . constantin the great . the death of maxentius . the issue of maximinian maximian chose his owne death . apocal. . li apo. . . epist . ad rusticū . momacū . vigills . the eucharist giuen to sicke persons . abuses of the supper . ceremonies in administrating the supper . the word messe vnused . martir . temple . donation of constantine . . dist . c. cōstantinus . c. fundamenta . de. electio . lib. . q. . c. futuram . bizantium constantinople . bishops priests . cleargie . clarkes . metropolitanes . patriarke . the office of a bishop . ministers . vicars or bishops particulers . deacons . new degrees diaconesses . diuers sorts of auditors . prayers . confession taken from the common people . ceremonies inuented . feastes . the immunitie of clarkes beganne . building of temples . edicts for the christians . reuenewes assigned to the church . the vse of the goods of the church . immunities . the poore . libraries . notaries at rome . reward of profess . arrius a professor ▪ arrius . hist . eccle. li. . chap. . spiridian . pathuntius . hist . eccle. lib. . cha . b. prouinciall councels each yeare . catechumenes . vnlawfull gaine . ordinances against arrius . arrius giueth in his confession . sinode of ierusalem . a tumult of the arrians . the names of dayes . donatist . . images chap. , athanasius called to the sinode . temples builed in palestine . constantin the second . the death of constantine the great . constance . cōstantius . . slaine . the cōstancy of liberius . heretickes cruell . monkes at this time . liberius . hilarie bishop of poiters . eusebius bishop of verceil . iulian. the death of constantius . a sinode in alexandria . essentiall . substance . subsistence . iulian instituted in pietie . humane letters prohibited holy water . extreame cruelties . . cord. . fol. . iulians enuy for the name of martyr . iouinian . the horrible death of iulian. a christian emperour . athanasius came from exile . councell at antoiche . peace with the persians . two kindes of monkes . valentiniā . cenobites . anachirites . remoboth . europe had not yet receiued monkes . valens . monkes . a prophetike dreame . heretikes . adolatrie at arras . vulphilas hist . trip. lib. . the electiō of s. ambrose . gratian. the constancie of the faithfull . the death of valens . damasus . apoc. . . . theodosus translation & eleuation of the bodies of saints . vigils or watches of saints . obseruation of dayes . obseruation of letters . three arguments against false religion . slaunders against true doctoctrine . accōmodatiō such princes as opposed themselues against paganisme . s. hieromes translation . syricius . the successors of siluester had not the rule of rome . the right of choosing and crowning the emperours . monicha s. augustines mother . the papist hold that it was vpon thursday . fastes of angaria . arcadius honorius . singing receiued into the westerne church . singing receiued in assembly from the time of the apostles . in his commentary vpon the iudges . contenti somno qui a missa vigiliarū vsque ad lucem conceditur , ctc. remissa peecatorū , for remission of sinnes . euergumenes missas facere , to let goe . catechumenes which were not yet baptised . auditors competitors . radagastus . rome taken by alaricus . the kings of spaine discēded of the gothes . antiphonae anhemes orders . iohn chrysostome . monasteries . pelagius the heretike . iustification of faith . arcadius henorius . francion . the fourth schisme . the beginning of venice . the introitus of the masse . valentiniā abb. trip . naucler . supp . chro. blund . lib. . naucler . sureties . inuention of letanies . the sea of histories . valentiniā . volume of councels . martin . abb. trip . naucler . the sea of histories . childeric . annualls of france . leo , the first . suppl . chro. leo. zenon . zenon . denise . victoria . churches began to become rich . visigots . dedication . in the first volume of councells . anastatius . anastatius quaternitie . naucler . gelasius . bread and wine of the supper . simmachus bloudshead . hospitalls . hormisda . clouis founder of temples . iustin the olde . the death of anastatius . hormisda . iustine of a swine-heard became an emperour . iohn , pope , first of that name . in the first volume of the councells . the faith put behinde . iustinian . he that endures not what he shuld , must endure that he would not . eztreame vnction . dedication . the treason of theodatus . iustinian . vigilius . monkes first in france . the ciuil law of iustinian . . volume of councels . priscillian heresie . vigilius byeth the popedome deare . pelagius . punishment of heretikes . canonicall houres . vniuersall . memorie of the dead . lent. each citie should nourish his poore . iohn the oppressions of the poore . iustine the younger . the kingdome of the lombards . iustin the younger . benet . exarches in italie . tiberius . pelagius . an heape of superstitions . mauricius . visegothes conuerted . gregorie the first maurice . combat for the premacie . seruant of seruants . monkes . s. gaul . the monkes of s. benet priuiledged . images . the ceremonies of the church . s. gregories masse . the word messe . the stations at rome . councels . legends . maurice punished for his couetousnesse . phocas . sauinian . boniface . lampes . houres of the day distinguished . election of the pope . phocas . boniface . the romane bishop made vniuersall . declination of the empire the feast of all-saints . heraclius . deus dedit . boniface . heraclius . priuiledges of churches . asia lost . honorius . heraclius . austrasia . neutria . soisons . gaul beganne to be called france . heraclius seduced . the artians yet . their paradice . reproach to christians . infamous ceremonies . pilgrimages . their priests and religious men . diuers opininions of saluation . what they hold of christ . fasting . friday . two hornes . that priests might not communicate apart . burialls . theefe of relikes . a colledge of faire women . iohn pope . first lent in england . theodorus . le lendy . theodorus . constantin . the straunge death of heraclius . constance . the searge at easter . reliques sold to giue to the poore . a councell against the monothelite heretikes . eugenius . the death of pope martin . collation of benifices . profession and habits for nunnes inuented . ierusalē taken prisons ecclesiasticall . s. claud. constantin . vitalian . the king of hungarie slaine in adulterie . rome hitherto was not in the rule of popes . constantin the fourth . adeonatus . pogonatus . constantin the fourth agathon . rauenna subiect to the romane sea by force . the beginning if leaden seales . constantin the fourth adeonatus . the approbation of the masse in latin marriage permitted to some , and forbidden to others . who ought to carry children to baptisme . constantin the fourth . agathon . one person in christ . two natures in christ , diuine , and humane . the virgin marie the mother of god. two wills in christ . persecution in france . leo the . cōstant . . the vse of the mantle . such as forbad eating of flesh are excōmunicated . benet . . the election of the pope . iohn . . an other ceremonie of consecrating the pope . conon . iustinian , or iustin. . a second herodias . iustinian . sergius pope . saxons . the frisons conuerted to the faith . iustinian disloyall and cruell . leontius . absimarus iohn . the deuotion of popes . the first duke of venice . iustinian . sarrasins in graneda . sisinnius . schisme the seuenth . constantine . iustinian . kisseth the popes feete . phillippicus . against images . anastatius theodosius the . leo the . hee is the . emperour . gregory . . leo . the sarrasins besieged constantinople . images taken away . sedition at rauenna for images . the end of the patriarkeship in italie . leo. . gregory . . the great maister of the pallace . leo. . gregory . . praying and offering for the dead . leo . gregory . zacharie . christians slaues . the ambition of pippin . the king of france deposed and made a monke . lachis king of lombards deposed . cōstantine the fift . cōstantine the fift . sinode in france vnder pippin . sinodes each yeare . paganisme . seuen castles stephen . . a councell at constantinople against images . to marry . stephen . the exarchate giuen to the pope . paul. saints bones taken out of their graues and cast into the sea . cōstantin . . philippicus an antepope . stephen . . one pope condemneth an other . gloria in excelsis . the warres of chalemaine . cōstant . . adrian . the ende of the kingdome of the lombards . kissing the popes feete . leon. . constantine . the . cōstantine the . erectiō of the vniuersitie of paris . images prohibited . images forbidden in spaine . hirene . adrian . councells in the time of charlemain . this was s. boniface then accounted the apostle of almaigne . leo. . constantine the . charlemain emper. . the first name of treschristian , the first of emperours that were crowned by the popes . charlemain . hirene . nicephorus . diuision of the empire . accord of diuision . charlemain . the alliance of scotland with france . bauiere conquired . nicephorus . wherefore god sends great monarks lewis surnamed the debonaire , emperour stephen . . a subtill foxe . lewis . the right of choosing and inuesture of bishops , belonged to the emperours . the pope purgeth himselfe by oath . eugenius . . schisme . michael , emperour of constantinople . rome then , was not yet the popes . gregorie . . rome . a councell at aix wherin the superfluities of bishops were cut off . rabanus . strabus . the ordinarie close . lotharie . lotharie . sergius . . a marke of the beast . benefices sold to them which would giue most . leo. . the people seperated frō priest in the church . the castle of s. angelo . s. peters pence in england . iohn . . the great whore . lewis . . lewis . . benet . . a pope deposed , and after restored . nicholas . . lotharie excommunicated . one epistle of huldric bishop , to pope nicholas . math. . vers . . . cor. . vers . . . cor. . vers . . this decree is contrarie to the bishops and prelates in queene maries dayes . more then . heads of infants found in the popes moate , through the wicked decree of the single life of priests . s. augustine to donatus . what it is to marry in the lord. what a virgin is after the apostle . augustine ad bonifacium . the absurd and filchy saying of papists . gregorius . . timo. . adrain . . diuision betwixt the latine & greeke church . chales . . this is not fryer scotus . iohn . lewis le begne . charles . . charles le gros. charles le grosse . martin . . adrian . . the order of clugny , berno , and odo . curator . the end of the emperour charles . stephen . . the signe of the crosse . arnulphus . formosus . schisme . . benafice . messe denomine iesu . stephen . . romaine . lewis . . theodorus . . lewis . . iohn . . benet . . leo. . christopher . to be a monk the refuge of the miserable . sergius . . a monster represented the estate of that time . conrade . . anastasius . . laudo . . beringer . . iohn . . henry . . henry . . duke . coūt or earle . lantgraues . marqusses . palatins . bourgraues . baron . leo. . stephen . . iohn . . berenger . . otho the great . wencelaus . otho the great . leo. . anthropomorphites . stephen . . martin . . agapetus . . berenger . . iohn . . they were called cardinalls , as chiefe of the cleargie . leo. . crueltie of the venetians . benet . . otho . . leo. . the emperours right to chuse the pope set vp againe . scholasticall diuinitie . iohn . . otho . . benet . . otho . . the duke of lorraine vassal of the empire . lorraine made lesse . otho . . donus . . boniface . . benet . . after some , . otho . . otho the . taken by pyrates . the dukes of sauoy discended from saxonie . otho . . otho . . iohn . . iohn . . naucler . supp . chron. platina . gregorie . . schisme . iohn . . a true reward of ambition . the beginning of electors . iohn . . inuention for the dead . siluester . . apoc. . . henry . . after abb. vrsp . iohn . . henry . . iohn . . salue regina . sergius . benet . . conrade . . schisme . this was to get siluer , and to maintain purgatory . iohn . . the gamma inuented . benet . . henry . . henry . . siluester . . gregorie . . clement . . sacraments of the aultar . damasus . . leo. . for the pope is ignorant of nothing . victor . . he calleth married priest fornicatiors . henry . . stephen . . henry . . benet . . schisme . nicholas . . the pusillanimitie of berengarius . the words of berengarius touching the sacrament . philip. alexander . . homicide committed for the popedome . a councell at mantua . the determinations of the councell . gregorie . . archpriests & cardinalls . the . yeare after the destructiō of ierusalem . apoc. . c. . croisaides against the turkes . the historie of hildebrand his negromancie . a councell at rome . what treason is there that popes will not excogitate ? the host cast into the fire by gregorie the seuenth . the emperor excommunicated . arrogance diabolicall . sledan reciteth it in his . booke of the monarchies . warres betweene the emperor and rodolphe . rodolphe his repentance . egbert of misue slaine matilde the popes harlot , named the daughter of s. peter . troubles on all sides stirred by the pope . clement . . templers . rugular chanons . grandmont . chartreux . the abbey of andim . victor . . the calamities of the ciuil warre of the almaines . vrbane . . councell at cleremont . the euill which comes of croisadoes against the turkes . paschall . . new blasphemies of the . kayes . nicholaits after the pope . see . . q. . ca. decimus . the disloyaltie of the emperors sonne , henry . . henry . . . pet. . cha . rom. . . henry . henry . . lewis le gros. henry . the inuesture of benefices yeelded vnto the emperour . a councell at troyes in campaigne . the king of england depriued of his right by an archbishop . luk. . . marriage of priests condemned in england . foure new orders of the crossed . the proud answere of a pope . matilde giueth her goods to the pope . gelasius . . schisme . . calixt . . resignation of inuestures . anno. . this decree is attributed vnto calixtus the first . honorius . . arnulphe slaine at rome . lothaire . innocent . . lothaire . a new pelagian . conrade . . beginning of euils . celestine . . lucius . . patrician . conrad . . eugenius . . touching the doctrine of s. barnard . frederic . . anastasius . . adrian . . excommunicatiō for temporall goods . arnold bishop . the pope and his disciples . frederic . . iohn de salisburie a true doctor . a word of cōdemnation commeth frō the popes owne mouth . see the tenor of the popes letters in the popes liues , by r. barns & naucler . the poore men of lyons . alexander . a schisme of . yeares . a mockerie offered vnto the emperor . ecco la fico . the . king of ierusalem . sudden death giueth occasion to waldo . note here the diuersitie of examples . waldo strengtheneth himselfe with places of the doctors . carmalits . willelmin . monasteries founded . berne . the iewes chased from france . lucius . . saladins tenth . vrbane . . gregorie . . clement . . frederic . celestine . . henry . . a nunne dispensed with to marry . henry . . for the diuersitie touching this historie , see naucler . innocent . . transubstantiatiō is made the . article of the faith. a croisado . innocent . confession instituted . canonizing of saints , reserued to the pope . diuision of the empire by the pope . otho . . frederic . . the death of the emperour phillip . frederic . . friars . iacobins . carmalits . augustins . the wicked disloyaltie of the pope . almaricus of chartres . eating of flesh in lent. s. dominike persecuteth them . honorius . . a dreame the foundation of iacobins . the host shut vp . lewis . . stigmates of s. frances . gregorie . . decretals gathered together . petrus de vinea . william the goldsmith . guelphes . gibellines . celestine . innocent . . multiplication of feasts . frederic . . the fruites of the faction of guelphes & gibellins . frederic . . the death of frederic the second . sarbone instituted . alexand. . augustine hermits . the empire vacant ordinances of king lewis . luk. . . the popes new souldiers . vrbain . . the feast of transubstantiation . the euensong of sicilie . chaplet inuented . clement . . a legate . this was the last duke of sanabe . almaine . gregorie . . certaine monkeries defaced . rodolphe emperor . rodolphe . pride mocked . caliphe of babilon . insatiable cupiditie punished . innocent . . disorders that were in italie . law for the buriall of clement the fourth . the ordinance touching the shutting vp of cardinalls . iohn . . he was called petrus hispanus . the venetians molest thē of the marquesdome of ancone . nicholas . . the charge of the conclaue . the kingdom of sicilie redemanded by the pope . the treason of the siciliās . the exarchat of rauenna brought vnder the pope . the popes pleasures . the pope inriched his nephew . papal subtilty . the popes death the cause of great good . a monstrous popes bastard martin . . charles s. lewis his brother who was made ki. of sicilie by clement . . peter de arragon excōmunicated . the french slaine all in an houre in sicilie . martin succeeded in the concubine of his predecossor . egidius de roma . the pallace of paris . honorius . . pandulphe senator of rome . peter of arragon excōmunicated . venice ducats . the carmes called the bretheren of the virgin marie . nicholas . . apoc. . . . the occasion of the discord betwixt the venetians , geneuois and pisans . adolphe emperor . adolphe . celestine . . rome can abide no reformation . he was too simple for a pope . adolphus . an ordinance to giue ouer the popedome . the order of celestines . boniface . . intrauit vt vulpes regnauit vt leo mortuus est vt canis . albert. albert. the sixt of decretalls . phillip king of france , excommunicated . alphonsus of arragon . the friars vado in pace . the first iubile . fratricelli . he raigned as a lyon. note a deuellish arrogancy he died as a dogge . benet . . mat. . a. . the chaire of moyses . iohn . . . the right side and left of his kingdome . good sheepheards taken form the sheepfold . psal . . . the office of priests ouerthrowne . the pope opposed against iesus christ . the wages of the popes curriers . a comparison of the pope to nabuchodonozer . ier. chap. . of the same , . a true description of the pope . exhortation to the kingdome of england . the simplicitie of the world . ier. . . clement . . the popes corronation hanselled with dead men . an example of gods punishment . auignon the papall seate . generall councell of vienne . ferrare . henry . . henry . . templers burnt . the pope cōmandeth the angels . beghards or begnins . oathes of princes . clementius . the kindnesse of the emperour . vniuersitie of orleance . arnold de villa noua a true & faithfull man. the bookes of doctor arnold . the sea of histories . adulterie punished . schisme in the empire . iohn . . poysoning of pits . the prouost of paris . lewis a diuellish illusion . an heresie held by the pope . colledges of scribes . an answere of the greeks to the pope . vicegerents of the empire the emperor demandeth the imperiall ornaments . the romains beseech the pope for the emperour . theologians and lawiers of this time . lewis fortified . the emperours appellation against the pope . donation of constantine . nicholas . tenthes leuied in fraunce . ambition of the venetians benet . . king of romanes , and emperor . names diuers , but of the same substance . vnctions are ceremonies inuented by the pope . the administration of the empire being vacant , belongeth to the count palatin . the emperor yeeldeth a confession of his faith . benet ouercome with the integritie of the emperor . the emperor lewis absolued . the pope doth all for his profit . the penetentiers . collations of benefices . canonicall houres sung by note . the sister of francis petrarke , bought by benet . ockam . dante 's . clement . . the iourney of cressy . see the chro. of the emperours in the . tome . edward chosen emperour . frederic . charles . . the publike reuenewe of the empire engaged . the iubile remitted to . yeares . lewis . whippers or beaters . a new sect. robes . error incontinently findeth her adherents charles . . innocent . . reseruation of benefices . betwixt saying and doing is a long way . the vniuersitie of prage . outrage done to the empresse . the battaile of poitiers . iohn de roquetaillaide martired . the feast of the speare and nailes . wonders . the death of innocent . vrbain . . yues . armacan . baldus . iesuites . a golden bull. a taxe vpon wine . gregory . . a new sect of dauncers . wencelaus . the english fall vpon the the swisses . the country of morauia . wencelaus . the emperour imprisoned . marke lorde of bulgaria . vrbain . . clement . . this is not numbred in the catalogue of the popes . a schisme of fortie yeares . inuentions to drawe siluer . vrbane . acts worthy of the papall seate . note the trobles y t come of the pope . the three flower deluces of france . aubriot . the swissers prosper . the disputation of the conception of the virgin marie . the name of huet . antichrist makes warre vpon himselfe . boniface . . benet . . de aliace . gerson . two factions at millaine . battaile against the turke . a nationall councell in france . white mantles . turelupins . an admonition to giue thankes vnto god. the councell of constance condemned this pope clement . . chrysoloras . gunnes . iosse . robert. robert. robert crowned at colongne . the death of robert. the romanes request to the pope . rising of the romane people . the marquisate of pise . teutonians or almaines . iohn hus. articles of the doctrine of the bohemiās . gregorie . . monkes of mount oliuet . benet in the castle of panisole or peninsole . a councell at pise . alexāder . two popes deposed . ladislaus depriued of his kingdome . robert. a bull of the stigmates of s. francis. . after the chron. of france , and . after the chron. of almaine . sigismond . sigismond . iohn . . a sinode at rome . historie of the owle . champaine besieged . the iourney of blangy . iohn hus and ierome of prage . the death of iohn hus & ierome of prage . wickliffe burnt after his death . iohn . the frisoniers , or de la chemise . cleues sauoy . martin . . the hussites iane the pucelle . ambition of the venetians the pucelle of orleans . eugenius . . eugenius flieth away . articles proposed by the bohemians . a councell at ferrara . annates . albert. . the end of ●he councell of basill . hungarie & boheme came both to one . schisme ayme duke of sauoy . the conception of the virgin marie . the pragmatike sanction . albert. the death of albert. frederic emp. frederic . . printing inuented , in what time & by whom . note how many euils faith-breaking bringeth . amurathes maketh himselfe a monke . nicholas . . a iubile . calixtus . . rom. . . apoc. . . wherefore a bell was knolled at noone . iohn capistran robert de la lice . ingratitude of the venetians . pius . . the pragmatike sanction abbrogated . abbreuiators created . katherine de sienes canonized . a sentence of pope pius against singlenes of priests . paul. . ambition . a sumptuous mitre . red hats . ariminum wasted by the pope . the pope an enemie of letters . the popedome fell . sixtus . . cosme . peter , lawrence , iulian. the dukes first ouerthrowe at granson . the second ouerthrow of the duke of bourgongne nigh morat . the third ouerthrow of the duke charles . iacobins against the carmes . mendicants made equall . the swisses receiue the kings wages . the death of king lewis the . innocent . . townes giuē to the popes bastards . naples revolted . iohn the english man burnt at paris corpus christi . an epitaphe of innocent . conuention betwixt sathā & borgia . alexand. . cesar borgia the popes bastard . maximilian repenties . maximilian . alexander setteth vp his bastards . the duke of valentinois . lucrece the daughter , wife & daughter in lawe of the pope . the crueltie and ingratitude of the venetians . this act brought great damage to italie . lewis sforza . mancinellus . marrhans . basil schaffusen . the venetians vanquished . an horrible illusion of sathan . the diuell saith he is pope . a strife betwixt the pope and diuell . alexander prayeth that his terme may be longer . pius . . sackagemēt of borgia . deuouring grashoppers or locusts . apoc. . li. . the waining of the popedome . tokens of the popes fall . apoc. . d. the swisses honoured by the pope . rauenna occupied by the pope . the iacobins and friars of berne . if it be lawfull for popes to make warre . the pragmatike sanction . the councel of laterane . leo. . o execrable blasphemie . indulgences . sampson of millaine a friar . rhodes takē . apoc. . a. . . thess . . a. . the death of selms the yeare , . charles . . charles . . luther excommunicated and assailed on al sides . adrian . . the taking of rhodes . maximilian . clement . . zuric is hated of all the swisses . charles . . the iourney of pauie . diuision betwixt luther and zuinglius . wartes betweene vaivoda & ferdinand . the taking of rome . a peace at cambray . the emperours coronation . a deluge of waters . the king of denmarke imprisoned . crueltie of george duke of saxonie . the death of pope clemēt . paul. . a bloodie procession . thunis and golete . a comete . castelnouo . vaiuoda . chabot . the iouney of remsbourg the seed of warre . bude falles to the turke . the iourney argiere . persecution against the faithfull . rochell . landrecy . nice . vauldois . 〈…〉 of ca●●g●●n . s. dedier . lorraine . bologne . a number of whores . alliance against the gospell . crownes . the warre in almaine . the death of henry the . constable . p. martir . the taking of the duke of saxonie . his condemnation . the iourney of vlme . adiaphores . fesse in affricke . iulius . . the popes litle cardinall . the iourney at ausbourge affrike taken . bucer . wonders . the warre of parma . the monke of transiluania complaints of almaine . the king himselfe protector of almaine . solyman strangleth mustapha his eldest son . the complaint of grangier with the wen , ouer mustapha . rostan spoiled of all his honours . edward . . marie . seruetus burnt . the gospell driuen out of england . alasco . dispersion of the faithfull . emden . conspiracie against the queene of england . ladie iane beheaded . sienna . charles of sauoy . renty . k. phillip his marriage . cardinall paule . subtilties of the romane court. deceits of the roman court . notable misteries . o true bulls . that is of sathan . marcel . . the popes character is to be an enemie vnto the truth . marcel inquisitor generall . ierome vida cremona . the cause wherefore vergerius was put from the councel . paul. . theatin before hee was pope confessed the truth . a tumult at geneua . vlpian victualled . mariēbourg the lucarnois demanded the gospell . dissention of the supper renewed by thē of breme & hambourge . the death of frederick palatin . a wonder in the country of aouste . pruse receiueth the confession of ausbourge . iohn functius . comete . parracide of three childrē . iourney at ratisbone . the returne of charles the fift into spaine . the death of dauid george . ferdinād . . of the spanish inquisition . martyrs of spaine . other marties of spaine . diethmarsois brought vnder the yoke . the death of paul the . pius the . elected pope . the marriage of phillip king of spaine , with elizabeth of france . the state of france , an. . vnder francis the . which died in the moneth of december . the estate of scotland . the death of melancton . warre in piemont . the begining of troubles in france . notable executions at rome . king charls the ninth sacred . reconciliation of the prince of conde and duke of guise . a conference at poissy , about matters of religion . the death of shuvenckfeld . the state of france . frances . maximilian crowned king of the romans and of boheme . the death of peter martyr . the duke of guise slaine , and peace made . the estate of almaine . the kings maioritie . a citation frō rome against the queene of nauarre . the bishop of wirtzbourge slaine . battaile betweene the danes . the end of the councel of trent . the death of musculus . the death of hiperius . the death of caluin . a battaile betwixt y e danes and snedes . maximilian . the death of ferdinand . the estate of the flemish churches . war at malte . deluges . warre in hungary . the death of pope pius . . the death of conrad gesner . an edict against the religion in the lowe countries . pius . . the violent death of the king of scotland . a league in flaunders against the inquisition . war in hungary . selim succeeded soliman . iohn functius & others beheaded . war against iohn frederick of saxonie . images burst in the lowe countries . troubles in the lowe countries . continuation of troubles , & beginning of warre in the lowe countries . the death of the duke of brunswick certaine bayliwickes yeelded to the duke of sauoy . the duke of alua commeth into the lowe country , and his first exployts . the second ciuil warre in france . great deluges in italie . cassimere bringeth succours to them of the religion . reisters in france . siluer stayed . the death of the duke of pruse . the prince of orange , and the count of hochstrate iustifie themselues . open warres in the lowe countries . the counts d' aigmont , and d' horne beheaded . the count lodowick ouerthrowne . the prince of orange taketh armes . the miserable estate of the churches . the death of the prince of spaine . the king of snede . three moones at one instant . treuers besieged . exercise of religion in austrich . the third ciuill warre in france . a conference at aldebourg . reisters in france . the queene of england tooke three spanish ships . the duke de deux ponts leadeth an armie into france . confiscations in the lowe countries . the prince of conde slaine . an imperiall iourney . the popes present to the duke of alua. the death of the sieur de andelot . exercise of religion in austriche . great duke of thuscane . an arrest against the admirall . the battle of montcōtour pardon of the duke of alua. a coniuration in england . a continuation of warre in france . troubles for matters of religion in almaine . the turkes denounce war to the venetians . a sinode in polongne . exhortation vnto pacification . a truce . an imperiall iourney . executions to death . the . edict of pacificatiō . the death of iohn brencius the father of vbiquitie . deluges in friseland , france , and other countries . nicosia taken marriage of the king of spaine earthquakes . marriage of the king of france . deluges in france . an imperiall iourney . peace betwixt denmarke and snede . vaiuoda of transiluania . a disputation against the anabaptists . a league against the turke . raining of corne . rodes of the muscouites . famagoste yeelded . a strange sun. a nauall battaile at lepante . a conference at dresde . the duke of nothfolke beheaded . strange wonders in pruse . fire in wirtzbourge . a sharp winter exactions of the duke of alua , and resolutions in flaunders . appearance of rest in france . the death of pope pius the . and election of gregory , . the death of the queene of nauarre . the ouerthrow of the duke de medina coeli . alliance . the prince of orange iustified himselfe to the emperour . the death of the king of polongne . war in y e lowe countrie . horrible murders in frāce . a new starre . exploits of warre in holland and zeland . sieges of rochel and sancerre . the siege and losse of harlē . warre in barbary . requescens ouerthrowne , and middlebourg yeelded henry de valois king of polongne . peace betwixt the venetians & the turke . troubles in france . the ouerthrow of the duke christopher , and of the count lodowick . the death of camerarius . the death of cosme de medices . antwerpe pilled by the spaniards . the second besieging of leiden . a fire at venice & bruxelles . the taking and death of montgommery . the death of charles . leyden deliuered . the death of selym. the aftaires of france . the estate of the lowe countries . the king of poland lost his kingdome . the death of bullenger . rodolphe crowned king of hungarie , boheme , and of the romans the estate of france . the estate of low country . the death of sinder . a new king of poland . the death of maximilian . rodolph . . rodolph . . the death of fr. palatine of khene . the estate of france . salentinus . iohn de austrich . mathias archduke of austria . sebastian king of portugall . the parliament at blois . syr martin forbisher . croisada . a comet . warre and other acccidēts in the lowe countries . cassamire . the prince of parma created duke . free exercise of the reformed religion . malcontents the reformed church at antwerpe . prince of parma . an heretike burnt at norwiche . the estate of almaine . irish rebellion thomas stukely . the . voyage of sebastian with his army into affrike . the death of sebastian . molucs death . mulei mahamet drowned hamet proclaimed king . monsieurs voyage into flaunders . institution of the order of y e holy ghost . maistricht taken . the turkes . almaine . the death of henry king of protugall . an earthquake . k. phillip . the death of the duke of sauoy . the tyrannie of the duke alua. a blazing star a proclamation against iesuites . the death of q. anne . iesuites . d. of aniou . the crueltie of a father . richard atkins burned for religion . the queene of france discontented with king phillip . d. alanson . ouids tombe the prince of orange shot cardinall albert. a priest died for feare . the death of the duke of alua. charles borgia . the new calender set forth by the pope . d. saunders amia . banished scotland . the king of nauarre . albertus alasoo . the death of fr. d. of alanson . the prince of orange is slaine . syr h. gilbert . s.w. raleigh . s.r. greenfeeld . bruges recouered . the refusall of the new calender . the death of the duke of brunswicke . iohannes basilides . the christian churches at constantinople . the patriark of constantinople . seminaries banished . an insurrection about the new calender the popes death . sixtus . . a notable act of the seignory of venice . the prince of saxonie prisoner . the league . the k. edict . of march , . against raising of men antwerpe yeeldeth to the king of spaine . s.f. drake . the pope excommunicated the king of nauarre and y e prince of conde . the death of augustus . the death of the l. russel . heluetians . the death of the queene of scots . the death of s. ph. sidney augusta . bathorus dieth . iames k. of scots , besieged and taken . m. cauēdish voyage about the world . contention about the election of the king of poland maximilian . sigismond . d. of guise . max. taken prisoner . maria de la visitatione . k. phillip asketh counsel of maria de la visitatione the spanish nauie . a tempest diuideth them . s. f. drake . a strategem . the prince of conde poisoned . the duke of guise slaine . the generall troubles and tumults in this yeare . poland . q of scots . england . turkes . italie . guise . the pope angrie with henry the . he threatneth excommunication . huguenots . the death of the queene of france . the king of france excōmunicated . the k is slain by a iacobin friar . the death of the king of france , h. the . the victory of harens . the siege at paris . phillip displeased with the pope . a fleete for lisbone . friar lewis de baltram . priests recanted . the popes great treasure an heretike burned . the marriage of the king of scots . the battaile at yurie . the death of carls bourbon . the death of sixtus . . vrban . . the death of pope vrban . magus bragadinus . d. de maine gregorie a iubily . a tumult at cracouia about religion . an act against the popes buls the death of gregory . a dearth . innocent . the escape of the duke of guise . the death of innocent . . clement . xeques mulei his sonne becommeth a christian . the death of the duke of parma . the end of the yeare . dissention in religion . the turkes ouerthrowne . d. of guise . the king of fraunce conuerted . a motion for recalling of the iesuites into riga . peter barrier . the death of nemours . sigis . k. of poland . h. crowned k. of france mathias arch-duke of austria . an expedition against the turke . note . d. lopes . the turkes ouerthrowne . the king of fraunce wounded . the death of amurath . mahomet . wars proclaimed against spaine . the king of france is absolued by the pope . arbertus the cardinall , made generall the d. de maine restored to fauour . the duke of aumale . arch-duke of austria . he winneth callais . fere yeeldeth an english nauie for spaine . the fleet for india burned . the spaniards seeke reuenge and are crossed . the death of anne q. of poland . the church troubled . iacobus fatricius . the death of amurath . . an edict against iesuits . maximilian commeth to agria . the death of alphonsus . embassadors from marocco . embassadors from moschouie . notes for div a -e three times of the christian church . the first from the preaching of the apostles vntill phocas , distinguished into three periodes . of the first periode of the first time of y e church . of the second periode of the first time of the church . of the third periode of the first time of the church . the second time of the church frō phocas vntil charls . . the first periode . the second periode . the third time of the church from charles the fift , til this present time . the scotts declaration, in answer to the declaration, sent unto them by their commissioners now at london, from the honourable houses of parliament of england: expressing their care to prevent the effusion of christian blood; and their affections to reformation both to kirk and state. ordered by the lords and commons, that this be forthwith printed and published, h. elsynge, cler. parl. dom: com scotland. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the scotts declaration, in answer to the declaration, sent unto them by their commissioners now at london, from the honourable houses of parliament of england: expressing their care to prevent the effusion of christian blood; and their affections to reformation both to kirk and state. ordered by the lords and commons, that this be forthwith printed and published, h. elsynge, cler. parl. dom: com scotland. parliament. henderson, alexander, ?- . scotland. convention of estates. , [ ] p. printed, for edw. husbands and john francks, and are to be sold at their shops, in the middle temple, and next door to the sign of the kings-head in fleet-street, [london] : septem. . . attributed to alexander henderson by wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church history -- early works to . scotland -- history -- charles i, - -- sources. a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the scotts declaration, in answer to the declaration, sent unto them by their commissioners now at london, from the honourable houses of par scotland. parliament c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the scotts declaration , in answer to the declaration , sent unto them by their commissioners now at london , from the honourable houses of parliament of england : expressing their care to prevent the effusion of christian b●ood ; and their affections to reformation both to kirk and state . ordered by the lords and commons , that this be forthwith printed and published , h. elsynge , cler. parl. dom : com : printed , for edw. husbands and john francks , and are to be sold at their shops , in the middle temple , and next door to the sign of the kings-head in fleet-street , septem. . . the scots declaration . the generall assembly of the kirk of scotland having received a declaration sent unto them by the commissioners of this kingdom now at london , from the honourable houses of the parliament of england , expressing their care to prevent the effusion of christian blood in that kingdom , and their affections to reformation both in kirk and state : and having taken the same to such consideration , as the importance of so weighty matters , and the high estimation they have of so wise and honorable a meeting as is the parliament of england did require , have , with universall consent , resolved upon this following answer : i. that from the recent sense of the goodnesse of god in their own la●e deliverance , and from their earnest desire of all happinesse to our native king , and that kingdom , they blesse the lord for preserving them in the midst of so many unhappy divisions and troubles , from a bloody intestine war , which is from god the greatest judgement ; and to such a nation , the compend of all calamities . they also give god thanks for their former and present desires of reformation , especially of religion , which is the glory and strength of a kingdom , and bringeth with it all temporall blessings of ▪ prosperity and peace . ii. that the hearts of all the members of this assembly , and of all the well-affected within this kingdom are exceedingly grieved , and made heavy , that in so long a time , against the professions both of king and parliament , and contrary to the joynt desires and prayers of the godly in both kingdoms , to whom it is more dear and precious then what is dearest to them in the world , the reformation of religion hath moved so slowly , and suffered so great interruption . they consider , that not onely prelates , formall professors , prophane and worldly men , and all that are popishly affected , are bad counsellors and workers , and do abuse their power , and bend all their strength and policies against the work of god , but the god of this world also , with principallities and powers , the rulers of the darknesse of this world , and spirituall wickednesse in high places , are working with all their force and fraud in the same opposition , not without hope of successe ; they having prevailed so far from the beginning , that in the times of the best kings of iuda of old , and the most part of the reformed kirks of late , a thorow and perfect reformation of religion hath been a work full of difficulties : yet do they conceive , that as it ought first of all to be intended , so should it be above all other things , with confidence in god , who is greater then the world , and he who is in the world most seriously endeavoured . and that when the supreme providence giveth opportunity of the accepted time and day of salvation , no other work can prosper in the hands of his servants , if it be not apprehended , and with all reverence and faithfulnesse improved . this kirk and nation when the lord gave them the calling , considered not their own deadnesse , nor staggered at the promise through unbelief , but gave glory to god . and who knoweth ( we speak it in humility and love , and from no other minde , then from a desire of the blessing of god upon our king and that kingdom ▪ but the lord hath now some controversie with england , which will not be removed , till first , and before all , the worship of his name , and the government of his house be setled according to his own will . when this desire shall come , it shall be to england , after so long deferred hopes , a tree of life , which shall not onely yeeld temporall blessings unto themselves , but also shall spread the branches so far , that both this nation , and other reformed kirks shall finde the fruits thereof to their great satisfaction . iii. the commissioners of this kingdom in the late treaty of peace , considering that religion is not onely the mean of the service of god , and saving of souls , but is also the base and foundation of kingdoms and estates , and the strongest band to tye subjects to their prince in true loyalty , and to knit the hearts of one to another in true unity and love , they did , with preface of all due respect and reverence , far from arrogance or presumption , represent , in name of this kingdom , their serious thoughts , and earnest desires for unity of religion ; that in all his majesties dominions there might be one confession of faith , one directory of worship , one publike catechism , and one form of kirk-government : this they conceived to be acceptable to god almighty , who delighteth to see his people walking in truth and unity ; to be a speciall means for conserving of peace betwixr the kingdoms , of easing the kings majesty and the publike government of much trouble which ariseth from differences of religion , very grievous to kings and estates ; of great content to the king himself , to his nobles , his court , and all his people , when — occasioned to be abroad , without scruple to themselves , or scandall to others , all may resort to the same publike worship , as they were at their own dwellings : of suppressing the names of heresies and sects , puritans , conformists , separatists , anabaptists , &c. which do rent asunder the bowells both of kirk and kingdom ; of despair of successe to papists and recusants to have their profession , which is inconsistent with the true protestant religion , and authority of princes , set up again , and of drawing the hearts and hands of ministers from unpleasant and unprofitable controversies , to the pressing of mortification , and to treatises of true piety , and practicall divinity . the assembly doth now enter upon the labour of the commissioners , unto which they are encouraged , not onely by their faithfulnesse in the late treaty , but also by the zeal and example of the generall assemblies of this kirk in former times , as may appear by the assembly at edinburgh , decemb. . in the yeer . which ordained a letter to be sent to england against the surplice , tippet , cornercoap , & such other ceremonies as then troubled that kirk , that they might be removed . by the assembly at edinburgh , april . . humbly desiring the kings majestie to command his ambassadour then going to england to deal with the queen , that there might be an union and band betwixt them and other christian princes and realms professing the true religion , for defence and protection of the word of god , and professors thereof , against the persecution of papists and confederates , joyned and knit together by the bloody league of trent : as also , that her majesty would disburthen their brethren of england , of the yoke of ceremonies imposed upon them against the liberty of the word . and by the assembly at edinburgh , march . . ordaining the presbytry of edinburgh to use all good and possible means for the relief and comfort of the kirk of england , then heavily troubled for maintaining the true discipline and government of the kirk ; and that the brethren in their private and publike prayers recommend the estate of the afflicted kirk of england to god . while now by the mercie of god , the conjunction of the two kingdoms is many wayes increased , the zeal of the generall assembly towards their happinesse ought to be no lesse . but besides these , the assembly is much encouraged unto this duty , both from the kings majestie and his parliament joyntly , in their answer to the proposition made by the late commissioners of the treaty , in these words , to their desire concerning unity of religion , and uniformity of kirk-government , as a speciall means for conserving of peace betwixt the two kingdoms , upon the grounds and reasons contained in the paper of the of march ; and given in to the treaty and parliament of england . it is answered upon the of june , that his majestie , with advice of both houses of parliament , doth approve of the affection of his subjects of scotland , in their desire of having conformity of kirk-government between the two nations ; and as the parliament hath already taken into consideration the reformation of kirk-government , so they will proceed therein in due time , as shall best conduce to the glory of god , the peace of the kirk , and of both kingdoms . and also severally ; for his majesty knoweth that the custody and vindication , the conservation and purgation of religion , are a great part of the duty of civil authority and power . his majesties late practise , while he was here in person , in resorting frequently to the exercises of publike worship , his royall actions in establishing the worship and government of this kirk in parliament . and in giving order for a competent maintenance to the ministery and seminaries of the kirk ; and his majesties gracious letter to the assembly ( seconded by the speech of his majesties commissioner ) which containeth this religious expression , where any thing is amisse , we will endeavour in a fair and orderly way a reformation , and where reformation is setled , we resolve with that authority wherewith god hath vested us , to maintain ▪ and defend it in peace and liberty , against all trouble that can come from without , and against all heresies , sects , and schismes which may arise from within . all these do make us hopefull that his majestie will not oppose , but advance the worke of reformation . in like manner the honourable houses of parliament , as they have many times before witnessed their zeal , so now also in their declaration sent to the assemblie , which not only sheweth the constancie of their zeal , but their great grief that the work hath been interrupted by a malignant party of papists and evill-affected persons , especially of the corrupt and dissolute clergy by the incitement and instigation of bishops and others . their hopes according to their earnest desire when they shall return to a peaceable and parliamentarie proceeding by the blessing of god , to settle such a reformation in the church as shall be agreeable to gods word ; and that the result shall be a most firm and stable union between the two kingdoms of england and scotland , &c. the assemblie also is not a little encouraged by a letter sent from many reverend brethren of the kirk of england , expressing their prayers and endeavours against every thing which shall be found prejudiciall to the establishment of the kingdom of christ and the peace of their soveraigne . upon these encouragements , and having so potent a doore of hope , the assemblie doth confidently expect , that england will now bestir themselves in the best way for a reformation of religion ; and do most willingly offer their prayers and uttermost endeavours for furthering so great a work , wherein christ is so much concern'd in his glory , the king in his honour , the kirk and kingdom of england in their happinesse , and this kirk and kingdom in the puritie and peace of the gospell . iv. that the assemblie also from so many reall invitations are heartned to renew the proposition made by the aforenamed commissioners of this kingdom , for beginning the work of reformation , at the uniformitie of kirk-government : for what hope can there be of unitie in religion , of one confession of faith , one form of worship , and one catechisme , till there be first one form of ecclesiasticall government ? yea what hope can the kingdom and kirk of scotland have of a firm and durable peace , till prelacie which hath been the main cause of their miseries and troubles first and last , be pluck't up root and branch , as a plant which god hath not planted ? and from which no better fruits can be expected , then such sower grapes , as this day set on edge the kingdom of england . v. the prelaticall hierarchy being put out of the way , the work will be easie without forcing any conscience to settle in england the government of the reformed kirks by assemblies , for although the reformed kirks do hold without doubting their kirk officers , and kirk-government by assemblies higher and lower in their strong and beautifull subordination , to be jur● divino and perpetuall , yet prelacie as it differeth from the office of a pastor , is almost universally acknowledged by the prelats themselves and their adherents , to be but an humane ordinance introduced by humane reason , and settled by humane law and custome for supposed conveniency , which therefore by humane authority without wronging any mans conscience may be altered and abolished , upon so great a necessity as is a hearty conjunction with all the reform'd kirks , a firm and well-grounded peace between the two kingdoms , formerly divided in themselves and betwixt themselves by this partition wall , and a perfect union of the kirks in the two nations , which although by the providence of god in one island , and under one monarch , yet ever since the reformation , and for the present also are at greater difference in the point of kirk-government which in all places hath a powerfull influence upon all the parts of religion then any other reform'd kirks , although in nations at greatest distance and under divers princes . vi . what may be required of the kirk of scotland for furthering the work of uniformitie of government , or for agreeing upon a common confession of faith , catechisme and directorie for worship shall according to the order given by this assembly , be most willingly performed by us , who long extreamly for the day when king and parliament shall joyne for bringing to passe so great , so good a worke : that all wars and commotions ceasing , all superstitition , idolatry , heresies , sects and schismes being removed ; as the lord is one , so his name may be one amongst us , and mercie and truth , righteousnesse ▪ and peace meeting together and kissing one another , may dwell in this island . st. andrews , august . . johnston cler. eccl. at edinbvrgh , the eighteenth-day of august , . the lords of secret councell having read heard , and considered the petition this day given in to them , in the name of the late generall assembly holden at saint andrews , by their commissioners appointed for that effect , desiring the councell to concur with them in their remonstrance to the parliament of england , toward the setling of vnity in religion , and vniformity in kirk-government in his majesties three kingdoms . and having also heard the petition directed from the assembly to his majestie , with their answer to the parliament of england , the scots commissioners of the treaty at london , and certain ministers of england concerning this matter . and finding the reasons therein express'd to be very pregnant , and the particular desired much to conduce for the glory of god , the advancement of the true christian faith , his majesties honour , and the peace and union of his dominions . the said lords , out of their duty to the furtherance of so much wished and important a work , and affection to their brethren of the kingdom of england , do unanimously and heartily concur with the said nationall assembly , in their earnest desires to the honorable houses of the parliament of england , to take to their serious consideration the particulars aforesaid , touching vnity in religion , and vniformity in kirk-government in the said three kingdoms , as a singular mean of his majesties honour , the good of the true christian faith , and happinesse of his majesties dominions ; and to give favourable hearing to such desires and overtures as shal be found most conducible for the promoting of so great and good a work . extractum de libris actorum secreti consilii s. d. n. regis , per me arch. primerose , cler. s. cons. edin . . aug. . finis . an essay for the discovery and discouraging of the new sprung schism raised and maintained by mr simon henden of bennenden in kent. exhibited in some passages of writing which have gone between mr john elmeston of cranebroke, and the same m. henden. published according to order. elmeston, john. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h b estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an essay for the discovery and discouraging of the new sprung schism raised and maintained by mr simon henden of bennenden in kent. exhibited in some passages of writing which have gone between mr john elmeston of cranebroke, and the same m. henden. published according to order. elmeston, john. henden, simon, attributed name. [ ], , [ ] p. printed for c. meredith at the crane in pauls church-yard, london : . "an essay" is signed: john elmeston. attributed by wing to simon henden. f.l. = "the printer to the reader". reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng henden, simon -- early works to . continuity of the church -- anglican communion -- early works to . church history -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (wing h b). civilwar no an essay for the discovery and discouraging of the new sprung schism, raised and maintained by mr simon henden of bennenden in kent. exhibit elmeston, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay for the discovery and discouraging of the new sprung schism , raised and maintained by mr simon henden of bennenden in kent . exhibited in some passages of writing which have gone between mr john elmeston of cranebroke , and the same m. henden . love the truth and peace , zech. . . now i beseech you , brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine that ye have learned , and avoid them , rom. . . haereses inimicus invenit & schismata , quibus subverteret fidem , veritatem corrumperet , scinderet unitatem . cyprian . de unitate ecclesiae . the enemy the devil hath invented heresies and schisms , by which he might subvert the faith , corrupt the truth , and rend unity asunder . an esse sibi cum christo videtur qui adversus christi sacerdotes facit ? qui se à cleri ejus e●plebis societate secernit ? idem . ibid. doth he seem to himself to be with christ who sets himself against the ministers of christ ? who doth separate himself from the society of the ministery and people of christ ? published according to order . london , printed for c. meredith at the crane in pauls church-yard , . to the reader . gentle reader , it is like thou hast heard the story of the trojan-horse , which the grecians built by the councel of pallas , and by subtle sinons perswasion procured to be received into troy , but to the ruine of that ancient and famous city : for in the next night issued out of it a warlike troop of the most valiant greekish captains couched secretly therein , which invaded the city , and laid it waste with fire and sword . much like unto this trojan-horse hath been set on foot here in england , an universall toleration for all wayes , and consciences in religion . no doubt it was by satans craft , and by the insinuation of some cunning sinons . it is like to redound to the great prejudice , if not ruine of our troy , i mean , of the church of god in this land , and the gospel of christ . for out of it have come forth , not some small bands , but numerous armies of ungodly blasphemies , heresies , errours , sects and schisms ; some whereof oppose the fundamental truths of the gospel ; some disturb the peace and unity of the churches : all this to the great joy of satan and grief of the godly , exceedingly hinders the thriving and progresse of the gospel . out of this womb have broken forth that execrable crue of ranters , which speak horrid blasphemies of god , of christ , of the scriptures : of the arians , secinians and antiscripturists , who , by their cursed doctrines break down some main pillars of our christian faith . out of this womb also are broken forth another sort of erroneous persons , not so pernicious as these former , though very dangerous , whose doctrines are , i doubt , like unto those waters into which the wormwood-star sell , and are become so bitter , that whoso drinks thereof is in danger to die : and of this rank are our arminians , antinomians , soul-mort lists , anti-sabbatarians , seekers , and such like . out of this womb also are come forth another brood , not so dangerous for their errors ( though some be grosse and absurd ; ) as grievous for the rents and divisions which they make , and delight to maintain : among which our anabaptists are the ●●ading men ; after whom come up close all those other separatists and dissenters from us , who have embraced such a truth and gospel , as in their sense about it , will admit of no unity with us of the presbyterian-way , in church , nay scarce in christian communion , and seem so strangely to be affected toward us , as if they would not willingly allow us a place in heaven with them , nor they willingly be in the same heaven with us . it is an ancient and approved axiom : quae conveniunt in eodem tertio , ea quoque inter se conveniunt , whatsoever things agree in some one third thing , they also agree between themselves . what a sad thing is this then that christians , and saints of god , meeting in the one and onely corner stone jesus christ , upon whom they endeavour to build the whole frame of their doctrine , worship and discipline , should so ill agree in their mutual conversation each with other ? so farre disagree in the joint-worship of the lord , that they seem to be possessed with as bitter a spirit of discord as the two brethren the poets fable of , eteocles and polynices , whose hatred was so unreconcilable , that after death the flame of the fire wherein their bodies were joyntly burnt would not close , but did divide asunder . and if that good man ( linaker ) were now alive , and should see this implacable division between the professours of the same gospel , would he not , and that justly , break out with indignation against us , into that his passionate speech : surely either these men professe not the right gospel of christ , or are not right professours of his gospel ? this is a lamentation , and this shall be for a lamentation . o god , who art the father of peace , o christ , who art the prince of peace , o holy ghost , who art the spirit of peace , work it in the hearts and affections of thy children , disciples and saints , that they may love and live in peace . but to come to mine intended matter . from hence also hath arisen this new forged sect of m. hendens , of the which these following papers will give thee a slight view ; and with the which i am at unawares more deeply engaged then at first i meant . the brief story whereof is this , m. henden hath been a man of good note these many years , for profession of religion ; no despiser of learning , but rather a lover of it . by his private industry he hath added to his grammar-school-learning , some knowledge of the original tongues . studious also he hath been of the scriptures ; ( unto which his retired life , partly upon some bodily infirmity , partly ( as some have thought ) upon some worldly discontents , gave him an opportunity ) and especially of the dark prophecies of ezekiel , daniel and the apocalyps . in the which his vein hath been to vary from the stream of other interpreters , and to produce some unusual notion of his own with no small confidence of its truth . this man was heretofore a great antagonist of the old separatists called brownists , and with much zeal did , against them , maintain our churches in england , and our ministery then , as the true churches and ministery of christ . but now of late , i know not how , on the sudden it was noised abroad , that he was changed in his principles , fallen from our communion , and had erected a new uncouth way by himself , and much purer then any other . and truly hereupon there was much flocking to him of unstable souls : much like as the poet describes the flocking of people after bacchus * his orgia when they were first brought in at thebes , turba ruit , mistaeque vi●is matresque nurusque , et vulgus proceresque ignota ad sacra feruntur . the rout rung headlong and all mixt together , mives , husbands , and their daughters each with other : the common people , and the noble peer after this unknown worship run carier . this noise caused me , who had some acquaintance with him , to write to him the first letter in this paper , not with a purpose to make any controversie of it , but to be informed from himself what his way was . hereunto in convenient time he returned kindely unto me an answer , as among these papers you may see . i was therewith satisfied , minding onely to seek into the truth of his way for mine own satisfaction without further medling . but lee i found that i had medled with a nest of wasps which would not let me so go off . for it was by and by noised and given out by his party amongst us , that m. henden had sent me a writing in which he had utterly blown up our churches , ordinances and ministery from the very foundation , and such an one as i could not answer . what should i do here ? if i had replied nothing , there would have been no end of their triumph which was already loud enough . will i , nill i , therefore i was fain to take up the bucklers , and return somewhat in reply to m. henden . i had a purpose only a little to come aboard their ship , and take a view of their commodities what they were , but by the contentious humours of fellow-venturers , i am forced thus to fall into some earnest grapple about the goodness of their wares . take these as some slighter beginnings of the business between us : some larger and more serious discourse is in time like to follow : if m. henden will be drawn to make his last writing more publick , which i desire . reade these , if thou canst spare so much time as to take notice of this no trifling controversie . and in reading take to thy self a free and full liberty to judge of the cause according to evidence of arguments on both sides . and know that at length the word of god must and will both judge of it , and thy judgement about it . august . . . thine in the lord christ to learn of thee or any godly christian how in the best way to know and serve christ jo. elmeston . good m. henden , i have heard partly by common fame , but more certainly from m. williamson ( who lately had some conference with you ) that you are deviated of late from many of those principles and practices , wherein heretofore you did concurre with us . indeed there is now adayes great talk of much new light broke forth , and shining , to latter professours , and those many , but young men , above that which elder protestants and professours have been or are acquainted with . which boast occasioneth me to minde a story which i have met with among ancient authors , of one nauplius a king , who to revenge upon the greeks the death of his son palamedes , by them , as he conceived , wrongfully put to death , upon their return from troy , did set up in the night a great light on the top of the hill caphareus ; which they , in their course and sailing espying , and supposing it to be a friendly light to shew them the way to some safe harbour to anchor in , directed their course thither , and so fell upon many dangerous rocks and whirlpools , whereof that sea was full , to the wofull casting away of many ships and men . pardon me now if i think that satan the prince of darkness indeed , who yet can transform himself into an angel of light , hath a great hand in kindling and setting up much of this new light out of malice to the salvation of mankinde . this is certain and manifest enough , that too many , while they steer their course after and towards these lights , some make shipwrack of the faith upon the rock of dangerous errors ; others of peace and unity upon the rock of rash and unjustifiable separation from our publick , though well reformed assemblies ; others of christian meekness , and moderation , and charity , upon the rock of a bitter spirit , and base virulent railing . the more carefull had you need to be that you give not countenance too hastily to these new lights , nor forsake your old good way to walk after them who are not like to go astray alone , but to carry many along with you into errors . but notwithstanding all this which i have said , i do acknowledge gods rich grace to us in these times , in vouchsafing much fuller and clearer light to us in many things then in former dayes . and that opinion have i with many christians hereabouts , of you and your judicious piety , that you are like as soon to discern of old errors , and finde out some of those truths which have newly appeared , as some others , whose study hath been long and much bent to dive into dark and hard prophecies , and to search out their mysteries , to take notice of the church-controversies of our times , and to settle your self and others about them . the errand of these lines therefore is not to expostulate with you about your change ; but to request you in writing briesly to impart to me those new points you have pitched upon , & what your opinion is about our publick ministery , the presbytery and our church-assemblies . let me intreat you to set down plainly the positions you hold about these , and to annex your reasons thereunto . i am willing to learn what i know not , & shall account myself much beholding to you or any other who shall fight me from the least errour in divine matter , or discover unto me any truth of gods word to me yet unknown , the least whereof i esteem above all indian pearls and rubies . it is a saying of cato , though out of a young school-boyes-book and author , yet very worthy to be remembred , ne pudeat quae nescieris te velle doc●ri : scire aliquid laus est , ●udor est nil discere velle . be not asham'd willing thy self to shew such things to be taught as thou dost not know . to know some thing it is a commendation , to nill to learn ought is a shamefull fashion . wherewith i conclude , and am your much well-wishing friend and brother in christ , j. e. decemb. . . most worthy sir , vvhom i highly esteem for piety , and reverence for gravity and learning : your letter i have received , containing a friendly admonition to beware of old errors intruded under the specious shew of new lights . it is true , satans subtilty was deep and deceivable in all ages ; but the main strength of his art and policy was combined in making up the man of sinne . all deceivablenesse of unrighteousnesse , the whole mystery of iniquity is in him contracted ; who , being now by the glorious beams of truth more clearly discovered in the romanist , episcopacy , &c. to be a false christ in the wildernesse , hath since entered into his secret chambers , where he seemingly puts on a more curious dresse of holinesse and purity neerly resembling the wedding garment of the primitive church , that by his glittering array he might , if it were possible , deceive the very elect . hereupon the spirit reckons it for a principal point of wisdom to know the full number of the beast . truly sir , i do with you confesse , that i have searched the scripture from my childehood , neglecting no part of the old and new testaments , and that i have much enquired into those mysteries couched under the visions of the prophets ; but especially those shewed by christ himself to john in his apocalyps , as that contracting the rest belonging to his and after times into a methodical abridgement . my ground for it was this , because i found a peculiar blessing attributed to those who read , hear and keep the words of this prophecie , as that containing the whole testimony of jesus , being so full as nothing can be added to or detracted from it , without a dreadfull curse , revel. . & . . & . , . and from hence concluded , that there was a divine treasure of heavenly wisdom enclosed in this precious cabinet , and being a prophecie of all gospel-times , that the several dispensations of god proper to every period with satans opposite works , was here included , which no plain text of scripture so fully evidences ; and that the knowledge thereof would be as a pillar of cloud to direct us in every age to follow the lamb whithersoever he goes thorow his several administrations , and a true light to discover those rocks of error , which men running against hazard the wracking of their souls ; and that this being veiled from the sight of the world under dark types , that so antichrist fore-prophesied of , might have closer and freer entrance , requires the more industry to draw it out , neither was the highest reach of my capacity able to dive so farre into these secrets , as to discover the beast farther then the pope and bishops , till the spirit who only knows the deep things of god , removed farther from mine eyes that veil cast upon the eyes of all nations , isa. . . and revealed unto me , that the foundation of antichrist consisted in an usurped power of church-discipline footed upon man and his will without the call of god . and that the call of god in our times is onely for separation and rewarding ; being during the vials pouring , but in our journey toward sion visibly separated , and having but in part put off our babylonish garments , revel. , . and . . and that the time for visible marriage is not till all enemies are down by the vials , and god onely reigns , revel. . , , . isa. . . and that all visible church-marriage from the apostasie till this reign is out of gods time ( whose prerogative it is onely to ordain the times and seasons ) and so being founded only on the will , call , name and power of man , and not on gods call , must be beastial . and that the breathing of the spirit in these both officers and ordinances in the primitive age , the life and soul of both , was since restrained , being as a carcasse without a soul , ezek. . . act. . . timoth. . . revel. . . and then at the brightnesse of christs coming the same spirit of pouring and breathing returned , isa. . . ezek. . matth. . , . psalm . . . now least any mistake me , as though i subverted all gospel . ordinances , we conceive that ordinances are of two sorts , . such as are founded more immediately on our spiritual union , and the covenant of grace , as ministery , baptism , the lords supper , prayer , profession &c. . such as are footed upon church-stating , and appertain to officials , as ordination , confirmation , excommunication , admission , absolution , &c. the first of these we say , the gates of hell never prevailed against them , but they were born up by the spirit of prophecie thorow the whole time of this deep apostasie . as teaching and baptism was overlasting , matth. . , . isa. . . & . . revel. . so the bread and wine hold forth his death till he come , cor. . . also prayer was alwayes , thess. . . revel. . . & . . likewise profession continued , rev. . . the second sort , to wit , the keys deemed essential to officials , were not alwayes truly used . though the name was fore prophesied to be everlasting , yet {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} jad , the hand or the keys held forth by the hand , interpreted place , is not so specified * isa. . . but was wholly resolved in the pope , to whom another key was given with other smoke and officers , the locusts , revel. . neither was there any other face of officials , but amongst the papists in luthers time , who himself was a monk . nay the visible church , the foundation of these failed ; onely a sealed elect number remainod , revel. . . to . and . , we destroy not these ordinances , but hold that they have a being in the scripture of truth , and in the minde and desire of the faithfull . and now in our return from babylon , we do as the israelites of old , carry these vessels of the lord along with us in this our journey of separation , isal. . . but dare not officiate in them in the territories of babylon , in which we are till we have passed by the sixth vial over the river euphrates , revel. . . these with many other discoveries i have received ; the full explanation whereof with all their scriptures and reasons would require a volume ; which neither the strength of my body , or my time , being now precious , will permit me largely to delineate with my pen . you shall command any thing which with convenience i am able to perform : and therefore , sir , let me beseech you to come unto me , who am not able to visit you , with what friends you shall make choise of , and you shall be really welcome , where i will ( as god shall inable me ) grant your request by a living voice , and freely hear your answers and objections against what i shall speak . for i desire to have it brought to the touchstone of truth , and there to be tried to the utmost . and if by our confeerence we cannot be united in our judgement , yee i shall desire to be joyned with you in my affection , as highly prizing my union with all the godly . with this proviso of aristotle , amicus socrates , amicus plato , sed magis amica veritas , socrates is my friend , plato my friend , but truth is my more speciall friend . the truths of god are to be valued above the nearest relations . thus with my best respect remembred , i rest and remain , your very loving friend simon henden . bennenden jan. . . an essay for the discovery and discouraging of the new-sprung schism raised and maintained by mr simon henden of bennenden in kent . good mr henden , i thank you very much for your taking in good part my writing to you , for your pains taken to answer me , and your free imparting to me your principles on which you go in this new way , and embrace all this as no small testimony of your good opinion of , and good affections toward me . but having with some deliberation perused your letter , i must needs professe that your principles do not appear so clear and solid unto me as that i ean close with them . in which respect for a fuller debate and clearing of them , i have thought meet to propound to you in writing my doubts about them , since i can hardly finde leisure from my school-imploiments , nor since my weaknesse am hardly strong enough to come over to you in presence to conferre about them . first then , for what you glance at out of matth. , . concerning the man of sinne , as being discovered in t he romanist and episcopacy to be a false christ in the wildernesse , and now retired into his secret chambers , in a curious dresse of holinesse and purity the more effectually to deceive : it cannot be made good by you that that place of matthew is particularly meant of the roman antichrist , it is meant of those who should take on them to be christ in their own person , or to shew unto men christ in person . some such of old did arise among the jews , as he in the time of the emperor adrian , that called himself ben cochab , the sonne of the starre , viz. that starre prophesied of by balaam , numb. . whom afterward the jews having discovered him for an impostour , called ben●coshan , the sonne of a lie : some such of latter years have been in england , viz. hacket with his companions in queen elizabeths daies , and some not long ago amongst us in these so fertile in seducers and seducements . and if it may be extended unto other seducers by way of allusion , who preach false doctrine in the name of christ , with a shew and pretence to discover christ unto men in a more clear and perfect way then others do , this cannot very fitly be applied , much lesse be appropriated to the roman antichrist , who hath not acted his part in a wildernesse or desert , as it is taken in matthew according to the proper sense of the word , viz , for a place not at all , or slenderly inhabited by some poor cottagers , but hath set as god in the temple of god , thess. . . and ruled over kingdoms , nations and contries in much pomp and magnificence . revel . . indeed john , revel. . . was carried into the wildernesse that he might take the better view of the whore , i. e. this great antichrist , but she was presented to him as riding on a beast of seven heads and ten horns , and sitting on many waters , revel. . . as reigning in the great and stately city of rome , and ruling over multitudes of people , revel. . , . . so farre was she she from flying into the wildernesse , or hiding her self therein : nor did the beast nor the frogs coming out of his mouth ever heretofore , or now more invite men into chambers under a colour and pretence to shew them christ , as not to be seen in the publick profession of the times , more then other hereticks may and have done , nay not more then the most orthodox christians may do and have done in some sad times of darknesse and persecution . finally , i wish you to consider , whether this calling men into chambers in these daies from publick assemblies to see christ , do not fully reflect upon the practice of brownists , independents , anabaptists , seekers , and the like , who leave our publick assemblies and ordinances , as if christ were not there to be seen and enjoyed , and call men into houses , parlours and chambers , with a specious pretext of more then ordinary holiness , and exact serving of god , and keeping themselves and others from the pollution of publick worship , and bringing men to nearer and fuller communion with christ then can be enjoyed in publick ordinances . i may say then touching this , as the poet doth of a witty fable he had told , and after doth apply to one who thought himself little concerned in it , — mutato nomine , de te fabula narratur — change but the name , if i may make so bold , of your own self , the story may be told . secondly , the diligent search you do make or have made to understand the visions of the prophets , and in special the mysteries of the apocalyps , is worthy commendation . but this i must adde , that you had need to be conversant in that search with much humility and self-denying , as not having any such conceit of your self that you are endued with a more excellent spirit of revelation and understanding in those mysteries then other learned and godly men that have with much pains and prayer studied that book , and published their meditations on it , but rather mistrusting your own conceptions , in which you go alone , and differ from the stream of most writers and interpreters , qui opinione blandiente gravidi sunt , nihil serium pariunt , tumidi tantumutres , saith one , whosoever they be which travel big with childe of some pleasing conceit of their own , or vain opinion of themselves , never bring forth any serious matter , being only big-swoln bottles . and if you hold forth any new conceit beyond or against them , judicious christians will advise upon it , and not hastily receive it , unlesse you can make it appear , that you have daniels spirit of wisdom and revelation for interpretation of dreams and visions given you , or can prove your interpretation by irrefragable arguments . for in such a case may it not be said to you , as paul said to the corinthians puffed up with some singular conceit of their knowledge above other churches , came the word of god out from you ? or came it to you onely ? cor. . . came the spirit of wisdom or knowledge unto you only ? or came it from you to all others ? besides , if we desire to know christ in the whole mystery of our salvation , viz. the doctrine of his person , offices , and the means to apply him to our selves , the waies of his worship ; the nature of the church , and the ordinances belonging to it , and then what be the most dangerous errours in faith or worship : such things are better learned out of the doctrinal books of scripture then out of the apocalyps . that doth hold forth a prophetical story concerning the enemies of the church , who they should be , and where ; how they should oppresse the church , and at length be destroyed , and of the churches estate before these enemies rising , under their power , its deliverance and glorious estate in the end ; but it doth not doctrinally discourse of points of faith , worship and good works . those matters in other books are purposely handled , largely and fully discoursed ; in the revelation are but touched on by the way , in other parts of scripture they are plainly propounded , that common christians may conceive and come to the knowledge of them ; but the revelation is veiled with such mystical visions and allegorical phrases that very learned and most able christians cannot uncover the veil cleerly , and see to the end of them ; much lesse are they such as can be apprehended by christians of the lower sort , and weaker capacity . as the pillar of fire and cloud were such things as were open to the view of all the israelites ; so those books of scripture ( though i exclude none ) which are plainest and most obvious to the understanding of all christians , are specially to be accounted as our pillar of cloud and fire to direct us how and where in all ages we should follow the lamb . thirdly , it is strange to me that you should affirm , that the foundation of the beast doth consist in an usurped power of church-discipline footed on mans will without gods call . it is true , that what discipline is exercised only on mans will without gods call , is bestial , as you term it , and antichristian ; as . that which for the thing it self was wholly invented by antichrist not being once mentioned in the gospel , such was amongst others the popes interdicting of whole realms for having any service of god used in them upon their offending against his commands and ordinances . . and if for the matter it self it were christs discipline , yet it was managed not by the hands of christs officers , but of antichrist , and against christs faithfull servants ; such was excommunication exercised by the pope , papal bishops , commissaries , and the like . notwithstanding discipline , nor the usurped power of it cannot be the foundation of the beast . there are three things in christian , and so in antichristian religion , doctrine , worship and discipline ; and these so answer one another , that look what place any one of them hath in the one , the same it hath in the other religion . now none ever did or can affirm discipline to be the foundation of christian religion ; it is but as the roof , or at best but as the wals of it , and serves to beautifie or to guard and preserve it ; it is sound doctrine in the principles of faith that is the foundation of christian religion , cor , . . so it is the false doctrine of the roman church that is the foundation of the beast and antichristian religion . and this the apostle s. john doth teach , joh , . . every one that confesseth christ to be come in the flesh , is of god ; but every one that denieth christ to be come in the flesh is not of god ; this is the spirit of antichrist . it is in effect as much as if he had said : sound doctrine concerning christ his nature , person and offices , is the main ground and mark of christian religion ; and false doctrine touching these things the principal note and ground of antichristian religion . besides the popes extravagant exercise of discipline in excommunicating , suspending , &c. not onely single persons , but whole nations , and disposing all church-dignities , &c. was founded on that false doctrine which was first laid , that the pope was an vniversal bishop , vicar of christ , and the visible head of the church . doctrine then is the foundation of the beast , and not the usurped power of church-discipline . lastly , none can comply with the beast in the foundation of his estate without losse of his salvation , as who doth lie and relie on some other besides the onely foundation of salvation , which is jesus christ , and worshippeth the beast in acknowledging him for the vicar of christ in the church and supreme head under him , and submits to his decrees and new articles of faith ; but many may and have too much complied with the beast in the exercise of discipline , viz. excommunication , suspension , ordination , &c , managing it in a popish manner , whom yet we have just cause to acknowledge ( and should deal most uncharitably not to acknowledge ) for the main to have been godly christians , and out of doubt saved , such as were those diocesan bishops in queen maries dayes , ridley , latimer , hooper , &c. and grindal , jewel and others in queen elizabeths reign . fourthly , it is a new conceit not heard of before among interpreters of the apocalyps , and which i cannot imbrace , that in these our times we are called onely to separating from babylon , and rewarding her , so that upon separating from her , if gods people go further , as to set up reformed churches , and gather themselves into church-order , it is in your opinion against , or at least without gods command . but first , this is a course flat contrary to that which the lord hath followed and prescribed to his people in former times , whose separation from idolaters and prophane nations was still accompanied with a present setting up of a church-society for gods service and mutual edification . no sooner did god call abraham out of his idolatrous countrey , but he set up a visible church in his family , teaching him to call on god and set up alturs for his worship , gen. . , and furnishing him with some power of discipline , genes . . . and . . so when the lord brought the israelites out of aegypt , he brought them not out to wander up and down as a confused multitude , but within short time formed them into a church , and within a year or thereabouts gave them the law , furnished them with a tabernacle , sacrifices , ministry and ordinances of all sorts . this did the jews also upon their return out of babylon take to be their duty in a church-way to set up gods worship , in building the temple , providing sacrifices , restoring the ministery , and ordering means for them . and when the jews slacked their hand this way upon a pretence that the due time to build the house of god was not yet come ( much like as you now say , it is not yet time to set up visible churches or church-discipline ) they were reproved for the slacknesse and vain pretence by the prophet haggai , hag. . , . and did not the apostles the like also at the first preaching of the gospel , so call men from paganism and judaism , as those that did separate from them , and imbrace the gospel , were with all convenient speed gathered and formed into christian churches to exercise gods worship and discipline among themselves ? and what sound reason can be given , why the separation gods people are called to , revel. . . should not be thus presently followed , with joyning together in visible churches , to serve god aright , and enjoy all his ordinances , but that they must remain a separated people without any church-order among themselves , untill all the vials be poured out , that is none knows how long ? secondly , this is against a common rule for interpretation of scripture ; among which rules this is an approved one , that what scripture doth command the avoiding any thing as evil , the same doth virtually command the pursuing of the contrary good . hence commonly those two commands go together , flee evil and follow good , psal. . . isa. . . rom. . . and in many other places . the reason whereof is plain , because as the perfection of a good tree is not in wanting bad fruit , but in bearing good : so the true goodnesse of a christian is not in forbearing evil , but in doing good . this then is certain , that the voice from heaven which cals gods people to depart from babylon , as idolatrous , and to keep themselves from her sins , doth virtually call upon them to seek our sion , and to joyn with her in society for the worship of god ; which sion if it were not then extant or to be enjoyed , the command were vain , and their endeavour would be to no purpose . thirdly , this conceit and course doth cast a foul blot of gross ignorance or rash presumption upon all reformed churches ; which upon their breaking off from rome have not contented themselves with a bare separation , but did also set up evangelical churches opposite to the roman for doctrine , worship and discipline , some lesse , and some more pure and perfect . so hath all reformation been practised in germany , france , netherland , scotland , old and new england of late . and what man is he , or who be they , unlesse they can prove themselves new apostles or prophets , or have the pregnant word of god for it , and build not only upon their own conjectural interpretation of prophetical mysteries , about which other godly learned are at a stand , who will presume to tax and blemish so many famous churches , and so many godly and learned divines which were their guides and leaders ? surely it is not piety to condemn the generation of the righteous , psalm . . nor humility to slight the consent of so many churches of god , cor. . . fourthly , it is well worth the while to scan the time when this call for separation revel. . . was given ; and if all circumstances be well weighed , this call was not proclaimed untill god had put it into the heart of some kings and states to joyn to invade and destroy rome itself , which preparation is intimated before , chap. . . and was surely about the pouring out of the last , or some of the last vials . and now being ready to give the on-set on rome , by this voice they are called on to plague her thorowly , revel. . . at which time this call is directed to such of gods people as might then be hidden in that idolatrous city , or the adjoining territories by a personal flight to forsake her and those places of danger , and provide for their safety . which things considered , it is not clear that the time of this call is yet come , since we see small preparation made as yet or intended by christian states or princes against rome , the throne of the beast , or italy his nest and fortresse . and how long it will be ere this be effected onely the lord knows . i am sure that most accounts that learned men have hitherto made of these things , have missed , and they are in a mist about the three or four last vials , not being able certainly to unfold them . so that if you have no other ground for your separation then that call ( as you produce none other ) you are in danger to prevent the due time of separation , and to do all you do in it meerly upon your own will without gods call . as for the spiritual separation made by protestant princes , and churches , from rome , in doctrine and worship , as they had a warrant for it from this call , the reasons whereof being such as belong to all times and persons , not to partake in romes sins , do sufficiently enforce it ; so had they pregnant grounds for it also from other general commands to flee idolatry , and set up gods worship . i may last ask , why you and your company go farther in your practice then bare separation ? for if by separation revel. . . you understand a separation meerly negative to be meant ( as you needs must to make it serve your turn ) by what warrant do you on the lords-day celebrate holy assemblies , and exercise the main parts of gods worship by your selves , and in opposition to our publick assemblies , which you account bestial ? for this kinde of separation allows no such practice , but confines it self to an abstaining from all communion in the publick worship if corrupt , and so farre as it is corrupt . but if it be a positive separation that the godly are called to ( as your practice doth interpret it ) then nothing lets , but others also may set up churches for the enjoying of all ordinances as well as you for some . and surely when the apostle did urge such a call for separation unto the corinthians , cor. . . out of isa. . . he did conceive that the christians of corinth were not onely called barely to separate from paganish idolatry , but also to join together in the true worship of god . fifthly , here follow some things which i apprehend to be some reasons of this your assertion touching this point of separation . . we are yet , you say , but in our journey to sion , visibly separated , and not arrived thither , and so may not take on us to set up sion-like churches . answ. but why are we but on our journey unto sion ? visibly separated ? when as the apostle describeth this to be the estate of all imbracing the gospel , that they are come to mount sion and the celestial jerusalem , and the same not meerly invisible , but visibly separated from the impious world , heb. . . . st john saw many thousands revel. . . walking with the lamb on mount sion , and the same visible as seen by john during the time of the great apostasie , and before the time of this more publick departure and reformation . and why may not our late reformed christians be ranged among those thousands , and admitted to the same mount sion with them , since in their reformation they have endeavoured to conform unto them , . in bearing their fathers name in their forehead by an open profession of religion ; , in restoring an orderly performance of gods worship by the ministery and church-assemblies , as they praised god before the four beasts and the elders ; . in ascribing their redemption only to god , and praising him for it , which is meant by the new song those hundred fourty four thousand did sing ; . by cleansing themselves from popish idolatry , as those kept themselves virgins and undefiled ; . by holding forth the practice of holinesse , as in the mouths of the other there was no guile . . admit that we be but in our way to this sion , what lets but that we may set up and use all gods ordinances as well as some , in this our journey ? the israelites whenas they were but in their way to canaan had all gods ordinances set up amongst them , and made use of them more or lesse , as their unsetled estate , and sudden occasions of removing would give leave . what you seem elswhere to conclude to this purpose from the jews bringing along the temple-vessels with them from babylon , but not officiating with them in their way , shall in its place be considered . about these matters you referre me to revel. . . where we read that the temple was filled with smoke from the glory of god , &c. that none could enter into it untill the seven plagues of the seven angels were fulfilled . from whence it seems you would conclude , that we are not yet come to sion . answ. i wish you had made the argument your self , opened the place in your sense , and applied it to the purpose : for my part i finde a temple even under the apostasie measured out , and an altar , and some worshipping in it revel. . . yea , i finde angels , i. e. magistrates , ministers , and other persons of note , whom the lord would use to execute his judgements upon the antichristian world , revel. . , , . conversant in it , and the four beasts abiding in it , revel. . . the temple then which was before the seven last plagues fulfilled , was not so shut but some did enter into it and served god therein : yea that john during this time saw it opened in heaven , revel. . . and . . and if sion and the temple in your opinion be one and the same thing , and both note the state of a true visible church ( as you seem to think ) it is plain that before and under the vials there are acknowledged in the apocalyps visible churches , and the same true and right unto which christians had accesse , and in which they were conversant . you must pardon me then if herein i do not concurre with you , that none could enter into the temple , or arrive at sion , i. e. that no visible church could be found into which men might have entrance and admission , untill all the vials were poured out . i do rather agree with other godly interpreters , who do understand it of those people , who yet for their whole body are clean out of the church , viz. the jews and pagans , but chiefly the jews , of which , it seems , no full harvest sufficient to make up a church or churches shall or can come in , untill the vials be fully poured out to romes utter destruction . it doth not exclude those who were already admitted and entered into the temple , as were the reformed churches of the western world . the second thing which you adde is , that we have not yet wholly put off our babylonish garments . touching which i shall not say much , because you expresse not what you mean by these babylonish garments , nor wherein they are not put off . only two things i do reply , . that the retaining of some rags of the babylonish garments , though it be a deformity to a church , can no more keep a christian company or person out of sion , then sacrificing unto god in high places , somewhat after an heathenish manner , could or did put the church of the jews out of sion , or polygamy not warranted by the lords first institution of marriage , put abraham , jacob or other holy men out of the catalogue of the ancient and godly patriarchs ; or the remainder of some sinfull infirmity in a man regenerate , barre him of communion with christ . . those seven angels which had the last seven plagues , as they came out of the temple ; so also they were cloathed with white and pure linen , and were girded about the brests with golden girdles , revel. . now what are those angels but types of those instruments which the lord would use in executing those seven last plagues ? and what is the meaning of their coming out of the temple , but that they were persons belonging to some of the protestant reformed churches ? now surely as the habit of the members was , such was the habit of the churches to which they did belong : for how could they come so purely cloathed out of churches utterly impure ? these churches therefore which are our reformed churches of these dayes , had cast off their babylonish garments , and were clad with fine linen , which is the righteousnesse of the saints . the third thing , you say , is , that the time for visible marriage is not yet come , untill all enemies be brought down , and god only reign ; and that therefore all visible church-marriage since the apostasic taken up before the time , being onely founded on the will , name and power of man without gods call , must needs be bestial . answ. concerning this , i say first , that it is much the jews excuse hag. . . saying , that the time was not yet come that the house of the lord should be built : whenas the time for building it was seasonable enough , and nothing letted but their greater care to build their own houses then the lords house : so say you , the time is not yet come that visible churches should be gathered and married unto christ in visible manner , whe●as the time is seasonable enough , but that many have more minde to disturb the work by venting fancies of their own , then to contribute their endeavours towards the work . secondly , this is to make christ to have been a widower , as it were , or a bridegroom without a known or visible bride , an head without a visible body , a king without a visible kingdom for more then these thousand years ; and how long he is like so to continue none can determine . for what is christs visible spouse , body , kingdom , but a visible church ? and none such hath been , according to your opinion , right and true , all this time of the apostasie , nor yet is or shall be untill all the vials be poured out . thirdly , this is to make all the reformed churches , which since their breaking off from rome , have been erected , or are now in germany , france , netherland , scotland , old and new england , to be antichristian and bestial , which in all moderate and understanding mens judgement , will be thought a rash , uncharitable and audacious assertion . fourthly , it may as well be said by you , that there is no visible marriage between christ and particular christians before the time , as that there is none between churches and christ . for no particular christian can be a meet bride for christ , who is not cloathed with pure fine and shining linen , viz. the righteousnesse of the saints . and if no churches shall be found before that time fitly thus arrayed for their marriage with christ , what sound reason can be yielded , why any single christians can be so cloathed , when as commonly they receive their spiritual birth , being , cloathing , and all in visible churches where they live ? now nihil dat quod non hab●t , none can give that which they have not ; and if no visible churches can be found thus arrayed , it is not easie to imagine how single christians should obtain it . if private christians may be so cloathed before that time , and so fitted for visible marriage with christ ; so also may whole churches , whenas churches are made up of particular christians , and particular christians are thus cloathed , among other ends , that they may be fitted for members of visible churches . but to make this good , you referre us to revel. . . which , how that is understood not of reformed churches in general , but of the church of the jews , when that nation shall be converted to the faith , by the most learned interpreters of the apocalyps , i know you well know . and for my part , though i will not say as he did , malo cum platone errare , quam cum aliis vera sentire , yet i cannot but say , that it is farre safer to follow so many godly , learned and judicious divines , who have bent themselves to finde out the mysteries of that book , then any one man , though he would be held as singular in this mystical divinity , as plato was in philosophy . and that which you point unto farther out of isa. . . if they both concern one thing and time , as you seem to intimate , doth much confirm this interpretation . for it directly and expresly speaks of sion , and its restoring , as appears by the beginning of the chapter , and what follows ; which if it had not its full accomplishment in the jews deliverance out of babylon , and their church and commonwealth restauration thereupon , it cannot well be applied otherwise , then to the last conversion of the jewish nation , and to that excellent church-condition whereunto they shall then be brought . secondly , touching this allegation , and all other of the same kinde much used by you , i wish that that notable saying of irenaeus so much approved by learned divines , were known to , or regarded by you , omnis prophetia priusquam habeat efficaciam ▪ anigmata & ambiguitas sunt hominibus : cum autem venerit tempus & evenit quod prophetatum est , ●um prophetiae habent liquidam & certam expositionem . all prophecie before it be accomplished presents nothing but riddles and matters of doubt unto men : but when the time is come , and that is fulfilled which was prophesied , then prophecies have a clear and certain exposition . according to which most right sentence , i say , that the mystical prophecies of the apocalyps or other scripture which are but in part fulfilled , but specially such as yet are wholly to be fulfilled , and so subject to various interpretations , are too too weak grounds to build such lofty opinions and assertions upon , as befool all learned divines , over-turn all right and orderly ministry , and turn all latter christian churches into antichristian : for who is he that can infallibly say , what is meant by the vials poured out on euphrates or on the air ; by the marriage of the lamb , and of his bride , and sundry other things in the following chapters , as he ought to be able to doe , that will inferre and make good such high and destructive paradoxes , as are above-mentioned . there are many prophecies in that book already in part fulfilled , as many things about the two witnesses , the distinction of the first and second beast , the vial poured out on the sun , with divers things chap. and . about which the learned which have searched into those mysteries do so differ that a man cannot finde from them any sure ground to rest upon . it is doubtlesse lawfull and profitable , as you and others do , to search into the mysteries of that book . but for a clear and full interpretation of some things already fulfilled , much more of things to be fulfilled , we must wait the lords time ( to which somewhat doth accord that proverbial speech , that veritas est temporis filia ) and his revelation of them by clear and indubitable events . but by these mistakes and differences of learned men , as diligent and understanding searchers as our selves , we should learn to be moderate and wary , how we did peremptorily determine matters so abstruse ; and upon such our private determinations lay the weight of such notable paradoxes and strange strains ; which to doe is rather rash presumption and self-confidence then true knowledge and wisdom . sixthly , now follows your fourth assertion , viz. that the breathing of the spirit both in officers and ordinances which acted in them in the primitive times , is now restrained , and ( as seems to be your meaning ) hath been restrained ever since the apostasie , so that they were all that while , and now are but as a carcase without a soul . answ. if this be so , what means have there been all this while for mens conversion and salvation ? for which the lord out of his goodnesse cannot but ever make due provision . from whence hath proceeded the conversion of thousands , which have been wrought on since the apostasie , if not from the officers and ordinances that have succeeded the primitive times , and in some measure continued under the corrupt state of the church , and the spirits breathing in and working by them ? st john saw , and that under the apostasie , a hundred fourty four thousand waiting upon the lamb in mount sion , revel. . . whence now had these their conversion but from the spirit in those times breathing in , and by the officers and o●dinances that then were ? again , s. john saw ( it seems ) after this on mount sion , upon the declining of antichrist a great number standing by a glassie-sea mingled with fire which had gotten the victory over the beast , his image , his mark , and the number of his name , singing a new song , and praising god for their deliverance , rev. . , . whence had these their conversion ? they were not , i ween , aborigenes , a people sprung out of the earth , or let down out of the heavens , but surely had their spiritual birth and being from the spirit breathing in the officers and ordinances of those times . lastly , have not thousands in these latter times in the reformed churches ( and so are many , the lord be praised unto this day ) been converted to the faith by the preaching of the ministers in them ? and what more ample testimony can there be then this , that their ministery is not a carcase without a soul , but that the spirit doth breathe in the ordinance of pteaching and sacraments administred by them ? it may here by you be suggested perhaps , that in all these ages , and so now , they preached but as gifted men , and in that way the spirit went along with them not as ministers by office . answ. this is but said , and not proved , and so may as easily be denied , as it is affirmed . . they in all ages former and latter stood and acted as ministers by office , were so acknowledged and received by the churches , yea and also christians converted ( untill of late that they have been taught a new ungratefull lesson ) who felt the power of the spirit working on them by their preaching , did look on their conversion as a fruit of their true official ministry , and a seal thereof . , the apostle paul doth produce the conversion of the corinthians by his preaching , not so much for a proof that he was a man sufficiently gifted for the work of the ministry , but as a seal of his apostleship , and as a divine testimony , that as he acted as an apostle in his preaching , so indeed he was , and so they were to acknowledge him , cor. . . cor. . , . if therefore the conversion of the corinthians were proof sufficient for paul , that he was an apostle , that is , an official minister , though extraordinary , surely the work of conversion formerly and now wrought by them , doth suffice to make good , that the ministers of the reformed churches have been , and are right ministers of christ , and rightly in office under him . lastly , for that of revel. . . which you point to , of the four angels holding the four windes , that they should not blow on the earth , nor on the sea , &c. if it be certainly to be understood of the withholding of the spirit from breathing in the ordinances ( for others carry it fairly enough to another sense . ) . there is nothing said in that place for the continuance , how long the restraint should last , much lesse is it shewed , that it should last during the apostasie . . it may well be meant of a more sparing breathing in comparison of primitive times , not of an utter restraint . . if it be understood of an utter restraint , take notice , i pray , that the restraint is general , and cannot by any circumstance of the text be confined only to official preaching and preachers , as you speak , but as fully reach any preachers , even your gifted men as well as them , and so doth conclude an utter ceasing of the spirit , to breathe now or then in or by any means , ordinances or preachers whatsoever , which is grosly false , and to affirm it were exceeding derogatory to the lords free grace and mans salvation . seventhly , in the next place it follows that we take a view of your distinction of ordinances , and your opinion about them . touching which , you say , some are founded more immediately on our spiritual union ( with christ i conceive you mean ) and the covanant of grace and ministry , baptism , the lords supper , praier , profession , &c. . such as are footed on church-stating , such as appertain to officials , yea deemed essential to them , as ordination , confirmation , excommunication , admission , absolution , &c. the first of these have been kept up , you say , thorow all the time of the deepest apostasie , and are now used rightly , and to be used . the second have not been alwaies rightly used , but ( it seems to you ) have been , and are so lost , that as yet there is no due time or place for their exercise . this i take to be your meaning about this point of ordinances . if i mistake , it is because the matter is set down somewhat intricately by you . now touching this point we have many things to reply ; first , i would know , what ministry you mean hath alwaies been kept up ? whether a ministry exercised onely by virtue of gifts enabling men unto it , or such as is exercised by virtue of an office also , and right calling thereunto . if the first be meant , it is a matter in much question , whether such a standing ministry were ever allowed by christ ? and it must be proved before we can receive it . surely if such a ministry be currant and sufficiently authorized for ministring word and sacraments , there was no need of an official ministry ; and christ , it seems , therein ordained a superfluous ordinance , according to that common axiom , frustra fit per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora . it is a vain thing , and not beseeming a wise man , to use many wayes to do that which may be done by a few . if the latter be meant , why are official ministers by you questioned ? secondly , it may be asked , why you put profession and prayer in general in the rank of ordinances . there is a wide difference between ordinances and duties . as to believe in christ is a duty , not an ordinance ; so to make profession of the christian faith is also a duty which appertains to particular christians in their own person , so to whole churches in their society . so likewise is prayer as it belongs to particular men , of which paul speaks specially , colos. . . onely publick prayer as it is performed by the minister in publick assemblies for gods worship , may come under the notion of an ordinance . ordinances , to speak properly of them , are those solemn means which christ hath appointed in his church according to his sovereign power and good-will to communicate his grace unto us , and to perform our solemn worship unto him , as the publick preaching of the word , celebration of the sacraments , publick prayer , publick thanksgivings , fastings ; or to provide for the right performance of these things , as combination of christians into church-societies , the election and ordination of ministers , and exercises of church-discipline . now profession and prayer are such duties as flow from that natural relation which is between god the creator and the creature , and were owing unto god without any special institution . thirdly , you say , that the last kinde of ordinances are essential to officials , an improper , yea false assertion , unlesse you mean no more then what you said elswhere , that they appertain to officers : for nothing is essential to a church-officer , or any other thing , but the matter and form thereof , which doth constitute them . the matter of an officer are gifts enabling him to perform it ; the form an orderly putting him into that office by such as have authority , and giving him a right to execute it . the exercise of some thing may properly and onely belong to officers ( as preaching the word and administring the sacraments to pastors and teachers rightly called ) which yet are not essential to them . nothing can subsist or have a being in nature wanting its essentials . a pastor or teacher may be such an one in office , and yet letted by sicknesse or some other wayes , that for many weeks together he neither preach nor administer the sacraments . fourthly , it is not truly said , that some ordinances are more immediately founded in our union with christ . for no ordinances can be said to be founded on our union with christ . such things onely can rightly be said to be founded on that union , which as the proper fruit and effects thereof do flow from it to our salvation ; as calling , justification , sanctification , &c. it may be granted , that an holy right to these ordinances , and the blessed fruit of them comes and proceeds from our union with christ , but not the ordinances themselves , of which many partake which have not , nor ever shall have union with christ . indeed they tend either to bring men to that blessed union , or to nourish and stablish them in it : to which purpose in their place serve those latter kinde of ordinances , yea excommunication it self , which is specially ordained for the good of the elect to heal and recover them if they fall scandalously , by cutting them off , to the end they may repent and be restored , or to prevent their infection by putting scandalous and infectious persons out of their society . but for the foundation of these and all ordinances , it is in the institution of our lord jesus christ , consisting partly in a command for the use of them , and partly in the promise of a blessing on the right use of them , as for teaching and baptism is to be seen , matth. . , . and for the lords supper , cor. . . fifthly , it may be granted you , that these ordinances are some way founded on the covenant of grace , if by founded you onely mean , that they are some effects of it . for as god by that covenant doth oblige himself to give grace and salvation to his elect : so by consequence to provide for them all means outward and inward , that should conduce to make them partakers of the covenant and benefits of it , causing them to imbrace it , and stablishing them in it . but then this is not a thing peculiar to the first kinde of ordinances , but belongs also to the latter , which have their use both in admitting men into fellowship with christ and his church , and maintaining them in it . sixthly , you grant , that these first ordinances have never been lost , but continued all the time of the apostasie . but what doth this grant avail for any benefit to gods people all that while , or now ; when you did before affirm , that they are but dead ordinances , and have not the spirit breathing in , or by them , nor shall have , untill the brightnesse of christs coming ? seventhly , how doth it appear that those latter ordinances have been lost , as you seem to imply , during the apostasie , more then the former ? . the use of them was held up all that while in the antichristian church , where was ordination , excommunication , absolution , &c. and that as ordinances of christ , as well as teaching , baptism , the lords supper , &c. and since the reformation have more or lesse been taken up , and used in the reformed churches . . to that you say , they were not alwayes rightly used , nor alway in right hands : i answer , that if that abolish them , upon the same grounds those former ordinances may as well be said to have been lost , as having been in many things corrupted and usurped by those who had little right to meddle with them . . what reasons soever are , or can be alledged for the continuance of the first sort , are as strong for the continuance of this latter kinde , . there is for these christs institution as well as for those . . they were instituted not only for a time , but to be continued untill the last day , ephes. ● ▪ , , . in the verse there is the institution of an ecclesiastical and official ministry distinct one from another , as some to be such , and others to be such , so that they that were apostles , evangelists , &c. were not properly pastors nor teachers , nor they which were properly pastors and teachers , were not apostles nor prophets , &c. if they were all the same in office and power , what should need such an enumeration of so many kindes distinct one from the other ? verse . is specified the end for which they were given , namely the perfect knitting together of the saints , the work of the ministry , the edification of the body of christ . if that then during the apostasie christ had any saints among men to be joyned together , any work of the ministry to be done , any mystical body to be edified ( as doubtlesse he had ) all these things were to be performed by the officiall ministry which christ gave for that end . but these things could not be all that while performed by apostles , prophets , evangelists , and therefore were done by other officials , pastors and teachers , which christ gave for that end , and in some sort continued all those corrupt times . in the . verse is set down how long this ministry was to continue , even untill we all meet in the unity of the faith , and attain to a perfect man in christ , which will not be until the last day of the restoring and consummation of all things , cor. . , . now if christ did ordain such a ministry , and for such a time , he hath surely for the substance maintained and continued it hitherto , and so will to the end . and if he have not , or shall not do so , it is either for want of power in him to do it , or of love and care for his churches good : either of which to charge upon christ were sinfull . and if this continuance have not been in a successive order of apostles , prophets and evangelists ( which long ago have ceased ) it hath been continued in an official ministry of pastors and teachers , such as christ first gave and ordained . . there is a solemn commandment for the exercise and keeping up of discipline untill the coming of christ , tim. . , . there is a streight charge laid upon timethy to keep that course of discipline which he had prescribed him in that epistle , vntill the appearing of christ , now this command cannot concern timothy onely , who was not to survive so long , or to that day : but belongeth to the ministers and church-officers , who in after times were to succeed him in the care and rule of the church . and if pray continually which you alledge from thess. . . to prove that prayer as a church-ordinance hath been alway continued , it being but a command for the continual use of it , and that rather of private prayer by christians in their common course of life , then of publick in church-assemblies , be valid enough to prove your purpose : this command of paul unto timothy for the exercise of discipline by him , prescribed to be continued unto christs coming , doth necessarily prove the continuance of it in the church . lastly , what you alledge out of matth. . , . for the perp tuity of teaching and baptism , makes as much for the like continued use of discipline . for as the apostles there are bid to teach and baptize : so likewise are they commanded to teach the nations , to observe all things that he had commanded . among which the exercise of discipline was certainly one : for the maintenance of which , his promise is to be present with his ministers to the end of the world , as well as for the continuance of the other ordinances . now there are many other scriptures which you point at for proof of this and your other points , touching which i wish that you had shewed how the scriptures pointed at conclude your points . for my logick doth not suffice to conclude the one from the other . eighthly , there ensue some reasons ( as i conceive ) of them , why this second sort of ordinances are lost : first , this key of discipline was wholly resolved into the pope ; i take it that you mean , that it was wholly seised on by the pope , and no discipline was exercised but under and from him . answ. so was it with teaching , baptism and the lords supper , and other ordinances you speak of , they were so got into the popes hands , that they were administred and managed by none but those that were authorized by the pope , or by such as under him did conferre authority for the same : and if that did not null or abolish teaching , baptism , &c. why should it null or abolish discipline , or any part thereof , though ingrossed by the pope , and abused by him . it was the policy of satan and that great impostour under him ( the pope ) to seise into his hands all the ordinances of christ , that by the shew and pretence of them he might get the credit of religion , and upholding the christian faith , and so the more closely and effectually deceive the christian world , which he could not have done if he had wholly rejected and abolished them , and set up onely his own superstitions and inventions in the room of them : christs ordinances may and do still remain christs ordinances for matter and substance , though in wrong hands and abused : as the great seale of the kingdome is still the right and true seale , though in the hands of an usurping lord keeper , and imployed to wrongfull ends . obj. but the pope had another key given him , and other officers , as locusts , revel. . answ. let it be so , that another key was given to the pope , viz. when he claimed to be an universal bishop , christs vicar , and the head of the church under him , and so usurped an illimitted power in businesses secular and spiritual , and that he had with all other officers called locusts , viz. monks , friars , priests , abbats , cardinals , and the whole popish clergy ; yet with all subtilty he did retain the key of christs discipline in ordination , excommunication , suspension , &c. and made use of it to promote his own kingdom , yea and had for substance some of the officers ordained by christ , such as were preachers and administrers of holy things in particular congregations though under other names , as parsons and vicars , and not , without some corruption in their admission and administration . notwithstanding as amongst all the corruptions under popery , baptism for the substance remained true and right , in as much as such as were baptized , were baptized in the name of the father , sonne and holy ghost , according to the form by christ appointed . neither have any taught or affirmed , that baptism under popery was or is null , and to be repealed ; so for the substance , a true and right ministry might be , and was there found , viz. such a one , as by which men were called and set aside to preach the word , and minister the holy things of god . object . there was no other face of officials among papists , but of these locusts in luthers time , who himself was a monk . answ. there was among papists in and before luthers time , officials ( as you stile them ) which are not to be reckoned among these locusts , but such as the holy ghost in the apocalyps doth honour and account of , as true and worthy ministers of christ , though what outward calling they had , was from popish bishops and presbyters , and themselves were monks and friars , or of some such popish order . it cannot be denied , that many of those which during the apostasie for twelve hundred and sixty years , did stand up by writing and preaching to witnesse truth against popery , were bishops , priests , monks or friars , as in our england , bishop grosted , john wickliff a priest ; in other countreys taulerus a preacher , john hus and jerom of prague priests , savaralona a monk , and one sylvester a friar , with many other the like . all which notwithstanding that their ordination was according to the times from popish bishops , and their order superstitious , yet the holy ghost doth reckon of them as christs faithfull witnesses , and so his true and lawfull ministers , and not any of those locusts which came out of the smoke of the bottomlesse pit ; so chap ● ▪ , , . there are three angels which in course follow one another preaching the gospel , and declaiming against babylon and the beast : who are these now ? not proper angels coming from heaven , but rather according to the currant of interpreters , a series and rank of ministers , which were raised up by the lord , by their preaching to make way for the ruine of the pope , and restoring the church , such as by some learned men are named in particular , viz. ockam , john of gaunt , dantes , our john wickliff , john hus , jerom of prague , luther , men that lived in the church of rome , had their external calling from that church , were of some of their popish orders , and yet are acknowledged to be angels , as well as those of the seven churches of asia , that is true ministers of christ , raised , sent , and authorized by him . it doth not then derogate from the truth of an official ministry , if he be a sound preacher of the gospel , that a man hath been ordained thereunto by a bishop popish , not only in regard of the office , but in doctrine also ; but this acknowledgment of such for angels doth approve such ordination good for substance ; though in some things it be corrupt and defective , as before i said of baptizing . it is then a frivolous cavil , and which by this sentence of the holy ghost is put to silence , that men make against our english ministers as antichristian , because ordained by bishops , when such so ordained are called angels , and their ordination is conferted on them by bishops which were sound in the profession of the gospel , presbyters and preachers of the gospel , and in the worke did joyne other presbyters with them . object . but the visible church it self failed , which is the foundation of these officials and latter ordinances , and so these must needs fail . answ. this is somewhat indeed : nay so much as will carry the cause if it be made good . it is not true , as is before shewed , that the visible church is the foundation of these officials or latter ordinances ; but christs institution and promise : but the visible church is invested with a power and right to use them , and that onely , and not any other civil or heretical society , and for the churches good and service , they were by christ appointed ; so that if there were in those times of the apostasie , no visible church , it may be granted that they failed since there was no church which had power to use them , or for whose service they were to be used : but me thinks for you to say , that the visible church hath failed , is much one as if you should affirm , that the pillars of the earth were broken down and overthrown . for the visible church standeth on as firm a foundation , as they , that is , gods ordinance , power and faithfulness . concerning which point , by a visible church may be meant a company of christians with their seed joyned together in one place , and setled in a right and compleat order for the worship of god , and exercise of all gods ordinances . now that there hath been such a visible church all along the apostasie in any one place , or in many places successively , cannot , i think , easily be shewed , nor is it needfull for this matter to be proved . next , by a visible church may be meant a company of persons professing the true religion , abstaining from false worship , and worshipping god in a pure way , though for the most dispersed in sundry places and meetings for gods worship , but in small companies : such a church of god certainly hath been and shall be perpetual ; such a church of god there was in israel under their great apostasie , viz. a company that did not bow the knee to baal , king. . . and did in solemn times meet for the main parts of gods worship , as hearing of his word and prayer , kings . . though not for sacrifice , which ordinarily was onely to be offered at the temple . such a one was there under the babylonish captivity , in which state the jews could not assemble , as in their own land to the temple , to perform all gods service , but as they were scattered into several cities and towns , could onely where they were , make open profession of their religion , and in smaller companies meet together for the word and prayer , and such main parts of gods worship . and such a one also hath continued under the popish defection . to speak to which point somewhat more largely , i affirm , first , that there never was , nor ever will be an utter failing of christs visible church . it is prophesied of christ , that he shall sit upon the throne of david , and his kingdom , to order and stablish it with judgement and iustice , from henceforth even for ever , isa. . and what is this throne and kingdome of david , but christs visible church , in which christ is to sit and reign visibly , as david did in his kingdom , and that for ever ? it is written , dan. . , that the god of heaven should set up a kingdom which should never be destroyed : and what can this be meant of , but of gods visible church , set up in the view of the world , as those earthly kingdoms were , which it should break and destroy , but it self stand for ever ; but if this church have at any time wholly failed , it hath not stood , nor doth stand for ever , but hath been destroyed . . christ is set up by god his father with power , and a command given him , to rule in the midst of his enemies , psal. . . which how should he do , if his enemies should so farre prevail , as to abolish his visible church in which he is to reign ? besides , these are relatives , and depend one upon another , a king and kingdom , an head and body , husband and spouse . and what is christs kingdom , body , spouse here in the world ( as we have afore-said ) but his visible church ? so that it failing , christ should cease to be a king , head or husband in the view of men , or be a king without a kingdome , a head without a body , an husband without a wife , or as it were a forlorn widower . lastly , christ is the same yesterday , to day , and so for ever , heb. . . as therefore of old he hath had a visible church , so ought he to have in these latter times , now and for ever . if at any time he were , or be without it , he is not the same , but undergoeth a notable alteration in respect of this estate and relation . it will not salve the matter to say , that his invisible church never failed ; and so that his kingdom , headship , &c. did and doth ever continue , for they are visible things , whereby the relation between him and his church are deciphered , and so in all reason point out the visible state of the church . . the church invisible as so , is unknown and wholly unseen to men , and christs invisible rule and government over them , cannot by men be discerned . and what honour were this then to christ in the world to rule only invisibly , of which men can take no knowledge . . wheresoever christ hath an invisible church , there will a visible church appear ; for where true faith is , it will not be hid , but manifest it self to the world by open profession , and so those that are members of the invisible church will become visible to the world . secondly , i affirm , that christs visible church never wholly failed under antichrists apostacy . it was sometimes lesse for the territories it occupied , then at some other time , sometime more hid and lesse conspicuous for its shew unto the world , but it was ever extant , and so extant that it appeared unto men both in particular members , and in companies belonging thereto , by their profession of the true faith , witnessing against errours , worshipping god and suffering for the gospel , though not so acknowledged by the antichristian rabble . . there were two witnesses of christ all the time of antichrists reign . revel . . and what were they but a company of preachers and professors , which all that time successively witnessed for christs truth against popery ? whose profession as it was open and manifest ; so did it declare to the world , that christ had a company which professed his truth , and that they did belong thereunto . . there were saints so manifesting themselves by life and profession , so discovered by the beast and whore by their opposition which they made to their wayes , against which the beast made warre , and overcame them , revel. . . and with whose bloud the whore was drunken , revel. . . yet so that all christs saints were not destroyed , but some being slain , others arose in their rooms , or continued other where so still to uphold the profession of the gospel . now where visible saints are ( as we do see here were under antichrist ) that professe true religion and worship ; there is a visible church . . there was by s. john during the apostasie seen on mount sion with the lamb a hundred fourty four thousand , revel , . . whose description is such , as sheweth that christ in them , during that time , had a visible church . for , . they had their fathers , i. e. gods name written in their fore heads , vers. . that is , they made open profession of his true religion . . they did exercise themselves in singing before the throne , the elders and the beasts , vers. . and what is that but that they worshipped god together in holy assemblies ? . they were not desiled with women , ver. . but were virgins , that is , they kept themselves from being polluted with the spirituall whoredom , i mean , the idolatry of the times : and now tell me , are not such companies as openly professe true religion , worship god in holy meetings , and preserve themselves from common idolatry , visible churches ? what else can you make of them ? surely they are neither synagogues of satan , nor confusions of babylon . lastly , there was a temple during the time of the apostasie , in which also there was a company that did worship , revel. . . and what was this but the true church of christ , and the same visible : for it was measured : now measurement is of things visible , not invisible . again , while the apostasie lasted , saint john saw a temple in which angels were conversant , and with them ( no doubt ) other worshippers , revel . , , . yea he saw this temple opened , chap. . . in heaven before the seven last plagues were fulfilled : it seems that for the greatest part of the apostasie this temple was somewhat secret and hidden , yet not so , but that it was visible also in some that worshipped in it , and some open professors of the gospel . but withall it became more open and manifestly visible upon the reformation which was made by those worthy and godly ministers , whom god raised some hundred years ago , and so hath been ever since more visible and conspicuous : so far is it from being utterly lost and extinct . object . but all this while onely asealed elect number remained , rev. . , &c. & . . answ. if you mean that there were none that made any visible profession of true religion , but those sealed ones ; you say that beside the book and without proof . for those sealed ones were ( as you truly say ) elect and saved ones . now in all ages many more have made profession of religion then the elect of god , many are called few are chosen , matth. . . and so here it is clear , that during the time especially at the beginning of the defection , as in jerusalem , ezek. . besides the godly mourners which were marked in the fore-head , there were sundry that made profession of the jewish religion , and were visible members , though not living members of the church : so during this apostasie , beside these sealed ones there were many that did professe the christian religion aright for the substance , and helpe to make up a visible church . secondly , if there were none else , yet that doth not prove , that the visible church did utterly fail . for even out of that number visible churches in sundry places , and several ages , in which successively they lived , might well be , and were constituted , as which were a company sealed in the fore-head , and making open profession of christ and his gospel in the places where , and in the ages when they lived : two things are about them to be taken notice of ; . that they were a sealed number , which doth import thus much , that in that great defection in which the greatest part of men perished eternally by wondering after , and worshipping the beast , yet there was a chosen number that were saved , that is , these sealed ones , and none but they , though there were many besides them which made visible profession of the gospel . . that they were sealed in the fore-head , which shews , that while the whole earth almost did worship the beast , yet there was a great number in those times that did not defile themselves with that idolatry , but did openly maintain and professe the true faith of christ and worship of god ; among which was found a visible church . for a conclusion you adde , that these latter ordinances have a being in the scripture , and in the minde and desire of the faithfull , and that you carry them along with you , as the israelites did of old the vessels of the lord ▪ but that you dare not officiate with them , as being in the territories of babylon , untill you be past euphrates . answ. what ordinances are instituted and commanded in scripture ( as you say they are , for how else have they a being there but by institution and command ? ) gods people are bound to practise them in all times and places , unlesse by some external violence of persecution , or so , they be letted . they must observe all things which christ hath commanded , matth. . . it will not then serve your turn , that you carry them along with you in your minde and desire , unlesse you officiate with them , as you phrase it . nor will the example of the israelites help here , who used not the vessels of the lord for any holy service while they were in the way to sion . of which the reason is very plain ; for their use was confined to a certain place , viz. the temple at jerusalem , and might not elsewhere be used . but so are not any gospel-ordinances , with which god may now be worshipped in any place , john . , . and if you purpose to forbear the use of them , untill you be past euphrates , i would gladly learn from you , what this euphrates is : how farre from it , or near to it we be . as irenaeus above , said of prophecies not fulfilled , that they are dark , and so doubtfull riddles unto men : so about this , as not accomplished in your own judgement , i finde interpreters so to vary , that i know not where to fix my foot . presume not too much of your own insight into such mystical prophecies above other godly and learned men , but whatsoever your conceit be of it , count it but as a conjecture , and be content with us in sobriety and humility to wait untill the lord shall accomplish it , and by a clear event reveal to us the meaning of it . and thus having said somewhat to most of your new conceits , i should here have ended , but that there cometh to minde , an argument of some weight , with the particulars of it , much making against your new way , which i desire to profer to your consideration . it is thus , what way or opinion is contrary to any of the ten commandments , any petition of the lords-prayer , any commanded duty , and to the furtherance of mens salvation , cannot be of christ , but may justly be deemed antichristian . such is this of yours , which denies the setting up of visible churches in right order , official ministry , and calling thereunto , and the exercise of discipline : and therefore it cannot be of god , but a spirit of antichrist is in it . to make good the minor , of which onely the doubt can be ; it is , first , contrary to the second commandment , as the negative of that commandment doth forbid unto men all false and devised means of gods worship , so the affirmative , according to the received rule of interpreting the commandments , doth command to us the use of all means of worship appointed by the lord . now the lord hath appointed for that purpose two sorts of means , the one more principall , as directly tending to the exercise and nourishing of faith , hope and love , viz. preaching the word , administration of sacraments , publick prayer . the other lesse principall , as conducing to the right use of the former , and tending to gods worship , as their proper end : such are church-societies , official-ministry , and a due calling to it , exercise of discipline , which that commandment doth enjoyn as well as the former , and which cannot be wittingly and commonly omitted without breach of it . secondly , it is against the fourth commandment , which , as it commandeth the sanctifying of the sabbath , so according to the right interpreting of the commandments doth it withall prescribe and enjoyn the use of all means that are profitable to the better sanctifying of it . and who can deny , who is not wilfully wedded to his self-conceit , that gathering and ordering churches in distinct societies , and an official ministery rightly called doth much avail hereunto , and that the lords-day is much better sanctified in such societies , and such a ministry , then in confused assemblies that are without order , and without any orderly ministry ? now the ten commandments are moral , perpetual and binde alwayes . secondly , it is against the two first petitions of the lords prayer , wherein we are taught to pray , that gods name may be hallowed , secondly , that his kingdom may come . now what we ought to pray for , it is our duty to pursue the promoting of it by all gods means ; for to pray for this or that , and not to apply our selves to the use of all good means to obtain or promote it , is to dally with god and to mock him : now the setting up of visible churches ▪ of an orderly ministery and discipline , doe serve very much to the sanctifying of gods name , and promoting his kingdom , for they are gods ordinances , in appointing which his soveraign power , wisdom and goodnesse are set forth . secondly , particularly in and by a visible church his worship is upheld among men , his religion is professed , and the doctrine of the gospel published . it is therefore called , the pillar of truth , tim. . . in and by an orderly ministery , the due honour and authority of that calling is maintained , gods holy things are ministred with the more assurance of gods acceptation , and hope of his blessing of them . by discipline scandals are prevented or healed , and licentious living much restrained . to deny therefore these things , as unseasonable , and so now unlawfull , is to hinder the sanctifying of gods name , and advancing of his kingdome . thirdly , it is against the commandment of christ , concerning scandals , which all christians are bound to doe their endeavour to prevent or take away , and for which discipline by christ is ordained the speciall remedy , which since you oppose , what doe you but set your selfe against this command of christ , and open a gate for sinnefull liberty in erroneous doctrine , and loosenesse of conversation ? lastly , it is prejudicial to mans salvation , which no rational man can or will deny , must needs be better furthered in a setled society of saints , under a constant ministery and due exercise of discipline , then where none of these are : but either an utter rejection of them , or confusion in them . and thus you have my notions touching your new revelations , for which i have made you long to wait . if you impute it to my dulnesse or sluggishnesse , i will not deny it . i am , i confesse , a man but of a dull apprehension , and slow motion : but i can more truely ascribe it to my late domestick troubles and sicknesse , which i did slowly recover , and to my want of time , who have but by-times for such studies , my greatest time being taken up with my school : and to my pains which i have been fain to take in writing out more then one copy . now for conclusion , i will onely adde a saying which saint augustine used unto one with whom he had debated some controversie , by writing , vbiparit●r haesitas nobiscum , quaeras nobiscum , ubi pariter certus es nobiscum , pergas nobiscum , ubi tuum errorem cognoveris , redeas ad nos ; ubi nostrum , revoces nos . where you are in some doubt with us , enquire with us ; where you are alike certain with us , go on with us ; where you shall perceive your errour , return to us ; where ours , recall us . and thus hoping that you will not take that with the left hand of mis-interpretation , which i reach unto you with the right of good affection , i rest your truly loving and much well-wishing friend in the lord john elmestone . a postscript . what place of the apocalyps i have before but touched upon , i think meet again to propound for further consideration ; it is chap. . . there john saw a sea of glasse mingled with fire , and multitudes standing by it , which had gotten the victory over the beast , and over his image , and over his mark , and over the number of his name , having harps of god , and singing the song of moses , and of the lamb . now i desire to know , who these can be but the reformed ministers and people that at the first reformation ( for john saw them before the vials began to be poured out ) renounced the pope and popery , and set up the pure worship of god , and sound doctrine of the gospel , meant by the sea of glasse there mentioned . if this be so ( as surely it is ) i ask , . how those reformed churches then , or ours in these times which are more reformed , or their ministery can be affirmed to be bestial and antichristian , when the holy ghost doth testifie for them , that they had gotten the victory over the beast , his image , mark , and the very number of his name ? . whether it be not a slander partly coming from ignorance , partly from malice , to brand the ordination of our ministers , though by bishops , much more when done by preaching presbyters , as now is in use with fasting and prayer , as a mark of the beast , when it is so plainly said , that all they , i. e. ministers as well as people had got the victory over the mark of the beast in expresse terms ? . whether the reformed churches which got such a victory over all these , yea even the number of the beast his name , have not cast off their babylonish garments . for what remains of that garment where the beast , his image , mark and number of his name are cashiered ? . whether it be not a perverse practice to reject singing of psalms in church-meetings for gods service , whenas that company which was with the lamb on mount sion , revel. . . and this by the sea of glasse , verse . are praised for giving this worship to the lord ? lastly , there are some passages in your letter seem to have slipped from you at unwares , as , that teaching and baptisme was everlasting , that prayer was alwayes , that you are in a return from babylon , and yet are within the territories of babylon ; a speech which i cannot handsomly reconcile , being meant of a spiritual departure from her . vive , vale ; siquid novisti rectius istis , candidus imperti ; sinon , his utere mecum . live and farewell ; if any thing you know righter then these , friendly do them bestow on me i pray ▪ if not , then lo with me make use of these , which to you offer'd be . a postscript . reader , i would have thee know that m. henden hath sent me an answer unto this my last here printed , large enough in words , if as solid in truth , to the which i have begun some reply , and the lord affording me strength and life mean to go thorow with it . but in this businesse it much increaseth my labour , that he hath sent to me a copy , in many places so closely written , so often interlined , and much blotted , that in such places mine eyes thorow age being dim , i cannot make out his full sense and meaning . i moved himtherefore by letter , either for a fairer copie , on to print it , as sometimes i was told was his intent . to this request made a moneth since , i can have no sair answer , but what uncertain report brings me , that i must content my self with that copy , as being not like to have any other from him : this then is one main cause of my publishing these for●er passages between us , that i may provoke m. henden in like sort to publish his last writing , that the christian world may the better know the whole mystery of his new way , and i may have a more plain copy to inform my self , and ground to proceed on in my intended answer . this is all , and so i commend all to their impartial scanning by the word of truth . j. e. finis . the printer to the reader . courteom reader , thou art desired to take notice that there are lately come out partly concerning the same subject , viz. , a learned and full answer to a treatise , entituled , the vanity of childish baptism ; wherein the several arguments brought to overthrow the lawfulnesse of infants-baptism , together with the answers to those arguments maintaining its lawfulnesse are duly examined , as also the question concerning the necessity of dipping in baptism is fully discussed . by w. cook minister of the word of god at wroxal in warwickshire . . vindiciae redemptienis in the fanning and sifting of sam. oats , his exposition upon mat. . . with a faithfull search after our lords meaning in his two parables of the treasure and the pearl , endeavoured in several sermons upon mat. . , . by john stalham pastor of the church at terling in essex . . the summe of a conference at terling in essex , held between three ministers john stalham , john newton , enoch gray , of terling , of little . baddo , of wickam , opponents pleading for infant-baptism , and two cata-baptists timotheus bat physician , thomas lamb sope-boiler of london respondents , denying infants-baptism . john geree's sifters sieve broken , or a reply to d. boughers sisting my case of conscience touching the kings coronation oath . two books of his in defence of infants-baptism in answer to m. tombs objections , &c. ● . m. nehemiah rogers a learned and reverend divine now of new england , discovering the cause of gods continuing his wrath against this nation . all to be sold at the crane in pauls church-yard . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- see john hollands paper of the ranters . * pardon the simile , the man is unlike . ovid . meta. . notes for div a e- * this in mr henden was quoted isa. . for . which errour i not finding out , said nothing in this writing to that place . an enquiry into the constitution, discipline, unity & worship of the primitive church that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages / by an impartial hand. king, peter king, lord, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing k estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an enquiry into the constitution, discipline, unity & worship of the primitive church that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages / by an impartial hand. king, peter king, lord, - . v. printed for jonathan robinson ... and john wyat ..., london : . attributed to lord peter king. cf. bm. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- history -- early church, ca. - . church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity & worship , of the primitive church , that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ . faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages . by an impartial hand . london , printed for jonathan robinson at the golden lion , and john wyat at the rose in st. paul's church-yard , . the preface to the reader . the design of the following treatise is in general to represent the constitution , discipline , vnity and worship of the primitive church , that flourish'd within the first three hundred years after christ ; but more particularly and especially to describe their opinions and practices , with respect to those things that are now unhappily controverted between those of these kingdoms , who are commonly known by the names of church of england-men , presbyterians , independents and anabaptists ; for which reason it comes to pass , that to those points , concerning which there is no difference amongst us , i have not spoken so largely as otherwise i might have done ; and some other customs of theirs i have not mentioned at all , because now neglected and disused by us . what i have written as to this subject , i have wholly collected out of the genuine and unquestionably authentick writings of those ages , that are now extant , making use of no other writings whatsoever , except the ecclesiastical history of eusebius , which was writ in the beginning of the fourth age , and relates only those affairs that were transacted in the three former , beyond the period of which time this enquiry doth not reach ; but is wholly limited thereby , and confined thereunto . that which hath been thus collected , has been done , i hope , with the greatest impartiality and fidelity , without any prepossession of mind , or any fraudulent dealing whatsoever , which the reader may the sooner believe , and the easier be convinced of , since for the clearer demonstration of my faithfulness and vnprejudicedness herein , i have taken care to print in the margent the original words of all the passages that i have cited , at least of all that are necessary , together with the very pages whence i fetch'd them , that so the reader turning to the pages mentioned in those editions that i use , ( which editions i shall set down at the end of this preface ) and finding it according to my quotations , may the more readily be perswaded , that throughout this whole tract i have been every way honest and unbyass'd . and as i have faithfully and impartially collected these observations , so i have as modestly and unconcernedly represented them , avoiding all words or speeches that might seem to carry the least sharpness or reflection in them , and have as nakedly expressed them , declining all affected or pompous expressions , contenting my self with those terms , that most naturally serve to render the truth more perspicuous and evident , according to the observation of clemens alexandrinus , * he that would deliver the truth , ought not studiously to affect an elegancy of expression , but only to use such words , whereby he may render what he means intelligible . whether all , or some , or none of the following primitive customs may be changed by the civil magistrate , or by a convocational assembly , i pretend not here to handle ; my design at present is only to search into matter of fact , to find out what were the vsages of the ancient church within the first three hundred years after christ ; for , as was said before , no lower do i intend to go , which after the most impartial and serious enquiry , i find to be according to the ensuing treatise , in the penning whereof i have avoided all prolixity and tediousness , and for that end omitting to answer several objections , that i know may be made against several things which i have here asserted , mine intention being briefly and perspicuously to prove what i judge to be the true practice of the primitive church , as to those points now disputed by us . as for the occasion of my publishing this treatise , it cannot be imagined to proceed from a spirit of vanity or ambition , since i so far conceal my name , as that even my bookseller knows not who i am ; much less , i hope , will it be construed by any , to proceed from a spirit of contention and animosity , from an ill design to foment and increase our present feuds and divisions ; since i assure the whole world , our unnatural quarrels do so much afflict and trouble me , as that i would sacrifice not only this book , but also all that i either am or have , if thereby i might be an happy instrument to compose and heal them . but amongst other reasons , these two were the chiefest that swayed me hereunto , to inform others , and , to inform my self : to inform others what the practices of the primitive apostolick churches were , if any shall be inquisitive and desirous to know them ; or , if i am mistaken , ( as who is without his errors ? ) to be better informed my self , which , i must needs confess , was that which i chiefly designed in the publication hereof ; wherefore without any ostentation or challenging , but unfeignedly and sincerely to prevent mistakes in my younger years , i humbly desire , ( if the request be not too bold ) and shall heartily thank any learned person , that will be so kind as to inform me , if he knows me to have erred in any one , or more particulars , which he may do , either publickly , or if he thinks fit , privately , by letter to my bookseller , who will convey it safely to my hands ; and if any one that finds me deceived in any one or more points , will favour me so far , as to undertake such a trouble , i should desire these few things of him , that he would be pleased , as i have done , to use only those writings that were composed within my prescribed time , and if possible , the same editions , and not only to form objections against what i have written , but also to answer , or rather to give me another sense of those passages which i have cited , and then i promise , if my mistakes are fairly shewn , i will not pertinaciously and obstinately defend them , but most willingly and thankfully renounce them , since my design is not to defend a party , but to search out the truth . i have but one thing more to add in this preface , and that is , that when i first resolved on the printing of this treatise , i designed to have published my observations on the fourth general head propounded in the title page to be enquired into , viz. the worship of the primitive church , as well as now i have done those on the three former , but for some reasons i have reserved this for a particular tract by its self , which probably , though i do not absolutely promise it , may in a little time more be also published ; and that the rather , because in this part i have made two or three references thereunto , which i thought good to acquaint the reader with , that so if he cannot find some things that i have referred to in this treatise , he may be assured they are to be met with in the ensuing one . the primitive authors mentioned in this treatise , together with those editions that i have made use of , are as follow . s. ignatii epistolae graeco-latin . quarto , edit . isaci vossii . amstelodam . . s. barnabae epistola catholica , edit . ad calcem s. ignatii , quarto . amstelodam . . s. clementis romani epistolae graeco-latin . quaerto edit . patricii junii . oxonii , . s. irenaei opera , folio . edit . nic. galasii . genevae , . s. justini martyris opera graeco-latin . folio . coloniae , . epistola plinii secundi trojano imperatori de christianis in fronte operum justin. martyr . colon. . clementis alexandrini opera , folio edit . heinsii . lugdun . batav . . tertulliani opera , folio edit . paris . . novatiani de trinitate & de cibis judaicis inter opera tertulliani . edit . paris . . cypriani opera , folio . edit . sim. goulart . apud johan . le preux . . vita cypriani per pontium ejus diaconum . in fronte oper. cyprian . edit . goulart . . fragmentum victorini petavionensis de fabrica mundi , pag. , . histor. literar . dr. s. cave , edit . folio . londini , . minucii felices octavius edit . ad calcem tertullian . apolog. per desiderium heraldum . quarto . paris . . origenis commentaria omnia quae graece reperiuntur , edit . de huetii . vol. folio . rothomagi . . originis contra celsum , libri octo , & ejusdem philocalia graeco-latin . edit quarto , per gulielm . spencer . cantabrigiae , . originis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seu , de oratione . graeco-latin . octavo . oxonii . . as for those other works of origen which are extant only in latin , i have made no use at all of those of ruffin's translation , except his creed , since in them we know not which we read , whether origen or ruffin ; and as for those which were translated by more faithful hands , i have used the editions of merlin or erasmus , without nominating the page . eusebii pamphili ecclesiastica historia graeco-latin . folio . edit . henric. vales. paris . . i have read only the seven first books of eusebius's history , because the three others go beyond my limited time. as for the writings of s. gregory of neocaesarea , they are but few , and from thence i have taken nothing but his creed , so that there is no need to mention any edition of his works . the same i may say also of the short epistle of polycarp , which i have cited but once , and therein have used the version of dr. cave , extant in his apostolici , pag. . there are vet some other fathers whose remaining tracts i have read , as theophilus antiochenus , athenagoras , &c. who are not cited in this 〈◊〉 , because i have found nothing in them 〈◊〉 to my design . an enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity , and worship , of the primitive church . chap. i. § . . the various significations of the word church . § . . a particular church the chief subject of the ensuing discourse : the constituent parts thereof , two-fold , viz. clergy and laity . § . . each of these had their particular functions , and both their joint offices : three things on which a great part of the following discourse depends , proposed to be handled , viz. the peculiar acts of the clergy , the peculiar acts of the laity , and the joint acts of them both . § . . the peculiar acts of the clergy propounded to be discussed according to their several orders : first , of the bishops : a view of the world as it was in a state of heathenism , at the first preaching of christianity , necessary to be consider'd : where the apostles planted churches , they appointed the first converts to be bishops thereof . § . . but one bishop in a church : the orthodoxness of the faith proved from the succession of the bishops : the titles and relation of the bishop to his flock . § . . that we may give the more clear and distinct answer to this important query , it is necessary , that we first examin the primitive notion of the word church , upon the due apprehension of which depends the right understanding of a great part of our following discourse . this word , church , as in our modern acceptation , so also in the writings of the fathers , is equivocal , having different significations according to the different subjects to which it is applyed . i shall not here concern my self about the derivation of the word , or its original use amongst the heathens , from whom it was translated into the christian church ; but only take notice of its various uses amongst the ancient christians , which were many , as , . it is very often to be understood of the church vniversal , that is , of all those , who throughout the face of the whole earth professed faith in christ , and acknowledged him to be the saviour of mankind . this irenaeus calls , the church dispersed thro' the whole world to the ends of the earth , and the church scattered in the whole world. and origen calls it , the church of god under heaven . this is that which they called the catholick church , for catholick signifies the same as vniversal . thus polycarp when he was seized by his murderers , prayed for the catholick church throughout the world. and in this sense dionysius alexandrinus calls the persecuting emperour macrianus , a warrior against the catholick church of god. ii. the word church is frequently to be understood of a particular church , that is , of a company of believers , who at one time , in one and the same place , did associate themselves together , and concur in the participation of all the institutions and ordinances of jesus christ with their proper pastors and ministers . thus irenaeus mentions that church which is in any place . and so dionysius alexandrinus writes , that when he was banished to cephro in lybia , there came so many christians unto him , that even there he had a church . tertullian thinks that , three were sufficient to make a church . in this sense we must understand , the church of rome , the church of smyrna , the church of antioch , the church of athens , the church of alexandria , or the church in any other such place whatsoever , that is , a congregation of christians assembling all together for religious exercises at rome , antioch , smirna , athens , alexandria , or such like places . iii. the word church is sometimes used for the place , where a particular church or congregation met for the celebration of divine service . thus paulus samosatenus the heretical bishop of antioch ordered certain women to stand in the middle of the church , and fing psalms in his praise . so clemens alexandrinui adviseth , that men and women should with all modesty and humility enter into the church . so the clergy of the church of rome in their letter to cyprian , concerning the restitution of the lapsed , give as their advice , that they should only come to the threshold of the church-door , but not go over it . and in this sense is the word frequently to be understood in tertullian , origen , and others , to recite whose testimonies at large would be both tedious and needless . iv. i find the word church once used by cyprian for a collection of many particular churches , who mentions in the singular number , the church of god in africa and numidia . else i do not remember , that ever i met with it in this sense , in any writings either of this , or the rest of the fathers ; but whenever they would speak of the christians in any kingdom or province , they always said in the plural , the churches , never in the singular , the church of such a kingdom or province . thus dyonisius alexandrinus doth not say the church , but the churches of cilicia . and so irenaeus mentions , the churches that were in germany , spain , france , the east , egypt and lybia . so also tertullian speaks of the churches of asia and phrygia , and the churches of greece . and so of every country they always express the churches thereof in the plural number . v. the word church frequently occurs for that , which we commonly call the invisible church , that is , for those , who by a sound repentance and a lively faith , are actually interested in the lord jesus christ : according to this signification of the word must we understand tertullian , when he says , that christ had espoused the church , and , that there was a spiritual marriage between christ and the church . and that of irenaeus , that the church was fitted according to the form of the son of god. and in this sense is the word oftentimes used in others of the fathers , as i might easily shew , if any one did doubt it . vi. the word church is frequently to be interpreted of the faith and doctrine of the church . in this sense irenaeus prays , that the hereticks might be reclaimed from their heresies , and be converted to the church of god ; and exhorts all sincere christians not to follow hereticks , but to fly to the church : upon which account hereticks are said to have left the church , as tertullian told marcion , that when he became an heretick , he departed from the church of christ , and their heresies are said to be dissonant from the church , as origen writes , that the opinion of the transmigration of souls was alien from the church . there are yet several other significations of this word , though not so usual as some of the forementioned ones , nor so pertinent to my design , so that i might justly pass them over , without so much as mentioning them : but lest any should be desirous to know them , i will just name them , and then proceed to what is more material . besides then those former significations , the word according to its original import is also used for any congregation in general ; sometimes it is applyed to any particular sect of hereticks , as tertullian calls the marcionites the church of marcion : at other times it is attributed to the orthodox in opposition to the hereticks , as by the same tertullian : sometimes it is appropriated to the heathen assemblies , as by origen , at other times in opposition to the jews it is ascribed to the believing gentiles , as by irenaeus : in some places it is taken for the deputies of a particular church , as in ignatius . in other places it signifies the assembly of the spirits of just men made perfect in heaven , which we commonly call the church triumphant , as in clemens alexandriaeus . once i find it denoting the laity only , in opposition to the clergy : and once signifying only christ as the head of the faithful . § . . but the usual and common acceptation of the word , and of which we must chiefly treat , is that of a particular church , that is , a society of christians , meeting together in one place under their proper pastours , for the performance of religious worship , and the exercising of christian discipline . now the first thing that naturally presents its self to our consideration , is to enquire into the constituent parts of a particular church , or who made up and composed such a church . in the general , they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elect , the called and sanctified by the will of god. and in innumerable places they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the brethren , because of their brotherly love and affection ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the faithful , in opposition to the pagan world , who had no faith in the lord jesus christ , nor in the promises of the gospel . but more particularly we may divide them into two parts ; into the people that composed the body of the church , and those persons who were set apart for religious and ecclesiastical employments : or to conform to our ordinary dialect , into the clergy and laity , which is an early distinction , being mentioned by clemens romanus , and after him by origen , and several others . § . . each of these had their particular offices , and both together had their joynt employments , to all which i shall distinctly speak in the ensuing tract , as they naturally resolve themselves into these three particulars : i. the peculiar acts of the clergy . ii. the peculiar acts of the laity . iii. the joint acts of them both . by the resolution of which three questions , some discovery will be made of the constitution and discipline of the primitive church , and of their practice with respect to many points unhappily controverted amongst us . § . . i begin with the first of these , what were the peculiar acts of the clergy ? now here must be consider'd the functions of every particular order and degree of the clergy , which we may say to be three , viz. bishops , priests and deacons , whose employments we shall severally handle ; as also several other points , which under those heads shall offer themselves unto us . i shall begin first with the bishop ; but for the better understanding both of him and the rest , it will be necessary , first of all , to consider the condition of the whole world , as it was before the preaching of the gospel , in a state of paganism and darkness , having their understandings clouded with ignorance and error , alienated from god , and the true worship of him , applauding their own bruitish inventions , and adoring as god whatever their corrupted reason and silly fancies proposed to them as objects of adoration and homage . into this miserable state all mankind , except the jews , had wilfully cast themselves ; and had not christ the son of righteousness enlightned them , they would have continued in that lost and blind condition to this very day : but our saviour having on his cross triumph'd over principalities and powers , and perfectly conquered the devil , who before had rul'd effectually in the heathen world ; and being ascended into heaven , and sat down at the right hand of the father , on the day of pentecost he sent down the holy ghost on his apostles and disciples , who were then assembled at jerusalem , enduing them thereby with the gift of tongues , and working miracles , and both commissionating and fitting them for the propagation of his church and kingdom , who having received this power and authority from on high , went forth preaching the gospel , first , to the jews , and then to the gentiles , declaring those glad tidings to all kingdoms and provinces ; so that as the apostle paul said , rom. . . their sound went into all the earth , and their words unto the ends of the world ; every one taking a particular part of the world for his proper province , to make known the joyful news of life and salvation through christ therein . thus st. andrew principally preach'd the gospel in scythia , st. bartholomew in india , st. matthew in parthia , st. john in the lesser asia , and all the rest of the apostles had their particular provinces allotted them , wherein they went forth preaching the gospel ; and as they came to any city , town or village , they published to the inhabitants thereof the blessed news of life and immortality through jesus christ , constituting the first converts of every place through which they passed , bishops and deacons of those churches which they there gathered . so saith clemens romanus , the apostles went forth preaching in city and country , appointing the first fruits of their ministry for bishops and deacons , generally leaving those bishops and deacons to govern and enlarge those particular churches , over which they had placed them , whilst they themselves passed forwards , planted other churches , and placed governors over them . thus saith tertullian , clemens was ordained bishop of rome by st. peter , and polycarp bishop of smirna by st. john. § . . whether in the apostolick and primitive days , there were more bishops than one in a church , at first sight seems difficult to resolve : that the holy scriptures and clemens romanus mention many in one church , is certain : and on the other hand it is as certain , that ignatius , tertullian , cyprian , and the following fathers affirm , that there was and ought to be but one in a church . these contradictions may at the first view seem inextricable ; but i hope the following account will reconcile all these seeming difficulties , and withal afford us a fair and easy conception of the difference between the ancient bishops and presbyters . i shall then lay down as sure , that there was but one supreme bishop in a place , that was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishop , by way of eminency and propriety . the proper pastor and minister of his parish , to whose care and trust the souls of that church or parish , over which he presided , were principally and more immediately committed . so saith cyprian , there is but one bishop in a church at a time . and so cornelius objects to novatian , that he did not remember , that there ought to be but one bishop in a church . and throughout the whole epistles of ignatius , and the generality of writers succeeding him , we find but one single bishop in a church , whose quotations to which purpose would be fruitless to recite here , since the 〈◊〉 practice of the universal church confirms it , and a great part of the following discourse will clearly illustrate it . only it may not be impertinent to remark this by the way , that by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or succession of bishops , from those bishops who were ordained by the apostles , the orthodox were wont to prove the succession of their faith , and the novelty of that of the hereticks , let them demonstrate the original of their churches , as tertullian challenges the marcionites , and other hereticks ; let them turn over the orders of their bishops , and see whether they have had a succession of bishops from any one who was constituted by the apostles or apostolick men : thus the truly apostolick churches have , as the church of smirna has polycarp there placed by st. john , and the church of rome clement , ordained by peter ; and other churches can tell , who were ordained bishops over them by the apostles , and who have been their successors to this very day . so also says irenaeus , we challenge the hereticks to that tradition , which was handed down from the apostles by the succession of bishops . and in the next chapter of the same book , the said father gives us a catalogue of the bishops of rome till his days , by whom the true faith was successively transmitted down from the apostles ; in which catalogue we find but one bishop at a time , and as he died , so another single person succeeded him in the charge of that flock or parish . so that this consideration evidences also , that there was but one bishop strictly so called , in a church at a time , who was related to his flock , as a pastor to his sheep , and a parent to his children . the titles of this supreme church-officer are most of them reckoned up in one place by cyprian , which are , bishop , pastour , president , governour , superintendent and priest. and this is he , which in the revelations is called the angel of his church , as origen thinks , which appellations denote both his authority and office , his power and duty , of both which we shall somewhat treat , after we have discoursed of the circuit and extent of his jurisdiction and superintendency , which shall be the contents of the following chapter . chap. ii. § . . as but one bishop to a church , so but one church to a bishop . the bishop's cure never call'd a diocess , but usually a parish , no larger than our parishes . § . . demonstrated by several arguments . § . . a survey of the extent of several bishopricks , as they were in ignatius's days , as of smirna . § . . ephesus . § . . magnesia . § . . philadelphia . and § . . trallium . § . . the bigness of the diocess of antioch . § . . of rome . § . . of carthage . § . . a reflection on the diocess of alexandria . § . . bishops in villages . § . . all the christians of a diocess met together in one place every sunday to serve god. § . . having in the former chapter shewn that there was but one bishop to a church , we shall in this evidence , that there was but one church to a bishop , which will appear from this single consideration , viz. that the ancient diocesses are never said to contain churches , in the plural , but only a church , in the singular . so they say , the church of the corinthians , the church of smirna , the church in magnesia , the church in philadelphia , the church in antioch , and so of any other place whatsoever , the church of , or in such a place . this was the common name whereby a bishops cure was denominated , the bishop himself being usually called , the bishop of this or that church , as tertullian saith , that polycarp was ordained bishop of the church of smirna . as for the word diocess , by which the bishops flock is now usually exprest , i do not remember that ever i found it used in this sense by any of the ancients : but there is another word , still retained by us , by which they frequently denominated the bishops cure , and that is parish : so in the synodical epistle of irenaeus to pope victor , the bishopricks of asia are twice called parishes . and in eusebius's ecclesiastical history the word is so applied in several hundred places . it is usual there to read of the bishops of the parish of alexandria , of the parish of ephesus , of the parish of corinth , of the parish of athens , of the parish of carthage ; and so of the bishops of the parishes of several other churches ; by that term denoting the very same , that we now call a parish , viz. a competent number of christians dwelling near together , having one bishop , pastor or minister set over them , with whom they all met at one time to worship and serve god. this may be evinc'd from the intent of the word it self , which signifies a dwelling one by another , as neighbours do ; or an habitation in one and the same place , as the church of smirna writ to the church that parished in philomelium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the epistle of clemens romanus is to the church of god parishing at corinth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , dwelling or living in philomilium and corinth ; so that a parish is the same with a particular church , or a single congregation ; which is yet more evident from a passage in the differtations of apollonius against alexander a cataphrygian heretick , wherein it is said , that because that heretick had been a robber , therefore that parish to which he belonged would not receive him , that is , that particular church or congregation to which he appertained , excluded him from communion because of his depredations and robberies ; so that a parish and a particular church are synonimous terms , signifying one and the same thing ; and consequently a bishop having but one parish under his jurisdiction , could extend his government no farther than one single congregation ; because a single congregation and a parish were all one , of the same bulk and magnitude . § . . but that the bishops diocess exceeded not the bounds of a modern parish , and was the same , as in name , so also in thing , will appear from these following observations , as , . all the people of a diocess did every sunday meet all together in one place to celebrate divine service . thus saith justin martyr , on sunday all assemble together in one place , where the bishop preaches and prays ; for as ignatius writes , where the bishop is , there the people must be ; and there is a necessity that we do nothing without the bishop ; since it is unlawful to do any thing without him ; for where the pastour is , there the 〈◊〉 ought to follow ; wherefore as christ did nothing without the father , so do you nothing without the bishop and presbyters , but assemble into the same place , that you may have one prayer , one supplication , one mind , and one hope ; for if the prayer of one or two have so great a force , how much more prevalent must that be , which is made by the bishop and the whole church ? he then that doth not assemble together , is proud , and hath condemned himself : for it is written , god resisteth the proud . let us not therefore resist the bishop , that we may be subject to god. so that these passages clearly prove , that all the members of the bishops church assembled together in one place to send up their common prayers to the throne of grace , and to discharge those other religious duties which were incumbent on them , which convincingly evidences the bishops church to be no bigger than our parishes ; for if it had been bigger , it would have been impossible that the members thereof , should have constantly assembled together in one place , as we see here they did . . the bishop had but one altar or communion table in his whole diocess , at which his whole flock received the sacrament from him . there is but one altar , says ignatius , as there is but one bishop . at this altar the bishop administred the sacrament to his whole flock at one time . so writes cyprian , we celebrate the sacrament , the whole brotherhood being present . and thus it was in justin martyr's days , the bishop's whole diocess met together on sunday , when the bishop gave them the eucharist ; and if any were absent , he sent it to them by the deacons . certainly that diocess could not be large , where all usually communicated at one time ; and the deacons carried about the consecrated eucharist to those that were absent ; which would have been an endless and painful task for the deacons , had their bishoprick contained more christians in it , than one congregation would have held . tertullian writes , that in his time and country , the christians received the sacrament of the lord's supper from the hands of the bishop alone . now in those days and places they communicated at least three times a week , viz. wednesdays , fridays , and lord's days , which had been impossible to have been done , if the bishop had had inspection over more than one congregation , as is obvious to every ones reason ; for the bishop being finite and corporeal as well as others , could not be present in many places at once , but must be confined to one determinated fixed place , in which alone he could administer and dispense the eucharist : and for this reason it is , that ignatius exhorts the philadelphians to use the one 〈◊〉 , that is , not to leave the bishop , and communicate elsewhere , but to partake of that single eucharist which was administred by him : for as he proceeds to say in the same place , there is but one body of our lord jesus christ , one cup , one altar , and one bishop . as there was but one bishop in a church , so there was but one altar , a bishop and an altar being correlates : so that to set up another altar , was a periphrasis of a schismatick , or of one that causelesly separated from his lawful bishop , and sat up another , which was that they called schism , as we shall shew in its proper place . thus cyprian describes a schismatick as one , that contemns his bishop , leaves the ministers of god , and dares to set up another altar : and particularly he brands novatian as such an one , because he erected a profane altar , that is , an altar in opposition to the altar of cornelius his lawful bishop : for , as he saith in another place , no man can regularly constitute a new bishop , or erect a new altar , besides the one bishop , and the one altar : for which reason he calls the altar that is erected by schismaticks , against the one altar of their lawful bishops , a profane altar : which agrees with that of ignatius , that he that is within the altar is pure , but he that does any thing without the bishops , priests and deacons , is impure ; and as he says in another place , whosoever is without the altar , wants the bread of god. . the other sacrament of baptism was generally administred by the bishops alone within their respective diocesses . so saith tertullian , before the bishop we renounce the devil and the world. for as cyprian says , the bishops ought only to baptize : and to the same effect writes fortunatus bishop of thucabori , that our lord jesus christ gave unto the bishops the power of baptizing . so that the bishops did ordinarily baptize all the persons that were baptized in their diocesses ; and if so , it is not probable , i may say possible , that their diocesses were extended beyond the bulk of single congregations . . the churches charity was deposited with the bishop , who , as justin martyr reports , was the common curator and overseer of all the orphans , widows , diseased , strangers , imprisoned , and , in a word , of all those that were needy and indigent . to this charitable office ignatius adviseth , polycarpus ; but of that advice more shall be spoken in another place ; only let us here observe , that that diocess could not be very large , where the bishop personally relieved and succoured all the poor and indigent therein . . all the people of a diocess were present at church censures , as origen describes an offender , as appearing before the whole church . so clemens romanus calls the censures of the church the things commanded by the multitude . and so the two offending subdeacons and acolyth at carthage were to be tried before the whole . no offenders were restored again to the churches peace , without the knowledge and consent of the whole diocess : so cyprian writes , that before they were re-admitted to communion , they were to plead their cause before all the people . and it was ordained by an african synod , that except in danger of death , or an instantaneous persecution , none should be received into the churches peace , without the knowledge and consent of the people . . when the bishop of a church was dead , all the people of that church met together in one place to chuse a new bishop . so sabinus was elected bishop of emerita , by the 〈◊〉 of all the brotherhood ; which was also the custom throughout all africa , for the bishop to be chosen in the presence of the people . and so fabianus was chosen to be bishop of rome , by all the brethren who were met together in one place for that very end . . at the ordinations of the clergy the whole body of the people were present . so an african synod held anno , determined , that the ordination of ministers ought to be done with the knowledge , and in the presence of the people , that the people being present , either the crimes of the wicked may be detected , or the merits of the good declared ; and so the ordination may be just and lawful , being approved by the suffrage and judgment of all . and bishop cyprian writes from his exile to all the people of his diocess , that it had been his constant practice in all ordinations , to consult their opinions , and by their common counsels to weigh the manners and merits of every one : therein imitating the example of the apostles and apostolick men , who ordained none , but with the approbation of the whole church . . publick letters from one church to another were read before the whole diocess . thus cornelius bishop of rome , whatever letters he received from foreign churches , he always read them to his most holy and numerous people . and without doubt when firmilian writ to all the parish of antioch , they could all assemble together to read his letter , and return an answer to it ; since we find that in those days one whole church writ to another whole church , as the church of rome writ to the church of corinth . and cyprian . and his whole flock , sent gratulatory letters to pope lucius upon his return from exile . lastly , the whole diocess of the bishop did meet all together to manage church-affairs . thus when the schism of felicissimus in the bishoprick of carthage was to be debated , it was to be done according to the will of the people , and by the consent of the laity . and when there were some hot disputes about the restitution of the lapsed , the said cyprian promised his whole diocess , that all those things should be examined before them , and be judged by them . and so also , when they were to send a messenger to any foreign church , all the people could meet together to chuse that messenger , as they could in the church of philadelphia . now put all these observations together , and duly consider , whether they do not prove the primitive parishes to be no larger than our modern ones are , that is , that they had no more believers or christians in them than there are now in ours : i do not say , that the ancient bishopricks had no larger territories , or no greater space of ground , than our parishes have . on the contrary , it is very probable that many of them had much more ; since in those early days of christianity , in many places the faithful might be so few , as that for twenty or thirty miles round , they might associate together under one bishop , and make up but one church , and that a small one too : but this i fay , that how large soever their local extent was , their members made but one single congregation , and had no more christians in it , than our parishes now have ; for that diocess cannot possibly be more than one single congregation , where all the people met together at one time , prayed together , received the sacrament together , assisted at church censures together , and dispatched church affairs together ; and yet the members of the primitive diocesses did all this together , as the preceding observations evidently declare ; so that i might stop here , and add no 〈◊〉 proofs to that which hath been already so clearly proved . § . . but yet that we may more clearly illustrate this point , we shall demonstrate it by another method , viz. by shewing the real bulk and size of those bishopricks , concerning whom we have any notices remaining on ancient records ; and manifest , that the very largest of them were no greater than our particular congregations are . and for the proof of this , we shall quote the writings of st. ignatius , in whose genuine epistles there is such an account of the bishopricks of smirna , ephesus , magnesia , philadelphia , and trallium , as manifestly evidences them to be but so many single congregations . as for the diocess of smirna , its extent could not be very large , since nothing of church-affairs was done there without the bishop ; he baptized and administred the eucharist , and none else could do it within his cure without his permission ; wherever he was , his whole flock followed him ; which they might without any inconveniency do , since they frequently assembled together ; as ignatius advised polycarp the bishop of this church , to convene his diocess to chuse a faithful honest man to send a messenger into syria : so that the bishop of this church could know his whole flock personally by their names , carrying himself respectfully and charitably to all with all meekness and humility towards serving-men and serving-maids , and charitably , taking care of the widows within his diocess , permitting nothing to be done there without his privity . insomuch that none were married without his previous advice and consent . now , how all these things could be done , how all this bishoprick could meet together in one place , how the bishop could personally know all the members thereof by their respective names , even the meanest serving-maids therein , and permit none to be married without his knowledge and advice , without reducing this diocess to a single parish , i know not . § . . as for the diocess of ephesus , there was but one altar or communion table in its whole territory , at which they all communicated together ; whence they are said , to break the one bread ; and he that was without or separated from that altar , is said , to want the bread of god. the members also of this church could all meet together in one place , to send up their joint prayers to god in christ : and therefore ignatius condemns all those of that diocess who did not assemble together in that one place , with the rest of the members thereof , to send up their prayers to god , as proud , self-conceited , and justly condemnable ; because thereby they 〈◊〉 themselves of that unconceivable benefir , that would accrew unto them by joyning in the prayers of the whole church for if the prayer of one or two hath so great a force with god , how 〈◊〉 more prevalent must the prayer of the bishop and the whole church be ? so that if to communicate together , and to pray together , be the marks of a particular church , then this bishoprick was one . § . . as for the church of magnesia , they all assembled with the bishop , having but one church , and one altar , joyning all together in one prayer , because to have congregated elsewhere would have been against conscience and precept . now how large such a church is , where there is but one meeting-place , and one altar , where all communicate and pray together , is no hard matter to determine . § . touching the bishoprick of philadelphia , its extent may be guessed at by this , that the members thereof could do nothing without the bishop , who being their shepherd , wherever he was , they were to follow him like sheep , receiving the sacrament all together from him , at that one altar belonging to their diocess ; which they might well enough do , since their multitudes were not so great , but that on other occasions they could meet all together , as to chuse a messenger to send to the church at antioch in syria . § . . as for the diocess of trallium , that could be no larger than the former ones , since it had but one altar in it , which was correlate to its one bishop ; so that to separate from the altar , was the same , as to separate from the bishop ; whence ignatius says , that he that is within the altar is pure , that is , he that doth any thing without the bishop , priests and deacons , is impure . now let any impartial man judge , whether all these descriptions of those ancient diocesses do not forcibly constrain us to reduce them to the rate of our modern parishes . and if these were no greater , especially ephesus , at which place st. paul preached three years , we have no reason to imagin , that other bishopricks where the apostles never were , or at least never preach'd so long , surmounted their bulk and largeness . how long it was before these diocesses swell'd into several congregations , is not my business to determin , since it happened not within my prescribed time ; except in the church of alexandria ; the reason and manner whereof shall be shewn in a few leafs more , after that i have more fully evidenced this point , by demonstrating , that the greatest bishopricks in the world , even in the third century , were no more than so many single congregations : and if this can be proved , it is the solidest demonstration that can be given : for the larger a church was , and the more time it had to settle and increase its self , the greater reason have we to expect that it should exceed all others in numbers and diffusiveness . now the four greatest diocesses , that in those days were in the world , are antioch , rome , carthage , alexandria . the three former of which , during the whole three hundred years after christ , never branched themselves into several particular congregations , though the latter did , as shall be hereafter shewn . § . . as for the diocess of antioch , its members were not so many , but that years after christ , they were able to meet all in one place , of which we have this memorable instance , that when paulus samosatenus the heretical bishop thereof , was deprived by a synod held in that place , and domnus substituted in his room , he refused to resign the churches house , till the emperor aurelian forced him to resign that house : so that for above years after christ , the whole bishoprick of antioch had but one church to serve god in . § . . how large the diocess of rome was , may be conjectured by that ; . all the people thereof could meet together to perform divine service , as appears by that history of a certain confessor called natalis , who returning from the theodosian heresy , put himself into the habit of a penitent , threw himself at the feet of the clergy and laity , as they went into their publick meeting-place , and so bewailed his fault , that at length the church was touched with compassion towards him . . in this diocess there was but one church or meeting-place ; for when bishop anterus died , all the brethren met together in the church , to choose a successor ; which distinction or nomination of place , viz. that they met in the church , denotes that they had but one church all ; for if they had had more churches than one , the historian would have left us in the dark , as to what church they met in , whether in st. james's , st. john's , or st. peter's . . in this bishoprick also they had but one altar or communion-table , as appears from a passage of cyprian , who describes the schism of novatian a presbyter of this church , by his erecting a profane altar , in opposition to the altar of cornelius his lawful bishop . . the whole diocess could concur together in salutations and letters to other churches . thus concludes a letter of the clergy of rome to the clergy of carthage , the brethren which are in bonds salute you , and the presbyters , and the whole church . . whatever letters were writ to that church , were read before them all , as it was the custom of bishop cornolius , to read all publick letters to his most holy and most numerous flock . lastly , the people of this diocess met all together to choose a bishop , when the see was vacant . so upon the death of anterus , all the brethren met together in the church to chuse a successor , where all the people unanimously chose fabianus . and so after the death of fabianus , cornelius was chosen bishop of that diocess by the suffrage of the clergy and people . now whether all these things put together , whether their having but one communion-table in their whole diocess , as also but one church , where they all usually met , do not unavoidably reduce this bishoprick to the circumference of a modern parish , i leave every man to judge . § . . the next diocess to be considered is carthage , which next to rome and alexandria , was the greatest city in the world , and probably had as many christians in it , as either , especially if that is true , which tertullian insinuates , that the tenth part thereof was christian ; for he remonstrates to scapula the persecuting president of that city , that if he should destroy the christians of carthage , he must root out the tenth part thereof . but yet how many soever the christians of that bishoprick were , even some years after tertullian's days , they were no more in number , than there are now in our parishes , as is evident from scores of passages in the writings of cyprian bishop of that church . for , . the bishop of that diocess could know every one therein . . the bishop of that diocess was the common curator of all the poor therein , relieving the poor and indigent , paying of their debts , and aiding the necessitous tradesmen with money to set up their trades . as cyprian when he was in his exil'd state , sent caldonius , herculanus , rogatianus , and numidicus to his church at carthage , to pay off the debts of the indebted members thereof , and to help those poor mechanicks with a convenient sum of mony , who were willing to set up their trades . if cyprian's diocess had consisted of scores of parishes , how many thousand pounds must he have expended , to have paid off the debts of all the insolvent persons therein , and to have 〈◊〉 every poor trader with a sufficient stock to carry on his employment ? . all the diocess was present , when the sacrament of the lord's supper was administred . so saith cyprian , we celebrate the sacrament , the whole brotherhood being present . . when celerinus was ordained lector or clerk by cyprian , he read from the pulpit , so that all the people could see and hear him . . in all ordinations , all the people were consulted , and none were admitted into holy orders without their approbation , as is assured by cyprian bishop of this diocess , who tells us , that it was his constant custom in all ordinations to consult his people , and with their common counsel to weigh the merits of every candidate of the sacred orders . and therefore when for extraordinary merits he advanced one to the degree of a lector or clerk , without first communicating it to his diocess , he writes from his exil'd state to his whole flock the reason of it . . when that see was vacant , all the people met together to chuse a bishop . whence pontius says , that cyprian was elected bishop of this diocess by the favour of the people . and cyprian himself acknowledges , that he was chosen by the suffrage of all his people . . all the people of this diocess could meet together to send letters to other churches ; an instance whereof we have in that gratulatory letter still extant in cyprian , which they all sent to lucius bishop of rome , on his return from exile . . all the people were present at church-censures , and concurred at the excommunication of offenders . thus cyprian writing from his exile , to the people of this his diocess , about the irregularities of two of his subdeacons , and one of his acolyths ; and about the schism of felicissimus , assures them , that as to the former , when ever it should please god to return him in peace , it should be determined by him and his colleagues , and his whole flock . and as to the latter , that then likewise that should be transacted according to the arbitrament of the people , and the common counsel of them all . . at the absolution of penitents , all the people were present , who examined the reality of the offender's repentance ; and if well satisfied of it , consented , that they should be admitted to the churches peace . therefore when some presbyters in a time of persecution , had with too great 〈◊〉 and precipitancy assoyled some of those , that through the violence of the persecution had succumbed , cyprian writes them from his exile an objurgatory letter , commanding them to admit no more , till peace should be restored to the church , when those offenders should plead their cause before all the people . and touching the same matter he writes in another place to all the people of his diocess , that when it should please god to restore peace to the church , then all those matters should be examined in their presence , and be judged by them . lastly , nothing was done in this diocess without the consent of the people . so resolved bishop cyprian from the first time i was made bishop , said he , i determined to do nothing without the consent of my people . and accordingly when he was exil'd from his flock , he writ to the clergy and laity thereof , that when it should please god to return him unto them , all affairs , as their mutual honour did require , should be debated in common by them . now whether all these observations do not evidently reduce the diocess of carthage to the same bulk with our parishes , i leave to every one to 〈◊〉 : for my part , i must needs profess , that i cannot imagin , how all the people thereof could receive the sacrament together , assist at the excommunication and absolution of offenders , assemble together to elect their bishop , and do the rest of those forementioned particulars , without confining this bishoprick within the limits of a particular congregation . § . . as for the diocess of alexandria , though the numbers of the christians therein were not so many , but that in the middle of the fourth century they could all , or at least most of them , meet together in one place , as i might evince from the writings of athanasius , were it not beyond my prescribed time ; yet in the third century they had divided themselves into several distinct and separate congregations , which were all subjected to one bishop , as is clearly enough asserted by dyonisius bishop of this church , who mentions , the distinct congregations in the extremest suburbs of the city . the reason whereof seems to be this ; those members of this bishoprick , who lived in the remotest parts of it , finding it incommodious and troublesom every lord's day , saturday , wednesday and friday ( on which days they always assembled ) to go to their one usual meeting-place , which was very far from their own homes ; and withal being unwilling to divide themselves from their old church and bishop , lest they should seem guilty of the detestable sin of schism , which consisted in a causeless separation from their bishop and parish church , as shall be hereafter shewn , desired their proper bishop , to give them leave for conveniency sake , to erect near their own habitations a chappel of ease , which should be a daughter-church to the bishops , under his jurisdiction , and guided by a presbyter of his commission and appointment , whereat they would usually meet , tho' on some solemn occasions they would still all assemble in one church with their one bishop . that for this reason these separate congregations were introduced at alexandria , seems evident enough ; because dyonisius alexandrinus saith , that these distinct congregations were only in the remotest suburbs ; and the christians hereof were not as yet arrived to those great numbers , but that seventy years after they could meet all together in one and the same place , as might be proved from that forementioned place of athanasius . so that these distinct congregations were only for the conveniency and ease of those who lived at a great distance from the bishop's church , being introduced in the third century , and peculiar to the bishoprick of alexandria : all other bishopricks confining themselves within their primitive bounds of a single congregation , as we have before proved the largest of them did ; even antioch , rome , and carthage . § . . if then a bishoprick was but a single congregation , it is no marvel that we find bishops not only in cities , but in country villages ; there being a bishop constituted , where-ever there were believers enough to form a competent congregation ; for , says clemens romanus , the apostles going forth , and preaching both in country and city , constituted bishops and deacons there . much to which purpose cyprian says , that bishops were ordained throughout all provinces and cities : hence in the encyclycal epistle of the synod of antioch , it is said , that paulus samosatenus had many flatterers amongst the adjacent city and country bishops ; of this sort of country-bishops was zoticus , bishop of the village of comane . and we may reasonably believe , that many of those bishops , who in the year , were assembled at carthage to the number of fourscore and seven , had no other than obscure villages for their seats , since we find not the least notice of them in ptolomy , or any of the old geographers . § . . but let the bishops seats have been in any place whatever , their limits , as hath been proved , exceeded not those of our modern parishes : i do not here mean , as was said before , that the territory of some of them , was no larger ; no , i readily grant that ; for it is very probable , that in those places , where there were but few believers , the christians , for several miles round , met all 〈◊〉 at the greatest place within that compass , where probably there were most christians , whence both the church and its bishop took their denomination from that place where they so assembled . but this is what i mean , that there were no more christians in that bishoprick , than there are now in our ordinary parishes ; and that the believers of that whole territory met altogether with their bishop for the performance of religious services . thus it was in the age and country of justin martyr , who describing their solemn assemblies , writes , that on sunday all the inhabitants both of city and country met together , where the lector read some portions of the holy scriptures ; and the bishop preached unto them , administred the eucharist , and sent by the deacons part of the consecrated elements to those that were absent . so that the inhabitants both of city and country , assembled all at the bishop's church , hearing him , and communicating with him , following herein the exhortation of saint ignatius to the magnesians , let nothing , saith he , be in you , that may divide you ; but be united to the bishop , and those that preside over you : as therefore our lord jesus christ did nothing without his father , neither by himself , nor his apostles , so do you nothing without the bishop and presbyters , but assemble into one place , and have one prayer , one supplication , one mind , and one hope . chap. iii. § . . what the bishop's office was . § . . always resident on his cure. § . . how the bishop was chosen , elected , or presented by the majority of the parish . § . . approved by the neighbouring bishops . § . . installed by imposition of hands . how many bishops necessary to this installment . § . . when a bishop was promoted , he certified it to other bishops . § . . a brief recapitulation of the peculiar acts of the bishop . § . . the bishop's flock having been so largely discussed , it will now be necessary to speak something of the bishop's duty towards them , and of the several particulars of his honourable office : i shall not here be tedious , since about this there is no great difference ; only briefly enumerate the several actions belonging to his charge . in brief therefore ; the particular acts of his function were such as these , viz. preaching of the word , praying with his people , administring the two sacraments of baptism and the lord's supper , taking care of the poor , ordaining of ministers , governing his flock , excommunicating of offenders , absolving of penitents ; and , in a word ; whatever acts can be comprised under those three general heads of preaching , worship , and government , were parts of the bishop's function and office. i have but just named these things , because they are not much controverted ; and my design leads me chiefly to the consideration of those matters which have been unhappily disputed amongst us . § . . to the constant discharge of those forementioned actions , did the primitive bishops sedulously apply themselves , continually preaching unto their people , praying with them , and watching over them , and to that end , residing always with them ; which incumbency or residency on their parishes , was deem'd so necessary , that cyprian enumerating the sins that brought the wrath of god upon the churches in that bloody persecution of decius , mentions the bishops non-residencies as one ; their leaving their rectories , and deserting their flocks , and wandring about the country to hunt after worldly gain and advantage : and therefore the said cyprian writing to the roman consessors , who were inveigled into the schism of novatian , tells them , that since he could not leave his church , and come in person unto them , therefore by his letters he most earnestly exhorted them to quit that 〈◊〉 faction ; so that he look'd on his obligation of residency at his church to be so binding , as that in no case almost , could he warrant the leaving of it ; which determination of his might be the more fix'd and peremptory , because that not long before , he was so severely tax'd by the roman clergy , and by many of his own parish , for departing from them for a while , though it was to avoid the fury of his persecutors , who had already proscribed him , and would have executed him as a malesactor , had he not by that recess from his church , escaped their murderous hand . so that the primitive apostolick bishops constantly resided with their flocks , conscientiously applying themselves with the utmost diligence and industry to the promotion of the spiritual welfare of those that were committed to their trust , employing themselves in all acts of piety , and offices of charity ; so leading a laborious and mortified life , till either a natural , or a violent death removed them from earth to heaven , where they were made priests to the most high , and were infinitely remunerated for all their pains and sorrows ; and so leaving their particular flocks on earth , to be sed and govern'd by others , who should succeed them in their places ; which brings me in the next place to enquire , how a vacant bishoprick was supplied , or in what manner a bishop or minister was elected to a diocess or parish ? § . . now the manner of electing a bishop , i find to be thus : when a parish or bishoprick was vacant through the death of the incumbent , all the members of that parish , both clergy and laity , met together in the church commonly , to chuse a fit person for his successor , to whom they might commit the care and government of their church . thus when alexander was chosen bishop of jerusalem , it was by the compulsion or choice of the members of that church . and as for the bishoprick of rome , we have a memorable instance of this kind in the advancement of fabianus to that see , upon the death of bishop anterus : all the people met together in the church to chuse a successor , proposing several illustrious and eminent personages , as fit for that office , whilst no one so much as thought upon fabianus then present , till a dove miraculously came and sate upon his head , in the same manner as the holy ghost formerly descended on our saviour ; and then all the people , guided as it were , with one divine spirit , cryed out with one mind and soul , that fabianus was worthy of the bishoprick ; and so straightways taking him , they placed him on the episcopal throne . and as fabianus , so likewise his successor cornelius was elected by the suffrage of the clergy and laity . thus also with respect to the diocess of carthage , cyprian was chosen bishop thereof by its inhabitants and members , as pontius his deacon writes , that though he was a novice , yet by the grace of god , and the favour of the people , he was elevated to that sublime dignity ; which is no more than what cyprian himself acknowledges , who frequently owns , that he was promoted to that honourable charge by the suffrage of the people . § . . when the people had thus elected a bishop , they presented him to the neighbouring bishops for their approbation and consent , because without their concurrent assent , there could be no bishop legally instituted , or confirmed . thus when the fore-mentioned alexander was chosen bishop of jerusalem , by the brethren of that place ; he had also the common consent of the circumjacent bishops . now the reason of this , i suppose , was , lest the people thro' ignorance or affection , should chuse an unfit , or an unable man for that sacred office ; it being supposed , that a synod of bishops had more wisdom , learning , and prudence , than a congregation of unlearned and ignorant men , and so were better able to judge of the abilities and qualifications of the person elect , than the people were . hence we find , that sometimes the election of a bishop is attributed to the choice of the neighbouring bishops , with the consent and suffrage of the people : this custom generally prevail'd throughout africa ; where upon the vacancy of a see , the neighbouring bishops of the province met together at that church , and chose a bishop in the presence of the people , who knew his life and conversation before ; which custom was observed in the election of sabinus , bishop of emerita in spain , who was advanc'd to that dignity by the suffrage of all the brethren , and of all the bishops there present . but whether the election of a bishop , be ascribed to the adjoining ministers , or to the people of that parish , it comes all to one and the same thing ; neither the choice of the bishops of the voisinage , without the consent of the people ; nor the election of the people , without the approbation of those bishops , was sufficient and valid of it self ; but both concurred to a legal and orderly promotion , which was according to the example of the apostles and apostolick preachers , who in the first plantation of churches , ordained bishops and deacons , with the consent of the whole church . § . . a bishop being thus elected and confirmed , the next thing that followed , was his ordination or 〈◊〉 , which was done in his own church by the neighbouring bishops ; as cyprian mentions some bishops in his time , who went to a city called capse to install a bishop ; whither when they were come , they took the bishop elect , and in the presence of his flock , ordained , or installed him bishop of that church , by imposition of hands , as sabinus was placed in his bishoprick by imposition of hands . therefore fortunatus the schismatical bishop of carthage , got five bishops to come and ordain him at carthage : and so novatian , when he schismatically aspired to the bishoprick of rome , that he might not seem to leap in uncanonically , wheedled three ignorant and simple bishops to come to rome , and install him in that bishoprick by imposition of hands . how many bishops were necessary to this installing of a bishop elect , i find not ; three were sufficient , as is apparent from the forecited action of novatian ; whether less would do , i know not , since i find not the least footsteps of it in my antiquity , unless that from novatian's sending for , and 〈◊〉 just three bishops out of italy , we conclude that number to be necessary . but if there were more than three , it was not accounted unnecessary or needless ; for the more bishops there were present at an installment , the more did its validity and unexceptionableness appear : whence cyprian argues the undeniable legality of cornelius's promotion to the see of rome , because he had sixteen bishops present at his ordination : and for this reason it was , that fortunatus , the schismatical bishop of carthage falsely boasted , that there were twenty-five bishops present at his installment . and thus in short , we have viewed the method of the ancients in their election of bishops ; we have shewn , that they were elected by the people , approved and installed by the neighbouring bishops ; on which account it is , that cyprian calls them chosen and ordained . § . . it may not now be amiss to mention this custom , that when a bishop was thus presented and advanced to a see , he immediately gave notice of it to other bishops , especially to the most renowned bishops and bishopricks , as cornelius writ to cyprian bishop of carthage , an account of his being promoted to the see of rome ; betwixt which two churches , there was such a peculiar intercourse and harmony , as that this custom was more particularly observed by them , insomuch that it was observed by the schismatical bishops of each church , novatian giving notice to cyprian , bishop of carthage , of his promotion to the church of rome : and fortunatus advising cornelius bishop of rome , of his advancement to the church of carthage . § . . let what hath been spoken now suffice for the peculiar acts of the bishop : we have proved , that there was but one bishop to a church , and one church to a bishop ; we have shewn the bishop's office and function , election and ordination ; what farther to add on this head , i know not : for as for those other acts which he performed jointly with his flock , we must refer them to another place , till we have handled those other matters which previously propose themselves unto us : the first of which will be an examination into the office and order of a presbyter , which , because it will be somewhat long , shall be the subject of the following chapter . chap. iv. § . . the definition and description of a presbyter ; what he was . § . . inferior to a bishop in degree : § . . but equal to a bishop in order . § . . the reason why there were many presbyters in a church . § . . presbyters not necessary to the constitution of a church . § . . when presbyters began . § . . it will be both needless and tedious to endeavour to prove , that the ancients generally mention presbyters distinct from bishops . every one , i suppose , will readily own and acknowledge it . the great question which hath most deplorably sharpned and sour'd the minds of too many , is what the office and order of a presbyter was : about this the world hath been , and still is most uncharitably divided ; some equalize a presbyter in every thing with a bishop ; others as much debase him , each according to their particular opinions , either advance or degrade him . in many controversies a middle way hath been the safest , perhaps in this , the medium between the two extremes may be the truest : whether what i am now going to say , be the true 〈◊〉 of the matter , i leave to the learned reader to determin ; i may be deceived , neither mine years , nor abilities , exempt me from mistakes and errors : but this i must needs say , that after the most diligent researches , and impartialest enquiries , the following notion seems to me most plausible , and most consentaneous to truth ; and which , with a great facility and clearness , solves those doubts and objections , which , according to those other hypotheses , i know not how to answer . but yet however , i am not so wedded and bigotted to this opinion , but if any shall produce better , and more convincing arguments to the contrary , i will not contentiously defend , but readily relinquish it , since i search after truth , not to promote a particular party or interest . now for the better explication of this point , i shall first lay down a definition and description of a presbyter , and then prove the parts thereof . now the definition of a presbyter may be this : a person in holy orders , having thereby an inherent right to perform the whole office of a bishop ; but being possessed of no place or parish , not actually discharging it , without the permission and consent of the bishop of a place or parish . but lest this definition should seem obscure , i shall 〈◊〉 it by this following instance : as a curate hath the same mission and power with the minister , whose place he supplies ; yet being not the minister of that place , he cannot perform there any acts of his ministerial function , without leave from the minister thereof : so a presbyter had the same order and power with a bishop , whom he assisted in his cure ; yet being not the bishop or minister of that cure , he could not there perform any parts of his pastoral office , without the permission of the bishop thereof : so that what we generally render bishops , priests , and deacons , would be more intelligible in our tongue , if we did express it by rectors , vicars , and deacons ; by rectors , understanding the bishops ; and by vicars , the presbyters ; the former being the actual incumbents of a place , and the latter curates or assistants , and so different in degree , but yet equal in order . now this is what i understand by a presbyter ; for the confirmation of which , these two things are to be proved . i. that the presbyters were the bishops curates and assistants , and so inferiour to them in the actual exercise of their ecclesiastical commission . ii. that yet notwithstanding , they had the same inherent right with the bishops , and so were not of a distinct specifick order from them . or more briefly thus : . that the presbyters were different from the bishops in gradu , or in degree ; but yet , . they were equal to them in ordine , or in order . § . as to the first of these ; that presbyters were but the bishops curates and assistants , inferiour to them in degree , or in the actual discharge of their ecclesiastical commission . this will appear to have been , in effect , already proved , if we recollect what has been asserted , touching the bishop and his office , that there was but one bishop in a church ; that he usually performed all the parts of divine service ; that he was the general disposer and manager of all things within his diocess , there being nothing done there without his consent and approbation : to which we may particularly add , . that without the bishop's leave , a presbyter could not baptize : thus saith tertullian the bishop hath the right of baptizing , then the presbyters and deacons , but yet for the honour of the church , not without the authority of the bishop ; and to the same effect , saith ignatius , it is not lawful for any one to baptize , except the bishop permit him . . without the bishop's permission , a presbyter could not administer the lord's supper . that eucharist , says ignatius , is only valid , which is performed by the bishop , or by whom he shall permit ; for it is not lawful for any one to celebrate the eucharist , without leave from the bishop . . without the bishops consent , a presbyter could not preach ; and when he did preach , he could not chuse his own subject , but discoursed on those matters which were enjoyned him by the bishop , as the bishop commanded origen to preach about the witch of endor . . without the bishop's permission , a presbyter could not absolve offenders , therefore cyprian severely chides some of his presbyters , because they dared in his absence , without his consent and leave , to give the church's peace to some offending criminals . but what need i reckon up particulars , when in general there was no ecclesiastical office performed by the presbyters , without the consent and permission of the bishop : so says ignatius , let nothing be done of ecclesiastical concerns , without the bishop ; for whosoever doth any thing without the knowledge of the bishop , is a worshipper of the devil . now had the presbyters had an equal power in the government of those churches wherein they lived , how could it have been impudent and usurping in them to have perform'd the particular acts of their ecclesiastical function , without the bishop's leave and consent ? no , it was not fit or just , that any one should preach , or govern in a parish , without the permission of the bishop or pastor thereof ; for where churches had been regularly formed under the jurisdiction of their proper bishops , it had been an unaccountable impudence , and a most detestable act of schism for any one , tho' never so legally ordained , to have entred those parishes , and there to have performed ecclesiastical administrations , without the permission of , or which is all one , in defiance to the bishops , or ministers thereof ; for though a presbyter by his ordination had as ample an inherent right and power to discharge all clerical offices , as any bishop in the world had ; yet peace , unity and order , oblig'd him not to invade that part of god's church , which was committed to another man's care , without that man's approbation and consent . so then in this sense a presbyter was inferiour to a bishop in degree , in that having no parish of his own , he could not actually discharge the particular acts of his ministerial function , without leave from the bishop of a parish or diocess : the bishops were superiour to the presbyters , in that they were the presented , 〈◊〉 , and inducted ministers of their respective parishes ; and the presbyters were inferiour to the bishops , in that they were but their curates and assistants . § . . but though the presbyters were thus different from the bishops in degree , yet they were of the very same specifick order with them , having the same inherent right to perform those ecclesiastical offices , which the bishop did , as will appear from these three arguments . . that by the bishop's permission they discharged all those offices , which a bishop did . . that they were called by the same titles and appellations as the bishops were : and , . that they are expresly said to be of the same order with the bishops . as to the first of these , that by the bishop's permission , they discharged all those offices which a bishop did ; this will appear from that , . when the bishop ordered them , they preach'd . thus origen , in the beginning of some of his sermons , tells us , that he was commanded thereunto by the bishop , as particularly when he preach'd about the witch of endor ; he says , the bishop commanded him to do it . . by the permission of the bishop , presbyters baptized . thus writes tertullian , the bishop has the right of baptizing , and then the presbyters , but not without his leave . . by the leave of the bishop , presbyters administred the eucharist , as must be supposed in that saying of ignatius , that that eucharist only was valid , which was celebrated by the bishop , or by one appointed by him ; and that the eucharist could not be delivered but by the bishop , or by one whom he did approve . . the presbyters ruled in those churches to which they belonged , else this exhortation of polycarpus to the presbyters of philippi , would have been in vain ; let the presbyters be tender and merciful , compassionate towards all , reducing those that are in errors , visiting all that are weak , not negligent of the widow and the orphan , and him that is poor ; but ever providing what is honest in the sight of god and men ; abstaining from all wrath , respect of persons , and unrighteous judgment ; being far from covetousness , not hastily believing a report against any man , not rigid in judgment , knowing that we are all faulty , and obnoxious to judgment . hence , . they presided in church-consistories together with the bishop , and composed the executive part of the ecclesiastical court ; from whence it was called the presbytery , because in it , as tertullian says , approved elders did preside . . they had also the power of excommunication , as rogatianus and numidicus , two presbyters of cyprian's church , by his order join'd with some bishops of his nomination , in the excommunication of certain schismaticks of his diocess . but of both these two heads , more will be spoken in another place . . presbyters restored returning penitents , to the church's peace . thus we read in an epistle of dyonisius , bishop of alexandria , that a certain offender called serapion , approaching to the time of his dissolution , sent for one of the presbyters to absolve him , which the presbyter did , according to the order of his bishop , who had before commanded , that the presbyters should absolve those who were in danger of death . . presbyters confirmed , as we shall most evidently prove , when we come to treat of confirmation : only remark here by the way , that in the days of cyprian , there was a hot controversie , whether those that were baptized by hereticks , and came over to the catholick church , should be received as members thereof by baptism and confirmation , or by confirmation alone ? now i would fain know , whether during the vacancy of a see , or the bishop's absence , which sometimes might be very long , as cyprian was absent two years , a presbyter could not admit a returning heretick to the peace and unity of the church , especially if we consider their positive damnation of all those that died out of the church ? if the presbyters had not had this power of confirmation , many penitent souls must have been damn'd for the unavoidable default of a bishop , which is too cruel and unjust to imagine . . as for ordination , i find but little said of this in antiquity ; yet as little as there is , there are clearer proofs of the presbyters ordaining , than there are of their administring the lord's supper : all power and grace , saith firmilian , is constituted in the church , where seniors preside , who have the power of baptizing , confirming , and ordaining ; or as it may be rendred , and perhaps more agreeable to the sense of the place ; who had the power as of baptizing , so also of confirming and ordaining . what these seniors were , will be best understood by a parallel place in tertullian ; for that place in tertullian , and this in firmilian , are usually cited to expound one another , by most learned men , as by the most learned dr. cave , and others . now the passage in tertullian is this ; in the ecclesiastical courts approved elders preside : now by these approved elders , bishops and presbyters , must necessarily be understood ; because tertullian speaks here of the discipline exerted in one particular church or parish , in which there was but one bishop ; and if only he had presided , then there could not have been elders in the plural number ; but there being many elders to make out their number , we must add the presbyters to the bishop , who also presided with him , as we shall more fully shew in another place . now the same that presided in church-consistories , the same also ordained ; presbyters as well as bishops presided in church-consistories ; therefore presbyters as well as bishops ordained . and as in those churches where there were presbyters , both they and the bishop presided together , so also they ordained together , both laying on their hands in ordination , as st. timothy was ordained by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery ; that is , by the hands of the bishop and presbyters of that parish where he was ordained , as is the constant signification of the word presbytery , in all the writings of the ancients . but , . though as to every particular act of the bishop's office , it could not be proved particularly , that a presbyter did discharge them ; yet it would be sufficient , if we could prove , that in the general , a presbyter could , and did perform them all . now that a presbyter could do so , and consequently by the bishop's permission did do so , will appear from the example of the great saint cyprian , bishop of carthage , who being exil'd from his church , writes a letter to the clergy thereof ; wherein he exhorts and begs them to discharge their own and his office too , that so nothing might be wanting either to discipline or diligence . and much to the same effect he thus writes them in another letter , trusting therefore to your kindness and religion , which i have abundantly experienced , i exhort and command you by these letters , that in my stead you perform those offices which the ecclesiastical dispensation requires . and in a letter written upon the same occasion , by the clergy of the church of rome , to the clergy of the church of carthage , we find these words towards the beginning thereof , and since it is incumbent upon us , who are as it were bishops , to keep the flock in the room of the pastor . if we shall be found negligent , it shall be said unto us , as it was said to our careless preceeding bishops , in ezekiel . , . that we looked not after that which was lost , we did not correct him that wandered , nor bound up him that was lame , but we did eat their milk , and were covered with their wooll . so that the presbyters were as it were bishops , that in the bishop's absence kept his flock , and in his stead performed all those ecclesiastical offices , which were incumbent on him . now then if the presbyters could supply the place of an absent bishop , and in general discharge all those offices , to which a bishop had been obliged , if he had been present ; it naturally follows that the presbyters could discharge every particular act and part thereof . if i should say , such an one has all the senses of a man , and yet also assert that he cannot see , i should be judged a self-contradictor in that assertion ; for in affirming that he had all the human senses , i also affirmed , that he saw , because seeing is one of those senses . for whatsoever is affirmed of an universal , is affirmed of every one of its particulars . so when the fathers say , that the presbyters performed the whole office of the bishop , it naturally ensues , that they confirmed , ordained , baptized , &c. because those are particulars of that universal . but now from the whole we may collect a solid argument for the equality of presbyters with bishops as to order ; for if a presbyter did all a bishop did , what difference was there between them ? a bishop preached , baptized and confirmed , so did a presbyter . a bishop excommunicated , absolved and ordained , so did a presbyter : whatever a bishop did , the same did a presbyter ; the particular acts of their office was the same ; the only difference that was between them was in degree ; but this proves there was none at all in order . . that bishops and presbyters were of the same order , appears also , from that originally they had one and the same name , each of them being indifferently called bishops or presbyters . hence we read in the sacred writ of several bishops in one particular church , as the bishops of ephesus , and philippi , that is , the bishops and presbyters of those churches , as they were afterwards distinctly called . and clemens romanus sometimes mentions many bishops in the church of corinth , whom at other times he calls by the name of presbyters , using those two terms as synonimous titles and appellations , you have obeyed , saith he , those that were set over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and let us revere those that are set over us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the usual titles of the bishops ; and yet these in another place he calls presbyters , describing their office , by their sitting , or presiding over us . wherefore he commands the corinthians to be subject to their presbyters , and whom in one line he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or bishops . the second line after he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyters . so polycarp exhorts the philippians to be subject to their presbyters and deacons , under the name of presbyters including both bishops and priests , as we now call them . the first that expressed these church-officers by the distinct terms of bishops and presbyters , was ignatius , who lived in the beginning of the second century , appropriating the title of bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or overseer , to that minister who was the more immediate overseer and governour of his parish ; and that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder or presbyter , to him who had no particular care and inspection of a parish , but was only an assistant or curate to a bishop that had ; the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or bishop , denoting a relation to a flock or cure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyter , signifying only a power or an ability to take the charge of such a flock or cure ; the former implying an actual discharge of the office , the latter a power so to do . this distinction of titles arising from the difference of their circumstances , which we find first mentioned in ignatius , was generally followed by the succeeding fathers , who for the most part distinguish between bishops and presbyters ; though sometimes according to the primitive usage they indifferently apply those terms to each of those persons . thus on the one hand the titles of presbyters are given unto bishops ; as irenaeus in his synodical epistle , twice calis anicetus , pius , higynus , telesphorus , and xistus bishops of rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyters . and those bishops who derived their succession immediately from the apostles , he calls , the presbyters in the church ; and whom clemens alexandrinus in one line calls the bishop of a certain city not far from ephesus , a few lines after he calls the presbyter . and on the other hand , the titles of bishops are ascribed to presbyters , as one of the discretive appellations of a bishop is pastour . yet cyprian also calls his presbyters the pastors of the flock . another was that of president , or one set over the people . yet cyprian also calls his presbyters presidents , or set over the people . the bishops were also called rectors or rulers . so origen calls the presbyters the governours of the people . and we find both bishops and presbyters included under the common name of presidents or prelates , by st. cyprian , in this his exhortation to pomponius , and if all must observe the divine discipline , how much more must the presidents and deacons do it , who by their conversation and manners must yield a good example to others ? now if the same appellation of a thing be a good proof for the identity of its nature , then bishops and presbyters must be of the same order , because they had the same names and titles . suppose it was disputed , whether a parson and lecturer were of the same order , would not this sufficiently prove the affirmative ? that though for some accidental respects they might be distinguished in their appellations , yet originally and frequently they were called by one and the same name . the same it is in this case , though for some contingent and adventitious reasons bishops and presbyters were discriminated in their titles , yet originally they were always , and afterwards sometimes , called by one and the same appellation ; and therefore we may justly deem them to be one and the same order . but if this reason be not thought cogent enough , the third and last will unquestionably put all out of doubt , and most clearly evince the identity or sameness of bishops and presbyters , as to order ; and that is , that it is expresly said by the ancients , that there were but two distinct ecclesiastical orders , viz. bishops and deacons , or presbyters and deacons ; and if there were but these two , presbyters cannot be distinct from bishops , for then there would be three . now that there were but two orders , viz. bishops and deacons , is plain from that golden ancient remain of clemens romanus , wherein he thus writes , in the country and 〈◊〉 where the apostles preached , they ordained their first converts for bishops and deacons , over those who should believe : nor were these orders new ; for for many ages past it was thus prophesied concerning bishops and deacons , i will appoint their bishops in righteousness , and their deacons in faith. this place of scripture which is here quoted , is in isa. . . i will make thine officers peace , and thine exactors righteousness . whether it is rightly applyed , is not my business to determin . that that i observe from hence is , that there were but two orders instituted by the apostles , viz. bishops and deacons , which clemens supposes were prophetically promised long before : and this is yet more evidently asserted in another passage of the said clemens a little after , where he says , that the apostles foreknew through our lord jesus christ , that contention would arise about the name of episcopacy , and therefore being endued with a perfect foreknowledge , appointed the aforesaid officers , viz. bishops and deacons , and left the manner of their succession described , that so when they died , other approved men might succeed them , and reform their office. so that there were only the two orders of bishops and deacons instituted by the apostles . and if they ordained but those two , i think no one had ever a commission to add a third , or to split one into two , as must be done , if we separate the order of presbyters from the order of bishops : but that when the apostles appointed the order of bishops , presbyters were included therein , will manifestly appear from the induction of those fore-cited passages in clemens's epistle , and his drift and design thereby , which was to appease and calm the schisms and factions of some unruly members in the church of corinth , who designed to depose their presbyters ; and that he might dissuade them from this violent and irregular action , amongst other arguments he proposes to them , that this was to thwart the design and will of god , who would that all should live orderly in their respective places , doing the duties of their own stations , not invading the offices and functions of others ; and that for this end , that all occasions of disorderliness and confusion might be prevented , he had instituted diversities of offices in his church , appointing every man to his particular work , to which he was to apply himself , without violently leaping into other mens places ; and that particularly the apostles foreseeing through the holy spirit , that contentious and unruly men would irregularly aspire to the episcopal office , by the deposition of their lawful presbyters ; therefore that such turbulent spirits might be repressed , or left inexcusable , they ordained bishops and deacons where they preached , and described the manner and qualifications of their successors , who should come after them when they were dead and gone , and be rever'd and obeyed with the same respect and obedience as they before were ; and that therefore they were to be condemned as perverters of the divine institution , and contemners of the apostolick authority , who dared to degrade their presbyters , who had received their episcopal authority in an immediate succession from those who 〈◊〉 advanced to that dignity by the apostles themselves . this was the true reason for which the fore-quoted passages were spoken , which clearly evinces , that presbyters were included under the title of bishops , or rather that they were bishops ; for to what end should clemens exhort the schismatical corinthians to obey their presbyters , from the consideration of the apostles ordination of bishops , if their presbyters had not been bishops ? but that the order of presbyters was the same with the order of bishops , will appear also from that place of irenaeus , where he exhorts us to withdraw from those presbyters , who serve their lusts , and having not the fear of god in their hearts , contemn others , and are lifted up with the dignity of their first session ; but to adhere to those who keep the doctrine of the apostles , and with their presbyterial order are inoffensive , and exemplary in sound doctrine , and an holy conversation , to the information and correction of others ; for such presbyters the church educates , and of whom the prophet saith , i will 〈◊〉 thee princes in peace , and bishops in righteousness . now that by these presbyters , bishops are meant , i need not take much pains to prove ; the precedent chapter positively asserts it ; the description of them in this quotation , by their enjoying the dignity of the first session , and the application of that text of isaiah unto them , clearly evinces it . no one can deny but that there were bishops , that is , that they were superiour in degree to other presbyters ; or , as irenaeus styles it , honoured with the first session ; but yet he also says , that they were not different in order , being of the presbyterial order , which includes both bishops and presbyters . to this testimony of irenaeus i shall subjoin that of clemens alexandrinus , who tho' he mentions the processes of bishops , presbyters and deacons , from which some conclude the bishops superiority of order ; yet the subsequent words evidently declare , that it must be meant only of degree , and that as to order they were one and the same ; for he immediately adds , that those offices are an imitation of the angelick glory , and of that dispensation , which , as the scriptures say , they wait for , who treading in the steps of the apostles , live in the perfection of evangelick righteousness ; for these , the apostle writes , shall be took up into the clouds , ( here he alludes to the manner of the saints glorification in thess. . . then we which are alive , and remain , shall be caught up together with them in the clouds , to meet the lord in the air , and so shall we ever be with the lord ) and there first as deacons attend , and then according to the process , or next station of glory , be admitted into the presbytery ; for glory differs from glory , till they increase to a perfect man. now in this passage there are two things which manifest , that there were but two ecclesiastical orders , viz. bishops and deacons , or presbyters and deacons ; the first is , that he says , that those orders were resembled by the angelick orders . now the scripture mentions but two orders of angels , viz. archangels and angels , the archangels presiding over the angels , and the angels obeying and attending on the archangels . according to this resemblance therefore there must be but two ecclesiastical orders in the church , which are bishops or 〈◊〉 byters presiding and governing , with the deacons attending and obeying . the other part of this passage , which proves but two ecclesiastical orders , is his likening of them to the progressive glory of the saints , who at the judgment day shall be caught up in the clouds , and there shall first as deacons attend and wait on christ's judgment-seat , and then , when the judgment is over , shall have their glory perfected , in being placed on the celestial thrones of that sublime presbytery , where they shall for ever be blest and happy . so that there were only the two orders of deacons and presbyters , the former whereof being the inseriour order , never sat at their 〈◊〉 conventions , but like servants stood and waited on the latter , who sat down on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or seats in the form of a semicircle , whence they are frequently called , consessus presbyterii , or the session of the presbytery , in which session he that was more peculiarly the bishop or minister of the parish , sat at the head of the semicircle , on a seat somewhat elevated above those of his colleagues , as cyprian calls them , and so was distinguished from them by his priority in the same order , but not by his being of another order . thus the foresaid clemens alexandrinus distinguishes the bishop from the presbyters , by his being advanced to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the first seat in the presbytery , not by his sitting in a different seat from them : for thus he writes , he is in truth a presbyter of the church , and a minister of the will of god , who does and teaches the things of the lord , not ordained by men , or esteemed just , because a presbyter , but because just , therefore received into the 〈◊〉 , who although he be not honoured with the first seat on earth , yet shall hereafter sit down on the twenty and four thrones , mentioned in the revelations , judging the people . so that both bishops and presbyters were members of the same presbytery , only the bishop was advanced to the first and chiefest seat therein , which is the very same with what i come now from proving , viz. that bishops and presbyters were equal in order , but different in degree ; that the former were the ministers of their respective parishes , and the latter their curates or assistants . whether this hath been fully proved , or whether the precedent quotations do naturally conclude the premises , the learned reader will easily determine . i am not conscious that i have stretched any words beyond their natural signification , having deduced from them nothing but what they fairly imported : if i am mistaken , i hope i shall be pardoned , since i did it not designedly or voluntarily . as before , so now i profess again , that if any one shall be so kind and obliging to give me better information , i shall thankfully and willingly acknowledge and quit mine error ; but till that information be given , and the falsity of my present opinion be evinc'd , ( which after the impartialest and narrowest enquiry , i see not how it can be done ) i hope no one will be offended , that i have asserted the equality or identity of the bishops and presbyters as to order , and their difference as to preeminency or degree . § . . now from this notion of presbyters , there evidently results the reason why there were many of them in one church , even for the same intent and end , tho' more necessary and needful , that curates are now to those ministers and incumbents whom they serve , it was found by experience , that variety of accidents and circumstances did frequently occur both in times of peace and persecution ; the particulars whereof would be needless to enumerate , that disabled the bishops from attending on , and discharging their pastoral office ; therefore that such vacancies might be supplied , and such inconveniencies remedied , they entertained presbyters or curates , who during their absence might supply their places , who also were helpful to them , whilst they were present with their flocks , to counsel and advise them ; whence bishop cyprian assures us , that he did all things by the common council of his presbyters . besides this , in those early days of christianity , churches were in most places thin , and at a great distance from one another ; so that if a bishop by any disaster was incapacitated for the discharge of his function , it would be very difficult to get a neighbouring bishop to assist him . to which we may also add , that in those times there were no publick schools or universities , except we say the catechetick lecture at alexandria , was one for the breeding of young ministers , who might succeed the bishops as they died ; wherefore the bishops of every church took care to instruct and elevate some young men , who might be prepared to come in their place when they were dead and gone . and thus for these and the like reasons most churches were furnished with a competent number of presbyters , who helpt the bishops while living , and were fitted to succeed them when dead . § . . i say only , most churches were furnished with presbyters , because all were not , especially those churches which were newly planted , where either the numbers or abilities of the belîevers were small and inconsiderable : neither indeed were presbyters essential to the constitution of a church ; a church might be without them , as well as a parish can be without a 〈◊〉 now ; it was sufficient that they had a bishop ; a presbyter was only necessary for the easing of the bishop in his office , and to be qualified for the succeeding him in his place and dignity after his death . for as 〈◊〉 writes , where there are no presbyters , the bishop alone administers the two sacraments of the lord's supper and baptism . § . . as for the time when presbyters began , to me it seems plain , that their office was even in the apostolick age , tho' by their names they were not distinguished from bishops till sometime after . the first author now extant , who distinctly mentions bishops and presbyters , is ignatius bishop of antioch , who lived in the beginning of the second century : but without doubt before his time , even in the days of the apostles , where churches increased , or were somewhat large , there were more in holy orders than the bishops of those churches . we read in the new testament of the bishops of ephesus , acts . . and philippi , philip. . . which must be understood of what was afterwards distinctly called bishops and presbyters . so likewise we read in st. timothy , tim. . . of a presbytery , which in all the writings of the fathers , for any thing i can find to the contrary , perpetually signifies the bishop and presbyters of a particular church or parish . and to this 〈◊〉 may add what clemens alexandrinus reports of st. john , that he went into the neighbouring provinces of ephesus , partly that he might constitute bishops , partly that he might plant new churches , and partly that he might appoint such in the number of the clergy , as should be commanded him by the holy ghost . where by the word clergy , being oppos'd to bishops , and so consequently different from them , must be understood either deacons alone , or which is far more probable , presbyters and deacons . chap. v. § . . the order and office of the deacons . § . . subdeacons what ? § . . of acolyths , exorcists , and lectors ; thro' those offices the bishops gradually ascended to their episcopal dignity . § . . of ordination . first , of deacons . § . . next of presbyters ; 〈◊〉 candidates for that office presented themselves to the presbytery of the parish where they were ordained . § . . by them examined about 〈◊〉 qualifications , viz. their age. § . . their condition in the world. § . . their conversation . § . . and their vnderstanding . humane learning needful . § . . some inveighed against humane learning , but condemned by clemens alexandrinus . § . . those that were to be ordain'd presbyters , generally pass'd thro' the inferiour offices . § . . when to be ordained , propounded to the people for their attestation . § . . ordain'd in , but not to a particular church . § . . ordain'd by the imposition of hands of the presbytery . § . . the conclusion of the first particular , concerning the peculiar acts of the clergy . § . . next to the presbyters were the deacons , concerning whose office and order i shall say very little , since there is no great controversie about it ; and had it not been to have rendred this discourse compleat and entire , i should in silence have pass'd it over . briefly therefore , their original institution , as in 〈◊〉 . . was to serve tables , which included these two things , a looking after the poor , and an attendance at the lord's table . as for the care of the poor , origen tells us , that the deacons dispensed to them the churches money , being employed under the bishop to inspect and relieve all the indigent within their diocese : as for their attendance at the lord's table , their office with respect to that , consisted in preparing the bread and wine , in cleansing the sacramental cups , and other such like necessary things ; whence they are called by ignatius deacons of meats and cups , assisting also , in some places at least , the bishop or presbyters in the celebration of the eucharist , delivering the elements to the communioants . they also preached , of which more in another place ; and in the absence of the bishop and presbyters baptized . in a word , according to the signification of their name , they were as ignatius calls them , the churches servants , set apart on purpose to serve god , and attend on their business , being constituted , as eusebius terms it , for the service of the publick . § . . next to the deacons were the subdencons , who are mentioned both by cyprian and cornelius . as the office of the presbyters was to assist and help the bishops , so theirs was to assist and help the deacons . and as the presbyters were of the same order with the bishop , so probably the subdeacons were of the same order with the deacons , which may be gathered from what we may suppose to have been the origin and rise of these subdeacons , which might be this , that in no church whatsoever , was it usual to have more than seven deacons , because that was the original number instituted by the apostles ; wherefore when any church grew so great and numerous , that this stinted number of deacons was not sufficient to discharge their necessary ministrations , that they might not seem to swerve from the apostolical example , they added assistants to the deacons , whom they called subdeacons or under deacons , who were employed by the head or chief deacons , to do those services in their stead and room , to which , by their office , they were obliged . but whether this be a sufficient argument to prove the subdeacons to be of the same order with the deacons , i shall not determine , because this office being now antiquated , it is not very pertinent to my design , i only offer it to the consideration of the learned , who have will and ability to search into it . § . . besides those forementioned orders , who were immediately consecrated to the service of god , and by him commission'd thereunto , there were another sort of ecclesiasticks , who were employed about the meaner offices of the church , such as acolyths , exorcists and lectors , whose offices , because they are now disused , except that of the lector , i shall pass over in silence , reserving a discourse of the lector for another place ; only in general , these were candidates for the ministry , who by the due discharge of these meaner employs , were to give proof of their ability and integrity , the bishops in those days not usually arriving per saltum to that dignity and honour ; but commonly beginning with the most inferiour office , and so gradually proceeding thro' the others , till they came to the supreme office of all , as cornelius bishop of rome , did not presently leap into the episcopal throne , but first passed thro' all the ecclesiastical offices , gradually ascending to that sublime dignity . the church in those happy days , by such a long tryal and experience , using all possible precaution and exactness , that none but fit and qualify'd men should be admitted into those sacred functions and orders , which were attended with 〈◊〉 dreadful and tremendous a charge . and this now brings me in the next place , to enquire into the manner and form of the primitive ordinations , which i chuse to discourse of in this place , since i shall find none more proper for it throughout this whole treatise . § . . as for the various senses and acceptations which may be put on the word ordination , i shall not at all meddle with them ; that ordination that i shall speak of is this , the grant of a peculiar commission and power , which remains indelible in the person to whom it is committed , and can never be obliterated or rased out , except the person himself cause it by his heresie , apostacy , or most extremely gross and scandalous impiety . now this sort of ordination was conferred only upon deacons and presbyters , or on deacons and bishops , presbyters and bishops being here to be consider'd as all one , as ministers of the church-universal . as for the ordination of deacons , there is no great dispute about that , so i shall say no more concerning it , than that we have the manner thereof at their first institution in acts . . which was , that they were ordained to their office by prayer and imposition of hands . § . . but as for the ordination of presbyters , i shall more distinctly and largely treat of the manner and form thereof , which seems to be as follows . whosoever desired to be admitted into this sacred office , he first proposed himself to the presbytery of the parish where he dwelled and was to be ordained , desiring their consent to his designed intention , praying them to confer upon him those holy orders which he craved . now we may suppose his petition was to the whole presbytery , because a bishop alone could not give those holy orders , as is most evident from cyprian , who assures us , that all clerical ordinations were performed by the common counsel of the whole prebytery . and therefore when upon a most urgent and necessary occasion he had been forced to ordain one , but a lector without the advice and consent of his presbytery , which one would be apt to think was no great usurpation , he takes great pains ( ep. . p. . ) to justifie and excuse himself for so doing . § . . upon this application of the candidate for the ministry , the presbytery took it into their consideration , debated his petition in their common council , and proceeded to examine whether he had those endowments and qualifications which were requisite for that sacred office. what those gifts and qualifications were , touching which he was examined , may be reduced to these four heads , his age , his condition in the world , his conversation , and his understanding . as for his age ; it was necessary for him to have lived some time in the world , to have been of a ripe and mature age ; for they ordained no novices , or young striplings : that was the practice of the hereticks , whom tertullian jeers and upbraids with ordaining raw and vnexperienced clerks . but as for the orthodox , they took care to confer orders on none , but on such as were well stricken in years ; observing herein the apostolick canon in tim. . . not a novice , lest being lifted up with pride , he fall into the condemnation of the devil . but yet if any young man was endued with extraordinary grace and ability , the fewness of his years was no obstacle to his promotion , that being superseded by the greatness of his merit ; as we find in the case of aurelius in cyprian , who tho' young in years , yet for his eminent courage and excellency , was graced with ecclesiastical orders : and such an one , i suppose , was the bishop of magnesia in the times of ignatius , which gave occasion to that exhortation , to the people of that diocese , not to despise their bishop's age , but to yield him all due respect and reverence . § . . as for his condition in the world ; he was not to be entangled with any mundane affairs , but to be free from all secular employments , and at perfect liberty to apply himself wholly to the duties of his office and function . this also was founded on that other apostolick canon in tim. . . no man that warreth , entangleth himself with the affairs of this life , that 〈◊〉 may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier . which words , saith cyprian , if spoken of all , how much more ought not they to be entangled with secular troubles and snares , who being busied in divine and spiritual things , cannot leave the church , to mind earthly and worldly actions ? which religious ordination , as he goes on to write , was emblematiz'd by the levites under the law ; for when the land was divided , and possessions were given to eleven tribes , the levites who waited upon the temple and altar , and the sacred offices thereof , had no share in that division ; but the others till'd the ground , whilst they only worshipped god , and received tenths of the others encrease for their food and sustenance ; all which hapned by the divine authority and dispensation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who waited on divine employments , should not be withdrawn therefrom , or be forced either to think of , or to do any secular affairs : which fashion , as he there continues to write , is now observed by the clergy , that those who are promoted to clerical ordinations , should not be impeded in their divine administrations , or iucumbred with secular concerns and affairs , but as tenths , receiving subscriptions from the brethren ; depart not from the altar and sacrifices , but night and day attend on spiritual and heavenly ministrations . these words were spoken on the occasion of a certain bishop called geminius victor , who at his death made a certain presbyter , called geminius faustinus trustee of his last will and testament , which trust cyprian condemns as void and null , because a synod had before decreed , that no clergyman should be a trustee , for this reason , because those who were in holy orders ought only to attend upon the altar and its sacrifices , and to give themselves wholly to prayer and supplication . it was a blot in the hereticks ordinations , that they ordained such as were involved in the world , and embarass'd with carnal and secular concerns . § . . as for the conversation of the 〈◊〉 to be ordained , he was to be humble and meek , of an unspotted and exemplary life . so says cyprian , in all ordinations we ought to choose men of an unspotted integrity , who worthily and holily offering up sacrifices to god , may be heard in those prayers which they make for the safety of their flock : for it is written , god heareth not a sinner ; but if any one be a worshipper of him ; and doth his will , him he heareth . wherefore before they were ordained , they were proposed to the people for their testimony and attestation of their holy life and conversation : but of this we shall speak more in another place : only it may not be improper to remember here , that this is also an apostolick canon , in 〈◊〉 tim. . , , . a bishop then must be blameless , the husband of one wife , vigilant , sober , of good behaviour , given to hospitality , apt to teach , not given to wine , no striker , not guilty of filthy lucre , but patient , not a brawler , not covetous . moreover he must have a good report of them which are without , lest he fall into reproach , and the snare of the devil . § . . as for the understanding of the person to be ordained , he was to be of a good capacity , fit and able duly to teach others . this is also another of the apostolick canons in tim. . . study to shew thy self approved unto god , a workman that needeth not to be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth . and in tim. . . a bishop must be apt to teach , which implies an ability of teaching , and a 〈◊〉 of rightly understanding , apprehending , and applying the word of god ; to which end humane learning was so conducive , as that origen pleads not only for its usefulness , but also for its necessity , especially for that part of it , which we call logick , to find out the true sense and meaning of the scripture , as appears from this following digression , which he makes concerning it , in one of his commentaries , how is it possible , saith he , that a question either in ethicks , physicks , or divinity , should be understood , as it ought , without logick ? you shall hear no absurdity from those who are skill'd in logick , and diligently search out the signification of words ; whereas many times , thro' our ignorance in logick , we greatly err , not distinguishing homonymies , amphibolies , the different vsages , properties and distinction of words , as some from the ignorance of the homonymy of the word world , have sell into wicked opinions touching its maker , not diseerning what that signifies in john . . the world lies in wickedness ; where they understanding by the world , the frame of heaven and earth , and all creatures therein , blaspheme the creator thereof , by affirming , that the sun , moon and stars , which move in so exact an order , lie in wickedness . so also thro' the same ignorance they know not the true sense of that text in john . this is the lamb of god , which taketh away the sins of the world. neither of that in cor. . . god was in christ reconciling the world to himself : wherefore if we would not err about the true sense of the holy scripture , it is necessary that we understand logick , which art of logick , the foresaid father thinks , is recommended to us by solomon in prov. . . he that refuseth reproof , or logick , as he rendreth it , erreth . clemens alexandrinus also stifly asserts the utility of humane learning , where he says , that it is profitable to christianity for the clear and distinct demonstrations of its doctrine , in that it helps us to the more evident understanding of the truth . and in particular for logick , he gives it high encomiums , as that it is a hedge to defend the truth from being prod down by sophisters , that it gives us great light duly to understand the holy scriptures , that it is necessary to confute the sophisms of hereticks . and in general , for all sorts of learning he tells us , that it keeps the way of life , that we be not deceived or circumvented , by those that endeavour to draw us into the way of sin . so that he thinks philosophy and the liberal arts came down from heaven unto men. but should i produce all the passages in this father , concerning the utility and excellency of humane learning , i must transcribe several pages in folio , which if the reader has a curiosity to view , he may especially take notice of these places , stromat . lib. . pag. , , , , , , and stromat . lib. . pag. , , , , , , . § . . it is true , there were some in those days , of whom clemens 〈◊〉 complains , who dreaded philosophy , lest it should deceive them , as much as children did hobgoblins . because they saw by too lamentable experience , that many learned mens brains were so charmed , or intoxicated with philosophical notions , as that they laboured to transform them into christian verities , and so thereby became authors of most pestilent and damnable heresies , which is particularly observed by tertullian , with respect to the hereticks of his time , who in this account calls the philosophers , the patriarchs , of hereticks . therefore they accused philosophy it self , as the production of some evil inventor , introduced into the world for the ruin and destruction of mankind . even tertullian himself , for this reason had an extream pique against philosophy , and violently decry'd it , especially logick , as inconsistent with true christianity , as may be seen at large in his book , de prescriptione adversus haereticos , p. , but to this objection clemens alexandrinus replies , that if any man had been deceived and misled by philosophy , that that proceeded not from philosophy , but from the wickedness of his nature ; for whosoever has wisdom enough to use it , he is able thereby to make a larger and a more demonstrative defence of the faith than others . and concerning logick in particular , he tells them , that as for eristick , jangling logick , for impertinent and contentious sophisms , which he elegently calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the shadows of reason ; he disliked it as much as they , and frequently inveighs against it : but as for the 〈◊〉 substantial part of it , he could not but deem it profitable and advantagious , since it helps us to find out the truth , enables us the better to understand the scriptures , and shews us how to refel the sophisms and cunning arguments of the hereticks . but besides this sort of objectors , there were others , of whom clemens alexandrinus speaks , who condemned learning on this account , because it was humane , unto whom that father answers , that was most unreasonable , that philosophy only should be condemned on this account , and that the meanest arts besides , even those of a smith and shipwright , which are as much humane , should be commended and approved ; that they did not rest here and go no farther , but having got what was useful and profitable from it , they ascended higher unto the true philosophy , making this humane philosophy a guide unto , or , a preparatory for the true philosophy . these were the sentiments of this learned father touching the utility and excellency of humane learning , with respect to the interpretation of scripture , the finding out and defending of the true faith and doctrine , and such like things , which were the very heart and soul of the presbyters function and employ ; from whence we may rationally collect , that it was needful , amiable , and profitable in a presbyter : i do not say that it was absolutely necessary , for it is apparent that a great part of the ancient presbyters were not skill'd in it ; but i say that it was very useful and advantageous , and they prized and esteemed those presbyters , who were vers'd in it , especially those of them who were arch-presbyters or bishops , who , if possible , were to be well read in those parts of learning , which were proper to confirm the articles of christianity , and to confute the enemies thereof . this is plainly insinuated by origen , when he says , that the holy scriptures exhort us to learn logick , in that place , where it is said by solomon , he that refuseth reproof , or logick , as he understandeth it , erreth ; and that therefore he that instructeth others , ( the greek word more particularly denotes the bishop ) ought to be able to convince gain-sayers . § . . upon this examination of the candidates for the ministry ; and their approbation by the presbytery , the next thing that follow'd was their being declared capable of their desired function , to which they were very seldom presently advanced , but first gave a specimen of their abilities in their discharge of other inferiour ecclesiastick offices , and so proceeded by degrees to the supreme function of all , as cornelius bishop of rome , did not presently leap into his office , but passing thro' all the ecclesiastical employments , gradually ascended thereunto . and as aurelius , a member of the church of carthage , began first with the lowermost office of a lector , tho' by his extraordinary merits he deserved those that were more sublime and honourable . § . . that this was their constant and unalterable practice , i dare not affirm ; i rather think the contrary , as i might easily prove , were it pertinent to my design ; this that follows is more certain , that whether they were gradually or presently ordained presbyters , their names were published or propounded to the people of that church , where they were to be ordained , that so , if worthy of that office , they might have the testimony and attestation of the people ; or if unworthy and unfit , they might be debarred and excluded from it , by which course the crimes of the wicked were discovered , the vertues of the good declared , and the ordination became valid and legitimate , being examin'd by the suffrage and judgment of all . § . . if the people objected nothing against the persons proposed , but approved their fitness for that office ; the next thing that followed , was their actual ordination in that particular church , where they were so propounded , not that they were only ordain'd for that particular church , but in it they were ordained ministers of the church universal , being at liberty , either to serve that church , where they received their orders , or , if they had a legal call , to spend their labours elsewhere , in other churches , as origen was a presbyter of alexandria , tho' he was ordained in palestina , by the bishops of caesarea and jerusalem , and numidicus was a presbyter of the church of carthage , tho' he received his orders elsewhere . hence the presbyters of a church were not confined to a set number , as the bishop and deacons were , but were sometimes more , sometimes less ; as fit persons for that office presented themselves , so were they ordained , some of whom still remained in the same church , where they received their orders ; and others went and served other churches every one going where the providence of god did call him . § . . but now their formal ordination was by imposition of hands , usually of the bishop and presbyters of the parish where they were ordained : for this there needs no other proof than that injunction of st. paul to timothy , 〈◊〉 tim. . . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . as for imposition of hands , it was a ceremony that was variously used in the old testament , from whence it was translated into the new , and in the primitive church used on sundry occasions , to no purpose here to enumerate : one of those actions was , ordination of church-officers , wherein , i think , it was never omitted . thus novatian was ordained a presbyter by imposition of hands . and the bishops of cesarea and jerusalem imposed hands on origen to make him a presbyter . the imposition of hands being the completion of ordination , or the final act thereof ; for whosoever had past through the forementioned examination and attestation , and consequently to that had received the laying on of hands , he was esteemed by all , as legally ordained , and was ever after deemed to have sufficient power and authority to exert and discharge the duty and office of the presbytership , to which by those actions he was advanced and promoted . § . . here now i shall conclude what i designed to write , with respect to the first particular , concerning the peculiar acts of the clergy , under which i have discoursed distinctly of the office , and order of bishops , priests and deacons , as also of several other things relating to their charge and dignity . as for those other acts of theirs , which remain to be inquired into , i shall not meddle with them here ; for tho' they may have some rapport or connexion to this head , yet they more properly and immediately respect the third , unto which place therefore i shall refer their discussion and examination . chap. vi. § . . the peculiar acts of the laity proposed to be discoursed of . what were the qualifications of church-membership . § . . the people , in some cases , had power to depose their bishops . § . . the conjunct acts of the clergy and laity proposed to be discoursed of . all ecclesiastical affairs were managed by their joint endeavours . § . . having in the former chapters treated of the peculiar acts of the clergy , i come now in this to speak something to the peculiar acts of the laity , and to enquire into those actions and powers , which they exerted distinctly by themselves . and here it may not be amiss first of all to make an enquiry into the constitution of the laity , that is , how and by what means they were first admitted to be members of a church , by vertue of which membership they were made partakers of all those powers , which we shall hereafter mention . now for answer hereunto , in general , all those that were baptized , were look'd upon as members of the church , and had a right to all the priviledges thereof ; except they had been guilty of grofs and scandalous sins , as idolatry , murder , adultery , and such like ; for then they were cast out of the church , and not admitted again , till by a penitent and holy deportment they had testified their grief and sorrow for their unholy and irregular actions ; for as origen saith , we do our utmost , that our assemblies be composed of good and wise men. so that none who are admitted to our congregations , and prayers , are vitious and wicked , except very rarely it may happen , that a particular bad . man may be concealed in so great a number . but since the greatest part of christians were adult persons at their conversion to christianity , and admission into church-fellowship and society , therefore we must consider the prerequisites of baptism , since that sacrament gave them a right and title to that admission or reception . now those persons who designed to leave heathenism and idolatry , and desired to be members of a christian church , were not presently advanced to that degree , but were first continued a certain space of time in the rank of the catechumens , or the catechised ones : these were candidates of christianity , who were to stay some time in that order for these two reasons : the one was , that they might be catechised and instructed in the articles of the christian faith , from whence they were called catechumens : and the other was , that they might give demonstrations of the reality of their intentions , by the change of their lives , and the holiness of their conversations . whilst they were in this estate , or rather in a preparatory thereunto , they were first privately instructed at home , till they understood the more intelligible principles of christianity , and then they were admitted into the first rank of catechumens , who are called by tertullian edocti , or , those that are taught . these were permitted to come into the church where they stood in a place by themselves , and were present at the sermons , which were adapted to their capacities , being discourses of the ordinary and less mysterious truths of the gospel . if they behaved themselves well in this rank , then they were advanced to the superior rank of the perfecti , or , perfect , as tertullian calls them , who stayed not only at the lessons and sermons , but also at the prayers , which were the conclusion of the first service , and in a little time were baptized , and tarried with the faithful at the celebration of the eueharist , or the second service . this was the manner of 〈◊〉 amongst the ancients ; none in those days were hastily advanced to the higher forms of christianity , but according to their knowledge and merit gradually arrived thereunto , being first instructed at home , then admitted to the didactick part of the publick , and then to the supplicative part thereof . it was the wicked policy of the hereticks indifferently to pray and hear with all , making no difference between the faithful or the catechumens : but the true church distinguished and permitted not the catechumens to enjoy the priviledges of the faithful , till they had in a sense merited them , which was , when thro' a considerable time of trial they had evidenced the sineerity of their hearts , by the sanctity and purity of their lives , and then , as origen saith , we initiate them in our mysteries , when they have made a proficiency in holiness , and according to the utmost of their power , have reformed their conversations . when they had changed their manners , and rectified their irregular carriages ; then they were washed with the water of baptism , and not before ; for as tertullian saith , we are not baptized , that we may ceafe to sin , but because we have already ceased . as soon as they were baptized , they commenced members of the church universal , and of that particular church , wherein they were so baptized , and became actual sharers and exerters of all the priviledges and powers of the faithful . § . . now what the distinct and separate powers of the faithful were , must be next considered ; several of them , to make the discourse under the former head complete , we 〈◊〉 there , as their election and choice of their bishops , their attestation to those that were ordained , and such like , which will be unnecessary and tedious to repeat here ; and others of them cannot be well separated from their conjunct acts with the clergy , but must with them be discoursed of in the next head , so that there will be little or nothing to say here of their discretive and particular acts , save , that as they had power to elect their bishops , so if their bishops proved afterwards scandalous and grosly wicked in life , or at least heretical in doctrine , and apostates from the faith , they had power to depose them , and to chuse others in their rooms . this i must be forced also to mention in another place , so that for the proof of it i shall urge only the case of martialis and basilides , two spanish bishops , who for apostacy and idolatry , were deserted by their parishes , who elected felix and sabinus bishops in their steads . after this deposition martialis and basilides claim'd the exercise of their episcopal authority , but their parishes denied it to them ; and that they might not seem to act by a power , which belonged not unto them , they sent to several bishops in africa , to know their judgment thereupon , who being convened in a synod anno , whereof cyprian was president , approved and commended their proceedings , assuring them , that it was according to the divine law , which was express , that none but those that were holy and blameless should approach god's altar ; that if they had continued to have communicated with their profane bishops , they would have been accessaries to their guilt and villany , and would have contradicted those examples and commands in scripture , which oblige a people to separate from their wicked and ungodly ministers ; that they had not acted irregularly in what they had done ; since as the people had the chief power of choosing worthy bishops , so also of refusing those that were unworthy : and many other such like passages are to be found in that synodical epistle , which 〈◊〉 assert the peoples power to depose a wicked and scandalous bishop . but however , tho' the people had such a power appertaining to them , yet being subject to be guided by giddiness , envy or pride , where churches were regularly associated , and their circumstances did permit it , they did not by vertue of their power alone , upon their own single judgment depose their bishop ; but that their actions might be the more authentick and unquestionable , they had their complaints heard , and the whole affair examined by the synod to which they belonged , or by some other bishops , who , if their accusations were just and valid , might concur with them in the deposition of their bishop , and in the election of a new one : and from hence it is , that we find the power of deposing bishops ascribed to synods , as paulus samosatenus bishop of antioch , was deprived by a synod held in that place , and privatus bishop of lambese was deposed by a synod of ninety bishops . the same method being observed in the deposition of a bishop , as in his election . as a bishop was elected by the people , over whom he was to preside , and by the neighbouring bishops , so was he deposed by the same ; both which things seem to be intimated in that passage of the forementioned synodical 〈◊〉 , wherein it is said , that the people chiefly has power either to chuse worthy bishops , or to refuse unworthy ones . the word chiefly implying , that besides the people , some others were necessary to concur with them either in the election or deprivation of a bishop ; and those were the neighbouring bishops , or to speak more properly , that synod to which they appertained ; of which synods , of their power and authority , i shall discourse more largely elsewhere . § . . having thus briefly dispatched the second head , i now proceed to handle the third , which respects the conjunct acts of the 〈◊〉 and laity : in answer whereunto , i find , that , in general , all things relating to the government and policy of the church , were performed by their joint consent and administrations , the people were to do nothing without the bishop : and on the contrary , he did nothing without the knowledge and consent of his people . when any letters came from foreign churches , they were received , and read before the whole church , and the whole church agreed 〈◊〉 common letters to be sent to other churches . and so for all other matters relating to the policy of the church , they were managed by the common advice and counsel of the clergy and laity , both concurred to the discharge of those actions , to recite every particular act whereof would be extremely tedious and fruitless . wherefore in speaking hereunto , i shall confine my self to those of their complex acts , that regarded the discipline of the church , which being an answer to the second part of our enquiry , viz. an enquiry into the discipline of the primitive church , shall be the subject of the following chapter . chap. vii . § . . the necessity , quality , and excellency of discipline . six things propounded to be handled . . for what faults offenders were censured . . who were the judges that censured . . the manner of their censures . . what their censures were . . the course that offenders took to be absolved . . the manner of their absolution . § . . censures were inflicted for all sorts of crimes , especially for idolatry . § . . the whole church were the judges that composed the ecclesiastical consistory . the executive power lodg'd in the clergy , and the legistative both in clergy and laity . in difficult points some neighbouring bishops assisted at the decision of them . § . the manner of their censures . § . . their censures consisted in excommunications , and suspensions ; the dreadfulness thereof . § . . the course that offenders took to be absolved : they first lay groveling and weeping at the church doors . § . . then admitted into the rank of the penitents . their behaviour during their time of penance . § . . how long their penance was . in some cases the fixed period anticipated ; when ended , the penitents were examined by the court , and if approved , then absolved . § . . the manner of their absolution . they came into the church with all expressions of sorrow , publickly confessed the sin for which they had been censured . the church was tenderly affected with their confession . § . . after confession they were absolved by the clergies imposition of hands . § . . then admitted to the churches peace . the clergy generally restored only to lay communion . § . . as all governments are necessitated to make use of laws , and other political means , to preserve their constitution . so the church of christ , which has a certain government annexed to it , that it may preserve its self from ruine and confusion , has certain laws and orders for the due regulation of her members , and penalties annexed to the breaches thereof . but herein lies the difference between the one and the other ; the penalties and executions of the former , are like its constitution , purely humane and carnal ; but those of the other are spiritual ; as religion was at first received by spiritual and voluntary , and not by carnal and involuntary means : for as tertullian says , it is not religion , to force a religion , which ought to be willingly , not forcibly received . so by the same means it was continued , and the penalties of the breach of it were of the same nature also . the churches arms were spiritual , consisting of admonitions , excommunications , suspensions , and such like , by the weilding of which she governed her members , and preserved her own peace and purity . now this is that which is called discipline , which is absolutely necessary to the unity , peace , and being of the church ; for where there is no law , government or order , that society cannot possibly 〈◊〉 , but must sink in its own ruins and confusions . to recite the numerous encomiums of discipline , that are interspers'd in the writings of the ancients , would be an endless task : let this one suffice out of cyprian , discipline , says he , is the keeper of hope , the stay of faith , the captain of salvation , the fewel and nutriment of a good disposition , the mistress of vertue , that makes us perpetually abide in christ , and live to god , and tend towards the heavenly and divine promises . this to follow is saving , but to despise and neglect is deadly . the holy ghost speaks in psal. . . keep discipline , lest the lord be angry , and ye perish from the right way , when his wrath is kindled but a little against you . and again , in psal. . . but unto the sinner god said , what hast thou to do to declare my law , and to take my judgments into thy mouth ? thou hatest discipline , and castest my words behind thee . and again we read in wisdom . . he that casteth off discipline is unhappy . and by solomon we have received this command from wisdom , in prov. . . my son , forget not the discipline of the lord , nor faint when thou art corrected ; for whom the lord loveth he correcteth . but if god corrects whom he loves , and corrects them that they may amend ; christians also , and especially ministers , do not hate , but love those whom they correct , that they may amend , since god hath also soretold our times in jer. . . and i will give you pastors after mine own heart , and they shall seed you in discipline . now this is that discipline , viz. the power and authority of the church exerted by her , for her own preservation , in the censuring of her offending members , that i am now to discourse of ; for the clearer apprehension whereof these six queries must be examined into , . for what faults offenders were censured . . who were the judges that censured . . the manner of their censures . . what their censures were . . the course that offenders took to be absolved . and , . the manner of their absolution . § . . as to the first of these , for what faults offenders were censured . i answer , for schism , heresie , covetousness , gluttony , fornication , adultery , and for all other sins whatsoever , none excepted ; nay , the holy and good men of those days were so zealous against sin , that they used the strictest severities against the least appearances of it , not indulging or sparing the least branch of its pestiferous production , but smartly punishing the least sprout of it , it s lesser acts , as well as those that were more scandalous and notorious . cyprian writes , that not only gravissimae & extrema delicta , the greatest and most heinous crimes , but even minora delicta , the lesser faults were punished by their ecclesiastical courts , so cutting off sin in its bud , and by the excision of its lesser acts and ebullitions , preventing its more gross and scandalous eruptions . that particular sin which they most severely punished , and through the frequency of persecutions had numerous objects of , was apostacy from the truth , or a lapsing into idolatry , which crime was always 〈◊〉 with the extremest rigour ; of which ninus , clementianus and florus were sad instances , who tho' they had for some time couragiously endured their persecutions and torments , yet at last , thro' the violence thereof , and the weakness of their flesh , unwillingly consenting to the heathen idolatries , were for that fault forced to undergo three years penance ; and had it not been for their ancient merits , must have underwent it much longer , as may be seen at large in the d epistle of cyprian . and thus by these and such like severe and rigorous courses , those primitive virtuoso's endeavoured to prevent sin , and to make all the professors of the christian religion truly holy and pious ; for as origen saith , we use our utmost endeavours , that our assemblies be composed of wise and honest men. § . . as for the judges that composed the consistory or ecclesiastical court , before whom offending criminals were convened , and by whom censured , they will appear to have been the whole church , both clergy and laity ; not the bishop without the people , nor the people without the bishop , but both conjunctly constituted that supreme tribunal , which censured delinquents and transgressors , as will be evident from what follows . all the power that any church-court exerted , was derived from that promife and commission of christ , in matth. . , . thou art peter , and upon this rock will i build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . and i will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . now this power some of the ancients mention , as given to the bishops . thus origen writes , that the bishops applyed to themselves this promise that was made to peter , teaching , that they had received the keys of the kingdom of heaven from our saviour , that so whatsoever was bound , that is , condemned by them on earth , was bound in heaven ; and whatsoever was loosed by them , was also loosed in heaven ; which , says he , may be orthodoxly enough applyed to them , if they hold peter's confession , and are such as the church of christ may be built upon . and so also says cyprian , the church is founded upon the bishops , by whom every ecclesiastical action is governed . others of the ancients mention this power , as given to the whole church , according to that in matth. . , , , . if thy brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him 〈◊〉 if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy 〈◊〉 but if he will not hear thee , take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it unto the church ; but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen and a publican . verily , i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven . by the church here is to be understood , the whole body of a particular church or parish , unto which some of the fathers attribute the power of the keys , as tertullian , if thou fearest heaven to be shut , remember the lord gave its keys to peter , and by him to the church . and firmilian , the power of remitting sins is given to the apostles , and to the churches which they constituted , and to the bishops who succeeded them . now from this different attribution of the power of the keys , we may infer this , that it was so lodged both in bishops and people , as that each had some share in it : the bishop had the whole executive , and part of the legislative power ; and the people had a part in the legislative , tho' not in the executive . as for the executive power , by which i understand the formal pronunciation of suspensions and excommunications , the imposition of hands in the absolution of penitents , and such like ; that could be done by none , but by the bishop , or by persons in holy orders deputed and commission'd by him , as the sequel will evince . but as for the legislative , decretive , or judicatorial power , that 〈◊〉 both to clergy and laity , who conjunctly made up that supreme consistorial court , which was in every parish , before which all offenders were tried ; and , if found guilty , sentenced and condemned . now that the clergy were members of this ecclesiastical court , is a thing so evidently known and granted by all , as that it would be superfluous to heap up many quotations to prove it , so that i shall but just confirm it , after i have proved that which may seem more strange ; and that is , that the laity were members thereof , and judges therein , being sharers with the clergy in the judicial power of the spiritual court : and this will most evidently appear by the consideration of these following testimonies : the first shall be out of that place of clemens romanus , where he writes , who will say according to the example of moses , if seditions , contentions and schisms are hapned because of me , i will depart , i will go wheresoever you please , and i will do what are enjoyned me by the people , so the church of christ be in peace . so origen describes a criminal as appearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before the whole church . and dyonisius bishop of alexandria in his letter to fabius bishop of antioch , speaks of one serapion , that had fallen in the times of persecution , who had several times appeared before the church , to beg their pardon , but no one did ever take any notice of him . but cyprian is most full in this matter , as when two subdeacons , and an acolyth of his parish , had committed some great misdemeanors , he professes that he himself was not a sufficient judge of their crimes , but they ought to be tried by all the people . and concerning felicissimus the 〈◊〉 , he writes to his people from his exile , that , if it pleased god , he would come to them after easter , and then that affair should be adjusted according to their arbitrement and common counsel . and in another place he condemns the rash precipitation of some of his presbyters in admitting the lapsed to communion , because of some pacificatory libels obtained from the confessors , and charges them to admit no more till peace was restored to the church , and then they should plead their cause before the clergy , and before all the people . and concerning the same matter , he writes in another letter to the people of his parish , that when it should please god to restore peace to the church , and reduce him from his exile , that then it should be examined in their presence , and according to their judgment . so that the consistory court was composed of the people , as well as of the bishop , each of whom had a negative voice therein . on one side , the bishop could do nothing without the people . so when several returned from the schism of fortunatus , and bishop cyprian was willing to receive them into the churches peace , he complains of the unwillingness of his people to admit them , and the great difficulties he had to obtain their consent , as he thus describes it in his letter to cornelius bishop of rome , o my dear brother , if you could be present with me , when those men return from their schism , you would wonder at what pains i take to perswade our brethren to be patient , that laying aside their grief of mind , they would consent to the healing and receiving of those that are sick ; i can scarce 〈◊〉 , yea , i extort a grant from my people , that such 〈◊〉 received to communion . and on the other side , the people could do dothing without the bishop ; as when one of the three bishops that 〈◊〉 ordained novatian , came back to the church and desired admission , the people alone could not receive him , without the consent of the bishop 〈◊〉 , for else they would not have so earnestly press'd him 〈◊〉 his permission , as we find they did . thus then we have viewed the members of the spiritual court , and have proved that they were all the members , or the whole body of the church , clergy as well as laity , and laity as well as clergy ; 〈◊〉 one without the other , but both together . but now forasmuch as the people were encumbred with earthly business , and it was not possible that they could constantly give their attendance , and narrowly search into every thing that should be brought before them : therefore we may suppose , that the members of the presbytery , who , as was said before , under the head of ordination , were to be free from all worldly cares and employments , were appointed as a committee to prepare matters for the whole court. an instance whereof we meet with in maximus , vrbanus , sidonius , and some others , that had joined in the schism of novatian , who being sensible of their fault , came into the presbytery , and desir'd the churches peace ; the presbytery accepted of their submission , and proposed it to the whole church , who readily embraced it . so that the presbytery prepared matters for the whole court , which court was the supreme tribunal within the limits of that parish , before whom all matters that there occurred , were tried , and by whom all were judged ; only when any great and difficult points were decided , 't is probable it was the custom to desire the bishops of the neighbouring parishes to come over , and assist there in presence , that so their censures might be the freer from any imputation of partiality or injustice . thus when a nice affair was to be determined at rome , cornelius desired five bishops to assist , that so what they did might be firm and indisputable . § . . having thus found out the members of the ecclesiastical tribunal , the next thing to be consider'd , is the manner and form of their proceedings in the exercise of their judicial power and authority , which by tertullian is described to be after this manner : when at their general assemblies the other parts of divine worship were ended , then followed exhortations , reproofs , and a divine censure ; for the judgment is given with great weight , as amongst those that are sure , that god beholds what they do ; and this is one of the highest preludiums and forerunners of the judgment to come , when the delinquent is banished from the communion of prayers , assemblies , and all holy commerce . approved elders preside there , who obtained that honour by testimony , not by price . so that when the consistory was sat , the bishop and his assisting presbyters , here called approved elders ; but commonly the presbytery presided and moderated all things there proposed and debated . then the offenders , if possible , were actually brought before them , ( tho' the non-appearance of the criminals was no impediment to their proceedings ) for notwithstanding they condemned them , and censured them not only for those crimes , for which they were cited to appear , but also for their contumacy and stubbornness , as cyprian writes , the proud and obstinate are killed with the spiritual sword , whilst they are cast out of the church ; and those that are stubborn and fear not god , but go off from the church , let no man accompany . but yet , i say , if possible , the offenders personally appeared , that so their crimes might be objected to them , to which they were to plead , as cyprian says , that the lapsed were to plead their cause before the clergy and the whole church . then the court consider'd the defendant's plea , as cyprian writes , that all things were debated in common amongst them . and if the bishop and majority of the court judged their defence insufficient , they were voted by their common suffrage to be condemned and censured , as cyprian writes , that whoever was excommunicated , it was by the divine suffrages of the people . the delinquent being thus cast , or found guilty , the next thing that succeeded , was the formal declaration of the sentence of the court , which was pronounced , as tertullian intimates in that fore-quoted passage , by one of the presiding elders , that is , either by the bishop or a presbyter commission'd by him , the manner of which pronunciation seems also from that passage to be thus : he that passed the formal sentence on the criminal , first began with exhortations ; that is , as we may reasonably suppose , he exhorted the faithful to use all diligent care and fear to avoid those sins and crimes , which had brought the offenders before them to so lamentable and fatal condition . then followed reproofs , which were sharp rebukes and reprehensions to the delinquents for their foul miscarriages and enormous practices , setting forth the evil , villany and misery of them ; that they were provoking to god , grievous to the faithful , scandalous to religion , and in fine , ruining and pernicious to themselves ; in that it rendred them obnoxious to that divine censure , which then immediately , as the conclusion of all , he formally pronounced on them . which brings me to the consideration of the fourth query , viz. what the primitive censures were ; of which , in the following section . § . . now in answer hereunto ; as the church , so her arms were spiritual ; her thunderbolts 〈◊〉 in suspensions and excommunications , in ejecting and throwing out of the church her scandalous and rotten members , not permitting a re-induction of them , till by visible signs of repentance they had satisfied for their crimes and villanies . various are the appellations that are given to the sentence of excommunication in the writings of the ancients . by dionysius alexandrinus it is called , a driving away from the church . by tertullian , a casting out from the churches communion , and a driving from communion . by cyprian , a separation from the church , an ejection out of the church , a killing with the spiritual sword , and many other such like terms occur in the fathers , all tending to describe the fearfulness and misery of an excommunicated state : so tremendous was it , that whosoever was in that condition , was look'd upon as accursed by god , and really was so by men , who esteem'd him as a limb of satan , and a member of the devil , shunning his company as they did the plague , or any other infectious disease . those , says cyprian , that are proud , and fear not god , but go off from the church , let no man accompany . and therefore irenaeus speaking concerning the hereticks , who were all excommunicated , says , that according to the command of paul , we must avoid them ; and john forbids us so much as to wish them god speed , since by so doing we communicate with their evil works . and tertullian in that forementioned place writes , that the delinquent was banished from the communion of prayers , assemblies , and all holy converse ; being look'd upon as one unworthy of humane society , cast out of the church of god here ; and if impenitently dying in that condition , as certainly excluded the kingdom of god hereafter . for as origen writes on matth. . . on which text excommunication is founded , he that is condemned and bound by the church on earth , remains bound , none in heaven unloosing him . § . . no wonder then that men in their right senses were affrightned at the tremendous misery of an excommunicated condition , and that when through their corrupt natures and wicked practices they had incurred that sentence , they never left fasting . watching , weeping , and the endurance of the severest courses of mortification , till they were absolved from it , and reinstated in god and the churches favour . which brings me in the next place to search into the course that offenders took to be received into the church again , the usual method whereof seems to have been thus : all those that desired to be delivered from that miserable state , in the first place in a most penitent and humble manner came weeping and crying unto the church-doors , where they lay groveling on the ground , prostrating themselves at the feet of the faithful as they went into church , and begging their prayers to god for them . the behaviour of these men is thus elegantly express'd by the clergy of the church of rome in a letter to cyprian , let them , say they , knock at the church-doors , but not break them ; let them come to the threshold of the church , but not . pass over it ; let them watch at the gates of the celestial tents , but armed with modesty , by which they may remember they were deserters ; let them resume the trumpet of their prayers , but not to sound an alarm to battle ; let them arm themselves with the darts of modesty , and retake that shield , which by their apostacy they lost , that so they may be armed , not against the church , which grieves at their misery , but against their adversary the devil ; a modest petition , a bashful supplication , a necessary humility , and an industrious patience will be advantagious to them ; let them express their grief by their tears , and their sorrow and shame for their crimes by their groans . so tertullian , in the same manner describes one in this state , by lying in sackcloth and ashes , by having a squalid body , and a dejected soul , by fasting , praying , weeping , groaning and roaring night and day ; by throwing himself at the clergies feet , and kneeling before the faithful , begging and desiring their prayers and pardon . § . . if the ecclesiastical court thought their repentance to be real , and those external expressions of sorrow and grief to proceed from suitable affections of heart , then they began to encline to some terms of remission and reconciliation , and gave the delinquents some hopes of it , by admitting them to come into the church , and to stay at some part of divine service , but not at the whole of it , to communicate with the faithful , till they had for a long space of time , which they then imposed on them , by their humble and modest carriage gave good proofs of their sorrow and repentance . this fixed time of tryal was called , the time of penance , during which the penitent , as he was now called , appeared in all the formalities of sorrow , with a course habit , and a dejected countenance , continually fasting and praying , lamenting and bemoaning the greatness and aggravations of his sin and wickedness , as may be seen in sundry places of the fathers , all which to transcribe would be very tedious ; wherefore i shall content my self with translating a few elegancies pertinent to this purpose , out of cyprian's book de lapsis , wherein he thus inveighs against those , who in a state of penance indulged themselves in the delights and enjoyments of the flesh , can we think that that man weeps with his whole heart , and with-fastings , tears , and sighs beseeches god , who from the very first day of his offence daily frequents the baths , who indulging to his gluttonous appetite this day , vomits up his undigested crudities the next day , and does not communicate of his meat and drink to the necessities of the poor ? he that goes gay and jocund , how doth he bewayl his death ? does that woman weep and mourn , who spends her time in putting on splendid garments , and does not think upon the garment of christ , which she lost ? who seeks after precious ornaments and rich jewels , and does not bewail the loss of the heavenly and divine adorning ? altho' thou puttest on exotick garbs and silken garments , thou art naked ; altho' thou beautifiest thy self with gold and pearls , without the beauty of christ thou art deformed : and thou who dyest thine hair , now leave it off in this time of penance ; and thou who paintest thine eyes , wash it off with thy tears . if thou shouldst lose any one of thy dear friends by death , thou wouldst sorrowfully weep and howl , and express the greatness of thy sorrow by thy disregarded face , mourning garments , neglected hair , cloudy countenance , and dejected visage . why , o wretch , thou hast lost thy soul , and wilt not thou bitterly weep , and continually lament ? now therefore pray and supplicate more earnestly , pass the day in weeping , the night in watching and crying , both night and day in tears and lamentations , prostrate your selves upon the ground , roll your selves in dust and ashes ; after having lost the garment of christ , have no cloathing here ; having tasted the devil's meat , chuse now to fast . § . . how long these penitentiary stations were , cannot be defined , since they differed according to the quality of the offence and the offender , according to the circumstance of time , and the will and pleasure of the 〈◊〉 court who imposed them ; some were in the state of penance two years , some three , some five , some ten , some more , some even to their lives ends ; but how long and rigorous soever their penance was , they were patiently , humbly , and thankfully to endure it the whole time , being not absolved , till they had undergone the legal and full time of satisfaction . it is true indeed , that in some extraordinary cases the prudence of the church saw fit to dispense with the usual length and severity of their inflicted discipline , as in case of death , of an approaching persecution , or , when a great multitude , and eminent leading persons were cencerned in the same offence ; as in the case of trophimus , which may be seen in the d epistle of cyprian . besides these , the confessors claimed the privilege of restoring penitents before the usual time ; which irregular and unreasonable practice of theirs caused great disturbances to the church of carthage in the days of cyprian , which may be seen at large in several epistles extant in the beginning of his works . but laying aside these unusual circumstances , the fixed period of penance was never anticipated ; but how long and severe soever it was , the penitent chearfully submitted to it . when the appointed time of penance was ended , the penitent applyed himself to the ecclesiastical court for absolution , who examined his demeanours and actions , which if they approved and liked , they then proceeded to the formal assoyling of him , of which in the following sections . § . . on the appointed day for absolution , the penitent , or he that was now to be absolved , came into the church mourning and weeping , and expressing all external indications of his internal sorrow : as when natalis , a roman confessor , was absolved for his joyning with the theodotian hereticks , he came into the church , as it is related by an ancient 〈◊〉 christian , covered with sackcloth and ashes , throwing himself at the feet of the clergy and laity , and with tears in his eyes begging their pardon and forgiveness . it being looked upon as very proper , that they should be admitted into the church by tears , not by threats ; by prayers , and not by curses . hence at this time for the greater demonstration of their sorrow and humility , they were to make a publick confession of their sin , styled by them exomologesis , which was , as cyprian saith , a confession of their great and heinous crime , and was a necessary antecedent to absolution , inasmuch as it was the source and spring of all true repentance . for as tertullian observes , out of confession is born repentance , and by confession comes satisfaction . and in many places of cyprian the necessity of confession is asserted ; for as tertullian says , confession as much diminishes the fault , as dissimulation aggravates it ; confession is the advice of satisfaction , dissimulation of contumacy . and therefore he condemns those , who thro' shame deferred from day to day the publication of their sin , as more mindful of their shamefacedness , than of their salvation : like those who have a disease in their secret parts , through shame conceal it from the chyrurgeons , and so with their modesty die and perish . confession therefore being so necessary , the greatest offenders were not exempted from it ; as when philip the emperor , as eusebius calls him , or rather philip a prefect of egypt , would have joyned with the faithful in the churches prayer , bishop babylas denied him admission , because of his enormous crimes ; nor would he receive him , till he had made a publick confession of his faults . and accordingly when one of those bishops that schismatically ordained novatian , returned as a penitent , he came into the church weeping , and confessing his sin ; where we may observe , that it is said in the singular number , his sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which intimates , that the penitent's confession was not only general , or for all his sins in the gross ; but it was particular , for that special sin for which he was censured ; consonant whereunto cyprian , as before quoted , writes , that the penitent confessed his most great and heinous sin ; that is , that sin for which he was so severely punished . this confession of the penitents was made with all the outward signs of sorrow and grief , which usually so affected the faithful , as that they sympathized with them in mourning and weeping . whence tertullian exhorts the penitent not through shame to conceal , but from a true godly disposition , to confess his fault before the whole church , and to weep and mourn for it , since they , being his brethren , would also weep with , and over him . and so from the same consideration , cyprian exhorted the lapsed to this penitent confession , with our tears , saith he , joyn your tears ; with our groans couple your groans . § . . as soon as confession was over , then followed the formal absolution , which was thus : the person to be absolved , kneeled down before the bishop and the clergy , who put their hands upon his head , and bless'd him ; by which external ceremony the penitent was declaratively and formally admitted to the churches peace . thus cyprian writes , that they received the right of communion by the imposition of hands of the bishop and his clergy . and that no one can be admitted to communion , unless the bishop and clergy have imposed hands on him . this being accounted the third and last general requisite for the reconciling of offenders , the two former being the undergoing a state of penance , and a publick confession of their sin ; all which three are frequently mentioned together as such by cyprian , as where he says , let offenders do penance a set space of time , and according to the order of discipline , let them come to confession , and by imposition of hands of the bishop and clergy , let them receive the right of communion . and in other places he complains of the irregular and unadvised actions of some of his presbyters , that they admitted some of the lapsed to communion , before they had undergone a duc penance , made a publick confession of their sin , and had hands imposed on them by the bishop and clergy . § . . after the penitents were absolved by imposition of hands , then they were received into the communion of the faithful , and made partakers again of all those priviledges , which by their crimes they had for a while forfeited : only when an offending clergy man was absolved , he only was restored to communion as a lay-man , but never re-admitted to his ecclesiastical dignity . thus when one of the schismatical bishops , that ordained novatian , returned to the church , he was deprived of his ecclesiastical office , and admitted only to lay-communion . so likewise apostate or lapsed bishops were never restored again to their office. the reasons whereof may be seen in the th epistle of cyprian . and therefore basilides a lapsed bishop would have been extremely glad , if the church would but have permitted him to communicate as a layman . but yet i suppose that for every fault clergymen were not deprived of their orders , but only according to the greatness of their crimes , and the aggravation of them , since i find that maximus a presbyter of the church of rome , who had been deluded into the schism of novatian , was upon his submission restored by cornelius , to his former office . chap. viii . § . . of the independency of churches . § . . of the dependency of churches . § . . of synods , and the several kinds of them . § . . how often synods were convened . § . . who were the members of synods . § . . by whose authority synods were convened . § . . when convened , the manner of their proceedings , a moderator first chosen , what the moderator's office was . § . . then they entred upon business , which had relation either to foreign churches , or their own ; with respect to foreign churches , their acts were only advising . § . . with respect to their own churches obliging . the end and power of synods enquired into . § . . to that large discourse of the primitive discipline , which was the subject of the preceding chapter , it will be necessary to add this observation , that all those judicial acts were exerted in and by every single parish , every particular church having power to exercise discipline on her own members , without the concurrency of other churches ; else in those places where there might be but one church for several miles round , which we may reasonably suppose , the members of that church must have travelled several , if not scores of miles , to have had the consent of other churches , for the punishment of their ofsenders : but there is no need to make this supposition , since it was decreed by an african synod , that every one's cause should be heard where the crime was committed , because that to every pastor was committed a particular portion of christ's flock , which he was particularly to rule and govern , and to render an account thereof unto the lord. and so another african synod , that decreed the rebaptization of those that were baptized by hereticks , thus conclude their synodical epistle to pope stephen , who held the contrary , whereas we know that some bishops will not relinquish an opinion , which they have embraced , but keeping the bond of peace and concord with their colleagues , will retain some proper and peculiar sentiments , which they have formerly received ; to these we offer no violence , or prescribe any law , since every bishop has in the administration of his church , free liberty to follow his own will , being to render an account of his actions unto the lord. after these two synodical determinations , it might be thought needless to produce the single testimony of cyprian , but that it shews us not only the practice of the bishops of his age , but also of their predecessors . amongst the ancient bishops of our province , saith he , some thought that no peace was to be given to adulterers , for ever excluding them from the communion of the church ; but yet they did not leave their fellow-bishops , or for this break the vnity of the catholick church ; and those that gave peace to adulterers , did not therefore separate from those that did not , but still retaining the bond of concord , every bishop disposed and directed his own acts , rendring an account of them unto the lord. thus every church was in this sense independent ; that is , without the concurrence and authority of any other church ; it had a sufficient right and power in its self to punish and chastise all its delinquent and offending members . § . . but yet in another sense it was dependent , as considered with other churches , as part of the church universal , there is but one church of christ , saith cyprian , divided through the whole world into many members , and one episcopacy diffused through the numerous concord of many bishops . a particular church was not the whole church of christ , but only a part or member of the universal one ; and as one member of the natural body hath a regard to all the other members thereof , so a particular church , which was but one member of the universal , had relation and respect to the other members thereof . hence tho' the labours and inspections of the bishops were more peculiarly confined to their own parishes , yet as ministers of the church universal , they employed a general kind of inspection over other churches also , observing their condition and circumstances , and giving unto them an account of their own state and posture ; as cyprian inspected that of arles , giving this as his reason for it , that altho' they were many pastors , yet they were but one flock , and they ought to congregate and cherish all the sheep , which christ redeemed by his blood and passion . and the clergy of the church of rome thanked cyprian , that he had acquainted them with the state of the church in africa ; for say they , we ought all of us to take care of the body of the whole church , whose members are distended through various provinces . if the bishop of one church had any difficult point to determine , he sent to another bishop for his advice and decision thereof . as when dyonisius bishop of alexandria had a critical cause to determine , he sent to xystus bishop of rome , to know his opinion and counsel therein . and so when there was some difference at carthage about the pacificatory libels of the martyrs , cyprian writ to the church of rome for their advice therein . for saith he , dearly beloved brethren , both common reason and love require , that none of these things that are transacted here , should be kept from your knowledge , but that we should have your counsel about ecclesiastical administrations . in these , and in many other such like cases , which would be needless to enumerate , there was a correspondence between the particular churches of the universal one . § . . but that that chiefly deserves our 〈◊〉 , was their intercourse and government by synodical assemblies , that is , by a convocation of bishops , presbyters , deacons , and deputed lay-men of several particular churches , who frequently met together to maintain unity , love and concord , to advise about their common circumstances and conditions , to regulate all ecclesiastical or church-affairs within their respective limits , and to manage other such like things , of which i shall more largely treat in the end of this chapter . that which must be spoken of in this section is , the several kinds or sorts of synods , the most august and supreme kind whereof , was an universal or 〈◊〉 synod , which was a congregation of the bishops and deputies of as many churches as would please to come from all parts of the world : of this sort i find but one within my limited space of the first three hundred years after christ , and that was the council of antioch , that condemned paulus samosatenus . or if this will not pass for a general council , there was no such one before that of nice , which was held anno . and so there was no one of this kind within that time to which i am confined . but those synods , which were very frequent within my prescribed time , were provincial synods , that is , as many particular churches as could conveniently and orderly associate themselves together , and by their common consent and authority dispose and regulate all things that related to their polity , unity , peace , and order . what extent of ground , or how many particular churches each of such synods did contain , cannot be determined ; their precincts were not alike in all places , but according as their circumstances and conveniencies would permit ; so they formed themselves into these synodical assemblies , and were governed in common by those synods , who were called the synods of such or such a province : as we read in cyprian of the province of arles , and the bishops therein . and cyprian frequently speaks of the bishops of his province , as the bishops in our province , and throughout our province , and throughout the province : and tells us , that his province was very large , and that it was the custom of his province , and almost all other provinces , that upon the vacancy of a parish , the neighbouring bishops of that province should meet together at that parish to ordain them a new bishop . § . . how often these provincial synods were convened , is uncertain , since that varied according to their circumstances , and their 〈◊〉 customs . firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia writes , that in his province they met every year . and whosoever will consider the frequent synods that are mentioned in cyprian , will find that in his province they met at least once , and sometimes twice or thrice a year . § . . as for the members that composed these synods , they were bishops , presbyters , deacons , and deputed laymen in behalf of the people of their respective churches . thus at that great synod of antioch , that condemned paulus samosatenus , there were present bishops , presbyters , deacons , and the churches of god , that is , laymen that represented the people of their several churches . so also we read in an ancient fragment in eusebius , that when the heresie of the montanists was fix'd and preach'd , the faithful in asia met together several times to examine it , and upon examination condemned it . so also when there were some heats in the church of carthage about the restitution of the lapsed , cyprian writes from his exile , that the lapsed should be patient till god had restored peace to the church , and then there should be convened a synod of bishops , and of the laity who had stood firm during the persecution , to consult about , and determine their affairs . which proposition was approved by moses and maximus , and other roman confessors , who liked the consulting of a synod of bishops , presbyters , deacons , confessors , and the standing laity , as also did the whole body of the clergy of the church of rome , who were willing , that that affair of the lapsed should be determined by the common counsel of the bishops , presbyters , deacons , confessors , and the standing laity . and thus at that great council held at 〈◊〉 , anno . there were present eighty seven bishops , together with presbyters , deacons , and a great part of the laity . § . . if it shall be demanded by whose authority and appointment synods were assembled . to this it will be replyed , that it must necessarily have been by their own , because in those days there was no christian magistrate to order or determine those affairs . § . . when a synod was convened , before ever they entred upon any publick causes , they chose out of the gravest and renownedst bishops amongst them , one , or sometimes two , to be their moderator or moderators ; as at the council held at carthage , anno . cyprian was moderator or prolocutor thereof . and so we read of the prolocutors of several synods , that were assembled in divers parts of the world , to determine the controversies concerning easter : as victor bishop of rome was prolocutor of a synod held there . palmas bishop of amastris moderator of a synod held in pontus ; and irenaeus bishop of lyons of another in france . polycrates bishop os ephesus presided over a synod of asiatick bishops ; and at a convocation in palestina there were two moderators , viz. theophilus bishop of caesarea , and narcissus bishop of jerusalem . the office and duty of a moderator was to preside in the synod , to see all things calmly and fairly debated and decreed ; and at the conclusion of any cause , to sum up what had been debated and urged on both sides , to take the votes and suffrages of the members of the synod ; and last of all , to give his own . all this is evident in the proceedings of the council of carthage , which are extant at the end of cyprian's works , cyprian being moderator of that council : after all things were read and finished relating to the question in hand , sums up all , telling the synod what they had heard , and that nothing more remained to be done , but the declaration of their judgment thereupon . accordingly thereunto the bishops gave their respective votes and decisions ; and last of all cyprian , as president , gave in his . § . . when the moderator was chosen , then they entred upon the consideration of the affairs that lay before them , which may be consider'd in a two-fold respect , either as relating to foreign churches , or to those churches only of whom they were the representatives . as for foreign churches , their determinations were not obligatory unto them , because they were not represented by them ; and so the chiefest matter they had to do with them , was to give them their advice and counsel in any difficult point , which they had proposed to them ; as when the people of astorga and emerita in spain had written to some african churches for their advice , what to do with their two bishops , who had lapsed in times of persecution . this case was debated in a synod held anno , whose opinion thereupon is to be seen in their synodical epistle , extant at large amongst the works of cyprian . epist. . p. . § . . but with respect unto those particular churches , whose representatives they were , their decrees were binding and obligatory , since the regulation and management of their affairs was the general end of their convening . various and many were the particular ends of these synodical conventions , as for the prevention of injustice and partiality in a parish consistory : as suppose , that such a consistory had wrongfully and unrighteously censured one of their members , what should that censured person do , unless appeal to the synod to have his cause heard there , as felicissimus did , who after he was excommunicated by his own parish , of which cyprian was bishop , had his cause heard before a synod , who ratified and confirmed the sentence of excommunication against him . and therefore we may suppose it to be for the prevention of partiality and injustice ; that in lesser asia offenders were usually absolved by the synod , which met every year . synods also were assembled for the examining , condemning , and excommunicating of all hereticks within their limits , that so the faithful might avoid and shun them : as paulus samosatenus was condemned by the council of antioch , for resolving of all difficult points that did not wound the essentials of religion , or had relation unto the discipline of the church , as when there was some scruple about the time of baptizing of children , a synod of sixty six bishops met together to decide it . and so when there were some disputes concerning the martyrs power to restore the lapsed , synods were to be assembled to decide them . but why do i go about to reckon up particulars , when as they are endless ; let this suffice in general , that synods were convened for the regulation and management of all ecclesiastical affairs within their respective jurisdictions , as firmilian writes , that in his country the bishops and presbyters met together every year , to dispose those things which were committed to their charge . here they consulted about the discipline , government , and external polity of their churches , and what means were expedient and proper for their peace , unity and order , which by their common consent they enacted and decreed to be observed by all the faithful of those churches whom they did represent . he who denies this , must be very little acquainted with the ancient councils , especially those which were held after the emperors became christians . the reason why we find not more synodical decrees of the three first centuries , comes not , from that they judicially determined none , or required not the observance of them ; but from that , either they were not careful , or the fury and violence of the times would not permit them to transmit them down to their successors ; or through the length of time they are lost , and scarce any thing besides the names of such synods are now remembred ; and of multitudes , neither names nor decrees are to be found : but yet there is enough escap'd the fury of persecution , and the length of time to convince us , that those synods did decree those things , which they judged expedient for the polity , discipline and government of those particular churches , that were within their respective provinces , and required them to be observed by all the members thereof . thus we find these following canons determined by several synods in africa , viz. that though a delinquent had not endured the whole time of penance , yet if he was very sick , and in danger of death , he should be absolved . that at the approach of a persecution , penitent offenders should be restored to the churches peace . that penance should not be hastily passed over , or absolution be rashly and speedily given . that all lapsed and apostate clergymen , should , upon their repentance , be only admitted to communion as lay-men , and be never more capable of discharging or performing any ecclesiastical function . that no clergyman should be a curator or trustee of a last will or testament . and many other such like synodical decrees relating to the discipline and polity of the church , are to be met with in cyprian , which were ever accounted obligatory to all those parishes who lived within those respective provinces , and had their representatives in those respective synods ; for to what purpose else did they decree them , if it had been fruitless and ridiculous to have made frequent and wearisom journeys , with great cost and pains , to have debated and determined those things , which they judged expedient for the churches well-being , if after all it was indifferent , whether they were obeyed , or not ? but that their decrees were binding , is adjudged by an african synod of sixty six bishops , held anno , who sharply 〈◊〉 a certain bishop called therapius , for breaking the canons of a synod , in absolving a certain presbyter called victor , before the time appointed by that synod was expired . probably the breaker of those canons was to have been deposed or suspended , or some other severe punishment inflicted on him , since the bishops of this synod speak as if they had moderated the rigour of the canons against therapius , in that they were contented only with chiding him for his rashness , and with strictly charging him , that he should do so no more . so another synod in africa decreed , that if any one should name a clergy-man in his last will and testament for his trustee , no sacrifice should be offered for him after his death . ( what the meaning of this offering of sacrifice after his death is , i shall not shew here , since i must treat of it in another place . ) accordingly when geminius victor bishop of 〈◊〉 had by his last will and testament constituted geminius faustinus a presbyter , his trustee , cyprian bishop of carthage , writ unto the clergy and laity of furnis touching this matter , wherein he informs them , that he and his colleagues were very much offended that geminius victor had thus broke the canons of the synod ; but that since he had done it , he hoped they would take care that he should suffer the penalty annexed to the breach thereof , that in conformity thereunto they would not mention him in their prayers , or make any oblation for him , that so the decree of the bishops , which was religiously and necessarily made , might be observed by them . to these two instances we may add that of martialis and basilides , two spanish bishops , who for their falling into idolatry in times of persecution , were deprived of their ecclesiastical functions , and adjudged never more to be admitted to the churches communion in any other quality than that of laymen , which rigorous sentence an african synod defends , from the authority of a general council , who had before decreed , that such men should only be admitted to repentance , but be for ever excluded from all clerical and sacerdotal dignities . chap. ix . § . . of the vnity of the church , of schism , defined to be a breach of that vnity . the vnity of the church , and consequently the breach of it to be differently understood , according to the various significations of the word church . § . . the vnity of the church vniversal considered negatively and positively ; negatively , it consisted not in an vniformity of rites , nor in an vnanimity of consent to the non-essential points of christianity . the rigid imposers thereof condemned as cruel and tyrannical . § . . positively , it consisted in an harmonious assent to the essential articles of faith. the non-agreement therein called schism , but not the schism of the ancients . § . . how the vnity of a church collective was broken ; this neither the schism of the ancients . § . . the vnity of a particular church consisted in two things , in the members love and amity each towards other , and in the peoples close adherence to their bishop , or parish church : the breach of the former sometimes called schism . § . . the breach of the latter , which was a causeless separation from their bishop , the schism of the ancients . in how many cases it was lawful for the people to separate from their bishop . § . . a separation under any other pretence whatsoever , was that which the fathers generally and principally meant by schism , proved so to have been . § . . farther proved from ignatius . § . . exemplified in the schism of felicissimus and novarian . § . . an objection answered touching the schism of novatian . how the schism of one particular church affected other churches . § . . a summary and conclusion of this discourse concerning schism . § . . having in the precedent chapters discoursed of the constitution and discipline of the primitive church , i come now in this to treat of the unity thereof , which i had a very great inclination to search into , since by the due understanding thereof we shall the better apprehend the notion of the ancients concerning schism , because that schism is nothing else but a breach of that unity , as will 〈◊〉 evidently appear from the quotations that we shall be forced to make use of in this chapter . now that we may know what the breach of the unity of the church was , it is absolutely necessary first to know what the unity its self was ; for till we understand its unity , it is impossible that we should understand the breach thereof . now for the distinct apprehending hereof , we must remember the various acceptations of the word church , as they are related in the beginning of this treatise , and according to the different significations thereof , so must its unity be diversified , or be differently understood ; and according to the different manner of its unity , so must we apprehend the breach thereof . § . . if in the first place we reflect upon the word church , as signifying the church universal , or all those , who throughout the whole earth profess faith in christ , then we may consider its unity in this sense either negatively , wherein it did not consist ; or positively , wherein it did consist . negatively , it consisted not in an uniformity of rites and customs ; for every particular church was at liberty to follow its own proper usages : one church was not obliged to observe the rites of another , but every one followed its own peculiar customs . thus with respect to their fast before easter , there was a great diversity in the observation of it , in some churches they fasted one day , in others two , in some more , and in others forty hours , but yet still they retained peace and concord , the diversity of their customs commending the vnity of their faith. so also the feast of easter its self was variously celebrated . the asiatick churches kept it on a distinct day from the europeans , but yet still they retained peace and love , and for the diversity of such customs , none were ever cast out of the communion of the church . so likewise writes firmilian , that in most provinces their rites were varied according to the diversities of names and places , and that for this no one ever departed from the peace and vnity of the catholick church . so that the unity of the church universal consisted not in an uniformity of rites and usages . neither in the next place did it consist in an unanimity of consent to the non-essential points of christianity , but every one was lest to believe in those lesser matters , as god should inform him . therefore justin martyr speaking of those jewish converts , who had adhered to the mosaical rites , says , that if they did this only through their weakness and 〈◊〉 , and did not perswade other christians to the observance of the same judaical customs , that he would receive them into church-fellowship and communion . whosoever imposed on particular churches the observance of the former of these two things , or on particular persons the belief of the latter , they were esteemed not as preservers and maintainers , but as violaters and breakers of the churches unity and concord . an instance of the former we have in that controversie between the churches of the east and west , touching the time when easter was to be celebrated . for when victor bishop of rome had excommunicated the 〈◊〉 churches , because they continued to observe that feast on a different time from the churches of the west , not only the bishops of the adverse party , but even those of his own side condemned him as rash , heady , and turbulent , and writ several letters about this affair , wherein as the historian writes , they most sharply censured him . as for the latter , we have an instance thereof in the controversie that was between stephen bishop of rome , and cyprian bishop of carthage , touching the validity of hereticks baptism : for when stephen anathematized cyprian , because he held the baptism of hereticks to be null and void , other bishops condemned stephen as a breaker and disturber of the churches peace . and amongst others , firmilian a cappadocian bishop , vehemently accuses him as such , because that he would impose upon others the belief of such a disputable point , which , says he , was never wonted to be done , but every church followed their own different ways , and never therefore broke the vnity and peace of the catholick church , which now , saith he , stephen dares to do , and breaks that peace which the ancient bishops always preserved in mutual love and honour . and therefore we find in the acts of that great council of carthage convened to determine this matter , that when cyprian summ'd up the debates thereof , he dehorts his fellow-bishops from the imposing humour and temper of stephen , it now remains , saith he , that every one of us declare our judgments concerning this matter , judging no man , or removing any one from our communion , if he think otherwise than we do ; for let none of us make himself a bishop of bishops , or by a tyrannical terror , compel his colleagues to the necessity of obeying . so that the forcing a belief in these lesser matters was cruelty and tyranny in the imposers thereof , who for such unreasonable practices were look'd upon as enemies to , and violators of the churches concord , being the true schismaticks , inasmuch as they were the cause of schism and division ; unto whom therefore may be applyed that saying of irenaeus , that at the last day christ shall judge those who cause schisms , who are inhumane , not having the fear of god , but prefering their own advantage before the unity of the church , for trivial and slight causes rent and divide the great and glorious body of christ , and as much as in them lies , destroy it ; who speak peace , but wage war , truly straining at a gnat , and swallowing a camel. § . . but positively , the unity of the church universal consisted in an harmonious assent to the essential articles of religion , or in an unanimous agreement in the fundamentals of faith and doctrine . thus 〈◊〉 having recited a creed , or a short summary of the christian faith , not much unlike to the aposiles creed , immediately adds , the church having received this faith and doctrine , although dispersed through the whole world , diligently preserves it , as tho' she inhabited but one house , and accordingly she believes these things , as 〈◊〉 she had but one soul and one heart , and consonantly preaches and teaches these things , as tho' she had but one mouth ; for altho' there are various languages in the world , yet the doctrine is one and the same ; so that the churches in germany , france , asia , aegypt or lybia , have not a different faith ; but as the sun is one and the same to all the creatures of god in the whole world : so the preaching of the word is a light that enlightens every where , and illuminates all men that would come to the knowledge of the truth . now this bond of unity was broken , when there was a recession from , or a corruption of the true faith and doctrine , as irenaeus speaks concerning tatian the father of the encratites , that as long as his master justin martyr lived , he held the found faith , but after his death falling off from the church , he shaped that new form of doctrine . this unity of the church in doctrine , according to hegesippus , continued till the days of simeon cleopas bishop of jerusalem , who was martyred under trajan ; but after that false teachers prevailed , such as the 〈◊〉 , marcionists , 〈◊〉 , and others , from whom sprung false christs , false apostles , and false prophets , who by their corrupt doctrines against god and his christ , divided the unity of the church . so that the unity of the church universal consisted in an agreement of doctrine , and the corruption of that doctrine was a breach of that unity , and whoever so broke it , are said to divide and separate the unity of the church , or which is all one , to be schismaticks . so irenaeus writes , that those that introduced new doctrines , did divide and separate the unity of the church . and cyprian writes , that the devil found out heresies and sehisms , by which he might subvert the faith , corrupt the truth , and divide the unity . but now for distinctions sake the breach of this unity was commonly called heresie , and the word schism generally applyed to the breach of the churches unity in another sense , of which more in the other sections . § . . if in the next place we consider the word church collectively , as denoting a collection of many particular churches , in which sense it is once used in cyprian . then its unity may have consisted in a brotherly correspondence with , and affection toward each other , which they demonstrated by all outward expressions of love and concord , as by receiving to communion the members of each other , as irenaeus mentions , was observ'd between the churches of rome and asia , in mutually advising and assisting one another by letters , or otherwise , of which there are frequent instances in the ancients , and especially in cyprian's epistles , and in manifesting all other marks and tokens of their love and concord . now this unity was broken , when particular churches clash'd with each other , when from being possess'd with spirits of meekness , love and charity , they were inflamed with hatred , rage and fury against each other . a sad instance whereof we have in that controversie betwixt cyprian and stephen , or rather between the churches of europe and africa , touching the validity of heretical baptism , wherein those good men were so far transported with bitterness and rancour against each other , that they interchangeably gave such 〈◊〉 language and invidious epithets , as are too odious to name , which if the reader be curious to know , he may find too much of it in cyprian's epistles . or if several particular churches had for the promotion of peace , unity and order , regularly disposed themselves into a synodical government and discipline , as was always done when their circumstances and conveniencies would permit them ; then whoever broke or violated their reasonable canons , were censured as turbulent and factious , as it hath been evidenced in the former chapter , and needs no farther proof in this , because that the schism of the ancients was not a breach of the churches unity in this sense , viz. as denoting or signifying a church collective . § . . but schism principally and originally respected a particular church or parish , tho' it might consequentially influence others too . now the unity of a particular church consisted in the members love and amity toward each other , and in their due subjection or subordination to their pastour or bishop : accordingly the breach of that unity consisted in these two things , either in a hatred and malice of each other , or in a rebellion against their lawful pastour , or which is all one , in a causeless separation from their bishop , and those that adhered to him . as for the first of these , there might be envies and discords between the inhabitants of a parish , without a formal separation from communion , which jars and feuds were called schism ; an instance whereof we find in the church of corinth , unto whom st. paul objected in cor. . . when ye come together in the church , i hear that there be divisions , or as it is in the original , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schisms amongst you . here there was no separate communion , for they all came together in the church , and yet there were schisms amongst them , that is , strifes , quarrels and discords . and as far as i can perceive from the epistle of clemens romanus , which was writ to appease another schism in the same church of corinth , there were then only turmoils and differences , without any actual separation . but on this i shall not enlarge , because it is not what the ancients ordinarily meant by schism . § . . but that which they generally and commonly termed schism , was a rebellion against , or an ungrounded and causless separation from their lawful pastour , or their parish-church . now because i say , that a causless separation from their bishop was schism , it will be necessary to know how many causes could justifie the peoples desertion of their pastour , and these i think were two , or at most three ; the first was apostacy from the faith , or when a bishop renounced the christian faith , and through fear of persecution embraced the heathenish idolatries , as was done in the case of martialis and basilides two spanish bishops , and was justified by an african synod , as is to be seen throughout their whole synodical epistle , still extant amongst those of cyprian's . the second cause was heresie , as irenaeus saith , we must fly far off from all hereticks . and origen allows the people to separate from their bishop , if they could accuse him of false and 〈◊〉 doctrine . a third cause was a scandalous and wicked life , as is asserted by an african synod held anno . whose exhortations and arguments to this purpose may be seen at large in their synodical epistle , still extant in cyprian , epist. . p. . out of which several passages pertinent to this occasion , have been already cited in the sixth chapter of this treatise , to which i must refer the reader . of this mind also was irenaeus before them , who writes , that as for those presbyters , who serve their pleasures , and have not the fear of god before their eyes , who contumeliously use others , are lifted up with pride , and secretly commit wickedness , from 〈◊〉 such presbyters we ought to separate . origen indeed seems to be of another mind , and thinks that the bishops immorality in life could not justifie his parishes separation , he , saith he , that hath a care of his soul , will not be scandalized at my faults , who am his bishop , but considering my doctrine , and finding it agreeable to the churches faith , from me indeed he will be averse , but he will receive my doctrine according to the precept of the lord , which saith , the scribes and 〈◊〉 sit on moses his chair , whatever therefore they say unto you hear , and do , but according unto their works do not , for they say and do not : that scripture is of me , who teach what is good , and do the contrary , and sit upon the chair of moses as a scribe or pharisee ; the precept is to thee , o people , if thou canst not accuse me of false doctrine , or heretical opinions , but only beholdest my wicked and sinful life ; thou must not square thy life according to my life , but do those things which i speak . now whether irenaeus , or an african synod , or origen be to be most credited , i leave the learned to judge , tho' i think they may be both nearer reconciled than they seem to be , irenaeus and that synod affirming , that the people of their own power and authority might immediately , without the concurrent assent of other churches , upon the immorality and scandal of their bishop , leave and desert him ; origen restraining the people from present execution , till they had the authority of a synod for so doing ; for thus he must be understood , or else he will contradict all other writers , it being avouched by all , that synods did depose all those bishops that were guilty of criminal and scandalous enormities , as privatus bishop of lambese was deposed by a synod of ninety bishops , for his many and heinous crimes . § . . but now excepting these three causes of apostacy , heresie and immorality , it was schism in a parish to leave their minister , or to set up another bishop against him ; for tho' they at first chose their bishop , yet their bishop being on their choice approved and confirmed by the neighbouring bishops , they could not dethrone him , without truly assigning one of those forementioned causes ; for this was to gather a church out of a church , to erect a new altar and a new bishop , which could not be in one church ; for as cyprian writes , god is one , christ is one , the church is one , the rock on which the church is built is one ; wherefore to erect a new altar , and constitute a new bishop , besides the one altar and the one bishop , is impracticable ; whosoever gathers here , scatters ; so to do is adulterous , impious , sacrilegious , mad and wicked . from hence , says cyprian , schisms do arise , that the bishop is not obeyed ; and it is not considered that there ought to be but one bishop , and one judge in a church at a time . and this is the rise and source of schismaticks , that through their swelling pride they contemn their bishop , and so they go off from the church , so they erect a profane altar , and so they rebel against the peace of christ , and the ordination and vnity of god. and again , from thence proceed schisms , that the bishop who is but one , and presides over the church , is contemned by the proud presumption of men , and he that was thought worthy by god , is esteemed unworthy by men. and again , the church is the people united to their bishop , and the sheep adhering to their pastour ; the bishop is in the church , and the church in the bishop ; whosoever are not with the bishop , are not in the church , and those do in vain flatter themselves , who having not peace with god's priests , creep about , and privately communicate with some , as they think , when the catholick church is not divided , but connexed and coupled together by the vnity of its agreeing bishops . whosoever therefore should causelesly desert his bishop , and solicit others so to do , was a true schismatick , since in so doing , he divided a portion of the flock with the bishop , separated the sheep from their pastour , and dissipated the members of christ. from these quotations then it is apparent , that the primitive schism respected only a particular church , and consisted in a person 's separation from communion with his lawful bishop without a just and authentick cause ; when any one should set up a particular church in a particular church , in opposition to the lawful bishop thereof , and should draw away the inhabitants of that parish from the communion of their legal minister , setting up distinct meetings and conventicles , as cyprian calls them . this was true schism ; for as ignatius says , whosoever so assembled were not congregated legally according to the command : and whosoever officiated without the bishop , sacrificed to the devil . § . . this notion now of schism gives us a clear reason , why we find in ignatius so frequent and pathetick injunctions of obedience to , and unity with our respective pastours , of avoiding all divisions , and closely adhering to them ; because a deserting of them , or a separating from them , was a commission of this horrid and detestable sin of schism , as will appear from these following exhortations and instructions of his , with which every leaf almost of his epistles are fraught and furnished , all you of the church of smirna obey your bishop as jesus christ did the father , and the presbytery as the apostles , and honour the 〈◊〉 according to the command of god. let nothing of ecclesiastical services be done without the bishop ; let that communion only be esteemed valid , which is performed by the bishop , or by one permitted by him . wherever the bishop is , there let the people be ; as where jesus christ is , there the catholick church is ; it is not lawful without the bishop , or one permitted by him , to baptize or celebrate the 〈◊〉 ; this is pleasing unto god , that so whatsoever is done may be firm and legal . have respect unto your bishop ; as god hath respect unto you . my soul for theirs that obey their bishop , presbyters and deacons , and with them let my part in god be . let us not resist our bishop , lest we be found resisters of god. i exhort you to do every thing in the vnity of god , the bishop presiding in the place of god , and the presbyters in the place of the council of the apostles , and the deacons persorming the intrusted ministry of jesus christ ; let there nothing be in you that may divide you , but be united to your bishop and presidents : as therefore christ did nothing without the father , being united to him , neither by himself nor by his apostles , so do you nothing without the bishop and presbyters , nor privately withdraw from them , but assemble together , having one prayer , one supplication , one mind and one hope . flee all division ; where the pastour is , there as sheep follow , for there are many 〈◊〉 wolves , that seek to carry you away , but let them have no place in your vnity — whoever are god's and jesus christ's , they are with the bishop ; and whosoever repenting shall come to the vnity of the church , those shall be god's , that they may live according to jesus christ. be not deceived , my brethren , if any one follows a 〈◊〉 , or one that causeth division and separation , he shall not inherit the kingdom of god. respect the bishop , presbyters and deacons ; do nothing without the bishop , keep your flesh as the temple of god , love vnity , avoid schisms , be followers of jesus christ , as he was of his father — where division and wrath is , god dwells not ; god therefore pardons all penitents , if they penitentially return to the vnity of god , and the presbytery of the bishop . and some other such like expressions there are in the 〈◊〉 of this father , which evidently demonstrate schism to be nothing else than a causeless separation from our parish bishop or minister , and a wandring after , or an adhesion to another false and pretended pastour . § . . but for the clearer proof , that this was what the father 's meant by schism , it may not be altogether unnecessary to add unto these quotations an example or two ; for examples more convincingly 〈◊〉 than bare testimonies and citations . and here let us first view the schism of felicissimus in the hurch of carthage , as it is related in the th , th , and th epistles of cyprian , and we shall find it respecting only that particular church or parish . when cyprian was elected bishop of carthage , felicissimus and others of his faction opposed him , but finding themselves too weak , and not powerful enough to balance his interest , they yielded to his promotion , but yet still retained an hatred against his person , and waited for a more favourable opportunity and a plausible pretence to separate from him . it pleased god that cyprian some time after his advancement , was forced , by reason of the persecution , to withdraw and absent from his flock , during which absence that faction made use of all means to lessen his interest , till they had made their party indifferently strong , and then they broke out into an open separation from him , forming themselves into a distinct meeting , creating a new bishop , erecting a new altar , and constituting a new church . now all this was acted in , and respected only the particular parish of carthage , without causing or attempting any separation in any other church or parish ; and yet this cyprian calls schism , and excommunicates the actors in it as schismaticks , and breakers of the unity of the church , of his church actually , and of all the other churches of the church universal virtually , who like the members of the natural body , are affected with the pains and convulsions of each other . so also the famous schism of novatian respected only the particular church of rome , being no other than his causeless separation from cornelius his lawful bishop , and his erecting separate conventicles against him , as may be read at large in those epistles of cyprian , that treat of this affair , and in his book de vnitate ecclesiae . § . . but i foresee an evident objection against this restrained notion of schism , and in particular from the schism of novatian , which i cannot well pass over without resolving , since the solution thereof will inform us in the manner , how the schism of one particular church did affect other churches . now the objection may be this : if schism respected only one particular church , whence then comes it to pass that we read of novatian bishops , not only at rome , where that schism first began , but in several other churches and parishes besides ? now to this i answer , that we must distinguish between the schism and the heresie of novatian ; had novatian been only guilty of schism , in all probability , his schismatical actions , as well as all other schisms before , would have ended in the same church where they began , and have proceeded no farther ; but he having once engaged in his schism , and willing to continue it , that he might have some pretence for those enormous practices , he accused his bishop of remitting and loosing the reins of discipline , in communicating with trophimus , and others , that had sacrificed to idols , as may be amply seen in the th epistle of cyprian ; consequently for the justification of this accusation , he added this doctrine , as the characteristick dogma of his party , that the church had no power to absolve those who lapsed after baptism , but were to leave them to the tribunal of god. this was an error in doctrine , invidious to the mercy of god , and injurious to the merits of christ , as cyprian shews at large in his th epistle . every error in doctrine was called heresie . accordingly novatian is branded for this as an heretick ; whence the confessours in their return from his party , confessed that in adhering to them , they had committed schisms , and been the authors of heresies . and in the same epistle they call novatian an heretick , and a schismatick . so cyprian also accuses the said novatian , of heretical pravity ; and calls his error a schismatical and heretical error . so that novatian's schism was accompanied with heresie ; which , as usual , was called after the name of its author ; and having many eminent persons to abet it , and a specious shew of sanctity and mortification , it is no wonder that it spreads its self into many other churches , besides that where it was first hatched ; unto which we may also add their industrious endeavours to proselyte men unto their party , running about , as cyprian writes , from house to house , and from town to town , to gain companions in their obstinacy and error . for many of them really thinking themselves to be in the right , and believing others to be in the wrong , conceived it to be their bounden duty to leave their bishop , if he would not leave his heresie , as they apprehended it to be . and probably several bishops of the orthodox , who were the legal pastours of their respective parishes , were through their own ignorance , and those men's fair pretences , deluded into the same uncharitable error with them , of denying the lapsed any pardon . but we need not guess at this as only probable , since we have an instance of it in martian the lawful bishop of arles , concerning whom , cyprian writes to stephen bishop of rome , that he had received advice from the bishops of that province , that martian of arles had joyned himself unto novatian , and had departed from the vnity of the church , and the concord of the bishops , holding that heretical severity , that the consolations of divine pity and fatherly lenity , should be shut against the penitent and mourning servants of god , who knock at the church with tears , sighs and groans , so that the wounded are not admitted to have their wounds healed , but being left without any hope of peace or communion , are thrown out to the rapine of wolves , and prey of the devil . so that it was not novatian's schism , but his heresie , that was diffused through other churches ; his schism respected only his own church , but his heresie , which was a breach of the unity of the church universal , respected other churches also ; so that in answer to the forenamed objection , we need only say this , that there was no such thing as the objection supposes ; that is , that there were no bishops or followers of novatian's schism in other churches , but that those that were discriminated by his name , were the bishops and followers of his heresie . but however let us suppose the worst , viz. that all schismaticks had been orthodox and sound in every point of faith , had been exemplary and pious in the discharge of every duty , had been guilty of no crime but their schism from their bishop and parish , and yet their schism might have influenced other churches and parishes too , and that i think these two ways . . if one or more churches had admitted to communion those that were excommunicated by their own church for schism , that church or churches made themselves partakers of those mens crimes , and involved themselves in the same guilt of division and schism with them , as martian , bishop of arles , was adjudged by cyprian as a schismatick , because he had joined with novatian , when he had been before excommunicated . i do not here mean , that a bishop or parish to make themselves guilty , should actually or personally communicate with the author of the schism himself , much less in the church where he began his schism , but it was enough if they joyned with his legates or messengers , or any of his followers in any church whatsoever ; and therefore neither an african synod , nor antonius an african bishop , would communicate with the legates of novatian . nor would cornelius joyn in communion with felicissimus a schismatick of carthage , when he came to rome ; but as he was excluded from communion in his own church , so likewise was he in that of rome . . it was the custom when any bishop was elected , to send news of his promotion to other bishops , as cornelius did to cyprian , that so he might have their confirmation , and their future letters to the bishop of that church , to which he was promoted , might be directed unto him , as cyprian did unto cornelius ; which custom of sending messengers to other churches , to acquaint them of their advancement to the episcopal throne , was also observed by the schismaticks , and in particular by novatian , who sent maximus a presbyter , augendus a deacon , machaeus and longinus unto cyprian , to inform him of his promotion to the see of rome . now if any bishop or church did knowingly approve the pretensions of the schismatical bishop , they broke the concord of the church , and became guilty of schism , as may be gathered from the beginning of an epistle of cyprian's to antonius an african bishop , wherein he writes him , that he had received his letter , which firmly consented to the concord of the sacerdotal colledge , and adhered to the catholick church , by which he had signified , that he would not communicate with novatian , but hold an agreement with bishop cornelius . and therefore when legates came to cyprian , both from cornelius and novatian , he duly weighed who was legally elected ; and finding cornelius so to be , he approved his election , directed his congratulatory letters unto him , refused to communicate with the schismatical messengers of novatian , and exhorted them to quit their schism , and to submit to their lawfully elected bishop . so that in these two respects , the schism of a particular church might influence others also , involving them in the same crime , creating quarrels and dissentions between their respective bishops , and so dividing the dischargers of that honourable office , whom god had made one ; for as cyprian says , as there is but one church throughout the whole world , divided into many members ; so there is but one bishoprick diffused through the agreeing number of many bishops . § . . but now that we may conclude this chapter , the sum of all that hath been spoken concerning schism , is , that schism in its large sense , was a breach of the unity of the church universal ; but in its usual and restrained sense of a church particular , whosoever without any just reason , through faction , pride and envy , separated from his bishop , or his parish church , he was a true schismatick ; and whosoever was thus a schismatick , if we may believe saint cyprian , he had no longer god for his father , nor the church for his mother , but was out of the number of the faithful ; and though he should die for the faith , yet should he never be saved . thus much then shall serve for that query , concerning the churches unity . the next and 〈◊〉 thing that is to be enquired into , is the worship of the primitive church ; that is , the form and method of their publick services , of reading , singing , preaching , praying , of baptism , confirmation , and the lord's supper ; of their fasts and feasts ; of their rites and ceremonies , and such like , which i thought to have annexed to this treatise ; but this being larger than i expected , and the discourse relating to the primitive worship being like to be almost as large , i have for this and 〈◊〉 other reasons , reserved it for a particular tract by its self ; which , if nothing prevents , may be expos'd hereafter to publick view and observation . finis . the second part of the enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity & worship , of the primitive church , that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ . faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages . by an impartial hand . london , printed for jonathan robinson at the golden lyon , and john wyat at the rose in st. paul's church-yard . . the second part of the enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity and worship of the primitive church . chap. i. § . . of the publick worship of the primitive church . § . . in their assemblies they began with reading the scriptures . other writings read besides the scriptures . § . . who read the scriptures , from whence they were read , and how they were read. § . . whether there were appointed lessons . § . . after the 〈◊〉 of the scriptures , there followed singing of psalms . § . . what psalms they sung. § . . the manner of their singing . § . . of singing men , and of church musick . § . . to singing of psalms succeeded preaching . on what the preacher discoursed : how long his sermon was . § . . the method of their sermons . § . . who preached ; usually the bishop , or by his permission , any other , either clergyman or layman . § . . having in a former treatise enquired into the constitution , discipline , and unity of the primitive church ; i intend in this to enquire into the worship thereof , which naturally divides its self into these two parts , into the worship its self , and , into the necessary circumstances thereof , as time and place , and such like ; both which i design to handle , beginning first with the worship its self , wherein i shall not meddle with the object thereof , since all protestants agree in the adoring god alone through jesus christ , but only speak of those particular acts and services , whereby in the publick congregations we honour and adore almighty god , such as reading of the scriptures , singing of psalms , preaching , praying , and the two sacraments , every one of which i shall consider in their order , as they were performed in the ancient parish churches . and first , § . . when the congregation was assembled , the first act of divine service , which they performed , was the reading of the holy scriptures . in our publick assemblies , says tertullian , the scriptures are read , psalms sung , sermons preached , and prayers presented . so also just in martyr writes , that in their religious assemblies , first of all , the writings of the prophets and apostles were read . but besides the sacred scriptures , there were other writings read in several churches , viz. the epistles and tracts of eminent and pious men , such as the book of hermas , called pastor , and the epistle of clemens romanus to the church of corinth , which were read in the publick congregations of many churches . § . . he that read the scriptures , was particularly destinated to this office , as a preparative to holy orders , as aurelius , whom cyprian design'd for a presbyter , was first to begin with the office of reading . the name by which this officer was distinguished , was in greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in latin , lector , both which signifie in english , a reader , or as we now call him , a clark. the place from whence the clark read , was an eminency erected in the church , that so all the people might see and hear him , which was called pulpitum , or a pulpit , from which pulpit he read the scriptures alone , and not others alternatively with him ; it being his office only to read , whilst the congregation listned to him , as cyprian writes , that celerinus a lector , read the law and the gospel to all the people . celerinus only read , whilst all the people attended ; and therefore when this duty was ended , it is described only by the lectors ceasing to read , and not by the peoples ceasing so to do . § . . how much the lector read at a time is uncertain , since they varied according to the circumstances of their condition . so writes tertullian , that they read the scriptures according to the quality of their present times . and to the same purpose says justin martyr , that the clark read , until it was sufficient . § . . when the readended , then followed the singing of psalms . so says tertullian , 〈◊〉 scriptures are read , and psalms sung. this was a considerable part of the christians service , who , as pliny writes , met together before day , to sing an hymn to christ , it being useful to elevate the mind in heavenly raptures of praise and adoration , and to raise a pious soul into greater degrees of admiration of god's love and bounty , whence such a soul is described by clemens alexandrinus , to be continually blessing , praising , singing and presenting hymns to god the lord of all , being assisted by the holy spirit of god , without whose aid it was impossible to sing either in good rhime , tune , metre or harmony . the christians in those days condemned only the debauched bacchanalian singing and roaring , but commended the blessing and praising of god , by thanksgiving and singing of psalms . inasmuch that it was made one 〈◊〉 distinction of a christian : as tertullian inveighs against the marriage of a believing woman with an 〈◊〉 , because thereby she would be hindred from discharging the ordinances of the gospel , amongst which he enumerates singing of psalms ; for then , says he , what would her husband sing to her ? or , what would she sing to her husband ? and a little after he describes the happy condition of that couple , who were both christians , in that they did both joyn together in , and exhort one another to , the vigorous performance of god's worship , psalms and hymns sound between those two , and they mutually excite one another , who shall sing unto god best ; it being their daily employment , and recurring as often as they eat their meat . thus faith clemens alexandrinus , a good christians life , is a continued festival , his sacrifices are prayers and praises , reading of scriptures before meat , and singing of psalms and hymns at meat . hence in their feasts and banquers , when they drank to one another , they sung an hymn , therein blessing god for his unexpressible gifts towards mankind , both as to their bodies and souls . i confess indeed that most of these quotations respect only private singing of psalms , and so they may seem to be somewhat alien from my purpose ; on which account i should not have mentioned them , but have wholly passed them over in silence , had it not been to have satisfied those , who hold it unlawful to sing any psalms at all , in what manner soever ; for if singing in private was usual and commendable , then no doubt publick singing was so also . § . . what those psalms or hymns were , that the primitive christians sung , may be a question necessary to be resolved , which i take to be two-fold , either such as were taken out of the holy scriptures , and particularly out of the book of psalms , or such as were of their own private composing . so writes tertullian , that after the celebration of the lord's supper , every one sung an hymn out of the bible , or of his own composing . as for the singing of david's psalms , the same father particularly mentions the d psalm , as sung in his days , o how good and pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in vnity : this thou canst not easily sing , unless when thou suppest with many . as for the hymns that were of private men's composition , it was one of the accusations of paulus samosatenus , the heretical bishop of antioch , that he abolished those psalms , which were wont to be sung to the honour of the lord jesus christ , as novel , and composed by modern authors , and that he appointed women on easter day , in the middle of the church , to sing psalms in his praise . and in the fragment of an anonymous author extant in eusebius , we find the heresie of artemon , who denied the divinity of christ , 〈◊〉 , not only by the scriptures , and the writings of the precedent fathers , but also by the psalms and hymns of the brethren , which were formerly composed by them , wherein they praised christ by making him a god. such a private composed hymn was that which clemens alexandrinus mentions , as one commonly known among the christians in his days , beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or hail light. protreptic . p. . § . . as for the manner of the primitive singing , it was in good tune , and concent , all the people bearing a part in it ; but whether all together , or antiphonally , cannot well be determined , every country probably following its own mode , singing only in general being commanded , not the particular manner or fashion of it . in a precedent quotation mention is made of singing , in concent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or with voices altogether . in other places the alternative method of singing seems expresly to be used ; as pliny writes , that the christians in his time , met together before day , to sing an hymn to christ by course , or , one against another . and so in that forecited passage of tertullian , what will an vnbelieving husband sing to a believing wife ? or what will a believing wife sing to an vnbelieving husband ? § . . as for singing men and singing women , i find that paulus samosatenus the heretical bishop of antioch , abolished the old usual hymns , and appointed certain women on easter day in the middle of the church , to sing psalms in his praise . but whether these singing women were first instituted by this heretical bishop , or were before his time , i cannot tell . as for church-musick , for organs , and the like , those primitive ages were wholly ignorant of them ; for it cannot rationally be conceived , that in those days of continual persecution or violence , they could either use or preserve them ; all that they look'd after , was to sing in rhyme , metre , tune and concent , to offer up unto god the praises of their voices , lips and mouths , which clemens alexandrinus thinks , was emblematized or shadowed forth by those musical instruments mentioned in the th psalm , where , saith he , we are commanded to praise god on the psaltery , that is , on the tongue , because the tongue is the psaltery of the lord ; and to praise him on 〈◊〉 harp , by which we must understand the mouth ; and to praise him on the loud sounding cymbals , by which the tongue is to be understood , which sounds or speaks through the knocking or coition of the lips. § . . when the singing of psalms was ended , then succeeded the preaching of the word . so writes tertullian , scriptures are read , psalms sung , and then sermons pronounced . as for the subject of the preacher's sermon , it was usually a commentary or explication of the lessons that were just before read . so it was in the time and country of justin martyr , who writes , that when the reader had ended , the bishop made a sermon , by way of instruction and exhortation , to the imitation of those excellent things which had been read . whence origen calls their sermons explanations of the lessons . and such explanations are all his sermons or homilies , as whosoever reads them will easily see ; and he himself intimates as much in several of them . as for the length of their sermons , they usually preach'd an hour , as origen complains of his abundance of matter , that if he should throughly handle every part of it , it would require not only the one hour of their assembly , but several . therefore when the lessons were long and copious , which sometimes consisted of several chapters , as the lesson which was the subject of origen's th homily on jeremiah , reached from the th chapter and th verse , to the th chapter and th verse . the preacher passed over some of the matter unmentioned , and handled the most important , or the most curious part therein . thus in the beginning of a sermon of origen's , we find , that the chapters that were read , were the , , , and th chapters of the first book of samuel , which he complains were too large and 〈◊〉 to be all handled at once , and therefore he would only discourse of the th chapter , touching the witch of endor , and those things related there 〈◊〉 her . § . . as for the manner of their sermons , we may observe this method in those of origen's , that he first began with a short 〈◊〉 , and then explained verse after verse , or sentence after sentence , 〈◊〉 the natural and literal signification of the words , and then the spiritualized or mystical meaning of them , and concluded with a suitable application of all , either by way of exhortation to piety and vertue , or by way of dehortation from vice and impiety . always accommodating their discourses to the capacities of their hearers . is their auditors were prudent and understanding , then they scrupled not to treat of the profound mysteries of the gospel ; but if they had attained no great measure of knowledge , and had need of milk , as the apostle stiles it , then they concealed from them those deep and recondite points . § . . as for the preacher himself , it was usually the bishop of the parish . so saith 〈◊〉 martyr , the bishop preaches by way of instruction and exhortation , to the imitation of those excellent things which we . or else he desired a presbyter , or some other fit person to preach in his room ; without his consent it had been schism and violence in any person whatsoever to have usurped his chair , but with his permission any clergyman or layman might preach in his pulpit . now that clergymen preach'd , no one will question , though it will be doubted , whether laymen did : but that they did so , appears from a memorable history concerning origen , who going from alexandria into palestina , by the desire of the bishops of that country , publickly preach'd in the church , and expounded the holy scriptures , although he was not yet in holy orders . at which action , when demetrius bishop of alexandria was offended , alexander bishop of jerusalem , and theoctistus of caesarea writ to him in defence of it , as follows , whereas you write in your letter , that it was never before seen or done , that laymen should preach in the presence of bishops , therein you wander from the truth ; for wheresoever any are found , that are fit to profit the brethren , the holy bishops of their own accord ask them to preach unto the people . so evelpis was desired by neon bishop of laranda , and paulinus by celsus of iconium , and theodorus by atticus of synnada , our most blessed brethren ; and it is credible , that this is likewise done in other places , though we know it not . but yet though laymen preach'd , it was not every one that did so , but only those , that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fit to prosit the brethren ; and though they were never so fit , yet they did not irregularly or disorderly run about a preaching , or discharge that sacred office , till they were desired by the bishop of a parish to do it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but stayed for the permission and approbation of such an one ; for without that , their sermons and discourses would have been but so many acts of schism and faction . chap. ii. § . . after preaching all the congregation rose up to joyn in publick prayers . § . . they prayed towards the east . their reasons for that custom . § . . they lifted up their hands and eyes towards heaven . § . . whether the minister that officiated wore a surplice , and therein of ministers habits . § . . whether they sung their prayers , and whether they used responsals . § . . of prescribed liturgies . the lord's prayer not always , but commonly used by them . § . . to the lord's prayer they added other prayers of their own choice or invention , proved so to have been . § . . whether their prayers were divided into several collects . § . . as soon as the sermon was ended , then all the congregation rose up to present their common and publick prayers unto almighty god , as justin martyr writes , that when the preacher had finished his discourse , they all rose up , and offered their prayers unto god. standing being the usual posture of praying ( at least the constant one on sundays , on which day they esteemed it a sin to kneel ) whence the preacher frequently concluded his sermon with an exhortation to his auditors , to stand up and pray to god , as we find it more than once in the conclusion of origen's sermons , as , wherefore standing up , let us beg help from god , that we may be blessed in jesus christ , to whom be glory for ever and ever , amen . and , wherefore rising up , let us pray to god , that we may be made worthy of jesus christ , to whom be glory and dominion for ever and ever , amen . and again , standing up let us offer sacrifices to the father through christ , who is the propitiation for our sins , to whom be glory and dominion for ever and ever , amen . § . . accordingly the whole congregation stood up , and turned their faces towards the east , it being their custom and manner to pray towards that quarter , as tertullian writes , we pray towards the east . now the reasons that i meet with for this usage , may be reduced to these three or four. i. out of respect and reverence to their lord and master jesus christ , they prayed towards the east , because the east is a title 〈◊〉 to christ in the old testament ; for that place in zach. . . behold the man whose name is the 〈◊〉 , they translated according to the septuagint , behold the man whose name is the east , which misapprehension of the word branch , arose from the different significations or applications of the greek word , by which the septuagint expressed it . in the original hebrew the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an arising or sprouting out , as doth a branch from a root . the word by which they rendred it in greek , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in a large sense comprehends all sorts of arising and springing out ; but strictly and generally is applyed to the arising and first appearing of the sun , and by a metonymy , is appropriated to the east , because the sun arises in that quarter . the fathers therefore not knowing the original , and finding christ to be called in their ordinary version 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presently concluded , that according to the usual signification of the word , he was there termed by the prophet , the east , whom they conceived to be so called , because he was to arise like a star : and , as the sun that arises in the east penetrates thro' the world with its warm and illuminating rays ; so christ the sun of righteousness would arise with more warmth and light , and pierce farther than the material sun , even into the depths of mens hearts and minds . hence the east is called by tertullian , a type of christ , and for this reason we may very well suppose , that they prayed towards the east , as well as built their churches toward it , which that they did , we shall shew in its proper place . ii. another reason might be with respect to the similitude of the rising of the sun , with our spiritual arising out of the darkness of sin and corruption , which i find thus expressed by clemens alexandrinus , let prayers be made towards the east , because the east is the representation of our spiritual nativity : as from thence light first arose , shining out of darkness ; so according to that rising of the sun , the day of true knowledge arose on those , who lay buried in ignorance ; whence the ancient temples looked towards the west , that so they who stood against the images therein , might be forced to look towards the east . iii. origen advises to pray towards the eastern climate , to denote our diligence in the service of god , in being more forward to arise and set about it , than the sun is to run his daily course , for which he produces an apocryphal text , wisdom . . that it might be known , that we must prevent the sun to give thee thanks , and at the day-spring pray unto thee . iv. another reason for their praying towards the east , was their opinion of the excellency of this quarter above others , which argument origen thus delivers , as well as i can translate it . whereas there are four climates , the north and south , the west and east , who will not acknowledge that we bught to pray looking towards the east , symbolically representing thereby , our souls beholdthe arising of the true light ? if a man , which way soever the doors of his house are placed , would rather make his prayers towards the windows , saying , that the sight of the sky hath something more peculiar 〈◊〉 it , to stir up his affection , than his looking against a wall. or if it so happen , that the windows of his house do not look towards the east , that happened from the arbitrary structure of the builder , but not from nature , which prefers the east before the other quarters , and nature is to be preferred before that building . or if any one will pray in the open field , will he not pray rather towards the east , than towards the west ? and if in these things the 〈◊〉 is preferred before the west , why is it not so also in every other thing besides ? for these four reasons now , but principally i suppose for the first , they usually prayed towards the east , inasmuch that for their worshiping towards this quarter , and for their religious observation of the lord's day , or sunday , so called , because dedicated to the sun , they were accused by the heathens of reverencing and adoring the sun. § . . the congregation being thus turned towards the east , they put themselves into a 〈◊〉 of prayer , stretching out their hands , and lifting up their eyes towards heaven , as clemens . alexandrinus writes , we lift up our head , and stretch out our hands towards heaven . and so tertullian , we pray looking upto heaven , 〈◊〉 expanded hands , by this devout 〈◊〉 imitating the lifting up of their hearts to god in the 〈◊〉 wherefore , as now to quicken the peoples devotion , the 〈◊〉 before prayer excites them thereunto , by saying , let us pray . so in the african churches , in cyprian's days , the minister prefac'd in his prayer , by saying to the people , lift up your hearts . to which the people to testifie their consent , answered , we lift them up unto the lord. § . . after this the minister began to pray . but before we handle his prayer , it may not be unnecessary to consider in what habit he officiated , whether in a surplice , or no. his usual garb was a pallium , which is the same with what we call a cloak . this as being the most simple and plain garment was commonly worn by the christians ; the usual garb throughout the whole roman empire was the toga , which was more gay and splendid than the pallium ; wherefore those who came over from paganism to christianity , for the indication of their humility and contempt of the world , quitted the toga as too pompous and mundane , and assumed the pallium or cloak , as more grave and modest ; from which change of apparel , and renouncing of a sumptuous habit , to embrace a poor and mean one , the heathens derided and exposed the christians , even to a proverb , a toga ad pallium , which sarcastical language engaged tertullian to write a little tract in defence of the cloak , which is still extant in his writings , under the title of de pallio . but salmasius and dr. cave think this severe habit was not worn by all 〈◊〉 , but only by those of them that lead a more austere and mortified life , such as the clergy , and some self-denying personages 〈◊〉 the laity , and that therefore it is called by tertullian in the sorementioned tract , sacerdotis habitus , or priests apparel , as it is in all ancient manuscripts , and in the first edition of beatus rhenanus , and not sacer habitus , the holy apparel , as it is in the later editions . but whether it were so or no , i shall not here debate . this is sufficient for my purpose , that the clergy usually wore a cloak . but now , that in times of publick prayer , they should put a surplice , or any other kind of linnen garment over their cloaks , neither tertullian , nor any other , speak the least syllable of it : instead of putting another vestment on their gown or cloak , tertullian mentions some in his days , who at prayers would throw off their gown or cloak , which he condemns as a superstitious affectation , and an heathenish 〈◊〉 . so , saith he , the heathens pray to their gods , which if 〈◊〉 . ought to have been done , would have been enjoyned by the apostles , who have given directions concerning the manner of prayer ; unless some think , that when paul had put off his cloak at prayer , he forgot it , and left it behind him at carpus's . § . . but quitting the habit of him that 〈◊〉 , let us return to his prayer , which he pronounced with a modest and bashful voice , that being most proper for those , who came to acknowledge the multitude and heinousness of their sins , and to beg god's pardon and grace , which is the end and design of prayer . musical singing is best agreeable to the praising and adoring of god ; but our petitions to god ought to be sent up with most fervent prayers , with tears , and cries , and groans . doubtless the minister so prayed , as did most affect the people , whose mouth he was to god ; for they did not vocally 〈◊〉 with him in the prayers , but only testified their assent to what the minister prayed , by saying 〈◊〉 , or so be it . thus in the prayer at the celebration of the lord's supper , the president of the assembly only prayed , and the people concurred with the amen . so writes justin martyr , the bishop makes a long prayer over the elements , and when he ends , all the people present give their approbation , by saying , amen . and when the elements are blessed by the minister's prayer , and the people have approved it , by saying , amen , then they are distributed . and the bishop , according to his ability , prays over the elements , and the people give their acclamations , saying , amen . so that scrupulous person mentioned by dionysius alexandrinus in his epistle to xystus , is said , to have frequently heard the eucharistical prayer , and with the rest of the congregation to have answered , amen . henricus valesius in his notes on this place ; as likewise dr. hammond in his annotations on cor. . think that st. paul had reference to this custom of the peoples saying amen , at the conclusion of the eucharistical prayer in cor. . . else when thou shalt bless with the spirit , how shall be that occupieth the room of the unlearned , say amen , at thy giving of thanks , seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest ? in which place st. paul condemns as absurd and senseless , the practice of some men , who would consecrate the sacrament in hebrew or syriack before greeks , who understanding not those tongues , could not bear their share in the eucharistical prayer , which consisted not in antiphonal or responsory replies to the minister , but only in saying 〈◊〉 , or , so be it , to what he had prayed . it is true indeed , that these citations are spoken in particular of the prayer before the lords supper ; but yet they may be also applyed to their prayer after sermon , since we have no reason to imagine , that in the one they should use responsals , and in the other none . but that in all their prayers the priest only prayed , seems to be apparent , from that it was one part of his office , to pray for the people , the priests , says cyprian , pray for the safety of the lord's people . and , the priests who have sacrificed to idols , cannot assume to themselves the priesthood , or make any prayer in god's sight for the brethren . therefore those ought to be chosen into the priesthood , whom god will hear . it was the priest that solely pronounced the publick prayers without the voices of the people : and indeed it was impossible for the people to respond , since they had no fixed publick form of prayer , except the lord's prayer , which lord's prayer they frequently , though not always , repeated : and then as to their other prayers , every bishop or minister of a parish , was left to his own liberty and ability therein . § . . as for the use of the lord's prayer , it must first be observed , that the 〈◊〉 repeating of it with other prayers , was not esteemed necessary , but frequently it was omitted . thus in the heavenly prayer of polycarpus at the stake , the lord's prayer is neither at beginning nor ending . the conclusion of it is , lord i will praise thee , i will bless thee , i will magnifie thee , through the eternal high priest christ jesus thy beloved son , by whom to thee , with him , and the holy ghost , be glory now , and for evermore , amen . so clemens alexandrinus concludes his last book of pedagogy , with a prayer , which neither ends nor begins with the lord's prayer ; and origen prescribing a method of prayer , speaks not a word of the lord's prayer , but advises both to begin and end with doxology , or a giving praise to god. in this respect they regarded the lord's prayer , as given by christ for a pattern of all other prayers , according to which they were to be made ; whence cyprian calls this prayer , the law or rule of praying ; so that to pray otherwise than that prayer directed was ignorance and impiety wherefore , says cyprian , let every one pray to god , not only for himself , but for all the brethren , as the lord hath taught us to pray for all . and so writes clemens alexandrinus , that a good man never remembers the affronts that are offered him , but always forgets them ; wherefore he justly prays , saying , forgive us as we forgive others ; that is , he prays according to the sense of the fifth petition ; for it is the sense , not the very words of that petition , that he here recites . but tho' the repetition of the lord's prayer was not necessary , yet it was usual ; whence saith origen , christ gave us a prayer , with which he commanded us to pray unto the father . and tertullian writes , that our lord jesus christ gave to his disciples a new form of prayer . whence he calls the lord's prayer , the lawful prayer . and cyprian yet more fully writes , that christ hath given us a form of prayer , he hath admonished and instructed what we should pray for : he that made us live , hath taught us to pray , that whilst we offer unto the father , the prayer which the son taught , we may be the more easily heard . — for what prayer can be more spiritual , than that which was given us by christ , who gave us also the holy spirit ? and what prayer can be more prevalent with god , than that of his son , who is the truth , proceeding out of his mouth ? so that to pray otherwise than he hath taught , is both ignorance and impiety . let us pray therefore , dearly beloved brethren , as god our master hath taught us : it is a friendly and familiar prayer to ask god with his own , and to present the prayer of christ to his ears ; the father will acknowledge his sons words . when we pray , let him that dwells in the heart , be in the voice ; and since we have him an advocate with the father for our sins , when we beg pardon for our sins , let us use the words of our advocate ; and since he says , that whatsoever we shall ask of the father in his name , he will give it us ; how much more efficaciously shall we prevail for what we beg in christ's name , if we ask it in his prayer ? to this prayer it is that tertullian gives this encomium , in the compendium of a few words , how many declarations of prophets , evangelists , and apostles ; how many speeches , parables , examples and precepts are contained ! how many duties towards god! honour to god in the preface , faith in the first petition , hope in the second , resignation in the third , petition for life in the fourth , confession of sins in the fifth , watchfulness against temptations in the sixth . what wonder ! god alone could teach , how he would be prayed to . § . . but tho' they frequently used the lord's prayer , yet they did not only use that , but other prayers also ; for immediately to the foregoing encomium of the lord's prayer , tertullian adjoyns , that we may add thereunto , and offer up prayers unto god according to the variety of our circumstances and conditions . from which passage of the said father , we may guess their usual method of prayer was first to begin with the lord's prayer , as the ground and foundation of all others , and then according to their circumstances and conditions to offer up their own prayers and requests . now that this conjecture may appear to have some foundation , it will be necessary to translate at large this place of tertullian , and to shew the introduction or occasion of it , which was this : after this father had , as before , commented on , summ'd up , and magnify'd the lord's prayer , he concludes , that nevertheless , we may add thereunto ; for since the lord the observer of all humane necessities , has in another place , after he had delivered this prayer , said , ask and ye shall receive : and every one has particular circumstances to beg for ; therefore having premised the lawful and ordinary prayer , there is place for accidental . requests , and a liberty of offering up other petitions , so as they do agree with the precepts : as far as we are from the precepts , so far are we from god's ears ; the remembrance of the precepts makes way for our prayers to heaven , of which it is the chief . now these other prayers , which made up a great part of divine service , were not 〈◊〉 and imposed forms , but the words and expressions of them were left to the prudence , choice and judgment of every particular bishop or minister . i do not here say , that a bishop or minister used no arbitrary form of prayer ; all that i say is , that there was none imposed : neither do i say , that having no imposed form , they unpremeditately , immethodically or confusedly vented their petitions and requests ; for without doubt they observed a method in their prayers ; but this is what i say , that the words or expressions of their prayers were not imposed or prescribed , but every one that officiated , delivered himself in such terms as best pleased him , and varied his petitions according to the present circumstances and emergencies : or if it be more intelligible , that the primitive christians had no stinted liturgies , or imposed forms of prayer . now this being a negative in matter of fact , the bare assertion of it is a sufficient proof , except its affirmative can be evinced . suppose it was disputed , whether ever st. paul writ an epistle to the church of rome , the bare negation thereof would be proof enough that he did not , except it could be clearly evidenced on the contrary that he did : so unless it can be proved that the ancients had fixed liturgies and prayer-books , we may very rationally conclude in the negative , that they had none at all . now as to these prescribed forms , there is not the least mention of them in any of the primitive writings , nor the least word or syllable tending thereunto that i can find , which is a most unaccountable silence , if ever such there were , but rather some expressions intimating the contrary ; as that famous controverted place of justin martyr , who describing the manner of the prayer before the celebration of the lord's supper , says , that the bishop sent up prayers and praises to god with his utmost ability , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , that he prayed with the best of his abilities , invention , expression , judgment and the like . i am not ignorant that there is another sense given of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , according to his ability . but i must needs say , that i generally , if not always found this phrase to include personal abilities . thus as to the explanation of scripture , origen writes , that he would expound it , according to his ability , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he would comment on that parable of the blind man , that was healed near jericho , mentioned in luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so on the parable concerning the husbandman ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and on the marriage of the king's son , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that he would search out the sense of the gospel of st. john , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now what doth origen intend , by his searching out the sense , and expounding the meaning of the scriptures to the utmost of his power and ability ? is it a bare reading and transcribing of other mens works , or an employment of his own abilities and studies to find out the sense and meaning of them ? certainly every one will think the latter to be most probable . so as to the argumentative defence of the truth , origen promises that he would answer the calumnies of celsus , according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and that he would defend and confirm his arguments against celsus according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and demonstrate the reasonableness of the christian religion , according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and dispute against celsus , according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now whether origen's defending the truth , and disputing against celsus according to his 〈◊〉 ability and power , consisted in a reading , or in a bare transcribing out of a book , the written arguments of other men , or in an employment of his own abilities , inventions and expressions , is no difficult matter to determine . i have not found one place , wherein this phrase of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not comprehend personal abilities ; and several scores more might i cite , where it is so to be understood , which i shall omit , and mention only one more , spoken by origen with respect to this duty of prayer , where it must of necessity imply personal abilities , and that is in his book de oratione , where he prescribes the method and parts of prayer , the first whereof was doxology ; wherein , says he , he that prays must bless god according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must signifie the performer's abilities of judgment and expression , because it is not spoken of prescribed words , but of a prescribed method of prayer ; as if any one should desire me to inform him , how or in what method he must pray ; i tell him , as origen doth in this place , that first he must begin with an invocation of god by his titles and attributes ; then he must proced to praise god for his mercies and benefits , confessing withal his ingratitude and unfruitfulness ; then beg pardon for past sins , strength against future , and conclude all with praising god through christ , and that he must do all this according to the utmost of his ability . what could any one imagine , that i should intend by this advice of following this method to the utmost of his power , but by the exerting of his own abilities , understanding , memory , invention , expression , and the like , since i direct him not to any prescribed words , but only to the observation of those general heads and parts of prayer . so that the ministers praying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or according to the utmost of his ability , imports the exerting his gifts and parts in suitable matter and apt expressions ; and that the primitive prayers were so , appears yet farther from a passage in origen , who thus explains that verse in matth. . but when ye pray , use not vain repetitions as the heathens do , but when we pray , let us not battologise , that is , use not vain repetitions , but theologise : but we battologise , when we do not strictly observe our selves , or the words of prayer , which we express , when we utter those things which are filthy either to do , speak , or think , which are vile , worthily reprovable , and alienated from the purity of the lord. surely this caution had been needless of strictly observing the words that they uttered , and this fear had been groundless of expressing themselves undecently or sinfully , if they had had a prayer-book to recur to ; but that they had no such prayer-book appears yet more evidently from tertullian , who describing their publick prayers , says that looking up to heaven , they spread abroad their hands because innocent ; uncovered their heads , because not ashamed ; and without a monitor , because they prayed from the heart . now what is to be understood by praying from the heart , will best appean from enquiring into what is opposed to it , viz. the praying by a monitor . now the praying by a monitor , as is acknowledged by all , was praying by a book . but thus tertullian affirms the primitive christians prayed not : we do not pray , saith he , with a monitor , reading our prayers out of a book . no ; but on the contrary , we pray de pectore , from the heart , our own heart and soul dictating to us , what is most proper and fuitable to be asked , having no need of any other monitor besides . hence their prayers were suited to their emergencies and present circumstances , as tertullian writes , that having premised the lord's prayer , we may offer up accidental requests and petitions , of which occasional requests we find some instances , as in the sixteenth epistle of cyprian , where that father assures moses and maximus , two roman confessors , that he remembred them in his publick prayers with his congregation . and in another epistle where he congratulates pope lucius upon his return from banishment , he assures him , that he did not cease in his publick prayers to bless god for so great a mercy , and to pray him that was perfect , to keep and perfect in him the glorious crown of his confession . and so when the church of carthage sent a sum of money to the bishops of numidia , for the redemption of some christian captives , they desired those bishops to remember them in their publick prayers . so that their prayers could not be 〈◊〉 , invariable forms , because they could add new petitions , as their occasions and circumstances did require . firmilian reports of an exorcist woman , that being acted by the devil , she did wondrous feats , taking upon her to perform ecclesiastical administrations , as to baptize and celebrate the eucharist , the elements whereof she consecrated , with an invocation not to be despised , that is , as seems to be most agreeable unto the place , and to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of justin martyr . the matter , invention and expression of that prayer , wherewith she consecrated the elements , was not mean of contemptible , but indifferently well performed . so that it seems evident , that though the method of their prayers might in the main be the same , yet every one was left to follow his own fancy and expression therein . but that i may hasten to the conclusion of this section , it is very unlikely that they were obliged to prescribed forms , because they never read a syllable of their prayers out of any book whatsoever , which is evident from their posture of prayer , which was two-fold , either with their hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , or with their eyes shut : that they prayed with their eyes and hands lifted up to heaven , has been already shewn in the third section of this chapter , to which i shall only add this farther observation , that they stretched out their hands in the figure of a cross. that they also prayed with their eyes shut , is evident from origen , who having explained what is meant by that injunction of our saviour in matth. . . and when thou prayest , thou shalt not be as the hypocrites are ; for they love to pray standing in the synagogues , and in the corners of the streets , that they may be seen of men ; verily , i say unto you , they have their rewards , thus explains the following verse ; but thou , when thou prayest , enter thou into thy closet , and when thou hast shut to thy door , pray to thy father which is in secret , and thy father which seeth in secret , shall reward thee openly . but he that is no hypocrite , enters into the closet of his heart , to the riches that are treasured up there , and shutting himself in amongst those treasures of wisdom and knowledge , and not fixing his eyes on external objects , as looking after any thing without , and closing every gate of the senses , lest he should be drawn aside by them , and their species or fancies should creep into his mind , he prays the father , who never flies from , or leaves such an one , but together with the son , dwells in him . so the same father writes , that a true christian prays in every place , closing the eyes of his senses , but erecting those of his mind . now let them have prayed iu either of these postures , and it is very evident that they could read in neither of them ; for it is very improbable that they could turn over the leaves of a book , whilst their hands were extended towards heaven in the form of a cross ; or that they could read in a book , whilst their eyes were lifted up , or else quite shut and closed . if therefore there had been prescribed and imposed forms , they must of necessity have remembred them , which would have been an intolerable load to the strongest memory , especially to have repeated word after word the prayers of their fast days , which must have been several hours long , since some of their fasts , as will be shewn in another place , were prolonged from the morning of one day , to the beginning of another . § . . there remains now but one question more with respect to their publick prayers , and that is , whether they were divided into several collects ? to which i have not much certain to answer ; probably on their assemblies on fast days , when they continued together treble the usual time , for the ease of the bishop and his assistants , they made several 〈◊〉 prayers , and probably at their ordinary meetings , their prayer after sermon was but one entire piece . but all this is but conjecture , all that i find positive , is touching their prayer , that preceded the consecration of the eucharistical elements , which , as justin martyr writes , was one long prayer , to which the people said , amen . chap. iii. § . . of baptism : the persons baptizing . § . . the persons baptized : first , infants . § . . next , adult persons . the qualifications that were required in them . § . . the manner of baptism : the person to be baptized abjured the devil , the world , and the flesh , and gave his assent to the fundamental articles of the christian faith. § . . a digression concerning the ancient creed . the creed commonly call'd the apostles , not known within the first three hundred years after christ. in those days they had other brief summaries of faith , agreeing in sense , but not in words . § . . all the ancient creeds transcribed in their original language . § . . the creed , commonly call'd the apostles , compared with the ancient creeds . § . . how the creed was composed . § . . having in the former chapter discoursed of their publick prayers , i 〈◊〉 in the next place to consider the two sacraments , viz. baptism , and the lord's supper . and first of all , to treat of that of baptism , together with its appendix and confirmation ; for the more methodical and distinct handling whereof , i shall enquire into these three things , viz. the persons baptizing , the persons baptized , and the manner of baptism . first , as to the persons baptizing , usually they were the bishops or pastors of their respective parishes , as justin martyr describes baptism as performed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or president ; and tertullian by the antistes , or , superintendent ; and by the high priest , who is the bishop ; but with his permission and consent , it was allowed to presbyters and deacons ; and in case of necessity , even to lay-men to baptize ; but never under any necessity whatsoever was it permitted to a woman so to do . § . as for the persons that were baptized , they were two sorts , either infants , or adult persons . that infants were baptized , will be evident from this single consideration . baptism was always precedent to the lord's supper ; and none were admitted to receive the eucharist , till they were baptized . this is so obvious to every man , that it needs no proof : if any one doubts it , he may 〈◊〉 it clearly asserted in the second apology of justin martyr , p. . children received the eucharist in the primitive church , which is also a thing so well known , as that for the proof of it i shall only urge one passage of cyprian's , where he tells a long story of a sucking girl , who so violently refused to taste the sacramental wine , that the deacon was obliged forcibly to open her lips , and to pour down the consecrated wine . therefore it naturally follows , that children were baptized ; for if they received that ordinance , which always succeeded baptism , then of necessity they must have received baptism its self . but i needed not to have mentioned this consideration , since infant-baptism is as clearly asserted in words at length in the primitive writings , as a thing can possibly be . thus origen writes , that children are baptized for the remission of their sins , fer the purging away of their natural filth , and original impurity which is inherent in them , according to job . . what is man that he should be clean ? and he which is born of a woman , that he should be righteous ? and that of the prophet isaiah , chap. . v. . when the lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughter of sion , and shall have purged the blood of jerusalem from the midst thereof . no one is clean from the filth ; no , though he lived but one day upon the earth . wherefore because through the sacrament of baptism , the uncleannesses of our birth are purged away , therefore children are baptized . and the same father commenting on that place of our saviour , matth. . . see that ye despise not one of these little ones , alledges this as one reason , why we should not do so , because of the angels that guard them , on which reason he makes this query , at what time the angels begin their guardianship over those little ones , whether at the time of their birth or their baptism ? so that little ones were baptized ; by which little ones he means infants and children , as is most evident from those other titles , which he gives them in the same tome , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , little children , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infants ; and in one place he supposes them to be under three or four years old . to these testimonies of origen , i might also add those of irenaeus , lib. . cap. . p. . and of cyprian , de lapsis , § . . p. . but i shall chuse to wave them , because i would willingly translate at length the determination of an african svnod , held anno , whereat were present threescore and six bishops ; the occasion of which determination was this : a certain bishop called fidus , had some scruples , not concerning the baptism of infants , but concerning the time of their baptism , whether they might be baptized before the second or third day after their birth , or before the eighth day , as it was observed with respect to circumcision under the mosaical oeconomy ; the reasons or grounds for which his scruples he proposed to this synod , who having seriously examined them , 〈◊〉 decreed , that childrens baptism was not to be deferred to long , but that the grace of god , or baptism , should be given to all , and most especially unto 〈◊〉 , which synodical decree , because so pertinent to my purpose , i have at large transcribed as follows : quantum vero ad cansam infantium pertinet , quos dixisti intra secundum vel tertium diem quo nati sint constitutos baptizari non oportere ; & considerandam esse legem circumcisionis antiquae , ut intra octavum diem eum qui natus est baptizandum & sanctificandum non putares ; longe aliud in consilio nostro omnibus visum est ; in hoc enim quod tu putabas esse faciendum , nemo consensit , sed universi potius judicavimus , nulli hominum nato misericordiam dei & gratiam denegandam ; nam cum dominus in evangelio suo dicar , filius hominis non venit animas hominum perdere , sed salvare ; quantum in nobis est , si fieri potest , 〈◊〉 anima perdenda est . quid enim ei deest , qui semel in utero , dei manibus formatus est ? nobis enim atque oculis nostris , secundum dierum secularium cursum , accipere , qui nati sunt incrementum videntur : caeterum quaecunque a deo fiunt , dei factoris majestate & opere perfecta sunt . esse denique apud omnes , sive infantes , sive majores natu , unam divini muneris aequalitatem , declarat nobis divinae scripturae fides , cum helisaeus super infantem sunamitis viduae filium qui mortuus jacebat , ita se deum deprecans superstravit , ut capiti caput , & faciei facies applicaretur , & superfusi helisaei membra singulis parvuli membris & pedes pedibus jungerentur . quae res si secundum nativitatis nostrae & corporis qualitatem cogitetur , adulto & provecto infans non posset . nam & quod vestigium infantis , in primis 〈◊〉 ini diebus constituti , mundum non esse 〈◊〉 , quod unusquisque nostrum adhuc horreat exosculari , nec hoc 〈◊〉 coelestem gratiam dandam impedimento esse oportere ; scriptumest enim , omnia mundasunt mundis ; nec aliquis nostrum id debet hortere , quod deus dignatus est facere . nam etsi adhuc infans a partu novus eft , non ita est tamen , ut quisquam illum in gratia danda atque in pace facienda horrere debeat osculari , quando in osculo 〈◊〉 unusquisque nostrum pro sua religione ipsas adhuc recentes dei manus debeat cogitare , quas in homine modo formato & recens nato quodammodo exosculamur , quando id quod deus fecit , amplectimur . nam quod in judaica . circumcisione carnali octavus dies observabatur , sacramentum est in umbra atque in imagine ante 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 veniente christo veritate completum . 〈◊〉 quia octavus dies , id est , post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dies 〈◊〉 erat , quo dominus 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & circumcisionem nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hic dies 〈◊〉 , id est , post sabbacum primus , & dominicus praecessit in imagine , quae imago cessavit fuperveniente 〈◊〉 veritate , & data nobis spirituali circumcisione . propter quod neminem putamus a gratia consequenda impediendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lege quae iam 〈◊〉 est ; nec spiritualem circumcisionem impediri carnali 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed omnem omnino hominem admittendum efse ad gratiam christi , quando & petrus in actibus apostolorum 〈◊〉 , & dicat , dominus mihi dixit , 〈◊〉 communem dicendum & immundum . caeterum si homines 〈◊〉 aliquid ad 〈◊〉 gratiae posset ; magis adultos & provectos & majores natu possent impedire peccata graviora . porro autem si etiam gravissimis delictoribus & in deum multum ante peccantibus , cum postea crediderint , remissa peccatorum datur , & a baptismo atque a gratia nemo prohibetur ; quanto magis prohiberi non debet 〈◊〉 , qui recens natus nihil peccavit , nisi quod secundum adam carnaliter natus contagium mortis antique prima nativitate contraxit ? qui ad remissam peccatorum accipiendam hoc ipso facilius accedit , quod illi remittuntur non propria , sed aliena peccata & idcirco , frater charissime , haec fuit in concilio nostra sententia , a baptismo atque a gratia dei , qui omnibus 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , & pius est , neminem per nos debere prohiberi . quod cum 〈◊〉 universos observandum 〈◊〉 atque retinendum , tum magis circa 〈◊〉 ipsos & recens natos 〈◊〉 putamus , qui hoc 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ac de divina 〈◊〉 plus merentur , quod in primo statim na 〈◊〉 suae ortu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flentes nihil aliud 〈◊〉 quam 〈◊〉 . as for the matter of infants , whom , you said , were not to be baptized within the second or third day after their nativity , or according to the law of circumcision within the eighth day thereof ; it hath appeared to us in our council quite contrary ; no one maintained your opinion , but we all judged , that the mercy and grace of god was to be denied to no man ; for since the lord said in the gospel , the son of man came not to destroy , but to save the souls of men ; therefore as much as lies in our power , no soul is to be lost ; for what is there defective in him , who has been once formed in the womb by the hands of god ? to us indeed it seems , that children increase , as they advance in years ; but yet whatever things are made by god , are perfected by the work and majesty of god their maker . besides , the 〈◊〉 scriptures declare , that both infants and adult persons have the same equality in the divine workmanship : when elisha prayed over the dead child of the sunamitish widow , he lay upon the child , and put his head upon his head , and his face upon his face , and his body upon his body , and his feet upon his feet . this may be thought improbable , how the small members of an infant should equal the big ones of a grown man ; but 〈◊〉 is expressed the divine and spiritual equality , that all men are equal , and alike , when they are made by god ; that though the encrease of our 〈◊〉 may cause an inequality with respect to men , yet not with respect to god ; unless that that grace , which is given to 〈◊〉 persons , be more or less according to the age of the receivers ; but the holy ghost is given equally to all , not according to measure , but according to god's mercy and indulgence ; for as god is no respecter of persons , so neither of years ; he equally offers to all , the 〈◊〉 of his heavenly grace . and whereas you say , that an 〈◊〉 for the first days after his birth is unclean , so that 〈◊〉 one is 〈◊〉 to kiss him , this can 〈◊〉 no impediment to his 〈◊〉 of heavenly grace ; for it is written , to the pure all things are pure ; and none of us should dread that which god hath made ; for although an 〈◊〉 be newly born , yet he is not so , as that we should dread to 〈◊〉 him ; since in the 〈◊〉 of an infant , we ought to think upon the fresh works of god , which in a 〈◊〉 we * 〈◊〉 in an infant newly formed and born , when we embrace that which god hath made . and whereas the 〈◊〉 jewish 〈◊〉 was performed on the eighth day , that was a type and shadow of some future good thing , which , christ the truth being now come , is done away ; because the eighth day , or the first day after the sabbath , was 〈◊〉 be the day on which our lord should rise and quicken us , and give us the spiritual circumcision ; 〈◊〉 was the carnal circumcision on the eighth day , which type is now abolished , christ the truth being come , and having given us the spiritual circumcision . wherefore it is our judgment , that no one ought to be debarred from god's grace by that law , or that the spiritual circumcision should be hindred by the carnal one ; but all men ought to be admitted to the grace of christ , as peter saith in the acts of the apostles , that the lord said unto him , that he should call no man common or unclean . but if any thing can hinder men from baptism , it will be hainous sins , that will debar the adult and mature therefrom ; and if those who have sinned extremely against god , yet if afterwards they 〈◊〉 , are baptized , and no man is prohibited 〈◊〉 this grace , how much more ought not an insant to be 〈◊〉 , who being but just born , is guilty of 〈◊〉 sin , but of original which he 〈◊〉 from adam ? who ought the more 〈◊〉 to be received to the remission of sins , 〈◊〉 not his own , but others sins are remitted to him . wherefore , dearly beloved , it is our opinion , that from 〈◊〉 , and the grace of god , who is merciful , kind and benign to all , none 〈◊〉 to be prohibited by us , which as it is to be observed and followed with respect to all , so especially with respect to infants , and those that are but just born , who deserve our help , and the divine 〈◊〉 , because at the first instant of their nativity , they beg it by their cries and tears . apud cyprian . 〈◊〉 . . § . , , . p. , . so that here is as formal , synodical decree for the baptism of infants as possibly can be 〈◊〉 ; which being the judgment of a synod , is more 〈◊〉 and cogent than that of a private father , it being supposable , that a 〈◊〉 father might write his own particular judgment and opinion , but the determinations of a synod or council , denote the common practice and usage of the whole church . § . . it is evident then , that infants were baptifed in the primitive ages ; and as for the baptism of the adult , that being own'd by all , it will be needless to prove it . these were 〈◊〉 grown in years , able to judge and 〈◊〉 for themselves , who relinquished paganism , and came over to the christian faith. what qualifications were required in them previous or antecedent to baptism i need not here relate , since i have already handled this point in the sixth chapter of the former treatise , to which i refer the reader . in short , such as these were first instructed in the 〈◊〉 faith , continued some time in the rank of the 〈◊〉 , till they had given good proofs of their resolutions to 〈◊〉 a pious , religious life , and had protested their assent and consent to all the christian verities , and then they were solemnly baptized . which brings 〈◊〉 to the third thing proposed , 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 of baptism , which for the main was , as 〈◊〉 . § . . the person to be baptized was first asked several questions by the bishop , or by him that officiated , unto which he was to give his answer , concerning which baptismal questions and answers dionysius 〈◊〉 speaks in his letter to xystus bishop of 〈◊〉 , wherein he writes of a certain sorupulous person in his church , who was exceedingly troubled , when he was present at baptism , and heard the questions and answers of those that were baptized . which questions firmilian styles , the lawful and usual interrogatories of baptism . now these questions and answers were two-fold : first , of abjuration of the devil and all his works : and , secondly , of a firm assent to the articles of the christian faith. first , of abjuration . the minister proposed this question to the party baptized , or to this effect , do you renounce the devil , the world , and the flesh ? to which he answered , yes . so writes 〈◊〉 , when 〈◊〉 are baptized , 〈◊〉 renounce the world , the devil , and his angels . and with 〈◊〉 mouth we have vowed to renounce the world , the 〈◊〉 and his angels . and we have renounced the devil and his angels . and thou hast 〈◊〉 to renounce the world , the devil , and his angels . and , we were called to the warfare of the living god , when we promised in the words of baptism . to the same effect also says cyprian , when we were baptized , we renounced the world. and we have renounced the world , its pomps and delights . and the servant of god has renounced the devil and the world. and , we have renounced the world , and by the faith of spiritual grace have cast off its riches and pomps . and , we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the devil and the world. and so likewise saith clemens alexandrinus , that in baptism we renounced the devil . the second question was , whether the party to be baptized , did believe all the articles of the christian faith , to which he answered , yes , as justin martyr writes , that those who were to be baptized , were to give their assent to the things that were 〈◊〉 and held by them . so cyprian writes , that at baptism they asked the baptised person 's assent to this creed , whether he believed in god the father , son , and holy ghost , remission of sins , and eternal life through the church ? and that at baptism they asked , dost thou believe 〈◊〉 life everlasting , and remission of sins through the holy church ? these articles of faith to which the baptized persons gave their assent , are called by cyprian , the law of the symbol . and by novatian , the rule of truth . § . . and here since we have mentioned the symbol , it will be no unuseful digression to enquire a little into the ancient creeds ; for as for that creed , which is commonly called the aposties , all learned persons are now agreed , that it was never composed by them , neither do i find it within my prescribed time : but though they had not that , yet they had other creeds very like thereunto , which contained the fundamental articles of the christian faith , 〈◊〉 which all christians gave their assent and 〈◊〉 , and that publickly at baptism ; whence , as before it is called by cyprian , the law of the symbol ; and by novatian , the rule of truth . this creed was handed down from father to son , as a brief summary of the necessary scripture truths , not in ipsissimis verbis , or in the same set words , but only the sense or substance thereof , which is evident , from that we never find the creed twice repeated in the same words , no , not by one and the same father ; which that it may the more manifestly appear , as also that we may see the congruity and affinity of the ancient creeds with our present creed , commonly call'd the apostles , i shall 〈◊〉 in their original language all the whole creeds , and pieces of creeds , that i find within my limited bounds , which , together with the authors wherein they are to be 〈◊〉 , are as follows . § . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. , , 〈◊〉 in unum deum fabricatorem 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 quae in eis sunt , per christum jesum dei filium , qui propter 〈◊〉 erga figmentum suum dilectionem , 〈◊〉 quae esset ex virgine , generationem 〈◊〉 , ipse per se hominem adunans deo , & passus sub pontio pilato , & resurgens , & in claritate receptus , in gloria venturus salvator eorum qui salvantur , & judex eorum qui 〈◊〉 , & mittens in ignem aeternum transfiguratores veritatis , & contemptores patris sui & adventus ejus . irenaeus , lib. . cap. . p . regula est autem fidei , ut jam hinc quid credamus , profitearur , illa scilicet , qua creditur unum omnino deum esse , 〈◊〉 alium praeter mundi creatorem , qui universa de nihilo produxerit per verbum suum , primo omnium amissum : id verbum filium ejus appellatum in nomine dei , varie visum patriarchis , in prophetis semper auditum , postremo delatum ex spiritu patris dei & virture in virginem matiam , carnem factum in utero ejus , & ex ea natum , egisse jesum christum , exinde proedicasse novam legem & novam promissionem regni coelorum , virtutes fecisse , fixum cruci tertia die resurrexisse , in coelos ereptum , sedere ad dexteram patris , misisse vicariam vim spiritus sancti , qui credentes agant , venturum cum claritate ad sumendos sauctos in vitae eternae , & promissorum coelestium fructum , & ad 〈◊〉 judicandos igni perpetuo , facta utriusque partis resuscitatione cum carnis 〈◊〉 . haec regula a christo — instituta nullas habet apud nos quaestiones , nisi quas haereses 〈◊〉 , & quae haereticos faciunt . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , advers . 〈◊〉 . p. . unicum quidem deum credimus , sub hac 〈◊〉 dispensatione quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , ut unici dei sit & filius sermo ipsius , qui ex ipso processerit , per quem omnia facta sunt , & sine quo factum est nihil , hunc missum a patre in virginem , & ex ea natum hominem & deum , filium hominis & filium dei , & cognominatum jesum christum , hunc passum , 〈◊〉 mortuum & sepultum secundum scripturas , & resuscitatum a patre , & in coelo resumptum , sedere ad dexteram patris , venturum judicare vivos & 〈◊〉 , qui exinde miserat secundum promissionem suam a patre spiritum sanctum paracletum , sanctificatorem fidei eorum qui credunt in patrem , & filium , & spiritum sanctum . hanc regulam ab initio evangelii decucurrisse , &c. tertul. advers . praxean . p. . regula fidei una omnino est , sola immobilis & irreformabilis credendi scilicet in unicum deum omnipotentem , mundi conditorem , & 〈◊〉 ejus jesum christum , natum ex virgine maria , crucifixum sub pontio pilato , tertio 〈◊〉 resuscitatum a mortuis , receptum in coelis , sedentem nunc ad dexteram patris , venturum 〈◊〉 vivos & mortuos , per carnis etiam resurrectionem . tertullian de virginib . veland . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . comment . in 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . vol. . unus deus est , qui omnia creavit , atque composuit ; quique ex nullis fecit esse universa , deus a prima creatura & conditione mundi omnium justorum , adam , abel , seth , enos , &c. & quod hic deus in novissimis diebus , 〈◊〉 per prophetas suos ante promiserat , 〈◊〉 dominum 〈◊〉 jesum christum , 〈◊〉 quidem vocaturum israel , secundo vero etiam gentes post perfidiam populi israel . hic deus 〈◊〉 & bonus pater domini nostri jesu christi , legem & prophetas & evangelia ipse 〈◊〉 , qui & apostolorum deus est , & veteris & novi testamenti : tum deinde quia jesus christus ipse qui venit , ante omnem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex patre est : qui cum in omnium conditione 〈◊〉 ministrasset ( per ipsum enim omnia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) novissimis temporibus seipsum 〈◊〉 homo factus est , incarnatus est cum deus 〈◊〉 & homo mansit quod deus erat . corpus assumpsit corpori nostro simile , eo solo 〈◊〉 , quod natum ex virgine & spiritu sancto est , & quoniam hic jesus christus natus & 〈◊〉 est in veritate , & non per imaginem , communem hanc mortem vere 〈◊〉 est ; vere enim a morte resurrexit , & post resurrectionem conversatus cum 〈◊〉 suis assumptus 〈◊〉 . tum deinde honore ac dignitate patri ac filio sociatum tradiderunt spiritum sanctum , in hoc non jam manifeste discernitur , utrum 〈◊〉 aut innatus . sed inquirenda jam ista pro viribus sunt de sacra scriptura , & sagaci perquisitione investiganda , sane quod iste spiritus 〈◊〉 unumquemque sanctorum vel prophetarum , vel apostolorum inspiravit , & non 〈◊〉 spiritus in veteribus , alius vero in his , qui in adventu christi inspirati sunt , manifestissime in ecclesiis praedicatur . post haec jam , quod anima substantiam , vitamque habens 〈◊〉 , cum ex hoc mundo discesserit , & pro 〈◊〉 meritis dispensabit , sive vitae aeternae ac 〈◊〉 haereditate potitura , si hoc ei sua 〈◊〉 praestiterint ; sive igne aeterno ac 〈◊〉 mancipanda , si in hoc eam scelerum culpa detorserit . sed & quia erit tempus resurnectionis mortuorum , cum corpus hoc quod in 〈◊〉 seminatur surget in incorruptione , & quod seminatur in ignominia , surget in gloria . origen . in proaem . lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . credis in deum patrem , filium christum , spiritum sanctum , remissionem peccatorum , & vitam aeternam per sanctam 〈◊〉 cyprian . epist. . § . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . 〈◊〉 . § . . these are all the creeds that i have met with , in which the words are various , but generally recurring to the 〈◊〉 sense : it would be too tedious to translate them all ; wherefore i shall sum them up in the creed , commonly call'd the apostles , and thereby shew their congruity and agreement , as also , what is in the apostles creed more than in these . now the articles of the apostles creed , that are to be found in the 〈◊〉 creeds , are as follows : i believe in god the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth , and in jesus christ his only son our lord , who was conceived by the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried — the third day he rose again from the dead , ascended into heaven , sitteth at the right hand of god the father almighty , from whence he shall come to judge both the quick and the dead . i believe in the holy ghost , the holy catholick 〈◊〉 — the forgiveness of . here are now two clauses of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. he descended into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the communion of 〈◊〉 . § . . if we would know how they were 〈◊〉 , we must first consider how the whole creed was framed , which i conceive was done these two ways . first , some of the articles were derived down from the very days of the apostles . secondly , others were afterwards added in opposition to heresies , as they sprung up in the church . first , some of the articles were 〈◊〉 down from the very days of the 〈◊〉 , such were these , i believe in god the 〈◊〉 , ( or as the greek creeds read it , in one 〈◊〉 the father , in opposition to the polytheism of the heathens ) and in jesus christ his only 〈◊〉 son our lord : i believe , in the holy 〈◊〉 the resurrection of the body , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lasting . for in the days of the 〈◊〉 as well 〈◊〉 afterwards , it was the practice at baptism , to demand the baptized 〈◊〉 assent 〈◊〉 the fundamental articles of the 〈◊〉 faith , us philip did the 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst which fundamentals we may be 〈◊〉 they reckoned the doctrine of the 〈◊〉 because they were baptized in the name and dedicated to the service of the 〈◊〉 ; and that of the unity of the godhead , because , it was the great 〈◊〉 and design of their preaching to overturn the pagans multiplicity of deities ; and that of the resurrection of the 〈◊〉 , and the life everlasting , because that was the characteristick or peculiar doctrine of the 〈◊〉 religion , by which it was eminently 〈◊〉 from other sects and opinions , and was the only comfort and support of the christians under their sufferings and martyrdoms , according to that of st. paul , . 〈◊〉 . . . if the dead rise not at all , why are they then baptized for the dead ? as for the other articles of the creed , viz. such as are predicated of christ , as , his being conceived of the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary , &c. and those other two , the holy catholick church , and , the forgiveness of sins , i conceive them to be introduced the second way , viz. in opposition to heresies , as they sprung up in the church , as , was conceived by the holy ghost , in opposition to the 〈◊〉 , ebionites , and cerinthians , who taught that christ was born in the ordinary and common way as other men and women are : was born of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , &c. in contradiction to the docetae , simonians , and others , who affirmed christ to be a man , not really , but only phantastically , or in appearance ; of which hereticks 〈◊〉 speaks ; and 〈◊〉 them his forementioned creed seems particularly to be levelled , the remission of sins , against the basitidians , who held that not all sins , but only involuntary ones would be remitted ; or rather against the novatians , who denied remission to the lapsed : the holy catholick church , to exclude thereby all 〈◊〉 and schismaticks from being within the pale thereof . by these two ways then was the creed composed , and by the latter hereof were those two articles introduced , of christ's descent into hell , and of the communion of saints . the communion of saints was brought in last of all . the descent into hell towards the 〈◊〉 end of the fourth century , into the manner and occasion whereof , as also the intent and meaning of this article , i had designed once to enquire , having made some collections concerning it ; but finding i should be then forc'd to pass the limits of my prescribed time , i have thought it expedient to omit it , and to return to those points , from whence i have so long digressed . chap. iv. § . . of godfathers . § . . 〈◊〉 preceded baptism : the form and reason thereof . § . . next came baptism its self : the sacramental water 〈◊〉 by prayer . § . . the person baptized in the name of the trinity . § . . 〈◊〉 , or dipping , generally used . § . . sometimes perfusion , or sprinkling . the validity thereof considered . § . . after baptism followed prayers . § . . having in the former chapter made a little digression , i now return to the matter that first occasioned it , which was , the questions proposed to the persons to be baptized , unto which adult persons answered for themselves , and susceptors , or godfathers , for children . of these susceptors , or sponsors , 〈◊〉 speaks , where he thus adviseth the delay of childrens baptism , what necessity is there that sponsors should expose themselves to danger , who through death may 〈◊〉 of the performance of their promises , or may be deceived by the wicked disposition of those they promise for ? whether the use of sponsors was from the apostles days , i cannot determine , unless the negative may be conjectured from justin 〈◊〉 , tertullian's senior by fisty years , who when he enumerates the method and form of baptism , says not one word of sponsors or godfathers , as may be seen in his second apology , pag. , . § . . when these questions and answers were ended , then followed exorcization , the manner and end whereof was this : the minister put his hands on the persons head that was to be baptized , and breathed in his face , implying thereby the exorcization , or expelling of the devil or evil spirit from him , and a preparing of him for baptism and confirmation , when and where the good and holy spirit was conferred and given . this practice i find mentioned by clemens alexandrinus , who speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or exorcism before baptism , but more fully by some of those bishops that were present at that famous council of carthage , held anno in whose determinations , exorcization is required as previous and antecedent to baptism . thus in that of crescens bishop of cirta , i judge , saith he , that all hereticks and schismaticks , who would come to the catholick church , are not to be admitted , till they have been first exorcized and 〈◊〉 . so also said lucius bishop of 〈◊〉 , it is my opinion that all hereticks are to 〈◊〉 exorcized and baptized . and thus more clearly vincentius bishop of thibaris , we know hereticks to be worse than 〈◊〉 . if therefore they would turn and come to the lord , we have a rule of truth , which the lord commanded the 〈◊〉 , saying ; go , in my 〈◊〉 , lay on hands , and cast out devils , ( mark . . ) and in another place . go and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost , ( matth. . . ) therefore first let them come by imposition of hands in exorcism , and then by the regeneration of baptism , that so they may be made partakers of christ's promises ; but otherwise i think they cannot . from this last determination we may observe the reason of these exorcisms , which arose from a misunderstanding of christ's valedictory speech to his disciples in mark , , &c. in the th verse of that chapter 〈◊〉 them to go forth preaching the gospel , and to baptize , which was to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perpetual ministration to the end of the world. then he proceeds to tell them , v. , . that for the speedier propagation of the gofpel , and that the heathens 〈◊〉 the more readily embrace it , he would confer on them , and the first preachers 〈◊〉 of , the gift of working miracles , that in 〈◊〉 name they should cast out devils , and speak with new tongues , as they most 〈◊〉 did at the day of pentecost ; that they should take up serpents , as paul did at 〈◊〉 without receiving any injury ; and if they 〈◊〉 any deadly thing , it should not hurt them ; they should say hands on the sick , and they should recover ; all which they did , as ecclesiastical histories 〈◊〉 testifie ; and st. mark closes this chapter , and his gospel , with saying , that when the apostles went 〈◊〉 and preached , the lord 〈◊〉 with them , and confirmed the word with signs following . so that these were extraordinary actions 〈◊〉 promised to the 〈◊〉 and first 〈◊〉 of the faith of christ. but now it is evident from the forementioned determination of vincentius bishop of 〈◊〉 , that in his age , they apprehended them to be like baptism , ordinary and standing administrations in the church , and so 〈◊〉 in the sense of the fore-cited text , introduced for an ordinary and constant practice , that which was promised by christ for an extraordinary and miraculous gift . christ promised his 〈◊〉 , the miraculous power of casting devils out of bodies possessed by them : but these fathers understood this promise of the common spiritual effects of the gospel , which , where it is believingly received , delivers that person from the desusion and dominion of the devil , under which we all naturally are , being by nature children of wrath ; and for the declaration of this invisible freedom and deliverance , which they all thought to be in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptism , they made use of this external sign of exorcism just before baptism , to declare thereby , that now the unclean devil with all his power and tyranny was cast out of that person , who was now going in and by 〈◊〉 , to be 〈◊〉 to the service of a 〈◊〉 master , viz. of the blessed trinity , father , son , and holy ghost , god blessed for evermore . § . . when 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 , then came baptism its self ; and the person being ready to be baptized , the minister , by prayer , 〈◊〉 the water for that use , because it was not any water , but only that water , as sedatus bishop of turbo writes , which is sanctified in the church by the prayers of the minister , that 〈◊〉 away sin. it is true indeed , as tertullian writes , that any waters 〈◊〉 sacramentum sanctificationis consequuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supervenit 〈◊〉 statim 〈◊〉 de coelis & baptism . p. . may be applyed to that use , but then god must be first invocated , and then the holy ghost presently comes down from heaven , moves upon them , and 〈◊〉 them . 〈◊〉 , saith cyprian , the water must be first 〈◊〉 and sanctified by the priest , that by its washing it may wash away the sins of man that is baptized . § . . the water being consecrated , the person was then baptized in the name of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost . so writes justin 〈◊〉 , they are baptized in the name of god the father , lord of all , and of our saviour jesus christ , and of the holy ghost . for as clemens 〈◊〉 says , the baptized person by this dedication to the blessed trinity , is delivered from the corrupt trinity , viz. the devil , the world , and the flesh , and is now sealed by the father , son and holy ghost . this baptizing in the name of trinity , origen terms , the invocation of the adorable trinity . § . . as for the 〈◊〉 of water employed in baptism , that is , whether they 〈◊〉 or dipped ; to me it seems evident , that their 〈◊〉 custom was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dip the whole body . when st. barnabas describes a baptized person by his going down into the water , we go down , saith he , into the water full of sin and filth , but we ascend with fruit and benefit in our hearts . and so tertullian represents baptized persons , as , entred into the water . and as let down into the water . and justin martyr describes the same by being washed in water ; and calls the place where they are baptized 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a washing-place , or a bath ; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the baptism of hereticks , condemns it as carnal , and as being upon that account no 〈◊〉 different from the baptism or washing of the jews , which they used as a common and ordinary bath to wash away the 〈◊〉 of their bodies . § . . but though immersion was their usual custom , yet perfusion or sprinkling was not accounted unlawful ; but in cases of necessity that was used , as in clinic baptism , which was , when sick persons , whose deaths they apprehended , were baptized in their beds , as 〈◊〉 being sick , and 〈◊〉 death , as was 〈◊〉 , was baptized in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfusion , or , pouring on of water . it is true indeed , this baptism was not generally esteemed as perfect , as the more solemn baptism ; for which reason it was a custom in some churches , not to advance any to clerical orders , who had been 〈◊〉 baptized ; an instance whereof we have in the church of rome , where the ordination of novatian to be a presbyter , was opposed by all the clergy , and by many of the 〈◊〉 , as unlawful , because of his clinic perfusion . but yet that they held it not altogether or absolutely unlawful to be done , appears from that on the intreaties of the bishop , they consented that he should be ordained , as he accordingly was : and cyprian in a set discourse on this subject , declares , that he thought this baptism to be as perfect and 〈◊〉 , as that done more solemnly by immersion , for when one magnus writ to him , 〈◊〉 his opinion , whether those were 〈◊〉 baptized , who , through their 〈◊〉 , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but only perfused or aspers'd , he 〈◊〉 . nos quantum concipit mediocritas nostra , 〈◊〉 in nullo mutilari & 〈◊〉 posse divina beneficia , nec minus aliquid illic posse contingere , ubi plena & tota 〈◊〉 & dantis & sumentis accipitur , quod de divinis muneribus hauritur . neque enim sic in sacramento salutari delictorum contagia , ut in lavacro carnali & seculari 〈◊〉 cutis & corporis 〈◊〉 , ut aphronitris , & 〈◊〉 quoque adjumentis , & solio & piscina opus fit , quibus ablui & mundari corpusculum 〈◊〉 . aliter pectus credentis abluitur , aliter mens hominis per fidei merita mundatur . in sacramentis 〈◊〉 necessitate cogente , & deo indulgentiam suam 〈◊〉 , totum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divina compendia . nec quemquam movere debet , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persundi videantur aegri , cum gratiam dominicam 〈◊〉 , quando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per ezechielem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , & aspergam super vos aquam 〈◊〉 , & mundabi mini ab omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ab omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vos , & dabo vobis cor novum , & spiritum novum dabo in vobis . item in numeris , & homo qui 〈◊〉 immundus usque ad 〈◊〉 , hic 〈◊〉 dietertio , & die septimo & mundus erit ; si 〈◊〉 non suerit purificatus die tertio , & die septimo , non erit mundus , & exterminabitur anima illa de israel , quoniam aqua aspersionis non est super eum sparsa . et iterum , & locutus est dominus ad moysen , dicens , accipe 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 israel , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purificationem 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aqua purificationis ; & iterum , aqua aspersionis purificatio est . unde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoque aquae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lavacri obtinere ; & quando haec in ecclesia 〈◊〉 , ubi sit & dantis & accipientis 〈◊〉 integra , stare omnia & consummari ac perfici posse 〈◊〉 domini & fidei veritate . epist. . § . . p. , . that as far as he could 〈◊〉 , he 〈◊〉 that the divine benefits could 〈◊〉 wise be 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , nor that less thereof could 〈◊〉 , where the divine gifts are received with a sound and full faith , both of giver and receiver : far in baptism , the spots of sin are otherwise washed 〈◊〉 , than the 〈◊〉 of the body in a secular and carnal bath is , in which there is need of a seat to sit upon , of a vat to wash in , 〈◊〉 soap , and other such like implements , that so the body may be washed and cleansed ; but in another manner is the heart of a believer is the mind of a man purified by 〈◊〉 merits of christ. in the sacraments of 〈◊〉 through the indulgence of god in cases of 〈◊〉 , the divine 〈◊〉 convey the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that 〈◊〉 nor let 〈◊〉 one think it strange , that the sick , when they are baptized , are only perfused or sprinkled , since the scripture says , by the 〈◊〉 ezekiel , chap. . v. , . i will sprinkle clean water upon you , and ye shall be clean ; from all your 〈◊〉 , and from all your idols will i cleanse you ; a new heart also will , i give you , and a new spirit will i put within you . also it is said in numbers , chap. . , . and the man which shall be 〈◊〉 to the evening , 〈◊〉 shall 〈◊〉 purified the third day , and the seventh day , and 〈◊〉 shall be clean ; but if he shall not be purified the third 〈◊〉 and the seventh day , he shall not 〈◊〉 clean , and that soul shall be 〈◊〉 off from israel , because the 〈◊〉 of aspersion hath not been sprinkled on him . and again the lord spake unto moses , numb . . v. , . take the 〈◊〉 from among the children of israel , and cleanse them ; and thus shalt thou do unto them to cleanse 〈◊〉 sprinkle water of purifying upon them . and again , the water of aspersion is purification : from whence it appears , that sprinkling is sufficient instead of immersion ; and whensoever it is done , if there be a sound faith of giver and receiver it is perfect and complent . and a little 〈◊〉 in the same epistle , the said father argues the validity of baptizing by sprinkling , because such as had been so baptized , were never baptized again . aut si aliquis 〈◊〉 eos nihil 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quod aqua salutari 〈◊〉 perfusi sunt , sed 〈◊〉 & vacuos esse ; non decipiantur , & si incommodum languoris 〈◊〉 & convaluerint , baptizentur . si autem baptizari non possunt , 〈◊〉 jam baptismo 〈◊〉 sanctificati sunt , 〈◊〉 in fide sua & domini indulgentia 〈◊〉 ? idem ibid. § . . p. . if , saith he , any shall think that such have not 〈◊〉 the grace of god , but 〈◊〉 void and empty thereof , because they have been only 〈◊〉 with the saving laver ; let not such then that have been so baptized , 〈◊〉 themselves ; but 〈◊〉 they recover their health , let them 〈◊〉 baptized ; but if they cannot be 〈◊〉 , as having been already sanctified with the ecclesiastical baptism , why then are they scandalized in their faith , and in the mercy of god ? so that sprinkling or perfusion was 〈◊〉 valid , and seems to be always used in cases of necessity , as immersion was in their ordinary publick baptism , when as tertullian writes , they dipped the baptized person three times under water , that is , dipping him once at the naming of each person of the holy trinity . we are , says the foresaid father , dipped at the naming of each person . § . . when baptism was over , the person that had been then baptized , as justin martyr relates it , was 〈◊〉 into the number of the faithful , who then sent up 〈◊〉 publick prayers to god for all men , for themselves , and for him that had been baptized . after which the baptized person , as the said father goes on to write , was admitted to receive the other sacrament of the lord's supper with the rest of the faithful . so that in justin. martyr's age , at least in his 〈◊〉 at that season , it seems very probable that there followed only prayers after baptism : but not long after his time , we meet with many other ceremonies then used , which because they have some relation to our present controversies , i shall mention in the following chapter . chap. v. § . . after baptism followed 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vnction . § . . then signation , or 〈◊〉 with the sign of the cross. § . . then 〈◊〉 of hands , or confirmation . § . . 〈◊〉 reasons for 〈◊〉 . § . . for 〈◊〉 § . . for imposition of hands § . . 〈◊〉 immediately followed baptism . § . . 〈◊〉 confirmed as well as bishops . § . . confirmation reiterated . § . . as for those rites that succeeded baptism , and which we find first mentioned in tertullian , they were in number three , viz. vnction , signation , and imposition of hands ; or if the reader pleases , he may call them all by the name of confirmation . touching unction or chrismation , 〈◊〉 thus writes , as soon as we are baptized , we are 〈◊〉 with the blessed vnction — an external carnal vnction is poured upon us , but it spiritually advantages . and to the same purpose says his follower cyprian , he that is baptized must of necessity be anointed , that having received the 〈◊〉 or vnction , he may be the anointed of god , and have him in the grace of christ. § . . under this crismation was comprehended signation , or the signing of the baptized person with the sign of the cross , which the minister performed with this 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 . so saith 〈◊〉 , the flesh is 〈◊〉 , that the soul may be 〈◊〉 . and then it follows , the flesh 〈◊〉 signed , that the soul may be fortified . this sign was made in the forehead , as cyprian observes , than king 〈◊〉 for invading the priest's office , was smit with a 〈◊〉 on his forehead , and mark'd by an offended god 〈◊〉 that place where those are mark'd whom god receives . hence he calls a christians forehead ; a signed forehead ; and thus elegantly exhorts the people of 〈◊〉 in allusion hereunto , to take unto themselves the whole armour of god , mentioned 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . to take 〈◊〉 themselves for a covering for their head , the 〈◊〉 of salvation , that their ears might be fortified against their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that their eyes might be strengthned against the beholding of 〈◊〉 images , that their forehead might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that so the sign of god might be 〈◊〉 inviolable . so pontius speaks of certain confessors , who by the 〈◊〉 of their t or mentors had their foreheads marked a second time. it is observed by tertullian , that the devil strives to be god's ape , imitating the acts of his worship and service , and prescribing the fame to his deluded adorers , as particularly in the idolatrous services of 〈◊〉 as , whose priests baptized some as his believing and faithful servants , and sign'd them in their foreheads as his 〈◊〉 . § . . to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imposition of hands , or that which most properly we term confirmation , which was , the minister 〈◊〉 his hands on the head of the party baptized ; anointed and signed , and prayed that the holy ghost would be pleased to descend , and 〈◊〉 upon him : this immediately followed signation , as that did unction . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the flesh is 〈◊〉 that the soul may be 〈◊〉 ; the flesh is signed , that the 〈◊〉 . the flesh is 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 that the soul may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the spirit . and when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is finished , 〈◊〉 hands are imposed , with prayers invocating and inviting the holy 〈◊〉 . § . 〈◊〉 . having thus briefly shewn what their additional acts to baptism were , it will in the 〈◊〉 place be necessary to enquire into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or reasons of their usage of them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for unction : this was taken from the 〈◊〉 rites , 〈◊〉 it was employed in the instalment of 〈◊〉 high priest , to denote his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the service of god , as tertullian writes ; this vnction is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the jewish dispensation , wherein the high priest was anointed with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of an horn , as aaron was by moses . so now in the times of the gospel , all christians being , as tertullian says , 〈◊〉 to god and the 〈◊〉 . they were in 〈◊〉 thereunto 〈◊〉 by the a 〈◊〉 of oyl to their 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 , os the 〈◊〉 father expresses it , the flesh is anointed , 〈◊〉 soul may be consecrated . from the spiritual unction also of god the son by god the father , for which reason he was called christ , or anointed , they pleaded for their 〈◊〉 and external unction , as 〈◊〉 saith , jesus is called christ from being anointed , which vnction was spiritual , because whilst only a spirit , he was anointed by the father , as in the acts. they are gathered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this city against thy holy son , whom thou hast 〈◊〉 ; but our 〈◊〉 is carnal , though it spiritually profits . cyprian adds this further reason for this custom of 〈◊〉 , viz. he that is baptized , must of necessity receive the 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , that so he may be the 〈◊〉 of god , and 〈◊〉 in him the gract of christ. § . . as for signation , or the signing with the sign of the cross : by this was 〈◊〉 . that they were to be 〈◊〉 and valiant in the cause of christ , having their hearts 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , as 〈◊〉 observes , the 〈◊〉 is sign'd , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 may be 〈◊〉 . hence this sign was made on an open , visible place , on their 〈◊〉 which is the seat of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , implying thereby , that they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and constantly to fight like good soldiers under the cross of christ ; whence 〈◊〉 says , that as the christians , so the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 sign'd the foreheads of their soldiers . § . . as for the very act of confirmation , or imposition of hands , that was practised from an opinion of the imperfection of 〈◊〉 , that that did not convey the graces of the holy spirit , but only prepared persons for the reception of them , when they should be actually bestown in the confirmation , for as 〈◊〉 says , we do not receive the holy ghostin baptism , but-being 〈◊〉 therein by the 〈◊〉 , ( 〈◊〉 to the angel that mov'd upon the 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 ) we are 〈◊〉 prepared for the holy ghost . and , when our bodies , are 〈◊〉 and blessed , then that most holy spirit willingly descends from the father . and at the imposition of hands , the soul is illuminated by the spirit . cyprian in his th epistle , § . , , , 〈◊〉 somewhat largely of this custom of confirmation ; from whence i have observed this following 〈◊〉 of it . every one in a state of heathenism and idolatry was considered as dead ; wherefore when any one came from that state to the christian faith , he was said to live ; which life may be compared to a natural life : as to compleat a natural life ; there must be a body 〈◊〉 a soul , so must the same be imagin'd in a 〈◊〉 life : as in the first creation , god first 〈◊〉 the body of man , and then breathed 〈◊〉 him the breath of life ; first made a fit 〈◊〉 to receive the soul , before the soul its self 〈◊〉 framed : so in the second creation , god first prepares the man , before he gives his spirit ; 〈◊〉 first makes the man a fit temple for the holy ghost , before he gives the holy ghost . now the 〈◊〉 by which a man is prepared and 〈◊〉 , is by baptism , by which he is cleansed and purged from sin , and fitted for the reception of the spirit of god , in which respect he is to be regarded as a body : the way by which the holy ghost is infused , which as a living soul must actuate and direct that prepared body , is by prayer and imposition of hands , or by confirmation . for as cyprian writes in the same place , baptism alone cannot purge away . sins , or sanctifie a man , unless he has also the holy ghost . that is , has received confirmation , as it is frequently styl'd in cyprian's epistles . in the decrees of the council of carthage , and in the letter of cornelius to fabius bishop of antioch , extant in eusebius , lib. . cap. . p. . this being the regeneration of the spirit , and baptism the regeneration of water , both which our saviour affirmed to be necessary , when he said unto 〈◊〉 , john . . except a man be born of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god. as nemesianus bishop of thubunis saith , one is not sufficient without the other , the spirit cannot 〈◊〉 without water , nor the water without the spirit . therefore it was necessary to be regenerated by both sacraments , viz. by baptism and by confirmation . wherefore , as cyprian exhorts , we must pray , that those who are yet earthly , may become heavenly , and be born of the water and the spirit . that is , be baptized and confirmed , which were the external signs of 〈◊〉 from sin , 〈◊〉 bestowing grace , both 〈◊〉 necessary to make a compleat 〈◊〉 ; for as the same father writes , then are 〈◊〉 truly sanctified , and fully become the sons of god , when they are regenerated with both sacraments , baptism and 〈◊〉 ; according as it is written , except a man be born of water and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god. so that though a 〈◊〉 was baptized , yet they accounted his christianity incomplete and imperfect till he was also confirmed : for which reason 〈◊〉 objects against 〈◊〉 , that he could scarcely acknowledge him a complete christian , because being baptized in his bed , he 〈◊〉 not received confirmation , or the additionary rituals to baptism , nor did he ever 〈◊〉 receive them . thus you see the reasons they produced for this usage , to fortifie which , they added some examples of the holy writ , 〈◊〉 tertullian 〈◊〉 to this purpose the example of jacob 〈◊〉 genesis , who put his hands on the heads of ephraim and manaffes , and blessed them . and cyprian urges that instance of the apostles , acts . . . where , after several of the 〈◊〉 had been baptized by philip , peter and james conferred the holy ghost on them by imposition of hands , they had no need again to be baptized , saith he , having been baptized by 〈◊〉 , but only what was 〈◊〉 or lacking , was performed by peter and john , which was , that by prayer , and imposition of hands , the holy ghost should be conferred on them , which custom , as he there adds , is now observed by us , that those who are baptized in the church , are offered to the governours thereof ; by whose prayer and imposition of hands , they receive the holy ghost , and are compleated with the lord's seal . to this practice also firmilian refers that action of st. paul , in acts . . where on those who had been only baptized by john's baptism , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the holy ghost by imposition of hands , and cyprian applies to confirmation the descent of the holy ghost , 〈◊〉 . . in miraculous 〈◊〉 and gifts of tongues on cornelius and his friends , though they were not then baptized . so much now for the reasons of confirmation ; all that i shall do more , is to add two or three observations concerning it . § . . the first whereof is , that confirmation was an immediate consequent of baptism ; it was not deferred till many years after , but was presently administred , as tertullian writes , as soon as we come out of the baptismal laver , we are anointed , and then we are confirmed . else if they had not been so soon confirmed , they must , notwithstanding their baptism , according to their opinions , as it hath been before demonstrated , have continued graceless , without the adorning gifts of the holy spirit , a long time , even as long as their confirmation was delayed , which to imagine concerning them is unreasonable and uncharitable . indeed in case of necessity , when they had neither time nor 〈◊〉 it was waved , 〈◊〉 immersion was with respect to baptism ; but yet if the sick person happened to recover , he was then to be confirmed , as is evident from the case of novatian , whom 〈◊〉 accuses , because that when he was restored to his health again , he was not confirmed according to the canon of the church . but otherwise 〈◊〉 immediately , or 〈◊〉 the same time followed 〈◊〉 . § . . from the former observation there follows this , that not only the bishop , but also his presbyters or curates did by his 〈◊〉 , and in his absence confirm : for if confirmation always succeeded baptism , then whenever baptism was , there was also confirmation . now 〈◊〉 for baptism , we may reasonably suppose , that in a church there were some fit to be 〈◊〉 at least once a year ; and sometimes it might happen that either the see was 〈◊〉 , or the bishop through persecution might be 〈◊〉 from his flock so long a time , as cyprian was double the space ; and if so , must no persons have been baptized within that time by reason of the bishop's unavoidable absence ? that seems a little hard , since , as was said before , they esteemed baptism and confirmation necessary to salvation , and to deprive 〈◊〉 souls of salvation , that died within that 〈◊〉 , because they had not been confirmed by 〈◊〉 bishop , which was impossible , would be too severe and uncharitable . besides , that presbyters did baptize , we have proved already ; and since confirmation was done at the same time with baptism , it is very reasonable to conclude , that he that did the one , performed the other also . but , that presbyters did confirm , will appear most evidently from this very consideration , viz. that the imposition of hands 〈◊〉 persons just after baptism , which we call confirmation , and the imposition of hands at the 〈◊〉 of offenders , which we call 〈◊〉 , was one and the self same thing , confirmation and absolution being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that we make use of , to distinguish the 〈◊〉 times of the performances of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ceremony . the : thing or 〈◊〉 was not different , imposition of hands was used both at one and 〈◊〉 other , 〈◊〉 the same mystical signification , viz. the conferring 〈◊〉 the holy ghost and his graces on that 〈◊〉 : on whom 〈◊〉 were imposed . only now to distinguish the time of this 〈◊〉 of hands , whether after baptism , or at the 〈◊〉 of offenders ; these two terms of confirmation and 〈◊〉 are used by us , the former to signifie that used just after baptism , and the latter , that 〈◊〉 was employed at . this now , viz. that confirmation and 〈◊〉 were one and the self same thing , i 〈◊〉 presently prove : and then in the next 〈◊〉 i shall shew , that with the bishop , and sometimes without the bishop , presbyters did absolve by imposition of hands . and if these 〈◊〉 points can be clearly manifested , it will 〈◊〉 follow that presbyters did confirm ; for if there was no difference between confirmation and absolution , but only with respect to time ; and 〈◊〉 presbyters at one time , viz. at absolution conferred the holy ghost by imposition of hands , it is very unreasonable to deprive them of the same power at the other time , which was at confirmation . if presbyters could at one season bestow the holy spirit , it is very probable that they could do the same at the other also . now as to the first point , viz. that there was no difference between confirmation and absolution , but that they were one and the self same thing ; this will appear most evidently from the consideration of that famous controversie , touching the validity of hereticks baptism , between stephen bishop of rome , and cyprian bishop of carthage : or rather between the churches of europe and africa , the sum whereof was this , stephen bishop of rome 〈◊〉 , that those who were baptized by hereticks , and came over to the catholick church , should be received only by imposition of hands . cyprian bishop of carthage contended , that besides imposition of hands , they should also be baptized , unless that they had been before baptiz'd by the orthodox , in which case imposition of hands should be esteemed sufficient . now this imposition of hands they sometimes term that which we 〈◊〉 confirmation , and sometimes absolution , 〈◊〉 using either of those expressions , and indifferently applying them , according 〈◊〉 they pleased , in one place giving it the title of confirmation , and in another that of absolution , which that they did , i shall endeavour to evince , by shewing ; first , that they called this imposition of hands confirmation . secondly , that they called it absolution . first , i shall prove that they called it confirmation ; unto which end let us consider these following 〈◊〉 , those , says cyprian , which are baptized without the church , when they come unto us , and 〈◊〉 the church which is 〈◊〉 one , they are to be baptized , because the imposition of hands by confirmation , is not sufficient without baptism , for then they are fully sanctified , and become the sons of god , when they are born 〈◊〉 both sacraments , 〈◊〉 as it is written , 〈◊〉 a man be born again of the water and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god. to the same effect says 〈◊〉 bishop of 〈◊〉 , those 〈◊〉 greatly 〈◊〉 , who affirm that they ought only to be confirmed by imposition of hands , and so to be received , since it is , manifest they must be 〈◊〉 with both sacraments in the catholick church . and secundinus bishop of carpis determined , that on hereticks who are the seed of antichrist , the holy ghost cannot be conferred by imposition of hands alone in confirmation . stephen pleaded on his side , that 〈◊〉 very name of christ was so advantagious to faith and the sanctification 〈◊〉 baptism , that in what place soever any one was baptized in that name , he immediately obtained the grace of christ. but unto this firmilian briefly replies , that if the baptism of hereticks , because done in the name of christ , was sufficient to purge away sins , why was not confirmation , that was performed in the name of the same christ , sufficient to bestow the holy 〈◊〉 ? and therefore it is thus eagerly argued by cyprian , why 〈◊〉 they , saith he , ( meaning stephen and his party , who received hereticks by imposition of hands only ) patronize hereticks and schismaticks , let them answer us , have they the holy ghost , or have they not ? if they have , why then do they lay hands on those that are baptized by them , when they ceme over to us , to bestow on them the holy ghost , when they had received him before ; for if he was there , they could confer him ? but if hereticks and 〈◊〉 have not the spirit of god , and therefore we lay hands on them in confirmation , that they may here receive , what hereticks neither have , nor can give ; it is manifest , that since they have not the holy ghost , they cannot give remission of sins . that is , since they cannot confirmtherefore they cannot baptize . so that from these and some other passages , which to avoid tediousness i omit ; it is clear , that both stephen and cyprian understood by imposition of hands , that which we now call 〈◊〉 . secondly , i now come to shew , that they also termed it absolution , as will appear from these following instances . they ( says cyprian , meaning stephen and his followers ) urge , that in what they do , they follow the old custom , that was used by the ancients when heresies and schisms first began , when those that went over to them , first were in the church , and baptized therein , who when they returned again to the church , and did penance , were not forced to be baptized . but this , says he , makes nothing against us , for we now observe the very same ; those who were baptized here , and from us went over to the hereticks . if afterwards being sensible of their error they return to the church , we only absolve them by the imposition of hands , because once they were sheep , and as wandring and straying sheep the shepherd receives them into his flock ; but if those that come from hereticks were not first baptized in the church , they are to be baptized , that they may become sheep ; for there is but one holy water in the church , that makes sheep . but that this imposition of hands was the same with absolution , will most evidently appear from the opinion or determination of stephen , and from cyprian's answer thereunto . stephen's opinion or determination was if any shall from any heresie come unto us , let nothing be innovated or introduced besides the old tradition , which is , that hands be imposed on him as a penitent . now unto that part of this decree which asserts the reception of hereticks only by absolution , or the imposition of hands in penance to be a tradition , descended down from their predecessors . cyprian replies , that he would observe it as a divine and holy tradition , if it were either commanded in the gospel , and the epistles of the apostles , or contained in the acts , that those who came from hereticks should not be baptized , but only hands imposed on them for penance , or , as penitents ; but that for his part , he never found it either commanded or written , that on an heretick hands should be only imposed for penance , and so he should be admitted to communion wherefore he on his side concludes and determins , let it therefore be observ'd , and held by us , that all who from any herefie are converted to the church , be baptized with the one lawful baptism of the church , except those who were formerly baptized in the church , who when they return , are to be received by the alone imposition of hands after penance into the flock , from whence they have strayed . so that these instances do as clearly prove , that they meant by their imposition of hands , absolution , as the former instances do , that they meant confirmation , and both of them together plainly shew and evidence confirmation and absolution to be the very self-same thing ; for since they promiscuously used and indifferently applyed these terms , and that very thing , which in some places they express by confirmation , in others they call absolution , it necessarily follows , that there can be no essential or specifical difference between them , but that they are of a like numerical identity or sameness . but , secondly , i now come in the next place to demonstrate , that together with the bishop , and sometimes without the bishop , presbyters did absolve by imposition of hands , that they did it , together with the bishop , several places of cyprian abundantly prove . offenders , saith he , receive the right of communion by the imposition of hands of the bishop , and of his clergy . and , no criminal can be admitted to communion , unless the bishop and clergy have imposed hands on him . and that some times they did it without the bishop ( always understanding his leave and permission ) is apparent from the example of serapion , who being out of the churches peace , and approaching the hour of dissolution , sent for one of the presbyters to absolve him , which the presbyter did , according to the order of the bishop , who had before given his permission unto the presbyters to absolve those who were in danger of death . and as the bishop of alexandria gave his presbyters this power , so likewise did cyprian bishop of carthage , who when he was in exile , order'd his clergy to confess and absolve by imposition of hands , those who were in danger of death . and if any were in such condition , they should not expect his presence , but betake themselves to the first presbyter they could find , who should receive their confession , and absolve them by imposition of hands . so that it is evident that presbyters , even without the bishop , did absolve offenders , and formally receive them into the churches peace by imposition of hands . now then , if the imposition of hands on persons just after baptism , and the imposition of hands at the restitution of offenders was one and the self-same thing ; and if presbyters had power and authority to perform the latter , i see no reason why we should abridge them of the former ; both the one and the other was confirmation ; and if presbyters could confirm at one time , why should we doubt of their right and ability to perform it another time ? if it was lawful for them to impose hands on one occasion , it was as lawful for them to do it on another . § . from the precedent observation of the identity of that which we now distinguish by the names of confirmation and absolution , it necessarily results , that confirmation was not like baptism , only once performed , but on many persons frequently reiterated : all persons after baptism were confirmed , that is , by the imposition of hands and prayer , the holy ghost was beseeched to descend upon them , and so to fortifie them by his heavenly grace , as that they might couragiously persevere in their christian warfare to their lives end ; but if it should so happen , as oftentimes it did , that any so confirmed should fall from the christian faith , and be for a time excluded the churches peace , when they were again admitted , hands were again imposed on them , and the holy spirit again invocated , to strengthen them with his almighty grace , by which they might be upheld to the day of salvation ; and so as often as any man fell , and was restored to the churches communion , so often was he confirmed , and the holy ghost entreated more firmly to establish and settle him . chap. vi. § . of the lord's supper : the time when administred . § . persons that received it ; none present at the celebration thereof besides the communicants . § . the manner of its celebration : in some places the communicants first made their offerings . § . the minister began with a sacramental discourse , or exhortation : then followed a prayer , consisting of petitions and praises , which consecrated both the elements at once . § . after that the words of the institution were read . § . then the bread was broken , and the wine poured out , and both distributed : diversity of customs in the manner of the distribution . § . the posture of receiving . § . after they had communicated they sung a psalm and then concluded with prayer , and a collection for the poor . § : the first of the christian sacraments having been so largely discussed , i now come to treat of the other , viz. the lords supper ; in the handling of which i shall enquire into these three things : . the time. . the person . and , . the manner thereof . first , as for the time of its celebration : in general , it was at the conclusion of their solemn services , as justin martyr writes , that after they had read , sung , preached and prayed , then they proceeded to the administration of the eucharist . but as for the particular part of the day , that seems to have been according to the circumstances and customs of every church . in tertullian's age and country they received it at supper-time ; from which late assembling , it is probable , that the heathens took occasion to accuse them of putting out the lights , and promiscuously mingling one with another . which accusation may be read at large in justin martyr's dialogue with tryphon , in minutius felix , and the apologies of tertullian and athenagoras . but whether this was then their constant season in times of peace , i know not ; this is certain , that in times of persecution they laid hold on any season or opportunity for the enjoying of this sacred ordinance : whence tertullian tells us of their receiving the eucharist in their antelucan assemblies , or , in their assemblies before day . and pliny reports , that in his time the christians were wont to meet together before it was light , and to bind themselves by a sacrament . cyprian writes that in his days they administer'd this sacrament both morning and evening . and , that as christ administer'd the sacrament in the evening , to signifie the evening and end of the world. so they celebrated it in the morning , to denote the resurrection of their lord and master . all that can be gathered from hence is , that they did not deem any particular part of the day necessary to the essence of the sacrament , but every church regulated its self herein according to the diversity of its customs and circumstances . § . as for the 〈◊〉 communicating , they were not indifferently all that professed the christian faith , as origen writes , it doth not belong to every one to eat of this bread , and to drink of this cup. but they were only such as were in the number of the faithful , such as were baptized , and received both the credentials and practicals of christianity . that is , who believed the articles of the christian faith , and lead an holy and a pious life . such as these , and none else , were permitted to communicate . now since none but the faithful were admitted , it follows that the catechumens and the penitents were excluded ; the catechumens because they were not yet baptized , for baptism always preceded the lords supper , as justin martyr says . it is not lawful for any one to partake of the sacramental food , except he be baptized . the penitents , because for their sins they were cast out of the church , and whilst excluded from the peace thereof , they could not participate of the marks and tokens of that peace , but were to be driven therefrom , and not admitted thereto , till they had fully satisfied for their faults , lest otherwise they should profane the body of the lord , and drink his cup unworthily , and so be guilty of the body and blood of the lord. hence when the other parts of divine worship were ended , and the celebration of the eucharist was to begin , the catechumens , penitents , and all , except the communicants , were to depart , as tertullian says hereof , pious initiations drive away the profane . these being mysteries which were to be kept secret and concealed from all , except the faithful ; inasmuch as to others the very method and manner of their actions herein were unknown , which was observed by the pagans , who objected to the christians the secrecy of their mysteries , which charge tertullian does not deny , but confessing it , answers , that that was the very nature of mysteries to be concealed , as ceres's were in samothracia . § . the catechumens with others being gone out , and none remaining but the faithful , the celebration of the eucharist next followed ; which brings me to the inquiry of the third thing , viz. the manner of the celebration thereof . but before i meddle therewith , i shall briefly premise this observation , viz. that in some places , as in france and africa the communicants first made their offerings , presenting according to their ability , bread , or wine , or the like , as the first fruits of their encrease , it being our duty , as irenaeus writes , to offer unto god the first fruits of his creatures , as moses saith , thou shalt not appear empty before the lord. not as if god wanted these things , but to shew our fruitfulness and gratitude unto him . wherefore cyprian thus severely blam'd the rich matrons for their scanty oblations , thou art rich and wealthy , saith he , and dost thou think duly to celebrate the lord's supper , when thou refusest to give ? thou who comest to the sacrament without a sacrifice , what part canst thou have from the sacrifice which the poor offer up ? these offerings were employed to the relief of the poor , and other uses of the church ; and it seems probable that a sufficient quantity of that bread and wine was presented to the bishop , or to him that officiated , to be employed for the sacramental elements , whose consecration next succeeded , which in the main was after this following manner . § . it is very likely , that in many places the minister first began with an exhortation or discourse touching the nature and end of that sacrament , which the congregation were going to partake of , that so their hearts might be the more elevated and raised into heavenly frames and dispositions . this may be gathered from the history of an exorcist woman , related by firmilian , who took upon her to per. form many ecclesiastical administrations , as to baptize and celebrate the lord's supper , which last she did without the wonted sermon , or , discourse . which seems to intimate , that in those days it was customary in lesser asia , and perhaps at carthage too , for the minister to make a speech or exhortation before the participation of the sacrament . but whether this practice was universal , or more ancient than 〈◊〉 , i cannot determin ; this that follows was , viz. a prayer over the elements by him that officiated , unto which the people gave their assent , by saying amen . this prayer is thus described by justin martyr , bread and wine are offered to the minister , who receiving them gives praise and glory to the lord of all through the son , and the holy ghost , and in a large manner renders particular thanks for the present mercies ; who when he hath ended his prayers and praise , all the people say amen . and when the minister hath thus given thanks , and the people said amen , the deacons distributed the elements . and again , bread and wine are offered to the minister , who to the utmost of his abilities sends up prayers and praises , and the people say amen , and then the consecrated elements are distributed . from this description by justin martyr of the sacramental prayer , we may observe these few things pertinent to the matter in hand . i. that there was but one long prayer antecedent to the distribution of the elements : for he says , that the minister having received the bread and wine , he offered up prayers and praise unto god in a large manner ; and when he had ended , the people said amen . ii. that this long prayer consisted of two parts , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he calls them , that is , petition and thanksgiving ; in the former they prayed for the peace of the church , the quiet of the world , the health of their emperors , and in a word , for all men that needed their prayers , as it is represented by tertullian , we pray , saith he , for the emperors , for all that are in authority under them , for the state of the world , for the quiet of affairs , and for the delay of the day of judgment . in the latter they gave god thanks for sending christ , and for the institution of that comfortable sacrament , desiring his blessing on , and consecration of the elements then before them . iii. that by this one prayer both the elements were consecrated at once ; for he says , that the minister took both elements together , and blessed them , and then they were distributed . he did not consecrate them distinctly , but both together . § . after prayer was ended , they read the words of institution , that so the elements might be consecrated by the word , as well as by prayer . whence origen calls the sacramental elements the food that is sanctified by the word of god and prayer . and that is hallowed by the word of god , and prayer . and 〈◊〉 writes , that when the bread and wine perceive the word of god , then it becomes the eucharist of the body and blood of christ. § . the elements being thus consecrated , the minister took the bread , and brake it , the bread which we break , or , or the broken bread , as it is styled by irenaeus , and then gave it to the deacons , who distributed it to the communicants , and after that the cup , which the deacons in the like manner delivered . so it was in justin martyr's time and country , the element , saith he , being blessed , the deacons give to every one present of the consecrated bread and wine . but in tertullian's time and country the minister , and not the deacons , distributed the elements , we receive , saith he , from no ones hands but the bishops . and yet at the same place not many years after , the deacons offered the cup to those that were present . so that herein there was a diversity of customs ; in some places the deacons delivered the elements , in others the bishop , or the minister that consecrated them . but whether it was done either by bishop or deacons , it seems probable , that which of them soever did it , they delivered the sacramental bread and wine particularly to each communicant . i find but one example to the contrary , and that was in the church of alexandria , where the custom was to permit the people to take the bread themselves from the plate , or vessel wherein it was consecrated , as is insinuated by clemens alexandrinus ; but in most other churches it is likely that the elements were particularly delivered to every single communicant . so it was in the country of justin martyr , where the deacons gave to each one of the consecrated bread and wine . so at carthage in the time of cyprian , the deacons offered the cup to those that were present . in the time of which father it was usual for children and sucking infants to receive the sacrament , unto whom it was necessary particularly to deliver the elements , since it was impossible for them to take it orderly from the hands of others : and therefore when a little sucking girl refused to taste the sacramental wine , the deacon violently forc'd it down her throat . so it was also at rome , as appears from what cornelius reports of his antagonist novatian , that when he administer'd the sacrament , and divided and gave to each man his part ; with his two hands he held those of the receiver , saying to him , swear unto me by the body and blood of the lord jesus christ , that thou wilt never leave my party , to return to that of cornelius ; so forcing the miserable receiver , instead of saying amen , to say , i will not return to cornelius . § . as for the posture of receiving , at alexandria the custom was to stand at the table , and receive the elements , which may be supposed to have been 〈◊〉 this manner : the bread and wine being consecrated , the communicants came up in order to the communion table , and there standing received the elements , and then returned to their places again . but whether this was universal i know not , or whether any other postures were used , i cannot determin ; only as for kneeling , if the sacrament was celebrated on the lords day , as usually it was , or on any other day between easter and whitsontide , then no church whatsoever kneeled ; for as tertullian writes , on the lords day we account it a sin to worship kneeling , which custom we also observe from easter to whitsontide . § . the elements being thus blessed , distributed , and received , they afterwards sung an hymn or psalm to the praise and glory of god , as tertullian writes , then every one sings an hymn to god , either of his own composition , or out of the holy scriptures . then followed for a conclusion a prayer of thanksgiving to god almighty for his inestimable grace and mercy ; as the same tertullian saith , prayer concludes this feast . to which was subjoined a collection for the poor . when as justin martyr reports , every one that was able and willing gave according to his ability , and that that was gathered , was committed to the care of the bishop , who relieved therewith the orphans and widows , the sick and distressed , prisoners , travellers , strangers , and in a word , all that had need thereof . chap. vii . § . of the circumstances of publick worship . § . of the place thereof : in times of peace fixed places for that end , metonymically called churches . § . how those churches were built . § . no holiness in those places . § . of the time of publick worship . § . the first day of the week an usual time. § . celebrated with joyfulness , esteemed holy , and spent in an holy manner . § . their reasons for the observation of this day . § . the usual title of this day , the lord's day . § . sometimes called sunday , but never the sabbath-day . § . saturday another time of publick worship . § . hitherto i have spoken of the several particular acts of the publick worship of the ancients : i now come , according to my propounded order , to enquire into the necessary circumstances thereof . by which i mean such things as are inseparable from all humane actions , as place and time , habit , and gesture . as for habit , as much of that as is controverted , i have spoken to already in that chapter , where i discoursed of the ministers habit in prayer . and as for gesture , i have already treated of worshipping towards the east . and of their posture at the reception of the lord's supper . there is nothing more disputed with reference thereunto , besides the bowing at the name of jesus , and the worshipping towards the communion table ; but both these being introduced after my prescribed time , viz. above three hundred years after christ , i shall say nothing to them , but pass on to the discussing of the two remaining circumstances of publick worship , viz. place and time. § . first . as for place : this all will readily grant to be a necessary circumstance of divine worship ; for if we serve god , it is impossible , but that it must be in one place or other . now one query with respect hereunto may be , whether the primitive christians had determined fixed places for their publick worship ? unto which i answer , that usually they had ; though it is true indeed , that in times of persecution , or when their circumstances would not permit them to have one usual sixed place , they met where-ever they could , in fields , deserts , ships or inns : yet in times of peace and serenity they chose the most setled convenient place that they could get , for the performance of their solemn services ; which place , by a metonymy , they called the church . thus at rome , the place where the christians met , and chose fabian for their bishop , was the church . at antioch paulus samosasatenus bishop thereof , ordered certain women to sing psalms to his praise in the midst of the church . at carthage the baptized persons renounced the devil and all his works . in the church and thus fertullian very frequently calls their definite places for divine worship churches . § . as for the form of these churches , or the fashion of their building , i find this description of them in tertullian , the house of our dove like religion is simple , built on high and in open view , respecting the light as the figure of the holy spirit , and the east as the representation of christ. the meaning whereofis , that their churches were erected on high and open places , and made very light and shining , in imitation of the holy ghost's descent upon the apostles at the day of pentecost , who came down with fire , or light upon them ; and that they were built towards the east , in resemblance of christ , whom they apprehended in scripture to be called the east , concerning which title , and the reason thereof , i have already discoursed in that head concerning praying towards the east , unto which place , to avoid repetition , i refer the reader . § . but tho' they had these fixed places or churches for conveniency and decency , yet they did not imagin any such sanctity or holiness to be in them , as to recommend or make more acceptable those services that were discharged therein , than if they had been performed elsewhere ; for as clemens alexandrinus writes , every place is in truth holy , where we receive any knowledge of god. and as justin martyr saith , through jesus christ we are now all become priests to god , who hath promised to accept our sacrifices in every , or in any part of the world. and therefore in times of persecution , or such like emergencies , they scrupled not to meet in other places ; but where-ever they could securely joyn together in their religious services , there they met , though it were in fields , deserts , ships , inns or prisons , as was the case and practice of dionysius bishop of alexandria . so that the primitive practice and opinion with respect to this circumstance of place was , that if the state of their affairs would permit them , they had fixed places for their publick worship , call'd churches , which they set apart to that use , for conveniency and decencies sake ; but not attributing unto them any such holiness , as thereby to sanctifie those services that were performed in them . i know nothing more with respect to place , that requires our consideration : i shall therefore now proceed to enquire into the time of publick worship , under which will be comprehended the primitive fasts and feasts . § . time is as necessary a circumstance to religious worship as place ; for whilst we are in this world , we cannot serve god at all times , but must have some determinate time to serve him in : that god's people therefore under the law might not be left at an uncertainty when to serve him , it pleased the almighty to institute the sabbath , the passover , and other feasts , at which times they were to congregate and assemble together , to give unto god the glory due unto his name , and for the same end under the evangelical administration there are particular days and seasons appointed for the publick and solemn worship of the glorious and eternal lord , according to the sayings of clemens romanus , god hath required us to serve him . in the appointed times and seasons . for which reason we ought to serve him at those determinated times . that so worshipping him at those commanded seasons , we may be blessed and accepted by him . § . now the principallest and chiefest of these prescribed times was the first day of the week , on which they constantly met together to perform their religious services . so writes justin martyr . on the day that is called sunday , all both of the country and city assemble together , where we preach and pray , and discharge all the other usual parts of divine worship . upon which account those parts of god's publick worship are styled by tertullian the lord's days solemnities . aurelius , who was ordained a lector , or a clark , by cyprian , is described in the execution of his office , by reading on the lord's day . and victorinus petavionensis represents , this day , as an usual time , wherein they received the lord's supper . which was observed by the heathen in minucius felix , who mentions the christians assembling to eat on a solemn day . and pliny reports , that the christians in his time met together on an appointed day , to sing praises unto christ , as a god , and to bind themselves by a sacrament . § . this was the day which clemens alexandrinus calls the chief of days , our rest indeed ; which they observed as the highest and supremest festival , on sunday we give our selves to joy , saith tertullian . and before him st. barnabas , we keep the eighth day with gladness . and ignatius , we observe the lord's day , banishing every thing on this day that had the least tendency to , or the least appearance of sorrow and grief ; inasmuch that now they esteemed it a sin either to fast or kneel : even the montanists themselves , those rigid observers of fasts and abstinences abstained from fasting on this most glad and joying day . this day they accounted holy , as dionysius bishop of corinth , in his letter to the church of rome , saith , to day being the lord's day , we keep it holy . the way wherein they sanctified it , or kept it holy , was the employing of themselves in acts of divine worship and adoration , especially in the publick parts thereof , which they constantly performed on this day , as has been already proved ; and in that forementioned letter , where dionysius bishop of corinth , writ unto the church of rome , that that day being the lord's day , they kept it holy . the manner of sanctifying it is immediately subjoined , in it , saith he , we have read your epistle , as also the first epistle of clemens . and clemens alexandrinus writes , that a true christian , according to the commands of the gospel , observes the lords day , by casting out all 〈◊〉 thoughts , and entertaining all good ones , glorifying the resurrection of the lord on that day . § . the reafon why they observed this day with so much joy and gladness , was , that they might gratefully commemorate the glorious resurrection of their redeemer , that happened thereon . so writes st. barnabas , we keep the eighth day with gladness , on which christ arose from the dead . so says ignatius , let us keep the lord's day , on which our life arose through 〈◊〉 . and so says clemens alexandrinus , he that truly observes the lord's day , glorifies therein the resurrection of the lord. justin martyr relates that on sunday the christians assembled together , because it was the first day of the week , on which god out of the confused chaos made the world , and jesus christ our saviour arose from the dead ; for on fryday he was crucified , and on sunday he appeared to his apostles and disciples , and taught them those things that the christians now believe . and to the same purpose origen adviseth his auditors to pray unto almighty god , especially on the lord's day , which is a commemoration of christ's passion ; for the resurrection of christ is not only celebrated once a year , but every seven days . § . from hence it was , that the usual appellation of this day both by the greek and latin churches , was the lords day . so it is styled by clemens alexandrinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the lords day . and amongst the latins , by victorinus petavionensis , dies dominicus , the lords day . as also by an african synod , and by tertullian . sometimes it is simply called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , dominicus , that is , the lords , without the addition of the word day , as it is thus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by ignatius . and dominicus by cyprian . § . so that the lords day was the common and ordinary title of this blessed and glorious day ; though sometimes in compliance with the heathens , that they might know what day they meant thereby , they called it in their phrase , sunday , so termed because dedicated to the sun. thus justin martyr informing the heathens of the time and manner of the christians assemblies tells them that on the day called sunday they met together for their religious exereises . and , that on sunday they assembled together . and so tertullian upon the same occasion lets the heathens know that the christians indulged themselves on sunday to mirth and joyfulness . but though they so far complyed with the heathens as to call this sunday , yet i do not find that they ever so far indulged the jews as to call it the sabbath day ; for through all their writings , as may be especially seen in tertullian , and justin martyr , they violently declaim against sabbatizing , or keeping the sabbath day , that is , the judaical observation of the seventh day , which we must always understand by the word sabbatum in the writings of the ancients , not the observation of the first day , or the lords day ; for that was constantly celebrated , as it has been already proved , and by those who condemn the observance of the sabbath day , the sanctification of the lord's day is approved and recommended , as by justin martyr and tertullian in those passages already cited , unto which we may add that clear passage of ignatius , let us no longer sabbatize , but keep the lords day , on which our life rose . or as it is more fully expressed in his interpolated epistle , instead of sabbatizing , let every christian keep the lords day , the day on which christ rose again ; the queen of days , on which our life arose , and death was conquered by christ. § . so that their not sabbatizing did not exclude their keeping of the lords day nor the christian , but only the judaical observance of the sabbath , or seventh day ; for the eastern churches , in compliance with the jewish converts , who were numerous in those parts , performed on the seventh day the same publick religious services that they did on the first day , observing both the one and the other as a festival . whence origen enumerates saturday as one of the four feasts solemnized in his time ; though on the contrary , some of the western churches , that they might not seem to judaise , fasted on saturday , as victorinus petavionensis writes , we use to fast on the seventh day . and , it is our custom then to fast , that we may not seem with the jews to observe the sabbath . so that besides the lord's day , saturday was an usual season whereon many churches solemnized their religious services . as for those other times , in which they publickly assembled for the performance of divine worship , they will fall under the two general heads of times of fasting and times of feasting , of which in the following chapters . chap. viii . § of the primitive fasts , two-fold , occasional and fix'd , of occasional fasts , what they were , and by whom appointed . § . of fixt fasts , two-fold , weekly and annual : wednesdays and fridays weekly fasts ; till what time of the day observed , and why observed . § . one necessary annual fast , viz. lent. why they fasted at lent , and how long lasted . § . of the manner of their fasts . three sorts of fasts , viz. statio , jejunium , and superpositio . what those several kinds were , and at what times observed . § . in this chapter i shall make an enquiry into the primitive fasts , which may be considered in a two-fold respect , either as occasional , or fixt . occasional fasts were such , as were not determined by any constant fixed period of time , but observed on extraordinary and unusual seasons , according as the variety and necessity of their circumstances did require them . thus in times of great and imminent danger either of church or state , when by their sins they had kindled god's wrath and fury against them , that they might divert his vengeance , and appease his offended majesty , they appointed set days and times for the abasing of themselves before the lord , for the seeking of his face by prayer and fasting , abstaining from the food of their bodies , and practising all external acts of humiliation , as so many indications of the internal contrition of their hearts and souls . so cyprian in the time of a sharp persecution advised his flock to seek to appease and pacifie the lord , not only by prayers , but by fastings , and by tears , and by all kind of intreaties . and when the same father foresaw an approaching persecution , he writ to cornelius bishop of rome , that since god was pleased in his providence to warn them of an approaching fight and tryal , they ought with their whole flocks diligently to fast and watch , and pray , to give themselves to continual groans , and frequent prayers ; for those are our spiritual arms , that make us firmly to stand and persevere . tertullian jeers the heathens , that in times of danger or great necessity , after they had voluptuously and sensually glutted themselves , they then ran to the capitol , and with all outward signs of humility , deprecated gods judgments , and implored his mercy , whilst in the mean time they were enemies unto him , but , says he , we on such emergencies and occasions abstain from all things , give our selves wholly to fasting , roll our selves in sackcloth and ashes ; thus incline god as it were to repent , to have mercy and compassion upon us ; for by this way god is honoured . these occasional fasts were appointed by the bishops of every church , as they saw fit and necessary . so writes tertullian , the bishops are wont to ordain fasts for their churches , according as the circumstances of the churches require . § . the next sort of fasts were set or fixed ones , that is , such as were always observed at the same time and season ; and these again were two fold , either weekly or annual . first , weekly . these were kept every wednesday and friday , as clemens alexandrinus relates that they fasted on every wednesday and friday . these fasts were commonly called stations , in allusion to the military stations , or the soldiers standing , when on the guard. thus tertullian mentions their stationary days . and writes that wednesdays and fridays were stations . on these stationary days their fasts ended at three a clock in the afternoon ; whence they are called by tertullian , the half fasts of stations . though some on fridays lengthened out their fasts till evening . why they fasted on wednesday rather than on any other day of the week , i cannot find ; but on friday they chose to fast because christ was crucified thereon . § . the next sort of fixed fasts is such as are annual , of which kind they had but one , viz. lent. and indeed besides this , they had no other necessary fixed fast , 〈◊〉 weekly nor yearly ; the faithful were not strictly obliged to the observation of any other , as will be evident from what follows . it is true , they fasted wednesdays and fridays , but this was ex arbitrio , of their own free will and choice , not ex imperio , of command or necessity . for when the montanists , began to impose as a duty other stinted fasts , they were for so doing branded as hereticks , who , saith apollonius concerning montanus , is this new doctor ? his works and doctrin evidently declare him , this is he that teaches the dissolution of marriages , and prescribes fasts . and for the same practice they were accused by the orthodox , for galaticising , or committing the error of the galatians in observing days , and months , and years . but that the ancients esteemed lent to be the only necessary fixed fast , and any other , even the stationary days to be indifferent , will appear most evidently from this ensuing passage of tertullian , tertullian being now a montanist , and defending their prescribed fasts against the orthodox , thus jeeringly exposes the opinions of his adversaries with respect to the necessary determined times of fasting . forsooth , saith he , they think that according to the gospel , those days are to be prescribed fasts , wherein the bridegroom was takeu away , ( i.e. lent ) and those to be the only fasts of christians , the legal and prophetical fasts being abolished ; and that for others we may indifferently fast , according to our will , not out of necessity or command , but according to our circumstances and conditions , and that so the apostles abserved , commanding no other fixed and common fasts besides this ; no , not the stationary days , which indeed they keep on wednesdays , and fridays , and do all observe , but yet not in obedience to any command , or to the end of the day , but prayers are concluded at three a clock in the afternoon , according to the example of peter in the acts. so that from hence it is evident , that the orthodox apprehended themselves to be free from the necessary observation of the stationary fasts , and to be only strictly obliged to fast on those days , wherein the bridegroom was taken away ; or on lent , from which periphrasis of lent we may collect both the reason and the duration thereof . first , the reason thereof , or the ground on which they founded the necessity of this fast , and that was on that saying of christ , in matth. . . the days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken from them . this they imagined to be an injunction of christ to all his followers , to fast at that time , when the bridegroom should be taken away . the bridegroom they esteemed to be christ , the time when he was taken away , his crucifixion , death , and continuing under the power of death to the instant of his resurrection , during which time they thought themselves by the forementioned command obliged to fast . secondly , from hence we may observe the duration of this fast , or how long it was continued , and that was , from the time that christ the bridegroom was taken away , to the time that he was restored again , that is , from his passion to his resurrection . now according to their various computations of the beginning and end of christ's being taken away , so was the duration of their fast ; some might reckon from christ's agony in the 〈◊〉 , others from his being betrayed by judas . 〈◊〉 again from his being fastned to the cross , and others from his being actually dead ; and so according to these diversities of computations were their fasts either lengthened or shortned . this we may probably suppose to be the occasion of the different observations of this fast with respect to its duration , as we find it in irenaeus , some , says he , esteem , that they must fast but one day , others two , others more , and some allow to this fast forty hours . which last space of time seems to have been their general and common allowance : whence this fast , was afterwards called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , quadragesima , that is , not a fast of forty days , in imitation of christ's fasting in the wilderness , but a fast of forty hours , beginning at friday twelve a clock , about which time christ was dying , and ending sunday morning , when christ arose . so that from twelve a clock good friday , as we call it , when christ the bridegroom was taken away , they fasted , in obedience to his command , as they imagined , till sunday morning , when he was found again by his resurrection , at which time they forgot their sorrow and mourning , concluded their fast , and began the joyful festival of easter , or of christs resurrection . § . as for the manner of their fasts , we may observe them to be of three sorts , viz. statio , jejunium , and superpositio ; station , fasts , and superposition ; all which three are at once mentioned by victorinus petavionensis , we fast , says he , till the ninth hour , or till evening , or their is a superposition till the next morning . i. there was the fast of stations , which ended at three a clock in the afternoon , or at the ninth hour , as it is called in the forecited passage of victorinus petavionensis . this sort of fasting was used on 〈◊〉 and fridays , which days , as we have shewn before were called stationary days , and on them divine services were ended at three a clock in the afternoon , for which reason montanising tertullian terms them , the half fasts of stations . ii. the next sort was strictly called jejunium , or a fast ; which according to the 〈◊〉 place of victorinus petavionensis , lasted till evening : of this sort , it is probable , their occasional fasts were , as tertullian writes , in times of necessity and danger we dry up our selves with fasting , abstain from all meat , roll our selves in dust and ashes , and by these means cause god to have mercy upon us . though it is also likely , that in times of more eminent danger they extended these fasts unto that of superposition . the second sort of fasts was observed by some on fridays , who turned the station into a fast , as victorinus petavionensis writes , on friday , in commemoration of the lord's passion , i either keep a station , or observe a fast. iii. the last sort of fasts was called superposition , or , as by the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which lasted till the morning of the next day , according to that of victorinus petavionensis , let superposition be done till the next day . as for the times when this fast was observed , i find that in some of the western churches they so kept every saturday throughout the year , fasting thereon till midnight , or till the beginning of sunday morning , as victorinus petavioniensis says , let superposition be done on saturday , lest we should seem to observe the jewish sabbath . but not only in these , but in other churches also , they so fasted on easter eve , or on the saturday preceeding that sunday , which being lent , was so necessary and usual , that tertullian enumerating those particular acts of divine worship , that a christian woman could not freely perform , if married to a pagan husband , reckons this as one , that on easter eve she could not stay up , and watch that night : but to please her husband , must be diverted from this necessary fast , that usher'd in the glorious festival of easter , which brings me in the next place to enquire into this , and their other feasts , of which in the ensuing chapter . chap. ix . § . of the primitive feasts , two-fold , occasional , and fix'd , § . of easter . § . of whitsunday . § . of christmas : on what day of the year christ was born . § . of epiphany . § . besides these no other feasts in commemoration of christ , the virgin mary , or the apostles . the apostles not called saints in the primitive writings . § . festivals in commemoration of the martyrs : observed on the annual day of their martyrdom . persons appointed to take an exact account of the day of their decease . § . why those festivals were observed . the day of the martyrs death termed their birth days . § . the place where these festivals were solemnized : of the buryingplace of the ancients . § . the manner of the observation of these festivals . § . as the primitive fasts were two-fold , so likewise were their feasts , either occasional , or fixed . as for those that were occasional , i shall pass them over , because not controverted , and come immediately to enquire into their fixed feasts , which , as their fasts , were also two-fold , either weekly or annual . of their weekly feasts , which were sundays , and in the oriental churches saturdays , i have already discoursed , so that there only remains an enquiry into their annual feasts , which , befides the martyrs festivals , were two , viz. easter and whitsunday , or at most three , viz , easter , whitsunday , and christmass , of each of which in their order . § . i begin with easter , as being the antientest feast of all , concerning which tertullian writes , we celebrate easter in the first month every year . cyprian mentions their easter solemnities . and origen reckons easter as one of the four festivals observed in his time . but that they solemnized easter , is a thing so well known , that it will be unnecessary to prove it , especially since every one knows , or at least might easily know , those sharp contests and debates that were in the church about the time when it should be kept ; the whole affair hath been at large related by several hands in our own tongue ; amongst others , by the most learned dr. cave , in his apostolici , in the life of irenaeus , to which i refer the curious , contenting my self with giving a very brief account of the controversie , which was this : the churches of the lesser asia kept their easter the same day that the jews kept their passover , on what day of the week soever it happen'd . the church of rome , with other churches , kept it the lords day after . this diversity of customs created a violent disorder and confusion amongst the christians ; for the church of rome would impose their usages on the churches of the lesser asia , unto which the latter peremptorily refused to submit . to appease these heats and storms , polycarp bishop of smirna came to rome to confer with anicetus bishop of that church about it , who 〈◊〉 , that every church should be left to follow its own custom , as accordingly they were to the times of pope victor , who revived this controversie , and was so turbulent and imperious , as that he excommunicated the asiaticks , for refusing to comply with the church of rome in this matter , condemning them as hereticks , loading them with the long and frightful name of tessareskaidekatitae , or , quartodecimani , so called because they kept their easter quarta decima luna , upon the fourteenth day after the appearance of the moon , or at the full moon , on what day soever it happened . but however the asiaticks stood their ground , and still maintained their old custom , till the council of nice , anno . by their authority decided this controversie , decreeing , that throughout the whole christian world , easter should be observed not on the day on which the jewish passover fell , but on the lord's day ensuing , as it was ever after observed and followed . § . the next feast that was observed was whitsunday , or pentecost , in commemoration of the holy ghosts descent on the apostles , which also was very ancient , being mentioned several times by tertullian ; and reckon'd by origen for one of the four festivals observed in his time , the other three being sundays , saturdays , and easter . § . as for christmass , or the time of christs nativity , there is a passage in clemens alexandrinus , which seems to intimate , that it was then observed as a festival : for speaking of the time when christ was born , he says , that those who had curiously search'd into it , affixed it to the th day of the month pachon . but the basilidian hereticks held otherwise , who also observed as a feast , the day of christs baptism . from which words who also , if that be the meaning of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one might be apt to infer , that the meaning of clemens alexandrinus was , that the basilidians not only feasted at the time of christs nativity , but also at the time of his baptism . but whether this interpretation will hold , i leave to the learned reader to determin . on the contrary , there are other considerations , which more strongly insinuate , that this festival was not so early solemnized , as that when origen reckons up the feasts observed in his age , he mentions not one syllable of christmas ; and it seems improbable that they should celebrate christs nativity , when they disagreed about the month and day when christ was born . clemens alexandrinus reckons from the birth of christ to the death of commodus , exactly one hundred ninety four years , one month , and thirteen days ; which years must be computed according to the nabonassar , or egyptian account , who varied from this in our year , in that they had only days in a year , never taking notice of the odd hours , or quadrant of a day , that every fourth year makes a whole day , and are accordingly by us then added to the month of february , which maketh the bissextile or leapyear . so that though the egyptians always begun their year with the first day of the month thoth , yet making no account of the annual odd hours , that month wandereth throughout the whole year : and whereas now the first day of that month is the first day of our march , about seven hundred years hence , it will be the first of september ; and after seven hundred years more , or near thereabouts , it will come to the first of march again . wherefore that we may reduce unto our style this calculation of clemens alexandrinus , we must deduce , for those odd hours which are not accounted , one month and eighteen days , and so reckoning the birth of christ from the death of commodus , which happened on the first day of january , to be one hundred ninety four years , wanting five or six days , it will appear that christ was born on the th or th of the month of december , according to the julian account , which is the epoch we follow . but as the same father farther writes in the same place , there were some , who more curiously searching after the year and day of christs nativity , affixed the latter to the th of the month pachon , now in that year in which christ was born , the month pachon commenced the twentieth day of april : so that according to this computation christ was born the th day of may. nay , there were yet some other ingenious men , as the same father continues to write , that assigned christ's nativity to the th or th of the month pharmuthi , which answers to our th or th of april : so that there were diversities of opinion concerning the time of christs birth , which makes it very probable , that there was then no particular feast observed in commemoration of that glorious and transcendent mercy . § . there is yet another feast called by us epiphany , wherein there is a commemoration of christs baptism , which i find to have been peculiarly solemnized by the basilidian hereticks . for thus clemens alexandrinus reports it to be a particular custom of theirs , to keep as a festival the day of christs baptism . the day on which christ was baptized , they said to be the fifteenth of the month tyby , in the fifteenth year of the reign of the emperor tiberius , which answers to our one and thirtieth of december ; or as others imagin'd it , on the eleventh of the month tyby , which was the seven and twentieth of our december . § . besides these forementioned festivals , there were none others observed to the honour of the blessed jesus , nor of the virgin mary , nor of the holy apostles and evangelists ; and which may be a little observable , it is very seldom , if ever , that the ancients give the title of saints to those holy persons , but singly style them , peter , paul , john , &c. not st. peter , st. paul , or st. john. § . but now there was another sort of festivals , which every church celebrated in the commemoration of its own martyrs , which was , on the anniversary day of their martyrdoms : they assembled together , where they recited the martyrs glorious actions , exhorted to an imitation of them , and blessed god for them . so says cyprian , the passions of the martyrs we celebrate with an anniversary commemoration . and so writes tertullian , vpon the annual day of the martyrs sufferings , we offer thanks to god for them . when this practice began , cannot certainly be determined ; it is first found mentioned in the letter of the church of smirna to the church of philomilium , touching the death of polycarp , wherein they write , that they had gathered up his martyr'd bones and buried them in a decent place , where , say they , if possible , we will meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the birth-day of his martyrdom . hence that they might be certain of the very day of the martyrs sufferings , there were some appointed to take an exact account of them , and faithfully to register them , that so there might be no mistake . thus cyprian writ from his exile to the clergy of his church , that they should take special care , exactly to note down the very day of the martyrdom of the faithful , that so they might be commemorated amongst the memories of the martyrs , and to signifie to him the precise time of their departure to a glorious immortality , that so he might also celebrate it . § . the reasons for which they observed these festivals , we find in the forementioned letter of the church of smirna , wherein they write that they would meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the martyrdom of polycarp , for the commemoration of those who had already gloriously striven , and for the confirmation and preparation of others by their examples . so that their design was two-fold , to animate and encourage others to follow the glorious examples of those heroick martyrs , who were commemorated before their eyes , and to declare the honour and veneration , that they had for those invincible champions of jesus christ , who by their martyrdoms were now freed from all their miseries and torments , and translated to a blessed and glorious immortality , in an happy manner experiencing the truth of that scripture in ecclesiastes . . that the day of a man's death is better than the day of his birth . whence the time of the martyrs deaths was usually termed their birth-day , because then was a period of all their grief and trouble , and a beginning of their everlasting bliss and 〈◊〉 . thus in the forementioned letter of the church of smirna concerning the death of polycarp , they write , that they would meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the birth-day of his martyrdom . and so tertullian says , that they annually commemorated the birth-days of the martyrs ; that is , their deathdays ; as he writes in another place concerning st. paul , that he was born at rome , when he suffered martyrdom there . § . as for the place where these anniversary solemnities were performed , it was at the tombs of the martyrs , who were usually buried with the rest of the faithful , in a distinct place from the heathens , it being their custom to interr the christians by themselves , seperate from the pagans ; accounting it an hainous crime , if possibly it could be prevented , to mingle their sacred ashes with the defiled ones of their persecuting and idolatrous neighbours . wherefore in the ratification of the disposition of martialis bishop of astorga by an african synod held anno , this was one of the articles alledg'd against him , that he had buried his sons after the pagan manner , in gentile sepulchres , amongst men of another faith. and for this reason it was , that the surviving christians would run upon ten thousand hazards , to collect the scattered members of the dead martyrs , and decently to inter them in the common repository of the faithful . as when emilian the barbarous prefect of egypt , forbad any , under severe penalties , to entomb the dead bodies of the murdered saints , and seduously watched if any would durst to do it . yet 〈◊〉 a deacon of alexandria resolutely ventured upon it ; and it is applauded by the historian as an act of religious boldness and freedom , whereby asturias a roman senator rendred himself renouned , in that when he saw the martyrdom of marinus at caesarea , he took his martyred body , cloathed it with a precious garment , bore it away on his own shoulders , and magnificently and decently 〈◊〉 it . and in a letter from the christians of lyons and vienna in france to the churches of 〈◊〉 , concerning their sore and grievous persecutions , we find them passionately complaining of the inhumane cruelty of their persecutors , that neither prayers nor tears , neither gold nor silver , could prevail with them , to permit them to collect the dead bodies of their murthered brethren , and decently to 〈◊〉 them . as on the other hand , the faithful or the church of smirna rejoyced , that they had gotten the most precious bones of polycarp , which they buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 decebat , where they ought , as valesius renders it ; that is , as seems most probable , at the common burying place of the christians . now it was at these tombs and sepulchres that the memories of the martyrs were solemnized . thus in the forecited letter of the church of smirna to the church of philomilium , they write , that in that place where they had interr'd the bones of polycarp , they would by the blessing of god assemble together , and celebrate his martyrdom ; which was a practice so usual and constant , as that the heathens observed it : so that as on the one hand , under the persecution of valerian , aemilian the prefect of egypt threatned dionysius alexandrinus and his fellow-sufferers , that for their obstinacy and 〈◊〉 , as he termed it , he would send them into lybia , to a desert place called cephro , where they should not meet together , or go to those places called cemeteries . that is , the places where the martyrs and the rest of the faithful were buried ; so on the other hand when galienus valerian's son restored peace to the churches , he published an express edict for returning to the christians the cemeteries that were taken from them . § . if in the next place it shall be enquired , how they observed these festival days . i answer , that they did not , according to the fashion of the heathens , spend them in riot and debauchery , in bacchanalian revellings and luxury , but in religious exercises and employments , in prayers and devotions . he , saith origen , truly keeps a festival , who does what he ought to do , always praying , and by his prayers offering up unbloody sacrifices unto god. the solemnites of these feast days were not drunkenness and gluttony , but acts of piety and charity . now they publickly assembled , as the church of smirna writes in her letter concerning the death of polycarp , to commemorate the martyrs courage and triumphs , and to exhort and prepare others to the same glorious and renowned actions . or as tertullian expresses it , now they offered oblations . as cyprian , they offered oblations and sacrifices ; that is , they offered thanks and praise to god , that had given grace to those martyrs , to seal his truths with their blood , and in evidence of their gratitude distributed of their substance to the poor and 〈◊〉 . chap. x. § . of the rights and ceremonies : the difference between them . § . of ceremonies : many used by the ancients , which through various ways crept into the church . § . of rites : every church followed its own rites without imposing them on any other . § . the members of every church obliged to observe the rites of that church where they lived . § . the conclusion of this enquiry , with an earnest perswasion to peace , vnity and moderation . § . having in the precedent chapters enquired into the several parts of divine worship , and the circumstances thereof , i now come to close up all with a brief appendix concerning rites and ceremonies , by which i mean two different things : by rites , i understand such actions as have an 〈◊〉 relation to the circumstances or manner of worship : as for instance . the sacrament was to be received in one manner or other , but whether from the bishop or deacon , that was the rite . lent was to be observed a certain space of time , but whether one day , or two days , or three days , that was the rite thereof . so that rites 〈◊〉 necessary concomitants of the circumstances of divine worship , appendages to them ; or , if you rather please , you may call them circumstances themselves . by ceremonies , i mean such actions as have no regard either to the manner or circumstances of divine worship , but the acts thereof may be performed without them ; as for instance , in some churches they gave to persons when they were baptized , milk and hony. and , before they prayed , they washed their hands . now both these actions i call ceremonies , because they were not necessary to the discharge of those acts of divine worship , unto which they were affixed ; but those acts might be performed without them ; as baptism might be entirely administred without the ceremony of giving milk and hony , and prayers might be presented without washing of hands . now having explained what i intend by those two terms of rites and ceremonies , let us in the next place consider the practice of the primitive church with reference thereunto . and first for ceremonies . § . it is apparent that there were many of that kind crept into the church , of whom we may say , that from the beginning they were not so : for when the quire of the apostles was dead , till which time , as hegesippus writes , the church remained a pure and unspotted virgin ; then the church was gradually 〈◊〉 and corrupted , as in her doctrin , so also in her worship , an infinity of ceremonies by degrees insensibly sliding in , very many of which were introduced within my limited time , as the eating of milk & hony after baptism , the abstaining from baths the week after , the washing of their hands before prayer , their sitting after prayer , and many other such like , which through various ways and means winded themselves into the church ; as some came in through custom and tradition ; one eminent man perhaps invented and practised a certain action , which he used himself , as judging it fit and proper to stir up his devotion and affection ; others being led by his example performed the same , and others again imitated them , and so one followed another , till at length the action became a tradition and custom , after which manner those ceremonies were introduced , of tasting milk and hony after baptism , of abstaining from the baths the whole ensuing week , of not kneeling on the lords day , and the space between easter and whitsuntide , of the signing of themselves with the sign of the cross in all their actions and conversations , concerning which and the like , tertullian writes , that there was no law in scripture for them , but that tradition was their author , and custom their confirmer . of which custom we may say what tertullian says of custom in general , that commonly custom takes its rise from ignorance and simplicity , which by succession is corroborated into use , and so vindicated against the truth : but our lord christ hath called himself truth , and not custom ; wherefore if christ was always , and before all , then truth was first and ancientest ; it is not so much novelty as verity that confutes hereticks : whatsoever is against the truth is heresie , although it be an old custom . others again were introduced through a wrong exposition or misunderstanding of the scripture ; so were their exorcisms before baptism , and their unctions after baptism , as in their proper places hath been already shewn . finally , others crept in through their dwelling amongst the pagans , who in their ordinary conversations used an infinity of superstitions ; and many of those pagans , when they were converted to the saving faith , christianiz'd some of their innocent former ceremonies , as they esteemed them to be ; either 〈◊〉 them deceut and proper to stir up their devotion , or likely to gain over more heathens , who were offended at the plainness and nakedness of the christian worship of which sort were their washing of honds before prayer , their sitting after prayer , and such like . concerning which tertullian affirms , that they were practised by the heathens . so that by these and such like methods it was , that so many ceremonies imperceptibly slid into the ancient church , of some of which tertullian gives this severe censure , that they are deservedly to be condemned as vain , because they are done without the authority of any precept , either of our lord , or of his apostles ; that they are not religious , but superstitius , affected and constrained , curious rather than reasonable , and to be abstained from because heathenish . § . as for the rites and customs of the primitive church , these were indifferent and arbitrary ; all churches being left to their own freedom and liberty to follow their peculiar customs and usages , or to embrace those of others , if they pleased ; from whence it is , that we find such a variety of methods in their divine services , many of which 〈◊〉 be observed in the precedent part of this discourse ; as , some received the lords supper at one time , others at another ; some churches received the elements from the hands of the bishop , others from the hands of the deacons ; some made a collection before the sacrament , others after ; some kept lent one day , some two days , and others exactly forty hours ; some celebrated easter on the same day with the jewish passover , others the lords day after ; and so in many other things one church differed from another , as firmilian writes , that at rome they did not observe the same day of easter , nor many other customs which were practised at jerusalem ; and so in most provinces many rites were varied according to the diversities of names and places . so that every church followed its own particular customs , although different from those of its neighbours , it being nothing necessary to the unity of the church , to have an uniformity of rites ; for according to firmilian , the unity of the church consisted in an unanimity of faith and truth , not in an uniformity of modes and customs ; for on the contrary , the diversity of them , as irenaeus speaks with reference to the fast of lent did commend and set forth the vnity of the faith. hence every church peaceably followed her own customs , without obliging any other churches to observe the same ; or being obliged by them to observe the rites that they used ; yet still maintaining a loving correspondence , and mutual concord each with other ; as firmilian writes , that in most provinces many rites were varied according to the diversities of names and places ; but yet , saith he , never any one for this broke the peace and vnity of the church . one church or bishop did not in those days anathematize another for a disagreement in rites and customs ; except when victor bishop of rome , through his pride and turbulency , excommunicated the asiatick bishops for their different observation of easter from the church of rome ; which action of his was very ill resented by the other bishops of the christian churches , and condemned by them as alien from peace and unity , and contrary to that love and charity , which is the very soul and spirit of the gospel ; even the bishops of his own party , that celebrated easter on the same day that he did , censured his 〈◊〉 and violence , as unchristian and uncharitable , and writ several letters , wherein they severely checkt him , as eusebius reports , in whose time they were extant , all which are now lost , except the fragment of an epistle , written by irenaeus , and other bishops of france , wherein they affirm , that victor was in the right with respect to the time of easter , that it ought to be celebrated , as he said , on the lords day , but that yet he had done very 〈◊〉 to cut off from the vnity of the church those that observed it otherwise ; that it had never been known , that any churches were excommunicated for a disagreement in rites , 〈◊〉 of which there was not only in the time of easter 〈◊〉 self , but in the fast that preceded it : some fasted one day , others more ; some forty hours , which variety of observations began not first in our age , but long before us in the times of our ancestors , who yet preserved peace and vnity amongst themselves , as we now do ; for the diversity of 〈◊〉 commended the vnity of faith : and as for this 〈◊〉 concerning the time of easter , the bishops which governed the church of rome before soter , viz. anicetus , pius , higynus , telesphorus , and xystus , they never celebrated it the same time with the 〈◊〉 , neither would they permit any of their people so to do ; but yet they 〈◊〉 kind and 〈◊〉 to those who came to them from those 〈◊〉 , where they did otherwise observe it , and never any for this cause were thrown out of the church ; even your predecessors , though they did not keep it , yet they sent the eucharist to those that did keep it ; and when in the times of anicetus , blessed polycarp came to rome , and there were some controversies between them , they did not seperate from one another , but still maintained peace and love : and though anicetus could never perswade polycarp , nor polycarp anicetus to be of each others mind , yet they communicated one with another ; and anicetus in honour to polycarpus , permitted him to consecrate the sacrament in his church , and so they departed in mutual love and kindness ; and all the churches , whether observing , or not observing the same day , retained peace and vnity amongst themselves . § . but though one church could not oblige another to a conformity in rites and customs , yet a particular church or parish could enforce its own members to such a conformity , an instance whereof we meet with in that famous controversie about the time of easter . it was the custom of the asiaticks to celebrate that feast at the full moon , or at the same time with the jewish passover , on whatsoever day of the week it happened . it was the manner at rome to observe it the lords day after , and both these churches quietly followed their several usages , without imposing them on each other . but yet the churches of asia permitted none of their members to solemnize it after the roman manner ; neither did the churches of rome , or of the west , license any of their inhabitants to celebrate it after the asiatick manner ; for if either of them had granted any such thing , there must have ensued confusion and disorder , to have seen easter differently observed in one and the same church ; whilst some members of a parish where fasting , to behold others feasting , would have been a perfect ataxy and irregularity : therefore though anioetus bishop of rome retained peace and unity with foreign churches , that differed from him as to the time of easter , without obliging them to a compliance with the roman custom ; yet he peremptorily required it of the members of his own church , and would never permit them to solemnize that feast on the same time with the asiaticks . so that though every church had the liberty to use what rites she pleased , yet every particular member had not , but was obliged to observe the manners and customs of that church where he lived , or where he occasionally communicated . a church collectively , or the majority 〈◊〉 a church with their bishop could change their old customs , and introduce new ones , as was done in the affair of easter , the asiaticks at length submitting to the roman usage ; but till that was done , every particular member was required to follow the old customs of that church , to which he belonged , and not to bring in any innovations or new rites , because , as was said before , that would beget tumults and disorders , and the persons so acting would be guilty of that strife and contention , which is condemned by those words of the holy apostle cor. . . but if any man seem to be contentious , we have no such custom ; neither the churches of god. which is , as if the apostle had said , if any men , either to shew their wit , or to head and strengthen a party , will contradict what we have said , and affirm it to be decent and comely , either for men to pray covered , or women uncovered , this should silence such contentious opposers , that there is no such rite or custom in any of the churches of god , but their practice is the very same with what we have directed unto , and therefore to that they ought peaceably and quietly to submit and yield . thus now i have finished this enquiry , and have as far as i could , search'd into what was first proposed . if i have not illustrated any point , as clearly as might be expected , the reason is , because i found nothing farther pertinent thereunto in those writings to which i am confined ; if i had , i should freely have mentioned it . whether i have been mistaken in the sense and meaning of any passage , i must leave unto my readers to judge ; all that i can say is , that i am not conscious to my self of any wilful and designed mistakes , having throughout this whole discourse endeavoured deavoured to find out the plain and naked truth , without being byass'd to any party or faction whatsoever ; and that if any one shall be so kind and favourable as to convince me of any slips or errors , which i may have committed through inconsideration , or want of a due understanding , i shall thankfully acknowledge them , and willingly renounce and leave them . § . what hath been related concerning the constitution , discipline , unity and worship of the primitive church shall suffice , i have nothing more to add , but mine earnest intreaty and persuasion unto all those , into whose hands this little treatise shall fall , to imitate and follow the primitive christians in their moderation and the peaceableness of their temper and disposition . in those happy days the christians were so eminent above all other sects for their mutual love and charity , that the heathens observed it with astonishment , and cried out with admiration , behold , how they love one another ! we are , saith tertullian , ready to die for each other ; and we call one another brethren , because we acknowledge one and the same god the father , and have been sanctified by the same holy spirit , and have been brought from the same state of ignorance , to the light of the same marvellous . truth . but alas ! how is the gold become 〈◊〉 how is the most fine gold changed ! how is that love and charity now turned into malice and cruelty ! pity , compassion , and tender-heartedness have left the world , and envy , hatred and rancour are succeeded in their places ; love is now exploded as ungenteel and mean , charity is condemned as abject and base , whilst hatred , revenge and fury are esteemed as noble and generous . but , o lord , how loug ? shall malice and envy , wrath and pride for ever ride triumphant and uncontrolled ? when 〈◊〉 thou , o prince of peace , and god of love , heal our breaches , and compose our differences , and cause us with all lowliness and meekness , and long-suffering to forbear one another in love , endeavouring to keep the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace ? we have too too long unnaturally quarrelled already , and to the dishonour of god , and the scandal of religion , have most unchristianly abused each other : i speak not this only of one party , but of all ; we have all been guilty as to this matter , we have all erred and gone astray from the most holy commandment , and have been deficient every one of us in this great and necessary duty of love and unity : we have loathed concord , and loved jarrs and divisions , and have been always back-biting , persecuting and maligning one another to this very day , never at all remembring that we were brethren , and professors of the same blessed and glorious religion . but what shall i say ? this theme is too harsh and displeasing ; if it is an unpleasant work to rip up those uncharitable actions , may they be buried in perpetual silence and oblivion , and never more be remembred , so as to stir up anger and revenge , but only so as they may produce in us all humility , repentance , and mutual forgiveness ; let us now with our floods of penitential tears at once quench god's anger for our past divisions , and the flames of our present fire and heats , that so there may be no fuel for future contentions ; and being grieved that we have played the fool so long , we may now the more firmly resolve by the grace of god to do so no more , that so however infamous we have been heretofore for our blind zeal and unaccountable animosities , we may for the time to come be highly renowned and conspicuous for our ardent love and fervent charity , putting away all bitterness and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking , with all malice , being kind to one another , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , even as god for christs sake hath forgiven us , putting on ( as the elect of god , holy and beloved ) bowels of mercy , kindness , humbleness of mind , meekness ; long suffering , 〈◊〉 one another , and forgiving one another . certain i am , we need no arguments to induce us hereunto ; both the necessity and facility of love and unity require it at our hands ; its necessity is evident from hence , that whilst we spend our zeal and heat about these inconsiderable matters , the very foundations of faith and morals are attack'd and shaken , atheism increases , immorality prevails , and those damnable heresies , which for many ages have been silenced and abandoned , are now revived by men of a corrupt faith , who take an occasion from the lawlesness and licentiousness of this present age , to vent those cursed tenents , which eradicate and destroy all religion ; it is to be feared , that unless we hasten to compose our differences about the skirts and fringes of religion , the very vitals and essentials thereof will be corroded and devoured by heresie and profaneness . and as for these and the like reasons the necessity of an union or comprehension is manifest on the one hand , so the facility of such an union is as apparent on the other hand ; for , thanks be to god , our differences are neither about faith nor manners ; we all believe in one and the same god , hope to be saved by one and the same redeemer , desire to be sanctified by one and the same sanctifier , receive one and the same scriptures , assent to the same doctrins , and acknowledge the necessity of the same duties : our disputes are only about lesser matters , about modes and forms , about gestures and postures , and such like inferiour matters , about which it should grieve a wise man to quarrel , and which with the greatest ease in the world might be composed and setled , if managed by men of prudence and moderation ; and such men , t is hoped , are the reverend bishops advanced by their majesties , whose promotion to those places of dignity and trust many honest and peaceable men look upon as a good omen and prognostick of our future union and happy establishment . with these two considerations let us remember those solemn vows and engagements which we made to almighty god , and to one another in the day of our late distress ; how we then vow'd and promised , that if god would be pleased to deliver and rescue us , we would forget our differences , and mutually condescend and abate of our rigour and severity : wherefore now since god hath so wonderfully saved us , let us not be so perfidious and faithless , as to neglect to perform what we then obliged our selves unto ; but let us willingly and conscientiously discharge it , lest god bring severer judgments on us then ever , and at once utterly destroy us both root and branch , for our lying , perjury and hypocrisie . many other such cogent arguments i might 〈◊〉 produce ; but that i may avoid too great prolixity and tediousness , i shall urge but one more , which is , that unless we have an uniting spirit , and a peaceable disposition , we are no true christians , we unjustly arrogate that glorious name ; for the very soul of christianity is love and charity , the kingdom of god , saith the apostle , is not meat and drink , not zealous disputes and strifes about lesser points , but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy 〈◊〉 ; for he that in these serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of men. it is an absurdity and a meer contradiction , for a man to say that he is religious , and yet to be malicious and uncharitable . our saviour flatly tells us , that by this all men shall know that we are his disciples , if we have love one to another . we may talk what we please of religion , and profess what we list ; the word of god is plain , that whosoever hath not love and charity , is no christian ; but to allude to that of christ , john . . he is a thief and a robber , he hath not the spirit of god abiding and dwelling in him ; for the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance . and the wisdom from above is peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated , full of mercy and good fruit. so that the very soul and spirit of christianity consists in unity , love , and amity . wherefore let my intreaties be prevalent with you to endeavour for a mutual compliance and comprehension , as you have any regard to the honour of god , and the credit of religion ; as you would hinder the growth of damnable errors , and abominable debaucheries , and do what in you lies to prevent the ruin and damnation of multitudes of poor souls ; nay , as you would secure your own salvation , and be able with confidence to appear at the dreadful and impartial day of judgment , let me conjure you in the name of god to love one another with a pure heart forvently , to follow after righteousness , godliness , faith , love , patience , meekness ; to forget and pardon all former injuries and affronts , doing nothing for the time to come , through strife or vain-glory , but in lowliness of mind , each esteeming others better than themselves , doing all things without murmurings or disputings , avoiding all foolish and unlearned questions , knowing that they do but gender strifes , behaving your selves like the servants of the lord , who must not strive , but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , patient , mutually complying with each other , doing all things unto edification , labouring after peace and unity , that so we may at length with one mind and one mouth glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. and for the accomplishment of this blessed and glorious design , let us above all things avoid pride and vain-glory , which , as it is to be feared , hath had no small share both in the causing and increasing of our divisions : we have been so stiff and self-conceited , and stood so much upon the pitiful punctilio's of honour , that we have refused to condescend to one another , or to join in a way of comprehension , or mutual relaxation , which seems to be the only way left for union and agreement , if ever we hope , or intend to have it . wherefore let me address my self unto you in the words of the reverend and moderate bishop hall , men , brethren and fathers help , for gods sake put to your hands to the quenching of this common flame , the one side by humility and obedience the other by compassion , both by prayers and tears . and as he , so let me beg for peace as for life by your filial piety to the church of god , whose ruins follow upon our divisions , by your love of god's truth , by the graces of that one blessed spirit , whereby we are all informed and quickened , by the precious blood of that son of god , which was shed for our redemption , be inclined to peace and love , and though our brains be different , yet let our hearts be one . let us all endeavonr by a compliance and a comprehension to promote love and charity , peace and unity , that so being children of peace , and obedient subjects of the prince of peace , the god of peace may bless us with peace , quiet and serenity here , and at the end of our days receive us into his eternal peace , and everlasting rest ; which god of his infinite mercy grant may be the portion of us all , through the merits of his only son our lord and saviour jesus christ. amen , and amen . postcript . because some practises and customs mentioned in the precedent treatise , were not from the first plantation of christianity , but were afterwards introduced ; and others might not be universal , but only followed in some particular churches , it will not be unnecessary to add a table of the names , age , and country of those fathers , and of their contemporaries , who have been cited by us , that so we may guess at the time when such customs were brought in , and know the places where they were chiefly practised . names . countries . age. several synods held in africa between anno christi & . alexander bishop of jerusalem , anno anonymus apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . lesser asia , anicetus bishop of rome , the synodical letter of — the council of antioch , held anno apollinaris bishop of 〈◊〉 in lesser asia , apollonius —   asturius — palastina , aurelius — carthage , 〈◊〉 artemon —   babylas bishop of antioch , saint barnabas   basilides the heretick alexandria , basilides a bishop in spain , celerinus — carthage , letters of the clergy of rome , to the clergy of carthage , writ between . anno , & 〈◊〉 clemens bishop of rome , clemens of alexandria , cornelius bishop of rome , crescens bishop of certa in africa , cyprian bishop of carthage , dionysius bishop of corinth , dionysius bishop of alexandria , eusebius a deacon of alexandria . fabianus bishop of rome , anno firmilian bishop of caesarea in cap padoeia , fortunatus a schismatic in africa , fortunatus bishop of thucabori in africa , gregory bishop of neoearsarea , ignatius bishop of antioch , irenaeus bishop of lyons , justin martyr . samaria , lucius bishop of thebeste in africa , names . countries . age. a letter of the churches of lyons and vienne . to the churches of asia , anno minucius felix rome , martialis a bishop in spain , natalis rome , nemesianus bishop of thubunic in africa , novatian rome , origen a presbyter of alexandria , palmas bishop of amastris in pontus , paulus samosatenus bp. of antioch , plinius an heathen .   polycarpus bishop of smirna , polycrates bishop of ephesus , pontius a deacon of carthage , privatus bishop of lambese in africa , sabinus bishop of emerita in spain , sedatus bishop of turbo in africa , secundinus bishop of carpis in africa , an epistle of the church of smirna to the church of philomilium , stephen bishop of rome , tatianus syria , tertullian a presbyter of carthage , theoctistus bishop of caesarea in palaestina , theophilus bishop of caesarea in palaestina , victor bishop of rome , victorinus petavionensis hungary , vincentius bishop of 〈◊〉 in africa zoticus bishop of comane in lesser asia notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud eus. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epistad herm. apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . ea quae est in quoque loco ecclesia . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . ubi tres , ecclesia est . exhort . ad castitat . p. . ecclesia romana , cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen contr . celsum ; lib. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. synod . antioch . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paedag. lib. . c. . p. . adeant ad limen ecclesiae . apud cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . de corona militis , p. . and very often in his book de virginibus velandis . de orat. §. . p. . in provinciâ africà & numidiâ ecclesiam domini , epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . ecclesiis asiae & phrygiae . adversus praxeam , p. . per graeciam ecclesiae . de virgin. veland . p. . christus sibi sponsabat ecclesiam . advers . marcion . lib. . p. . spirituales nuptias ecclesiae & christi . exhort . ad castitat . p. . ecclesia ad figuram imaginis filii ejus coap tetur . lib. . c. . p. . conversos ad ecclesiam dei , lib. . c. . p. . confugere ad ecclesiam . lib. . c. . p. . ab ecclesiâ christi recessisti . de carne christi , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in mat. tom. . p. . vol. . ecclesiam suam . adversus marcion . lib. . p. . haereses ecclesiam lacessentes . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra cels. lib. . p. . ea quae ex gentibus est 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . padag . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . ecclesia vero christus . tertullian . de 〈◊〉 , p. . epist. eccles. smirn. ad eccles. philomil . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. roman . epist. . ad 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad cor. p. . homil , . in jerem. p. , . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad corinth . p. . smirnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum ab johanne conlocatum , romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum . de 〈◊〉 script . advers . haeret. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad cor. p. . unus in ecclesia ad 〈◊〉 sacerdos . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad fabium . antioch . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . edant origines ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant 〈◊〉 episcoporum 〈◊〉 , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquem ex 〈◊〉 vel apostolicis 〈◊〉 , qui tamen cum 〈◊〉 perseveraverit , habuerit autorem & antecessorem . hoc enim modo ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deserunt , sicut smirnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum ab johanne conlocatum 〈◊〉 , sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum proinde utique exhibent , quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos , 〈◊〉 seminis traduces habeant . de praescript . advers . 〈◊〉 p. . eam traditionem quae est ab apostolis , quae per successiones presbyterorum in 〈◊〉 custoditur , provocamus eos . lib. . c. . p. . lib. . c. . p. , . a pastore oves , & filios 〈◊〉 parente 〈◊〉 . cypr. epist. . §. . p. . episcopus , praepositus , pastor , gubernator , antistes , sacerdos . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . rom. epist. . p. . smirnis ecclesia . irenaeus lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem epist. . p 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 in smirnis ecclesia constitutus episcopus . iren. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . cap. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . epist. . 〈◊〉 cor. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. , cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad tralles . p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philad . p. . sacramenti veritatem fraternitate omni praesente celebramus . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . nec de aliorum manu quam de praesidentium sumimus . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 . de oratione , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. contemptis episcopis , & dei sacerdotibus derelictis constituere 〈◊〉 aliud altare . de unitat. ecclesiae , §. . p. . profanum altare 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . aliud altare constitui , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 novum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 unum altare , & unum sacerdotium , non potest . epist. . §. . p. . altare profanum . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad tralles . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. p. . sub antistis contestamur nos renunciare diabolo & pompae . de coron . milit. p. . non nifi in ecclesia praepositis licere baptizare . epist. . §. . p. . potestatem baptizandi episcopis dedit . act. concil . carth. apud cyprian . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . epist. ad polycarp . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad cor. p. . plebe universâ . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . acturi causam apud plebem universam . epist . . §. . p. . sine petitu & conscientiâ 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . de universae fraternitatis suffiagio . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . apud nos quoque & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad eam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae 〈◊〉 quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur plebe 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentes conscientiâ fieri oportere , ut plebe praesente , vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio 〈◊〉 & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio 〈◊〉 examinata . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . in ordinationibusclericis , fratres charislimi , solemus vos ante consulere , & mores , ac merita fingulorum communi concilio ponderare . ad plebem universam epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemens romanus epist. . ad cor. p. . sanctissimae atque amplissimae plebi 〈◊〉 . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. synod . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. rom. epist. . p. . fraternitas omnis . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . secundum 〈◊〉 quoque vestrum , ea quae agenda sunt disponere pariter & limare poterimus . ad plebem epist. . §. . p. . tune examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . ad plebem epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad philad . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad polycarp . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad polycarp , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ihidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad tralles . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anonym . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . profanum altare erigere . epist. . §. . p. . salutant vos fratres , qui sunt in vinculis , & presbyteri , & tota ecclesia . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . sanctissimae atque amplissimae plebi , legere te semper literas 〈◊〉 . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . cleri ac plebis suffragio . cyprian . 〈◊〉 . . §. . p. . quid ipsa carthago passura est , decimanda a te . ad sca 〈◊〉 , p. . ut omnes optimè nossem . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . ut expungeretis necessitates fratrum nostrorum sumptibus , si qui etiam vellent suas artes exercere , additamento quantum satis esset , desideria eorum 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem sacramenti veritatem 〈◊〉 omni praesente celebramus . epist. . §. . p. . plebi universae , epist. . §. . p. . in ordinationibus clericis , fratres charissimi , solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita 〈◊〉 communi consilio ponderare . epist. 〈◊〉 . ad clerum & plebem . p. . plebi universae . epist. . p. . plebis favore . in vita cypriani . populi universi suffragio . epist. . §. . p. . vicarias vero pro nobis ego & collegae , & fiaternitas omnis has ad vos literas 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . secundum vestra divina 〈◊〉 conjurati . epist. . ad 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . et cum plebe ipsa universa . epist. . §. . p. . secundum arbitrium quoque vestrum , & omnium 〈◊〉 commune consilium . epist. . ad plebem , §. . p. . acturi apud plebem universam causam suam . epist. . §. . p. . examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . epist. . ad plebem , §. . p. . a primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consensu plebis 〈◊〉 privata sententia gerere . epist. . §. . p. . de iis quae vel gesta sunt , vel gerenda , sicut honor 〈◊〉 . poscit , in commune tractabimus . epist. . §. . p. . apolog. ad constant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . advers . 〈◊〉 apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide ut antea . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , epist. . ad corintn . p. . per omnes provincias , & per urbes singulas ordinati sunt episcopi , epist . . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anonym . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . origen . in 〈◊〉 . hom. . justin. martyr . apol. . p. . tertul. de baptism . p. . idem de coron . milit. p. . justin martyr . apol. . p. . firmilian . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . tertul. apol. cap. . p. . cypr. ep. . §. . p. . idem ep. . §. . p. . episcopi derelictâ cathediâ , plebe desertâ , per alienas provincias oberrantes , negotiationis questuosae 〈◊〉 aucupari , de lapsis , §. . p. . nos ecclesiâ derelictà , 〈◊〉 exire , & ad vos venire non possumus . epist. . §. . p. . epist. . apud cyprian . p. . pontius in vita cypriani . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb , lib. , cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . episcopo cornelio — cleri ac plebis suffragio ordinato . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . judicio dei , & plebis favore ad officium sacerdotii , & episcopatus gradum , ad huc neophytus - electus est . in vita cypriani . populi universi suffragio . epist. . §. . p. . populi suffragium . epist. . §. . p. . suffragium vestrum , epist. §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . apud nos , & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad cam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur , plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit , & uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit . quod factum videmus in sabini ordinatione , ut de universae fraternitatis suffragio , & de episcoporum judicio episcopatus ei deferetur . synod . african . apud cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. roman . epist. . ad corinth . p. . in capsensi civitate propter ordinationem episcopi essetis , epist. . §. . p. . episcopatus ei deferretur , & manus ei imponeretur . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . quinque pseudo-episcopi carthaginem venerint , & fortunatam sibi dementiae suae socium constituerint . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . episcopo in ecclesia à sedecim coepiscopis facto . epist. . §. . p. . jactare viginti quinque episcopos affuisse . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . delecti , ordinati . epist . . §. . p. . tu te episcopum factum literis nunciares . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . venerunt ad nos missi à novatiano maximus presbyter , &c. cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . ad te legati à fortunato missi . idem epist. . §. . p. . baptismum dandi habet jus — episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate propter ecclesiae honorem . de baptism . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . homil. de engastrym . p. . vol. . aliqui de presbyteris , nec evangelii , nec loci sui memores , sed neque futurum domini judicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contumeliâ & contemptu praepositi totum sibi vendicent . epist. . §. . p. . vide etiam epist. . §. . p. . & epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. de engastrym . p. . vol. . baptismum dandi habet jus - episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate . de baptism . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . epist. ad philip. §. . thus 〈◊〉 by dr. cave , in the life of st. polycarp , p. . probati praesident seniores . apol. c. . p. . vid. cyprian . epist. . & . p. . & . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad fabium antioch . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . omnis potestas & gratia in ecclesiâ constituta sit ubi praesident majores 〈◊〉 , qui & baptizandi , & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . primitive christianity . part . cap. . p. . probati praesident seniores . apol. c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tim. . . fungamini illic & vestris partibus ac meis , ut nihil vel ad disciplinam , vel ad diligentiam desit . epist. . §. . p. . fretus ergo & dilectione & religione 〈◊〉 , quam satis novi , his literis & hortor , & mando , ut vos — vice 〈◊〉 fungamini circa gerenda ea , quae administratio religiofa deposcit . epist. . §. . p. . et cum incumbat nobis qui videmur praepositi esse , & vice pastoris 〈◊〉 gregem , si negligentes inveniamur , dicetur nobis quod & antecessoribus nostris dictum est , qui tam negligentes praepositi erant : quoniam perditum non requisivimus , & errantem non correximus , & claudum non colligavimus , & 〈◊〉 eorum edebamus , & lanis eorum operiebamur . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . actor . v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . phil. . epist. . ad corinth . p. . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . ibidem , p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . qui in ecclesiâ sunt presbyteri — qui cum episcopatus successione , &c. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . pastores ovium . epist. . §. . p. . praepositi . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment in matth. vol. . p. . et cum omnes omnino disciplinam tenere oporteat , multo magis praepositos & diaconos curare hoc 〈◊〉 est , qui exemplum & documentum caeteris de conversatione & moribus suis 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad corinth . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . presbyteri qui serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt timorem dei in cordibus suis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquos , & principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt — ab omnibus igitur talibus absistere oportet , adhaerere vero his , qui & apostolorum sicut praediximus , doctrinam custodiunt , & cum presbyterii ordine sermonem sanum , & conversationem sine offensâ praestant ad informationem & correctionem reliquorum — tales presbyteros nutrit ecclesia , de quibus & propheta ait , & dabo principes tuos in pace , & episcopos tuos in 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . p. . videt & ordinationes , sive stationes ministrorum ejus . diaconorum , ut mihi videtur , ordinem memorat astantium divino ministerio . 〈◊〉 . . in cantic . cantic . origen . nobiscum sedeat in clero . cyprian . epist. . p. . collegis meis . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . communi consilio . epist . . p. . ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus , & offert , & tingit sacerdos , qui est 〈◊〉 solus . 〈◊〉 . ad castiat . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud . 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad tralles . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . martyr . apolog. . p. . baptismum dandi habet jus episcopus dehinc presbyteri & diaconi . tertul. de bapt. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . hypodiaconum optatum . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . naricum acoluthum . cyprian . epist. . p. . unus de exorcistis vir probatus . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 cypr. ep. . §. . p. . hos lectores constitutos . cyp. ep. . §. . p. . non iste ad episcopatum subito 〈◊〉 , per omnia 〈◊〉 officia promotus — ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis gradibus ascendit . cypriar . epist. . §. . p. . communi consilio omnium nostrum . epist. . p. . necesse fuit — necessitate urgente promotum est . ibidem . communi consilio . epist. . apud cypr. p. . nunc neophytos conlocant . 〈◊〉 praescript . adv . haeret. p. . in annis ad huc novellus . cypr. epist. . p. . merebatur — clericae ordination is — gradus & incrementa — non de annis suis , sed de meritis aestimandus . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . nemo militans deo obligat se molestiis saecularibus , ut possit placere ei cui se probavit . quod cum de omnibus dictum sit , quantò magis molestiis & laqueis saecularibus obligari non debent , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupati , ab ecclesia recedere , & ad terrenos & saeculares actus vacare non possunt , cujus ordinationis & religionis formam levitae prius in lege tenuerunt , ut cum terram dividerent , & possessiones partirentur undecem tribus , levitica tribus , quae templo & altari , & ministeriis divinis vacabat , nihil de illa divisionis portione perciperet , sed aliis terram colentibus , illa tantum deum coleret , & ad victum atque alimentum suum ab undecem tribubus de sructibus qui nascebantur , decimas reciperet . quod totum fiebat de auctoritate & dispositione divinâ , ut qui operationibus divinis insistebant , in nullâ re avocarentur , nec cogitare aut agere saecularia cogerentur . quae nunc ratio & forma in clero tenetur , ut qui in ecclesia domini ordinatione clerica promoventur , in nullo ab administratione divina avocentur , nec molestiis & negotiis saecularibus alligentur , sed in honore sportulantium fratrum tanquam decimas ex fructibus accipientes , ab altari & sacrificiis non recedant , sed die ac nocte coelestibus rebus & spiritualibus serviant . epist. . §. , . p. . cum jampridem in consilio episcoporum statutum sit , ne quis de clericis & dei ministris tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat , quando singuli divino sacerdotio honorati , & in clerico ministerio constituti , non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire , & precibus atque orationibus vacare debeant . idem ibidem . nunc saeculo obstrictos concolant . tertul. de praescript . adv . haeret. p. . humiles & mites . cyprian epist. . §. . p. . in ordinationibus sacerdotum non 〈◊〉 immaculates & integros antislites eligere debemus , qui sancte & digne sacrificia deo offerentes , audiri in precibus possint , quas faciunt pro plebis dominicae incolumitate , cum scriptum sit , deus peccatorem non audit , sed siquis deum coluerit , & voluntatem ejus 〈◊〉 , illum audit . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom. . comment . in genes . p. , . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stiom . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . str. lib. . p. . haereticorum patriarchae philosophi . advers . hermog . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemens alexand. strom. l. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . stromat . lib. . p. . stromat . lib. . p. , , , . and lib. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , 〈◊〉 . . p. . non 〈◊〉 ad episcopatum subito pervenit , per omnia ecclesiastica officia promotus — ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis 〈◊〉 ascendit . 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . merebatur talis clericae ordinationis ulteriores gradus & incrementa majora , sed interim placuit ut ab officio 〈◊〉 incipiat . idem epist. . p. . ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentis conscientiâ fieri oportere , ut plebe praesente vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio fuerit examinata . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . numidicus presbyter adscribatur presbyterorum carthaginensium numero . 〈◊〉 . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . per baptisina spiritus sanctus accipitur , & sic a baptizatis & spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 ad bibendum calicem domini pervenitur . cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem , p. . de praescript . adv . haeret . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen contia celsum , lib. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , idem ibidem . p. . de 〈◊〉 . advers . haeret. p. . quis catechumenus , quis fidelis incertum 〈◊〉 ; pariter audiunt , pariter orant . tert. de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . non ideo abluimur , ut delinquere desinamus , sed quia desinivimus . 〈◊〉 poenitentia , p. . desiderio vestro divina praecepta respondent quibus jampridem mandantur voce coelesti , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quos & quales oporteat 〈◊〉 altari — in levitico praecipit dominus & 〈◊〉 homo , in quo fuerit macula & vitium non accedet offerre dona deo — nec sibi plebs blandiatur quasi immunis 〈◊〉 contagio delicti 〈◊〉 , cum sacerdote peccatore communicans — propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis . & deum metuens , a peceatore praeposito separare se debet , nec se ad sacrilegi sacerdotis sacrificia miscere ; quando ipsa maxime habeat 〈◊〉 vel eligendi dignos 〈◊〉 , vel indignos 〈◊〉 . epist. . apud cyprian . §. , , . p. , . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . nonaginta 〈◊〉 sententia condemnatum . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 ipsa maximè habeat 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 eligendi 〈◊〉 sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . vicarias vero pro nobis , ego , & collegae , & fraternitas omnis , has ad vos literas mitimus . 〈◊〉 , ep. . §. . p. . in commune tractabimus . 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . nec religionis est cogere religionem , quae sponte suscipi debeat , non vi . ad scapulam , p. . disciplina custos spei , retinaculum fidei , dux itineris salutaris , fomes ac nutrimentum bonae indolis , magistra 〈◊〉 , facit in christo manere semper ac jugiter deo vivere , & ad promissa coelestia & divina praemia 〈◊〉 . hanc & sectari salubre est , & aversari ac negligere letale . 〈◊〉 psalmis loquitur spiritus sanctus continete disciplinam , ne forte irascatur 〈◊〉 , & pereatis à via recta , cum exaiserit cito ira ejus super vos . et iterum ; peccatori autem dixit deus , ad quid exponis justificationes meas , & assumis testamentum meum per os ruum ? tu autem odisti disci . plinam , & abjecisti sermones meos retro . et denuo legimus : disciplinam quia abjicit , infelix est . et de salomone mandata sapientiae monentis accipimus : fili ne neglexeris disciplinam domini , nec defeceris ab eo correptus . quem enim diligit dominus corripit . si autem deus quem diligit , corripit , & ad hoc corripit , ut emendet , fratres quoque & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non oderunt ; sed diligunt eos quos corripiunt ut emendent ; quando & deus per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praedixerit , & tempora nostra significaverit , 〈◊〉 & dabo vobis pastores secundum cor meum , & pascent vos pascentes cum disciplina . de 〈◊〉 & habitu virginum , §. . p. , . so was 〈◊〉 in cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . origen . hom. . in jerem . p. . vol. . origen . ibidcm . cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . origen contra celsum , lib. . p. . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . commentar . in matthaeum , tom. . p. . vol. . ecclefia super episcopos constituatur ; & omnis actus ecclesiae , per eosdem praepositos gubernetur . epist. . §. . p. . si clausum putas coelum , memento claves ejus hic dominum petro , & per eum ecclesiae reliquisse . scorpiac . p. . potestas remittendorum peccatorum apostolis data 〈◊〉 , & ecclesi is quas illi â christo missi . constituerunt , & episcopis qui eis ordinatione vacariâ successerunt . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . comment . in mat. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. o. c. . p. . haec 〈◊〉 tractanda 〈◊〉 , & limanda plenius ratio — cum plebe ipsa universa . epist. . §. . p. . secundum arbitrium quoque vestrum & omnium nostrum commune consilium — ea 〈◊〉 agenda sunt disponere pariter , & limare poterimus . epist. . § . p. . acturi & apud nos , & apud plebem universam causam suam . epist. . §. . p. . cum pace nobis omnibus à domino prius data , ad ecclesiam regredi caeperimus , tunc examinabuntur singula praesentibus ac judicantibus vobis . epist. . ad 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . o si posses , frater charissime , iuic interesse 〈◊〉 , cum pravi 〈◊〉 & perversi de schismate revertuntur , videres quis mihi 〈◊〉 sit persuadere patientiam fratribus nostris , ut 〈◊〉 dolore sopito 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curandisque conseutiant ; vix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 extorqueo , ut tales 〈◊〉 admitti . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. apud 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . cap. . p. . in presbyterium venerunt — quod erat consequens , omnis hic actus populo fuerit insinuandus . 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. , . p. , . adfuerunt episcopi quinque — ut firmato consilio , quid circa personam eorum observari deberet , consensu omnium 〈◊〉 . cornel. ad 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de dei conspectu , 〈◊〉 futuri judicii praejudicium est , fi quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non precio sed testimonio adepti . apolog. cap. . p. . spirituali gladio superbi & contumaces necantur , dum de ecclesia ejiciuntur . epist. . §. . p. . contumaces & deum non timentes , & ab ecclesia in totum recedentes , nemo comitetur . epist . . §. . p. . acturi & apud nos , & apud plebem universam causam suam , epist. . §. . p. . in commune tractabimus . epist. . §. . p. . secundum vestra divina suffragia conjurati . epist. . ad plebem . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. l. . c. . p. . ab ecclesiae communicatione abjectus . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . a communicatione depellere . de monogam . p. . ab ecclesia separati , epist. . §. . p. . de ecclesia se pellerent . epist. . §. . p. . spirituali gladio necantur . epist. . §. . p. . contumaces & deum non timentes , & ab ecclesia in totum recedentes , nemo comitetur . epist . . §. . p. . quos paulus jubet nobis devitare , joannes enim non ave nobis eis 〈◊〉 volens . qui enim 〈◊〉 , inquit , eis ave , communicat operibus eorum nequissimis . lib. . cap. . p. . a communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . apol. c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . pulsent sane fores , sed non utique confringant ; adeant ad limen ecclesiae , sed non utique transiliant . castrorum coelestium excubent portis , sed armati modestia , qua intelligant se desertores fuisse . resumant precum suarum tubam , sed qua non bellicum clangant . arment se quidem modestiae telis , & quem negando mortis metu fidei demiserant , clypeum resumant , sed ut contra hostem diabolum vel nunc armati non contra ecclesiam , quae illorum dolet casus , armatos 〈◊〉 esse credant . multum illis proficiet petitio modesta , postulatio verecunda , humilitas necessaria , patientia non otiosa ; mittant legatos pro suis doloribus lacrymas ; advocatione fungantur ex intimo pectore prolati gemitus , dolorem probantes cominissi criminis & pudorem , epist. . apud cyprian . §. . p. . sacco & cineri incubare , corpus sordibus obscurare , animum 〈◊〉 dejicere , — 〈◊〉 preces alere , 〈◊〉 , lachrymari , & mug re dies noctesque — presbyteris advolvi , & caris dei adgeniculari , omnibus fratribus 〈◊〉 deprecationis suae iujungere . de foenitentia , p. . lamentari eum putamus ex toto corde jejuniis , fletibus , planctibus dominum deprecari ; qui ex primo criminis die lavacra quotidie celebrat , qui epulis affluentibus pastus , & 〈◊〉 largiore distentus , cruditates suas postridie ructat , nec cibos & potus suos cum pauperum necessitate communicat ? qui hilaris ac laetus incedit , quomodo mortem suam deflet ? an illa ingemiscit & plangit , cui vacat cultum pretiosae vestis induere , nec indumentum christi , quod perdidit , cogitare ? accipere pretiosa ornamenta & monilia elaborata , nec divini & coelestis ornatus damna deflere ; tu licet indumenta 〈◊〉 & vestes sericas induas , nuda es ; auro te licet & margaritis gemmisque 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 christi decore deformis es . et quae capillos tuos inficis , vel nunc in doloribus desine , & quae nigri pulveris ductu oculorum liniamenta 〈◊〉 , vel nune lacrymis oculos tuos ablue . si quem de tuis charis mortali exitu perdidisses , ingemisceres dolenter , & fleres : facie inculta , veste mutata , neglecto capillo , vultu nubilo , ore dejecto indicia maeroris 〈◊〉 , animam tuam misera perdidisti — 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 plangis , non jugiter ingemiscis ? §. , 〈◊〉 . p. . orare oportet impensius & rogare , diem luctu transigere , vigiliis noctes ac fletibus ducere , tempus omne lachrymosis lamentationibus occupare , stratos solo adhaerere cineri , in cilicio & sordibus volutari : post indumentum christi perditum , nullum hic jam velle veslitum : post diaboli cibum malle jejunium . §. . p. . legitimum & plenum tempus satisfactionis . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . urgere exitus coeperit . apud 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . lapsis pacem dandamesse , & eos ad praelium , quod imminet , armari & 〈◊〉 oportere . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam . cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. l. . c. . p. . non minis sed precibus & lamentationibus . cypr. ep. . §. . p. . exomologesin 〈◊〉 - 〈◊〉 atque extremi delicti . epist. . §. . p. . satisfactio confessione disponitur , confessione poenitentia noscitur . de poenitentia , p. . epist. . §. . p. . epist. . §. . p. . tantum relevat confessio delictum , quantum dissimulatio exaggerat ; 〈◊〉 enim satisfactionis consilium est , dissimulatio contumaciae . de poenitentia , p. . pudoris magis memores quam salutis velut illi qui in partibus verecundioribus corporis contractâ vexatione , conscientiam medentium vitant , & ita cum erubescentia sua pereunt . de 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti . epist. . §. . p. . ergo cum te ad fratrum genua protendis — aeque illi cum super te lacrymas agunt . de poenitentia , p. . cum lacrymis nostris vestras lacrymas jungite ; cum nostro gemitu , vestros gemitus copulate . de lapsis , §. . p. . per impositionem manus episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiunt . epist. . §. . p. . nec ad communicationem venire quis possit , nisi prius illi & ab episcopo & clero manus 〈◊〉 imposita . epist. . §. . p. . agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore , & secundum disciplinae ordinem ad exomologesin veniant , & per impofitionem manus episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiant . epist. . §. . p. . ante actam poenitentiam , ante exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab episcopo & clero in poenitentiam impositam , offerre lapsis pacem , & eucharistiam dare audeant . epist. 〈◊〉 . §. . p. . and almost the same words are repeated , epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . satis sibi gratulans , si sibi vel laico communicare contingeret . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . maximam presbyterum locum suum agnoscere jussimus . cornel. apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . statutum sit omnibus nobis , & aequum sit pariter ac justum , ut unius cujusque causa illic audiatur , ubi est crimen admissum , & singulis pastoribus 〈◊〉 gregis sit 〈◊〉 quam regat unusquisque & gubernet rationem sui actus domino rediturus . apud 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . caeterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint nolle deponere , nec propositum suum facile mutare , sed salvo inter collegas pacis & concordiae vinculo , quaedam propria , quae apud se semel sint usurpata , 〈◊〉 qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus , aut legem damus , cum habeat in ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum 〈◊〉 praepositus , rationem actus sui domino redditurus . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . apud antecessores nostros quidam de episcopis 〈◊〉 in provincia nostra dandam pacem moechis non putaverunt & in totum poenitentiae locum contra adultetia clauserunt , non 〈◊〉 a coepiscoporum suorum collegio recesserunt , aut catholicae ecclesiae unitatem vel duritiae vel censurae suae obstinatione ruperunt , ut quia apud alios adulteris pax dabatur , qui non dabat de ecclesia separaretur , manente concordiae vinculo & perseverante catholicae ecclesiae individuo sacramento , actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquisque episcopus , rationem propositi sui domino redditurus . epist. . §. . p. . cum sit a christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa , item episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi 〈◊〉 diffusus . epist. . §. . p . nam etsi pastores multi sumus , unum tamen gregem pascimus , & oves universas quas christus sanguine suo & passione quaesivit , colligere & fovere debemus . epist. . §. . p. . omnes enim nos decet pro co pore totius ecclesiae , cujus per varias quasque provincias membra digesta sunt , excubare . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . et dilectio communis & ratio exposcit , fratres charissimi , nihil conscientiae vestrae subtrahere de his quae apud nos geruntur , ut sit nobis circa utilitatem ecclesiasticae administrationis commune consilium . epist. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . coepiscopis nostris in eadem provincia 〈◊〉 tutis . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 provincia nostra . st . . §. . p. . per provinciam noam . ep. . §. . p. . per provinciam . epist. . §. . p. . latius fusa est nostra provincia . epist. . §. . p. . apud nos & fere per provincias universas tenetur . ut — ad eam 〈◊〉 cui 〈◊〉 ordinatur episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant . epist. . §. . p. . per singulos annos in unum conveniamus . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex epist. synod . apud euseb. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . ut episcopi plures in unum convenientes , praesente & 〈◊〉 plebedisponere omnia consilii communis religione possimus . epist. . §. . p. . consultis omnibus episcopis , presbyteris , diaconibus , confessoribus , & ipsis stantium laicis . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . collatione consiliorum cum episcopis , presbyteris diaconis , confessoribus , pariter ac stantibus laicis sacta , lapsorum tractare rationem . 〈◊〉 cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . episcopi plurimis — cum presbyteris & diaconibus , praesente etiam plebis maxima parte . act. concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . act. concil . carthag . ad calcem oper . cypr. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. , . apud fuseb . lib. . cap. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . literas ad te collegae nostri manu sua subscriptas miserunt , qui auditis eis , quid senserint , & quid pronunciaverint , ex eorum literis disces . cyp. epist. . §. . p. . per singulos annos conveniamus — ut lapsis fratribus per poenitentiam medela quaeratur . firmil . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . apud cyprian . epist. . p. . in unum convenientes — disponere omnia possimus . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ad disponenda ea quae curae nostrae commissa sunt . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . statueramus — si periculum infirmitatis urgeret , pacem sub ictu mortis acciperent . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . censuimus — pacem dandam esse , & eos ad praelium , quod imminet , armari & instrui oportere . ibidem . ante legitimum & plenum tempus satisfactionis — pax ei concederetur . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . decreverit ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab ordinatione autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . statutum sit , ne quis de clericis & dei ministris tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . victori antequam poenitentiam plenam egisset , 〈◊〉 therapius , pacem dederit , quae res nos sàtis mover , recessum esse à decreti nostri auctoritate . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . satisfuit objurgare therapium — quod temere hoc fecerit , & instruxisse ne quid tale de caetero faciat . ibidem . censuerunt ne quis frater excedens , ad tutelam vel curam clericum nominaret , ac si quis hoc fecisset , non offerretur pro eo , nec sacrificium pro dormitione ejus celebraretur . apud cypr. epist. . § . p. . graviter commoti sumus ego & collegae mei - & ideo victor , cum contra formam nuper in concilio à sacerdotibus datum , geminium faustinum presbyterum ausus sit tutorem constituere , non est quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat oblatio , aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecclesia frequentetur , ut sacerdotum decretum 〈◊〉 & necessariè factum servetur à nobis . ibidem , §. , . p. . maximè cum jampridem decretum est ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab ordinatione autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore prohiberi . 〈◊〉 cypr. ep. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. 〈◊〉 . . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem . in plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitare aliquando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dialog . cum tryphon . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitate aliquando discessum est . quod nunc stephanus ausus est facere , tumpens adversum vos pacem , quam semper antecessores ejus vobiscum amore & honore mutuo custodierunt . superest ut de hac ipsa re singuli quid sentiamus , proferamus , neminem judicantes , aut à jure communionis aliquem , si diversum senserit amoventes . neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se esse episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit . concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . judicabit 〈◊〉 qui schismata operantur , qui sunt immanes , non habentes dei dilectionem , 〈◊〉 utisitarem potius considerantes , quam unitatem ecclesiae , propter modicas & quaslibet causas magnum & gloriosum corpus christi conscindunt & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est , 〈◊〉 , pacem loquentes & bellum operantes , 〈◊〉 liquantes culicem & camelum transglutientes . lib. . cap. . p. . hane igitur praedicationem & hanc fidem adepta ecclesia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in universo mundo diligentes conservat , 〈◊〉 in una eademque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ae 〈◊〉 iis fidem habet , acsi unam animam unumque 〈◊〉 idem cor haberet : 〈◊〉 uno 〈◊〉 haec praedicat , docet 〈◊〉 tradit , acsi uno ore praedita esset . quamvis 〈◊〉 dissimilia sint in mundo genera linguarum , una tamen eademque est vis traditionis ; nec quae constitutae sunt in germania ecclesiae aliter credunt aut tradunt , nec quae in hispaniis , neque in galliis , neque in oriente , neque in aegypto , neque in lybia , aut in medio orbis terrarum fundatae sunt . sed quemadmodum sol creatura dei unus & idem est in universo mundo . ita & 〈◊〉 veritatis ubique lucet , & illuminat omnes homines qui ad notionem veritatis venire volunt . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . scindunt & separant unitatem ecclesiae . lib. . cap. . p. . diabolus haereses invenit & schismata , quibus subverteret fidem , veritatem corrumperet , scinderet unitatem . de unitate ecclesiae §. . p. . in provincia africa & numidia ecclesiam domini . epist. . §. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . basilidem & martialem libellis idololatriae commaculatos — episcopatum 〈◊〉 , & sacerdotium dei administrare non oportere . epist. synod . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . oportet longe fugere ab 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . si habueris accusationem doctrinae 〈◊〉 , & alienorum ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . qui vero presbyteri serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt 〈◊〉 dei in cordibus luis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquos , & principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt , & in absconfis agunt mala — ab omnibus talibus absistere 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . qui curam habet vitae suae , non meis delictis qui videor in ecclesia praedicare scandalizabitur , sed ipsum dogma considerans , & pertractans ecclesiae sidem , à me quidem aversabitur , doctrinam vero suscipiet secundum 〈◊〉 domini , qui ait , supra cathedram moysi sederunt scribae & pharisaei , omnia enim 〈◊〉 vobis 〈◊〉 audite & facite , juxta autem opera illorum nolite facere ; dicunt quippe & non faciunt : iste sermo de me est , qui bona doceo , & contraria gero & sum sedens supra cathedram moysi quasi scriba & pharisaeus ; praeceptum tibi est , o popule , 〈◊〉 non habueris accusationem doctrinae 〈◊〉 , & alienorum ab ecclesia dogmatum , conspexeris vero meam culpabilem vitam , atque peccata , ut non habeas juxta dicentis vitam tuam instituere , sed ea facere quae loquor . homil. . in ezechiel . ob multa & gravia delicta . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . deus unus est , & christua unus , & una ecclesia , & cathedra una super petrum domini voce fundata ; aliud altare constitui , aut sacerdotium novum fieri praeter unum altare & unum sacerdotium non potest : quisquis alibi collegerit , spargit , adulterum est , impium est , quodcunque humano furore instituitur , ut dispositio divina violetur . epist. . §. . p. . neque enim aliunde nata sunt schismata , quam inde quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur , nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos , & ad tempus judex vice christi 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . hi sunt ortus atque conatus schismaticorum malè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placeant , ut praepositum superbo 〈◊〉 contemnant , 〈◊〉 de ecclesia receditur , sic altare profanum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sic contra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ordinationem atque unitatem dei rebellatur . epist. . §. . p. . inde schismata & haereses 〈◊〉 sunt , & oriuntur , dum episcopus qui unus est , & ecclesiae praeest , superba quorundam praesumptione contemnitur , & homo dignatione dei honoratus indignus hominibus judicatur . epist. . §. . p. . illi sunt ecclesia plebs sacerdoti adunata , & pastori suo grex adhaerens , unde scire debes episcopum in ecclesia esse , & ecclesiam in episcopo , & si qui cum episcopo non sunt , in ecclesia non esse , & frustra sibi blandiri eos , qui pacem cum sacerdotibus dei non habentes obrepunt , & latentur apud quosdam communicare se credunt , quando ecclesia , quae catholica una est , 〈◊〉 non sit , neque divisa , sed sit utique connexa , & cohaerentium sibi invicem sacerdotum glutino copulata . epist. . §. . p. . cum episcopo portionem plebis dividere , id est , à pastore oves , & filios à parente separare , & christi membra dissipare . epist. . §. . p. . conventicula sibi diversa 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . eccles. §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad magnesios , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad philadelph . p. . commisisse se schismata , & haeresis auctores fuisse . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . schismatico & 〈◊〉 homine . ibidem §. . p. . haereticae pravitatis . epist. . §. . p. . schismaticus & haereticus error . epist. . §. . p. . ostiatim per multorum domos , vel oppidatim , per quasdam civitates discurrentes , obstinationis suae & erroris scissi sibi quaerant comites . epist. . §. . p. . martianus arelate consistens novatiano se conjunxerit , & à catholicae ecclesiae unitate , atque à corporis nostri & sacerdotii consensione discesserit , tenens haereticae praesumptionis durissimam pravitatem , ut servis dei poenitentibus & dolentibus , & ad ecclesiam lachrymis & gemitu & dolore pulsantibus , divinae pietatis & lenitatis paterna solatia & subsidia claudantur , nec ad fovenda vulnera admittantur vulnerati , sed sine spe pacis & communicationis relicti ad luporum rapinam & praedam diaboli projiciantur . epist. . §. . p. . cum novatianus ipse , quem sequitur , olim abstentus & hostis ecclefiae judicatus sit . epist. . §. . p. . et cum ad nos in africam legatos misisset , optans ad communicationem nostram admitti , hinc sententiam retulerit , se foris esse coepisse , nec posse à quoquam nostrum sibi communicari . cypr. ep. . §. . p. . cum novatiano te non communicare . idem epist. . §. . p. . felicissimum rejectum à te illic esse . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . tuas literas legimus . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . literas nostras ad te direximus . cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . venerunt ad nos , missi à novatiano maximus presbyter & augendus diaconus , & machaeus quidam , & longinus . cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . accepi literas tuas , concordiam collegii sacerdotalis firmiter obtinentes & catholicae ecclesiae cohaerentes , quibus significasti cum novatiano 〈◊〉 non communicare , sed cum cornelio coepiscopo nostro unum tenere consensum . epist. . §. . p. . literas nostras ad 〈◊〉 direximus . epist. . §. . p. . a communicatione eos nostra statim cohibendos . esse censuimus . epist. . §. . p. . nec mandare desistimus , ut perniciosa dissensione deposita — agnoscant , episcopo 〈◊〉 facto , alium constitui nullo modo posse . ibid. §. . p. . cum sit à christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 item 〈◊〉 unus 〈◊〉 multorum concordi numerositate 〈◊〉 . epist . . §. . p. . alienus est — habere jam non potest 〈◊〉 patrem , qui 〈◊〉 non habet matrem ; tales etiam si occisi in confessione nominis suerint , macula 〈◊〉 nec sanguine abluitur . de unit. eccles. §. . & . p. . & . notes for div a -e scripturae leguntur , psalmi canuntur , adlocutiones 〈◊〉 , & petitiones delegantur . de 〈◊〉 , c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib . c. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . p. . placuit ut ab officio lectionis incipiat . epist. . p. . just. martyr . apol. . p. . tertul. de praescript . advers . 〈◊〉 . p. . cyprian . epist. . p. . & epist. . §. . p. . plebi universae — legat praecepta & evangelium domini . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . martyr . apolog. . p. . cogimur ad literarum divinarum commemorationem , siquid praesentium temporum qualitas aut praemonere cogit aut recognoscere . apolog. cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . scripturae leguntur , psalmi canuntur . de anim. cap. . p. . carmen christo , quasi deo dicere . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. origen . de orat. §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. alex. paedag . lib. . c. . p. . quid maritus suus illi ? vel marito quid illa cantabit ? ad uxor . lib. . p. . sonant inter duos psalmi & hymni , & mutuò provocant , quis melius deo suo canet ? ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . quisque de scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio provocatur in medium deo canere . apolog . c. . p. . vide quam bonum & quam jueundum habitare fiatres in unum : hoc tu psallere non facile 〈◊〉 , nisi quo tempore cum compluribus coenas . advers . psychy . cos de jejunio . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. concil . 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . de oratione , §. . p. . origen . de orat. §. . p. . carmen 〈◊〉 dicere secum invicem . epist. ad trajan . quid maritus suus illi ? vel marito quid illa cantabit ? ad uxor . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . de oratione , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . scripturae leguntur , psalmi canuntur , ad locutiones proferuntur . de anima , c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , lib. . p. . homil. de engastrym . and homil. . in jerem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . homil de 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. de 〈◊〉 . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem , 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. . in jerem. vol. . p. . quapropter consurgentes deprecemur dominum , ut digni efficiamur — christo jesu , cui est gloria & imperium in saecula saeculorum . amen . homil. . in cantic . surgentes per christum sacrificia patri offeramus , ipse enim propitiatio est pro peccatis nostris , cui est gloria & imperium in saecula saeculorum . in 〈◊〉 . homil . . nos ad orientis regionem precari . apolog. c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . martyr . dialog . cum tryphon . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem , 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 christi figuram . advers . valentin . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de oratione , §. . p. , . inde suspicio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos ad 〈◊〉 regionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol : . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . iib. p. p. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. origen . de orat. §. . p. . sacerdos 〈◊〉 orationem praefatione praemissa , parat fratrum 〈◊〉 dicendo , sursum corda , & responder 〈◊〉 , habemus ad dominum . cyprian . de orat. dominic . §. . p. . pallio nihil expeditius — quippe tota molitio ejus operire est solutim , id est , uno circumjectu — ita omnia hominis simul contegit . tertul. de pallio , p. . primitive christianity , part . c. . p. . quorundam positis penulis orationem facere : sic enim adeunt ad idola nationes : quod utique 〈◊〉 fieri 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 qui de habitu orandi docent , comprehendissent , nisi si qui putant paulum penulam suam in oratione penes carpum reliquisse . d. oratione , p. . modestis precibus orare . cyprian . de orat. dominic . §. . p. . enixis precibus , lacrymis , ingemiscamus , preces , gemitus , lachrymae . cyprian . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . in precibus quas faciunt pro plebis dominicae incolumitate . epist. . §. . p. . qui idolis sacrificando sacrilega sacrificia fecerunt , sacerdotium dei sibi vindicare non possunt , nec ullam in conspectu ejus precem pro fratribus facere . epist. . §. . p. . oportet eos ad sacerdotium deligi , quos à deo 〈◊〉 audiri . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apxd euseb. lib. . c. . p. . dc oratione , §. . p. , , . orandi legem . de unit . ecclesiae , §. . p. . ut aliter orare quam docuit , non ignorantia sola sit , sed & culpa . de orat. dominic . §. . p. . unusquisque oret deum non pro se tantum , sed pro omnibus fratribus , sicut dominus orare nos docuit . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. 〈◊〉 . . p. . quâ patrem — nos jussit orare . in isaiam , homil . . novam orationis formam determinavit . de oratione , p. . legitima oratio . de suga in 〈◊〉 . p. . orandi ipse formam dedit , ipse quid precaremur monuit & 〈◊〉 : qui 〈◊〉 vivere , docuit & 〈◊〉 — ut dum prece & oratione quam filius docuit , apud patrem loquimur , facilius audiamur — quae 〈◊〉 potest esse magis spiritualis oratio , quam quae verè à 〈◊〉 nobis data est , à quo nobis & spiritus 〈◊〉 missus est ? quae verè magis apud patrem precatio , quam quae à filio , qui 〈◊〉 veritas , de ejus ore prolata est ? ut 〈◊〉 orare quam docuit , non ignorantia sola sit sed & culpa — oremus itaque fratres dilectissimi , sicut magister deus docuit . amica & familiaris 〈◊〉 est deum de suo rogare ad aures ejus ascendere 〈◊〉 orationem , 〈◊〉 pater filii sui verba : cum precem 〈◊〉 , qui habitat intus in pectore , ipse sit & in voce : & cum ipsum 〈◊〉 apud patrem 〈◊〉 pro peccatis mostris quando peccatores pro 〈◊〉 nostris petimus , advocati 〈◊〉 verba premamus . nam cum dicat , quia quodcunque petierimus à patre in nomine ejus , dabit nobis : quantò efficacius 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 in christi nomine , si petamus 〈◊〉 oratione ? de 〈◊〉 . dominic . §. , . p. . compendiis paucorum verborum , quot attinguntur edicta 〈◊〉 , evangeliorum , apostolorum , sermones domini , parabolae , exempla , praecepta , quot simul expunguntur officia dei , honor in patre ; fides , testimonium in nomine , oblatio obsequii in voluntate , commemoratio spei in regno , petitio vitae in pane , exomologesis debitorum in deprecatione , sollicitudo tentationum , in postulatione tutelae . quid mirum ! deus solus docere potuit , ut se vellet 〈◊〉 . de orat. p. . posse nos super adjicere — & sunt quae petantur pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de oratione , p. posse nos super adjicere . quoniam tamen dominus prospector humanarum necessitatum seorsim post traditam 〈◊〉 disciplinam , 〈◊〉 , inquit , & 〈◊〉 , & sunt quae 〈◊〉 , pro 〈◊〉 cujusque , praemisia legitima & ordinaria oratione quasi fundamento , accidentium jus est desideriorum , jus est 〈◊〉 extrinsecus petitiones , cum memoria tamen 〈◊〉 : ne quantum à 〈◊〉 tantum ab 〈◊〉 dei longè simus . memoria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sternit ad coelum quorum praecipuum est , 〈◊〉 . p. . apolog. . p. . com. in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . com. in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . ibid. tom. . p. . com. in johan . tom. . p. . vol. . contra celsum . lib. 〈◊〉 . p. . ibid. lib. . p. . ibid. lib. . p. . ibid. lib. . p. 〈◊〉 . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de oratione , §. . p. . illue suspicientes christiani manibus expansis , quia innocuis , capite nudo , quia non erubescimus , denique sine monitore , quia de pectore oramus . apolog. c. . p. . praemissa legitima & ordinaria orarione , accidentium jus es desideriorum . de orat. p. . et quando in sacrificiis precem cum plurimis facimus . epist. 〈◊〉 . §. . p. . hic quoque in sacrificiis atque in orationibus nostris non cessantes deo — gratias agere , & orare pariter , ac petere , ut qui perfectus 〈◊〉 atque perficiens , custodiat & perficiat in vobis confessionis vestrae gloriosam coronam . epist. . §. . p. . in mentem habeatis in orationibus vestris , & eis vicem boni operis in sacrificiis & precibus repraesentetis . epist. . §. . p. . invocatione non contemptibili . apud cypr. ep. . §. . 〈◊〉 . expandimus manus & dominica passione modulantes & orantes consitemur christo. tertul. de orat. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de orat. §. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contia celsum , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . apolog. . p. . de 〈◊〉 . milit. p. . summus sacerdos qui est episcopus . de baptism . p. . dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi auctorirate — laicis etiam jus est — 〈◊〉 in necessitatibus . ibidem , p. , . mulier non tingendi jus sibi pariet . ibid. p. . diaconus reluctanti licet , de sacramento calicis infudit . de lapsis , §. . p. . parvuli baptizantur in remissionem peccatorum ; quorum peccatorum ? vel quo tempore peccaverunt ? aut quomodo potest ulla lavacri in parvulis ratio subsistere , nisi juxta illum seusum de quo paulo ante diximus , nullus mundus à sorde , nec fi unius diei quidem fuerit vita ejus super terram ? et quia per baptismi sacramentum nativitatis sordes deponuntur , propterea baptizantur & parvuli . in lucam . homil. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in mat. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . * this they speak with reference to their custom of saluting one another at the conclusion of their publick 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. just. mart. apol. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . 〈◊〉 . . p. . usitata & legitima verba interrogationis . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . contestamur 〈◊〉 renunciare diabolo & pompae & angelis 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 nos 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 & angelis ejus ore nostro 〈◊〉 . de spectac . p. . renunciavimus diabolo & angelis ejus . de 〈◊〉 . p. . pactus 〈◊〉 renunciare diabolo , & pompae & angelis ejus . lib. de 〈◊〉 . c. . p. . vocati sumus ad militiam dei vivi , jam 〈◊〉 cum in sacramenti verba spondimus . ad martyr . p. . saeculo renunciaveramus cum baptizati sumus . epist. . §. . p. . mundi pompis & deliciis jam tunc renuncravimus . de hab. virg. §. . p. . dei servus — diabolo jam renunciarat & saeculo . de lapsis , §. , p. . saeculo renunciavimus & divitias ejus & 〈◊〉 pas fide gratiae spiritualis 〈◊〉 . de orat. dom. § : . p. . diabolo & mundo renunciavimus . de bono 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. epist. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. apolog . . p. . symbolo baptizare , nosse deum patrem , filium christum , spiritum sanctum , credis remissionem peccatorum , & vitam aeternam per sanctam ecclesiam ? epist. . §. . p. . credis in vitam aeternam , & remissionem peccatorum per sanctam ecclesiam ? epist. . §. . p. . symboli legem . epist. . §. . p. . regula veritatis . de 〈◊〉 inter opera 〈◊〉 p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad smirn. p. . quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est sponsores etiam periculo ingeri , qui & ipsi per mortalitatem 〈◊〉 promissiones suas possunt , & proventu malae indolis falli ? de baptism . p. . theodot . epirom . p. . censeo omnes haereticos & schismaticos qui ad catholicam ecclesiam voluerint venire , non ante ingredi , nisi 〈◊〉 & baptizati prius fuerint . apud 〈◊〉 . p. . haereticos — censeo 〈◊〉 & baptizandos esse . ibid. 〈◊〉 . . haereticos scimus pejores esse quam ethnicos , si ergo conversi ad dominum venire voluerint , habemus utique regulam veritatis , quam dominus praecepto divino mandavit apostolis , dicens : 〈◊〉 in nomine meo , 〈◊〉 imponite , daemonia expellite ; & alio loco , ite , docete gentes ; baptizantes eos in nomine patris & filii , & spiritas sancti ; ergo primo per manus impositionem in exorcismo ; secundo per baptismi regenerationem , tune possunt ad christi pollicitationem venire : alius autem fieri censeo non debere . ibid. p. . aqua . act. concit . 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . p. . omnes aquae de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ergo mundari & sanctificari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sacerdote ut possit baptismo suo peccata hominis qui baptizatur 〈◊〉 epist. . §. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. epitom . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in johan . vol. . tom. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . cathol . §. . p. . aquam 〈◊〉 de spectaculis , p. . in aqua demissus . de baptismo . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . ibidem ut supra . nihil differt a judaeorum baptismo , quo sic illi utuntur , & 〈◊〉 tanquum communi & vulgari lavacro tantum sordes laventur . apud cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex 〈◊〉 . cornel. ad . fabium antioch apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . ter mergitamur . de coron . milit. p. . nec semel , sed ter , ad singula nomina in personas singulas tingimur . advers . 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione — in nobis carnaliter currit 〈◊〉 . sed spiritualiter proficit . de baptism . p. , . ungi quoque necesse est eum , baptizatus sit , ut accepto chrismate , id est , unctione , esse unctus dei , & habere in se gratiam christi possit . epist. . §. . p. . . leprae 〈◊〉 in fronte maculatus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 parte corporis 〈◊〉 offenso domino , ubi signantur qui dominum 〈◊〉 . de unit. eccles. § . p. . frons cum signo . de lapsis , § . p. . accipiamus quoque ad 〈◊〉 capitis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut 〈◊〉 aures , ne . confessores frontium notatarum secunda inscriptione signatos . in vita cypriani . tingit & ipse quosdam , utique credentes & fideles suos : expiationem delictorum de lavacro repromittit ; & sic initiat 〈◊〉 , signat illic in frontibus milites suos . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . caro ungitur , ut anima 〈◊〉 : caro 〈◊〉 , ut & 〈◊〉 muniatur ; caro manus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut & anima spiritu 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . 〈◊〉 manus 〈◊〉 , per 〈◊〉 advocans & invitans spiritum sanctum . de baptism . p. . de 〈◊〉 disciplina , quâ ungi 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 in sacerdotio solebant , ex quo aaron à moyse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de baptism . p. . 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 sacerdotes sumus ? 〈◊〉 est , regnum quoque nos & sacerdotes deo & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fecit . 〈◊〉 . ad castitat . p. . caro ungitur , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . carnis . p. . christus dictur à 〈◊〉 quod est unctio , quae domino nomen accomodavit , facta spiritualis , quia spiritus unctus est à deo patre , 〈◊〉 in actis : collecti sunt enimvero in 〈◊〉 civitate adversus 〈◊〉 filium 〈◊〉 quem 〈◊〉 : sic & in nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed spiritualiter proficit . de bapt. p. 〈◊〉 . ungi quoque necesse est eum , qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut accepto 〈◊〉 , id est , unctione , esse 〈◊〉 dei , & habere in se gratiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . § . p. . caro signatur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 muniatur . de 〈◊〉 . carnis . p. . signat illic in frontibus 〈◊〉 suos . 〈◊〉 adv . haeret. p. . non quod in aquis spiritum sanctum consequamur , sed in aqua 〈◊〉 sub . de 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 . tunc ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 & benedicta corpora libens à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . caro manus 〈◊〉 adumbratut , ut & anima spiritu illuminetur . de 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. . non per manus impositionem quis nascitur , quando accipit spiritum sanctum , sed in baptismo , ut spiritum jam natus accipiat , sicut in primo 〈◊〉 adam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ante enim 〈◊〉 eum 〈◊〉 , & tunc 〈◊〉 in faciem ejus flatum vitae , nec 〈◊〉 potest accipi 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 prius 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 §. . p. . peccata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 sanctificare aqua 〈◊〉 non potest , 〈◊〉 habeat & spiritum sanctum , § . p. . neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine aqua onerari porest , neque aqua sine spiritu — utioque sacramento debere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ecclesia catholica . act. concil . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 cyprian . p. . ut qui adhuc sunt prima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incipiant 〈◊〉 coelestes , ex aqua & spiritu nati . de 〈◊〉 . dominic . § . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 enim demum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & esse 〈◊〉 dei possunt , si sacramento utroque nascantur , cum scriptum sit , 〈◊〉 quis natus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu , non 〈◊〉 introire in regnum dei. epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f. b. antioch . 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. 〈◊〉 . p. . nepotes suos ex joseph esrem & manassem . iacob 〈◊〉 inipositis & 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . p. . quia legitimum & ecclesiasticum , baptismum consecuti fuerant , 〈◊〉 eos ultra non oportebat : sed tantummodo quod deerat id a petro & johanne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut oratione 〈◊〉 eis habita , & manu imposita , invocaretur & 〈◊〉 super eos spiritus sanctus . quod nunc quoque apud 〈◊〉 geritur , ut qui in 〈◊〉 baptizantur , 〈◊〉 ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram 〈◊〉 ac manus 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum consequantur , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . § . p. . eos qui ab johanne baptizati fuerint , 〈◊〉 missus esset 〈◊〉 domino spiritus sanctus baptizavit denuospirituali 〈◊〉 , & sic eis 〈◊〉 imposuit , ut acciperent 〈◊〉 sanctum . apud cyprian epist. . § . p. . invenimus hoc esse ab apostolis custoditum , ut 〈◊〉 domo corneliicenturionis super ethnicos qui illic aderant , fidei calore ferventes , descendisserspiritussanctus , &c. epist. . § . p. . egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione — 〈◊〉 manus imponitur . de 〈◊〉 . p. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 qui sint foris extra ecclesiam tincti — quando ad 〈◊〉 , atque ad ecclesiam quae una est , venerint , baptizari 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 sit eis manum 〈◊〉 ad accipiendum spiritum sanctum , nisi accrpiant & ecclesiae 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 enim demum 〈◊〉 sanctificari & esse 〈◊〉 dei possunt , 〈◊〉 sacramento utroque 〈◊〉 , cum scriptum 〈◊〉 , nisi quis natus 〈◊〉 ex aqua & spiritu non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regnum 〈◊〉 . epist. . § 〈◊〉 p. . male sibi quidam interpretantur , ut 〈◊〉 quod per manus 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 , & sic recipiantur , cum manifestum sit utroque sacramento debere eos renasci in ecclesia catholica . act-concil . 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . p. . super filios alienos , &c soboles antichristi 〈◊〉 sanctum per manus impositionem 〈◊〉 non posse descendere . act. concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . sed in multum , inquit , proficit nomen christi ad fidem & baptismi sanctificationem ut quicunque & ubicunque in nomine christi baptizatus fuerit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam christi , quando huic ioco breviter occurri possit , & 〈◊〉 , quoniam si in 〈◊〉 christi valuit foris baptisma ad hominem purgandom , in 〈◊〉 christi nomine valere illic potuit & manus 〈◊〉 ad accipiendum spiritum sanctum . apud cyprian epist. . § . p. . qui haereticis sive schismaticis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nobis habeant 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum , an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? sihabent , cur illic 〈◊〉 , quando ad nos veniunt , manus imponitur ad 〈◊〉 spiritum 〈◊〉 , cum jam utique 〈◊〉 acceptus sit ubi si fuit , dari potuit ? si autem 〈◊〉 cuncti haeretici & schismarici non habent spiritum sanctum , & ideo apud nos manus imponitur , ut hic accipiatur , quod illic nec 〈◊〉 , nec dari potest : manifeslum est nec remissionem peccatorum dari 〈◊〉 eos posse , quos 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum non habere . epist. . § . p. . cyprian . epist. . § . p. . & § . p. . epist . . § , , . p. . 〈◊〉 apud cyprian . epist. . § . p. . & § . p. . et dicunt se in hoc veterem consuetudinem sequi , quando apud veteres haereseos & schismatum prima adhuc fuerint initia , ut hi illic essent , qui de ecclesia recedebant , & hic baptizati prius fuerant : quos tamen ad ecclesiam revertentes , & poenitentiam agentes , necesse non erat baptizare , quod nos quoque hodie observamus , ut quos constet hic baptizatos esse , & à nobis ad haereticos tranfisse , si postmodum peccato suo cognito & errore digesto , ad veritatem et matricem redeant , satis sit in poenitentiam manum imponere : ut quia ovis jam fuerat , hanc ovem abalienatam & errabundam in ovile suum pastor recipiat . si autem qui ab haereticis venit , baptizatus in ecclesia prius non fuit , sed alienus in totum & profanus venit : baptizandus est , ut ovis fiat , quia una est aqua in ecclesia sancta quae oves faciat . epist. . § . p. . si quis ergo à quacunque haeresi venerit ad nos , nihil innovetur , nisi quod traditum est , ut manus illi 〈◊〉 in poenitentiam . apud cyprian . epist. . § . p. . si ergo autem evangelio praecipitur , aut in apostolorum epistolis , aut actibus continetur , ut à quacunque haeresi venientes non baptizentur , sed tantum manus illis imponatur in poenitentiam , observetur haec divina & sancta traditio . ibid. § . p. . retro nusquam omnino praeceptum eft , neque 〈◊〉 , ut heretico tantum manus in poenitentiam imponatur , & sic ei communicetur . ibid. § . p. . observetur itaque à nobis & tenetur — ut omnes qui ex quacunque haeresi ad ecclesiam convertuntur , ecclesiae unico legitimo baptismo baptizantur , exceptis his qui baptizati in ecclesia prius fuerant , & sic ad haereticos transierant , hos enim oportet , cum redeant , acta poenitentia per manus impositionem solam recipi ; & in ovile , unde erraverant , à pastore restitui . ibidem § . p. . per impositionem manus episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiunt . epist. . § . p. . nec ad communicatition em venire quis possit , nisi prius illi & ab episcopo & clero manus fuit imposita . ep. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex epist. alexand. apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . si premi infirmitate aliqua & periculo coeperint , exomologesi facta , & manu eis a vobis in poenitentiam imposita . epist. . § . p. . si incommodo aliquo infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint , non expectata praesentia nostra apud presbyterum quemcunque praesentem — exomologesin facere delicti sui possint ; ut manu eis in poenitentiam imposita , veniant ad dominum cum pace . epist. . § . p. . apolog. . pag. . in tempore victûs . de coron . milit. p. . eucharistiae sacramentum etiam antelucanis coetibus . de coron . milit . p. . ante lucem convenire — seque sacramento obstringere . epist. ad trajan . in matutinis sacrificiis — cum ad coenandum venimus , mixtum calicem offerimus . epist. . § . p. . christum offerre oportebat circa vesperam diei , ut hora ipsa sacrisicii oftenderet occasum & vesperam mundi — nos autem resurrectionem domini mane celebramus . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 in joan. vol. tom. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . just. martyr . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. p. , . ante actam poenitentiam — offerre lapsis pacem , & eucharistiam dare , id est , sanctum domini corpus profanare audeant , cum scriptum sit ; qui ederit panem , aut biberit calicem domini indignè , reus erit corporis & sanguinis christi . cyprian . epist . . § . p. . piae initiationes arceant prosanos . apolog. cap. . p. . ex forma omnibus mysteriis silentii fides adhibeatur , samothracia & eleusinia reticentur . apolog . cap. . p. . offerre igitur oportet deo primitias ejus creaturae , sicut & moyses ait , non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum domini dei tui . lib. . c. . p. . non quasi indigenti , sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint . lib. . cap. . p. . locuples & dives es , & dominicum celebrare te credis , quae corbonam omnino non respicis ? quae in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , quae partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit , sumis ? de opere & eleemosyn . § . . sine sacramento solitae praedicationis . apud cypr. epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid p. . oramus pro imperatoribus , pro ministris eorum ac potestatibus , pro statu saeculi , pro rerum quiete , pro mora finis . apolog . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . com. in matth. vol. . p. . quando mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum dei , fit eucharistia sanguinis & corporis christi . lib. . cap. . p. . panis quem frangimus — fractus panis . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . nec de aliorum manu , quam praesidentium sumimus . de coron . milit. p. . calicem diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit . cyprian . de lapsis , § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol . . p. . calicem diaconus of ferre praesentibus coepit . cyprian . de 〈◊〉 , § . p. . diaconus — 〈◊〉 licet de sacramento calicis infudit . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex 〈◊〉 . dionys. alexan. apud euseb. lib. . cap. p. . die dominico — nefas ducimus — de geniculis adorare , eadem immunitate die paschae in pentecosten usque gaudemus . de coron . milit. p. . quisque de scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio , provocatur in medium deocanere . apol. cap. . p. . oratio convivium dirimit . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dionys. a. lex . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . in ecclesia . tertul. de coron . milit. p. . in lib. de virgin. veland . nostrae columbae domus simplex , etiam in aeditis semper & apertis , et ad lucem , amat figuram spiritus sancti , orientem christi figuram . advers-valentintan . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dialog . cum tryphon . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dyonis . alexand . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad corinth . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. apolog. . p. . dominica solennia . de anima . c. . p. . dominico legit . cyp. epist. . p. . die dominico cum gratiarum actione ad panem exeamus . de fabric . mundi apud d. cave , p. . ad 〈◊〉 solenni die coeunt . p. . essent 〈◊〉 stato die ante lucem convenire , carmenque christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem , seque sacramento obstringere . epist. ad trajan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . diem solis laetitia indulgemus . apolog. cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. cathol . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . die dominico jejunium nesas ducimus , vel de geniculis adorare . tertul. de cor. mil. p. . . quantula est enim apud nos interdictio ciborum duas in anno hebdomadas xerophagiarum nec totas , exceptis scilicet sabbatis & dominicis offerimus deo. tertullian de jejuuio , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. catholic . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stomat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . maxime in dominica die , quae passionis christi commemoratrix est ; neque enim resurrectio domini semel in anno , & non semper post septem dies celebratur . in isaiam . homil. . strom. lib. . p. . & lib. . p. . de fabric . mund. apud dr. cave , hist. literar . p. . dies dominicus . apud cyprian . ep. . § . p. . dominicum diem . de idolat . p. . ad magnes . p. . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. , & . diem solis laetitiae indulgemus . apolog. c. . p. . advers . judaeos . dial. cum tryphon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. interpol . ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cont. cels. lib. . p. . die septima — solemus superponere — parasceve superpositio fiat , ne quod cum judaeis sabbatum observare videatur . de fabric . mun. apud d. cave . p. . ad placandum atque exorandum dominum , non voce sola , sed & jejuniis , & lachrymis , & omni genere deprecationis ingemiscamus . epist. . § . p. . quoniam providentia domini monentis instruimur — appropinquare 〈◊〉 certaminis & agonis nostri diem , jejuniis , vigiliis , orationibus insistere , cum omni plebe non desinamus , incumbamus gemitibus assiduis & deprecationibus crebris , haec sunt enim nobis arma coelestia ; quae stare & perseverare fortiter faciunt . epist. . § . p. . denique cum ab imbribus aestiva , hyberna suspendunt , & annus in cura est , vos quidem quotidie pasti , statimque pransuri , balneis & cauponis & lupanaribus operati , aquilicia jovi immolatis , nudipedasia populo denunciatis coelum apud capitolium quaeritis , nubila de 〈◊〉 expectatis , aversi ab ipso & deo & coelo . nos vero jejuniis aridi , & omni continentia aspersi 〈◊〉 omni vitae fruge dilati , in sacco & cinere volutantes , invidia coelum tundimus , deum tangimus , & cum misericordiam extorserimus , jupiter honoratur . apolog. cap. . p. . episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent — ex aliqua solicitudinis ecclesiasticae causa . de jejun . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . stationum dies . de orat. p. . stationibus quartam & sextam sabbati dicamus . de jejunio , p. . non ultra nonam detinendum . tertul. de jejun . p. . stationum semijejunia . ibid. p. . jejunium facimus . victor . petav. apud d. cave , p. . ob passionum domini . victor . petav. ubi antea . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . galatis nos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aiunt observatores dierum , & mensium & annorum . tertul. de jejun . p. . certè in evangèlio illos dies 〈◊〉 determinatos putant , in quibus ablatus est sponsus : & hosesse jam solos legitimos jejuniorum christianorum abolitis legalibus , & propheticis vetustatibus , — itaque de caetero indifferenter jejunandum ex arbitrio , non ex imperio novae disciplinae pro temporibus & causis uniuscujusque : sic & apostolos observasse , nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum & in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum : proinde nec stationum , quae & ipsae suos quidem dies habeant quartae feriae & sextae , passim tamen currunt , neque sub lege praecepti neque ultra supremam diei , quando & orationes fere hora nona concludat de petri exemplo quod actis refertur , de jejunio , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud euseb. lib . cap. . p. . usque ad horam nonam jejunamus , usque ad vesperam , aut superpositio usque in alterum diem fiat . de fabric . mun. apud d. cave , p. . stationum semijejunia . de jejun . p. . denique cum ab imbribus aeftiva , &c — nos jejuniis aridi , & omni 〈◊〉 aspersi — 〈◊〉 coelum tundimus . apolog . cap. . p. . ob passionem domini jesu christi aut stationem do , aut jejunium facimus . de fabric . mund. apud d. cave , p. . superpositio usque in alterum diem fiat . d. fabric . mundi apud d. cave , p. . parasceve superpositio fiat , ne quod cum judaeis sabbatum observare videamur . ibid. p. . quis solennibus paschae abnoctantem securus sustinebit . ad vxor. lib. . p. . pascha celebramus annuo circulo in mense primo . de jejun . p. . solennia paschae . epist . . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra cel sum , lib. . p. . de coron . milit. p. . de baptism . p. . & de idololatria , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. a petro ordinatum . tertul. de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . tunc paulus , &c. idem . scorpiac . advers . gnostic . p. . ab johanne conlocatum . idem de praescript advers . haeret p martyrum passiones & dies anniversaria commemoratione celebramus . epist. . § . p. . oblationes pro defunctis , pro 〈◊〉 annua die facimus . de coron milit. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p . dies eorum , quibus excedunt , 〈◊〉 , ut commemorationes eorum inter memorias martyrum celebrare possimus — significet mihi dies quibus in carcere beati fratres 〈◊〉 ad immortalitatem gloriosae mortis exitu 〈◊〉 , & celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes & sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum epist. § . p , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . oblationes pro defunctis , pro natalitiis annua die facimus . de coron milit. p . tunc paulus civitatis romanae consequitur nativitatem , cum illic martyrii renascitur generositate . scorpiac adv . gnostic . p. . filios — exterarum gentium more apud profana sepulchra depositos , & alienigenis consepultos . apud cyprian . epist. . § . p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dionys. alexand. apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . apud euseb. lib. cap. p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dion . alex. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud . euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . oblationes facimus . de coron milit. 〈◊〉 . celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes & sacrificia epist. . § . p. . suscepti lactis & mellis concordiam proegustamus . tertul. de coron . 〈◊〉 . p. . manibus ablutis — orationem obire . idem de oratione , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . suscepti lactis & mellis concordiam praegustamus , exque ea die lavacro quotidiano per totam 〈◊〉 abstinemus . tertul . de coron milit. p. . manibus ablutis — orationem obire — adsignata oratione assidendi mos est quibusdam idem de orat. p . suscepti lactis & 〈◊〉 concordiam praegustamus , exque ea die 〈◊〉 quotidiano per totam hebdomadem 〈◊〉 — die dominico nefas ducimus de geniculis adorare , eadem 〈◊〉 a die paschae in 〈◊〉 usque gaudemus ad 〈◊〉 atque promotum , ad omnem aditum & exitum — quacunque nos 〈◊〉 exercet frontem crucis signaculo terimus . harum & aliarum ejusmodi disciplinarum si legem expostules 〈◊〉 nullam invenies , 〈◊〉 tibi praetendetur auctrix , consuetudo confirmatrix . idem de coron milit. p , , . fere consuetudo initium ab aliquà 〈◊〉 vel simplicitate sortita in usum per successionem corroboratur , & ita adversus veritatem vindicatur , sed dominus noster christus veritatem se , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . si semper christus & prior omnibus aequè veritas sempiterna & antiqua res — haereses non tam novitas quam veritas revincit , quodcunque adversus veritatem sapit hoc erit haeresis , etiam vetus consuetudo . de virgin . veland . p. . manibus ablutis — orationem obire — adsignata oratione assidendi mos — gentilibus adaequant . de orat. p. , . quibus merito vanitas exprobanda est , siquidem sine ullius aut dominici aut apostolici praecepti auctoritate fiunt , hujusmodi enim non religioni , sed superstitioni deputantur , affectata & coacta & curiosi potius quam rationalis officii . certe vel eo coercenda quod gentilibus adaequent . de orat. p. . circa celebrandos dies paschae , & circa multa alia divinae rei sacramenta videat esse apud alios aliquas diversirates , nec observari illic omnia aequaliter , quae hierosolymis observantur , secundum quod in caeteris quoque plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur . apud cyprian epist. . § . p. . fidei & veritatis unanimitatem . apud cypr. epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitate 〈◊〉 discessum est . apud cyprian . epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren. apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . vide , inquiunt , ut invicem se diligunt . tertul . apolog. cap. . p. . pro alterutro mori sant parati — 〈◊〉 nos vocamus — quia unum patrem deum 〈◊〉 , qui unum spiritum biberunt sanctitatis , qui de uno utero ignorantiae 〈◊〉 ad unam lucem expiraverunt veritatis . ibidem , p. . lam. . v. . ephes. . , . ephes. . , . colos. . , . rom. . . john. . . gal. . . . james . . pet. . . tim. . . phil. . . tim. . , . rom. . . passion sermon . ibid. a relation of the christians in the world pagitt, ephraim, or - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a relation of the christians in the world pagitt, ephraim, or - . [ ], , [ ] p., folded leaf of plates : map. printed by i okes, london : anno domini . author's name appears at end of dedication: ephraim pagitt. errata: p. [ ] at end. signatures: a-l⁴. reproduction of original in: union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time 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general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christianity -- early works to . christianity and other religions -- early works to . church history -- early works to . christians -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion perlegi tractatum hunv cui titulus est ( a relation of the christians in the world ) eumque typis mandari permitto . iulij . . sa. baker . a relation of the christians in the world. revelations . . after this i beheld , and loe , a great multitude which no man could number , of all nations , and kinreds , and people , and tongues , stood before the throne and before the lambe . london : printed by i. okes. anno domini . . reverendissimo in christo patri ac domino honoratissimo , domino gulielmo cantuariensi archiepiscopo , totius angliae primatiac metropolitae , regiae majestati à consilijs sanctioribus , academiae oxoniensis cancellario , & patrono suo colendissimo . habes in libello isto ( amplissime praesul ) ecclesiae catholicae statum , et pomoeria . in quo , augustam ecclesiam catholicam , non angustis modo romani pontificis limitibus , ( ut incassum somniant pontificij ) circumscriptam ; nec in obscuro aliquo , ut africae , angulo , ( ut non minus olim vane concluserunt donatistae ) coarctatam ; sed vere catholicam : hoc est , universaliter extensam , & ab oriente in occidentem , et a meridie in septentrionem sparsim diffusam videri licet . et mihi certe summa delectatio , et consolatio fuit , cum legendo invenissem , et contemplando intellexissem , quam magna sit domus dei omnipotentis ; quam ingens possessionis ejus locus ; quam fortis ecclesia , columna dei viventis ; contra quam , nec tyrannorum bujus mundi malitia , nec potestatum infernarum astutia , quicquam sint praevalitura . de dedicatione huius operis , ( cum argumentum sacrum sit , ac ecclesiasticum ) non diu deliberandum fuit , cuius tutelae consecrarem . tibi ( illustrissime ac reverendissime praesul , ( qui in anglia nostra summus es sacrorum praeses , et ecclesiae patronus , non vigilantissimus modo , sed et verissimus , ) optimo iure dicari debet . ignosce itaque ( reverendissime praesul ) huic meae in dedicando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : et dignare etiam ( suppliciter oro ) hoc meum qualecunque sit opusculum , sub alarum vestrarum umbra protegere . ego sane iam annosus , et senio confectus , hoc opus non sine magno labore & multis vigilijs concinnatum , ad lucem publicam , ( reverentiae vestrae patrocinio fretus , ) fidens expono . mibi quidem , in istiusmodi rhapsodijs conscribendis , coepisse sat est . nunc , ut alij , longe me eruditiores , ad gumentum isthoc prosequendum et illustrandum instigentur , vestrum erit . quod ut usui publico sit , deum optimum maximum precor , per iesum christum , ut authoritatem vestram ecclesiae tranquillitati quam diutissime servet . amplitudini vestrae addictissimus , & reverentiae vestrae servus humillimus , ephraim pagitt . in europe are sorts of christians the protestants papists moscouits greekes these two last agree with the protestants and are not subiect to the pope in africa are the cophtie under the patriarch of alexandria and the abassin christians in aethiope under theire abunna or patriarch in asia are the christians under the patriarch of ierusalem , and antioch , the armenians , georgians , circassians christians in cazan and astracan ect . under the patriarch mosco . of asia the lesse , & under the patriarch of musall , the iacobits , christians of s t thome maronites ect a relation of the christians in the world . having made a diligent enquiry of the estate of the church of god upon earth , i doe finde , that it is not confined to any one country or nation ; nor impaled within any one bishops dioces ; but truely catholick or universal , dispersed over the face of the whole earth . our blessed lord and saviour being ready to ascend into heaven , commanded his apostles , saying : goe yee and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , of the sonne , and of the holy ghost ; and this his commandement the holy apostles ( being inspired from above ) put in execution . they went forth and preached every where , the lord working with them . in the ecclesiasticall histories the countries and nations are named in which , and to whom , they preached . and although some are perswaded that those churches are altogether perished , or become hereticall ; yet according to our lords promise of assistance ( not only to his holy apostles , viz. i am with you alway but also to their successors preaching after them even to the latter end of the world ) christianity in the substantiall and essentiall points of it remayneth in many of these countries to this day . and truly it is to mee a matter of great consolation , ( in so many changes of this vvorld , and oppositions of wicked men against them that doe professe the name of our lord iesus christ ) to see the church of god preserved , and propagated upon the face of the earth : and not only the doctrine of christian religion but also the ancient ecclesiasticall policie and government of bishops to be mainted , and defended , ( through the providence of almighty god ) not only by christian princes , but also by mahumetan and pagan kings . the world may be divided into the old , known to the ancients which may be subdivided into europe , asia , africa , new , late found out which may bee sub-divided into america . the north and south unknown lands . evrope hath in longitude ( as some write ) from the further part of ireland west , and the river tanais east , about miles , and in latitude miles , or there abouts . affrica is about twice as large as europe ; and asia is esteemed to be larger than them both . i finde in europe foure sorts of christians : viz. protestants , romanists , muscovites , and greeks . the protestants who inhabit the kingdomes of england and scotland , being about miles in compasse , and ireland conteyning about miles in length , and in breadth . gildas writeth , that britanie received the faith in the time of tiberius . nicephorus , dorotheus , and others also write , that the ecclesia occidentalis , reformata in regnis , angliae . scotiae , hiberniae , daniae , norvegiae , succiae , transilvaniae . inhabitant etiam hi christiani , pontifi . cijs mixti , germaniam , poloniam , eranciam , helvetiam , rhetiam , hungariam , bohemiam , belgiam . pontificia , in hispania italia , francia . nhabitant etiam hi christiani , protestantibus mixti partem germaniae , poloniaae , franciae , belgiae , helvetiae , rhetiae , hungariae , bohemiae . orientalis graeca , sub patriarcha constantinopolitano , antiocheno , alexandrino , hierosolymitano , moscoviae , bulgariae , iberiae seu georgianorum . chaldaea , aut chaldaeis lingua vicina : haec ecclesia dividitur in eam cui imputatur , quod sit nestoriana sub patriarcha de mosul alijsque●hichristiani mahumetanis & infidelibus mixti , inhabitant , babyloniam , assyriam , mesopotamiam , parthiam , mediam , catthaiam , tartariam , indiam , &c. monophysitica armeniorum , iacobitarum , coptorum seu christianorum aegyptiacorum , aethiopum seu abassinorum . apostle simon zelotes preached in britanie , and that he was crucified , & lyeth buried there : some suppose that he came with ioseph of arimathea into britanie : which ioseph you may read in cardinal baronius his annals , to have arrived here about the five and thirtieth yeare of our lord. aristobulus , one of the seventy disciples , was one of the first bishops of britanie . the memory of these arch-bishops following , ( viz. ) of patrick in ireland , palladius in scotland , and of david in wales ; who preached the most sweete name of our lord and saviour iesus christ in these countries before named , will never be forgotten . in st. peters church in cornehill , london , remaineth a monument , declaring that king lucius founded that church for a bishops see , and of a succession of arch-bishops there for yeares . elvanus sate arch-bishop there , by whose preaching , with others , king lucius had beene converted : as also restitutus , a married bishop , who with other british bishops subscribed the synode at arles , anno . neither is vodinus , one of the arch-bishops of london , to be left in oblivion , who was murthered for reproving king vortiger for putting away his wife , and marrying rowen daughter to hengist an infidel . reverend bede telleth us of many learned men and bishops , in britany before and about the comming of austin the monk : as also of bishop aidan and finan , who are at this day reckoned among the romish saints although they would have no communion with the said austin . likewise , arch-bishop cranmer , bishop ridley , bishop latimer , and others , who restored religion to the ancient purity , and sealed their confession with their blood , will be had in everlasting memory . there are now in the kingdomes above named eight arch-bishops , and about eighty bishops . the clergy in these kingdomes are learned , best provided for , and the most honorable of the reformed churches . the bishops are barons , and sit in their parliaments : and two of the english bishops , viz. durham and eley , have some regalities in their diocesses . in ancient time the kings of england placed clergy-men in the greatest offices of the kingdome . the protestants also inhabit the kingdome of denmark , with the balticke islands , and the great islands in the ocean , as islands part of freisland . the kingdome of norway being in length about . miles , and not halfe so much in breadth . there are in denmarke and norway two archbishopricks , and foureteene bishoprickes . these kingdomes received christianity from the apostles or disciples , as merman * affirmeth . there were two danish bishops in the first councell of nice , viz. marcus metropolitanus & protogenes . the kingdome of sweden bigger then france and italy , in which kingdome is one arch-bishopricke , and seven bishopricks . the kingdome of transilvania in a manner intire . in the kingdome of poland ( being of no lesse space than spaine and france laid together ) the protestants in great numbers are diffused through all the quarters thereof ; having in every province their publicke churches orderly severed , and bounded with dioces . there are also in polonia many greeks , or russes , who have eight bishops , whose metropolitane is the arch-bishop of kiovia . these bishops are not beggarly , but well provided for , and of good esteeme . isidore , arch-bishop of kiovia , before named , went to the councell of florence , attended with . horse . there are also many armenians christians , whose bishop is resident in leopolis . in france the protestants had at the conference of poisie congregations . in this christian kingdome , philip the apostle , with many holy bishops , preached the faith : as dionysius disciple of s. paul , the first bishop of paris and martyrs , lazarus photinus disciple of polycarp , and irenaeus b. of lions , hilary b. of poicteurs , who tooke great paines to purge france from the arrian heresie ; remigius bishop of rhemes , who baptized clodoveus the first christian king of france . neither should wee forget germanus bishop of anxer , nor lupus bishop of tros , who crossed the seas to aide the british bishops against the pelagians . the protestants have also the greatest part of germany : all the temporall princes of note , being of late protestants , except the dukes of bavaria and cleere , and in a manner , all the free cities and hanse townes . the protestants detain also in their possessions the archbishopricks of magdenburgh and breame , with the bishopricks unto them belonging . as also the bishopricks of verdden , halberstad , osnaburgh , and minden . when magdenburgh was converted to the faith , albert was there bishop . cresceus disciple of saint paul was one of the first bishops in germany ; and winibrode an englishman , commonly called boniface , is famous amongst the archbishops of ments , whom the pagans murthered in hope of prey , and found only in his coffers a few bookes and relicks . the first bishop of wertburgh was burchard a britaine : this bishop is duke of franconia , and lord of part of vortland . the first archbishop of breme was ausgarius , who converted erick the third king of denmarke . also in these later times , the memory of doctor luther , ( who caused reformation in some parts of germany ) is very precious in the countries by him reformed . they have also halfe the netherlands : there were lately bishops in these parts , as amongst others , amandus bishop of utrecht , who converted the gauntois to the christian faith. as also frederick , bishop of the said see , who for reproving lodowick the emperour , for keeping iudith , was put to death , but now in these countries , and some others , they have no bishops : but appropriating the church-livings to themselues , they give their ministers pensions . but i fear , that in this their taking to themselves the church-livings , set apart by their fore-fathers for the service of almighty god , and paying their ministers pensions , they doe no otherwise than a king of spaine did , who taking very much from the church , built a monastery , or two ; of whom the proverbe went , that he had taken a sheep from almighty god , and given him again out of it the trotters . now what the miserable effects are , which follow upon the want of bishops in those countries , let the abundance of heresies , sects , schismes , and religions amongst them , testifie to the world . also , they have more than halfe switzerland , and the grisons country , in which countries have beene many bishops . the protestants also live mingled with the romanists in hungarie , austria , bohemia , piemont , and other places . severinus is accounted the apostle of austria . in those countries have beene many holy bishops and doctours , who have shined like stars in the firmament , illuminating the darknesse of the blind world , with the light of their celestiall doctrine . the second sort of christians in europe , are the roman catholicks : who inhabit spain , being in compasse miles , or thereabouts , in times past divided into many kingdomes ; but now united into one . in this great kingdome , are about eleven archbishops and many bishops , men of great dignity and estate . saint iames is affirmed to be the apostle of spaine , as also saint paul : osius bishop of corduba , ( whom constantine honoured for the marks of iesus christ that he bore ) and isidore bishop of sivill , are famous for opposing the arrian hereticks with illefonsus archbishop of toledo , isidorus scholer , fulgentius , and others . the revenues of the spanish bishops are very great . as the archbishop of toledo hath ducats per annum : more than some kingdomes . italie , being as some write miles in length , and in breadth from the adriatick sea to the ligurian shoare miles , growing narrower in breadth , untill it shut itselfe into two hornes , either of which are not above miles in bredth . of this country the king of spaine hath a part ; as the kingdome of naples and the dutchie of millaine . in it also , the venetians ; the duke of florence , and other princes and common-wealths have severall dominions . in italie also resideth the bishop of rome , who as hee hath many cardinals , metropolitans , archbishops , and bishops under him ; so also many temporall dukedomes and principalities , of which he is absolute prince and lord. the bishops of rome for the first yeeres , were most of them martyrs : as clement who was tied to an anchor , and cast into the sea : fabian , who did prohibit the emperour philip to enter the church without some shew of penitence : cornelius who was banished , revoked , whipt and beheaded , &c. paul and barnabas preached christ first in rome : and afterward , was the first bishop of millaine , where saint ambrose also sate . france , mingled with protestants as before , being about leagues square , in which is reckoned , loraine , saboie , and avignion ( belonging to the pope ) and geneva with foure territories not subiect to the french king. the church gallican is best priviledged of all the churches in christendome , that are under the pope . it is more free from payments to the pope than the church of spaine : as also to the king they pay only the disme ; whereas in spaine the king hath his tertias , subsidio , pila , escusado , in all , a moitie of the church-livings . in france are reckoned archbishopricks , bishopricks , archpriories , abbeyes , priories , nunneries , parish priests , convents of friers , commendants of the order of the knights of malta : six of the french bishops are peeres of france , who are to aid the king with their councell . poland , mingled with protestants and greeks , as before : there are in poland two archbishopricks , and many bishopricks . the archbishop of guesne is primate , and in the vacancy hath regal authoritie , precedeth in councell , proclaimeth the new king , &c. some part of germany , in which country are reckoned seven archbishops , and about bishops : three of their archbishops are princes electours . halfe the netherlands in which there are two archbishopricks , and many bishopricks . one third part of switzerland , and the grisons country , austria , hungaria , bohemia , and some other countries , mingled with protestants as before . the third sort of christians in europe , are the moscovites vnder the great emperour of moscovia , whose dominions in europe and asia : extend from narve to siberia , west and east about verstes , and from cola to astracan , north and south or thereabouts . a verst is about three quarters of a mile . they received the christian faith from saint andrew the apostle , as their histories report . they have the holy scriptures in their owne tongue translated by st. ierome , they use the service of st. chrysostome , translated into the vulgar ; neither is their clergy mean , base or beggarly . the now emperour michael honoured his father theodore with the patriarkship of mosco : their patriarke , metropolitanes , arch-bishops under him are men of great dignity and honour : what their clergy want in learning , they have and make good in devotion and holinesse of life . some of their bishops have , some rubbles per annum . the fourth sort of christians are the greekes vnder the patriarke of constantinople , who live mingled with the turks , and make two thirds and more of the inhabitants in many places of the turkes dominions . the grand signior alloweth the christians the liberty of their religion , they paying a tribute , and the bishops their ecclesiasticall government . the patriarkship of constantinople being voyd , sultan mahumet the emperour , that subdued constantinople , invested gennadius into it with great solemnity , giving to him his pastorall staffe , and many gifts . this patriarke had provinces under his iurisdiction : and yet hath at this day many metropolitans , arch-bishops , and bishops under him . stachis was their first bishop , placed there by st. andrew , and now cyril governeth the patriarchall see , in a continued succession from stachis before named . in this church the holy apostles constituted many bishops : as st. paul placed timothy in ephesus , titus in crete , silas in corinth , silvanus in thessalonica , with others : as st. andrew constituted stachis ( before named ) bishop of bizantium , now called constantinople : philologus bishop in sinope , calistus bishop in nice , polycarp disciple to st. iohn , was bishop of smyrna . in time following , this church had many holy patriarchs , as st. chrysostome , gregory , nazianzen , paul the patriarch , ( whom the arrians banished , and strangled ) with others , who governed this church , whose memories shall remaine for ever . the patriarchs of constantinople , before the turkes conquest , were men of great dignity and estate : as theophylact about the yeare , kept horse : and alexander , an. , died worth crownes . the patriarch now hath ( as chytraeus writeth ) about dollers yearely for his maintenance . he hath also out of moscovia some pension , which was in time past under his iurisdiction . the greekes of corcira , candy , and other islands , are subiect to the venetians , who have arch-bishops , and bishops under them . in asia are the christians vnder the patriarch of ierusalem , who absolutely moderateth in iudea , and over all professors of the greek religion throughout syria . this patriarch hath had bishops under him . st. iames ( called the iust and the brother of our lord ) was the first bishop there , and now theophanes sitteth in that see : simon cleophas succeeded iames : among these bishops cyrillus was famous , a man greatly hated by the arrians , and deposed by them . this church is most ancient : the law went out of syon , and the word of god from ierusalem . this city was emporium , the mart of the christian faith , and the mother of all churches , as theodoret saith . vnder the patriarch of antioch , who had bishops under him . their first bishop was st. peter , and now athanasius . the disciples were first called christians there . ignatius the holy martyr was bishop of this church , and cyril , who was slaine for denying numerian the emperour , sonne of charus , to enter his church , because he had sacrificed to idolls . charus was slaine by thunder , and numerian by aper . the georgians in iberia , who have bishops under their metropolitane , or patriarch . the circassians who inhabite a country about miles long , and miles broad . the mengrellians , who live as the circassians doe , ( by themselves ) not mingled with the mahumetans . the christians in asia the lesse , who except , the cilitians and isaurians are subiect to the patriarch of constantinople . these churches of asia the lesse st. iohn governed , and placed bishops in them . the christians in the kingdomes of cazan and astracan , and other countries in asia , under the dominion of the emperour of muscovia , who hath under him , in europe , and asia , a greater extent of land than the roman catholicks have in europe . all the asiatick christians before named are of the greek communion , and observe the greek rites . the armenians , under their two chiefe patriarchs : one of these patriarchs liveth under the turke , the other under the persian . in cardinall ' baronius annals , you may read of armenian bishops : thaddaeus ( whom they much esteeme ) preached the faith to them : now i heare the patriarch of the greater armenia , to be called moses . as these christians live in armenia the greater and lesser , so also in many countries and cities of asia , africa , and europe . about the yeare , gregory ( whom they call illuminator ) was bishop of armenia , who suffered martyrdome under licinius the emperour . in the yeare , abbas , the persian emperour , put to death of these christians , upon a letter fained to bee written from their patriarch to the pope of rome , acknowledging him to be head of the church . the iacobites , who inhabit a great part of asia , and other places mingled with mahumetans and pagans . their patriarch having many bishops under him keepeth residence in caramite , the metropolis of mesopotamia : wee may reade of a patriarch of the iacobites , in the time of heraclius the emperour . the chaldean and assyrian christians , with others , under the patriarch of mozul , who have many of them their services in the syrian tongue , being the language in which our lord preached . these christians inhabite , mingled with mahumetans and pagans , a great part of the orient ; for beside the countries of babylon , assyria , mesopotamia , parthia , media , &c. wherein many of these christians are found . they are scattered farre and neere in the east , both northerly in cathaia , and southerly in india . trigautius reckoneth metropolitans , viz. of india , china , cambaia , mogor , hilam , nzivin , prath , assur , bethgarmi , halack , passes , mauzeor , xam raziqueor , besides many archbishops , and bishops . cardinall vitriacus in his history of the east , reporteth , these christians with the jacobites , to be more in number then the latines and greeks . these christians were converted by saint thomas the apostle : and in their service-book they have this hymne , as trigantius reporteth . the indians , the chinoises , the persians , and other islanders , and they that are in syria , armenia , grecia , and romania , in commemoration of s. thomas , doe offer prayse to thy holy name . the maronites in mount libanus , who have a patriarch ; and eight or nine bishops under him . the indians of saint thome , so called , because they received the christian faith from saint thomas the apostle . these christians inhabite many places in the east indies , as melia-par ( where saint thomas was buried , and hath a goodly temple erected to his name ) angamall ( where an archbishop resideth ) cranganor , negapatan , vaipecotan and others , trigautius writeth that when the portugals arrived at cochin , that the lord iacob ruled the malabar church , who stiled himselfe metropolitan of india and china , and that ioseph succeeded him . iosephus indus borne in cranganor , in east india also writeth of a great prelat , to whom twelve cardinals were subiect with two patriarchs , and many archbishops and bishops . the chinoises possesse a countrey little lesse then all europe . saint thomas preached the gospel first amongst them , afterwards they had a supply of preachers from iudea . k. tay with neu huanti , reigning in the yeer . they erected a monument , declaring the bringing in of the gospell into china in what provinces it was promulgated , and how many yeeres it flourished . the monument is graven with syrian letters with these words : adam sacerdos presbyter & papalis zinostan seu regionis sinarum : in the margent of this monument , there are divers names engraven of them that brought the sweet name of our lord iesus christ among them , as constantinus saba cusio seu aethiops , dominus sergius , &c. paulus venetus writeth of a christian church in the great citie of quinsay . i read also of gaspara a china bishop . cathaia is one of the largest empires upon the face of the whole earth , in which there be also many christians . they write of a christian king of tenduc , whose native subiects are christians : besides he ruleth farre and wide over many provinces , whose inhabitants are also for the most part christians . to conclude , there is neither speech nor language , but his voice hath beene heard among them . the sound of the gospell is gone out into all lands , and the word of god into the ends of the world. in africa are these christians following vnder the patriarch of alexandria , whose iurisdiction hath been from the river of nilus , to the gaditan straits . in the city of caire only are thought to be christians , saint marke was their first bishop , and now metrophanes governeth and precedeth there , brought up in oxford , sent hither by cyrill the then patriarch to our late lord archbishop of canterbury . in cardinall baronious annalls , you may read of a succession of bishops from saint marke , to gabriell , the then patriarch . there is a service in the syrian tongue , set forth by severus patriarch of alexandria : also a service in the cophts language set forth in print by kirkerus . the cophts are the native eegyptians , and have a patriarch of their owne . moreover demetrius of thessalonica hath set forth a service used in cair , and among the christians in arabia . the holy bishop athanasius , who opposed the arrian world , was sixe and forty yeares patriarch of alexandria , with many other holy bishops , as among others poterius bishop of alexandria , who was slaine by the eutychian hereticks , haled through the streetes , his body cut in pieces , and his entrailes chewed by them . the patriarchs of alexandria have beene great princes , and weare a crowne : his title is oecumenick iudge . so many holy men lived in this church in ancient time , that it was called the paradise of god. the abassine christians , under the emperour of aethiopia , who inhabit many kingdomes of affrica : they received the faith first from philip , and afterwards saint matthew the apostle preached among them : they have a patriarch , or abuna , a-man of great esteeme and estate . their abuna ( when alvares was in aethiopia ) was called marke , a reverend old man , aged about , a man gracious in his speech , never speaking without blessing of god , and giving of thankes : when hee goeth out of his tent he rideth upon a mule , well attended : their churches are builded round , adorned with rich hangings and plate ; they have their service in their owne tongue . zago zabo bugana raze , that is , the vice-roy of bugana , an aethiopian bishop , was sent ambassadour from the aethiopian emperour , to iohn king of portugall , who remained in europe many yeares ; whose confession of faith is set downe by damianus a goes . as also the aethiopian rites are set forth in print by alvares , a portugall priest , who was some yeares leidger in aethiopia , sent thither by the king of portugall . thomas a iesuite writeth of a long succession of the abassin abunas . there is also a succession of the christian abassin emperours , from abraham called the saint , who reigned about the yeare , to abbas and claudius their late emperours : it is reported , that the turke hath subdued much of the prets country ; yet the abassine religion may continue , which the turke taketh not from any . the christians also inhabit the kingdome of cephala . thevet writeth that they received the faith by the preaching of the abassines . . moreover the matacasian kingdome received christianity by the means of the king of cephala . the matacasian king placed over his churches eight bishops , and over them a primate , or patriarch , whom they call elchadie , or ismael . in time past christianity flourished in the north-west part of africa . wee read of synods there of above bishops , and in one province called zingitana , ( where carthage stood ) of bishops to bee under one metropolitane . when these churches flourished , they opposed the iurisdiction of the bishop of rome over them , as appeareth by writings of st. cyprian , st. augustine , the sixt councell of carthage , and by a synod at melevis , in both which the african fathers forbad appeales to rome . in the north-west parts of africa doe remaine onely now two bishopriks : ( viz ) septa and tanger : and whereas in barbary , algier , and other places , there are many thousands of christians in captivity , they are allowed by their patrons , the moores , the liberty of their religion : and the learnedest or eldest , is to the rest in stead of a priest. beside the subiects of prester iohn , very many people of the neighbour kingdomes , mixed with mahumetans , and heathen people doe professe the religion , and rites of the abassin christians , as miraeus affirmeth . in congo , called by some manicongo , there are , or have beene some christians . miraeus reokoneth up a succession of nine christian kings in that kingdome . in monomopata there have bin some christians : and they have had a king baptized . . in the isle of zocotora there are some christians , who have also a protomist , or bishop over them . the portugals and spaniards inhabit certaine townes and forts in africa , as also the english and hollanders reside in some places of africa . miraeus setteth downe alphabetically the bishopricks of africa , and reckoneth about ; but howsoever many of the bishopricks are not , but ruinated and dissolved ; yet the fame of the sanctity , and learning of their holy bishops heretofore , shall continue for ever : as of st. cyprian bishop of carthage : st. austin bishop of hippo : aurelius bishop of carthage : athanasius patriarch of alexandria ; origen , tertullian , arnobius , and others , who governed the church of god after a most singular manner , and having finished their course , rest with god in heaven . but by the way , to adde a word or two , for the better understanding of this my relation : vvhereas you have heard of many bishops in europe , asia , and africa , it will not be impertinent to set downe what manner of men these bishops in the primative church were : for some suppose bishops and elders to be all one , ( which was the herefie of aerius ) and that they lived meanly upon almes and stipends . for the first , the office of a bishop is set downe by st. paul , titus the . and . for this cause i left thee in crete , that thou shouldst set in order things that are wanting , and ordaine elders in every city . here we see elders , or pastors to be in every city : but titus , the bishop , had the charge to order , and ordaine elders for the whole island , in which wee reade cities to have been , besides townes : titus was their first bishop , and there is now an archbishop residing there , who hath bishops under him . for the second , whereas some suppose that bishops then lived upon almes or stipends , heare what saint augustine hath left written of his little bishopricke of hippo , in africa . ( saint augustine was a patricians sonne , and had a faire estate from his father : ) i ( saith hee ) went not from riches , but to riches : my fathers estate left mee , was not the twentieth part in comparison of the farms & other estates which i was lord of by being bishop of hippo. in the epistle of saint cyprian , you may perceive the estate of the church of carthage , of which place hee was bishop . also eusebius setteth downe the condition of the church of rome , under cornelius the bishop and martyr : who had under him clergie men , besides a multitude of widdows and poor , who were abundantly relieved , and lest any man should thinke this to be done penuriously . the said cornelius , writeth to fabian bishop of antioch , that so great a multitude were by the providence of god made rich , and abounding in all plenteousnesse . in ancient time the church goods were divided into foure parts , one to the bishop for the mayntenance of his dignity and state , the second to the inferiour clergy , the third to the poore , and the fourth for building , repayring and adorning of the church , and other uses . but whereas , some think , the chiefe points of reformation to be put downe bishops , and to ceaze upon church-livings , and to put their ministers to stipends . i suppose it to be a great plague laid upon a church , to make their ministers stipendaries : and so to depend upon the benevolences of their people , it being the curse of god denounced upon the priests of the posteritie of elie , to bow for a piece of silver , and to crowch for a morsell of bread : for the miserable condition of stipendarie ministers , reade doctour saravia , who setteth downe the poornesse of their stipends , as also the difficulty of attaining those little pittances allotted to them , viz. that oft the ministers are compelled to travell no small iourneyes to their pay masters , in most humble manner ( as if it were begging their stipends ) and yet many times sent away with empty purses , and laden with reproachfull words , and this not only by the treasurers , but all by men of base condition , as shoomakers , taylors , curriers , &c. who are ready to reproach their poore ministers , saying , you are our servants , wee pay you your wages : he reporteth also that he heard some of their burgomasters say , wee must take heed to these our ministers , especially , that their stipends be not so great : they that too much pamper their servants , shall finde them stubborn and contumacious . the greatest of the primative persecutours , is affirmed , to be iulian the emperour : who although hee set forth no mandate to put christians to death ; yet hee endeavoured by subtile meanes to undoe christian religion : forbidding christian schools , and the use of learning , debarring them from all offices of government , and burthening them with heavie taxes and payments : he robbed the church , and spoyled spirituall persons of their revenues , and tooke away their mayntenance : whereas other tyrants persecuted presbyterors : the presbyters , or ministers iulian persecuted praesbyterium , the whole order of ministers , or priesthood : by which meanes none would apply themselves to the studie of divinitie , when after long , painfull , and costly study , they should have nothing to live upon . such reformations before-named , may rather be called persecutions than reformations of a church . is this a reformation , to dispoyle their bish●ps of their livings , which they enioyed from the very beginning of christianity amongst them , and to root out the very name of bishops from among them . is this a reformation to appropriate to themselves , or convert to prophane uses the livings of their learned pastors , set apart by their fore-fathers for their maintenance , and put them to poure stipends , and oft pay them as the souldiers are paid in some places with flemmish cheese ? is this a reformation to pilfer and pill churches of their plate and rich ornaments , which many a devout saint had offered to the service of almightie god , and to convert them to profane uses , which the very goths and vandals durst not touch ( no not in their enemies churches ) for feare of gods heavy indignation upon them ? is it a reformation to pluck down churches , built to the honour of god with great labour and cost ? ( i have heard one tell me , that he saw the great church at redding , overthrowne with a myne ) god be mercifull to us , and deliver all them that beare the name of christ from such reformations . but whom should i exclaime upon for this exercrable wickednesse : upon the reformers , god forbid ? they i hope , had no such intent , or upon the ministers who had delivered their magistrates from their slavery to the pope : alas , by this meanes they were brought to misery and slavery . but upon some covetous persons , men void of all religion , who under colour of religion and pietie , ioyning with the reformers , made a prey of the church , and brought it to this misery . how can these men expect an inheritance with christ in heaven , who have defrauded him here in earth ? but what do i telling them of heaven . if almighty god did punish ananias and saphyra with suddaine death , who gave much to the church , and kept back only some part dedicated to god , and that of their owne : how shall these men stand in iudgement that never gave any thing of their owne , but have seized upon those livings , which not they , but their pious forefathers , with many execrations had given and dedicated for the service of almightie god. in this their execrable dealing , they have given great offence , not only to the romanists , but to them who are displeased with the roman superstitions and doctrines , and would willingly make a separation from them : but they see in these reformations , not a secession from their enormities , but rather a defection from all antiquitie . in my poore opinion , to overthrow the policie and government instituted by christ in his church , and continued to this our age , and used in all churches else , cannot be a reformation , but rather a deformation . all this i write not that i blame that which is reformed , but for the amendment of that which is deformed , which almighty god grant in his good time . queene elizabeth of blessed memory , was wont to say , that it is in a manner all one to have no clergie at all , as a beggerly or base one . in america . there are some christians , both roman catholicks , and protestants . the king of spaine is said to have in america foure regions , or at least the maritine parts of the said regions . the regions are new spaine , castella , neuva , peru , and brasile . the hollanders have surprised a great part of brasile . some write that the indians had some knowledge of christ before the spaniards arriued there . for the estate of religion in west india , under the spaniard , most of the inhabitants of the inland countries , and wilder parts , continue in their paganisme . thomas a iesu writeth . although ( saith he ) the indians have long enioyed the husbandry of ministers , so that all are baptized , yet very many of them worship idols , who taking offence at the covetousnesse of their parish priests , blaspheme the christian faith. in america also are divers plantations of protestants , english and dutch , not onely in the ilands , but also in the continent . and thus much i have related of the christians in the world : but whereas many places of the world are unknowne to us , so also are the sheepe of our great shepheard , who cannot all be counted , wee being ignorant of the pastures in which they feed . the spaniards have in west india some bishops . what manner of christians . as i have in the first place reckoned up these severall sorts of christians before named . so in the second place my purpose is to set downe what manner of christians these be , both for soundnesse of faith , and holinesse of life : for the first , these christians are all baptized in the name of the father , of the sonne , and of the holy ghost . they receive the holy eucharist in both kinds ; according to our lord and saviours institution . they believe the creed , retaine the canonical scriptures ; yea , from some of these churches , both we , and the roman catholicks , have received the sacraments , and holy scriptures . seeing then that these christians use the same sacraments as wee doe : seeing they believe in iesus christ , and professe to fight under the banner of christ crucified , and reioyce in their suffering for his sake : farre be it from us ever to thinke these christians to bee cast away and reiected from being of the houshold of faith. of these christians brocard the monke testifieth . moreover , those whom wee iudge to be damned hereticks , as the nestorians , iacobits , maronites , and georgians , and such like are found to bee , for the most part , honest and simple men , living uprightly towards god and man. but to answer some particular obiections made by some roman catholicke against these churches . and first for the greeke christians , whom some roman catholicks account erronious in their opinion concerning the proceeding of the holy ghost , whom they affirme to proceed from the father by the sonne . now they doe acknowledge the holy ghost to be the spirit of the sonne , as well as of the father ; because the apostle saith , he is the spirit of the sonne : and in the gospell he is called the spirit of truth . now seeing it is no other thing to be the spirit of the father and the sonne , then to proceede from the father and the sonne . they agree with us in iudgement , though they differ in words , so saith lombard , thomas a iesu , and also cardinall tolet affirmeth , the understanding greeke ( saying that the holy ghost proceedeth by the sonne ) signifieth thereby nothing but that which wee our selves professe . but for full satisfaction in this poynt , read the booke lately set forth by the most reverend father in god , the lord arch-bishop of canterbury his grace , ( my honourable patron ) in which it will appeare : the greekes to differ from us in forme of words onely : so the greekes deny not the holy ghost , whom they acknowledge to be the third person in trinity , god equall with the father : neither are they hereticall in this poynt , as some affirme them to be : so condemning and casting into hell so many millions of christian soules , redeemed with the precious blood of his dearest sonne iesus christ , and for this poynt onely : moreover guido the carmelite , prateolus , and others , impute unto the grecians divers errors , which lucianus of cyprus , a bishop , a learned dominican , and a worthy man ( as possevine the lesuite accounteth him ) sheweth to be falsely ascribed to them . as that they teach , simple fornication to be no sinne , that it is no sinne to lend upon vsury : that it is not necessary to make restitution of things uniustly taken away , with other things being meere slanders . thomas a iesu writeth , that one of the principall things that maketh the grecians so averse from the latins is , that they are wronged by them by untrue reports , and slanderous imputations . of the greeke communion are the muscovites , the russes in poland , the georgians , circassians , mengrellians , and melchites , all these observe the greek rites . againe , a great part of the christians in asia , persia , tartaria , and other provinces are hereticks ; who affirme , that there were two persons in christ , as well as two names : but this errour they have reiected , as onuphrius writeth , they hold nothing savouring of that errour . these christians , indeed , make a scruple of calling the blessed virgin the mother of god , left they should seeme to make her the mother of the holy trinitie and divine essence . the christians in aegypt , aethiopia , with the iacobites in syria , are accused to be infected with the heresie of eutyches , wheras they curse eutyches for an heretick , for confounding the two natures of christ. they affirme , the two natures in christ to be so united , that there is one personated nature arising of two natures , not personated without mixtion or confusion . as thomas a iesu , and others affirme . they scandall also the abassine christians for using circumcision : if you be circumcised , you are falne from grace , and christ profiteth you nothing ; whereas they circumcise not for any religion ; but only it being an ancient custome of the aethiopians . they accuse them also of anabaptisme , for that they wash themselves yearly in the flouds , in memoriall of christs baptisme : as the spaniards do yearly in memoriall of saint iohn baptist : and the like are the imputations laid upon other churches . to conclude this point , through the mercifull goodnesse of god , all these different sorts of christians ( by reason of delivering certaine points of faith , mistaking one another ; or variety of opinion touching things not fundamentall ; yet ) agree in one substance of faith : and are so farre forth orthodoxe , that they retain a saving profession of all duties absolutely necessary to salvation , and are members of the true catholike church of god. as these christians are orthodoxe in the mayne : so for their holy lives and conversations they are to be admired , and may be exemplary unto others . holinesse of lives . first , for their reverence in churches , no man is allowed to walke , talke , or sit in them , especially , in the time of divine service . in aethiopia , old men are allowed to use crutches in the church , and weak men to leane against the wals . iohannes faber reporteth of the rasses , that he hath not seene the like of them , for their frequenting prayer , and devotion in their prayers ; who lying prostrate upon the ground , poure out their devout prayers unto almighty god. for their chastitie , they permit no stews , nor brothel-houses among them . they punish adultery with death . the adulterer ( among the aethiopians ) is accounted to dishonour the emperour from whom all honour is derived : adulterers among them are cast alive unto the lions . they are ( among other vertues ) great lovers of truth . among us ( saith pretegian ) if any man willingly tell a lye , hee is accounted a man worthy of death : for the first he is admonished ; for the second he doth penance ; for the third he is led by a rope about his necke , out of the towne or city , and banished into some desart , where commonly he perish for hunger . for their fasts , they keepe them very strictly , farre unlike the roman catholicks in the west , who allow men to drink wine and to eate sweete meates in their very fasts . thomas a iesu writeth , that the austere living of the greekes , causeth them to contemne the latines : but let the greekes know ( saith he ) that christian righteousnesse doth not consist chiefely in macerating the body ; but in charity , faith , hope , and other vertues . although these christians are not so learned as we suppose the christians in the vvest to be ; yet they got farre beyond them for godlinesse and devotion . and if these christians shall bee excluded heaven , who ioyne believing and doing , faith and vvorkes together : alas ! where shall they appeare that come farre short of them ? but as you have heard of the great multitude of christians in the vvorld ; of their religion , holy lives , and conversations : wee may in the next place consider what hath beene the bane of the church , ( viz ) ambition ; which was the ruine of the angels in heaven , and caused man to lose paradise : of this our lord gave speciall warning to his apostles , when they strove who should bee greatest . and st. paul , more especially to the romans : boast not thy selfe against the branches : be not high minded , but feare . a great controversie arose among the bishops in the west parts of the vvorld who should bee greatest . the bishop of rome sitting in the imperiall city , claimed superiority above his fellow bishops , precending a canon of the counsell of nice : as also the donation of constantine the emperour . likewise the patriarch of constantinople ( the emperours court being removed thither ) claimed the like preheminence , by the decree of a councell , also by donation of maurice the emperour . indeed the easterne church may challenge to her selfe some preheminence , in regard of her great priviledges and prerogatives , as having all the apostles sees , the greatest number of patriarchs , being the bigger church , and more ancient . the maiesty of the emperour of constantinople for above yeares , which hath with stood paganisme , and mahumatisme : and of the emperour of moscho , and trebizond , for some hundred of years . the authority of seven generall counsels held among them . the syrian language , in which the sonne of god delivered his holy oracles : the hebrew and greek tongues , in which they were registred : and which hath had not only the holy apostles , but also christ himself , when he was in his flesh , preaching among them . and this church we are forced to confesse ( with the bishop of bitonto ) to be our mother church , from whom the latine church hath received the holy scriptures , the creedes , the sacraments , and christianity it selfe ; as the very names of baptisme , eucharist , bishop , deacon , presbyter , and many other sacred things doe testifie , moreover , they have ( as they affirme ) st. peters chaire , who was bishop of antioch , and governed that church many a yeare : hee was there incathedrated , with great reverence received and esteemed : but going to rome , he was there most vily used , and put to a most cruell death , with his fellow apostle st. paul. they also affirme that the city of antioch ( commonly called theopolis , that is , the city of god ) must needs be much dearer to st. peter , which honoured and reverenced him , than the city of rome , which most unworthily used him , and put him to death . they moreover affirm , that he must rather leave the keyes to the greek church , than to the romish , defiled with simony , vsury , avarice , and all other vices whatsoever . the greekes also charge the latines with divers errours besides the challenging of the supremacy , which they hold to be most grievous and intollerable : to teach all , & to be taught of none , and dictator-like to give lawes to bind other churches , yea , in things against their consciences , as is their doctrine of purgatory , of image-worship , abusing their fasts , making no conscience to drink in them al day long : that they scarce reade the sacred rules , and holy scriptures ; ( saying ) that the popes commandements , who for the time sitteth in the see of rome , are their canons and lawes . that they make no account of periury , yea that the pope freeth them of all periury , whensoever they intend to breake any bargaine or covenant made with any man. that the pope and his priestly traine remit slaughter , periury , and all kind of crimes past , or to come ; by which remission there is a gate opened to villany : and that which is most ridiculous , for the future time , they will remit to a determined time of moneths or years , that the latine bishops are accessary to the death of christian people , the pope especially , who pronounceth the killer of christians , such as resist the papacy , blessed and happy . that they shut up by their lawes all priests and deacons from marriage , and hold it an abhomination to receive the sacrament from married priests . that there are many church men among them , that commit whoredome , and all kinde of uncleannesse most securely , without punishment . they accuse the latines of many more errors , both in their doctrine , as also in their manners ; some of which you may finde in cardinall baronius annalls . tome anno christi . with some answers to them by the cardinal . but this church god hath humbled , being subdued by the mahumetans , living as the israelites in their aegypticke bondage . we may see their lamentable estate in the late martyrdome of learned cyril , late patriarch of constantinople , who had long and wisely governed that church . and it seemeth that this his crowne of martyrdome was not to him unexpected : as appeareth by a clause of a letter , written by him to our late lord arch-bishop of canterbury , viz. for the name of christ ( saith he ) which we professe , and whose marks wee beare about in our bodies , it is a ioy to us to be afflicted and vexed . so also if it bee the will of god , to abide the utmost extremity of their cruelty ; that in the fiery tryall our faith may shine more bright , and god receive the greater glory . this church hath beene humbled ( as before ) but the bishops of rome have exalted themselves , not onely above their follow bishops , but also above their lords the emperours , and the whole church of god. for the first , pope boniface the third having obtained of phocas the tyrant , the glorious title of universall bishop , by little and little the bishops of rome , subdued divers bishopricks under them . as donus the first subiected ravenna , about the yeare . pope stephen the ninth subdued millaine , anno . and so others . yea urban the . exacted an oath of bishops , for the further establishing of their authority . for the second , leo isaurus being perplexed with warre in asia , and constantinople it selfe being besieged by the caliph , pope gregory the second stirred up the princes of italy against the said emperour , who tooke italy from him ; of which the pope hath a part , now called st. peters patrimony , which the emperour could never againe recover : the bishops of rome dividing the empire into the east and west , pope leo the third proclaimed charles of france emperour , about the yeare . and pope iohn the thirteenth , translated the empire about the yeare , from the french to the germans . thus by little and little the emperours waxed weaker , and the popes stronger , untill the time of gregory the seventh , who founded ( as aventine writeth ) the pontificall empire . to this man ( saith onuphrius ) the church of rome is beholding for her freedome , and that shee is preferred above all kings and emperours , whom before they obeyed as their lords , acknowledging themselves to bee their vassalls ; as manifestly appeareth among other records , by the dating of their ancient bulls and charters , thus expressed : such a one , our lord and emperour reigning . as also by the letters of the bishops of rome , written to the emperours ; as of pope leo the first to martian : by all meanes wee are to bee obedient to your piety , and most religious will : as also of gregory the great to maurice the emperour : i being subiect to your command ; and of divers others , as of liberius to constantius : leo the first to theodosius : simplicius to zeno : foelix to the same emperour : pope anastatius to anastatius the emperour : martin to constantine , with many more . and some of the bishops shew a reason of this their obedience to be , because they are commanded so to doe in holy scripture : st. peter himselfe commanding obedience to the king , as supreame . thus they were for many hundred yeares subiect to the emperours : but now they claime a superiority above kings and princes , and challenge to themselves plenitude of iurisdiction , to take away , and to give empires and kingdoms at their pleasures , bringing the emperours in subiection . pope constantine gave his feet to kisse to iustinian the emperour . gregory the seventh compelled henry the fourth to wait bare-footed at his doore three daies and three nights , craving absolution . alexander the third set his feete upon the emperour fredericks neck . and as they have lift up themselves over their fellow bishops , and their lords the emperours , so also over the whole church of god , ( viz. ) above generall councells : a generall councell is the representative church of god upon earth : they claiming power to iudge & controule all men , her selfe to be iudged of none : yea , to make new articles of faith. and as the donatists falling from the unity of the church , fell also into this hereticall opinion , that the catholicke church of god was no where to be found , but in a corner of africa , where they dwelt , and amongst them . so the romanists affirme the catholick church of god to be onely in rome , and in the countries subiect to their bishop . and therefore they tearme themselves catholicks , excluding all other christians in the world out of the catholike church , and so heaven , and putting them into the state of damnation , ( though never so orthodox and pious ) for not being subiect to their bishop onely . yet many of these christians , by them so damned ; suffer grievous persecutions for iesus christs sake ; which they might quit themselves of , if they would renounce their saviour ; and also attaine great priviledges and preferments . and that which is more , some of these churches so damned , and condemned by them , never heard of the bishop of rome . postel writeth a booke of the great multitude of christians unknowne to the latine world. before , the papacy of iulius the third ( writeth miraeus ) the name of the chaldean patriarch was unknowne to us : neither doe i find any mention of him in the popes records . and yet cardinall amuleius reporteth , that hee and his bishops had long kept the faith , and also many of them had suffered martyrdome for christs name . also the indian christians of taprobane , and the islands adiacent ( saith thevet ) nor their fathers never heard of the pope of rome , nor his cardinals , nor of the greek patriarchs , nor of the councells , untill the portugals came among them ; and yet they kept the ceremonies of the primative church , which they received from the apostles , and their disciples . god forbid that all these christians , and especially they that have given their bloods for iesus christs name , and glory in his crosse , should be excluded for having any share , or benefit by christs blood ; and this for not being subiect to the pope of rome , and for not being members of the roman catholicke church , which they never heard of . by this their uncharitablenesse , doe not the romish catholicks cut themselves off from the unity of the catholicke church : as firmilian writeth to st. cyprian , of pope stephen excommunicating other churches . thou hast cut off thy selfe from the unity of the churches : deceive not thy selfe ; he is a true schismaticke that maketh himselfe apostate from the communion and union of the churches : thou thinkest they are divided from thee , but thou onely art separated from them . as the church of rome hath exalted her selfe above all other churches , so also the roman catholicks are accused for devising , and adding some new articles of faith to the old ones , much advancing the state and profit of their clergy which the other christians will not , nor dare admit of , having received onely twelve from the holy apostles . as first , they have made the popes supremacy ( before named ) an article of the faith , ( viz. ) that their bishop is head of the whole church of god ; and that every soule must be subiect to him upon necessity of salvation . secondly , * that their bishop cannot erre in cathedra . thirdly , that their bishops hath power to depose kings , and to dispose of their kingdomes . fourthly , for the honour of the inferiour clergy , they have made transubstantiation a doctrine of faith , by which every priest hath superlative power given him . as a reverend bishop writeth ( viz. ) to doe a greater worke daily than god did in the creation : for therein almighty god made but creatures : but in this the priest ( as they say ) can make his maker . fiftly , for the more honour of the clergy , they allow them , the onely use of christs blood in the eucharist , prohibiting the laity the use thereof : vvhich all the christians in the vniverse enioy , but onely the romish catholick laitie , and for this they have made a decree flat against christs institution . viz. although the lord christ in his last supper did deliver this venerable sacrament in both kinds , &c. yet , non obstante , they doe approue and decree for a law , the custome of receiving in one kind . againe , for the better maintenance of their clergy , they have invented new devises ; as purgatory , with the horrible paines thereof , as with burnings , boylings , and roasting of soules ; they doe so fright simple people , that they get much mony from them . of this place the bishop of rome hath iurisdiction ( the other orthodox patriarchs having nothing to doe with it ) commanding out whom he will : much treasure is got hereby . pardons , which are grounded upon purgatory . pardons began ( saith fisher , bishop of rochester ) when men were frighted with purgatory . the inferiour clergy doth also share with the pope in the profits of purgatory ; for they have turnd the holy sacrament of the eucharist into a sacrifice , true , reall , and propitiatory , under the name of masse , in which they doe say , that the priest doth truely and really offer up christ to god his father : but this is done by way of bargaine and hire , for remission of sins , and freedome of soules out of purgatory . and of this they make great profit . they have made a canon for the worshiping of images , ; and for this cause they have in every church an image or more of some of their saints ; many of which , simple people , and especially foolish women , are made to beleeve , to have some speciall vertue to helpe , as st. radegond can make barren women fruitfull . st. bartilmew can make women to conceive a male-child or a female , according to their desires . st. margart can give them easie labour . st. uncomber can make peace betweene married folk . st. edith can keepe corne from blasting . and to these saints simple people did trot with rich offerings , and worship these saints with kneeling , bowing , and praying before them : yea , the priests carry them about in procession with great pomp , playing at noddy with the simplicity of the people . they have also devised a treasury , in which is reserved the surplussage of the sufferings of christ , & of the saints . whereas ( say they ) the least drop of christs blood had beene sufficient to have saved all the world. and that christ shed all his blood ; and also that many holy men suffered more than their sins deserved : least their sufferings should be in vaine , they are reserved in this treasury for the pope to bestow where he list . the other orthodox christian patriarchs having nothing to doe with this treasurie . with this , and such like devises they get much money from simple and silly people . for the confirmation of these things , although they have no scriptures , yet they will store you with multitudes of miracles and visions . these , with some other the church of rome hath canomzed for articles , or doctrines of faith : as if the apostles creed should be defective , which the other christians in the world thinke to bee compleate enough . about these additions is the contestation betweene the roman catholicks , and the other christians of the world . these are urged by the romanists under their popes curse ; and these additions are reiected by others fearing gods curse , being articles not left by the holy apostles , nor found in holy scriptures : the societies of christians before named ( excepting the romanists ) doe all genegenerally ( as i find ) deny the popes supremacy , viz. first , that every soule must bee subiect to him upon necessity of salvation . secondly , they affirme the roman bishops to be subiect to error , as other bishops are . thirdly , they deny that he hath power to depose kings , and to dispose of their kingdomes . fourthly , they teach not works of supererogation . fiftly , they admit not of purgatory . sixtly , nor pray for deliverances of soules , from any temporall punishment after this life . seventhly , they reiect the romish doctrine of pardons and indulgences . eightly , they allow not private masses . ninthly , they administer the communion in both kinds , daring not to keep the cup , the symbol of our lord iesus christs blood from the laity . tenthly , they believe not the romish transubstantiation . eleventhly , nor the now reall sacrificing of our lord iesus christ to quit soules out of purgatory . twefthly , they have married priests . thirteenthly , they make no image of god. foureteenthly , they have most of them their service in their owne , or a knowne language . and these are some of the causes of the bitter contentions between the roman catholicks , and these other churches : and as the roman church excommunicateth these churches ; so doe they excommunicate the roman church : for example ; the patriarch of constantinople doth yearely excommunicate the pope and his church for schismaticks : the moscovites doe the same , as counting the pope an hereticke . the patriarchs of ierusalem & antioch have done likewise . the christians under the patriarch of mozul , call the pope the reprobate bishop : other call him antichrist . the copts account the roman church hereticall and avoid the communion and conversation of the latines no lesse then of the iewes . thus some of the popes of rome have beene like ismael , whose hand was against every man , and every mans hand against him . the turkes in their mahumetan worship . the pagans in their adoration of the sun and moon . the aegyptians in the service of isis and osyris , use diversity of worships and rites , and yet still retaine the ill-tied knot of friendship in their idol-worship . but christians differing , thunder calumnies , & bolt out excommunications one against another , & after their excommunications usually follow eradications of kingdoms , people , & estates by conspiracies , rebellions , and hostile machinations by generall massacres , and particular torments : as how many kings and great persons have beene murthered by their desperate assassins . the said massacre in france is not to be paralelled by any ancient cruelty . the acharonticall powder treason , for the heinousnesse thereof , will seeme incredible in the ages to come . examples are infinite ; yea , so great is the uncharitablenesse and cruelty of the roman catholicks to the christians of the reformed churches , that if any of them dye among them ; they setting themselves ( as if it were ) upon gods tribunall , ( in whose secret cabinet is blessing and cursing ) give sentence of damnation against them , sending their soules packing to hell , and denying their bodies christian buriall . barbarous cruelty , voyd of charity ! as a tree is knowne by his fruit , so is the true church by charity : by this ( saith our lord ) all men shall know that yee are my disciples , if yee love one another . zaga-zabo , an aethiopian bishop , and sent embassadour from the emperor of aethiopia to the k. of portugall , complaineth : his words are these : the romish doctors ( i know not how piously ) forbad me the communion of our lords body , all the time i was in portugall , even the space of seven yeare ; and ( which i cannot relate without grief and tears ) i was reputed among the romanists as a heathen , and anathema : upon which their doings , let him that governeth all things looke : to whose iudgement i commit these their doings . this their uncharitablenesse doth not onely offend other christians ; but also it maketh the very mahumetans to loath our profession , to condemne our faith , and to persecute our persons . good iesus ! when shall these iarrings have an end ? when shall the church catholicke live in union of faith , and communion of charity ? o miserable christians , returne unto the lord , and he will cure you : earnest prayer , endlesse devotion , volumnes of penitentials , ninives fastings , peters weeping , pauls conversion , is the metredate and true alexipharmacon to cure this vlcer , to heale this never enough to be lamented schisme . alas , who shall furnish my eies with floods of water ? who shall make my head a living spring , that i might water my couch with sorrowfull teares ? as for us clergy men , let us not so much endeavour to make the christians our adversaries odious to our people ; as to move them to commiserate their estates , and so to make our ioynt prayers to almighty god , ( not for their confusion ) but for their conversion . oh would to god , the potentates and monarches of christendome would ioyne hand in hand , to make up the breaches of zyon , and to build up the wals of ierusalem . oh sweet iesus , that cleansed thy church by thy most precious blood , prince of peace , and author of love , grant us thy peace . to conclude , my most humble prayer to almighty god is , that he would vouchsafe us , most unworthy , to enioy that legacy which our lord and saviour iesus christ left unto us , viz. my peace i give unto you ; my peace i leave with you . and for this cause , i humbly supplicate his divine maiesty , that he would incline the great bishop of rome , pope urban , whom he hath endued with many gifts and graces ; with the hearts of the lord cardinalls and prelates of the church of rome ; that they would submit themselves to retrograde from some of their new canons , to the ancient primative canons of their church . viz. that they would restore to the church of god , of which they have cure , in the sacrament of the eucharist , the cup , the symboll of our lord iesus christs blood , according to our lords holy institution , and practise of the ancient roman church , and of all the other christian churches in the world. that they would suffer our lord iesus christs sheepe to drinke of the waters of life , ( viz. ) to have the use of the holy scriptures in the vulgar tongue , ( from which they are now restrained ) with their service in their own tongue . that they would permit marriage to all men , and represse stewes and brothel-houses , permitted by them , scandelous not onely to all the christians in the vvorld ; but also to them which are without : with some other like things ; which may admit of reformation . and also , whereas some other churches pretend to abhorre idolls , i wish from the bottome of my heart , that they would also abstaine from committing of sacriledge . and whereas they cry out of permitting of stewes and brothel-houses in the roman church ; that they would be as zealous in not permitting oppressing usury among them : both which are alike abhominable in the eyes of almighty god. sweete iesus ! what should not a man doe ? yea , what should he not suffer , to quench the fire of contention in the christian world ! there was a time , when the roman church did acknowledge her selfe a sister , and not a mistris . there was a time , when as , with an harmonious concord , she suffered with the rest of her sisters , even when as arrianisme had in a manner overwhelmed the world . there was a time , when she gave her helping hand ( as at the famous councells of nice , ephesus , constantinople , chalcedon ) and did not rule after a dictatory manner . let none foster schisme against conscience to maintaine themselves in dignities , wealth , and promotions , to the ruine of the christian world. christs coat is rent , his garment is torne in pieces : the world is distracted and distempered with the raging waves of opinions : by which meanes , the turke over-ruleth the flourishing and most famous parts of christendome : and have erected the worship of mahumet , even in the stately oriental basilisks . constantinople , the queene of beauty , is become a mansion of mahumetans : and , if these devisions continue stil , the rest of the christian world is likely to be in great danger . the good god of peace , make peace in christendome : and grant that all that confesse his holy name , may agree in the truth of his holy word ; and live in vnity and godly love. amen . finis . errata . page . in marg . read quod habetur . p . l. . r. lazarus first bishop of massilia . ibid. l. . r. cleve p. . l. . r. wertzhurg . l. . r. voitland . p. . tit. r. romanists . l. . r. barnabas . p. . tit. r. romanists . p. . l. . r. accounted . mar . r. sinas . p. . l. . r , a jesu . p. . l. . r. to put . p. . l. . r. presbyteros . p. . tit. r. bishops in ancient times . p. . l. . after continent . r. the spaniards have in west india some bishops . p. . l. . r. almost all . p. . l. . r. . p. . mar r. extra . mar . r. missae . p. . l. ● . r. l●te . p. . l. uit . assassinates . p. ● . l. . r. hath . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e mat. . . mar. . . mat. . . the turks doe not only permit but defend every man in the exercise of his religion . the division of the world. protestāts england . scotland . cambdens brit. pag. . ireland . ann. anno. . addit . mar . manu . s. quae habetur in bibliotheca vaticana . dorotheus . some write that the scots had a bishop calld palladius about the year . in the time of donald , who first of all the kings of scotland stamped the crosse upon his coin , being the badge of christianity . merm . de conv . p. quorum sanctâ praedicatione rex lucius & totius britanniae primates baptismum susceperunt . lib. sa . teilai ecclesiae landaven . archiep. arles anno . as there have beene of the clergy about . lord chancellours of england , lord treasurors , & all the lord keepers of the privy seale , were generally clergy men . the masters of roles were all clergy men untill the . year of k. henry . there have bin . clergy-men lord chief iustices of england . the victorious k. edward . having a great care to advance such persons in the great offices of his kingdō and houshold , as did excel others in innocency of life , about the . of his raigne , had these clergy mē officers . the lord chancellor , the l. treasurer , the l. privy seale , the mr. of the roles , the chancellor of the exchequer , the treasurer of the houshold , the mr. of his jewel house , with many others . vide stow , p . moreover in the absence and minority of the kings , divers clergy-men have bin custosses or vice-royes of the kingdome . * merm theatrū convers . pag. . mirae . de stat . relig . p. . transilvania . poland . brerw . enquire pref . matth. a micou . l. . france . lazarus was the first bishop of masillea . doroth. in synop. bed. l. . c. part of germany . thesaur . polit. apot. mirae de stat . relig. lib. . cap. . mercat . pa. . theat . convers . pag. . parts of the netherlands switzerland , grisons . hungary . austria . bohemia . romanists . spaine . damianus à goes , reckoneth eight archbishops , and bishops . eugenius was the first bishop of toledo . damian . à goes hispan . pag. . dam. p. . italie . merm . theat . convers. france . doroth. in synop. relation of the most famous kingdomes , pag. . bodin . poland . imper. mūd . catal. p. . part of germany . netherlands switzerland grisons . fletcher . fabr. relig . moscov . pag. . greeks . boter . relat . par . . grand . turco . godin . curiop . pag. . doroth. in synop. rom. . doroth. merman . convers . theatr. pag. . . cedreu . de stat . eccles . pa. . he hath yearly from them . scutes . poss. muscov . p. . ierusalem . tyrr . histor . bells sacri , lib. . c. . isay . . hist. eccles. ●b . . cap. . antioch . tyrr . histor . bel . sacr . lib. . pag. . georgians . chyt . de stat . eccles. p. . circassians . mengrellians . asia the lesse merman . theatrum conver . p. . . christians of casan & astracan . armenians . annal. tom. . p. . relatio hist. duae duar . legat . colon. an. . p. . nicephor . li. . cap. . herb. relat . iacobites . thom à iesu. convers . l. . cap. . zonor , annal tom. . in heraclio brer . p. . chaldean under the p. of mozul . brerwood . enquire . hispan . exped . apud sinab . p. . hist. orient . c. . p. . hisp. exped . apud silias , lib. . p. . . maronites . indians of st. thome . hisp. exped . apud sina , lib. . p. . inter relat . novi . orb . p. . . china . imp. mund . catal . p. trigautius . hisp. exped . apud sinas , pag. . kirk . prodro . pag. . idem pat. eman. dia● in epist. . aug. . pa. francis. vid , kirk . p. . de region . orient . lib. . cap. . cathaia . africa . alexandria . evagr. li. . cap. . merman , theat . convers . pa. . abassines . alvar. sect . pa. . purch . damian . à goes de aethiop . morib pag. . de convers . omnigent . pa. . vid gaulter iesuit in chronolog . cephala . cosmograp . fol. . matacassiās thevet . ib. north-west of africa . miraeus de stat . relig. lib. . p. . idem ibid. monomopata . zocorara . herbert . relat . epist. . bishop of hippo , anno . cyp ep. . bishop of carthag . an . . euseb. lib. . cap. . cornel bishop of rome , anno . reade do. saravia , lib. . of honour due to prelates , c. . sam. . . lib. honour due to prelats , c. . lord coke part of his reports . breew . p. . de convers . omni gent. lib. . pag. . terr . sanct. descrip . pag. . greeks . gal. . john. . in ioan. cap. . not . pag. . . possevine biblioth . li. . cap. . convers. omn. gent. l. . par . c. in vita iulij . p. . edit . col. . reverence in churches . godig . de abas . rebus pag. . religio moscov . pag. . chastitie . in epist. apud fra. hesse in itinerario . godig . lib. . cap. . de convers . omn. gent. p. . bane of the church . rom. . gener. coun . at calcedon . can . . ibi . terminentur . allegations of the patriarch of antioch , & germanus patriarch of constantinople , excommunicating the pope . math. paris . p. irenaus rodoginus . pag. . idem ibidem idem . p. . iren. rodog . pag. . anno. . annal. li. . a. . in vit . greg. . guichard . lib. . epist. . epist. . epist. . in sexta synod . constant . act . . epist. . . pet. . . to the k. as unto the superiour . comp. cosmog . miraeus de stat . relig . l. . cap. . narratio card. amulei . ad con-trident . pa. . acta conc . tridēt . cosm. lib. cap. . fo . cypr. ep. . p. . exttra . de major & obedient . cap. unam sanctam . * gregory the great the . pope of rome writeth that none of his predecessors tooke that name upon them . the word transubstantiation is not in our ancient writers , found first in hovenden . p. . who lived about the yeare . biel canon missa . these saints we had in england . inquire for st. radegonds chappell in the temple london . the barren women were wont to knocke at one of the knights templat chāber doores , by whom she was brought to the saint for helpe . st. bartilmew was purveior to st. thomas becket : they that would have a male-childe , offered to him a cock ; they that would have a female offered a hen , vid. lamber . peramb. page . . enquire for st. uncomber in st. pauls church in london . to this saint they offered oates . shrined at wilton . adoration of images not used in england many of yeares after christ. alcwine writ a booke against it subscribed by our bishops and princes . read roger hovenden , simon of durham . flores hisstoriarum . histor . of rochester . in praefatione ante acta theolog . witerberg . & hieremiam patriarcham . sacran . ca. . error . thevet . cos. lib. . catho . tr●● . quae . thev . cosm. lib. . brerw . enqu . pag. . john . . damian . a goes de aethiopum morib . pag. . the unreasonableness of a separation from the new bishops, or, a treatise out of ecclesiastical history shewing that although a bishop was unjustly deprived, neither he nor the church ever made a separation, if the successor was not a heretick / translated out of an ancient greek manuscript in the publick library at oxford, by humfrey hody ... anglicani novi schismatis redargutio. english. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing n estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the unreasonableness of a separation from the new bishops, or, a treatise out of ecclesiastical history shewing that although a bishop was unjustly deprived, neither he nor the church ever made a separation, if the successor was not a heretick / translated out of an ancient greek manuscript in the publick library at oxford, by humfrey hody ... anglicani novi schismatis redargutio. english. nicephorus callistus xanthopulus, ca. -ca. . hody, humphrey, - . [ ], p. printed by j. heptinstall for henry mortlock ..., london : . the text of the original was published by hody with the title anglicani novi schismatis redargutio, and ascribed by him and wing to nicephorus callistus xanthopulus. written by an unknown author who lived about . cf. bm. published by hody to illustrate his disapproval of the position taken up by the nonjuring bishops. cf. dnb. abstract of the treatise: p. - . reproduction of original in huntington library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- middle ages, - . nonjurors -- early works to . schism -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the unreasonableness of a separation from the new bishops : or , a treatise out of ecclesiastical history . shewing , that although a bishop was unjustly deprived , neither he nor the church ever made a separation ; if the successor was not a heretick . translated out of an ancient greek manuscript in the publick library at oxford , by humfrey hody , b.d. fellow of wadham college . london , printed by i. heptinstall , for henry mortlock , at the phoenix in s. paul's church-yeard , mdcxci . viro summo , sapientissimo , sanctissimóque , r. r. in christo patri ac domino d no johanni , divinâ providentiâ archiepiscopo cantuariensi , totius angliae primati & metropolitano , antistiti verè orthodoxo , tractatum hunc contra schisma , sincerissimo affectu , animóque pacis ac tranquillitatis ecclesiae cupientissimo , è tenebris suis jam editum , reverentiâ maximâ , quâque per est humilitate , dicat consecrátque hvmfredvs hodivs . the preface . the greek manuscript , from which this treatise is translated , is in that part of the publick library at oxon , that is called the baroccian ; the cxlii d in number , according to the order those books are set in at present ; where it may be seen by any , that either out of curiosity may desire satisfaction ; or have any suspicion , that the whole may be an imposture , or any part of it an interpolation . for as for the exactness and fidelity that has been used in this english interpretation , we appeal to the original greek ; which is now in the press , and will speedily be published with a latin version . 't is very likely that this at oxford is the only copy of this book now remaining in the world. and that it should be preserved till our times , and yet hitherto be overlooked ; and at this very juncture be taken notice of , and so opportunely brought to light , seems to be more than a fortuitous hit ; it appears to have something of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a singular providence in it . god grant , it may have that good effect upon those unsatisfied persons of the church of england ; which so many examples and authorities of antiquity ( that antiquity , which they profess to imitate , and pretend to allege ) may give us reason to expect . surely no uncharitable aspersions of time-serving , courting preferment , or the like , that might be cast upon any that should write now in this cause , can take place against this author , so remote from the present age and controversie . 't is pity we cannot know , whom we are obliged to for this excellent tract . there 's no name prefixt before it ; nor any characters in it , that may lead us to a probable conjecture about the author . but for his age , without question he lived cccc years ago : seeing that the last history he produces , is in the xii century ; and the latest author he cites , was in the beginning of the xiii . and as to his authority and credit , though we need be less concerned about that , because he relates every thing from the testimonies of others ; and much more than is here said , may be easily made out from approved and authentick historians : yet he himself appears to have been no inconsiderable person , and , i believe , no less than a bishop . that this treatise was a sermon , may be manifestly discover'd from two passages in the * and pages ; where he addresses himself to his auditor , and not his reader . and the bulk of it is agreeable to a greek homily . and that the author lived under the jurisdiction of the see of constantinople , will be granted without difficulty ; because he has confined himself to the histories in the succession of those patriarchs , and from his own words , page . that from five constantinopolitan bishops the ordinations of all the clergy were conveyed down to his time . the occasion of composing our ms. seems to have been this . a patriarch of constantinople ( right or wrong ) was deposed , and another preferr'd to the see. vpon this some friends and dependants of the deprived began to make a party , and stir up the people to a schism : giving out , that the former was still their genuine and canonical bishop ; that it was sinfull to have communion with the new one ; and that all his ordinations would be invalid . whereupon our author , probably one of the bishops that assisted at the new patriarch's consecration ( forty or fifty were often present on such occasions ) one that had a tender concern for the peace of the church , and was apprehensive of the sin and danger of such a separation , made this historical discourse to the people , as 't is credible , in the cathedral church of sophia ; wherein he has included all the memorable and parallel examples , that had happen'd to that see within the space of near a thousand years . he allows those advocates for a separation all that they would have ; he puts the case with all the advantage on that side . admit , that the deposed bishop was unjustly deprived ; suppose , that the new one was uncanonically promoted : even in these circumstances , if he was not a heretick , neither the people nor the ejected patriarch himself ever refused communion with him ; the sufficience of his ordinations was never question'd by any council ; there was no precedent for schism upon those accounts in all the history of the church ; the concord and tranquillity and prosperity of the whole were of more consideration in those ages , than private interest or hidden resentment , or the more tempting pleasure of being head of a party . god forbid , that the case thus stated by our author should be thought parallel to that of our new bishops ; or that this book should be now publish'd , as if they needed that kind of defence . but we propose and recommend our treatise as an argumentation a fortiori . if in the cases of unjust deprivation and uncanonical succession a separation is without example in ecclesiastical story ; how inexcusable will they be , that shall make faction and schism , where neither of those hard circumstances can be found ? as to the exception of s. chrysostom's case ; which , it seems , could not be comprehended in so short a discourse , and was put off therefore by our author to a particular disquisition ; which , if ever it was publish'd , is either lost or yet undiscover'd : we must confess there was something singular in the misfortune of that great and popular man. the western churches did a long time refuse communion with some bishops ; that out of envy and malignity , by sinister interpretations and the falsest calumnies , deprived him of the see , and the church of one of the best prelates it ever had : those men they justly detested , as the actors and contrivers of a good patriarch's ruin : for the * emperor ( the civil power ) was blameless in a manner , and but passive in the business . thus it was in the west at a distance , in which case the renouncing communion was only , as it were , a breaking off a correspondence . but how were matters carried nearer home ? 't is well known , that most of the eastern bishops , though they * would not be accessory to that unjust deprivation , however were not so far transported as to make a schism in the church . but then the populace of constantinople , they were so enraged at it , that they not only forsook , but ( like recusants , or a rabble ? ) set fire to the church , which took hold also of the † parliament house , and laid it in ashes . but as that case is quite foreign to this of our new bishops ; so was the separation no less contrary to the spirit of s. chrysostom . that good man ( as a bishop that was then present , has related it ) when he saw he must be deposed , advised and charged the bishops his friends more than once ; * that as they loved christ , none of them should leave his church upon his account : † that they must keep communion with his deposers , and not rend and divide the church . and he injoyn'd some devout women , that attended there , that * as they hoped to obtain mercy from god , they should pay the same service and good-will to his successor by a fair election , that they had done to himself : † for the church could not be without a bishop . how could he , if he had now been alive , have more clearly and expresly given his opinion in our case . if a man , otherwise never so worthy , will acknowledge no duty to the civil magistrate , which protects him ; if he shall refuse to act in his function ; if he will not be the bishop , somebody else must be : for the church cannot be without a bishop . this is not being deprived , but relinquishing ; and a successor does not invade , but is placed in the chair by the united efficacy of canons , law , and necessity . 't is supposed the reader knows , that for several ages the greek churches have erroneously maintain'd , that adoration is to be paid to the images of our saviour ; and therefore needs not be offended at one or two passages in this treatise , to which it is now time to dismiss him . imprimatur . georgius royse , r. r. in christo p. ac d no , d no johanni , archiepisc . cantuar. à sacr. domest . july th . . errata . pag. . l. . read he 's constrain'd by . p. . l. . read , syncellus or . p. ibid. l. . read nicolaus . p. . marg. l. . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a treatise out of ecclesiastical histories , concerning such as at several times have been promoted to the patriar●hal see contrary to the canons , the rightfull patriarchs being depos'd and yet living . amongst whom we may observe , that not one of those that were unjustly depos'd , did ever separate himself from the communion of the church upon the account of his being depos'd ; provided that he , that was uncanonically promoted after him , was orthodox . excepting onely the case of chrysostome , which requires a particular consideration . the great john chrysostome , a most holy and excellent person , living within the jurisdiction of the antiochian see , was ordain'd deacon by meletius patriarch of antioch . this meletius having formerly been made bishop of sebastia by the arians , and afterwards translated to the throne of antioch by the suffrages both of the arians and orthodox , eustathius [ late bishop of sebastia ] being yet in banishment , was nevertheless because of his orthodoxy both accepted by and beneficial to the church . even the great basil was ordain'd deacon by the said meletius . now chrysostome being call'd from antioch , and seated upon the throne of constantinople , was afterwards unjustly depos'd , and thrust out of the city : and after him there was consecrated arsacius , the brother of nectarius , who was patriarch there before chrysostome . * he held the patriarchate months , and , as cannot but be supposed , ordain'd presbyters , bishops , and deacons ; none of whom were rejected by the church . after his death the blessed atticus was consecrated , chrysostome , being yet alive and in exile . he raised a persecution against those that adher'd to chrysostome : and possessing the patriarchate years , was approved by the church , both he himself , and those that he had ordain'd ; no one being troubled or called in question upon the account of his ordination . these things are deliver'd in the history of socrates . * from atticus , sisinnius , [ who succeeded him ] deriv'd his ordination ; and by sisinnius proclus was consecrated bishop of cyzicus . now if you would be certain that atticus was own'd and receiv'd by the church ; the divine celestine , bishop of rome , is a witness of that matter , who in an epistle to nestorius , praises and owns both atticus himself , and sisinnius , who was patriarch after him ; and ranks them as patriarchs after chrysostome . after sisinnius , nestorius was plac'd in the throne . and the third general council did not narrowly examine into the promotions of those patriarchs , or * about their ordinations : but only deposing the heretick nestorius , it receiv'd and own'd all those that had been made priests or bishops by arsacius , atticus , and sisinnius , and even by nestorius too , provided that they profess'd the orthodox faith , and confess'd the blessed virgin to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the mother of god. after the council , maximian was consecrated patriarch by such as had receiv'd their ordinations from the aforesaid four patriarchs . after him the bl. proclus , who deriv'd his ordination from the same hands , was advanc'd to that dignity . these things are related in the history of zonaras . now the bl. proclus , and not only he , but likewise maximian before him , and atticus , and sisinnius , were receiv'd into communion by s. cyril . after proclus , by the same succession of ordination , flavianus obtain'd the patriarchate . see now the succession . * they that depos'd chrysostome consecrated arsacius ; the same , together with arsacius , consecrated atticus ; arsacius and atticus , sisinnius ; and sisinnius , proclus ; who , as i said , held church-communion with s. cyril . observe moreover , that severianus bishop of gabala , and acacius bishop of berrhea , who were the chief authours of all the calamities that befell chrysostome , being afterwards * call'd in question by pope innonocent , were neither depos'd nor reprehended by him ; the pope leaving their punishment to god. the bl. flavianus having condemn'd and depriv'd the heretick eutyches , the emperour theodosius commanded dioscorus patriarch of alexandria to inspect and examine again into the matters between them . dioscorus thereupon having call'd a council at ephesus ; the second of that place , judg'd , condemn'd , depos'd and murder'd the b. flavianus , contrary to all ecclesiastical order ; absolving eutyches , and consecrating anatolius in flavianus's room . you see that anatolius was consecrated contrary to the canons , seeing it was by dioscorus , a murderer and a heretick , that espous'd the cause and the heresie of eutyches . but observe further : juvenalis bishop of jerusalem , basil bishop of seleucia , * photius bishop of isauria in epirus , eustathius bishop of berytus , thalassius bishop of cesarea in cappadocia , and , in a word , all that whole council concurr'd and acted with dioscorus in the unjust ejectment of flavianus , and the unlawfull ordination of anatolius in his place . yet none of them were rejected in the fourth general council of chalcedon , only eutyches and dioscorus , that persisted in their heresie . for that holy synod concerned not it self about the ordinations of uncanonical and illegal patriarchs , but onely requir'd of every one the profession of the orthodox faith. now that anatolius was promoted against the canons , pope leo attests ; writing thus concerning him to the emperour marcian : that therefore he would make no inquiry about anatolius 's consecration , because he profess'd the orthodox belief . these things are written in the acts of the second council concerning flavianus . in the reign of the emperour anastasius , when the heresie of the acephali was rife , the emperour himself became addicted to it , and expell'd out of the city three patriarchs ; because they refus'd to embrace his false opinion , and anathematize the fourth general council , and communicate with severus : the first , * euthymius ; the second , macedonius , who succeeded him ; ( unlawfully indeed , but because he was an assertour of the catholick belief , he was not rejected by the church , neither did euthymius himself recede from his communion ) and the third , timotheus ; who himself likewise was unlawfully promoted in the room of macedonius : who yet was not rejected by macedonius , because he was a maintainer of the true faith. nay , even the great elias bp. of jerusalem , embrac'd the communion of all these three patriarchs , when all were alive together ; being troubled indeed at the ejectment of him in possession , but receiving the successour also , because of his orthodox faith. the same emperour anastasius deposed and banished the said b. elias from the see of jerusalem , because he would not come over to his heretical opinion , and constituted john in his place : whom , because he publickly preach'd the orthodox belief . contrary to the emperour's expectation , elias in no wise rejected , but continued in communion with him . and theodosius and sabas , those reverend fathers , the heads and chief of all the monks of the holy city , visiting and relieving elias in his exile , both lov'd him and communicated with him , as an injur'd patriarch ; and yet they communicated with john too , ( that sate then in the throne of jerusalem , ) as their patriarch . and therefore the names both of john and elias were written in the sacred diptychs of jerusalem , in these words : may the memory of elias and john be everlasting . these things are written in the * life of the holy and great sabas . in the days of athanasius the great , maximus the confessour was patriarch of jerusalem . now when a synod was called at tyre by the emperour constantine , to consider of the matters relating to athanasius ; and laying false things to his charge had * condemned and deposed him ; athanasius flies to maximus at jerusalem . maximus thereupon calls a private synod , and repeals what was done by the synod of tyre against athanasius , and restores him to his see , and establishes likewise the doctrine of the homoousion . upon that the * bishop of cesarea in palestine unjustly ejects maximus , and sets up cyril in his room , one that was then the chief of the arian party ; but afterwards becoming a convert to the homoousion ( or orthodox faith , ) he was willingly receiv'd and allowed as patriarch by the church ; and was stiled , the great , and , the holy cyrill . and observe that even maximus himself did not withdraw from cyrill's communion ; therefore both were acknowledged as saints [ ( that is , had their names in the diptychs of the church ) ] as both assertours of the same faith. these things are deliver'd in the life of the great athanasius . in the emperour justinian's reign , eutychius of amasia , being constituted patriarch of constantinople , a man holy and belov'd of god , was unjustly depos'd and expell'd the city , and john was preferr'd to the see. but eutychius did not upon that account separate himself from the communion of john ; and both therefore were receiv'd by the church . in the same emperour's time , athimus bp. of trebisond was translated to the see of constantinople . he being discover'd to be an heretick , was depos'd by pope agapetus ; who set up in his place the most holy menas : but his ordinations were allowed of , as valid . afterwards , when the heresie of the monothelites spread it self , and four patriarchs successively , * sergius , pyrhus , paul and another , were of that sect ; and as it must needs be suppos'd , ordain'd and consecrated many : not one so ordain'd or consecrated , provided he relinquished and anathematiz'd his heresie , was rejected by the church ; but all were receiv'd by the sixth general council , and by george , patriarch of constantinople . the emperour justinian , surnam'd rhinotmetus , coming the second time to the throne , depos'd and banish'd unjustly the most holy patriarch callinicus , and plac't cyrus a recluse of amastris in the see. now observe , that callinicus did not separate himself from the church and from cyrus , upon the account of his unjust deprivation : and that cyrus , together with those he had ordain'd , were received by the church . artemius , otherwise nam'd anastasius , being advanc'd to the imperial throne , * upon the death of the patriarch of constantinople , constituted in his place the most holy germanus bp. of cyzicus . then leo isaurus obtaining the empire , and furiously raging against the sacred images , banishes the holy germanus , and places anastasius in his throne . fifty six years after , the sixth general council was call'd , which tarasius was president of , who had been consecrated patriarch before the council was appointed ; but whether by bishops that were for or against images , is uncertain . and all that opposed the adoration of images , upon renouncing their heresie , were received by that council . now in the time of this holy tarasius there happen'd that which follows . constantine , then emperour , after he had put away his * lawfull wife , and shut her up in a nunnery , against her will , espoused * another , that had her self been a nun ; and so became , according to the express declaration of the gospel , a manifest adulterer . upon this the patriarch tarasius refusing to officiate in so unlawfull a marriage , joseph , * the steward of the church , was so hardy as to perform the office , and render'd himself thereby obnoxious to deprivation . the patriarch attempting to deprive him , was deterred by the emperour , who declared that , if joseph was ejected , he would set up the heresie of the iconomachi again ; which forc'd the patriarch to receive him , though much against his will. but the bl. theodorus , abbot of the monastery of studium , withdrew himself from the communion both of church and emperour too : from the emperour , as being adulterer ; from the church ; because it received joseph , the confirmer of that adulterous match : and upon that account , he suffer'd a thousand injuries from the emperour . after this , constantine had his eyes put out ; and his mother irene took the government upon her : she recalls the bl. theodorus , commends both him and tarasius ; the former , for his prudence in his care for the church ; and the latter , for his exact observance of discipline . then the patriarch ejects joseph , the cause of all this schism ; and he and theodorus are at unity again . after this , irene is depos'd , and nicephorus the * treasurer usurps the throne , and tarasius dies , and the holy patriarch nicephorus succeeds him : he constrains the emperour to receive joseph again , whom tarasius had deprived . upon which theodorus a second time withdraws from the church . a while after , that emperour and his son stauracius dying , michael curopalates gets the sceptre ; and the patriarch nicephorus taking hold of that opportunity deprives joseph again , and so he and theodorus are reconciled . but those opprobrious invectives , that theodorus during his banishment had used against the holy tarasius and nicephorus , were by no means approv'd of by the church , * as proceeding from littleness of mind . for the holy methodius , in his epistle to the monks of studium , has these words ; if your bl. abbot had not retracted what he spoke against the holy tarasius and nicephorus , he should not have been fellow-minister with us ; we would not have receiv'd him into our communion . these things are found in the second book of the holy nicon , in one of the epistles of methodius . the same holy methodius , in his last testament , which he made at his death , makes this ordinance concerning the monks of studium that refused to join in communion with the catholick church ; if they repent and come over to the catholick church , and renounce their schism , let them be receiv'd as barely christians , but by no means be advanc'd to the priesthood . thus * in the volume of councils , which is read in the church , as every body knows , all those things that were spoken and written against the holy patriarchs , tarasius and nicephorus , are made an anathema . and moreover , concerning the same affair of ( theodorus ) studites , this also is written , that the holy theodorus did not do well in separating himself from the communion of the catholick church , and the holy patriarchs , tarasius and nicephorus ; * for they were then the church . for if we cannot withdraw our selves from the communion of any ordinary priest * , without the sin of heresie ; how much less may we separate from the communion of such holy , orthodox patriarchs , the luminaries of the world ? and although the holy theodorus , now with god , was so far hurried away , as to make this schism ; yet afterwards he relinquisht it , and set himself right again , as the holy methodius manifests in the foresaid epistle . and the saying of the prophet david was fulfilled in this holy man , though he fall , he shall not be utterly cast down ; for the lord upholdeth him with his hand . after this , during the reigns of leo armenius , michael traulus , and his son theophilus , successively for the space of twenty six years , there was not one orthodox patriarch ; but all were of the sect of the iconomachi , and maintained the opinion of the emperours . but after the death of theophilus , his wife the blessed theodora , together with a synod , plac'd the holy methodius in the see ; who was suceeded by the great ignatius . * then michael reigning with his mother theodora , was , together with her , corrupted , and was therefore sharply reprov'd by the holy ignatius , and excluded the communion of the church : caesar therefore , being able to doe what he pleas'd by his imperial power , depos'd and banish'd ignatius , and establish'd photius in his stead . after this came basilius macedo to the crown , and he presently deposes photius , and reestablishes ignatius ; but after the death of ignatius , he again restores photius . which indeed is a thing to be wonder'd at . for if photius was depos'd as an adulterer and usurper of the throne , how comes he again to be promoted as innocent ? but be it as it will , the church however receives and acknowledges and honours them both , because orthodox : and thus she says ( in her diptychs ) may the memory of ignatius , photius , stephanus , and antonius , the most holy patriarchs , be everlasting : and whatsoever is spoken against ignatius , and photius , and stephanus , and antonius , the most holy patriarchs , is an anathema . now let the hearer observe again , that even the holy ignatius did not , because he was unjustly thrust out of the see , either recede from the communion of photius , or perswade the people to do so . for this is the scope and design of all the histories that are here produced , to shew , that not one of all those patriarchs , that were unjustly and uncanonically thrust out of their proper sees , did ever withdraw himself from the communion of his successor , or perswade the people to separate from the church ; but that both they and the people continued in communion , if so be their successors were orthodox . after this , leo , the son of basilius , being possess'd of the imperial sceptre , depriv'd that orthodox patriarch whom he found in the see , and promoted stephanus , his own brother , in his room ; one that was sound indeed in the faith , but nevertheless was made patriarch contrary to the canons . but no schism was made in the church upon that account . for stephanus likewise was own'd and receiv'd by her . so that thus she speaks ( in her diptychs ) may the memory of ignatius , photius and stephanus , the most holy patriarchs , be everlasting . the same emperor leo , surnamed the philosopher , ejected the most rightfull patriarch nicolaus , a man renowned for his orthodoxy , out of the see ; because he refused to consent to his fourth marriage ; and oppos'd him earnestly in his design of making it lawfull to marry the fourth time ; * and yet to continue in government , though in his room he advanc'd euthymius , who was syncellus's or nicolaus's assessor . here observe again , that the patriarch nocolaus did not separate himself from the catholick church or from euthymius , nor teach the people to do so ; and that undoubtedly because euthymius was orthodox . nay , when after the decease of the emperor leo , his brother alexander , that succeeded him , deposed euthymius , and replaced nicolaus , who was yet living , in the see , yet the ordinations of euthymius were not rejected , seeing that they were orthodox , and by an orthodox patriarch . these things are written in the history of zonaras . the emperor manuel very wrongfully ejected cosmas atticus the patriarch , a man full of piety and goodness , and advanc'd another to his see. but cosmas , though highly resenting this injustice , did not however either himself break off from the communion of the church , or incite the people to such a schism . but he made this denunciation ; that the empress should never have any male issue ; which accordingly came to pass ; for the emp. alexius was born of the second wife mary , that that was descended from the latins . upon this imprecation of cosmas , * contostephanus of scio , one of the by-standers , out of zeal for the empress , pressed toward him , to strike him , but was stopt by some body . let him alone , says cosmas , for he himself suddenly shall have a stroke from a stone ; which accordingly came to pass . for not long after contostephanus was kill'd with the blow of a stone in the war at corcyra . this is in the history of choniates . the emperor isaacius angelus finding basilius camaterus in the patriarchal chair , deposed him without any just cause , and promoted nicetas , * the chaplain of the church to the see. a year after , he deposes him too , upon pretence of his simplicity and old age , and promotes leontius , protesting that the blessed virgin ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) appear'd to him , and bid him prefer leontius , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from that occasion . soon after not liking this leontius neither , he again averrs the blessed virgin had appear'd to him , and bid him depose him too ; which accordingly he does , and sets up dositheus bishop of jerusalem in his room . this giving general dissatisfaction , dositheus also is ejected , and * another put in his place . so in the space of nine years , that isaacius reign'd he made five patriarchs successively : by whom , as must needs be suppos'd , there were many persons ordain'd . and from them the whole order of the priesthood and all the church is brought down to our days . and 't is a matter of admiration , that in the reign of that emperor , five patriarchs succeeding one another , and all alive together , should not separate from one anothers communion ; because one was put in and another was put out , purely at the emperor's pleasure . to conclude all in a word ; one thing only was required by the church , that the new bishop should profess the same ( orthodox ) faith with the other that was depos'd ; but as for other complaints and accusations , that ever and anon were made upon such promotions , except it were heresie , she never made any strict examination into them . an abstract of this treatise : being an account , in short , of such patriarchs as at several times have been unjustly depos'd by the emperors , yet did not separate themselves from the communion of their unlawfull successors , nor perswade the people to do so , because the successors were orthodox . in arcadius's reign the great chrysostom was unjustly depos'd : his successors were arsacius , and the divine atticus . in theodosius junior's time the holy flavianus was depos'd by the heretick dioscorus : his successor was anatolius . in anastasius's reign , * euthymius was depos'd : his successor was macedonius ; and his , timotheus . in the same reign elias , bishop of jerusalem , was depos'd : his successor was john. in the reign of constantine the great , maximius , bishop of jerusalem , was depos'd by the bishop of cesarea in palestine : his successor was cyrill . in the reign of justinian , eutychius of amasia , patriarch of c. p. was depos'd : his successor was john. in the same reign , anthimus , once bishop of trebisond , then patriarch of c. p. was depos'd : his successor was the most holy menas . in the reign of justinianus rhinotmetus , callinicus was depos'd : his successor was cyrus , a recluse of amastris . in the reign of michael , the son of theophilus , the great ignatius was depos'd : his successour was photius . in the reign of basilius macedo , photius , the successor of ignatius , was depos'd : he was succeeded by the foresaid ignatius ; and ignatius again by him . in the reign of leo the philosopher , photius was again depos'd , upon some false accusations which the emperor brought against him : his successor was stephanus the emperor's brother . under the same emperor * nicolaus the mystical ( philosopher ) was depos'd : his successor was euthymius the syncellus . in the reign of alexander the brother of leo , euthymius the successor of nicolaus was depos'd , and nicolaus again restor'd . in the emperor manuel's reign , cosmas atticus was depos'd , and succeeded by theodosius . in the reign of isaacius angelus , basilius camaterus was depos'd , and succeeded by the chaplain nicetas mundanes . under the same emperor nicetas was depos'd , and succeeded by leontius theotocites . in the same reign , leontius theotocites was depos'd , and succeeded by dositheus b. of jerusalem . in the same reign , dositheus likewise was depos'd , and succeeded by georgius xiphilinus . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pallad . p. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. c. . l. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrat. vi. . * pallad . vita chrys. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * pall. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a -e * add. * this arsacius , because of his brother nectarius's jealousie towards him , had formerly sworn , that he would never accept of the see of constantinople . so the ms. which in this place is written erroneously . * the words of the ms. are these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in an uncommon acceptation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be thus translated . now they that had been ordain'd by atticus , ordain'd sisinnius . for that sisinnius , when atticus died , the th of october , was only a presbyter , and was consecrated patriarch the th of february following ; appears from socrat. lib. vii . c. . see the gr. and lat. edition . * ms. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. or those that were ordain'd by them , as before . * ms. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which may be thus translated . they that deposed chrysostome , consecrated arsacius ; the same , and those consecrated by arsacius , atticus ; those by arsacius and atticus , sisinnius ; and those by sisinnius , proclus . * or , discovered to pope innocent , ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * ms. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a mistake of the writer , and must be thus corrected . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. basil bp. of seleucia in isauria , and photius bp. of tyre see the gr. & lat. edit . * so the ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . an errour of the writer , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as all historians call him . * written by cyril of scythopolis , c. , , &c. cotelerii ecclesiae graecae monum . tom. . * ms. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. had condemned him when he was absent : or , had condemned him for not making his appearance . * acacius . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which is corrupted , the true reading being , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. sergius , pyrrhus , paul & peter . see the gr. and lat. edition . * so indeed the ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the bishop of constantinople being dead : allowing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which i do not remember to have read ) to be for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this being not true in matter of fact , ( zonaras tom. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) i believe the author might write thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. ejecting the present patriarch out of the see. * maria. * theodote . ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. one that was a nun too . theophanes and zonaras call her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lady of the bed-chamber . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which was the highest ecclesiastical office under the patriarch . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * so indeed the ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps our author might use an innovated word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. that those contumelious aspersions proceeded from the bitterness and vexation of his mind , occasioned by his great sufferings . so demosth. orat. in midiam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may admit of that interpretation : seeing that s. chrysostom seems to use it for quarrels and discontents between husband and wife , . hom. ad cor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . take which word you please , we may be certain that this is our author's meaning . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. in the synodicon of the church . by which is peculiarly understood that decree that was made against the iconomachi by the synod at constantinople under michael and theodora , a.d. . appointed to be read in the greek churches every year upon the first sunday in lent. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which may be thus interpreted ; if we may not separate from the communion of any ordinary priest , except it be for heresie . agreeably to the first and last paragraphs of this tract . psal. . . the ms. has here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inspead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * this whole paragraph is thus in the ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where , as such mistakes are too frequent in ancient mss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that the passage must be read thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. caesar in those ages was not a proper name , but the title of one of the highest dignities of the empire . zonaras , tom. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same is said by leo grammaticus and cedrenus , &c. so that this passage ought to be translated thus ; in the reign of michael , bardas the caesar was sharply reproved and excommunicated by ignatius , because he lived incestuously with his daughter in law. the caesar having all the power in his hands , and leading the king's facility and ' dissoluteness whither he pleased , gets ignatius to be ejected , and photius set up in his place . all historians mention , that michael minded nothing but his pleasure , leaving all serious affairs to bardas , his chief minister of state. * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is ; and to enact a general allowance of it for the future : or perhaps thus , adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bring his son after him into the administration of the government . the case was this , leo had buried three wives without any issue that lived ; but had a natural son constantine by one zoe , his concubine . being willing therefore that an heir of his body should succeed him , he marries this zoe , to legitimate the bastard son. but the fourth marriage had been declared by the canons to be downright fornication . leo therefore endeavoured to have those canons superseded by a new law , that should permit the fourth marriage : which the patriarch nicephorus endeavour'd to obstruct , and forfeited his dignity for it . or , it may be our authour wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. to publish and promulgate it for the future . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which probably is an abbreviation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and must be thus translated , when one stephanus , surnamed contostephanus , that stood by . so nic. choniates , pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cinnamus , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the second ecclesiastical office under the patriarch , next to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned p. . of this tract . * georgius xiphilinus . notes for div a -e * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before . * ms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which may be interpreted nicolaus , one of the privy-council . a discourse of the knowledge of god, and of our selves i. by the light of nature, ii. by the sacred scriptures / written by sir matthew hale, knight ... for his private meditation and exercise ; to which are added, a brief abstract of the christian religion, and, considerations seasonable at all times, for the cleansing of the heart and life, by the same author. hale, matthew, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a discourse of the knowledge of god, and of our selves i. by the light of nature, ii. by the sacred scriptures / written by sir matthew hale, knight ... for his private meditation and exercise ; to which are added, a brief abstract of the christian religion, and, considerations seasonable at all times, for the cleansing of the heart and life, by the same author. hale, matthew, sir, - . 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' hale miles capitalis gustic de banco regis ano for w. shrowsbery at the sign of the bible in duck lane 〈…〉 sculp 〈…〉 a discourse of the knowledge of god , and of our selves , i. by the light of nature . ii. by the sacred scriptures . written by sir matthew hale , knight , late chief justice of the king's bench , in his younger time , for his private meditation and exercise . to which are added a brief abstract of the christian religion ; and considerations seasonable at all times , for the cleansing of the heart and life . by the same author . london , printed by b. w. for william shrowsbery , at the sign of the bible in duke-lane . mdclxxxviii . the preface . in the publication of this book i design for the reader a double benefit : . a useful and profitable book : . a clear prospect into an exemplary life of a very eminent and famous person . the book , i may be bold to say , is of it self such ; and yet i have good reason to hope that the great and known worth of the author ( which yet this very book will further discover and demonstrate ) and the esteem the world hath always had of him , will make it more such . but lest i should prejudice both it and its author by unseasonably raising the reader 's expectation , i must , to do right and justice to the author , acquaint the reader with some particulars , fit for his notice and consideration concerning the author's intention , his manner of writing it , and the work it self . and , . i may with much confidence , upon what i knew of the author's mind and design in general in all his writings of this kind , and upon some observations peculiar to this , assure the reader that it was not written with any intention or thoughts that ever it should be published . he had undoubtedly no other aim or design in it , than what i have already mentioned in the preface to the first volume of his contemplations . he was a man who had an extraordinary faculty of doing much in a little time : and yet did he as highly value , and was as great a husband of his time , as any man i have known or read of . but of no part of his time was he more frugal , than of that which was set apart for sacred uses , that none of that might be suffered to run waste : especially of the christian sabbath or lord's day , he was most religiously observant , both in publick and in private , in his family , and in his study . and his religious observation thereof , did not only procure to himself ( as he always believed ) a special blessing upon his employment of the rest of his time in his other studies , and secular business , but hath moreover produced ( which he little expected ) what may prove of great use and benefit to many others . for that part of those dayes which did intervene between evening sermon and supper-time , he usually imployed in pious meditations : and having a very ready hand at writing , he usually wrote his thoughts , that he might the better hold them intent to what he was about , and keep them from wandring . this was his first and principal reason for it . he had indeed some thoughts of some other uses , that he or his might make thereof : as , that afterward reviewing what he had written long before , he might see what progress he had made in the mean time ; and possibly they might be of some use or benefit to some of his family : but what i first mentioned , was the first and principal occasion and motive to it . of the shorter discourses , i found divers of the originals in the hands of his children and servants , and a great part of the rest in a very neglected condition , till i perswaded , and prevailed with him , to let them be collected and bound together in volumes . but of these , among which this was one , i am well satisfied , there were none which he intended when he wrote them should ever be printed , though he hath since wrote others which he intended for the publick . but upon this occasion hath he written first and last many pious and useful discourses , which , whether intended by him for the press or not , i am of opinion may do much good in the world , if they were printed . . his usual manner of writing these things was this : when he had resolved on the subject , the first thing he usually did , was with his pen upon some loose piece of paper , and sometimes upon a corner or the margin of the paper he wrote on , to draw a scheme of his whole discourse , or of so much of it as he designed at that time to consider . this done he tap'd his thoughts and let them run , as he expressed it to me himself ; and they usually ran as fast as his hand ( though a very ready one ) could trace them ; insomuch that in that space , as he hath told me , he often wrote two sheets , and at other times between one and two ; and i have my self known him write according to that proportion , when i have been reading in the same room with him , for divers hours together . so that these writings are plainly a kind of extempore meditations , only they came from a head and heart well fraught with a rich treasure of humane and divine knowledge , which the famous legislator justinian makes the necessary qualifications of a compleat lawyer . and here it is farther to be observed , that all his larger tracts , such as this , which could not be finished at one time , were written upon great intervals of time , and such wherein much business of a quite different nature had interposed , which usually interrupt the thread of a mans thoughts . . concerning the book it self , the reader may of himself perceive that it was not finished , but that he had designed to have continued it farther . he hath written a particular tract of doing as we would be done to , which is the subject at which this is left off . but that , as i take it , was written long since this , and not intended for any continuation of it : but it had been very proper to have been joyned with it , had i had any transcript of it . upon perusal of the manuscript of his own hand-writing , it may be further observed ; . that it was the original draught , and no transcript ; for therein , as i remember , may in some places be seen , some of those very schemes which he first drew , when he began to write . . that he had not so much as revised any part of it , it being for the most part as fair , and without any alteration as if it were a transcript . . the original is one continued discourse , without any distinction of parts or chapters , or so much as any title superscribed : but i conceive it a very methodical discourse , and such as may very aptly be distinguished into those parts and chapters , and under those titles which i have assigned , as it now appears in the print . and this is a further evidence , that he did not design it for the press . of the two parts of it , the first is wholly scholastical and metaphysical , and therefore somewhat above the capacity of ordinary readers ; but it is but short : but the other is for the most part plain and easie , such as may be of great use to the meanest capacities , and yet full of matter worthy the contemplation of the greatest . but of the whole i must farther observe , that it was a work of his younger years ; that he afterward much improved his metaphysical and scholastical observations and discourses . and somewhat altered his opinion touching some points in controversie , especially between the remonstrants and contra-remonstrants . but as in what is scholastical , there is nothing but what is agreeable to the sentiments of the most eminent writers in that kind of learning ; so neither in the rest , is there any thing disputable , but what is maintain'd by eminent men of the church of england as the doctrine of this church : and since his opinion neither first nor last was other than what hath been , and is at this day asserted to be the doctrine of this church , or at least within the bounds of what is so asserted , ( for he was always very moderate in these things . ) i conceive i need not trouble the reader or my self farther about it . and now if these things only , which i have hitherto mention'd , be duly considered , i conceive they will afford so just excuse and full vindication of the author against all censures , cavils and exceptions to any thing in this work , that i think they are not to be feared from any , but such as have little ingenuity or sense of humanity . and the censures and cavils of such , i am of opinion , ought to be contemned . and for my own part , i hope i shall never be affrighted from any good and justifiable work , by any such bug-bears . but i intend not only to do right , but to do honour , and yet no more than is justly due , in what i do , to our excellent author . and to this end , i must take notice of the time , when this was written . and that was about the same time , when he began his practice at the law. he had at that time gone through , and made himself master of a long and intricate study , of a quite different nature from this ; had read and abridged all the old , and all the new law then extant , in two volumes in folio still to be seen , had read over a great part of the records , as may be seen in his marginal notes and references in divers of his books , and in the transcripts of much of thom now in the library of lincoln's inn ; ( for he spared neither pains nor charge in those things before ever he began to practise ; ) had looked into the civil and canon laws , so far as they are in use with us , or were subservient to the compleat knowledge of our laws ; in short , had read what ever either of law , history or other books , in print or manuscript he thought could any way conduce to compleat his knowledge and skill in his profession of the law. and for a man thus industriously imployed in such studies , and yet to have made such a progress in philosophy and divinity , as appears by this book , nay and to write such a book under such circumstances , as i have mentioned before , and at such an age , viz. about thirty , or one and thirty , having been till then so busie in other studies , must needs , i am perswaded , in the judgment of all candid persons , raise him and his book not only above all need of other excuse , but to a high degree of admiration . the truth is , what he performed in his studies , is almost as incredible , as it is most certain and true . but as he was admirably qualified by nature for studies , so i doubt not but he had an extraordinary blessing attending his labours therein . for if this be reasonable to be believed of any , then certainly must i believe it of him upon divers considerations : as , . his great piety and devotion , and frequent application to almighty god in the midst of his secular imployments ; . his religious observance and imployment of times set apart for sacred uses ; and . his conscientious application to , and use of his civil profession . of all which in him , i think , i have as certain knowledge both by my conversation and discourse of matters of religion with him , by perusal of his writings of all sorts , and by observation of his actions , as ordinarily any man can have of another . and therefore though the representation of his great industry , learning , and abilities be much for his honour , yet is it a greater honour than all this , which i intend to his memory in the publication of this book . and that is to demonstrate from thence the true principles of all his worth , and of those great and generous actions , which have made him so famous in his generation , and like to be so in future ages ; and thereby give the reader the clearest & truest prospect into the whole course of his life . had he not been very cordially and deeply affected with these things , it is no way credible , that a man so very intent upon other studies of so different a nature , for the six days together , could upon the seventh so intirely have withdrawn his mind from them , as to apply it so closely to these . and this being written at his very entrance upon his practice , and his actions ever since being so reducible to the principles discovered in this , nothing could give a more true and satisfactory prospect into the fundamentals of the future part of his life , and consequent actions . he was indeed the most heavenly-minded man i have ever known . he had had a religious education from his childhood ; and he very early made his religion , the religion of his judgment and choice , not of his education only . he read the s. scriptures to know it ; then studied the works of creation , providence , and the moral evidences of the christian religion , to know the truth of it . and having laid so deep a foundation , he ever after built firmly upon it : and by his faithful observance of it , arrived to that full satisfaction and knowledge of it , which our saviour mentions , john . . he began these studies very early ; how early i do not precisely know : but this i know from his own mouth , that he was very busie in them while he studied at oxford : for when i first perused part of this book , i told him , i perceived , he had before he wrote it , been acquainted with the schoolmen : and considering when it was written , and how hard a student he had been in the law till that time , desired to know when he could have had leisure for those studies ? and what authors he read ? he told me , at oxford ; and that he there read aquinas , scotus , suarez , and others , whom he particularly named ; but these i remember . and here by the way , we may take notice , how much he is misrepresented and injured in that story , printed in the relation , which very unadvisedly and improperly bears the name of his life , concerning his neglect of his studies at oxford . the truth of which , to do him right , is this , : his natural genius inclined much to things of wit and gallantry , and the players coming to the act at oxford while he was a student there , he began at first to be taken with the plays ; but having before , among other religious observations , habituated himself to keep a strict watch over his heart and actions , he quickly reflected upon it : and therefore the more he perceived himself affected with it , the more resolved he was to correct it ; and left it should in time prevail , so as to divert him from more serious studies , or at least , rob him of too much time , he made a solemn vow , or resolution , which he ever after observed , never to see play more ; and so returned to his studies again before the players went out of town . and certain it is , he was as hard a student there , as he was afterward at london ; though he held acquaintance and some kind of converse with the most ingenious persons at both places . but so much for that . these studies , which he began so early , he continued to the very last , so long as he was able to write , within about a fortnight or three weeks before he died . and here he did , as he did in the law , spared neither pains nor cost upon any thing any way conducing to his main design , tending to discover and manifest the admirable providence of god , whether in the composure , powers and course of nature , or in the government of the actions of men ; insomuch , that if a true computation was made , i am perswaded , that , as much time as he spent , and pains as he took in the study and practice of the law , and business of a not ordinary judge , but chief baron and chief justice ; yet the time he imployed , and the pains he took ( if i may call that pains , which afforded so much pleasure and satisfaction to him ) in these studies , and for that purpose , would be found to exceed them . the benefit whereof , i hope the world may receive some time or other : but the effect thereof upon himself was , that his so much contemplating the wisdom , power , and goodness of god , discernable in his creatures , and observable in the providential government of men , especially that admirable mystery of our redemption , imprinted in his soul a most inlarged apprehension and deep sense of the glorious excellence and majesty of god , and his unconceivable goodness to all who duly apply themselves to him . this filled him with a most awful reverence and devout affection to him continually : which further produced great constancy , faithfulness , and readiness in his obedience and service , and converted his very civil imployments into a kind of continual course of religion ; so that that laborious life of his , was in a manner intirely sacrificed to , and continually imployed in , or in order to , the service of god. and all this , with those divine benign influences , which are never wanting to souls thus disposed , filled him with an humble confidence , and made it , as it were , natural to him , to retire into himself with secret application to god upon all occasions in the very midst of his business . and certainly this life was heavenly and holy , and yet not more holy than happy . all this is very true : but he had very early taken up a resolution to abstain from a high profession of religion ( 't is his own expression ) and he was so wary and cautious in it , that very little of what i have said , was perceived by any of his most intimate friends , but my self . insomuch , that one of them , whom i know he much valued , and who had frequent converse with him , hath divers times since confessed to me , how much he was mistaken in him in that respect , before he saw his contemplations in print . and i should almost doubt of finding credit in what i know to be true , with those who do not know me , had i not pretty good attestations from this , and a constant course of most pious meditations committed to writing under his own hand . were we now to take a view of his whole life , we might consider it as acted either in private , or in publick . his actions in publick were visible to the world , and yet it may be feared , that much of the remarkable particulars thereof will be lost for want of competent observers and relators . the private part of it was most employed in retirement and studies , and of this the greatest part in pious meditations , the contemplation of god , of his works of creation and providence , the great and admirable mystery of our redemption , and the sacred scriptures , and the evidences of the truth thereof . and as this did influence all his actions in publick , so being once well understood , it must needs give the clearest prospect into the true and genuine principles and tendency of them , which is the principal thing to be considered in them . and this can never better be made appear than by his own writings , if they were published , as i conceive they ought to be . * having done this right to the author , i thought it but reasonable to do some right to my self , and to the world ; to shew , by what right i have published this , and what right the world hath to expect the rest of his writings . to which purpose i had written another sheet , to shew that the author had , upon new motives and consideration of occurrences afterward , changed his mind before declared in his will , wherein he had prohibited the printing of any of his writings after his death . but upon further consideration , i think it may be sufficient for this place to let the reader know in general that he had done so , and to reserve the more particular discourse of that , if there be occasion for it , to my memorials of him : and therefore i have suffer'd but few copies of that sheet to be printed off , for the consideration of such , as it may most concern . of the two little discourses annexed , i have only this to say , that the first was one of his later writings , and perhaps , may a little vary from some of his former : and that the latter was more ancient . but neither of them was finished , though the printer , according to the usual mode , hath put a finis to them both : but otherwise , i hope , he hath acquitted himself reasonably well ; for i was at too great a distance to peruse the sheets as they were printed off . the copies he had , were carefully examined by the originals : and i thought it most suitable to my design , to let them be printed as near as might be , according to them , without any alteration ; presuming upon the candor of the ingenuous reader , upon due consideration of the circumstances before mentioned . the contents of the chapters of the first part . chap. i. of the existence and attributes of god. page chap. ii. of the works of god , of creation and providence . page chap. iii. of man , his excellence above other creatures . page chap. iv. of the supream end of man. page chap. v. of the means of attaining the supream end of man. page chap. vi. of the credibility of the sacred scriptures . page the contents of the chapters of the second part . chap. i. of the existence and attributes of god. page chap. ii. of the acts and works of god : and . of his eternal counsel . page chap. iii. of the execution of the eternal counsel of god , in his works of creation and providence . page chap. iv. of the providence of god in special , concerning man , in order to his supream end. page chap. v. of the restitution of man by christ . page chap. vi. predictions and types of christ . page chap. vii . of the efficacy of the satisfaction of christ , and the congruity of it to right reason . page chap. viii . of the great work of our redemption , what it is ; how effected ; and for whom . page chap. ix . of the means , which god hath appointed to make this sacrifice of christ effectual , viz. vnion with christ , and how the same is wrought on god's part . page chap. x. how our vnion with christ is wrought on man's part , viz. by faith , hope , and love. page chap. xi . why , or by what reason the act of faith worketh our vnion with christ , and so our justification in the sight of god. page chap. xii . the effects of our vnion with christ . page chap. xiii . concerning the putting off the old man : and . what it is . page chap. xiv . how the old man is to be put off , and . by repentance . page chap. xv. of mortification , and the means thereof ; and . of meditation . page chap. xvi . meditation of the vnreasonableness of the dominion of lust . page chap. xvii . of prayer . page chap. xviii . of watchfulness , and first in respect of god. page chap. xix . of watchfulness in respect of our selves , our senses , words , and appetite . page chap. xx. of watchfulness over our affections , and passions of love , anger , and fear . page chap. xxi . of watchfulness over our hope , confidence , and joy. page chap. xxii . of watchfulness over our grief ; . in reference to god , for sin ; . in reference to externals . page chap. xxiii . of watchfulness over our will , conscience , and spirit . page chap. xxiv . of the new life , or sanctification , and the necessity of it . page chap. xxv . of the means of sanctification , and . on god's part , his word , and his spirit . page chap. xxvi . of the means of sanctification , . on man's part , viz. faith , love , fear , hope . page chap. xxvii . of the extent and degrees of sanctification . page chap. xxviii . of the parts of sanctification , and . in reference to our selves , sobriety . page chap. xxix . of sanctification in reference to our neighbour , viz. righteousness , the habit and rule of it . page chap. xxx . of the general precepts of righteousness given by christ : and . loving our neighbour as our self . page chap. xxxi . of the second general precept of righteousness , doing as we would be done unto . a brief astract of the christian religion . page considerations seasonable at all times for the cleansing of the heart and life . page a summary of what is contain'd in this discourse of the knowledge of god and of our selves . part i. by the light of nature . chap. i. of the attributes of god : i. of knowledge , what it is , and how wrought , page , ii. that there is a first being , and cause of all things . page what may thence be deduced concerning it . page viz. . his eternity . page . without beginning . ibid. . without succession . ib. . without end. page . his immensity , which includes his. . exemption from circumscription . page . omnipresence . ib. . exemption from succession or division of parts . page . his indivisibility , in opposition to . divisibility . ibid. . multiplicity . ib. . simplicity . page . perfection . page whence it followeth , that he is , . a most pure act. page . a substantial act. ibid. . ens vivens . page . an intellectual being & omniscient . ib. . ens liberrimum . page . ens summe bonum . ib. whence arise these conclusions : . that he is perfectly happy . page . the supream end of all things . page . most just . page . immutable page chap. ii. his acts immanent , and emanant . page . creation . page , . providence , disposing all things to their several ends. page in respect of . himself . page . the things produced , viz. ib. . natural page . contingent . page . voluntary . page ch. iii. of man considerable in . what he hath in common with other inferiour beings . page . his eminence above them , in his soul , . it s substance , which is . immaterial page . immortal . page . its faculties . page page . the vnderstanding , which hath page . a threefold power . . a receptive or passive . page . retentive . ib. . active , or discussive . page page . several acts and habits , as . knowledge . page . wisdom . page . conscience . page page . the will , its motion in respect of . the object . page . principles . page the immediate cause of man's miscarriage page . his vnderstanding . page . his will. chap. iv. the supream end of man , i. what , viz. a good commensurate to the soul , and therefore . immaterial . page . immortal . page . distinct from the soul it self . page . a true and real good. page . an infinite and vniversal good. ibid. and therefore nothing but god himself . page ii. and how that may be , that god can be the adequate object of man's felicity . page chap. v. the means to attain it . . what naturally they were ? ib. . whether still the same ? page . the defects in . his vnderstanding . ib. . his will. page . the consequents . page . what now for his restitution . page . not any thing in man or the creature . ib. . but by god , . revealed in the holy scriptures . their ch●p . vi. . credibility . page . contents , v. part . of the knowledge of god and of our selves . part ii. by the sacred scriptures . pag. . the contents of the holy scriptures , concerning i. god , . his existence . page . his nature and attributes . page . manner of subsistence page . acts and works . page ii. his counsel , which is . eternal . page . immutable . page . free. page . wise . ibid. which is eminent in . predetermining the means . page . so as they move according to their own nature , whether . necessary . page . voluntary . page . contingent . page . independent upon one another . ib. . irresistible . page . vniversal . ib. two difficulties , how the predetermination . of the acts of voluntary agents can consist with the liberty of the will. page . of the sinful acts of voluntary agents can consist with the justice and purity of god. page iii. the execution of it . . creation : . in general . ibid. . particularly of man. page . providence : . in general . page . special , concerning man. ib. . as a creature . ib. . in order to his chief end. ib. . before the fall of adam . ib. . partly examined before . ib. . what the means . page . the law of man's creation . page . the obligation of it . page . the sanction or penalty . page . after the fall. page . in christ . page . the sum of it . page . the particulars . ib. . the motive . ib. . the object . page . the end , remission of sin ; and happiness . page . the immediate instrument , christ . page predictions concerning him , page . prophetical . ib. . typical . page i. the efficacy and virtue of christ's satisfaction . page the congruity of it to right reason . page ii. this great work of our redemption . what it is , . a removal of the wrath of god. page . by the accepting of christ's satisfaction for our guilt and punishment . page . how effected ; ten positions page . that christ the mediator was perfect god. page . perfect man. page . that both these natures were united in the person of christ our mediator . ib. . the necessity of christ's having both natures thus united in one person . page . the eternal word did in due time take flesh of the virgin into the vnity of one person . page . the whole life of christ , till his passion , had in it satisfaction by way of . suffering . page . righteousness . page . instruction , and that of . example . page . doctrine . page . that christ suffered the wrath of god for the remission of our sins . page this suffering of christ was , . voluntary . page . meritorious and expiatory . page . full and perfect . page . vniversal . ibid. . that christ rose again from death the third day . page . that christ after his resurrection , ascended up into heaven . page . that christ exerciseth a threefold office there ; ibid. . the power of dominion . page . the communication of his spirit . ib. . intercession for his people . page iii. for whom this satisfaction of christ was made . page iv. the means to make this sacrifice effectual for us . page our vnion with christ is wrought by a double act. . on god's part . . his eternal love. page . sending his son. page . conveying the knowledge of this mediator unto us . ibid. . the work of the spirit . page vnder a threefold consideration , . of power . page . of a sound mind . ib. . of love. page . on man's part . page . faith. ibid. . hope . page . love. page . how wrought . page . its effects . page . right intention . ib. . conformity . ib. . fear . page . indeavour of likeness to him . page . contempt of the world. page . sorrow for sin. page . obedience . ib. . sincere . page . perpetual . ib. . vniversal . ib. why and how faith worketh our vnion with christ , and so our justification in the sight of god , is , because . it is the will of god. page . faith is the first act of the new life , wrought by the spirit of god , &c. page v. the effects of our vnion with christ , are , . remission of sins . page . justification . ibid. . peace and reconciliation . page . the spirit of christ , and that taken two ways , . the communication of the holy spirit . page . the mind of christ , conformity to him , sanctification . page a double principle . . change of the nature . page . love to god. page i. putting off the old man , i. what this old man is . page . it s strength . in it self . ibid. . accidentally from the devil . ibid. . wherein seated . page . in the vnderstanding . ibid. . in the conscience . ibid. . in the will. page . in the affections . page ii. how this old man is to be put off , viz. . by repentance ; the grounds of which are . a conviction of the vnderstanding concerning our natural ways and conditions , which are . irregular , deformed , and crooked . page . vnprofitable and fruitless . ib. . vnbecoming , ungrateful , and undutiful returns . page . the love of god , providing a means of pardon and acceptation . ibid. . by mortification ; the means whereof are . supernatural , . moral , . natural . page . meditation of . the love of god page . the hope of salvation , and incongruity between it , and continuing in sin. page . the presence of god. page . the nature & consequences of sin. ib. . the shortness of life . page . the vnreasonableness of the dominion of . lust . in the rational appetite , and that is the lust of the mind in . the intellectual faculty . page . the will ; and affections which are . the irascible . page . the concupiscible . ib. . in the sensitive appetite , are , . lusts of the flesh . page . lust of the eye . page . pride . page . prayer . page it becomes a means of our mortification upon a double ground . page , . watchfulness ; the objects of which are . god , in . his coming to judgment . page . his word . ibid. . his presence . page . his providence . ib. . his spirit . page . our selves . page . our senses . ibid. . our eyes . ibid. . our ears . page . our tongues . ibid. . our appetites . ibid. . affections and passions . page . love. ibid. . anger . page . fear . page . hope and confidence , &c. page . joy. page . grief in reference to . god , for sin. page . externals . page . will. page . conscience . page . spirit . page . temptations . page ii. of the putting on the new man , or sanctification . page . the necessity of it . page . the means , . on god's part , page . his word ibid. . his spirit . page . on our part , . faith. page . love. page . fear . page . hope . page . the degrees . page . sincerity and integrity of heart . page . an overmatching the power of sin , by the power of sanctifying grace . page from whence arise these consequents : . vniversality of obedience . page . constancy and perseverance . ibid. . increase of grace . page . renewed repentance . page . the parts in reference to . our selves . page . in the esteem of our selves . page . in our sensual appetite . page . our neighbour , righteousness . page . the habit. ibid. . the rule . page . natural . page , . the word of god , absolutely in it self . page . the law , . moral . page . ceremonial . page . judicial . ibid. . the prophets . page . the gospel , which contains a most excellent rule of righteousness , in , . the example of christ . page . the precepts and counsels . page page . general . . love of our neighbour . page . doing as we would be done unto . page . particular , things , page . to be done . page . to be suffered . . parts . . god. a brief abstract of the christian religion . page seasonable considerations for the cleansing of the heart and life . page a discourse of the knowledge of god , and of our selves . part i. by the light of nature . chap. i. of the existence and attributes of god. i. all things but the soul it self are extrinsecal to the soul : and therefore of necessity the knowledge of all other things is extrinsecal to the soul : for knowledge is nothing else but the true impression and shape of the thing known in the understanding , or a conception conform to the thing conceived . and although the soul in its own nature be apta nata to receive such impressions , and doth therefore naturally desire and affect it ; yet it is as impossible for the soul to know till the object be some way applied to it , as for a looking-glass to reflect without first uniting of a species of some body to it , that may be reflected . the means whereby the scibile , or thing to be known , is united to the soul , and consequently knowledge is wrought , is threefold , viz. . supernatural . thus almighty god , in the first creation of man , did fasten certain principles of truth in man by his immediate discovery , especially the knowledge of himself and his will , which was properly the image or impression of god in his understanding . this was not essential to the soul , but a habit or quality , which god put into his understanding ; and therefore though his knowledge decayed by his fall , yet his soul continued the same . . artificial . thus knowledge is derived from man to man , by signs of those impressions of truth , &c. that are wrought in his understanding , that communicates it . thus knowledge is acquired by writing , speech , and other signs , that are agreed upon to communicate intelligence from the understanding of one man to the understanding of another , though mediante sensu . thus the reliques of the knowledge of god in adam were derived to his posterity , though still it grew for the most part of men weaker and corrupter . . natural . and this may be divided into these three branches , viz. . simple apprehension . thus when any object singly by the ear , or eye , or other sense , is let into the phantasy , and so shewn to the understanding without either affirming or denying any thing concerning it . . complex apprehensions , whereby either duo scibilia are joyned together in an affirmation or negation : and this is a proposition , which again is of two kinds , viz. either that which is most universal , and therefore the first proposition that is framed in the understanding , viz. that it is , or est , or est ens . for that notion doth necessarily and upon the first view of any object joyn it self with it in the understanding . other propositions are more complex or remote , as that god is good , &c. for the first question , in the understanding , is , whether it be , to which that general proposition answers ; and in the next place , what it is , to which the second sort of complex notions answer . now of this second kind of complex notions there are two kinds , viz. either such as without the help of any discourse or ratiocination present themselves from the object to the understanding ; as this , the man is red ; the man and the red , being both objects of sense , and meeting in the same subject : or else such as either the thing affirmed , or the thing whereof the affirmation is , or both , are things that do not immediately fall within our senses , as the man is a substance , or , the spirit is a substance . these though originally derived from sense , yet they are refined by the help of discourse . . conclusions drawn either from these simple or complex apprehensions , which flow into our understanding immediately by our senses : and this is rational discourse , a faculty or power put into man , whereby he is beyond all other visible creatures ; and whereby all his actions , whether civil or religious , are and ought to be guided . this is that power , whereby we may improve even sensible objects , apprehensions , and observations ; to attain more sublime and high discoveries , and rise from effects to their causes , till at last we attain to the first cause of all things . so we may conclude that the knowledge of our creator , though it fall not within the reach of our sense , and so falls not immediately within the reach of our understanding , yet by the ascents and steps of rational discourse , so much may be gathered , as may leave an atheist without excuse , god having given to man , even in his lapsed condition , besides other providential helps , a stock of visibles , and a rational faculty to improve that stock to some measure of the knowledge of himself : for the invisible things of him from the creation of the world are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternal power , and godhead , so that they are without excuse , rom , . . therefore , as on the one side we are to avoid curiosity in measuring the infinite mysteries of truth by our own finite understandings ; so on the other side we must beware of supineness , and neglect of imploying that treasure of god's works , and his light or reason in us , to that end for which it was principally intrusted with us , even the knowledge of our creator ; yet still humbly concluding with elihu , job . . that which i see not , teach thou me . ii. the first and most magisterial truth in the world , upon which all other truths do depend , is this , that there is a first being and cause of all other beings . this is evident by clear reason . . either we must admit a first cause , or else an actual infiniteness of succession of causes . the latter is impossible in nature ; because it is impossible there can be that which is infinite and yet successive ; for then it would follow , that that which is actually infinite in number should be yet more infinite , because there are new successions on causes and causations again , it is impossible that there should be an eternal dependance of causes one upon another without a first , because then the whole collection of those causes taken all together must needs likewise be actually depending ; and if so , then upon themselves ; and that is impossible , for the immediate cause of the effect doth not depend upon its effect , but immediately upon its cause . therefore this bundle of dependent causes must depend upon some one among them , which is independent . and impossible likewise in experience . take but the instance of one creature , * man : it is plain that the world doth every day grow fuller and fuller : that , which is now almost a nation , we can with a little help derive into one man five hundred years since , so that it is not imaginable but that at length we must necessarily come to a first man : if so , how had that man his being ? it is true that there be some living creatures , that we may trace their beginning to the corruption of some preexisting matter , which by its own temper and the concurrence of other second causes , may produce a living creature , as worms , mice , &c. but if there should be such a production of man at first , why is it not so at some time since , viz. that a man should be produced out of the ground by some concurrence of the disposition of the matter with second causes ? if it be said that that is now needless , and nature doth nothing in vain ; the answer is unsatisfactory : for , . where such productions are , as of mice , &c. it is as needless , because they propagate their kind as well as man. and . if nature doth nothing in vain , it is plain that whatever is so called nature , is in truth the first cause , though miscalled nature ; for not to do any thing in vain , is an act of a voluntary and rational agent ; a mere natural agent cannot but work uniformly , whether in vain or not in vain , when the matter is uniformly disposed . therefore we must needs have recourse to a first , voluntary , and intellectual agent , that did at first make man ; and by his free power did advance the piece of red earth above its own disposition , and beyond the causality of second causes , to produce man ; and that hath not since done the like : but as to those other imperfect creatures hath planted in second causes such a strength and causality as out of a prepared matter to produce other living creatures without any concurrence of his immediate or extraordinary power . . in every successive motion it is necessary to arrive to some beginning of it , and it is impossible it should be eternal ; as in case of the motion of the sun , which is successive ; it cannot in reason be but there must be a time or instant , wherein it either was not , or did not move ; for otherwise the revolutions would be actually infinite in number , and yet that infinite number of revolutions be still augmented by dayly new revolutions , which would be in it self a contradiction , that that which was before actually infinite , should yet receive an increase , as necessarily it must if the motion of the sun had never a beginning : therefore of necessity it had a beginning . if it had a beginning of its motion , it could not have it from it self ; for why did it not then move sooner ? but of necessity it must have the beginning from another ; for though animate creatures move themselves , yet they receive still the original cause of their motion from something without them , as well as of their being . who , or what , was it that gave it that motion , or principle of its motion ? and if any could assign any other than the first cause ( which is not almost imaginable ) yet still my enquiry must rise higher , what was that that gave being or causality to that cause ? so that in summ the motion of the sun or heavens cannot be eternal , because successive : it must have a cause of its motion from without it self ; that cause , if the first cause , then a first cause must be granted ; if not the first , yet by the same reason , that in all successive motions we must admit a beginning , we may conclude in all successions of causes there must be a beginning , because the being and causation or motion of second causes is likewise successive , and therefore can be no more infinite than the successive motions of the same subject can be infinite . it is impossible that any thing should be eternal that is not indivisible , ut videbitur infra . so that the succession of causes and motion is that which doth necessarily inforce a first cause . to these we ( may ) add those * considerations which arise from the observation of the created world , the subservience of one thing to the perservation of another , the inclinations of creatures without choice to means conducible to their preservation , the ordering and fitting of things whereby confusion and uselesness of creatures is avoided ; all which do bespeak the admission of a voluntary , intellectual , supreme , and universal cause of all things . now a first cause being admitted , we are to consider what may rationally be deduced from thence concerning this first cause . and those are of two kinds : first , such as absolutely concern his own being : secondly , such as concern him in relation to those effects , which proceed from him . for the former of these we say , that a first cause of all things being granted , i. it necessarily follows that he hath no bounds of his existence or being . the bounds of existence are either in duration or extension : the exclusion of the bounds of existence in duration is eternity ; that in extension is immensity . now first for eternity . whatsoever is eternal must be without beginning , without succession , without end. . without beginning : for if it be a first cause , it cannot have a beginning ; for then he must have a cause of his being , which would be a contradiction : neither could he have a beginning from himself ; for that were to suppose a pre-existence in himself to himself , which were also repugnant . . without succession : there is nothing past , nothing to come , for all is one indivisible succession , and those notions of time , past , present , and to come , are only the consequences of a successive motion : for time is nothing else but that conception whereby we measure successive motion : were there no successive motion in the world , it would be impossible that there should be any of those affections of time ; and consequently , time is not any thing real , but a relation to motion . now before that the first cause did set a continued motion in the world , there could be no succession , but all was wrapped up in one permanent instant : for the being of the first cause , and his motion , what ever it was , or is , is indivisible , as shall be shewn . then when he produced second causes , and consequently those moved in their several causalities and courses , and consequently their motions , beings , and causalities being successive , there was a prius , and posterius , and succession ; yet this did not alter the indivisible nature of that duration , which that indivisible being had before , and at , and with that motion , which he after produced . the first being hath a co-existence with the successive motions of the creatures , but his duration is not measured by it , or co-extended with it , but is of the same indivisibility as if there had been no successive motion produced , and consequently no successive time . . without end : for first , what should or can determine his being , in as much as all things else are his productions , and cannot have any causality upon him ? secondly , end is inconsistent with eternity ; for that is a permanent and fixed indivisible , and takes in all past , present and to come , without any difference of notion . the present subsistence of the first cause was the same numerical instant that he had a thousand years since . so that end , as well as succession , is but of those things that are measured by time , not of an indivisible being : to suppose him to have an end were to suppose him not ever to have been ; because past , and present , and to come are all indivisibly conjoyned in his duration . this indivisibility of duration is proper only to the first cause ; for nothing else can upon any sound ground be said to be of indivisible duration , though it may be of a perpetual . suppose we the being of an angel , or the soul , though admitted to be everlasting , yet that is rather a multiplyed extension of duration than any indivisible duration : for of the first cause i may say truly , the instant of the duration , that is now , and that was a thousand years since , or a thousand years after , is the same : but i do not think the same may be affirmed of any other thing whatsoever : . because their essence is not indivisible and simple , as is that of the first cause ; for it is evident they are perfectible , compounded of act and power , not pure acts : . because some things might be affirmed of them in a time past , which cannot now be affirmed of them ; as the creation , continuance in the body , separation , re-union , &c. . their being is dependent . ii. from this admission of a first cause doth necessarily follow immensity , which includes three things . . exemption from circumscription or bounds of his being . there is a twofold exemption from circumscription : . that which ariseth from the disproportion between the thing that should circumscribe , and be circumscribed : thus a spirit of what kind soever is not circumscribed , nor is in any determinate place , for that is proper to a body , that hath extension of parts ; yet though we cannot say , it is here , yet we are sure we cannot say , it is every where . there is . another exemption from circumscription , which ariseth from infinitude , that it exceeds all place and circumscription : now that it is thus with the first cause is evident ; for if he had a being before any thing else , nothing then could bound his being ; if it should , then he could not be the first cause , there being something else that had limited him , which had a pre-existence to his causation : and it is impossible for any thing to have a limited or bounded being , unless it were so limited or bounded by something without it . that which is without a cause of his being , must needs be without bounds of his being : neither could those effects , which he after produced , straiten the extent , as i may call it , of his being , or shut him out from them . from whence follows . his omnipresence , not only vertually and potentially , but essentially in and with all things , though the manner of it be incomprehensible , because a consequence of his infinitude . this is exemption from exclusion ; for it is not possibly imaginable , that the production of new effects should exclude or straiten that indivisible extent , which that being had before those effects were produced . . exemption from succession or division of parts ; for otherwise he could not be immense ; for whatsoever hath succession of parts , as his parts are measurable , so is the whole , and therefore cannot be actually infinite in extension , as i may call it . and this doth consequently exempt him from materiality , succession of parts being an affection of a material substance , and therefore it is an indivisible immensity . what is said of the soul may explain it , tota in toto , & tota in qualibet parte . iii. hence it follows , that the first cause is indivisible , and that in a double opposition . . in opposition to divisibility , which is partly touched before ; and though this be common to all things that are incorporeal , for divisibility is an effect of quantity , yet it is most eminently to be affirmed of the first cause . . in opposition to multiplicity ; and this is the vnity of the first cause , viz. that there is but one first cause of all things ; for if there were two , or more first causes , either all must be infinite in being , and consequently in operation , and that is impossible , viz. that there should be two infinites , because one must of necessity bound and limit the other , both in being , and power : . or else both must be finite , and then of necessity each must have a cause of his being ; for what is it that should prescribe the bounds to these beings , unless the cause of their beings ? if so , they can neither be the first cause : or . one must needs be infinite , and the other finite and subordinate ; and then of necessity , those finite beings cannot be the first causes , but meerly second causes , depending upon that infinite being , both in their essence , and operation ; for nothing can have limits of his being , but what hath causes of his being , which should prescribe those limits . iv. from hence likewise follows , that the first cause is ens simplicissimum , and excludes all composition of what kind soever , either of power and act , of substance and accident , or matter and form : for every mixture doth of necessity suppose some pre-existing cause to joyn these together ; and indeed the very membra componentia have in nature a pre-existence to the being so compounded : and so the admission of any kind of composition , is inconsistent with a first cause . and from hence it is evident , that all things that are affirmed concerning this first cause , are but improper , and serve only as notions to render him unto our understandings . . from hence it also follows that whatsoever is affirmed of the first cause is the same with his essence , and one the same with another , though they are conceived by us under different notions , and conceptions ; as for instance , we see an effect of the first cause , which in case of a man we derive from that habit in man , which we call mercy ; and another effect , which in man we would conclude to come from such a quality or habit , which we know by the name of justice : hence we stile the first cause merciful and just ; yet in truth neither of these are proper , for they signifie qualities ; neither , if they were proper , were they distinct , for they are the same one with another , and both the same with his essence ; otherwise it is impossible he should be simple ; for should his being and attributes be several , he should be compounded of substance and accident ; or should the same thing , which we call justice , be the same with his essence , and not the same with his mercy , he must needs consist of several beings divided one from another : the like for all the rest of his attributes : by the same essence he is , and he is what he is : they are divided notions in us , but in him neither divided from his being , nor one from another . and hence it likewise follows , that though the emanant actions , that flow from this first cause are different , and represented unto us under different notions , as , this is an act of power , this of goodness , this of knowledge or wisdom ; and upon these we frame notions to our selves , whereby we represent that from whence these acts move , by several names or attributes of mercy , power , wisdom ; yet these proceed not in truth from several qualities in the first cause , but from one simple , absolute , unqualified being . v. from this consideration , that he is the first cause and being , it follows , that he is ens perfectissimum : for that is perfect to which nothing is wanting : now it is impossible , that any thing can be wanting to the first cause ; for there can be nothing besides him but what proceeds from him , and that which proceeds from him cannot possibly either add any further degree of perfection to him , or include that perfection , which was not in the first cause most eminently . the first cause had a pre-existence to all things else ; nothing then could be wanting to his perfection ; because there was nothing else but himself . the production of the second causes could not possibly include any greater perfection than what was derived to them . it is true in the working of second causes there may be a production of an effect , that may be more perfect in its kind , than the cause that immediately produced it ; as the production of a worm out of putrefaction , a plant out of the earth , &c. but there the effect is not purely due to the second cause , but to the original operation of the first cause , that did put that activity in the second causes to produce such effects ; for every second cause worketh and moveth in the virtue and efficacy of the first cause , and hath its causality from it , as well as its being , without which , though it had its being , it is impossible it should be operative . this perfection in the first cause is in truth inconceptible , because impossible for humane understanding to receive it without divine revelation ; and much more impossible to comprehend it , because infinite . therefore to help our selves herein we do , and that rationally , attribute to the first being that manner of being , that we find most perfect . therefore from this perfection it follows . that the first cause is a most pure act without any mixture of passibility or power : for if there were any power , as it signifies a susceptibility of some further act or impression , that were an imperfection ; for whatsoever is susceptible of some further act , as all power is , it is impossible it should be perfect . and from hence follows his omnipotence , for all inability to do any thing proceeds from the want of activity in the agent to overcome that resistance , that it finds in the thing to be done . now in the first cause there wants no activity ; for it is a most pure act , and were it not a most pure and infinite act , it were impossible it should be the first cause ; because that supposeth a priority of being in the cause to the effect , and consequently requires an infinite activity in the first cause , because it must produce that which before was not at all ; and the motion between being and simply not being is infinite , and therefore requires an infinite activity . . from the consideration of this perfection it follows , that this first being is a substantial act , not an act that flows from another thing , or depends upon another thing ; for then he could not be ens primum , nor yet ens perfectissimum : but it is an act subsisting by it self . . from this consideration of this perfection it follows , that he is ens vivens . life adds a degree of perfection to the substance in which it is : and the more perfect the life is , the more perfect the being : hence the sensitive life is perfecter than the vegetative , and the rational life than the sensitive , and the life of a spirit than the life of a body . now this first cause , being an infinite and pure act , he hath an infinite perfect life . . from hence it follows , that he is an intellectual being ; and as all his works bespeak him so , so doth this consideration of his perfection necessarily evidence it , for otherwise he should not be perfect , because an intellectual being is a more perfect being than that which is not so . and this understanding of the first cause is commensurate to his essence , viz. infinite and eternal , whereby he perfectly seeth himself , and all things else that are or can be , in one eternal indivisible act . and from hence riseth the omniscience of the first cause , without which he could not be perfect : for if any thing , that is or might be , were hid from him , then by the discovery of that to him , he would receive a degree of perfection , that he had not before . and this knowledge hath a threefold object : . his own essence , which requires an infinite knowledge to comprehend it , because an infinite essence . . all things that are ; for his knowledge being infinite , it must necessarily extend to all other things . . all things that may be , because otherwise upon a further act of his power , that should be a new extension of his knowledge , which stands not with his perfection . and all this with one eternal indivisible act , not by succession , not by mediate representation . such knowledge is too wonderful for me . . from hence it follows , that he is ens liberrimum : though he be most necessarily what he is , yet he is free : first , for that the freedom in agency is a degree of perfection above a necessary agent , and therefore this liberty must of necessity be attributed to the first cause . again , it is impossible but that the first cause must be a free agent , for whatsoever works necessarily , hath that necessity put upon it by somewhat without it , which is inconsistent with the first cause ; for if any thing else did put that necessity of working in him , then that which imposeth that necessity was the first cause . again every necessary agent , omnibus aequè dispositis , works uniformly ; now nothing was as equally disposed to become something from eternity , as at the first production of any thing , the motion from not being to a being , being the adequate effect of the first cause : therefore if there were not a freedom in the first cause , the first effect had been as ancient as the first being . therefore we must necessarily affirm , concerning the first being , that he is ens liberrimum & voluntarium , and that according to his will he worketh . . from hence it follows , that he is ens summè bonum . concerning this goodness of god we affirm . that it is an essential goodness , and his goodness is not any thing divided from his essence , for that is inconsistent with his simplicity , so that his essence is his goodness , and his goodness the same with his essence ; which is also to be observed in all his attributes , though our understanding cannot apprehend this indivisible being all at once , but step by step . and from hence it follows that whatsoever may be affirmed concerning his essence , may be likewise affirmed concerning his goodness , viz. . that it is infinite , for so is his essence . the essential goodness of an infinite being must needs be infinite : and hence it is not capable of any increase or diminution : and therefore the production of the effects , and the communication of his goodness to them , did neither add unto , nor take from his goodness . . that it is perfect ; for that which is infinite must needs be perfect , because it excludes any mixture of any thing that is not good . . that it is eternal , that is evident , for it is the same with his eternal being . now from this consideration of the goodness of the first being arise these conclusions : . that he is perfectly and self-sufficiently happy ; because in the enjoyment of himself he enjoys an infinite goodness , which is the same with his being , and impossible to be severed from it . good is of its own nature the object of desire ; the desire and the object being severed breedeth pain and unhappiness ; the conjunction of good to the desire is fruition ; and if the good be proportionable to the desire of ( it ) , then in the union of that good to the desire there is a full rest and complacency . now the first cause is moved with an infinite love ( as i may with fear say ) to that infinite good , which is most essentially and indivisibly the same with himself , and consequently he hath an infinite rest and complacency in himself , and that without the contribution of any thing without him ; for he had the same boundless happiness in himself before the existence of any effect , as he had after , because he had the same measure of goodness , and the same perfect fruition of it before any such production , as after ; the productions of new effects are the emanations only of his essence , and produced no alteration in him ; neither did it dilate his essential goodness , or add a new degree of fruition of good to what he before had ; for he loved the productions of his will in himself and for himself . . that the first being , as it is the first cause of all things ; so it is the supream end of all things , because he is the supream good , and the only adequate object of himself . so that in the production of any effect , the effect that was produced , or any thing without the first being , could not be the ultimate end , for which it should be produced ; for his will was and is filled with an infinite good , viz. himself . so that it was impossible he should take any thing into that will , which was not in order to himself : he made all things for his own self . and upon this ground it follows that nothing without him is an end to it self , because he , that is the first cause of all things , must needs be he , that must be the master and appointer of the end of all things so caused . . from hence it follows that all the goodness , that is in the creature , is nothing else but the print or impression of that goodness , which is in the first being , though according to the different degrees of things the impressions are more or less genuine ; for it is impossible that any thing can be denominated good , but by a conformity in some measure to that which is the first goodness . that conformity is nothing else but that impression of divine goodness upon the creature . this impression of the goodness of the first cause upon the creature is not by any transmission of any part of the essential goodness of the first being into the effect , for that is incommunicable ; nor by any physical action of that goodness upon another thing , but the mere will of the first mover . now we find a fourfold goodness in the creature . . an essential goodness , which is communicated with the very being of it : thus every thing that is , is good in it self ( though relatively it may be evil ) because in that it is , it is conformable to the first cause , who wills it to be . this goodness in any being is that by reason whereof every thing desires it self , and is moved to its own preservation , and is intrinsecal to the being of the thing . . an intrinsecal , but not an essential , goodness ; when a thing hath all those qualities or requisites in it self , which are suitable and conducible to those acts and operations that belong to the degree of its being , and the variety of the degrees in these qualities denominate it more or less good : thus were all creatures in their original perfectly good : though every kind had a several degree of perfection , yet every thing had a perfection in its kind . this goodness is likewise communicated from the first being . and the suitableness of those qualities in the creatures to the exigencies of their own conditions do most evidently manifest the impression of that goodness , that is in the first being . . relative or communicative goodness , viz , whereby one thing is conducible or useful for the preservation or perfection of another thing , and is therefore desirable or good for it : for though the essential goodness of any thing , being as indivisible is the essence it self , and therefore in that abstract notion is not capable of degrees , yet there are degrees of perfection , which a finite being is capable of , and different degrees of perfection in several beings in their concrete notion , as a man is a more perfect being than a beast , a spirit than a man , though one be as equal a being as the other . this then imports four things : . a vacuity or absence of some good , whereof that being is receptible , and consequently a receptibility of that which may supply it . . a motion or desire of that being , that hath this vacuity and receptibility , unto that which may supply it , and a desire of union to it , this it hath from the cause of its being ; for the cause of its being must needs be the cause of this appetite or motion to its farther perfection ; and this is sometimes so strong and active that it carries the creature by way of consequence to the destruction of that being , which at present it hath , to attain a higher being . . a proportion between the vacuity or necessity of the subject desiring to the thing desired : as a man to supply his hunger desires not cloaths , but meat ; and when cold , desires not meat , but cloaths ; because these hold proportion to that exigence that the creature desires to fill : and hence it is that temporal good satisfies not a spiritual substance , nor a spiritual good satisfies a carnal substance , because they are not proportionable . . an activity in the good desired to apply it self to the supply of that exigence which desires it , and to unite it self to it . all these do infallibly evidence the goodness of the first being communicated to the second being : for who put into the creature a motion or desire to unite it self to that which might supply its want ? who framed a proportionable good to that vacuity and desire ? who placed that activity in any thing to let out and unite that goodness , that is in it , to that desire and vacuity ? the very warmth of our cloaths , the nutriment of our bodies , do bespeak an infinite rational communicative goodness , that defined these correspondencies , and hath taught the creatures those mutual motions for their own and each others good , while they themselves know not what or why they do it . . from the former considerations it follows most evidently that he is most just , and that it is impossible he can be otherwise , and this as it necessarily results from the admission of his goodness ( for justice is nothing else but goodness in a rational being indued with will ) so it flows from this consideration that he is the first cause of all things . nothing can be said vnjust which is not contrary to the prohibition of some law given by something that can exact obedience to it : nothing can give the first being a law or rule but his own will , and consequently he can do nothing but what is most just , because it is impossible that any thing else can be a rule of justice but himself : not any thing without him , for then he were not the first being ; not his creature , for over that he hath a most supream and absolute dominion ; how can that which receives his being , his subsistence , his rules of justice from the first being , prescribe a rule to him , by whom it is , or exact the performance of it ? so that nothing can be the rule of justice to him but his own will ; and therefore what he wills cannot be but just , because he wills it : and as it is impossible for him to act but what he wills ; so it is impossible for him to will but what is just , because his will is the only rule of his justice : and though ex natura rei he might have willed what he doth not will , yet that which he had so willed had been just , yet de facto the act of his will being eternal and immutable , it is impossible any unjust thing should be done by him , because impossible he should do contrary to his own will , which is the only measure and rule of justice . and from this we may clearly evidence , . that there is a most absolute unlimited dominion and power in the first cause over its effects , and he is bound unto it by no other obligation but his own will , which though it doth manifest it self in all mercy , and tenderness , and goodness , and wisdom towards it , yet it is only because it is his good will so to do . . that therefore whatsoever rule or law the first cause doth prescribe to his creature , that is capable of a law , it ought unquestionably to be submitted unto ; for what soever he wills must needs be just , inasmuch as there is no measure of justice or injustice but his will , although we are not to look upon any thing required by the first cause but flowing from a most wise , as well as a most absolute will , and so holding a proportion with the ability of that creature from whom it is required . . from hence we find where is the original of all justice in the world ; it must all be resolved into that will of the first cause , and that in a double respect : . in respect of conformity ; for were there no precise law given to rational creatures , it is true there could be no obligation , yet a conformity in the actions of rational creatures to the similar actions of the first cause towards his creature would be comely and just in a rational creature : and questionless as the irrational creatures have certain instincts planted in them by their first creation , which though they are not properly laws , but inclinations , to man , as he came out of the hands of his maker with the impression of his image upon him , had some conformity to the supream justice without any reference to any command , which is not clean lost , but even in men without education doth strangely manifest it self in divers particulars . in respect of obligation ; for there can be nothing imaginably unjust , without these two considerations , viz. . a law commanding or forbidding a thing under a pain : whatsoever falls not within the command or prohibition is permitted , and cannot be unjust . . a power to exact an obedience to that law , and to inflict the punishment that follows upon the breach of this law. otherwise the law were ridiculous and vain . now as to the first , without all question the first cause , in the first creation of reasonable creatures , did , by what way we know not , give him a law , whereby he should live , and which he traduced to his posterity as the commands of the first cause , though in succession of time those grew weaker and corrupter every day than other . these are those jura naturalia , which have an influence into all the laws of men , as to worship god , to keep our promises , &c. and when we come so far as to be perswaded that they are the laws of god , then it binds in a fear to offend , because thereby we become liable to punishment , which we are sure he hath power and right to inflict , his power being universal and unavoidable , and his right , and dominion over his creature absolute and uncontrolable . thus we find a plain obligation in those laws that are given by the first cause , and consequently admitting such a law , we have a clear rule , whereby to measure what 's just , and what 's unjust : and when i can resolve any thing into the command or prohibition of this law , i find my self bound in conscience , viz. under pain of guilt , to obey . if i enter into a society and agree to be bound by the laws , that the greater number of that society makes , they make a law : here be now but two things that can bind me to observe this law , and consequently to denominate my disobedience thereunto unjustice , viz. the power of the society , but that is but a thing extrinsecal , i may avoid their power , and then i am absolved ; and if external power were enough to denominate my disobedience unjustice , then if i could procure a power to overmatch theirs , their obedience to their own law were injustice . the promise and agreement to submit to that law so made : but what is that that binds me to keep my promise ? if nothing binds me to it , then is not my disobedience any unjustice ; for the obligation of the law is resolved into my agreement ; and if nothing above me bind me to keep my agreement , i have no obligation at all upon me : therefore the dominion , power and justice of the first cause is the only bond , whereby we are bound , and whereunto all humane justice is to be resolved both in point of conformity as to its pattern , and obligation as to its law. but how these laws were at first given to man , whether by a formal command , or whether by an immediate impression in the understanding and will , or whether by an implanted propension or inclination in the will , or partly by one , partly by another , it is not easy to determine . sed vide infra . but what ever way it was , it is impossible to have any notion or imagination of just or unjust among men , without resolving it in its original into the rule or law that was given to men by the first cause of our being . . from the consideration of the first cause and of the premisses , it must needs follow , that he is immutable : for mutability is inconsistent . with his perfection . it is impossible that a pure act can have any change ; for all change doth necessarily infer passibility and receptibility of what it had not before : and to suppose that , were to conclude he were not actus simplicissimus & perfectissimus ; for all receptibility imports potentiam or passibilitatem . . it is inconsistent with his eternity : for all changes too of necessity suppose a succession of duration in the thing changed ; it is not to every intent the same simply , that it was before it had that change , which doth of necessity import succession , which is inconsistent with eternity ; for whatsoever is eternal hath no succession , and consequently whatsoever is affirmed of it at one instant must necessarily be affirmed of it eternally : this cannot stand with any change ; for before that change , that could not be affirmed of him , which might be affirmed after , if it should be admitted . . it is inconsistent with his simplicity . some things have accidental changes , which yet in essence continue the same , as from ignorance to knowledge , from one colour to another : but such accidental changes cannot be in that , which is ens simplicissimum , because there can be nothing in him , which is not his essence . . it is inconsistent with his infinitude ; for to whatsoever any thing can be added that it had not before , that cannot be infinite , because still capable of a farther accession . and as this immutability is affirmed of the first cause in point of his essence and nature , so in some respects it is concerning his acts. these are of two kinds , viz. the immanent acts , such are the acts of his understanding and will ; and these are immutable as well as his essence , for indeed they are but notionally divided from it . in us our will is one thing and our willing another , but that is inconsistent with the simplicity of the first cause ; hence it is that as his essence , so his will is immutable ; he wills nothing now but what he ever willed , and understood from eternity what he now knows ; for eternity hath neither now nor then in it . . the emanant acts ; those are nothing else but the execution of that immutable will ; these are subject to mutation , but without the least mutation , either in the essence or will of the first cause . . not in his essence . it is true here is a new relation that was not before : for when the first being produced an effect , it is true the relation of a cause and an effect is now produced , which was not before , and so when more effects are produced , the relations are multiplied ; but relations breed no change at all in the subject concerning whom they are affirmed : the being was the same before it put forth it self in a causation , as it was before ; it doth of necessity import a change in the thing effected , viz. a motion à non esse simpliciter , or à non esse tale , but not in the cause , which had an absolute being before , though not actually as a cause before . . not in his will. it is true , when any effect is produced that was not before , here is an execution of what was not before , but the will of that to be then was from all eternity . again when a being is either changed or annihilated , that is not by a change of the will in the first cause , but only in the term or execution of that will ; for by the same indivisible and eternal act of his will , he willed this or that to be made , and after to be annihilated in time ; the change is in the terminus or execution of his will , not in the will , or the immanent act of it . but how can we then conceive that there should be one immutable act of his will , when a thing is past ? how can he be said to will that which is already executed and past ? * for which we must return to what hath been said , viz. that past , and to come , are but the measure of successive motions , and therefore though they are applicable to them , yet they are not applicable to an indivisible being or act ; the measures of successive motion do not fit eternity , which , though it be a duration , that consists with the successive motion and duration of the creature , yet , it holds no proportion with it . the motion of the heavens , though times swifter than the motion of a tortois , have yet a proportion one to another , because both successive , and so time measures both : but the duration of the first cause is the duration of an indivisible being , and consequently holds not proportion with succession . and hence it is , that it is but our gross conception that do imagine any part of eternity past , or any part to come , or that time doth divide the fore part of eternity from the future part of eternity : it is an indivisible permanent duration , nothing past , nothing future , but the same fixed instant ; consequently the act of the divine will always one , always present . this knowledge is too wonderful for me . chap. ii. of the works of god of creation and providence . thus far have we proceeded in those inquiries , which rectified reason suggests to us concerning the nature of the first cause : now we consider the emanant acts of his will and power upon things without him ; for from this consideration , that he is the first being , it likewise follows that all things besides him must needs have their being and subsistence from him . this falls into these two conclusions : . that all thing besides himself have their being from him . . that all things are directed and governed unto their several ends by him . touching the former , viz. that all things besides him have their original being from him , that is a necessary consequent of the admission of a first being : for whatsoever is not first , there was a time when it was not ; for otherwise it must be eternal , the contrary whereof is before evidenced . that then which once was not , and now is , and consequently had a beginning of its being , could not have it from it self ; for nothing hath a power or activity of it self to produce any thing ; therefore that second being must needs be produced by the first being ; the consequences whereof are these . . that all things except the first cause had a beginning of their being , and consequently there was no eternal matter , out of which any thing was made . . that all beings had their first being from him that is the first being . this is evident by what goes before . . that the first production of all things by the first being is purely and solely by way of efficiency ; and not by derivation of substance from himself ? for that is impossible ; his essence is immaterial and indivisible . . the manner of this efficiency , or his causality is not any act distinct from himself , but only the me●e act of his mere will , which is essentially the same with himself , and with his infinite power . and herein the first production of second beings differs from that manner of causation , which is ordinary in subsequent productions of things : for the first production of beings was an infinite motion , viz. from a simple not-being to a being , and therefore was acted immediately by the infinite power and will of the first cause , there being no instrument to be used ; or if it had been , yet any instrument had been infinitely disproportionable to such a motion . but in the subsequent production of most things , the matter pre-existing , and so the motion not being à non esse simpliciter , the causation of the first cause is by instruments and second causes . . that as the first production of all things was the immediate act of his will , so the disposing of all things into that order and frame , wherein they now are , was the immediate act of his will , and power , and wisdom . this is evident upon a double ground , viz. first because whatsoever had its being from another , had its esse tale from him . . it is not conceptible that if all the things in the world had been put together , they being all irrational substances , they should ever have marshalled themselves into that order they are in , unless the first being had so willed it . and if it should be admitted that the forms and qualities of the several beings would naturally have inclined them to their several places and stations , which though all things had been wrapt together , would by degrees have severed and taken their places . that as it is impossible to imagine would ever have been , unless the substances themselves as well as their active qualities had been divided : so if it were granted , it were equally to be resolved into the will of the first being to put such forms , qualities and inclinations in things conducing to , and effecting such an order , as if that order and fabrick of things had been by the immediate call of every thing into its order and rank by the first cause . . that the production of mankind especially was the immediate work of the first being . this is touched before . . that all these activities that are in second causes are put into them by the first cause , and they work in the virtue of the first cause ; so that although the effect be not the immediate production of the first cause , yet the activity and power , that is put in the second cause to work , is originally due to the first cause . and hence it is that a more ignoble being doth produce sometimes a being of a higher nature than it self , as the earth produceth vegetables , putrefaction sensibles , because the vigor and activity that causeth it , was at first put into the second causes by the first : so that though they move uniformly , omnibus rectè dispositis , yet they act in virtute primae causae . . though second causes work naturally and uniformly for the most part , where all things are equally disposed , and this by the virtue of that activity , which by the will and power of the first cause was at first put in them , yet this activity is managed and ordered so that it neither breaks the law of its causality or motion , that was at first put into it , nor yet disturbs or disorders the universal fabrick of nature , things being at first framed in that order , that each should be a corrective to the other in case of exorbitancy , de hoc infra . . from hence it follows that the constant and uniform course of nature is not to be attributed to it self , but only to the will of the first cause , that wills it to continue in that frame , though he hath ordained means subservient to that end . . from hence it follows that as all things in actu primo owe their being to the will of the first cause , constant and uniform course of nature is not to to be attributed to itself , but only to the will of the first cause , that wills it to continue in that frame , though he hath ordained means subservient to the will of the first cause , so in actu secundo , viz. their continuance and subsistence is due only , to that will : they were made because he willed it , and they continue because he wills it . and this , as it is most true in respect of the whole frame of nature , which hath no adequate means of its subsistence , but the will of the first cause ; so it is true likewise , as in the beings , so in the continued subsistence of second causes , which though they are , and are supported immediately by second causes , qualities and concurrences , yet the activity and power , that is in these second causes to produce or continue these effects , is due to the first cause , and continues in them by virtue of that will , that at first planted it in them . . the disposing of all things to their several ends , whether remote or near , belongs to this first cause . every intellectual agent works for some end or other ; the first cause we have shewed to be an intellectual agent ; therefore what he works , he works for some end answerable to the work and worker , and it must of necessity be that he that is the first cause , or efficient of all things , must needs be the appointer of his own end in that work. the end , though it be last in execution , is first in intention ; for it moves the agent to the work , or otherwise , though he work not without an event , he doth it without an end. now that which is first in efficiency must needs be the first designer of his own end , which is but the result of his work ; a second cause , though he may have an end in his causation proportionable to the causality wherewith he is indued ; yet as his efficiency is subordinate to , and derived from the efficiency of the first cause , so must his end be : it may be an ultimate end in respect of it , it is but interlocutory , or rather no end at all , in respect of the first cause , but only a means conducing to the execution of the end of the first cause . when a passionate ambitious or covetous man drives mainly and wholly at the satisfaction of those lusts as his end , and that end draws out his activity and strength to compass them , yet a wise statesman , according to the convenience or exigence of the publick , can manage and order this ambition , and the satisfaction thereof unto a higher end , which the other never so much as dream'd of . as we therefore divide all beings and causes into first and second , so we distinguish all ends into the ends of the first cause , and of second causes . touching the end of the first cause , we say it is twofold . . that which is the end in respect of himself . this is nothing but the satisfaction of his own will. as we must resolve the being of all things into the will of the first cause in point of efficiency , so in this respect we must resolve all things into that same will in point of finality ; and this is the most adequate and ultimate resolution of all things , they are because he wills them to be . for the first cause , being absolutely and infinitely perfect and good , cannot originally be moved by any thing without him ; that would import a passibility , viz. to be moved and impulsed to any thing by any thing without him ; and an imperfection , which might be supplyed by the acquisition of that end , for which he works : both these are necessarily to be admitted in any case , where any end extrinsecal to the efficient it self is admitted : for . the end hath an impulsion or action upon the efficient , and . it necessarily supposes a vacuity or emptiness quoad hoc , which shall be supplied with that end acquired , be it an end of supplement or delight . neither of these are possibly to be admitted in the first , who is an infinite good commensurate to the infinite measure of his own will. the final cause then of all things is , he wills because he wills . his glory is a consequence of his work in the work , not the ultimate end of his work , because nothing that he made can contribute ought to his glory or happiness . . in respect of the thing produced , the ordination of every particular thing to its particular end , either in order to it self , or to some thing else , or both , the intermediate ends of all things being different according to their several natures and the several dispensations of the divine will. that this may be so , is evident upon the consideration of that infiniteness of wisdom , power and presence of the first cause , which before is considered : and that it must be so is likewise evident upon the consideration before expressed , viz. that the will of the first cause is the cause of all beings and operations in the world : nothing can be , unless he wills it to be : and this will must needs be extended to every individual thing and motion in the world , for as well as any might evade the determination of his will , all things might . there be three degrees of things , natural , contingent , and voluntary : now the means of carrying things merely natural to their several ends , ordinarily is that rule and order , which he hath set in things natural , and those propensions and inclinations , which are planted in things , to the observance of that law. now this hath a threefold reference to the first cause : . of position or giving ; for it is not imaginable that this rule was taken up by the things themselves : the law of nature , and the frame , order and course of thing according to that law , doth most necessarily conclude a lawgiver , and although the motion of the law or rule of nature is for the most part uniform , yet it doth in no sort follow that therefore it moved not from a voluntary agent . but though it infinitely speaks his wisdom , that did so foresee and order all things , that one uniform law or rule should serve , without any alteration ; for a change of a rule imports imperfection in the rule , and a want of foresight , in him that makes it , of those emergencies that induce such an alteration . now in as much as nothing could be , but it was first in the will of the first cause , and consequently in his knowledg , all those propensions , rules and orders of nature , which he hath put into things , are exactly subservient to those purposes , and consequently to the effects produced by it . . of concurrence with it , all things depending upon the first cause , as well in the support as in the original of its subsistence . . of subordination to it . hence it is that extraordinarily the ordinary rule of nature is intermitted : for though the most exact uniform rule unalterable in the least point may nevertheless proceed from a free agent , because the uniformity of the rule proceeds not from it self , but because the first cause wills it to be so , and yet hath exactly fitted it to the bringing about his ends ; yet because mankind is apt to mistake , sometimes there is an intermission or interruption of that course of nature : this subordination likewise appears by the direction and forming of it to special purposes , wherein whiles the second cause moves according to the rule of nature that is set in it , yet by the concatenation and conjuncture of other things , which happily moved naturally thither , some strange effect is produced beyond the reach of that natural agent : as when an artificer , by conjuncture of several things together , makes use of the natural motion of the lead poise to work a circular , or other strange motion in a clock or engine . now the law or rule of nature , as in divers other particulars , so in these it most evidently sheweth it self to be nothing else but the course , that the great master of the world hath put in things . . those propensions that are in things for their own preservation and protection . hence those motions of inanimate things as it were to their several homes and stations appointed by the first cause , multiplication of their kinds , specifical inclinations incident to a whole kind . . the subserviency of one thing to the use and exigence of another , wherein for the most part the more imperfect is still subservient to the more perfect , and all to man. . the disposition of things in those places and ranks as may be most usefull , and as may best prevent that disorder and confusion , which contrary qualities would produce ; as appears in the elements , in hurtful creatures . . the subordination of the particular inclinations and dispositions of any particular to the prevention of that which is contrary to the law of the universe . . the admirable concurrence of things indued with contrary qualities and destructive each to other in t●●●onstitution of mixt bodies , shewing a hand that tempers and overrules them in their operations and causalities . . contingent effects . in reality there is nothing in the world contingent , because every thing that hath bin , is , or shall be , is praedetermined by an immutable will of the first being : but we therefore call a thing contingent because either we find no constant rule or determination of the immediate cause to the production of the effect , or an effect resulting out of the conjunction of causes that have no natural connexion one with another . when the prophet that prophesied against bethel , returned back , met the lion , and the lion slew him , here was a voluntary act in the prophet , viz. to go , a contingent act in the meeting with the lion , a natural act in the lion to kill him : now because this death of the prophet had no necessary connexion with all the causes that concurred to it , neither had the journey of the prophet any necessary connexion with the walk of the lion that they must needs meet , the death of the prophet , though it had a kind of natural connexion with the next cause that preceded it , was in the estimation of men contingent ; yet in respect of that predetermination that was of all this business , ( which was not therefore predetermined because spoken by the old prophet , who had only a revelation of that counsel ) the whole frame of this business was necessary , yet note that this predetermination did not alter the nature of the intermediate causes : the journey of the prophet was nevertheless voluntary , the meeting with the lyon contingent , the death of the prophet by the lyon in effect necessary . so the divine predetermination of effects predetermines them in their several causes , and takes not away the truth of the denomination of necessary , contingent , and voluntary : it predetermines the being of each ; but the being of the first but to be necessarily , because it predetermines it to depend upon a necessary cause , as the eclipse of the sun ; it predetermines the being of the second , but to be contingently , because it predetermines it to be upon contingent and unconnexed causes ; it predetermines the third to be , but to be voluntarily , because it hath predetermined it to be upon a voluntary cause . all things to him have the same necessity of being , though distinguished in their manner of being , which are represented to our understanding under the notions of necessary , contingent , and voluntary . . we have considered the influence of the first cause upon the creature in actu primo , which is giving it a being , or creation , and as to things natural and contingent , in actu secundo , which is providence or government : now concerning the relation that man , the only visible intellectual and voluntary being in the world , [ hath ] we must premise to this consideration what hath been partly observed , viz. . that the first disposal of every thing to its several end doth of right belong to the first cause . . that this end is twofold : . in respect of the first cause the mere fulfilling of his own will : . in respect of the creatures : . relatively one to another , a subordination of one thing to and for another , as the more imperfect to the more perfect : . absolutely , the end that is planted in every thing is its own preservation and perfection . . that as the implanted end of every thing is his own being and perfection , so the being of things being different , both in nature and degrees of excellence , so are their perfections different , the perfection of animate above the inanimate , the perfection of the sensitive above the animate , and of the rational above the sensitive . . that as the several creatures are moved to their several preservations and perfections , as to their several ends , so they have suitable inclinations , dispositions and motions placed in them conducible to those ends : as the motions of bodies to their several stations ; the generation of vegetables , and their attraction of supplies of nourishment answerable to their tempers ; the fading of sensitives , and assimilation of the nourishment to their own nature , supplying the decays thereof ; natural instincts of every species to avoid those things , places , and foods that are destructive , providing for varieties of seasons , multiplication of their species ; and infinite the like , which is nothing else but that rule , law or means , that the first cause hath put in them for the attaining that end , which he hath put in them , viz. their preservation and perfection . and this is the great wisdom , as i may call it , of the creature , that it pursues that end , by that law , which the first cause hath given it . mankind hath some things in him common with other inferiour beings , and in respect thereof hath the same natural end , viz. the preservation of his subsistence by the same law of nature , which he doth , and may , and ought to preserve , as other creatures do . but if he have a higher degree of being than other creatures , then consequently he hath these two things different from other creatures . . a higher end than other creatures planted in him by the first cause , whereinto he is , or should be carried . . a higher and different law given by the first cause in order to that end , which whiles he follows he is most wise , because most conformable to the will of his maker , and moves to a suitable end to himself , by a suitable means , and which when he declines , he is more bruitish than the beast , because he either moves to no end , or by such a rule , by which it is impossible he should attain it . the conclusion then is , that man was by the first cause made for an end answerable to his own perfection by such a rule or law as was by the first cause ordained to be conducible to this end : that therefore all other ends and perfections that are below the uttermost hight and perfection of man may consist with this end ; for we are not to conceive so improvidently of the first cause , that he should put a thing in such a degree of being , that the ends and rules incident to any consideration of him should be inconsistent with his supream end ; all stood together ; but if by any casualty it should fall out that there were an inconsistency , all the subordinate ends must give way to this supream end : that the pursuit of this great end , whatsoever it is , by this rule , is exactly conformable to the will of the first cause ; by this , man doth two works at once , god's work and his own : that this is the great business of man , the highest act of wisdom , deserves all his labour , study , and endeavour , and all the rest of his business in the world is either lost labour , or worse , if not subservient to this great end. we are therefore to enquire into these three things : . wherein consists the eminence of the being of man above other creatures ; for without this we cannot know that perfection which must be the object of his desire . . what is this perfection , that is thus to be desired and attained . . by what means , and how it is attainable . chap. iii. of man , his excellence above other creatures . the goodness of the wise creator was communicated to his effects , . in giving them a being , . in assigning to every thing a portion of perfection in themselves answerable to the degree of their being , . a motion or desire to the attaining and conserving that perfection , and consequently of their being , which is the vessel wherein that perfection is held , . a rule or law wherewith it is indued to regulate and direct and enable his motions in the attaining of that desire . thus we find in all creatures below man , every thing moving to its own preservation and perfection by a strong desire and constant rule , and enjoying a kind of happiness in the fruition of that end , which the first cause gave it as its portion : nay in the very dissolution of the creature , this is that which moves the ingredients thereof to part themselves , or concur in the production of some third thing , the thing corrupted struggling nevertheless as long as it can to keep it self entire . man , though in his lower part he hath somewhat common with other , especially sensible creatures , and therefore in that respect resembles them in his motions fruitions and ends ; yet he hath something that is of a higher constitution , and consequently capable of a higher perfection , whereunto he moves as his end , by a law or rule answerable to so great an end , this latter being of a higher frame , yet answerable to that in other creaturers , which we call the law of nature , instinct , or natural inclination . the first thing therefore examinable is , wherein consists this perfection of man above other creatures : and questionless that is in his soul , which actuates , animates , and directs his body : and therefore before we can find out what is that end , that is answerable to the degree of man's being , we must enquire what this soul is , wherein man's perfection consists , whereby we shall be able to measure out what end will serve it . the soul of man is considerable : . in its absolute essence we must conclude it to be an immterial immortal substance . this though it be a certain truth , yet it is impossible naturally to demonstrate it : the reason is , because nothing can come to our understandings demonstratively but either by our senses , or by discourse and reasons deduced from such things as so come to our senses . it is true the first cause falls not under our senses , yet by necessary deduction [ from what falls under our senses ] we necessarily conclude , that he is , and in some things , what he is : but the being of the soul , as it is not conspicuous to the sense , so it is not deducible by demonstration : it is a truth which is revealed at first supernaturally , and afterwards traductively . it is true that when we have the knowledge of it , we may find many reasons to fortifie it , divers difficulties thereby reconciled , which without that admitted were almost impossible to be broken through ; which stings the most bold and adventurous sinner or atheist with an invincible suspicion of the truth of this truths yet i cannot find how merely by natural reason a man can first find out the truth of this proposition , that the soul is a substance immaterial . we owe this truth in its original to divine revelation , though when discovered , the contribution of rectified reason may conclude it at least probable . but that being granted , it doth of necessity follow , that it is immortal and incorruptible : for that which is immaterial , is actus simflex , which excludes a composition of matter and form , not simflicissimus , which excludes the composition ex ente & essentia , or ex actu & potentia . now concerning those reasons those reasons that conduce to prove the * immortality and spirituality of the soul ; i. from the manner of its operation : . in the understanding , which though it takes its rise from things that pass through the sense , yet it refines them from their materiality , concludes from them things , which are not conveyed in by the senses , abstracts , riseth to the consideration and apprehension of spiritual truths . . in the will , which is carried to affect a good that falls not within the reach of sense , controlls and commands the sensual appetite , takes it off from those things which it pursues as naturally and violently as the hungry lion doth his prey , and imposeth a law of reason upon them . . from the conscience , that startles at the committing of a horrid offence , though with the greatest secrecy and outward security in the world. sed de his . latius infra . . from the justice of god. it is questionless certain , that as god put in the several instincts and propensions in the inferior creatures , whereby they are carried to their ends ; so there was some rule given to man , that was answerable to the several dimensions of those abilities he had above other creatures , viz. understanding and will. and questionless , as those propensions are internal to the inferiour creatures , and do not only rule their actions , but also their inclinations , so this law that was given to man , extended not only to his outward actions , but to those inward motions of his soul , by the violation of the least part of which law he incurred a guilt , which is an obligation to punishment , according to the penalty of this law. now it is impossible that this justice should be executed , considering especially the outward dispensation of things , without the object of this justice survived his body . . from the wisdom of god , who surely gave not his creature an understanding that might arrive to know him , a will rationally and ex deliberatione to obey him , and yet that all this should die with the body ! but who is sufficient for these things ? here is the first eminence then of man above other things , that he carries about him an immaterial and immortal soul , which survives his body , and this necessarily concludes that the good , or end , or happiness answerable to this perfection , cannot be either material or mortal . . not material , because it holds not proportion with that nature and receptibility of the soul. and from hence as it is most rational to conclude , that any object of the sense can never be that good that the soul drives at , so it is most evident by two experiments . . in the weariness , nauseousness , and unsatisfactoriness of them . if a man had all the wisdom and contrivance in the world , and the most eager and intense desire after these objects of sense , or the sensual appetite , that can be imagined , and all those supplies and opportunities that might conduce to the filling of these desires , yet in the midst of those enjoyments he would find a nauseousness , a satiety , a weariness . and that is the reason that voluptuous men travel from one pleasure to another . which though they are exquisitely proportionable to that sense they are framed for , yet there is somewhat within , which is still empty and craves , who cannot relish nor tast those enjoyments , and cries after something that may be more sutable to it , and the man not knowing what that is , travels from one thing to another to find somewhat to satisfie that desire , but cannot till he light upon that good that is immaterial . . in that the more spiritual the object is , the more satisfaction it breeds . hence the soul doth in effect spiritualize all that cometh into it by abstractions and rational deductions . and from hence among mere natural men , the contemplative is the most happy , because he fits his soul with food in some measure answerable to it . and according to the levity or weight , vanity or reality of the object , this enjoyment is diversified . . not mortal or perishing . as the want of a proportion between the immaterial nature of the soul and material objects , renders them unpleasing and unsatisfactory to the soul ; so if there were a suitableness between their natures , yet if there were a suitableness in their duration , it wants that which is necessarily required to happiness , or an end answerable to the soul , and that upon a double reason . . in the fruition . the very enjoyment of a suitable good , which i am sure must leave me , mi●gles fear and preapprehension of the loss of my present enjoyment , and consequently cannot possibly be happiness . and from hence likewise grows that vexation , which is dipt in the highest enjoyments : every man in the very enjoyments , hath the present apprehension of an inevitable future loss of them , especially in death , which doth take away that possibility of farther uniting of external objects to man. . in the loss of it . that cannot be a suitable end to an immortal being , that must be severed from it . the conclusion therefore of this consideration is , that the wise maker of man , as he hath made him a living corporeal creature , did put into his hand such a good , as was common with other creatures , which he may justly enjoy : so , as he furnished him with an immaterial immortal soul , he did order that soul to an end answerable to it self , and above other creatures , viz. an immaterial immortal good. and less than this cannot be an end answerable to the wisdom of the worker , nor value of the work. . thus concerning the nature of the soul ; now concerning the faculties , whereby it is enabled to move to that end. and these have a threefold use : . first they serve as fit receptacles to entertain , and be united unto that good , which is the proper end of the soul , and hold some proportion with that object , wherein the happiness of the soul consists . . they serve as receptacles to receive that rule or law , which must conduce to that end , and therefore they are likewise fitted for that . . they serve as helps and instruments actively to move to that end. these three are seen likewise in inferiour creatures : . they have a receptibility of that good , which is answerable to their nature : . a receptibility of that instinct , which is their law , whereby they are directed to that good : . an activity in them to carry them on to that good , according to that rule or propension . the two great affections , that every being is endued with , is the truth of its being , and the goodness of it : answerable to those are the two great faculties or powers of the soul ; the understanding , which is conversant about the former ; and the will , which is conversant about the latter . yet in the very same faculties both these are conjoyned under their distinct notions , the understanding taking into consideration the truth of that which is propounded as good , and the will being carried with a desire to the knowledge of truth as good. now concerning the vnderstanding , it hath a threefold power : . a receptive or passive power , whereby it takes in those objects that are conveyed to it by an impression from without , whether it be by the ordinary and natural way of the sense , or by a supernatural impression , or by artificial means , as speech , or reading , or other signs . and thus it receives not only simple apprehensions , but likewise complex , or propositions now without this receptive power , it were impossible for any knowledge to be in the soul , because our knowledge is not by intuition , as the divine knowledge is , but by reception of the thing known , into the soul. and hence it is plain , that all knowledge is extrinsecal to the soul ; for though it be apta nata to receive the species or object into it , yet without such reception it cannot actually know it . . a retentive power of the object or proposition received . without this it were impossible for the discursive power of the understanding to hammer any thing out of it . . an active and discursive power , whereby the understanding is able to work upon those objects thus received and retained , and deduce conclusions and consequences from them : so that though the foundation of this intellectual motion be from those things that are impressed from without upon the soul , yet when they are once there , this active and discursive part of the understanding can draw millions of conclusions , create millions of mixtures , and entia rationis , which present not themselves at first to the passive understanding . the rule whereby this active power of the understanding works , is that we call reason , which is but a beam of the divine light , a part of the image of god in man , and of singular use in all his actions , if rightly used . de hoc infra . now as all receptive or passive powers are perfected by the receipt of the object which may fill that vacuity , which is in the power ; and as all powers are likewise perfected by acts and habits ; so are these intellectual powers ; they have their several acts and habits , whereby they are perfected and moved : . knowledge , and this i may call of two kinds : . passive knowledge , which answers to the passive part of the understanding . such is the knowledge of simple apprehensions , which come through the senses , and the knowledge of principles , and these are of two kinds : . such as are per se nota , and without any argumentation are subscribed unto , as many principles in the mathematicks . . such as are inscribed in the heart of man by the maker of man. thus without all question at first , god did indite his law in the heart of man ; but this being not essential to the soul , though he retained his intellectual soul ; his principles of this kind were obliterated : and therefore it was the mercy of god from time to time to inculcate them into man's posterity . sed de hoc infra . . active or discursive knowledge . this bottoms it self upon those simple apprehensions , that are in the passive understanding , and upon those principles that are in the soul , and by purifying things from their materiality , abstracting , rising from the effect to the cause , and so downward , by the aid of that light and rule of reason , which the god of wisdom hath put into the soul , arrives to those truths , that lie in the creature , as gold in the stone , beyond the reach of sense to acquire . now in this respect the understanding of man is of vast and boundless capacity , and is capable to receive all the things in the world , and nothing that is finite can satisfie it . and hence it is , that it moves from one thing to another , to meet with somewhat that may satisfie the vast comprehension of it . it is true , the higher and more noble the object is that is known , the more delight and satisfaction it gives : but yet all is too strait and narrow to satisfie it . if it could meet with an object to which it might be united perfectly , and that were large enough to fill it , then this faculty of the understanding in this act of its knowledge had its happiness , because it then had found that to which it most naturally moves , and wherein it rests . now nothing can do this , but the first and infinite truth . my understanding is as capable of comprehending the whole earth , as it is of a tennis ball ; and , could there be a means to unite the object to my understanding , were as capacious of the comprehension of the compass of the heavens , as it is of either of the former ; yet when i had acquired that knowledge , i should still have a vacuity , which might comprehend a million of heavens more : for my understanding pares off the bulk of quantity , and the vastest body take up no more room in my understanding than an atome . therefore certainly i conclude that the wise god , that hath put my understanding into such a motion , that it cannot rest in the knowledge of the creature , and is too comprehensive for it , hath appointed himself to be the end of my understanding in this act or habit of knowledge , wherein i shall find an object infinitely more than answerable to the value , worth , and comprehension of my understanding . this then is the end , and consequently the rest and happiness in point of knowledge , to know my creator . . wisdom . this is nothing else , but sound reason ; and though it respect the whole man , yet it principally resides in the understanding . this is diversified according to the different objects , about which it is conversant , and accordingly , gives the denomination of a wise commander , a wise statesman , &c. but that which is the adequate wisdom of a man , denominates him a wise man. this consists in three things . . in the discovery of the true and adequate end of man. man hath several particular ends , to which he is ordained , though in several degrees and stations ; and every one of these ends do , and may consist one with the other : but that man , that arrives not to the ultimate and supream end , hath not that wisdom , which is commensurate to the nature of man. . the discovery of the right means and rule to attain to that end. man , as we have said , hath several ends , and several means there are conducible to that end. conservation of the compositum , is an end common to man and other creatures ; and in order to this , he hath several means conducing to this end , as choice of his diet , and moderation in it : securing himself from injuries , and in order to this , acquiring of riches , and power , and friends ; settled societies and commonwealths , and in order to these policies , laws , trade , &c. perpetuating of his kind by propagation . these ends , and those means , when known , do denominate a man wise ; though this wisdom differs in degrees , according to the several values of these ends : but any , or all of these , do not rise to that wisdom , that is the proportionable wisdom of a man ; because these , as they are but temporary , and die with the man , so they are but extrinsecal , and come not up to the value of the soul. the wisdom answerble to a man , is that which orders him to his everlasting and spiritual end , by those means that are suitable to it . . the due prosecution of this end by these means . there are three great follies in the actions of mankind : . in making that an end of his actions , which in truth is not , but only a means in order to something else : for instance , riches are in truth nothing but a means tending to our outward preservation and support against injuries and necessities ; the like of honour , and power ; but when a man shall move towards riches , or honour , or power , to that end that he may be rich or great , here is a mistake and a folly in resting in that as the end , which in truth is nothing , nor of no value , but in order to preservation of it self , and of that society wherein he is , and consequently of himself . . in misapplying means to that end at which he drives , which though the end be right , is folly ; but if the end be mistaken , is double folly . he that makes riches his end , if he endeavour to attain it by playing at dice , or other unfit means , he misses both his end , and means of it . . in prosecution of inferiour ends immoderately , and without subordination to higher ends. the wise god hath so ordered all things , especially man , with that order and subordination , that all his ends may be prosecuted by all due means ; yet one end , means , or prosecution , not injurious , but rather helpful to another : and the want of distinction in our ends , means , and prosecutions , breeds that disorder , confusion and folly among men in their actions and ends. meat and drink is necessarily conducible to my preservation ; i may , and by the law of nature am bound to use it : wealth and riches are a means conducible to provision of those supplies , and to the propulsion of the injuries of necessity and men : honour and power in civil societies , are conducible to the support and well ordering of that society , which is my defence against the injuries that i may receive from another man or men : all these may be used , and all so far from hindering one another in my preservation and outward felicity , that they are all conducible to the same end ; and not only so , but may be consistent with the prosecution of my high and supream end , and assisting to me in it , when i use them with subordination to it : but without this right use of things to their own ends , and with their due subordination , all things prove unuseful and destructive to it self , and one to another : my eating and drinking turn to luxury and excess , and become destructive to me , and consume that wealth , which should be the provision of my conveniences , and my support against injuries : my pursuit of wealth turns to covetousness and sordidness , whereby i straiten my self in the supply of my own conveniences , and lay my self open to detestation , curses , and envy of others ; whereby it is become the means of my ruine , which well dispensed , might be the means of my preservation : my honour and power is turned into vanity and tyranny , whereby i become the envy , scorn , and detestation of that society , wherein consists my outward safety , exposing my self to be ruined by the society whereof i am a member , and the society to the ruine of others , by my improvident managing of my power . and in this inordinate prosecution of any of them , without the due subordination of all to my supream end , i lose my happiness , miserably mispending the utmost and height of my endeavours to the attaining of that , which is below me , and yet lose the end , which may be had by them , if pursued with due subordination to my great end. by what hath been premised , we see a double difference : . between bare knowledge and wisdom ; . between that wisdom which is particular , and that which is the supream wisdom . the difference between the two former is , . in their object ; though every scibile is the object of knowledge , it is not of wisdom . . in the use ; many things are known only , that they may be known ; but wisdom is in order to action and motion to the thing known , as profitable , or from it , as hurtful ; it is an act of practical understanding , not purely speculative . the difference between the two latter : that which is particular wisdom , is but temporary , subservient principally to the body , subordinate , and when it wants its due subordination , proves irrational : but the other is perpetual , because fixed upon a perpetual end , principally concerning the soul ; supream and simple without mixture of any thing in it below reason . . conscience . which is a high act of the understanding ; for as wisdom looks and moves forward , by the right rule or principle , to the right end , so conscience looks backward , and measures the acts and motions of the soul , by these rules or principles , and consists of three propositions : . it doth of necessity presuppose a rule or principle given unto man , directing him in his motion to his supream end. we see all things natural have some principle , instinct or law , whereby they are carried to their several ends and operations : that which is in them an instinct , was to man a law , because being indued with understanding and will , he was susceptible of a law , which inferiour creatures were not . now as the interruption of that law or rule in natural things , brings an obliquity and irregularity in their motions , and so diverts them from that end , to which otherwise they would arrive ; so the violation of this law or rule given to man , doth at once subject him to a threefold mischief : . a loss of that end , which the regular motion , according to that rule , which god gave him , would have carried him unto : for the wise god , having disposed all things to their ends ; hath done it in , and according to those ways , which he hath prescribed them to move in to those ends. . a deformity and vncomeliness contracted by the violation of that rule . when the creatures came out of god's hands , they were good and beautiful : that beauty and goodness consisted in nothing else but a conformity to the will of god in their beings , motions , and ends : if any of that conformity be altered , there ariseth presently a deformity , uselesness and uncomeliness in the creature . the same it is with man : he received , questionless , a rule to live and move to a most suitable end , and conformable to the will of the first cause , that ordered him to that end : as long as he moves conformable to that rule , he moves according to the will of his maker , to a most suitable end : but when once he violates that rule , he contracts a deformity , ataxy , and uncomeliness by such violation . . an obligation to some positive punishment annexed to the violation of that law : for let us suppose any creature , wanting will and understanding , that did notwithstanding , not move according to this rule , by this he would most clearly contract the two former , viz. loss and deformity : but where a law is given to a creature endued with these faculties , the violation of the law so given , includes in it , not only a privative offence , as i may call it , to which a privative punishment may be answerable , but a positive rebellion , rejection , and disobedience to that duty , and subjection he owes , and is enabled to perform to his maker : and therefore it is most just and rational , that there should be added , as a sanction to that law , some positive penalty to revenge such a violation ; that as the obedience to that rule , would carry a man to a positive good , so the disobedience thereunto should be followed with more than a bare privation of that good. this then is the first proposition , that is laid in the understanding or conscience , this or that is commanded to be done or omitted , as the rule or law given by god , to carry me to my supream end and happiness , the violation whereof , subjects me to loss of that happiness , to a deformity and discrepance to the will of my maker , to the curse or sanction of that law. without the knowledge of this proposition , the great work or act of conscience is asleep ; therefore it is necessarily to be presupposed , for it is the supream resolution of all obligation in the world , both of laws , contracts and oaths , as appears before . and according as this principle is either true or false , clear or dubious , so are the actings , and conclusions of the conscience , true or erroneous , quick or dull . it concerns us therefore to enquire , how these principles come into the vnderstanding . we find in the creatures , several instincts , incident almost to every creature , which are connatural with it : we may observe likewise in man , dispositions and inclinations of several kinds , common to whole nations , climates , families , which though they incline the men to actions and carriages , suitable to those several dispositions , yet are not laws or principles of nature . these principles therefore of the divine law , called natural principles of conscience , are in the understanding these ways : . supernaturally . thus almighty god did at first give man a copy of his will , shewed to his understanding and will , commanded him to obey it : and this perfect discovery he made at first , and when it decayed after the fall of man , it is evident he did by divine inspiration and revelation , reinforce and discover it , as appears by the holy history . . artificially , by tradition , from the first man to his posterity , and from one man to another . for though the first man lost much of his light and knowledge , by the fall , yet he was not without divers of those principles , which god at first shewed him . . naturally ; viz. by the help of reason and discourse ; for although if a man were bred up from his infancy without any manner of instructions , it would be very difficult for him to take up of himself any sound principles of nature , yet i do believe that the divine law given to man , hath that justice and agreeableness to right reason , that when once the motions of reason had any materials of observation to work upon , it would incline such a man , though weakly , to some , though not all of those divine laws , which were first perfectly written in the heart of the first man. the precepts of the divine law , though they be not congenite with us , yet many of them are so rational , and hold such a conformity with right reason , that reason exercised , would light upon some of them . hence several nations , that we know not ever to have had correspondence one with another , yet agree in many natural observations and customs , as agreeing to the common reason of both , and the wise god having so ordered the business of this world , that those laws , which he gave to man , best and most rationally conduce to his good here , as well as hereafter , as is most evident in the precepts of the first and second tables . thus much for the first proposition of conscience . the second or minor proposition of conscience , is the stating of what i have done , whether in conformity or violation of that law , which is nothing but a reflex act of the soul , looking into the intellectual memory , and impartially stating what i have done . and by this a man may see that the divine law doth not look at all upon the outward act , as the violation or performance of it , but so far sorth only , as it is an effect of the soul and will. and hence it is , that the judgment of the conscience looks upon the work within . it is true when the act of the will is full and compleat , it is testified by the outward action , but it is not the outward action that makes the violation or performance . this then is the second proposition or assumption , this or that i have done or omitted . . the third proposition is the conclusion , either of acquittal or condemnation , of obligation to that guilt , which ariseth upon the breach of that law , loss of my end , deformity , and liableness to the curse . thus far concerning the understanding , and the acts of it , the second great faculty is the will , whereby the soul is moved to the desire and prosecution of that which is good. it is true , that all powers carry with them a natural appetite or motion to that which is the object of that power , and consequently comes under the name and notion of good : the understanding naturally moves to know its object , as to a good suitable to that power : the senses move to their objects ; the eye is not satisfied with seeing , nor the ear with hearing : the natural appetite moves to the enjoyment of such a good , as may fill and answer the want or exigence of the thing that hath that appetite . but the difference between the motions of the will and other faculties , is considerable in two things : . in the object . generally the object of the will is good : and this distinguisheth it from the understanding , whose object is truth : so that though the same thing is the object of both , yet those faculties fasten upon it under several notions , as the same body may be the object of my eye as coloured , and of my touch as hard : and though good and goodness is an object of my understanding , as a scibile , whereby my understanding examines the truth , the nature , the circumstances , the degrees , the suitableness of it ; yet it is an object of my will , as appetible or desirable , which is nothing else , but the motion of the soul to union with that it concludes to be good , and such a good hath these qualities : . it must be ● possible good : and this hath a double reason : . because this is an inclination put into the soul by the wise maker of the soul , who never did any thing in vain ; and therefore never put any motion in any thing , to such a thing which is unattainable ex natura rei : it is true de facto it may fall out that good to which the soul is moved , may not be attained by reason of some extrinsecal intervenience ; and yet ex natura rei the good may be attainable . . because the will is a rational faculty , and though of it self , it moves indeterminately to all good , yet when it moves to any determinate object , it moves upon the predecision of the rational understanding : now it were a mere irrational act to move , and impossible thing that it should move to that which the understanding doth not in some sort conclude possible to attain : for the end of desire is union to the thing desired ; and were there not a possibility of union concluded in the understanding , there would be an impossibility to will it , or move after it . . it must be a suitable good to the exigence , nature and condition of the subject that desires it : . to the exigence of the subject : and this is evident in all motions of all things : they move to that which is apt to fill up and supply that vacuity , which is in the thing desiring it , even in natural , as well as rational appetites : the hungry man his appetite is not for clothes , but food . . according to the condition of the subject : a sensitive appetite moves to a sensitive good ; and a rational , to a rational good ; and an immortal , to an immortal go●● . and although man consists of several pieces , and therefore hath several exigences and conditions , and consequently moves to several ends answerable thereunto , and the will is carried to those ends : yet when the will is rationally and regularly moved , it moves to the inferiour ends or good , with subordination to that whch is the greatest good , and therefore rests not in them , nor is satisfied with them : nay , though by reason of ignorance or other accident it mistake , or know not , or forget its supream end , it takes no full satisfaction in those inferiour goods : though it know not what to desire , yet in all the enjoyments of these inferiour desires , it finds that it hath not what it should , and that breeds discontent , weariness , and changeable pursuits of empty and unsatisfying pleasures and profits , and contentments . now the will is carried to its object , by a double principle of motion : . original : that great and wise god , that hath put in all things , inclinations to their several ends , hath put this will in man , to move to his end : wherein he hath at once fulfilled his own will ; he did it because it pleased him ; and led man to his happiness ; for this we may most clearly see in the frame of all things ; his wisdom and his goodness is such , that the duty and the happiness of his creature , are never severed ; when the creature moves to the fulfilling of his maker's will , he moves in the same act to his own perfection and happiness . . immediate : the understanding is the seat where god hath set his light , the light of reason : the decision or determination of reason is , or should be , the guide of our will : now the determination of reason and vnderstanding is twofold : . general , that whatsoever tends to the good of the subject , is to be desired and prosecuted , and that according to the several degrees of that good , accordingly ought the desire and prosecution to be : if there be two goods propounded , the one more perfect , universal , &c. than the other , then though both may be pursued , yet this with subordination to that . . special , specificating and determining this or that to be good , and giving the degrees thereof , which is or should be the measure of the motion of the will. this is the last act of the practical understanding : for though all good be the object of the will in its latitude , yet the will fastens particularly upon that good , which by the understanding is presented to be his chiefest good : and in order to the union unto this good , is the motion of the will ; and subservient to this motion , are the several passions and affections of the soul , which are but the impressions of the actions of the will upon the blood and spirits , whereby the will exciteth and produceth those external actions in the body , which tend to the execution of its commands , and therefore i omit them . upon what hath been said , may appear , wherein lies the immediate cause of man's miscarriage to his supream end : it lies in the defects of his understanding and his will. . for his vnderstanding : if this hath either no light , or a false light , the will is misguided : the soul of man will be moving to some thing or other under the notion of good ; this sets the understanding a work , which , if not rightly principled , takes up that for his good , which either the temper and constitution of the body and fleshly appetite , or the present opportunity suggests and affects , and puts the intention of the will upon it ; as pleasures , or profits , or honours , or empty speculations : and yet in the pursuit of these a man ( that hath almost any intellectuals , though it may be he arrive not to the true and positive knowledge of what is his supream end ) most commonly finds , that this is not ; and though sometimes he knows not why , yet he is sick and weary of them , as unsatisfying and deceiving things ; wheraas the true cause is that disproportion they bear to the nature of the soul , and are not that end , to which it is ordained and would move , if it knew it , and how to attain it . again , though the understanding doth sometimes find , that these are not the things will make me happy , but i spy the true and everlasting happiness , yet the conviction is not so strong and evident , that it dares conclude the pursuit thereof to be preferred before the present enjoyment of those delights , which we are sure of : and from hence it comes to pass , that the competition of these present enjoyments will soon starve and famish these uncompleat convictions , and all pursuits in the will of them . these and the like defects happen in the understanding . . in the will , which hath lost her liberty to follow her light , and is captivated by the sensual appetite . the understanding , being rightly inlightned , presents to the will several ends ; the subordinate ends , preservation of the compositum by meat and drink , acquisition of wealth , to provide these conveniences , obtaining of power to secure that wealth ; the supream end , blessedness , and that wherein it consists ; shews the will , that the value of these ends must be the measure of her pursuit of them , viz. with subordination to the supream end in order to it , and bids her beware of turning the subordinate ends to ultimate ends : but the sensual appetite , either before the counsel of the understanding , hath precipitated the will into a violent pursuit of those present and sensible goods , or so bewitched her after in the enjoyment thereof , that it can no more listen to the entertainment of the pursuit of a future spiritual good , than if it had no reason : the beast in man hath got the man upon his back , and runs away with him , contrary to the cries and dictates even of reason that should rule it . and of these and the like defects , all mankind is sick , both in his understanding and will , and cured we must be , before we can clearly and uniformly move to our supream end , which , what it is , as the next inquiry . chap. iv. of the supream end of man. what is that good for the sons of men ? as it was the greatest inquiry of the wisest of men , so it is that problem that hath tortured the wits , and wearied the pursuits of most of the children of men , that have been in the world. the universality of the question grows from that restless motion in the soul of man after some end , which puts every man at last , upon the prosecution of somewhat as his end , though it may be not upon the speculative and critical inquiry concerning it . as the ordinary rational faculty of the soul , teacheth a man to conclude rationally , though he have not that artificial reason of reason , which is acquired by speculation and study . and as this is the cause that puts many upon the inquiry , and all upon the prosecution of some end , so the difficulty of the decision doth produce that variety of judgements and practice concerning this , which are impossible all to be sound and true , but possibly they may be all false , in as much as there can be but one supream good and adequate end of man , which is his happiness . and from hence it is , that amongst the several determinations of men concerning this matter , each do abundantly convince the other , to be errors and mistakes , and though none do sufficiently satisfie and convince a man , that it is the right , yet doth abundantly satisfie , that the adverse opinion is mistaken concerning this point , because the truth is but one , the rest are all errors ; and though some carry more likelihood of reason than others , yet it carries so much distance from truth , that it is discernable not to be the truth , and the mistake is not only evident to reason , but even to sense it self . that man that would go about to perswade me , that happiness consists in corporal pleasures , outward good of body or fortune , wealth or honours , knowledge of all created beings , practice of moral virtues , &c. i need no other conviction of the falsity of these , but this , that in the midst of any , or all of these , i still find those affections in my soul , that cannot consist with happiness , but mingles misery with this thin and empty happiness : . desire of somewhat more , or somewhat else , which i have not , which ariseth not from the goodness of what i enjoy , but from the emptiness and narrowness of it . . consequently grief for what i want , and have not . . fear of loss of what i have . and never any man in this world , in all the enjoyments he ever had , or was capable of , except that which we now intend to speak of , but in the midst of all , had these three affections about him , actually working , which can never consist with happiness . now the general grounds of these mistakes in the practice of men is , . the error of their judgment , . the impetus or force of the sensual appetite , which precipitates and captivates their judgment . the speculative error ariseth from ignorance , . of the subject , man ; for let it be but once granted , that the soul of man is an intellectual immortal substance , all those opinions , which place happiness in this life , will be convinced clearly false and vain . but though the knowledge of this be sufficient to tell me what is not my happiness , viz. that no temporal thing , no carnal pleasure , no contemplation of the creature is commensurate to the nature and duration of the soul , which is the best part of man , and consequently is not , nor can be his end. yet this , though it take him off from the wrong ways , it sets him not in the right way , but leaves him at a stand . therefore . the second impediment , is the ignorance of the object of this happiness , the want of the knowledge of god , which is the only object of all our happiness : the proof and demonstration whereof , ensues . by what hath been before said , it is evident , . that by the wise appointment of god , every thing is ordained to an end , to which it moves . . that this end is such a good , as is answerable to the perfection of the creature , which moves to it : a meer natural agent moves to a natural end , a sensitive , to a sensible good. . that the highest perfection of the reasonable creature , consists in his reasonable soul , by which he is a large degree above the sensitives . therefore to find out , wherein that good consists , that is the end of man , we must take measure of the soul , wherein consists man's perfection ; and when or where we can find a good commensurate to the soul , there , and there only can we fix man's happiness . . the soul of man is immaterial , and consequently , that wherein consists happiness , cannot be material . this takes off all sensible objects , as pleasures , wealth , outward pomp , nay , all the visible creatures , from being the object of man's felicity . it is as impossible to satisfie a spirit with these things , as it is to feed a body with a spirit : they hold not a proportion or conformity one to another . and from hence it is , that in that small slender use that the soul makes of the creature , as it cannot enter into the soul , till it be spiritualized in the species , which are refined more and more the nearer they come to the soul , first in the organ , then in the phantasie , so neither can the soul make use of them to any purpose , being received , till by abstraction it hath made them of the same nature with her self . and from this disproportion between the soul and those external enjoyments , do arise that unsatisfactoriness , that comes by them to the soul : for though they are useful to the body and the outward man , and therefore they are desirable by the soul it self , in order to that end , yet they reach not so far as the soul , their end falls short of it ; and hence it is , that the soul rests not in the enjoyment of them , nay , though it see not its proper end , yet it finds a nauseum in the excess of these , and therefore is restless , and moves from one pleasure to another . and this is likewise the reason , why every outward pleasure is greater in the expectation , than in the fruition , because the imagination of the soul , which is the creature that the soul forms , can bring it nearer to the soul than the creature , when it is enjoyed , can come : and this imagination , as it doth delude the soul , so it likewise takes off much of that content which may be lawfully found and used in the creature ; it makes the pursuit too eager , and fruition flat , in that it was over expected . . the soul of man is consequently immortal , and its felicity cannot therefore consist in that which cannot be co-extended with it . were there a good imaginable , that in its own nature , held proportion with the value of the soul , and yet were perishable , it were impossible , that in the enjoyment of this good , could the felicity of the soul consist : and that upon these reasons , . because the duration of the soul , is not divisible and successive , taking it apart from the body : a temporary felicity would be no felicity . it is true , we measure out our time by parcels , as years , and weeks , and days , and hours , and minutes , but the soul doth not so ; for though the duration thereof is not simply indivisible , as in the duration of eternity , yet it is far more swift than ours , and so would be almost insensible of a temporary good , though of long continuance . . because the determination of that good , would consequently determine its felicity , so it can be no perfect happiness . . the very enjoyment of a most perfect good , that the soul looks upon as determinable , is in that very enjoyment mingled with a discontent , grief , and fear , which are abundantly sufficient to rob the soul of felicity in that very enjoyment , when the soul shall be taken up with such sad preapprehensions and preexpectations as these : i now enjoy a good answerable to my desires , and that fills up every the least vacuity and craving of my will ; yet i foresee that it is not lasting , a time must come when i must lose it , and it will die under my hand , and yet my immortal being shall have continuance to all eternity , when my present enjoyment shall serve but to increase my emptiness and misery with the sense of what i had , and lost . this hand-writing upon the wall , is enough to turn the highest enjoyment , that is but temporary , into bitterness in the very enjoyment , much more those vain and thin pleasures of this world , that never came near the soul , but in a deceitful imagination . so then to the constitution of true happiness for an immortal substance , there is re-required an immortal good. . it must be a good divided in its own nature from the soul. there can nothing be the end and supream good to it self , but the first cause , which alone is self-sufficient : and that is manifest in the motions of the soul ; for if it self were the end of it self , it hath its end , and consequently , would cease to move ; but it is evident , that the soul is not a pure act , but receptive of something distinct from it self , to which it moves , as to its end and perfection . . it must be a true and real good : for since the perfection of the soul , consists in these two active faculties , the understanding , whose object is truth , and the will ; and the principal use of every faculty , is in order to the supream end of the soul , which is his summum bonum ; it is necessary , that that which is pursued by the will , as good , should likewise be entertained by the understanding , as true ; and the highest perfection of the understanding , is about the truth of that which is the supream good ; because that truth is the supream truth . the truth of this goodness stands in opposition , to that which seems to be good , and is not at all ; such are meerly imaginary and phantastical goods , when the soul works an imaginary good , and then works it self into the belief of it : . to that , which having a being , seems to be good , and is not : . to that , which though it be good , seems to be the supream good , but is not . it must therefore be an intellectual real good. . it must be an infinite and vniversal good. the former qualifications , though each exclude something , yet none excludes all creatures from being the supream end of the soul : angels and spirits are immaterial , immortal , intellectual good , yet they want this one qualification , without which it is impossible , that there can be the object , wherein consists true happiness . the reason is this , because nothing below an infinite good , can satisfie the infinite motion of the soul. the motion and comprehension of the understanding , though actually , it doth not understand all things finite , it may comprehend all finite things in the world : which is clearly evidenced by experience : the most knowing man in the world hath as much room for more knowledge , as he had before he knew any thing : if a man therefore knew all the finite things in the world , yet were not the understanding so filled ; but were there more to be known , he would have room for it , and consequently a desire to it : nothing then can fill and satiate the understanding , but infiniteness : yet we are not therefore to conclude , that the understanding is commensurate to the infinite nature of the first being : no , that hath an actual plenitude beyond the comprehension of the understanding : but the meaning is , god hath placed in the soul of man an understanding potentially infinite , that cannot be filled with what is actually finite , as all creatures are . and as the motion of the understanding is infinite and restless , till it be filled with him that fills all in all , so is the motion of the will , nothing below an infinite good can satisfie it . and now , as we have argued upward from the capacity and vastness of the soul and its faculties , that nothing below an infinite good can be its end , so we must argue downward too ; the great and wise creator , who hath the disposition of all things to their ends , and who in his infinite wisdom , hath put motions and capacities in all things , conducing and fit for those ends , for which he hath ordained them , hath appointed himself to be the end of his immortal creature , and therefore hath put in the soul , a capacity too large for any thing below himself , and motions restless in any thing , but himself . the conclusion therefore is , the immortal invisible creator of all things , that is infinite in goodness and truth , hath been pleased to appoint himself to be the end of man , wherein consists his supream good. but it may be here considerable , how god can be the adequate object of man's felicity , seeing man consists of a soul and body united , which was ordained to an end of happiness as well as the soul ? to omit the consideration of the resurrection , de qua infra , i do conceive that god is the adequate object of man's happiness , in respect of his compositum , as well as singly of his soul , though in a different way of communication : the communication of himself to the soul , is more immediate and sublime : the communication to the body and compositum , mediate by second causes , enabling and blessing their operations . and i cannot question , but in the first creation , when the soul enjoyed god as the object of her happiness , the whole compositum did partake of that influence in communications of happiness answerable to every exigence and degree of its being . sed de hoc infra . now in as much as the first cause , is the last end of man , and the only object of his happiness , it remains to be inquired what this happiness is , or the formal reason of it : for it is possible , that there may be a subject capable of happiness , and a being that may be proportionable to that capacity , yet the subject not truly happy . the beatitude therefore of the soul consists in the vnion of the soul unto this object of his happiness : and this union presupposeth a double act : . an act or propension in the soul , moving it unto god , as to its end and perfection : and as the great creator did appoint himself to be the end of this his rational creature , so he implanted in him a propension and motion in him to that end ; and that propension and motion is not a meer natural inclination , but ariseth from the fitness of those high faculties of understanding and will for so excellent an object . in these he hath placed a capacity or receptibility in some measure of himself : and as every power is ordained in reference to something else , that may actuate and perfect it , and consequently moves after that object whereunto it is ordained , so this receptibility , which god hath placed in the soul , doth , or at least naturally should , move to that object , which alone can fill its vacuities and receptiveness . . in as much as god is a free agent , though he gave the soul these faculties , yet so much is his being and perfection beyond the reach and attainment of any finite being , that this motion of the soul can never overtake his happiness , unless there be likewise an act of condescension and communion of himself to the soul : therefore there is necessarily required to the happiness of the soul a communication by god unto the soul : and by this reciprocal act , . of the soul to god , as the only perfection of it , . of god to the soul , filling the desires thereof with himself , this union and happiness is wrought . this communication by god , is not of his essence or being , for that is incommunicable , and cannot be mingled with any creature , but as objective ; and for a fuller explication of this , god is pleased to communicate himself to the soul , according to the nature of these great faculties , which he hath planted in it , viz. the understanding and the will. and as without relation to both these , it is impossible that man should be truly happy ; so if both these be fully satisfied , there cannot want any thing to compleat his happiness , because there is no other faculty in the soul , which can receive any further portion of happiness . . the communication of god to the vnderstanding , is that whereby he fills the same with the knowledge and sight of himself . here the understanding hath an object that satisfies and fills all the restless motions of it , wherein he reads the satisfaction of all his doubts and inquities , wherein , though upon the first view , it finds more than enough to fill its vastest comprehension ; yet every atome of its duration , makes new discoveries of what i● thought it wanted not , the object being infinitely too large for all the successive actings of created understanding , to attain unto , much less in one act ; an object wherein the understanding finds not only amplitude , but unimaginable delight , whiles it gazeth on an infinite perfection ; an object , which by the same act fills and inlargeth the faculty and capacity of the understanding , wherein the understanding , though it enjoy his object is not satiated , but it rests in it , is not tired with it . every power , in the enjoyment of its full and adequate object , hath complacency and acquiescence ; which nevertheless is nothing else , but a circular and reciprocal motion between the object and the power : the power is moved with a full desire to the object , the object being enjoyed , returns it self adequately to the desire , and this is so swift and imperceptible a motion , that it is called the rest of that power . thus it is with the understanding , when it hath attained the knowledge of some excellent art or object below ; it is true , this breeds some delight , but because the object that is known , is not adequate to the extent of the understanding , it returns not an answerable return to the understanding ; and therefore , though it take some delight in it , yet it is but faint and weak , but at utmost , it rests not in it , but moves to something else : but this object is more than adequate to the largest understanding , and therefore when the understanding is filled with it , it cannot choose but rest in it with the most absolute complacence and delight , that that power is capable of . . but though the understanding were able to read all the infinite perfections of god , yet if that other great faculty be not satisfied , as it is impossible the soul should be compleatly happy , so it is possible , it may be extreamly miserable , if whiles the understanding contemplated the greatness , power , and goodness of god , the soul should not partake of it , but that power ingage against it : therefore the second part of the happiness of the soul , is the communication of the goodness of god to the soul , whereof it is capable , and which the will desires , by letting in upon the soul the beams and light of his love , his favour , his acceptation , his delight in the soul , whereby as the soul most eagerly moves to him as his chiefest good , so it pleaseth him to entertain those motions , and fills them with enjoyment of himself , and the sight and sense of his love to it . this union of god to his creature , either in filling it with his knowledge or his goodness , we are not able to discover , only herein consists man's happiness , when his understanding is filled with his maker's light , and his will with his love ; which creates a kind of mutual propriety between god and the soul : i will be their god , and they shall be my people . now though this may be the happiness of the soul separated , but how can this be said to be the happiness of man , which consisting of a body and inferiour faculties subservient thereunto , and to his subsistence as a man ? or whether , and how can this happiness be acquired or enjoyed by man in this life , since his soul now acts and moves organically , and according to the temper and accommodations of the body , and so is not capable of that clear and undisturbed knowledge of god , or sense of his love ? and if it were , how could that accommodate the necessities of his outward man ? these things are to be considered to answer this question : . what are the degrees of happiness , attainable by the soul in this life ? and wherein it consists ? what happiness is attainable for the whole compositum or frame of man in this life , and wherein it consists ? touching the former , we say : . there is not the same degree of happiness to be expected for the soul in this life , as there is when either it is freed from the body , or the body freed from those imperfections of mixt body which we carry about us . the reason is evident in both the great faculties : in that of the understanding , it works now by organs and instruments of the body , and is straitened in its operations , according to the condition of those organs and instruments ; it sees now with the eyes of the body , though it works out of that sight higher conclusions , and if it had , as once it had , a more clear and immediate vision of god , yet it could not be so capacious within the limits of the body , as when the soul were meerly spiritual , or the body spiritualized . again , as to the will , it cannot exercise the utmost of his activity in the love of god , because the necessity of the humane condition requires some of its thought , provisions , and motions : neither can it be so receptive of that infinite love and goodness of god , being confined and straitened with a corruptible body , as if it were at large . . that the wise god did provide a proportionable degree of happiness to the soul in this life ; and this upon the reasons already given . now in as much as the actings of the soul in the body are more incompleat and imperfect , that happiness that was so ordained for it , though it were fully proportionable to the perfection of the actings of the soul here , yet it was not so perfect as that consummate happiness , which was provided for it hereafter ; it was perfectly proportionable to the condition of the soul as it was in the body , though not proportionable to that enjoyment which the soul might have , when freed from the straitness of the body ; and as the happiness of the soul in the body , was inferiour to the happiness of the soul separate , so questionless , as the soul in the body receives improvements and abatements in its actings in the body by the conjunction with it , according to the variety of the temper , frame and constitutions of the body , so the present enjoyment of happiness in the soul might be more or less , if man had continued in his perfection ; a child had not had the same measure of internal happiness as a man bad , for though the substance of the soul were the same , its operations in the body were diversified in their perfections , according to the variety of the temper of the body , which naturally the soul exerciseth in its operations . . that though ex natura rei , man was ordained to temporal happiness in his soul , yet it is evident , that somewhat hath intervened , and daily doth intervene , whereby that fruition is diverted and disturbed , what ever it be . of this more infra . the highest degree of happiness of the soul in this life , consists in these things : . in an anticipation , or expectation , or prevision of that happiness , which it shall enjoy : this , though it be not a real fruition , yet it is very near it in the soul : if a miserable pilgrim should have a certain assurance , that after twenty years walk , he should be sure to be invested in a perpetual kingdom , wherein he should have perfection of ease and delight , this prevision of this happiness is so present in his soul , that it is in effect , presently enjoyed , and over-weighs the present tediousness of his journey . . in a conjunction of the soul to god in knowledge of him , love unto him , and return of his love to us , in a measure proportionable to the capacity of our understanding and will. this , though it be not perfect , but admits of increases , yet ex natura rei may be proportionable to the most perfect operations of our soul in the body , and doth as far exceed all other happiness in the world , as far as it falls short of that perfect knowledge , love , and sense of the love of god , which shall be enjoyed hereafter . were a man from the highest honour and reputation in the world , cast into the greatest scorn and ignominy , that the most exact and exasperated envy could impose or wish ; or were his body laden with as many necessities , miseries , and torments , as hunger , and the most sublimated and ingenious malice could inflict or contrive ; could as well the highest sense , as the most imminent expectation of death , the greatest of evils , be felt , and yet protracted for an age ; yet if under all this , the soul can look upon these miseries as such as must end , and see , though at a distance , a fruition of an everlasting beatitude , infallibly expecting upon the close of these miseries , the expected happiness is made present by faith , and over-ballanceth the present , but ending misery : how much more when in the instant of these sufferings , the intention and bent of the soul is to her maker , and the great god shall by the secret , yet real , beams of his favour send into the soul messages of acceptation and love ? how small and low doth this render the highest contempts and malice of men and devils ! and how much rather would this man choose to enjoy these effects of the love of his maker with these miseries , than barely to see the experiments of his power and justice in removing or revenging them ! how far forth this union of the soul to god , doth conduce to the happiness of the compositum , the whole man ? or whether it doth so or no ? wherein we say : . that the happiness that is answerable to the compositum , without considering the great relation of the soul , doth consist in the perfecting and continuing of his subsistence and kind ; and whatsoever the compositum desires and moves after , it is in order to these , and not otherwise , as in that one instance of meats , the wise god hath given him the sense of tasting , whereby he takes delight in those things that please the appetite , but this is in order to the taking in of those nourishments that may preserve the compositum ; the like of the other senses . now as long as the man in these things moves to these ends , he moves naturally and orderly ; but when in stead of moving to this end , he rests in the means , then he moves inordinately , and out of the way to that temporal happiness , the support of the body , as when he eats and drinks to excess ; the like for all other outward matters , as honours , riches , women , &c. when they are not enjoyed to those ends , for which they are ordained , then is the man out of that way to the temporal happiness of the compositum , viz. the due support and subsistence of it . . that the felicity of the soul may consist with this felicity of the compositum ex natura rei . the reason à priori hath been already given , because the wise god in the first institution of things , did order every thing to their several ends with that wisdom , that there was no clashing of the several ends of the same thing , or of several things , but one did and might consist with the other ; the felicity of the soul might , and ex natura rei may consist with the happiness of the body and compositum . therefore it follows : . that inconsistency of the happiness of the soul with that of the body is not real : but because , however it comes to pass , we have misplaced and mistaken the happiness of the body , we now place the happiness of the body in turning our selves over to sensuality in excessive using of the creatures , in excessive lusts . these are clear mistakes , for it is most apparent , that these are enemies to the very subsistence of the body and composium . . that this felicity of the body , is inferiour to the felicity of the soul ; and therefore if ex accidente it falls out , though it seldom doth in truth , that the temporal felicity of the body is in hoc individuo inconsistent with that of the soul , right reason tells us that the greater end , and that of more concernment is to be preferred ; so that as there is , and ought to be a subordination of those faculties and powers placed in the body , to those ends for which they were implanted , viz. the preservation of the compositum , so there ought to be a subordination , both of these means , and that end to the great end , the happiness of the soul. . as the great end of man doth consist with the happiness of his body or compositum , so it doth much and effectually conduce to it . and as this is apparent in the original creation of man , when the happiness of his mind by the knowledge and presence of his maker was accompanied with the felicity of his compositum ; and as it was likewise apparent in his fall , as he contracted misery in the one , so he did in the other ; so it is most rationally evident in the present state and condition of mankind , as will be evident in consideration of these ensuing particulars : . it shews a man the right use of the creature , viz. to be subservient , and in order to the preservation of the compositum . the want of a true and rational use of secular matters is a great cause of the great unhappiness of man , as when he desires riches , because he would be rich , or honours , because he would be great , or delicate fare , because he would eat . now when men mistake the use of things , resting in that as an end , which is only useful to something else , this breeds these disorders in , and among men , which doth disturb even their outward peace and happiness : this is regulated , when the heart is set upon the love of god , it takes off any inordinate love to any thing else , but in order to that end , to which it is properly conducible , and therefore in order to that only , rationally desirable . . it adds a sweetness to the enjoyment of the creature , which cannot be had without it , because it mingles with it the sight of the great master of this family of the earth , that provides it , the sense and security of his love that gives it , and so brings up the enjoyment of the creature to a higher station , and nearer to that , which is the true felicity of the soul. a blue ribon bought in a shop , and a blue ribon given by a king in token of honour , is the same thing , but with the latter , there is a mingling of somewhat else with it , as it imports a gift from a king in token of honour , and therefore higher-prized . . it takes away all that sollicitousness in the enjoyment , and all that anguish in the loss , and all that anxiety in the provision of external accommodations , though in very truth , the real happiness of the compositum , is its subsistence , according to the perfectest degree of his being , which is the perfection of the compositum ; yet it is clear , that the tumultuousness , or quietness of the mind , doth much conduce to the happiness , or unhappiness of the compositum : that man that lives contentedly with . l. a year , is happier than he that lives as well with the same or a greater portion , but with an anxious , troubled , craving , unsatisfied mind . now when the soul truly knows , and is truly set upon his supream end , it knows its duty , and therefore is not idle , it knows the power of his maker , therefore is not anxious ; and knows the use and value of the creature , and therefore values it no farther , than it is useful to its proper end ; it knows the love and wisdom of his maker , and therefore refers all to him , as he that wants neither power to provide for it , nor wisdom to proportion , nor love to communicate , according to the exigence of my condition ; and admit he doth , his will must be done , and not mine , i am provided well enough ; for if here i am contented , and hereafter saved , this sweetens any losses . . though the great god be absolute lord of his creature , and is not bound farther to him , than it pleaseth him , though his creature were most conformable to his will , yet i do not think , but , if our hearts were and did continue right set upon our great and supream end , and could hold to it , that we should want a convenient portion of these outward blessings , which would make our lives comfortable and happy : but here is the misery of man , that any confluence of externals presently take off his soul from a perfect pursuit of our great end , and fasten upon those externals : therefore the wise god oftentimes cuts out to the best of men , a small and an unpleasant viaticum , that they may not linger in the way to their great end. and as it is thus with the whole compositum in this life , so in the resurrection , when the soul shall be reunited to the body , both shall have a perfect fruition of happiness in the enjoyment of the presence , favour and communion of god. how far forth the soul separated , is capable of its own nature of any new knowledge , which it had not before , in an angelical way : or how far it is able to retain or improve those conceptions and species that it had here ; and whether it hath a compleat operation , or what degree of fruition it hath of the sight of god , it is above our reach to determine ; only this we may conjecture , that the soul is not placed in that perfect degree of being and subsistence as are the angels , in as much as it is made in order to a body , by which in it , it exerciseth its motions , faculties , and operations : and therefore without all question , when it shall hereafter be reunited to a most perfect spiritualized body indissolubly , it shall not thereby receive any diminution or abatement of its perfection and felicity , but will thereby become more capable of a more perfect and full fruition of that supream good , which will then be communicated perfectly to the whole compositum . but this by the way , latius infra . chap. v. of the means of attaining the supream end of man. hitherto we have proceeded in the examination of these . parts : . what the nature of the subject is of this happiness ; and . what the object of it : now the third thing rests to be sought , viz. . what is the means of attaining this supream end of man , his union to god : and herein we shall examine these three things : . what naturally might be conjectured to be the means of acquisition of this happiness ? . whether , as things stand with man , the same means be to be found or no ? . if not , then whether there be any means left for man to attain this supream end of his or no ? and what it is ? and how to be known ? touching the first : though god by his power might carry every thing to his proper , mediate , or ultimate end , without the intervention of any means ; yet , as it is his own peculiar prerogative by his will to appoint every thing to its proper end , wherein is seen the glory of his goodness ; so the same will of his hath ordered , hath appointed every thing to move to this end by a certain rule , and certain means , and herein is seen the glory of his wisdom : such are the instincts and inclinations of the creatures , by which they move to their special ends and perfections : and as these inclinations are planted by god in the inferiour creature , the like was done , though in a different manner , in men at first , in all probability of reason , the difference being only thus , in the creature all that is conducing to their end is made a piece or quality of their nature , in man not altogether , as shall be seen . we have found man indued with two great faculties , understanding and will and in these principally consists the receptiveness of his happiness , and the motion to it . . touching the vnderstanding , it is a faculty receptive of an object that may be known ; but that object is not of the nature or essence of the understanding , but distinct from it : so that man might be created an intellectual creature , yet till such time as naturally through the senses , or supernaturally by the immediate infusion or demonstration of god , he was but rasa tabula . the first thing therefore , that was put into the understanding in order to his supream end , was a stock of knowledge of god , and of that will of god which concerned man. and this will of god concerning man was that means , which , if known and pursued , would guide a man to true happiness : for , as is before observed , every thing is so far forth beautiful and happy , as it holds conformity with the will of god ; and such is his wisdom and goodness , that when the creature moves according to the law and will of its maker , it doth without fail attain that happiness , whereof it is capable ; because it moves to that end , for which it was appointed by the first cause : now because god hath made man a rational and intellectual creature he appointed a rational and intellectual way to move him to this end , viz. the knowledge of himself , and of that rule or law , which should lead him to that end. . the understanding being thus enlightned with the knowledge of god and his will , the will was endued with a rectitude to move on according to that rule , in order to the right end : and that , which was in the understanding sub ratione scibilis , was to the will sub ratione legis , a thing not only shewn to the understanding , as the means to bring him to happiness , but also injoyned to the man as his duty , under pain of guilt and vengeance : for herein consists the difference between the instincts in the inferiour creatures , and this law given to man ; in those it is not properly a law , because they are not intellectual nor voluntary agents , therefore their receding from that instinct , though it subjects to a loss and deformity , yet it subjects them not to any guilt ; but the rule given to man , was given to a creature endued with understanding to know what it was , and with will that might obey it if he would . therefore by the violation thereof , man must needs incur not only a loss of that end , which this rule alone could guide him to , but likewise a positive guilt , or obligation to such farther punishment , as the rebellion of a creature against his maker might deserve . the conformity then to this law necessarily induced two things : . beauty in the creature being conformable to the will of his maker , which only denominates the creature beautiful , and consisted principally in these three things : . knowledge of god , and of his will by the immediate demonstration or inscription of god himself : . righteousness or justice ; for as the will of god , and law that proceeds from it , is the only ground of all obligation to any thing under the name of just ; so it is the only rule and measure of justice of man toward god , man , and himself . . holiness , viz. a conformity of man's will , and consequently his actions , to the righteous and holy will of the most holy god : and as this was his beauty , so it was his happiness initiate , and his way to consummate happiness . and as this conformity to the law of god produced this beauty and happiness in man , so of necessity , the violation of this law must introduce , . ataxy and deformity in the creature . . punishment ; and that of two kinds : . privative punishment , whereby he lost what he had or might have had ; and that is double : . in reference to his supream end , an irrecoverable loss ; for the link is broken , the violation of that law , the exact performance whereof was possible and the only means to attain that end , hath cut off that ordination that this rule had to man● felicity . . in reference to the means . the light of the understanding is put out , or much weakened , the rectitude of the will disordered , and that irrecoverably . the soul continues substantially the same , but these extrinsecal adventitious habits in the understanding and will are removed . and as this punishment of loss is a natural consequent of this violation of this righteous and blessed law , so it is inforced with the sanction of that law , which could do no less in justice than withdraw that light , and that purity , which was but a consequent of that law that is so unjustly violated . . positive punishment . for were it given but as a means to attain another thing , a punishment of loss of the end must necessarily follow the violation of that , which is the only means to attain that end ; but man was endued with understanding and will , capable of the knowledge and observance of a law , a law framed by the wise god , exactly suitable to those abilities man had to perform it , who gives rules in all things proportionable to the nature of the thing to which he gives it : this law promulged by the exact inscription thereof in the understanding , who both knew what it was , and by whom , and for what end given ; the violation of this adds rebellion to the violation , and obligeth ex natura rei , to more than a loss . . let us now examine , how things stand with the children of men , in order to the discovery and prosecution and attaining of this supream and great end of his creation : all things in the world besides man , come and keep very near unto the law of their creation , though some disorder we may find in them : the reason is because they move not freely , but naturally , and the rules , by which they move , are inclinations , qualities , and propensions woven into their very nature : but in man it is otherwise ; the principles , especially in his understanding , whereby the whole man is much steered , are extrinsecal and adventitious ; and so without any essential change in his nature , those habits or principles may be lost . and let us but examine the temper of mankind , we shall find a general disorder in all his faculties , and want of those rules , which should lead him to his supream end. . in the vnderstanding : we have shewn that man had not only a vessel receptive of that light and knowledge , which was his initiate , and his way to a consummate happiness ; but also had that lamp of his fitted with that oyl and light , which though it was not part of his essence , was the high perfection of that power or receptivity : but we do now plainly find , that take any man in puris naturalibus , he hath scarce so much as a knowledge either what himself is , or what his beginning was , or what his end is ; and differs little from the highest degree of beasts : his understanding and reason is essential , but the matter or furniture of these is wanting . the supply of these defects must needs be therefore extrinsecal , which is either by instruction and information , or tradition from others . thus doubtless much of the knowledge that is in the world is propagated even from the first man : but this , the farther it was from the original , it grew weaker and weaker , and more corrupted , partly through the defects that were in those that propagated it , partly through the supineness and negligence of those that received it , and partly through the mixtures of the fancies of men , every man adding a new piece of his own to what he received ; and all truths the farther they are from the original grow the more corrupted ; and by this means a little truth passing through divers hands , and receiving almost from every hand some addition and mixture , in process of time it hath grown as difficult to sift out those small grains of truth , which were thus communicated in the ear , and crowd of other erroneous addittaments , as to retrieve those truths which the neglect of men hath in effect lost . and as thus some truths have been discovered , and transmitted from man to man , so by diligent study and observation some of those truths , that have been in effect lost since the creation of man , have been recovered , and others , that have contracted erroneous superstructions or accessions , purged , both matters natural and metaphysical . this hath been the business of the exacter sort of men , which as it is not without the special providence of the almighty , so the highest endeavours of men in this kind hath been still mingled with much darkness : and it is seldom that the wit or learning of the succeeding philosopher discovered some errors of him that preceded him , but the same natural imbecility appeared likewise in him , in producing some erroneous opinion , which as much deserved an expurgation , as that which he before corrected . and as this defect in the understanding is visible in mankind , so it is most visible in that which is the way or rule unto our supream end , viz. religion , that though men of several ages and centuries , nations , dispositions , inclinations , educations , agree in some common principles concerning other matters , yet in matters of religion , the differences have ever been wonderful . the reason is not only from the defect of our understanding , but likewise from the nature of the object , which falls not easily within the reach of those mediums , whereby the understanding arrives to the attainment of other truths , and therefore stands in need of some extrinsecal help to set him right in this . it is true , that the great points of religion , viz. the knowledge , that there is a god , and some things concerning his essence ; that he is the cause of all things ; that he made all things for his own end , and those other things before mentioned , may be acquired by the light of nature and reason : yet such is the heighth and remoteness of the subject , that it requires much industry and consideration to carry us step by step unto this heighth : but when we have arrived to this ( which few attain unto ) yet there is so much confusion in these notions , and they are so far fetcht , that they make not that clear impression upon the understanding as is fit : but admit they did , yet we are still to seek what is that rule , whereby to lead us to attain to our great end ; and this we rove at . in the ways of the children of men concerning religion , we may observe these several steps of ignorance : . an ignorance , whether there be any god or no : this is the grossest ignorance , because it is against the first and most universal principle ; for the affirmation of the being of any thing is the first foundation , whereupon every inquiry is built : this is atheism and meer brutishness . . when a man hath once stated that question affirmatively , that there is some superior power , the next question , and the next step of man's ignorance is concerning the nature of this god ; what he is , whether one or more , whether visible , and if so , what visible , &c. this , though it may by natural reason be stated very far , as appears before , and so this ignorance receive a cure in a great measure ; yet so far are our intellectuals darkened in this matter , that men are hardly set right in this : and hence grew those strange varieties of gods in the world : this is the cause of idolatry , and polytheism . . when a man is rightly principle'd concerning god , and consequently concludes that he is the cause of all things , the next special question is , whether god hath given to every thing his several end , and rule or law conducing to that end ? and consequently , whether he hath appointed to man any end and rule , conducing to that end different from other creatures ? or , whether he be left to do as he pleaseth , and not confined by the will of god to some end and rule conducing to it ? the ignorance of this is the cause of supineness , epicurism , impiety , and professed injustice . . when a man , finding that god is a free and intellectual agent , and sees , as he may by natural reason , every thing ordered to a suitable end to his being , and by a suitable means or rule conducing to that end , and finds a higher degree of being in himself than in other creatures , and consequently an higher end , and consequently an higher rule conducing to that end , he doth most naturally resolve this rule into that law , which by the will of god is given to man conducing to that end , the subject of which rule must be all his internal and external actions , both in reference to god , to himself , and to others : but here then is the next question , and the next degree of ignorance in men , viz. what that law or will of god is concerning man ? and from hence grow those varieties and errors in worship of god. and though haply most men , knowing the true god , may by the same light of nature concur in the general and fundamentals of worship , viz. that god is to be feared with all reverence ; loved with all intention ; obey'd with all sincerity , chearfulness , and exactness : all which are but natural conclusions from the nature of god , the nature of man , and the relation that he beareth to god , as his creator , lord , and preserver : yet , because we know not what that will of god particularly is , we frame several ways and rules of worship , according as our several fancies perswade us to be agreeable to that will , which are either unnecessary and superstructive , or erroneous and offensive ; and , which is the most dangerous ingredient , conclude both his own way necessary , and the other dangerously erroneous . these defects in the understanding must needs be the cause of much error and obliquity in the whole man and his actions : and these defects are most clearly visible in the whole world ; nay in the most knowing climates , times , and persons thereof . in the last part , concerning the worship of god , we see several sorts of men highly opinionated concerning their own particular way or worship ; and most magisterially condemning the way of others , as bad as paganism ; when it may fall out , and so for the most part it doth , that what is superadded beyond the plain and sincere fear of god , subjection to his will , thankfulness for his mercy , belief of the great means he hath provided for our salvation , and those other grand principles , whereof before and anon ; are but meer superstructions of humane invention , ignorance , imbecility or policy , and yet made the greatest part of the business , and inquiries , and differences among men in matters of this nature . . in the will we find several defects : . those that are consequential to the ignorance or darkness , or impotence of the understanding , whose decisions doth , or should , preceed the act of the will : were the understanding truly principle'd with the knowledge of god , of his perfection , power , and will ; with the knowledge of our selves , our nature , and the dependence we have upon him in our being and continuance ; those practical conclusions , that would most clearly and necessarily arise from these , viz. of love to his majesty , fear of offending , care to conform to his will , dependance upon him , thankfulness to him , contentedness and chearfulness in him , valuation of the world according to its true estimate , &c. would most effectually follow in the will , and those affections that are subservient to it , and consequently in the life and actions of men , one divine principle , soundly and clearly seated in the understanding , would improve it self into infinite practical deductions for the regulation of the will : but where these are wanting , the motions of the will must needs be excentrick : but where they are but weakly and doubtfully received in the understanding , the operation of the understanding upon them is but weak ; the inclinations in the will weaker , and easily overmatcht with the least difficulty , and seldom arrive to action , or constancy in the life ; for according to the measure , and intention , and clearness of the conviction of the understanding concerning any object , the more fruitful , rational , and powerful are those practical conclusions deduced from it ; and the more intense and natural is the motion of the will according to these conclusions ; and according to that intensiveness of the will are the actions that are commanded by the will : a faint conviction moves the will but weakly , and a weak volition seldom ends in action . . impotency : not only that which ariseth from the impotency of the understanding , the convictions there ; but that impotency which is in the very faculty it self , which is evident in this , that it is brought under the inferiour faculties , over which it ought to govern , the passions and sensual appetite : for though it be certain , that oftentimes the misplacing , or overacting of our passions , and the violent pursuit of pleasures , ariseth from the mistake or blindness of the understanding , yet it is clear that oftentimes contrary to those very convictions and rational decisions of the understanding the will is precipitated , and carried away with the violence and importunity of those faculties , that in right reason , and by the law of nature are subordinate to her . . privation and absence of inclinations conformable to the will of god , righteousness and holiness . the whole soul was formerly the seat of god's image : that part of it , that was most conspicuous in , and consonant to the understanding , were the principles of truth , or conformity to the divine understanding : those principles that were most proper to the will , were the principles of holiness and justice , or conformity to the divine will. now as truth is not of the essence of the understanding , which is only a power receptive of it ; so neither is holiness and justice of the essence of the will. and as man in a great measure hath lost that stock of truth , whereby he is ignorant ; so it is apparent he wants that stock of righteousness and holiness in his will , which should incline and move the will according to the will of god. . there are not only these privative evils in the will , but it is likewise evident , that there is a positive malice or inclination against righteousness and holiness , a propension and inclination to that which is evil. certain it is , that the sensual appetite of the sensitive creatures is good , and conformable to their nature , and doth not carry them to any thing beyond the conveniency of their own nature : and questionless , man in his original had a sensual appetite no less conformable , and suitable to his own sensitive nature , than the sensual appetite of another creature is to his : and besides that parity between other creatures and man , he had an advantage of a reasonable soul , which might supply and regulate the defects or irregularities of the sensual appetite , if any were : how then comes it to pass , that the poor sensual creatures move conformable to their nature , and by a kind of rule , and man alone runs into those excesses and strange prodigies of vices , whereof an inferiour creature is capable , but abhors the committal ? for instance , god hath ordained the preservation of the sensible creature , by eating things suitable to the nature and constitution of the creature ; and in order to the use of that means , hath planted a natural appetite in the creature to those meats ; and the more to excite that appetite for the use of that means to that end , hath put a conformity between the taste of that meat and the palate : yet we do seldom see the appetite of the sensitive creatures carry them in eating or drinking beyond moderation , or that end , for which that appetite is given ; but the motion of their appetite is commensurate to the means of their preservation : but in man we find in all ages and places strange excesses , beyond the conveniency of nature , and that with iteration and professedness . again , in creatures we find god hath appointed the conjunction of the male and female to be the means of continuation of their species ; and the more to excite the creature to the continuation of its kind , there is a delight mingled with that natural action ; yet we never see the sensible creature divide the action from the end : but among men we find in all times those prodigies of lusts , as prostitution , beastiality , buggery , and other unnatural commixtions . the like instances might be given of cruelty , and excogitated tortures , and crimes of like nature , whereby men do not only against reason , but also against , and beyond the natural inclination of the sensitive appetite . so that it is evident , there is not only an imbecility in the will of man , whereby it is subordinate to its servants and handmaids , but likewise a depravation and positive maliciousness against the rule of the will of god. much labour hath been in the world by the wiser sort of men , what by moral perswasions and precepts , what by government and humane laws , to suppress or reform the defects of mens natures ; which as they evidence in themselves , that man is not what he should be , so the daily new remedies do sufficiently evidence the fruitfulness of the disease , and the weakness of the remedy . these things considered , three things are the evident consequents , viz. . that , as things stand with the children of men , they are not in a condition to attain everlasting happiness , by reason of these two eminent defects in those faculties , by which we must attain to it , viz. the understanding and will. . that , although these two defects could be cured , yet it is impossible for us , in that condition wherein we are , to attain it ; because we have violated that rule , which unless uniformly kept , 't is impossible to attain it ; the chain is broken . . that this violation of this rule hath not only made us liable to the loss of that good whereunto it might have conduced ; but hath added rebellion to our fault , and obligation to punishment , as well as loss . therefore , before he can possibly attain that end , to which he was created , he must be put in the same condition , in which he was created , and which alone could make him capable of that end ; which is in a conformity to truth in his understanding , or illumination , a state of conformity to the will of god , in his will by righteousness and holiness ; a state of innocence , or freedom from guilt , which is the cause , both of his merit of loss and punishment . till these be in some measure attained , it is impossible for a man to attain true happiness , and when attained , then he may , because now restored to the same condition in effect , in which created . . these things being premised , we are now to seek out , what that means is for the restitution of man , to that capacity of happiness , in which we have reasonably concluded he was created , and from which it appears by experimental observations he is declined : concerning which we shall conclude : . that it is not in man , nor in the whole compass of created nature , to put himself in that condition of knowledge , justice or innocence , which might make him capable of that happiness , for which he was at first created . let us look into our understanding , it is evident , as before , that all knowledge is extrinsecal to the understanding , and every object is originally received from without , and that if it be a corporeal object falling within our senses , then by means of them , though after they are received , the intellect , being furnished with materials , makes pretty work out of them by its own strength ; but if it fall not within the reach of sense , some other means must be to convey and reach it unto our understanding . it may be in nature there are objects or qualities in corporeal bodies that do not suit with any of our five senses , nor are receptible by them ; yet it is as impossible for us to imagine what they be , as to frame in our selves a conception or sense that might receive them . it is true , that by the strength of reason , we do find out divers truths of a high nature , concerning god and his works , yet in these we may see , . a great deal of difficulty and rarety to attain them , especially without some pre-existent means of discovery , even of the things themselves , by some tradition or revelation , and so we rather assert the truths discovered to our hands , than discover them : . a great deal of confusion , darkness , and disorder , in those things we so discover , as the new cured man saw men walking like trees : . a great deal of diffidence and distrust of those things we discover , scarce daring to trust our own judgments with what we have by our diligence retrieved . but whatever may be said concerning the discovery of the same truths , yet sure we are , that there are divers truths , that infinitely concern us , that all our inquiry shall never discover , without some extrinsecal help of a higher nature than sense . there were some , and but some men by their natural helps , and yet not without the help of long tradition , discovered , or rather more clearly illustrated the former kind of truths , viz. concerning the deity , the creation of all things , the immortality of the soul , &c. but of this latter , never any man had , or could have , any discovery , without a discovery from a higher original , such are the covenant of god with man in his creation , the fall , the restitution of man by christ , the last judgment , and resurrection , &c. whereof anon . and as it fares thus with our intellectuals , so the principles of justice towards god , our selves , and others , in our will , can never be recovered by all the helps of nature . it is true , that by tradition from father to son , which nevertheless is extrinsecal , some general principles of natural justice and holiness are traduced ; but the farther and the elder they grew from their original , the more corrupt still they were ; and it was the business of the wiser part of the world , still to repair and heal these defects , which grew hereby : but as their helps and remedies were ever too weak to meet with the corruptions of man's will , so they were for the most part defective ; for they still provided for that part only or principally , which concerned the civil society of men , which was the thing that was visible , and visibly prejudiced by those enormities of the will of men , and never lookt higher to the great relation between god and man , but only made use of that as a politick piece in order to the government of the civil society : although even in that part , that concerned the mutual offices between men , which hath been the greatest business of the wisest philosophers , we shall find that absurdity , difference , and injustice even in the wisest of them , that it is clear , they were not their crafts-masters , even in that piece of morality , wherein long tradition and the experience of the daily inconveniences which did spring from the distempers of man's will even in matters of civil society and commerce . but suppose we all this were curable , yet what cure can we find for any one offence against the covenant , which we have made in nature with the god of nature , which , as we have before stated , subjects to a double penalty of loss and sense ? none can take away an obligation , but he with whom it is made , by what imaginable means can any man , that hath contracted a guilt against his maker , expiate that guilt ? it is true , the god against whom it is committed may , if he please , of his own free power and goodness , remit it , without any satisfaction . but how do we know whether it be his will to do it ? or if it be , upon what terms ? or by what means he will do it ? or what means is there in the world that may be imaginably proportionable to it ? the obligation of the creature to god is infinite , because he owes him his being , which is a thing of the most boundless conception ; the violation of that obligation , is therefore an infinite obliquity , because a breach of an infinite obligation . what then can we imagine proportionable to such an offence ? if we do all that is imaginable , it is still but what we are bound to do , and therefore cannot expiate for what we were bound not to do ; nor is there any thing in the world of an infinite value , besides the great god , and therefore not answerable to expiate the breach of an infinite obligation . . now therefore it remains , that we look out for a higher means for the cure , than what we find within the verge of created nature , viz. from the great god , who first infused into the soul those objects of truth , which were the means of happiness , in the understanding ; that rectitude , which was by him at first placed in the will ; that innocence , which was at first in nature , which is now lost by the violation of that law , which was the means of man's happiness , and the removal of that guilt which was contracted by that violation . the defect in the understanding consists , as before , in two things : want of a clear light to entertain the object ; and ignorance of the object , which should be entertained . for the cure of this , we must of necessity derive from god a double cure : first , an addition of light in the understanding : secondly , an union of those truths or objects , necessary to be known , unto the faculty thus enlightned by some means of discovery . the defect of our wills consisting in an absence of these practical principles of justice , holiness , and conformity to the will of god ; and in the weakness and disorder of the will , there is required to the cure thereof , a conveying unto the will of these perswasions to conform to the will of god , and a strengthning and healing of the weakness and perverseness of the will , that it may effectually entertain these perswasions . the contracted guilt must have a double cure , viz. of absolution from the positive punishment , and restitution of the loss contracted by it . the former frees him from positive misery incurred , the latter restores him to the capacity of enjoyment of the happiness lost . it being therefore clear , and to be granted , that as things stand with man , he hath not this means of his cure in or from himself , but must derive it , being now lost , from him , who at first gave it him , the next enquiry is , whether god hath appointed any means for the cure of man's ignorance , perverseness , and guilt , and consequently to lead him to happiness , and what it is ? wherein we conclude , . that god in his infinite wisdom and goodness hath revealed , and conveyed to the children of men , the means of their happiness , in several times , by several ways , and in several degrees in all successions of times . . that this discovery and means of happiness , he hath by the course of his providence put together , and diffused to man-kind in the compilation of the old and new testament , wherein are contained , not only the clear discoveries of things to be known and believed , conducing to man's everlasting happiness ; but likewise things to be done , and effectual perswasions for the doing of it . . that in the use thereof , there are not only the natural means of discovery of truths necessary to be known , of things to be done , and most effectual and powerful perswasions beyond all other moral arguments to the obedience thereof , but likewise a strong concurrence of the power of god ( according to his will ) subduing the understanding to believe , and the will to obey . . that by this belief of those necessary truths , and obedience to the will of god thus revealed , man shall be conducted to his everlasting happiness , which was the great end of his creation . chap. vi. 〈◊〉 the credibility of the sacred scriptures . these things be of easie consequence , if once this be clearly proved to be the word of god , for then we argue demonstratively , and à priori , from the cause to the effect , viz. because that whatsoever is the express word of god himself , which is the god of truth , cannot chuse but be infallibly true , and beyond all disputation : but the question will be upon the assumption , viz whether this be in truth , the word of god ? which , if once granted , all the rest will need no proof . the understanding of man hath wrought in it a four-fold assent to every truth , whereunto it assents . . an inherent assent , that is of such principles , if any be , which are connatural to man. thus the understanding ass●●ts not to this proposition , that the old and new testament , are the word of god. . knowledge wrought by demonstration , or scientia per causam . thus ▪ though there be many truths in the scripture , that are demonstrable ; yet , that these scriptures are the infallible word of god , is not naturally demonstrable . . belief , which is the taking up of a truth upon the testimony of him that asserts it . this , that it may be firm requires two qualifications : first , a firm and absolute perswasion , that what the author affirms , is tr● and thus a man once admitting , that this is 〈◊〉 ●ord of god , doth most unquestionably believ● , because the truth of the author is demonstrably unquestionable : . a firm and clear assent , that this is the word of that infallible author . and this is wrought only by a secret and immediate work of the power of god upon the soul , and is as firm assent , if not more firm , than science it self . . perswasion or opinion , which riseth upon probable grounds . and although this can never arrive to belief or knowledge , yet according to the strength , concurrence , and multiplicity of arguments concurring to the perswasion , it may arrive to the very next degree , to belief or knowledge . thus it may be firmly concluded , that this is the word of god , and the means which he in his providence hath appointed to guide man to the attaining of his last happiness . this perswasion , though it be not faith , it doth prepare the heart for that high and noble assent , and mighly strengthens it , being attained . these are in the next place to be considered . . it doth discover those truths clearly and satisfactorily , which hath perplexed all the labours and enquiries of the wisest men , and thereby unriddles and renders easie most of those difficulties and doubts in natural and moral philosophy , which could never , or not without strange uncertainty and reluctation , be so much as guessed at by them . the abstrusest truths are hardly discovered and found out , which is one cause of those several absurd opinions and positions , which have been invented and imposed by mens fancies , to make out , supply , and reconcile those difficulties which the ignorance of , it may be , one truth , doth most necessarily occasion : but when that truth is once discovered , it doth most clearly resolve those difficulties , and scatter those absurdities , and procure an easie assent from that reason in man , which could not at first easily discover it . to consider this in some particulars ▪ in matters natural : whence grew all those strange chimera's concerning the first matter , its eternity , its undeterminateness , and a thousand disputes , whether it is ? what it is ? and all end in nothing but unsatisfactory and unresolving disputes ; concerning eduction of forms out of the power of it , and by what agent ; concerning the eternal succession and concatenation of causes ; concerning the beginning of motion , especially of the heavens ; the endeavouring to reconcile an eternal duration to a successive motion ; concerning the different activities and qualities of simple bodies , their mutual actings one upon another , the cause of the disgregating of the simple bodies one from another unto that convenient distance , and of their concurrence in production of mixt bodies ; the production of creatures , especially man ; the nature of the soul ; the fitting of objects and powers in the senses and intellect . all these , and millions of disputes , rise from the ignorance of that truth , which at one view , we may with satisfaction read , resolved in the first of genesis , and in no book in the world beside , but what hath been borrowed from thence . again , touching the orderly position of the creatures , the conveniency of one thing , to the exigence and necessity of another ; the moderation and government of things endued with destructive qualities each to other ; the concurrence of several contingent causes to the producing of mutations in states , religion , &c. as if those contingent causes had been as it were animated with one soul or spirit ; and the like . the observation of these , and the like things , and the want of true knowledge , have put men to those exigences of invention , which resolve them into fate or destiny , into the power of the stars , into the law of nature ; and yet we are still where we were , not knowing what that fate is , what that order or power of heaven is , whence that law of nature came , or was given . but if we look into this book of god , we find all these difficulties extricated : we find the preservation of this order in the creatures , to proceed from , and depend upon the wisdom and power , and government of an infinite and intellectual being ; who , whiles his creature for the most part moves according to the rule of his own nature , yet wonderfully manageth them to ends and events which they dream not of ; who , whiles the several contrary qualities , that he hath planted in bodies , could be destructive one of another , he hath so fenced their extremities one from another , that one destroys not another , and yet so tempers and allays them , that they concur in the constitutions of other things . there we find the various and most contingent motions of the creatures , marshalled by a wise providence to the production of those events , that the secret counsel of the great god had appointed ; so that whiles with one eye we see seemingly accidental casual motion of the world , like the finger upon the dyal ▪ we may with the other eye see in that book , that wheel of providence , moving and turning it rationally , and with election , for those ends , that it pleaseth the wise governour of all things to order . again , in matters moral , what perplexed questions have men made concerning the law of nature in men ? whether there be any ? or if any , what it is ? whence it hath its obligation , since all men are by nature equal ? what is the original and radical rule of of just or not just ? what the standard of it ? or , whether any at ah ? whether there be any chief good of men ? what it is ? whether attainable ? hence have grown those infinite disputes de summo bono , every one stating his own opinion , and yet each sufficiently co●f●ting another . all these perplexities we find soon resolved in that book of god , shewing us , that just and vnjust , is only measurable by the will of god ; that the obligation of just or unjust , ariseth from the meer command of god , and that relation of duty which man owes to his creator , and to the injunction that he gives : shewing us the falsity of every of those positions concerning the chief good , and teaching us that it is to be had , and to be had only in the enjoyment of our creator . true it is , that many of these , and the like truths , may be arrived at by the light of reason : but . it is not without much difficulty and labour , and that of the most choice men : it is not without the help of tradition , at least of some small veins of these truths : . it is not without much mixture of corruptions , errors and mistakes : . not without much hesitancy and doubting . our natural reason as it lies in the ore , and therefore must be disgrossed from its dross , by study and education ; so it is weak and must be supported . and where the strength of reason is the same , that truth that another discovers , is entertained with more confidence , than if a man singly had discovered it ; so that by the scriptures , reason is enlighten'd and strengthened in those truths , which carry in them a consonancy to reason , and might haply , though in a weaker measure , and with more difficulty , have been extracted out of sound reason and observation . . it doth contain divers truths , which could never be discovered , but by god himself : as what the will of god was , that man should do , or the law of god ; what the purpose of god was , concerning man , both in his fall , and restitution by christ ; the covenant which he made with the jews , and with us in christ ; the uniting of the divine and humane nature in the person of christ ; the last judgment ; the motion of the great god towards his creature , in mercy and judgment , and the like . these , as they are beyond the discovery of any man , so they were too high for any man to invent or surmise . it is true , the heathen law-givers and philosophers , to gain credit to their laws and dictates , durst sometimes to patronize them upon heaven : but in them , a considerate man might clearly find those laws to have arisen from a meer observation of the visible inconveniences to publick societies , and a prudential application of such rules , as might meet with those inconveniences : the original of them was attributed to divine institution , to gain reputation and opinion in the vulgar : but in truth all , or at least those that were the best , and best grounded , were as naturally deducible from the observation of the conveniences and inconveniences of a civil society , as the conclusions of geometry or arithmetick , are grounded upon their principles : and therefore for the most part , humane laws did in substance agree in the points consisting in the relation between man and man , as being more obvious and plain ; and did for the most part disagree and differ in those points that concerned religion , as being more distant and difficult : now i● it be said , that the distance and remoteness of those supposed truths from natural reason or discovery , ●enders the scriptures the more incredible ; or at best , not credible thereby to be the word of god ; for upon the same reason , any improbable relation may be obtruded upon us as a divine truth , because not to be else imagined by humane reason . in answer to this , we must premise two things , . that it is possible , there may be some intelligible objects and truths in the world , that never any man did , nor without the help of a foreign discovery , never can find out . if a man were supposed to be born without the faculty of seeing , it were not possible for him to discover that quality or motion of a natural body , which we call light , or colour ; nay , scarce to understand it , though a very rational discourse were made concerning it . and what man can conclude , but that there may be , and are , divers qualities or motions of natural bodies , which are without the verge of any of our senses , and consequently , never fall into humane discovery ? we clearly admit spirits , and we have notions of their motion locality , and substance ; yet it is impossible for any man by natural indagation , without the help of some extrinsecal relation , to find it out : we may therefore conclude , that as it is possible there may be , so it is probable there are some intelligible objects and truths , which we cannot discover without an extrinsecal help or discovery . . that of necessity many of those truths contained in the scripture , especially concerning the deity , the will of god , the fall of man , and the means of his restauration , are things that cannot be collected or concluded by any natural reason , partly in respect of the sublimity of their nature , being beyond the verge of sense and natural discourse ; partly because they are emanations of a free agent , whereof no other reason can be given , but the will of the agent , and consequently , not deducible into knowledge or assent , by rational conclusions . . that though the discovery of , or assent unto those truths , cannot be elicited by natural reason , yet they are not contrary to natural reason , but may be truths , notwithstanding any reason that can be given against them . it is true , that they , being above the reach of reason , cannot be by force of reason assented unto ; yet there is no reason against the truth of them . natural reason hath a privative opposition to the knowledge of them , viz. an absence of a necessity of assenting , not a positive opposition , or a 〈…〉 by necessity of reason to disassent to them 〈…〉 . that though these truths are 〈…〉 ●ry of reason , and beyond the 〈…〉 sent , yet they carry 〈…〉 gr● 〈…〉 alt● 〈…〉 up● 〈…〉 p● 〈…〉 wi● 〈…〉 infra , 〈…〉 thus the fall of man , 〈…〉 truths unimaginable by natu● 〈…〉 ●itness one to another ; and the ju● 〈◊〉 mercy of god bears witness to both the m●●y of the soul , and the last judgment , bear witness each to other . and as there is that mutual attestation by way of congruity of one of these sublime truths , to another of the same nature , so the congruity that these truths have to those truths , which rationally challenge an assent from us , that all things had a beginning from the first cause , is a truth evident in nature , but in what way , or by what manner , is not possible to be known without a discovery . how excellently doth that discovery of the manner of the creation serve , as i may say that principle ? so again , that man , being endued with a rational and immortal soul , was ordered by the first cause to an immortal end , by a rational means prescribed by god , may be concluded by rational inferences and deductions ; but what that means was , or clearly , what that end was , is not discoverable by natural reason ; for it depends upon the will of god. how admirably doth the scripture discover that means , viz. the law of god , and that end , the vision and fruition of god , especially in the point of the resurrection . again , that the violation of that rule , must incur a guilt irreparable ; a loss of that end , is rationally evident ; yet although that man by that guilt , is justly deprivable of that end , is clear ; yet that god should be disappointed in this end , seems somewhat hard . how clearly doth the point of our redemption by christ ( a point inconceptible by nature ) serve to extricate and untwist this difficulty , gives god the glory of his justice , and of his mercy , of his wisdom , and of his creature ? thus the subservience of a truth more difficult to the exigence of a truth , that is more clear to nature , renders the former not only possible , but probable . . the third evidence , that this is the word of god , are those strange predictions of most contingent events , fulfilled in their several times ; the prediction in one age , and declared by one instrument of god , the fulfilling in another age , declared by another , or seen by our selves . this gives testimony , both to the truth and divinity of the author or inspirer of it . to omit those predictions of joseph , concerning the removal out of egypt : the prediction of the jewish captivity , and the restitution by cyrus , by name ; the four empires ; the destruction of jerusalem ; take notice but of these two , viz. the prophecies of the coming of christ , describing his nature , gen. . . his linage of abraham , gen. . . of judah , gen. . . of david , isa . . . the place of his birth , micah . . his office , isa . . . his mother , isa . . . his death , and the ends of it , isa . . the time of his death , dan. . . and divers other circumstances , fulfilled precisely in our saviour . . the rejection of the jews , and calling of the gentiles to the faith of christ , deut. . . and . . isa . . . isa . . . isa . . . this prophecy fulfilled even in our own view , yet upon such disadvantage of natural reason , as had not the same power effected it , that at first declared it , it could never have been effected , considering , . the utter enmity between the jews and gentiles . . the extream contrariety in religion to it , . the small and inconsiderable means of effecting that conversion . . the great scorn and sufferings of those that professed it , . the visible impossibilities of making any temporal advantages by it , &c. . the consent and harmony among the several parts of it . when several men , in several ages , not brought up under the same education , write , it is not possible to find unity in their tenets or positions , because their spirits , judgments , and fancies are different : but where so many several authors , writing or speaking at several times , agree not only in matters dogmatical , of sublime and difficult natures , but also in predictions of future and contingent events , whereof it is impossible for humane understanding , to make a discovery without a superiour discovery made to it , i must needs conclude one and the same divine spirit declared the same truths to these several men. . this book alone , and none besides , but by derivation from it , containeth matters of the most noble and useful nature . the generality of all humane learning , do either in their object or use , or both , expire with this life ; and none ever arrived to the discovery of the great and adequate end of man. this is not only evident in these arts or sciences of natural philosophy , the mathematicks , physicks , politicks , laws , &c. all which at their highest , are but only subservient to this life , but in those two great and noble sciences , that speculative of metaphysicks , that other practical of moral philosophy : the former , though it arrive to as high truths as nature can discover , yet it rests in the knowing of them , and in a meer speculation , and doth not shew wherein consists man's true happiness , much less , what is the way to attain it ; for the latter , the most sublime piece of it , is framed only for the meridian of this life , both in the use and end. without all question , the great and wise god did write in man's nature , habits exactly conducible to his internal contentment and felicity , in reference to his living in this world , as those which were of a higher constitution and end , as his communion with his maker . the wisest of moral philosophers , though they have imperfectly copied out divers positions of the former , as justice , temperance , contentedness , undervaluation of the world , patience ; yet they never arrived at the latter ; no book in the world but this , shews a man the adequate end of his being , his supream good , his happiness ; nor directs the means of acquiring it . this doth not only inforce the nobleness and value of the book , but also the original of it , for when i shall see a world of the most exact humane wits , turning every stone , as it were , within the reach of humane discovery , and yet none of them all lighting upon this great subject , the way to eternal happiness , i must needs conclude , that this discovery is of a higher extract , than a meer humane invention ; and although , when we have discovered that subject , we begin to wonder that mankind hath thus long roved , and wasted its labour in those other impertinent inquiries , and were so far from discovery of this vnum necessarium , that they scarce so much as imagined there was any such business ; yet we may justly forbear that wonder , for this is a path which the vultures have not seen ; the great god alone gave man his end , and appointed the way to that end ; we had once the knowledge of both , but have lost it , and we must owe the discovery of it to the author of it : and to man he said , behold the fear of the lord , that is wisdom ; and to depart from evil , is vnderstanding , job . . . it doth discover the whole duty of man to his maker , to himself , and to others , far beyond all other books or documents in the world. man by his sin hath lost the greatest part of his light and perfection ; his own discoveries of his duty are lame and imperfect ; and till the god , that first planted these principles of knowledge and conformity to his will , give us a new copy of them , we shall never clearly attain unto them in our knowledge or practice . there are these eminencies touching moral precepts , which this book of god hath above all other books in the world. . no other book in the world doth discover the true ground of the obligation unto moral precepts . the moral philosopher perswades me to temperance , to justice , but what obligation lies upon me for it ? if he tells me , that it is his own authority , my answer is , he hath none over me , more than i have over him : if he tells me , the law under which i live , binds me to it , i shall enquire what binds me to observe those laws , but power , which if i can avoid by the like power or secrecy , i am not bound ; or my own consent , which i am as well master of , as i was before i consented : if he tells me , the law of nature binds me , i am still unsatisfied who gave that law , or when , or to whom ; and there the philosopher is to seek , as well of my conviction , as of my obedience : but this book shews what that law is , from whence the obligation of obedience to it ariseth , even from that most just and uncontroulable authority that god hath over his creature . . no other book or learning in the world perswades the observance of those laws , it injoyns with the like convincing and satisfying grounds of reason that this doth : the highest ground that ever moral philosopher could fetch to perswade to submit to moral precepts , were but one of these : viz. the reputation and general esteem of men , which dies with me , and while it lives , is nothing else but a fancie , and contains no reality ; or the cohortion of the laws , which if i can avoid with secrecy or force , i escape the strength of the perswasion ; or that congruity , that sound moral precepts hold with prudence , and the permanent enjoyment of good here ; for it is a most certain truth , as appears before , that the due observation of the rules of right reason hath a most clear connexion with happiness in this life ; and that the violation of these precepts of nature , do necessarily introduce a loss of temporal felicity : these are the highest motives of obedience to these humane documents : but let us look upon the motives that the very same precepts are enforced with , in this book of god , we shall find them of a higher constitution ; we are there shewn , they are commanded by that god , to whom we owe our being , and therefore may justly challenge our obedience as his tribute ; by that god , from whom we daily receive our preservation and mercies , and therefore may justly expert the return of our love and thankfulness in the observance of his will ; by that god , that hath annexed a sanction to the breach of his law , which he both can , and will inflict ; this may startle our fear ; by that god , that hath propounded and promised a reward to our obedience , both in this life , and a future , which he will certainly confer ; this doth quicken our hope . these and the like grounds , and motives of obedience , fall upon the most active affections , with the most powerful and rational perswasion , and are able to conquer more difficulties in the obedience of these very precepts , that are materially the same , than all those faint and thin perswasions , that the wisest of men could ever teach . the great god , that knows the frame of the soul of man , hath not only given rational laws to lead him to his great end , and rational means to draw out his obedience , by appointing rewards or punishments of his obedience or disobedience ; but also by the same wisdom of his , planted in him affections , which might be proper to receive the impressions of those rewards and punishments : and by this word of his conveys those notions into his heart , which stick upon those active affections of love , hope , and fear , in the most exact , full and adequate manner : this is therefore none else , but the finger of god. and this is not only evinced by the threatnings and promises in this book , but by the historical part of it , applying the truths of both ; wherein we may see unriddled most of the varieties of events , that fall upon a people , or person , especially knowing god , which without this light , seem to be confused , and meerly contingent . israel sins , israel is punished : she repents , and is delivered . we are shewn by the very historical passages of the old testament , that when we are punished , we eat but the fruit of our own ways . . as the eminence of the scripture above other learning , and consequently its original , is discovered in the two former , so in this , that it doth distinctly and clearly evidence , and set forth those moral precepts , which are confusedly and imperfectly only delivered by the best of humane writers , especially in the worship of god : all agree god is to be worshipped , but when they come to shew how , then they are to seek ; for indeed , as it is folly for any one to think , that there can be any worship of god acceptable , but what is agreeable to his will ; so it is vain to think , that this will of his could be discovered by any but himself . and from the want of this grew idolatries and other vanities in worship . the original of the scriptures is discovered in this , that it doth contain in it precepts of a higher constitution , and therefore of a higher pedegree , than the best of all humane learning ever did arrive unto : such as are the cleansing of the heart and thoughts from all sin ; that the formality of sin consists in the will , even before it expresseth it self in act ; that the outward conformity of the act to vertue , without the internal conformity of the will and mind , is but hypocrisie , and the seeming vertuous action is at least dead , and not of value , if not sin ; that a vertuous action done out of any other end , than in obedience and love to god , that enjoyns it , is not an action rightly principled , nor acceptable to god ; the right directing of our passions and affections , that nothing is worthy of our intense love but god ; that nothing deserves our hate but sin ; and therefore teacheth us in the former , to despise the world ; in the latter , to love our enemies . the right temper of our minds , in reference to all things without us , or befalling us in any affliction and trouble ; it teacheth us to improve it in discovery and repenting of the cause of our sin ; in adhering to god , in whom there is no variableness ; in keeping a loose and remiss affection to the world ; in contentedness , and chearful resignation of our selves to god , that is lord of his creature , and though it should not be meritoriously deserved , might be justly inflicted : in times of prosperity and comfort , it teacheth us to look to the author , and take more delight in the hand that gives it , than in the blessing it self ; to value the measure of my comfort , more by the favour and good will of the giver , than by the extent of the gift : in the enjoyment to be watchful , that i be not insnared by it to forget the giver , to be moderate , humble , wise : in the whole course of our lives to look above this world to another country , and so we may enjoy the the favour of our god , and the fruition of that country ; to be at a point with all the pleasures , profits , preferments , honours , comforts , and life of this life ; to be so fixed in our obedience to our god , as not to go out of the path he hath put us in , though it be strewed with all the scorns , miseries , torments , and deaths , that men or hell could scatter to hinder us . these and the like precepts are given in that word : and these and the like effects it doth , by the concurrence of god's grace , work in the heart , which are as far beyond the most sublimated documents of the most exact moral philosopher in the world , as theirs are beyond the most gross paganism : these do proclaim therefore their original from a higher principle than humane authority , or invention . and it is observable , that these are not only principles of a high and noble extract , but of a singular use in this life : if all men were of this constitution , it would questionless , reform all those inconveniences , which do happen either from one man to another , as enquiries , breach of contracts ; or from man to himself ; of discontent , vexation and unquietness of mind , or disorder in any condition . now if it be said , that it seems strange , that god , who could have preserved man in the same integrity of mind , in which he was created , and could have supplyed man with as uniform a motion to his end by a constant means , as other creatures by their instincts , which are fixed and constant in them , should take this circuit , in restoring lost man by such a means , it is answered , that god having endued man with reason , understanding , and will , doth rather chuse to bring about his purposes concerning him , by rational means conform to those faculties of understanding and will , putting light into the one , and regularity into the other , by such means as is suitable to his condition and nature , and not by the actual exercise of his extraordinary power , though not without the concurrence of his special grace and providence ; as in those other actions of men , in preserving the natural or civil subsistence of men , and societies , he doth use the instrumental means of natural and politick provisions , rationally or naturally conducing to such preservation . by what hath past before these things , are rationally concluded , . that there is a first cause of all things . . that this first cause is infinite , incomprehensible , &c. . that this first cause , as he was the first and only cause of all beings , so he appoints in his wisdom and justice , the several ends , or perfections of all things . . that the several particular ends of all things are proportionable to their several natures . . that every thing is carried to his several end , by rules proportionable to the end and nature of the creature , given by the great governour of all things . . that man is a creature of higher constitution than other creatures , principally in respect of the immortality of the soul ; the immateriality of it , the faculties of it , understanding and will. . that therefore he was at first ordained by the wise god to an end proportionable to these excellencies , an immaterial , immortal , intelligible , desirable god. . that there is no other object of this happiness , but god himself . . that the same wisdom of god , that ordained all things to their end , and planted in every thing conducible motions and rules for that end , hath likewise appointed unto man a rule leading him up to that end ; and without the observation whereof it is impossible to attain it . . that this rule depends meerly upon the will of god , what it should be ; and that in the conformity to this will , consists man's present enjoyment , and hopes and means of future happiness . . that as things stand with man , he is at a fault , and knows not what his end , what his rule is , nor hath a will to obey it . . that consequently he can never attain his end , till his understanding and will be reformed , and the guilt contracted by the violation of that rule , be taken off . . that the discovery , reformation , and cure , can be by no other means , than by god himself . . that this book of the old and new testament are that means , which god himself hath given in his mercy , providence and wisdom to be the means of the discovery unto man what his end , what his means to attain that end was , how lost , how to be restored ; and contains most effectual and rational means conducible to it . part ii. chap. i. of the existence and attributes of god. and now we have drawn down the great business of man , by dark and intricate steps and windings to a clear light , which doth not only clearly and compendiously unmask and unfold these truths , which with so much difficulty of discourse , and search by reason , we dimly arrive unto , but divers other truths , which all the reason and learning of the sons of men , could never attain unto ; yet such , as without which all the passages even of this life , are dark and obscure , and uncomfortable : we shall therefore now fall to the consideration of those truths , which are contained in that book , that are of the greatest concernment to the sons of men , in order to their supream end , and to evidence their congruity with sound and rectified reason . . this book teacheth us , that there is a god , which although it be deducible by natural evidence , yet this declaration in the scripture is of singular use , as well for the speedy and easie discovery of it , as also for the ratifying and confirming of this principle , as we m●y observe , even in truths of an inferiour nature ; which , though by the discursive operation of the understanding , they may be discovered and assented unto ; yet these discoveries , and that consent , is facilitated and strengthened , when in the writings or dictates of others they are set forth , as in the several discourses of men in matters natural , metaphysical , and moral . and we may observe , that even in this fundamental truth , that there is a god , where these and the like instructions are wanting , men , that are naturally endued with the same faculties of reason and understanding with us , have not , or not so clearly this principle , as among atheists and pagans . . this book sheweth us clearly the essence , nature and attributes of god , as far forth as is comprehensible by our humane understanding . many of these are by the help of natural reason and discourse , legible in the things that are seen , so far forth , as to leave our ignorance thereof unexcusable , rom. . . yet as in the former , so much more in this , our reason is helped and strengthened in our speedy discovery , and firmer assent thereunto , as likewise appears by the many errors of men of the same faculties with us , even concerning these principles . herein we learn his vnity : deut. . . the lord our ●●d is one lord. his self-sufficiency , and subsistence of himself : exod. . . i am that i am . his imm●sity : ● kings . . behold the heaven , and the heaven of heavens cannot contain thee : his vbiquity , deut. . . the lord he is god in heaven above , and upon earth beneath : psal . . . whither shall i go from thy spirit , or fly from thy presence ? jer. . . can any hide himself , that i shall not see him ? do not i fill heaven and earth ? his eternity : psal . . . before the mountains were brought forth , or ever thou hadst formed the earth and the world , even from everlasting to everlasting , thou art god. his omniscience and intellectual nature : psal . . , . the lord knoweth the thoughts of man , that they are vanity . prov. . . hell and destruction are before the lord , how much more the hearts of the children of men ? his omnipotence : gen. . . i am the almighty god. psal . . . his greatness is unsearchable . his wisdom : jer. . . he hath established the world by his wisdom , and hath stretched out the heavens by his discretion . psal . . . his vnderstanding is infinite . his will the only motive of all his actions : prov. . . the lord hath made all things for himself . exod. . . and will be gracious to whom i will be gracious , and will shew mercy to whom i will shew mercy . isa . . . i am he that blotted out thy transgressions for my own sake . himself the end of all de doth : prov. . . the lord hath made all things for himself . irresistibility : prov. . . there is no wisdom nor vnderstanding , nor counsel against the lord. invisible : exod. . . no man can see my face and live . immutability : matth. . . i am the lord , i change not . psal . . . thou art the same , and thy years have no end . isa . . . hast thou not known ? hast thou not heard , that the everlasting god , the lord , the creator of the ends of the earth , fainteth not , neither is weary ? there is no searching of his vnderstanding . it is true , in these and the like expressions or attributions unto the divine nature ; we are nevertheless to observe , . that it is impossible for any thing below god himself , fully and clearly to understand the nature or essence of god ; because he is actually infinite , and nothing besides himself hath , or can have , an act of his intellect , spacious enough to comprehend what is actually infinite . hand , arm , goings , ways : wherein nevertheless the scripture , whiles it useth these expressions to help our understanding , and excite our affections , it nevertheless provides cautions to avoid grossness and mistakes , that so it may appear , that they are only helps to us , not derogations to the incomprehensible purity , perfection , and majesty of god : and for that very reason , not any one thing so much fenced out by it , as image-making , and worshiping . . by this book , we are taught the manner of his subsistence in three persons , the father , the word , and the spirit ; and that these three are one . the plurality of persons in one essence is a mystery that is not attainable by all the reason in the world , and is but obscurely hinted in the old testament , gen. . , &c. and therefore it seems not understood by the jews ; but in the new testament more plainly related : the diversity of persons of the father and son in one essence , john . . john . , . the spirit — all three together , matth. . . john . . the manner of the subsistence in unity of essence , and trinity of persons is of that transcendent and incomprehensible nature , that , as it could never be discovered without an immediate revelation from god himself , so being discovered , it is scarce conceptible by us . the disputes concerning it , farther than it is there revealed , are groundless and dangerous ; for it is utterly impossible , that the notion of personality or subsistence , as we take it up from these inferiour beings , can fit that , which is the highest and most arcane mystery of the infinite being ; and consequently those disputes , which are built upon those disproportionable notions , are not without a necessity of erring . chap. ii. of the acts and works of god : and . of his eternal counsel . . the next great point that we learn in this book , is concerning the acts or works of god : . his eternal counsel . . the execution of that counsel : . creation . . providence : . general , concerning all things . . special , concerning man. . concerning the eternal counsel of god , whereby he did predetermine all things that should be from all eternity : this , as it evidently appears in all the prophecies of the old testament , which were fulfilled in their times , so by divers affirmations , even of god himself by his spirit : the creation , prov. . . when he prepared the heavens , . when he appointed the foundations of the earth . job . . when i laid the foundations of the earth , . and brake up for it my decreed place . the redemption of man by christ , pet. . . who was foreordained before the foundation of the world. acts . . him by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of god , ye have taken , &c. election of his church and people , rom. . . the purpose of god according to election : the successes of nations and kingdoms , isa . . , . this is the purpose that is purposed upon the whole earth , &c. for the lord hath purposed , and who shall disanul it ? dan. . . the extorted confession of nebuchadnezzar . the particular and voluntary motions of men , isa . . . o assyrian , the rod of mine anger , &c. yet he thinketh not so . jer. . . the way of man is not in himself . prov. . . man's goings are of the lord. prov. . . there is no wisdom nor counsel against the lord. the most contingent and inconsiderable events that are , the casting of a lot , prov. . . the falling of a sparrow , matth. . . now touching the counsel of the almighty , we are to distinguish between the act of counsel , and the act of knowledge : the first is properly an act of his will , predetermining what shall be ; the latter , an act of his infinite understanding , which foresees what shall be , without any actual causality upon the things . these , though they are not so much as accidentally differing in god , yet in our apprehensions there is a difference ; so that we conclude , there is not only a prescience in god of all things that shall , or may be : known unto the lord are all his works from the beginning : but likewise a predetermination by his divine will of all things that shall be , and of the several means conducing to it . and this counsel of god is in truth the supream cause of all things : for as that power , whereby all things do move themselves or other things , is put into them by the great maker of all things , by the mere and immediate act of his will , as hath been before observed ; so the managing of all these several powers , to the production of the several things in the world , is the act of the same will of god : they move in their several series , according to that counsel of the great god of heaven . now this counsel of god is represented to us in the scripture under these several qualifications . . an eternal counsel . . an immutable counsel . . a free counsel . . a wise counsel . . an active and irresistible counsel . . an universal counsel . . it is an eternal counsel , a purpose and counsel before the foundation of the world , the indivisible and unsuccessive act of his will. it is true , the counsels of men , as their conceptions are successive , one consideration supplying the defect or imperfection of the former : and oftentimes the counsels of men are taken up pro re nata , principally because they have not either the power to manage all the emergencies and ingredients into an action according to their own wills , nor to foresee those accidents that might enervate or impede the fruit of his counsels ; but the will of god is the cause of all things ; and therefore as nothing can have a being without his will , so nothing can impede or hinder the counsel of his will. . from hence it follows , that it is an immutable counsel ; otherwise it cannot be eternal ; for what began to be otherwise , than it was before , cannot be eternal . the change of counsels and purposes among men arise from one of these causes : either from an intrinsecal unsetledness and unconstancy , which is their imperfection ; or from some extrinsecal emergency , which either was not for●seen , or cannot be mastered : but neither of these can fall upon god. it is true ; what he wills , he wills freely , and therefore ex natura rei he might not have willed it ; yet what he wills , he wills from all eternity : with him there is no variableness nor shadow of turning : i the lord change not , therefore ye sons of jacob are not consumed . and as there is no ground of change in himself , so neither is there any possibility of change from any thing without him ; because the same act of his will , which is his counsel , is the cause and measure of the being of all things , and therefore it can no more hinder or alter his counsel , than it can give it self a being against his will. but because there be some things that owe not their formality to the counsel of god , as sin ( which how far it falls within the counsels of god , shall be hereafter considered ) yet that cannot any way elude the counsel of god , as shall be hereafter shewn : therefore those several passages in holy scripture , that tell us , that god repented of evil , when man repented of sin , joel . . jonah . . are not to be understood of the nature or counsels of god : for in that respect balaam spoke a truth of god , numb . . . god is not a man , that he should lye , nor the son of man , that he should repent : for the same counsel of god , which appointed jonah to be the instrument of nineveh's repentance , ordained likewise their turning upon that preaching , and ordered the diversion of that judgment , which the same counsel had ordered to be imminent , but not executed : but because there was the execution of such a real change , which in man is ordinarily the effect of a change of purpose , or repenting , therefore it is called a repenting : yet the very same counsel , that appointed the denunciation of an imminent judgment , appointed their repenting upon that denunciation , and that diversion , upon that repenting . . it is a free counsel : it is nothing else , but the act of the will of god. it is true , the determination of that will imposeth a necessity of the existence of the thing willed , yet the determination it self was an act of the freest agents . this excludeth any stoical necessity . . it is a most wise counsel . and this is evident , even in the lowest and most inconsiderable execution of this counsel : and therefore isa . . . the dispensation of this counsel of god , even in the sowing and threshing of fitches , concludes this also cometh forth from the lord , who is wonderful in counsel , and excellent in working : this wisdom is eminent in this : . in that it doth not only predetermine the end or event , but likewise all those means , that are conducible to the bringing to pass of this end. it is true , god by an act of his power might , and sometimes doth , per saltum bring to pass his own purpose , by his own immediate power : but this is not the ordinary course of the execution of his counsel , but produceth the end decreed , by decreed means , acts . paul's dangerous voyage is predetermined to end in a safe arrival , verse . yet verse . except these men abide in the ship , ye cannot be saved . this perswasion of paul's becomes prevalent , and they stay . the counsel of god , that determined the ship 's safe arrival , predetermined the stay of the men in the ship , to be the means of that safety , and the perswasion of paul to be the means of their stay . here is the link of god's counsel , coupling the event to his purpose , with subordinate and purposed means . when i see a counsel of god discovered , that had not its compleat execution in many hundreds of years after ; and observe how many thousands of strange connexions of accidents do intervene between the counsel discovered , and the execution of it ; although till the execution , the event seems as unlegible as any thing in the world ; nay , oftentimes these antecedents , that seem most probable of any to the producing of the expected event , with a contrary wind quite driven off and blasted ; yet when after all these several meanders of successes , i see the effect come to pass , even by most improbable and accidental means , i must needs acknowledge , this seeming confusion is methodically managed by the same counsel , that predetermined the end ; i must conclude , as the wise man doth in another case , eccles . . . god hath set the one over against the other , to the end , that man should find nothing after him . let us consider it in the great business of our redemption by christ : god in his eternal counsel had appointed man to be partaker of his glory by the death of christ , who was the lamb slain from the foundation of the world : man is created in a glorious , happy , free estate ; he hath a covenant made with him , which he may keep or break at his own liberty ; he is left in his own hands , and not necessitated to break that covenant , which he but even now made with his maker ; if he had done so , the sending of christ had been needless : man falls , now is christ promised , gen. . . and after confined to the line of abraham , gen. . . and after to the line of david . see what a world of interventions of accidents and success interposed between the promise and the event , the birth of christ , any one whereof , if it had miscarried , had disappointed the whole success : when he was born , what strange events happen for the fulfilling of all the prophecies concerning him . so in the fulfilling of the prophecy made to abraham , that after four hundred years bondage , his posterity should enjoy the land of canaan , gen. . ver . , . what a world of strange interpositions were there , conducing to the fulfilling of it , between that and exod. . . and joshua . . the births of isaac , jacob , and the patriarchs ; the dream of joseph , that caus'd envy against him ; and that very envy conducing to the fulfilling of his dream : he is sold to the ishmaelites ; by them to the egyptians ; he is injured and imprisoned ; pharaoh's butler is imprisoned in the same prison , and then dreams ; this interpreted by joseph ; the butler delivered ; pharaoh dreams , joseph is mentioned , and interprets it , is advanced , furnisheth egypt to be the magazine of africa ; the famine pincheth jacob's family ; this lead his sons to egypt ; joseph is discovered ; jacob sent for , he and his family ; sixty six persons go down into egypt : what a circle is here of the divine counsel , managing these seeming casualties , to fulfill that part of the prophecy to abraham , that his seed should be strangers in a land that was not theirs ! well , for their deliverance from thence , they must be oppressed ; that 's not enough , the males must be killed ; had not this been , moses had not been exposed , pharaoh's daughter must come just to prevent his drowning , and to give the opportunity of a learned education ; this was the instrument of their deliverance . the like we might pursue in the following passages , wherein we may see the wise god by his wise counsel marshalling the means , fitting them most admirably with circumstances and strange conjunctures , for the fulfilling of his purposed ends. and herein is the excellency of the scripture , that shews us a hand , ordering and disposing by a most wise counsel ▪ these seeming tumultuary and disorderly passages in the world , to most admirable and fixed ends. this is the first thing wherein the wisdom of this counsel of god is seen in chaining all things one to another , by the very same purpose whereby he determined the end. . that in the disposing of means and ends , every thing notwithstanding , moves according to that law , that he hath given to its particular being . we usually distinguish the actions or successes of things within our observation into three ranks or ranges : viz. necessary , voluntary , contingent : . necessary effects are such , as their causes being admitted , have a necessary conjunction therewith , or consequence thereupon , according to the usual course of nature . such are the consequences that rise upon the motions of the heavens , as the positions of the planets ; the consequents that arise upon the contiguity or conjunction of the elements ; and divers such things , that hold a constant course in nature . these , although the great god may , and sometimes doth , interrupt by the extraordinary acts of his power , and to shew his freedom ; yet most admirably he doth not hinder , but useth them to the production of his own most sure counsels . and this evidenceth the infinite wisdom of the great god , that hath so admirably framed his works and his counsels , that while the former move uniformly , according to that prescript rule and law , which the god of nature hath put into them , yet the latter shall not be interrupted , but effected by them , though they know it not , nor mean it not . as when we see in a curious watch , the uniform motion of the spring , serving to produce several artificial motions ; as of the hour of the day , the day of the month , the age of the moon , and the like ; we commend the wisdom of the artist , that hath so tempered the spring , that by one uniform motion , it may be useful for all these ; and hath likewise so directed and managed this natural motion of the spring , to serve exactly those different intellectual motions ; and do conclude , that the contrivance of this piece of work was all at one time , otherwise it were impossible , that every part should hold that order : so when we see the natural moti●ns of the creatures , conducing to the production of those rational ends , which god hath appointed , we may justly admire the wisdom of god , that while he intends a purpose above the conception or drift of a natural agent , he bringeth it about without the violation of the rules or laws , which he hath appointed to be constant in nature ; and may most justly conclude , that the law of necessity in the natural agents , is but the effect of that ●●ry counsel , that hath predetermined his own purp●●●s by them ; and that they are all of a piece , all laid at the same time . and from thence grows the subservience of the natural agent , in the most rigid law and rule of his operation , unto the free counsels of the great god , that doth most sweetly and infallibly ●ffect the latter , without the violation of that rule , which he hath given to the former . and hence it is , that those effects , which are produced naturally by natural causes , we do and may call natural and necessary ; and yet it excludes not the counsel of the divine will in the production of it : for it is the same counsel , that hath made this necessary connexion between the cause and the effect , that did predetermine the effect to be produced . here then is conspicuous the wisdom of god , that while his creatures , in whom he hath placed an uniform course of working , fulfil his will , yet they keep their law of unformity and necessity . . voluntary . and this is admirable , that whiles voluntary agents do most necessarily fulfil the counsel of god , yet they do it without the least diminution of their freedom . the jews did most freely crucifie christ , yet it was by the predeterminate counsel of god : pharaoh did most freely refuse to let israel go , yet almighty god tells him , for this purpose had he raised him up to shew his power upon him , exod. . . and from hence we may observe the reason why almighty god in all times hath used rational ways for the reducing of men to the obedience of his will , not but that he could , if he pleased , force the wills of all mankind to what dispositions or actions he pleased ; but that were to infringe that law , which he at first planted in voluntary agents . here is the wisdom of the great god , his will shall be effected , yet man's will not forced : psal . . thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power . so that the conclusion is , the wills of men are ruled by the counsel of god for the producing of his ends , yet without violation of man's freedom . this is done by a rational means . and the courses , that god's counsel useth to work the will of men to his purposes , are most usually these , . by propounding rational objects or motives conducing to the winning the will to act those things , that are conducible to the purpose of god. in that one instance , concerning the hardening of pharaoh's heart , god had a purpose to be honoured upon pharaoh , in the miraculous delivery of his people : it is propounded to him , to let the people go ; it was a rational occasion for him to deny it , for then he should lose their work , which was beneficial to him : moses to confirm his embassage , casts down his rod , it becomes a serpent ; the magicians , that were of a contrary counsel to moses , did the like : this object hardens the heart of pharaoh . the like we may say concerning perswasions , afflictions , and those other dispensations of the divine will brought upon a man in ictu opportuno . . by giving and administring extraordinary aids and inlightenings , strengthening the faculties of the soul. . by withdrawing the ordinary supplies and concurrence of god's assistance . we are to know , that as the being of all things is from god , so the very natural supportation of all things in their several powers and activities , is from him : and if he withdraw his concurrence and assistance , our wills will move freely , but to other objects , or in another manner , than they did when assisted by him . now these we must not imagine to be expedients or helps pro re nata , as it happens among us , that when a thing beyond our expectation is gone beyond our mastery , then to devise some helps to reclaim it , or allay it : but the whole plat-form of all and every circumstance was laid and set by the purpose of god , before the being of any thing . man shall work freely , yet i will draw out that freedom of his into these and these actions , by this and that rational means : supply or subduction of my aid , of his will , shall not elude or defeat my counsel ; nor yet the fulfilling of that counsel violate the freedom of that will , which i purpose to allow him . . contingent effects ; which are such as arise from the conjuncture of several causes not subordinate one to the other : and this casual conjuncture of causes , denominates the event neither voluntary nor necessary , although it perchance arise from causes of both or either nature : but these having no natural conjunction or connexion one with the other , the event , that ariseth upon this conjuncture , is casual or contingent : and this consideration leads us to the third thing , wherein the wisdom of this counsel is eminent , viz. . in ordering , marshalling , and managing of several causes , of several natures , wholly independent and unsubordinate one to another , to the fulfilling of his own eternal , infallible counsel . and this consists in the drawing out of the several activities and causations of things , at such a time and such a distance , as may be subservient to the effect ; wherein , though the causes apart perhaps , move simply according to their nature , yet the meddling and mingling of them together , is a clear evidence of the unity and wisdom of that counsel , by which they are governed . in that admirable piece of the execution of god's counsel concerning joseph , this is ligible almost in every pas●●ge of it : t●is the purpose of god , he shall be advanced for the preservation of his father and bret●●●n : see but the last act of this counsel preceding h● 〈…〉 he is ●●mmitted to prison by the a● 〈…〉 , the chief butler ▪ by the command of 〈…〉 and phara●● were several voluntary a●●nts ▪ yet these acts of theirs , drawn out upon seve●●l grounds , and independent one upon the other , occ●●ion a me●ting between joseph and the butler in prison , and there they might have continued unacquainted till their deaths : an act of divine providence draws out an occasion for their acquaintance : the butler is delivered , and his promise forgotten : another occasion given by phara●h's dream : this had not been useful for joseph , unless communicated by phara●● to the chief butler : this communication draws out another act of his , viz. the remembrance of joseph● thus these several voluntary acts of agents , independent one upon another , are drawn out to meet together in such a conjuncture of time , as serves to produce that event , which if any one had failed , could not have been effected . the like is easily observable in all the great and predicted changes in commonwealths and kingdoms , how several causes are without straining , as it were , interwoven and married together for the production of such a change . and the like for the natural motions of the elements in the constitution of mixt bodies . though every cause apart mov●● according to that causality and course of nature that is in him , yet that activity is drawn out in such a distance , at such a time , and with such concurrences ▪ that makes appear at once the efficacy and wisdom of the counsel of god , that whiles every cause moves according to his own nature , yet they are strangely mingled in the production of such an effect , that neither of them did foresee , or intend , but only the god that guided them . . it is an active and irresistible counsel . this is evident , by what hath been before observed , viz. because it is the cause and measure of the being and power of every thing without it : it is therefore impossible to be resisted , because that strength , that any thing hath , it hath meerly by the efficacy of this purpose of god. although in the divine nature , there is no difference in the power or act of his understanding and will , yet for our conceptions sake , they are propounded under a different notion : his purpose or counsel is referred immediately to his will , and is not only a foreknowledge of what shall be , but hath an operative influence into the being and operations of all things : his prescience or foreknowledge , we conceive as an act of his understanding , by which he actually knows whatsoever shall be : this prescience is not an objective impression of the things themselves upon the divine understanding , for that were to suppose a kind of passibility , which is incompetible to the divine perfection , and supposeth a kind of priority in nature of the object to the power , and a kind of dependance of the act upon it : but as all things have their being by the act of the divine will or purpose , so in that purpose of his , he sees the things purposed ; and it is impossible to sever the act of his purpose , from the act of his knowledge , of the things purposed , though notionally they differ . . it is an vniversal counsel , and therefore universal , not because confused and indistinct , but it doth particularly and distinctly extend unto all the things , actions , and motions in the world ; for to suppose any thing could happen , or be without the particular determination of this counsel , would be an admission that that thing were independent upon his power , and would necessarily make an utter incertainty in the whole dispensation of the world , and so disappoint his providence . it is most evident , that the greatest events in the world have depended upon a compages and conca●●nation of several interventions , that in themselves have been most inconsiderable , which if they had not been , it had been impossible the event , though never so eminent , could have happened : david raised to be king of israel , a thing eminently in the purpose of god , yet had he not been sent to the army with the provisions for his brothers , the means of his advancement , and consequently the advancement it self had been disappointed . if therefore the same counsel , which had determined his being king , had not determined his message to the army , that great effect had been utterly without the determination of the divine providence : for that , which de facto was the necessary concurrent to his advancement , being casual , and not within the care of providence , so must all the dependances that had been upon it . and the same we must conclude in all the actions of voluntary agents . two difficulties occur : . how the predetermination of the acts of voluntary agents can consist with the liberty of the will ? . how the predetermination of the sinful acts of voluntary agents can consist with the justice or purity of god ? touching the former , we conclude , . that although almighty god hath been pleased to give voluntary agents a liberty of will , yet he may most justly of his absolute power , interrupt that freedom when , and in what he pleaseth . the reason is , he is absolute and unlimitted lord of his creature ; and in as much as the creature can have no being , but by his will , he cannot claim any right , but what consists with his maker's will : if he wills an interruption of that course , which he hath regularly settled , that interruption is as just , as that course which he interrupteth : for both equally depend upon the same will. . that though he may most justly , if he please , alter that course , which he hath settled in natural or voluntary agents ; yet such is his will , that he doth it not , but hath been pleased to hold that course in natural , but especially voluntary agents , that they move according to that liberty , with which he hath endowed them . . that nevertheless , all the voluntary actions of men fall under the predetermination of his counsel : otherwise it were impossible , but that the world should be governed at random , the contrary whereof is most clearly evidenced by daily observation , and several passages of the holy scripture , and by what hath been before observed . . it is evident , that this predetermination of the divine counsel is without any violation of the liberty of a free subordinate agent ; because the action predetermined is elicited by such means , as at once consisteth with the infallibility of divine providence , and the nature of the agent . the great motive and object of all the actions and aversions of men is good and evil : the great means whereby men are carried unto these actions or aversions , are convictions of the understanding , arising from the union of these objects to the understanding ; the act of the rational appetite or will following that conviction , if not perturbed ; the passions or affections partly managed by the command of the will , partly by the temper and constitution of the body . and certainly , if one man had an exact knowledge of the frame , temper , and constitution of another man ; and had power to apply his object so exactly to his understanding and affections : as to meet with them exactly ; and could discover the motions of the soul upon that object proposed , and could apply to every opposition a suitable answer or qualification ; this man might easily predetermine what the other should do , and yet in drawing out that action , no way injure his liberty . how much more can the infinite and omnipotent god , who put that liberty , understanding , and affections in man , positively predetermine such an act to be done , and yet draw out that act by such means by him decr●●d , as may notwithstanding suit with the li●●●ty of his will ; the freedom of the action being no less predetermined , than the action it self : especially , if we consider the power of this god , in adding or withdrawing of the extrinsecal helps and concurrences of his own immediate assistance , which have a more intimate and powerful operation upon the soul , than barely objective , which yet hurts not , nor hinders the intrinsecal freedom of the act of the will. . to the second question , concerning the counsel of god , tou●●ing sinful actions : we are to consider therefore , that sin is the violation of a law , given unto a voluntary agent , by him that hath power to give that law to the will. in this description , we have those several terms , all necessarily to be admitted , before there can be any sin : . a law given : for where there is no law , there can be no transgression . . a v●lunt●●y agent , to whom this law is given ; for it is impossible , that any thing can be capable of a law properly , but a voluntary agent ; because the proper effect of a law , is to put an extrinsecal restraint under a penalty upon that which hath choice to obey it , or not . natural agents , though they move according to a rule , the interruption whereof , causeth a deformity , yet they move not by a law ; and therefore not capable of sin. . an authority in him , that gives the law , to give it to the will. a man , that hath an extrinsecal power over me without my consent , may give a law to me , and exact the obedience of it ; but the violation of this law is no sin , because he hath no power upon my will , but god hath a power to command my will , and exact obedience of it . hence it is , that there can be no sin ▪ but against god , because all obligation is reductive only to him . . a violation of that law , by the act of the will : and herein we have two things : . the subject denominated : that is the action , which precisely considered , cannot be sinful ; but it is therefore sinful , because it is the product of my will , contrary to this law. hence it is , that no action that is enforced , can be said to be sinful : and every evil action hath so much of sin in it , as it hath of will ; and doth receive degrees of evil , according to the measure of consent and concurrence of the will. and hence it is , that the act of the will against that law , is equally sin , as if it had proceeded into act ; which was that most rational and clear doctrine of our saviour . . the thing denominating that action sinful : it is the obliquity of the act of the will ; for the last act of the will , which preceeded the action , is the sin ; and the action divided from that act of the willing is not , nor can be sinful : it is therefore called a sinful action , because it is the fruit or expression of an act of the will , moving contrary to this law of god. and by this it is evident , that the sin is not inherent in the external action produced by the will , but in the will it self : and that the sin hath a pre-existence , such as it is in the consent of the will , before the action is produced : and according to the measure of the freeness and fulness of that consent is the measure of the sin , and not according to the action ; though it be regularly true , that that consent of the will , that is strongest , produceth most ordinarily an action . hence it is , that an action contrary to the command of god , produced either through incogitancy , fear , surprize , passion , is not so great a sin , as a deliberate , studied , resolved sin , though in truth it be not produced into act , by reason of some extrinsecal impediment : because there is a fuller consent of the will in the latter , than in the former . these things being premised , we may conclude , . god's counsel doth not predetermine the will to any evil : for although it is true , the obligation of a law is the necessary antecedent of every sin , and it is impossible , that the laws , which god gives to man , do bind the law-giver , yet this is inconsistent with his purity , truth , and justice : inconsistent with his purity ; for certainly there is an intrinsecal justice and holiness in the law of god , whereof he cannot cause the violation : inconsistent with his truth ; the will of his counsel never crosseth the will of his command : inconsistent with his justice , to require an obedience to that law , whereof he doth necessitate the breach ; and in this case predeterminating the action by way of necessitating the will , and to predetermine the obliquity , differs little . . much less doth he infuse obliquity or evil into the will , to serve the series of his counsels . but then it seems the evil actions of men are out of the counsel of god ; or god must take up new counsels upon the vision , or at least prevision , of the actions of men. no : but here we must remember , what hath been before premised , that here is seen the great justice and wisdom of this counsel , that it puts nothing off from that manner of operation wherewith the god of nature hath endued it . thus he draws out infallibly the action of a free agent , even in things sinful , and yet the will moves freely in what it doth , and consequently , owes that sin to it self : the counsel of god is active in these particulars : . proposing of an object : the babylonish garment was no cause of achan's sin ; for it was propounded to him meerly objectively , and was passive to his choice ▪ 〈◊〉 permitting extrinsecal moral perswasions unto 〈…〉 this is temptation . adam was created without 〈◊〉 yet with liberty to sin : he was left wholly in the hands of his own will : here was an object presented ; the fruit was fair to look upon ; and moral perswasions by the devil , that there was no danger , that it would make them wise : the man eats : this is most clearly a most free act ; for neither the proposition of the object , nor perswasions , do any way derogate from the freedom of the action : god could in his counsel have intercepted the object , or impeded the perswasion : he doth neither : the sin is committed ; and that without the least colour of imputation to the counsel of god ; for the man's will was not necessitated , he sinned freely . . by withdrawing those efficacious aids of his grace and dispensation , which , especially since the fall of man , are the great impediment to that career of sin , that man would run . and this is no violation of man's nature or freedom : for they are extrinsecal to his nature , and therefore not due to him ; nor is he injured if withdrawn from him , especially , since for the most part , man thrusts them away before they are taken : such are the outward dispensations of his providence in education , affliction , prosperity , the preaching of his word , advice of friends ▪ giving external allays to the humours of the body : these and the like , god lends to the sons of men , and may take them again when he will. and as he hath such outward operations , so without question , such is the vicinity of god to our souls , that there are secret inward perswasions sent in by the power of god to our souls , which as they do not violate the liberty of our wills , but direct them , so they are not due to the creature debito justitiae , and may be withdrawn without injustice . . by ordering it : thus the wise god oftentimes , brings good out of evil , by the restraining the sin quo ad hoc , by the dispensation of his providence ; as a wise politician will order the ambition , cruelty , lust , &c. of men for bringing good to the common-wealth . the depravation of man's nature is universal ; and like as the water would diffuse it self over the whole surface in the pursuit of its own motion and nature , so the corrupted nature of man being now become universally evil , would diffuse it self in all disorders : but as a wary artist , will by external provisions , not only confine this natural motion of this extravagant element , to this or that course , but also make its natural motion serviceable for artificial ends ; so the wise god doth not only set bars and doors , and saith to this sea of mischief , hitherto shalt thou go , and no farther , and here shall thy proud waves stay ; but also so manageth the same , that whiles man sins , he works his creator's will , which he knows not : o assyrian , the rod of mine anger , &c. howbeit he meaneth not so , neither doth his heart think so , but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few , isa . . . a sinful and unthankful israel deserves a punishment : an ambitious and cruel assyrian flies at all opportunity of rapine and spoil : the wise god shuts him up upon all sides , but that which is towards israel , and there he finds a passage , and breaks out , satisfies freely his own ambitious ends , which only he pursued , yet fulfils the will of our creator , which he knew not , nor thought of : this also cometh from the lord , who is wonderful in counsel , and excellent in working . those ways of god and the manner of his concurrence in those actions are evident in scripture , exod. . . i will harden pharaoh 's he●rt , &c. verse . they cast down their rods , and they became serpents , &c. and he hardened pharaoh 's he●rt , that he hearkened not unto them . exod. . . when pharaoh saw that there was respite , he hardened his heart , and hearkened not unto them , as the lord had said , ibid. verse . and divers other parts of the history . the lord hardened his heart by permission of the magicians miracles , by permitting objective presenting to him the profit of the jews labours , by withdrawing that external concurrence and operation of his grace , which might have softned it : and pharaoh actively hardens his own heart , sam. . . israel had offended god , and must be punished ; but there was an impediment to the execution of this judgment , david's integrity , who was concerned in the good or evil of his people : if god withdraw his assistance from david , and let in satan to tempt him , david will sin as well as his people , and so both deservedly punishable . and he moved david to number the people ; yet chron. . . and satan stood up against israel , and provoked david to number the people : here were three parties : god moved by permitting satan to provoke , by withdrawing a powerful countermotion , by ordering david's sin for the means of the punishment of israel's sin : satan provoked , incited , and perswaded , either immediately , or mediately ; for now the watchman is gone , god hath withdrawn his hand , and satan loseth not the opportunity : david numbers ; david's heart was as corrupt and vain-glorious as anothers , and as easily surprized by a temptation , when the keeper of israel is absent , and remoto impedimento sins as freely , and more naturally , as before it walked conformable to the will of his maker ; this sampson hath lost his locks , and he becomes as another man. in the mean time , let us ever admire the justice of our maker , who never necessitates us to incur a punishment by necessitating our sin ; and his mercy in rewarding that obedience , which he alone performs in us . also to thee , o lord , belongeth mercy , for thou renderest to every man according to his works , psalm . . chap. iii. of the execution of the eternal counsel of god , in his works of creation and providence . now we come to consider the execution of that counsel in those two greater transient acts , viz. creation and providence : . touching the creation . this we consider in general , and particularly as concerning man : in general , we resolve the work of creation into three parts . . the original production of all things out of nothing . this is simply creation gen. . . in the beginning god created the heaven , and the earth . ( god created : ) this is the greatest conceptible motion , viz. à non esse ad esse ; and though it be an act of faith to believe it , because related , heb. . . yet it is a conclusion of reason to know it , as it appears by what hath been before observed concerning the impossibility to have any eternal subsistence but one : and this truth , though it be deducible by necessity of reason , if a god be once admitted , yet so infinite is the distance between nothing and a being , that divers of the acutest naturalists were ignorant of it ; the ignorance of which principle caused many of their absurd and unintelligible positions and superstructions , to supply those difficulties , which by this only truth are avoided , as concerning the first matter , the eductions of forms out of the power of it , by i know not what agents . ( god created : ) this infinite motion could only proceed from an infinite power , who by the mere act of his will , constitutes something out of nothing . ( in the beginning : ) time could not be , before there were something that had succession of being , for it is the measure of a successive being ; and therefore the beginning of created beings , must needs be the beginning of time , and creation was the beginning of created beings . ( the heavens and the earth : ) the indigested matter of the heavens and the earth . . the dividing and ordering of this mass ; calling out the particular subsistences , and furnishing of them with forms and qualities . this was subsequent to the creation of the matter : and we find the manner of this production in two expressions : . the motion of the spirit of god upon the face of the waters ; vers . . containing an act of the divine power , whereby he fitted every thing to be ready for his call : for though by the same instantaneous act , the divine power could in the first instant of creation have put things in their several beings , yet it was his will to work successively , first creating the matter , then breathing upon it , and fitting this confused substance with aptitude for the things to be thereout produced . . the word of command : let there be light , &c. in the several works of the six days . and here we may observe the admirable wisdom of god , as in divers particulars , &c. so especially in these : . in the order of the creating particular creatures , proceeding . to the finishing of fundamentals , then to superstructions , though of more curiosity and perfection , yet more dependant upon those of the first creation : . in the variety of the creatures , and accommodating them with qualities , and conveniences suitable to their kinds , whereby one doth not desire to encroach upon the conveniences of the other's subsistence : for an instance , the beasts , fishes , fowl , endued with appetites suitable to their being , yet the several kinds affecting several nourishments , several places of residence , &c. herbs of contrary qualities , drawing several nourishments of several natures , even from the same clod of earth . . in the position and situation of created beings , both for beauty , and convenience , so that the wit of the most envious atheist , cannot imagine how the elements , the heavens , the several creatures could be more beautifully , or usefully placed : every thing serves to accommodate and fit the other , and speaks the wisdom and goodness of the creator : the position of the earth , the water , the air , with exquisite convenience , that they may meet for the constitution of mixt , and the subsistence of animate creatures : the earth and other bodies have dependance upon the power and influence of the sun and heavens ; each is fitted with a figure , and the heavens with a motion , that may with admirable convenience dispense that influence : the variety of seasons , depending upon the ecliptical motion of the sun , giving variety to the creature , and intermissions to the earth , whereby she may recover strength in the winter , for the supply of the summer : the very imprefect creatures , the rain , the winds , snow , &c. of admirable use for the earth , air , and water : the elements so placed and ordered , that whiles their contrary motions and qualities of rarety and density , preserve the extremity of their contrary active qualities from meeting , yet their vicinity is such , that one allays the violence of the other , and so are in a fit position and temper for production of mixt bodies . . the planting in every thing a radical activity and causality , by which it moves . this is by virtue of that word of the power of god : the very multiplication of the creature , gen. . . the warming of our garments by the south wind , job . . the nourishment that comes from our bread , deut. . . is due to this word of command and benediction , that the lord at first spoke to the creature . now concerning the particular creation of man ; not to enter into the consideration of the manner of his creation , his essentials , the body , the soul , or the nature of either ; but we shall enquire , what is meant by the likeness or image of god ? there was a twofold image of god : . essential , viz. a participation in his very essence , of a conformity to the divine nature , which consisted in three particulars : . that he had an immortal soul : this is that which , wisdom . . is called the image of his eternity : . that he was an intellectual being : . that he was a free agent . these , being essential to man , were not lost by him : and for this reason , god required the same severity against murder , as if man had never fallen , gen. . . for in the image of god made he man. . an accidental image , which consisted in an adventitious perfection , which god added to man. . dominion , gen. . . and let them have dominion , &c. so god created man in his own image . the dominion , which he gave to him , made him resemble god : and hence it is , that those that have power of command , are called gods , exod. . . and thou shalt be to him instead of god. psal . . . i have said ye are gods . vid. gen. . . this dominion consisted not only in his power to inforce his commands by the advantages of wit and strength above other creatures , but likewise in a subjection in the creatures to his dominion . . an incorruptible union between the body and the soul , gen. . . the day that thou eatest thereof , thou shalt surely die . hence rom. . the apostle concludes death the fruit of sin. this might have been either by reason of the excellence of his natural constitution ; or by supplying it with special assistance , by which means , the lives of the fathers before the flood , had so long a duration ; or by assuming of him into heaven , without any dissolution of soul and body , as was enoch , gen. . . . a filling of the intellectual faculty with the light and knowledge of all things , especially of his maker . and herein consisted his high degree of happiness . but as the object , or the union of the object to the faculty , is not of the essence of that intellectual nature , wherein that faculty resides , but may be removed without any essential change , so was this : and that herein consisted the image of god , appears by colos . . . the renovation by christ , which is renewed in knowledge after the image of him that created him . . holiness , or conformity of the will to the will of god. this appears likewise by the state of renovation , epes . . . put on the new man , which after god is created in righteousness and true holiness ; which , as it presupposeth a true knowledge of the will of god , so it was a free choice of obedience to it . this was not essential to the will , because the will was essentially free , but had been necessary to the will , in case the understanding had not been abused . chap. iv. of the providence of god in special , concerning man , in order to his supream end. thus much shortly touching the creation , and man's constitution in it ; the second part of the dispensation of this counsel , is god's providence : and herein we shall pass over that part , which is the general providence of god , and consider of that special providence or dispensation of divine counsel , which concerneth man , and that not meerly as a creature , but in order to his everlasting end. we shall consider therefore the course of this providence of god , in order to the eternal end of man , under those three conditions , or times , wherein we find man ; before the fall ; after the fall ; in christ . concerning the estate of man before the fall , or sin of adam ; we have already examined certain generals , that are conducible to this point , viz. . that god did appoint man to some end , or good , answerable to the constitution and value of his nature ; and this is his happiness . . that this good must therefore be an infinite , immortal , intelligible good ; otherwise it could not be answerable to the nature of man. . that there is not , nor can be , any such good but only god. . that the actual enjoyment of this good is by the union of the soul to god , and the communion of god to the soul. . that the only means of attaining this union and communion must needs be such , and such only , as the will of god pleaseth to appoint . we shall now descend to these two particular inquiries , viz. . what was that great end or happiness , which man did , or might enjoy in his created condition ? . what was the means , whereby to attain and keep that happiness ? . concerning the former , viz. what was man's happiness in his creation ? we shall consider him in those three degrees of living which he had : . as a vegetable creature ; an exact constitution and temper of body , which though naturally corruptible , yet by the interposition of the divine power , not subject to corruption : those things that were for his use and sustentation , the air , the water , the fruits of the earth , most exactly conducible to the perpetuating of his life without pain or sickness . . as a sensible creature ; exquisiteness of sense , and receptive of whatsoever the creature could afford conducing to his use or delight ; and the creature likewise fitted for the supply of those senses , every herb given him for food , all the creatures came to him to receive their names , he had dominion over them , a most pleasant garden planted by god himself for his habitation , with a tree of immortality in it : . as a rational creature . . a most just and sweet subordination of the inferiour faculties to the superiour , the sensitive appetite , the passions , and motions of the spirits . . a most exact fitness and perfection of those organs of the body , which are necessary for the operations of the faculties of the soul ; and a perfect and just union of the body and soul , whereby the soul might clearly and perfectly exercise all her faculties . . which is the height of all the rest , fitting of those faculties with the most perfect and suitable object , even god himself : for all faculties or powers receive their perfection by their objects : to have an understanding as comprehensive as heaven , to have a will of as vast desires as infinitude it self , and not to have an object suitable to either , were a greater unhappiness than to want the faculties . in the creation therefore , god filled the understanding with the sight and knowledge of himself , of his majesty , glory , bounty , goodness ; with the knowledge of his will and mind concerning man ; with the knowledge of his works , and of his workings . this could not chuse but work in the mind of man answerable returns to the nature of this object . he is fully conceived to be the highest and most supream good , and therefore must needs take up the highest and choicest desires to attain and keep him : god is pleased to communicate himself to these desires , his acceptation of them , and intimate expressions of love to his creature : this as it is the highest happiness , and the rest of the creature , so it cannot chuse but ingage the soul to return love and obedience to the will of his god , especially when all those engagements to obedience are likewise presented to the soul , that it owes its being to him , that his will is most righteous and fit to be obeyed . and this obedience arising from these principles of love to god , as it was without all hypocrisie , so it was without all pain and tediousness ; for it did arise from an inward and active principle , and was acted by most obedient and active faculties : man took no less delight in his obedience , which was the fruit of his love and duty to his maker , than he did in the knowledge of the beauty and goodness of his maker , which was the cause of that love and duty . and as the actings of the natural appetite upon a proper and seasonable object , when they exceed not their proportion , are delightful ; so the actings of the rational appetite , consisting in love and obedience to god , wherein they could not exceed their just proportion , were the delight of the soul : his holiness , consisting in the returns to his maker of love and obedience , and the goodness of his god , in communicating himself and his favour , exciting and accepting those returns , did both conduce to the fulfilling of his blessedness . all this , as it was derived from the blessing of god , gen. . so it ended in the perfection of the creature : and god saw all that he had made , and behold it was very good. ib. ver. . . the means whereby he attained , or rather preserved this state of happiness , which was in effect congenite with ( though not essential to ) his being . this was only obedience to the will of his maker . in all inferiour creatures , we see a kind of inclination or instinct to follow the rule of their nature : this conducts them to that degree of felicity and beauty , which is commensurate to their nature : herein , though they follow the will of their creator , in the law of their creation , it is not properly obedience , nor that instinct properly a law : the latter is only given , and the former only performed , by such a creature as hath liberty and choice , and consequently , knowledge and understanding , without which it is impossible to have the other . man alone of all visible creatures , is endued with both , and so fitted to receive a law , and to obey it : being thus fitted , he hath a double ingagement of obedience , viz. of duty and of profit : . of duty : he received his being from his maker , and that being furnished with happiness : this is an infinite and boundless engagement of duty , even to the utmost of his being . . of profit or advantage : this stock of happiness , that was but now freely conferred upon him , is put into his hands under this condition , if he break his condition , he forfeits , and that most justly , his happiness . but yet if this law were beyond the capacity of his nature , then there might be some excuse of his disobedience : but as this happiness was fully commensurate to his nature , so was this law , which was the subject of his obedience . we shall therefore consider these three things : . what was the law of man's creation ? . whence the obligation of it ? . what the sanction or penalty ? . what the law was ? obedience was the duty of man to the will of his creator : the law was the specification of that will , in this or that particular command , or prohibition : the laws that god gave to man therefore were of two kinds : . such as did bear a kind of proportion or convenience to the nature of man : such are all those moral dictates , which we call laws of nature , as keeping of faith , worshipping god ; and most , if not all those precepts in the decalogue , are but expressions of these laws . these , though they have no obligation , but by the command of god , yet they have a kind of congruity with the very nature of man. . such as though they have their original justice of obligation upon the same ground as the former hath , viz. the subordination of the rational creature to the will of god , yet in hoc individuo , there doth not appear that congruity of nature of man with this command : such was the command of forbearing the forbidden fruit : and answerable to this , in all times , god hath been pleased to give commands of these two several kinds , gen. . . at the same time god forbids murder , which holds congruity with humane nature ; and eating of blood , which doth not appear to hold such congruity , gen. . . to abraham , walk before me , and be perfect , which is a rule of natural justice ; and a command of circumcision , the reason whereof doth not so naturally appear ; so to the jews , not only the moral law , but divers ceremonial rites , which have no such necessary conformity to reason . the reason of this , and why the first man's obedience was tried upon this precept , was because that in the obedience to such a command , is given the clearest and most free obedience to god ; for we hereby acknowledge his freedom to command what he pleaseth , and our just obligation to obey what he commands , meerly because he commands . now because it is impossible , that any law can bind , unless it hath some promulgation or discovery from him that gives it , or somewhat equivolent unto it , we are to consider , how these laws came to be published ? as for the latter ▪ it is most certain and clear , that it was by express injunction from god. and the lord god commanded man , saying , &c. whether this was by an audible voice , or by an immediate infusion of the knowledge of it into the mind , it will not be material to enquire : but certain it is , that in as much as the obligation of this precept doth not arise from any intrinsecal conformity of the thing to humane nature , there was an express injunction and command of god in it . but as touching the former , though they were discovered to man , to be the will of god , yet they did hold a kind of intrinsecal proportion and conformity to the very nature of men. and hence it is , that though by the fall , a general deficiency was in man , yet the tracks and foot-steps of those laws remain in his very constitution . though this cannot be the cause of their obligation , yet questionless , this was part of the means of their publication to man , rom. . . the gentiles not having the law , do by nature the things contained in the law. and although much were due to education , and tradition , and the course of god's providence in propagating the knowledge of the moral law , yet such a convenience it hath with the nature and use of men , that when they once come to an actual exercise of right reason , they have in all successions of times and places taken up those laws of nature , which we call the moral law , or the most parts of them . . touching the-obligation of these laws , it was twofold : . from the injunction and command of god , who had an universal , infinite , and unlimited power over his creature , and might most justly require his obedience . and into this power of god , together with his actual command or prohibition , is all the obligation of all laws , whether natural or positive , and of all inferiour laws , compacts , or agreements , to be resolved . and without the due consideration of this , mankind is loose . though the natural congruity of the moral law to the nature of man might be the means of its publication , it is the command of god , that is , and ever was , the cause of its obligation . . from the compact and stipulation of man. god put into man's hands a stock both of blessedness and liberty ; and though he might have commanded his creature , and it had bound eternally , yet , to add the greater engagement upon him , he enters into contract with him , concerning his obedience . hence it is called the covenant of works . and in all ensuing times , when it pleased god to reinforce the law of nature or obedience , he doth it by way of compact or covenant , as well as command ; to add another obligation as well of contract as duty . and from this grew the universality of the guilt that was contracted by disobedience : adam covenanted for him and his posterity , rom. . . as the obedience of christ is effectual for his seed , by way of contract and stipulation with god the father ; so was the disobedience of adam binding upon his seed , partly by reason of his contract and stipulation ; and so they are made there parallel . sed de hoc infra . . the sanction of the law given to adam . the violation of any law given by him , that hath power , contracts guilt , that is , obligation to punishment : the measure of this punishment is that sanction , which god did put upon the violation of this law , gen. . . in the day thou eatest , thou shalt surely die : herein are four particulars : . the offence , eating the forbidden fruit ; . the punishment , death ; . the time of the inflicting of it , in the day . . the extent of it , thou shalt die , &c. touching the first : the thing specially prohibited , was eating the forbidden fruit ; but that which was in the mind of god to enjoyn , was obedience to his command : and although this particular was by god made the experiment of man's obedience , yet questionless , the same injunction , and under the same penalty , was given to men , touching those other moral dictates , which were received , exod. . which lost not their obligation by the fall of man , no more than if he had continued in his integrity , gen. . . if thou dost not well , sin lieth at the door : and verse . cain acknowledgeth death to be the consequent of that guilt , which he contracted by his murder , every one that findeth me shall slay me : the like of lamech , verse . for the formality of any sin , as hath been before observed , consisteth in the disobedience of the will to the command of god : by one mans disobedience sin entred into the world. and as the object of mans obedience was whatsoever god had injoyned , so the disobedience to any one command had contracted the like guilt , and were under the like penalty as this , though this being purely a positive command , wherein only the obedience or disobedience of man could be seen , was that which is here mentioned , because that wherein he offended . . thou shalt die : god made not death , saith the wise man , wisd . . . but , death entred into the world by sin , rom. . . it imports three things : . a loss or loosning of that strictness of union which was between the body and soul , or temporal immortality . this is the argument that the apostle makes , that from the time of adam's transgression till moses , sin was in the world , because death reigned all that while : and in the place before mentioned , till sin the kingdom of death was not upon the earth : this immortality was not essential to the nature of man , but was freely super-added to it by the divine will upon those terms of obedience ; and he that gave it might with all imaginable justice give it upon what terms he pleaseth ; and he doth it upon terms of obedience ; obedience to himself , which but even now gave man his being , and might justly exact the utmost of his being ; obedience to a law most possible , easie , and quadrate to the powers and aids given to man ; obedience ingaged by a world of blessedness attending it , and an inevitable loss ensuing the breach of it : this was his vegetable loss . . a loss of that happiness , which accompanied this immortal being , in respect of his senses , viz. an uninterrupted stream of pleasure and contentment , and instead thereof shame , gen. . . pain , and slavery , verse . sorrow , verse . anxious and painful labour , verse . a curse upon the earth , verse . a loss of eden , verse . . the withdrawing and stopping of that stream of light and love , that passed between god and the soul of man ; which filled his reasonable faculties brimful of happiness and contentment ; and instead thereof , in the understanding , darkness , distractedness , a continued motion to know , and yet for want of light not knowing what to pursue , and therefore pursuing trifles and follies : in the will , loss of the good that it before injoyed , yet a craving appetite after somewhat , but it knows not what ; and to satisfie this unsatiable desire take● in whatsoever the suggestions of the world , flesh and the devil offers , fills it self with vanity , and then with vexation : in the affections , especially our love , it hath lost what did take up the whole vigour and comprehension of it , and what it loved it injoyed ; but now raves and boils like the sea after follies and changeable and unsatisfying pursuits : the conscience , that chamber of the soul , wherein the beams of the light and favour of the creator , and of the love and duty of the creature , met as it were in the point or angle of reflection , and carried those comfortable messages of sincerity and obedience of the soul to god , and delight and acceptance from god , to the soul , is now become the chamber of death , and , like the spleen to the body , the receptacle of the melancholy and sad convictions of a guilty and ungrateful soul , and of an injured and revenging god , and pre-apprehensions of farther misery : but if , in the midst of millions of miseries , he could see his creator inviting him to dependance and recumbance upon him , the miseries were nothing , they are born by his strength upon whom he leans : but when the lord of heaven shall give him a trembling heart , and failing of eyes , and sorrow of mind , as in that most lively expression he threatens the jews , deut. . , , &c. and when he comes to his creator , the last and supreme refuge of man , god himself shall write bitter things against him , and eternally reject him . here is the death of deaths : this , and much more than this , is included in that sanction , thou shalt surely die . and this appears to be a most just and righteous sanction . . thou : but we are taught , rom. . . by one man sin entred into the world , and death by sin , so death passed upon all men , for that all have sinned : here it is inquirable , . whether the guilt of adam 's sin did extend farther than adam's person ? and by what means or rule of justice that came to pass ? we must conclude in adam all sinned , rom. . . by one mans disobedience many were made sinners ; and as sin passed over all , so death passed over all . and this the apostle useth as the argument of the universality of sin , in the same place ; and , cor. . . for as in adam all died , so in christ all shall be made alive . the sin of adam was the sin of his posterity by a double means : . for that he contracted with god for him and his posterity ; and as in nature including , so in law personating them all . and in this respect , rom. . . he is stiled the figure of him that was to come : as christ contracted for his seed by faith , so adam contracted for his seed by nature . it is true , regularly the personal sin of the father , or of any person , is not charged upon his posterity : ezek. . . the soul that sinneth it shall die ; the son shall not bear the iniquity of the father ; conform to that law of god , deut. . . the children shall not be put to death for the father : but yet by way of covenant or contract , the child , as it may be interessed in the benefit of obedience , may contractively be sharer in the guilt and punishment of the father's disobedience . . for that by this his offence he contracted a loss of that natural disorder and deformity , which he propagated to his posterity ; and the constitution of adam's posterity after his fall , was of the very same distemper and corruption , that adam himself had contracted by his fall. and herein the case of adam differed from all mankind besides : the best of men born of adam hath the very same natural obliquity that the worst of adam's children hath , and if he traduce his nature to his child , he traduceth as good as he hath , or ever had : but that nature , which adam had , and was traducible to his posterity before his fall , though the same essentially which it was after in specie rationali , yet by the will and dispensation of god had been accompanied with those qualifications , that had put them in the same degree of blessedness and power of conserving it , that adam had : so then the sin of adam ingaged his posterity in the guilt : . by his personating of them ; . by his traducing corruption to them ; hence gen. . . every imagination of the heart of man was only evil continually . and as we by this see how adams sin was the sin of his posterity , so upon the same ground we see the justice of traducing the punishment to his posterity . by the law of nature and reason , the power of the father over his child , especially unborn , is the most absolute and natural power under god in the world ; so that even by the universal rule , among men especially , where another government is not sub-induced , he had the power over his life , his liberty , and his subsistence : man contracts for him and his posterity in a part of loss and benefit ; his posterity had a share in the latter in case of mans obedience , and it is reason he should bear a part in the former in case of disobedience : the sin of a publick person draws a punishment upon those whom he represents politically , as david's sin in numbring the people ; much more when to the political representation is added a natural inclusion : and thus he visits the iniquity of the fathers upon the the children , viz. when the father contracts for him and his children in a covenant of benefit and loss ; as he shews mercy unto thousands in them that love him ; the children of abraham , notwithstanding their own personal sins , had the benefit of that promise , which was made to abraham , because by way of covenant , gen. . . further the ingagement of the creator to his creature could not be farther than he himself pleased ; neither could man , or his posterity , challenge any farther degree or perfection of being , than god gave , and upon those terms only , upon which he gave it : if he had resumed it of his own will from man , or his posterity , after a day or a month , man had had that for which to be thankful in the enjoyment , not to murmur in the loss : but it was not so here , the stock of blessedness for man and his posterity is put into the hands of the father , while he had his posterity within himself ; and not only so , but put into his hands with a power to keep it for him and his posterity ; the father proves prodigal , and spends his stock , and if the child was so , he hath none to blame but the immediate author of his being : this is enough most clearly to interest the posterity of adam , at least in the punishment of loss of happiness and immortality , and those outward curses , which followed upon adam's nature , and the creatures , by adam's sin. . the time , in the day thou eatest . and this was put in execution the same day , as well as sentenced : the same day shame , and guilt , and fear fell upon him , gen. . . i heard thy voice and was afraid because i was naked : the same day shut out from the vision of god , and the place of his happiness ; verse . the same day set to his work , to till a cursed ground , with labour and sorrow , verse . so now we have seen man what he was , and what he lost : the next thing considerable is , how it could come to pass , that man , having such a portion of perfection , both in his faculties and fruitions , could be drawn to commit this sin upon terms of so great and visible disadvantage to himself and his posterity : negatively we say it was not any inherent corruption or malignancy in the nature of man , or any defect of what was necessary to his perseverance in his original righteousness ; for he was very created good : neither was it any predetermination that did necessitate him to fall ; for god , as he gave him a power to obey his will , and a law wherein to exercise that power , did leave him in the hands of his own will : as to suppose him necessitated to obey what god commanded could not stand with mans liberty , nor with the true nature of obedience , which doth necessarily suppose an intrinsecal power not to obey ; so to suppose him constrained to disobey ; could neither consist with that liberty , nor the purity or justice of god : god did foresee the fall of man in the counsel of his prescience , but did not fore-appoint it in the counsel of his predetermination : the rule of nature is , that whatsoever is , while it is , is necessarily : the offence of man , though it proceeded from his liberty , yet when it was , it was necessarily : and because all things , before they are , are present with god as if they were , and in the same degree as if they were , therefore it was in the same degree of fore-knowledge , as if it had been necessary ; and consequently the superstruction of all that counsel of god concerning man after his fall , was not taken up pro re nata , but was as ancient and as firm , as eternity it self : we find the fall of man attributed to these causes arising from these three , . the devil . . man. . god. . in the devil : a lapsed angel , and in respect of the excellency of his knowledge and spiritual being , had an advantage , and could out-act the reason of man , whose soul acts organically ; and therefore though man were created in the highest perfection incident to his nature , yet he might be over-match'd with the power and subtilty of that evil angel. he fitted his temptation to that which was most desirable , viz. knowledge : and this temptation took the greater impression , because in the command , as hath been observed , there was nothing but a pure experiment of man's obedience , and no rational incongruity of the eating of this fruit more than another : the strangeness of the command , and the severity of the penalty made the suggested advantage , that might come by this , the more credible : had he gone about to tempt man to blasphemy , to murder his wife , or any other sin , ( the breach whereof had been equally penal to this ) the incongruity of such acts to that natural law , which was connatural to him , had made the temptation fruitless : but that envious spirit did well know , that the obligation of every law was under the same penalty ; that this law , concerning the forbidden fruit , was most obnoxious to his temptation ; that the the desire of knowledge was the most prevalent inclination in man ; and so fits his temptation exactly , viz. that this command could have no other end or reason , than to fence man from such an advantage , as might make him yet more like his maker , ye shall be as gods , knowing good and evil. and the very same way he took with the second adam : his first temptation was in such a thing , that a man would wonder where the fault should be ; he was hungry , and in a wilderness , without bread ; nature could not subsist , and bread could not be had there , unless it were made ; yet our saviour , being better acquainted with the drift of his temptation , than was eve , rejected this as a temptation to a distrust of the providence of his father . . in man. . the finitude of his understanding : though he was created perfect , yet he was created finite : it could not match the sophistry of an angel. hence this sin of adam , is called beguiling and deceiving : the serpent beguiled me . . the liberty of his will , which , though he was created innocent , had nevertheless a power to offend : . the prevalence of his sensual appetite . but this came not in , till the field was almost lost : the temptation won upon the understanding and will , before the subsidiary aid of the sensual appetite did or could come in : the beauty of the fruit , and its goodness for food , was evident to man before ; but it durst not assail the command of god , till the understanding was deluded with an expectation of wisdom . . in god : there was nothing positive , but only putting of him wholly in his own power . doubtless he was not ignorant of the design of the serpent , and could have as effectually supplanted his endeavour by his special assistance , or by an angel as effectually have guarded man from that tree , as he did that other tree of life afterwards from man ; but he had made man perfect , he hath given him a command under a severe penalty , and hath given him power to obey it ; if he will believe his creator , and trust in him , he is safe ; if he will not , he may chuse , but is lost . see the congruity and difference in the temptation of the first and second adam : both tempted by the devil , that in a paradise , this in a desart ; that in his abundance , tempted with superfluity ; this in want , tempted with necessity ; both had absolute freedom of will , and both left to the strength of their own power , for the angels came not to minister to christ , till the devil had left him : but the latter adam in his temptation will not stir a grain from the command , the scriptum est of god , and the devil leaves him ; the former lets go his strength , the command of his creator , the lock of his strength , and is taken and overcome . and thus have we seen man in his glory , and in his ruine : the former , he did owe to the free bounty and goodness of god ; for how could that , which had not a being , till it was given him , deserve such a being ? the latter , he owes only to himself ; and how can he now expect a reparation ? he hath contracted a guilt , which as his future doing , or suffering , cannot expiate ; for this suffering is the necessary consequence , not the satisfaction of his guilt ; and this suffering must therefore be as everlasting as his being , because his guilt is as everlasting as his being : his doings , were they perfect , were but his duty , and therefore cannot expiate that guilt , which was contracted by the breach of that duty ; but could it be available to expiate his guilt , yet as his disobedience made him guilty , so it made him unable to perform his duty ; his intellectuals are deprived of that light , which he hath abused , and therefore lost ; his will corrupted and embased , in a subjection to his sensual appetite ; and this disobedience , accompanied with many aggravations , the least whereof might incense the very goodness and patience of his creator , beyond all hopes of mercy and atonement ; this disobedience against god , to whom he owed the most exact obedience ; he added ingratitude to his disobedience ; he disobeyed that god , from whom , but even now , he received his being , and such a being ; he added perverseness to his ingratitude , it was against such a command , which he might have kept , and needed not to have broken ; he added wantonness to his perverseness ; he disobeyed , when he had a stock of blessedness , as ample as his being was capable of ; he added treason to his wantonness , believing the voice of a creature , a creature that but now had revolted from his god , in a villainous imputation of god with falsity and envy : and how after all this , and infinitely more than this , can he expect any thing from his injured god , but what the severity of his justice can inflict ? if he meets with frowardness in the earth , distemper in the air , surprizals and inundations in the water , rebellion in the creatures , a snare in his table , treachery in his friend , scorn and oppression from his superiour , supplanting from his equal , envy and mischief from his inferiour , falsness and temptation from the wife of his bosom , rebellion from his children , vanity and disappointment in his purposes , diseases , distempers and infections in his body , madness and blindness in his understanding , perverseness in his will , tumult and confusion in his affections , guilt and preapprehensions of terrour in his conscience , death and dissolution of body and soul , and judgment , vengeance , hell , and yet eternity after all this : then let man know , that in all this , and that which is all this , and more than this , the aversion of the favour and light of the countenance of god , he eats but the fruit of his own ways : and thou , o god , art just when thou thus judgest ; and whatsoever is better than the worst of all this , to any of the children of men , is meer mercy , and more than their due . but if now in the midst of judgment , god remembers mercy ; and mankind being now condemned , and concluded under sin , if the merciful god , that at first gave being and blessing , shall , after we had spent that patrimony , and lost our selves , provide for our restitution ; that , when we of free-men , had made our selves slaves , and vessels of wrath , shall provide a means for our deliverance ; this engageth us to a higher degree , both of admiration and duty , than even our first creation did . this then is the next thing considerable , viz. the means and way of man's restitution . chap. v. of the restitution of man by christ . all mankind lay , by the fall , under guilt , which is an obligation to punishment , both of loss of happiness , and everlasting subjection both to temporal and eternal curse : and this estate of man and his posterity , even to the end of the world , was present in the infallible foresight of god from all eternity : in that consideration he had a kingdom , but over rebels and traitors ; and had everlasting cause of the execution of his justice and the power of his wrath , but nothing to deserve or draw out his mercy among all the sons of men , who were all present , and stood up together in his eternal foresight . thus man had , as far forth as was in him , disappointed the end of god in his creation , insomuch , that in the outward dispensation of god's providence , it seemed that he repented that he had made man on the earth , gen. . . but though man , as much as in him lay , had made himself an useless creature , and interrupted the possibility of attaining an end answerable to his being , yet god's counsel was not disappointed : but the great lord of his own free goodness , did in his eternal counsel fore-appoint some of lost men to remission of their sin , and eternal happiness in christ , by such means as he had before ordained to be effectual for that purpose . and this is the great discovery of the scripture , and contains that great business which man hath to do in this world , because it is that which concerns his great and everlasting end , without which , his very being is not only unprofitable , but miserable , and now comes to be consider'd . this then is the sum of all , that almighty god , out of his own free-will and goodness , did in his eternal counsel fore appoint some of lost mankind to remission of sin and guilt , and reconciliation , and eternal happiness in christ , by such means as he had before ordained in the same counsel to be effectual for that purpose . in this description we have these particulars to be sifted , and we have done our business . . what the motive of this purpose ; god's meer good will : . what the object of it ; some of mankind : . what the end of this counsel ; remission of sin , and restoration to happiness : . what the hand or immediate instrument of effecting it ; christ : . what those subordinate means of attaining it : . what the consequents of it . . touching the motive ; nothing at all meritorious in man , but only the good will of god , thus to select some out of the lost multitude of men to be vessels of mercy ▪ and this is that which is so often inculcated in the book of god , in all the successions of it , exod. . . i will be gracious to whom i will be gracious , and will shew mercy to whom i will shew mercy . so deut. . . moses's sad admonition to the jews , who in all things were typical : vnderstand therefore , that the lord thy god giveth thee not this good land for thy righteousness , for thou art a stiff-necked people . ezek. . . when i passed by thee , and saw thee polluted in thy own blood , i said unto thee , when thou wast in thy blood , live ? yea , i said unto thee , when thou wast in thy blood , live. isaiah . . i , even i am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake , and will not remember thy sins . luke . . and hast revealed them to babes : even so father , for so it seemed good in thy sight . ephes . . . when we were by nature children of wrath , even as others : but god , who is rich in mercy , for his great love , wherewith he hath loved us , even when we were dead in sins , hath quickned us together with christ : by grace are ye saved . tim. . . who hath saved us , and called us with an holy calling , not according to our works , but according to his own purpose and grace ; which was given us in christ before the world began , but now made manifest by the appearing of christ . john . . here is love , not that we loved god , but that he loved us . ibid. . we love him , because he loved us first . rom. . . god commendeth his love towards us in that , while we were yet sinners , christ died for us . and indeed , it is impossible it should be otherwise : for the scripture hath concluded all under sin , galat. . . and we have shewed before an utter impossibility in man to extricate himself . the fore-appointing therefore of any to eternal life , could not be from any cause in the creature , meritoriously moving god to this mercy . the freedom and liberality of this purpose of god. . in respect of the elect : to take away all matter of boasting , ephes . . . to keep them humble , and to keep them thankful , that god may be all in all . it pleaseth the great god to order the execution of his counsels , touching man , that they are brought about , as with a powerful and irrisistible hand ; so they are brought about by such means , as is naturally suitable to the nature of man ; rationally and freely , psal . . thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power . now there cannot be a more engaging argument to humility and thankfulness , than the consideration of this free goodness of god , that when i had thrown away my happiness , lay in the common lump of condemned men , god should freely single me out among thousands that he passed by , and make me a vessel of mercy . and this doth most sweetly and effectually win upon the heart : so that the very consideration of this counsel of god , is a means to effect its execution , in putting the heart into such a frame , as is fit to receive the impressions of god's grace . . in respect of those that are omitted : the freedom of the choice , doth not in the least degree reflect upon the justice of god : he had no engagement to chuse any , but might most justly have let all lie under that sin and misery , into which we had cast our selves . if god be pleased to chuse any , it is the meer act of his grace : if he leaves any , he leaves them but in that condition , not in which he made them , but in which they made themselves . the act of his bounty to the elect , is without any injury to those he leaves : for neither could challenge any thing but misery as their right . . the object of this choice : . some are chosen from all eternity : the elect , according to the foreknowledge of god the father , pet. . . the foundation of god standeth sure , having this seal , the lord knoweth who are his , tim. . . these are those , for whom a kingdom was prepared from the foundation of the world , matth . . these are they , which by an eternal contract between god the father and his son , were given unto christ : i pray for them , which thou hast given me , for they are thine , john . , . . but some , and not all : many there are , that are not so much as called ; and of those that are called , yet few are chosen , matth. . . and this preterition of god putteth them not in any worse condition than it finds them . and indeed , this counsel of god is not so much as the potter's making some vessels to honour , some to dishonour : he made all vessels of honour , and men made themselves all vessels of dishonour : god in his mercy to restore some to become again vessels of honour : and this is without any injury to those that are omitted ; because they are continued to be but what they made themselves , and what they most freely desire still to be : thy destruction is from thy self , o jerusalem . . to what this election or choice is , or what is the end of this counsel of god : there is a twofold end in the counsel of god. . the end of intention ; subordinate , the good of his creature ; adequate , the good pleasure of his own will , or his own glory ; as to shew his wrath , and make his power known towards the vessels of wrath fitted for destruction , so to make known the riches of his glory in the vessels of mercy , which he had before prepared unto glory , rom. . . . the end in execution , or rather the subject matter of this counsel of god : it is the whole series , and all the conjunctures of all things conducing thereunto ; wherein the counsel of god doth not per saltum step from the fall to glory , but doth take in all those intermediate passages , which he hath by the same counsel , appointed to be the means of effecting it . . the great mystery of the incarnation , which is the cardo negotii , pet. . . who was fore-ordained before the foundation of the world , but was manifested in these last times . . effectual calling , by the word and spirit of god , rom. . . who are called according to his purpose . . the effectual assistance of the spirit of god , without which , it were impossible these dry bones should live , jer. . . i will put my law into their mind , and write them in their hearts . . holiness and sanctification , john. . . i have chosen you , and ordained you , that ye should bring forth fruit , ephes . . chosen to be holy , epes . . . created in christ unto good works , which god hath before ordained , that we should walk in them , rom. . , . conformity unto christ , and all linked together : glory to justification ; justification to calling ; calling to election . . in whom , or by whom , he hath elected us : christ . in this consists the greatest mystery that ever was , and of most concernment to mankind . and because it is impossible to attain to the knowledge of it , but by revelation from god himself , we must in this keep precisely to the word of god , where alone this mystery is by god ordinarily discovered : which is briefly thus much . almighty god in the creation of man , did primarily intend the glory of his own goodness , and the happiness of his creature ; and to that end , furnished him with such faculties and rules , as might conduct him to that happiness . man , being seduced , abused his liberty ; and by his disobedience violated that rule , and consequently in himself lost the acquisition of that happiness , to which he was created . yet this could not disappoint the purpose of god , who , with an eternal and indivisible act , did foresee all mankind in this miserable and lost condition , and appoint a way for his recovery . the way of man's recovery was by the eternal purpose , consultation , or contract , as i may call it , between the father , son , and eternal spirit , resolved to be , that the son of god should assume the nature of man into one person , by an ineffable generation , and that he should satisfie for the guilt of man's sin by his death . and because that the bare satisfaction for sin , could only exempt man from the deserved punishment of his sin , but could not restore him to that happiness , which he lost , by the same eternal covenant , the righteousness and obedience of christ , was to be accepted by god , as the righteousness of man ; that as in his sufferings he did bear the sin of man , to make satisfaction for the curse deserved , so by his obedience imputed unto man , man might acquire that happiness that he lost . to the end , that this satisfaction and righteousness might be effectually applied for the purposes above-mentioned , christ must , after this righteousness fulfilled , and this satisfaction made by his death , rise from death , ascend into heaven , and so continue as well the mediator of intercession , as he was before of satisfaction . though this righteousness , and satisfaction , were sufficient for the sins of all mankind , and accordingly freely propounded , yet it was effectual only for such , as should according to those immediate means , that god had fore-appointed to be useful for that purpose , sue forth the benefit of it . this is the sum of that great work of man's redemption , which the angels desire to look into ; pet. . . and is discovered to principalities and powers by the church , ephes . . . and therefore called , the manifold wisdom of god ; the mystery of christ , ephes . . . ephes . . . the mystery hid in god from the beginning of the world , ephes . . . the mystery of god , and of the father , and of christ , colos . . . colos . . . the mystery hid from ages and generations , but now made manifest to his saints , colos . . . the wisdom of god in a mystery ; the mystery of his will , cor. . . the revelation of the mystery kept secret since the world began , rom. . . the great mystery of godliness , god manifested in the flesh , justified in the spirit , seen of angels , preached unto the gentiles , believed on in the world , received up into glory , tim. . . the mystery of faith , tim. . . chap. vi. predictions and types of christ . yet this great mystery of christ was not kept so secret , but that , as the fruit of his mediation , preceeded his coming in the flesh , as shall be after shewn ; so some glimpses of this truth were discover'd to former generations , pet. . . of which salvation the prophets have enquired . ephes . . . foundation of the apostles and prophets , christ the corner-stone . we shall therefore , for the settling of our minds in this cardinal point , observe those predictions concerning christ in the old testament , and we shall find the old and new testament like the two cherubims upon the mercy seat , their faces looking one toward another , yet both of them toward the mercy seat ; and , as we have before noted , the old testament unriddling the difficulties of nature , so the new testament unriddling the old : the predictions of christ in the old testament , were of two kinds : prophetical , and typical : the prophetical predictions , to follow them in order of time : . the first and great publication of the gospel , though dark and mysterious , was that by god himself in paradise , gen. . . i will put enmity between thee and the woman , between thy seed and her seed : it shall break thy head , and thou shalt bruise his heel . this was not only fulfilled in that mystical woman , the church , and here , see revel . . . but also in christ : . he was the seed of the woman , and not of the man , luke . . he sent his son made of a woman , gal. . . the parallel observable : by the woman sin first came into the world and salvation . . it shall break thy head : he came to destroy the works of the devil , in his temptation . in his life , he bound the strong man , heb. . . destroyed him that had the power of death , that is the devil , matth. . . in his preaching , luk. . , . satan like lightning falling down from heaven ; in his death and resurrection , spoiling principalities and powers , and made a shew of them openly , and triumphing over them in it , colos . . ● . in his ascension , ephes . . . when he ascended up on high , he led captivity captive ; this captive taker is the devil , tim. . . in his members , ephes . . . we wrestle against principalities and powers , and it is our business to stand against the wiles of the devil , ibid. vers . . to resist him stedfastly in the faith , pet. . . in the dispensation of his government in his church and members , revel . . . michael and his angels fight with , and overcome the dragon and his angels : in his last and great judgment , revel . . . the devil cast into the lake of fire , john . . for this purpose was the son of god manifested , that he might destroy the works of the devil . . the next great promise of christ , was that which was made to abraham , that in him , gen. . . gen. . . that is , in his seed , gen. . . all nations of the earth should be blessed . this is applied to christ , galat. . . and afterwards to isaac , the son of the promise , was the same promise renewed and entailed , gen. . . and so exact was the great god of heaven in the fulfilling of his promise , that , until by a civil investiture , the right of primogeniture was translated from esau to jacob , first by the sale of his birth-right , gen. . . and then by the blessing , though surreptitiously by jacob , yet providentially by god , gen. . . this promise was not actually entailed upon jacob's line , gen. . . this patria potestas jacob likewise used upon his three eldest sons , reuben for his incest , simeon and levi for their murder , gen. . , . whereby judah became as it were , the first-born ; and therefore judah continually after , had the preheminence of primogeniture , viz. in the division of the land , numb . . . judah's commissioner first named : so in the alotment of the land of canaan , joshua . . judah had the preheminence in compleating the victory of canaan by the suffrage of god. judges . . and by the decision and prophecy of dying jacob , the regality , a right of primogenture , and the messiah entailed to that stock , gen. . the scepter shall not depart from judah , nor a law-giver from between his feet , until shiloh come ; and unto him shall the gathering of the people be : and hence he is called the lion of the tribe of judah , revel . ● . . this gathering of the people to him , was the calling of the gentiles to the knowledge of god in christ : and this was the star of jacob , which balaam , inspired against his will , prophesied of , numb . . . and this that great prophet which god promised by moses to raise up to stand between the majesty and glory of god , and the frailty of humane nature , deut. . . john . . the redeemer of job , job . . from the time of moses , the prophecies of christ are interrupted , and his time not specified ; but in him god was pleased to evidence it , first in his promise to him , sam. . . thy throne shall be established for ever : and this covenant touching christ , therefore called the sure mercies of david , isaiah . . again , isa . , . in that day there shall be a root of jesse , which shall stand for an ensign of the people : to it shall the gentiles seek , and his rest shall be glorious . and this was a known truth even among the unbelieving jews , matth. . . the learned doctors confessed , that christ was to be the son of david : this fulfilled in christ , acts . . of this man's seed hath god according to his promise raised unto israel a saviour , jesus , revel . . . the root of david . the place of his birth , mich. . . and thou bethlehem , &c. out of thee shall he come forth unto me , that is to be ruler in israel , whose goings forth have been from old , from everlasting : this bethlehem the city of david , sam. . . notoriously confessed among the jews , to be the place of the messias's birth , matth. . . the manner of his birth , a virgin shall bear a son , and shall call his name immanuel , isa . . . fulfilled , matth. . . and as in his name the union of the divine and humane nature is discovered , so more plainly , isa . . . his name shall be called wonderful , counsellor , the mighty god , the everlasting father , the prince of peace ; of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end : peace proclaimed at his birth , luke . . on earth peace , good will towards men : his business peace , cor. . . god in christ , reconciling the world to himself : ephes . . . christ our peace : his gospel the gospel of peace : rom. . . ephes . . . peace his legacy : john . . peace his command , matth. . . blessed are the peace-makers . rom. . . live peaceably with all men . luke . , . into whatsoever house ye enter , first say , peace be to this house ; and if the son of peace be there , your peace shall rest upon it : and though our saviour professeth , matth. . . i came not to send peace , but a sword ; it is ex accidente , or eventu , by the malignity of our own nature , and the contestation of the devil to keep his possession against christ the right owner , and lord of man : his doctrine spiritual and powerful , isaiah . , . he shall not judge after the sight of his eyes , nor reprove after the hearing of his ears : he shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth ; and with the breath of his lips shall he stay the wicked : the teaching of christ in the flesh as one having authority , and not as the scribes , matth. . . the breath or spirit of his mouth a consuming breath , thes . . . and hence rev. . . out of his mouth went a sharp two-edged sword : his sufferings , satisfaction , resurrection , intercession and reign in his church , that evangelical chapter , isaiah . a despised man ; rejected when barabbas and he in competition for life : we hid our faces from him ; forsaken and denied by his own disciples : acquainted with grief ; we often find him in tears , never in mirth : he hath born our griefs and carried our sorrows ; in his passion , when it eclipsed the light of his fathers countenance from him ; in his compassion , a merciful high priest , touched with our infirmities , heb. . wounded by the souldiers , by the nails for for our transgressions : by his stripes , when whipt by the souldiers , are we healed . yet this lamb dumb before his shearers , when pilate impiously interrogated him : he made his grave with the wicked , being crucified between thieves : and with the rich , in the garden of a rich and honourable joseph : yet , though his soul was made an offering for sin , he survived his own death , saw his seed , prolonged his days , and the pleasure of the almighty prospered in his hands : and the two and twentieth psalm penned , as if the passion of our saviour had been then acted : his cry , verse . my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? the scorns of the beholders ; verse . all they that see me , laugh me to scorn , matth. . ver. . they that passed by , reviled him , wagging their heads : the very language of the reviling scribes , verse . fulfilled , matth. . . he trusted in god , that he would deliver him , &c. the manner of his death , verse the . they pierced my hands , and my feet : the sharing of his garments , verse . they parted my garments among them : again , in several other prophecies , the several occurrences of his life and death , gathered up by other prophets : he never appeared more regally and triumphantly , than in his voyage to jerusalem , matth. . . and that coming of his not without a prophecy , zach. . behold , thy king cometh unto thee meek , and sitting upon an ass : the price of judas's treason , and the imployment , zach. . . they weighed for my price thirty pieces of silver : the vinegar that he drank upon the cross , psal . . . and in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink : the time of his birth and death , dan. . , . from the going forth of the command to restore and to build jerusalem , unto the messiah the prince , shall be seven weeks , and threescore and two weeks , the street shall be built again , and the wall , even in troublous times . and after threescore and two weeks shall the messiah be cut off , but not for himself ; and the people of the prince that shall come , shall destroy the city and sanctuary ; the desolation of jerusalem shortly following the death of our redeemer : the manner of the calculation hath been diversly conjectured , yet all concur to a very near projection of times : and lastly , that undeniable evident prophecy most clearly fulfilled through millions of difficulties to the eminent knowledge of god by christ ; a matter , that were there nothing else , were sufficient to convince all gainsaying . isa . . . to it shall the gentiles seek . isa . . . behold my servant , &c. he shall bring forth judgment to the gentiles , and verse , i will give thee for a covenant of the people , for a light of the gentiles . isa . . . i will give thee for a light to the gentiles , that thou mayest be my salvation unto the end of the earth . psal . . . his dominion shall be from sea to sea , and from the river unto the ends of the earth : and this began to be fulfilled in the homage of the wise men that came from the east , matth. . . in the diversity of tongues , acts . . in peter's vision , acts . . in paul and barnabas turning to the gentiles , acts . . and if a man do but consider the antiquity , and particularity , and positiveness of these prophecies ; the improbabilities of effecting it , in respect of the persons , who were to be converted , tenacious to their idolatry ; have a nation changed their gods ? the improbability in respect of the means , a company of poor , unlearned , persecuted apostles ; in respect of the religion whereunto to be called , to believe in a crucified saviour , whom they never saw ; a religion persecuted and condemned by the great masters of religion , scribes and pharisees , a religion promising nothing within the view of reason , or use of sense ; a religion that takes men off from all that , wherein men naturally repose their hopes and delights ; a religion opposed by the chiefest wits in the world , the philosophers and wise men ; a religion studied to be supprest by the greatest power , policies , and cruelties , that the world could afford , and yet for all this , to master all these difficulties , and bring into subjection the greatest part of the world for these sixteen hundred years , though i confess , not without mixtures of great corruptions , must wring from any reasonable man , an acknowledgment both of the great power and providence of god in the government of the world , and also of the truth of christ the messiah . . touching the typical predictions of christ , gen. . . the tree of life in the midst of the garden , which by the divine dispensation had that efficacy given to it , that it should seem by gen. . . if lapsed man had eat thereof , he had recovered his lost perpetuity . this was nothing else but christ , at least typically ; the wisdom of god , that the wisest of men called the tree of life , prov. . . this that tree of life in the midst of the paradise of god , revel . . . whose leaves were for the healing of the nations , revel . . . melchizedeck the priest of the most high god , gen. . . the type of christ's eternal priesthood , psal . . . thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchizedeck : and of his peaceable kingdom , king of salem , without beginning of days , or end of life , heb. . . the whole state of the jews , even from abraham , was in effect typical : abraham the father of the jews according to the flesh , the father of the faithful , as believing the promise , gal. . rom. . . sarah and agar typical of the church and the world , the flesh and the spirit , the covenant of the law and gospel , gal. . . circumcision typical of that of the heart , rom. . . their state in egypt typical : the passover , a most effectual type of christ , cor. . . christ the true passover : and therefore the sacrifice of christ and of the passover went together , matth. . eaten whole , exod. . not a bone of him to be broken ; eaten with bitter herbs , typifying repentance ; the blood sprinkled , secures from the wrath of god ; with hyssop , a cleansing herb , psal . . purge me with hyssop ; a feast as well as a sacrifice , john . . the manna a type of christ , who was that bread of god that came down from heaven , john . . the hidden manna , revel . . . the cloud and red sea , a type of baptism into christ , cor. . . the jews in egypt , like the state of the unconverted world : hence the world called spiritual egypt : in their passage out , they are entertained with a sacramental initiation ; they are militant in the wilderness of the world , triumphant in canaan , the rest : the water out of the rock , a type of christ , cor. . . that rock was christ . but principally the levitical law was a shadow of the good things to come in christ , heb. . . who was the end of the law. and as the judicial law among the jews , did not only contain precepts in themselves naturally good , but also typical and sacramental observations of that inward sanctification and frame of mind , that god required ; so the levitical law did not only contain precepts of that internal habitude of love , fear , and obedience unto god , admirably delivered through the whole book of deuteronomy , but also divers types and figures , which had a double use : . of evidencing the full obedience to those positive commands of god , because commanded by him : . figures of christ to come ; and of that frame and constitution of men and things in relation to him , as we may observe in divers particulars . . the covenant between god and israel , the stipulation on god's part , exod. . . if ye will obey my voice , and keep my covenant , ye shall be a peculiar treasure unto me above all people , and ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests , and an holy nation . exod. . . behold i make a covenant : before all thy people i will do marvels , &c. the stipulation on the peoples part , exod. . . . . all that the lord hath spoken , we will do . this is that covenant which the lord made with the people in horeb , deut. . . and the tenor of this covenant renewed and explained , viz. blessing to obedience , and curses to disobedience , deut. . , &c. ye stand this day before the lord your god , that thou shouldest enter into covenant with ●he lord thy god , and into his oath , &c. accordingly in christ , a new covenant made , jer. . . heb. . . a new covenant , i will put my laws into their hearts , i will be to them a god , and they shall be to me a people . . as that covenant was mutual , consisted in somewhat promised by god , somewhat undertaken by the people , obedience to the law that god gave them ; so the covenant here is reciprocal . in the gospel of god , there is a double covenant : . a covenant between god the father and god the son ; that the son should take upon him flesh , and satisfie for the sins of the elect , psal . . . heb. . . a body hast thou prepared me : lo , i come to do thy will , o god ; on god's part a covenant , that those which should be so redeemed , should be given over to christ , and united unto him in the nearest relation that is possible , john . they , whom thou hast given me , verse . that they may be one in us . but of this more infra . . a covenant between god the father in christ with man ; and this is likewise reciprocal : on god's part to give remission of sins , and eternal life in christ to as many as lay hold of this covenant , john . . this is the will of him that sent me , that every one that believeth on me , should have everlasting life , and i will raise him up at the last day . ibid. . he that believeth on me , hath everlasting life , john . . john . . john . . rom. . . heb. . . and because he must make him a people , that may entertain the covenant , before he can have a reciprocal from them , god gives a heart to believe to those that are his , that so they may enter into covenant with god , john . . this is the work of god , that ye believe . verse . all that the father giveth me , shall come unto me . verse . no man can come unto me , except it be given of my father , ephes . . . this is the putting of the law in their hearts , heb. . . and this part of god's covenant is made rather for us , than with us , even with and in christ , in whom all the promises of god are yea , and amen , cor. . . for these promises are eternal promises , an eternal covenant given to christ for the elect ; even before they had a being , or could possibly receive them : on the part of the people of christ , there is likewise a covenant too , he hath given us commandments of obedience , john . ● . love one to another . ibid. verse . if ye love me , keep my commandments , john . . . . love to christ , perseverance , john . , . bringing forth fruit , ibid. . doing righteousness , john . . purifying our selves , john . , . . . crucifying affections and lusts , galat. . . zealous of good works , tit. . . . . thus god out of his free love , appoints us to eternal life in christ , freely gives christ to be the purchace of it , freely promiseth life for us in him through faith , freely gives us faith to come to him , which when it is wrought , our covenant again with god , is but to return a fruit of his own grace . true faith in christ , cannot be without a sense of this love of god , nor that without a return of love to him again , nor that without a care to walk according to his will , for if ye love me , ye will keep my commandments : and yet he is pleased to accept and reward the work of his own free grace , as the return of us poor and weak men. . this covenant was ordained in the hands of a mediator , gal. . . moses alone came near the lord , and told the people all the words of the lord , and the people answered with one voice , all the words which the lord hath said , will we do , exod. . . the second covenant ordained likewise in the hands of a mediator , even christ , heb. . . jesus the mediator of the new covenant . . the first covenant sealed with blood , exod. . . moses took the blood , and sprinkled on the people , and said , behold the blood of the covenant : thus likewise christ sealed the second covenant with his blood , heb. . . and therefore called the blood of the covenant , heb. . . the blood of the everlasting covenant , heb. . . and the sprinkling of the blood of jesus christ . pet. . . and the blood of sprinking . god in his wisdom took a special care ; and set a special value upon the blood even of beasts , both in the levitical , and in the law given to noah , because the seal of life , and therefore prohibited the use of it in any thing below his own service , gen. . . levit. . . yet in his service injoyned to the jews , all their consecrations , of covenant , people , priests , altars , sanctuary , vessels , at once to prefigure the sacrifice of christ , and the deep dye of the guilt of sin , heb. . . without shedding of blood is no remission . heb. . . the blood of the everlasting covenant . . in the holy vessels : the ark , a special sign of god's presence , therefore called the glory of israel , sam. . . this called the ark of the covenant , or the ark of the testimony , jos . . . wherein was placed the testimony , viz. the two tables . exod. . . the pot of manna , and aaron's rod ; these being for testimonials to their posterity of the covenant , power , and goodness of god. as in this ark the covenant of god was placed , so christ was the ark of the second covenant , in whom it was made and conserved , the receptacle of the fulness of the mercies of god , colos . . . for it pleased the father that in him should all fulness dwell . colos . . . in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge . over this ark was placed the mercy seat , the only place from which god appointed to meet with moses , and from thence to discover his counsels to him , gen. . , . the only seat of god's mercy to mankind , is to be found in christ : and to this fabrick of the mercy seat with cherubims looking into it , is that expression of peter touching the mystery of christ , pet. . . which things the angels desire to look into . and all this within the veil : the great covenant for the redemption of man , made from eternity , was within the veil , before christ appeared in the flesh . these were placed within the ve●l , in the most holy place . there were three rooms in the tabernacle : . the most holy place , wherein the ark stood , and the mercy seat over it , divided by the veil from the rest of the tabernacle , exod. . . wherein the high priest entered but once a year at the time of the solemn atonement , exod. . . levit. . . . heb. . . the next were the sanctuary , wherein were the golden altar of incense placed before the veil , exod. . . . . the golden table , whereupon was set the shew bread , placed on the north side of the sanctuary , ibid. verse . and the golden candlestick , placed on the south side of the sanctuary . ibid. verse . then there was the court of the tabernacle , where the altar for burnt-offerings was placed . and by the door of the tabernacle , is intended without the door of the tabernacle , which the rather appears , because the laver of brass was put between the altar and the door of the congregation . and all these are likewise shadows of christ . and because we find the veil to be expresly called the humane nature of christ , heb. . . and therefore at the death of christ the veil rent , matth. . . we may justly conceive the vessels , that were contained in the sanctuary , to represent christ in the business of his mediatorship , which principally is applicable to him as he was man : . the altar of incense made of pure gold , upon which was to be offered a perpetual incense before the lord throughout their generations , exod. . . and this was placed before the veil by the ark and the mercy seat , and a peculiar incense to be used in it , that no man might make the like , exod. . . this doth clearly typifie the continual intercession of christ , who ceaseth not to make intercession for us , heb. . . and no other mediation but his must be used , he is the only name . this imports that priestly office of christ . . the table of shew-bread made also of pure gold , and a crown of gold round about , exod. . . and shew-bread set upon the table before god always , importing as well that regal office of christ in his church , as that fulness of all spiritual blessings which is in him : and therefore he doth not unusually stile himself the bread of life , and the bread that came down from heaven , john . . the magazine and store of all provisions for the necessities and wants of all that believe in him , colos . . . for it pleased the father , that in him should all fulness dwell . . the golden candlestick having seven branches , whereon were seven lamps , which were to give light in the sanctuary , exod . . this doth most clearly typifie that prophetick office of christ , who was the light of men , john . . john . . and these were the three great utensils of the sanctuary , which questionless were significative of more than to be b●re ornaments , otherwise there had not lain so special a charge upon moses , exod. . . to follow precisely his pattern : and the rather we may collect these significations of them , in respect of the place where they were set , viz. not in the holiest of all , the type of heaven ; but in the sanctuary , the type of the church , these offices principally relating to the church . cor. . the light of the knowledge of the glory of god in the face of christ . to this we may add the holy oyl , which was to sanctifie all the vessels , priests , and tabernacle , exod. . , &c. this signifying that unction of the spirit of god , which , as in a special measure it was poured out upon christ , who was anointed with the oyl of gladness above his fellows , heb. . . so the same anointing from above , is that which sanctifies both the services and persons of his church . and hence it is called pouring out his spirit , acts . . shedding on us his spirit , t it . . and the spirit of unction , john . . he which anointed us is god , ● cor. . . john . . the anointing that teacheth us all things , john . . the unction from the holy one. these were the vessels within the sanctuary : the special vessels without were the altar of burnt-offerings , and the laver placed between the tent and the altar , exod. . , . the altar of burnt-offerings , a type of christ , heb. . . the alar of his divine nature , that sanctified the offering , &c. whatsoever toucheth it shall be holy , exod. . . this altar placed without the tabernacle in the court of the tabernacle , where all the people came , typifying that universal exhibition of this sacrifice to all , and that the initiation of every man into the favour and presence of god , was to be through this altar . god exhibited himself to the priest and moses over the mercy seat , which was at the door of the most holy ; but to all the people the place of the manifestation of his presence , was at the door of the tabernacle over this altar , exod. . , . and there will i meet with the children of israel : and the suffering of christ without the gate , was not without some allusion to the placing of this altar without the tabernacle , vide heb. . . and as the situation of the altar , so the sacrifice upon this altar , not without a mystery ; for besides those many sacrifices , which were diversified according to the several natures of the occasion , here was one sacrifice appropriate to this altar , the continual burnt-offering , a lamb of the first year in the morning , a lamb of the first year at even , exod. . . numb . . . and the spirit of truth takes up this description of christ more frequently than any , john . . behold the lamb of god , that taketh away the sins of the world , pet. . . redeemed with the precious blood of christ , as of a lamb without blemish or spot , revel . . . the lamb that was slain , &c. revel . . . the lamb slain from the foundation of the world . and between this altar and the sanctuary stood the laver of brass , not only typifying the sacramental initiation by baptism ; but that purity and cleansing , that is required of all those that partake of this altar before they enter into the sanctuary , john . . except a man be born of water and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god : as the blood of christ cleanseth from the guilt of our sin , so it cleanseth us from the power of our sin , before we are to expect an admission into the sanctuary : it was as well water to cleanse , as bloud to expiate . . the typifying of christ in the priesthood of aaron and his successors , high priests : divers of the ceremonies , especially in the consecration of them , were meerly relative to their natural pollutions ▪ and the cleansing of them , heb. . offering sacrifices first for their own sins ; such was the sin-offering , levit. . . levit. . ● . others in reference to their service , and designation thereunto , and exercise thereof ; as , their washing with water , levit. . . their anointing with the holy oyl . ibid. verse . the ram of consecration . ibid. verse . their residence at the door of the tabernacle , seven days . ibid. verse . and some parts of his garments : but there were some things that in a special manner were typical of christ . . the breast-plate of aaron , bearing the names of the children of israel , called the breast-plate of judgement , exod. . . and aaron shall bear the names of the children of israel in the breast-plate of judgment when he goeth into the holy place , for a memorial before the lord continually : importing not only the nearness of the church , and redeemed of christ unto him , but also his continual presenting of their names , their persons , in his righteousness before his father . . the plate of gold upon the mitre , engraven with , holiness to the lord , exod. . . and it shall be upon aaron's forehead , that aaron may bear the iniquity of their holy things , that they may be accepted before the lord. as our persons are accepted by god in the righteousness of christ presented for them to his father ; so our services are accepted in the strength of the same mediation , christ presenting our prayers and services to his father , discharged of those sins and defects , with which they are mingled as they come from us . . his solemn atonement , when he entred into the holy of holies , levit. . wherein we shall observe , . a most special reconsecration almost of all the things incident to that service before it was performed : the priest was to make an atonement for himself by the blood of the bullock verse . and for the altar , verse . which signifie that purification of the humane nature of christ from all sin original and actual ; from all sin even in his conception , that so he might be a fit high priest heb. . . for such a high priest became us , who is holy , harmless , vndefiled , separate from sinners , and made higher than the heavens . the difference was this , aaron , notwithstanding his first consecration to his office , needed a new atonement when he entred into the holy of holies , and exercised that high type of christ's ascension and intercession : but christ , being once consecrate , needed no new consecration , heb. . . for the law maketh men high priests which have infirmities , but the word of the oath , which was since the law , maketh the son , who is consecrated for evermore . . this was to be done but once in the year . some services had frequent iterations , but those special services , that were but once in the year , were types of those things that were to be done but once , though remembred yearly ; such was the killing of the passover : christ by one offering hath perfected them that are sanctified , heb. . . . this great atonement not made but by blood , heb. . . the high priest entred not without blood , livit. . and this atonement was to be made upon the horns of the altar , levit. . . viz. the golden altar of incense exod. . . hence christ called the blood of sprinkling , hebr. . . the offering , that was to be used in this solemn atonement , for so much as concerned the sins of the people were two goats , which were to be presented before the lord , at the door of the tabernacle , levit. . . and lots to be cast , one for the lord , the other for the scape-goat : the former was to be the sin-offering for the people , and his blood to be brought within the veil ; verse . and the other was to bear the iniquity of the children of israel , but to be sent into the wilderness . ibid. vers . . although in the sacrifice of christ his body only died , and his soul escaped , yet both were but one sacrifice ; he did bear our sins in both ; his soul was heavy unto death , as well as his body crucified ; and as god had prepared him a body in order to this sacrifice , heb. . . so he made his soul an offering for sin , isa . . . . as after all this , the priest entred into the most holy , and presented this blood of reconciliation before the mercy seat , and no man was to be in the tabernacle when he goeth in , levit. . . so christ , having trodden alone the wine press of his father's wrath , isaiah . . is entred into the holy place , not made with hands , now to appear in the presence of god for us , hebr. . . and as the people did representatively , by their mediatour aaron , pass into the holiest , so our high priest hath consecrated for us access into the holiest by a new and living way , through the veil of his flesh , hebr. . . who , as he is our advocate with the father , john . . to bear our names before him , as the high priest did the names of israel ; to present his own blood before the father of mercy , as the high priest did the blood of the sin-offering before the mercy seat ; to bear the iniquity of our holy things , as the high priest did upon his forehead : so likewise to present our prayers to the father , ephes . . . through him we have access by one spirit unto the father . chap. vii . of the efficacy of the satisfaction of christ , and the congruity of it to right reason . thus for the settling of our minds in the truth of christ , we have considered of those clear prophecies and types of christ in the old testament : we now come to consider some particulars concerning this great work of our redemption . . wherein consists the efficacy and virtue of christ's mediation and sacrifice . . how it was effected . wherein we shall consider , . his satisfaction . . the application of this satisfaction , in reference to the father , his intercession ; in reference to us , his word , and spirit . . the effects and consequents of it . . the efficacy of this satisfaction consists in that free acceptance by god of this sacrifice of christ , as a satisfaction for the sins of his elect , and to be the price of the inheritance thereby purchased for them , by an eternal contract between the father and the son : for otherwise it were impossible of its own nature , that the sacrifice of one could expiate for the sin of another . the tenor of this great covenant between god and christ was that the son should take upon him flesh , should fullfil the law of our creation , should suffer death , and rise again , and that almighty god would accept this as the satisfaction for the sins of the righteous , and as the price of eternal life for as many as should believe in him : this is effectually set forth by the word of truth it self , john . , , , . all that the father giveth me shall come unto me , and him that cometh to me , i will in no wise cast out ; for i came down from heaven not to do my own will , but the will of him that sent me ; and this is the father's will that hath sent me , that of all which he hath given me , i should lose nothing , but should raise it up again at the last day : and this is the will of him that sent me , that every one which seeth the son , and believeth on him , may have everlasting life , and i will raise him up at the last day : it is the will of god , which is nothing but the acceptaton of god : john . . he sent his son to be the propitiation for our sins : his sending was his acceptation . isa . . . when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin : there was the acceptation of the father : again on the son's part : psal . . , ● . burnt-offering and sin-offering hast thou not re●uired : then said i , lo , i come . and the same word of truth that tells us , john . . that god gave his only begotten son , tells us again , john . , . i lay d●wn my life that i may take it up again . and this susception of christ and acceptation of god , though we represent it to our selves under several notions , yet it was one indivisible and eternal counsel of the divine majesty : acts . . him being delivered by the determinate counsel and fore knowledge of god : and this purpose and counsel of his only the proceed of his eternal and free love : so god loved the world . john . . in this was manifested the love of god towards us , because he sent , &c. but could the pardon of man's sin and his attaining of happiness be had at no lower a rate ? could not god have freely forgiven the one , and given the other without this great mixing of heaven and earth in this wonderful mystery of the sacrifice of the son of god ? as the original resolution of all the works and counsels of god must be into his own good pleasure , so especially of this : ephes . . . he hath predestinated us to the adoption of children by jesus christ to himself , according to the good pleasure of his will. yet we do find some congruity of right reason in this course of man's redemption . . to magnifie to all the world the glory of his free grace ; ephes . . . and to take away all possibility of boasting in the subject of this redemption : ephes . . . by grace are ye saved through faith , and that not of your selves ; it is the gift of god , not of works , lest any man should boast . cor. . . that no flesh should glory in his presence . the dependence that all creatures , especially man , have upon the creator , both in their being and perfection , doth most justly and reasonably challenge from the reasonable creature , a free retribution of acknowledgment of his dependence upon the goodness of god ; and it is an affection of the greatest congruity that is imaginable : yet we see how soon man forgot that duty , and would be independent upon his lord. now when man had concluded all his posterity under sin , then for god freely to give such a price of redemption , as it magnifies the freeness and bounty of his goodness , so it doth ingage lapsed man to the everlasting acknowledgment of the free grace of god in restoring him , that so god may be all in all . . to magnifie the exquisiteness of his justice : in that dreadful proclamation of the name of god , exod. . , . we find a strange mixture of his mercy and justice : forgiving iniquity , transgression and sin , and that will by no means clear the guilty : and both parts essential to his name . such a way then must be for man's restoration that may evidence his mercy in pardoning , as well as his justice in punishing sin : christ was made sin for us , who knew no sin , that we might be made the righteousness of god in him , cor. . . and being made sin for us , was likewise made a curse for us , galat. . . here we have him pardoning iniquity , transgression and sin of men , and yet not sparing his own son when he bore the imputed guilt of our sins . . to magnifie the glory of his wisdom . the admirable fabrick of the world speaks abundantly the wisdom of our creator ; but all this was inferiour and subservient unto this great business : cor. . . christ the power of god and the wisdom of god : pet. . . a business for the inquiry and speculation of angels , ephes . . . the manifold wisdom of god : the end of the creation , colos . . . all things created by him and for him , colos . . . to reconcile all things to himself , whether they be things in heaven , or things in earth , ephes . . . that he might gather together in one all things in christ . the sum of this mystery we have , tim. . . god manifested in the flesh justified in the spirit , seen of angels , preached to the gentiles , believed on in the world , received into glory . in this great frame of man's redemption , we see the counsel of god strangely executed , his ancient promises fulfilled , the shadows and types of the law unveiled , the breach of the righteous law of god punished , the righteousness thereof fulfilled , the justice of god satisfied , his mercy glorified , his creature pardoned , justified , glorified ; all those difficulties , intricacies , and confusions , which came into the world by the sin of man ▪ extricated , ordered , and salved ; the even seeming disappointments and frustrations of the love of god to man , and the glory of god in him , improved to the higher manifestation both of his love and glory . this is the lord 's doing , and let it ever be marvellous in our eyes . . the congruity of it , even to that nature that is in man. the great god could have over-ruled his creature to his own will by his own power ; but he rather chuseth to bring him up unto him by such means as are congruous to the nature of his creature , and let in a supernatural light and life by natural means and instruments . the son of god takes upon him flesh , and in his flesh reveals the way and means of life : john . . that which was from the beginning , which we have heard ; which we have seen with our eyes , which we have looked upon , &c. in this flesh he evidenceth his love to mankind , suffers , dies for them . as the discovery of the truth by him was most proportionable to our manner of understanding , so was that love which he shewed to us most winning upon our wills : in this is the love of god made manifest , that when we were enemies christ died for us : greater love than this , sheweth no man. thus he winneth us with the cords of love , and maketh us willing in the day of his power , especially when this light and love is carried home to the heart with the strength of his own powerful spirit . man is a compounded creature of senses , passions , and spirit ; and though his excellence consist in the latter , and to the higher perfection he attains , the more spiritual he is ; yet as he owes even the service of his more inferiour faculties to his lord , so they were not uselesly placed in him , even in reference to his supreme end : there is the excess , usually man is inordinate in the former , especially his senses , and that is much evidenced by the proneness of man to idolatry and sensual worship , exod. . . make us gods that may go before us : this malady the wise god , that knows our frame , doth not only cure with severe comminations and prohibitions , but diverts it : he gave the jews outward sacrifices and observations ; he hath given us christians his image in his son , to divert us from idolatry ; his love and compassion revealed even in our own flesh , to take up our affections ; and yet by these leads us up to a higher pitch , john . . even by sensual objects and expressions he leads up to spiritual : it is the spirit that quickens , the flesh profiteth nothing : the words that i speak unto you , they are spirit , and they are life . and this is most evident in the whole life of christ ; for though he still winds up his auditors to the high and spiritual conceptions , yet he is contented to use those motives that work upon the senses and passions : miracles , tears , parables , importunities , signs , diversity of tongues , visions of angels , sensual convictions to thomas , john . . reach hither thy finger , and behold my hands : and to all his disciples , luke . . behold my hands and my feet , that it is i my self . thus , although the power of god could have wrought his work in his by an immediate hand , he rather chuseth such means as may bear congruity with the humane and reasonable nature of his reasonable creatures . chap. viii . of the great work of our redemption , what it is ; how effected ; and for whom . now we come to consider the great work it self of our redemption by christ : . what it is ? . how effected ? . for whom ? . how applyed ? . the effects wrought by it . . for the first : man , by his sin incurred a guilt which bound him over , . to a necessity of losing the favour and presence of god , which was to be attained and kept only by obedience ; . to a necessity of undergoing the wrath of god as the just reward of his disobedience . that redemption that we now consider , must supply both these . . there must be a deliverance from that wrath , which was justly sentenced upon man for his disobedience : and because it is impossible that the punishment could be removed , unless the guilt were likewise removed , some course must be taken to remove that guilt : and because the guilt of any one offence doth everlastingly disable that person , that hath contracted it , to avoid or expiate it ; and puts it wholly and everlastingly in the power of that person that is offended , to be judge of his own satisfaction ; for if it were imaginable , that an offender could for the future as far out act his duty , as in his offence he came short of it , it is not conceptible to be satisfactory without the acceptation of him that is offended : hence it is , that unless our offended creator , to whom we owe our obedience to the utmost extent of our beings , accept a satisfaction for our guilt , it is not possible , nor imaginable , that the guilt of any one sin can receive any expiation . it is true , he might have released it of his absolute power without any satisfaction , but that he would not do , as is before shewen ; then that he accepted any satisfaction it is a wonder of mercy ; but that he should propound it himself , and such a satisfaction as christ , and to accept it , it is a wonder of wonders . and for this reason the foundation of our redemption is ever attributed to the love of god : john . . behold what manner of love the father hath bestowed upon us . john . . in this was manifested the love of god towards us , because god sent his only begotten son into the world , that we might live through him . cor. . . god was in christ reconciling the world unto himself , not imputing their trespasses to them : the very foundation of man's redemption from his guilt and punishment by christ , was the love of god in sending , and accepting his son's satisfaction . . but if we had only a remission of our guilt , though that might have removed our punishment , it had not cured our loss : therefore to set man right , there must not only be the removal of the wrath of god , which made us miserable , but his favour and reconciliation , without which we could not be happy . and because , though our debt were paid , yet we could never come to the favour and acceptance of god , unless his image , the rule which he planted in man to attain happiness , were again restored to man : and because that is impossible for us to do , we by our sin contracted blindness as well as guilt , and weakness as well as blindness : and therefore as we must up to our creator for acceptation of satisfaction for our guilt , so we must to him to provide our righteousness . though we had found christ sin for us , cor. . . and christ a curse for us , gal. . . before we could be delivered from our curse ; so had we found that we had been still short of our happiness , unless we had also found him as well our righteousness as our redemption , cor. . . as well our victory , cor. . . as our deliverer from the wrath to come , thes . . . as well our life , colos . . . as our deliverance from death ; as well our purifier as our redemption from iniquity , tit. . . as well our peace , ephes . . . as our price ; as well the price of our purchased inheritance , as the price of our ransom , cor. . . as well our translator into his own kingdom as the deliverer from the power of darkness , colos . . . and this , as the former , we owe likewise in the original and foundation of it to the free love and acceptation of god , cor. . . christ of god is made righteousness , and therefore called the righteousness of god by faith , phil. . . without this free love of god , as it is impossible to imagine a mediator between god and man , so much more is it impossible to imagine how the righteousness of that mediator should be the righteousness of a guilty sinful man : our redemption and salvation by christ hath its original and strength from the free love and acceptation of god. . how this redemption and salvation was immediately effected : which was thus : the eternal word took upon him the nature of man in the unity of one person , and in our nature did fulfil that righteousness , which we were bound to fulfil , and did undertake take our guilt , and underwent the punishment due to that guilt , which was accepted of god as the satisfaction for the sins of the elect , for the remission of their sins ; and his righteousness accepted as the righteousness of those , for whom he so satisfied ; whereby he did not only abolish death ( the curse due to our sins ) but brought life and immortality to light , tim. . . this truth we shall set down in these several positions . that christ the mediator was perfect god , the eternal begotten son of god , one eternal essence with the father : his name , isa . . . the mighty god , the everlasting father : matth. . . emmanuel . matth. . . thou art christ the son of the living god , that great confession of peter asserted by christ himself : john . . the word was god , and the word was made flesh : john . . i and the father are one : john . . glorifie me with thy own self , with that glory which i had with thee before the world was : john . . ●e that hath seen me hath seen the father : tim. . . god manifest in the flesh : tim. . . king of kings , and lord of lords : heb. . . the brightness of the father's glory , and the express image of his person : colos . . ● , . the image of the invisible god by whom all things were created and consist : colos . . . in him dwelleth all the fulness of the godhead bodily : phil. . . being in the form of god , thought it no robbery to be equal with god : acts . . ye are redeemed with the blood of god : john . . before abraham was i am : and those speeches of our saviour which seem to import an inequality between the father and the son , are not to be understood in reference to this nature of christ ; but in reference to his office of mediator , or to his person in reference to the humane nature : john . . ye would rejoyce , because i say i go to my father , for my father is greater than i : for as the divine nature of christ was never disjoyned from the father , so it went not to him ; consequently my father is greater than i , must be spoken in reference to him under that nature , which was , to go to the father . . that christ was perfect man , consisting of a reasonable soul : matth. . . my soul is exceeding sorrowful , even unto death : and of a humane body , even after his resurrection : luke . . a spirit hath not flesh and bones , as ye see me have : and this humane nature subject to natural passions : he was sorrowful , hungry , sensible of pain ; and heb. . . tempted in all things as we are , yet without sin : he was subject to the infirmities of our nature , not to the distempers of our nature . this humane nature he took of the virgin mary , and so was truly the seed of abraham : but this by a miraculous procreation by the immediate power of god , matth. . . and that without the contagion or guilt of any sin : as he did no sin , nor guile was found in his mouth , pet. . . so he knew no sin , cor. . . and if he had had any guilt of his own , then he could not have been a fit sacrifice or priest for us , pet. . . a lamb without spot or blemish : heb. . . for such a high-priest became us , who is holy , harmless , undefiled , &c. . that both these natures were united in the person of christ our mediator , yet without any confusion of natures , and the conjunction so strict , that in both natures he was but one mediator . and hence it is , that many of those things that were properly to be attributed to one nature , and not to the other , are affirmed of the person of christ , under the notion proper to the other nature of christ : ( acts . . ) ye are redeemed with the blood of god : there the act of the humane nature is attributed to the person of christ in the notion of the divine nature : again , john . . no man hath ascended into heaven , but he that came down from heaven , even the son of man , which is in heaven , yet that nature of the son of man was not then in heaven : but so strict is this personal union , that whatsoever is affirmed concerning one nature , may be affirmed of the whole person of the mediator ; but yet so distinct are the natures that nothing that is affirmed concerning one nature can be affirmed of the other nature : the eternal son of god dyed for us , but the deity of the son of god dyed not : herein we therefore conclude , . that both natures were united into one person . . that both natures thus united made up but one mediatour , and so both natures united into one office , as well as into one person . . that notwithstanding the uniting of both natures into one person and office , yet are there acts or things that properly belong to one nature , which do not belong to the other : thus the father is said to be greater than the son , john . . in reference to his humane nature : mark . . but of that day and hour knoweth no man , no not the angels which are in heaven , neither the son , but the father : for although the natures were united in one person , yet it is not imaginable that the fullness of the divine nature was communicated to the humane ; for that were to make the humane nature of christ infinite , and not so much assumed unto as converted into the divine nature ; and then it had been impossible he could have suffered , or have had any eclipse of the light of his fathers countenance , as he did in his bitter cry upon the cross ; at which time without all question there was not nor could be any intermission of communion between the divine nature of christ and his father : so in his suffering his humane nature only suffered . . although the sufferings and actions of his humane nature were not to be attributed to his divine nature , yet they are to be attributed to the whole person of christ ; for the union of both natures in one person , added that invaluable value even to the sufferings and actions properly attributable to his humane nature : the man christ was the offering , but the god christ was the altar , that sanctified that offering ; for had not the divine nature added that value to his righteousness and death , it had been impossible that it could be meritorious ; the death of a most innocent person may bring a guilt upon them that inflict it , not a merit for another unless , cloathed with a higher worth than innocence . . that there was a necessity that christ should have both natures , and both natures thus united in one person : this includes three necessities . . the necessity of an humane nature . it is true , that god could of his absolute power have restored man without the intervention of any thing but his own will : but as in all his works he holds such a course , as his wisdom , goodness , and justice are conspicuous and legible , so especially in this excellent work of our redemption there is an admirable order and congruity in all the passages of it . the children of adam had a threefold union in him : a specifical union , as being of the same specifical nature with him ; a virtual union , being all included in him ; and a representative union in that great covenant of nature , which adam made with his creator : and so all partaked of the consequences of his disobedience : death went over all , cor. . , . as in adam all die , so in christ shall all be made alive : there was therefore an union of natures between the redeemer and redeemed , heb. . , . for verily he took not on him the nature of angels , but the seed of abraham : wherefore it beh●ved him to be in all things like unto his brethren , &c. there is likewise a virtual and representative union between the redeemer and redeemed : and this could not have been without that natural union which was between them , though not merely by it , as shall appear hereafter ; hence christ and his church one body , rom. . . cor. . , . ephes . . . colos . . . they grow up into him in all things , ephes . . . by virtue of this union it is that when christ being made sin for us was crucified , our old man was crucified with him , rom. . . the same spirit that quickened christ quickeneth us to the first resurrection , rom. . . and to the second resurrection , cor. . . they are sons and heirs of god by virtue of this union , rom. . . gal. . . their afflictions fill up the measure of christ's afflictions , colos . . . and he reckons their sufferings his , and compassions to them esteemed as done to to him , matth. . . their union to the father is through their union to him , which is one with the father , john . , . that they may be one , as we are one : i in them and they in me . now though it is certain , that this union groweth by another means than the bare conjunction of our nature , yet here is the congruity : christ is united unto us by our nature , we to him by his spirit : so that the unity of nature with us holds a congruity with that union which was between the first adam and us . again such was the will of god , that the expiation of our sins should not be without a sacrifice , heb. . . without shedding of blood no remission : it was necessary therefore that he should have a body prepared him , which , might be a sacrifice for sin . again we see in all the works of god , though he was at his pleasure to interpose his own immediate power , yet he useth means con natural to the subject upon which he works : and hence it is , that our redeemer works upon all that is rational in man : in his teaching he taught convincingly , with sound reason ; in his perswasions with tears , with miracles , with promises , with threatnings , with a free laying down of his life for us , when we were enemies : these could not be communicated in a way proportionable to our nature , but from him that bore our nature . . the necessity of the divine nature : questionless the humane nature of christ had as exact a regularity and innocence , as in the creation was placed in adam ; but that could not be capable alone of a merit beyond it self : there was a necessity of a personal dignity in christ , more than could be found in the created nature of man , to make his righteousness and sufferings meritorious for others ; for it must be a righteousness more than commensurate to all the unrighteousness of men , and a satisfaction more than commensurate to all the demerit of men : this had been impossible , if that righteousness and that satisfaction had received their value from any thing below the divine nature ; hence is that expression , acts . . take heed , &c. to feed the church if god , which he hath purchased with his own blood. and as it was necessary in respect of his righteousness and satisfaction , so in respect of the continued exigences of his people , ephes . . . through him we have access by one spirit unto the father : he could not be a perfect mediator unless he had a clear acquaintance with all the exigences of his people , unless he could be present with them in all their fears , despondences , temptations , and necessities ; which requires , the co-existence of the divine nature . . we say that the eternal word did in the appointed time take flesh of the virgin into the unity of one person . this was that infinite motion of the love of god , viz. first to become man for us , and then to become sin for us . the manner of the incarnation of christ we cannot discover : every work of god is past our discovery , much more this admirable work . and by this birth of christ he took upon him the nature of man , but not any original or inherent sin or guilt , because by a miraculous generation : the very substance was purified , luk. . . that holy thing which shall be born of thee , &c. and this very birth of christ was part of his satisfaction , because part of his humiliation , phil. . . he made himself of no reputation , and took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of men , heb. . . was made lower than the angels : so that in his conception and birth we find , . his satisfaction ; . his righteousness . . we say , the whole life of christ , till his passion , had these three parts in it , viz. satisfaction by way of suffering ; . satisfaction by way of righteousness ; and . instruction : and these three were the great ends of his life . . ●or his suffering part : christ , being born without sin , and perfectly framed to the image of god , could not in justice be liable to any of those consequences that fell upon adam or his posterity by sin , because every affliction of what kind soever , is but a return upon the creature of the fruit of his obliquity : therefore since we have concluded him without sin , he could not be of himself meritoriously obnoxious to any thing that had the nature of punishment in it ; therefore we must conclude , that those inconveniences of his life were satisfactory . it is time those defects of humane nature , which are not only consequents of sin , but have in them the nature of sin , as disorder of passions , fell not upon christ , but such as were merely consequents of sin : christ did suffer in his life ; he became of no repu●ation , and took upon him the form of a servant , ephes . . . subject to scorns , the carpenters son , matth. . . a friend to publicans and sinners , math. . . casting out devils by beelzebub matth. . . a samaritan , and having a devil , john . . a friend to publicans and sinners , matth. . . sometimes ready to be stoned , john . . had not where to lay his head , matth. . . and all this meritorious , cor. . . for our sakes became poor , that we through his poverty might be made rich : tempted in the wilderness by the devil . and these sufferings in the life of christ , as they were part of his satisfaction , so they are part of our comfort , heb. . . for that he himself hath suffered being tempted , he is able to succour them that are tempted , heb. . . a high priest touched with the feeling of our infirmities : hence are those passionate expressions of his compassion even to his infirm members , isa . . . he shall gather the lambs with his arm , and carry them in his bosom , and shall gently lead those that are with young . isa . . . a bruised reed shall he not break . isa . . . in all their ●fflictions he was afflicted , and the angel of his presence saved them . matth. . . come unto me , &c. for i am meek and lowly of heart . . the second great end of christ's incarnation was that he might fulfil the law and will of god as well in the command , as in the type , matth. . . i came not to destroy the law , but to fulfil it : for as it was requisite that he should be free from sin , so it was necessary he should fulfil all righteousness : and as the imputation of our sins unto him , is that which cleanseth us from the guilt of our sin , so the imputation of this righteousness unto us is that which makes our persons accepted in the sight of god : hence he is called , the lord of righteousness , jer. . . and christ of god is made unto us righteousness , as well as redemption , cor. . . grace reigned through righteousness by christ jesus , rom. . . and the imputation of this righteousness is that which perfects our peace with god , rom. . . by the righteousness of one the free gift came upon all to justification , rom. . . and thus , though it were the righteousness of the humane nature , yet it is called the righteousness of god by faith , phil. . . and this righteousness of christ was that exact conformity to the will of god , in which god was well pleased with us , as well as him . now it was impossible for any to fulfil that righteousness , which was the righteousness of a rat●onal and humane nature ; but he that had a rational and humane nature : as the righteousness of any thing below the humane nature , bears not a proportion to the righteousness of a humane nature , such are the regularities of the sensitive and vegetative nature ; so the righteousness of any nature above the humane nature could not be suitable for us : thus the righteousness of an angelical nature , is not proportionable to the exigence of our natures ; the law which was given to our natures cannot square with theirs , for that law was fitted to our whole compositum ; therefore it was necessary for christ to fulfil such a righteousness as might hold proportion to those for whom it was intended , and this could be no other than that righteousness which must be performed in the life of an humane nature . . the third great work of christ's life was for an instruction and that double : . of example : in those several vertues that are proper for the humane nature ; especially in meekne●s , matth. . . learn of me , for i am meek : in humility and obedience , ●hil . . . let the same mind be in you as was in christ , who being , &c. humbled himself and became obedient : forgetfulness of injuries , colos . . . forgiving one another , even as christ forgave you : patience in suffering , pet. . . for even hereunto are ye called , because christ also suffered for us , leaving us an example that ye should follow his example , who when he was reviled , &c. and this conformity to the practical part of christ's life is called the mind of christ , pet. . . the following of christ , cor. . . the life of christ , cor. . . that the life of christ jesus might be made manifest in our mortal flesh : the being changed into his image , cor. . . the growing up into him in all things , even to the measure of the stature of his fulness , ephes . . , . now this exemplary life could not be given us , but in our own nature , and yet without it we had been without a most rational means of pleasing god , and so arriving at our happiness : the pattern of the tabernacle , that moses saw in the mount , was of as great use to him in framing it as the particular dictamina concerning it . . of doctrin : the will of god concerning man was in effect obliterated ; partly , by the corruption and decay of our nature by sin ; partly , by the just judgment of god in withdrawing himself and that light which man had abused : and as in the principles of truth , man became defective , so in the principles of practice , rom. . , . god gave them up to vile affections , insomuch that among the very jews who had the very counsels of god among them , the very principles of their known laws were adulterated and corrupted . now for this purpose was christ born , as he testifies of himself , john . . to this end was i born , and for this end came i into the world , that i should bear witness unto the truth ; and as he was the light of the world , as he affirms of himself , john . . so he was furnisht with a doctrin from god , john . . my doctrin is not mine , but his that sent me , john . . and with a power of delivery beyond the power of a mere man , john . . never man spake like this man , and matth. . . he taught as one having authority , and not as the s●ribes . and thus we may observe , that although the great god could have taught by a miracle by his absolute power , yet he chooseth to reveal his truth to his creature by means apposite to our nature : the son of god cloaths himself with flesh and blood , and teaches man the way to his happiness , as one man teacheth another , though we must not exclude that powerful co-operation of his mighty spirit , that strikes upon our spirits , even when his word strikes upon our 〈◊〉 . and herein the pharisees spoke truth even against their own wills , matth. . . thou teachest the way of god in truth . for god in these last times hath spoken to us by his son , heb. . . and revealed unto us the whole counsel and will of his father concerning us : for he spoke not of himself , but the father which sent him gave him commandment what he should say , john . . and that this doctrin of his might receive a testimonial from heaven it was 〈◊〉 with miracles , and with suffrages from heaven , john . . this voice came not because of me , but 〈◊〉 your sakes . now among divers particulars of the 〈◊〉 of christ , we may observe these great master-pieces . . inst●ucting us , that there is a higher end for the sons of men to arrive unto than temporal felicity in this life ▪ viz. blessedness express'd in those several expressions of his , matth. . , . &c. the kingdom of heaven , comfort , fulness , sight of god , &c. and in order to this great doctrin are those several doctrines of the resurrection , the last judgment , the immortality of the soul ; truths that the whole world either never knew , or had forgotten , or doubted . . instructing in the true way to attain this blessedness , teaching us that righteousness accepted of god consists not in meer outward observations , but in the integrity and sincerity of the heart , and hereby rubs off all those false glosses that the formallest of men had put upon the law of god : teaches that the love of god is the fulfilling of god's commandments ; and the reason is , because this love of god , if it be sincere , will ingage the whole man to the exact observance of what he requires ; those abstruse practical truths of depending upon god's providence , self-denyal , loving our enemies , rejoycing in affliction , all flowing from the high point of the love of god : this is the law of christ , gal. . . . in revealing that which is the only means to attain the two former , even that great mystery of the gospel , that was hid with god in christ : a man might rove at the two former , though the world had almost lost them both ; but this latter was a mystery , that the angels themselves knew not : cor. . . who hath known the mind of the lord , that he way instruct him ? but we have the mind of christ : which contains the whole counsel of god touching man : this is that which paul calls all the counsel of god. acts . . and truth it self hath given us the breviary of it : john . . this is the will of him that sent me , that every one that seeth the son and believeth on him , may have everlasting life , and i will raise him up at the last day : these great truths of so great concernment to the children of men , yet so far remov'd from their understanding , were the third business of the life of christ . . that christ , bearing the sins of his people , did suffer the wrath of god for the remission of their sins . the sufferings of christ did only befal his humane nature , for his divine nature was impassible ; yet in respect of that strict union of both natures in one person ; they received a value from that divine and impassible nature : for the union of both natures in one person , though it did not communicate the conditions of either nature to the other , did communicate the conditions of either nature to the same person , as is before shewn . this suffering of christ had these several attributions , it was a voluntary suffering , and yet not without a necessity : the suffering was voluntary , even in respect of his humane nature , yet obediential to the counsel and purpose of god , matth. . . he must go and suffer . luke . ought not christ to have suffered these things ? acts . . him being delivered by the determinate counsel and fore-knowledge of god : yet was this most voluntary in christ : voluntary in the original undertaking of this work , in that eternal susception by the eternal word ; voluntary in the discharge of that undertaking in the humane nature , the humane nature of christ pursuing and following the will of eternity : luke . . i have a baptism to be baptized withal , and how am i straitned till it be accomplished ? and even when the humane nature did according to the law of nature , shrink from its own dissolution , yet he presently corrects that natural passion : john . . father , save me from this hour : but for this cause came i to this hour . father , glorifie thy name . matth. . . o my father , if it be p●ssible , let this cup pass from me : nevertheless , not as i will , but as thou wilt : whiles his humanity trembles and startles at the business he goes about ; yet his love to his church , his obedience to his father , his faithfulness to his undertaking , breaks through that natural reluctance . now the voluntariness , yet obedience of christ's suffering , both consistent , appears , joh. . . joh. . . i lay down my life for my sheep . no man taketh it from me , but i lay it down of my self : yet isa . . , . all we like sheep have gone astray , and the lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us all : it pleased the lord to bruise him : when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin . psal . . , . as he made himself of no reputation , and humbled himself , so he became obedient to death . titus . . he gave himself for us , that he might redeem us from all iniquity : yet john . . god so loved the world , that he gave his only begotten son , &c. again , john . . herein perceive we the love of god , because he laid down his life for us : yet rom. . . he spared not his own son , but delivered him up for us all . john . . god sent his son to be the propitiation for our sins . psal . . . then said i , lo , i come : yet he came not without a mission : i delight to do thy will , o my god. the sum of all then is , the love of god to mankind was the absolute and original foundation of our redemption : the same act of this love proposed and undertook the redemption of mankind voluntarily and freely in this way contrived by the eternal wisdom and counsel of god : the humane nature of christ in exact and voluntary submission unto this counsel performed it : if it had been voluntary and not in conformity to the will of god , whose will could be the only measure of his satisfaction , it could never have been satisfactory : and if it had been meerly passive , it could not have been an obedience , which requires a free submission and conformity to the will of him that injoyns , without which it could never be meritorious . . it was a meritorious and expiatory suffering ; for by that eternal covenant between the father and the son , he was to bear the sins of his elect , and under that condition , it was necessary that he should suffer for them : it was the love of the father to accept of christ to bear the sins of the people ; and it was his justice that disclosed his anger against sin , although his son did but represent the sinner , and yet the merit of this suffering hath its strength from the free acceptation of his father , according to his eternal covenant with his son. . from hence it follows , that it is a full and perfect satisfaction . the reason is , because the measure of the satisfaction is the acceptation of the offended god : for it appears before , that there can be no other measure or rule to him but his own will , though that be a most just will. now that god was fully satisfied and pleased in christ , we have the testimony of angels : luke . . on earth peace , good will to men : of christ , john . . when by way of anticipation , he saith , i have finished the work that thou gavest me to do : which he fully perfected , when john . . he said , it is finished : by the eternal father , by a voice from heaven , matth. . . this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased : by the spirit of truth , heb. . . by one offering he hath perfected for ever them that be sanctified . and from the sufficiency of this satisfaction doth arise that assurance in which the apostle glories , rom. . . who shall lay any thing to the charge of god's elect , &c. it is christ that died : and hence called the author and finisher of our faith , heb. . . . it was an vniversal suffering : the sin of man had an universal contagion both upon his body and soul , and an universal guilt , and consequently an universal curse went over both his soul and body ; in the day that thou eatest , thou shalt die the death . this death extended to his body and soul , and the whole compositum , his very life was mingled with death , both in sense and expectation . and answerable to the extent of this contagion , guilt , and curse , was the extent of christ's satisfaction , who was figured by the first adam : rom. . . his life was mingled with pain : isa . . a man of sorrows , and acquainted with grief : in his body he suffered a cursed and a painful death : and though the nailing to the cross was not sufficient naturally to have made a separation of the body and soul , no more than of the two thieves , yet he had those other concurrences to his dissolution that they had not , viz. the bearing of his cross , john . . his scourging , and crown of thorns : matt. . , . but especially the suffering of his soul : the very anticipation of this suffering made him even to shrink at it , john . . now is my soul troubled : what shall i say ? father , save me from this hour . and this , like the trumpet upon sinai , waxed louder and louder , till his very dissolution ; witness his affirmation : in the garden of gethsemane , matth. . . my soul is exceeding sorrowful even unto death : and that astonishing cry of the son of god upon the cross , matth. . . my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? his sorrow and the suffering of his soul in the garden , that was so strange , as to cause a sweat of blood , had been enough , without the interposition of any outward force , to have caused his dissolution , for it was a sorrow unto death , had not god supported his humane nature with a supernatural aid , luk. . . an angel from heaven strengthened him : and when the divine dispensation withdrew that extraordinary supply , he died : matth. . . he cried with a loud voice , and gave up the ghost : if it be asked , what was the cause of this extremity of suffering in the soul of christ : we say , as he willingly took upon him to stand in our room to bear our sins , and to become sin for us ; so he felt the wrath of god against that sin , which he by way of imputation did bear : as he bare our sins in his own body on the tree , pet. . . and god laid on him the iniquity of us all : and as he was made sin for us , cor. . . so he trode the wine-press of his fathers wrath for that time , isa . . . and was made a curse for that sin. the guilt that he had was not inherent but imputed , but the sense of that wrath of god against sin , was not imputed , but real and inherent . if it be inquired , how could such a sense of the wrath of god be consistent with that union that was between his natures in one person ? such knowledge is too wonderful for me : nevertheless thus far we may say , that as in the highest extremity of the suffering of his soul , there was no interruption of that strict union between the humane and divine nature , yet so it pleased god to order this great work , that the actual communication of the presence of the divine nature , was to the sense of the humane nature eclipsed ; the sun still remained in the firmament , yet the light thereof eclipsed at the time of the death of christ , matth. . . to shadow to us that interruption of vision which was in our redeemer , that so his soul might be made an offering for sin , as well as his body : if it be inquired , how it came to pass , that a perpetual punishment due to man , was expiated by a temporary suffering of christ ? we answer , man's suffering must needs be perpetual , because it could never be satisfactory , matth. . . thou shalt not come out , till thou payest the uttermost farthing : but christ's suffering was satisfactory , and the satisfaction being made , the suffering could not continue : . it was a voluntary suffering . . an innocent suffering . . a suffering of the son of god. . an accepted satisfaction by the offended god. . that christ , having suffered death , did arise again from death the third day . this was that which the prophet david foretold of christ , psal . . . thou wilt not leave my soul in grave : by isa . . . when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin , &c. he shall prolong his days , he shall divide the spoil with the strong , because he poured out his soul unto death : prefigured by jonah , and so expounded by christ himself , matth. . . and predicted by himself , matth. . . and the third day shall rise again : attested by an angel , matth. . . he is risen , as he said . and this truth was that which was the great means of conversion , and therefore received the greatest opposition of devils and men , acts . . acts . . . acts . . and as it was the greatest caution of the high priest , if it had been possible , to falsifie the prediction of christ concerning his resurrection , matth. . , . so this was the truth that they most persecuted , acts . . and being a truth of that great concernment , was most evidenced by the evangelists and apostles , whose business it was to be witnesses of the resurrection , acts . . cor. . per totum ; for by this he was declared to be the son of god with power , rom. . . and this resurrection of christ , must of necessity follow his satisfaction : he had taken upon him our sin , and therefore must undergo the wages due unto it , viz. death : in the very instant of his death he had compleated his sacrifice and satisfaction , when he said upon the cross , it is finished , john . . yet as it was necessary for him to lie under death so long as might convince the reality of it , so it was impossible for him to lie longer : the debt was paid , and he could be no longer detained prisoner , acts . . whom god hath raised up , having loosed the pains of death , because it was not possible he should be holden of it . and this resurrection of christ , as it was by the power of god , cor. . . he liveth by the power of god , ephes . . . the working of his mighty power , or by the eternal spirit , rom. . . the spirit of him that raised up jesus from the dead , so it was the effect of his justice , the price of man's redemption being paid , he was now by the eternal covenant of god to prolong his days . and hence he is said to be justified in the spirit , tim. . . even that spirit , that raised him up from the dead , did at the same time proclaim the compleatness of his satisfaction , and justifie the fulfilling of his undertaking . if christ had not risen , there had of necessity followed these two consequences , either of which had left us in as bad case as he found us . . it had been then impossible , that his death had been a sufficient sacrifice . if he had been detained under death , the guilt had still continued undischarged . and hence , cor. . . if christ be not raised , your faith is vain , ye are yet in your sins . as if he should have said , if there be no satisfaction made for your sins , ye are still in them ; if christ be detained under death , it is evident , the satisfaction is not made ; for the curse of the law continues undischarged , and consequently the guilt continues unacquitted : and hence christ's sacrifice was justified by his resurrection , so are we . rom. . . who was delivered for our offences , and raised again for our justification . and this resurrection of christ was his victory over guilt , and death , and hell. cor. . . the victory given through christ . colos . . . having spoiled principalities and powers , he then made a shew of them openly . . it had been impossible that the members of christ could have the benefit , either of the first or second resurrection : for by reason of that union with their head they partake of all those conditions whereof their head participates : crucified with him , gal. . . dead to sin , and buried with him , rom. . , , . live with him , galat. . . rise together with him to newness of life , rom. . . rom. . , . planted unto the likeness of his resurrection , rom. . . ascended with him , ephes . . . and shall rise again to eternal happiness , by virtue only of his resurrection , cor. . thes . . . . that christ after his resurrection did ascend up into heaven , where his humane nature is cloathed with power and glory , and immortality . the death of our saviour was attested by his three days keeping his grave : and the resurrection was attested by all the evidences that incredulity it self could require for satisfaction , because the matter of the greatest difficulty to believe , and which being admitted made the whole truth concerning him easily credible . therefore for the clearing of this truth , as he spent forty days to conquer the temptations of the devil in the wilderness , so he spent forty days after his resurrection to subdue the infidelity of mankind to the belief thereof : and during that time used all the sensible convictions that might be for the confirming of their belief , that the very body of christ re-assumed his soul and life . . the body removed out of the sepulchre , luke . . why seek ye the living among the dead ? . he appeared unto them , and because those appearances were accompanied with some circumstances that might breed jealousie that it was a finer substance than a body , as his sudden vanishing out of their sight , luke . ● . his sudden presenting of himself among them when the doors were shut , luke . . john . . yet to convince that suspicion , he exhibits his hands and his side , eats with them , converses with them about forty days , acts. . . the body of christ , being by the power of god made of an angelical , though not spiritual substance , is taken up into heaven , mark . . luke . . acts . . where he sits at the right hand of glory . acts . . heb. . . heb. . . this was that which was figured by the high priest's entring into the holy of holies , heb. . . and extended to the very whole humane nature of christ : the same that ascended is he that descended , ephes . . . this was the saying of christ himself , john . . i am not yet ascended to my father : but go tell my brethren , i ascend unto my father and your father , &c. and this is that that our saviour so often inculcates , that the son of man shall come in his glory , &c. matth. . . matth. . . to insinuate that that very humane nature , by which he is denominated man , should continue in immortality , and appear the last day for the judgment of the world. and as by the power of god man in his purity had been perpetuated to immortality , and so he shall be in his resurrection , so by the power of god the life of christ's humane nature shall be perpetuated to everlasting , cor. . . he liveth by the power of god. and this body of christ , as it is filled with immortality , so it is filled with glory , we shall be made like unto his glorious body , phil. . . . that christ having perfected the work of man's redemption , and ascended into heaven exerciseth a threefold office for the benefit of his church and people . . of power of dominion . this was that inauguration of christ in his kingdom , psal . . . sit thou at my right hand , isaiah . . therefore will i divide him a portion with the great , &c. because he hath poured out his soul unto death . and therefore after his resurrection he tells his disciples , matth. . . that all power is given him both in heaven and in earth , and is that which is so often called his sitting at the right hand of his father , ephs . . . and his making both lord and christ , acts . . and this kingdom , dominion and power of christ shall continue until the end , when he shall deliver up the kingdom to his father , that god may be all in all , cor. . , . . the communication of his spirit : the power of the spirit of god is in all his creatures , and especially in men ; and all creatures in their actings are but instrumental to the spirit of god : but by christ the power of that spirit is communicated in a more special and peculiar way ; and is that very power whereby their acts and motions to eternity are acted , and was not communicated in that perfection till after christ's ascension , john . . if i go not away , the comforter will not come . this spirit of christ is a spirit of illumination and instruction , john . . the comforter , which is the holy ghost , whom the father will send in my name , he shall teach you all things , joh. . . the anointing which is from above teacheth you all things , a spirit of conviction and redargution , john . . a spirit of renovation and cleansing , tit. . . a spirit of strength , ephes . . . strengthned with his might by his spirit , a spirit of assurance , ephes . . . sealed with the holy spirit of promise , a spirit of quickening , rom. . . quickned by his spirit , that dwelleth in you ; a spirit of adoption and attestation , rom. . , . we nave received the spirit of adoption ; a spirit of supplication and intercession , rom. . , . the spirit it self maketh intercession for us : the spirit of defence against temptation , ephes . . . the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god : a spirit of union : there is a double and reciprocal means of union between christ and his people . . by faith , whereby christ is united unto them , ephes . . . that christ might dwell in your hearts by faith. . by the spirit , whereby we are united unto him , rom. . . if any man have not the spirit of christ , he is none of his , ephes . . . in whom also ye are builded together for an habitation of god through the spirit , john . . hereby we know that we dwell in him and he in us , because he hath given us of his spirit , cor. . . he that is joyned to the lord is one spirit . and this union with christ was that which he so much desired of his father for his church , john . , . and as by faith all that satisfaction and righteousness , which was in him , was made ours , so all our actions proceeding from this spirit are in truth his , both in virtue and acception with the father , ephes . . . through him we have access by one spirit to the father , gal. . . i live , yet not i , but christ liveth in me . and by reason of this union with christ , as he is a son , so are we sons , rom. . . joynt heirs with him , and galat. . . an heir of god through christ : thus we apprehend christ , and are apprehended of him , phil. . . . the third effect and end of christ's ascension is his perpetual intercession in the presence of the glory of god for his people . christ in his humane nature was our sacrifice , and that was but one sacrifice , and but once offered , heb. . . . . and christ , who in both natures was the priest that offered that sacrifice , heb. , . who through the eternal spirit offered himself without spot to god , though he finished that part of his priestly office while he was with us , yet as the priesthood of christ was for ever according to the order of melchisedec , so the exercise of that priesthood still continues , heb. . . christ is entred into heaven it self , now to appear in the presence of god for us . and as by his spirit , which he hath given to his people , he makes intercession in them , for we have access to the father by his spirit , so by himself he makes intercession for us , heb. ● . . wherefore he is able to save them to the uttermost that come unto god by him , seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them . john . . and if any man sin , we have an advocate with the father , jesus christ the righteous . and it is the strength of this intercession of christ , that makes the prayers of his people effectual , john . . whatsoever ye shall ask the father in my name , he will grant it : that incense , that was mingled with the prayers of the saints , revel . . . and here let 〈◊〉 ever admire the endless goodness of god : man is dead in trespasses and sins ; god sends his son into the world with a ransom , and with life ; john . . in him was life , and the life was the light of men : but for all this , the world still continues in death and darkness , john . . the world knew him not : he therefore by his providence conveys truth to their ears ; and by his spirit carries life and light into their souls , and conquers the darkness and death that is in us : and when he hath rescued us from ruine , he still leaves that spirit of his to contest with our corruptions , to discover his mind , to form us every day more and more to our lost image , to supplicate and communicate our wants and fears : and though those supplications of ours are mingled with imperfections , distrusts , doubtings and distractions , yet he that knows the mind of his own spirit , takes these prayers of ours , and cleanseth them from the dross that hangs about them , mingles his own merit with them , presents them to his father in the strength of his own intercession , and so bears the iniquity of their holy things : nay , when we vex and grieve that agent of his ▪ that he hath left in us to perfect our blessedness , and oftentimes stifle his motions , and have scarce the sign of life left in us , he nevertheless makes intercession for us , isa . . . he made intercession for the transgressours . . the next inquiry is , for whom the satisfaction of christ was ? . christ did intentionally lay down his life for the sins of the elect of god , john . . i lay down my life for my sheep : and these sheep of christ , as they were not confined to one time or age of the world , so neither to one nation or company of people , john . . other sheep i have , which are not of this fold , viz. of the nation of the jews . and thus some understand , john . and not for ours only but also for the sins of the whole world , using [ us ] & the [ world ] as a contradistinction of the gentiles from the jews , to whom , it seems , he wrote . . as christ died intentionally for the redemption of the elect , so he died effectually for them ; and god hath so ordered his counsels , that those , that he hath appointed to eternal life , shall use that means , which he hath appointed to be instrumental for the partaking of the efficacy of his death , john . . all that the father giveth me , shall come unto me , and him that cometh unto me , i will in no wise cast out . . whatsoever were the intention or efficacy of the death of christ , yet we are sure that all men shall not partake of the full and compleat effect of christ's satisfaction , viz. eternal life . this is a clear truth , yet all the lost sons of adam shall be left wholly unexcusable and condemned by the most righteous and natural justice that is imaginable . there have been three great promulgations of laws in the world. . the law written in the hearts of men , rom . . that which may be known of god is manifest in them , for god hath shewed it unto them . . the law pronounced & given to the jews upon sinai . . the gospel of christ , shewing us what is to be believed , and what to be done . when the great god comes to judge the world , he will judge it according to the several dispensations of light , rom. . . for as many as have sinned without the law , shall also perish without the law : and as many as have sinned in the law , shall be judged by the law . there is light enough , or neglect enough , in the most ignorant soul in the world , to charge with guilt enough for condemnation , though he never knew of the law promulgated to the jew , or were bound by it . as we there find the division of condemned persons unto such as sin without the law , and under the law , so we find another division , thes . . . taking vengeance on them that know not god , and obey not the gospel of our lord jesus christ . this seems to contain these two rules , whereby the gentiles should be judged : . ignorance and want of fear of god , for such to whom the gospel was not preached : this was unexcusable ignorance and disobedience , rom. . . . unbelief and disobedience of the gospel of christ : and though this be a high truth , that is not discovered by the light of nature , yet being discovered , it is an offence , even against the law of nature , not to believe it , because a most high and absolute truth . . not to love it , and consequently obey it , because the means to attain the most high and absolute good. and as every sin is an aversion from the chief good , either to that which is a lesser , or no good ; so it is impossible , but the aversion from the greatest good must needs be the greatest sin , even by the rules of sound reason . both these we find plainly set down , john . . he that believeth not the son , shall not see life , but the wrath of god abideth on him . john . . this is the condemnation , that light came into the world , and men loved darkness rather than light : as if he should have said , that it is the most reasonable and natural principle for reasonable creatures to entertain and obey that rule , which will conduct them to the highest good , and therefore the condemnation of such as neglect is most reasonable ; and the rather , for that this proceeds not originally from ignorance , but from the perverseness of the heart , in preferring darkness before light. so that as infidelity is the cause of condemnation , john . . so this want of love of the light is the great cause of infidelity . and though man hath put himself in that condition , that he cannot come to christ , or entertain this chiefest good , except the father draw him , john . . yet this doth neither excuse him from sin or guilt , because as in the first man he willingly contracted this disability , so he doth most freely and voluntarily affect it : though he sins necessarily in rejecting the light , yet he sins voluntarily . now concerning those several places in holy scripture that seem to infer the vniversality of an intended redemption , john . . john . . john . . tim. . . tim. . . cor. . . it may be considerable whether the intention of those places be , that the price was sufficient for all the world , so that whosoever shall reject the offered mercy , shall never have this excuse , that there was not a sufficiency left for him : or whether it be meant , that christ by his death did fully expiate for all that original guilt , which was contracted by the fall of adam upon all mankind ; but for the actual offences only of such as believed ; that so as the voluntary sin of adam , had , without the actual consent of his posterity , made them liable to guilt ; so the satisfaction of christ without any actual application of him , should discharge all mankind from that originally contracted guilt . these disquisitions , though fit , yet are not necessary to be known : it is enough for me to know , that if i believe on him , i shall not perish , but have everlasting life , john . . and that all are invited , and none excluded , but such as first exclude themselves . chap. ix . of the means , which god hath appointed to make this sacrifice of christ effectual , viz. vnion with christ , and how the same is wrought on god's part . . we come to that means which the will of god hath appointed to make this sacrifice effectual for us . god , in his eternal counsel foreseeing the fall of man , did from all eternity covenant , that the eterval word should take upon him flesh , and should be an all-sufficient mediator between god and man ; and to that end , did furnish this mediator with all things necessary for so great a work , colos . . . for it pleased the father , that in him should all fulness dwell : fulness of the godhead , colos . . . for in him dwelleth all the fulness of the godhead bodily ; fulness of grace , john . . for of his fulness we receive grace for grace : fulness of wisdom and knowledge , colos . . . in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge : fulness of perfection , ephes . . . the measure of the stature of the fulness of christ : a fulness of life , john . . in him was life , and the life was the light of men , john . . as the father hath life in himself , so hath he given to the son to have life in himself : a fulness of love , ephes . . . and to know the love of christ , passing knowledge . all the promises of god are in him , and put into him , as into a treasury , and bottomed upon him : cor. . . in whom all the promises of god are yea and amen . and this plenitude of christ was therefore in him , that from him it might be communicated according to the exigence of those for whom he was a mediator ; for although the plenitude of the divine nature was absolute , and no way in reference to the business of the mediatorship , yet the communication of that plenitude to christ , as one mediator , was in order to his office. and this fulness of christ was necessary to supply that emptiness which was in man by sin : he stood in need of a sea of love to redeem him , and christ was not without riches of love and compassion : he had lost his life ; the day that thou eatest , thou shalt die the death , and there was as well a quickning , as a living life in christ to revive him , ephes . . . those who were formerly dead in trespasses and sins hath he quickned , colos . . . when christ who is our life shall appear : man had lost the whole image of his creator ; christ , who was the express image of his father , re-imprints it again by forming himself in us , colos . . . renewed in knowledge after the image of him that created him , ephes . . . put ye on the new man which after god is created in righteousness and true holiness : the nature of man is corrupted , and christ hath a magazine of grace to heal and purge that corruption , john . . of his fulness we receive grace for grace ; in sum , man had lost his creator with an infinite distance , and so lost his happiness ; christ , as the fulness of god dwelt in him bodily , so together with him restores man to his lord , and so to his blessedness , ephes . . . and to know the love of christ that passeth knowledge , that ye may he filled with all the fulness of god. the means then of this fruition is vnion . the reason by which every thing enjoys what it hath , is union , and the more strict the union is between the thing that enjoys , and the thing enjoyed : the strictest union is between any thing and its essence ; therefore when goodness is part of the essence , the enjoyment is the most perfect : and it is by vertue of this union with christ , that all this fulness of christ is conveyed to the believer . now as the fulness of christ ariseth from his union with god , the fountain of goodness ; so our fruition of that fulness ariseth from our union with christ , john . . i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one . and this was the great purpose of god in sending christ . ephes . . . that he might gather together in one , all things in christ . and this union with christ is frequently expressed in the scripture , in the strictest terms of union : conversation of friendship , john . . we will come unto him , and make our abode with him . christ formed in them , galat. . . incorporation with him , eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , john . . inhabiting in them , ephes . . . christ living in them , galat. . . part of his very substance , ephes . . . for we are members of his body , of his flesh , and of his bones : partakers of the very fulness of god that is in ( him . ) ephes . . . that ye may be filled with the fulness of god. changed into the very image of christ , cor. . . partakers of the divine nature , pet. . . now we are to consider , how this vnion is wrought , viz. by a double act , . of god's part : . of our part . god in the creation united man unto himself ; and man by his sin broke that union , and departed from him ; and is he could not , so he would never have returned to god again , unless god had brought him to himself , john . . no man can come unto me , except it were given him of my father : now the degrees of those acts , whereby god unites us to him , are , . his eternal love : man by his sin got away from god as far as he could ; and as he lost his ability , so he lost his mind to return , gen. . . i heard thy voice , and i was afraid , and i hid my self . love is the first motion to union ; and this love of god is the first foundation of our union to him , john . . for god so loved the world , &c. john . . herein is love , not that we loved him , but that he loved us first , and gave his son to be the propitiation for our sins , cor. . . god was in christ reconciling the world unto himself : before the world either wisht , or thought of that reconciliation : so that it was a free love , and not drawn out upon any desert in his creature . . the second step of the motion towards union , was the sending his son to assume our nature , and come unto us . the distance between god and his best creature , is essentially infinite , because finite with infinite , bears no proportion : but the distance between god and his sinful creature , must needs be greater , because the creature by his sin is gone away from god farther than he was in his pure being . to fill up this infinite distance , god and man is united into one christ by the assumption of our nature : and by this means god is come nearer unto us ( as we may say ) and we in a condition to draw nearer unto him , even in his son. and thus god hath gathered together all things in one in christ , ephes . . . . the third step is by the course of his providence , conveying the knowledge and use of this mediator unto us . this is a farther degree of union ; the former was specifical in our natures , but this objective and intellectual ▪ viz. by means proportionable to our natures and conditions , providentially disposed , he sends unto us the relation of our own condition by nature , our duty , our saviour , his will , and all those truths contained in the book of god : and this truth he sets on with rational convictions , prophecies , miracles , perswasions , intreaties ; all which nave a rational operation upon our understanding and wills. this is that which is the outward calling . and among those many effectual truths , that are conveyed unto us by this calling , which were either lost or defaced in man , these are principally discovered , and of principal use : . that god is the chiefest good ; and therefore the chiefest object of our love and desire ; and therefore doth justly require the extremity of our pursuit : the enjoyment of this object is that wherein mans felicity consisted in his state of innocence , and must in his state of restitution , and this truth once entertained doth render all things else insipid in comparison of it , deut. . . hear , o israel , the lord our god is one lord , therefore thou shalt love &c. . that he is a communicative good : for without this the labour of the soul would be fruitless : for it were impossible for a finite power to reach or overtake an infinite object , unless the object did exhibit himself unto that power . and herein is the excellence of this call of god , it discovers the free love of god unto the soul : so , as the absolute goodness of god engageth us , even in judgment , to seek to be united unto him : so this free love of god engageth us , even in good nature , as i may say , to seek him . and the very entertainment of this truth , soundly in the heart , is the foundation of our faith and obedience , rom. . . but god commendeth his love towards us in that while we were yet sinners , christ dyed for us : as if he should have said , there could not be imagined a more conquering love than this , that he , whom we had injured by our sins , should yet seek the good of his creature , john . . herein is love , not that we loved god , but that he loved us first . this was love with a witness , that when the creature , that owed to his lord the strength of his love , had broken his duty , and become a hater of his lord , yet that that god should love such a creature . and as this love was thus free , so it condescended to all the means of communicating himself , that are imaginable : contriving means to reconcile us : god was in christ reconciling the world unto himself , cor. . . god was reconciling when man thought of nothing but offending : importunities of reconciliation ▪ cor. . . we pray you in christ's stead be reconciled to god. it were a miracle of mercy if such a god so offended , and by his creature , should have accepted a reconciliation upon the highest importunity of his creature ; but for him thus injured , that could not receive a grain of advantage by our conversion unto him , to change as it were conditions with his creature , and to importune a reconciliation from it , there wants conception in us to understand it , it is a love passing knowledge : but yet like the waters of the sanctuary still riseth higher : it is true , we made our selves miserable , and if thou . o lord , hadst never looked after us , nor pitied us , we could never have complained of thy justice : but if thou hadst pitied , and done no more ; or if thy pity had gone so far as to have given us a deliverance if we could have found it , we must for ever in our misery have magnified thy mercy , though we had been non-plus'd in the inquiry : but here is love , not that we loved god , but that he loved us , and sent his son to be the propitiation for our sins : a propitiation , and a propitiation prepared by our offended injured maker , and such a propitiation . but it rests not here ; we had incurred guilt enough to make us wretched , and a delivery from wretchedness by such a means had been an unspeakable mercy : but this mercy rested not there ; he doth not only of miserable men make us not miserable , by pardoning our guilt ; but of enemies makes us children , by a righteousness , that he himself had prepared , john . . behold what manner of love the father hath bestowed upon us , that we should be called the sons of god. . now a man would think that ordinary prudence and ingenuity would engage the heart to entertain this message of happiness and peace with love and acceptation ; and that a greater approach from god to his creature , as it could not be expected , so it need not be required : the chiefest good commands our entertainment , how much more when it offers it self , with such a condescension , as well to our necessities , as to our conditions ! moral perswasions have wrought upon the tempers of wise men , without any propositions of any thing beyond this life , how much more perswasions bottomed upon such sound reason , and propounding an end sutable to the highest comprehension of our souls ! but all this will not serve the turn unless the mercy of god had gone farther : we are dead in trespasses and sins ; and we can no more receive these truths , and this love of god , than a dead man can receive a rational impression : now christ is our life , colos . . . when christ , who is our life , shall appear , john . . he that hath the son hath life ; he that hath not the son hath not life : now this life is wrought in us , and conveyed unto us , by the very work of the spirit of god and christ , in and upon our souls , john . . it is the spirit that quickens , the same spirit that raised up christ from the dead , rom. . . if the spirit of him that raised up jesus from the dead dwell in you , he that raised up christ from the dead , shall also quicken your mortal body by his spirit that dwelleth in you , ephes . . . even when we were dead in sins , he hath quickned us together with christ . therefore he is called the spirit of life , rom. . . this life called the renewing of the holy ghost , tit. . . a birth of the spirit , john . . except a man be born of water and the spirit , verse . that which is born of the spirit is spirit . the first resurrection . ephes . . . awake thou that sleepest , stand up from the dead , and christ shall give thee life : and though it may seem a vain command to a dead man to stand up from the dead , yet we must remember whose command it was , even his that spake to dead lazarus , come forth , and he arose , because a spirit of life , and a word of power went along with the command , john . . the words that i speak unto you , they are spirit , and they are life : they have not only life in them for him that receives them , but i can send a spirit with them to enable him to receive them . and now the soul is put into a condition to entertain his happiness . it was the happiness of adam's soul , and it is the happiness of angelical natures to be receptive of the knowledge and love of god : and here was mans misery by his sin , that as he lost the actual enjoyment of god , so he had made his soul , as it were , irreceptive of it again : and as god hath offered himself to us again in christ , so by his spirit he enables us to receive him by faith , which is the first motion of the creature to union with god. so then the work of the spirit upon the soul comes under a threefold consideration , though the same act produceth all three , and therefore they are three put together tim. . . the spirit of power , of love , and of a sound mind . . of power or life , whereby life is conveyed into the soul , which , like the dry bones in ezekiel , was void of life till this spirit comes into them ; de quae supra : and the two following are but the manifestation of this life according to the faculties wherein it appears . . of a sound mind , light not only in the medium but in the organ . john . . in him was life , and the life was the light of men. hence it is called a convincing spirit , john . . a spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge of christ , ephes . . . a spirit of understanding : he hath given us understanding that we may know him that is true . john . . a spirit of demonstration and of power , cor. . . a spirit of discerning and judication , cor. . , . man's understanding by his fall lost his object , and lost his sight , ephes . . . ye were sometimes darkness . and this was not only a darkness by the absence , but by the exclusion of light : the understanding was sealed against it , so that though light did shine in the darkness , yet the darkness comprehended it not , john . . now here was the work of the spirit of god in opening the heart , acts . . enabling our understanding to receive , and subduing of it to believe the truth of god. and this is certain , not only in those truths , which are farthest removed from our reason , and so most properly the object of our faith , john . . no man can come unto me except the father draw him , cor. . . no man can say that jesus is the lord , but by the holy ghost . but even in those points of truth , wherein even natural reason may guide us : even the belief of the creation , though it is deducible by natural reason to know it , yet it is the work of faith to believe it : heb. . . by faith we understand that the worlds were framed , &c. the conviction of the same truth by the work of the spirit of god creating faith , and the work of natural reason working opinion , or at most knowledge , differs as much as knowledge and opinion : those things of god , that are discoverable by natural reason , receive another kind of impression upon the soul by the work of god , as is evident by the effects and operations each have upon the soul , rom. . . when they knew god , yet they glorified him not as god. . of love , therefore so called , because the principal part of the message that the soul is acquainted with , is a message of love and goodness , and so the will inclined and ingaged to love that goodness . and this is the fruit of the work of god's spirit . . mediately and naturally , presupposing the former work of illumination : for some objects are of so light a nature , that when they are known , all the work of the soul is done ; so they are only known , that they may be known : but these objects of our faith , they do include a goodness and conveniency for the soul ; and therefore being known , they are desired ; so that in natural consequence , the spirit of god , if it demonstrates these truths to the soul , it doth by consequence engage the love of the soul to them . it is true , that education , instruction , and discipline , may make us know these truths speculatively , and yet our soul not affected with them : but the conviction , which is wrought by the power of god's spirit , is not so thin or jejune a union of these truths to the understanding , but deeper and more radicated ; and consequently doth more effectually work upon the will : and therefore it is the logick of the apostle , john . . he that saith he knoweth god , and keepeth not his commandments , is a liar , and the truth is not in him , pet. . . he that lacketh these things is blind , and cannot see . the argument is from the negation of the necessary effect or consequent , to the negation of the cause or antecedent : as if he should have said , wheresoever there is no true obedience to the will and command of god , there is certainly no love of god. it is the conclusion of truth and reason , joh. . . if a man love me , he will keep my words : and wheresoever there is a true knowledge of god , there must of necessity be a true love unto god , because it doth represent god as the chiefest , only , and most suitable good to the soul. it is true , that notional and speculative knowledge of god , that is wrought by natural discourse , cannot , or at least seldom doth , arrive to that full apprehension of the goodness of god ; and consequently doth not raise up the heart to that height of love and obedience : for our reason is weak , and the disproportion between him and our understanding , is infinite ; and therefore he hath chosen to reveal it unto us in his word and son , and by his own power working knowledge in us . and by this we see why the renovation and conversion unto god is sometimes expressed under the name of knowledge , john . . this is life eternal , that they might know thee the only true god , &c. colos . . . having put on the new man , which is renewed in knowledge , cor. . . for god , who commanded the light to shine out of darkness , hath shined in our hearts , to give the light of the knowledge of the glory of god in the face of christ , &c. sometimes under the name of trusting and depending upon god , galat. . . abraham believed god , and it was counted to him for righteousness : sometimes under the name of love , jud. . keep your selves in the love of god , tim. . . with faith and love which is in christ , tim. . . thes . . . receiving the love of the truth : sometimes under the name of obedience : james . . pure religion and undefiled , &c. james . per tot . john . . every one that doth righteousness is born of him : so sometimes under the name of repentance : fear of god , &c. for all this is but one work of this spirit of grace ; and but the several emanations of the same work of the spirit of god upon the soul , diversified only in the faculties or objects : the first act in nature is light ; and when it convinceth the heart of the sinfulness of sin that works repentance ; when of the promises of god , that breeds dependence and confidence ; when of the goodness and love of god in christ , that breeds love unto him watchfulness over our selves , obedience to his will ; when of the majesty and justice of god , it breeds fear and reverence ; when of our own vileness , it breeds humility : so that all these are but the bringing home , and joyning of those convictions wrought in our understanding unto the will and affections ; and thereupon these effects do as naturally follow upon this work of illumination and conviction wrought by the spirit of god , as the like effects do arise upon natural convictions of objects of inferiour kinds and goodness . . but this is not all , there is a work of strength and power upon the will , phil. . . it is god that worketh in you , both to will , and to do , of his good pleasure . as the death and disability was in both faculties , so the life is conveyed into both universally . and this power of god's spirit is not only in the first acts of our conversion to him , but it goes along with us : all those actions which are pleasing to god , are wrought by the same spirit of christ , by which they were at first animated . it is a spirit of supplication in our prayers , rom. . . the spirit maketh intercession , &c. a spirit of access for our prayers , eph. . . a spirit of assurance and sonship , gal. . . eph. . . a spirit of wisdom to direct us in our difficulties , ephes . . . a spirit of comfort and joy in our distresses , rom. . . a spirit of fruitfulness in our conversation , galat. . , . a spirit of perseverance , pet. . . ye are preserved by the power of god through faith unto salvation . chap. x. how our vnion with christ is wrought on man's part , viz. by faith , hope , and love. hitherto we have seen the motion of the love of god to his creature ; by which it may appear , the whole business of man's salvation is the work of god ; and man appears in a manner passive in all the parts of it : in the sending light into his understanding he is passive ; in the enabling the understanding to receive this light , he is still passive ; in the subduing the will to the entertainment of it , he is still passive : yet there is some kind of motion in us ; which though it be the work of our creator in the first giving of it ; and again● his work in reviving , quickening , and enabling it ; yet he is pleased to require it from us , and to expect it of us : mori movemus . and that are principally these three , faith , hope and love : we find them oftentimes joyned together , tim. . . the grace of our lord was exceeding abundant with faith , and love , which is in christ jesus , tim. . . hold fast the form of sound words which thou hast heard of me in faith and love , which is in christ jesus , gal. . . for we through the spirit wait for the hope of righteousness by faith : for in jesus christ neither circumcision availeth any thing , no● uncircumcision , but faith which worketh by love ; cor. . . now abideth faith , hope , and love , &c. but of these distinctly , and how any or all of these do either unite , or move us unto union with our saviour . . faith , which is taken in a double sense : . for that firm and sound assent of the mind to divine truths , wrote by the spirit of god ; and so differs little or nothing from supernatural knowledge ; and thus , heb. . . faith is the evidence of things not seen ; and hath for its objects , all divine truths . and as christ dwells in our hearts by faith thus taken , ephes . . . so other truths dwell in the heart by this faith , viz. objectively : so that faith thus taken , is more properly an act upon the soul , than an act of it : for in our assent to any truth , our soul is in truth , passive ; the strength of the conviction conquers the soul. . for that motion of the soul , whereby it rests , casts and adventures it self upon the promises of god in christ for remission and salvation ; and so differs from the former , in these three respects : . in the latitude of its object ; it is more restrained than the former . . in the order of its being ; it is subsequent in the order of nature to the former , and produced by it . . in the manner of its working . in the work of supernatural knowledge or assent , the soul is passive : in this , though it be the work of god , yet the soul is more active ; as the sun , when it shines upon a solid body , doth cause a reflection of his own bea●s ; so when the light of grace falls upon the heart in this special act of faith , as in that or love , there is a reflection from the soul back to god. and therefore those expressions of faith in the scripture , import a motion in the soul : christ comes into the soul by his light and spirit ; and the soul again comes to christ , joh. . . he that hath learned of the father , cometh unto me . as christ abides in the heart by the former act of faith ; so by this latter , the soul abides and incorporates into him , and both these we have joyned together , john . . abide in me , and i in you . now this act of the soul , is the most natural result upon the true discovery of a man 's own condition , god's promise , and christ's mediation unto the soul. when a man finds , that the sentence of death is passed upon him ; that nevertheless , god in infinite love and mercy , hath sent his son to be his satisfaction and righteousness ; and hath promised and proclaimed by him , and in him , and only by him , peace and reconciliation , and that without exception of any person , though laden with never so much guilt and sin ; and without any difficult conditions : whosoever believeth on him , should not perish , but have everlasting life . john . . john . . that he is appointed a sacrifice by him whom we offended , john . . god so loved the world , &c. the son of god , and able to save to the uttermost them that come unto god by him , heb. . . the most genuine and natural motion of the soul in such a condition , and thus convinced , is trust , affiance , and divolution of the soul upon this promise of god in christ . and it is an observable thing , how the wise and merciful providence of god hath ordered all things so , that we might be even necessitated to the right way of our salvation , and to cast our selves upon it : all were concluded under a common guilt , by the voluntary offence of adam , rom. . . and if we could derive our being from another , then we might escape the guilt : and that guilt brought with it death in the world , both eternal and temporal , bound upon us by irreversible sentence of an omnipotent god. but cannot i by my future obedience , emerit this guilt ? no. what thou doest for the future , is but thy duty , and thou canst not out-act it : but grant thy future obedience might satisfie for the guilt under which thou liest , thou shalt have the copy of that rule which i required from thee , and once enabled thee to perform , do this and live : but be sure thou do it , without turning to the right hand or the left , with thy whole might , and mind , and soul , without the least aversion ; and that out of the meer principle of love and duty , and obedience ; and thy future observance may expiate that original guilt : yet our condition had been still d●sperate , because as the obedience was impossible , so the least miscarriage had been fatal ; for cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them , gal. . . so we find an universal guilt and curse gone over all , and all this discovered to drive us to a saviour , galat. . , the scripture hath concluded all under a sin , that the promise by the ●aith of jesus christ might be given to them that believe . we find a righteous law given to our nature , but as the obedience is unsatisfactory for a past guilt , so the observance is become impossible , by reason of our corruption whereby our disobedience is rather excited than abated , rom. . . when the commandment came , sin revived , and i died : and all this still to drive us to the necessity of a saviour , rom. . . what the law could not do , in that it was weak through the flesh , god sending his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh , and for sin condemned sin in the flesh . thus in the midst of all those difficulties , a saviour presents himself with the suffrage of god , the attestation of types and prophecies , with reconciliation of all the difficulties which perplexed our inquiries , with ability to save to the uttermost , with mercy , and acceptation , and pardon , and righteousness , and happiness , offered and proclaimed to all , and that upon most unhazardable and easie terms , only believe him , and trust on him . so then faith is nothing else but that result of dependance upon , and confidence in , and adherence unto christ , which follows upon the sound conviction of the truth of god concerning him . it is true , the faith of the ancients differed much in the distinctness of its acting and object , from the faith which is now required ; as abraham's faith , caleb's faith , &c. but in this , they both agreed , . that it was a confidence , and trusting upon god , in that which was revealed unto them by god. the promises of a son was made to abraham , and he rested upon god for the performance : the promise of canaan to the jews , and caleb and the believing jews rested upon the power and truth of god to perform it : so with us , god hath promised mercy and happiness to them that believe on christ , the soul resteth and trusteth in the truth and power of god in christ for it : . in that the faith of both had a termination in christ , though theirs more indistinctly and confusedly , in respect that the same was not so clearly revealed unto them . in that promise to abraham , in thee shall all nations of the earth be blessed ; wherein the gospel was preached to abraham , galat. . . abraham did see christ , and rejoyced , john . . and so for the rest of those ancient fathers , rom. . . they drank of that spiritual rock that followed them , and that rock was christ : now the effects of faith are of two kinds : . in reference to god , our justification ; god having of his free goodness exhibited the righteousness of christ and his satisfaction to be theirs , that shall truly know it , and rest upon it , rom. chap. , , , &c. galat. . . . in reference to us , peace with god , rom. . . in him that is our peace-maker : humility , because the righteousness , whereby we are justified , is none of ours , rom. . . where then is boasting ? worketh by love , galat. . . . hope is but modally or objectively distinguished from faith : for the same spiritual life which is wrought in the soul , and brings light with it , when it looks upon christ with dependance and recumbency is called faith ; when it looks upon the fulfilling of these promises , yet unfulfilled with expectation and assurance , is called hope . they are but the actings of the same spiritual life with diversity only , 〈◊〉 to the diversity of objects . hence they are many times taken for the same thing , heb. . 〈◊〉 the substance of things hoped for , ephes . . . one h●pe of your calling , galat. . . we through the spirit wait for the hope of righteousness by faith , rom. . we are saved by hope , pet. . . begotten again unto a lively hope . and the fruit of this hope , must of necessity be joy , re●●ycing in hope , rom. . . and such a joy , as at once takes off the vexation , sorrow , and anxiety that the greatest affliction in this world can afford , and likewise the fixing of the soul with over much delight upon any thing that it here enjoys ; because it looks beyond both , upon a recompence of reward , that allays the bitterness of the greatest affliction , cor. . , . heb. . and allays the delight of the greatest temporal enjoyment , heb. . . esteeming the reproach of christ , greater riches than the treasures of egypt : purifies the heart , john . . he that hath this hope , purgeth himself , even as he is pure : that is , winds up his heart to such a condition , as is suitable to his expectation . . love : this is that first and great commandment , deut. . . matth. . . and therefore is the fulfilling of the whole law , galat. . . rom. . . because it puts the only true and active principle in the heart , which carries him to all true obedience . it is the highest grace , cor. . . and that wherein consis●ed the perfection of humane and angelical nature , because it was not only his duty , but his happiness : it was his duty , because the chiefest good deserved his chiefest love , even out of a principle of nature ; and his happiness , because in this regular motion of the creature to his creator . god was pleased to exibit himself to his creature , and according to the measure of his love , was the measure of his fruition . and in the restitution of his creature , god is pleased to restore this quality to the soul , gal. . . the first fruit of the spirit is love , tim. . . the spirit of love , tim. . . with faith and love , thes . . . receiving the love of the truth , ephes . . . speaking the truth in love , jude . keep your selves in the love of god : now this love is wrought by a double means : . by the knowledge of god , as he is the best and universal good : and therefore it is impossible , that there can be the true knowledge of god , but there must be the true love of god , john . . he that loveth not , knoweth not god : and this is an act grounded upon a rational judgment , which even by the very law and rule of nature teacheth us to value and esteem that most , which is the greatest good. . by the knowledge of the love of god to us . the absolute goodness of god deserves our love ; but the communication of his goodness to his creature commands it : the former doth most immediately work upon our judgment , and so is a love of apprehension ; the latter upon our wills , and so is a love of affection ; and yet both upon right reason , for as the law of nature teacheth us to love the chiefest good , so the same law of nature teacheth us to love those most , that do us most good , and consequently love us most . now when god by his spirit sheds abroad his love into the heart ; and we once come to know the love of christ passing knowledge , ephes . . . the soul , even out of a natural ingenuity ( being rescued by the spirit of god from that malignity that sin and corruption had wrought in it ) cannot chuse but return to god again , that hath done so much for so undeserving a creature . and therefore this was the great wisdom and goodness of god in sending christ in the flesh to die for us when we were enemies , and in revealing that goodness of his therein ; that in a way , proportionable to the conception and operation of our souls , we might understand the greatness of his love to us : john . . hereby perceive we the love of god , john . . in this was manifested the love of god , ephes . . . but god , who is rich in mercy , for his great love , wherewith he loved us , even when we were dead , &c. god commandeth his love to us , &c. all which being brought to a soul that hath life in him , must needs work love to god again , john . . we love him bec●use he loved us first . as it is the love of god that gives us power to love him ; for it is the first cause of our happiness , and consequently of our love to god , wherein consists our happiness : so it is the immediate cause of our love to him . when the soul is convinced of so much love from so great a god to so poor a creature , in very ingenuity and gratitude it cannot chuse but return an humble and hearty love to his creator again . methinks the soul in the contemplation of the goodness and love of god , might bespeak it self to this effect : so immense and infinite is the goodness and beauty of thy god , that were thy being possible to be independent upon him , he would deserve the most boundless and infinite motion of thy love unto him : but here is yet farther infinitude added to an infinitude : he gave thee thy being from nothing , which was an infinite act of his goodness and power unto thee , and doth and may justly challenge the highest tribute of love and glory , that thy being can return unto him : but had he given thee a simple being , thy debt had not been so great , so have the most unaccomplisht creatures : but thy being was dressed with an intellectual nature , and that nature furnished with fruition of happiness , filling the uttermost extent of its capacity , and that happiness guarded with such a law as was suitable to that nature , full of beauty and order , in the obedience whereof , thou didst at once perform thy duty , and improve thy felicity : but thou rejectedst all this , and becamest a rebel to thy god , and a ruine to thy self , and thou hast improved thy ruine and rebellion by a voluntary rejection of thy duty and thy happiness , until this hour : and what canst thou expect , but a just return of an infinite vengeance from an omnipotent injured creator , for so ungrateful a breach of an infinite obligation ? but consider what thy lord hath done for thee for all this , and stay thy self and wonder : thy lord proclaims , return , thou backsliding soul , and i will not cause mine anger to fall upon you , jer. . hadst thou offended thine equal , for thy offended equal to have solicited thy reconciliation , had deserved acceptation and love ; but for the infinite god , to whom thou owest an infinite duty ; and hast violated it , who is able to annihilate thee , and can receive no advantage by thy return , to solicit it with an offer of a reprieve , nay , of a pardon ! but here 's not all : our deliverance from the wrath of god , is wonder enough : let me now be as one of my father's hired servants . no , there is more yet , john . . behold what manner of love : he is content to accept of us as sons . but what must the price be of so great a change , or who shall give it ? thy lord , whom thou hast thus injured , hath paid the price of thy redemption , and such a price as heaven and earth may wonder at the mention of it . the son of god lays down his life for his rebels . pardon , and assumption into a partnership with him in his own kingdom : but thou art not for all this , at the end of thy debt , this price is rendred to thee upon easie terms , believe and live : and this life accompanied with infinite advantages , even communion with this creator . but yet like the murmuring israelite , thou wilt die with the manna between thy teeth , unless god , who hath given thee such a price of thy redemption , enable thee to receive him : he sends his spirit into thy heart , with light and life , to strive with thy unbelieving heart , and to subdue it , and to cleanse thy filthy and polluted heart , to bring redemption into thy heart , and to solicite , perswade , importune thy heart to receive him for thy own good. what remains then , but that thou shouldest ever admire that love , that hath done all this for thee , that thou shouldest in all humility and humble reverence return love to thy lord , and magnifie his condescension , that he is pleased to accept the love of his poor creature ; that thou study not to grieve the spirit of that god , that hath taken this pains and care with thee for thy good ; not to crucifie again that christ , that hath died for thee ; that thou labour to find out what is the will of thy lord ; and to obey it ; and to walk in love , as christ also loved us , and hath given himself for us , ephes . . . now according to the measure of the true knowledge of god , and of his love in christ , is the measure of our love to him : and as that knowledge is the immediate cause of its production , so it must of necessity be the measure of its degree . and although both the knowledge of his absolute goodness , which excites the love of desire , and the knowledge of his benefactoriness to us , which increaseth the love of gratitude or benevolence , are mingled in every soul that truly loves god ; yet according to the different degrees of the discoveries of either to the soul , so are the different manners of their working upon the soul. the knowledge of the perfection and absolute goodness of god is more suitable to an angelical nature , and therefore produceth an high angelical and intellectual love ; for this love begins with the judgment : but because our nature , as it now stands , as it arrives seldom to such a knowledge , so seldom to such a love ; and that love , which comes into the heart , meerly upon such contemplations , is weak , mingled with servile fear ; unactive , because the knowledge like the sun in a cloud , shines dim , and the heat proves waterish and weak : but the knowledge of the goodness of god to us , as it draws the goodness of god nearer to us in sense , so it strikes more our affections , which god hath placed in us for this end. and this was the motive of love , and consequently of obedience , both under the law , and under the gospel ; though the expressions of that love under the law had more in them of sense , and under the gospel , more of spirit , deut. . . that thou mayest love the lord thy god , and obey his voice , and cleave unto him , for he is thy life , and the length of thy days , &c. luk. . . her sins , which are many , are forgiven , for she loved much . christ argues from the measure of her love , to the measure of god's goodness to her , and her sense of it . and here we have the true principle of all true obedience to god : the bare external act of any thing commanded by god , unless it move from a heart or principle conformable to the will of god , is no obedience : for all external actions , taking them divided from the will , they are all of one kind and nature : the very same act proceeding from a soul differently principled , may be an act of obedience , ( viz. when proceeding from an obedient loving heart ; ) an act of compulsion , when proceeding from a bare servile heart ; a bruitish act , when it proceeds from a soul not moved with any consideration ; and an act of malignity against god , when done out of a malicious cunning design . some even preached the gospel for envy , phil. . . so then , as the knowledge of the goodness and love of god to us , is the immediate cause of the return of our love to god ; so this love of the soul unto god , is the true and immediate principle of all true obedience unto god , now these are the genuine and natural effects of love to god : . it makes a man , to make god and his honour and glory , the highest and supream end of all his actions . and this must needs be so in reason : for as the great end of all the works of god are his own honour ; so where there is true love to god , it cannot chuse but make the soul value that most , which god most values . as he must needs be convinced in his judgment , that that which god makes his end , must needs be the chief end of the creatures actions ; so where this affection is , it must needs drive to that end : for if it should in any thing go beside that end , or not aim at it , there is so much want of love , my love to a creature may consist with a crossing of the end of that creature out of my very love to it , because the creature , which i love , may drive to an end , which is not for his own good : but this is impossible in case of my love to god ; for whatsoever most tends to his glory , is most conformable to his will , and whatsoever is conformable to his will , is most infallibly conformable to the soundest and best wisdom . . it makes the heart conformable unto the will of god : for he that loves god truly , makes his will the measure of his own : and it is impossible to think that a creature should love god truly , and yet cross the will of him whom he thus loves . the perfection of all creatures , even inanimate , consists in their conformity to the will and law of their creator , stampt upon them in their creation ; and when they turn aside from this , they contract disorder and deformity ; much more in case of a rational creature , who is endued with faculties susceptive and executive of the will of god in a higher measure . and the fruits of this conformity to the will of god are , . a chearful submission to the actings of the will of god upon us with patience and contentedness ; for it is his will , whose will i have made the measure of mine : and though i shall not cease to make my humble application to him for the removing of his hand of what kind soever , yet i have learned of my saviour to conclude , not my will , but thy will be done . . a solicitous inquiry what this will of god is ; for the same love , that teacheth me to make his will mine , teacheth me likewise to make inquiry after , this will by my prayers , by my studies , and inquiries &c. . a strict walking according to that will , in all things , and at all times . . this love of god works an awful conversation and heart before him . and this is that fear of god which the wise man tells us is the great duty of man , eccles . . . now the fear of god may arise upon some of these considerations : . out of the meer sense of a guilt incurred , and the power and wrath of god against the guilty creature . such was the fear of adam before god had revealed the cure of his guilt , gen. . . i heard thy voice in the garden and was afraid : and this fear drives the heart from god , and therefore he hid himself : and therefore this fear in the perfection of it , is not consistent with the love of god ; though so much of imperfection as our love unto god hath , so much even of this fear may be in the soul , rom. . . we have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear . john. . . he that feareth is not made perfect in love. . out of the mere sense of the majesty , and glory , and power of god , and the subordination and subjection and distance of the creature . and such a fear as this , as it may consist , so it ought to be joined unto our love of god. and , although there were in us an impossibility to sin , as in angelical natures , or blessed souls , yet this awfulness and reverence to his majesty will be , and must be in us : for all the attributions of god must be received with answerable affections in his creature , and one hinders not the other . and this awe of the majesty of god in the heart expresseth it self in suitable deportments and expressions without . abraham , that was the friend of god , yet forgets not his distance in his prayer , gen. . . behold , now i have taken upon me to speak to the lord , which am but dust and ashes . exod. . . when god passed by moses , he proclaimed his majesty and glory , as well as his mercy and goodness : the lord , the lord god , merciful , &c. and it found a suitable affection of reverence in moses ; he bowed his head towards the earth , and worshipped . even when we rejoyce in him , it must be with trembling , psal . . . and this is a great part of the business of the old testament to acquaint revolting man with the majesty of god , and to fence out those irreverent and unbecoming thoughts that the degenerate sons of men had of the infinite god , isa . per totum , & vers . . to whom then will ye liken god ? and as the angels in awful reverence to his majesty , are said to cover their faces , ( isa . . . ) so the twenty four elders that sat about the throne , cast down their crowns before the throne , ●ev . . . . out of a sense of his goodness , mingled with the consideration of his greatness ; which doth at once improve the value of his mercy , that it should come from so great a majesty ; and improve that fear of his greatness , by mixing with an humble love , the love of a child to a father . and this is most seen in the care of avoiding any thing , which may displease god , pet. . . passing the sojourning here in fear . this is that that makes them watchful and jealous of themselves , lest any thing unbeseeming so great an engagement should pass from them . this caution against sin , riseth from the love of god under both the notions before expressed . . as our love is terminated in him , as the chiefest good : and so we avoid sin out of fear of that loss , which we may have by it . this , it is true , is not without a mixture of love to our selves , yet allowable to be a ground of our care. . as our love returns to him by way of benevolence : where love is to an equal , it creates an awe of giving distaste . how much more , when to the infinite god , and yet that so far condescends in his love to us . . this love of god breeds an endeavour of likeness to him . the genuine effect of love , is union : and similitude to the thing loved , hath a degree of union in it . now because no eye can see god and live , neither can there be that proportion between us and him , that we should frame our selves unto his image immediately , he hath given us three copies of himself to take out , viz. . in his works : in his patience , in his goodness , in his mercy . . in his word he hath transcribed for us a copy of his holiness , pet. . . be ye holy , for your heavenly father is holy . . in his son. god in the creation , printed his image upon man ; and man by his sin broke it , and defaced it , as moses did the two tables of stone . god gives a new image of himself to man : he hath given his son into the world , who is the image of the invisible god , colos . . . cor. . . and while we look on him with faith and love , we put him on , rom. . . we grow up to the measure of his stature , ephes . . . we are changed into the same image , from glory to glory , even as by the spirit of the lord , cor. . . we put on the new man , which is renewed in knowledge , after the image of him that created him , colos . . . and we were predestinate to be conformable to his image , rom. . . . this love of god breeds in us an undervaluing of all things in comparison of him . and this is a natural effect of love : for according to the measure of our love , is the measure of the estimate of the things loved : if god be the choicest and chiefest object of our love , it will , like moses his rod , devour and confound the rest , especially , when they come in competition with it : if we have disorderly passions , and affections , and lusts . this love of god will mortifie them ; for christ is our life ; mortifie therefore your earthly members . &c. colos . . , . it will crucifie the flesh with the affections and lusts , galat. . . i will pull out a right eye , and cut off a right hand , if it offend , matth. . . i will teach a man to hate his mother , wife , children , brothers , sisters , yea , his own life , when it comes in competition with his saviour , luk. . . to esteem his outward privileges , learning , reputation , &c. and all things but loss and dung for the excellency of the knowledge of christ , philip. . . nay , the best of our obedience , prayers , righteousness : it makes this humble confession ; o lord , i owe unto thee , the strength of my soul ; and when i have paid it , i am but an unprofitable servant : thy goodness to me , is none of thy debt to thy creature ; but my most exquisite and perfect obedience is due to thee : and behold , i have brought before thee these services : what there is in them worth the accepting , is thy own , the work of thine own spirit , the purchace of thine own blood ; the rest , alas ! is mine , and is an object rather for thy mercy to pardon , than thy justice to accept . . it works true sorrow for any sin committed : for as it cannot chuse but be sensible , as of any injury committed to the god he loves , so most especially of such an injury as is done by himself . . the love of god is the only true principle of all obedience . faith works by love , ephes . . . and christ died , not only to redeem us from our iniquities , but to purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good works , tit. . . and we are created in christ unto good works , ephes . . . and this is the will of god your father , eve● your sanctification , thes . . . and it is as impossible , that where the true love of god is , these can be wanting , as it is for the sun to be without his light. the love of christ is a constraining love , cor. . . and he died for all , that they that live , should not from henceforth live to themselves , but to him that died for them , and rose again . our obedience to christ is the true experiment of our love to him , john . . if ye love me , keep my commandments , john . . so our love is the only true principle of our obedience , deuteronom . . . and . . and now , o israel , what doth the lord thy god require of thee , but to fear the lord thy god , and to walk in his ways , and to love him , and to serve the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soul. the love of god cannot be without his fear and obedience . now the qualifications arising from this love , will be , . a sincere obedience , because it proceeds from a principle within : for the obedience is formed in the heart , before it is formed in the action . love cannot be dissembled , because its residence is in the soul : the action that proceeds from love , must needs be therefore sincere . . a perpetual obedience , because the principle within is perpetual and increasing : for the more a man loves god , the more god is pleased to discover his goodness to him ; and consequently his love increaseth , and consequently his obedience . . vniversal obedience ; for it is the same principle within , that looks universally upon all . the obedience is upon this ground . it is the will , and the command of him whom i love , that ingageth my obedience : and wheresoever i find that impression , there is my ground : if the thing commanded , be more unsuitable to my constitution , occasions , exigencies , yet it hath the impression of my lord upon it , i will by his strength and grace obey it : if i love him , his will , and not my own , must be the measure of my obedience . and this is the reason why the breach of one command of god knowingly , is the breach of all , because , if my obedience to the rest , had been rightly principled upon the love of god , the same love would have ingaged me to the obedience of this : my obedience therefore to the rest , is not obedience , but a pretence or shew . some commandments of god do include in them a greater suitableness to the rational nature of man than others ; such are the laws of nature , the decalogue : some are such commands , as seem only to be experiments of our obedience ; such were the ceremonial commands ; the command to abraham , to sacrifice his son ; to the young man , to sell all he had : but where this true principle of the love of god is there will follow obedience to both ; though the more hard the command , the greater measure of love to god is required to a full performance of it . it teaches obedience , where the thing commanded , is of it self full of beauty , as all moral commands are , because but the abstract of his image : and it teacheth to obey where the command seems to carry nothing in it , but asperity , and unusefulness ; for it hath made the will of god the measure of its own will. now concerning the subject of our obedience , how far it extends , and what the rule of it is , vide infra . chap. xi . why , or by what reason the act of faith worketh our vnion with christ , and so our justification in the sight of god. hitherto we have seen those motions of god to his creature , and the motion of the creature unto god again , and both these must needs end in union : and this union can be no otherwise than in the son , in whom the divine and humane nature were united in one person , in whom the distance and difference between god and man , were filled up and reconciled . and by virtue of our union with him , as our sins are made , as it were his , in point of imputation and satisfaction , so we have all that communicable 〈◊〉 that was in christ : his righteousness , phil. . . the righteousness which is of god by faith : his life . galat. . ● . his death , galat. . . i am crucified with christ : his spirit , rom. . . his resurrection , 〈◊〉 . . . hath raised us up together , and made us sit 〈…〉 him in heavenly places , colos . . . buried 〈…〉 baptism , wherein also ye are risen with him through the faith of the operation of god : of his sonship , and heirship , galat. . . heirs of god through christ . now all these three graces of god , wrought in our 〈◊〉 by the spirit of god , are motions unto union , 〈…〉 , is the first act of the soul , and there● 〈…〉 this union is formally ma●e : 〈…〉 to be justified by faith , rom. . . to partake of of the righteousness of god by faith , rom. . . phil. . . viz. that by the eternal counsel and goodness of god , christ is put in the place of him that believes , in respect of his sins ; and he that believes is in the sight of god , put in place or stead of christ , and by that means is judged righteous in the sight of god , even by that very righteousness , which was the righteousness of christ , the mediator . and when we speak of faith , we must not intend that work of the spirit of god in our souls , whereby we believe ; for by the very same work is wrought belief , love of god , and hope in him : but it is that act of that life so wrought , which doth believe . now we shall consider , why , or by what reason the act of faith worketh our vnion with christ , and so our justification in the sight of god : . because it is the will of god , john . . this is the will of him that sent me , that every one which seeth the son , and believeth on him , may have everlasting life : he , that is the great dispenser of his own goodness , is pleased that this shall be the means of that dispensation . in ancient times before the coming of christ , he was pleased to use other immediate instruments , such were circumcision , obedience to those laws which he gave : these had not their efficacy of themselves , for they were indifferent things ; but they had their efficacy upon these grounds : . the divine institution to that end : . the mingling of the efficacy of the sacrifice and satisfaction of christ with . a performance of them with an obediential and believing heart , which , though it was not always accompanied with an explicite and actual belief of christ , yet it was not without thus much faith ; viz. that it was a thing injoined by god for some special purpose , for the good of his creature . and thus likewise in infants , who are not capable of an actual exercise of faith , god hath questionless , some secret efficacious means of the application of christ's sacrifice unto them . thus , proportionable to the condition of his elect in all times and conditions , god is pleased to proportion a means to make this sacrifice effectual . to the ancient fathers , that had not the same opportunity of believing , in respect christ was not revealed to them so clearly as to us , it was his will to appoint at least , a more implicite and obscure act of faith : they were shut up unto the faith that should afterwards be revealed , galat. . . . because faith is the first act of the new life , wrought in the heart by the spirit of god , tending to union : it is true , that knowledge is that which precedes all the works of grace in the soul ; but in this , the soul is not so much active , as passive ; and knowledge doth not of it self , unite the soul to the object , viz. christ , as it doth unite the object to the soul : but the first motion of the soul to union , is not that faith of assent , which differs not from knowledge , but the faith of recumbency or adherence . and this priority of the act of faith is not in time , for life is wrought all at once in the soul ; but in nature and actual operation . and this priority of faith in this sense is upon three grounds : . in respect of the nature of the act. . in respect of the nature of that truth , upon which it fixeth . . in respect of the condition of the creature . . in respect of the nature of the act ; the creature is created essentially depending upon god ; and dependance is the first relative act of the creature unto the creator ; as it is the first relation , so the first motion of a rational creature unto god , is by an act of dependance and recumbence upon his truth and goodness . and herein consisted as the first act of union , in our uncorrupted nature , unto god , so herein was the first breach that was made upon man , gen. . . yea , hath god said , &c. man's duty was recumbency , and trust , and reliance upon the goodness of his creator , and the devil weakens his faith or dependance upon his god , and deceives him . his first fall was distrust in the word and goodness of god , and his first recovery must be by recumbency upon him , his truth , and goodness . . in respect of the nature of the message . it is a message , that as it requires , so it concerns our faith and recumbency . it is a promise of mercy and peace unto as many as believe the message : according to the nature of the thing known , is the motion of the heart towards it : this is a message of deliverance and peace , with a command to rest upon it ; therefore of necessity , the first act must be recumbence , john . . said i not , if thou wouldest believe , thou shouldest see the glory of god , exod. . . fear not , stand still , and see the salvation of the lord. the first act , that a message of deliverance from god worketh upon the heart , that entertains it , is recumbency and resting upon the truth and power of god. . in respect of the condition that this message of deliverance finds us in . we are incompassed every where with guilt ; and the avenger of blood pursues that guilt ; and we cannot by any means find any power in our selves , or in any other creature , to escape it : the soul being seriously convinced of this , god presents unto it the satisfaction and righteousness of christ , his promise of acceptation of it , and our deliverance from his wrath by it : and now the soul , like a man ready to be drowned , first lays hold of the cable that is thrown out to him , even before it hath leisure to contemplate the goodness of him , that did it . so the condition of our misery teacheth us first to clasp the promise of mercy and salvation in christ ; and then to consider and contemplate the great mercy and goodness of god , and to entertain it with love and thankfulness . an extream exigence will give a man some confidence to adventure upon a difficult and unlikely occasion of deliverance ; because it is possible his condition may be bettered , it cannot be made worse , kings . . why sit we here until we die ? if we enter into the city , the famine is in the city , and we shall die there ; if we sit still here , we die also : now therefore let us f●ll into the host of the assyrians , if they save us alive , 〈…〉 live ; and if they kill us , we shall but die . even so , even in a way of reason , may the soul debate with it se●f : i find my condition miserable , and i know not how to avoid it : when i look into my self , i find a guilty and condemning conscience ; when i look behind me , i see the avenger of blood pursuing me , and ready to overtake me ; when i look before me , i see nothing but a hell to receive me in my flight ; when i look upward , i behold an offended and angry god , a●med with power and justice to condemn me . 〈◊〉 is true , he is a merciful and bountiful god ; but that aggravates my misery . what comfort can the thought of a neglected , an abused mercy add unto 〈◊〉 so that now , as my misery is intolerable , so it is inextricable : as i cannot help my self , so i can see nothing without me but storms , but trouble , and darkness , and dimness , and anguish , isa . . . and a guilt within me , still telling me worse is to come : and to prevent my despair , i turn me to the creatures , to friends , to pleasures ; but alas ! they have no more taste in them than the white of an egg ; like drink in a fever , they increase my torment . in the midst of all this tempest of the soul , the love of god , like the dove to the drowning ark , le ts fall an olive branch , a 〈◊〉 , a message and promise of life and delive●●●● , an invitation to peace and salvation . let any 〈◊〉 judge now , whether a soul sensible of his own condition , will not greedily , and even before it hath leisure to contemplate the mercy , lay hold upon it , rest upon it , get unto it : so that the condition of the soul , and the sense of it , doth even drive the heart , in the first act of its illumination , to coming unto christ , and resting upon him : and then the soul hath more opportunity to discover , and contemplate , and value the goodness of god , whereby the love of the soul to god , is more and more excited and increased . and thus we see how the believer is united unto christ : not corporeally , nor yet substantially ; yet really and spiritually , these motions of the soul being met and entertained with objects suitable to their utmost latitude : our motion unto him by faith and adherence , finds not only an invitation before it come , matth. . . come unto me , all ye that labour and are heavy lad●n , and i will give you rest : but a rest when it doth come : our motion unto him by our love , finds an entertainment with fruition , john . . if a man love we , he will keep my words , and my father will love him , and we will come unto him , and make our abode with him : our hope entertained with assurance , and the prepossession of our expectation , john . . i go to prepare a place for you , pet. . . an inheritance incorruptible and undefiled , reserved in heaven . in the creation of man , as likewise of angels , god placed in them powers suceptive and able to receive a great measure of his truth , glory , and goodness : and when he had furnished them with vessels , as i may say , of this capacity , he filled them with his light and goodness : and herein consisted that great union between god and his creature ; and consequently his great happiness . and in man's restitution , the same course is taken to make him happy again . here is the difference , and our accession of happiness , that this mercy 〈◊〉 put into our own hands , but into the hands of our mediator for our use . for as in him dwells the fulness of god , so every true believer dwells in him , and makes up that body , which is the fulness of him that filleth all in all , ephes . . . and is thereby filled with the fulness of god , ephes . . . chap. xii . the effects of our vnion with christ . now we come to consider the effects of this our vnion with christ more distinctly . . remission of sins , ephes . . colos . . . in whom we have redemption through his blood , even the forgiveness of sins : for by virtue of our union with him , the father looks upon us , as having made that satisfaction for sin , which in truth his son made . . justification : for as by virtue of our union with him , his satisfaction is ours , so is his righteousness . and hence that righteousness , by which we are made righteous in the sight of god , is called the righteousness of god , cor. . . that we might be made the righteousness of god in him , phil. . . that i may be found in him , not having mine own righteousness , which is of the law , but that which is through the faith of christ , the righteousness which is of god by faith : and therefore jer. . . . . he is called , the lord our righteousness . and indeed without this , though it were possible , that we could have our sins forgiven , yet without this righteousness , we could not actually attain happiness . christ therefore must present us holy , as well as unblameable , colos . . . so then , being one with him , as our sins by imputation were his , and his satisfaction ours , so was also his righteousness . . peace and reconciliation with god : for as god from heaven , proclaimed himself well pleased in his son , so if we are one with him , he is consequently well pleased with us . and this conclusion follows naturally from our justification in the sight of god : the controversie between god and his creature was sin ; and when christ took up that controversie , there must needs follow peace , rom. . . being justified by faith we have peace with god through christ , colos . . . having made peace through the blood of his cross , eph. . . for he is our peace : and the consequent of this peace with god , is peace with the creature , who , when man became rebel to god , became rebel to man , unuseful , vain , full of vexation : but by our peace restored with our god , our peace with the creature , is part of our portion , godliness having the promise of this life , as well as that to come , tim. . . matt. . . and peace with our own consciences : conscience was god's vicegerent in man , and when her lord is angry , the conscience will chide : it is a glass , wherein a man may by reflection , see the face of heaven , and of his own soul. but when once the heart is sprinkled from an evil conscience by the blood of christ , heb. . . . the conscience is quiet , for heaven is quiet . as peace was the proclamation of an angel at the birth of christ , luke . . so peace was the legacy of christ , when he was leaving the world , john . . my peace i leave with you . and the fruit of this peace , must needs be joy : when a man upon sound grounds doth find that his peace is made with heaven , there cannot chuse but be a joy answerable to the sense of so beneficial a peace . therefore rom. . . the kingdom of god is righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy ghost , rom. . . the god of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing . where there is faith there will be peace ; and where peace , joy : and therefore when christ had finished the work of our redemption , that spirit which he sent into the world , is called the comforter , john . . . the spirit of christ : and that may be taken these ways . . the immediate communication of the holy spirit , wherewith christ himself was indued : for , as in respect of the union of the divine nature , there was an essential union between the son and the spirit ; so by that union of both natures in one person , there was a communion of the same spirit unto christ ; the spirit descended upon him like a dove , matth. . . god gave him not the spirit by measure , john . . now as aaron's ointment , that was poured first upon his head , descended upon the hem of his garment ; so by virtue of our union with him , that spirit , that was without measure poured upon our head , was in some measure , diffused upon all that are united to him : and as the same soul , that actuates the heart and the head in a more plentiful and eminent manner , doth inactuate the most inconsiderable part of the same body ; so the same spirit , that is in christ , is in every one that is united unto him , though in a different degree of operation , rom. . . if any man have not the spirit of christ , he is none of his , cor. . . he that is joyned unto the lord , is one spirit . and by this spirit of christ , which he giveth and communicateth unto those that are united unto him , they are said to be sealed by the spirit of promise , ephes . . . cor. . . viz. it is by this spirit of christ , that we have access unto god , ephes . . . we have access by one spirit unto the father : and it is this spirit that forms our desires in us ; and by this means , our desires are not only discovered unto god , that knows the mind of his own spirit , but they are also conformable unto the will of god , rom. . . he that searcheth the heart , knoweth what is in the mind of the spirit , because be maketh intercession for the saints , according to the will of god. and as the father did hear the son always , because his desires were conformable to the will of his father , john . . i know that thou hearest me always : so , john . . whatsoever ye shall ask the father in my name , he shall give it you : for it is a petition framed by that spirit , which is the spirit of christ , and of god ; and what his own spirit desires , it is his own will to grant : and for this cause , it is called the spirit of adoption ; rom. . . god is pleased to accept the prayers and services of the members of christ in him , even as the obedience of his own sons , because they are moved and actuated by the very same spirit , which is the spirit of his son. and as the intrinsecal form of things is that which instrumentally conforms the qualities and proportions of the thing which it informs unto that intrinsecal form , and suits it with qualities and conditions suitable to its operations ; so this spirit of christ doth by degrees conform the soul , the affections , the whole man , unto the image of christ , changing it into the same image , cor. . . and this spirit of christ doth lead them into all truth , john . . and from hence it is , that he that is the true member of christ , cannot continue in a constant course of sin , john . . for his seed remaineth in him , viz. that spirit of christ , by which he is actuated , and by which he is born of god , john . . that which is born of the spirit , is spirit . that abideth in him , and will be degrees , like a living spring , work out that mudd , that our own flesh and corruption cast into us . . which is a fruit of the former , the mind of christ . for this spirit of god works a conformity in the heart and life to christ , whose spirit it is : this spirit of christ makes an impression of the image of christ upon the soul and life . the like effect with this , we find in all things : in matters natural , the vicinity of two things together , works a conformity of the weaker to the stronger , either element or form : in matters moral , conversation between two , breed a conformity in manners , even different from their otherwise natural constitution : much more , where the spirit of christ lays hold on the soul , and unites a man unto christ , there is not only new company , but a new form , and consequently of necessity a new frame and temper of heart and life , conformable to such company , and to such a form. and in order to this conformity unto christ , the old conversation , the old man , which is corrupt , according to the deceitful lusts , ephes . . . must be put off ; the affections and lusts must be crucified , galat. . . the body will be dead because of sin , rom. . . ungodliness and worldly lusts will be denied , tit. . . for these make a deformity from christ ; such a spirit , as the spirit of christ , cannot long endure to inform or inhabit such a soul , but if it come into him , it will change him : and in stead thereof , the man shall be born again by the spirit , john . . the spirit will be life , rom. . . christ will be new formed in them , galat. . . the walking will be in the spirit , galat. . . the new man will be put on , even the image of christ , righteousness and true holiness , ephes . . . christ will be put on , galat. . . rom. . . the life will be the life of christ , galat. . . the heart will be the habitation of christ , ephes . . . of god , ephes . . . of the holy ghost , cor. . . the mind , the mind of christ , cor. . . the temper of the soul , the same with his , humble as he was humble , phil. . . holy , as he is holy , pet. . . long-suffering and indulgent as he was , john . . behold , have i not given you an example . patient under the will of god , &c. and by conformity unto christ , man is put into a right state , and in that order towards god himself and others , as he was in his creation , and thereby in some measure restored to that happiness which he had by reason of that order : the happiness and peace of every thing consisting in the due observance of that station and rule , which god hath given it . and this conformity unto christ , is our sanctification , which is nothing else , but a restoring of man in some measure to that conformity unto the will of god , in which he was created . man by sin , lost that impression of god's image : god was pleased to give us his son , who is the express image of his father , and by this spirit of his to re-imprint that image again upon as many as behold him , and come unto him by faith , . thes . . . this is the will of god , even your sanctification : so that the sanctification or obedience , which is wrought in us , and required of us , is the conformity of the will of man to the will of god. the obedience performed unto god by the faithful , ariseth from a double principle . . this whereof we now speak , an intrinsecal change of the nature conforming the heart , and consequently the life , to the will of god , the mind of christ : for the same spirit of christ , which dwells in christ our head , dwells likewise in those that are the members of the same body : and as the oneness of the soul in man , makes that oneness of motion in all the body , and that conformity , that is in all its motions , to the mind of the soul ; so that oneness of the spirit in christ and his members , makes that conformity of the members of christ unto the mind and will of christ , which is the uncreated image of god : this is regeneration ; the birth of the spirit ; the forming of christ in us , the sanctification of the spirit , thes . . . . that whereof before is spoken , love unto god ; which is always the soul of all true obedience . the soul finds the goodness , and rectitude and beauty of god , and of all his commands , and therefore out of a judicial love , it is sensible of the ingagement that it ows to god ; and therefore out of gratitude , it will , as far as the strength of the soul can reach , obey the commands , which are so righteous , of her god , that is so gracious : it finds , that it was the purpose of god ; he created us unto good works , ephes . . . that as many as are in christ , ought to walk as he walked , john . . that the son of god died to destroy the works of the devil , john . . to purifie unto himself a people zealous of good works , tit. . . that christ hath ordained , that his disciples should bring forth fruit , john . . that for this cause christ died , &c. that from thenceforth , they that live , should not live unto themselves , &c. cor. . . now the true love of god , makes the will of god , to be his will , and the glory of god his end : if there were no beauty in the thing commanded , yet shall i dispute his will , that hath redeemed me ? shall i go about to disappoint him in the end of his death for me ? ordinary reason teacheth me to subscribe and yield obedience to the commands of god , for they are all most wise and most just commands ; and though i see not the wisdom , usefulness , and justice of them , yet the same truth , that tells me , his ways are unsearchable and past finding out , teacheth me to obey , when i discern the authority , though not the reason of the command . but if it were not so , suppose i could be a loser by my obedience , i cannot lose so much as i have freely received from him that commands me : when abraham received a son from the goodness of god , and god required him again , abraham obeys , though his obedience had left him as childless as the promise found him : but the greatest command , that i can receive from my saviour , cannot return me to so bad a condition , as his pity and mercy found me in : if he require my riches , my liberty , my life yet he leaves me somewhat , which without his goodness , i had lost , and doth more than countervail all my other losses , even my everlasting soul : when he requires these of me , he pays me interest for them , matth. . . but if he did not , yet the price of my soul in ordinary gratitude , may deserve the life of my body ; for what can a man give in exchange for his soul ? matth. . chap. xiii . concerning the putting off the old man : and . what it is . now concerning the putting off the old man , two things are considerable : . what this old man is . . how we must put him off . for the former , it is nothing but that ataxy , disorder , and corruption , which by sin did fall upon our nature : it is not our nature in its essentials , for that is still good ; but the absence of the goodness and perfection of the reasonable soul , which consisted in the conformity to the will of god , which is the beauty and perfection of every thing . and from this disorder in the soul , proceeds the disorder in the life and actions . and this old man hath a double strength and advantage u●on us : . in it self , the corruption and disorder is so universal , that the whole soul is bound under it : it hath no supplies of its own to rescue it self ; for they are all corrupted : it is therefore called a dominion of sin , rom. . . a body of death , rom. . . a law of sin , bringing the soul into captivity , rom. . . . accidentally , the prince of the power of the air , taking advantage of this confusion and disorder of the soul , gets , as it were , into it ▪ and so worketh in the children of disobedience , ephes . . . inhabits it as his castle , and useth the faculties of the soul , as the weapons wherein he trusteth ; became a ruler of darkness in the soul , eph. . . is judas covetous ? the devil gets into that covetousness , and acts it even unto the betraying of the lord of life , luke . . is peter lifted up upon his master's at●estation of his confession ? the devil gets into that pride , and he becomes a tempter of our redeemer , matth. . . is a man immoderately angry ? the devil gets into that anger , and will turn it into malice , ephes . . . the prince of the world could get no advantage upon our redeemer , he had nothing in him , john . . but so much of the old man as remains in us , such a party hath the devil in us to entertain , nourish and actuate his temptations . we shall therefore consider , wherein this corruptition or deficiency in our soul consists . it is in every part and faculty of the whole man , as may evidently appear by tne enumeration of particulars , . in the vnderstanding there wants light , rom. . . their foolish heart was darkened , ephes . . . and from hence the imaginations become vain , rom. . . and not only vain , but evil , and continually evil , gen. . . pursues unprofitable curiosities , acts . . lusts of the mind , ephes . . . fables , and impertinent questions , tit. . . tim. . . vain deceit , colos . . . it wants a capacity to discern things of greatest concernment , cor. . . the best habits of the understanding are corrupt ▪ the wisdom of the world is not only foolishness , cor. . . but enmity to god : is earthly , sensual , devilish , james . . these and the like , are the old man in the understanding : for the light being either out , or dim , the actings of the understanding are irregular ; and it is one of the great works of christ in our renovation , to give us the spirit of a sound mind , tim. . . ( . ) in the conscience . this is the tenderest part of the soul , the receptacle of that light and authority of god , which he hath left in us , to be our monitor and his vicegerent , rom. . . and yet the old man hath mastered and corrupted this also , puts it awry , or out , tim. . . defiles the mind and conscience , tit. . . sears the conscience , so that it is insensible , and past feeling , ephes . . . and if the conscience be so vigorous , as not to be stifled by means of this corruption and the concurrence of the prince of the air , it becomes our misleader , being filled with errors and mistakings ; or our tormentor , being filled with horror and desperation : and it is the great work of god in our renovation , to restore the conscience to his primitive office and place , by taking away the guilt of sin , which kept the conscience in a continual storm , heb. . . . and by purging the conscience from the pollutions and corruptions of sin , heb. . . purging the conscience from dead works , to serve the living god. ( ) in the will there is irregularity upon a double ground : . by reason of that corruption that is in the understanding : for the prosecution or aversation of the will are much qualified and ruled according to the light that is in the understanding ; and if that light be darkness and error , then there must necessarily follow a miscarriage in the will. . by reason of that captivity , that is in the will unto the law of sin , and of the flesh . god gave unto man a righteous law , which was to be the law and rule of his mind and will ; and while it was conformable to this , it was conformable to the will of god , and so beautiful and regular : but in stead thereof , there is a law of sin and death , rom. . . rom. . . and this law subdues the law of the mind , and brings the soul into captivity to the law of sin , rom. . . and the will being thus captivated , is made carnal , and filled with enmity against god , and that law , which he once planted in us to be the rule of our will , so that it is not subject to the law of god , neither indeed can be , rom. . . nay , the will is so much mastered and possessed by this old man and his law , that when it meets with the law of god coming into the soul , it takes occasion thereby to work in the soul all manner of concupiscence , rom. . . out of malice and policy to make that law , which comes to rescue the soul , more odious to the soul , and the soul to it : as conquerours use to introduce laws , customs , and languages of their own , the more to estrange the conquered from any memory of their former duty or freedoms : and when christ comes into the soul , he rescues the will from this captivity , and from the dominion of sin , though not from the inherence and residence of it ; and doth by degrees waste and diminish that very inherence of sin , rom. . . sin shall not have dominion over you ; for you are not under the law , but under grace ; and plants and supports another law in us , even the law of the spirit of life in christ , which maketh us free from the law of sin and of death , rom. . . ( . ) in the affections . the great and master affection of our soul , is our love : and all other affections are derived from it , and in order to it . our hatred of any thing , is because it is contrary and destructive to what we love : our fear of any thing , is because it would rob us of what we love : our grief for any thing , is because it hath deprived us of what we love . and according to the measure of our love , is the measure of our other affections : an intense love unto any thing , makes our hatred of its contrary equally intense ; and so for the other affections . in our original creation our love was rightly placed , upon god , the only deserver of our love : and our love was rightly qualified ; it was a most intense love : the law and command of god , deut. . . thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soul , and with all thy might ; was but the copy of that law , that was written in our nature . and our love thus rightly placed , and rightly qualified , did tutor all the rest of our passions and affections both in their objects and degrees : it taught us to hate sin , and that with a perfect hatred , because contrary to the mind of that god , whom we did perfectly love ; and it taught us to hate nothing else but sin , because nothing but that had a contrariety unto god. but when we fell , our love lost its object , and all the affections thereby became misplaced , and disordered : and though we lost the object of this affection , yet we lost not the affection it self ; our love therefore , having lost his guide , wanders after something else , and takes up our selves , and makes that the object of our love. but as our love is misplaced in respect of its object ; so it mistakes in its pursuit of that object : no man can truly love himself , that doth not truly love god ; because the true effect of love , is to do all the good it can to the thing it loves . now the chiefest good to our selves is only our conformity unto god's will , and consequently our love to him , wherein consists our happiness : but it is no marvel that having forsaken the true object of our love , and chosen our selves to be that object , we are likewise mistaken in the seeking of our own good , rom. . . who changed the truth of god into a lie , and worshipped and served the creature more than the creator : for this cause god gave them up to vile affections . now every man , that terminates his love upon himself , serves and worships himself . and now that order , which god planted being broken , it is no wonder , that all confusion and disorder falls among our affections : and now our love being misplaced , all the rest of our affections are likewise misplaced and out of order : now the right frame of our love , and consequently the corruption of it , consists in three things : . in the ultimate object of our love : it ought to be settled upon god , and upon him only . . in the order of our love : it ought to be set upon god , and upon him first : and all other things may be loved , but yet in him and after him . . in the degree of our love : our chiefest and most intense love must be set upon god , and upon him only . and these are most rational and natural conclusions , as appears before . now the old man in our affections , consists in the absence and deprivation of this order that god hath set . . the deprivation of the first , when either we love not god at all , or , which is all one , when we make him not the ultimate object of our love , but love him meerly in reference to our selves : the consequence whereof is , that if god be not in all things subservient to those things , we conceive most conducible to our own good , we disobey him , we murmure against him , we blaspheme him , we hate him : if the basest lust , pleasure , content , come in competition with his command , it shall conquer it , because we have made our selves our ultimate and chief end , and therefore shall certainly prefer any thing that we think most conducible to this end. and certainly , he that makes himself his ultimate end , and the chief object of his love , cannot chuse but fail in the two latter : for his love to himself , makes him love all things else in order meerly to himself , and so far forth only as is conducible to his own mistaken good ; so that god shall be no longer loved , served , or obeyed , than he is subservient to that end. now it is easie from this consideration , to see the original of most of the evil in the world : whether it relates to god , to men , or to a man's self . from this original grows the very hatred of god. this distemper , wrought by sin in our souls , hath not only deprived god of our chiefest love , which we justly owe to him , and turned that love into our selves , but hath made us haters of god by our corrupred nature , rom. . . he strengtheneth himself against the almighty , job . . that say unto god , depart from us , job . . for having made himself his end , he cannot chuse but be a hater of god upon a double ground : . because the presence , and purity , and commands , and admonitions of god , either by his word , or conscience , or the outward dispensations of providence do extreamly thwart that end which we pursue . hence grow the blasphemies in the world , revel . . . men blasphemed god because of the hail . the disappointment , and controll , and interruption , that men have in the pursuit of their ends , do make them hate the presence , the word , the very being of god himself , because they take it to be a hinderance of their end , and their happiness . . the soul , that was once united to god , is by sin gone a whoring from him , and hath taken up another end ; yet god in mercy still perswades the soul to return . turn , o back-sliding children , saith the lord , for i am married unto you , jer. . the skill of the enemy of god within us is , as much as may be , to divert the access of such perswasions to the soul , or the entertainment of them , lest thereby he should be dispossess'd ; and therefore , as ahitophel to absolom , to secure his party with impossibility of reconciliation to his father , perswades him to the highest villany , that so he might be abhorred of his father , sam. . . so the devil and sin in us ingage the soul in the greatest villanies and blasphemies against god , that so the soul , abhorring god , may be abhorred of him . thus sin taking occasion by the command , works in the soul all manner of concupiscence , rom. . . from hence likewise proceeds the slavish fear of god. we have shewen before that all love of god , is accompanied with the fear of god ; but this fear is without the love of god , but proceeds from love to our selves ; as a man fears that , which he doubts will be destructive to that , which he makes his end. when god sent lions among the captive israelites , it is said , they feared the lord , and served their own gods , kings . . their fear and their love was divided . from hence proceeds atheism it self : for it begins in the affection , not in the understanding . the desire of that not to be , which the corrupted soul conceives an impediment or check to the prosecution of his supream end , is that which at length breeds a half perswasion in the understanding that that , which he desires should not be , indeed is not . from hence proceed idolatries and misapprehensions of god. when we will not frame our selves to god , we endeavour to frame him to our selves : thou thoughtest i was such an one at thou art . and from this cause are all those will-worships , contrary to the command of god. did our chiefest love settle upon god , our obedience would be universal ; but especially in this matter of his worship : but when we make our selves our ends , we measure him out such a worship , as may best please our selves , and suit with our own contentment . from hence proceeds hypocrisie , a form of godliness without the power thereof , tim. . . the power of godliness , which is nothing else , but the entire and intense love of god , cannot consist with that end a man hath chosen , viz. himself ; yet the shape and form of it , according as the occasion is , is conducible to his ease , greatness , or preferment : so the same self-love puts on the shadow , and rejects the substance . in matters relative to others : from this making a man's self his end , proceed all the acts and habits of injustice , oppression , cruelty , malice , envy , that is in the world ; because he that makes himself his end , doth with all vigor pursue that , which he conceives good for himself ; and if he meet with any obstacle , or fear of an obstacle from another , it engageth per fas & nefas the ruine of that which he finds so hindring him : for all these acts proceed from the love of himself . in reference to a man's self : he that makes himself his own end , is subservient unto himself to the uttermost , in the pursuit and enjoyment of all those things , which may please and content himself , according to the varieties of constitutions , ages and circumstances . if it be in the lusts of the flesh , it will teach him to make provision for the flesh , to fulfil the lusts thereof , rom. . . it will put him upon studies , and inquiries , and pursuits of unnatural impurities , rom. . . it will make him give himself over to lasciviousness , to work all uncleanness with greediness , ephes . . . because what a man makes his chiefest end , he strives by all means to please , in whatsoever way it discovers its delight or acceptation . if it be in luxury , and delights in meat and drink , it will make a man to serve his belly , rom. . . it will make a man's belly his god , phil. . . a man making himself his end , observes which way the vein of his mind and delight runs ; he doth serve that affection or delight with the same intenseness of pursuit , as if it were his god ; for what a man makes his end , he makes his god. if it be in the lust of the eyes , after wealth or possessions , a man pursues that with the same violence as a heart well set , pursues after god : there shall nothing stand in his way , neither the command of god , nor lives , nor laws , nor justice , nor reputation , nor a man 's own quiet , ease , health , life : for self hath discovered her self in this desire , and he doth pursue the satisfaction of it as the first-born of his end. the like for the pride of life , ambition , &c. and from hence grows the pride of the heart of man. every man that makes not god his chiefest good , and highest end , makes himself so . but this self discovers it self , according to varieties of constitutions and circumstances . self in one man is his lust ; in another his wealth ; in another his honour , power , and command ; in another , wit , learning , policy : and these he pursues as the first-born of his end : and such as is his earnestness in the pursuit , such is his fulness and contentedness when he enjoys , or thinks he enjoys it : and that , especially in those pursuits that are less bruitish , makes the man so high and so proud , because he is full of that , which he makes his end ; he is full of himself . in the sensual appetite : this motion or faculty was planted in nature by the god of nature , and is of it self good , when it keeps within those bounds , and in that subordination , in which it was originally placed by the god of nature and order ; for it is the natural inclination and motion of nature to its own preservation and perpetuity : but our contracted corruption hath put this out of its place , and out of its order , and out of its end. the rational part of man being become weak and out of frame , this that was placed in subordination to it , hath got the mastery of it , and so carries man to all excess of riot and luxury . the strength of the motion of the sensual appetite to its objects , and that delight , that by the goodness and wisdom of god was planted in the fruition of its object , was not for its own sake , or the end of this motion ; but a wise dispensation of god to carry the humane nature to its own preservation : but corruption in man , hath made that very delight to be the end of its motion ; and therefore pursues that , though it be to the ruine and distemper of his nature . the very beasts , that have not reason to rule them , do instruct us in this very decay of our integrity : for although they have no higher guide , than that law and instinct , which god implanted in their nature ; and although they have the same delight in the fruition of their sensitive objects , as man hath ; yet they seldom or never pursue their appetites beyond the convenience of the preservation of themselves and their species : but it is visibly otherwise with men : and from hence is that excess in eating , drinking , sleep and other sensitive inclinations ; because they pursue not that end , for which it was given , but the very pleasing and satisfaction of the appetite it self : so then the old man in the sensual appetite consists , . in the want of that subjection and subordination of it to the reasonable part , which should direct , moderate , and restrain it , according as may be most useful for that better part of man ; so that now this power is out of its place . . in that exorbitancy and extravagancy of it , whereby it runs to excess ; and so it hath lost its end , viz. the motion to the preservation of nature . it is true , god hath given to the sons of men , in respect of these sensual things , objects , not only of necessity , but delight ; but here is our misery , as well as our sin ; that either we rest not in what god lawfully allows , sam. . . god gives to david a full measure of temporal comforts and delights , and if that had been too little ; he would have given him more ; yet david with adam must needs be tasting the forbidden fruit : or in case we go no farther in the object of our pursuit , we go beyond it in the measure of our pursuits , resting in the enjoyments of them , as of our chiefest felicity , forgetting the god that gives them , and those inquiries and pursuits that are of a higher value and concernment ; and , which is the highest degree of vileness of our hearts , even by those outward blessings he gives us , we learn to admit his enemy into our hearts , to shut him out of it , and to fortifie it against him . and from hence it is , that the god of mercy curseth , and that most justly , his own blessings unto that man , that thus perverts the use of them . wine rejoyceth the heart of man , as it was given for that purpose ; but when a man in the use of it looks no higher , but to satiate himself , there is a sting put into it , and it proves a serpent , prov. . . chap. xiv . how the old man is to be put off , and . by repentance . thus far concerning the old man , the corruption of our nature : now we consider , how he is to be put off . this putting off the old man looks backward , and that is repentance ; forward , and that is mortification . the order of god's dispensation to a particular man , in bringing him to his great and supream end , holds a proportion with his dispensation to mankind since the fall : from the time of the fall of man till the giving of the law , is like the first condition of our corrupted nature , without god in the world : then he gave them his law , thereby to shew them what they should be , and what they are ; for the rule is not only the discovery of it self , but of that crookedness and irregularity which is in the deviation from it . man having now the opportunity of discovery of the defects , and consequently unhappiness , of his own condition , he sends the baptist to call him to repentance , and then discovers unto him the means of his recovery . thus after our wandring in our corruptions , god is pleased to shew us our condition , what it is , and what it should be , by the sight of his law ; and that doth naturally breed a dislike of those ways , which lead to so unhappy an end. the grounds and way of repentance , are , . a sound conviction of the understanding concerning our natural ways and conditions . . that they are irregular , deformed , and crooked ways : god gave to man a righteous law , and the conformity to it was man's happiness and perfection ; for the goodness , which was the perfection of all created beings , consisted in their conformity to the particular will of god concerning the creature . that will concerning man was the law of god. this law god hath again new copied out , that man may as well measure himself by it , what he is , and hath been , as guide himself to what he should be . . the consequence of this therefore is , that those ways of his are vnprofitable and fruitless ; and therefore are they called the vnfruitful works of darkness : and not only unfruitful but deadly ; what fruit had ye then in those things whereof ye are now ashamed ? for the end of those things is death . and this must most necessarily follow upon the former ; for if the conformity to the will of god be the perfection and blessedness of the creature , the violation of that will must needs be both unprofitable and miserable : for man is out of his way to his perfection , and therefore must necessarily meet with nothing but vanity and misery . god , that hath measured out to every thing his being , and the measure of his perfection , hath likewise chalked out the way of attaining it , which , if a man miss , he can never attain that end. and upon this conviction of the irregularity , unprofitableness , and dangerousness of his corrupted ways and condition , doth naturally follow such thoughts as these : i find god did make me a glorious creature , fitted to partake of a higher degree of blessedness , than the inferiour creatures : i find likewise that he gave me a most just and reasonable law , which was the way to lead unto it : i see that so much of the creatures inferiour to my self , as observe the law of their creation , enjoy a measure of perfection , answerable to their being ; and if interrupted in that law of their nature , they lose their beauty , if not their being : the degree of my being was higher than theirs , and so was consequently the end of my being , my happiness , of a higher constitution than theirs : and as my debt was greater to my creator for allowing me so high an end , so was my ability proportionable to the pursuit and attaining of that end which was thus given to me . but what have i been doing all this while ? i have measured my heart by that great law , thou shalt love the lord with all thy heart ; and i have found my heart full of the love of the world , of pleasures , of vanities , but scarce a thought bestowed on him , that gave me power to think ; and , which is worse , my heart hath held confederacy with all that he hath forbidden , insomuch that i may justly conclude , that surely nothing but a heart hating god , could so constantly and universally oppose his will : i have measured my life by the law of god , and i can scarcely find one regular action in it ; my heart hath not been so out of frame , but it hath still found a full subservience of my whole man unto it , and that with greediness : and yet i find all this unsatisfactory , and i have cause to fear , that is not all : sense doth tell me , that in the pursuit of the ways of my heart , i spend my self for that which is not bread , and my labour for that which profiteth not : i find no fulness in them , but much vexation : and reason as well as conscience tells me , it will be bitterness in the end , and the end is death : i cannot but know , that the great lord of all being , hath measured out to all his creatures their beings , and their happiness suitable to their beings , and their ways and rules , and laws , to attain their happiness ; and if all this while i have been out of that way , i am travelling to another end : if in the way of god i should have found life , and everlasting life for my end , out of that way , my end must be death : if i were now to begin my life , i should order it better : though i cannot expiate what is past , yet my soul looks upon it with sorrow , with indignation , with amazement . this is the first degree . . that they are vnbecoming , vngrateful and vndutiful returns . it is implanted even in the sensitive nature , to return good for good : we have received all the good from the hands of that god , against whom the practice of our hearts and lives hath been a continual rebellion : and upon this consideration natural ingenuity works a shame in the soul , and a secret condemnation , and some kind of loathing so ungrateful and undutiful a constitution . . but hitherto the soul looks only backward ; and these considerations , though they are enough to breed shame and despair in the soul , yet they are not strong enough to work repentance ; because in those considerations , the soul looks upon it self in an unexpiable and irrecoverable condition : the amendment will prove fruitless , where the former guilt is irreversible , and yet enough to sink the soul : therefore the third conviction is of the love of god , that hath provided a means of pardon and acceptation : when a man throughly convinced of the unprofitableness and desperateness of his actions and condition , his extream ingratitude unto god , shall for all this hear a voice , after all those things ; return back thou back-sliding israel , and i will not cause mine anger to fall upon you ; for i am merciful , and will not keep mine anger for ever , only acknowledge thine iniquity , jer. . , . this conquers the soul not only into a dislike of sin past , as dangerous and unprofitable , but unto a hatred of it , and of our selves for it , as the enemy to such an invincible love. the consideration of our ways past , and comparing them with the law , will enforce the conscience to condemn them , but it must be the sense of the love and goodness of god in christ , that can only incline us to change them : as by the former , he concludes his ways dangerous and unprofitable , so without the latter , he will conclude his repentance unuseful . and hereupon the soul is cast into such expressions as these : o lord , i have been considering the present temper of my heart , and reviewed the course of my life , and have compared them with the duty i owe unto thee , and the law which thou gavest me to be the rule of that duty ; and i find my heart and ways infinitely disproportionable to that rule , and thereby i conclude my self a most ungrateful , and a miserable creature : but though i have sinned away that stock of grace and blessedness , with which i was once intrusted by thee , i find i have not out-sinned that fountain of goodness and mercy , that is in thee ; even whiles the sight and sense of my own condition , bids me despair either of repenting or acceptation of it , yet i hear the voice of that majesty which i have injured , bids me return and live , ezek. . . were there no acceptance of my turning from those ways of death and destruction , yet it were my duty ; and though thy justice might justly reject it , yet it might justly require it : but yet when thy merciful and free promise shall crown my repentance with acceptation and life : this love constrains beyond the sense of my own misery . and when i hear the voice of my lord calling to me to return , and i will heal your backslidings , that love warms my heart into that answer , behold , i will come unto thee , for thou art the lord my god , jer . . but who can come unto thee , unless thou draw him ? send therefore thy power along with thy command , for it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth : turn me , and i shall be turned ; i will engage the uttermost of my strength , to forsake my ways ; but i will still wait upon the same mercy , that did invite me , to enable me to forsake them . by that which preceeds we see a double repentance : . that which is preparatory unto the receiving of christ , which is nothing else but a sense of the unhappiness and evil of our ways , as destructive unto our happiness , and dissonant from that rule of righteousness , which we cannot but naturally subscribe to be just and good : and this doth naturally breed a sorrow for what hath been so done , and a purpose and inclination of heart to forsake those ways . and this was the work of the baptist , to prepare the way of the lord ; his doctrine was a doctrine of repentance , and his baptism , a baptism of repentance , a seal of the entertainment of that doctrine to as many as received it , matth. . . luk. . . acts . . . that which is subsequent to that entertainment of christ in the heart by faith , which is the sense of the love of god in christ continuing towards us , notwithstanding our many injuries . this fills the heart with sorrow and wonder , and puts the soul upon a flat resolution , never to sin against so great love. this was that sorrow that pricked the jews to the heart , and brought in repentance for remission of sins , acts . , . acts . . that sorrow that worketh repentance unto salvation , cor. . . and though sometimes christ appear unto the soul without a baptist , and the light of the love of god discovers the irregularity and filthiness of our former ways and tempers ; yet the usual method of his grace and providence is to baptize ▪ with the baptism of john ; and after with the baptism of christ , acts . . the love of god being most naturally welcome , and operative when the soul hath before taken a just survey of his condition without the sight of that love : but his ways are unsearchable , and past finding out . and this evangelical repentance , viz. our sorrow for our past offences and our purpose of better obedience , is not only the act of our first conversion unto god , but is to be our continual exercise : there is a continual adherence of our flesh and sin unto us ; and notwithstanding the bent and frame of the soul be changed , yet there are continual renewed offences , which though god is pleased not to impute , yet as they are contrary to that life in the soul , and therefore will be opposed by that life , so they are still naturally our own and therefore must and will be repented of and sorrowed for : for a soul once truly affected with the love of god , would willingly have his whole man , and life , and thoughts and world conformable to the will of god : and therefore every strugling cannot chuse but cause sorrow , and gather up the strength of the soul for the future against it . for the sins of the very members of christ , though by his righteousness and satisfaction they have lost their power to condemn , being his by imputation ; yet they are sins still , and therefore objects of our opposition , and ours in reality , and therefore objects of our sorrow and repentance : and by how much the more they have our consent , by so much the more they are sins , and ours . and as it is the power and grace of christ , that subdues the dominion and prevailing of sin ; so this grace doth work by setting the operations and affections of the soul against it , especially in our sorrow and repentance . our repentance after conversion is nothing else , but the strugling of the life of christ , to work out that poyson of sin , which is contrary unto it , and doth weaken it , and would destroy it , john . . for his seed remaineth in him , and he cannot sin , because he is born of god. chap. xv. of mortification , and the means thereof ; and . of meditation . . where repentance ends , viz. in the purpose of forsaking the ways of death , there mortification begins ; and is nothing else , but the execution of those purposes of the soul , which are wrought by repentance , by the use of all such means , as may for the future , weaken the power of sin in the soul. this is that which our saviour calls putting out the right eye , and cutting off the right hand , crucifying the flesh with the affections and lusts , galat. . . mortifying the earthly members , colos . . . denying a man's self , taking up the cross , matt. . . dying daily , cor. . . the world crucified to a man , and a man to the world , galat. . . putting off the body of the sins of the flesh , colos . . . the body of sin destroyed , rom. . . mortification therefore is nothing else , but the daily practice of opposition against sin , especially such as we are most inclined to , and that by such means as are reasonably conducing to it . these means , according to the several tempers , both spiritual and natural , are more or less effectual ; i shall divide them into these degrees : . supernatural helps . . moral or rational helps . . natural helps . . supernatural : they are rational means , but fixt upon supernatural objects , and discovered by supernatural light ; for it will most clearly appear , that these very helps which we call supernatural , are most rationally effectual against it : meditation and prayer . . meditation , and serious and deep consideration of the word of god , and the truths therein revealed , but especially of these ensuing : . a deep meditation of the love of god , whom i must needs offend in every sin . and this is the most powerful consideration in the world to mortifie any sin ; and that is the reason why , where there is the truest and highest manifestation of the love of god to the soul , there is the highest purity ; because there is the highest preservative against sin : for it must needs be clear , that where there is the highest manifestation of the love of god to the soul , there is the highest love again to god ; and consequently the most absolute dominion over sin : for as the love of god is the cause of our love to him , john . . so according to the measure of the manifestation of the love of god to the soul , is the measure of the love of the soul to god again ; and consequently of the hatred of sin : and he , that often and deeply considers of the love of god , must even rationally improve the sense of it to his soul , and consequently his love to god again , and his abhorrence of sin. when a man shall take such considerations as these into him ; god hath commanded me to abstain from this or that sin , whereunto , it may be , my nature , my custom , my temptation , inclines me : the competition is between my pleasure , my pride , my profit , and my lord ; he that gave me a being ; he that hath given me all the comforts of my being ; he that might justly have taken me away to judgment in the midst of my sin ; but he hath spared me , and waited upon me , that he might , though i were righteous , make me a vessel of misery ; he that hath invited , perswaded , intreated me to return unto him for my own good ; that when i would not , i could not return unto him , hath sent his son to fetch me , to redeem me with the greatest price that ever the world heard of : behold what manner of love . john . . and shall i , can i make so ill a return ? to entertain his enemy , the only object of his displeasure , that will ruine me , before my lord , that hath infinitely out-done my highest speculations for me ? certainly the sense of the love of god is either not at all , or not awake , when any man considerately commits any the least sin against his conscience : it were no less , than for a man to return despight against the love of god , and , as much as in us lies , to disappoint his very end and purpose in sending of christ , who therefore gave himself for us , to redeem us from all iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good works . . a serious consideratiun of the great and high hope , to which we are restored by the purchace of christ , and the great incongruity that there is between continuing in sin and that hope . we expect to be brought to an innumerable company of angels , to the assembly of the first , born , to the spirits of just men made perfect , to jesus the mediator of the new covenant , to god the judge of all , heb. . . &c. to be make like unto the son of god , and to be partakers of his sonship , and inheritance , john . . to partake of his spirit , to see the brightness of the glory of god in christ : now all these are holy : how unsuitable a thing is it for a man that hath his hope , not to purifie himself , even as he is pure ? john . . this will teach a man to bespeak his heart thus : is the presence of god thy hope ? he is the holy , holy , holy lord , that is of purer eyes than to behold , or to be beholden by any unclean thing : if therefore thou commit sin , thou livest below thy hope : either therefore let thy hope be answerable to thy life , or thy life to thy hope . . a serious consideration of the presence of the great , and just and powerful god : his eyes run to and fro through the earth , to behold the evil and the good , chron. . . he is acquainted with all my ways , psal . . . his eyes are upon all the ways of the children of men , jer. . . the hearts of men , prov. . . and all things are naked and manifest before him with whom we have to do : and darest thou sin before the face of thy judge , who sees thee , and whose power or justice thou canst not escape ? this is so great a controll , that were it soundly and deeply considered , it would stifle even the first motions of sin , and therefore it is the great work of our own wicked heart , either to gull themselves into a perswasion , that god sees not , job . . or else in plain english , to forbid him their hearts : they say to god , depart from us , for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways , job . . . a deep consideration of the nature and consequences of sin : it is a violation of a righteous and just law , the law of a just and righteous god , a law , the conformity whereunto , is the perfection and blessedness of the creature : by this sin i lose my communion with my creator , and consequently , peace within my self : whiles i commit it , my fruition is but short , and mingled with fear , because the end of it , death , is in some degree present with my soul , and sowers that transitory content which i enjoy in it ; and when it is finished , it brings forth sorrow , and shame , and death : and if that sorrow end in repentance , yet the bitterness of that sorrow overweighs the pleasure that i had in its commission ; and according to the measure of the delight i had in my sin , so , and much more is the measure of my sorrow in repenting ; and yet for all this , that peace , which i had formerly with my god and my conscience , very hardly recovered ; and god , though he pardons my sin , yet either not at all , or not suddenly , trusting me with that measure of communion with him , which i formerly enjoyed and abused . but if the sorrow of repentance wait not upon my sin , a worse sorrow attends it : the sin is past , and so is the contentment , but the storm that attends it , is everlasting : the loss of the light of god's love , the loss of an eternal weight of glory , the terrible appearance of an angry god , cloathed with as much terror , as justice provoked , patience abused , and mercy contemned by a most indebted creature , can assume . and this terror shaken into the most tender and sensible parts of the soul by the hand of omnipotence it self , and that unto all eternity , when my life shall be full of nothing but the preapprehensions of my future misery , my death , the terrible , inexorable , and inevitable passage to it : shall i then so madly prize the satisfying of a base , a perishing lust for a season ? thus throw away my god , my happiness , my self , when the thing it self is so base and transitory , and the wages so sad and dismal ? it shall be my care to avoid , to subdue , to crucifie that , which as it cannot satisfie , so it will certainly torment and ruine me . and since i find my lusts to be so easily actuated into sin by every temptation , i shall by the grace of god , as avoid the latter , so keep a strict hand over the former ; and it shall be my hourly care to ransack and examine , and search my heart , what is moulding there , and to cleanse and wash it from its pollutions ; or at least to mingle my tears and sorrows with them , that so they may be weary of my heart , or my heart of them . but , lord , who understandeth the errors of his life ? cleanse thou me from my secret sins , and keep thy servant from presumptuous sins , psal . . . . frequent considerations of the shortness of life : the lord hath given me a great work to do , to work out my salvation with fear and trembling : and the time wherein i have to do it , is in this life , and that but a short and an uncertain life : the great enemies to my soul , are the lusts of my flesh , and of my mind , which fight against my soul : if the work be not done in my life-time , the door is shut ; and who knows whether this or that sin which i am now about to commit , may not be concluded with my life ? and then in what a case am i ? how shall i appear before the holy and eternal god with the stain of that sin upon me ? or if he prolong my days , yet who knows whether he will not seal up my soul with impenitency ? if my lust prevail upon me now , it gathers strength , and vexeth that spirit , which must only enable me for the future , to repent and resist it ; and if i get the victory over the contestations of the spirit of god , my conquest ends in my own misery and slavery . it may be , i have over-matched and stifled the perswasions of the spirit of god , of that lighit which he hath set up in my conscience , that did sting me in the midst of my cariere after my lusts , and mingled them with bitterness to my discontent , and now i pursue my desires without interruption : yet when i remember that death is at my heels , and will overtake me before i can overtake my contentment in the things i pursue ; that if i over-live a sudden unexpected death , yet the harbingers of death , sickness , or age , cannot be far off , and either of these , as they will take off the edge of my pursuit , and fruitions of my lusts , and render them insipid , so they will thereby give leisure and opportunity to me to cast up the accounts of my past life , and find therein nothing but vanity and unprofitableness ; time , that might have been improved to eternity , irrecoverably lost in those pursuits , that have left no footsteps of content in my soul● but instead thereof , a bruised and wounded conscience ; a displeased and an angry god , an infinite happiness offered and sold for a few unprofitable and perished pleasures and lusts ; when i shall find an infinite guilt contracted , a soul clogged with a custom of sin , a body now ready to drop into dissolution , a great work to do , to make the peace of my soul ; a god by whose only strength i can do it , hiding himself and his influence from me , and death by his hasty and churlish officers , still ready to seize me , to carry me off , without regard to the importunity and concernment of a little longer time : such thoughts as these , will work upon a man to keep a hand over himself , over his flesh , over his lust , while it is called to day , not to harden the heart , to give all diligence to make our calling and election sure ; to get oyl in the lamp , to break off the course of sin , to cleanse our hearts , to improve this little portion of time to our best advantage ; for death will come , and after that , judgement . lord , so teach us to number our days , that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom . chap. xvi . meditation of the vnreasonableness of the dominion of lust . . a sad and deep consideration of the vnreasonableness and vnbecomingness of the power and dominion of any lust upon a man. and this , though it be a moral consideration , is of good use for the mortifying of our lusts . s. paul divides our lusts into the lusts of the flesh , and the lusts of the mind : ephes . . . s. john tells us , that all that is in the world , is the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and the pride of life , john . . out of both these , we may divide the enemies of our soul within us , into these divisions , . lust ; which is nothing else , but the immoderate and inordinate actings of the appetite , either beyond that measure it ought to be , or upon those objects it ought not to be . and this either . in the rational appetite ; those are the lusts of the mind . . in the sensitive appetite ; those again . in the lusts of the flesh . . the lust of the eyes . . pride , in an overvaluing of our selves in the fruition of those things we have thus pursued . now we shall a little consider , how far forth any of these do hold a disproportion , even with right reason . . the lusts of the mind . the great desire of the mind , is that of knowledge , an appetite that god hath put into the soul of man , and so a thing beautiful and good : but this very desire of knowledge , becomes a lust of the mind , when either it is misplaced in respect of his object ; thus adam's desire of knowledge of good and evil , became a lust : or when acted beyond its proportion : the chiefest object of our love , ought to be the chiefest object of our knowledge , and consequently of our desire of knowledge , and that is only god : and he is to be known , and consequently , we ought to desire to know him , as he hath revealed himself in his word , in his works , and by his spirit . when either therefore we desire to know , even in things pertaining to god , beyond what we ought to know , as the counsels of his will , looking into the ark ; or when we desire to know things of an inferiour nature with an over-intensive desire , which is only due to god ; our want of sobriety in the former , and our want of moderation in the latter , turns our desire of knowledge into a lust of the mind , or when acted without his due end : good , and the fruition of it , is the great and final object of the soul , and as the acts of the understanding are preparatory to the will , so knowledge , and the desire of it , is , or should be , preparatory to the fruition of some good , farther and beyond the bare speculative knowledge of it : if it were possible for a man truly to know god without the love of him , and the sense of his love to the soul , a desire of such a knowledge , though i dare not term it a lust of the mind , yet it is such a desire , as is not rightly qualified . to desire to know a thing fit to be known , meerly because i would know it ; it is but a lust of the mind , and such a knowledge as only puffeth up . now any man may rationally conclude , that such desires of the mind as these , are even condemned of reason it self , as irregular and useless : it is true , that whatsoever is an object of our knowledge , may be an object of our desire of knowledge , if not forbidden by him that gave the power ; if acted with moderation and sobriety ; if subordinated to that desire which i have , or should have to that great object of my knowledge : but for a man to spend his choicest hours and thoughts , and inquiries upon unnecessary , perishing , useless objects ; reason it self will conclude , as the preacher would have the covetous man , eccles . . . for what do i labour , and bereave my soul of good ? and as thus in the intellectual faculty , there are lusts of the mind , so are there in the rational appetite , the will and affections : the passions in the soul are natural to it , and therefore naturally good : therefore want of natural affection , is a thing condemned in the old world , rom. . . but when these affections are acted beyond their natural end and use , they become corrupt and putrified , and so lusts of the mind . and this is seen in either faculty , irascible and concupiscible : and by how much the more spiritual they are , by so much the more devilish and hurtful , and yet condemned by sound reason . the passion of anger was planted in the mind , and is good , when acted upon a right object , and in a due measure , ephes . . . but this passion being over-acted , it becomes putrified , and a lust of the mind : it then turns into malice , to envy : the spirit that is in us lusteth after envy , jam. . . into desire of revenge : and thus lust conceiveth upon this passion of the soul , and bringeth forth sin. now all these are evidently against right reason ; because even sound reason teacheth us , to love all that is good : every being hath in it self a goodness , and doth naturally challenge our love ; and therefore to desire the destruction of any being is against the law and rule of reason ; or to desire a less or more low degree of being to it than it hath . it is true , there may be some irregularity in it , which i may and must hate : but when my hatred is in the concrete , and takes in the being of any thing which is good , as well as that which i conceive an irregularity within the compass of it , as is in all malice and revenge ; then is my passion mis-acted , corrupted , and proves a lust of the mind . suppose a man hath done me an extream injury , and intends to continue it , right reason will discriminate between the man and his fault ; and whiles it is angry with the man , yet it hates him not ; it will hate the injustice of the man , and destroy that , but not the man : it may be he hates me without a cause , his fault cannot justifie mine : god hath given him a being , and is the only lord of it ; and that being of his is good , and deserves my love to preserve it ; his offence is the only object of my hatred , and cannot give me a commission to destroy the subject . it is true , that in order to my preservation , i may do such a thing as may be prejudicial to him that hates me , with such moderation , that the evil i do him , must not exceed the evil that otherwise i might suffer by him ; for this is agreeable to right reason ▪ but this must be without the least grain of revenge , so much as in my thought ; for all revenge hath in it somewhat of irregularity : the great god , to whom vengeance alone belongs , rom ▪ . . that is absolute lord of his creature , and therefore can owe him nothing , yet punisheth not by way of revenge , as a party injured , but by way of justice , as the supream judge , that inflicted that penalty that was annexed to his righteous law when he gave it : nothing that one creature could do to another could be said to be unjust , were it not that it is against the law of this supream law-giver and judge ; and therefore retribution in me that am injured , is an act of revenge , in god an act of his justice : and when he inflicts his punishment , though in respect of me , that suffered , it is his revenge , yet in respect of his law that is broken , it is but his own justice . the lusts of the flesh : there are certain natural propensions in us for the preservation of our temporal being and kind ; those are planted in our nature by the god of nature , as well as in the nature of sensitive creatures , and are in themselves good , when acted according to that rule which god hath given unto us . those rules are such as either are adequate to the sensitive nature , viz. that they should be acted with due proportion , and to the end for which they are so implanted in our nature : or such as are applicable to them in respect of that higher degree of being , that is in our nature , viz. that they should be acted with subordination to the dictate of right reason : and when either of these fail , even these natural propensions do become lusts of the flesh , and fight against the soul ; for they are not in their place , and consequently breed a disorder in the soul. this is easie to be seen in the consideration of both of these defects : the appetite of eating and drinking is no lust , but a propension incident to our nature , for the preservation of the compositum : but when a man shall act it beyond its due proportion , eat or drink to excess ; or when a man shall use it to a wrong end , to eat or drink , because he will eat and drink , placing the end of his appetite in the use of it ; now he transgresseth the first rule , he makes his belly his god ; and his appetite becomes a lust . again , if a man shall give way to his appetite , though in a due proportion , or to a due end , yet if upon rational circumstances a greater good shall be thereby lost , or a greater evil thereby incurred , then this appetite becomes a lust , because it is out of its place , and wants its due subordination to right reason ; as when my eating or drinking shall scandalize my weak brother , for whom christ died , cor. . . and thereby bring a greater loss to him , than good to my self . again , if either the providential dispensation of god , or his command , be against it , it makes the exercise of that appetite to become a lust , because it wants that subordination to right reason ; for it is the most uncontrollable principle of reason , to bear an universal subjection to the command and will of god : thus when god by the course of his providence , called to fasting , then to find slaying of oxen and killing of sheep , the appetite becomes a lust . again , when god forbad the eating of the fruit of the tree of knowledge , of good and evil , then adam's eating becomes a lust , and consequently , a snare unto him ; for his sensitive appetite was out of its place , it should have been subordinate to his reason , but it was above it . and these excesses of the fleshly appetite are expressed by several expressions in the word of truth : sowing to the flesh , galat. . . making provision for the flesh , rom. . ult . warring after the flesh , ●or . . . walking after the flesh , rom. . . pet. . . viz. when a man makes it his business to study the desires of his fleshly appetite , and to fulfil it : and the disorder that is wrought in the soul by this misplacing of the sensual appetite , ephes . . . who being past feeling , have given themselve● over to las●iviousness , to work all uncleanness with greediness , galat. . . the flesh lusting against the spirit , pet. . . fleshly lusts warring against the soul , rom. . . given over to vile affections , rom. . . yielding your members servants to uncleanness , rom. . . a law in the members ●arring against the law of the mind , and bringing it into captivity . it is a sad thing for any man to think , that such a disorder should be in the soul , that the nobler part born to rule , should be a captive and a slave to the inferiour part of man ; much more when that noble part shall become a willing vassal , and prostitute to that part of man , which is no higher than a beast ; and not only so , but improve its own ability , wit , skill , and power to make that part of our nature below a sensitive creature . the beasts , as hath been observed before , though their sensual appetite be their highest faculty , and so moves not in a subordination to any higher power , yet they move conformable to the end , for which those propensions were implanted in them : but when the sensual appetite in man hath captivated his reason , which should be her guide and ruler , it is made the worse by her prisoner ; and now its motions are not only absolute , and without controll of reason , excentrick to that very natural rule given to the motions of the same sensitive appetite in the very sensitives themselves : and the reason is partly because the wisdom of god hath given a kind of natural law or boundary to those propensions in the sensitives , because they have no higher power in them to regulate them ; but to man he gave a higher power to order and manage this sensual appetite , which power having lost his sovereignty , the sensual appetite doth not only want his bounds , but also having corrupted and displaced that higher faculty , is again corrupted by it , and made by her captive , and at length by custom , the reasonable soul becomes only an instrument to contrive and execute the most exquisite satisfaction it can for those lusts of the flesh . now as any man that hath so much command of his mind , as a little to call it off from this drudgery , cannot chuse but conclude the extream unfitness and uncomeliness of such a transposition of his faculties ; so when it pleaseth god to open our eyes , that we can see the state and frame of our minds and souls , as once the prophet's servant's eyes were opened to see that better sight of the heavenly host , we should see more confusion , discrepancy and disorder in our souls , more cruelty , mischief , and filthiness , by reason of the rule of those lusts within us , than if we should see the slaves of a once well-governed city in a rebellion , mastering their lords , and making them serve to their basest commands , rifling their treasures , burning their habitations , and turning all places , orders and things into ruine and confusion . and therefore the study of the reducing these rebels to their former subjection , even by strict severity and discipline , which is the business of mortification , cannot chuse but be a most rational work. now from this disorder , that ariseth in the soul by the old man , which is nothing else but the inverting and displacing of those powers and motions of the creature , from that beautiful and conformable place and order , wherein god had once set them , proceed all those enormities and confusions that are in the world , james . . from whence come wars and fightings among you ? come they not hence , even of your lusts that war in your members ? lust hath made a disorder and tumult within , and there it cannot rest long , but works the like without also . god hath set every thing in his place and order , and bounded it with certain limits and rules ; and as long as they keep within their places , orders and rules , there is beauty and concordance with it self , and other things ; but when that order and rule of things is broken , then follows confusion and deformity ; and as the things so displaced disagree with other things , that are in their places and orders , so those must needs disagree with them ; much more must things that are out of their places and orders disagree one with another . when a man over-mastered by any lust , meets with another man over-mastered with the same , or any other lust , there must needs be a discord between them : these are the works of the flesh ad extra , gal. . . . the lust of the eyes . the wise man tells us , the eye is not satisfied with seeing , prov. . . eccles . . and this is natural to the capacity of that sense , and may be useful : but that which is principally meant by this lust , is the over-eager prosecution of such objects , as are most delightful to the eye , viz. of wealth , which is covetousness ; and of honour , or high place , which is ambition : these two lusts are prosecuted upon a double ground : . as things pleasing to our sight ; insomuch that the wise man concludes , that the greatest good in the most substantial of them , is the beholding of them with the eyes of the owner , eccles . . . but this is not all , for we see even in ●ind men , the same desire of wealth and glory , as in others . therefore , . a mistaken over-va●●ation of them , as things of the most absolute use and safety : the natural man makes himself , as he is constituted in this life , his chiefest end ; and according as the several judgments and dispositions of men , they take up several ways for the improvement , or security , or pleasure of their temporal being here : the voluptuous man , the covetous man , the revengeful man , the ambitious man , have all one end , viz. self : but self discovers it self several ways , according to the several dispositions and principles that are in those several men : wealth and honour , they are the blessings of god , and of excellent use to our present subsistence , and may be desired and endeavoured for with moderation , in order to our preservation , posterity , and safety : but then it becomes a lust , when they are overvalued , and consequently over eagerly prosecuted ; and then by degrees the man is so captivated with it , and habituated to it , that as he placed his felicity in his temporal being here , so he placeth the security , strength , and life of this felicity in his honour or wealth ; and so makes it his god , colos . . . for as it is agreeable to our corrupt nature , to make that our idol , wherein , or whereby we find the greatest sensible good conveyed to us , be it an onion , or a calf , or a crocodile , as was the use of the egyptians ; so if we once exceed those bounds of moderation , which we ought to bear towards any sensible good , it believes an idol ; for it takes away part of that portion of love and duty , which we owe to god , prov. . , . the same that god is to a man that is righteous , the same doth a covetous man make his riches , viz. his strong city . it is impossible , but man must needs find himself a depending creature upon somewhat without him ; he cannot live without meat , drink , cloathing , support against injuries , violence , and want , he hath lost the knowledge of god , upon whom in truth his dependance is , and therefore fastens upon that which is most visibly in his way for his support , riches and external power : and this he concludes and resolves to compass per fas & nefas , even through the destruction and blood of those that stand in his way : and having attained to some convenient proportion , yet partly through the emptiness and deceitfulness of the object , which we pursue , partly through the insatiableness of that lust , which we endeavour to satisfie , we rest not in the pursuit , though we grow secure in the enjoyment . soul , thou h●st much laid up , &c. luke . . and thus this lust robs god of that , which is most due and dear unto him , our dependance and our love ; so that it is impossible to serve them both , luke . . ye cannot serve god and mammon . for that , which a man most values , will be sure to have most of his heart , matth. . . now if there were the true knowledge of god in our hearts , this lust would die of it self : if a man considers , that this life consisteth not in the multitude of the things we enjoy , luke . . that our heavenly father , who knoweth our wants , requires us to cast our care upon him , matth. . . pet. . . that promotion cometh not from the east , nor west , but it is god that setteth up one , and casteth down another , psal . . . that he giveth all creatures their meat in due season , psal . . . that except he build the house , they labour in vain that build it , psal . . . that he hath commanded us to cast our burdens upon him , and he will sustain us , psal . . . to commit our ways unto the lord , and trust in him , and he shall bring it to pass , psal . . . that riches are his gift , and commands us to trust in the giver , not the gift , tim. . . that though he give the possession of what we desire , he can deny the fruition of what we possess , eccles . . . that a man should enjoy good in his labour , is the gift of god , eccles . . . he can grant us quails , but with it can send leanness into the soul , psal . . . and can increase the wealth to the owners hurt , eccles . . . that it is not the bread i eat , but the word , the commission of god to his creature , that maintains my life , matth. . . he can make holes in our bags , and blow upon our labours , hab. . . . that he will withhold no good thing from them that fear him , psal . . . psal . . . though men of low degree are vanity , yet men of high degree are a lie ; and therefore though riches increase , yet he hath commanded me not to set my heart upon them , psal . . , . these , and the like considerations , deeply digested , will make a man to carry a loose affection and pursuit of riches or honour , and put the soul upon such resolutions and contemplations as these : o lord , thou hast brought me into this world , wherein is great variety of all things ; and i see the men of this world hunting and pursuing after wealth , and honour , and power , and making it the business of their lives ; and in this their pursuit often disappointments ; and if successful , yet full of anxiety ; and if they attain any measure of what they pursue , yet are still unsatisfied in what they have attained ; and yet consider not that there is a lie in their right hand : and what profit hath he that laboureth for the wind ? a wind that may swell and torment , but not satisfie the soul : and it is evident , that oftentimes , though thy providence succeed their desires and ambitions , so that they seem to have rolled up their stone almost to the top of their wishes ; yet the encounter of , it may be , a small , and seemingly inconsiderable circumstance tumbles all down again , if not to their ruine , yet to their vexation and disappointment . and thus we walk in a vain shadow , and disquiet our selves in vain , and spend that stock of time , and life , and strength , and opportunity in unprofitable , unsatisfactory labour , till the night overtakes us , and then whose shall all these things be ? luke . . blessed be thy name , that in the midst of all this variety , those many things , about which we are careful and troubled , yet thou hast shewed us , that there is one thing needful ▪ luke ● . . and hast shewed us what it is , and how to attain it : and this shall be the greatest business of any , because of greatest consequence , to work out my salvation with fear and trembling , phil. . . to give all diligence to make my calling and election sure , pet. . . that when the terrible cry of death and judgment shall come , i may have oyl in my lamp , before the door be shut , and may be able to give my lord an account of my stock with comfort and joy. it is true , the condition of my nature stands in need of outward supplies for my defence and preservation ; and the wise dispensation of thy providence , as it hath fitted this our habitation on earth , with things useful for our pilgrimage ; so it hath made industry and diligence the way to attain them : he that will not labour , let him not eat : and the same wise and bountiful hand hath not only furnished our way with supplies for our necessity , but with provisions for our delight : i will therefore diligently go on in that course , wherein thy providence hath cast me ; for it is the ●avel thou hast given me to be exercised withall , eccles . . . but i will not make this the end , the business of my life ; the one thing necessary shall be always in my eye ; and that it may be continually my work , i will endeavour to improve even my worldly imployment into a spiritual , by doing it in obedience to the command of god , and that order which he hath set in the world ; by walking conscionably in it , as in the presence of god ; by casting my care upon him , nothing solicitous concerning the success , but leaving it to him that governs all things ; by observing the passages of his wisdom , mercy , and power , in the passages and successes of it ; by recumbence and resting upon his promise for a subsistence , psal . . . verily thou shalt be fed ; by my patience and contentedness with whatsoever condition he shall cast me into , and a chearful resignation of my self into his hands , who hath given me christ ; and how shall he not with him give me all things else ? if he is pleased to straiten my condition , and make my labours unsuccessful , and feed me with bread of affliction , and water of affliction ; yet if he afford me the light of his countenance , the assurance of his favour , the pardon of my sins , the sound hope of eternity , blessed be his name : in the midst of my exigences , i shall learn with the prophet hab. . . although the fig-tree shall not blossom , neither shall fruit be in the vines , the labour of the olive shall fail , and the field shall yield no meat , &c. yet i will rejoyce in the lord , i will joy in the god of my salvation : i shall learn with moses , to esteem the reproach of christ , greater riches than the treasures of egypt , heb. . . i shall improve my necessities and exigences , to take off my soul from the over-greedy pursuit of these inferiours , to establish and settle my heart in the hope of that eternal weight of glory , the contemplation and expectation whereof , is able to swallow up the momentany sufferings , as well as pleasures of this life , with job . . to wait till my change come , to magnifie the mercy and bounty of my lord , who , whiles my sins deserve the loss of all , is pleased to continue unto me that which is best , and makes my wants not so much the punishment , as the cure of my sin : and though he brings me into a wilderness , yet there he speaks comfortably to me : i shall learn to make his will , the measure of mine own : and whiles i remember that he is the absolute lord of his own creature ; that he manageth and ordereth all the events and concurrences in the world , by a most wise and most righteous providence ; that he feeds the young ravens when they cry , creatures that need a liberal supply , and yet have no means to procure it ; that he is pleased to reveal himself in his word unto me in such terms , as are most comprehensive of power and mercy ; i will learn to wait upon him patiently , chearfully , and dependingly : if it be his pleasure to enlarge his hand , i shall thankfully receive it , as a free addition ; if not , yet i will not change my wants , my necessities , my scorns , accompanied with the favour of god , nor sell the least degree of the light of his countenance , for all the supplies of glory and abundance , that heaven and earth can afford . if i can but say upon found grounds , the lord is my portion , psal . . . like the tree that moses cast into the waters of marah , exod. . . it makes those bitter waters sweet , and puts more joy in my heart , than in the time that their corn and their wine increased , psal . . . but if it please him , together with the light of his countenance , to give me a competency of externals , to feed me with food convenient for me , with agar , prov. . . though with david , psal . . my cup runs not over ; yet if the lord be the portion of my cup , psal . . . o lord , shouldest thou deny me all things , even necessary for my present subsistence ; yet i have portion enough in thy favour , and the light of thy countenance , for which i owe thee more than all the thankfulness and strength of my soul , and such a portion as would bear up my heart in the midst of all my exigences : when thy son bore our nature in the flesh , though the sence of thy love supported him , yet he wanted things of convenience , he became poor , that we might be rich . but if it shall please god to add the blessings of his left hand to the blessings of his right hand , ( as rather than deny me the latter , i beseech thee , give me not the former ) if he shall bless me in the fruit of my body , and my ground , and command a blessing upon my store-houses , and all that i set my hand unto , deut. . , . i will learn to serve the lord my god with joyfulness and gladness of heart for the abundance of all things , deut. . . to contemplate and bless that good hand of god , that giveth me power to get wealth , deut. . . to look with more comfort and delight upon that hand that gives , than in the very blessing that is given ; to set a watch over that evil and deceitful heart of mine , that is able to turn my blessing into my snare ; to beware , lest when all that i have is multiplied , my heart be lifted up , and i forget the lord my god , deut. . , . to beware , lest when my riches increase , i set my heart upon them , psal . . . and trust in uncertain riches , tim. . . to remember that i am but a fiduciary , a steward of them , they are not given me to look upon , but to use them , as one that must give an account of them ; to watch over my self , that i use them soberly , with moderation , and as in his presence , that i turn not the grace and bounty of god into excess , or wantonness ; to look upon all the goodness , comfort and use of them , as flowing from the blessing and commission , that god sends along with them , eccles . . . that a man should make his soul enjoy good in his labour , this also is from the hand of god ; to beware that the multiplication of blessings , do not rob my creator of one grain of that love , service , and dependance , that i owe unto him ; to carry a loose affection towards them ; for it is infallibly true , that where the heart is truly set upon god , and makes him his portion , it enables a man equally to bear all conditions , because the object of his soul is immutable and invaluable , though his external condition alter : an accession of externals may carry up such a soul in a more sensible apprehension of the goodness of him , whom the soul loves ; it cannot steal away one jot of that love , which it owes to the giver ; the creature it self is of too low a value to diminish the love to the creator : a heart , that is rightly principled , cannot find any good in the creature , but what he will derive from , and carry to the object of his love. . the pride of life : there are two great cardinal truths , whereof if the mind be soundly convinced , it puts a man in a right frame and temper of spirit in the whole course of his life : . that there is an essential universal subjection due from all creatures to the will and power of god : this is the ground of all true obedience , and all true humility ; which is nothing else , but a putting of the mind into a posture and frame answerable to that position , wherein by nature it is framed , a conformity of the mind to the truth and station wherein it is set . ( . ) that all goodness , beauty , and perfection , is originally in god , and nothing of good , beauty , or perfection is in any thing , but derivatively from him , according to that measure , that he is freely pleased to communicate . this keeps the heart in a continual love of him , dependance upon him , and thankfulness unto him . from the ignorance of those , is the ground of all the pride in the world , which is nothing else , but a false placing of the mind in such a condition or station , or the opinion of such a station wherein in truth , he is not , and so it disorders the mind : it makes a man , that is essentially subordinate to god , and depending upon him , to place himself above god , and to be independent upon him : and though this false opinion cannot alter his condition in truth ; for he that hath said , my will shall stand , cannot be removed by the pride or resistance of man ; yet as to the man himself , it puts him out of his place , and in the room of god : and therefore above all other distempers of the soul , this is the most hateful to god : for as the proud man resisteth god , and labours to get into his place , so god resisteth him , pet. . . prov. . . and this ignorance , or not full subscription to these two truths , will appear to be the foundation of all the pride in men. . from the ignorance of the former , of the subjection we owe to god , proceeds that pride that manifests it self in rebellion and disobedience against god. god challengeth the subjection of our wills to his , as justly he may , and man will have his own will take place , jer. . . no , but we will go into the ●and of egypt . luke . . we will not have this man to rule over us : and as among men , pride is the mother of contention , because it puts a man out of that place , wherein he is ; and he doth consequently put himself in the place of another , and thence come contentions ; so from this pride of men , putting themselves into the place of god , comes the contention between god and man : he that hath said , he will not give his glory to another , will not give his place to his creature , but resisteth the proud : and from this ignorance of that subjection we owe to god , proceeds that haughtiness and arrogance , which we find in the spirits of men , exod. . . who is the lord , that i should let the people go ? job . . what is the almighty , that we should serve him ? dan. . . who is that god , that shall deliver you out of my hands ? this ignorance was that which bred that haughty speech in nebuchadnezzar , dan. . . is not this great babylon , &c. till god by his immediate hand made him know , that he is able to abase them that walk in pride , ibid. verse . and hence it is , that men are compassed with pride , as a chain , when they set their mouth against the heavens , psal . . , , . and this manifestation of pride , is principally in the will , because it is the absence of that subjection , which we owe to his will. . from this want of the due knowledge of the subjection , we owe to the power of god , proceeds that pride which evidenceth it self in that vain confidence and security , which men put in themselves , or those other accessions of friends , wealth , power , policy , &c. revel . . . i am rich and increased in goods , and have need of nothing , luke . . and i will say to my soul , soul , thou hast much goods laid up for many years , take thine ease ▪ isa . . . when the over-flowing scourge shall pass through , it shall not come near us , for we have made lies our refuge , and under falshood , have we hid our selves . this was the speech of the scornful men of ephraim , who had not humility enough to shelter themselves under their maker , and yet had so much baseness of spirit , as to make a lie their refuge and security , isa . . . trust in a shadow ; verse . in oppression and perverseness , isa . . . in horses and chariots , isa . . . i shall be a lady for ever : i am , and there is none else besides me : to see the pride and arrogance of a heart , that knows not god , even to take upon it the very self-sufficiency of god himself . now when a heart truly knows the power of god , the essential dependance that all things and events have upon him , how easily , without the interposition of his own immediate hand , he can manage some little inconsiderable circumstance , to break and confound the most complicated and twisted securities that a whole nation can make for it self ; he will soon learn to look upon all these external contributions to happiness and safety , as vanity and nothing , much less will he repose any confidence in them . and to break the children of men from this deifying themselves , and the sparks that they have kindled , isaiah . . god doth most commonly , as i may say , set himself to blast and subvert those refuges of men , their idols , with the most unlikely and improbable means , job . . he catcheth the wise , even with their own craftiness , intangles the powerful by their own strength ; or arms some impotent , unexpected emergency , a nothing , in a moment to shatter in pieces what men have been many years or ages building up , and fortifying into a confidence , with multiplicity of supplies . . by the ignorance of the latter , viz. that the original of all good is in , and from god , ariseth that haughtiness and elevation of mind , that is in men , when they find any thing in themselves , or in what they have acquired , that is beautiful or useful . when a heart rightly principled , meddles with any such thing , it teacheth him thankfulness and humility ; he runs it up presently to god , the fountain and original of all good , and gives him the praise of any thing he finds good in himself , and concludes even in the meanest good , that he finds , even in his skill , it may be , in the lowest profession , with isaiah . . this also cometh forth from the lord of hosts , who is wonderful in counsel , and excellent in working : if he finds in himself an industrious and successful hand , he attributes this to god , deuteronom . . . it is he that giveth thee power to get wealth : if he finds himself advanced to any greatness or honour , he acknowledgeth this to be the dispensation of god , psalm . . god is the judge , he putteth down one , and setteth up another : if he find a victorious and successful hand in war , he attributes it not to his own sword , or his own arm , psal . . . but thy right hand , and thine arm , and the light of thy countenance : if he find any eminence of wisdom , knowledge , counsel , learning , still he remembers that it cometh down from the father of lights , james . . but the ignorance , or want of consideration of this , is that which puffeth up a man , by carrying that glory , which is indeed due to god , unto himself : a man cannot have a little more knowledge than he sees in another , but presently it swells him , cor. . . he thinks higher of himself than he ought to think , rom. . . if he get a little wealth , presently he concludes , deuteronom . . . my power , and the might of my hand , hath gotten me this wealth . if he hath been successful in his counsels , he presently bespeaks himself with the insolent assyrian , isa . . . by the strength of my hand have i done it , and by my wisdom , for i am prudent . and what a truly wise heart saith to god , psalm . . be thou exalted in thy own strength , this proud fool says to himself , and , so much as he can , makes himself god , stopping the current of that glory at himself , which would naturally run unto god , as the rivers into the sea ; and thereby the man filleth himself beyond his proportion , till he surfeit upon that , which belongs not unto him : and therefore the prophet well saith , hab. . . his soul , which is lifted up , is not upright in him ; his heart is out of his due place and situation , and consequently , as he disorders other things , so he ruines himself ; for the eternal wisdom and goodness of god , doth communicate his goodness to every thing in that place and situation , which he hath appointed for it , and if the heart get up above that place , which god hath appointed for it , it is no wonder , if it miss of his blessing , by reason of its disorder , and , with herod , find his vengeance for its presumption . chap. xvii . of prayer . thus far concerning the mortification of our lusts , by the help of meditation ; the next is prayer . god , as he is the original of all being , so he is the fountain of all that good , which is , or can be in the creature : and this goodness is derived to it from god by such means as he hath appointed , and is most natural and suitable to the creature . man is essentially depending upon god , as well as other creatures : here is the difference , other creatures are placed in a greater distance from god , and therefore he conveys his goodness unto them by more mediate and inferiour means . man , as he was created in a perfection nearer unto god , even in his own image , so consequently , in a nearer degree and relation unto him ; and therefore , though all things are in their nature dependant upon him , yet man hath ability to know his dependance ; and therefore not only to be dependent , but to be dependent upon him ; and therefore upon all occasions might make his immediate address to god , to whom he was immediately subject . now prayer and thanksgiving is nothing else , but the actual exercise of that dependance we have upon god , psal . . . call upon me in the day of trouble , i will deliver thee , and thou shalt glorifie me . when man begins to forget his dependance upon god , he leaves him to himself ▪ and being out of his way , some trouble or other meets him ; and then he sees he was out of his way , and returns to his dependance again , prays to god. our prayers are not of themselves effectual ; but it was the bounty and good pleasure of god to give unto his creature all suitable good , whiles he is in such a station and condition , as he requires of him . that station for a man is a continual actual dependance upon god , which can never be without a suitable conformity of the whole soul to his will. now when the heart is in such a frame of dependency , it actually exerciseth it in prayer ; he strengthens , as well as evidenceth his dependance , and draweth himself nearer to god thereby , and so nearer to blessing . now in reference to this particular , viz. how prayer becomes a means of our mortification of those irregularities in our soul and affections ; it is upon a double ground : . because thereby the soul draws near unto god , and so is lifted in some degree into that frame , and temper , and place , and station , which is proper for it ; and so gets above those lusts and distempers , which hang about him : the very vicinity to that pure fire and light cannot consist with the fellowship of those impure angels of darkness and impurity , and so either dissolves them , or at least scatters and affrights them . hence prayer is expressed by lifting up the soul unto god , psal . . . by coming into his presence , psal . . . by drawing near unto god , james . . an access to the throne of grace . as when adam had first departed from god by sin , he after hid himself from the presence of god , gen. . . and thereby , as much as in him was , put himself out of a possibility of recovery ; so when a man again brings his soul into the presence of god ( as an access and power is now given by christ ) by that very approaching unto god he gets mastery of those lusts , that did formerly drive him , and , as much as they could keep him from god. and this was the very way of perfection that god himself taught abraham , gen. . . walk before me , and be thou perfect . and though the whole conversation of a christian man , ought to be in the presence of god , and to measure all his thoughts and actions by their comeliness , or uncomeliness in his sight ; yet prayer is a more special purposed concentring of the soul to that business . and though , god knows , when we come down from the mount again , oftentimes those lusts meet with us , and renew acquaintance with us , which we left behind , when we went about this serious business , so that though we have ended the solemnity , we have yet a continual use of the duty ; yet a frequent a solemn , and serious use of this duty interrupts a custom of sin , by degrees weakens the old man , and will in time , make a strangeness between our lusts and our souls . and let a man be sure of these two truths : that as he that comes upon his knees with a secret purpose to hold confederacy with any sin , he shall be the worse , the more hardned , the more neglected by that god , which searcheth the heart : if i regard iniquity in my heart , thou wilt not hear my prayer : so whosoever he be , that comes to his maker in the integrity of his heart , though sin adhere as close to that heart of his , as his skin doth to his flesh , shall find that imployment will make those lusts , that were most dear unto him , by degrees to become strange and loose unto his soul. . but there is not only an active and natural efficacy in the duty it self ; but , which is more , when a man draws near to god , god draws near to him , james . . as the grace and spirit of god , that sets thy heart to prayer , gives out more of his strength and grace unto thee when thou hast prayed . thus the goodness of the infinite and eternal god moves in a circle to the soul , cor. . . my grace is sufficient for thee . there is not only a strength gotten against our corruptions by our approximation to him , but an emanation of virtue , power , and spirit from him , whereby to master and consume them : how much more will your heavenly father give your spirit to them that ask it , luke . . vphold me with thy free spirit , psal . . . this is that spirit by which the deeds of the flesh are mortified , rom. . . the spirit of life , that gives freedom from the law of sin and death , rom. . . it is the scepter of the kingdom of god in the soul , whereby he rules in the midst of his enemies , psal . . . and where this spirit is , there is liberty , cor. . . chap. xviii . of watchfulness , and first in respect of god. . watchfvlness . and the object of our watchfulness , is . god. . our own selves . . temptations : . for the first , our watching concerning god : . watch for the coming of thy saviour , either in the general , or thy own particular judgement : for ye know not when the master of the house comes , lest coming suddenly , he find thee sleeping , mark . . consider what a terrible thing it will be , if death or judgement should find thee in a practice of any purposed sin : and thou knowest not whether thy time of death shall be in the evening , midnight , or at cock-crow , or in the morning ; for it comes like a thief in the night . . watch the word of god : it is that lanthorn to our feet , that pillar of fire which is to go before us in our voyage through this wilderness : take heed thou lose not this light , or leave it ; for then thou shalt wander in darkness , pet. . . this light will shew thee the mind of thy creator ; it will instruct thee what to do in points of difficulty and danger ; it will shew thee thy self , and the constitution and temper of thy soul , and how the greatest matter of concernment to thee in the world stands , even the condition of thy own soul with god ; it will interpret and unriddle unto thee those various dispensations and administrations of things in the world ; it hath principles of so high and powerful a conviction , that it will master the disorders of thy soul beyond the most rigid dictates , contemplations , and disciplines of the most sublimated philosophy , tim. . . a doctrine of perfection . . watch the presence of god , and see that thy thoughts , words , and actions are beseeming his presence : for all things are naked and manifest before him with whom we have to do , heb. . . and remember we cannot flie or hide our selves from his presence , psal . . . that the hearts of the children of men are before him , prov. . . that he weighs the spirits , prov. . . that his eyes are in every place , beholding the evil and the good , prov. . . that he pondereth man's goings , prov. . . job . . jer. . . jer. . . that he searcheth the heart and trieth the reins , jer. . . take heed therefore , of so much as thinking any thing , that may be unbecoming the presence of such a majesty , purity and power : this is the fear of god , the beginning of wisdom , and will teach us with joseph , to entertain any temptation fitted with the greatest secresie and advantage with his resolution , gen. . . how shall i do this great evil , and sin against god ? . watch the course of the providence of god. there is not a passage of his providence , but if marked , carries with it a secret instruction , and a watchful man will spell the lesson of providence ; to humiliation , mic. . . hear the rod , and him that hath appointed it : to sadness , isa . . . in that day did the lord call for weeping : to reformation and obedience , job by cords of affliction , he openeth the ear to discipline , and commandeth , that they return from iniquity : to dependance upon , and recourse to god , psal . . , . extremity and natural impossibility of deliverance tutors men to cry unto the lord , jonah . . arise , call upon thy god : to thankfulness , psal . ● . . i will deliver thee , and thou shalt glorifie me : and here we cannot chuse , but ever remember the excellence of the word of god , which teacheth us the english of all his dispensations , and what they mean , that when in our blindness , god by his providence speaketh once , yea twice , yet man perceiveth it not , job . . this like a messenger , an interpreter , one among a thousand , job . . expounds the hieroglyphick , and shews us the errand it brings from god : and although the wisdom of god excedes our observation in many passages of his providence , eccles . . . that almost the exactest watchfulness will have much ado to find any thing after him , eccles . . . yet i do believe , that that man that keeps a strict watch over himself , and upon the passages of his providence , shall scarce find one uncomfortable passage in his life , but he may read in it some special omission of duty to , and some desertion of god , some act of pride , lust , or vanity , eminently conspicuous to him , that preceded it . it is true , the most exact walking may not only find , but occasion crosses and afflictions in our way ; but most commonly , if not always , such are accompanied with such a measure of comfort , and contentment in them or with them , that i cannot call them uncomfortable passages , but rather objects of rejoycing . but when there comes an affliction with a sting in it , though but a small one , such a one as springs from my own folly , or a disappointment , or interruption in a justifiable action , wherein i see , as it were , the hand of god hedging up my way , or the like , let me look but a little backward , i shall see the spring of it . as i will therefore keep a watch over my ways , that i incur not the danger of god's deserting me , though in an action , it may be , of no great consequence ; so when i find such a cross , i will look backward , and search , and try my ways , and when i have found my achan , i will weep over him ; i will look forward , and be more careful in my future conversation ; i will look upward , and bless the merciful hand of god , that is pleased to take such care over a poor creature , as to send his messenger , though , it may be , a rough and sower one , to reclaim me from the danger of a greater evil. . watch the secret perswasions and disswasions of the spirit of god , and beware thou quench it not , thes . . . nor grieve it , ephes . . . a man that observes his ways , shall oftentimes hear a secret voice from his conscience , conformable to the word of god , calling to him : do not this abominable thing , which i hate , jer. . . or , this is the way , walk in it , isa . . . be sure thou observe this voice ; try it with the word , the rule of truth ; and beware thou neglect it not . this wind , that blows where it lists , if shut out , resisted , or grieved , may haply never breathe upon thee again , but leave thee to be hardened in thy sins : but if observed , tried , and obeyed , thou shalt be sure to have it thy monitor and director upon all occasions . chap. xix . of watchfulness in respect of our selves , our senses , words , and appetite . . for the second object of our watch , our selves : such is the distemper and disorder of our souls since the fall , that though it meets with no temptations from without , yet it will make them ; and , like a distempered stomach , the lusts that are within us , will turn that into our poison , which is of it self either wholesom , or at least indifferent : the wedge of gold , and the babylonish garment , had in it self naturally no temptation to evil ; but lust joyns with it , conceives upon it , and brings forth sin : the rock stands still , strikes not the ship , but the ship strikes the rock , and splits it self . the greatest part of that sin , that is in us , is not so much due to the influence and motion of objects upon us , as to the corruption that the object meets with in us : therefore it concerns us to have a strict and continual watch upon our selves : and herein . . watch thy senses : watch thine eye ; thine eye is a wanton eye , an eye full of adultery , pet. . . david , a man after god's own heart , wanted his watch upon his eye , and he saw , and lusted , and sinned , sam. . . with job therefore , see that thou keep thine eye under a covenant , job . . thine eye is a luxurious eye ; the fruit was pleasant to the eye , and our first mother , though to the ruine of her posterity , did let in the beauty of the fruit , and together with it , sin , and death , through her eye , gen. . . thine eye is an unsatiable eye , eccles . . . a covetous eye , joshua . . i saw , and i coveted : a lofty and proud eye , prov. . . a flattering and a deceitful eye , prov. . . a cruel and an oppressing eye , psal . . . his eyes are privily set against the poor : an evil eye . let it therefore be thy practice , as well as thy prayer , to turn away thine eye from beholding vanity , psal . . . and to have thine eyes always towards god , psal . . . . set a guard upon thy ear , and take heed how , and what thou hearest , mark . . thou hast a wandering eye , an athenian ear , acts . . an itching ear , that will not endure sound truth , tim. . . a deaf and stopped ear , when thou shouldest hear , isaiah . . an open and unsatiable ear after vanity and unprofitableness , eccles . . . . set a watch over thy tongue , and keep the door of thy lips , psal . . . and take heed thou sin not with thy tongue , psal . . . remember an account is to be given for an idle word , matth. . . season thy words with salt , colos . . . and that will take away the filthiness of thy communication , colos . . . remember that thy tongue is set on fire of hell , james . . watch therefore thy tongue : let thy words be few , seasonable , considerate , true . . set a watch upon thine appetite : it is of it self natural , and consequently good ; but the distemper of our nature hath put it out of its place , and consequently out of its bounds . suspect thy appetite , and keep it under with rules of moderation : put a knife to thy throat , prov. . . look not upon the wine , when it gives its colour in the cup , prov. . . love not sleep , prov . . and with rules of seasonableness : the wise man tells us , every thing is beautiful in its time , eccles . . . because it is then in that order , which god hath appointed for it : the same action , that may be but tolerable and indifferent in one time , may be necessary in another , and sinful in another , isaiah . , . in that day did the lord call for weeping and mourning , and behold , slaving of oxen : surely this iniquity shall not be purged from you till ye die , sam. . . the ark , and israel , and judah abide in tents , &c. shall i then go down to my house to eat , and to drink , and to lie with my wife ? regulate thy reason by the word and counsel of god : and discipline thy appetite with thy reason : observe its motions , and check them : rather deny it a lawful , than countenance it in but a disputable liberty . chap. xx. of watchfulnes over our affections , and passions of love , anger , and fear . . set a watch upon thine affections and passions : thy affections are by thy natural corruption , become inordinate affections ; they are easily misplaced , and more easily over-acted . take heed to thy love : according to the order or disorder of this affection , are all thy other affections tempered : see therefore that it be rightly placed : dispence thy love in measures proportionable to the worth of the object : nothing can challenge thy intensest love , but the intensest good ; and that god that requires thy heart , is a jealous god : let not out the whole current of thy affections upon any thing below him : lawful pleasures , natural relations , conveniences in the world , a man 's own self , may be objects of a moderate and subordinate love : but when they take up the whole compass of our love , our love becomes our sin , matth. . . he that loveth father or mother more than me , is not worthy of me , john . . if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him . tim. . , . lovers of themselves , and lovers of pleasures , ranked amongst the worst of men. when the affection of thy soul is moving after any thing , before thou give it leave , examine the object , whether worthy of any measure of thy love ; and if so , yet let it not go without a farther debate : consider the measure of good , that is in the object , and weigh out its proportion of love answerable to the measure of its good : but rest not there neither , remember it is but a subordinate , a derivative good , as well as a measurable good : bestow not that measure of thy love upon it absolutely , but subordinately : catechise thy love with this question , whether if thy creator requires thee to hate that object , to forgo it , to forsake it , thou canst be better content to call home thy affection , than to let it rest where it is ? by this time , and by this means , thy love will be under a discipline and a rule , and the precipitancy of this affection beyond its due proportion allayed and moderated . and remember always , it is the impotency of our condition , and the great cause of the disorders in our souls and lives , that we are contented to give our affections leave , upon the first apprehension , to pursue their objects without debate , lest we should interrupt the expectation of contentment , by a clear discovery of the unworthiness and vanity of the object , and the ill consequences of immoderation in the pursuit : thus we are contented to deceive our selves with the felicity of false expectation , rather than by pre-consideration to avoid a real inconvenience or disappointment . take heed to thine anger . be angry , but sin not , ephes . . keep it not too long ; nor act it too far , lest it prove hatred , revenge , oppression : order thy anger so , that it may be rather an act of thy judgment , than of thy perturbation : if thou art provoked by an injury , before thou give a commission to this passion , propose to thy self the question which god asked jonah , jonah . . dost thou well to he angry ? weigh well the cause , and remember thou art partial to thy self , and apt to construe that for a just provocation , which it may be was none , or deserved . suspect thy judgment of partiality ; put thy self in the others condition before thou judgest ; remember , that he that doth thee the injury , is but god's instrument , sam. . because the lord hath said unto him , curse david , who then shall say , wherefore hast thou done so ? it may be his injury is god's justice , and then thy anger against the instrument is rebellion ; or at best , it may be his experiment of thy patience , and then thy anger is disobedience . remember the just occasions of anger thou hast given to thy creator , and yet his patience to thee : and shouldest thou not have compassion on thy fellow servant ? matth. . . remember thy redeemer , that bought thee with the sacrifice of his soul , hath given thee another precept , matth. . . love your enemies ; and another example , who when he was reviled , reviled not again : and canst thou deny the denial of passion for his sake ? remember thy gentleness will more advantage thee than thy anger : it may be , he will be conquered with thy patience , and revenge thy quarrel against himself , with his repentance ; but if not , there is a god of vengeance can , and will do it , rom. . . when a man takes up the office of his judge , he injures both the judge and party , and in stead of doing himself right , he makes himself guilty . again , if thou doest well to be angry , dost thou well to be angry so much , or so long ? the wise man tells us , that anger resteth in the bosom of fools . set a watch therefore over thy anger ; let it be just , and moderate ; and let not the sun go down on thy wrath , ephes . . . set a watch upon thy fear : there is nothing deserves thy fear of reverence , but thy creator ; n● thy fear of aversion , but thy sin ; if thy peace he made with him , thou art above the fear of any thing below him ; objects of terror shall not come near thee ; the beasts of the field shall be at peace with thee ; or if they are not , they shall not hurt thee ; the terriblest things in the world are therefore terrible , because they end in death , the king of terrors : and when thy peace is made with thy lord , thou hast a double security against them : . because they are in the hands of his power and wisdom , and they cannot exceed their commission , that he gives them ; he can , if it please him , dissipate whole armies of terrors by the least word of his power . . but if their commission extend to thy very life , yet the son of god hath taken away that sting , that terror , that is in death ; hath by his own death sanctified death unto thee , and made it a door unto a better life ; so that death , though in it self terrible and bitter , yet this tree being himself cast into this bitter water , exod. . . hath sweetned them ; and as he hath taken away the venome of it , by destroying that serpent , that had the power of it , heb. . . so he hath made it , though not for it self , yet in respect of him , that stands on the other side of this gulf , with immortality and glory in his hand , desirable , phil. . . having a desire to depart , and to be with christ , which is far better : it is true , thou art pursued with an army of egyptians , of sins , and of miseries , and when thou comest to the shore , thou seest a raging and a bloody sea ; but remember thou hast an angel , even the angel of the covenant , that hath gone before , and yet goes with thee , and turns this sea into a passage of ease and safety : and though of either side the waves may affright thy sense , they shall not hurt thee : and remember , that though thy passage may be difficult and troublesome , yet thou hast not , as once the israelites , a wilderness behind it , but a canaan . therefore in all objects or occurrences of terror , first look inward , and see how the case stands between thy god and thy conscience : indeed if there remain a guilt unwashed by the blood of christ , a secret sin entertained , and not repented of , thou hast cause to fear , because thy lord is angry : but if thou keep thy daily watch upon thy soul and thy life , if thou find the presence of thy saviour in thy soul , and thy heart , though of it self a sinful heart , yet cleansed and delivered from the power of any evil way , an honest heart , acted by the love of god in christ , thou mayest then look above them ; and , having thine eye fixed upon the lord of events , walk quietly and untroubled through the midst of those dangers , that do incompass thee . it is true , that in the great concussions of the world , god expects a suitable affection , even from the most innocent heart , an affection of reverence , and awe of his presence and working , jeremiah . . who would not fear thee , o king of nations ? but the fear of an honest heart is the fear of reverence , not of consternation , a fear mingled with love , a fear mingled with faith and confidence , a fear mingled with praise and glorifying god ; a fear terminated in the great lord , that works not in the instrument , not in the immediate object of terror ; a fear mingled with comfort , not over-run with distraction . when therefore thou meetest with objects of fear , first learn to distinguish their kinds : some there are that come as it were , from the immediate hand of god ; such are famine , pestilence , wars , fires , inundations , earthquakes and the like ; entertain them with reverence to the great , and just , and powerful hand of god , not slightly , or saucily , or presumptuously , yet without consternation or distraction of mind ; carry up thy soul above the objects , to the hand that guides them ; make him thy dependance , and his will the measure of thine own under them ; use all warrantable means with dependance upon his power , and submission to his will , to avoid them : the wise man seeth the plague , and hideth himself , prov. . . prov. . . if thou escape the danger , bless the god that hath preserved thee ; if thou fall in them , yet still bless the god , that hath not left thee ; and value ten thousand deaths with his presence and light upon thy soul above the most sublimated life without it : again , there are some objects of fear , which , though they are guided and mastered by the hand of god , yet they are immediately the works of men , and so less terrible ; such are wrought by the power , oppression , cruelty , and malice of men ; these may and ought to be entertained with more resolution and confidence : that one example may serve for all , when the power and injustice of man shall meet with an unarmed and weak innocence , dan. . . o nebuchadnezzar , we are not careful to answer thee in this matter ; our god , whom we serve , is able to deliver us from the burning fiery furnace , and he will deliver us out of thine hand , o king : but if not , be it known unto thee , o king , we will not serve thy gods : as if they should have said : it is true , thou art a king , and where the word of a king is , there is power ; and to magnifie thy self and thy glory , in the face of thy kingdom , thou hast taken up this publick resolution of the dedication of thine idol ; and this thy purpose is stablished by a decree , a mischief framed by a law , and this decree armed with death , and a cruel and terrible death ▪ we know we cross thy proud and impious will , impatient of the seeming neglect of thy power , by three poor despised hebrews in the midst of thy glory and people ; we see fury and rage enough in thy countenance , to devour us before the furnace be hot ; we see thy courtiers adding fewel to thy rage , and thy instruments greedily catching after the least warrant from thee , for our execution ; and we are compassed with flesh and blood , which cannot but shrink at the preapprehension of this inevitable and terrible dissolution : yet for all this , know that we have learned to tutor our fear ; not to fear a man that shall die , and the son of man , that shall be made as grass , isa . . . we have learned , that the fear of man bringeth a snare , but he that trusteth in the lord shall be safe , prov. . . and therefore we are not much perplexed , what answer to return to these thy commands and threats ; we serve that god , in whose hand thou art , as the ax or the saw in his hand that shaketh it ; in whose hand thy breath is , and he can command away thy breath , and then what becomes of thy word ? that lord , in whose hand thy heart is , and he can turn it as the river of water , and can set thy command against thy decree ; that god , in whose hands are the issues of death , and who can arm an inconsiderable occurrence to divert and frustrate thy purpose ; in whose hands are all the powers of heaven and earth , and can correct and controll that fire which thou intendest for the execution of thy fury : and this is the god whom we serve , and hath made a covenant with us to preserve us in the fire ; and we are no less confident of his love , and of his truth , than of his wisdom and power to deliver us ; he hath taught us , that he is a present help in trouble , psal . . . that if we call upon him in the day of trouble , he will deliver us , psal . . . psalm . . that in the fire he will be with us , and in the water , and it shall not come near us : therefore , o king , we value not thy power , nor thy rage , for our dependance is above them : but this is not all : if that great god , whom we serve , deliver us over to the swing of thy rage , we have learnt yet a higher lesson , our faith and experience hath taught us to trust in him ; and our love hath taught us to obey him : though he seem to disappoint our trust by delivering us unto thy fury , yet we will not forget to obey him : he hath taught us to make his will , the measure and rule of ours , both in what we suffer , and in what we do : we owe our lives to him , and thou art but his instrument to take them from us ; when his will commands our lives , we shall resign them with patience ; but now his glory requires them , we will give them up with chearfulness : if we cannot live , but upon so dear a rate , as to offend our bountiful god , farewell life with guilt , and welcome death with innocence . know , o king , that the presence and love of our god hath taught us how to fear to offend , yet to dare to die . chap. xxi . of watchfulness over our hope , confidence , and joy. set a watch upon thy hope and confidence : place it aright , and remember thou art essentially depending upon the great god , and upon him only , and all things below him , have no more worth or strength in them , than he derives to them , and when they take up his place , he ever breaks and disappoints them . yet such is the atheism , the pride , and folly of our hearts , that it will place its confidence in any thing , rather than where it should . the distemper of this , as of all other our affections , hath its beginning in the blindness of our judgments , the want of a deep and practical knowledge of god ; and from hence our confidences and hopes , fix and rest oftentimes in most vain and deceitful objects . have therefore a watch and a corrective upon the motion of thy soul towards any thing which thou hast , wherein there seems any , though never so little strength : thy evil heart will make it thy confidence , and so a snare unto thee . is thy wealth increased ? take heed to thy confidence , thy evil heart will make it all one to have , and to trust in riches ; it will make thy gold thy confidence , job . . to trust in thy wealth , and boast thy self in the multitude of thy riches , psal . . . psal . . . to make it thy strong tower , prov. . . to set thy heart upon them , psal . . . and then this thy confidence shall be thy fall , prov. . . hast thou a fair success in externals ? look to thy confidence ; though thou seest thy creator in them , yet thy evil heart will make thee at least share thy confidence between thy god and the creature , to conclude with job , that now thou shalt die in thy nest . job . . to behold the sun when it shineth , job . . to conclude with david , that thou shalt never be moved , psal . . . and the jealous , yet merciful god , will hide his face , and thou art troubled thereby , to unsa●n thy confidence upon the creature , and to teach thee to fix it upon thy maker only . hast thou a friend , a prince , or nation confederate ? take heed to thy confidence ; thou art apt to make this thy friend , thy confidence , psal . . . my own familiar friend , in whom i trusted ; to put confidence in this prince , psal . . . psal . . . and then he makes egypt a broken reed , isa . . . ezek. . . sends a vengeance to pursue and overtake thee in the midst of thy confederates , jer. . . pours contempt upon thy confidence , job . . hast thou munitions , provisions for war ? take heed to thy confidence ; thou wilt be ready to make thy chariots and thy horsemen thy trust , psal . . . the multitude of thine host , thy salvation , psal . . . ●o vaunt , that thou art mighty and strong for the war , jer. . . and then the great lord rejects thy confidences , and writes disappointment upon them all , jer. ● . . hast thou a strong body , a dexterous , deep , foreseeing , preventing wit , thy counsels and purposes followed with successes answerable to thy mind ? take ●eed to thy confidence ; thy heart is blind and cannot see rather than the next causes , not observing the great and fast mover , who manageth all things , and will swell thee up into a self-confidence and dependance . but suppose thy confidence be right set ●e●ect of the object , yet see that it be grounded upon right principles ; otherwise thy confidence may be thy presumption : examine thy very recumbence upon thy creator : the immediate ground of any confidence in god is a perswasion of his power , and a perswasion of his love , and in both these the corruption of our nature doth discover it self , and is fit to be considered : . touching his power the errors of our trust on either hand in the defect , and in the excess . . diffidence in his power , psal . . . can god furnish a table in the wilderness ? therefore the lord heard this and was wroth upon any extremity , though never so black and inevitable , look upon the power of god as able most easily to over-match it . . resting upon his power , without consulting with his will : this is presumption , when a man without any commission from his maker , shall entertain any desperate attempt : this is for a vain man to go about to ingage the power of the great god against himself , his will , his purity , his wisdom , his purpose . see thou hast a commission from the will of thy creator for what thou art about ; and if so , then cast thy self upon his power : when thou art acting by his command , doubt not but thou shalt act by his power . . touching his love , this likewise yields errors on both hands : . in the defect , principally when a soul , that doubts not of his power , because she knows him ; nor hath cause to doubt of his love , because her peace is made ; yet such black storms and pre-apprehensions of dangers are gathered round about her , that she cannot see the love or care of god towards her , psal . . hath god forgotten to be gracious ? hath he shut up his tender mercies ? . in the excess , an ungrounded presumption of the love and favour of god : and herein are divers mistakes : . when a man shall argue a personal and special love of god unto him from external successes and events . it is true , that the mercy and love of god is over all his works ; and the happiness of externals is the fruit of the love of god as to his creature , but not a sufficient evidence of that special love of god as to his child ; they are fruits of his bounty , not always evidences of his favour : experience of former mercies in external successes and deliverances , may and ought to strengthen that confidence which is well grounded upon the love of god , psal . . . sam. . . but they are not always infallible arguments of that love : when blessings in externals make us more humble , more thankful , more watchful , then they may justly make us more confident , because then the love of god comes in with his blessings : and then are external blessings arguments of the love of god , when they teach the soul , as well to love god , as to trust in him . . when a man shall argue a personal and special love of god by the presence of external priviledges , when there wants sincere obedience , jer. . , . trust ye not in lying words , saying , the temple of the lord , &c. and therefore god sends them to the example of shiloh . ibid. verse . and the reason why this must needs be , as well a deceiving inference , as displeasing to god , is because in truth , in such a case , the soul placeth her ultimate confidence in these things , and robs god of part of that confidence which belongs unto him . . when a man shall argue the love of god to him from his external performances of those things which god commanded , isa . . . amos . . this hath this double error in it : . a grossly mistaken apprehension of the will of god , which is most just ; as if the god that judgeth the heart , and measures all the actions of men by their hearts , should be pleased with the shell of duties and obedience : whereas the things that are so done , as they are in themselves without the heart , but indifferent actions , and so cannot be pleasing ; so they are but hypocritical and false , and must needs be displeasing . . a sharing of our confidence between god and our selves , de quo infra . . when a man shall argue the love of god as an effect and price of his obedience and sincerity towards him . the error in this , is that in truth a man makes himself his confidence , for he that trusts in the love of god , because he thinks he hath purchased or procured the love of god , doth in truth resolve his confidence into himself . therefore look upon the best dress of thy soul , thy humility , thy faith , thy love , thy sincerity , thy obedience , not as causes of the love of thy god , or the price or purchace of it , but as effects and evidences of his love to thee : look upon thy sincerity , love and obedience to god , as the fruit and sign of his love ; that will make thy god thy confidence ; not as the purchace or price of his love ; for that will make thy self thy presumption : were they thy own , thou owest them and infinitely more to thy creator , and therefore canst not deserve by them : but alas , they are not thine own ; his love , as it is the motive of thine , so it is the cause of it , and of all that can be acceptable to him . . when a man from well grounded arguments of the love of god to his person , shall conclude the favour of god to his actions , without measuring of them by his will. this was the error of josiah's confidence , chron. . , . he hearkened not to the words of necho , from the mouth of god , and fell . . when a man who hath a sound ground of the love of god unto his person , shall yet go along in any known or unrepented sin. such sins by any , that hath entred into covenant with god , have more malignity and presumption in them , than the very same sins committed by others , because committed against more light and against more love : and the merciful god is yet a jealous god , and one that accepteth not persons , his ways are equal and uniform , ezek. . . if the best of men walk contrary to him , it must of necessity be , that he walk contrary to them : and therefore he hates with the same hatred a course of sin , even in his subject , as well as in his enemy : and the same sin that puts a stranger unto god in the condition of an enemy , puts a subject in the condition of a rebel : and therefore , though he will not utterly take his loving kindness from them , he will visit their transgression with the rod , and their sins with stripes , psal . . . will hide his face from them , deut. . . a frequent expression of god's withdrawing the actual communication of his love and presence , even from his own , psal . . . psal . . , . psal . . . what ever be the purpose of god concerning thee , be assured of this , that so long as thou art in a course of sin against him , though his counsel concerning thee , be not thereby interrupted , yet till thy returning to him and repenting of thy sin , the actual fruition of thy interest in him , is interrupted ; thou art actually in the same condition , if not a worse , than before thy first covenant with thy creator , and hast as little cause of confidence in his love now , as thou hadst then . and as the act of thy love to god is most apparently interrupted by this thy practice of a known sin till thy return , so thou mayest most justly conclude an interruption of the act of his love to thee , till thou return , though that return of thine is the fruit of that love , which was still in him , though thou didst go along in the frowardness of thy ways ; when god hides himself by reason of sin , thy instruction thereby is to seek him out otherwise that which thou callest thy confidence , may be thy presumption , and may cause the wrath and jealousie of thy creator to smoke against thee , because thou hast blessed thy self in thy heart , saying , i shall have peace , though i walk in the imagination of my heart , deut. . . every motion of the heart to god , if it be right , is conformable to the mind of god throughout . when thy life is sinful , and thy heart not humble , suspect thy confidence to have more of thy corruption , than of grace in it . take heed to thy joy. regularly as is the object or measure of thy love , such is the object and measure of thy joy : joy is nothing else , but a result of the soul in the fruition of what is loved : yet though thou hadst a watch over thy love before thou enjoyedst , have a stricter watch over the temper of thy spirit in thy fruition : look to the object of thy joy , thy evil heart will rejoyce , will glory in thy sin , in thy shame : unless thou hast a watch upon thy heart , folly and mischief will be thy joy , prov. . . prov. . . the fall of thine enemy will be thy joy , and the lord will see , and it will displease him , prov. . . thou wilt make excess , impurity , oppression , cruelty , injustice , pride , thy joy and thy delight : thy affections are blind , and mad , and must be led . examine the object of thy joy , and consider beforehand , whether there be not in it more cause of grief than of delight . but suppose thy fruition deserve some delight , god hath blessed thee with a good wife , which the wise man calls the crown of her husband , pro. . . with a numerous and hopeful issue , which the wise man calls the crown of old age , prov. . . with a good name , which the wise man calls a precious ointment , eccles . . . with a merry heart , which doth good like a medicine , prov. . . with honour and promotion , wealth , wisdom , success in thy labours ; and these ought to be entertained with rejoycing and comfort : the wise man tells us , it is the portion that god giveth thee in them , eccles . . , . eccles . . . eccles . . . and it is thy duty enjoyned thee by god , deut. . . because thou servedst not the lord thy god with joyfulness and with gladness of heart for the abundance of all things , therefore , &c. but take heed to thy heart , it will soon abuse and exceed his commission : . look to the manner of thy joy or mirth , that it be not light , or vain , thy mirth may prove mad , eccles . . . the laughter of a fool , eccles . . . a mirth that will end in heaviness , prov. . . . look to the measure of it . first weigh the good that thou enjoyest , and then weigh out a proportion of joy answerable to the value of that good : lay not out the whole stock of thy joy for that which deserves but a small part of it . we are commonly mistaken in the value we put upon the things we expect or enjoy , and that makes us mis-spend our selves upon them : be sure nothing below the fruition of thy creator , can deserve the whole stock of thy delight ; and if thou dispensest it otherwise , thou robbest thy god , and deceivest thy self . there are three considerations and cautions , that are often to be used to moderate our delight in externals : . to consider the true value of them : they are but limited good , and not large enough for thy soul : limited in measure , limited in duration ; the good that is in them , is that congruity that god hath put in them , and that only a limited good , and can deserve but a limited delight . . to mingle those sad considerations of mortality and an account with the fruition of any externals . this doth allay the exorbitancy of the heart , and keeps the soul from surfeiting upon any outward good : this is the going to the house of mourning commended by the wise man , eccles . . . that sad remembrance which he gives to the young man in the midst of his jollity , eccl. . . but know that for all these things god will bring thee to judgment : there is a severe eye , that beholdeth all thy deportment in the fruition of those things i lend thee , that will have a sad account for thy carriage in the use of them . . to contemplate often the goodness of god , his mercy , his bounty ; to find the presence and love of god in thy love , the sound hope of eternal life : this will take up the whole compass of thy delight , and rejoycing , wherein thou canst not exceed , so that thou wilt not have joy enough , or at least not too much , for any thing below him , luke . . in this rejoyce not , but rather rejoyce , because your names are written in heaven . when this sun shines in the heart , those little stars of outward comfort , which at no time have but a derivative light , will not appear : and this thy faith is the victory that overcometh the world , the delights of the world , as well as the terrours of the world : it will keep comforts and thy delight in them in their due place and subordination , and count them but dung and loss , that thou mayest win christ , phil. . . if the lord shall lift up the light of his countenance upon thee , it will put more gladness in thy heart , than when their or thine own corn and wine increased , psal . . . when thy peace is made with god , thy conscience sprinkled by the blood of christ , the spirit , the comforter , witnessing with thy own spirit , rom. . . thy heart sincere towards god , cor. . . this will cause an abiding joy , thes . . . john . . a full joy , john . . a victorious joy , that like moses's serpent devours the false joys , and conquers the temporal sorrows of this life ; acts . . james . . pet. . . a joy unspeakable and full of glory , pet. . . . and as to the manner and measure of thy delight , so look to the ground , the formal reason of thy delight : see that thy delight or rejoycing fix not in those external comforts singly ; for then thy delight will be sensual , immoderate , and vain , the very same that an irrational creature takes in them , viz. a complacency in the fruition of that , which is convenient and suitable to his sense : but look upon thy blessings , and delight in them , as thou seest the bounty , the goodness , the hand , the promise , the truth of god in them : this will not only moderate , but spiritualize thy delight in them : thy delight in them will not only be comfortable to thy self , but acceptable to god : thy delight in thy blessings is then mingled with thankfulness ▪ with humility , with sobriety , with faith , with watchfulness ; it is thy duty , and it is thy safety . the rich man in the gospel , luk. . . soul , thou hast much goods laid up for many years , eat , drink , and be merry : and this was his sin : the israelite offering his first fruits to god , deut. . . is commanded to rejoyce in every good thing which the lord thy god hath given unto thee : this was his duty : the rejoycing the same : here was the odds , the former terminated and laid out his joy in the thing , as the suitable good to his nature and condition ; the latter looked upon it , and rejoyced in it , as a gift of god : learn therefore to find god in the creature , and that will heal the creature , and make it useful and safe ; thou mayest then delight in them safely , because thou wilt then do it warrantably . chap. xxii . of watchfulness over our grief ; . in reference to god , for sin ; . in reference to externals . take heed to thy grief . love , as is before noted , is the great cardinal affection or motion of the soul ; and the other affections are but love diversified according to the site or position of the object : love in the expectation of its object , is hope ; in the doubt or danger of it , fear ; in the enjoyment of it , joy ; in the absence of it , grief or sorrow . the object therefore of thy love is the subject of thy grief , and the measure of thy love to it , is the measure of thy grief for it : first therefore , see that thy intensest grief be relative to him that ought to be the object of thy intensest love. now our love to god is under a double consideration : . absolutely , as he is the chiefest , perfect , absolute good. and under this consideration our love ends in him : we love him for his own sake . and this is an angelical love , and a pure sublime love ; and the fruit of this love , is an endeavour of conformity to his nature and to his will. . relatively , as he is the chiefest good to us . and this creates in us a double love to him : . a love of gratitude , a return of love to him , because we receive love from him , john . we love him , because he first loved us : this even natural ingenuity would challenge of us . . a love of prudence , as i may call it , which is the only tolerable self-love in the world , to love god , because the fruition of his favour and his presence is our best advantage , as a most suitable good. by this thou mayest easily find what should be the object of thy intensest grief , sin , in others , psal . . . rivers of waters run down mine eyes , because they keep not thy law : but especially sin in our selves ; that , and only that , can deserve our intensest sorrow , as the only thing that is contrary , . to the purity , the glory , the will of him that is the chiefest good. is he the chiefest good ? then certainly , whatsoever is contrary to his purity , glory , or will , cannot chuse but be the chiefest evil , and consequently , the object of thy hatred , and of thy grief . is thy conformity to his nature and will , the necessary consequence of thy love unto him ? that then that spoils that conformity to him , cannot chuse but be thy sorrow : thou lovest him , because he is good , and that goodness in him , which is the cause of thy love , must of necessity imprint upon thee a desire to have the like ground of loveliness in thy self , and this thy sin disappoints thee of . . contrary to that gratitude , that even natural ingenuity teacheth thee to return to an ordinary benefactor . consider , that great god , whom thou hast offended , hath freely given thee thy being , the greatest gift that is possibly conceiveable : and with thy being , hath given thee the copy of his mind and will , a most reasonable and just command , in the obedience whereof , consists thy perfection and happiness : if he had given thee a rigorous and severe law , taking in the whole compass of thy being , or such a law wherein thou couldst bave seen nothing but the absolute will of thy creator ; yet the debt thou owest thy creator , could not be satisfied with such a performance : and now for thee to offend such a law of such a god , that hath given thee thy being ! again , consider that when thy maker could not by any imaginable rule of justice owe any thing to the exactest obedience of his creature , yet such was his goodness , that he made himself a debtor even to his own creature , entring into a covenant of life with him , thereby to encourage his obedience ; and this for no other cause , but because his mercy endureth for ever : for can a man be profitable to god ? job . . and for a man to sin against so much condescension of an infinite god to his own creature ! again consider , when against so much mercy and love thou hast offended thy maker , and even by thy own contract , as well as by the just and universal right that god had over his creature , hast forfeited thy being to thy creator , yet he took not the advantage of it , remitted thy forfeiture , and sent a sacrifice in thy stead , of his own providing , with a message of a fulness of love , with a new covenant of more easiness to perform , and of more comfort in the performance ; with a pardon for thy sin , and with a reward for anothers righteousness ; and , when thou wert an enemy , and dead in sins and trespasses sent his son to his creature , to beseech reconciliation , and his spirit , to give thee life to accept it , and to seal thy acceptation of it with an earnest and an assurance of life and glory ; that by that spirit , and through that son of his , hath given thee access unto his own majesty , a discovery of that glory , to the which thou art called : certainly , these are the highest ingagements of gratitude , that are possible to be put upon a creature , and do therefore challenge even from natural ingenuity , the highest return thou canst make , though it be infinitely short of what thou doest owe : and yet after all this , cross the will of thy creator , that hath done so much for thee ! to forget the love of thy saviour , and to crucifie him again ! to grieve that spirit of love and purity , that comes to cleanse thee , and fit thee for thy masters use , and to seal thee to life and immortality ! to dishonour that name , by which thou art called ! to pollute that conscience , which thy saviour hath washed with his bloud ! to deface that image and superscription of thy creator , which he was imprinting upon thy soul ! to prefer a base , unworthy perishing , unprofitable lust , or vanity , before the honour of such a god ▪ the love of such a saviour , the perswasion and importunities of such a spirit , before thy own peace , perfection , and happiness ! to vex , and oppress , and despise the patience and bounty of him , that hath done all this for thee , and gives thee yet an hour of life to consider of it , and a promise of grace and pardon after all this , if thou canst but mourn over thy sins , thy unthankfulness , thy unworthy and disingenuous dealing with thy god. lay the weight of these and the like aggravations upon thy hard and stony heart , and bruise it into tears of blood for thy unkindness to so merciful a god. thou canst not exceed in this sorrow ; it is a sorrow that springs from the love of god in the soul ; a sorrow that will cleanse thy soul , a sorrow that will bring thee to thy maker , a sorrow that hath a promise of acceptation goes along with it , a sorrow that is mingled with comfort , even the presence of a saviour , and a sorrow that shall end in a fulness of joy. sorrow for sin , as for a necessary cause of misery , may end in desperation , because it ariseth from love of our selves : but sorrow for sin , as for an ununthankful return of so much love from god , cannot ; because the love of god is under that sorrow , and the spring of those tears , is a spring of life and comfort . . contrary to that good which we lose by it : . our conformity to the mind and will of god , is our perfection ; and the nearer our conformity comes to his will , the more perfect is our being . sin , which is a violation of that will of his , spoils and disorders this conformity ; and so it interrupts that inherent good , which otherwise would be in us . . as it destroys our conformity to the will of god , and so spoils us of our inherent good , so it interrupts that ●ommunicative good , that influence of life and comfort , which we have from god : it removes us to a greater distance from him ; it displaceth us from that position , in which , and by which , the goodness of god should be derived and conveyed to us : we are by it out of that covenant , that promise , which god hath made with his creature : we are by it without the comfortable presence of god ; without that confidence , that we might otherwise have in him ; out of the assurance of his providence and protection : it makes our souls in the midst of all fruition of outward blessings , full of doubtful anxieties , fears , and uncertainties ; in the midst of any external trouble without a refuge ▪ and so full of despair : as we cannot have confidence to go to our offended god by our prayers , so it makes him withdraw and hide himself from them : a continual disquietness and heaviness of spirit , mingles and winds it self into all our thoughts , even in our pursuits of diversions from it : the same aspect , that is between god and us , is between our own conscience and us : the light of his countenance is able to give life and comfort , and serenity to the soul in the midst of all the losses and pains , and deaths in the world ; and the want of that light , makes the most happy external condition to be dark and disconsolate . and all this good i lose by a transient , unprofitable sin ; a sin that i might have avoided , and therefore a loss that i might have avoided , a loss that comes not to me by my necessity , but by my foolish choice . i will therefore sit down and mourn in secret , for that comfort and light , that i have thus foolishly sinned away , and measure out my sorrows and tears proportionable in some degree to that loss i have sustained . the time was , when it pleased the great god , to let his presence and the light of his countenance to shine into my soul ; and when i could with comfort and confidence upon any occasion go to him and present my wants , my desires , my acknowledgements unto him ; and he that sits in heaven was pleased to accept and entertain them at the hands of his creature : but now that influence of his , hath met with a filthy and backsliding heart , and is weary of it , and hath withdrawn it self , as justly it may ; and my prayers are laden with my guilt ▪ and cannot get up to him ; and he hides himself . i have regarded iniquity in my heart , and , as he hath said , so i find , he will not hear my prayers . but though he will not hear my prayers , yet he will not neglect my tears . a broken and contrite heart , o lord , thou wilt not despise . o lord , though i have thus trifled away my peace , and my comfort , and have destroyed my self , yet in thee is my help . as i will not rest in my sin , so neither will i rest in my grief , but will never give my self , nor thee rest , till thou hast been pleased , in the blood of thy son , to wash away my guilt , and restore unto me thy presence and peace again . and when i have recovered this loss , i will , by the assistance of that good spirit of thine , learn by this my sin , to revenge my self upon my sin ; to value the mercy and goodness of my creator , that hath yet once more intrusted into my hands the life and comfort , which i had so lately lost ; to value the necessity , as well as the love of my saviour , that hath been pleased by a reapplication of his own blood , to wash me again after my late relapse ; to value the kindness of the pure and blessed spirit , that , though by my sin i made him weary , and forsake that polluted chamber of my heart , yet is pleased to return and cleanse , and take up again that room , from which i had so unworthily excluded him : i will learn to prise that peace and comfort , which once i had , and valued not , but lost it for an unprofitable perishing sin : i will strive to sence my heart with renewed covenants and resolutions of more watchfulness over my self , that i return not again to folly : i will sit down and bless the mercy , goodness , patience , bounty of god , that hath not left me in that condition , which i could neither endure nor remove ; and study to return a heart and life in some measure answerable to so great love and goodness . and when i have done all , o lord jesus , let that eternal covenant between thee and the father , that thou shouldest give eternal life to as many as he hath given thee , john . . that power and promise of thine , that none shall pluck me out of thy hands , john . . that union with thee , that thou art pleased to give to as many as believe on thee , john . , . that spirit of thine , which by that union with thee conveys life and influence to the smallest branch in thee , preserve and support me in all my purposes and resolutions , in all my frailties and temptations : for without thee i can do nothing . . in reference to outward objects and occasions of sorrow , as loss of friends , wealth , reputation , health , life it self , have a guard upon this passion : . look upon them as the fruits and effects of thy sin , and so let them carry thy grief beyond the immediate object to the meritorious cause of them . this is the sting of all affliction ; the plague in thy heart is the core and fountain of the plague of thy externals . and when thou hast humbled thy soul before thy creator , and gotten the blood of thy saviour to wash thy conscience , thy affliction shall be removed , or thy soul enabled with chearfulness and comfort to bear it . . labour to find out the voice of the rod , the mind of thy creator , for , if thou diligently observe it , there is not a dispensation of divine providence , but it brings a message with it to thy soul. look into thy heart , it may be there is an accursed thing in the midst of thee , joshua . . and this affliction bids thee be up and removing it : it may be thy heart was leaning too much upon that very blessing , wherein thou findest thy cross or affliction , which robbed thy maker of some of the love and duty thou owest to him : it may be , thy heart was grown dead and careless in thy applications to thy creator , secure and resting in thy temporal enjoyment , and he hath sent his messenger to awake thee : it may be , thou hast had a dull and heavy ear , that would not listen , or could not perceive god speaking once , yea twice unto thee in a still voice , job . . and now he hath sent an instruction with a louder voice : it may be , thou begannest too much to set up thy rest here , to place thy confidence in the things of this world , to be overtaken with the delight in them , to over●expect them , and he hath sent a disappointment into thy counsels , a worm into thy gourd , a moth into thy store , a canker into thy bag , a distemper into thy body , to shew thee the vanity of thy dependances ▪ to make thee let go thy hold of that , which may fall upon , and hurt thee , but cannot secure thee ; to make the look upward ; to quicken thy life of faith by shaking thy life of sense : it may be , thou wert growing presumptuous in the goodness of god , saucy in thy carriage towards him , insolent towards him , opinionative of thy self : and he hath sent this searching medicine to fallow and purge these disorderly and dangerous humours : but g●ant that upon all thy search thou findest that for a long time , thou hast kept a watch over thy heart , that thou hast endeavoured to walk humbly and perfectly before god , that thou canst not find any thing upon the most faithful search thou canst make , that might be the spring of this affliction ; yet is not thy labour lost , the clearness of thy conscience will be thy support in thy affliction , and make thy burden the easier . but yet for all this , know thy affliction hath a voice still : if it look not backward , yet it looks forward ; if it be not a medicine to cure thee , yet it may be an antidote to preserve thee , a cordial to strengthen thee : it bids thee improve thy patience , thy faith , thy dependance upon god , thy experience of his presence , thy earnestness in prayer , thy neglect of the world , thy denyal of thy self . learn therefore , before thou pourest out thy sorrow upon any affliction , to examine thy heart , to search out the meaning of god in it : it will regulate thy grief , and instruct thy mind both how to bear it , and how to use it . . beware thou put not on a resolution not to be grieved or troubled at all upon any occasion of grief . the putting on of such a stoical resolution is to arm a mans self against god , to harden the heart not to receive correction ; and , as much as in a man is , to disappoint the purpose of god : he , that put these passions in the heart of man , now sends this messenger to stir up this passion , though thereby he intends a farther end : and for a man to fence his soul against any object of sorrow , so as not to be moved thereby , shall be sure to find either an absolute ruine , or that god will so plant his batteries against that resolution , that at length he will master him , and melt his soul into a more pliable disposition . . when god sends an occasion of sorrow , entertain it with an affection answerable to the object , both in kind and measure : let thy grief be an humble grief , not mingled with murmuring or discontent . if thou couldst imagine , thou hadst not deserved it , yet remember who it is that inflicts it , even he that is absolute lord of his creature , and owes him not his being . when thou goest and treadest upon a worm , or a snail , thou doest an injury to thy fellow creature , yet thou passest away and takest no notice of it : but thy creator can owe thee nothing . take up that incomparable resolution and temper of mind with old eli , sam. . . it is the lord , let him do what seemeth him good . and this same consideration , as it will teach thee to mingle humility with thy grief , so it will teach thee patience and quietness in thy sorrow , because the occasion comes from the hand of a most just and wise and merciful god. impatience under any affliction , ariseth from the termination of the motion of our souls upon the immediate object : he that knows , and fears , and loves his creator , and sees his hand dispensing the afflictions , will learn patience and moderation , though he cannot forget sorrow and grief under it . . let thy grief be moderate in extent , measure , and duration . nothing but sin and the displeasure of god can deserve thy intensest grief . learn to put a true value upon thy loss , and measure out sorrow answerable to it . consider , . thy loss is not of thy chiefest good , and therefore deserveth not thy intensest sorrow . thy peace with thy creator , thy everlasting hope , as long as they are safe , thou hast enough left to over-weigh the greatest loss thou canst suffer : what are light afflictions , and but for a moment , when put in the balance with an eternal weight of glory ? . consider , thy loss is not of thy own good. cannot the almighty lend thee a blessing , but thou must call it thine , and deny the absolute lord of it , the property of it ? it is his corn , and his wine , and his oyl : and all our blessings are his ; and as they are his , so they are taken away by him . learn to make the will of thy lord , the measure of thine ; and then though nature teach thee to grieve , grace will teach thee not to exceed in thy grief . chap. xxiii . of watchfulness over our will , conscience , and spirit . and as thus thou must carry a watch over thy affections , so learn to carry a watch over thy will : . learn to principle it aright ; the great lord , that hath put this power or faculty in the soul , hath therefore placed it there , that it should have a conformity to his will : and when thou crossest his will , it is thy sin and deformity ; and it will be thy misery . learn therefore to make his will the rule of thine , . ●n what thou dost : and herein god hath not left thee without a line to guide thee . he hath shewed thee o man , what to do , and what doth the lord require at thy hands , &c. he hath given thee a rule , or law , which is to be the guide of thy obedience : . the rule of his written word traduced unto thee by a wonder of mercy and providence , a word that is nigh unto thee , deut. . . a light that shineth in a dark place . . the rule secretly conveyed into thy conscience , by the power and wisdom of god , rom. . . a law written in thy heart and conscience . . the rule manifested in the dispensation of divine providence , asserting and confirming the two former , if exactly observed , in the measuring out of rewards and punishments . . in what thou sufferest : the great lord is absolute lord over all his creatures , and can owe them nothing but what he pleaseth ; only to confirm our faith , and encourage our obedience , he hath been pleased to give a covenant that he will be our god if we remain his people ; yet in the dispensation of outward things he hath not absolutely bound himself , though such is his goodness , that even in those he observes a measure of justice , which he doth not owe us . learn therefore to make the will of thy maker in all things the measure of thine . . observe it in the first motions of it , while they are green and flexible , and before they be hardened into resolutions , and so grow masterless : bring them to their rule , and examine them by it , and accordingly entertain or reject them : clog them with deliberation , and by that means thou shalt be able to take off the violence and eagerness of them , and likewise the errours of them : dispense not with thy self in the first motions of thy will to any evil , in presumption , that thou shalt be able to master them before they come to ripeness ; for thou sinnest even in those imperfect issues of thy will , and indulgence towards them , will make them grow hardy and too strong for thy mastery : consider that in the first motion of thy heart , thy will , which is the mistress of thy soul , is the party against whom thou must strive , and thou hast nothing to reclaim the current of those motions , but the grace of god , which may justly withdraw it self , if it finds a compliance with that which is her enemy . . stablish thy mind in the knowledge of god and of his goodness ; and this being laid in the bottom will keep thy ship from uncertain , giddy floating : the knowledge and sense of the chiefest good , will carry the chiefest motions of thy will towards it , and against all that is contrary to it : and by this means the motions of thy will will be certain , steddy , uniform , and regular : the inclination of thy will to any thing else will be measured by this , and subordinate unto it : if the good propounded consist not with the fruition of thy chiefest good , thy will will reject that good propounded ; and if it consist with it , it will measure a motion of the will towards that good proportionable to it : and the want of the knowledge or sence of this good sends the motions of thy will on gadding after every vanity , stedfast in nothing , willing what it hath not , and weary of what it hath , pursuing a butter-fly or a glow-worm with the same eagerness and intention of soul , as it would do a substantial and satisfactory good : when thou seest a child fixing the intention of his mind upon a rattle or a hobby-horse , more than upon a goodly mannour , or upon a feather or a riband more than upon a title of honour conjoyned with power ; and when he hath these toys , to be weary of them , and pursue something else ; thou canst easily see the ground of this errour in his valuation to arise from his ignorance of the true difference between them ; and this unstability in his content in them , doth arise from the emptiness and unusefulness of them , and that disproportion which he finds in them to his expectation ; his infant reason being yet better able to value in fruition than in expectation : and yet thou dost not consider that the disproportion of those things , which thy riper will pursues as good , as to the chiefest good , is infinitely greater than that of the most childish enjoyment to those things , wherein the most and wisest of men place their chief expectation ; and that the errour of the most childish judgment , laid in the ballance with the judgment of the wise men of the world , wants fewer grains to make it equal , than that of the wisest man in the world , not having his soul ballasted with the love and knowledge of god , laid in the scales with one , that makes his creator his chiefest hope and expectation . keep a guard upon thy conscience ; the chief work of conscience in the soul consists in these things : . the reception of sound practical principles : this is the foundation of all its subsequent working , the major proposition : . the discovery of those actions or purposes which are in the soul : . the comparing of those actions or purposes with those former practical grounds : . the conclusion or judgment upon those actions and principles thus compared , of absolution or approbation , or of condemnation and rejection : . the motion of the conscience towards the soul upon this conviction , viz. perswasion or dissuasion , to or from the act in question ; if future ; stirring or comforting the soul in reference to the act , if past . thy conscience is that cart by which thou dost , or shouldest , steer thy course in this world towards the other : and therefore it is of highest concernment to have an eye upon it : and therefore , . learn to furnish it with practical principles of truth and soundness . these principles are , for any thing that appears to me , extrinsecal to the soul , the dictates of the divine law and will conveyed into the conscience , either by the immediate revelation and demonstration of god unto the soul ; thus to adam in a perfect measure , and to those holy men of god , the patriarchs , prophets , and apostles ; or by the course and way of his providence , either by unwritten tradition , rom. . . and this was a more uncertain dispensation , because more easie to be corrupted by the practices and teachings of men , which were so mingled with it , that it was very hard to discover the wheat from the chaff ; so that if we should now go to gather up principles for the conscience out of the practices of men or nations , or the collections of humane laws or authors , we should gather up principles full of uncertainty , contrarieties , and inconsistencies among themselves ; and such of them as had any sound conformity to truth were so general , that several men , or the same man at several times , or upon several occasions , would deduce from them a justification of contrary practices ; as we see is done among divers men , that admit the same general principles of practice , and yet upon the same principles their consciences , when they come to particular actions , act quite contrary one to the other : the great and merciful god hath therefore , by a wonderful course of his providence , conveyed unto us a collection of practical principles made by himself , even the word of his truth , admirably adequated to our use , especially in two things : . of their truth and infallibility , we cannot mistake them , for they are the very revelations of the god of truth , unmingled with the sophistications and corruptions of men , gold seven times tryed : . their particularity and certainty ; there is scarce an action in a mans whole life , but a man shall find a rule fitted for it : david , that had but a part of it , and a small and a dark part of it in comparison of what we have , c●lls it a perfect law converting the soul , a sure testimony , making wise the simple , psal . . . a commandment exceeding all other perfection , psal . . . that made him wiser than his enemies and teachers . ibid . a word able to make the man of god pe●fect , throughly furnished to all good works , tim. . . and though the very words of the book are full of admirable truth and conviction , infinitely out-going all the writings of men , yet there is more in it than this ; even a promise of a blessing of it , to as many as seriously make it their study and rule of life and faith , and a fulfilling of that promise , the son of god sending his own spirit along with the use of that word , life with the letter , into the soul : and this was that which made this law of god , though comprised in a little volume , to be so exceeding wide , and precious to david ; there went along with it , and with his meditation of it , a spirit of life and light , that shewed him larger . dimensions of it , than could be found by the bare strength of his natural understanding . . take leisure upon all thy actions and purposes to acquaint thy conscience with them , that so thy conscience may have time to deliberate , and to compare it with its principle , the word of god. precipitancy and hastiness in actions robs the conscience of that employment , which god hath given to it ; and as it is the mother of all sin , so it brings a double inconvenience to a man , even from his conscience , viz. . a deadness and unprofitableness in the faculty : it is so kept under and out of employment , that it forgets her business : when it is laid aside and seldom consulted with , it grows unexpert and unable to give an answer , when it may be we desire it : the direction of conscience , where it is well used , is seldom without the immediate direction of the very spirit of god ; and when the guidance of that spirit is neglected , it will not return to thy assistance when thou pleasest : . it turns that , which would be thy counsellor , into thy accuser and tormentor : thou refusest to give her time to do her office before thy action , and therefore it will be bold to take time to do her office after : she cannot be admitted to advise thee , but she will take liberty to accuse and sting thee . . endeavour still to keep thy conscience tender and sensible : rather desire to be troubled with a seemingly peevish conscience , that will check almost at any thing , than to be at quiet with a dull and stupid conscience , that will down with any thing : it may be it will be somewhat troublesome , but it is safe , and thou shalt find comfort in forbearing of that , which thy tender conscience wisht thee to foregoe , and be able abundantly to satisfie that trouble which thou art put to by thy forbearance : the conscience of thine integrity will be more satisfactory to thee , than the curiosity of thy conscience will be troublesome : and be very prudent and curious in thy disputations with thy conscience ; thou mayst , before thou art aware , dispute thy conscience into stupidity , or thy self into perplexity . . observe exactly the language of thy conscience to thy soul ; for most commonly the conscience takes part with her maker : if she perswade , be doing ; if she dissuade , forbear : he , that in the fear of god listens to the voice of his conscience in a thing of it self indifferent , yet over ballanced from its indifferency by the dictate of his conscience , performs a work of obedience to god well near as acceptable as he that doth a work of its own nature good ; for as much as the life and formality of any good work consists not so much in the nature of the thing that is done , as in the reason or ground of the doing it , viz. the love of god : and that man that , having endeavoured to principle his conscience aright with the word of truth , doth honestly and sincerely follow the directions of it , shall be sure not to erre long or dangerously : god , having placed the conscience in our breast as his own vicegerent , looks upon such a subjection to the conscience as an obedience to himself , and his own authority , and will in due time by his own power and spirit inlighten and guide such a conscience to perform his office regularly and effectually . . as a consequence of the former , when a question ariseth in thy conscience , whether such a thing may be safely omitted , which thou art sure may be safely done ; or whether such a thing may be safely done , which thou art sure may be safely forborn ; put not thy self , nor thy conscience , upon a dispute where thou needest not ; but be content rather to abridge thy self from a liberty , that may be probably lawful , than to put thy self upon an action or omission that may at least be disputably sinful ; and so much the rather because thy heart is deceitful , and as it loves liberty , so it finds out sophistry enough to corrupt thy judgment and thy conscience , if thou give way unto it : there is scarce the grossest sin , that ever any man committed , but his heart found out some reasons to bribe or quiet his conscience in the commission of it : rather submit to the still voice of thy conscience in the restraint even of thy lawful liberty , though it give thee not a reason for it ; than listen to the reasonings of thy heart for the allowance of it : suspect her , for she speaks in her own cause , and is partial and deceitful . this on the one hand may be a safe rule for us touching stage-plays , long hair , gaming , usury , &c. on the other , touching the strict observation of the lord's day , set times of prayer , &c. . as an incident likewise to the former , when a question comes in thy conscience touching a thing whether to be done or not , and that upon the scrutiny of thy conscience it seems to be equally ballanced , no rule to guide thee , no circumstance that thrown into the scale can take away the indifferency of either side , it is a safe rule , though not always necessary , to forsake that which the inclination of thy own natural appetite most prompts thee to : the reason is that which is before mentioned , the heart is apt to magnifie those arguments that conduce to the execution of that , which suits with thy sinful appetite , and to lessen and slight those , that make against it : so that in a decision of indifferency in such a competition a man may in a more impartial judgment conclude the thing to be therefore not indifferent , but sinful , because thy sinful heart can but bring up what she loves but to an equal ballance : thou must therefore in such a case never hold that gold passable , which doth not turn the scale . . as thus in the directing operation of thy conscience in things to be done , or not to be done , so in the motion of thy conscience after the things done or omitted : sometimes the conscience is silent before the action , yet she speaks after , and according to that language of thy conscience , so let the affection of thy soul be : if it approve and justifie the thing done , bless thy creator for the action , and bless thy creator for thy conscience that he is pleased to give thee a reward within thy self of thy integrity : if thy conscience blame thee , though never so little , despise not , nor neglect this secret check ; it is a message from heaven that summons thee to these duties : . to thankfulness to god , that is pleased not to give thee over to incurable guilt of hardness of heart ; that though thou hast rejected the admonition of thy lord sent by thy conscience before thou offendest , yet he doth not give thee over , but follows thee with the rebuke of thy conscience , that though the former did not divert thee , the latter may reclaim thee : as long as thou hast a conscience that can check thee , god hath not given over his care of thee , for it is the voice of god by thy conscience . . to humiliation and sorrow of heart : this as it is the natural and genuine effect of a guilt discovered , ( unless the heart be given over to a reprobate sense ) so it is a most useful effect , because it makes the heart soft , and fit to receive those impositions , which will ensue upon such a sorrow , fit to receive instruction , a proud heart will not bend , nor yield ; fit to take up resolutions of amendment ; the present sense of guilt shews sin to the soul in its own true dress , it is bitterness in the end ; fit to implore a pardon , and fit to receive it , because it now knows how truly to value it : and though thy greater sin deserve thy greater sorrow , yet thy very failings , sins of daily incursion , erro● in circumstances of actions , defects and wants of intention in duties , do all deserve as true sorrow , though not so great ; and therefore cherish and encourage thy conscience to be vigilant in this , by observing her rebukes even concerning these , and let not the reflection of these pass without as particular an humiliation of thy soul before god for them ; for they are sins against the duty and gratitude thou owest to thy creator ; and it will make thy future conversation more exact and more comfortable sorrow of heart for those smaller offences : as it will make presumptuous sins the more hideous , and the more abhorred , so it will waste the number and measure of those smaller offences , which like swarms of flyes cover our daily actions of all kinds . . to seek out for that , which can only pacifie thy conscience , and remove thy sorrow , which cannot be but by removing the guilt : and now let thy soul search the whole compass of heaven and earth , and where canst thou find any thing that can remove thy guilt of the smallest sin imaginable , but him alone against whom thou hast committed it ? and where canst thou find any means for obtaining remission from sins , but by that means which he himself hath prescribed ? and where hath he prescribed any such means , but in his word ? and where in his word , but in his son ? matth. . . come unto me , all ye that labour , and are heavy laden , and i will give you rest . if then i stay at home , i find nothing within me , but a troubled and chiding conscience ; and it will be impossible for me to remove this guilt ; i will therefore venture my soul upon the free promise of god in christ , and with the lepers in the famine conclude , if he save me , i shall live ; and if he kill me , i can but die . . to fall upon thy knees before the great god , and to beg for thy life , and for thy peace : o lord , my sin hath brought a guilt upon my soul , and that guilt hath raised a storm in my conscience , but if thou , who art only offended , and therefore canst only forgive , speak the word to thy servant , be thou clean , and to my conscience , peace be still ; my guilt , and with it that tempest , that is within me , will be removed : do it , i beseech thee for thy truth and promise sake ; thou canst not owe remission to thy creature , but thou hast been pleased to ingage thy self to thy creature upon repentance to have mercy and forgive ; and upon that promise of thine will i hang , though thou seem to reject me : do it for thy mercy sake ; thou , that hast commanded me to forgive my brother till seventy times seven times , if as often he turn and repent , hast infinitely more mercy towards thy creature , than thou requirest from it : do it for thy glories sake ; thou hast said it is the glory of a man to pass by a transgression , and what can be glorious in thy creature that hath not a resemblance of thy own mind and image ? nay do it for thy justice sake ; thou hast been pleased to give a publick sacrifice for all our sins against thee , even thy son , by an eternal covenant with a proclamation , that whosoever will , may come and take of the water of life freely ; and thou hast been pleased as it were to deposite a pardon in thy sons hand for as many as come unto thee by him , and to lay upon him that chastisement of our peace ; and though i , like a man , have gone aside , yet thy gifts are without repentance ; that satisfaction therefore , which thou , out of thy abundant love , wert pleased to give unto thy self , i beseech thee accept , and as it will be the glory of thy mercy , so it will be the honour of thine own justice ; for if we confess our sins , thou art just , as well as faithful , to forgive us our sins in him that was the price of our peace . set a watch upon thy spirit : as the soul is the life of the body , so the spirit is the life of the soul , that active principle which works by the will , the affections and conscience . this appears by the frequent denomination of the spirit , and by its contradistinction to the very soul , ephes . . . spirit of the mind , prov. . . the spirit of a man will sustain his infirmities ; but a wounded spirit who can bear ? prov. . . the spirit of a man is the candle of the lord. prov. . . the lord weigheth the spirits , eccl. . . the patient in spirit is better than the proud in spirit . isaiah . . to revive the spirit of the humble , . the spirit should fall before me , and the souls which i have made . james . . the spirit , that is in us , lu●●eth to liu●●y ▪ heb. , . the spirits of just men made perfect . thes . ● . . i pray god your whole spirit , and soul , and body , &c. heb. . . dividing between the soul and the spirit . rom. . . the spirit beareth witness with our spirit . and here we take not spirit physically , for those instruments , whereby the soul works , but for that principle of activity , which works in the soul : these disorders that sit upon the spirit principally are two : . in the defect ; deadness and depression in the spirit : the spirit is that which only can hold communion with god : he that will worship him , as he must worship him in spirit and truth , so with his spirit ; and without that mingled with thy prayers they are dead , and cannot come at him ; and without thy spirit brought to his word , and to his ordinances , they cannot come at thy soul. as the spirits of thy blood are those that unite sensible objects to thy soul , so the spirit of thy soul is that which can only bring home divine impressions from god to thy soul , or expressions from thy soul acceptably to god. upon such occasions awake thy spirit and mingle it with thy services , and shake off that dulness and heaviness of spirit : it will make thy prayers uneffectual , and thy services unprofitable . . in the excess , elation , and pride of spirit : and from this capital disease in the spirit proceed those others of envy , the spirit that is in us lusteth after e●y : the spirit of revenge , luke . . ye 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 what spirit you are : the spirit of murmuring and discontent : these are but the productions of the spirit of pride , when it meets with any thing that crosseth it : if it meet with any person that sensibly exceedeth the person in whom it is in worth , esteem , or other accessions , then it is turned into envy , and that envy into revenge . and this was the very original of the devils immediate action upon our first parents ; his pride though it made him lower by his fall , it made him not more humble . and from hence ariseth murmuring and discontent , because that which befalls him crosseth him in his self opinion of his own merit or desert . and from hence proceeds the rejection of god , and of his directions , from an opinion of a self-sufficiency and fulness . to cure this distemper and the products of it , labour for poverty and humility of spirit upon these considerations : . that whatsoever thou hast of worth or good in thee , it is not thy own , it is a derived good ; the good that is most thy own , even thy essential good , is not thy own , thou owest thy being to somewhat without thee : but grant it were thine own , yet the comfort and life , and beauty of thy being were nothing without a farther good that is not thy own : thy power , thy wealth , thy strength , thy knowledge , these are not in thy essence , they are derived goods , and such as are not from thy self : the most exact faculty of thy soul , is but empty till it be filled by an object without thee : in thy highest fruition thou hast a just occasion to magnifie god , from whom thou hast it ; not to magnifie thy self , that dost only receive it : learn therefore the original of that good , whatever it be , that thou enjoyest , it will make thee thankful and keep thee humble . . that in thy self thou hast nothing but emptiness and vanity ; thou hadst a good , it is true , which was sent thee by the lord of thy being , and that we have shewn was no occasion to exalt thy self , because it was not thine own : but even that thou hast lost now , and thy nature hath nothing left thee whereof to be proud. . that it is impossible for thee to come to enjoy that which must make thee happy , till thou art deeply sensible of thy own emptiness and nothingness , and thy spirit thereby brought down and laid in the dust : as long as thy soul is full of thy honour , or of thy wealth , or of the world , or of thy own righteousness , or worth , there is no room for thy saviour , or his fulness : thou wilt not receive him , because thou findest not any want ; and thou canst not receive him , because thou hast no room : and as it indisposeth thee to receive good from god ; so it indisposeth ( as i may say ) god to give it : for thy pride assumeth that both from god which is his , and applies it to thy self , even that acknowledgment and honour , which is a tribute wholly and only due to god : and hence it is that he resists the proud , because they rob him of the duty , that by all the laws and reasons immaginable thou owest to him . . that the grace of god , the knowledge and sense of his love , the spirit of christ is an humbling spirit ; the more thou hast of it , the more it will humble thee ; and it is a sign that either thou hast it not , or that it is yet over-mastered by thy corruption ; if thy heart be still haughty : it shews thee thy self in thy true dress , and makes thee abhor thy self : it shews thee the purity and majesty of the great god , with whom thou hast to deal , and teacheth thee fear and honour towards him : it teacheth thee to live by thy saviour's life , to be righteous by his purity , to be saved by his sufferings , to walk by his rule , and to aim at his glory : it shews thee that thou hast all from him , and frames thy heart to return all to him : it restores thee to that position and constitution in which thou wast made , and takes off that distemper of spirit , which at once hath put thee below what thou wast , and yet exalteth thy foolish spirit above it . there was a third object of our watch proposed , viz. temptations , which are either , . for tryal : . to sin ; of which see the meditations upon the lord's prayer , afflictions , &c. chap. xxiv . of the new life , or sanctification , and the necessity of it . hitherto we have considered the duty and means of mortification , the putting off of the old man , those distempers and disorders of our souls , by which they become unconformable to the image and mind of god ; the principle whereof is the spirit and grace of god given us in christ ; and the means of this work those which we have before mentioned : now we come to consider of that new life , which follows hereupon most necessarily : . because it proceeds most necessarily from the same principle . as in a natural man fallen into some distemper , it is the same strength of nature that conquers the disease , and it being conquered , maintains the body in its natural operations , which is health ; so the same vital power of the spirit of god is that , which overmatched those distempers in our soul , which are contrary to our spiritual life and motion , and conserves that constitution of health in the soul , by which it moves regularly and according to the will of god , which is our new life . . because the motion of those distempers , which fit in our soul , doth necessarily conform our souls to that condition in which we were created . god at first created us in a conformity unto himself ; our sin brought an impotency upon our nature , by which we contracted all those corruptions and distempers , that have disordered our souls , and diverted us from god , when god is pleased , by the power of his own spirit purchased for us by the blood of christ , to put into us a principle of life and strength to work out those corruptions and disorders of our souls , there must necessarily follow a life conformable to the will of god , and as there is no medium between life and death , so when this death of our souls is removed by that principle of life , there necessarily follows a new life , and new operations answerable to it . . the end of the motion of those disorders of the soul is in order to our new life : pet. . . that we being dead to sin , should live to righteousness : ephes . . . created in christ jesus unto good works . it was the end of the death of christ , tit. . . the tree that bore wild figs , and that which bore none , were equally cursed . john . . every branch in me that beareth not fruit , he taketh away . so then the work of mortification and sanctification differ only in their relations , not in themselves : they are both effects of that same life , which , by the spirit of christ and our union to him , is wrought in us : they both drive to the same end , even to our conformity to our head , christ jesus , which is our conformity to the will of god , wherein consists the perfection of every creature : for this is the will of god , even your sanctification , thes . . . the honour and glory of god is , and ought to be , the supream end of all actions and things in the world. and this is that , which every creature in his right station and condition doth drive at , according to the measure and degree of its natural perfection : for as the great end of god in all his actions , is his own glory , so every creature having a conformity to the will of god , is moved by him towards that end. and as this is the greatest and chiefest end of all creatures and actions , so the motion towards it , must needs be the most perfect operation of the creature . and as this truth is sounded in nature and reason , so it is the good pleasure of almighty god to joyn the perfection and happiness of the creature in this conformity to his mind and will. when any thing therefore continues in an universal free subjection and subservience to the will of god , as that very subjection and subservience is an honour to the lord of his being , so by that subjection and subservience , is the creature moved and managed to the glory of god , even to the fulfilling of his will , and , as a necessary concomitant to it , to its own perfection and happiness . christ , that was in all things conformable to the mind and will of god , for he came to do the will of his father , came into this world to bring honour to the great god by his creature man , and , as a concomitant and a necessary consequent of it , happiness and perfection to man : and to that end , first he sets him free from that guilt and curse , which he contracted by his fall ; removes from him those fetters of the power and reign of sin , whereby he was disabled to move conformably to the will of god ; puts into him a spirit of life , that may enable him to live to god , and be conformable to his will , and move to his glory : and this is his sanctification . so then next to that great and ultimate end of the glory of god , the sanctification of the creature , and rendering it conformable to the will of god , was the greatest end of christ's work of redemption , ephes . . , , . even as christ also loved the church , and gave himself for it , that he might sanctifie and cleanse it , &c. luke . . that we being delivered , &c. might serve him without fear in holiness and righteousness , tit. . . who gave himself for us , that he might redeem us from all iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , &c. so that even our justification is in order to our sanctification , and that in order to the glory of god , viz. that his creature might be conformable to his will , and might actively move to the glory of the creator , wherein consists his end , and with which is joyned the creatures happiness . touching this matter , these things are considerable , . the necessity of it : . the means , whereby it is effected : . the degrees of it : . the parts or extent of it . . that the sanctification of the heart and life is absolutely necessary to every christian , in some measure answerable to his natural perfection , upon these considerations : . it was the end of the coming of christ into the world , and the very end of thy justification . his end was not only to remove thy guilt and thy curse , but to make thee conformable to the will of thy creator , that thou mayest be actively subservient unto his glory , which thou canst not be , unless thy nature be changed , as well as thy sin pardoned . the great end of the coming of christ , was to bring glory to his father . if he only free thee from thy guilt , he brings mercy to his creature : but unless he cleanse and change thy nature , thou remainest useless to thy master . it is impossible , that there can be justification of any man ; but that according to the measure of his natural ability , there will be likewise a cleansing and changing of his nature : because the knowledge and belief of the love of god in christ , cannot be in heart without a return of love from the soul again to god. the very same act of the spirit and grace of god , which discovers and unites the sense of the love of god to thy soul , doth as naturally cause love in thee to god , as the union of the species to the glass , reflects the resemblance from the glass again , john . . we love him , because he loved us first : his was a love of pity , compassion , a love of bounty and goodness , a love that broke through death and greater difficulties than death , even the uniting of the divinity to our flesh ; a love passing knowledge : and thine cannot chuse but be a love of admiration and astonishment , a love of thankfulness and gratitude . when the spirit of god works faith in thee , it worketh by love , even by presenting the love of god to thy soul in as full dimensions as thy soul can receive it : and when faith is wrought in thy soul , that worketh again by love to god. if thou hast not love to god , thou hast not faith in him : and if thou hast love to him , thou canst not chuse but conform thy self to his mind and his will , john . . if a man love me , he will keep my words . and for this cause the apostle makes it not only an inconsistency , but a kind of impossibility for one justified , to continue in sin , rom. . . how shall we , that are dead to sin , live any longer therein ? john . . he cannot sin , because he is born of god : in every act of known sin , that thou committest , and every omission of every known good , that thou neglectest , there is an actual intermission or suppression of the act of faith , and of thy love to god. . it is a necessary consequent of our vnion with christ . there is , as hath been shewed , a double act , whereby our union with christ is wrought ; on our part , an act of faith to apprehend him ; on his part , an act of his spirit , whereby he apprehends us , philip. . , . and this union is so strict , that it is resembled to those things , that have the strictest union ; the vine and the branches , john . , . rom. . . members of his body , of his flesh , and of his bones , ephes . . . and as in the virtue of this union we partake of all these priviledges , which were in him , his satisfaction , his righteousness , his sonship , his intercession , his resurrection ; so likewise of his spirit , as there is one body , so there is one spirit , ephes . . . if any man have not the spirit of christ , he is none of his , rom. . . it is his in essence , it is ours in operation and influence : so that the inward life of a christian is not his own , but he lives by the life , that is , that living spirit of the son of god. now as that spirit or life , that is in the root , when it passeth into the branch , makes the branch conformable in nature and fruit unto the root : so the spirit of christ transfused into a christian , doth conform his nature and operations unto christ ; for that was the great end of god in sending his son into the world , who was in all things conformable unto him , that we should be conformable to the image of his son , rom. . . and thus that impression of the image of god , which was lost in adam , is re-imprinted by him , that was the express image of his father , by the secret transmission of his own pure and operative spirit into all those , that are united unto him : and thereby the will of god is fulfilled . be ye holy , for i am holy , pet. . . . it is necessary as a preparation or pre-disposition of the soul , to that everlasting condition of blessedness , which it expects in heaven : the place a holy place , heb. . . an immortal and undefiled inheritance , pet. . . where nothing that defileth can enter , rev. . . the company , an holy company ; the company of pure angels , and the spirits of just men made perfect , heb. . , . the business , a pure and holy employment , rev. . , &c. the presence a glorious and holy presence , the presence of that god , that cannot behold any unclean thing , whose name is holy ; the presence of our mediator , who is holy , harmless , separate from sinners , heb. . . and what congruity can such a soul have to such a hope , who spends his whole life in a way quite contrary unto it ? he therefore , that hath this hope , purifieth himself , even as he is pure , john . . and since all these t●ings shall be dissolved , what manner of persons ought ye to be in all holiness and godly conversation ? couldest thou carry thy sinful and impure heart into heaven with thee , yet thou couldest not see god , which is the heaven of heaven , matth. . the pure in heart shall see god , heb. . . follow peace with all men , and holiness , without which , no man shall see the lord. chap. xxv . of the means of sanctification , and . on god's part , his word , and his spirit . . the means whereby this is effected , are either properly on god's part , or on ours . on god's part , his word and his spirit , . the word of god : he , having to deal with creatures , which he hath endued with sense and understanding , hath been pleased in his wisdom and providence to preserve and deliver unto us his written word , whereby the truths therein contained , may be united to our understanding . and this word , as it contains the holy counsels of the holy god , so the truths therein contained , do naturally tend to our sanctification , though of it self , as a bare moral cause , it be not sufficient to effect it , in respect of our indisposition and deadness , which must have a spirit of life to quicken us , and make that word operative upon us . now in respect of the tendency of this word to our sanctification , and in as much as god is pleased by it , to work this work in us , therefore often our sanctification is attributed at least instrumentally to it , john . . sanctifie them through thy truth : thy word is truth . psal . . . the law of the lord is perfect , converting the soul , john . . now are ye clean through the word that i have spoken . all which tend to no more than this , that this word of god contains those truths in it , which , being truly known and believed , do conform the soul to the will of god , that image , which he first cast , consisting in righteousness and true holiness . now the general truths , which this book exhibits to us , tending to this end , are principally two : . it discovers what that will of god concerning man is : and this it doth two ways ; . by precepts of most excellent and sound justice and reason , which are nothing else , but the repetitions of that law , which was at first in our nature : . by examples , especially that example of our saviour's , who was the image of the invisible god , colos . . . and therefore in our imitation of him , we re-assume that impression of god's image , which we once lost . now christ's life , as it was a meritorious righteousness , so it was an exemplary righteousness , matth. . . learn of me , for i am meek , john . . for i have given you an example , that ye should do as i have done , ephes . . . the measure of his statu●e , philip. . . the mind of christ . . it discovers a great deal of convincing reason , why we should conform to this will of god : . in respect of the commands themselves , it shews their righteousness , justice and perfection , and that in our conformity to them consists our perfection . . in respect of god , that commands them : . it is he requires it , that is the author and lord of thy being , and thou canst not chuse , but infinitely owe what he requires : . it is he requires it , that will not , cannot be mocked ; he is infinitely able to avenge the rebellion of his creature : . it is he commands it , that hath been a bountiful , merciful god unto thee , that when thou hast incurred his curse , hath provided a sacrifice to expiate it ; when thou hast disabled thy self to obey , provides a spirit of his own to assist thee ; that when thou fallest , pities , pardons , and restores thee , and though he owes it not to thee , rewards his own grace and work in thee with an immortal glory to thee . and what natural ingenuity can chuse but ingage to the uttermost expression of his thankfulness to such a god by a most advantageous obedience ? . in respect of thy self , if thou disobey , the loss is thy own ; if thou obey , the benefit is thine , deut. . . for i have set before thee life and good , and death and evil. and herein among divers others , is the excellency of the word of god ; as it contains precepts of most singular purity , and evidencing their own perfection ; so it inforceth the obedience upon reasons of greater strength and more powerful perswasions , than all the writings of men ever did or could : by annexing rewards and punishments of a higher constitution , than the divinest philosophers ever thought of . . the spirit of god : hence this work is attributed to the spirit of god , pet. . . through sanctification of the spirit unto obedience : and this principally these three ways : . in preparing and disposing the heart : . in accompanying and coming in with the word : . in following that work with a continual assistance of direction and strength . . as to the first , viz. the preparation of the heart ; since the defacing of the image of god in the soul , our hearts , like the first creation , are without form and void , and darkness is upon the face of it , till the spirit of god move upon the face of these waters , gen. . . a heart filled with evil thoughts , and that continually , gen. . . till this spirit strive with it , gen. . . a heart dammed and blocked up with lusts , and earth , and disorders , so that there is no ●ss for christ , till the spirit of god open it , acts 〈◊〉 ●n obstinate , and a hard heart , an iron sinew , 〈…〉 of brass , isa . . . till the spirit of the 〈…〉 and a heart full of madness , eccles . . 〈…〉 spirit be chased away , and the heart 〈…〉 spirit of god. there oftentimes goes a secret disposition and calming of heart before , whereby some external act of the providence of god , which is prepared and fitted for that occasion , strikes effectually upon the heart , and works upon it , whether it be an affliction , or a blessing , or a deliverance , or a word of god. thus when nathaniel was under the fig tree , christ saw him , and prepared his heart to entertain the call of philip , john . . . the concomitant act of the spirit of god , especially with the word of god , and some other extraordinary acts of his providence . and herein it hath a double work : . of strength to drive on this word : and hence it is called the sword of the spirit . the spirit of god is that arm that manageth this sword , ephes . . . to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit , heb. . . when thou seest therefore a tumultuous , disorderly heart , filled with pride and obstinacy , yet brought upon his knees by a seemingly weak admonition , reproof , or other passage of the word of god , wonder not at the change ; for the powerful and mighty arm of the spirit of god hath shaken this little dart between the joynts of his harness , even into the midst of his soul. what ailed thee , o thou sea , that thou fleddest ? &c. tremble thou earth at the presence of the lord , at the presence of the god of jacob , psal . . . . of life to go along with it into the spirit of a man , john . . the words that i speak unto you , they are spirit , and they are life . the passage between the sense and the spirit of a man is of a great distance , and full of many turnings : and hence the words of men , for the most part die and lose their efficacy before they come at the spirit of a man ; sometimes they die in the ear , sometimes they get into the brain , and die there in a speculation , sometimes they strike a little , but yet live not long there , for the words have no life in them : but with this word there goes a life , which goes along with it , even to the uttermost corner of thy soul , even thy spirit , and there it continues alive , john . . his seed remaineth in him , and he cannot sin : and hence it is , that the commands of god , even to us that are dead , are not incongruous , when god pleaseth that his work shall be wrought in the heart , for a spirit of life goes along with the command , even to the penetralia animae , john . . the time is that the dead shall hear the voice of the son of god , and they that hear shall live . and as thus the spirit of god carries the word of god with life and vigour into the choicest parts of the soul ; so doth it with all other dispensations of divine providence : if thou hast an outward blessing given thee , it will along with the sense of thy blessing carry in the sense of the goodness of god , and teach thee thankfulness and moderation : if an affliction , it will get along into thy soul with that affliction , and teach thee to examine thy self , and to search and try thy ways , and having discovered thy sin , it will teach thee humiliation and repentance ; and if upon thy search thou find thine integrity , yet it will teach thee humility , thankfulness , contentedness , dependance upon god : it will with every dispensation of providence go along with it into thy soul , and carry that message with it , that god by this his dispensation intends to send thee . and thus it is a sanctifying spirit by way of concomitance with the word and providence . . the spirit of god sanctifies the heart by its own immediate and continual assistance : it contests with thy daily temptations , that are from without , and conquers them ; and with thy hourly corruptions , that are within thee , and wasts and subdues them : in the midst of thy difficulties , it will be thy counsellor , a secret voice behind thee , saying , this is the way , walk , in it : in the midst of thy temptations , it will be thy strength , and a grace sufficient for thee : in the midst of thy troubles , it will be thy light and thy comfort : in the midst of thy corruptions , it will be thy cleanser , a spirit of burning to consume those swarms of lusts , that cover and fill thy heart : in thy failings and falls , it will be thy remembrancer , and teach thee to repent and humble thy self . this was that monitor , that furnished joseph with an answer to a most importunate and advantageous temptation : how shall i do this great wickedness , and sin against god ? gen. . . that furnished job with silencing answers to all those temptations to insolence , pride , self-confidence , and injustice , job . . that after david's sin smote david's heart , before david's heart smote him , and taught him confession and sorrow , and to beg a pardon , sam. . . only beware thou neglect not the voice of this spirit of god : it may be , thy neglect may quench it , and thou mayest never hear that voice more : or at least , it will certainly grieve it ; and canst thou think of grieving that spirit without a tear , which is content to descend into thy impure , polluted heart , to make it a heart fitted for glory ? thy folly is great , and thy ingratitude greater : when god speaks once , and twice , and man perceives him not , job . . it sometimes falls out that he never speaks to that man more . ephraim is set upon idols , let him alone , hos . . . and that is the saddest condition in the world : but if he do , his mercy will be a severe mercy , he will speak louder , job . . when the still voice is not heard , his soul draweth near to the grave , and his life to the destroyers . the observation of the secret admonition and reasonings of the spirit of god in the heart , as it is an effectual means , so it is a calm and a comfortable means to cleanse and sanctifie thy heart : and the ●o●e●it●i attended unto , the more it will be conversant with thy soul for thy instruction , strength , and comfort , prov. . . when thou goest , it shall lead thee , when thou sleepest , it shall keep thee , and when thou awakest , it shall talk with thee . chap. xxvi . of the means of sanctification , . on man's part , viz. faith , love , fear , hope . on our part , the instruments of our sanctification , are those supernatural acts or habits of the soul , wrought by the finger of god , faith , hope , and love. . faith , acts . . god also purifying their hearts by faith. and this it doth as it is an act receiving into the soul the word of god , and subscribing to the truth and goodness of it ; receving it not as the word of man , but as the word of the just and true god. . it therein finds and believes the great debt of duty that the creature owes to his creator . what can be unjust for god to require of that being , which he gave and made ? as the gift of a being is an infinite gift , because it is an infinite motion , there being no greater disproportion imaginable , than between not being and being ; so the engagement of obedience and conformity from that creature , to the will and good pleasure of its author , is infinite and boundless by all the justice that can be . . faith doth find in that word a farther ingagement of conformity and obedience , if a farther may be , in that it finds the immense overflowing love of god to man : it is that love , that did at first furnish him with those excellencies of his nature , with that greater excellency , his image and superscription : it is that love , that upholds his temporal being , and blesseth it ; it is that love that , when he was lost , sent a sacrifice , and a righteousness for him , whereby he is not only pardoned from his guilt and curse , but restored to glory and immortality . and this it doth truly and really believe , and is thereby convinced that there is a greater obligation , than that of his nature , to live conformable to the will and mind of so unspeakable a benefactor . . faith doth find in this word of god his mind and will , and believes it to be that very rule , the conformity whereunto is well pleasing and acceptable to god. mic. . . and what doth the lord thy god require of thee , but to do justly , to love mercy , and to walk humbly with thy god ? it looks upon every admonition , exhortation , reprehension , and direction , as the very immediate message of god unto the soul , and entertains it with the same awe and reverence as if it were audibly delivered in thunder , and trembles at it : and therefore it receives it in the power and life of it , and in the uttermost compass and extent of it : it will not take this part as most consonant to thy temper , condition , designs , constitution or ends , and reject another part where it crosseth them , because it is equally the will and command of the great god , and so received . . faith finds in this word , the rectitude , justice , and regularity of the will of god concerning man : they are not only just as proceeding from him , to whom his creature owes an infinite obedience , as was the command to adam for forbearing the forbidden fruit , or to abraham to sacrifice his son ; but faith finds in these commands a natural justice , and reasonableness , and perfection , and concludes with david , psal . . that his statutes are right , and his commands pure , such as include in themselves a natural and absolute beauty , and such as confer upon the creature a perfection , and happiness , such as are exactly conformable to thy nature , were thy nature conformable to it self : for as the rule or law , that god hath given to every creature , is that wherein consists its beauty , preservation and perfection , according to the degree wherein it is placed , and therefore every creature labours according to its own nature to continue in that rule , and when it misseth it , it contracts deformity and corruption ; so the divine law or command of god given to man is that wherein consists his perfection , as being a rule most exactly conformable to the reasonable nature of man : sin hath deformed and blinded us that we cannot now see that perfection and excellency , that is in our conformity to his will , and hath perverted and corrupted us , that as we are in this corrupted condition we cannot desire it ; but when god is pleased to anoint our eyes with the eye-salve of faith , and presents this glass , this image of his mind in his word unto that eve ; faith again discerns , and discerning cannot chuse but desire that beauty , perfection , and rectitude , which is there discovered in the commands of god , and the conformity of the soul to the ●ame . . faith doth find in that word , and finding it doth most assuredly believe the presence of the glorious and infinite god in every place , even in the darkest and most remote corners and chambers of the heart , searching , weighing , and discerning the spirit , every thought of the heart , every word of the tongue , every action of the life , and measuring them exactly with the rule , that he hath given : and this keeps the heart in a continual awe of the presence of god , purgeth out all hypocrisie , sets a continual watch upon the whole man , lays a bridle upon the very thoughts , and brings them into subjection to this rule ; because that clear and pure , and severe eye of the great and infinite god searcheth the most retired thoughts of the heart , and observes what conformity they hold with his most just and reasonable command . . faith finds in this word of god , and doth more really and practically believe , that that great god which hath given us his will , and is a witness to the obedience and disobedience of it , hath most certainly annexed an everlasting curse to the disobedience of it , so it hath most certainly annexed an everlasting glory to the obedience thereunto , not as the merit of it ; but as the free and bountiful gift of his goodness and mercy in jesus christ : and it finds and believes the truth , and faithfulness , and glory , and power , of the infinite god there engaged for the performance of it : and therefore it binds the heart to the obedience of this will of god , and conformity unto it ; which is our sanctification . thus the word mingled with faith cleanseth and sanctifieth , and perfecteth , and purifieth the heart and life . and as thus in man god useth this instrument on mans part to sanctifie his creature , and make him conformable to himself ; so secondarily upon this act of faith upon the word of god , as its object , the heart is likewise cleansed by fear , hope , and love , by way of emanation from this act of faith. love , fear , and hope are those several motions or affections of the soul , that arise from the same act of faith , only as faith is diversified according to those different objects apprehended by faith , or according to the different notions , relations or actions of the same object , as for instance , god apprehended in his goodness , love and bounty , moves our love towards him ; as apprehended in his glory , majesty , power , and justice , excites fear ; as apprehended in his faithfulness , truth , and promises , begets hope : and each of these affections thus directed , do habituate and dispose the soul and life to a religious frame and constitution , which is our sanctification , as will appear in these particulars : . the love of god : this is that true principle of all true obedience ; where it is not , the obedience is a dead and unacceptable obedience ; for god that is a spirit , and will be worshipped in spirit and truth , will be obeyed likewise in spirit and truth ; and the outward conformity without this is but a dead obedience and hypocrisie ; and where it is it will work a conformity of the heart and life to the mind of god , upon which it is pitched , and therefore it is called the first and great commandment , matth. . . the fulfilling of the law , because when it is once wrought in the heart , whatsoever it can discover to be agreeable to the will of him that she loves , it will most sincerely and intirely obey : john . . . if ye love me keep my commandments : he that loveth me not , keepeth not my sayings . now our love to god ariseth upon two grounds : . from a sense of the perfection and beauty , and purity , and excellency that is in him : and in this respect our love to him cannot chuse but move the heart to desire to be like unto him , as far forth , as is , or can be communicable to our nature and condition ; for whatsoever i love in another , that is communicable unto me ; i cannot chuse but desire to be in my self , pet. . be ye holy , for i am holy , and this love of that goodness that is in god , doth bring the heart nearer to him , for love is a motion unto union ; and as we come nearer to that purity of his , it doth in some measure assimilate the soul unto himself , because his goodness and brightness is an assimilating , active , communicative goodness , and from this nearness to him doth grow much of our holiness here , and all our happiness hereafter , john . . we shall b● like him , for we shall see him as he is , cor. . . but we with open face beholding as in a glass , the glory of the lord , are changed into the same image , from glory to glory . our love to god works in the soul a desire of union with him , and likeness to him which is a kind of union : and that approximation to him doth derive from him an impression of his own nature , and likeness unto him . . the ground of our love to god is the sense of that love , that he hath shewen to us , john. . . we love him because he loved us first , and this is a love of gratitude , or thankfulness arising from the full sense of the undeserved and wonderful love of god , to his unworthy creature revealed and dispensed in jesus christ : and this cannot chuse but put the soul into such kind of thoughts and purposes as these : o lord , at first , i received my being from thee ; and when i had forfeited my being and my blessedness to thee , thou wast patient towards me , and didst not take that forfeiture , which thou justly mightest : thou wast merciful to me , and didst pitty and forgive me ; and when i was in my blood thou saidst unto me , live : thou was bountiful unto , and didst not only pardon me , but restore me to that blessedness which i unthankfully lost : and thus thou didst without my seeking , even when i was senseless , and knew not my own misery , when i was obstinate and would not have it : and this thou didst , not by an ordinary means , but thy love did send the son of thy love to become my sacrifice and my righteousness ; and canst thou require any thing of me , that can bear any proportion to so great love ? if thou shouldest call for that being again , which thou hast thus freely given me , i should but return unto thee , that which is thine own : but after all this , what dost thou require of me but to do justly , and love mercy , to walk humbly with my god ? such a service wherein consists my own happiness and perfection , a conformity unto thy beauty and purity : if the service , that thou shouldest have enjoyned me , had been a service mingled with my own dishonour , shame , misery , ruin , thy love to me had deserved and commanded this from me ; how much more when all thou requirest from my leprous soul is but , wash and be clean ? i will bless thy name for that love , which thou shewest to me in my redemption from so great a death ; and i will bless thy name , that thou art pleased to injoyn thy creature such a service , wherein consists his beauty and perfection , a reasonable service ; and that thou art pleased to accept that , as a tribute unto thee , which inricheth thy creature by paying it , even our conformity to thy most righteous and holy will : and i will endeavour in the whole course of my life , in the whole frame and temper of my soul , to express my thankfulness to thee in the watchful , universal , diligent , and sincere conformity unto that will of thine ; and blessed be thy name that hast given thy poor creature an opportunity of expressing his sense of thy love in so reasonable a service . . fear of god likewise cleanseth the heart , psal . . . the fear of god is clean , prov. . . the fear of the lord is to hate evil , prov. . . by the fear of the lord men depart from evil . and this was joseph's fence against temptations of all kinds . gen. . . how shall i do this great wickedness and sin against the lord : and his highest security to his brethren of keeping his promise , gen . . this do and live , for i fear god. now this fear of god is wrought upon the precedent act of faith in a double relation : . as it presents god unto the soul in his purity , majesty , power , justice , and presence even in the innermost and darkest chambers of our hearts . and this consideration becomes even the exactest christian always to have about him : for all the strongest ingagements even upon every affection are too little , god knows , to fence and ward the soul against the corruptions within it , and the temptations without it . and this consideration will most opportunely bespeak the soul in this manner : consider what thou art doing : thou art now going about to purpose or do that which thy creator forbids thee ; and thou art in the presence of that god , before whom all things are naked and manifest , heb. . . whose eyes are upon all the ways of man , and he seeth all his goings , job . . and his eyes are therefore upon his ways , that he may give every man according to his works , job . . consider thou art in his presence that is a consuming fire , and a jealous god deut. . . a great god , and a mighty and terrible , that regardeth not persons , nor taketh rewards , deut. . . that hath said that , when any man heareth the words of this curse , and shall bless himself in his heart , saying , i shall have peace , though i walk in the immagination of my heart , the lord will not spare him , but his jealousie shall smoak against that man ; deut. . . that hath justice , and wisdom , and truth , and power enough to fulfil and execute the most exquisite , seasonable , and unavoidable vengeance upon any contemner of his will , and this is the god , whom thou , a creature that art nothing in his hands , art about to offend : consider this , thou that forgettest god , lest he tear thee in pieces , and there be none to deliver thee . but . fear is a fruit of love , and though we are not to neglect the former , yet we must be sure to entertain this ; perfect love casts out fear , a fear of punishment , but not a fear of sin ; a fear of a malefactor , not the fear of a child : and upon this consideration this affection upon any temptation thus bespeaks the soul : consider what thou art now setting about : it is that thy lord , thy redeemer , forbids thee , he that hath died for thee to rescue thee from thy vain conversation : how unseemly a return is this , for so much love and goodness as thou hast received ? how canst thou come in thy prayers , in thy hopes , in thy dependance to that god , whom , against the bonds of ordinary gratitude , thou art now offending ? how canst thou ever expect to have the light and favour of his countenance , whom , contrary to all thy engagements of duty and covenant , thou art now about to injure ? canst thou profess thou lovest him , whom thou darest to abuse , to disobey , even to his face ? . hope : the word of god hath promised in christ glory , and immortality , and the sight of himself , to those that are pure in heart , matth. . . this truth contained in these promises , is received and entertained in the heart by faith : and as the motion of the heart towards an absent , but a possible and expected good , is hope ; so it is here , it is the motion of the soul arising upon faith , as it presents the truth of that blessedness , which w● do not yet , but shall enjoy : and this motion of the soul purifieth the heart , john . . he that ha● this hope , purifieth himself , even as he is pure , and bring the heart and life to obedience , psal . . . i have hoped in thy salvation , and done thy comman●ments : our love of god makes our obedience sincere ; our fear of him makes our obedience awful and reverent ; our hope in him makes our obedience chearful , rom. . . patient , rom. . . constant , heb. . . and active , phil. . . pressing o● to the price of the high calling of god in christ . this was that , that made moses rather chuse afflictions , than the pleasure of sin for a season ; for he had an eye to the recompence of reward ; heb. . . which carried our redeemer with choice and victory through the cross and shame , for the joy that was set before him , heb. . . now this affection thus fixed and acted purifieth the heart and life upon these considerations : . it presents a man with an expectation of an everlasting bles●d station in the presence of the most holy god , and this works an endeavour of a present conformity of his mind and life to that condition which it e●pects to enjoy everlastingly hereafter . no man 〈◊〉 hope for that which he desires not for the pres● to enjoy ; he that hopes for an eternal life in holin● will thrust himself into as much of it as he c● while he lives here , and will consider how unb●coming any sin is of him , who lives in a c●tinued hope of enjoying a condition free from 〈◊〉 . hope doth link the soul to the thing it ho● for , which is of so great worth , glory and 〈◊〉 ●pectation , that it carries the soul through all ●ficulties to the attaining of it : it makes 〈◊〉 which is future in fruition , present in appre●sion , and thereby masters all those evils of sense that actually come in the way : and thus it lifteth up the soul above all the present inconveniencies that may accompany or interrupt her way to glory . thy creator hath chalked thee out a way to walk in : and it is true , it is a narrow way , and thou art cloathed with flesh and blood , which cannot inherit the kingdom of god ; the way will be grievous and troublesome unto it , thou must deny thy self , cut off thy right hand , pluck out thy right eye ; thou must learn to unlove , nay to hate , those things wherein thy corrupted nature most delights , and take up thy cross and follow thy saviour : and thy way is not only narrow and unpleasant to thy nature , but thou shalt find it , it may be , strawed with afflictions , with temptations , with scorns , with poverty , wants , persecutions , nay with the loss of life it self , and yet on thou must go , and must not draw back , for then thy labour is all lost . but here is that which will bear thee up through all the difficulties , though thou art laden with the burden of thy own flesh and corruptions , and art ready to slip upon every temptation , yet thou art not alone , but thy saviour stands by thee to bear thy burden , to take thee by the hand , to lift thee up from thy falls , to support thee with his grace , which he hath promised shall be sufficient for thee , to accept thy endeavours , and to pitty , and pardon , and recover thy relapses : though thou dost loose , and irrecoverably let go , many contentments , pleasures , and external advantages , yet thou seest with thee in the promise , and before thee in thy hope , that which will abundantly recompence all thy losses , even pleasures at his right hand for ever : though thy journey be troublesome , yet it is not long ; thy home , thy fathers house , is in thine eye , where thou mayst see thy saviour preparing a place for thee , and a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory , which will sweeten thy light afflictions , which are but for a moment , cor. . . chap. xxvii . of the extent and degrees of sanctification . . we come to consider the extent or degrees of it , what it is , or should and may be in this life . we find in the book of god mention of perfect men , and men of perfect hearts , noah , gen. . . abraham , gen. . . job . . david , kings . . & . . asa , kings . . and yet those several men had their several sins and faults recorded in the same book . we find psal . . . a perfect man , and yet eccles . . . not a just man that doth good , and sinneth not . paul , ephes . . , . tells us of a growing up to a perfect man , to the measure of the stature of christ , and yet the same paul , rom. . . complains of himself to be carnal , sold under sin . the same s. john , that john . . saith , that he that is born of god , sinneth not , tells us , john . . that if we say we have no sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us , cor. . . finally , brethren , be perfect . we are therefore to consider wherein this perfection of our sanctification consisteth not , and wherein it consisteth . the perfection required of us , and which we may and must attain , is an evangelical perfection , which though it be not perfect , yet is accepted of god in christ : . sincerity , and integrity of heart , jerem. . . they shall return to me with their whole heart . the sanctification required of us , is not only a sanctification of our external actions ; those are but the fruits of sanctification of the man ; for as any act is therefore 〈◊〉 because it is but the production of that sin , which is ●st in the heart , so is any action therefore holy , because it proceeds from a holy and a sanctified motion of the heart , otherwise it is but hypocrisie . this int●y of heart was noah's , david's , ●sa's perfection : it was enoch's walking with god. when a man 〈◊〉 with an humble confidence bring his service , his words and actions in the presence of god clearly with such a confession as this : o lord , i know that my heart is deceitful above all , who can know it ? and i know that i am an unclean things and all my righteousnesses are as filthy rags , isa . ●● . . and my own heart tells me , that even to my most exact observance , there be secret adhe● of sin and defect ; and how much more are th● in thy sight , who seest through every cranny of the soul ? and therefore thou mayest justly reject them : yet , o lord , thou knowest that that little good that is in them , proceeds from an upright heart , from an unfeigned desire to obey thee ; that it is my hearts desire , and my hearty and daily endeavour to serve thee better ; that it is the sorrow and g●f of my heart , that my returns of obedience and conformity unto thee , are so infinite short of what i every way owe unto thee ; i do not content my self with these loose and half performances that i make before thee : and though i see my best obedience gives me daily occasions of repentance , yet i will not give over , but what i want in my own strength , i will beg thy grace to perfect , and thy mercy to accept , according to what i have , and to pardon what i want , cor. . . and since i have prepared my heart to seek the lord god , the good lord pardon me , though i am not cleansed according to the purification of thy sanctuary , chron. . . . an over-matching of the power of sin by the power of sanctifying grace . it is true , that in the best condition we can arrive unto in this world , there is with us a body of sin and death , as well as a principle of holiness and life , rom. . . a lusting of the flesh against the spirit , as well as of the spirit against the flesh , gal. . . a wrestling against flesh and blood , actuated by principalities and powers , ephes . . . but where god is pleased to begin this work in the heart , though it never arrives to the abolition of sin , yet it ever ariseth to a victory over it , rom. . . sin shall not have dominion over you , because you are not under the law , but under grace . and now as where there is but one degree of heat in any subject , more than there is of cold , though that subject be not perfectly hot , but there is a mixture of cold in every atom of it , yet is denominated from the predominate quality : so this man , though he be not exactly conformable to the exact rule of righteousness , and therefore could not in the severe justice of god be accepted , but that rigorous course of the law would lay hold upon him , gal. . . cursed be every one that continueth not in all things , which are written in the book of the law to do them ; which book of the law required a love of god with all the heart , might , and soul , and that not only all that heart , might , and soul , which a man now hath , but which a man once had , and by his own fault hath lost : and therefore that law , being weak through the flesh , rom. . . that is , meeting with an impotency in us exactly to fulfil it , became rather a law of death , than life , yet when christ came into the world , and brought with him a perfect righteousness of his own , whereby to justifie us in the presence of god , he did likewise by an eternal covenant of peace with the father stipulate for an acceptation of this imperfect righteousness of ours , which is wrought in us by his grace and spirit . so that , as the righteousness of christ , the lord our righteousness , which was perfect in degrees , was by the acceptation of the father , made our justification ; so the righteousness , which is begun in us here by his grace , though mingled with our own defects , is accepted by god with a promise of increase of our glory . and the same christ , that hath fulfilled a perfect righteousness for our justification , doth continually by his own spirit , begin and support a true , though imperfect righteousness in us to our sanctification , and helps against , and pardons our many infirmities and defects , as he hath promised , jer. . . return , thou back-sliding israel , saith the lord , and i will not cause mine anger to fall upon you , jer. . . surely 〈◊〉 i was turned , i repented ▪ is ephraim my dear 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 a pleasant child ? for since i spake against him , i do 〈◊〉 remember him still , isa . . . a bruised reed shall ●e n●t break , and smoaking flax shall he not quench , isa . ●● . . he shall ●ed his fl●ck like a shepherd , he shall gather 〈…〉 with his 〈◊〉 , and carry them in his bosom , and shall gerth lead th●se that are with young , hos . . . 〈◊〉 ephraim also to go , taking them by the arm . which several expressions shew , . the original of that initiate righteousness in us , even the grace of god in christ continually by degrees mastering our corruptions , and in some measure conforming us unto him ▪ ● . his tenderness towards those small inceptions of his grace in us , cherishing and encouraging 〈◊〉 . his mercy and goodness , accepting of our sincerity , and pardoning our weakness . and this is that evangelical perfection of our righteousness and sanctification here . and from this advantage , that the grace of god hath over our perfections , do arise these four consequents of it : . universality of obedience . . constancy in it . . growth and increase in it . . renewing of our repentance : all which , as they are the gifts of god , so they do naturally flow from the over-matching of our corruptions by grace , as appears in these particulars : . vniversality of obedience : the heart , wherein the grace of god hath over-matched his sinful nature , cannot allow it self in any known sin , or any known neglect of any one command , but hath respect to all god's commandments psal . . . whosoever shall keep the whole , yet if he offend in one point , he is guilty of all , james . . the grace of god and sin are universally opposite one to another : and as they are so in the abstract , so are they in the concrete . where sin hath an advantage in the soul , it doth oppose universally the whole will of god : and where grace is in the soul , it doth oppose the whole will of sin : and therefore where any one sin or neglect of any one command of god is entertained knowingly and advisedly in the soul , there the grace of god hath not the upper hand ; for the same principle , by which it acts , viz. the love of god , equally engageth the soul to every duty , and against every sin , according to the measure of knowledge that is commmunicated to the soul. . constancy and perseverance . the change , that is wrought in our nature , it is true , is not in the essence of it , but it is the presence of the grace of christ in the heart , that preserves and upholds the heart and life in holiness and righteousness : if that could be withdrawn or intermitted , we should , like the iron removed from the fire , soon return to our ancient nature again : but that great god , whose presence alone , supports all the things in heaven and earth , in their being and operations , and whose gifts and callings are without repentance , hath promised to be with us to the end of the world : he cannot sin , because his s●●d abideth in him , john . . it is true , there may be intermissions of the acting of grace in the heart ; and there may be falls in the life ; but to be given over to a course of sin without repentance , to be brought under the power and dominion of sin , as a king or a ruler , the honour and truth of god is engaged in it , it shall not be , thes . . . the lord is faithful , who shall stablish you , john ● . . n●er shall any man pluck them out of my hand , rom. . . sin shall not have dominion over you , for 〈…〉 under the law , but under grace and these promises of god cannot make the heart of any one , to whom they truly belong , any whit the more careless or loose in his watch over himself ; for that very spirit , whereby those promises are sealed to us , is an active , vigilant , pure spirit , and puts the heart and life upon those practices that do naturally and properly conduce to this very perseverance , viz. assiduity in duties ; humble and watchful walking before god ; examination and search of the state of our souls and lives , jealousie over the treachery of our own hearts , and the snares that are within us and without us ; a guard upon our affections and senses ; a frequent consideration of the will of god , of his goodness to us in christ , of the price wherewith we are bought , of the hope whereunto we are redeemed ; and all those other helps that conduce to the settling and stablishing of our hearts and lives in a conformity to the will of god , and in avoiding of all those things which are contrary thereunto , and consequently , as contraries do , would impair , corrupt , and destroy that life of grace , which he hath begun in us . and from hence ariseth . an increase and growth in a more exact conformity to the will of god , than formerly . this is that , which is so often commended unto us by the spirit of god , colos . . . rooted and built up in him , colos . . . compleat in all the will of god , phil. . . that your love may abound more and more in knowledge and in all judgment , cor. . . abounding in the work of the lord , heb. . . make you perfect in good works to do his will , phil. . . forgetting what is past , and reaching forth to the things that are before , ephes . . . growing to a perfect man , . . increase of the body , pet. . . beware lest ye fall from your own stedfastness , but grow in grace , jude . building up your selves in your most holy faith , prov. . . increasing more and more unto the perfect day , john . . every branch that beareth fruit , he purgeth it , that it may bring forth more fruit . and as this is the will of god , so it is as naturally the effect of this life , that is wrought in the heart , as it is the effect of natural life in the body ; for it is an active and operative life . if any quality have got the mastery in a mixt body , it doth ever more and more by degrees , waste and consume the contrary qualities , and assimulates the whole unto it self . and although , as long as our flesh hangs about us , it is impossible , that a compleat and absolute conquest can be wrought of all that sin , that is in us ; because it is a spring of corruption , yet it is wasted , weakned , and decayed . by this work of grace , saul's house waxeth weaker and weaker . every habit , though it be moral , or natural only , receiveth an augmentation and degrees by its continual actings . and the grace of god , which is more operative and active in the heart than any habit can be , for it is accompanied with the immediate power and efficacy of the divine spirit , never stands still ; but like the little leven , that was hid in the great quantity of meal , it never gives over till the whole be leavened . . renewed repentance : thy corrupt nature is a body of sin and death , a spring of corruption , that will ever cast up mire and dirt : and grace in thy heart is a spring of living waters , that as often as that corrupts , will be washing it again . when thou hast made the chamber of thy heart as clean as thou canst , yet there will be leaks in it , that will let in corruptions enough , quickly to make it as foul as ever : grace by the continual examination of thy self , humbling of thy heart before god , renewing thy covenant with him , doth not only pump out the filth , that would poyson , and drown , and dam thee , but stops the decays and leaks of this thy infirm vessel . when the grace of god at first found thee , thou wast dead in trespasses and sins ; and it came into thee , and by repentance did exercise its own act of life to quicken thee : and that same body of death , that did at first inclose thee , is still about thee , and takes all opportunities to get its old mastery of thee ; and by this means , thou catchest many a fall and bruise : but that same life , by which thou livest , re-acts against those inroads of sin and death , and doth conquer them ; so that though thy renewed sins are not thy ruine , yet they ought to be thy burden ; though they must not make thee despair , yet they cannot chuse but make thee mourn ; though thy saviour hath born their guilt , yet it is but equal thou shouldest bear thy shame . when thou hadst no life in thee , thou couldest not feel thy self dead : but now thou hast life in thee , thou canst not chuse but be sensible of thy sickness and thy hurts , which thy own folly have occasioned , and judge and condemn , and avoid that folly of thine that occasioned it . though thou canst not be rid of thy sins , that fight against thy life , yet thou wilt not entertain them with better entertainment , than bread of affliction , and water of affliction . though thou canst not expiate for any of them , yet thou canst not look upon them without indignation , as traytors against thy life and thy peace ; thou canst not look upon thy self , without loathing and detestation ; thou canst not look unto christ , without shame and confusion , that one that he hath redeemed from so great a misery , with so great a price , to so great a nearness , as to be a member of himself , a partaker of his spirit , a co-heir of his glory , should so unworthily , so unthankfully , in his sight , dishonour his head , and pollute himself . thou canst not look upon what is past , without repentance , nor upon what is to come , without a resolution of more vigilance , and keeping a better guard upon thy self . and yet in the midst of all these thy perplexed thoughts , thou canst not chuse but admire and bless that mercy of christ , that when thou deniest him , looks back upon thee , as once on peter , and with that look , sends in a messenger , that makes thee go by thy self , and bewail thy relapse ; that leaves thee not to a course in sin , or to a death in sin , but gives thee a cordial , which though it puts thee to pain , preserves thy life ; that though thou , like a foolish misguided sheep , art stragling thou knowest not whither , yet seeks thee , and finds thee , and reduceth thee ; that though thou canst so easily forget him , yet he doth not forget thee ; and when all is done , is contented to accept of that repentance and that sorrow which he himself gives thee , and washes away thy spot by his own blood , and looks upon thee with no less tenderness , and love , and compassion , and goodness , than if thou hadst never gone aside . ever blessed be thy name , o merciful lord god , that hast redeemed us from everlasting death , and yet when we daily endanger our selves , dost rescue us by thy grace ; that when we sin , thou art pleased not to cast us off , but fetchest us in by repentance ; and when we repent , art pleased not to reject us , nor upbraid us with our former falls , but accept us to pardon and favour ; and blottest out our iniquities for thy great names sake : but let not thy servants return any more to folly . amen . chap. xxviii . of the parts of sanctification , and . in reference to our selves , sobriety . the fourth thing considerable , are the parts of that sanctification , which is required of us . sanctification is the conformity of the whole man to the will of god concerning man , concerning his life and conversation . and that will of god respecteth three objects : himself , our neighbour , and our selves . and accordingly the duties which lie upon us in reference to these three , are shortly summed up by the apostle , tit. . , . the grace of god that bringeth salvation , hath appeared to all men , teaching us , that denying ungodless and worldly lusts , we should live soberly , righteously and godly in this present world . we have there the old man , that we are to put off , ungodliness and worldly lusts , cast by s. john into these three ranks , the lusts of the flesh , the lusts of the eyes , and pride of life , john . . whereof before . and we have that new man , ephes . . . distributed into two parts , righteousness and true holiness ; and here into three , parts , viz. sobriety towards our selves , righteousness towards others , and godliness towards god : the two latter come distinctly under the commands of the first and second table of the decalogue , as those commands receive their true and spiritual interpretation by christ : the former , though virtually it be therein included ; yet it is not expresly and directly : . in reference to our selves , sobriety . this refers either to our judgment or estimation of our selves , or to the motions and inclinations of our sensual appetites . . sobriety in our judgments ; which is nothing else , but a just and true estimate of our selves , rom. . . not to think of himself more highly than he ought to think , but to think soberly , &c. man doth naturally inordinately love himself , and that love to himself doth mislead and inhance a man's opinion of himself even by those things that are meerly extrinsecal to him : he thinks the better of himself by reason of his wealth , though that be a thing distinct from him by nature , and easily by any casualty severed from him ; or by reason of esteem or honour , though that is such an accession , as depends meerly upon the will of another ; for if i withdraw that honour or respect , which i give to a man , he is no longer honourable to me ; and as i may do it , so may any , and so may all ; and then he wholly ceaseth to be what he thought he was . and much more , men are apt to have a high opinion of themselves in respect of that , which seems most their own , as strength , beauty , elocution , wit , knowledge : and the more intimate the perfection is unto him , that hath it , the harder it is for that man to be brought to that due estimation , that he should have of himself : that very knowledge , which must be the ground of bringing him to a right estimation of himself , is ready to puff him up : and that concretion that ariseth from the over-estimation of a man's self , and from his reflection upon that over-estimation , is pride : and from this pride arise those other distempers of the inward and outward man : a proud look , despising the weaker or inferiour ; arrogance , lofty , and haughty speech , dan. . . is not this great babylon , &c. psal . . they set their mouth against heaven , and their tongue walketh through the earth : exod. . . who is the lord , &c. a placing of a man's self in god's room , and deifying himself ; implacableness with any thing that checketh the full fruition of his own glory , though it seems never so inconsiderable ; the want of a bowe from mordecai , makes haman sick of anger , and discontent , esther . . . . and thus pride is the foundation of contention , prov. . . because it cannot endure the competition of any thing , that may allay the tumor , the foundation of envy ; delight in flattery to feed and stroak that foolish humour ; excess in stateliness , distance , apparel ; singularity , and the like : all which are the children of this vanity . now as this proceeds much from the mistake of our judgment , or the want of the exercise of it ; so on the other side , when the judgment concerning a mans self is rectified , it produceth a clean contrary effect in the soul ; the man was mad before , out of his wits , and his carriage and deportment was answerable thereunto ; but now by this right understanding himself , he is sober , in his right senses , and a sutable deportment riseth thereupon : he looks upon his wealth as a thing that is lent him , deposited with him only as a steward , not as an owner ; as that which is uncertain , vanishing , subject to be easily translated from him to another ; as that which is external to him , which he may have and be a fool , or a man under a curse ; as that which will one day inhance his account , not ease his conscience ; as that which he may not , it may be , keep whilst he lives , and is sure to lose when he dies ; as that which may be his snare , his temptation , cannot be his felicity ; as that which though never so excessive , gives no greater a priviledge , than it gives his servant that eats of it , but only the bare name of being his own : he looks upon his esteem , reputation , and honour , in the world , as that which meerly depends upon his inferiors benevolence , which thy may withdraw when they please ; as that which is external also to him , may make him an object of more envy , danger , and insecurity ; that ingageth to a great deal of vigilance to preserve it , and is often lost without desert , and yet the man is the same : he looks upon his power and authority as a thing that is not in himself , but meerly in the contribution of the strength of others , or their voluntary denying it to themselves by a resolution of non-resistance ; as that which makes no real accession to him , but he is but what he was before he had it , and when he loseth it , will be what he was before he left it , in all points , save meerly outside and vulgar opinion : he looks upon himself under the beauty of his external ornaments , as a little clay drest up in gallantry ; that that may more justly make him proud that made it , than him that wears it ; that alters not the soul or body that is under it , nor is become part of it : he looks upon his strength or beauty , or temperature of body , as that which a few years will lay in the dust , and the worms will master it ; as that which is not able to contest with the least distemper , either within it , or without it ; and yet the good that is in it while it lasts , is but a borrowed good : he looks upon his knowledge , vnderstanding and wisdom , as that which is infinitely short of what it was , or what it might be ; the most that we know being infinitely short of what we know not , and what we should know : that his increase of knowledge is but an increase of his account , an aggravation of those sins , which would be of lesser magnitude , had they not been committed against a greater light ; that the most of what we know , and that makes up the most of men great in their own conceits , is that which will be utterly unuseful after this life : of what use will those volumes of learning concerning human laws , physicks , the mathematicks , natural philosophy , and the knowledge of the contemperation of mixt bodies , be , when the earth with the works thereof shall be burnt up ? political dispensations shall cease , either the things shall not continue , and so the knowledge of them be useless , or the truth shall be more compendiously and clearly discovered to us , and so the labour to acquire them unnecessary : it looks upon the best practical habits , or actions it doth , as things that need an expiation , rather than deserving a reward ; it finds in it self a little small grain of gold in them , but so covered and stifled with dross and filth , that that which is good , is scarce worth the accepting : finally he looks upon nothing as his own , but the sin of his nature that hath stained and polluted ; the sin of his life that makes him odious in the presence of god ; the sin of his services , as that which adulterates and spoyls them : and whatsoever is useful or comfortable in his external accessions , whatsoever is beautiful in his body or soul , he looks upon as anothers , not as his , and blesseth him for it ; carries the glory to him , takes upon himself the shame and abhorrence of his own deformities , and magnifies the patience of his creator in sparing him , and his bounty in lending to him whatsoever of good he finds in himself , or any way belonging to him : and out of this right and sober judgment concerning himself , and the reflection of the mind thereupon , spring those vertues of humility , meekness , gentleness , patience , moderation , contentedness , thankfulness , quietness , whereby a man entertains all the dispensations of god , with such a frame and temper of spirit , as he expects : in thy addresses to god , it will teach thee lowliness and reverence , remembring thee of thy own vileness , and his perfection , and that infinite distance between thee , a man , a sinful man , and him , the great and glorious god : gen. . . now i have taken upon me to speak unto the lord , that am but dust and ashes : luk. . . the publican standing a far off would not lift up his eyes to heaven : in the midst of blessings either of this life or that to come , it will teach thee admiration and thankfulness , sam. . . what am i , o lord , and what is my fathers house , that thou hast brought me hitherto ? psal . . . when i consider the heavens , &c. what is man that thou art mindful of him ? that a sinful man that owes so much to god , and performs so little , should receive such blessings , such mercies , and such bounty from the hand of an injured god. in the midst of the severest afflictions it will teach thee patience , and quietness of mind , and contentedness , when the soul shall sit down and consider it self , and justifie , yea and magnifie god in this very dealing with her : o lord , by that light that thou hast lent me , i do see my self , and therein behold nothing of my own but deformity and rebellion against thee , unthankfulness , and vileness ; and now i eat but the fruit of my own ways and thou art just when thou judgest . nay , thou dealest not with me according to the severest rule of justice , thou hast punished me less than mine iniquities deserve : ezra . . i have forfeited all unto thee , but thou hast not taken all from me : i have deserved that thy whole fury should be poured out upon me , but thou hast afflicted me in measure : thou hast left me my life , thou hast left me my hope , thou hast left me some light of thy countenance , which is better than my life ; thou hast left me liberty and encouragement to pour out my soul before thee , and dost entertain it : if thou hadst deprived me of all this , yet thou hadst not been unjust ; and in that thou hast left me these , or any of these , or any other mercy , thou art gracious : nay , more than all this , i find in that very thing , wherein thy hand lyeth heaviest upon me , a mercy , and that thou hast afflicted me in very faithfulness , psal . . . in love , rev. . . and for my profit and advantage , heb. . . that i should not be condemned with the world , cor. . . my heart began to grow wanton , to be lingring too much after the world , to be taken up too much with vanity , and things that must perish to me , and i to them : i began to grow confident upon my wit , my wealth , my power ; to grow negligent , cold , and careless , in my duty to thee , in my dependance upon thee , in my obedience to thee : the consolations of god , the presence of my saviour , my life by faith , my hope of glory began to grow small unto me , job . . and this i plainly see was the state of my soul : and therefore i desire to receive these thy afflictions , not only as punishments , but as medicines , as messages , as well of thy care of me , and thy mercy to me , as of thy justice upon me , that they may not only be an exercise of my patience , but an object of my thankfulness , of my joyfulness : that they may not only be a conviction of thy detestation of my sin , but a pledge of thy love to my person : i shall therefore endeavour to bear thy hand as becomes me with patience , because i deserve them ; with thankfulness , because they are moderate ; and with comfort , because they are thy ministers , sent me for my good : and as i shall thus learn to entertain them , so i shall endeavour to use and improve them to that end thou sendest them , to take me off from the world , to bring me nearer to thee , that i may live more by faith than sense , and to make me more exact and watchful than before , psal . . . before i was afflicted , i went astray , but now have i kept thy word : in the midst of thy glory , honour , wealth , preferment , provocations from men , injuries and scorns , it will keep thee from swelling , looking big upon thy inferiours , or those that have dependance upon thee , or use of thee : it will take thee off from vain-glory , revenge , envy , disdain , and such like distempers ; all which proceed from a mis-understanding of a mans self : it will make thee and keep thee meek , gentle , affable , easie to be intreated , long-suffering , pittiful ; all which are the fruits of the spirit wrought in the heart , by this sobriety or right judgment of our selves , galat. . . which our saviour commended to all his disciples , matth. . . by the condition of a little child , wherein pride is not grown up , though it be there in the seed : for all these distempers rise from an opinion of greater worth , merit , or excellence , in a mans self , than in another , which a sober man , that hath a right judgment of himself , finds quite otherwise . and from this sobriety arising upon a right judgment concerning our selves will arise a behaviour , carriages , and speech answerable : it will be sutable to our nature , and the station , condition , and occasion in or about which we are , not arrogant , giddy , haughty , light , vain ; but humble , setled , grave , constant . . sobriety in reference to our sensual appetite , and those passions or motions which arise in reference to it . as the first part of religion consists in the conformity and subjection of our reason to the will and truth of god ; so the second part of it consists in the conformity of our sensual appetite to reason , thus rectified : now the sensual appetite is divided in respect of her objects and her motion towards them , into the concupiscible , which is the motion of the sensual nature to those things , which tend to the preservation of it self and kind by desire : or the irascible , which is the aversion from , or motion of the sensual nature against those things that are prejudicial , or so apprehended . the concupiscible appetite is that motion of nature which tends to its own own preservation , or to the preservation of its kind , or those things that are in order to both , viz. wealth and power . the first of these is the desire of eating and drinking , the excess whereof is luxury . the second is the desire of propagation of the kind , the excess whereof is lust , or wantonness . the third is the desire of those supplies , which conduce to the supplying of both , viz. desire of wealth , the excess whereof is covetousness ; and the desire of power to defend our selves , the excess whereof is ambition : and these i likewise place in the sensual appetite , because they are in order to the immediate objects thereof , and we find them , though not in so exact a degree , even in beasts . concerning these somewhat hath formerly passed , therefore in general touching the two former we say , . that these natural inclinations or desires are in themselves good , and such as were planted in our nature by the holy god , and such as are conducible to good ends , viz. the preservation and support of our nature and kind ; and the motions of our nature are such as proceed from that commission which god gave to the creature , gen. . . be fruitful , and multiply , and replenish the earth , and gen. . . of every tree of the garden thou mayst freely e●t : both which commissions were again renewed and enlarged , gen. . . . that we are not allowed only the use of those inclinations of our nature for necessity , but also for delight , so as the prescriptions hereaftermentioned be observed , deut. . . thou mayst kill and eat flesh in all thy gates whatsoever thy soul lusteth after , according to the blessing of the lord thy god , deut. . . because thou servedst not god with joyfulness and gladness of heart for the abundance of all things , &c. prov. . . rejoyce with the wife of thy youth . . the sin or obliquity that happens in these inclinations of our nature , or the use of them , is when they become inordinate affections , viz. out of that due order or position that god hath placed them in us : . when either the motion of these appetites , or the exercise of them , is without a due subordination to reason , which god hath placed in a superior authority in man above this appetite : in bruit beasts , their sensitive appetite is their highest faculty , and it knows no other moderator than that very appetite that god hath placed in them : but in man he hath placed a higher nature , and therefore the actings of the sensitive appetite without this subordination to this higher nature , is in truth in man unnatural , and contrary to the order and course of nature . this concerns us as we are men. . when either this motion , or the actings of it , are contrary to the mind and will of god : for this ought to be the guide of our reason , as that ought to be the guide of our appetite . and this concerns us as we are men enlightned with the knowledge , and quickned with the love of god. now for want of these , the sins or obliquities that happen in our sensitive appetites , are when they are acted either inconsiderately , immoderately , or unseasonably . . inconsiderately , when in the use of the creatures , in reference to those inclinations of the sensitive appetite , we consider not the end , for which we have them , nor use them in order to that end ; to eat , because we will eat , and not because we would be sustained ; or consider not the hand from which we receive them , that we may use them thankfully ; nor the presence of almighty god , who observes all our carriage in the use of his blessings , that so we may use them soberly and reverently . . immoderately : there is required of us a double moderation in the use of this faculty : . moderation of our affection to the object : . moderation in the use of the object of our appetite . the want of the former , robs god of that affection , or measure of love , which we owe to him : when any thing is loved beyond the proportion or measure due to it , it must needs invade the love a man ows to god , and so places that object in the place of god. thus covetousness becomes idolatry , ephes . . . gluttony becomes idolatry ; whose god is their belly : for that which hath the mastery of our love , hath the command of the whole man : and if my love to the objects of my sensual appetite want that due subordination to the love i owe to god , or exceed that due proportion that i owe to them ; when any service i owe to god , or any office i owe to man , comes in competition with the satisfaction of my sensual appetite , i shall neglect the duty i owe to god or man. the want of the latter , is when we use them in such a measure , as is either beyond the convenience of our nature , or beyond the conveniency of our condition : the former is intemperance , and destroys the body ; the latter is prodigality or profuseness , and wastes the estate : the dispensation of god's providence in externals , ought to be the measure at least , beyond which , we must not go in the use of meats and drink . again , under this rule , is prohibited the making provision for the flesh , exciting the appetite beyond its natural disposition by meats , drinks , and provocations . . vnseasonably : this , though it exclude not the considerations of the places where , and persons with whom we converse , yet it principally looks upon the time of our action , as that stands qualified or circumstantiated . god hath allowed me a comfortable and liberal use of his creatures , as well for delight as necessity ; but use not that liberty upon these seasons : . when god's providence hath set a mark of sadness upon the season , isa . . . in that day did the lord of hosts call to weeping and to mourning , and behold joy and gladness , &c. . when either god by his word , or civil or ecclesiastical constitutions or customs , or thy own particular dedication hath set apart a time for religious abstinence or duty : . when the ordinary occasions of thy profession , calling , or temporal employment , permit it not without inconvenience to thy self or others . in order to our sensual appetite , are those affections which are carried towards those things that are subservient thereunto : and these affections we find in the bruit creatures : the ants , a people not strong , yet gather they their meat in summer , prov. . . and from the same proceeds their desire of mastery one over another . as the former is for provision for their appetites , so the latter is for their protection of that provision , or themselves , in their acquiring a use of it : answerable to which in man are those two desires , of wealth , which we call covetousness , and of power , which we call ambition . neither of these but is conversant about those things , which are meerly useful , either for the supplies of the sensual appetite , or protection of those supplies in us , or our posterity . touching those desires , we say , as of the former , that they are not in themselves unlawful : for as the divine dispensations hath appointed our natural life to be supported and defended by these external provisions ; so he hath dispersed those supplies in the world , and given us appetites to them , and appointed means to acquire them : they are his blessings , and we are commanded to be industrious in serving of the divine providence in the acquiring of these things , deut. . . it is he that giveth thee power to get wealth . deut. . , &c. he shall command the blessing upon thee in thy store-houses , he shall make thee plenteous in goods , the lord shall make thee the head , and not the tail . prov. . . the wise man sendeth the sluggard to the ant ; and it pleased god oftentimes to give unto those , who were his sincere servants , a great measure both of wealth and honour ; and a lawful and sober industry to acquire them is not only permitted , but commanded and injoyned : he that provideth not for his own house , is worse than an infidel . the errors concerning these affections are as in the former , . inconsiderateness in the prosecution and use of them : these things are not desirable for themselves , but in order to something else ; and they are in themselves more remote from our nature than the immediate objects of our senses , and yet we are not to desire them for their own sakes , but in order to that end , for which that desire is put into us , viz. the preservation of our beings and species : but wealth and honour , and the desire of it is therefore put into us , in order to those immediate objects of our sense : we are to desire meats and drinks , in order to the preservation of our lives : and we are to desire wealth and riches , in order to the supply of meat and drink : and as we are not in common reason to make eating the end of our eating , so much less are we to make wealth and riches the end of our being rich. it is more distant and remote from the necessity of my nature to be rich , than to be fed ; yet both are but instrumental , though in a different order , and therefore must be so desired and prosecuted . and as this consideration is to be in the gaining of wealth , so it must be in the use of it : solomon tells us of this vanity , eccles . . . a man to whom god hath given riches , wealth , and honour , so that he wanteth nothing of all that his soul desireth , yet god giveth him not power to eat thereof : as eccles . . . there was no end of his labour , neither was his eye satisfied with riches in his pursuit of them , so he makes not that rational use of them for which they were given : he desired to be rich , because he would be rich ; and being arrived to his end , he cannot find in his heart to employ them to those ends , for which alone they are only valuable . and as this inconsiderateness of the end of them is to be avoided , so the want of consideration of the author of them , which should carry up our hearts with thankfulness to the god , who giveth us power to get wealth , who putteth down one , and setteth up another ; and not to sacrifice to our own nets , or magnifie our own deservings or wisdom ; but to walk humbly , and thankfully , and soberly , as in the presence of that god , that hath made us stewards , and but stewards , of those externals , and to employ them in such a way as may be most agreeable to our masters will , most conducible to our masters honour , and most becoming our masters presence . . immoderation , . in our care for them : . in our love to them ; . in our confidence in them . . in our care : this proceeds from our infidelity and distrust of god's all-sufficience . when we consider not that the dispensation of things convenient for our life is in his hands , and that the accommodation of them to our use is from the word or commission that he gives them : man lives not by bread only , but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of god : matth. . . it is from his hand that thou must expect thy bread , and thy clothing , gen. . . if god give me bread to eat , and raiment to put on : and it is from his blessing and the commission , which he gives to that bread and that raiment , that he gives thee , to be useful for thee , and accommodate to this preservation . and this solicitousness , care , and distrust , our saviour forbiddeth and convinceth , matth. . . take no thought for your life ; . for your heavenly father knoweth you have need of these things : thy care is but a tormenting care ; it is but an unuseful and unprofitable care : thou canst not by thy care add to thy own stature : it is an impertinent care , and a care that belongs to another : thy heavenly father knoweth thou hast need of all these things : he is thy father , and therefore is willing to furnish thee with what shall be convenient for thee ; and he is thy heavenly father , that wants not power to do it : he can supply thee in the ordinary way of his providence : and , if there be need , he can do it by the extraordinary work of his power : he can command water out of a dry rock , as to the israelites ; or out of a dry bone , as to samson : he can give thee bread from heaven ; he can feed elijah by a raven : and can extend the widows barrel of meal and cruise of oyl , as large as the time and exigence of her necessity . save thy self therefore the trouble of an unnecessary care , but commit thy way unto the lord : trust also in him , and he shall bring it to pass . thy care may rob thy self of thy quietness , and may rob thy god of his due ; but it is thy dependance only upon him , that can with ease and contentedness supply thy wants : diligence and industry in that lawful employment , wherein his providence hath placed thee , is thy duty , and therefore observe it : but sollicitousness and anxiousness is thy sin , and therefore avoid it : learn to obey him in what he commands ; and learn to wait upon him in what he promises . . in our love : set not thy heart upon thy wealth , psal . . . nor make it thy treasure : for if thou dost , it will be master of thy heart ; for where thy treasure is , there will thy heart be , matth. . . and if thy heart be full of thy wealth , there will be no room for thy god , matth. . . ye cannot serve god and mammon : and , if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him , john . . if the world have thy love , it will command thy service , and controll whatsoever opposeth that command , and break through all those fences which seem to bridle or hedge in the pursuit of that world , which thou so lovest : hath god set apart a time for his own service ? thy love of the world will rob him of his own time , amos . . when shall the new moon be gone , that we may sell corn ? and the sabbath , that we may set forth wheat ? and in the day of his fast thou wilt exalt all thy labours , isa . . . doth he require a portion of our goods for his service ? thou wilt be ready to rob god of his portion , mal. . . or deceive him in it , and sacrifice to the lord a corrupt thing , malach . . . hath he set apart a peculiar place for his worship ? thou wilt be ready with jeroboam , to set up calves in dan and bethel , kings . . to secure thy self in the enjoyment of thy temporol advantage : hath he imprinted his own superscription and image upon man , with a strict prohibition of the violation of that image ? gen. . . yet if thou become one , that is greedy of gain , it will prompt thee to take away the life of the owner , that thou mayest be his successor , prov. . . & job . . it will make thee grind the faces of the poor , sell them for a pair of old shoes , set justice to sale , sell thy master with judas , for a small inconsiderable gain . and thus the love of the world is the root of all evil : for as all the good in man , is the conformity to the will of god , so whatsoever interrupts this conformity , must needs be an original of evil : and this is done by the love of the world , which makes a man reject this conformity , when it is inconsistent with that imperious love of the world. . in our confidence : and this is always a concomitant of our love to them , and our care for them : for these grow out of a mistaken over-valuation of them : and as that carries on our care for them , and love of them , so in the fruition of them upon this mistaken estimate , grows a confidence in them , psal . . . they trust in their wealth , and boast themselves in the multitude of their riches , prov. . . the rich man's wealth is his strong city , and as an high wall in his own conceit . and this was the ground of the rich man's solacing himself in the gospel : thou hast enough laid up for many years , eat , drink and be merry . and from hence it is likewise , that covetousness is idolatry : for that is in truth thy god , upon which thou most trustest : if in a time of prosperity thy confidence is high , and built upon thy power , or thy wealth , or thy carnal confederacies : and if in the dissipation of these , thy soul dies within thee , and thy hope is like the giving up of the ghost , it is plain , the world is thy god ; for thy confidence doth rise and fall , and live and die with it . therefore take heed of laying the weight of thy confidence upon the world , psal . . trust not in oppression , &c. power belongeth only to god. prov. . . riches profit nothing in the day of wrath . tim. . . charge them that are rich in this world , that they be not high minded , nor trust in uncertain riches . if god give thee wealth and riches , look upon them as his blessing , and look upon that good and usefulness that is in them , as that which comes not from themselves , but from the blessing of god , and which he can when he please , withdraw from them ; and then they will be so far from being a ground of confidence , as that they will be thy snare , and occasion of thy ruine , and not a foundation of thy strength : look upon them as things that cannot benefit thee in themselves whiles thou hast them , unless he makes them instrumental , and as things which will not abide with thee , when he calls for thee or for them : for riches make themselves wings and flee away , prov. . . if thou lean upon them , they are a reed , and sink under thy confidence , and a broken reed that will hurt thee in thy dependance upon them : they will disappoint thy confidence in them , and thy confidence in them will pierce thee , jer. . , the lord hath rejected these thy confidences , and thou shalt not prosper in them . . vnseasonableness : . in thy order of seeking of them : seek them not in the first place ; but seek first that one thing which is necessary : it is not necessary for thee to be rich , but it is necessary for thee to be saved . l●t that which is of thy greatest concernment , be the subject of thy first endeavour , matth. . . seek first the kingdom of god , and the righteousness thereof , and all these things shall he added unto you . thou hast but a short time here , and upon the improvement of that little span of time , depends thine everlasting condition of happiness or misery . and if thou imploy the first-fruits of thy life in the gain of this world , which will certainly die with thee , if not before thee , who can tell , if thou shalt have time enough left for the great business of thy soul ? or if thou hast , who can tell , whether that deceitful world , which hath robbed thee of that time , which was due to anothers business , may not with much more ease harden thy heart , and take up the whole time of thy life , though thou shouldest live many ages ? but if thou devote the first and choicest of thy endeavours to thy great concernment , grant that the residue of thy life be not sufficient for thy provisions for thy self , or thy posterity in this world , thy exchange is happy , thou hast secured an everlasting weight of glory , a kingdom immortal and undefiled , that fadeth not away , in that time wherein perhaps thou mightest , or it may be thou mightest not , have gotten some small temporal provision , which by this time thou art ready to leave , and thy immortal soul left in an anxious , unsatisfied , unsafe condition . but this is not all ; though the gain of eternity would infinitely over-weigh the loss of those temporals , which it may be in this time , thou mightest have gotten ; yet thou must know , thou servest such a master , that whilst thou obeyest him in seeking thy chiefest good in the chiefest place , will not only give thee that eternity which thou thus seekest , but will add unto thee the things of this life , which yet thou neglectest : and whiles he gives thee that great and everlasting treasure , which he commands thee to seek , will not deprive thee of the conveniences of this world , though thou seekest them not , all these things shall be added unto you . and here learn a compendious and safe way of getting the external conveniences of the world ; if thou labour first to be rich , thou mayest lose thy labour , and miss of being what thou labourest to be ; but thou art sure , or , at least , likely to miss of being happy : but if thou first endeavour after peace with god in christ , thou art sure to attain blessedness hereafter , and shalt not want a convenient competency here . . as in the order , so in the seasons or times of seeking after wealth , when a man shall encroach upon those times , which either by the command or dispensation of god , or thy own voluntary consecrations , are dedicated to the service of god , or of his neighbour . it were but equal , if he that is the lord of our times and of our lives , should require all our time in his own immediate service : but when he allows us unto our own occasions , the greatest part of our time , wherein we may do all that we have to do , and requires a small portion of our time for his immediate service , and that also for our own everlasting advantage , it is the highest sacriledge to god , and injury to our selves , to steal that from him , which , while we do it , we rob our selves . i thank god , i ever found , that in the strictest observation of the times of his worship , i ever met with the best advantage to my worldly occasions , and that when ever my worldly occasions incroached upon those times , i ever met with disappointment , though in things of the most hopeful and probable success . and ever let it be so with me : it hath been , and ever shall be to me , a conviction beyond all argument and demonstration whatsoever , that god expects the observation of his times , and that whilst i find my self thus dealt with , god hath not given over his care of me . it would be a sad presage unto me , of the severe anger of my maker , if my inadvertence should cast me upon a temporal undertaking upon his day , and that it should prosper . the end of wealth , is to supply the exigence of our nature in food and raiment : and when god did in an extraordinary way supply the latter , without the assistance of the former , to the israelites by manna , the seventh day was without manna ; and the sixth day supplied that defect with a double proportion , exod. . . and i shall never doubt , but the same providence will in the six days of the week , improve my endeavours , one in seven , though i rest upon a seventh day from my own occasions ; for , the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof , and it is he that gives power to get wealth , isa . . . if thou turn thy foot from the sabbatb , from doing thy pleasure upon my holy day , and call the sabbath a delight , the holy of the lord , honourable , and shalt honour him , not doing thine own ways , nor finding thine own pleasure , nor speaking thine own words , then shalt thou delight thy self in the lord , and i will cause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth , and feed thee with the heritage of jacob thy father , for the mouth of the lord hath spoken it . blessed lord , that requires but a portion of our time , and that also for our own advantage ; and whilst thou thereby dost improve our everlasting blessedness , thou dost not deny our temporal benefit , but dost make even that portion of time that we spend in thy service , an improvement of the rest of our time for our temporal advantage . and what we say concerning that portion of our time , which we sequester to god from our outward occasions , the same we may say concerning that portion of our wealth or estate , which we give either to his service , or by his command : when thou denyest either , thou mayest look for much , and it may come to little : when thou bringest it home , he will blow upon it , haggai . . that which is detained from works of piety or charity , will eat holes in thy bag , and let out it self and the rest ; which had it been daily bestowed , it would have preserved the rest , and returned with increase , malachi . . bring all the tithes into the store-house , that there may be meat in my house , and prove me now herewith , saith the lord of hosts ; if i will not open unto you the windows of heaven , and pour out a blessing , that there shall not be room enough to receive it , prov. . . he that giveth to the poor , shall not lack , prov. . . he that hath pit● on the poor , lendeth unto the lord , and that which he hath given , will he pay him again . thou owest all thou hast to thy maker , and if thou shouldest give him all thou hast , thou givest him but his own , chron. . . he calls to thee but for a part of what he hath lent thee , and yet he is pleased so far to accept thy chearful obedience herein , that he is pleased to become thy debtor , even for that which thou owest him : this is thy honour , and this will be thy profit : thou shalt receive thy loan with advantage : i can safely , and without vanity say , i have hitherto found this truth exactly fulfilled : in those weeks and years wherein i have thus sowed sparingly , i have even in temporals , reaped sparingly : and i ever found , when my hand was most liberal , i never lost by it , but found a return an hundred fold more than my expence : and the bread that i have thus cast upon the waters , i found it within a few days . god forbid , that i should look upon it as the merit of my charity , for it was his own ; or that i should be therefore charitable , because i expected a temporal reward ; for i have therein but done my duty , and am therein an unprofitable servant : but i bless god , that hath made good this truth of his , even to my sensible and frequent experience . chap. xxix . of sanctification in reference to our neighbour , viz. righteousness , the habit and rule of it . . the second general , wherein our sanctification consists , is righteousness , viz. that just temperature of mind , and consequently of our conversation that respecteth other men : herein we will consider , . the habit it self , or habitual righteousness . . the rule of it . . the parts of it . . the habit it self : it is a frame and temper of mind arising from the love of god , to give every man his due , according to the will of god. the great duty that the creature owes to his creator , is love : thou shalt love the lord with all thy heart : and this as hath been shewn , is the first and great commandment , and the first and most natural duty and bond that can be : the consequence of this love , is the doing all the good we can unto him , and for him , from whom we receive our being : now all the good we can do him , is but to please him , to be conformable to his will ; for it is impossible , that any thing can contribute any thing to him , that is infinitely full : all the good we can do him therefore , and all the expressions of our love , consists in this , viz. a free subjection and obedience to his will. and because we find this righteousness , and justice , and love to our neighbour , is commanded by him , and is evidenced to his will , both by that natural inclination that he hath put in us , by the dispensation of his providence , whereby he makes every man useful and beneficial to another in this way of mutual justice , and by his written word , whereby he expresly requires it ; this cardinal and fundamental motion of the soul , viz. the love of god , doth presently conclude , that since that great god to whom i owe my self , and all my love , and all my obedience , requires this duty at my hands , though i could see no reason for it , i would presently submit unto much more , when there is so much reason for it , as indeed god doth not require my obedience in any thing , but if it be well considered , is most admirably consonant to sound reason , and to my own advantage ; deut. . . keep therefore , and do them , for this is your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the nations : so that the foundation of habitual righteousness is love to god ; the consequence of that love to god is a rational , universal , and voluntary obedience to his will and command ; the command of god , next to love to himself , is to love our neighbours ; the expression of that love is in acts of righteousness and justice to them : hence it is called the second great commandment , the great injunction that christ gave to his followers , the fulfilling of the whole law. the rule of righteousness : in our original condition , god gave unto man a rule of righteousness by the immediate impression and revelation of his own mind unto him , and inclination to submit ●to it . and this , although it was much defaced , yet was not wholly taken away by his fall. so much was by the divine providence conveyed from man to man as left the offender without excuse . but as the river ran farther from the fountain ; so it became more foul and polluted , the sins of men contesting with , and corrupting by degrees that traditional righteousness , which was derived from man to man : but the merciful god was pleased , as the sins and corruptions of mankind did make breaches into this rule of righteousness , and corrupted the manners of men ; so he was pleased in the ways of his providence , to repair it in some measure in all ages , raising up prophets and preachers of righteousness , as noah was to the old world , exciting , and by his powerful and wise spirit , enabling men to make laws and constitutions in states and kingdoms , which though they were not of his own immediate dictating , yet he attributes too little to the wisdom and providence of god , that doth attribute the inventing and composing of those useful and righteous laws , even among the heathen , to the meer wisdom and discovery of men ; when he himself leads us up unto himself , even in the low projections of the plowman , isa . . . for his god doth instruct him to discretion , and doth teach him . it is true , that there is a kind of natural consonancy of the rules of justice and righteousness to the well being of men , and societies of men ; as is most evident , both where that justice is , and where it is not ; and by the observation of the now aged world , and of the success and motions of mankind , much may be collected both of the necessity of righteousness ▪ and of the parts and particulars wherein it consists : but god yet more careful of his creature , hath not left us to our own collections , wherein the varieties of manners , the growth of sin and corruptions , and our own blindness may deceive us , or perplex us , but hath given us a written rule of righteousness , the word of the old and new testaments . he hath shewed thee , o man , what is good , micah . . deuteronom . . . the word is very nigh thee , in thy mouth , and in thy heart , that thou mayest do it : now the word of god is considerable as a rule of righteousness , . absolutely , and in it self : and therein it is considerable , how the law moral , ceremonial , and judicial alone , or joyned with the expositions and counsels of the gospel , are a rule of righteousness . . relatively : and thus the word of god sends us to two other , but subordinate rules : . subjection to humane laws : be obedient to every ordinance of man for conscience sake , . pet. . . . conscience in that great rule , whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , that do you unto them . . the first consideration : the scripture , as it is the rule of all divine truth , so it is a perfect rule of righteousness , both towards god and man , tim . . all scripture is given by inspiration of god , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , that the man of god may be perfect , throughly furnished to every good work . there wants nothing in the rule to acquire perfection , though by reason of the defect in the subject , it cannot be attained . . the law of god is a rule of righteousness , viz. the moral law. it is true , in these two ●derations , the law is not binding to the 〈…〉 since the coming of christ , to the 〈…〉 . it is not binding to the gentiles as a covenant : for so it was in a particular manner given to the jews , and not to the gentiles . the external covenant on the peoples part , was an obedience to the whole law , given by moses ; the covenant on god's part , was to be their god , and bless them . and this , as it was never a covenant between god and other nations , till incorporated into that society , so also as a covenant , it was abrogated by christ , who came to make a new covenant between god and man ; new , not in the purpose of god , for it was his purpose from all eternity ; nor yet in the substance and efficacy of it , for the whole frame of the law , and of all those ceremonies , were in order to christ , and the obedience to them , received their acception in him ; but new in the manner of the exhibition , the substance it self was unvailed , viz. christ , the manner of partaking of his benefit , more clearly discovered , viz. faith : so then the substantial covenant with the jews under the law , and since the coming of christ , is one and the same , christ jesus ; the manner of the exhibition or external manifestation thereof under the law , was as a covenant of works , which is since rather expired , than abolished , for the prefixed time , which god in his wisdom and providence had pre-determined , expired by the promulgation of that substantial sacrifice , christ jesus . . the moral law , as it was promulged and given to that people , doth not bind farther than any other part of the judicial or ceremonial law : and therefore extends not farther than the jewish commonwealth : but as that law so promulged , did include that natural rectitude , which was once given unto all mankind , so it binds us , and is a rule of righteousness to us : and though that enacting of it among the jews , is not the formal cause of its obligation upon us gentiles ; yet it doth serve as a promulgation or manifestation of it , and leaves even that part of the gentiles , unto whom it came , more unexcusable in its disobedience , because by a revelation from heaven , and by the dispensation of his providence , it is most clearly manifested unto them . so then questionless , the moral law , though given to the jews , is a rule of righteousness to all , because it contains those precepts , that are naturally and intrinsecally good , and right , and just for all men to observe . and though christ came to take it away , as a covenant of works , and consequently , the condemning power of it , which was the enmity , ephes . . . yet he came not to take it away , as a rule of righteousness : thus heaven and earth shall first pass away , before one jot , or tittle of the law shall pass away , matth. . . and we see plainly that the saviour of the world , his prescriptions of holiness , doth not only reinforce the law , but superadds a more spiritual , pure , and high observation , than the letter it self injoyns , matth. . he came to abolish the ceremonies of the law , not as things unholy in their institution , but as useless , because the substance was come : he came to take away the curse of the law from such as believe , by satisfying for it ; and the condemning power of the law , in case of default of an exact obedience by fulfilling it for us : but he took it not away , as a rule to guide us ; for thus the apostle witnesseth to it , rom. . . that it is holy , just , and good ; and disobedience to it , is a mortal sin in it self , though by the satisfaction of christ , it is become not deadly to them : every sin we commit against this righteous rule , even after our conversion , requires the blood of the son of god to wash it away , otherwise it were deadly . we have a double obligation to the moral law , as a rule of our obedience , . as it is a rule of natural justice : . as it is inforced , and as it were re-enacted by the command of our saviour . now as touching the ceremonial law , though in particular , and the matter of it , it be so far from a rule of righteousness to us , that it were an act of highest injury to our saviour , to practise it , yet there wants not an use of it , especially amongst others in these particulars : . that an exact precise obedience is required where god commands , though we see not , it may be , the particular reason : the very snuffers , and coverings , and times , and all other circumstances must be exactly observed . when god commands , there is no disputing of , or varying from his injunctions : . that in all our approaches to the most holy god , we must endeavour to bring our consciences , and hearts , and lives as clean as may be : he is a holy god , and will be sanctified by all them that draw near to him : and this was meant by their washings , and purifyings , and cleansings in cases of even natural defilements . . that he is a god that is pleased with order , decency , and comeliness in his service , so as it be agreeable to his own word and will , without idolatrous superstitions or will-worship . and as to the judicial law , though in the letter of it , it was the law for that people , yet it doth doth contain an exemplary wisdom and justice ▪ so that these laws , that were not particularly fitted for that nation , and the circumstances of their condition , may be examples and patterns for the laws of other states ; and do include a great deal of natural justice and righteousness ; yet the express text of the judicial law , did not serve in all cases emergent in that common-wealth , especially concerning translations of properties and interest . and in these the civil magistrate did determine according to the rules of natural justice and convenience of the common-wealth , and by the extraordinary direction and assistance of god , vide exod. . . and as thus the laws of the jews , contained rules and directions in natural justice between man and man ; so the sacred history , the directions of the prophets , supply us with farther manifestation of the will of god in the matters of justice between man and man : and do enforce them home upon the conscience . when we see that great observation the almighty god takes of the just or unjust conversation of men by his imminent judgments and rewards , which we find in the sacred history , attending either practice , whereby he owns even civil justice to be as it were his creature , and doth patronize and maintain it : such were his animadversions upon breach of covenant with the gibeonites , sam. . upon murder and oppression in ahab , and in his house , kings . . upon cruelty and ambition in the posterity of jehu , hos . . . of adultery and murder in david , sam. . with divers other instances of the like kind , do practically convince that righteousness between man and man , is a thing required , asserted , maintained , and the breach thereof avenged by the hand of god himself , when the potency of the offenders seem to exempt them from his instrumental vindication , exercised by men in an ordinary course of justice . the gospel contains a most excellent rule of righteousness : . in the example of christ , one of whose ends in assuming of our flesh , was to exhibit himself a pattern of holiness towards god , and righteousness towards man. and thus the history of our saviour's life is a rule of righteousness in his meekness , matth. . . learn of me , for i am meek : in his humility , philip. . . let the same mind be in you , as was in christ jesus , &c. in his patience under affliction or persecution , pet. . , , . because christ hath also suffered for us , leaving us an example ; who when he was reviled , reviled not , &c. in offices of love and charity towards our brethren , john . , . for i have given you an example , that ye should do as i have done : in love and tenderness towards others , ephes . . . be ye followers of god as dear children , and walk in love , as christ also hath loved us , &c. in obedience to parents , to magistrates , in liberality , in compassion , in sweetness of conversation ; in a word , we may in his life , find not only that external conformity to the divine law , that god requires of us ; but also a radical , habitual frame of mind and life in all vertue : so that we may plainly see in the comparing of his life , with these apostolical precepts and directions contained in the epistles , that the former was as it were the text , and the latter , but collections , or animadversions upon it , turning the practice of his life into precepts , and concluding what we ought to be , by observing what he was and did . god intending to re-instamp his image upon man , did send his son , the image of the invisible god , as a seal into the world , to imprint upon his followers the image of god , which consisted in righteousness and true holiness . as in our conformity to the life of christ , consists our righteousness here ; so shall our glory be hereafter , for we know , that when he shall appear , we shall be like him . . as thus the history of christ contains a rule and pattern of righteousness , so do the precepts and counsels of the gospel contain a rule of righteousness , and that more excellent than the law : and that especially in these particulars : . in that it teacheth and infuseth the true principle of all righteousness , by shewing us the love of god to us , and therewith commandeth , and thereby begetteth love to god again ; and in that love , and from it , doth teach and enable us to all the duties of righteousness towards men ; it discovereth a greater and higher act of god's love to us , than the law did , because it discovers his gifts of christ unto us , and with , and in him all things : and it doth more distinctly inform us in that principle of righteousness in , and from the love of god. . it discovers more effectual motives and incitements unto this and all other duties , in respect of our selves : the law , having a shadow of good things to come , did inforce its obedience , by promises of temporal advantages , and threatnings of temporal punishments ; but the promises of the gospel and its threatnings are of a higher and more operative nature , viz. eternal life and eternal wrath. . it doth improve the commands and prohibitions of the law to its proper , yet spiritual and sublime sense : for the commands or prohibitions of the law , seemed to respect more principally the outward act ; and though in truth it looked farther , for the law in spiritual , yet the extent of it was not so clearly evidenced , till our saviours divine comment upon it , matth. . . it doth superadd many precepts , not only of righteousness towards god , but even of righteousness towards man , that were not contained , or at least , not so explicitly and positively as in the gospel : such are works of mercy and compassion , patience in persecution , liberality towards others , loving our enemies , abstinence from revenge , gentleness , moderation , and right placing of our affections , contempt of the world , humility , and the like . these , though we find them commended in the passages of the prophets and psalms ; yet they are not so distinctly delivered , nor so binding , and peremptorily injoyned , till we come to the doctrine of christ and his apostles , who have put an equal necessity upon his disciples to observe these , as those other injunctions of the mere law. the pharisees , whose exact and rigid obedience to the commands of the law , was their study and practice , yet our saviour tells his disciples , that except their righteousness exceed that of the scribes and pharisees , they can in no wise be his disciples , nor enter into heaven , matth. . . now this exceeding of their righteousness consisted in this , that is before observed : . in an obedience to the commands of the law in the spiritual intention and application of it : . in the practice of those vertues , which came not under the letter of the law , unto which he had before annexed his beatitudes ; poverty of spirit , mourning , meekness , hungring after righteousness , purity , peace-making , patience in persecution . and in these four particulars , especially the rule of righteousness contained in the gospel , i cannot say exceeded the law , but exceeded the manner or clearness of the manifestation of the law ; it having been the method of almighty god ever since the fall of man , to make several steps of discoveries of his mind unto man , and the latter , to contain a more eminent degree of light than the former : in abraham and the patriarchs was one step , in the law , a second , in the coming of christ in the flesh , a third , and in the sending of the holy ghost , a fourth : and yet all contained one and the same truth , but different degrees of manifestation . and as in these particulars , the rule of righteousness contained in the new testament , was more clear and excellent than that of the law , so in the same and other respects , it infinitely outgoes all the rules and dictates of righteousness contained in the philosophers , whose rules were traditions , which god by his providence conveyed from age to age , for the ordering and governing of mankind , and those improved by the wisdom , and severe and polished judgments of men , to whom god had given a great measure of reason and truth , to whom he gave so much light , as might leave the world unexcusable in their disobedience , yet reserved so much from them as might glorifie his son to be one that was a teacher sent from god , and none taught like him . chap. xxx . of the general precepts of righteousness given by christ : and . loving our neighbour as our self . now as in our duty towards god , christ doth not only deliver unto us many special and particular duties , but also delivers some short general precepts , which are easie to be remembred , and do include our whole duty to god : as that of matth. . . thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , &c. so in the matters of righteousness and justice towards men , he doth not only deliver some special and explicite duties , but hath given us some general precepts , from whence a good conscience may easily deduce conclusions applicable to every particular action and occasion of our lives in reference to others : these are principally two , viz. that of matth. . . taken out of leviticus . . and again enforced by the apostle , rom. . . thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self : and that other , which is but a repetition of the former in different words , matth. . . therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them , for this is the law and the prophets : it is a certain rule , and easily applicable to every action of our lives : because if a man will not wilfully blind himself ▪ he is able to judge whether the action he now doth or resolveth , be such as he would be contented should be done to him , were the persons and conditions changed . and because these two great rules are the best and clearest direction of our consciences , and the conscience is not regular , where it is not conformable to these rules , we shall examine them more particularly . then as to the first , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self , wherein we must take this word neighbour , as our saviour himself expounds it , that it includes every person , of what relation , or condition soever , though a person is my enemy , therefore matth. . . our saviour confutes that false gloss of the jewish masters , that did contradistinguish a neighbour to an enemy , and tells us , that an enemy is to be the object of our love and beneficence , luke . . a jew and a samaritane , between whom there was not only a kind of civil and national enmity , but an hatred grounded upon difference in religion , in so much , that the jews could not use a more bitter reproach against our saviour , than to stile him a samaritan , john . . yet these were within the comprehension of this command : so that whatsoever he be , whether knit unto me in any relation , or not , nay , though extreamly contrary unto me either in civil enmity , or in religion , yet such a person is the subject of this command . this being premised , these things are evidently consequent upon this command : . that every man is bound to love himself : . that every man is bound to love another , as he loves himself . . concerning the former , it is certainly a duty ; and if it were not , a man might easily elude this precept : for if i might hate my self , the rule and measure of my love to my neighbour were lost ; therefore a love to my self , is implicitly injoyned in this precept of our saviour , as well as in the inclination of nature , ephes . . no man ever hated his own flesh : but the errors of self-love are that which our saviour elsewhere so often reproves : . when a man mistakes , and esteems that himself , which indeed is not ; when a man takes that for an eye , or a hand , or a foot , viz. parts of himself , which indeed are not , matth. . . when a man shall make the lust of his eye , as dear as his eye ; and the corruption of his hand , as dear as his hand : to these our saviour commands cruelty to be shewn , to be cut off , and pulled out : when a man shall mistake that old man that is in him , to be himself , which is to be put off and crucified , ephes . . . and shall take those to be members of himself , which are members of the old man , which are not to be loved , but mortified , colos . . . such is the disorder and corruption of our nature , that we esteem our sins and lusts to be part of our essentials , and thereby misplace our love upon them , in stead of our selves . and this is a self love forbidden ; nay , they are our only enemies , enemies that fight against our souls . . when our love , though it be partly right placed , yet it is either beyond the due measure and proportion , or doth not take in our whole selves : every one is bound by the laws of god and nature , to love his own flesh ; but he that so loveth his own flesh , that he neglects his soul , he loves not his whole self , and consequently , hath indeed less love for himself than he should have . thus he that loseth his life , shall save it : that man that for the advantage of a temporal life , much less for the advantage of some temporal profit or pleasure , shall hazard his everlasting soul , loves himself less than he should ; because he prefers the temporary advantage of his worse part before the eternal advantage of his better part . . when love to a man's self wants the due subordination to our love to god. the good that is in god is infinite , and the good that we receive from him , is the highest good we are capable of : for our being , which is our capacity to receive any good , and all the comforts , benefits and conveniences that fill up that capacity , we receive from him ; and therefore our love to him , ought to take up the whole compass and capacity of our soul. thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soul , and with all thy might , the first and great commandment , matth. . . and as the being of the creature is a dependant being , so his own love to himself , ought to be a subordinate love to him , upon whom it hath his dependance , luke . . if any man come to me , and hate not his father , &c. yea , and his own life , he cannot be my disciple . yet such is the wonderful bounty and wisdom of the will of god , that in conformity thereunto , a man exactly conforms to his own happiness . our highest and most universal love to god , is joyned with a true and exact love to our selves ; for he hath conjoyned the happiness of the creature with the duty to himself : both which we find , matth. . . whosoever will lose his life for my sake , shall find it . it may so happen , that thy love to thy saviour may not consist with thy external honour , wealth , or peace , nay not with the enjoyment of thy own life ; but it shall ever consist with the life and blessedness of thy soul unto all eternity ; and what can be an exchange equivalent to thy immortal soul ? thus whilst thou hatest thy life , when the love and duty , thou owest to god , calls for it , thou dost at once perform a double duty , of love to god , and love to thy self . . from hence it appears , that in the relation between my neighbour and my self , there is a priority of love due to my self , to that love i owe to my neighbour : for the love to my self is presupposed , and made the rule of that love i owe to my neighbour : therefore in an equality of concernment to my self and my neighbour , i am to prefer my self ; as if this unhappy necessity should lie upon me , either to preserve my own life , or that my neighbour must lose his , and that without my fault ; i may , i must prefer the saving of my own life : but where there is an inequality of concernment , there the difficulty is great to discover the measure of my duty to my neighbour : de quibus infrá . . from hence it is evident , that i am bound to love my neighbour . this is evident , and it is that great command of the new testament , john . . . from hence it is evident , and it is the sco●● and substance of the command , that we must love our neighbour as our selves : now this word as , imports equality : therefore it is considerable , how far this equality of love to our neighbour as to our selves , is to be extended : . our love to our neighbour , must be of equal sincerity and integrity , with that love a man bears to himself : a man loves himself sincerely , he doth not pretend , or bear a dissembled love to himself , but it is in good earnest , and with his heart : i must love my neighbour as truly , as i love my self . this is an equality of nature or essence . . our love to our neighbour , must be of the same order or method as our love to our selves : as we are to prefer our chiefest good , before our temporal good ; and the good of our souls , before that of our bodies : so we ought to hold the same order in the love we shew to our neighbour , levit. . . thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart , but shalt reprove him . there is sometimes a merciful cruelty to be shewn to our brother , pulling him out of the fire , and holds resemblance to the love of god to us , that reproves , that he may not strike ; and strikes , that he may not destroy . and this is an equality of order . . but an equality of degree is not required , as it seems , and as is before touched : but though in an equality we may prefer our selves , yet when there is a disproportion , there in many cases our neighbour's good is to be preferred before our own : . the salvation of our neighbour's soul is to be preferred before the preservation of our own temporal life : much more ought we to deny our selves in those things , which are onely useful or pleasing to our sense , if the salvation of anothers soul is concerned in it . and this was that which was meant , cor. . . cor. . . rom. . . if meat make my brother offend , i will eat no flesh while the world standeth , lest i make my brother offend . and as our saviour laid down his natural life , to redeem our everlasting souls from an eternal death ; so hath he lef● the same for an example and a command to us , john . . a new command i give unto you , that ye 〈◊〉 one another , as i have loved you : he had before commanded us , that we should love our neighbour as our selves : and because we might take out that lesson by his example : christ , the son of god , who had all perfection in himself , and consequently did , and must love himself ; yet preferred the salvation of our souls , before the preservation of his natural life , to be in this an example to us , that if the exigence of the salvation of my brother's soul could not consist with the preservation of my own life , i am bound to lay down that life of mine , rather than his soul should be lost , john . . hereby perceive we the love of god , because he laid down his life for us , and we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren . . we are by vertue of this precept , to prefer the preservation of our neighbours temporal life , which otherwise would inevitably happen , before our own safety , the hazard whereof , may possibly , but not necessarily endanger our own . this , among other examples , is evidenced in the example of esther , esther . . a decree was passed for the massacre of the jews , which would necessarily have ensued , if there were not a speedy prevention : the only means to prevent it , was esthers address to the king ; and such an immediate address , without an invitation , was present death by the law , esther . . yet esther resolves in that exigence , to adventure her life , esther . . i will go unto the king , which is not according to the law , and if i perish , i perish . so that although the concernment be equal , my neighbour's life and my own life , in which case , were there not a disproportion of the danger , i were bound to preserve my own life , rather than to lose it , with the preservation of my neighbours ; yet when the loss of my neighbour life is necessary without incurring some danger of my own , i am to trust the good providence of god with my own life , in a dangerous adventure of it , rather than to see my brother inevitably perish . and the like proportion holds in matters of a lower concernment . . therefore much more it follows , that if the being of my neighbour cannot consist without the parting with somewhat that consists with my temporal well-being , i am to prefer my neighbour's being , before my own well-being : thus i am bound to lose my estate , rather than see my neighbour lose his life , if my estate would preserve it . but this is still intendible only , in case of an injurious taking away his life : for if by the due course of justice , my neighbour's life be required , i am not bound to buy his pardon with the expence of my whole estate : and so in case my neighbour shall wilfully cast away his own life , in such cases , there is a latitude of christian discretion left unto me , and i am not then a debtor to his life . . if my neighbour's necessity come in competition with my convenience only , i am bound by this law of love to prefer my neighbour's necessity before my own convenience . if there be a poor man , whose exigences are such , that he hath wherewith to preserve life only , but not to satisfie nature ; and i have wherewith to satisfie the exigences of my nature , with some advantage ; i am bound out of that to supply his necessity . and though my corrupted reason may object , that my future condition may stand in need of that , which i now part with to anothers necessity , we are in this , to trust the almighty , to whom i lend in this my charity , and though of his own , yet he is content for his own to become my debtor : and that man cannot want , when god is pleased to become his debtor . he that giveth to the poor , lendeth to the lord , and he will repay him , proverbs . . yet in the measuring of supplies for my own necessity , i am to account for all those , for whom i am bound to provide ; for he that provideth not for his own family , is worse than an infidel , tim. . . yet herein take heed , that thy heart deceive thee not . chap. xxxi . of the second general precept of righteousness , doing as we would be done unto . . the second precept , matth. . . whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them ; for this is the law and the prophets : this is nothing else , but a practical experiment of the former ; for every man is presumed to love himself , and in order and subservience to that love , to be able to judge , whether any thing that he doth or suffers , be answerable to his own well-being , which is the termination of that love , and accordingly likes or dislikes it , or wills it to be , or not to be done . this precept is resolved into its negative , whatsoever ye would not that men should do to you , that do not to them . and for the use of both , we are to take them both with these limitations : . it is understood in an equality or parity of relation , and not otherwise . for an instance , the father may expect that from a son , viz. reverence and observance , which will not be fit for the father to give to the son. the duties are diversified , according to the diversity of the relations : the resolution of the precept in this case , is therefore this , whatsoever i would that my father should expect from me , that i would that my son should do to me , & è converso . variations of circumstances and relations , diversifie the case : and therefore the resolution of this precept in case of different relations , must be as well with the change of the relations , as of the persons : and the question to be asked the conscience in such a case is , were i in my neighbour's condition , and my neighbour in mine , what i would in such a case , expect from my neighbour , that i ought to do to him . ex autographo , & cum eod . collat . finis . a brief abstract of the christian religion . a brief abstract of the christian religion . . that there is one , and but one , most glorious god , eternal , incomprehensible , perfectly happy , infinite in wisdom , power , and goodness , filling all places , but comprehended in no place , full of justice , mercy , truth and perfection . . that this god , though but one in essence , is yet three in number of his subsistence , father , son , and holy spirit . . that this god in the beginning of time , created the world , commonly called the heaven and earth , which he still governs , by his power , wisdom , and providence . and this he did , . for the manifestation and glory of his wisdom , power , and goodness : . for the communication of his beneficence , goodness and bounty to the things which he thus made , according to their several natures and capacities . . that having finished this inferior world , called the earth , and furnished it with all things necessary and convenient for the use and convenience of the nobler creature which he intended , he created the first man adam , and the first woman eve , the common parents of all mankind : from whom all the men and women in the world are derived by natural propagation . . to these first parents of mankind , almighty god gave some endowments or constituent parts , that are common to all mankind , as well as to them : namely , . terrestrial or earthly bodies ; for the first man was made out of the earth , and the bodies of all other men , though they are derived to them by ordinary generation , yet their bodies are terrestrial or elementary bodies : spiritual and immortal souls , endued not only with the power of vegetation , as herbs and trees : nor only with the power of sense and perception and appetite , as the bruit beasts : but also with the power of understanding and liberty of will , whereby he obtains a kind above all other visible creatures besides . and this soul thus endued with the power of understanding and will , doth not die with the body ; but it is immortal and never dies . and this is called a reasonable soul ; whereby we understand , and think , and consider , and remember , and chuse one thing , and refuse another ; whereby we have a capacity to know almighty god , his works , his will , and to obey and observe it ; and to perform all the actions that belong to a reasonable creature . . a power of propagation of their kind , by the mutual conjunction of sexes , by vertue of that divine benediction , given to man , as well as to sensible creatures : be fruitful , multiply , and replenish the earth . by vertue of which benediction , all the families of mankind that were , or are , or shall be upon the face of the earth , are in the course of ordinary generation derived from the first parents of mankind . . a power and right of dominion over the inferiour creatures , which he doth exercise , partly by the ordination and appointment of their creation , and partly by the advantage of his understanding faculty : and though this dominion be in some sort weakened and decayed by the fall of our first parents ; yet it still , in a great measure , continues to the children of men. . but some priviledges our first parents had in their state of innocence , which by their fall hath been much impaired and lost , and not derived to their posterity : . a state of perfect innocence , free from all sin , and sinful contagion . . a state of happiness and blessedness , as large as humane nature could be capable of . . a state of great integrity and perfection , as far forth as it was possible for humane nature to enjoy : as light and great knowledge in his understanding , integrity in his will , right order in his soul , righteousness and holiness . . a state of immortality of body and soul in their perfect conjunction , so long as he kept his innocence . . the ends , for which almighty god created man thus , were , first those common ends , which moved him to create the world , above mentioned , namely , his own glory , and the communication of his goodness and beneficence : but secondly , these seem to be the special ends of man's creation : . that he might have a creature in this lower world , that might more conveniently , actively and effectually give glory unto god : and to that end , he endued him with nobler faculties that might perform this office ; his understanding , whereby he might know his maker , and his will , and his works ; his will , whereby he might obey his will ; his affections , whereby he might love , and fear , and admire him ; his faculty of speech , whereby he might glorifie and praise him ; this is another kind of glory than the other inferiours do , or can , bring to their maker . and to the end he might thus glorifie his maker , he placed him in the view and sight of the goodly frame of heaven and earth , and gave him his law , wherein he should obey and serve his creator . . that he might be partaker of as much happiness and blessedness as the humane nature could be capable of , while it stood in conjunction with his body : and that he should , by a kind of translation into heaven , enjoy more pure , perfect , and everlasting state of blessedness and glory . . when god had thus created man , he gave him a law of righteousness and holiness , and revealed it to him : and for a probation or trial of his obedience , forbad him the eating of the fruit of one tree in paradise , under pain of death . . our first parents rebelled against that just and easie law , by eating the forbidden fruit. and although they did not presently die corporally , yet they by this disobedience fell into these inconveniences : . they were presently under the sentence of everlasting death , though delivered from it by the messiah , that promised seed . . they lost the estate of immortality of their bodies , though they lost not the state of immortality of their souls , which were essensentially immortal . . they lost their innocence , their happy estate in paradise , the clear and supernatural light of their understanding , the rectitude of their wills , the right order of their affections : and their souls lost much of its perfection , though not its essential spirituality and immortality . . all that were after derived from them by ordinary generation , though they had immortal souls , yet their faculties were imbased and corrupted , and greatly disordered , and without the extraordinary grace of god preventing and assisting them , prone to all kind of evil and sin , and thereby obnoxious to the wrath of god , and to everlasting death . and this is the condition of all the posterity of adam by nature , except jesus christ . . god almighty in his eternal wisdom and foreknowledge of the fall of man , in his infinite wisdom and goodness , purposed to send forth his son , to take the humane nature , and to become a king , a priest , and a prophet , and also a sacrifice , to expiate the sins of mankind , and to make them again partakers of the great and essential part of that happiness , which the first man lost by his fall : and so to recover unto himself a creature that might actually glorifie and serve him . . and to make this purpose effectual to our first parents , and to those that succeeded them before the coming of christ the purposed redeemer , almighty god was pleased to use two expedients : . he gave out the promise of the messiah , or the seed of the woman , the seed in whom all nations should be blessed : and the belief of this , though darkly revealed , became an instrument or means to render the promised messiah effectual to them , to partake of the benefits of his redemption , when it was joyned with the obedience to the revealed will of god in sincerity . . he gave out precepts directing men to their duty : and to the sincere endeavour of obedience to those precepts , he annexed the benefit of remission of sins and acceptance of their persons and duties , through the messiah , or christ that was to come . . in the fulness or appointment of time , namely , about four thousand years after the creation of mankind , the son of god , by a miraculous conception of the virgin mary , without the conjunction of man , assumed the humane nature , became man , lived about three and thirty years , discovered the mind and will of god , touching mankind , confirmed his doctrine with unquestionable miracles and evidences from heaven , and lived a most holy and spotless life , and then was without cause crucified by the jews , was buried , the third day he rose from the dead , lived again , according as he promised , and conversed with his disciples forty days , then ascended into the glorious heavens , where he is in a state of glory and power . . and after his ascension , he sent upon his apostles , as he promised , the power of the holy spirit , whereby they did many miracles in witness of the truth of the doctrine and history of christ . the reasons and ends , why the son of god thus took our nature , became man , and died for us , were these : . that the eternal counsel and purpose of god , for the recovering and redemption of mankind out of their lost condition , and all those predictions and prophecies touching the same , might be fulfilled , and thereby the great god to have the glory of his wisdom , mercy , power , and truth . . that there might be a common remedy for the recovery of mankind to their duty and subjection to almighty god , that they might actively glorifie their creator , according to the end of their creation . . that there might be a common remedy afforded to mankind , to obtain in substance that happiness which they lost in their first parents , and by their own renewed transgressions , and a means provided for the pardon of their sins , and saving of their immortal souls , and yet without derogation of the divine justice , and the honour of his government . . in order to these great ends , the son of god was thus sent from heaven , and commissionated as it were by the father , principally to do these great businesses in this world ; first to acquaint the world with the whole will of god concerning mankind : . to lay down a full and sufficient sacrifice for the sins of the world , by his own death and passion : . to give the world all possible assurance both of the truth of his doctrine and the sufficiency of his satisfaction by his wonderful miracles , by his resurrection and ascension , and by the diffusion of the gifts of the spirit upon his apostles and believers after his ascension . . touching the first of these , namely , the manifestation of the divine will , touching mankind ; this contains the doctrine of the gospel , the message sent from heaven by the son of god , touching all things to be believed , and to be done by the children of men , in order to their redemption and attaining of everlasting happiness . and this was necessary , because the world was full of darkness and ignorance . and many things that were now necessary for men to know , were but darkly revealed unto the former ages of the world. the son of god therefore came to bring life and immortality to light , by the gospel . . the doctrines of the gospel , which christ brought with him into the world , were principally these : . that all men have immortal souls , which must live to all eternity , notwithstanding the death of their bodies . . that there should come a dissolution of this present world , and at that time there shall be a resurrection of all that had been dead , and a change of all that should be then living , into an immortal estate . . that there should at that day be a final judgment , where all men should be doomed , some to everlasting life and happiness , some to everlasting misery . . that in the strict rule of divine justice , the wages of every sin is everlasting death and misery , which is fully described in the gospel . . that all mankind is obnoxious to everlasting death and misery , because all mankind have sinned , and are born in sin. so that without the help of mercy from god , all mankind are in a lost and desperate condition . . that yet for all this , almighty god is willing that his creature should be reconciled to him , is desirous to pardon his sins , to be at peace with him , and everlastingly to save him , and to restore unto him that everlasting happiness that he had lost by his own sin , and the sin of our first parents . . but yet that all this should be done in such a way as might be consistent with the honour of his justice and of his government , as well as of his mercy and of his bounty : and therefore that he will have a sacrifice and a price laid down for the sins of the world , namely , the precious life of his own son jesus christ , that published this doctrine to the world : and this sacrifice and satisfaction the glorious god would accept in a way of justice , and yet in a way of mercy , that his justice might be satisfied , his mercy magnified , and his creature saved . . and that because it would be neither agreeable to the honour nor the wisdom of almighty god , that any man that had the use of his reason and understanding , should have the fruit and benefit of this mercy and sacrifice , without returning to his duty to god by true repentance for what he had done amiss , and by better obedience to god : neither was there any fitness or suitableness between a pure and holy god , or that blessedness which mankind might expect with him , and a people that should yet continue desperately sinful and impure : and it was also reasonable and fit , that if mankind would expect the restitution to that everlasting happiness , that they lost by their own sins , and the sin of their first parents , then they should also return to their duty and obedience to god , and perform in some measure , that end , for which mankind was at first created , namely actively , to glorifie that god that had made them especially after so great an addition of mercy , as the redemption of the world by the death of his own son ; therefore he appointed and intended , and published to the world , that all , that would have the fruit and benefit of this great redemption , should repent of their sins , and endeavour sincerely to obey the precepts of piety , sobriety , and righteousness , commanded by almighty god by the message of his son. . and because , that if those to whom this message of the gospel of christ should be published , should yet not believe the same , nor believe that jesus was the true messias , or that his doctrine was the true and real message of almighty god to the world , it could never be expected that they would obey this heavenly command , nor return to god , or the duty they owed him : he did therefore require of all persons that were of understanding , to whom the gospel should be published , that they should believe it to be true , and believe that christ was the true messias , the great sacrifice for the sin of the world , and the doctrine which he preached , was the will of god concerning man. . and thus there are these conditions to be performed on the part of those that will expect the benefit of the redemption purchased by the blood of christ : . that all , that are of understanding , to whom the gospel is preached , should believe it to be the truth , and rest upon it as the truth of god : . that they should be heartily sorry for their former sins , and repent of them , and turn from them . this is repentance . . that they should in all sincerity , endeavour to conform their hearts and wills , and lives , to the precepts and commandments of christ and his gospel , which is called sanctification and new obedience . . and because , when we have done all we can , yet we are in this life compassed about with many infirmities and temptations , and subject to fail in our duty to god , and to these holy precepts of the gospel ; yet the merciful god hath assured us by his son christ jesus , that if we sincerely endeavour to obey the precepts of the gospel , and repent for our failings herein , and so renew our peace with god by unfeigned repentance , the same sacrifice of his son shall be accepted to expiate for our sins and failings , and the blessed god will accept of our sincere , though imperfect obedience , as a performance of that part of the covenant of the gospel , that concerns our obedience to god , and the commands of the gospel . and this is called evangelical obedience , which , though it be not perfect , yet being sincere and accompanied with real and sincere endeavours to obey , and repentance for our daily failings , is accepted of god through the sacrifice of christ , who is not only our sacrifice and propitiation , but also our intercessor and mediator at the right hand of god. if any man sin , we have an advocate with the father , even jesus christ , who sitteth at the right hand of the father , john . . heb. . . & . . . and because many times , example gives a great light and life to precepts , our blessed saviour in his life , gave us an excellent example of the practice of those precepts , which he hath given to us ; as namely , obedience and submission to the will of god ; invocation upon him , holiness , purity , sobriety , patience , righteousness , justice , charity , compassion , bounty , truth , sincerity , uprightness , heavenly mindedness , low esteem of worldly glory , condescension , and all those graces and vertues that he requires and expects from us . . and as thus our lord jesus came to instruct us in all things necessary for us to believe and practise , and to give us an admirable pattern and example of a holy and vertuous life : so , . he came to die for us , and to die such a death , as had in it all the circumstances of bitterness , and yet accompanied with unspotted innocence and incomparable patience , and he thus died for these ends. . to lay down a ransom for the sins of mankind , and a price for the purchace of everlasting life and happiness for all those that receive him , believe in him , and obey the gospel . . to satisfie the justice of god , to make good his truth , to vindicate the honour of his government ; and to proclaim his justice , his indignation against sin , and yet to magnifie his love and mercy to mankind , in giving his son to be a price of their redemption . . to give a just indication unto all the world of the vileness of sin , the abhorrence of it , that cost the son of god his life , when he was but under the imputed guilt of it , that so mankind might detest and avoid sin , as the vilest of evils . . to give a most unparallel'd instance of his love to the world , that did chuse to die for the children of men , to redeem them from everlasting death . . and thereby to oblige mankind with the most obliging and indearing instance to love and obey that jesus , that thus died for them , and out of the common principles of humanity and gratitude , to love and obey him , that thus loved them , and laid down his life for them . . to give a most convincing evidence of the truth of his doctrine , and the sincereness of his professions of love to mankind , by sealing the same with his own blood. finis . considerations seasonable at all times for the cleansing of the heart and life . considerations seasonable at all times for the cleansing of the heart and life . . of god , and therein . of his purity and holiness ; one that cannot endure to behold iniquity . the stars are not pure in his sight , job . . job . . and his angels he chargeth with folly , job . . how then canst thou think to draw near to the holy god , when thy heart and thy lips , and thy life are clothed with impurity and filthiness ? when thy thoughts , the only instruments whereby thou canst converse with him , are busied in considerations unworthy of a spirit , much more unworthy of the god of spirits ? canst thou think that this holy god will accept of the productions of that soul , thy prayers and meditations , who but now was imployed in base unclean earthy thoughts , and didst but now part with them , with a resolution to resume them ? every impure thought leaves a mark and blot upon thy soul , that remains when thy thought is past ; and canst thou bring that spotted soul into the presence of the pure and holy god , without confusion and shame ? thou art now going about with thy lips to draw near unto god ; remember how many vain and unprofitable words , how many murmuring and unthankful words , how many unclean and filthy words , how many false and dissembling words , how many proud and arrogant words , how many malicious and vindictive words , how many hypocritical and deceitful words , how many seducing and misleading words , how many ungodly and blasphemous words , have stain'd and polluted those calves of thy lips , thou art now about to sacrifice to thy creator . thou art about to undertake a conversation and walking with god ; can two walk together unless they are agreed ? amos . . how then canst thou , a polluted man in all thy actions , even those of the best denomination , expect to have a conversation with the holy , holy , holy lord ? the stains of thy life past stick upon thee , and thou art not cleansed from them ; and the sea of corruption that is within thee , will , notwithstanding thy highest resolutions , never cease to cast out mire and dirt . o lord , it is true , i am a sinful man , and the whole frame of my heart , and lips , and life , hath been only evil and that continually : and as i have been , so still i must continue , without thy mercy to pardon and cleanse me . my pollutions and impurities are such as may justly affright me from coming near thy holiness , lest i should be consumed ; such as may discourage my prayers and applications unto thee , lest i should stain and infect them : and it is no more in my power to change or cleanse my self from the stains of my sins past , or from the growing evils of my nature , than in the leopard to change his spots ; so that i may most justly conclude , that it were extream presumption for me to draw near unto thee , and rather cry out with the disciple , depart from me , o lord , for i am a sinful man , luk. . . but if i sit where i am , i shall perish ; and if i draw near unto thee , i can but die . that purity that i behold in thee , is the purity of the great god ; and my sins are the sins of a finite creature : my sinfulness cannot defile thy holiness ; but thy holiness may cleanse my impurity : that fire which will consume an impure and a proud heart , will cleanse an impure and unhumble heart . o lord i desire to abhor my self in dust and ashes : unless thou hadst shewn me my filthiness , i could not have seen it ; and unless thy grace had been with my heart , i could not have humbled my self before thee : unless thou hadst called me , i could not have moved toward thee . thy promises , upon which my soul shall ever fix till thou throw me off , are full of bounty and tenderness even to the vilest of sinners : no sin of so deep a dye , but thy mercy can wash away : no corruption so hideous , but thy grace can cleanse . and so far hast thou condescended to the weakness of thy creature , that thou hast given us a visible sacrifice , whose blood is sufficient to cleanse us from all our guilt , a visible fountain to wash for sin and for uncleanness , even the blood of the son of god , which cleanseth us from all sin , which cleanseth our consciences from the guilt and stain of sin , and washeth our bodies from the dominion and pollution of sin ; and by that blood hath opened a new and living way for us into the presence of god , hebr. . . and given access thereby into the holiest , and given us a commission to draw near with acceptation into his presence , hebr. . . . the presence of god. whither shall i fly from thy presence ? psal . . . he seeth the secretest corners of the world , and the secretest chambers of thy heart , and all the guests that are there , even thy closest thoughts and contrivances and purposes ; much more thy most retired and deepest actions are as legible to him as if they were graved in brass . and the deep and setled and frequent consideration of this , will be of excellent use upon all occasions . is thy heart sollicited by thy self ( as our unhappy hearts are our own tempters ) or by any object , or by the perswasions of others , or by the suggestion of the devil , to impure speculations , or sinful resolutions , to atheistical disputations , to proud or arrogant conceptions of thy self , to revengeful or uncharitable or forbidden wishes , to vain and unprofitable thoughts ? remember thou and all those thy thoughts ( which even natural modesty or prudence would shame thee to publish before a mortal man as thou art ) are all naked and manifest before the great , holy , and immortal god , whose eyes walk through all the corners of thy heart : and darest thou in his presence to entertain such guests as these in that place where thy creator is present , in that place which thou pretendest to make a temple for him , in that place which the lord of heaven is pleased most justly and most mercifully to claim as his own ? consider what a presence thou art in : he is not only an eye-witness of the impurities of thy heart ( which yet if there were nothing else , might justly shame thee ) but it is his presence who hath forbidden thee to entertain such vermin as these in thy heart , under pain of eternal death ; it is thy judge that sees thee ; it is the great creator , before whom the angels of heaven cover their faces , not being able to behold his glory : and , which is more than all this , to an ingenuous nature , it is he to whom thou owest thy self and all thou art ; he to whom thou hast given up thy name , that hath purchased thy heart from hell with the price of his son's blood : and how canst thou chuse but tremble and be confounded , to think that thou shouldest , contrary to all the bonds of duty and gratitude , even in his presence and before his face , let in again those abominations into thy heart , from which it was cleansed by the blood of christ ? again , hath a sinful thought , through incogitancy of the presence of god , entred into thy heart ? yet remember the presence of god , before it grow into a purpose or resolution : or if it hath gone so far as a resolution , yet remember that presence , and thou canst not dare to perfect this hideous conception unto action : and improve joseph's question , gen. . . how can i do this great wickedness , and sin against god ? thy creator , thy judge beholds thee . let it be the matter of thy humiliation to consider that thou hast stained the habitation of his presence by admitting a sinful thought ; that thou hast in his presence and in his place nourished it into a resolution : and therefore let it be at last thy care at least to kill this resolution before it comes to action by improving this practical consideration of the presence of the holy , glorious and terrible god : and if , notwithstanding this consideration , thy soul shrink not from thy purpose ; or if thou reject the consideration of his presence , that thou mayest the more quietly and contentedly sin ; or if thou precipitate thy resolution into action , lest the consideration of his presence should step into thy heart and divert thee ; thy sin is heightned , and thou addest contempt of god unto thy offence , by rejecting the light and grace , that might and would , if brought to thy heart , restrain thee , and with the presumptuous sinner in job . . thou sayest to god , depart from me , for i desire not the knowledge of thy ways . and it is no wonder if he take thee at thy word , and depart from thee to all eternity , by the presence of his love and goodness , though his severe and angry eye and presence ever rest upon thee . again , is the god of heaven an eye-witness of thy carriage when either by thy self or others thou art solicited to evil ? take courage to resist this temptation , because thy creator sees thee . ask thy temptation , whether it can secure thee from the sight and wrath of god , whether it can countervail thy damage in displeasing him that beholds thee ? dost thou want courage or resolution to oppose it ? consider thy lord stands by to see and observe and reward thee in thy opposition . couldest thou see but that glory that hath commanded thy resistance of evil , and how near it stands by thee , all the choicest solicitations to any sin would die in their first offer against thee . dost thou doubt thy strength to oppose it ? know that thou canst not want strength , if thou hast but resolution : it is thy cowardise makes thee weak ; it is not thy weakness that makes thee cowardly : all the men in the world , nor all the devils in hell , could not fasten a sin upon thee , unless thou first consent . but suppose thou doubtest thy own heart , yet consider thy maker's presence , who is by thee , and able to support thee , if thou wilt but lay hold of his strength ; and that strength of his he offers thee if thou wilt but take it : and it is not possible thou shouldest wanr it , if thou seriously consider that he is present ; for it is an act of thy faith whereby thou dost believe his presence , and by the same act thou dost partake of all that goodness and truth and mercy , which accompanies his presence , and will bear thee up against the most accomplisht temptation . consider that the presence of god , that beholds thy carriage in a temptation , as it must needs add an infinite dishonour and shame and confusion , that in the presence of the glorious and pure god thou shouldest sink under a base temptation contrary to the commands and holiness of him that beholds thee , so it cannot chuse but strengthen thee against the strongest temptation by the anticipation of that comfort and contentment that thou must needs have by holding thine integrity when such thoughts as these shall move thy heart : i am now solicited to break my maker's command for a perishing profit or pleasure : whatsoever my success be , i know the glorious , holy , mighty god sees my demeanour , even he that hath his reward in his hand of indignation , and vengeance , and shame , in case i yield to this unworthy solicitation ; and approbation , glory and immortality , in case i stick to his command : and shall i in the presence of the almighty and glorious god prefer the satisfaction of an unworthy lust or temptation , with shame in the presence of my creator , before my obedience unto him , even in his own sight , when he looks upon me , and encourageth me with a promise of strength to assist me , and of glory to reward me ? to be able to hear in my own conscience the suffrage of the lord of heaven beholding me , well done , good and faithful servant , were enough to overweigh all my obedience , though it were possible that it could be divided from what follows , enter into thy master's joy . again , art thou in any temporal calamity , be it what it will ? the consideration of the presence of god will make thy condition comfortable , psal . . . though i walk in the valley of the shadow of death , i will fear no evil , for thou art with me : my wants are great , and my reproaches are great , and my enemies , my pains , my dangers , my losses , my discomforts are great ; but they are not hid from god , he is present and his wisdom , and if he saw it not fit for me to be afflicted , it is enough i have learned to acknowledge his wisdom , and with patience and chearfulness to submit to him , who measures out every dram of this bitter potion to most wise ends , and yet stands by to manage it : he is present and his power and omnipotence , and my prayers have no long journey to come unto him ; when my exigences are at the highest his power is enough , and near enough to help me in the very article of necessity ; and when i am sinking with peter , he hath an arm near enough to rescue me from the ripe and victorious danger : he is present and his compassion and mercy and tenderness and faithfulness , who will not suffer me to be tempted above what i am able to bear : it is his mercy that hath thus much or thus long afflicted me ; for so much the necessity of my soul , it may be , did require . psal . . . thy judgments are right , and thou in faithfulness hast afflicted me : and that i am afflicted no more , it is thy mercy . for he stands by , and sees what measure consists with my good , and when the measure begins to exceed my strength , and either easeth my burden , or helps me to bear it : in all their afflictions he was afflicted , isa . . . he is present and his all-sufficiency : and this is enough to swallow up all the bitterness and darkness of my extreamest misery . the comfort and beauty and goodness of every thing in it self , or which it can reach out to me by fruition or participation , is that which is derived to it only from the wisdom , power , and goodness of god ; and there is no more of good in the creature than what he lends it ; neither can it communicate to me more , nor can i receive more from it than what he enables it to give , and me to receive : and the creatures are but those vessels accommodated and fitted to my nature , out of which i drink that good , that he hath put into them : and if he put not communicative good into the creatures , they will prove but empty vessels unto me , or such as are sealed up and cannot communicate that good that is in them : without his particular bounty unto me , the creature unto me will be but like the prophet's book , which he that is learned could not read , because it was sealed ; and he to whom it was opened could not read it , because he was unlearned : either the good that is in them is sealed up to me , and it cannot be drawn out ; or i am sealed up to it , and cannot draw it out . eccles . . . a man to whom god hath given riches , wealth and honour , so that he wanteth nothing , yet god giveth him not power to eat thereof : so then the conclusion of all is , that all the good that is in the things we enjoy , and in the enjoyment whereof men account themselves happy , and in the want whereof they account themselves miserable , is but a derived good from the chiefest good , but a portion of that good which is in the chiefest good ; but a good at the second hand , which at the first hand is to be found in all perfection in the chiefest good : and therefore if i can but enjoy the presence and communion of the chiefest good , i shall with and in him enjoy all that good , and far more , in the fountain , though all the conduits through which they are ordinarily derived to man by the creatures , are stopped to me . it is an act of great mercy and wisdom in god that , when the most part of men are led meerly by sense , and understand not the presence of god , and that all-sufficiency that is in him , he is pleased to derive a suitable good unto their natures , by such sensible instruments unto which men may resort , and therein may find those goods that are accommodate to their nature and condition ; as , to medicines and physick for their health and cures ; to bread and meat for the supply of their hunger ; to musick and wine for refreshing their spirits ; to fortifications , confederacies and civil conjunctions for preventing or repressing of injuries , and the like ; for through these chanels god is pleased to derive , at the second hand , and as it were at a distance , that good which men find in them : but how great is that mercy , that discovers god himself to be near unto me , and to compass me about ; and discovers in him a sea of all sufficiency infinitely more than proportionable to all my exigences ; and gives me an access immediately to that all-sufficiency , where i shall find at the first hand all that good , that is strained and runs through the creatures at a distance , where i may and shall , if i be not defective to my self , most certainly have whatsoever the creature can afford , or what shall abundantly supply that defect to my greater advantage and contentment ! is my estate small , and scarce holding proportion to my necessities ? the all-sufficient god is near unto me , and he can protr●ct my cruise of oyl to my support : but if he do not , yet if he be pleased to be my exceeding great reward , gen. . . the portion of my inheritance and my cup , psal . . . i can chearfully and comfortably conclude with the same prophet , my lines are fallen in pleasant places , and i have a goodly heritage : and with the prophet , habbac . . . though the fig-tree shall not blossom , neither shall there be fruit in the vine , the labour of the olive shall fall , and the field shall yield no meat , &c. yet i will rejoyce in the lord , i will joy in the god of my salvation . i can bear all my wants with chearfulness and contentedness of heart , because the all-sufficient god is present with me , in whom i find more abundance of better comfort than i can find in all the creatures of the world ; one that is not only essentially present with me , but is pleased to evidence his presence unto me : i have a plentiful inheritance , and have not ●ar to it : is my reputation and name wrongfully blasted and withered ? yet the great and glorious god is present ; and if i can lay open my conscience before him , and can clear my self to him , and can appeal to him who is present with my heart and all my actions , and can receive an approbation from him , i value not the esteems of men . he is a shield for me , my glory , and the lifter up of my head , psal . . and if i am precious in his sight , i am honourable enough , isa . . . he can clear up my reputation as the noon day , and will do it if he see it fit for my good , and his own glory : but if he doth not , his will be done , i am contented , and value not all the scorns and reproaches , all the contumelies and disgraces , all the calumnies and slanders laid upon me by men , in comparison of that content & satisfaction by the presence of the god that sees and knows and justifies me : is the world stormy , full of wars , and rapine , and injuries , exceeding the repression of civil justice ? the presence of god is a strength to my soul against all this , and a greater security than the munitions of rocks , and the strength of armies : he is a shield , gen. . . a refuge , psal . . . a rock , a fortress and deliverer , sam. . . a defence , psal . . . our strength , psal . . . a hiding place to preserve from trouble , psal . . . a present help in time of trouble , psal . . . a shelter in times of danger , psal . . . a refuge from the storm , a shadow from the heat , when the blast of the terrible ones is as a storm against a wall , isa . . . the lord of hosts is with us , the god of jacob is our refuge , psal . . . under the shadow of his wings is our trust and safety , psal . . . psal . . . a hiding place from the councils and contrivances , psal . . . and from the injuries and violence of men , jer. . . if he please he can secure my estate and my body from violence ; but if he do not , i am sure that my treasure and my life shall be secured ; for my life is hid with god in christ : i know he hath wisdom enough , and power enough , and mercy enough to preserve me ; and he hath no need to be acquainted with my danger , for he is with me ; neither have my desires any long or uncertain journey to him , for he is with my thoughts , and knows them before they are formed ; isa . . . before they can call , i will answer : and as long as i know that the wise god is so near me , i am sure of deliverance , if it be convenient ; and if it be not , why should i be troubled if i miscarry ? and as thus my heart , sensible of the presence of god , can entertain the dangers , that seem to come from the hands of others ; so it will bear up the heart in all other sad occurrences of this life . is my mind full of perplexities and difficulties how or what to resolve ? the god of wisdom is within my call , and within my vie● , and i can beg his counsel , and i am sure to have it , and his is the best counsel . are my losses great , and of those things wherein i took most delight ? yet they cannot countervail the enjoyment of the presence of the all-sufficient god. is my body full of tortures or diseases , and death looks in upon me between the curtains , and my soul sitting upon my lips , and like the light of a dying candle , taking her flight from my body ? yet the presence of the all-sufficient god is able to make this valley of the shadow of death lightsom , and those pains easie , and bear up my soul against the horrour and amazement of death : for he stands by me with strength to support me , with victory and immortality to receive that soul ( the only seat where my fear can dwell ) into a more near and immediate sense of his presence , than in my body it could feel : only remember , that though the presence of his essence cannot be excluded from any place or person , jer. . . yet there are occasions that may separate from the sense of his presence , or make his presence terrible unto thee . isa . . . your iniquities have separated between you and your god ; and your sins have hid his face from you , that he will not hear . and if such an unhappy time befal thee , that he hide from thy soul his comfortable presence , let it be thy care to return unto him by humbling of thy heart sincerely before him for thy relapse . he never departs from any till man first depart from him ; and he never hides himself long from any that in sincerity return unto him . the very moving of thy heart to seek him is the work of his power and mercy upon thee , and is an undeniable evidence that he hath not utterly forsaken thee : unless he first did seek and find thee , and touch that heart of thine with his own finger , thy heart would rather die in her sin than return unto god ; and therefore be sure thy returning to him shall not be without a finding of him : only make this use of thy experience of such a case : bless the mercy of god , that hath not rejected thee , though thou hast forsaken him : bless the mediation of thy redeemer , that when thou little thinkest of it , intercedes for thy pardon , and sends out his spirit to reduce his wayward , sinful , wandring creature : bless the bounty and patience of god , that is so ready to accept again into favour his relapsed but humbled creature ; and remember that it is an evil thing and a bitter to depart from him : fall upon thy knees with tears of sorrow for thy ingratitude , and tears of joy for thy re entertainment into the presence of him , that yet is pleased to own thee as a father : take up indignation against thy sin that hath deprived thee of so great a good as the comfortable presence of god ; and take up jealous thoughts over thy self and all thy ways , and consider well of all thy enterprises before thou undertake them , whether there be any thing in them that may offend thy reconciled father : and because thy judgment is weak , and cannot so clearly discern thy way , and thy strength is weak in opposing of temptation , suspect thy own judgment and strength , and beg his wisdom to teach thee , and his strength to assist thee , and lean not to thy own understanding . again , the consideration of the presence of god is of singular use in all thy duties of piety and charity . in the doing of them it will cleanse thy heart from hypocrisie , because thou art before the god that searcheth the heart , and accordingly accepteth of the action . it will keep thee from unseemliness and want of reverence , because the lord of heaven and earth is present and an eye-witness to all the deportment of thy body and soul. it will keep thee from sluggishness , formality and deadness of heart , because he stands by thee that sees not as man sees . it will keep thee from pride and vain glory ; it will make thy heart sincere , reverent , watchful , earnest and humble in all thou dost , because as he that stands by thee requires all this in all thy duties , so these affections or habits of the soul become the creature that knows he is in the presence of the glorious and infinite god , that searcheth the hearts , and sees the actions . and as in thy duties it will fit thee for them , so after thy duties it will comfort thee in them . hath thy heart been truly humbled in his presence for any sin , for which thou hast begged pardon , and mingled the blood and intercession of thy saviour with thy prayers ? hast thou been upon thy knees before him for any thing necessary for thy soul , body , or relations ? hast thou endeavoured by a serious meditation to consider of divine truths ? hast thou examined the state of thy soul and of thy life , and upon the view thereof taken up resolutions of amendment of what is amiss , and persevering and increasing in what is agreeable to his will ? hast thou sought out to relieve those that are in want , to recompense those that thou hast injured , to advance the gospel of jesus christ ? hast thou been doing any thing that is the duty of thy general calling as thou art a christian , or that particular calling or employment into which god's providence hath cast thee ? and can thy heart bear thee witness that in all this thou hast endeavoured with all sincerity , as in the presence of god , to walk and act in obedience to him , and with a clear and upright heart and conscience ? be sure thy heart cannot more clearly evidence it self to thy self than it doth to god ; and god was all this while present with thee , beholding of thee ; there is not one grain of the sincerity and integrity of any of these thy actions , not one tear , not one thought of thy heart lost , but most exactly observed and weighed by him that weigheth the spirits , and they shall not return unto thee empty : acts . . thy prayers and thy alms are come up for a memorial before god. . the truth and vnchangeableness of god : he is unchangeable in his nature , psal . . . they shall be changed , but thou art the same . mal. . . i am the lord , i change not , therefore ye sons of jacob are not consumed . james . . the father of lights , with whom is no variableness nor shadow of turning . and from this immutability of his essence flows the truth of his word in his covenant , in his promises , in his threatnings , in his works : psal . . the works of his hands are verity and judgment , and all his commandments are sure . and the very variety of his dispensations of mercy and justice to the children of men , ariseth from the very unchangeable nature of god , even from the very first creation until now : gen. . . if thou dost well , shal● thou not be accepted ? and if thou dost not well , sin lyes at the door : which is the very same rule whereby god justifies the equality of his ways , ezek. . . is not my way equal ? are not your ways unequal ? when a righteous man turneth away from his righteousness , and committeth iniquity , and dyeth in them , for his iniquity that he hath done he shall dye . again ▪ when the wicked man turneth away from his wickedness , &c. he shall save his soul alive : which is but the same under the gospel , rom. . . who will render to every man according to his deeds . though the great god be absolute lord of his creatures to do with them what he pleaseth , yet the various conditions of his creatures in the course of judgments and mercies , are not from any change in god , but in us : it is the same holiness and purity of god that is uniform and constant to it self , that works these different effects upon the creature ; as the same uniform heat of the sun works seeming contrary effects according to the diversity of the subject ; so that his ways are still equal , streight and righteous . and this consideration , as it may strengthen our hearts in the promises of god , so it will make the histories of the book of god of singular use to us upon all occasions , when we shall with david , psal . . . i will remember the years of the right hand of the most high : i will remember the works of the lord : i will remember thy wonders of old : and together with it consider that the same lord that did thus or thus in former times , is the same god yesterday , to day , and for ever . and by this consideration every history in the book of god is as a measure for all the present or future concernments of my self and others , and will teach me how to behave my self in the like occasions , and to judge even of future events . in the passages of nature we see a wonderful order and constancy for the most part ; for all things conform themselves to those rules which god hath put into them ; and that is the best and highest resolution we can give for them ; for when we come to make a particular inquiry into the particular causes of those things , there is not the easiest part of his work , and that which long and constant continuance hath made obvious to all men , but the wisest of men , notwithstanding all these advantages , are puzled and confounded in ; because the god of nature hath not revealed it to men , psal . . . his way is in the sea , and his path in the great waters , and his footsteps are not known . there we see a certainty , but we cannot find the immediate instrument or cause of it : but in the passages of mankind we are to seek for any certainty at all , or the causes of that uncertainty , whch made the wise man conclude that god had set the one against the other , that men should find nothing after him , eccles . . . which is most certainly true as to a bare natural or rational observation : yet even these works of god are sought out of all them that have pleasure in them , psal . . . and though his judgments are a great deep , psal . . . unsearchable and past finding out , rom. . . till he is pleased to discover them ; yet he is still unchangeable , and the same yesterday , and to day , and for ever . so much even of those secret ways towards men , as is expedient for our knowledge and use , he hath discovered in his book to those that will diligently observe it : thus the secret of the lord is with them that fear him , psal . . . the most of the varieties that happen to the children of men do arise from the immutability of god in his purity and in his justice . if a streight line be drawn parallel to another , though they be infinitely extended , they will keep the same distance one from another ; but if the line be crooked , it will be in some places nearer ▪ some places farther off , and it may be will cross the streight line . god hath given to man a liberty of his will , and so long as his will and the actions of his will ran parallel in a streight line to the will of god , there was still a communication of good from god to his creature : but when man chose crooked ways , he is drawn thereby sometimes away from god , and so is removed from his blessings and communion ; sometimes it crosseth and thwarts him , and then it meets with his wrath and vengeance . and this must needs be so , unless we should with the presumptuous fool in the psalmist , psal . . . think that god is such a one as our selves , and his will as crooked as ours . if a bare reasonable man had looked upon the state of the jews from the time of their going out of egypt until their final captivity , he would easily see as much variety as in any state of men , and perhaps see as little cause for it : but yet that very changeableness of their condition doth most admirably set forth the immutability of god , and instruct us how to judge of things and men . they were a people in covenant with him , and he was pleased to enter into covenant with them , and so long as they kept to their undertaking , not one tittle of all his promise failed them . but when they once forsook him he warns , and if they repent not he forsakes them ; if they walk contrary to him he walks contrary to them ; and if after all this they return and repent , he returns to them ; see psal . , . the abbreviation of their vicissitudes . and when at last they were wholly corrupted , then the wrath of god arose , and there was no remedy . all these varieties justifie the equality and evenness of the ways of god , and manifest the crookedness and inequality of the ways of men. and is god the same now that he was then ? his ways then are the same now that they were then . art thou one that hast entred into covenant with god ? beware thou keep to it , and walk humbly with thy god : if not , be sure thou shalt meet with the like measure as his people of old did , his justice is the same still , he will scourge thee with the rod of men , though if thou hast a heart to return , he will not utterly take his loving-kindness from thee . and hast thou met with the fruit of this sin in a temporal punishment ? consider it is an evil thing and a bitter to depart from the living god. what madest thou wander from thy strength and thy safety as well as thy covenant and thy duty ? what couldest thou expect to find when thou straglest from him , but that some evil should overtake thee ? get home again as fast as thou canst ; and as thou hast found that he is the same god of justice that ever he was ; so thou shalt find that he is the same god of mercy and tenderness , upon returning , that ever he was , psal . . . and he remembred for them his covenant , and repented according to the multitude of his mercies . it is true , the same thing may befal several men , or one man at several times , and yet they may be of different natures , one may be a chastisement , another may be a trial , and another may be a favour : it is according as the thing sent hath its commission from him that sends it . if it be a chastisement , it is not without a sting . if it be a tryal , it is not without an issue . if it be a favour , it is not without a great measure of comforts mingled with it . ( . ) a chastisement for a sin past carries with it the poison and malignity of the sin which causes it ; as the fruit carries the nature of that seed from whence it grows : jer. . . thy way and thy doings have procured these things unto thee : this is thy wickedness because it is bitter . jer. . . the affliction tasted of the sin . psal . . . mine iniquities have taken hold upon me . psal . . . there is no rest in my bones because of my sin . and this , like the trumpet in the mount , waxeth louder and louder , and prayers for deliverance prove fruitless , though they come from a joshua , josh . . . till the accursed thing be sought out ; for till then the message that the affliction brings is not received , and it will not give over vexing the man till it hath done his errand . when a man begins to examine his ways , and finds out the root of his trouble , and humbles himself before god for his sin , then , and not till then , can he expect a deliverance . when david , psal . . had run over the catalogue of his sufferings , his prayer for deliverance was never seasonable , v. . till he had undertaken confession and repentance of his sin , v. . if upon the gentle admonitions of the almighty in the conscience , a man listens not , he hath a messenger sent to him that will be heard , job . . then he openeth the ear of man ; and it may be by a disease in his body , or some other affliction , and he stands by to see how this message is entertained , v. , . and if any say , i have sinned and perverted what was right , and it profited me not , then he will deliver his soul , &c. a chastisement for a sin hath at the same time an act of justice , as it looks backward to the sin , and an act of mercy , as it looks forward to an amendment ; and the latter is the principal end of god in it : and therefore with the repentance either the chastisement is ........ if immanent , or if transient and past , is sweetned with a sense of god's reconciliation . ( . ) if it be a tryal , that carries with it his message ; for if upon an impartial inquiry , a man cannot find any eminent sin unrepented of , yet it pleaseth god to lay his hand upon him ; yet it brings these lessons with it : . to acknowledge the justice of god for all this . it is somewhat strange that job could so much justifie himself against his sufferings , and yet was made to possess the sins of his youth . those little sins , which were passed twenty or thirty years since , and had all the extenuations of the infirmity of nature , have malignity enough in them to deserve those sufferings that thou now art under ; and it was the patience of god towards thee that they were thus long before they bore their fruit , when thou art in a better condition to make use of the punishment , than thou wert shortly after their commission : and it may be thy repentance , even for those long past transgressions , was not particular or deep enough , and it is no loss of time or labour to thee to mourn again over thy stale transgressions : but howsoever let it be thy care to search thy self , it will make thee better acquainted with thy self . if thou find a sin not deeply enough sorrowed for , thy affliction hath deserved well at thy hands ; and if thou find it not , yet thy affliction is well recompensed by giving thee an opportunity to discover that to thy self , which contents thy conscience more valuably than thy affliction hath done thee prejudice . . to acknowledge the sovereignty of god , and to submit to his will with an obedient patience : sam. . . it is the lord , let him do what seemeth him good . psal . . . i was dumb and opened not my mouth , because thou didst it . jer. . . behold , as the clay is in the hand of the potter , so are ye in my hands . though thou canst not see a cause for thy afflictions that might signally deserve it , nor canst see an end in it ; yet thou canst not chuse but find a use of it to teach thee with wisdom to acknowledge , and with patience to submit unto the most justly unlimited power and authority of the almighty god over the work of his own hands , and to put thy mouth in the dust , and to wait for him and upon him , jam. . , . till he give an expected end , jer. . . . to depend and rest upon his mercy and goodness for deliverance from , or strength and comfort in thy affliction . as the creature is essentially dependent upon god , so it is its duty and perfection ; and he useth the absence of external confidences and comforts , upon which we are most apt to rest , to call man to his duty , to fix his heart upon him , psal . . . external confluences many times rob god of that love and that dependence we owe to him , and if the loss or want of them send thy love and confidence to him , to whom it belongs , thou art no loser by thy loss . . to walk more strictly and vigilantly with god. though thou canst not upon thy examination find a cause of thy cross , that may eminently discover it self in it , yet thou canst not chuse but know thou art far short of that duty and degree of perfection in thy heart and life , which by that assistance of his grace that thou hast , thou mayest arrive unto : thy affliction , though it put thee not in mind of any notable sin , which should humble thee , it may very well put thee in mind of thy neglects and want of intention in thy duty . . though thy disease needs not this physick to cure thee , yet thy corruption needs it to prevent thee : thou hast within thee a fountain of corruptions , that , were they not restrained or allayed , would upon a small opportunity turn to a desperate disease in thy soul ; and those corruptions of thine live and feed upon external superfluities and supplies ; and the wise god foresees , it may be , that in a month or two , or more or less , thy full enjoyments would ripen this or that corruption into a distemper , that might be dangerous , if not fatal to thy soul ; and he sends this messenger to abate , or allay , or divert , or cross , or weaken this corruption , to put in a little wormwood into thy sweet cup , that thou mayest take it with more moderation , and not so greedily ; to throw some dirt upon thy self-opinion or growing pride , that may spoil the growth of it ; to give a check to thy desires of external wealth or greatness , which without it would in a little time swell into a stark ambition or covetousness . the evangelist tells us , thar all that is in the world is the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and the pride of life : that is , those lusts that are in us fasten upon their suitable objects in the world , and upon them they live and grow strong , and are thereby the better enabled to fight against our souls ; and god shews as much mercy when he takes away their food , and starves them by an affliction , as when he pardons them : therefore learn by thy affliction the mind of god in this also ; and bless him as well for an affliction that prevents thee from sin , as for one that leads thee to repentance . . it may be god hath some extraordinary work to do for thee or by thee , prepares thee by those afflictions with humility that thou mayst be a fit instrument for his glory , or a fit vessel for his bounty : a sudden access of greatness , or wealth , or power , or eminence is apt to make thy nature swell and look big and deny god , prov. . . therefore he prepares thee with the sense of his hand to shew how he can , when he pleaseth , handle thee with the experience of the benefit of dependance upon him , with a condition that may teach thee to wa●k humbly with him ; otherwise thou wilt not be able to bear and to manage that condition , he intends to put thee in , with moderation , with his fear , with an eye unto him and to his glory . thus he prepared david for the crown , job for wealth , the people of israel for canaan , that they might receive and use it with thankfulness , as from his hand ; with sobriety and faithfulness , as in his presence . . howsoever it is of most certain and universal use to take off thy love from this world , to present it to thee as it is , to take thee off from setting up tabernacles and thy rest here , and to carry thy thoughts and thy desires to thy home and to thy country , and to make the remembrance of it frequent and sweet , and that upon which thou reckonest , to make thy passage through death easie and comfortable , when thou shalt consider such thoughts as these : i am in a body full of pains and weaknesses and diseases , so that i have much ado to keep up my cottage to be comfortable or useful to me , but am busied every day to underprop it and repair it , that it fall not ; and when i have done my best , yet old age will come , and that will be an irreparable decay , and my anxious life will most surely be attended with a certain death ; i live in a world full of labour at the best to provide necessaries for my support in a world full of troubles , dangers , and calumnies . if my outward contentments increase , yet my cares and my fears , increase with them : but my condition is not such , but with the psalmist i have cause to say , psal . . . all the day long have i been plagued and chastned every morning ; and , like noah's dove , i can find here no rest for the soal of my foot . my walk here is like a pilgrimage , and my path is not plain and easie , but narrow and deep and troublesom ; on either hand of me i pass through the scorns and injuries and vexations of the men of this world : who if i want , will not relieve me , and if i have any thing , they are ready to tear it from me ; and my way , which of it self is thus troublesom , is accompanied with storms , and stumbling-blocks , and fiery assaults raised by the prince of this world ; and if i take up a lodging by the way , it is neither a pleasing nor a safe lodging ; my dangers and difficulties are greater in my inn than they are in my journey . to what purpose go i about to set up my rest , or to build tabernacles here ? the time i can stay will be but short , and my short stay in such a world as this cannot be pleasing nor comfortable : and this is not my home , but i see it at a distance , i find it as it were in landskips , revel . . the tabernacle of god , where he shall wipe away all tears from mine eyes , and there shall be no more death , neither sorrow , nor crying , neither shall there be any more pain : and then these my light afflictions , which are here but for a moment , shall be rewarded with an eternal weight of glory . in the confidence and strength of this expectation i will hold on my troublesom journey with chearfulness , and look upon this world as the place of my pilgrimage , not of my rest : and the unpleasingness of my pilgrimage shall heighten , if it be possible , the expectation as well as the fruition of my home ; and the more unwelcome the world is to me , and i to it , the more shall my heart undervalue and disesteem it , and send forth my desires the more earnestly for my journey 's end , teach me to welcome death , and to desire to be dissolved and to be with christ , which is best of all . . sometimes external troubles are in themselves an express token of the love of god , and they carry with them comfort and delight ; namely , when it is a persecution for righteousness sake : and in those both the precepts of christ and the pattern of his disciples command us up to rejoycing , mat. . , , . rejoyce and be exceeding glad . jam. . , . count it all joy . acts . . rejoycing that they were accounted worthy to suffer shame for his name . coloss . . . who now rejoyce in my sufferings for you , and fill up that which is behind of the afflictions of christ in my flesh . . the fourth consideration is of the mercy of god : and therein , . his patience and forbearing mercy whiles we are in our sins ; . his clemency and forgiving mercy upon our repentance ; . his bounty and rewarding mercy in the whole course of our lives and hopes . . the patience , long-suffering , and forbearance of god from our infancy , god leads us as once he did ephraim , hos . . . teaching us to go , and taking us by the arm , but we know it not ; and bears with the frowardness , and peevishness , and stubborness , and wantonness of our youth : and when we come to our riper age he plants us with the choicest vine , with the instruction of his word and providence ; and now he doth , as justly he may , expect grapes , and we bring forth no grapes , or wild ones , isa . . , . and now how just were it for him to pull up the hedge of it , and command the clouds that they rain no rain upon it ; or to lay upon it that sad curse , matt. ● . . never fruit grow on thee more ? but he doth not thus , but expects a second and a third and a fourth year , luke . . and uses all means to mend this unfruitful and unprofitable plant ; useth line upon line , and precept upon precept ; and if his word , nor the secret whispers of his grace will not do , job . . he useth a sharper and louder messenger ; he speaks that he may not strike , and if he strikes , it is unwillingly , lam. . . and that he may not destroy ; and destroys , nor rejects not , till his strokes prove fruitless , isa . . . why should ye be stricken any more ? till there be no remedy , chron. . . he endures with long-suffering , even the vessels ordained to wrath , rom. . . his spirit did strive with the old world , gen. . . was grieved forty years with the passages of a rebellious people , psal . . . pressed with our sins as a cart under sheaves , amos . . and yet no final destruction . that admirable expostulation of god's merciful patience , hos . . . how shall i give thee up , ephraim ? how shall i deliver thee , israel ? how shall i make thee as admah ? how shall i see thee as zeboim ? mine heart is turned within me , my repentings are kindled together , i will not execute the fierceness of mine anger , i will not return to destroy ephraim , i am god and not man. as if he should have said , 't is true thou art ephraim and israel , a people that i have known of all the families of the earth , amos . . a people that i have chosen , and thou art called by my name ; but by how much the nearer thou art unto me , by so much the greater is thy ingratitude . that , which in another people would be a sin , is in thee rebellion and apostasie . admah and zeboim were a people that knew me not , that never entred into covenant with me , they had no light to guide them but that of nature , and when they sinned , my wrath broke out in the most eminent judgment that ever was heard of : but thou hast been a vine of my own planting , and watering , and dressing , and yet thy fruit hath been the fruit of sodom ; thou hast made me to serve with thy sins , and according to the number of thy cities were thy gods , o israel : jer. . . hear , o heavens , and give ear , o earth , for the lord hath spoken ; i have nourished and brought up children , and they have rebelled against me . isa . . . and should i not be avenged upon such a people as this ? how can i ? how can i not make thee as admah , and set thee as zeboim ? if a man , as thou art , should but once shew but a grain of that ingratitude unto thee , which thou multipliest towards me days without number , thy revenges would be as high as thy power , and thou wouldest justifie thy severest dealings with him ; nay , if i thy lord , that can owe thee nothing but wrath , should withdraw but any of my own blessings from thee , thou art ready to throw off all , and presently to upbraid me with thy unuseful services : what profit have i if i be cleansed from my sins ? job . . and how canst thou after all this expect any thing from me , but that my wrath should burn against thee like fire , till thou wert consumed , and that i should stir up all the fury of my jealousie towards you ? o , but ephraim , i am god , and not man , and therefore ye sons of jacob are not consumed ; my mercy and my patience are not the narrow qualities or habits of a mortal man , but the infinite attributes of an infinite god. though i can see nothing in thee , but what deserves my wrath , i can find that in my self , that sends out my compassion , a heart turned by returning upon my own mercy , and repentings kindled upon the considerations of my own covenant with thy fathers , kindled by a sacrifice , that thou little thinkest of , even the sacrifice of my own son : i will not therefore execute the fierceness of my anger : although it be thy duty to repent , sinner , yet i will repent of my wrath even before thou repent of thy sin : it may be my long-sufferings will , as it should do , lead thee to repentance , rom. . . but if after all this thou despisest the riches of my goodness and forbearance and long-suffering , know that thou treasurest up unto thy self wrath against the day of wrath ; and that day will surely find thee : and then thou wilt find that every days forbearance and patience , that thou hast had and abused , hath ripened and improved thy guilt , and made thy sin out of measure sinful , and will add weight and fire to my wrath , which like a talent of lead , shall everlastingly lye upon that treasure of thy sin and guilt . . his pardoning mercy . those tender and pathetical expressions of god's mercy in pardoning sin upon repentance and turning to him , carry more weight than it is possible for our spirits to arise unto . isa . . . come now , and let us reason together : though your sins were as scarlet , they shall be as white as snow ; though they be red as crimson , they shall be like wool . isa . . , . thou hast made me to serve with thy sins , thou hast wearied me with thine iniquities : i , even i am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake , and will not remember thy sins . isa . . . let the wicked forsake his way , and the unrighteous man his thoughts , and let him return unto the lord , and he will have mercy upon him , and to our god , for he will abundantly pardon ; for my thoughts are not your thoughts , neither are your ways my ways ; for as the heavens are higher than the earth , so are my ways higher than your ways . jer. . . go , and proclaim these words : return thou back-sliding israel , and i will not cause mine anger to fall upon you , for i am merciful , saith the lord , and will not keep anger for ever : only acknowledge thine iniquity , &c. finis . a catalogue of what books are printed and publish'd , written by sir matthew hale k● . sometime chief justice of the king's bench ; and are to be sold by will. shrowsbery at the sign of the bible in duke-lane . the primitive origination of mankind considered and examined according to the light of nature . folio . contemplations moral and divine , in two parts . octavo . an essay touching the gravitation or non-gravitation of fluid bodies . octavo . difficiles nugae : or , observations touching the torricellian experiment . octavo . observations touching the principles of natural motions , especially touching rarefaction and condensation . octavo . the life and death of pomponius atticus , with observations political and moral . committed to the press since his death : viz. . pleas of the crown , or a methodical summary of the principal matters relating to that subject . octavo . . a short treatise touching sheriffs accounts . octavo . . several tracts . . three discourses of religion , viz. . the ends and uses of it , and the errours of men touching it . . the life of religion , and superadditions to it . . the superstructions upon it , and animosities about it . . a short treatise touching provision for the poor . . a letter to his children , advising them how to behave themselves in their speech . . a letter to one of his sons after his recovery from the small pox. octavo . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * of this the author hath written more largely in his origination of mankind . * all which , and divers others , the author hath largely prosecuted in another work in the . first parts . this he hath likewise more largely handled in the . part of the same work. of the law of nature , the author hath written a particular tract . * that the willing still continues the same , shall be , and is , and hath been , are the several relations of the thing willed , which is capable of these successions of duration : they are not relations that may fall upon that will which is incapable of them , or upon the acts of it . v. originat . c. . * of this the author hath written a large tract , which he finished but a little before his death : and it was the last work he meddled with . this the author hath elsewhere considered in two or three several little tracts upon this subject . of thi● the author hath p●o●●ss● , and more largely w●●tten in other works . jam. . . mal. . . 〈◊〉 rom. . . a second vindication of the reasonableness of christianity, &c, by the author of the reasonableness of christinaity, &c. locke, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a second vindication of the reasonableness of christianity, &c, by the author of the reasonableness of christinaity, &c. locke, john, - . [ ], p. printed for a. and j. churchill... and edward castle ..., london : . attributed to locke by wing and nuc pre- imprints. "occasioned by john edward's the socinian creed which was a reply to locke's reasonableness of christianity"--nuc pre- imprints. imperfect: stained, with print show-through. errata: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng edwards, john, - . -- socinianism unmask'd. apologetics -- early works to . apologetics -- history -- th century. church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . philosophy and religion. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - aptara rekeyed and resubmitted - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a second vindication of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. by the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. london , printed for a. and i. churchill , at the black swan in pater-noster-row , and edward castle , next scotland-yard-gate , by white-hall , . preface to the reader . it hath pleased mr. edwards , in answer to the reasonableness of christianity , &c. and its vindication , to turn one of the most weighty and important points that can come into question ( even no less than the very fundamentals of the christian religion ) into a meer quarrel against the author ; as every one , with mr. bold , may observe . in my reply to him , i have endeavour'd , as much as his objections would allow me , to bring him to the subject matter of my book , and the merits of the cause ; though his peculiar way of writing controversie has made it necessary for me in following him step by step , to wipe off the dirt he has thrown on me , and clear my self from those falshoods he has filled his book with . this i could not but do , in dealing with such an antagonist ; that by the vntruths i have proved upon him , the reader may judge of those other allegations of his , whereof the proof lying on his side , the bare denial is enough on mine , and indeed , are wholly nothing to the truth or falshood of what is contain'd in my reasonableness of christianity , &c. to which i shall desire the reader to add this further consideration from his way of writing , not against my book , but against me for writing it , that if he had had a real concern for truth and religion in this dispute , he would have treated it after another manner ; and we should have had from him more argument , reasoning and clearness , and less boasting , declamation and railing . it has been unavoidable for me to take notice of a great deal of this sort of stuff , in answering a writer who has very little else to say in the controversie , and places his strength in things besides , the question : but yet i have been so careful to take all occasions to e●●lain the doctrine of my book , that i hope the reader will not think his pains wholly lost labour in perusing this reply , wherein he will find some further , and i hope satisfying , account concerning the writings of the new testament , and the christian religion contained in it . mr. edward's ill language , which i thought personally to me ( though i knew not how i had provoked a man whom i had never had to do with ) i am now satisfied by his rude and scurrilous treating of mr. bold , is his way and strength in management of controversie ; and therefore requires a little more consideration in this disputant than otherwise it would deserve . mr. bold , with the calmness of a christian , the gravity of a divine , the clearness of a man of parts , and the civility of a well bred man , made some animadversions on his socinianism unmask'd ; which with a sermon preach'd on the same subject with my reasonableness of christianity , he published : and how he has been used by mr. edwards , let the world judge . i was extreamly surprized with mr. bold's book , at a time when there was so great an outcry against mine on all hands . but it seems he is a man that does not take up things upon hearsay ; nor is afraid to own truth , whatever clamor or calumny it may lie under . mr. edwards confidently tells the world , that mr. bold has been drawn in to espouse this cause , upon base and mean considerations . whose picture of the two , such a description is most likely to give us , i shall leave to the reader to judge , from what he will find in their writings on this subject . for as to the persons themselves , i am equally a stranger to them both : i know not the face of either of them : and having hitherto never had any communication with mr. bold , i shall begin with him , as i did with mr. edwards in print ; and here publickly return him this following acknowledgment for what he has printed in this controversie . to mr. bold . sir , though i do not think i ought to return thanks to any one for being of my opinion , any more than to fall out with him for differing from me ; yet i cannot but own to all the world the esteem that i think is due to you , for that proof you have given of a mind and temper becoming a true minister of the gospel , in appearing as you have done , in the defence of a point , a great point of christianity , which it is evident you could have no other temptation to dedeclare for , but the love of truth . it has fared with you herein no better than with me . for mr. edwards , not being able to answer your arguments , has found out already that you are a mercenary , defending a cause against your perswasion for hire ; and that you are sailing to racovia by a side wind : such inconsistencies can one ( whose business it is to rail for a cause he cannot defend ) put together to make a noise with : and he tells you plainly what you must expect , if you write any more on this argument , viz. to be pronounced a downright apostate and renegado . as soon as i saw your sermon and animadversions , i wonder'd what scare-crow mr. edwards would set up , wherewith he might hope to deterr men of more caution than sense from reading of them : since socinianism , from which you were known to be as remote as he , i concluded would not do . the unknown author of the reasonableness of christianity , he might make a socinian , mahometan , atheist , or what sort of raw-head and bloody-bones he pleased . but i imagined he had had more sence than to venture any such aspersions on a man whom , though i have not yet the happiness personally to know ; yet i know hath justly a great and settled reputation amongst worthy men : and i thought that that coat which you had worn with so much reputation , might have preserved you from the bespatterings of mr. edward's dunghil . but what is to be expected from a warrier that hath no other ammunition , and yet ascribes to himself victory from hence , and with this artillery imagines he carries all before him ? and so skimmington rides in triumph , driving all before him by the ordures that he bestows on those that come in his way . and were not christianity concerned in the case , a man could scarce excuse to himself the ridiculousness of entering into the list with such a combatant . i do not therefore wonder that this mighty boaster , having no other way to answer the books of his opponents , but by popular calumnies , is fain to have recourse to his only refuge , and lay out his natural talent in vilifying and slandering the authors . but i see , by what you have already writ , how much you are above that ; and as you take not up your opinions from fashion or interest , so you quit them not to avoid the malicious reports of those that do : out of which number , they can hardly be left , who ( unprovoked ) mix with the management of their cause , injuries and ill language to those they differ from . this , at least i am sure , zeal or love for truth , can never permit falshood to be used in the defence of it . your mind i see prepar'd for truth , by resignation of it self not to the traditions of men , but the doctrine of the gospel , has made you more readily entertain , and more easily enter into the meaning of my book , than most i have heard speak of it . and since you seem to me to comprehend , what i have laid together , with the same disposition of mind , and in the same sence that i received it , from the holy scriptures , i shall as a mark of my respect to you , give you a particular account of the occasion of it . the beginning of the year in which it was published , the controversie that made so much noise and heat amongst some of the dissenters , coming one day accidentally into my mind , drew me by degrees into a stricter and more through enquiry into the question about justification . the scripture was direct and plain , that 't was faith that justified , the next question then , was what faith that was that justified ; what it was which , if a man believed , it should be imputed to him for righteousness . to find out this , i thought the right way was to search the scriptures ; and thereupon betook my self seriously to the reading of the new testament , only to that purpose . what that produced , you and the world have seen . the first view i had of it seem'd mightily to satisfie my mind , in the reasonableness and plainness of this doctrine ; but yet the general silence i had in my little reading met with , concerning any such thing , awed me with the apprehension of singularity ; till going on in the gospel history , the whole tenour of it made it so clear and visible , that i more wonder'd that every body did not see and imbrace it ; than that i should assent to what was so plainly laid down , and so frequently inculcated in holy writ , though systems of divinity said nothing of it . that which added to my satisfaction , was , that it led me into a discovery of the marvellous and divine wisdom of our saviour's conduct , in all the circumstances of his promulgating this doctrine ; as well as of the necessity that such a law-giver should be sent from god for the reforming the morality of the world ; two points that i must confess , i had not found so fully and advantageously explain'd in the books of divinity i had met with , as the history of the gospel seem'd to me , upon an attentive perusal , to give occasion and matter for . but the necessity and wisdom of our saviour's opening the doctrine ( which he came to publish ) as he did in parables and figurative ways of speaking , carries such a thread of evidence through the whole history of the evangelists , as i think is impossible to be resisted ; and makes it a demonstration , that the sacred historians did not write by concert as advocates , for a bad cause , or to give colour and credit to an imposture they would usher into the world ; since they , every one of them , in some place or other , omit some passages of our saviour's life , or circumstances of his actions ; which shew the wisdom and wariness of his conduct ; and which even those of the evangelists , who have recorded , do barely and transiently mention , without laying any stress on them , or making the least remark of what consequence they are to give us our saviour's true character , and to prove the truth of their history . these are evidences of truth and sincerity , which result alone from the nature of things , and cannot be produced by any art or contrivance . how much i was pleased with the growing discovery , every day , whilst i was employed in this search , i need not say . the wonderful harmony , that the farther i went , disclosed it self , tending to the same points , in all the parts of the sacred history of the gospel , was of no small weight with me and another person , who every day , from the beginning to the end of my search , saw the progress of it , and knew at my first setting out , that i was ignorant whither it would lead me ; and therefore , every day , asked me what more the scripture had taught me . so far was i from the thoughts of socinianism , or an intention to write for that or any other party , or to publish any thing at all . but when i had gone through the whole , and saw what a plain , simple , reasonable thing christianity was , suited to all conditions and capacities ; and in the morality of it now , with divine authority , established into a legible law , so far surpassing all that philosophy and humane reason had attain'd to , or could possibly make effectual to all degrees of mankind ; i was flatter'd to think it might be of some use in the world ; especially to those who thought either that there was no need of revelation at all , or that the revelation of our saviour required the belief of such articles for salvation , which the settled notions and their way of reasoning in some , and want of understanding in others , made impossible to them . upon these two topicks the objections seemed to turn , which were with most assurance , made by deists against christianity ; but against christianity misunderstood . it seem'd to me , that there needed no more to shew them the weakness of their exceptions , but to lay plainly before them the doctrine of our saviour and his apostles , as delivered in the scriptures , and not as taught by the several sects of christians . this tempted me to publish it , not thinking it deserved an opposition from any minister of the gospel ; and least of all , from any one in the communion of the church of england . but so it is , that mr. edwards's zeal for he knows not what ( for he does not yet know his own creed , nor what is required to make him a christian ) could not brook so plain , simple , and intelligible a religion : but yet not knowing what to say against it , and the evidence it has from the word of god , he thought fit to let the book alone , and fall upon the author . what great matter he has done in it i need not tell you , who have seen and shew'd the weakness of his wranglings . you have here , sir , the true history of the birth of my reasonableness of christianity , as delivered in the scriptures , and my design in publishing it , &c. what it contains , and how much it tends to peace and union amongst christians , if they would receive christianity as it is , you have discovered . i am , sir , your most humble servant a. b. my readers will pardon me that in my preface to them i make this particular address to mr. bold . he hath thought it worth his while to defend my book . how well he has done it , i am too much a party to say : i think it so sufficient to mr. edwards , that i needed not have troubled my self any further about him on the account of any argument that remains in his book to be answer'd . but a great part of the world judging of contests about truth , as they do of popular elections , that the side carries it where the greatest noise is ; 't was necessary they should be undeceived , and be let see , that sometimes such writers may be let alone , not because they cannot , but because they deserve not to be answer'd . this farther i ought to acknowledge to mr. bold , and own to the world , that he hath entered into the true sence of my treatise , and his notions do so perfectly agree with mine , that i shall not be afraid by thoughts and expressions very like his in this my second vindication , to give mr. edwards ( who is exceedingly quick-sighted and positive in such matters ) a handle , to tell the world , that either i borrowed this my vindication from mr. bold , or writ his animadversions for him . the former of these i shall count no discredit , if mr. edwards think fit to charge me with it : and the latter mr. bold's character , is answer enough to . though the impartial reader , i doubt not , will find that the same vniform truth consider'd by us , suggested the same thoughts to us both , without any other communication . there is another author , who in a civiller stile hath made it necessary for me to vindicate my book from a reflection or two of his , wherein he seems to come short of that candor he professes . all that i shall say on this occasion here is , that it is a wonder to me , that having published what i thought the scripture told me was the faith that made a christian , and desired that if i was mistaken , any one that thought so , would have the goodness to inform me better ; so many with their tongues , and some in print , should intemperately find fault with a poor man out of his way , who desires to be set right ; and no one who blames his faith , as coming short , will tell him what that faith is which is required to make him a christian. but , i hope , that amongst so many censurers , i shall at last find one , who knowing himself to be a christian upon other grounds than i am , will have so much christian charity as to shem me what more is absolutely necessary to be believed by me , and every man , to make him a christian. errata . page ● . line . read , are in the apostles creed set down as m●●e . ● . ● ▪ r. and therefore may . p. . l. . dele and in the next place wher● it i● that i say , viii . that there must be nothing in christianity that is not ▪ plain and exactly level to all mens mother wit ? p. . l. . r. mistake , p. . l. . r ▪ enquiry , p. ● . l. . r. needs , l. . r. needs , p. . l. . r. premiss●s , p. . l. . r. sc●rr●ity . p. . l. . r. p●rp●s● , which i , p. ● . l. . r. distinction , p. . l. . r. baptizes him , p. . l. . r. in the vnmas ▪ p. . l. . r. creed do not , p. . l. . r. gentleman , p. . l. ● . r. article , p. . l. . r , of the doctrines , p. . l. . r. st. peter preach'd , l. . r. as well as he , p. ● . l. . r. inserted , p. . l. . r. them ▪ but has ▪ p. . l. . r but what we understand , p. . l. ● . r. in them granted all i would have : and shall not meddle with his sp●●king closely and strictly ; but , l. . r , bespatter'd , p. . l. . r. sense and love , p. . l. . r. apostles , p. . l. ● . r. sacrament , p. . l. . r. mangle● , p. . l. . r. a dangerous , p. . l. . r. to which , p. . l. . r. ●nanswerable , l. . r. above four pages , p. . l. . believes all p. . l. . r. and to proceed , l. . go for payment , should be in roman characte●● , p. ● . l. . r , have : l. . ● . these questions . a second vindication of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. a cause that stands in need of falshoods to support it , and an adversary that will make use of them deserve nothing but contempt ; which i doubt not but every considerate reader thought answer enough to mr. edwards's socinianism unmask'd . but since in his late socinian creed , he says , i would have answer'd him if i could , that the interest of christianity may not suffer by my silence , nor the contemptibleness of his treatise afford him matter of triumph amongst those who lay any weight on such boasting , 't is fit it should be shewn what an arguer he is , and how well he deserves for his performance to be dubb'd by himself irrefragable . those , who like mr. edwards , dare to publish inventions of their own for matters of fact , deserve a name so abhorr'd , that it finds not room in civil conversation . this secures him from the proper answer due to his imputations to me in print of matters of fact utterly false , which without any reply of mine , fix upon him that name ( which without a profligate mind , a man cannot expose himself to ) till he hath proved them . till then he must wear what he has put upon himself . this being a rule which common justice hath prescribed to the private judgments of mankind , as well as to the publick judicatures of courts , that all allegations of fact brought by contending parties should be presum'd to be false till they are proved . there are two ways of making a book unanswerable . the one is by the clearness , strength and fairness of the argumentation . men who know how to write thus , are above bragging what they have done , or boasting to the world that their adversaries are ba●●led . another way to make a book unanswerable , is to lay stress on matters of fact foreign to the question , as well as to truth ; and to stuff it with scurrility and fiction . this hath been always so evident to common sense , that no man who had any regard to truth or ingenuity , ever thought matters of fact besides the argument , and stories made at pleasure , the way of managing controversies . which shewing only the want of sense and argument , could , if used on both sides , and in nothing but downright railing : and he must always have the better of the cause , who has lying and impudence on his side . the unmasker in the entrance of his book , s●ts a great distance between his and my way of writing . i am not sorry that mine differs so much as it does from his . if it were like his , i should think , like his , it wanted the author's commendations . for , in his first paragraph , which is all laid out in his own testimony of his own book , he so earnestly bes●eaks an opinion of mastery in politeness , order , coherence , pertinence , strength , seriousness , temper , and all the good qualities requisite in controversie , that i think , since he pleases himself so much with his own good opinion , one in pity ought not to go about to rob him of so considerable an admirer . i shall not therefore contest any of those excellencies he ascribes to himself , or faults he blames in me in the management of the dispute between us , any further than as particular passages of his book , as i come to examine them , shall suggest unavoidable remarks to me . i think the world does not so much concern it self about him or me , that it need be told , in that inventory he has given of his own good parts in his first paragraph , which of us two has the better hand at flourishes , iesting , and common-places ; if i am , as he says , pag. . troubled with angry fits and passionate ferments , which though i strive to palliate , are easily discernable , &c. and he be more laudably ingenuous in the openness of that temper , which he shews in every leaf , i shall leave to him the entire glory of boasting of it . whatever we brag of our performances , they will be just as they are , however he may think to add to his by his own encomiums of them . the difference in stile , order , coherence , good breeding ( for all those amongst others the unmasker mentions ) the reader will observe , whatever i say of them : and at best they are nothing to the question in hand . for , though i am a tool , pert , childish , starch'd , impertinent , incoherent , trifling , weak , passionate , &c. commendations i meet with before i get to the th . page , besides what follows as upstart racovian , p. . flourishing scribler , p. . dissembler , . pedantick , . i say , although i am all this , and what else he liberally bestows on me in the rest of his book , i may have truth on my side , and that in the present case serves my turn . having thus placed the laurels upon his own head , and sung applause to his own performance , he , pag. . enters , as he thinks , upon his business , which ought to be , as he confesses , pag. . to make good his former charges . the first whereof he sets down in these words . that i unwarrantably crowded all the necessary articles of faith into one , with a design of favouring socinianism . if it may be permitted to the subdued to be so bold with one , who is already conqueror , i desire to know , where that proposition is laid down in these terms as laid to my charge . whether it be true , or false , shall , if he pleases , be hereafter examined : but it is not at present the matter in question . there are certain propositions , which he having affirm'd and i denied , are under debate between us : and that the dispute may not run into an endless ramble by multiplying of new before the points in contest are decided , those ought first to be brought to an issue . to go on therefore in the order of his socinianism unmask'd ( for p. . he has out of the mishna taught me good breeding , to answer the first first , and so in order ) the next thing he has against me , is p. . which , that the reader may understand the force of , i must inform him , that in the . p. of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , he said , that i give this plausible conceit , as he calls it , over and over again in these formal words , viz. that nothing is required to be believed by any christian man but this , that iesus is the messiah . this i denied . to make it good , socinianism unmask'd , p. . he thus argues , first , it is observable , that this guilty man would be shifting off the indictment , by excepting against the formality of words , as if such were not to be found in his book : but when doth he do this ? in the close of it , when his matter was exhausted , and he had nothing else to say , vind. p. . then he bethinks himself of this salvn , &c. answ. as if a falshood were ever the less a falshood , because it was not opposed ; or would grow into a truth if it were not taken notice of , before the th . page of the answer . i desire him to shew me these formal words over and over again in my reasonableness of christianity : nor let him hope to evade by saying , i would be shifting by excepting against the formality of the words . to say that i have over and over again those formal words in my book , is an assertion of a matter of fact , let him produce the words , and justifie his allegation ; or confess , that this is an untruth publish'd to the world : and since he makes so bold with truth in a matter visible to every body , let the world be judge , what credit is to be given to his allegations of matters of fact , in things foreign to what i have printed ; and that are not capable of a negative proof . a sample whereof the reader has at the entrance in his introducti●● , page a , and the three or four following pages . where he affirms to the world not only what i know to be false ; but what every one must see , he could not know to be true . for he pretends to know and deliver my thoughts . and what the character is of one that confidently affirms what he does not know , no body need be told . but he adds , i had before pleaded to the indictment , and thereby owned it to be true . this is to make good his promise , p. . to keep at a distance from my feeble strugglings . here this strong arguer must prove , that what is not answer'd or deny'd in the very beginning of a reply , or before the th . page , is owned to be true . in the mean time till he does that , i shall desire such of my readers as think the unmasker's veracity worth the examining to see in my vindication , from p. . to . wherein is contain'd , what i have said about one article , whether i have owned , what he charged me with , on that subject . this proposition then remains upon him still to be proved , viz. i. that i have over and over again these formal words in my reasonableness of christianity , viz. that nothing is required to be believed by any christian man , but this , that iesus is the messiah . he goes on pag. . and indeed he could do no other , for it was the main work he set himself about to find but one article of faith in all the chapters of the four evangelists , and the acts of the apostles . this is to make good his promise , pag. . to clear his book from those sorry objections and cavils i had raised against it . several of my sorry objections and cavils were to represent to the reader , that a great part of what he said was nothing but suspicions and conjectures , and such he could not but then own them to be . but now he has rid himself of all his conjectures , and has raised them up into direct positive affirmations , which being said with confidence without proof , who can deny , but he has clear'd , throughly clear'd that part from my sorry objections and cavils ? he says it was the main work i set my self about to find but one article of faith. this i must take the liberty to deny : and i desire him to prove it . a man may set himself to find two , or as many as there be , and yet find but one : or a man may set himself to find but one , and yet find two or more . it is no argument from what a man has found , to prove what was his main work to find , unless where his aim was only to find what there was , whether more or less . for a writer may find the reputation of a poor contemptible railer ; nay , of a downright impudent lyar , and yet no body will think it was his main work to find that . therefore sir , if you will not find what 't is like you did not seek , you must prove those many confident assertions , you have published , which i shall give you in tale whereof this is the second , viz. ii. that the main business i set my self about , was to find but one article of faith. in the following part of this sentence , he quotes my own words , with the pages where they are to be found ; the first time , that , in either of his two books against me , he has vouchsafed to do so , concerning one article , wherewith he has made so much noise . my words in pag. . of my reasonableness of christianity , stand thus ; for that this is the sole doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenor of our saviour's and his apostles preaching , we have shew'd through the whole history of the evanlists and acts , and i challenge them to shew that there was any other doctrine upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , men were pronounced believers or unbelievers , and accordingly received into the church of christ , as members of his body , as far as mere believing could make them so ; or else kept out . this was the only gospel article of faith which was preached to them . out of this passage , the unmasker sets down these words , this is the sole doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenor of our saviour's and his apostles preaching , p. . this was the only gospel article of faith which was preach'd to them . i shall pass by all other observations , that this way of citing these words would suggest , and only remark , that if he brought these words to prove the immediately preceding assertion of his , viz. that to find but one article of faith was the main work i set my self about . this argument reduced into form will stand thus . he who says , that this is the sole doctrine pressed and required to be believed , in the whole tenor of our saviour's and his apostles preaching , upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , men were pronounced believers or unbelievers , and accordingly received into the church of christ , as members of his body , as far as mere believing could make them so , or else kept out , sets himself to find out but one article of faith , as his main work. but the vindicator did so : ergo : if this were the use he would make of those words of mine cited , i must desire him to prove the major . but he talks so freely , and without book , every where , that i suppose he thought himself , by the privilege of a declaimer , exempt from being called strictly to an account for what he so loosely says , and from proving what he should be called to account for . rail lustily , is a good rule , something of it will stick , true or false , proved or not proved . if he alledges these words of mine , to answer my demand , vind. p. . where he found that i contended for one single article of faith , with the exclusion and defiance of all the rest which he had charged me with . i say , it proves this as little as the former . for to say , that i had shew'd through the whole history of the evangelists , and the acts , that this is the sole doctrine , or only gospel-article pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenor of our saviour and his apostles preaching ; upon their assent to which , or disbelieving of it , men were pronounced believers or unbelievers , and accordingly received into the church of christ , or kept out ; is the simple assertion of a positive matter of fact , and so carries in it no defiance , no , nor exclusion of any oth●r doctrinal or historical truth contained in the scripture : and therefore it remains still on the unmasker to shew where 't is i express any de●iance of any other truth contain'd in the word of god ; or where i exclude any one doctrine of the scriptures . so that if it be true , that i contend for one article , my contention may be without any defiance , or so much as exclusion of any of the rest , notwithstanding any thing contained in these words . nay , if it should happen that i am in a mistake , and that this was not the sole doctrine which our saviour and his apostles preached , and upon their assent to which , men were admitted into the church ; yet the unmasker's accusation would be never the truer for that , unless it be necessary , that he that mistakes in one matter of fact , should be at defiance with all other truths ; or , that he who erroneously says , that our saviour and his apostles admitted men into the church upon the believing him to be the messiah , does thereby exclude all other truths published to the jews before , or to christian believers afterwards . if these words be brought to prove , that i contended for one article , barely one article , without any defiance or exclusion annext to that contention ; i say , neither do they prove that , as is manifest from the words themselves , as well as from what i said elsewhere concerning the article of one god. for here , i say , this is the only gospel-article , &c. upon which men were pronounced believers ; which plainly intimates some other article known and believed in the world before , and without the preaching of the gospel . to this the unmasker thinks he has provided a salvo in these words , socinianism unmask'd , pag. . and when i told him of this one article , he knew well enough that i did not exclude the article of the deity , for that is a principle of natural religion . if it be fit for an unmasker to perceive what is in debate , he would know , that the question is not , what he excluded or excluded not , but what articles he charged me to have excluded . taking it therefore to be his meaning ( which it must be , if he meant any thing to the purpose , ) viz. that when he charged me so often and positively for contesting for one article , viz. that iesus was the messiah , he did not intend to accuse me for excluding the article of the deity . to prove that he did not so intend it , he tells me , that i knew that he did not . answ. how should i know it ? he never told me so either in his book , or otherwise . this i know , that he said , pag. . that i contended for one article , with the exclusion of all the rest . if then the belief of the deity , be an article of faith , and be not the article of iesus being the messiah , it is one of the rest ; and if all the rest were excluded , certainly that being one of all the rest , must be excluded . how then he could say , i knew that he excluded it not , i. e. meant not that i excluded it , when he positively says i did exclude it , i cannot tell , unless he thought that i knew him so well , that when he said one thing , i knew that he meant another , and that the quite contrary . he now it seems acknowledges that i affirmed , that the belief of the deity , as well as of iesus being the messiah , was required to make a man a believer . the believing in one god the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth , is one article ; and in iesus christ his only son our lord , is another article . these therefore being two articles , and both asserted by me to be required to make a man a christian , let us see with what truth or ingenuity the unmasker could apply , besides that above-mention'd , these following expressions to me , as he does without any exception . why then must there be one article , and no more ? pag. . going to make a religion for his mermidons , he contracts all into one article , and will trouble them with no more , pag. . away with systems , away with creeds , let us have but one article , though it be with the defiance of all the rest , pag. . thus we see why he reduces all belief to that one article before rehearsed , pag. . and all this without any the least exception of the article of a deity , as he now pretends . nor could he indeed , as is evident from his own words , pag. , . to conclude , this gentleman and his fellows are resolved to be unitarians , they are for one article of faith , as well as one person in the godhead : — but if these learned men were not prejudiced — they would perceive , that when the catholick faith is thus brought down to one single article , it will soon be reduced to none , the unite will dwindle into a cypher . by which the reader may see , that his intention was , to persuade the world , that i reduced all belief , the catholick faith ( they are his own words ) to one single article and no more . for if he had given but the least hint , that i allowed of two , all the wit and strength of argument contained in unitarians , unite , and cypher , with which he winds up all , had been utterly lost , and dwindled into palpable nonsence . to demonstrate that this was the sence he would be understood in , we are but to observe what he says again , pag. . of his socinianism unmask'd , where he tells his readers , that i , and my friends , have new-modell'd the apostles creed ; yea indeed , have presented them with one article , instead of twelve . and hence we may see what sincerity there is in the reason he brings to prove that he did not exclude the article of the deity . for , says he , p. . that is a principle of natural religion . answ. ergo , he did not in positive words , without any exception , say , i reduced all belief , the catholick faith , to one single article , and no more . but to make good his promise , not to resemble me in the little artifices of evading , he wipes his mouth , and says at the bottom of this page , but the reader sees his [ the vindicator's ] shuffling . whilst the article of one god is a part of all belief , a part of the catholick faith , all which he affirm'd i excluded , but the one article concerning the messiah , every one will see where the shuffling is : and if it be not clear enough from those words themselves , let those above quoted out of pag. . of his socinianism unmask'd , where he says , that i have new-modell'd the apostles creed , and presented the world with one article instead of twelve , be an interpretation of them . for if the article of one eternal god , maker of heaven and earth , be one of the article of the apostles creed , and the one article i presented them with be not that , 't is plain , he did and would be understood to mean , that by my one article , i excluded that of the one eternal god , which branch soever of religion , either natural or revealed , it belongs to . i do not endeavour to persuade the reader , as he says , p. . that he misunderstood me ; but yet every body will see , that he mis-represented me . and i challenge him to say , that those expressions above quoted out of him , concerning one article , in the obvious sence of the words , as they stand in his accusation of me , were true ? this flies so directly in his face , that he labours mightily to get it off , and therefore adds these words , my discourse did not treat ( neither doth his book run that way ) of principles of natural religion , but of the revealed , and particularly the christian : accordingly this was it which i taxed him with , that of all the principles and articles of christianity , he chose out but one as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian. answ. his book was of — atheism , which one may think should make his discourse treat of natural religion . but i pass by that , and bid him tell me where he ta●ed me , that of all the principles and articles of christianity i chose out but one : let him shew in all his discourse but such a word , or any thing said like one article of christianity , and i will grant that he meant particularly , but spoke generally ; misled his reader , and left himself a subterfuge . but if there be no expression to be found in him tending that way , all this is but the covering of one falshood with another , which thereby only becomes the grosser ▪ though if he had in express words taxed me , that of all the principles and articles of the christian religion , i chose out but one , that would not at all help him , till he further declares , that the belief of one god is not an article of the christian religion . for of all the articles of the christian religion , he says , i chose but one ; which not being that of a deity , his words plainly import , that that was left out among the rest , unless it be possible for a man to chuse but one article of the christian religion , viz. that iesus is the messiah ; and at the same time to chuse two articles of the christian religion , viz. that there is one eternal god , and that iesus is the messiah . if he had spoken clearly , and like a fair man , he should have said , that he taxed me with chusing but one article of revealed religion . that had been plain and direct to his purpose : but then he knew the falshood of it would be too obvious : for in the seven pages wherein he taxes me so much with one article , christianity is several times named , though not once to the purpose he here pretends . but revelation is not so much as once mentioned in them , nor , as i remember , in any of the pages he bestows upon me . to conclude , the several passages above quoted out of him , concerning one sole article , are all in general terms , without any the least limitation or restriction ; and as they stand in him , fit to persuade the reader that i excluded all other articles whatsoever , but that one of iesus the messiah : and if in that sence they are not true , they are so many falshoods of his repeated there , to mislead others into a wrong opinion of me . for if he had had a mind his readers should have been rightly informed , why was it not as easie once to explain himself , as so often to affirm it in general and unrestrained terms ? this all the boasted strength of the unmasker will not be able to get him out of . this very well becomes one who so loudly charges me with shuffling . having repeated the same thing over and over again , in as general terms as was possible , without any the least limitation in the whole discourse , to have nothing else to plead when required to prove it , but that it was meant in a limited sence , in an unmasker , is not shuffling . for by this way he may have the convenience to say and unsay what he pleases ; to vent what stuff he thinks for his turn ; and when he is called to an account for it , reply , he meant no such thing . should any one publish , that the unmasker had but one article of faith , and no more , viz. that the doctrines in fashion , and likely to procure preferment , are alone to be received ; that all his belief was comprised in this one single article : and when such a talker was demanded to prove his assertion , should he say , he meant , to except his belief of the apostles creed : would he not , notwithstanding such a plea , be thought a shuffling lyar ? and if the unmasker can no otherwise prove those universal propositions above-cited , but by saying , he meant them with a tacit restriction , ( for none is expressed ) they will still and for ever remain to be accounted for by his veracity . what he says in the next paragraph , p. . of my splitting one article into two , is just of the-same force , and with the same ingenuity . i had said , that the belief of one god was necessary ; which is not now denied : i had also said , that the belief of iesus of nazareth to be the messiah , together with those concomitant articles of his resurrection , rule , and coming again to judge the world , was necessary , p. . and again , p. . that god had declared , whoever would believe iesus to be the saviour promised , and take him now raised from the dead , and constituted the lord and judge of all men , to be their king and ruler , shall be saved . this made me say these and those articles ( in words of the plural number ) more than once ; evidence enough to any but a caviller , that i contended not for one single article and no more . and to mind him of it , i in my vindication , reprinted one of those places where i had done so ; and that he might not , according to his manner , overlook what does not please him , the words , these are articles , were printed in great characters . whereupon he makes this remark , p. . and though since he has tried to split this one into two , pag. . yet he labours in vain : for to believe iesus to be the messiah , amounts to the same with believing him to be king and ruler ; his being anointed ( i. e. being the messiah ) including that in it : yet he has the vanity to add in great characters , these are articles ; as if the putting them into these great letters , would make one article two. answ. though no letters will make one article two ; yet that there is one god , and jesus christ his only son our lord , who rose again from the dead , ascended into heaven , and sitteth at the right-hand of god , shall come to judge the quick and the dead , are more than one article , and may very properly be called these articles , without splitting one into two. what , in my reasonableness of christianity , i have said of one article , i shall always own ; and in what sence i said it , is easie to be understood ; and with a man of the least candour , whose aim was truth , and not wrangling , it would not have occasion'd one word of dispute . but as for this unmasker , who made it his business not to convince me of any mistakes in my opinion , but barely to mis-represent me ; my business at present with him , is , to shew the world , that what he has captiously and scurrilously said of me relating to one article , is false ; and that he neither has nor can prove one of those assertions concerning it , above-cited out of him in his own words . nor let him pretend a meaning against his direct words : such a caviller as he , who would shelter himself under the pretence of a meaning , whereof there are no footsteps , whose disputes are only calumnies directed against the author , without examining the truth of falshood of what i had published , is not to expect the allowances one would make to a fair and ingenuous adversary , who shew'd so much concern for truth , that he treated of it with a seriousness due to the weightiness of the matter , and used other arguments besides obloquy , clamour and falshoods , against what he thought error . and therefore i again positively demand of him to prove these words of his to be true , or confess that he cannot : viz. iii. that i contend for one article of faith , with the exclusion and defiance of all the rest . two other instances of this sort of arguments i gave in the th . page of my vindication , out of the th . and th . pages of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , and i here demand of him again to shew , since he has not thought fit hitherto to give any answer to it , iv. where i urge , that there must be nothing in christianity , that is not plain , and exactly levelled to all mens mother wit , and every common apprehension . or where he finds , in my reasonanableness of christianity , this other proposition : v. that the very manner of every thing in christianity must be clear and intelligible ; every thing must immediately be comprehended by the weakest noddle , or else it is no part of religion , espicially of christianity . these things he must prove that i have said : i put it again upon him to shew where i said them , or else to confess the forgery : for till he does one or t'other , he shall be sure to have these , with a large catalogue of other falshoods , laid before him . pag. . of his socinianism unmask'd , he endeavours to make good his saying , that i set up one article , with defiance of all the rest , in these words ; for what is excluding them wholly , but defying them ? wherefore , seeing he utterly excludes all the rest , by representing them as useless to the making ● man a christian , which is the design of his whole undertaking , it is manifest that he defies them . answ. this at least is manifest from hence , that the unmasker knows not , or cares not what he says . for whoever , but he , thought that a bare exclusion , or passing by , was defiance ? if he understands it so , i would advise him not to seek preferment . for exclusions will happen ; and if every exclusion be defiance , a man had need be well assured of his own good temper , who shall not think his peace and charity in danger , amongst so many enemies that are at defiance with him ? defiance , if with any propriety it can be spoken of an article of faith , must signifie a professed enmity to it . for in its proper use , which is to persons , it signifies an open and declared enmity raised to that height , that he in whom it is , challenges the party defied to battle , that may there wreek his hatred on his enemy in his destruction . so that my defiance of all the rest remains still to be proved . but , secondly , there is another thing manifest from these words of his , viz. that notwithstanding his great brags in his first paragraph , his main skill lies , in ●ansying what would be for his turn , and then confidently fathering it upon me . it never enter'd into my thoughts , nor , i think , into any body's else , ( i must always except the acute unmasker , who makes no difference between useful and necessary ) that all but the fundamental articles of the christian faith were useless to make a man a christian ; though , if it be true , that the belief of the fundamentals alone ( be they few or many ) is all that is necessary to his being made a christian , all that may any way persuade him to believe them , may certainly be useful towards the making him a christian : and therefore here again i must propose to him , and leave it with him to be shew'd , where it is , vi. i have represented all the rest as useless to the making a man a christian ? and , how it appears , that this is the design of my whole undertaking ? in his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , he says , pag. . what makes him contend for one single article with the exclusion of all the rest ? he pretends it is this , that all men ought to understand their religion . this reasoning i disowned p. . of my vindication , and intimated p. . that he should have quoted the page where i so pretended . to this p. . he tells me with great confidence , and in abundance of words , as we shall see by and by , that i had done so : as if repetition were a proof . he had done better to have quoted one place , where i so pretend . indeed p. . for want of something better ▪ he quotes these words of mine out of p. . of the reasonableness of christianity . the all merciful god seems herein to have consulted the poor of this world , and the bulk of mankind . these are articles that the labouring and illiterate man may comprehend . i ask whether it be possible for one to bring any thing more direct against himself ? the thing he was to prove was , that i contended for one single article with the exclusion of all the rest , because i pretended , that all men ought to understand their religion , i. e. the reason i gave , why there was to be but one single article in religion with the exclusion of all the rest , was , because men ought to understand their religion , and the place he brings to prove my contending upon that ground for one single article with the exclusion of all the rest , is a passage wherein i speak of more than one article , and say these articles . whether i said these articles properly or improperly , it matters not in the present case ( and that we have examin'd in another place ) 't is plain , i meant more than one article , when i said these articles ; and did not think , that the labouring and illiterate man could not understand them , if they were more than one : and therefore i pretended not , that there must be but one , because by illiterate men more than one could not be understood . the rest of this paragraph is nothing but a repetition of the same assertion without proof , which with the unmasker often passes for a way of proving , but with no body else . but , that i may keep that distance , which he boasts there is betwixt his and my way of writing , i shall not say this without proofs . one instance of his repetition , of which there is such plenty in his book , pray take here . his business p. . is to prove , that i pretended that i contended for one single article with the exclusion of all the rest , because all men ought to understand their religion . pag. . of my vindication , i denied that i had so pretended . to convince me that i had , thus he proceeds . unmasker . he founds his conceit of one article partly upon this , tha● a multitude of doctrines is obscure , and hard to be understood . answer . you say it , and had said it before : but i ask you , as i did before , where i did so ? unm. and therefore he trusses all up in one article , that the poor people and bulk of mankind may bear it . answ. i desire again to know where i made that inference , and argued so for one article . unm. this is the scope of a great part of his book . answ. this is saying again , shew it once . unm. but his memory does not keep pace with his invention , and thence he says , he remembers nothing of this in his book , vind. p. . answ. this is to say , that it is in my book . you have said it more than once already ; i demand of you to shew me where ? unm. this worthy writer does not know his own reasoning , that he uses . answ. i ask where does he use that reasoning ? unm. as particularly thus , that he troubles christian men with no more , but one article : because that is intelligible , and all people high and low may comprehend it . answ. we have heard it affirm'd by you over and over again , but the question still is , where is that way of arguing to be found in my book ? unm. for he has chosen out , as he thinks , a plain and easie article . whereas the others , which are commonly propounded , are not generally agreed on ( he saith ) , and are dubious and uncertain . but the believing that iesus was the messiah has nothing of doubtfulness , or obscurity in it . answ. the word for in the beginning of this sentence makes it stand , for one of your reasons ; though it be but a repetition of the same thing in other words . unm. this the reader will find to be the drift and design of several of his pages . answ. this must signifie , that i trouble men with no more but one article because one only is intelligible , and then it is but a repetition . if any thing else be meant by the word this , it is nothing to the purpose . for that i said , that all things necessary to be believed are plain in scripture , and easie to be understood , i never denied ; and should be very sorry , and recant it if i had . unm. and the reason , why i did not quote any single one of them , was , because he insists on it so long together : and spins it out after his way , in p. . of his reasonableness of christianity , where he sets down the short , plain , easie and intelligible summary ( as he calls it ) of religion , couch'd in a single article : he immediately adds ; the all●merciful god seems herein to have consulted the poor of this world , and the bulk of mankind ; these are articles ( whereas he had set down but one ) that the labouring and illiterate man may comprehend . answ. if my insisting on it so long together , was the cause why , in your thoughts of the causes of atheism , you did not quote any single passage ; methinks here , in your socinianism unmask'd , where you knew it was expected of you , my insisting on it , as you say , so long together , might have afforded at least one quotation to your purpose . unm. he assigns this as a ground , why it was god's pleasure that there should be but one point of faith , because thereby religion may be understood the better ; the generality of the people may comprehend it . answ. i hear you say it again , but want a proof still , and ask where i assign that ground ? unm. this he represents as a great kindness done by god to man , whereas the variety of articles would be hard to be understood . answ. again the same cabbage ; an affirmation , but no proof . unm. this he enlarges upon , and flourishes it over after his fashion : and yet he desires to know , when he said so , p. . vindic. answ. and if i did , let the world here take a sample of the unmasker's ability , or truth , who spends above two whole pages , . in repetitions of the same assertion , without the producing any but one place , for proof , and that too against him as i have shewn . but he has not yet done with confounding me by dint of repetition ; he goes on . unm. good sir , let me be permitted to acquaint you , that your memory is as defective as your iudgment . answ. i thank you for the regard you have had to it ; for often repetition is a good help to a bad memory . in requital , i advise you to have some eye to your own memory and iudgment too . for one or both of them seem a little to blame in the reason you subjoyn to the foregoing words , viz. unm. for in the very vindication you attribute it to the goodness and condescention of the almighty , that he requires nothing as absolutely necessary to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate men. answ. i will for the unmasker's sake put this argument of his into a syllogism . if the vindicator in his vindication attributes it to the goodness and condescenssion of the almighty , that he requires nothing to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate men , then he did in his reasonableness of christianity pretend , that the reason why he contended for one article with the exclusion of all the rest was , because all men ought to understand their religion . but the vindicator in his vindication attributes it to the goodness and condescention of almighty god , that he requires nothing to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate men. ergo in his reasonableness of christianity , he pretended , that the reason why he contended for one article with the exclusion of all the rest was because all men ought to understand their religion . this was the proposition to be proved , and which as he confesses here p. . i denied to remember to be in my reasonableness of christianity . who can but admire his logick ! but besides the strength of iudgment , which you have shew'd in this clear & cogent reasoning , does not your memory too deserve its due applause ? you tell me in your socinianism unmask'd , that in p. . of my vindication , i desired to know when i said so . to which desire of mine you reply in these words before cited , good sir , let me be permitted to acquaint you that your memory is as defective as your iudgment ; for in the very vindication you attribute it to the goodness and condescention of the almighty , that he requires nothing as absolutely necessary to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate men , p. . sure the unmasker thinks himself at cross questions . i ask him in the th . page of my vindication , when i said so : and he answers , that i had said so in the th . page of my vindication , i. e. when i writ the th . page , i asked the question when i had said what he charg'd me with saying , and i am answer'd , i had said it in the th . page , which was not yet written , i. e. i ask the question to day when i had said so : and i am answer'd , i had said it to morrow . as apposite , and convincing an answer to make good his charge , as if he had said to morrow i found a horse-shooe . but perhaps this judicious disputant will ease himself of this difficulty by looking again into the th . p. of my vindication , out of which he cites these words for mine , i desire to know when i said so . but my words in that place , are i desire to know where i said so ; a mark of his exactness in quoting , when he vouchsafes to do it . for unmaskers , when they turn disputants , think it the best way to talk at large , and charge home in generals . but do not often find it convenient to quote pages , set down words , and come to particulars . but if he had quoted my words right , his answer had been just as pertinent . for i ask him where in my reasonableness of christianity i had said so : and he answers , i had said so in my vindication . for where in my question refers to my reasonableness of christianity , which the unmasker had seen , and charged with this saying ; and could not referr to my vindication , which he had not yet seen ; nor to a passage in it which was not then written . but this is nothing with an unmasker , therefore what is yet worse , those words of mine , vindic. p. . relate not to the passage he is here proving i had said ; but to another different from it , as different as it is to say , that because all men are to understand their religion , therefore there is to be but one article in it ; and to say that there must be nothing in christianity , that is not plain and exactly levell'd to all mens mother wit : both which he falsly charges on me , but 't is only to the latter of them , that my words i desire to know where i said so are apply'd . perhaps the well-meaning man sees no difference between these two propositions , yet i shall take the liberty to ask him again , where i said either of them , as if they were two : although he should accuse me again of excepting against the formality of words , and doing so foolish a thing as to expect , that a disputing unmasker should account for his words , or any proposition he advances . 't is his privilege to plead he did not mean as his words import , and without any more ado he is assoil'd ; and he is the same unmasker he was before . but let us hear him out on the argument he was upon , for his repetitions on it are not yet done . his next words are , unm. it is clear then , that you found your one article on this , that it is suited to the vulgar capacities : whereas the other articles , mentioned by me , are obscure and ambiguous , and therefore surpass the comprehension of the illiterate . answ. the latter part indeed is now the first time imputed to me . but all the rest is nothing but an unproved repetition , though usher'd in with it is clear then ; words that should have a proof going before them . unm. but yet you pretend , that you have forgot , that any such thing was said by you . answ. i have indeed ●orgot , and notwithstanding all your pains by so many repetitions to beat it into my head , i fear i shall never remember it . unm. which shews that you are careless of your words , and that you forget what you write . answ. so you told me before , and this repeating of it does no more convince me , than that did . unm. what shall we say to such an oblivious author ? answ. shew it him in his book , or else he will never be able to remember , that it is there , nor any body else b● able to find it . unm. he takes no notice of what falls from his own pen. answ. so you have told him more than once . try him once with shewing it him amongst other things which fell from his own pen , and see what then he will say : that perhaps may refresh his memory . unm. and therefore within a page or two he confutes himself , and gives himself the lye. answ. 't is a fault he deserves to be told of over and over again . but he says , he shall not be able to find the two pages , wherein he gives himself the lye , unless you set down their numbers , and the words in them , which confute , and which are consuted . i beg my reader 's pardon for laying before him so large a pattern of our unmasker's new fashioned stuff ; his fine tissue of argumentation not easily to be match'd , but by the same hand . but it lay altogether in p. , , & . and it was fit the reader should have this one instance of the excellencies , he promises in his first paragraph in opposition to my impertinencies , incoherencies , weak and feeble struglings . other excellencies he there promised upon the same ground , which i shall give my reader a tast of , in fit places . not but that the whole is of a piece , and one cannot miss some of them in every page : but to transcribe them all , would be more than they are worth . if any one desires more plenty , i send him to his book it self . but saying a thousand times not being proving once , it remains upon him still to shew , vii . where , in my reasonableness of christianity , i pretend that i contend for one single article , with the exclusion of all the rest , because all men ought to understand their religion ? and in the next place , where it is that i say , viii . that there must be nothing in christianity that is not plain and exactly level to all mens mother wit. let us now return to his th . page . for the bundling together , as was fit , all that he has said in distant places upon the subject of one articl . has made me trespass a little against the iewish character of a well-bred man , recommended by him to me out of the mishna . though i propose to my self to follow him , as near as i can , step by step , as he proceeds . in the th . and th . pages of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , he gave us a list of his fundamental articles : upon which i thus applied my self to him , vind. p. . give me leave now to ask you seriously , whether these you have here set down under the title of fundamental doctrines are such ( when reduced to propositions ) that every one of them is required to make a man a christian , and such as without the actual belief thereof , he cannot be saved ? if they are not so every one of them , you may call them fundamental doctrines as much as you please , they are not of those doctrines of faith , i was speaking of ; which are only such as are required to be actually believed to make a man a christian . and again , vindic. p. . i asked him whether just these neither more nor less were those necessary articles . to which we have his answer , socinianism unmask'd , p. , &c. from p. . to . he has quoted near forty texts of scripture , of which he saith , p. . thus i have briefly set before the reader those evangelical truths , those christian principles which belong to the very essence of christianity : i have proved them to be such , and i have reduced most of them to certain propositions , which is a thing the vindicator called for . answ. yes ; but that was not all the vindicator called for , and had reason to expect . for i asked , whether those the unmasker gave us in his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , were the fundamental doctrines without an actual belief whereof a man could not be a christian , just all neither more nor less ? this i had reason to demand from him , or from any one , who questions that part of my book , and i shall insist upon till he does it , or confesses he cannot . for having set down the articles , which the scripture upon a diligent search seem'd to me to require as necessary , and only necessary , i shall not lose my time in examining , what another says against those fundamentals , which i have gather'd out of the preachings of our saviour and his apostles , till he gives me a list of his fundamentals , which he will bide by ; that so by comparing them together , i may see which is the true catalogue of necessaries . for after so serious and diligent a search , which has given me light and satisfaction in this great point , i shall not quit it , and set my self on float again , at the demand of any one who would have me be of his faith , without telling me what it is . those fundamentals , the scripture has so plainly given , and so evidently determin'd , that it would be the greatest folly imaginable to part with this rule for asking ; and give up my self blindly to the conduct of one , who either knows not , or will not tell me , what are the points necessary to be believed to make me a christian. he that shall find fault with my collection of fundamentals only to unsettle me , and not to give me a better of his own , i shall not think worth minding , till , like a fair man , he puts himself upon equal terms , and makes up the defects of mine by a compleat one of his own . for a deficiency or error in one necessary is as fatal , and as certainly excludes a man from being a christian , as in an hundred . when any one offers me a compleat catalogue of his fundamentals , he does not unreasonably demand me to quit mine for nothing : i have then one , that being set by mine , i may compare them ; and so be able to chuse the true and perfect one , and relinquish the other . he that does not do this , plainly declares , that ( without shewing me the certain way to salvation ) he expects that i should depend on him with an implicit faith , whilst he reserves to himself the liberty to require of me to believe , what he shall think fit , as he sees occasion ; and in effect , says thus , distrust those fundamentals which the preaching of our saviour , and his apostles , have shew'd to be all that is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , and though i cannot tell you , what are those other articles , which are necessary and sufficient to make a man a christian , yet take me for your guide , and that is as good , as if i made up , in a compleat list , the defects of your fundamentals . to which this is a sufficient answer , si quid novisti rectius imperti , si non , his ut ere mecum . the unmasker of his own accord , p. . of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , sets down several , which he calls fundamental doctrines . i ask him , whether those be all ? for answer he adds more to them in his socinianism unmask'd : but in a great pet refuses to tell me , whether this second list of fundamentals be compleat : and instead of answering so reasonable a demand , pays me with ill language , in these words , pag. . subjoyn'd to those last quoted , if what i have said will not content him , i am sure i can do nothing that will , and therefore if he should capriciously require any thing more , it would be as great folly in me to comply with it , as it is in him to move it . if i did ask a question which troubles you , be not so angry ; you your self were the occasion of it . i proposed my collection of fundamentals , which i had with great care sought ; and thought i had found clear in the scripture ; you tell me no , it is imperfect , and offer me one of your own . i ask whether that be perfect ? thereupon you grow into choler , and tell me 't is a foolish question . why ! then i think it was not very wise in you so forwardly to offer one , unless you had had one ready , not liable to the same exception . would you have me so foolish to take a list of fundamentals from you , who have not yet one for your self ? nor are yet resolved with your self , what doctrines are to be put in , or left out of it ? farther , pray tell me , if you had a settled collection of fundamentals , that you would stand to , why should i take them from you upon your word , rather than from an anabaptist , or a quaker , or an arminian , or a socinian , or a lutheran , or a papist ? who , i think , are not perfectly agreed with you , or one another in fundamentals ? and yet there is none amongst them , that i have not as much reason to believe upon his bare word , as an unmasker , who to my certain knowledge will make bold with truth . if you set up for infallibility , you may have some claim to have your bare word taken , before any other but the pope . but yet if you do demand to be an unquestionable proposer of what is absolutely necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , you must perform it a little better , than hitherto you have done . for it is not enough sometimes to give us texts of scripture ; sometimes propositions of your own framing ; and sometimes texts of scripture out of which they are to be framed as p. . you say , these and the like places afford us such fundamental and necessary doctrines as these : and again , p. . after the naming several other texts of scripture , you add which places yield us such propositions as these , and then in both places set down , what you think fit to draw out of them . and page . you have these words : and here likewise it were easie to shew that adoption , iustification , pardon of sins , &c. which are privileges and benefits bestow'd upon us by the messiah , are necessary matters of our belief . by all which , as well as the whole frame , wherein you make shew of giving us your fundamental articles , it is plain , that what you have given us there , is nothing less than a compleat collection of fundamentals , even in your own opinion of it . but good sir , why is it a foolish question in me ? you have found fault with my summary for being short : the defect in my collection of necessary articles has raised your zeal into so severe censures , and drawn upon me from you so heavy a condemnation , that if half that you have said of me be true , i am in a very ill case , for having so curtailed the fundamental doctrines of christianity . is it folly then for me to ask from you a compleat creed ? if it be so dangerous ( as certainly it is ) to fail in any necessary article of faith , why is it folly in me to be instant with you to give me them all ? or why is it folly in you to grant so reasonable a demand ? a short faith , defective in necessaries , is no more tolerable in you , than in me ; nay , much more inexcuseable , if it were for no other reason , but this , that you rest in it your self , and would impose it on others ; and yet do not your self know or believe it to be compleat . for if you do , why dare you not say so , and give it us all entire in plain propositions ? and not , as you have in great measure done here , give only the texts of scripture , from whence , you say , necessary articles are to be drawn ; which is too great an uncertainty for doctrines absolutely necessary . for possibly all men do not understand those texts alike , and some may draw articles out of them quite different from your systeme ; and so though they agree in the same texts , may not agree in the same fundamentals : and till you have set down plainly and distinctly your articles , that you think contain'd in them , cannot tell whether you will allow them to be christians , or no. for you know , sir , several inferences are often drawn from the same text ; and the different systems of dissenting ( i was going to say christians , but that none must be so , but those who receive your collection of fundamentals , when you please to give it them ) professors , are all founded on the scripture . why , i beseech you , is mine a foolish question to ask , what are the necessary articles of faith ? 't is of no less consequence than , nor much different from the jaylor's question in the th . of the acts , what shall i do to be saved ? and that was not , that ever i heard counted by any one a foolish question . you grant there are articles necessary to be believed for salvation : would it not then be wisdom to know them ? nay , is it not our duty to know and believe them ? if not , why do you with so much outcry reprehend me , for not knowing them ? why do you fill your books with such variety of invectives , as if you could never say enough , nor bad enough , against me , for having left out some of them ? and if it be so dangerous , so criminal to miss any of them , why is it a folly in me to move you to give me a compleat list ? if fundamentals are to be known , easie to be known ( as without doubt they are ) then a catalogue may be given of them . but if they are not , if it cannot certainly be determin'd which are they ; but the doubtful knowledge of them depends upon guesses , why may not i be permitted to follow my guesses , as well as you yours ? or why , of all others , must you prescribe your guesses to me , when there are so many , that are as ready to prescribe as you , and of as good authority ? the pretence indeed , and clamour is religion , and the saving of souls : but your business 't is plain is nothing , but to over-rule , and prescribe , and be hearken'd to as a dictator ; and not to inform , teach and instruct in the sure way to salvation . why else do you so start and fling , when i desire to know of you , what is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , when this is the only material thing in controversie between us , and my mistakes in it has made you begin a quarrel with me , and let loose your pen against me in no ordinary way of reprehension ? besides in this way which you take , you will be in no better a case than i. for another having as good a claim to have his guesses give the rule , as you yours ; or to have his system received , as well as you yours , he will complain of you , as well , and upon as good grounds , as you do of me , and ( if he have but as much zeal for his orthodoxy as you shew for yours ) in as civil , well-bred and christian-like language . in the next place , pray tell me , why would it be folly in you to comply with what i require of you ? would it not be useful to me to be set right in this matter , if so , why is it folly in you to set me right ? consider me , if you please , as one of your parishioners , who ( after you have resolv'd which catalogue of fundamentals to give him , either that in your thoughts of the causes of atheism ; or this other here in your socinianism unmask'd , for they are not both the same , nor either of them perfect ) asked you , are these all fundamental articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; and are there no more but these ? would you answer him , that it was folly in you to comply with him , in what he desired ? is it of no moment to know , what is required of men to be believed ; without a belief of which they are not christians , nor can be saved ? and is it folly in a minister of the gospel to inform one committed to his instruction in so material a point as this , which distinguishes believers from unbelievers ? is it folly in one whose business it is to bring men to be christians , and to salvation , to resolve a question by which they may know , whether they are christians or no , and without a resolution of which they cannot certainly know their condition and the state they are in ? is it besides your commission and business , and therefore a folly to extend your care of souls so far as this , to those who are committed to your charge ? sir , i have a title to demand this of you , as if i were your parishioner : you have forced your self upon me for a teacher in this very point , as if you wanted a parishioner to instruct : and therefore i demand it of you , and shall insist upon it , till you either do it , or confess you cannot . nor shall it excuse you to say it is capriciously required . for this is no otherwise capricious , than all questions are capricious to a man that cannot answer them : and such an one i think this is to you . for if you could answer it , no body can doubt , but that you would ; and that with confidence : for no body will suspect 't is the want of that makes you so reserved . this is indeed a frequent way of answering questions by men , that cannot otherwise cover the absurdities of their opinions , and their insolence of expecting to be believed upon their bare words , by saying they are capriciously asked , and deserved no other answer . but how far soever capriciousness ( when proved , for saying is not enough ) may excuse from answering a material question , yet your own words here will clear this from being a capricious question in me . for that those texts of scripture , which you have set down , do not upon your own grounds contain all the fundamental doctrines of religion ; all that is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , what you say a little lower , in this very page , as well as in other places , does demonstrate , your words are , i think i have sufficiently proved , that there are other doctrines besides that [ jesus is the messiah ] which are required to be believed to make a man a christian ; why did the apostles write these doctrines ? was it not that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? this argument for the necessity of believing the texts you cite , from their being set down in the new testament you urged thus , p. . is this set down to no purpose in these inspired epistles ? is it not requisite that we should know it and believe ? and again p. . they are in our bibles to that very purpose to be believed . if then it be necessary to know , and believe those texts of scripture , you have collected , because the apostles writ them , and they were not set down to no purpose . and they are in our bibles on purpose to be believed , i have reason to demand of you other texts , besides those you have enumerated , as containing points necessary to be believed : because there are other texts which the apostles writ , and were not set down to no purpose , and are in our bibles on purpose to be believed , as well as those which you have cited . another reason of doubting , and consequently of demanding , whether those propositions , you have set down for fundamental doctrines , be every one of them necessary to be believed , and all that are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , i have from your next argument which join'd to the former stands thus , p. . why did the apostles write these doctrines ? was it not that those they writ to might give their assent to them ? nay , did they not require assent to them ? yes verily , for this is to be proved from the nature of the things contained in those doctrines which are such as had immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , means and issue of their redemption and salvation . if therefore all things which have an immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , means , and issue of mens redemption and salvation are those , and those only which are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , may a man not justly doubt , whether those propositions which the unmasker has set down , contain all those things , and whether there be not other things contain'd in other texts of scripture , or in some of those cited by him , but otherwise understood , that have as immediately a respect to the occasion , author , way , means , and issue of mens redemption and salvation , as those he has set down ? and therefore i have reason to demand a compleater list. for at best , to tell us , that all things that have an immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , means , and issue issue of mens redemption and salvation , is but a general description of fundamentals , with which some may think some articles agree , and others others : and the terms immediate respect may give ground enough for difference about them to those , who agree , that the rest of your description is right . my demand therefore is not a general description of fundamentals , but for the reasons abovementioned , the particular articles themselves , which are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian. it is not my business at p●●sent to examine the validity of these arguments of his , to prove all the propositions to be necessary to be believed , which he has here in his socinianism unmask'd , set down as such . the use i make of them now , is to shew the reason , they afford me to doubt , that those propositions , which he has given us for doctrines necessary to be believed , are either not all such , or more than all , by his own rule : and therefore i must desire him to give us a compleater creed , that we may know , what in his sense is necessary , and enough to make a man a christian . nor will it be sufficient in this case to do , what he tells us , that he has done , in these words , p. . i have briefly set before the reader , these evangelical truths , those christian principles which belong to the very essence of christianity — and i have reduced most of them to certain propositions , which is a thing the vindicator called for , p. . with submission , i think , he mistakes the vindicator . what i called for was , not that most of them , should be reduced to certain propositions , but that all of them should : and the reason of my demanding that was plain , viz. that then having the unmasker's creed in clear and distinct propositions , i might be able to examine , whether it was , what god in the scriptures indispensibly required of every man to make him a christian , that so i might thereby correct the errors or defects of what i at present apprehended the scripture taught me in the case . the unmasker endeavours to excuse himself from answering my question by another exception against it , p. . in these words . surely none but this upstart racovian will have the confidence to deny that these articles of faith are such as are necessary to constitute a christian , as to the intellectual and doctrinal part of christianity , such as must in some measure be known and assented to by him . not that a man is supposed every moment to actually exert his assent and belief for none of the moral vertues , none of the evangelical graces are exerted thus always . wherefore that question in p. . ( though he says he asks it seriously ) might have been spared , whether every one of these fundamentals is required to be believed to make a man a christian , and such as without the actual belief thereof he cannot be saved ? here is seriousness pretended when there is none , for the design is only to cavil , and ( if he can ) to expose my assertion . but he is not able to do it , for all his critical demands are answer'd in these few words , viz. that in the intellectual ( as well as moral endowments ) are never supposed to be always in act : they are exerted upon occasion , not all of them at a time . and therefore he mistakes if he thinks , or rather as he objects without thinking , that these doctrines if they be fundamental and necessary , must be always actually believed . no man besides himself ever started such a thing . this terrible long combate has the unmasker managed with his own shadow , to confound the seriousness of my question , and as he says himself , is come off not only safe and sound , but triumphant . but for all that , sir , may not a man's question be serious , though he should chance to express it ill ? i think you and i were not best to set up for criticks in language , and nicety of expression , for fear we should set the world a laughing . yet for this once , i shall take the liberty to defend mine here . for i demand in what expression of mine , i said or supposed , that a man should every moment actually exert his assent to any proposition required to be believed ? cannot a man say , that the unmasker cannot be admitted to any preferment in the church of england without an actual assent to , or subscribing of the articles , unless it be suppos'd that he must every moment from the time he first read , assented to , and subscribed those articles , till he received institution and induction , actually exert his assent to every one of them , and repeat his subscription ? in the same sense it is literally true , that a man cannot be admitted into the church of christ or into heaven , without actually believing all the articles necessary to make a man a christian , without supposing , that he must actually exert that assent every moment from the time , that he first gave it , till the moment that he is admitted into heaven . he may eat , drink , make bargains , study euclid , and think of other things between ; nay , sometimes sleep , and neither think of those articles nor any thing else , and yet it be true , that he shall not be admitted into the church , or heaven , without an actual assent to them : that condition of an actual assent he has perform'd , and until he recall that assent by actual unbelief it stands good , and though a lunacy or lethargy should seize on him presently after , and he should never think of it again as long as he lived , yet it is literally true , he is not saved without an actual assent . you might therefore have spared your pains in saying , that none of the moral virtues , none of the evangelical , graces are exerted thus always , till you had met with some body who had said thus , that i did so i think would have enter'd into no bodies thoughts but yours , it being evident from p. , and . of my book , that by actual i meant explicit . you should rather have given a direct answer to my question , which i here again seriously ask you , viz. whether , ix . those you called fundamental doctrines , in your thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , or those christian principles which belong to the very essence of christianity , so many as you have given us of them in your socinianism unmask'd ( for you may take which of your two creeds you please ) are just those , neither more nor less , that are every one of them required to be believed to make a man a christian , and such , as without the actual or ( since that word displeases you ) the explicit belief whereof he cannot be saved . when you have answer'd this question , we shall then see which of us two is nearest the right ? but if you shall forbear railing , which i fear you take for arguing , against that summary of faith , which our saviour and his apostles taught , and which only they propos'd to their hearers to be believed to make them christians , till you have found another perfect creed of only necessary articles , that you dare own for such ; you are like to have a large time of silence . before i leave the passage above cited , i must desire the reader to take notice of what he says concerning his list of fundamentals , viz. that these his articles of faith necessary to constitute a christian , are such as must in some measure be known and assented to by him . a very wary expression concerning fundamentals . the question is about articles necessary to be explicitly believed to make a man a christian. these in his list the unmasker tells us are necessary to constitute a christian , and must in some measure be known and assented to , i would now fain know of the reader whether he understands hereby , that the unmasker means , that these his necessary articles must be explicitly believed or not ! if he means an explicit knowledge and belief , why does he puzzle his reader by so improper a way of speaking ? for what is as compleat and perfect as it ought to be , cannot properly be said to be in some measure . if his in some measure falls short of explicitly knowing and believing his fundamentals , his necessary articles are such as a man may be a christian without explicitly knowing and believing , i. e. are no fundamentals , no necessary articles at all . thus men , uncertain what to say , betray themselves by their great caution . having pronounced it folly in himself to make up the defects of my short , and therefore so much blam'd collection of fundamentals , by a full one of his own , though his attempt shews he would if he could , he goes on thus , p. . from what i [ the unmasker ] have said it is evident , that the vindicator is grosly mistaken when he saith , whatever doctrine the apostles required to be believed to make a man a christian , are to be found in those places of scripture which he has quoted in his book . and a little lower , i think i have sufficiently proved that there are other doctrines besides that , which are required to be believed to make a man a christian . answ. whatever you have proved , or ( as you never fail to do ) boast you have proved , will signifie nothing till you have proved one of these propositions , and have shewn either , x. that what our saviour and his apostles preach'd and admitted men into the church for believing , is not all that is absolutely required to make a man a christian . or , that the believing him to be the messiah , was not the only article they insisted on to those , who acknowledg'd one god ; and upon the belief whereof they admitted converts into the church , in any one of those many places quoted by me out of the history of the new testament . i say , any one ; for though it be evident throughout the whole gospel and the acts , that this was the one doctrine of faith , which in all their preachings every where , they principally drive at : yet if it were not so , but that in other places they taught other things , that would not prove , that those other things were articles of faith absolutely necessarily required to be believed to make a man a christian , unless it had been so said . because if it appears , that ever any one was admitted into the church by our saviour or his apostles , without having that article explicitly laid before him , and without his explicit assent to it , you must grant , that an explicit assent to that article is not necessary to make a man a christian : unless you will say , that our saviour , and his apostles admitted men into the church , that were not qualified with such a faith , as was absolutely necessary to make a man a christian , which is as much as to say , that they allow'd , and pronounced men to be christians , who were not christians . for he , that wants what is necessary to make a man a christian , can no more be a christian , than he , that wants what is necessary to make him a man , can be a man. for what is necessary to the being of any thing is essential to its being ; and any thing may be as well without its essence , as without any thing that is necessary to its being : and so a man be a man without being a man , and a christian a christian without being a christian ; and an unmasker may prove this , without proving it . you may therefore set up , by your unquestionable authority , what articles you please , as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; if our saviour , and his apostles admitted converts into the church without preaching those your articles to them ; or requiring an explicit assent to what they did not preach , and explicitly lay down , i shall prefer their authority to yours ; and think it was rather by them , than by you , that god promulgated the law of faith ; and manifested , what that faith was , upon which he would receive penitent converts . and though by his apostles our saviour taught a great many other truths , for the explaining this fundamental article of the law of faith , that jesus is the messiah ; some whereof have a nearer , and some a more remote connexion with it , and so cannot be deny'd by any christian , who sees that connexion , or knows they are so taught : yet an explicit belief of any one of them is no more necessarily required to make a man a christian , than an explicit belief of all those truths which have a connexion with the being of a god , or are reveal'd by him , is necessarily required to make a man not to be an atheist : though none of them can be denied by any one , who sees that connexion , or acknowledges that revelation , without his being an atheist . all these truths taught us from god , either by reàson , or revelation , are of great use , to enlighten our minds , confirm our faith , stir up our affections , &c. and the more we see of them , the more we shall see , admire , and magnifie the wisdom , goodness , mercy , and love of god in the work of our redemption . this will oblige us to search , and study the scripture , wherein it is contain'd and laid open to us . all that we find in the revelation of the new testament , being the declar'd will and mind of our lord and master the messiah , whom we have taken to be our king , we are bound to receive as right and truth , or else we are not his subjects , we do not believe him to be the messiah our king , but cast him off , and with the iews say , we will not have this man reign over us . but it is still what we ●ind in the scripture , not in this or that system ; what we sincerely seeking to know the will of our lord , discover to be his mind . where it is spoken plainly we cannot miss it , and it is evident , he requires our assent : where there is obscurity either in the expressions themselves , or by reason of the seeming contrariety of other passages , there a fair endeavour , as much as our circumstances will permit , secures us from a guilty disobedience to his will , or a sinful error in faith , which way soever our enry resolves the doubt , or perhaps leaves it unresolved . if he had required more of us in those points , he would have declared his will plainer to us ; and discover'd the truth contain'd in those obscure , or seemingly contradictory places , as clearly , and as uniformly as he did that fundamental article , that we were to believe him to be the messiah our king. as men we have god for our king , and are under the law of reason : as christians , we have iesus the messiah for our king , and are under the law revealed by him in the gospel . and though every christian , both as a deist and a christian , be obliged to study both the law of nature and the revealed law , that in them he may know the will of god , and of jesus christ whom he hath sent , yet in neither of these laws is there to be found a select set of fundamentals , distinct from the rest which are to make him , a deist or a christian. but he that believes one eternal invisible god , his lord and king , ceases thereby to be an atheist ; and he that believes iesus to be the messiah his king , ordain'd by god thereby becomes a christian , is delivered from the power of darkness , and is translated into the kingdom of the son of god , is actually within the covenant of grace , and has that faith ; which shall be imputed to him for righteousness , and if he continues in his allegiance to this his king , shall receive the reward , eternal life . he that considers this , will not be so hot as the unmasker , to contend for a number of fundamental articles all necessary every one of them to be explicitly believed , by every one , for salvation , without knowing them himself , or being able to enumerate them to another . can there be any thing more absurd , than to say , there are several fundamental articles , each of which every man must explicitly believe upon pain of damnation , and yet not to be able to say , which they be ? the unmasker has set down no small number ; but yet dares not say , these are all . on the contrary , he has plainly confessed , there are more : but will not , i. e. cannot tell what they are , that remain behind . nay , has given a general description of his fundamental articles , by which it is not evident , but there may be ten times as many , as those he had named ; and amongst them ( if he durst or could name them ) probably several , that many a good christian , who died in the faith , and is now in heaven , never once thought of ; and others , which many , of as good authority as he , would from their different systems , certainly deny and contradict . this , as great an absurdity as it is , cannot be otherwise , whilst men will take upon them to alter the terms of the gospel ; and when it is evident , that our saviour , and his apostles received men into the church , and pronounced them believers , for taking him to be the messiah their king and deliverer sent by god , have the boldness to say , this is not enough . but when you would know of them what then is enough , they cannot tell you . the reason whereof is visible , viz. because they being able to produce no other reason for their collection of fundamental articles to prove them necessary to be believed , but because they are of divine authority and contain'd in the holy scriptures , and are , as the unmasker says , writ there on purpose to be believed , they know not where to stop , when they have once begun . those texts that they leave out , or from which they deduce none of them , being of the same divine authority , and so upon that account equally fundamental , with what they have culled out , though not so well suited to their particular systems . hence come those endless and unreasonable contentions about fundamentals , whilst each censures the defect , redundancy , or falshood of what others require , as necessary to be believed ; and yet he himself gives not a catalogue of his own fundamentals , which he will say is sufficient and compleat . nor is it to be wondred , since in this way it is impossible to stop short of putting every proposition divinely revealed into the list of fundamentals ; all of them being of divine , and so of equal authority , and upon that account equally necessary to be believed by every one who is a christian ; though they are not all necessary to be believed to make any one a christian . for the new testament , containing the laws of the messiah's kingdom , in regard of all the actions both of mind and body of all his subjects , every christian is bound by his allegiance to him , to believe all that he says in it to be true , as well as to assent , that all that he commands in it is just and good : and what negligence , perverseness , or guilt there is in his mistaking in the one , or failing in his obedience to the other , that this righteous judge of all men , who cannot be deceived , will at the last day lay open , and reward accordingly . 't is no wonder therefore , there has been such fierce contests , and such cruel havock made amongst christians about fundamentals : whilst every one would set up his system upon pain of fire and faggot in this , and hell fire in the other world ; though at the same time , whilst he is exercising the utmost barbarities against others to prove himself a true christian , he professes himself so ignorant that he cannot tell , or so uncharitable , that he will not tell , what articles are absolutely necessary , and sufficient to make a man a christian. if there be any such fundamentals , as 't is certain there are , 't is as certain they must be very plain . why then does every one urge and make a stir about fundamentals , and no body give a list of them ? but because , ( as i have said ) upon the usual grounds , they cannot . for i will be bold to say , that every one , who considers the matter , will see , that either only the article of his being the messiah their king , which alone our saviour and his apostles preach'd to the unconverted world , and received those that believed it into the church , is the only necessary article to be believed by a theist to make him a christian ; or else that all the truths contain'd in the new testament , are necessary articles to be believed to make a man a christian ; and that between these two it is impossible any where to stand . the reason whereof is plain . because either the believing iesus to be the messiah , i. e. the taking him to be our king , makes us subjects and denizons of his kingdom , i. e. christians ; or else an explicit knowledge of , and actual obedience to the laws of his kingdom is what is required to make us subjects ; which , i think , is what was never said of any other kingdom . for a man must be a subject before he is bound to obey . let us suppose it will be said here , that an obedience to the laws of christ's kingdom , is what is necessary to make us subjects of it , without which we cannot be admitted into it , i. e. be christians : and if so , this obedience must be universal ; i mean , it must be the same sort of obedience to all the laws of this kingdom : which since no body says is in any one such as is wholly free from error or frailty , this obedience can only lie in a sincere disposition and purpose of mind to obey every one of the laws of the messiah deliver'd in the new testament , to the utmost of our power . now believing right being one part of that obedience , as well as acting right is the other part , the obedience of assent must be implicitly to all that is deliver'd there ; that it is true . but for as much as the particular acts of an explicit assent cannot go any farther than his understanding , who is to assent , what he understands to be the truth deliver'd by our saviour , or the apostles commission'd by him , and assisted by his spirit , that he must necessarily believe : it becomes a fundamental article to him , and he cannot refuse his assent to it , without renouncing his allegiance . for he that denies any of the doctrines that christ has deliver'd , to be true , denies him to be sent from god , and consequently to be the messiah , and so ceases to be a christian. from whence it is evident , that if any more be necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , than the believing iesus to be the messiah , and thereby taking him for our king ; it cannot be any set bundle of fundamentals culled out of the scripture , with an omission of the rest , according as best suits any ones fancy , system , or interest : but it must be an explicit belief of all those propositions , which he according to the best of his understanding , really apprehends to be contain'd , and meant in the scripture ; and an implicit belief of all the rest , which he is ready to believe , as soon as it shall please god , upon his use of the means , to enlighten him , and make them clear to his understanding . so that in effect , almost every particular man in this sense has , or may have , a distinct catalogue of fundamentals , each whereof it is necessary for him explicitly to believe , now that he is a christian ; whereof if he should disbelieve , or deny any one , he would cast off his allegiance , disfranchise himself , and be no longer a subject of christ's kingdom . but in this sense no body can tell what is fundamental to another , what is necessary for another man to believe . this catalogue of fundamentals every one alone can make for himself : no body can fix it for him ; no body can collect or prescribe it to another : but this is according as god has dealt to every one the measure of light and faith ; and hath open'd each man's understanding , that he may understand the scriptures . whoever has used wha● means he is capable of , for the informing of himself , with a readiness to believe and obey what shall be taught and prescrib'd by iesus his lord and king , is a true and faithful subject of christ's kingdom ; and cannot be thought to fail in any thing necessary to salvation . supposing a man and his wife , barely by seeing the wonderful things that moses did , should have been perswaded to put ▪ themselves under his government ; or by reading his law , and liking it ; or by any other motive , had been prevail'd on sincerely to take him for their ruler and law-giver , and accordingly ( renouncing their former idolatry and heathenish pollutions ) in token thereof had by baptism and circumcision , the initiating ceremonies , solemnly enter'd themselves into that communion under the law of moses ; had they not thereby been made denizons of the commonwealth of israel , and invested with all the privileges and prerogatives of true children of abraham , leaving to their posterity a right to their share in the promis'd land , though they had died before they had performed any other act of obedience to that law ; nay , though they had not known whose son moses was , nor how he had deliver'd the children of israel out of egypt , nor whither he was leading them ? i do not say it is likely they should be so far ignorant : but whether they were or no , 't was enough , that they took him for their prince and ruler , with a purpose to obey him , to submit themselves entirely to his commands and conduct ; and did nothing afterwards , whereby they disowned or rejected his authority over them . in that respect , none of his laws were greater , or more necessary to be submitted to one than another , though the matter of one might be of much greater consequence than of another . but a disobedience to any law of the least consequence , if it carry with it a disowning of the authority that made it , forfeits all , and cuts off such an offender from that commonwealth , and all the privileges of it . this is the case , in respect of other matters of faith , to those who believe iesus to be the messiah , and take him to be their king sent from god , and so are already christians . 't is not the opinion , that any one may have of the weightiness of the matter , ( if they are , without their own fault ignorant that our saviour hath revealed it ) that shall disfranchise them , and make them forfeit their interest in his kingdom : they may be still good subjects , though they do not believe a great many things , which creed-makers may think necessary to be believed . that which is required of them is a sincere endeavour to know his mind declared in the gospel , and an explicit belief of all that they understand to be so . not to believe what he has reveal'd , whether in a lighter or more weighty matter , calls his veracity into question , destroys his mission , denies his authority , and is a flat disowning him to be the messiah ; and so overturns that fundamental , and necessary article whereby a man is a christian. but this cannot be done by a man's ignorance , or unwilful mistake of any of the truths published by our saviour himself , or his authorized and inspired ministers in the new testament . whilst a man knows not that it was his will or meaning , his allegiance is safe , though he believe the contrary . if this were not so , it is impossible , that any one should be a christian. for in some things we are ignorant , and err all , not knowing the scriptures . for the holy inspired writings , being all of the same divine authority , must all equally in every article be fundamental and necessary to be believed ; if that be a reason , that makes any one proposition in it necessary to be believed . but the law of faith , the covenant of the gospel , being a covenant of grace , and not of natural right or debt , nothing can be absolutely necessary to be believed , but what by this new law of faith god of his good pleasure hath made to be so . and this 't is plain by the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , to all that believed not already in him , was only the believing the only true god , and iesus to be the messiah , whom he hath sent . the performance of this puts a man within the covenant , and is that which god will impute to him for righteousness . all the other acts of assent to other truths , taught by our saviour , and his apostles , are not what make a man a christian ; but are necessary acts of obedience to be performed by one , who is a christian ; and therefore being a christian , ought to live by the laws of christ's kingdom . nor are we without some glimpse of light , why it hath pleased god of his grace , that the believing iesus to be the messiah should be that faith which he would impute to men for righteousness . 't is evident from the scripture , that our saviour despised the shame and endured the cross for the joy that was set before him ; which joy , 't is also plain , was a kingdom , but in this kingdom which his father had appointed to him , he could have none but voluntary subjects , such as leaving the kingdom of darkness , and of the prince of this world , with all the pleasures , pomps and vanities thereof , would put themselves under his dominion , and translate themselves into his kingdom ; which they did by believing and owning him to be the messiah their king , and thereby taking him to rule over them . for the faith for which god justi●ieth , is not an empty speculation , but a faith joyn'd with repentance , and working by love. and for this , which was in effect to return to god himself , and to their natural allegiance due to him , and advance as much as lay in them the glory of the kingdom , which he had promised his son , god was pleased to declare he would accept them , receive them to grace , and blot out all their former transgressions . this is evidently the covenant of grace as deliver'd in the scriptures : and if this be not , i desire any one to tell me what it is , and what are the terms of it . 't is a law of faith , whereby god has promised to forgive all our sins upon our repentance , and believing something ; and to impute that faith to us for righteousness , now i ask what 't is by the law of faith we are required to believe ? for till that be known , the law of faith is not distinctly known , nor the terms of the covenant upon which the almerciful god graciously offers us salvation . and if any one will say this is not known , nay , is not easily , and certainly to be known under the gospel , i desire him to tell me what the greatest enemies of christianity can say worse against it ? for a way propos'd to salvation , that does not certainly lead thither , or is propos'd so as not to be known , are very little different as to their consequence ; and mankind would be left to wander in darkness and uncertainty with the one as well as the other . i do not write this for controversies sake ; for had i minded victory , i would not have given the unmasker this new matter of exception . i know whatever is said , he must be bawling for his fashionable and profitable orthodoxy , and cry out against this too which i have here added , as socinianism , and cast that name upon all that differs from what is held by those , he would recommend his zeal to in writing . i call it bawling , for whether what he has said be reasoning , i shall referr to those of his own brotherhood , if he be of any brotherhood , and there be any that will joyn with him in his set of fundamentals , when his creed is made . had i minded nothing but how to deal with him , i had tied him up short to his list of fundamentals , without affording him topicks of declaiming against what i have here said . but i have enlarged on this point , for the sake of such readers , who with a love of truth read books of this kind , and endeavour to inform themselves in the things of their everlasting concernment : it being of greater consideration with me , to give any light and satisfaction to one single person , who is really concerned to understand , and be convinced of the religion he professes , than what a thousand fashionable or titular professors of any sort of orthodoxy shall say or think of me , for not doing as they do , i. e. for not saying after others , without understanding what is said , or upon what grounds ; or caring to understand it . let us now consider his argument , to prove the articles he has given us to be fundamentals . in his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , p. . he argues from tim. iii. . where , he says , christianity is called a mystery , that all things in christianity are not plain , and exactly level to every common apprehension ; that every thing in christianity is not clear , and intelligible and comprehensible by the weakest noddle . let us take this for proved , as much as he pleases , and then let us see the force of this subtle disputant's argument , for the necessity there is , that every christian man should believe those , which he has given us for fundamental articles out of the epistles . the reason of that obligation , and the necessity of every man and woman's believing them , he has laid in this , that they are to be found in the epistles , or in the bible . this argument for them we have over and over again in his socinianism unmask'd , as here , p. . thus ; are they set down to no purpose in these inspired epistles . why did the apostles write these doctrines , was it not , that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? p. . they are in our bibles for that very purpose to be believed . p. . now i ask , can any one more directly invalidate all he says here for the necessity of believing his articles ? can any one more apparently write booty than by saying that these his doctrines , these his fundamental articles ( which are after his fashion set down between the . and . pages of this his first chapter ) are of necessity to be believed by every one , before he can be a christian , because they are in the epistles and in the bible ; and yet to affirm that in christianity , i. e. in the epistles and in the bible there are mysteries , there are things not plain , not clear , not intelligible to common apprehensions . if his articles , some of which contain mysteries , are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , because they are in the bible ; than according to this rule it is necessary for many men to believe , what is not intelligible to them ; what their noddles cannot apprehend ( as the unmasker is pleased to turn the supposition of vulgar peoples understanding the fundamentals of their religion into ridicule ) i. e. it is necessary for many men to do , what is impossible for them to do , before they can be christians . but if there be several things in the bible , and in the epistles , that it is not necessary for men to believe to make them christians ; then all the unmasker's arguments from their being in the epistles is no proof , that all his articles are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , because they are set down in the epistles ; much less , because he thinks they may be drawn according to his sys●em out of what is set down in the epistles . let him therefore either confess these and the like questions , why did the apostles write these ? was it not that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? why should not every one of these evangelical truths be believed and imbraced ? they are in our bibles for that very purpose , and the like , to be impertinent and ridiculous : let him cease to propose them with so much ostentation , for they can serve only to mislead unwary readers : or let him unsay what he has said of things not plain to common apprehensions , not clear and intelligible . let him recant what he has said of mysteries in christianity . for i ask with him , p. . where can we be informed but in the sacred and inspired writings ? it is ridiculous to urge , that any thing is necessary to be explicitly believed to make a man a christian , because it is writ in the epistles and in the bible ; unless he confess that there is no mystery , no thing not plain not intelligible to vulgar understanding , in the epistles or in the bible . this is so evident , that the unmasker himself , who p. . of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , thought it ridiculous to suppose , that the vulgar should understand christianity , is here of another mind : and , p. . says of his evangelical doctrines and articles necessary to be assented to , that they are intelligible and plain ; there is no ambiguity and doubtfulness in them ; they shine with their own light , and to an unprejudiced eye are plain , evident and illustrious . to draw the unmasker out of the clouds , and prevent his hiding himself in the doubtfulness of his expressions , i shall desire him to say directly , whether the articles , which are necessary to be believed , to make a man a christian , and particularly those he has set down for such , are all plain and intelligible , and such as may be understood and comprehended ( i will not say in the unmasker's ridiculous way , by the weakest noddles , but ) by every illiterate countryman and woman capable of church communion ? if he says yes ; then all mysteries are excluded out of his articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian. for that which can be comprehended by every day-labourer , every poor spinster , that is a member of the church , cannot be a mystery . and if what such illiterate people cannot understand , be required to be believed to make them christians , the greatest part of mankind are shut out from being christians . but the unmasker has provided an answer in these words , p. . there is , says he , a difficulty in the doctrine of the trinity , and several truths of the gospel , as to the exact manner of the things themselves , which we shall never be able to comprehend , at least on this side of heaven : but there is no difficulty as to the reality and certainty of them , because we know they are revealed to us by god in the holy scripture . which answer of difficulty in the manner , and no difficulty in the reality , having the appearance of a distinction , looks like learning ; but when it comes to be applied to the case in hand will scarce afford us sense . the question is about a proposition to be believed , which must first necessarily be understood . for a man cannot possibly give his assent to any affirmation or negation , unless he understand the terms as they are joyn'd in that proposition , and has a conception of the thing affirm'd or deny'd , and also a conception of the thing concerning which it is affirm'd or deny'd as they are there put together . but let the proposition be what it will , there is no more to be understood than is expressed in the terms of that proposition . if it be a proposition concerning a matter of fact , 't is enough to conceive , and believe the matter of fact. if it be a proposition concerning the manner of the fact , the manner of the fact must also be believed , as it is intelligibly expressed in that proposition , v. g. should this proposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be offer'd as an article of faith to an illiterate countryman of england , he could not believe it : because , though a true proposition , yet it being propos'd in words whose meaning he understood not , he could not give any assent to it . put it into english , he understands what is meant by the dead shall rise . for he can conceive , that the same man , who was dead and senseless , should be alive again ; as well as he can , that the same man , who is now in a lethargy , should awake again ; or the same man that now is out of his sight , and he knows not whether he be alive or dead , should return , and be with him again : and so he is capable of believing it , though he conceives nothing of the manner how a man revives , wakes , or moves . but none of these manners of those actions being included in those propositions , the proposition concerning the matter of fact ( if it imply no contradiction in it ) may be believed ; and so all that is required may be done , whatever difficulty may be as to the exact manner how it is brought about . but where the proposition is about the manner , the belief too must be of the manner . v. g. the article is , the dead shall be raised with spiritual bodies . and then the belief must be as well of this manner of the fact , as of the fact it self . so that what is said here by the unmasker about the manner signifies nothing at all in the case . what is understood to be expressed in each proposition , whether it be of the manner , or not of the manner , is ( by its being a revelation from god ) to be believed , as far as it is understood : but no more is required to be believed concerning any article , than is contain'd in that article . what the unmasker , for the removing of difficulties , adds farther in these words , but there is no difficulty as to the reality and certainty of the truths of the gospel . because we know , they are revealed to us by god in the holy scripture , is yet farther from signifying any thing to the purpose , than the former . the question is about understanding ; and , in what sense they are understood , believing several propositions , or articles of faith , which are to be found in the scripture . to this , the unmasker says , there can be no difficulty at all as to their reality and certainty ; because they are revealed by god. which amounts to no more but this , that there is no difficulty at all in understanding and believing this proposition , that whatever is revealed by god is really and certainly true . but is the understanding and believing this single proposition , the understanding and believing all the articles of faith necessary to be believed ? is this all the explicit faith a christian need have ? if so , then a christian need explicitly believe no more but this one proposition , viz. that all the propositions between the two covers of his bible are certainly true . but i imagine the unmasker will not think the believing this one proposition is a sufficient belief of all those fundamental articles , which he has given us as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian . for if that will serve the turn , i conclude he may make his set of fundamentals as large and express to his system as he pleases ; calvinists , arminians , anabaptists , socinians , will all thus own the belief of them ; viz. that all that god has revealed in the scripture is really and certainly true . but if believing this proposition , that all that is reveal'd by god in the scripture is true , be not all the faith which the unmasker requires , what he says about the reality and certainty of all truths reveal'd by god removes nothing of the difficulty . a proposition of divine authority is found in the scripture : 't is agreed presently between him and me , that it contains a real certain truth : but the difficulty is , what is the truth it contains , to which he , and i must assent . v. g. the profession of faith made by the eunuch in these words , iesus christ is the son of god , upon which he was admitted into the church as a christian , i believe contains a real and certain truth . is that enough ? no says the unmasker , p. . it includes in it that christ was god ; and therefore it is not enough for me to believe , that these words contain a real certain truth ; but i must believe they contain this truth , that jesus christ is god ; that the eunuch spoke them in that sense , and in that sense i must assent to them : whereas they appear to me to be spoken , and meant here , as well as in several other places of the new testament , in this sense , viz. that iesus christ is the messiah , and in that sense in this place i assent to them . the meaning then of these words as spoken by the eunuch is the difficulty : and i desire the unmasker , by the application of what he has said here , to remove that difficulty . for granting all revelation from god to be really and certainly true ( as certainly it is ) how does the believing that general truth remove any difficulty about the sense and interpretation of any particular proposition found in any passage of the holy scriptures ? or is it possible for any man to understand it in one sense , and believe it in another ; because it is a divine revelation , that has reallity and certainty in it ? thus much as to what the unmasker says of the fundamentals he has given us , p. . viz. that no true lover of god and truth need doubt of any of them : for there is no ambiguity and doubtfulness in them . if the distinction he has used of difficulty as to the exact manner , and difficulty as to the reality and certainty of gospel truths , will remove all ambiguity and doubtfulness from all those texts of scripture , from whence he and others deduce fundamental articles , so that they will be plain and intelligible to every man in the sense he understands them , he has done great service to christianity . but he seems to distrust that himself , in the following words . they shine , says he , with their own light , and to an unprejudiced eye are plain evident and illustrious , and they would always continue so , if some ill minded men did not perplex and entangle them . i see the matter would go very smooth , if the unmasker might be the sole authentick interpreter of scripture . he is wisely of that judge's mind , who was against hearing the counsel on the other side , because they always perplexed the cause . but if those who differ from the unmasker , shall in their turns call him the prejudiced and ill-minded man , who perplexes these matters ( as they may with as much authority as he ) we are but where we were ; each must understand for himself the best he can ; till the unmasker be received as the only unprejudiced man , to whose dictates every one without examination is with an implicit faith to submit . here again , p. . the unmasker puts upon me , what i never said , and therefore i must desire him to shew , where it is , that i pretend , xi . that this proposition , that jesus is the messiah , is more intelligible than any of those he has named . in his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , p. . he argues that this proposition [ iesus is the messiah ] has more difficulty in it than the article of the holy trinity . and his proofs are worthy of an unmasker . for , says he , here is an hebrew word first to be explain'd , or ( as he has this strong argument again , socinianism unmask'd , p. . ) here first the name iesus , which is of hebrew extraction , though since grecized must be expounded . answ. iesus being a proper name , only denoting a certain person , needs not to be expounded , of what extraction soever it be . is this proposition , ionathan was the son of saul king of israel , any thing the harder , because the three proper names in it , ionathan , saul and israel are of hebrew extraction ? and is it not as easie and as level to the understanding of the vulgar as this , arthur was the son of henry king of england , though neither of these names be of hebrew extraction ? or cannot any vulgar capacity understand this proposition , iohn edwards writ a book , intituled , socinianism unmask'd , till the name iohn , which is of hebrew extraction , be explained to him ? if this be so , parents were best beware how hereafter they give their children scripture names , if they cannot understand what they say to one another about them , till these names of hebrew extraction are expounded to them ; and every proposition , that is in writings and contracts made concerning persons , that have names of hebrew extractions , become thereby as hard to be understood as the doctrine of the holy trinity . his next argument is just of the same size . the word messias must , he says , be explained too . of what extraction soever it be , there needs no more explication of it than what our english bible gives of it , where it is plain to any vulgar capacity , that it was used to denote that king and deliverer whom god had promised . so that this proposition , iesus is the messiah , has no more difficulty in it , than this , iesus is the promised king and deliverer ; or than this , cyrus was king and deliverer of persia : which i think requires not much depth of hebrew to be understood . he that understood this proposition , and took cyrus for his king , was a subject and a member of his kingdom ; and he that understands the other , and takes iesus to be his king , is his subject and a member of his kingdom . but if this be as hard as it is to some men to understand the doctrine of the trinity , i fear many of the kings in the world have but few true subjects . to believe jesus to be the messiah , is ( as he has been told over and over again ) to take him for our king and ruler , promised and sent by god. this is that , which will make any one from a iew or heathen to be a christian. in this sense it is very intelligible to vulgar capacities . those who so understand and believe it , are so far from pronouncing those words as a spell ( as the unmasker ridiculously suggests , p. . ) that they thereby become christians . but what if i tell the unmasker , that there is one mr. edwards , who ( when he speaks his mind , without considering how it will make for or against him ) in another place , thinks this proposition , iesus is the messias , very easie and intelligible ? to convince him of it , i shall desire him to turn to the th . page of his socinianism unmask'd , where he will find that mr. edwards without any great search into hebrew extractions , interprets iesus the messiah to signifie this , that iesus of nazareth was that eminent and extraordinary person prophesied of long before , and that he was sent and commissioned by god : which i think is no very hard proposition to be understood . but it is no strange thing , that that which was very easie to an unmasker in one place , should be terrible hard in another ; where want of something better requires to have it so . another argument that he uses to prove the articles he has given us to be necessary to salvation , ( p. . ) is because they are doctrines which contain things that in their nature have an immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , end , means and issue of mens redemption and salvation . and here i desire him to prove , xii . that every one of his articles contains things so immediately relating to the occasion , author , way , means and issue of our redemption and salvation , that no body can be saved without understanding the texts from whence he draws them , in the very same sense that he does ; and explicitly believing all these propositions that he has deduced , and all that he will deduce from scripture , when he shall please to compleat his creed . pag. . he says of his fundamentals , not without good reason therefore i called them essential and integral parts of our christian and evangelical faith : and why the vindicator fleers at these terms , p. . i know no reason , but that he cannot confute the application of them . answ. one would think by the word therefore , which he uses here , that in the precedent paragraph , he had produced some reason to justifie his ridiculous use of those terms in his thoughts concerning atheism , p. . but nothing therein will be found tending to it . indeed the foregoing paragraph begins with these words , thus i have briefly set before the reader those evangelical truths , those christian principles , which belong to the very essence of christianity . amongst these there is the word essence : but that from thence , or any thing else in that paragraph , the unmasker could with good sense , or any sense at all , inferr as he does , not without good reason , therefore , i called them the essential and integral parts of our christian and evangelical faith , requires an extraordinary sort of logick to make out . what , i beseech you , is your good reason too here , upon which you inferr therefore , & c ? for it is impossible for any one but an unmasker , to find one word justifying his use of the terms essential and integral . but it would be a great restraint to the running of the unmasker's pen , if you should not allow him the free use of illative particles , where there are no promises to support them : and if you should not take affirmations without proof for reasoning , you at once strike off above three quarters of his book ; and he will often , for several pages toget●er , have nothing to say . as for example , from p. . to p. . but to shew , that i did not without reason say his use of the terms essential and integral , in the place before quoted , was ridiculous , i must mind my reader , that pag. . of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , he having said that the epistolary writings are fraught with other fundamentals besides that one which i mention , and then having set them down , he closes his catalogue of them thus : these are matters of faith contain'd in the epistles , and they are essential and integral parts of the gospel it self , p. . now what could be more ridiculous , than where the question is about fundamental doctrines , which are the essentials of christian religion , without an assent to which a man cannot be a christian , and so he himself calls them , p. . of his socinianism unmask'd , that he should close the list he had made of fundamental doctrines , i. e. essential points of the christian religion , with telling his reader , these are essential and integral parts of the gospel it self ? i. e. these which i have given you for fundamental , for essential doctrines of the gospel are the fundamental and not fundamental , essential and not essential parts of the gospel mixed together . for integral parts , in all the writers i have met with , besides the unmasker , are contra-distinguished to essential ; and signifie such parts as the thing can be without , but without them will not be so compleat and entire as with them . just such an accuteness as our unmasker would any one shew , who taking upon him to set down the parts essential to a man , without the having of which he could not be a man , should name the soul , the head , the heart , lungs , stomach , liver , spleen , eyes , ears , tongue , arms , legs , hair and nails ; and to make all sure , should conclude with these words , these are parts contain'd in a man , and are essential and integral parts of a man himself , i. e. they are parts , some without which he cannot be a man , and others which though they make the man entire , yet he may be a man without them ; as a man ceases not to be a man , though he want a nail , a finger , or an arm , which are integral parts of a man. risum teneatis ? if the unmasker can make any better sence of his essential and integral parts of the gospel it self ; i will ask his pardon for my laughing : till then he must not be angry , if the reader and i laugh too . besides i must tell him , that those which he has set down are not the integral parts of the christian faith ; any more than the head , the trunk , and the arms , hands and thighs are the integral parts of a man : for a man is not entire without the legs and feet too . they are some of the integral parts indeed ; but cannot be called the integral parts , where any that go to make up the whole man are l●ft out . nor those the integral , but some of the integral parts of the christian faith , out of which any of the doctrines proposed in the new testament are omitted : for whatever is there proposed , is proposed to be believed , and so is a part of the christian faith. before i leave his catalogue of the essential and integral parts of the gospel , which he has given us , instead of one containing the articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , i must take notice of what he says , whilst he is making it , p. . why then is there a treatise publish'd to tell the world that the bare belief of a messiah is all that is required of a christian. as if there were no difference between believing a messiah , and believing iesus to be the messiah : no difference between required of a christian , and required to make a man a christian. as if you should say , renouncing his former idolatry , and being circumcised and baptized into moses , was all that was required to make a man an israelite ; therefore it was all that was required of an israelite . for these two falshoods has he in this one short sentence , thought fit slily to father upon me the humble imitator of the iesuits , as he is pleased to call me . and therefore i must desire him to shew , xiii . where the world is told in the treatise that i publish'd , that the bare belief of a messiah is all that is required of a christian ? the six next pages , i. e. from . to the end of his second chapter , being taken up with nothing but pulpit oratory out of its place ; and without any reply , apply'd or applicable to any thing i have said in my vindication ; i shall pass by , till he shews any thing in them that is so . in pag. . this giant in argument , falls on me , and mauls me unmercifully about the epistles . he begins thus ; the gentleman is not without his evasions , and he sees it is high time to make use of them . this puts him in some disorder . for when he comes to speak of my mentioning his ill treatment of the epistles — you may observe that he begins to grow warmer than before . now this meek man is nettled , and one may perceive he is sensible of the scandal that he hath given to good people by his slighting the epistolary writings of the holy apostles , yet he is so cunning as to disguise his passion as well as he can . let all this impertinent and inconsistent stuff be so . i am angry , and cannot disguise it ; i am cunning and would disguise it ; but yet the quick-sighted unmasker has found me out , that i am nettled . what does all this notable prologue of hictius doctius , of a cunning man , and in effect no cunning man , in disorder , warm'd , nettled , in a passion tend to ? but only to shew , that these following words of mine , p. . of my vindication , viz. i require you to publish to the world those passages which shew my contempt of the epistles are so full of heat and disorder , that they need no other answer , but what need i , good sir , do this , when you have done it your self ? a reply , i own , very soft , and whether i may not say , very silly , let the reader judge . the unmasker having accused me of contemning the epistles , my reply in my vindicat. p. . was thus ; sir , when your angry fit is over , and the abatement of your passion has given way to the return of your sincerity , i shall beg you to read this passage in the . p. of my book . these holy writers ( viz. the penmen of the epistles ) inspired from above , writ nothing but truth ; and in most places very weighty truths to us now , for the expounding , clearing and confirming of the christian doctrine , and establishing those in it , who had imbraced it . and again , p. . the other parts [ i. e. besides the gospels and the acts ] of divine revelation are objects of faith , and are so to be received ; they are truths of which none , that is once known to be such , i. e. revealed , may or ought to be disbelieved . and if this does not satisfie you , that i have as high a veneration for the epistles , as you , or any one can have , i require you to publish to the world those passages , which shew my contempt of them . after such direct words of mine , expressing my veneration for that part of divine revel●●on , which is contain'd in the epistles , any one but an unmasker would blush to charge me with contempt of them , without alledging , when summon'd to it , any word in my book to justifie that charge . if hardness of forehead , were strength of brains , 't were two to one of his side against any man i ever yet heard of . i require him to publish to the world those passages , that shew my contempt of the epistles , and he answers me , he need not do it , for i have done it my self . whoever had common sense would understand , that what i demanded was , that he should shew the world where , amongst all i had published , there were any passages , that expressed contempt of the epistles : for it was not expected , he should quote passages of mine , that i had never published . and this accute unmasker ( to this ) says , i had published them my self . so that the reason why he cannot find them is , because i have published them my self . but , says he , i appeal to the reader , whether ( after your tedious collections out of the four evangelists ) your passing by the epistles , and neglecting wholly what the apostles say in them , be not publishing to the world your contempt of them ? i demand of him to publish to the world those passages , which shew my contempt of the epistles : and he answers , he need not , i have done it my self . how does that appear ? i have passed by the epistles , says he . my passing them by then , are passages published against the epistles ? for publishing of passages is what you said you need not do , and what i had done . so that the passages i have published , containing a contempt of the epistles , are extant in my saying nothing of them ? surely this same passing by has done some very shrewd displeasure to our poor unmasker , that he so starts whenever it is but named , and cannot think it contains less than exclusion , defiance and contempt . here therefore the proposition remaining to be proved by you is , xiv . that one cannot pass by any thing without contempt of it . and when you have proved it , i shall then ask you , what will become of all those parts of scriptur● ; all those chapters and verses , that you have passed by in your collection of fundamental articles ? those that you have vouchsafed to set down , you tell us are in the bible on purpose to be believed . what must become of all the rest , which you have omitted ? are they there not to be believed ? and must the reader understand your passing them by to be a publishing to the world your contempt of them ? if so , you have unmasked your self : if not , but you may pass by some parts of scripture , nay whole epistles , as you have those of st. iames , and st. iude , without contempt ; why may not i without contempt pass by others ; but because you have a liberty to do what you will , and i must do but what you in your good pleasure will allow me ? but if i ask you whence you have this privilege above others ; you will have nothing to say , except it be according to your usual skill in divining , that you know my heart , and the thoughts that are in it , which you find not like yours , right , and orthodox , and good ; but always evil and perverse , such as i dare not own , but hypocritically either say nothing of , or declare against ; but yet with all my cunning i cannot hide them from you ; your all knowing penetration always finds them out ; you know them , or you guess at them , as is best for your turn , and that 's as good : and then presently i am confounded . i doubt whether the world has ever had any two-eyed man your equal for penetration and a quick sight . the telling by the spectators looks , what card he guesses , is nothing to what you can do . you take the heighth of an author's parts , by numbring the pages of his book ; you can spy an heresy in him by his saying not a syllable of it ; distinguish him from the orthodox by his understanding places of scripture , just as several of the orthodox do ; you can repeat by heart whole leaves of what is in his mind to say , before he speaks a word of it ; you can discover designs before they are hatch'd , and all the intrigues of carrying them on by those who never thought of them . all this , and more you can do , by the spirit of orthodoxy , or which is as certain , by your own good spirit of invention informing you . is not this to be an errant conjurer ? but to your reply . you say , after my tedious collection out of the four evangelists , my passing by the epistles , and neglecting wholly what the apostles say , &c. i wondred at first why you mention'd not the acts here , as well as the four evangelists . for i have not , as you have in other places observed , been sparing of collections out of the acts too . but there was it seems a necessity here for your omitting it : for that would have stood too near what followed , in these words ; and neglecting wholly what the apostles say . for if it appear'd to the reader , out of your own confession , that i allowed and built upon the divine authority of what the apostles say in the acts , he could not so easily be mislead into an opinion , that i contemned what they say in their epistles . but this is but a slight touch of your leger-de-main . and now i ask the reader what he will think of a minister of the gospel , who cannot bear the texts of scripture i have produced , nor my quotations out of the four evangelists ? this which in his thoughts of the causes of atheism , p. . was want of vivacity and elevation of mind , want of a vein of sense and reason , yea and of elocution too , is here in his socinianism unmask'd , a tedious collection out of the four evangelists . those places i have quoted , lie heavy it seems upon his stomach , and are too many to be got off . but it was my business not to omit one of them ; that the reader might have a full view of the whole tenour of the preaching of our saviour and his apostles to the unconverted iews and gentiles ; and might therein see what faith they were converted to , and upon their assent to which they were pronounced believers and admitted into the christian church . but the unmasker complains there are too many of them : he thinks the gospel , the good news of salvation tedious from the mouth of our saviour and his apostles : he is of opinion , that before the epistles were writ , and without believing precisely what he thinks ●it to cull out of them , there could be no christians ; and if we had nothing but the four evangelists , we could not be saved . and yet 't is plain , that every single one of the four contains the gospel of iesus christ , and at least they all together contain all that is necessary to salvation . if any one doubt of this , i referr him to mr. chillingworth for satisfaction , who hath abundantly proved it . his following words ( were he not the same unmasker all through ) would be beyond parallel . but let us hear why the vindicator did not attempt to collect any articles out of these writings , he assigns this as one reason : the epistles being writ to those who were already believers , it could not be supposed that they were writ to them to teach them fundamentals , p. , . vindic. certainly no man would have conjectured that he would have used such an evasion as this . i will say that for him , he goes beyond all surmises , he is above all conjectures , he hath a faculty which no creature on earth can ever fathom . thus far the unmasker , in his oratorical strain . in what follows he comes to his closer reasoning against what i had said . his words are , do we not know that the four gospels were writ to and for believers , as well as unbelievers ? answ. i grant it . now let us see your inference : therefore what these holy historians recorded , that our saviour and his apostles said and preach'd to unbelievers , was said and preach'd to believers . the discourse which our saviour had with the woman of samaria , and her townsmen , was addressed to believers ; because st. iohn writ his gospel ( wherein it is recorded as a part of our saviour's history ) for believers as well as unbelievers . st. peter's preaching to cornelius and st. paul's preaching at antioch , at thessalonica , at corinth , &c. was not to unbelievers , for their conversion ; because st. luke dedicates his history of the acts of the apostles to theophilus , who was a christian , as the unmasker strenuously proves in this paragraph . just as if he should say , that the discourses which caesar records he had upon several occasions with the gauls were not addressed to the gauls alone , but to the romans also ; because his commentaries were writ for the romans as well as others : or that the sayings of the ancient greeks and romans in plutarch , were not spoke by them to their contemporaries only , because they are recorded by him for the benefit of posterity . i perused the preachings of our saviour and his apostles to the unconverted world , to see what they taught and required to be believed to make men christians : and these all i set down , and leave the world to be judge what they contain'd . the epistles which were all written to those who had imbraced the faith , and were all christians already , i thought would not so distinctly shew , what were those doctrines , which were absolutely necessary to make men christians ; they being not writ to convert unbelievers , but to build up those , who were already believers , in their most holy faith. this is plainly expressed in the epistle to the hebrews , v. , &c ▪ of whom , i. e. christ , we have many things to say and hard to be utter'd , seeing ye are all dull of hearing . for when for the time ye ought to be teachers , ye have need that one teach you again , which be the first principles of the oracles of god ; and are become such as have need of milk and not of strong meat . for every one that useth milk is unskilful in the word of righteousness ; for he is a babe : but strong meat belongeth to him that is of full age , even those who by reason of use have their senses exercised , to discern both good and bad . therefore leaving the principles of the doctrine of christ , let us go on unto perfection , not laying again the foundation of repentance from dead works , and of faith towards god and of the doctrine of baptism , and of laying on of hands , and of the resurrection of the dead , and of eternal iudgment . here the apostle shews what was his design in writing this epistle : not to teach them the fundamental doctrines of the christian religion , but to lead them on to more perfection ; that is , to greater degrees of knowledge of the wise design and wonderful contrivance and carrying on of the gospel and the evidence of it ; which he makes out in this epistle , by shewing its correspondence with the old testament , and particularly with the oeconomy of the mosaical constitution . here i might ask the unmasker , whether those many things which st. paul tells the hebrews he had to say of christ , ( hard to be utter'd to them , because they were dull of hearing ) had not an immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , means , or issue of their redemption and salvation ; and therefore , whether they were such things without the knowledge of which they could not be saved , as the unmasker says of such things , p. . and the like i might ask him concerning those things which the apostle tells the corinthians , ep. chap. iii. . that they were not yet able to bear . for much to the same purpose , he speaks to the corinthians , ep. . ch. iii. as in the above-cited places he did to the hebrews ; that he as a wise master-builder had laid the foundation : and that foundation , he himself tells us , is iesus the messiah , and that there is no other foundation to be laid . and that in this he laid the foundation of christianity at corinth , st. luke records , act xviii . . in these words ; paul at corinth reason'd in the synagogue every sabbath-day , and testified to the iews that iesus was the messiah . upon which foundation he tells them there might be a superstructure . but that what is built on the foundation is not the foundation , i think i need not prove . he further tells them , that he had desired to build upon this foundation ; but withal says , he had fed them till then with milk , and not with meat : because they were babes , and had not been able to bear it , neither were they yet able . and therefore this epistle we see is almost wholly spent in reproofs of their miscarriages , and in exhortations and instructions relating to practice , and very little said in it for the explaining any part of the great mystery of salvation contain'd in the gospel . by these passages we may see ( were it not evident to common sence it self from the nature of things ) that the design of these epistles was not to lay the foundations , or teach the principles of the christian religion ; they being writ to those who had received them , and were christians already . the same holds in all the other epistles : and therefore the epistles seem'd not to me the properest parts of scripture , to give us that foundation distinct from all the superstructures built on it ; because in the epistles , the latter was the thing propos'd , rather than the former . for the main intention of the apostles in writing their epistles , could not be to do what was done already ; to lay down barely the foundations of christianity to those who were christians already ; but to build upon it some ●arther explication of it , which either their particular circumstances , or a general evidencing of the truth , wisdom , excellencies , and privileges , &c. of the gospel required . this was the reason that perswaded me to take the articles of faith absolutely necessary to be received to make a man a christian , only from the preachings of our saviour and his apostles to the unconverted world , as laid down in the historical part of the new testament . and i thought it a good reason . it being past doubt , that they in their preachings proposed to the unconverted all that was necessary to be believed to make them christians . and also , that that faith , upon a profession whereof any one was admitted into the church as a believer , had all that was necessary in it to make him a christian ; because if it wanted any thing necessary , he had necessarily not been admitted ; unless we can suppose , that any one was admitted into the christian church by our saviour , and his apostles , who was not yet a christian ; or pronounced a believer , who yet wanted something necessary to make him a believer , i. e. was a believer and not a believer at the same time . but what those articles were , which had been preach'd to those , to whom the epistles were writ , and upon the belief whereof they had been admitted into the christian church , and became as they are called believers , saints , faithful , elect , &c. could not be collected out of the epistles . this , though it were my reason , and must be a reason to every one , who would make this enquiry ; and the unmasker quotes the place where i told him it was my reason ; yet he according to his never erring illumination , flatly tells me , p. . that it was not , and adds , here then is want of sincerity , &c. i must desire him therefore to prove what he says , p. . viz. xv. that by the same argument that i would perswade that the fundamentals are not to be sought for in the epistles , he can prove that they are not to be sought for in the gospels and in the acts ; because even these were writ to those that believed . and next i desire him to prove , what he also says in the same page , viz. xvi . that the epistles being writ to those that believed , was not an argument that i did make use of . he tells us , p. . that it is the argument whereby i would perswade , and in the very same page , a few lines lower , says , that it is not the argument i did make use of . who , but an arrant unmasker , would contradict himself so flatly in the same breath ? and yet upon that he raises a complaint of my want of sincerity . for want of sincerity in one of us , we need not go far for an instance . the next paragraph , p. . — . affords us a gross one of it ; wherein the unmasker argues strongly , not against any thing i had said , but against an untruth of his own setting up . towards the latter end of the paragraph , p. . he has these words ; it is manifest that the apostles in their epistles taught fundamentals , which is contrary to what this gentleman says , that such a thing could not be suppos'd ; and therefore the unmasker has taken a great deal of pains to shew , that there are fundamental doctrines to be found in the epistles ; as if i had denied it . and to lead the reader into an opinion , that i had said so , he sets down these words , could not be suppos'd , as if they were my words . and so they are , but not to that purpose . and therefore he did well not to quote the page , lest the reader , by barely turning to the place , should have a clear sight of falshood , instead of that sincerity which he would make the reader believe is wanting in me . my words , p. . of the reasonableness of christianity are , nor can it be suppos'd , that the sending of such fundamentals was the reason of the apostles writing to any of them . and a little lower ; the epistles therefore being all written to those who were already believers and christians , the occasion and end of writing them could not be to instruct them in that which was necessary to make them christians . the thing then that i deny'd , was not , that there were any fundamentals in the epistles . for p. . i have these express words ; i do not deny but the great doctrines of the christian faith are dropt here and there , and scatter'd up and down in most of them . and therefore he might have spared his endeavours in the next paragraph to prove , that there may be fundamentals found in the epistles , till he finds some body that denies it . and here again , i must repeat my usual question , that with this sincere writer is so often necessary , viz. xvii . where it is that i say that it cannot be suppos'd that there are fundamental articles in the epistles ? if he hopes to shift it off , by the word taught ; which seems fallaciously put in , as if he meant , that there were some fundamental articles taught necessary to be believed to make them christians , in the epistles , which those who they were writ to knew not before , in this sense i do deny it , and then this will be the xvii . proposition remaining upon him to prove , viz. that there are fundamental articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian taught in the epistles which those , who they were writ to , knew not before . the former part of his next paragraph , p. . runs thus : hear another feigned ground of his omitting the epistles , viz. because the fundamental articles are here promiscuously and without distinction mixt with other truths . p. . but who sees not that this is a mere elusion ? for on the same account he might have forborn to search for fundamental articles in the gospels , for they do not lie there together , but are dispersed up and down : the doctrinal and historical parts are mix'd with one another , but he pretends to sever them . why then did he not make a separation between the doctrines in the epistles , and those other matters that are treated of there ? he has nothing to reply to this , and therefore we must again look upon what he has suggested as a cast of his shuffling faculty . the argument contain'd in these words is this . a man cannot well distinguish fundamental from non-fundamental doctrines in the epistles , where they are promiscuously mixed with non-fundamental doctrines ▪ therefore he cannot well distinguish fundamental doctrines from others in the gospels , and the acts , where they are mixed with matters of fact. as if he should say , one cannot well distinguish a batchellour of divinity from other divines , where several of them stand together promiscuously in the same habit ; therefore one cannot distinguish a batchellour of divinity from a billingsgate orator , where they stand together in their distinct habits . or that it is as easie to distinguish ●ine gold , from that of a little lower allay , where several pieces of each are mixed together ; as it is to distinguish pieces of fine gold from pieces of silver , which they are mixed among . but it seems the unmasker thinks it is as easie to distinguish between fundamental and not fundamental doctrines , in a writing of the same author , where they are promiscuously mixed together , as it is to distinguish between a fundamental doctrine of faith , and a relation of matter of fact , where they are intermixedly reported in the same history . when he has proved this , the unmasker will have more reason to tax me with elusion , shuffling and feigning , in the reason i gave for not collecting fundamentals out of the epistles . till then , all that noise must stand amongst those ridiculous airs of triumph and victory , which he so often gives himself , without the least advantage to his cause , or edification of his reader , though he should a thousand times say that i have nothing to reply . in the latter part of this paragraph , he says , that necessary truths , fundamental principles , may be distinguish'd from those , that are not such , in the epistolary writings , by the nature and importance of them , by their immediate respect to the author , and means of our salvation . answ. if this be so , i desire him to give me a definitive collection of fundamentals out of the epistles , as i have given one out of the gospels and the acts. if he cannot do that ; 't is plain he hath here given a distinguishing mark of fundamentals , by which he himself cannot distinguish them . but yet i am the shuffler . the argument in the next paragraph , p. . is this . necessary doctrines of faith , such as god absolutely demands to be believed for justification , may be distinguished from rules of holy living , with which they are mixed in the epistles ; therefore doctrines of faith necessary , and not necessary , to be believed to make a man a christian may be distinguished , as they stand mixed in the epistles . which is as good sense as to say , lambs and kids may be easily distinguish'd in the same pen , where they are together ; by their different natures : therefore the lambs i absolutely demand of you , as necessary to satisfie me , may be distinguish'd from others in the same pen , where they are mix'd without any distinction . doctrines of faith , and precepts of practice , are as distinguishable as doing and believing : and those as easily discernible one from another , as thinking and walking : but doctrinal propositions , all of them of divine revelation , are of the same authority , and of the same species , in respect of the necessity of believing them ; and will be eternally undistinguishable into necessary and not necessary to be believed , till there be some other way found , to distinguish them , than that they are in a book , which is all of divine revelation . though therefore doctrines of faith , and rules of practice are very distinguishable in the epistles ; yet it does not follow from thence , that fundamental and not fundamental doctrines , points necessary , and not necessary to be believed to make men christians , are easily distinguishable in the epistles . which therefore remains to be proved : and it remains incumbent upon him , xviii . to set down the marks , whereby the doctrines deliver'd in the epistles , may easily and exactly be distinguished into fundamental , and not fundamental articles of faith. all the rest of that paragraph , containing nothing against me , must be bound up with a great deal of the like stuff , which the unmasker has put into his book , to shew the world , he does not imitate me in impertinencies , incoherences , and trifling excursions , as he boasts in his first paragraph . only i shall desire the reader to take the whole passage concerning this matter , as it stands in my reasonableness of christianity , p. . i do not deny , but the great doctrines of the christian faith are dropt here and there , and scatter'd up and down in most of them . but 't is not in the epistles we are to learn , what are the fundamental articles of faith , where they are promiscuously , and without distinction , mixed with other truths , and discourses , which were ( though for edification indeed yet ) only occasional . we shall find and discern those great , and necessary points best in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , to those who were yet strangers and ignorant of the faith , to bring them in , and convert them to it . and then let him read these words which the unmasker has quoted out of them , it is not in the epistles that we are to learn , what are the fundamental articles of faith , they were written for the resolving of doubts , and reforming of mistakes ; with his introduction of them in these words , he commands the reader not to stir a jot further than the acts. if i should ask him , where that command appears , he must have recourse to his old shift , that he did not mean as he said , or else stand convicted of a malicious untruth . an orator is not bound to speak strict truth , though a disputant be . but this unmasker's writing against me , will excuse him from being of the latter : and then why may not falshoods pass for rhetorical flourishes , in one who hath been used to popular haranguing ; to which men are not generally so severe , as strictly to examine them , and expect that they should always be found to contain nothing but precise truth , and strict reasoning ? but yet i must not forget to put upon his score , this other proposition of his , which he has , p. . and ask him to shew , xix . where it is that i command my reader not to stir a jot farther than the acts ? in the next two paragraphs , p. . — . the unmasker is at his natural play of declaiming without proving . 't is pity the mishna , out of which he takes his good breeding , as it told him that a well-bred and well-taught man answers to the first in the first place , had not given him this rule too about order , viz. that proving should go before condemning ; else all the fierce exaggerations , ill language can heap up , are but empty scurility . but 't is no wonder that the iewish doctors , should not provide rules for a christian divine turn'd unmasker . for where a cause is to be maintain'd , and a book to be writ , and arguments are not at hand , yet something must be found to fill it ; railing in such cases is much easier than reasoning , especially where a man's parts lie that way . the first of these paragraphs , p. . he begins thus ; but let us hear further what this vindicator saith to excuse his rejection of the doctrines contained in the epistles , and his putting us off with one article of faith : and then he quotes these following words of mine : what if the author designed his treatise , as the title shews , chiefly for those who were not yet throughly and firmly christians , purposing to work upon those , who either wholly disbelieved , or doubted of the truth of the christian religion ? answ. this , as he has put it , is a downright falshood . for the words he quotes , were not used by me to excuse my rejection of the doctrines contained in the epistles , or to prove there was but one article . but as a reason why i omitted the mention of satisfaction . to demonstrate this , i shall set down the whole passage as it is , p. . of my vindication ; where it runs thus : but what will become of me that i have not mention'd satisfaction ! possibly this reverend gentleman would have had charity enough for a known writer of the brotherhood to have found it by an innuendo in those words above quoted , of laying down his life for another . but every thing is to be strained here the other way . for the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. is of necessity to be represented as a socinian ; or else his book may be read ; and the truths in it , which mr. edwards likes not , be received ; and people put upon examining . thus one , as full of happy conjectures and suspitions as this gentleman , might be apt to argue . but what if the author designed his treatise , as the title shews , chiefly for those who were not yet throughly or firmly christians ; proposing to work on those who either wholly disbelieved or doubted of the truth of the christian religion ? to this he tells me , p. . that my title says nothing for me , i. e. shews not , that i designed my book for those that disbelieved or doubted of the christian religion . answ. i thought that a title that professed the reasonableness of any doctrine shew'd it was intended for those that were not ●ully satisfied of the reasonableness of it ; unless books are to be writ to convince those of any thing , who are convinced already . but possibly this may be the unmasker's way : and if one should judge by his manner of treating this subject , with declamation instead of argument , one would think , that he meant it for no body , but those who were of his mind already . i thought therefore , the reasonableness of christianity as deliver'd in the scripture , a proper title to signifie whom it was chiefly meant for : and , i thank god , i can with satisfaction say it has not wanted its effect upon some of them . but the unmasker proves for all that , that i could not design it chiefly for disbelievers or doubters of the christian religion . for , says he , p. . how those that wholly disregard and disbelieve the scriptures of the new testament , as gentiles , iews , mahometans and atheists do ( i crave leave to put in theists instead of atheists , for a reason presently to be mention'd ) are like to attend to the reasonableness of christianity as deliver'd in the scripture is not to be conceived ; and therefore we look upon this as all meer sham and sophistry . answ. though the unmasker teaches good breeding out of the mishna , yet i thought he had been a minister of the gospel , and had taught christianity out of the scripture . why ! good sir , would you teach iews and mahometans christianity out of the talmud and alcoran ; because they are the books , that at present they attend to and believe ? or would you , laying by the authority of all books , preach religion to infidels in your own name , and by your own authority ; laying aside the scripture ? is it not to be conceived , no not by a christian divine , that the way to make unbelievers christians , is to shew them the reasonableness of the religion contained in the scripture ? but it seems the unmasker has a peculiar way of preaching and propagating christianity without the scripture , as some men have a peculiar way of disputing without reason . in the beginning of this paragraph , p. . the unmasker , that is always a fair interpreter of my meaning , and never fails to know it better than i do , tells me , that by those , that wholly disbelieve , i must mean atheists , turks , iews and pagans ; and by those that are not firmly christians , a few weak christians . but did our unmasker never hear of unbelievers under a denomination distinct from that of atheists , turks , iews , and pagans ? whilst the pulpit and the press have so often had up the name of theists or deists , has that name wholly scaped him ? 't was these i chiefly designed , and i believe no body of all that read my vindication , but the unmasker mistook me , if he did . but there at least , p. . he might have found the name , as of a sort of unbelievers not unknown amongst us . but whatever he thought , it was convenient and a sort of prudence in him ( when he would perswade others , that i had not a design which i say i had ) to lessen as much as he could , and cover the need of any such design , and so make it , that i could not intend my book to work upon those , that disbelieved , or did not firmly believe ; by insinuating there were few or none such amongst us . hence he says that by those that are not throughly and firmly christians , i mean a few weak christians ; as well as under those , who wholly disbelieve he left the theists out of my meaning . i am very glad to hear from the unmasker , that there are but few weak christians , few that have doubts about the truth of christianity amongst us . but if there be not a great number of deists , and that the preventing their increase be no● worth every true christian's care and endeavours , those who have been so loud against them have been much to blame ; and i wish to god there were no reason for their complaints . for these therefore i take the liberty to say , as i did before , that i chiefly designed my book ; and shall not be asham'd of this sophistry as you call it , if it can be sophistry to alledge a matter of fact that i know ; till you have arguments to convince me , that you know my intention in publishing it , better than i do my self . and i shall think it still no blameable prudence , however you exclaim against prudence , ( as perhaps you have some reason ) that i mention'd only those advantages , that all christians are agreed in ; and that i observed that command of the apostle , rom. xiv . . him that is weak in the faith receive ye , but not to doubtful disputations ; without being a socinian . i think i did not amiss , that i offer'd to the belief of those that stood off , that , and only that , which our saviour and his apostles preach'd for the reducing the unconverted world. and would any one think he in earnest went about to perswade men to be christians , who should use that as an argument to recommend the gospel , which he has observed men to lay hold on as an objection against it ? to urge such points of controversie as necessary articles of faith , when we see our saviour and the apostles urged them not as necessary to be believed to make men christians , is ( by our own authority ) to add prejudices to prejudices , and to block up our own way to those men , whom we would have access to , and prevail upon . i have repeated this again out of the th . page of my vindication , where there is more to the same purpose ; that the reader may see how fully the unmasker has answer'd it . because i said , would any one blame my prudence if i mention'd only those advantages , which all christians are agreed in . the unmasker adds , p. . socinian christians , and then as if the naming of that had gained him his point , he goes on victoriously thus , he has bethought himself better since he first . publish'd his notions , and ( as the result of that ) he now begins to resolve , what he writ , into prudence . i know whence he had this method ( and 't is likely he has taken more than this from the same hands ) viz. from the missionary iesuits , that went to preach the gospel to the people of china . we are told , that they instructed them in some matters relating to our saviour ; they let them know that iesus was the messias , the person promised to be sent into ▪ the world ; but they conceal'd his sufferings and death , and they would not let them know any thing of his passion and crucifixion . so our author ( their humble imitator ) undertakes to instruct the world in christianity , with an omission of its principal articles , and more especially that of the advantage we have by christ's death , which was the prime thing design'd in his coming into the world. this he calls prudence : so that to hide from the people the main articles of the christian religion , to disguise the faith of the gospel , to betray christianity it self , is according to this excellent writer , the cardinal virtue of prudence . may we be deliver'd then , say i , from a prudential racovian . and there ends the ratling for this time ; not to be outdone by any piece of clock-work in the town . when he is once set a going , he runs on like an alarm , always in the same strain of noisy empty declamation ( wherein every thing is suppos'd and nothing prov'd ) till his own weight has brought him to the ground ? and then , being wound up with some new topick , takes another run , whether it makes for or against him it matters not ; he has laid about him with ill language , let it light where it will , and the vindicator is paid off . that i may keep the due distance in our different ways of writing , i shall shew the reader , that i say not this at random ; but that the place affords me occasion to say so . he begins this paragraph with these words , p. . let us hear farther what this vindicator says to excuse his rejection of the doctrines contain'd in the epistles . this rejection of the doctrines contain'd in the epistles , was the not mentioning the satisfaction of christ , amongst those advantages i shew'd , that the world received by his coming . this appears by the words he here quotes , as my excuse for that omission . in which place , i also produced some passages in my book which sounded like it , some words of scripture that are used to prove it ; but this will not content him : i am for all that , a betrayer of christianity and contemner of the epis●les . why ? because i did not out of them name satisfaction . if you will have the truth of it , sir , there is not any such word in any one of the epistles , or other books of the new testament , in my bible , as satisfying or satisfaction made by our saviour ; and so i could not put it into my christianity as deliver'd in the scripture . if mine be not a true bible , i desire you to furnish me with one that is more orthodox ; or if the translators have hid that main article of the christian religion , they are the betrayers of christianity , and contemners of the epistles , who did not put it there ; and not i , who did not take a word from thence , which they did not put there . for truly , i am not a maker of creeds ; nor dare add either to the scripture , or to the fundamental articles of the christian religion . but you will say satisfaction , though not named in the epistles , yet may plainly be collected out of them . answ. and so it may out of several places in my reasonableness of christianity , some whereof , which i took out of the gospels , i mention'd in my vindication , p. . and others of them which i took out of the epistles , which i shall point out to you now : as p. . i say the design of our saviour's coming was to be offered up ; and p. . i speak of the work of our redemption ; words which in the epistles are taken to imply satisfaction . and therefore if that be enough , i see not , but i may be free from betraying christianity ; but if it be necessary to name the word satisfaction , and he that does not so is a betrayer of christianity , you will do well to consider how you will acquit the holy apostles , from that bold imputation ; which if it be extended as far as it will go , will scarce come short of blasphemy ; for i do not remember that our saviour has any where named satisfaction , or implied it plainer in any words than those i have quoted from him . and he , i hope , will scape the intemperance of your tongue . you tell me , i had my prudence from the missionary iesuits in china ▪ who conceal'd our saviour's suffering and death ; because i undertake to ininstruct the world in christianity , with an omission of its principal articles . and i pray , sir , from whom did you learn your prudence , when taking upon you to teach the fundamental doctrines of christianity , in your thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , you left out several , that you have been pleased since to add in your socinianism unmask'd ? or if i , as you say here , betray christianity by this omission of this principal article ; what do you , who are a professed teacher of it , if you omit any principal article ; which your prudence is so wary in , that you will not say you have given us all that are necessary to salvation , in that list you have last published ? i pray who acts best the jesuit ( whose humble imitator you say i am ) you or i ; when pretending to give a catalogue of fundamentals , you have not reduced them to direct propositions ; but have left some of them indefinite , to be collected as every one pleases ; and instead of telling us it is a perfect catalogue of fundamentals , plainly shuffle it off , and tell me , p. . if that will not content me , you are sure you can do nothing that will ; if i require more , it is folly in you to comply with me ? one part of what you here say , i own to you , savours not much of the skill of a jesuit . you confess your inability , and i believe it to be perfectly true ; that if what you have done already ( which is nothing at all ) will not content me , you are sure , you can do nothing that will content me , or any reasonable man , that shall demand of you a compleat catalogue of fundamentals . but you make it up pretty well , with a confidence becoming one of that order . for he must have rub'd his forehead hard , who in the same treatise , where he so severely condemns the imperfection of my list of fundamentals , confesses that he cannot give a compleat catalogue of his own . you publish to the world in this , and the next page , that i hide from the people the main articles of the christian religion ; i disguise the faith of the gospel , betray christianity it self , and imitate the iesuits that went t● preach the gospel to the people of china , by my omission of its principal or main articles . answ. i know not how i disguise the faith of the gospel , &c. in imitation of the jesuits in china ; unless taking men off from the inventions of men , and recommending to them the reading and study of the holy scripture to find what the gospel is and requires , be a disguising of the faith of the gospel , a betraying of christianity , and an imitating of the iesuits . besides , sir , if one may ask you , in what school did you learn that prudent warine●s and reserve , which so eminently appears , p. . of your socinianism unmask'd , in these words : these articles ( meaning those which you had before enumerated as fundamental ) of faith , are such as must in some measure be known and assented to by a christian , such as must generally be received , and imbraced by him ? you will do well the next time to set down , how far your fundamentals must be known , assented to , and received ; to avoid the suspicion , that there is a little more of jesuitism in these expressions , in some measure known and assented to , and generally receiv'd and imbraced , than what becomes a sincere protestant preacher of the gospel . for your speaking so doubtfully of knowing and assenting to those , which you give us for fundamental doctrines , which belong ( as you say ) to the very essence of christianity , will hardly scape being imputed to your want of knowledge , or want of sincerity . and indeed the word general is in familiar use with you , and stands you in good stead , when you would say something , you know not what , as i shall have occasion to remark to you when i come to your page . further , i do not remember where it was , that i mention'd or undertook to set down all the principal or main articles of christianity . to change the ●●rms of the question from articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , into principal or main articles , looks a little jesuitical . but to pass by that ; the apostles when they went to preach the gospel to people as much strangers to it , as the chineses were , when the europeans came first amongst them , did they hide from the people the main articles of the christian religion , disguise the faith of the gospel , and betray christianity it self ? if they did not , i am sure i have not : for i have not omitted any of the main articles which they preached to the unbelieving world. those i have set down , with so much care not to omit any of them , that you blame me for it more than once , and call it tedious . however you are pleased to acquit or condemn the apostles in the case by your supream determination , i am very indifferent . if you think fit to condemn them for disguising or betraying the christian religion , because they said no more of satisfaction , than i have done , in their preaching at first to their unbelieving auditors , iews or heathens , to make them as i think christians ( for that i am now speaking of ) i shall not be sorry to be found in their company under what censure soever . if you are pleased graciously to take off this your censure from them , for this omission , i shall claim a share in the same indulgence . but to come to what perhaps you will think your self a little more concerned not to censure , than what the apostles did so long since ; for you have given instances of being very apt to make bold with the dead ; pray tell me , does the church of england admit people into the church of christ at hap-hazard ? or without proposing , and requiring a profession of all , that is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ? if she does not , i desire you to turn to the baptism of those of riper years in our liturgy : where the priest asking the convert particularly , whether he believes the apostles creed , which he repeats to him ; upon his profession that he does , and that he desires to be baptized into that faith , without one word of any other articles , baptizes him ; and then declares him a christian , in these words : we receive this person into the congregation of christ's flock , and sign him with the sign of the cross , in token that he shall not be asham'd — to continue christ's faithful soldier and servant . in all this there is not one word of satisfaction , no more than in my book , nor so much neither . and here i ask you , whether for this omission , you will pronounce that the church of ▪ england disguises the faith of the gospel ? however you think fit to treat me , yet methinks you should not let your self loose so freely against our first reformers , and the fathers of our church ever since , as to call them betrayers of christianity it self , because they think not so much necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , as you are pleased to put down in your articles ; but omit , as well as i , your main article of satisfaction . having thus notably harangued upon the occasion of my saying , would any one blame my prudence , and thereby made me a socinian , a iesuit , and a betrayer of christianity it self , he has in that answer'd all that such a miscreant as i do or can say ; and so passes by all the reasons i gave , for what i did ; without any other notice or answer , but only denying a matter of fact , which i only can know , and he cannot , viz. my design in printing my reasonableness of christianity . in the next paragraph , p. . in answer to these words of st. paul , rom. xiv . . him that is weak in the faith receive ye , but not to doubtful disputations , which i brought as a reason , why i mention'd not satisfaction amongst the benefits receiv'd by the coming of our saviour ; because , as i tell him in my vindication , p. . my reasonableness of christianity , as the title shews , was designed chiefly for those who were not yet throughly or firmly christians . he replies , and i desire him to prove it . xx. that i pretend a design of my book which was never so much as thought of , till i was sollicited by my brethren to vindicate it . all the rest in this paragraph being either nothing to this place of the romans , or what i have answer'd elsewhere , needs no farther answer . the next two paragraphs , p. . ● . are meant for an answer to something i had said concerning the apostles creed , upon the occasion of his chargeing my book with socinianism . they begin thus . this author of the new christianity . answ. this new christianity is as old as the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , and a little older than the unmasker's system . wisely objects that the apostles creed hath none of those articles which i mention'd , p. , . answ. if that author wisely objects , the unmasker would have done well to have replied wisely . but for a man wisely to reply it is in the first place requisite , that the objection be truly and fairly set down in its full force , and not represented short , and as will best serve the answerers turn to reply to . this is neither wise nor honest : and this first part of a wise reply the unmasker has failed in . this will appear from my words and the occasion of them . the unmasker had accused my book of socinianism , for omitting some points , which he urged as necessary articles of faith. to which i answer'd , that he had done so only to give it an ill name , not because it was socinian , for he had no more reason to charge it with socinianism for the omissions he mentions , than the apostles creed . these are my words , which he should have either set down out of p. . which he quotes , or at least given the objection as i put it , if he had meant to have clear'd it by a fair answer . but he , instead thereof , contents himself that i object , that the apostles creed hath none of those articles and doctrines which the unmasker mention'd . answ. this at best is but a part of my objection , and not to the purpose . i there meant , without the rest join'd to it ; which it has pleased the unmasker according to his laudable way to conceal . my objection therefore stands thus , that the same articles , for the omission whereof the unmasker charges my book with socinianism , being also omitted in the apostles creed , he has no more reason to charge my book with socinianism , for the omissions mention'd , than he hath to charge the apostles creed with socinianism . to this objection of mine , let us now see how he answers , p. . nor does any considerate man wonder at it [ i. e. that the apostles creed hath none of those articles and doctrines which he had mention'd ] for the creed is a form of outward profession , which is chiefly to be made in the publick assemblies , when prayers are put up in the church and the holy scriptures are read . then this abridgment of faith is properly used , or when there is not generally time or opportunity to make any enlargement . but we are not to think it expresly contains in it all the necessary and weighty points , all the important doctrines of belief , it being only designed to be an abstract . answ. another indispensible requiquisite in a wise reply is , that it should be pertinent . now what can there be more impertinent , than to confess the matter of fact upon which the objection is grounded , but instead of destroying the inference drawn from that matter of fact , only amuse the reader with wrong reasons , why that matter of fact was so ? no considerate man , he says , doth wonder that the articles and doctrines he mentioned , are omitted in the apostles creed : because that creed is a form of outward profession . answ. a profession ! of what i beseech you ? is it a form to be used for form's sake ? i thought it had been a profession of something , even of the christian faith : and if it be so , any considerate man may wonder necessary articles of the christian faith should be lest out of it . for how it can be an outward profession of the christian faith , without containing the christian faith , i do not see ; unless a man can outwardly profess the christian faith in words , that do not contain or express it , i. e. profess the christian faith , when he does not profess it . but he says , 't is a profession chiefly to be made use of in assemblies . answ. do those solemn assemblies privilege it from containing the necessary articles of the christian religion ? this proves not that it does not , or was not designed to contain all articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; unless the unmasker can prove that a from of outward profession of the christian faith , that contains all such necessary articles , cannot be made use of in the publick assemblies . in the publick assemblies , says he , when prayers are put up by the church and the holy scriptures are read , then this abridgment of faith is properly used ; or when there is not generally time or opportunity to make an enlargement . answ. but that which contains not what is absolutely necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , can no where be properly used as a form of outward profession of the christian faith , and least of all in the solemn publick assemblies . all the sense i can make of this is , that this abridgment of the christian faith , i. e. imperfect collection ( as the unmasker will have it ) of some of the fundamental articles of christianity in the apostles creed , which omits the greatest part of them , is made use of as a form of outward profession of but part of the christian faith in the publick assemblies , when by reason of reading of the scripture and prayers , there is not time or opportunity for a full and perfect profession of it . 't is strange the christian church should not find time nor opportunity in sixteen hundred years to make , in any of her publick assemblies , a profession of so much of her faith as is necessary to make a man a christian. but pray tell me , has the church any such full and compleat form of faith , that hath in it all those propositions , you have given us for necessary articles ( not to say any thing of those which you have reserved to your self in your own breast , and will not communicate ) of which the apostles creed is only a scanty form , a brief imperfect abstract , used only to save time in the croud of other pressing occasions , that are always in hast to be dispatch'd ? if she has , the unmasker will do well to produce it . if the church has no such compleat form , besides the apostle's creed , any where , of fundamental articles , he will do well to leave talking idlely of this abstract , as he goes on to do in the following words : but , says he , we are not to think that it expresly contains in it all the necessary and weighty points , all the important doctrines of our belief , it being only designed to be an abstract . answ. of what , i beseech you , is it an abstract ? for here the unmasker stops short , and as one that knows not well what to say , speaks not out what it is an abstract of ; but provides himself a subterfuge in the generality of the preceding terms of necessary and weighty points , and important doctrines , jumbled together ; which can be there of no other use , but to cover his ignorance , or sophistry . for the question being only about necessary points , to what purpose are weighty and important doctrines join'd to them ; unless he will say , that there is no difference between necessary and weighty points , fundamental and important doctrines ? and if so , then the distinction of points into necessary and not necessary , will be foolish and impertinent ; and all the doctrines contain'd in the bible will be absolutely necessary to be explicitly believed by every man to make him a christian. but taking it for granted , that the diction of truths contain'd in the gospel into points absolutely necessary , and not absolutely necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , is good ; i desire the unmasker to tell us , what the apostles creed is an abstract of . he will perhaps answer , that he has told us already in this very page , where he says it is an abridgment of faith , and he has said true in words , but saying those words by rote after others , without understanding them , he has said so in a sense , that is not true . for he supposes it an abridgment of faith , by containing only a few of the necessary articles of faith , and leaving out the far greater part of them ; and so takes a part of a thing for an abridgment of it ; whereas an abridgment , or abstract of any thing , is the whole in little , and if it be of a science or doctrine , the abridgment consists in the essent●al or necessary parts of it ; contracted into a narrower compass , than where it lies diffus'd in the ordinary way of delivery , amongst a great number of transitions , explanations , illustrations , proofs , reasonings , corollaries , &c. all which , though they make a part of the discourse wherein that doctrine is deliver'd , are lest out in the abridgment of it , wherein all the necessary parts of it are drawn together into a less room . but though an abridgment need to contain none but the essential and necessary parts , yet all those it ought to contain ; or else it will not be an abridgment or abstract of that thing , but an abridgment only of a part of it . i think it could not be said to be an abridgment of the law contain'd in an act of parliament , wherein any of the things required by that act were omitted ; which yet commonly may be reduced into a very narrow compass , when strip'd of all the motives , ends , enacting forms , &c. expressed in the act it self . if this does not satisfie the unmasker what is properly an abridgment ; i shall referr him to mr. chillingworth , who i think will be allow'd to understand sense , and to speak it properly , at least as well as the unmasker . and what he says , happens to be in the very same question between knot the jesuit , and him ; that is here between the unmasker , and me : 't is but putting the unmasker in the jesuit's place , and my self ( if it may be allow'd me without vanity ) in mr. chillingworth's the protestants , and mr. chillingworth's very words , chap. iv. § . . will exactly serve for my answer . you trifle affectedly , confounding the apostles belief of the whole religion of christ , as it comprehends both what we are to do , and what we are to believe , with that part of it which contains not duties of obedience , but only the necessary articles of simple faith. now , though the apostles belief be in the former sense , a larger thing than that which we call the apostles creed ; yet in the latter sense of the word , the creed ( i say ) is a full comprehension of their belief , which you your self have formerly confessed , though somewhat fearfully and inconstantly . and here again unwillingness to speak the truth makes you speak that which is hardly sense , and call it an abridgment of some articles of faith. for i demand those some articles which you speak of , which are they ? those that are out of the creed , or those that are in it ? those that are in it , it comprehends at large , and therefore it is not an abridgment of them . those that are out of it , it comprehends not at all , and therefore it is not an abridgment of them . if you would call it now an abridgment of faith , this would be sense ; and signifie thus much ; that all the necessary articles of the christian faith are comprised in it . for this is the proper duty of abridgments , to leave out nothing necessary . so that in mr. chillingworth's judgment of an abridgment , it is not sense to say as you do , p. . that we are not to think that the apostles creed expresly contains in it all the necessary points of our belief , it being only designed to be an abstract , or an abridgment of faith. but on the contrary , we must conclude it contains in it all the necessary articles of faith , for that very reason , because it is an abridgment of faith , as the unmasker calls it . but whether this , that mr. chillingworth has given us here , be the nature of an abridgment , or no ; this is certain , that the apostles creed cannot be a form of profession of the christian faith , if any part of the faith necessary to make a man a christian be left out of it : and yet such a profession of faith would the unmasker have this abridgment of faith to be . for a little lower in the . p. he says in express terms , that if a man believe no more than is in express terms in the apostles creed , his faith will not be the faith of a christian . wherein he does great honour to the primitive church , and particularly to the church of england . the primitive church admitted converted heathens to baptism , upon the faith contain'd in the apostles creed : a bare profession of that faith , and no more , was required of them to be received into the church and made members of christ's body . how little different the faith of the ancient church was from the faith i have mentioned , may be seen in these words of tertullian ; regula fidei una omnino est , sola , immobilis , irreformabilis , credendi scilicet in unicum deum omnipotentem mundi conditorem , & filium ejus iesum christum , natum ex virgine maria , crucifixum sub pontio pilato , tertia die resuscitatum à mortuis , receptum in coelis , sedentem nunc ad dextram patris , venturum judicare vivos & mortuos per carnis etiam resurrectionem . hâc lege fidei manente , caetera jam disciplinae & conversationis admittunt novitatem correctionis , tert. de virg. velan , in principio . this was the faith that in tertullian's time sufficed to make a christian. and the church of england , as i have remarked already , only proposes the articles of the apostles creed ▪ to the convert to be baptized , and upon his professing a belief of them , asks whether he will be baptized in this faith , which ( if we will believe the unmasker ) is not the faith of a christian. however the church , without any more ado , upon the profession of this faith , and no other , baptizes them into it . so that the ancient church , if the unmasker may be believed , baptized converts into that faith which is not the faith of a christian. and the church of england , when she baptizes any one , makes him not a christian. for he that is baptized only into a faith that is not the faith of a christian , i would fain know how he can thereby be made a christian ? so that if the omissions , which he so much blames in my book , make me a socinian , i see not how the church of england will escape that censure ; since those omissions are in that very confession of faith , which she proposes , and upon a profession whereof she baptizes those whom she designs to make christians . but it seems that the unmasker ( who has made bold to unmask her too ) reasons right , that the church of england is mistaken , and makes none but socinian christians , or ( as he is pleased now to declare ) no christians at all . which if true , the unmasker were best look to it , whether he himself be a christian , or no : for 't is to be fear'd , he was baptized only into that faith , which he himself confesses is not the faith of a christian. but he brings himself off in these following words ; all matters of faith in some manner may be reduced to this brief platform of belief . answ. if that be enough to make him a true and an orthodox christian , he does not consider whom in this way he brings off with him : for i think he cannot deny , that all matters of faith in some manner may be reduced to that abstract of faith which i have given , as well as to that brief platform in the apostles creed . so that for ought i see , by this rule , we are christians , or not christians ; orthodox or not orthodox , equally together . but yet he says in the next words , when he calls it an abstract or abbreviature , it is implied , that there are more truths to be known and assented to by a christian in order to making him really so , than what we meet with here . the quite contrary whereof ( as has been shewn ) is implied by its being called an abstract . but what is that to the purpose ? 't is not sit abstracts and abbreviatures should stand in unmasker's way . they are sounds men have used for what they pleased , and why may not the unmasker do so too ; and use them in a sense , that may make the apostles creed be only a broken scrap of the christian faith ? however in great condescention , being willing to do the apostles creed what honour he could , he says , that all matters of faith in some manner may be reduced to this brief platform of belief : but yet when it is set in competition with the creed , which he himself is making ( for it is not yet finish'd ) it is by no means to be allow'd as sufficient to make a man a christian. there are more truths to be known and assented to in order to make a man really a christian. which what they are , the church of england shall know , when this new reformer thinks fit : and then she may be able to propose to those , who are not yet so , a collection of articles of belief , and baptize them anew into a faith , which will really make them christians ; but hitherto , if the unmasker may be credited , she has failed in it . yet he craves leave to tell me in the following words , p. . that the apostles creed hath more in it than i or my brethren will subscribe to . were it not the undoubted privilege of the unmasker to know me better than i do my self , ( for he is always telling me something of my self which i did not know ) i would in my turn crave leave to tell him , that this is the faith i was baptized into , no one tittle whereof i have renounced , that i know ; and that i heretofore thought , that gave me title to be a christian. but the unmasker hath otherwise determin'd : and i know not now where to find a christian. for the belief of the apostles creed will not it seems make a man one : and what other belief will , it does not yet please the unmasker to tell us . but yet as to the subscribing to the apostles creed , i must take leave to say , however the unmasker may be right in the faith , he is out in the morals of a christian ; it being against the charity of one , that is really so , to pronounce , as he does , peremptorily in a thing , that he cannot know ; and to affirm positively what i know to be a downright falsehood . but what others will do it is not my talent to determine : that belongs to the unmasker . though as to all that are my brethren in the christian faith , i may answer for them too , that they will also with me do that without which in that sense they cannot be my brethren . p. . the unmasker smartly convinces me of no small blunder in these words . but was it not judiciously said by this writer , that it is well for the compilers of the creed , that they lived not in my days . p. . i tell you friend , it was impossible they should , for the learned usher , and vossius , and others , have proved that that symbol was drawn up not at once , but that some articles of it were adjoyn'd many years after , far beyond the extent of any man's life , and therefore the compilers of the creed could not live in my days , nor could i live in theirs . answ. but it seems that had they liv'd altogether , you could have liv'd in their days . but , says he , i let this pass , as one of the blunders of our thoughtful and musing author . answ. and i tell you friend , that unless it were to shew your reading in usher and vossius , you had been better let this blunder of mine alone . does not the unmasker give here a clear proof , that he is no changeling ? whatever argument he takes in hand , weighty or trivial , material or not material to the thing in question , he brings it to the same sort of sense and force . he would shew me guilty of an absurdity in saying , it was well for the compilers of the creed , that they lived not in his days . this he proves to be a blunder ; because they all lived not in one anothers days ; therefore it was an absurdity to suppose they might all live in his days . as if there were any greater absurdity to bring the compilers , who lived possibly within a few centuries of one another by a supposition into one time , than it is to bring the unmasker , and any one of them who lived a thousand years distant one from another , by a supposition to be contemporaries ; for 't is by reason of the compilers living at a distance one from another , that he proves it impossible for him to be their contemporary . as if it were not as impossible in fact for him who was not born till above a thousand years after to live in any of their days , as it is for any one of them to live in either of those compilers days that died before him . the supposition of their living together is as easie of one as the other , at what distance soever they lived , and how many soever there were of them . this being so , i think it had been better for the unmasker to have let alone the blunder , and shew'd ( which was his business ) that he does not accuse the compilers of the creed of being all over socinianized , as well as he does me , since they were as guilty as i of the omission of those articles ( viz. that christ is the word of god. that god was incarnate . the eternal and ineffable generation of the son of god. that the son is in the father , and father in the son , which expresses their unity ) for the omission whereof , the unmasker laid socinianism to my charge . so that it remains still upon his score to shew , xxi . why these omissions in the apostles creed not as well make that abstract , as my abridgment of faith to be socinian . page . the unmasker desires the reader to observe , that this lank faith of mine is in a manner no other than the faith of a turk . and i desire the reader to observe , that this faith of mine , was all that our saviour and his apostles preach'd to the unbelieving world. and this our unmasker cannot deny ; as i think will appear to any one , who observes what he says , p. , and . of his socinianism vnmask'd . and that they preach'd nothing but a faith , that was in a manner no other than the faith of a turk ; i think none amongst christians , but this bold vnmasker , will have the irreverence profanely to say . he tells us , p. . that the musselmen ( or as he has for the information of his reader very pertinently proved , should be writ moslemim , without which , perhaps we should not have known his skill in arabick ) , or in plain english the mahometans believe that christ is a good man , and not above the nature of a man , and sent of god to give instruction to the world : and my faith , he says , is of the very same scantling . this i shall desire him to prove , or which in other words he insinuates in this , and the neighbouring pages , viz. xxii . that that faith which i have affirm'd to be the faith , which is required to make a man a christian , is no other , than what turks believe , and is contain'd in the alchoran . or , as he expresses it himself , p. . that a turk according to me is a christian , for i make the same faith serve them both . and particularly to shew where 't is i say , xxiii . that christ is not above the nature of a man , or have made that a necessary article of the christian faith. and next where it is , xxiv . that i speak as meanly of christ's suffering on the cross , and death , as if there were no such thing ? for thus he says of me , p. . i seem to have consulted the mahometan bible , which did say christ did not suffer on the cross , did not die. for i , and my allies , speak as meanly of these articles , as if there were no such thing . to shew our vnmasker's veracity in this case , i shall trouble my reader with some passages out of my reasonableness of christianity , pag. . when we consider that he was to fill out the time foretold of his ministry , and after a life illustrious in miracles , and good works , attended with humility , meekness , patience and svffering , and every way conformable to the prophecies of him , should be led as a sheep to the slaughter ; and with all quiet and submission be brought to the cross , though there were no guilt or fault found in him . and p. . contrary to the design of his coming , which was to be offer'd up a lamb blameless and void of offence . and p. . laying down his life , both for iews and gentiles . p. . given up to contempt , torment and death . but say what i will , when the vnmasker thinks fit to have it so , it is speaking out of the mahometan bible , that christ did not suffer on the cross , did not die ; or at least , is speaking as meanly of these articles , as if no such thing had been . his next slander is , p. . in these words ; this gentleman presents the world with a very ill notion of faith , for the very devils are capable of all that faith , which he says makes a christian . it is not strange , that the vnmasker should misrepresent the faith , which i say makes a christian ; when it seems to be his whole design to misrepresent my meaning every where . the frequency of his doing it , i have shew'd in abundance of instances , to which i shall add an eminent one here ; which shews what a fair champion he is for truth and religion . page . of my reasonableness of christianity , i give this account of the faith , which makes a christian ; that it is mens entring themselves in the kingdom of god ; owning and professing themselves the subjects of jesus , whom they believe to be the messiah , and receive for their lord and king : for that was to be baptized in his name . this sense of believing christ to be the messiah , that is to take him for our king and lord , who is to be obey'd , i have expressed over and over again ; as p. . my words are , that as many of them , as would believe jesus the son of god ( whom he sent into the world ) to be the messiah the promised deliverer , and would receive him for their king and ruler , should have all their past sins , disobedience , and rebellion forgiven them . and if for the future they lived in sincere obedience to his law , to the utmost of their power , the sins of humane frailty for the time to come , as well as those of their past lives , should for his son's sake , because they gave themselves up to him to be his subjects , be forgiven them ; and so their faith , which made them be baptized into his name ( i. e. enroll themselves in the kingdom of iesus the messiah , and profess themselves his subjects ; and consequently live by the laws of his kingdom ) should be accounted to them for righteousness . which account of what is necessary , i close with these words : this is the faith for which god of his free grace justifies sinful man. and is this the faith of devils ? to the same purpose , p. . are these words . the chief end of his coming was to be a king , and as such to be received by those , who would be his subjects in the kingdom , which he came to erect . and again , p. . only those , who have believed jesus to be the messiah , and taken him for their king , with a sincere endeavour after righteousness in obeying his law , shall have their past sins not imputed to them . and so again , p. . and . and in several other places : of which i shall add but this one more , p. . 't is not enough to believe him to be the messiah , unless we obey his laws , and take him to be our king to reign over us . can the devils thus believe him to be the messiah ? yet this is that which by these , and abundance of other places , i have shew'd to be the meaning of believing him to be the messiah . besides , i have expresly distinguish'd the faith which makes a christian , from that which the devils have ; by proving , that to the believing jesus to be the messiah must be join'd repentance , or else it will not make them true christians ; and what this repentance is , may be seen at large in p. , &c. some expressions whereof i shall here set down : as p. . repentance does not consist in one single act of sorrow ( though that being first , and leading , gives denomination to the whole ) , but in doing works meet for repentance ; in a sincere obedience to the law of christ the remainder of our lives . again : to distinguish the faith of a christian from that of devils , i say expresly out of st. paul's epistle to the galatians , that which availeth is faith , but faith working by love ; and that faith without works , i. e. the works of sincere obedience to the law and will of christ , is not sufficient for our justification . and p. . that to inherit eternal life , we must love the lord our god , with all our heart , with all our soul , with all our strength , and with all our mind ; an● . love christ in keeping his commandments . this , and a great deal more to this purpose , may be seen in my reasonableness of christianity ; particularly where i answer that objection about the faith of devils , which i handle from p. . to p. . and therein at large shew wherein the faith of devils comes short of the justifying faith , which makes a christian. and yet the good , the sincere , the candid unmasker , with his becoming confidence , tells his readers here , p. . that i present the world with a very ill notion of faith : for the very devils are capable of all that faith , which i say makes a christian man. to prevent this calumny , i in more places than one distinguished between faith in a strict sense , as it is a bare assent to any proposition , and that which is called evangelical faith , in a larger sense of the word ; which comprehends under it something more than a bare simple assent , as p. . i mean this is all is required to be believed by those who acknowledge but one eternal invisible god , the maker of heaven and earth : for that there is something more required to salvation , besides believing we shall see hereafter . p. . all i say that was to be believed for justification . for that this was not all that was required to be done for justification , we shall see hereafter . p. . obeying the law of the messiah their king being no less required than their believing that iesus was the messiah , the king and deliverer , that was promised them , pag. . as far as meer believing could make them members of christ's body . by these , and more the like passages in my book , my meaning is so evident , that no body , but an unmasker , would have said , that when i spoke of believing as a bare speculative assent to any proposition as true , i affirm'd that was all that was required of a christian for justification : though that in the strict sense of the word is all that is done in believing . and therefore , i say , as far as meer believing could make them members of christ's body ; plainly signifying , as much as words can , that the faith , for which they were justified , included something more than a bare assent . this appears not only from these words of mine , p. . st. paul often in his epistles , puts faith for the whole duty of a christian ; but from my so often , and almost every-where interpreting believing him to be the messiah , by taking him to be our king ; whereby is meant not a bare idle speculation , a bare notional perswasion of any truth whatsoever floating in our brains ; but an active principle of life , a faith working by love and obedience . to take him to be our king , carries with it a right disposition of the will to honour , and obey him , joyn'd to that assent wherewith believers imbrace this fundamental truth , that jesus was the person , who was by god sent to be their king ; he that was promis'd to be their prince and saviour . but for all this , the unmasker , p. . confidently tells his reader that i say no such thing . his words are , but besides this historical faith ( as it is generally call'd by divines ) which is giving credit to evangelical truths , as barely reveal'd , there must be something else added to make up the true substantial faith of a christian. with the assent of the understanding , must be joyn'd the consent or approbation of the will. all those divine truths , which the intellect assents to must be allow'd of by this elective power of the soul. true evangelical faith is a hearty acception of the messias , as he is offer'd in the gospel . it is a sincere and impartial submission to all things requir'd by the evangelical law which is contain'd in the epistles as well as the other writings . and to this practical assent and choice there must be added likewise a firm trust and reliance in the blessed author of our salvation . but this late undertaker who attempted to give us a more perfect account than ever was before of christianity , as it is deliver'd in the scriptures , brings us no tidings of any such faith belonging to christianity , or discover'd to us in the scriptures . which gives us to understand that he verily believes there is no such christian faith , for in some of his numerous pages ( especially . and , &c. ) where he speaks so much of belief and faith , he might have taken occasion to insert one word about this compleat faith of the gospel . though the places above quoted out of my reasonableness of christianity , and the whole tenor of the latter part of it , shew the falshood of what the unmasker here says ; yet i will set down one passage more out of it , and then ask our unmasker , when he hath read them , whether he hath the brow to say again , that i bring no tidings of any such faith ? my words are reasonableness of christianity , p. . faith in the promises of god , relying and acquiescing in his word and faithfulness , the almighty takes well at our hands , as a great mark of homage , paid by us poor frail creatures to his goodness and truth , as well as to his power and wisdom ; and accepts it as an acknowledgment of his peculiar providence and benignity to us . and therefore our saviour tells us , iohn xii . . he that believes on me believes not on me , but on him that sent me . the works of nature shew his wisdom and power : but 't is his peculiar care of mankind , most eminently discover'd in his promises to them , that shews his bounty and goodness : and consequently engages their hearts in love and affection to him . this oblation of an heart fixed with dependance and affection on him , is the most acceptable tribute we can pay him ; the foundation of true devotion ; and life of all religion . what a value he puts on this depending on his word , and resting satisfied on his promises , we have an example in abraham ; whose faith was counted to him for righteousness ; as we have before remarked out of rom. iv. and his relying firmly on the promise of god , without any doubt of its performance ; gave him the name , of the father of the faithful ; and gained him so much favour with the almighty , that he was called the friend of god : the highest and most glorious title can be bestowed on a creature . the great out-cry he makes against me in his two next sections , p. . ● . as if i intended to introduce ignorance and popery , is to be entertain'd rather as the noise of a petulant scold , saying the worst things she could think of , than as the arguing of a man of sense or sincerity . all this mighty accusation is grounded upon these falshoods , that i make it my great business to beat men off from divine truths ; that i cry down all articles of the christian faith but one ; that i will not suffer men to look into christianity ; that i blast the epistolary wri●ings . i shall add no more to what i have already said about the epistles , but those few words out of my reasonableness of christianity ▪ p. . the epistles resolving doubts , and reforming mistakes , are of great advantage to our knowledge and practise . and p. . an explicit belief of what god requires of those , who will enter into , and receive the benefits of the new covenant , is absolutely required . the other parts of divine revelation are objects of faith , and are so to be received . they are truths whereof none that is once known to be such [ i. e. of divine revelation ] may or ought to be disbelieved . and as for that other saying of his , that i will not suffer men to look into christianity ; i desire to know where that christianity is locked up , which i will not suffer men to look into . my christianity , i confess , is contain'd in the written word of god : and that i am so far from hindring any one to look into , that i every where appeal to it , and have quoted so much of it , that the unmasker complains of being overlaid with it , and tells me 't is tedious . all divine revelation , i say , p. . requires the obedience of faith ; and that every one is to receive all the parts of it , with a docility and disposition prepar'd to imbrace and assent to all truths coming from god ; and submit his mind to whatever shall appear to him to bear that character . i speak in the next page of mens endeavouring to understand it , and of their interpreting one place by another . this and the whole design of my book shews , that i think it every christian's duty to read , search , and study the holy scriptures : and make this their great business : and yet the good unmasker in a fit of zeal displays his throat , and crys out , p. . hear o ye heavens , and give ear , o earth , judge whether this be not the way to introduce darkness and ignorance into christendom ; whether this be not blinding of mens eyes , &c. for this mighty pathos ends not there . and all things consider'd , i know not whether he had not reason , in his want of arguments , this way to pour out his concern . for neither the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , nor the apostles creed , nor any thing else being with him the faith of a christian , i. e. sufficient to make a christian , but just his set of fundamental articles ( when he himself knows what they be ) in fine , nothing being christianity but just his system , 't is time to cry out , help neighbours , hold fast friends ; knowledge , religion , christianity is gone , if this be once permitted , that the people should read and understand the scripture for themselves , as god shall enlighten their understandings in the use of the means ; and not be forced to depend upon me , and upon my choosing , and my interpretation , for the necessary points they are to believe to make them christians : if i the great unmasker , have not the sole power to decree , what is , or is not fundamental , and people be not bound to receive it for such , faith and the gospel are given up ; darkness and barbarism will be brought in upon us by this writer's contrivance . for , he is an underhand factor for that communion , which cries up ignorance for the mother of devotion and religion , i. e. in plain english for popery . for to this and nothing else tends all that sputter he makes in the sections before mention'd . i do not think there was ever a more through-paced declaimer than our unmasker . he leaves out nothing that he thinks will make an affrighting noise in the ears of his orthodox hearers , though all the blame and censure he pours out upon others , light only on himself . for let me ask this zealous upholder of light and knowledge , does he think it reasonable that any one , who is not a christian , should be suffer'd to be undisturb'd in his parish ? nay , does he think fit , that any such should live free from the lash of the magistrate , or from the persecution of the ecclesiastical power ? he seems to talk with another air , p. . in the next place , i ask , whether any one is a christian who hath not the faith of a christian ? thirdly , i ask , whether he has the faith of a christian , who does not explicitly believe all the fundamental articles of christianity ? and to conclude , i ask him , whether all those that he has set down are not fundamental necessary articles ? when the unmasker has fairly answer'd these questions , it will be seen who is for popery , and the ignorance and tyranny that accompanies it . the unmasker is for making and imposing articles of faith : but he is for this power in himself . he likes not popery ( which is nothing but the tyranny and imposing upon mens understandings , faith , and consciences ) in the hands of the old gentleman at rome : but it would , he thinks , do admirably well in his own hands . and who can blame him for it ? would not that be an excellent way to propagate light and knowledge , by tying up all men to a bundle of articles of his own culling ? or rather to the authority of christ and his apostles residing in him ? for he does not , nor ever will , give us a full view of fundamentals of his christianity : but like the church of rome , to secure our dependance , reserves to himself a power of declaring others , and defining what is matter of faith , as he shall see occasion . now therefore vail your bonnets to the unmasker , all you that have a mind to be christians : break not your heads about the scriptures , to examine what they require of you : submit your faith implicitly to the unmasker , he will understand and find out the necessary points for you to believe . take them , just so many as he thinks fit to deliver them to you : this is the way to be knowing christians . but be sure , ask not whether those he is pleas'd to deliver be every one of them fundamental , and all the fundamental articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian : such a capricious question spoils all ; overturns christianity , which is intrusted to the unmasker's sole keeping , to be dispensed out as he thinks fit . i● you refuse an implicit faith to him , he will presently find you have it for the whore of babylon ; he will smell out popery in it immediately : for he has a very shrewd scent , and you will be discover'd to be an underhand factor for the church of rome . but if the unmasker were such an enemy , as he pretends , to those factors ; i wonder he should , in what he has said concerning the apostles creed , so exactly jump with knot the jesuit . if any one doubt of this , i desire him to look into the fourth chapter of knot 's charity maintain'd , and there he will see , how well our unmasker and that iesuit agree in argument ; nay , and expressions too . but yet i do not think him so far guilty , as to be imployed as an underhand factor for popery . every body will , i suppose , be ready to pronounce him so far an innocent , as to clear him from that . the cunning of his design goes not beyond the laying out of his preaching oratory , for the setting up his own system ; and making that the sole christianity . to that end , he would be glad to have the power of interpreting scripture , of defining and declaring articles of faith , and imposing them . this which makes the absolute power of the pope he would not i think establish at rome ; but 't is plain he would have it himself , if he could get it , for the support of the christianity of his system . an implicit faith , if he might have the management of it , and the taking fundamentals upon trust from his authority , would be of excellent use. such a power in his hands , would spread truth and knowledge in the world , i. e. his own orthodoxy , and set of opinions . but if a man differs , nay , questions any thing of that , whether it be absolutely necessary to make one a christian , 't is immediately a contrivance to let in popery , and to bring darkness and barbarism into the christian world. but i must tell the innocent unmasker , whether he designs it or no , that if his calling his system the only christianity , can bring the world to receive from him articles of faith of his own chusing , as fundamentals necessary to be believed by all men to make them christians , which christ and his apostles did not propose to all men to make them christians , he does only set up popery in another guise , and lay the foundatians of ignorance , darkness , and barbarism , in the christian world. for all the ignorance and blindness , that popery introduced , was only upon this foundation . and if he does not see this ( as there is reason to excuse his innocence ) 't would be no hard matter to demonstrate it ; if that were at present the question between us . but there are a great many other propositions to be proved by him , before we come to that new matter of debate . but before i quit these paragraphs , i must go on with our unmasker's account , and desire him to shew where it is xxv . that i make it my business to beat men off from taking notice of any divine truths ? next , where it is xxvi . that i cry down all articles of christian faith but one ? next , how it appears xxvii . that i will not suffer mankind to look into christianity ? again , where it is xxviii . that i labour industriously to keep people in ignorance ; or tell them , that there is no necessity of knowing any other doctrines of the bible ? these and several others of the like strain , particularly concerning one article , and the epistles ; ( which are his common places ) are to be found in his . and . pages . and all this out of a presumption , that his system is the only christianity ; and that if men were not pressed , and perswaded to receive that , just every article of it , upon pain of damnation ; christianity would be lost : and not to do this , is to promote ignorance , and contemn the bible . but he fears where no fear is . if his orthodoxy be the truth , and conformable to the scriptures , the laying the foundation only where our saviour and his apostles have laid it , will not overturn it . and to shew him , that it is so , i desire him again to consider what i said in p. . of my vindication : which , because i do not remember , he any where takes notice of in his reply , i will here offer again to his consideration : convince but men of the mission of jesus christ ; make them but see the truth , simplicity and reasonableness of what he himself hath taught , and required to be believed by his followers , and you need not doubt , but being once fully perswaded of his doctrine and the advantages , which all christians agree are received by him , such converts will not lay by the scriptures ; but by a constant reading and study of them , will get all the light they can from this divine revelation ; and nourish themselves up in the words of faith and good doctrine , as st. paul speaks to timothy . if the reading and study of the scripture were more pressed than it is , and men were fairly sent to the bible to find their religion ; and not the bible put into their hands only to find the opinions of their peculiar sect or party , christendom would have more christians , and those that are , would be more knowing , and more in the right than now they are . that which hinders this , is that select bundle of doctrines , which it has pleased every sect to draw out of the scriptures , or their own inventions , with an omission ( and as our unmasker would say , a contempt ) of all the rest . these choice truths ( as the unmasker calls his ) are to be the standing orthodoxy of that party , from which none of that church must recede without the forfeiture of their christianity , and the loss of eternal life . but whilst people keep firm to these , they are in the church , and the way to salvation . which in effect , what is it but to incourage ignorance , laziness , and neglect of the scriptures ? for what need they be at the pains of constantly reading the bible ? or perplex their heads with considering and weighing what is there deliver'd , when believing as the church believes , or saying after , or not contradicting their domine , or teacher , serves the turn ? further , i desire it may be consider'd what name that meer mock-shew of recommending to men the study of the scripture deserves ; if , when they read it , they must understand it just as he ( that would be , and they are too apt , contrary to the command of christ , to call their master ) tells them . if they find any thing in the word of god , that leads them into opinions , that he does not allow ; if any thing they meet with in holy writ seems to them to thwart or shake the received doctrines , the very proposing of their doubts renders them suspected : reasoning about them , and not acquiescing in what ever is said to them , is interpreted want of due respect and deference to the authority of their spiritual guides : disrepute and censures follow : and if in pursuance of their own light , they persist in what they think the scripture teaches them , they are turn'd out of the church , deliver'd to sathan , and no longer allow'd to be christians . and is thus a sincere and rightly directed study of the scriptures , that men may understand and profit thereby , incouraged ? this is the consequence of mens assuming to themselves a power of declaring fundamentals , i. e. of setting up a christianity of their own making . for how else can they turn men , of as unblameable lives as others of their members , out of the church of christ ( for so they count their communion ) for opinions , unless those opinions were concluded inconsistent with christianity ? thus systems , the inventions of men , are turn'd into so many opposite gospels ; and nothing is truth in each sect , but what just suits with them . so that the scripture serves but like a nose of wax , to be turn'd and bent , just as may sit the contrary orthodoxies of different societies . for 't is these several systems that to each party are the just standards of truth , and the meaning of the scripture is to be measur'd only by them . whoever relinquishes any of those distinguishing points , immediately ceases to be a christian. this is the way that the unmasker would have truth and religion preserv'd , light and knowledge propagated . but here too the differing sects giving equal authority to their own orthodoxies will be quits with him . for as far as i can observe , the same genius seems to influence them all ; even those who pretend most to freedom , the socinians themselves . for when it is observed how positive and eager they are in their disputes ; how forward to have their interpretations of scripture received for authentick , though to others in several places they seem very much strain'd ; how impatient they are of contradiction ; and with what disrespect and roughness they often treat their opposers ; may it not be suspected that this so visible warmth in their present circumstances , and zeal for their orthodoxy , would ( had they the power ) work in them , as it does in others ? they in their turns would i fear be ready , with their set of fundamentals ; which they would be as forward to impose on others , as others have been to impose contrary fundamentals on them . this is and always will be the unavoidable effect of intruding on our saviour's authority , and requiring more now as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , than was at first required by our saviour and his apostles . what else can be expected among christians , but their tearing , and being torn in pieces by one another ; whilst every sect assumes to it self a power of declaring fundamentals , and severally thus narrow christianity to their distinct systems ? he that has a mind to see how fundamentals come to be fram'd and fashion'd , and upon what motives and considerations they are often taken up , or laid down , according to the humours , interests , or designs of the heads of parties , as if they were things depending on mens pleasure , and to be suited to their convenience , may find an example worth his notice , in the life of mr. baxter , part ii. p. . — . whenever men take upon them to go beyond those fundamental articles of christianity , which are to be found in the preachings of our saviour and his apostles , where will they stop ? whenever any set of men will require more as necessary to be believed to make men of their church , i. e. in their sense christians , than what our saviour and his apostles propos'd to those , whom they made christians , and admitted into the church of christ ; however they may pretend to recommend the scripture to their people , in effect no more of it is recommended to them , than just comports with what the leaders of that sect have resolv'd christianity shall consist in . 't is no wonder therefore there is so much ignorance amongst christians , and so much vain outcry against it ; whilst almost every distinct society of christians magisterially ascribes orthodoxy to a select set of fundamentals distinct from those proposed in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , which in no one point must be question'd by any of its communion . by this means their people are never sent to the holy scriptures , that true fountain of light , but hood-wink'd : a veil is cast over their eyes , and then they are bid read the bible ▪ they must make it all chime to their churches fundamentals , or else they were better let it alone . for if they find any thing there against the received doctrines , though they hold it and express it , in the very terms the holy ghost has deliver'd it in , that will not excuse them . heresie will be their lot , and they shall be treated accordingly . and thus we see how , amongst other good effects , creed-making always has , and always will necessarily produce and propagate ignorance in the world , however each party blame others for it . and therefore , i have often wonder'd to hear men of several churches so heartily exclaim against the implicit faith of the church of rome ; when the same implicit faith is as much practised and required in their own , though not so openly professed , and ingenuously owned there . in the next section , the unmasker questions the sincerity of mine , and professes the greatness of his concern for the salvation of mens souls . and tells me of my reflection on him upon that account , in the th . page of my vindication . answ. i wish he would for the right information of the reader every where set down , what he has any thing to say to in my book , or my defence of it , and save me the labour of repeating it . my words in that place are , some men will not bear , that any one should speak of religion , but according to the model , that they themselves have made of it . nay , though he proposes it upon the very terms , and in the very words , which our saviour and his apostles preach'd it in ; yet he shall not escape censures and the severest insinuations . to deviate in the least , or to omit any thing contained in their articles is heresy , under the most invidious names in fashion ; and 't is well if he escapes being a downright atheist . whether this be the way for teachers to make themselves hearken'd to as men in earnest in religion , and really concern'd for the salvation of mens souls i leave them to consider . what success it has had towards perswading men of the truth of christianity , their own complaints of the prevalency of atheism on the one hand , and the number of deists on the other sufficiently shew . i have set down this passage at large , both as a confirmation of what i said but just now ; as also to shew , that the reflection , i there made , needed some other answer than a bare profession of his regard to the salvation of mens souls . the assuming an undue authority to his own opinions , and using manifest untruths in the defence of them , i am sure is no mark that the directing men right in the way to salvation is his chief aim . and i wish , that the greater liberties of that sort , which he has again taken in his socinianism vnmask'd , and which i have so often laid open , had not confirm'd that reflection . i should have been glad , that any thing in my book had been fairly controverted , and brought to the touch , whether it had or had not been con●uted . the matter of it would have deserved a serious debate ( if any had been necessary ) in the words of sobriety and the charitable temper of the gospel , as i desired in my pre●ace : and that would not have mis-become the vnmasker's function . but it did not consist , it seems , with his design . christian charity would not have allow'd those ill-meant conjectures , and groundless censures , which were necessary to his purpose ; and therefore he took a shorter course , than to confute my book , and thereby convince me and others . he makes it his business to rail at it , and the author of it ; that that might be taken for a confutation . for , by what he has hitherto done , arguing seems not to be his talent . and thus far who can but allow his wisdom ? but whether it be that wisdom that is from above , first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , i shall leave to other readers to judge . his saying nothing to that other reflection , which his manner of expressing himself drew from me , would make one suspect it favoured not altogether of the wisdom of the gospel ; nor shew'd an over great care of the salvation of souls . my words , vindic. p. . are i know not how better to shew my care of his credit , than by intreating him , that when he takes next in hand such a subject as this , wherein the salvation of souls is concerned , he would treat it a little more seriously , and with a little more candour ; lest men should find in his writings another cause of atheism , which in this treatise he has not thought fit to mention . ostentation of wit in general , he has made a cause of atheism , p. . but the world will tell him ; that frothy light discourses concerning the serious matters of religion , and ostentation of trifling mis-becoming wit , in those who come as ambassadors from god , under the title of successors of the apostles in the great commission of the gospel , is none of the least causes of atheism . but this advice i am now satisfied ( by his second part of the same strain ) was very improper for him ; and no more reasonable , than if one should advise a bu●●oon to talk gravely ; who has nothing left to draw attention , if he should lay by his scurrility . the remainder of this th . chapter , p. . ● . being spent in shewing , why the socinians are for a few articles of faith , being a matter that i am not concern'd in ; i leave to that forward gentleman to examine , who examined mr. edwards's exceptions against the reasonableness of christianity ; and who , as the unmasker informs me , p. . was chosen to vindicate my attempt , &c. if the unmasker knows that he was so chosen , it is well . if i had known of such a choice , i should have desired that somebody should have been chosen to vindicate my attempt , who had understood it better . the unmasker and examiner are each of them so full of themselves , and their own systems , that i think they may be a fit match one for another ; and so i leave these cocks of the game , to try it out in an endless battle of wrangling ( till death them depart ) which of them has made the true and exact collection of fundamentals ; and whose system of the two ought to be the prevailing orthodoxy , and be received for scripture . only i warn the examiner to look to himself ; for the unmasker has the whiphand of him , and gives him to understand , p. . that if he cannot do it himself by the strength of his lungs , the vehemency of his oratory , and endless attacks of his repetitions , the ecclesiastical power , and the civil magistrates lash have in store demonstrative arguments to convince him that his [ the vnmasker's ] system is the only true christianity . by the way , i must not forget to mind the unmasker here again , that he hath a very unlucky hand at guessing . for , whereas he names socinus as one from whom i received my platform , and says that crellius gave me my kue ; it so falls out , that they are two authors of whom i never read a page . i say not this , as if i thought it a fault if i had , for i think i should have much better spent my time in them , than in the writings of our learned unmasker . i was sure there was no offending the unmasker without the guilt of atheism ; only he here , p. . very mercifully lays it upon my book , and not upon my design . the tendency of it to irreligion and atheism , he has proved in an eloquent harangue ( for he is such an orator he cannot stir a foot without a speech ) made as he bids us suppose by the atheistical rabble . and who can deny , but he has chose a fit imployment for himself ? where could there be found a better speech-maker for the atheistical rabble ? but let us hear him : for though he would give the atheistical rabble the credit of it , yet 't is the unmasker speaks . and because 't is pity such a pattern of rhetorick and reason should be lost , i have for my reader 's edification , set it all down verbatim . we are beholding to this worthy adventurer for ridding the world of so great an incumbrance , viz. that huge mass and unweildy body of christianity , which took up so much room . now we see that it was this bulk and not that of mankind which he had an eye to , when he so often mention'd this latter . this is a physician for our turn indeed : we like this chymical operator that doth not trouble us with a parcel of heavy drugs of no value , but contracts it all into a few spirits , nay doth his business with a single drop . we have been in bondage a long time to creeds and catechisms , systems and confessions ; we have been plagued with a tedious beadroll of articles , which our reverend divines have told us we must make the matter of our faith. yea , so it is , both conformists and nonconformists ( though disagreeing in some other things ) have agreed in this to molest and crucifie us . but this noble writer ( we thank him ) hath set us free ; and eas'd us by bringing down all the christian faith into one point . we have heard some men talk of epistolary composures of the new testament , as if great matters were contain'd in them , as if the great mysteries of christianity ( as they call them ) were unfolded there : but we could never make any thing of them ; and now we find that this writer is partly of our opinion . he tells us that these are letters sent upon occasion , but we are not to look for our religion ( for now for this gentleman's sake we begin to talk of religion ) in these places . we believe it , and we believe that there is no religion but in those very chapters and verses , which he has set down in his treatise . what need we have any other part of the new testament ? that is bible enough , if not too much . happy , thrice happy shall this author be perpetually esteemed by us , we will chronicle him as our friend and benefactor . it is not our way to saint people : otherwise we would certainly canonize this gentleman ; and when our hand is in , his pair of booksellers for their being so beneficial to the world in publishing so rich a treasure . it was a blessed day when this hopeful birth saw the light , for hereby all the orthodox creed-makers and systematick men are ruined for ever . in brief , if we be for any christianity , it shall be this author's ; for that agrees with us singularly well , it being so short , all couch'd in four words neither more nor less . it is a very fine compendium , and we are infinitely obliged to this great reformer for it . we are glad at heart that christianity is brought so low by this worthy pen-man , for this is a good presage that it will dwindle into nothing . what! but one article , and that so brief too ! we like such a faith , and such a religion , because it is so near to none . he hath no sooner done , but as it deserved , he crys out , euge sophos . and is not the reader , quoth he , satisfied that such language as this hath real truth in it ? does not he perceive , that the discarding all the articles but one makes way for the casting off that too ? answ. 't is but supposing that the reader is a civil ●entleman , and answers yes , to these two questions , and then 't is demonstration , that by this speech he has irrefragably proved the tendency of my book to irreligion and atheism . i remember chillingworth somewhere puts up this request to his adversary knot : sir , i beseech you , when you write again , do us the favour to write nothing but syllogisms . for i find it still an extream trouble to find out the conceal'd propositions , which are to connect the parts of your enthymems . as now for example , i profess to you i have done my best endeavour to find some glue , or sodder , or cement , or thread , or any thing to tie the antecedent and this consequent together . the unmasker agrees so much in a great part of his opinion with that jesuit ( as i have shew'd already ) and does so infinitely out-doe him in spinning ropes of sand , and a course thread of inconsistencies , which runs quite through his book , that 't is with great justice , i put him here in the jesuits place , and address the same request to him . his very next words give me a fresh reason to do it : for thus he argues ▪ p. . may we not expect , that those , who deal thus with the creed , i. e. discard all the articles of it but one , will use the same method in reducing the ten commandments and the lord's prayer , abbreviate the former into one precept , and the latter into one petition ? answ. if he will tell me where this creed , he speaks of , is , it will be much more easie to answer his demand . whilst his creed , which he here speaks of , is yet no where , it is ridiculous for him to ask questions about it . the ten commandments and the lord's prayer , i know where to find , in express words set down by themselves , with peculiar marks of distinction . which is the lord's prayer we are plainly taught , by this command of our saviour , luk. xi . . when we pray , say , our father , &c. in the same manner and words we are taught what we should believe , to make us his disciples by his command to the apostles what they should preach , mat. x. . as ye go preach saying . what were they to say ? only this , the kingdom of heaven is at hand . or , as st. luke expresses it , ix . . they were sent to preach the kingdom of god , and to heal the sick ; which , what it was we have sufficiently explain'd . but this creed of the unmasker , which he talks of , where is it ? let him shew it us distinctly set out from the rest of the scripture . if he knows where it is , let him produce it , or leave talking of it , till he can . 't is not the apostles creed , that 's evident . for that creed he has discarded from being the standard of christian faith , and has told the world in words at length , that if a man believes no more than is in express terms in the apostles creed , his faith will not be the faith of a christian. nay , 't is plain , that creed has in the unmasker's opinion , the same tendency to atheism and irreligion , that my summary has . for the apostles creed reducing the forty , or perhaps four hundred fundamental articles of his christian creed , to twelve ; and leaving out the greatest part of those necessary ones which he has already , and will hereafter in good time give us , does as much dispose men to serve the decalogue , and the lord's prayer just so ; as my reducing those twelve to two. for so many at least he has granted to be in my summary , viz. the article of one god , maker of heaven and earth , and the other of jesus the messiah ; though he every where calls them but one : which , whether it be to shew , with what love and regard to truth he continues , and consequently began this controversie ; or whether it be to beguile and startle unwary , or confirm prejudiced readers , i shall leave to others to judge . 't is evident he thinks his cause would be mightily maimed , if he were forced to leave out the charge of one article ; and he would not know what to do for wit or argument , if he should call them two . for then the whole weight and edge of his strong and sharp reasoning in his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , p. . would be lost . there you have it in these words ; when the catholick faith is thus brought down to one single article , it will soon be reduced to none ; the unit will dwindle into a cypher . and here again , it makes the whole argument of his atheistical speech , which he winds up with these convincing words ; we are glad to hear , that christianity is brought so low by this worthy pen-man ; for this is a good presage , that it will dwindle into nothing . what! one article , and that so brief too : we like such a faith and such a religion , because it is so near none . but i must tell this writer of equal wit , sense , and modesty , that this religion , which he thus makes a dull farce of , and calls near none , is that very religion , which our saviour iesus christ and his apostles preach'd for the conversion and salvation of mankind ; no one article whereof , which they propos'd as necessary to be received by unbelievers to make them christians , is omitted . and i ask him , whether it be his errand , as one of our saviour's ambassadors to turn it thus into ridicule ? for till he has shewn , that they preach'd otherwise , and more than what the spirit of truth has recorded of their preaching in their histories , which i have faithfully collected , and set down , all that he shall say reflecting upon the plainness and simplicity of their doctrine , however directed against me , will by his atheistical rabble of all kinds , now they are so well enter'd and instructed in it by him , be all turn'd upon our saviour and his apostles . what tendency this , and all his other trifling , in so serious a cause as this is , has to the propagating of atheism and irreligion in this age , he were best to consider . this i am sure , the doctrine of but one article , ( if the author and finisher of our faith , and those he guided by his spirit , had preach'd but one article ) has no more tendency to atheism , than their doctrine of one god. but the unmasker every where talks , as if the strength of our religion lay in the number of its articles ; and would be presently routed , if it had but a few : and therefore he has mustered up a pretty full band of them , and has a reserve of the lord knows how many more , which shall be forthcoming upon occasion . but i shall desire to mind this learned divine , who is so afraid what will become of his religion , if it should propose but one or a few articles as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , that the strength and security of our religion lies in the divine authority of those who first promulgated the terms of admittance into the church , and not in the multitude of articles suppos'd by some necessary to be believed to make a man a christian : and i would have him remember , when he goes next to make use of this strong argument of one dwindling into a cypher , that one is as remote as a million from none . and if this be not so , i desire to know whether his way of arguing will not prove pagan polytheism to be more remote from atheism than christianity . he will do well to try the force of his speech , in the mouth of an heathen , complaining of the tendency of christianity to atheism , by reducing his great number of gods to but one , which was so near none and would therefore soon be reduced to none . the unmasker seems to be upon the same topick where he so pathetically complains of the socinians , p. . in these words . is it not enough to rob us of our god , by denying christ to be so ; but , must they spoil us of all the other articles of christian faith but one ? have a better heart ▪ good sir , for i assure you , no body can rob you of your god , but by your own consent ; nor spoil you of any of the articles of your faith. if you look for them where god has placed them , in the holy scripture ; and take them as he has framed and fashion'd them there ; there you will always find them safe and sound . but if they come out of an artificer's shop , and be of humane invention , i cannot answer for them : they may , for ought i know , be nothing but an idol of your own setting up ; which may be pull'd down , should you cry out never so much , great is diana of the ephesians . he , who considers this argument of one and none , as managed by the unmasker , and observes his pathetical way of reasoning all through his book , must confess , that he has got the very philosopher's stone in disputing . that which would be worthless lead in others , he turns into pure gold ; his oratory changes its nature , and gives it the noble tincture : so that what in plain reasoning would be nonsence , let him but put it into a speech , or an exclamation , and there it becomes strong argument . whether this be not so , i desire mode and figure may decide . and to those i shall desire he would reduce the proofs , which p. . he says , he has given of these following propositions , viz. xxix . that i have corrupted mens minds . xxx . that i have depraved the gospel . xxxi . that i have abused christianity . for all these three , p. . he affirms of me without proof , and without honesty . whether it be from confusion of thought , or unfairness of design ; either because he has not clear distinct notions of what he would say , or finds it not to his purpose to speak them clearly out , or both together ; so it is , that the unmasker very seldom , but when he rails , delivers himself so that one can certainly tell what he would have . the question is , what is absolutely necessary to be believed by every one to make him a christian. it has been clearly made out from an exact survey of the history of our saviour and his apostles , that the whole aim of all their preaching every where was to convince the unbelieving world of these two great truths . first , that there was one eternal invisible god , maker of heaven and earth ; and next , that iesus of nazareth was the messiah , the promised king , and saviour . and that upon mens believing these two articles they were baptized , and admitted into the church , i. e. received as subjects of christ's kingdom , and pronounced believers . from whence it unavoidably follows , that these two are the only truths necessary to be believed to make a man a christian. this matter of fact is so evident from the whole tenor of the four gospels , and the acts ; and presses so hard , that the unmasker , who contends for a great number of other points necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , thinks himself concern'd to give some answer to it : but in his usual way full of uncertainty and confusion . to clear this matter , he lays down four particulars . the first is , p. . that the believing iesus to be the promised messiah , was the first step to christianity . the second , p. . that though this one proposition ( viz. of jesus the messiah ) be mentioned alone in some places , yet there is reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time other matters of faith were proposed . the third , p. . that though there are several parts and members of the christian faith , yet they do not all occur in any one place of scripture . the fourth , p. . that christianity was erected by degrees . these particulars he tells us , p. . he offers to clear an objection . to see therefore whether they are pertinent or no , we must examine what the objection is as he puts it . i think it might have been put in a few words : this i am sure , it ought to have been put very clear and distinct . but the unmasker has been pleased to give it us , p. . as followeth . because i designed these papers for the satisfying of the reader 's doubts , about any thing occurring concerning the matter before us , and for the establishing of his wavering mind , i will here ( before i pass to the second general head of my discourse ) answer a query or objection , which some and not without some shew of ground may be apt to start . how comes it to pass , they will say , that this article of faith , viz. that iesus is the messiah or christ , is so often repeated in the new testament ? why is this sometimes urged without the mentioning of any other article of belief ? doth not this plainly shew that this is all that is requir'd to be believed as necessary to make a man a christian ? may we not inferr from the frequent and sole repetition of this article in several places of the evangelists and the acts , that there is no other point of faith of absolute necessity ; but that this alone is sufficient to constitute a man a true member of christ. by which he shews , that he is uncertain which way to put the objection , so as may be easiest to get rid of it : and therefore he has turn'd it several ways , and put several questions about it . as first , why this article of faith , viz. that jesus is the messiah , is so often repeated in the new testament . his next question is , why is this sometimes urged without the mentioning any other article of belief , which supposes that sometimes other articles of belief are mentioned with it . the third question is , may we not infer from the frequent and sole repetition of this article in several places of the evangelists and acts. which last question is in effect , why is this so frequently and alone repeated in the evangelists and the acts , i. e. in the preachings of our saviour and his apostles to unbelievers . for of that he must give an account , if he will remove the difficulty . which three , though put as one , yet are three as distinct questions , and demand a reason for three as distinct matters of fact , as these three are , viz. frequently proposed ; sometimes propos'd alone ; and always propos'd alone in the preachings of our saviour and his apostles ; for so in truth it was all through the gospels and the acts to the unconverted believers of one god alone . these three questions being thus jumbled together in one objection , let us see how the four particulars he mentions will account for them . the first of them is this . the believing of iesus to be the promised messias , was , says he , the first step to christianity . let it be so , what do you infer from thence ? the next words shew , therefore this rather than any other article was propounded to be believed by all those whom either our saviour or his apostles invited to imbrace christianity . let your premises be never so true ; and your deduction of this proposition be never so regular from them , it is all lost labour . this conclusion is not the proposition you were to prove . your questions were , why this article is so often proposed ? and in those frequent repetitions , why sometimes urged alone , and why always proposed alone , viz. to those whom either our saviour or his apostles invited to imbrace christianity . and your answer is , because the believing iesus to be the messias , was the first step to christianity . this therefore remains upon you to be proved , xxxii . that because the believing iesus to be the messias , is the first step to christianity ; therefore this article is frequently proposed in the new testament ; is sometimes proposed without the mentioning any other article ; and always alone to vnbelievers . and when you have proved this , i shall desire you to apply it to our present controversie . his next answer to those questions is in these words , p. . that though this one proposition or article be mentioned alone in some places , yet there is reason to think and be perswaded that at the same time other matters of faith were proposed . from whence it lies upon him to make out this reasoning , viz. xxxiii . that because there is reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time , that this one article was mentioned alone ( as it was sometimes ) other matters of faith were propos'd . therefore this article was often proposed in the new testament ; sometimes proposed alone ; and always proposed alone in the preachings of our saviour and his apostles to unbelievers . this i set down to shew the force of his answer to his questions : supposing it to be true , not that i grant it to be true , that where this one article is mentioned alone , we have reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time other matters of faith [ i. e. articles of faith necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ] were proposed : and i doubt not but to shew the contrary . his third particular , in answer to the question proposed in his objection stands thus , p. . that though there are several parts and members of the christian faith , yet they do not all occur in any one place of the scripture ; which answer lays it upon him to prove xxxiv . that because the several parts of the members of the christian faith do not all occur in any one place of scripture ; therefore this article , that jesus was the messias , was often proposed in the new testament , sometimes proposed alone , and always proposed alone in the preachings of our saviour and his apostles , through the history of the evangelists and the acts. the fourth and last particular , which he tells us is the main answer to the objection , is in these words , pag. . that christianity was erected by degrees . which requires him to make out this argument , viz. xxxv . that because christianity was erected by degrees , therefore this article , that jesus was the messias , was often proposed in the new testament , sometimes proposed alone , and always proposed alone in the preachings of our saviour and his apostles to unbelievers , recorded in the history of the evangelists and acts. for , as i said before , in these three questions he has put his objection ; to which he tells us this is the main answer . of these four particulars it is that he says , p. . to clear this objection , and to give a full and satisfactory answer to all doubts in this affair , i offer these ensuing particulars , which will lead the reader to the right understanding of the whole case . how well they have clear'd the objection , may be seen by barely setting them down as answers to these questions , wherein he puts the objection . this is all i have hitherto done : whereby is very visible how well ( supposing them true ) they clear the objection ; and how pertinently they are brought to answer those questions wherein his objection is contain'd . perhaps it will be said , that neither these , nor any thing else can be an apposite answer to those questions put so together . i answer , i am of the same mind . but if the unmasker through ignorance or shuffling will talk thus confusedly , he must answer for it . he calls all his three questions one objection over and over again : and therefore which of those questions it does or does not lie in , i shall not trouble my self to divine : since i think he himself cannot tell . for , which ever he takes of them , it will involve him in equal difficulties . i now proceed to examine his particulars themselves , and the truth contain'd in them . the first , pag. . stands thus . . the believing of iesus to be the promised messias was the first step to christianity . it was that which made way for the imbracing of all the other articles , a passage to all the rest . answ. if this be , as he would have it , only the leading article amongst a great many other equally necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; this is a reason , why it should be constantly preach'd in the first place . but this is no reason , why this alone should be so often repeated , and the other necessary points not be once mention'd . for i desire to know , what those other articles are , that in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles are repeated or urged besides this ? in the next place , if it be true , that this article , viz. that iesus is the messiah , was only the first in order , amongst a great many articles as necessary to be believed ; how comes it to pass , that barely upon the proposal and believing of this , men were admitted into the church as believers ? the history of the new testament is full of instances of this , as act. viii . . . . ix ▪ and in other places . though it be true what the unmasker says here , that if they did not give credit to this in the first place , that iesus of nazareth was that eminent and extraordinary person prophe●ied of long before , and that he was sent and commissioned by god , there could be no hope that they would attend to any other proposals relating to the christian religion ; yet what he subjoins , that this is the true reason , why that article was constantly propounded to be believed by all that looked towards christianity , and why it is mention'd so often ●n the evangelical writing is not true . for first , this supposes that there were other articles joyn'd with it . this he should have first proved , and then given the reason of it ; and not , as he does here , suppose what is in the question , and then give a reason , why it is so ; and such a reason that is inconsistent with the matter of fact , that is every where recorded in holy writ . for if the true reason , why the preaching of this article , that iesus was the messiah , as it is recorded in the history of the new testament , were only to make way for the other articles , one must needs think , that either our saviour and his apostles ( with reverence be it spoken ) were very strange preachers ; or that the evangelists , and author of the acts were very strange historians . the first were to instruct the world in a new religion consisting of a great number of articles , says the unmasker , necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , i. e. a great number of propositions making a large system , every one whereof is so necessary for a man to understand , and believe , that if any one be omitted , he cannot be of that religion . what now did our saviour and his apostles do ? why , if the unmasker may be believed , they went up and down with danger of their lives , and preach'd to the world ▪ what did they preach ? even this single proposition to make way for the rest , viz. this is the eminent man sent from god to teach you other things , which amounts to no more but this , that iesus was the person which was to teach them the true religion , but that true religion it self is not to be found in all their preaching ; nay , scarce a word of it . can there be any thing more ridiculous , than this ? and yet this was all they preach'd ; if it be true , that this was all which they meant by the preaching every where iesus to be the messiah ; and if it were only an introduction and a making way for the doctrines of the gospel . but it is plain it was called the gospel it self . let the unmasker , as a true successor of the apostles , go and preach the gospel as the apostles did , to some part of the heathen world , where the name of christ is not known : would not he himself , and every body think , he was very foolishly imploy'd , if he should tell them nothing but this , that iesus was the person promised and sent from god to reveal the true religion ; but should teach them nothing of that true religion , but this preliminary article ? such the unmasker makes all the preaching recorded in the new testament , for the conversion of the unbelieving world. he makes the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , to be no more but this ; that the great prophet promised to the world was come , and that iesus was he : but what his doctrine was , that they were silent in , and taught not one article of it . but the unmasker mis-represents it : for as to his accusing the historians , the evangelists , and writers of the acts of the apostles , for their shameful omission of the whole doctrine of the christian religion , to save his hypothesis , as he does under his next head in these words , that though this one proposition be mention'd alone in some places , yet there is reason to think and be perswaded , that at the same time other matters of faith were proposed ; i shall shew how bold he makes with those inspired historians , when i come to consider that particular . how ridiculous , how senseless this bold unmasker and reformer of the history of the new testament makes the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , as it stands recorded of them by infallible writers , is visible . but taking it as in truth it is there , we shall have a quite other view of it . our saviour preach'd every where the kingdom of god , and by his miracles declar'd himself to be the king of that kingdom . the apostles preached the same , and after his ascension openly avowed him to be the prince and saviour promis'd . but preach'd not this , as a bare speculative article of simple belief . but that men might receive him for their king , and become his subjects . when they told the world that he was the christ , it was not as the unmasker will have it ; believe this man to be a prophet , and then he will teach you his new religion ; which when you have received and imbraced , all and every article thereof , which are a great number , you will then be christians , if you be not ignorant or incredulous of any of them . but it was , believe this man to be your king sent from god : take him for such , with a resolution to observe the laws he has given you , and you are his subjects ; you are christians . for those , that truly did so , made themselves his subjects : and to continue so there was no more required than a sincere endeavour to know his will in all things , and to obey it . such a preaching as this of iesus to be the messiah ; the king and deliverer that god almighty had promised to mankind , and now had effectually sent to be their prince and ruler ; was not a simple preparation to the gospel : but when received with the obedience of faith , was the very receiving of the gospel ; and had all that was requisite to make men christians . and without it be so understood , no body can clear the preaching of our saviour and his apostles from that incredible impersection ; or their historians from that unpardonable negligence , and not doing either what they ought , or what they undertook ; which our unmasker hath so impiously charged upon them , as will appear yet plainer in what i have to say to the vnmasker's next particular . for as to the remainder of this paragraph , it contains nothing but his censure and contempt of me , for not being of his mind ; for not seeing as he sees , i. e. in effect not laying that blame , which he does either on the preaching of our saviour and his apostles ; or on the inspired writings of their historians , to make them comply with his system , and the christianity he would make . the unmasker 's second particular , p. . tells us , that though this one proposition or article be mention'd alone in some places , yet there is reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time other matters of faith were proposed . for it is confess'd by all intelligent and observing men , that the history of the scripture is concise ; and that in relating of matter of fact many passages are omitted by the sacred penmen . wherefore though but this one article of belief , ( because it is a leading one , and makes way for the rest ) be expresly mention'd in some of the gospels , yet we must not conclude thence , that no other matter of faith , was requir'd to be admitted of . for things are briefly set down in the evangelical records , and we must suppose many things which are not in direct terms related . answ. the vnmasker here keeps to his usual custom of speaking in doubtful terms . he says , that where this one article , that iesus is the messiah , is alone recorded in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , we have reason to be perswaded , that at the same time other matters of faith were propos'd . if this be to his purpose , by matters of faith must be meant fundamental articles of faith , absolutely necessary to be believed by every man to make him a christian. that such matters of faith are omitted in the history of the preaching of our saviour and his apostles by the sacred historians , this , he says , we have reason to be perswaded of . answ. they need be good reasons to perswade a rational man , that the evangelists in their history of our saviour and his apostles ( if they were but ordinarily fair and prudent men ) did , in an history publish'd to instruct the world in a new religion , leave out the necessary and fundamental parts of that religion . but let them be consider'd as inspired writers , under the conduct of the infallible spirit of god , putting them upon , and directing them in the writing of this history of the gospel , and then it is impossible for any christian , but the unmasker , to think , that they made any such gross omissions , contrary to the design of their writing , without a demonstration to convince him of it . now all the reason that our unmasker gives is this : that it is confessed by all intelligent and observing men , that the history of the scripture is concise , and that in relating matters of fact , many passages are omitted by the sacred penmen . answ. the unmasker might have spar'd the confession of intelligent and observing men , after so plain a declaration of st. iohn himself , chap. xx. . many other things did iesus in the presence of his disciples , which are not written in this book . and again , xxi . . there are also many other things that iesus did , the which if they should be written every one , i suppose the world could not contain the books that should be written . there needs therefore no opinion of intelligent and observing men to convince us , that the history of the gospel is so far concise , that a great many matters of fact are omitted , and a great many less material circumstances , even of those that are set down . but will any intelligent or observing man , any one that bears the name of a christian , have the impudence to say , that the inspired writers , in the relation they give us of what christ and his apostles preach'd to unbelievers to convert them to the faith , omitted the fundamental articles which those preachers proposed to make men christians ; and without a belief of which they could not be christians ? the unmasker talks after his wonted fashion ; seems to say something , which when examin'd proves nothing to his purpose . he tells us , that in some places where the article of iesus the messiah is mention'd alone , at the same time other matters of faith were proposed . i ask , were these other matters of faith all the unmasker's necessary articles ? if not , what are those other matters of faith to the unmasker's purpose ? as for example , in st. peter's sermon , act. ii. other matters of faith were proposed with the article of iesus the messiah . but what does this make for his fundamental articles ? were they all propos'd with the articles of iesus the messiah ? if not , unbelievers were converted and brought into the church without the unmasker's necessary articles . three thousand were added to the church by this one sermon . i pass by now st. luke's not mentioning a syllable of the greatest part of the unmasker's necessary articles ; and shall consider only , how long that sermon may have been . 't is plain from v. . that it began not till about nine in the morning , and from v. . that before night three thousand were converted and baptized . now , i ask the unmasker , whether so small a number of hours as st. peter must necessarily imploy in preaching to them were sufficient to instruct such a mixed multitude so fully in all those articles , which he has propos'd as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , as that every one of those three thousand , that were that day baptized , did understand and explicitly believe every one of those his articles , just in the sense of our unmasker's system ? not to mention those remaining articles which the unmasker will not be able in twice as many months to find and declare to us . he says , that in some places where the article of iesus the messiah is mentioned alone , at the same time other matters of faith were proposed . let us take this for so at present , yet this helps not the unmasker's case . the fundamental articles , that were propos'd by our saviour and his apostles , necessary to be believed to make men christians , are not set down ; but only this single one of iesus the messiah : therefore will any one dare to say that they are omitted every where by the evangelists ? did the historians of the gospel make their relation so concise and short , that giving an account in so many places of the preaching of our saviour and his apostles for the conversion of the unbelieving world , they did not in any one place , nor in in all of them together , set down the necessary points of that faith , which their unbelieving hearers were converted to ? if they did not , how can their histories be called the gospels of iesus christ ? or how can they serve to the end for which they were written ? which was , to publish to the world the doctrine of iesus christ , that men might be brought into his religion ? now i challenge the unmasker to shew me not out of any one place , but out of all the preachings of our saviour and his apostles , recorded in the four gospels , and the acts , all those propositions which he has reckon'd up as fundamental articles of faith. if they are not to be found there , 't is plain , that either they are not articles of faith necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; or else , that those inspired writers have given us an account of the gospel , or christian religion , wherein the greatest part of doctrines necessary to be believed to make a man a christian are wholly omitted : which in short is to say , that the christianity which is recorded in the gospels and the acts , is not that christianity , which is sufficient to make a man a christian. this ( as absurd and impious as it is ) is what our unmasker charges upon the conciseness , ( as he is pleased to call it ) of the evangelical history . and this we must take upon his word ; though these inspired writers tell us the direct contrary . for st. luke in his preface to his gospel , tells theophilus , that having a perfect knowledge of all things , the design of his writing was to set them in order , that he might know the certainty of those things , that were believed amongst christians . and his history of the acts begins thus , the former treatise [ i. e. his gospel ] have i made , o theophilus , of all that iesus began to do and to teach . so that how concise soever the unmasker will have his history to be , he professes it to contain all that jesus taught . which all must , in the narrowest sense , that can be given it , contain at least all things necessary to make a man a christian. 't would else be a very lame and imperfect history of all that jesus taught ; if the faith contained in it were not sufficient to make a man a christian. this indeed , as the unmasker hath been pleased to term it , would be a very lank faith , a very lank gospel . st. iohn also says thus of his history of the gospel , ch. xx. , . many other signs truly did iesus in the presence of his disciples , which are not written in this book : so far his history is by his own confession concise . but these , says he , are written , that ye might believe , that iesus is the messiah the son of god , and that believing ye might have life through his name . as concise as it was , there was yet ( if the apostle's word may be taken for it against the unm●sker's ) enough contain'd in his gospel , for the procuring of eternal life to those who believed it . and whether it was that one article that he there sets down , viz. that iesus was the messiah , or that set of articles which the unm●sker gives us , i shall leave to this modern divine to resolve . and if he thinks still , that all the articles he has set down in his roll , are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , i must desire him to shew them to me in st. iohn's gospel , or else to convince the world , that st. iohn was mistaken , when he said , that he had written his gospel , that men might believe that iesus is the messiah the son of god , and that believing they might have life thorugh his name . so that granting the history of the scripture to be so concise as the unmasker would have it , viz. that in some places the infallible writers , recording the discourses of our saviour and his apostles , omitted all the other fundamental articles propos'd by them to be believed to make men christians , but this one , that iesus was the messiah ; yet this will not remove the objection that lies against his other fundamentals , which are not to be found in the histories of the four evangelists ; nay , which are not to be found in every one of them . if every one of them contains the gospel of jesus christ , and consequently all things necessary to salvation , whether this will not be a new ground of accusation against me , and give the unmasker a right to charge me with laying by three of the gospels with contempt , as well as he did before charge me with a contempt of the epistles , must be left to his soveraign authority to determine . having shew'd , that allowing all he says here to be as he would have it , yet it clears not the objection , that lies against his fundamentals ; i shall now examine what truth there is , in what he here pretends , viz. that though the one article , that jesus is the messiah , be mention'd alone in some places , yet we have reason to be perswaded from the conciseness of the scripture history , that there were at the same time join'd with it other necessary articles of faith in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles . it is to be observed , that the unmasker builds upon this false supposition , that in some places other necessary articles of faith join'd with that of iesus the messiah , are by the evangelists mention'd to be propos'd by our saviour and his apostles , as necessary to be believed to make those they preach'd to christians . for his saying , that in some places that one necessary article is mention'd alone , implies that in other places it is not mention'd alone , but join'd with other necessary articles . and then it will remain upon him to shew , xxxvi . in what place either of the gospels or of the acts , other articles of faith are join'd with this , and propos'd as necessary to be believed to make men christians . the unmasker , 't is probable , will tell us , that the article of christ's resurrection is sometimes join'd with this of the messiah , as particularly in that first sermon of st. peter , acts ii. by which there were three thousand added to the church at one time . answ. this sermon well consider'd , will explain to us both the preaching of the apostles , what it was that they propos'd to their unbelieving auditors to make them christians ; and also the manner of st. luke's recording their sermons . 't is true , that here are deliver'd by st. peter many other matters of faith besides that of iesus being the messiah : for all that he said being of divine authority , is matter of faith , and may not be disbelieved . the first part of his discourse , is to prove to the iews , that what they had observed of extraordinary at that time amongst the disciples , who spake variety of tongues , did not proceed from wine , but from the holy ghost ; and that this was the pouring out of the spirit prophesied of by the prophet ioel. this is all matter of faith , and is written , that it might be believed : but yet , i think , that neither the unmasker , nor any body else will say , that this is such a necessary article of faith , that no man could without an explicit belief of it , be a christian : though being a declaration of the holy ghost by st. peter , it is so much a matter of faith , that no body , to whom it is now propos'd , can deny it and be a christian. and thus all the scripture of the new testament , given by divine inspiration is matter of faith , and necessary to be believed by all christians to whom it is propos'd . but yet i do not think any one so unreasonable as to say , that every proposition in the new testament is a fundamental article of faith , which is required explicitly to be believed to make a man a christian . here now is a matter of faith join'd , in the same sermon , with this fundamental article that iesus is the messiah ; and reported by the sacred historian so at large , that it takes up a third part of st. peter's sermon recorded by st. luke ; and yet it is such a matter of faith , as is not contain'd in the unmasker's catalogue of necessary articles . i must ask him then , whether st. luke were so concise an historian , that he would so at large set down a matter of faith propos'd by st. peter , that was not necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , and wholly leave out the very mention of all the unmasker's additional necessary articles , if indeed they were necessary to be believed to make men christians ? i know not how any one could charge the historian with greater unfaithfulness , or greater folly . but this the unmasker sticks not at , to preserve to himself the power of appointing , what shall , and what shall not be necessary articles ; and of making his system the christianity necessary , and only necessary to be received . the next thing that st. peter proceeds to in this his sermon is , to declare to the unbelieving iews , that iesus of nazareth , who had done miracles amongst them , whom they had crucified and put to death , and whom god had raised again from the dead , was the messiah . here indeed our saviour's crucifixion , death , and resurrection are mentioned : and if they were no where else recorded , are matters of faith ; which , with all the rest of the new testament , ought to be believed by every christian to whom it is thus propos'd ; as a part of divine revelation . but that these were not here propos'd to the unbelieving iews , as the fundamental articles , which st. peter principally aimed at , and endeavoured to convince them of , is evident from hence ; that they are made use of as arguments to perswade them of this fundamental truth , viz. that iesus was the messiah , whom they ought to take for their lord and ruler . for whatsoever is brought as an argument to prove another truth , cannot be thought to be the principal thing aimed at in that argumentation ; though it may have so strong and immediate a connexion with the conclusion , that you cannot deny it without denying even what is inferr'd from it , and is therefore the fitter to be an argument to prove it . but that our saviour's crucifixion , death , and resurrection , were used here as arguments to perswade them into a belief of this fundamental article , that iesus was the messiah ; and not as propositions of a new faith they were to receive ; is evident from hence , that they preach'd here to those who knew the death and crucifixion of iesus , as well as peter : and therefore these could not be propos'd to them as new articles of faith to be believed : but those matters of fact , being what the iews knew already , were a good argument joyn'd with his resurrection to convince them of that truth , which he endeavoured to give them a belief of . and therefore he rightly inferred from these facts joined together , this conclusion , the believing whereof would make them christians . therefore let all the house of israel know assuredly , that god hath made that same iesus , whom ye have crucified , lord and christ. to the making good this sole proposition his whole discourse tended : this was the sole truth he laboured to convince them of : this the faith he endeavoured to bring them into ; which as soon as they had received with repentance , they were by baptism admitted into the church , and three thousand at once made christians . here st. luke's own confession , without that of intelligent and observing men , which the unmasker has recourse to , might have satisfied him again , that in relating matters of fact , many passages are omitted by the sacred pen-men . for says st. luke here v. . and with many other words , which are not set down . one would at first sight , wonder why the unmasker neglects these demonstrative authorities of the holy pen-men themselves , where they own their omissions , to tell , us , that it is confessed by all intelligent and observing men , that in relating matters of fact , many passages are omitted by the sacred pen-men . st. iohn in what he says of his gospel , directly professes large omissions , and so does st. luke here . but these omissions would not serve the unmasker's turn : for they are directly against him , and what he would have : and therefore he had reason to pass them by . for st. iohn , in that passage above-cited , ch. xx. , . tells us , that how much soever he had left out of his history , he had incerted that , which was enough to be believed to eternal life . but these are written that ye might believe , and believing ye might have life . but this is not all he assures us of , viz. that he had recorded all that was necessary to be believed to eternal life : but he in express words , tells us what is that all that is necessary to be believed to eternal life ; and for the proof of which proposition alone , he writ all the rest of his gospel , viz. that we might believe . what ? even this . that iesus is the christ the son of god , and that believing this we might have life through his name . this may serve for a key to us , in reading the history of the new testament ; and shew us , why this article that iesus was the messiah , is no where omitted , though a great part of the arguments used to convince men of it , nay very often th● whole discourse ▪ made to lead men into the belief of it , be entirely omitted . the spirit of god directed them every where to set down the article , which was absolutely necessary to be believed to make men christians ; so that that could no ways be doubted of nor mistaken ; but the arguments , and evidences , which were to lead men into this faith , would be sufficient , if they were once found any where , though scattered here and there in those writings , whereof that infallible spirit was the author . this preserved the decorum used in all histories , and avoided those continual large and unnecessary repetitions , which our critical unmasker might have call'd tedious , with juster reason , than he does the repetition of this short proposition , that iesus is the messiah ; which i set down no oftner in my book , than the holy ghost thought fit to insert in the history of the new testament , as concise as it is . but this it seems to our nice unmasker , is tedious , tedious and offensive . and if a christian and a successor of the apostles cannot bear the being so often told , what it was , that our saviour and his apostles every where preach'd to the believers of one god , though it be contain'd in one short proposition ; what cause of exception , and disgust would it have been to heathen readers , some whereof might perhaps have been as critical as the unmasker , if this sacred history had in every page been filled with the repeated discourses of the apostles , all of them every where to the same purpose , viz. to perswade men to believe , that iesu● was the messiah ? it was necessary even by the laws of history , as often as their preaching any where was mention'd to tell to what purpose they spoke ; which being always to convince men of this one fundamental truth , 't is no wonder , we find it so often repeated . but the arguments and reasonings , with which this one point is urged , are , as they ought to be , in most places left out . a constant repetition of them had been superfluous , and consequently might justly have been blam'd as tedious . but there is enough recorded aboundantly to convince any rational man , any one not willfully blind , that he is that promised saviour . and in this we have a reason of the omissions in the history of the new testament ; which were no other than such , as became prudent , as well as faithful writers . much less did that conciseness ( with which the vnmasker would cover his bold censure of the gospels and the acts , and as it seems , lay them by with contempt ) make the holy writers omit any thing , in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , absolutely necessary to be known , and believed to make men christians . conformable hereunto , we shall find st. luke writes his history of the acts of the apostles . in the beginning of it he sets down at large some of the discourses made to the unbelieving iews . but in most other places , unless it be where there was something particular in the circumstances of the matter , he contents himself to tell to what purpose they spoke : which was every where only this , that iesus was the messiah . nay , st. luke in the first speech of st. peter , act. . which he thought fit to give us a great part of , yet owns the omission of several things , that the apostle said . for having expressed this fundamental doctrine , that iesus was the messiah , and recorded several of the arguments wherewith st. peter urged it for the conversion of the unbelieving iews his auditors , he adds v. . and with many other words did he testifie and exhort saying , save your selves from this untoward generation . here he confesses , that he omitted a great deal which st. peter had said to perswade them . to what ? to that which in other words he had just said before v. . repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of iesus christ , i. e. believe iesus to be the messiah , take him as such for your lord and king , and reform your lives by a sincere resolution of obedience to his laws . thus we have an account of the omissions in the records of matters of fact in the new testament . but will the unmasker say , that the preaching of those articles , that he has given us as necessary to be believ'd to make a man a christian , was part of those matters of fact , which have been omitted in the history of the new testament ? can any one think that the corruption and degeneracy of humane nature , with the true original of it ( the defection of our first parents ) the propagation of sin and mortality , our restoration and reconciliation by christ's blood , the eminency and excellency of his priesthood , the efficacy of his death , the full satisfaction thereby made to divine iustice , and his being made an all-sufficient sacrifice for sin , our iustification by christ's righteousness , election , adoption , &c. were all proposed , and that too in the sense of our authors system , by our saviour and his apostles , as fundamental articles of faith , necessary to be explicitely believed by every man , to make him a christian , in all their discourses to unbelievers ; and yet that the inspired pen-men of those histories every where , left the mention of these fundamental articles wholly out ? this would have been to have writ not a concise , but an imperfect history of all , that iesus and his apostles taught . what an account would it have been of the gospel , as it was first preached and propagated , if the greatest part of the necessary doctrines of it were wholly left out , and a man could not find from one end to the other of this whole history , that religion , which is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ? and yet this is that , which under the notion of their being concise , the vnmasker would perswade us to have been done by st. luke and the other evangelists in their histories . and 't is no less than what he plainly says in his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism , p. . where to aggravate my fault in passing by the epistles , and to shew the necessity of searchin them for fundamentals , he in words blames me ; but in effect , condemns the sacred history contain'd in the gospels and the acts. it is most evident , says he , to any thinking man , that the author of the reasonableness of christianity purposely omits the epistolary writings of the apostles , because they are fraught with other fundamental doctrines besides that one which he mentions . there we are instructed concerning these grand heads of christian divinity . here i. e. in the epistles , says he , there are discoveries concerning satisfaction , &c. and in the close of his list of his grand heads , as he calls them , some whereof i have above set down out of him , he adds , these are the matters of faith contained in the epistles . by all which expressions he plainly signifies , that these , which he calls fundamental doctrines , are none of those , we are instructed in , in the gospels and the acts ; that they are not discover'd nor contain'd in the historical writings of the evangelists . whereby he confesses , that either our saviour and his apostles did not propose them in their preachings to their unbelieving hearers ; or else , that the several faithful writers of their history , willfully , i. e. unfaithfully , every where omitted them in the account they have left us of those preachings ; which could scarce possibly be done by them all , and every where , without an actual combination amongst them to smother the greatest and most material parts of our saviour's and his apostles discourses . for what else did they , if all that the unmasker has set down in his list be fundamental doctrines ; every one of them absolutely necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; which our saviour and his apostles every where preached to make men christians ; but yet st. luke and the other evangelists , by a very guilty , and unpardonable conciseness , every where omitted them ; and throughout their whole history never once tell us , they were so much as proposed ; much less that they were those articles , which the apostles laboured to establish and convince men of every where , before they admitted them to baptism ? nay , the far greatest part of them the history , they writ , does not any where so much as once mention ? how after such an imputation as this the unmasker will clear himself from laying by the four gospels and the acts with contempt let him look ; if my not collecting fundamentals out of the epistles had that guilt in it . for i never denied all the fundamental doctrines to be there ; but only said , that there they were not easie to be found out ; and distinguished from doctrines not fundamental . whereas our good vnmasker charges the historical books of the new testament with a total omission of the far greatest part of those fundamental doctrines of christianity , which he says are absolutely necessary to be believed to make a man a christian. to convince the reader what was absolutely required to be believed to make a man a christian , and thereby clear the holy writers from the unmasker's slander , any one need but look a little further into the history of the acts , and observe st. luke's method in the writing of it . in the beginning ( as we observed before ) and in some few other places , he sets down at large the discourses made by the preachers of christianity to their unbelieving auditors . but in the process of his history , he generally contents himself to relate , what it was their discourses drive at ; what was the doctrine they endeavour'd to convince their unbelieving hearers of , to make them believers . this we may observe is never omitted . this is every where set down . thus acts v. . he tells us , that daily in the temple , and in every house the apostles ceased not to teach , and to preach iesus the messiah . the particulars of their discourses he omits , and the arguments they used to induce men to believe he omits : but never fails to inform us carefully what it was the apostles taught and preach'd , and would have men believe . the account he gives us of st. paul's preaching at thessalonica , is this : that three sabbath days he reason'd with the iews out of the scriptures , opening and alledging that the messiah must needs have suffer'd and risen again from the dead ; and that iesus was the messiah , act. xvii . , . at corinth , that he reason'd in the synagogue every sabbath , and perswaded the iews and the greeks , and testified that iesus was the messiah . xviii . , . that apollos mightily convinced the iews , shewing by the scriptures that iesus was the messiah , xviii . . by these , and the like places , we may be satisfied what it was that the apostles taught and preach'd , even this one proposition that iesus was the messiah ; for this was the sole proposition they reason'd about ; this alone they testified , and they shew'd out of the scriptures ; and of this alone they endeavour'd to convince the iews and the greeks , that believed one god. so that it is plain from hence , that st. luke omitted nothing , that the apostles taught and preach'd ; none of those doctrines , that it was necessary to convince unbelievers of , to make them christians : though he in most places omitted , as was fit , the passages of scripture which they alledg'd , and the arguments those inspired preachers used to perswade men to believe and imbrace that doctrine . another convincing argument , to shew that st. luke omitted none of those fundamental doctrines which the apostles any where propos'd as necessary to be believed , is from that different account he gives us of their preaching in other places , and to auditors otherwise dispos'd . where the apostles had to do with idolatrous heathens , who were not yet come to the knowledge of the only true god , there he tells us they propos'd also the article of the one invisible god , maker of heaven and earth : and this we find recorded in him out of their preaching to the lystrians , act. xiv . and to the athenians , act. xvii . in the later of which st. luke , to convince his reader that he out of conciseness omits none of those fundamental articles , that were any where propos'd by the preachers of the gospel as necessary to be believed to make men christians , sets down not only the article of iesus the messiah , but that also of the one invisible god , creator of all things , which ( if any necessary one might ) this of all other fundamental articles might by an author , that affected brevity , with the fairest excuse have been omitted , as being implied in that other of the messiah ordained by god. indeed , in the story of what paul and barnabas said at lystra , the article of the messiah is not mention'd . not that st. luke omitted that fundamental article , where the apostles taught it : but they having here begun their preaching with that of the one living god , they had not , as appears , time to proceed farther , and propose to them what yet remain'd to make them christians : but they were , by the instigation of the iews , fallen upon , and paul stoned , before he could come to open to them this other fundamental article of the gospel . this by the way shews the unmasker's mistake in his first particular , p. . where he says ( as he does here again in his second particular , which we are now examining ) that believing iesus to be the messiah is the first step to christianity ; and therefore this , rather than any other , was propounded to be believed by all those , whom either our saviour , or the apostles , invited to imbrace christianity . the contrary whereof appears here ; where the article of one god is proposed in the first place , to those whose unbelief made such a proposal necessary . and therefore if his reason ( which he uses again here , p. . ) were good , viz. that the article of the messiah is expresly mention'd alone , because it is a leading article and makes way for the rest , this reason would rather conclude for the article of one god : and that alone should be expresly mentioned instead of the other . since as he argues for the other , p. . if they did not believe this in the first place , viz. that there was one god , there could be no hopes that they would attend unto any other proposal relating to the christian religion . the vanity and falshood of which reasoning , viz. that the article of jesus the messiah was every where propounded rather than any other , because it was the leading article , we see in the history of st. paul's preaching to the athenians . st. luke mentions more than one article , where more than one was propos'd by st. paul ; though the first of them was that leading article of one god , which if not received in the first place , there could be no hope they would attend to the rest . something the unmasker would make of this argument of a leading article for want of a better , though he knows not what . in his first particular , p. . he makes use of it to shew , why there was but that one article propos'd by the first preachers of the gospel , and how well that succeeds with him we have seen . for this is demonstration , that if there were but that one propos'd by our saviour and the apostles , there was but that one necessary to be believed to make men christians : unless he will impiously say that our saviour and the apostles went about preaching to no purpose . for if they propos'd not all that was necessary to make men christians , 't was in vain for them to preach , and others to hear ; if when they heard and believ'd all that was propos'd to them , they were not yet christians : for if any article was omitted in the proposal , which was necessary to make a man a christian , though they believed all that was proposed to them , they could not yet be christians ; unless a man can from an infidel become a christian , without doing what is necessary to make him a christian. further , if his argument of its being a leading article proves , that that alone was propos'd , it is a contradiction to give it as a reason , why it was set down alone , by the historian where it was not proposed alone by the preacher , but other necessary matters of faith were propos'd with it ; unless it can be true that this article of iesus is the messiah , was propos'd alone by our saviour and his apostles , because it was a leading article , and was mention'd alone in the history of what they preach'd , because it was a leading article , though it were not propos'd alone , but jointly with other necessary matters of faith. for this is the use he makes here again , p. . of his leading article under his second particular , viz. to shew why the historians mention'd this necessary article , of iesus the messiah , alone , in places where the preachers of the gospel propos'd it not alone , but with other necessary articles . but in this latter case it has no shew of a reason at all . it may be granted as reasonable for the teachers of any religion not to go any farther , where they see the first article which they propose is rejected , where the leading truth , on which all the rest depends , is not received . but it can be no reason at all for an historian who writes the history of these first preachers , to set down only the one first and leading article and omit all the rest , in instances where more were not only propos'd , but believed and imbraced , and upon that the hearers and believers admitted into the church . 't is not for historians to put any distinction between leading or not leading articles ; but if they will give a true and useful account of the religion , whose original they are writing , and of the converts made to it , they must tell , not one , but all those necessary articles , upon assent to which converts were baptized into that religion , and admitted into the church . whoever says otherwise , accuses them of falsifying the story , misleading the readers , and giving a wrong account of the religion which they pretend to teach the world , and to preserve and propagate to future ages . this ( if it were so ) no pretence of conciseness could excuse or palliate . there is yet remaining one consideration , which were sufficient of it self to convince us , that it was the sole article of faith which was preach'd ; and that if there had been other articles necessary to be known and believed by converts , they could not upon any pretence of conciseness be supposed to be omitted : and that is the commissions of those , that were sent to preach the gospel . which since the sacred historians mention , they cannot be suppos'd to leave out any of the material and main heads of those commissions . st. luke records it , ch. iv. . that our saviour says of himself , i must go unto the other towns to tell the good news of the kingdom , for ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) upon this errand am i sent . this st. mark calls simply preaching . this preaching what it contain'd st. matthew tells us , ch. iv. . and iesus went about all galilee , teaching in their synagogues , and preaching the good news of the kingdom , and healing all manner of sickness , and all manner of diseases amongst the people . here we have his commission , or end of his being sent , and the execution of it : both terminating in this , that he declar'd the good news that the kingdom of the messiah was come ; and gave them to understand by the miracles he did , that he himself was he . nor does st. matthew seem to affect such conciseness , that he would have left it out , if the gospel had contained any other fundamental parts , necessary to be believed to make men christians . for he here says , all manner of sickness , and all manner of disease , when either of them might have been better left out , than any necessary article of the gospel to make his history concise . we see what our saviour was sent for . in the next place , let us look into the commission he gave the apostles , when he sent them to preach the gospel . we have it in the x. of st. matthew , in these words ; go not into the way of the gentiles , and into any city of the samaritans enter ye not . but go rather to the lost sheep of the house of israel . and as ye go preach , saying the kingdom of heaven is at hand . heal the sick , cleanse the lepers , raise the dead , cast out devils : freely have ye received freely give . provide neither gold , nor silver , nor brass in your purses ; nor scrip in your journey ; neither two coats , neither shooes nor yet staves ( for the workman is worthy of his meat ) . and into whatsoever city or town ye shall enter , enquire who in it is worthy , and there abide till ye go thence . and when ye come into any house salute it . and if the house be worthy , let your peace come upon it : but if it be not worthy , let your peace return to you . and whosoever shall not receive you , nor hear your words ; when ye depart out of that house or city , shake off the dust of your feet . verily , i say unto you , it shall be more tolerable for the land of sodom and gomorrha , in the day of judgment , than for that city . behold , i send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves : be ye therefore wise as serpents , and harmless as doves . but beware of men , for they will deliver you up to the councils , and they will scourge you in their synagogues . and ye shall be brought before governours , and kings for my sake , for a testimony against them and the gentiles . but when they deliver you up , take no thought how or what ye shall speak ; for it shall be given you in that same hour what ye shall speak . for it is not ye that speak , but the spirit of your father which speaketh in you . and the brother shall deliver up the brother to death , and the father the child : and the children shall rise up against the parents , and cause them to be put to death . and ye shall be hated of all men for my name 's sake : but he that endureth to the end shall be saved . but when they persecute you in this city , flee ye into another : for verily i say unto you , ye shall not have gone over the cities of israel till the son of man be come . the disciple is not above his master , nor the servant above his lord. it is enough for the disciple that he be as his master , and the servant as his lord. if they have called the master of the house beelzebub , how much more shall they call them of his houshold ? fear them not therefore : for there is nothing covered , that shall not be revealed ; and hid , that shall not be known . what i tell you in darkness , that speak ye in light : and what ye hear in the ear , that preach ye upon the house tops . and fear not them which kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul : but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and body in hell. are not two sparrows sold for a farthing ; and one of them shall not fall on the ground without your father ? but the very hairs of your head are all numbred . fear ye not therefore , ye are of more value than many sparrows . whosoever therefore shall confess me before men , him will i confess also before my father which is in heaven . but whosoever shall deny me before men , him will i also deny before my father which is in heaven . think not that i am come to send peace on earth ; i came not to send peace but a sword . for i am come to set a man at variance against his father , and the daughter against her mother , and the daughter-in law against the mother in law. and a man's foes shall be they of his own houshold . he that loveth father and mother more than me , is not worthy of me . and he that loveth son or daughter more than me , is not worthy of me . and he that taketh not his cross and followeth after me , is not worthy of me : he that findeth his life shall lose it : and he that loseth his life for my sake shall find it . he that receiveth you receiveth me , and he that receiveth me receiveth him that sent me . he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward ; and he that receiveth a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward . and whosoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones a cup of cold water only , in the name of a disciple , verily i say unto you , he shall in no wise lose his reward . and it came to pass when iesus had made an end of commanding his twelve disciples . this is the commission our saviour gave the apostles when he sent them abroad to recover , and save the l●st sheep of the house of israel . and will any of the unmasker's intelligent and observing men say , that the history of the scripture is so concise , that any passages , any essential , any material , nay any parts at all of the apostles commission are here omitted by the sacred penman ? this commission is set down so at full , and so particularly , that s. matthew , who was one of them to whom it was given , seems not to have left out one word of all , that our saviour gave them in charge . and it is so large , even to every particular article of their instructions , that i doubt not but my citing so much , verbatim out of the sacred text , will here again be troublesome to the unmasker . but whether he will venture again to call it tedious , must be as nature or caution happen to have the better on 't . can any one who reads this commission , unless he hath the brains as well as the brow of an unmasker , alledge that the conciseness of the history of the scripture has concealed from us those fundamental doctrines , which our saviour and his apostles preach'd ; but the sacred historians thought fit by consent , for unconceivable reasons , to leave out in the narrative they give us , of those preachings ? this passage here wholly confuteth that . they could preach nothing , but what they were sent to preach : and that we see is contain'd in these few words , preach , saying the kingdom of heaven is at hand . heal the sick , cleanse the lepers , raise the dead , cast out devils , i. e. acquaint them , that the kingdom of the messiah is come , and let them know by the miracles , you do in my name , that i am that king and deliverer they expect . if there were any other necessary articles , that were to be believed , for the saving of the lost sheep they were sent to , can one think that st. matthew , who sets down so minutely every circumstance of their commission , would have omitted the most important , and material of it ? he was an ear witness , and one that was sent ; and so ( without supposing him inspired ) could not be misled by the short account he might receive from others , who by their own , or others forgetfulness might have drop'd those other fundamental articles , that the apostles were order'd to preach . the very like account st. luke gives us of our saviours commission to the seventy , ch. x. , — . after these things the lord appointed other seventy also , and sent them two and two before his face into every city and place whither he himself would come . therefore said he unto them , the harvest truly is great , but the labourers are few : pray ye therefore the lord of the h●rvest , that he would send forth labourers into his harvest . go your ways : behold , i send you forth as lambs among wolves . carry neither purse , nor scrip , nor shooes : and salute no man by the way . and into whatsoever house ye enter , first say , peace be to this house . and if the son of peace be there , your peace shall rest upon it ; if not , it shall return to you again . and in the same house remain eating and drinking such things as they give : for the labourer is worthy of his hire . go not from house to house . and into whatsoever city ye enter and they receive you , eat such things as are set before you . and heal the sick that are therein , and say vnto them , the kingdom of god is come nigh vnto yov . but in whatsoever city ye enter , and they receive you not , go your ways out into the streets of the same and say , even the very dust of your city which cleaveth on us , we do wipe off against you : notwithstanding , be ye sure of this , that the kingdom of god is come nigh unto you . but i say unto you , that it shall be more tolerable in that day for sodom than for that city . wo unto thee chorazin , wo unto thee bethsaida : for if the mighty works had been done in tyre and sidon , which have been done in you , they had a great while ago repented , sitting in sackcloth and ashes . but it shall be more tolerable for tyre and sidon at the judgment than for you . and thou capernaum , which art exalted to heaven , shalt be thrust down to hell. he that heareth you , heareth me : and he that despiseth you despiseth me : and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me . our saviour's commission here to the seventy , whom he sent to preach , is so exactly conformable to that which he had before given to the twelve apostles , that there needs but this one thing more to be observed , to convince any one , that they were sent to convert their hearers to this sole belief , that the kingdom of the messiah was come , and that iesus was the messiah . and that the historians of the new testament are not so concise in their account of this matter , that they would have omitted any other necessary articles of belief , that had been given the seventy in commission . that which i mean is , the kingdom of the messiah is twice mentioned in it to be come , v. . & . if there were other articles given them by our saviour to propose to their hearers , st. luke must be very fond of this one article , when for conciseness sake , leaving out the other fundamental articles that our saviour gave them in charge to preach , he repeats this more than once . the unmasker's third particular , p. . begins thus ; this also must be thought of , that though there are several parts and members of the christian faith , yet they do not all occur in any one place of scripture . something is in it ( whether owing to his will , or understanding , i shall not enquire ) that the unmasker always delivers himself in doubtful , and ambiguous terms . it had been as easie for him to have said , there are several articles of the christian faith , necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , as to say ( as he does here ) there are several parts and members of the christian faith. but as an evidence of the clearness of his notions , or the fairness of his arguing , he always rests in generals . there are , i grant , several parts and members of the christian faith , which do no more occur in any one place of scripture , than the whole new testament can be said to occur in any one place of scripture . for every proposition deliver'd in the new testament for divine revelation , is a part and member of the christian faith. but 't is not those parts and members of the christian faith we are speaking of ; but only such parts and members of the christian faith , as are absolutely necessary to be believed by every man , before he can be a christian. and in that sense i deny his assertion to be true , viz. that they do not occur in any one place of scripture . for they do all occur in that first sermon of st. peter , act. ii. . by which three thousand were at that time brought into the church , and that in these words , therefore let all the house of israel know assuredly , that god hath made that same iesus , whom you have crucified , lord and christ. repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of iesus christ. here is the doctrine of jesus the messiah , the lord , and of repentance propos'd , to those who already believe one god ; which i say , are all the parts of the christian faith necessary to be received to make a man a christian. to suppose , as the unmasker does here , that more is required , is to beg , not prove the question . if he disputes this collection of mine out of that sermon of st. peter , i will give him a more authentick collection of the necessary parts of the christian faith from an author that he will not question . let him look into act. . , &c. and there he will find st. paul saying thus to the elders of ephesus , whom he was taking his last leave of , with an assurance , that he should never see them again . i have kept back nothing that was profitable unto you . but have shew'd you , and have taught you publickly and from house to house , testifying both to the iews , and also to the greeks , repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord iesus christ. if st. paul knew what was necessary to make a christian , here it is : here he ( if he knew how to do it , for 't is plain from his words he designed to do it ) has put it together . but there is a greater yet than st. paul , who has brought all the parts of faith necessary to salvation into one place , i mean our saviour himself , ioh. xvii . . in these words . this is life eternal , that they might know thee the only true god , and iesus christ whom thou hast sent . but the unmasker goes on . therefore when in some places , only one single part of the christian faith is made mention of , as necessarily to be imbrac'd in order to salvation , we must be careful not to take it alone , but to supply it from several other places , which make mention of other necessary and indispensable points of belief . i will give the reader a plain instance of this , rom. x. . if thou shalt believe in thy heart , that god hath rais'd him ( i. e. the lord iesus ) from the dead thou shalt be saved . here one article of faith , viz. the belief of christ's resurrection ( because it is of so great importance in christianity ) is only mention'd : but all the rest must be supposed , because they are mention'd in other places . answ. one would wonder that any one conversant in holy writ , with ever so little attention ; much more that an expounder of the scriptures should so mistake the sense and stile of the scripture . believing iesus to be the messiah with a lively faith , i. e. as i have shew'd , taking him to be our king , with a sincere submission to the laws of his kingdom , is all that is required to make a man a christian ; for this includes repentance too . the believing him therefore to be the messiah , is very often , and with great reason , put both for faith and repentance too ; which are sometimes set down singly , where one is put for both , as implying the other : and sometimes they are both mention'd ; and then faith , as contradistinguish'd to repentance , is taken for a simple assent of the mind to this truth that iesus is the messiah . now this faith is variously expressed in scripture . there are some particulars in the history of our saviour allow'd to be so peculiarly appropriated to the messiah , such incommunicable marks of him , that to believe them of iesus of nazareth was in effect the same , as to believe him to be the messiah , and so are put to express it . the principal of these is his resurrection from the dead , which being the great : and demonstrative proof of his being the messiah , 't is not at all strange , that the believing his resurrection should be put for believing him to be the messiah : since the declaring his resurrection was a declaring him to be the messiah . for thus st. paul argues , act. xiii . , . we declare unto you good tidings , or we preach the gospel to you , for so the word signifies , how that the promise that was made unto the fathers , god hath fullfilled the same unto us their children , in that he hath raised up iesus again . the force of which argument lies in this , that if iesus was raised from the dead , then he was certainly the messiah : and thus the promise of the messiah was fullfilled in raising iesus from the dead . the like argument st. paul useth , cor. xv. . if christ be not raised , your faith is vain , you are yet in your sins . i. e. if iesus be not risen from the dead , he is not the messiah , your believing it is in vain , and you will receive no benefit by that faith. and so likewise from the same argument of his resurrection , he at thessalonica proves him to be the messiah , act. xvii . , . and paul , as his manner was , went into the synagogue , and three sabbath days reasoned with the jews out of the scriptures , opening and alledging that the messiah must needs have suffered , and risen again from the dead : and that this iesus whom i preach unto you is the messiah . the necessary connection of these two , that if he rose from the dead he was the messiah ; and if he rose not from the dead he was not the messiah ; the chief priest and pharisees , that had prosecuted him to death , understood very well , who therefore came together unto pilate saying , sir , we remember that that deceiver said , whilst he was yet alive , after three days i will rise again . command therefore that the sepulchre be made sure unto the third day , least his disciples come by night and steal him away , and say unto the people , he is risen from the dead : so the last error shall be worse than the first . the error they here speak of , 't is plain , was the opinion , that he was the messiah . to stop that belief , which his miracles had procured him amongst the people , they had got him put to death : but if after that , it should be believed , that he rose again from the dead , this demonstration that he was the messiah , would but establish what they had laboured to destroy , by his death : since no one , who believed his resurrection , could doubt of his being the messiah . 't is not at all therefore to be wonder'd , that his resurrection , his ascension , his rule and dominion , and his coming to judge the quick and the dead , which are characteristical marks of the messiah , and belong peculiarly to him , should sometimes in scripture be put alone as sufficient descriptions of the messiah ; and the believing them of him put for believing him to be the messiah . thus , acts x. our saviour in peter's discourse to cornelius , when he brought him the gospel , is describ'd to be the messiah , by his miracles , death , resurrection , dominion , and coming to judge the quick and the dead . these , ( which in my reasonableness of christianity , i have upon this ground taken the liberty to call concomitant articles ) where they are set alone for the faith to which salvation is promis'd , plainly signifie the believing iesus to be the messiah , that fundamental article which has the promise of life ; and so give no foundation at all for what the unmasker says , in these words . here one article of faith , viz. the belief of christ's resurrection ( because it is of so great importance in christianity ) is only mention'd ; but all the rest must be suppos'd , because they are mention'd in other places . answ. if all the rest be of absolute , and indispensible necessity to be believed to make a man a christian , all the rest are every one of them of equal importance . for things of equal necessity to any end , are of equal importance to that end . but here the truth forced its way unawares from the unmasker . our saviour's resurrection , for the reason i have given , is truly of great importance in christianity ; so great , that his being or not being the messiah stands or falls with it : so that these two important articles are inseparable , and in effect make but one . for since that time , believe one and you believe both ; deny one of them and you can believe neither . if the unmasker can shew me any one of the articles in his list , which is not of this great importance mention'd alone with a promise of salvation for believing it , i will grant him to have some colour for what he says here . but where is to be found in the scripture any such expression as this ; if thou shalt believe with thy heart the corruption and degeneracy of humane nature , thou shalt be saved ? or the like ? this place therefore out of the romans makes not for , but against his list of necessary articles . one of them alone he cannot shew me any where set down , with a supposition of the rest , as having salvation promis'd to it . though it be true , that that one which alone is absolutely necessary to be superadded to the belief of one god , is in divers places differently expressed . that which he subjoins , as a consequence of what he had said , is a farther proof of this . and consequently , says he , if we would give an impartial account of our belief , we must consult those places : and they are not all together , but dispersed here and there : wherefore we must look them out , and acquaint our selves with the several particulars , which make up our belief , and render it entire and consummate . answ. never was man constanter to a loose way of talking . the question is only about articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian : and here he talks of the several particulars , which make up our belief , and render it entire and consummate ; confounding as he did before essential and integral parts , which it seems he cannot distinguish . our faith is true and saving , when it is such as god by the new covenant requires it to be : but it is not entire and consummate , till we explicitely believe all the truths contained in the word of god. for the whole revelation of truth in the scripture , being the proper and entire object of faith. our faith cannot be entire and consummate , till it be adequate to its proper object , which is the whole divine revelation contain'd in the scripture : and so to make our faith entire and consummate , we must not look out those places , which he says , are not all together . to talk of looking out , and culling of places is nonsense , where the whole scripture alone can make up our belief , and render it entire and consummate : which no one , i think , can hope for in this frail state of ignorance and error . to make the unmasker speak sense , ● and to the purpose , here , we must understand him thus . that if we will give an impartial account of the articles , that are necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , we must consult those places where they are , for they are not all together , but dispersed here and there , wherefore we must look them out , and acquaint our selves with the several particulars which make up the fundamental articles of our belief , and will render a catalogue of them entire and consummate . if his supposition be true , i grant his method to be reasonable , and upon that i join issue with him . let him thus give us an impartial account of our belief : let him acquaint us with the several particulars , which make up a christian's belief , and render it entire and consummate . till he has done this , let him not talk thus in the air of a method , that will not do : let him not reproach me , as he does , for not taking a course , by which he himself cannot do , what he reviles me for failing in . but our hasty author , says he , took another course , and thereby deceived himself and unhappily deceived others . if it be so , i desire the unmasker to take the course he proposes , and thereby undeceive me , and others ; and acquaint us with the several particulars which make up a christian's belief , and render it entire and consummate . for i am willing to be undeceived : but till he has done that , and shewn us by the success of it , that his course is better , he cannot blame us for ●ollowing that course we have done . i come now to his fourth and last particular , p. . which he says , is the main answer to the objection , and therefore i shall set it down in his own words entire as it stands together . this , says he , must be born in our minds , that christianity was erected by degrees , according to that prediction and promise of our saviour , that the spirit should teach them all things , joh. xiv . . and that he should guide them into all truth , joh. xvi . . viz. after his departure and ascension , when the holy ghost was to be sent in a special manner to enlighten mens minds , and to discover to them the great mysteries of christianity . this is to be noted by us , as that which gives great light in the present case . the discovery of the doctrines of the gospel was gradual . it was by certain steps that christianity climbed to its heighth . we are not to think then that all the necessary doctrines of the christian religion were clearly publish'd to the world in our saviour's time . not but that all that were necessary for that time were publish'd : but some which were necessary for the succeeding one were not then discover'd or at least not fully . they had ordinarily no belief , before christ's death and resurrection , of those substantial articles , i. e. that he should die and rise again ; but we read in the acts , and in the epistles , that these were formal articles of faith afterwards , and are ever since necessary to compleat the christian belief . so as to other great verities , the gospel increased by degrees , and was not perfect at once . which furnishes us with a reason why most of the choicest and sublimest truths of christianity are to be met with in the epistles of the apostles , they being such doctrines as were not clearly discover'd and open'd in the gospels and the acts. thus far the vnmasker . i thought hitherto , that the covenant of grace in christ jesus had been but one , immutably the same : but our vnmasker here makes two , or i know not how many . for i cannot tell how to conceive , that the conditions of any covenant should be changed , and the covenant remain the same : every change of conditions in my apprehension makes a new and another covenant . we are not to think , says the vnmasker , that all the necessary doctrines of the christian religion were clearly publish'd to the world in our saviour's time ; not but that all that were necessary for that time were publish'd : but some which were necessary for the succeeding one , were not then discover'd ; or at least not fully . answ. the unmasker , constant to himself , speaks here doubtfully , and cannot tell whether he should say that the articles necessary to succeeding times , were discover'd in our saviour's time , or no : and therefore , that he may provide himself a retreat , in the doubt he is in , he says , they were not clearly publish'd ; they were not then discover'd , or at least not fully . but we must desire him to pull off his mask , and to that purpose . o. i ask him how he can tell , that all the necessary doctrines were obscurely published or in part discover'd ; for an obscure publishing , a discovery in part , is opposed to , and intimated in not clearly published , not fully discover'd . and if a clear and full discovery be all that he denies to them , i ask xxxvii . which those fundamental articles are , which were obscurely publish'd , but not fully discovered , in our saviour's time ? and next , i shall desire him to tell me xxxviii . whether there are any articles necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , that were not discover'd at all in our saviour's time , and which they are . if he cannot shew these distinctly , it is plain he talks at random about them : but he has no clear and distinct conception of those that were publish'd , or not publish'd ; clearly or obscurely discover'd , in our saviour's time . it was necessary for him to say something , for those his pretended necessary articles , which are not to be ●ound any where propos'd in the preaching of our saviour and his apostles to their yet unbelieving auditors ; and therefore he says , we are not to think all the necessary doctrines of the christian religion were clearly published to the world in our saviour's time . but he barely says it , without giving any reason , why we are not to think so . it is enough that it is necessary to his hypothesis . he says we are not to think so , and we are presently bound not to think so . else from another man , that did not usurp an authority over our thoughts , it would have requir'd some reason to make them think , that something more was requir'd to make a man a christian after than in our saviour's time . for , as i take it , it is not a very probable , much less a self-evident proposition , to be received without proof , that there was something necessary for that time , to make a man a christian , and something more that was necessary to make a man a christian in the succeeding time . however , since this great master says we ought to think so , let us in obedience think so as well as we can ; till he vouchsafes to give us some reason to think , that there was more requir'd to be believed to make a man a christian in the succeeding time , than in our saviour's . this , instead of removing , does but increase the difficulty : for if more were necessary to be believed to make a man a christian after our saviour's time , than was during his life ; how comes it , that no more was propos'd by the apostles in their preaching to unbelievers for the making them christians , after our saviour's death , than there was before : even this one article , that he was the messiah ? for i desire the unmasker to shew me any of those other articles mentioned in his list ( except the resurrection and ascension of our saviour , which were intervening matters of fact , evidencing him to be the messiah ) that were propos'd by the apostles after our saviour's time to their unbelieving hearers , to make them christians . this one doctrine , that iesus was the messiah , was that , which was propos'd in our saviour's time to be believed , as necessary to make a man a christian : the same doctrine was likewise what was propos'd afterwards , in the preaching of the apostles to unbelievers , to make them christians . i grant this was more clearly propos'd after than in our saviour's time ; but in both of them it was all that was propos'd to the believers of one god , to make them christians . let him shew , that there were any other propos'd in or after our saviour's time to be believed , to make unbelievers christians . if he means by necessary articles published to the world , the other doctrines contain'd in the epistles ; i grant they are all of them necessary articles to be believed by every christian , as far as he understands them . but i deny , that they were propos'd to those they were writ to , as necessary to make them christians , for this demonstrative reason : because they were christians already . for example , many doctrines proving , and explaining , and giving a farther light into the gospel , are publish'd in the epistles to the corinthians and thessalonians . these are all of divine authority , and none of them may be disbelieved by any one who is a christian : but yet what was propos'd or publish'd to both the corinthians and thessalonians to make them christians , was only this doctrine that iesus was the messiah : as may be seen , act. xvii . and xviii . this then was the doctrine necessary to make men christians in our saviour's time ; and this the only doctrine necessary to make unbelievers christians after our saviour's time . the only difference was , that it was more clearly propos'd after than before his ascension : the reason whereof has been sufficiently explain'd . but any other doctrine but this , propos'd clearly or obscurely , in or after our saviour's time , as necessary to be believed to make unbelievers christians , that remains yet to be shewn . when the unmasker speaks of the doctrines that were necessary for the succeeding time after our saviour , he is in doubt whether he should say they were , or were not discover'd in our saviour's time ; and how far they were then discover'd : and therefore he says , some of them were not then ●●●cover'd , or at least not fully . we must here excuse the doubtfulness of his talking concerning the discovery of his other necessary articles . for how could he say they were discover'd , or not discover'd , clearly or obscurely , fully or not fully , when he does not yet know them all , nor can tell us , what those necessary articles are ? if he does know them let him give us a list of them , and then we shall see easily whether they were at all publish'd or discover'd in our saviour's time . if there are some of them , that were not at all discover'd in our saviour's time , let him speak it out , and leave shifting : and if some of those , that were not necessary for our saviour's time , but for the succeeding one only were yet discover'd in our saviour's time , why were they not necessary to be believed in that time ? but the truth is , he knows not what these doctrines necessary for succeeding times are , and therefore can say nothing positive about their discovery . and for those that he has set down , as soon as he shall name any one of them , to be of the number of those not necessary for our saviour's time , but necessary for the succeeding one , it will presently appear , either that it was discover'd in our saviour's time ; and then it was as necessary for his time as the succeeding : or else that it was not discover'd in his time , nor to several converts after his time , before they were made christians ; and therefore it was no more necessary to be believed to make a man a christian in the succeeding , than it was in our saviour's time . however , general positions and distinctions without a foundation , serve for shew , and to beguile unwary and inattentive readers . o. having thus minded him that the question is about articles of faith necessary to be explicitly and distinctly believed to make a man a christian ; i then , in the next place , demand of him to tell me , xxxix . whether or no all the articles necessary now to be distinctly and explicitly believed to make any man a christian , were distinctly and explicitly published or discover'd in our saviour's time . and then i shall desire to know of him , xl. a reason why they were not . those that he instances in of christ's death and resurrection , will not help him one jot : for they are not new doctrines revealed , new mysteries discovered ; but matters of fact , which happen'd to our saviour in their due time , to compleat in him the character and predictions of the messiah , and demonstrate him to be the deliverer promised . these are recorded of him by the spirit of god in holy writ ; but are no more necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , than any other part of divine revelation , but as far as they have an immediate connexion with his being the messiah , and cannot be denied without denying him to be the messiah : and therefore this article of his resurrection ( which supposes his death ) and such other propositions as are convertible with his being the messiah , are , as they very well may be , put for his being the messiah ; and as i have shew'd , propos'd to be believed in the place of it . all that is reveal'd in scripture has a consequential necessity of being believed by all those , to whom it is propos'd : because it is of divine authority , one part as much as another . and in this sense , all the divine truths in the inspired writings are fundamental and necessary to be believed . but then this will destroy our vnmasker's select number of fundamental articles : and the choicest and sublimest truths of christianity , which he tells us , are to be met with in the epistles , will not be more necessary to be believed , than any , which he may think the commonest or meanest truths in any of the epistles or the gospels . whatsoever part of divine revelation , whether reveal'd before , or in , or after our saviour's time ; whether it contain ( according to the distinction of our unmasker's nice palate ) choice or common ; sublime or not sublime truths ; is necessary to be believed by every one , to whom it is propos'd , as far as he under●tands , what is propos'd . but god by iesus christ has entred into a covenant of grace with mankind ; a covenant of faith , instead of that of works , wherein some truths are absolutely necessary to be explicitly believed by them to make men christians ; and therefore those truths are necessary to be known , and consequently necessary to be propos'd to them to make them christians . this is peculiar to them to make men christians . for all men , as men , are under a necessary obligation to believe what god proposes to them to be believed : but there being certain distinguishing truths , which belong to the covenant of the gospel , which if men know not , they cannot be christians ; and they being some of them such as cannot be known without being propos'd ; those and those only are the necessary doctrines of christianity i speak of ; without a knowledge of , and assent to which , no man can be a christian. to come therefore to a clear decision of this controversie , i desire the unmasker to tell me , xli . what those doctrines are which are absolutely necessary to be proposed to every man to make him a christian . xlii . o. whether they are all the truths of divine revelation contain'd in the bible . for , i grant his argument ( which in another place he uses for some of them , and truly belongs to them all ) viz. that they were reveal'd and written there on purpose to be believed , and that it is indispensibly necessary for christians to believe them . xliii . o. or whether it be only that one article of iesus being the messiah , which the history of our saviour and his apostles preaching has with such a peculiar distinction every where propos'd . xliv . o. or whether the doctrines necessary to be propos'd to every one to make him a christian , be any set of truths between these two . and if he says this latter , then i must ask him , xlv . what they are ? that we may see why those rather than any other contain'd in the new testament , are necessary to be propos'd to every man to make him a christian ; and if they are not every one propos'd to him , and assented to by him , he cannot be a christian. the vnmasker makes a great noise , and hopes to give his unwary , though well-meaning readers , odd thoughts , and strong impressions against my book , by declaiming against my lank faith , and my narrowing of christianity to one article ; which , as he says , is the next way to reduce it to none . but when it is consider'd , it will be found , that 't is he that narrows christianity . the unmasker , as if he were arbiter and dispenser of the oracles of god , takes upon him to single out some texts of scripture ; and , where the words of scripture will not serve his turn , to impose on us his interpretations and deductions as necessary articles of faith ; which is in effect to make them of equal authority with the unquestionable word of god. and thus , partly in the words of the scripture , and partly in words of his own , he makes a set of fundamentals , with an exclusion of all the other truths deliver'd , by the spirit of god in the bible : though all the rest be of the same divine authority , and original ; and ought therefore all equally , as far as they are understood , by every christian to be believed . i tell him , and i desire him to take notice of it : god has no where given him an authority thus to garble the inspired writings of the holy scriptures . every part of it is his word , and ought every part of it to be believed by every christian man , according as god shall inable him to understand it . it ought not to be narrowed to the cut of the vnmasker's peculiar system : 't is a presumption of the highest nature , for him thus to pretend according to his own phancy to establish a set of fundamental articles . this is to diminish the authority of the word of god , to set up his own ; and create a reverence to his system , from which the several parts of divine revelations are to receive their weight , dignity and authority . those passages of holy writ which suit with that , are fundamental , choice , sublime and necessary : the rest of the scripture ( as of no great moment ) is not fundamental , is not necessary to be believed , may be neglected , or must be tortur'd to comply with an analogy of faith of his own making . but though he pretend to a certain set of fundamentals ; yet to shew the vanity , and impudence of that pretence , he cannot tell us which they are ; and therefore in vain contends for a creed he knows not , and is yet no where . he neither does , and which is more , i tell him he never can give us a collection of his fundamentals gather'd upon his principles out of the scripture , with the rejection of all the rest as not fundamental . he does not observe the difference there is between what is necessary to be believed by every man to make him a christian , and what is requir'd to be believed by every christian. the first of these is what by the covenant of the gospel is necessary to be known , and consequently to be propos'd to every man to make him a christian : the latter is no less than the whole revelation of god ; all the divine truths contain'd in holy scripture ; which every christian man is under a necessity to believe , so far as it shall please god upon his serious and constant endeavours to enlighten his mind to understand them . the preaching of our saviour and his apostles , has sufficiently taught us what is necessary to be propos'd to every man to make him a christian. he that believes him to be the promised messiah , takes iesus for his king , and repenting of his former sins , sincerely resolves to live for the future in obedience to his laws is a subject of his kingdom , is a christian. if he be not , i desire the unmasker to tell me , what more is requisite to make him so . till he does that , i rest satisfied , that this is all that was at first , and is still necessary to make a man a christian. this , though it be contain'd in a few words , and those not hard to be understood ; though it be in one voluntary act of the mind relinquishing all irregular courses , and submitting it self to the rule of him , whom god had sent to be our king , and promised to be our saviour ; yet it having relation to the race of mankind from the first man adam to the end of the world , it being a contrivance , wherein god has displaid so much of his wisdom and goodness to the corrupt and lost sons of men , and it being a design to which the almighty had a peculiar regard in the whole constitution and oeconomy of the iews , as well as in the prophecies and history of the old testament ; this was a foundation capable of large superstructures . . in explaining the occasion , necessity , use and end of his coming . . next , in proving him to be the person promis'd ; by a correspondence of his birth , life , sufferings , death , and resurrection , to all those prophecies and types of him , which had given the expectation of such a deliverer , and to those descriptions of him whereby he might be known , when he did come . . in the discovery of the sort , constitution , extent , and management of his kingdom . . in shewing from what we are deliver'd by him , and how that deliverance is wrought out , and what are the consequences of it . these , and a great many more the like , afford great numbers of truths deliver'd both in the historical , epistolary , and prophetical writings of the new testament , wherein the mysteries of the gospel hidden from former ages were discover'd ; and that more fully , i grant , after the pouring out of the holy ghost upon the apostles . but could no body take christ for their promised king , and resolve to obey him , unless he understood all the truths that concern'd his kingdom , or , as i may say , mysteries of state of it ? the truth of the contrary is manifest out of the plain and uniform preaching of the apostles , after they had received the holy ghost , that was to guide them into all truth . nay , after the writing of those epistles , wherein were contain'd the unmasker's sublimest truths ; they every where propos'd to unbelievers iesus the messiah to be their king , ordain'd of god ; and to this join'd repentance : and this alone they preach'd for the conversion of their unbelieving hearers . as soon as any one assented to this , he was pronounced a believer ; and these inspired rulers of the church , these infallible preachers of the gospel , admitted him into christ's kingdom by baptism . and this after , long after our saviour's ascension , when ( as our unmasker expresses it ) the holy ghost was to be sent in a special manner to enlighten mens minds , and to discover to them the great mysteries of christianity , even as long as the apostles lived : and what others were to do , who afterwards were to preach the gospel ; st. paul tells us , cor. iii. . other foundation can no man lay than that is laid , even iesus the messiah . though upon this foundation men might build variously , things that would , or would not hold the touch ; yet however , as long as they kept firm to this foundation , they should be saved , as appears in the following verses . and indeed , if all the doctrines of the gospel , which are contain'd in the writings of the apostles and evangelists , were necessary to be understood , and explicitly believed , in the true sense of those that deliver'd them , to make a man a christian ; i doubt whether ever any one , even to this day , was a true christian : though i believe the unmasker will not deny but that , e're this , christianity ( as he expresses it ) is by certain steps climbed to its height . but for this , the unmasker has found a convenient and wise remedy . 't is but for him to have the power to declare , which of the doctrines deliver'd in holy writ are , and which are not necessary to be believed , with an additional power to add others of his own , that he cannot find there , and the business is done . for unless this be allow'd him , his system cannot stand : unless his interpretations be received for authentick revelation , we cannot have all doctrines necessary for our time ; in truth , we cannot be christians . for to this only , what he says concerning the gradual discovery of the doctrines of the gospel tends . we are not to think , says he , that all the necessary doctrines of the christian religion were clearly publish'd to the world in our saviour's time . not but that all that were necessary for that time were publish'd : but some that were necessary for the succeeding one were not then discover'd , or at least not fully . i must here ask the unmasker a short question , or two ; as first , xlvi . are not all the doctrines necessary for our time contain'd in his system ? next , xlvii . can all the doctrines necessary for our time , be propos'd in the express words of the scripture ? when he has answer'd these two plain questions ( and an answer to them , i shall expect ) the world will then see , what he designs by doctrines necessary for our saviour's time , and doctrines necessary for succeeding times ; whether he means any thing else by it , but the setting up his system , as the exact standard of the gospel ; and the true and unalterable measure of christianity , in which it has climbed to its height . let not good and sincere christians be deceived , nor perplexed by this maker of another christianity , than what the infallible spirit of god has lest us in the scriptures . 't is evident from thence , that whoever takes iesus the messiah for his king , with a resolution to live by his laws , and does sincerely repent as often as he transgresses any of them , is his subject ; all such are christians . what they are to know , or believe more concerning him , and his kingdom , when they are his subjects , he has left upon record in the great and sacred code , and constitutions of his kingdom , i mean in the holy scriptures . all that is contain'd therein , as coming from the god of truth , they are to receive as truth , and imbrace as such . but since it is impossible explicitly to believe any proposition of the christian doctrine but what men understand , or in any other sense than we understand it to have been deliver'd in ; an explicit belief is , or can be required in no man , of more than what he understands of that doctrine . and thus , whatsoever upon fair endeavours , he understands to be contain'd in that doctrine , is necessary to him to be believed : nor can he continue a subject of christ upon other terms . what he is perswaded is the meaning of christ his king , in any expression he finds in the sacred code ; that by his allegiance he is bound to submit his mind to receive for true , or else he denies the authority of christ , and refuses to believe him ; nor can be excused by calling any one on earth master . and hence it is evidently impossible for a christian to understand any text in one sence , and believe it in another , by whomsoever dictated . all that is contain'd in the inspired writings , is all of divine authority , must all be allow'd for such , and received for divine and infallible truth , by every subject of christ's kingdom , i. e. every christian. how comes then the unmasker to distinguish these dictates of the holy spirit into necessary and not necessary truths ? i desire him to produce his commission , whereby he hath the power given him to tell , which of the divine truths contain'd in the holy scripture are of necessity to be believed , and which not . who made him a judge or divider between them ? who gave him this power over the oracles of god ; to set up one , and debase another at his pleasure ? some , as he thinks sit , are the choicest truths . and what i beseech him are the other ? who made him a chuser , where no body can pick and chuse ? every proposition there , as far as any christian can understand it , is indispensibly necessary to be believed : and farther than he does understand it , it is impossible for him to believe it . the laws of christ's kingdom do not require impossibilities , for they are all reasonable , just and good . some of the truths delivered in holy writ are very plain : 't is impossible , i think , to mistake their meaning : and those certainly are all necessary to be explicitely believ'd . others have more difficulty in them , and are not easy to be understood . is the unmasker appointed christ's vicegerent here , or the holy ghost's interpreter , with authority to pronounce which of these are necessary to be believ'd , and in what sense , and which not ▪ the obscurity that is to be found in several passages of the scripture , the difficulties that cover and perplex the meaning of several texts , demand of every christian study , diligence , and attention , in reading and hearing the scriptures ; in comparing , and examining them ; and receiving what light he can from all manner of helps , to understand these books wherein are contain'd the words of life . this the unmaker , and every one is to do for himself ; and thereby find out , what is necessary for him to believe . but i do not know that the unmasker is to understand , and interpret for me , more than i for him . if he has such a power i desire him to produce it . till then i can acknowledge no other infallible , but that guide , which he directs me to himself here in these words , according to our saviour's promise , the holy ghost was to be sent in a special manner to enlighten mens minds , and to discover to them the great mysteries of christianity . for whether by men he here means those on whom the holy ghost was so eminently poured out , act. ii. or whether he means by these words , that special assistance of the holy ghost , whereby particular men to the end of the world , are to be lead into the truth , by opening their understandings , that they may understand the scriptures ( for he always loves to speak doubtfully and indefinitely ) i know no other infallible guide , but the spirit of god in the scriptures . nor has god left it in my choice , to take any man for such . if he had , i should think the unmasker the unlikeliest to be he , and the last man in the world to be chosen for that ▪ guide : and herein , i appeal to any sober christian , who hath read what the unmasker has with so little truth and decency ( for 't is not always mens fault if they have not sense ) writ upon this question , whether he would not be of the same mind ? but yet as very an unmasker as he is , he will be extremely apt to call you names , nay to declare you no christian ; and boldly affirm you have no christianity , if you will not swallow it just as it is of his cooking . you must take it just as he has been pleased to dose it ; no more , nor no less , than what is in his system . he hath put himself into the throne of christ , and pretends to tell you , which are , and which are not the indispensable laws of his kingdom . which parts of his divine revelation you must necessarily know , understand , and believe , and in what sense ; and which you need not trouble your head about , but may pass by as not necessary to be believed . he will tell you that some of his necessary articles are mysteries , and yet ( as he does p. . of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism ) that they are easy to be understood by any man , when explained to him . in answer to that , i demanded of him who was to explain them ? the papists i told him , would explain some of them one way , and the reformed another ; the remonstrants and anti-remonstrants give them different senses ; and probably the trinitarians and unitarians will profess , that they understand not each other 's explications . but to this in his reply he has not vouchsafed to give me any answer . which yet i expect , and i will tell him why ; because as there are different explainers , there will be different fundamentals . and therefore , unless he can shew his authority to be the sole explainer of fundamentals , he will in vain make such a pudder about his fundamentals . another explainer , of as good authority as he , will set up others against them . and what then shall we be the better for all this stir , and noise of fundamentals ? and i desire it may be consider'd how much of the divisions in the church , and bloody persecutions amongst christians , has been owing to christianity thus set up against christianity , in multiplied fundamentals and articles , made necessary by the infallibility of opposite systems . the unmasker's zeal wants nothing but power to make good his to be the only christianity , for he has found the apostles creed to be defective . he is as infallible as the pope , and another as infallible as he ; and where humane additions are made to the terms of the gospel , men seldom want zeal for what is their own . to conclude ; what was sufficient to make a man a christian in our saviour's time , is sufficient still , viz. the taking him for our king and lord , ordained so by god. what was necessary to be believed by all christians in our saviour's time as an indispensable duty , which they owed to their lord and master , was the believing all divine revelation , as far as every one could understand it : and just so it is still , neither more nor less . this being so , the unmasker may make what use he pleases of his notion , that christianity was erected by degrees , it will no way ( in that sence in which it is true ) turn to the advantage of his select fundamental necessary doctrines . the next chapter has nothing in it , but his great bug-bear , whereby he hopes to fright people from reading my book , by crying out , socinianism , socinianism . whereas i challenge him again to shew one word of socinianism in it . but however it is worth while to write a book to prove me a socinian . truly , i did not think my self so considerable , that the world need be troubled about me , whether i were a follower of socinus , arminius , calvin , or any other leader of a sect amongst christians . a christian i am sure i am , because i believe iesus to be the messiah , the king and saviour promised , and sent by god : and as a subject of his kingdom , i take the rule of my faith , and life , from his will declar'd and left upon record in the inspired writings of the apostles and evangelists in the new testament : which i endeavour to the utmost of my power , as is my duty , to understand in their true sense and meaning . to lead me into their true meaning , i know ( as i have above declar'd ) no infallible guide , but the same holy spirit , from whom these writings at first came . if the unmasker knows any other infallible interpreter of scripture , i desire him to direct me to him . till then , i shall think it according to my master's rule , not to be called , nor to call any man on earth master . no man , i think , has a right to prescribe to my faith , or magisterially to impose his interpretations or opinions on me : nor is it material to any one what mine are , any farther than they carry their own evidence with them . if this , which i think makes me of no sect , entitles me to the name of a papist , or a socinian , because the unmasker thinks these the worst , and most invidious he can give me ; and labours to fix them on me for no other reason , but because i will not take him for my master on earth , and his system for my gospel ; i shall leave him to recommend himself to the world by this skill , who no doubt will have reason to thank him for the rareness and subtility of his discovery . for , i think , i am the first man , that ever was found out to be at the same time a socinian , and a factor for rome . but what is too hard for such an unmasker ? i must be what he thinks fit . when he pleases a papist , and when he pleases a socinian , and when he pleases a mahometan . and probably , when he has consider'd a little better , an atheist ; for i hardly scaped it when he writ last . my book , he says , hath a tendency to it ; and if he can but go on , as he has done hitherto , from surmises to certainties , by that time he writes next his discovery will be advanced , and he will certainly find me an atheist . only one thing i dare assure him of , that he shall never find , that i treat the things of god or religion so , as if i made only a trade , or a jest of them . but let us now see how at present he proves me a socinian . his first argument is , my not answering for my leaving out , matth. xxviii . . and iohn i. . pag. . of his socinianism unmask'd . this he takes to be a confession , that i am a socinian . i hope he means fairly , and that if it be so on my side , it must be taken for a standing rule between us , that where any thing is not answer'd , it must be taken for granted . and upon that score , i must desire him to remember some passages of my vindication , which i have already , and others which i shall mind him of hereafter , which he passed over in silence , and hath had nothing to say to , which therefore by his own rule , i shall desire the reader to observe , that he has granted . this being premised ; i must tell the unmasker , that i perceive he reads my book with the same understanding that he writes his own . if he had done otherwise , he might have seen , that i had given him a reason for my omission of those two , and other plain and obvious passages and famous testimonies in the evangelists , as he calls them , where i say , p. . that if i have le●t out none of those passages or testimonies , which contain what our saviour and his apostles preach'd and required assent to , to make men believers , i shall think my omissions ( let them be what they will ) no faults in the present case . whatever doctrines mr. edwards would have to be believed , to make a man a christian , he will be sure to find them in those preachings and famous testimonies of our saviour and his apostles i have quoted . and if they are not there , he may rest satisfied , that they were not propos'd by our saviour and his apostles , as necessary to be believed to make men christ's disciples . from which words , any one but an unmasker , would have understood my answer to be , that all that was necessary to be believed to make men christians , might be found in what our saviour and the apostles propos'd to unbelievers for their conversion : but the two passages abovemention'd , as well as a great many others in the evangelists , being none of those , i had no reason to take notice of them . but the unmasker having out of his good pleasure put it once upon me , as he does in his thoughts of the causes of atheism , p. . that i was an epitomizer of the evangelical writings , though every one may see i make not that my business , yet `t is no matter for that , i must always be accountable to that fancy of his . but when he has proved , xlviii . that this is not as just a reason for my omitting them , as several other obvious passages and famous testimonies in the evangelists , which i there mention , for whose omission he does not blame me , i will undertake to give him another reason , which i know not whether he were not better let alone . the next proof of my being a socinian is , that i take the son of god to be an expression used to signifie the messiah . slichtingius and socinus understood it so , and therefore i am , the unmasker says , a socinian . just as good an argument , as that i believe iesus to be a prophet , and so do the mahometans , therefore i am a mahometan : or thus , the unmaskert holds that the apostles creed does not contain all things necessary to salvation , and so says knot the jesuit : therefore the unmasker is a papist . let me turn the tables , and by the same argument i am orthodox again . for two orthodox , pious and very eminent prelates of our church , whom , when i follow authorities , i shall prefer to slichtingius and socinus , understand it as i do , and therefore i am orthodox . nay , it so falls out , that if it were of force either way , the argument would weigh most on this side : since i am not wholly a stranger to the writings of these two orthodox bishops , but i never read a page in either of those socinians . the never sufficiently admir'd and valued archbishop tillotson's words , which i quoted , the unmasker says , do not necessarily import any such thing . i know no words that necessarily import any thing to a caviller . but he was known to have such clear thoughts , and so clear a stile ; so far from having any thing doubtful , or fallacious in what he said , that i shall only set down his words as they are in his sermon of sincerity , p. . to shew his meaning . nathaniel , says he , being satisfied , that he [ our saviour ] was the messiah , he presently owned him for such , calling him the son of god , and the king of israel . the words of the other eminent prelate , the bishop of ely , whom our church is still happy in , are these . to be the son of god , and to be christ , being but different expressions of the same thing : witness , p. . and p. . it is the very same thing to believe that iesus is the christ , and to believe that iesus is the son of god , express it how you please . this alone is the faith which can regenerate a man , and put a divine spirit into him , that it makes him a conqueror over the world as iesus was . of this the unmasker says , that this reverend author speaking only in a general way represents these two as the same thing , viz. that iesus is the christ , and that jesus is the son of god , because these expressions are applied to the same person , and because they are both comprehended in one general name , viz. jesus . answ. the question is whether these two expressions , the son of god , and the messiah , in the learned bishop's opinion signifie the same thing . if his opinion had been asked in the point , i know not how he could have declar'd it more clearly . for he says they are expressions of the same thing , and that it is the very same thing to believe that iesus is the messiah , and to believe that he is the son of god ; which cannot be so , if messiah and son of god have different significations : for then they will make two distinct propositions in different sences , which it can be no more the same thing to believe , than it is the same thing to believe that mr. edwards is a notable preacher , and a notable railer ; or than it is to believe one truth and all truths . for by the same reason , that it is the same thing to believe two distinct truths , it will be the same thing to believe two thousand distinct truths , and consequently all truths . the unmasker , that he might seem to say something , says that the reverend author represents these as the same thing . answ. the unmasker never fails , like midas , to turn every thing he touches into his own metal . the learned bishop says very directly and plainly , that to be the son of god , and to be the messiah , are expressions of the same thing : and the unmasker says , he represents these expressions as one thing . for `t is of expressions that both the bishop and he speak : now , expressions can be one thing , but one of these two ways : either in sound , and so these two expressions are not one ; or insignification , and so they are . and then the unmasker says , but in other words , what the bishop had said before , viz. that these two to be the son of god and to be the messiah , are expressions of the same thing . only the unmasker has put in the word represents to amuse his reader , as if he had said something , and so indeed he does after his fashion , i. e. obscurely and fallaciously ; which when it comes to be examined , is but the same thing under shew of a difference : or else , if it has a different meaning , is demonstratively false . but so it be obscure enough to deceive a willing reader , who will not be at the pains to examine what he says , it serves his turn . but yet , as if he had said something of weight , he gives reasons for putting represents these two expressions as one thing , in stead of saying , these two are but different expressions of the same thing . the first of his reasons is , because the reverend author is here speaking only in a general way . answ. what does the vnmasker mean by a general way ? the learned bishop speaks of two particular expressions applied to our saviour . but was his discourse never so general , how could that alter the plain signification of his words , viz. that those two are but different expressions of the same thing ? o. because these expressions are applied to the same person . answ. a very demonstrative reason , is it not , that therefore they cannot be different expressions of the same thing ? o. and because they are both comprehended in one general name , viz. iesus . answ. it requires some skill to put so many falshoods in so few words . for neither both nor either of these expressions are comprehended in the name iesus : and that iesus , the name of a particular person , should be a general name , is a discovery reserv'd to be found out by this new logician . however general is a learned word , which when a man of learning has used twice , as a reason of the same thing , he is cover'd with generals . he need not trouble himself any farther about sence , he may safely talk what stu●● he pleases , without the least suspicion of his reader . having thus strongly proved just nothing ; he proceeds and tells us , p. . yet it does not follow thence , but that if we will speak strictly and closely , we must be forced to confess , they are of different significations . by which words ( if his words have any signification ) he plainly allows , that the bishop meant as he says , that these two are but different expressions of the same thing : but withal tells him , that if he will speak closely and strictly , he must say , they are of different significations . my concernment in the case being only , that in the passage alledg'd , the reverend author said , that the son of god and the messiah were different expressions of the same thing , i have no more to demand after these words of the unmasker , he has granted all i would have . but shall leave it to the decisive authority of this superlative critick to determine , whether this learned bishop , or any one living , besides himself , can understand the phrases of the new testament , and speak strictly and closely concerning them . perhaps his being yet alive , may preserve this eminent prelate from the malicious driveling of the unmasker's pen , which has bespotted the ashes of two of the same order , who were no mean ornaments of the english church ; and if they had been now alive , no body will doubt , but the unmasker would have treated them after another fashion . but let me ask the unmasker , whether ( if either of these pious prelates , whose words i have above quoted , did understand that phrase of the son of god to stand for the messiah , which they might do without holding any one socinian tenet ) he will dare to pronounce him a socinian . this is so ridiculous an inference , that i could not but laugh at it . but withal tell him , vindic. p. . that if the sence wherein i understand those texts be a mistake , i shall be beholding to him to set me right : but they are not popular authorities , or frightful names , whereby i judge of truth or falshood . to which i subjoin these words ; you ●ill now no doubt applaud your conjectures , the point is gain'd , and i am openly a socinian . since i will not disown , that i think the son of god was a phrase , that among the iews in our saviour's time was used for the messiah , though the socinians understand it in the same sence . and therefore i must certainly be of their perswasion in every thing else . i admire the accuteness , force , and fairness of your reasoning , and so i leave you to triumph in your conjectures . nor has he sailed my expectation : for here , p. . of his socinianism unmask'd , he upon this erects his comb , and crows most mightily . we may , says he , from hence as well as other reasons , pronounce him the same with those gentlemen ( i. e. as he is pleased to call them my good patrons and friends the racovians ) which you may perceive he is very apprehensive of , and thinks , that this will be reckon'd a good evidence of his being , what he denied himself to be before . the point is gain'd , saith he , and i am openly socinian . he never utter'd truer words in his life , and they are the confutation of all his pretences to the contrary . this truth which unwarily dropt from his pen , confirms what i have laid to his charge . now you have sung your song of triumph , 't is fit you should gain your victory , by shewing , xlix . how my understanding the son of god to be a phrase used amongst the iews in our saviour's time , to signifie the messiah , proves me to be a socinian . or if you think you have proved it already , i desire you to put your proof into a syllogism : for i confess my self so dull , as not to see any such conclusion deducible from my understanding that phrase as i do , even when you have proved that i am mistaken in it . the places which in the new testament shew that the son of god stands for the messiah , are so many , and so clear , that i imagine no body that ever consider'd and compar'd them together , could doubt of their meaning , unless he were an vnmasker . several of them i have collected and set down in my reasonableness of christianity , p. , , . . , , . . , . , . . . . first , iohn the baptist , joh. i. . when the iews sent to know who he was , confessed he himself was not the messiah . but of iesus he says , v. . after having several ways in the foregoing verses declar'd him to be the messiah ; and i saw and bare record , that this is the son of god. and again , chap. iii. — . he declaring iesus to be , and himself not to be the messiah , he does it in these synonymous terms of the messiah and the son of god , as appears by comparing , v. . , . nathanael owns him to be the messiah , in these words , ioh. i. . thou art the son of god , thou art the king of israel : which our saviour in the next verse calls believing , a term , all through the history of our saviour , used for owning iesus to be the messiah . and for confirming that faith of his , that he was the messiah , our saviour further adds , that he should see greater things , i. e. should see him do greater miracles , to evidence that he was the messiah . luke the th . . and devils also came out of many crying , thou art the messiah the son of god , and he rebuking them suffered them not to speak . and so again , st. mark tells us , chap. iii. , . that unclean spirits , when they saw him , fell down before him and cried , saying , thou art the son of god. and he strictly charged them , that they should not make him known . in both these places , which relate to different times , and different occasions , the devils declare iesus to be the son of god. ` t is certain , whatever they meant by it , they used a phrase of a known signification in that country . and what may we reasonably think they designed to make known to the people by it ? can we imagine these unclean spirits were promoters of the gospel , and had a mind to acknowledge and publish to the people the deity of our saviour , which the vnmasker would have to be the signification of the son of god ? who can entertain such a thought ? no , they were no friends to our saviour : and therefore desir'd to spread a belief of him , that he was the messiah , that so he might by the envy of the scribes and pharisees , be disturb'd in his ministry , and be cut off before he had compleated it . and therefore we see our saviour in both places forbids them to make him known ; as he did his disciples themselves , for the same reason . for when st. peter , mat. xvi . . had own'd iesus to be the messiah , in these words ; thou art the messiah the son of the living god. it follows , v. . then charged he his disciples , that they should tell no man , that he was iesus the messiah . just as he had forbid the devils to make him known , i. e. to be the messiah . besides , these words here of st. peter can be taken in no other sence , but barely to signifie that iesus was the messiah , to make them a proper answer to our saviour's question . his first question here to his disciples , v. . is , whom do men say that i the son of man am ? the question is not , of what original do you think the messiah when he comes will be ? for then this question would have been as it is , mat. xxii . . what think you of the messiah , whose son is he ? if he had enquir'd about the common opinion concerning the nature and descent of the messiah . but his question is concerning himself ; whom of all the extraordinary persons known to the iews , or mentioned in their sacred writings , the people thought him to be . that this was the meaning of his question is evident , from the answer the apostles gave to it ; and his further demand , v. , . they said , some say thou art iohn the baptist , some elias , and others ieremias , or one of the prophets . he saith unto them , but whom say ye that i am ? the people take me , some for one of the prophets , or extraordinary messengers from god , and some for another : but which of them do you take me to be ? simon peter answer'd and said , thou art the messiah the son of the living god. in all which discourse , 't is evident there was not the least enquiry made by our saviour concerning the person , nature , or qualifications of the messiah ; but whether the people or his apostles thought him , i. e. iesus of nazareth to be the messiah . to which st. peter gave him a direct and plain answer in the foregoing words , declaring their belief of him to be the messiah : which is all , that with any manner of congruity , could be made the sence of st. peter's answer . this alone of it self were enough to justifie my interpretation of st. peter's words , without the authority of st. mark and st. luke , both whose words confirm it . for st. mark chap. viii . . renders it , thou art the messiah , and st. luke , chap. ix . . the messiah of god. to the like question , who art thou , iohn the baptist gives a like answer , ioh. i. . . i am not the christ. by which answer , as well as by the following verses , it is plain , nothing was understood to be meant by that question , but , which of the extraordinary persons promised to or expected by the iews , art thou ? ioh. xi . . the phrase of the son of god is made use of by saint martha : and that it was used by her to signi●ie the messiah , and nothing else is evident out of the context . martha tells our saviour , that if he had been there before her brother died , he by that divine power , which he had manifested in so many miracles which he had done , could have saved his life ; and that now , if our saviour would ask it of god , he might obtain the restoration of his life . iesus tells her , he shall rise again : which words martha taking to mean , at the general resurrection , at the last day , iesus thereupon takes occasion to intimate to her , that he was the messiah , by telling her , that he was the resurrection and the life , i. e. that the life , which mankind should receive at the general resurrection , was by and through him . this was a description of the messiah . it being a received opinion amongst the iews , that when the messiah . came , the just should rise , and live with him for ever . and having made this declaration of himself to be the messiah , he asks martha , believest thou this ? what! not whose son the messiah should be ; but whether he himself was the messiah , by whom believers should have eternal life at the last day . and to this , she gives this direct and apposite answer ; yea , lord , i believe that thou art the christ the son of god , which should come into the world. the question was only whether she was perswaded , that those , who believe in him , should be raised to eternal life ; that was in effect , whether he was the messiah : and to this she answers yea lord , i believe this of thee ; and then she explains what was contain'd in that faith of hers , even this , that he was the messiah , that was promis'd to come , by whom alone men were to receive eternal life . what the iews also understood by the son of god is also clear from that passage at the latter end of xxii . of luke . they having taken our saviour , and being very desirous to get a confession from his own mouth , that he was the messiah , that they might from thence be able to raise a formal , and prevalent accusation against him before pilate ; the only thing the council asked him was , whether he was the messiah , v. . to which he answers so in the following words , that he lets them see , he understood , that the design of their question was to entrap him , and not to believe in him , whatever he should declare of himself : but yet he tells them , hereafter shall the son of man sit on the right hand of the power of god ; words that to the iews plainly enough owned him to be the messiah : but yet such as could not have any force against him with pilate . he having confessed so much , they hope to draw yet a clearer confession from him . then said they all , art thou then the son of god ? and he said unto them , ye say that i am . and they said , what need we any further witness ? for we our selves have heard of his own mouth . can any one think that the doctrine of his deity ( which is that which the unmasker accuses me for waveing ) was that , which the iews designed to accuse our saviour of before pilate ; or that they needed witnesses for ? common sense , as well as the current of the whole history shews the con●●ary . no , it was to accuse him , that 〈◊〉 owned himself to be the messiah , and ●hereby claim'd a title to be king of the iews . the son of god was so known a name amongst the iews to stand for the messiah ; that having got that from his mouth , they thought they had proof enough of treason against him . this carries with it a clear and easie meaning . but if the son of god be to be taken , as the unmasker would have it , for a declaration of his deity , i desire him to make common , and coherent sence of it . i shall add one consideration more to shew , that the son of god was a form of speech then used amongst the iews to signifie the messiah , from the persons that used it . uiz . iohn the baptist , nathanael , st. peter , st. martha , the sanhedrim , and the centurion , luke xxvii . . here are iews , heathens ; friends , enemies ; men , women ; believers , and unbelievers ; all indifferently use this phrase of the son of god , and apply it to iesus . the question between the unmasker and me is whether it was used by these several persons , as an appellation of the messiah , ( or as the unmasker would have it ) in a quite different sence ; as such an application of divinity to our saviour , that he that shall deny that to be the meaning of it in the minds of these speakers , denies the divinity of iesus christ. for if they did speak it without that meaning , it is plain it was a phrase known to have another meaning ; or else they had talked unintelligible jargon . now i will ask the unmasker , whether he thinks , that the eternal generation , or as the unmasker calls it , filiation of iesus the son of god , was a doctrine that had enter'd into the thoughts of all the persons above-mentioned , even of the roman centurion , and the soldiers that were with him watching jesus ? if he say he does , i suppose he thinks so only for this time , and for this occasion : and then it will lie upon him to give the world convincing reasons for his opinion , that they may think so too : or if he does not think so , he must give up this argument , and allow that this phrase , in these places , does not necessarily import the deity of our saviour , and the doctrine of his eternal generation : and so a man may take it to be an expression standing for the messiah , without being a socinian , any more than he himself is one . there is one place , the unmasker tells us , p. . that confutes all the surmises about the identity of these terms . it is , says he , that famous confession of faith , which the aethiopian e●nuch made when philip told him he might be baptized if he believed . this without doubt was said according to that apprehension which he had of christ , from philip's instructing him ; for it is said , he preached unto him iesus , v. . he had acquainted him that iesus was the christ the anointed of god , and also that he was the son of god , which includes in it that he was god. and accordingly this noble proselyte gives this account of his faith , in order to his being baptiz'd , in order to his being admitted a member of christ's church , i believe that iesus is the son of god ; or you may read it according to the greek , i believe the son of god to be iesus christ. where there are these two distinct propositions . o. that iesus is the christ , the messiah o. that he is not only the messiah , but the son of god. the unmasker is every where steadily the same subtil arguer . whether he has proved , that the son of god , in this confession of the eunuch , signifies , what he would have , we shall examine by and by . this at least is demonstration , that this passage of his overturns his principles ; and reduces his long list of fundamentals to two propositions , the belief whereof is sufficient to make a man a christian. this noble proselyte , says the unmasker , gives this account of his faith in order to his being baptized , in order to being admitted a member of christ's church . and what is that faith according to the unmasker ? he tells you there are in it these two distinct propositions , viz. i believe , o. that jesus is the christ the messias ; o. that he is not only the messias , but the son of god. if this famous confession , containing but these two articles were enough to his being baptized ; if this faith were sufficient to make this noble proselyte a christian ; what is become of all those other articles of the unmasker's system , without the belief whereof , he in other places tells us a man cannot be a christian ? if he had here told us , that philip had not time nor opportunity , during his short stay with the eunuch , to explain to him all the vnmasker's system , and make him understand all his fundamentals ; he had had reason on his side : and he might have urged it as a reason why philip taught him no more . but nevertheless he had , by allowing the eunuch's confession of faith sufficient for his admittance as a member of christ's church , given up his other fundamentals as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; even that of the holy trinity : and he has at last reduced his necessary articles to these two , viz. that iesus is the messiah , and that iesus is the son of god. so that after his ridiculous calling mine a lank faith , i desire him to consider , what he will now call his own . mine is next to none , because , as he says , it is but one article . if that reasoning be good , his is not far from none : if consists but in two articles , which is next to one , and very little more remote from none than one is . if any one had but as much wit as the unmasker , and could be but as smart upon the number two , as he has been upon an unit , here were a brave opportunity for him to lay out his parts ; and he might make vehement complaints against one , that has thus cramp'd our faith , corrupted mens minds , depraved the gospel , and abused christianity . but if it should fall out , as i think it will , that the unmasker's two articles should prove to be but one , he has saved another that labour , and he stands painted to himself with his own charcoal . the unmasker would have the son of god , in the confession of the eunuch , to signifie something different from the messiah : and his reason is , because else it would be an absurd tautology . answ. there are many exegetical expressions put together in the scripture , which though they signifie the same thing , yet are not absurd tautologies . the unmasker here inverts the proposition , and would have it to signifie thus . the son of god is iesus the messiah , which is a proposition so different from what the apostles proposed every where else , that he ought to have given a reason , why , when every where else they made the proposition to be of some thing affirm'd of iesus of nazareth , the eunuch should make the affirmation to be of something concerning the son of god : as if the eunuch knew very well what the son of god signified , viz. as the unmasker tells us here , that it included or signified god ; and that philip , ( who we read at samaria preach'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the messiah , i. e. instructed them who the messiah was ) had here taken pains only to instruct him , that this god was iesus the messiah , and to bring him to assent to that proposition . whether this be natural to conceive , i leave to the reader . the tautology , on which the unmasker builds his whole objection , will be quite removed , if we take christ here for a proper name in which way it is used by the evangelists and apostles in other places , and particularly by st. luke ; as act. ii. . iii. . . iv. . xxiv . , &c. in two of these places , it cannot with any good sence be taken otherwise ; for if it be not in act. iii. . and iv. . used as a proper name , we must read those places thus , iesus the messiah of nazareth : and i think it is plain in those others cited , as well as in several other places of the new testament , that the word christ is used as a proper name . we may easily conceive , that long before the acts were writ the name of christ , was grown by a familiar use to denote the person of our saviour , as much as iesus . this is so manifest , that it gave a name to his followers , who as st. luke tells us , xi . . were were called christians ; and that , if chronologists mistake not , twenty years before st. luke writ his history of the apostles ; and this so generally , that agrippa a iew uses it , act. xxvi . . and that christ as the proper name of our saviour was got as far as rome , before st. luke writ the acts , appears out of suetonius , l. . and by that name he is called in tacitus , ann. l. . 't is no wonder then , that st. luke in writing this history , should sometimes set it down alone , sometimes join'd with that of iesus , as a proper name ; which is much easier to conceive he did here , than that philip propos'd more to the eunuch to be believed to make him a christian , than what in other places was propos'd for the conversion of others ; or than what he himself propos'd at samaria . his th . chapter is to prove , that i am a socinian , because i omitted christ's satisfaction . that matter having been answer'd , p. . where it came properly under consideration , i shall only observe here , that the great stress of his argument lies as it did before ; not upon my total omission of it out of my book , but on this , that i have no such thing in the place where the advantages of christ's coming are purposely treated of ; from whence he will have this to be an unavoidable inference , viz. that i was of opinion , that christ came not to satisfie for us . the reason of my omission of it in that place , i told him was because my book was chiefly designed for deists ; and therefore i mention'd only those advantages , which all christians must agree in ; and in omitting of that , comply'd with the apostle's rule , rom. xiv . to this he tells me ●latly , that was not the design of my book . whether the unmasker knows with what design i publish'd it better than i my self , must be left to the reader to judge : for as for his veracity in what he knows , or knows not , he has given so many instances of it , that i may safely referr that to any body . one instance more of it may be found in this very chapter , where he says , i pretend indeed , p. . that in another place of my book , i mention christ's restoring all mankind from the state of death , and restoring them to life , and his laying down his life for another , as our saviour professes he did . these few words this vindicator hath picked up in his book since he wrote it . this is all , through his whole treatise , that he hath drop'd concerning that advantage of christ's incarnation , i. e. christ's satisfaction . answ. but that this is not all that i drop'd through my whole treatise concerning that advantage , may appear by those places above-mentioned , p. . where i say , that the design of christ's coming was to be offered up ; and speak of the work of redemption ; which are expressions taken to imply our saviour's satisfaction : but the unmasker thinking i should have quoted them , if there had been any more , besides those mention'd in my vindication , upon that presumption sticks not boldly to affirm , that there were no more ; and so goes on with the veracity of an unmasker . if affirming would do it , nothing could be wanting in his cause that might be for his purpose . whether he be as good at proving , this consequence ( amongst other propositions which remain upon him to be proved ) will try , viz. l. that if the satisfaction of christ be not mentioned in the place where the advantages of christ's coming are purposely treated of , then i am of opinion , that christ came not to satisfie for us . which is all the argument of his th . chapter . his last chapter , as his first , begins with a commendation of himself . particularly , it boasts his freedom from bigolism , dogmatizing , censoriousness , and vncharitableness . i think he hath drawn himself so well , with his own pen , that i shall need referr the reader only to what he himself has writ in this controversie , for his character . in the next paragraph , p. . he tells me i laugh at orthodoxy . answ. there is nothing that i think deserves a more serious esteem than right opinion ( as the word signifies ) if taken up with the sense of love and truth . but this way of becoming orthodox has always modesty accompanying it , and a fair acknowledgment of fallibility in our selves , as well as a supposition of error in others . on the other side , there is nothing more ridiculous than for any man or company of men to assume the title of orthodoxy to their own set of opinions , as if infallibility were annexed to their systems , and those were to be the standing measure of truth to all the world ; from whence they erect to themselves a power to censure and condemn others for differing at all from the tenets they have pitch'd upon . the consideration of humane frailty ought to check this vanity : but since it does not , but that with a sort of allowance it shews it self in almost all religious societies , the playing the trick round , sufficiently turns it into ridicule . for each society having an equal right to a good opinion of themselves , a man by passing but a river or a hill , loses that orthodoxy in one company which pu●●ed him up with such assurance and insolence in another ; and is there , with equal justice , himself expos'd to the like censures of error and heresie , which he was so forward to lay on others at home . when it shall appear that infallibility is intailed upon one set of men of any denomination , or truth confined to any spot of ground , the name and use of orthodoxy as now it is in fashion every where , will in that one place be reasonable . till then , this ridiculous cant will be a foundation too weak to sustain that usurpation that is raised upon it . 't is not that i do not think every one should be perswaded of the truth of those opinions he professes . 't is that i contend for : and 't is that which i fear the great sticklers for orthodoxy often fail in . for we see generally that numbers of them exactly jump in a whole large collection of doctrines , consisting of abundance of particulars ; as if their notions were by one common stamp printed on their minds , even to the least lineament . this is very hard , if not impossible , to be conceived of those who take up their opinions only from conviction . but how fully soever i am perswaded of the truth of what i hold , i am in common justice to allow the same sincerity to him that differs from me ; and so we are upon equal terms . this perswasion of truth on each side , invests neither of us with a right to censure or condemn the other . i have no more reason to treat him ill for differing from me , than he has to treat me ill for the same cause . pity him i may ; inform him fairly i ought ; but contemn , malign , revile or any otherwise prejudice him for not thinking just as i do , that i ought not . my orthodoxy gives me no more authority over him , than his ( for every one is orthodox to himself ) gives him over me . when the word orthodoxy ( which in effect signifies no more but the opinions of my party ) is made use of as a pretence to domineer ( as ordinarily it is ) it is , and always will be ridiculous . he saith i hate even with a deadly hatred all catechisms and confessions , all systems , and models . i do not remember , that i have once mentioned the word catechism , either in my reasonableness of christianity , or vindication . but he knows i hate them deadly , and i know i do not . and as for systems and models , all that i say of them , in the pages he quotes to prove my hatred of them , is only this , viz. p. . of my vindication some men had rather you should write booty , and cross your own design of removing mens prejudices to christianity , than leave out one title of what they put into their systems . some men will not bear it , that any one should speak of religion , but according to the model that they themselves have made of it . in neither of which places do i speak against systems or models ; but the ill use , that some men make of them . he tells me also in the same place , p. . that i deride mysteries . but for this he hath quoted neither words , nor place : and where he does not do that , i have reason from the frequent liberties he takes to impute to me , what no where appears in my books , to desire the reader to take what he says not to be true . for did he mean fairly , he might , by quoting my words , put all such matters of fact out of doubt ; and not force me so often as he does to demand where it is , as i do now here again , li. where it is that i deride mysteries ? his next words , p. . are very remarkable : they are o how he [ the vindicator ] grins at the spirit of creed making ? p. . vind. the very thoughts of which do so haunt him , so plague and torment him , that he cannot rest till it be conjured down . and here by the way , seeing i have mention'd his rancour against systematick books and writings , i might represent the misery that is coming upon all booksellers if this gentleman and his correspondents go on suc●essfully . here is an effectual plot to undermine stationers-hall ; for all systems and bodies of divinity , philosophy , &c. must be cashier'd : whatever looks like system must not be bought or sold. this will fall heavy on the gentlemen of st. paul 's church-yard , and other places . here the politick unmasker seems to threaten me with the posse of paul's church-yard , because my book might lessen their gain in the sale of theological systems . i remember that demetrius the shrinemaker which brought no small gain to the crafts-men whom he called together , with the workmen of like occupation , and said to this purpose ; sirs , ye know , that by this craft we have our wealth ; moreover ye see , and hear , that this paul hath perswaded , and turned away much people saying , that they be no gods that are made with hands , so that this our craft is in danger to be set at naught . and when they heard these sayings , they were full of wrath , and cried out , saying , great is diana of the ephesians . have you , sir , who are so good at speech-making , as a worthy successor of the silver-smith , regulating your zeal for the truth , and your writing of divinity by the profit it will bring , made a speech to this purpose to the craftsmen , and told them , that i say , articles of faith , and creeds , and systems in religion cannot be made by mens hands or fancies ; but must be just such , and no other , than what god hath given us in the scriptures ? and are they ready to cry out to your content , great is diana of the ephesians ? if you have well warm'd them with your oratory , 't is to be hoped they will heartily join with you , and bestir themselves , and choose you for their champion , to prevent the misery you tell them is coming upon them , in the loss of the sale of systems and bodies of divinity ; for , as for philosophy , which you name too , i think you went a little too far . nothing of that kind , as i remember , hath been so much as mention'd . but however , some sort of orators , when their hands are in , omit nothing true or false , that may move those that they would work upon . is not this a worthy imployment , and becoming a preacher of the gospel , to be a sollicitor for stationers-hall ? and make the gain of the gentlemen of paul's church-yard a consideration , for or against any book writ concerning religion ? this , if it were ever thought on before , no body but an unmasker , who lays all open , was ever so foolish as to publish . but here you have an account of his zeal : the views of gain are to measure the truths of divinity . had his zeal , as he pretends in the next paragraph , no other aims , but the defence of the gospel , 't is probable this controversie would have been managed after another fashion . whether what he says in the next , p. . to excuse his so o●ten pretending to know my heart and thoughts , will satisfie the reader , i shall not trouble my self . by his so often doing it again in his socinianism unmask'd , i see he cannot write without it . and so i leave it to the judgment of the readers , whether he can be allow'd to know other mens thoughts , who in many occasions seems not well to know his own . the railing in the remainder of this chapter i shall pass by , as i have done a great deal of the same strain in his book : only to shew how well he understands or represents my sense , i shall set down my words , as they are in the pages he quotes , and his inferences from them . vindicat. p. . socin . unmask'd , p. . i know not but it may be true , that the antitrinitarians and racovians understand those places as i do : but 't is more than i know , that they do so . i took not my sence of those texts from those writers , but from the scripture it self , giving light to its own meaning by one place compared with another . what in this way appears to me its true meaning , i shall not decline ; because i am told that it is so understood by the racovians , whom i never yet read ; nor embrace the contrary , though the generality of divines i more converse with , should declare for it . if the sence wherein i understand those texts be a mistake , i shall be beholding to you , if you will set me right . but they are not popular authorities , or frightful names whereby i judge of truth or falshood . the professed divines of england , you must know , are but a pitiful sort of folks with this great racovian rabbi . he tells us plainly , that he is not mindful of what the generality of divines declare for , p. . he labours so concernedly to ingratiate himself with the mobb , the multitude ( which he so often talks of ) that he hath no regard to these . the generality of the rabble are more considerable with him , than the generality of divines . he tells me here of the generality of divines . if he had said of the church of england , i could have understood him . but he says , the professed divines of england ; and there being several sorts of divines in england , who , i think , do not every where agree in their interpretations of scripture ; which of them is it i must have regard to , where they differ ? if he cannot tell me that , he complains here of me for a fault , which he himself knows not how to mend . vindicat. p. . socin . unmask'd , p. . the list of materials for his creed , for the articles are not yet formed , mr. edwards closes , p. . with these words , these are the matters of faith contain'd in the epistles , and they are essential and integral parts of the gospel it self . what just these ? neither more nor less ? l. . if you are sure of it , pray let us have them speedily , for the reconciling of differences in the christian church , which has been so cruelly torn about the articles of the christian faith , to the great reproach of christian charity , and scandal of our true religion . this author , as demure and grave as he would sometimes seem to be , can scoff at the matters of faith contain'd in the apostles epistles , p. . l. , &c. does the vindicator here scoff at the matters of faith contain'd in the epistles ? or shew the vain pretences of the unmasker ; who undertakes to give us out of the epistles a collection of fundamentals , without being able to say whether those he sets down be all or no ? vindicat. p. . socin . unmask'd , p. . i hope you do not think how contemptibly soever you speak of the venerable mob , as you are pleas'd to dignifie them , p. . that the bulk of mankind , or in your phrase , the rabble are not concerned in religion , or ought not to understand it in order to their salvation . i remember the pharisees treated the common people with contempt , and said , have any of the rulers or of the pharisees believed in him ? but this people who knoweth not the law are cursed . but yet these , who in the censure of the pharisees were cursed , were some of the poor , or , if you please to have it so , the mob , to whom the gospel was preach'd by our saviour , as he tells iohns disciples , mat. xi . . to coakse the mob , he prophanely brings in that place of scripture . have any of the rulers believed in him ? where the prophaneness of this is , i do not see ; unless some unknown sacredness of the unmasker's person make it prophaneness to shew , that he like the pharisees of old , has a great contempt for the common people , i. e. the far greater part of mankind ; as if they and their salvation were below the regard of this elevated rabbi . but this of prophaneness may be well born from him , since in the next words my mentioning another part of his carriage is no less than irreligion . vindicat. p. . socin . unmask'd p. . he prefers what i say to him my self to what is offer'd to him from the word of god , and makes me this complement , that i begin to mend about the close , i. e. when i leave off quoting of scripture , and the dull work was done of going through the history of the evangelists and the acts , which he computes , p. . to take up three quarters of my book . ridiculously and irreligiously he pretends , that i prefer what he saith to me , to what is offer'd to me from the word of god , p. . the matter of fact is as i relate it , and so is beyond pretence , and for this i refer the reader to the . and . pages of his thoughts concerning the causes of atheism . but had i mistaken , i know not how he could have call'd it irreligiously . make the worst of it that can be , how comes it to be irreligious ? what is there divine in an vnmasker ; that one cannot pretend ( true or false ) that he prefers what i say , to what is o●●er'd him from the word of god , without doing it irreligiously ? does the very assuming the power to de●ine articles , and determine who are , and who are not christians , by a creed not yet made , erect an unmasker presently into god's throne , and bestow on him the title of dominus deusque noster , whereby offences against him come to be irreligious acts ? i have misrepresented his meaning ; let it be so : where is the irreligion of it ? thus it is : the power of making a religion for others ( and those that make creeds do that ) being once got into any one's fancy , must at last make all oppositions to those creeds and creed-maker's irreligion . thus we see in process of time it did in the church of rome : but it was in length of time , and by gentle degrees . the unmasker , it seems , cannot stay , is in hast , and at one jump leaps into the chair . he has given us yet but a piece of his creed , and yet that is enough to set him above the state of humane mistakes or frailties , and to mention any such thing in him , is to do irreligiously . we may further see , says the unmasker , p. . how counterfeit the vindicator's gravity is , whil'st he condemns frothy and light discourses , p. . vindic. and yet in many pages together , most irreverently treats a great part of the apostolical writings , and throws aside the main articles of religion as unnecessary . answ. in my vindic. p. . you may remember these words , i require you to publish to the world those passages which shew my contempt of the epistles . why do you not ( especially having been so called upon to do it ) set down those words , wherein i most irreverently treat a great part of the apostolical writings ? at least why do you not quote those many pages wherein i do it ? this looks a little suspiciously , that you cannot : and the more , because you have in this very page not been sparing to quote places which you thought to your purpose . i must take leave therefore ( if it may be done without irreligion ) to assure the reader , that this is another of your many mistakes in matters of fact , for which you have not so much as the excuse of inadvertency : for as he sees , you have been minded of it before . but an vnmasker , say what you will to him , will be an unmasker still . he closes what he has to say to me in his socinianism unmask'd , as if he were in the pulpit , with an use of exhortation . the false insinuations , it is filled with , makes the conclusion of a piece with the introduction . as he sets out so he ends , and therein shews wherein he places his strength . a custom of making bold with truth , is so seldom curable in a grown man , and the unmasker shews so little sence of shame , where it is charged upon him , beyond a possibility of clearing himself , that no body is to trouble themselves any farther about that part of his established character . letting therefore that alone to nature and custom , two sure guides , i shall only intreat him , to prevent his taking railing for argument , ( which i fear he too often does ) that upon his entrance every where upon any new argument , he would set it down in syllogism , and when he has done that ( that i may know what is to be answered ) let him then give vent as he pleases , to his noble vein of wit and oratory . the lifting a man's self up in his own opinion , has had the credit in former ages to be thought the lowest degradation that humane nature could well sink it self to . hence says the wise man , prov. xxvi . . answer a fool according to his folly , lest he be wise in his own conceit . hereby shewing , that self-conceitedness is a degree beneath ordinary folly. and therefore he there provides a fence against it , to keep even fools from sinking yet lower , by falling into it . whether what was not so in solomon's days , be now , by length of time , in ours , grown into a mark of wisdom and parts , and an evidence of great performances ; i shall not enquire . mr. edwards — who goes beyond all that ever i yet met with in the commendation of his own , best knows why he so extols what he has done in this controversie . for fear the praises he has not been sparing of in his so●inianism unmask'd , should not sufficiently trumpet out his worth , or might be forgotten ; he in a new piece entituled , the socinian creed , proclaims again his mighty deeds , and the victory he has established to himself by them , in these words ; but he and his friends ( the one-article-men ) seem to have made satisfaction by their profound silence lately , whereby they acknowledge to the world , that they have nothing to say in reply to what i laid to their charge , and fully proved against them , &c. socinian creed , p. . this fresh testimony of no ordinary conceit , which mr. edwards hath of the excellency and strength of his reasoning in his socinianism unmask'd , i leave with him and his friends to be considered of at their leisure : and if they think i have mis-applied the term of conceitedness , to so wise , understanding , and every way accomplished a disputant ( if we may believe himself ) i will teach them a way how he , or any body else , may fully convince me of it . there remains on his score marked in this reply of mine , several propositions to be proved by him . if he can but find arguments to prove them that will bear the setting down in form , and will so publish them , i will allow my self to be mistaken . nay , which is more , if he or any body in the . pages of his socinianism unmasked , can find but ten arguments that will bear the test of syllogism , the true touchstone of right arguing , i will grant that that treatise deserves all those commendations he has bestowed upon it ; though it be made up more of his own panegyrick , than a confutation of me . in his socinian creed ( for a creed-maker he will be ; and whether he has been as lucky for the socinians as for the orthodox , i know not ) p. . he begins with me , and that with the same conquering hand and skill which can never fail of victory ; if a man has but wit enough to know what proposition he is able to confute , and then make that his adversary's tenet . but the repetitions of his old song concerning one article , the epistles , &c. which occur here again , i shall only set down , that none of these excellent things may be lost , whereby this accute and unanswerable writer has so well deserved his own commendations , viz. that i say there is but one single article of the christian truth necessary to be believed and assented to by us , p. . that i slight the christian principles , curtail the articles of our faith , and ravish christianity it self from him , p. . and that i turn the epistles of the apostle into waste paper , p. , &c. these , and the like slanders , i have already given an answer to in my reply to his former book . only one new one here i cannot pass over in silence ; because of the remarkable prophaneness which seems to me to be in it , which , i think , deserves publick notice . in my reasonableness of christianity , i have laid together those passages of our saviour's life , which seemed to me most eminently to shew his wisdom , in that conduct of himself , with that reserve and caution which was necessary to preserve him , and carry him through the appointed time of his ministry . some have thought i had herein done considerable service to the christian religion , by removing those objections which some were apt to make from our saviour's carriage , not rightly understood . this creed-maker tells me , p. . that i make our saviour a coward : a word not to be applied to the saviour of the world by a pious or discreet christian upon any pretence , without great necessity and sure grounds . if he had set down my words , and quoted the page ( which was the least could have been done to excuse such a phrase ) we should then have seen which of us two this impious and irreligious epithete given to the holy iesus , has for its author . in the mean time , i leave it with him , to be accounted for by his piety , to those , who by his example shall be incouraged to entertain so vile a thought , or use so prophane an expression of the captain of our salvation , who freely gave himself up to death for us . he also says in the same p. . that i every where strike at systems , the design of which is to establish one of my own , or to foster scepticism , by beating down all others . for clear reason or good sence , i do not think our creed-maker ever had his fellow . in the immediate preceding words of the same sentence , he charges me with a great antipathy against systems ; and before he comes to the end of it , finds out my design to be the establishing one of my own . so that this my antipathy against systems , makes me in love with one . my design , he says , is to establish a system of my own , or to foster scepticism in beating down all others . let my book , if he pleases , be my system of christianity . now is it in me any more fostering scepticism , to say my system is true and others not , than it is in the creed-maker to say so of all other systems but his own ? for , i hope , he does not allow any system of christianity to be true , that differs from his any more than i do . but i have spoke against all systems . answ. and always shall , so far as they are set up by particular men or parties , as the just measure of every man's faith , wherein every thing that is contained , is required and imposed to be believed to make a man a christian : such an opinion and use of systems i shall always be against ; till the creed-maker shall tell me amongst the variety of them which alone is to be received and rested in , in the absence of his creed ; which is not yet finished , and , i fear , will not as long as i live . that every man should receive from others , or make to himself such a system of christianity as he found most conformable to the word of god , according to the best of his understanding , is what i never spake against , but think it every one's duty to labour for , and to take all opportunities as long as he lives , by studying the scriptures every day , to perfect . but this , i fear , will not go easily down with our author ; for then he cannot be a creed-maker for others . a thing he shews himself very forward to , how able to perform it we shall see when his creed is made . in the mean time , talking loudly and at random about fundamentals , without knowing what is so , may stand him in some stead . this being all that is new , which i think my self concerned in , in this socinian creed , i pass on to his postscript . in the first page whereof , i find these words , i found that the manager of the reasonableness of christianity , had prevailed with a gentleman to make a sermon upon my refutation of that treatise , and the vindication of it . such a piece of impertinency as this , might have been born from a fair adversary . but the sample mr. edwards has given of himself in his socinianism unmask'd , perswades me this ought to be bound up with what he says of me in his introduction to that book in these words : among others , they thought and made choice of a gentleman , who they knew would be extraordinary useful to them . and he it is probable was as forward to be made use of by them , and presently accepted of the office that was assigned him ; and more there to the same purpose . all which , i know to be utterly false . 't is pity that one who relies so entirely upon it , should have no better an invention . the socinians set the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. on work to write that book , by which discovery , the world being ( as mr. edwards says ) let into the project , that book is confounded , baffled , blown off , and by this skilful artifice there is an end of it . mr. bold preaches and publishes a sermon without this irrefragable gentleman's good leave and liking : what now must be done to discredit it and keep it from being read ? why , mr. bold too , was set on work by the manager of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. in your whole store-house of stratagems , you that are so great a conquerour , have you but this one way to destroy a book which you set your mightiness against , but to tell the world it was a jobb of journey-work for some body you do not like ? some other would have done better in this new case , had your happy invention been ready with it : for you are not so bashful or reserved , but that you may be allowed to be as great a wit as he who professed himself ready at any time to say a good or a new thing if he could but think of it . but in good earnest , sir , if one should ask you , do you think no books contain truth in them which were undertaken by the procuration of a bookseller ? i desire you to be a little tender in the point , not knowing how far it may reach . ay , but such booksellers live not at the lower end of pater-noster-row , but in paul's church-yard , and are the managers of other-guess books , than the reasonableness of christianity . and therefore you very rightly subjoin , indeed it was a great master-piece of procuration , and we can't but think that man must speak truth , and defend it very impartially and substantially , who is thus brought on to undertake the cause . and so mr. bold's sermon is found to have neither truth nor sence in it , because it was printed by a bookseller at the lower end of pater-noster-row ; for that , i dare say , is all you know of the matter . but that is hint enough for a happy diviner to be sure of the rest , and with confidence to report that for certain matter of fact , which had never any being but in the forecasting side of his politick brain . but whatever were the reason that moved mr. b — to preach that sermon , of which i know nothing ; this i am sure , it shews only the weakness and malice ( i will not say , and ill breeding , for that concerns not one of mr. edward's pitch ) of any one who excepts against it , to take notice of any thing more than what the author has published . therein alone consists the errour , if there be any ; and that alone those meddle with , who write for the sake of truth . but poor cavillers have other purposes , and therefore must use other shifts , and make a bustle about something besides the argument to prejudice and beguile unwary readers . the only exception the creed-maker makes to mr. bold's sermon , is the contradiction he imputes to him , in saying , that there is but one point or article necessary to be believed for the making a man a christian : and that there are many points besides this , which jesus christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand : and , that there are particular points and articles , which being known to be revealed by christ , christians must indispensibly assent to . and where now is there any thing like a contradiction in this ? let it be granted for example , that the creed-maker's set of articles ( let their number be what they will when he has sound them all out ) are necessary to be believed , for the making a man a christian. is there any contradiction in it to say , there are many points besides these , which jesus christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand ? if this be not so ; it is but for any one to be perfect in mr. edward's creed , and then he may lay by the bible , and from thenceforth he is absolutely dispensed with , from studying or understanding any thing more of the scripture . but mr. edwards's supremacy , is not yet so far established that he will dare to say , that christians are not obliged to endeavour to understand any other points revealed in the scripture , but what are contained in his creed . he cannot yet well discard all the rest of the scripture ; because he has yet need of it for the compleating of his creed , which is like to secure the bible to us for some time yet . for i will be answerable for it , he will not be quickly able to resolve what texts of the scripture do , and what do not contain points necessary to be believed . so that i am apt to imagine , that the creed-maker , upon second thoughts , will allow that saying , there is but one , or there are but twelve , or there are but as many as he shall set down ( when he has resolved which they shall be ) necessary to the making a man a christian ; and the saying , there are other points besides contained in the scripture , which every sincere christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand , and must believe when he knows them to be revealed by jesus christ ; are two propositions that may consist together without a contradiction . every christian is to partake of that bread and that cup which is the communion of the body and blood of christ. and is not every sincere christian indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand these words of our saviour's institutions , this is my body , and this is my blood ? and if upon his serious endeavour to do it , he does understand them in a literal sence , that christ meant that that was really his body and blood , and nothing else ; must he not necessarily believe that the bread and wine in the lord's supper , is changed really into his body and blood , though he doth not know how ? or , if having his mind set otherwise , he understands the bread and wine to be really the body and blood of christ ; without ceasing to be true bread and wine ; or else , if he understands them , that the body and blood of christ are verily and indeed given and received in the sacrament , in a spiritual manner ; or lastly , if he understands our saviour to mean by those words , only the bread and wine to be a representation of his body and blood ; in which was soever of these four , a christian understands these words of our saviour to be meant by him , is he not obliged in that sence to believe them to be true , and assent to them ? or can he be a christian , and understand these words to be meant by our saviour , in one sence , and deny his assent to them as true , in that sence ? would not this be to deny our saviour's veracity , and consequently his being the messiah sent from god ? and yet this is put upon a christian where he understands the scripture in one sence , and is required to believe it in another . from all which it is evident , that to say there is one , or any number of articles necessary to be known and believed to make a man a christian , and that there are others contained in the scripture , which a man is obliged to endeavour to understand , and obliged also to assent to as he does understand them , is no contradiction . to believe jesus to be the messiah , and to take him to be his lord and king , let us suppose to be that only which is necessary to make a man a christian : may it not yet be necessary for him , being a christian , to study the doctrine and law of this his lord and king , and believe that all that he delivered is true ? is there any contradiction in holding of this ? but this creed-maker , to make sure work , and not to sail of a contradiction in mr. bold's words , misrepeats them , p. . and quite contrary both to what they are in the sermon , and what they are as set down by the creed-maker himself , in the immediately preceding page ; mr. bold says , there are other points that jesus christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere christian is indispensibly obliged to understand , and which being known to be revealed by christ , he must indispensibly assent to . from which , the creed-maker argues thus , p. . now if there be other points and particular articles , and those many , which a sincere christian is obliged , and that necessarily and indispensibly to understand , believe , and assent to , then this writer hath in effect yielded to that proposition i maintained , viz. that the belief of one article is not sufficient to make a man a christian , and consequently he runs counter to the proposition he had laid down . is there no difference , i beseech you , between being indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand , and being indispensibly obliged to understand any point ? t is the first of these , mr. bold says , and 't is the latter of these you argue from , and so conclude nothing against him ; nor can you to your purpose . for till mr. bold says ( which he is far from saying ) that every sincere christian is necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand all those texts of scripture , from whence you shall have drawn your necessary articles ( when you have perfected your creed ) in the same sence that you do , you can conclude nothing against what he hath said concerning that one article , or any thing that looks like running counter to it . for it may be enough to constitute a man a christian , and one of christ's subjects , to take iesus to be the messiah , his appointed king , and yet without a contradiction , so that it may be his indispensible duty as a subject of that kingdom , to endeavour to understand all the dictates of his soveraign , and to assent to the truth of them , as far as he understands them . but that which the good creed-maker aims at , without which , all his necessary articles fall , is that it should be granted him , that every sincere christian was necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand all those parts of divine revelation , from whence he pretends to draw his articles in their true meaning , i. e. just as he does . but his infallibility is not yet so established , but that there will need some proof of that proposition . and when he has proved that every sincere christian is necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand those texts in their true meaning , and that his interpretation of them is that true meaning ; i shall then ask him , whether every sincere christian is not as necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand other texts of scripture , in their true meaning , though they have no place in his system ? for example , to make use of the instance above-mentioned , is not every sincere christian necessarily and indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand these words of our saviour ; this is my body , and this is my blood , that he may know what he receives in the sacraments ? does he cease to be a christian , who happens not to understand them just as the creed-maker does ? or may not the old gentleman at rome ( who has somewhat the ancienter title to infallibility ) make transubstantiation a fundamental article necessarily to be believed , there , as well as the creed-maker here makes his sence of any disputed text of scripture a fundamental article necessary to be believed ? let us suppose mr. bold had said that instead of one point , the right knowledge of the creed-makers one hundred points ( when he has resolved on them ) doth constitute and make a person a christian ; yet there are many other points jesus christ hath taught and revealed which every sincere christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand , and to make a due use of : for this i think the creed-maker will not deny . from whence , in the creed-maker's words , i will thus argue . now if there be other points and particular articles , and those many , which a sincere christian is obliged , and that necessarily and indispensibly , to understand and believe , and assent to , then this writer doth in effect yield to that proposition which i maintained , viz. that the belief of those one hundred articles is not sufficient to make a man a christian. for this is that which i maintain ; that upon this ground , the belief of the articles which he has set down in his list , are not sufficient to make a man a christian ; and that upon mr. bold's reason , which the creed-maker insists on against one article , viz. because there are many other points jesus christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere christian is as necessarily and indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand and make a due use of . but this creed-maker is cautious , beyond any of his predecessors : he will not be so caught by his own argument ; and therefore is very shy to give you the precise articles that every sincere christian is necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand , and give his assent to . something he is sure there is that he is indispensibly obliged to understand and assent to , to make him a christian ; but what that is , he cannot yet tell . so that whether he be a christian or no , he does not know , and what other people will think of him , from his treating of the serious things of christianity , in so trifling and scandalous a way , must be left to them . in the next paragraph , p. . the creed-maker tells us , mr. bold goes on to confute himself , in saying , a true christian must assent unto this that christ jesus is god. but this is just such another confutation of himself as the before-mentioned , i. e. as much as a falshood substituted by another man , can be a confutation of a man's self , who has spoken truth all of a piece . for the creed-maker , according to his sure way of baffling his opponents , so as to leave them nothing to answer , hath here , as he did before , changed mr. bold's words , which in the . p. quoted by the creed-maker stand thus ; when a true christian understands that christ jesus hath taught that he is a god , he must assent unto it . which is true and conformable to what he had said before ; that every sincere christian must endeavour to understand the points taught and revealed by jesus christ , which being known to be revealed by him he must assent unto . the like piece of honesty the creed-maker shews in the next paragraph , p. . where he charges mr. bold with saying that a true christian is as much obliged to believe that the holy spirit is god , as to believe that iesus is the christ , p. . in which place , mr. bold's words are ; when a true christian understands that christ jesus hath given this account of the holy spirit , viz , that he is god ; he is as much obliged to believe it , as he is to believe that iesus is the christ. which is an uncontestable truth , but such an one as the creed-maker himself saw would do him no service , and therefore he mingles it , and leaves out half to make it serve his turn . but he that should give a testimony in the slight affairs of men , and their temporal concerns , before a court of judicature , as the creed-maker does here , and almost every where , in the great affairs of religion , and the everlasting concern of souls , before all mankind , would lose his ears for it . what therefore this worthy gentleman alledges out of mr. bold , as a contradiction to himself , being only the creed-maker's contradiction to truth and clear matter of fact , needs no other answer . the rest of what he calls reflections on mr. bold's sermon , being nothing but either rude and mis-becoming language of him ; or pitiful childish application to him , to change his perswasion at the creed-maker's intreaty , and give up the truth he hath owned , in courtesie to this doubty combatant , shews the ability of the man. leave off begging the question , and superciliously presuming that you are in the right , and instead of that , shew it by argument ; and i dare answer for mr. bold , you will have him , and i promise you with him one convert more . but arguing is not , it seems , this notable disputant's way . if boasting of himself , and contemning others , false quotations , and feigned matters of fact , which the reader neither can know , nor is the question concerned in if he did know , will not do , there is an end of him ; he has shewn his excellency in scurrilous declamation , and there you have the whole of this unanswerable writer . and for this , i appeal to his own writings in this controversie , if any judicious reader can have the patience to look them over . in the beginning of his reflections on mr. bold's sermon , he confidently tells the world , that he had found that the manager of the reasonableness of christianity , had prevailed on mr. bold to preach a sermon upon his reflections , &c. and adds , and we cannot but think , that that man must speak the truth , and defend it very impartially and substantially , who is thus brought on to undertake the cause . and at the latter end , he addresses himself to mr. bold , as one that is drawn off to be an under journey-man worker in socinianism . in his gracious allowance , mr. bold is seemingly a man of some relish of religion and piety , p. . he is forced also to own him to be a man of sobriety and temper , p. . a very good rise , to give him out to the world , in the very next words , as a man of a profligate conscience : for so he must be , who can be drawn off to preach or write for socinianism , when he thinks it a most dangerous errour , who can dissemble with himself , and choak his inward perswasions ( as the creed-maker insinuates that mr. bold does in the same address to him , p. . ) and write contrary to his light. had the creed maker had reason to think in earnest that mr. bold was going off to socinianism , he might have reasoned with him fairly , as with a man running into dangerous errour : or if he had certainly known that he was by any by-ends prevailed on to undertake a cause contrary to his conscience , he might have some reason to tell the world as he does , p. . that we cannot think he should speak truth , who is thus brought to undertake the cause . if he does not certainly know that mr. bold was thus brought to undertake the cause , he could not have shewn a more villainous and unchristian mind than in publishing such a character of a minister of the gospel , and a worthy man , upon no other grounds , but because it ▪ might be subservient to his ends . he is engaged in a controversie that by argument he cannot maintain ; nor knew any other way from the beginning , to attack the book he pretends to write against ; but by crying out socinianism ; a name he knows in great disgrace with all other sects of christians , and therefore sufficient to deterr all those who approve , and condemn books by hearsay , without examining their truth themselves , from perusing a treatise to which he could affix that imputation . mr. bold's name ( who is publickly known to be no socinian ) he foresees will wipe off that false imputation , with a great many of those who are led by names more than things . this seems exceedingly to trouble him , and he labours might and main , to get mr. bold to quit a book as socinian , which mr. bold knows is not socinian ; because he has read and considered it . but though our creed-maker be mightily concerned that mr. b — d should not appear in the defence of it ▪ yet this concern cannot raise him one jot above that honesty , skill and good breeding , which appears towards others . he manages this matter with mr. b — d , as he has done the rest of the controversie , just in the same strain of invention , civility , wit and good sence . he tells him , besides what i have above set down , that he is drawn off to debase himself and the post , i. e. the ministry , he is in , p. . that he hath said very ill things to the lessening and impairing , yea , to the defaming of that knowledge and belief of our saviour , and of the articles of christianity , which are necessarily required of us , p. . that the devout and pious ( whereby he means himself , for one and none is his own beloved wit and argument ) observing that mr. bold is come to the necessity of but one article of faith , they expect that he may in time hold that none is necessary , p. . that if he writes again in the same strain , be will write rather like a turkish spy , than a christian preacher ; that he is a backslider , and sailing to racovia with a side wind : than which , what can there be more scurrilous or more malicious ? and yet at the same time , that he outrages him thus , beyond not only what christian charity , but common civility would allow in an ingenuous adversary , he makes some awkward attempts , to sooth him , with some ill timed commendations ; and would have his under-valuing mr. bold's animadversions , pass for a complement to him : because he , for that reason , pretends not to believe so crude and shallow a thing ( as he is pleased to call it ) to be his . a notable contrivance to gain the greater liberty of railing at him under another name , when mr. b — d's it seems is too well known to serve him so well to that purpose . besides it is of good use to fill up three or four pages of his reflections ; a great convenience to a writer , who knows all the ways of baffling his opponents but argument , and who always makes a great deal of stir about matters foreign to his subject , which whether they are granted or denied , make nothing at all to the truth of the question on either side . for what is it to the shallowness or depth of the animadversions , who writ them ? or to the truth or falshood of mr. b — d's defence of the reasonableness of christianity whether a lay-man or a church-man ; a socinian , or one of the church of england answer'd the creed-maker as well as he ? yet this is urged as a matter of great weight . but yet in reality it amounts to no more but this , that a man of any denomination , who wishes well to the peace of christianity , and has observed the horrible effects the christian religion has felt from the impositions of men in matters of faith , may have reason to defend a book , wherein the simplicity of the gospel , and the doctrine proposed by our saviour and his apostles , for the conversion of unbelievers , is made out , though there be not one word of the distinguishing tenents of his sect in it . but that all those , who under any name , are for imposing their own orthodoxy , as necessary to be believed , and persecuting those who dissent from them , should be all against it , is not perhaps very strange . one thing more i must observe of the creed-maker on this occasion : in his socinian creed , ch. vi. the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. and his book , must be judged of by the characters and writings of those , who entertain or commend his notions . a professed unitarian has defended it ; therefore he is a socinian . the author of a letter to the deists , speaks well of it , therefore he is a deist . another as an abettor of the reasonableness of christianity , he mentions , p. . whose letters i have never seen : and his opinions too are , i suppose , set down there as belonging to me . whatever is bad in the tenets or writings of these men infects me . but the mischief is , mr. bold's orthodoxy will do me no good : but because he has defended my book against mr. edwards , all my faults are become his , and he has a mighty load of accusations laid upon him . thus contrary causes serve so good a natured , so charitable and candid a writer as the creed-maker , to the same purpose of censure and railing . but i shall desire him to figure to himself the loveliness of that creature which turns every thing into venom . what others are , or hold , who have expressed favourable thoughts of my book , i think my self not concerned in . what opinions others have published , make those in my book neither true nor false ; and he that for the sake of truth would confute the errors in it , should shew their falshood and weakness as they are there : but they who write for other ends than truth , are always busie with other matters , and where they can do nothing by reason and argument , hope to prevail with some , by borrowed prejudices and party . taking therefore the animadversions , as well as the sermon , to be his whose name they bear , i shall leave to mr. b — d , himself to take what notice he thinks fit of the little sence as well as great impudence of putting his name in print to what is not his ; or taking it away from what he hath set it to ; whether it belongs to his bookseller or answerer . onely i cannot pass by the palpable falsifying of mr. b — d's words , in the beginning of his epistle to the reader , without mention . mr. b — d's words are , whereby i came to be furnished with a truer and more just notion of the main design of that treatise and the good creed-maker set them down thus , the main design of my own treatise or sermon : a sure way for such a champion for truth to secure to himself the laurel or the whetstone . this irresistible disputant ( who silences all that come in his way , so that those that would cannot answer him ) to make good the mighty encomiums he has given himself , ought ( one would think ) to clear all as he goes , and leave nothing by the way unanswered , for fear he should fall into the number of those poor baffled wretches whom he with so much scorn reproaches , that they would answer if they could . mr. b — d begins his animadversions with this remark , that our creed-maker had said , that i give it over and over again in these formal words , viz. that nothing is required to be believed by any christian man but this , that iesus is the messiah . to which mr. b — d replies , p. . in these words , though i have read over the reasonableness of christianity , &c. with some attention , i have not observed those formal words in any part of that book , nor any words that are capable of that construction ; provided they be consider'd with the relation they have to , and the manifest dependance they have on what goes before , or follows after them . but to this mr. edwards answers not . whether it was because he would not , or because he could not , let the reader judge . but this is down upon his score already , and it is expected he should answer to it , or else confess that he cannot . and that there may be a fair decision of this dispute . i expect the same usage from him , that he should set down any proposition of his , i have not answer'd to , and call on me for an answer , if i can . and if i cannot , i promise him to own it in print . the creed-maker had said , that it is most evident to any thinking and considerate person , that i purposely omit the epistolary writings of the apostles , because they are fraught with other fundamental doctrines , besides that which i mention ▪ to this mr. b — d answers , p. . that if by fundamental articles , mr. edwards means here , all the propositions delivered in the epistles , concerning just those particular heads he [ mr. edwards ] had there mentioned , it lies upon him to prove , that jesus christ hath made it necessary , that every person must have an explicit knowledge and belief of all those , before he can be a christian. but to this mr. edwards answers not . and yet without an answer to it , all his talk about fundamentals , and those which he pretended to set down in that place , under the name of fundamentals , will signifie nothing in the present case ; wherein , by fundamentals , were meant such propositions which every person must necessarily have an explicit knowledge and belief of , before he can be a christian. mr. b — d , in the same place , p. , and . very truly and pertinently adds , that it did not pertain to [ my ] undertaking to enquire what doctrines either in the epistles , or the evangelists and the acts , were of greatest moment to be understood by them who are christians , but what was necessary to be known and believed to a person 's being a christian. for there are many important doctrines , both in the gospels and in the acts , besides this , that iesus is the messiah . but how many soever the doctrines be , which are taught in the epistles , if there be no doctrine besides this , that iesus is the messiah , taught there as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , all the doctrines taught there will not make any thing against what this author has asserted , nor against the method he hath observed ; especially , considering we have an account in the acts of the apostles , of what those persons by whom the epistles were writ , did teach as necessary to be believed to peoples being christians . this , and what mr. b — d subjoins ▪ that it was not my design to give an abstract of any of the inspired books , is so true , and has so clear reason in it , that any but this writer , would have thought himself concerned to have answered something to it . but to this mr. edwards answers not . it not being it seems a creed-maker's business to convince mens understanding by reason , but to impose on their belief by authority , or where that is wanting , by falshoods and bauling . and to such mr. bold observes well , p. . that if i had given the like account of the epistles , that would have been as little satisfactory as what i have done already , to those who are resolved not to distinguish betwixt what is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , and those articles which are to be believed by those who are christians , as they can attain to know , that christ hath taught them . this distinction the creed-maker , no where that i remember , takes any notice of ; unless it be p. . where he has something relating hereunto , which we shall consider when we come to that place . i shall now go on to shew what mr. bold has said , to what he answers not . mr. bold farther tells him , p. . that if he will prove any thing in opposition to the reasonableness of christianity , &c. it must be this ; that jesus christ and his apostles have taught , that the belief of some one article , or certain number of articles distinct from this , that iesus is the messiah , either as exclusive of , or in conjunction with the belief of this article , doth constitute and make a person a christian : but that the belief of this , that jesus is the messias alone , doth not make a man a christian but to this mr. edwards irresragably answers nothing . mr. bold also , p. . charges him with his falsly accusing me in these words : he pretends to contend for one single article , with the exclusion of all the rest , for this reason ; because all men ought to understand their religion . and again where he says i aim at this , viz. that we must not have any point of doctrine in our religion , that the mob doth not at the very first naming of it , perfectly understand and agree to , mr. bold has quoted my express words to the contrary . but to this , this answerable gentleman answers nothing . but if he be such a mighty disputant , that nothing can stand in his way ; i shall expect his direct answer to it , among those other propositions which i have set down to his score , and i require him to prove if he can . the creed-maker spends five pages of his reflections in a great stir who is the author of those animadversions he is reflecting on . to which , i tell him , it matters not to a lover of truth , or a confuter of errours , who was the author ; but what they contain . he , who makes such a deal of doe about that which is nothing to the question , shews he has but little mind to the argument ; that his hopes are more in the recommendation of names and prejudice of parties , than in the strength of his reasons and the goodness of his cause . a lover of truth follows that , whoever be for or against it ; and can suffer himself to pass by no argument of his adversary , without taking notice of it either in allowing its force , or giving it a fair answer . were the creed-maker capable of giving such an evidence as this , of his love of truth , he would not have passed over the twenty first pages of mr. bold's animadversions in silence . the falshoods that are therein charged upon him would have required an answer of him , if he could have given any : and i tell him he must give an answer , or confess the falshoods . in his . p. he comes to take notice of these words of mr. bold , in the . page of his animadversions , viz. that a convert to christianity or a christian , must necessarily believe as many articles as he shall attain to know that christ jesus hath taught . which , says the creed-maker , wholly invalidates what he had said before in these words , viz. that iesus christ , and his apostles , did not teach any thing as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , but only this one proposition . that iesus of nazareth was the messiah . the reason he 〈◊〉 to shew , that the former of these propositions , ( in mr. bold ) invalidates the latter , and that the animadverter contradicts himself , stands thus : for , says he , if a christian must give assent to all the articles taught by our saviour in the gospel , and that necessarily ; then all those propositions reckon'd up in my late discourse , being taught by christ or his apostles , are necessary to be believed . answ. and what , i beseech you , becomes of the rest of the propositions taught by christ or his apostles , which you have not reckon'd up in your late discourse ; are not they necessary to be believed , if a christian must give an assent to all the articles taught by our saviour and his apostles ? sir , if you will argue right from that antecedent , it must stand thus : if a christian must give an assent to all the articles taught by our saviour and his apostles , and that necessarily ; then all the propositions in the new testament , taught by christ or his apostles , are necessarily to be believed . this consequence i grant to be true , and necessarily to follow from that antecedent , and pra● 〈◊〉 your best of it : but withal reme●●ber , that it puts an utter end to your select number of fundamentals , and makes all the truths delivered ▪ in the new testament necessary to be explicitly believed by every christian . but sir , i must take notice to you , that if it be uncertain whether he that writ the animadversions , be the same person that preached the sermon , yet it is very visible that 't is the very same person that reflects on both ; because he here again uses the same trick in answering in the animadversions , the same thing that had been said in the sermon , viz. by pretending to argue from words as mr. bold's , when mr. bold has said no such thing . the proposition you argue from here is this , if a christian must give assent to all the articles taught by our saviour , and that necessarily . but mr. bold says no such thing . his words , as set down by your self are ; a christian must necessarily believe as many articles as he shall attain to know that christ jesus hath taught . and is there no difference ●●●ween all that christ iesus hath taught ; and as many as any one shall attain to know that christ iesus hath taught ? there is so great a difference between these two , that one can scarce think even such a creed-maker could mistake it . for one of them admits all those to be christians , who taking iesus for the messiah , their lord and king , sincerely apply themselves to understand and obey his doctrine and law , and do believe all that they understand to be taught by him : the other shuts out , if not all mankind , yet nine hundred ninety nine of a thousand , of those who profess themselves christians , from being really so . for he speaks within compass , who says there is not one of a thousand , if there be any one man at all , who explicitly knows and believes that all that our saviour and his apostles taught , i. e. all that is delivered in the new testament , in the true ●ence that it is there intended . for if giving assent to it , in any sence , will serve the turn , our creed-maker can have no exceptions against socinians , papists , lutherans , or any other , who acknowledging the scripture to be the word of god , do yet oppose his system . but the creed-maker goes on , p. . and endeavours to prove , that what is necessary to be believed by every christian , is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , in these words : but he will say , the belief of those propositions , makes not a man a christian. then , i say , they are not necessary and indispensible ; for what is absolutely necessary in christianity , is absolutely requisite to make a man a christian. ignorance , or something worse , makes our creed-maker always speak doubtfully or obscurely , whenever he pretends to argue ; for here absolutely necessary in christianity either signifies nothing , but absolutely necessary to make a man a christian ; and then it is proving the same proposition by the same proposition : or else , has a very obscure and doubtful signification . for , if i ask him whether it be absolutely necessary in christianity to obey every one of our saviour's commands , what will he answer me ? if he answers , no ; i ask him which of our saviour's commands is it not in christianity absolutely necessary to obey ? if he answers , yes ; then i tell him by his rule , there are no christians ; because there is no one that does in all things obey all our saviour's commands , and therein fails to perform what is absolutely necessary in christianity ; and so by his rule is no christian. if he answers , sincere endeavour to obey , is all that is absolutely necessary ; i reply , and so sincere endeavour to understand , is all that is absolutely necessary : neither perfect obedience , nor perfect understanding is absolutely necessary in christianity . but his proposition being put in terms clear , and not loose and fallacious , should stand thus , viz. what is absolutely necessary to every christian , is absolutely requisite to make a man a christian : but then i deny that he can inferr from mr. bold's words , that those propositions ( i. e. which he has set down as fundamental or necessary to be believed ) ar● absolutely necessary to be believed by every christian. for that indispensible necessity mr. bold speaks of , is not absolute , but conditional . his words are , a christian must believe as many articles as he shall attain to know that iesus christ hath taught . so that he places the indispensible necessity of believing , upon the condition of attaining to know that christ taught so . an endeavour to know what iesus christ taught , mr. b — dsays truely is absolutely necessary to every one who is a christian , and to believe what he has attained to know that iesus christ taught , that also , he says , is absolutely necessary to every christian. but all this granted ( as true it is ) it still remains ( and eternally will remain ) to be proved from this ( which is all that mr. bold says ) that something else is absolutely required to make a man a christian , besides the unfeigned taking iesus to be the messiah , his king and lord , and accordingly , a sincere resolution to obey and believe all that he commanded and taught . the jailor , acts xvi . . in answer to his question , what he should do to be saved ; was answer'd , that he should believe in the lord iesus christ. and the text says that the jailor took them the same hour of the night , and washed their stripes , and was baptized , he and all his straight-way . now , i will ask our creed-maker , whether st. paul in speaking to him the word of the lord , proposed and explained to him all those propositions and fundamental heads of doctrine , which our creed-maker has set down as necessary to be believed to make a man a christian. let it be consider'd , the jailor was a heathen , and one that seems to have no more sense of religion or humanity , than those of that calling use to have : for he had let them alone under the pain of their stripes without any remedy , or so much as the ease of washing them , from the day before , till after his conversion , which was not till after midnight . and can any one think that between his asking what he should do to be saved , and his being baptized , which the text says , was the same hour and straightway , there was time enough for st. paul and silas to explain to him all the creed-maker's articles , and make such a man as that , and all his house understand the creed-maker's whole system ; especially since we hear nothing of it in the conversion of these or any others who were brought into the faith in the whole history of the preaching of our saviour and the apostles ? now let me ask our creed-maker , whether the jailor was not a christian , when he was baptized ; and whether if he had then immediately died , he had not been saved , without the belief of any one article more than what paul and silas had then ●aught him ? whence it follows , that what was then proposed to him to be believed ( which appears to be nothing but that iesus was the messiah ) was all that was absolutely necessary to be believed to make him a christian ; though this hinders not but that afterwards it might be necessary for him , indispensibly necessary , to believe other articles , when he attained to the knowledge that christ had taught them . and the reason of it is plain : because the knowing that christ taught any thing , and the not receiving it for true , ( which is believing it ) is inconsistent with the believing him to be the messiah , sent from god to inlighten and save the world. every word of divine revelation , is absolutely and indispensibly necessary to be believed , by every christian , as soon as he comes to know it to be taught by our saviour or his apostles , or to be of divine revelation . but yet this is far enough from making it absolutely necessary to every christian to know every text in the scripture , much less to understand every text in the scripture ; and least of all , to understand it as the creed-maker is pleased to put his sence upon it . this the good creed-maker either will not , or cannot understand : but gives us a list of articles culled out of the scripture by his own authority , and tells us those are absolutely necessary to be believed by every one , to make him a christian. for what is of absolute necessity in christianity , as those he says are , he tells us is absolutely requisite to make a man a christian. but when he is asked whether these are all the articles of absolute necessity , to be believed to make a man a christian ; this worthy divine , that takes upon him to be a successor of the apostles , cannot tell . and yet , having taken upon him also to be a creed-maker , he must suffer himself to be called upon for it again and again , till he tells us what is of absolute necessity to be believed to make a man a christian , or confess that he cannot . in the mean time , i take the liberty to say , that every proposition delivered in the new testament by our saviour , or his apostles , and so received by any christian as of divine revelation , is of as absolute necessity to be assented to by him , in the sence he understands it to be taught by them , as any one of those propositions enumerated by the creed-maker : and if he thinks otherwise , i shall desire him to prove it . the reason whereof is this , that in divine revelation the ground of faith being onely the authority of the proposer , where that is the same , there is no difference in the obligation or measure of believing . whatever the messiah that came from god taught , is equally to be believed by every one who receives him as the messiah , as soon as he understands what it was he taught . there is no such thing as garbling his doctrine , and making one part of it more necessary to be believed than another , when it is understood . his saying is , and must be , of unquestionable authority to all that receive him as their heavenly king ; and carries with it an equal obligation of assent to all that he says as true . but since no body can explicitly assent to any proposition of our saviour's as true , but in the sence he understands our saviour to have spoken it in , the same authority of the messiah , his king , obliges every one absolutely and indispensibly to believe every part of the new testament in that sence he understands it : for else he rejects the authority of the deliverer , if he refuses his assent to it in that sence which he is perswaded it was delivered in . but the taking him for the messiah , his king and lord , laying upon every one who is his subject , and obligation to endeavour to know his will in all things , every true christian is under an absolute and indispensible necessity , by being his subject , to study the scriptures with an unprejudiced mind , according to that measure of time , opportunity , and helps which he has ; that in these sacred writings , he may find what his lord and master hath by himself , or by the mouths of his apostles , required of him , either to be believed or done . the creed-maker , in the following page , . hath these words ; it is worth the reader 's observing , that notwithstanding i had in twelve pages together , ( viz. from the eighth to the twentieth ) proved that several propositions are necessary to be believed by us , in order to our being christians ; yet this sham-animadverter attends not to any one of the particulars which i had mentioned , nor offers any thing against them , but onely in a lumping way , dooms them all in those magisterial words ; i do not see any proof he produces , p. . this is his wonderful way of confuting me , by pretending that he cannot see any proof in what i alledge ; and all the world must be led by his eyes . answ. it is worth the reader 's observing , that the creed-maker does not reply to what mr. bold has said to him , as we have already seen , and shall see more as we go on ; and therefore he has little reason to complain of him , for not having answered enough . mr. bold did well to leave that which was an insignificant lump , so as it was together : for 't is no wonderful thing not to see any proof , where there is no proof . there is indeed , in those pages the creedmaker mentions , much confidence , much assertion , a great many questions asked , and a great deal said after his fashion : but for a proof , i deny there is any one : and if what i have said in another place already , does not convince him of it , i challenge him , with all his eyes and those of the world to boot , to find out in those twelve renowned pages one proof . let him set down the proposition , and his proof of its being absolutely and indispensibly necessary to be believed to make a man a christian ; and i too , will join with him in his testimonial of himself , that he is irrefragable . but i must tell him before-hand , talking a great deal loosely will not do it . mr. bold and i say we cannot see any proof in those twelve pages : the way to make us see , or to convince the world that we are blind , is to single out one proof out of that wood of words there , which you seem to take for arguments , and set it down in a syllogism , which is the fair trial of a proof or no proof . you have indeed a syllogism in the d. page , but that is not in those twelve pages you mention . besides , i have shew'd in another place , what that proves ; to which i referr you . in answer to the creed-maker's question , about his other fundamentals found in the epistles ; why did the apostles write these doctrines ? was it not , that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? mr. bold , p. . replies ; but then it may be asked again , were not those persons christians , to whom the apostles writ these doctrines , and whom they required to assent to them ? yes , verily : and if so , what was it that made them christians , before their assent to these doctrines was required ? if it were any thing besides their believing iesus to be the messiah , it ought to be instanced in , and made out . but to this mr. edwards answers not . the next thing in controversie between mr. bold and the creed-maker , ( for i follow mr. b — d's order , ) is about a matter of fact , viz. whether the creed-maker has proved , that iesus christ and his apostles have taught , that no man can be a christian , or shall be saved , unless he have an explicit knowledge of all those things which have an immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , means and issue of our salvation , and which are necessary for the knowing the true nature and design of it ? this , mr. bold , p. . tells him he has not done . to this the creed-maker replies , p. . and yet the reader may satisfie himself , that this is the very thing that i had been proving just before , and indeed , all along in the foregoing chapter . answ. there have been those who have been seven years proving a thing , which at last they could not do ; and i give you seven years to prove this proposition which you should there have proved , and i must add to your score here , viz. lii . that iesus christ , or his apostles , have taught , that no man can be a christian , or can be saved , unless he hath an explicit knowledge of all those things which have an immediate respect to the occasion , author , way , means and issue of our salvation , and which are necessary for our knowing the true nature and design of it . nor must the poor excuse , of saying , it was not necessary to add any farther medium ; and then proceed to another syllogism , because you had secured that proposition before ; go for payment . if you had secured it , as you say , it had been quite as easie , and much more for your credit , to have produced the proof whereby you had secured it , than to say you had done it ; and thereupon to reproach mr. bold with heedlessness ; and to tell the world , that he cares not what he saith . the rule of fair dispute , is indispensibly to prove , where any thing is denied . to evade this , is shuffling ; and he that , instead of it , answers with ill language , in my country , is call'd a foul-mouth'd wrangler . to the creed-maker's exception to my demand , about the actual belief of all his fundamentals in his new creed ; mr. bold asks , p. . whether a man can believe particular propositions , and not actually believe them ? but to this mr. edwards answers not . mr. bold , p. . farther acknowledges the creed-maker's fundamental propositions to be in the bible ; and that they are for this purpose there , that they may be believed ; and so , he saith , is every other proposition which is taught in our bibles : but asks , how will it thence follow , that no man can be a christian , till he particularly know , and actually assent to every proposition in our bibles ? but to this mr. edwards answers not . from p. , to . mr. b — d shews , that the creed-makers reply , concerning my not gathering of fundamentals out of the epistles , is nothing to the purpose , and this he demonstratively proves . and to this mr. edwards answers not . the creed-maker had falsly said , that i bring no tydings of an evangelical faith : and thence very readily and charitably inferrs ; which gives us to understand , that he verily believes there is no such christian faith. to this mr. bold thus softly replies , p. . i think mr. edwards is much mistaken , both in his assertion and inference : and to shew that he could not so inferr , adds ; if the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. had not brought any tidings of such a faith , i think it could not be thence justly inferr'd , that he verily believes there is no such christian faith. because his enquiry and search was not concerning christian●faith , considered subjectively , but objectively ; what the articles be which must be believed , to make a man a christian ; and not , with what sort of faith these articles are to be believed . to this the creed-maker answers , indeed ; but it is something as much worse than nothing , as falshood is worse than silence . his words are , p. . it may be questioned , from what he [ the animadverter ] hath the confidence to say , p. . viz. there is no enquiry in the reasonableness of christianity , concerning faith subjectively considered , but only objectively , &c. and thus having set down mr. b — d's words otherwise than they are ; for mr. bold does not say there is no enquiry , i. e. no mention , ( for so the creed-maker explains enquiries here . for to convince mr. bold , that there is an enquiry , i. e. mention of subjective faith , he alledges , that subjective faith is spoken of in the . and . pages of my book . ) but mr. bold says , not that faith considered subjectively , is not spoken of any where in the reasonableness of christianity , &c. but that the author 's enquiry and search , ( i. e. the author's search , or design of his search ) was not concerning christian faith considered subjectively : and thus the creed-maker imposing on his reader , by perverting mr. bold's sence , from what was the intention of my enquiry and search , to what i had said in it , he goes on , after his scurrilous fashion , to insult , in these words which follow ; i say , it may be guessed from this , what a liberty this writer takes , to assert what he pleases . answ. to assert what one pleases , without truth , and without certainty , is the worst character can be given a writer : and with falshood to charge it on another , is no mean slander and injury to a man's neighbour . and yet to these shameful arts must he be driven , who finding his strength of managing a cause , to lie only in fiction and falshood , has no other but the dull billinsgate way of covering it , by endeavouring to divert the reader 's observation and censure from himself , by a confident repeated imputation of that to his adversary , which he himself is so frequent in the commission of . and of this , the instances i have given , are a sufficient proof : in which i have been at the pains to set down the words on both sides , and the pages where they are to be found , for the reader 's full satisfaction . the cause in debate between us is of great weight , and concerns every christian ▪ that any evidence in the proposal , or defence of it , can be sufficient to conquer all men's prejudices , is a vanity to imagine . but this , i think , i may justly demand of every reader , that since there are great and visible falshoods on one side or the other , ( for the accusations of this kind are positive and frequent , ) he would examine on which side they are ; and upon that , i will venture the cause in any reader 's judgment , who will be but at the pains of turning to the pages marked out to him ; and as for him that will not do that , i care not much what he says . the creed-maker's following words , p. . have the natural mark of their author . they are these . how can this animadverter come off with peremptory declaring , that subjective faith is not enquired into in the treatise of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. when in another place , p. , and . he averrs , that christian faith , and christianity consider'd subjectively are the same . answ. in which words , there are two manifest ●ntruths ; the one is , that mr. bold peremptorily declares , that subjective faith is not inquired into , i. e. spoken of in the reasonableness of christianity , &c. whereas mr. bold says in that place , p. . if he [ i. e. the author ] had not said one word concerning faith subjectively considered . the creed-maker's other untruth , is his saying , that the animadverter averrs , p. . & . that christian faith and christianity considered subjectively are the same ▪ whereas 't is evident , that mr. bold arguing against these words of the creed-maker , ( the belief of iesus being the messiah was one of the first and leading acts of christian faith ) speaks in that place of an act of faith , as these words of his demonstrate . now , i apprehend that christian faith and christianity consider'd subjectively ( and an act ▪ of christian faith ▪ i think , cannot be understood in any other sence ) are the very same ▪ i must therefore desire him to set down the words , wherein the animadverter peremptorily declares , liii . that subjective faith is not enquired into , or spoken of , in the treatise of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. and next to produce the words wherein the animadverter averrs , liv. that christian faith and christianity consider'd subjectively , are the same . to the creed maker's saying , that the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. brings us no tidings of evangelical faith belonging to christianity , mr. bold replies ; that i have done it in all those pages where i speak of taking and accepting iesus to be our king and ruler , and particularly he sets down my words out of p. . but to this mr. edwards answers not . the creed-maker says , p. . of his socinianism unmasked , that the author of the reasonableness of christianity , tells men again and again , that a christian man , or member of christ , needs not know or believe any more than that one individual point . to which mr. bold thus replies , p. . if any man will shew me those words in any part of the reasonableness , &c. i shall suspect i was not awake all the time i was reading that book : and i am as certain as one awake can be , that there are several passages in that book directly contrary to these words . and there are some expressions in the vindication of the reasonableness , &c. one would think , if mr. edwards had observed them , they would have prevented that mistake . but to this mr. edwards answers not . mr. bold , p. . takes notice , that the creed-maker had not put the query or objection right , which , he says , some , and not without some shew of ground , may be apt to start : and therefore mr. bold puts the query right , viz. why did jesus christ and his apostles , require assent to , and belief of this one article alone , viz. that iesus is the messiah , to constitute and make a man a christian , or true member of christ ( as it is abundantly evident they did , from the reasonableness of christianity ) if the belief of more articles is absolutely necessary to make and constitute a man a christian. but to this mr. edwards answers not . and therefore i put the objection or query to him again , in mr. bold's words , and expect an answer to it , viz. lv. why did iesus christ and his apostles require assent to , and belief of this one article alone , viz. that jesus is the messiah , to make a man a christian ( as it is abundantly evident they did from all their preaching recorded throughout the whole history of the evangelists and acts ) if the belief of more articles be absolutely necessary to make a man a christian ? the creed-maker having made believing iesus to be the messiah , only one of the first and leading acts of christian faith ; mr. bold , p. . rightly tells him , that christian faith must be the belief of something or other : and if it be the belief of any thing besides this , that iesus is the christ or messias , that other thing should be specified ; and it should be made appear , that the belief that iesus is the messiah , without the belief of that other proposition , is not christian faith. but to this mr. edwards answers not . mr. b — d , in the four following pages , , — . has excellently explained the difference between that faith which constitutes a man a christian , and that faith whereby one that is a christian , believes the doctrines taught by our saviour ; and the ground of that difference , and therein has fully over-turned this position , that believing iesus to be the messiah , is but a step , or the first step to christianity . but to this mr. edwards answers not . to the creed-makers supposing that other matters of faith were proposed with this , that iesus is the messiah ; mr. bold replies , that this should be proved , viz. that other articles were proposed , as requisite to be believed to make men christians . and p. . he gives a reason why he is of another mind , viz. because there is nothing but this recorded , which was insisted on for that purpose . but to this mr. edwards answers not . mr. bold , p. . shews , that rom. x. . which the creed-maker brought against it , confirms the assertion of the author of the reasonableness , &c. concerning the faith that makes a man a christian. but to this mr. edwards answers not . the creed-maker says , p. . this is the main answer to the objection , ( or query above proposed , ) viz. that christianity was erected by degrees . this , mr. bold , p. . proves to be nothing to the purpose , by this reason ; viz. because what makes one man a christian , or ever did make any man a christian , will at any time , to the end of the world , make another man a christian ; and asks , will not that make a christian now , which made the apostles themselves christians ? but to this mr. edwards answers not . in answer to his th . chapter , mr. bold , p. . tells him , it was not my business to discourse of the trinity , or any other particular doctrines proposed to be believed by them who are christians ; and that it is no fair and just ground to accuse a man , for rejecting the dotrines of the trinity , and that jesus is god ; because he does not interpret some particular texts to the same purpose others do . but to this mr. edwards answers not . indeed he takes notice of these words of mr. bold , in this paragraph , viz. hence mr. edwards takes occasion to write many pages about these terms [ viz. messiah and son of god ] but i do not perceive that he pretends to offer any proof that these were not synonymous terms amongst the iews at that time , which is the point he should have proved , if he designed to invalidate what this author saith about that matter . to this the creed-maker replies , p. . the animadver●er doth not so much as offer one syllable ●o disprove what i delivered , and closely urged on that head . answer , what need any answer to disprove where there is no proof brought that reaches the proposition in question ? if there had been any such proof , the producing of it , in short , had been a more convincing argument to the reader , than so much bragging of what has been done . for here are more words spent ( for i have not set them all down ) than would have served to have expressed the proof of this proposition , viz. that the terms above-mentioned were not synonymous amongst the iews , if there had been any proof of it . but having already examined what the creed-maker brags he has closely urged , i shall say no more of it here . to the creed-makers making me a socinian , in his eighth chapter , for not naming christ's satisfaction amongst the advantages and benefits of christ's coming into the world ; mr. bold replies , . that it is no proof , because i promised not to name every one of them . and the mention of some is no denial of others . . he replies , that satisfaction is not so strictly to be termed an advantage , as the effects and fruits of it are ; and that the doctrine of satisfaction instructs us in the way how christ did by divine appointment , obtain those advantages for us . and this was an answer that deserved some reply from the creed-maker . but to this he answers not . mr. bold says right , that this is a doctrine that is of mighty importance for a christian to be well acquainted with . and i will add to it , that it is very hard for a christian who reads the scripture with attention , and an unprejudiced mind , to deny the satisfaction of christ : but it being a term not used by the holy ghost in the scripture , and very variously explained by those that do use it , and very much stumbled at by those i was there speaking to , who were such as i there say , who will not take a blessing , unless they be instructed what need they had of it , and why it was bestowed upon them ; i left it , with the other disputed doctrines of christianity , to be looked into ( to see what it was christ had taught concerning it ) by those who were christians , and believed jesus to be the saviour promised and sent from god. and to those who yet doubted that he was so , and made this objection ; what need was there of a saviour ? i thought it most reasonable to offer such particulars only as were agreed on by all christians , and were capable of no dispute , but must be acknowledged by every body to be needful . this , though the words above-quoted out of p. , & . of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. shew to be my design ; yet the creed-maker plainly gives me the lye , and tells me it was not my design . all the world are faithless , false , treacherous , hypocritical , strainers upon their reason and conscience , dissemblers , iourney-men , mercenary hirelings , except mr. edwards : i mean , all the world that opposes him . and must not one think he is mightily beholding to the excellency and readiness of his own nature , who is no sooner engaged in controversie , but he immediately finds out in his adversaries these arts of equivocation , lying and effrontry in managing of it ? reason and learning , and acquired improvements , might else have let him have gone on with others in the dull and ordinary way of fair arguing ; wherein possibly he might have done no great feats . must not a rich and fertile soyle within , and a prompt genius wherein a man may readily spie the propensities of base and corrupt nature , be acknowledged to be an excellent qualification for a disputant , to help him to the quick discovery and laying open of the faults of his opponents ; which a mind otherwise disposed would not so much as suspect ? mr. bold without this , could not have been so soon found out to be a iourney-man , a dissembler , an hired mercenary , and stored with all those good qualities wherein he hath his full share with me . but why would he then venture upon mr. edwards , who is so very quick-sighted in these matters , and knows so well what villainous man is capable of ? i should not here , in this my vindication , have given the reader so much of mr. bold's reasoning , which though clear and strong , yet has more beauty and force as it stands in the whole piece in his book ; nor should i have so often repeated this remark upon each passage , viz. to this mr. edwards answers not ; had it not been the shortest and properest comment could be made on that triumphant paragraph of his , which begins in the . page of his socinian creed , wherein amongst a great deal of no small strutting are these words ; by their profound silence they acknowledge they have nothing to reply . he that desires to see more of the same noble strain , may have recourse to that eminent place . besides , it was fit the reader should have this one taste more of the creed-maker's genius , who passing by in silence all these clear and apposite replies of mr. bold , loudly complains of him , p. . that where he [ mr. bold ] finds something that he dares not object against , he shifts it off . and again , p. . that he doth not make any offer at reason , there is not the least shadow of an argument . — as if he were only hired to say something against me [ the creed-maker ] though not at all to the purpose : and truly , any man may discern a mercenary stroke all along ; with a great deal more to the same purpose . for such language as this , mixed with scurrility , neither fit to be spoken by , nor of a minister of the gospel , make up the remainder of his postscript . but to prevent this for the future ; i demand of him , that if in either of his treatises there be any thing against what i have said , in my reasonableness of christianity , which he thinks not fully answer'd , he will set down the proposition in direct words , and note the page of his book where it is to be found ; and i promise him an answer to it . for as for his railing , and other stuff , besides the matter , i shall hereafter no more trouble my self to take notice of it . and so much for mr. edwards . there is another gentleman , and of another sort of make , parts , and breeding , who ( as it seems , ashamed of mr. edwards's way of handling controversies in religion ) has had something to say of my reasonableness of christianity , &c. and so has made it necessary for me to say a word to him , before i let these papers go out of my hand . it is the author of the occasional paper , numb . . the , , and pages of that paper , gave me great hopes to meet with a man who would examine all the mistakes which come abroad in print , with that temper and indifferency , that might set an exact pattern for controversie , to those who would approve themselves to be sincere contenders for truth and knowledge , and nothing else , in the disputes they engaged in . making him allowance for the mistakes that self-indulgence is apt to impose upon humane frailty , i am apt to believe he thought his performances had been such : but i crave leave to observe , that good and candid men are often misled , from a fair unbiassed pursuit of truth , by an over-great zeal for something that they , upon wrong grounds , take to be so ; and that it is not so easie to be a fair and unprejudiced champion for truth , as some who profess it think it to be . to acquaint him with the occasion of this remark , i must desire him to read and consider his th . page , and then to tell me . . whether he knows , that the doctrine proposed in the reasonableness of christianity , &c. was borrowed , as he says , from hobbs's leviathan ? for i tell him , i borrowed it only from the writers of the four gospels , and the acts ; and did not know that those words he quoted out of the leviathan , were there , or any thing like them . nor do i know yet any farther , than as i believe them to be there , from his quotation . . whether affirming , as he does positively , this , which he could not know to be true , and is in it self perfectly false , were meant to encrease or lessen the credit of the author of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. in the opinion of the world ? or is consonant with his own rule , p. . of putting candid constructions on what adversaries say ? or with what follows , in these words ; the more divine the cause is , still the greater should be the caution . the very discoursing about almighty god , or our holy religion , should compose our passions , and inspire us with candour and love. it is very indecent to handle such subjects in a manner that betrays rancour and spite . these are fiends that ought to vanish ; and should never mix either with a search after truth , or the defence of religion . . whether the propositions which he has out of my book , inserted into his th . page , and says ▪ are consonant to the words of the leviathan , were those , of all my book , which were likeliest to give the reader a true and fair notion of the doctrine contained in it ? if they were not , i must desire him to remember and beware of his fiends . not but that he will find those propositions there to be true . but that neither he nor others may mistake my book , this is that , in short , which it says , . that there is a faith that makes men christians . . that this faith is the believing iesus of nazareth to be the messiah . . that the believing iesus to be the messiah , includes in it a receiving him for our lord and king , promised and sent from god : and so lays upon all his subjects an absolute and indisble necessity of assenting to all that they can attain , the knowledge that he taught ; and of a sincere obedience to all that he commanded . this , whether it be the doctrine of the leviathan , i know not . this appears to me out of the new testament , from whence ( as i told him in the preface ) i took it , to be the doctrine of our saviour and his apostles ; and i would not willingly be mistaken in it . if therefore there be any other faith besides this absolutely requisite to make a man a christian , i shall here again desire this gentleman to inform me what it is , i. e. to set down all those propositions which are so indispensibly to be believed , ( for 't is of simple believing , i perceive , the controversie runs ) that no man can be a believer , i. e. a christian , without an actual knowledge of , and an explicit assent to them . if he shall do this with that candour and fairness he declares to be necessary in such matters , i shall own my self obliged to him : for i am in earnest , and i would not be mistaken in it . if he shall decline it , i , and the world too , must conclude , that upon a review of my doctrine , he is convinced of the truth of it , and is satisfied that i am in the right . for it is impossible to think that a man of that fairness and candour which he solemnly prefaces his discourse with , should continue to condemn the account i have given of the faith which i am persuaded makes a christian ; and yet he himself will not tell me ( when i earnestly demand it of him , as desirous to be rid of my error , if it be one ) what is that more , which is absolutely required to be believed by every one , before he can be a believer ; i. e. what is indispensibly necessary to be known , and explicitly believed to make a man a christian. another thing which i must desire this author to examine by those his own rules , is , what he says of me , p. . where he makes me to have a prejudice against the ministry of the gospel , and their office , from what i have said , p. , , . of my reasonableness , &c. concerning the priests ▪ of the world , in our saviour's time ; which he calls bitter reflections . if he will tell me what is so bitter , in any of those passages which he has set down , that is not true , or ought not to be said there , and give me the reason why he is offended at it ; i promise him to make what reparation he shall think fit , to the memory of those priests whom he with so much good-nature patronizes , near seventeen hundred years after they have been out of the world ; and is so tenderly concerned for their reputation , that he excepts against that , as said against them , which was not . for one of the three places he sets down , was not spoken of priests . but his making my mentioning the faults of the priests of old , in our saviour's time , to be an exposing the office of the ministers of the gospel now , and a vilifying those who are employed in it ; i must desire him to examine , by his own rules of love and candour , and to tell me , whether i have not reason here again to mind him of his fiends , and to advise him to beware of them ? and to shew him why i think i have , i crave leave to ask him those questions . . whether i do not all along plainly , and in express words , speak of the priests of the world , preceding , and in our saviour's time ? nor can my argument bear any other sence . . whether all i have said of them be not true ? . whether the representing truly the carriage of the iewish , and more-especially of the heathen priests in our saviour's time , as my argument required , can expose the office of the ministers of the gospel now ? or ought to have such an interpretation put upon it ? . whether what he says of the ayr and language i use reaching farther , carry any thing else in it but a declaration , that he thinks some men's carriage now , hath some affinity with what i have truly said of the priests of the world before christianity ; and that therefore the faults of those should have been let alone , or touch'd more gently , for fear some should think these now concerned in it ? . whether , in truth , this be not to accuse them with a design to draw the envy of it on me ? whether out of good-will to them , or to me , or both , let him look . this i am sure , i have spoke of none but the priests before christianity , both iewish and heathen . and for those of the iews , what our saviour has pronounced of them , justifies my reflections from being bitter ; and that the idolatrous heathen priests were better than they , i believe our author will not say : and if he were preaching against them , as opposing the ministers of the gospel , i suppose he would give as ill a character of them . but if any one extends my words farther than to those they were spoke of , i ask whether that agrees with his rules of love and candour ? i shall impatiently expect from this author of the occasional paper , an answer to these questions ; and hope to find them such as becomes that temper , and love of truth , which he professes . i long to meet with the man , who laying aside party , and interest , and prejudice , appears in controversie so as to make good the character of a champion of truth for truth 's sake ; a character not so hard to be known whom it belongs to , as to be deserved . whoever is truly such an one , his opposition to me will be an obligation . for he that proposes to himself the convincing me of an error , only for truth 's sake , cannot , i know , mix any rancour , or spite , or ill-will , with it . he will keep himself at a distance from those fiends , and be as ready to hear as offer reason . and two so disposed , can hardly miss truth between them , in a fair enquiry after it ; at least , they will not lose good-breeding , and especially charity , a vertue much more necessary than the attaining of the knowledge of obscure truths , that are not easie to be found ; and probably , therefore , not necessary to be known . the unbiassed design of the writer , purely to defend and propagate truth , seems to me to be that alone which legitimates controversies . i am sure , it plainly distinguishes such from all others , in their success and usefulness . if a man , as a sincere friend to the person , and to the truth , labours to bring another out of error , there can be nothing more beautiful , nor more beneficial . if party , passion or vanity direct his pen , and have an hand in the controversie , there can be nothing more unbecoming , more prejudicial , nor more odious . what thoughts i shall have of a man that shall , as a christian , go about to inform me what is necessary to be believed to make a man a christian , i have declared , in the preface to my reasonableness of christianity , &c. nor do i find my self yet alter'd . he that in print finds fault with my imperfect discovery of that wherein the faith which makes a man a christian consists , and will not tell me what more is required , will do well to satisfie the world what they ought to think of him . finis . julian's arts to undermine and extirpate christianity together with answers to constantius the apostate, and jovian / by samuel johnson. johnson, samuel, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) julian's arts to undermine and extirpate christianity together with answers to constantius the apostate, and jovian / by samuel johnson. johnson, samuel, - . constantius ii, emperor of rome, - . jovian, emperor of rome, ca. - . [ ], xv, , [ ] p. printed by j.d. for the author, and are to be sold by richard chiswell ..., and jonathan robinson ..., london : . errata: p. xv and p. [ ] at end. includes bibliographical references. a tract written in against the succession of the duke of york (later james ii). "the present impression of this book, was made in the year ...": prelim. p. . "an answer to constantius the apostate" and "an answer to jovian" have caption titles. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -- ii, -- king of england, - . julian, -- emperor of rome, - . church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jason colman sampled and proofread - jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion julian's arts to undermine and extirpate christianity . the present impression of this book , was made in the year , and has ever since lain buried under the ruines of all those english rights which it endeavoured to defend ; but by the auspicious and happy arrival of the prince of orange , both they and it have obtained a resurrection . jvlian's arts to undermine and extirpate christianity . together with answers to constantius the apostate , and jovian . by samuel johnson . licensed and entered according to order . london , printed by j. d. for the author , and are to be sold by richard chiswell at the rose and crown , and jonathan robinson at the golden-lion in st. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxix . to the ever glorious memory of william lord russel , the author having written this book in his lordships service , does most humbly offer and dedicate it . the preface . before the reader engages in the perusal of this book , i shall entreat him to take this following account of what he shall find in it . having given as large an account in my former book concerning julian's vsage of the christians , and their behaviour towards him , as might satisfy any reasonable man , i have since found it necessary to add some new matter of fact upon that subject , both to confirm the old , and to free it , if it be possible , from wrangling and dispute . and that i might not deliver this fresh matter in a way of loose and incoherent quotations , which would have been tedious , i took a hint from gothofredus his julianus , to put it into a discourse , which will at once give an account of julian's devices to worm the christians out of their religion , and likewise shew how well studied the papists are in those arts. my answerers have been so many , that i cannot number them on the sudden ; and i think it has been drudgery enough for one man to read them over ; but yet because two of them especially have been applauded as the champions of the cause , i thought my self concerned to give them an answer ▪ not in the least to vindicate my self from their reflections , ( which i value not , tho it were stupidity not at all to resent them ) but to do what service i could to truth , and to the rights of my native country ; for either of which , if god will have it so , i hope i shall not be unwilling to lay down my life . the author of constantius , in the late shamming way , has set up a mock-apostate , to give a diversion , and take off the force of what has been said concerning julian ; but i hope it will prove to be with the like success as the mock-plots have had , which have always confirmed men in the belief of the true one . he has likewise abused a great deal of scripture , to expose the freemen of england , and their established religion , to violence , oppression , and extirpation ; and if i have rescued those texts which he has so employed , from such mischievous applications for the future , i shall think my pains well spent . the author of jovian , by coming last , has had the advantage of summing up the evidence , which he has done so faithfully , that he has not omitted heraclitus's charge against me , that i raise an induction from one particular ; which he backs with as true an observation of his own , that i call the few months of julian 's reign an age , p. . i say this , to shew the compleatness of this author's performance , and that in his answer we read the substance of all the rest ; and not to rob him of the honour of having added many things of his own , as particularly the history of broken succession in the empire , ( which may be a true one for ought i know , for it is of so small concernment in this controversy , that i never examined it ) ; his outlandish notion of a soveraign , which is such a deceit to a common reader , as a scale of dutch miles would be in a map of middlesex ; and his distinction of imperial and political laws , which is the master-piece in his book . this distinction i am apt to think is his last refuge ; and therefore i shall , first , shew how this author was driven to it ; and , dly , how false and groundless it is ; and dly , what are the immediate consequences of it . . in my former book i laid down this undeniable truth , that we are bound not to part with our lives , but to defend them , unless when the laws of god , or of our country require us to lay them down . now it is not death by the law of god , but our duty to be protestants ; and by the law of the land it is so far from being death , that , on the other hand , it is death to forsake the protestant religion , and to turn papist . and therefore , in case protestants should be persecuted under a popish successor , i ask'd , by what law they must die ? that question would admit no direct answer ; for no man can say , that we ought to die for being protestants , either by the law of god , or the law of the land : and therefore the author of jovian , being resolved to cut a knot which he could not untie , has found out the most wretched expedient of a distinction that ever was : for , first , he splits and divides one and the same law of the land into imperial and political ; and then says , that by the imperial or prerogative law we ought to submit to be murthered . . now in the second place , there never was a more horrid slander cast upon the prerogative , than this is : for whereas the law of england says , that the king's prerogative stretcheth not to the doing of any wrong ; this author has found a way to stretch and extend it to the subversion of all the laws , and to the destruction of all his liege subjects . by the law of england , the king is inviolable , and by the same law he can do no wrong ; and there is all the reason in the world , that he who is above the doing of any injury , should be placed out of the reach of any manner of resistance . but tho the king can do no wrong , and therefore we can suffer none from him ; yet to make way for passive obedience , our author will have a sort of subjects , call'd the sovereign's forces , to be irresistible too , tho in the most outragious acts of destructive violence . that 's too plain a juggle ; for as the king can do no wrong , so he can authorize no single person , much less numbers of men , to do any wrong : or , to borrow the words of a great lawyer , the king cannot do injury ; for if he command to do a man wrong , the command is void , & alter fit autor , and the actor becomes the wrong-doer . now whether men , by authorizing themselves to do mischief , and to commit capital crimes , are thereby entitled to an uncontroulable imperial power , to the rights of sovereignty , and to the prerogative of being irresistible , i leave all the world to judg . . in the last place , i shall shew the immediate consequences of this new distinction of imperial laws , to which we must pay our passive obedience . we have many people amongst us , who are very much at ease , and wrap up themselves in the security of this one consideration , that popery can never be established in england : which i believe to be true , provided men may be allowed to hold their own , and to maintain those laws which establish the protestant religion , as they are bound to do : and therefore i was perfectly of the same mind , till i saw the blind slavish passive obedience set up , and so industriously promoted amongst us ; for that passive obedience is popery established by a law , when ever the prince shall please . for what was popery established by a law in q. mary's time ? or what other mischief can protestants suffer by the establishment of popery at any other time , but only to be reduced to this choice , either to turn papists , or else to submit to be destroyed ? now so soon as ever a popish successor shall give the word , popery is as surely established by the imperial laws , as it can be by ten thousand political acts of parliament : for if we are as much bound to submit , when we are turned over to the secular arm of a brigadeer , as when by a writ de haeretico comburendo , we are turned over to the secular arm of a sheriff , where is the difference ? so that we may be driven to smithfield by droves , and be piled up , and burnt , like loads of faggots , without the trouble of repealing one protestant political act. vnless a protestant nation , a kingdom fly , they are in a state of damnation , according to our author , if they will not submit to this vsage ; and i am sure a popish prince according to his religion , is in the same state , ( to say nothing of the loss of his kingdom ) if he do not destroy hereticks , as far as fire and sword will go . thus far , as protestants , we are beholden to this new doctrine of imperial laws ; and , as english men , we shall suffer more by them , than the nation ever did under popery : for those that will be papists , shall not be excused from being slaves , but their lives and liberties shall be wholly at the discretion of their prince . this is so clear a consequence , that our author himself owns it , and says expresly , p. . in all sovereign governments , subjects must be slaves as to this particular . whereas the subjects of england never were slaves in any particular , nor ever would be , in the darkest times of popery . besides , i would fain know in what particular they are free-men , who are slaves as to this particular of their lives and liberties ; i cannot but think that they must needs be slaves all over . neither can i see the necessity of our author's must be slaves ; for sovereignty in the government , does not at all imply slavery in the subject in any one particular , as i will prove to him , even in his own way , by the notion of a sovereign : for tho he talks much of the essence and essential rights of sovereignty , p. , and in many other places ; yet i doubt not of convincing him , that the notion of a sovereign implies nothing in it but superiority ; and as for the terms and measures of this superiority , they must be known some other way , and are not involved in the formal conception of a sovereign , nor are all out so certain and demonstrable , as the properties of a cube or a sphere . for in the law of england , every master of a servant , for instance , is a sovereign , he is his servants immediate sovereign , as our author may find it twice in one short act , hen. . cap. . and a hired servant , who is a free-man , owes to this immediate sovereign a natural and obliged duty , as he may see in the same act. and yet i am certain , our author will not undertake to prove , that the rights of an absolute and arbitrary sovereignty do belong to every master of a servant ; or that that servant is a slave as to his life or liberty , either by the common laws of sovereignty , as his phrase is , or by the laws of christianity . and truly it is not the least aggravation of this slavery , to be put into chains under pretence of our christianity , which for that end must go under the name of a suffering religion , and be called the doctrine of the cross , in such a sense , as if it would not suffer the professors of it to live . whereas i have heretofore shewed , from cor. . , , . that christianity is so far from enslaving us , or devesting us of those rights and priviledges which we have already , that it encourages us to procure more liberties and franchises , if we can come honestly by them : v. . but if thou mayest be made free , use it rather . it forbids men likewise to enslave themselves , v. . ye are bought with a price , be ye not the servants of men. i might now from this place , charge all those that are for the slavish passive obedience , with denying the lord that bought them ; as the author of constantius does me , with denying a passive crucified saviour ; or , as the author of jovian does , with burlesquing the doctrine of the cross : but i abhor all such abuse of scripture , to abuse an adversary ; for i know that all honest men will sooner renounce an hundred such silly doctrines , which it may be hitherto they had no occasion to examine , than either renounce their blessed saviour , or any part of his religion . but to return , it is plain therefore , that christianity does not alter mens condition for the worse , nor turn free-men ( as the people of england have always been ) into slaves , as to their lives and liberties ; neither , under the pretence of passive obedience , does it give their persons or estates into the hands of violence , when the law bids them keep them , and protects them in defending them . but on the other hand , it charges them , be ye not the servants of men : which indeed is a dictate of the law of nature , and what men of themselves would observe , if they were not degenerate ; for voluntary slavery is a sin against the law of nature , which no man in his right mind can be guilty of . and therefore the canon-law says , that if there had been no drunkenness , there had been no slavery . it seems it was the product of a blind drunken bargain . and we have hitherto seen no better fruits of our drunken healths and huzza's , but much worse : for it is a greater sin for a man to betray others into slavery with him , than only to make bold with himself ; and it is still a greater sin to betray a trust to do it , and to break oaths , and be perjured , to betray that trust ; for that is making themselves the captives of the devil , that they may be the servants of men , and enslaving themselves body and soul , to enslave others . good god! i what will become of us , when such wickedness as this shall dare to assume the name of loyalty ! and irreparable injury to the subject , shall pass for duty to the prince ! is not this , thou shalt not forswear thy self , thou shalt not defraud , be ye not the servants of men , as much scripture as , render unto caesar the things that are caesar ' s ? and that as much scripture as this ? why then shall we set them at variance , and make them inconsistent ? why must one duty drown another ? or that which indeed is no duty , drown those that are ? for where is it said , render unto caesar the things which are not caesar's ? where do you find that duty , to render that which by the law of god and man is your own , or indeed not wholly your own , but other mens too , with which you are entrusted : and not theirs neither , but the children's which are yet unborn ; and made sacred to them all , by the oath of god which is upon you ? it is a madness , beyond that of drunkenness , to do all this in a complement . men must be under some stronger delusions , and think there is a great deal of merit in it , before they could be brought to do it : and therefore i believe these effects are wrought by the power of that turkish passive doctrine , which enables those slaves to break their own necks , out of profound obedience to their grand signior , and fills them with conceits of going to paradise for their pains . if that be so , what have those men done , who have ventured to adopt this doctrine into christianity , thereby removing our old landmarks , and undermining those banks and walls of english rights and liberties , which alone , under god , could keep out popery and slavery from overflowing us . i beg of them , for the love of god , and of their country , and of their own souls , and in the behalf of posterity , which had better never see the light , than be born under popery and slavery , that they would seriously consider what will be the end of these things , and how they will be able to account for it ; and then let them do as they shall think fit . i must not omit to say somewhat to one fallacy of our author , which he has repeated so often in his book , that perhaps he now believes it himself , as he would have others to do ; and that is , that self-defence does more mischief than the most outragious and bloody oppression . the learned call that the fallacy of non causà pro causa ; for self-defence never did any mischief in this world ; and it is impossible , that one man's righting himself can do another man wrong . the mischief that happens in that case , is wholly to be charged upon those that invade mens lives and liberties , and thereby put them upon a necessity of defending them . and if that mischief fall upon the heads of the invaders themselves , it is well placed , it is their own mischief , which they intended for others : if by accident it involve innocent persons , who were not aimed at , still they are answerable for it , who were the cause of it . but for men to abandon their lives , and all their english rights and liberties , for fear of accidental mischief , is to throw away their bibles for fear of heresy , of which mischief the scripture it self is never the cause , but very often the unwilling occasion . in a word , our author's doctrine of a slavish passive obedience , is an encouragement , a provocation , and an irresistible temptation with wicked men , to all manner of lawless oppression , which is manifestly to the destruction of the government , and against the king's crown and dignity , as the law sets forth such offences : whereas the doctrine of a just and necessary defence , and that no man should invade or destroy his fellow subjects , but at his own peril , has a direct tendency to the welfare and preservation of a nation , by putting an awe and restraint upon all lawless and destructive insolence ▪ so that no man can be offended at it , but he who would exercise that cruelty , and do that mischief which the law will not suffer him to do . as for our author's introduction , and other parts of his book , wherein he directly charges me with burlesquing the doctrine of the cross , and insinuates therein a charge of blasphemy upon that account ; i leave the reader to judg , who brings the greater reproach upon the cross of christ : he that says , the doctrine of the bow-string is the doctrine of the cross ▪ or he that says and pro●es , that the doctrine of martyrdom only is the doctrine of the cross , but that the slavish doctrine of the bow-string is a mischievous turkish doctrine , and no evangelical principle . but this man would have faced down the prophet , when be derided baal , for a god who was hunting , or upon a journey , or fast asleep , and must be awakened , that all that while he was blaspheming the deity : for when i do the same as the prophet did , by popish idolatrous prayers , and by the mischievous cant of prayers and tears , which these men employ as a tool and an instrument of arbitrary government and oppression ; which destructive way of prescribing and applying them , was the only thing i called a mountebanck receipt , ( as the words which immediately follow in that place , chap. . do fully testify ) this by all means must be represented as irreligion and prophaneness . i shall say nothing to his libels , which are scattered quite through his book against persons of sacred memory , of honour , and of great learning and integrity ; for their own worth has given them so secure a reputation , that it would be a ridiculous officiousness in me to vindicate it : i should rather be inclined to bid him rail on ; for tho his reproaches are no slanders , yet i know not what his commendations might be . errata . page . there is a mistake in history , but it is not material . julian's arts to undermine and extirpate christianity . by being born an english-man , i am become a debtor to my country ; and by being a clergy-man , to the church of god : and i cannot better discharge my duty to both of them at once , than by laying open those wicked arts and stratagems , which heretofore distressed a flourishing empire , and wanted but little of extinguishing the christian name all over the world. for , as my lord bacon has wisely observed , to discover these wicked arts , is to disarm them ; which ( as the fable goes of the basilisk ▪ ) kill those only that are not aware of them , but are disabled from doing mischief , by being seen first . before i come to treat of these in particular , i shall say somewhat in general of julian's dissimulation , a vein of which you will see runs through all his actions : and likewise of those peculiar advantages which he had to further all his mischievous designs , and those were the reputation of his great moderation and justice . chap. i. julian's dissimulation . and indeed nothing of truth and sincerity could be expected from him , who had dissembled for ten years together , in that which is the most sacred and solemn thing in the world : for so long he counterfeited in the matter of religion . a practice so false and odious , that we know little of julian , unless we view him a while in his religious disguise ; which is patch'd up of the basest , and most mischievous vices that are in the world. for there is in this practice a mixture of cowardise and impudence at once ; it prostitutes religion , and makes it truckle to a poor worldly interest ; and it destroys the foundation of all belief and confidence amongst men. for at this rate oaths , vows , protestations , appeals to heaven , and such-like , the greatest assurances amongst men , come to nothing . this then is ammianus's hero ; that mighty man , who durst not own his gods for ten years together ; but was such a slave as to fall down and worship the carpenter's son , that son of mary , whom he so much vilifies and disdains in his writings . that false man , who worship'd the eternal sun by moon-light , and yet in the very face of him went and worship'd the obscure galilean , and turn'd his back upon his own glorious deity . that degenerate heathen , who to gain the favour of the galileans , whom he inwardly scorn'd and hated , did that which an honest-hearted heathen abhorr'd , that which socrates would not do to save his life , but preferr'd hemlock before it . in a word , that man , who if he would have bespoke mens belief , as he used to do their attention , hear me , to whom the french and germans before now have hearkned ; must have said thus : believe me , christians , whom no body can believe ; who can swear by no gods , to whom for many years i have not been false . believe me , christians , to whose prayers i have said many a false amen , whose sacraments i have turn'd into biting and supping , and whose whole religion i acted as a part for ten years together . be you fools to believe me now , and i will give you leave to be wiser , and to speak sentences hereafter : and when you have served my designs , you may then say if you please , there is no faith in man. chap. ii. his moderation . besides the great gift of dissembling in general , julian had the advantage of furthering his designs by pretending great moderation ; which st. gregory calls a shew of gentleness , and theodoret calls his vizor of meekness : and this he chiefly wore , in these two cases . first , in pretending to be reconciled to those that had opposed him , and in telling the world he could readily forgive . i shall make choice of this instance out of very many . as he was sacrificing to jupiter , of a sudden he saw one lying prostrate on the ground , begging to have his life and pardon given him . and when julian ask'd who it was ? answer was made , that it was theodotus , one that belong'd to the governour of hierapolis ; and that waiting upon constantius at his departure out of that city , in an ugly way of flattering him , as if for certain he would have the victory , he begg'd , just as if he had been crying , of the emperour , that he would please to send their city the head of julian , that ungrateful rebel , in the same manner that he remembred magnentius's head was carried about , which was on the top of a pole : which when julian heard , i have heretofore , says he , heard this saying of yours reported by many . but go your way home , secure and free from all fear by the clemency of your prince , who has resolved , in prudence , to lessen the number of his enemies , and , out of choice , does what he can to encrease his friends . but notwithanding this melting passage , he that shall believe julian to be the mildest and most merciful prince that ever lived , will be grosly mistaken . for when he shewed full as much gentleness to maris bishop of chalcedon , who told him his own very publickly , sozomen neither imputes it to his vertue , nor to his good nature ; but represents it as only a copy of his countenance , and a meer amusement . the emperor , says he , making no answer , passed it by . for he reckoned that hereby he should confirm heathenism the more , having shewed himself so surprizingly meek and patient before a great number of christians . and that he did it out of design , appears further , by taking his time to reckon with the old bishop afterwards . dly . his vizor of meekness went on again , when there was any occasion to speak of differences in religion : for there he breathed nothing but gentleness , and seem'd to have a very tender regard of mens consciences . he was not for pressing any body against their inclination in matters of religion , but for leaving all men in their native liberty , and as free as thought . if any man would be perswaded to come over to his religion , he was welcome ; but he would not allow of compulsion by any means . and thus , by an edict , he orders his heathens at bostra to treat their galilaean neighbours ; telling them that men ought to be won by reason and instructions , and not by beating and reviling , and corporal punishments . and if the galilaeans notwithstanding should continue obstinately in their error , he bids them not to be angry at them for it ; but to look upon them as objects of compassion , and rather to pity them , as lying in a state of irreligion , which is the greatest calamity in the world. he never speaks better sense than upon this occasion ; and when he inveighs against force and compulsion , he does it with a good grace . and yet all this was no more then queen mary's court holy-water to the men of suffolk ; or her compounding afterwards with the londoners in guild-hall , for the liberty of her own conscience ; while gardiner and bonner were framing quite other arguments of conversion , than those of reason and instruction . chap. iii. his justice . but the reputation which he had for his temper and moderation , seems to be short of that which he had for justice , to which he was a great pretender , and under the covert of it did infinite mischief . this gave him a fair opportunity of undermining christianity : for who could suspect that he would not do all men right , who had brought astraea back again from heaven , and took care to administer justice himself , that it might be well done , and valued himself mightily upon it . and not only the heathens were always filling mens ears with their praises of him for it , but the donatists too , like true flatterers , who use to give men those praises which they most willingly hear , told him , that he was the person with whom only justice took place . whereas he plainly turn'd the sword of justice into a backsword : for it was very keen towards the christians , but blunt and harmless towards the heathens . for tho the christians were destroyed in most parts of the empire , yet it was sore against his will if any of the heathens suffered for their outrages upon them . he spoke big indeed , and threatened the alexandrians for their barbarous murder of bishop george ; but his blood was put up . for before he concludes his terrible letter , he tells them , that for the sake of some of his kindred , and their god serapis , he still reserves a brotherly kindness for them . but when the like barbarities were acted at gaza upon eusebius , nestabus , and zeno , only for their former zeal against heathenism ( the description of whose usage would make a man's heart bleed ) the historian expresly says , that the emperour did not so much as send a chiding letter thither ; but on the other hand , turned out the governour , and in great favour banish'd him , instead of putting him to death ; because he had apprehended some of the men of gaza , who were said to be ring-leaders in the riot and murders which had been committed , and had put them in prison to abide the law. for why should they suffer , says julian , who had revenged themselves upon a few galileans , for the injuries which they had often done both them and their gods. st. gregory relates this as a well-known and famous passage . who is ignorant how that a certain people having raged against the christians , committed many murders , and threatned a great deal more , because the governour of the province went the middle way , betwixt the times and the laws ; for as he thought he must serve the times , so he had some small reverence for the laws ; and therefore having put to death many of the christians , and punished but few of the heathens , and being accused for this before the emperor ; though he pleaded the laws , according to which he was entrusted to govern , he had like to have been put to death : at last , obtaining favour , he was condemned to be banished . and how admirable and gracious was this expression of julian at that time ? for says the just judge , and no persecutor of christians , what great matter were it if one heathen hand had killed ten galileans ? is not this bare-fac'd cruelty ? is not this an edict of persecution ? surely there never was a greater juggle of tyranny in the world , nor more odly managed , than this of julian : to make no sanguinary laws against the christians , because he would not be thought a persecutor , and yet to take care that they should be as effectually destroyed , as if all the laws of the empire had been against them : and after that to lay open the contrivance , and betray his own plot ! as gregory's words are upon a like occasion , he could not keep his own wicked counsel , but discovered the secret : for we need no further light to understand what his justice was , than this one aphorism of it from his own mouth . chap. iv his methods of conversion . jvlian finding the christian religion , as constantius had left it , in power and authority , having had an establishment of well nigh fifty years under the glorious emperour constantine the great , and his sons ; and heathenism being driven into corners by a great number of edicts , which amongst other things had made it death to sacrifice ; had reason to complain , as secretary coleman did upon a like occasion , that he had a very great work upon his hands , no less than the conversion of a whole empire . only there were two sorts of men , who saved him the labour , and did his work to his hands . first ; the volant squadron , that running camp , which immediately wheels about upon the least signal of a change in religion . those very forward people , who as soon as they knew how julian stood affected , and what he would be at , presently took the hint , and were special good heathens in an instant ; and afterwards were immediately as good christians again , at jovian's service . there are always such wretches as these in the world ; who , as themistius excellently says , do not worship god , but the purple . and as one of our own historians speaks , concerning the same sort of people in the beginning of queen mary's reign , are so forward to worship the rising sun , that to make sure work of it , they will adore the dawning day . dly , a sort of simple , unthinking , and stupid men ; who , tho they are slower , are no less sure than the former . they do not indeed anticipate an alteration in religion , but when it is made , they no more scruple the prince's religion , than they doubt whether his coin be lawful money . they count it their duty and their loyalty to acquiesce , and very ill manners to think themselves wiser than their betters , concluding that god and the czar know all . their conscience is , that they ought to be guided by the publick conscience ; and they please themselves mightily in believing , that if they be misled , the fault will lye at their door who have misled them , and that they must answer for it . whereas it is suppposed , if a man out of complement to the eyes of his betters , should neglect to use his own , and run his head against a post , that he himself would have the worst of it . julian presumed to find this implicit temper chiefly in the army , who are so used to a blind obedience , that , as st. gregory's words are , some of them know no other law , than the will of their prince : and accordingly he did find it , for many of them presently followed their leader , tho it were to heathenism and the worship of devils . but , dly , where he could not meet with this stupidity and indifferency , which makes men so easy , that no religion comes amiss to them , there he used his utmost endeavour to convert them by argument , and all the arts of perswasion . for being a zealous prince , he thought it meritorious to engage in the work himself and not to leave it to i know not whom . and this he did partly by way of discourse and conference , and partly by writing . . by discourse and conference . in this way , amongst many others , he set upon caesarius his treasurer , gregory naz's brother , and employed a great deal of sophistry in the dispute ; but caesarius was too hard for him , and baffled him ; and when he had done so , proclaimed with a loud and clear voice , that he was a christian , and would be a christian . and this victory which his brother thus gained , gregory prefers before julian's great power , and noble purple , and rich diadem . . when he had not the opportunity of personal conference , he conveyed his arguments by writing . in one of his letters to the alexandrians he tells them , i am ashamed by the gods , that so much as one man in alexandria should confess himself a galilaean . for this weighty reason forsooth ; because the hebrew fathers of the galilaeans had been slaves to the egyptians , and the egyptians themselves had been conquered by the alexandrians , and therefore it would be a stark shame for them , after all this to submit themselves in a way of voluntary slavery to the galilaeans ; who , as one may say , had been their slaves slaves . i know not what force this argument may have in heraldry ; but i am sure it has none at all in logick . he further tells them , that alexander , the founder of their city , was a religious worshipper of the gods , another-guess man by jove , than any of the galilaeans , or any of the hebrews before them . and so was ptolemy the son of lagus a better man than any of them . and as for all the ptolemies , they did not nurse up their city to that greatness with the sayings of jesus , nor render it a well-ordered and flourishing city even to this day , with the doctrine of the hateful galilaeans . and when it fell afterwards into the hands of the romans ; augustus exprest great kindness to it for their god serapis's sake . just as father cressy insults , when he is got into the saxon , danish , and norman times . and presently after you have a whole cluster of the pope's own arguments . julian would not have them worship jesus , whom neither they , nor their fathers have seen ; but the great sun , whom from all eternity , the whole race of mankind does see , and behold and worship , and by worshipping , prospers . now here is the utmost of antiquity , universality , succession , visibility , and what not ? arguments not worth the stooping to take up , and therefore i conceive , neither worth fetching from rome , nor carrying into egypt . . if his arguments were unsuccessfull , and he could not get men to apostatize gratis , then he wrought upon their covetousness and ambition ; for amongst too many , a very bad religion , with money or honour to boot , is reckoned a great bargain . and in this field it was that julian conquered , as st. asterius says , what drew those who had been christians and communicants to the worship of devils ? was it not the desire of great possessions , and to be lords of other men's estates ? who having received promises from wicked heathens , of being governours as long as they lived , or of having large pensions out of the king's treasury , presently shifted their religion like a garment . we have some instances of these things from former times , and our own age has given us the experience of others . for when that emperour , who of a sudden laid down the masque of a christian , impudently fell to sacrificing to devils himself , and propounded many advantages to them that would do so too , how many were there who left the church and ran to the altars ? how many catching at the bait of honours , swallowed the hook of apastacy together with him ? but now they go up and down the cities as stigmatized persons , hated and pointed at by all : look , these are the betrayers of christ for a little money ; they are put out of the catalogue of christians , as judas was out of the number of the apostles , and are as well known by their denomination from the apostate , as horses are known by their brands : as st. gregory's words are , some he drew with money , others with dignities , others with promises , others with honours of all sorts , which he exposed in all men's sight , not like a king , but in a very servile manner . which made that honest clergy-man , basilius , take a great deal of necessary pains , to fortify the christians against that temptation , by warning them not to part with their religion upon those wretched terms . when julian was emperour , says the historian , he went all up and down , publickly and openly exhorting the christians to stick fast to their religion , and not to be defiled with the sacrifices and libations of the heathens , and that they should reckon for nothing the honours which were bestowed by the emperour , declaring that they were but for a season , in respect of the wages of eternal destruction . making this his business , he was hated by the heathens : and standing and looking upon them as they publickly sacrificed , he fetch'd a deep groan and prayed , that no christian might ever know by experience that false religion . upon this he was apprehended and delivered to the governour , and after several torments , manfully finished his martyrdom . i cannot but observe , that both st. asterius and gregory make mention of julian's tempting men by promises , which was a cheap way of corrupting great numbers . for ( as the cardinal advised the gentleman , who told him that he intended him the present of a very fine horse , but he unhappily fell lame by the way . go , says his eminency , to such and such , naming half a dozen other cardinals , and tell every one of them the very same story ; and you may oblige more with your lame horse , than if he had come well to town ) . it is plain that one single preferment in this way , is capable of engaging a multitude of expectants . o base and low-priz'd souls in the mean time ! which once could not be redeemed with silver and gold , but are now bought with the very chincking of money in one's hand . it is no marvel therefore , that immediately after julian's death , these men became a publick scorn , and were as vile in all men's eyes , as cattel that been sold in a market , and wore their master's brand upon them . gregory sufficiently expresses himself against those that had not the courage and resolution to hold out , in that short and weak assault of the devil , as he calls julian's persecution . but they are worse than these , says he , and more deserve to be prohibited from coming to this assembly , that would not oppose the times never so little , nor them that drew us into a miserable captivity away from him , who ascended up on high , and made us happy captives , but of their own accord , and needlesly shewed themselves to be wicked and vile , neither making the least resistance , nor being offended because of the word , for any affliction or trial that was upon them ; but the wretches bartered away their salvation for transitory profit , or worship , or a little honour . a little indeed ; a snuff of honour , which soon expired , and went out in a stink . chap. v. his choice of magistrates . and now we might congratulate all the good christians , who had escaped julian's snares , if he had so done with them ; but , alas ! this deliverance only exposed them to new and fiery trials : for those whom he could not catch in his nets , he left to be hunted down by the rage of the people . and , in order to this , he had magistrates for the purpose ; men that would countenance and encourage the people , in their outrages upon the christians , instead of restraining or punishing that illegal violence . the government of provinces ( says gregory ) was not put into the hands of the best natur'd and most moderate men , but of the most inhumane . and he not only put into office the worst natur'd heathens , who were of a disposition inclined to cruely , but apostates , who never give quarter , and are found , by the experience of all ages , to be the fiercest persecutors . the christians knew this very well , in the beginning of julian's reign , before they felt it . for sozomen tells us , the church was in great fear of persecution , because of julian's hatred to the christians ; and was the more exceedingly afraid , because he had formerly been a christian . now it is very plain , that julian took care to bestow offices upon those that were like himself . for gregory tells us , that apostacy was the road to preferment , and expresly says , that it was the only recommendation to a place in the government . so that if the poor christians were trampled upon by heathens , they must seek relief at the hands of renegadoes , more implacable and irreconcilable enemies than the others . for while there was one christian left in the world , who persevered and was true to his religion , that man was a standing reproach to their falseness and treachery . and thus it has been in later days , the renegates that have gone over to popery , have always been fiercer than others ; and they are forced to be so in their own defence : they must be cruel papists , that they may be believed to be papists at all . chap. vi. his different carriage towards cities another effectual course which julian took to advance paganism , and to suppress christianity , was , by giving encouragement to those cities which turned heathens ; and by setting all marks of his displeasure upon those , which were firm to their religion . he often writ to the * common council of cities , if he understood they were converted to heathenism , bidding them to ask of him what gifts or grants they would . but he manifestly hated those cities which continued christian , so that he would neither endure to come at them himself , nor receive the messages of those who were sent to complain of their grievances . for example , when it was expected at that time , that the persians would make an invasion , and the inhabitants of nisibis ( a city upon the frontiers ) sent a message about it ; because they were christians , and neither opened temples nor sacrificed , he threatend that he neither would give them any aid , nor receive their message , nor come into their unhallowed and accursed city , till such time as they would be perswaded to turn heathens . and objecting the like faults to the citizens of constantia , he gave away their city to the men of gaza . for , whereas that city was the sea-port to gaza , and therefore called majuma : constantine understanding that it had a very great regard for the christian religion , advanced it to the dignity of being a city , and called it by the name of his son constantius ; accounting it an unjust thing , that it should be subject or tributary to the men of gaza , who were bigotted heathens . but as soon as julian came to the empire , the men of gaza commenced their suit against the constantians . and julian himself fitting judg , annexed constantia to the city gaza , tho about two miles distant from it , which being deprived of its former name , is now called the maritime part of the city gaza . about the same time cesarea , that great and wealthy city , and metropolis of cappadocia , was by julian struck out of the catalogue of cities , and deprived of its denomination from caesar , which it had under claudius , its original name being mazaca . for he had formerly born an implacable hatred against the inhabitants , because they were generally christians , and had formerly destroyed the temples of jupiter , patron of their city , and apollo guardian of their country . and because withal the temple of fortune , which only was left standing in his reign , was overthrown by the christians , he was grievously enraged at the whole city ; and chid the heathens that were there very severely , tho they were few in number , that they did not revenge it ; and if any calamity was to have been suffered , that they did not undergo it readily for the sake of fortune . whereupon he ordered all the goods and money which belonged to the churches of caesarea , and those that were in the confines of it , should be discovered by tortures , and brought forth into the midst . that they should presently pay three hundred pounds of gold to the treasury : that all the clergy should be entred into the roll of souldiers which served under the governour of the province , which is look'd upon as very chargeable , and very disgraceful in the roman armies : and that the multitude of christians , with their wives and children , should be taxed , as they are in villages . and moreover , he threatned them , and bound it with an oath , that unless they suddenly rebuilt these temples , he would not leave raging and plaguing them ; and that the galilaeans should not keep their heads upon their shoulders , for so in scorn he called the christians . and perhaps he had been as good as his word , if he himself had not the sooner come to his end . thus far the historian . it is worth the while to read what gregory says , in a very pleasant way , concerning this last passage . as for what julian did to my country-men the caesareans , those generous and zealous christians , which were so harassed by him , perhaps it is not fit to be mentioned by way of reproach : for he seemed to be justly angry upon fortunes account , who was unfortunate in a fortunate time , and so to have proceeded to this recompence : because one must yield somewhat to injustice when it is got into power . chap. vii . his arts divide the church . jvlian's whole design was to have the christians ruined ; but no doubt it would please him best , if he could contrive and order the matter so , that they should do it themselves , and fall by their own hands : and therefore he took all the ways he could think of to embroil them , and engage them in a civil war of contention among themselves . because in all other things he vexed and afflicted the church , and never meant any thing but mischief ; sozomen is thereby induced to believe , that his very calling home the orthodox bishops was not out of any kindness to them , but with an intent to revive the quarrel betwixt the orthodox and the arians , that in the scuffle they might both lose their religion : or else , as he adds , that he might cast a reproach upon constantius for banishing them . for julian took all occasions to blacken both constantius and constantine the great ; and by traducing these , who were the happy founders of the christian establishment , he laid the ax to the root of the tree , and wounded all sorts of christians at once . in his caesars he represents constantine in the same manner as the papists use to do our henry the eighth ; and else-where he wishes his enemies instead of one constantius , a great many . and by the way , we owe as little thanks to them , who call themselves protestants , and yet at every turn dare vilifie the blessed instruments of our reformation ; when such a sweet prince as edward the sixth , cannot escape their virulent pens , nor the memory of the glorious elizabeth , from being assaulted with their false and foul-mouth'd slanders . i am sure the homilies teach them another lesson , and put better words into their mouths . honour be to god , who did put light in the heart of his faithful and true minister , of most famous memory , king henry the eighth , and gave him the knowledg of his word , and an earnest affection to seek his glory , and to put away all such superstitious and pharisaical sects by antichrist invented ( speaking of their monks and friars ) and to set up again the true word of god , and glory of his most blessed name ; as he gave the like spirit unto the most noble and famous princes , jehosaphat , josias , and ezechias . to return from this necessary digression : julian never shewed kindness to orthodox or arian ( old elizabeth church-of - england-man , or laudensian , as we are now taught to speak ) but in order to destroy them both ; which appears by this , that when he found they both agreed to preserve christianity , he presently fell to picking holes in their coats , whom he had lately restored ▪ and st. athanasius particularly made a very hard shift to escape with his life . just so kind he was to the people of bostra , when he took their part against their bishop titus ; who , as he pretended , had accused them of being seditiously inclined ; the story is thus . julian understanding that there was a great number of christians in bostra , threatned titus and his clergy , that they should answer for it , in case the people were guilty of any stir or sedition . titus and his clergy send a writing to the emperour , wherein he testifies , that the christians indeed were equal in number to the heathens , and one to one , but nevertheless were very quiet , and , led by his admonitions , had not any manner of seditious intention . out of these very words he contrived to bring titus into the hatred of the people , and writing to them , represented him to be no better then a base informer against them , as if they were restrained from sedition , not by their own inclination , but by his admontions ; and therefore by his proclamation , commanded them to drive their enemy and accuser out of their city . now sozomen , in the same chapter , tells you the mystery of this pretended zeal for to have the bostrians do themselves right . julian used all diligence to drive the bishops and clergy from the cities . and to tell you the truth of the matter , he indeavoured , by their absence to dissolve the assemblies of the people , and their meeting at church . for by that means they could have no body to assemble them , nor preach to them , nor could they receive the sacrament , and so in tract of time would forget their religion . chap. viii . his edicts . i come now to his laws , some of which seem at the first sight to be light and frivolous , and yet carry a sting with them ; whereby they were the fitter for julian's purpose , which was to do the christians what mischief he could , with as little noise as he could . his first edict commanded that the christians should be called galilaeans . gregory indeed looks upon this as a ridiculous law , and rather like a childish or waggish conceit than an edict , and so all wise men will account it , and yet withall it was a very popular way of disgracing the christians , and consequently of weakening and destroying them . for every body knows that so much reputation is so much power , which is like to be little enough , when men are once made a publick scorn . by this device julian both assaulted the constancy of weaker christians , who cannot all of them digest reproaches , and despise the shame as their great master did ; and likewise laid a great stumbling-block in the way of all converts to christianity . for a reproachful name is the same with the disguise of an ill dress , which is always to the disadvantage of him that wears it . this the popish inquisitors understand very well , no men in the world better , when they clap a sanbenit upon the back of a poor condemn'd heretick , to make the people believe , the wretch has as many devils within him , as they see there pictured upon his frock . and in queen mary's days the like course was taken to run down the protestants with reproachful names . their religious assemblies were by law called conventicles , their common-prayer fantastical and schismatical services , and themselves hereticks , which of the two is a worse name than galilaeans , for it implies all those devils , which the sanbenit represents , and is indeed but another unblest coat to burn men in . his next edict prohibited christians from being schoolmasters and tutors , and having the education of youth : which was a great temptation to the learned men amongst them to turn heathens for a livelihood : but if he failed in that design , as for the most part he did , this was nevertheless a sure way to keep the christians low and ignorant , and at length to bring darkness upon the face of the church . one prooeresius indeed , notwithstanding this edict , had the liberty given him by julian to continue in his profession ; but he generously refused it , and would not receive the favour at his hands : for which st. jerom has chronicled him , to his immortal honour . prooeresius a sophist at athens , when a law was made that no christian should be a teacher of the liberal arts , and julian gave him a special licence , that tho he were a christian he might teach , of his own accord left his school . this was the temper of those christians ; they were so far from courting an enemy to their religion , that they scorn'd the very favours which he offered them : and for doing the contrary , as i have heretofore mentioned , the donatists carried a brand of infamy along with them for some generations . nay , st. chrysostome upbraids the very jews with those favours , which they were willing to receive from him who was a wicked pagan , and for imploying his impure hands to build their temple . you see they thought it a reproach , even to a jew , to desire or make use of his kindness . to return to julian's edict : st. chrysostom reckons up the physicians likewise amongst those which were put out of their imployments ; whereby they also had the temptation of changing their religion . and all other christians had this further difficulty put upon them : either to want the help of a physician in the extremity of sickness , or else to trust their lives in the hands of their enemies : in which case , to speak modestly , one heathen hand might easily kill ten galileans . if julian had been that mirrour of justice which the heathens cried him up for , he would at least have made another edict , commanding the christians never to be sick . in his next edict he proceeded to disarm the christians , by putting them out of all places in the government and militia , which he did with this plausible pretence , that the christian religion did not permit them to use the sword. it seems it was his notion too , that christianity was to be a suffering religion , and he made it so before he had done with it . bishop jewel has fully exprest the purpose and design of the foregoing edicts in these words . he gave command that no christian man's child should go to school ( so he understood it ) devising thereby to keep them rude and barbarous ; that no christian should bear office , or live in any manner of authority , thereby to make them vile : that they should never be captains or souldiers , that so they might be kept in weakness . hitherto the goods of the christians were in peace : but julian having thus disarm'd them , presently fell to dividing the spoil . he took the revenues of the church and applied them to the maintenance of heathen priests , as having first belong'd to them . he took away their church-plate , ( for which gregory calls him nebuchadnezzar ) as being too rich for the son of mary to be served in . by an edict be sent his souldiers to plunder their publick-stock , and to ease them of their money , that they might go the lighter to heaven , as his words were upon a like occasion . he levied money likewise from those that would not sacrifice , to supply him in his war against the persians . and this exaction , says socrates , was screwed up upon those that were true christians : for every one paid according to the proportion of his estate . and socrates tels us moreover , that the christians were opprest very much beyond what the emperour's edicts required , but though he knew it , he did not regard it : and when the christians came to him about it , he told them , it is your part when you are ill used to bear it ; for this is the commandment of your god. as good passive doctrine as a man would desire ; only julian was fain to be his own chaplain , and to preach it himself . after his return from persia , julian intended to have so straitned the christians , by some other edicts , that they should hardly have breathed : for he would have denied them the liberty and freedom of common life . he resolved to drive them from all assemblies , markets , publick-meetings , and even from the courts of justice ; for no man should make use of these , who would not sacrifice upon an altar which should be there placed . upon this occasion st. gregory cannot contain himself , but breaks forth into an exclamation , that he should offer to bar the christians from the benefit of the laws ! which were intended for all freemen to enjoy equally , and upon equal terms , as they do a prospect of heaven , or the light of the sun , or the common air. chap. ix . his mingling heathenism with laws . none of julian's laws drew blood , unless it were in the forcible and barbarous execution of them ; nor indeed was it his business to make sanguinary laws against the christians , and to destroy them fairly , ( which he might have done with a dash of his pen , and with as much ease as he could speak or write ) for then he had proclaimed himself a persecutor , and them martyrs , which was an honour , says gregory , which the gentleman envied the christians . it was therefore more agreeable to his treacherous malice , to do the thing , and not to be seen in it , and to put the christians to death , not as martyrs , but as unpitied malefactors . in order to this , he twisted heathenism so artificially with the legal expressions of their loyalty and duty , that it was impossible to separate them ; but they must of necessity either offend against the laws of god , or the laws of the empire . he did this particularly in that famous contrivance of his pictures , which he had so clogg'd with idolatry , in joining the figures of the heathen gods with his own , that the poor christians were reduced to this strait ; either to rob god or the emperour of his honour ; and either to sin as idolaters , or suffer as traitors . but all the good christians of that age determining their choice to the latter of these two , have thereby taught us , that our duty to man ceases , when it becomes inconsistent with our duty to god ; and that when our religion is concern'd , we must beg our temporal lord's excuse , as s. austin's distinction is . those christians never valued themselves upon a false and hairbrain'd loyalty to the prejudice of their religion ; but on the other hand , they would not render unto cesar the things which were cesars , when in so doing , they must of necessity alienate from god the things which were god's : when they found julian in company with heathen gods , and when he had inseparably interwoven his own lawful rights with idolatry and with the worship of those false gods. in this place it will not be improper to mention an other device of his , whereby he mingled heathenism , not as before with the laws of the empire , but with the more rigorous laws of nature for , as theoderet tells us , he defiled the fountains that were in antioch and daphne with impure sacrifices , that every one who used the water might take part of the abomination . afterwards he filled with pollution all things that were to be sold in the market : for the bread , and meat , and fruits , and herbs , and all other things that were to be eaten , were sprinkled with holy-water . they that were called by the name of our saviour , seeing these things , groaned indeed and made lamentation , detesting what was done : but withal they eat of them , obeying the apostle's law , for says he , all that is sold in the shambles , eat , making no difference for conscience sake . julian , no doubt , by this barbarous act , intended either to starve the christians out of their religion , or at least to perplex them , and to render their lives uncomfortable . for how great an affliction this was to the christians , and how much they laid it to heart , appears by this instance which immediately follows . there were two persons of no mean account in julian's army , for they bore shields , and were of the emperour's lifeguard , who , being at a feast , did more bitterly bewail the abomination of those things that were done , and made use of the admirable expressions of the young men that behav'd themselves so bravely in babylon ; for thou hast delivered us , said they , to an unrighteous emperour , an apostate beyond all the nations of the earth . some body that sat at the same table informed against them : whereupon julian presently has these brave men brought before him , and askt them what they had said ? they taking the emperour's question for an occasion of speaking freely , whetting a zeal which was praiseworthy , said after this manner : o king we having been bin bred up in the true religion , and having lived under the commendable laws of constantine and his sons , are grieved to see all things now filled with abomination , and our meat and drink defiled with accursed sacrifices . we have lamented these things at home , and do now bewail them in thy presence . this is the only grievance we bave under thy government . the most meek person , and the most a philosopher ( for so he was called by those that were like himself ) laid by his vizor of clemency , and shewed a bare face of impiety : and ordering them to be grievously used , he deprived them of this present life ; or rather he delivered them from those calamitous times , and procured them the crowns of conquerours . and he fitted an accusation to answer to their punishment : for he did not charge them with their religion , upon account of which they were cut off , but with ill language ; for he said they were punished for reviling the emperour . he commanded this accusation to be published abroad , envying the champions of truth the title and honour of martyrs . their names were juventius and maximus . the city of antioch honouring these men as champions of the true religion , laid them up in a costly tomb , and to this day they are honoured with an anniversary holiday . now this was right julian , to give publick order that the christians should not be forced to sacrifice against their wills , and yet to find out such indirect ways of cramming his heathenism down their throats . for affinity-sake i shall here set down the snare of his donative to the souldiers , which was strangely complicated , and full of invention . for there was in it an appearance of law , there was the awe of the emperour's presence , there was the temptation of mony , and withal there was a perfect surprise in it . it was a custom for the emperour at some solemn times to bestow a largess upon the army , and accordingly there was a day set for julian's donative . whether it were an anniversary solelmnity , or whether julian took any other day that came next to hand on purpose for this wicked prank , gregory cannot tell . but when the day came , he himself sate in great state and majesty , in the place where the souldiers were to recieve their money , with an altar before him , and frankincense and gold ready placed . and when the souldiers came in , there were officers ready to prompt and manage them in the form they were to observe ; which was , first , to throw a little frankincense upon the altar , and then to take their money , which was placed at the emperours right hand . those christians , who had notice before-hand of this contrivance , found excuses to absent themselves ; but the others who knew nothing at all of it , were miserably caught . for , first of all , they had no time to consider or delibrate whether it were lawful to throw this frankincense on the altar or no , and were plainly hurried to it : there was the sight of their money to prevent all such troublesome scruples ; and the emperour looking on to over-awe them : and there was a very probable shew and appearance ( as gregory's words are ) that this was the law of the emperour's donative , at least in the more ancient and honourable way . but when these unhappy men came afterwards to understand what they had done , and were made sensible that they had sacrificed , and in effect renounced christ , there followed one of the saddest scenes that ever the world saw . for they presently broke out into the most doleful lamentations , and fell to tearing their hair off their heads , and ran up and down the market-place , recanting what they had done , and crying out , they were christians , and that they were over-reach't and decieved by the emperour 's wiles . with these outcries they went to court , exclaiming against the fallacies and juggles of the tyrant : they threw him back his money , as gregory tells us , and desired to be burnt , out of indignation against themselves for what they had done ; that being polluted by one fire , they might be purged by another . these and the like words made julian mad ; who thereupon ordered them to be beheaded : but when they were at the place of execution , and romanus the youngest of them ( who , at the request of the oldest christian , was put to dy first , that he might not be dismayed with seeing the other executions ) was kneeling down , and the executioner just drawing his sword , there came a messenger in great haste to stop the execution , which reprieve the young man was troubled at , and said , no truly , romanus was not worthy to be called a martyr of christ . however julian banished them to the farthermost part of the roman empire ; that is , says gregory , he did them the greatest favour in the world , to send them a great way off , out of the reach of his pollutions and of his snares . chap. x. his turning innocent actions into crimes . i am come now to the last and most effectual means , which julian used , of destroying the christians ; and that is in one word , by turning the most innocent , lawful , and commendable actions of their whole lives into capital crimes . as gregory says , it was his device and contrivance that we should not so much as have the honour , which belonged to the combats of martyrdom ( for the gentleman envied the christians that ) and he ordered it so , that those who suffered for their christianity , should be punished as evil doers . and truly there was no need for julian to take upon him the odium and disgrace of putting christians to death for their religion , contrary to his publick and repeated declarations , which promised them all security , when he had more plausible pretences at hand , and might execute them as sacrilegious wretches ; and so cut off both their lives and reputations at one blow . it 's true , if the christians had been really guilty of sacrilege , their blood had been upon their own heads , and they had died justly ; but there was nothing at all of that , it was all sham , and juggle , and pretence . when constantine the great was converted to christianity , he presently learn'd it was his duty to suppress idolatry , in which he proceeded very far ; in some places destroying temples , in some places again only shutting them up , and for the most part taking out the images , and spoiling them of their religion , by making them serve for common and ordinary statues . his son constantius went further in destroying these nests and implements of idolatry , and gave the christians authority to pull down temples , and build churches in the place of them ; to throw down altars , and break images in pieces ; and so , as far as it was possible , to drive heathenism and root the memorial of it out of the world. instead of a number of proofs which i could produce , i shall give you this one clear testimony , that the christians were impowred to do this : gregory , speaking of marcus bishop of arethusa , has these words ; this person in the reign of the famous constantius , in pursuance of that authority which was then given to the christians , destroyed a certain house of devils , and built a church in ●he room of it . julian afterwards comming in an ill hour to the throne , and professing himself a pagan , gave order to have the temples opened , the gods worshipt , and fires to be new kindled upon the altars . but , alas , the heathens in some places had no temples to open , in others their gods were flown , and their altars demolish'd . hereupon they revenge the quarrel of their gods , as julian words it , and barbarously murder , and more barbarously torture those who had been most active in making havock of their idols . this way of proceeding would not do every where , and might be of ill consequence where the christians were too many for the heathens ; and therefore julian has this further fetch , he reckons with the christians for sacrilege , and fairly dispatches them by law. as st. chrysostom tells us , if any one in former times , when godly kings had the government , had either broken their altars , thrown down their temples , taken away their oblations , or done any such thing , he was presently hurried away to the tribunal : and sometimes the innocent were executed , when they were barely accused . the innocent , that is , those that never did the matter of fa●t : for it is plain that none of them were guilty of sacrilege . what stealing or pilfering of holy things could that be , when they publickly destroyed things detestable , and devoted to destruction , and were armed with authority so to do ? but if julian's judges were minded to say ears were horns , who could help it ? and i doubt not but the papists , when time serves , can frame as good an inditement of sacriledg against those , who have reformed their idolatrous glass windows , or burnt crucifixes , our saviour , as they term it , in effigie , or even the bawble of barkin : nay i doubt not , but they can make a riot of mens going to church , and find away to destroy us by those very laws , which were made for our safeguard and protection . st. chrysostom speaks as if very great numbers of the christians had suffered for sacrilege , and by this single passage it will appear , with what infamy they fell , and under what character they stand recorded in history . at the same time , says the historian , artemius , who had bin duke or general in egypt , was beheaded , the alexandrians accusing and loading him with a great heap of horrible crimes . now theodoret will tell us what horrible crimes he was charged with . julian not only stript artemius of all that he had , but also severed his head from his body , because ( when he had his government in egypt under constantius ) he had broken very many idols . one would have thought by ammianus's words , that artemius had been some monster , made up of all the seven deadly sins ; but it seems the whole business amounts to no more than this , that he was a good , godly , lawful , wicked , prophane , sacrilegious image-breaker . so much for sacrilege . at another time treason or rebellion is the word , and then the christians go to wrack for that . juventinus and maximus , as we have seen before , fell under that accusation . and it is very plain that those other , whom st. chrysostom mentions in his homily upon those two martyrs , suffered also for the like crime . when these two men were in prison , says he , the whole city flockt to them , notwithstanding the great terrors , and threatnings , and dangers which hung over their heads , who should come at them , or discourse them , or have any communication with them . but the fear of god dispelled all those things ; so that because of them many were made martyrs for conversing with them , despising this present life . we have another instance of this at gaza , where the governour went the middle way betwixt the times and the laws ( though rather inclining towards the times ) for having executed a great many christians , he punished but a few of the heathens . they seem to be punished on both sides for the same crime , the partiality and disparity lies in the numbers : so that the case is thus . the heathens raise a riot , and commit outrages upon the christians , killing several of them ; the other poor christians make what defence they can to save themselves , but they had as good not : for they shal suffer in great numbers for this riot , and the mouth of the law shall be stopped with a very few of the heathens that began it . this was the motly justice of gaza ; but when the case comes to an hearing before julian , he storms and says , the governor ought to be hang'd for punishing any of the heathens at all : for they did but their duty ; the galileans were well killed ; nay , the work was meritorious , the heathens not only righted themselves , but their gods too . those christians , who in julian's time fled into deserts , and took up their habitation in the wilderness ( as st. chrysostom assures us several did ) were certainly in the right : for there , if they made their escape from a beast of prey , they were safe for that time , and needed not to fear answering for it : whereas they that rescued themselves from julian's blood-hounds , only reserved themselves for a more infamous death , and to be executed as rebels : just as much rebels , as the former were church-robbers ; who were executed indeed by a lawful governour , and in a form of justice , but not according to law , nor to satisfie that , but to serve the times . an answer to constantius the apostate . it would be endless to confute the gross errors and wilful mistakes of which this book is , for the most part , composed ; and therefore i shall think it sufficient to shew that the design of the whole is nothing but fraud and imposture ; wherein a christian emperour is made an apostate , and worse than he was , only to render the christians that lived under him the more eminently passive . which may be done , by shewing these two things . first , that this author has not given a true character of constantius : nor secondly , of the fathers that lived under him . . this author has not given a true character of constantius , nor indeed has he taken the way to do it . for first , he takes a great part of that character out of ammianus , a bigot heathen , who had a hero of his own to set off , by the shadowing and black strokes which he bestowed upon constantius and jovian : which is much the same , as if a man should write the life of queen elizabeth out of the memoires of the jesuits . . he imputes to constantius all those cruelties , which were acted during his long reign by any of the arians , though i am sure , he cannot prove that constantius any way encouraged very many of them . for on the other hand , when he found his authority had been abused to mischievous purposes , he would never forgive it in his greatest favourites , as i might instance in macedonius , for whom upon such an occasion he had an aversion ever after . now if you draw together all the ill humours which are dispersed in a man's whole body and make them settle in his face , it will certainly make him look very ugly . i grant , constantius had faults , but withall they are not so much to be imputed to any wilfulness in him as to his weakness , which was continually wrought upon by some subtile arians which were about him , to the disturbance of the church . however take him with all his faults , and still he is a saint to julian ; and so the fathers make him , when they mention both at the same time . when they had an apostate in earnest , then cappa had never done them any wrong , and then they wish'd for him again . and theodoret gives a very fair account of him , and represents him as a prince who had a great sense of religion , giving this for an instance , that he caused his whole army in one of his expeditions to receive the sacrament of baptism , and would not allow any souldier to stay with him , who would not put himself into that good posture and preparation for death . 't is true , he dealt hardly with several orthodox bishops , and opprest them contrary to law or equity , particularly athanasius and the other banish'd bishops ; and i must grant this to be true for their sakes . for otherwise there never was such a sort of passive subjects in the world , and they would be ten times worse than this author has made constantius ; and even as they are , i desire this gentleman and mr. long to take notice that i disclaim them , and do by no means propound them as examples , but shall set down their words as matter of fact only . and with this necessary proviso , that the sayings of their own holy fathers may not be treacherously turn'd upon me , as mr. long knows one of sozomen's has been , i come to the d thing ; that this author has not given a true character of the fathers under constantius . he tells us , pag. . the conduct of all the fathers that lived under constantius was such , that all the cruelties which that apostate emperour could inflict , did not extort the least mis-becoming expression from them . and pag. . all their heavy grievances did not make them remonstrate to the decrees of their emperour ; they did not make their pressures just , by impatiently submitting to them . in short , a discovery of the passive obedience of these fathers , was the glorious end of his book , as that obedience he else-where tells us , is the glorious end of religion ; and had it not been for this , constantius had never been made an apostate . there were about half a dozen orthodox bishops who suffered banishment ; for i will not reckon pope liberius nor hosius into the number , as our author does , because they both subscribed heresie . of all these there are but three that i know of , whose writings have come down to us , and they are st. hillary , lucifer calaritanus , and athanasius ; some of whose expressions i shall here set down , and leave it to our author to justify that they were not misbecoming . i shall begin with st. hillary , who has a little book intituled , contra constantium augustum , written in the emperour's life-time , notwithstanding the false title which is now clap'd upon it ( for it was written a year before constantius's death , as appears by the book it self ) wherein he calls constantius antichrist , tells him , he is the cruelest and wickedest of all men , for he was such a persecutor as deprived those that fell of pardon and forgiveness , and those that stuck to their religion of the honour of martyrdom : but your father the devil , says st. hillary , taught you this way of persecuting . and presently after he accosts him thus , thou ravening wolf , we see thy sheeps clothing . constantius had said he would have no words used in matters of faith , which were not found in scripture , which made him reject the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but says hillary , i will shew the decietful subtilty of your diabolical contrivance . and not long after , know , says he , that you are an enemy to god's religion and to the memories of holy men ( i suppose he means the nicene fathers ) and are the rebellious heir of your father's piety . if any man pleases to peruse that book , he will find much more of the same strain , together with st. hillary's reasons for using such language after his milder and gentler writings had done no good : for , as he thought silence his duty before , so now , as he tells us , he thought it his duty to break silence ; and i leave the world to judg whether he does not speak out . the next is lucifer calaritanus , of whom st. jerome gives this account . lucifer calaritanus was a man of wonderful constancy , and of a mind prepared for martyrdom ; he writ a book against constantius , and sent it him to read , and not long after he returned to calaris in julian 's reign , and died in valentinian's . there is no one book of lucifer which bears that title , but all his little tracts being directed to constantius , and written against him , st. jerome calls them all one book , and so does florentius and lucifer himself , whereas athanasius calls them books ; which variety is usual amongst the antients , as jerome calls gregory's two invectives a book against julian . lucifer's books in defence of athanasius , and his other tracts have very severe and wounding expressions in them ; but the book de regibus apostaticis , and the other de non parcendo delinquentibus in deum , tell us before-hand what we are to expect from them , and proclaim themselves afar off . i shall give the reader but a taste of them ; and because mr. long says , i only weed the fathers , i shall desire him to put those few books into english , which is the best way of convincing the world that i pick out nothing but the worst . thus therefore he speaks to constantius : emperour , when you saw your self worsted on all sides by the servants of god , you said , you had suffered , and do suffer despiteful vsage from us , contrary to the admonitions of holy scripture , &c. if ever any one of the worshippers of god spared apostates , let what you say of us be true . and in another place , pray shew but one of the worshippers of god that ever spared the adversaries of his religion . and then he reads him his own doom out of deut. . . if there rise among you a prophet , or a dreamer of dreams , saying , let us go after other gods ( for the orthodox always charged the arians with idolatry ) that prophet , or dreamer of dreams shall be put to death ; you see what you are commanded to suffer . and again , hear what god has ordained by moses , is to be done with you for perswading me to revolt from god ; deut. . . if thy brother , the son of thy mother , or thy son , &c. entice thee secretly , saying , let us go and serve other gods , thou shalt surely kill him , &c. here it is commanded that you shall be put to death for inviting me to forsake god. he ignorantly says , lucifer uses me contumeliously , or will you deny that you have invited us to idolatry ? if you think fit to deny it , the expositions of the bishops of your sect , those fellow-blasphemers of yours , shall convict you , &c. do not you perceive what darkness of errour you have run into ? do not you see which way you may perish ? and to avoid prolixity , i will set down but this one passage more . let us see what they did , who remembred that none was to be feared but god , in the time when your fellow-tyrant antiochus was a persecutor of our religion ; but first you are to know what he , whom you are like , ordained : for so you will be able to understand , that those servants of god , whom we desire to be found like , did resist antiochus's sacrilege , even as we by the grace of god may resist you . maccab. . , to ver . of chap. . see the place . what have you seen done by us like that passage , that you are pleased to say , lucifer uses me ill ? mattathias kill'd with the sword not only the king's officer , but him also of his own nation , whom he saw rather obedient to the king's laws than to god's : whereas i , for resisting you and your party with words , am judged by you to be guilty of contumelies . if you had been in the hands of that same mattathias , who was zealous for god ; or in the hands of phinees , to whom god bears record by moses in the book of numbers , and should have gone about to live after the manner of heathens , without doubt they would have killed you with the sword ; i tell you over again , they would have slain you with the sword. and i , because i wound with words that soul of yours which is imbrued with the blood of christians , am reckoned contumelious . why , emperor , do not you revenge your self of me ? why do not you please to defend your self from ill usage , and to be avenged of a beggarly fellow ? in short , i challenge all the world to shew me such a book again , written by any man concerning his sovereign prince while he was alive , much less sent to him for a present . and therefore i do not wonder that constantius could not believe that he himself sent it , tho it were brought in his name : as appears by this letter of florentius , a great officer at court , to lucifer : there was one presented a book in your name to our lord and emperor ; he has commanded it to be brought to your sanctity , and desires to know whether that book was sent by you : you ought therefore to write the certain truth , and so send back the book , that it may again be offered to his eternity . to which letter lucifer returns this answer : these are to inform your religious prudence , that the bearer of that book , whom your honour mentions to have come to the emperor in my name , was sent by me . athanasius , hearing of this book sent to constantius , desires lucifer to send him a copy of it in these words : we have advice that your sanctity has written to constantius the emperor , and we wonder more and more , that living in the midst as it were of scorpions , you notwithstanding use your freedom of mind ; that by admonition , or instruction , or correction , you may bring those that are in error to the light of the truth . it is my request therefore , and the request of all the confessors that are with me , that you would please to send us a copy of it , that they may all understand the greatness of your soul , and the confidence and boldness of your faith , not only by hearsay , but from your own writings . which accordingly he did send him . and now this book is in good hands : for the great athanasius , who has been misled by flying report to think well of it , when he comes to examine it , and finds it so contrary to the evangelical doctrine of passive obedience , and to the primitive practice of nè verbo quidem reluctamur , which was , not to resist so much as with a word speaking , and of so different a stamp from some of his own smooth and soft sayings to constantius , can do no less then anathematize it , or write a book against it . and yet never trust me more , if he and all his confessors do not applaud and magnify it beyond all that i have said of the homilies . we have received your letter , and the books of your most wise and religious soul , in which we have plainly seen the picture of an apostle , the boldness of a prophet , the magistery of truth , the doctrin of the true faith , &c. you truly answer your name , for you have brought the light of truth and set it upon a candlestick , that it may give light to all . you seem to be the true temple of our saviour , who dwelling in you , speaks these things himself by you . believe me , lucifer , you alone did not say these things , but the holy-ghost with you . how came you to remember scripture at that rate ? how came you to understand the sence and meaning of it so perfectly , if the holy-ghost had not assisted you in it ? well , having gotten such an infallible interpreter of scripture as we cannot meet with every day , if his voucher say true , let us see what he says concerning that passage of titus . . with which constantius had rubb'd him up for his behaviour towards him , and had said , that it was the office of a bishop according to st. paul , to put men in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work , to speak evil of no man , &c. the apostle , says he , admonishes us to be subject in good works , not in evil , &c. i add further , that the apostle spoke of those princes and magistrates , who as yet had not believed in the only son of god , that they by our humility , and meekness , and suffering long under adversity , and all possible obedience in things fitting , might be won over to christianity . but if you , because you are emperour , feigning your self to be one of us , shall force us to forsake god , and imbrace idolatry ; what , must we quietly submit to you , for fear of seeming to neglect the apostles precepts ? does not he tell you as plainly as ever plowden did , that the case was alter'd ? now suppose this lucifer had afterwards died in a ditch , as he did not , but in his own see , and in the communion of the catholick church ; or suppose he had afterwards been a schismatick , as he was not , but only some of his friends , who too far espoused his severe opinion against re-admitting the arian clergy into the communion of the church ; yet this would not have affected his book ; especially since the great athanasius , who before now , has been ballanced against the whole world , has laid his hand upon it , and given it his blessing , and made it his own by undertaking so largely for it . but as i said before , i have no further use to make of these fathers writings which i have here cited , than only to shew that they run in quite another strain than the apologies of the fathers , who lived before the establishment of christianity , and that they are a compleat answer to constantius the apostate . tho i could name other excellent uses which might be made of them ; particularly by those , who think themselves concern'd to stuff out their sermons with dissenters sayings . for here they might have them in abundance , and by clusters , without the trouble of gleaning them in sermons , which were made in the heat of a flaming unnatural war ( when bloody things were done as well as said on both sides ) ; and here likewise they might have such as might be repeated without the breach of the act of oblivion , and without renewing such mischievous heats amongst protestants , as afterwards produced those sayings . having thus defeated the chief purpose and main design of this gentleman's book , i shall give the reader two or three instances of what sorry materials his answer to my book consists , which he had interwoven with every chapter , and which if you please , you may call the under-plot of his farce . the strength of his second chapter about succession , lies in this passage , p. . that the christians in julian 's time were not for exclusion upon the score of religion : for not two years after julian's death , valens a furious arian , and bitter persecutor of those that dissented from him , was peacefully admitted to the empire , and assisted too by the army ; whom we cannot think in the least inclined to favour that heresie ( for they were jovinians souldiers ) but they knew their duty to their prince . now this is inexcuseable prevarication ; for he knows , when valens was admitted emperor , he was neither furious arian , nor any arian at all ; nor like to be a persecutor of the orthodox , for he was one of them himself , and so continued for a good while after . theodoret's words are these : valentinian sending for his brother out of paeonia , ( o that he had never done it ! ) made him colleague with him in the empire , when he had not as yet imbraced a different perswasion . lib. . cap. . and a considerable time after , cap. . he gives an account of his turning arian . upon which consideration , theodoret looks upon his being made emperour as an ill day's work , and what his own brother ought not to have done . again ; he has a pleasant distinction , which i doubt not gives the intelligent reader as good divertisement , as an asse's mumbling thistles gave the philopher ; pag. . theodoret he finds commends the antiochians for their zeal , but not for their rudeness : whereas what he calls rudeness ; theodoret in that place , makes the only instance of their zeal . and pag. . he says , valentinian had the empire , not for striking the priest , but for his confession : whereas his striking the priest , in detestation of that holy water wherewith he had sprinkled him , was his confession , and he suffered his imprisonment upon that account ; and when theodoret comes to give a relation of his being elected emperour , he then remembers this meritorious act , and says , they chose valentinian , him that struck the priest . and so again theodorus's psalms will go down with our author , because ( he says , ) they were repeated with david 's spirit . but why were not the same psalms repeated with david's spirit the day before , by the whole church of antioch ? why were not publia's psalms repeated with the same spirit ? why not gregory's prayers , &c. with the same spirit ? for all these were taken out of david , and no looker-on can tell but that they were accompanied with his spirit . however if they were not , it was their fault , who spoil'd good scripture for want of devotion , and a suitable frame of spirit . to conclude , he tells us , pag. . that constantius might kill julian as a rebel , and so his right would fall of course , but he could not disinherit him as such , because god , tho he gave the power of life and death to the magistrate , hath yet reserved the disposing of kingdoms to himself . never was any cause blest with such subtile advocates ! they contend that the magistrate cannot disinherit , and yet in the same breath they grant he can do that and ten times more ; he cannot disinherit directly , and yet he can do it most effectually by the by ; he cannot dispose of a man's fortune , but he can dispose of his life and fortune both : and their reason is , because god hath reserved the disposing of kingdoms to himself . but does not this exclusion by the by more effectually dispose of a kingdom than a bill of exclusion ? he that stands only excluded , has still a chance for it ; but he that is disabled in this other way , can have none ; there is no such bar as that . in a word , the power of life and death does manifestly over-rule all reversions , and it is a truth of mathematical evidence , that the longest liver will have all . answer to the chapter of passive obedience . i come now to the last chapter of this author , which begins with reflections upon the behaviour of constantius's christians , of which he has brought in a very false reckoning , by writing down passive obedience for the sum-total of the account ; for it is evident that s. hilary , lucifer , and athanasius , were not the most obedient wretches that ever lived ; but could make shift to use ( what our author calls it ) their christian liberty in latine , as well as julian's christians used it in greek . the reason which i gave for solving that strange phaenomenon of the behaviour of julian's christians , namely , that they were illegally opprest , is unanswerable . for it is matter of fact that the christians were under the protection of the laws ; their religion stood unrepealed , though heathenism was revived ; nay , they were under the protection of julian's own edicts ; and yet contrary to the faith of those edicts , they were harassed and destroyed all over the empire , by julian's connivance and secret encouragement , in a base , under-hand , tricking , treacherous way : so that what the christians suffered was the effect of tyranny and bloody oppression , and not of any legal proceedings . and tho our late blundering transcribers have not observed the different state of christians , when they had the laws against them , and when they had the laws for them , nor their different behaviour thereupon ; yet learned men in former times have , particularly robert abbot , the learned bishop of salisbury , in these words . atque in hoc causa eorum à veteris ecclesiae ratione distinguenda est , quae absque ullo juris sui titulo , mero imperii placito subjacebat ; quamdiu vero ita se res habuit , caedebantur christiani non caedebant , qui tamen sub constantino principe jure publico armati non tam caedebantur quam caedebant , &c. when the primitive christians had not law on their side , they took blows and gave none ; but when they had the law on their side , they were rather for giving blows then taking them . to say with our author , that julian might have made sanguinary laws against the christians if he would , is to say nothing . for if our author has an l. owing to him upon bond , and because he does not care for the trouble of waging law , and has declared against it ; or , because he would have the honour of giving up this bond , and frankly forgiving the debt , shall thereupon go and steal this l. from his debtor , and be taken in the act , and treated as any other thief , i can say nothing in his behalf ; neither can i for julian , who having the law in his hand , notwithstanding for much the same reasons persecuted the christians by stealth , who thereupon presently raised hue and cry against him . the next thing is , our author's discourse about passive obedience to no laws , or submission to illegal violence : which having no foundation in * law or reason , but being contrary to both , all my answerers have endeavoured to support with religions pretences ; and to that purpose have quoted ancient fathers , and modern divines , and scripture in abundance , which puts me in mind of pompey's theater , as bishop jewel tells the story . there was sometime a proclamation made in rome , that for considerations no man should erect or build up any theater , and that if any were set up it should be razed and pulled down . pompeius built a theater , contrary to the proclamation and order before taken ; but doubting lest the next magistrates should destroy it , he caused a place of religion to be set upon it , and called it the temple of venus ; whereby he provided , that if any would overthrow it because it was a theater , they might yet spare it for the temple's sake ; for to pull down a temple was sacriledg . the very same course is now taken by these men , to erect their new frame of passive obedience , or arbitrary government , call it which you will , ( for whether another has right to my goods , or if he demand them i have no right to keep them , it is all one ; whether he has a right of sending the bow-string , or if he send it , i have no right to refuse it , they both come to the same rekoning ) . it is prohibited by law , and therefore the law would quickly pluck it down ; but to prevent that , they clap a jus divinum upon it , and so the prohibited theater takes sanctuary in the church . i shall therefore endeavour to spoil it of all its religious pretences , and so leave it to the law , which knows what to do with a common nuisance . these religious pretences , are , first , the doctrine of the ancient fathers . as for what the fathers say , who lived in the old world before the establishment of christianity , it does my answerers no service at all , because it is all forreign , and does not concern the present case . and as for quotations since constantine's time , i think i am not in their debt . which quotations of mine make the more against this passive doctrine ; because the fathers all along lived under a more absolute and arbitrary government : in which case , men are very apt to take up slavish principles , as we see it in our neighbours the french. and therefore , if the fathers had breathed nothing but bondage and absolute subjection , i could easily have accounted for it : whereas their dissenters sayings can never be solved by all the passive doctors in the world , but must remain unaccountable for ever . secondly ; the next religious pretences are the doctrine of the homilies , and of our eminent divines , such as bp. jewel , bp bilson , &c. wherein i very much wonder at the confidence of these men ; for any man that has read the homilies and writings of our first reformers , or indeed any thing of the history of that age wherein they lived , will as soon be perswaded to believe that they were a sort of men who went upon their heads instead of their feet , as that they were for this new-fashion'd passive obedience . for , . the homilies of obedience do no-where teach submission to lawless violence , but only to lawful authority ; and never require us to suffer wrongs and injuries patiently , but expresly in such case , and in that case , when the laws are against us ; and in a word , they direct all our obedience and submission to common authority , for they conclude : thus we know partly our bounden duties to common authority , now let us learn to accomplish the same . and the author of jovian is grievously out , pag. . when he makes as if the subjects of this realm could suffer no injury nor wrong , but in a way of lawless oppression . for did not queen mary wrong and injure both the suffolk , and all other protestants , when she burnt them alive for being protestants , tho she burnt them by a law ? and was she not a wrong-doer , and did she not abuse her power in reviving that wicked law ? for whithout that law , she had had no power at all to burn them ; and if it had been done without a law , it had not been done by an abused power , but by one assum'd and usurp'd . and then as for the homilies against rebellion ( which is resisting or withstanding common authority , as the homily of obedience defines it ) they speak not one word of lying down , and submitting to unauthoritative and lawless violence : but on the other hand , they propound david for an example of loyalty , and give him the character of a person the farthest off from all manner of rebellion , then whom , there never was a greater instance of self-defence . i confess , i took it somewhat unkindly , to have these homilies alledged against me , when i was doing the very work of them . when i was alienating men's minds from the popes of rome , against whom these homilies are particularly levell'd , and of whom they give us this caution . wherefore let all good subjects , knowing these the special instruments and ministers of the devil , to the stirring up of all rebellions , avoid and flee them , and the pestilent suggestions of such forreign usurpers , and their adherents . when i was endeavouring to render men averse from worshipping the babylonical beast of rome , who had then lately procured the breach of the publick peace in england ( with the long and blessed continuance whereof , says the homily , he is sore grieved ) by the ministry of his disguised chaplains , whispering in the ears of certain northern borderers ; upon occasion of whose rebellion these homilies were written , wherein they are described , as ready to kill all that shall or dare speak against their false superstition and wicked idolatry . but , . if these homilies must be urged against me , for maintaining that a lawful defence may be made against illegal oppression , why are they not likewise urged against bishop jewel himself , who wrote them ? for in the defence of his apology , he has these words . neither doth any of all these ( luther , melancthon , &c. ) teach the people to rebel against their prince , but only to defend themselves by all lawful means against oppression , as did david against king saul ; so do the nobles in france at this day . they seek not to kill , but to save their own lives , as they have openly protested by publick writing unto the world. as for us we are strangers unto their case ; they themselves are best acquainted with the laws and constitutions of their country ; and therefore are best able to yield account of the grounds and reasons of their doings . now here is a bishop of a different mind from our author , for he would have consulted a common lawyer about a case of conscience , and clearly thought westminster-hall divinity to be much better in this case than pulpit-law . why are not these homilies urged against bp bilson ? who in his book of the true difference betwixt christian subjection and unchristian rebellion , dedicated to queen elizabeth , being a dialogue between theophilus a christian and philander a jesuite , ( so that a jesuite in that age was not thought worthy to be accounted a christian ) has several large discourses , which do not at all accord with the passive doctrine ; tho my answerers have used great force and violence towards him , to get him on their side . the author of jovian particularly , p. has strangely wrested him : for what the bishop , physician-like , prescribes to the papists , who had the laws mortally against them , deliverance if you would have , obtain it by prayer , and expect it in peace , those be weapons for christians ; that author applies in his old way to those , who ( blessed be god ) have the laws on their side , and deliverance by them already . and so in the next passage , the bishop speaking of the same case , says , the subject has no refuge against his soveraign , but only to god , by prayer and patience : but this is not the case of men who are under the protection of the laws , which were made on purpose to be a defence and refuge against all lawless oppression whatsoever ; or else , as chancellour fortescue says , the people would be cruely cheated . afterwards that author skips over a large defence of the french protestants , and of luther's doctrine ( concerning which i may say to him in the bishop's words , and this i ween you will hardly refute or convert to your purpose ) and sets down a passage , which i will supply by adding the words which immediately follow in bilson . phil. what their laws permit , i know not ; i am sure in the mean time they resist . theo. and we , because we do not exactly know what their laws permit , see no reason to condemn their doings without hearing their answer . phil. think you their laws permit them to rebel ? theo. i busie not my self in other men's common-wealths as you do ; neither will i rashly pronounce all that resist to be rebels : cases may fall out even in christian kingdoms , where the people may plead their right against the prince , and not be charged with rebellion . phil. as when , for example ? theo. if a prince should go about to subject his kingdom to a forreign realm , or change the form of the common-wealth from imperie to tyranny ; or neglect the laws established by common consent of prince and people , to execute his own pleasure : in these and other cases , which might be named , if the nobles and commons joyn together to defend their ancient and accustomed liberty , regiment and laws , they may not well be counted rebels . phil. you denied that even now , when i did urge it . theo. i denied that bishops had authority to prescribe conditions to kings when they crowned them : but i never denied that the people might preserve the foundation , freedom and form of their common-wealth , which they foreprised when they first consented to have a king. lastly ; why do they not urge these homilies against all the compilers of them , and the whole clergy of england ? who in several convocations in queen elizabeth's reign , not only maintained in words the justice of the french , scotch , and dutch defences which the protestants of those countries made for the safeguard of their lives , liberties and religion , but laid down their purses to help them ; and charged themselves deeply with taxes , in consideration of the queen 's great charges and expences in assisting them : as you may see in the preambles of the clergies subsidy-acts in that reign . eliz. cap. . amongst other considerations , for which they give their subsidy of six shillings in the pound , they have these words : and finally , pondering the inestimable charges sustained by your highness , aswell of late days in reducing the realm of scotland to unity and concord , as also in procuring , as much as in your highness lieth , by all kind of godly and prudent means , the abating of all hostility and persecution within the realm of france , practised and used against the professors of god's holy gospel and true religion . the first thing in this passage is the queen's assistance of the scotish nobility in their reformation , in which the queen of scotland resisted them to her power , by bringing french forces into scotland : which is set down at large in our chronicles . the temporality in their subsidy-act call this assistance , the princely and upright preservation of the liberty of the next realm and nation of scotland from imminent captivity and desolation . the other thing is the godly and prudent means , for abating hostility and persecution within the realm of france . now history will inform us , that those were the forces , sent under dudley earl of warwick to newhaven , to assist the hugonots , who were then in arms. we have some modern illuminated divines who would not stick to call this the abetting of a rebellion ; but the whole bishops and clergy , and amongst them the compilers of the homilies , call it the use of godly and prudent means to abate hostility and persecution , practised against the professors of god's holy gospel and true religion : for so that charitable clergy could find in their hearts to call a parcel of calvinists , who never had a bishop amongst them , whom some in this degenerate age would sooner unchurch and destroy , than aid or assist . again ; the clergy grant another subsidy , eliz. c. . in consideration of her majesty's charges , in the provident and needful prevention of such intended attempts as tended to the extirpation of the sincere profession of the gospel , both here and elsewhere . the temporalties subsidy-act at the same time will explain this to us , in these reasons for their tax : besides the great and perpetual honour which it hath pleased god to give your majesty abroad , in making you the principal support of all just and religious causes against usurpers — besides the great succours in france and flanders , which we do conceive to be most honourable in regard of the ancient leagues , the justice and equity of their causes . and to the same purpose again the temporalty , . eliz. cap. . this land is become since your majesties happy days , both a port and haven of refuge for distressed states and kingdoms , and a rock and bulwark of opposition against the tyrannies and ambitious attempts of mighty and usurping potentates . neither are the clergy in their subsidy-act , eliz. cap. . at all behind them , either with their money , or acknowledgments . for who hath , or should have a livelier sense , or better remembrance of your majesties princely courage and constancy , in advancing and protecting the free profession of the gospel , within and without your majesties dominions , than your clergy ? from hence i argue , that if the french and dutch protestants were rebels , in defending themselves against illegal and destructive violence , then the bishops and clergy of england , quite through queen elizabeth's reign , by their assisting of them , involved themselves in the same guilt . for it had been utterly unlawful , and an horrid sin , to assist subjects in the violation of their duty and allegiance , and to turn , at least , a whole years revenue of all the spiritual promotions in england , into swords , to be employed in resisting the ordinance of god. those men must needs have a great mind to partake of that damnation , wherewith st. paul threatens this sin , who were willing to purchase it at so dear a rate . by which it appears , that this modish passive doctrine of submitting for conscience sake to illegal violence , and all sorts of lawless oppression , is all madness and innovation ; and a thing wholly unknown to the compilers of the homilies ; who dream'd as little of it , as they did of the late unnatural destructive war , which it produc'd . and hereby likewise the reader will be enabled to judg between me and my adversaries , who is truer to the doctrine of the church of england , they or i , and who are really guilty of apostacy from it ; they that retain the primitive sense of the first reformers , or they that follow the upstart and new-fangled opinions of a few mischievous and designing innovators . . the last thing to be answered , are the religious pretences which are fetch'd from scripture , for the support of this passive doctrine . before i come to examine the particular texts which this author has alledged , i shall say somewhat in general concerning the great impertinency of interessing scripture in this controversy , for this reason : because christ meddles not with the secular government of this world , as dr. hammond infers from the scripture it self , cor. . . and our author in his preface allows that inference : or , as luther expresses it ; because , the gospel doth not bar nor abolish any politick laws ; which position he always held , and bishop bilson did believe that it could not be refuted ; the truth whereof i shall prove both by direct argument , and by parallel instances . . the scripture does not meddle with the secular government of this world , so as to alter it : for to alter government is to overthrow the just compacts and agreements which have been made amongst men ; to which they have mutually bound themselves by coronation-oaths and oaths of allegiance ; whereby the duties of governours and subjects are become the moral duties of honesty , justice , and righteous dealing ; which no man will say , it is the work of the gospel to destroy or abolish . . if scripture has made any alteration in the secular government of the world , then that alteration is jure divino , and all governments which are not reformed according to it , are unlawful ; which if it be said concerning our own constitution , is treason ; and if it be said of all other governments in christendom , is very ill manners ; for none of them pretend , much less can be proved , to agree exactly with any such pattern given in the mount. in the second place therefore , christianity has given no new measures of rule and government , nor of obedience and subjection ; but on the other hand , has forbidden men to remove the old land-marks , by confirming and re-inforcing the known duties of morality in this case , as it has done in like cases . it has charged masters to be just to their servants , and servants to be obedient to their masters , whereby it has created no new right on either side : for masters were always bound to allow their servants that which is just and equal , and servants to yield obedience ; but in what measures or proportions we must not expect to find in scripture , for that is left to be determined by former particular contracts , or by the laws and customs of every country . for even those precepts of absolute obedience , for servants to obey their masters in all things , and to please them well in all things , do not alter any of those measures of obedience , which the parties themselves shall agree upon , or the usage of every country does prescribe . for an english servant is not bound to obey his master in all lawful things , if they be inconvenient , and no part of his bargain . it is lawful for a servant to obey his covetous master and to please him well , in taking but one half of his wages in full of all ; but i presume he may do better to disobey , and displease him too in that matter , and to insist upon having his whole due . it is certainly lawful , according to mr. long , for an english servant to obey passively , nay suffering , tho wrongfully , is his calling ; and yet if he refuse to serve in chains , and to be used like a gally-slave , and so disobey and displease in that matter , it is no breach of his christianity : for st. paul himself could not abide to be smitten contrary to law , tho it were at the command of the high-priest , acts . . he presently indeed recalled his reviling language , but he did not correct his sharp resentment of that injury . if some men could find such texts as these for subjects , what iron yokes , and what heavy burdens would they not presently lay upon them ? and yet they would no more bind english subjects , than these texts which were directed to roman slaves , are the duty of english servants . i might instance in several other relative duties in the same manner , if it were needful . accordingly such precepts as this , render unto caesar the things which are caesars , do not alter or destroy the laws of our country , but plainly refer us to them ; for we know not who is caesar , nor who caesar is , but by the law of the land. and the things of caesar , or what belongs to him , are not whatsoever he may demand ; for then when we are bid to render all men their dues , we are as much bound to satisfy their demands , let them be what they will , and never so unjust and unreasonable . and as for that new device in jovian , of learning our allegiance , or legal duty from the notion of a soveraign , it is a sort of conjuring ; for i may as well know the just sum of money which one man owes to another , meerly from the notion of a creditor . having said this in general , i shall now particularly examine those texts of scripture , which this author alledges ; he begins with rom. . , . let every soul be subject to the higher powers ; for there is no power but of god : the powers that be , are ordained of god. whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god : and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . from which text epiphanius proves , that the many magistates under one king , are ordained of god ; and thence our author infers , that the power of under-officers , since it is the ordinance of god , ought no more to be resisted than the king 's . adding this further , though this may seem harsh in an english-man's ears , who will acknowledg perhaps that the king can do no injury , and is above the censure of the law , yet he knows his officers are accountable for any illegal act ; and the very command of the prince cannot secure them from being impeach'd by the people : granting this to be very true ; yet i shall still assert that the inferiour magistrate , though in the execution of an illegal act , is not to be repelled by force . to this i answer , i grant that inferiour magistrates , rightly constituted , and duly executing their office , are the ordinance of god ( for government would be an impracticable thing without them ) ; but as you shall see anon , the text it self carries this limitation in the bowels of it ; for it excludes both the usurpation of an office , and the illegal and malicious exercise of it . if our translators in this place had rendred the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authorities instead of powers , as they were forced to do , pet. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authority , that is , a just and lawful power , as they have rendred it in other places , and as it constantly signifies , they had effectually prevented the false application of this text. but now it is easy to shelter illegal commissions , unauthoritative acts , and all manner of unlawful and outragious violence under the word power ; for these are might , tho they be not right . however i shall make short work with this imposture ; for if these things before-named , be really contained in this text , under the word power , and by virtue of this text are forbidden to be resisted , why then let us put them into the text ( which is the surest way of trying the sence of any scripture ) and let us see how they will become the place . and then it runs thus , there is no illegal destructive commission , nor outragious violence of inferiour officers , but of god. the rapines , burglaries , assassinations , massacres , which are commited by inferiour officers , are ordained of god : whosoever therefore withstands these , resists the ordinance of god. what blasphemous stuff is this which men dare to affix upon a text of scripture , which is no other than the voice of god approving all lawful government , and confirming from heaven those moral duties of subjection , obedience , and non-resistance , which were always due to lawful authority ; but you plainly see are not due to illegal violence , for that is clearly shut out of the text , the text it self will by no means admit it , but spues it out . in the same manner you may likewise try , whether usurped power , or those that intrude into the government , and get into office by wicked and undue means , be the ordinance of god. in the next place , our author quotes st. peter in these words , let 's hear st. peter 's opinion in the case , pet. . , , . submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lord's sake , whether to the king as supream , or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him — for this is the will of god , &c. from this 't is plain that we ought to submit to inferiour officers for the lord's sake ▪ as well as supream ; this subordinate power being from god , tho not immediately . i shall hot trouble my self , as our author does , about the question , whether the true rendring of this place be , submit to every humane creature , meaning divine creature ; or , submit to every ordinance of man , as our translation has it ; which , he says , is an improper translation , and has given occasion to a dangerous error : for let the lawful government be of what extraction it will , every subject must submit to it for the lord's sake . the present question , which wants st. peter's resolution , is , whether we are bound to submit to the illegal violence of under-officers ? which i suppose will prove to be in the negative : for st. peter plainly limits our submission to such governours , as are in subordination to the king , and are sent by him , and come on this errand ( which it was not over honest in our author to conceal ) for the punishment of evil-doers , and for the praise of them that do well . whereas it is evident , that the illegal violence of inferiour governours , crosses the very end of their institution : besides , they are not in any such act sent by the king , but come of their own head ; and which is more , they do this in contradiction to the king 's declared will and pleasure , which is his law , and against his crown and dignity , as an indictment does fully set forth such offences . for i must remember our author of his acknowledgment a little before , that the king's officers an accountable for any illegal act , and the very command of the prince cannot secure them from being impeach'd by the people . now if they may be prosecuted and hang'd by the people , as any other private malefactor ( but by the way , is that submitting to them for the lord's sake ? ) why may not a just and necessary defence be made against them , as against any other evil-doers ? for that very reason , says our author in his preface , because it is a sin to resist any evil-doer , for our saviour has commanded us not to resist evil , ( evil not signifying a thing , but a person ) mat. . . and thence he infers that we ought not to damn our selves , to prevent the violence of a murderer , though offered to our selves . i am much confirmed in the truth which i maintain , when i see that no man can fairly oppose it , without falling into the very dregs of quakerism , and into those pernicious principles , which surrender the quiet and peaceable part of mankind to the discretion of a few mischievous and blood-thirsty men , and in effect put a sword into their hands to slay us . if this be gospel , gaudeant latrones , 't is good tydings not to the true man , but to the thief , to the cyclops , to the canibal , to the hungry irish woolf , and to the mauritanian lyon , but to all others it is a very hard saying . but to shew that this argument may be otherwise answered , than with a shrug , it is plain , . that this precept of our saviour requires great limitation ; for else , among other things , a christian magistrate himself might not resist an evil-doer . . that it carries a limitation sufficient for my present purpose along with it . for all the instances in which our saviour forbids resistance , are matters of a light nature , as dr. hammond expresses it . and the bearing of such tolerable evils and inconveniencies is no peculiar duty of christianity , for any wise moral man would rather take a flap on the face patiently , than turn such a ridiculous battery into a fray and bloodshed ; and rather receive two slight injuries ▪ one after another , then revenge the first . for i shall here take occasion to inform our author , that revenge never was a natural right , as he affirms , p. . but a sin against the light of nature ; and that the necessary preservation of a man's life or livelihood , or the moderation of a just and unblameable defence , do mightily differ from revenge . and as our author wholly wrests our saviour's doctrine ; so , in the next place , he wilfully mis-represents his case , as every man knows who has read the four gospels . for he was not set upon in an illegal manner , but apprehended by lawful officers , who had a warrant from the sanhedrin , the supream court of judicature , the lords spiritual and temporal amongst the jews , and were aided by the roman guards for fear of a rescue ; or , as the chief priests and elders exprest it , lest there should be an uproar among the people : and in opposition to this authority st. peter drew his sword , and wounded malchus , a servant or officer of the high-priest's , mat. . . dr. hammond there says , he was the chief officer , or foreman of them that had the warrant to apprehend our saviour . so that if ever sword was wrongfully drawn , and in opposition to lawful authority , st. peter's was ; and therefore was deservedly charm'd into the sheath again . this being so , we cannot admit one syllable of our author's inferences . i should now confute his answers to my five propositions , but every ordinary reader will be able , from what i have already said , to do it himself . i quoted bracton to prove that the prerogative is bounded by law , and made no further use of his words ; but i should have been ashamed of such an inference as our author makes , when from these words of his own citing , rex habet superiorem deum , item legem , per quam factus est rex , item curiam suam , viz. comites & barones . he infers , that there is no more power allowed to the law , then there is to the earls and barons ; who can only morally oblige the king's conscience , when he is perswaded their counsels are just . what their power is in bracton i need not say , for bracton is an author sufficiently known , and what it is in the mirror , that very ancient law-book , need not be told the world ; but any man may as well infer from this passage , that there is no more power allowed to god than to the earls and barons ; which absurd inference is enough to shew the weakness and folly of his . in the next place he tells me , that i have forgot the service of the church , if i do not constantly thank god for the example of the thebaean legion . i do thank god for this , that the service of our church is purged from such fopperies , and legendary stories ; or else i would never have declared my assent and consent to it : but when i thank god for the marvellous confirmation , which the seven sleepers have given us of the last resurrection ; i shall then remember to do as much for the example of the thebaean legion . for tho i admitted it as a case to be argued upon , as i would any feigned case of john-a-nokes and john-a-stiles , and shewed that it was not our case ; yet when it is obtruded as matter of religion and devotion , i must take the boldness to call it a fable . and i have very good reason to believe it to be so , when eusebius , the very father fox of the primitive church , who lived in maximian's persecution , and wrote many years after , has not one word of it , nor any of the voluminous fathers of the fourth century ; but eucherius , who lived about a hundred and fourty years after the thing is said to be done , is the first author who is quoted for it . so that maximian not only cut off this feigned army of martyrs , but buried them under ground for years , and then they rose up again , as the pied pipers children did in a far country . and our author easily confirms me in the belief that it is a romance , when he here tells us , that eucherius made that brave resolute speech to the emperour ; for many a true word is said by mistake . as for our author's performance , i leave that to the judgment of the world ; and so he might have done my comparison of popery and paganism , without endeavouring to slur what he cannot answer . but tho i have forgiven him all his abuses of me , yet i cannot his reviling the homilies , when he calls what they say against popery , the old elizabeth-way of railing . and i hope all they that have subscribed the homilies , as godly and wholsom doctrine , and fit for these times , will never endure them to be run down by pretended church-of - england-men , and vipers in her bosom , both as unseasonable and ungodly ; as what is now out of fashion , and as what , according to them , ought never to have been in . and thus i have answered what i thought material in this author , and have consulted the reader 's ease as well as my own , in passing over the rest of his book ; of which i must needs say , that i never saw so great a number of falsifications in so small a volume in my whole life : whereby i perceive that the design of these men is not in the least the service of truth ; but their business is to impose upon the world , to blind and inslave men at once ; just as the philistines did by sampson , they put out his eyes , and then made him grind in a mill. and therefore the just suspicions which i otherways have , that this author is a known papist , are not at all removed by his pretending to be of our church ; for he that will write an hundred untruths , will certainly write one more . an answer to jovian . answer to the preface . it has been the extream felicity of this author , to give such a pregnant title to his book , as does alone in effect answer julian : for as we learn from the beginning of this preface , jovian proves that the empire was elective ; secondly , jovian proves the christians to have bin quiet and peaceable under julian ; thirdly , proves the antiochians zeal to have been abusiveness ; and fourthly , proves , that julian's army in persia were christians . but how if jovian proves not any one of these particulars , but directly the contrary ? for , first , the election of jovian , after constantine's family was extinct , does by no means prove , that that family did not inherit the empire ; but it proves the contrary , if the historians say , that the army elected jovian , and on the other side say , that the army and senate proclaimed and recognized the sons of constantine to be the emperors of the romans , but never talk of their electing them . neither does procopius prove that family not to be extinct in julian : for pretended kindred , and much more impudently pretended kindred , is not kindred . an house in cilicia , from which procopius descended , was not the flavian house ; no more than a man , who lived all his life in the quality of an vnder-writer , or clerk , was a great man , and of the blood ; or than a sorry pen-and-inkhorn-fellow , as themistius describes him , can be said to make a great figure in the times of constantius and julian . i thought very innocently , a man might be allowed to say , that the line male of the house of york ended in richard the third , without telling the world a long impertinent story of simnel , and perkin warbeck ; but now i see , that upon such an occasion , unless a man writes the memoirs of such impostors , and vagabond landlopers , he shall be represented by our author as an impostor himself . however , i regard it the less , because i had not more diversion in reading heretofore the tragi-comedy of this impostor , than i have now in our author's management of him : to see julian's cousin procopius , standing by himself at the bottom of a genealogy , just like a cipher , without father , without mother , and without descent ; where the noble algernon's cousin might as well have stood , if the herald had so pleased . but after all , if this famous procopius must needs be brought into play , he is clearly on my side : for his setting up for emperor , under pretence of being of the constantine family , is a strong proof , that the empire was look'd upon as hereditary ; as perkin warbeck's imposture did suppose the kingdom to be so here . neither , lastly , does the passing by of varronianus , the infant-son of jovian , signify any thing ; when edgar atheling was set aside thrice , and several other saxon princes were put by for their minority . whereas on the other hand , valentinian being made emperor at four years old , is a greater argument that the empire was hereditary , than the setting aside ten at that age , is to prove the contrary . secondly ; jovian's quiet behaviour is no proof that valentinian , as much a confessor as he , behaved himself quietly , when he struck the priest ; nor that all the other christians behaved themselves quietly under julian , when they did not ; particularly the generous and zealous caesareans , as st. gregory calls them , who destroyed the temple of julian's great goddess fortune in his reign , and made her unfortunate in a fortunate time. for which julian was enraged at that whole city , and gave his own heathens there a severe reprimand , for not hazarding themselves to defend their goddess ; but they durst not , for the christians in that city were too many for them . now on the other hand , how if jovian himself was as generous , and as zealous a christian , as any of them ? for tho he had laid down his commission , and was cashiered for not sacrificing , and obeying the commandment of the wicked king ; yet julian , in his expedition for persia , by necessity of the approaching war , had him amongst his commanders , as socrates's words are . i have been often puzled , to imagine what that necessity should be , and have sometimes been inclined to think that julian stood in need of him for his conduct , to command some part of his army , who indeed , for his abilities , was fittest to have commanded in chief . but that cannot be , for the great jovian was but a pike-man in that expedition , and was not entrusted with any command , so much as that of a sergeant , and was no more than a common foot-souldier , when he was chosen emperor . and therefore julian could not be without him , nor leave him behind him , upon some other account ; and whether that were , lest in his absence he should go and live at caesarea , which was close by nazianzum , where old gregory dwelt , or upon what other account , i desire to be informed by our author . thirdly ; jovian's being libelled and abused by none but the heathens of antioch , for making a dishonourable peace with the persians , which reproach the christians always wiped off from him , and justly laid it upon julian's rashness , or for his being a christian , ( which is undeniably true , as baronius has already proved it in jovian's life , and as i could further prove , if it were worth the while ) does by no means prove , that the christians of antioch abused him as well as julian , and consequently would have abused any body . whereas it is evident , both from the misopogon it self , and from the express testimony of theodoret , that the instances of the antiochian christians hatred to julian , did proceed purely from the height of their christianity , and their fervent love to christ . it is too much in reason to tell men a story , and to find them ears too ; but i will do it for once , as to this story of theodoret. the words were these : that the antiochians , who had received their christianity from the greatest pair of apostles , peter and paul , and had a warm affection for the lord and saviour of all , did always abominate julian , who ought never to be remembred ; you have his own word for it : for , for this reason he wrote a book against them , and called them the beard-haters . now the same men , that derived their christianity from the chiefest apostles , and had a great love for our saviour , were the men that could not endure julian , and against whom , for that reason , he writ his misopogon . so that , according to theodoret , that book was caused by their hatred to julian , and their hatred to julian was caused by their love to christ , and their love to christ proceeded from their pure and primitive christianity . and let our author find any new ways of shuffling , to call this zeal scurrility , if he can . and , fourthly , jovian is so far from proving julian's army in persia to be all christians , or almost all christians , ( as my divided answerers say ) or christians at all , that it is demonstrable from his election , that they were heathens ; for he therefore refused the empire , because they were heathens . he refused it at first , when he was chosen by the army , in the absence of the commanders ; and afterwards , when the commanders had agreed to the army's choice , and had set him upon a high stage , and given him all the titles of majesty , calling him caesar and augustus ; still he refused it , not fearing the princes nor souldiers altering their minds for the worse , but told them plainly , i cannot , being a christian as i am , take the government of such men , nor be the emperor over julian's army , which is principled in a wicked religion ; for such men , being left destitute of god's providence , will become an easy prey and sport to our enemies . the souldiers having heard these words , cried out with one voice : o king , let not that doubt trouble you , neither do you decline the government of us , as a wicked government ; for you shall reign over christians , and men bred up in the true religion : for the elder amongst us were bred under constantine , and the rest under constantius ; and the reign of this man , who is now dead , has been short , and not sufficient to establish heathenism in the minds of those that have been seduced . now this is a demonstration , that julian's army were profest heathens : for it is nonsence to say , that jovian , who was so well acquainted with the army , and was all along with it in that expedition , did not know what religion the army profest . or i would fain know what danger he was in , for declaring against heathenism in a christian army ; that theodoret should say , this brave man , using his accustomed boldness , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( that is , says our author , p. . confessing christ boldly in the midst of his enemies , in apparent danger of torture or death ) not fearing the princes or armies alteration for the worse , said , i cannot , being a christian , take upon me the government of such men. it may indeed be demanded , why the army , knowing his religion as well as he knew theirs , should nevertheless chuse him for their emperor ? but all the ecclesiastical historians furnish us with this ready answer , that the army was in miserable straits and perplexity , and had been all lost , without a man of his matchless courage and conduct to head them : and then their own declaration shews , that they were heathens only upon liking , and had not been long enough to contract an aversion to that religion , in which they were bred . for my part , i never read of any other profest christians in julian's army in persia , besides jovian and valens , ( for i can assure our author , that valentinian was not there , unless he march'd like an elephant , with his castle on his back , for he was then in prison for striking the priest ) except we should likewise add him , whom libanius and sozomen talk of . but when jovian had thus resolutely declared himself , the army likewise declared themselves christians , and gave him a very good reason , why he should not distrust their sudden conversion . they were such christians , as we have in great plenty at the end of every one of the primitive persecutions , who turn'd heathens to save themselves , and when the danger was over , immediatly return'd to the church again . which was the worse in these christians , i mean jovian's christians , and julian's heathens , because , as st. jerome observes , julian's persecution was a winning persecution , rather leading , than driving men to heathenism . however , this is less to be wondred at in an army , when we have seen the same unsteadiness and volubility in universities , clergy , and convocations , who , to the reproach of this nation , without so much as julian's persecution , or jovian's declaration , have been papists or protestants , as their princes were inclined ; and have made more haste to turn to and fro , than these souldiers did . this plain matter of fact , which i have therefore set down the more at large , does evidently shew the falshood of that assertion , that julian's army in persia was for the most part christian . it may be my answerers fell into this mistake , if it be not wilful , by jumbling together the beginning and latter end of julian's reign . for our author might easily see , that gregory mentions the remnant of more than seven thousand , which had not bowed the knee to baal , before julian had made any edict against the christians in any kind , so much as to call them galileans ; before he had ensnared them with his donative , and used many other arts of corrupting them , or made his edict of cashiering the christians . and it is intolerable false reasoning , to conclude , that the state of affairs in the end of julian's reign , was the same that it was in the beginning : for , as gregory observes , in the beginning of julian's reign , christianity was the establish'd and prevailing religion ; and therefore for julian to attempt to alter and disturb it , was no other thing than to shake the roman empire , and to hazard the whole commonwealth ; and that afterwards the empire was actually filled with sedition , confusion , and fighting , on that account . but now let us take a view of the face of things in the latter end of his reign , at which time he had set the jews on work to repair their temple at jerusalem ; but fire came out from the foundation , in such a wonderful violent manner , as killed many of them , and forced them all to desist . these things did not happen , says st. chrysostom , in the reign of godly emperors , but at a time when we were in a miserable low condition ; when we all went in danger of our lives , when the common freedom of mankind was taken from us , when paganism flourish'd ; when the christians either hid themselves in their houses , or were fled into the wilderness , and were not to be seen in publick , then these things happened , that no manner of impudent pretence might be left the jews , and that they might not be able to say , that the christians came upon them , and put a stop to the work. no , alas ! they were not in a condition to disturb any body , if they had had never so much mind to it . impudence it self cannot say , that the christians were able to hinder the jews in this work. that is the father's reasoning in this place . you have seen already , what strength of numbers the christians had , in julian's army : and as for what force of arms and ammunition they had out of the army , appears fully by julian's edict , a considerable time before , wherein he charges all the christian laity in the empire , not to be persuaded by their bishops to take up stones , and disobey the magistrate . truly , a very dangerous magazine ! can any thing be more plainly said , to shew that the christians were disarmed , and naked , and defenceless , even to contempt ? and that they might well complain , with gregory , that they had neither arms nor ammunition , nor wall , nor weapon , nor any defence left them , but their hope in god , as being deprived and retrench'd of all humane aid : that is , as our author explains this passage , p. . they had walls , and weapons , and humane aid ; and they had them not : not that they wanted strength and numbers , but by the principles of their suffering religion they could not use them . now they never had them to use , contrary to the principles of their religion ; why then does gregory say , they had them not left ? it seems they once had them , in the same sence in which they now wanted them . did ever any man complain that he wanted bread , meaning , that he had a peck-loaf standing by him , but wanted a stomach , or inward principle of eating ? if a thousand transcribers interpret authors at this rate , i shall beg all their pardons . as for that indefinite speech of st. austin , that christian souldiers served under julian , it is very true , if they did so in any part of his reign , or if to the number of two served under him ; and therefore proves nothing in this matter : for christiani milites is either units , or tens , or tens of millions . and when our author tells me how many they were , and when they served under him , i will give him a further answer . the next thing he touches upon in his preface , is , that the roman empire was not entailed , ( he should have said , unless it were entailed by the law of nature , or else he uses eusebius very uncivilly ) from whence he concludes , that it was either great ignorance , or great deceitfulness in me , to assert it to be hereditary . i desire to know which of the two it was in bishop bilson , who asserted it almost an hundred years before i did , in these words : the roman empire it self , from constantine the great , and before , till the time of otho the third , that is , seven hundred years , and upwards , went by succession , save where the right-lines failed , or sedition disturbed the heir . where he likewise matches it with the hereditary kingdoms of england , france , spain , scotland , and others . and further , i desire to know , at what time afterwards the empire began to be hereditary , if it were not so in constantine's family , where there was an uninterrupted succession of five from herculeus maximianus to julian ? but besides such an instance of uninterrupted succession , which is a great rarity in kingdoms that are undoubtedly hereditary , which , tho it be matter of fact , is no proof of right , the express testimony of eusebius is so full and convincing , that it descended from father to son , like any other patrimony , that i needed not to have added other proofs , for i see that alone cannot be answered . i was not in the least concern'd to prove , that the empire descended in a right line , from the twelve caesars down to constantine , and therefore our author needed not to have writ his long impertinent history of broken succession ; which , i confess , i did slight when i heard of it , but not so much as now i see it : for who would go to use such a deceitful medium , as a history of broken succession , to prove an empire to be elective ? i am sure , if our author consider that argument better , he will not abide by it . without thinking my self bound therefore to follow him in his knight-errantry , quite through a succession of three hundred years , ( which in the first constitution of it was hereditary , as he confesses , and quotes dio for it , p. . and was propagated by adoption in the julian family , to the emperor nero ; and afterwards , when it was broken , was often pieced again by adoption , which still shews the nature of it to be hereditary ) i shall prove , with all the clearness and brevity i can , that the empire was hereditary in constantine's family , both as to matter of fact , and matter of right . first ; they were not elected either by the senate , or the army , who only declared , recognized , or proclaimed the new king to be emperor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . vita const . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cap. . dly ; during that family there was no interregnum . at chlorus death eusebius says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vit. const . lib. . c. . and afterwards says , there was not an interregnum , no , not for a minute , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dly ; they were either testamentary heirs , or heirs at law to the empire , all lawful and undoubted heirs : const . chlorus , as the adopted son of maximian ; constantine , as eldest son to his father ; constantine's sons , as testamentary heirs ; and julian , as heir at law. i shall in a few words clear the titles of constantine , and his sons , and especially of julian , which is the only one that i needed to insist upon . first ; of constantine ; eusebius says , that the throne descended to him from his father , as a patrimony . socrates says , that he was declared king in his father's stead , the very word which is used to describe the jewish succession . eumenius says , he was his father's lawful successor , and undoubted heir . secondly ; constantine , being possest of the whole roman world , which indeed was too large for the government of one single person , wisely divided it amongst his three sons , and made them heirs by testament . theod. socrat. ruffin . he left them heirs , he made them heirs , he wrote them heirs . and accordingly st. ambrose calls constantius , ( who survived the others , and had it entire again ) the heir of his fathers dignity . thirdly ; julian was heir at law : he had the empire by blood and birth , it fell to him by ordinary right . and if jovian had been elected emperor , while julian was living , he had been injured , and should have had wrong done to him , as i shall make appear by these following testimonies . . julian was lawfully possest of the empire after constantius's death , but not before ; for tho he were chosen emperor by the army in constantius's life-time , yet that choice only made him an usurper . so ruffinus tells us , lib. . cap. . post quem ( scil . constantium ) julianus praesumptum priùs , deinde ut legitimum , solus obtinuit principatum . . this lawful title was a title by birth and blood. so themistius , a senator , and the governor of constantinople , in his speech to jovian , speaking of the constantine family , and julian especially , tells him : you having received the empire ( meaning by election ) have maintained it better than they who received it in a way of succession by birth and blood. and this , i doubt not , is what ammian . marcell . means by ordinario jure , where he says , that when julian had news of constantius's death , he , and his whole army after him , marched merrily for constantinople ; for they saw that the empire , which they were going to take away by force , with the apprehension of the utmost hazards , was now unexpectedly granted in the ordinary way of right . that is , by constantius's death , it was julian's of course : for as for that flam , that constantius named julian his successor with his last breath , it is so ridiculous a falshood , that the meanest sutler in julian's army was not silly enough to believe it , when it was so notorious , that constantius was coming to advance him the other way . . this ordinary right by birth , as he was the sole heir of the constantian family , was so just a title , that if jovian had been elected emperor , while julian was alive , he had been injured by it , and should have had wrong done him . so the same themistius , in the same place , where he tells jovian , that the empire was before owing to him for his father's vertue ; but at constantine's death he deferred to take the debt , that he might not be thought to usurp upon the last of the constantine succession , and was reserved till now , so as to receive his father's debt , without doing wrong to any body . it seems julian had been wronged , if he had been put by his succcession , therefore he had a right to it , and the setting him aside had been a proper exclusion . and yet gregory and basil , who did not wear one beard , and constantius on his death-bed , thought the whole christian world much more wronged , in that he was not set aside . q. e. d. to answer forty of our author's trifling objections at once , such as , whether the law of nature be for primogeniture and gavelkind too ? &c. i affirm , first , that there never was a succession in the world , that was not alterable , and which might not be directed and governed , either by the prince , or people , or , as it is here , by both . the jewish succession , which was establish'd by god himself in the line of david , was not so establish'd , as to exclude the peoples governance and disposal of it . a clear instance you have of this , chron. . . and kings . . then the people of the land took jehoahaz , the son of josiah , and made him king in his father's stead , in jerusalem . jehoahaz was the younger brother , and yet the people of the land excluded his elder brother , to make him king. and tho he were the younger brother , by about two years , the scripture approves the title and birth-right , which the people of the land gave him , for it allows and records him to be the first-born , chron. . . and the sons of josiah were ; the first-born , johanan ; the second , jehojakim , &c. this johanan is the same with jehoahaz , as all commentators are agreed ; such variety of names being very usual in scripture for the same person . dly ; that the government of the succession in the roman empire , was in the hands of the emperor ; which is the reason that gregory blames constantius alone , and neither souldiery nor senate , for julian's succeeding to the crown . and , dly ; that in all hereditary kingdoms , the succession has been variously ordered and disposed upon occasion , and that justly , by those who had the government of it . and therefore chlorus might do as was most fit , to give his empire to his eldest son alone ; and yet constantine do as well , to divide his larger empire amongst his three sons . both which ways of inheriting , according to the fathers , were still by divine right . we have a plain instance of this likewise in the articles of philip and mary's marriage , in the united kingdoms of those two princes . i shall add , by way of supererrogation , that the empire ( after jovian's untimely and sudden death ) went on again in a way of hereditary succession , first in valentinian's , and afterwards in theodosius's family . gratian , and valentinian the younger , succeeded valentinian , as his lawful heirs . so symmachus , praefect of rome , expresses it : eum religionis statum petimus , qui divo parenti vestro culminis servavit imperium , qui fortunato principi legitimos suffecit haeredes . one of them was emperor when he was a child ; but it was all one for that : for as st. ambrose says by theodosius's young sons , arcadius and honorius , who likewise succeeded their father ; nec moveat aetas , imperatoris perfecta aetas : no-body is to mind their age , for an emperor is always at age. the descent of the imperial crown took away all defects . and st. ambrose exhorts the people and army to pay the same duty to these minors , as they would to theodosius himself , or rather more ; and tells them what sacrilege it would be to violate their rights : plus debetis defuncto , quàm debuistis viventi . etenim si in liberis privatorum , non sine gravi scelere minorum jura temerantur ; quanto magis in filiis imperatoris ? in a word , if the empire were not hereditary , in that period of it which my discourse led me to speak of , and for a long time after , the christians , as well as heathens , have not only imposed upon the world , but , which is far worse , have mocked god in their prayers . firmicus prays the great sun and stars , together with the most high god , to make the government of constantine , and his sons , perpetual ; and grant , says he , that they may reign over our posterity , and the posterity of our posterity , in a continued series of infinite ages . sozomen prays , that god would transmit theodosius's kingdom to his children's children . to which prince , cyrill , archbishop of alexandria , says , the queen , glorious in having children by you , gives hope of perpetuity to the empire . now from any one of these expressions , it is plain that the empire was not elective ; for every one knows , that the present king's children , in an elective kingdom , are farthest off from succeeding : whoever succeeds , they shall not , for fear they should alter the constitution of the kingdom , and make it hereditary . it is indeed otherwise in the empire of germany , but there is a peculiar reason for it : none but the house of austria , which has so large hereditary dominions and countries , and so scituate , as to be a bulwark against the turk , being capable of defending and preserving that empire . after all , to shew how much our author is mistaken , in thinking the stress of my argument lies upon this assertion , that the empire was hereditary in julian's time , ( which nevertheless i desire him to confute , if he can , in fourscore pages more , ) i do assure him , that the conclusions which are drawn from his own premises , will serve my turn as well . our author says , pag. . that the caesarship only made a man candidate , and expectant of the empire ; or , as he expresses himself afterwards , it was a recommendation to the augustus-ship . tho by the way , candidate or expectant is not the english of spartianus's latine , which he there quotes ; for designed or appointed heirs of the imperial majesty are more than candidates ; and eumenius , who understood the roman empire and language better than any modern man , opposes those two words to one another : sacrum illud palatium , non candidatus imperii , sed designatus intrasti . however , to take the character of a caesar at the very lowest , he was recommended to the empire , and stood fairest for it . and because the empire had generally gone that way , he might plead custom , tho not a strict right ; and at the least , was next to the chair . nevertheless the christians were for setting aside one that had these pretensions to the empire of the roman world , meerly because he was not of their religion ; they would not have a heathen to reign over them . now i did not go to ask their opinion concerning the th of elizabeth , and half a dozen acts of parliament more ; or whether our king and parliament have not equal power to exclude a popish successor , as constantius had to degrade a pagan caesar ? of which i never doubted , nor dare our author deny it . but my enquiry was , whether paganism was a sufficient bar to hinder a man from an empire ? and whether it unqualified him from reigning over christians ? and their answer was , as i have faithfully reported it , that it was a great sin in those who could prevent such a person 's coming to the crown , if they did not do it . and whether an act of parliament cannot govern the norman entail , we will never ask the fathers . to conclude , if my comparison of popery and paganism hold true , which this author has been pleased to grace and fortify with his approbation ; then the case of conscience is thus resolved by the fathers : that it is not only just to prevent a popish successor ; but that it is a very great sin in those who can legally prevent him , unless they do it . again ; if julian's title were not a right of inheritance , but lay in the choice of the legions ; then julian was already lawful emperor , while he was in france , as well as gordianus , philip , decius , p. . and others in other places of our author . and yet julian durst not then own himself a pagan , tho he had been so for ten years ; but , as ammianus confesses , went to church a long time after , to curry favour with the christians , and to avoid impediments . it seems he was afraid , even then , that the christians would put a spoke in his cart , and was so apprehensive of meeting with some dangerous rubs from them , that he slavishly dissembled his religion . the next thing in the preface , worth observing , is , our author 's taking offence at my general way of speaking concerning the behavior of the christians under julian , that i say they , and their , when only particular persons are mentioned . i answer ; where i have made a general inference from the behaviour of particular persons , either those persons were fathers themselves , who by common construction are representatives , and deliver to us the sence of the church ; or else the thing which is done by them , is commended and applauded by the fathers , which is the same thing as if they had done it themselves . but a great part of the instances which i give , are the general and publick acts of great numbers in the church , a congregation , a city , or the like ; not to mention what was done by the whole church . and therefore these instances ought not to be levell'd with those which our author produces in queen mary's days , of things which were done but not owned , and which , as we use to say , no-body did : for our author might have had the reward of twenty marks , and thanks , if he could have inform'd who it was that hang'd up the cat. and as for wyat's rebellion , it was upon account of the spanish match , and religion was only pretended , as our author 's own quotation from mr. bradford does acknowledg . i shall overlook the rest , till i come to his discourse about the bill of exclusion ; where , in the first place , we meet with a subtil defence for the addressers : for it was not the popish successor , as popish , but the succession , which they promised to maintain . i like the distinction very well , only our author applies it by the halves ; for i wonder he does not say , that they made this promise too , not as protestants , but as addressers . but it seems , the suffolk-protestants did thus maintain the succession of queen mary . they did so , but the case was very different ; for then there was no possibility of a bill of exclusion : q. mary , by virtue of an act of parliament , was actually queen ; and yet they gave her no assistance , but upon her promise to maintain the established protestant religion : which promise was so well and truly performed , that we may well be excused from trusting any popish prince , as those poor men did , who afterwards had the opportunity of seeing their error , from the vantage-ground of a pillory , and by the fire-light in smithfield . as for archbishop cranmer's disclaiming and recanting his being concern'd in setting up king edward's will against an act of parliament ; it manifestly makes for me , and shews what authority cranmer ascribed to an act of parliament , which gave queen mary all her title , after he himself had been the greatest instrument of rendring her illegitimate , by causing her mother's marriage to be declared null and void from the beginning . tho i might well have taken no notice of it , because our author is pleased to do the same by bishop ridley's sermon at paul's-cross , where he put by the appointed preacher , only to have an opportunity of telling the people , what reason they had to put by queen mary . would that brave martyr have been against a bill of exclusion , who was so zealous for exclusion without a bill ? presently after , we have objections thick and threefold , against the bishops reasons in q ▪ elizabeth's time , recorded by sir sim. d'ewes . he will not allow the bishops by any means to be the authors of them , that so he may take the greater liberty in vilifying , and speaking his pleasure of them : just as p. . he dissembles his knowledg of a book to be my lord hollis's , which , to my knowledg , he knew to be his as well as i , only that he might the more safely persist in calling it impious and treasonable . and because he appeals to me , whether i think the bishops of the church of england could pen such a popish or presbyterian piece ? i answer ; . that i do verily believe they did pen that piece ; and further , that there were few others in those days , who were able to pen so learned a piece . and , . i will join issue with him when he pleases , that it is neither a popish nor presbyterian piece , but worthy of the zealous prelates of that age , and agreeable to the doctrine of the homilies , to which all the clergy of england have subscribed ; which is more than can be said of dr. hickes's peculium dei. first , there is no ground in the world to suspect , but these arguments were part of the reasons presented to the queen in parliament , because the title says they were , and it is manifest that they are all in the same strain , and of a piece ; and further , sir simonds says , that then , which was above fifty years ago , there were written copies of them remaining in many hands ; at which time it was very easy , if they had been forged , to have discovered it . dly ; this paper of reasons ought not to be called anonymous ; for in the body of it , the bishops are named as the authors of it , whereby the certain authors of a book are better known , than by a title or inscription . dly ; there is nothing in those reasons , but what was fit for bishops in parliament to urge ; i say , in parliament , where there was full authority to have enacted all their conclusions ; but had been very improper to urge to a judg at an assizes : which very different cases i am afraid the peculium doth not distinguish . in short , those reasons are foully misrepresented by this author , and rendred as only fit to proceed from a scotizing presbyterian . suppose now i should do the same by jovian , and with more justice say , it was a book written by the priests in newgate ; as not believing that a book , which manifestly carries on coleman's design , and is made up of the very doctrine of his declaration for dissolving the parliament , could come from a minister of london . this would not be well taken ; therefore our author must pardon me , if it raises my indignation , to have a bench of as reverend bishops as ever were in the world , treated in the same manner . and i do again renew my promise , that if he will please to print the reasons of that parliament at large , as i desired the reader to peruse them at large , and add a confutation of the bishops arguments , it shall not want an answer . is it a popish piece , because it was for having a law to put an idolater to death ? why then our homilies are popish too , for commending the christian iconoclast emperors , who punished image-worshippers , and image-maintainers with death . or a presbyterian piece ? truly that is very notably guessed . what ? because it talks of godly bishops , where it says , we see not how we can be accounted godly bishops , or faithful subjects , if in common peril we should not cry and give warning ? a scotizing presbyterian would as soon have talkt of black swans . well , but according to our author , from excluding the next heir to the crown out of the world , there is no consequence at all to excluding him from the crown : i thought there had , but this it is not to be skilled in jewish learning : for , he says , a rebellious first-born amongst the jews might be put to death , but not disinherited . this is the prettiest argument in the book , if it were true ; but it is like the rest , and notoriously false . for his own selden , whom he quotes for such a saying as pax est bona , in the th chap. of the very same book , shews him several ways how the first-born , or only son , or any son might be disinherited , and defeated of his succession . i see every body has not a petavius to direct him . however , a man that could but read the english translation of the bible , might know that a jewish father had power to disinherit , because , deut. . . that power is restrained in one particular case . grotius upon the place gives the reason of that restraint ; says he , the father might for just cause transfer the right of the first-born to a younger brother ; but the law took away that liberty from a man who had two wives together , where there was danger it might be done upon light and trifling occasions . and truly the case of an hebrew heir had been very hard , if it had been neck or nothing ; if he might by the law have been put to death for that , for which he might not be disinherited . tho , by the way , the rabbins say , that law of putting a son to death was never practised , no more than that of retaliation , an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth . he falsely and invidiously says : i challenge the house of lords , the three estates of scotland , &c. to give but one reason to prove a bill of exclusion to be unlawful . i did not look so high , nor think of those great persons , but of those whom i have often conversed with , and who , according to the character i there gave of them , have furiously reproached three successive houses of commons upon account of that bill : and i am afraid i shall have occasion to call upon them for their reasons , even after this author's performance . i always meant those men who have misled too many , and too great persons into a belief , that a bill of exclusion is against both law and conscience ; that it is such injustice , as ought not to be done to save the world from perishing : and after they have asserted this , and laid it down for gospel , are not able to say one wise word in defence of it ; and till they do , i am sure all the world will give me leave to follow them with this reasonable demand . i. his first argument is , that an act of exclusion is void , because it tends to the disherison of the crown . this is so far from being true , that an act of parliament , which should deny the king and parliament a power of governing the succession , would be a proper act of disherison of the crown , because it would destroy one of the greatest prerogatives of the crown , and devest the king of such a power as is part of his crown , and which alone , in many cases , can secure the whole to him . according to what serjeant manwood affirm'd in parliament , eliz. that as for the authority of parliament ( in determining of the crown ) it could not in reasonable construction be otherwise ; for whosoever should deny that authority , did deny the queen to be queen , and the realm to be a realm . the truth of it is , it tears up the very foundations of our government : for as bishop bilson has exprest it , the foundation of all the laws of our country is this , that what the prince , and most part of her barons and burgesses shall confirm , that shall stand for good. but to come to the point , this unalterable norman entail , whence is it ? it was certainly made with hands , tho all the roman emperors had not the art of making one . now i assert , that the king in his parliament , when ever he pleases to call one , has all the power upon earth , and full as much as ever was upon english ground ; and consequently can govern this norman entail , as shall be most for the preservation of his majesty's sacred person from popish plots , and of this protestant realm from the hellish power of rome . and to deny this , were to disherit and disable the crown , and as mr. mounson , in the th of eliz. expresses it , were an horrible saying . as an appendix to this first argument , first , he asks a shrewd question , if the acts of hen. viii . about succession were valid , by what authority was the house of suffolk excluded , and king james admitted to the crown , contrary to many statutes against him ? if our author will shew me but one of those many statutes whereby king james stood excluded , i will yield him the cause . in the mean time , i wonder a man should offer to make acts of parliament no more than waste paper , when he knows nothing of them ; and to talk of the house of suffolk's exclusion , when it was never included , nor ever had any title or pretensions to the crown ; and above all , to be so very absurd , as to quote the recognition of the high-court of parliament , jac. cap. . where king james's succession is owned for lawful , when at the same time he is invalidating all acts of parliament , which limit and determine of the succession . for as the same mr. mounson argues , it were horrible to say , that the parliament hath not authority to determine of the crown ; for then would ensue , not only the annihilating of the statute hen. . but that the statute made in the first year of her majesty's reign , of recognition , should be laid void ; a matter containing a greater consequent than is convenient to be uttered . so that if our author disables acts of parliament , which limit and bind the descent of the crown , he likewise disables that act of recognition . our author's partner , mr. long , has urged this act of recognition jacobi , more strongly than any one argument in his book besides ; for because it was made since the th of elizabeth , he opposeth it to that , and gives it all the power of a last will. to which i shall only say thus much , that the very same recognition , to a tittle , might have been made to king james , tho mary queen of scots had been still living , and had only stood excluded by act of parliament : for , as mr. long may see by the act before the common-prayer-book , carol. . the law can make great numbers of men as if they were dead , and naturally dead , before their time ; yea , tho many of them had a jus divinum to preach , as being episcopally ordained , and were descended in a right line from the very apostles . dly ; our author quotes two authorities : the one says , a bill of exclusion , if it should pass , would change the essence of the monarchy , and make the crown elective ; or , as another ingenious ( but i am sure very scurrilous and irreverent ) pen saith , it would tend to make a football of the crown , and turn an hereditary kingdom into elective . the same answer will serve them both , namely , that an act of disinheriting from the crown , does own , and proclaim , and prove the kingdom to be hereditary . and further , i would be glad to know in what part of the globe that elective kingdom lies , where the very essence of it is this , that the present possessor of the crown shall have power in declaring or disabling his successor . ii. his next argument is from the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , wherein a minister of london especially ought to have used no sophistry , because oaths are sacred things , and ought not by false glosses and interpretations to be turn'd into snares , to entangle the consciences of those who hereafter shall be desirous to secure the protestant religion ; and withal , to involve three successive houses of commons in the guilt of perjury , only for discharging their consciences to god and their country . and because our author , after he has done thus , stands upon his justification , and calls his way of arguing plain and honest , and says , he is not conscious of the least sophistry in it ; i shall endeavour to make his sophistry stare him in the face . i shewed him before in my preface , by the most convincing proof that could be produced , that by the heirs and successors mentioned in these oaths , are meant kings and queens of this realm of england : and if the old oath of allegiance at common-law , which i there quoted , had not expresly said so ; yet common-sense would have taught us the very same : for allegiance sworn to a subject must needs be treason . and therefore , as i there argued , it is a falshood of very dangerous consequence , to say , that any person besides his majesty hath now any interest in those oaths , or can lay claim to any part of them . our author had done well to have answered that argument , before he had fallen to new-vamping of old baffled fallacies , which i shall now examine . by the oath of supremacy , ( as he says true ) we are sworn , to our power to assist and defend all jurisdictions , privileges , preheminencies , and authorities , granted or belonging to the kings highness , his heirs and lawful successors , united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm . now one of these jurisdictions , granted or belonging to the king's highness , his heirs and lawful successors , united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm , is this , that the king , with and by the authority of the parliament of england , is able to make laws and statutes , of sufficient force and validity to limit and bind the crown of this realm , and the descent , limitation , inheritance , and government thereof . and therefore i ask , if they be not the perjured persons , who by asserting an unalterable succession , endeavour to destroy this jurisdiction , privilege , and authority , which they are sworn to maintain ? but our author 's honest way of arguing , is to have four terms in a syllogism . as thus ; we are sworn to defend the rights of supremacy vested in the king ; ergo , we are bound to defend an unalterable succession , which is contrary to the rights of this supremacy . again , we are sworn to defend all privileges belonging to the king's heirs and successors , that is , kings and queens of england ; ergo , we are sworn to defend all the privileges belonging to such as are neither kings nor queens , but subjects of england , and if they be excluded , never can be kings or queens of england . and therefore to our author's first question , i answer : no subject can possibly have undoubted , transcendent , and essential rights , privileges , and preheminencies , united to the imperial crown of england ; for if so , then the imperial crown of england is united to his rights ; which i would desire our author to take heed of affirming , for we can have but one soveraign , as there is but one sun in the firmament . to his second question , i answer ; by lawful successors , is meant kings and queens of england , which have not been always next heirs by proximity of blood ; witness henry . q. mary , and q. elizabeth , who could not be both heirs in that manner to edward the th . and further , i say , that the oath of supremacy only binds us to the king in being , and not to the whole royal family , otherwise we should have a great many soveraigns at once ; and it is made in our author's phrase , for the behoof and interest of the crown , and not for the behoof of him who may never be concern'd in it . in the next place , we have these words : some indeed have said , with our author , that the oath of supremacy is a protestant oath , and so could not be understood in a sence destructive to the protestant religion ; which is a meer shift , and proves nothing , because it proves too much . sir , i think it was much more a shift , to find out a way to drive on the popes interest by an oath , which does most solemnly renounce him ; and under a pretence of unalterable succession , of which there is not the least shadow in this oath , but the direct contrary , to abandon this protestant kingdom to the hellish tyranny of rome , which we are sworn to oppose , and all protestants will oppose , even under a popish successor , if any such can be in england ; and let dr. watson prove it , if he can , to be no less than resisting the ordinance of god. but methinks it had been time enough to offer to prove that , after the pope's power had been re-established by a law , and not to go about it now , when it is treason to endeavour to reconcile men to the church of rome . thus much the oath of supremacy proves , which is not nothing , nor a jot too much . and further , it proves , that we are bound , in order to the keeping out the pope's power , which we have utterly renounced , humbly to beg of his majesty to foreclose a popish successor , who will infallibly let it in . i am sure , this way of assisting and defending the jurisdictions and authorities of the crown is in our power , and so is within the compass of our oath ; and therefore we are treacherous to the crown , and false to our oath , as well as to god , and to our religion , if we will not do so much for any of them as this comes to . and i do seriously and earnestly recommend this consideration to all that have taken the oath of supremacy , and especially to the clergy of england , who have taken it several times over . as for our author 's saying , that moderate papists will take the oath of supremacy ; i shall only say this to it , let him shew me a man that has taken this oath , and prove him to be a papist , and i will prove him perjured . again , he says , as these are protestant oaths , they bind us the more emphatically to assist and defend the king against the vsurpation of the pope , who pretends to a power of deposing kings , and of excluding hereditary princes from the succession . answ . we are bound emphatically to renounce all power of the pope , and therefore this among the rest ; but we are bound to assert many instances of that power to the king , which we deny to the pope , of which i have proved the power of excluding a popish prince to be one : which if the pope himself exercises upon protestant princes , where he but pretends to be supream ; he is a wretch if he complains , or any body for him , that the like is done by them who really are supream . this , in short , is your plain and honest arguing : we are sworn to deny the pope's usurped power ; ergo , we are sworn to deny the king 's just and lawful power , which by the same oath we are bound to maintain . in the next paragraph , our author protests to all the world , that he has sworn allegiance and supremacy to subjects , or to the unalterable succession , or to i know not what , for he is not very clear . but as for all others , who have taken no such rash and unlawful oath , they need no absolution from it ; and consequently , there had not been such a world of popery in the bill of exclusion upon that score . and therefore i desire our author not to trouble his head about it ; and he may speak to the great man , whom he quotes for that notable observation , to do so too . if he himself has been so forward , as to swear before-hand to a subject , he has done it in his own wrong , and he knows how by repentance to disengage himself from a rash , void , and unlawful oath ; for he ought to have sworn only to our sovereign lord the king that now is , and to his highness heirs and lawful successors , kings or queens of this realm of england , and other his dominions depending on the same . i never in my life read any thing of that kind with greater pleasure , than his conclusion of this second argument ; to see a man bewildred , and confounded , and lost in his own sophistry . i took notice in my preface , of an abuse in common speech , where men that are only in possibility of being heirs , are called heirs , next heirs , &c. in which absurd and dangerous sence some weak men have taken the heirs and successors mentioned in the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , and thereupon were against a bill of exclusion . i then proved it , and therefore had the confidence to call it a deceitful prejudice , and must now add , that it is a very silly prejudice , because every bill , bond , release , and almost any other writing , that passes in common intercourse among men , wherein heirs are mentioned , is sufficient to correct it ; for where men are concerned to speak properly , heirs are always understood to be those who actually inherit . now as in a covenant , i promise to pay a. b. and to his heirs , the yearly rent of , &c. without promising , one farthing to his eldest son , or without being bound that his eldest son shall be his heir after his death , or without being obliged not to express a desire that a. b. would disinherit his eldest son , if he have given manifest proof that he will utterly ruine the estate and family : so it is in these oaths , with this difference , that it would be only the absurdity and inconvenience of paying my rent twice over , to take heirs , for possible heirs , in this lower and more familiar instance of a covenant , whereas it would involve us in treason , to take heirs in that sence in the oaths of allegiance and supremacy . but this unconscionable man will have them taken in both sences in these oaths . heirs and successors , in the very same place , shall signify subjects , and not subjects , but kings and queens . heirs shall stand for those that actually inherit , and not for them , but for those that may , and may not inherit , and in case of exclusion never shall : and lawful successors shall stand for such as lawfully succeed their predecessors , and in the self-same place shall stand for unlawful successors , a sort of successors before their time . in one word , heirs and lawful successors , in the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , must either signify kings and queens , ( as the oath of allegiance at common-law expounds it self , which the lawyers call , benedicta expositio ex visceribus causae , a blessed exposition out of the bowels of the cause ) or else they must signify subjects ; for it is contradictious , and transubstantiation-non-sence , to say they signify both . if they signify kings and queens , then we are no ways bound to any person under that degree by those oaths ; and they have been very unfairly as well as mischievously urged against a bill of exclusion . if any man say , they signify subjects , then this grievous inconvenience unavoidably follows , that we have promised , from henceforth , that is , from the time we were sworn , and so onwards , to bear them faith and true allegiance ; which , i suppose , no minister of london , nor minister of state in england , will think fit to affirm . iii. and now comes his third argument , atttended with a marginal superfaetation of little sucking arguments , such as dei gratiâ , dieu & mon droit , &c. all equally concluding against a bill of exclusion . the main argument , for which he quotes cook upon littleton , of tenures , is this : the inheritance of our lord the king is a direct dominion , of which none is the author , but god alone . the king holds of none but god ; he has no superiour lord , as cook explains himself in the same place ; the crown is no norman fee : ergo , the king cannot bind and limit the succession . i thought he could the sooner for that ; for what shall hinder him from disposing of his own , for the welfare , and with the consent of his kingdom , who have a greater interest in their king than our author is aware of . from the aforesaid principle , he gives us to understand that the wise and the learned infer this conclusion , that it would be vsurpation , without a manifest revelation from god , to preclude any person of the royal family from succeeding to the crown . the learned may do much ; but i will go upon his errand an hundred miles an end , who will shew any other man how to infer that conclusion from that argument . but for all that , they shew themselves neither learned , nor wise , in calling for a manifest revelation from god for a bill of exclusion , because that may occasion others to demand a manifest revelation for any papist's right to succeed in a protestant kingdom , where , by the laws of that kingdom , if he be reconciled to the church of rome , he has not a right to live : a manifest revelation to shew , why a * natural fool or mad-man , who cannot help it , may be put by the succession , as not fit to govern ; but a papist , who is more dangerous and destructive to a protestant kingdom than both of them , and that by his own fault too , may not be prevented . in a word , a manifest revelation to shew , how a publick enemy , as every person who is reconciled to the church of rome is in the eye of the law , can possibly be the fountain of justice and mercy , which is the true notion of an english king. these things do stand more in need of a manifest revelation to clear them up , than a bill of exclusion does , which is as manifestly lawful , as that the king and parliament have power to make a just and necessary law. besides , where was the wisdom of our author , or his friends , in demanding a revelation from god for a necessary alteration of the succession , when they themselves cannot pretend to one for the establishment of it ? since it is an undeniable maxime , both in law and reason , that things are dissolved , as they be contracted ; and an obligation only by word of mouth , needs not hand and seal to discharge it . for by these unreasonable demands , which are contrary to the known laws of the kingdom , they put men upon enquiries nice and unprofitable : as how , and for what cause the monarchy of england came to be hereditary ? and whether a popish prince does not perfectly overthrow that excellent constitution , and disinherit himself ? this is laid down for a known and acknowledged truth , in the reasons of the house of commons , elizab. against mary queen of scots . queen elizabeth was contented to disable the queen of scots , as a person unworthy of any hope or title , preheminence or dignity within this her land ; and the law so to run , that if any should enterprise to deliver her out of prison after her disablement , either in her majesty's life , or after the same , to be convicted immediatly of high-treason ; and her self assenting thereunto , to be likewise adjudged as a traytor in law. this the commons in their large answer represent both as needless , and as insufficient : whereas it is said , that it standeth to very good purpose , to proceed only in disabling of the scotish queen for any claim or title to the crown ; we take it , by your majesty's favour , that such an especial disabling of the scotish queen , is in effect a special confirmation of a right that she should have had : quia privatio praesupponit habitum . and further , we do take it for a known truth , that by the laws and statutes of this land now in force , she is already disabled ; and therefore it is to small purpose , rem actam agere . and now i have done with our author's arguments , as they are his ; for as they are scotch or newmarket positions , i have nothing to say to them . only it would be worth our author's pains , and he may get the addressing part of the university to help him , to reconcile this scotch act , which makes such a brave shew in his preface , with the history of succession in scotland ; lest , while he is so industrious to serve the interest of a popish successor , he be found overthrowing the titles of all the kings of scotland for these three hundred years , not excepting his present majesty's title to that kingdom , no , nor the expectations of that very person to whom he is so much devoted . the history in short is this : robert stuart , the hundredth king of scotland , and first of the family of the stuarts , had a concubine named elizabeth more , the daughter of sir adam more , by whom he had three sons , and two daughters ; and himself marrying eufemia , the daughter of the earl of ross , took care to marry elizabeth more to one giffard , a noble-man in the county of louthien . by eufemia he had issue , walter and david , earls of athol and strathern , and eufemia , who was afterwards married to james duglass , son to the earl of that name . the queen eufemia dying , and giffard , the husband of elizabeth more , dying much about the same time , the king marries elizabeth more , his former concubine , and presently ennobles the sons which he had by her , creating john earl of carrike , robert earl of menteith , and alexander earl of bucquhane . nor was he content with doing so much for them , but he also obtained from a parliament at scone , that ( the children which he had by eufemia being past by ) these should come to the crown in their course . no man will offer to say , that the children of elizabeth more were made inheritable by that after-marriage : for , besides the apparent insufficiency of it for that purpose , what need was there then of obtaining an act of parliament to make them so , and to set by the children of eufemia ? now , if no law , or act of parliament , made , or to be made , can alter or divert the right of succession , according to the known degrees of proximity in blood ; what then becomes of the scone act ? but if an act made at scone , can set aside three persons at once , with all their numerous descendents , for no fault nor forfeiture at all ; why might not an act made at westminster , have done as much for one single person alone , especially when that westminster act would have been in some respects as favourable as an act of grace ? if our author can tell why , he shall be a greater oracle to me than the great apollo . there is nothing betwixt this , and the end of the preface , worth answering , which has not already been answered , unless it be that passage where he withdraws his general approbation of what i had written against popery , as rashly given , because i seem to deny that the church of rome is a true church of christ . i desire our author to make but one business of it , and at the same time to withdraw his hearty subscription to the homilies , which do more than seem to deny it , especially in the second part of the homily for whit-sunday ; for that whole sermon is spent in shewing , first , what the true church of christ is , and then in conferring the church of rome therewith , to discern how well they agree together ; and , lastly , in concluding , that because the church of rome is not the true church of christ ; and the bishops of rome , and their adherents , are not in the church , therefore they have not the holy-ghost , tho they have for a long time made a sore challenge thereunto ; but by their practices make it plain to all the world , that they have the spirit of the devil . it affirms , and , which is more , proves , that the church of rome is not a true church , nor has been these nine hundred years , and odd . so that our author must go a great way back to seek his true church of england , in his true church of rome . i wonder in my heart what those gentlemen mean , who pretend to be the only sons of the church of england , and yet make nothing of blowing up whole homilies at once , and are continually disgracing all the protestant principles of our glorious reformers with one odious name or other ; and above all , are so very desirous to have it believed , that the pretended church of rome , but real synagogue of satan , is a true church of christ ; which they are no more able to make out , than to prove the devil to be a true angel of light. for instead of being a catholick church , it is a plain catholick apostacy , as the protestation of archbishop vsher , and the rest of the irish bishops , novemb. . does justly term it . an answer to the book . having now done with the preface , before i return an answer to any part of the book , i shall set down the substance of it , whereby the reader will be enabled to judg what parts of it do require an answer . the design of my book was to shew , that the primitive christians would have been for a bill of exclusion ; which i proved , by shewing how much they were against a pagan successor , both by their hearty wishes he had been fore-closed , and by their uneasiness under him , when he was emperor . our author answers the former of these proofs , by endeavouring to shew that the empire was not hereditary , which i have already considered in the preface . and as for the other proof , which was the behaviour of the christians toward julian , when he was emperor , it is all matter of fact ; and therefore , tho our author wrangles , and raises many cavils about it , some of which i shall examine anon , yet he cannot disprove one syllable of it . now this argument concludes à fortiori thus : would not the christians have petitioned at least for julian's exclusion , when he was a subject , seeing they spent so many prayers and tears for his destruction , when he was emperor ? would that whole church , which leaped for joy , and triumphed at his untimely and violent death , have scrupled his exclusion ? would they have thought julian wronged , in being barred from succeeding to the empire , who thought themselves wronged and injured , in that constantius did not kill him , instead of making him caesar ? which julian himself represents as the sence of the city of antioch . the behaviour of the christians was so very rough towards julian , that i could not ascribe it wholly to his being a pagan , but shewed , that his illegal oppression and tyranny was also the cause why they pursued him with so much hatred . the substance of our author's answer to this is , that julian could not oppress them illegally , if he would , because it was his royal pleasure to have the christians suffer after this manner ; and his will , according to gregory , was an unwritten law , and much stronger than the written ones , which were not back'd with power and authority . yes , that is gregory's complaint , and the very illegal oppression against which he exclaims , that when the christians were under the protection of the publick laws and edicts , yet they were destroyed by dumb signs , and private hints , and oftentimes upon a meer presumption of the emperor's pleasure . and whoever will please to read jacob. gothofredus his vlpianus , sive de principe legibus soluto , will see how much our author has perverted and misapplied all the shreds of civil law , which he hath made use of upon this occasion . in short , our author grants , that the christians were highly provoked against julian ; but then he says , p. . the main ground of their displeasure against him was this , that he would not formally persecute them , nor put them to death enough . as for the word , formally , we find that explained , p. . he put them not to death formally , as christians , but accused and condemned them for other crimes . now this is one instance which i gave of his illegal oppression and tyranny , that being it did not stand with his conveniences , to enact sanguinary laws against christianity , he found out ways of putting the christians to death , upon false and pretended crimes of sacrilege and treason : so that tho they died meerly for their religion , yet they had not the honour of dying for it , but suffered under the character of the greatest malefactors , and both they and their reputation were murdered at once . this indeed was a just cause of their displeasure against julian ; but i cannot say , with our author , that they were displeased at him , because he did not put them to death enough ; for i thought he had given them their belly-full of that . does gregory call him dragon , murtherer , common cut-throat , or as the scholiast renders it , bloody devil , for this , because he did not put them to death enough ? were there no halters nor precipices in the roman empire , but must heaven and earth be moved against julian for this , because he would not put them to death enough ? i can only say , 't is very much ! this discourse about julian's illegal oppression of the christians , and their behaviour thereupon towards him , led me to speak of the duty of passive obedience , or suffering for our religion , which i asserted to be our duty only then , when the laws are against our religion ; and shewed , that christianity does not oblige us to submit to illegal violence , but to defend our selves against it . i found a necessity for the true stating of this duty , because the doctrine of passive obedience has been so handled of late , as to tempt oppression and tyranny into the world , by pressing it upon mens consciences as a necessary duty , that they ought to submit to the most arbitrary oppression , and illegal destructive violence . i shewed , that by this doctrine , in the case of a popish successor , ( which is no impossible case , witness the expedient at oxford ) we should be ready bound hand and foot , to invite the popish knife ; it would expose a whole protestant people and nation at once , and give them but one neck , which a popish successor , by the principles of his religion , is bound to cut off . in defence of this doctrine our author spends the remainder of his book ; to which , as being a matter of the greatest consequence , i shall immediately apply my self , and consider the arguments which he has brought for it . that i may avoid all obscurity in an argument of this weight and importance , wherein the lives of all english protestants , and their posterity , are concerned , i shall , . shew how far this author and i are perfectly agreed . . state the difference betwixt us . we are both agreed , . that the king's person is sacred and inviolable by law. . that inferior magistrates , acting by the king's authority according to law , may not be resisted . and therefore neither the king's person , nor his authority , are any ways included in this controversy . but in the second place , it is somewhat more difficult to state the difference betwixt us ; for never was there such a proteus of passive doctrine as this is . nevertheless , by tracing him carefully quite through this argument , i find his sence to be this : that by the imperial laws , or laws of the prerogative , in case the forces of a popish and tyrannical prince do outrage and murther the liege people of england , contrary to the political laws , that is , the common and statute-laws , which declare the fundamental propriety that the people of england have in their lives , liberties , and estates , those forces may not be resisted ; for they who in their own defence do resist them with arms , may be legally hanged for it in this world , and ( without repentance ) will be damned for it in that which is to come . and yet this author , pag. . asserts , that the laws of all governments allow every man to defend his life against an illegal assassin ; and he that doth not so when he can , dies not like a martyr , but a fool. now forces thus employed are no other than illegal assassins . but , it may be , the damnableness of resisting lies in resisting them with arms ? no , it is not that ; for our author in the same place says , contra sicarium quilibet homo est miles : any man is a lawful souldier against a cut-throat ; that is , may use a sword against him , and not only a switch . neither is it their being called the king's or sovereign's forces , which makes them irresistible ; for , p. , he allows , that a man may defend himself against an assassin sent by the king's order ; because , says he , the king's law , which is his most authoritative command , allows us ( as i suppose ) that benefit . and therefore it remains , that the damnableness of resisting them lies in this , that they are forces , and murther in troops : so that tho any man is a lawful souldier against a cut-throat , yet no man is a lawful souldier against cut-throats ; and indeed this last particular is the only thing , wherein our author has not been pleased to answer himself . now in opposition to our author , i hold , that if the sovereign cannot authorize one single person to do an act of illegal violence ; much less can he authorize forces , or great numbers of men , to do such illegal acts : and that there is just the same reason , law , and conscience , a thousand times over , to resist a thousand murtherers , that there is to resist one . his conclusions , i confess , are very terrible to flesh and blood ; but i take comfort , when i look back upon the principles from whence he infers them , which are absurdly false , and so far from supporting that battery which he raises upon them , that they fall with their own weakness , rottenness , and incoherency . his principles are , an unlimited , boundless , soveraign power ; two tables of laws , which break one another ; some preambles of statutes , which he stifles , and will not suffer to speak out , and a false pretence of the soveraign's honour . first ; he begins with the notion of a soveraign , p. . by which all the world may see , that he no more understands what an english soveraign is , than i know what prester john is . does not every body know , that the very same titles of power and office have a several notion in several countries ? as , to compare great things with small , a constable in england is conceived under another notion than a constable in france . and so tho an assyrian king were conceived under the notion of absoluteness , whom he would , he slew ; and whom he would , he made alive ; whom he would , he set up ; and whom he would , he pulled down ; and his will did all : yet this is quite contrary to the notion of an english king ; as bracton tells us , non est enim rex , ubi dominatur voluntas , & non lex : where will governs , and not the law , the notion of a king is lost . nay , the laws of king edward , confirmed by william the conqueror , and sworn to be kept by all succeeding kings in their coronation-oath , have these words : rex autem , quia vicarius summi regis est , ad hoc est constitutus , ut regnum terrenum & populum domini & regat , & ab injuriosis defendat , &c. quod nisi fecerit , nec nomen regis in eo constabit , verùm nomen regis perdit . these , i hope , are better authorities in this matter , than sam. bochart , our author's french oracle , who , like a forreigner as he was , fetch'd his notions of our government from the motto of the king's arms , dieu & mon droit . i need not trouble my self in examining our author's scheme of soveraign power , or the rights of the soveraign , which is full of equivocation and fallacy ; witness the last particular of it , where he attributes to the soveraign the whole legislative power : which methinks he might have left out , as well as he has done another main branch of the soveraign power , which writers of government call vniversale & eminens dominium , or a power of laying taxes upon the subject . but therein our author had reason ; for if he had but mentioned that right of soveraignty , every english-man , who had ever read a subsidy-act , or money-bill , would immediatly have discovered the fraudulent contrivance of that whole discourse . and because our author writes , as if he were better studied in the modern french monarchy , than in the ancient , equal , happy , well-poised , and never enough to be commended constitution of this kingdom , as king charles the first calls it ; i shall take this occasion to set down these few words of that wise prince concerning it : there being three kinds of government amongst men , absolute monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy ; and all these having their particular conveniencies , and inconveniencies , the experience and wisdom of your ancestors ha●h so moulded this out of a mixture of th●se , as to give to this kingdom ( as far as humane prudence can provide ) the conveniencies of all three , without the inconveniencies of any one . but we have some little people risen up amongst us , who with a dash of their pen will new-mould the government , endeavouring , as much as in them is , to dissolve this excellent frame , and to change it into an absolute monarchy . the establish'd constitution does not agree with the new models they have seen abroad , nor with the new notions they have got by the end ; and therefore , tho it be the product of the long experience , of the deepest insight , and of the united wisdom of a whole nation ; yet it must give place to new inventions , and submit to be regulated by an epistle of a french author . the two houses of parliament , which have a joint authority in making laws , as the king expresly says , in this kingdom the laws are jointly made by a king , by a house of peers , and by a house of commons ; as also every act that is made , in the very enacting of it , tells us , shall , by the new common laws of soveraignty , only perform a ministerial part , of preparing bills and writings , and finding a form of words for the soveraign alone to enact . and so likewise the prerogatives of the king , which are built upon the same law of the land , upon which is built the propriety and liberty of the subject , and which is the most firm and stable bottom in the world , shall , in this new and treacherous way , be founded upon a floating notion of soveraignty ; which is a notion indeed , any farther than it is supported by the law of the land. and therefore , if any man would know for certain what the king's prerogatives are , he must not take his information from notions of sovereignty , which are as various as the faces of the moon , but from the law of the land , where he shall find them granted or belonging , united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm : amongst which this is not the least , that the king can do no wrong ; the king is god's lieutenant , and is not able to do an unjust thing . these are the words of the law , says judg jenkins . consequently he cannot overthrow the laws , nor is he able to authorize any forces to destroy his liege subjects ; for this would be the highest wrong and injustice : and therefore forces so employed , act of their own heads ; and upon their own wicked heads , let their own mischief fall . and yet our author is pleased to call such wretches , so employed , the soveraign's forces , and his armies , p. , , against which we must not , upon pain of damnation , defend our selves . i appeal to all the lawyers of england , whether the law will own any number of men to be authorized by the king , in outraging and destroying his liege people ; or whether it be not a great aggravation of their crime , to pretend a commission from the king , to warrant such illegal and destructive violence ? but this author , who is resolved to be an advocate for bloodshed and oppression , will shelter an association of murtherers under his common laws of soveraignty ; and if they ravage and destroy in the king's name , which doubles the crime , will make that their protection : and lastly , ( which is the great cheat that runs through this whole discourse ) to make them irresistible , he shrouds and covers them under the name of the soveraign . for it is plain , that in his answer to my five propositions , p. , . and generally throughout the following chapters , by sovereign he means such forces of the soveraign ; for he bears me witness , p. . that i acknowledged even a popish soveraign to be inviolable , as to his own person . i know that deceiving men for their good , has heretofore been excused as a pious fraud ; but i am sure , that such foul practice as this , to ensnare mens consciences , and to cheat them out of their lives , is an impious fraud ; and as such , i leave it with the author of it , and pass to the second thing ; his distinction of imperial and political laws . common law we know , and statute-law we know ; but who are ye ? i confess , i have heretofore seen something not unlike that distinction in aesop , where there was a political law or compact , fairly made betwixt the lion , the fox , and the ass ; but while the ass was proceeding by the measures of that law , of a sudden the imperial lion-law broke loose , and tore him in pieces . it concerns us therefore to examine , upon what foundation this dangerous distinction is built ; and if it prove to be false and groundless , the good people of england have little to thank this gentleman for . pag. . we have these words : thus the learned chancellor fortescue grants the king of england to have regal or imperial power , altho it be under the restraint and regulation of the power political , as to the exercise thereof . that distinction in the last clause is false , as i shall shew anon . from that perverted passage of chancellor fortescue , where he speaks of regal and politick dominion , i doubt not but our author , or some body for him , framed his new distinction of imperial and political laws , and contrived them into two contradictious tables ; by one of which the subjects rights and properties are secured and established , and are all overthrown by the other . the lord chancellor fortescue is the first english lawyer that used the terms of regal and politick government , which he owns to have borrowed from thomas aquinas , in his book de regimine principum , dedicated to the king of cyprus , by which phrase that old schoolman exprest a mixed and limited monarchy : for any man that pleases to read those books , will see , that aquinas understands by regal government , an absolute monarchy ; and by politick government , such governments as the common-wealths of rome and athens ; and by regal and politick , a king ruling by a senate , and prescribed rules of law. and that chancellor fortescue , in his dialogue with the prince of wales , makes no other use of the phrase than thomas aquinas did , will sufficiently appear , by setting down his discourse at large ; wherein i desire the reader 's patience , because i intend it as a specimen of this answerer's faithfulness in quoting his authors : in which discourse , that great lawyer sometimes calls this government regal and politick , sometimes a politick kingdom ; but what he means by it , is best exprest in his own words . chap. . you stand in doubt , most worthy prince , whether it be better for you , to give your mind to the study of the laws of england , or of the civil laws , because they throughout the whole world are advanced in glory and renown , above all other humane laws : let not this scruple of mind trouble you , most noble prince ; for the king of england cannot alter nor change the laws of his realm at his pleasure . for why , he governeth his people by power , not only royal , but also politick . if his power over them were royal only , then he might change the laws of his realm , and charge his subjects with tallage , and other burdens , without their consent ; and such is the dominion which the civil laws purport , when they say , the prince's pleasure hath the force of a law. but from this much differeth the power of a king , whose government over his people is politick : for he can neither change the laws without the consent of his subjects , nor yet charge them with strange impositions against their wills. wherefore his people do frankly and freely enjoy their own goods , being ruled by such laws as they themselves desire ; neither are they pilled by their own king , or by any body else . like pleasure also and freedom have the subjects of a king ruling by power royal only , so long as he falleth not into tyranny . of such a king speaketh aristotle , in the d book of his politicks , saying , that it is better for a city to be governed by a good king , than by a good law. but forasmuch as a king is not ever such a man , therefore st. thomas , in the book which he wrote to the king of cyprus , of the governance of princes , wisheth the state of a realm to be such , that it may not be in the king's power at pleasure to oppress his people with tyranny , which thing is accomplished , only when the power royal is restrained by a politick law. rejoyce therefore , most worthy prince , and be glad , that the law of the realm wherein you are to succeed , is such ; for it shall exhibit and minister to you , and your people , no small security and comfort . with such laws , as saith st. thomas , should all mankind have been governed , if in paradise they had not transgressed god's commandment : with such laws also was the synagogue ruled , while it was under god only as king , who adopted the same to him for a peculiar kingdom ; but at the last , when at their request they had a man-king set over them , they were then , under royal laws only , brought very low . chap. . then the prince thus said ; how cometh it to pass , good chancellor , that one king may govern his people by power royal only , and that another king can have no such power ? seeing both these kings are in dignity equal , i cannot chuse but much muse and marvel , why in power they should thus differ . of which difference in authority over their subjects , the chancellor in the next chapter promises to shew the reason , which is grounded upon the different originals of those kingdoms . and accordingly , chap. . he shews , that an absolute monarchy is founded in the forced consent of a subdued and inslaved people ; and , chap. . that a kingdom of politick governance is founded in the voluntary consent of the community . and after he has illustrated the first institution of a politick kingdom , by shewing how it resembles the formation of a natural body , he thus proceeds in the th chapter . now you understand , most noble prince , the form of institution of a kingdom politick , whereby you may measure the power , which the king thereof may exercise over the law and subjects of the same . for such a king is made and ordained for the defence of the law of his subjects , and of their bodies and goods , whereunto he receiveth power of his people , so that he cannot govern his people by any other power . wherefore to satisfy your request , in that you desire to be certified , how it cometh to pass that in the power of kings there is so great diversity : surely in mine opinion , the diversity of the institutions , or first ordinances of those dignities , which i have now declared , is the only cause of this foresaid difference , as of the premises by the discourse of reason you may easily gather . for thus the kingdom of england , out of brute's * retinue of the trojans , which he brought out of the coasts of italy and greece , first grew to a politick and regal dominion . thus also scotland , which sometime was subject to england , as a dukedom thereof , was advanced to a politick and royal kingdom . many other kingdoms also had thus their first beginning , not only of regal , but also of politick government . wherefore diodorus siculus , in his second book of ancient history , thus writeth of the egyptians : the egyptian kings lived at first , not after the licentious manner of other rulers , whose will and pleasure is instead of law ; but as it had been private persons , they were bound by the law ; neither did they think much at it , being persuaded , that by obeying the laws they should be happy : for by such rulers , as followed their own lusts , they thought many things were done , whereby they should incur divers harms and perils . and in his fourth book , thus he writeth : the ethiopian king , as soon as he is created , he ordereth his life according to the laws , and doth all things after the manner and custom of his country , assigning neither reward nor punishment to any man , other than the law made by his predecessors appointeth . he reporteth much the same of the king of saba , in arabia faelix ; and of certain other kings , which in old time reigned happily . chap. . to whom the prince thus answered : you have , good chancellor , with the clear light of your declaration , dispelled the clouds wherewith my mind was darkned ; so that i do most evidently see , that no nation did ever of their own voluntary mind incorporate themselves into a kingdom , for any other intent , but only to the end that they might enjoy their lives and fortunes ( which they were afraid of losing ) with greater security than before . and of this intent should such a nation be utterly defrauded , if then their king might spoil them of their goods , which before was lawful for no man to do . and yet should such a people be much more injured , if they should afterwards be governed by foreign and strange laws , yea , and such as they peradventure deadly hated and abhorred . and most of all , if by those laws their substance should be diminished , for the safeguard whereof , as also for the security of their persons , they of their own accord submitted themselves to the governance of a king. no such power for certain could proceed from the people themselves ; and yet , unless it had been from the people themselves , such a king could have had no power at all over them . now on the other side , i perceive it to stand much otherwise with a kingdom , which is incorporate by the king 's sole power and authority , because such a nation is subject to him upon no other terms , but that this nation , which was made his kingdom by his will and pleasure , should obey and be governed by his laws , which are nothing else but the same will and pleasure . neither have i yet , good chancellor , forgotten that , which in your treatise of the nature of the law of nature , you have learnedly proved , that the power of these two kings is equal ; while the power of the one , whereby he is at liberty to deal wrongfully , is not by such liberty augmented ; as to have power to decay and die , is not power , but because of the privations which are added to it , is rather to be called impotency , and want of power , because , as boetius saith , power is not but to good. so that to be able to do evil , ( which the king who rules regally is more at liberty to do , than the king that has a politick dominion over his people ) is rather a diminution than an increase of his power : for the holy spirits , which are now established in glory , and cannot sin , do in power far excell and pass us , who have a delight and pleasure to run headlong into all kind of wickedness . it is plain to any attentive reader , that throughout this long discourse , fortescue speaks but of two sorts of kingdoms , an absolute monarchy , and a limited monarchy ; the latter of which he sometimes calls a politick government , and sometimes he calls the very same regal and politick , to distinguish it more expresly from an aristocracy or democracy . but i will prove this beyond contradiction , by some other passages in fortescue , where he tells us , that some of the former kings of england would fain have changed the laws of england for the civil law , and did all they could to shake off this politick yoke of the law of england , that they also might rule , or rather rage over their subjects in regal wise only ; and for this end , endeavoured with might and main to cast away their politick government . this is what our author would have , and very agreeable to his hypothesis ; for then the regal or imperial power had been discharged of the politick clog , and had governed all alone ; and the notions of sovereignty and passive obedience , had been as clear as the sun. but then in some other unlucky places , the same fortescue , speaking of the self-same thing , says , that those former kings of england would have parted with their law politick and regal too , and would fain have changed them both for the civil law. it seems , they were as weary of the one as of the other , which could not possibly be help'd , because they were all one . and now i appeal to all the world , whether here be any foundation for a table of imperial laws , which can at pleasure destroy the lives , liberties , and properties of the subject ? and whether , on the other side , according to fortescue , the safety and security of the people be not the supream law of a regal and politick kingdom ? but because our author is mighty troublesom with his imperial laws , and imperial power , and boundless power , and such like terms of his own coining , which is a presumption at least , that what he writes is not law , but his own dreams , which no terms of english law can express ; i shall tell him , from these passages of fortescue , that the greatest power the king of england has , is this , that he can do no wrong ; that he cannot authorize any man , or number of men , to destroy his subjects contrary to law ; consequently , that all such illegal destructive acts , tho attempted in his name , are inauthoritative , and do neither bind any man's conscience , nor tie any man's hands , from using those remedies , which the laws of god and nature , as well as the common and statute-laws of the land , do allow to be used against all evil-disposed persons . i shall tell him likewise from these following authorities , and many more which might be produced , that his assertion of an absolute unbounded power in the king , which is limited only in the exercise of it , is perniciously false : for the law gives the king his power and dominion , says bracton . we hold only what the law holds , saith judg jenkins . the king's prerogative , and the subjects liberty , are determined , and bounded , and admeasured by a written law , what they are : we do not hold the king to have any more power , neither doth his majesty claim any other , but what the law gives him . accordingly , king charles the first acknowledges , that his prerogatives are built upon the law of the land ; which , in another place he declares , are the justest rule and measure for them . i shall add but one remarkable passage more , out of the king's answer to both houses concerning the militia , feb. . . and his majesty is willing to grant every of them such commissions , as he hath done this parliament to some lords lieutenants by your advice ; but if that power be not thought enough , but that more shall be thought fit to be granted to these persons named , than by the law is in the crown it self , his majesty holds it reasonable , that the same be by some law first vested in him , with power to transfer it to these persons , which he will willingly do . now this is demonstration : if the law be the measure of the king's power , then he has no power beyond the bounds of the law ; and whatsoever is pretended in the king's name beyond those bounds , is void , and carries no manner of authority with it . whereas to say , the king's power is absolute and boundless , is to say , the government is absolute and arbitrary , and requires absolute and unlimited subjection . for it is nonsence to say , that boundless power can be limited in the exercise of it ; for boundless power , which has in it the whole legislative power , can at pleasure make a law to take away that limitation ; and he that is limited only by his own pleasure , is not limited at all . and again , that is not power , which cannot be exercised ; and therefore a fountain full of boundless power , which cannot be brought into act , is a fountain full of inauthoritative authority , or full of emptifulness . so much for our author's fountain , pipes , and channels . we have his other illustration of a boundless limited power in these words : to be confined in the exercise , doth not destroy the being , nor diminish the perfection of sovereign power ; for then the power of god himself could not be sovereign , because there are certain immutable rules of truth and justice , within which it is necessarily limited and confined . i answer ; as god exercises no power which is inconsistent with truth and justice , so he has no such power in him in the root or being , for it is all imperfection and weakness : and that he neither exercises , nor has any such power , is not to be imputed to any intrinsecal limitation or confinement , but to the infinite and illimited perfection of his nature . and if such a miscalled power , or possibility of doing wickedly , be found in the creature , it is because he is a creature , it proceeds from finiteness and defect . and to shew our author , how much more light there is in a few plain words , than in his similitudes and illustrations ; i say , it is self-evident , that a man has no more power in any kind than he can exercise : a man has no more natural power , than he can naturally exercise ; he has no more moral power , than he can morally exercise ; he has no more civil or legal power , than he can legally exercise : for to say he has more power than he can exercise , is to say , he can do more than he can do . and therefore an ocean of our author 's boundless lawful power of doing what cannot lawfully be done , will not fill an egg-shell , and is such a new-nothing , as even children will despise . before i pass from this distinction of imperial and political laws , i must say somewhat to a heap of authorities , which we have , p. , . to prove that the realm of england is an empire , that the crown of it is an imperial crown , and that one of the saxon kings stiled himself , basileus , imperator , & dominus . well , what of all that ? the realm of england is an empire , has an imperial crown , and is as independent upon any foreign realm , as the empire of turkie ; therefore the freemen of england are as very slaves as any are in turky , and under imperial or bowstring law. if that be your consequence , i will give you your whole life's time to make it good . but edgar stiled himself basileus , imperator & dominus : and carolus rex signifies a great deal more than all those three titles did . i am ashamed to see rolls of parliament quoted for such poor trifles ; for it is plain , by all the remains which we have of the saxon times , by history , by the saxon laws , by king alfred's will in asser menevensis , and by the mirrour , that the saxon kings were far from being absolute emperors , having no other power than what was limited and restrained by law , and rules of right , as is largely set down in the mirrour , p. . es●ierent de eux un roy a reigner sur eux , & governer le people d'dieu , & a maintainer & defendre les persons & les biens en quiet per les rules d'droit ; & al comencement ilz fieront le roy jurer que il mainteindroit la sanct foy christian ove tout son poyar , & sa people guideroit per droit , sans regard a ascun person , & serroit abbeissant a suffre droit come autres de son people . and , p. . in case the king did wrong to any of his people , that he might not be judg and party too , convient per droit que le roy ust compaignions pur oyer & terminer aux parliaments trestouts les breves & plaints de torts de le roy , de la roigne , & de lour infans , & de eux especialment de que torts leu ne poit aver autrement common droit . and for this purpose , as well as to make laws for the good government of the people , it was ordained in king alfred's time , for a perpetual usage , that a parliament should meet twice a year at london , and oftner , if need were , as you have it , p. . and you have a great many particular laws , which were made in those parliaments , p. . amongst other things it was ordained , that all plaintiffs should have writs of remedy in the king's court : aussi bien sur le roy ou sur la roigne , come sur autre del people , d' chestun injury , forsque en vengeances d' vie & d' membre , ou pleint tient lieu sans brief . and in the last place , to avoid prolixity , this book , speaking of the abusions of the common law , that is , practices which are frauds to the law , and repugnant to right , pag. . hath these words : la primier & la soveraigne abusion est que le roy est oustre la ley , ou il duist * ceste subject ; sicome est contenus in son serement . abusion est que ou les parlaments se duissent faire pur le salvation des almes de trespassors , & ceo a londres & deux foits per an , la ne se font ils ore forsque rarement , & a la volunt le roy pur aides & cuilets de tresore , &c. vide abusion , p. . i hope this pure old french , of which chancellor fortescue says the modern is but a corruption , will inform our author what power a saxon king had , and what basileus , imperator & dominus signified . i come now to the next head , to examine some preambles of statutes , which he either quotes to no purpose , or else mangles them , in the same manner as scripture was once quoted to our saviour , and for the self-same end , namely , to teach men to tempt god and danger at once . his first collection of preambles , pag. , , consists of declarations , that the crown and realm of england is not in subjection to the pope : which make nothing at all to our author's purpose , but very much against it , if he did not stifle them with et caetera's , and long strokes ; for the truth of which i refer the reader to those statutes , and shall only set down h. . cap. . for i am not at leisure either to transcribe the statute-book , or to winnow all our author's chaffe . he says , pag. . the parliament directing their declaration to the king , enacted and declared , that this your graces realm , recognizing no superiour under god , but only your grace , hath been , and is free from subjection , &c. now the following words are these : to any man's laws , but such as have been devised , made and ordained within this realm , for the wealth of the same , or to such other , as by sufferance of your grace , and your progenitors , the people of this your realm have taken at their free liberty , by their own consent , to be used amongst them , and have bound themselves by long use and custom to the observance of the same ; not as to the observance of the laws of any foreign prince , potentate , or prelate , but as to the custom and ancient laws of this realm , originally establish'd as laws of the same , by the said sufferance , consents , and custom , and none otherwise . it standeth therefore with natural equity and good reason , that all and every such laws humane , made within this realm , or induced into this realm , by the said sufferance , consents and custom , your royal majesty , and your lords spiritual and temporal , and commons , representing the whole state of your realm in this your most high court of parliament , have full power and authority , not only to dispence , but also to authorize some elect person or persons to dispence with those , and all other humane laws of this your realm , and with every one of them , as the quality of the persons or matter shall require ; and also the said laws , and every of them , to abrogate , adnull , amplify , or diminish . now our author , it is possible , may find out of these words an unalterable humane law of succession , or that the king has the whole legislative power , or that there are imperial laws ordained within this realm , which are not for the wealth of the same , but may destroy the political laws at every turn : and so may any body else make the same discoveries , who is resolved before-hand to do it . his other collection is , p. , . not one of which concerns the present question , no , not that wherein he triumphs , and slavishly braggs , that the very doctrine of the bow-string is declared by act of parliament . 't were better the doctrine of the bowstring were about his neck , tho his name were legion . i see that if the whole nation were enslaved , we have some of the brood of cham amongst us , who would rejoice at it , and make themselves as merry with it , as nero was at the flames of rome , and would dance after his harp. but such impotent malice , and poor-spirited insolence , is below an english-man's indignation , and therefore i shall calmly desire our author to look over again that declaration , car. . cap. . and to tell me , in which clause , word , or syllable of it he finds the doctrine of the bow-string declared . for my part , i have read it very often over , and cannot see any more in it than this , that it is unlawful for both , or either of the houses of parliament , to raise or levy any war offensive or defensive against the king ; which was always treason for any subjects to do . but was ever a legal defence against unauthorized illegal violence of subjects , called by the name of levying war against the king ? shew me that in any authentick book of common-law , in any statute , or in any resolution of all the judges in england , and i will be as passive as any man. before i go any further , i must not forget a passage which does more nearly concern me , p. , . wherein i am taxed for going contrary to my declaration and acknowledgment , ordered by the act of uniformity : wherein i have abhorred that traitorous position , of taking arms by the king's authority against his person , or those that are commissionated by him . upon which he adds : it was apparently the design of the three estates in this act , to secure the nation of such ministers , as would preach up the doctrine of non-resistance without distinction . but if it were , they are very much disappointed ; for our author himself , who is as good at indistinction and confusion in other matters as any man , does not preach the doctrine of non-resistance without distinction , but handles it with the subtilty of a schoolman . for he grants , p. , that one who is sent by the king's order to assassinate or destroy his subjects , is not commissionated by the king , for he may be resisted by the king's law , which is his most authoritative command : but great numbers or forces so employed , may not be resisted . so that his doctrine is this : that if twenty men come , one by one , with the king's order to do an illegal and destructive act , they are not commissionated , and may be resisted ; but if the same number come together , rank and file , with the same order , and upon the same errand , then they are commissionated , and may not be resisted . is this preaching up the doctrine of non-resistance without distinction ? or rather , is it not making a silly distinction without a difference ? again , in the same place he has distinction upon distinction , in these words : the doctrine of passive obedience allows a man to resist , or use the sword to defend his life , when the laws [ from which i except all laws destructive of the king's crown and regality ] authorize him so to do . this is preaching up , and preaching down the same doctrine in the same breath , upon a wicked supposition , that the laws of the land , which protect the subject , are destructive of the king's crown and regality . now on the other hand , all faithful ministers of the church of england preach obedience to the laws , and non-resistance of those who are commissionated by the king , without distinction , and without deceiving the people to their destruction , and telling them those are commissionated by the king , whom the law declares are not commissionated , nor can be commissionated , as no man can be to destroy lawful subjects . such illegal commissions are declared by magna charta to be null and void , and so we ought to account them , as you may see by the following words : and for this our gift and grant of these liberties , and of others , contained in our charter of liberties of our forrest , the archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earls , barons , knights , freeholders , and other our subjects , have given unto us the fifteenth part of all their moveables : and we have granted to them on the other part , that neither we , nor our heirs , shall procure or do any thing , whereby the liberties in this charter contained , shall be infringed or broken . and if any thing be procured by any person , contrary to the premises , it shall be had of no force or effect . so that what st. paul says of an idol , may be fitly applied to a commission contrary to law : for we know that an illegal commission is nothing in the world. and accordingly we find in acts of grace , that men who act upon such commissions , do stand in as much need of pardon as other men , and had the benefit of the act of oblivion in the first place , as you may see by the particulars which are there pardoned . first , all and all manner of treasons , misprisions of treason , murthers , felonies , offences , crimes , contempts , and misdemeanours , counselled , commanded , acted , or done , since the first of january , in the year of our lord , by any person , or persons , before the th of june , , ( other than the persons hereafter by name excepted , in such manner as they are hereafter excepted ) by virtue or colour of any command , power , authority , commission , or warrant , or instructions from his late majesty king charles , or his majesty that now is , or from any other person or persons , deriving , or pretending to derive authority , mediately or immediately , of or from both houses , or either house of parliament , or of or from any convention or assembly , called or reputed , or taking on the name of a parliament , &c. be pardoned , released , indempnified , discharged , and put in utter oblivion . his fourth and last principle , upon which he builds his false passive obedience , is a false pretence of the sovereign's honour ; concerning which he says , p. . the laws are more tender of our sovereign's honour , as he is god's minister , than of his subjects lives . as if the king's honour , and his good subjects lives , could ever stand in such a dangerous competition , that one of them must of necessity destroy the other ; and as if the laws of england had provided , that the lives of the people of england should be sacrificed to the king's honour . has our author been abroad to fetch home pour ma gloire , and to render it into this english ? he might have had sounder and safer notions at home , out of judg jenkins , whom he often quotes to no purpose . pag. . we have these words : the gentleman says , we do not swear , ( meaning in the oath of supremacy ) that the king is above all law , nor above the safety of his people . neither do we so swear ( says judg jenkins ) but his majesty and we will swear to the contrary , and have sworn , and have made good , and will by god's grace make good our oath to the world , that the king is not above the law , nor above the safety of his people : the law , and the safety of the people , are his safety , his honour , and his strength . and accordingly it has been always declared in parliament , to be the honour and glory of the kings of england , that they were kings of freemen , and not of slaves ; whereby they have been enabled to do greater things , and to make a larger figure in the world , than princes of five times their territories . but this author has pick'd up quite contrary notions , and thinks it a dishonour to the king , if the generous people which he governs , be not slaves to every parcel of criminals , who , against the king's crown and dignity , shall wickedly destroy them in his name . i have now done with every thing that looks like an argument in this discourse of passive obedience ; for as for the following chapter , there is nothing new in it ; he only chews the cud upon his notions of sovereignty , and rings changes upon his imperial and political laws . and then in the th chapter , after he has bound us hand and foot , and prepared us for the popish knife , he has the face to tell us , that notwithstanding this doctrine of non-resistance , or passive obedience , we shall be secure enough of our lives , properties , and religion under a popish successor . for after he has given us the security of god's care and providence , which we always forfeit , unless we take care of our selves ; and the security of a popish prince's conscience , against which we desire counter-security ; and the security of a popish prince's honour , which is to be sainted for extirpating the pestilent northern heresy , and for driving all protestants and their religion out of the world ; and the security of the political laws , which he has proved to be bankrupt , and not half so good security as a broom-staff . in the last place , to our unspeakable comfort , he tells us that the imperial laws cannot be put in execution : for in such a violent vndertaking , all good men would withdraw from the service of the king , and the bad durst not serve him . so that according to our author , a popish prince will be left to do his work all alone ; for no popish cut-throats , no irish ruffians , no forces can be had , for love or money . now people may take this security which our author offers them , if they please ; they may have their throats cut with a feather , if they have a mind to it : but for my part , i must acknowledg my own infirmity , i cannot swallow such gross shams , i cannot believe incredible things , upon any man's authority whatsoever , not tho he deliver them with all the seeming gravity and seriousness , as if he were saving a soul. to our author's conclusion in praise of a martyrdom , i have only this to say , that there is a time for all things ; and god be thanked , that that discourse is very impertinent . as it would have concern'd us , so it would have edified us more , if magna charta , and all the laws which establish the protestant religion , had been repealed ; but for all that , i hope they will stand , when he , and his invention of imperial laws are forgotten . the discourse is a good discourse , but methinks it would have look'd more in earnest , if it had been dated , as the last page of it was , e carcere : for , considering all circumstances , i am no otherwise affected with it , than i was with the precious passive doctrine , and the good protestant religion of our good church , in coleman's declaration for dissolving the parliament . if by the providence of god , in some such calamity as a casual fire , i fall into poverty , and a fellow-sufferer with me bids me possess my soul in patience , and comforts me with considerations proper for such a condition , telling me , that our blessed saviour himself had not where to lay his head ; and that the apostles , of whom the world was not worthy , nevertheless had no certain dwelling-place in it , and yet were contented in that low condition ; i shall look upon him as an angel from heaven . but if a company of us be travelling near shooters-hill , with all that we have in the world , and the whole subsistence of our selves and families , about us ; and a gentleman well mounted and accoutred , shall come and preach up to us the advantages of poverty at a strange rate , telling us likewise , that by our saviour's precept , and the apostles example , we ought not to carry money in our scrips ; and that in case we be set upon , to be rifled of all we have , we are by no means to defend our selves , but , like the primitive christians , whom the apostle commends , to take joyfully the spoiling of our goods : i believe this kind of discourse would look very suspiciously to all of us , and ( god forgive me for it if i wronged him ) i should hardly take him for a true-man , but for the confederate of some mischievous gang hard by , who , as a famous captain of them heretofore used to say , would ease us of our vnchristian incumbrance , and send us lighter to heaven . and i should think not one jot the better of him , but much the worse , for his abounding with scripture , and applying it in that manner . having in the beginning of this discourse made mention of our author's cavils , which he has raised against matter of fact , i shall here give the reader a taste of them . our author may call them my whole store , as he speaks , p. . with which passage i shall begin ; and in answer to a heap of falsifications , i shall tell him the very words of juventinus and maximus , to which i referr'd , and which they spoke publickly , and for which they were accused , and which theodoret calls admirable expressions : for thou hast delivered us , said they , to an unrighteous emperor , such an apostate as is not again upon the face of the earth , cap. . but three or four lines before what he himself quotes out of the same chapter , to sham us ; which too much discovers the man. as for the souldiers , who were trepann'd into sacrificing , of whom i said , that they did not spare julian in the least , of whom our author discourses , p. , &c. theodoret says this concerning them , they went to court with their outcries , exclaiming against the juggles and fallacies of the tyrant , insomuch , as the historian adds , that they made julian mad . but because these souldiers did not form themselves into a posture of defence against such a lawless tyrant as julian , our author threatens , p. . that they , together with juventinus and maximus , shall be the thundring legion for the time to come ; and the musty thebaean legion , as he calls it , shall be laid aside , and give place to this . now suppose these souldiers had been a legion compleat , into what posture of resistance could they have formed themselves , to have beaten eleven legions ? for a roman army consisted of twelve . but this terrible legion wherewith we are menaced , which , because it did not confound julian , must ruine us , consists of a dozen or fourteen men at the most , ( for they all rose up from one table ) and together with juventinus and maximus , are sixteen men effective ; so that we have just faggots . for fallacies , and for false musters , i never yet knew our author's match . it would be tedious to shew , how he shuffles with the stories of maris bishop of chalcedon , the nobleman of berea , and publia , which cannot be parallel'd in any other age , ( for julian's reign , tho very short , and yet much too long , did happen in a certain age of the world ) . the first of these made a hard shift to go to court , on purpose to tell julian his own very publickly , whither , i am well assured , some other men would have gone crouching with their baise mains . the other , besides disinheriting his son for turning to the emperor's religion , told the emperor to his face , that his son was a villain , and hated of god for it , and had embraced a lie instead of the true religion . so that julian might well complain to his dearest brother libanius , of his ill usage at beraea , which cut him to the heart , as you may see in his letter to libanius ; where he says , that he had some talk with the senate about religion , but to no purpose , for they behaved themselves impudently towards him ; and wonders , by the gods , that some men should be ashamed of vertue , and others again should pride themselves in sacrilege and sottishness . and then as for publia's counting julian fit to be despised and derided , and picking out proper psalms for him , and watching for opportunities of bestowing her blessings upon him , it cannot be match'd by all antiquity . for i do not wonder , that in the midst of agonies , or upon the sight of a martyr's being put to death , the zeal of some former christians did break forth into such like expressions : but all these that i speak of , were in cold blood ; and julian was so far from provoking them , that they were fain to whet their own zeal themselves . according to our author , p. . the psalms of the antiochians , at which julian was so enraged as he never was in his life , and could not contain himself , did only wish julian what they themselves counted the greatest happiness in the world , namely his conversion to christianity , and that to be wrought by no harsher penance than a deboist , which every fresh-man at cambridg has often undergone , upon much smaller accounts , and which , the learned say , comes from our author's hebrew word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i must crave leave to inform our author , that the word confounded , ( and so the word ashamed ) in david , signifies much more than being put to the blush ; for it implies some very great evil , some astonishing calamity , and terrible rebuke . and therefore these words are frequently put together , let them be confounded and perish . psal . . . confusion is opposed to deliverance and safety ; and , psal . . . which is the mildest acceptation of the word , thou hast put them to confusion , is as much as , thou hast broken their bones . but it may be our author , when he says the last verse of te deum , which is taken from the first verse of the or psalm , o lord , in thee have i trusted , let me never be confounded ; prays only that he may never blush : which i am apt to think , or else we had had none of this stuff . again , p. . the joint and publick prayers , the common-prayer of a whole city , in their cathedral church , for julian's destruction , must not be called their prayers . that 's hard ! when old gregory himself , being a bishop , might write we , and yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and words of multitude must not be called they. further , if the practice of the purest church in that age , a church that was called the new jerusalem , and noah ' s ark in those days , and which nazianzen says , was like bethlehem , the metropolis of all the world , must not pass for the practice of the church ; then there is no such thing in antiquity as the practice of the church , and it is in vain to talk of it . in the same page , our author put me in great hopes , that he would shew me a prayer for julian's conversion , by saying that he could produce one example , and by upbraiding my wilful blindness in missing such a barn-door , when i was so near it ; but i was grievously disappointed , when i found that this example was sozomen's account of dydimus his prayer and fasting : for there is not one word or syllable in sozomen , of julian's conversion or repentance ; neither do i know by what authority he forges and foists words into authors at his pleasure . but on the other hand , the miraculous answer of dydimus's prayer is a strong proof that he prayed for julian's destruction : for it was at that time , in a very wonderful manner revealed to him , that julian was that day killed , and he was bid to tell the news to athanasius the bishop , who , i suppose , was another that contributed to julian's destruction , as well as the two gregories , and the church of nazianzum ; and as the historian adds , immediatly upon this he fell to eating , as if his fasting had now attained its end. and further , the whole design of that chapter in sozomen is to shew , that julian's death and destruction was from god , because he laid waste his churches . upon which account the prophets and apostles entred into a consultation against him , as you have it in the first vision of that chapter ; and two of their number going out in all haste , as it should seem , to dispatch him , returned the next night to the assembly , with an account of his death . and i had not room in a little book for all those stories , or else the reader should have had them . as for valentinian , our author says , p. . that if he had shaked the holy water off his cloaths , it had been all one , and he had thereby owned his religion , as well as by striking the priest. now valentinian the confessor not only shook the holy-water off but tore off that part of his cloaths upon which the holy-water fell , and said he was polluted by it : and yet that did not serve his turn , but he struck the priest too before julian's face , which julian resented as a high contempt , and punished him thereafter . and it lies upon our author to prove , that ever valentinian excused himself , and begg'd the emperor's pardon . the next thing , in the same page , is the instance which i gave of old gregory's behaviour , against which our author raises such a multitude of little exceptions , as will not all of them amount to one real objection . however , in answer to them i say , that he , the person in controversy , is julian : for besides that elias cretensis renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impius ille , and there is no construction in words , if it be understood of any other person , as every school-boy knows ; there is likewise a transubstantiation-solaecism in our author's way of rendring it : for then the captain ( being included in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) must lead himself , and march at the head of himself ; which , tho it goes down in the mass for mystery , will never pass in an author for sence . again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is falsely rendred , with the emperor's orders , for it signifies , with peremptory commands , jussis , or in an imperious way he demanded the church . but above all , his rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be ill , shews the depth of his grecianship ; for according to his own quotation of phavorinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to suffer a beating , or to be beaten passively . so that if our author will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify to be beaten on the feet , or drubb'd , instead of kickt , i shall not contend ; provided he will first agree the matter with billius , who renders it calcibus caesus , and with the only elias cretensis we have , who renders it pedibus contusus , to whose authority i purposely and expresly referred my self , knowing i had to do with captious persons ; and provided he will let the english word , kick'd , serve to express a contemptuous beating , because in this country , the way of setting a man upon his head , and beating the soles of his feet , is not so well understood . and as upon these conditions i will not fall out with him upon this one criticism , so he has reason to take this concession kindly ; for i do assure him , that i will not make him such another again , nor bate him one syllable in my whole book besides . lastly , as for the vncanonicalness and eccentricity , as our author calls it , of gregory's intentions in this passage , let both the gregories , and the church of nazianzum , who thought it a great part of the old man's praises , look to 't ; i am no ways concern'd . in the same chapter , p. . he finds a plot against the chaplains , and the government , in rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chaplain . it is always rendred aedituus in latine , which gouldman says , is the prelate of the temple or church , the parson : now as from aedes comes aedituus , so from chappel comes chaplain ; and that was the very reason of my chusing that word ; which i did the rather , because julian's temple of fortune was but a chappel , and stood within the palace . there is likewise in the same chapter , p. . somewhat that is like the letter from legorn , from on board the van-herring ; but that being a mysterious sort of writing , is out of my way , and therefore i shall say nothing at all to it . our author 's frequent inconsistencies and contradictions would fill a book . the roman empire , he says , was elective , and yet , p. . in the fundamental constitution of it , it was decreed by the senate to julius caesar , and the sons of his body . p. . he calls this an atheistical principle , that all power is radically in the people ; and yet it seems it was otherwise at sparta ; for , p. , he tells us , the kings of sparta had only the exercise of the sovereign power , but not the sovereign power it self ; that was radically and originally in the people : and so in the same page , the magistrates in switzerland derive their power from the people . now i thought , that what was really atheism in one country , would never prove to be good divinity in another , but must be atheism every where . but because our author is pleased to call this an atheistical as well as an illegal principle in england ; i shall here set down the words of mr. hooker , as great a man , perhaps , as ever england bred ; whose book has been deservedly recommended by several kings , and admired by all men , and who does not use to be charged with broaching atheistical and illegal principles . eccles . pol. lib. . cap. . all publick regiment , of what kind soever , seemeth evidently to have risen from deliberate advice , consultation , and composition between men. and after a large discourse to that purpose , he has these words : that which we spake before concerning the power of government , must here be applied to the power of making laws whereby to govern ; which power god hath over all ; and by the natural law whereunto he hath made all subject , the lawful power of making laws to command whole politick societies of men , belongeth so properly unto the same entire societies , that for any prince or potentate , of what kind soever , upon earth , to exercise the same of himself , and not either by express commission , immediately and personally received from god , or else by authority derived at first from their consent , upon whose persons they impose laws , it is no better than meer tyranny . it is wonderful to see what a dust he raises about the pursuivant , p. , , &c. which yet may be all layed by one word , and by only saying , that brownlow's reports were writ for those that understood the word homicide , which amongst other things is chance-medley , or se defendendo , as well as man-slaughter . and in this very case , simpson's case , which you have over again in coke's th part inst . of eccles . courts , p. . with more exactness of circumstances ; my lord chief-justice coke says expresly , it was se defendendo in simpson . and yet how many reflections does our author load me with , upon occasion of that ignorant mistake , just as he has done in many other places of his book ! but it would be hard indeed , if one man's honesty and integrity were to be all forfeited by another man's ignorance . there is , i confess , in that large abusive discourse , one material question , which he puts to me in these words : will he make the law the compleat and adequate rule to walk by ? which i should answer my self , but i will get bishop hall to do it better for me , in these words : what then if the thief , after his robbery done , ceasing any further danger of violence , shall betake himself to his heels , and run away with my money ? in such a case , if the sum be so considerable , as that it much imports my estate , however our municipal laws may censure it , ( with which , of old , even a killing se defendendo was no less than felony of death ) my conscience should not strike me , if i pursue him with all my might , and in hot chase so strike him , as that by this means i disable him from a further escape , for the recovery of my own ; and if hereupon his death shall follow , however i should pass with men , god and my own heart would acquit me . sir , you see the bishop is so far of your mind , that he does not think the law a compleat and adequate rule to walk by ; for he would have exceeded and transgress'd the law , in defence of his own right ; nay , he would not have thought himself hindred by his clerical character , but with his own episcopal hand , whether the law had given him leave or no , would have slain a thief , running away with his purse . and yet simpson must make a narrow escape , by repentance and his neck-verse , from hell and the gallows , for strugling to rescue himself from a man-catcher , who was running away with his person . our author's law , and casuistical divinity are so well match'd , that it is pity they should ever be parted ; of both which i shall take my leave at present , because i intended a little book , and not a folio . finis . errata . pag. . l. . apastacy , r. apostacy . p. . l. . cruely , r. cruelty . p. . l. . admontions , r. admonitions . p. . l. . delibrate , r. deliberate . p. · l. . religions , r. religious . p. . l. . constantine's , r. constantius's . p. . l. . after psal . . . insert . . & psal . . . p. . l. . dele a. p. . l. . such a multitude of , r. a multitude of such . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 of law , book . chap. . p. . ephemeris parl. p. . vide concil . lat. sub innocent . cap. . manebat antequàm vinum inveniretur , omnibus inconcussa libertas ; nemo sciebat a consorte naturae suae obsequia servitutis exigere . non esset hodie servitus , si ebrietas non fuisset . gratian. dist . . sect . . this was written upon occasion of delivering up charters . notes for div a -e amm. marcel . l. . saepeque dictitabat , audite me , quem alemanni et franci audierunt . amm. l. . p. . sozom. lib. . cap. . julian epist . . august . ep. , & . julian ep. . sozom. lib. . cap. . invect . . pag. . one of constantius's edicts . poena capitis subjugari praecipimus eos , quos operam sacrificiis dare vel colere simulachra constiterit . invect . . p. . greg. naz. orat. . p. . jul. ep. . ibid. hom. cont. avarit . biblioth . pat. paris , tom. . p. . orat. . p. . sozom. lib. . c. . invect . . pag. , . invect . . pag. . sozom. lib. . cap. . inv. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sozom. lib. . c. . ibid. sozom. lib. . c. . invect . . p. . sozom. lib. . c. . third part sermon of good works . tom. . p. . sozom. lib. . cap. . jul. ep. . invect . . p. , . hieronym . chronic. anno . chrysost . orat. adversus judaeos iâ . chrysost . hom. . de ss . juv. & max. socrat. lib. . c. . bp jewel serm. p. invect . . p. . julian ep. . ecebolio . socrat. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . invect . . p. , . orat. . in caesar . p. . inv. . p. , . sozom. lib. . cap. . august . in psal . . theod. l. . c. . ibid. invect . . pag. , . theod. l. . c. , . ibid. orat. . in caesar . p. inv. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. de juvent . & max. amm. marcel . p. . alexandrinis urgentibus atrocium crimin . mole . theod. lib. . cap. . hom. . de ss . juvent . & max. p. . greg. in. . p. , . soz. l. . c. . ibid. orat. adversus judaeos tertia . notes for div a -e jul. misop . p. . lib. . cap. . epist . dedic . pag. . at nunc pugnamus contra constantium antichristum . pag. . scelestissime mortalium , &c. vestem ovis tuae lupe rapax cernimus ibid. pag. . sed diabolici ingenii tui , &c. intellige te divinae religionis hostem , ibid. pag . nihil in tempora maledictum nihil famosam in antichristi synagogam scripsi aut locutus sum . jerom. cat. eccles writers . biblioth . ver . patr . tom. . colon. superatum te , imperator a dei servis , &c. p. . e. des unum , quaeso , qui pepercerit , &c p. . d. cognoscis quid pati jussas sis , p. . h. praeceptum te interfici , &c p. . b. non conspicis quo possis perire modo ? ibid. — videamus etiam quid tempore quo contyrannus tuus antiochus &c sicut & nos tibi deo propitio resistamus . si fuisses inter manus mattathiae istius zelantis deum , &c. sine dubio te gladio interficerent , illi te gladio fuerant interfecturi . ibid. pag. . ibid. pag. . f. pag. . h. sed spiritus s. tecum . pag. . d addo illud , quod illorum principum & magistratuum apostolus fecerit mentionem , &c. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. . cap. . pag. . jul. ep. . ecebolii ep. . artabio . dem. antich . dedicated to king james , cap. . p. , , . greg. orat. . p. . * this he sufficiently acknowledges , p. . where he blames me for consulting bra●on , &c. bp jewel 's serm. p. . pag. compared with pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . defence of apol. p. . chap. . and of this intent should such a nation be utterly defrauded , then their king might spoile them of their goods , which before was lawful for no man to do . bilson , p. . edit . . stow. p. . eliz. c. . stow. p. . cap. . the true difference , &c. p. , . coloss . . . titus . . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . notes for div a -e constantianam praetendenti necessitudinem . ammian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . themist . orat. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. p. . see the genealogy in jovian , p. . invect . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sozom. l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrat. lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . socrat. lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . chronic. an. . blanda persecutio illiciens magis quàm impellens ad sacrificandum . invect . . p. . ibid. p. . chrysost . adversus judaeos . orat. . julian ep. ad bostrens . in. . p. . in psal . . christ . subject . oxon. . p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the law of the same empire says . vit. const . lib. . lib. . cap . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pan. . successorem legitimum , neque enim erat dubium , quin ei competeret haereditas quem primum imperatori filium fata dedissent . epist . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 themist . p. . lib. . ad init . themist . pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . primo mar. parl. . c. . — apud ambros . ep. . concio in obit . theod. lib. . cap. . dedicat. histor . de rectâ fide ad theod. pan. . utque omnes , nullo impediente , ad suum favorem alliceret , inhaerere cultui christiano fingebat , &c. lib. . but how if the house of lords did not think the bill of exclusion unlawful ? sir sim. d'ewes journ . p. christ . subject . p. . journal , p. . quere , whether dei gratiâ , written with the very same letters and syllables in the stile of the king of poland , and of the duke of venice , does also prove an hereditary , and , which is much more , an unalterable succession , in those two countries ? * bp. bilson , pag. . extreme folly and frenzy be just causes to remove princes from bearing the sword. margin . and in the text thus : as if the right heir to any crown be a natural fool ; or he that is invested in the crown , wax mad , and run besides himself : in either of these two cases , any realm , by publick consent and advice , may chuse another . sir simon d'ewes , p. . genealogy of the kings of scotland , in sir tho. murrat's collect. of statutes , printed at edinburgh , . p ▪ . appendix to king alfred's life , dedicated to the king. sanderson's life of king charles , p. , , &c. concerning the descent of the earl of strathern . rerum scoticar . lib. . fol. , . nec hâc munisicentiâ contentus , comitiis ad sconam indictis obtinuit , ut praeteritis eufemiae liberis , in rege creando gradus aetatis observarentur . holinshed's hist . of scotland , p. . sanderson's life of k. charles , p. . misopog . p. . pag. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . leges edovardi regis , quas confirmavit gulielmus bastardus . de regis officio , cap. . p. , . answ . to prop. p. . ibid. p. . k. charles's message from nottingham , aug. . works , pag. . de laudibus leg. cap. . * comitiva . regnorum amborum , fol. a. reges ambo , fol. . a. horum duorum regum , fol. . a. cap. . fol. . a. cap. . f. . a. cap. . f . a. cap. . f. . a. quod lex attribuit ei , videlicet dominationem & potestatem . lib . cap. . works , p. . declarat . to the ministers and freeholders of the county of york . pag. . pag. . k. edward's laws , cap. . de officio regis , confirmed by the conqueror , and sworn to by all succeeding kings . testam alfredi . et m●cum tota nobilitas west-saxonicae gentis pro re to jure consentiunt quod me oportet dimittere eos ita liberos sicut in homine cogitatio ipsius consisti● . * vid. leg. estre . chap. . toties emptae & redemptae libertates . car. . cap. . judg jenkins works , p. . julian . ep. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orat. . p. . sozom. lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . resolutions of practical cases of conscience , dec. . case . dalton , p. . see the same case , p. , . the history of the church from our lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the emperour maricius tiberius, or the year of christ / as it was written in greek, by eusebius pamphilius ..., socrates scholasticus, and evagrius scholasticus ... ; made english from that edition of these historians, which valesius published at paris in the years , , and ; also, the life of constantine in four books, written by eusibius pamphilus, with constantine's oration to the convention of the saints, and eusebius's speech in praise of constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into english, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes. ecclesiastical history. english eusebius, of caesarea, bishop of caesarea, ca. -ca. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the history of the church from our lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the emperour maricius tiberius, or the year of christ / as it was written in greek, by eusebius pamphilius ..., socrates scholasticus, and evagrius scholasticus ... ; made english from that edition of these historians, which valesius published at paris in the years , , and ; also, the life of constantine in four books, written by eusibius pamphilus, with constantine's oration to the convention of the saints, and eusebius's speech in praise of constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into english, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes. ecclesiastical history. english eusebius, of caesarea, bishop of caesarea, ca. -ca. . socrates, scholasticus, ca. -ca. . ecclesiastical history. english. evagrius, scholasticus, b. ? ecclesiastical history. english. eusebius, of caesarea, bishop of caesarea, ca. -ca. . life of constantine. english. [ ], , [ ] p. printed by john hayes ... for han. sawbridge ..., cambridge : . "the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus," "the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus," and "the life of constantine" have special title pages. table of contents: p. [ ]-[ ] indices: p. [ ]-[ ] at end. advertisement: p. [ ] at end. errata: p. 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likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . persecution -- history -- early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the church , from our lord's incarnation , to the twelfth year of the emperour mauricius tiberius , or the year of christ . as it was written in greek , by eusebius pamphilus bishop of caesarea in palestine ; socrates scholasticus native of constantinople ; and evagrius scholasticus born at epiphania in syria secunda . made english from that edition of these historians , which valesius published at paris in the years , , and . also , the life of constantine in four books , written by eusebius pamphilus ; with constantine's oration to the convention of the saints ; and eusebius's speech in praise of constantine , spoken at his tricennalia ▪ valesius's annotations on these authours , are done into english , and set at their proper places in the margin ; as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings . with two index's ; the one , of the principal matters that occur in the text ; the other , of those contained in the notes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrat. eccles. histor. lib. . cap. . hinc lucem et pocula sacra . printer's or publisher's device cambridge , printed by john hayes , printer to the university ; for han. sawbridge , at the sign of the bible on ludgate hill , london . . the publisher of this english translation to the reader . valesius has spoken so fully and satisfactorily concerning what he has done in his edition of these following ecclesiastick historians , as to his amendments of the greek text , as to his latine version of them , and as to his explanation of the obscurer passages that occur in them ; and besides , has added such compleat accounts concerning the lives and histories of these authours : ( all which particulars , because they were judged necessary to be made known to the english reader , are done into his own language , and prefixed before each writer whom they concern : ) that 't is needless to give the reader any farther trouble here , than barely to acquaint him , for what reason this english-translation was at first attempted , and by what helps and assistances this attempt has at length been finished . it can't be supposed a thing unknown to any person , though he may have been but meanly conversant amongst books , that this is not the first time wherein these church-historians have appeared in english. for 't is now almost a compleat century , since meredith hanmer doctour of divinity , first published his translation of them all ; excepting onely eusebius's four books concerning the life of the emperour constantine , and the two orations subjoyned thereto : which , by a dedication to s r john lambe knight , doctour of laws , and dean of the arches of canterbury , seem to have been made english several years after doctour hanmer's death , by one m r wye saltonstall . after four editions of doctour hanmer's translation , a fifth , whereto was added m r saltonstall's version of the life of constantine and the two orations , was published in the year . which impression being sold off , and the book become scarce ; the person whose propriety d r hanmer's translation was , some few years since resolved to reprint it . this resolution he communicated to some friends , whom he knew to be able advisers and directers in an affair of that nature . from them he received answer to this effect : that in doctour hanmer's translation they saw many things that wanted correction , which they supposed were not so much to be attributed to the doctour , as to the imperfection and mistakes of the greek text and those latine translatours , which the doctour had made use of : that now there was a fair way opened , whereby the errours in the doctour's translation might be corrected , in regard the original text of these historians , after it had been compared with several ancient manuscripts of the best note , ( whereby the imperfections in it were supplied , and the faults committed in other editions amended ; ) was , together with an excellent latine version thereof , published at paris by henricus valesius , a person of such eminent learning , that by the unanimous consent of the arch-bishops and bishops of the gallican church , he had been pitcht upon and employed as the fittest man to undertake a work of this nature : and therefore their advise was , that the doctour's translation should be compared with that edition of these historians which valesius had published , and that , whereever it differed , it should be made to agree with the greek text thereof . after receipt of this advise , 't was resolved it should be followed . and accordingly a reverend and learned divine was prevailed with to undertake this work. who , after he had done some few chapters onely of the first book of eusebius's history , for reasons best known to himself desisted . but by this tryal of his it plainly appeared , that ( besides its being an invidious attempt to go about to interpolate what another person had long since put his last hand to ; ) it was a work of far greater labour to bring doctor hanmer's translation to an agreement with the greek text of valesius's edition , than to make a new one. on which account this latter was resolv'd upon ; and by divine assistance being now finished , is here presented to the reader 's view . the reader having been acquainted with the reason why this new translation was at first attempted , 't is fit he should know farther , by what helps and assistances this attempt has at length been finished . this version , as has been intimated , was taken immediately from the greek , according to that edition which henricus valesius set forth at paris : whence this advantage will accrue , that whatever errours are found in it , will be errours but of one descent . besides valesius's edition , that which robert stephens printed at paris in the year , was likewise all along consulted . nor were the latine translatours of these historians refused or neglected : namely these four ; musculus's version dedicated to edward the sixth , king of england , and printed at basil in the year ; the translation of john christophorson ( heretofore master of trinity colledge in cambridge , afterwards bishop of chichester ; ) printed at coloigne . in the year ; john curterius's version , or rather his emendation of christophorson's , printed at paris in the year ; and lastly grinaeus's translation , set forth at basil in the year . all which versions were all along inspected ; and in all places that required it , their disagreements or consents are ( as the reader will find , ) taken notice of ; unless the learned valesius's diligence had made those remarks needless . as for the notes they are in a manner all valesius's : nor is any remark of his left untranslated ( though perhaps some times made shorter ; ) that was judg'd of use to an english reader , and becoming an english translation . if the reader does , as now and then he will , meet with a note that has not valesius's name set at the bottome ; he may conclude that not to be valesius's ; however , he generally meets with some intimation or other , whereby notice is given him , on what authority such a remark is grounded . but whereas in valesius's edition , his notes on all these historians are placed together in a body by themselves , at the latter end of each authour whereto they belong : here the reader has them embodied with the text , and by the letters of the alphabet he is shown the passages in the history , whereof they treat . in which method the reader 's ●ase was consulted , that he might not have the trouble and interruption given him , of turning forward and backward , from the matter to the notes , and from thence to the matter . how far this translation is beholding to that done by doctour hanmer , will quickly be discovered by any , that shall take the pains to compare them . it need not be dissembled , that the doctour's version has been seen ; and 't is as needless to detain the reader in shewing him by tedious instances , that he has not been , nor could have been followed , without a departure from the original greek as published by valesius . it onely remains , that the reader be entreated , before he peruses this translation , to mend those faults in it that are mentioned in the errata ; and to pardon all others he shall meet with . which that he may the easier be perswaded to , he is desired to be mindful of this excellent saying : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is god's property to mistake in nothing , and to correct all things . the contents of the whole work . the contents of eusebius his ecclesiastical history in x. books . book i. chap. . the subject of this work. page chap. . a brief summary concerning the praeexistence and divinity of our lord and saviour jesus christ. page chap. . that the very name of jesus , and also that of christ was from the beginning both known and honoured among the divine prophets . page chap. . that the religion by him declared to all nations , is neither new nor strange . page chap. . of the times of our saviours manifestation unto men . page chap. . that in his time , according to the predictions of the prophets , the princes of the jewish nation who before by succession had held the principality , surceased , and that herod , the first of the aliens , became their king. page chap. . of the disagreement supposed to be among the gospels about the genealogy of christ. page chap. . of herods cruelty towards the infants , and after how miserable a manner he ended his life . page chap. . of the times of pilate . page chap. . of the high-priests among the jews , in whose time christ preached the gospel . ibid. chap. . what hath been testified concerning john the baptist , and concerning christ. page chap. . concerning our saviours disciples . ibid. chap. . the history of the prince of the edessens . ibid. book ii. the preface . page chap. . of those things which were instituted by the apostles , after the ascension of christ. ibid. chap. . how tiberius was affected at the relation pilate sent him of those things concerning christ. page chap. . how the doctrine of christ spread in a short time over the whole world . page chap. . how , after the death of tiberius , caius made agrippa king over the jews , and punished herod with perpetual banishment . ibid. chap. . how philo went on an embassage to caius upon the jews account . page chap. . how great miseries befell the jews after their audacious wickedness committed against christ. ibid. chap. . that pilate made himself away . page chap. . of the dearth that happened in claudius his time . ibid. chap. . the martyrdom of james the apostle . ibid. chap. . how agrippa , called also herod , persecuting the apostles , presently felt the divine vengeance . page chap. . of the impostour theudas and his associates . ibid. chap. . of helena queen of the osdroënians . page chap. . of simon magus . ibid. chap. . of peter the apostle's preaching at rome . page chap. . of the gospel according to mark. ibid. chap. . that mark first preached the knowledge of christ to the egyptians . ibid. chap. . what philo relates of the ascetae in egypt . ibid. chap. . what writings of philo's have come to our hands . page chap. . what a calamity befell the jews at jerusalem on the very day of the passover . page chap. . what was done at jerusalem in the reign of nero. ibid. chap. . of that egyptian who is mentioned in the acts of the apostles . page chap. . how paul , being sent bound from judea to rome , having made his defence , was wholly acquitted . ibid. chap. . how james , called the brother of the lord , was martyred . page chap. . how , after mark , annianus was constituted the first bishop of the church of the alexandrians . page chap. . of the persecution in the time of nero , in which paul and peter were for religion graced with martyrdom at rome . ibid. chap. . how the jews were vexed with innumerable mischiefs , and how at last they entred upon a war against the romans . page book iii. chap. . in what parts of the world the apostles preached christ. page chap. . who first presided over the roman church . page chap. . concerning the epistles of the apostles . ibid. chap. . of the first succession of the apostles . ibid. chap. . of the last siege of the jews after christs death . page chap. . of the famine that oppressed the jews . page chap. . of christs predictions . page chap. . concerning the prodigies that appeared before the war. ibid. chap. . of josephus , and the writings he left page chap. . how josephus makes mention of the holy bible . page chap. . how , after james , simeon governed the church at jerusalem . page chap. . how vespasian commanded that the descendants of david should be sought out ▪ ibid. chap. . that anencletus was the second bishop of the roman church . ibid. chap. . that avilius was the second bishop of alexandria . ibid. chap. . that clemens was the third bishop of the roman church . ibid. chap. . concerning the epistle of clemens . page chap. . of the persecution in domitians time . ibid. chap. . concerning john the apostle , and his revelation . ibid. chap. . how domitian commanded that the descendants of david should be ●lain . ibid. chap. . concerning those that were related to our saviour . ibid. chap. . that cerdo was the third that presided over the alexandrian church . page chap. . that ignatius was the second that presided over the alexandrian church . ibid. chap. . a relation concerning john the apostle . ibid. chap. . concerning the order of the gospels . page chap. . concerning those divine writings , which are without coutroversie acknowledged ; and of those which are not such . page chap. . of menander the impostour . page chap. . of the heresie of the ebionites . ibid. chap. . of the arch-heretick cerinthus . page chap. . of nicholas , and those hereticks who bear his name . ibid. chap. . concerning those apostles that are found to have been married . page chap. . of the death of john and philip. ibid. chap. . how simeon the bishop of jerusalem suffered martyrdom . page chap. . how trajan forbad that the christians should be sought after . ibid. chap. . that evarestus was the fourth that governed the roman church . page chap. . that justus was the third that governed the church at jerusalem . ibid. chap. . concerning ignatius and his epistles . ibid. chap. . concerning those preachers of the gospel who at that time were eminent . page chap. . concerning the epistle of clemens , and those other writings , which are falsly attributed to him . ibid. chap. . concerning the books of papias . page book iv. chap. . who were the bishops of the roman , and alexandrian churches in the reign of trajane . pag. chap. . what the jews suffered in this emperours time . ibid. chap. . who , in the time of adrian , wrote apologies in defence of the faith. page chap. . who were ennobled with the title of bishops over the roman , and alexandrian churches in this emperours time . ibid. chap. . who were bishops of jerusalem from our saviour , even to these times . ibid. chap. . the last siege of the jews in the time of adrian . ibid. chap. . who at that time were the authours of false doctrine . page chap. . what ecclesiastical writers there were in those times . page chap. . the rescript of adrian , that we christians should not be unjustly prosecuted . ibid. chap. . who in the reign of antoninus were bishops of the roman and alexandrian sees . page chap. . concerning those who were arch-hereticks in these times . ibid. chap. . concerning justin's apologie to antoninus . page chap. . the rescript of antoninus to the common council of asia , concerning our religion . ibid. chap. . some memoirs of polycarp the disciple of the apostles . page chap. . how , in the reign of verus , polycarp , together with others , suffered martyrdom in the city of smyrna . ibid. chap. . how justin the philosopher , asserting the christian religion at the city of rome , suffered martyrdom . page chap. . concerning those martyrs , whom justin makes mention of in his apologie . page chap. . what books of justin's are come to our hands . page chap. . who , in the reign of verus , presided over the churches of rome , and alexandria . ibid. chap. . who then governed the church of antioch . page chap. . concerning the ecclesiastical writers who flourisht in that age. ibid. chap. . concerning hegesippus , and those he makes mention of . ibid. chap. . concerning dionysius , bishop of the corinthians , and the epistles he wrote . page chap. . concerning theophilus , bishop of the antiochians . page chap. . concerning philippus and modestus . ibid. chap. . concerning melito , and what he has made mention of . ibid. chap. . concerning apollinaris , bishop of the hierapol●tane church . page chap. . concerning musanus , and his writings . page chap. . concerning tatianus and his heresie ibid. chap. . concerning bardesanes the syrian , and those books of his that are extant . ibid. book v. the preface . page chap. . how many in the reign of verus , underwent most ●ore persecution in france for religion ; and after what manner they suffered . ibid. chap. . how the martyrs beloved of god , kindly receiving such as fell away in the persecution , wrought a cure upon them . page chap. . what a vision appeared to the martyr attalus in his sleep . page chap. . how the martyrs , by their epistle , recommended irenaeus . ibid. chap. . how god , having from heaven heard the prayers of some of our religion , sent rain to marcus aurelius caesar. ibid. chap. . a catalogue of those who were bishops of rome . page chap. . that , even to those times , miracles were wrought by the faithfull . ibid. chap. . after what manner irenaeus makes mention of the divine scriptures . page chap. . who were bishops in the reign of commodus . page chap. . concerning pantaenus the philosopher . ibid. chap. . concerning clemens alexandrinus . ibid. chap. . concerning the bishops of jerusalem . page chap. . concerning rhodon , and the dissention of the marcionites , which he has made mention of . ibid. chap. . concerning the false prophets of the cataphrygians . page chap. . concerning the schism of blastus raised at rome . ibid. chap. . what has been committed to memory concerning montanus , and his false prophets . ibid. chap. . concerning mil●●●des , and the books he compiled . page chap. . how apollonius also confuted the cataphrygians , and whom he has made mention of . ibid. chap. . serapion's opinion concerning the heresie of the cataphrygians . page chap. . what irenaeus wrote against the schismaticks at rome . ibid. chap. . how apollonius suffered martyrdom at rome . page chap. . what bishops flourisht at that time . page chap. . concerning the question then moved about easter . ibid. chap. . concerning the disagreement of the churches throughout asia . ibid. chap. . how all with one consent unanimously agreed about easter . page chap. . how many monuments of irenaeus's polite ingenie have come to our hands . ibid. chap. . how many also of the works of others , who then flourished , are come to our knowledge . ibid. chap. . concerning those , who from the beginning were defenders of artemon's heresie ; what manner of persons they were as to their morals , and how that they were so audacious as to corrupt the sacred scriptures . ibid. book . vi. chap. . concerning the persecution under severus . pag. chap. . concerning origens virtuous course of life from a child . ibid. chap. . how origen being very young preacht the word of christ. page chap. . how many of those who had been instructed by him , became martyrs . page chap. . concerning potamiaena . page chap. . concerning clemens alexandrinus . ibid. chap. . concerning judas the writer . ibid. chap. . concerning the bold act of origen . page chap. . concerning the miracles of narcissus . ibid. chap. . concerning the bishops of jerusalem . page chap. . concerning alexander . ibid. chap. . concerning serapion , and his books that are extant . page chap. . concerning the writings of clemens . ibid. chap. . what writings clemens has mentioned . page chap. . concerning heraclas . page chap. . what pains and study origen bestowed about the holy scriptures . ibid. chap. . concerning symmachus the translatour . ibid. chap. . concerning ambrosius . page chap. . what things have been recorded concerning origen , by the gentiles . ibid. chap. . what books are now extant of such as wrote in these times . page chap. . what bishops were eminent in those times . ibid. chap. . how many of hippoly●us's works are come to our hands . page chap. . concerning origen's . studiousness , and how he was honoured with the dignity of priesthood . ibid. chap. . concerning the expositions he made at alexandria . ibid. chap. . after what manner origen has mentioned the books of the old and new testament . page chap. . how heraclas succeeded in the bishoprick of alexandria . page chap. . how the bishops had him in admiration . ibid. chap. . concerning the persecution under maximinus . ibid. chap. . concerning fabian , how unexpectedly he was elected by god bishop of rome . page chap. . who were origen's schollars . ibid. chap. . concerning africanus . ibid. chap. . what expositions origen wrote at caesarea in palestine . ibid. chap. . concerning the errour of beryllus . pag. chap. . concerning philip the emperour . ibid. chap. . how dionysius succeeded heraclas in his bishoprick . ibid. chap. . what other books were written by origen . ibid. chap. . concerning the dissention of the arabians . page chap. . concerning the heresie of the helcesaïts . ibid. chap. . concerning what happened in the times of decius . ibid. chap. . concerning what things happened to dionysius . page chap. . concerning those who suffer'd martyrdom at alexandria . ibid. chap. . concerning some other things which dionysius relates . page chap. . concerning novatus , what manner of person he was as to his morals ; and concerning his heresie . page chap. . dionysius's story concerning serapion . page chap. . dionysius's epistle to novatus . ibid. chap. . concerning dionysius's other epistles . page book vii . the preface . pag. chap. concerning the wickedness of decius and gallus . ibid. chap. . who about these times were bishops of rome . ibid. chap. . how cyprian , with some bishops which were of his mind , was the first that was of the opinion , that the converts of any heretical sect whatever , ought to be rebaptized . ibid. chap. . how many epistles dionysius wrote concerning this controversie . page chap. . concerning the peace which followed the persecution . ibid. chap. . concerning the heresie of sabellius . ibid. chap. . concerning the most execrable errour of the hereticks , and concerning the vision sent from god which appeared to dionysius , and the ecclesiastick canon he received . page chap. . concerning novatus's heresie . page chap. . concerning the baptism of hereticks , that it is impious . ibid. chap. . concerning valerian , and the persecution in his reign . page chap. . concerning what then happened to dionysius , and to those christians which were in egypt . page chap. . concerning the martyrs which suffered at caesarea in palestine . page chap. . concerning the peace under gallienus . ibid. chap. . what bishops flourisht in those times . page chap. . how marinus was martyred at caesarea . ibid. chap. . a relation concerning astyrius . ibid. chap. . concerning the mighty miracles of our saviour at paneas . ibid. chap. . concerning the statue , which the woman who had the flux of bloud , erected . page chap. . concerning the chair of james the apostle . ibid. chap. . concerning dionysius's paschal epistles , in which he prescribeth a canon concerning easter . ibid. chap. . concerning what things happened at alexandria . page chap. . concerning the plague , which then raged . ibid. chap. . concerning the reign of gallienus . page chap. . concerning nepos , and his schism . ibid. chap. . concerning the revelation of john. page chap. . concerning dionysius's epistles . page chap. . concerning paul of samosata , and the heresie founded by him at antioch . ibid. chap. . concerning the eminent bishops of those times . ibid. chap. . how paul being confuted by m●lchion a presbyter ▪ ( who formerly had been one of the soph●●●ae ) was deposed . pag. chap. . concerning the epistle of the bishops against paul. ibid. chap. . concerning the heterodox and corrupt opinion of the manichees which sprang up at this time . page chap. . concerning those ecclesiastick m●n who were famous even in our age , and which of them lived till the demolishing of the churches . ibid. book viii . the preface . pag. chap. . concerning those things which preceded the persecution in our days . ibid. chap. . concerning the ruine of the churches . page chap. . concerning the various sorts of combats which the martyrs underwent in the time of the persecution . page chap. . concerning god's illustrious martyrs ; how they fill'd the world with their fame , having been adorned with divers crowns of martyrdom for religion . ibid. chap. . concerning what was done at nicomedia . page chap. . concerning those who were conversant in the imperial palaces . ibid. chap. . concerning those egyptians who suffered in phoenicia . page chap. . concerning those who suffered in egypt . page chap. . concerning those who suffered at thebais . ibid. chap. . the written informations of phileas the martyr , concerning what was done at alexandria . ibid. chap. . concerning what was done in phrygia . page chap. . concerning many other men and women , who suffered martyrdom in a various and different manner . ibid. chap. . concerning those prelates of the church who demonstrated the sincerity of the religion they asserted by the effusion of their own bloud . page chap. . concerning the morals of those that were the enemies of religion . page chap. . concerning what happened to the gentiles . page chap. . concerning the change of affairs to a better posture . ibid. chap. . concerning the retractation of the emperours . ibid. a supplement to the eighth book . pag. chap. . concerning procopius , alphaeus , and zacchaeus , martyrs . page chap. . concerning romanus the martyr . page chap. . concerning timorheus , agapius , thecla , and eight other martyrs . page chap. . concerning apphianus the martyr . ibid. chap. . concerning ulpianus and aedefius martyrs . page chap. . concerning the martyrs agapius ▪ page ● chap. . concerning the virgin theodosi● , and concerning domninus , and auxentius , martyrs . ibid. chap. . concerning other confessours , and concerning the martyrdom of valentina and paul. page ● chap. . that the persecution was afresh revewed and concerning antoninus , z 〈…〉 , germanus , and other martyrs . page chap. . concerning peter the asceta ; aselepius the marcionite , and other martyrs . page chap. . concerning pamphilus , and twelve other martyrs . ibid. chap. . concerning the prelates of the churches . page chap. . concerning silvanus , john , and thirty nine other martyrs . ibid. book ix . chap. . concerning the counterfeited cessation of the persecution . pag. chap. . concerning the change of affairs which did afterwards ensue . page chap. . concerning an image lately made at antioch . page chap. . concerning the decrees of the cities against the christians . ibid. chap. . concerning the forged acts. ibid. chap. . concerning them that suffered martyrdom in those times . ibid. chap. . concerning the edict against us , which was engraven on brazen plates and hung up on the pillars . page chap. . concerning what afterward hapned , in the time of the wars , of the famine , and of the pestilence . page chap. . concerning the death of the tyrants , and what expressions they used before their deaths . page chap. . concerning the victory obtained by the pious emperours . page chap. . concerning the final destruction of the enemies of religion . page book x. chap. . concerning the peace , which was procured by god for us . pag. chap. . concerning the re-edification of the churches . page chap. . concerning the consecration of churches every where solemniz'd . ibid. chap. . a panegyrick concerning the splendid posture of our affairs . ibid. chap. . copies of the imperial laws . page chap. . concerning the estates belonging to the christians . page ● chap. . concerning the immunity of the clergy . ibid. chap. . concerning licinius's exorbitancies which afterwards ensued , and concerning his death . ibid. chap. . concerning constantius's victory , and concerning the prosperity procured by him to all those that live under the power of the romans . page the contents of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus in vii . books . book . i. chap. . the preface to the whole book . pag. chap. . after what manner constantine the emperour was converted to the christian religion . ibid. chap. . how whilst constantine augmented the prosperity of the christians , licinius his collegue persecuted them . page ● chap. . that there was a war raised betwixt constantine and licinius upon account of the christians . page chap. . concerning arius's contest with alexander the bishop . ibid. chap. . how from this contention there arose a division in the church , and how alexander bishop of alexandria deposed arius and his complices . ibid. chap. . how constantine the emperour , griev'd at these disturbances in the church , sent hosius a spaniard to alexandria , to exhort the bishop and arius to a reconciliation . page chap. . concerning the council held at nicaea a city of bithynia , and concerning the faith there published . page chap. . the epistle of the synod , concerning those matters determined by it , and how arius was degraded , together with them that embraced his sentiments . page chap. . that the emperour summoned to the synod acesius also , a bishop of the novatian heresie . page chap. . concerning paphnutius the bishop . ibid. chap. . concerning spyridon bishop of the cyprians . page chap. . concerning eutychianus the monk. ibid. chap. . that eusebius bishop of nicomedia , theognis bishop of nice ( who had been banished because they were abettors of arius's opinion ) having afterwards sent a libell of repentance , and agreed to the exposition of the faith , were readmitted to their sees . page chap. . that alexander dying after the nicene synod , athanasius was consecrated bishop of the city alexandria . page chap. . how the emperour constantine , having enlarged the city heretofore call'd byzantium , named it constantinople . ibid. chap. . how helena the emperours mother , came to jerusalem , and having there found christs cross , which she had sought for a long time , built a church . ibid. chap. . how the emperour constantine abolished gentilism , and erected many churches in several places . page chap. . after what manner the innermost indian nations were in the time of constantine converted to christianity . page chap. . after what manner the iberians were converted to the christian religion . page chap. . concerning antonius the monk. page chap. . concerning manes the author of the heresie of the manichees , and whence he had his original . ibid. chap. . how eusebius bishop of nicomedia , and theognis bishop of nice , taking courage again , endeavoured to subvert the nicene creed , by plotting against athanasius . page chap. . concerning the synod convened at antioch , which deposed eustathius bishop of antioch : upon whose account there was a sedition raised , by which that city was almost ruined . page chap. . concerning the presbyter , who made it his business to get arius recalled . page chap. . how arius , being recalled from exile , and having given up a libell of repentance to the emperour , did therein hypocritically pretend himself an asserter of the nicene creed . page chap. . how arius returned to alexandria by the emperours order , and upon athanasius's refusal to admit him , eusebius's faction framed divers accusations against athanasius before the emperour . ibid. chap. . that the emperour ordered a synod of bishops should be convened at tyre , upon account of the accusations brought against athanasius . page chap. . concerning arsenius , and his hand which was reported to have been cut off . ibid. chap. . that athanasius being found innocent after his first accusation , his accusers made their escape by flight . ibid. chap. . that athanasius fled to the emperour , upon the bishops not admitting of his defence at his second accusation . page chap. . that after athanasius's departure , he was depoposed by the vote of the synod . ibid. chap. . how the synod , having left tyre , came to jerusalem , and after the celebration of the feast of dedication of the new jerusalem , readmitted arius to communion . ibid. chap. that the emperour by his letter summoned the synod to attend him , that athanasius's case might be accurately discussed in his presence . page chap. . that , when the synod came not to the emperour , the eusebians accused athanasius , as if he had threatned , that he would prohibit the carriage of that corn , with which alexandria furnished constantinople . whereupon the emperour , being incensed , banished athanasius , confining him to the gallia's . ibid. chap. . concerning marcellus bishop of ancyra , and asterius the sophista . page chap. . how , after athanasius was exiled , arius , being sent for from alexandria by the emperour , raised disturbances against alexander bishop of constantinople . ibid. chap. . concerning ariu's death . page chap. . how constantine , falling into a distemper , ended his life . ibid. chap. . concerning constantine the emperours funeral . ibid. book ii. chap. . the preface , wherein he gives an account , why he made a new edition of his first and second book . pag. chap. . how eusebius bishop of nicomedia with his accomplices , earnestly endeavouring to introduce arius's opinion again , made disturbances in the churches . ibid. chap. . how athanasius , confiding in the letter of constantine the younger , returned to alexandria . page chap. . that upon eusebius pamphilus's death , acacius succeeded in the bishoprick of caesarea . page chap. . concerning the death of constantine the younger . ibid. chap. . how alexander bishop of constantinople , at his death , proposed paulus and macedonius to be elected into his bishoprick . ibid. chap. . how the emperour constantius ejected paulus who had been ordained bishop : and , having sent for eusebius from nicomedia , entrusted him with the bishoprick of constantinople . ibid. chap. . how eusebius assembled another synod at antioch of syria , and caused another form of faith to be published . page chap. . concerning eusebius emisenus . ibid. chap. . that the bishops convened at antioch , upon eusebius emisenus's refusal of the bishoprick of alexandria , ordained gregorius , and altered the expressions of the nicene faith. ibid. chap. . that , upon gregorius's arrival at alexandria guarded with a military force , athanasius fled . page chap. . how , after eusebius's death , the people of constantinople restored paulus to his see again . and that the arians made choice of macedonius . pag. chap. . concerning the slaughter of hermogenes the lieutenant-general , and how paulus was for that reason turned out of the church again . ibid. chap. . that the arians , having removed gregorius from the see of alexandria , put georgius into his place . page chap. . how athanasius and paulus , going to rome , and being fortified with bishop julius's letters , recovered their own sees again . ibid. chap. . that the emperour sent an order by philippus praefect of the pretorium , that paulus should be ejected and banished , and that macedonius should be enstalled bishop in his see. page chap. . that athanasius , being afraid of the emperours menaces , returned to rome again . page chap. . how the emperour of the western parts requested of his brother , that such persons might be sent , as could give an account of the deposition of athanasius and paulus . and , that they who were sent published another form of the creed . page chap. . concerning the large explanation of the faith. ibid. chap. . concerning the synod at serdica . page chap. . an apology for eusebius pamphilus . page chap. . that the synod of serdica restored paulus and athanasius to their sees , and that , upon the eastern emperours refusal to admit them , the emperour of the west threatned him with war. page chap. . that constantius , being afraid of his brothers menaces , by his letters ordered athanasius to appear , and sent him to alexandria . page chap. . that athanasius , passing through jerusalem in his return to alexandria , was received into communion by maximus , and convened a synod of bishops which confirmed the nicene faith. page chap. . concerning the tyrant magnentius and vetranio . page chap. . how , after the death of constans the western emperour , paulus and athanasius were ejected out of their own sees again . and , that paulus , after his being carried into banishment , was slain . but athanasius made his escape by flight . ibid. chap. . that macedonius , having got possession of the see of constantinople , did much mischief to those that in opinion dissented from him . page chap. . concerning what was done at alexandria by georgius the arian ; from athanasius's own relation . ibid. chap. . concerning photinus the arch-heretick . page chap. . concerning the forms of the creed published at sirmium , in the presence of the emperour constantius . page chap. . concerning hosius bishop of corduba . page chap. . concerning the overthrow of magnentius the tyrant . ibid. chap. . concerning the jews inhabiting dio-caesarea in palestine . page chap. . concerning gallus caesar. ibid. chap. . concerning aëtius the syrian , eunomius's master . ibid. chap. . concerning the synod at millaine . page chap. . concerning the synod at ariminum , and concerning the draught of the creed which was published there . ibid. chap. . concerning the cruelty of macedonius , and the tumults by him raised . page chap. . concerning the synod at seleucia a city of isauria . page chap. . that acacius bishop of caesarea dictated another draught of the creed , in the synod at seleucia . page chap. . tha● , upon the emperours return from the western parts , the acacians were convened in the city of constantinople , and firmed the ariminum creed , making some additions to it . page chap. . that upon macedonius's being deposed , eudoxius obtained the bishoprick of constantinople . ibid. chap. . concerning eustathius bishop of sebastia . page chap. . concerning meletius bishop of antioch . page chap. . concerning macedonius's heresie . ibid. chap. . concerning the apollinaristae , and their heresie . page chap. . concerning the death of the emperour constantius . ibid. book iii. chap. . concerning julianus , his extract , and education . and how , upon his being made emperour , he revolted to gentilism . page chap. . concerning the sedition which hapned at alexandria , and after what manner georgius was slain . page chap. . that the emperour incensed at georgius's murder , sharply rebuked the alexandrians by his letter . page chap. . how , upon georgius's being murdered , athanasius returned to alexandria , and recovered his own church . page chap. . concerning lucifer , and eusebius . ibid. chap. . how lucifer arriving at antioch , ordained paulinus . ibid. chap. . how eusebius and athanasius accorded together , and assembled a synod of bishops at alexandria , wherein they expresly declared , that the trinity is consubstantial . page chap. . some passages quoted out of athanasius's apologetick concerning his own flight . page chap. . how ( after the synod at alexandria , made up of those who asserted the homoöusian faith ) eusebius , returning to antioch , found the catholicks disagreeing there upon account of paulinus's ordination ; and being unable to bring them to an agreement , he departed from thence . page chap. . concerning hilarius bishop of poictiers . ibid. chap. . how the emperour julianus exacted money from the christians . page chap. . concerning maris bishop of chalcedon . ibid. chap. . concerning the tumult raised by the heathens against the christians . page chap. . concerning athanasius's flight . ibid. chap. . concerning those who in the reign of julianus suffered martyrdom at merus a city of phrygia . page chap. . how ( when the emperour prohibited the christians from being educated in the grecian literature , ) the two apollinaris's betook themselves to writing of books . ibid. chap. . how the emperour , making preparations for an expedition against the persians , arrived at antioch : and being derided by the antiochians , he published an oration against them , entituled misop●g●n . page chap. . how , when the emperour was desirous to consult the oracle , the daemon gave no answer , being afraid of babilas the martyr . page chap. . concerning the emperours wrath , and concerning theodorus the confessour . ibid. chap. . how the emperour perswaded the jews to sacrifice , and concerning the utter destruction of jerusalem . ibid. chap. . concerning the emperours inroad into persia , and concerning his death . pag. chap. . concerning jovianus's being proclaimed emperour . ibid. chap. . a confutation of what libanius the sophista has said concerning julianus . page chap. . that the bishops flockt from all places to jovianus , every one of them hoping they should induce him to embrace their own creed . page chap. . that the macedonians and acacians , meeting together at antioch , confirmed the nicene creed . ibid. chap. . concerning the death of the emperour jovianus . page book . iv. chap. . that , after jovianus's death , valentinianus is proclaimed emperour , who made his brother valens his colleague in the empire . and , that valentinianus was a catholick , but valens an arian . pag. chap. . that valentinianus went into the western parts of the empire , and valens resided at constantinople , who , upon the macedonians address to him that a synod might be convened , granted their request . and that he persecuted the homoöusians page chap. . that , whilst valens persecuted those who embraced the homoöusian opinion in the east , there arose a tyrant at constantinople , by name procopius . and that at the same time an earthquake hapned , and an inundation of the sea , which ruined many cities . ibid. chap. . that there being a disturbance in the secular as well as the ecclesiastick state of affairs , the macedonians , having convened a synod at lampsacus , did again confirm the antiochian creed , and anathematized that published at ariminum , and did again ratifie the deposition of acacius and eudoxius . ibid. chap. . that , an engagement hapning about a city of phrygia between the emperour valens , and the tyrant procopius , the emperour took the tyrant by the treachery of his commanders , and put him and them to death , by inflicting new and unusual punishments upon them . ibid. chap. . that , after the death of the tyrant , the emperour forced those who had been present at the synod , and all the christians , to embrace arius's opinion . page chap. . that eunomius , having ejected eleusius the macedonian , was made bishop of cyzicum . and concerning eunomius's original , and that having been amanuensis to aëtius sirnamed atheus , he imitated him . ibid. chap. . concerning the oracle , which was found cut upon a stone , when the wall of chalcedon was demolished by reason of the emperour valens's anger . page chap. . that the emperour valens persecuted the novatians also , who ( in like manner as did the catholicks ) embraced the homoöusian faith. page chap. . that the emperour valentinianus , begat a son , who bore his fathers name ; to wit , valentinianus , he having begat his son gratianus before his being created emperour . ibid. chap. . concerning a hail of an unusual bigness which fell from heaven , and concerning the earthquakes in bithynia , and the hellespont . page chap. . that those who embraced macedonius's opinion , being reduced into streights by reason of the emperours violence towards them , sent an embassage to liberius bishop of rome , and subscribed to the homoöusian creed . ibid. chap. . how eunomius separated himself from eudoxius , because he adhered to his master aëtius . and that ( a disturbance being raised at alexandria by eudoxius's means ) athanasius fled again . and that ( when the populace were tumultuous hereupon ) the emperour being afraid , by his letters pacified ▪ the alexandrians , and ordered that athanasius should be put into quiet possession of his church again . page chap. . that after the death of eudoxius at constantinople , the arians ordained demophilus ; but the orthodox , by the assistance of eustathius of antioch , made evagrius bishop of constantinople . ibid. chap. . that when the emperour had banished evagrius and eustathius , the arians sorely oppressed and afflicted the homo●usians . page chap. . concerning the holy presbyters who were burnt in a ship , and concerning the famine , which by the wrath of god hapned in phrygia upon that account . ibid. chap. . that the emperour , arriving at antioch , did again persecute those that embrace the homoöusian opinion . ibid. chap. . concerning what was done at edessa , and the reproachfull affront put upon the prefect , and concerning the faith , couragiousness , and constancy of those citizens ; and concerning a pious woman . ibid. chap. . that the emperour valens slew many persons , the first letter of whose name was theta , upon account of a certain necromantick-divination , whereby that was foretold . page chap. . concerning athanasius's death , and the promotion of peter to his see. ibid. chap. . that after athanasius's death , the arians by the emperour valens's order , delivered up the churches in alexandria to lucius who had been ordained by them before , and committed peter to prison . page chap. . that sabinus the macedonian heretick has made no mention of those many mischiefs which happened at lucius's installment . but they are recorded in a letter written by peter , who made his escape , and fled to damasus bishop of rome . but the arians and lucius were the authours of many mischievous practises and cruelties against those holy persons who led a monastick life in the solitudes . ibid. chap. . a catalogue of the holy monks who lived in the desart . ibid. chap. . concerning those holy monks who were exiled ; how god ( by the miracles they performed ) attracted all persons to himself . page chap. . concerning didymus , a blind man. page chap. . concerning basilius of caesarea , and gregorius of nazianzum . ibid. chap. . concerning gregorius thaumaturgus . page chap. . concerning novatus , and those from him termed novatians . and , that those novatians who inhabited phrygia , altered the time of celebrating the festival of easter , and kept it on the same day the jews did . page chap. . concerning damasus bishop of rome , and ursinus . how , a disturbance and sedition hapning in rome upon their account , there followed a great slaughter of men . page chap. . how ( after the death of auxentius bishop of millain ) a sedition hapning on account of the election of a prelate to succeed in that see ; ambrosius , president of the province , going with a military force to appease the tumult , was by a general suffrage ( the emperour valentinianus having given his consent also ) preferred before all persons , and elected bishop of that church . ibid. chap. . concerning valentinianus's death . pag. chap. . concerning the philosopher themistius . and , that valens , appeased by the oration he spake to him , did in some measure mitigate his persecution against the christians . ibid. chap. . how the goths , under the reign of valens , embraced christianity . page chap. . that the goths vanquished by other barbarians , fled into the territories of the romans , and were received by the emperour . which reception of theirs was the occasion , both of the destruction of the roman empire , and also of the emperours own overthrow . ibid. chap. . that the emperour , by reason of his care and sollicitude about a war with the goths , remitted something of his persecution against the christians . page chap. . that the saracens also at that time embraced the faith of christ , ( a woman , by name mavia , being their queen , ) and took one moses , a pious and faithfull person that led a monastick life , to be their bishop . ibid. chap. . that after valens's departure from antioch the orthodox in the east ( more especially those at alexandria ) took courage ; and having ejected lucius , restored the churches again to peter , who was returned fortified with the letters of damasus bishop of rome . ibid. chap. . that the emperour arriving at the city constantinople , and being reproach't by the people upon account of the goths , marches out of the city against the barbarians . and coming to an ingagement with them near adrianople , a city of macedonia , is slain by them ; after he had lived fifty years , and reigned sixteen . page book v. the preface . pag. chap. . how ( after the death of valens ) when the goths laid siege to constantinople , the citizens sallied out of the city against them , having those saracens who were under mavia's command , to be their auxiliaries . ibid. chap. . that the emperour gratianus , having recalled the orthodox bishops from their exile , drove the hereticks out of the churches , and took theodosius to be his colleague in the empire . page chap. . what bishops were in possession of the presidency over the greater churches at that time . ibid. chap. . how the macedoniani , who had sent an embassy to damasus bishop of rome in defence of the homoöusian creed , returned again to their old heresie . ibid. chap. . concerning what hapned at that time at antioch , upon paulinus's and melitius's account . ibid. chap. . that gregorius of nazianzum was by a general suffrage of the orthodox constituted bishop of the constantinopolitan church ; at which time the emperour theodosius ( after his victory over the barbarians , ) fell sick at thessalonica , and was baptized by ascholius the bishop . ibid. chap. . that when gregorius was come to constantinople , and some bishops murmured at his translation ; he refused the presidency over the church . and the emperour orders demophilus the arian bishop , either to give his assent to the homoöusian faith , or else to go out of the city ; which latter he chose rather to do . page ● chap. . concerning the hundred and fifty bishops convened at constantinople , and concerning the determinations made by them , after they had ordained nectarius in that city . ibid. chap. . that the emperour theodosius ordered the body of paulus bishop of constantinople to be honourably translated from the place of his exile . at which time also meletius bishop of antioch departed this life . page chap. . that the emperour ordered a synod of all the sects to be convened , at which time areadius his son was proclaimed augustus ; and that the novatians ( who as to their faith embraced the same sentiments with the homoöusians ) were the only persons that had permission to hold their assemblies within the city . but the other hereticks were forced from thence . ibid. chap. . concerning maximus the tyrant , how he slew gratianus by treachery : at which time also justina the mother of valentinianus junior , desisted , though unwillingly , from her design against ambrosius bishop of millain , for fear of maximus . page chap. . that the emperour theodosius having provided a numerous army against maximus , ( at which time flaccilla bore him his son honorius , ) left arcadius at constantinople : but went himself to millain , where he came to an engagement with the tyrant . page chap. . concerning the disturbance raised at constantinople by the arians . ibid. chap. . concerning the emperour theodosius's victory , and the tyrant's overthrow . page chap. . concerning flavianus of antioch . ibid. chap. . concerning the demolishment of the idol temples at alexandria ; and concerning the fight betwixt the pagans and christians , which hapned on that account . page chap. . concerning the hieroglyphical letters found in the temple of serapis . ibid. chap. . that the emperour theodosius , during his stay in rome , did a great deal of good to that city , both by demolishing those receptacles for thieves in the bake-houses , and also by prohibiting the obscene use of bells in the stews . page chap. . concerning the penitentiary presbyters , how these officers in the church were at that time put down . page chap. . that there were at that time many schisms amongst the arians , and other hereticks . page chap. . that the novatians also disagreed amongst themselves . ibid. chap. . this historian's sentiment concerning the disagreements which appear in some places , in relation to the feast of easter , baptisms , fasts , marriages , the order of celebrating the eucharist , and other ecclesiastical rites and observances . page chap. . concerning the arians at constantinople , who were also termed the psathyriani . page chap. . that the eunomians also raised factions amongst themselves , which had various denominations given them , derived from the names of their first founders . ibid. chap. . concerning eugenius's tyranny , and the death of valentinianus junior ; also , concerning the emperour theodosius's victory over the tyrant . page chap. . how the emperour falling ill after his victory , sent for his son honorius to millain ; and thinking himself somewhat recovered from his distemper , he ordered that cirque-sports should be exhibited , on which very day he died . page book vi. the preface . pag. chap. . that after the death of the emperour theodosius , when his sons had divided the empire between them , and arcadius had met the army returning from italy , after some short stay there ; rufinus the praefectus praetorio was killed ▪ by the souldiers at the emperours feet . page chap. . concerning nectarius's death , and the ordination of johannes . ibid. chap. . concerning the descent and education of johannes bishop of constantinople . page chap. . concerning serapion the deacon , and how by his instigation johannes became offended with , and an enemy to his clergy . page chap. . that johannes differed not only with the clergy , but with the magistracy also . and concerning eutropius the eunuch . page chap. . concerning the tyranny of gaïna the goth , and the disturbance he raised at constantinople ; and concerning his death . ibid. chap. . concerning the dissention which hapned between theophilus bishop of alexandria , and the monasticks in the solitude . and how theophilus anathematized origen's books . page chap. . concerning the prayers of the nocturnal hymns sung by the arians and homoöusians ; and concerning the ingagement which hapned between them : and that the singing of hymns in parts , wherein one sang one verse , another another , had its original from ignatius theophorus . page chap. . concerning those termed the long monks , and how theophilus having conceived an implacable ▪ hatred against johannes upon their account , made it his business to get him deposed from his bishoprick . page chap. . that epiphanius bishop of cyprus being also led away by theophilus's frauds , convened a synod of bishops in cyprus , to determine against origen's writings , and reproved johannes for reading origen's books . page chap. . concerning the two syrian bishops severianus and antiochus , how , and for what reasons they disagreed with johannes . ibid. chap. . that epiphanius coming to constantinople , held assemblies , and performed ordinations contrary to johannes's mind ; that he might gratifie theophilus . page chap. . what this writer can say in defence of origen . page chap. . how johannes ( having invited epiphanius to come to his palace , and he rufusing , and continuing his holding of separate assemblies in the church of the apostles , admonished and reproved him , because he did many things contrary to the canons . whereat epiphanius was terrified , and returned into his own country . ibid. chap. . how after epiphanius's departure , johannes made an oration against ▪ women , and upon that account ( by the care of the emperour and empress ) a synod was convened against him at chalcedon , and he is ejected out of his church . page chap. . that the people being tumultuous because of johannes's banishment , briso the empress's eunuch , was sent to bring him back again to constantinople . pag. chap. . that upon theophilus's desiring to discuss heraclides's case then absent , and johannes's refusing to permit him ; an engagement hapned between the constantinopolitans and alexandrians , wherein many were slain ( on both sides . ) at which theophilus and some other of the bishops were terrified , and ●led from the city . ibid. chap. . concerning eudoxia's silver statue , and how johannes was ejected out of his church again on account of that , and conveyed into banishment . page chap. concerning arsacius , who was ordained johannes's successour , and concerning cyrinus ( bishop ) of chalcedon . page chap. . how , after arsacius atticus obtained the constantinopolitan see. page chap. . concerning johannes's departure to the lord in exile . ibid. chap. . concerning sisinnius bishop of the novatianists , what expressions he is said to have used in his discourses with johannes . ibid. chap. . concerning the death of the emperour arcadius . page book . vii . chap. . that after the emperour arcadius's death , ( who left his son theodosius , then eight years old ; ) anthemius the praefect had the chief management of affaires in the empire . pag. chap. . concerning atticus bishop of constantinople , what manner of person he was as to his temper and disposition . page chap. . concerning theodosius and agapetus bishops of synnada . ibid. chap. . concerning the paralyticall jew , who was cured by atticus the bishop in divine baptism . page chap. . how sabbatius , from being a jew had been made a presbyter of the novatianists , deserted those of his own opinion . ibid. chap. . concerning those who at that time were the ring-leaders of the arian opinion . page chap. . how cyrillus succeeded theophilus bishop of alexandria . ibid. chap. . concerning maruthas bishop of mesopotamia , and how the christian religion was by him propagated in persia. ibid. chap. . who were bishops of antioch and rome at this time . page chap. . that rome became subject to the barbarians at that time , and was destroyed by alarichus . ibid. chap. . concerning the bishops of rome . page chap. . concerning chrysanthus bishop of the novatianists at constantinople . ibid. chap. . concerning the fight which hapned at alexandria between the christians and jews , and concerning cyrillus the bishop's difference with orestes the praefect . ibid. chap. . that the monks of nitria came down to alexandria in defence of cyrillus , and raised a sedition against orestes the praefect . page chap. . concerning hypatia the philosopheress . page chap. . that the jews entring upon another war against the christians , were punished . page chap. . concerning paulus bishop of the novatianists , and concerning the miracle done by him , when he was about to have baptized a jewish impostour . ibid. chap. . how , after the death of isdigerdes the persian king , the league between the romans and persians was broken ; and a bloudy war hapned , wherein the persians were worsted . ib●d . chap. . concerning palladius the courier . pag. chap. . how the persians had another severe overthrow given them by the romans . page chap. . after what manner acacius bishop of amida , behaved himself toward the persian captives . ibid. chap. . concerning the excellencies , wherewith the emperour theodosius junior was endowed . page chap. . concer●ing johannes , who tyrannized at rome , after honorius the emperour's death . and how god mollified , by theodosius's prayers , delivered him into the hands of the roman army . page chap. . that , after the slaughter of johannes the tyrant , theodosius the emperour proclaimed valentinianus ( the son of constantius , and of his aunt placidia , ) emperour of rome . page chap. . concerning atticus's government of the churches ; and that he ordered johannes's name to be written into the dypticks of the church ; and that he foreknew his own death . ibid. chap. . concerning sisinnius , atticus's successour in the constantinopolitane bishoprick . page chap. . concerning philippus the presbyter , who was born at side . page chap. . that sisindius ordained proclus bishop of cyzicum : but the inhabitants of that city would not admit him to be their bishop . ibid. chap. . that after si●innius's death , ( the emperours ) sent for nestorius from antioch , and made him bishop of constantinople ; who quickly discovered his own temper and disposition . ibid. chap. . after what manner the burgundions embraced the christian religion , in the reign of theodosius junior . page chap. . with what miseri●s the macedonians were afflicted by nestorius . ibid. chap. . concerning the presbyter anastasius , by whom nestorius was perverted to impiety . page chap. . concerning the horrid wickedness committed upon the altar of the great church by the ●ugiti●e servants . pag. chap. . concerning the former synod at ephesus convened against nestorius . ibid. chap. . how , after nestorius's deposition ▪ when some were desirous of placing proclus in the episcopal chair , other bishops elected maximianus bishop of constantinople . page chap. . instances , whereby this writer does ( as he supposes ) evince , that a translation from one see to another is not prohibited . ibid. chap. . concerning silvanus , who was translated from philippopolis to troas . page chap. . concerning the jews in creet , how , many of them turned christians at that time . page chap. . concerning the fire which hapned in the church of the novatianists . ibid. chap. . that proclus succeeded maximianus the bishop . page chap. . concerning proclus the bishop what manner of man he was . ibid. chap. . that this writer spends many words in praise of the emperour theodosius junior's probity . page chap. . how great calamities those barbarians underwent , who had been the tyrant johannes's auxiliaries . ibid. chap. . that the emperour valentinianus junior married eudoxia the daughter of theodosius . ibid. chap. . that proclus the bishop perswaded the emperour to translate the body of johannes from the place of his exile ( where it had been buried , ) to constantinople , and to deposite it in the church of the apostles . page chap. . concerning the death of paulus bishop of the novatianists , and concerning marcianus who was his successour . ibid. chap. . that the emperour theodosius sent his wife eudoxia to jerusalem . page chap. . concerning thalassius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . ibid. the contents of the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis in vi. books . book i. the preface . pag. chap. . that after the destruction of the impious julian , when the heresie● had been a little quieted , the devil afterwards disturbed the faith again . ibid. chap. . how nestorius was detected by his disciple anastasius , who in his sermon , termed the holy mother of god , not theotocos but christotocos : for which reason nestorius was pronounced an heretick . page chap. . what cyrillus the great wrote to nestorius , and how the third synod at ephesus was convened , to which johannes bishop of antioch and theodoret came late . page chap. . how nestorius was deposed by the synod , before the arrival of the bishop of antioch . page chap. . that johannes bishop of antioch , coming to ephesus , after five days , deposes cyrillus bishop of alexandria , and memnon bishop of ephesus ; whom the synod pronounced innocent soon after , and deposed johannes and his party . and how by the interposition of the emperour ▪ theodosius , cyrillus and johannes were reconciled ▪ and confirmed nestorius's deposition . ibid. chap. . concerning paulus bishop of emisa's journey to alexandria , and cyrillu's commendation of johannes on account of his letter . page chap. . what the impious nestorius writes concerning his own sufferings ; and how , his tongue having at last been eaten out with worms , he ended his life at oasis . ibid. chap. . how , after nestorius , maximianus , and after him proclus , then flavianus , were made bishops of constantinople . page chap. . concerning the unfortunate eutyches , and how he was deposed by flavianus bishop of constantinople , and concerning the second ▪ to wit , that theevish synod at ephesus . ibid. chap. . what was transacted by dioscorus and chrysaphius at the absurd synod at ephesus . ibid. chap. . this wzitors apology i● defence of the variety of opinions amongst u●christians , and his derision of the pagan trifles . page chap. . in what manner the emperour theodosius prosecuted and expelled the herefie of nestorius . page chap. . concerning saint symeon the stylite . ibid. chap. . concerning the s●●● which appears frequently in the piazza about the pillar of saint symeon , which this writer and others have seen : and concerning the same saint's head. page chap. . concerning saint isidorus peleusiots , and synesius bishop of cyrenae . page chap. . how the divine ignatius , having been removed from rome , was deposited at antioch . ibid. chap. . concerning attila king of the scythae ; and how he destroyed the provinces of the east and west . and concerning the strange earthquake and other dreadfull prodigies which hapned in the world . page chap. . concerning the publick buildings in antioch , and who they were that erected them . page chap. . concerning the several wars , which hapned both in italy , and persia , during the reign of theodosius . ibid. chap. . concerning the empress eudocia , and her daughter eudoxia ; and how eudocia came to antioch , and went to jerusalem . page chap. . that eudocia did many good actions about jerurusalem ; and concerning the different life and conversation of the monks in palestine . page chap. . what structures the empress eudocia built in palestine , and concerning the church of the proto-martyr stephen , within which 〈◊〉 was piously buried : moreover , concerning the death of the emperour theodosius . page book ii. chap. . concerning the emperour marcianus , and what signes preceded , declaring he should be emperour . page chap. . concerning the synod at chalcedon , and what was the occasion of its being convened . page chap. . a description of the great martyr euphemia's church which is in the city chalcedon ▪ and a narrative of the miracles performed therein . page chap. . concerning th●se things which were agitated and established in the synod ; and how dioscorus bishop of alexandria was deposed ; but , theodoret , ibas , and some others were restored . page chap. . concerning the sedition which hapned at alexandria , on account of proterius's ordination ; likewise concerning what hapned at jerusalem . page chap. . concerning the drought which hapned , and the famine and the pestilence : and how in some places the earth in a wonderfull manner brought forth fruits of its own accord . page chap. . concerning the murder of valentimianus , and the taking of rome ; and concerning those other emperours who governed rome after valentinianus's death . ibid. chap. . concerning the death of marcianus ; and the empire of leo. and how the hereticks of alexandria slew proretius , and gave that arch-bishoprick to timotheus aelurus . page chap. . concerning the emperour leo's circular letters . page chap. . concerning those things which the bishops and symeones the stylite wrote in answer to the emperour leo's circular letters . page chap. . concerning the banishment of timotheus aelurus , and the ordination of timotheus salophaciolus ; and concerning gennadius and acacius bishops of constantinople . page chap. . concerning the earthquake which hapned at antioch , three hundred fourty and seven years after that which had hapned in the times of trajane . ibid. chap. . concerning the fire which hapned at constantinople . page chap. . concerning the universal calamities . page chap. . concerning the marriage of zeno and ariadne . ibid. chap. . concerning anthemius emperour of rome , and those emperours who succeeded him . ibid. chap. . concerning the death of leo , and the empire of leo junior , and also concerning zeno his father . page chap. . an epitome of the acts at the synod of chalcedon , set at the end of the second book . page book iii. chap. . concerning zeno's empire , and concerning his life . pag. chap. . concerning the incursions of the barbarians , both in the east , and in the west . ibid. chap. . concerning bafiliscus's tyranny , and zeno's flight page chap. . that basilis●us recalled timotheus aelurus , and , induced thereto by him , sent his circular letters to all places , in order to the abrogating of the chalcedon-synod . ibid. chap. . concerning those persons who consented to basiliscus's circular letters , and rejected the synod of chalcedon . page chap. . that timotheus aelurus recovered the bishoprick of alexandria , and having restored the priviledge of a pa●●iar●hate to the church of ephesus , anathematized the chalcedon synod . page chap. . that the monks having raised a sedition by the perswasion of acacius , basiliscus was put into a fear , and wrote and promulged circular letters contrary to those he had published before . ibid. chap. . concerning zeno's return . page chap. . that after basiliscus's death , the bishops of asia ▪ that they might appease acacins , sent him a penitentiary-libell , craving pardon for their offence in rejecting the synod of chalcedon . ibid. chap. . concerning those who governed the bishoprick of antioch . ibid. chap. . that the emperour zeno took a resolution of persecuting ae●urus : but by reason of his age he had compassion on him and let him alone . and how after aelurus's death , petrus mongus was ordained by the alexandrians . but timotheus , proterius's successour , by the order of the emperour , obtained the chair of the a 〈…〉 page chap. . concerning johannes who obtained the presidency ●ver the alexandrian church after timotheus , and how zeno outed him in regard he had forsworn himself , and restored the chair of alexandria to petrus mo●gus . ibid. chap. . that petrus mongus embraced zeno ▪ ● heno●●con , and joyned himself to the p●o●●●ians . page chap. . zeno's h●no●i●on . ibid. chap. . th●● johannes bishop of alexandria coming to rome , perswades simplicius to write to zeno concerning what had hapned ; and what zeno wrote back in answer to him . pag. chap. . concerning calendion bishop of antioch , and that he was condemned to be banished on account of the friendship he was suspected to have held with illus and leontius ; also , that petrus fullo entred into an union with mongus , and with the bishops of constantinople and jerusalem . ibid. chap. . concerning those things written by petrus to acacius who had embraced the chalcedon-synod . page chap. . in what manner johannes bishop of alexandria perswades felix pope of rome , to send a deposition to acacius , bishop of constantinople . page chap. . concerning cyrillus governour of the monastery of the acoemeti , how he sent some persons to felix at rome , inciting him to revenge what had been committed against the faith. ibid. chap. . concerning what felix wrote to zeno , and zeno to felix . page chap. . that symeones a monk belonging to the monastery of the acoemeti went to rome , and accused those bishops sent from the romans to constantinople as having held communion with hereticks ; and , that these legates , and those persons who held communion with petrus , were deposed by the romans . ibid. chap. . concerning the disturbances at alexandria , and in several other places , on account of the synod at chalcedon . page chap. . concerning fravita and euphemius bishops of constantinople ; and concerning athanasius and johannes bishop of alexandria ; also concerning palladius and flavianus prelates of antioch ; and concerning some other persons . ibid. chap. . concerning the slaughter of armatus , who was kinsman to the empress verina . page chap. . concerning the rebellion of theodoricus the scythian ; and concerning the same person's death . page chap. . concerning marcianus's insurrection , and what hapned in relation to him . ibid. chap. . concerning the tyranny of illus and leontius . page chap. . concerning mammianus , and the structures built by him . ibid. chap. . concerning zeno's death , and the proclaiming anastasius emperour . ibid. chap. . concerning the emperour anastasius ; and how , because he would not innovate any thing in relation to the ecclesiastick constitution , the churches over the whole world were filled with infinite disturbances : and many of the bishops for that reason were ejected . page chap. . the letter of the monks of palestine to alcison concerning xenaias and some other ▪ persons . ibid. chap. . concerning the expulsion of macedonius bishop of constantinople , and of flavianus bishop of antioch . page chap. . concerning severus bishop of antioch . ibid. chap. . concerning the libell of deposition sent to the same severus by cosmas and severianus . page chap. . concerning the destruction of the isaurian tyrants . ibid. chap. . concerning the saracens , that they made a peace with the romans . page chap. . concerning the siege of amida , and the building of the city daras . ibid. chap. . concerning the long wall. ibid. chap. . concerning that tax termed the chrysargyrum , and how anastasius abolished it . ibid. chap. . concerning what zosimus , hath written in relation to the chrysargyrum , and about the emperour constantine . page chap. . an invective against zosimus , on account of the reproaches and calumnies he has cast upon constantine and the christians . ibid. chap. . concerning the chryso elia . page chap. . concerning the tyranny of vitalianus . page chap. . that anastasius being desirous to add these words , who hast been crucified on our account , to the hymn termed the trisagium , a sedition and disturbance hapned amongst the people . which anastasius fearing , made use of dissimulation , and soon altered the minds of the people . and concerning the death of anastasius . page book iv. chap. . concerning the empire of justinus senior . pag. chap. . concerning the eunuch amantius , and theocritus ; and in what manner justinus put these persons to death . ibid. chap. . in what manner justinus slew vitalianus by treachery . ibid. chap. . how justinus having ejected severus , put paulus into his place : and , that some little time after , euphrasius obtained the see of antioch . page chap. . concerning the fires which hapned at antioch , and the earth-quakes ; wherein euphrasius was buried , and ended his life . page chap. . concerning ephraemius who succeeded euphrasius . ibid. chap. . concerning zosimas and johannes who were workers of miracles . page chap. . concerning the universal calamities . page chap. . how justinus whilst he was yet living took justinianus to be his colleague in the empire . ibid. chap. . that justinianus favoured those who embraced the chalcedon synod . but his wife theodora was a lover of the contrary party . ibid. chap. . how severus perverted anthimus bishop of constantinople , and theodosius bishop of alexandria : which prelates the emperour ejected , and put others into their sees . page chap. . out of the history of procopius caesariensis , concerning cavades king of the persians , and his son chosroes . page chap. . concerning alamundarus and azarethus ; and concerning that sedition at constantinople , which had the name nica given it . ibid. chap. . concerning hunericus king of the vandals , and concerning those christians whose tongues ▪ were cut out by him . ibid. chap. . concerning cabaones the moor. page chap. . concerning belisarius's expedition against the vandals , and their totall overthrow . ibid. chap. . concerning the spoyles which were brought out of africa . page chap. . concerning those phoenicians who fled from the face of jesus the son of nave . ibid. chap. . concerning theodoricus the goth and what hapned at rome under him till the times of justinian , and , that rome was again reduced to a subjection to the romans after vitiges had fled out of that city . page chap. . how those people termed the eruli turned christians in the times of justinian . ibid. chap. . that belisarius recovered the city rome , which had been again taken by the goths ibid. chap. . that the abasgi turned christians also in those times . pag. chap. . that the inhabitants of tanais also at that time embraced the christian religion ; and concerning the earthquakes which hapned in greece and achaia . page chap. . concerning narses a master of the milice , and his piety . ibid. chap. . that chosroes , stimulated with envy at the prosperous successes of justinian , broke out into a war against the romans , and ruined many roman cities , amongst which he destroyed antioch the great also . ibid. chap. . concerning the miracle of the pretious and vivifick wood of the cross , which hapned at apamia . page chap. . concerning chosroes's expedition against edessa . ibid. chap. . concerning the miracle which was performed at sergiopolis . page chap. . concerning the pestilential distemper . page chap. . concerning justinian's insatiable avarice . page chap. . concerning the great church of saint sophia , and that of the holy apostles . ibid. chap. . concerning the emperour justinian's madness rather then kindness shown towards the faction of the venetiani . page chap. . concerning barsanuphius the asceta . page chap. . concerning the monk symeon , who for christ's sake feigned himself a fool. ibid. chap. . concerning the monk thomas , who in like manner feigned himself a fool. page chap. . concerning the patriarch menas , and concerning the miracle which hapned then to the boy of a certain hebrew . ibid. chap. . who were bishops of the greater cities at that time . page chap. . concerning the fifth holy oecumenicall synod , and on what account it was convened . ibid. chap. . that justinian having forsaken the right faith , asserted the body of our lord to be incorruptible . page chap. . concerning anastasius ▪ arch-bishop of antioch . page chap. . concerning the death of justinian . ibid. book v. chap. . concerning the election of the emperour justinus , and concerning his morals . pag. chap. . concerning the murder of justinus kinsman to the emperour justinus . page chap. . concerning those miscreants addaeus and aetherius . ibid. chap. . concerning the edict of our faith , which justinus wrote to the christians in all places . page chap. . concerning the ejection of anastasius bishop of theopolis . page chap. . that , after anastasius , gregorius was made bishop , and concerning his deposition . page chap. . how those termed the persarmenii surrendred themselves to the romans : on which account a war broke out between the romans and persians . page chap. . concerning marcianus the magister militum , and concerning the siege of nisibis . ibid. chap. . how chosroes ( after he had sent his general adaarmanes against the romans , who afflicted them with many and those severe losses ; ) went himself in person to nisibis . page chap. . concerning the taking of apamia and daras . ibid. chap. . that the emperour justinus was seized with a frensie : but tiberius took the care of the republick . page chap. . that trajanus having been sent embassadour to chosroes , repaired the affairs of the romans . ibid. chap. . concerning the election of tiberius to the empire , and concerning his deposition . page chap. . that the emperour tiberius raised a vast army to be imployed against chosroes ; at the head whereof he sent justinianus the dux , and drove chosroes out of the roman pale . page chap. . that chosroes being heavily disquieted at his own overthrow , ended his life : but his son hormisda undertook the government of the persians . page chap. . who at that time were bishops of the greater churches . ibid. chap. . concerning the earthquake which hapned at antioch in the times of tiberius . ibid. chap. . concerning the insurrection against the execrable anatolius . page chap. . concerning mauricius's generalship , and concerning his vertues . page chap. . how mauricius vanquished tamchosroes and adaarmanes generals of the persians . page chap. . concerning those signes which presignified mauritius's being made emperour . ibid. chap. . concerning the proclaiming of mauricius and augusta . ibid. chap. . a computation of the times from justinus junior ▪ to mauricius . page chap. . concerning the series of history , which is preserved till our times . ibid. book vi. chap. . concerning the marriage of mauricius and augusta . pag. chap. . concerning alamundarus the saracen , and his son naamanes . page chap. . concerning johannes and philippicus , master of the milice , and the actions done by them . ibid. chap. . concerning priscus's mastership of the milice , and what he suffered from the army who raised a mu●iny against him . ibid. chap. . concerning germanus's being forced against his will to undertake the imperial dignity . ibid. chap. . how the emperour sent philippicus again , but the army refused to receive him . page chap. . concerning gregorius bishop of antioch , and the calumny framed against him ; and in what manner he evinced it to be false . ibid. chap. . that antioch suffered again by earthquakes . page chap. . that the barbarians taking courage from the defection of the army from the emperour , set upon them , and were worsted by germanus . page chap. . concerning the emperour's clemency towards the mutineers . ibid. chap. . that gregorius bishop of antioch was sent to pacifie the army . ibid. chap. . gregorius's speech to the army . page chap. . that , after gregorius's speech , the souldiers changed their minds , and received their general philippicus again . page chap. . concerning the taking of martyroplis . ibid. chap. . concerning comentiolus's mastership of the milice , and the taking the castle ocbas . page chap. . concerning the murder of hormisda . ibid. chap. . concerning the flight of chosroes junior to us . ibid. chap. . how the emperour sent gregorius and dometianus to meet chosroes . page chap. . that chosroes recovered the empire of the persians , by that assistance given him by the romans . pag. chap. . that the holy mother golanduch lived in those times . ibid. chap. . concerning those sacred presents , which chosroes sent to the holy martyr sergius . ibid. chap. . concerning naamanes the saracen . page chap. . concerning the death of saint symeon junior the stylite . page chap. . concerning the death of gregorius bishop of antioch , and the restauration of anastasius . ibid. the contents of eusebius pamphilus's four books concerning the life of the blessed emperour constantine . book i. the preface , concerning the death of constantine . pag. chap. . the preface yet . page chap. . concerning god who honoured the pious emperours and destroyed the tyrants . ibid. chap. . that god honoured constantine . page chap. . that he reigned upwards of thirty years , and lived above sixty . ibid. chap. . that he was the servant of god , and a vanquisher of nations . page chap. . constantine compared with cyrus king of the persians , and with alexander the macedonian . ibid. chap. . that he subdued almost the whole world . ibid. chap. . that he was the son of a pious emperour , and left his empire to his sons who were emperours . page chap. . that this history is necessary , and advantagious to the souls and minds of men . ibid. chap. . that he will at present relate only the pious actions of constantine . ibid. chap. . that constantine like moses , was educated in the houses of tyrants . page . chap. . concerning his father constantius , who refused to persecute the christians , in such manner as diocletianus , maximianus , and maxentius did . page chap. . how constantius father to constantine , being reproacht with poverty by diocletian , filled his treasuries , and afterwards restored the money to the owners thereof who had brought it in . ibid. chap. . concerning the persecution raised by the other emperours . page chap. . how constantius father to constantine , pretending himself a worshipper of idols , turned out those who were willing to offer sacrifice ; but retained within his own palace such as chose to profess themselves christians . ibid. chap. . concerning the same constantius's love and affection towards christ. ibid. chap. . that after the resignation of diocletian and maximian , constantius was the first augustus , and was adorned with a numerous issue . page chap. . concerning his son constantine , who when a young man came into palestine together with diocletian . ibid. chap. . the departure of constantine to his father , because of diocletian's treacherous designs against him . page chap. . the death of constantius , who left his son constantine emperour . ibid. chap. . how after the death of constantius , the army saluted constantine augustus . ibid. chap. . a brief rehearsal of the death of the tyrants . pag. chap. . that constantine obtained the empire by the will of god. ibid. chap. . the victories of constantine over the barbarians and britanni . ibid. chap. . how he took a resolution of freeing rome from the tyr anny of maxentius . ibid. chap. . that constantine weighing in his mind the deaths of those who had worshipped idols , chose rather the profession of christianity . ibid. chap. . that whilst he was praying to god , he shewed him a vision ; to wit , a cross of light in the heavens , ( it being then mid-day ) and an inscription thereon , which admonished him , that by that he should conquer . page chap. . that god's christ appeared to him in his sleep , and ordered him to make use of a standard made in the form of a cross , in his wars . page chap. . the making of that standard framed in the fashion of a cross. ibid. chap. . a description of the standard made in fashion of a cross , which the romans do now term the labarum . ibid. chap. . that constantine becoming a catechumen , read the sacred scriptures . ibid. chap. . concerning the adulteries committed by maxentius at rome . page chap. . how the praefect's wife , that she might preserve her chastity , laid violent hands on her self . ibid. chap. . the slaughter of the people of rome by maxentius . ibid. chap. . maxentius's magick arts against constantine ; and the scarcity of provisions at rome . page chap. . the overthrow of maxentius's armies in italy . ibid. chap. . maxentius's death on the bridge of the river ▪ tiber. ibid. chap. . constantine's entry into rome . page chap. . concerning the statue of constantine which held a cross ; and concerning its inscription . ibid. chap. . the rejoycing over the provinces , and constantine's acts of grace . ibid. chap. . the honours conferred on the bishops , and the building of the churches . ibid. chap. . concerning constantine's beneficence towards the poor . page chap. . how he was present as the synods of bishops . ibid. chap. . in what manner he bore with the mad-men . ibid. chap. . his victories over the barbarians . page chap. . the death of maximin and others , whose plots constantine discovered , god making them known to him . ibid. chap. . the celebration of constantine's decennalia . ibid. chap. . in what manner licinius afflicted the east . page chap. . in what manner licinius attempted to frame treacheries against constantine . ibid. chap. . licinius's treacheries against the bishops , and his prohibitions of synods . ibid. chap. . the banishments and proscriptions of the christians . ibid. chap. . licinius's edict , that women should not meet in the churches together with the men . page chap. . that he cashiered from the militia those who refused to sacrifice ; and forbad , that such as were shut up in prisons should have any nourishment given them . ibid. chap. . concerning licinius's improbity and avarice . ibid. chap. . that at length he undertook the raising a persecution against the christians . page chap. . that maximianus having been afflicted with a fistulous ulcer that bred worms , wrote a law in favour of the christians . ibid. chap. . that maximinus being a persecutour of the christians , fled away in a servile habit and hid himself . ibid. chap. . that maximine , blinded by the acuteness of his disease , issued out a law in favour of the christians . page book . ii. chap. . licinius's clandestine persecution , and his murder of the bishops at amasia a city of pontus . pag. chap. . the demolishments of the churches , and butcheries of the bishops . ibid. chap. . in what manner constantine was moved in behalf of the christians , when licinius made preparations to persecute them . page chap. . that constantine made provision for the war with prayers ; but licinius , with divinations and prophesies . ibid. chap. . what licinius spake concerning idols and concerning christ , whilst he was sacrificing in a grove . page chap. . the apparition seen in the cities under licinius's government , of constantine's souldiers pursuing the forces of licinius . ibid. chap. . that in the battels , whereever the standard , made in the form of a cross , was , there a victory was obtained . page chap. . that fifty persons were made choice of to carry the cross. ibid. chap. . that one of the cross-bearers who fled , was killed ; but he that by faith stood his ground , was preferved . ibid. chap. . various fights , and the victories of constantine . page chap. . licinius's flight , and inchantments . ibid. chap. . in what manner constantine , praying in a tabernacle , obtained the victory . ibid. chap. . his humanity towards the souldiers that were taken prisoners . ibid. chap. . again concerning his prayers in the tabernacle . page ● chap. . licinius's dissembled friendship , and his worship of idols . ibid. chap. . in what manner licinius commanded his souldiers , not to make an attack against the standard of the cross. ibid. chap. . constantine's victory . ibid. chap. . licinius's death , and the triumphs celebrated over him . page chap. . the publick rejoycings and festivities . ibid. chap. . how constantine made laws in favour of the confessours . ibid. chap. . how he made laws concerning the martyrs and concerning the estates of the churches . page chap. . in what manner he refreshed and cherish't the people also . ibid. chap. . that he publickly proclaimed god the authour of good ; and concerning the copies of his laws . ibid. chap. . constantine's law concerning piety towards god , and concerning the christian reliligion . page chap. . an example from ancient times . ibid. chap. . concerning the persecuted , and the persecutours . ibid. chap. . that persecution hath been the occasion of mischief to those who waged war. page chap. . that god chose constantine to be the minister of blessings . ibid. chap. . constantine's pious expressions towards god ; and his praise of the confessours . ibid. chap. . a law setting men free from banishment , from the curia , and from proscription of goods . page chap. . those in islands likewise . ibid. chap. . also , those who have been condemned to the mines and publick works . ibid. chap. . concerning the confessours who have been employed in the militia . page chap. . the setting at liberty those free persons in the gynaecea , or them delivered over to slavery . ibid. chap. . concerning the succession in inheriting the goods of martyrs and confessours , and of such persons as had been banished , and of them whose goods had been brought into the treasury . ibid. chap. . that the church is to be heir to those who have no relations ; and that the legacies given by them shall remain firm . page chap. . that those who possess such places , and gardens , and houses , shall restore them ; but without the mean-profits . ibid. chap. . in what manner supplicatory libels ought to be presented in reference to these persons ibid. chap. . that the exchequer shall restore to the churches , grounds and gardens , and houses . page chap. . the martyria and coemiteries are ordered to be yielded up to the churches . ibid. chap. . that such as have bought things belonging to the church , or have received them as a gift , must restore them . ibid. chap. . an earnest exhortation to worship god. ibid. chap. . that those things which constantine had established by laws , were by him really accomplished and performed . page chap. . that he preferred christians to the government of provinces , but if any of the governours were pagans , he forbad them to sacrifice . ibid. chap. . concerning the laws forbidding sacrifices , and ordering the churches to be built . ibid. chap. . constantine's letter to eusebius and the rest of the bishops , concerning the building of churches ; and that the old-ones should be repaired , and built larger by the assistance of the presidents . page chap. . that he wrote against idolatry . ibid. chap. . constantine's edict to the provinces , concerning the errour of polytheism . the preface , concerning virtue and vice. page chap. . concerning the pious father of constantine ; and concerning diocletian and maximian the persecutours . ibid. chap. . that by reason of apollo's oracle , who could not give forth responses because of the just men , a persecution was raised . ibid. chap. . that constantine , when he was a youth , heard that the just men were the christians , from him that had written the edicts concerning the persecution . pag. chap. . how may soris of tortures and punishments were made use of against the christians . page chap. . what reception was given to the christians by the barbarians ibid. chap. . what manner of revenge overtook them , who on account of the oracle , raised a persecution . ibid. chap. . constantine's glorification of god , and his confession in reference to the sign of the cross , and his prayer for the churches and people . ibid. chap. . how he prayes , that all persons may be christians ; but forces no body . ibid. chap. . he gives glory to god , who by his son has enlightned those that were in errour . page chap. . another glorification of god , from his government of the world . ibid. chap. . he praises god , in regard he alwaies teaches good things . ibid. chap. . an exhortation at the close of the edict , that no person should give trouble or disturbance to another . ibid. chap. how from the city alexandria controversies were raised on account of arius . page chap. . concerning arius and the melitians . ibid. chap. . how constantine sent a legate with a letter in order to a composure . ibid. chap. . constantine's letter to alexander the bishop and arius the presbyter . page chap. . that he was continually sollicitous about peace . ibid. chap. . in what manner he put a stop to the controversies raised in africk . ibid. chap. . that the beginnings of religion were from the east . ibid. chap. . that being troubled by reason of the disturbance , he advises to an agreement . page chap. . whence the controversie between alexander and arius arose , and that such matters ought not to be enquired into . ibid. chap. . an exhortation to an agreement . page chap. . that a pertinacious contention ought not to have been raised concerning this matter , on account of some light and frivolous expressions . ibid. cha. . that being highly affected with grief in regard of his piety , he was necessitated to shed tears ; and , that on this account , he put off the journey he was about to make into the east . page chap. . that after this letter , the disturbance about the controversies continued . ibid. book . iii. chap. . a comparison of constantine's piety with the improbity of the persecutors . pag. chap. . again concerning the piety of constantine , who made a free and open profession of the cross of christ. page chap. . concerning constantine's picture , over which was placed a cross , and under it a wounded dragon . ibid. chap. . again concerning the controversies raised in egypt by arius . page chap. . concerning the dissention on account of the feast of easter . ibid. chap. . in what manner he gave order , that a synod should be convened at nicaea . ibid. chap. . concerning the oecumenical synod , at which were present bishops out of all provinces . page chap. . that , like as 't is said in the acts of the apostles , they met together out of various nations . ibid. chap. . concerning the virtue and age of the two hundred and fifty bishops . ibid. chap. . the synod was held in the palace , amongst whom constantine went in , and sate together with the bishops . pag. chap. . the silence of the synod , after eusebius the bishop had made a short speech . ibid. chap. . constantine's speech to the synod concerning peace . page chap. . that he reduced those bishops who were at difference , to an agreement . ibid. chap. . the concordant determination of the synod concerning the faith , and concerning easter . page chap. . that constantine entertained the bishops at a feast , it being his vicennalia . ibid. chap. . the gifts bestowed on the bishops , and the letters written to all . page chap. . constantine's letter to the churches , concerning the synod convened at nicaea . ibid. chap. . the same persons words concerning the agreement about the feast of easter , and against the jews . ibid. chap. . an exhortation , that they would rather follow the greatest part of the world . page chap. . an exhortation , that all should give their assent to the decrees of the synod . ibid. chap. . his advice to the bishops now ready to go away , that they would preserve unity . page chap. . in what manner he sent to some , and wrote to others ; and concerning the distributions of money . page chap. . how he wrote to the egyptians , and exhorted them to peace . ibid. chap. . that he frequently wrote pious letters to the bishops and people . ibid. chap. . that he ordered a church to be built at jerusalem , in the holy place of our saviour's resurrection . ibid. chap. . that the impious had covered our lord's sepulchre with rubbish and idols . page chap. . in what manner constantine gave order , that the materials wherewith the idol-temple had been built , and the rubbish should be removed and thrown at a great distance . ibid. chap. . the discovery of the most holy sepulchre . ibid. chap. . in what manner he wrote to the presidents , and to macarius the bishop , concerning the building of a church . page chap. . constantine's letter to macarius , concerning the building of the martyrium of our saviour . ibid. chap. . that he would have this church built so , as to exceed all the churches in the world , for beauty of walls , columns , and marbles . ibid. chap. . that macarius should write to the presidents concerning the beautifying of the concha , and concerning workmen , and materials . page chap. . how the church of our saviour was built , which the prophets had termed new-jerusalem . ibid. chap. . a description of the fabrick of the most holy sepulchre . page chap. . a description of the atrium , and of the porticus's . ibid. chap. . a description of the walls , roof , beauty , and gilding of the church it self . ibid. chap. . a description of the double porticus's on both sides , and of the three eastern gates . ibid. chap. . a description of the hemisphaere , and of the twelve columns with their capitals . page chap. . a description of the area , exhedrae , and porches . ibid. chap. . concerning the number of the donaria . page chap. . concerning the building of the churches at bethlehem ; and on the mount of olives . ibid. chap. . that helena augusta , the mother of constantine , going to bethlehem on account of prayer , built these churches . ibid. chap. . again concerning the church at bethlehem . ibid. chap. . concerning helena's greatness of mind , and beneficence . pag. chap. . in what manner helena was religiously conversant in the churches . ibid. chap. . how , being eighty years old , and having made her will , she ended her life . ibid. chap. . in what manner constantine deposited his mother ; and how he honoured her whilst she was living . page chap. . in what manner he built martyria at constantinople , and abolished all manner of idolatry . ibid. chap. . the sign of the cross in the palace , and the effigies of daniel in the conduits . ibid. chap. . that he built churches at nicomedia also , and in other cities . ibid. chap. that he likewise gave order for the building of a church in the place called mamre . page chap. . constantine's letter to eusebius concerning mamre . ibid. chap. . that our saviour appeared there to abraham . page chap. . the demolishment of the idol-temples and images in all places . page chap. . the demolishment of the idol-temple at aphaca in phoenice , and the disanulling those acts of uncleanness committed there . page chap. . the demolishment of aesculapius's temple at aegae . ibid. chap. . how the heathens having rejected their idols , returned to the knowledge of god. page chap. . that having demolished venus's temple at heliopolis , he was the first who built a church there . ibid. chap. . concerning the disturbance raised at antioch on eustathius's account . page chap. . constantine's letter to the antiochians , that they should not draw away eusebius from caesarea ; but should seek another bishop . page chap. . constantine's letter to eusebius , wherein he commends him for his refusal of the see of antioch . page chap. . constantine's letter to the synod , that eusebius should not be drawn away from caesarea . ibid. chap. . in what manner he endeavoured to destroy heresies . page chap. . constantine's constitution against the hereticks . ibid. chap. . concerning the taking away the meeting-places of hereticks . page chap. . that impious and prohibited books having been found amongst the hereticks , very many of them returned to the catholick church . ibid. book iv. chap. . in what manner he honoured very many persons with gifts and promotions . page chap. . a remission of the fourth part of the census . page chap. . the peraequation of those census's that were too heavy and burthensom . ibid. chap. . that on those who were overthrown in pecuniary causes , he himself bestowed money out of his own income . ibid. chap. . the conquest of the scythae , who were subdued by the standard of our saviour's cross. ibid. chap. . the subduing of the sarmatae , occasioned by the rebellion of the servants against their masters . page chap. . the embassies of several barbarous nations , and the gifts bestowed on them by the emperour . ibid. chap. . that he wrote to the persian emperour ( who had sent an embassie to him , ) in favour of the christians there . pag. chap. . constantinus augustus's letter to sapor king of the persians , wherein he makes a most pious confession of god and christ. ibid. chap. . that he speaks against idols , and concerning the glorification of god. ibid. chap. . against tyrants and persecutors ; and concerning valerian who was taken prisoner . page chap. . that he saw the fall of the persecutors , and does now rejoyce because of the peace of the christians . ibid. chap. . an exhortation , that he should love the christians , who live in his country . ibid. chap. . how , by the earnestness of constantine's prayers , peace was bestowed on the christians . page chap. . that both on his money , and in his pictures , he ordered himself to be stampt and drawn in a praying posture . ibid. chap. . that he issued forth a law , forbidding his own statues to be placed in idol-temples . ibid. chap. . his praying in the palace , and his reading of the divine scriptures . ibid. chap. . that by a law he commanded sunday and fryday to be honoured . ibid. chap. . how he ordered the ethnick-souldiers to pray on sundaies . page chap. . the form of prayer which constantine gave to his souldiers . ibid. chap. . he orders the representation of our saviour's cross to be drawn upon the arms of his souldiers . ibid. chap. . his fervency and earnestness in praying , and his religious observation of the festival of easter . page chap. . how he prohibited the worship of idols ; but honoured the feasts of the martyrs . ibid. chap. . that he affirmed himself to be as 't were a bishop of external affairs . page chap. . concerning his prohibiting of sacrifices , and initiations , and concerning his abolishing the gladiatours , and the heretofore impure priests of the nile . ibid. chap. . the amendment of that law made against the childless , as also the alteration of that law concerning wills and testaments . ibid. chap. . that he made a law , that a christian should not be slave to a jew , and that the decrees of synods should be firm and authentick , and so forth . page chap. . his gifts bestowed on the churches ; and his distributions of money to virgins , and to the poor . ibid. chap. . speeches and discourses written by constantine . page . chap. . that he shewed a certain covetous person the measure of a grave , to the end he might shame him . ibid. chap. . that he was laught at because of his too great clemency . page chap. . concerning constantine's oration , which he wrote to the convention of the saints . ibid. chap. . how he heard eusebius's panegyrick concerning the sepulchre of our saviour , in a standing posture . ibid. chap. . that he wrote to eusebius concerning easter , and about the divine books . ibid. chap. . constantine's letter to eusebius , wherein he commends his oration concerning easter . page chap. . constantine's letter to eusebius , concerning the providing some copies of the divine scriptures . ibid. chap. . in what manner the copies were provided . ibid. chap. . how the mart-town of the gazaei , by reason of its embracing the christian religion , was made a city , and named constantia . pag. chap. . that in phoenice there was a city made , termed constantina ; and in other cities the idols were destroyed , and churches erected . ibid. chap. . that having created his three sons caesars in the three ten years of his reign , he celebrated the dedication of the martyrium at jerusalem . ibid. chap. . that in this interim he ordered a synod to be convened at tyre , because of some controversies started in egypt . ibid. chap. . constantine's letter to the synod at tyre . page chap. . that at the feast of dedication of the church at jerusalem , there were bishops present out of all the provinces . ibid. chap. . concerning their reception by marianus the notary , and concerning the money distributed amongst the poor , and the sacred gifts of the church . page chap. . various discourses of the bishops , in the sacred assemblies ; as also of eusebius himself the authour of this work. ibid. chap. . that he afterwards recited his description of our saviour's martyrium , and his oration upon constantine's tricennalia , before the emperour himself . page chap. . that the synod at nicaea hapned on constantine's vicennalia ; but the dedication of the church at jerusalem was performed on his tricennalia . ibid. chap. . that constantine was displeased with one , who praised him too highly . ibid. chap. . the marriage of constantius caesar , his son. page chap. . the embassie and presents sent from the indians . ibid. chap. . that constantine having parted his empire betwixt his three sons , instructed them in the art of governing , and offices of piety . ibid. chap. . how , when they were arrived at man's estate , he taught them piety . ibid. chap. . that after he had reigned abut two and thirty years , and lived above sixty , he had a body that was sound and healthy . page chap. . concerning those who abused his eximious humanity , to avarice and a pretence of piety . ibid. chap. . how constantine wrote orations to the very last day of his life . page chap. . how , making an expedition against the persians , he took the bishops along with him , and provided a tent made in form of a church . ibid. chap. . that having received the embassie of the persians , he watcht all night , together with others , on the feast of easter ▪ ibid. chap. . concerning the building of that termed the martyrium of the apostles , at constantinople . page chap. . a further description of the same martyrium . ibid. chap. . that in this church also , he built himself a sepulchre . ibid. chap. . the emperour's indisposition of body at helenopolis , and his prayers . also , concerning his baptism . page chap. . constantine's request to the bishops , that they confer baptism upon him . page chap. . in what manner he praised god , after he had received baptism . page chap. . the death of constantine on the festival of pentecost , about noon . ibid. chap. . the lamentations of the milice , and tribunes . page chap. . that his body was carried from nicomedia to constantinople , into the palace . ibid. chap. . that even after his death , he was honoured by the comites and the rest , in the same manner as when he was alive . ibid. chap. . in what manner the army resolved , that his sons should be forthwith proclaimed augusti . page chap. . the mourning a● rome for constantine , and the honour done him by pictures after his death . ibid. chap. . that his body was deposited at constantinople , by his son constantius . ibid. chap. . the performance of the solemn prayers in that termed the martyrium of the apostles , at the funeral of constantine . ibid. chap. . concerning the bird termed the phoenix . page chap. . in what manner they stampt constantine on coyns , ascending up into heaven as ▪ t were . ibid. chap. . that whereas god had been honoured by him , he was on the other hand deservedly honoured by god. ibid. chap. . that constantine was more pious than any of the foregoing roman emperours . page the contents of the emperour constantine's oration , which he entituled to the convention of the saints . chap. . the preface makes mention of easter ; and that christ , having been several waies beneficial to all men , hath had plots framed against him by those , on whom he has conferred favours . pag. chap. . an address to the church , and to his hearers , that they would pardon and amend his mistakes . page chap. . that god is both the father of the logos , and the framer of the whole creation ; and , that it were impossible for things to consist , if their causes were diverse . page chap. . concerning their errour who worship images . page chap. . that christ the son of god framed all things , and has appointed to every thing the term of its existence . ibid. chap. . concerning fate ; that what is discourst of it , is false ; and this is demonstrated , both from humane laws , and things created ; which are moved , not disorderly , but in a regular manner ; by which order of theirs , they demonstrate the command of the creator . page chap. . that , in things which we can't understand , we ought to glorifie the creator's wisdom ; nor must we suppose ▪ chance , or any thing else , save god , to be the cause of them . pag. chap. . that god does plentifully supply men with those things that are usefull ; but , with such as are for delight , he furnishes them in an indifferent manner only ; bestowing both sorts , so as may be agreeable to their profit and advantage . ibid. chap. . concerning the philosophers , who , because they desired to know all things , erred as to their opinions ; and some of them were exposed to dangers . also , concerning the opinions of plato . page chap. . concerning those men , who do not only reject the dogmata of the sacred scriptures , but them of the philosophers also ; and , that we either ought to give the poets credit in all things , or in nothing . page chap. . concerning our lord's coming in the flesh , what it was , and for what reasons it has hapened . ibid. chap. . concerning those who knew not this mystery ; and , that their ignorance is voluntary ; and , what great blessings await those who know it , and especially them who have died in confession . page chap. . that a difference of the parts of the creation is necessary ; and that a propensity to good and evil , springs from the will of men ; and therefore , that the judgment of god is necessary , and agreeable to reason . page chap. . that a created nature is at a vast distance from an essence which is uncreated : and , that man approaches nearest to god , by a virtuous life . ibid. chap. . what precepts our saviour delivered , and what miracles he wrought ; and how beneficial he hath been to those who own a subjection to him. page chap. . that the coming of christ is foretold by the prophets ; and , that he was appointed for the destruction of idols , and idolatrous cities . page chap. . concerning the wisdom of moses , which was emulated by the wise men amongst the heathens ; also concerning daniel , and the three children . page chap. . concerning sibylla erythraea , who prophesied in an acrostick of verses , manifesting our lord and his passiant . the acrostick is this ; jesus christ , son of god , saviour , cross . page chap. . that this prophesie concerning our saviour , was not forged by any of the christians ; but was written by sibylla erythraea , whose books cicero rendred into latine verse , before the coming of christ. and , that virgil makes mention of this sibyll , as also of a virgin delivered of a child : but he sang of this mystery , obscurely ; out of a fear of those then in power . page chap. . other verses of virgilius maro's concerning christ , and the interpretation of them ; in which 't is shown , but obscurely , as the usage of poets is , that the mystery is disclosed . page chap. . that 't is impossible for these things to be spoken concerning a meer man : and , that unbelievers , by reason of their ignorance of the divine worship , know not even whence they have their being . page chap. . the emperour's thanksgiving , wherein he ascribes his victories , and all his other blessings , to christ ; also a reproof of maximinus the tyrant of those times , who by the severity of his persecution had increased the glory of the christian religion . page chap. . concerning the polity of the christians : and , that the deity rejoyces in those who lead virtuous lives : and , that we ought to expect a judgement , and a retribution . page chap. . concerning decius , valerianus , and aurelianus , who ended their lives miserably , because of their persecution of the church . page chap. . concerning diocletian , who with infamy resigned the empire ; and , by reason of his persecuting the church , was stricken with thunder . ibid. chap. . that god is the cause of the emperour's piety ; and , that we ought to seek prosperous events from god , and to impute them to him ; but must ascribe faults to our own sloth and negligence . page eusebius pamphilus's oration in praise of the emperour constantine , spoken at his tricennalia , is divided into xviii . chapters , without contents . ancient writers were wont , before their books , to set an index [ or , contents ] of the chapters ; to the end , the readers might know , at first sight as 't were , what was treated of in each book . now this was usually done by them two ways . for they either prefixt the contents of all the books together , before their whole work ; as plinius secundus has done in his books of natural history . or else their usage was , to set the contents of the chapters before each book ; as our eusebius has done in his ecclesiastick history . for 't is not to be doubted , but eusebius did himself make these contents or titles of the chapters , and set them before his books of history , as they now occur . we may indeed observe , that in these contents eusebius does always speak of himself in the first person . for instance , after the contents of the chapters of the second book , these words occur ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , note , that this book was collected by us , out of the writings of clemens , tertullian , josephus , and philo. besides , in his seventh book , these are the contents of the last chapter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , concerning those ecclesiastick persons who were famous in our own age , &c. whence it may plainly be gathered , that eusebius the compiler of this history , was the authour of the contents of the chapters , also . besides , rufinus , who rendred the books of ecclesiastick history into latine , about six hundred years after eusebius's death , found the same contents in his greek copy , which now occur in our copies . and this is apparent from rufinus's manuscript copies , one of which , written out above seven hundred years since , i have in my custody . for in them , the contents of the chapters are always set before every book , in the same order wherein they are now placed in our greek manuscript copies . and rufinus calls them capitula . but cassiodorus , in his preface to the tripartite history , terms them righter titulos ; as does likewise s t cyprian , in his exhortation to martyrdom [ written ] to fortunatus . compendium feci , says he , ut propositis titulis , quos quis noscere debeat & tenere ; capitula dominica subnecterem . where you see that tituli are distinguished from capitula . moreover ▪ suidas , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remarks that tituli differ from capitula . for instance , s t matthew [ he says ] contains sixty eight tituli , but three hundred fifty five capitula ; and so concerning the other gospels . capitulum is properly a part of a book , which contains the entire narrative of some one thing . but titulus is an index set above the capitulum ; and sometimes one titulus or title contains many capita or chapters , as may be seen in the pandects of the civil law. the same thing was heretofore visible in s t matthew's gospel , which had more chapters than titles , as suidas does attest . so also in the other gospels . for , that passage which occurs in suidas , namely , that s t mark had fourty eight tituli , and but thirty six capita , is faulty , and instead of thirty six , it must be mended thus , two hundred thirty three , as may be plainly gathered from the canons of the gospels which our eusebius composed . but sometimes each titulus does answer each capitulum , as t is in these books of ecclesiastick history . and in the mazarine and medicaean copies , the titali or contents of each ▪ book are prefixed , together with the numeral notes , or , figures . but in the fuketian manuscript ▪ after the titulus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added , together with the numeral note . but this term never occurs in those excellent copies which i have mentioned . yea , instead thereof , i found the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placed in the beginning of the fourth book , over the very contents of the chapters ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , the contents of the fourth book . vales. the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus , in ten books . made english from that edition set forth by valesius and printed at paris in the year . together with valesius's annotations on the said historian ; which are done into english , and set at their proper places in the margin . hereto also is annexed an account of the life and writings of the foresaid historian , collected by valesius , and rendred into english . hinc lucem et pucula sacra . printer's or publisher's device cambridge , printed by john hayes , printer to the university . . valesius's preface , to his edition of eusebius's history . having performed the office of a solemn a dedication , 't is now time , most illustrious prelates ! that i should give you a particular account of my work. for , whereas this labour was undertaken by me , on your account chiefly , and by your command ; i do both wish , and also hope , that before all others , you will be the readers and judges of my work. there are three things therefore , which i have endeavoured to perform in this edition . the first is , an amendment of the greek text : the second , a latine version of it . the third is , an explanation of the obscurer places . as touching the latine version , after three translatours of eusebius's history , i have made a fourth . but no person before us , had attempted an amendment and explanation of the eusebian work. but , that i may speak more distinctly concerning each particular in its place and order , i will begin first from the emendation . whoever attempt a new edition of old writers , those persons must of necessity begin their labour from an emendation . so origen , after he had undertaken a new edition of the seventy interpreters , and had found many passages in them that were doubtfull and disagreeable by reason of the diversitie of copies , in the first place laboured in an emendation of them . and having compared the copies of the seventy seniors , partly with the hebrew text , partly with three other editions , namely aquila's , theodotion's , and symmachus's ; he took out all those errours which had crept into the edition of the seventy seniors . for this he himself intimates , in his eighth tractate on s t matthew , in these words . b in exemplaribus quidem veteris testamenti , quaecunque fuerunt inconsonantia , deo praestante coaptare potuimus ; utentes judicio caeterarum editionum . ea enim quae videbantur apud septuaginta dubia esse propter consonantiam exemplariorum , facientes judicium ex editionibus reliquis , convenientia servavimus . indeed , in the copies of the old testament , whatever [ passages ] were disagreeable , by god's assistance we have been able to make ●it ; using the judgment of the rest of the editions . for those [ passages ] which seemed in the seventy to be doubtful by reason of the agreement of copies , making a judgment from the other editions , we have preserved agreeable . origen's example was afterwards followed by s t jerome , who bestowed a new edition of the seventy translatours mended by himself , and distinguished by asterisks and obelisks , on the men of his own language , as he himself attests in several places . and that i may speak also concerning profane writers , crates and aristarchus , grammarians , who set forth most accurate editions of homer's poem , have done nothing else in a manner , but mended and distinguished that work. in like manner therefore , when i had resolved to publish a new edition of the eusebian history , i used my utmost industry and diligence in its emendation . two editions onely of eusebius's history have hitherto come forth in greek . the one is the paris-edition , which robert stephens ▪ printed ; a person who on this very account has deserved highly of learning , because he was the first that published the body of ecclesiastick history in a most excellent letter . the other is the geneva-edition . but this has in the greek text every where exprest that edition of robert stephens : save onely , that it has various readings and emendations set at the margin , [ taken ] out of the copies of learned men ; and , that out of those copies it has supplied some imperfections which occur in the books concerning the life of constantine . therefore , my pains was to be bestowed upon that one edition onely of robert stephens . which , with as much diligence as i could , i have compared with four manuscript copies of the best note , and have restored it in many places . two of these four copies , the king's library furnisht us with . the former bears the arms of francis the first ; written on silken paper , about four hundred years since ; and it does sometimes exhibit singular readings , and very different from the other copies . this is that , which in my notes i have named the king's copy . the other is out of the medic●an library , which being now removed into the king's , is called by one and the same name of the king's library . this , to distinguish it from that former copy , is in our notes termed the medicaean copy . which , though it be something less ancient , is nevertheless transcribed from an excellent copy , and by a learned hand . robert stephens had made use of both these copies , in his edition of the eusebian history . and in his printing of the text it self , he has almost every where followed the king's copy , and very seldom departs from its footsteps , as i have remark'd in my notes . but in the distinction of the chapters , he has exprest the medicaean copy , wherein the contents are set before each chapter , and are written in red-letters , there is , besides those , a third copy , belonging to the most eminent cardinal julius mazarinus . before i speak concerning the goodness and excellency of which copy , it is requisite , and you ( most illustrious prelates ! ) with importunity seem to crave this very thing of me , that a few words should be said concerning the most eminent cardinal , by whom that copy was lent me . for , whereas this most eminent prince , born to every thing that is great , does embrace learning with a singular affection and benevolence ; we , who from our infancy have applied our minds to the studies of learning , should doubtless be ungrateful , should we not , both in our own , and in the name of all learned men in general , study to render him all possible thanks , as well in words , as in our writings . farther , with what favour and how great a benevolence he does honour and respect learning , his bounteous liberality and munificence towards learned men does attest ; which , to speak nothing concerning other persons , a he was lately willing should be extended even to me also , when i neither hop'd for , nor thought of any such thing . the same thing is declar'd by his most compleatly-furnisht library . which having stor'd with innumerable copies of the best writers , partly printed , and partly in manuscript ; he does not keep it perpetually shut like some sepulchre , as those old senators of the city rome did , whom b ammianus marcellinus doth sharply reprove on that very account : but opens it , as 't were some publick house , to all the learned ; and voluntarily invites each person to it ; and freely imparts the use of his manuscript books to the studious , as often as they shall have need . what shall i say concerning his other virtues and eximious accomplishments of mind ? what concerning his wonderful moderation and lenity , whereby he hath allayed intestine commotions and tumults , without the bloud of any citizen ? but , these things will be spoken by me more fitly at another time , or more rhetorically by others . for at present i have resolved , to pursue those praises of his onely , which do apart belong to the studies of literature . nevertheless , i can't possibly refrain my self ▪ but must speak something here concerning that peace , which the most eminent cardinal , with all imaginable earnestness and industry , does now chiefly urge and promote , and which we hope will in a short time be made publick by his majesties c proclamation . for , this thing is of great concern to the advantage of learning ; which every one knows to be the child of peace , and to repose it self under its umbrage and defence . whereas therefore the most eminent cardinal , when first placed at the helm of state , had not himself raised a dismal war with the spaniards , but had found it already raised : by various councills ( as [ 't is requisite ] in so great an affair , ) long and accurately weighed at length he hath resolv'd upon this ; that the spaniards are to be broken by a lasting war , and must really be made to know how powerfull the french are in arms , riches , valour , constancy , and the other necessary provisions and helps for a war : that the enemy , made sensible of their own weakness and the power of the french , might be slower in future to provoke our nation , either by arms or injuries . for [ 't was his sentiment , ] that a firm and secure peace could no otherwise be made with the enemy , than till such time as by their frequent overthrows and losses they had perceived , that they were inferiour to the french in waging war. therefore , when the spaniards , no otherwise than the phrygians , had at length understood that ; then the most eminent cardinal , perceiving a fit opportunity of entring into a peace presented it self , refus'd not to make it with the enemy , and to recede something from our right , from the chief point of the whole war , lastly from that hope and victory which we had now almost in our hands ; that thereby he might [ promote ] the good of the people , [ answer ] the wishes of all good men , and gratifie the desire of the whole christian world . in which affair i can't indeed enough admire his singular prudence , and his wisdom that was so salutary to the state. for the peace was for no other reason deferred so long , than that in future it might be lastinger and more firm . and let thus much be said by the by , concerning the praises of the most eminent cardinal . who having , during the war , never desisted from cherishing learning and learned men in a most gracious manner ; 't is much more to be hop'd , that in the time of his own peace , he will embrace the same arts with a choice affection and care : and will bring it to effect , that our french , who for the glory of arms have been always eminent above other nations , may now excell for the praise of learning , and in the studies of the best arts. but , 't is now time , that we should return thither , whence we have digress'd . that third copy therefore , which the library of the most eminent cardinal hath furnished us with , is far the best and ancientest of all those copies of eusebius which i have seen . for , whatever emendations we found in other copies , are all shown us by that manuscript : and many other amendments occur in it , which i found not in other copies , as the studious readers will be able to perceive from my annotations . it is written in parchment , [ transcrib'd ] about seven hundred years since , most neatly and also most correctly . it has likewise a short expositions now and then set at the side , sometimes in an ancient , sometimes in a more modern hand ; which expositions we have set down in our notes , at their due places . many other things also are to be taken notice of in that excellent manuscript , partly in the accents , partly in the b distinction or punctation . for , as to the accents , in that manuscript words are often acuted , which in other copies have a circumflex accent . for instance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that copy are always acuted . but on the contrary , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in other manuscripts is mark'd with an acute accent , is circumflected in that copy . and this in my judgment is righter . but , as to the distinction , which we vulgarly term the punctation , this copy is so accurately poynted , that from this very one manuscript you may understand the whole manner and knowledge of poynting , which is a thing of no small moment . indeed , before i had procured this copy , i was not thorowly acquainted with the usefulness and necessity of the middle distinction ; with which , that very one book diligently inspected and examined , hath at length made me acquainted . but , we shall speak more hereafter , concerning the distinction . this moreover i have observed in that most ancient manuscript , as often as a c full distinction , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is set in any line , the first letter of the following line appears without the order of the rest , and touches upon the very outward margin . and this is a signe , that a new chapter , or a new period is begun after that final distinction . i have observed the same in the other manuscript copies also . indeed , in the old sheets of the king's library , which contain eusebius's books concerning the life of constantine , i have found that 't is always so , as often as a new chapter is begun . we had , besides , a fourth copy out of the library of that most illustrious personage nicholas fuket , who bears the office of procuratour general in the senate of paris , and at the same time manages the praefecture of the royal treasury , with the highest commendation . and these four manuscript copies we have made use of , in order to our amendment of the books of ecclesiastick history . but , we have compared the books concerning the life of the emperour constantine , with three ancient copies . the first is that copy of the king 's , concerning which i have spoken above , in which manuscript , before the books of ecclesiastick history , occur the four books concerning the life of the emperour constantine , written ▪ though not in the same , nevertheless in an ancient hand . the second place belongs to the old sheets of the king's library . so i call certain papers , which are digested into quaternions ; but they are loose , and are not made up into the form of a book . in these sheets , besides eusebius's books concerning the life of constantine , and the oration of the same emperour to the saints , occurs the first quaternion of the ecclesiastick history ; whereof i have likewise made frequent mention in my notes . all the rest of it , by what accident i know not , is lost . the fuketian library furnished us with the third copy . wherein , before the four books concerning the life of the emperour constantine , is prefixt eusebius's panegyrick , spoken to the same constantine , in the thirtieth year of his empire . this copy , though of the meanest antiquity , is nevertheless of the best note , and in many places more correct and larger than those two former , which robert stephens made use of in his edition . besides these manuscript copies , we were assisted by those various readings and emendations , which learned men had with their own hands noted at the margin of robert stephens's edition : of which sort many books are now to be found . but we made use more especially of three , which are likewise often mentioned in our notes . the first was hadrian turnebus's , which with great exactness he had compared with the king 's , and the medicaean copy . but the books concerning the life of the emperour constantine , had been compared with an english copy , either by the hand of hadrian turnebus himself , or that of odo turnebus . the second copy was vulcobius's ; which , because renatus moraeus a physician of paris had lent me , i am wont in my notes to term moraeus's copy . this book contains some few other emendations , besides those which occur in turnebus's copy . the third was s r henry savil's book , a person of incomparable learning ; it was sent me out of england by james usher arch-bishop of armagh . for , whereas i had perceived , that in usher's notes on the martyrdom of the b. polycarp , a manuscript copy of eusebius's history out of s r henry savil's library was quoted ; and had found , that , by some passages produced by usher , that copy was of the best note ; i made my request to him by letter , that he would transmit to me the various readings of that copy ; for i did suppose , that the whole copy had been compared by him . but he wrote back to me , that the copy it self , written in silken paper , had been given by s r henry savil to the oxford-library . but he presently sent me robert stephens's edition , in the margin whereof s r henry savil had noted the emendations taken out of that his own manuscript copy . nevertheless , as far as i have been able to conjecture , s r henry savil hath not set all the readings of the manuscript copy at the side of that edition ; but those onely , which he thought to be good and undoubted . for some readings are produced by usher out of that manuscript copy , which i afterwards perceived were omitted by s r henry savil. farther , the same s r henry savil , at the margin of that edition , hath written many amendments , out of a book of john christophorson's , which book christophorson had compared with some manuscript copies . these are the helps from books , wherewith we were furnished , when we undertook to mend the books of eusebius's history . but least any one should perhaps think , that any thing hath been altered by us rashly and at pleasure , we do before all things desire the readers should know , that we have done nothing without the consent and authority of the best copies . and so scrupulous were we , of making any alteration in these books , that when it appeared most evidently , that the place was corrupted , we refused even then to favour and follow our own conjecture . for proof hereof , may be [ produced ] a place in the close of the tenth book of the ecclesiastick history , pag. [ of our edition ; ] which runs thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we could very easily have restored the true reading here , and instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mended it in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so gelasius cyzicenus , in a his second book , cites this place of eusebius ; nor is it otherwise written in eusebius's second book concerning the life of constantine , chap. ; where this passage is repeated almost in the very same words . lastly , no place is mended in this our edition , concerning which i have not advertised the reader in my notes , and have not given an account of mine amendment . distinction , or punctation , is not the last part of emendation ; concerning which i must say something , least peradventure the readers should be confounded by a new kind of poynting , which was first brought into this edition by me . although , if we would speak properly , this is not a new sort of distinction , but the oldest , and made use of by all the ancients , as well greek as latine writers : which being wholly disused and lost by the negligence of more modern authours , i have , at least in part , endeavoured to restore in this edition . those ancients indeed ( the figures of letters being then newly invented , ) wrote in one continued form , without any distinction at all . which thing containing much of difficulty both in reading and pronouncing , the ancient gramm●rians found out three positures or distinctions , whereby , as 't were by certain stations and inns , the continued journey of speech might be distinguished and divided . the first they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a subdistinction : the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a middle distinction : the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a final or full distinction . now , they noted them by three poynts plac'd in a different site . for a poynt set at the bottom of a letter , denotes a subdistinction : a middle distinction , which the latines have termed b moram , is shown by a poynt placed at the middle of a letter . but that poynt which is set at the head of a letter , denotes a final distinction . what the import and design of these distinctions is , the grammarians do inform us ; donatus , and marius victorinus , and diomedes in his second book . which author last named , at this place shall be to us instead of all . lectioni , says he , posituras accedere vel distinctiones oportet , &c. to reading must be added the positures or distinctions , by gr●cians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which , during our ▪ reading , give a liberty of recovering breath , least it should fail by a continuation . these are three , a distinction , a subdistinction , a middle distinction or pause , or , as some will have it , a submiddle : the diversity of which [ three , ] is shown by three poynts set in a different place . and after some few words . a distinction is a t●ken of silence , when , the sense being ended , there is a liberty of resting longer . the mark hereof , is a poynt set above the verse , at the head of the letter . a subdistinction is a signe of a me●e and convenient silence , whereby the course of pronunciation ( the sense remaining ) is so stop'd , that what follows , ought to succeed immediately . the note hereof , is a poynt plac'd under the verse . a pause is a small separation , interpos'd in the continuation of senses , and possesses the middle place of a meet distinction and subdistinction , in such manner that it may seem neither perfect in the whole , nor omitted , but by a signification of staying , may want the beginning of another sense . and it attends this office onely , that by the shortest respiration it may recover and nourish the reader 's breath . for , in pronouncing every one ought in such wise to be silent , that , because the breath it self is changed by a kind of decay , it may afterwards be recovered . as thus , ut belli signum laurenti t●rn●s ab arce extulit , & ra●co strep●erunt corn●a cant● . utq●e acres concussit equos , utque imp●lis arma . extemplo turbati animi . for , there are many middle clauses of this reading . first , least those be confounded , which are put as double-membred and treble-membred [ clauses , ] and the like . then , that the c emphasis of the words may be more eminently apparent and conspicuous , which may be moved by some affection , either by indignation , or commiseration compared , &c. such marks therefore of distinctions and punctations as these , all the ancients as well greeks as latines , made use of in their books : which also , as 't is manifest , were still in use , in the age of isidorus hispalensis . for this we learn from his origines , book . chap. . in manuscript copies likewise which are somewhat ancienter , the same way of distinguishing is always observed . but more modern writers , whether by unskilfullness or a kind of sloth and negligence , have changed them all . and instead of a subdistinction , they have put d little rods ; for the mark of a middle distinction , two poynts : but they have cast the note of a final distinction from the head to the feet of a letter . which ill way of poynting almost all printers have followed , except aldus manucius . for he in his edition of greek books , whereof he printed almost an innumerable company , hath always retained that punctation , which he had found in manuscript copies . as to the little rods , i would not condemn them . for 't is of very small moment , what mark we should make use of , to denote a subdistinction , provided that mark be placed at the feet of a letter . indeed , in that excellent and most ancient manuscript belonging to the mazarine library , whereof i have made mention before , i found a little rod placed sometimes for a middle , sometimes for a final distinction ; that is , sometimes at the middle of a letter , sometimes at the top . and not onely by a little rod , but also by a sicilicum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned backwards , a middle distinction was sometimes denoted , as victorinus informs us in his first book of the art of grammar . but , whereas we now-a-days put a point at the feet of a letter for a final dictinction , in my judgment that can in no wise be born with . for it does not onely contradict antiquity , but reason also . for reason requires , that a mark placed in the same site , should denote the same distinction . a poynt therefore placed in the bottom ought to signifie the same that a little rod does , which is set at the bottom of a letter . for , not the mark it self , but the site of the mark alters the distinction . whence 't is made evident , that a final distinction is not rightly shown by us , by our setting a poynt at the feet of a letter . wherefore , 't is not without reason that i have endeavoured to restore the old way of punctation in this edition . i have indeed retained the little rod it self , in regard in denoting a subdistinction it serves for the same purpose with a poynt : but from the authority of the manuscript copies , i have , by way of recovery as 't were , put the middle distinction into possession of its own places . the advantage and necessity whereof , the studious , i hope , will soon acknowledge . for , that middle distinction does not onely serve for this purpose , that breath may be taken in order to a continuing the beginning of another sense , and that the emphasis may be more eminently apparent and conspicuous , as diomedes writes ▪ but also , to denote the difference of persons and dignities . so somewhere in these books , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most eminent cardinal's manuscript , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adds a middle distinction . besides , in many places i have set a poynt at the head of the letter , to denote a final distinction : and would have done that every where , had not the force of old custom diverted me from my attempt . but , what i have in part onely performed in this edition , that ( i hope ) will at length be perfected by others endued with greater learning and authority , who shall in future publish the books of the ancients . and thus much may suffice to have been spoken briefly concerning our emendation and punctation . come we now to the latine translation . i doubt not but there will be many who will admire , why , after three latine translatour's of eusebius , and those not meanly vers'd in the greek tongue , i should have made a fourth version . to whom in the first place i answer thus . if after rufinus , who first turned the books of ecclesiastick history into latine , musculus might have leave to make a new translation ; if again , after musculus , christophorson might have leave to do the same , why should not i also have the like liberty with others ? amongst the jews , after the edition of the seventy seniours , confirmed by the religion of so many oaths , by the authority of so many ages ; first aquila , then theodotion and symmachus , did each of them publish new versions of the old testament . also , some persons are found to be the authors of a fifth , sixth , and seventh edition , whose names are unknown : and all these translations origen hath plac'd in his hex●pla , that they might be read by catholicks . that therefore which the jews were free to do in the old testament , why may not i have leave to do in eusebius ? especially , in regard 't is less dangerous to attempt that in eusebius , than in the sacred books of the divine scriptures . indeed , many and those cogent reasons enforc'd me even against my will , to undergo the burthen of this new translation . for , whereas by e your command and with your advice i had undertaken a new edition of the ecclesiastick history ▪ and perceived , that the versions of former translatours , by reason of their frequent mistakes and ill renditions , did in no wise satisfie the desire of learned men ; as it has been f already declared by the testimony of j. curterius and peter halloixius : one of these two things was of necessity to be performed by me , that i should either correct the old translation , or else make a new one . farther , to correct the translation of others , as it is in it self a thing troublesome and difficult , so also it seemed invidious . for , his own praise and his own honour , is from us due to each person . they have done as much as in them lay , and by their own pains have endeavoured to lighten and lessen our labour . therefore , the work of each translatour ought to be commended by us , rather than interpolated . rufinus , although he follows the sense of eusebius rather than his words , is nevertheless neat and clean , and not unpleasant to the readers : and even on this very account highly to be commended , because he was the first that bestowed the ecclesiastick history on men of the latine tongue ; whose translation the western church has made use of till our own age . musculus keeps closer to the words , and in translating is short and clear , and in many places more happy than christophorson . christophorson , as he is more diligent and learneder than musculus , so also is more verbose , and has something of the style of cicero . besides , he used manuscript copies in the making his translation : and was the first that published eusebius's panegyrick spoken at constantine's tricennalia , in latine ; which the geneva-printers afterwards printed in greek . some body will be ready to say here . what need then was there of a new version ? whenas those translatours abound with so many and such high commendations . i rehearse their praises , but do not detect their errours : which i had rather should be discovered by the testimony of others , than mine own . but , if any one will read my notes , o● shall have a mind to compare my translation with their version , he will doubtless understand , with how many and how gross mistakes their translations are stuft ; and that 't was not without reason , that you had ordered me to make a new version of eusebius . but , because i am faln upon this discourse , not willingly but by a necessity , i will say something briefly concerning the errours of former translatours . for , should i have a mind to reckon up all their mistakes one by one , my discourse would be stretcht to a vast length . to begin therefore with rufinus ; who knows not , that , at his pleasure , he has added many passages to eusebius , has taken away many passages from him , has changed many ; and in most places is rather a paraphrast than a translatour ? for instance , in the seventh book he has inserted a tedious narrative concerning the miracles of gregory thaumaturgus , which occurs not in the copies of our eusebius . the same person , in the ninth book , rehearses a speech of lucian the martyr , spoken before the judge in defence of our faith ; which speech the copies of eusebius do not acknowledge . he has omitted almost the whole tenth book of the ecclesiastick history , in his version . i say nothing here concerning the chapters altered by him in the sixth and seventh book , in as much as i have given the reader notice of this thing , in my notes . how many places of eusebius are misunderstood and ill rendred by him ? this is he , who of zacharias the priest , of whom mention is made in saint luke's gospel , has made us a martyr of lyons . this is he who hath confounded biblias with blandina . this is he who has made the most noble martyr philoromus a tribune of souldiers , from his being a rationalist . to what purpose is it to speak concerning musculus , whose versions ( for he has translated other writers also into latine , ) are not extraordinarily approved of by the learned ? i could , if i had a mind , expose his innumerable mistakes : amongst which this is a notorious one . dionysius alexandrinus , in his epistle to germanus , which eusebius records in his sixth g book , says that he was taken by the souldiers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and was brought to taposiris . but musculus believed heliodysmas to be a town . for thus he renders it . ego namque cùm heliodysmas unà cum illis qui mecum erant venissem , taposirim à militibus ductus sum . for i , after i was come to heliodysmae , together with them that were with me , was brought by the souldiers to taposiris . farther , the same musculus in his translation has wholly omitted eusebius's book concerning the martyrs of palestine , which is subjoyn'd to the eighth book of his ecclesiastick history ; for what reason i know not . for that book of eusebius's , is a most elegant one . the translation of john christophorson remains [ to be spoken of , ] which very version wants not its blemishes . for , to omit the barbarisms which do frequently occur in it , his translation is too prolix and intricate , whilst he either adds some words to fill up the period , or annexes his own explanations in order to the clearing of an obscure place . sometimes also , of two periods he makes but one , and puts two chapters into one : in so much that , the division of the latine chapters in his translation differs much from the greek . which thing , how much trouble and vexation it breeds in citing places out of eusebius , all the studious know . the same translatour was indeed sufficiently well vers'd in divinity : but he was meanly furnished with the skill of h a critick , and with the knowledge of roman antiquity . wherefore , in the proper names of roman magistrates , and in those matters which appertain to the civil administration , he is always out : for instance , in rendring the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in other such like terms . lastly , christophorson has embodied eusebius's book concerning the martyrs of palestine , ( which in robert's stephens's edition , and in the manuscript copies , is subjoyned to the eighth book of his ecclesiastick history , ) with his eighth book , because he believ'd it to be a part thereof . which mistake of christophorson's , the geneva-printers having afterwards followed , that they might make the greek agree with the latine ; of two books of eusebius's , have made but one . and let thus much be briefly spoken concerning the errours of former translations , not with any design to disparage , or lessen the glory of any translatour ; but , that all the studious may understand , that we had good reason for our undertaking a new translation . which as i dare not warrant to be perfect and every way compleat , ( for that would be too much confidence ; ) so i do boldly affirm , that it wants very many faults , wherewith former translations do abound . further , whereas three things are required in a version ; namely that it be faithfull , elegant , and clear ; i have made it my business , that no one of these should be wanting in our translation . the translation is followed by the annotations . wherein i had an eye chiefly to two things : first that i might give an account of my emendations , and might propose to the studious the various readings of manuscript copies : secondly , that i might clear the obscurer passages in eusebius , and might explain the ancient usages and rites of the church , by producing and comparing the passages of other writers . to my annotations i have subjoyned a four dissertations . the first whereof is , concerning the beginning and progress of the schism of the don●tists . the second , concerning the anastasis and the jerusalem-martyrium . this is followed by a disputution about the version of the seventy translatours against james usher arch-bishop of armagh . the fourth is , concerning the roman martyrologie which rosweydus published . and these are the things which with care and diligence i have performed in this edition , in order to the illustration of eusebius's history . which if to any one they shall peradventure ●eem slight and of little worth , let him think , that all things which are published in this kind of learning , are in a manner of this nature , and are either valued or contemned according to the affection and stomach of the readers . for , if they find a candid and studious reader , they are highly esteemed : but if they shall happen to fall into disdainful ears , they are look't upon as nothing . besides , what but that which is very ordinary and mean can be expected , from me especially , who by reason of my weakness of sight am forc'd both to reade and write by other mens eyes and hands : and who , whilst by reason of the greatness of the labour i do always hasten forwards , have so hastily dictated this whole work such as it is , that i have scarce had leisure to reade it over again . on which account i am the more to be pardoned , if perhaps in any place of my notes i have not so fully satisfied the reader 's desire . — valesius's account concerning the life and writings of eusebius caesariensis . concerning the life of eusebius bishop of caesarea , acacius his scholar and successour in the see of caesarea had heretofore written a book , as a socrates does attest . but in regard this book , together with very many others , is lost by the carelesness of antiquity , we , by gathering together from this place and t'other the testimonies of ancient writers who have spoken concerning eusebius , to the utmost of our ability will endeavour to repair that loss . eusebius therefore was born in palestine , about the close ( as 't is likely ) of gallienus ' s reign . that he was a native of palestine is hence prov'd , because by the ancients he is commonly call'd a palestinian . so , 't is certain , basilius , theodoret , and others do term him . and although he might have been thus sur-nam'd from his being bishop of the city caesarea , yet it seems to me truer , that he drew that sur-name from his country . indeed , he himself does attest , in his first b book concerning the life of constantine , that during his being a youth he was educated and conversant in palestine , and that constantine was first seen by him there , whilst he made a journey thorow palestine in the court of diocletianus augustus . besides , in the second c book of the same work ( where he records a law of constantine's , which he wrote to the palestinians in favour of the christians , ) he does plainly shew himself to have been a palestinian . for , after he has recited the contents of that law transmitted to the palestinians , he adds these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these were the constitutions contained in the emperour's first edict sent to us. but whereas i have plac'd his birth upon the latter end of gallienus ' s reign ; of this thing i have eusebius himself for my authour . for speaking ( in his books of ecclesiastick history , ) concerning dionysius bishop of the alexandrians , he does attest that he had lived in his own age , as may be seen in book , chap. . wherefore , in regard 't is manifest that dionysius alexandrinus departed this life on the twelfth year of gallienus ' s empire , eusebius must of necessity have been born then , if his age fell on those times wherein dionysius lived . the same may likewise be gathered from the fifth d book of his ecclesiastick history , about the end of it , where speaking concerning artemon's heresie , he writes that paul of samosata had revived that heresie in e his age . lastly , relating ( in his seventh book , ) those things which hapned during the reign of gallienus , before he begins his discourse concerning the errour and condemnation of paul of samosata , he has these words . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but now , after an historical relation of these things , we will deliver to the knowledge of posterity an account of our own age . whom he had for his parents , is unknown to us , excepting that nicephorus callistus , following i know not what authours , does tell us that he was begotten of the sister of pamphilus the martyr . but in arius's g letter to eusebius bishop of nicomedia , he is termed the brother of eusebius nicomediensis . and although by reason of his friendship he might be called the brother , yet it seems truer to me , that he was either the near kinsman or cousin-germane of eusebius nicomediensis , especially in regard arius , although many other persons are there mentioned , yet terms onely eusebius of caesarea brother to him of nicomedia . besides , eusebius of nicomedia was a native of syria . for he was at first bishop of berytus . nor was it the usage then , that strangers and persons unknown should be preferred to govern churches . what masters he had in secular learning , is in like manner unknown to us . but in sacred literature he had dorotheus the eunuch , a presbyter of the antiochian church , for his master : of whom also he makes an honourable mention in his seventh h book . although eusebius at that place says onely , that he had heard dorotheus , whilst he expounded the holy scriptures in the church not unfitly . nevertheless , if any one has a mind ( with trithemius ) to conclude from those words of eusebius , that eusebius was dorotheus ' s disciple , truly i shall not very much oppose him . theotecnus being at that time dead , the bishoprick of the church of caesarea was administred by agapius , a person of eminent piety , and large bounty towards the poor . by him eusebius was admitted into the clergy , and entred into the strictest and most intimate friendship with pamphilus , who at that time was eminent amongst the presbyters of the church of caesarea . pamphilus was by nation a phoenician , born at berytus . scholar to pierius a presbyter of the alexandrian church , as photius relates . who ( in regard he was inflamed with a singular love of sacred learning , and with the greatest diligence imaginable made a collection of all the books of ecclesiastick writers , and especially of origen's ; ) founded a most famous school and library at caesarea . of which school eusebius seems to have been the first master . indeed eusebius , in his a book concerning the martyrs of palestine , writes in express words , that apphianus , who compleated his martyrdom on the third year of the persecution , had been instructed in the sacred scriptures by him in the city caesarea . from that time eusebius always lived with pamphilus in the clos●st intimacy , and continued his inseparable companion till his death : so dear to him , that from his friendship he got the surname of pamphilus . nor did eusebius love him whilst he liv'd , but had a singular affection for him when dead also : in so much that after pamphilus ' s death , he always made a most honourable , and likewise a most loving mention of him . this is attested by those three books which he wrote concerning the life of pamphilus the martyr , which books s t jerome terms most elegant ones . the same is likewise gathered from many passages which occur in his ecclesiastick history , and in his book concerning the martyrs of palestine . lastly , in his second book against sabellius , which was written by eusebius after the nicene council , he frequently commends pamphilus the martyr , although he suppresses his name . for even in the very beginning of his discourse he says thus . puto adhuc aures obstrepi meas à memoria beati illius viri , &c. i think my ears are as yet struck by the memory of that blessed man , who frequently made use of that devout word . for even your ears do as yet retain the sound of that word . for i think i hear him saying , the onely-begotten son of god. for this religious word was always uttered by his mouth . for it was the remembrance of the onely-begotten , to the glory of the unborn father . now , we have heard the apostle commanding , that presbyters ought to be honoured with a double honour , those especially who labour in the word and doctrine . and at pag. , he speaks of him again in this manner . haec non nos extollunt , &c. these things do not puff us up , b remembring that blessed man. now i wish i could so speak , as together with you i did always hear from him . but these words which are now said , seem to have been pleasing to him . for 't is the glory of good servants , to speak truth concerning the lord ; and 't is the honour of those fathers who have taught well , if their doctrines be repeated . and again in the same book , pag. . haec audiebamus semper a beato illo viro. &c. these words we always heard from that blessed man. for they were often spoken in this manner by him : although some suspected , that he uttered these words with his mouth , but that in his heart he thought otherwise . and indeed i remember with you , that i have heard from him , that he hath satisfied us with an holy oath , that there was not one thing in his tongue , and another in his heart . and a little after . sed 〈◊〉 quidem paucis , &c. but now , let thus much be said by us in short , in memory and honour of that our father , so good , so laborious , and every where vigilant for the churches . for we have not made mention of his stock , nor of his education , or learning , or of c the rest of his life and resolution . which passages in eusebius ( that i may not defraud any one of his commendation , ) were shown me by the most learned franciscus ogerius . now , from what i have said it may be evidently enough gathered , that eusebius was joyned to pamphilus by no d tye of kindred , but by the bond of friendship onely . 't is certain , euseb us , although he names pamphilus in so many places , and boasts so highly of his friendship , yet never terms him his kinsman or relation . tea , from eusebius ' s own testimony 't is plainly made out ; that pamphilus the martyr was not eusebius ' s kinsman . for in the close of his seventh e book of ecclesiastick history , where he makes mention of agapius bishop of the church of caesarea , his words are these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this man's time we knew pamphilus ( a most eloquent man , and a true philosopher in the practises of his life ) honoured with a presbytership of that church . whereas therefore eusebius himself does attest , that pamphilus was first known by him then , it is sufficiently apparent , that they were not joyned together by any kindred or affinity . in these times hapned that most severe persecution of the christians ▪ which being first begun by diocletian , was by the following emperours continued to the tenth year . in the time of this persecution , eusebius , in regard he was then a presbyter of the church of caesarea , resided almost constantly in that city , and by continual exhortations instructed many persons in order to martyrdom . amongst whom was apphianus , a noble youth , whose illustrious combat our eusebius does relate in his f book concerning the martyrs of palestine . in the same persecution pamphilus was taken , and cast into prison , where he spent two whole years in bonds . during which time eusebius in no wise deserted his friend and companion : but visited him continually , and in the prison wrote together with him five books in defence of origen : the sixth and last book of that work he at length finished after pamphilus was dead . that whole work was by eusebius and pamphilus dedicated to the confessours living in the mines of palestine , as photius relates in his bibliotheca , chapter . in the time of the same persecution , on account of some urgent business of the church , as 't is probable ; eusebius went to tyre . during his residence in that city , he attests ( book . chap . ) that he himself was eye-witness of the glorious combats of five egyptian martyrs . and in the ninth chapter of the same book ▪ he writes that he came into egypt and thebais , whilst the fury of the persecution as yet rag'd ; and that there he beheld with his own eyes , the admirable constancy of many martyrs of both sexes . there are those who relate , that eusebius in this persecution , to free himself from the troubles of a prison , sacrificed to idols : and that that was objected against him by the egyptian bishops and confessours in the synod at tyre , as we will hereafter relate , but , i doubt not but this is false , and a calu●●y forged by the enemies of eusebius ▪ for , had so great a crime been really committed by eusebius , how could he have been afterwards made bishop of the church of caesarea ? how is it likely that he should have been invited by the antiochians , to undertake the episcopate of that city ? and yet cardinal baronius has catcht up that as certain and undoubted , which was objected against eusebius by the way of contention and wrangling , by his enemies , nor was ever confirm'd by any one's testimony . at the same time , a book was written by eusebius against hierocles . the occasion of writing it was given by hierocles of nicomedia , who about the beginning of this persecution , when the churches of the christians were every where demolished , insulting as 't were over the disquieted religion , in the city nicomedia published two books against the faith of christ , which he entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which books amongst other things he asserted this , that apollonius tyaneus performed far more and greater miracles than christ ; as lactantius does attest in his a seventh book . but eusebius contemning the man , rested satisfied in confuting him in a very short book . agapius bishop of caesarea being dead during this interval , and the persecution being now abated , and peace restored to the church ; by the general consent of all persons . eusebius is put into his place . others make agricola ( who was present at , and subscribed to the synod of ancyra , on the year of christ , ) successour to agapius . so baronius in his annals , at the year of christ ; and blondellus in his . apology pro sententiá b. hieronymi , chap. . where he writes , that eusebius undertook the administration of the church of caesarea after agricola ' s death , about the year of christ . but those subscriptions of the bishops which are extant in the latine collections of the canons , in my judgment seem to have little of certainty and validity in them . for they occur not either in the greek copies , or in the latine version of dionysius exiguus . besides , eusebius reckoning up ( in the seventh b book of his ecclesiastick history , ) the bishops of the chief sees , under whom the persecution began and rag'd , ends in agapius bishop of caesarea , who ( says he ) took a great deal of pains in that persecution for the good of his own church . he therefore must of necessity have sate bishop untill the end of the persecution . but eusebius was made bishop immediately after the persecution was ended . for when paulinus bishop of tyre dedicated a cathedral , sometime after peace and repose was restored to the church ; he , together with other bishops , was invited by paulinus to its dedication , and made a most eleg●nt oration before him , as we are informed from the tenth c book of his ecclesiastick history . now , this hapned before licinius rebell'd against constantine , which fell out on the year of our lord . about these times eusebius wrote those famous books concerning evangelick demonstration and preparation . which books , 't is plain , were written before the nicene council , in regard they are by name cited in his ecclesiastick history , which was written by eusebius before that council , as we have shown in our annotations . in the interim licinius , who managed the government in the eastern parts , incited by a sudden rage , began to persecute the christians : especially those that were prelates , of whom he had a suspicion that they shewed more of favour to constantine , and put up prayers for him . but constantine undertook an expedition against licinius , and in a short time compell'd him , after he had been vanquished in two fights by land and sea , to a surrendry . and thus peace was again by constantine restored to the christians , who inhabited the east . but a far more vehement disturbance was at that time rais'd amongst the christians themselves . for arius a presbyter of the city alexandria , in regard he would publickly in the church preach up some new and impious opinions concerning the son of god , and having been frequently admonished by alexander the bishop , would nevertheless persist in those assertions , was at length condemned together with the associates of ●his own errour , and was expell'd out of the church . highly resenting this his condemnation , he sent letters , with a draught of his own faith , to all the bishops of the neighbouring cities : wherein he complain'd , that he had been undeservedly deposed by alexander , in regard he asserted the same points that the rest of the eastern prelates maintained . many bishops impos'd upon by these artifices , and powerfully incited by eusebius of nicomedia , who was an open favourer of arius ' s party , wrote letters in defence of arius , to alexander bishop of the city alexandria , entreating him to restore arius to his former place . our eusebius was one of their number , whose letter written to alexander , is extant in the acts of the seventh occumenical synod , and is by us put amongst the d testimonies of the ancients . eusebius caesariensis ' s example being presently followed by theodotus and paulinus , the one bishop of laodicea , the other of tyre ; they interceded with alexander for arius ' s restitution . whose letters , as patronizing his own opinions , in regard arius boasted of in all places , and by the authority of such great men drew many persons into a society of his own errour ; on this account alexander himself also was forc'd to write letters to the other ▪ bishops of the east , whereby it might be made publickly known , that arius , together with his associates , had been justly condemn'd and depos'd . two letters of alexanders are at this present extant : the one to alexander bishop of constantinople , in which alexander complains of three bishops of syria , who agreeing in opinion with arius had inflamed the quarrel , which they ought rather to have extinguished , and had rendred it siercer than it was before . these three are eusebius , theodotus , and paulinus , as may be collected from arius ' s letter written to eusebius bishop of nicomedia . the other letter of alexanders written to all the bishops throughout the world , socrates records in his first e book . to these letters of alexander almost all the eastern bishops subscrib●d : amongst whom the prelates of chiefest note were , philogonius bishop of antioch ; eustathius of beroea , and macarius of jerusalem . now , those bishops who feem'd to be of arius ' s side , in regard they saw themselves severely touch'd in alexanders letters , made it their business to defend arius with far more of fierceness and vehemency : but most especially eusebius nicomediensis . for our eusebius bishop of caesarea , together with patrophilus and paulinus , and other bishops of syria , concluded upon this onely , that arius the presbyter should have a liberty of holding assemblies in his own church ; nevertheless , that he should be subject to alexander the bishop , and should earnestly request of him that he might be admitted to peace and communion . the bishops in this manner disagreeing amongst themselves , and some favouring alexanders , others arius ' s side ; the contention was incredibly height'ned . to cure which mischief , constantine assembled a general synod of bishops ( such a one as no age had ever seen , ) from all parts of the roman world , in nicaea a city of eithynia . of this greatest and most celebrated council , our eusebius was not the least part . for he had both the first place in the right-hand a side , and also in the name of the whole synod made a speech to the emperour constantine , who sate on a golden chair in the midst between the two rows of those who sate together [ in the council ; ] as he himself attests in the preface to his first b book concerning the life of constantine , and in his c third book of the same work . the same is likewise confirmed by sozomen , in the first d book of his ecclesiastick history . farther , when there was a great contest amongst the bishops concerning a e draught of the creed , our eusebius proposed a draught that was exactly true and plain , and which was commended by the consent of all the bishops , and of the emperour himself . but , in regard something seem'd to be wanting in that draught , in order to confuting the impiety of the new opinion ; the fathers of the nicene synod judged these words as necessary to be further added , very god of very god ; begotten not made , being of one substance with the father . they likewise annex'd anathematisms , against those who should assert that the son of god was made of things which are not , and that there was a time when he was not . and at first indeed our eusebius refused to admit of the term consubstantial . but afterwards , informed by the other bishops what the import and magning of that word was , he at length consented and subscrib'd to this creed , as he himself relates in his f letter to his diocess of caesarea . some affirm , that eusebius , forc'd by necessity , and out of a fear of the emperour , rather than from the sentiment of his own mind , had subscrib'd to the nicene creed . i might indeed be easily induc'd to believe that , concerning others who were present at this synod . but , i can't think so of eusebius bishop of caesarea . for after the nicene synod , eusebius always condemned those who would assert that the son of god was made of nothing , as 't is plain from his books against marcellus , and expressly from the ninth and tenth chapter of his first book de ecclesiastica theologia . athanasius does likewise attest the same concerning him . who ( though he has often related that eusebius caesariensis had subscribed to the nicene synod , yet ) does never declare , that he did that dissemblingly and in pretence onely . had eusebius subscrib'd to the nicene council , not heartily , but by fraud and under a colour ; why did he afterwards send that letter i have mentioned , to his diocess of caesarea , wherein he profess'd ingen●ously , that he had embraced that faith , which had been published in the nicene council ? after the nicene synod , the arians out of a fear of the emperour , were for some little time quiet . resuming their boldness presently , after they had by subtlety crept into the prince's favour ; by all ways and arts they began to persecute the catholick prelates . their first assault was made against eustathius bishop of the city . antioch , who was eminent both for the glory of confession , and was also accounted the chief amongst the assertors of the nicene faith. him therefore they accuse before the emperour , because he maintained sabellius ' s impiety , and because he had reproach't helena augusta the emperour's mother . a numerous assembly of bishops is conven'd in the city antioch , in which presided eusebius of nicomedia , the chief and ring-leader of the whole faction . eusebius of caesarea was likewise present at this synod . eustathius therefore having been accused by cyrus bishop of the beroeans , because he held the impious doctrine of sabellius , and moreover an accusation of g incontinency having been framed against him , is thrust out of his own see. on which account a most impetuous tumult is rais'd at antioch ; the people being divided into two parties , some requesting eusebius bishop of caesarea might be put into eustathius ' s place ; others desiring ▪ eustathius their bishop might be restored to them . and it had come to blows , had not a fear of the emperour , and the judges authority repress'd them . the sedition being at length quieted , and eustathius banisht , our eusebius ( although entreated both by the people , and by the bishops also that were present , to undertake the administration of the antiochian church , yet ) refused to do that ▪ and when the bishops by letters written to constantine , had acquainted him both with their own [ vote , ] and with the suffrage of all the people ; eusebius wrote his letters also to constantine . whereto the emperour constantine gave answer , and highly commended eusebius ' s resolution . eustathius having in this manner been depos'd , which was done on the year of christ , as i have remark'd in : my h annotations ; the arians turn the violence of their fury upon athanasius . and in the first place they complain of his ordination , in the prince's presence : then , that i he exacted an impost of a linen garment from the provincials : that he had broken a sacred cup : lastly , that he had murdered one arsenins a bishop . therefore constantine wearied with their most troublesome complaints , indicted a council in the city tyre , and commanded athanasius the bishop to repair thither , to make his defence . in that synod , eusebius bishop of caesarea , amongst others , sate as judge ▪ whom constantine had a mind should be present at that council . potamo bishop of heracleopolis ( who had come thither with athanasius the bishop , and some prelates of egypt ; ) seeing him sitting in the council , is said to have accosted him in these words : [ is it fit , ] eusebius , that you should sit , and that the innocent athanasius should stand to be judg'd by you ? who can bear such things as these ? tell me , were not you in custody with me during the time of the persecution ? and i lost an eye in defence of the truth ; but you appeared maim'd in no part of your body , nor did you undergo mariy●dome , but are alive and whole . by what means did you escape out of prison ? unless you promised our persecutors that you would do the k detestable thing , and perhaps you have done it . these things are in this manner related by epiphanius in the here●i● of the meletians . from which words by the by is appears , that they are mistaken who relate , that our eusebius had sometime sacrificed to idols , and that that was openly objected against him in the tyrian synod . for potamo accused not eusebius , ●s if he ●ad sacrificed to idols ; but onely , his dismission out of prison s●fe and whole , had given pota●●o an occasion of suspecting that concerning him . nevertheless 't is possible , that eusebius might have been dismist out of prison by some other way , than that which potamo has related . farther , from epiphanius ' s words it may , i think , b● gathered , that eusebius bishop of caesarea presided at this synod . for he adds , that eusebius being sorely vex'd at the hearing of these words , dismissed the council . yet from other writers we have it for certain , that not eusebius bishop of caesarea , but eusebius of nicomedia presided at the tyrian synod . after the council held at tyre , all the bishops who had sate together there , by the emperour's order betook themselves to jerusalem , to celebrate the consecration of that great church , which constantine had erected in that place , in honour of christ. there our eusebius grac'd the solemnity , by several sermons which he made in the church . and when the emperour by most sharp letters had summon'd the bishops to his own court , that in his presence they might give an account of those things , which by fraud and out of hatred they had transacted against athanasius ; our eusebius together with five others came to constantinople , and certified the prince concerning all transactions . then also he recited his tricennalian oration in the emperour 's own presence , in the palace . whereto the emperour hearkened with the greatest joy imaginable , not so much in respect of his own , as god's praises , whom eusebius has magnified thorowout that whole oration . this was the second oration that eusebius spoke in the palace , as he himself attests in his fourth a book concerning the life of constantine . for he had before made an oration in the palace concerning the sepulchre of our lord : which the emperour heard standing , nor could he ever be perswaded , though he was once and again entreated by eusebius , to sit down in the seat set for him ; saying , 't was fit , that discourses concerning god should be heard by persons standing ; as eusebius relates in the thirty third chapter of the same book . farther , how dear and acceptable our eusebius was to constantine , may be known both from these matters i have mentioned , and also from many other circumstances . for he both frequently received letters from him , which occur inserted in the foresaid books . nor was it seldom that he was sent for to the palace , and entertain'd at table , and honoured with private discourse . moreover , constantine related that vision of the cross , which he saw in the heaven at such time as he was making his expedition against maxentius , to our eusebius ; and shewed him the labarum , which he had [ ordered to be ] made , to express the likeness of that cross , as eusebius himself does b attest . and when he wanted c copies of the sacred scriptures for the use of those churches which he had built at constantinople , he committed the care and over-sight of transcribing them to eusebius ; in regard he well knew him to be most skilfull in these matters . lastly , when our eusebius had dedicated a d book concerning the feast of easter to him , that present was so acceptable to constantine , that he ordered that book to be forthwith translated into latine , and by a letter written to eusebius entreated him , that he would as soon as possible communicate the works of this nature which he was upon , to the studious in sacred matters . about the same time eusebius comprized a description of the jerusalem-church , and of the sacred gifts which had been consecrated there , in a small book , and dedicated it to the emperour constantine . which book , together with his tricennalian oration , he had plac'd at the close of his books concerning the life of constantine . but this book is not now extant . at the same time also five books were written by eusebius against marcellus : the last three whereof de ▪ ecclesiasticâ theologiâ , he dedicated to flaccillus bishop of antioch . now flaccillus entred upon that bishoprick a little before the synod of tyre , which was conven'd in the consulate of constantius and albinus , on the year of our lord's nativity . 't is certain , eusebius ( in his first book against marcellus de ecclesiasticâ theologiâ , chap. , ) writes in express words , that marcellus had been deservedly condemned by the church . now marcellus was first condemned in the constantinopolitan synod , by those very bishops who had consecrated constantine ' s church at jerusalem , that is on the year of christ , or else , as baronius will have it . indeed e socrates acknowledges but three books of eusebius ' s against marcellus ; those namely which are entituled de ecclesiasticâ theologiâ : whereas nevertheless , the whole work against marcellus , was by eusebius comprized in five books . farther , of all eusebius's books , the last seem to be those four concerning the life of constantine . for they were written after the death of that emperour , whom eusebius did not long survive . for he dyed about the beginning of constantius augustus ' s reign , a little before the death of constantine junior , which hapned when acindynus and proculus were consuls , on the year of christ ; as may be gathered from socrates's second f book . now , what scaliger says , in his animadversions upon eusebius , pag. of the last edition , that eusebius's books against prophyrius were written under constantius son to constantine the great , can't so easily be admitted of by us , in regard 't is confirmed by the testimony of no ancient writer . but what the same scaliger adds in that very place , that the three last books of the evangelick demonstration , the eighteenth namely , ninteenth , and twentieth , were written by eusebius against prophyrius ; therein he does manifestly blunder . saint jerome g writes indeed , that eusebius answered porphyrius in three volumes , that is , in the eighteenth , nineteenth , and twentieth ; who in the twelfth and thirteenth of those books which he published against the christians , had attempted to confute the book of the prophet daniel . but saint jerome does not mean eusebius's books concerning evangelick demonstration , as scaliger thought , but the books he wrote against porphyrius ; which had this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ books ] of confutation and apology , as may be gathered from photius's bibliotheca . farther , i am of opinion , that these books were written by eusebius after his ecclesiastick history . and this i conjecture from hence , because our eusebius in the sixth h book of his ecclesiastick history , where he produces a famous passage out of porphyrius's third book against the christians , makes no mention of those books wherein he had answered porphyrius : whenas nevertheless , he is wont to be a diligent quoter of his own works , and does frequently referre the studious to the reading of them . but because a fit opportunity presents it self , i have a mind to make some few remarks here concerning his books of ecclesiastick history . for on their account chiefly , all this labour hath been undertaken by us . indeed , much hath been written by our eusebius for the profit and advantage of the catholick church , and in confirmation of the truth of the christian faith ; partly against the jews , and partly against the heathens . nevertheless amongst all his books , his ecclesiastick history does deservedly bear away the bell. for , before eusebius , many persons had written books in defence of the christian faith , and by most cogent reasons had confuted the jews contumacy , and the errour of the heathens . but there was no person before eusebius , who would deliver to posterity an history of ecclesiastick affairs . on which account our eusebius is the more to be commended , who was both the first that found out this subject ; and also , after he had attempted it , left it entire and perfect in every respect . 't is certain , although many have been found after him , who , incited by his example , have undertaken to commit to writing ecclesiastick matters ; yet they have all begun their history from those times wherein our eusebius had closed his work : but the history of the foregoing times , which he had set forth in ten books , they have left to him entire and untoucht . wherefore , should any one have a mind to term him the father and founder of ecclesiastick history , truly that person would seem to give him this surname not absurdly nor without cause . now , what way eusebius applied himself to this subject , 't is not hard to conjecture . for , whereas in the last part of his chronical canons , he had accurately noted the time of our lords coming , and of his passion ; the names also of the bishops who had sate in the four chief churches , and of the famous men who had flourished in the church ; and lastly , in their own time and order had digested the heresies and persecutions wherewith the church had been disquieted ; he was led by the hand as 't were , by little and little to the writing an ecclesiastick history ; that he might handle those matters more largely and copiously in his ecclesiastick history , which in his chronical canons he had comprized in a summary as ' t were . indeed he himself , in the a preface to his ecclesiastick history , does plainly shew that which i have said . where also he requests , that pardon may be granted him by candid readers , if peradventure he shall not so largely and copiously pursue and finish this subject : for [ he says , ] that he was the first person who applied himself to this sort of writing , and first began to walk in a way which had not before been worn by any one's footsteps . but this may seem to some persons , not so much an excuse and desire of pardon , as an endeavour to procure praise and glory . farther , notwithstanding it appears evident from eusebius ' s own testimony , that he wrote his ecclesiastick history after his chronological canons ; yet 't is strange that both those works proceed to one and the same limit , namely to constantine's twentieth year , which was the year of christ . that moreover may deservedly be wondred at , that although the nicene synod was celebrated on constantine's b vicennalia , yet no mention is made of it , either in his chronicon , or ecclesiastick history . for , whereas in his latine chronicon , at the fifteenth year of constantine , these words occur ; alexandrinae ecclesiae . ordinatur episcopus alexander ; &c : alexander is ordained the nineteenth bishop of the alexandrian church ; by whom arius the presbyter being ejected out of that church , joyns many to his own impiety . to confute the perfidiousness of which persons , a synod of bishops being conven'd at nicaea a city of bithynia , ruin'd all the subtil devices of the hereticks by the opposition of [ the term ] homoousios ▪ 't is plain enough , that those words were not written by eusebius , but were added by saint jerome , who interpolated eusebius's chronicon , by inserting many passages on his own head . for , to ●m●t that , ●●mely that the mention of the nicene synod is here set in a forreign and disagreeable place ; who can ever believe , that eusebius would have spoken in this manner concerning ari●● , or would have inserted the term homoousios into his own chronicon ? which word always displeased him , as we shall see afterwards . how should eusebius say , that there were three hundred and eighteen bishops present at the nicene synod ? when in his third c book concerning the life of constantine , he writes in most express words , that something more than two hundred and fifty sate in that synod . yet i don't doubt , but the ecclesiastick history was finished by eusebius some years after the nicene synod . but , whereas eusebius had resolved to close his history , with that peace which after diocletian ' s persecution shone from heaven upon the church , as he himself attests in the beginning of his work ; he designedly avoided mentioning the nicene synod , least he should be compell'd to set forth the strifes and broils of the bishops quarrelling one with another . for writers of histories ought chiefly to take care of and provide for this , that they may conclude their work with an illustrious and glorious close , as dionysius halicarnassensis has long since told us in his comparison of herodotus and thucydides . now , what more illustrious event could be wish'd for by eusebius , than that repose which by constantine had been restored to the christians after a most bloudy persecution ; when , the persecutour● being every where extinct , and last of all licinius taken off , no fear of past mischiefs was now left remaining ? with this peace ▪ therefore eusebius chose to close his history , rather than with the mention of the nicene synod . for in that synod the divisions seem'd not so much composed , as renewed . and that , not by the fault of the synod it self ; but by their pertinacious obstinacy who refused to acquiesce in the most whole some determinations of the sacred council . and let thus much suffice to have been said by us in reference to the life and writing● of eusebius . it remains , that we speak something concerning his faith and orthodoxy . and in the first place i would have the readers know , that they are not to expect here from us a defence of eulebius . for it belongs not to us to d pronounce concerning matters of this nature , in regard in these things we ought rather to follow the judgement of the church , and the opinion of the ancient fathers . wherefore we will set down some heads onely here , whereon relying as on some firm foundations , we may be able to determine with more of certainly concerning eusebius ' s faith . whereas therefore the opinions of the ancients in reference to our eusebius are various ; and some have thought , that he was a catholick ; others , an heretick ; others e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a person of a doubtfull and wavering faith ; we must enquire , to which opinion chiefly we ought to assent . 't is a constant rule of the law , in doubtfull matters the more favourable and milder opinion ought to be embrac'd . besides , whereas all the westerns , saint jerome onely excepted , have entertained honourable sentiments concerning our eusebius ; and whereas the gallican church hath enroll'd him amongst the number of saints , as may be gathered from victorius aquitanus , a usuardus , and others ; without question 't is better , that we should subscribe to the judgment of our fathers , than to that of the eastern schismaticks . lastly , whose authority ought to be greater in this matter , than that of the bishops of rome ? but gelasius in his book de duabus naturis , has recounted our eusebius amongst the catholick writers , and has recited two authorities out of his books . moreover , pope pelagius b terms him the most honourable amongst historians , and pronounces him free from all spot of heresie , notwithstanding he had highly commended heretical origen . but some body will say , that the judgment of the easterns is rather to be followed , in regard the easterns were better able to know eusebius , as being a man of their own language . but it may be answered , that there are not wanting some amongst the easterns , who have thought well of our eusebius . amongst whom is c socrates , and d gelasius cyzicenus . but , if the judgment of the seventh oecumenical synod be opposed against us , our answer is in readiness . for , eusebius ' s faith was not the subject of that synod's debate , but the worship of images . in order to the overthrowing whereof , when the adversaries , a little before conven'd in the imperial city , had produc'd an evidence out of eusebius's letter to constantia , and laid the greatest stress thereon ; the fathers of the seventh synod , that they might lessen the authority of this evidence , cryed out , that eusebius was an arian . but they did this by the by onely , from the occasion and hatred of that letter ; not designedly , or after a cognizance of the cause . they do indeed produce some passages out of eusebius , whereby they would prove , that he adher'd to the arian opinion . but they make no difference between eusebius ' s books before the nicene council , and those he wrote after that council : which nevertheless ought by all means to be done , to the end a certain and just sentence might be pronounc'd concerning eusebius ' s faith ▪ for , whatever he wrote before the nicene synod , ought not be objected and charg'd as a fault upon eusebius . farther , eusebius ' s letter to alexander , wherein he intercedes with him for arius , was doubtless written before the nicene synod . therefore , that testimony of the fathers of the seventh synod against eusebius , although it has the greatest autority , yet seems to us a rash judgment , before the matter was heard , rather than a synodal sentence . but the greeks may have leave to think thus concerning our eusebius , and to call him a borderer upon the arian heresie , or even an arian . but who can with patience bear saint jerome , who not content to term him heretick and arian , does frequently stile him a ring-leader of the arians ? can he be justly termed a ring-leader of the arians , who after the nicene synod always condemned the opinion of the arians ? let his books de ecclesiasticâ theologiâ be perused , which he wrote against marcellus long after the nicene council . we shall find what i have said , that they were condemn'd by him , who would affirm , that the son of god was made of things which are not , and that there was a time when he was not . athanasius does likewise attest the same thing concerning eusebius , in his letter about the decrees of the nicene synod , in these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and truly he was unhappy in that : for , to the end he might clear himself , he in future accused the arians , because , when they would maintain that the son [ of god ] existed not before ▪ he was begotten , by this means they might deny him to have existed before his incarnation . and this is the testimony which athanasius gives eusebius , who bore eusebius a private grudge . but s t jerome who had no reasons of hatred against eusebius , yea who had profited so much from his writings ; who had rendred his chronical canon , and his book de locis hebraïcis into latine ; yet brands eusebius with this reproach , which even his most malicious enemies never sastned on him . the reason of which thing i am not able to find out , unless it be , that saint jerome , having conceived an hatred against origen , beyond measure persecuted all the defenders of his opinions , and especially our eusebius . it must indeed be confest , that our eusebius ( although he can't deservedly be termed a ring-leader of the arians , yet ) after the nicene synod was perpetually conversant with the chiefs of the arians , and together with them opposed the catholick bishops , eustathius namely and athanasius , the principal maintainers of homoousios . that also seems worthy of reprehension in eusebius , that although he always asserted the eternity of the son of god against the arians , yet never heartily approved of the word homoousios . 't is certain , he has never made use of that term , either in his books against marcellus , or in his orations concerning the faith against sabellius . yea , in his second book against sabellius , he does plainly intimate , that that word , in regard it occurs not in the scriptures , is displeasing to him . for thus he says . sicut ergo de his quae possunt quaeri , inertium est non quaerere : &c. as therefore concerning those matters which may be search'd into , 't is sluggishness not to enquire : so , in reference to them which there is no necessity of searching into , 't is boldness to enquire . what things then ought to be search'd into ? those which we find recorded in the scriptures . but , what we don't find in the scriptures , let us not search after . for , were it behoveable that they should be known to us , doubtless the holy spirit would have plac'd them in the scriptures . and a little after he has these words . let us not in such a manner expose our selves to danger , but let us speak safely . but if any thing be written , let it not be blotted out . and in the end of his oration he expresses himself in this manner . speak what is written , and the controversie will be ended . in which words eusebius no doubt touches upon the term homoousios . but now , if you please , let us hear the testimonies of the ancients concerning eusebius . wherein this is chiefly to be remark'd , although the judgments of men concerning our eusebius have been various , in reference to the purity of the ecclesiastick opinions ; yet all do unanimously give him the commendation of most profound learning . one onely person , joseph scaliger , has lived in our fathers memory , who , hurried on with a rash boldness and lust of reproaching , has endeavoured to deprive eusebius of this glory of his learning , which even his adversaries never envied him . his d words , if any one be desirous of knowing them , we have plac'd amongst the testimonies of the ancients ; not that we have any great value for his judgment , in this particular especially ; but with this design rather , that his unreasonable detraction might be exposed to publick view . who having resolved to write comments on eusebius's chronical canon , in the very entrance of that work reproves saint jerome , because he hath termed eusebius a most learned man. and at first i had indeed determined , to have reasoned at large against scaliger , and to have confuted his opinion by a more copious answer . but in regard that matter requires a greater leisure , and would peradventure be tedious to the readers , it will be more opportunely deferred to another time . errata in the text. p. denotes the page , c. the column , l. the line , r. read . p. . c. . l. . read , and changed this cursed earth for those heavenly delights and pleasures of old . p. . c. . l. . r. alabarches . p. . c. . l. . from the bottome , r. besought . p. . c. . l. . r. second . p. . c. . l. . r. nicer . p. . c. . l. . r. symbol or signall . p. . c. . l. . r. assigne me a day , and. p. . c. . l. . r. monuments of his ingeneity . p. . c. . l. . r. syriac [ gospel , ] . p. . c. . l. . r. tablet . p. . c. . l. . r. docetae . ibid. c. . l. . r. concerning fasting . p. . c. . l. . and . r. bishop in a catholick church . p. . c. . l. . r. for with sufficient reason we abominate . ibid. l. . r. introduced . p. . c. . l. , , and . r. congregations ; and the multitudes of assemblies throwout every city ; and those famous concourses [ of the people ] p. . c. . l. . r. devotion . p. . c. , l. . r. devotion . p. . c. . l. . r. devotion . p. . c. . l. , , and . r. to place here an entire and compleat panegyrick . p. . c. . l. . r. sides of the whole church . p. . c. . l. . r. for how . ibid. l. and . r. my heart hath sent forth a good word . p. . c. . l. . r. and by the greatest part were with you . p. . c. . l. . r. but the emperour's mother . p. . c. . l. . r. god be our judge . p. . c. . l. . r. which is a suburb of the. p. . c. . l. . r. church of constantinople . p. . c. . l. . r. consulate of marcellinus . p. . c. . l. . r. deferred the constituting . p. . c. . l. . r. for he shall sit . p. . c. . l. . r. gabala . p. . c. . l. . r. comana . p. . c. . l. and . r. by helion the patricius , he himself . in the life of evagrius , p. . l. . r. the dignity of a quaestori●● . p. . c. . l. . r. we glorified god the saviour . p. . c. . l. . r. the bishops paschasinus and. p. . c. . l. . r. snare of souls lying conceal'd in . ibid. c. . l. . r. great emperour also . p. . c. . l. . r. worse . p. . c. . l. . r. harmonious universe . after page , the next is by mistake mark'd : but that will give the reader no disturbance , because from the number last nam'd the pages are continued in order , to the end of the work ; and the index's are figured accordingly . the lines are counted from the top of the page , except where 't is otherwise exprest in these errata . errata in the notes . page . column . line . read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . c. . l. . r. tiberius . p. . c. . l. . r. centurion of the proconsular office . p. . c. . l. . r. not in his first , but in his second apology . p. . c. . l. . r. symbol or signall . p. . c. . l. . from the bottom , read whole story about the cells . p. . c. . l. . r. the publick treasure . p. . c. . l. . r. in the name of eulogia . p. . c. . l. . r. signifies a narration onely . ibid. l. . r. which are printed . p. . c. . l. . r. solemn prayer of the eucharist . p. . c. . l. . r. in his libel which . p. . c. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . c. . l. . from the bottom , read , a son of god. p. . c. . l. . r. note ( o. ) p. . c. . l. . r. and we , an entire and compleat . p. . c. . l. . blot out and. p. . c. . l. . r. orthodoxae . p. . c. . l. . r. chap. . p. . c. . l. . r. which is born or begotten . p. . c. . l. . r. we owe. p. . c. . l. . r. at this place . p. . c. . l. . read safima . p. . c. . line . from the bottom , read , an hundred and thirty seaven . p. . c. . l. . r. safima . p. . c. . in the last line , read , in which he terms him rhutupinu● latro. p. . c. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . c. . l. . r. learn● the letters . p. . c. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . c. . l. . r. who imagine [ or fancy ] p. . c. . blot out almost an island . p. . c. . l. . r. chap. . p. . c. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . chap. i. the subject of this work. the successions of the holy apostles , together with the series of times continued from our saviour to our age , and how many and great things are said to have been done , agreeable to the subject of an ecclesiastical history , and who have eminently governed and presided over the church , especially in the most famous sees a ; also who in every age have set forth the divine word , either by preaching or writings ; and also , what men , and how many , and when , through a desire of innovation , falling into extream errours , have published themselves authors of knowledge falsly so called , and sparing none , as ravening wolves , have devoured the flock of christ ; and moreover , what evils and calamities befell straightway the whole nation of the jews , because of their conspiracy against our saviour ; and again , by how great and what manner of means , and in what times the divine word hath been impugned of the gentiles , and what singular men in every age have undergone the greatest perills in defence thereof , by shedding their bloud , and suffering torments ; and besides all this , the martyrdoms that have happened in our own times , together with the merciful and benign assistance of our saviour graciously exhibited towards every one : these things , i say , i determining to publish in writing , will not take my entrance from any other place , than from the very b incarnation of our lord and saviour jesus , who is the christ of god. but truly even in the beginning we must modestly crave pardon ; for we confess ingeniously , it is far beyond our strength to finish what we design and promise perfectly and compleatly , so as to omit nothing . for we taking this argument in hand first , adventure to tread a solitary and untroden way , praying that god may be our guide , and the power of our lord our present help and aid ; but we can no where find so much as the bare steps of any men who have passed the same path before us : excepting onely some small shews and tokens divers here and there have left us , particular declarations of the times they lived in , holding forth as it were torches a far off , and lifting up their voices from one high , and calling as out of a watch-tower to direct us what way we ought to goe , and how without errour or danger to order our discourse . whatsoever things therefore we think will be expedient for this present argument , these we carefully chusing , as they are here and there by them mentioned , and culling and gathering the commodious and fit sentences of former writers , as it were flowers out of wisdoms meadows , we will endeavour by an historical narration to compact the same into one body , resting well contented to preserve from oblivion the successions , although not of all , yet of the most famous apostles of our saviour in those churches which then were eminent , and are still renowned . i suppose that i have taken in hand a subject very necessary , because i have not found any ecclesiastical writer which hath hitherto employed any diligence in a work of this nature ; i hope also it will appear a most profitable work to those who prize the usefull knowledge of history . and indeed i heretofore wrote an epitome of these things , when i compiled my c chronical canons ; but the more ample declaration hereof i now purpose to undertake . and the beginning of my narration ( as i said ) will i take from the d dispensation of our saviour christ , and from his e divinity , the conception whereof far exceeds the reach of humane capacity . for it is requisite for him that would commit to writing an ecclesiastical history , thence to begin , even from the incarnation of christ , diviner than it seemeth to many , in as much as from him we are honoured with the name of christians . chap. ii. a brief summary concerning the praeexistence and divinity of our lord and saviour jesus christ. a whereas therefore there is in christ a twofold nature , the one resembling the head of the body , by which he is understood to be god ; the other rightly compared to the feet , by which he hath put on our humane nature , subject to like passions with us , for the sake of our salvation ; the series of our subsequent narration will be perfect and entire , if we begin the declaration of the discourse of the whole history concerning him , from those heads which are the chief and principal . hereby also both the antiquity and divine dignity of christianity will be manifestly declared , against them which suppose this religion new , and strange , of yesterday and never before apparent . but to declare the generation , dignity , essence , and nature of christ , no speech can sufficiently serve . wherefore also the holy ghost in the prophets saith ; his generation who shall be able to declare ? for the father no man hath known but the son ; neither at any time hath any fully known the son but the father alone which begat him . that light that shone before the world , that intellectual and essential wisdom that was before all ages , the living god , the word , who was in the beginning with the father , who but the father alone can clearly and perfectly comprehend ? him , who is before every creature and workmanship whether visible or invisible , the first and onely begotten son of god , chief captain of the rational and immortal host in heaven , the angel of the great counsel , the b finisher of the secret will of the father , maker and worker of all things together with the father , who after the father , is cause and authour of all things , the true and onely begotten son of god , lord , god , and king of all creatures , receiving dominion and rule from the father , together with divinity , power , and honour . for , according to the mystical and divine expressions of the scriptures concerning him , in the beginning was the word , and the word was with god , and the word was god. all things were made by him , and without him nothing was made that was made . and the same , great moses , who is the most ancient of all the prophets , when he describes by inspiration of the holy sp●rit the creation and disposition of the universe , doth shew ; to wit , that god the framer of the world and architect of all , granted to christ himself , and to none other , that is , to his divine and onely begotten word , the making of inferiour creatures , and that he conferred with him about the creation of man ; for god said , saith he , let us make man after our own image and likeness . and with this saying agreeth another prophet , thus speaking of god in hymnes , he spake and they were made , he commanded and they were created . he introduceth the father and maker , commanding , as universal lord , with his royal beck ; but the word of god next to him , ( not different from him who is preached by us ) in all things c ministring to his fathers commands . therefore from the first original of mankind , all who are said to have been eminent for righteousness and the virtues of religion , both about the time of moses that great worshipper , and before him , especially abraham and his sons , and as many as in the times following were accounted just ; and the prophets also who contemplated with the pure eyes of the mind , have acknowledged him , and have attributed to him , as to the son of god , due honour . and he being in no wise slothfull about his fathers worship , d was appointed a master to teach all men the knowledge of his father . e the lord god therefore appeared in the likeness of man unto abraham , as he sat at the oak of mamre ; but he forthwith falling down upon his face , although with the outward eye he beheld but man , worshipped him as god , and made supplication to him as lord. and that he was not ignorant who he was , he professeth when he uttereth these words , o lord , which judgest the whole earth , wilt not thou judge rightly ? for if it be contrary to reason that either the unbegotten and immutable f person or nature of god almighty should transform himself into the likeness of man , and so by an appearance in a bodily shape deceive the eyes of the beholders ; or that the scripture should feign such things falsly ; then that god and lord , who judgeth the whole earth , and executeth judgment , appearing in the shape of man , who else can he be called ( for it is not lawfull to say it of the first authour of all things ) but onely his preexistent word ? of whom also it is said in the psalms , he sent forth his word and healed them , and delivered them from their destructions . the same , moses plainly calleth lord , next after the father , saying , the lord rained brimstone and fire from the lord out of heaven upon sodom and gomorrah . the same doth the divine scripture call god , appearing again unto jacob in the figure of a man , and saying unto jacob , thy name shall be no more called jacob , but israel shall be thy name , because thou hast prevailed with god. at which time jacob named that place the vision of god , saying , for i have seen god face to face , and my life is preserved . moreover , neither is it lawful once to surmise that the apparitions of god in the scripture may be attributed to the inferiour angels and ministers of god : for neither doth the scripture , if at any time any of them appeared unto men , conceal the same ; expressly saying , not that god , or the lord , but that angels spake ; which may easily be confirmed by innumerable testimonies . this same also doth jesus the successour of moses term chief captain of the great power of the lord , as prince of celestial angels , and arch-angels , and all supernatural powers , and as being the power and wisdom of the father , and to whom the second place in the rule and government of all things is committed , when as he beheld him in no other form or figure then of man. for thus it is written , and it hapned when joshua was in jericho , he lifted up his eyes , and behold a man standing over against him , having a naked sword in his hand . and joshua coming unto him said , art thou on our side , or on our adversaries ? and he said unto him , as chief captain of the host of the lord i am now come hither . and joshua fell on his face to the earth , and said unto him , lord , what commandest thou thy servant ? and the captain of the lords host said unto joshua , loose thy shoo● from off thy foot : for the place where thou standest is an holy place . by these very words thou mayst by an attentive consideration perceive , that this person did not differ g from him who delivered his oracles to moses : for of him also the scripture speaketh the same words , when the lord saw that he came for to see , god called to him out of the midst of the bush , and said , moses , moses ; and he answered , what is it ? and he said , come not nigh hither ; put thy shooes off thy feet , for the place where thou standest is holy ground . and he said unto him , i am the god of thy fathers ; the god of abraham , the god of isaac , and the god of jacob ; now that there is a certain essence living and subsisting before the foundations of the world were laid , which ministred unto the father and the god of all at the creation of all creatures , termed the word , and the wisdom of god ; beside the before produced demonstrations , wisedom her self , in her proper person by solomon plainly speaking and delivering her mysteries after this manner , is to be heard : i wisedome , have fixed a tabernacle : councel , knowledge , and understanding i have by calling allured unto me . through me kings doe reign , and princes decree justice . through me princes bear rule on earth . to this she addeth ; the lord himself fashioned me the beginning of his ways , for the accomplishing of his works , i have been ordained before the foundations of the world were laid , and from the beginning : or ever the earth was made , before the well-springs flowed out , before the foundations of the mountains were firmly set , and before all hills , begat he me . when he spread and prepared the heavens , i was present with him ; and when he bound in due order the depths under heaven i was by , composing all things , i was she in whom he daily delighted ; rejoycing continually before his face , when he rejoyced at the perfect finishing of the world. that therefore the word of god subsisted before all things , and that to some he appeared , though not to all men , let thus much suffice at this time to have been by us briefly delivered . h now for what cause he was not preached of old unto all men , and unto all nations as now he is , thus it shall evidently appear . that antient generation of men was not able to receive the most wise and most excellent doctrine of christ. for , immediately in the very beginning , after that primitive happy state of life , the first man , being careless of the commandment of god , fell into this mortal and frail life , and changed this cursed earth for those heavenly delights and pleasures of old . and his posterity , when they had replenished this world , appeared f●r worse , one or two excepted ; they gave admission to certain savage and bruitish manners , and led a life not worthy to be called life : and moreover they busied not their minds to erect either city or common-wealth , nor to profit in arts or sciences : they had not amongst them so much as the name either of laws or statutes , or moreover of virtue , or philosophy : but wandring in deserts , they lived like wild and fierce savages : they corrupted their natural understanding , and the seeds of reason and gentleness sown in mans mind with their excessive willfull malice , yielding up themselves wholly to all abominable wickednesses : sometimes they defiled one anothers bodies , sometimes they shed one anothers bloud , and sometimes they spared not to devour one anothers flesh , yea they audaciously undertook to wage war with god , and attempted those giganti●k-combats so much talk't of , determining in their minds to pile up the earth in manner of a bulwark and so to scale heaven ; and , such was their outragious madness , they prepared to give battel to god himself who is over all . wherefore , they behaving themselves on this manner , god the overseer of all things came upon them with floods and fiery destructions , as if they had been a wild thicket overspreading the whole earth : also he cut them off with continual famines and pestilences , with wars , and thunderbolts from heaven ; repressing with most sharp punishments that grievous and most pernicious malady , as it were , of their souls . moreover , when this k fullness of wickedness was now come to its height , and had in a manner spread it self over all , shadowing and darkning the minds almost of all men , as it were a certain grievous and dead fit of drunkenness ; then that first begotten and l preexistent wisedom of god , and the same word that was in the beginning with god , out of his superabundant loving kindness unto man , appeared sometimes by vision of angels unto the inhabiters on earth , sometimes by himself , as the saving power of god , unto some one or two of the antients that were beloved of god in no other form or figure than that of man : for otherwise it could not have been . after that by them the seeds of gods worship were now sown and scattered amidst the multitude of men , and that whole nation , which originally descended from the hebrews , had now addicted themselves to the worship of god , he , by the prophet moses , delivered unto them , as unto a multitude , yet m corrupted and tainted with old customs , figures and signes of a kind of mystical sabbath , and circumcision , and introductions unto other intelligible contemplations , but not the perfect and plain initiation into the sacred doctrines . but when the law , famous among them , was published abroad , and diffused , like a most sweet odour amongst all men , and thereby many of the gentiles then had their n mindes and manners civilized by law-makers and philosophers every where , and their rude and bruitish savageness changed into a meek and mild temper and behaviour , so that there ensued perfect peace and friendship and mutual commerce amongst them ; then at the last to all men , and to the gentiles throughout all the world , as it were now prepared and fitted to receive the knowledge of the father , the same person again , the school-master of virtue , his fathers minister in all goodness , the divine and celestial word of god manifested himself , about the beginning of the roman empire , in humane shape , for bodily substance nothing differing from our nature , and therein wrought and suffered such things as were consonant with the oracles of the prophets , who foreshewed there should come into the world such a one as should be both man and god , a mighty worker of miracles , an instructer of the gentiles in the worship of his father ; and withall they foretold his miraculous birth , his new doctrine , his wonderfull works , moreover the manner also of his death , his resurrection from the dead , and last of all his glorious and divine return into heaven . the prophet daniel therefore by the divine spirit beholding his kingdom that shall be in the latter age of the world , having been moved by the power of that divine spirit , hath thus more after the manner of man , and to mans capacity described the vision of god ; for i beheld , saith he , untill the thrones were placed , and the antient of days sat thereon : his garments were as the white snow , the hairs of his head as pure wooll , his throne a flame of fire , his wheels burning fire . a fiery stream slided before his face . thousand thousands ministred unto him , and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him : the judgment was set , and the books were opened . and afterwards , i beheld , saith he , and beheld , one coming in the clouds like the son of man ; and he came unto the antient of days , and he was brought before him : and to him was given principality , and honour , and rule ; and all people , tribes , and tongues shall serve him ; his power is an everlasting power which shall not pass , and his kingdom shall never be destroyed . these things can manifestly be referred to none other than to our saviour , the word that was in the beginning with god , god the word , termed the son of man by reason of his incarnation in the latter times . but because we have in proper and peculiar o commentaries collected the oracles of the prophets touching our saviour jesus christ , and have elsewhere confirmed by evident demonstrations those things which have been delivered concerning him , at this present we will be content with the premisses . chap. iii. that the very name of jesus , and also that of christ was from the beginning both known and honoured among the divine prophets . a now that the name both of jesus , and also of christ , was of old honoured among the prophets beloved of god , it is now an opportune time to declare . first of all moses , knowing the name of christ to be most especially venerable and glorious , when he delivered types and symbols of heavenly things , and mystical forms , agreeable to the divine oracle that said to him , see thou doe all things after the fashion that was shewed thee in the mount , the man whom he entitled ( as much as he lawfully might ) the high-priest of god , the same he stiled christ ; and thus to the dignity of high-priesthood , which excelled in his judgment all other prerogatives among men , he for honour and glory put-to the name of christ. so then he deemed christ to be a certain divine thing . the same moses also , when being inspired by the holy ghost , he had well foreseen the name of jesus , judged again the same worthy of singular prerogative . for this name of jesus , which before moses his time had never been named among men , moses gave to him first , and to him alone , whom he knew very well by type again and figurative sign was to receive the universal principality after his death . his successour therefore , before that time not called jesus , but by another name , to wit , b ause , which his parents had given him , he called jesus , giving him this appellation as a singular title of honour far passing all royal diadems , because that same jesus , the son of nave bore the figure of our saviour ; who alone , after moses , and the accomplishment of the figurative service delivered by him , was to succeed in the government of the true and most pure religion . thus to two men who surpassed all people of that age in virtue and glory , one being then high-priest , the other to be chief ruler after him , moses gave the name of our saviour jesus christ , as an ensign of the greatest honour . the prophets also who came after , prophesied plainly of christ by name , foretelling long before-hand the treacherous practice of the jewish people against him , and the calling of the gentiles by him . both jeremie saying thus , * the spirit before our face , christ our lord , is taken in their nets , of whom we spake , under the shadow of his wings we shall be preserved alive among the heathen : and david also , being very much perplexed , speaking thus , * why have the gentiles raged , and the people imagined vain things ? the kings of the earth stood forth , and the princes assembled together in the same place against the lord and against his christ ; whereunto afterwards he addeth in the person of christ , the lord said unto me , thou art my son ; this day have i begotten thee . ask of me , and i will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the ends of the earth for thy possession . the name of christ therefore among the hebrews hath not onely honoured those that were adorned with the high-priesthood , being anointed with figurative and mystical oyl prepared on purpose , but kings also , whom prophets by the divine appointment anointing , made figurative christs ; because they bore in themselves a resemblance of the regal and princely power of the onely and true christ , the word of god , who governeth all things . and moreover we have learned that certain of the prophets also by being anointed have typically become christs . so that all these have a relation unto the true christ , the divine and heavenly word , the onely high-priest of the whole world , therefore onely king of all the creation , and the onely chief prophet of the father among all the prophets . the proof hereof is demonstrable : for none of them that of old were typically anointed , whether priests , or kings , or prophets , ever obtained so great a measure of divine power and virtue , as the saviour and our lord jesus , the onely and true christ , hath shewed . indeed none of them , how famous soever they were among their own followers throughout many ages , by reason of their dignity and honour have caused by their being typically called christs , that such as were conform to them should be named christians . neither hath the honour of adoration been exhibited by their subjects unto any of them , neither after the death of any of them have the minds of any been so much affected towards him , as to be ready to die for the maintenance of his honour : neither hath there been any so great stir and commotion among all the nations throughout the whole world for any of them . for the power of the figure and shadow was not of such efficacy in them , as the presence of the truth exhibited by our saviour . who though he received not from any the ensigns and badges of the high-priesthood , nor indeed * lineally descended according unto the flesh from the priestly race , nor was advanced by a guard of armed men unto his kingdom , nor was made a prophet after the manner of the antient prophets , nor obtained any preeminence , or prerogative among the jews ; yet for all this he was adorned c by the father with all these dignities , though not in types and symbols , yet in very truth . and although he obtained all these titles in another manner then those men did , whereof mention hath been made , yet hath he been more truly stiled christ than they all . and he , as being the onely and true christ of god , hath by that truly venerable and sacred name of his filled the whole world with christians : nor doth he deliver henceforth types and shadows unto his followers , but naked virtues , and an heavenly life accompanied with the undoubted doctrine of verity . and the oyntment he received was not corporal , compounded of spices , but divine , by the holy ghost and by participation of the unbegotten deity of the father . the which thing again esay declareth , when as in the person of christ he breaketh out into these words , * the spirit of the lord is upon me , wherefore he hath anointed me to preach glad tidings unto the poor , he hath sent me to cure the contrite in heart , to preach deliverance unto the captives , and recovering of sight to the blind . and not onely esay , but david also , directing his words to his person , saith , * thy throne , o god , lasteth for ever and ever : the sceptre of thy kingdom is a right sceptre . thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity : wherefore god even thy god hath anointed thee with the oyl of gladness above thy fellows . in which text the word of god in the first verse termeth christ god , the second honoureth him with a royal sceptre : thence descending by degrees , after the mention of his divine and royal power ; in the third place he sheweth him to have been christ , anointed not with oyl of corporeal substance , but of divine , that is of gladness : whereby he signifieth his prerogative and surpassing excellency above them which with corporeal and typical oyl had of old been anointed . and in another place the same david speaketh of him thus , saying , † the lord said unto my lord , sit thou on my right hand untill i make thine enemies thy footstool . and , out of my womb before the day-star have i begotten thee ; the lord sware and will not repent , thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchisedec : this melchisedec in the sacred † scriptures is brought in the priest of the most high god ; but neither was he consecrated by any oyl prepared of man for that purpose , nor by succession of kindred had he attained unto the priest-hood among the hebrews : wherefore our saviour , according unto his order , and not according to them who received signes and shadows , is published , and that with addition of an oath , christ and d priest. wherefore also the sacred history neither mentions him to be corporally anointed among the jews , nor born of the priestly tribe , but of god himself before the day-star , that is , having his essence before the structure of the world , immortal , possessing a priest-hood that never perisheth by reason of age , but lasteth world without end . but this is a great and an apparent argument of his incorporeal and divine e power , that he alone , of all men that hitherto ever were , is by all men throughout the whole world called christ ; is preached and confessed by the common consent and testimony of all , and by this name every where celebrated among the grecians and barbarians : and that hitherto among all his followers throughout the world , he hath been both honoured as king , had in admiration above a prophet , and also glorified as the true and onely high-priest of god ; and above all this , that he is worshipped even as god , in as much as he is the eternal word of god , and subsisted before all worlds , f receiving majestical-honour from the father : but this moreover is most of all to be marvelled at , that we who are dedicated unto him , honour him not with voices onely and noise of words , but with all entire affection of the mind , so that we prefer the confession of him before our own lives . chap. iv. that the religion , by him declared to all nations , is neither new , nor strange . a let these things therefore be necessarily placed by me here in the beginning of this history , least any man should surmise our saviour and lord jesus christ to be a person newly apparent , by reason of the late time of his being conversant in the flesh . now also , least any should deem his doctrine to be new and strange , as delivered by a new comer , and one who nothing differeth from the rest of men , come on , let us also in short debate thereof . it is indeed most certain , when as the coming and presence of our saviour jesus christ shone now fresh unto all men , that a people new we must confess , yet neither small , nor such as was scituate in some corner of the earth , but of all nations both the most populous and most religious , and upon this account inexpugnable and invincible , because aided continually by the assistance of god , at certain seasons predetermined by the secret providence of god , to us suddenly appeared , being ennobled among all men by the title and name of christ. this , one of the prophets by the eye of the divine spirit foreseeing would come to pass , was astonished , in so much that he cried out , thus , * who hath heard such things ? or who hath spoken after this manner ? hath the earth travelling brought forth in one day ? and hath a nation sprung up suddenly and at one time ? also the same prophet shews the very name that should be given , saying , * and they that serve me shall be called after a new name which shall be blessed upon earth . but although , without controversie we are but of late , and this new name of christians hath been but lately known unto all nations ; yet , that our life and manner of conversation , together with the rules of religion , are not newly devised by our selves , but have been ( as i may say ) even from the original of mankind , instituted and observed by antient godly men from those notions that nature had implanted in their minds , we will thus make evident . that the nation of the hebrews is no new nation , but honoured among all people for their antiquity , is well known to all . they have books and monuments in writing containing the actions of antient men , who were rare indeed , and few in number , yet excelled in piety and righteousness , and all other kind of virtues . whereof some flourisht before the floud , others after ; as the sons and off-spring of noah ; b and moreover abraham , in whom the children of the hebrews doe glory , as their chief founder , and forefather . now if any one beginning with abraham and going upwards to the first man , does affirm that all those men who have so glorious testimonials of their righteousness , were in reality though not by name christians , he shall not erre far from the truth . for whereas the name of christian signifieth a man who through the knowledge and doctrine of christ excelleth in modesty and righteousness , in patience of life and virtuous fortitude , and in profession of sincere piety towards the one and the onely god who is above all ; they were no less studious about all this than we are . they cared not therefore for corporal circumcision ; no more doe we : nor for the observation of sabbaths ; no more doe we ; nor for abstinence from certain meats , and distinction of other things , which moses first instituted and delivered to be typically observed ; no more doe christians regard such matters now . but they of old evidently knew the very christ of god. for that he appeared to abraham , gave answers to isaac , talked with jacob , conversed with moses , and afterwards with the prophets , we have shewed before . hence thou maiest find those darlings of god honoured with the name of christ , according unto that saying of them , * see that ye touch not my † christs , neither deal perversly with my prophets . it is manifest therefore that the service of god , which was instituted by the godly of old about the time of abraham , and published of late unto all the gentiles by the doctrine of christ , ought to be accounted the first , the eldest , and the antientest of all . but if they say that abraham a long time after received the commandment of circumcision ; yet before the receit thereof he is said to have been justified by his faith ; the scripture speaking thus , * abraham believed god , and it was imputed unto him for righteousness . and he being such a one already before circumcision , the oracle from god , who manifested himself unto him , even christ himself , the word of god before-hand hath uttered this unto him in these words , concerning those who in future ages should be justified after the same manner with himself , saying thus , * and all the tribes of the earth shall be blessed in thee ; and that he should be a great and a populous nation and all the nations on the earth should be blessed in him . and we may by consideration easily perceive that this is fulfilled in us . for he , through faith in christ the word of god who appeared unto him was justified , when having left the superstition of his fathers , and the errour of his former life , he confessed one onely god who is over all , and worshipped him with virtuous works , and not with the ceremonious service of the law delivered afterwards by moses . unto him , being such a one it was said that , in him shall all the tribes of the earth and all nations be blessed . the very same manner of religion which abraham followed , is found at this present among christians alone throughout the world , practised by them in works which are far more evident than words . what then hindreth but that we may henceforth confess , that one and the same way of living , and the same kind of religion is common to us , who have our name from christ , with them who of old sincerely served god and were so dear unto him . it plainly appears therefore that that perfect and exact rule of religion , which hath been delivered unto us by the doctrine of christ , is neither new nor strange , but ( if we ought to speak the truth ) the first ▪ the onely , and the true one . and of these matters let thus much suffice . chap. v. of the times of our saviours manifestation unto men. but , after this preparation wherein by way of preface we have laid down such things as are fit to usher-in the ecclesiastical history we design , it now remaineth that we take the first step as it were of our journey from the appearance of our saviour in the flesh ; calling upon god , the father of the word , and upon jesus christ himself , of whom we treat , our saviour and lord , the heavenly word of god , that he will be our help and fellow-labourer in the declaration of the truth . it was now therefore a the two and fortieth year of the reign of augustus , and the eight and twentieth year after the subduing of egypt , and the death of antonius and cleopatra , in whom the rule of the ptolomees in egypt ceased , when our saviour and lord jesus christ at the time of the first b taxing , which was when c cyrenius was governour of syria , was born in bethlehem of judea , agreeable to the prophecies , that went before of him . which taxing under cyrenius , flavius josephus , a most famous historiographer among the hebrews , maketh mention of ; adding thereto another history concerning the sect of the galileans , which sprang up about the same time , whereof amongst us also luke in the acts of the apostles maketh mention , saying thus , * after this man rose up one d judas of galilee in the days of the taxing , and drew away much people after him : he also himself perished , and all even as many as obeyed him , were dispersed . the same indeed , josephus before mentioned in his eighteenth book of antiquities , doth agree in and confirm thus , word for word , cyrenius one of the number of the roman senatours , a man who had born all offices , and by all the degrees of honour had climbed at length to the consulship , and who was greatly renowned in other respects , came with a few men into syria , being sent on purpose by caesar , as judge of the nation , and to take the valuation of their estates . and a little after , he saith , judas gaulanites , a man of the city named gamala , having taken unto him one saddochus a pharisee , earnestly sollicited the people to rebellion : both of them affirming , that the taxing of this tribute inferred nothing but manifest servitude , and exhorting the whole nation to maintain their liberty . and in his second book of the wars of the jews , he writeth thus of the same person : at that time a certain galilean by name judas , stirred up the people of that region to defection , upbraiding them for paying tribute so tamely to the romans , and , having god their sovereign , for suffering mortal men to be their masters . so far josephus . chap. vi. that in his time , according to the predictions of the prophets , the princes of the jewish nation who before by succession had held the principality , surceased , and that herod , the first of the aliens , became their king. now at that time , when herod , the first of them who by descent was a forreigner , had obtained the rule over the jewish nation , the prophecy written by moses was fulfilled , which said , * there shall not want a prince in juda , neither a leader fail of his loyns , untill he come for whom it is reserved . whom he declares to be the expectation of the gentiles . indeed the things of that prophesie hung unaccomplished all the time that it was lawful for the jews to live under princes of their own nation : who taking their beginning as high as moses himself , continued down their reign even to the empire of augustus : under whom herod the first a forreigner had the government of the jews granted him by the romans : who , as josephus declares , was by his fathers side an idumaean ; by his mothers , an arabian : but , as affricanus , one not of the vulgar sort of writers , says , they who have been more accurate about his pedegree , say he was the son of antipater , who was the son of one herod an ascalonite , who was one of the servants which ministred in the temple of apollo . this antipater being taken by idumaean theeves while he was yet a child , remained a long time among them , because his father being one of a mean estate was not able to redeem him . and being brought up after their manner of breeding , became at length very familiarly acquainted with hyrcanus the high-priest of the jews . this very mans son was that herod who lived in the time of our saviour . when therefore the principality of the jews was come into the hands of this alien , then was the expectation of the gentiles even at the doors , according unto that prophesie : for then the line of their native princes and governours was broken off , which had been drawn down by a continued succession from moses himself untill that time . for before they were taken captives and carried into babylon , kings reigned over them , beginning from saul who was the first , and from david . before their kings princes bore rule over them , whom they called judges , beginning their government after moses , and his successour * jesus . after their return from babylon there ceased not amongst them a form of government , an aristocracie together with an oligarchie , the best ruling , and they but few in number . for the high-priests had held that preeminence untill pompey the roman captain coming upon them by main force , besieged and ransacked jerusalem , polluted the holy places , by entring into the sanctuaries of the temple , and sent prisoner to rome the high-priest whose name was aristobulus with his sons , who by succession from his progenitors had continued unto that time both prince and priest ; and committed the office of high-priesthood unto his brother hyrcanus , and from that time ●orth made the whole jewish nation become tributary to the romans . and indeed not long after , hyrcanus , the last of those to whom the high-priesthood by succession befell , being taken prisoner by the parthians , herod the first forreigner , as i said before , had the government of the jewish nation delivered to him by the roman senate and the emperour augustus . under whom , whenas the presence of christ was apparent , the long-lookt-for salvation of the gentiles was accomplished , and their calling consequently followed , according to the predictions of the prophets . since which time the princes and rulers of juda ( those i mean who were of jewish extraction ) ceasing , straightway the series and course of the high-preisthood , which among them by order of succession af●er the decrease of the former was always , as it was meet , wont to fall unto the next of bloud , was confounded . hereof thou hast josephus a witness worthy of credit , declaring how that herod , after that he was intrusted with the rule over the jews by the romans , assigned them no more high-priests of the antient priestly race , but conferred that honour upon certain obscure persons ; and how that the same course which herod had taken in constituting high-priests , was followed by his son archelaus , and after by the romans who succeeded him in the government of judea . the said josephus declareth , how that herod first shut up under his own privy-seal the holy ro●e of the high-priest , not permitting the high-priests to keep it any longer in their own custody ; and that after him archelaus ; and after archelaus the romans did the same . and let these things be spoken by us to evidence the truth of another prophesie , which by the coming of our saviour christ jesus was accomplished . for most plainly and expressly of all other , the holy scripture in daniel describing the number of certain weeks unto christ the ruler ( whereof we have in another b place intreated ) foretelleth that after the accomplishment of those weeks the jewish anointing should be abolished . and this is plainly proved to have been fulfilled at the time when our saviour jesus christ came in the flesh . and let these things necessarily be fore-observed by us for the proof of the truth of the times . chap. vii . of the disagreement supposed to be among the gospels about the genealogy of christ. but in as much as matthew and luke , committing the gospel to writing , have differently delivered unto us the genealogie of christ , and are thought by many to disagree very much among themselves , so that almost every one of the faithful , through ignorance of the truth , hath ambitiously striven to comment upon those places ; come on , let us rehearse a certain history which is come to our hands concerning the premises , the which africanus ( whom we mentioned a little before ) hath set down in an epistle written to aristides about the concordance of the genealogie of christ in the gospels : and having indeed a blamed the opinions of others , as wrested and false , he delivereth the history that he himself had met withall , in these very words . for seeing that the names of kindred in israel were numbred either after the line of nature , or after the rule of the law ; after the order of nature , as by succession of natural seed , after that of the law , as when any one begetteth a son in the name of his brother who deceased without issue : for because a perspicuous hope of the resurrection was not yet granted them , they shadowed out in some sort the promise to come with this kind of mortal resurrection , that the name of the deceased might continue and never be quite blotted out . because there●ore , of them that are reckoned in this genealogy , some succeeded their fathers as natural sons , but others received their name whence they received not their nature ; mention is made of both ; as well of them who were truly fathers , as of them who were titular onely and as fathers . thus neither of the gospels is found false , the one drawing the pedegree by the natural , the other by the legall line . for the race both of solomon , and that also of nathan , are so wrapped and twisted together , by reviving of persons deceased without issue , by b second marriages , and by raising up of seed , that not without cause the same men are supposed to have had divers fathers , whereof some were onely nominative , others fathers indeed . thus the account in both gospels is true , and is brought down to joseph accuratly and exactly , though by a various and different line . and , that what i say may plainly appear , i will recite the c alteration of families . if we count the generations ( as * matthew doth ) from david by solomon , matthan will be found the third from the end , who begat jacob the father of joseph : but if from nathan the son of david , according unto * luke , then the third in like manner from the end will be d melchi , whose son was heli the father of joseph . for joseph was the son of heli , the son of melchi . joseph therefore being , as it were , the mark we shoot at , we must shew how each person is termed his father , as well jacob , who deriveth his pedegree from solomon , as heli who descended from nathan ; and besides , how , in the first place , these two , jacob and heli , were brethren ; then , in the next place , how their fathers matthan and melchi , born of divers kindreds , may be made appear to be grand-fathers to joseph . now therefore thus it was : matthan and melchi marrying , one after the other , the same wife , begat children who were brethren by the mother ; the law not forbidding a widow , either dismissed from her husband , or after the death of her husband , to be married unto another man. first therefore matthan , descending from solomon , begat jacob of estha : for that is said to be the womans name . after the death of matthan , melchi , who descended from nathan , being of the same tribe , but of another race ( as we said before ) took this widow to his wife , and begat heli his son . thus shall we find jacob and heli , though of a different race , yet by the same mother to have been brethren . one of whom , namely jacob , after heli his brother was deceased without issue , married his wife , and begat on her the third , joseph , by nature indeed and reason his own son ; whereupon also it is written , and jacob begat joseph ; but by the law he was the son of heli ; for jacob being his brother raised up seed unto him . wherefore neither is that genealogie which concerneth him to lose its authority , the which indeed * matthew the evangelist reciting saith , and jacob begat joseph , but * luke on the other side , which was the son , as it was supposed ( for he addeth this withall ) of joseph , which was the son of heli , which was the son of melchi . nor could he more significantly and properly have expressed that way of generation according to the law. therefore in his recital of procreations of this sort , he passeth over in silence even to the end , the word of begetting , carrying the whole series of families step by step up as high as adam , who was the son of god. neither is this matter destitute of good proof , or rashly and hastily devised . for the kinsmen of our saviour according to the flesh , either out of desire to make known the nobility of their stock , or simply to tell the story , have very truly delivered even these things unto us ; how that idumaean theeves invading the city ascalon in palaestina , took captive together with other spoils out of the temple of apollo adjoyning unto the walls , e antipater , son to one herod , that was minister in that temple . but , in that the priest was not able to pay the ransome for his son , antipater was brought up after the fashion of the idumaeans , and at length became very familiar with hyrcanus the high-priest of judea . he , being by hyrcanus sent embassadour unto pompey , and having recovered him the kingdom free and entire , which his brother aristobulus had in great part usurped , had the good hap himself to gain the title and office of f procuratour of palaestine , and lived in great prosperity . this antipater being traiterously slain by some who envied his great felicity , herod his son succeeded him , whom at last antonius and augustus , by decree of the senate , constituted king over the jews : whose sons were herod and the other tetrarchs . these things are common also among the greek histories . now whenas unto that time the genealogies not onely of the hebrews , but of them also who lineally descended from antient proselytes , as from achior the ammonite , and ruth the moabitess , and those who came out of egypt with the israelites and mingled with them , were recorded among the antient monuments ; herod considering that the israelitical pedegrees would avail him nothing , and being prick't in mind with the consciousness of his baseness of birth , g burnt their antient recorded genealogies , supposing thereby to make himself to be thought to come of noble parentage , when none other , assisted by publick records , were able to bring their pedegrees from the patriarchs , or antient proselytes , or such as were called h georae , strangers born , and mingled among the israelites . yet some few studious in this behalf having either kept in memory the names of their ancestours , or copied them out of antient rolls , have got unto themselves their proper pedegrees , and glory much that they have preserved the remembrance of their antient nobility . amongst whom were those men i mentioned before , who by reason of their near kindred with our saviour , were called desposyni . these travelling from nazara and i cochaba , towns of the jews , into other regions , plainly expounded the foresaid genealogie , partly out of the book of their k ephemerides , and partly out of their memorie , as far as they were able . however then the case stand , whether thus or otherwise , no man in my judgment , and in the judgment of any other ingenious person , can find a plainer exposition . let us make much of this therefore , though we have l no proof to confirm it , seeing we cannot produce a better , and a truer exposition . the gospel indeed in all respects uttereth most true things . and about the end of the same epistle he addeth these words ; matthan descending from solomon begat jacob. matthan deceased , melchi of the stock of nathan on the same woman begat heli. m so heli and jacob were brethren by the mothers side . heli dying without issue , jacob raised unto him seed by begetting of joseph , his own son by nature , but heli his son by law. thus was joseph son to both . so far africanus . now the genealogie of joseph being thus recited , the stock also of mary , who was of the same tribe together with him , is in effect made apparent . for by the law of moses , mingling of tribes by marriage was forbidden . for the woman is commanded to be joyned in marriage to one of the same house and of the same family , that so the inheritance of the kindred might not be removed from tribe to tribe . but of these matters let thus much suffice . chap. viii . of herods cruelty towards the infants , and after how miserable a manner he ended his life . now christ being born in bethlehem of judaea at the time before manifested , according to the predictions of the prophets , herod , upon an enquiry made by the * wise men that came from the east , asking where he was that was born king of the jews ? for they said they had seen his star , and had therefore made such a long journey with diligence , because they most ardently desired to worship him that was born , as god : herod , i say , being not a little troubled , judging his government to be in very imminent danger , demanded of the doctors of the law , then in the nation , where they expected christ should be born : when he knew of the prophecy of * micah , who foretold he was to be born in bethlehem ; by one express edict he commands all the young children both in bethlehem and in all the coasts thereof from two years old and under , according to the time which he had diligently enquired of the wise men , to be slain . for he supposed , as it was very likely , that jesus would be involved in the same calamity with them that were about his age . but his parents having had notice of the whole matter by an angel that appeared to them , conveyed the young child into egypt , and so he escaped the kings bloudy plot . thus much indeed the sacred writing of the gospel sets forth . and now moreover it would be worth the while to see what immediately befell herod upon account of his audacious wickedness acted towards christ and those of the same age with him ; how forthwith , without all delay , the divine vengeance seized him whilst alive after such a manner , as to foreshew some beginnings of those torments which awaited him after this life . and how he clouded the prosperous successes of his reign , as he judged them to be , with domestick calamities following one upon another , with the murthers of his wife and children , and others of his nearest relations and dearest friends , i shall not now be able particularly to recount , in as much as the rehearsal of this matter would far surpass even all the most savage cruelty of every tragedy ; which josephus in his history has at large declared ▪ but , how after his cruel plot formed against our saviour and the other infants , he was forthwith smitten from heaven with a disease , as with a scourge , whereof he died , it will not be unfit to understand from the authour himself , who in his * seventeenth book of antiquities relates after how lamentable a manner he ended his life , writing word for word thus ; but the disease of herod grew yet more bitterly violent , god exacting this judgment of his enormities upon him . he had a gentle feaver not expressing it self so much to the outward touch and feeling , as more grievously burning him within . moreover he had a vehemently strong appetite after meat , but nothing could suffice him ; he had an ulcer of the entrails with sharp conflictations especially of the colick-gut : a phlegmatick and shining humour appeared about his feet . moreover the disease had gotten about the lower belly , and more than that , there was a putrefaction of his genitalls , and it bred worms ; besides he had a shortness of breath , which was also unsavory ; a troublesome flux of rheum , which caused a perpetual difficulty of breathing . and , the patient having not strength to resist these things , there followed a convulsion of ▪ all the parts . it was said therefore by the divine ▪ s , and those who made it their business to give judgement of such things , that the hand of god was upon the king to punish him for his so oft repeated horrible offences . thus much therefore the foresaid writer relates in the fore-mentioned book . and in the second a book of his history he speaks of him after the same manner , in these words : after that he was taken with a disease which seising upon the whole state and habit of his body , tormented him exceedingly with several pains : he had a feaver but not of any acute kind , an insufferable itching over all his body , with continual tortures of the colon : by the humours about his feet you would judge him to have been hydropical ; besides this , a strange inflammation of the lower belly , and such a putrefaction of the genitalls as bred worms ; moreover a shortness and difficulty of breathing with a convulsion of all the parts . this moved those of that time who pretended to know the mind of god , to term these diseases a punishment inflicted on him from heaven . but although he strugled with so many distempers , yet he hoped to live and recover , and sought for remedy . passing therefore over jordan he made use of the hot-waters that are neer call●rhoe . they fall into the lake asphaltites , but are so sweet that they are potable . there , when his physitians thought it good to bathe his whole body in warm oil , being set into a bathing-vessel filled with oil , he was so weakened all over his body that he turned up his eyes as if he had been dead . but at the noise of his attendants outcries he came to himself again . after this , despairing of recovery , he gave order for the distribution of fifty b drachms to every one of his common souldiers , but to his commanders and friends he gave great sums of money . from thence he returned to jericho ; and being now grown very melancholy , he did as it were threaten death it self , and resolved upon the commission of a most horrible and villanous fact . for he commanded all the eminent personages that were in every town of judaea to be summoned together and imprisoned in the hippodrome . then calling for his sister salome and her husband alexander , i know , said he , the jews will rejoyce mightily at my death ; but , if you will obey my commands , i can make my self to be lame●●ted by many , and obtain an honourable funeral ; as soon as breath is out of my body , doe you being guarded with souldiers , kill all these men whom i have imprisoned ; so all judaea , yea every family shall though against their wills , mourn at my death . and a little after he says , and again when he was tortured partly by want of sustenance , and partly by the convulsions of his violent cough , being overcome with continual torments he resolved to hasten his own death . and having taken an apple , he asked for a knife , for his manner was to cut them himself when ever he eat them ; then looking round least there should be any one that might hinder him , he lifted up his right hand , as about to doe violence to himself . moreover the same writer relates farther , how that a little before his death he most wickedly commanded c another of his own sons , having slain d two of them before , to be put to death , and then soon after died in most exquisite torture . and such was the end herod made , suffering a due punishment for his cruelty towards the infants of bethlehem , which he contrived on purpose to destroy our saviour . after his death an angel appeared to joseph then in egypt , and commanded him to take the young child and his mother and return into judea , telling him they were dead who sought the young childs life . to which the * evangelist farther adds , saying , when he heard that archelaus reigned in judea in the room of his father herod , he was afraid to go thither , not withstanding being warned of god in a dream he turned aside into the parts of galilee . chap. ix . of the times of pilate . the said historian agrees also concerning the reign of archelaus after the death of herod , declaring the manner of it , how both by his fathers testament , and also by the decree of augustus caesar , he obtained the kingdom of judea : and how , when after ten years he was deposed from his government , his brethren , philip , and herod juniour , and a lysanias governed their tetrarchies . the same authour , in the eighteenth book of his antiquities , makes it plainly appear , that pontius pilate was made procuratour of judea in the twelfth year of the reign of tiberius ( who then was emperour , succeeding augustus , who had reigned fifty seven years ) and continued so full ten years , almost as long as tiberius lived . from whence their fiction is manifestly confuted , who of late have published b acts against our saviour . in which chiefly the title or note of time , inscribed upon the said acts , does evidently show the authours thereof to be liars . for those things which these men have impudently feigned concerning the salutary passion of our lord , are said to have been done when tiberius was consul the fourth time , which fell out to be the seventh year of his reign . at which time it is certain pilate was not come as governour into judea , if we may believe josephus ; who in his foresaid book does expresly shew , that pilate was made procuratour of judea by tiberius , in the twelfth year of his reign . chap. x. of the high-priests among the jews , in whose time christ preached the gospel . at this time therefore , namely in the fifteenth year of the reign of tiberius , according to the * evangelist , and the fourth of pilate's procurator-ship of judea , herod , a lysanias and phillip being tetrarchs over the rest of judea , our lord and saviour jesus , the christ of god , being about thirty years of age , was baptized by john , and then first began to preach the gospel . and the sacred scripture says , that he finisht the whole time of his preaching under annas and caiphas being b high-priests , meaning thereby that all his preaching was terminated within that space of time wherein they executed the high-priests office. although therefore he began when annas was high-priest , and continued till caiphas came on , yet there are scarce full four years contained within this space of time . for , since from the time now mentioned , the laws and sanctions about holy matters were almost abolished , the high-preisthood also ceased to be for life and hereditary , neither was the worship of god rightly performed . but the roman governours made sometimes one , sometimes another high-priest , none bearing that office above a year . c josephus indeed in his book of antiquities does relate , that from annas to caiphas there were in one continued order four high-priests : his words are these , valerius gratus having put out annas from being high-priest , made ismael the son of d baphi high-priest ; not long after he removed him , and made eleazar , son of the high-priest annas , high-priest ; within a year after he deprived him , and gave simon the son of camithus the high-priesthood . he , after he had held that honour not more than a year , had e josephus , whose name also was caiphas , for his successour . it is manifest therefore that the whole time of our saviours preaching was not compleat four years , within which space of time there were as many high-priests made , reckoning from annas his bearing that office , to caiphas his promotion to it , f every one of which bore the office one year . the holy g gospel therefore is right in noting caiphas to be the high-priest that same year in which our lords salutary passion hapned . from which authority of the gospel also it is evident , that the time of christs preaching does not disagree with the account we have laid down . now our lord and saviour jesus christ , not long after his beginning to preach , called twelve men , whom he named apostles , giving to them in particular a title more honourable , and preferring them before the rest of his disciples . besides , he chose other seventy men , whom he sent two by two before his face , into every of those places and cities whither he himself would come . chap. xi . what hath been testified concerning john the baptist , and concerning christ. a the sacred history of the gospel also mentions the beheading of john the baptist , by herod junior , to have been not long after this . to which also agrees josephus , who both makes mention particularly of herodias by name , and also expresly declares , how that herod , having put away his former wife lawfully married to him , took this woman his brothers wife by force from him being yet alive , and married her : she was the daughter of arethas king of the arabians : and that upon her account , herod having slain john , went to war with arethas , incensed at the disgrace of his daughter . in which war , he relates that herod and his whole army were vanquished in a battel , and that these things befell him upon account of his cruelty towards john. the same josephus does agree with the evangelical history in the account it gives of this john , especially as to his confessing him to have been a most righteous man and a baptist. he says further , that herod was deprived of his kingdom for the sake of this herodias , and was ▪ together with her banisht to b vienna a city of gallia . all this he relates in his eighteenth book of antiquities , where also he writes these very words concerning john : but some of the jews judged herods army to have been overthrown by god , he avenging justly on him the murther of john called the baptist. for him herod had slain , who was a good man , and one that exhorted the jews to the exercise of virtue , commanding them to deal justly with one another , and to behave themselves piously towards god , and so to come to be baptized . for baptism , said he , was then onely well-pleasing to god , when it was used , not for the excusing of some certain offences , but in order to the cleansing of the body , the soul being before purified by righteousness . now when many flockt to him from every quarter ( for they were strangely taken with hearing of such discourses ) herod fearing least through the powerfull perswasion of the man , his subjects should revolt , ( for they seemed ready to doe any thing that he advised ) judged it better to cut him off before any innovation hapned by him , than , after it was come to pass , and had greatly endangered his affairs , to repent he did not when it was too late . upon this very mistrust of herods , he being put into bonds , was sent to the foresaid castle of machaerous and there slain . thus far he concerning john. the same authour in the same book makes mention also of our saviour in these words ; about that time there was one jesus , a wise man , if he may be called a man ; for he wrought wonderfull miracles , and taught all that with delight would embrace the truth . he had many followers , both jews and gentiles . this was he that was * called christ. whom though he was accused by the chief men of our nation , and pilate condemned him to be crucified , yet those who at first loved him forbore not to worship him . for he appeared unto them alive on the third day , as the holy prophets had predicted , who foretold these and many more wonderfull things concerning him . and till this day that sect continues , which of him are called christians . seeing therefore that this writer , being a jew born and bred , has in his works recorded thus much of our saviour and john the baptist , what evasion can remain to the forgers of those acts against them , that they should not evidently be proved to be the most impudent of men ? but thus far of these matters . chap. xii . concerning our saviours disciples . moreover , the names of our saviours apostles are to all apparently manifest in the gospel , but as to the seventy disciples , a particular * catalogue of them is no where extant . but barnabas is said to have been one of them , of whom we have frequent mention both in the acts of the apostles , and also most especially in pauls epistle to the galatians . softhenes also , they say , was another of them , he that together with paul wrote to the corinthians : for so says clemens in the fifth book of his institutions ; where also he affirms cephas ( that cephas of whom paul speaks , * but when cephas came to antioch i withstood him to the face ) a name-sake of peters , to have been one of the seventy disciples . matthias also , who was numbred with the apostles in the room of the traitor judas , and the other who had the honour to be proposed in the same lot with him , are reported to be of the number of the seventy . thaddaeus likewise ; of whom i will by and by adjoyn an history as it came to our hands , is reported to have been one of them . but he that shall attentively observe , will find , even from pauls testimony alone , that our saviours disciples were more in number than seventy . for he * says , christ after his resurrection was seen first of cephas , then of the twelve , after that he was seen of above five hundred brethren at once : of whom some were fal'n asleep , but the greatest part , he declares , were alive when he wrote these things . then , says he , he appeared to james . a he is said to have been one of the seventy disciples of our saviour , and also one of the lords brethren . lastly , there being many more besides the twelve , who were called apostles by way of imitation , of which sort paul himself was one , he farther adds saying , then he was seen of all the apostles . but so much of this . the fore-mentioned history concerning thaddaeus was thus : chap. xiii . the history of the prince of the edessens . the divinity of our lord and saviour jesus christ being every where famous by reason of his wonderfull power by which he wrought miracles , drew together an innumerable company even of forreigners , and inhabitants of countreys far remote from judea , who were sick and troubled with all sorts of pains , hoping to be recovered . therefore king a agbarus , the then worthy governour of the b nations lying beyond euphrates , being much weakened with a sore disease , incurable by humane skill ; as soon as he heard of the great name of jesus , and of his wonderfull works attested by all , sent a letter to him by a letter-carrier , humbly beseeching him to vouchsafe to cure his distemper . now though he did not then hearken to his request , yet he vouchsafed to give him answer by his own letter , wherein he promised to send one of his disciples , who should both cure him , and also bring salvation to him , and his relations and friends . soon after therefore this promise was exactly fulfilled . for after his resurrection from the dead , and ascension into heaven , thomas , one of the twelve apostles , moved thereto by divine impulse , sent thaddaeus , chosen one of the eventy disciples of christ , to edessa , to be a preacher and evangelift of the doctrine of christ. by whom all that which our saviour had promised , was fulfilled . the written evidence of this matter we have taken out of the office of records within the princely city of edessa , in which agbarus then was governour . for among the publick records there , wherein the antiquities of the city and the acts of agbarus are contained , are found these things , there preserved to our days . nothing hinders but that we may hear the very words of the letter , which we have taken out of the antient rolls , and faithfully translated out of the syriack tongue in these words , thus : a copy of a letter written by king abgarus to jesus , and sent to him to jerusalem by ananias the courier . abgarus prince of edessa , to jesus the good saviour , who hath manifested himself within the confines of jerusalem , sendeth greeting . i have heard of thee , and of the cures , wrought by thee without herbs or medicines , for , as it is reported , thou dost restore sight to the blind , thou makest the lame to walk , thou cleansest the leprous , and thou dost cast out devills and unclean spirits , and thou healest those that are tormented with diseases of a long continuance , and thou dost raise the dead . when i heard all this of thee , i was fully perswaded to believe one of these two things , either that thou art very god , and art come down from heaven to doe such things , or else the son of god , and so performest them . wherefore , i have now written to thee , beseeching thee to come to me , and cure my disease . for , i have heard that the jews murmur against thee , and contrive to doe thee mischief . i have a city , a little one indeed , but it is beautifull , and capable of receiving us both . thus wrote agbarus , as then but a little enlightned from above . it is also worth while to hear the answer of jesus returned to him by the same courier ; short indeed it is , but it has much of power and efficacy in it ; it was thus : the answer of jesus to agbarus the king , sent by ananias the courier . blessed art thou , agbarus , who hast believed in me whom thou hast not seen . for it is c written of me , that they which have seen me should not believe in me , that so they which have not seen me may believe and be saved . but as concerning what thou writest about my coming to thee , know , that all things for which i am sent must be here by me fulfilled ; which being finished , i shall be taken up and return to him that sent me . but after i am ascended , i will send thee one of my disciples , who shall cure thy distemper , and give life to thee , and to them that are with thee . to this letter there is this farther added in the syriack language ; after jesus was ascended , judas , called also d thomas , sent thaddaeus the e apostle who was one of the seventy disciples , to agbarus . when he was come thither , he abode with tobias the son of tobias . as soon as it was heard that he was come , having manifested himself by the miracles he wrought ; agbarus was told , that the apostle of jesus was come thither according to his promise in his letter . now thaddaeus began to cure every disease and distemper by the power of god , to the wonder of all . when agbarus heard of the great and wonderfull works wrought by him , and how in the name and by the power of jesus christ he cured diseases , he had some suspicion , that this was the person about whom jesus wrote to him , saying , when i am taken up , i will send thee one of my disciples , who shall heal thy distemper . having therefore called for tobias , with whom thaddaeus abode , i have heard , said he , that there is a certain powerfull man come from jerusalem , who lodges at thy house , that performs many cures in the name of jesus . there is a stranger , sir , replied he , come to my house who does many miracles : bring him , said abgarus , to me . tobias went home to thaddaeus and told him , agbarus the governour of this city having sent for me , commands me to bring thee to him , that thou mayest cure his distemper . i will go , replied thaddaeus , for it is chiefly upon his account that i am with power sent hither . tobias therefore getting up early next morning , took thaddaeus along with him , and went to agbarus . when he was come , to agbarus ( his nobles being present and standing round him ) there appeared a wonderfull sight in the face of the apostle thaddaeus , as he came in to him , and therefore he worshipped him . all that were present wondred at that , for they saw nothing of that sight which appeared onely to agbarus . then he asked thaddaeus , art thou , in truth a disciple of jesus the son of god , who wrote thus to me , i will send thee one of my disciples , who shall cure thy distemper and give life to thee , and to all with thee ? thaeddaeus answered , for as much as thou hast firmly believed in the lord jesus who sent me , therefore am i sent to thee , and if thy faith in him does still increase , according to thy belief thou shalt have the desires of thine heart fulfilled . agbarus made him answer , i did so firmly believe in him , that i would have raised forces to have destroyed the jews who crucified him , had i not been inhibited from that purpose by the roman empire . jesus christ , replied thaeddaeus , our lord god fulfilled the will of his father , and having finished that , was taken up to his father . agbarus said unto him , i believed both in him and in his father . therefore , said thaddaeus , i lay my hand on thee , in the name of the same lord jesus christ : and having done so , he was presently cured of the disease and distemper that he had . agbarus wondred greatly when he saw that really accomplished , which he had heard concerning jesus , by his disciple and apostle thaddaeus , who without the help of herbs or medicines , restored him to his former soundness . and not onely him , but one abdus also the son of abdus who had the gout ; he coming and falling down at thaddaeus's feet , received a blessing by prayer and the laying on of his hands , and was healed . many others also of the same city with them were cured by the apostle , who wrought wonderfull miracles , and preached the word of god. after all this , agbarus spake thus , we believe , thaddaeus , whatever thou dost , thou performest by the power of god , and therefore we greatly admire thee . but , we pray thee moreover , give us some farther account of the advent of jesus , how and after what manner it was ; of his power also , and by what virtue he wrought those mighty works we have heard . i shall now be silent , replied thaddaeus , because i am sent to publish the word of god : but assemble all the men of thy city together to me to morrow , and i will preach the word of god to them , and will disperse the word of life among them , and expound the advent of jesus , after what manner it was , his commission , and for what reason his father sent him ; the power of his works , the mysteries he declared to the world , by what power he wrought so great miracles , his new preaching , the slender and mean reputation he made himself of , the despicableness of his outward man , how he humbled himself even unto death , how he lessened his divinity , how many and great things he suffered of the jews , how he was crucified , how he descended into hell , and rent asunder that inclosure never before severed ; how he rose again , and together with himself , raised those from the dead who had layn buried many ages ; how he descended from heaven alone , but ascended to his father accompanied with a great multitude , how with glory he is set down at the right hand of god his father in heaven , and how he will come again with power and glory to judge both quick and dead . agbarus therefore commanded the men of his city to come together very early and hear thaddaeus preach . after this he commanded , that gold and silver should be given to thaddaeus : but he refused it , saying , how shall we , who have left all that was our own , take any thing that is anothers ? these things were done in the f three hundredth and fortieth year . all this , being translated word for word out of the syriack tongue , and not unprofitable to be read ▪ we have thought good to set down opportunely in this place . the second book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . the preface . whatsoever was necessary to be premised by way of preface to our ecclesiastical history , both concerning the divinity of the comfortable word , the antiquity of the points of our doctrine and evangelical politie ; and also moreover concerning the manifestation our saviour lately made of himself , his passion and the election of the apostles , we have treated of in the foregoing book , and briefly summed up the proofs thereof . now therefore in this , we will diligently look into what followed upon his ascension ; partly from what we find noted in holy writt , and partly from other records , which we will mention in due place . chap. i. of those things which were instituted by the apostles , after the ascension of christ. a first of all therefore , matthias , who , as before hath been manifested , was one of the lords disciples , by lot was elected into the apostleship of the traitour judas . then , seven approved men were by prayer and imposition of the apostles hands ordained deacons for the publick administration of the churches affairs ; of which number stephen was one : who b immediately after his ordination , as if he had been made deacon onely for this , was the first that , after the lord , was slain by those very jews that had been the lords murtherers , who stoned him to death : and thus he , being the first of the worthily victorious martyrs of christ , gained a crown c answerable to his name . then james also , who was termed the d brother of the lord , because he also was called the son of joseph : for joseph was the father of christ , to whom mary being espoused , before they came together she was found with child of the holy ghost , as the sacred history of the gospel doth declare : this same james , i say , who for his eminent virtue the antients surnamed the just , was as they relate the first that had the episcopal seat of the church at jerusalem delivered to him . so clemens affirms in the sixth book of his institutions . for he says , that , after our saviours ascension , peter , james , and john , although our lord had preferred them before the rest , did not contend for the dignity , but chose james the just bishop of jerusalem . the same author , in the seventh book of the same work , says this farther of him , the lord after his resurrection conferred the gift of knowledge upon james the just , john and peter , which they delivered to the rest of the apostles , and those to the seventy disciples , one of whom was barnabas . but there were two james's ; the one surnamed the just , who was cast head-long from the battlement of the temple , and beaten to death with a fullers club : the other was beheaded . paul makes mention of this james the just , writing thus : * other of the apostles saw i none save james the lords brother . at this time also all that our saviour had promised to the king of the osdroënians was fulfilled . for thomas , moved thereto by divine impulse , sent thaddaeus to edessa to be a preacher and evangelist of the doctrine of christ , as from a record there found we have a little before manifested . he , when he was come thither , did in the name of christ both cure agbarus , and also astonished all the inhabitants of the country with the wonderfulness of his miracles . and when he had sufficiently prepared them with such works , and brought them to an adoration of christs power , he made them disciples of his wholesome doctrine . from that very time untill now the whole city of the edessens has continued to be consecrated to christs name , enjoying no trivial evidences of our saviour's graciousness towards them . and these things are said as from the history of the old records . we will now return again to holy writ : after the martyrdom of stephen , when the first and sorest persecution of the church at jerusalem by the jews arose , all the disciples of christ , except the twelve onely , being scattered throughout judea and samaria , some of them travelling as far as phoenice and cyprus and antioch , as holy scripture testifieth , were not able to be so bold as to communicate the word of faith to the gentiles , but preach't to the jews onely . at that time * paul also untill then made havock of the church , entring into every house of the faithfull , haling men and women , and committing them to prison . moreover * philip , one of those who was ordained deacon with stephen , being one of them that were dispersed , went down to samaria , and being full of the divine power , was the first that preach't the word to those inhabitants . and the grace of god did so effectually cooperate with him , that by his preaching he drew after him simon magus with many other men . this simon , at that time very famous , did so far prevail with those whom he had deceived by his imposture , that they thought him to be the great power of god. then therefore this very person , being greatly amazed at the miracles philip wrought by the power of god , craftily insinuated himself , and so far counterfeited a faith in christ , that he was baptized . the same thing with admiration we see now done by the followers of his most filthy sect , who creeping into the church , as their fore-father did , like some pestilent and leprous disease , doe deeply corrupt all those into whom they are any way able to instil that pernicious and incurable poyson which lies concealed within them . but many of them were cast out of the church , as soon as their vitiousness was discovered ; in like manner simon himself being at length detected by peter , was deservedly punished . furthermore when the wholesome preaching of the gospel daily increased , divine providence brought out of the land of aethiopia a man of great autority under the queen of that countrey , for those nations are according to their countrey fashion governed by a woman , who being the first of the gentiles , that by philip , warned of god by a vision , was made partaker of the mysteries of the divine word ; was also the first fruits of the faithfull throughout the world : returning into his own country he is reported to have been the first publisher of the knowledge of the great god , and of the comfortable advent of our saviour in the flesh : and so by him was really fulfilled that prediction of the prophet , * aethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto god. at this time , † paul , that chosen vessel , was made an apostle , not of men , neither by men , but by the revelation of jesus christ , and god the father , who raised him from the dead ; being vouchsafed this calling by a vision , and a voice from heaven which came to him at the revelation thereof . chap. ii. how tiberius was affected at the relation pilate sent him of those things concerning christ. when the wonderfull resurrection of our saviour and his ascension into heaven was now divulged among all men ; because it was of old customary that the governours of provinces should communicate to the emperour every strange and unusual accident that happened within their charge , that so nothing that was done might escape his knowledge ; pilate acquainted the emperour tiberius with the resurrection of our saviour jesus christ now much talk't of over all palaestine ; giving him an account that he had also heard of many other miracles of his , and how that rising again after he had been dead , he was now by many believed to be god. and they say that tiberius referred this matter to the senate , but the relation was rejected by them ; upon pretence , that they had not first approved of the matter ; there being an old law amongst the romanes , that no one should be deified but by the suffrage and decree of the senate ; but in reality , that the wholesome preaching of the divine doctrine might not stand in need of any humane approbation or assistance . when therefore the senate had rejected the relation concerning our saviour , tiberius persisted in his former judgment , attempting nothing prejudicial to the doctrine of christ. thus much a tertullian , a man incomparably well skilled in the roman laws and every way famous , and most renowned among the latine writers , in the apologie for the christians written by him in latine , but afterwards translated into greek , does declare in these very words : b and that we may discourse concerning the original of these laws , there was an old decree , that the emperour should consecrate no god , before he was approved by the senate . marcus aemilius knows this concerning his god alburnus . and this makes for our advantage , because among you divinity is weighed by humane approbation . if god please not man , he shall not be god. man now must be propitious to god. tiberius therefore , in whose time the christian name made its entry into the world , communicated to the senate the account he had received out of syria palestine , whereby the truth of the divinity of christ was made apparent ; which he confirmed with his own suffrage . but because the senate had not approved of it , it was rejected : the emperour persisted in his judgment , threatning the accusers of the christians with death . which opinion divine providence , according to his dispensation instilled into the mind of tiberius caesar , that the preaching of the gospel then in its infancy , might without impediment spread over the whole world . chap. iii. how the doctrine of christ spread in a short time over the whole world. and thus by the cooperation of divine power , the comfortable word of god , like the beams of the sun , on a sudden enlightned the whole world , and presently , agreeable to the divine * scriptures , the sound of the heavenly evangelists and apostles went out into all lands , and their words into the ends of the earth . and indeed in a short time there were throughout all cities and villages churches gathered , which like a threshing-floor filled with corn , were thronged with infinite multitudes . and they , who , deriving their ignorance from their ancestours and their errours of old , were ensnared as to their souls with the superstitious worship of idols , as in an inveterate disease , being freed as it were from their cruel masters , and loosned from their heavy bonds by the power of christ , and the preaching and miracles of his disciples , did with scorn reject the multitude of gods brought in by devils , and acknowledged there was one onely god the maker of all things : and him they worshipped with the holy rites of true religion , by that divine and sober way of worship which our saviour had spread among mankind . when therefore the grace of god diffused it self into the rest of the nations ; and cornelius of the city a caesarea in palestine , in the first place together with his whole household , by a vision from heaven and the ministery of peter , embraced the faith of christ ; and many others of the gentiles at antioch did the same , to whom the disciples , dispersed upon the persecution that arose about stephen , preached the word of god ; the church at antioch now increasing and prospering , in which many were gathered together , both prophets from jerusalem , with whom were paul and barnabas , and besides , also other brethren in number not a few : the appellation of b christians then and there first sprang up , as from a pleasant and fertile soyle : and agabus also , one of the prophets there present fore-told the dearth that afterwards happened ; and c paul and barnabas were sent to relieve the brethren by their ministration . chap. iv. how , after the death of tiberius , caius made agrippa king over the jews , and punished herod with perpetual banishment . but tiberius , having reigned about two and twenty years , died . caius succeeding him in the empire , presently gave a agrippa the kingdom of judea , and made him king over the tetrarchies both of phillip and lysanias . besides , not long after he gave him herods tetrarchy also , having condemned herod to perpetual banishment , being together with herodias his wife deservedly punished for divers enormities : ( this was the herod that was present at our saviours passion : ) josephus is a witness of these things also . moreover in this emperours time philo flourished , a man highly esteemed of for his learning by many , not onely among us but also among forreigners . he was indeed by original extract an hebrew , inferiour to none of those that were illustrious in dignitie at alexandria . moreover what and how great pains he bestowed about divine matters , and in the learning of his own nation , it is to all evidently manifest . besides , how excellent he was at philosophy and humane learning it is needless to relate ; for he is said to have excelled all of his own time in the platonick and pythagorean philosophy which he much affected . chap. v. how philo went on an embassage to caius upon the jews account . moreover this man comprized in a five books the calamities that befell the jews in caius his reign ; wherein he sets forth both the madness of caius proclaiming himself to be god , and also his insolent carriage in his government in innumerable instances ; likewise the distresses the jews underwent in his reign ; and declares how himself went embassadour to rome upon the account of his countrey-men that dwelt at alexandria ; and how that reasoning before caius for the laws and customes of his own nation , he obtained nothing besides laughter and reproaches , and narrowly escaped the danger of being put to death . josephus mentions all this in his eighteenth book of antiquities , writing thus much word for word : moreover , there happening a sedition at alexandria among the jews that dwelt there and the greeks , b three of each faction were sent embassadours to caius . now apion was one of the alexandrian's embassadours , who railed bitterly against the jews , laying many things to their charge , and amongst the rest that they neglected to worship caesar . for when all the subjects of the roman empire built temples and altars to caius , and at all points worshipped him as they did their gods , the jews onely , said he , accounted it a vile thing to errect statues to him , and to swear by his name . when apion had urged these and many other vehement accusations against them , whereby he hoped , as it was likely , to incense caius , philo chief of the jewish embassy , a man every way famous , brother to alexander c alabarchus , and not unskilfull in philosophie , was able and ready with an apologie to answer his accusations . but caius forbad him , commanding him to depart immediately from his presence . and the emperour was so highly incensed , that none doubted but he would most severely punish the jews . but philo being much reviled went out , and , as they say , spake to the jews that were about him to be of good courage , for although d caius was angry with them , yet he had now really rendred god his adversarie . thus much josephus relates . and philo himself , in the account which he wrote of this his embassy , does exactly relate every particular thing that was then done . whereof omitting most part , i will hereunto annex onely so much as shall make it evidently plain to the readers , that these miseries straightway without any delay befell the jews upon account of their enormous impieties committed against christ. first of all therefore he relates , that in the reign of tiberius one sejanus of the city of rome , a person who then could doe much with the emperour , did use his utmost indeavour to destroy that whole nation : and that in judea , pilate , in whose time that horrible wickedness was most audaciously committed against our saviour , attempting something about the temple at jerusalem which yet stood , contrary to the customes and ordinances of the jews , raised vehement commotions among them . chap. vi. how great miseries befell the jews after their audacious wickedness committed against christ. he relates further how , after the death of tiberius , caius assuming the government , was every way sorely injurious towards many , but above all he most heavily annoyed the whole jewish nation , which in short we may understand from philo's own a words , writing thus word for word . so great therefore was the extravagancy and pride of caius's carriage towards all , but more especially towards the jewish nation , which he bitterly hated , and appropriated to himself all their b proseucha's in the rest of the cities , beginning with those at alexandria , filling them with his own images and statues . for in that he suffered others to consecrate statues to him , he seemed in a manner to dedicate them to himself . and he changed and transformed the temple at jerusalem , which hitherto had remained undefiled and dignified with all the priviledges of a sanctuary , and made it into a temple dedicated to himself , causing it thence forward to be called the temple of caius c junior jupiter d conspicuous . moreover the same authour , in his second book which he intitled of e virtues , relates innumerable other calamities , such as are grievous beyond all expression , that befell the jews dwelling at alexandria● , during the government of the foresaid caius . to whom josephus agrees , who notes that those troubles , with which the whole jewish ▪ nation was molested , began even from the times of pilate , and from those enormous facts committed against our saviour . let us therefore hear what he also declares in his second book of the jewish wars , in these f words , saying , pilate being by tiberius sent procurator into judea , brought into jerusalem by night the veiled images of caesar , which are called his statues . as soon as it was day this raised a great commotion among the jews . for those who were near were astonished at the ●ight , in that their laws were violated and trampled on . for they account it a detestable thing to place any graven image in the city . these things if thou comparest with the evangelical writing , thou shalt understand that that voice they uttered before pilate , crying out * they had no other king but caesar , was soon g after revenged upon them . the same writer relates another following calamity inflicted on them by divine vengeance in these words : after this pilate raised another commotion amongst them ; exhausting the stock of the sacred treasury ( it is call'd the h corban ) in making a conduit ; wherein the water that was to be brought was at three hundred furlongs distance . for which there was great indignation amongst the populace : and when pilate was at jerusalem , they flockt about the judgment seat , and began to exclaim . but he ( for he foresaw there would be a tumult amongst them ) mingled armed souldiers , clad like the common people , amongst the multitude , and , forbidding them to use their swords , but commanding them to strike those that cried out with clubs , gave them a sign from his tribunal . so the jews were beaten , and many of them killed , some by the blows they received perished , others being troden to death in the croud by those of their own party that fled . and so the multitude , being astonished at the calamity of those that were slain , were silent . moreover , the same writer relates innumerable other commotions raised in jerusalem ; and shews , that even from that time forward both the city and all judea was distracted with seditions , wars , and continual contrivances of mischief following one upon another , untill at last the siege in the reign of vespasian by way of revenge befell them . after this manner therefore hath divine vengeance pursued the jews for their execrable wickedness committed against christ. chap. vii . that pilate made himself away . it is also worth knowing , how that this same pilate , who condemned our saviour , in the reign of caius , whose times we now treat of , fell , as it is famed , into so great troubles , that he was a forced to be his own murderer and revenger , laying violent hands on himself : divine justice , as it was meet , not long deferring his punishment . this those grecians do record , who have written b olympiads , giving an account what was done , and in what time performed . chap. viii . of the dearth that happened in claudius his time . but caius having held the empire not full out four years , claudius the emperour succeeded him . in whose times a dearth oppressed the whole world , of which those historians make mention , who are wholly averse from our religion . and so the prediction of the prophet agabus , of whom there is mention in the acts of the apostles , concerning this dearth that should come upon all the world , was compleated . luke having in the acts mentioned this dearth that happened in the time of claudius , adds this farther , saying , that the brethren which were in antioch , every one according to his ability , sent to them who were in judea by the hands of barnabas and paul. chap. ix . the martyrdom of james the apostle . now about that time , to wit , in the reign of claudius , herod the king stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the church : and he killed james the brother of john with the sword . concerning this james , clemens , in the seventh book of his institutions , relates a memorable history , speaking as he had heard from his predecessours . for he says , that he that a accused him before the judgment-seat , seeing him openly and willingly testifie and declare the faith of christ , was moved thereat , and professed that he also was a christian. and so says he , they were both together led away to suffer . and , as they were going , he besough●● james to pardon him ; who , after a short deliberation , said , peace be to thee , and kissed him ; and so they were both beheaded together . then also , as holy * writ declares , b herod , perceiving that the killing of james very much pleased the jews , set upon peter also , and having put him in bonds , would forthwith have put him to death , had he not been miraculously delivered out of prison by a divine apparition , to wit , by an angel coming to him by night ; being dismist for the ministration of preaching . all which happened to peter by the disposition of divine providence . chap. x. how agrippa , called also herod , persecuting the apostles , presently felt divine vengeance . but the kings attempt to do violence to the apostles remained not long unrevenged ; for a chastizing minister of divine justice pursued him : he therefore , soon after his bloudy plot against the apostles , going down to caesarea , as it is related in the acts of the apostles , and being there upon the great festival day dressed in a white and royal garment , made an oration to the people from his lofty throne ; and when all the multitude gave a shout with loud acclamations at his oration , as at the voice of god and not of man , sacred writ declares that he was immediately smitten by an angel , and was eaten up of worms and gave up the ghost . but the consent between holy writ and the history of josephus , in the account given of this strange thing is worthy of admiration . in which he , giving evident testimony to the truth in his nineteenth * book of antiquities does plainly declare this wonderfull thing in these words thus , the third year of his reign over all judea was now compleated ; when he went to the city caesarea , heretofore called the tower of straton . there he exhibited shewes in honour of caesar , knowing that a festival to have been instituted for the prosperity of him . hereunto flockt a great multitude of those who were honourable and excelled in dignity , throughout that whole b province . on the second day therefore of the shews , being clothed with robes made all of silver admirably wrought , he entred the theatre early in the morning . when the silver of his robes , shining by reason of the beams the rising sun cast on them made a wonderfull glistering , striking those who steadfastly looked on him with wonder and amazement , presently his flatterers , some from one place some from another , cryed out with voices most pernitious to him terming him god ; and beseeching him to be propitious to them . hitherto , said they , we have reverenced thee as a man , but now we acknowledge thee to be above mortal nature . but the king neither rebuked them , nor rejected their impious flattery , presently after looking up he espied an c angel sitting over his head ; whom he forthwith understood to be the cause of mischief towards him , having d heretofore been the foreteller of his prosperity . a pain that pierced his very heart immediately seized him . he had besides a griping all over his belly , which began with a vehement sharpness , and was continual and without intermission . looking therefore upon his friends , i your god , says he , am now compelled to end my life ; fatal necessity forthwith demonstrating the falshood of your boasting acclamations even now uttered concerning me : i , who by you was stiled immortal , am now snatch't away by death . but that destinie is to be born with which god hath decreed . we have in no wise lived ill , and despicably , but in such splendor as was look't upon to be most fortunate . when he had spoken these words , he was spent with the vehemency of his pain . being therefore presently carried into the palace , a rumour was immediately spread abroad that the king was in imminent danger of his life ; straightway the whole multitude with their wives and children e sitting upon spread sackcloth , after their country fashion , made supplications to god for the king. every place was filled with wailings and lamentations . but the king lying in an high-bed-chamber , looked down upon them as they lay prostrate and could not refrain weeping . at length having been for five days space continually tormented with pains of his belly , he died , in the fifty fourth year of f his age , and the seventh of his reign . for first he reigned four years under caius caesar , having governed the tetrarchie of phillip three years ; in the fourth he had herods tetrarchie annext : the three last years of his reign he passed under claudius caesar. thus far josephus : wherein , as also in other passages , i much admire him , in that he agrees so exactly with holy scripture . but if any one should think that there is some disagreement about the name of the king ; both the time and the action doe evidently shew that he was the same person ; so that either his name was changed by some mistake of the transcriber , or else this king had , as many others have , two names . chap. xi . of the impostour theudas and his associates . but because luke does moreover in the * acts bring in one gamaliel speaking in the consultation the jews had about the apostles , of one a theudas that arose up in those days boasting himself to be some body , who was slain ; and all , as many as obeyed him , were scattered : we also will adjoyn the relation of josephus concerning this very person . who , in the book before cited expresly declares thus much word for word : when fadus was procurator of judea , a certain impostour , by name theudas , perswaded a multitude of people to take their goods with them and follow him to the river of jordan . for he said that he was a prophet , and that he would , by his command , part the waters of the river , and afford them an easie passage ovér . by such speeches he deceived many . but fadus suffered them not to take the benefit of their madness , but sent out a body of horse against them , which , falling on them at unawares , partly killed them , and partly took them prisoners . and having taken theudas alive they beheaded him , and carried his head to jerusalem . after this the same writer makes mention of the dearth which happened in the reign of claudius , after this manner . chap. xii . of helena queen of the osdroënians . a at that time , there happened to be a great * dearth throughout all judea . when queen helena , buying bread-corn in egypt at a very deer price , distributed it to them that were in want . all which we find agreeable to what is related in the acts of † the apostles ; where we have this moreover , that the disciples which dwelt at antioch , every man according to his ability , determined to send relief unto the brethren which dwelt in judea ; which also they did , and sent it to the elders by the hands of barnabas and paul. but of this helena , which josephus has mentioned , there is an illustrious b sepulchral-monument yet to be seen , standing in the suburbs of jerusalem , which is now called aelia : and she is said to have been queen of the adiabeni . chap. xiii . of simon magus . but the faith of our lord and saviour jesus christ being now every where diffused among all men ; that enemy of mans salvation , plotting to possess himself of the royal city , brings thither the forementioned simon . and , joyning his inchantments to that mans craftiness , he made many that dwelt at rome his own by inducing them into errour . this justin evidences ; a man very famous amongst the professours of our religion soon after the apostles time ; whose worth we will give account of in due place . let us read what he has writ in his a second apologie to antoninus for our doctrine , where he says thus : and after the ascension of our lord into heaven , the devils sent forth certain men who stiled themselves gods : whom you were so far from persecuting that you worshipped them . amongst them there was one simon a samaritane , of the village named gitton , who in the reign of claudius caesar , having performed many magical wonders by the assistance and art of devils within your city rome the metropolis of the empire , was accounted a god by you , to whom you dedicated an image , as to a god , in an island of the river tiber , between the two bridges , with this latine inscription , b simoni deo sancto , that is , to simon the holy god. him almost all the samaritans , and some of other nations , confess to be the great god , and worship him , as also one c helena at that time a constant companion of his , who heretofore was a prostitute in the stews of tyre a city of phoenicia ; and her they term the prime notion ( or first conception ) from him . thus far he : with whom agrees irenaeus in his first book against heresies , wherein he sets forth the life of this man , his impious and most impure doctrine , which it would be superfluous here to relate ; since any one that has a desire may fully understand from the foresaid books of irenaeus , wherein these things are accuratly delivered , the original , the life , the grounds and reasons of the false opinions , and the endeavours and purposes not onely of this simon , but also of all other arch-hereticks . we have heard that this simon was indeed the chief captain , and first authour of all heresie . from which time even to our age those who are followers of his heresie , although they pretend to have imbraced throughout their whole lives , the christian religion renowned amongst all men for its modesty and sanctity ; yet nevertheless they relapse to the superstitious worship of devils , which they seem'd to have abandoned , prostrating themselves before the images and pictures of simon and his forementioned helena , whom they worship with sweet persumes , sacrifices , and oblations . and those things which are transacted in secret amongst them , which , say they , do forthwith strike terrour into the minds of those that at first hear them , and which ( to use the terms of their own written oracle ) doe make them tremble and shake by reason of astonishment ; are in truth full of terrour , amazement of mind , and outragious madness : so that it is impossible not onely to commit them to writing , but even for men of modesty to utter them through their lips , by reason of their excessive obscenity and uncleanness not to be named . for there is not , nor can there be invented , any thing so impure , which their most lewd sect does not far surpass ; deluding silly women laden with all manner of iniquity . chap. xiv . of peter the apostle's preaching at rome . the devil that hater of all goodness and most trecherous enemy of mans salvation , at this time produced this simon the authour and contriver of so much mischief , that he might be the great antagonist of the divine apostles of our saviour . but the divine and celestial grace , which is always assistant to its ministers , by their appearance and presence soon quenched the flame , enkindled by the devil , humbling and depressing by them all haughtiness and swelling pride that exalted it self against the knowledge of god. wherefore , neither the devices of simon , nor of any other which then were hatch't , became any ways prevalent during the age of the apostles . for the splendour of the truth vanquished and prevailed against all machinations ; and the power of the divine word , which had newly enlightned mens minds from heaven , did both flourish upon earth , and also was conversant and did effectually cooperate with the apostles . straightway therefore the foresaid impostour , having the eyes of his mind blinded by a divine and wonderful splendour and light , as soon as he was detected by the apostle peter in judea in what he had wickedly committed , took a great journey over sea , and fled from the eastern to the western parts : concluding that he could no other way live freely , and according to his own mind . arriving at rome , by the help and assistance of a devill a there lying in wait , he in a short time so far perfected his attempt , that the inhabitants of that city set up an image to him and worship't him as god. but all succeeded not long according to his mind . for soon after , in the reign of claudius , the benign and most endearing providence of god brought peter , that valiant and great apostle , for courage chief of all the rest , to rome against this mighty destroyer of mankind , who , as a stout leader of god , armed with celestial weapons , brought that precious merchandise of intelligible light from the east to those that dwelt towards the west : declaring to them that light and doctrine comfortable to the soul , to wit , the publication of the kingdom of heaven . chap. xv. of the gospel according to mark. when therefore he had published to them the divine word , immediately the power of simon was extinct , and , together with the man a himself , destroyed . but so great a lustre of pietie enlightned the minds of them that were the hearers of peter , that they thought it not sufficient barely to hear him once , nor were contented to have received the publication of the doctrine of the celestial word by word of mouth and unwritten . therefore they earnestly entreated mark , peters follower , whose gospel is at this day extant , that he would leave with them some written record of that doctrine they had heard . neither did they desist till they had prevailed with the man ; and thus they gave the occasion of writing that gospel , which is called the gospel according to mark. when the apostle peter understood by the revelation of the holy spirit what was done , he was much delighted with the ardent desire of the men , and confirmed that writing by his autority , that so thenceforward it should be read in the churches . b clemens in his sixth book of institutions relates this passage . to whom the bishop of hierapolis , by name papias , may be added as a witness . furthermore , peter mentions mark , in his former epistle , which , as they say , was written at rome ; peter himself does intimate thus much ( calling rome by c a figure babylon ) in these words , * the church that is at babylon elected together with you , saluteth you , and so doth marcus my son . chap. xvi . that mark first preached the knowledge of christ to the egyptians . but this mark a going into egypt is reported to have been the first publisher there of the gospel he had written , and to have setled churches in the very city of alexandria . and furthermore , that so great a multitude both of men and women , who there embraced the faith of christ , professed from the very beginning so severe and so philosophical a course of life , that philo vouchsafed in his writings to relate their converse , their assemblies , their eating and drinking together , and their whole manner of living . chap. xvii . what philo relates of the ascetae in egypt . it is reported that this philo in the times of claudius came to be familiarly acquainted with peter at rome , who then preached the word of god there : neither is this unlikely . for that work of his , of which we speak , being by him elaborated a long time after , does manifestly contain all the ecclesiastical rules which are to this present observed among us . and seeing he describes evidently the lives of the a ascetae amongst us , he does make it sufficiently perspicuous that he did not onely see , but also very much approve of and admire the apostolical men of his time , who being , as it is probable , originally jews , upon that account did then observe in a great measure the judaical rites and customes . first of all therefore , in that book which he intituled , of contemplative life , or , of suppliants , having professed that he would insert nothing disagreeable to truth , or of his own head , into that account which he was about to give , he says that the men were called b therapeutae , and the women that were conversant among them therapeutriae : and he adjoyns the reason of that appellation , either because like physitians they healed the mindes of those that resorted to them , curing them of their vitious affections , or because they worshipped the deity with a pure and sincere service and adoration . further , whether philo himself gave them this name , devising an appellation agreeable to the manners and dispositions of the men ; or whether they were really so called from the beginning , the name of christians having not yet been every where spread and diffused , it is not necessary positively to affirm or contend about it . but he attests that in the first place they part with their goods ; saying that as soon as they betake themselves to this course of philosophizing they put over their wealth and possessions to their relations . then , casting away all care of wordly matters , they leave the cities , and make their aboad in gardens and solitary places ; well knowing the conversing with men of a different and disagreeing perswasion to be unprofitable and hurtfull . which thing the christians of that time seem to me to have instituted out of a generous and most fervent ardour of faith , endeavouring to emulate the prophetical severe course of life . therefore in the * acts of the apostles ( which contain nothing but the perfect truth ) it is shewed , that all the disciples of the apostles selling their possessions and goods , divided the price among the brethren according as every one had need , that so there might not be any indigent person among them . for as the word says , as many as were possessours of lands or houses sold them , and brought the prizes of the things that were sold and laid them down at the apostles feet : and distribution was made unto every man according as he had need . after philo has attested the very same things with these , of the therapeutae , he adds thus much farther concerning them , word for word saying , this c sort of men indeed is diffused far and wide over the whole world . for it was requisite that both greeks & barbarians should be partakers of so excellent a benefit . egypt especially is full of them , throughout all its divisions , but most of all about alexandria . but from all places the principal of them retire themselves into a most commodious place above the lake maria , situate upon a little rising hill , excellently well seated both for wholsomeness of air and safe conveniency of abiding , as into the country of the therapeutae . then , after he has described their houses , after what manner they were built , he speaks thus of the churches they have in divers places . in every house there is a chappel called a semnaeum , and monasterium , in which alone by themselves they perform the mysteries of an holy life . they bring in thither neither meat nor drink , nor any corporal provisions or necessaries ; but onely the law , and the divine oracles of the prophets , and hymns and such like , whereby knowledge and piety are increased and perfected . and a little after , he says : all the interval of time from sun rising to the evening they spend in meditations of philosophie : for reading the holy scriptures , they philosophize after their country way , and expound allegorically . for they suppose that the words are onely notes and marks of some things of a mystical nature , which are to be explained d figuratively . they have e writings of some ancient persons , who have been heretofore famous leaders of their sect , and have left them many monuments of that learning which consists in dark and secret expressions , which they , using as original platforms , doe imitate thereby that course of study . these certainly seem to be words of such a man as had heard some of our religion expounding the holy scriptures . and it is very likely that the writings of those ancient persons , which he says they had , were the gospels and writings of the apostles , and certain expositions of the ancient prophets , of which sort many are contained both in other epistles of paul , and also in that written to the hebrews . afterwards philo thus writeth concerning the new psalms composed by them . they do not onely spend their time in contemplation , but they f compose songs and hymns to the praise of god of all sorts of meeter and musical verse , which they write in grave and seemly rhymes . he relates many other things of them in that book i mentioned : but i judged these fittest to be selected and pickt out , in which certain marks of church discipline are proposed . but if any one shall think what philo here says to be in no wise proper to the evangelical politie , but may be adapted to others besides those i have mentioned ; he will certainly be convinced by philo's following words ; in which , if he shall duely weigh the matter , he will receive a most undoubted testimony of this thing . now he writes thus : having first laid temperance as a certain foundation , they build thereupon the other virtues . for none of them takes either meat or drink before sun set : for they hold it requisite to spend the day in the study of philosophy , and the night in making necessary provision for the body . therefore they allot the whole day to study , but allow a very small portion of the night for bodily provision . some of them forget to eat for three days together , so great is the desire of knowledge that possesses them . but some others of them are so well pleased with , and feed so richly and deliciously upon the banquets of wisdom , which sets before them wholsome precepts as a most sumptuous feast , that they are wont scarce to tast any necessary food in twice that space , to wit , in six days time . we suppose these words of philo to be evidently and without all doubt spoken concerning those of our religion . but if after all this any one shall still persist in a peremptory denyal of these things ; he will at length recede from his obstinate difficulty of belief , being perswaded to submit to such manifest demonstrations as are no where to be found but in the christian religion , composed according to the rule of the gospel . philo says further therefore , that among these men , of whom we speak , there are certain women conversant , many of which continue virgins being old ; not out of necessity , like some of those amongst the grecian priests , but voluntarily preserving their chastity out of an ardent affection to and desire of wisdom ; in the embraces and familiarity whereof they earnestly affect to spend their lives ; having despised all bodily pleasures , and desiring earnestly not a mortal issue , but an immortal ; which that mind onely that loves and is beloved of god can of it self bring forth . after many other expressions , he speaks yet more plainly thus , their expositions of holy writ are figurative by way of allegories . for these men suppose the whole law to be like a living creature ; the bare words whereof are , as it were the body , and the invisible sense , that lies hid under the words , resembles the soul. which sence this sect have and doe make it their religion earnestly to search into and contemplate , beholding in the words , as in a glass , the admirable● beauty of the meaning . there is no necessity of adding farther here an account of their assemblies , of the distinct apartments of their men and women , and of their several studies and holy exercises , now in use amongst us , more especially about the feast of our lords passion , when we are wont to practise them in fastings , watchings , and attentive reading of holy scriptures . all which the man we have so often mentioned , does relate in his writings accurately , after the same manner in which we onely at this time observe them : especially he mentions the g vigils of the great solemnity , the holy exercises therein , and the hymns we are wont to recite . and how , when one has begun to sing a psalm harmoniously and gravely , the rest , silently hearkening , doe after sing out in chorus the latter parts onely of the verses . and how throughout those days lying in straw upon the ground , they wholly abstain from wine ( as he has said in these express words ) and eat nothing that has bloud in it : water is their onely drink , and their food is bread with salt and hyssop . farther he describes the order and degrees of their governours , to wit , h those who perform the ecclesiastical offices , then the ministrations of the deacons , and lastly the episcopal presidency over all . he that desires to know these things more accurately , may be therein informed from the fore-mentioned history of philo. it is therefore apparently evident to every one , that philo writing thus , did mean thereby those first preachers of the evangelical doctrine , and the discipline , at the beginning delivered by the apostles . chap. xviii . what writings of thilo's have come to our hands . moreover this philo being a man of a fluent utterance , and abundant in sentences , also lofty and high in contemplations upon the holy scrip●ures , compiled a divers and variable exposition of the sacred volumes of holy writ : partly explaining in a fit and agreeable series and order , the subject matter of the things contained in genesis , which he entitled the allegories of the holy laws : and partly making particular and distinct explications of those chapters in scripture which contain any thing in them that is dubious , with objections thereupon and solutions thereof ; which also he fitly entitled questions & solutions upon genesis and exodus . there are besides elaborate tracts of his peculiarly written concerning certain problems ; such as are , two books of husbandry , and as many of drunkenness , and some others having different and fit titles : such is that , a of the things which a sober mind prayeth for , and which it detesteth ; and that , of the confusion of languages ; and that , of b flight and invention ; and that , of assemblies upon account of obtaining learning : and concerning this subject , who is the heir of divine things , or , of division into parts equal and their contraries : and also that , of the three virtues which with others moses wrote of . besides , that , of them whose names are changed , and for what reason they are changed ; in which book he says , he wrote of testaments the first and the second . there is also another book of his , of removals in journey , or shifting of places , and of the life of a wise man perfected according to righteousness , or , of unwritten laws , and also , of giants , and , that god is immutable ; also , c that dreams are sent from god , according to the opinion of moses five books . and thus many are the books he wrote on genesis which have come to our hands . we have also known five books of his , of questions and solutions upon exodus ; and also that , of the tabernacle , and that , of the decalogue , and those four books , of those laws which in specie have reference to the chief heads of the decalogue ; and that , of those beasts fit for sacrifice , and , what be the kinds of sacrifices ; and that , of the rewards and punishments propounded in the law as well to the good as to the evil ; and , of curses . besides all these there are extant of his particular books , as that , of d providence , and a discourse compiled by him ; e of the jews , and , of the man leading a civil life ; also , alexander , or , that brutes are endowed with reason . besides , of this , that every wicked man is a slave , to which follows in order this book , that every man studious of virtue is free . after these he compiled that book , of contemplative life , or , of suppliants , out of which we have cited those things concerning the lives of the apostolical men . also , the interpretations of the f hebrew names in the law and in the prophets , are said to have been done by his diligence . this philo , coming to rome in the time of caius , wrote a book of caius's hatred of god , which , by way of scoff and ironie , he entituled , of virtues ; which book , it s said , he rehearsed before the whole roman senate in the time of claudius ; and the piece was so taking , that his admirable works were thought worthy to be dedicated to the publick libraries . at the same time , when paul travelled from jerusalem round about to illyricum , g claudius expelled the jews from rome . h at which time aquila and priscilla , with other jews , departing from rome , arived in asia , where they conversed with paul the apostle , then confirming the foundations of those churches there newly laid by him . even the holy book of the acts teacheth us these things . chap. xix . what a calamity befell the jews at jerusalem on the very day of the passover . but claudius yet ruling the empire , there happened to be so great a tumult and disturbance at jerusalem on the feast of the passover ▪ that there were a thirty thousand jews slain , being those onely who by force were prest together about the gates of the temple and troden under foot by one another . so that that festival was turned into mourning over the whole nation , and lamentation throughout every family . thus much also josephus relates almost word for word . but claudius made agrippa , the son of agrippa , b king of the jews ; having sent c felix procuratour of the whole country of samaria and galilee , and also of the region beyond jordan . and when he had raigned thirteen years and eight months , he dyed , leaving nero his successour in the empire . chap. xx. what was done at jerusalem in the reign of nero. now in nero's time , felix being procuratour of judea , josephus relateth in the twentieth book of his antiquities , that there was again a sedition of the priests one against the other , in these words : there arose also a sedition of the chief priests , against the priests and the chief of the people of jerusalem . and each of them forming for themselves a company of most audacious fellows and such as indeavoured to make innovations , behaved themselves as captains ; and encountring they railed against each other , and threw stones at one another . there was no body to rebuke them ; but , as in a city destitute of a governour , these things were licentiously done . and so great impudence and presumptuous boldness possessed the chief priests , that they dared to send their servants to the threshing floors , and take the tythes due to the priests . whence it came to pass that the poorest of the priests were seen to perish for want of sustenance . in such sort did the violence of the seditious prevail over all justice and equity . and again the same writer relates that at the same time there arose a sort of theeves in jerusalem , who in the day time , as he says , and in the very midst of the city , killed those they met with ; but especially on the festivals , being mixt among the croud , and hiding little daggers under their garments , they stab'd the most eminent a personages ; and when they fell , these murtherers would dissemble themselves to be of the number of those that grieved . whereby they were undiscovered , because of the good opinion all men had of them . and first , he says , jonathan the high priest was killed by them , and after him many were slain daily , and he says , the fear was more grievous than the calamity , in that every one , as in war , hourly expected death . chap. xxi . of that egyptian who is mentioned in the acts of the apostles . after these things josephus adds , having interposed some other words ; but the egyptian false prophet annoyed the jews with a greater mischief than these . for he , coming into the country , being a magician , and having gotten himself the repute of a prophet , gathered together about thirty thousand men such as he had seduced ; and leading them out of the wilderness to the mount called the mount of olives , prepared by force from thence to enter jerusalem ; and , having vanquished the roman guards , to seize the principality over the people , resolving to make them his guard who together with him by violence entred the city . but felix prevented his attempt , having met him with the roman souldiers ; and all the people joyned their assistance in repelling his injurious violence . so that , the assault being made , the egyptian fled with a few , and most of his party were slain and taken prisoners . these matters josephus relates in the second book of his history ; and its worthy our a observing , together with what is here related of this egyptian , those things which are declared of him in the acts of the apostles : there , in the time of felix it is said by the chief captain at jerusalem unto paul , when the multitude of the jews raised a tumult against him ; * art not thou that egyptian which before these days madest an uproar , and leddest into the wilderness b four thousand men that were murtherers ? but thus much concerning the times of felix . chap. xxii . how paul , being sent bound from judea to rome , having made his defence , was wholly acquitted . but festus is by nero sent as successour to this felix : in whose time paul having pleaded for himself is carried bound to rome ; aristarchus was with him , whom somewhere in his epistles he deservedly stiles his fellow prisoner : and luke , who committed to writing the acts of the apostles , concluded his history here , having shewed that paul lived two full years at rome , enjoying in a great measure his liberty ; and , that he preached the word of god , no man forbidding him : then , having made his defence , it is moreover reported that the apostle travelled again upon account of the ministration of preaching ; and that , coming the second time to the same city , he ended his life by martyrdome in this emperours reign . at which time , being in bonds , he wrote the second epistle to timothy , signifying therein both his former defence , and also his approaching death . take his own testimonie hereof . at my first answer , says he , no man stood with me , but all men forsook me , i pray god that it may not be laid to their charge : notwithstanding the lord stood with me , and strengthened me , that by me the preaching might be fully known , and that all the gentiles might hear ; and i was delivered out of the mouth of the lion. by which words he makes it plainly evident , that at the first time , that his preaching might be fulfilled , he was delivered out of the mouth of the lion ; speaking , as it was likely , of nero , because of his cruelty . a but afterwards he has not added any thing like unto these words [ he shall deliver me out of the mouth of the lion : ] for by the spirit he saw that his end was now near at hand : wherefore , having said [ and i was delivered out of the mouth of the lion ] he adds this [ the lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly kingdom ] evidently signifying that his martyrdom was at hand ; which he more plainly foretels in the same epistle , saying , for i am now ready to be offered , and the time of my departure is at hand . moreover in this second epistle to timothy , he manifestly declares , that onely luke was then with him when he wrote it ; but , at his first answer , that not so much as he was with him then . whence 't is aggreable to reason to think , that luke concluded the acts of the apostles at that time , having continued the history so long as he accompanied paul. these things we have spoken , that we may make it manifest that the martyrdom of paul was not consummated at that first coming of his to rome ; which luke mentions . for its likely , that pauls apology for his opinion was more easily admitted by nero , he behaving himself more mildly at the beginning of his empire ; but proceeding afterwards to the commission of most horrid and villanous acts , those things against the apostles together with many other persons , were by him taken in hand . chap. xxiii . how james , called the brother of the lord , was martyred . moreover paul having appealed to caesar , and being by festus sent to rome ; the jews , who had plotted a design against him , being now disappointed of their expectation , set upon james the brother of the lord , to whom the episcopal seat at jerusalem was given by the apostles : and of this sort were their villanous practises against him : leading him forth publickly , they required him to renounce the faith of christ before all the people . but when he , contrary to the expectation of all , had spoken freely and with a greater boldness than they looked for , before the whole multitude , and had confessed that our lord and saviour jesus christ was the son of god ; being no longer able to endure the testimony of the man , they slew him who was believed by all to be a most just person , by reason of that singular eminence he arrived to , in his leading a philosophical and pious course of life ; taking the vacancy of the government as a fit oportunity for this their licentiousness . for festus being at that time dead in judea , that province was without a president and procuratour . now the manner of this james's death , the words of clemens before quoted by us have manifested ; he having declared , that he was cast headlong from the battlement of the temple , and beaten to death with a club . but moreover , a hegesippus , being one of those who were of the first succession after the apostles , does in the fifth book of his commentaries most accurately relate these things concerning this james , speaking after this manner : james , the brother of our lord , undertook , together with the apostles , the government of the church ; that james who was surnamed the just by all even from the times of our lord untill ours . for many were called by the name of james ; but this man was holy from his mothers womb . he drank neither wine , nor strong drink ; nor eat any creature wherein there was life . there never came rasour upon his head ; he anointed not himself with oyl , neither did he use a bath . to b him onely it was lawfull to enter into the holiest of holie's : he wore no woollen , but linnen garments ; and went into the temple alone , where he was found upon his knees , making supplication for the forgiveness of the people : in so much that his knees were become hard and brawny , like those of a camel , by reason of his continual kneeling to worship god , and to make supplication for the remission of the people . wherefore , upon account of his most eminent righteousness he was called justus and c oblias , which signifies in english , the defence and righteousness of the people , as the prophets declare concerning him . therefore certain men of the d seven heresies among that people of the jews , which we have before written of in our commentaries , asked him , which is the e gate of jesus ? and he said , that that jesus was the saviour . some of them believed that jesus was the christ : but the forementioned sects believed neither the f resurrection , nor that he was to come to reward every man according to his works . but as many as believed , believed by the means of james . therefore , many of the chief men believing , there was a commotion among the jews , and scribes and pharisees , who said that all the people were in danger to think jesus to be the christ. coming altogether therefore unto james they said unto him , we beseech thee restrain the people , for they are in an errour concerning jesus , supposing him to be the christ ; we entreat thee , perswade all those that come together at the day of the passover , that they may think aright concerning jesus : for we all put our confidence in thee ; and we and all the people bear thee witness that thou art just , and respectest not the person of any man : perswade the multitude therefore that they be not deceived about jesus : for we and all the people put our confidence in thee : stand therefore upon the battlement of the temple , that from on high thou mayest be conspicuous , and thy words readily heard by all the people ; for upon account of the passover , all the tribes , together with the g nations are come together . therefore the foresaid scribes and pharisees placed james upon the battlement of the temple , and cried out to him , and said , o justus ! whom we all ought to put our confidence in ; because the people are mislead after jesus who was crucified , declare to us , which is the gate of christ who was crucified : and he answered with a loud voice , why do ye question me about jesus the son of man ? he even sits in heaven at the right hand of great power , and will come in the clouds of heaven . now when many were fully satisfied and confirmed and glorified god for this testimony of james , and cryed , saying , h hosanna to the i son of david , then the same scribes and pharisees said again to one another , we have done ill in exhibiting such a testimony to jesus ; but let us go up and cast him down , that so the people being terrified may not give credit to him . and they cried out , saying , o , o , even justus himself is also seduced . and they fulfilled that which was written in esaiah . k we will destroy the righteous , for he is troublesome to us ; wherefore they shall eat the fruit of their doings . they went up therefore and cast down justus , and said amongst themselves , let us stone james the just ; and they began to stone him , for he was not fully dead after his fall , but turning he kneeled , saying , i intreat thee , o lord god the father , forgive them , for they know not what they doe . as they were thus stoning of him , one of the priests of the sons of rechab the son of l rechabim , testifyed of by jeremy the prophet , cried out , saying , m cease , what doe ye ? justus prays for us . and one of them , being one of the fullers , took a leaver , with which he used to squeeze garments , and smote justus on the head ; and so he was martyred . n and they buried him in that place , and o his grave-stone as yet remains neer the temple . this man was a true and substantial witness both to jews and gentiles , that jesus was the christ : and soon after vespasian beset judea round about , and took the jews captive . these things hegesippus having related fully and largely , does therein agree with clemens . but james was a person so admirable , and so much cried up amongst all men for his righteousness , that the most sober men of the jews were of opinion that this was the cause of the siege of jerusalem , which immediately followed upon his martyrdome : and that this siege befell them upon no other account than that audacious villany committed against this james ; josephus therefore was not afraid to testifie this in writing , declaring himself in these words : these things befell the jews in the way of revenge for james the just , who was the brother of jesus called christ ; because the jews had murthered him , being a most righteous person . and the same authour in the twentieth book of his antiquities , relates his death in these words : caesar , being certified of festus his death , sent albinus procuratour into judea : but ananus the younger , who as we said before had gotten the high-priesthood , was a man as to his disposition rash and excessively bold : he embraced the sect of the sadduces , who in matters of judgment are cruell above all the jews , as we before manifested . ananus therefore , being such an one as we have described him to be , supposing he had a fit opportunity , in that festus was dead , and albinus yet upon his journey , called an assembly of the judges ; into which he caused the brother of jesus called christ ( whose name was james ) with certain others to be brought , whom he accused as violatours of the law , and so delivered them up to be p stoned . but as many as seemed to be the mildest and most modest in the city , and who were the strictest observers of the law , were very much offended hereat ; and sending privately to the king , they intreated him to write to q ananus ▪ to warn him that he should not any more attempt any such thing . for that he had not done this first fact regularly and legally . and some of them also went to meet al binus journeying from alexandria , and informed him , that it was not lawfull for ananus without his consent to assemble the sanhedrim . albinus being induced to believe what they said , wrote in great anger to ananus , threatning that he would punish him . and king agrippa for this very thing took the high-priesthood from him , which he had held three months , and constituted jesus the son of r dammaeus high-priest . thus much concerning james , whose the first of those called the general epistles is reported to be . but you must know it is suspected to be spurious . therefore not many of the antients have made mention of it , like as neither of that called jude , being also one of the seven , termed the general epistles : yet notwithstanding we know , that these with the rest have been publickly read in most churches . chap. xxiv . how , after mark , annianus was constituted the first bishop of the church of the alexandrians . but nero being in the eighth year of his reign , annianus , the first after mark the apostle and evangelist , succeeded in the publick charge of the church at alexandria ; b being a man beloved of god , and in all respects admirable . chap. xxv . of the persecution in the time of nero , in which paul and peter were for religion graced with marty dome at rome . the empire being now confirmed to nero , he , giving his mind to the commission of nefarious facts , armed himself against the very worship of the supream god. indeed , how wicked a person he was , our present leisure will not permit us to describe . but , in as much as many have related in most accurate treatises those things that were done by him , he that is desirous , may from thence see the cruelty and insolent rage of the man. whereby having without all consideration destroyed an infinite number of men , he arrived to such an height of murdering cruelty , that he forbore not his most familiar and most beloved friends ; but slew his mother and his wife , with innumerable others that were related to him , as if they had been enemies and adversaries , by sundry kinds of death . this indeed also ought together with the rest to have been ascribed to him as one of his titles , that he was the first of the emperours that demonstrated himself to be an adversary to the worship due to god. thus much again tertullian the roman does record , saying , after this manner : a consult your records . there you will find that nero was the first , who with the imperial sword raged against this sect then greatly flourishing at rome . but we even boast of such a beginner of our persecution . for he that knows him , may understand that nothing but some great good was condemned by nero. thus therefore this man , being proclaimed the first and chiefest enemie of god , set upon slaughtering the apostles . wherefore they relate that in his time paul was beheaded at rome , and also peter crucified . and the name of peter and paul unto this present time remaining upon the burial-places there doth confirm the story . in like manner , even an b ecclesiastical man , by name caius , who flourisht in the time of zephyrinus bishop of rome , and wrote against proclus a great defender of the opinion of the cataphrygians , says these very words concerning the places where the sacred bodies of the aforesaid apostles were deposited : i am able to shew the trophies of the apostles : for if you would go to the c vatican , or to the way ostia , you will find the trophies of those who founded this church . and that they both suffered martyrdome at the same time , dionysius bishop of corinth , writing to the romans , doth thus affirm : so also you , d by this your so great an admonition , have joyned together the plantation both of the romans , and also of the corinthians , made by peter and paul. for both of them coming also to our city of corinth , and having planted us , did in like manner instruct us . likewise they went both together into italy , and , having taught there , suffered martyrdome at e the same time . and thus much i have related , that the history hereof might be yet farther confirmed . chap. xxvi . how the jews were vexed with innumerable mischiefs , and how at last they entred upon a war against the romans . a moreover josephus , discoursing at large about the calamities that happened to the whole jewish nation , makes it manifest in express words , amongst many other things , that a great number of the most eminent personages amongst the jews , having been cruelly beaten with scourges , were crucified even in jerusalem by the command of florus . for it happened that he was procuratour of judea , when the war at first broke out , in the twelfth year of nero's reign . afterwards , he says , that after the revolt of the jews there followed great and grievous disturbances throughout all syria , those of the jewish nation being by the inhabitants of every city every where destroyed as enemies , without all commiseration : in so much that a man might see the b cities filled with dead bodies that lay unburied ; and the aged together with the infants cast forth dead , and women not having so much as any covering upon those parts which nature commands to be concealed : and the whole c province was full of unspeakable calamities : but the dread of what was threatned was greater and more grievous than the mischiefs every where perpetrated . thus much josephus relates word for word . and such was the posture of the jews affairs at that time . the third book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . chap. i. in what parts of the world the apostles preached christ. now the affairs of the jews being in this posture : the holy apostles and disciples of our saviour , being dispersed over the whole world preached the gospel . and thomas , as tradition hath it , had parthia allotted to him ; andreas had scythia ; john asia , where after he had spent much time , he died at ephesus : peter , 't is probable , preached to the * jews a scattered throughout pontus and galatia , and bithynia , cappadocia and asia . who , at last coming to rome , was crucified with his head downwards ; for so he desired to suffer . it is needless to say any thing of paul ; who having fully preached the gospel of christ from jerusalem unto illyricum , at last suffered martyrdome at rome in the time of nero. thus much b origen declares word for word in the third tome of his expositions on genesis . chap. ii. who first presided over the roman church . after the martyrdome of paul and peter , linus was the first that was elected to the bishoprick of the roman church . paul , writing from rome to timothy , makes mention of him in the salutation at the end of the epistle ; saying , * eubulus gr●●teth thee , and pudens , and linus , and claudia . chap. iii. concerning the epistles of the apostles . indeed , one epistle of peter's , called his first , hath by general consent been received as genuine ; for that the worthy antients in former ages quoted in their writings , as being unquestionable and undoubted . but as for that called his a second epistle , we have been informed by the tradition of our predecessours that it was not acknowledged as part of the new testament . yet , because to many it seemed usefull , 't was diligently read together with the other scriptures . but the book called his acts , and the gospel that goes under his name , and that book termed his preaching , and that stiled his revelution , we know these have in no wise been accounted genuine writings : because no ecclesiastical writer either antient or modern hath quoted any authorities or proofs taken out of them . but in the procedure of our history we will make it our chief business to shew , together with the successions , what ecclesiastical writers in every age have used the authority of such writings as are questioned as spurious : likewise what they say of those scriptures that are canonical and by general consent acknowledged as genuine , and also what concerning those that are not such . and thus many are the writings ascribed to peter , of which i have known onely one epistle accounted to be genuine , and universally acknowledged as such by the antients . but of pauls there are fourteen epistles manifestly known , and undoubted . yet it is not fit we should be ignorant , that some have rejected that to the hebrews , saying , it is by the roman church denied to be pauls . now what the antients have said concerning this epistle , i will in due place propose . but as for those acts that are called his , we have been informed from our predecessours , that they are not accounted as unquestionable and undoubted . and whereas the same apostle , in his salutations at the end of his epistle to the romans , makes mention among others , of one hermas , who ▪ they sa●● is authour of that book entitled pastor ; you must know that that treatise also has been questioned by some ; upon whose account it must not be placed amongst those which by general consent are acknowledged as genuine : but by others it has been judged a most usefull book , especially for such as are to be instructed in the first rudiments of religion . whereupon we know it is at this time publickly read in churches ; and i do find that some of the most antient writers doe quote it . let thus much be spoken in order to a representation of the holy scriptures , to discriminate those books , whose authority is in no wise contradicted , from those that by general consent are not acknowledged as genuine . chap. iv. of the first succession of the apostles . that paul therefore , preaching to the gentiles , laid the foundations of those churches from jerusalem and round about unto illyricum , is manifest both from his own * words , and also from what luke has related in the † acts. likewise in what provinces peter , preaching the gospel of christ to those of the circumcision , delivered the doctrine of the new covenant , is sufficiently apparent from his own † words out of that epistle of his , which , we have said , is universally acknowledged as genuine ; which he wrote to the jews that were dispersed throughout pontus and galatia , cappadocia , and asia , and bithynia . now how many and what sincere followers of them have been approved as sufficient to take the charge of those churches by them founded , it is not easie to say ; except such and so many as may be collected from the words of paul. for he had very many fellow labourers , and , as he termed them fellow souldiers ; many of which were by him vouchsafed an indeleble remembrance , he having in his own epistles ascribed to them an everlasting commendation . but luke , enumerating , in the acts , the disciples of paul , makes mention of them by name . moreover , timothy is reported to have been the first that was chosen to the bishoprick of the ephesian church : as also titus , of the churches in or●●t . luke , by original extract an antiochian , by profession a physitian , for the most part accompanied paul ; and being diligently conversant with the rest of the apostles , has left us , in two books written by divine inspiration ▪ lessons that are medicinable for our souls , which he pr●●ured of them . the one is the gospel , which he * professes he wrote even as they delivered it unto him , who from the beginning were eye witnesses and ministers of the word , in all which things , he says , he had perfect understanding from the very first . the other is the acts of the apostles , which treatise he composed now not of such passages as he had received by report , but of what he had seen with his own eyes . they say also that paul was wont to mean the gospel according to luke , when , speaking , as it were of his own gospel , he says , † according to my gospel . of the rest of the followers of paul , crescens is by the apostle himself declared to be one ; who was sent by him into a gallia . linus also ; whom in his second epistle to timothy he mentions to be at rome with him , who was before manifested to have been the first that was chosen to the bishoprick of rome , after peter . clemens also , who was likewise constituted the third bishop of rome , is attested by paul himself to have been his fellow labourer , and companion in sufferings . furthermore , that areopagite ( by name dionysius , whom luke in the acts records to have been the first that believed after the sermon made by paul to the athenians in b areopagus ) another dionysius , one of the antients , a pastour of the corinthian church relates to have been the first bishop of the athenian church . but as we goe on with this work of ours , we will in due place declare the successions of the apostles in their several times . now we will proceed to that part of our history which follows in order . chap. v. of the last siege of the jews after christs death . after nero , who held the government thirteen years , galba and otho having reigned a year and six months ; vespasian grown famous in the wars against the jews , was made emperour in judea , being proclaimed by the army there . he therefore going immediately to rome , committed the management of the war against the jews to his son titus . moreover , after the ascension of our saviour , when the jews , besides the audacious wickedness committed against him , had now contrived and executed very many cruel designs against his apostles ; ( first stephen being stoned to death by them ; then after him james the son of zebedee and brother of john beheaded , and last of all that james who was first chosen into the episcopal seat there , after our saviours ascension , murthered according to the fore mentioned manner ; ) when the rest of the apostles , were by innumerable wiles laid wait for to be put to death ; and being driven out of judea , were gone to preach the doctrine of the gospel to all nations , assisted by the power of christ who had said unto them ; * goe and teach all nations in my name : and furthermore , when the whole congregation of the church in jerusalem , according to an oracle given by revelation to the approved persons amongst them before the war , were commanded to depart out of the city , and inhabit a certain city ( they call it a pella ) beyond jordan ; into which when those that believed in christ had removed from jerusalem ; and when the holy men had as it were totally relinquished the princely metropolis of the jews , and the whole country of judea : then at length divine vengeance seized them who had dealt so unjustly with christ and his apostles , and utterly destroyed that wicked and abominable generation from among men . but , how great calamities then befell the whole nation in every place , and how they especially who were inhabitants of judea were driven to the extremity of misery ; and how many * myriads of men , together with women and children , were destroyed by sword and famine , and by infinite other kinds of death ; and how many and what sieges there were of the jewish cities ; and how great miseries and more than miseries they beheld who fled into jerusalem it self , as into the best fortified metropolis ; and also the manner and order of the whole war , and every particular action therein ; and how at length the abomination of desolation predicted by the prophets was set up in the very temple of god , heretofore famous , but now about to suffer all manner of pollution , and to undergoe its last destruction by fire : he that is desirous to know it , may accurately read all this in the history written by josephus . but , how the same writer relates , that a multitude of about thirty hundred thousand persons assembled together from all parts of judea at the time of the passeover feast , were shut up in jerusalem ( as it were , says he , in a prison ) i think it requisite to shew in those his own words . b for it was fit , that at that very time ( wherein they had killed the saviour and benefactour of all , christ the son of god , ) that in the same days , i say , they should be shut up as it were in a prison , to receive that destruction from divine vengeance which awaited them . but i will omit the particular relation of those miseries which befell them , and their great sufferings by the sword and otherwaies , and doe think it necessary to propose onely the calamities of the famine ; that so they who shall read this our work may from that part of their sufferings understand , that the divine punishment for their enormous impieties committed against the christ of god did not long after light upon them . chap. vi. of the famine that oppressed the jews . come on therefore , let us again take the fifth book of josephus his history into our hands , and rehearse the tragedy of those things then and there done . * moreover ( says he ) for those that were rich to stay it was equally destructive . for they were slain for their wealth , under a pretence of their revolting to the enemy . together also with the famine , the insolent rage of the seditious increased , and both those mischiefs daily grew more extreamly sharp and violent . besides , there was no food any where openly to be seen : but they rushed violently into houses , and made a strict search : and when they had found any , they beat the masters of the houses after a most cruel manner , because they denied they had any : but if they found none , they tortured them , as if they had most carefully hid it . moreover , the bodies of the wretches were a certain sign whether they had any food or no : for those who were yet strong and lusty they supposed had plenty of provision ; but such as were already lean and macerated , they medled not with . for it seemed irrational to kill those that were ready to die for want of sustenance . many also privately exchanged their estates , the richer sort for one measure of wheat , the poorer for one of barley : then locking themselves up in the inmost recesses of their houses , some of them by reason of their excessive want of food , eat the unground corn ; others made bread of it after such a manner as necessity and fear advised them . indeed there was no where any table furnished ; but they snatched the meat while it was raw from the fire , and a tore it from one another . the food was miserable , and the spectacle truly worthy of lamentation ; in that the stronger sort got all , whilest the weaker bewailed their own condition . famine doubtless is superiour to all the affections of the mind ; but nothing is so utterly destroyed by it , as is a dutifull and observant behaviour . for that which otherwise is worthy of a reverent regard , in this case ( to wit , in the necessity of famine ) is contemned . therefore the wives tore the meat from their husbands , the children from their parents ; and , which was most exceedingly lamentable , the mothers snatcht it out of the very mouthes of their infants ; yea , they spared not to deprive them of those very drops of milk which were their onely sustenance to keep them alive , whilest their most beloved babes languished in their arms . and whilest they eat such food as this , they notwithstanding could not secure themselves from being discovered ; because the seditious were every where at hand , preying upon them ; for when they at any time saw a house shut , that was a sign that those within were eating victuals ; and immediately breaking open the doors they rushed in , and squeezing the bits of meat even out of their very jaws , they took them away . the old men , who would not part with their food were beaten ; and the women which hid what they had in their hands were drawn about by the hair of the head . no compassion was shown to the hoary-head , or to infants ; but lifting up the little children on high , hanging at their morsels of meat , they dashed them against the pavement . now to those , who prevented their incursion and before-hand devoured what they would by force have taken away , they were more inhumane , as if such had done them an injury . moreover they invented cruel ways of torments for the searching out of provision ; for they stopped up the passage of the privities of those miserable men with the pulse called orobos , and thrust sharp rods up their fundaments ; and to force any person to confess he had but one loa● of bread , or to extort from him a discovery of his having but one handfull of meal hidden , he underwent such torments as are most horrible to be heard . now the tormentours themselves were not oppressed with hunger ; for it would have seemed less cruel for them to have done all this out of necessity : but they did it to exercise their outragious insolence , and to procure themselves provision for the following days . those also , who by night crept out as far as the roman watch to gather wild herbs and grass , they met ; and when they supposed they had now escaped the enemy , these men by force took from them what they had gotten . and when they often intreated , and by the most sacred name of god beseeched them to communicate some part of that to them which they had brought off with the hazard of their lives , they imparted nothing thereof to them ; yea , they were to look upon it to be a kindness , that they were not also killed , as well as robbed of what they had gotten . to this , after some other words , he adds , saying , the jews , after they were hindred from going out of the city , were deprived of all hope of relief . and the famine encreasing extreamly , consumed the people throughout every house and family . the houses were filled with women and infants destroyed by the famine : and the narrow streets with dead old men : the children and young men as pale as ghosts wandred up and down the market places , and fell down whereever the distemper seized any of them ; neither were the sick able to bury their relations : and those who were strong were loath to undertake it , both upon account of the vast numbers of the dead , and also because of the uncertainty of their own condition . for very many dropt down dead upon those whom they were interring . many also betook themselves to their coffins or sepulchres before death seized them . neither was there mourning or lamentation in these calamities ; but the famine had suppressed every ones affection . and they who struggled with the very pangs of death , with dry eyes beheld those who went to rest before them . a profound silence and darkness loaden with death encompassed the city . but the theeves were more pernicious than all this : for they digged through into houses , now turned into burial places , and robbed the dead : and taking away the coverings from off the corps , went out laughing . they also tried the b edges of their swords upon the dead bodies : and some of those that lay along , and yet alive , they ran through , to make trial of the sharpness of their weapons : but those that beseeched them to make use of their hand and sword upon them , by way of scorn they let alone to be destroyed by the famine . and every one of them that died , leaving the seditious yet surviving , c fixed their eyes stedfastly upon the temple . at first they gave command that the dead should be buried at the charge of the publick treasury , not being able to endure the stench of the dead bodies : but afterwards being insufficient to continue so doing , they cast them from the walls into deep pits ; which titus having viewed round , when he beheld them filled full with the dead , and a thick gore issuing from the putrified bodies , he sighed , and stretching forth his hands , called god to witness , that it was not his fact . to all this , after the interposition of some words , he adds , saying : i will not be afraid to declare what grief commands me to speak ; i think , had the romans been slack to destroy those flagitious wretches , that either they would have been swallowed by the earth opening under them ; or that the city would have been drowned by an inundation ; or that , like sodom , it would have been destroyed by lightning . for it had brought forth a generation of men by far more abominably impious than those , who had suffered such things . by reason therefore of the desperate outragiousness of those men , the whole body of the people was together with them destroyed . and in his sixth book he writes thus : of those who perished being destroyed by the famine throughout the city , the multitude was innumerable ; the afflictions that befell them cannot be uttered . for in every house , where there appeared but the least shadow of provision , there was fighting ; and such as were dearest friends strove one with the other , snatching from one another the miserable provisions of their life . neither were those that dyed believed to expire for want of sustenance . but the theeves searched those that gave up the ghost , least any one having meat in his bosome should feign himself to die . the theeves themselves , empty and hollow for want of sustenance , wandred and hunted up and down like mad dogs , striking against the doors like drunken men ; and by reason of their stupified condition , breaking into the very same houses twice or thrice in one hour . necessity made all things to be eaten : and what was unfitting to be given to the most sordid irrational creatures , they gathered up , and endured to eat . therefore at the last they did not forbear to eat girdles and shooes : and pluck't the leather from off their bucklers and eat it . the stumps of old hay were made food by some ; and others gathered the very ▪ stalks or small fibers of plants , and sold the least weight of them for four d attick drachms . but what need i speak of the sharpness , and extremity of the famine , as to the eating things without life ? for i will declare such a fact , the like whereof is no where recorded either amongst the grecians or barbarians ; which may seem both horrid to be related , and also incredible to be heard . and indeed least i might seem to posterity to feign monstrous stories , i could very willingly leave this sad accident unmentioned ; but that i have innumerable witnesses thereof , to wit , men that are cotemporary with me : and besides , i should doe my country a very frigid and inconsiderable kindness , should i goe about to conceal the rehearsal of what it really suffered . a woman , of the region beyond jordan , by name mary , the daughter of eleazar , of the village bathezar , ( which word signifies , the house of hyssop ) for descent and wealth eminent , flying with the rest of the multitude into jerusalem , was there together with them besieged . all her goods , which she had taken with her out of the region beyond jordan and brought into the city , the tyrants robbed her of . the remains of what she had , which was of greatest value and price , and what ever provision of food she could any way procure , the spearmen breaking in daily took from her . a most vehement indignation moved the woman ; and oftentimes she reviled and cursed those ravenous pillagers , and provoked them against her self . but when none of them could be either instigated by anger , or moved by compassion to kill her ; and she being grown weary of finding victuals for e others ; and provision being now no where to be found ; the famine also having entred her very bowels and marrow , and her anger being more exceedingly hot than the famine was sharp ; she took fury and necessity as her advisers , and in a hostile manner invaded nature it self . and having snatched up her son , for she had a sucking child , miserable babe , said she , amidst these wars , famine and sedition , for whom shall i preserve thee ? amongst the romans , if they let us live , we shall be slaves ; and the famine must precede that servitude ; but the seditious are more mischievous than both those evils . be thou therefore my food , a f fiend to take revenge upon the seditious , and a story for men to talk of , which is onely yet wanting to compleat the calamities of the jews . having said this , she kills her son ; then roasting him she eat half of him ; the remainder she kept covered . the seditious came immediately , and having smelt the horrible savour , threatned to kill her forthwith , if she would not bring out to them what she had provided : but she , answering that she had reserved a good part for them , uncovered the remains of her son . horrour and astonishment of mind suddenly seized them ; and they stood benummed , as it were , with amazement at the spectacle . this , said the woman , is the son of mine own womb , and this mine own fact : eat , for i have eaten of him already ; be not you more effeminate than a woman , or more compassionate than a mother . but if you are religious and abhor this my sacrifice , i have eaten the one half already , and let the rest also remain with me . after this they went out trembling , abashed at this very one thing , and with much adoe yielding to leave this food with the mother . immediately the whole city was filled with the noyse of this detestable fact ; and every one setting before his eyes this unnatural deed was horribly afraid and trembled , as if it had been audaciously perpetrated in g his own house . and now all who were sorely pressed with the famine , earnestly hastned to die , and happy were they accounted , who were taken away by death before they heard and saw so great calamities . such was the punishment the jews underwent for their iniquity and impiety against the christ of god. chap. vii . of christs predictions . but it is worth while to adjoyn hereunto the most true prediction of our saviour , wherein he manifestly foretells these very things after this manner : * and ●o unto them that are with child , and to them that give suck in those days . but pray ye that your flight be not in the winter , neither on the sabbath-day : for then shall be great tribulation , such as was not since the beginning of the world to this time , no nor ever shall be . but the same writer adding together the whole number of those that were destroyed , says , that by the famine and by the sword an hundred and ten myriads perished : and that the seditious and the theeves that were left , discovering one another , after the city was taken , were put to death : that the tallest and comeliest of the young men were reserved to adorn the triumph : that of the rest of the multitude , such as were above seventeen years of age , were sent bound to the mines in egypt ; and that very many were distributed through the provinces to be destroyed in the publick shews by the sword and by wild beasts : that those who were under seventeen years of age were carried captive and sold ; and that the number of these onely amounted to a ninety thousand . these things were done after this manner in the second year of the reign of vespasian , agreeable to the presages and predictions of our lord and saviour jesus christ , who by his divine power foreseeing these things , as if they had been present , wept and lamented , according to the history of the holy evangelists , who have related his very words ; one while speaking as it were to jerusalem it self : if thou hadst known ( said he , ) even thou at least in this thy day , the things which belong unto thy peace ! but now they are hid from thine eyes . for the days shall come upon thee , that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee , and compass thee round , and keep thee in on every side , and shall lay thee even with the ground , and thy children within thee : then speaking concerning the people : for there shall be ( said he ) great distress in the land , and wrath upon this people . and they shall fall by the edge of the sword , and shall be led away captive into all nations , and jerusalem shall be troden down of the gentiles , untill the times of the gentiles be fulfilled : and again , when ye shall see jerusalem compassed with armies , then know that the desolation thereof is nigh . now whosoever does compare the words of our saviour with the rest of our writers relations of the whole war , he cannot but with admiration confess the prescience and prediction of our saviour to have been truly divine , and exceeding wonderfull . therefore concerning those things which befell the whole jewish nation after the salutary passion of christ , and after those words , whereby the multitude of the jews desired a thief and a murderer should be released from his punishment of death , and that the prince of life should be destroyed , it is needeless to b add any thing to the relation given by josephus . so much onely is requisite furthermore to be annexed , as may represent the endearing goodness of the most excellent providence of god , deferring the destruction of these men full forty years after their most audacious villany committed against christ. during which space , many of the apostles and disciples , ( and james himself the first bishop there , he that was called the brother of the lord ) being yet alive and making their abode in the city of jerusalem , continued to be a most impregnable fortification to that place : divine visitation hitherto patiently forbearing them ; that , if peradventure they would yet repent of what they had done , they might obtain remission and salvation ; and to so great patience and forbearance , adding wonderfull signes from heaven foreshewing what was about to befall them unless they repented . which signes , having been accounted worthy to be recorded by the foresaid * writer , nothing hinders but we may here propose to those that shall look upon this our work . chap. viii . concerning the prodigies that appeared before the war. let us then take the sixth book of his history , and rehearse what is therein related by him in these words ; therefore those impostours , and such as feigned themselves to be sent of god , by their false perswasions deceived the wretched people at that time : so that they neither gave heed to , nor believed those evident prodigies which foreshewed their desolation to be at hand . but being like persons thunderstruck , and having neither eyes nor understanding , they contemned and disregarded the forewarnings of god. first , a star in the likeness of a sword stood over the city ; and then a a comet continued a whole year . further also , when , before the revolt and the first beginnings of the war , the people were gathered together to the feast of unleavened bread , on the eighth day of the month april , at the b ninth hour of the night , so great a light shined round about the altar and the temple , that it seemed to be bright day ; and so continued for the space of half an hour : and this was judged by those that were unskilfull a good sign ; but by the c scribes that were skilled in the law , it was immediately concluded to portend those calamities which afterwards happened : and at the same feast , a cow , led to be sacrificed by the high-priest , brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple . also the eastern gate of the inner temple made all of brass , exceeding massy , and scarcely to be shut in the evening by twenty men , ( being made also very strong by vast iron hinges on which it moved , and having bolts that went into the ground a great depth , ) was seen to open of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night . d not many days after the feast , upon the one and twentieth of may , was seen a ghost for prodigiousness wholly incredible . but that which i am now about to say would seem an idle story , were it not related by those that saw it , and had not the subsequent calamities been answerable to such prodigies . for before sun-set there was seen in the air over the whole country , chariots , and whole companies of armed men , running up and down in the clouds , and investing cities . also at the feast , called pentecost , the priests , as it was their manner , going by night into the temple to perform their offices , reported that they perceived at first indeed a motion and heard a noise ; but that afterwards they heard a voice as of a great multitude , saying , let us depart hence : but , what was more dreadfull than all this ; one jesus , the son of ananias , a country man of the ordinary rank , four years before the war , ( the city being then in perfect peace and in a flourishing condition ) coming to the feast , in which it's customary for all to make tabernacles to the honour of god near the temple ; on a sudden began to cry out with a loud voice : a voice from the east , a voice from the west , a voice from the four winds , a voice against jerusalem and the temple , a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides , a voice against all the people . this he went up and down crying , day and night throughout all the narrow streets and cross waies of the city . but some of the chief of the people were very much disturbed at this ominous cry , and , being highly incensed , took the man and beat him with many and also grievous stripes . but he neither spoke any thing for himself , nor said any thing in private to those that e beat him , but persisted crying those very words he did before . then the f magistrates , supposing ( as indeed it was ) that the man was moved by divine impulse , bring him to the roman g president ; where being beaten with stripes till his very bones were bare , he neither intreated for himself , nor shed a tear . but to the utmost of his power changing his voice into a dolefull tone , he answered every stripe , wo , wo to jerusalem . there is another thing also more wonderfull than this , which the same writer relates , saying , that a prophecy was found in the holy scriptures comprehending thus much , to wit , that about that time one was to come out of their country who should rule over the whole world ; which this writer understood to have been fulfilled in h vespasian . but he did not rule over the whole world , onely obtained the roman empire . this therefore may more justly be referred to christ , to whom it was said by the father : * desire of me and i shall give thee the heathen for thine inheritance ; and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession : and the † sound of whose holy apostles at the very same time went out into all lands , and their words unto the ends of the world . chap. ix . of josephus , and the writings he left . after all this , it is fit that we should not be ignorant of this same josephus , who has given us so great assistance in the history we now have in hand , from whence , and of what stock he came . and he himself does manifest even this also , saying after this manner : josephus the son of a mattathias , a priest of jerusalem , who my self also at first fought against the romans , and was by necessity forced to be present at what was done afterwards . this man was esteemed the most eminent person of all the jews of those times , not onely by his own country men , but also by the romans : insomuch that he was honoured with a statue dedicated to him in the city of rome , and the books compiled by him were accounted worthy to be placed in the publick library . he wrote all the jewish antiquities in twenty entire books ; and the history of the jewish war , in his own time , in seven books ; which history he himself testifies , he put forth not onely in greek , but also in his own country language ; and he is worthy to be credited both in this , and in other things . there are also two other books of his extant very worthy to be read , which are about the ancientness of the jews : in which he answers apion grammaticus who at that time wrote a b volume against the jews , and some others who had attempted to calumniate the c antiquity and laws of the jewish nation . in the former of these he sets forth the number of the canonical books of that called the old testament , which of them are among the hebrews unquestionable and undoubted , as being received from antient tradition ; discoursing of them in these words . chap. x. how josephus makes mention of the holy bible . there are not therefore amongst us an innumerable company of books disagreeing and contradicting one another ; but onely a two and twenty , containing an historical account of all times ; which are worthily believed to be divine . and five of these are the works of moses , which comprehend both the laws , and also a continued series of the generations of men , and what was done by them from their first creation untill his own death . this space of time wants little of three thousand years . and from the death of moses untill the reign of artaxerxes king of the persians successour to xerxes , the prophets , who succeeded moses , wrote what was done in their ages , in thirteen books : the remaining four contain hymnes to god , and precepts and admonitions for the well ordering of mens lives . also from artaxerxes untill our own times every thing is indeed recorded , but these books have not been accounted worthy of the like authority with the former , in that the succession of the prophets was not so accurately known . but it is manifestly apparent how highly we revere our own writings : for in so many ages now passed over , no one has dared either to adde or to diminish from them , or to change any thing therein ; but it is implanted upon all us jews immediately from our very birth , to think that these are the precepts of god , and to persevere in them , and , if need so require , willingly to die for them . and let these words of this writer be profitably here inserted . he compiled also another elaborate work not unworthy of himself , about the empire of reason , which some have entitled maccabees , because it contains the conflicts of those hebrews , in the writings called the maccabees so termed from them , who valiantly fought for the worship of god. and , at the end of his twentieth book of antiquities he intimates , as if he purposed to write in four books ( according to the opinion of the jews which they had received from their ancestours ) of god , and of his essence , also of laws , why according to them some things are lawfull to be done , and others forbidden . himself also in his own books mentions other works compiled by his diligence . moreover it is also consonant to reason to adjoyn those words of his which he has inserted at the b conclusion of his antiquities , for the confirmation of the quotations and authorities , we have taken out of him . he therefore , blaming c justus tiberiensis , ( who had taken in hand , as well as he , to write an history of those very times , ) as having not related the truth , and accusing the man of many other faults , at last adds thus much in these words : but i was not , in that manner as you were , timorous concerning my writings ; but gave my books to the emperours themselves , when the deeds done were fresh and almost yet to be seen : for i was conscious to my self , that i had all along faithfully observed the delivery of the truth ; upon account whereof , hoping for their evidence , i was not disappointed of my expectation : and moreover i communicated my history to many others , some of whom were actually present in the war ; as was king agrippa , and d several of his relations : also titus the emperour was so willing that the knowledge of what was done should be delivered to men solely out of them , that he e subscribed my books with his own hand , and gave command they should be f publickly read . and king agrippa wrote sixty two epistles , testifying therein , that the truth was delivered by me . two whereof josephus there adjoyns . but let thus much be thus far manifested concerning him . we will now proceed to what follows . chap. xi . how , after james , simeon governed the church at jerusalem . after the martyrdom of james and the taking of jerusalem , which immediately followed thereupon , report goes that the apostles and disciples of our lord , who were yet alive met together from all parts in the same place , together also with the kinsmen of our lord according to the flesh , ( for many of them hitherto survived , ) and that all these held a consultation in common who should be adjudged worthy to succeed james : and moreover that all with one consent approved of a simeon the son of cleophas , of whom the history of the gospel makes mention , to be worthy of the episcopal seat there ; which simeon , as they say , was cousin german by the mothers side to our saviour : for hegesippus relates that cleophas was the b brother of joseph . chap. xii . how vespasian commanded that the descendants of david should be sought out . and moreover , it is reported , that vespasian after the taking of jerusalem , commanded all those that were of the kindred of david to be diligently sought out , least any one of them who were of the royal race should be left remaining amongst the jews : and that a most sore persecution was thereby again brought upon the jews . chap. xiii . that anencletus was the second bishop of the roman church . but when vespasian had reigned ten years , his son titus succeeded him in the empire : in the second year of whose reign , linus bishop of the roman church , having held that publick charge twelve years , delivered it to a anencletus . and titus , after he had reigned two years and as many months , was succeeded by his brother domitian . chap. xiv . that avilius was the second bishop of alexandria . furthermore , in the fourth year of domitian , a annianus the first bishop of the alexandrian church , having there spent two and twenty years compleat , died . after whom succeeded b avilius , being the second bishop there . chap. xv. that clemens was the third bishop of the roman church . also in the twelfth year of this emperours reign , anencletus having been bishop of the roman church twelve years , had to his successour clemens : whom the apostle , writing an epistle to the philippians , declares to be his fellow-labourer , saying : * with clement also , and with other my fellow-labourers , whose names are in the book of life . chap. xvi . concerning the epistle of clemens . moreover there is extant one epistle of this clemens his , which by general consent is acknowledged as genuine , and is singularly excellent and admirable ; which he wrote in the name of the roman church to that of the corinthians , there being at that time a faction raised in the corinthian church : which epistle also we have known to have been publickly read in many churches before the whole congregation , both in times past , and also in our own memory . now , that in the time of the aforementioned clemens there was a faction raised in the corinthian church , hegesippus is a witness worthy to be credited . chap. xvii . of the persecution in domitians time . a besides , domitian having shown much cruelty towards many , and by unjust sentences put to death no small company of men of rome that were nobly descended and illustrious , and having punished innumerable other most eminent persons undeservedly with banishment and loss of goods , at length rendred himself the successour of nero as to his hatred of god , and his fighting against him . for he raised the second persecution against us : although his father vespasian had designed nothing injurious towards us . chap xviii . concerning john the apostle , and his revelation . in this persecution its reported , that john the apostle and also evangelist , who yet lived , was banished into the isle patmos upon account of the testimony he exhibited to the word of god. indeed , irenaeus , writing concerning the number of the name of antichrist mentioned in the † revelation of john , does in these very words in his fifth book against heresies thus speak concerning john : but if at this present time * his name ought publickly to be preached , it would have been spoken of by him who saw the revelation . for it was seen not a long time since , but almost in our age , about the latter end of domitian's reign . but so mightily did the doctrine of our faith flourish in those forementioned times , that even those writers who are wholly estranged from our religion have not thought it troublesome to set forth in their histories both this persecution , and also the martyrdoms suffered therein . and they have also accurately shown the very time : relating , that in the fifteenth year of domitian , flavia domitilla , daughter of the sister of flavius clemens at that time one of the consuls at rome , was , together with many others also , banished into the island pontia , for the testimony of christ. chap. xix . how domitian commanded that the descendants of david should be slain . when the same domitian gave command that the descendants of david should be slain , there goeth an antient report that some hereticks accused the posterity of jude , ( who was the brother of our saviour according to the flesh ) as being of the off-spring of david , and bearing affinity to christ himself . and this hegesippus manifests word for word saying , thus . chap. xx. concerning those that were related to our saviour . there were yet surviving ( who were related to our lord ) the nephews of that jude who was called the a brother of christ after the flesh , whom they accused as being descended from david . and these b evocatus brought to caesar domitian . for domitian was afraid of the coming of christ , as well as herod . and he asked them , if they were of the stock of david ; and they acknowledged it . then he questioned them how great possessions they had , or what quantity of money they were masters of : and they said , that they both had but nine thousand c pence , a moiety whereof belonged to each of them : and these they said they had not in ready money , but in land of that value , being onely thirty nine acres : of which also they paid d tribute , and themselves were maintained by their own labour . and then they shewed their hands ; producing , as an evidence of their working , the hardness of their skin , and a brawniness imprinted on their hands by reason of their assiduous labour . being also asked concerning christ and his kingdom , of what sort it was , and when and where it would appear ; they returned answer , that it was neither worldly nor terrestrial , but celestial and angelical , that it should be at the end of the world , when he would come in glory to judge the quick and dead , and reward every man according to his deeds . upon which answer domitian condemned them not , but scorning them as despicable persons , he dismist them unbound , and by edict appeased the persecution raised against the church . but they , thus released , ( as t is said ) afterwards presided over churches , as being both martyrs , and also allied to our lord ; and , peace ensuing , they lived till the reign of trajan . so far hegesippus . but moreover , tertullian also makes mention of domitian : domitian also attempted a persecution , who was a limb of nero as to cruelty . but being also but a man he soon desisted from his enterprize , restoring even those whom he had banished . but after domitian had reigned fifteen years , nerva , having succeeded him in the empire ▪ the roman senate decreed that domitians titles of honour should be abrogated , and that such as were by him unjustly banished should return to their houses and have their goods restored . this they relate who committed to writing the history of those times . moreover the account of the antients amongst us declares that then also the apostle john , was released from his banishment in the island , and took up his habitation again at ephesus . chap. xxi . that cerdo was the third that presided over the alexandrian church . but nerva having reigned something more than a year , trajan succeeded him . it was his first year , wherein cerdo succeeded avilius who had governed the alexandrian church thirteen years . this cerdo was the third , from annianus , who first presided there . at this time also clemens yet governed the roman church , he being also the third that after a paul and peter had the episcopal dignity there : linus being the first , and after him anencletus . chap. xxii . that ignatius was the second that presided over the alexandrian church . moreover , euodius having been constituted the first bishop at antioch , the second was ignatius , a man famous in those times : simeon likewise was the second , who , after our saviours brother , at the same time entred upon the publick charge over the church at jerusalem . chap. xxiii . a relation concerning john the apostle . at the same time , the apostle and also evangelist john , ( the same whom jesus loved ) remaining yet alive in asia , governed the churches there , being returned from his exile in the island after the death of domitian : for that he was hitherto alive , it is sufficiently confirmed by two , who evidence the matter : and they are very worthy of credit , having been constant assertours of catholick sound doctrine : i mean these persons irenaeus and clemens alexandrinus . the former of whom , in his second book against heresie , writes thus word for word : * and all the elders , that were conversant in asia with john the disciple of our lord , do testifie that john delivered it to them : for he continued among them untill trajans time . and in the third book of that work he manifests the same thing in these words : moreover the church at ephesus was founded indeed by paul , but john , continuing among them untill trajans time , is a most faithfull witness of the apostolick tradition . and clemens likewise , having evidently shown the time , adds withall a relation very necessary for those who delight to hear good and profitable things ( in that work of his which he entitled who that rich man is that shall be saved . ) let us therefore take his book and read the story , which is thus . hear a relation , which is not a feigned story , but a real truth , delivered concerning john the apostle , and kept in remembrance . for after the death of the tyrant he returned from the island patmos to ephesus , and being thereto requested , he went to the neighbouring provinces , in some places constituting bishops , in others setting in order whole churches , a and other where electing into the clergy some one or other of those who were made known to him by the spirit . coming therefore to one of the cities not far distant , the b name whereof some mention , and moreover having c refreshed the brethren ; at length casting his eyes upon a youth of a goodly stature of body , comely countenance , and lively disposition , he lookt upon him whom he had ordained bishop , and said , this youth i doe with all imaginable care commit to thy charge , in the presence of the church , and of christ as a witness . and when he had undertaken this charge , and promised his utmost care thereof , john declared and desired the same again ; and afterwards returned to ephesus . but the d presbyter , taking home the youth committed to his custody , educated him , kept him within compass , and cherished him ; and at length baptized him : but after that , he abated something of his great care and caution over him ; because he had fortified him with that most absolute defence , to wit , the e seal of the lord. but , having obtained his freedom a little too early , some idle dissolute young men ; that were inured to all manner of vice , f keep him company : and first of all they entice him with sumptuous banquets ; then going out by night to rob and strip those they could meet with , they carry him a long with them : afterwards they desire him to be their complice in greater rogueries : so by little and little he was accustomed to lewdness ; and because he was high spirited , having once left the right way ( like a strong hard mouthed horse holding the bitt between his teeth , ) he was so much the more fiercely hurried into destruction ▪ in fine , despairing of the salvation of god , he spent not his thoughts now upon any trifling designe ; but attempted some enormous wickedness , in as much as he was wholly past all hope , he g scorned to run the hazard of so mean a punishment as other theeves did . taking therefore those his accomplices , and having formed them into a troop of theeves , he was readily made their commander in chief ; being the fiercest , the most bloudy , and cruelest person of them all . sometime after , and there happening some necessity for it , they send again for john ; who , after he had set in order those things upon account whereof he came , said , come on , bishop , restore us that which was committed to thy custody , which i and christ delivered to thee to take care of , in the presence of the church as witness , over which thou dost preside . but he at first was astonished , supposing himself to be falsely accused about money which he had not received ; neither could he give credit to john concerning his demand of what he had not , nor yet durst he disbelieve him . but when john had said , i demand the young man and the soul of our brother ; the old man fetching a deep sigh and also weeping , said , he is dead . how ? and what kind of death ? to god , said he , he is dead ; for he proved wicked , and extreamly naught , and in conclusion a thief . and now instead of continuing in the church , he hath taken possession of the mountain with a troop of associates like himself . the apostle therefore having rent his garment , and with a great out●ry smiting his head , i left , said he , an excellent keeper of our brothers soul ! but let an horse be presently brought me , and let me have a guide to direct me in the way . he rode ( as he was ) forthwith from the church , and coming to the place , is taken by the watch which the theeves had set ; he flyes not , nor makes entreaty , but calls out , for this purpose i came , bring me to your captain : he in the mean time , armed as he was , stood still ; but as soon as he knew john approaching , being ashamed , he fled : but he , forgetfull of his age , with all possible speed pursued him : crying out , son , why doest thou flee from thy father , unarmed , and aged ? have compassion on me , my son ; fear not ; as yet there is hopes of thy salvation ; i will intercede with christ for thee ; if need require , i will willingly undergoe death for thee , as the lord underwent it for us ; i will by way of recompence give my soul for thine ; stand still ; believe me , christ hath sent me . he , having heard this , first stood still looking downward ; then he threw away his armour ; afterwards trembling , he wept bitterly , and embraced the approaching old man , craving pardon as well as he could for crying , and being as it were baptized the second time with tears ; onely he hid his right hand . the apostle , promising him , and solemnly swearing that he had obtained remission for him of ▪ our saviour , praying , kneeling , and kissing the young mans right hand , as being now cleansed by repentance , brought him into the church again . and partly by abundant prayers making supplication for him , partly with continual fastings striving together with him , and also comforting his mind with divers h sentences out of holy scripture , he departed not , as they say , untill he had i restored him to the church ; having hereby shown a great example of true repentance , an illustrious instance of regeneration , and a trophie of a conspicuous resurrection . chap. xxiv . concerning the order of the gospels . these words of clemens's we have here inserted , upon account both of the story its self , and also of the profit it may yield to the readers . but , we will now declare and recount the unquestionable writings of this apostle . and indeed , the gospel according to him , well known to all the churches throughout the world , must in the first place be without controversie acknowledg'd and received as undoubted and genuine . now that it was truely , and upon a good account put in the fourth place after the other three gospels by the antients , may after this manner be made apparent . those heavenly and truely divine persons ( i speak of the apostles of christ ) having been as to their lives and conversations perfectly purified , and as to their souls adorned with all manner of virtue , were indeed rude of speech and uneloquent , but they put their confidence in that divine and wonderfull power of working miracles bes●●wed on them by our saviour , and neither attempted , nor knew how to be a ambassadours of their masters precepts in wittiness of words and artificiousness of language . but they solely made use of the demonstration of the divine spirit cooperating together with them , and the power of christ with which they were fully endowed , and which by them performed miracles ; and so they published the knowledge of the kingdome of heaven to the whole world ; making it the least of their care to be diligent about writing books : and this they did , because they were emploied about a more excellent and more than humane work . indeed paul , who was the most powerfull of them all in the furniture of words , and the most able in weighty expressions , hath left in writing nothing more than some very b short epistles ; although he could have disclosed innumerable secrets , because he attained unto a contemplation of those things that are in the third heaven , and being caught up into the divine paradise , was voutsafed to hear there unspeakable words . moreover the rest of our saviours preachers , both the twelve apostles , and also the seventy disciples , together with innumerable others besides them , were not unexperienced in these things . and yet of all the disciples of the lord , onely matthew and john have left us written records ; who also , as report says , were necessitated to write . for matthew , having preached first to the hebrews , and being about going to other nations , did in his own countrey language pen the gospel according to him ; supplying by writing the want of his presence and converse among those , c whom he was now to leave . now , when soon after mark and luke had set forth the gospels according to them , john , they say , spent all that time onely in preaching , and at length came to write for this reason . the three first written gospels having been now delivered into the hands of all , and of john himself , they say , that he approved of them , and confirmed the truth thereof by his own testimonie ; onely there was wanting in writing an account of those things done by christ at the first beginning of his preaching . and the thing is true . for it s evidently perspicuous , that the other three evangelists have committed to writing onely those things which were done by our saviour in one years space , after john the baptists being shut up in prison ; and that they have expresly evidenced the same at the beginning of their history . for , after the forty days fast and the temptation that followed thereupon , matthew does plainly set forth the time of his own writing , saying , * when he had heard that john was cast into prison , he departed out of judea into galilee . and in like manner mark ; † now ofter that john , says he , was put in prison , jesus came into galilee . and luke also , before he begins the relation of the acts of jesus , does in like manner make this remark , saying , that herod , adding yet this to all the evills he had done , shut up john in prison . therefore they say , that the apostle john , being for these causes thereto requested , has declared in a gospel according to him the time passed over in silence by the former evangelists , and what was done by our saviour therein , ( and they were the things that he did before the imprisonment of the baptist ; ) and that he manifests the same thing , partly when he says thus : this beginning of miracles did jesus ; and partly when he makes mention of the baptist , whilest he is speaking of the acts of jesus , as being at that time * baptizing in a●non , neer to d salem : and this he evidently declares by saying thus ; for john , says he , was not yet cast into prison . therefore john indeed in the penning of the gospel according to him declares those things that were done by christ , the baptist being as yet not cast into prison ; but the other three evangelists give an account of those things christ did after the baptists confinement to prison . and to him that shall attentively consider these things it will not appear that the gospels disagree one with the other ; seeing the gospel according to john contains the first part of the acts of christ ; but the remaining three give a relation of what was done by him at the latter end of the time . with good reason therefore has john passed over in silence the genealogie of our saviour after the flesh , as having been before written of by matthew and luke ; and has begun with his divinity , reserved as it were by the divine spirit for him , as being the more excellent person . let thus much therefore be spoken by us concerning the writing of the gospel according to john : now what was the occasion of writing the gospel according to mark hath been manifested by us in what we said * before . and luke also himself , in the beginning of his gospel , hath shewed the cause for which he compiled that history ; for he makes it manifest that , because many had rashly taken in hand to make a declaration of those things which he himself most certainly knew , he judged it necessary to disengage us from the uncertain conjectures made by others , and therefore hath in his own gospel delivered a most firm and true account of those things , the evidence whereof himself had sufficiently obtained , having been assisted therein both by the company and converse of paul , and also by his familiarity with the rest of the apostles . and thus much now concerning these things . but at a more opportune season we will endeavour to manifest , by a quotation of the antient writers , what has been said by others concerning this very matter . among the writings of john , besides his gospel , also the former of his epistles hath without controversie been admitted as genuine both by those men that are modern and also by the antients : the two other writings of his are questioned . the opinion concerning his revelation is even at this time on both sides much controverted among many : but this controversie also shall at a seasonable opportunity be discussed by the authority of the antients . chap. xxv . concerning those divine writings , which are without controversie acknowledged ; and of those which are not such . but it will in this place be seasonable summarily to reckon up those books of the new testament which have been before mentioned . in the first place therefore is to be ranked the four sacred gospels : next to which follows the book of the acts of the apostles : after that are to be reckoned the epistles of paul ; after which follows that which is called the first epistle of john , and in like manner the epistle of peter is to be admitted as authentick . then is to be placed , if you think good , the revelation of john : the opinions concerning which i will in due place declare . and these are the books that with general consent are acknowledged . among those which are questioned as doubtfull , which yet are approved and mentioned by many , is that which is called the epistle of james , and that of jude , also the second epistle of peter , and those called the second and third epistles of john , whether they were written by the evangelist , or another of the same name with him . amongst the a spurious works let there be ranked , both the work intituled the acts of paul , and the book called pastor , and the revelation of peter ; and moreover that which is called the epistle of barnabas , and that named the b doctrines of the apostles ; and moreover , as i said , the revelation of john ( if you think good ) which some , as i have said , doe reject , but others allow of and admit among those books that are received as unquestionable and undoubted . and among these some doe now number the c gospel according to the hebrews , with which those of the hebrews that have embraced the faith of christ are chiefly delighted . all these books may be questioned as doubtfull . and i thought it requisite to make a catalogue of these also , that we may discriminate those scriptures that according to ecclesiastical tradition are true , and unforged , and with general consent received as undoubted , from those other books which are not such , nor incorporated into the new testament , but are questioned as doubtfull ; which yet have been acknowledged and allowed of by many ecclesiastical persons : and further that we may know these very books , and those other that have been put forth by hereticks under the name of the apostles , containing as well the supposed gospels of peter , thomas , and matthias , and of some others besides them ; as also the supposed acts of andrew and john , and other of the apostles . of which books no d ecclesiastical writer even from the apostles times hitherto hath in any of his works voutsafed to make the least mention . but moreover also , the manner of the phrase and the stile wherein they are written are much different from the apostolick natural propriety and innate simplicity : and the meaning and drift of those things delivered in these books , being mightily dissonant from orthodoxal truth , doth manifestly evince that they are the forgeries of heretical men . upon which account they are not to be ranked amongst the spurious writings , but altogether to be rejected , as wholly absurd , and impious . but we will now proceed to what follows of our history . chap. xxvi . of menander the impostour . menander , succeeding simon magus , shewed himself to be , as to his disposition and manners , a second a dart of diabolical force no whit inferiour to the former . he also was a b samaritan ; and , arriving to no less height of imposture than his master , abounded much more in greater and more monstrous illusions : for he ▪ said that he himself was a saviour , sent from above for the salvation of men from invisible ages ; and he taught that no man could otherwise overcome the angels the makers of this world , unless he were first instituted in the magical knowledge delivered by him , and initiated in the baptism by him imparted . of which baptism those that were adjudged worthy , they , he affirmed , would be partakers of a perpetual immortality in this very life ; they should be no longer subject to death ; but continuing in this present life should be always young and immortal . and indeed its easie to know all this from the books of ireneus . and justinus in like manner having made mention of simon , adds also a narration of this man , saying ; and we knew one menander , a samaritan also of the village caparattae , a disciple of simons , who being moved by the fury of devils , and coming to antioch , seduced many by magical art ; who also perswaded his followers that they should not die ; and at this time there are some of his sect that profess the same . wherefore it was the device of the diabolical power by such impostours , going under the name of christians , to endeavour to calumniate by magick the great mystery of godliness , and by them to expose to reproach the ecclesiastical opinions concerning the immortality of the soul , and the resurrection of the dead . but those who joyned themselves to such saviours as followers of them , were frustrated of the true hope . chap. xxvii . of the heresie of the ebionites . the malicious devil being unable to remove others from the love of the christ of god , finding that they might a some other way be surprized , he made them his own . these the antients fitly termed ebionites , in that they had a poor and low opinion of christ. for they accounted him an ordinary man and nothing more than a man ; justified onely for his proficiency in virtue , and begotten by mary's accompanying with her husband : and they asserted that an observance of the law was altogether necessary for them , supposing they could not be saved onely by faith in christ and a life agreeable thereto . but others among them being of the same name have eschewed the monstrous absurdity of the forecited opinions , denying not that the lord was begotten of the virgin by the holy ghost : but notwithstanding , these in like manner also , not confessing that he existed before all things as being god the word , and the wisdome of the father , are lead into the same impiety with the former ; especially in that they make it their business to maintain and observe the bodily worship of the law. they also think that all the epistles of the apostle paul ought to be rejected , calling him an apostate from the law : they made use of onely the gospel called the gospel according to the hebrews ; the rest they made small account of : they observed also the sabbath and all other judaical rites in like manner as the jews doe : but on sundays they performed the same things with us in remembrance of the lords resurrection . from whence , because of such opinion● by them held , they got this name , to wit , the appellation of ebionites , a name that betokens the poverty of their understanding . for by this name a begger is called amongst the b hebrews . chap. xxviii . of the arch-heretick cerinthus . we have heard that at the same time there was one cerinthus a founder of another heresie . caius , whose words i before quoted , in that disputation of his now extant , writes thus concerning him . but cerinthus also , who by revelations written by himself as it were by some great a postle , hath feigned monstrous narrations as if they had been shewed him by angels , and sets them abroach amongst us , saying , that after the resurrection the kingdom of christ will be terrestriall , and that men living again in the flesh at jerusalem shall be subject to desires and pleasures . he also being an enemy to divine scripture , and a desirous to induce men into errour , says that there shall be the number of a thousand years spent in a nuptial feast . and dionysius also , who in our time was chosen bishop of the church of alexandria , b in his second book concerning promises , speaking something of the revelation of john , as from antient tradition , mentions this man in these words : but cerinthus , the founder of the heresie called from him the cerinthian heresie , was , they say , the authour of that book ; c being desirous to put a creditable name upon his own forgery . for this was one of the tenets of his doctrine , that the kingdom of christ should be terrestrial : and those things which he , being a lover of his body and altogether carnally minded , earnestly lusted after , in them he dreamt the kingdome of christ consisted , to wit , in the satiety of the belly and of those parts beneath the belly ; that is in meats , drinks , and marriages , and in those things whereby he thought these might with a d greater pretence and shew of piety be procured , that is , in feasts , sacrifices , and in the ●laying of offerings . thus far dionysius . but ireneus , in his first book against heresies , does recite some more secret false opinions of this mans ; and in his third book he delivers in writing a certain story ( unworthy to be forgotten ) as from the tradition of polycarpe , saying , that john the apostle going on a time to the bath to bathe himself , and understanding that cerinthus was within , retired in great hast from that place , and fled out at the door , not enduring to goe under the same roof with him ; and that he perswaded those who were with him to doe so also , saying , let us be gone , least the bath fall , cerinthus that enemy of the truth being within it . chap. xxix . of nicholas , and those hereticks who bear his name . a at this time the heresie called the heresie of the nicholaites continued for a very short time : of which also the revelation of john makes mention . these boasted of nicholas ( one of the deacons who together with stephen were ordained by the apostles to minister to the poor ) as the authour of their sect. now clemens alexandrinus in the third of his stromatw̄n relates thus much of him word for word ; he , they say , having a beautifull wife , being after our saviours ascension blamed by the apostles for his jealousie , brought his wife forth , and permitted her to marry whom she had a mind to . for this deed , they report , is agreeable to that saying of his , to wi● , that we ought to abuse the flesh . those therefore , who follow his heresie , b simply and rashly assenting to this saying , and imitating this deed , doe most impudently give themselves over to fornication . but i am given to understand that nicholas made use of no other woman besides her he married ; and that those of his children which were daughters remained virgins when they were old ; and his son continued undefiled by women . which things being thus , his bringing of his wife , ( over whom he was said to be jealous ) forth before the apostles , was a sign of his rejecting and bridling his passion ; and by those words of his [ that we ought to abuse the flesh ] c he taught continence and an abstaining from those pleasures which are with so much earnestness desired by men . for , i suppose , he would not ( according to our saviours commandment ) serve two masters , pleasure and the lord. moreover , they say , that matthias taught the same doctrine ; that we should war against the flesh , and abuse it , allowing it nothing of pleasure ; but that we should inrich the soul by faith and knowledge . let thus much therefore be spoken concerning those who endeavoured about that time to deprave the truth , but on a sudden were wholly extinct . chap. xxx . concerning those apostles that are found to have been married . but clemens , whose words we even now recited , after that passage of his before quoted , does reckon up those apostles that are found to have been married , upon account of such as despise marriage ; saying , what will they reprehend even the apostles also ? for peter and philip begat children ; and philip matcht his daughters to husbands . paul also , in one of his epistles fears not to name his wife , whom he carried not about with him , that he might with more expedition perform his ministration . but because we have mentioned these things , it will not be troublesome to produce also another story of his worthily memorable , which he hath set forth in the seventh of his stromatw̄n after this manner ; now they say that s t peter , seeing his wife led to be put to death , rejoyced because she was called by god , and because she was returning home : and that calling her by her name he exhorted and comforted her , saying , o woman remember the lord. such was the wedlock of the saints , and such the entire affection of most dear friends . and thus much , being pertinent to the subject now in hand , we have here seasonably placed . chap. xxxi . of the death of john and philip. indeed , both the time and manner of the death of paul and peter , and moreover the place where after their departure out of this life their bodies were deposited , we have before manifested : concerning the time of john's death we have already also in some sort spoken : but the place of sepulchre is demonstrated by the epistle of polycrates ( who was bishop of the ephesian church ) which he wrote to victor bishop of rome ; wherein he mentions both him and also philip the apostle and his daughters after this manner . for also in asia the great a lights are dead ; which shall be raised again at the last day , the day of the lord 's coming , wherein he shall come with glory from heaven , and shall find out all his saints . i mean b philip one of the twelve apostles who died at hierapolos ; and two of his daughters who continued virgins to the end of their lives . also his other c daughter who having lived by the guidance of the holy ghost , died at ephesus . and moreover john , who leaned on the breast of the lord , and was a priest and wore a d plate of gold , and was a martyr and a doctor ; this john , i say , died at ephesus . and thus much concerning their deaths . and also in the dialogue of caius , of which we a little before made mention , proculus , against whom he instituted the dispute , agreeing with what we have inforced concerning the death of philip and his daughters , says thus , after that also , the four prophetesses the daughters of philip were at hierapolis a city of asia , their sepulchre is there , and also their fathers . thus he , l●k● ▪ likewise in the acts of the apostles makes mention of the daughters of philip that lived then at caesarea of judea with their father , who were endowed with the gift of prophecy , saying word for word thus : we came unto caesarea and we entred into the house of philip the evangelist ( which was one of the seven ) and abode with him . and the same man had four daughters , virgins , which did prophecie . having thus far therefore treated of those things which came to our knowledge both concerning the e apostles and the apostolick times , and the sacred writings they left us , both those that are questioned as doubtfull which yet are publickly read by many in most churches , and those also that are altogether spurious and repugnant to apostolical sound doctrine , we now proceed to the subsequent part of our history . chap. xxxii . how simeon the bishop of jerusalem suffered martyrdom . after the persecution of nero and domitian , report goes , that under this emperour whose times we now recount there was a persecution raised against us by piece-meal throughout every city , which proceeded from a popular insurrection . in which we have by tradition received that a simeon the son of cleophas , who we declared was constituted ▪ the second bishop of the church at jerusalem , finished his life by martyrdom . and this the same writer attesteth , several words of whose we have before quoted , that is hegesippus . who , giving a relation of certain hereticks , adds ; that this simeon , being at that time by them accused and tormented divers ways , and for the space of many days because he was a christian , struck with a great amazement both the judge and those about him , and at length died by the same kind of suffering that the lord did . nothing hinders but that we may hear the writer relating these things word for word , thus ; some of those hereticks accused simeon the son of cleophas , as being a descendant from david , and a christian ; and so he suffered martyrdom when he was an hundred and twenty years old , under trajan the emperour , and b atticus of the consular order then president of syria . and the same authour says that those his accusers , ( such as were of the royal family of the jews being at that time sought for ) happened to be convicted , as belonging to that family . now , should any one say that this simeon was one of those who both saw and heard the lord , he would speak what is in no wise absurd , having as an undoubted evidence thereof the great length of his life , and the mention made in the gospels of mary the wife of cleophas ; whose son that he was , * our former words have manifested . also the same writer says that others , related to one of those called the brethren of our saviour ( whose name was judas ) lived untill this † emperour's reign , after their profession of the faith of christ under domitian , * before which we mentioned . for thus he writeth , they come therefore and preside over the whole church , as being martyrs , and of the kindred of our lord. and a profound peace ensuing over the whole church , they continued alive till the times of trajan the emperour , untill the foresaid simeon , the son of cleophas ( who was c unckle to our lord ) being accused by the d hereticks , was in like manner also impeach● for the e same thing before atticus the president . and being cruelly tortured for many days he with constancie professed the faith of christ ; in so much that the president and all those about him wondred greatly , how a man of an hundred and twenty years old as he was , could have endured such torments . and in fine , it was ordered he should be crucified . moreover the same man , relating what was done in those times , adds , that untill then the f church continued a pure and undefiled virgin ; those who endeavoured to corrupt the sound rule of wholesom doctrine , if any such persons there were , absconding themselves hitherto in obscure darkness . but after the sacred company of the apostles was by various kinds of death become extinct , and that generation of those men , who were accounted worthy to hear with their own ears the divine wisdom , was gone , then the conspiracy of impious errour took its rise from the deceit of false teachers ; who , in as much as not one of the apostles was then surviving , did now at length with a bare face attempt to preach up — the knowledge falsely so called , in opposition to the doctrine of the truth . g and thus much this authour , treating of these things , has after this manner said . but we will proceed to what in order follows of our history . chap. xxxiii . how trajan forbad that the christians should be sought after . moreover , so great a persecution raged against us at that time in many places , that plinius secundus the most eminent amongst the governours of provinces , being moved at the multitude of martyrs , gave the emperour an account of the great numbers of those that were destroyed , because of their faith ; and together therewith certified him , that he found they did nothing of impiety , nor acted any thing contrary to the laws ; onely that they rose at break of day , and sung hymns to christ , as unto god ; but that they abhor'd the commission of adultery and murder , and such like horrid crimes ; and that they did all things consonant to the laws . upon account of which trajan made this edict , that the christians should not be sought out ; but if by accident they were lighted on , they should be punished . which being done , the most vehement heat of the persecution that lay heavy upon us was in some measure quenched : but to those who had a mind to doe us mischief there remained pretexts no whit less fair and specious ; in some places the people , in others the rulers of the provinces , f●●ming treacheries against us ; in so much that even when there was no open and general persecution , yet there were particular ones throughout the provinces , and very many of the faithfull underwent various sorts of martyrdomes . we have taken this account out of tertullians apology , written in latine ( of which we before made mention ) the translation whereof is thus ; but we have found that the inquisition after us has been prohibited . for plinius secundus , when he was governour of the province , having condemned some christians , and deprived other some , being at length troubled at their great number , asked advice of trajan then the emperour , what he should doe with the residue , saying , that , besides their obstinacy in not sacrificing , he found nothing of impiety in their religious mysteries , onely that they held early assemblies in singing hymns to christ as unto god , and that they had a a certain summary of their polity ; that they forbad murder , adultery , fraud , perfidiousness , and such like crimes . then trajan returned answer , that those sort of men should not indeed be diligently sought out , but if by chance b they were lighted on and brought before the governours , they should be punished . and this was then the posture of affairs . chap. xxxiv . that evarestus was the fourth that governed the roman church . clemens , one of the roman bishops , having left his episcopal office to evarestus , finished his life in the third year of the foresaid emperours reign ; when he had had the charge of the doctrine of the divine word for full nine years space . chap. xxxv . that justus was the third that governed the church at jerusalem . but moreover , simeon having finished his life after the foresaid manner , a certain jew , by name justus , succeeded in the episcopal seat at jerusalem ; there being then an innumerable company of the circumcision ( of which he was one ) that believed in christ. chap. xxxvi . concerning ignatius and his epistles . moreover , at this time polycarpe a disciple of the apostles flourished in asia , to whom was committed the bishoprick of the church at smyrna , by those that saw and ministred to the lord. at the same time a papias was famous , who also was bishop of the church at hierapolis , a man most eminently learned and eloquent , and knowing in the scriptures . ignatius also , renowned amongst m●●y even to this day , who was chosen bishop of antioch , being the second in succession there , after peter . report goes that this man was sent from syria to rome to be made food for wild beasts , upon account of the profession of his faith in christ. and being led through asia under the custody of a most watchfull guard , he confirmed the churches in every city through which he passed , by discourses and exhortations ; warning them most especially to take heed of the heresies , which then first sprung up and increased . and he exhorted them firmly to keep the traditions of the apostles , which he thought necessary for the more certain knowledge of posterity to be put in writing , having confirmed them by his own testimony . coming therefore at length to smyrna , where polycarpe then was , he wrote one epistle to the church at ephesus , mentioning onesimus the pastour there : and another to the church at magnesia standing on the river meander , wherein again he makes mention of damas the bishop . and another to the church at trallis , the governour whereof at that time he declares was polybius . besides these epistles he wrote also to the church at rome , wherein he earnestly beseeches them that they would not intreat him to avoid martyrdom , least they should defraud him of his desired hope . out of which epistle 't is worth our quoting some short passages , for the confirmation of what we have said . thus therefore he writes word for word ; from syria to rome i fight with beasts , by sea and land , day and night , bound to ten leopards , that is , to a file of souldiers , who being kindly treated by me , become b worse . but by their injuries i am the more instructed ; but for all that i am not justified . oh! that i might enjoy the wild beasts that are provided for me ▪ which i even heartily wish may be found to be fierce ! which i will allure to devour me immediately , that they spare me not , as out of fear they have left some untoucht . but if they be unwilling to doe it , i will compell them by force . pardon me ; i know what is good for me : now i begin to be a disciple : c let nothing visible or invisible divert me from , or envy my happiness of , attaining christ jesus . let fire , and the cross , the assaults of the wild beasts , the pulling asunder of bones , the cutting off of members , the stamping in pieces of the whole body , the punishment of the devil come upon me ; so i may obtain christ jesus . and thus much he wrote from the foresaid city to the churches before named . being now gone beyond smyrna , he from troas again sent letters to those at philadelphia , also to the church at smyrna , and privately to polycarpe the prelate thereof : to whom , because he well knew him to be an apostolical man , he entrusted his flock at antioch , being a very true and good pastour ; requesting him , that he would have a diligent care thereof . the same person writing to those of smyrna , borrows some words , which whence he had i d know not ; speaking thus much concerning christ ; but i both know and believe that after the resurrection he was in the flesh ; and that , coming to peter and those who were about him , he said unto them , take hold of me , handle me , and see , for i am not an incorporeal spirit : and straightway they touched him , and believed . irenaeus also speaks of his martyrdom , and mentions his epistles , saying thus ; as one of our men , condemned to the wild beasts for his faith in god , said , i am the bread-corn of god , and i must be ground by the teeth of wild beasts , that i may be found to be pure bread . and polycarpe mentions the same epistles in that of his to the philippians , in these very words ; i therefore beseech you all to obey those that are over you , and to exercise all manner of patience , which you have evidently seen not onely in those blessed men ignatius , rufus , and zosimus , but also in others of us ; likewise in paul himself , and in the other apostles : being fully perswaded that all these ran not in vain , but proceeded in faith and righteousness ; and that they are in that place due to them from the lord , together with whom they suffered . for they loved not this present world , but him who died for us , and was by god raised for us again . and a little after he adds ; both you and ignatius wrote to me , that if any one went into syria , he should carry your letters thither . which i will doe , if i can get a fit opportunity ; either i my self , or some other , whom i will send as a messenger on purpose for you . those epistles of ignatius sent by him to us , and all the other we had here with us , we have sent to you , according as you enjoyned us ; they are made up with this letter ; from which epistles you may profit very much ; for they contain faith , patience , and what ever is conducible to our edification in the lord. and thus much concerning ignatius : after whom succeeded heros in the bishoprick of antioch . chap. xxxvii . concerning those preachers of the gospel who at that time were eminent . among those who were illustrious in those times quadratus was one , who , as fame says , flourished at the same time with the daughters of philip , in the gift of prophecy . many others also besides these were famous at that time , having obtained the first place among the successours of the apostles . who , because they were the a eminent disciples of such men , built up those churches , the foundations whereof were every where laid by the apostles ; promoting greatly the doctrine of the gospel , and scattering the salutary seed of the kingdom of heaven at large over the whole world . for many of the then disciples , whose souls were inflamed by the divine word with a more ardent desire of philosophy , first fulfilled our saviours commandment , by distributing their substance to those that were necessitous ; then after that travelling abroad , they performed the work of evangelists to those who as yet had not at all heard the word of faith ; being very ambitious to preach christ , and to deliver the books of the divine gospels . and these persons , having onely laid the foundation of faith in remote and barbarous places , and constituted other pastours , committed to them the culture of those they had perfectly introduced to the faith , departed again to other regions and nations , accompained with the grace and cooperation of god. for the divine spirit as yet wrought many wonderfull works by them ; insomuch that at the first hearing , innumerable multitudes of men did with most ready minds altogether admit of and engage themselves in the worship of that god who is the maker of all things . but it being impossible for us to recount by name all those who in the first succession of the apostles were pastours or evangelists in the churches throughout the world , we will here commit to writing the mention of their names onely , whose writings , containing the apostolical doctrine they delivered , are to this day extant amongst us . chap. xxxviii . concerning the epistle of clemens , and those other writings , which are falsly attributed to him . as for example , the epistles of ignatius , which we have reckoned up , and that of clemens acknowledged by all as undoubted , which he wrote in the name of the roman to the corinthian church . wherein , seeing he has inserted many sentences taken out of the epistle to the hebrews , and sometimes had made use of the express words of it , it evidently manifests that that work is not new ; whence it has seemed agreeable to reason to reckon this epistle amongst the rest of the writings of that apostle . for paul having written to the hebrews in his own country language , some say that luke the evangelist , but others that this clemens , of whom we speak , translated that work . which latter seems the truest opinion , because the stile both of clemens his epistle , and also of that to the hebrews appeares to be very like ; and the sense and expressions in both the works are not much different . you must also know that there is a second epistle , which is said to be clemens his : but we know for certain that this is not so generally acknowledged , nor approved of as the former , because we are sure the antients have not quoted any authorities out of it . further also , some have of late produced other voluminous and large works , as if they were his , containing the a dialogues of peter and b apion ; c of which there is not the least mention extant amongst the antients ; neither does there appear in them the d pure form of apostolical sound doctrine . now therefore 't is apparent which are the genuine and undoubted writings of clemens : we have also spoken sufficiently concerning the works of ignatius and polycarpe . chap. xxxix . concerning the books of papias . the books of papias now extant , are five in number , which he entitled , an explication of the oracles of the lord. irenaeus mentions no more than these five to have been written by him , saying thus ; and these things papias , the auditour of john , the companion of polycarpe , one of the antients , attests in writing , in the fourth of his books ; for he compiled five . thus far irenaeus . but papias , in the preface to his books , does not evidence himself to have been a beholder , or an auditour of the holy apostles , but onely , that he received the matters of faith from those who were well known to them ; which he declares in these words ; but it shall not be tedious to me , to a set down in order together with my interpretations , those things which i have well learnt from the elders , and faithfully remembred , the truth whereof will be confirmed by me . for i delighted not in those who speak much , as most doe , but in those that teach the truth : nor in those who recite strange and unusual precepts ; but in such as faithfully rehearse the commandments given by the lord , and which proceed from the truth . now if at any time i met with any one that had converst with the elders , i made a diligent enquiry after their sayings , what andrew , or what peter said ; or what philip , or thomas , or james , or john , or matthew , or any other of the lords disciples , were wont to say : and what aristion , and john the elder ( the disciples of our lord ) uttered . for i thought that those things contained in books could not profit me so much , as what i heard from the mouths of men yet surviving . in which words its very observable that he recounts the name of john twice ; the former of whom he reckons among peter , james , matthew , and the rest of the apostles ; manifestly shewing thereby that he speaks of john the evangelist : but , making a distinction in his words , he places the other john with those who are not of the number of the apostles ; putting aristion before him ; and expresly calls him the elder . so that hereby is shown the truth of their relation , who have said that there were two in asia who had that same name ; and that there are two sepulchres at ephesus , and each of them now called the sepulchre of john. now i judged it very requisite to make this observation . for its likely that the second , ( unless any one would rather have it to be the first ) saw that revelation which goes under the name of john. further , this papias , whom we speak of , professes he received the sayings of the apostles from those who had been conversant with them ; and was , as he says , the hearer of aristion and john the elder . indeed he mentions them often by name , and has set down in his works those traditions he received from them . and thus much has been said by us , not unprofitably , as we judge . it is also worth our adding to the fore-quoted words of papias , other relations of the same authours , wherein he gives an account of some miracles , and other passages , which he received by tradition . indeed , that philip the apostle together with his daughters lived at hierapolis , has been manifested by what we said * before . now we are to shew , that papias , who lived at the same time , mentions his receiving a wonderfull narration from the daughters of philip. for he relates , that in his time a dead man was raised to life again : and further , that there came to pass another miracle about justus who was surnamed b barsabas ; how that he drank deadly poyson , and by the grace of the lord susteined no harm . that this justus , after our saviours ascension , was together with matthias set forth by the holy apostles , and that they prayed that one of them might instead of the traitour judas be allotted to fill up their number ; the book of the acts of the apostles doth after this manner relate — and they appointed two , joseph called barsabas , who was surnamed justus , and matthias . and they prayed and said . moreover the same writer has set down some other things which came to him barely by word of mouth , to wit , certain strange parables of our saviours , and sermons of his , and some other more fabulous relations : among which he says there shall be a thousand years after the resurrection from the dead , wherein the kingdom of christ shall be corporally set up here on earth : and , i judge , he had this opinion from his misapprehending the apostolical discourses , in that he did not see through those things they spake mystically by way of similitude . for he seems to have been a man of a very narrow understanding , as it may be conjectured from his books . yet he gave occasion to very many ecclesiastical persons after him to be of the same erronious opinion with him ; who had a regard for the antiquity of the man ▪ as for example , to irenaeus , and to every one also who has declared himself to be of the same opinion . he relates also in his books other interpretations of the foresaid aristion's , of the sayings of the lord ; and the traditions of john the elder . to which we doe refer the studious readers , and judge it requisite now onely to adjoyn to his fore mentioned words a passage he relates concerning mark the evangelist , in these words ; this also the elder said ; mark , being the c interpreter of peter , accurately wrote what ever he remembred ; but yet not in that order , wherein christ either spake , or did them : for he was neither an hearer of the lords , nor yet his follower ; but , as i said , he was afterwards conversant with peter , who preacht the doctrine of the gospel profitably to those that heard him , but not so as if he would compose an history of the lords sayings . wherefore mark committed nothing of errour , in that he wrote some things so as he had remembred them . for he made this one thing his chiefest aime , to wit , to omit none of those things he had heard , nor yet to deliver any thing that was false therein . thus much papias relates concerning mark. concerning matthew , he says this ; moreover matthew wrote his divine oracles in the hebrew tongue , and every one interpreted them , as they were able . this papias also has quoted authorities taken out of the first epistle of john , and likewise out of the former epistle of peter . he has set down also another relation about a woman who was accused of many crimes before the lord ; which relation is contained in the gospel according to the hebrews . and thus much we have usefully and diligently observed , and added to those things which before we had set down . the fourth book of the ecclesiastical history of evsebius pamphilus . chap. i. who were the bishops of the roman , and alexandrian churches in the reign of trajane . about the a twelfth year of trajan's empire , cerdo the bishop of the alexandrian church , * whom we a little before mentioned , departed this life : and primus , the fourth from the apostles , was elected to the publick charge of that church . at the same time also , evarestus having finished his eighth year , alexander undertook the bishoprick of rome , who was the fifth in succession from peter and paul. chap. ii. what the jews suffered in this emperours time . moreover , the doctrine and church of our saviour flourishing daily , increased more and more : but the calamities of the jews were augmented by continual mischiefs following one upon another . for , the emperour entring now upon the eighteenth year of his reign , there arose again a commotion of the jews , which destroyed a very great number of them . for both at alexandria and over all the rest of egypt ; and moreover throughout cyrene , they being stirred up as it were by some violent and contentious spirit , raised sedition against the a greeks and gentiles with whom they dwelt . and they increasing the faction very much , on the ensuing year enkindled a great war ; lupus was at that time governour of all egypt : moreover it happened that in the first encounter they were too hard for the greeks ; who flying to alexandria , took the jews that were in the city alive , and slew them . but those jews who inhabited cyrene , being frustrated of assistance in the war from them , persisted to infest and destroy the countrey of egypt and all its b prefectures , by pillages and robberies , one lucuas being their leader . against whom the emperour sent marcius turbo with horse and foot , and also with navall forces : he in many ingagements , having made the war against them long and tedious , destroyed many myriads of jews , not onely of those of cyrene , but also of those of egypt , who flockt together to give assistance to their king lucuas . but the emperour suspecting that those jews in mesopotamia would also set upon the inhabitants there , commanded c lusius quiet us to clear that province of them . who ingaging with them , destroyed a very great number of them that dwelt there : for which successfull piece of service he was appointed deputy of judea by the emperour . and thus much those heathens , who committed to writing the transactions of those times , doe almost in the very same words relate . chap. iii. who , in the time of adrian , wrote apologies in defence of the faith. when trajan had held the empire twenty years compleat , excepting six months , aelius adrianus succeeded in the government . to whom quadratus dedicated and presented a book , wherein he had comprized an apology for our religion ; because certain malicious men endeavoured to molest the christians . this work is still extant amongst many of the brethren , and we also have it . from which book may be seen perspicuous evidences of the man's understanding , and of his truely a apostolical faith and sound doctrine . the same writer makes his own antiquity sufficiently evident , by what he relates in these very words ; the works of our saviour were always conspicuous ; for they were true . those that were healed , such as were raised from the dead , did not onely appear after they were healed , and raised ; but also were afterwards seen of all : and that not onely whilest our saviour was conversant upon earth , but also after he was gone they continued alive a great while ; in so much that some of them survived even to our times . such a person indeed was quadratus . aristides also , a faithfull man of that religion profest by us , left in like manner , as quadratus did , an apologie for the faith , dedicated to adrian . and this mans book is , to this day , preserved by many persons . chap. iv. who were ennobled with the title of bishops over the roman , and alexandrian churches in this emperours time . in the third year of adrians empire , alexander the bishop of rome died , having compleated the tenth year of his administration . xystus was successour to him : and about that time , primus dying in the twelfth year of his presidency over the alexandrian church , justus succeeded him . chap. v. who were bishops of jerusalem from our saviour , even to these times . moreover , the space of time which the bishops of jerusalem spent in their presidency over that see i could in no wise find preserved in writing . for , as report says , they were very short lived : but thus much i have been informed of from old records , that unto the siege of the jews in adrian's time , there were in number fifteen successions of bishops there : all whom , they say , were by birth hebrews , who had sincerely embraced the knowledge of christ ; in so much that by those , who were then able to give judgment as to such matters , they were approved to be worthy of the episcopal office. for that whole church at jerusalem was made up of believing jews , who had continued steadfast in the faith from the apostles times even to the then siege : wherein the jews , revolting again from the romans , were vanquished and destroyed by no small wars . the bishops therefore that were of the circumcision then ceasing , it will be now requisite to give a catalogue of them in their order from first to last . the first therefore was james called the brother of the lord ; after him the second was simeon ; the third justus ; the fourth zaccheus ; the fifth tobias ; the sixth benjamin ; the seventh john ; the eighth matthias ; the ninth philip ; the tenth seneca ; the eleventh justus ; the twelfth levi ; the thirteenth ephres ; the fourteenth a joseph ; the fifteenth and last judas : and thus many were the bishops of the city of jerusalem , from the apostles to this time we are now treating of ; all which were of the circumcision . but now , adrian being in the twelfth year of his empire , telesphorus the seventh from the apostles , succeeded xystus , who had compleated the tenth year of his episcopal office over the romans ; and within a years space and b some months eumenes , the sixth in order , succeeded in the presidency over the alexandrian church ; his immediate predecessour there having sate eleven years . chap. vi. the last siege of the jews in the time of adrian . but when the rebellion of the jews again increased exceedingly , * rufus the president of judea , having had auxiliary forces sent him from the emperour , marched out against them ; and , making use of their madness and desperation as an occasion of his sparing none , he slew myriads together both of men women and children ; and by the law of war reduced their country to servitude and subjection to the romans . the leader of the jews at that time was by name barchochebas , a name indeed that signifies a star , but otherwise he was a man that was a murderer and a robber : who by reason of his name did monstrously pretend to his followers , being a slaves , that he was a star come down from heaven to enlighten them who were now oppressed with servitude . but , the war growing sharp in the eighteenth year of adrian's empire at the city b betthera , which was the best fortified place , and not far distant from jerusalem ; and the siege continuing a long time ; the innovatours also having been utterly destroyed by famine and thirst ; and the authour of this their madness undergone condigne punishment ; from that time that whole nation was c altogether interdicted to enter into the country about jerusalem : the law , edict , and sanctions of adrian having commanded them , that they should not so much as from a far off behold their paternal soyle . ariston of d pella relates this . thus the city being made destitute of the jewish nation , and wholly cleared of its old inhabitants , was possessed by forreigners that dwelt there , and e afterwards made a roman city ; and , changing its name , was , in honour of the emperour aelius adrianus , called aelia . and , when there was a church there gathered of the nations that dwelt in it , mark was the first who , after the bishops of the circumcision , undertook the publick administration of matters there . chap. vii . who at that time were the authours of false doctrine . now , the churches throughout the whole world shining like most bright stars , and the faith in our saviour and lord jesus christ flourishing among all mankind , the devil that hater of good , as being always the enemy of truth , and most malicious impugner of mans salvation , using all his arts and stratagems against the church , at first armed himself against it with outward persecutions : but then afterwards being excluded from them , he made his assaults by other methods , making use of evil men and impostours as being the pernitious instruments for destroying of souls , and ministers of perdition : devising all ways , whereby these impostours and deceivers , cloathing themselves with the title of our religion , might both lead into the pit of destruction , those of the faithfull whom they had enticed to themselves , and also divert such as were unskilfull in the faith from the way that leads to the comfortable word , by such means as they attempted to put in practise . from that menander therefore , whom we a little * before manifested to have been the successour of simon , there was hatcht a serpentine breed , double mouthed as it were , and double headed , which constituted the founders of two different and disagreeing heresies ; saturninus , by birth an antiochian , and basilides , an alexandrian ; whereof the former in syria , the other in egypt , set up schools of most detestable heresies . moreover , irenaeus makes it manifest that saturninus feigned mostly the same things that menander did ; but that basilides under a pretext of more mystical matters , most mightily enlarged his inventions , forming monstrous and fabulous fictions for the making up of his impious heresie . there being many ecclesiastical men therefore , who at that time were defenders of the truth , and eloquent maintainers of the apostolical and ecclesiastical doctrine , some of them forthwith comprized in writing explanatory accounts of the fore-manifested heresies , which they left as cautions and preventions to posterity : of which there is come to our hands a most strenuous confutation of basilides , of agrippa castor's , a most eminent writer in those times ; wherein he discovers the horrible imposture of the man : disclosing therefore his secrets , he says that he made four and twenty books upon the a gospel , and that he counterfeited for himself prophets named by him b barcabbas and barcoph , and some c others who never were in being ; and that he gave them barbarous names to astonish those who were admirers of such things ; and that he taught that it was a thing indifferent to taste of meats offered to idols , and that in times of persecutions those did not imprudently who abjured the faith : and that , after the manner of the pythagoreans , he injoyned a five years silence to his followers : the foresaid authour having recounted these things and others like them concerning this basilides , hath most diligently detected and brought to light the errour of the forementioned heresie . but irenaeus writeth also , that carpocrates , the father of another heresie termed the gnostick heresie , was cotemporary with these . these gnosticks thought that those magical delusions of simon 's were not to be exposed covertly as he did , but publickly and openly ; boasting of amorous potions accurately and curiously made by them , and of certain spirits that were causes of dreams , and d familiars , and of certain other such like delusions , as if these were the greatest and onely excellent things . and agreeable hereunto they taught , that those who would arrive to perfection in their mysteries , or rather detestable wickednesses , must act all things that were most filthy and unclean ; being no other ways able to avoid the rulers of the world ( as they call them ) unless they distributed to all of them their dues by most filthy and detestable acts of obscenity . the devill therefore who delights in mischief , making use of these instruments , it came to pass that he both miserably enslaved such as were seduced by them , and so led them into destruction ; and also gave those nations that were unbelievers a great occasion of abundantly slandring the divine doctrine ; a report arising from them being diffused to the reproachfull detraction of the whole christian religion . upon this account therefore chiefly it happened than an impious and most absurd suspition concerning us was spread abroad amongst those who then were unbelievers ; as if we used detestable carnal copulation with mothers and sisters , and fed upon nefarious meats . but these crafts of the devil 's did not long succeed with him ; the truth asserted and confirmed its self , and in process of time shone forth most clearly and apparently . for these devices of the adversaries , being repelled by their own force , forthwith became extinct ; heresies of a different sort newly designed and cut out , and succeeding one after the other , the former forthwith melted and fell away , and being dissolved into kinds that were of divers sorts and fashions , were , some one way , some another , destroyed . but the brightness of the catholick and onely true church , being always the same and so continuing stedfast and like it self , was greatly increased and augmented ; the gravity , the sincerity , the ingenious freedom , the modesty , and purity of an holy conversation and philosophical course of life shooting forth a splendour over all nations both grecians and barbarians . that reproachfull detraction therefore wherewith our religion had been overspread , was instantly suppressed . wherefore our doctrine continued to be the onely , and the e prevailing opinion among all men , and was confessed to be most eminently flourishing upon account of its gravity , its prudent modesty , and its divine and wise precepts : in so much that no one hitherto hath been so audacious , as to charge our faith with any foul slander , or any such reproachfull detraction , as those our old adversaries were formerly ready and willing to make use of . but moreover , in these times the truth again produced many that were its defenders , who engaged these impious heresies , not onely with unwritten arguments , but also with penned demonstrations . chap. viii . what ecclesiastical writers there were in those times . amongst which flourished a hegesippus , out of whom we have quoted many words in our foregoing books , when we delivered some passages of those things done in the apostles times from his relation thereof . he therefore having in five books set forth the certain relation of the apostolick doctrine in a most plain series , evidently shews the time wherein he flourished : writing thus concerning those who at first set up images — for whom they made monuments and temples , as untill now they doe . of which number is antinous the servant of caesar adrianus , in honour of whom there is a sacred b game instituted , called antinoium , which is celebrated now in our days . for adrian also built a city , and named it antinous , and instituted c prophets . at the same time also justin , a sincere lover of the true philosophy , as yet spent his time about , and was studious in , the writings of the gentile philosophers : he in like manner declares this very time , in his apologie to antoninus , writing thus ; we judge it not absurd here to mention antinous also who lived very lately ; whom all men through fear have undertaken to worship as a god , not withstanding they evidently know who he was , and from whence he had his original . the same authour , mentioning also the war then waged against the jews , adds thus much ; for in the d late jewish war , barchochebas , who was the head of the jewish rebellion , gave command that the christians onely should be most cruelly tormented , unless they would deny jesus christ , and blaspheme . but moreover , declaring in the same book , his own conversion from the gentile philosophy to the worship of the true god , that it was not done by him rashly and unadvisedly , but with judgment and consideration , he writes thus ; i also my self , being much addicted to and affected with the platonick philosophy , hearing the christians calumniated , and seeing them undaunted at death , and at what ever else is accounted terrible , thought it impossible that such men should live wickedly and be given to voluptuousness . for , what sensual or intemperate person , and one who accounts humane flesh good food , could willingly embrace death , which would deprive him of his desires ? and would not rather use his utmost endeavour to live continually in this life , and conceal himself from the magistrates ? much less would he voluntarily offer himself to be put to death . moreover the same authour relates , that adrian ( having received letters from that most eminent governour e serenius granianus concerning the christians , setting forth how unjust it was they should be slain uncondemned , meerly to gratifie the clamours of the people , when no accusation appeared against them ) wrote an answer to f minucius fundanus proconsul of asia , wherein he commanded that no one should be put to death without a judiciary prosecution , and an accusation lawfull and allowable . and justin there produceth the copy of the rescript in latine , the language wherein it was originally written . but before it he premiseth these words ; g and although from the letter of the most excellent and renowned caesar adrianus your father , we might request you would give command , that the judiciary proceedings against us be made according as we desire ; yet we crave this , not so much because it was commanded by adrian , but , in regard we know and understand our petition to be just : and moreover , that you may perceive what we say herein to be true , we have inserted the copy of adrian's letter ; which is thus . to these words justin hath annexed the latine copy of the letter ; which we , as well as we could , have done into greek , after this manner . chap. ix . the rescript of adrian , that we christians should not be unjustly prosecuted . to minutius fundanus . i received a letter , written to me , from that eminent person serennius granianus , your predecessour . indeed , this business , a i judge , is not to be passed by undiscussed ; least both the christians be molested , and also an occasion of doing mischief given to sycophants . wherefore if the men of your province can by a due way of complaint openly charge the christians with any accusation , and so doe it , as that they appear and answer it before the seat of judicature ; let them make it their business onely to take such a course as this against them ; but let them not use a tumultuous outcries and clamours . for it s most requisite , if any person preferr's a complaint , that you should have the cognisance of the matter . if therefore any one does accuse them , and make out that they doe any thing contrary to the laws , doe you give sentence according to the nature of the offence . but if it be certain , that any does frame an accusation meerly out of a malicious detraction , doe you determine according to the heinousness of the crime , and take care that due punishment be inflicted on him . and thus much concerning the rescript of adrian . chap. x. who in the reign of antoninus were bishops of the roman and alexandrian sees . but , adrian having paid the dues of nature after he had reigned one and twenty years , antoninus , surnamed pius , succeeded in the roman empire . in whose first year telesphorus departing this life in the eleventh year of his presidency , hyginus assumed the episcopal government of the roman church . moreover , irenaeus relates that telesphorus ended his life with a glorious martyrdom ; manifesting in the same place , that in the times of the aforesaid hyginus bishop of the romans , flourished at rome both valentinus the introducer of his own heresie , and also cerdo the founder of the errour of the marcionites ; his words are these . chap. xi . concerning those who were arch-hereticks in these times . for valentinus came to rome when hyginus was bishop there : but he flourisht in the times of pius , and continued to those of anicetus . cerdo also , who was master to marcion , flourisht in the times of hyginus who was the a ninth bishop ; he went into the church , and openly confessing his errour , so continued at rome ; sometimes teaching privately , other while again acknowledging his errour ; but being now and then reprehended for his impious doctrine , he b withdrew himself from the assembly of of the brethren . thus far irenaus , in his third book against heresies . moreover , in his first book he again says this concerning cerdo : but one cerdo , deriving the original of his errours from the tenets of simon , came to rome in the times of hyginus ( who was the ninth that in the episcopal succession from the apostles had that see ) and taught , that that god , who was preacht under the law , and by the prophets , is not the father of our lord jesus christ : for the one is known , the other unknown ; the one is just , the other good : marcion of pontus , an impudent blasphemer , succeeding him , did mightily propagate that opinion . but the same irenaus , having sounded the bottom of that immense depth of matter , full of various errours , which valentinus , had put together , does fully discover the secret and occult deceit and wickedness , that like a serpent lurking in its hole , lies hid within him . moreover , he says there was at the same time another person ( by name mark ) who was most expert at magical delusions : and further , he declares their prophane rites of initiation , and their most detestable mysteries in these very words ; for some of them prepare a nuptial-bed , and perform a secret ceremony by pronouncing some words over such as are to be initiated ; and a marriage , they say , thus made by them , is spiritual , and conformable to the celestial nuptials : but others of them bring [ those that are to be initiated ] to the water , and dipping them , use this form of words , in the name of the unknown father of all , in the truth the mother of all , in him who descended upon jesus : another sort of them pronounce hebrew names , to put those that are to be initiated into the greater consternation . but hyginus dying , c after he had been bishop four years , pius undertook the government of the roman church . moreover , at alexandria mark was chosen pastour , eumenes having sat there thirteen years compleat . which mark dying after he had presided there ten years , celadion assumed the government of the alexandrian church : and at rome , pius departing this life in the fifteenth year of his presidency , anicetus was preferred to that see. in whose time hegesippus relates that he himself came to rome , and continued there untill eleutherus was made bishop . but at that time flourished justin and was singularly eminent , one that in a philosophical habit was an assertour of the divine word , and earnestly contended for the faith in his writings : who , in the d book he wrote against marcion , mentions the man to be alive at that time when he compiled that work . his words are these ; and one marcion of pontus ; who now at this time teacheth his followers , and instructs them [ to believe ] there is another god greater than him that made the world . this man also , assisted by devils hath perswaded many throughout the world to speak blasphemy , to deny the maker of the universe e to be the father of christ , and to affirm there is another greater than he that made it : and all their followers , as we said , are called christians , after the same manner as the name of philosophers , derived from philosophie , is in common given to all that profess it , though they differ as to their sects and opinions . to this he adds further , saying , we have compiled a book against all the heresies that ever were , which , if you be willing to read it , we will deliver to you . the same justin , having wrote many elaborate works against the heathens , dedicated also some other books , containing an apology for our faith , to the emperour antoninus , surnamed pius , and to the roman senate : for he dwelt at rome : but in his apologie , he makes known himself , who and whence he was , in these words . chap. xii . concerning justin's apologie to antoninus . to the emperour titus aelius hadrianus antoninus pius caesar augustus , and to verissimus his son the philosopher , and to lucius ( by a nature son of caesar the philosopher , but by adoption son to pius ) the lover of learning : to the sacred senate also , and people of rome , i justin the son of priscus , the grandchild of bacchius , who were of b flavia neapolis a city of syria-palestine , make my request and c petition in behalf of those men ( being my self one of them ) who are unjustly hated and most injuriously treated by all mankind . and the same emperour , being addrest too by other brethren , inhabitants of asia , who were vexed with all manner of molestations by the men of their own province , voutsafed to send this edict to the d common-council of asia . chap. xiii . the rescript of antoninus to the common council of asia , concerning our religion . the emperour caesar a mareus aurelius antoninus augustus armenicus , pontifex maximus , tribune of the people xv , consul iii. to the b common [ councill ] of asia , sendeth greeting . we know indeed that the gods doe take care , this sort of men should not continue undiscovered . for it is much more sutable for them to punish such as resuse to pay them adoration , than for you . you confirm those , whom you molest and disquiet , in their opinion which they have embraced , whilest you accuse them of impiety . and it would please them much more to seem to be accused and put to death for their own god , than to live : upon which account they are become conquerours , and doe willingly lose their lives , rather than they will be induced to doe what you command them . but concerning the earthquakes , which either have been or yet doe happen , it will not be inconvenient to advertise you ( because you despond and are out of heart when such accidents come to pass ) to compare c your [ manner of life and behaviour ] with theirs . they [ at such times ] put a greater confidence in god ; but you , during the whole time ( upon which account you seem to us to err through ignorance ) neglect the gods , and are careless both of all other [ religious performances , ] and also of the worship of the immortal god : and the christians , who adore him , you are enraged at , and persecute even to death . concerning these men many governours of provinces heretofore wrote to d our most divine father . to whom he returned answer , that such men should not be molested , unless it appeared they attempted any thing prejudicial to the state of the roman empire : and many also have given us intimation concerning these men , whom we answered pursuant to our fathers decree . if therefore any one shall still persevere to give disturbance to any one of these sort of men , because he is a christian , the party accused shall be acquitted , although it evidently appears he is a christian ; but the accuser shall be obnoxious to punishment . this edict was e publisht at ephesus in the f publick assembly of asia . that these things were thus done , melito bishop of the church at sardis ( who flourisht in the same times ) does evidently attest , by what he has said in his most usefull apologie , which he made to the emperour verus , for our religion . chap. xiv . some memoires of polycarp the disciple of the apostles . at this time , anicetus presiding over the roman church , irenaeus relates that polycarp ( who till now survived ) came to rome and discourst anicetus about a question that arose concerning easter-day . and the same authour delivers another relation concerning polycarp , ( in his third book against heresies ) which i judged requisite to adjoyn to what has been mentioned concerning him ; it is thus : and polycarp , who was not onely instructed by the apostles and conversant with many that saw christ , but also was by the apostles ordained bishop of the church of smyrna in asia ( whom we also saw in our younger days ; for he lived to a great age , and being very antient , ended his life by a glorious and most renowned martyrdom ) this polycarp , i say , continually taught what he had learned of the apostles , such points as the church now teacheth , and such onely as are true : all the churches throughout asia doe attest this , and also all those who to this day have been successours to polycarp ; who doubtless is a witness much more worthy to be credited , and gives a firmer assurance to the truth , than either valentinus , or marcion , or any other authours of corrupt opinions . this polycarp , coming to rome in the times of anicetus , converted many of the foresaid hereticks to the church of god , declaring that he had received the one and onely truth from the apostles , which was taught by the church . and there are some yet surviving , who heard him relate , that john the disciple of the lord going into the bath at ephesus to wash himself , and seeing cerinthus in it , leapt out having not bathed himself , but said , let us make hast away , least the bath fall , cerinthus that enemy of the truth being within it . this same polycarp also , when marcion on a time came into his presence and said to him a take acquaintance of us , returned him answer , i take notice of thee to be the first begotten of the devill . so exceedingly cautious were the apostles and their disciples , not so much as by speech to have any converse with such as were corrupters of the truth ; as paul also said , * a man that is an heretick , after the first and second admonition , reject : knowing that he that is such , is subverted , and sinneth , being condemned of himself . there is extant also of this polycarp's a most incomparable epistle , written to the philippians ; from which those who are desirous to be carefull about their own salvation , may learn the character of his faith , and the publication of the truth . thus far irenaeus . but polycarp , in his said epistle to the philippians , which is still extant , quotes some authorities out of the first epistle of peter . moreover antoninus , surnamed pius , having compleated the two and twentieth year of his reign , died ; and was succeeded by m ▪ aurelius verus ( who also was named antoninus , and was his son ) and his brother lucius . chap. xv. how , in the reign of verus , polycarp , together with others , suffered martyrdom in the city of smyrna . at this time , when most sore persecutions were stirred up in asia , polycarp ended his life by martyrdom : [ the account of ] whose death ( as it is yet extant in writing ) we judged most requisite to be inserted into this our history . it is an epistle , written from the church over which he presided to the churches throughout a pontus , which sets forth the sufferings of polycarp in these words : the church of god which is at smyrna , to the church at philomelium ; and to all the congregations of holy catholick church every where , the mercy , peace and love of god the father , and of our lord jesus christ be multiplied : we have written unto you , brethren , both concerning others who suffered martyrdom , and also about the blessed polycarp ; who by his own martyrdom sealed up , as it were , and put an end to the persecution . b after these words , before their relation concerning polycarp , they give an account of the other martyrs ; describing their constancy of mind during their torments : for those , they say , who stood round were astonished , when they saw them first lacerated with scourges even as deep as their in-most veins and arteries ; ( insomuch that the hidden parts of their bodies , and their bowels were visible ; ) then laid upon the shells of a sort of sea-fish , and on some very sharp heads of darts and javelins strewed on the ground , and undergoing all sorts of punishments and torments ; and in fine , thrown to the wild beasts to be devoured . but most especially they relate , that germanicus was most signally couragious , who being c corroborated by divine grace , overcame that fear of bodily death implanted by nature on the mind of man. for when the proconsul , desirous by perswasion to prevail upon him , proposed to him his youthfullness , and earnestly entreated him that , being young and in the prime of his years , he would have some compassion on himself : he made no delay , but readily and couragiously enticed the wild beast to devour himself , and almost forced and stimulated it , that he might the sooner be dismist out of this unrighteous and wicked life . immediately upon his glorious death , the whole multitude , greatly admiring the couragiousness of the divine martyr , and the fortitude of all the other christians , on a sudden began to cry out , destroy the impious : let polycarp be sought after . moreover , there ▪ following a great tumult upon these clamours , a man , by name quintus , by extract a phrygian , lately come out thence , seeing the wild beasts , and the other tortures they threatned to make use of , was daunted and disspirited , and at length gave way to a desire of saving his life . the contents of the foresaid epistle doe manifest , that this quintus ( together with some others ) ran with too much rashness , and without any religious consideration , to the place of judicature ; but being forthwith apprehended , he gave all men a signal example , that none should be so audacious , as to precipitate themselves into such dangers without a considerate and pious circumspection . but thus far concerning these men . now the most admirable polycarp , when he first heard these things , was not at all disturbed , but continued to keep himself in a steadfast , serene , and unmoved temper of mind ; and resolved with himself to continue in the city . but his friends and those who were about him , beseeching and entreating him , that he would withdraw himself , he was prevailed with , and went out of the city to a countrey-house not far distant therefrom ; where he abode with a small company , spending the time day and night ( being intent upon nothing else ) in continued prayers to the lord ; wherein he craved and made humble supplications and requests for the peace of all the churches throughout the world : for that was his constant and continual usage . moreover , three days before his apprehension , being at prayer in the night time , and falling into a sleep , he thought he saw the pillow , whereon his head lay , on a sudden consumed by a flame of fire . whereupon being awaked out of his sleep , he forthwith expounded the vision to those who were then present , and having little less than predicted what was in future to be , he expresly declared to those that were about him , that he should be burnt to death for [ the testimony of ] christ. further , when those that sought for him used their utmost care and diligence to find him out , he was again constrained through the love and affection of the brethren to remove , as they say , to another countrey house . whither his pursuers soon after came , and catcht up two boys that were there ; by the one of which , after they had scourged him , they were conducted to the house where polycarp lodged ; and coming in the evening , they found him reposing himself in an upper room . whence he might easily have removed into another house , but he would not , saying , the will of the lord be done . moreover , when he understood they were come , as that epistle relates , he went down , and with a very chearfull and most milde countenance talked with the men : insomuch that they ( to whom polycarp was before unknown ) thought they saw a wonder , when they beheld his exceeding great age , and his venerable and grave d behaviour ; and they admired so much diligence should be used to apprehend such an old man. but he , making no delay , presently ordered the table to be spread for them : then he invites them to a sumptuous feast , and requested of them one hours space , which he might without disturbance spend in prayer : when they permitted him that , he arose and prayed , being so full of the grace of the lord , that those who were present and heard him pray were struck with admiration , and many of them altered their minds and were now very sorry that so venerable and divine an old man was forthwith to be put to death . afterwards , the foresaid epistle contains word for word this subsequent relation concerning him , but after he had ended his prayer ( wherein he made mention of all persons who at any time had been e conversant with him , both small and great , noble and obscure ; and also of the whole catholick church throughout the world ) the hour of his departure being now come , they set him upon an asse , and brought him to the ●ity on the day of the f great sabbath : herod the g eirenarch and his father nicetes met him ; who taking him up into their chariot , as they sate together , endeavoured to perswade him , and said : for what harm is it to say these words , lord caesar , and to sacrifice , and so to evade punishment ? he at first made them no answer ; but , they continuing to be importunate with him , he said , i will never doe what you endeavour to induce me to . they , despairing of perswading him , gave him opprobrious language , and thrust him out of their chariot so hastily , that in his going down be very much bruised the fore part of his leg . but he , no more concerned than if he had suffered no harm , went on chearfully and made hast , being brought [ by a guard ] to the † stadium : but ( there being so great a noise made in the stadium that few could perfectly hear ) this voice came from heaven to polycarp as he entred the stadium , be couragious , polycarp , and behave thy self valiantly : no person indeed saw him that spoke , but many of us christians heard the voice . when therefore he was brought before the tribunal , a great shout was made , because the multitude heard polycarp whas apprehended . after that , when he was come near him , the h proconsul asked him whether he were polycarp ; and when he had confessed he was , the proconsul endeavoured to perswade him to renounce [ christ ] saying , have a reverent regard to thine age ( and some other words agreeable hereto , which 't is usual for them to speak ) swear by the fortune of caesar ; change thy mind ; say , destroy the impious : but polycarp , beholding with a grave and severe countenance the multitude that was in the stadium , stretched forth his hand towards them , and sighed , and looking up towards heaven , said , destroy the impious . when the governour was urgent with him , and said , swear and i will release thee , speak reproachfully of christ ; polycarp made answer , i have served him these eighty and six years ; during all which time he never did me injury ; how then can i blaspheme my king , who is my saviour ? but when the proconsul was again instant with him , and said , swear by the fortune of caesar ; polycarp said , because you are so vain glorious as to be urgent with me to swear by the fortune of caesar , ( as you call it ) pretending your self ignorant who i am ; hear me plainly and freely making this profession ; i am a christian : now if you are desirous to learn the doctrine of christianity , allow me one days space , and you shall hear it . the proconsul said , perswade the people : i have thought good ▪ ( answered polycarp ) to give you an account ; for we are taught to attribute due honour ( such as is not prejudicial to our profession ) to magistrates and powers which are ordained of god ; but i judge them unworthy of having an account given them of our faith . the proconsul said , i have wild beasts , to them i will cast thee , unless you alter your mind : command them to be brought forth ( said polycarp ) for our minds are not to be altered from better to worse ; but we account that change good , which is from vice to virtuous actions . he said again to him , since you contemn the wild beasts , i will give order that you be consumed by fire , unless you change your mind . you threaten me ( replied polycarp ) with a fire that burns for an hour , and soon after becomes extinct ; but you are ignorant of that fire of the future judgment and eternal punishment , which is reserved for the impious ; but why doe you make delays ? order which you will to be made use of upon me . when he had spoken these and many other words , he was filled with confidence and joy , and his countenance was replenished with a comely gracefullness : in so much that he was not onely not overwhelmed with terrour at what was said to him , but ( on the contrary ) the proconsul stood astonished ; and sent the cryer to make proclamation thrice in the midst of the stadium , polycarp professeth himself to be a christian : at which words uttered by the cryer , the whole multitude both of heathens and jews who were inhabitants of smyrna , in a most furious rage and with a great noyse cryed out , this is the teacher of asia , the father of the christians , the destroyer of our gods , who gives command to many men not to sacrifice , nor adore the gods. having said these words they cryed out and requested philip the k asiarch to let forth a lyon upon polycarp . but he made answer , that that was not lawfull for him to doe , because the amphitheatrical shews , or the hunting of the wild beasts were concluded . then they all cryed out with a joynt consent , that polycarp should be burnt alive . for it was necessary that the vision which appeared to him upon his pillow should be fulfilled ; when , being at prayer , he saw that burning , he turned to the brethren that were with him and said prophetically , i must be burnt alive . these things therefore were with no less celerity done then they had been spoken ; the multitude immediately brought together wood and dried branches of trees out of their shops , and from the baths ; but the jews especially most readily ( as it was their usage ) assisted in this business . now when the pile of wood for the fire was made ready , polycarp , having unclothed himself , and unloosed his girdle , endeavoured also to put off his own shoes ; a thing which before he never did , because every one of the faithfull continually strove who should soonest touch his skin : for he was always reverenced for his godly course of life , even before he came to be gray-headed , presently therefore all the l instruments prepared for the fiery pile were applied to and put about him ; but when they went about to nail him to the stake , he said , let me be as i am ; for he that gives me strength to endure the fire , will also grant that i shall continue within the pile unmoved and undisturbed by reason of my pain , even without your securing me with nails : so they did not make him fast to the stake with nails , but onely bound him to it . he therefore , having put his hands behind him , and being bound , ( as it were a select ram , pickt out of a great flock , to be offered as an acceptable holocaust to almighty god ) said ; thou father of thy well beloved and blessed son jesus christ , through whom we have received the knowledge of thee ! thou god of angels and powers , and of the whole creation , and of all the generation of the just who live in thy presence ! i bless thee because thou hast vouchsafed to bring me to this day and this hour , wherein i may take my portion among the number of the martyrs , and of the cup of christ in order to the resurrection both of soul and body to eternal life , in the incorruption of the holy spirit ; among whom let me ( i beseech thee ) be this day accepted in thy sight , as it were a sacrifice fat and well pleasing to thee , according as thou hast prepared , foreshewed , and fulfilled , thou god of truth who canst not lie ; wherefore also i praise thee for all these things , i bless thee , i glorifie thee , through the eternal highpriest jesus christ thy well beloved son , through whom to thee together with him in the holy ghost be glory both now and for ever amen : m when with a loud voice he had said amen , and made an end of praying , the officers who had the charge about the fire , kindled it ; and when there arose a great flame , we ( who were permitted to see it , and who are hitherto preserved alive to relate to others what then happened ) saw a wonderfull sight . for the fire , composing it self into the form of an arch or half circle ( like the fail of a ship swelled with the wind ) immured within a hollow space the body of the martyr ; which , being in the middle of it , lookt not like burnt flesh , but like gold , or silver refining in a furnace ; and forthwith we smelt a most fragrant scent , as if it had been the smell of frankincense , or of some other of the pretious sweet scented spices . in fine therefore , when those impious wretches saw the body could not be consumed by the fire , they commanded the n confector to approach it , and sheath his sword in it ; which when he had done , there issued forth so great a quantity of bloud , that it extinguisht the fire ; and the whole multitude admired , in that there was so great a difference shewed between the infidels and the elect. of which number this most admirable person was one , who was the apostolical and prophetical doctour of our age , and bishop of the catholick church at smyrna . for every word , which proceeded out of his mouth , either hath been , or shall be fulfilled . but the envious and malevolent devil , that deadly enemy to the generation of the just , understanding the couragiousness of his martyrdom , and his unblameable conversation even from his youth , and [ perceiving ] that he was now encircled in a crown of immortality , and had most undoubtedly obtained the glorious reward of his victory ; the devil , i say , used his utmost diligence that his body should not be born away by us christians , although many of us were desirous to doe it , and to have o been conversant with his sacred dead body . some therefore suggested to nicetas the father of herod , but the brother of p dalcis ; do address to the governour , that he would not give us his body ; least ( as they said ) they leave him that was crucified , and begin to worship this person : and this they spoke upon account of the suggestion and importunity of the jews , who very diligently watcht us when we were about to take his body out of the fire : but they were ignorant , that we could never at any time relinquish christ ( who suffered for the salvation of all those throughout the world who were to be saved ) nor yet worship any other . for we adore him as being the son of god ; but we have a worthy affection for the martyrs ( as being the disciples and followers of the lord ) because of their most exceeding great love shown to their own king and master ; whose q companions and fellow disciples we wish our selves to be . the centurion therefore , perceiving the contentious obstinacy of the jews , caused the body to be brought forth , and ( as 't is customary with them ) burnt it : and so we at length gathered up his bones , more highly to be prized than the most pretious gemms , and more refined than the purest gold , and deposited them in a decent place of burial : whereat being assembled together , the lord grant we may with joy and gladness celebrate the r birth-day of his martyrdom , both in memory of those who have heretofore undergone and been victorious in this glorious conflict , and also for the instruction and preparation of such as hereafter shall be exercised therein . thus much concerning the blessed polycarp , who together with s twelve philadelphians was crowned with martyrdom at smyrna : who alone is so eminently famous and memorable amongst all men , that even the heathens every-where doe make mention of him : t such was the glorious exit of the admirable and apostolick polycarp , whose story the brethren of the church in smyrna have in the fore-cited epistle recorded : and to the same writing concerning him are annexed other martyrdomes undergone at the same city of smyrna , and at the same period of time wherein polycarp suffered . amongst which number metrodorus , supposed to be a presbyter of the sect of the marcionites , was burnt to death . but the most famous and eminent martyr of those times was one pionius . whose particular professions , boldness and freeness in speaking , apologies and most learned orations in defence of the faith , made both before the people and in the presence of the governours ; and moreover , his affectionate invitations and encouragements to those who in time of persecution fell into temptation , and the consolatory speeches he used to such brethren as made him visits during his imprisonment ; and further than all this , the torments , and besides them the exquisite tortours he endured , his being nailed to the stake , and his fortitude amidst the fiery pile , and lastly his death which was subsequent to all these miraculous sufferings : whosoever are desirous to know all these particulars , we remit them to the epistle ( which contains a most ample account concerning him ) which we have inserted into that collection we made of the sufferings of the primitive martyrs . moreover there are extant the acts and monuments of others who suffered martyrdom at pergamus , a city of asia , to wit , of carpus and papulus , and of a woman named agathonica , who after many and most eminent confessions of our faith , were made perfect by a glorious death . chap. xvi . how justin the philosopher , asserting the christian religion at the city of rome , suffered martyrdom . at the same time also justin , of whom we made mention a little before , having presented a a second apology to the foresaid emperours in defence of our faith , was crowned with divine martyrdom ; crescens the philosopher ( whose life and manners were answerable to the appellation of a cynick ; of which philosophical sect he was a follower ) formed and contrived the treacherous plot against him ▪ because justin confuted him often in several disputes had in the presence of many auditours , at length by his own martyrdom he obtained the reward of that truth he was an assertour of . thus much , this most studious follower of the truth ( perceiving before hand what was about to befall him ) does , in his foresaid apology , expresly predict in these same words ; b and i also my self doe expect to be treacherously betraied by some one of those called [ philosophers ] and c put in the stocks ▪ and perhaps by crescens that illiterate fellow , and one who is a lover of vain glorious boasting : for the man is unworthy the name of a philosopher , because he declares in publick such things as he is altogether ignorant of , and affirms the christians to be impious and irreligious persons , meerly to please and delight the multitude ; d committing herein a great errour : for , in that he inveighs against us , having never read the doctrine of christ , he is abominably wicked , and much worse than the vulgar sort of men , who most frequently are cautious in their discourses concerning those things they are ignorant in , and avoid speaking falsely thereof . but if he has read our doctrine , and understands not the majestick sublimity thereof ; of if he understands it , and behaves himself thus because he would not be suspected [ to be a christian : ] then he is far more base and wicked , in that he makes himself the slave of popular applause and irrational fear . for i would have you to know that when i proposed to , and asked him some such questions as these , i perceived and was convinced he indeed understood nothing at all : and that you may know i speak what is true , i am ready ( if those our disputations have not come to your knowledge ) to propose the queries again even in your presence . and this exercise will by no means be misbecoming your imperial majesty . but if both my questions , and also his answers have been made known to you , then it will be apparently manifest to you that he is altogether ignorant of our religion . but if he understands it , but dares not freely declare himself because of his auditours ; he is no philosopher , ( as i said before , ) but is manifestly evidenced to be an affector of popular applause , and has no esteem for that most excellent e saying of socrates [ to wit , that no man is to be preferred before the truth . ] thus far therefore justin ▪ and , that he was put to death ( according to his own prediction ) by a treacherous plot , of which crescens was the framer ▪ tatianus ( a man who in the former part of his life had been a f teacher of rhetorick , was well read in the grecian learning , and obtained no small repute by his being conversant therein ; who also has left in his works many monuments of his ingenuity ) does relate in the g book he wrote against the grecians in these words ; and the most admirable justin said truely , that the foresaid persons were like thieves . then , interposing some words concerning these philosophers , he adjoyns thus much ; indeed crescens , who had made his nest in the great city [ rome , ] was most notorious for the sin of buggering boys , and above all men most addicted to covetousness : and he , who exhorted all men to despise death , did so mightily dread it himself , that he made it his business to procure justin to be put to death , ( as judging that to be the worst of evils ) because he preacht the truth , and manifestly proved , that the philosophers were gluttons , and deceivers . and this indeed was the true cause of justins martyrdom . chap. xvii . concerning those martyrs , whom justin makes mention of in his apology . the same justin , before his own martyrdom does in his a first apology make mention of some others who suffered as martyrs before him ▪ which words of his , because they are accommodate to our subject , i will here recite : he writes thus a certain woman had an husband who led a lascivious and libidinous course of li●e ; she her self also had formerly been addicted to lightness and a dishonest behaviour ; but after she had been acquainted with the doctrine of christ , she became modest and chast , and made it her business to perswade her husband to live in like manner continently and chastly ; advertizing him of the christian precepts , and declaring to him the future punishment in eternal flames prepared for such as lead an obscene and disorderly course of life . but he , persevering in his wonted lasciviousness , by such his doings , alienated his wife's affection from him . for the woman at last judged it a wicked thing for her to cohabit with an husband who wholly practised all manner of lustfull courses , contrary to the law of nature , and disagreeable to justice and honesty ; and therefore she resolved to be divorced from him . but the woman was obedient to the instructions of her friends ▪ who advised her to continue married a while longer , in expectation that her husband would in future alter his mind , and ere long lead a more regular course of life ; so she constrained her self and continued with him . but after this , her husband , having made a journey to alexandria , was discovered to have committed more notorious acts of lewdness ; the woman therefore ( fearing ▪ that by her continuing married to him ▪ and by her being his confort at bed and board , she should ▪ be partaker of his wickednesses and impieties ) sent him that which we call a bill of divorce , and departed ▪ from him . but this excellent fellow her husband ( who ought to have rejoyced , because his wife ( who formerly had committed lewdness with servants and mercenary fellows ▪ and took delight in drunkenness and all manner of vice ) did now both desist from those wicked doings , and also desired him to leave them off ; which because he would not doe she was divor●'t from him . ) drew up an accusation against her , and said she was a christian. and she presented a b libell to thee , o emperour ; wherein she requested liberty might be allowed her first to set in order her domestick affairs ; after which settlement she promised to put in an answer to her accusation . and you granted the womans petitions . but her ( heretofore ) husband , being within that c space unable to say any thing against her , set upon one ptolemaeus ( whom d urbicius put to death ) who had been the womans instructour in the christian religion , after this manner : he perswaded a centurion , who was his friend , to apprehend ptolemaeus , and having put him in bonds , to ask him this one question , whether he were a christian ? and ptolemaeus , ( being a lover of truth , and no deceitfull person , nor falsifier of his own judgment ) confessing that he was a christian , the centurion caused him to be bound in fetters , and afflicted him with a long imprisonment . at length , when the man was brought before urbicius , he was again asked this one question , whether he were a christian ? and he ▪ assuredly knowing that he should obtain glory and happiness by the doctrine of christ , again made profession of that divine and virtuous institution . for , he that denies himself to be a christian , declines the confession of that religion , either because he is a disallower as well as a denier of it , or in regard he knows himself to be unworthy of , and estranged from its rules and precepts : neither of which can happen to him that is a true christian. when therefore urbicius had given command that ptolemaeus should be led away to be put to death , one lucius , ( who also was a christian , ) considering the injustice of the sentence that was pronounc't , spake thus to urbicius ; what reason is there that thou shouldst have condemned this man , who is neither adulterer , nor fornicatour , nor murderer , nor thief , nor robber , and who is not in any wise convicted of any other wicked fact , but onely owns and acknowledges the appellation of a christian ? such judiciary proceedings as these , o urbicius ! are misbecoming both pius the emperour , and the son of caesar the philosopher , and also the sacred senate . but urbicius made lucius no other answer , onely said thus to him , you also seem to me to be such an one , and when lucius had said that he was , urbicius again gave command that he also should be led away to be put to death : lucius acknowledged himself much oblieged to him ; for i shall be delivered , said he , from such wicked masters , and goe to a gracious god , who is my father and king. and a third , stepping forth , was also condemned to undergoe the same punishment . after this , justin does pertinently and agreeably induce those words ( which we quoted before ) saying , and i also my self doe expect to be treacherously betrayed by some one of those called [ philosophers ] and so forth . chap. xviii . what books of justin's are come to our hands . this person has left us many monuments of his learned and most accomplisht a understanding , and also of his sedulous deligence about divine matters , full of variety of profit : to which we will remit such as are lovers of learning , after we have usefully remark't such of them as are come to our knowledge . the first therefore of his books is his supplication to antoninus surnamed pius , and his sons , and to the roman senate , in behalf of our religion : the second contains another apology for our faith , which he presented to verus ( who was successour to , and bore the same name with , the foresaid emperour antoninus ) whose times we are now giving an account of . there is also another book of his against the gentiles ; wherein he treats at large , both of many questions that are usually disputed both amongst us and the gentile - philosophers ; and also declares his opinion concerning the nature of spirits ; which 't is of no importance for us here to insert . and further there is another work of his against the gentiles come to our hands , which he entitled , a confutation : and besides these another , concerning the monarchy of god ; which he confirms not onely by the authority of the sacred scriptures , but also from the testimonies of the writers amongst the gentiles . moreover he wrote another book , the title whereof is psaltes : and another , containing b some short notes concerning the soul ; wherein he proposes divers questions pertinent to the explication of that subject , and produces the opinions of the philosophers among the gentiles , which he promiseth to confute , and to set forth his own opinion thereof in another work of his . he also composed a dialogue against the jews , being a conference which he had at the city of ephesus with one trypho the most famous person amongst the jews at that time . in which book he manifests , after what manner divine grace incited him to embrace the doctrine of the true faith ; and with what sedulous earnestness he before that set himself about the study of philosophy , also with how great an ardency of mind he was laborious in finding out the truth . moreover , in the same book he relates concerning the jews , how that they formed treacherous plots and contrivances against the doctrine of christ ; and useth these express words to trypho ; so far were you from a repentance of your impious doings , that you chose out some men fit for such a design , and at that time sent them forth from jerusalem over the whole world , to publish this , that there was an impious sect called christians sprung up ; and to divulge the same reproaches , which all those that are ignorant of our religion doe now fasten upon us : so that , you are not onely the authours of your own wickedness and errour ; but also give the sole occasion thereof to all other men . he says also , in the same work , that the gifts of prophecy even in his time shone forth upon the church . moreover , he has mentioned the revelation of john , and says expresly 't was written by that apostle . also he recites severall testimonies of the prophets , which , in his dispute with trypho , he evinces were cut out of the bible by the jews . several other works also of his are extant among many of our christian brethren . further , the books of this person were so highly esteemed by the antients , that irenaeus quotes some expressions of his ; partly in his fourth book against heresies , where he produces these words of his ; and justin ●ays well , in his book against marcion , i would not have credited the lord himself , if he had preached any other god than him , who was the maker of the world : and partly , in his fifth book of the same work , where he quotes these words of his ; it was well spoken of justin , to wit , that before the coming of our lord , satan never durst blaspheme god , because till then he did not certainly c know his own condemnation . and let thus much be here necessarily said by us , to incite such as are lovers of learning , to have an high esteem for , and accurately to read over , his books . thus far concerning justin. chap. xix . who , in the reign of verus , presided over the churches of rome , and alexandria . now the foresaid emperour being in the eighth year of his reign , anicetus , having compleated the eleventh year of his episcopal dignity over the roman church , was succeeded by soter . and moreover , celadion , having presided fourteen years over the church at alexandria , agrippinus was his successour in that see. chap. xx. who then governed the church of antioch . at that time also theophilus , the sixth from the apostles , flourisht in his presidency over the church at antioch ▪ for cornelius , successour to heros was the fourth that presided there ; after whom eros , in the fifth remove from the apostles , succeeded in that episcopal see. chap. xxi . concerning the ecclesiastical writers who flourisht in that age. in those times hegesippus flourisht in the church , of whom we have made frequent mention in the foregoing book ; and dionysius bishop of the corinthians ; also one pinytus bishop of the cretians . moreover , philippus , appollinaris , and melito ; musanus also , and modestus : and lastly irenaeus . all which persons wrote books that are come to our hands , containing the sound doctrine , and true faith , delivered by the apostles . chap. xxii . concerning hegesippus , and those he makes mention of . moreover , hegesippus , in his five books of historicall memorials , which are come to our hands , has le●t a most full and compleat account of his own faith and opinion . wherein he declareth , that travelling as far as rome , he discourst with many bishops , and from them all heard one and the same doctrine . you may please to hear him ( a after some words of his concerning the epistle of clemens to the corinthians ) continuing his discourse thus ; and the corinthian church continued in the true faith untill primus came to be bishop there : with whom i had some discourse in my voyage to rome , and was conversant with the corinthians a sufficient time ; wherein we received mutual refreshment from the true faith . but arriving at rome , i b staied there till anicetus's time , whose deacon eleutherus then was : after anicetus succeeded soter , and next to him elutherus . now in every succession [ of bishops ] and throughout each city the doctrine is conformable to what the law , the prophets , and our lord preach't . and the same authour subjoines an account of the heresies which were broacht in his age , in these words ; and after james the just had suffered martyrdom ( as the lord had also ) for the preaching of his doctrine , simeon the son of cleophas ( which [ cleophas ] was uncle by the mothers side to our saviour ) was constituted bishop in his room ; whom all preferred to be second bishop there , because he was the lords c cousingerman by the mothers side . upon which account that church was stiled a virgin ; for it was not hitherto corrupted with vain opinions . d thebuthis ( because he was not made a bishop ) was the first that began to vitiate it . this man was e one of those that took his rise from the seven sects , which were amongst the [ jewish ] people : of which simon was another , from whom the symoni●ns ; and cleobius , from whom the cleobians ; f and dositheus , from whom the dositheans ; and gortheus , from whom the g gortheans ; and masbotheus , from whom the masbotheans , had their denomination : from these also came the menandrians , and the marcionists , and the cartocratians , and the valentinians ▪ and the basilidians , and the saturnilians ; each of which men in particular was an introducer of his own opinion . from these came the false christs , the false-prophets , and the false-apostles ; who rent asunder the unity of the church by their corrupt opinions brought in against god , and his christ. moreover , the same writer gives an account of the heresies which were heretofore amongst the jews ▪ in these words ; there were divers sects and opinions in ▪ the circumcision among the children of israel , which were opposite both to the h tribe of judah , and also to christ ; to wit , the i essaeans , the k galilaeans , the hemerobaptists , the l masbotheans , the samarit●s , the sadducees , and the pharisees . and he writes many other things , of which we have partly made mention before , and inserted his relations in their proper and opportune places and times . also , he produces several passages out of the gospel according to the hebrews , out of the syriack , and particularly out of the hebrew tongue ; whereby he plainly intimates himself to have been converted from being a jew to the faith of christ. he makes mention also of other things as contained in the unwritten traditions of the jews . now , not onely he , but also irenaeus , and all the antients , doe call the proverbs of solomon , the book of wisdom that m contains the precepts of all virtue : and , treating of those books which are termed the apocrypha , he relates that some of them were forged by certain hereticks in his times . but we must now proceed to another writer . chap. xxiii . concerning dionysius , bishop of the corinthians , and the epistles he wrote . and first we are to speak of dionysius : who had the episcopal chair of the corinthian church ; and liberally and copiously communicated his divine labours , not onely to those committed to his charge , but also to such as inhabited countreys remote and at a great distance : rendring himself most serviceable and usefull to all persons , by those general epistles he wrote to divers churches . of which number one is that to the lacedaemonians , containing the first rudiments of , and institutions in , the true faith ; and moreover an exhortation to peace and unity . another of them is that to the athenians , which is excitatory to faith , and to lead a life answerable to the precepts of the gospel : in which point he reproves the negligence of [ the athenians ] who had in a manner apostatized from the faith , since the time that publius their bishop suffered martyrdom , during the persecutions which then happened : he makes mention also of a quadratus , who was constituted their bishop , after the martyrdom of publius ; and attests , that by his labour and industry , the congregations [ of the christians ] were re-assembled , and the ardour of their faith revived , and re-kindled . he relates moreover , that dionysius the areopagite ( who was converted to the faith by the apostle paul , according to the account given in the acts of the apostles , ) was made the first bishop of the athenian church . there is also extant another epistle of his to the nicomedians , wherein he impugneth the heresie of marcion , and strenuously asserts and defends the exact rule of truth : he wrote likewise to the church at gortyna , and to the rest of the churches in creet ; and commends philip their bishop , because the church under his charge was renowned for many signal acts of fortitude ; and admonishes them to use caution against the deceit and perversness of hereticks : and in the epistle he wrote to the church of amastris , together with the other churches throughout pontus , he mentions bacchylides and elpistus , as being the persons that incited him to write : he annexes likewise several expositions of holy scripture , and by name mentions palma their bishop . he recommends to them many things concerning marriage and chastity , and commands those that recover from any lapse whatsoever , ( whether vitiousness , or heretical errour ) to be affectionately received . in the same volume is contained another epistle to the gnossians , wherein he admonishes pinytus the bishop of that church , not to impose the heavy yoak of continency upon the brethren , as if 't were necessary ; but to have a regard to the infirmity of most men . to which pinytus returning an answer , does greatly admire , and extol dionysius ; but withall exhorts him , that in future he would impart stronger food , and nourish up the people under his charge by sending again to them some letters that contain more perfect and solid doctrine ; least , being continually accustomed to such milky expressions , they should grow old in a childish discipline . in which epistle , both the orthodox faith of pinytus , and his sollicitude for the proficiency of those under his care ; his eloquence also , and understanding in divine matters , is most accurately and to the life represented . moreover , there is extant an epistle of dionysius's to the romans , superscribed to soter , at that time the bishop there : out of which it 's not amiss here to insert some words , wherein he much commends the usage and custome of the romans , observed by them even untill the times of the persecution raised in our own b age ; he writes thus ; for this hath been your custome even from the beginning [ of your conversion to christianity ] to be divers ways beneficial to all the brethren , and to send relief to most churches throughout every city ; sometimes supplying the wants of such as are in necessity ; at others , furnishing those brethren with necessaries that are condemned to work in the mines . by such charitable gifts , which from the beginning you have been accustomed to transmit to others , being romans , you retain the custom received from your roman fore-fathers . which usage your blessed bishop soter has not onely diligently observed , but greatly improved ; being both instrumental and ready in the conveyance of your bounty designed for the saints ; and also comforting with blessed words ( as a tender and affectionate father does his children ) those brethren that come as c strangers to you . in the same epistle also he makes mention of the epistle of clemens to the corinthians , and manifests that 't was very antiently customary to recite it publickly in the presence of the church : for he says ; d this day therefore , being the holy day of the lord , we have now passed over , wherein we read over your epistle ; which ( as also the former epistle of clemens's written to us ) we continuing to read henceforward , shall abound with most excellent precepts and instructions . further , the same writer speaking of his own epistles which by some forgers were corrupted , says thus ; for i wrote some epistles , being thereto requested by the brethren : but the emissaries of the devil have filled them with darnell ; expunging some passages out of them , and adding other some ; for whom a woe is reserved . it s no wonder therefore , that some attempt to adulterate the holy writings of the lord , since they have basely falsified such as are of an inferiour authority . besides these , there is extant another epistle of dionysius's , written to chrysophora a most faithfull sister , to whom he writes what is agreeable , and imparts to her such spiritual food as is convenient for her . thus much concerning the writings of dionysius . chap. xxiv . concerning theophilus , bishop of the antiochians . there are extant of this theophilus's ( whom we declared to have been bishop of the antiochian church ) three books written to autolycus , containing the first rudiments of the faith. he has another tract also extant , entitled , against the heresie of a hermogenes , wherein he quotes authorities out of the revelation of st john : there are besides some other books of his , wherein are delivered the first principles of our faith. moreover , whenas in that age the hereticks ( like darnell ) did nevertheless corrupt the pure seed of the apostolick doctrine , the pastours of churches were every where very earnest and industrious to chase them away ( being as it were savage and wild beasts ) from the sheep of christ ; partly by admonishing and exhorting the brethren ; and partly by encountring valiantly with the hereticks themselves ; whom they either confuted by dint of arguments and unwritten questions propounded face to face ; or else disproved their opinions by written treatises most accurately compiled . that theophilus therefore did , together with others , engage these hereticks , 't is manifestly apparent from that elaborate piece , ( not unworthy of himself ) which he wrote against marcion ; which book , together with those other we have recounted , is at this present time extant . further , maximinus , the seventh from the apostles , succeeded this person in the bishoprick of the antiochian church . chap. xxv . concerning philippus and modestus . moreover , philippus ( who , as we are informed by the words of dionysius [ even now quoted ] was bishop of the church at gortyna ) compiled also a most elaborate piece against marcion . so likewise did irenaeus , and modestus . but this person last named did most excellently ( even better than the other writers ) detect the errours and frauds of the man , and exposed them to the view of the world . several others also wrote , whose labours are to this day with exquisite care preserved by many of the brethren . chap. xxvi . concerning melito , and what he has made mention of . also , at that time melito , bishop of the church at sardis , and apollinaris prelate of the church at hierapolis , flourished and were eminently famous . each of which persons did severally dedicate an apology written in defence of our faith to the foresaid roman emperour , who reigned at that time . the books of each of them , which are come to our knowledge ▪ are these that follow . two books of melito's concerning easter ; one of his , a concerning the true way of converse , and of the prophets : another , concerning the church ; and a third , concerning the lords day : moreover , one , concerning the nature of man , and another , about the frame and composure of man ▪ and one , concerning the b obedience of the senses and their subjection to faith ; and moreover , one book , concerning the soul , the body and the mind : a book , concerning baptism ; one , of truth ; one , concerning the c origination and generation of christ : his book of prophecy , another , concerning hospitality ; and that entitled , the k●y : besides one , concerning the devil , and , of the revelation of john ; and another , about the incarnatation of god ; and lastly , his apology to antoninus . now , in his books concerning easter , to wit , in the beginning of that work , he declares the time when he wrote , in these words , servilius paulus being proconsul of asia , at that time when sagaris suffered martyrdom , there arose a great controversie at laodicea concerning easter , which happened to fall on those days in its due season : at which time i wrote these books . clemens alexandrinus makes mention of this book , in his piece concerning easter ; which book of melito's was , as he says , the occasion of his composing that work . now , in that book dedicated to the emperour , he relates what was acted against us christians in his reign . for now , says he , that sort of men who are pious and holy are persecuted , ( a thing which was never before done ) and molested with new decrees throughout all asia . for most impudent informers , who are desirous to possess themselves of other mens goods , taking an occasion from the imperial edicts , doe openly commit robberies , and day and night take away the goods of innocent persons . and , after some words , he continues , thus ; now if all this be done by your command , let it pass for an orderly and due way of proceeding . for a just emperour can never decree or authorize any thing that is unjust : and we willingly undergoe the reward of such a death . this request onely we humbly make to you , that you your self would first take cognizance of d them that are sufferers of this vexatious molestation ; and then determine impartially , whether they are worthy of punishment and death ; or deserve to live in peace and quietness . but if this decree , and this new edict ( which ought not to have been established against the most barbarous enemies ) does not proceed from you , then we more earnestly beseech you , not to be unmindfull of us , nor permit us to be any longer infested with these publick rapines . then , after the interposition of some words , he adds thus much ; for this sect of philosophy , which we profess , at first flourisht amongst the e barbarians . but when , in the reign of the great augustus your progenitour , it began to be eminent and conspicuous in your provinces ; it brought with it most fortunate and prosperous success to your empire . for from that time the power of the roman empire began to be eminently great , and was much augmented . of which empire you by succession are the most acceptable inheritour that could be wish't for , and shall so continue , together with your f son , if you will be the defender of that religion which was nursed up together with your empire , which took its beginning under the reign of the great augustus ; and which your ancestours did together with other religions both esteem , and reverence : and this is a most certain evidence that our religion ( which flourisht together with your happily begun empire ) brought with it publick success and prosperity ; to wit , that from the time of augustus's reign no unsuccessfull accident hath intervened ; but on the contrary such splendour and magnificence hath always artended your empire , as is agreeable to the desires and prayers of all men . of all the emperours , onely g nero and domitian ( induced thereto by the perswasion and advice of some malevolent persons ) endeavoured to fix a calumny and reproach upon our religion . from whom that false and malicious detraction happened to be conveyed down to succeeding times , agreeable to the usage of the rude multitude , which irrationally gives credit to such groundless rumours . but your pious ancestours corrected their ignorance : and by frequent rescripts reproved such as audaciously attempted to be insolent and vexatious towards those of our religion . amongst whom your grandfather adrian wrote both to fundanus proconsul of asia , and also to many other [ governours of provinces ; ] and h your father , even at that time when you were his colleague in the empire , wrote to the cities that they should not raise tumults , nor commit any insolencies against us ; namely to the larisseans , to the thessalonians , the athenians and to all the grecians . but we most confidently perswade our selves that you ( who retain the same opinion concerning us that your ancestours had ; yea , who are enclined to be much more gracious and mild towards us , and to entertain wiser and discreeter thoughts concerning us , ) will doe whatsoever we request of you . this passage is extant in the fore mentioned apologie of melito . the same authour ( in that book of extracts and collections written by him ) does , at the beginning of that work , make a catalogue of those books of the old testament that by general consent are acknowledged as canonical : which catalogue i judged necessary to be here inserted : it is word for word thus . melito to onesimus the brother sendeth greeting . whereas , because of your love to , and diligence bestowed about , the word of god , you have often requested me to make you some short collections and excerptions both out of the law and the prophets about those things that belong to our saviour , and all the articles of our faith ; and moreover , you being very desirous to have an accurate account of the books of the old testament , how many they are in number , and in what order they were written ; i have made it my business to doe all this , and to satisfie your desire herein . for i well know with what an ardour of faith you are enflamed , and how earnest your desires are after knowledge ; and that , by reason of your love of god , you greatly prefer these before all other things , striving earnestly to obtain eternal salvation . when therefore i travelled into the east , and came into that countrey where these things were heretofore preacht and done , i made an accurate inquiry about the books of the old testament , a catalogue whereof i have herewith sent you . their names are these : the five books of moses , to wit , genesis , exodus , leviticus , numbers , deuteronomie : joshua , judges , ruth ▪ the four books of the kings , the two books of the chronicles : the psalms of david , the proverbs of solomon , which is also called the book of wisdom , ecclesiastes , the song of solomon , job , the prophecies of esaiah , and jeremiah : one book of the twelve [ minor ] prophets , daniel , ezechiel , esdras . out of these i have made some short collections , which i have divided into six books . but thus much concerning the writings of melito . chap. xxvii . concerning apollinaris , bishop of the hierapolitane church . a although several books written by apollinaris are extant among many men , yet these onely of his are come to our knowledge ; to wit , his apology to the foresaid emperour ; his five books against the gentiles ; his two books concerning truth ; and his b two books against the jews . also , those books he wrote afterwards against the heresie of the c cataphrygians ; which not long after occasioned great dist●●bances ; but at that time it began to make its first appearance ▪ montanus with his false prophets then laying the foundation of his errour . and this is what we had to say concerning apollinaris . chap. xxviii . concerning musanus , and his writings . there is extant of musanus's ( whom we mentioned a little before ) a most sharp piece written by him to some brethren , who turned to the heresie of the encratitae ; which then first sprang up , and introduced ● new and most pernicious false opinion into the world . tatianus , as report says , was the authour of this heresie . chap. xxix . concerning tatianus and his heresie . vve mean that tatianus , whose words we quoted a little before , treating concerning the admirable justin ; who , we told you , was a disciple of that martyr's . irenaeus evidences this in his first book ▪ against heresies , where he writes thus concerning this tatianus and his heresie from a saturninus and marcion sprang those hereticks called encratitae , who taught that marriage was unlawfull ; rejecting that primitive institution of god , and tacitely accused him , because he created male and female for the propagation of mankind . they were assertours also of an abstinence from the eating those things , that ( as they termed them ) had life ; shewing hereby their ingratitude towards god who created all things ▪ they deny likewise that the first man was saved . and this is a tenet lately invented amongst them , of which impious assertion one tatianus was the first broacher . who having been an auditour of justin , as long as he converst with him , disclosed no such false opinions : but after his martyrdom , he revolted from the church , and being arrogant and pu●● up with the conceit of his being an b ecclesiastical doctour ( as if he were better then any body else ) he was the composer of a new form of doctrine of his own making , inventing stories about invisible ages , in the same manner as valentinus did : and asserting with marcion and saturninus , that matrimony was nothing less than corruption and whoredom ; and framing some new arguments to disprove the salvation of adam . thus far irenaeus [ concerning the heresie of the encratit● which then was broacht . ] but not long after , one whose name was c severus did consolidate and strengthen the foresaid heresie , and so was the occasion that the followers of that sect were called , by reason of his name , severiani . they approve indeed of the law , the prophets and the gospels , expounding the sentences of holy scripture according to a peculiar sense and meaning of their own ; but they speak reproachfully of the apostle paul , and reject his epistles ; neither doe they admit of the acts of the apostles . but tatianus , their first founder , put together a confused heap of collections extracted out of the four gospels , which he entitled a d dia●●ssarωn , i. e. a gospel made up of the four gospels : which book is at this time extant in the hands of some men . they say also , that he was so audacious as to alter some sayings of the apostle pauls , and to express them in more elegant terms , undertaking to correct the composition and order of his phrase . he left a very great number of books ; among which , his e book against the grecians is look't upon to be an excellent piece , and is commended by most men : in which work , giving an account of the series of times in the former ages of the world , he has made it evident that moses and the prophets amongst the hebrews , were much more antient , than all the famous men amongst the grecians . indeed that book of his seems to be the best and most usefull piece of all his writings . but thus far concerning these things ▪ chap. xxx . concerning bardesanes the syrian , and those books of his that are extant . further , in the reign of the same emperour , when heresies were numerous in a mesopotamia , one bardesanes a most eloquent man in the syrian tongue , and an excellent disputant , wrote some dialogues against marcion and several others , who were authours and assertors of different opinions , which he publisht in his own country language ; as also many other works which his scholars ( for he had very many auditours , and was a powerful maintainer of our faith ) translated out of the syriack into the grecian language . amongst which is his dialogue concerning fate , written to b antoninus , an incomparable piece . 't is said he wrote several other tracts , upon occasion of the persecution at that time raised against us . this man was at first a follower of valentinus's ; but having mislik't that heresie , and confuted many of the fabulous tenets of the founder thereof , he was satisfied in himself that he had turned to a truer opinion : but notwithstanding he did not wholly clear himself of the filth of his ancient heresie . moreover , at the same time soter bishop of the roman church departed this life . the end of the fourth book of the ecclesiastical history . the fifth book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . the preface . moreover , soter bishop of the roman church having presided there eight years , ended his life . in whose place succeeded eleutherus , the twelfth from the apostles . it was then the a seventeenth year of the emperour antoninus verus ; at which time a more sharp persecution being in some parts of the world raised against us by a popular incursion throughout every city ; how vast the number was of such persons as were dignified with martyrdom over the whole world , may be conjectured from what happened in one province . which things were by accident put in writing and transmitted to posterity , as being truely worthy of an indelible remembrance . now the acts , which contain a most perfect and compleat account of these things , are set down entire in that collection we made of the martyrs ; which comprehends not onely an historical relation of what was done , but also rules and precepts of piety and holiness : but notwithstanding , we will from thence at present make a selection of such passages as are agreeable to the subject we no whave in hand , and here insert them . other historians indeed have wholly made it their business to record in their works warlike victories , and trophies erected against their conquered enemies ; the valour of generals , and brave exploits of souldiers , b●smeared with bloud , and polluted with innumerable slaughters , in defence of their children , countrey , and estates : but we , who set forth the history of a divine society of men , will record upon immortal monuments , inscribed with indelible characters , the most pacate wars , waged for the obtaining of spiritual peace ; and the valiant acts of those persons who in such encounters contended more for the truth than their countrey , and for religion rather than their dearest relations : publishing for the perpetual remembrance of posterity , the continued earnestness of those champions who fought for piety , their fortitude in undergoing manifold torments , the trophies erected against the devils , the victorious conquests obtained over invisible adversaries , and last of all , their crowns . chap. i. how many , in the reign of verus , underwent most sore persecution in france for religion ; and after what manner they suffered . now france was the countrey , wherein the place for performance of the forementioned combats was appointed . the chief mother-cities whereof , ( and which be more eminently famous than the other cities there , ) are lyons and vienna ; through both which the river rhone passes , encompassing with a great and rapid stream that whole region . the churches therefore that were most eminent in those parts sent an account in writing concerning their martyrs to the churches throughout asia and phrygia ; relating , after this manner , what was done amongst them : for i will insert their very words : a the servants of christ which inhabit vienna and lyons in france , to the brethren throughout asia and phrygia , which have the same faith and hope of redemption with us ; peace , grace , and glory from god the father , and from christ jesus our lord. then , having after this by way of preface premised some words , they begin their relation with these : now the ●ore affliction amongst us ▪ the great rage of the heathens against the saints , and what the blessed martyrs endured ; we are neither able accurately to express , nor indeed can it be comprized in writing . for the adversary invaded us with his utmost vigour , shewing forth even then his arrival amongst us , and some beginnings of his future cruelty . for he left nothing unattempted , whilst by way of practise he prepared , and before hand exercised his ministers against the servants of god. so that we were not onely prohibited to come into b private houses , the baths , and the c forum , but it was also by them interdicted that no one of us should at all appear in any place whatsoever . but the grace of god fought for us against the devil ; which both defended such as were weak , and also set in array against him such men as , like pillars , were firm and immovable , who by reason of their patience in enduring sufferings , might have been able to have pulled on themselves the whole force of the devil . these persons engaged him hand to hand , undergoing all manner of reproach and punishment ; and , accounting the greatest sufferings to be small and trivial , they hastned unto christ ; truly demonstrating , * that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us . first therefore they couragiously underwent whatsoever [ abuses ] were cumulated on them by the whole multitude , to wit , the shouts against them , the stripes , the draggings up and down , the taking away of their goods , the casting of stones at them , their being d shut up within their own houses ; and all things which an exasperated multitude doe usually undertake against their enemies and adversaries : then , being brought into the forum by the tribune of the souldiers and the e magistrates of the city , they were examined in the presence of the whole multitude ; and ▪ having made their confession , were shut up in prison untill the arrival of the f president . afterwards , when they were brought before the governour , ( who exercised all manner of cruelty against us ) g vettius epagathus , one of the brethren , who had arrived to an immense degree of love to god and his neighbour ; whose course of life had been so exact and accurate , that although he was a young man , yet he deserved the eloge of zachariah seniour ; for he had walked in all the commandments and ordinances of the lord , blameless , and was most ready to perform all good offices towards his neighbour , being full of the zeal of god , and fervent in spirit : this person , i say , being such an one , was not able to bear those so unjust proceedings against us , but was greatly moved with indignation , and requested that he also might be heard to make a defence in behalf of the brethren , [ and to manifest ] that there was nothing of impiety or irreligion amongst us . but when those about the tribunal cried out against him , ( for he was an eminent personage , ) and when the governour refused the request so justly proposed by him , and onely ask't him whether he also were a christian ; he confest it with a most loud voice , and was received into the number of the martyrs , being termed by the governour the advocate of the christians : but he had within himself an advocate , to wit , the holy spirit , in a greater degree than h zacharias had ; which he evidently manifested by his abundant love , in that he was well contented to deposite his own life for the defence of the brethren . for he was , and is , a genuine disciple of christ , following the lamb whit hersoever he goeth . then others i were diligently proved and examined ; and they were illustrious and ready proto-martyrs , who with all alacrity of mind accomplished the solemn confession of martyrdom . moreover , those who were unprepared , unexercised , as yet weak , and unable to undergoe the severity of so great a combat , were then apparent : of whom about ten in number fell away , which was the occasion of great grief and immeasurable sorrow to us , and disturbed that alacrity of mind in others who were not yet apprehended ; who although they suffered all sorts of misery , yet were present with the martyrs , and departed not from them . at that time we were all in a great consternation of mind , because we were dubious about the [ perseverance of such as were to ] confess [ themselves to be christians ; ] not that we feared the torments that were to be inflicted , but , revolving in our minds the issue of affairs , we were fearfull least any one should fall off from the faith . now there were daily taken such as were worthy to fill up their number ; so that those , who were most eminent in k both the churches , and by whom especially matters here had been settled , were all pickt out and apprehended . some heathens also , our servants , were seized upon ; ( for the president did in publick give command that we should all be diligently search't out ; ) which persons , by reason of the treachery of satan , being afraid of the torments which they saw the saints undergo , the souldiers inciting them thereto , raised lyes against us , and reported that we used the suppers of l thyestes , and the incestuous carnal copulation of m oedipus , and such other things as 't is neither lawfull for us to utter , nor to think of , nor to believe , that any such fact was ever committed among men . these stories being spread abroad , all persons were enraged against us ; in so much , that if there were any who before had been moderate towards us by reason of affinity or friendship ; even these were then greatly displeased with , and mightily incensed against , us . thus was fulfilled that which our lord had said , that the time shall come wherein * whosoever killeth you , will think that he doeth god good service . from thenceforth therefore the holy martyrs underwent such torments as are inexpressible and above all declaration : satan endeavouring with much earnestness that some slanderous and reproachfull words might be uttered by n them also . but the whole rage both of the multitude , of the president , and of the souldiers did in a more violent manner fall upon o sanctus , of vienna , a deacon , and upon maturus , a person indeed who had been lately baptized , but yet proved a couragious champion of christ ; upon attalus also , by countrey a pergamenian , who always was a pillar and prop of the churches here ; and lastly upon blandina ; by whom christ demonstrated , that those things which among men seem vile , obscure , and despicable , are by god accounted worthy of great honour , by reason of the love shown to him , which is actually and powerfully manifested , and not in pretence and shew boasted of . for when we were all afraid , and she that was her mistress after the flesh ( who also was one of the champions of the martyrs ) feared , least , by reason of the imbecillity of her body , she should not be able with boldness and freeness to make her confession : blandina was supplied with so great strength , that those who by turns tortured her all the time from morning till evening , became feeble and weak ; and confest themselves overcome , having nothing further to doe to her ; they admired also that she yet continued to breathe , her whole body having been mangled and pierced through ; and they attested , that one sort of torture was sufficient to have bereaved her of life , much more so many and so great torments . but this blessed woman , like a couragious champion , recovered fresh supplies of strength during her confession : and it was a refreshment , and an ease to her , and abated the pain of those torments that were inflicted on her , to pronounce these words , to wit , i am a christian , and there is nothing of wickedness acted amongst us . but sanctus , having in an extraordinary , and more than humane , manner , couragiously endured all the torments men could invent , ( the impious wretches hoping by reason of the continuedness and exquisiteness of his torments to have heard some undecent expressions from him , ) withstood them with so great a degree of courage , that he declared neither his own name , nor that of his countrey , nor of the city where he was born , nor yet whether he were a servant or a freeman : but to all the interrogatories , he made answer in the roman tongue , i am a christian : this he declared time after time successively , instead of [ acknowledging ] his name , his city , his kindred , or any thing else : neither could the heathens get any other words out of him . upon which account the rage both of the president and of the tormentours against him was exceeding great , and their endeavours to master him were obstinate and earnest . insomuch that when they had nothing further to torture him with , at last they clapt plates of brass that were red hot upon the most tender members of his body ; which parts of his body were burnt indeed ; but he stood upright without bending of himself at all , was invincible , and continued stedfast and constant in his confessions ; being bedewed and strengthened with that celestial fountain of living water which flowed out of the * belly of christ. his body was a sufficient evidence of what had happened , being all over full of wounds , and prints of stripes , p bowed and drawn together , and having lost the external form and shape of a man : in which christ suffering accomplished therein great glory , vanquishing the adversary and demonstrating for the information of others , that there is nothing formidable where the love of the father is , nor any pain where the glory of christ is present . for when those impious wretches some few days after began again to torture the martyr , and supposed that if they should make use of the same torments whilst his body was swelled and the q wounds thereof inflamed , either they might master him , when he could not indure to be touch't by hands , or that he would die under his torments and so strike a terrour into others : not onely no such thing happened concerning him , but also , contrary to the opinion of all men , his body became erect and was repaired in these latter tortures ; and he recovered his former shape , and the use of his limbs . so that his being tormented the second time was not a punishment to him , but by the grace of christ proved to be his r●medy . moreover , the devil caused one biblias to be brought forth to punishment , ( being one of those who had renounced christ , ) whom he supposed to be by him already devoured , but was further desirous to have her condemned of blasphemy , constraining her , being now weak and not couragious , to utter some impious expressions concerning us . but she came to her self again at the time of her being tortured , and ( as we may so speak , ) was awaked out of her profound sleep , being by the present punishment reminded of the eternal torments in hell ; and she returned a contradictory answer to r those that slaundred us , saying , how should such persons eat little children , for whom 't is unlawfull to eat the bloud even of irrational creatures . from that instant she confest her self to be a christian , and was added to the number of the martyrs . but when the punishments of those tyrannous persons were rendred ineffectual by christ , through the patient sufferance of the blessed martyrs , the devil invented other subtil devices , to wit , the imprisonments of them in darkness , and in the most noisome parts of the prison , the stretching of their feet in the s stocks , which were strained to the fifth hole , and such other sorts of punishment as enraged ministers ( and therefore full of the devil ) doe usually provide for those that are shut up in prison . so that many were suffocated in prison , whom the lord , manifesting his own glory , was pleased should after that manner depart out of this life . for some ( who had been so cruelly tortured , that in all likelyhood they could not possibly live any longer , although they should have had all methods of cure administred to them , ) continued in prison ; destitute indeed of humane assistance , but corroborated by the lord , and strengthened in body and mind , who also encouraged and comforted the rest : but others who were young , and newly apprehended , whose bodies had not before been accustomed to endure tortures , were not able to bear the burthen of confinement , but died in prison . now the blessed pothinus , who was entrusted with the administration of the episcopal office in lyons , being above the age of ninety years , and very infirm of body , scarce able indeed to draw his breath by reason of his present bodily imbecillity , but corroborated with alacrity of mind through an earnest desire of an approaching martyrdom ; he , i say , was also haled to the tribunal : his body indeed was both by age and also by his distemper decayed and spent , but his life was preserved in him , that christ might triumph thereby . he , being carried to the tribunal by the souldiers , the magistrates of the city accompanying him , and the whole multitude raising shouts of all sorts against him , ( as if he had been christ , ) exhibited a good testimony : but being asked by the president who was the god of the christians , he replied , if you be worthy , you shall know . after this answer , he was drag'd up and down after a most inhumane manner , and suffered various sorts of blows and stripes ; both those who were neer , exercised all manner of injurious usage towards him with hands and feet , shewing no reverentiall respect to his age ; and such as were at a distance cast at him whatever each person had ready at hand : yea , they all accounted it to be a great offence and an impiety , should any one have been deficient in his insolent usage of him . for by this means they thought they should revenge their gods . and when there was scarce any breath left in him , he was cast into prison , where after two days he expited . but here there came to pass a singular dispensation of gods providence , and the immense mercy of jesus was demonstrated ; [ an instance whereof ] has indeed rarely happened among the brotherhood , but which was not at all disagreeable to the skill , and dexterity of christ. for those who , upon their being first apprehended , renounced the faith , were themselves also confined to prison , and partook of the same miseries which the martyrs underwent : for their denial of the faith was not in any wise beneficiall to them at that juncture of time . but those who confest themselves to be what they really were , were imprisoned as christians , no other crimination being laid to their charge : but these were kept in custody , as being , besides that , murderers and wicked persons , and underwent double the punishment that others did . for the joy of martyrdom , the hope of the promises , the love to christ , and the spirit of the father comforted those : but their conscience did heavily torture these ; in so much that * in their passage from the prison to the tribunal their countenances might be manifestly known and distinguished from all the rest . for those came forth chearfully , their countenances being intermixt with very much of majesty and pleasantness : in so much that their fetters encompassed them with a beautifull comliness , like a bride bedeck't with fringes of gold † wrought about with divers colours : and moreover they yielded a scent of the sweet savour of christ ; so that some thought they were anointed with terrestrial oyntment . but these had a dejected countenance , look't unpleasantly and illfavoured , and were filled with all manner of deformity : moreover they were reviled by the very heathens , as being cowardous and unmanly ; having indeed procured themselves the crimination of murderers , but lost that most honourable , glorious , and vivifick appellation [ of christians . ] which things when the rest beheld ; they were made stedfast ; and such as were apprehended did without any thing of dubiousness confess themselves to be christians , entertaining not the least thought of diabolical consideration . to these , having interposed some words , they again add , saying , — afterwards therefore , their martyrdoms were divided into all sorts of death : for , having platted one crown of different colours , and of all sorts of flowers , they offered it to the father . it was indeed fit , that those couragious champions , who had undergone a various combat , and been egregious conquerours , should receive the invaluable crown of incorruption . maturus therefore , and sanctus , and blandina , and attalus were brought before the wild-beasts into the t amphitheatre , and into the publick place , where the inhumanity of the heathens was exhibited ; a day for fighting with the wild-beasts being granted purposely upon the account of those of our religion . and maturus , and sanctus , did again undergoe all sorts of torments in the amphitheatre , as if they had before suffered nothing at all : but the rather , because having already subdued the adversary in many x encounters , and being now to engage in a combat for the crown it self , they again underwent such stripes in their passage thither as are customarily inflicted ; the being torn and drag'd up and down by the wild-beasts ; and whatever else the enraged people , some from one place some from another , called aloud for , and commanded ; and in fine , the iron chair , upon which their bodies being broyled , filled their noses with the offensive smell of burnt flesh . neither did they make an end of their cruelty thus , but were yet more fiercely enraged , being desirous to overcome the patient sufferance of the martyrs : but they heard no other expression from sanctus , save that which he had usually uttered all along from the beginning of his confession . these two persons therefore , after they had continued alive a long while under the sufferings of a mighty combat , at last were slain ; having been made a spectacle to the world throughout that day , instead of all that variety which is exhibited in the combats of the gladiatours . but blandina , being hung upon a piece of wood fixt in the ground , was proposed as food for the wild-beasts to prey upon ; who also , ( in that she seemed to hang in the form of a cross , ) by her strong and earnest prayer , implanted much alacrity upon the minds of those that were combatants ; when they saw ( whilst they were undergoing their sufferings , ) even with their outward eyes , under the person of their sister , him who was therefore crucified for them , that he might perswade those which believe in him , that whosoever suffers for the glory of christ hath eternal communion with the living god. now when none of the wild-beasts would then touch her , she was taken from the stake , and cast again into prison , being reserved for another combat : that so , having been y conquerour in many incounters , she might render the condemnation of the crooked serpent inexcusable ; also she encouraged the brethren , and though she was a person of small estimation , infirm , and despicable , yet having clothed herself with the strength of christ that great and invincible champion , she vanquished the adversary in many encounters ; and , after a glorious combat , was encircled with a crown of incorruption . attalus also was by the multitude most earnestly required to be delivered up to punishment , for he was an eminent person , and by reason of the clearness of his conscience proceeded forth like a champion prepared for the combat , in that he had been perfectly and throughly exercised in the christian discipline , and was always a witness of the truth amongst us : and after he had been z lead round the amphitheatre , ( a table being carried before him whereon was written in the roman tongue , this is attalus the christian , ) and the people had vehemently swell'd with rage and a●ger against him ; the president having understood that he was a roman , commanded he should again be committed to custody amongst the rest that were in prison . concerning whom he wrote to caesar , and expected an edict from him . now , this interval of time was spent neither idly , nor unfruit●ully by them , but by their patient sufferance , the immeasurable mercy of christ was made apparent : for those members of the church that were dead , were by the living revived ; and the martyrs conferred * kindnesses upon those who were no martyrs ; and there was a great joy begotten in the virgin mother [ the church ; ] she having again received those alive , whom by abortion she had cast forth as dead . for through the means of the holy martyrs many of those who had renounced the faith , were newly formed in the womb , born again , had their vital heat rekindled in them , and learned to confess themselves to be christians . and having now recovered life and strength , they came before the tribunal , ( god , who desireth not the death of a sinner but is indulgent and kindly invites him to repentance , a in●using a sweetness into them ) that they might again be interrogated by the president . for caesar had signified by his rescript , that those [ who confest themselves to be christians , ] should be b tortured ; but if any renounced the faith , they should be dismist from their imprisonment . now , the publick c assembly here ( which is frequented by a numerous concourse of people of all nations that meet together at it ) being newly begun , [ the president ] ordered the blessed martyrs to be brought before the tribunal , making them a gazing-stock , and , by way of ostentation , producing them as a pompous shew to the multitude . when therefore he had again interrogated them , as many as were found to have the priviledge ▪ of being free of the city of rome , he ordered should be beheaded ; the rest were cast to the wild-beasts . but christ was greatly glorified through those who formerly had renounced the faith , but then ( contrary to the expectation of the heathens ) became to be confessours : for these persons were interrogated apart , as being , in all probability , forthwith to be set at liberty ; but , having confess 't themselves to be christians , they were added to the d number of the martyrs . now , they continued without , who never had the least impression of faith , nor a sense of the wedding garment , nor a thought about the fear of god ; but by their conversation defamed the way of truth , that is , were the sons of perdition : but all the rest were added to the church ; during whose examination , one alexander , by countrey a phrygian , by profession a physitian , a person who had dwelt many years in the gallia's , and was known almost to all men by reason of his love to god , and his boldness and fearlesness in preaching his word , ( for he wanted not apostolick grace ; ) standing near to the tribunal , and by nods encouraging them to a confession of the faith , appeared to those who stood round the tribunal as if he endured the * pangs of childbirth : now the multitude being in a great sume , because those , who had before renounc't the faith , did now again make confession of it , cried out against alexander , as if he were the occasion thereof : and the president ( having commanded him to be e set before him , and asked him who he was , and he having said that he was a christian ) being in a rage , condemned him to be cast to the wild-beasts . and the day following he entred the amphitheatre together with attalus ; ( for the president , to gratifie the multitude , did again deliver attalus to the wild-beasts : ) which two persons , having undergone all the instruments of torment in the amphitheatre , that were invented to torture them with , and endured a great combat , were at last f run through with a sword . alexander indeed did neither sigh , nor utter any expression at all ; but in his heart spoke to god , and continued praysing of , and praying to him : but attalus , when he was set in the iron chair , and scortched all over , ( when the favour of his burnt flesh ascended from his body , ) said to the multitude in the roman tongue , behold , this that you doe , is to devour men ; but we neither devour men , nor practise any other thing that is evill : being asked also what name god had , he answered , god has not a name , as man has . in fine , after all these persons , on the g last day of the gladiatours combats , blandina was again brought forth , together with ponticus a youth about fifteen years old ; ( who also were everyday led in , to see the tortures of the rest ) and they constrained them to swear by their idols : but because they continued firm and constant , and contemned their gods , the multitude was so enraged against them , that they neither had compassion on the age of the young man , nor shewed any reverential respect towards the sex of the woman , but exposed them to all manner of cruell tortures , and made them pass through the whole circuit of torments , now and then compelling them to swear , but were unable to effect that . for ponticus , being encouraged by his sister , ( insomuch that the heathens perceived it was ●he that encouraged and strengthened him ) having couragiously undergone all sorts of tortures , gave up the ghost . but the blessed blandina , the last of all , having like a noble and valiant mother encouraged her children , and sent them before as conquerors to the king ; after she had measured over the same course of combats that her sons had passed through , hastned to them , being glad , and rejoycing at her exit , as if she had been invited to a nuptial supper , and were not to be cast to the wild-beasts . and after she had been scourged , exposed to the fury of the wild-beasts , and set in the h iron-chair , at last she was inclosed in a net , and thrown before a i bull : by which beast after she had been very much tossed , ( having been all along wholly insensible of the tortures she underwent , because of her hope and her retaining a firm assent to those things she believed , and also by reason of her familiar converse in prayer with christ , ) she also was run through with a sword : and the very heathens themselves confessed , that there never was any woman among them , which suffered so many and so great tortures . but their rage and cruelty towards the saints was not thus satiated : for the savage and barbarous nations , having been stirred up by that k fierce wild-beast , could not without great difficulty be appeased ; but their cruelty was begun afresh , in a new and peculiar manner ▪ against the bodies of the saints . for they were so far from being ashamed that they had been vanquished by the martyrs ( because they were destitute of humane reason and consideration , ) that their rage was more enkindled ; both the president and also the people ( like a fierce beast ) most unjustly demonstrating the same degree of hatred against us : that the scripture might be fulfilled , l he that is unjust , let him be unjust still , and he that is righteous , let him be righteous still . for those who had been suffocated in prison , they cast to the dogs ; watching continually night and day , least any of us should interre them ; then , having exposed the pieces of the bodies , as well what were left undevoured by the wild-beasts , as what remained unconsumed by the fire , partly torn , and partly burnt , also the heads of the rest together with their trunks , they kept them likewise unburied with a guard of souldiers for the space of many days . and some were full of indignation , and gnashed their teeth at the dead , being desirous to take some further revenge of them . others insulted over and derided them , extolling their idols , and attributing the punishment of the martyrs to them . but those that were more mild , and who seemed in some measure to sympathize with us , upbraided us very much , saying , where is their god ? and what emolument hath this religion brought them , which they preferred before their own lives ? and such variety was there in the heathens behaviour towards us ; but we were affected with a great grief , because we could not hide the bodies in the earth : for neither was the night assistant to us therein , m neither would money perswade them , nor could our prayers induce them to grant our request : but they watched the bodies with all imaginable care and diligence , as if they were to gain some great matter , if they should not be buried . after these words , having interposed some other expressions , they proceed , saying , the bodies therefore of the martyrs , having undergone all manner of ignominious usage , and being exposed in the open air for six days space , were afterwards burnt ; and being reduced to ashes , were by those impious wretches n swept into the river rhone which runs hard by ; that so no remains of them might be any longer visible upon earth . and this they did , as if they were able to have vanquished god , and deprive them of a resurrection ; that so ( as they said ) they might have no hope of rising again ; of which being fully perswaded , they introduce a strange and new religion amongst us , and , contemning the most exquisite torments , doe readily , and with alacrity of mind willingly undergoe death . let us now see whether they shall rise again , and whether their god is able to assist them , and deliver them out of our hands . chap. ii. how the martyrs beloved of god , kindly receiving such as fell away in the persecution , wrought a cure upon them . such were the calamities which befell the churches of christ , in the times of the foresaid emperour ; from which may be conjectured what also was done in the other provinces . it is worth our adjoyning hereto some other words out of the same epistle , whereby the meekness and humanity of the forementioned martyrs is described in these very words ; who also were so far followers and imitatours of christ , ( * who being in the form of god , thought it not robbery to be equal with god , ) that although they were in such an height of glory , and had suffered as martyrs not once , nor twice , but often , and had been taken from the wild-beasts and a committed again to prison , although they had the marks of fire , the scars of stripes , and wounds all over their bodies ; yet they neither declared themselves to be martyrs , nor would they suffer us to call them by that name . but if at any time any one of us , either by letter , or in discourse , termed them martyrs , they reproved us sharply . for they readily allowed the appellation of martyr to christ , ( who is the faithfull and true witness , and the first begotten of the dead , and the prince of the life of god ; ) they commemorated also those martyrs who were already departed this life , and said , those are now martyrs , whom christ vouchsafed to assume whilst they were making their confession , he having sealed their martyrdom by their death : but we are mean and humble confessours : and with tears they beseeched the brethren , entreating them , that earnest prayers might be made that they might be perfected : they also in reality demonstrated the power and efficacy of martyrdom , using much freedom of speech in their answers before all the heathens , and manifested their excellency by their patient sufferance , fearlesness , and undaunted courage : but they refused the appellation of martyrs given them by the brethren , having been filled with the fear of god. again , after some few words , they say ; they humbled themselves under the mighty hand , by which they are now highly exalted : then also b they excused themselves to all men , but accused none ; they loosed all men , and bound none ; yea they prayed for those who tortured them , as did stephen that perfect martyr , [ saying , ] * lord , lay not this sin to their charge . now if he prayed for those who stoned him , how much more [ is it credible that he prayed ] for the brethren ? again also , after some other words , they say ; for this was the greatest encounter they had with the devil , to wit , upon account of their genuine and sincere charity ; because the serpent , being strangled , vomited up those alive , whom he supposed he had digested . they did not proudly triumph over those that fell ; but bestowed , on such as were indigent , those good things with which they abounded , having motherly bowels of compassion , pouring forth many tears for them before [ god ] the father . they asked life , and he gave it them ; which also they imparted to their friends ; being victours c over all , they went to god : having always loved peace , and continually exhorted [ us ] to it , they departed in peace to god ; leaving no grief to their mother , no faction nor dissention amongst the brethren , but joy , peace , concord , and love . let thus much be here profitably placed , concerning the affection of these blessed persons towards those of the brethren that fell ; upon account of the inhumane and merciless disposition of d those , who afterwards behaved themselves most cruelly towards the members of christ. chap. iii. what a vision appeared to the martyr attalus in his sleep . moreover , the same epistle of the forementioned martyrs , contains also another relation worthy to be remembred ; which , for the information of the readers , we will very willingly insert : thus it is : for when alcibiades , one of the martyrs , ( who led an austere course of life , and in the foregoing part of his life hitherto had fed on nothing at all , but onely made use of bread and water , ) attempted to lead the same course of life during his imprisonment ; it was revealed to attalus ( after the first combat which he finished in the amphitheatre ) that alcibiades did not well , in his not making use of gods creatures , and leaving an example of scandall to others . but alcibiades submitted , fed on all meats afterwards promiscuously , and gave god thanks : for they were not destitute of the grace of god , but the holy spirit was their directour . these things were after this manner . now , when montanus , a alcibiades , and theodotus , began , then first of all , to be lookt upon in the opinion of most men as prophets ; ( for very many miracles of divine grace , at that time wrought in many churches , made most men believe , that they also were prophets ; ) and when there arose a dissention concerning these foresaid persons ; the brethren that were in gallia did again subjoyn their private opinion also concerning these men , ( which was religious and most orthodox , ) and annexed several epistles of those martyrs that had ended their lives amongst them , which , being yet in bonds , they wrote to the brethren in asia and phrygia , and also to b eleutherus then the bishop of rome , being c embassadours for the peace of the church . chap. iv. how the martyrs , by their epistle , recommended irenaeus . but the same a martyrs recommended b irenaeus ( who at that time was a presbyter of the church at lyons ) to the forementioned bishop of rome , giving the man a very good testimony , as their own words doe manifest , which are these ; we pray that you may in all things and always rejoyce in god , father c eleutherus ; we have entreated irenaeus our brother and companion to bring you these letters , and we beseech you that you would have him recommended , being a follower of the testament or covenant of christ. for if we knew that place would procure any man righteousness , we would chiefly have recommended him as being presbyter of the church , which degree he is of . what need we recount the catalogue of the martyrs in the foresaid epistle ; some whereof were perfected by being beheaded , others were cast for food to the wild beasts ▪ and others again dyed in prison ? or what need we reckon up the number of the confessours which till that time survived ? for he that is desirous , may easily and fully know all these things by taking into his hands that epistle , which , as i said , is inserted entire into our collection of the martyrs . and such were the things that happened in antoninus's time . chap. v. how god , having from heaven heard the prayers of some of our religion , sent rain to marcus aurelius caesar. report says , that when a m. aurelius caesar , brother to this emperour , had drawn up his men in battalia , in order to a fight against the germans and sarmatians , his army was brought into so great a streight by reason of thirst , that he knew not what course to take : and that the souldiers of the legion of b melitina , ( so it was called , * which legion , upon account of their faith , has continued from that time hitherto , ) kneeling down upon the ground ( whilst the army was setting in aray against the enemy ) according to our usual custom in prayer ▪ betook themselves to the making supplications to god. which sight seeming very strange to their adversaries , report says , that there soon after followed another thing much more wonderfull ; ta wit , both a terrible lightning , which put the enemy to flight and destroyed them ; and also a great shower of rain , which fell upon that army who had prayed to god , and refreshed it , when all the men in it were just ready to perish with thirst . which story is related both by those writers , ( who are wholly estranged from our religion , ) whose care it was to commit to writing matters done in those times ; and 't is also set forth by our own writers . but the c heathen historians , because they are alienated from the faith , have mentioned the wonder indeed , but confess not that it was done by the prayers of those of our religion . but our men , in that they are lovers of truth , have delivered what was done in a plain and ingenuous manner . amongst which number is apollinaris ; who says , from that time that legion , which by prayer had wrought that miracle , had a name given it by the emperour accommodate to what was done , being called in the roman tongue d fulminea . tertullian also is a witness of this matter worthy to be credited , who dedicated to the roman senate an apologie for our faith , ( which we have before made mention of ; ) wherein he confirms this story by a greater and more manifest demonstration . thus therefore he writes , saying , e that the letters of the most intelligent emperour marcus were extant in his time , wherein he attests , that his army in germany , being ready to perish for want of water , was preserved by the christians prayers . he says moreover , that this emperour threatned those with death , who attempted to accuse them of our religion . to which the forementioned writer adds these words also . f what-manner of laws therefore are these , which the impious , unjust , and cruel persons bring against us ? such laws as vespasian did not observe , although he had conquered the jews ; which trajan in part disanulled , forbidding that the christians should be sought for ; which neither adrian , ( although an inquisitive searcher into all things that were curious , ) nor he who was surnamed pius , did make authentick . but let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure ; we will proceed upon the series of the subsequent parts of our history . pothinus therefore having finished his life , ( together with those that suffered martyrdom in gallia , ) when he was ninety years old compleat , g irenaeus succeeded in the bishoprick of lyons , which see pothinus presided over . this irenaeus was , we understand , an auditour of polycarps in his younger years . this person setting down ( in his third book against heresies ) the succession of the bishops of rome , closes his catalogue with eleutherus , ( whose times and actions we now make our researches into ) because in his time he compiled that elaborate work ; he writes thus . chap. vi. a catalogue of those who were bishops of rome . the blessed apostles therefore , having founded and built the church , delivered the episcopal office to linus ; of whom paul has made mention in his epistles to * timotheus . anencletus succeeded him ; after whom , in the third place from the apostles , clemens had the bishoprick allotted to him ; who had seen the blessed apostles , and was conversant with them ; and as yet he had the preaching of the apostles sounding in his ears , and their tradition before his eyes : and not he alone ; for at that time there were many yet remaining alive , who had been taught by the apostles . in the times of this clemens , when no small dissension rose among the brethren at corinth , the church of rome sent a most compleat and agreeable epistle to the corinthians , joyning them together in peace , and renewing their faith , and the tradition they had lately received from the apostles . and after some few words he says , evarestus succeeded this clemens , and alexander evarestus ; then xystus was constituted the sixth from the apostles : after him telesphorus , who suffered a glorious martyrdom ; after him hyginus ; then pius ; after pius anicetus : soter having succeeded anicetus , eleutherus is now in possession of the episcopal office , in the twelfth place from the apostles . in this same order and a succession , both the tradition of the apostles in the church , and also the promulgation of the truth , is descended unto us . chap. vii . that , even to those times , miracles were wrought by the faithfull . all this , being agreeable to what we have delivered in the foregoing books of our history , irenaeus has given his assent to in those five books of his , which he entitled the confutation and overthrow of knowledge falsly so called ; in the second book of which subject he does in these words manifest , that even in his days there remained in some churches examples of the divine and wonderfull power of god in working miracles , saying ; so far are they from raising the dead , as the lord and the apostles did by prayer . and frequently amongst the brotherhood , ( the whole church of one place having with much fasting and a prayer requested ) the soul of the defunct has returned into his body , and the man has had the benefit of life conferred upon him by the prayers of the saints . and again , after the interposition of some words , he says ; but if they say , that the lord wrought such miracles as these in appearance only , not really , we will bring them to the oracles of the prophets , and from thence demonstrate that all things were thus predicted concerning him , and most undoubtedly done by him , and that he onely is the son of god. therefore they which are his true disciples , receiving grace from him , doe in his name perform all things for the benefit of the rest of mankind , according as every one of them hath received the gift from him . for some of them do certainly and truely cast out devils ; in so much that those very persons , who were cleansed from evil spirits , frequently become believers , and continue in the church . others have the fore-knowledge of things future , and visions , and utter prophetick predictions . others by the imposition of their hands heal the sick , and restore them to their former soundness : and moreover , as we said , the dead also have been raised , who continued with us many years after . what shall we say more ? we cannot declare the number of the gifts , which the church throughout the whole world having received from god , in the name of jesus christ who was crucified under pontius pilate , does daily perform for the benefit of the nations ; she uses no deceit towards any person , neither does she sell her gifts : for as she has freely received them from god , so she freely ministers them to others . and in another place the same authour writes thus ; in like manner as we have heard many brethren in the church who had prophetick gifts , and by the spirit spoke all sorts of languages ; who also revealed the secrets of men , in such cases as 't was profitable and necessary , and explained the mysteries of god. and thus much [ concerning this matter , to wit ] that diversities of gifts continued with such as were worthy , untill those times before manifested . chap. viii . after what manner irenaeus makes mention of the divine scriptures . but because in the beginning of this work of ours , we promised , that we would produce in due place the words of the ancient ecclesiastick presbyters and writers , wherein they have delivered in writing the traditions concerning the books of the old and new testament which came to their hands , ( a of which number irenaeus was one ; ) come on , we will here adjoyn his words ; and first what he has said of the sacred gospels , after this manner ; matthew published his gospel among the hebrews , written in their own language , whilest peter and paul were preaching the gospel at rome , and founding the church . b after their death , mark the disciple and interpreter of peter , delivered to us in writing what peter had preached . luke also , the follower of paul , compiled in a book the gospel preach't by him . afterwards john the disciple of the lord , he that leaned on his breast , publisht a gospel , when he lived at ephesus [ a city ] of asia . thus much the forementioned authour has said in the third book of the foresaid work : and in his fifth book he discourses thus concerning the revelation of john , and the number of antichrist's name , these things being thus , and this number being extant in all accurate and antient copies , and those very persons who saw john face to face , attesting the truth of these things , even reason doth teach us , that the number of the beasts name according to the computation of the grecians , is made apparent by the letters contained in it . and after some other passages , he speaks thus concerning the same john , we therefore will not run the hazard of affirming any thing too positively concerning the name of antichrist ; for if his name were to have been openly declared in this age , it would have been express't by him who saw the revelation . for it was not seen long since , but almost in our age , about the end of domitian's reign . thus much is related by the foresaid authour concerning the revelation : he mentions also the first epistle of john , and produces many authorites out of it ; as also out of the second epistle of peter . he not onely knew , but also approved of the book , called pastor ▪ saying , truly therefore hath that book said , which contains this , before all things believe that there is one god , who created and set in order all things , and so forth . he quotes some words out of the c wisedom of solomon , saying in a manner thus ; the vision of god procures incorruption , and incorruption makes us neer unto god. he makes mention also of the d sayings of an apostolick presbyter , ( whose name he has concealed , ) and annexes his expositions of the divine scriptures . moreover , he makes mention of justin martyr and ignatius , quoting also authorities out of their writings . the same person has promised to confute marcion , in a separate volume , by arguments pickt out of his own writings . and concerning the translation of the divinely inspired scriptures , hear what he writes word for word , god therefore was made man , and the lord himself saved us , having given the sign of the virgin. but not as some say who are so audacious as to traduce the scripture thus , behold , a young woman shall conceive , and bring forth a son ; as e theodotion the ephesian has translated it , and aquila of pontus , both jewish proselytes . whom the ebionites having followed , say that christ was begotten by joseph . hereunto , after a few words , he adds , saying ; for before the romans had firmly compleated their empire , ( the macedonians as yet possessing the government of asia , ) f ptolemaeus the son of lagus , endeavouring with much care and industry to adorn the library he had prepared at alexandria , with the writings of all men , which were accurately compiled , requested those of jerusalem , that he might have g their scriptures translated into the greek language . they ( for till that time they were subject to the macedonians ) sent to ptolemaeus the seventy seniours , which were the most skilfull persons among them in the scriptures , and most expert in both the languages ; h satisfying the kings desire herein . [ ptolemy ] desirous to make tryal of every one of them , and being fearfull least by compact they should agree to conceal the truth of the scriptures by their translation i separated them one from another , and commanded every one of them to write a translation : and this he did throughout all the books . when they were come all together into the same place in the presence of ptolemy , and had compared together the version of every particular person amongst them , god was both glorified , and the scriptures acknowledged to be truely divine : for they all from the beginning to the end , set down the same things in the same words and in the same expressions ; in so much that the gentiles which were present , acknowledged the scriptures were translated by the inspiration of god. neither need it seem marvellous that god should doe this ; seeing that in the captivity of the people under nebuchodonosor , ( the scriptures being then corrupted , ) when after seventy years the jews returned into their own country , afterwards in the times of artaxerxes king of the persians , he inspired esdras the priest of the tribe of levi to recompose all the books of the former prophets , and restore to the people the law delivered by moses . thus far ireneus . chap. ix . who were bishops in the reign of commodus . moreover , antoninus having held the empire nineteen years , commodus assumed the government . in whose first year julianus undertook the prefecture of the churches at alexandria , agrippinus having compleated the twelfth year of his presidency . chap. x. concerning pantaenus the philosopher . at that time there was a man , governour of the school of the faithfull * there , who upon account of his learning was most eminent , his name was pantaenus ; for from a very ancient custom there had been an ecclesiastical school among them , which also continued to our days ; and we have been informed that 't is furnished with men who are very able scholars , and industrious about divine matters : but fame says that the forementioned pantaenus was at that time the most eminent person among them , because he was bred up in the precepts and institutions of that philosophical sect called stoicks . moreover , t is said , he shewed so great a willingness of mind and ardency of affection towards the [ publication of the ] divine word , that he was declared the preacher of christs gospel to the nations of the east , and jorneyed as far as india . for there were many evangelical preachers of the word even at that time , who inflamed with a divine zeal , in imitation of the apostles , contributed their assistance to the enlargement of the divine word , and the building men up in the faith . of which number pantaenus was one , and is reported to have gone to the indians . where , as 't is famed , he found the gospel according to matthew , amongst some that had the knowledge of christ there , before his arrival . to whom bartholomew one of the apostles had preacht , and a left them the gospel of s t matthew written in hebrew ; which was preserved to the foresaid times . moreover , this pantaenus , after many excellent performances , was at last made governour of the school at alexandria ; where by his discourses and writings he set forth to publick view the treasures of the divine points . chap. xi . concerning clemens alexandrinus . at the same time flourisht clemens at alexandria , ( being laborious together with pantaenus in the studies of the divine scriptures , ) who had the same name with that ancient prelate of the roman church , that was a disciple of the apostles . he ( in his book a of institutions ) makes express mention of pantaenus , as having been his master . to me he seems to mean the same person also , in the first book of his stromatewn , where recording * the most eminent successours of the apostolick doctrine by whom he had been instructed , he says thus ; now this work of mine i have not composed for ostentation ▪ but these memoires i have treasured up , as a remedie against the forgetfulness of mine old age ; that they may be a true representation and a●umbration of those lively and powerfull discourses , which i have had the happiness to hear from blessed and truely worthy and memorable persons . of which one was ionicus , [ whom i heard ] in greece ; another in † magna graecia ; the first of them was a coelo-syrian ▪ the other an egyptian . others of them lived in the east : of which one was an b assyrian ; the other in palestine , by original extract an c hebrew . the last [ master ] i met with , ( who yet was the first and chiefest in power and virtue , whom i inquisitively sought out and foundlying hid in egypt , ) i did fully acquiesce in , and searched no further . these therefore preserving the sincere tradition of the blessed doctrine , which they had immediately received from the holy apostles peter , james , john , and paul , ( like children from the hands of their parents , although few children be like their parents ) are by gods blessing come down to our time , sowing those primitive and apostolic seeds [ of truth . ] chap. xii . concerning the bishops of jerusalem . at that time narcissus , bishop of the church at jerusalem , flourished , a man very famous amongst many even at this time : he was the fifteenth in succession from the siege of the jews under adrian . from which time we have before manifested , that the church of the gentiles was first constituted there , after those of the circumcision ; and also that mark was the first bishop of the gentiles that presided over them . after whom the a successions of the [ bishops ] there doe shew that cassianus had the episcopal chair : after him publius ; then maximus ; and after these julianus ; then caius ; to whom succeeded symmachus ; then another caius , and again julianus the second ; moreover capito , b valens , and dolichianus ; last of all this narcissus , who in a continued series of succession was the thirtieth from the apostles . chap. xiii . concerning rhodon , and the dissention of the marcionites , which he has made mention of . about the same time also rhodon , born in asia , ( who , as himself relates , had been instructed at rome by tatianus , whom we mentioned before , ) wrote many books , and together with others ingaged against the heresie of marcion . which , he relates , was in his time divided into several opinions . he has recorded the authours of this dissention , and with exquisite diligence confuted the lies invented by every one of them . hear therefore what he has written in these words . wherefore also they disagree amongst themselves , because they are assertours of an opinion which is ill put together . for apelles , one of their gang , ( a who boasts of his age and pretends to lead a more abstemous and strict course of life , ) confesses there is but one principle ; but says the oracles of the prophets proceed from an opposite spirit , being induced to believe this by the responses of a virgin , possessed with a devil , by name philumena . but others of them , ( in like manner as does marcion himself , the b mariner ) assert there are two principles ; of which number are c potitus , and basilicus ; and these followers of that * wolfe of pontus , being unable to find out the distinction of things , ( which neither could he doe , ) have given themselves over to rashness , and have simply and without any thing of demonstration affirmed there are two principles . others again [ differing ] from these , and running themselves into worse [ assertions , ] suppose there are not onely two , but also three natures . of which sort syneros was the ringleader and first founder , as the defenders of his doctrine doe say . the same authour writes that he discours't with apelles ; he says thus ; for the old man apelles , having had a conference with us , was convinc't that he maintained many things that were false ; upon which account he said ●aith should in no wise be too severely inquired into , but , that every one should persist in what he had believed . for he asserted that those who hoped in [ christ ] crucified should be saved , provided they be found doing of good works . he concluded the [ question ] concerning god , to be to him ( as we said before ) the most obscure thing of all . for he affirmed there was but one principle , as our religion [ asserts . ] then , having set forth his whole opinion , he subjoyns these words ; but when i said to him , whence have you this demonstration , or for what reason can you affirm there is but one principle , tell us ? he answered , that the prophecies confuted themselves , because they uttered nothing that was true : for they disagree , and are false , and opposite to themselves ; but , how there was but one principle , he profes't he knew not , but was induced onely to think so . after this , when i conjured him to speak the truth , he swore he spoke what was true , to wit , that he knew not how there could be one unbegotten god , but he believed it . i laughed , and reprehended him , because he stiled himself a doctour , and knew not how to make good what he taught . but , in the same book which he dedicated to callistion , the said rhodon doth confess that he himself was instructed at rome by tatianus . moreover he says , tatianus compiled a book of questions ; wherein tatianus having promised to explain the dark and obscure passages of the sacred scriptures , this rhodon professes he would set forth the solutions to his qu●stions . there is also extant of this persons , a comment upon the six days work of the creation . indeed , this apelles uttered many impious expressions against the law of moses , in many books speaking irreligiously of the divine scriptures , and using his utmost diligence to confute , and ( as he thought ) to overthrow them . but thus much concerning these things . chap. xiv . concerning the false prophets of the cataphrygians . moreover , that adversary of gods church , ( who hates goodness , and makes mischief his chiefest delight , ) omitting in no wi●e any ways or methods of treachery towards men , caused new heresies again to grow up against the church : the followers whereof crawl'd , like venemous serpents , all over asia and phrygia ; and boasted that montanus was the * paraclete , and that the two women priscilla and maximilla , his companions , were his prophetesses . chap. xv. concerning the schism of blastus raised at rome . others also sprang up at rome , whom florinus , degraded from being a presbyter of the church , headed . blastus was in like manner intangled in the same a errour . which two persons drew away many from the church , and inticed them to imbrace their opinion ; each of them severally endeavouring to introduce innovations against the truth . chap. xvi . what has been committed to memory concerning montanus , and his false prophets . moreover , that power , which is the defender of the truth , raised up apollinaris [ bishop ] of hierapolis , ( whom we made mention of before , ) and together with him many others , who at that time were eloquent and learned men , as it were a strong and inexpugnable defence against the said heresie of the cataphrygians . by which persons we have a copious subject left us for this our history . a one of the said persons therefore , in the preface to his work against the cataphrygians , does in the first place shew that he assaulted them with unwritten arguments . for he begins after this manner : having a sufficient while since been enjoyned by thee , beloved b avirci●s marcellus , to write a book against the heresie of c miltiades , till now i have in a manner continued doubtfull and unresolved ; not that i wanted ability both to confute falsehood , and also to give evidence to the truth ; but i was fearfull and cautious , lest to some i should seem by writing to add to , or make a further determination about , the doctrine of the new covenant of the gospel : to which nothing must be added , nor any thing taken away from it , by him that resolves to lead a life agreeable to the gospel it self . but , being lately at ancyra [ a city ] of galatia , and finding the church d then e filled with the noise of this new ( not , as they call it , prophecy , but , as it shall be demonstrated , ) false prophecy ; as well as i was able , ( god assisting me , ) i discourst f frequently in the church many days both concerning these very things , and also about other [ points ] proposed by them : insomuch that the church did greatly rejoyce , and was confirmed in the truth ; but the adversaries were at that time confuted , and g the enemies of god made sorrowfull . when therefore the presbyters of that place requested me to leave some written record of what had been spoken against those adversaries to the word of truth ; h ( zoticus otrenus our fellow presbyter being then present also ▪ ) i did not indeed doe that ; but promised , that , ( by the assistance of the lord , ) i would write here , and send it quickly and carefully unto them . having said these words and some others after these in the preface of his book , he proceeds , and sets forth the authour of the foresaid heresie after this manner . this their stubborn contention therefore against the church , and this new heretical separation [ from it ] had this original . there is said to be a certain village in that i mysia [ which borders upon ] phrygia , called by the name of ardaba . there , they say , one of those who had newly embraced the faith , by name montanus , ( when gratus was proconsul of asia , ) by reason of his immoderate desire after , and love for , the chief place , gave the adversary an entrance into himself , and was filled with the devil ; and being on a suddain possest with a ●urious and frantick temper of mind , became perfectly mad , and began to utter strange and barbarous expressions , foretelling what was to come ; [ a thing which is ] contrary to the order and institution of the church received from antient tradition , and [ propagated ] by a continued succession . now , of those who at that time were at the hearing of his counterfeited expressions , some with indignation rebuked him , as being moved by , and possest with , a devil and a spirit of errour , and as being a disturber of the multitude ; they prohibited him also to speak ; [ for ] they were mindfull of the lords * premonition and his menaces , [ whereby we are commanded ] with vigilancy to beware of the coming of false prophets . but others , as if they had been inspired by the holy ghost and with the gift of prophecy , conceiving also very high thoughts of themselves , and being unmindfull of the † lords premonition , provoked that infatuating , flattering , and seducing spirit [ to speak ; ] and being enticed and deceived by it , forbad it should any more be silen●'t . by this art , or rather by this method of subtilty and mischief , the devil plotted destruction against those who were disobedient to [ the lords premonition ; ] and , being undeservedly honoured by them , he excited and enkindled their minds , which had k forsaken the true faith. for he stirred up two other women , and filled them with a counterfeit spirit : so that they ( like the fore-mentioned person ) uttered extravagant , foolish and strange expressions ; and those who delighted in and boasted of that matter , that spirit pronounced blessed , and puft them up with the greatness of the promises . sometimes also , making use of conjecturall and credible arguments , he condemned them publickly , that so he might also seem a l reproving [ spirit . ] those few , who were deceived , were phrygians . but this insolent spirit taught them to revile the whole church under heaven , because this spirit of false prophecy received neither honour from , nor found any way of entrance into it . for when the faithfull throughout asia had met often and in many places of asia upon this account , and had inquired into this new doctrine , and determined it to be prophane , and rejected this heresie , they were expelled out of the church , and interdicted communion [ with the faithfull . ] having related thus much in the beginning [ of his work ] and subjoyned , throughout that whole book , a confutation of their errour ; in his second book he says these words concerning the death of the forementioned persons . whereas therefore they have termed us the murderers of the prophets , because we have not admitted of their prattling and lying prophets , ( for these , they say , are those whom the lord promised to send his people , ) let them answer us for god's sake , is there any one of those , ( most excellent ! ) who even from montanus and his women began to speak , that hath been persecuted by the jews ; or slain by the impious ? not one : is there any one of them who has been apprehended and crucified for the name [ of christ ? ] none at all . neither hath any of their women been scourged in the synagogues of the jews , or stoned : [ not one of them ] any where or in any wise ▪ yea , montanus and maximilla are said to have dyed another manner of death . for , t is famed , both these persons , incited thereto by that furious spirit , hanged themselves ; not together , but each of them at the time of their death , as t is strongly reported . and so they dyed and put an end to their lives after the same manner that the traitour judas did . in like manner also common ●ame says , that that admirable [ fellow ] theodotus , who was as it were the first m procuratour of that they stiled their prophecie , was possest with a n false ec●tasie of mind , as if at some time or other he should be lifted up , and assumed ●nto heaven ; and that having given himself wholly up into [ the power of ] that spirit of errour , he was thrown into the air [ by him , ] and dyed miserably . 't is said indeed , that this thing was thus done ; but in as much as we saw it not , we doe not suppose ( o macarius ! ) that we certainly know any thing hereof . for peradventure montanus , theodotus , and the foresaid woman dyed after this manner , perhaps they did not so die . again , in the same book he says the holy bishops of that time did attempt to confute the spirit which was in maximilla ; but were prohibited by others , to wit , those that were favourers of that spirit : he writes thus ; and let not the spirit in maximilla say [ to me , ] ( o as 't is related in the same book of asterius urbanus , ) i am driven as a wolf from the sheep . i am not a wolf . i am the word , the spirit , and the power : but let him evidently manifest and prove that power in the spirit ; and let him by that spirit compell those that were then present to confess that they tried and conferred with that babling spirit ; [ i mean ] those approved men and bishops , zoticus of the town comanes , and julianus of apamea : whose mouths p themison and those of his party having stopped , would not suffer that lying spirit to be reproved by them . again , in the same book , ( having interposed some words to confute the false prophecies of maximilla , ) he evidences both the time when he wrote these things , and also mentions her predictions , wherein she had foretold there should be wars and commotions ; the falsehood of which [ predictions ] he reprehends in these words , and has not this lie been already made apparently manifest ? for to this day 't is more than thirteen years , since this woman died ; and yet there has not been either a particular , or an universal war in the world . yea rather , by the mercy of god , the christians have had a firm and lasting peace . and thus much out of his second book . out of the third i will also add some few words , where he says thus to those who boasted , that many even of their [ party ] had suffered as martyrs . when therefore they can return no answer , having been confuted in all passages we have mentioned , they endeavour to flee to the martyrs ; saying they have many martyrs , and that is a certain and undoubted evidence of that power by them called the prophetick spirit . but this , in my judgment , is much more untrue . for some [ followers ] of other heresies [ doe boast ] they have many martyrs , and yet we shall not , i think , upon this account embrace their opinion , nor confess they have the truth amongst them . those also who first followed the heresie of marcion , called marcionists , say they have very many martyrs of christ , and yet they doe not in truth acknowledge christ himself : and after some few words , he subjoyns hereunto , saying , wherefore also , as often as those of the church , being called to [ undergoe ] martyrdom for the true faith , have by accident happened into company with some of those of the phrygian heresie , who are called martyrs , they dissent from them , and , having avoided all communion with them , are perfected by a glorious martyrdom ; for they are unwilling to give their assent to the spirit of montanus and his women : and that this is true , 't is manifest from what has been done in our times in [ the city ] apamea , scituate on [ the river ] meander , by caius and alexander of eumonia , who suffered martyrdom . chap. xvii . concerning miltiades , and the books he compiled . in the same book he makes mention of one miltiades , a writer , who also wrote a book against the foresaid heresie : having therefore cited some words of those [ hereticks , ] he proceeds , saying ; having found all this in a certain book which they wrote in answer to a book of our brother a alcibiades's , wherein he proves , that a prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind , i epitomized them . a little after this , in the same book , he enumerates the prophets of the new testament ; amongst whom he recounts one ammias , and quadratus , he says thus , b but a false prophet in a false extasie , ( whose concomitants are licentiousness and audaciousness , ) takes his beginning indeed from a voluntary ignorance , but ends , as i have said in an involuntary madness of mind : they shall not be able to show any of the prophets , either under the old , or new testament , who was inspired after this manner [ by such a spirit . ] they shall not boast of agabus , nor of judas , nor of silas , nor of the daughters of philip , nor of ammias in philadelphia , nor of quadratus , nor of many others which do not at all belong to them . again , after some few words , he says thus , for if , as they say , montanus's women succeeded in the gift of prophecy after quadratus and ammias in philadelphia , let them show us , who among them have been the successours of montanus and his women . for the apostle is of opinion that the gift of prophecy ought to continue in every church untill the last advent [ of our lord. ] but they are unable to shew [ any prophet , ] although this is now the fourteenth year since the death of maximilla . thus far he . now that miltiades , whom he mentions , has left us other monuments of his diligence about the divine scriptures , both in the books he composed against the gentiles , and also in those against the jews ; having prosecuted each subject particularly in two volumes . moreover also , he made an apology for the [ christian ] philosophy , which he profest , [ and dedicated it ] to the c presidents of the provinces in that age. chap xviii . how apollonius also confuted the cataphrygians , and whom he has made mention of . apollonius also , an ecclesiastick writer , imploying himself about a confutation of that called the cataphrygian heresie , which in his time was prevalent in phrygia , composed a peculiar volume against them ; wherein he does both word by word disprove the false prophecies vented by them , and also laies open the life and manners of the founders of that heresie , [ shewing ] how they behaved themselves . hear what he says , in these very words , concerning montanus . but who is this new doctor ? his works and doctrine doe demonstrate : this is he who has taught a dissolution of marriages : who has imposed a laws of fasting ; who has named pepuza and tymium ( little cities of phrygia ) jerusalem ; being desirous to gather together their men from all parts ; who has constituted exactours of money ; who , under the name of oblations , has subtilly mask't his taking of gifts ; who gives stipends to those that preach up his doctrine , that so by stuffing of the paunch the doctrine he professes may thrive and prevail . thus much [ he says ] concerning montanus . concerning his prophetesses , a little after these words he writes thus ; we have demonstrated therefore , that these principal prophetesses , for the time they were filled with the spirit , forsook their husbands : how falsly then doe they speak , who term b prisca a virgin ? then he goes on , saying : does not the whole scripture seem to you to prohibit a prophet to receive gifts & money ? when therefore i see a prophetess receive gold , and silver , and rich garments , how can i choose but abhor her ? again , after some words , he says this concerning one of those whom they call confessours . moreover , themison , who has covered himself with a c specious pretext of avarice , ( he who would not bear the d sign of confession , but rid himself of his bonds by a great sum of money , when as upon that account he should in future have behaved himself submissively , ) does [ notwithstanding ] boast himself to be a martyr , and has been so audacious , as , in imitation of the apostle , to write a general epistle , for the instruction of those who have behaved themselves more like true believers than he , but does [ therein ] defend the tenets of his own vain doctrine , and speaks impiously of the lord , his apostles , and holy church . again , he writes thus concerning others , who amongst them have been honoured as martyrs ; but that we may speak of no more , let the prophetess answer us concerning alexander , who terms himself a martyr , with whom she feasts , whom many of them pay a reverence to . whose robberies , and his other audacious facts ( for which he has been punished ) we need not speak of since they may be seen in that place where the publick e registers are kept . which therefore of these two forgives the others sins ? does the prophet [ pardon ] the martyrs robberies , or does the martyr [ forgive ] the prophets avarice ? for when as the lord has said , * provide neither gold , nor silver , neither two coats , these persons , wholly on the contrary , have committed heinous sins in possessing themselves of things that are forbidden . for we will evidence , that those which they call prophets , and martyrs , have extorted money not onely from the rich , but also from the indigent , from orphans , and widdows . and if they are confident [ of their innocency ] herein , let them stay , and decide the matter with us concerning these things , that so , if they shall be convinced , for the future they may leave their viciousness . for the fruits [ that is , the deeds ] of a prophet must be approved . for a tree is known by its fruit . that therefore those who are desirous may know the truth concerning alexander , judgment was past upon him at ephesus by aemilius frontinus the proconsul [ of asia ] not for the name [ of christ , ] but the robberies he had audaciously committed , being at that time an f apostate from christ. then , after he had counterfeited [ a profession of ] the name of the lord , and deceived the faithfull [ brethren ] there , he was dismist ; but his own church , where he was born , admitted him not , because he was a thief . those who are desirous to know all matters concerning him , may have recourse to the publick register of asia [ where they will find them . ] and yet the * prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man , whom he has converst with for many years . having evidently shown what this man is , we have also by him declared the imposture of the prophet . we are able to demonstrate the like in many other things . but if they have any confidence in themselves , let them undergoe the test . again , in another place of the same work , he adds these words concerning those prophets they boast of : if they deny that their prophets have received gifts , let them confess this , [ to wit ] if they be convinced that they have taken gifts , they are not prophets : and then we will produce infinite demonstrations hereof . 't is necessary that all the fruits of a prophet should be approved of : tell me , does a prophet g colour [ his hair ? ] does a prophet paint his eye-brows with * stybium ? does a prophet make it his business to deck and adorn himself ? does a prophet play at tables , and at dice ? does a prophet put money to usury ? let them confess ingenuously whether these things are lawfull or no ? but i will demonstrate they are done amongst them . the same apollonius does relate in the same work , that at that time of his writing that book , it was h fourty years since montanus undertook [ to vent ] his forged prophesie . and again , he says , that zoticus ( whom the former writer made mention of ) resolved to oppose maximilla , who then feigned her self to prophesie at pepuza , and attempted to reprove the spirit she was moved by ; but that he was forbidden by those that were her favourers . he makes mention also of one thraseas , who at that time was a martyr . moreover he says , as from tradition , that our saviour commanded his apostles , they should not for the space of twelve years depart from jerusalem : he quotes authorities also out of the revelation of john : and relates that john , by the divine power raised a dead man to life at ephesus . and he says many other things , whereby he sufficiently and fully sets forth the deceit of the foresaid pernicious heresie . thus much apollonius . chap. xix . serapion's [ opinion ] concerning the heresie of the cataphrygians . but serapion , ( who , as report says , was about this time bishop of the church of antioch after maximinus , ) makes mention of the writings of apollinaris against the foresaid heresie : he mentions him in that epistle he wrote to a caricus and ponticus ; wherein , refuting the same heresie , he subjoyns these words ; and that you may see , that the operation of that dissembling party called the b new-prophesie is abominated c by all the brotherhood in the world , i have sent you also the letters of claudius apollinaris of most blessed memory , who was bishop of hierapolis in asia . in that same epistle of serapion's , are contained the subscriptions of several bishops . one of whom has subscribed thus , i aurelius cyrenius martyr wish you health : another , after this manner , aelius publius julius bishop of d develtum a colony of thracia : as god liveth who is in heaven , sotas of blessed memory , who e was at anchialus , would have cast out priscilla's devil , but the hypocrites would not suffer him . in the said letters are extant the subscriptions of many other bishops , written with their own hands , who were of the same opinion with these . and of this sort were the matters appertaining to the said [ hereticks . ] chap. xx. what irenaeus wrote against the schismaticks at rome . a i renaeus composed several epistles against those at rome who adulterated the sound law of the church : he wrote one to blastus concerning schisme ; another to florinus concerning b monarchy , or , that god is not the maker of evil. for florinus seemed to be a maintainer of that opinion : upon whose account , ( being afterwards lead into the errour of valentinus , ) irenaeus compiled that work of his , [ entitled , ] c concerning the number eight . in which piece he intimates himself to have lived in the first succession after the apostles : there also at the close of that work , we found a most profitable d note of his , which we judged usefull to be inserted into this our history ; it is thus ; i adjure thee ( who shall transcribe this book ) by our lord jesus christ , and by his glorious coming to judge the quick and dead , that you compare what you shall transcribe , and correct it diligently according to that copie whence you shall transcribe it ; and that in like manner you transcribe this adjuration , and annex it to [ thy ] copy . and let thus much have been profitably said by him , and related by us , that we may always have [ before our eyes ] those antient and truely holy men , as the best pattern of a most accurate care and diligence . moreover , in that epistle ( we spake of ) which irenaeus wrote to florinus , he makes mention of his being conversant with polycarp , saying ; these opinions , ( o florinus ! ) that i may speak sparingly , doe not appertain to sound doctrine ; these opinions are dissonant from the church , and drive those who give their assent to them into the greatest impiety ; these sentiments even the hereticks , who are without the church , have not dared to publish at any time ; these opinions the presbyters , who lived before our times , who also were the disciples of the apostles , did in no wise deliver unto thee . for i saw thee ( when being yet a child i was in the lower asia , with polycarp , ) behaving thy self very well in the palace , and endeavouring to get thy self well esteemed of by him . for i remember the things then done , better than what has happened of late . for what we learnt being children , increases together with the mind it self , and is closely united to it . in so much that i am able to tell even the place where the blessed polycarp sate and discourst ; also his e goings out and comings in ; his manner of life ; the shape of his body ; the discourses he made to the populace ; the familiar converse , which , he said , he had with john , and with the rest who had seen the lord ; and how he rehearsed their sayings , and what they were , which he had heard from them concerning the lord ; concerning his miracles , and his doctrine , according as polycarp received them from those , who with their own eyes beheld the word of life , so he related them , agreeing in all things with the scriptures . these things , by the mercy of god bestowed upon me , i then heard diligently , and copied them out , not in paper , but in my heart ; and by the grace of god i doe continually and sincerely ruminate upon them . and i am able to protest in the presence of god , that if that blessed and apostolick presbyter should have heard any such thing , he would presently have cried out , and f stopped his ears , and according to his usual custom would have said ; good god! for what times hast thou reserved me , that i should suffer such things ! and he would have run out of the place , where he was either sitting or standing , should he have heard such words as these . and this may be manifested from those epistles of his , which he wrote either to the neighbouring churches to confirm them , or to some brethren to admonish and exhort them . thus far irenaeus . chap. xxi . how apollonius suffered martyrdom at rome . at the same time of commodus's empire , our affairs were converted into a quiet and sedate posture ; peace , by the divine grace , encompassing the churches throughout the whole world . in which interim the saving word [ of god ] allured * very many of all sorts of men to the religious worship of the universal god. so that now many of those at rome , who were very eminent both for riches and descent , did , together with their whole housholds and families , betake themselves to [ the attaining of ] salvation . but this could not be born with by the envious devil , that hater of good , being by nature malicious . therefore he a arms himself again , inventing various stratagems against us . at the city rome therefore , he brings before the judgement seat b apollonius , a man who was at that time one of the faithfull , and very eminent for his learning and philosophy ; having stirred up c one of * his ministers , who was fit for such a [ wicked enterprize ] to accuse this person . now this wretch , having undertaken this accusation in an unseasonable time , ( for , according to the d imperial edict , the informers against those that were [ christians ] were to be put to death ; ) had his legs forthwith broken , and was put to death , perennis the judge having pronounc't this sentence against him : but the martyr , most beloved by god , ( after the judge had e earnestly beseeched him by many entreaties , and requested him to render an account [ of his faith ] f before the senate , ) having made a most g elegant defence before them all for the faith he profest , h was , as it were by a decree of the senate , condemn'd to undergoe a capital punishment . for by an ancient i law 't was establisht amongst them , that those [ christians ] who were once accused before the judgment-seat , should in no wise be dismist , unless they receded from their opinion . moreover , he that is desirous to know apollonius's speeches before the judge , and the answers he made to the interrogatories of perennis , the oration also which he spoke before the senate in defence of our faith , may see them in our collection of the sufferings of the antient martyrs . chap. xxii . what bishops flourisht at that time . moreover , in the tenth year of commodus's reign , eleutherus , having executed the episcopal office a thirteen years , was succeeded by victor . in the same year also , julianus having compleated his tenth year , demetrius undertook the government of the churches at alexandria . at the same time likewise serapion , ( whom we spake of a little before , ) flourisht , being the eighth bishop from the apostles of the antiochian church . at caesarea in palestine presided theophilus ; and in like manner narcissus ( whom we made mention of before ) at that time had the publick charge over the church at jerusalem . at corinth in achaia , b bacchyllus was then the bishop , and at the church of ephesus , polycrates . many others , 't is likely , besides these were eminent at that time ; but we , at it was meet , have onely recounted their names , by whose writings the doctrine of the true faith has been derived down to us . chap. xxiii . concerning the question then moved about easter . at the same time no small controversie being raised , because the churches of all a asia supposed , as from a more antient tradition , that the * fourteenth day of the moon ought to be observed as the salutary feast of easter , [ to wit ] the same day whereon the jews were commanded to kill the lamb , and that they ought always b on that day , ( whatever day of the week it should happen to be , ) to put an end to their fastings : when as [ notwithstanding ] 't was not the usage of the c churches over the rest of the world to doe after this manner ; which usage , being received from apostolick tradition , and still prevalent , they observed , [ to wit ] that they ought not to d put an end to their fastings on any other day , save that of the resurrection of our saviour : upon this account synods and assemblies of bishops were convened . and all of them with one consent did by their letters inform the [ brethren ] every where of the ecclesiastick decree , [ to wit ] that the mystery of our lords resurrection should never be celebrated on any other day but sunday , and that on that day onely we should observe to conclude the fasts before easter . there is at this time extant the epistle of those who then were assembled in palestine , over whom e theophilus bishop of the church in caesarea , and narcissus [ bishop ] of jerusalem , presided . in like manner , another [ epistle ] of those [ assembled ] at rome concerning the same question , having victor the bishops name prefixt to it : also [ another ] of those bishops in pontus , over whom f palmas , as being the most antient , presided . also [ an epistle ] of the churches in gallia , which irenaeus had the oversight of . moreover , of those in osdroëna and the cities there ; and g a private letter of bacchyllus's bishop of the corinthian church ; of many others also ; all which having uttered one and the same opinion and sentiment , proposed the same judgment ; and this we have mentioned , was their onely definitive determination . chap. xxiv . concerning the disagreement [ of the churches ] throughout asia . over those bishops in asia , who stifly maintained they ought to observe the antient usage heretofore delivered to them , presided polycrates : who , in the epistle he wrote to victor , and the roman church , declares the tradition derived down to his own times in these words : we therefore observe the true and genuine * day ; having neither added any thing to , nor taken any thing from , [ the uninterrupted usage delivered to us . ] † for in asia the great lights are dead , who shall be raised again in the day of the lords advent ▪ wherein he shall come with glory from heaven , and raise up all his saints , [ i mean ] philip , one of the apostles , who died at hierapolis , and his two daughters , who continued virgins to the end of their lives ; also his other daughter , having whilest she lived been inspired by the holy ghost , died at ephesus . and moreover , john , who leaned on the lords breast , and was a priest , wearing a a plate of gold , and was a martyr , and a doctor : this [ john i say ] died at ephesus . moreover also , polycarp bishop at smyrna and martyr , and b thraseas of eusmema , bishop and martyr , who died at smyrna . what need we mention c sagaris bishop and martyr , who died at laodicea ? and moreover d papirius of blessed memory , and e melito the eunuch , who in all things was directed by the suggestion of the holy spirit , who lies at sardis , expecting the [ lords coming to ] visit him from heaven , when he shall be raised from the dead ? all these kept the day of easter on the fourteenth day of the moon , according to the gospel : in no wise violating , but exactly following the rule of faith . and moreover , i polycrates , the meanest of you all , according to the tradition of my kinsmen , some of whom also i have followed : for f seven of my relations were bishops , and i am the eighth ; all which kinsmen of mine did alwaies celebrate the day [ of easter ] when the people [ of the jews ] g removed the leaven . i therefore , brethren , who am sixty five years old in the lord , and have been conversant with the brethren disperst over the world , and have read the whole scripture through , am not at all terrified at what i am threatned with . for those , who were greater than i , have said , * we ought to obey god rather than men . to these words , speaking of all the bishops who were present with him when he wrote , and were of the same opinion with him , he adjoyns thus much , saying , i could make mention of the bishops who are present with me , whom you h requested me to convene , and i have called them together : whose names should i annex [ to this epistle , ] they would be very numerous ; all which persons having visited me , ( who am a mean man ) did by their consent approve of this epistle ; well knowing that i have not born these hoary hairs in vain , but have alwaies lead my life agreeable to the precepts of the lord jesus . after this , victor the bishop of rome , did immediately attempt to cut off from the common unity the churches of all asia , together with the adjoyning churches , as having given their assent to heterodox opinions ; and i by his letters he publickly declares , and pronounces all the brethren there to be wholly excommunicate : but this pleased not all the bishops : therefore they perswade him to the contrary , [ advising him ] to entertain thoughts of peace , of unity and love of christians among one another . moreover their epistles are now extant , wherein they have sharply reproved victor . among whom irenaeus , having written a letter in k the name of those brethren in gallia , whom he presided over , does indeed maintain , that the mystery of our lords . resurrection ought to be celebrated onely on a sunday ; but does in many other words seasonably advise him not to cut off whole churches of god for observing an antient custom derived down to them by tradition : to which words he adjoyns thus much ; for the controversie is not onely concerning the day ; but also concerning the very l form of the m fast : for some suppose they ought to n fast o one day , others p two , others more ; q others computing forty [ continued ] hours of the day and night make [ that space ] their r day [ of fasting : ] and this variety in observing [ the fast ] has not been begun in our age , but a long while since , in the times of our ancestours : s who being ( as 't is probable ) not so diligent in their presidencies , proposed that as a custom to their successours , which was introduced by simplicity and unskilfulness . and yet nevertheless all these maintained mutual peace towards one another , which also we retain . thus the variety of the fast commends the consent of the faith . hereto he adjoins a relation , which i will sutably insert in this place ; it is thus : and the presbyters , who , before soter , presided over that church which you now govern , i mean anicetus , and pius , hyginus , telesphorus , and xystus , these persons [ i say ] neither observed it themselves , nor did they permit those t with them [ to observe it . ] nevertheless , although they themselves observed it not , yet they maintained peace with those that came to them from those churches wherein it was observed . but the u observation of it , amongst those who kept it not , seemed to have much more of contrariety in it . neither were any persons ever excommunicated upon account of this form [ of the fast : ] but the presbyters , your predecessours , who observed it not , † sent the eucharist to the [ presbyters ] of those churches which observed it not : and when x polycarp of blessed memory came to rome in the times of anicetus , and there had been a small controversie between them concerning some other things , they did straightway mutually embrace each other ; having not desired to be contentious with one another about this y head : for neither could anicetus perswade polycarp not to observe it , because he had always kept it with john the disciple of our lord , and the other apostles with whom he had been conversant : nor did polycarp induce anicetus to observe it , who said he ought to retain the usage of the presbyters that were his predecessours . these things being thus , they received the communion together . and anicetus permitted polycarp , ( to wit , out of an honourable respect to him ) to z consecrate the sacrament in his own church ; and they parted peaceably one from another ; as well those who observed it , as those who observed it not , retaining the peace and communion of the whole church . indeed , irenaeus , being truly answerable to his own name , was after this manner a peace-maker , and advised and asserted these things upon the account of the peace of the churches : the same person wrote not onely to victor , but sent letters also , agreeable hereunto , to several other governours of churches , concerning the said controversie which was then raised . chap. xxv . how all with one consent unanimously agreed about easter . moreover , those [ bishops ] of palestine , ( whom we mentioned a little before ) to wit , narcissus and theophilus , and with them cassius bishop of the church at tyre , and clarus [ bishop ] of that at ptolemais , together with those assembled with them , having treated at large concerning the tradition about easter , derived down to them by succession from the apostles , at the end of their epistle they adjoyn thus much , in these very words : make it your business to send copies of this our epistle throughout the whole church , that so we may not be blamed by those , who do easily seduce their own souls : we also declare to you , that they celebrate [ easter ] at alexandria on the same day that we doe : for letters are conveyed from us to them , and from them to us ; so that we observe the holy day with one consent and together . chap. xxvi . how many [ monuments ] of irenaeus's polite ingenie have come to our hands . a but , besides the fore-mentioned works and epistles of irenaeus's , there is extant a most concise and most necessary book of his against the gentiles , entituled concerning knowledge . and another , ( which he dedicated to a brother , by name marcianus , ) [ containing ] a b demonstration of the apostolick preaching . and a book of various c tracts , wherein he makes mention of the epistle to the hebrews , and that called the wisdom of solomon , and quotes some sentences out of them : and thus many are the [ writings ] of irenaeus , which came to our knowledge . but commodus having ended his government after he had reigned thirteen years , severus obtained the empire , pertinax having not governed full out six months after the death of commodus . chap. xxvii . how many also of [ the works of others ] who then flourished , [ are come to our knowledge . ] indeed , very many monuments of the virtuous and laudable diligence of those antient and ecclesiastick men which then [ flourisht ] are to this day preserved amongst many : but [ the works ] of those , whom we our selves could a discern to be such , are , heraclitus's [ comments ] upon the apostle , and the [ book ] of b maximus concerning that question so much talk't of amongst hereticks , whence evill proceeds : and concerning this that matter is made . also candidus's piece , on the six days work ; and that of apion upon the same subject . in like manner , s●xtus's book concerning the resurrection ; and another piece of arabianus's ; and of very many more ; whose times wherein they lived , because we want assistances from the proof thereof , we can neither commit to writing , nor yet c declare any memorable passages [ of their's , in this our history . ] there are also come to our hands the books of many others , whose very names we are unable to recite : all which were indeed orthodox and ecclesiastick [ persons ] as the interpretations of the sacred scripture [ produced ] by every one of them doth demonstrate ; but yet they are unknown to us , because what they have written has not their name prefixt to it . chap. xxviii . concerning those , who from the beginning were defenders of artemon's heresie ; what manner of persons they were as to their moralls , and how that they were so audacious as to corrupt the sacred scriptures . in an elaborate piece of one of those authours , composed against the heresie of artemon , ( which heresie paulus samosatensis has again attempted to revive in our age , ) there is extant a certain relation very accommodate to the history we now have in hand . for the a book now cited , evincing that the foresaid hereste , which asserts our saviour to be a meer man , was an innovation of a late date ; ( because the indroducers of it had boasted it was very ancient , ) after many [ arguments ] brought to confute their blasphemous lie , has this relation word for word ; for they affirm that all the ancients and the very apostles received and taught the same things which they now assert ; and that the preaching of the truth was preserved till the times of victor , who from peter was the thirteenth bishop of rome ; but from the times of his successour zephyrinus the truth has been adulterated . peradventure this saying of theirs might seem probable , did not in the first place the sacred scriptures contradict them , and then the writings of some brethren antienter than the times of victor , which books they wrote in defence of the truth , against the gentiles , and against the heresies of their own times . i mean the [ writings of ] justin , miltiades , tatianus , and clemens , and of many others : in all which books the divinity of christ is maintained . for who is he that is ignorant of the books of irenaeus , melito , and the rest , which declare christ to be god and man ? the b psalms also and hymns of the brethren , written at the beginning by the faithfull , doe set forth the praises of christ the word of god , and attribute divinity to him . seeing therefore this ecclesiastical opinion has been manifestly declared for so many years since , how can it be that the [ antients ] should have preacht that doctrine , which these men assert , untill the times of victor ? how can they choose but be ashamed of framing such lies of victor ; when as they know for certain that victor excommunicated theodotus the tanner , the founder and father of this apostacy which denies god , who first asserted christ to be a meer man ? for if victor were ( as they say ) of the same opinion with that , which their blasphemie does maintain , why did he proscribe theodotus the inventour of this heresie ? and such was the face of affairs in the times of victor : to whom , having presided in his publick charge ten years , zephyrinus was made successour about the ninth year of severus's empire . [ further , ] the person that compiled the foresaid book concerning the authour of the now-mentioned heresie , relates another thing which was done in the times of zephyrinus , in these very words ; i will therefore advertize many of the brethren of a thing done in our age ; which , had it happened in sodom , would , i suppose , have put those inhabitants in mind of [ repentance . ] there was one c natalis , a confessour , who lived not a long time a goe , but even in our times ; this man had been seduced by asclepiodotus , and another theodotus , a banker ; both which persons were disciples of theodotus the tanner , who before had been excommunicated , as i said , by victor then bishop , for this doctrine or rather madness : natalis was perswaded by them to be d elected a bishop of this heresie , upon the consideration of a salary , whereby he was to receive of them monthly an hundred and fifty pence . being therefore become one of their associates , he was by visions [ in his sleep ] frequently admonished by the lord : for our compassionate god and lord jesus christ was unwilling that he , [ who had been ] a witness of his own sufferings , should perish whilest he was under excommunication . but after he was regardless of the visions [ in his sleep , ] being beguiled with the bait of primacy among those [ of that sect , ] and of filthy lucre , ( which is the destruction of many men , ) at last he was scourged by the holy angels , and sorely beaten all night long . in so much that he arose very early , and having put on sackcloth , and besprinkled himself with ashes , in great hast , and with tears in his eyes , he cast himself down before zephyrinus the bishop , falling down not onely before the feet of the clergy , but of the laity also ; and with his tears moved the compassionate church of the mercifull christ : and after he had used much intreaty , and shown the e prints of the stripes he had received , with much difficulty he was admitted into the communion [ of the church . ] hereunto we will also annex some other words of the same writers concerning these [ hereticks ; ] they are these : they have impudently adulterated the sacred scriptures ; they have rejected the canon of the primitive faith ; and have been ignorant of christ : they are not inquisitive after that which the holy scriptures say , but bestow much labour and industry in finding out such a scheme of a syllogism , as may confirm the system of their impiety : and if any one proposes to them a text of the divine scriptures , they examine whether a f connex , or disjunctive form of a syllogism may be made of it : leaving the holy scriptures of god , they studie geometry ; being of the earth they speak of things terrestrial , and are ignorant of him who g comes from above : therefore amongst some of them euclids geometry is with great diligence studied ; aristotle and theophrastus are admired ; and in like manner h galen is by others of them even adored : what need i say , that these persons , ( who make use of the arts of infidels for the confirmation of their heretical opinion , and by the craft of atheists adulterate the sincere authority of the divine scriptures , ) are most remote from the faith ? hence 't is that they have impudently laid their hands upon the divine scriptures , saying they ought to be corrected ; he that is desirous may be informed that i speak not this falsely of them . for would any one examine the copies , which they have gotten together , and compare them one with another , he would find that they disagreed very much . for the copies of i asclepiadotus agree not with those of theodotus . many such copies as these may be procured ; because their disciples have with much labour and curiosity written the corrections ( as they call them , that is , the corruptions ) of every one of their [ masters . ] again , the copies of hermophilus agree not with these now mentioned ; and those of apollonides differ one from another . for he that shall compare them will find that those copies first put forth k by him doe very much disagree from his other [ copies ] which he did afterwards again wrest and deform . how much of audaciousness there is in this wicked fact , 't is probable they themselves are not ignorant : for either they doe not believe the divine scriptures to have been dictated by the holy spirit , and then they are infidels : or else they account themselves wiser then the holy ghost ; and what are they then but mad-men ? for they cannot deny this audacious fact to have been done by their own selves , because [ the copies ] have been written out by their own hands : l neither did they receive such copies as these from those who were their instructours ; nor yet can they shew the copies out of which they transcribed these things . but some of them have not indeed vouchsafed to adulterate the scriptures , but having wholly rejected both the law , and the prophets , m by a lawless and atheistical doctrine under a pretext of grace , they are fallen into the deepest pit of destruction . and let thus much be after this manner related , concerning these things . the sixth book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . chap. i. concerning the persecution under severus . moreover , when severus stirr'd up persecution against the churches in every place throughout all the churches ; noble martyrdoms were perform'd by the champions of religion ; but [ the number of the martyrs ] at alexandria far exceeded the rest , the a choicest of the champions having been conveyed thither out of all egypt , and thebaïs , as to the noblest stadium of god ; who in reward of their most patient suffering divers sorts of torments , and several ways of death , were encircled with crowns from god : amongst whom leonides , said to be the father of b origen , was beheaded , and left his son very young . and here 't will not be unseasonable briefly to relate what zeal and affection he bore to the c gospel from this time of his childhood , and for this reason especially , because his fame is much celebrated by all men . chap. ii. concerning origens virtuous course of life from a child . now should any one undertake accurately and at his leisure to commit to writing this man's life , he must say much , and a strict collection of all passages concerning him , would require even a particular subject ; but our aim at present is to abbreviate most things , and in short , and as well as we can we will give an account of some few passages concerning him ; relating what things have been manifested by some epistles , or by the discourse of those his scholars , who were alive till our times . the passages concerning origen ( as one would say ) even from his cradle seem to me worth remembrance . severus therefore being in the tenth year of his reign , and laetus being governour of alexandria and the rest of aegypt ; demetrius also having lately taken upon him the episcopal office over the churches there , after julianus ; when the flame of persecution now raged grievously , and many thousands were crown'd with martyrdom , such a desire of martyrdom possess'd the soul of origen being yet very young , that he would expose himself to dangers , and was very ready , and willing to rush forward , and leap into the combate : so that now he was not far from death , had not the divine and celestial providence , for the good of many , hindred and restrained his willingness to die , by his mothers meanes . first therefore she intreated him like a suppliant , and beseech't him to take pitty of her motherly love : but when she saw him more intent upon his purpose , and when he understood his father was apprehended and imprison'd , he was wholly possess'd with a desire of martyrdom : wherefore she hid all his cloathes , and by this meanes necessitated him to abide at home : but he , seeing he had no way left , ( the alacrity of his mind surmounting the ripeness of his years , ) could not be at rest , but compos'd a most perswasive epistle concerning martyrdom , and sends it to his father , in which he thus exhorts him word for word , saying , [ father , ] take heed : let not your care for us make you change your resolution . let this be noted as the first token of origen's acuteness of wit from his childhood , and of his most sincere zeal for religion . for he had already got no small stock of knowledge in the doctrine of the faith , continuing whilst he was yet a child , to exercise himself in searching the holy scriptures ; about which he was not a little laborious ; his father having taken great care , both in instructing him in the liberal a sciences , and also in these not slightly : wherefore he always perswaded him to exercise himself in the study of holy things , rather than in the learning of the greeks , enjoyning it him as a daily task to learn something by heart out of scripture and repeat it : nor was the child unwilling , or slack in the performance , but most cheerfully laboured in these things , so that the simple , and common readings of the sacred scriptures could not satisfie him , but he would search after something more , and even from that time busily enquired into the more profound meanings thereof : insomuch that he troubled his father by asking him , what was the true meaning of such a sentence of scripture inspir'd by god. he seemingly before his face reprov'd him , admonishing him not to search into any thing above the capacity of his years , nor [ to enquire ] any further then the plain meaning [ of scripture . ] but he privately with himself rejoyc'd exceedingly , and gave the greatest thanks to god the authour of all good , that he youchsaf'd to make him the father of such a child : and 't is reported , he has often stood by the child as he slept , and laying his breast bare , would kiss it with reverence , as if the sacred spirit of god had been inshrin'd in it , and accounted himself blessed for his happy off-spring . these , and such like , they record , were the passages concerning origen in his childhood : but when his father was now crowned with martyrdom , he is left desolate ( together with his mother and younger brothers , six in number , ) being no more then seventeen years of age : moreover his father's estate having been confiscate , he was brought into extream want of necessary subsistance , together with his relations , but god thought him worthy of his providence . and he obtains entertainment and rest from a woman who was very rich in respect of her estate , and very eminent otherways . moreover ; ( who carefully ministred to a very famous man , one of that heretical sect then at alexandria , but by birth an antiochian . ) him the foresaid woman having adopted for her son , kept him with her and shew'd kindness to him in a most especial manner . but origen , though forc'd to converse with the said [ heretick ] yet from that time shew'd powerfull proofs of his sound opinion concerning the faith. for when great multitudes of people , not onely hereticks , but also them of our religion , flock'd to paul ( for this was the mans name ) because he seem'd to be a person of great eloquence ; [ origen ] could never be induced to assist him in prayer : always from a child observing the cannon of the church , and abominating the doctrines of heresies , ( as he himself in express words somewhere says ▪ ) and having been educated in the greek learning by his father at first , after his death he devoted himself wholly and more earnestly to the study of the liberal sciences ; so that he was furnished with an b indifferent skill in the art of grammar ; and having profest this art soon after his father's death , he got plenty of necessaries , considering the age he was then of . chap. iii. how origen being very young preach't the word of christ. a whilest he yet applied himself to his school , ( as he in his writings recordeth , ) no one residing at alexandria b to teach the principles of christianity , but all being driven away by the threatning persecution : some of the heathens resorted to him , to hear the word of god. of which number he notes plutarchus to have been the first ; who when he c had lived a virtuous secular life , was crown'd with divine martyrdom . the second was heraclas plutarchus's brother , who having under him shew'd many instances of a philosophical and severe course of life , was honour'd with the bishoprick of alexandria after demetrius . he was now in the eighteenth year of his age when he was master of the catechetical school ; in which he made great proficiency in the persecutions during the time of aquila's prefecture over alexandria . at which time he purchas'd to himself a famous name amongst all them who were well affected towards the faith , for the singular friendship and alacrity which he shew'd to all the holy martyrs known , and unknown . for he convers'd not onely with such as were in bonds , nor with them who had been examined untill their last sentence , but with those blessed martyrs also who , after that was pronounc't , were led to execution ; making use of great boldness he went to meet dangers : so that the furious multitude of the heathens standing round , were frequently not far from stoning of him , when he boldly came forth , and with great freeness of speech communed with the martyrs , and kissed them , had not he once miraculously escap'd , having the right-hand of god for his assistance . the same divine and heavenly grace at other times again and again ( so that t is impossible to say how often , ) preserv'd him from them who then lay'd wait for him , because of his exceeding cheerfulness and confidence in preaching the doctrine of christ : indeed , so great was the hostility of the infidells against him , ( because such multitudes were instructed by him in the things which appertain to the holy faith , ) that having made a d concourse , they set souldiers to watch about the house in which he abode . and the persecution against him waxed so hot daily , that all the whole city of alexandria could no longer secure him ; he removes indeed from house to house , but is driven from all places , because of the multitude which through him were made proselytes to the divine doctrine . for his common actions contain'd the most admirable rules of the truest philosophy : indeed , ( as the common saying is ) such as his doctrine was , such was his manner of life , and such as his manner of life was , such he demonstrated his doctrine to be : by this means especially , together with the divine power assisting him , he induced many to a zealous imitation of him . but when he saw many scholars now flocking to him , ( the exercise of catechising being committed solely to him by demetrius , who was bishop of the church , ) supposing the teaching of grammar disagreeable to his studies in divine learning , he forthwith breaks off his grammar school , as unprofitable and contrary to the sacred learning . then entring into a prudent consideration with himself , how he might not stand in need of assistance from others , he sold all the volumes he had of e antient heathen writers , which were most elaborately compil'd , and was content with four * oboli a day that were brought him by the buyer . for many years he persevered in this philosophical course of life , depriving himself of all f matter [ which might nourish ] youthfull lusts ; both undergoing no small labour of severe exercise in the day-time , and also assigning to himself the greater part of the night for his study in the holy scriptures , patiently persevering in the most philosophical life imaginable . somtimes he inur'd himself to the exercises of fasting ; at other times to houres measur'd out for his repose ; which he would by no means enjoy upon a bed , but made it his business to take it on the bare ground , for he , thought those evangelical words of our saviour ought most especially to be observ'd , which exhort us not to g have two coats nor to wear shoes , nor to be sollicitous about the cares of the time to come . moreover , with a courage far greater then his age , he patiently endur'd both cold and nakedness , and came to that height and extremity of want , that he made those of his acquaintance admire exceedingly . and he caus'd grief in many , who entreated him that they might communicate of their estates to him , because they saw him bring such labours on himself for the gospel's sake , but he remitted nothing of his patience . 't is reported he walk'd upon the ground barefoot many years , in no wise wearing any shoes . and also for many years he abstained from the use of wine , and from all other things , except necessary sustenance , so that now he fell into a great danger of spoiling and turning his h stomach . he deservedly excited most of his scholars to imitate him , shewing them , who look'd upon him , such examples of a philosophical life ; insomuch that now , not onely the i vulgar unbelieving heathens , but also they who were learned philosophers , were k through him brought to submit themselves to his doctrine . and it came to pass that they who receiv'd by him in the bottom of their hearts sincerely the faith of the gospel , were famous in the time of the then persecution : so that some of them after apprehension , finished their lives by martyrdom . chap. iv. how many of those who had been instructed by him , became martyrs . the first of them was the aforementioned plutarchus , whom ( when he was led to execution ) * he of whom the discourse is , accompanied to the last hour of his life , and again wanted little of being kill'd by the men of his own city , as seeming the cause of plutarchus's death . but then also the providence of god preserv'd him . next to plutarch the second of origen's disciples , that was a martyr , was serenus . who by fire gave a triall of the faith which he had receiv'd . heraclides was made the third martyr of the same school . the fourth after him was a heron. both which persons were beheaded , the former of them while he was yet learning the principles of christianity , the latter when he was newly b baptiz'd . besides these , another serenus , different from the former , is declared the fifth champion of piety [ who came out ] of this school . who , 't is reported , was punish'd with the loss of his head , after a most patient sufferance of many torments . and of women , c heraïs , who as yet was learning the principles of christianity , did , as he himself somewhere says , depart this life , having received baptism by fire . chap. v. concerning potamiaena . let basilides be reckoned the seventh among these , who lead the most renown'd potamiaena to execution , concerning which woman , even yet there is a famous report amongst the inhabitants of those countries , for that she combated many times with her lovers , in defence of the chastity and virginity of her body ; for which she was famous : ( for besides the vigour of her mind , there flourisht in her a comliness of body : ) who , having suffer'd many things for her faith in christ , at last after grievous torments and horrible to be related , was together with her mother marcella consumed by fire . moreover they say that the judge , ( whose name was a aquila , ) after he had inflicted grievous stripes upon every part of her body , threatned at last he would deliver her to the b gladiatours to abuse her body . but she ( having considered of the matter some short time , ) being asked what her determination was , return'd [ they say ] such an answer , as thereby she seem'd to speak some thing which was accounted impious amongst them . forthwith therefore she receiv'd the definitive sentence [ of the judge , ] and basilides one of the military apparitors , took and lead her to execution : but when the multitude endeavour'd to molest and reproach her with obscene words , he prohibited them , c thrusting away them who reproach'd her , shewing much commiseration , and humanity towards her . she taking in good part the mans commiseration shown towards her , exhorts him to be of good courage , for when she was gone hence she would entreat her lord for him , and within a little while she would make him a requital for what he had done for her . when she had spoken these things , they say she valiantly underwent death , hot scalding pitch being leisurely , and by little and little poured upon all the several members of her body , from the sole of the foot , to the crown of the head ; such was the combat fought by this famous virgin . but not long after ▪ basilides upon some occasion being desir'd by his fellow-soldiers to swear , avouch'd t was not lawfull for him to swear at all ; for he was a christian , and he openly confess'd it : at first they thought he onely spake in jest ; but when he constantly maintain'd it , he is brought before the judge , and after he had made profession of his stedfastness before him , he was put into bonds : and when some of the brethren in the lord came to him , asking him what was the cause of this sudden , and unexpected change , he is reported to have said , that potamiaena , three days after her martyrdom , stood by him in the night , put a crown about his head , and said , she had entreated the lord for him , and had obtain'd her request : and within a little while the lord would take him upto himself . after these things the brethren imparted to him the d seal of the lord , and the day after , being famous for his testimony of the lord , he was beheaded ; they relate , that many more throughout alexandria came thick at that time to the doctrine of christ ; to ▪ wit , such as potamiaena had appear'd to in their sleep , and e invited them to be converted to the gospel : but for these things let thus much suffice . chap. vi. concerning clemens alexandrinus . a clemens , who succeeded pantaenus , was master of the catechetick school at alexandria , till this time . so that origen when he was a boy was one of his scholars : moreover , this clemens , committing to writing the subject of that work of his entitled stromateis , in his first volume explains the series of times , and determines his computation at the death of commodus . so that it is plain those books were elaborated by him in the reign of severus , the history of whose times this book of ours contains . chap. vii . concerning judas the writer . at this time also liv'd judas another writer , who commented upon the seventy weeks in daniel , and puts an end to his computation of the times at the tenth year of severus's reign . his opinion was that even at that time the coming of antichrist , which was so much talk'd of , drew nigh . so great a disturbance did the raising of the persecution then against us cause in many mens minds . chap. viii . concerning the bold act of origen . at this time while origen perform'd the office of chatechizing at alexandria , an act of an unripe and youthfull mind was committed by him , but which withall contain'd a most manifest token of continence , and true faith ; for he taking these words [ some * eunuchs there are which have made themselves eumuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake ] in the more simple meaning , unadvisedly like one of his juvenile years , thinking it both his duty to fulfill our saviours words , and also [ considering ] that during his youthfull years he was to converse not onely with men , but women about the things which appertain to god : that he might exclude the infidels from all suspition of obscene slanders , his mind was full bent to perform really our saviour's words , taking great care that it might escape the knowledge of many of his familiars : but 't was impossible for him although he was desirous , to conceal such a fact . but when demetrius understood it , as being then governour of the church there , he both greatly admires him for his boldness , and also , ( having commended his alacrity of mind , and sincerity of faith , ) forthwith encourages , and excites him to a more diligent imployment about the duty of catechizing : for such at this time was [ demetrius's ] opinion of this act : but no long time after , when he saw origen doe well , and that he was famous , and well reported of by all men ; being affected with the frailties of mankind , he endeavoured by letters , sent to all the bishops in the world , to describe what was done as a most absurd action . a for the bishops of caesarea and jerusalem , the most approved and most famous of all the prelates in palestine , judging origen worthy of dignity and the highest pitch of honours , had by imposition of hands ordain'd him presbyter . therefore when he had ascended to great honour , and had purchas'd a name amongst all men in all places , and no small fame for his virtue , and wisdom ; demetrius , being furnisht with no other accusation , made a great and malicious complaint against that act which he had done in his youth . daring also to involve the bishops in his accusations who had promoted him to the office of a presbyter . these things were done a little after . but then origen b freely and without any impediment perform'd his office of teaching the divine doctrine to all that came to him by day or by night : laboriously spending all his time either in divine learning , or upon them who came to him . c after severus had held the empire eighteen years , his son antoninus succeeds him . at this time there [ lived ] one d alexander , one of their number who had behav'd themselves manfully in the persecution , and also by the providence of god had been preserv'd after their combats during their confessions ; him we before manifested to have been bishop of the church in jerusalem . now because he was famous for his confession of christ in the time of the persecution , he is promoted to the afore-mentioned bishoprick , whilest narcissus , his predecessour was yet alive . chap. ix . concerning the miracles of narcissus . the inhabitants of this diocess report many miracles of this narcissus , by tradition derived from a continued succession of the brethren : amongst which they relate such a like miracle as this done by him ; 't is reported that on the great vigils of easter the ministers oil fail'd them , for which great pensiveness of mind having seized the whole multitude , narcissus gave command to them who took care of the lights that they should draw water out of the well which was nearest at hand , and bring it to him , which being forthwith done , he prayed over the water , and commanded them to pour the water into the lamps with a sincere saith in the lord. when they had done this also , contrary to all reason and expectation , by a miraculous and divine power , the nature of water was changed into the a fatness of oil . some small specimen of this miracle then done , has been preserv'd amongst many of the brethren for a long time , even from that to our age . they also relate several other things worth remembrance cencerning this mans life . amongst which there is such a [ story ] as this : some vile fellows who could not endure this persons vigour , and his perseverance in leading of a pious life , fearing least when they were caught they should suffer punishment , because they were conscious to themselves of many evil actions , they [ resolve to ] prevent him by patching up a plot against him , and utter a grievous calumny against him . then , that they might perswade the hearers to credit them , they confirm'd their accusations with oaths : one of them swore it was true which he said , or he wish'd he might be consum'd by fire ; another , if 't was not true , that his body might be wasted by some terrible unhappy b disease ; and the third , that he might be depriv'd of his sight : but none of the faithful gave heed to them although they swore thus , because narcissus's continency was alwaies resplendent amongst all men , and his course of life most eminently virtuous and pious ; but he being in-no-wise able to endure the wickedness of what had been said against him ; and , besides this , for a long time being desirous to embrace a philosophical life ; retired from the whole congregation of his church , and liv'd many years lying hid in solitudes and in obscure fields . but the great eye of justice could not quietly wink at what was done : but was quickly revenged upon these wicked men by those curses with which they had bound themselves , being c forsworn against themselves . the first therefore was burnt together with his whole family , the house in which he liv'd being burnt in the night by d the fall of a little spark of fire upon it , which upon no occasion given came out of it . the second person's body was totally infected from the bottom of his feet to his head with the disease he had punish'd himself with . but the third , seeing the end of the two former and fearing the unavoidable vengeance of the all-seeing god , e publickly confess'd to all what they had plotted together in common amongst themselves , and he pin'd away with so great complaints , repenting of what he had done , and never ceas'd weeping so long , till he lost both his eyes . and these suffer'd such punishments for their lying accusation . chap. x. concerning the bishops of jerusalem . when narcissus was retired , it being altogether unknown where he was , 't was the opinion of the bishops of the bordering churches that they should proceed to the ordination of another bishop . this mans name was dius . to him having presided no long time germanio was successour . gordius succeeds him , in his time from some place or other narcissus again appear'd , as risen from death to life , and is immediately invited by the brethren to his bishoprick ; all men admiring him much more both for his retreat , and also for his philosophick [ course of life : ] but above all for the revenge which was vouchsaft him from god [ upon his accusers . ] chap. xi . concerning alexander . narcissus being no longer able to officiate by reason of his very great age , the providence of god by revelation made known to him in a vision by night , call'd the fore-mention'd alexander bishop of another church to be coadjutour in the discharge of his office. by this revelation therefore , as if he had been warned by some oracle from god , alexander made a journey to jerusalem from cappadocia ( where he had before been honour'd with a bishoprick , ) upon account both of praying there , and also of seeing the places : the brethren there receiv'd him most kindly ; and would not permit him to return home , because of another revelation , made known also to them by night , and a a voice most plainly utter'd to some who were the most eminent for piety amongst them . for it told them if they went out of their gates , they should meet him who was predetermin'd by god to be their bishop . when they had done this with the common b consent of the bishops who govern'd the churches round about , they forc'd him of necessity to continue there . indeed , alexander himself , in his own epistles to the antinoites which are preserv'd amongst us till this time , makes mention of narcissus's presidency together with him , writing thus word for word , at the end of that epistle : narcissus salutes you who before me govern'd this episcopal see , and he now is my c associate in prayer , being an hundred and sixteen years old , and exhorts you to be of the same mind with me . these things were thus done . now when serapion was dead , asclepiades succeeded in the bishoprick of the church of antiochia . and he also was famous for his confessions in the time of persecution . alexander also makes mention of his consecration , writing thus to the antiochians : alexander the servant and prisoner of jesus christ , sendeth greeting in the lord to the blessed church of the antiochians . the lord made my bonds easie and light in the time of my d imprisonment , when i heard that by divine providence asclepiades ( a man most fit by reason of the worthiness of his faith ) was intrusted with the care over the holy church of the antiochians : he signifies that he sent this epistle by clemens , writing on this manner , at the end. i have sent these letters to you , ( my lords and brethren ) by e clemens a blessed presbyter a virtuous and approved person ; whom ye have known , and shall know better : who , while he was here , by the providence , and care of god confirmed and increas'd the church of the lord. chap. xii . concerning serapion , and his books that are extant . 't is likely that other monuments of a serapion's studiousness and learning are preserv'd amongst other men ; but those [ writings ▪ ] onely came to our hands which he wrote to one domninus , a man who in the time of persecution fell from the faith in christ to the jewish superstition . and what he wrote to pontius , and caricus ecclesiastical men ; and other epistles to other persons . another book also was compos'd by him , concerning that book intituled the gospel according to peter ; which book he wrote to confute the errours in that , for some mens sakes in the church of b rhosse , who , taking an occasion from the foresaid gospel , inclin'd to heterodox doctrines . out of which book 't will not be unfit to set down some few words , in which he sets forth the opinion he had concerning that book , writing thus ; for we , my brethren , doe admit of peter and the other apostles , as of christ himself ; but , like wise men we reject those writings which are forg'd in their c names , knowing that we have receiv'd no such [ books . ] for i , when i came to you ▪ thought all of you had adhered to the right faith . and when i read not the gospel which was offer'd me , that bears peters name , i said , if this be the onely thing which seems to breed this dejected spirit in you , let it be read . but now understanding , from what has been told me , that their minds were covered with some heresie , i will make haste to come to you again ; wherefore , brethren , expect me suddenly : but we , brethren , have found out what heresie marcianus was of , for he contradicted himself , not understanding what he said , which you shall understand by some things which have been written to you . for we have been able to d borrow this very gospel of some who have been continually exercised in it , ( that is of some of their successours who preceded marcianus , whom we call doceti , for many of [ marcianus's ] tenets are derived from their doctrines , ) and read it ; and we find indeed many things agreeable to the true doctrine of christ : but some things that are particularly to be excepted against and avoided , which also we have here subjoyned upon your account . and thus much concerning serapion's books . chap. xiii . concerning the writings of clemens . clemens his a stromata's , which are in all eight books , are extant amongst us , which books he thus intituled , the variegated contexture of b discourses of titus flavius clemens concerning all things which appertain to the knowledge of the true philosophy : of the same number with these are his books intitul'd institutions : in which he by name mentions pantaenus , as being his master , and he writes down his c opinions he had receiv'd concerning the scope of scripture , and explains his traditions : he has also an hortatory discourse to the gentiles . and three books intitl'd the tutor . and another book of his with this title , what rich man can be sav'd ? and a book concerning easter . disputations also concerning the fasting ▪ and concerning detraction . and an exhortation to patience to those who were newly baptiz'd . and a book intitl'd the ecclesiastick canon , or against those who judaized , which book he dedicated to alexander the fore-mention'd bishop . moreover , in his stromata he does not onely compose miscellaneous discourses out of the holy writings , but he also mentions some things out of the gentile writers , if any thing seems profitable which was spoken by them : he also explains various opinions [ which occur ] in several books both of the greeks , and barbarians . he moreover consutes the false opinions of the arch-hereticks . he laies open much of history , affording us large subject-matter of several sorts of learning ▪ amongst all these he intermixes the philosophers opinions . hence he fitly made the title stromata , answerable to the subject of the book . in the same book he produces authorities out of those scriptures which are not allow'd of [ as canonical ; ] out of that which is call'd the wisdom of solomon , and out of the book of jesus the son of sirac . and out of the epistle to the hebrews . and out of the [ epistles ] of barnabas , clemens , and jude . he also makes mention of tatianus's book against the grecians , and of cassianus , d who also made a chronographie . moreover , he mentions philo , e aristobulus , josephus , demetrius , and eupolemus , jewish writers ; who all have prov'd by their writings , that moses , and the originals of the jewish nation are ancienter then any thing of antiquity amongst the grecians . and this mans books afore-mention'd are stuff'd with very much excellent learning , of several kinds . in the first of these books he saies concerning himself , that he was born next to the first successours of the apostles . he promises also in them that he would write commentaries upon genesis . and in his book concerning easter , he confesses he was constrained by his friends to commit to writing [ for the benefit of ] posterity those traditions which he had heard from his ancestours . in that same book also is mention'd melito , irenaeus , and some others , whose explications he sets down . chap. xiv . what writings clemens has mentioned . that i may speak briefly , in his a institutions he makes b short explications of all the c written word of god , not omitting those scriptures whose authority is d questioned by some : i mean the epistle of jude , and the other e catholick epistles , and that of barnabas , and that which is said to be the revelation of peter : and the epistle to the hebrews , which he affirms to be paul's , but was written to the hebrews in the hebrew tongue ; which when luke had with much care and pains translated , he publisht it for the [ use of the ] grecians . wherefore we may find the stile of the translation of this epistle , and of the acts of the apostles to be the same . f but 't was for a very good g reason , that this title [ paul the apostle ] was not set before it , for he ( saies he ) writing to the hebrews who were possest with a prejudice against , and a suspicion of him , very wisely did not prefix his name at the beginning , least he should cause an aversion in them to his epistle . but a little after , he continues , saying ; now , as a blessed presbyter said , because the lord , being the apostle of the almighty , was sent to the hebrews , paul through modesty , in that he was sent to the gentiles , does not entitle himself the apostle of the hebrews , both in reverence to the lord , and also because 't was over and above his duty that he writ to the hebrews , being the preacher and apostle of the gentiles . again clemens in the same books writes a tradition concerning the order of the gospels which he receiv'd from the elders before him , and it is this : those gospels , he said , which contain the genealogies were written first . and this was the occasion of writing marks gospel : when peter preach'd the word publickly in rome , and declared the gospel by the spirit , many who were there present entreated ▪ mark , ( who had been his follower h a long time , and remembred what he had said , ) that he would write down the things which had been spoken . when he had compos'd the gospel , he imparted it to those who had intreated it of him . peter having understood this , i used no perswasives either to hinder him , or to incite him to it . but john , being the last of all , when he saw how those things which appertain'd to christs humanity were already manifested in the gospels , was mov'd [ to the enterprise ] by his k acquaintance , and being inspir'd by the spirit , he wrote a gospel concerning christ's divinity . thus much clemens . but again , the said alexander in an epistle of his to origen , mentions clemens , and pantaenus also , as men who were his familiars : he writes thus . for this , as you know was the will of god , that the friendship , which was begun betwixt us from our ancestours , should not onely remain inviolable , but also become more fervent and firm . for we know those blessed fathers who went before us , with whom we , after a short time shall be joyn'd , i mean the truely blessed pantaenus my master , and the holy clemens my master , who also profited me much ; and if there be any others like them , by whom i came to the knowledge of you , my most excellent lord and brother : and after this manner were these things . moreover , adamantius ( for that also was origen's name , ) in these times , when zephyrinus presided over the church of rome , l travell'd to rome , ( as he himself some where says ) having a desire to see the most antient church of the romans : where he made no long stay , but return'd to alexandria . and with all diligence there perform'd his customary duty of catechist , demetrius the then bishop of those churches exciting him to it , and little less then beseeching him to labour earnestly for the utility of the brethren . chap. xv. concerning heraclas . but when he perceived himself not supplied with sufficient strength both for the more profound study of divinity , for his researches into , and interpretation of the holy scriptures , and moreover for the catechizing of them who came to him ; ( having scarce time to breathe , so many flocking together to him ; one company after another coming from morning to evening to his school ; ) he divided the multitudes , and electing heraclas , one of his familiars , made him his assistant in catechizing ; a man who was very studious in divinity , most eminently skilfull in other learning ; and one who was not unexperienced in philosophy . he commits the instruction of the new-beginners to him , but reserves to himself the hearing of those who had made some proficiency . chap. xvi . what pains and study origen bestowed about the holy scriptures . origen now intended to make such accurate researches into the holy scriptures , that he learn't the hebrew tongue . and bought the a authentick scriptures written in hebrew letters , which were extant among the jews . and he search'd after other editions of translatours of the sacred scriptures besides the seventy . and he sought out some other versions besides those b common ones of aquilas , symmachus and theodotion , different from them , which he , having searcht out , first brought to light , from i know not whence , nor out of what corners , having been forgotten for a long time : concerning which , because he was uncertain who were the authours of them , by reason of their obscurity , he onely noted this , that one of them was by him found at c nicopolis near actium ; and another , at some other place . moreover in his hexapla of the psalms , after those four excellent editions , he adds d not onely a fifth , and sixth , but also a seventh version ; and upon one of them again he has noted , that it was found at jericho in an hogs-head , in the times of antoninus the son of severus . when he had thus collected all these versions into one body , and divided them into e verses , f having placed them directly one against the other , together with the g hebrew text , he left us those copies which are call'd h hexapla . he i afterwards prepared apart by themselves , aquila's , symmachus's and theodotion's edition , together with the septuagint [ and put them out ] in his tetrapla . chap. xvii . concerning symmachus the translatour . moreover , we must understand that this symmachus , one of the translatours , was an ebionite . for there is an heresie called the heresie of the ebionites , who say that christ was born of joseph , and mary , and suppose him to have been meer man , who also stiffly affirm that the law ought to be strictly observ'd according as the jews kept it , as we have before made known somewhere in our history . symmachus's commentaries are even yet extant ; in which he seems to confirm the foresaid heresie , a disputing strongly against matthew's gospel : origen tells us that he receiv'd these together with other interpretations of symmachus's of the scriptures , from one juliana , upon whom , he saies these books of symmachus's devolved by right of succession . chap. xviii . concerning ambrosius . at this time ambrosius ( a who favour'd the valentinian heresie ) being convinc'd by the truth preach'd by origen , and having his mind cleared as it were with light , assents to the doctrine of the orthodox faith of the church . and ( origen's fame being nois'd abroad every where ) several men of great learning flock'd to him , intending to make tryal of this man's sufficiency in the scriptures . also infinite multitudes of hereticks , and not a few philosophers , and them most famous , gave b diligent attention to him , almost like schollars learning from him besides divinity , those things which appertain to * external philosophy : for he initiated c those , whom he perceived to have acute parts into philosophical learning : teaching them geometry , and arithmetick , and the other previous sciences . also guiding them into the knowledge of the various sects among philosophers : explaining the writings that are amongst them , and commenting on and searching into all things . so that even amongst the gentiles this man was openly declared to be a great philosopher . he also incited many of meaner capacities to the study of the liberal sciences : telling them that from hence would accrue to them no small fitness and preparation for the contemplation of the divine scriptures : for which reason he esteem'd the study of secular and philosophical literature most necessary for himself . chap. xix . what things have been recorded concerning origen , [ by the gentiles . ] the heathen philosophers who flourish'd in his age are witnesses of his great proficiency in these studies : in whose writings we have found frequent mention of this man ; [ some of them ] both dedicating their books to him , and also delivering up their private labours to his censure , as to a master . but i need not speak of these things , when as a porphyrius , ( who liv'd in sicilie [ almost ] till our age , having written some books against us , and in them endeavoured to cavill at the holy scriptures , when he had mentioned those men who made explications upon them ) was unable in any wise to cast any base aspersion upon their opinions , and through want of arguments betakes himself to railing , and reviles the commentators . of whom he attempts chiefly to reproach origen , saying , that when he was young , he knew him ; but he unawares commends the man ; partly by speaking the truth in some things where he could not do otherwayes ; and partly by lying , wherein he thought he should escape being detected . sometimes he accuses him as being a christian ; by and by , he admires , and describes the accession he made to philosophick literature . hear therefore what he says word for word : some men , desirous to find out not a defection from the pravity of the jewish scriptures , but an explication [ of the obscurities in them ] have betaken themselves to expositions , which have no agreement nor coherence with those scriptures , and which contain the authour's approbation and praise , rather than a defence of those strange sectaries . for , having boasted that what things were plainly spoken by moses were obscure riddles , allowing them the authority , and quoting them as divine oracles full of hidden mysteries ; and having b bewitched the judgements and minds of men , with their pride , they afterwards put forth their expositions . then after some few words he saies ; let an example of this absurdity be taken from a man whom i saw , when i was c very young , being a person then of great repute , and yet eminently renowned upon account of his writings which he left behind him , i mean origen , whose renown is very much spread abroad amongst the teachers of those doctrines . for this man , having been an d of that ammonius , who in our age made a great proficiency in philosophy ; as for his knowledge in philosophick literature he profited much by this master . but as concerning a right course of life , he undertook a way quite contrary to him : for ammonius , having been educated a christian by christian parents , when he arriv'd to understanding , and , [ the knowledge of ] philosophy , quickly betook himself to a course of life which was agreeable to the laws . but origen being a gentile and brought up in the learning of the grecians , diverted to the e impudence of the barbarians . being devoted to this [ religion ] he f corrupted both himself , and also that proficiency he had made in philosophick learning : as to his manner of life he liv'd like a christian , and contrary to the laws : but in respect of his opinions concerning things , and concerning god , he imitated the grecians , g substituting the sayings of the heathens in the room of those strange fables . for he was continually conversant in plato's [ works , ] and in those of h numenius and cronius , and he revolved the works of i apollophanes and k longinus , and l moderatus , and nicomachus , and the works of all the famous men amongst the pythagoreans , he also made use of the works of m chaeremon the stoick , and of n cornutus's books , when he had learn'd from them the allegorical mode of explaining the grecian mysteries , he appli'd it to the jewish scriptures . these are porphyrius's words in his third book of that piece he wrote against the christians ; who has said the truth concerning the mans hard study and great learning ; but herein he has plainly lied , ( for what would not he say who wrote against the christians ? ) in that he saies , that [ origen ] was converted from a heathen to a christian , and that ammonius fell from a pious course of life to the heathenish way of living . for , ( as our history has before manifested ) origen kept the christian doctrine receiv'd from his ancestours : and the precepts of the divine philosophy remain'd uncorrupted , and unshaken in ammonius even till his death ; as his works even to this present doe testifie ; he being famous amongst most men for his books which he left behind him : as for example , that book which is thus intitl'd concerning the concord of moses , and jesus , and those other books of his , whatsoever sort they be of , which are found ▪ amongst lovers of learning . let what we have said therefore be an evidence both of the detraction of this lying accuser , and also of origens great knowledge in the grecian learning . concerning which , origen ( in an epistle of his , wherein he makes an apologie for himself , to some who blam'd him for his too great studiousness about this sort of learning ) writes these words : when i imploy'd my self wholly in the scripture , the fame of my progress in learning spreading it self every where , there resorting to me sometimes hereticks , at othertimes those who studied the grecian learning , and especially such as were skilled in philosophy , i thought it convenient to make researches into hereticks opinions , and into whatsoever things are reported to be said by philosophers concerning the truth : this we did , both in imitation of pantaenus , who profited many before us , ( who was furnished with no small stock of provisions of this sort : ) and also of heraclas , who at this time sits among the presbyters of alexandria ; o whom i found with a philosophy master , under whom he studied diligently five years before i began to be an auditour of his doctrine . and for this reason , he wearing a common habit before , put it off , and put on a p philosophical habit , which he q retains to this day , neither does he desist from a studious reading of the books of the learned grecians . this he said in defence of the studious diligence he used about the grecian [ learning . ] at this time while he made his abode at alexandria there came a souldier who deliver'd letters to demetrius , the bishop of that church , and to the then prefect of aegypt , from the governour of arabia , that they should send origen to him with all speed that he might impart to him his doctrine . he was therefore sent by them , and came to arabia . but in a little time , having finisht those things which were the cause of his coming , he again return'd to alexandria . within some interval of time , there being kindled in alexandria no small war , he withdrew out of alexandria , and judging there was no safe dwelling for him in aegypt , he went to palestine , and made his abode in caesarea ; where the bishops of those parts intreated him , although he was not yet ordain'd priest , to discourse and to expound the holy scriptures r publickly in the church . this will be evidene't by what alexander , bishop of jerusalem , and theoctistus bishop of caesarea wrote concerning him to demetrius , who thus excuse him . [ your s holiness ] has added in your letters that this thing was never heard of nor done till this time [ to wit , ] that laicks should preach in the presence of bishops . i t know not how you came so apparently to misrepresent the truth : for they are invited to preach to the people , ( when they are found fit to profit the brethren ) by the holy bishops . for example , euelpis [ was invited to preach ] by neon at laranda : and so was paulinus by celsus at iconium . and theodorus by atticus at u synnada , who were our blessed brethren . and 't is not incredible that the like was done in other places , though we never knew it . on this manner was the above nam'd origen honour'd ▪ though he was yet x young , not onely by his familiars , but also by forreign bishops . but demetrius again recalling him by letters , and urging his return to alexandria by persons that were deacons of that church , he return'd thither , and there executed his accustomed office. chap. xx. what books are now extant of such as wrote in these times . at this time flourish'd many learned ecclesiastick persons , whose epistles , which they wrote to one another 't is an easie thing to meet with , being preserv'd till this present . for they have been kept even in our age in the library of the city aelia , which was built by alexander , who presided over the church which is there ▪ out of this library we our selves have gather'd together matter for this subject now in hand ▪ beryllus , bishop of bosira in arabia , being one of them , left , together with his epistles and commentaries , a several other monuments of his polite ingenie . in like manner did b hippollitus , who presided over another church somewhere ; there came also to our hands a disputation attempted by one c caius , a most eloquent man , at rome in the times of zephyrinus , against proclus who was a defender of the cataphrygian heresie . in which dispute , he silencing the adversaries rashness and boldness in composing new scriptures , mentions onely thirteen epistles of the divine apostle [ paul , ] not accounting that to the hebrews amongst the rest : indeed even till this present 't is thought by some of the romans that that epistle was not written by this apostle . chap. xxi . what bishops were eminent in those times . but now macrinus succeeded antoninus after he had reign'd seven years and six moneths , who having continued [ emperour ] about a year , another antoninus again assumes the roman empire . in the first year of his reign zephyrinus bishop of rome departed this life , having held that [ episcopal ] charge eighteen years compleat . after him callistus presides in the bishoprick . he having survived five years , leaves the [ care of the ] church to urbanus . after this alexander the emperour succeeds in the roman empire , antoninus having reigned onely four years . at this time philetus succeeded asclepiades , in the church of antioch : now [ alexander ] the emperour's mother whose name was mamaea , being a most pious woman , and religious in her conversation , ( origen's same being now every where so spread abroad , that it came even to her eares , ) was mightily desirous to see the man , and to make tryal of his knowledge in divine matters , which was so admir'd by all men : she therefore making her abode at antioch , sends a military guard for him : when he had spent some time with her , and had demonstrated to her most things which tend to the glory of god , and the power of the divine doctrine , he hastned to his wonted charge . chap. xxii . how many of hippolytus's works are come to our hands . at this time also hippolytus , amongst many other works of his , compil'd a book also a concerning easter . in which having explain'd the series of times , and set forth a cannon of sixteen years , concerning easter , he determines his computation at the first year of alexander the emperour . now the rest of his works , which came to our hands are these : upon the six daies work. upon those things b which followed upon the six daies work. against marcion . c upon the canticles . upon some chapters of ezekiel . concerning easter . d against all heresies . and many more which you may find preserv'd amongst many men . chap. xxiii . concerning origen's studiousness , and how he was honour'd with the dignity of priesthood . a about this time was the beginning of origen's writing commentaries upon the holy scriptures : ambrosius chiefly inciting him to it by innumerable instigations , not with supplications and bare words onely , but also with most plentifull supplies of all things necessary : for there were alwaies by him when he dictated , more in number then seven notaries , which at set times chang'd courses with one another . neither was there a less number of them which wrote books fair , together with girls who had been instructed to write nearly and handsomely . to all these ambrosius liberally afforded a sufficient supply of all things necessary . and indeed he conveigh'd into origen an unspeakable alacrity , in his study and labour about the divine oracles . by which means chiefly he induced him to write commentaries : whilest these things were in this posture , pon●ianus succeeds urbanus who had been bishop of rome eight years : and zebinus [ succeeds ] philetus in the bishoprick of antioch . at which time , ( the necessitie of the b churches affaires constraining him ) origen made a journey through palestine into greece ; and received the order of priesthood at caesarea , by the imposition of the hands of the bishops there . but what combustions were hereupon rais'd concerning him , and what c decrees were made by the prelates of the churches upon these commotions : and what ever else he , continuing to be of great esteem contributed to the preaching of the divine word : [ these things ] requiring a distinct volume , we have in some measure declared in the second book of our apologie , which we wrote in defence of him . chap. xxiv . concerning the expositions he made at alexandria . but 't was necessary for us to have annex'd these a to the things afore-mention'd ; for in his sixth book of his expositions upon john's [ gospel ] he declares he compos'd those five first books while he yet liv'd at alexandria . but onely b twenty two books of his works upon that gospel are come to our hands . in his ninth book also upon genesis ( for there are twelve in all ) he manifests that he did not onely write those first eight books at alexandria , but also those comments upon the twenty five first psalms : and moreover ▪ those comments upon the lamentations , five books of which came to our hands . in which books there is some mention of his books upon the c resurrection : those also are two volumes . indeed he also wrote his books de principiis , before his removal from alexandria . he also compos'd those books intitl'd d stromata , which are ten in number , in that city in the reign of alexander , as his e annotations written with his own hand , and prefixt before those books do manifest . chap. xxv . after what manner origen has mentioned the books of the old and new testament . but in his explication of the first psalm , he has exhibited a catalogue of the holy scriptures of the old testament , writing on this manner word for word . a we must understand that , as the hebrew traditions say , there are b twenty two bookes of the old testament ; just so many in number as they have letters . a little after he adds , saying ; these are the twenty two books according to the hebrews . that which we give the title of genesis to , is by the hebrews , from the beginning of the book entitl'd bresith , that is , in the beginning . exodus , vellesmoth , that is , these are the names . leviticus , vaicra , that is , and he hath called . numbers the hebrews call c hammisphecodim . deuteronomie , helle-haddabarim , that is , these are the words . jesus the son of nave , [ in hebrew ] jehosue ben nun. judges , ruth , are by them comprehended in one book , and call'd sophetim . the first and second of kings , among them one book , termed samuel , that is , called of god. the third and fourth of kings , amongst the hebrews one book , call'd vammelech david , that is , the kingdom of david . the first and second book of chronicles , in one volume , call'd dibre hajamim , that is , the words of days ▪ esdras the first and second book , by them made one book call'd , esra , that is , a helper . the book of psalms , sepher tehillim [ in hebrew . ] solomon's proverbs , in hebrew , mis●oth . ecclesiastes , coheleth . d the song of songs , sir ▪ h●sirim . e esaias , iesa●a , hierimas with his lamentations , and his epistle , all in one book , call'd jermia . daniel , [ the hebrews also call ] daniel . ezechiel , jeezchel , job , job ; ester , ester also among the hebrews . besides these there are ( but not of their number ) the maccabees , which are intitl'd sarbet surbane-el . these origen has set forth in the aforesaid work . but in the first book of his comments upon matthew's gospel , observing the canon of the church , he attests there are onely four gospels , in these words : as i f have understood by tradition , there are four gospels , which , and onely which are to be allow'd without contradiction by the church of god under heaven . as for the first , 't was written by one matthew formerly a publican , but afterwards an apostle of jesus christ , he publisht it , being written in hebrew , for the sake of those jews who believ'd . the second is mark 's gospel ; who wrote it as peter expounded to him ; whom also he confesses to be his son , in his catholick epistle , and in these words , g the church which is at babylon elected together with you saluteth you , and so doth marcus my son. and the third is the gospel according to luke , which is commended by paul , he wrote it for the sake of the heathens . lastly s t john's gospel . and the same writer in the h fifth book of his expositions upon john has these words concerning the apostle's epistles . paul being made a fit minister of the new testament , not in the letter , but in the spirit , he who i fully preacht the gospel from jerusalem round about to illyricum , wrote not to all those churches which he taught ; but to those to whom he wrote he sent [ epistles that contained ] but a few verses . but peter k on whom the church of christ was builded , against which the gates of hell shall not prevail , left but one epistle which is acknowledg'd to be his . but let us grant that the second is his too , for it is question'd whether it be his or not . but what must we say of john , l he who lay in christ's bosome ? he left behind him but one gospel , [ though ] he professes he could have written m so many books , as the world could not have contain'd . he also wrote the revelation : being commanded to be silent , n and not to write the voices of the seven thunders . he also left to posterity a very short epistle . but let us grant that the second and third were his : for all men do not allow them to be genuine : both of them doe not contain above an hundred verses . besides , he discourses thus concerning the epistle to the hebrews in his homilies upon that epistle . for the stile of that writing entitled the epistle to the hebrews , has nothing of that plain homeliness of the apostle [ paul , ] who confesses himself to be unlearn'd in his speech , that is , in his manner of expression . but this epistle as to the composition of the stile favours much of the grecian eloquence , this every one will confess who knowes how to judge of stiles , which are different . again , the sentences of this epistle are admirable , and nothing inferiour to those books which are acknowleg'd to be apostolick . and this every one will assent to as true , who gives attention to the reading of the apostles writings . after the interposition of some words , origen addes these , saying : o this is my opinion that the sentences , are the sentences of an apostle : but the phrase and composition is some ones else , who committed to writing the words of the apostle , and as it were illustrated with explications the words of his master . if any church therefore accounts this to be paul's epistle , let it be commended even for so doing : for the antients did not inconsiderately declare it to be paul's epistle . but god alone truely knows who wrote this epistle . but of those written records which are come to our hands , some ascribe the writing of this epistle to clemens who was bishop of rome ; others to luke who wrote the gospel , and the acts. but thus far concerning this . chap. xxvi . how heraclas succeeded in the bishoprick of alexandria . it was now the a tenth year of the reign of the afore-mention'd emperour [ alexander , ] in which origen departed from alexandria to caesarea , and left the care of his catechetick school to b heraclas : and not long after dy'd demetrius , the bishop of the church of alexandria , having continu'd in that office fourty three years compleat . heraclas succeeded him . at this time firmilianus , bishop of caesarea in cappadocia was very famous . chap. xxvii . how the bishops had him in admiration . * he had so great an esteem for origen , that he both invited him into the countries of his province for the good of the churches ; and also at another time went into judaea to visit him , and to stay some time with him , to improve himself in the knowledge of divine matters . besides , alexander bishop of jerusalem , and theoctistus bishop of caesarea , at all times ( as one may say , ) were attentive to him , as if he had been their master , and permitted onely him to expound the holy scriptures , and to perform all other things appertaining to ecclesiastick doctrine . chap. xxviii . concerning the persecution under maximinus moreover , maximinus caesar succeeded alexander the roman emperour , after he had reign'd thirteen years . he , because of his hatred to alexander's family , which consisted of many believers , rais'd a persecution , and gave command that onely the prelates of the churches should be slain , as the authours of the preaching of the gospel . and at that time origen compos'd his book concerning martyrdom , which he dedicated to ambrosius , and protoctetus , a presbyter of the church of caesarea . because no trivial peril and afflictions seized on them both during the times of this persecution . fame records the illustrious eminenty of these men for their confession [ of the christian faith , ] a when maximinus had not reign'd above three years . origen remarkes the time of this persecution , both in the twenty second book of his expositions upon john , and in several of his epistles . chap. xxix . concerning fabian , how unexpectedly he was elected by god bishop of rome . gordianus having succeeded maximinus in the roman empire , anteros succeeds pontianus , who had been bishop of the church of rome six years . and fabian succeeds him after he had perform'd the office for a month . they report that after the death of anteros , fabian , together with some others of his acquaintance , came out of the countrey to rome to sojourn there : where he unexpectedly came to be elected bishop , through the divine and celestial grace . for when all the brethren were assembled together in the church , in order to the election of one who should succeed in the bishoprick , and many of them had intentions of [ electing ] several eminent and worthy men , fabian being there present , no one so much as thought of him . but on a sudden , as they report , a dove came flying from above , and sate upon his head , which seem'd to be a representation of the descent of the holy ghost upon our saviour in the shape of a dove : upon which all the people , being at the same time moved as it were by the divine spirit , cry'd out with all imaginable alacrity and one common consent , he is worthy : and without any delay they took him , and set him in the bishops chaire . at that time also zebinus the bishop of antioch dying , babylas succeeded in the presidency . heraclas also takes upon him the [ episcopal ] charge of the church at alexandria , after demetrius b had executed that office for fourty three years . and dionysius succeeds in the catechetick school there , who also was one of origen's scholars . chap. xxx . who were origen's schollars . whilest origen executed his accustomed duty at caesarea , many , not onely natives of that countrey , but also infinite others , from places most remote , forsaking their own countries , resorted to him to be his disciples . the most eminent of them , we understand , were theodorus , ( who was also call'd gregorius , one of the most famous bishops in our age , ) and his brother athenodorus . he by perswasion induc'd them ( being too much addicted to the love of the roman and greek learning , having infus'd into them a love of philosophy , ) to exchange their former studies , for the study of divinity : when they had convers'd with him five years compleat , they made so great an improvement [ of their knowledge ] in the divine scriptures , that while they were both as yet young , they were judg'd worthy of the government of the churches in pontus . chap. xxxi . concerning africanus . at this time africanus , a the author of the books entitled cesti was very famous ; there is exstant an epistle of his written to origen , in which he suspects the history of susanna in daniel , to be spurious , and fictitious . origen very fully answers this epistle . there also came to our hands five books of this same africanus's annalls , written with great care and accuracy . in which books he says he took a journey to alexandria , because of the great same of heraclas ; who , as we before signifi'd , was intrusted with the care of the church there for his eminent knowledge in philosophie , and other heathen learning . there is also exstant another epistle of this same africanus's to aristides , concerning the disagreement which is thought to be betwixt matthew and luke , in the relation of christ's genealogy . in which he manifestly demonstrates the consent of the evangelists , out of an history which came to his hands ; which [ epistle ] we also took , and placed it in the first * book of this work in hand , being its proper place . chap. xxxii . what expositions origen wrote at caesarea in palestine . about this time origen wrote his [ comments ] upon esaias , and those upon ezekiel at the same time , of which books , there came to our hands thirty five volumes upon the third part of esaias , unto the vision of the four footed beasts in the wilderness : and twenty five volumes upon ezekiel , which were all he wrote upon the whole prophet : making his abode at that time at athens , he finish'd his commentaries upon ezekiel : he also begun his comments upon the canticles , and there proceeded in them to the fifth book : but he afterwards return'd to caesarea , and there finish'd them , being ten books in number . but what necessity is there at present to write an exact catalogue of this mans works , which requires a work it self ; which we have also written in our a history of pamphilus's life , the blessed b martyr of our times . in which , endeavouring to prove how great pamphilus's care and love towards sacred learning was , we have publish'd the catalogues of origen's works , and of several other ecclesiastick writers which he collected . from whence , he that is desirous , may have a full information concerning all the monuments of origen's labours which came to our hands . but now we must proceed to the subsequent series of our history . chap. xxxiii . concerning the errour of beryllus . beryllus , who was mention'd a little before , bishop of bostra in arabia , subverting the ecclesiastick canon , endeavour'd to induce some new doctrines alienating from the faith ; daring to affirm that our lord and saviour , before his * coming amongst men a had no proper different subsistence : neither any godhead of his own , but onely the deity of the father residing in him . many disputes and conferences having been held by the bishops against this man about that point , amongst the rest origen was call'd ; at first he enters into a friendly discourse with the man , that he might discover what his opinion was , which when he understood by his discourse , he reprehended him being not orthodox ; and having convinc'd him by arguments and demonstrations , he took him as it were b by the hand , and set him into the way of the true doctrine , and reinstated him in his former found opinion . there are also written monuments extant to this day both of beryllus , and also of the synod which was convened upon his account , which contain origen's questions proposed against him , and the disputes holden in his church , and all that was done at that time . infinite other memoirs the antients of our times have deliver'd to posterity concerning origen : which i intend to omit , as not pertinent to this present subject ; but what things concerning him , are necessary to be known , may be read at large in that c apology for him which was written by me , and pamphilus the holy martyr of our times : which we , fellow-labourers , carefully and joyntly compos'd upon the account of some of his quarrelsome accusers . chap. xxxiv . concerning philip the emperour . when gordianus had held the roman empire six complete years , philip , together with his son philip , succeeded him . the report is , that he , being a christian , upon the day which is the last of the vigils of easter , was desirous to be a partaker , together with the congregation , of the prayers of the church : but could in no wise be permitted to enter into the church by him who was then bishop , before he had made a general confession of his fins , and recounted himself amongst their number , who were a reckon'd the lapsed , and stood in the place of penitents : for had he not done this he would not have been admitted by the bishop , because of his many offences : and 't is reported that he willingly b obey'd , and demonstrated in his deeds , the sincerity and devoutness of his affection towards the fear of god. chap. xxxv . how dionysius succeeded heraclas in his bishoprick . it was the third of philip's reign in which heraclas dyed , after he had govern'd the church sixteen years , and dionysius succeeded him in the bishoprick of alexandria . chap. xxxvi . what other books were written by origen . at this time therefore , the faith ( as it was meet ) daily encreasing , and our doctrine being boldly preach'd amongst all men , origen ( 't is said ) was now above sixty years old : and because he had now gotten a most excellent habit of speaking through long use and exercise , he permitted the notaries to write his discourses which he delivered in publick , but never before this time would he suffer that to be done . about this time he wrote eight books against a book of b celsus the epicurean , intitled the word of truth . he also wrote twenty five volumes upon matthew's gospel : and those upon the twelve prophets , of which books we have found onely twenty five . there is also extant an epistle of his to philip the emperour , another to his wife severa : and several others to divers other persons : which being scattered here and there , in several mens hands , as many of them as we could find preserved , being above an hundred in number , we have collected and digested into proper books by themselves , that they may not hereafter be again dispers'd . he wrote also to c fabian bishop of rome , and to several other prelates of churches concerning his own orthodoxie : you have also the declarations of these things in the sixth book of the apology we wrote in defence of him . chap. xxxvii . concerning the dissention of the arabians . again , about the same time there sprang up in arabia introducers of another opinion alienating from the truth . these affirm'd that mens souls even in this present life expired together with their bodies , and were turn'd to corruption together with them : but that they should again revive together with the bodies at the time of the resurrection . no small synod being call'd together upon this account , origen is a again sent for thither , and having disputed publickly concerning this question , he managed the cause so well , that those who before were fallen into errour , changed their sentiments . chap. xxxviii . concerning the heresie of the helcesaïts . at that time also sprang up another perverse errour , call'd the heresie of the helcesaïts , which was stifled in its birth . origen mentions it in a his homily to the people upon the eighty second psalm , in these words , lately there came one , highly conceited of himself for his ability , to defend that atheistical and most wicked opinion , call'd the opinion of the b helcesaïts , which lately was raised in opposition to the church . i will explain to you what evil things that opinion asserts , that ye be not drawn away by it . it reject's somethings of every part of the scripture , but makes use of some texts both out of the old , and also out of the evangelical scripture : it rejects the apostle [ paul ] wholly . it says 't is an indifferrent thing to deny [ the faith. ] it ●olds also that upon necessity c a wise man would deny [ christianity ] with his mouth , but not with his heart also at the same time . they also carry about with them a book , which they say , fell down from heaven ; and every one that hears it , and believes it , shall obtain remission of sins : a remission different from that which jesus christ bestowed . but let thus much suffice concerning these things . chap. xxxix . concerning what happened in the times of decius . but in the mean while decius succeeds philip , after he had reigned seven years ; who because of his hatred towards philip , rais'd a persecution against the churches . in which fabian being martyr'd at rome , cornelius succeeds in that bishoprick . and alexander the bishop of jerusalem in palestine , is again brought before the governour 's tribunal for christ's sake . and was very famous for his second confession at caesarea , where he was imprisoned : being now adorned with a venerable old age , and reverend gray haires . after his noble and famous testimony before the governour 's tribunal , he expired in prison , and mazabanes was pronounced his successour in the bishoprick of jerusalem . also babylas bishop of antiochia died ( in like manner as did alexander ) in prison after his confession , and fabius is preferred to be bishop of that church . moreover how many , and how great [ afflictions ] happened to origen in this persecution , and what was the end of these things , ( the devil with all his forces enviously setting himself in opposition to this man , and fighting against him with all subtilty and power , assailing him particularly above all those who were set upon at that time : ) how many , and how great things he also suffered for the doctrine of christ , as bonds , and bodily torments , the punishment of the iron chain in the inmost recesses of the prison : how he was put upon the a rack , his feet for several days being stretch'd so wide as to the distance of four holes : how valiantly he sustain'd the menaces of fire , and all other [ tortures ] inflicted by his enemies : what also was the exit of these things : ( the judge with his utmost power earnestly endeavouring * that he might not be slain . ) lastly , what expressions he left behind him , and how comfortable to the b comfortless : [ all these particulars ] many of his epistles do both truly and accurately comprehend . chap. xl. concerning what things happened to dionysius . i will also record some things concerning dionysius , out of his epistle to germanus . where speaking concerning himself , he makes this relation : i speak in the presence of god , and he knows that i lie not . i never made my escape a of my self , nor without the divine appointment . but before , to wit , at the same time when the b decree for the persecution came out from decius , sabinus sent out his c deputy to make inquisition for me ; and i stay'd at home four days , expecting the arrival of the deputy : but he went about searching all places ; both high-ways , rivers , and fields , where he thought i might be conceal'd , or where he conjectur'd i might have gone : but he was so blinded , that he found not my house . neither could he imagine that i should stay at home when there was inquisition made for me . and at length after the fourth day , ( when god had commanded me to depart thence , and had miraculously ●opened a way for me ) i , and my d servants , and many of the brethren , went out together . now that that was a special act of god's providence the sequel declar'd , in which peradventure i was profitable to some . again , after the interposition of some words , he relates what happened to him after his flight , in these words : i my self , ( and my companions ) being much about the time of sun-setting apprehended by some souldiers , was brought to taposiris . but timothcus , according to the providence of god , was not with us , neither was he taken : but when he at last came , he found the house empty , and souldiers keeping guard about it , and us reduced to slavery . after some other words he saith thus . what now was the order and manner of this miraculous act of providence ? ( i will tell nothing but truth . ) a certain e country man met timothy as he was flying , and thus disturb'd in mind ; and he inquired of him the reason of this great hast ; he told him the real truth . when the man had heard his relation , ( he was then a going to a marriage feast , and 't is customary amongst them to tarry all night at such meetings , ) he went his way , and coming into the house , told the story to those that were set at the table : all of them with an unanimous earnestness ( as if it had been by a compact amongst them ) rose up together , set a running , and with great clamours came speedily upon us . the souldiers who guarded us being by them forthwith put to flight , they came upon us as we were , and [ found ] us lying upon f couches without any furniture on them ; i ( god knows ) at first supposing them to be thieves , who came thither for prey and pillage , continued lying on the couch , naked as i was , excepting onely a linnen garment which i had on ; and offered to them my other cloathes , which lay by me : but they bid me arise , and come out immediately . then understanding what was the cause of their coming thither , i cry'd out , intreating and beseeching them to depart and let us alone . but if their intent was to do me a kindness , i begg'd of them to behead me , and by that means to prevent those who brought me prisoner thither . while i thus cry'd out ( as my companions and fellow-sufferers in all my troubles doe know ) they compell'd me to rise up : i threw my self on my back upon the ground ; but they took me by the hands and feet , and dragg'd me out : there follow'd me those who are my witnesses of these things , caius , faustus , peter , paul ; g who took me together with that couch upon their shoulders , and convey'd me out of the village ; and having set me upon an ass unsaddled , they carried me away . these things dionysius relates concerning himself . chap. xli . concerning those who suffer'd martyrdom at alexandria . the same man in an epistle of his to a fabius bishop of antioch , gives this account of the combats of those martyrs who suffer'd at alexandria in the times of decius . the persecution amongst us did not begin at the time when the imperial edict was issued out , but preceded it one whole year . for a soothsayer , and b a poet ( whoever he was who so endamag'd this city , ) had stirr'd up , and encouraged the tumults of the heathens against us , exciting them to their countrey superstition . they being prick't forward by him , and having obtained free power of acting all mischief , thought it the most acceptable service * and worship of their gods to slaughter us . first of all therefore they lay hands upon an old man named metrá , and bid him pronounce some atheistical words , and because he obey'd them not , they beat him with clubs , and prick'd him in the face and eyes with sharp reeds , and when they had led him into the suburbs , they ston'd him to death . afterwards they dragg'd a believing woman call'd quinta , to the temple of their idol , and compell'd her to fall down and worship : but she turning away her face , and abominating it , they bound her feet , and dragg'd her through the city , which is pav'd with sharp stones , and having dash'd her against millstones , and scourg'd her , they led her to the same place without the city , and ston'd her . afterwards all with one accord violently broke into the houses of pious men , and every one of them ran to their neighbours , whom they knew , and plunder'd and rob'd them ; their goods which were of greater value they c purloin'd , but the lumber , and what was made of wood they cast forth , and burnt in the streets : so that the city seem'd as if it had been taken by an enemy : but the brethren withdrew themselves thence and privately fled ; and ( like those s t paul speaks of ) * took joyfully the spoyling of their goods . and not one of them that i know of , except one who somewhere fell into their hand , renounc'd the lord till this time . moreover , at that time they took a most admirable virgin who was antient , call'd apollonia , and buffeting her on the cheeks , they dash'd out all her teeth . and when they had built a pile of wood before the city , they threatned to burn her alive , except she would repeat together with them some d profane words . but she , having begged a little respite , being let loose , forthwith leapt into the fire , and was consum'd to ashes . they also apprehended serapion as he was in e his house , and having tortur'd him with grievous torments , and broken all his joints , they cast him down headlong out of an upper room . there was now no way for us , not the common highway , not so much as any narrow street , through which we could securely pass either by day , or by night : every body proclaiming at all times , and in all places , that whosoever would not repeat those blasphemous words , he should be dragg'd away , and burn't immediately . after this manner these things continu'd for a great while : afterwards followed sedition , and a civil war , which [ seized ▪ ] these wretches , and returned the cruelty they us'd towards us upon themselves . and we had a little breathing time , their fury towards us being something appeas'd . but presently news came of the f translation of that empire , which had been more favourable to us : and much fear of a threatning storm appear'd . and now arrived the [ imperial ] edict , almost like that foretold by our lord , g representing those most terrible [ times ] in so much that even the elect , if it were possible , should be discouraged . indeed all were put in great fear . immediately many of them who were more eminent , yielded up themselves [ to their idolatry ] through fear : others , who h had to doe in the management of the publick affairs , were forc'd through the necessity of their offices [ they held ; ] and they induced others of their acquaintance , who , being summon'd by name , repaired to their impure and profane sacrifices . some looked pale , and trembled , as if they themselves were about to have been sacrifices and victimes , not sacrificers to their idols . so that they rendred themselves the subject of laughter to the multitude that stood round about them : because they demonstrated themselves to all , to be fearfull both of death and of sacrificing : but others of them ran to the altars more willingly , protesting very confidently that they never were christians before . concerning whom the lords prediction is most true , that they shall hardly be saved . as for the rest , some of them adhered to the one or the other of those parties we have mentioned ; some fled away ; others were apprehended . and of these [ though ] some proceeded so far as till [ they came to ] bonds and imprisonment , and others of them had been imprisoned several days ; yet before they were brought to the tribunal , they renounc'd [ the faith. ] some of them after they had persisted some time in suffering torments , yet for fear of what might follow renounc'd [ their religion . ] but the stedfast , and blessed pillars of the lord , being strengthened by him , and having received power and patience equal and answerable to their strong faith , became admirable witnesses of his kingdom . the first of which was julianus a gouty man , who could neither goe nor stand ; he , together with two other men who carried him , was brought before the judge : one of those persons straightway deny'd [ christ. ] but the other whose name was cronion , but was sirnamed eunus , together with the old man julianus , having confessed the lord , rode upon camels through the whole city ( which you know is very large ) and were scourged as they sate on high , and at last in the presence of all the multitude standing round , they were consum'd by an i exceeding hot fire . a souldier who attended on them as they were lead [ to the stake , ] thrust away all those who abused them , and when the people exclaim'd against him , this most valiant champion of god ( by name besas ) was call'd in question , and after he had behav'd himself nobly in a great combat in defence of piety , he was beheaded . also another man , a libyan born , ( both according to his name , and also agreeable to the divine benediction truly stil'd k macar , ) after much exhortation of the judge to a renunciation , being nothing subdu'd therewith , was burned alive . after these epimachus , and alexander , after a tedious imprisonment , which they endur'd , having suffered infinite sorts of tortures , as * iron scratchers , scourges , were also burned to death with unslaked lime : with them also four women : ammonarium , an holy virgin ( whom the judge for a long time and with much earnestness tortured , because she had before hand said she would utter nothing he should enjoyn her , ) when she had verified her promise , she was led to execution . now the rest were these . mercuria a most virtuous and venerable matron : and dionysia the mother of a numerous issue , but did not love her children more then the lord : l also another ammonarium . the judge being now ashamed that he tortured them yet in vain , and that he was thus overcome by women , slew them with the sword , before they underwent the tryall of tortures . for ammonarium their leader had suffered torments for them all . heron also , and m ater , and isidorus , aegyptians , and with them dioscorus , a lad of about fifteen years of age , were set before the judge . who first of all endeavoured to deceive the youth with words , as thinking him flexible and easie to be perswaded ; he endeavoured also to force him by torments , [ supposing ] him to be remiss and inclineable to yield ; but dioscorus was neither mov'd with perswasions , nor yielded he to torments . when [ the judge ] had most barbarously torn the rest with stripes , and they persisted , he delivered them also to the fire , but he dismiss'd dioscorus , because he was lovely in the eyes of the people , and he also himself admired him for his most prudent answers to his questions : saying , he allow'd him space for repentance because of his tender age . and now the most excellent dioscorus continues with us , reserved for a greater and more lasting combat . also one nemesion , another aegyptian , was falsly accused as a companion of theeves : but having before the centurion cleared himself of this accusation brought against him , as being most absurd , he was impeach'd as being a christian , and brought bound before the governour : who , ( most unjust man , ) having inflicted upon him double as many torments and stripes , as upon the theeves , [ commanded ] him to be burnt amongst theeves : blessed man ! who was honoured after christ's example . moreover , a whole n file of souldiers , to wit , ammon , and zeno , and ptolomy , and ingenuus , and with them the old man theophilus , stood together before the place of judicature . and when a certain man was accused for being a christian , and inclined to a renunciation [ of his religion , ] they standing by gnashed upon him with their teeth , made grimaces at him with their countenances , stretched out their hands , and shewed mimick and antick gestures with their bodies ; [ in so much that ] all mens eyes were turned towards them : before any one came to lay hands on them , they ran to the o place where the accused usually sate , confessing themselves to be christians : upon which , the governour and the assessours were surprized with a great fear . the accused seem'd most couragious at what they were about to suffer , but the judges trembled . so they went out of the place of judicature in a kind of pomp and state , and rejoyced at the testimony [ they were to give to the faith , ] god p making them to triumph gloriously . chap. xlii . concerning some other things which dionysius relates . several others were torn in pieces by the heathens , both in the cities , and in the countrey villages : one of them i will hear speak of for examples sake . ischyrion was a mercenary * officer under one of the magistrates . he , whom he served , injoyned him to sacrifice : but when he obeyed him not , he was injurious to him ; when he still persisted to be disobedient , he basely reproacht him . after he had patiently sustained all this , he took a great stake , and having run it through his guts and bowels , murdered him . what need i to reckon up the multitudes , which wandered in deserts and mountains , and dyed by pestilence , thirst , and cold , and by diseases , thieves , and savage beasts ? such of them as survived are witnesses of their choice and victory : but i will adde one fact for a manifestation of the truth hereof . there was one chaeremon a very aged man , bishop of the city called nile , he together with his wife fled unto the mountain a arabius , but never returned ; neither could they , or any thing of their bodies ever be found , although the brethren searched all places carefully . also many about this mountain arabicus were taken captives and inslaved by the barbarous b saracens : some of which were with much difficulty redeem'd with great sums of money ; but others of them are not yet [ redeem'd ] even at this time . now ( my brother ) i have not at large related these things to no purpose , but that you may see how great , and how grievous miseries happened to us , which they who have most experienced , do best understand . afterwards , after some few words he makes an addition to all this , saying ; therefore those divine martyrs , ( who are now assessours with christ , colleagues of his kingdom , and are c partakers of his judgement , giving sentence together with him , ) during their being amongst us , received to themselves some of the brethren who were lapsed , and lay convict as having sacrificed to idols : and when they had seen their conversion and penitence , judging it might be acceptable to god , who in no wise willeth the death of a sinner , but rather that he repent , they admitted them , and d brought them together , and received them into their congregation , and e communicated with them in prayer , and in eating . now , therefore ( brethren ) how doe you counsel us concerning these things , what must be done by us ? shall we be of like mind , and of the same opinion with the [ martyrs ? ] shall we observe their determination , and the favour they [ shewed such persons ? ] and shall we be indulgent towards them , to whom they were mercifull ? or shall we render their sentence unjust , and make our selves examiners and judges of their opinion ? grieve their goodness and clemency ? and destroy the order [ which is constituted ? ] dionysius very advisedly annex'd these words , discoursing concerning them , who in the times of persecution had lapsed through infirmity of mind . chap. xliii . concerning novatus , what manner of person he was as to his moralls ; and concerning his heresie . for novatus , a presbyter of the church of rome , being puffed up with pride against these * men , as if there were no further hopes of salvation left for them , although they perform'd all things appertaining to an unfeigned conversion , and a sincere confession , constituted himself the ringleader of a peculiar sect , of those who by reason of their haughty minds stil'd themselves † cathari . upon this account a very great synod was assembled at rome , consisting of sixty bishops , but of presbyters and deacons [ the number ] was greater . and when the pastours of each respective place in the rest of the provinces , had consulted by themselves concerning what was to be done ; a this decree was promulged to all : that novatus , together with all those who imitated his pride , and who presumptuously assented to his uncharitable and most inhuman opinion , should be accounted as alienated from the church : but that the brethren who were fallen into the calamity [ of the lapsed , ] should be healed and cured by the remedies of ▪ repentance . there came to our hands the epistles of cornelius bishop of rome , to fabius bishop of antioch : which set forth the acts of that synod at rome , and the opinions of all those in italy , and africa , and the provinces there . there are also extant other epistles written in latine , by cyprian and those bishops ' assembled with him in africa : by which it appears that they consented to the relieving of those who were fallen into temptation , and that the authour of this heresie ought with good reason to be expelled out of the catholick church , together with all those who had been seduced by him . there is also annex'd to these b another epistle of cornelius's concerning the decrees of that synod : and also another concerning the mischievous acts of novatus . part of which , nothing hinders but that we may here insert , that so they who read this work , may have a perfect knowledge in all things concerning novatus . cornelius therefore , informing fabius what a man this novatus was as to his course of life , writes these very words : but that you may the better understand how this admirable fellow heretofore coveted a bishoprick , and concealing this his hot ambition continued undiscovered , for a cove●● for his folly , usually from the beginning having the confessours in his company , i will make this declaration to you : c maximus a presbyter of our church ▪ and urbanus , which men have the second time acquired great renown to themselves for their confessions , sidonius also , and 〈◊〉 , a man who has most patiently endured all sorts of tortures through god's mer●y ; and having corroborated the weakness of the flesh through the strength of his faith , utterly vanquished the adversary : these men [ i say , ] when they had made enquiry into the man , and d detected his subtilty and deceit , his perjury and lyes , his unsociableness and wolfish friendship , returned to the holy church ; and divulged all his subtile devices , and his villanies ( which he had kept conceal'd within himself for a long time , refusing to declare them ) in the presence both of a sufficient number of bishops , and also of a great many presbyters and laicks ; lamenting , and repenting , because , having been seduced by this subtile and wicked beast , for some small time they had abandoned the church . after some few words , he also adds this ( dear brother ) what a wonderfull change and alteration we saw made in a short time in him ? for this most excellent fellow , ( who affirmed with terrible protestations and oathes , that he did not in the least cove● the office of a bishop , ) 〈◊〉 ● sudden appears a bishop , as if he had been e thrown into the midst by an engine . for this brave doctour , who [ pretended himself ] to be a maintainer of the church discipline , when he endeavoured by force to acquire to himself , and su●reptitiously to steal the bishoprick which was not assign'd to him by god , ●hose for his confidents two men , who despaired of salvation , that he might send them into some little corner , and the most despicable part of italy , and there delude three bishops , who were simple and unlearned men , by a certain fraudulent enterprise , affirming and protesting that with all possible speed they must post to rome , that all the disagreement which had been there , might by their mediation , together with the other bishops , be composed . when f they arrived , being ( as we said before ) persons unexperienced in the plots and subtilty of these wicked m●n , having been shut up close by some persons like himself who were assign'd for that purpose , at ten of the clock he compell'd them , being drunk and dozed with over much wine , to give him the bishoprick by g an imaginary and an ineffectual imposition of hands : and he laid claim to that by craft and subtilty , which did in no wise appertain to him . one of those bishops not long after return'd to the church , bewailing and confessing his sin , whom , through the mediation of all the people then present , h we received into the communion of the laity . we ordain'd successours for the other two bishops , and sent them away to possess their sees . i this maintainer therefore of the gospel , knew not that 't was meet there should be but one k bishop in the church of rome . in which he was not ignorant ( for how could he be ? ) that there should be l presbyters , seven deacons , seven sub-deacons , clerks ; exorcists , readers , together with janitors , . widows , and m indigent persons , which could not maintain themselves , above a thousand and five hundred . all these the grace and bounty of the lord maintain'd . but neither could so great multitude , so necessary in the church , ( a congregation which by gods providence is both rich , and numerous , together with a great and innumerable multitude of people , ) make this man ashamed of this so desperate an attempt , or deter him from proceeding in it , or recall him into the church . and again , after some other words , which intervene , he adjoyns these . but come on , let us in our following words declare , in what works of his own , or what good practices he was so confident , as to aspire to a bishoprick . was it upon this account , that from the beginning he had been conversant in the church , and had fought many combats in defence of it , and had been in many and great perils upon account of religion ? no ; this is nothing so . for the devil who had entered into him , and for a long time dwelt in him , was the occasion of his being a believer . he being relieved [ thereof ] by the exorcists , fell into a grievous distemper , and it being supposed that he would die immediately , he received baptism , ( being besprinkled with water , ) on the bed whereon he lay : ( if that can be termed baptism : ) neither , when he had escaped that sickness , did he afterwards receive the other things which the o canon of the church injoyneth should be received : nor was he p sealed by the bishops imposition of hands ; which if he never received , how did he receive the holy ghost ? and again , a little after , he saith ; this man in the time of persecution , through timerousness and a desire of life , deny'd that he was a presbyter . for being desired and intreated by the deacons that he would come out of his chamber , in which he had shut himself up , and succour the brethren as far as it was meet and possible for a presbyter to succour the distressed brethren , who wanted assistance ; he was so far from complying with the deacons who intreated him , that with great indignation he went his way , and departed . for he said he would no longer ▪ be a presbyter ; but was a favourer of another kind of philosophy . having ran over some few passages , he makes this addition hereto in these words : for this excellent fellow has deserted the church of god , in which ▪ after he had received baptism , he was q vouchsafed the degree of presbyter by the favour of the bishop , who by imposition of hands ordain'd him priest. who being r denyed [ orders ] by all the clergy , and many of the laity , ( because it was not lawfull for one who had been baptized in his bed by reason of some infirmity , as he was , to be admitted into s any sacred order , ) the bishop intreated licence might be granted him to ordain this person onely . to these impious acts he afterwards subjoyneth this other , the worst of all his wicked exploits ▪ saying thus ▪ for he made oblations , and distributed to every one a part thereof , which when he had t delivered ; instead of blessing them , he compelled the wretched men to swear , holding the hands of him that received with both his hands , and not letting them go , till the persons had sworn , pronouncing these words : ( for i will here make use of his own words : ) sweat to me by the body and bloud of our lord jesus christ , that thou wilt never desert me , and revolt to cornelius ▪ so the miserable man was not permitted to taste , before he had u cursed himself . and at the receiving of the bread , instead of saying † amen , he says , i will never return to cornelius . again , after some other words he says thus : now you must understand he is stript naked of all his followers , and le●t desolate . the brethren daily deserting him , and returning to the church : and x moses a blessed martyn , ( who lately amongst us suffered a famous and admirable martyrdom , ) taking notice in his life time ▪ of this man's impudence and folly , y deprived him of communion , together with the five ▪ z presbyters , who with him had voluntarily separated themselves from the church . now at the end of his epistle , he makes a catalogue of those bishops who were present at rome , and condemn'd the folly of novatus . he also gives an account of their names , and the name of every ones particular church , in which he govern'd . he does also expresly mention those , who were not then present [ at rome , ] but by letters approved of the sentence of the foresaid bishops , together with their names , and the names of the cities , from which each of them wrote . thus much cornelius has recorded in his epistle to fabius bishop of antioch . chap. xliv . dionysius's story concerning serapion . dionysius bishop of alexandria sent letters to this same fabius , who was something inclining to this schism , and having discours'd severall things concerning repentance in his letters to him , and also related the combats of some who had undergone martyrdom a little before at alexandria , amongst other stories , he relates a miraculous thing , which i thought necessary here to insert into this our history , it runs thus : i will here propose to you one example which happened amongst us . there was amongst us one serapion an old man , a believer : who for a long time had lived blameless : but in the time of persecution he lapsed ; he often petitioned for pardon , a but no body gave attention to him , because he had sacrificed . being taken with sickness , he remained for the space of three days speechless , and senseless : being a little refreshed on the th day , he called his daughters son to him , and said , child , how long do you detain me ? i pray make hast , and absolve me quickly , call one of the b presbyters to me : and when he had spoken these words , he was again speechless . the child ran to the presbyter . it was now night : and the presbyter also was sick , and not able to come . but ( because i had before given command , that those people who were dying , if they desired it , and c especially if they had before humbly requested it , should be d absolved , that they might depart with a lively hope ) he e gave to the child a piece of the sacrament , bidding him to f moisten it in water , and put it into the old man's mouth ▪ the child 〈◊〉 with it . and when he approached , before he came in ● serapion again recovered himself a little , and said , child thou art come , the presbyter was not able to come ; but doe thou perform quickly what he injoyn'd thee , and let me depart . the boy moistned it in water , and put it into his mouth immediately . and when he had swallowed it by little and little , he straightway gave up the ghost . is it not plain that he was preserved , and his life prolonged till he was absolv'd , that his sin being quite blotted out , he might for the several good works he performed , be g acknowledged [ by christ. ] thus much dionysius . chap. xlv . dionysius's epistle to novatus . let us now see what the same person wrote to novatus , who about this time disturbed the fraternity of the roman church . take notice therefore how he writes to him , because he pretended that some of the brethren were the authors of his apostacy and schism , and how he yielded to it , being compelled by them . dionysius sendeth greeting to our brother a novatus . if you ( as you say ) were seduced unwillingly , you should manifest it by a voluntary return . for better it were to endure any thing whatever , then that the church of god should be rent asunder . nor were martyrdom less honourable if a man suffer death before he will yield to raise schism in the church , then if he undergoe it rather than he will yield to sacrifice to idols . yea in my opinion 't is much more glorious , for in that case man suffers martyrdom for his own soul's sake onely : but in this he undergoes it for the sake of the whole church . wherefore now , if you can perswade , or compel the brethren to return to concord , your good deed will be greater then your crime ; for this will not be imputed to you : but that will be commended . but if you can effect nothing upon the disobedient , save your own soul. i wish you health , and that you may embrace peace in the lord. these things he wrote to novatus . chap. xlvi . concerning dionysius's other epistles . he also wrote an epistle concerning repentance to them a in aegypt : in which he layeth down his opinions concerning the lapsed , and makes distinctions in the degrees of faults . there is also extant a particular book of his concerning repentance , to conon bishop of the church of hermopolis . and another b objurgatory epistle to his flock at alexandria . and amongst them there is an epistle written to origen concerning martyrdom . and an epistle to the brethren at laodicae , over whom thelymidres was bishop : he also writ concerning repentance to the brethren in armenia , over whom c meruzanes was bishop . he writes to all these , and also to cornelius bishop of rome , after he had received his epistle concerning novatus . where he declares that he was invited by h●l●nus bishop of tarsus in cilicia , and those who were with him : and also by firmilianus bishop of cappadocia , and by theoctis●us bishop of palestine , to meet them at the synod at antioch , where some men endeavoured to establish the novatian schism . d moreover he sends him word that he had heard fabius was dead , and that demetrianus was appointed to be his successour in the bishoprick of antioch . he also writes concerning the bishop of jerusalem in these very words : also blessed alexander being in prison , there died a happy death . there is extant besides this , another epistle of his sent by hippolytus to the brethren at rome , concerning the e office of a deacon . he also wrote another to them concerning peace , and concerning repentance likewise . and again he wrote another to the confessours there , who even at that present were favourers of novatus's opinion . he also sent to those same men two other epistles , after their return to the church . he also compiled many more epistles written to divers persons , wherein he has left to them , who at this time studiously peruse his works , variety of profit . the end of the sixth book of the ecclesiastical history . the seventh book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . the preface . dionysius the great , bishop of alexandria , shall again assist us with his words in the composure of this seventh book of the ecclesiastick history ; who particularly relates all the actions of his own times , in the epistles which he left to posterity : and our narration shall take its beginning from hence . chap. i. concerning the wickedness of decius and gallus . gallus succeeds decius , who was slain in a short time , together with his a children , before he had fully compleated the b second year of his reign . c about this time died origen , having lived seventy years wanting one . but dionysius in his epistle to hermammon , writes thus concerning gallus . but neither did gallus understand what was decius's destruction ; neither did he before see what brought his ruine : but he also stumbled upon the same stone , which lay before his eyes . he , ( his kingdom being in a happy state , and all affairs succeeding according to his d desire ) persecuted the holy men who offered up their prayers to god for his peace and safety , and together with them , drove away those prayers , by which they interceded for him . this he writes concerning gallus . chap. ii. who about these times were bishops of rome . cornelius having possessed the bishoprick of rome about three years , lucius was appointed his successour . he having ministred in the office not eight whole months , died , and relinquished the dignity to stephen . it was this stephen , to whom dionysius wrote the first of his epistles concerning baptism , there being about that time a great controversie raised , whether it were lawfull for the converts , of what sect soever , to be cleansed by baptism . a for an old custom had prevailed , that about these converts onely imposition together with prayer was to be used . chap. iii. how cyprian , with some bishops which were of his mind , was the first that was of the opinion , that the converts of any heretical sect whatever , ought to be rebaptized . cyprian then bishop of carthage was the a first of all , who thought , that hereticks should not be admitted unless they were cleansed from their former errour by baptism . b but stephen , thinking no innovations ought to be raised in opposition to the tradition which had prevailed of old , was in no wise well pleased at this . chap. iv. how many epistles dionysius wrote concerning this controversie . dionysius therefore having written at large to * him concerning this business , at last certifieth him , that the persecution being allayed , the churches in all places , which detested novatus's novelties , had regained a general peace amongst themselves : thus he writes , chap. v. concerning the peace which followed the persecution . a but know ( my brother , ) that all the churches throughout the east , amongst which there were formerly divisions , are now united : b and a little farther he writes ; and all the prelates every where are in perfect concord , as to their sentiments , and rejoyce exceedingly for this unexpected peace : [ to wit , ] demetrianus bishop of antioch ; theoctistus of caesarea , mazabanes of c aelia , alexander being dead ; marinus of tyre ; heliodorus of laodicea , thelymidres being deceased ; helenus of tarsus , and all the churches of cilicia ; firmilianus , and all cappadocia . for i have here onely named the more eminent bishops , that my epistle might not be too long , nor my relation troublesome : also all the provinces of syria and arabia , whom you d frequently relieve , and to whom you have now written : mesopotamia also , pontus , and bithynia : and in a word , all people every where rejoyce for the concord and brotherly-love , and praise god. these are the words of dionysius . but xystus succeeds stephen after he had executed the episcopal office two years . to him dionysius wrote a second epistle concerning baptism , and set forth to him the judgment and opinion of stephen , and the other bishops . concerning stephen thus he writes ; indeed he before e wrote letters concerning helenus and firmilianus , and all the [ bishops ] of cilicia , cappadocia , and galatia . and moreover , concerning all the neighbouring provinces , that he would have no communion with them for this very reason , because ( says he ) they rebaptize hereticks . and consider the weightiness of the affaire ; for truly i hear , that there have been determinations made in the f greatest synods of bishops concerning this business , that hereticks which were converted , should be first catechized , and then should be washed and cleansed from the filth of their old and unclean leaven . and i wrote to him , making intercession for all these men . and afterwards he says : also to our well beloved and fellow-presbyters , dionysius , and philemon ( who were formerly of stephen's opinion , and wrote to me concerning the same things ) i before wrote in short , but now i have written more at large . but thus much concerning the said controversie . chap. vi. concerning the heresie of sabellius . a after this head of discourse , he informs him of the b sabellian hereticks , who at that time abounded mightily ; and thus he writes , for concerning the opinion which lately sprung up at ptolemais a city of pentapolis , which is impious , and full of blasphemies against god almighty , father of our lord jesus christ ; and contains much infidelity against his onely begotten son , the first begotten of every creature , the word that was conversant amongst men ; and is full of stupidity and senselessness about the holy ghost : when letters came to me from both parties , and brethren to discourse with me , i wrote some c epistles according to my ability with gods assistance , explaining those [ points ] more at large like an instructour : of which epistles , i have sent you copies . chap. vii . concerning the most execrable errour of the hereticks , and concerning the vision sent from god which appeared to dionysius , and the ecclesiastick canon he received . the same dionysius in his third epistle , concerning baptism , written to philemon presbyter of the church of rome , annexeth these words : i have read over the books and traditions of the hereticks , defiling my mind for a little while with their most accursed inventions : indeed , i received this advantage from them , that i can the better confute them in my own thoughts , and do grow to a greater detestation of them . and when one of my brother presbyters prohibited me , fearing least i should be mixed and disordered with the filth of their wickedness ; ( for he said my mind would be defiled , and truly i was sensible he said true : ) a vision sent from god corroborated me . and a voice came to me , which gave me this express command , saying ; read all things that thou shalt take into thy hands , for thou art able to search into , and to examine every thing , and this was the principal cause of thy becoming a christian : i gladly received the vision , as being consonant with the a words of the apostle , who speaketh thus to those who are able , be ye skilful * examiners . afterwards , having spoken something concerning all the heresies , he continues saying ; i received this rule and canon from heraclas our blessed pope . for those who were converts from heresies , ( although they were b apostates from the church ; or rather not apostates , but seemingly assembled themselves , and were privately discovered to frequent any of the heterodox teachers ) he excommunicated , and would not again admit them into the church although they intreated him , before they had made a publick confession of what they had heard from the ●dverse party . and then he again admitted them to communion , but thought no second baptism was requisite for them , because they had before received holy * [ baptism ] from him . again , after a copious discourse upon this question , he ●hus concludes . this furthermore i understand , that the africans of this age were not the onely introducers of this custom , but this was establisht long before by bishops , who were before our age , in their most populous assemblies , and in the c synods of the brethren at iconium , and at synnada , and amongst many other persons ; whose sentiments and determinations i will by no means overthrow , nor excite them to contention and strife . for it is written : thou shall not remove thy neighbour's land-mark , which thy fathers have set in thine inheritance . his fourth epistle concerning baptism , is written to dionysius , who was at that time presbyter of the church of rome , and a little while after obtained the bishoprick there . from which epistle we may learn what a learned and admirable man this same dionysius was , by dionysius alexandrinus's testimonies of him . after other things he writes to him in that epistle concerning novatus in these words : chap. viii . concerning novatus's heresie . for we may with sufficient reason abominate a novatianus , who stirr'd up schism in the church , and seduced some of the brethren to blasphemies and impieties , and induced most profane doctrine concerning god , and calumniously accused our most gracious lord jesus christ as unmercifull ; besides all these things he b disalloweth of holy baptism ; and utterly abolisheth faith , and the c confession of faith before baptism : and he perfectly d banisheth the holy ghost from them , ( although there were some hope that it still rested in them , or would return to them again . ) chap. ix . concerning the baptism of hereticks , that it is impious . dionysius's fifth epistle was written to xystus bishop of rome . in which after much discourse against hereticks , he relates this very accident which happened in his days . for truly ( brother ) i want your advice , and desire your judgment . such a thing as this , coming to my knowledge , i fear least i should err in it . for one of the congregation of the brethren , who was accounted an antient believer , a person who had been a member of the congregation before my ordination , ( yea and as i think ) before ever blessed heraclas was constituted bishop : this man ( i say ) being present at the baptism of some who were lately baptized , and having heard the questions , and their answers , came to me weeping , and lamenting his own case . and falling down at my feet he made a confession of , and renounced the baptism which he had received from the hereticks , that it was not of this kind , neither had it any likeness at all to this of ours ; but was full of impieties , and blasphemies . he also said that he was now most grievously pricked in mind , and had not the confidence to lift up his eyes to god , having been initiated by such impious words and ceremonies . for this reason he prayed that he might partake of the most pure baptism , a adoption , and grace . which thing i durst not perform : but told him that the daily communion with the church he had so long enjoyed was sufficient for that . for i durst not rebaptize one who had heard the b giving of thanks , and had together with the rest of the congregation said amen to it , and who had c stood before the holy table , and d stretched out his hand to receive the holy food ; and who had received it , and for a long time had been partaker of the body and bloud of our lord jesus christ. moreover , i bad him be of a good courage , and approach the holy communion with a stedfast faith , and a good conscience . but he ceaseth not his lamentations , and has been afraid to come to the holy table , and can scarce endure to be present at the prayers , although he be desired . there is also extant another epistle of his , besides those before spoken of , concerning baptism , which is directed from him and the church he presided over , to xystus and the church at rome . in which epistle he enters into a prolix argumentation about , and discourses at large upon the question proposed . there is also extant another epistle of his , besides these concerning lucianus , which he wrote to dionysius the roman . but thus much concerning these things . chap. x. concerning valerian , and the persecution in his reign . moreover , gallus having not possessed the empire two compleat years , was slain ; valerian and gallienus his son , succeeded in the government . again therefore what dionysius relateth concerning this [ valerian ] we may gather out of his epistle to hermammon , in which he makes this narration ; this also is revealed to s t john , for saith he , a and there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things , and blasphemies , and power was given unto him , [ to continue ] fourty and two moneths . it is matter of wonder to see how both these things are fulfilled in valerian , and especially if we consider how he behaved himself before the persecution , how kind and how loving he was to the servants of god : for no emperour of all his predecessours was so courteously , so lovingly dispos'd towards them ( no not b those who are manifestly reported to have been christians , ) as he was , who at the beginning of his empire seem'd most mercifull , most loving towards them . his whole household was filled with pious men , and was [ seemingly ] a church of god. c but his master , and d chief of the magicians of aegypt , perswaded him to change his resolution : bidding him murther and persecute those pure and holy men , as being impugners and obstructers of accursed and abominable sorceries . for there were then , and are yet living , men , who with their very aspects , or e blowing upon , or words , are powerful enough utterly to dissipate the cheats of noxious demons . he advised him to perform impure rites of initiation , abominable inchantments and execrable sacrifices ; to cut the throats of miserable infants , to sacrifice the children of unhappy parents , to rip open the bowels of new-born babes ; and to tear in pieces and cut asunder god's own workmanship , as if by these acts he should purchase for himself a prosperous felicity . he also adds these words . indeed , f macrianus offered acceptable thank-offerings to the demons for the empire which he hoped for , who at first when he was nam'd the emperours g rationalist , did mind nothing that was reasonable , h or for the publick : but he lay under the curse of the prophet , which saith , i wo to them who prophesie after their own hearts , and regard not the publick good . for he did not understand that there was a providence which over-ruled all things . neither had he regard to the judgment of him , who was before all , is in all , and above all . upon this account he was indeed an adversary of his catholick church : but he alienated , and banished himself from the mercy of god , and fled away from his own * salvation as far as he could ; in this thing verifying his own name . after some other passages he again saith . for valerian , who was induced to act these things by his means , was exposed to affronts and reproaches , according to what was spoken to esaias saying , they have chosen their own ways , and their soul delighteth in their abominations , i also will chuse their delusions , and recompence their sins upon them . k this macrianus was most extraordinarily desirous of the empire , but being unable to put on the imperial dignity , because of his feebleness of body , he made his two sons emperours , who were heirs of their fathers iniquities . the prophecy which god spake is most evidently accomplished in these two brothers : visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me . for he imposed his own l evil lusts which he could not injoy , upon the heads of his children , and imprinted on them his own wickedness and hatred against god. thus much dionysius writeth concerning valerian . chap. xi . concerning what then happened to dionysius , and to those christians which were in aegypt . but concerning the persecution which raged exceedingly against him ; what [ sufferings ] also he and others sustained upon account of the worship of the supream god , his own words will declare , which he wrote in answer to * germanus a bishop of those times , who endeavoured out of malice to revile him : thus he answers him . a i run the hazard of falling into great folly and stupidity , being compelled of necessity to relate the miraculous providence of god concerning us . but because 't is said ; b it is good to keep close the secrets of a king , but it is honourable to reveale the workes of god : therefore i will hand to hand engage in the assault made against me by germanus . i came to aemilianus not without company , for there followed me maximus my fellow presbyter , and faustus , eusebius , and chaeremon who were deacons . one of the brethren of rome also then present went in with us . neither did aemilianus say to me at first , do not you hold solemn assemblies : for this was needless for him to have said , and a recursion from the last to the first , or principal thing in hand : for it was not his desire that we should not assemble others , but his principal care was that we our selves should not be christians : and he commanded me to leave off that way of worship , for he thought that if i would change my mind , others would follow my example : i replied not impertinently but in short , that c we ought to obey god rather than man. but i openly protested that i worshipped him who is the onely true god , and adored no other , and that i would never change my mind nor ever cease being a christian . after these words he bid us depart thence into a village called cephro adjoyning to the wilderness . but hear what words passed on both sides , as we find them inserted in the d publick records e , when dionysius and faustus and maximus and marcellus and caeremon were brought in , aemilianus the governour said : i have also discoursed with you by word of mouth concerning the clemency which our lords the emperours have used towards you ; for they have given you power to remain in safety if you will but turn to that which is agreeable to nature , and adore the gods which are protectours of their empire , and forget those things which are repugnant to nature . what say you to these [ proposals ? ] for i hope you will not shew your selves ungrateful towards their clemency , because they incite you to better things . dionysius replied , all men do not worship the same gods , but every one worship those whom they think to be gods : but we pay reverence and adoration to one onely god , the creatour of all things , who gave the empire into the hands of the most sacred and august emperours valerian and gallienus . and to him we offer up our prayers incessantly for the permanency and stability of their empire . aemilianus the governour said unto them , who hindereth you but you may also worship him ( if he be a god ) together with them who are by nature gods : for you are commanded to worship the gods , and also those gods , whom all men own to be such . dionysius replied ; we adore no other . then said aemilianus the governour unto them : i see you are altogether ungrateful and insensible of the emperours lenity towards you . wherefore you shall not abide in this city , but shall be sent into the parts of libya , to a place called † cephro ; for this place i have designed for you according to our emperours command ; and it shall in no wise be suffered that either you , or any others , keep your meetings , or have recourse to the places called the f coemeteries ; but if it appears that any one of you be not gone to the place which i have commanded you to go to , or shall be found afterwards in any assembly , he will bring imminent danger upon himself , for a necessary observation [ thereof ] shall not be wanting . therefore depart hence whither you are commanded : and he compelled me , although i was sick , to depart , and gave not one days respite . g how then could i have any leisure to call or not to call a meeting ? after some passages he again saith ; but neither were we absent ( by god's assistance ) from a corporal congregation : for with greater diligence i gathered together those in the city , as if i had been present with them , being absent in body ( as i h said ; ) but present in spirit : in cephro also there was a great congregation assembled with us , some of whom were the brethren who followed us out of the city ; others came thither from the rest of aegypt : and there god opened to us a door [ to preach his ] word : at first indeed we were persecuted , and stoned : but afterwards some of the heathens , and those not a few , forsook their idols , and were converted to god ; for the word , which they had not before received , was then first sown amongst them by us ; as if god had sent us away to them for this end : after we had here fulfilled the ministry , he again removed us to another place : for aemilianus resolved to convey us into places more uncomfortable ( as he thought ) and more like the lybian desart : and he gave command that we should altogether repair to mareotis , having allotted particular villages throughout that region for every of us . but he ordered us to reside nere the high-road , that we might be the first that should be apprehended . for this was wholly his contrivance and provision , that whenever he had a mind to apprehend us , he might have all of us easily taken without any trouble . but when i was commanded to depart to cephro , although i knew not where the place lay , ( having scarce ever before heard the name of it , ) yet i went away willingly , and not at all disturbed . but when they told me i was to depart thence to the i [ parts ] of colluthio , they who were present with me can tell how i was then disposed ; for here i will blame my self : at first indeed i was grieved and sorely vexed ; for although i had a better knowledge of , and was more acquainted with those places , yet they reported it was a countrey not inhabited by brethren and good men , and exposed to the disturbances of travellers , and incursions of thieves . but i received comfort by the brethren , when they suggested to me , that it lay nearer to the city ; and although cephro had brought us a great multitude of brethren out of aegypt , so that we could hold larger assemblies , yet there , the city lying nearer , we should more frequently enjoy the company of our truly beloved friends and acquaintance , for they would flock thither , and reside with us . and there would be k particular congregations , as if it were in the more remote suburbs . and so it fell out to be . after some other discourse he thus again writeth concerning what happened unto him . [ but perhaps ] germanus * glorieth in his many confessions ; and he can enumerate a great many [ afflictions ] which have befallen him . but how many sentences of the judges may he reckon up which were pronounced against us ; [ how many ] confiscations , proscriptions , plundring of goods , l deprivations of dignities , contempts of worldly glory , despisings of the praises of the prefects and m senatours : what patient sufferance of publick menaces , of exclamations against us , and of perils , and of persecutions , and of wandring up and down in exile , and of anxieties , and of all sort of tribulation : what things happened to me under decius , and n sabinus , and what to this present under n aemilianus : but where appeared germanus ? what report is there concerning him ? but i desist from this great imprudence which i am fallen into upon germanus's account . wherefore i willingly give those brethren , who perfectly know these matters , leave to make a narration of every thing which did befall us . the same dionysius , in his epistle to domitius and didymus , doth again in these words mention some things concerning this persecution ; it is superfluous to recite to you , who knew them not , the names of all our [ martyrs , ] which were very many . but understand thus much , that both men and women ; young and old ; young women and antient women ; souldiers and rusticks ; persons of all sorts , and all ages ; some of them having been victorious in the combate by scourges and fire ; and others by the sword , received crowns of [ martyrdom . ] but a long interval of time passed away being insufficient to make some appear acceptable to the lord : in like manner as for me it hath not seemed [ sufficient to make me acceptable ] who have continued even till this time : wherefore god hath reserved me for a time which he knows to be opportune , who saith ; o in an acceptable time have i heard thee , and in a day of salvation have i helped thee . but because you are inquisitive after our affaires , and desirous to be informed in what condition we live : you have fully heard , how when i , caius , faustus , peter , and paul were led away prisoners by the centurion , and the p magistrates [ of alexandria ] and the guards and officers that were with them , q some of them of mareotis came upon them , and took us away by force , dragging us by violence who were unwilling , and would not follow them . but at this present , i , and caius , and peter being alone , and deprived of the rest of the brethren , are shut up in a desert , and most uncomfortable place of libya , being three days journey distant from paraetonium . and a little after these words , he saith ; some have hid themselves secretly in the city that they may visit the brethren , as maximus , dioscorus , demetrius and lucius , who are presbyters . ( for faustinus and aquila being men more eminently known in the world , travel up and down aegypt . ) but the deacons that are surviving , besides those that died in r the plague , are these : faustus , eusebius , chaeremon . eusebius , [ i say ] one whom god hath impowered from the beginning , and furnished with great vigour to fulfil the office of ministration to the confessours in prison , and to perform the funeral s rites due to the bodies of the perfected and blessed martyrs , with great hazard and danger . for to this very present the governour ceaseth not most cruelly to slay some who are brought before him , ( as i before told you ) to tear in pieces others with tortures , and to make other-some to pine away in prisons , and bonds , giving a strict charge that none approach them , and making diligent search whither any one be seen to come neer them . notwithstanding , god through the chearfulness and fortitude of the brethren , doth incessantly refresh the afflicted . these are dionysius's words , and are contained in that epistle . we must further understand , that this eusebius whom he before called a deacon , was a t great while after constituted bishop of the church of laodicea in syria . and maximus , who he said was then a presbyter , succeeded dionysius himself in the government of the brethren at alexandria . faustus also , ( who together with dionysius was at that time famous for his being a confessour ) was reserved even till the persecution in our days , and being very old , and full of years , he was perfected by martyrdom , being beheaded even in our age. but thus much concerning what happened to dionysius about that time . chap. xii . concerning the martyrs which suffered at caesarea in palestine . in this persecution under valerian , three men of caesarea in palestine very eminent for their confession of christ , were crowned with divine martyrdom , being made food for the wild beasts . one of them was called priscus ; the other malshus ; the name of the third was alexander . they report that these men , living in the countrey , should blame themselves first for being careless and slothful persons , because they were negligent of , and did not eagerly catch at the crown of martyrdom , seeing that was a seasonable time of distributing those rewards of victory to them who had the least spark of celestial love in them . then , when they had consulted about these things amongst themselves , they took a journey to caesarea , and went immediately to the place where the judge was , and received the aforementioned sentence of death . besides these , there was a woman of the same city , in the same persecution , who they report , strove in the same combate : but 't is famed that she was one of marcion's sect. chap. xiii . concerning the peace under gallienus . a but not long after , valerian being b captivated and enslaved by the barbarians , his son reigned alone , who behaved himself more prudently in his empire . he immediately putteth a stop to the persecution against us by his edicts ; and gave command that the prelates of our religion should securely , and with freedom execute their usual offices , by his rescript which runs thus : emperour caesar publius licinius gallienus , pius felix augustus , to dionysius , pinna , demetrius , and the rest of the bishops : we have commanded that the indulgence of our gracious bounty be published through the whole world : that all shall quickly depart out of religious places . and for this cause you are impowered to make use of a copy of our rescript , that no body may molest you : and that which is lawful for you to put in execution was granted by us long ago : and upon this account aurelius cyrenius , our c high steward shall keep the copy of this edict granted by us. for the more manifest understanding of these things , they were translated by us out of latine into greek , and here inserted . there is also extant another rescript sent to other bishops , in which he permitteth to them the restauration of the places called d coemeteria . chap. xiv . what bishops flourisht in those times . at this time a xystus still continued to preside over the church of rome ; but demetrianus succeeded fabius in the bishoprick of antioch ; firmilianus was bishop of caesarea in cappadocia : moreover , gregorius , and his brother athenodorus governed the churches of pontus ; they were both origen's schollars : theoctistus bishop of caesarea in palestine being dead , domnus succeeded in that bishoprick : he living but a little while , theotecnus , who lived till our times , was constituted his successour . and this person also was one of origen's school . but mazabanes of jerusalem being dead , hymenaeus succeeded in that see , who also was very eminent in our days . chap. xv. how marinus was martyred at caesarea . a general peace being at this time restored to the churches in caesarea of palestine , marinus , a man honoured with a a military dignity , and eminent for descent and riches , was beheaded for his confession of christ , upon this account . there is a certain dignity amongst the romans termed the b vine , which those that obtained , are said to be made centurions ; c this place being vacant , marinus , whose course in order it was , was called to that promotion : when he was forthwith to have been invested in that dignity , there came another before the tribunal , and accused him , saying , it was unlawful according to the old laws , for him to hold any dignity amongst the romans ; for he was a christian , and did not sacrifice to the emperours ; therefore the office belonged to him . d achaeus , ( for that was the name of the judge ) being enraged at this , first asked marinus what opinion he was of : then when he saw that he stedfastly confessed himself to be a christian , he granted him three hours respit for deliberation . when he was gone out of the place of judicature theotecnus the bishop of that city coming to him ; taketh him aside to discourse with him ; and laying hold of his hand , leads him to the church ; wherein when he had placed him at the very altar , he put his e cloak a little aside , and shewed him the sword wherewith he was girded , and also brought the book of the sacred gospels and placed it right against him , bidding him on his own accord to take which of those two best pleased him . when marinus without any delay had put forth his right hand , and taken up the sacred book , theotecnus said unto him , adhere therefore , adhere to god ; and being impowered by him thou shalt obtain what thou hast chosen ; go in peace . immediately as he returned from the church , the cryer , who stood before the tribunal , called him ; for the time allotted him was now accomplished : when he was brought before the place of judicature , and had shewed a greater courage in the confession of the faith then he did before , immediately he was halled away to execution , and was f crowned with martyrdom . chap. xvi . a relation concerning astyrius . astyrius also is much fam'd for his religious boldness and freedom at that time : a man who was a roman senatour , a singular favourite of the emperours : and both for his nobleness of birth and estate , known to all persons . he , being present at the death of the foresaid martyr , took up the corps , wrapped it in a white and precious garment , laid it upon his shoulders and carried it away ; and when he had adorned it very richly , he deposited it in a decent grave . this persons familiars , who lived till our days , relate infinite other things concerning him . chap. xvii . concerning the mighty miracles of our saviour at paneas . amongst which they relate this miracle . at caesarea-philippi , ( which the a phaenicians call paneas ) they report there are springs to be seen at the foot of the mountain called panius , out of which the river jordan hath its original . they say , that on a certain festival they used to b cast a sacrifice into these springs , and by the power of the devil it would miraculously vanish out of sight : and that this was a miracle much talked of by them who had seen it . astyrius therefore being upon a time present with those that did this , and seeing many struck with admiration at what was done , was sorry for their errour . then he lifted up his eyes to heaven , and besought the supream god , by jesus christ , that he would rebuke this devil which seduced the people , and command him to cease from deceiving of men . they report that when he had prayed thus the sacrifice floated upon the waters immediately . thus perished their miracle , and never afterwards was there any prodigie done neer that place . chap. xviii . concerning the statue , which the woman who had the flux of bloud , erected . but since i have made mention of this city , i think it not at all unsutable to produce a story , which is worthy to be related to posterity . for they say that the woman , a who had the issue of bloud , whom the sacred gospels inform us to have been healed by our saviour , was born in this city : and that her house may be seen there , and that the illustrious monuments of our saviour's beneficence shown towards her doe yet remain . for neer the gate of her house ( 't is said ) stands upon a pillar of stone , the effigies of a woman in brass , kneeling on her knees , and stretching forth her hands forward in the form of a suppliant . on the other side opposite to it stood another image of a man made of the same mettal standing upright , dressed decently in a * short vesture , and stretching out his hand towards the woman . at whose feet upon the base of the pillar 't is said there springs up a strange kind of an herb , which grows up to the b skirt of his brasen doublet , and is a present remedy to remove all sorts of diseases : they say that this statue represented our saviour . this remained till our age , and therefore we our selves went to the city to see it . nor need it seem a wonder that the ancient gentiles , who received benefits from our saviour , did these things ; seeing that we have seen the pictures of his apostles peter and paul , and of christ himself , drawn in colours , and preserved till our days . it is probable enough that those ancients , according to the custom of the heathens , were wont c unadvisedly to honour all those after this manner as saviours , by whom they had been any ways benefited . chap. xix . concerning the chair of james the apostle . the episcopal chair of james the first bishop of jerusalem , who was consecrated by our a saviour himself , and the apostles ; ( who in holy writ is honoured with the title of the brother of christ ; ) being reserved till this time , the brethren who have succeeded in that church do reverence it : hence they plainly manifest to all what great veneration and respect , both the antients , and also those of our age , have , and do pay to holy men for their love to god. but thus much concerning these things . chap. xx. concerning dionysius's paschal epistles , in which he prescribeth a canon concerning easter . moreover , besides those his fore-mentioned epistles , the same dionysius at the a same time wrote these still extant , called b paschal epistles : amongst which he interweaves panegyrick discourses concerning the feast of easter : one of these epistles he dedicateth to flavius ; another to domitius and didymus . in which he publisheth a canon of eight years , having proved that we ought to celebrate the feast of easter , at no other time , but after the vernal aequinox . he composed another epistle besides these , to his fellow-presbyters at alexandria , and others to divers other persons , and these he wrote whilest the rage of the persecution still continued . chap. xxi . concerning what things happened at alexandria . dionysius returned to alexandria , peace being as yet scarce throughly setled there . but when sedition and war joyntly raged again there , so that he could not visit all the brethren in the city , they being divided into the one or the other party of the faction : again , even on easter-day , as if he had been exil'd out of alexandria , he conversed with them by letters . and in his other paschal letter which a little after this he wrote to hierax one of the aegyptian bishops , he mentioneth the sedition then at alexandria , in these words ; it is no wonder if it be difficult for me to converse with men far remote even by letters , whenas it is rendred now no easie matter for me to discourse with my self , and to give advice to my own soul. for i am compelled to send letters even to my own bowels , my brethren , who live under the same roof , have the same mind , and are members and inhabitants of the same church ; and it appears to me a great difficulty , how i should convey my letters to them : for a man may with more ease and less danger travel not onely beyond the bounds of this province , but even from east to west , then out of alexandria into alexandria . for the very middle street of this a city is more unfrequented and impassible then that vast and invious wilderness which israel travelled through in two ages . b those calm and still havens do represent the sea through which the israelites had a spatious passage , it being divided , and made like a wall on both hands , c but the aegyptians were drowned in the paths thereof . and through the frequent slaughters perpetrated therein , they were like a red sea. the river which runneth by the city seemed sometimes more dry and uncomfortable then the thirsty wilderness , through which , when the israelites travelled , they were so thirsty , that they murmured against moses , until by the power of god ( who onely doth marvellous things ) water gushed out of a craggy rock for them . at other times it overflowed in such abundance , that it laid all the countrey round about under water , the highways and the fields , and seemed to threaten a return of that deluge which was in the days of noah . it runneth by , being continually polluted with bloud , and murthered , and drowned bodies ; like that river which by moses , in the sight of pharaoh , was turned into bloud , and stank : and what other water can purifie this water which purgeth all things it self ? how can that vast and immense ocean which is impassible by men , cleanse this bitter sea ? or how can that great river which springeth out of eden , though it gather its four heads , into which it is divided , into that one of g●on , wash away this putrified gore ? or how can that * aire be purified , which on every side is defiled with most noisome exhalations ? for such vapours arise from the earth ; such winds from the sea ; such blasts from the rivers ; and such mists from the havens , that the very dews are nothing else but the gore of dead carkasses putrified in all the subjacent elements . after all this they wonder , and seem to doubt whence these d continued plagues ; whence these noysome diseases ; these contagions of all kinds ; and this various , and numerous destruction of men proceeds . they admire why this great city contains not in it as many inhabitants , ( should they be numbred even from infants to the most aged and decrepit ) as it formerly maintained persons , who were e lively old men , as they called them . but in those days there were so many persons betwixt fourty and seventy years old , that their number could not now be made up , although , all from fourteen to fourscore years of age were registred , and their names enrolled in the tables , that they might partake of the publick distribution of corn. and our youngest men now look as if they were of the same age with our old men formerly . and although they see mankind so much diminished and consumed from off the earth , ( their intire destruction being increased and augmented incessantly ) yet they tremble not . chap. xxii . concerning the plague which then raged . afterwards the pestilence succeeding the war ; when the feast [ of easter ] was at hand , dionysius again writeth to the brethren , describing the miseries of that calamity in these words : a to some men this present may seem not a time to celebrate a festival ; but neither this which we observe , nor any other time ( i speak not onely of the mournful , but also of any of those times which they account most joyful ) is a time of festivity to them . now indeed all places are full of mourning ; all persons lament ; and the city rings on every side with continual lamentations for the multitudes of them who are already dead , and who are daily dying : for as the scripture saith concerning the first born of the aegyptians , so now a great cry is heard : for there is no house , in which there is not one dead ; ( b and i wish there were but one in every house : ) indeed many , and sore afflictions have befaln us before this calamity . c first of all they expelled us out of the city . and when we onely were persecuted and oppressed by all men , yet nevertheless even then we kept the festival days . and every place , where every one of us particularly underwent affliction ; the field ; the desert ; the ship ; the inn ; the prison , was a place for holding our solemn assemblies : but the perfected martyrs , who are satiated in heaven , kept the most joyful feast of all . after these [ miseries ] succeeded war , and famine ; in which we were fellow-sufferers with the heathens . we alone suffered whatever they afflicted us with ; but what ever calamities they brought upon themselves and suffered , we participated of . and we were again made joyful by the peace of christ , which he granted to us alone : but when both we and they had enjoyed a very short time of refreshment , this plague immediately invaded us . a thing most formidable to them , and more calamitous than any accident whatsoever . and , as one of their own writers saith , it was the onely thing which surmounted all mens expectation and fear . it was indeed no such thing to us ; but rather an exercise , and tryal , nothing inferiour to our former sufferings : for this plague did not spare us ; but it raged grievously amongst the heathens . after these words he continues , saying ; indeed many of our brethren , through their superabundant love , and brotherly kindness neglecting their own selves , and firmly adhering to one another , without any thing of caution visiting them who were infected , carefully ministring to them , and healing them in christ , most willingly died with them ; infecting themselves with other mens distempers , attracting the disease from their neighbours upon themselves , and voluntarily d drawing the infection out of them by translating it into themselves . and many who had cured and restored others to their former health , died themselves , having brought their death upon themselves ; and being thus made the ransom and expiation for them all , they died , really fulfilling that common saying , which always hitherto hath seemed to contain no more than an officious e friendship . thus therefore died the best of our brethren ; some of whom were priests , and others deacons ; also those of the laity which were eminent died voluntarily : so that this kind of death which was suffered upon account of piety , and a stedfast faith , may be esteemed no less honourable then martyrdom . they took the dead bodies of the saints up in their open hands , and into their bosoms ; they closed their eyes , and shut their mouthes ; carried them upon their shoulders ; and f buried them : they stuck close to them ; embraced them ; washed them ; and g adorned them curiously in their cloathes : not long after they had the like good offices performed to themselves : for those who survived did continually tread in the steps of such as went before them . but the gentiles practice was quite contrary to this . they thrust out of doors those which begun to be infected ; they fled away from those who were most dear to them ; they deserted them being half dead in the high-ways ; and cast forth the dead bodies unburied ; being utterly averse from a participation and society [ with them ] in death , which yet was in no wise easie for them to avoid , though they used all arts and devices to decline it . after this epistle , when affaires in alexandria were in a peaceable and quiet posture , he again sendeth another paschal epistle to the brethren throughout aegypt , he also writ several others besides this . there is also extant an epistle of his concerning the sabbath , and another concerning exercitation . again , in an epistle to hermammon , and the brethren in aegypt , he has a long discourse concerning the improbity of decius and his successours , where he also makes mention of the peace in the reign of gallienus . chap. xxiii . concerning the reign of gallienus . nothing hinders but we may hear his own words which run thus : [ a macrianus ] therefore , having treacherously betrayed one of the emperours which preceded him , and made war upon the other , was immediately extirpated , and together with his whole family became extinct . gallienus was now proclaimed , and by common consent received emperour : he was both an old emperour , and a new : for he was before * them , and also survived them : for according to that which was spoken by the prophet esaias , † behold the former things are come to pass , and new things shall now rise up . for as a cloud rising up before the rays of the fun , overshadoweth it for a while , and appears to be substituted into the place thereof : but when the cloud has gone over it , or is dissolved ; the sun , which before was risen , seems then to arise again : so macrianus , who set himself before , and b approacht the very empire of gallienus , now is not , for he never was : but gallienus as he was emperour before , so he now continues to be . and the empire it self , having deposited its old age as it were , and being cleansed from the dregs of its former improbity , now flourisheth with greater vividness ; is seen and heard of at a larger distance , and spreads its fame in all places . he afterwards declares the time when he wrote these things , in these words : it now again comes into my mind to contemplate the years of our emperour : for i see how those most impious persons who had so great a name , are in a short time become most obscure . but our most pious and religious emperour , having passed his seventh , is now in the ninth year of his empire , in which we are about to solemnize the festivals . chap. xxiv . concerning nepos , and his schism . besides , dionysius wrote two books concerning the promises . the occasion of his writing these books was nepos , an aegyptian bishop , who taught that the promises , which were made to the saints in the sacred scriptures , should be performed in the * jewish sence , and affirmed that there was to come a thousand years state upon earth , which should be spent in bodily pleasures . now he supposing he could confirm his own opinion out of john's revelation , wrote a book upon this question , and intitled it , a confutation of the allegorical expositors ; which piece dionysius confutes in his books concerning the promises . in the first book of which he proposeth his own opinion concerning the question . in the second he discourseth concerning the revelation of john , where in the very beginning he makes mention of this nepos , and writes thus concerning him : but because they produce a book of nepos's , on which they rely very much , as if it did a infallibly demonstrate that the kingdom of christ should be [ set up ] on earth : indeed for several other things i commend and love nepos , for his faith , his industry and study in the scriptures , and also for the many b psalms and hymns he composed , with which many of the brethren are even at this time much delighted . and i reverence the man for this reason chiefly , because he is c dead . but i judge truth most to be beloved , and to be the most precious of all things . it is our duty to praise , and freely to commend what-ever is truly said : but we are also to examine and correct what-ever unsound opinion appears to have been committed to writing . now could he be present , and discusse his opinion by word of mouth , then a bare discourse by questions and answers , without any writing might suffice to convince and reduce the adverse party to an agreement . but since there is a book published ( and as to some it seems ) a most perswasive one ; since some teachers look upon the law and the prophets to be of no value ; neglect to follow the gospels ; have small esteem for the epistles of the apostles ; and d promise great things concerning the doctrine of this book , as containing some great and hidden ▪ mystery ; since they will not suffer the more ignorant of our brethren to think of any thing that is sublime and great , neither of the glorious and truly divine advent of our lord , nor of our resurrection from the dead ; our gathering together to him , and our being made like him : e but perswade them to think that men hope for nothing in the kingdom of god , but abject and mortal things , such as they now hope for . it is necessary we enter into a dispute against our brother nepos , as if he himself were present . after some words he continues , saying ; when i was in the province of the f arsinoitae ( where , as you know , this opinion was long since propagated so far , that there were schisms and revoltings of whole churches together ▪ ) having convened the presbyters and teachers of the brethren in every particular vilage , ( such brethren also as had a mind to come being present , ) i advised them that there might be researches made into this doctrine , in the presence of a publick assembly . and when they produced this book as a defence , and an impregnable bulwark , sitting with them three whole days together from morning till evening , i endeavoured to discusse the contents thereof . in all which time i did extraordinarily admire the constancy of the brethren , their love to truth , and the g great quickness and readiness of their understanding , with so much order , modesty and moderation did we propose questions , propound doubts , and yield our assents . for we took special care never pertinaciously to defend our former opinions , when once they were found to be erroneous : neither did we shun the objections of others : but to the utmost of our power , we endeavoured to h keep close to the points of the present question , and confirm them as well as we could : neither , if we were convinc't , were we ashamed to be perswaded out of our opinion , and consent with others : but with a good conscience , unfeignedly , and with i hearts displai'd to god , we received what-ever was grounded upon the demonstrations and declarations of the sacred scripture . in the conclusion , the chief maintainer and champion of this doctrine , by name coracio , confessed , and made a protestation to us in the audience of all the brethren there assembled , that he would no longer adhere to this opinion , nor dispute concerning it , nor mention it , nor preach it , so powerfully was he convinc't by the arguments which had been brought against it . and the rest of the brethren , which were present , rejoyced at this conference , and at the k reconciliation and unanimity which was amongst all men . chap. xxv . concerning the revelation of john. having interposed some words , he afterwards says thus concerning the revelation of john ; indeed some of our ancestours disowned , and wholly rejected this book ; confuting every chapter , and demonstrating it to be an unknown and senseless work ; and that the title is forged ; for they say it is not john's . neither is it a revelation , because it is covered over with so thick and dark a vail of ignorance . and that not onely no apostle , but also no holy or ecclesiastick person could have been the compiler of this work : but that it was * cerinthus , the founder of the heresie , called from him the cerinthian heresie , who was desirous to have a creditable name prefixt before his forgery : for this , they say , was cerinthus's opinion and doctrine ; that christ's kingdom should be terrestrial : and whatsoever he , being a carnal and voluptuous man most lusted after , in these he dream'd the kingdom of christ consisted ; as in indulging the belly , and the parts beneath the belly , i mean , in eating , drinking , and marrying ; and also in festivals , sacrifices , and killing of victims , by which these might with more specious pretences be acquired . i dare not indeed reject this book , since many of the brethren have it in great esteem . but this is the opinion i have of it , i think the sense or subject there of surpasseth my apprehension , and that there is a mysterious and admirable meaning covertly contained in every part of it ; for though i do not understand it , yet i suppose there is a more profound meaning comprehended in the words . i do not judge of , nor fathom these things by the line of my own reason ; but attributing much more to faith , i esteem them more sublime then to be comprehended by me . i do not condemn those things i could not understand , but i the rather admire them because i cannot see through them . after these words , having carefully look't into the whole book of the revelation , and demonstrated that it was impossible to be understood according to the obvious sense of the words , he goes on , saying ; but having finished his prophesie , ( as i may call it , ) the prophet pronounceth blessing upon all them who keep it , and moreover on himself too ; for he saith : * blessed is he that keepeth the words of the prophesie of this book : and i am john which saw and heard these things . i do not indeed deny that his name was john , and that this was john's book : [ for i grant that it was written by some holy and divinely inspired person : ] but i cannot easily be brought to give my consent that this was john the apostle , the son of zebedee , the brother of james , the author of the gospel according to john , and of the catholick epistle . for i conjecture by the genius and nature of them both , by the form of the stile , and the method and a disposition ( as they call it ) of the book , that it is not the same writer . for the evangelist does no where insert his name ; neither does he make himself known either in his epistle , or gospel . afterwards he thus proceeds again : john no where [ speaks ] either as concerning himself , or as concerning another . but he that wrote the revelation prefixeth his name at the very beginning : [ where he says , ] * the revelation of jesus christ which he gave unto him to shew to his servants quickly , and he sent and signified it by his angel unto his servant john , who bare record of the word of god , and of the testimony [ of jesus christ , and ] of all things which he saw . afterwards he writes an epistle : † john unto the seven churches in asia ; grace be unto you , and peace . now the evangelist has not prefixt his name , no not before his catholick epistle : but , without any circumlocution , has made his beginning from the mystery of the divine revelation . * that which was from the beginning , which we have heard , which we have seen with our eyes . for upon account of this kind of revelation the lord hath pronounced peter blessed in these words , † blessed art thou simon bar-jona : for flesh and bloud hath not revealed it unto thee , but my father which is in heaven . but neither before the second , nor third epistle of john which are extant , although they are very short , his john's name expresly prefixt ; but he is namelesly intituled the elder . but the other [ john ] thought it not enough to name himself once and so to proceed in his relation , but he again repeateth his name . * i john , even your brother and companion in tribulation , and in the kingdom and patience of jesus , was in the isle that is called patmos , for the word of god , and for the testimony of jesus christ. and at the close of this book he saith . † blessed is he that keepeth the sayings of the prophesie of this book . and i john saw these things and heard them . therefore that it was john who wrote these things , we ought to believe , because he affirms it . but what john it was 't is uncertain ; for he has not said that he himself was that john , who in several places of the gospel is called the beloved disciple of the lord ; or that he was he who lay in the bosom of the lord ; or that he was the brother of james ; or that he was the person who with his own eyes and ears saw and heard the lord. for certainly he would have mentioned some of these forementioned [ descriptions , ] if he were desirous to have made himself apparently known : but he has recorded none of these passages in his writings , but stiles himself our brother and companion and witness of jesus , and calls himself blessed , because he saw and heard these revelations . i suppose there were many of the same name with john the apostle , who through their love to , admiration and zealous emulation of him , and because they were desirous to be beloved of the lord as he was , had a great love for this name . b as we see many children of the faithful called by the name of paul and peter . moreover there is another john mentioned in the acts of the apostles , sirnamed * mark , whom barnabas and paul took to be their companion . concerning whom it is again said , * they had john to be their minister . whether it were he that was the authour of this revelation or not , i dare not affirm . for 't is no where written that he came with them into asia , but 't is said that when paul and his company loosed from paphos , they came to perga in pamphilia : and john departing from them , returned to jerusalem . therefore i think it was some other john , one of them who lived in asia . for 't is said there are two tombes at ephesus , and both called by the name of john's tombe . c also from the sentences , the words , and the disposition or placing of them , this john who wrote the revelation , may with good reason be suspected to be a distinct person from the other john ; for there is a mutual agreement betwixt the gospel and the epistle , and they both begin alike : the gospel begins thus : in the beginning was the word . the epistle thus : that which was from the beginning . the gospel says : and the word was made flesh and dwelt amongst us , and we beheld his glory , the glory as of the onely begotten son of the father . the epistle says the same with a very little variation : that which we have heard , which we have seen with our eyes , which we have looked upon , and our hands have handled of the word of life ; for the life was manifested . for these are his preludiums , directing his words ( as in the following passages he has declared ) against those , who denyed that christ came in the flesh . wherefore on set purpose he subjoyneth this , and what we have seen we bear witness to , and shew unto you that eternal life which was with the father , and was manifested unto us . that which we have seen and heard , declare we unto you . he is constant to himself , and does not in the least wander from his subject proposed , but in the same d periods and words he does prosecute all points , some of which expressions we will briefly recount . he who does carefully read them , will both in his gospel and epistle , very frequently meet with life ; very often with light ; an avoiding of darkness ; very frequently with truth ; grace ; joy ; the flesh and bloud of our lord ; judgment ; forgiveness of sins ; the love of god towards us ; the commandment of mutual love one towards another ; and that we ought to keep all the commandments . there is also contained in them the e condemnation of the world , of the devil , and of antichrist ; the promise of the holy ghost ; the adoption of the sons of god ; a faith universally required of us ; mention of the father and the son in every place . in summe , they who note the phrase in all things throughly may easily discern , that the genius and stile , both in the gospel and the epistle appears to be one and the same . but the revelation is altogether different from , and unlike to these ; it has no alliance to , nor ( as i may so say ) familiarity with either of these : nor has the revelation so much as one syllable in it which is common to these : neither does the epistle ( for i omit the gospel ) make the least mention of the revelation ; nor the revelation of the epistle ▪ and yet paul in his epistles mentions something concerning his revelations , which he did not digest into a volume by themselves . furthermore by the phrase , the difference betwixt the epistle and gospel and the revelation , may be easily conjectured : for those are not onely written most * correctly and agreeable to the purity of the greek tongue , but they are also composed with great elegancy in the words , in the argumentations and whole contexture of the discourse : so impossible it is for any one to find any barbarism or soloecism , or lastly any idiotism in them . for [ the evangelist ] ( 't is apparent ) had f both faculties ; the lord had endewed him with both , that is , the gift of knowledge , and the gift of speaking . as touching this other john i doe not indeed deny that he saw the revelation , and that he received the [ gift of ] knowledge and of prophesie . but i take notice that his dialect and stile is not pure greek , but he makes use of some barbarous words , yea and in some places he has soloecismes , which it is not now necessary to give a catalogue of . for i would have no one suppose that i have said these things in a way of derision ; but onely on this account , that i might explain the dissimilitude of these books . chap. xxvi . concerning dionysius's epistles . there are extant many more of dionysius's epistles a besides these . as for example , his epistles to ammon bishop of berenice against sabellius ; and an epistle to telephorus ; also one to euphranor ; and again another to ammon , and euporus . he also wrote b four more books upon the same subject , and dedicated them to his namesake dionysius bishop of rome . there are also more of his epistles besides these extant amongst us : and moreover some books of his , which are something verbose and prolixe , and are written in an epistolary form : as for example , his books concerning c nature , which are dedicated to timotheus a child , concerning temptations , which he dedicated to euphranor : besides these books , in his epistle to basilides bishop of pentapolis , he says he wrote a comment upon the beginning of ecclesiastes . he has also left us several epistles which he wrote to this d basilides . thus many are dionysius's works . but now after an historical relation of those things , we will deliver to the knowledge of posterity an account of our own age. chap. xxvii . concerning paul of samosata , and the heresie founded by him at antioch . dionysius , namesake to dionysius bishop of alexandria , succeeds xystus , after he had presided over the church of rome a eleven years . about the same time also died demetrianus bishop of antioch ▪ whom paul of samosata succeeded in his bishoprick . this paul had an abject and low opinion of christ , contrary to the doctrine of the church , as if he had been by nature no more then a meer man ; dionysius bishop of alexandria was intreated to come to the synod : he having complained of his age , and also of his infirmity of body deferred his coming ; but he openly declared by letter what was his sense and opinion concerning the matter in debate . but the rest of the pastors of the churches from all parts hastned to antioch , and were convened there as against the corrupter of christ's flock . chap. xxviii . concerning the eminent bishops of those times . the most eminent of these assembled were firmilianus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia ; gregory and athenodorus both brothers , bishops of the churches of pontus : besides these there were helenus bishop of tarsus , and a nichomas bishop of iconium : also hymenaeus bishop of jerusalem , and theotecnus bishop of caesarea upon the confines of jerusalem : besides these , maximus , who with great commendation governed the brethren of bostra . and a great many more may be reckoned ; who , together with presbyters and deacons , were convened in the aforesaid city at the time aforesaid , and upon the same account . but these were the most eminent of them . all these therefore being assembled in the same place together , b divers times and often , disputations and questions were raised in every synod . on the one side paul of samosata endeavoured to conceale and hide his heterodox opinions ; on the other , these persons striving with all diligence to denudate and make apparent his heresie and blasphemie against christ. in the interim dionysius * dies in the twelfth year of gallienus's empire , after he had presided in the bishoprick of alexandria seventeen years . maximus succeedeth him . but gallienus , having held the empire fifteen years compleat , claudius was constituted his successour . he , having reigned two years , left the government to aurelianus . chap. xxix . how paul being confuted by malchion a presbyter , ( who formerly had been one of the † sophistae ) was deposed . a in this emperours time was the last synod convened , which consisted of a very great number of bishops : the authour of that heresie at antioch being now convicted , and by all manifestly condemn'd of false doctrine , was excommunicated out of the catholick church , which is under heaven . but one b malchion most especially confuted and convinced him being desirous to keep himself conceal'd : he was a most eloquent man , and master of the grecian philosophy school at antioch . and moreover for his surpassing sincerity in the faith of christ , he was honoured with a presbytership of the church there . now this man having undertaken to dispute against paul , ( the notaries having written down all the passages of that disputation , which is at this day extant ) was the onely person that was able to detect and convince that crafty and deceitfull fellow . chap. xxx . concerning the epistle of the bishops against paul. the prelates therefore , being assembled together , by common consent writ an epistle to dionysius bishop of rome , and maximus bishop of alexandria : and then sent it over all the provinces : both manifesting their diligence to all men ; the perverse heterodoxy of paul , the confutations and disputes which were held against them ; and also giving in a narration of the whole life and morals of the man , whose words in which epistle , that posterity may remember them , it will be convenient here to relate . the epistle . to dionysius and maximus , and to all our fellow-ministers over the whole world , bishops , presbyters , and deacons ; and to the whole catholick church under heaven ; helenus , hymenaeus , theophilus , theotecnus , maximus , proclus , nicomas , a aelianus , paul , bolanus , protogenes , hierax , eutychius , theodorus , malchion , and lucius ; and all the rest of the bishops of the neighbouring cities and provinces which are with us , the b presbyters , and deacons ; and the churches of god , to the beloved brethren in the lord , health . after some words interpos'd , they adde these following . we have written to , and intreated many of the bishops far remote ; that they would come and assist in the curing of this pestiferous doctrine : for we wrote to dionysius bishop of alexandria , and to firmilianus bishop of cappadocia , men of blessed memory . the first of them wrote to antioch , but did not so much as vouchsafe the authour of the heresie a salutation ; c neither did he write to him by name , but to the whole church : a copy of which letter we have here inserted . the other , firmilianus , came twice , and condemned paul's novelties , as we who were then present do attest , and many others do also know as well as we . but when he promised to recant , firmilianus believing him , and hoping that the business might be composed d without any reproach to our religion , deferred his sentence ; being deceived by him who denyed his god and lord , and who kept not the faith which he formerly professed . but firmilianus was now about coming to antioch : and he came as far as tarsus ; for he had had experience of his malicious wickedness who denyed his god. but in the interim of our assembling , and whilest we were sending for him , and expecting his coming , he died . after some other passages they describe his morals , and what course of life he lead , in these words : but since he turn'd to forged and spurions opinions , departing from the e true rule , it is not our concern to examine the actions of one who is out of the church : neither how he , who was formerly poor , and indigent , ( having had no estate from his parents , nor got any thing by any trade or profession ) is now become incredibly rich , by his unlawful , and sacrilegious dealings , f by extortion , and vexatiousness used towards the brethren , and by g taking bribes from those that were injured , promising to help them to their right , for a reward ; but he deceiv'd them too , h getting money for doing nothing through their willingness , who were entangled in suits , to give any thing for a delivery from those troubles : he i supposed godliness to be gain . neither need we declare how proud and insolent he was , being invested with secular dignities ; and desiring to be stiled a k ducenarius , rather then a bishop : and how he walk't in state through the * forum , reading and dictating letters as he walked in publick , with a numerous guard about him , some going before and some following him : in so much that there was an ill opinion and an odium brought upon the faith through his pride and haughtiness . neither [ does it concern us to examine ] his vain glorious ambition in the ecclesiastick conventions , which he greedily pursues , being desirous of glory , and affected with an imaginary pomp : with such devices as these terrifying the minds of the faithful and ignorant . besides , he errected for himself a l tribunal , and a lofty throne , not like one of christ's disciples , but had a place called his m secretum , like as the secular magistrates have . he also used to clap his hand upon his thigh , and stamp't upon the throne with his feet . and such as did not commend him , and shake their n oraria , as they usually did in the theaters , and did not make loud exclamations , nor leapt up and down in the same manner as his favourites ( which were a company of silly men and women that during their hearkning to him used such indecencies ) did ; but were attentive to him with such a seemly reverence and decencie as befits the house of god ; those persons he rebuked and reproach't . in his publick discourses he reflected upon those doctours of our religion that were dead , with all imaginable scorn and petulancy ; but he magnified himself not as became a bishop , but rather like a counterfeit , and an impostour . he abolished the psalms , which were usually sung in honour of our lord jesus christ , as novel , and the composures of modern men . on the great feast of easter , he appointed women to sing psalms in his commendation in the body of the church , which whosoever heard might justly tremble at : he also privately sent the o bishops of the neighbouring villages and towns , and the presbyters who were his flatterers to make discourses to the people in commendation of him . for he will not joyn in a confession with us , that the son of god came down from heaven , that we may now premise some things of what we shall hereafter more at large declare in writing . neither shall this be affirmed on our bare word , but it is evident in many places up and down his p acts which we have sent you : and most especially there where he says that jesus christ is of the * earth ; but those who chaunt out his praises , and sing his encomium's amongst the people , do say , that this their impious master is an angel come down from heaven : nor does that haughty fellow prohibit these expressions , but is himself present when they are spoken . what need we here mention his and his presbyters and deacons q subintroduced women ( as the antiochians term them ? ) in whom he conceals not onely this , but many other damnable crimes , ( which he is conscious of , and of which he has been convict they are guilty ) that by this means he may keep them so obnoxious , as not to adventure , through a fear of their own guilt , to accuse him for his impious words and practises . moreover , he has enriched them . and this is the reason he is beloved and admired by them who covet such things . but why do we write these things ? we know ( beloved ) that it is the duty of a bishop , and of the whole clergy , to be examples of good works to the people . neither are we ignorant , that by introducing women into their society , some have wholly fell away from goodness , and others have been suspected . although therefore it be granted he committed nothing that was unchast , yet the very suspicion which arises from such a thing , ought carefully to be avoided , least it should be offensive to any one , and induce others to imitate it : for how can he reprove , or admonish another not to frequent the company of women , and to take heed least he fall , ( as it is written , ) who has now indeed sent away one , but keeps two that are young and beautiful with him ? and where-ever he goes , he carries them along with him ; and therefore indulges , and r stuffs himself with delicacies . these are the reasons that all people sigh , and lament privately : but they so dread his tyrany , and authority , that they dare not accuse him ; now , ( as we have before said ) any one would call a man , who professes the catholick doctrine , and is reckoned of our communion , to an account for these things . but from one , who has abjured the mystery [ of our religion , ] and has boasted in that cursed heresie of artemas , ( for why may we not manifest to you his father : ) we judge it needless to require an account of these things . afterwards in the close of the epistle they adjoyn these words . having therefore excommunicated this contumacious enemie of god ; we were necessitated to ordain another bishop in his stead over the catholick church , ( as we are perswaded , not without the providence of god ) [ to wit , ] domnus ( the son of demetrianus of blessed memory , who before him was the eminent governour of that see ) a man adorned with all accomplishments requisite to a bishop . which we have therefore signified to you , that you may write to him , and receive from him s communicatory ●etters : but as for this [ paul ] let him write to artemas , if he pleases , and let the followers of artemas , hold communion with him . t and let these things be here by us inserted . * paul therefore having been devested of his bishoprick , and being also fallen from the orthodox faith , domnus ( as is aforesaid ) succeeded in the government of the church of antioch ; but u paul being by no means willing to quit the possession of the * church ; an address was made to aurelianus the emperour , who most justly determined concerning this business ; giving command that the pallace should be resigned to whom the bishops of the christian religion in italy and rome should assign it by their letters . thus therefore the aforementioned paul , was with the greatest disgrace thrust out of the church by the secular power . thus indeed was aurelian affected towards us at that time ; but in the following part of his empire his mind towards us being altered , he was induced by the advice of some men to raise a persecution against us . much discourse there was every where concerning it : but the divine vengeance assaulted him , ( being now ready , and as i may say , almost subscribing the edicts against us , ) [ repressing ] his design , and binding him ( as it were ) by the armes ; making it evidently apparent to all men that the readiness of the princes of this world [ to persecute us ] can never prevail against the churches of christ , unless the invincible hand of god in his divine and celestial judgment , permits it to be done for our chastisement and amendment , at those times in which he judgeth it most seasonable . moreover , probus succeeds aurelian , having reigned six years . and after he had held the empire the like number of years , carus together with his sons , carinus and numerianus , succeed him . again , these having not lived three full yeares , the empire falls to diocletian and those who were adopted with him . in whose times the persecution against us was accomplished , and at the same time with it was the demolishing of the churches : but a little before this , died dionysius , after he had governed the see of rome nine years , and felix succeeded him . chap. xxxi . concerning the heterodox and corrupt opinion of the manichees which sprang up at this time . at the same time that mad-man , ( truly called a manes ) who gave denomination to that furious heresie , was armed with madness ; satan himself that adversary of god , having produced him for the destruction of many men . this person was barbarous in his whole course of life , in his very discourse and manners , he was as to his disposition devilish and mad : he undertook what was agreeable hereto , and attempted to feign himself to be christ. sometimes he declared himself to be the * paraclete , and the very holy spirit , being also besides his madness puft up with pride : at other times , as if he were christ , he elected twelve disciples to be colleagues of his new-formed opinion : moreover , when he had patched up a collection of false and atheistical opinions , gathered out of various heresies which were long since extinct , he poured them , like some deadly poison , out of persia into b our countrey . hence came that impious name of the c manichees , which at this time abounds in many places ; such therefore was the original of this d forged doctrine , which sprang up in the times before mentioned . chap. xxxii . concerning those ecclesiastick men who were famous even in our age , and which of them lived till the demolishing of the churches . at this time eutychianus succeeded felix , who had been bishop of the church of rome five years . and a he , having not lived full ten months , leaves the dignity to caius , who lived in our age : when he had presided there about fifteen years , marcellinus was ordained his successour ; whom the persecution overtook : at this time timaeus succeeded domnus in the government of the church of antioch : after him cyril succeeded in our memory . in his time we knew one b dorotheus , who then had the dignity of presbyter in the church of antioch , a very learned man : he was very studious in the sacred scriptures , and used so great sedulity in attaining the hebrew tongue , that he could read the scriptures in hebrew with great skillfullness : he was a person that had been c excellently well educated , and was not unexperienced in the grecian literature : but he was by nature an eunuch , having been so from his very birth . the emperour for this reason , ( it being for example a thing which was wonderful , ) took him into his favour , and advanced him to the office of overseeing the purple dy-house at tyre : we have heard this person expound the holy scriptures in the church indifferently well : but after cyrillus , tyrannus succeeded in the bishoprick of the church of antioch ; in whose time the destroying of the churches was very violent : after socrates , eusebius governed the see of laodicea , who was born at the city of alexandria ; the cause of his removal [ out of his own countrey ] was the controversie about paul : upon which account coming into syria , he was detained from returning home by those persons who in that place diligently busied themselves about celestial matters ; he was in our memory a most amiable ornament of religion ; as we may easily understand from the words of dionysius before quoted : d anatolius was ordained his successour , a good man ( as the saying is ) succeeding a good man. he also was an alexandrian by birth ; for eloquence , grecian literature and philosophy , he was acknowledged the chiefest of the most eminent men in our age ; for he had arrived to a perfection in arithmetick , geometry , astronomy , logick , physical contemplations , and rhetorick . upon which account ( as report says ) he was intreated by the citizens of alexandria to set up a school there of the e aristotelick order [ of philosophers : ] they relate indeed many other famous acts of his in the siege of the f bruchium at alexandria : for by an universal consent he was dignified with the chiefe●● place of preheminence and authority amongst the magistracy of that city : but for instance i will here mention onely this act of his . there being ( as they say ) a great scarcity of corn amongst the besieged , ( in so much that the famine was more intolerable to them then the enemies without ; ) this afore-mentioned anatolius being there , made this provision [ for their relief : ] the one g part of the city being confederates with the roman army , and upon that account not besieged ; anatolius sendeth to eusebius ( for as yet he was there , this happening before his removal into syria , ) who was amongst them that were not besieged , and had gotten great repute , and a famous name even with the roman general , to inform him of [ the number ] of those that died by the famine in the siege . eusebius understanding this , petitioned the roman general as for the highest favour , that safety might be granted to those who would desert the enemy : having obtained his request , he made it known to anatolius ; who , having forthwith received the [ general 's ] promise , called together the senate of alexandria , and at first entreated them all to enter into an amicable friendship with the romans . but when he perceived them to be exasperated at that his proposal , but ( says he ) i suppose you would not contradict me in this , should i counsel you to send out of the gates all persons which are superfluous , and of whom we have no use at all , to wit , old women , children , and old men , and let them go whither they will : for why should we to no purpose retain them with us , who are even dying ? why do we destroy them with famine , who are disabled and maimed in their bodies ? we ought to feed onely men , and those that are young and strong , and to h distribute necessary corn to such as are fit to defend the city : when by such arguments as these he had prevalled with the senate , rising up he gave his vote first : that all those who were not fit for service of what sex soever , whether men , or women , should quit the city ; for should they continue with them , and being wholly useless tarry in the city , there could be no hopes of safety ; but they would be destroyed by the famine . all the rest of the senate having approved of his proposal , he saved almost all the besieged . first he provided that those of our religion , then that others of all ages throughout the city , ( not those onely to whom the senate had given licence ; but a great many others under pretence hereof ) should make their escape secretly ; who being disguised in womens habit , went in the night out of the gates by his procurement , and fled to the roman army ; where eusebius ▪ receiving them all , like a father and physician , refreshed them , who had been afflicted with a i tedious siege , with all imaginable care , and methods of cure . the church of laodicea was honoured with two such pastours as these by the divine providence , one succeeding the other , [ for ] after the war aforesaid was ended , they both removed from alexandria into [ syria . ] indeed anatolius did not write many books : but so many [ works of his ] came to our hand● , that from them we may perceive both his eloquence and his great learning ; especially from those [ canons ] of his in which he gives us his opinion concerning easter : out of which it may be requisite to make mention of these words in this place . k excerptions out of anatolius's canons concerning easter . l you have therefore in the first year the new-moon of the first moneth , ( which is the beginning of the circle of nineteen years ; ) according to the aegyptian account on the day of the moneth phamenoth ; but according to the macedonian computation of moneths , on the day of the moneth dystrus ; and as the romans phrase it , before the th of the calends of april : on the aforesaid day of the moneth phamenoth the sun is found not onely to have entered the first segment [ of the zodiack , ] but is then going the fourth day in it : they usually call this segment , the first dodecatemorion , the aequinox , the beginning of moneths , the head of the cycle , and the m original of the course of the planets . the segment next before this they commonly call the end of the moneths , and the twelfth segment , the last dodecatemorion , and the term of the circuit of the planets : wherefore we affirm that they who place the first moneth in this segment , and take the th day n from it to be the feast of easter , are , as it happens , in no small mistake . neither is this our opinion ; but it was known to the antient jews even before christ's [ coming ; ] and it was also in an especial manner observed by them ; which may be understood from the words of philo , josephus , and musaeus . and not from the words of these persons onely , but from them who were antienter then they ; to wit , from the two o agathobulus's , who were sirnamed the masters : and also from the p famous aristobulus , who was one of the seventy , that at the request of ptolom●us philadelphus and his father , translated the sacred and divine scriptures of the hebrews , and dedicated his expositions on moses's law to the same kings . these authours in their solutions of the questions upon exodus , say that all ought to sacrifice the passover together after the vernal aequinox , in the middle of the first moneth . now this happens when the sun goes through the first part of the solar circle , or ( as some of them terme it ) the zodiack : but aristobulus addeth , that not onely the sun , but the moon also must of necessity pass through the aequinoctial segment on the feast of the passover : for whereas there are two aequinoctial segments , the one called the vernal ; the other the autumnal ; and they diametrically opposite the one to the other ; and whereas the feast of the passover is granted to be on the day at evening , the moon shall be diametrically opposite to the sun , as we may see it is in full moons . wherefore the sun will be in the vernal aequinoctial segment ; and the moon will necessarily be in the autumnal aequinoctial segment . i know they have said a great deal more ; ( part whereof is probable , and part concluded from most certain demonstrations ; ) by which they endeavour to make it evident , that the feast of the passover , and that of unleavened bread must always be celebrated after the aequinox . but i omit the requiring such abundance of demonstrations from them , off whom the veil of the mosaisck law is taken : and by whom ( the face being now uncovered ) may be seen as in a glass for the future , both christ himself , christ's doctrines , and his sufferings . now , that the first moneth amongst the hebrews does begin about the aequinox , the precepts in the q book of enoch are sufficient evidences . the same anatolius has left us institutions of * arithmetick in ten entire books , as also several other evidences of his diligence about , and great experience in , the holy scriptures ; theotecnus bishop of caesarea in palestine first ordained him bishop by imposition of hands , providing him to be his successour in his own church . and indeed for some small time they both r presided over that church together . but the synod against paul being convened at antioch , f he going through the city of laodicea [ towards that synod ] was there detained by the brethren , eusebius being then dead : after the death of anatolius , stephen is ordained bishop of that church , being the last before the persecution . he was indeed admired by many for his eloquence , philosophy , and his other grecian learning : but he was not t so well affected towards the true faith [ of christ , ] as the time of the following persecution afterwards demonstrated ; which manifestly declared him to be a dissembler , fearful and cowardous , rather then a true philosopher : but after this the affairs of that church did not forthwith run to decay ; for theodotus u ordained bishop of that church by god himself the preserver of all things ▪ immediately restored all things to their former splendour : he was a person who in deeds verified his own name , and made a true representation of the episcopal office ; he was of all men the most eminent for his skill in physick and in curing of the body . and there was no man his equal for healing of souls ; for humanity , sincerity of mind , commiseration , and diligence in helping those who wanted his assistance : he was also incomparably well exercised in divine learning . such a person was this theodotus . agapius succeedeth theotecnus , who had governed the bishoprick of caesarea in palestine with great care . who , we know , was very laborious , and most sincerely sollicitous for the good of the people over whom he presided ; and with a liberal hand relieved all , most especially the indigent : in this man's times we knew pamphilus ( a most eloquent man , and a true philosopher in the practises of his life ) honoured with a presbytership of that church . to declare what a person this man was , and whence descended , would be a copious subject . but all things relating to his life , the † school he founded ; the conflicts which during the time of persecution he underwent in several confessions , and lastly the crown of martyrdom with which he was encircled , we have fully declared in a x peculiar work . indeed this pamphilus was the most admirable person of all that lived here . y amongst those men who lived nearest to our times , we knew these to be most eminent , pierius one of the presbyters of alexandria ; and z meletius bishop of the churches in pontus : pierius was egregiously esteemed for his [ voluntary ] poverty , and his philosophick literature : he was also a man singularly exercised in contemplations upon the scriptures , expositions , and publick discourses in the church : and meletius ( whom the learned called the a honey of attica ) was such a man as one would describe to be most accomplished with all sorts of learning . the powerfulness of his eloquence cannot worthily be admired . but , should any one say that he had this faculty by nature , [ we answer , ] who could excell him in his knowledge in many other arts and sciences , and in his various sorts of literature ? certainly , should any person have made tryal of him , he would have affirmed that he was a man most acute in all sciences which have a dependence on reason ; and also most eloquent : the virtue and piety of his life was also correspondent to these his accomplishments . in the time of the persecution we knew this man , when he absconded for the space of seven years compleat in the regions of palestine . after hymenaeus bishop of jerusalem , a little before mentioned , zambdas entred upon the government of that church ; who dying not long after , hermon , the last of the bishops before the persecution in our age , succeeded in the apostolick chair , b which is preserved there even to this day . theonas succeedeth maximus in the bishoprick of alexandria , who had been bishop there eighteen years , since dionysius's death . in his days achillas , who at the same time with pierius was honoured with a presbytership , was very famous [ at alexandria ] who was entrusted with the care of the * catechetick school . he in his actions exhibited a most excellent example ( inferiour to none ) of a more sublime philosophy , and a genuine pattern of an evangelick converse . after theonas had born the episcopal office nineteen years , peter succeeded in the episcopate of alexandria . he also was esteemed a person very eminent in his function , which he bore twelve years compleat . having presided over the church almost three of those twelve years , before the persecution , he past the rest of his time in a more strict and c ascetick course of life ; but continued to be apparently solicitous for the publick utility of the churches . upon which account being beheaded in the ninth year of the persecution , he was adorned with a crown of martyrdom . but having here terminated the history of the succession of bishops from our saviour's nativity , to the demolishing of the churches ; which [ history ] comprehendeth the space of d three hundred and five years ; in the subsequent [ books ] we will record the conflicts of those , who in our age couragiously fought for religion , how many and how great they were , and leave them for the information of succeeding ages . the eighth book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . the preface . having comprized the successions of the apostles in seven entire books , in this eighth we have thought it requisite to set forth the affaires of our own age , ( which deserve no trivial description , ) being a matter most necessary to be derived down to the knowledge of posterity . and our relation shall take its beginning from hence . chap. i. concerning those things which preceded the persecution in our days . a how great and what manner of glory and freedom the doctrine concerning the adoration of the supream god , declared unto mankind by christ , was dignified with amongst all men , graecians as well as barbarians , before the persecution in our times ; 't is beyond our abilities deservedly to declare : but the favours of the emperours towards those of our religion may be an evidence hereof ; whom they entrusted with the governments of provinces , freeing them from their fears of b sacrificing , out of the abudant kindness they reserved for our religion . what need we mention those who were conversant in the imperial palaces ? or the emperours themselves ? who permitted their domesticks , together with their c wives , children and servants , freely and openly to make profession of their religion by their words and practises , even before their own faces , and in a manner suffered them to boast of their fearlesness and freedom in professing their faith . whom also they had an high esteem for , and accounted them more acceptable than the rest of their attendants . such a one was that d dorotheus , a person who of all men declar'd the heartiest affection too and fidelity in their service , upon which account he was more highly valued by them than the magistrates and most honourable governours of the provinces : to whom we will adde the most renowned gorgonius ; and as many others as arrived to the same degree of honour with them upon account of the word of god. the same affection , observancy , and eminent favour you might see voutsafed to the prelates of every church , as well by all e private persons as governours of provinces . but now , how should any one be able to describe those numerous f congregations ; their multitudes , who throughout every city flock't [ to embrace the faith of christ ; ] and those famous assemblies [ of the people ] in the churches ? for which reason they were no longer contented with the old edifices , but erected spatious churches from the very foundations throughout all the cities . these [ prosperous successes , ] increasing in process of time , and being daily augmented with a growth and greatness , no envy could put a stop to ; neither was any evil spirit able to bewitch them , nor could the treacheries of men prohibit them , as long as the divine and celestial hand [ of god ] covered and guarded his people , continuing to be worthy of its [ protection . ] but , after the affairs of our age were through too much liberty changed into looseness and sloth ; when some began to envy and revile others , and we were in a manner at wars amongst our selves , [ wounding ] one another with words as it were with arms and spears ; when prelates dashed against prelates , and the people raised factions against the people ; and when unspeakable hypocrifie and dissimulation had arrived to the height of mischief , then did the divine vengeance , as it takes delight to do , gently begin to visit us ( the multitudes [ of the faithful ] as yet meeting in their assemblies ) by degrees and with moderation ; the persecution being first begun with those brethren who bore arms . but when we became insensible , and entertained not the least thought of propitiating and appeasing the deity ; but , like some atheistical persons , supposing our affairs to be managed regardlesly and without any inspection , we added impieties to impieties : when they , who seemed our pastours , rejecting the sanctions of religion , were inflamed with mutual contentions , studying nothing else but the augmenting of strifes , menaces , emulation , envy , and mutual hatred , and g greedily challenging to themselves the preeminence , as if it were a dominion : then forthwith ( according to the expression uttered by jeremiah ) * the lord covered the daughter of zion with a cloud in his anger , and cast down from heaven unto the earth the beauty of israel , and remembred not his footstool in the day of his anger : the lord hath drowned all the beauty of israel , and thrown down all his strong holds . and , as it is predicted in the psalms , † he hath made void the covenant of his servant , and profaned his sanctity in the earth , to wit , by the destruction of the churches . he hath broken down all his hedges , he hath made his strong holds fear . all the multitudes of the people that pass by the way spoil him ; and further , he is a reproach to his neighbours . for he hath exalted the right hand of his enemies , and hath turned away the edge of his sword , and hath not assisted him in the war. but he hath put an end to his purification , and hath broken his throne by casting it to the ground . the days of his life hath he shortned , and lastly covered him with ignominy . chap. ii. concerning the ruine of the churches . all these [ predictions ] were a fully compleated in our times , when with our own eyes we saw both the houses of prayer thrown down to the ground , even to their very foundations , and also the divine and sacred scriptures committed to the fire in the midst of the forum . [ when we beheld ] some pastours of the churches basely hiding themselves , some in one place , some in another ; others of them ignominiously apprehended , and exposed to the scorn of their enemies . when also , according to another prophetick expression * contempt was poured upon princes , and he caused them to wander in the wilderness where there was no way . but 't is not our [ design ] to describe those sad calamities which in conclusion befell them : for it is unfit for us to record their mutual dissentions and folly before the persecution . wherefore we will relate no more concerning them , than whereby we may justifie the divine vengeance . we will not proceed therefore to mention those who were b tryed by the persecution , nor those who wholly made shipwrack of their salvation , and were voluntarily precipitated into the gulfs of the deep : but we will in general insert such passages onely into this our history , as may in the first place be profitable to our own selves , and in the next to posterity . from hence then we will begin briefly to describe the sacred combars of those who were martyrs for the divine religion . c it was the nineteenth year of diocletians empire , in the moneth d dystrus , ( which the romans call march , ) when ( the festival of the salutiferous passion e approaching ) the imperial edicts were proposed in all places , giving command that the churches should be totally destroyed , and the scriptures consumed by fire ; and declaring that those who were elevated to any degree of honour should be rendred infamous ; and f those that were private persons , if they persisted in a resolution of retaining the profession of christianity , should be deprived of their liberty : such was the first edict against us . but not long after , other rescripts arrived ; by which command was given , that all the prelates of the churches every where should first be put into bonds , and afterwards compelled to sacrifice by all ways imaginable . chap. iii. concerning the various sorts of combats which [ the martyrs ] underwent in the time of the persecution . forthwith therefore many prelates of churches , having eudured most severe torments with great alacrity of mind , exhibited spectacles of most illustrious combats . many others being prepossessed with a faintness of mind by reason of their fear , were immediately discouraged at the first attack made against them . every one of the residue had their courses in various kinds of tortures . one was scourged all over his body with whips : another was rack't with tortures , and had his flesh scraped off with tormenting irons that were intolerable . under which [ torments ] some made a lamentable conclusion of their lives ; but others accomplished their combat after another manner . one , being forcibly thrust forward by others , and constrained to approach their impure and most nefarious sacrifices , was let goe as if he had sacrificed , although he really did not . another ( when he had neither approacht [ the altar , ] nor toucht any thing that was execrable , yet because others said he had sacrificed ) silently bore that calumny , and went his way . a third was taken up on their shoulders half dead , and cast forth as if he had been really so : a fourth lying upon the ground , was drawn a great way by the feet , and then accounted amongst them who had done sacrifice . one cried out , and with a loud voice attested , that he denyed to sacrifice : another exclaimed that he was a christian , adorning himself with the confession of that salutary appellation . a third affirmed that he neither had , nor ever would sacrifice . but these being struck on the mouth by the souldiers with their fists ▪ ( a great company of whom were placed there as a guard ) filenced , and a beaten on the face and cheeks , were by force thrust out . so highly did these enemies of piety every way esteem their being thought to have perfected what they desired ▪ but these [ proceedings ] against the holy martyrs did in no wise prove successful to them : whose [ admirable courage ] should we undertake accurately to set forth , what expressions would be sufficient to compose such a narrative ? chap. iv. concerning god's illustrious martyrs ; how they fill'd the world with their fame , having been adorned with divers crowns [ of martyrdom ] for religion . for who should be able to make a relation of those infinite numbers [ of martyrs ] who demonstrated an admirable alacrity of mind for the worship of the supream god ; not onely from that time the persecution was raised against all the [ christians , ] but long before , when the times were calm and serene ? for some time since , when the [ devil , ] a who hath received power over this world , was first rouzed as it were out of a profound sleep , and as yet made his attempts against the churches in a secret and occult manner , after that interval which followed the perfecution under decius and valerian : ( for he would not set upon us closely and with an open war ; but as yet made tryal onely of those who were engaged in the milice ; for he supposed the rest would easily be vanquished , could he first overcome them : ) then [ i say ] you might have seen very many of those who were souldiers most willingly embracing a private life , rather than they would renounce the worship of the creator of all things . for when the [ roman ] b general ( who he was it matters not ) first set upon persecuting the christian souldiers , and began * to take a strict view of , and purge those that belonged to the army ; permitting them freely to choose , whether by obeying they would enjoy that degree of honour they were arrived to , or on the contrary be deprived of it , if they refused to comply with the [ emperours ] commands : innumerable souldiers of the kingdom of christ , without all delay or hesitancy , preferred their confession of him , before the apparent glory and prosperity they were possest of . some few of which ( one or two ) procured not onely the loss of their preferment , but death also for their pious and resolute stedfastness : * the framer of the conspiracy [ against our religion ] being at that time moderate , and presumed to proceed to shed the bloud but of very few : the multitude of believers ( 't is likely ) terrified him , and made him afraid as yet to enter into an open war against them all . but when he prepared himself more manifestly for an engagement , it is impossible to relate how many and eminent martyrs of christ were visible to the inhabitants of all cities and countries . chap. v. concerning what was done at nicomedia . immediately therefore , upon the publishing of the edict at nicomedia against the churches , a one who was no obscure person , but eminently illustrious for secular honour and esteem , moved with a divine zeal , and incited by an ardent faith , took down [ the edict , ] which was fixed up in the most open and publick place [ of the city , ] and b tore it , as being impious and most detestable : [ which he did ] whilest two of the emperours made their abode in that ▪ city ; one of which was seniour to the rest , and the other held the fourth place in the empire . but this person , who was the first of the inhabitants of that city which appeared thus eminent and zealous , having suffered such punishments , as were thought meet to be inflicted on him for such a bold act , persevered in an undisturbedness and tranquility of mind to his very last gasp . chap. vi. concerning those who were conversant in the imperial palaces . but that time produced these divine and glorious martyrs , ( which excelled all that ever were celebrated as admirable and famous for their courage , both among grecians and barbarians , ) dorotheus , and the other boys that were of the bed-chamber to the emperours . who although they were accounted worthy of the highest station of honour by their masters , and were no less beloved by them than if they had been their own sons ; yet they supposed the reproaches and tortures for religion , and those various sorts of deaths devised for them , to be really of greater value than the glory and pleasure of this life . we will here relate what an exit one of them made , and leave the readers to conjecture from him what befell the rest . in the forementioned city , one of them was publickly brought forth before the foresaid emperours ; and commanded to sacrifice , which when he refused to do , 't was ordered he should be stript and hoisted up on high , and that his whole body should be lacerated with stripes , until he should yield , though against his will , to do what he was commanded : but when he continued immoveable after his suffering such tortures as these , they mixed salt and vinegar together , and poured it ( his bones being now laid bare ) upon the putrified parts of his body . when he had undergone these tortures also , then fire and a gridiron was brought forth ▪ and the remains of his body were laid on [ and broiled , ] like flesh dressed to be eaten ; not all at one time , but by little and little , that he might not end his life too soon : neither were those persons who laid him on the fire , permitted to leave him , till after so great [ tortures , ] he should give his consent to perform what he was commanded . but , having constantly persevered in his resolution , and gotten the victory , he expired under his very tortures . such was the martyrdom of one of those boys who were of the bed-chamber to the emperours ; being truly worthy of his name : for he was called a peter . the [ martyrdom ] of the rest , although not at all inferiour to this , yet shall be omitted , least our discourse should be too tedious . thus much onely we will relate , that dorotheus and gorgonius ( together with many others that were attendants at the imperial palace ) after various combats , having finished their lives by being strangled , obtained the rewards of a divine victory . at the same time anthimus , the then bishop of the church of nicomedia , was beheaded for the testimony of christ. with whom was joyned a great multitude of martyrs . for in those days , by what accident i know not , there happened a b fire in the imperial palace at nicomedia . which being laid to our charge as the authours thereof , by a report grounded on a false suspicion ; all sorts of persons that were the worshippers of god in that [ city ] were destroyed by heaps , some with the sword , and others by fire . at which time , report says , both men and women , excited by a divine and unspeakable alacrity , leapt into the fiery pile . the executioners also , having bound another great company in boats , cast them into the abysses of the sea. moreover , the bodies of those who were of the bed-chamber to the emperours , having been interred with decent funeral obsequies , they who were accounted their masters , supposed it requisite to dig up again , and cast them into the sea ; least some ( as they thought ) should look upon them as gods , and worship them [ in after ages , ] should they be let alone to rest in their graves . such were the exploits performed at nicomedia in the beginning of the persecution . but not long after , when some attempted to possess themselves of the empire in the region called c melitina , and others in d syria : an imperial edict arrived , [ commanding ] that all the governours of churches every where should be bound and imprisoned . the sight of what was done after that , no expressions are sufficient to describe : when infinite multitudes were every where committed to custody ; and the prisons in all places , which in former times had been provided for murderers and robbers of the dead , were then filled with bishops , priests , deacons , readers and exorcists : insomuch that there was now no place left therein for those who had been condemned for their crimes . again , when e another edict followed the former , wherein it was commanded that those who were imprisoned , if they would offer sacrifice , should have their liberty to goe whither they pleased : but if they refused should be cruciated with a thousand tortures : the multitudes of martyrs in every province cannot possibly be reckoned up , especially those [ who suffered ] in africa , mauritania , thebais , and egypt . out of egypt some went into other citys , and provinces , and were there adorned with glorious martyrdoms . chap. vii . concerning those egyptians [ who suffered ] in phoenicia . some of them , we knew , were famous [ for their martyrdoms ] in palestine ; and others in tyre a city of phoenicia . whom any one that had seen , could not but have been astonished at their innumerable stripes ; at the courage and constancy of those truly a admirable champions of piety in suffering them ; at their combat with wild beasts , accustomed to devour the bloud of mankind , which immediately followed their tortures with scourges ; at their encounters in that combat with leopards , * huge wild bears , fierce wild bores , and bulls , which were incited against them with fire and red hot iron ; and lastly at the admirable patience of those couragious [ martyrs ] in enduring [ the assaults ] of each of those wild beasts . we our selves were present at the performance of these things , when we saw the divine power of our saviour jesus christ ( whom the martyrs then bore witness of ) present , and evidently manifesting it self to the martyrs : [ for ▪ ] those ravenous beasts for a long time dared not to touch or approach the bodies of these [ martyrs ] beloved by god. but they turned their fury upon others , to wit , those that were b infidells , who instigated and provoked them : but the sacred champions onely , who stood naked and by the motions of their hands irritated them against themselves , ( for this they were enjoyned to do , ) they did not so much as touch . sometimes indeed they assailed them ; but , as it were by some divine power , they were stopt , and retired back again : which hapning for ▪ a long time together , gave occasion of no small admiration to the spectatours ; so that because the first beast performed not its assault , a second and a third was let loose upon one and the same martyr : you would have admired the intrepid stedfastness of those sacred persons at the sight of all this , and that firm and immoveable fortitude of mind , which was in young and tender bodies : for you might have seen a youth , who had not yet compleated the twentieth year of his age , standing still without being bound ; and ( having stretcht forth his hands , in form of a cross , ) in an undisturbed and fearless temper of mind contending with the greatest earnestness in prayers to the divine majesty , in no wise receding , or removing from the place he stood on ; when the bears and the leopards , breathing forth rage and death , almost toucht his very flesh with their jaws . but their mouths were ( after what manner i know not ) bound fast as it were by a divine and unspeakable power , and they ran backward again . after such a manner as this did this person behave himself . again , you might have seen others ( for they were in all five in number ) cast to an enrag'd bull , who tore some of the infidels that approacht him , tossing them into the air with his horns , and leaving them to be taken up half dead . but when he should have assailed the sacred martyrs onely with rage and menaces , he could not approach them ; but stamping on the ground with his feet , tossing his horns this way and that way , and breathing forth rage and menaces by reason of his being irritated with red hot irons , he was notwithstanding drawn backward by the assistance of divine providence . when therefore none of them was at all hurt by him , they let loose other wild beasts upon them . in fine , after these various and horrid assaults of the wild beasts ; they were all e killed with the sword , and , instead of being buried in the earth , were committed to the surges of the sea. chap. viii . concerning those who [ suffered ] in egypt . such was the combat of those egyptians , who gloriously fought for religion at tyre : those [ egyptians ] also may be deservedly accounted admirable , who suffered martyrdom in their own country . where infinite numbers of men ( together with women and children ) contemning this temporal life in respect of our saviours doctrine , underwent various sorts of death . some of whom , after their flesh had been torn off with torturing irons , after they had been rackt , most cruelly scourged , and [ undergone ] infinite other tortures , of different sorts and horrible to be heard , were committed to the fire : others were drowned in the sea. othersome chearfully offered their heads to be cut off by the executioners : some died under their tortures : others were destroyed by famine . again , others were crucified ; some of them according to the usual manner of crucifying malefactours , but others after a more cruel manner , being nailed to the cross with their heads downwards ; and kept alive , until they died by famine on the very crosses . chap. ix . concerning those [ who suffered ] at thebais . but the pains and tortures , which the martyrs underwent at thebais , surmount all relation ; who were torn all over their bodies , untill they expired , with [ sharp ] shells instead of torturing irons . women were tied by one of their feet , and drawn up on high into the air , with their heads downwards , by certain machines ; and their bodies being naked and wholly uncovered , were made a most detestable , most cruel , and inhumane spectacle to all that lookt upon them . again , others being bound to trees and boughs , were killed : for by certain engines they drew together the [ two ] strongest boughs , and having fastned the martyrs legs to each of them , they suffered the boughs to return into their natural site , designing [ thereby ] to pull asunder their members , against whom they had invented these [ ways of death : ] and all these things were performed , not for a few days , or during some short time , but continued for the space of whole years : sometimes no more than ten , at other times above twenty in number , were destroyed : sometimes not less then thirty ; at others neer sixty ; and again , at another time , an hundred men , together with very small children and women , were killed in one day , being condemned to various and interchangeable sorts of punishments . we also our selves , being a conversant in those places , saw very many [ destroyed ] together in one day ; whereof some were beheaded ; and others underwent the punishment of fire . insomuch that the executioners sword became blunt , and being rendred unfit for use , was broken ; and the executioners themselves being tired , succeeded one another by turns . at which time also we beheld a most admirable ardour of mind , and a truly divine strength and alacrity in those who believed in the christ of god. for no sooner was sentence pronounced against the first , but others ran hastily from some other place before the judges tribunal , and confest themselves to be christians . they regarded not dangers , nor those various sorts of tortures ; but with an undisturbed fearlesness made a bold confession of the worship of the supream god ; and with joy , laughter and delight received their last sentence of death ; in such sort that they sang , and to the very time of their expiration shouted forth hymns and thanksgivings in praise of god the maker of all things : such admirable persons were these . but these in a most especial manner deserved the greatest admiration , who [ although ] eminent for riches , nobility , glory , eloquence and philosophy ; yet preferred the true religion , and the faith in our lord and saviour jesus christ before all these . of this sort was philoromus ; a person that bore no ordinary office , was the emperours b rationalist at alexandria ; who together with his dignity and roman honour , being attended with a guard of souldiers , did daily exercise a judiciary power . phileas also , bishop of the church of the thmuitae ; a person eminent for his discharge of the publick offices and places of magistracy in his own country ; and famous for his philosophick studies . these two persons ( although they were intreated by very many of their relations and friends , and moreover by c personages of honour , yea notwithstanding the d judge himself besought them to take pitty on themselves , and have compassion on their wives and children , yet ) could in no wise be induced by such persons as these , that ( out of a desire to preserve their own lives ) they should contemn the laws [ made ] concerning the confession and renunciation of our saviour . but having stoutly bore up against all the menaces and contumelies of the judge , with a manly and philosophick mind , or rather with a pious and religious heart , they were both beheaded . chap. x. a the written informations of phileas the martyr concerning what was done at alexandria . but because we have said that phileas was a person worthy of great esteem for his graecian literature , let him be produced as a witness for himself ▪ both to demonstrate what a person he was , and also to relate the martyrdoms which in his time happened at alexandria , which he will [ declare ] more accurately than we can , in these words : b out of phileas's epistle to the thmuitae . all these examples , prescripts , and good documents being deposited for us in the divine and sacred scriptures , the blessed martyrs , who were conversant amongst us , without any delay manifestly fixed the eye of their mind upon the supream god , and willingly embracing death upon account of piety , they steadfastly adhered to their calling : for they found that our lord jesus christ had been incarnate for us , that he might abolish all manner of sin , and provide us with assistances for our entrance into life eternal . for * he thought it not robbery to be equal with god : but made himself of no reputation , and took the form of a servant : and being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself unto death , even the death of the cross. wherefore the martyrs ( who were c full of christ ) zealously affecting the best gifts , endured all manner of sorrow , and all sorts of tortures that could be invented , not onely once , but some of them a second time also . and when the souldiers that were of the guard endeavoured with much earnestness [ to strike a terrour ] into them , not onely by all manner of menaces in words , but by deeds , they were in no wise discouraged in mind , because * perfect love casteth out fear . whose fortitude and courage under each torture what words would be sufficient to relate ? for , free leave being granted to all persons that would be injurious towards them , some beat them with clubs , others with rods ; othersome with scourges : again , some scourged them with thongs of leather ; others with ropes : and the spectacle of these tortures was variously enterchanged , and full of malicious cruelty . for some [ of the martyrs ] having their hands bound behind them , were hung at an d engin of wood , and every member of their bodies was distended by certain machines . after that , the tormentours , by command [ of the judge , ] made use of e iron-nailes to torture them with all over their bodies , which were applied not onely to their sides , as murtherers are usually tormented , but also to their bellies , their legs , and to their cheeks . others , being lifted up , were hung by one hand at a * gallery , the stretching of whose joynts and members was a sharper pain to them than all sorts of tortures . others were bound face to face to pillars , their feet not touching the ground ; that so their bonds being strained by the heaviness of their bodies , might with stretching be the closer drawn together : and this they endured not only as long as the governour talked with them , and was at leisure to hear them ; but almost a whole day together : for when he went away [ to hear ] others , he left f officers , that were impowred by him , to be watchfull over the former [ martyrs , ] whether any one of them , being overcome by the sharpness of his tortures , would seem to abandon his resolution . he also commanded they should be g strained with bonds without any commiseration , and afterwards , when they were dead , that they should be thrown on the ground , and drag'd up and down . for they ought not [ he said ] to take the least care of us ; but that all persons should so think of , and behave themselves towards us , as if we were not men . this h second torture ( after they had beaten us with stripes ) our adversaries invented . there were some also , who after they had been scourged , lay in the i stocks , both their feet being stretched to the fourth hole ; in so much that they were forced to lie in the stocks with their bellies upwards , being unable to stand because of their fresh wounds , caused by the stripes , which they had all over their bodies . others threw themselves upon the ground , where they lay by reason of the innumerable wounds made by their tortures ; yielding a more miserable spectacle to those that lookt on them , than in the very time of their being tortured ; and bearing in their bodies the various and different sorts of tortures invented for them . these things being thus performed , some [ of the martyrs ] expired under their tortures , having made the adversary ashamed by their persevering constancy . others , being half dead , were shut up in prison , where having been sorely afflicted with the smart of their wounds , they ended their lives not many days after . the residue having been refreshed with methods of cure , became more stout and confident by time , and their abode in prison . therefore , when afterwards command was given , that they should choose , whether by touching the detestable sacrifices they would free themselves from all molestation , and obtain from them an execrable liberty ; or whether , refusing to sacrifice , they would receive the sentence of death : without any delay they chearfully proceeded forth to death . for they well knew what was before prescribed to us by the sacred scriptures : for * he ( says the word of god ) that sacrificeth to other gods , shall be utterly destroyed . and again , † thou shalt have no other gods , but me . such were the expressions of [ phileas ] the martyr , ( a true philosopher , and also a sincere lover of god , ) which he sent to the brethren of his church , before his last sentence of condemnation , being yet in prison : whereby he informed them both in what condition he was in ; and also exhorted them stifly to retain their piety in christ after his death , which was now approaching . k but what need we spend many words in relating the conflicts of the divine martyrs over the whole world ( whose new combats were succeeded by other conflicts that were as new ; ) and especially when as they were assaulted not in an ordinary way , but in an hostile manner ? chap. xi . concerning what was done in phrygia . for at that time some armed souldiers invested a whole city of christians , that was very populous , in a phrygia , and , having set it on fire , burnt the men ( together with the women and children ) whilst they called upon christ the supream god. the reason hereof was this , the whole body of inhabitants of that city , the b curator , the c duumvir , together with all the rest who were of the magistracy , and all the common people , professing themselves to be christians , would in no wise obey those that commanded them to sacrifice to idols . another person also , by name d adauctus , ( a man descended from a noble family in italy , that had obtained a roman dignity , a person that had passed through all degrees of honour in the palace of the emperours , in so much that he had faithfully discharged the office of e receiver general , which amongst them is called the f master of the private revenue , and that of rationalist ; besides all this , he was famous for his virtuous performances in religion , and for his confessions of the christ of god , ) was adorned with the crown of martyrdom , having undergone the conflict upon account of religion , whilst he bore the office of rationalist . chap. xii . concerning many other men and women , who suffered martyrdom in a various and different manner . what need is there now of mentioning the rest by name , or of recounting the multitude of men , or delineating the various sorts of tortures [ endured by ] the admirable martyrs of christ ? part whereof were beheaded , as it happened to those in arabia ; and part were [ killed ] by having their legs broken , as it befell those in cappadocia . some , being hung up on high by the feet with their heads downwards , ( a a slow fire having been kindled under them , ) were suffocated with the smoak that ascended from the combustible matter set on fire , so it befell those in mesopotamia : others had their noses , the tips of their ears , and their hands cut off , and the other members and parts of their bodies were mangled , as it happened at alexandria . what need is there of renewing the remembrance of what was done at antioch ? where some were broyled on b grid-irons set over the fire , not till they were killed , but that their punishment might be prolonged : others were more ready to thrust their right hands into the fire , than to touch the impious sacrifices . whereof some , avoiding the being put to the test [ whether they would sacrifice , ] before they would be apprehended and fall into the hands of those that laid wait for them , threw ▪ themselves headlong from the tops of high houses , having accounted death to be a gain , because of the malitiousness of the impious . also , a certain holy woman , ( admirable for her virtuous soul , and [ her comely ] body , eminently famous , beyond all at antioch , for riches ▪ descent , and reputation , ) had educated two daughters ( virgins that were eminent for beauty , and in the flower of their age ) in the precepts of religion : when many , moved thereto by envy , used all manner of industry in inquiring out the place where they absconded ; and it being at length understood they lived in a forrein country , they were with ▪ much diligence summoned to antioch : after the woman knew , that she and her daughters were now incompassed with the souldiers nets , perceiving her self and daughters reduced to an inextricable state of perill , she exhorted the virgins , expresly declaring to them the mischiess that would befall them from the souldiers , and that of all evils , ravishment was the most intollerable , the meances whereof it was unlawfull for them to endure even to hear : moreover , having said , that to yield up their souls to the service of devils , was worse than all sorts of death , and all manner of destruction ; there was but one way ( she declared ) to avoid all these evils , which was to flie to the lord for refuge . immediately after these words , having all agreed to embrace the same advice , they adorned their bodies with a decent dress : when they had gone c half their journey , having intreated their guard for a short recess out of the way , and that being granted them , they threw themselves into a river which ran hard by : thus these persons [ drowned ] themselves . at the same city of antioch , another pair of virgins , in all points divine , and truly sisters , eminent for descent , splendid as to estate , in the flower of their age , beautifull in body , chast of mind , pious in their conversations , admirable for their industry , ( as if the earth were unable to bear so great [ an ornament , ] ) were , by the command of the worshippers of demons , cast into the sea. these things were done amongst those [ at antioch . ] but 't is horrid to hear the relation of what others suffered in pontus : some had sharp reeds thrust up the fingers of both their hands from the very tops of their nailes : others had melted l●ad poured upon their backs , even whilst the melted metall boiled , which [ ran down and ] burnt the most d necessary parts of their bodies : again , others without any commiseration endured obscene tortures ( which are unfit to be related ) in their privy members , and bowels ; which those * couragious and just judges invented with much earnestness and labour , demonstrating thereby the acuteness of their wit , as if the very power and strength of wisdom [ consisted in such cruell inventions : ] and striving continually ( as if it had been for rewards in a combat ) to outdo one another in finding out new sorts of tortures . these calamities therefore were not ended , till such time as [ the judges , ] despairing of making any further addition to these miseries , wearied with slaughters , filled and satiated with the effusion of bloud , betook themselves to the thoughts of clemency and humanity , that in future they might seem to invent no further cruelty against us . for it was unfit ( they said ) to pollute the cities with the bloud of their inhabitants , and to defame the government of the emperours ( which was benign and gentle towards all persons ) by so e superlative a cruelty : but that rather it was fit , that the humanity and beneficence of the imperial authority should be extended to all persons , and that [ the christians ] should not any longer be punished with death , in regard those of our religion were exempted from such punishment by the indulgence of the emperours . at that time therefore f command was given to pluck out the eyes [ of the christians ] and that they should have one of their legs lamed . for such was their civility towards us , and this seemed to them the most gentle punishment [ that could be inflicted ] on us . in so much that , upon acount of this lenity used by these impious wretches [ towards us , ] it is impossible to give in any further account of the multitudes ( which indeed are altogether innumerable ) both of them who had their right eyes first thrust out with a sword , and after they had been thus prickt out , their [ eye-holes ] were seared with a red-hot iron ; and also of those , who had their left legs ( as far as the bending of their knees ) made useless by being seared with hot irons : after which they were condemned to the brazen mines which were in the province , not so much for the service they could do , as upon account of the affliction and misery they should [ endure there . ] besides all these , there were many others , who were assaulted with several sorts of combats , which 't is not possible to give a catalogue of ; for their couragious exploits do surpass all relation . therefore , the noble martyrs of christ , having obtained great renown over the whole world in these [ g combats , ] did both deservedly amaze every where the spectatours of their courage ; and also exhibit in themselves manifest tokens of the truly divine and h inexplicable power of our saviour . indeed , the mention of every particular person of them by name , would be very tedious , if not a thing impossible . chap. xiii . concerning those prelates of the church who demonstrated the sincerity of the religion they asserted by [ the effusion ] of their own bloud . now , of those ecclesiastick prelates , who suffered martyrdom in the most eminent cities , the first that must be commemorated in the monuments of the pious , may be anthimus , a witness of christs kingdom , bishop of nicomedia , who was beheaded in that city . but , of the a antiochian martyrs [ we will mention ] lucianus a presbyter of that church , a person most eminent [ for sanctity ] throughout his whole life : he at first made a declaration of the celestiall kingdom of christ in words , and by an apologetick oration , at nicomedia , in the presence of the emperour ; and afterwards he [ asserted it ] in deeds and reall performances . but the most eminent martyrs in phaenice ( which were most acceptable to god , and pastours of christ's flock ) were tyrannio bishop of the church at tyre , and zenobius a presbyter at sidon ; also silvanus bishop of the churches at emisa . this [ prelate last named ] being , together with some others , cast as food to the wild-beasts at the very city of emesa , was received into the number of the martyrs . both the other rendred the doctrine of the divine faith famous at antioch , by their most patient suffering [ of tortures ] untill their deaths ; [ tyrannio ] the bishop was drowned in the depths of the sea ; and zenobius ( a most incomparable physitian ) died couragiously under the tortures , which were applied to his sides . amongst the martyrs of palestine , silvanus bishop of the churches at gaza , was , together with nine and thirty others , beheaded at the mines of brass , which are in phaeno . also peleus and nilus , aegyptian bishops , together with some others , were burnt to death at the same place . amongst which number we must in no wise omit the mention of pamphilus the presbyter , the most admirable person in our age , and the greatest ornament of the church at caesarea : whose fortitude and couragious exploits we b will declare at a fit and convenient opportunity . [ moreover , ] of those who were perfected by a glorious martyrdom at alexandria , throughout all egypt , and thebais , the first to be mentioned is peter , bishop of alexandria , a most divine teacher of the christian religion ; also , faustus , c dius , and ammonius ( perfect martyrs of christ ) who were his presbyters . besides , phileas , hesychius , pachumius , and theodorus , bishops of churches in egypt . moreover , there were many other eminent [ martyrs ] who have an honourable mention among the churches that are in those places and countries . but our [ design ] is not to commit to writing the conflicts of all those who suffered for the worship of god over the whole world , nor yet to give in an accurate relation of every accident that befell them ; but of those rather , who with their own eyes beheld what was done . moreover , those [ conflicts ] our selves were present at , we will commit to the knowledge of posterity in d another work : but in this present book i will annex to what has been declared a revocation of what had been practised against us , and the accidents that happened from the very beginning of the persecution , which will be most usefull to the readers . therefore , before the war [ was denounced ] against us , ( during the time that the emperours were friendly and peaceable towards us , ) e how great a felicity and plenty of all that is good the roman empire was dignified with , what words can be sufficient to declare ? at which time , those , in whose hands the supream power was , having compleated the tenth and twentieth year of their empire , lead their lives in a firm and continued peace , [ spending the time ] with festivities , publick shews , most splendid banquets , and delights . when their empire was after this sort enlarged without any manner of impediment , and daily augmented with an increase of greatness , on a sudden they revoked the peace with us , and raised a perfidious war [ against us . ] the f second year of this war was not compleated , when a new and unexpected accident subverted the state of affairs almost throughout the whole [ roman ] empire . for , g he that had the precedency amongst the foresaid emperours , ( having been visited by an unfortunate disease , which drave him into a disordered and mad temper of mind , ) betook himself to a private and country life , together with that [ emperour ] who was the next in dignity to him . these affaires were no sooner transacted after this manner , but the whole roman empire was h divided into two parts ; which , as it has been recorded , was an accident that never happened before . within some small interval of time , the emperour constantius ( a person of extraordinary mildness throughout his whole life , most favourable to his subjects , and one that had a singular affection for the divine doctrine [ of our religion , ] ended his life according to the common sanction of nature , leaving his own son constantine emperour and augustus in his stead . and he was the i first that was deified amongst the [ romans , ] being after his death vouchsafed all honours due to an emperour . he was the mildest and most benigne of all the emperours : and moreover , the onely person of those princes in our days , that passed over the whole time of his government sutably to his imperial majesty : he behaved himself with the greatest graciousness and candour imaginable towards all persons , both in other matters ; and also was in no wise a confederate in the war raised against us , but preserved those worshippers of god , that lived under his government , free from harm and injuries : and , having neither demolished the fabricks of the churches , nor attempted any other new design against us , he obtained an k honourable and thrice-happy conclusion of his life : being the onely person [ of all the four emperours ] that ended his life in his imperial government fortunately and gloriously , [ leaving ] his own son ( a most prudent and pious prince ) his successour . constantinus , son to this man , being immediately from the very time [ of his fathers death ] proclaimed supream emperour and augustus by the souldiers , ( but long before that by the supream god ) exhibited himself an emulatour of his fathers piety towards our religion . such a person was he : afterwards licinius , by the common suffrage of the emperours was declared emperour and augustus : at which maximinus was sorely displeased , who untill that time had been honoured onely with the title of caesar l by all men . he therefore , being a person of a most tyrannical disposition , by violence possest himself of that dignity , and was by himself declared augustus . about that time [ maximianus , ] m whom we before manifested to have re-assumed the empire after his resignation of it , being found to have contrived machinations in order to the death of constantine , ended his life by a most infamous death : he being the n first , whose monuments , statues , and what ever else of that nature has been usually erected in honour of the emperours , were abolished , upon account of his being a profane and most impious person . chap. xiv . concerning the morals of those that were the enemies of religion . maxentius ( son to this * man , ) who had possest himself of the government of rome , at first hypocritically pretended [ himself a professour of ] our faith , that he might thereby please and flatter the people of rome . upon this account he commanded his subjects to forbear persecuting the christians , making a shew of piety , and [ being desirous ] to seem benign , and much more mild than the former governours . but in his practises he manifested himself not to be such a manner of person , as 't was hoped he would have proved . but , having applied himself to [ the commission of ] all sorts of impious facts , he omitted no manner of action that was impure and libidinous . he committed adulteries and rapes of all sorts . he parted the husbands [ by divorce ] from their lawfull wives , whom ( when he had by uncleanness abused ) he most dishonourably sent back again to their husbands . nor did he make it his business to be thus injurious towards obscure persons , and those of mean quality , but towards them especially , who were advanced to the highest place of honour in the senate of rome ; insulting over the most eminent personages . all persons therefore , both the vulgar , and the magistrates , as well the honourable , as the obscure , standing in great fear of him , were sorely afflicted with his intollerable tyranny . and although they were quiet , and patiently bore the austere servitude [ they were opprest with ; ] yet none could so avoid the bloudy cruelty of the tyrant . for , one time , upon a very trivial pretence , he delivered the people of rome to be slain by his a own guards . and so innumerable multitudes of the roman people ( not scythians , nor barbarians , but his own citizens ) were killed with spears and all sorts of weapons in the midst of the city . moreover , 't is impossible to enumerate how many slaughters were made of those that were senatours , to the end their estates might be seized ; infinite numbers of them being put to death at several times for various crimes framed [ against them . ] at length , as the complement of his impieties , the tyrant proceeded to [ exercise ] the delusions of magick art : sometimes ripping up women great with child ; other whiles searching into the bowells of new-born infants ; he also killed lyons , and [ performed ] some other horrible rites , to call forth the daemons , and repell the approaching war. for he most undoubtedly presumed , that by these performances he should . obtain the victory . whilst this person therefore tyrannized at rome , 't is impossible to relate what mischievous acts he perpetrated , and [ how miserably ] he enslaved his subjects : insomuch that they were reduced to such extream penury and want of necessary sustenance , as ( 't is recorded by those of our times ) never happened at rome , nor any where else . but maximinus the tyrant in the eastern parts , having secretly made a league with maxentius [ the tyrant ] at rome , as being his brother in wickedness , endeavoured to keep himself concealed for a long time . but being at last detected , he suffered condign punishment . it was wonderfull [ to observe ] how near a relation and brother-like affinity in wickedness this man exprest towards the tyrant at rome ; or rather , how far he exceeded and surpassed him in the perpetration of nefarious facts . for inchanters and magicians were by him promoted to the chiefest places of honour : he was exceeding timorous and superstitious , and a mighty favourer of the impostures about idols and daemons : without divinations and responses of oracles he presumed not to move any thing a nails breadth ( as the saying is . ) upon which account he imposed a more cruel and sharper persecution upon us , than the former emperours had done ; commanding that temples [ to the gods ] should be erected in every city , and that those places dedicated to their worship , which by length of time were decayed , should with all diligence be repaired . he [ constituted ] priests for the idols in every place and city ; and over them he appointed a b chief priest of every province , any one of those who had most worthily discharged all the publick offices in the court [ or senate ] of the city ; and appointed him a military guard [ consisting of ] a set number of troops . [ in fine , ] he freely bestowed the governments of provinces , and chiefest places of preheminence , on all those that were impudent soothsayers , as being religious persons , and most acceptable to the gods. after this , he proceeded to vex and oppress , not one city onely , or country , but all the provinces in general that were under his government , with exactions of gold , silver , and vast sums of money , with most burthensome c imposts , and with various sorts of forfeitures succeeding one another . moreover , depriving the rich of their estates laid up for them by their ancestours , he bestowed a vast treasure and heaps of money on those about him that were his flatterers . besides , he was given to ebriety and drunkenness in such an high degree , that in his cups he would rave , and be out of his wits ; and in his drunkenness he would command such things to be done , as the next day when sober he would repent of . in sottishness and luxury no man was his equal , exhibiting himself the master of debauchery both to his princes and to his [ inferiour ] subjects . he permitted his souldiers to live effeminate lives , in all manner of deliciousness and intemperance : but he perswaded his presidents and chief commanders ( who in a manner were his colleagues in his tyranny , ) to break forth into extortion and covetousness towards those under their jurisdiction . what need we relate those libidinous courses , in which this man indulged himself ? or recount their multitudes , which he vitiated by adultery ? for he passed through no city [ in his journey , ] without committing whoredome with women , and ravishing of virgins . moreover , these [ his practises ] succeeded according to his desire against all persons , the christians onely excepted ; who , having contemned death , despised that his outragious tyranny . d for the men ( having endured the fire , the sword , the being * fastned [ to wooden engines ] with nails , the wild beasts , the being drowned in the depths of the sea , the cutting off their members , the ●earings with hot irons , the pricking and digging out of their eyes , and the being maimed all over their bodies ; and , besides all this , famine , the mines , and bonds ; ) would rather demonstrate their patient sufferance under all [ these tortures ] for religion , than they would forsake the adoration of god , and worship idols . again , the women were not less corroborated by the doctrine of the divine word than the men : some of whom underwent the same combats with the men , and obtained rewards of their fortitude equal to them : others , haled away to be rav●shed , were more ready to part with their lives , than expose their bodies to be defiled . indeed , one onely christian woman , the most emi●ent and famous of the alexandrian women , ( when the others had been vitiated by the tyrant , ) vanquished the dissolute and incontinent mind of maximinus by her most valiant courage of mind . she was a woman eminent for riches , descent , and learning ; but she preferred chastity before all these . when [ the tyrant ] had often solicited this woman [ to commit adultery with him , ] he was indeed unable to kill her ( who was prepared to die , ) because his lust was master of his cruelty : but he punished her with exile , and deprived her of her whole estate . infinite other women , being unable to endure the hearing of the menaces of ravishment , which the governours of provinces threatned them with , underwent all sorts of tortures , torments , and capital punishments . but the most admirable person above all these was that woman at rome , the most noble and truly chastest woman of all those , whom maxentius ( the tyrant there , whose practises were like maximinus's ) attempted to vitiate . for , as soon as she understood that the ministers , which the tyrant made use of for the performance of such [ villanies , ] had assaulted her house , ( now she also was a christian , ) and that her husband , who was prefect of the city at rome , had by reason of his fear permitted them to take her and carry her away with them : e having requested that a short [ time ] might be allowed her , as if she would have adorned her body , she went into her chamber ; and , being alone , f sheathed a sword in her own breast . expiring immediately hereupon , she left indeed her co●ps to those that came to conduct her [ to the tyrant ; ] but by this act of hers ( which resounds more than any voice ) she has manifested to all men that now are , and shall be in future ages , that the courage of the christians is the onely thing that is inexpugnable , and which cannot be extirpated by death . such indeed and so great was the fertility of wickedness , produced at one and the same time ; the authours of which were two tyrants , who had divided the east and west between themselves . and now , what man is he , that , making his researches into the cause of these so great [ calamities ▪ ] will be dubious in affirming the persecution [ raised against us ] to have been [ the originall of all these miseries ? ] especially , [ when he considers ] that these mighty disturbances [ in the empire ] were not terminated ; before the christians had the free and open profession of their religion restored to them . chap. xv. concerning what happened to the gentiles . indeed , throughout the whole a ten years space of the persecution , there was no intermission of mutual conspiracies and intestine wars amongst them : the sea was impassible to those that made voyages over it . neither could any persons arrive at any haven whatsoever , ●ut they must indu●e all sorts of scourges , be tormented , have their sides torn with nails , and be interrogated , by their undergoing all sorts of tortures , whether they came from the enemies country : and at last they underwent the punishment of crucifixion , or were burnt to death . furthermore , they provided shields , breast-plates , darts , speares , and other such like military instruments . also , galleys , and weapons for a sea-fight were every where prepared neither did any person expect any thing else but an incursion of the enemy . after all these [ calamities ] followed a famine and a pestilence ; of which we will give a relation at an opportune place and time . chap. xvi . concerning the change of affaires to a better posture . a such were the preparations during the whole time of the persecution ; which by the grace of god wholly ceased in the tenth year ; beginning to be somewhat remiss , after the eighth year . for , after the divine and celestial grace demonstrated [ it self ] in a benigne and propitious inspection over us , then the governours in our times , even those very princes who had formerly waged wars against those of our religion , having most miraculously altered their minds , sounded a retreat : and extinguished the most ardent flame of the persecution by reseripts favourable towards us , and by most mild edicts . but , neither was any humane cause , nor ( which some one might conjecture ) was the clemency or humanity of the emperours , the occasion hereof ; no , 't was far from that . for , from the beginning of the persecution unto that very time , they daily invented more , and more grievous cruelties against us , renewing the tortures [ used ] towards us by divers machines [ made use of ] successively , and in a various manner . but the appa●ent inspection of the divine providence it self , which was now reconciled to its people , pursued the authour of these miseries , and was angry at the b ring-leader of the wickedness [ committed ] during the whole persecution . for al though these things ought to have come to pass , agreeable to the judgment of the divine [ will , ] yet * woe ( says the scripture ) to that man by whom the offence cometh . therefore , a punishment sent from god seized him ; which , having made its beginning at his very flesh , proceeded even to his soul. for on a sudden an impostume arose upon him c about the midst of the privy parts of his body ; after that , a d fi●●ula in ano ; both these diseases spread incurably and did eat into his inmost bowels . from them bred an unspeakable multitude of worms , and a most noysome stench proceeded therefrom ; [ for , ] before this disease , the whole mass of flesh upon his body was ( by reason of the abundance of food he devoured ) grown to an immense fatness : which being then putrified , became an intollerable and most horrid spectacle to those that approach't him . wherefore some of his physitians , being altogether unable to endure the exceeding noysomeness of the stink [ that came from him , ] were killed : others of them , when they could administer no remedy , ( the whole fabrick of his body being swelled , and past all hopes of a recovery , ) were cruelly slain . chap. xvii . concerning the retractation of the emperours . moreover , whilest he was strugling with these many and great miseries , he began to be sensible of the villanous acts he had performed towards the worshippers of god : * having therefore seriously recollected himself , first he made his confession to the supream god. then , having called together the a chief officers of his palace , he ordered them without any delay to inhibite the persecution of the christians , and by his decree and imperial edict commanded that their churches should with all expedition be built , wherein they might perform their usual [ solemnities , ] and make supplications [ to god ] for the * emperour . therefore , what he had given order for in words being immediately followed by an actual performance , the imperial edicts were set forth in every city , containing a revocation of the [ persecution ] against us , according to this form following . emperour caesar galerius valerius maximianus , invictus , augustus , pontifex maximus , germanicus maximus , aegyptiacus maximus , thebaÏcus maximus , sarmaticus maximus the fifth time ; b persicus maximus , carpicus maximus the second time , armenicus maximus the sixth time , medicus maximus , ad●ab●nicus maximus , c tribune of the people xx. d emperour xix . consul viii . father of his country , proconsul . and , emperour caesar flavius valerius constantinus , pius , felix , invictus , augustus : pontifex maximus , e tribune of the people v. emperour v. consul , father of his country , f proconsul . and , emperour caesar valerius licinianus , pius , felix , invictus , augustus ; pontifex maximus ; tribune of the people iv. emperour iii. consul , father of his country , proconsul : to the subjects of their own provinces , greeting . amongst other things which we have constituted for the profit and utility of the republick , it was our desire in the first place , that all things should be redressed according to the ancient laws , and publick ordinances of the romans . and we earnestly endeavoured to effect this , that the christians , who had relinquished the rites and usages of their parents , should be reduced to a good mind and intention . for , so great an g arrogancy and unadvisedness has ( by a considerateness as it were ) possest and invaded them , that they would not follow those sanctions of their ancestours , which even their parents 't is likely had before ratified : but according to their own arbitrement , and as each person had a desire , so they would make laws , and observe them , and assemble various multitudes , of different factions and dissenting about their opinions . therefore , when we had published such an edict , as should [ oblige ] them to return to the rites and ordinances of their ancestours ; many of them having been exposed to imminent dangers , and many having been terrified [ with the menaces of punishment , ] underwent various sorts of death . but , when many persisted in this madness , and we perceived they did neither exhibite a due worship to the immortal gods , nor yet to the god of the christians ; having a respect to our humanity and that continued usage by which we have been accustomed to bestow pardon on all sorts of men : we have thought good that our indulgence should most readily be extended in this matter also ; that the christians should again be [ tolerated , ] and that they may [ have licence ] to rebuild the houses wherein they used to assemble themselves , that so [ in future they may be forced ] to do nothing contrary to their discipline . in a particular rescript we will signifie to our judges what it shall behov● them to observe . wherefore , upon account of this our indulgence they are obliged to supplicate their god for our safety , that of the republick , and their own ; that so both the publick state of affairs may in all respects be continued in an entire and safe posture , and they themselves live undisturbed in their own habitations ▪ th●se words ( which we have , according to our ability , translated out of the roman into the greek language , ) are thus : now therefore it is an opportune time to take a prospect of what followed hereupon . the end of the eighth book of the ecclesiastical history . in some copies , this occurs as a supplement to the eighth book . but the * authour of this edict , after this confession , was forthwith released from his pains , and ended his life . report says , that this man was the first beginner of that calamitous persecution : for , long before the rest of the emperours were instigated [ to it , ] he endeavoured by force to withdraw the christians that bore armes [ from their religion , ] especially those that were his domesticks ; some of whom he removed from their military dignities , most dishonourably abused others ; and moreover , punished othersome with death : and at length he moved his colleagues in the empire to a general persecution against the christians . the manner how these emperours ended their lives , we judge unfit to be buried in silence : of the a four therefore who had divided the roman empire between them , those b two , that had the precedency in age and honour , resigned their empire , before two years were compleated after the beginning of the persecution , as we have c before manifested . and , having spent the remaining part of their time in a private and retired condition , they concluded their lives after this manner : the d one , who in respect of his age and honour took place of all the rest , was consumed by a lasting and most painfull distemper of body : the e other , who was the next to him in honour , put an end to his life by hanging of himself ; undergoing this [ punishment , ] which was agreeable to a certain diabolical prediction concerning him , upon account of those many villanies he had most audaciously perpetrated . of the remaining two , the f last , ( who , as we g have said , was the authour of the whole persecution , ) underwent those [ miseries , ] which we h have related before . but he who in dignity preceded this man , [ i mean ] that most favourable and mercifull emperour constantius , who during the whole time of his government behaved himself in such sort as befitted an emperour ▪ who both in other matters represented himself to be most courteous and beneficent , and also was unconcerned in the persecution raised against us , who preserved the worshippers of god living under his government from all manner of injuries and molestations , who neither demolished the edifices of the churches , nor attempted any other new design against us : [ this emperour constantius i say ] obtained a i fortunate and truly thrice happy conclusion of his life : being the onely person that ended his life peaceably and gloriously during his swaying the imperial scepter , and left his own son ( in all respects a most sober and pious prince , ) his successour in the empire . k he , being from the very beginning forthwith proclaimed supream emperour and augustus by the souldiers , declared himself to be an emulatour of his fathers reverend regard towards our religion . such was the conclusion of their lives which happened to the forementioned four emperours , at different times . l moreover , of them * he onely ( whom we mentioned a little before ) m made the foresaid confession , and ( together with n those who were afterwards taken in to be colleagues with him in the empire ) made it publickly known to all men by an edict proposed in writing . eusebius pamphilus's book concerning the martyrs of palestine . a in one copy , we also found these following chapters at the end of the eighth book . it was the ninteenth year of diocletians empire , the moneth xanthicus , which the romans call april ; ( flavianus being governour of the province of palestine ; ) in which year , [ to wit , ] when the feast of the salutary passion was near at hand , the edicts on a sudden were every where set forth , commanding the churches to be pulled down to the ground , and the scriptures to be consumed with fire ; and ordering , that such as were promoted to honours should be degraded , and that the ordinary sort of people , if they persisted in a resolution of retaining the profession of christianity , should be deprived of their liberty . such was the vehemency of the first edict against us . but not long after , other rescripts were brought , wherein order was given , that all prelates of the churches every where , should first be put in bonds ; and afterwards compelled by all ways imaginable to offer sacrifice . chap. i. concerning procopius , alphaeus , and zacchaeus , martyrs . a procopius therefore , the first of the martyrs of palestine , b before he had experienced a confinement in prison , was c immediately upon his very first arrival brought before the presidents seat of judicature : and being commanded to offer sacrifice to those [ by the gentiles ] stiled gods , he said that he knew but one onely god , to whom sacrifice was to be offered , according to that manner which he himself had appointed . but when he was bidden to sacrifice to the four emperours , having uttered a sentence which was in no wise pleasing to them ( that which he said , was these words of the poet [ homer ; ] it is not good [ to have ] many lords , let there be one lord , one king ) he was forthwith beheaded , d on the eighth day of the moneth e desius , that is ( as the romans stile it ) before the seventh of the ides of june , on the f fourth day of the week . this was the * first martyrdom that was consummated at caesarea in palestine : but after him , very many prelates of churches in that province , having at the same city chearfully undergone most grievous tortures , exhibited to the spectatours a relation of illustrious combats . but others , dis-spirited by reason of their fear , were immediately discouraged at the very first attaque made against them . every one of the rest underwent various and interchangeable sorts of tortures : one was scourged with innumerable stripes , another was racked , had the flesh of his sides scraped off with iron nails , and was loaded with an insupportable burthen of bonds , by reason of which some happened to have [ the sinews ] of their hands weakened and made feeble . nevertheless they all endured whatever befell them agreeable to the secret judgment of god. for one being taken by the hand by some others , who led him to the altar and thrust the impure and detestable sacrifice into his right hand , was dismissed , as if he had sacrificed . another , who had not in any wise touched [ the sacrifice , ] yet when others affirmed that he had sacrificed , went silently away . a third , taken up half dead , was cast forth as if he had been so really , and being loosed from his bonds , was computed amongst their number who had offered sacrifice . a fourth , crying out , and making protestation that he would not perform what he was enjoyned by them to do , was stricken on the mouth , and being silenced by a great company of persons purposely appointed upon that account , was forcibly thrust out , although he had not sacrificed . * so highly did they every way esteem their being thought to have perfected what they desired ! of all these therefore , who were so numerous , onely alphaeus and zacchaeus obtained the crown of holy martyrdom . who , after they were scourged , and had had their flesh scraped off with torturing irons , when they had endured most grievous bonds and cruciating pains therein , after various other tortures they were put into the stocks , where for four and twenty hours space their feet were distended to the fourth hole , and having confest that there was but one only god , and one king jesus christ , as if they had uttered something that was blasphemous and impious , they underwent the same sort of punishment with the first martyr [ procopius , ] and were beheaded on the seventeenth day of the month dius , which day amongst the romans is before the fifteenth of the calends of december . chap. ii. concerning romanus the martyr . moreover , what was done about a romanus on the very same day at antioch , does worthily deserve to be commemorated : for he , being born in palestine , was a b deacon and c exorcist in the church of caesarea : coming to antioch at that very time when the churches were demolished ; and having seen many d men , women , and children flocking in crouds to the temples of the idolls , and offering sacrifice , he judged the sight thereof to be a thing intollerable , and being incited by a zeal for the divine worship , he drew near ; and crying out with a loud voice , [ began ] to rebuke them . being forthwith apprehended upon account of this his boldness , he demonstrated himself ( if ever any other person did ) to be a most couragious witness of the truth . for , when the judge had condemned him to be burnt to death , having gladly received his sentence of condemnation with a cheerfull countenance and a mind most couragiously disposed , he was led to execution . then , being bound to the stake , and the combustible matter being laid together , whilst the officers , that were about to kindle the fire , waited for the determination of the e emperour who was then present , he cryed out , where is the fire [ provided ] for me ? when he had said this , he was by command brought before the emperour , in order to his being punished with a new sort of punishment , [ to wit , ] the cutting out of his tongue . having most couragiously endured this punishment , he gave a real demonstration to all men , that the divine power is always present with those who undergo any sort of torture whatsoever for religion , which does mitigate their pains , and corroborate them with an alacrity of mind . this couragious person therefore being sensible of the newness of his punishment , was in no wise terrified , but willingly put forth his tongue , and with a most ready alacrity produced it to those who cut it out . after which punishment he was put into bonds , and being for a long time afflicted in prison , in conclusion ( when the f twentieth year of the emperours reign was come , wherein , g according to the usual indulgence , liberty was publickly proclaimed to all persons in all places that were in bonds , ) he onely , lying in the stocks , and having both his feet distended to the distance of five holes , was strangled , and ( according to his desire ) was adorned with [ the crown of ] martyrdom . this person being a palestinian , although he suffered [ martyrdom ] without the limits of his own country , yet deserves to be reckoned amongst the martyrs of palestine . these things were after this manner performed in the first year of the persecution , when it raged against the prelates onely of the church . chap. iii. concerning timotheus , agapius , thecla , and eight other martyrs . afterwards , in the second year , when the rage of the persecution against us was become more violent and sharp , urbanus being at that time governour of the province , the imperial edicts having been then first brought , wherein it was by a general command ordered , that all persons in all places and cities whatsoever should publickly offer sacrifice and incense to the idols ; timotheus underwent innumerable tortures at gaza , a city of palestine : after all which he was consumed by a remiss and slow fire , and having exhibited a most genuine proof of his sincere piety towards god , by a patient sufferance under all his torments , he obtained the crown belonging to the sacred and victorious champions of religion . agapius also , and that thecla a who lived in our times , having ( together with the foresaid timotheus ) given a demonstration of their most undaunted courage and stedfastness of mind , were condemned to be devoured by wild beasts . who is he that would not have wondred at the sight of what followed hereupon , or that would not have been astonished at the hearing a relation thereof ? for , when the heathens celebrated their publick festivals , and [ exhibited ] their usual shews ; there was a great report , that b together with those others whom they had a mighty esteem for , the [ christians ] also , lately condemned , were to be exposed to a combat with the wild beasts [ in the amphitheatre . ] this report therefore being increased and spread every where , six youths , whereof one was born in pontus ▪ by name timolaus , another born at tripolis a city of phoenicia whose name was dionysius , the third was sub-deacon of the diospolitane church ▪ his name romulus ; besides the two egyptians ▪ c pausis and alexander ; and another alexander , name-sake to the former , born at gaza : [ these six young men , i say , ] having first bound their hands together , that they might thereby manifest their great readiness and alacrity to [ undergo ] martyrdom , ran in great hast to urbanus , as he was going to the amphitheatre , and confest themselves to be christians : and , by their being prepared to [ endure ] all sorts of tortures , they demonstrated , that those who make their boast in the worship of the supream god , can in no wise be terrified at the furious assaults of the wild beasts . the president himself , and those who stood round him , having been forthwith struck with no small amazement , [ these confessours ] were [ ordered to be ] shut up in prison . not many days after two others being added to their number , ( one whereof , by name agapius , having before them undergone horrid and various sorts of tortures , had formerly [ been signallized ] for several confessions : the other ministred bodily necessaries to them , his name dionysius ) all these , being now made up eight in number , were beheaded on one and the same day at caesarea , [ to wit ] on the twenty fourth day of the month dystrus , which precedes the ninth of the calends of april . at the same time happened a change of the emperours , he that had the precedency of all the rest and the next to him in place , [ having left off their imperial attire ] put themselves into a private habit : and the affairs of the empire began to be in an ill posture . the roman empire being soon after divided , there brake out an implacable war between [ the romans ] themselves : neither could the divisions , and ( which were the consequences thereof ) the tumults be made up and appeased , before the christians throughout the whole roman empire had a peace ratified and firmed to them . for , as soon as that peace ( like light after a cloudy and most darksome night , ) darted forth its rays upon all men , the publick affairs of the roman empire were again restored to their pristine stability , amity , and peaceableness ; all persons recovering that mutual friendliness which had been derived down to them from their ancestours . but we will give an exacter account of these matters at a more opportune place and time . now we are to prosecute the subsequent series of our narration . chap. iv. concerning apphianus the martyr . maximinus caesar , a from the very time of his coming to the empire , ( as if he would demonstrate to all men the tokens of his innate hatred against god , and of his own impiety ▪ ) attempted a more violent persecution against those of our religion , than the preceding emperours [ had done . ] when therefore no small inquietude was impendent on all persons , and they were dispersed some in one place some in another , every one making it his chief business to avoid the danger , and all the provinces were involved in a most terrible commotion , what expressions can be sufficient for us deservedly to set forth , the divine love , and the bold and free confession of god , made by that blessed and truly innocent lamb , apphianus the martyr , who exhibited an admirable example of piety towards the only god , in the sight of all the inhabitants of caesarea , b before the gates of that city , when he had not fully completed the twentieth year of his age ? indeed , whilst he resided at berytus , where he had formerly spent much time upon account of [ furnishing himself with ] c secular literature , ( for he had his descent from very rich parents : ) 't is wonderfull to relate how , during his continuance in that city , he subdued youthfull lusts : and having in no wise been debauch't in his moralls , either by the vigour and youthfulness of his body , or the society of his young companions , he became a lover of temperance ; leading an orderly , chast , and religious life , according to the d prescripts of christianity , and framing his converse [ agreeable thereto . ] if it be [ supposed ] convenient that we should mention his country , and commend it , because it produced so couragious a champion of piety ; we will most readily do it . if any one therefore knows e pagas , a city of no mean note in lycia ; there this young man was born . after his return from his studies at berytus , ( his father being promoted to the chiefest place of honour in his own country , ) he was unable to endure the converse of his father , and those that were his relations , because they refused to live according to the sanctions of religion : but having been inspired as it were by a divine spirit , and ( by reason of his innate desire after philosophy , or rather after the divine and true wisedom ) making small account of the reputed glory of this life , and contemning the delights of the body , he secretly withdrew himself from his relations : and being not at all sollicitous about a daily provision for his subsistance , because of his hope and faith in god , he was led by the hand [ as it were ] to the city of caesarea , by the divine spirit , where a crown of martyrdom for religion awaited him . being f conversant there with us , having in a short time made a great proficiency by reading the sacred scriptures , and furnished himself with courage of mind by congruous exercises of a strict and severe abstinence ; at length he made such a glorious conclusion of his life , as whoever saw could not but be astonished thereat ; and he that shall hear the bare relation of it , cannot but deservedly admire his confidence , his fearlesness , his continued earnestness and constancy of mind , and above all the boldness of his attempt , which g contains most evident signs of a zeal for religion , and of a spirit more than humane . for when maximinus renewed the insolencies practised towards us , in the third year of our persecution [ under diocletian , ] and when the tyrants edicts were first sent abroad over all the provinces , [ ordering ] the governours to make it their chief care and business , that all the inhabitants in every city should publickly offer sacrifice ; and when the criers had made proclamation over all the city caesarea , that the men , together with the women and children , should by the governours order go to the temples of the idols ; and moreover when the tribunes of the souldiers had summoned every particular person by name our of a written roll ; ( all the [ christians ] every where being put into confusion by this unspeakable storm of afflictions ) this foresaid person , ( having communicated to no body what he was about to do , it being unknown to us who lived in the same house with him , and even to the whole military guard that stood round the governour , ) fearlesly approach't urbanus , as he was offering sacrifice ; and , having with an intrepid mind catch't hold on his right hand , stopt him immediately from sacrificing . then , with a divine gravity and confidence of mind he prudently advised and exhorted him to desist from that erroneous way [ of worship . ] for 't is absurd [ said he ] to relinquish [ the worship ] of the one and only true god , and offer sacrifice to idols and daemons . this the young man attempted , induced thereto ( 't is very probable ) by a divine power , which openly proclaimed as it were by this fact , that the christians ( to wit , those who are truly such ) are so far from being withdrawn from the worship of the supream god , which they have once imbided , that they are not only above menaces and ( which are the consequences thereof ) tortures , but also become more confident and fearless in their confessions , with a couragious and intrepid voice freely set forth the truth , and ( if it were possible ) perswade their persecutours to relinquish their ignorance , and acknowledge him who is the only true god. after this , the young man , of whom we speak , was immediately ( as it was likely [ to happen ] ) torn by the presidents guards , in such sort as if they had been savage beasts , because of the audacious fact he had committed ; and having most couragiously indured an infinite number of stripes all over his body , was forthwith committed to prison . where after he had lain a night and a day with both his feet distended in the stocks , on the day following he was brought before the judge . then being compelled to offer sacrifice , he demonstrated an invincible constancy of mind in undergoing all sorts of pains and horrid tortures ; his sides being not once , nor twice , but many times furrowed to his very bones and entrails : and he received so many blows in his face and neck , that they who before had been very well acquainted with him , did not now know him , because his face was so much swell'd . but , when he yielded not at [ the suffering of ] so many and great tortures , the tormentours by the [ presidents ] order wrap't up his feet in flax wetted in oyl , and kindled a fire under them . the pains which the blessed [ martyr ] was put to thereby , are in my judgment inexpressible . for the fire , having consumed his flesh , penetrated to his very bones : in so much that the whole moysture of his body being melted like wax , was distilled , and descended by drops . but being not overcome even by these tortures , ( although the adversaries were vanquished , and in a manner wearied out , because of his miraculous fortitude , ) he was again put into bonds . on the third day after he was brought before the judge , and having professed [ that he continued in ] the same resolution of mind , although he was already half dead , yet he was drowned in the depths of the sea. what happened immediately hereupon , if we relate it , will , by those who saw it not , be disbelieved as incredible . but although we know assuredly this will so fall out , yet we can in no wise forbear to deliver a full narration hereof to posterity , because all the inhabitants of caesarea in a manner were witnesses of what came to pass . indeed there was no person [ of caesarea , ] of what age soever , that was not present at this stupendious spectacle . after therefore they had cast this truly sacred and thrice blessed person into the most unfathomable abysses ( as they supposed ) which were in the midst of the sea , on a sudden there happened an unusual noise and shaking , which made the sea and h air about the earth tremble in such a manner , that the very earth and city were shaken by that motion . and at that very moment wherein this wonderfull and sudden earth-quake happened , the dead body of the divine martyr was cast up by the sea ( as being unable to containe it ) before the gates of the city . such was the exit , which the admirable apphianus made , on friday the second day of the month xanthicus , which is before the fourth of the nones of april . chap. v. concerning ulpianus and aedesius martyrs . at the same time , and almost on the same days , a young man in the city of tyre , by name ulpianus , after he had been cruelly scourged and endured most grievous stripes , * was sown up in the raw hide of an oxe , together with a dog and a venemous serpent , and cast into the sea : a wherefore we thought it agreeable to make mention of this person at [ this place wherein we have related ] the martyrdom of apphianus . some small time after this , aedesius , brother ( not only in respect of god , but by a bodily affinity also , ) by the b fathers side to apphianus , after [ he had made ] very many confessions , and for a long time had been cruciated in bonds ; after he had been condemned to the mines in palestine by the presidents sentence ; and after he had , under all these [ tortures , ] led a life continually like a philosopher , in a philosophick habit ; ( for he had acquired far more learning than his brother , in that he had applied his mind wholly to philosophick literature . ) at length , when , at the city of alexandria , he saw the judge ( who was then examining the christians ) most extravagantly insulting over , and enraged against them ; one while putting various and most reproachful abuses upon grave men ; at another , delivering women most eminent for their chastity , and ● virgins that had devoted 〈…〉 mselves to god , to pan 〈…〉 rs , that they might be defiled with all sorts of obscenity : he attempted the same fact that his brother had done . for , because what was thus performed seemed to him intolerable , with a valiant boldness he approach't the d judge , and having by his words and deeds surrounded him with shame and ignominy , and after that , most couragiously endured various sorts of tortures , he was thrown into the sea , and ended his life after the same manner that his brother did . these things happened thus to aedesius , although ( as i said before ) some small time after . chap. vi. concerning the martyr agapius . moreover , in the fourth year of the persecution against us , on the twentieth day of the month dius , ( which is before the twelfth of the calends of december , ) being friday , such [ a martyrdom ] was performed in the same city of caesarea , as worthily deserves to be recorded in writing , maximinus the tyrant being himself present , and exhibiting publick shews to the people because of his birth-day . whereas it was an ancient custom , that ( if at any time ) in the presence of the emperours , splendid shews and such as were more pleasing to the mind should be exhibited to the spectatours , ( new and strange spectacles , such as were different from the usuall sights [ being at such a time procured , which consisted ] partly of beasts brought out of india , aethiopia , or some other place ; and partly of men , who , having before accustomed themselves to certain a artificial exercises of their bodies , entertained the spectatours with sights that created in them a wonderfull delight and pleasure ; ) then also , because the emperour himself [ was at the charge of ] exhibiting those shews , something that was magnificent , and more wonderfull than usual , must necessarily be made use of in those sights . what therefore was this ? a martyr of our religion was brought forth , to combat for the only true worship of god. his name was agapius , the b second of that name : the first ( as we manifested a little before ) was , together with thecla , condemned to be devoured 〈◊〉 the wild-beasts . he therefore ( having before that time been c thrice [ brought ] out of prison , [ wherein he had been confined now three years , ] and often times d led in pomp about the stadium with those that were malefactours ; the judge , after various menaces , putting him off to other combats , either out of compassion to him , or because he had hopes that he would alter his resolution , ) was then produced , ( the emperour himself being there present , ) being reserved as it were on set purpose for that opportunity , that that saying of our saviour's ( which by his divine knowledge he foretold his disciples ) might be accomplished in him , that they should be brought before kings for their testimony of him . he is therefore brought into the midst of the stadium , together with a certain criminal ; who was said to be guilty of murthering his master . after this , he who had killed his master , being exposed to the wild-beasts , obtained mercy and compassion [ from the emperour , ] almost after the same manner that barabbas did in our saviour's time . at this , the whole amphitheatre resounded with shouts and acclamations of joy , because the emperour had out of his compassion saved a bloudy murtherer , and vouchsafed him honour and liberty . but this champion of religion is first called for by the tyrant ; after which , having , with the promise of liberty , desired him to renounce the profession [ of christianity , ] he professed with a loud voice ▪ that ( not for any crime but ) upon account of the worship of the framer of all things , with alacrity and pleasure , he would couragiously undergoe what [ punishments ] soever should be inflicted on him . and , having said thus , he annexed deeds to his words , ran to meet a bear which was let loose against him , and most willingly offered himself to be devoured by that beast . after the beast had torn him , having some breath left in him , he was carried back to prison ; where , after he had lived one day , on that following , stones were hanged at his feet , and he was drowned in the midst of the sea. such was the martyrdom of agapius . chap. vii . concerning the virgin theodosia , and concerning domninus , and auxentius , martyrs . moreover , the fifth year of the persecution being now current , on the second day of the month xanthicus , which is before the fourth of the nones of april , a on the very lords day , the day of our saviour's resurrection , and also at caesarea , theodosia , a virgin born at tyre , one that was a believer and a most modest maid , not eighteen years old compleat , approach't some prisoners , ( who were confessours of the kingdom of christ , and sate before the b praetorium , ) both to salute them amicably , and also ( as 't is probable ) to request them that they would be mindfull of her when they came to the lord. having done this , as if she had committed some nefarious and impious fact , the souldiers lay hold of her , and carry her before the president . he , in regard he was a furious person and one of a most cruel temper of mind , [ ordered ] that she should be cruciated with sharp and most horrid tortures , and that her sides and breasts [ should be furrowed ] to her very bones ; [ after this ] breath being still left in her , having with a pleasant and chearfull countenance undergone all these tortures , by the presidents command she was drowned in the sea. after he had done with her , he went upon [ the examination of ] the other confessours , all whom he condemned to the brazen mines at phenos in palestine . furthermore , on the fifth day of the month dius , that is ( according to the roman account ) on the nones of november , in the same city , to wit , caesarea , the said president condemned silvanus ( who then was a presbyter and a confessor , but some small time after was honoured with a bishoprick , and happened to finish his life by martyrdom ) and some others that were his companions ( after they had given demonstration of a most resolute courage and constancy in behalf of religion ) to labour in the same mines of brass ; having first given order , that the flexures of their * feet should be seared with a red hot iron , and so rendred infirm and useless . at the same time that this sentence was pronounced against them , he condemned domninus ( a man very famous for innumerable other confessions , who for his singular freedom [ in speaking ] was much taken notice of by all persons throughout palestine ) to be burnt alive . after he [ had been thus punished , ] the same judge , ( a crafty inventour of mischief , and one that studied new devices and designes [ to extirpate ] the doctrine of christ , ) found out such sorts of punishments for the worshippers of god , as were never heard of before . he condemned three [ and compelled them ] to c fight with one another in such a sort as the champions usually did : auxentius , a venerable and holy old man , was by him condemned to be devoured by the wild beasts . again , he [ gave order ] that some , who were arrived to the compleat age and stature of men , should be cut and made eunuchs , and then condemned them to the same mines . he shut up others in prison , after they had undergone the sharpest tortures . amongst which number was pamphilus , my dearest companion , a person that was the most eminent of all the martyrs in our age for his singular virtue and piety : urbanus first made tryall of his skill in rhetorick and philosophick literature , after that he compelled him to offer sacrifice ; which when the martyr refused to do , and [ urbanus ] perceived that he despised his menaces , he was exceedingly exasperated , and gave order that he should be tormented with the acutest sorts of torture . moreover , this most enraged man , ( being in a manner satiated with the flesh of the martyrs sides , which he [ had caused to be torn off ] with torturing irons , whereof he made a continued and reiterated use , pertinaciously desiring thereby to get the victory [ over the martyr ] having after all these tortures , procured nothing but shame and ignominy for himself , ) at length ordered him to be cast into prison amongst the other confessours therein confined . but , what sort of punishment this person ( who after so fierce a manner insulted over the martyrs of christ , ) was to expect , would be inflicted on him at the divine tribunal , for his cruelty towards the saints , is easily known from those beginnings [ thereof which he underwent ] in this life . immediately after those audacious cruelties which he had practised towards pamphilus , the divine vengeance forthwith seized him , whilst he was as yet possest of the government . which on a sudden , in one nights space , stript him ( who but the day before sate as judge upon a lofty tribunal , was attended with a military guard , governed the whole province of palestine ; who also was companion to the tyrant himself , for he was his chief favourite , and did usually eat at the same table with him ) of all these great places and preferments , and reduced him to a disconsolate and helpless condition ; clouded him with ignominy and shame in the sight of those very persons , who had formerly admired him as their governour ; proposed him to the whole nation , over which he had been ruler , as a miserable and dis-spirited wretch , pouring forth effeminate intreaties and supplications ; and lastly , constituted maximinus himself ( of whose favour he had in former times bragged and boasted , having been dearly beloved by him by reason of the cruelties he practised towards us christians ) his inexorable and most severe judge in the very city of caesarea . for , after many reproaches , which he suffered upon account of those crimes , of which he was convict , the emperour himself pronounc't sentence of death against him . but thus much we have said by the by . there may happen a seasonable opportunity , wherein we shall be more at leisure to relate the exits and calamitous deaths , by which those impious wretches , ( especially maximinus and those about him who were his advisers , ) that were the greatest sticklers in the persecution against 〈◊〉 , finished their lives . chap. viii . concerning other confessours , and concerning the martyrdom of valentina and paul. when the storm [ of persecution ] had now without any intermission raged against us untill the sixth year , [ there was ] a very great number that were confessours of the divine religion , who a heretofore had lived in thebaïs , at porphyrites , a place that had its appellation from the name of the marble dug out there : of which [ company ] an hundred men , ( wanting three , ) together with their wives and very small children , were sent to the president of palestine . concerning all which persons , after they had made their confession of god [ the framer ] of all things , and of christ , firmilianus the president ( who was sent thither as successour to urbanus , ) gave order , agreeable to the emperours command , that they should have those very sinews of their left legs , by which they bent their knees , ●eared in two with red-hot-irons ; and that their right eyes , together with the membranes and balls thereof should be first cut out with swords , and after that [ their eye-holes : ] ●eared even to the very bottome with red-hot-irons . after which , he ordered they should be sent to work in the mines that were in the province , that they might be worn out there with labours , and miseries . nor did we behold these persons only undergoing such punishments , but those palestinians also ; ( who , as we manifested a little before , were condemned to practise the champions exercises , in order to their being made fit to engage in the gladiatours combats ; ) because they would not endure , either to receive those provisions which were allowed them out of the imperial treasury , or to practise such exercises as were necessary to render them accomplish't combatants . for which reason they were brought not only before the b procuratours , but maximinus himself : and , having given a demonstration of their invincible constancy in the confession [ of christ , ] and of their couragiousness in enduring famine and scourges , they suffered the same punishments with the forementioned persons ; some other confessours in the city of caesarea being added to their number . soon after these , others were taken at the city gaza , c who were assembled to hear the sacred scriptures read , some of whom suffered the same tortures in their feet and eyes with the forementioned persons ; but others of them under-went more acute and horrid torments in the sides of their bodies . one of which number , as to her sex a woman , but a person of a masculine and couragious temper of mind , unable to endure the menaces of ravishment ; having uttered some expressions against the tyrant , ( because he committed the government [ of provinces ] to such cruel judges , ) was first scourged : then , being hung up a great heighth on [ an engin of ] wood , she was tortured in the sides of her body . but when the officers , appointed for that purpose , did , by the judges order , apply their tortures to her with a most continued and exquisite vehemency , another woman , who ( like the former ) had taken upon her the vow of virginity , ( as to the composure of her body she was indeed no very taking object , and her aspect was despicable , but she was endowed with a couragious temper of mind , and was corroborated with a valour above her sex , and far excelled those championesses amongst the grecians so much famed for their freedom in speaking ; ) being unable to endure the sight of those merciless , cruel , and inhumane practises , cried out with a loud voice to the judge , out of the midst of the crowd , how long will you thus unmercifully torture my sister ? the judge , highly exasperated by that expression , forthwith gave command the woman should be laid hold on . she was then haled forth before him : and * having assumed to herself our saviours venerable appellation , first she was sollicited by kind words to offer sacrifice : which when she refused to do , they drew her by force before the altar : but she , behaving her self like her self , retained her former alacrity of mind , with an intrepid and undaunted foot trampled upon the altar , and overturned that , together with d what lay upon it . upon which account the judge , enraged like a savage beast , first gave order , that she should suffer more and greater tortures in her sides , than any one had before undergone : [ for ] he seemed in a manner desirous to gorge himself with her raw flesh . but when his rage was satiated , he ordered they should both ( namely this last with her whom she called sister ) be fastned together , and condemned them to be burnt to death ; the e former of these persons , 't is said , was born in the country of the gazites : you must understand that the other , well known to most men by the name of valentina , had her original extract at caesarea . but with what expressions can i deservedly set forth that martyrdom ( which followed immediately hereupon , ) wherewith the thrice-blessed paul was adorned ? this person , having had sentence of death pronounced against him at that very interim these virgins were condemned , when he was to be put to death , entreated the executioner ( who stood ready to cut off his head ) to allow him a short space of time . having obtained his request , with a clear and audible voice he first prayed for all those who were professours of the christian religion , beseeching god , that he would be reconciled to them , and quickly bestow on them liberty and security : then he supplicated for the jews access to god by [ the faith of ] christ : after this , he proceeded in an orderly method , putting up the same petitions even for the samaritans ; and besought god for the heathens , that they , now entangled in errour and an ignorance of god , might arrive to an acknowledgment of him , and undertake the [ profession of ] the true religion ; neither did he [ in his petitions ] omit to mention the promiscuous crowd that surrounded him . after all these ( o the great and ineffable patience and mildness of his mind ! ) he besought the supream god for the very judge by whom he had been condemned to die , for the emperours , and also for the executioner ( who stood ready to strike off his head , ) both in the hearing of him himself , and of all those also that were present , beseeching [ god ] that the sin they committed [ by taking away his life ] might not be imputed to them . having with a loud voice made these petitions , and melted almost all that were present into compassion and tears , because he was unjustly put to death , f nevertheless he made himself ready , and , yielding his naked neck to be cut asunder by the sword , he was crowned with divine martyrdom , on the twenty fifth day of the month panemus , that is , before the eighth of the calends of august . such was the exit of these [ martyrs . ] not long after , an hundred and thirty champions , of the same country , to wit , egypt , admirable for their confession of christ , having by maximinus's order undergone the same calamitous [ tortures ] in their eyes and feet with those formerly mentioned who suffered in egypt , were condemned and sent away , part of them to the forementioned mines in palestine , and part to those in the province of cilicia . chap. ix . that the persecution was afresh renewed : and concerning antoninus , zebina , germanus , and other martyrs . now , after such valiant exploits as these , performed by christ's noble martyrs ; when the flame of persecution was somewhat abated , and , as it were , extinguished by their sacred bloud ; when those in thebaïs ( condemned for [ their confession of ] christ to labour in the mines there , ) were permitted to enjoy rest and liberty ; and when we hoped to see some few calme and serene days : then did * he ( who had gotten the power of persecuting ) reassume his rage against the christians , upon what account or by what impulse , i know not . for , on a sudden , maximinus's edicts against us were sent to all places throughout every province : and the presidents and a prefect of the praetorium by injunctions , letters , and publick orders excited the * curators in every city , the magistrates , and b tabularii to put in execution the imperial edict , c which contained an order , that the decayed idol-temples should with all diligence be repaired ; that all persons , men , women , servants and young children should be compelled to do sacrifice , and by all means imaginable forced to eat part of the flesh which had been offered ; that the provisions exposed to sale in the markets should be defiled with such things as had been sacrificed ; and that some should be ordered to sit and watch before the [ publick ] baths , to the end they might pollute such as came to cleanse themselves therein , with the execrable sacrifices . whilst these things were after this manner put in execution , the anxieties of the christians , as it was likely , were renewed and increased : yea , the gentiles that were unbelievers [ look't upon ] what was done to be intollerable , and condemned these barbarities , as absurd and too outragious : for , even to them such actions seemed abominable and odious . when [ therefore ] such a fierce storm [ of persecution ] was impendent on all persons every where , the divine power of our saviour did again infuse so great a courage and confidence into his champions , that , when no body induced or urged them to it , they contemned these high menaces of their adversaries . wherefore , three believers with a joynt consent rush in upon the president then offering sacrifice to idols , and call out to him to desist from his errour : for there is [ said they ] no other god , but he that is the framer and maker of all things . being hereupon ask't who they were , they boldly profest themselves to be christians : at which firmilianus was highly exasperated , and passed sentence of death upon them , d without inflicting on them any previous tortures . one of these was a presbyter , by name e antoninus ; the name of the second was zebinas , by country an eleutheropolitane ; the third was called germanus . on the thirteenth day of the month dius , that is , on the ides of november , all this was done to these persons . on the same day they had a fellow-traveller added to their number , a woman of scythopolis , by name f ennathas , who was adorned with the g badge of virginity . she had not indeed done what the former [ three ] did , but was carried by force and set before the judge . therefore , after she had been scourged and most grosly abused ; ( all which injurious usages were audaciously perpetrated , without any order from the superiour magistracy , by one of the tribunes in the neighbourhood , called maxys , a man worse than his name , one indeed that was stout and of an undaunted courage , but as to his morals , in all respects very impious , of a cruel disposition , and odious to all his acquaintance . this fellow stript the blessed virgin stark naked , ( in such a manner that she was covered only from her loyns down to her feet , but the rest of her body was bare ; ) led her round the city caesarea , and look't upon it as a piece of gallantry to drag her through all the market-places in the city , and scourge her ) after [ i say ] she had endured so many stripes , having given a demonstration of her most undaunted courage and constancy of mind before the presidents tribunal , the judge commanded she should be burnt alive . this * man improved his inhumanity and rage , shown towards gods worshippers , to the heighth , and transgrest even the laws of nature , for he was not ashamed of denying burial to the dead bodies of those sacred persons . upon which account he gave order , that the dead bodies ( which were exposed in the open air , to be devoured by wild-beasts , ) should be carefully guarded night and day : and you might have seen for many days together no small number of men , busily obeying this beastly and barbarous order : some of whom ( as if this had been a matter of high concern and moment ) watched on a tower , that the dead might not be stolen away . also , the wild-beasts , dogs , and fowls that preyed on flesh , scattered here and there pieces of mens bodies : and the whole city was strewed all over with mens bowels and bones . so that , nothing did ever seem more cruel and horrid , even to those who before had been our enemies ; all persons bewailing not so much their calamitous condition towards whom these things were done , as the abuse that was put upon themselves , and on manking in general . for , even to the very gates [ of the city ] such a spectacle was proposed to publick view , as surpassed all the bounds of expression , and exceeded any the most tragical relation ; [ to wit ] the flesh of mens bodies , which were devoured not in one place , but lay scattered every where . yea , some affirmed they saw limbs of men , whole bodies , and pieces of bowels even within the city . after these [ horrid butcheries ] had been practised for many days together , there happened this miracle . the weather was fair , the air clear , and the whole face of heaven most serene and bright ; when , on a sudden , from all the columns , which under prop't the publick galleries throughout the city , there fell many drops , in the form of tears : and the market-places and streets , ( no moisture having faln from the air , ) were wet and besprinkled with water which came from an unknown place . in so much that a report was immediately spread amongst all people , that the earth , unable to bear the horrid impieties then committed , did shed tears in an inexplicable manner ; and that the stones and senseless matter wept at what was done , to reprove the barbarous and unmercifull dispositions of men . this thing will , i doubt not , be lookt upon as fabulous and a ridiculous story by succeeding generations : but they did not account it such , who had the certainty thereof confirmed to them by the authority of those times in which it happened . chap. x. concerning peter the asceta , asclepius the marcionite , and other martyrs . on the fourteenth day of the following month , called apellaeus , which is before the nineteenth of the calends of january , some other egyptians , ( going to minister to the confessours in cilicia ) were apprehended by those persons , that were set at the gates [ of the city ] to examine such as passed by : part of whom received the same sentence with those they were going to minister to , having their eyes and feet rendred useless . but three of them were put into bonds at the city ascalon , where after they had given an admirable demonstration of their courage , they finished their lives by a different sort of martyrdom . one of them , by name ares , was burnt to death : the other two , whose names were a probus and elias , were beheaded . on the eleventh day of the month audynaeus , which is before the third of the ides of january , b peter the asceta , called also apselamus , ( who came from aneas a village that lies near to eleutheropolis , ) being refined by fire like the purest gold , exhibited an illustrious proof of his faith in god's christ , at the city caesarea . for when the judge and those about him intreated him earnestly to be compassionate towards himself , and take pity upon his own youthfullness and vigour ; he contemned [ their exhortations , ] and preferred his confidence in the supream god before all things , yea even life it selfe . together with this person [ suffered ] one asclepius , ( reported to have been a bishop of the sect of the marcionites , out of a zeal to piety , ( as he thought , ) but such an one as was not according to knowledge , ) and finished his life in the same fiery pile . these things were performed after this manner . chap. xi . concerning pamphilus , and twelve other martyrs . a the time now calls upon me to record that great and famous spectacle , which they [ exhibited ] who were perfected by martyrdom together with pamphilus , [ a person ] whose name and memory i have a great honour and high esteem for . they were in all twelve , being vouchsafed a b prophetick , or rather apostolick , grace , and equall to them in number , pamphilus was their principal , the only person amongst them that was adorned with the honour of a presbytership in the church at caesarea : c a man eminent for all manner of virtue , even throughout his whole life ; [ whether we consider ] his renunciation and contempt of the world ; or the liberal contributions [ he made ] of his goods to those that were necessitous ; or his disregard of worldly preferments and expectations ; or lastly , his philosophick , severe , and ascetick course of life . but , he was most especially eminent , even beyond all men in our times , for his earnest and unwearied studies in the sacred scriptures , for his indefatigable assiduity about those things he proposed to himself to do , and for the good offices he did to his relations and all other persons that made their addresses to him . this persons other virtues and egregious performances , which require a larger relation , we have already comprized in three books , being a peculiar work which we wrote concerning his life . if therefore any are desirous of knowing these things more fully , we remit them thither ; at present d let us prosecute our subsequent narration concerning the martyrs . the second person , after pamphilus , that entred the combat , was valens , a e deacon of aelia , honourable for his holy gray hairs , and as to his aspect a venerable old man ; better skilled in the sacred scriptures than any of the rest . for he had imprinted them in his memory so perfectly , f that no difference could be discerned between his reading out of a book , and repeating by heart , whole pages of any part of sacred writ . the third person , famous amongst them , was paul , born at the city jamnia , a man very fervent and zealous in acting , and filled with a warmth and ardour of spirit : before his martyrdom , he had been engaged in the combat of confession , having endured the fearing [ of his flesh ] with red hot irons . after these persons had spent two years time in prison , the arrival of some other egyptian brethren was the occasion of their martyrdom , who also suffered with them . these egyptians had accompanied the confessours sent into cilicia , to the mines there . as they were returning to their own country , at the entrance of the gates of caesarea they were examined ( in the same manner with those before mentioned ) by the guard ( men of a barbarous disposition ) who they were , and whence they came ; and , having concealed nothing of the truth , as if they had been malefactours taken in the very act , they were put into bonds . they were five in number ; and when they were brought before the tyrant , and had spoken boldly and freely in his presence , they were forthwith committed to prison . the next day ( which was the th of the month peritius , according to the roman account before the th of the calends of march , ) order was given , that they , together with pamphilus and his forementioned companions , should be brought before the judge . in the first place , he made tryal of the egyptians invincible constancy , by all sorts of torments , and various and new invented engines [ of torture . ] when g he had made use of these cruelties towards the chief of these persons , first he asked him who he was . after he had heard him give himself the name of some prophet instead of his proper name ; ( for they made it their business to call themselves by names different from those given them by their parents , which were perhaps the names of idols ; therefore you might have heard them name themselves elias , jeremiah , isaiah , samuel , or daniel , representing not only by their actions , but by their proper names also , the true and genuine israel h of god , which [ consists ] of those that are i inwardly jews . ) after [ i say ] firmilianus had heard the martyr give himself such a name , being wholly unacquainted with the powerfull import thereof , in the second place he enquired , what country-man he was : the martyr expressed himself in this his second reply agreeable to his former answer , and said , jerusalem was his country ; meaning that jerusalem , of which paul speaks — * but jerusalem which is above , is free , which is the mother of us all : and [ in another place , ] † ye are come to mount sion , and unto the city of the living god , the heavenly jerusalem : the martyr meant this [ jerusalem . ] but the judge , having his mind depressed with low and terrene thoughts , was extraordinarily inquisitive what city this was , and in what country it lay . then he applied tortures , that he might [ force him thereby to ] confess the truth . but he , having both his hands wrested behind his back , and his feet broken with certain new engines [ of torture , ] stifly affirmed , that he spoke true . again , being after this often asked , what city that he spoke of was , and where it lay , he replied , that that was their country only , who were gods worshippers . for none but they should enter it ; and it was scituate eastward , and towards the rising sun. after this manner did the martyr philosophize again , agreeable to his own sentiments , wholly disregarding those that on all sides were tormenting of him : but , as if he had had neither flesh nor body , seemed to be altogether insensible of his tortures . but the judge , doubtful and perplexed in his mind , was in a great rage , supposing that the christians were about erecting a city that would be an enemy , and in an hostile manner oppose the romans . upon which account he was very diligent in his enquiries about it , and in searching out that country in the east spoken of [ by the martyr . ] but when he perceived that the young man ( after he had torn him with innumerable stripes , and inflicted on him tortures of all sorts , ) was immutable and firmly persisted in what he had said before , he passed sentence of death upon him . thus were the tragick [ cruelties , ] used towards this martyr , concluded : and when he had practised the like preface of tortures upon the rest , he destroyed them by the same sort of death . being then wearied out , and perceiving that he did in vain inflict tortures upon these men , k when his desires were satiated , he passed to pamphilus and his companions . and [ although ] he had by experience found , that in defence of their faith they had before demonstrated an alacrity of mind not to be vanquished by tortures ; [ yet ] he again asked them , whether they would now be obedient to the imperial commands ; and when he could get nothing out of any one of them , besides that last confession which is made in martyrdom , he condemned them to undergo the same punishment with the forementioned martyrs . these things being finished , a youth , l one that belonged to pamphilus's family , ( in regard he had been educated under the genuine discipline and converse of so eminent a person ; ) as soon as he understood that sentence [ was pronounc't ] against his master , called aloud out of the midst of the crowd , and requested that their dead-bodies might be interred . but [ the judge , ( who deserves not to be called a man ] but a wild beast , or any creature else [ that can be thought ] more fierce than a wild beast ) shewed no compassion towards his youthful years ; and , having found , upon his bare asking the young man that he confessed himself a christian ; swelled with rage , as if he had been wounded by some dart , ordered the torturers to make use of their utmost force against him . but after he saw , that he refused to be obedient to his commands in offering sacrifice , he ordered that his flesh ( as if it had not been the body of a man , but either stones , or wood , or some such senseless thing ) should without any intermission be torn even to his very bones and inmost recesses of his bowells . which being performed for a long time together , the judge perceived his attempts were vain ; [ for although ] his body was mangled all over with the tortures , [ yet ] he continued silent , and was as insensible of pain , as if he had in a manner been lifeless . [ nevertheless ] the judge , still persevering in his merciless and inhumane cruelty , immediately condemned him to be burnt ( in the same habit he was in ) by m a slow fire . and thus this person ( although he was the last that entred the combat , yet ) prevented his master after the flesh , in that he obtained his departure out of this life before him ; those , who were busied about [ vanquishing ] the former martyrs , hitherto making some delays . you might therefore have seen prophyrius [ for that was his name , ] in quality like a valorous champion who had been conquerour in all manner of exercises belonging to the sacred games , proceeding forth to his death after he had suffered so great tortures , with a body covered all over with dust , but with a chearful countenance , and a mind full of joy and confidence : he was most truly filled with the divine spirit ; and , being clad in a * philosophick habit , ( having only a garment wrapt about him , in fashion like unto a n cloak , ) with a calm and sedate mind he gave commands to those of his acquaintance , and dispatcht whatever he had a mind to do ; retaining the serenity of his countenance , even when he was at the very stake . moreover , when the pile , which lay at a sufficient distance , was kindled round about him , with his mouth he attracted the flame on every side of him : and after this one expression , which he uttered when the flame began to touch him , [ to wit , ] invoaking jesus the son of god to be his helper , he most couragiously continued silent even to the very last gasp . such was porphyrius's combat : whose consummation seleucus a confessour that had formerly been a souldier , having related to pamphilus ; as being the conveyer of such a message , he was immediately vouchsafed to be joyned in the same lot with the martyrs . for he had no sooner related porphyrius's death , and saluted one of the martyrs with a kiss , but some of the souldiers seize him , and carry him before the president . who , as if he resolved to hasten seleucus , that he might be prophyrius's companion in his journey to heaven , forthwith ordered he should undergo a capital punishment . this [ seleucus ] was born in cappadocia , but had attained no mean degree of honour amongst the choisest young men that belonged to the roman milice . for he far excelled his fellow souldiers in the o fitness of his age for military services , in strength and stature of body , and in valour : in so much that , his aspect was much discourst of amongst all men , and the shape of his whole body greatly admired , upon account both of his stature and comeliness . about the beginning of the persecution , he was eminently famous for his enduring stripes in the combat of confession : but after he had left off his military course of life , he became a zealous emulatour of those that were p ascetae in their studies and exercises of piety ; and , like a father , and a patron , demonstrated himself to be an overseer as it were , and an helper of desolate orphans and widows that were destitute of assistance , and of those that were reduced to poverty and sickness . wherefore , by god ( who is more delighted with such [ performances ] as these , than with the smoak and bloud of sacrifices ) he was deservedly accounted worthy of that admirable and high calling , [ to wit ] martyrdom . this was the tenth champion , who , after the others before mentioned , ended his life on the very same day ; whereon ( as it is probable ) the great gate of heaven was opened by the martyrdom of pamphilus , ( sutable to the worth of that person , ) which gave both him , and his companions , an easie entrance into the celestial kingdom . also , theodulus ( a venerable and pious old man , belonging to the presidents own family , for whom firmilianus had a greater esteem than for all his other domesticks ; partly upon account of his age , having seen his children to the third generation ; and partly in respect of the singular affection and conscionable fidelity , which he had continually retained towards him ; ) having followed seleucus's steps , and performed the same things that he did , was brought before his master , against whom he was more exasperated than against any of the former [ martyrs ; ] and being forthwith put upon a cross , he underwent the same sort of martyrdom our saviour suffered . moreover , one being yet wanting , who might render the number of the foresaid martyrs compleatly twelve , julianus intervened to make up their number . at that very interim he was coming from a remote country , and had not entred the city ; but , being informed [ of the slaughter ] of the martyrs , ran immediately ( in the same habit he had on ) out of the road , to see that spectacle . when he saw the dead bodies of those holy persons lying upon the ground , being filled with an extraordinary joy , he embraced every one of them , and kissed them all . whilst he was doing this , the [ souldiers ] that were the instruments to commit those murders , apprehend him , and bring him to firmilianus . he , doing herein what was agreeable to his [ usual cruelty , ] ordered that this person also should be consumed by a slow fire . thus was julianus also accounted worthy [ to receive ] the crown of martyrdom , leaping for joy , and being exceeding glad ; and with a loud voice giving great thanks to the lord , who had vouchsafed him so great an honour . this julianus was by country a cappadocian ; as to his morals , he was eminently pious and circumspect , and famous for his most genuine and sincere faith : he was very active and diligent in all things , being inspired by the holy ghost . such was the file [ of martyrs , ] who were vouchsafed to arrive at martyrdom in company with pamphilus . the holy , and truly sacred bodies of these persons were , by the impious presidents order , watched for the space of four days , and as many nights , and exposed to be devoured by beasts that prey on flesh . but when ( as it miraculously happened ) no wild beast , or fowl , or dog approached them [ during that time , ] at last ( divine providence so ordering the matter , ) they were taken away whole and untorn ; and , having been allowed such funeral rites as befitted them ▪ received the usual interment . whilst the discourse concerning the [ presidents ] surious rage against these persons was yet rise in all mens mouthes , adrianus and eubulus ( arriving , from that country called manganaea , at caesarea , to give a visit to the rest of the confessours , ) were examined also at the gate of the city , for what reason they came thither . and , having confessed the truth , they were brought before firmilianus : he ( as he had usually done before ) was in no wise dilatory in his proceedings towards them also ; but , after he had furrowed their sides with many tortures , condemned them to be devoured by wild-beasts . therefore , after two days space , on the fifth of the month dystrus , ( that is , before the third of the nones of march , ) the day whereon the nativity of the q publick genius ( as the heathens account it ) is celebrated at caesarea , adrianus was cast to a lion ; after which a sword was thrust through his body , and so he ended his life . on the next day after save one , that is , on the very nones of march , which is the seventh of the month dystrus , eubulus ( after the judge had entreated him with much earnestness , that by offering sacrifice he would procure for himself that which they account liberty , ) preferring a glorious death for his religion before this transitory life , ( when he had been exposed to the wild beasts , and been made a sacrifice after the same manner with the former martyr , ) was the last that closed up the combats of the martyrs at caesarea . moreover , it will be worthy our recording here , how divine providence soon after punished these impious presidents , together with the tyrants themselves . for firmilianus , who had been so reproachfully outragious against christ's martyrs , having with some others been adjudged to undergo a capital punishment , was beheaded . and these were the martyrdoms , accomplished at caesarea , during the whole time of the persecution . chap. xii . concerning the prelates of the churches . but , what happened to be done in relation to the prelates of churches , a during this interval of time , and afterwards ; how , instead of being continued pastours of christ's rational flock , which they had not rightly and duly governed , divine justice , judging them as it were fit for such offices , condemned them to be imployed in looking after b camels , a brutish sort of creatures , whose bodies are naturally crooked and mis-shapen ; and how it adjudged them to be keepers of the emperours horses ; also , what and how great injuries , dishonours , and tortures they suffered from such as during those times were the emperours procuratours , and governours of provinces , upon account of the sacred vessels and treasures belonging to the church ; moreover , the ambitious desires of many , the inconsiderate and illegal ordinations , and the schismes amongst the c confessours themselves ; besides , what those modern raisers of disturbances with much earnestness attempted against the remaines of the church , introducing innovations successively one after another , being without intermission authours of evils even in the midst of the calamities caused by the persecution , and heaping mischiefs upon mischiefs : all this [ i say ] i think fit to omit , a relation hereof being in my judgment inconvenient , and which ( as i said in the d beginning of this book ) i do altogether dislike , and am resolved to avoid . supposing it therefore to be most accommodate for an history concerning the admirable martyrs , to speak , write , and instill into the ears of believers what ever is of importance to , and commendable in , our religion , and those passages which are virtuous and praiseworthy , i thought good to adorn the close of this book with [ a relation of ] that peace , which afterwards appeared to us from heaven . chap. xiii . concerning silvanus , john , and thirty nine other martyrs . the seventh year of the persecution against us was now compleated ; and our affairs , ( having by little and little obtained some thing of a tendency towards a quiet posture by an abatement of their heats who had been our malicious detractours , ) proceeded on to the eighth year , when no small number of confessours were gathered together about the brass mines in palestine , and enjoyed their liberty to such a degree , that they erected buildings to make churches of : [ but ] the governour of the province ( a cruel and wicked person , as he manifested himself to be , upon account of what he did against the martyrs ) making a journey thither , and being informed of their way of living in that place , acquainted the emperour therewith , writing what he judged sutable to calumniate them . afterwards , the governour of the mines came thither , and ( as if he had had an imperial order so to do , ) having separated that company of confessours , allotted cyprus to be the place of habitation for some of them , and libanus for others . he dispersed others of them in several places throughout palestine , and gave order they should all be wearied out with various sorts of laborious employments . then he pick't out four , which seemed to be the most eminent persons amongst them , and sent them to the commander in chief of the military forces in those parts . two of these were aegyptian bishops , by name peleus and nilus ; the third was a a presbyter ; and the fourth was patermuthius , a person signally renowned amonst all men upon account of his sedulity in doing all men good offices . this commander , having asked these men to renounce their religion , and not obtaining his request , ordered they should be burnt to death . again , there were others at the same place , ( who were allotted a particular country to inhabit in by themselves , ) to wit , such of the confessours , as either by reason of their age , or the mangling of their members , or because of other bodily infirmities , were freed from doing service in those laborious employments . the principal among these was silvanus , b a bishop born at gaza , a person that demonstrated himself to be a truly religious and most genuine example of the christian profession . this man , after he had been signally eminent in all sorts of conflicts [ undergone upon account ] of confession , from the very first day ( as i may say ) of the persecution , and during the whole time it lasted , was reserved for this opportunity , that he might in the last place seal up ( as it were ) all the combats [ of the martyrs ] in palestine . many egyptians were with him ; amongst whom there was one * john , who for strength of memory far surpassed all men of our age . this man had been deprived of his eye-sight before . nevertheless , in the conflicts of confession ( wherein he got great renown ) when one of his feet ( after the same manner that others were served ) was rendred useless by being seared with red hot irons , his eyes also ( although he could not then see ) were burnt out with searing irons : to such an height of cruelty and inhumanity had the merciless and incompassionate executioners then arrived in their carriage [ towards the christians ! ] 't is needless to extol this man for his morals , and the philosophick life he lead , especially since he was not so admirable upon that account , as for his strength of memory ; [ for ] he had whole books of the sacred scriptures written ( not on tables of stone , as the divine apostle says , nor on parchments , or paper , which are devoured by moths and time , but ) on the fleshly tables of his heart , that is on his bright soul , [ which were legible ] to the most clear eye of his mind . in so much that , when ever he pleased , he could produce out of his mouth , as it were out of a treasury of learning , sometimes the books of the law and those of the prophets , another while the historical parts of scripture , and again at other times the evangelick and apostolick writings . i was , i confess , amazed , when i first saw this man standing in the midst of a numerous ecclesiastick congregation , and repeating some parts of the divine scripture . for as long as i could only hear his voice , i supposed him to have read what is usually rehearsed in such assemblies . but when i approached very neer , and saw plainly what was done , to wit , all the rest [ in the assembly ] standing round and having their eye-sight clear and perfect , and him making use of the eyes of his understanding only , in reality delivering oracles like some prophet , and far surpassing those that were sound and healthy in body ; i could not forbear praising and glorifying of god. and i thought that i really beheld a firm and most evident instance to perswade me to believe , that he is to be accounted truly a man , ( not who appears so to be by the external shape of his body , but ) who is such in respect of his mind and understanding . for although this person had a mangled and deformed body , yet he demonstrated the strength of his internal faculties to be great and most powerful . moreover , god himself vouchsafed to allot these forementioned persons ( who , living in a place apart by themselves , spent their time according to the usual manner in prayers , fastings , and in the performance of other severe exercises of religion , ) a blessed and salutary death ; reaching out to them his propitious right hand . but * that malicious enemy of all goodness , unable to endure them any longer , in regard they were carefully armed against him with their continual prayers to god , resolved to have them killed and removed from off the earth , as being troublesome to him . which god permitted him to attempt and perform ; both that he should not be hindred from ●oing mischief , agreeable to his own mind and purpose ; and that they might at length receive the rewards of their various combats . thus therefore nine and thirty persons were beheaded on one and the same day , by an order from the most impious maximin . these were the martyrdomes perpetrated in palestine during the space of ten years , and such was the persecution in our days ; which , having been began from those times wherein the churches were demolished , was much increased in the times succeeding by the governours insolencies . amidst which , their various and different combats who were religious champions , made an innumerable company of martyrs throughout every province ; to wit , in libya , and throughout all egypt , syria , and all those provinces , which reach from the east round to the country of illyricum . for those regions scituate beyond these now mentioned , that is , all italy , sicily , france , and those which lie towards the sun-setting , spain , mauritania , and africa , having not indured the rage of the persecution full out the space of the two first years , were vouchsafed a sudden visitation from god , and [ obtained ] peace : divine providence taking compassion on the simplicity and faith of those men . further , an accident ( a parallel to which the records from the very first beginning of the roman empire cannot shew ) happened now first in these our days , contrary to all expectation . for , during the persecution in our times , the empire was divided into two parts . those brethren which were inhabitants of the one part , that just now mentioned , enjoyed peace : but such as dwelt in the other part of the empire , endured innumerable conflicts [ renewed against them ] successively . but when divine grace gave some indications of its candid and compassionate visitation of us , then those very governours of ours ( who before had been raisers of the wars waged against us in our days , ) having most miraculously altered their minds , sounded a retreat ; extinguishing the flame of persecution kindled against us , by rescripts published in favour to us , and by mild edicts . c 't is requisite , that we record their retractation . the end of eusebius pamphilus's book concerning the martyrs of palestine . the ninth book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . chap. i. concerning the counterfeited cessation [ of the persecution . ] this revocation contained in the imperial edict a mentioned before , was published in all parts of asia , and b throughout the adjacent provinces . after which publications thus made ; maximin , the eastern tyrant , ( a person as impious as ever breathed , and a most deadly enemy to the worship of the supream god ; ) being in no wise pleased with these rescripts , instead of the forementioned edict , issues out a verbal order only to those governours within his jurisdiction , that they should stop the persecution against us . for , in regard he durst not in any wise oppose the decree of his superiours , * having concealed the forementioned edict , and taken such care , as that it should not be publickly proposed in the provinces under his jurisdiction ; he gives order by word of mouth only to those governours under him , that they should put a stop to the persecution against us ; of which order they inform one another by letters . for sabinus , who was then honoured with the prefecture of the praetorium ( the chiefest office c among them ) in a latine epistle to the governours of the provinces declared the d emperour's pleasure ; the contents of which letter we have thus translated : the majesty of our most sacred lords the emperours , by their earnest and most devout care , have long since determined to render the minds of all men conformable to the true and holy rule of living ; that by this means they who seem to have embraced usages different from those of the romanes , might be induced to exhibite due worship to the immortal gods. but the obstinate and most untractable perverseness of some mens minds was arrived at such an height , that neither could the justice of the [ imperial ] decree prevaile with them to recede from their own resolutions , nor the imminent punishment annexed strike any terrour into them . since therefore it might have happened , that upon this account many would have precipitated themselves into danger ; the sacred majesty of our lords the most puissant emperours , ( according to their innate clemency ) judging it disagreeable to their own most sacred intent , that upon this occasion men should be surrounded with such great danger ; enjoyned our * devotedness to write to your prudence : that if evidence be brought against any christian for his following that way of worship observed amongst those of his own religion , you should secure him and set him free from all danger and molestation , and that you should condemn ▪ none to be punished upon account of this pretence . for since it has been manifestly evidenced that during so long a tract of time they could by no means be perswaded to desist from their perverse stubborness ; your prudence therefore is enjoyned to write to the curators , to the magistrates , and to the presidents of the villages [ belonging to ] every city , that they may understand , that for the future they are not to take any further care concerning c this affair . hereupon , all the governours of provinces , supposing that the letter written to them [ by sabinus ] contained [ maximin's ] true and genuine meaning , did by their letters communicate the emperour's pleasure to the curators , magistrates , and presidents of the villages . nor did they urge these things to them by letters only , but much more by such deeds , as that the princes command might thereby be put in execution ; bringing forth , and setting at liberty those prisoners which they had in hold for confession of the faith of god ; and also releasing them who had been adjudged to the punishment of working in the mines . for they supposed that this would in reallity be wellpleasing to the * emperour , but herein they were mistaken . these things being thus finished , on a sudden ( like some bright shining light which darts forth its rays after a thick darksome night , ) you might have seen churches gathered together throughout every city ; full assemblies ; and the usual f solemn services performed at these meetings . all the infidels were not a little astonished at these things , wondring at so great and unexpected an alteration of affairs , and crying out , that the god of the christians was the great and only true god. also , those of our religion , who had faithfully and manfully strove in the combat of persecution , obtained great confidence and freedom amongst all men . but as many as through weakness of faith had made shipwrack of their souls , with much earnestness ran to seek for a remedie ; begging and praying for an assisting right hand from them that were strong , and supplicating god to be merciful to them . moreover , soon after this , the noble champions of religion , released from their servitude in labouring in the mines returned to their own countries ; and being glad and jocund , travelling through the cities , were filled with an inexpressible joy , and a confidence unutterable . thus did numerous companies of persons that were christians perform their journies , lauding god with hymns and psalmes in the midst of the high-ways and market-places . and you might now have seen those , ( who but lately had been in bonds , groaning under most severe punishments , and driven from their own countries ) with joyful and pleasant countenances possessing their own habitations again : in so much that they , who formerly ▪ [ threatned to ] murther and destroy us , when they saw this miracle which did so far surpass all mens expectation , rejoyced with us at what had happened . chap. ii. concerning the change of affairs which did afterwards ensue . but the tyrant ( who as we said before , ruled in the eastern parts ) no longer able to endure these things , ( he being a professed enemy to goodness , and one who laid wait to insnare all good men ) suffered not this state of affaires to continue a the space of six months complete . but , inventing all the ways imaginable to subvert the peace , first he attempted ( upon some pretence or other ) to hinder us from assembling in the * coemiteria . afterwards b he sends an embasie to himself against us , having sollicited the antiochians , by the means of some impious persons , that they should petition to obtain this from him ( under the notion of the greatest favour , ) to wit , that he would impower them to suffer no christians to dwell amongst them : he also excited the inhabitants of other cities to do the like . the chief of all these was one theotecnus , an antiochian ; a turbulent person , an impostor , and a wicked man , ( whose nature was not answerable to his † name ; ) he was at that time c curator of antioch . chap. iii. concerning an image newly made at antioch . when this [ theotecnus ] therefore had several ways made his attacks against us , and had taken all imaginable care to hunt those of our religion out of their coverts , ( as if they had been thieves and malefactours , ) and had invented all the ways and methods of calumniating and accusing us , and had been the occasion of putting many men to death : at last he erects an image of a jupiter philius , and b consecrates it with magick charmes . and , having invented and instituted , in honour of it , impure ceremonies , execrable initiations , and most detestable expiations ; he gave the emperour himself a demonstration of the imposture of his oracles , by which he effected what he had undertaken . moreover , this man to please the emperour by his flattery , stirreth up the daemon against the christians ; feigning that god commanded , that the christians ( as being his enemies ) should be banished the city , and all the countries adjoyning to the city . chap. iv. concerning the decrees [ of the cities ] against the christians . when theotocnus , ( the first person that acted against us ) had had this desired success , all the other magistrates , inhabiting the cities under maximin's jurisdiction , hastned to establish the same decree ; also , the governours of provinces , perceiving that this was acceptable to the emperour , prompted those that lived within their district , to do the same thing : moreover , when the tyrant had by his rescript most willingly assented to their ordinances , the flame of persecution was again kindled afresh against us . at length , priests of the images were constituted in every city ; and moreover , such men as had been most eminent in state employments and had acquitted themselves honourably in the publick offices they had born , were by a maximin himself created chief priests . these men were very diligent and earnest about the worship of their gods. for , ( that i may speak briefly ) the great superstition of this emperor had such an influence as well upon the governours , as the private persons within the limits of his government , that it induced them all to act any thing against us in compliance to him : and they thought , that to murther us , and to invent some new mischievous stratagems against us , was the most grateful acknowledgement they could pay for the favours they expected to receive from him . chap. v. concerning the forged acts having therefore forged some a acts of pilate concerning our saviour , which were stuffed with all manner of blasphemie against christ ; by [ maximin ] the emperour's order they send them throughout all his dominions ; commanding by their letters that these records should be posted up in all places , both in the country and in the cities ; and that such as were school-masters should give them to their scholars in stead of their lessons , and make them study them , that so they might have them imprinted on their memories . whilst these things were done after this manner , the chief commander in the army at damascus a city of phoenicia ( whom the romans call a captain ) having haled some infamous women out of the market-place , compelled them by threatning them with tortures , to b testifie by subscribing the said publick records , that they were formerly christians ; and that they were conscious to their profane practices ; and that in their very churches they performed obscene and lascivious actions ; and what ever else he would have them say that might bring a scandal upon our religion . the testimonies of these women he inserted into the said acts , and sent them to the emperour . by whose order these very records were published in every city , and in all other places . chap. vi. concerning them that suffered martyrdom in those times . but not long after , this captain was his own executioner , suffering a condign punishment for his malicious wickedness . and now banishments and most horrid persecutions were a fresh raised against us ; the presidents in every province renewing their cruel insurrections against us : in so much that some of the most eminent asserters of the divine faith were apprehended , and without any commiseration had the sentence of death pronounc't against them . three of them having professed themselves christians , were cast to the wild beasts and devoured by them at emesa , a city of phoenicia : amongst them there was a bishop , one a silvanus , a very old man , who had born that office forty years compleat . at the same time also , b peter , that most eminent prelate of the alexandrian church , ( the chiefest ornament and glory of the bishops , both for his virtuous life , and his study and knowledge in the sacred scriptures ) being apprehended for no crime at all , was beheaded ( contrary to every bodies expectation ) by maximins order on a sudden , and without any specious pretence . likewise many other aegyptian bishops suffered the same death that he did . c lucianus also , presbyter of the church at antioch , a very pious man , much famed for his continency , and his knowledge in the sacred scriptures , was brought to the city of nicomedia , d where the emperour then kept his court ; and after he had made his apology , in defence of that doctrine which he asserted , before the president he was committed to prison and murthered . in fine , maximin , that professed enemy of all virtue , did in a short time load us with such burthens of afflictions , that this latter storm of persecution raised by him seemed to us far more grievous then the former . chap. vii . concerning the edict against us , which was [ ingraven on brazen plates and ] hung up on the pillars . moreover , in the midst of every city ( a which was never seen before ) the decrees of cities , and also the imperial edicts against us were ingraven on brazen plates and proposed to open view . and the boyes in the schooles had nothing in their mouths * all day long but jesus and pilate , and the acts which were forged to disgrace us . i judge it pertinent to insert here this very rescript of maximin's , which was ingraven on plates of brass : both that the proud and arrogant insolency of this mans hatred towards god may be manifested : and also that it may hence be made apparent , that divine justice ( which hates the impious , and keeps a continual watch against them ) did within a very short time pursue and overtake him : by which divine justice he was inforced to alter his sentiments soon after concerning us , and to confirm them by his edicts in writing . but these are the contents of his rescript . a copy of the translation of maximin's rescript in answer to the decrees of the cities against us , transcribed from a brazen plate at tyre . now at length the infirm confidence of mans mind , having shaken off and dispersed the cloud and mist of errour ( which heretofore invested the senses of men , not so much wicked as wretched , being involved in the fatal night of ignorance , ) may discern , that it is undoubtedly governed and strengthened by the indulgent providence of the immortal gods. it is incredible to express how gratefull , how pleasing and acceptable a thing it was to us , that you gave such a proof of your pious resolution towards the gods. indeed , before this time no person was insensible of the observancy and religious worship you shewed towards the immortal gods ; b for your faith is made known to them not in bare and empty words , but by uninterrupted and miraculous eminent acts , upon which account your city may deservedly be stiled the seat and mansion of the immortal gods. for it is manifestly evident by many instances , that she flourisheth by the c arrival and presence ▪ of the celestial deities in her : but lo ! now your city ( careless of all its own particular concerns , and having no regard to the petitions , which in times past it did usually make [ to us ] for the welfare of its affairs , ) when it was sensible that the promoters of that accursed vanity did begin to creep again , and [ perceived ] that ( like fire which is carelessely left and raked up , ) it brake forth into violent flames , the brands thereof being rekindled , immediately without the least delay made its address to our piety , as to the metropolis of all religion , petitioning for a redress and an assistance . 't is evident that the gods have instilled into your minds this wholesome advice upon account of your constant and faithful perseverance in your religion . for the most high and mighty jupiter , ( who presides over your most famous city , and preserveth your country gods ▪ your wives and children , your families and houses from all manner of destruction and ruine ) hath breathed into your minds this salutary resolution ; whence he hath evidenced and plainly demonstrated , what an excellent , noble , and comfortable thing it is , to adore him , and to approach the sacred ceremonies of the immortal gods with a due observancy and veneration . for what man can there be found so foolish and so void of all reason , who perceives not that it comes to pass by the favourable care of the gods towards us , that neither the earth does deny to restore the seeds committed to it , frustrating the hopes of the husbandmen with vain expectations , or that the aspect of impious war is not d immoveably fixed on the earth ; or that mens bodies are not hurried away to the grave being tainted by an infection in the temperature of the air : or that the sea , tossed with the blasts of tempestuous winds does not swell and overflow : or that storms breaking forth on a sudden and unexpectedly do not raise a destructive tempest : or lastly , that the earth ( the nurse and mother of all things , ) shaken by an horrid trembling arising from its own internal caverns , e does not raise vast hills out of its own bowels ; or that the mountains which lie upon it are not swallowed up by its unexpected scissures and rents . there is no man but knowes that all these calamities , ( yea far more horrid than these ) have happened heretofore . and all these evills fell upon us , because of that pernitious errour and most vain folly of those wicked men , at such time as it abounded in their souls , and burthened the whole earth almost with shame and confusion : after the interposition of some words , he continues . let men now look into the open fields and see the flourishing corn , waving its weighty ears ; let them view the medows gloriously bedecked with flowers and grass caused by the seasonable springing showers : let them consider the constitution of the aire how temperate and calm it is again become . in future let all men rejoyce for that by your piety , by your sacrifices and religious worship , the fury of that most potent and strong god mars is appeased ; and for this reason , let them securely solace themselves in the quiet enjoyment of a most prosperous and serene peace . and , as many as have deserted that blind errour , and wholly relinquished those impertinent wandrings , by returning to a right and sound temper of mind , let them rejoyce the more upon that account ; in regard , ( being delivered as it were from a storm unforeseen , and from a fatal disease , ) they shall in future reap the sweet enjoyments of an happy life . but if any shall willfully persist in that their execrable vanity and errour , let them be banished and driven far from your city and its vicinage ( according to your request : ) that by this means your city , being ( agreeable to your commendable diligence in this affair ) freed from all pollution and impiety , may wholly devote it self ( according to its natural inclination ) to attend upon the sacrifices and worship of the immortal gods with all due veneration . now , that you may be sensible how acceptable your address in this case was to us , and how ready and forward our mind is voluntarily to comply with and reward good desires even without any decrees , or supplication ; we permit your devotedness to ask the greatest favour you have a mind to , upon account of this your religious attempt . and now therefore make it your business to ask this and have it granted . for you shall obtain it without any delay . and this great boon granted to your city shall endure throughout all ages , both as a testimony of your most religious piety towards the immortal gods ; and shall also be an evidence to your children and descendants , that for this your good course and resolution of life you have received due rewards from our gracious goodness . this rescript against us was fixed up on the pillars throughout every province , and did utterly exclude us from all hopes of safety , as far as it lay in humane power to do . in so much that ( according to that divine oracle ) * even the elect themselves , were it possible , would have been offended at these things . but now , when all expectation [ of assistance from above ] was amongst most of us in a manner expired and extinct ; while they , who were commissioned to publish the aforesaid edict against us , were in some countries yet on their journey ; god the protector of his own church , ( repressing the outragious insolence of the tyrant against us , by stopping his mouth as it were ; ) did on a sudden demonstrate his celestial assistance in defence of us . chap. viii . concerning what afterward hapned , in the time of the wars , of the famine , and of the pestilence . * for showers and rains which would then have been seasonable ( it being winter ) withheld their wonted streams from the earth : upon which hapned a famine not so much as thought of or expected , which was followed by a pestilence . there raged also another violent disease , ( it was an ulcer , which was properly call'd a carbuncle , upon account of its violent burning . ) this ulcer spread it self over all the parts of the body , and was very fatal and dangerous to them that were afflicted with it . and because its chief seat was for the most part longest about the eyes , it blinded a great many men , women , and children . besides all these ( alamities , the tyrant did now ingage in a war against the armenians , who had been old friends and allies of the romans . this * person hated by god , endeavoured to compell these men ( who were also christians , very studious and industrious about the service of god , ) to sacrifice to idols and daemons , and so rendred them foes instead of being friends , and bitter enemies instead of confederates . all these calamities therefore , hapning on a sudden at one and the same time , did curb and confute the arrogant boasting of the insolent tyrant against god ; who had impudently bragg'd that in regard of his care in worshipping idols , and persecuting us , neither war nor famine , nor pestilence , had happened in his reign . therefore all these calamities coming to pass together , and at the same instant were as prologues and forerunners of his imminent ruine . both he and his armies suffered much in the expedition against the armenians : and the residue , who inhabited the cities under his government , were miserably oppressed with the plague and famine : so that one measure of wheat was sold for two thousand five hundred * attick drachms . innumerable were they that died in the cities , but more in the countries and villages ; so that now the † censor's tables which were formerly filled with the names of countrey men , wanted but little of one continued blot ; allmost all persons being destroyed either by the want of sustenance , or the pestilential disease : some did not refuse to sell to the wealthier sort , even those things which were most dear to them , for a little morsel of food . others selling their estates by parcels , were reduced to the greatest want and extremity . other-some chewed in pieces little handfulls of grass which they had plucked up , and making no distinction , but eating poisonous herbs together therewith , which corrupted the healthful constitution of their bodies , they perished . also in every city divers women of good families , being reduced through want to shameless necessity , came forth to begg in the market-place : their modest countenances and neatness of dress were an evidence of their gentile education : some were pined away and dryed up like the ghosts of persons departed , so that they went reeling and tottering this way and that way , and being not able to stand , fell down in the midst of the streets , and lying stretched out upon the ground with their faces downward , they craved that even the least morsel of bread might be given them : and at their very last gasp cried out , that they were hungry ; being only strong enough to utter this most doleful expression . but others that seemed to be rich , astonished at the multitude of beggars , when they had given away a great deal , afterwards became uncompassionate and inexorable , expecting that they themselves should erelong suffer the same extremities with those that now begged of them . so that now , the dead carkasses which lay in the midst of the market-places and by streets naked and unburied for many days , were a most lamentable spectacle to the beholders . moreover , some were devoured by doggs , upon which account those that survived , betook themselves to killing of doggs ; being afraid least they should run mad , and devour them who were yet alive . neither did the plague more leisurely destroy whole households and families ; but more especially those whom the famine could not dispatch , because they were furnished with great store of provision . therefore the rich presidents of provinces , the prefects , and a great many that were of the magistracy , ( as if the famine had purposely reserved them to be devoured by the pestilential distemper ) suffered an accute and sudden death . all places , by-lanes , the markets , and streets , were full of lamentations . there was nothing to be seen but mournful songs at burials , a together with their usuall pipes and other funeral-musick . thus death fighting with the two forementioned weapons , to wit , the pestilence , and the famine , did in a short time destroy whole families ; in so much that you might have seen two or three dead bodies carried out of the same house together to the b grave . such were the rewards of maximin's arrogance , and of the decrees which the cities issued out against us . during these sad times all the heathens had evident demonstrations of the care and piety of the christians exhibited towards all men : for only they ( amidst so many and great calamities on all sides ) in reality declared their true compassion , and good nature : some of them imployed themselves , every day in taking care of and in burying the dead ( for vast numbers died whose funerals no body took care of . ) others gathered together into one body all those in the city who lay under the pressures of the famine , and distributed bread to them all . so that , when the fame of this action was divulged amongst all men ; they all glorified the god of the christians , and did acknowledge them to be pious , and the only true worshippers of god , being convinced sufficiently by their works . affaires being in this posture , god the great and celestial defender of the christians , ( having by the aforesaid calamities manifested his wrath and indignation against all men , because of their barbarous cruelties shown towards us , ) did again restore to us the gracious and glorious splendour of his providence ; darting forth upon us ( involved in the thickest darkness ) the most miraculous light of his peace : and made it apparent to all men , that god himself was always the overseer and inspectour of our affaires ; who does sometimes indeed chastise and correct his people with the scourges of affliction : but after sufficient chastisement , he does again shew himself gracious and merciful to those that confide in him . chap. ix . a concerning the death of the tyrants , and what expressions they used before their deaths . constantine therefore ( who , as we said before , was an emperour born of an emperour , the pious son of a most religious , sober , and prudent father b ) and licinius ( who was next to him in authority , both honoured for their wisdom and piety ; ) two most pious [ emperours ] having been encouraged by god the supream king and saviour of all men , against two most impious tyrants , and engaging them in a lawful war , ( god assisting them ; ) maxentius was most miraculously vanquished at rome by constantine ; and maximin the eastern tyrant , not long surviving maxentius , dyed a most ignominious death , being conquered by licinius , who had not yet done any extravagant action . moreover , constantine the former of these two ( who was the chiefest person , both in respect of honour , place , and degree in the empire ) took compassion upon those who were oppressed with tyranny at rome ; and having by prayers humbly called upon the god of heaven , and his word jesus christ the saviour of all men , to be his helper , he marcheth with his whole army in vindication of the antient liberties of the romans . now maxentius , confiding more in his magick devices , than in the love and favour of his subjects , durst not so much as stir out of the city gates ; but with an innumerable host of souldiers , and with ambushes , he fortified all places , towns , and cities whatsoever about rome , and within the compass of all italy , which were under the pressures of his tyranny : the emperour [ constantine ] depended upon divine assistance , and having attacked the tyrant's first , second , and third battalion , and with ease routed them all , he made himself a passage through the greatest part of italy , and was now come up to the very gates of rome . but least he should be constrained to assault all the romans for the tyrant's sake only , god himself drew the tyrant ( as it were with cords ) a great way out of the gates : and did effectually confirm the truth of the miracles he wrought in times past against the wicked ( recorded in the everlasting monuments of the sacred scriptures , which though they are accounted fabulous by some and not credited , are nevertheless believed by the faithful ) to all in general , believers as well as infidels , who saw this miracle we are about to relate . for as god in the days of moses and the old religious nation of the hebrews , overwhelmed the chariots and forces of pharaoh in the sea ; and drowned his c chosen captaines in the red sea , and covered them with the waves : after the very same manner maxentius with the souldiers and guards that were about him were cast into the deep like a stone ; at such time as he fled before the divine power , which did always assist constantine's armes , and designed to pass a river that was in the way before him : over which he laid a very artificial bridge made of boats joyned together , and so became instrumental to his own destruction . upon which account these words may be pertinently spoken concerning him ; * he hath graven and digged up a pit , and is fallen himself into the destruction that he hath made . his travel shall come upon his own head , and his wickedness shall fall on his own pate . the joynings therefore of the bridge laid over the river being after this manner separated , the passage began to sink ; and the boats together with the men in them descended on a sudden to the bottom of the river . thus , this most impious tyrant in the first place , and after him his guards ( according to what was foretold in the sacred scriptures ) sunk down like lead into the deep waters . so that [ constantine's souldiers ] who at that time by divine assistance obtained the victory , in such sort as the israelites heretofore did who were lead by moses that eminent servant of the lord , d ought in all reason to have sung and repeated the same expressions ( though not in words exactly the same , yet in reality ) that they heretofore did against that impious ▪ tyrant [ pharaoh , ] after this manner : * let us sing unto the lord , for he hath triumphed gloriously ; the horse and the rider hath he thrown into the sea. the lord is my helper and defender , e he is become my salvation , and again : who i. like unto thee , o lord , amongst the gods : who is like unto thee ? glorious art thou amongst the saints , wonderful in glory , working miracles . when constantine had in reality sung these hymns , and songs like unto , and of the same sort with , these , in praise of almighty god governour of all things , and authour of victory , he entred rome with all triumphant pomp and splendour : and immediately the whole senate , f those that were of the equestrian order , and all the people of rome , together with their wives and children , received him ( with a joy in their countenances which proceeded from their very hearts ) as a redeemer , a saviour , a publick father , and benefactour , and with acclamations , and a gladness insatiable . but he , possessing a piety towards god that was naturally implanted on him , was not in the least elevated in mind at these popular acclamations , nor puffed up with these commendations , but being sufficiently sensible of the divine assistance in this his enterprise , he presently gave command , that the trophy of our saviour's passion should be put g into the hand of a statue erected to him . and when they had erected his statue in the most publick place of all rome , holding in its right hand the salutary sign of the cross , he commanded an inscription to be engraven upon the basis of it in latine , containing these very words : by this saving sign which is the cognizance of true valour , i have delivered and freed your city from the slavish yoak of the tyrant , and have set at liberty the senate and people of rome , and restored them to their antient splendour and dignity . after this , constantine the emperour and licinius his collegue , ( who was not then faln into that extravagant madness which afterwards depraved his intellectuals ) having both together worshipped and reconciled themselves to god the author of all the good which had hapned to them , did with an unanimous accord and consent enact a most compleat and full law in behalf of the christians . and they sent a relation of the miracles which god had done for them , and an account of their victory over the tyrant , together with this their law , to maximin who as yet was emperour in the eastern parts , and pretended friendship towards them . but he , like a tyrant , was discontented and dejected at this news : yet being afterwards unwilling to seem to yield to others , and also out of fear to them who had confirmed the edict , daring not h to suppress and conceal it , he directs this his first rescript in behalf of the christians , to his ministers , as it were of his own accord and by his own authority , though he was forced to it ; wherein with much artifice he feigneth concerning himself such things as were never done by him . a copy of the translation of maximin the tyrant's rescript . i jovius maximinus augustus , to sabinus . i suppose it well known to your gravity , and to all men , that our lords and fathers diocletian and maximian ( when they perceived that almost all men , deserting the religious worship of the gods , joyned and applied themselves to the sect of the christians , ) did rightly and duly decree , that all those persons who had apostatized from the worship and service of their gods , should be re-called to the worship of the gods by a publick punishment and chastisement . but when with an happy omen i first came into these k eastern provinces , and found that very many men ( who might be serviceable to the republick ) were exil'd and confin'd by the judges , for the reason aforesaid , to certain places appointed them ; i gave a charge to all the judges , that none of them should for the future treat the subjects of their provinces so barbarously ; but that they should rather regain them to the service of the gods by courteous perswasives and kind exhortations . during the time therefore that our commands were , according to our injunction , strictly observed , it happened that there was not one in all our eastern provinces either confin'd , or injured : but , in regard no trouble or disquietude happened to them , they were the rather reduc'd to the worship of the gods. after this , in l the last year , when i successfully made a journey to nicomedia , and there abode , the citizens of that city came to me with the images of their gods , begging of me with much earnestness that those sort of men might by no means be permitted to inhabite amongst them . but in regard i understood that a great many men of that religion liv'd in those parts , i gave them this answer : that i was very well pleased with , and thankful to them for , their address , but did not perceive that that was the desire of all men in general . if therefore , any do persist in the [ christians ] superstition , every one of them may have his free liberty ; to choose what pleases him ; and if they will embrace the service of the gods , they also may do that . i thought it requisite to return a kind reply to the nicomedians , as well as to the other cities , who with much importunity had presented me with the same petition , to wit , that no christian might dwell in their cities ; m for so the preceding emperours ( as i observed ) had always done ; and it now so pleased the gods , ( by whom all men are preserved , and the publick state of affairs continued in a sedate posture , ) that i should grant that earnest address of theirs which they presented me with concerning the divine worship of their gods. wherefore although i have very frequently before this time , as well by rescripts as n commands , ordered your devotedness , that the presidents of provinces should not be rigid or severe in their proceedings against those within their districts , who are studious about the observation of the rites and usages of the christian religion ; but that they patiently tollerate and with moderation comply with them : yet , least they should suffer any affronts or molestations , from the o beneficiarii , or any others , i thought it agreeable and opportune to remind your gravity by th●se letters , that you should rather win the subjects of our provinces to embrace the worship of the gods , by flatterings and exhortations . wherefore if any shall voluntarily take upon him to embrace and acknowledge the worship of the gods , it is convenient that you should receive and treat such persons with the greatest kindness imaginable . but if any chuse to adhere to their own religion , you are to permit them to take their liberty . it is therefore required , that your devotedness observe what you are hereby injoyned ; and that no person be impowered to injure , or exercise violence towards any of the subjects of our provinces : since it is rather convenient ( as we said before ) to re-call our subjects to the worship of the gods by fair words and kind exhortations . moreover , that this injunction of ours may come to the knowledge of all our subjects , let it be your care to p publish this our order by an edict proposed by you . when maximin had issued out this precept ( being necessitated to it , and having not done it of his own accord ) for all this he was not lookt upon by all men to mean unfeignedly , or worthy to be confided in , because formerly ( after the like indulgence ) he had demonstrated himself to be of a mutable and perfidious disposition . none therefore of our religion durst either q meet together in their ecclesiastick assemblies , or shew themselves in publick ; for the rescript did not in express words allow of this ; it only contained an order that we should be preserved secure from violence and abuses : but it permitted us not either to celebrate our assemblies , or to build churches , or to perform any of those solemnities usual with us : although constantine and licinius , the patrons of peace and piety , r had by their letters acquainted him , that they had both permitted us to doe these things , and also had granted the same to all under their government by their rescripts and decrees . but the most impious tyrant was resolv'd not to yield thus , till such time as , having been prosecuted by divine justice , he was at length forced to it , whether he would or no. chap. x. concerning the victory [ obtained ] by the pious emperours . this was the reason which a did press him on every hand . when he was no longer able to support the weight of the government , which was unworthily confer'd upon him , but through want of a moderate prudence of mind , such as is required in a prince , did insolently and undecently manage publick concerns ; and moreover , was vainly puffed up with haughtiness of spirit , even against his collegues in the empire , who were far his superiours in birth , education , desert , prudence , and ( which is the chiefest accomplishment of all ) in humility and piety towards the only true god. through confidence and insolency he arrived to such a degree of audaciousness , as to b challenge the precedency , and placed his name first in all titles and honours . then c his madness breaking forth into utter desparation , having violated the league which he had made with licinius , he raised a bloudy and implacable war. afterwards in a short time he * put all things into confusion , and every city into a strange consternation ; and having gathered together all his forces being a very great army , he marched forth to fight against licinius ; being extraordinarily puffed up in mind with a confidence of the assistance of daemons which he supposed to be gods , and with his innumerable army of men . but when he came to engage in a battel , he was destitute of divine care and protection ; and the victory was by the one , only and supream god given to licinius . first of all his d foot forces were routed , in which he did most confide ; then his guards deserted him , revolting to licinius the conquerour , and he forthwith , unhappy wretch , threw off his royal robes , ( which did not become him , ) and timerously , ignobly and unmanfully shrowded himself amongst the crowd [ of common souldiers . ] afterwards he fled ; and ( being very sollicitous about making provision for his own safety ) hid himself in the fields and villages , hardly escaping the enemies hands ; by which he did truely verifie those firm , unerring , and divine ▪ oracles which say ; there is no king that can be saved by the multitude of an host , neither is any mighty man delivered by his great strength . a horse is counted but a vain thing to save a man , neither shall he deliver any man by his great strength . behold the eyes of the lord are upon them that fear him , upon them that put their trust in his mercy ; to deliver their souls from death . thus therefore did the tyrant return with disgrace into his own provinces ; and first of all in a mad passion he destroyed many priests and prophets belonging to those gods he had formerly admir'd , ( by whose oracles he had been excited to engage himself in this war ) as cheats , impostor's , and also , betrayers of his own safety . then , when he had given thanks and praise to the god of the christians , and had enacted a full , perfect and most compleat law for their liberty , he was forthwith struck with a mortal distemper , and ( without the least delay allowed him ) finished his life . now this was the law which he published . * a copy of the tyrants decree in behalf of the christians , translated out of latine into greek . emperour caesar caÏus valerius maximinus germanicus , sarmaticus , pius , felix , invictus augustus . we are confident no man can be ignorant , but that every one does know and is fully satisfied ( if he does recollect himself and reflect upon what is done , ) that at all times and by all means we do consult the utility of the subjects of our provinces , and do willingly grant them such things as may prove most advantagious to them in general , all that may be most condusive to their common good and profit , whatever is agreeable to the advantage of the publick , and is most grateful to the minds of every one of them in particular . at such time therefore as it came to our knowledge , that ( upon occasion of a law made by our parents , their most sacred [ majesties ] diocletian and maximian , whereby it was decreed that the assemblies of the christians should be utterly abolished ) many extortions and rapines were committed by the * beneficiarii , and that these abuses of our subjects , ( whose peace and quiet is our chiefest care ) increased exceedingly , their estates being [ upon this pretence ] wasted : by our letters written the last year to our presidents of every province , we decreed : that if any one had a desire to follow that sect , or adhere to the prescripts of that religion , he might without impediment persist in his resolution , and not be hindred or prohibited by any man : and that every one should freely do what pleas'd him best without the least fear or suspition . but it could not now escape our knowledge that some of our judges did f misapprehend our commands , and caused our subjects to distrust and doubt of our decrees , and made them more slow and fearful in their accesses to those religious performances which they approved of as best : now therefore that all jealousies , ambiguities , and fears may for the future be removed , we have decreed that this our edict be published ; whereby all men may know , that they who desire to follow this sect and religion , are allowed by this our gracious indulgence to apply themselves to that religion which they have usually followed , in such a manner as is acceptable , and pleasing to every one of them . we do also permit them to rebuild their oratories . moreover , that this our indulgence may appear the larger and more comprehensive , it has pleased us to make this sanction ; that if any houses or estates ( which formerly belonged to and were in possession of the christians ) are by the decree of our parents devolved to the right of the exchequer , or are seized upon by any city , or sould , or g bestowed upon any one as a gratuity : we have decreed that they shall all be restored to the antient tenure and possession of the christians ; that so all men may hereby be sensible of our piety and providence in this concern . these are the expressions of the tyrant , which came from him not a full year after those edicts he had published against the christians [ engraven on plates of brass and ] fix't up on the pillars . and now he , who but a little before looked upon us as impious , atheistical persons , and the very pest of mankind , ( in so much that we were not permitted to dwell in any city , countrey , or even in the deserts , ) this very person [ i say ] made and published laws and decrees in favour of the christians . and they , who but lately were destroyed by fire and sword , and were devoured and torn by beasts and birds in the very presence of this tyrant ; they , who underwent all sorts of punishments , tortures and death , in a most miserable manner , like atheists and irreligious persons , even these men are now acknowledged by this very tyrant to profess religion , and are permitted to rebuild their oratories ; nay further , the tyrant himself does acknowledge and attest that they ought to be partakers of some rights and priviledges . moreover , when he made this publick acknowledgment , ( as if he had hereby obtained some favour ) for this very reason , his sufferings were less calamitous than he deserved they should be , [ for ] being smitten by god with a sudden stroak , he died in the second engagement [ that happened in ] that war. but he ended his life not like those martial generals , who ( after they had often demeaned themselves gallantly in the field in defence of their honour and their friends ) happened couragiously to undergo a glorious death . but he ( like an impious person , and a rebel against his creatour , ) whilst his army stood in the field drawn up in battalia , staying at home and hiding himself , suffered a condign punishment , being smitten by god with a sudden blow over his body . for , being tortured with grievous and most acute paines , he fell upon his face on the ground , and was destroyed by want of food , all his flesh being melted away by an invisible fire sent upon him from heaven . in so much that , when his flesh was wholly w●sted away , the entire shape and figure of his former beauty quite disappeared ; his parched bones ( which lookt like a skeleton that had been long dried ) being all that was left of him . so that those about him judged his body to be nothing else but the grave of his soul buried in a body already dead and wholly putrified . and when the violent heat of his distemper scorched him with a greater vehemency even to the very marrow of his bones , h his eyes leaped out of his head , and , having deserted their proper station , left him blind . after all this he yet drew his breath , and having given thanks , and made his confession to the lord , he called for death . at last , acknowledging these his sufferings due for his contempt and presumption against christ , he gave up the ghost . chap. xi . concerning the final destruction of the enemies of religion . maximin therefore being thus taken out of the world , ( who was the only enemy of religion that hitherto surviv'd , and declared himself the worst of them all ; ) the churches by the grace of god almighty were rebuilt and raised from the very foundation , and the gospel of christ darting forth its beams of light to the great glory of the all-ruling deity , enjoyed greater liberty than it formerly had . but the wicked , and the enemies of religion were clouded with the highest disgrace and greatest shame immaginable . for first of all maximin himself was proclaimed by the emperours a publick enemy , and was termed in the publick edicts which were fixed upon pillars , a most impious , detestable tyrant , superlatively odious to god. also the pictures which were placed in every city in honour of him and his children , were some of them broke in pieces and thrown down from on high to the very ground ; and others were defaced , having their visages blackned with dark colours . in like manner , all the statues which had been erected in honour of him were also thrown down , broken in pieces , and exposed as subjects of derision and scorn to all those that would abuse and insult over them . after this the other enemies of religion were divested of all their dignities . moreover , all maximin's party , more especially those whom he had preferred to places of the greatest power in the provinces within his empire ( who to flatter him had been insolently abusive towards our religion ) were put to death . one of this number was b picentius , a person that was a great favourite of his , highly esteemed by him , and his dearest intimado : whom he created consul a second and a third time , and also made him c prefect and rationalist . another was one d culcianus , who had born all offices of dignity in the magistracy and in the government of provinces ; he also was famous for his innumerable massacres of the christians in aegypt . there were a great many more beside these , by whose endeavours most especially the barbarous tyranny of maximin was maintained and extended . further , divine vengeance required justice to be executed upon c theotecnus , being in no wise forgetful of his practises against the christians . for he was look's upon as a deserving and successful person upon account of his consecration of the image at antioch , and besides , the emperour maximin conferred on him the presidency of a province . but when licinius came to antioch , and was resolved to make inquisition for the impostours , [ amongst others ] he tortured the priests and prophets of the new contrived image , enquiring of them how they palliated and put a mask upon their imposture : when they could no longer conceal the truth , being by their tortures compelled [ to disclose it ] they declared , that the imposture of the whole mystery was compos'd by the cunning of theotecnus : when therefore licinius had inflicted condign punishment on them all ; he gave order that theotecnus himself should first be executed , and afterwards the rest of his associates that were conscious to , and accomplices in the cheat , having first suffered innumerable tortures . to all these were added maximin's sons , whom he had now made colleagues with himself in the empire , and partakers of the pictures , and inscriptions dedicated to his honour . in fine , all the tyrants relations , ( who but just before had made their proud boasts , and insolently exercised authority over all men , ) most ignominiously underwent the same sufferings with those persons forementioned , for they received not instruction , nor did they know , or understand this seasonable admonition uttered in the holy scriptures ; o put not your trust in princes , nor in the children of men , for there is no health in them . the breath of man shall go forth , and he shall return again to his earth : in that day shall all their thoughts perish . thus therefore the impious being like filth wiped away [ from off the earth , ] the empire , which by right belonged only to constantine and licinius continued firm , and unobnoxious to envy . these persons ( after they had first of all cleansed the world from all impiety ) being sensible of those great benefits they had received from god , did sufficiently demonstrate their love of vertue and of the deity , their piety , and gratitude towards god , by the laws they made in favour of the christians . the end of the ninth book of the ecclesiastical history . the tenth book of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius pamphilus . chap. i. concerning the peace , which was procured by god for us . therefore , glory be to god the almighty and supream king , for all things : and manifold thanks to the saviour and redeemer of our souls , jesus christ , through whom we pray that we may have always preserved to us a firm and inviolable peace , both from outward troubles , and also from all internal molestations of mind . having ( by the assistance of your prayers ) added this tenth book of our ecclesiastick history to those foregoing books at this place finished , we have dedicated it to you ( most sacred a paulinus ! ) hereby publishing you to be the seal and closure as it were of this our whole work . nor will it be incongruous ( as we suppose ) to place here * in its due order , a compleat panegyrick concerning the re-edification of the churches : obeying herein the holy spirit , which exhorteth us in these words : o sing unto the lord a new song ; for he hath done marvellous things . with his own right hand , and with his holy arme hath he gotten himself the victory . the lord hath declared his salvation : his righteousness hath he openly shewed in the sight of the heathen . therefore , since the scripture injoyneth us [ to begin ] a new song , let us agreeable thereto sing together ; because , after such terrible , black , and horrid spectacles and relations ; we are now vouchsafed to see such happy days , and to celebrate such festivals , as many of our ancestours , who were truly just and gods martyrs , desired to see upon earth , but have not seen them ; and to hear , but have not heard them . but these persons , hastning away with all possible speed , obtained far more excellent things , being taken up into heaven , and into the paradise of divine joy and delight : and we , confessing these present enjoyments to be greater than our deserts , stand amazed at the bounty of the donour of such munificence : we also justly admire and adore him with the utmost vigour of our souls , attesting the truth of his predictions by his prophets contain'd in the scriptures , in which 't is said : o come hither , and behold the works of the lord , what miracles he hath done upon the earth ; he maketh warrs to cease in all the world . he shall break the bow , and knap in sunder the spear , and burn the shields with fire . let us therefore rejoyce at the perfect and effectual completion of these things in our days , and with gladness prosecute the series of our narration . after the same manner therefore that we have related , did the whole race of those enemies of god vanish , and was suddenly taken away out of mens sight ; so that that divine oracle was again compleated , which says ; * i have seen the wicked exalted , and lifted up like the cedars of libanus , i went by , and lo , he was not : i sought his place but it could not be found . now therefore a bright and glorious day , no cloud overshadowing it , doth enlighten , with raies of heavenly light , the churches of christ over all the earth . neither were there any of those that were strangers to the community of us christians , and to our religion , b but ( although they did not enjoy them in the same degree that we did , yet at least in some measure ) might together with us partake of the streams and effluxes of those good things , which had been procured us from god. chap. ii. concerning the re-edification of the churches . all mankind was now free from the slavery and oppression of tyrants ; and being released from their former miseries , ( although several ways , yet ) all acknowledged as well as they could , that it was the only true god , who was the defender of the pious . but more especially amongst us ( all whose hopes were fixed solely upon god's christ ) there was an inexpressible joy , and a kind of celestial gladness ; when we saw all places , which through the irreligion of the tyrants were a little while ago totally destroyed , restored to life as it were , and recovered from a tedious and fatal ruine ; and [ when we beheld ] the temples erected again from the ground to a vast height , and in splendour far excelling those which had formerly been destroyed . moreover , the emperours themselves , in whose hands the supream power was , by their continual enacting of laws in favour of the christians , did enlarge , augment , and confirm the magnificence of the divine bounty towards us . there were rescripts also frequently sent from the emperour particularly to the bishops , their honours were increased , and sums of money were bestowed on them . the contents of which rescripts ( being translated out of latine into greek , ) it may not be impertinent to record in this book ( as in a sacred table ) at a proper and fit place , that they may be had in continual remembrance by all succeeding generations . chap. iii. concerning the consecrations of churches every where [ solemniz'd . ] after those things , a spectacle earnestly prayed for , and much desired by us all , appeared ; [ to wit , ] the solemnization of the festivals of dedication [ of churches ] throughout every city , and the consecrations of the new builded oratories ; the frequent assemblies of bishops , the concourse of strangers from countries far remote , the mutual love and benevolence of the people ; the union of the members of christs body joyned together in an intire harmony and consent : therefore , ( agreeable to that * prophetick prediction , which has mystically fore-signified what is to come , ) bone was joyned to bone , and joynt to joynt ; and what ever else that divine prophecy has aenigmatically but truly declared . there was one and the same power of the holy ghost which passed through all the members : one soul in all : the same alacrity of faith : one common concent in chaunting forth the a praises of god. indeed , the ceremonies of the prelates were most intire , the presbyters performances of service exact , the rites of the church , decent and majestick ; b on the one hand was a place for the singers of psalms , and for the rest of the auditors of the expressions sent from god : on the other was a place for those who performed the divine and mystical services : there were also [ delivered ] the c mystical symbols of our saviour's passion . and now people of all ages , and sexes , men and women , with the utmost vigour of their minds , with joyful hearts and souls , by prayers and thanksgiving , worshiped god the author of all good . all the prelates then present made publick orations , every one ( as well as he was able , ) endeavouring to set forth the praises of those assembled . chap. iv. a panegyrick concerning the splendid posture of our affaires . and a certain person , that had been indifferently well educated and was deserving , having made this oration , came forth into the presence of a great many bishops , ( that were then present as at an ●●●lesiastick assembly ) who gave him audience quietly and decently ; then turning himself towards one who was the eminentest of them all , ( a bishop acceptable to god , by whose care the church of tyre , the stateliest fabrick amongst all the churches within the country of phoenicia , was gloriously erected , ) he spake thus . a panegyrick upon the building of the churches , spoken to paulinus bishop of tyre . you the friends and priests of god , who are wrapt in the sacred long vesture , crowned with the celestial diadem of glory , anointed with the holy unction , and clothed in the sacerdotal robe of the holy spirit : and you , the grace and ornament of this new-erected and sacred temple of god , you who are adorned by god with a prudence befitting an hoary head , but have exhibited many glorious evidences of a vigorous and juvenile vertue ; you to whom god , ( who comprehendeth the whole world , ) a hath granted the special prerogative of building and renewing this terrestrial temple for christ his only begotten and his first born word , and for his holy and sacred spouse : [ you ] whom one may term either a new beseleel , the architect of the holy tabernacle ; or another salomon , king of a new , and far more excellent jerusalem ; or a second zorobabel , in regard you have added a far greater splendour to the temple of god , than it had before . also , you , the sheep of christ's sacred flock ; the seat and mansion of good doctrines ; the school of modesty ; and the reverend and b religious auditory of piety ! we ( who have long since heard , by reading the holy scriptures , the miraculous works of god , and the loving kindness of the lord [ declared ] by his wonders towards mankind , ) may now sing hymns and psalms to god , being instructed to say , * o god , we have heard with our ears ; our fathers have told us the work which thou didst in their days , in the times of old . but now , having not barely by hearing and reports only , perceived the exalted arm , and celestial right hand of our all good and supream god and king ; but in reality and ( as we may say ) with these very eyes seen the truth and verity of those things which were heretofore recorded ; we may sing a second triumphant hymn , and breake forth into these express words , saying , like as we have heard , so have we seen , in the city of the lord of hosts ; in the city of our god. but in what city , except in this new built , and framed by god ? * which is the church of the living god , the pillar and ground of the truth . concerning which another divine oracle speaketh thus : † very excellent things are spoken of thee thou city of god. in which church since god the giver of all good , by the grace of his only begotten son hath convened us , let every one here assembled cry out with a loud voice as it were , and say ; * i was glad when they said unto me , we will go into the house of the lord. and again : † lord i have loved the beauty of thine house , and the place where thine honour dwelleth . and not only every particular person , but let us all together rejoyce and shout forth praises with one spirit , and one mind , saying , * great is the lord and highly to be praised , in the city of our god , even upon his holy hill . for he is truly great , and his house is great , lofty and spacious , and more beautiful than the sons of men . great is the lord who only doth marvellous things . great is he who doth magnificent things , and such as are past finding out , glorious and stupendious , of which there is no number . great is he who altereth times and seasons ; who deposeth and constituteth kings : who raiseth up the poor from the earth , and exalteth the beggar from the dunghil : he hath thrust down the mighty from their seats ; and hath exalted the humble from the earth . he hath filled the hungry with good things , and hath broken in pieces the armes of the proud . not only amongst the faithful , but amongst the infidels also he hath confirmed the authority of those relations heretofore recorded of him of old . 't is he who worketh miracles : 't is he that doth great things : 't is he who is lord of all : he , who is the framer of the whole world : he , who is almighty : all-good : he that is the one and only god. in obedience to whom let us sing a new song ; to him , who only doth wonderful things ; for his mercy endureth for eve●● ▪ who smote great kings and slew mighty kings ; for his mercy endureth for ever . for the lord remembred us when we were in a low condition , and hath redeemed us from our enemies . and let us never cease thus to praise god the father of all . also him , who is the c second author of all good to us ; who is our master in instructing us in the knowledge of god , the teacher of true piety , the destroyer of the wicked , the slayer of tyrants , the reformer of our lives ; jesus our saviour , when we were in despair , him let us extol , having his name always in our mouth . for he alone , who is the only and best son of the best and greatest father , in complyance with his father's love to mankind , most willingly cloathed himself with our nature who were buried in corruption ; and like a careful physician ( d who for the healths sake of his patients looks into the wounds , lightly stroketh the sores , and from other mens calamities attracteth grievances upon himself ; ) he himself hath by himself saved us ( who were not only diseased and oppressed with foul ulcers and wounds already putrified ; but also lay amongst the dead ) from the very jaws of death . for there was no other in heaven that had so much power , as inoffensively to minister health to so many ; it was he only therefore who after he had touched our burdensome corruption , he alone , who after he had endur'd our labours , he alone who , after he had taken upon himself the punishment of our impieties ; raised us ( when we were not only half dead , but lay altogether impure and stincking in the graves and sepulchers ) and both in times past and now through his earnest compassion towards us ( even beyond our hopes and expectations ) preserveth us , and imparteth to us an exuberancy of his fathers good things . t is he who is the authour of life , the introducer of light ; our great physician , king , lord , and the anointed of god. e but even then , when all mankind ( by the wiles of detestable devils , and the operations of spirits hated by god ) lay buried in an obscure night , and thick darkness , he f only by his appearance , with the rayes of his light dissolv'd the manifold chains of our sins , like melting wax . and now , when by reason of his so great love and beneficence [ towards us ] the † envious devil , enemy to all that is good , and the favourer of evil was in a manner burst [ with grief , ] and marshalled all his fatal forces against us ; and when at first having ( like a mad dog who with his teeth gnaws the stones that were thrown at him , spending the fury he was put into , against those that provoked him , upon the liveless things thrown at him , ) turn'd his beastly rage upon the stones of the oratories , and upon the sensless piles of the buildings , he thought with himself , that he had procur'd the utter desolation of the churches ; also , when afterwards he sent forth terrible hissings , and his serpentine expressions , one while by the menaces of impious tyrants , at another time by the blasphemous decrees of profane presidents , and moreover belched forth the virulency of his death , and with his venemous and deadly potions , poisoned those souls that were captivated by him , and had in a manner destroyed them by the pernicious sacrifices of dead idols ; when lastly he had incited against us all those that under the shape of men masked their savage cruelty , persons of a disposition every way barbarous and fierce : then again the angel of the great council , that g chief commander of gods hosts ( after a sufficient exercise in the combat , which the most valiant champions of his kingdom exhibited , by undergoing the severest hardships with patience and fortitude , ) appearing on a sudden , so utterly destroyed and reduc'd to nothing , all his enemies and adversaries , that they seem as if they had never been named . but his friends and dependants he exalted to the highest pitch of glory , not only amongst all men , but amongst the celestial powers also , the sun , the moon the stars , the whole heaven , and the world. so that now ( which thing never hapned before ) the supream emperours , sensible of that honour they have received from god , spit in the faces of the dead idols , trample under foot the prophane rites and services of devils , and deride that antient errour handed down to them by tradition from their ancestours : they acknowledge one only god , the common benefactor to all men , and to them in particular ; and they profess christ the son of god to be the supream ruler of all things , they proclaim him saviour in their inscriptions upon pillars , ingraving in royal characters his valiant exploits and victories ( in order to their indelible remembrance ) over the impious , in the very midst of that city which is queen of the whole earth . so that our saviour jesus christ is the only person amongst all those who have been since the world began , that is confessed to be ( even by the emperours themselves , who are supream here upon earth , ) not an ordinary king made such by men , but is worshipped as being the genuine son of the supream god , and is [ adored ] as being h truly and in himself god ; and that deservedly . for what king had ever such power , as that he could fill the tongues , and ears of all men upon earth i with his name ? what king ever constituted such pious and prudent laws , and was able to confirm them in such a manner , that they should be perpetually read in the audience of all men from the one end of the whole earth to the opposite extremities thereof ? what king hath ever by his mild and indulgent laws , melted and softened the savage and barbarous dispositions of the inhumane heathens ? what king opposed by all men during the space of so many whole ages , ever demonstrated such a more than humane valour and strength , that he flourished dayly , and seem'd to grow young in every succeeding age ? who hath planted a nation ( which heretofore was not so much as heard of ) not in some secret unknown corner of the earth only , but even throughout the whole world [ which lies ] under the sun ? who ever armed his souldiers with the arms of godliness in such a manner , that in their conflicts with their adversaries they made it apparent that their minds were firmer than an adamant ? what king was ever so potent as to lead an army after his death , and to erect trophies against his enemies , and to fill every place , countrey , and city , grecian and barbarian , with his royal palaces , and with the k consecrated fabricks of holy temples , such as are those splended ornaments and consecrated gifts belonging to this very church . which are in themselves truly august and magnificent , worthy of amazement and admiration , in regard they are l evident representations of our saviour's kingdom . * for he now spake and they were made ; he commanded , and they stood fast : for what could withstand the beck and will of the word , who is the supream king and governour of all things , and is himself god ? but an accurate contemplation , and explication of these things particularly , require a peculiar discourse and leisure . moreover , a peculiar leisure would be requisite to relate what , and how great the alacrity of the workmen was that laboured in this building , and how it was looks upon and esteemed of by that god himself , whom we extoll , who inspects the living temples of us all , and views the house built of living and m firm stones , well and securely placed upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets , jesus christ himself being the chief corner stone : who was rejected not only by those who were the framers of that antient building , which endures now no longer , but also by those architects of that fabrick which now is , consisting of many persons ; who were wicked framers of evil works . but the father having tryed [ this stone ] and approv'd of it , in times past , and now also , layed it as the head of the corner of this church which is common to us all . into this living temple therefore of the living god , which is made up of us , ( i mean that most stately sacred fabrick , truly worthy of god , whose inmost recesses are invisible to the vulgar , and are truly holy , and the holiest of holies ) what man is he that dares look and divulge [ what he there beholds ? ] yea who is he that can with his eyes penetrate its sacred inclosures , but he alone , the great high priest of all ; whose only right and priviledge it is to make researches into the secrets of every rational soul ? and perhaps the same is granted to n one other person in the next place after him , to wit , to this chief leader of his host ; whom the first and great high priest himself hath honoured with the second place of the priesthood in this sacred temple , and has himself constituted him the shepherd of your holy flock , having this your people committed to his charge by the allotment and determination of the father , as being his own minister and interpreter : a new aaron , or melchisedeck , made like to the son of god , remaining , and by the publick prayers of you all preserved for ever by him . unto this person alone therefore be it lawful next after the chief and principal high priest , if not to have the first , yet at least the second place in looking into , and taking care of the very inmost recesses of your souls : for by [ the help of ] experience and length of time he hath both made accurate inquiries into every particular person amongst you ; and also by his care and industry , hath instructed you all in modesty , and in the doctrine which is according to godliness : and he is abler than any one else to give such accounts of those o works ( which by the assisting power of god he hath perfected ) as are answerable to the works themselves . indeed , our first and chief high priest saith , * what things soever he seeth the father do , these also doth the son likewise . but this person , looking upon the first [ high priest , ] as it were upon a master , attentively with the unpolluted eyes of the mind ; whatsoever things he seeth him do , them he maketh use of as his original patterns , and hath wrought the representations thereof into such a form , that they do express ( as neer as 't is possible to be done ) an exact likeness thereto . being nothing inferiour to that * beseleel , whom god himself ( having filled him with the spirit of wisedom and understanding , and of other artificial and skilful knowledge , ) made choice of to be the framer of a structure of celestial types of a † temple by certain shadowed representations . after the same manner therefore , this our [ bishop ] p bearing in his mind the perfect , whole , and intire representation of christ , who is the word , the wisedom and the light ; it cannot be expressed with ▪ what a greatness of soul , * with what a rich and inexhaustible hand of his understanding , and with what an emulous liberality [ proceeding from ] you all , ( who by your nobleness in contributing to the charge did most ambitiously contend , that you might in no wise seem to be inferiour to his vast design ) he hath erected this magnificent temple of the most high god which may be seen , naturally resembling ( as neer as may be ) the model of that more glorious structure which is invisible . and this very place , ( for it is fit we should speak of this first , ) which by the treacheries of our enemies was overwhelmed with all manner of impure rubbish , he neglected not ; nor did he in the least yield to the wickedness of them who had been authors of it ; whenas he could have found out another place ( whereof there are great numbers in this city ) where he might have been eased of much of his labour , and freed himself from many troubles : yet , having first made ready himself to undertake this work ; and afterwards corroborated all the people with an alacrity of mind , and gathered them all together into one great band , he attempted this q first laborious enterprize : supposing it fitting that this very church ( which had been most battered by the enemies , which had heretofore undergone great sufferings [ upon our account , ] which had endured persecutions both with and before us , which like a mother was bereaved of her children , ) ought to enjoy together with us the magnificent bounty of our most good and gracious god. for , in as much as that great shepherd hath vouchsafed to gather his children together again into one place , having driven away the wild beasts , wolves , and all the savage and fierce kind of creatures , and ( as the divine scriptures say , ) having broken the jaw-bones of the lions , with good reason he reedified the fold for his flock , * that he might put to confusion the enemie and the avenger , and might bring a reproach upon the audacious and rebellious attempts of the impious against god. r now therefore these persons , hated by god , are not , nor were they then . but after they had for a short space of time raised disturbances , and were themselves also disturbed , they suffered a most just punishment inflicted on them by divine vengeance , and irrecoverably ruin'd themselves , their friends and families . so that those predictions heretofore recorded in the sacred monuments [ of the scriptures ] may now be acknowledged to be really certain , in which the word of god does both truly declare other things , and also speaks expresly concerning them , thus : * the ungodly have drawn out the sword , they have bent their bow , to cast down the poor and needy , and to slay such as are of an upright conversation . their sword shall go through their own heart , and their bows shall be broken , and again , * their memorial perished with a sound , and † thou hast put out their name for ever and ever . ‖ for when they were in troubles they cryed , and there was none to save them , even unto the lord did they cry , but he heard them not . † they were bound and fell , but we arose and were set upright ; this also which was foretold in these words ( * lord , thou in thy city shalt bring their image to nought ) is manifested in the sight of us all to be most true . these men , who like the giants rais'd a war against god , procured for themselves the same fatal end of their lives that they did : but † she which was desolate , and whose safety was despaired of by all men , has arived to such a conclusion of her patient sufferance upon god's account as we now behold , so that these words of the prophecie of isaiah may seem to have been spoken to her. * rejoyce thou thirsty desert ; let the solitary place rejoyce , and flourish like a lilly : the deserts shall flourish and be glad : be ye strengthened ye languid hands , and feeble knees : be comforted you faint hearted , be strong , and fear not : behold our god doth repay judgment , and will repay it : he will come and save us . for ( saith he ) water hath broke out in the desert , and a valley in a thirsty land . the parched ground shall be changed into moorish places , and the fountain of water into a thirsty land . all this was formerly predicted in words , and laid up in the sacred books ; but the things themselves , are now no longer delivered to us by hear-say , but [ are exhibited ] by actual performances . this same dry desert , this disconsolate widow ( * whose very gates they have cut down at once with axes , like wood in the forrest , having broken her in peices with the axe and the hammer : whose books they have spoiled , and have burnt the sanctuary of god with fire : they have defiled the dwelling place of his name even unto the ground ; * whose grapes all that go by plucked of , ( having first broken down her hedges , ) whom the wild bore out of the forrest hath rooted up , and the wild hog devoured ; ) by the miraculous power of christ ( it having now pleased him so to do ) flourisheth again like a lilly . yea , at such time as she was chastened , that [ chastizement was inflicted on her ] by his appointment , as it were by a careful and indulgent father . † for whom the lord loveth he chastiseth , and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth . when therefore she had been moderately and sufficiently chastized , she is again commanded from heaven to rejoyce ; and she flourisheth as a lilly , and breaths forth upon all men , a divine sweet savour : for saith he , * water gushed out in the deserts , [ to wit , ] the † fountain of that salutary laver of divine regeneration . and now , that land which a little before was desolate , is changed into pools : and the fountain of living water hath gushed out plentifully upon a thirsty land : those hands which were formerly weak , are really strong : and those works [ which you behold ] are great and powerful instances of this strength of the hands : moreover , those knees which were formerly enfeebled and weak , having , now recovered their usual firmness and faculty of walking , go straight on in the way of divine knowledge of god , hastning towards the genuine flock of that most good and gracious shepherd . and if any of them have had their souls benummed and stupified through the menaces of tyrants , even these the saving word doth not dispise as incurable , but heals them carefully and tenderly , and excites them to be partakers of the divine consolation , saying ; be comforted , ye faint hearted : be strong , fear not . when therefore this our new and excellent zorobabel ( by the accuteness of his understanding ) perceived that , according as the divine word had foretold , she which had been brought to desolation for god's sake , should enjoy these good things , after that bitter captivity , and abomination of desolation : he dispised not this dead corps , but having in the first place with supplications and prayers ( together with the joynt consent of you all ) propitiated the father , and taking for his assistant , and fellow-labourer the only reviver of the dead , he raised up this fallen church , having first purified her , and healed her of her maladies . and now he hath put a robe about her , not that old one , but such a one as he had again received instructions about , from the divine oracles , which expresly testifie thus : * and the latter glory of this house shall far excell the former . upon which account , having taken in a far larger compass of ground , he fortified the outward circuit with a wall on every side , which might serve for a strong fence to the whole structure . then he raised a spacious , lofty , and stately portico against the rayes of the rising sun , which , to those who stand at a sufficient distance without the sacred inclosure , does yield a full prospect of this structure within ; and as it were , attracts the eyes of infidels to look upon the first entrances , that so no person might pass by , who should not feel some pricks in his mind , both at the remembrance of the former desolation , and also at [ the sight of ] the stupendious miracle of the present fabrick . hence he hoped , that he who upon that account felt such a compunction , might peradventure be drawn [ towards it , ] and at the very sight thereof would be perswaded to enter in . but after you are come within the gates , he has not permitted you to enter immediatly into the holy place , with impure and unwashen feet . but , having left a large vacancy betwixt the temple , and the portico , he beautified this vacant space ( s having inclosed it in the figure of a quadrangle ) with four opposite cloysters supported on every side with pillars . the t intermediate space betwixt these pillars , he filled up with partitions made of wood , resembling net-work , which reach up an indifferent height , but the u middle space he left open , that a view of heaven might be taken , and that by it might be let in the clear air filled with the rays of light. here also he placed the mysterious symbols of the sacred purgations , to wit , fountaines built opposite to the front of the church ; which afforded plenty of water for those who entred the sacred walls to wash in . and this first place of reception to those that entred , yielded both a beautiful and splendid prospect to all men , and also afforded a very commodious mansion to those who yet wanted instruction in the first principles of religion : moreover , † after a view taken of these [ buildings , ] he made passages opening into the church [ adorned ] with a great many more inward porticoes . and again at the rays of the rising sun he placed three gates in one and the same side . on the middlemost of which he thought fit to bestow much more of magnificence and spaciousness than on the other two placed on either side of it ; and , having adorned it gloriously with plates of brass bound on with iron , and with variety of sculpture , he adjoyned the other two as the guards to her , being as it were a queen . when he had after the same manner made the number of the porches equal to the cloysters on both sides of the church , over these porches , he invented other copious conveyances of light into the house , and adorned them with various and exceeding fine and small wooden sculptures : but the royal house it self he furnished with richer and more costly materials , liberally bestowing thereon most magnificent and vast expences . i think it here superfluous for me to describe the length and breadth of this building , and to treat particularly of the splendour [ of the structure , ] of its unspeakable greatness , of the glittering show of the works , of its height which equals heaven , and of the costly cedars of libanus that are laid hereupon : the mention of which even the holy scripture hath not passed over in silence ; wherein t is said * the trees of the lord shall r 〈…〉 e , even the cedars of libanus which he ha●● planted . to what end should i make an exact narration here of the most ingenious and artificial composure of the whole structure , and of the incomparable beauty of every particular part of it , when as the testimony of the eyes excludeth all knowledge which entreth at the eares ? moreover , after he had thus finished the temple , and decently adorned it with the highest thrones in honour of the prelates of churches , and also with * benches orderly placed all over the church , at last he placed the holy of holies , the altar , in the middest , and that the multitude might not come within these [ sacred places , ] he enclosed them with wooden r●ils made like net-work , which were so curiously and artificially framed and carved , that they entertained those that viewed them with a wonderful and surprizing sight . neither was the very pavement neglected by him , but after he had beautified it most gloriously with marble-stone , he proceeded to the out-buildings of the temple ; and with great art and skill erected most spacious * exhedrae and oeci on each side which in an uniform manner were joyned together at the sides of the cathedral , and united to the y doors which lead into the middle of the church . these buildings our most peaceful king solomon ( who erected this temple of god ) made for them , who want the purification , and the sprinkling by water and the holy ghost . so that , that prophesie before quoted is no longer a wordy prediction , but is really accomplished : for now it is come to pass , that the glory of this latter house is truly greater than the former . for it was requisite and agreeable that ( since her pastor and lord , for her sake once suffered death , and after his passion changed that vile body , which for her sake he had put on , into brightness and glory ; and translated that very corruptible flesh from corruption to immortality , ) she also should likewise enjoy the z dispensations of her saviour . for although she ( having received from him a promise of far more excellent things than she doth at present enjoy , ) incessantly longeth to be for eternal ages partaker of a far greater glory of a regeneration , at the resurrection of the incorruptible body , with the quire of the angels of light , in the palaces of god above the heavens , together with jesus christ the donour of all good things , and her saviour : yet during the interim of her abode in this present world , she ( who was heretofore a widow and desolate , ) being by the grace of god surrounded with these flowers , is ( as the prophesie saith ) truly become like unto a lilly. and , having put on her wedding robe , and being encircled with a crown of beauty , let us hear her herself relate how she is taught to dance by esaias , and with pleasant expressions to shout forth thanksgivings to her god and king : * let my soul rejoyce in the lord. for he hath cloathed me with the garment of salvation , and the coat of gladness . he hath encircled my head with a diadem like a bridegroom , and hath bedecked me like a bride with ornaments . and as the earth which multiplieth its flowers , and as a garden that causeth its seeds to spring forth ; so the lord hath caused righteousness to rise up , and joy in the sight of all the heathen . thus doth she sing and dance . but in what expressions the bridegroom , the celestial word , jesus christ himself answereth her , hear the lord speaking : * fear not because thou hast been ignominiously treated , neither be thou ashamed , because thou hast suffered reproach . for thou shalt forget thine everlasting shame , and thou shalt no longer remember the reproach of thy widowhood : the lord hath called thee , not as a woman forsaken , and dejected in spirit , nor as a woman hated from thy youth : thy god hath said ; for a little while i have forsaken thee , but with great compassion i will have pitty upon thee . i turned my face from thee when i was a little angry ; but with everlasting mercy i will have mercy upon thee , saith the lord who hath redeemed thee . † arise , arise , thou who hast drunk from the hand of the lord the cup of his wrath . for thou hast drunk of , and emptied the cup of destruction , the cup of my ●ury : and there was none of all thy sons , whom thou hast born to comfort thee : neither was there any to take thee by the hand : behold i have taken out of thy hand the cup of destruction , the cup of my wrath , and thou shalt no longer drink it . and i will put it into the hands of them who have injured thee , and debased thee . * arise , arise , put on strength , put on thy glory . shake off the dust , and arise : sit down : loose the chain of thy neck . ‖ lift up thine eyes round about , and view thy children gathered together . behold , they are gathered together , and come to thee . as i live saith the lord , thou shalt put them all on as an ornament , and thou shalt put them about thee as a bride doth her bravery . for thy desolate places , and those that were wasted , and ruinous , shall now be too narrow for thy inhabitants . and they shall be removed far from thee , that devoured thee : for thy sons which thou hadst lost shall say in thine ears : the place is too straight for me : make a place for me that i may dwell . and thou shalt say in thine heart : who hath begotten me these ? i am childless and a widow . who hath nourished these for me ? i was left desolate : these where had they been ? all this esaias hath predicted . these things were in times past recorded in the holy scriptures concerning us . and it was requisite that we should now at length receive the truth of these words really and actually fullfilled . in regard therefore the bridegroom , the word , hath spoken in this manner to his spouse , the sacred and holy church , agreeably hereto hath this a dresser of the bride , ( with the prayers of you all in common , reaching out to her your helping hands , by the appointment of god the supream king , and by the appearance and presence of jesus christ's power ) raised and erected this desolate [ church , ] lying like a dead carcass [ on the ground , ] and despaired of by all men . and , having lifted her up after this manner , hath made her such an one , as he was instructed to do by the delineation of the sacred scriptures . this [ fabrick ] is indeed a stupendious miracle , and doth surpass all the degrees of admiration , especially to them , who are only intent upon the outward appearance of things . but the original examples and primitive forms hereof , the spiritual and truely divine patterns are more admirable then all miracles , i mean , the reparations of that divine and rational building in our souls . which [ structure ] when the son of god himself had framed according to his own image , and had freely granted , that in all parts it should bear the resemblance of god , he bestowed upon it a nature incorruptible , incorporeal , rational , different from all terrene matter , [ and gave it ] a b substance originally and of its self intelligent ; after he had once thus created it at the beginning out of nothing , he made it an holy spouse , and [ framed it into ] a most sacred temple for himself and his father . this he himself in express words acknowledgeth , saying ; * i will dwell in them and walk amongst them , and i will be their god , and they shall be my people . such indeed is the perfect and purified soul , which was so framed at the beginning that it bore the perfect image of the celestial word . but when through the envie and emulation of the malitious devil , by its own voluntary choice , it began to be a follower of its own passions , and was inamored with vice , ( god having withdrawn himself out of it , ) being left destitute as it were of a defender , it was easily captivated , and remained exposed to their treacheries who for a long time had been enviers [ of its glory , ] and being now utterly battered down by the engines and machines of its invisible adversaries , and spiritual enemies , it sunk down into such a total ruine , that not one stone of vertue was left standing upon another : all the parts of it lay prostrate on the ground , as dead , utterly deprived of all those notions concerning god , which were naturally imprinted on it . but this ruinated building , which was framed after the image of god , was not laid waste by that wild bore out of the wood which is visible 〈…〉 eyes , but by some destructive devil , and by ●●telligent and spiritual wild beasts . who , having put it into a flame by wicked passions ( as it were with the c fiery darts of their malice ) have burnt with fire the truely divine sanctuary of god , and destroyed the tabernacle of his name even to the ground . afterwards they buried it miserable wretch under a vast hoap of earth which they cast up , and reduced it to an utter despaire of all manner of safety . but its patron , the divine and salutary word ( obeying the love of his most gracious father shown towards mankind , ) restored it again after it had suffered condign punishment for its sins . in the first place therefore , having united to himself the minds of the emperours , by means of those most pious princes , he cleansed the whole world from all impious and pernicious men , and also from those cruel and barbarous tyrants , hated of god. afterwards , he brought to light men very well known to him , persons that heretofore had been d consecrated priests to him for ▪ ever , and were secretly concealed , and secur'd by his defence during the storm of persecution , whom agreeable to their deserts he honoured with the magnificent gifts of the spirit : by these men he hath again purified and cleansed ( by their poinant and reprehensive preaching of the divine precepts , as it were with shovels and spades , ) those souls which ● little before were defiled , and totally covered over with all manner of filthiness , and heaps of impious injunctions . and when he had made the place of all your minds bright and clear , he delivered it up to this most prudent prelate , most acceptable to god. who being a man endowed with great judgment and reason in other things , and also , most acute in discerning and e distinguishing the disposition of the souls allotted to his care ; from the very first day ( as i may say ) even to this present , he hath not ceased to build : cementing together in you all one while glistering gold , at other times purified and tryed silver , and precious and rich stones . so that by his workes towards you he hath again compleated that sacred and mystical prophesie , the words whereof are these : * behold i prepare carbuncle for thy stone , and saphire for thy foundations , and for thy bulwarks jasper , and for thy gates stones of christal , and for thy wall choice stones : and all thy children shall be taught of god , and great [ shall be ] the peace of thy children : and thou shalt be built in righteousness . he therefore building in righteousness hath aptly and fitly differenced the strength of all the people . some he hath inclosed with the outward wall onely , that is , he hath fortified them round with an unerring and strong faith ; of this sort there is a great multitude , who cannot bear a more excellent structure . to others he committeth [ the custody of ] the entrances into the temple , giving them in command f to watch at the gates , and to conduct those in , that come thither ; these may fitly be compared to the porches of the temple . other some he hath set to support the chief pillars , which are without , about the g court quadrangular-wise . bringing them within the first h bolts of the literal sense of the four gospels . some he hath also placed about the sanctuary i on both sides , these are such as are * catechumens as yet , and do make a good progress and increase in the faith ; k but yet they are not far from inspecting those most secret mysteries ▪ which [ priviledge ] only the perfect believers do enjoy . out of this number he hath taken those , whose immaculate souls have been purified like gold in the sacred laver ; some of whom he hath set to support pillars far more noble then those outward ones , even the most intricate and mysterious sentences of sacred scripture ; others of them he illuminateth to be [ as it were ] l windows to transmit light into the temple . he hath also beautified the whole temple with one most spacious portico , that is , with the glorious worship of the one and only god , the supream king. he hath represented christ and the holy ghost on each side of the fathers preeminence and authority , as the m second rays of light . and he demonstrateth throughout the whole cathedral a most copious and excellent light and evidence of the truth particularly [ coucht ] in the remaining [ articles of our faith . ] moreover , when he had from all parts selected living , firm , and strong stones of souls , of all them he framed a stately and royal sanctuary , full of light and splendour both within and without : n in as much as not only in their souls and minds , but their bodie 's also , they are beautified with the glorious ornaments of chastity and modesty . there are also within this temple , thrones , a great many benches , and seats ; which are in all those souls , whereon reside such gifts of the holy ghost , as were heretofore seen by the holy apostles : † to whom appeared cloven tongues like as of fire , and it sate upon each of them . but on him that presides over all these , christ himself ( 't is likely ) does entirely and wholly reside : and upon o those who are next to him in dignity , on every one of them proportionably , according as he is capable of receiving the distributions of the power of christ , and of the holy ghost . the benches also are the souls of certain angels , the instruction and custody of every one whereof is committed to them . but the august , great , and only altar , what can it be else but the most pure soul and holy of holies of the common priest of all . on his right hand standeth the great high priest of all , jesus himself , the only begotten son of god , who with a chearful countenance and * stretcht-forth hands receiveth from all that sweet smelling incense , and those unbloudy and immaterial sacrifices of prayers ; and transmits them to his heavenly father the supream god : whom in the first place he himself worshippeth , and he only exhibiteth due veneration to the father ; afterwards he beseecheth him for ever to continue favourable and propitious towards all us . such is that august temple , which the great creatour of all things the word [ of god ] hath built throughout all that world under the sun ; he himself hath again framed upon earth this intellectual representation of those things beyond the arches of heaven : that by every creature , and by rational souls upon the earth his father might be duely honoured and adored . p but that region above the heavens , and the things there , which are the originalls of what we here behold , that jerusalem which is above , that * celestial mount sion , and that city of the living god , far above the world , in which are innumerable companies of angels , and the church of the first born which are written in heaven , who with praises unutterable , which we cannot understand , laud their creatour and supream prince ; [ the blessedness of this region , i say , and of its inhabitants ] † no mortal is able deservedly to set forth . for * eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , neither have entred into the heart of man , the things that god hath prepared for them that love him . of which things since we are now vouchsafed to be partakers in part , let us , both men , women and children , small and great , all together , with one spirit and one soul never cease to give thanks and praise to the authour of these our so great good things : † who hath mercy on all our iniquities , and healeth all our infirmities . who redeemeth our life from destruction , and crowneth us with mercy , and loving kindness ; who filleth our desire with good things . for he hath not dealt with us according to our sins , neither hath he rewarded us according to our iniquities . for as far as the east is from the west , so far hath he removed our sins from us . as a father pittieth his own children , even so is the lord merciful to them that fear him . keeping these things fresh in our memories both now , and throughout all succeeding times , and moreover setting before [ the eyes of ] our mindes god the cause of this present days joyful solemnity , and the master of this feast , both day and night , every hour , and ( as i may say ) every moment wherein we fetch our breath ; let us love him and worship him , with all the strength of our souls . and let us now rise up , and with the loud voice of our affection beseech him , that he would continually save and defend us within his sheepfold , and that he would afford us his everlasting peace entire and immoveable in jesus christ our saviour , by whom be glory to him throughout all ages , amen . chap. v. copies of the imperial laws . let us therefore now annex the copies of constantine ' s and licinius ' s imperial decrees translated out of latine . a copy of the imperial edict translated out of latine . having long since perceived , that a liberty of religion ought not to be denied , but that licence should be permitted to every ones will and arbitrement of being careful about their religious performances according to their own mind and judgment , we have decreed , that as well all other persons , as those that are christians should retain the faith [ and observances ] of their own sect and religion . but because in that rescript wherein this liberty was granted them , a many and different sorts of sects seemed to be expresly set down , for which reason peradventure some of them not long after desisted from such an observance . wherefore when we constantine , and licinius , augusti , came fortunately to mediolanum , and had in debate all matters which might conduce to the good and utility of the publick ; amongst other things which to us seem'd several ways profitable to all in general , ( or rather which we judged ought to be decreed before any thing else ) we supposed such constitutions were to be made , as therein should be contained the worship and veneration of the deity : that is , that we should allow a free choice both to christians and all others of following what way of worship they please : that so by this meanes that godhead and heavenly being , whatever it is , might be propitious to us , and to all that live under our government . we have therefore proclaimed this our will and pleasure , after we had taken a most wholesome and deliberate consideration thereupon , that licence be denied to none at all of following or choosing the observances or religion of the christians : and that free power be granted to every one to apply his mind to that religion , which he judgeth most congruous and agreeable to himself : that so god may in all things manifest his usual care and loving kindness towards us . it was also convenient that we should signifie to you this our pleasure ; that all those sects which were included in our former rescript to your devotion concerning the christians should be quite left out , both that whatever seems hurtful and disagreeable to our clemency should be wholly removed , and also that in future all that have resolved to make choice of , and keep the observances of the christian religion , might observe them freely and firmly , without any molestation . these things we therefore determined fully to signifie to your carefullness ; that you may be certified , that we have granted to the christians a free and absolute liberty of being careful about the exercise of their religion . b in as much as we have already freely and absolutely granted them this , your devotedness does hereby perceive that we have allowed a liberty to others also , who are desirous of following their own observances and religion : which , 't is apparent , is agreeable to the tranquillity of our times , to wit , that every one should have a liberty and power of choosing and being careful about worshiping whatever deity he has a mind to . and this we therefore did , that we might seem not in the least to have lessened or detracted from any manner of ▪ divine worship or religion whatsoever . we have also further decreed in favour of the christians ; that those their places ( wherein they used to convene in times past ( concerning which places there was c another rule or form appointed in our rescript formerly sent to your devotedness , ) in case it appears that they have been purchased by any persons , either of our exchequer , or of any one else ) be immediately and without all hesitancy restored to the christians themselves , without money , and without any exaction of an * additional price or value : and if any have received these places by way of gift , that they in like manner forthwith restore them to the christians . but if those , who have purchased , or had the grants of these places , have a desire to demand any thing of our goodness , let them make their address to the governour that presides as judge in that province , that by our bounty provision may be made for them : all which places it shall behove you to see forthwith restored to the society of christians by your care and diligence without the least delay . and in as much as the said christians are known to have had possession not only of those places wherein they usually assembled themselves , but of others also , which did not particularly and apart belong to any private persons amongst them , but were the right of a society of them , that is , of the christians ; you shall give order that all these places ( according to the d aforesaid law ) be without all manner of hesitancy restored to the said christians , that is , to every society and assembly of them : the rule aforesaid being observed , ( viz. ) that such as shall restore those places [ to the christians , ] without a restitution of the price they gave for them , as we have said , may expect to be indemnified by our gracious liberality . now it is your du●y to act most vigorously in all these things in behalf of the aforesaid body of the christians ; both that our mandate may with all speed be fulfilled ; and also that in this matter provision may be made by our goodness for the common quiet and tranquility of the publick . for by this means , as is aforesaid , the divine care and goodness towards us , which we have already experienced in many affairs , will continue firm and lasting for ever . moreover , to the end that the definitive determination of this our law , and of our gracious indulgence may come to all mens knowledge , 't is expedient that this rescript of ours be proposed to publick view , and made known to all persons , that so no body may be ignorant of the establishment of this our gracious indulgence . a copy of another imperial edict which the emmperours published again , to declare , that this their beneficence was granted only to the catholick church . god save you , dearest anulinus ! this is the manner of our goodness , we desire , that those things which appertain to anothers right should not only not be infested with inquietude , but should also be restored , dearest anulinus ! wherefore our pleasure is , that , as soon as you receive this our rescript , if any of those [ estates ] ( which did belong to the catholick church of the christians , in all our cities , or in other places , ) are now detained by the e decurions , or by any other persons , you cause them to be forthwith restored to their [ respective ] churches : in as much as we have resolved that those [ estates ] which the said churches have formerly possessed , shall revert and become their right again . since therefore your devotedness understandeth that this is the most evident purport of our command , take care , that all [ estates ] which did formerly belong to the right of the said churches , ( whether gardens , houses , or whatever else ) be immediately restored to them again : whereby we may be informed that you have with all diligence and accuracy obeyed this our command . farewell , dearest , and our most beloved anulinus . a copy of the emperour [ constantine's ] rescript , by which he summoneth a synod of bishops at rome , for the uniting and reconciling of the churches . constantinus augustus , to miltiades bishop of rome , and to f mark. in regard several such g libels as these have been sent me from the most eminent anulinus , proconsul of africa , wherein 't is declared that cecilianus bishop of the city of h carthage is accused of many things by some of his collegues ordained [ bishops ] throughout africa : and this matter seeming not a little grievous to us , that in those very provinces ( which the providence of god delivered to our sacredness by a i voluntary surrender , and where there is a great multitude of people ) the populace being in a manner divided , should be found to degenerate and become worse , and differences should be nourished even amongst bishops : it seemed good to us , that cecilianus himself ( together with ten bishops his supposed accusers , and ten other bishops , whom he shall judge necessary in behalf of his cause , ) sail to rome ; that there in your presence , and also in the presence of reticius , maternus , and marinus your collegues , ( whom for this reason we have commanded to hasten to rome ) he may be heard in such manner as , you know , is most agreeable with the most sacred law. moreover , that you may have a most compleat and perfect knowledge of all these things , we have subjoyned to this our rescript copies of the libels which were sent to us by anulinus , and have transmitted them to your aforesaid collegues . which libels when your gravity shall have read , you shall deliberate how the aforesaid controversie may with the greatest accuracy be examined , and determined according to equity . for it is not unknown to your assiduity that we bear so great a reverence * to the most legitimate catholick church , that we would have you leave no schisme or dissension at all in any part of it . the divinity of the supream god preserve you ( k dearest ) many years . a copy of an imperial rescript , by which [ constantine ] summons a second synod , to put an end to all dissension amongst the bishops . constantinus augustus , to chrestus bishop of syracuse . when as heretofore some began wickedly and perversly to separate from the holy religion , the celestial power , and the catholick opinion ; we desirous that such pertinacious contentions as these should be pared off , took such order that ( some bishops being sent out of france , and also those summoned out of africa , who being of contrary factions , pertinaciously and continually quarrelled * amongst themselves , the bishop of rome being also present , ) this [ dissension ] which seemed to be raised after a most careful examination , might in their presence be composed . but in regard ( as it commonly happens ) some persons , forgetful both of their own salvation , and of the veneration due to the most holy religion , cease not as yet to improve their private grudges and animosities , being unwilling to acquiesce in the sentence already passed , but positively asserting , that they were but a few [ bishops ] who gave their sentiments and opinions ; and that ( before they had carefully enquired into all things which ought to have been first inspected ) they proceeded with too much hast and precipitancy to pass a definitive sentence . from all this it happens that even they , whose duty it is to preserve a brotherly and unanimous unity of mind , unworthily or rather impiously create schismes amongst one another ; and also give an occasion of scorn and derision to those men , whose soules are alienated from the most holy religion . wherefore it was our chiefest care , that these [ divisions , ] ( which ought , after sentence already given to have been terminated by a voluntary assent ) might now at last be concluded in the presence of many bishops . since therefore we have summoned many bishops out of divers and innumerable places , to assemble themselves on the calends of august , at the city orleans : we thought good to write to you also , that having received a publick chariot from the most eminent latronianus l corrector of sicily , and taking into your company two m of the second order , whom you shall think fit to chuse , and also bringing along with you three servants which may minister to you in your journey , you meet on the very day appointed at the place aforesaid , that both by your gravity , and also by the unanimous and concordant prudence and perspicacity of the rest there assembled , this dissension ( which has shamefully been continued hitherto by certain detestable quarellings , after all things have been heard which shall be said by the now disagreeing parties , whom we have summon'd to appear also , ) may now at last be restored to a fit and congruous [ observancy of ] religion and faith , and to a brotherly union . god almighty preserve you in health many years . chap. vi. a concerning the estates belonging to the christians . a copy of the emperour's rescript , by which he granteth money to the churches . constantinus augustus , to cecilianus bishop of carthage . for as much as it was our pleasure that through all the provinces of africa , numidia , and both mauritania's , some thing should be allowed for necessary expences to some ministers of the most holy and legitimate catholick religion , who were expresly named , we wrote to the * most perfect ursus rationalist of africa , and have intimated to him that he take care to pay to your gravity three thousand b folles . therefore when you shall have received the sum aforesaid , command that it be distributed to all the forementioned ministers according to a breve directed to you from hosius . but if you shall perceive there will be any thing wanting towards the fulfilling of our desire to all in this point , without making any scruples or delays you shall demand of heraclas the steward of our estates whatsoever you shall judge requisite . for we ordered him when he was with us , that if your gravity demanded any money of him , he should without the least hesitancy take care it should be told out to you . and because we have been informed that some men who are of an unsetled mind , make it their business to pervert the members of the most holy catholick church by a certain impious and clancular falshood and corruption ; we would have you understand , that we gave such orders to anulinus our proconsul , and also to patricius c deputy of the prefects , when present , that amongst all other things they take an effectual and sufficient care about this business more especially , and that if any such thing be done , they should by no means suffer it to be neglected . if therefore you shall see any such men persisting in this madness , without any further doubtings you shall make your address to the foresaid judges ; and disclose the matter to them , that they may correct them according to our orders to them when present . the deity of the supream god preserve you many years . chap. vii . a concerning the immunity of the clergy . a copy of the emperour's rescript by which he commandeth , that the prelates of churches be freed from bearing all civil offices . we greet you most honoured anulinus . since it is apparent from several circumstances , that the contempt of that true religion , by which is preserved the highest veneration of the celestial majesty , has brought imminent dangers upon the affairs of the publick ; but when it was lawfully and rightly admitted and preserved , it conferred the greatest prosperity upon the * roman empire , and an eminent felicity on all humane affairs ; ( the divine beneficence being the donour hereof : ) it seemed good to us , ( b dearest anulinus , ) that those men , who with a due sanctity and an assiduous observance of this law give themselves wholly to the ministrations and services of this sacred religion , should receive the rewards of their labours . wherefore our pleasure is that those men within the province committed to your care , who in the catholick church , over which cecilianus presides , do service to this sacred religion ; commonly call'd by the name of clergy-men , be always preserved exempt from all manner of civil offices : left by any errour or sacrilegious misfortune , they should be drawn away from the service due to the deity ; but [ our will is ] that they should rather serve their own law without any the least inquietude . for when they performe the highest [ acts of ] worship to god , the greatest advantage seems to accrue to the publick affairs . farewell most honoured and dearest anulinus . chap. viii . concerning licinius's exorbitancies which afterwards ensued , and concerning his death . such [ gifts ] therefore did the divine and celestial grace of our saviours presence bestow upon us : and such an exuberance of prosperous successes was procured to all men by reason of the peace [ restored ] to us . this was the posture of our affairs , we spent the time in joy and publick festivities . but this spectacle was intollerable to the malice of the devil , that hater of all goodness , and industrious patron of mischief . nor were the calamitous misfortunes which befell the forementioned tyrants sufficient to instill a sober considerateness into licinius , who being honoured with a prosperous and successfull government , and with the second place of dignity , that next to constantine the great , and innobled with an affinity contracted by marriage , and with a neer relation to a most august family , relinquished the imitation of good men ; and became a zealous emulatour of the improbity and wickedness of impious tyrants . and he made choice of following their councels , whose calamitous end himself had beheld with his own eyes , rather than to continue in the friendship and affection of the best of princes . for being stimulated with envie against his great benefactour , he raised a most impious and nefarious war against him , in no wise revering the laws of nature , forgetful of all oathes , affinity , and leagues . for constantine , like a most curteous emperour , that he might shew him the most convincing tokens of his sincere kindness , envied him not his own affinity , nor did he deny him the illustrious marriage of his sister : but vouchsafed to make him partaker of the a nobility he derived from his ancestours , and [ communicated to him ] his own antient lineage and imperial blood ; he also allowed him to enjoy an authority over all the roman empire , as being his kinsman and colleague in the empire ; nor had he given him a less portion of the roman provinces to rule over and govern , [ than he reserved to himself . ] but on the other hand , [ licinius ] acted quite contrary hereto , daily inventing all kinds of stratagems against him that was his better , devising all ways how to insnare him , that with mischiefs he might reward his benefactour . at first therefore attempting to conceal his treacheries , he counterfeited a friendship , and having several times assailed [ constantine ] by guile and deceit , he hoped to have easily obtained what he expected . but god was [ constantin's ] friend , guardian , and protectour : he brought to light and detected the intregues which were clancularly and secretly contrived against him . so powerfull a strength is that great armour of godliness [ endowed with , ] that it is both prevalent to repulse the enemy , and has also a power sufficient for its own preservation . with this armour our most pious emperour being fortified , escaped the many intricate snares of that accursed man. licinius therefore , perceiving that his secret plots did not succeed according to his expectation , ( because god discovered all his deceit and treachery to his beloved emperour , ) and knowing that he could lie no longer concealed , raiseth open war. but in that he determined to war against constantine , he likewise resolved to marshal an army against almighty god , whom he knew constantine worshipped . afterwards he begun secretly and by little and little to attack those pious men who lived under his government , who never intended the least molestation to his dominions . and this he did [ in regard ] he was miserably induced thereto , being blinded by his innate malice . therefore he did not set before his eyes the examples of those who had been persecutors of the christians before him ; nor yet of those whose destroyer and punisher he himself had been appointed , because of the height of those impieties , to which they were arrived : but , declining from the way of sober and right reason , or rather running perfectly mad , he resolved upon engaging with god himself ( because he was constantin's assistant , ) instead of [ constantine ] who was assisted by him . and first of all he banished all christians out of his family , leaving himself destitute ( miserable wretch ! ) of their prayers to god for him ; it being their commonly receiv'd doctrine that prayer should be made for all men . he afterwards gave command that all the officers in the b civil milice should be disbanded and turned out of their military preferments , except they were willing to sacrifice to devils . but these are but small things , if compared with his greater villanies , which ensued . to what end should we recount all and every particular fact , which this man , hated of god , committed ? how he , who was the greatest law breaker invented impious laws ? for he made an order , that no one should charitably relieve the poor distressed prisoners with meat , nor show the least compassion to those , who through hunger pined away in their fetters : that is , that there should no good man live , and that they who were led by [ the dictates of ] nature it self to have compassion on their neighbours , should be incapable of doing them any good . and this was clearly the most impudent , and cruel of of all laws , by far surpassing all that mildness and clemency implanted by nature : to which law also there was a penalty annexed , that they who shewed compassion upon the [ criminals ] should suffer the like afflictions with those towards whom they shew'd mercy : and that such as charitably ministered to those in bonds and confined to prison , should suffer the same punishment with them . such were licinius's ordinances . what need we reckon up his innovations concerning marriages , or his new laws about c dying persons ; whereby he presumptuously abrogated the ancient , good and wisely established roman laws , and instead of them introduced certain barbarous and inhumane ordinances , truly unjust and illegal ? he also invented several sorts of d taxes to the great oppression of the subjects of his provinces ; and all sorts of exactions of gold and silver ; e surveying of lands ; and that cursed way of getting lucre from countrey men which were not alive , but long since dead . besides these things , why should we reckon up the f proscriptions of innocent men which he , the enemy of mankind , was the inventer of ? and the imprisonments of men g nobly descended , and of an honourable repute ? whose youthfull wives he forced from them by violence , and delivered them to some of his impure slaves , that they might be most injuriously vitiated ? what need we number the married women , virgins , and maids , whom in his h decrepid age he abus'd , to the fulfilling of his own soul's insatiable lust ? what need is there [ i say ] of enlarging upon these things , whenas the exorbitant grosness of his last actions evinceth his first to be trivial and almost nothing ? in fine , he arrived to such an heighth of madness , that [ he made an attempt ] upon the bishops : and looking upon them ( in regard they were the servants of almighty god ) to be enemies to his practises ; ( but [ daring not ] as yet to use open violence , fearing his superiour , ) he privily and craftily plotted against them : and by the treacheries of his presidents destroyed the eminentest of them . the manner how he murthered them is strange , and such as was never before heard of . but his actions at amasia and the rest of the cities of pontus do far exceed the most superlative cruelty . where some of gods churches were again thrown down from their vast height to the very ground , and others were shut up , least any of those that did usually frequent them should meet there , and render a due worship to god. for he did not suppose that prayers were offered up for him , being perswaded to entertain such thoughts as these by a consciousness of his own impieties . but he was of opinion that all we did was in behalf of the pious emperour , and to render god favourable to him . upon which account he resolved to assail us with his utmost rage . therefore , those presidents that were his flatterers , being fully perswaded that this would be grateful to the tyrant , [ inflicted ] the same punishment upon some bishops that they usually imposed upon malefactours . so that harmless and innocent men were haled away , and without the least pretext punished like murtherers . but others of them underwent a new kind of death , having their bodies cut with a sword ( as butchers do meat ) into a great many pieces ; and after this barbarous and most horrid spectacle , they were thrown into the depths of the sea to be made food for the fishes . after this therefore , the worshippers of god betook themselves to flight ; and the fields , the deserts , the woods , and mountains were the receptacles of christ's servants . when the impious tyrant had succeeded thus prosperously in these his attempts , he afterwards entertained some thoughts of raising a general persecution against all the christians . and he had undoubtedly been master of his desire , nor could there have been any obstacle to hinder him from effecting of it , had not god the protectour of his own servants , ( that he might prevent what would immediately have ensued , ) caused constantine his servant suddenly to appear as a saviour and a great light to all that were in a thick darkness and an obscure night , conducting him with a mighty arm into these parts . chap. ix . concerning constantin's victory , and concerning the prosperity procured by him to all those that live under the power of the romans . a on this man therefore did [ god ] from above bestow trophies of victory over the ungodly , as being the worthy fruits of his piety . but the impious tyrant , together with all his counsellours and friends , he laid prostrate on their faces before the feet of constantine . for when * he was arrived at the highest degree of madness , the pious † emperour supposing he was not to be longer born with , b entring into a prudent and sober consideration with himself , and having tempered the severity of justice with [ his own natural ] clemency , resolves upon succouring of those that were oppressed by the tyrant ; and prepares to save a great part of mankind , by cutting off and removing out of the way a few pestilent and destructive persons . for having before this made use of clemency only , and shewing pity on him who deserved no compassion ; he did not profit him at all ; for he desisted not from [ the practise of his pristine ] impieties , but rather increased his fury against the subjects of his own provinces . there was no hope of deliverance now remaining to those that were oppressed and afflicted by this cruel beast . wherefore [ constantine ] the protector of all good men ( having tempered his hatred of impiety with his love of virtue ) together with his son crispus a most mild and courteous * caesar , marches forwards upon this expedition , reaching out a helping hand to all that were in distress . both the father therefore and the son , having for their captain and assistant the supream king , and the son of god the saviour of all men , divided the armie so , as on every side to encompass god's enemies , and got an easie victory ; all things in that action having been rendred facil , and successfully expedited for them by god according to their wish . immediately therefore even in the twinkling of an eye , they who yesterday and the day before breathed forth death and menaces , became wholly extinct , the remembrance even of their very names not in the least surviving them . their pictures also and other monuments [ dedicated to their honour ] received the deserved [ spots of ] ignominy ; and the same [ disgrace ] which licinius had with his own eyes beheld the impious tyrants heretofore involved in , even he himself in like manner suffered . for he himself received not instruction , nor was he amended by his neighbours stripes : but walking on in the same path of wickedness with them , deservedly wandred into the same precipice they did . thus was this person smitten and prostrated . but constantine the mighty conquerour , gloriously adorned with all the vertues of religion ( together with his son crispus , a prince highly beloved of god , and in all things like his father , ) recovered his own east , and reunited the roman empire into one entire body as it heretofore was : subjecting under c their peace the whole world [ which reaches ] from the rising sun to the utmost western regions , together with the provinces that lie round about as well towards the north as the south . men therefore were now secure from all fear of them who formerly had oppressed them , and celebrated splendid and solemn days of festivity . all things seemed to abound with fulness of light , and they who heretofore beheld each other with dejectedness and sorrow , then lookt upon each other with smiling countenances , and chearful eyes . in d dances also and songs , in every city and in the fields they first of all glorified god the king of kings , ( for thus they were instructed to do ) and in the next place the pious emperour , together with his children which were beloved of god. there was an oblivion of past afflictions , no remembrance of any impiety , but only an enjoyment of the present good things and expectations of more in future . in all places the edicts of the victorious emperour , full of kindness and clemency , and his laws containing manifest tokens of his great bounty and true piety , were proclaimed . all tyranny therefore being thus extirpated , the empire which did by right belong to constantine and his sons , was preserved firm and secure from envie . who ( after they had cleansed the world from the impiety of their predecessours ) being sensible of those great benefits which had been procured for them by god , e did by a most apparent and convincing testimony of their deeds declare to all men their love of vertue and of the deity , and also their piety and gratitude towards god. the end ( by god's assistance ) of the tenth book of eusebius pamphilus's ecclesiastical history . the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus , translated out of the greek according to the edition set forth by valesius , and printed at paris in the year . together with valesius's annotations on the said historian ; which are also done into english , and set at their proper places in the margin . hereunto also is annexed an account of the life and writings of the foresaid historian , collected by valesius , and translated into english . hinc lucem et pocula sacra printer's or publisher's device cambridge , printed by john hayes , printer to the university . . valesius's preface to the studious readers . after eusebius bishop of caesarea ( whom we may deservedly stile the father of ecclesiastick history , ) many inflamed with a pious emulation , undertook to treat of the same subject . but socrates , sozomen , and theodoret are in the judgment of all antiquity far more famous than all the other writers : who beginning from those times wherein eusebius concluded his ecclesiastick history , brought their work down to the times of theodosius junior . and at first i was resolved to have published these three writers together , that as they had prosecuted one and the same subject in their writings , so they might have also been comprehended and read in one and the same volume . but in regard this would hereby have been too large a volume , therefore i was forced to defer the edition of theodoret to another time . to which i will add evagrius epiphaniensis's ecclesiastick history , as also the excerptions of philostorgius and theodorus lector ; that the studious may in future read over the whole body of ecclesiastick history , publisht and explained by our labour . in the interim you have here ( reader ) joyned together in this volume socrates and sozomen . concerning what i have done about the edition of these authours , take this account in short . above eight years since , when by the command and advice of the most illustrious prelates belonging to the gallican clergy , i publisht the history of eusebius caesariensis , i made it my business to perform three things most especially in that edition . for first , having from all places procured those manuscript-copies that were most remarkable and eminent , i amended and differenced those passages which in the former editions had been corrupted and disguised . secondly , in regard the former translatours had , either by reason of their want of manuscript-copies , or on some other account , erred in many places , that their versions might not induce the readers into mistakes , i my self have elaborated a new translation , with which the studious will , i hope , be in future content . lastly , i have added annotations , that i might therein both give an account of mine amendments , and also explain and illustrate all the more obscure and difficult places . and this edition , being candidly received by all , is now in the hands of the learned . therefore , what i then ( by the divine assistance ) performed in the history of eusebius caesariensis , the same i have attempted now to do in the history of socrates and sozomen , by the command and advice of the same prelates i mentioned . for ( that i may in the first place speak concerning socrates , who first betook himself to write ) i have amended his history by the help and assistance of three manuscript-copies , to wit , the sfortian , the florentine , and the allatian . the sfortian-manuscript ( which is the best and ancientest , ) is at this time kept in the vatican library . this copy the learned lucas holstenius had sometime since ( in favour to the most illustrious carolus monchallus arch-bishop of tolouse ) compared with the geneva edition ; and had transmitted the various readings ( together with the emendations of philostorgius transcribed from the scoriacensian m. s. ) to the same prelate , at such time as the gallican clergy had committed to him the care of setting forth a new edition of the ancient ecclesiastick history ; so the said holstenius informs us , in his epistle to peter possinus a divine of the order of the jesuites . but afterwards , when by the entreaty of the same arch-bishop of tolouse ( who understood , that by reason of his too much other business , he could not be at leisure to take care of this edition ) the gallican clergy had injoyned me that province ; the same holstenius sent me the various readings of the fore mentioned sfortian-manuscript , written out with his own hand at the margin of the geneva edition , together with those amendments of philostorgius ; and had sent me more , had a longer life been granted him . for a little before his death he sent me some dissertations concerning certain passages in the nicene and chalcedon councills , and concerning synesius's episcopate . which dissertations shall ( god willing ) be published by us in the third tome of our ecclesiastick history , that the learned part of the world may be no longer defrauded of that most accomplished persons labours . the florentine-manuscript follows , transcribed about five hundred years since , which is now kept at florence , in saint laurence's library . the discovery and use of this manuscript i owe to emericus bigotius a most skilfull searcher into old libraries : by whose diligence it is contrived , that we sitting still and idle here enjoy the riches and treasures of many and most remote libraries . for at his entreaty , michael erminius , a senatour of florence , compared that copy with the geneva-edition , and transmitted the various readings thereof to me ; upon which account i do profess my self much oblieged to both of them . the third manuscript belongs to leo allatius , a person every way learned , and one that has deserved well of ecclesiastick antiquity . this copy contains the ecclesiastick history of theodorus lector , comprized in two books ; which theodorus lector had gathered out of three writers of ecclesiastick affairs , to wit , socrates , sozomen , and theodoret , after the same manner that cassiodorus senator has composed his tripertite history . but this tripertite history of theodorus lector comprehends only the affairs transacted in the church during the reign of constantine and constantius : whether the reason be , that theodorus lector continued his collection no further , or that the other books of that work are lost by the negligence of antiquity . out of this copy therefore leo allatius had some time since collected the various readings in the two former books of socrates , and transmitted them being written out with his own hand to the most illustrious prelate carolus monchallus . which i afterwards procured by the assistance of the most eminent dionysius talaeus advocate general to the most christian king in the supream court at paris . besides these three manuscript copies , i made use of the kings m. s. ( which is no very ancient one , ) which robert stephens made use of only in his edition . upon which account it is less to be wondred at , that the common editions of socrates have hitherto been so faulty , seeing they were all derived from one only copy , which also is a very modern one . moreover , this copy was taken out of the kings library , and courteously lent me by the most illustrious and reverend prelate nicolaus colbertus bishop of lusson , a person endowed with eminent learning , virtue , and dignity . concerning whose praise i would speak more in this place , did not his singular modesty hinder me , who am very desirous thereof . and these are the assistances of the manuscript copies , by the supports whereof i attempted this edition of socrates . but in the correcting of sozomen's history i had the benefit of fewer manuscript copies . for besides that copy in the king's library , which robert stephens followed in his edition , and besides that copy belonging to leo allatius ( whereof we made mention before , ) which was an assistance to us only in the four first books of sozomen , and in the beginning of the fifth ; i had only the fuketian manuscript . this copy did at first belong to carolus monchallus arch-bishop of tolouse , a person very studious of ecclesiastick history . but afterwards it was put into the fuketian library , and lent to me by the most worthy nicolaus fuketius . upon which account in my annotations i have called this the fuketian manuscript . but at length , when our edition was compleated , this copy ( together with the other manuscripts belonging to the fuketian library ) was transferred into the right and possession of the most illustrious and eminent person , on account both of his own and his fathers deserts , carolus mauricius tellerius , abbot of saint benignus , who at this time is coadjutor in the arch-bishoprick of rheimes . indeed this is no very ancient manuscript , but 't is of the best note , and is transcribed from a most correct copy . the titles of the chapters , which in the king's manuscript , and in robert stephen's edition , are prefixt before the history of sozomen , are wanting in this copy . nor is there any distinction of the chapters throughout all the books . from whence may be discerned the excellency and antiquity of that manuscript . for the titles or contents of the chapters were made by nicephorus callistus , or rather by some other more modern authour , and are wholly impertinent , and barbarously expressed . in so much that after i had lookt thereon with a greater accuracy , they seemed to have been composed by some other hand , rather than by nicephorus . moreover , that i may not defraud any person of his due praise , i acknowledge my self indebted to samuel tennulius ( a very learned person , and one that is a great lover of me , at present an eminent professour of litterature at nimmeghen ) for the various readings in the history of sozomen and theodoret , collected out of the fore mentioned allatian manuscript , that is , out of the tripertite history of theodorus lector . for whilst he was at rome , he transcribed them with his own hand from leo allatius's copy , a person never praised enough ; who by my entreaty and for my sake had delivered those various readings to the said tennulius , that he might write them out . by the help of these copies therefore i have amended , innumerable places both in socrates and also in sozomen , which were very corrupt before , i have supplied many defects , restored many punctations and distinctions , and lastly i have added a new version . concerning which i will now speak briefly . what i have heretofore said concerning musculus's and christophorson's translation in my preface to the illustrious prelates of the gallican church , which is prefixt before the edition of our eusebius , i need not now repeat . i will only add this ; if after those translatours now named the history of eusebius caesariensis wanted a new interpreter , a new version of socrates and sozomen was much more necessary . for their histories have come to our hands far more faulty than eusebius's . and that the judicious reader will easily discern from robert stephens's edition . for robert stephens , in his edition of eusebius , had the use of many manuscript copies , which were taken out of the king's library : but in his impression of socrates's and sozomen's history , he had but one copy of each of them . therefore at the end of his edition , he remarkt the various readings in the books of eusebius taken out ( as he says ) of most ancient copies . but at the close of socrates's and sozomen's history he put no various readings , because he had gotten but one copy of each of those writers . also , the copies of eusebius , which stephens made use of , were the best and ancientest , as he himself attests . but each copy , as well that of socrates's as the other of sozomen's history , which robert stephens followed in his edition , was , as we perceive , very new , and did also abound with many faults . 't is therefore no wonder , that learned men have been so often mistaken in their versions of socrates's and sozomen's books , since they had such faulty and maimed copies before them , and were deprived of the assistance of manuscripts . for musculus had seen robert stephen's edition only . christophorson had indeed inspected some manuscript copies of eusebius and theodoret. but he had no manuscripts of socrates and sozomen , as i have frequently observed in my annotations . he had only seen the various readings and conjectures of learned men set at the margin of robert stephens his edition : of which sort many copies came to our hands . but those readings were almost of no weight or authority at all , in as much as they had no remark annext of the ancient copy out of which they were transcribed . but i , having got the best and ancientest manuscripts , as well of socrates , as sozomen ; and with great labour and industry compared them with the common editions ; afterwards took an easier and plainer way to their translation . this edition of ours therefore will ( we hope ) equally satisfie all persons , as well those that are skilled in the greek tongue , as them that are not . for , both those that are knowing in the greek language will read socrates and sozomen amended and throughly purged by our labour ; and such as are less skilled in the greek will easier understand those authours done into latine by us . our annotations follow ; wherein , in the same manner as in our notes on eusebius , we have attempted to perform two things . the first is , to give an account of our emendations , and to propose to the readers judgment the various readings taken out of the manuscript copies . then secondly , to illustrate ( according to our ability ) the more obscure and difficult places , which seemed to be able to involve the readers judgment in doubts . nor am i ignorant , that there are many delicate and fastidious persons , who may think that they have exhibited to them some exquisite observations onely , and common places ( as they are called , ) composed for shew and ostentation ; and who may suppose that that part of our annotations , which contains emendations and various readings , is altogether trivial and despicable . to which persons i would make this return : although those emendations and various readings ( which the greeks term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) may frequently be insipid , and seem troublesome to the readers , yet they are highly usefull , and altogether necessary , especially in these writers , whose books have come to our hands less correct . now that socrates's and sozomens's books are such , we have before mentioned and indeed our observations doe bear a greater shew of learning : but an emendation in my opinion requires more of wisedom and judiciousness . neither is it for every man to give his opinion concerning the true and genuine reading of antique writers : but he only is able to do this , who is furnished with a manifold stock of learning , and has been long and much exercised in this art of judging . and these are the particulars i thought necessary to advertize the readers of in the beginning of this work , that they might know at first sight what they were chiefly to expect in this edition of ours , which could not be met with in the former editions of this history . it remaines now , that we speak something concerning socrates and sozomen : who and what manner of persons they were , what course of life they followed , what religion they professed , and which of them first wrote his history . concerning the life and writings of socrates and sozomen . our socrates therefore , for we will begin with him , had constantinople for his countrey . in the fifth book of his history , chap. . he attests that he was born and educated in that city , and that he therefore recorded those matters chiefly which hapned in that city . when very young he was instructed in the rules of grammer , by helladius and ammonius , grammarians , who at that time had left alexandria , and betook themselves to constantinople . he that is desirous to know the reason why these grammarians departed from alexandria , will find it related by socrates , in the fifth book and sixteenth chapter of his history . for when the heathen-temples were demolished at alexandria , by the care and industry of theophilus bishop of that city , helladius and ammonius , grammarians ( the one of whom was jupiter's priest , and the other simius's at alexandria , ) displeased at the ignominy their gods were exposed to , having left the city alexandria , went to constantinople , and there took up their habitation . moreover , the heathen-temples at alexandria were destroyed when timasius and promotus were consuls , ( according to marcellinus's relation in his chronicon , ) which was the emperour theodosius's eleventh year . whence it is apparent , that our socrates was born about the beginning of theodosius's reign . for boyes were usually sent to be instructed by grammarians when they were about ten years old . after this socrates studied rhetorick under the tuition of troilus the sophista , who about that time was an eminent professour of eloquence at constantinople . our socrates does not indeed say thus much in express words . but the attentive and diligent reader will easily collect from his words that which i have affirmed . for he does make such frequent , and so honourable a mention of him , that he may seem to pay a reward to his master . for he names his country , side , a city of pamphylia . he also mentions not a few of his schollars , to wit , eusebius scholasticus , and silvanus and ablabius who were bishops . lastly , in his seventh book he relates that anthemius the prefect of the praetorium ( who , whilst theodosius junior was yet a minor , was the chief minister of state in the empire ) did chiefly make use of the councels of troilus the sophista . where he also gives him this elogue : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for that must be the reading , as we have intimated in our * notes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , who besides the philosophy that was in him , was anthemius's equal in political knowledge . by these reasons i have been induced to think that our socrates had troilus for his rhetorick-master . but concerning this matter we permit every one to determine according to his own arbitrement . further , you must know that the ancients were not so speedy and hasty in [ their learning the rules of ] eloquence , as is now a daies usual , but they applied their minds to those studies for a long time together . gregory nazianzen attests ( in his poem concerning his own life ) that he left athens in the thirtieth year of his age , as soon as he had learned the precepts of the art of oratory in that city . after this , socrates having left troilus's school , betook himself to the forum , and pleaded causes at constantinople . whence he got the surname of scholasticus . for so the advocates were at that time called , as it has long since been remarked by others : * not because they were reduced into schools : but in regard , being young-men that had left the schools of the rhetoricians , they professed this art. but at length , having left off his practice in the law , he applied his mind to writing of his ecclesiastick history . in which work he has made use of a singular judiciousness and diligence . his judiciousness is manifested by his remarkes and sentiments interwoven every where throughout his books : than which there is ( in my opinion ) nothing more excellent . but his diligence is declared by many other instances , chiefly by this , in regard he frequently annexes a note of the times , that is , the consulates and olympiades , especially where he mentions such matters as are more momentous . nor has he carelesly or negligently written his history , 〈…〉 rufinus aquileïensis did , who seems to me to have composed his two books of ecclesiastick history ( which he annexed to eusebius's ) without looking into any records . our socrates did far otherwise , for having from all places got together the best monuments , that is , the epistles of prelates , the acts of synods , and the books of ecclesiastick writers , agreeable to their authority he composed his history . and whereas in the first edition of his work , having therein followed rufinus , he had placed the synod of tyre , and the banishment of athanasius into the gallia's in the reign of constantius augustus , upon reading of athanasius's books afterwards , he perceived his errour . wherefore he was necessitated to set forth a new edition of his history , wherein he both mended the mistake i have mentioned , and also made an addition of some other things , which were wanting in the former edition , as he himself attests at the beginning of his second book . whence it appears how highly we ought to value socrates's history , to which the writer himself put his last * hand . in the composure of his history socrates has made use of a plain and mean stile ; which was done by him on set purpose , that he might the easier be understood by all persons , as himself attests at the beginning of his first and third book . for he lookt upon that sublime and eloquent manner of expression to be more agreeable for panegyrick-orations , than an history of ecclesiastick affairs . moreover , he has dedicated his history to one theodorus , whom in the beginning of his second book he stiles a sacred man of god , which is the same appellation our eusebius gives to paulinus bishop of tyre at the beginning of his tenth book . but who this theodorus was , it is to me unknown . for i cannot believe it was theodorus bishop of mopsuestia , in regard socrates wrote his history after the death of theodorus mopsuestenus . but it is now time for us to inquire concerning his sect and religion , as we promised at the beginning . baronius in his annalls , and philippus labbaeus in his book de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , do affirm that our socrates was by sect a † novatian . the same was nicephorus's opinion before it was theirs , who in the proeme to his ecclesiastical history says thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , that socrates surnamed * catharus , but as to his mind he was not pure . which words are not so to be understood , as if socrates were surnamed catharus , but that it might be shown he was a novatian . for the novatians termed themselves cathari , as we are informed from the eighth canon of the nicene councill . the same nicephorus ( in his th book and chap. . ) writes thus concerning socrates : socrates ( who in this place plainly shews himself not to be a detester of the novatian principles ) relates that these things were told him by a certain old man , &c. now , why our socrates was by many accounted a novatian , the reasons are not few , nor trivial . for first , he carefully records the series of the novatian-bishops , who presided over their church at constantinople from the times of constantine , and also remarks the consulates wherein every one of them departed out of this life . secondly , he highly extols them all , especially agerius , sisinius , chrysanthus , and paulus . by whose prayers , as he relates , a certain miracle was wrought at constantinople . lastly , he prosecutes all matters belonging to the novatian sect with so great a care and diligence , that he may seem to have been addicted to this sect. but should any one examine these particulars with a greater accuracy , he will find nothing in them , that may evince our socrates to have been a novatian . for with the like diligence he enumerates the arian-bishops , who governed their church at constantinople ; and yet it is not said he was an arian . with no less carefulness also has he related all things that hapned to the arians , eunomians , and macedonians at constantinople , than he has recorded what befell the novatians . the reason hereof he himself has given , in chap. . of his fifth book . where he says , it was his design to record those things most especially which hapned at constantinople ; both because he himself lived in that city , wherein he had been born and educated ; and also in regard the affairs transacted there were more eminent , and worthier to be recorded . but should any one object , that the arian-bishops are not extolled by socrates at the same rate that the novatian-bishops are ; the answer hereto is easie . for the arian-bishops , who then lived at constantinople , were far inferiour to the novatian-bishops . for the church of these hereticks did in those times abound with many and those eminent prelates : which sozomen also confirms by his testimony , who records their elogues , exactly like those given them by our socrates . wherefore , it must either be said that sozomen was also a novatian , or else our socrates must be discharged from that calumny . but 't is manifest sozomen was not a novatian . for ( to omit theodorus lector's testimony , who , in his epistle prefixt before his tripertite-history , stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a most blessed person , ) he himself in his th book relates , that he was present at a publick procession , celebrated at constantinople in honour of fourty martyrs , at such time as proclus presided over the church of that city . whence 't is manifestly concluded , that sozomen was a person of the catholick communion , in regard he was present at the publick prayers together with the catholicks . i confess indeed , that our socrates does frequently favour the novatians ; for instance , when he recounts the ringleader of the novatian-heresie amongst the number of the martyrs ; when he affirms , that the novatians were joyned to the catholicks in the ties of a most intimate friendship and love , and that they prayed together with them in the church of god ; and lastly , when he commends sisinius's oration , which he made against this saying of saint crysostom , although thou hast repented a thousand times , approach . but 't is one thing to favour the novatians ; another to be a novatian . our socrates might indeed be a favourer of the novatians , either because he was engaged in a friendship and familiarity with them , or in regard he approved of their discipline and abstinence . for , as far as we can collect from his books , he was something severe . but i can hardly perswade my self , that he was a novatian ; especially when as i seem to have found the contrary from some places which occur in his history . for first , in chap. . of his second book , he frequently calls the catholicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those of the church ; and opposes them to the novatians . therefore he acknowledges that the novatians were without the church . which he would certainly never have done , had he embraced that heresie . besides , in the . and . chapters of his fifth book he reckons the novatians amongst the hereticks , to wit , amongst the arians , macedonians , and eunomians . lastly , from chap. . of the same book it may be apparently concluded that socrates was not a novatian . for first , he always calls the church simply and absolutely the catholick-church : opposing it to the churches of other sects , concerning which he treats in the following chapters , to wit , of the arians , novatians , and eunomians . then , he does not obscurely reprehend that advice of nectarius who abrogated the † paenitentiary presbyter . for he says that hereby licence was given to sinners , whenas there was no body that might reprove offenders . which opinion could not proceed from a novatian , in regard those hereticks admitted neither of repentance [ after baptism , ] nor of a penitentiary-presbyter , as socrates does there attest . add hereto the testimony of theodorus lector , who , in his epistle prefixt before his ecclesiastick history , calls socrates , sozomen and theodoret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , men that were pious and acceptable to god. moreover , theodorus lector lived in the same city , and almost at the same time that socrates did , to wit , in the reign of the emperour anastasius . lastly , petrus halloixius ( in his notes on the life of saint irenaeus , pag. , ) is of the same opinion with us . for , disputing against baronius , who at the year of christ . had written thus ; these things socrates the novatian , who with the jews celebrated easter on the fourteenth day of the moon , &c. he utters these words . and whereas socrates is termed a novatian , that may be taken in a double sence : the one is , that he sometimes favoured the novatians ; which also bellarmine affirms ( in his book de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , at the year of our lord . ) both concerning him , and likewise concerning sozomen . the other is , that he was [ a follower ] of the novatian-heresie . in the now cited chapter , he neither shews himself to be a novatian , nor a favourer of them . for he blames them , and detects their dissensions and vices ; in so much that he may seem not to have been a friend , but an enemy , or rather neither of the two , but a declarer of the truth , which is the business of an historian . thus far concerning socrates , we must now speak of sozomen . hermias sozomen was also a practiser in the law at constantinople , at the same time with socrates . his ancestours were not mean , they were originally palestinians , inhabitants of a certain village neer gaza called bethelia . this village did in times past abound with a numerous company of inhabitants , and had most stately and ancient churches . but the most glorious structure of them all was the pantheon , scituated on an artificial hill , which was the tower as it were of bethelia , as sozomen relates in chap. . of his fifth book . the grandfather of hermias sozomen was born in that village , and first converted to the christian faith by hilarion the monk. for when alaphion an inhabitant of the same village was possessed with a devil ; and the jews and physitians , attempting to cure him , could do him no good by their inchantments , hilarion by a bare invocation of the name of god cast out the devil . sozomen's grandfather , and alaphion himself , amazed at this miracle , did with their whole families embrace the christian religion . the grandfather of sozomen was eminent for his expositions of the sacred scriptures , being a person endowed with a polite wit , and an acuteness of understanding . besides , he was indifferently well skilled in literature . therefore he was highly esteemed of by the christians inhabiting gaza , ascalon , and the places adjacent , in regard he was usefull and necessary for [ the propagating of ] religion , and could easily unloose the knots of the sacred scriptures . but alaphion's descendants excelled others for their sanctity of life , kindness to the indigent , and for their other virtues : and they were the first that built churches and monasteries there , as sozomen attests in the place before cited . where he also adds , that some holy persons of alaphion's family were surviving even in his days , with whom he himself , when very young , was conversant , and concerning whom he promises to speak more afterwards . undoubtedly he means salamanes , phusco , malchio , and crispio brothers , concerning whom he speaks in chap. . of his sixth book . for he says that these brethren , instructed in the monastick discipline by hilarion , were during the empire of valens eminent in the monasteries of palestine : and that they lived neer bethelia , a village in the country of the gazites . for they were descendants of a noble family amongst them . he mentions the same persons in his eighth book and fifteenth chapter , where he says crispio was epiphanius's arch-deacon . 't is apparent therefore , that those brethren i have mentioned were extracted from alaphion's family . now alaphion was related to sozomen's grandfather . which i conjecture from hence , first , because the grandfather of sozomen is said to have been converted ( together with his whole family ) to the christian religion upon account of alaphion's wonderfull cure , whom hilarion had healed , by calling on the name of the omnipotent god. further , this conjecture is confirmed by what sozomon relates , to wit , that he , when very young , was familiarly conversant with the aged monks that were of alaphion's family . and lastly , in regard sozomen took his name from those persons who were either the sons or grandchildren of alaphion . for he was called salamanes hermias sozomenus ( as photius attests in his bibliotheca ) from the name of that salamanes , who , as we observed before , was phusco's , malchio's , and crispio's brother . wherefore that mistake of nicephorus's , and others , must be amended , who suppose that sozomen had the surname of salaminius , because he was born at salamine a city of cyprus . but we have before demonstrated from sozomen's own testimony , that he was not born in cyprus , but in palestine . for his grandfather was not only a palestinian , as is above said , but sozomen himself was also educated in palestine , in the bosome ( as i may say ) of those monks that were of alaphio's family . from which education sozomen seems to me to have imbibed that most ardent love of a monastick life and discipline , which he declares in many places of his history . hence 't is , that in his books he is not content to relate , who were the fathers and founders of monastick philosophy ; but he also carefully relates their successours and disciples , who both in egypt , syria , and palestine , and also in pontus , armenia , and osdroëna , followed this way of life . hence also it is , that in the twelfth chapter of the first book of his history , he has proposed to be read ( in the beginning as it were ) that gorgeous elogue of monastick philosophy . for he supposed , that he should have been ungratefull , had he not after this manner at least made a return of thanks to those , in whose familiarity he had lived , and from whom , when he was a youth , he had received such eminent examples of a good converse . for that he himself intimates , in the proeme to his first book . but it is collected that sozomen was educated at gaza , not onely from this place which i have mentioned , but also from chap. . of his seventh book , where sozomen says that he himself had seen zeno bishop of majuma . this majuma is a sea-port belonging to the gazites . which bishop , although he was almost an hundred years old , yet was never absent from the morning and evening hymns , unless it hapned that he was detained by a disease . after this sozomen applied himself to the profession of the law. he was a student in the civil law at berytus , a city of phoenicia , not far distant from his own country , where there was a famous civil-law-school . but he practised the law at constantinople , as himself attests in his second book and third chapter : and yet he seems not to have been very much employed in pleading of causes . for at the same time that he was an advocate in constantinople , he wrote his ecclesiastick history ; which may be concluded from his own words . for thus he says ( book . chap. . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but what hapned to aquilinus , a person at this time conversant with me , and one that pleads causes in the same court of judicature , i will necessarily relate , partly as i heard it from him , and partly as i my self saw it . further , before he wrote his nine books of ecclesiastick history , sozomen composed a breviary of ecclesiastick affairs , from our saviours ascension to the deposition of licinius . which work was comprized in two books , as himself attests in the proeme to his first book . but those two books are lost by length of time . in the composure of his history , sozomen has made use of a stile neither too low , nor too high , but between both : which stile is most agreeable to a writer of ecclesiastick affairs . photius ( in his bibliotheca ) prefers sozomen's stile before socrates's . with whom we agree . but by how much sozomen is superiour for the elegancy of his expression , by so much socrates exceeds upon account of his judiciousness . for socrates judges incomparably well , both of men , and also of ecclesiastick business and affairs . there is nothing in him but what is grave and serious . nothing that you can expunge as superfluous . but on the contrary , some passages occur in sozomen that are trivial and childish . of this sort is his digression in his first book concerning the building of the city hemona , and concerning the argonauts , who carried the ship argo on their shoulders some furlongs . also his description of daphne without the walls of the city antioch , which occurs at chap. . of his sixth book . and that observation of his concerning the beauty of the body , where he treats of that virgin , with whom the blessed athanasius absconded a long while . lastly , his ninth book contains little else besides warlike events , between which and an ecclesiastick history there is no agreement . besides , sozomen's stile , which photius prefers before that of socrates , wants not its faults . for i have observed , that the periods are by sozomen no otherwise joyned together , than by these particles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; than which there is nothing more troublesome . should any one attentively read that epistle wherein sozomen dedicates his work to theodosius junior , he will find that which i have said to be certainly true , to wit , that sozomen was no great oratour . it remains , that we inquire which of these * two authours wrote first , and which of them borrowed , or rather stole from the other . certainly , in regard both of them wrote almost the same things of the same transactions , in as much as they both began at the same beginning , and concluded their history at the same boundary , ( both beginning from the reign of constantine , and ending at the seventeenth consulate of theodosius junior ; ) it must needs be true , that one of them robbed the others desk . which sort of theft ( as porphyrius attests in eusebius's tenth book of evangelick preparation ) was committed by many of the grecian writers . but which was the plagiary , socrates or sozomen , 't is hard to say , in regard both of them lived in the same times , and both wrote their history in the empire of theodosius junior . therefore , in the disquisition of this question , we must make use of conjecture . in such a case as this porphyrius in the before quoted book ( when it was uncertain whether hyperides stole from demosthenes , or demosthenes from hyperides , because both of them lived at the same time , ) openly declared that conjecture was to be made use of . let us therefore see upon which of them falls the suspicion of theft . indeed this is my sentiment , i do suppose that the inferiour does frequently steal from the superiour , and the junior from the seniour . but sozomen is in my judgment far inferiour to socrates ; and he betook himself to writing his history when he was younger then socrates . for he wrote it whilst he was yet an advocate , as i observed before . now , the profession of the advocates amongst the romans was not perpetual , but temporary . lastly , he that adds something to the other , and sometimes amends the other , seems to have written last . but sozomen now and then adds some passages to socrates , and in some places dissents from him , as photius has observed , and we have hinted in our annotations . sozomen therefore seems to have written last . and this is the opinion of almost all modern writers ; who place socrates before sozomen . so bellarmine in his book de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis ; who is followed by miraeus , labbaeus , and vossius . amongst the ancients , cassiodorus , photius and nicephorus name socrates in the first place . although cassiodorus is found to have varied . for in his preface to the tripertite history , in a clean contrary order he names theodoret in the first place , sozomen in the second , and socrates last . so also does theodorus lector recount them , in his epistle which he prefixt before the tripertite history . thus far concerning sozomen . the first book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . chap. i. the preface to the whole book . eusebius pamphilus having compil'd an ecclesiastick history in ten entire books , concluded it in the reign of constantine the emperour : at which time also the a persecution against the christians ceased , [ which had been begun ] by diocletian . the same authour , in the books he wrote concerning the life of constantine , has made but a b slight relation of the matters relating to arius : for he was more carefull about the praises of the emperour , and about a panagyrical sublimity in his expressions , as it is usually done in [ the composition of ] an encomium , than about an accurate and exact account of what was done . but we , purposing to commit to writing the ecclesiastick affaires from those times to these our own days , will begin our history c from those things which he has left untouch't : we shall not be over curious about the grandeur of our stile , but what things soever we have found upon record , or have heard from such as were present at the transactions thereof , we will particularly relate . and because it is conducive to our designe , to declare after what manner constantine was converted to the christian religion , according to our ability we will speak something of that matter . chap. ii. after what manner constantine the emperour was converted to the christian religion . a we will begin from those times , wherein diocletian and maximian sirnam'd herculius , having by a mutual compact resign'd their empire , embrac'd a private life : and maximian sirnam'd galerius , who had been colleague in the empire with them , came into italy , and created two caesars , maximin in the eastern parts [ of the empire , ] and severus in italy . b but in brittaine constantine was proclaimed emperour , in the room of constantius his father , c who died in the first year of the two hundredth seventy first olympiad , on the five and twentieth day of the month july . [ lastly ] at rome , maxentius the sun of maximianus herculius was by the pretorian souldiers advanced to be a tyrant rather then an emperour . hereupon herculius passionately desirous of reassuming his imperiall authority , endeavoured to destroy his son maxentius . but he was hindred from doing that by the souldiers afterwards d he died at tarsus a city of cilicia . severus caesar being sent to rome by e galerius maximianus to take maxentius , was betrayed by his own souldiers and put to death . last of all died galerius maximianus also , who was now f the supream person in the empire , having before his death constituted licinius emperour ; he was a native of dacia , and had for a long time been galerius's fellow souldier , and confident . maxentius in the mean while treated the romans severely , behaving himself like a tyrant rather than an emperour towards them : impudently debauching the wives of persons gentilely extracted ; killing many , and perpetrating such like facts as these . whereof when constantine the emperour had notice , he made it his business to deliver the romans from that servitude he had pressed them with ; and immediately became sollicitously inquisitive how he might destroy the tyrant : whilst he was in this deep cogitation , he considered with himself what deity he should invoke to be his assistant and tutelar god in this expedition . it came into his mind that the strict worship of the heathen gods had not in the least availed diocletian ; and he found that his father constantius having relinquished the superstition of the grecians , had led a more fortunate and prosperous life . whilst therefore he was [ engaged ] in this doubtfull deliberation , and upon the march with his army some whither , there hapned to appear to him a wonderfull and unexpressible vision . for about noon , when the day began now to decline somewhat towards after noon , he saw in [ the face of ] the heavens a pillar of light , in figure like unto a cross , with this inscription on it , by this be thou conquerour . the emperour stood amaz'd at this apparition . and , almost disbelieving his own eyes , he asked them that were present , whether they also saw the same sight ; which when they all had unanimously agreed in , [ the mind of ] the emperour was corroborated by that divine and wonderfull apparition . the night following christ appeared to him in his sleep , and said unto him , make a standard in figure like that which appeared [ to thee ] and make use of it , as an infallible and ready trophy , against thine enemies . in obedience to this [ heavenly ] oracle , he orders a trophy to be made , in figure like a cross , which is kept in the pallace to this day . after this he proceeded in the dispatch of affairs with a greater vigour and alacrity of mind , and having engaged the enemy before the very gates of rome , neer the bridge called milvius , he got the victory ; maxentius being drown'd in the river . this was now the g seventh year of constantin's reign , when he got the victory over maxentius . after these [ atchievements ] whilst licinius his collegue ( who was also his brother in law , by the marriage of his sister constantia ) resided in the east , he also having received so many and such great favours from god , offered thanksgivings to him his great benefactor ; which were of this sort , he put a stop to the persecution against the christians ; he recall'd those that were in exile ; he released such as were confined in prison , and restored their estates to those that had been proscribed ; he repaired the churches , and all these things he did with great alacrity of mind . h about this time diocletian , who had resigned his imperial power , died at salona , a city of dalmatia . chap. iii. how whilst constantine augmented [ the prosperity of ] the christians , licinius his collegue persecuted them . now constantine the emperour professing himself a christian , did all things beseeming his profession ; he erected the churches and adorn'd them with most magnificent consecrated gifts : moreover , he shut up and demolished the temples of the heathens , and † exposed the images placed therein . but licinius his collegue , adhering to the opinions of the heathens , hated the christians : he forbore raising an open persecution against them , because he fear'd the emperour constantine : but in a clandestine manner he ensnared many of them : and at length proceeded to open violence against them . this persecution was locall : for it raged in those parts only * where licinius made his residence . but in regard constantine was in no wise unacquainted with these , and other such like his tyrannous outrages , licinius being sensible that he highly resented these proceedings , betook himself to the making of his apology before him ; and having appeased him by his obsequiousness , he hypocritically made an amicable league with him , binding himself by many oaths , that in future he would never attempt any thing that was tyrannical . but at the same time that he swore , he was also perjured . for he desisted not from his tyrannick [ conspiracies against constantine ] nor ceased he from persecuting the christians . for by a decree he prohibited the bishops from frequenting the houses of heathens , that there might be no pretence of propagating the christian religion . this persecution was at the same time open and secret . it was concealed and disguised in words ; but in reality and deeds it was apparent . for those that lay under its pressures , endured most deplorable afflictions [ and losses ] in their bodies , and as to their estates . chap. iv. that there was a war raised betwixt constantine and licinius upon account of the christians . these proceedings rais'd the highest indignation in the emperour constantine [ against licinius : ] and , the feigned league of friendship which was betwixt them being broken , they became enemies to each other . not long after they entred into an actual war against one another : and having fought several set-battels both by sea and land , at length licinius was vanquished at chrysopolis of bithynia , a port-town of the chalcedonensians , and yielded himself . constantine having taken him alive , treated him kindly : and would in no wise slay him , but commanded him to reside at thessalonica peaceably and without making any disturbance . but having liv'd quietly a while , he afterwards gathered into a body some of the barbarians , and attempted to recover his overthrow , and renew the war. constantine being informed hereof , commanded that he should be put to death , and accordingly he was slain . constantine having now the sole power and command over the whole [ roman empire ] and being proclaimed a emperour and augustus , endeavoured again to augment the affairs of the christians : which he effected divers ways : and by his means christianity enjoyed a profound and secure peace . but an intestine war amongst the christians themselves succeeded this so firm a peace . what manner of war this was , and how it began , in the sequel according to my ability i will relate . chap. v. concerning arius's contest with alexander the bishop . after peter , bishop of alexandria , who suffer'd martyrdom in the reign of diocletian , achillas succeeded in that see. after achillas [ succeeded ] alexander , in the time of the forementioned peace . he living in times that were more calm and secure , adorned and set his church in order . discoursing one day in the presence of his presbyters , and the rest of his clergy , too curiously concerning the [ mystery of ] the holy trinity , he asserted this point of divinity , that there was an unity in the trinity . but arius one of the presbyters placed under alexander ( a man of no mean skill in the faculty of reasoning , supposing that the bishop design'd to introduce the opinion of * sabellius the libyan , desirous to be perverse and contentious , deflected to an opinion that was diametrically opposite to that of subellius , and as he thought , sharply and nimbly opposed the bishop's assertions , arguing thus . if the father begot the son , he that was begotten hath a beginning of his existence . and from hence it is apparent , that there was a time , when the son was not . whence this is a necessary consequence , that he derives his existence from nothing . chap. vi. how from this contention there arose a division in the church ; and how alexander bishop of alexandria deposed arius and his complices . arius having drawn this conclusion from these new assertions , excited many to that question ; and from this small spark was kindled a great fire . for the mischief having been begun in the church of alexandria overran all aegypt , libya and the upper thebaïs ; and at length consumed the rest of the cities and provinces . many there were that did patronize arius's opinion , but more especially eusebius was a maintainer of it , ( not that eusebius who was bishop of caesarea , but another , who formerly had been bishop of the church of berytus ; but was then surreptitiously crept into the bishoprick of nicomedia in bithynia . ) alexander hearing and seeing what was done , became highly enraged , and having convened a council of many bishops , he degraded arius and those that embraced his opinion ; and wrote to the [ bishops ] of every city , as followeth . the letter of alexander [ bishop ] of alexandria . to our well beloved and dearest fellow-ministers of the catholick church in all places , alexander [ wisheth ] health in the lord. a whereas there is one body of the catholick church , and 't is commanded in the holy scriptures that we keep the bond of peace and concord , it is requisite that we should write , and inform one another of what things are done amongst us , to the end , that if one member suffer , or rejoyce , we may either joyntly rejoyce , or suffer together . in our diocess therefore there are lately started up men that are impious and enemies of christ , who teach such apostacy , as any one may judge , and justly term the fore-runner of antichrist . and this i would most gladly have buried in silence , that the mischief might have been consumed by being included amongst the apostates only , least haply by its further progress into other places it should have infected the ears of the simple . but because eusebius now bishop of nicomedia , supposing that the affairs of the church are wholly at his dispose , ( in regard , having deserted the church of berytus , he has sordidly coveted that of nicomedia , and has not been prosecuted by any , ) does patronize even these apostates , and has boldly attempted to write letters up and down in commendation of them , that thereby he might seduce some ignorant persons into this worst and most displeasing heresie to christ : i thought it therefore necessary , being sensible of what is written in the law , to be no longer silent , but to give you all notice , that you might know those that are the apostates , and likewise the detestable expressions of their heresie , and that if eusebius write to you , you should give no heed to him . for he , at this time desirous to renew his pristine malevolence which seemed to have been silenced [ and forgot ] by length of time , pretends indeed to write letters on their behalf , but in reality he declares , that he uses his utmost diligence to do this upon his own account . now these are the names of those which are turn'd apostates ; arius , achillas , aithales , carpones , another arius , sarmates , euzoïus , lucius , julianus , menas , helladius , and gaius ; secundus also and theönas , who were sometimes stiled bishops . b and these are their tenets which they have invented and do assert contrary to the authority of scripture . god , they say , was not always a father ; but there was a time when god was not a father . the word of god was not from everlasting , but had his beginning from nothing . for god , who is , made him , who was not , of nothing . therefore there was a time when he was not : for the son is a creature and a work : neither is he like to the father as to his essence , nor is he by nature the genuine word of the father , nor his true wisdom . c but he is one of his works , and one of his creatures : and ▪ is only improperly stiled the word and the wisedom : d for he himself exists by the proper word of god , and by the wisedom that is in god , by which god made all things and him also . wherefore he is by nature mutable and subject to change , as well as all other rational beings . so that the word is different , disagreeable , and separate from the essence of god ; and the father cannot be declared or set forth by the son , and e is invisible to him . for the son does not perfectly and accurately know the father , neither can he perfectly behold him : for the son knows not his own essence , what it is . for our sakes he was made , that god might make use of him , as an instrument , in order to our creation , nor had he ever existed , had it not pleas'd god to create us . and when one asked them , if the word of god could be changed , as the devil was , they were not afraid to answer , yes certainly he may : for he is of a nature subject to change , f in that he is begotten and created . we therefore with the bishops of aegypt , and g libya , neer a hundred in number , being met together , have * anathematized arius , for these his principles , and for his impudent assertion of them , together with all his adherents . but eusebius has given them entertainment , endeavouring to mix falshood with truth , and impiety with piety : but he shall not prevail : for truth getteth the victory : and light has no communion with darkness , nor hath christ any agreement with ●elial . for who ever heard the like ? or what man if he should now hear them would not be amazed thereat , and stop his ears , least the filth of this doctrine should penetrate and infect them ? what man is he , that when he hears these words of saint john , in the beginning was the word , will not condemn those that affirm , there was a time when the word was not ? or who is he that , when he hears these words of the gospel , the only begotten son , and by him all things were made : will not abominate these men that say , the son is one of the creatures . h but how can he be one of those things that were made by him ? or how can he be termed the only begotten , who ( according to their sentiments of him ) is reckon'd amongst all the other creatures ? how can he be made of nothing , whenas the father himself saith , * my heart hath indited a good matter , and † before the morning i have begotten thee in the womb ? or how can he be unlike the father in essence , whenas he is the † perfect image , and * the brightness of the father , and whenas he himself testifieth , ‖ he that hath seen me , hath seen the father ? now if the son be the word and the wisedom of the father , how can there be a time when he was not ? for 't is the same [ absurdity , ] as if they should say , there was a time when god was both without his word and his wisedom . how can he be mutable and subject to change ; who says concerning himself , * i am in the father , and the father in me , and † i and the father are one ? he [ spake also ] by the prophet , ‖ behold me , for i am the lord , and am not changed . and though some one may say , that this was spoken in reference to the father , yet it will be more accommodate , to understand it now to be spoken in relation to the word : because although he became man , yet was he not changed : but , as the apostle says , † jesus christ the same yesterday and to day , and for ever . but what motive could they have to say , that he was made for us , whenas paul saith , * for him are all things , and by him are all things ? but concerning their blasphemy in affirming , that the son doth not perfectly know the father , it ought not to be wondred at . for having once resolved to fight against christ , they despise even the words of the lord himself , who says , * as the father knoweth me , even so know i the father . if therefore the father knoweth the son only in part , it is manifest , that the son also knoweth the father in part . but if it be impious to assert this , and if the father knoweth the son perfectly , it is perspicuous , that as the father knoweth his own word , so doth the word know his own father , whose word he is . by asserting of these things , and explaining the sacred scriptures we have frequently confuted them ; but they , like chamaeleons , have again been changed , pertinaciously contending to appropriate to themselves this that is written , † when the impious is arrived at the very extreams of wickedness , he despiseth . there have indeed been many heresies before these persons , which by their too much audaciousness have fallen into imprudence and folly : but these men , who by all their discourses i attempt nothing less than the subversion of the divinity of the word , have to the utmost of their power made those [ preceding ] heresies to be accounted just , in regard they approach neerer to antichrist . wherefore they are expelled out of the church , and anathematized . we are really troubled at the destruction of these men , and the rather because they were heretofore instructed in the doctrine of the church , but have now renounced it . yet we do not look upon this as so strange a thing . for the same thing befell * hymenaeus and philetus ; and , before them , judas , who though he had been our saviour's disciple , yet was afterwards his betrayer , and an apostate . neither have we continued unadvis'd of these very persons : for our lord hath predicted , † take heed that no man deceive you : for many shall come in my name saying : i am [ christ , ] and the time draweth neer , and they shall deceive many . go ye not therefore after them . and paul having learned these things from our saviour , wrote thus , * that in the latter days , some shall depart from the sound faith , giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils , who detest the truth . since therefore our lord and saviour jesus christ hath himself commanded this , and also by his apostle hath given us intimation concerning these men , we , being ear-witnesses of their impiety , have deservedly anathematized these men , as we said before , and openly declar'd them estranged from the catholick church and faith. moreover , we have signified thus much to your piety , ( beloved and dearest fellow-ministers ) that if any of them should have the confidence to come to you , you might not entertain them , and that you should not be perswaded [ to believe ] eusebius , or any one else that shall write to you concerning them . for it is our duty , as we are christians , to detest all those that speak or devise any thing against christ , as the enemies of god , and the corrupters of souls , and * not to say to such men so much as god speed , lest we become partakers of their iniquities ( as saint john hath commanded us . ) salute the brethren that are with you , they that are with us salute you . alexander , having written such letters as this to all the bishops in every city , the mischief grew worse ; those to whom the contents thereof were communicated , being hereby inflamed with a pertinacious contention . some were of the same opinion with , and subscrib'd to the contents of these letters ; but others did the contrary . but eusebius bishop of nicomedia was in the highest degree incited to dissent , because alexander had in his letters made a reproachfull mention of him in particular . at that time eusebius was a man of great interest , because the emperour did then keep his court at nicomedia : for diocletian had not long before built a pallace there . for this reason therefore many bishops were very obsequious to eusebius . and he himself wrote frequently , sometimes to alexander , [ advising him ] to suppress k the controversie raised [ amongst them ] and to readmit arius and his adherents into the church : at other times [ he wrote ] to the bishops of every particular city , [ perswading them ] that they should not consent to alexander . hence it came to pass that all places were filled with tumult and disturbances . for now a man might have seen not only the prelates of the churches in words contending with one another , but the populace also divided , some inclining to one party , some to another . and this matter grew to that height of indignity and insolency , that the christian religion became a ridicule even in the publick theaters . those that were at alexandria did * pertinaciously contend about the chiefest points of the faith : they also sent embassies to the bishops of every particular province . likewise , those that were of the other party , were authours of the like stirs and discords . l there were mixed amongst the arians the melitians , who not long before had been separated from [ the communion ] of the church . now who these melitians are , we must relate : one melitius a bishop of one of the cities in egypt , had been deposed by peter bishop of alexandria ( who suffered martyrdom under diocletian , ) for several other reasons , but most especially for this , that in the time of persecution he had denied the faith and sacrific'd . this person being divested [ of his bishoprick , ] and having got a great many followers , constituted himself the ringleader of their heresie , who in aegypt are to this day from him called melitians . moreover , having no reasonable excuse at all for his separation from the church , he barely said thus much , that he was injured , he did likewise revile and speak reproachfully of peter . peter having suffered martyrdom in the persecution , ended his life . but [ melitius ] withdraws his reproaches [ from peter ] and casts them first upon achillas , peter's successour , and afterwards upon alexander who succeeded achillas . during their being engaged in this dissention , arius's controversie was started ; and melitius and his complices became favourers of arius , joyning with him in a conspiracy against the bishop . now those who lookt upon arius's opinion as absurd , approved of alexander's condemnation of arius , and thought the sentence pass'd against all that favour'd that heresie was just and equitable . but eusebius of nicomedia , and as many as embraced arius's opinion , wrote to alexander that he should abrogate the sentence of excommunication that had been pronounc't , and readmit the persons excommunicate into the church : in regard they asserted nothing that was perverse or impious . letters from both the disagreeing parties having been after this manner sent to the bishop of alexandria , there was a collection made of these epistles : arius collected those which were written in his own defence , and alexander those that made against him . hence those sects , ( which do abound so numerously in these our days , ) that is , the arians , eunomians , and those that derive their denomination from macedonius , took an occasion of defending their own tenets . for each of them quote the epistles of their own party as a sufficient evidence . chap. vii . how constantine the emperour , griev'd at these disturbances in the church , sent hosius a spaniard to alexandria , to exhort the bishop and arius to a reconciliation . when the emperour had notice of these things , he was greatly perplexed in mind , and looking upon this as his own calamitous concern , without delay he made it his business to extinguish the mischief newly hatch't , directing his letters to alexander and arius by a person of known fidelity , nam'd hosius , who was bishop of corduba a city in spain ; which man the emperour had a great love and esteem for . part of this letter , 't is not unseasonable to insert here ; the whole letter a is extant in eusebius's books concerning the life of constantine . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to alexander and arius . we understand that this was the ground of the present controversie . for when you , alexander , enquired of your presbyters , what every particular man's b opinion was concerning a certain text of scripture , or rather concerning a part of a fruitless controversie : and whereas you arius , inconsiderately vented such sentiments as you ought either not to have conceiv'd at first , or if you had had such conceptions , it had been your duty , to have let them been buried in silence : upon this a dissention has been raised between you , communion is refused : and the most religious populace rent into two factions , is separated from the harmonious unity of the whole body . wherefore let both of you , mutually pardoning each other , quietly accept of what your fellow-servant doth reasonably advise you to . but what is that ? it was your duty neither to have asked such questions at first , nor if proposed , to have made any return thereto . for such questions , as no law does necessarily limit or prescribe , but are proposed by the contentiousness of an unprofitable vacancy from business ( although they may be framed to exercise and imploy our natural parts about , yet ) we ought to confine within our own breasts , and not inconsiderately divulge them in publick assemblies , nor unadvisedly commit them to the ears of the vulgar . for what person amongst a thousand is sufficiently qualifi'd either accurately to comprehend the full efficacy and nature of things so sublime and profound , or to explicate them according to their worth and dignity ? or should any man look upon this to be an easie performance , how small a part of the vulgar will he induce to be fully perswaded hereof ? or what man can without danger of falling into gross errours insist upon the accurate discussions of such nice controversies ? in questions therefore of this nature loquacity must be bridled and restrained ; least either through the frailty of our nature ( we being not able to explicate what we proposed , ) or through the slowness of our auditors understanding what they are taught ( being unable accuratly to apprehend our discourse , ) least [ we say ] from one of these causes the people be reduced to a necessity of blasphemy or schisme . wherefore let an unwary question , and an inconsiderate answer with both of you mutually pardon each other . for this contest is not kindled upon an occasion of any principal or chief commandment of our law : neither have you introduc'd any new heresie concerning the worship of god. but you both hold one and the same opinion ; so that [ you may easily close in a ] consent of communion with each other . for whilst you thus pertinaciously contend about trifles and things of no importance , c t is not convenient that so numerous a people of god should be under your care and government , because of your dissention with one another : nor is it only misbecoming , but 't is also judged to be altogether unlawfull . now that i may advertise your prudence by a smaller instance , i will tell you : you know even the philosophers themselves , how that they are all united in [ the profession of ] one sect , whenas notwithstanding they frequently disagree in some part of their assertions ; but although they do sometimes jarre * in the very perfection of knowledge , yet because of the agreement and union of their sect , they do again close in a mutual consent . now if it be so [ amongst them , ] it will certainly be much more reasonable that you , who are the ministers of the most high god , should in like manner be unanimous in the profession of the same religion . but let us now with more accuracy and greater attention inspect and deliberate upon what has been said : whether it be just and equitable , that because of the trivial , vain , and pertinacious contests between you about words , brethren should be set in array [ as it were ] against brethren ; and that that venerable assembly should upon your account , who contend with one another about things so slight and in no wise necessary , be rent asunder by an impious variance . these [ contests ] are poor and mean , and do become a childish ignorance , rather than agree with [ the gravity ] of presbyters , and prudent men . let us of our own accord depart from the tentations of the devil . our great god , the saviour of all men , hath reached forth a light common to all men . by the assistance of whose providence , give us leave , who are his servant that we may successfully finish this our endeavour , that by our exhortation , diligence and earnest admonitions , we may reduce you to an unity of assembly . for in regard , as we have already said , you hold the same faith , and have the same sentiments of our religion ; and since the commandment of the law doth in all its parts inclose all in general in one consent and purpose of mind : let not this thing , which has raised a mutual division between you , ( in as much as it appertaineth not to the power and efficacy of religion in general ) by any means make a separation and a faction amongst you . these things we speak , not to necessitate you to be all of one opinion concerning this foolish idle controversie , of what sort soever it be . for the pretious value of the assembly may be preserved entire amongst you , and one and the same communion may be retained , although there be interchangeably amongst you a great diversity of sentiments in things of the smallest import . for we do not all * mean the same in all things , neither is there one disposition or opinion in all of us . therefore , concerning the divine providence , let there be amongst you one faith , one meaning , and one covenant of the deity . but as for these slender and light questions , which with so much niceness you dispute of and make researches into amongst your selves , although therein you do not all agree in the same opinion , yet 't is your duty , to confine them to your own thoughts , and keep them within the secret repositories of your own minds . let therefore an unutterable and excellent common friendship , a belief of the truth , the honour of god , and a religious observance of his law , remain amongst you firm and immoveable ; return ye to a mutual friendship and charity : restore to the whole body of the people their usual embraces . and be you your selves ( having as it were purifi'd your own souls , ) acquainted again [ and renew your familiarity ] with one another . for friendship is frequently more sweet and pleasing , after the d occasion of the enmity is laid aside , return to a reconciliation again . restore therefore to us peaceable and serene days , and nights void of sollicitude , that during the residue of our life we may have the pleasure of the pure light , and the joy of a quiet life reserved for us . which if [ we shall not obtain ] we must necessarily groan , and be wholly surrounded with tears : nor shall we finish the residue of our life without great disquietude . for whilst the people of god , ( we mean our fellow servants , ) are rent asunder by this pernitious and indiscreet dissention which they are now involved in , how is it possible for us in future to continue in a sedate temper of mind ? and that you may be sensible of our excessive sorrow for this thing , be attentive [ to what we shall tell you . ] when we lately came to the city of nicomedia , we had resolv'd forthwith to have made a journey into the east . but while we were hastning towards you , and had performed above half our journey , the news of this affair quite altered our resolution : least we should be necessitated to be a spectator of these things , which we could not endure even to hear . do you therefore by your unanimity for the time to come , open the way for us into the east , which by your mutual discord you have stopped up . give us leave with joy speedily to see you , and all the rest of the people , and that with an unanimous consent of praises we may offer up to god due thanks for the publick agreement and liberty . chap. viii . concerning the council held at nicaea a city of bithynia , and concerning the faith there published . such admirable and prudent advice did the emperours letter give them . but the mischievous difference was grown so strong and potent , that neither the emperours industry , nor the authority of the person who brought the letters was able to do any good . for neither alexander nor arius were in the least mollifi'd by the letter : amongst the populace also there was an irreconcileable discord , and a great disturbance . moreover , before this broke out , there was another distemper in that place , which had caus'd disturbance in the church , ( to wit ) a disagreement concerning the feast of easter ; but this was only in the eastern parts : where some made it their business to celebrate that festival after the jewish manner , others [ in their solemnization thereof ] imitated the rest of the christians throughout the whole world . but though they differ'd thus concerning the feast , yet they did not refrain from a mutual communion . however , they clouded the joy of the feast by this their dissention . the emperour therefore seeing the church disturbed by these two evils , convened a general council , by his letters requesting the bishops from all parts to meet together at nice a city of bithynia . accordingly the bishops out of divers provinces and cities assembled ; concerning whom eusebius pamphilus , in his third book of constantin's life , writeth thus word for word . the most eminent therefore amongst gods ministers of all those churches which filled all europe , libya and asia , were conven'd . and one sacred oratory , enlarged as it were by god himself , included at the same time within its walls both syrians and cilicians , phoenicians and arabians , palestinians , and aegyptians also , thebaeans , libyans , and those that came out of mesopotamia . there was also at this synod a persian bishop , neither was the scythian absent from this quire. * pontus also , and galatia , pamphilia and cappadocia , asia , and phrygia afforded their most select divines . moreover , there appeared here thracians , and macedonians , achaians and epirots , and such as dwelt far beyond these were nevertheless present . [ hosius also ] that most fam'd spaniard , ( together with many of his countreymen ) was one that sate in this council . the † prelate of the imperial city was absent by reason of his age . but his presbyters were there , and supplied his place . the emperour constantine was the only person of all the princes since the foundation of the world , who ( after he had platted such a crown as this by the bond of peace ) dedicated it to christ his saviour as a divine present and acknowledgment for the victories he had obtained over his enemies and adversaries , having constituted this synod convened in our days to be a lively representation of that apostolick quire. for it is * written that in the apostles days there were gathered together devout men out of every nation under heaven , amongst whom were parthians , medes , and elamites , and the inhabitants of mesopotamia , judaea and cappadocia , of pontus and of asia , of phrygia and pamphilia ; of aegypt , and of the parts of libya adjacent to cyrene : strangers also of rome , jews and proselytes , cretians and arabians . this was the only thing wanting , that meeting [ in the apostles times ] did not consist of the ministers of god only . but in this present assembly the number of the bishops exceeded a three hundred . and the presbyters that accompanied them , the deacons , * acoluthi , and the many other persons were almost innumerable . of these ministers of god , some were eminent for their wisdom and eloquence ; others for their sober and discreet lives , others for their patient sufferance [ of hardships , ] and others were adorned with b modesty and a courteous behaviour . some of them were highly respected by reason of their great age , and others were eminent for their youthfull vigour both of body and mind . some were newly initiated into the order of the ministry . to all these the emperour commanded a plentifull provision of food to be daily allowed . † thus much saies eusebius concerning those there assembled . when the emperour had ended his triumphal solemnities for his victory over licinius , he himself came also to nice . the most eminent amongst the bishops were these two , paphnutius bishop of the upper thebais , and spyridion bishop of cyprus : but for what reason we have made mention of these two particularly , shall in the sequel be declared . there were also present a great many laïcks , well skilled in logick , ready to assist each their own party . now the patrons of arius's opinion were these . eusebius bishop of nicomedia , ( whom we mentioned before , ) theognis , and maris : the first was bishop of nice , and maris was bishop of chalcedon in bithynia . against these athanasius ( who was then but a deacon of the church of alexandria ) contended vigorously . but alexander the bishop had an high esteem for him : upon which account he became the subject of envy , as we shall declare in the sequel . a little before the convention of the bishops in one place , the logicians exercised themselves by engaging in some skirmishing disputes with several persons : and when many had been enticed to take a delight in disputing , a laick , one that was a contessour , an honest well meaning man , oppos'd these disputants , and told them thus : that neither christ nor his apostles taught us the art of disputing , nor vain subtileness , or fallacies , but a plain c opinion which is to be guarded by faith and good works . all that stood by , hearing him speak these words , admired him , and approved of what he said : and the log●cians themselves , having heard this plain and honest declaration of the truth , did in future more patiently acquiesce : and thus was that tumult , which had been raised by disputing , composed . the next day after this all the bishops were conven'd in one place ; after whom came the emperour . who when he came in , stood in the midst of them , and would not take his seat till such time as the bishops had by bowing of their heads signified to him , that it was their desire he should sit down : so great a respect and reverence had the emperour for those men . after such a silence was made , as was agreeable to the occasion , the emperour from his chair of state began to speak to them in kind perswasive words , exhorting them to unanimity and concord . he also advis'd them to pass by all private animosities . for many of them had brought in accusations against one another : and some of them the day before had presented petitionary libells to the emperour . but he , advising them to proceed to the business before them for which they were conven'd , gave command that the libells should be burnt , adding only this [ maxim ; ] christ commands him , who desires to obtain forgiveness , to forgive his brother . therefore , after he had at large discoursed upon concord and peace , he referred it to their power and arbitrement with a greater accuracy to make a further inspection into the points of our religion . it will be very opportune to hear eusebius's relation of these affairs , in his third book of constantin's life . his words there are these : * many questions being proposed by both parties , and a great controversie raised even at the first beginning [ of their debate , ] the emperour heard them all very patiently , and with an intent mind deliberately received their propositions ; by turns he assisted the assertions of both parties , and by degrees reduced them , who pertinaciously opposed each other , to a more sedate temper of mind ; by his gratious speeches to every person , which he spoke in the greek tongue , ( for he was not unskilled in that language ) he rendred himself most pleasant , acceptable , and delightfull ; inducing some to be of his opinion by the force of his arguments ; wooing others by intreaties ; praising those who spoke well , and exciting all to an accommodation ; at length he reduc'd them all to an unanimity and conformity in opinion concerning all points that were in debate . so that there was not only an universal agreement about [ the articles ] of faith , but also a set time generally acknowledg'd for the celebration of the salutary feast [ of easter . ] moreover , the decrees ratified by a common consent were engrossed and confirm'd by the subscription of every person . these are eusebius's own words concerning these things , which he has left us in his writings : we thought it not unseasonable to make use of them ; and have inserted them into our history , relying upon the testimony of what has been said by him : that in case any should condemn this council of nice as erroneous in the [ matters of ] faith , we might take no notice of them , nor credit d sabinus the macedonian , who terms all those that were convened in this council , idiots and simple persons . for sabinus ( bishop of those macedonians which dwell at heraclea a city of thrace ) who made a collection of the canons which several synods of bishops published , reviles the bishops of the council of nice as being idiots , and ignorant fellows , being insensible that he does also at the same time accuse eusebius himself as an idiot , who after a most exquisite search into it made a confession of that faith. some things he hath designedly omitted : othersome he has depraved and changed : but he has interpreted all passages according to his own sense and design . he does indeed commend eusebius pamphilus as a witness worthy to be credited : he does also praise the emperour for his judgment and skill in the principles of christianity , but he complains of the creed published at the council of nice , as being set forth by idiots and men that understood nothing . and that same mans words , whom he calls a wise and faithfull witness , he voluntarily contemns . for eusebius testifieth , that of those ministers of god that were present at the council of nice , some were eminent for their prudent eloquence ; others for their gravity and solidness of life ; and that the emperour being present reduced them all to an agreement , and made them to be of the same mind and opinion . but of sabinus ( wheresoever necessity requires ) we shall hereafter make mention . now the agreement in [ the articles of ] our faith e published with loud acclamations , by the great council of nice , was this . f we believe in one god , the father almighty , maker of all things visible and invisible : and in one lord jesus christ the son of god , begotten of the father , the only begotten , that is of the substance of the father : god of god and light of light , very god of very god : begotten not made ; of the same substance with the father : by whom all things were made , that are in heaven and in earth : who for the sake of us men , and for our salvation descended , and was incarnate , and was made man , and he suffered and arose again the third day , ascended into the heavens , he shall come to judge the quick and the dead : [ we also believe ] in the holy ghost . but the holy catholick and apostolick church doth anathematize those that aver , that there was a time when the son of god was not , and that he was not before he was begotten , and that he was made of nothing , or that say he was made of another substance or essence , or that he is either created , or convertible , or mutable . this creed three hundred and eighteen bishops approved of and embraced : and ( as eusebius testifies ) being unanimous in their suffrages and sentiments , they subscribed it . there were only g five that refused to allow of it , who misliked the word * homoousios : these were eusebius bishop of nicomedia , theognis bishop of nice , maris of chalcedon , theonas of marmarica , and secundus of ptolemais . for in regard they asserted , that that is * consubstantial which is from another either by partition , or by derivation , or by eruption : by eruption , as the branch from the root : by derivation , as children from their parents : by partition , as two or three pieces of gold from the whole mass : but that the son of god is [ from the father ] by none of these three ways . therefore they said , they could not give their assent to this [ draught of ] the creed . therefore after a tedious cavil about the term * homoöusios , they deny'd to subscribe the degradation of arius . upon which account the synod anathematized arius and all those that were of his opinion , adding this besides , that he should be prohibited from entring into alexandria . the emperour also did by his edict banish arius , eusebius , and theognis . eusebius and theognis soon after their banishment exhibited their penetentiary libells , and assented to the belief of homoöusios , as we shall declare in the procedure of our history . at the same time eusebius sirnam'd pamphilus , bishop of caesarea in palestine ( having made some small hesitancy in the synod , and considered with himself whether he might securely admit of this form of faith , ) at length together with all the rest gave his assent , and subscrib'd : he also sent a copy of the form of faith to the people within his diocess , and explain'd to them the term homoöusios , lest any one should have an ill opinion of him , because of his hesitancy : thus therefore he wrote word for word . it is very probable ( beloved ) that you may have heard what hath been done concerning the ecclesiastick faith in the great council convened at nice , in regard report doth usually outrun an accurate narrative of the matters transacted . but [ fearing ] lest by such a bare report the matter might be represented to you otherwise then really it is , we thought it requisite to send to you ; first that form of faith which we our selves proposed [ to the council , ] and likewise that other published [ by the bishops ] who made some additions to ours . that form of faith drawn up by us , ( which was read in the presence of our most pious emperour , and appeared to all to be sound and orthodox , ) runn's thus . as we have receiv'd by tradition from our predecessours the bishops , then when we were instructed in the first principles of the faith , and received baptism ; as we have learnt from the divine scriptures , and as ( during our continuance in the presbytership , and also since we have been intrusted with a bishoprick ) we have believed and taught , so we also now believe , and do make a publick declaration to you of our faith : which is this . we believe in one god , the father almighty , maker of all things visible and invisible ; and in one lord jesus christ , the word of god , god of god , light of light , life of life , the only begotten son , the first born of every creature , begotten of god the father before all worlds ; by whom also all things were made : who for our salvation was incarnate , and conversed amongst men : who suffer'd , and rose again the third day , he ascended unto the father , and shall come again in glory to judge the quick and the dead . we also believe in one holy ghost : we believe that each of these [ persons ] is , and doth subsist : that the father is truely the father , the son really the son , and the holy ghost really the holy ghost : as our lord also , when he sent his disciples out to preach , said . * go ye , and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . concerning which [ articles ] we do aver , that we thus maintain and hold them , that these are our sentiments of them , that this was our opinion formerly , that this opinion we will till death retain , that we will persevere in this belief , and anathematize every impious heresie . we call god almighty , and jesus christ our lord to witness , that these were sincerely and heartily our sentiments , ever since we were capable of knowing our selves , and that we do now think and speak what is most true : and we are ready to demonstrate to you , by most infallible proofs , and to perswade you , that both in times past we thus believ'd , and likewise thus preached . when this creed was propos'd by us , there was no body that could oppose it . moreover , our most pious emperour , did himself first attest its truth : he protested that he himself was of the same opinion , and exhorted all to assent to , and subscribe these very articles , and unanimously to agree [ in the profession ] of them ; h this one only word homoöusios being inserted ; which term the emperour himself thus explained , saying , he suppos'd that the word homoöusios was not to be taken in such a sense as is agreeable to the affections of the body , and therefore that the son had not his subsistance from the father either by division , or abscission . for it is impossible [ said he ] that an immaterial intellectual and incorporeal nature , should be subject to any corporeal affection : but our sentiments of such things must be expressed in divine and mysterious terms . thus did our most wise and pious emperour philosophize . but the bishops upon the occasion of adding this word homoöusios drew up this form [ of the creed i . ] the creed . we believe in one god , the father almighty , maker of all things visible and invisible : and in one lord jesus christ , the son of god , the only begotten of the father , ( that is ) of the substance of the father ; god of god , light of light , very god of very god ; begotten not made : of the same substance with the father ; by whom all things were made , that are in heaven and that are in earth . who for us men , and for our salvation descended , and was incarnate , was made man , suffered , and rose again the third day : he ascended into heaven . he shall come to judge the quick and the dead . [ we also believe ] in the holy ghost . but those who hold , that there was a time when he was not , or that he was not , before he was begotten , or that he was made of nothing , and those that affirm he is of any other substance or essence , or that the son of god is created , or convertible , or obnoxious to change , [ all such ] god's holy catholick and apostolick church doth anathematize . when this form of faith was appointed by the bishops , we did not inconsiderately omit making an enquiry , what their meaning was of those terms , of the substance of the father , and of the same substance with the father . hence therefore arose several questions and answers ; and the true import of those words was with great accuracy examined . and it was acknowledged by them , that these words , to be of the substance , did only signifie thus much , that the son is of the father , but not as a part of the father . it seem'd to us altogether reasonable and safe to give our assent to this meaning of this sacred doctrine , which asserteth , that the son is of the father , but is not a part of his substance . wherefore we our selves also gave our assent to this import [ of those words ; ] nor do we reject the terme homoöusios , having peace before our eyes as the marke at which we aime , and [ being cautious ] lest we should fall from a right apprehension [ of the faith ] for the same reasons also we have admitted of these words , begotten not made . for made , said they , is a common term attributed to all other creatures which were made by the son ; of whom the son hath no resemblance . wherefore he is no creature , like to those , which were created by him : but he is of a far more excellent substance then any creature ▪ which substance , as the sacred oracles do instruct us , is begotten of the father , but by such a manner of generation as is ineffable , and inexpressible by any created being . thus also this proposition , that the son is of the same substance with the father , was discussed , to wit , that this is not [ to be understood ] according to the manner of bodies , nor [ in a sense ] agreeable to mortal creatures . for this [ consubstantiality ] cannot [ be ] either by division of the substance , or by abscision , or mutation of the paternal essence and power . for all these things are inconsistent with the uncreated nature of the father . but this [ proposition ] to be of the same substance with the father doth expresly represent to us no more than this , viz. that the son of god hath no community with , or resemblance to , created beings ; but that in every respect he is like to the father onely , who hath begotten him ; and that he does exist of no other substance or essence , but of the father . to this [ opinion ] therefore thus explain'd we thought good to give our assent : more especially , because we also knew that some of the ancient learned and eminent bishops , and writers ▪ have made use of this term homoöusios , in their explications of the divinity of the father and of the son. thus much therefore we have said concerning the creed published [ at nice , ] to which we all agreed ▪ not inconsiderately and without examination , but according to the senses given , k which were discussed in the presence of our most pious emperour , and for the forementioned reasons , received with an unanimous consent . moreover , as concerning the * anathematism published by the fathers after the creed , we judged it not in the least troublesome , in regard it does prohibit the use of terms that occur not in the scriptures , from the use of which terms came almost all the confusion and disturbance that hath been raised in the church . since therefore , no part of the scripture given by divine inspiration hath made use of these terms , to wit , of things which exist not , and there was a time when he was not : it seem'd disagreeable to reason that these [ assertions ] should be either mentioned , or taught . to this good and sound opinion we also have assented , in as much as in former times we have never made use of such expressions . these things ( beloved ) we thought requisite to send to you , that we might most apparently evidence to you the considerateness as well of our examination and researches [ into all points , ] as of our assent : and [ that you might also know ] with what good reason we did at first make a resistance even to the last houre , as long as some things written in a manner different from what they should have been , offended us : but at length without further contention we embraced those points which were not offensive , when after a candid enquiry into the import of the terms we found them to be agreeable with what we our selves had made confession of , in that form of the creed we at first proposed . thus wrote eusebius pamphilus to cesarea in palestine . also , by the common consent and approbation of the council , this following synodicall epistle was written to the church of alexandria , and to the inhabitants of aegypt , libya , and pentapolis . chap. ix . the epistle of the synod , concerning those matters determined by it , and how arius was degraded , together with them that embraced his sentiments . to the holy ( by the grace of god ) and great church of the alexandrians , and to our beloved brethren the inhabitants of aegypt , libya , and pentapolis ; the bishops assembled at nice , who fill up that great and holy synod , send greeting in the lord. for as much as by the grace of god , and [ the summons ] of the most pious emperour constantine ( who hath call'd us together out of diverse cities and provinces , ) a great and holy synod has been convened at nice , it seem'd altogether necessary , that a letter should be written to you in the name of the sacred synod ; whence you might understand what things were there propos'd , and what taken into examination , as also what were decreed and established . first of all therefore , the impiety and iniquity of arius and his complices was inquired into in the presence of the most pious emperour constantine : and the councils determination ( which was confirmed by the suffrages of all ) was , that his impious opinion , and execrable terms and names should be anathematized , which [ terms and names ] he blasphemously used , a affirming that the son of god had his being of nothing , and that there was a time when he was not ; as also saying , that the son of god had à freedom of will , [ whereby he was ] capable either of vertue or vice : and calls him a credture , and a work. all these [ tenets ] the holy synod hath anathematized , not enduring so much as patiently to hear this impious opinion , or rather madness , and these blasphemous expressions . but what issue the proceedings against him are arrived at , you have either heard already , or will hear ; lest we should seem to insult over a man who hath receiv'd a condign recompence for his own wickedness . but his impiety was grown so prevalent , that he drew into the same pit of perdition [ with himself ] theonas bishop of marmarica , and secundus bishop of p●olemaïs ▪ for the same sentence [ that had been given against him ] was pronounced against them . but after the grace of god had delivered us from that mischievous opinion and from impiety and blasphemy , and from those persons who were so audacious as to make divisions and [ sow ] discord amongst a people heretofore peaceable ; there yet remain'd the perverse stubborness of melitius , and those that had been by him admitted into sacred orders : and we now relate to you ( beloved brethren ) the judgment of the synod concerning this particular . it pleas'd therefore the synod ( which dealt more kindly with melitius ; for in the b strictest sense and rigour of the law he did not deserve the least favour ) that he should continue in his city , but have no jurisdiction , neither to ordain , or to * propose the names of those that were to be ordained , or to appear in any village , or city upon this pretence : but that he should barely enjoy his appellation and title only . and as for c those that had been ordain'd by him to any function , being confirm'd by a d more sacred ordination , they should afterwards be admitted into communion , and upon this condition they may continue possest of their preferment and function , but yet they are to acknowledge themselves always inferiour to all those that had been approved of in every diocess and church , who had been e ordained before by our dearest colleague in the sacred function , alexander . so that besides , they shall have no power f to propose , or nominate whom they please , or to act in any thing at all without the knowledge and consent of some catholick g bishop , who is one of alexanders suffragans . but those that by the grace of god and your prayers have not been found [ engaged ] in any schism , but have continued in the catholick church blameless ; let such have power to nominate and elect those that are worthy of the sacred function , and act in all things according to the established law and sanctions of the church . and if it shall happen that some of those who now hold ecclesiastick preferments , die , then let those that are newly admitted and receiv'd [ into the church ] be prefer'd to the dignities of the deceased ▪ h provided that they shall appear worthy , and that the people shall freely elect them , provided also that the bishop of alexandria doth by his suffrage ratifie and confirm [ the peoples election . ] this same priviledge is also granted to all . but concerning melitius in particular we otherwise decree , that ( because of his former irregularity , rashness , and giddiness of disposition , ) no jurisdiction or authority shall be allowed him , he being a man able to revive the same disturbances that were before . these things are such as most especially and particularly relate to aegypt , and [ concern ] the most holy church of alexandria . but if there shall be any other canon or decree made ; being our lord , and our most reverent fellow minister and brother alexander is present , he at his arrival will give you a more particular account , in regard he is the authour of , and conscious to , what ever is done . we also send you the good news concerning the unanimous consent of all in reference to the celebration of the most solemn feast of easter ; for this difference also hath been made up by the assistance of your prayers ; so that all the brethren in the east , who formerly celebrated this festival at the same time the jews did , will in future conform to the romans and to us , and to all who have of old observed our manner of celebrating easter . do you therefore ( rejoycing at the good success of affairs , and at the unanimous peace and concord [ amongst all men , ] and also because all heresie is wholly extirpated , ) with a greater honour , and more ardent love receive our fellow minister ( but your bishop ) alexander , whose presence here hath greatly rejoyced us , and who in this his infirm age hath endured so great labours , that peace might be restored amongst you . pray for us all that those good determinations which are made , may remain firm and inviolable , through almighty god , and our lord jesus christ , together with the holy ghost ; to whom be glory for ever , amen . in this synodical epistle 't is apparent , that the nicene fathers did not only anathematize arius and his followers , but the very terms of his opinion also : and that ( in regard they had amongst themselves agree'd concerning the celebration of easter , ) they received into communion i the arch-heretick melitius , allowing him indeed the liberty of retaining the dignity of a bishop ; but they deprived him of the power of doing any thing as a bishop . and upon this account i suppose it is , that the melitians in aegypt are to this day separated from the church , because the synod took away all [ episcopal ] power from melitius . moreover , you must know , that arius wrote a book concerning his own opinion , which he intitled thalia . the stile of the book [ and the doctrine contained in it ] was loose and dissolute , much resembling the songs k or verses of * sotades . this piece of his also the synod did at the same time condemn . nor was the synod only sollicitous about writing letters concerning the peace restored [ to the church : ] but the emperour constantine also [ signified the same ] by his own letters , who wrote to the church of alexandria as followeth . the emperours letter . constantinus augustus , to the catholick church of alexandria . god save you beloved brethren . we have receiv'd the greatest blessing from the divine providence , that being released from all errrour , we can now embrace and profess one and the same faith. the devil hath no longer a dominion over us : for all the machinations he design'd against us are now totally destroyed . the bright lustre of truth has ( according to the commandment of god ) defeated those dissentions , those schismes , those tumults , and ( if i may so term them ) those fatal poysons of discord . we therefore do all adore one god in name , and we believe that he is . moreover , that this might be effected , by the admonition of god we conven'd a great many bishops at the city of nice : together with whom we our selves , one of your number , who rejoyce exceedingly in that we are your fellow-servant , undertook the disquisition of the truth . we did therefore enquire into and accurately discuss all things , which seem'd to yield the least occasion of ambiguity , or dissention . and ( may the divine majesty pardon us ! ) how great and horrid blasphemies have some indecently uttered concerning our * great saviour , concerning our hope and life , speaking and openly professing that they believe things contrary to the divinely inspired scriptures , and to the sacred faith ? whenas therefore three hundred bishops and upwards , admirable both for their moderation and acuteness of understanding , had unanimously confirmed one and the same faith , ( which , according to the verity and accurate disquisition of the divine law , can only be the faith ) arius , vanquished by a diabolical force , was found to be the only person , who with an impious mind disseminated this mischief , first amongst you , and afterwards amongst others . let us therefore embrace that opinion , which almighty god hath delivered . let us return to our beloved brethren , from whom this impudent servant of the devil hath separated us . let us with all diligence imaginable hasten to the common body , and to our own natural members . for this doth well become your prudence , faith , and sanctity , that since his error ( who has been evidently prov'd to be an enemy of the truth ) is confuted , you should return to the divine grace . for that which was approv'd of by three hundred bishops , can be [ judged ] nothing else but the determination of god ; especially , since the holy ghost , residing in the minds of such great and worthy personages , hath disclosed to them the will of god. wherefore let none of you continue dubious , let none of you make delays : but do you all with great alacrity return to the right way ▪ that when we come to you , which shall be as soon as possible , we may together with you return due thanks to god who inspects all things , because , having revealed the pure faith , he hath restored you that mutual love which was the subject of all mens prayers . god preserve you , beloved brethren . thus wrote the emperour to the people of alexandria , demonstrating to them that the determination of the faith was not imprudently , or unadvisedly made ; but that it was dictated with a great deal of disquisition and diligent examination : nor [ does he say ] that some things were spoken [ in that council , ] and others passed over in silence : but that all that was fitting to be said in confirmation of the opinion , was produced and urged : and that the controversie was not inconsiderately determined , but was with great accuracy first discussed . in so much that , all things whatever , which seemed to produce matter of ambiguity or dissention , were wholly removed and destroyed . in short , he terms the determination of all those there assembled , the will of god , and does confidently aver that the unanimity of so many and such eminent prelates was procured by the holy ghost . but sabinus , the ring-leader of the macedonian heresie , does wittingly and on set purpose oppose their [ authorities : ] and stiles the fathers there assembled idiots and men of no knowledge ; and he does in all appearance asperse even eusebius caesariensis with [ the imputation of ] ignorance : but he does not in the least consider with himself , that , although those convened in that synod were idiots , yet in regard they were illuminated by god , and the grace of the holy ghost , they could in no wise err from the truth . but let us hear , what the emperour , by another letter which he sent to all the bishops every where ▪ and to the people , decreed against arius ▪ and those that embraced his opinion . another letter of constantines . victor constantinus , maximus , augustus , to the bishops and people . l in as much as arius has followed the practices of wicked and profane persons , 't is but just that he should undergo the same ignominy with them . therefore , as porphyrius , that enemy of true piety , found a just recompence for composing impious volumes against religion , and such a recompence as has rendred him ignominious to posterity , covered him with infamy and many reproaches , and his impious writings have been utterly destroyed : so it also now seemes reasonable to term arius and those that embrace his opinion porphyrians , that they may derive their denomination from him , whose morals they have so exactly imitated . moreover , if any book written by arius shall be found extant , we do hereby order , that it be immediately burnt : that by this means not only his wicked doctrine may be wholly destroyed , but also that there might not be left to posterity the least monument of him . this also we declare , that if any person shall be found to have concealed a book compiled by arius , and shall not immediately produce the said book and burn it , his punishment shall be death . for immediately upon his being found guilty of this fact , he shall undergo a capital punishment . god preserve you . another letter . constantinus augustus , to the churches . having sufficiently experienced , by the flourishing posture of the publick affairs , how great the benignity of the divine power has been towards us ; we judged it our chiefest concern and aim [ to labour ] for the preservation of one faith , a sincere charity , and one universally acknowledged religion towards almighty god amongst the most blessed congregations of the catholik church . but since this could not be otherwise firmly constituted and established , unless all , or at least the greatest part of the bishops were conven'd in one place , and every particular that concerns the most sacred religion were by them first discussed : upon this account , when as many of the clergy , as could possibly be got together , were assembled , and we also , as one of you , were present with them ( for we will not deny , what we account our greatest glory , that we are your fellow servant ) all things were sufficiently discussed so long , untill a determination acceptable to god the inspector of all things , was published in order to an universal agreement and union : so that there is now no place left for dissention , or controversie about [ matters ] of faith. where also , after a disquisition made concerning the most holy day of easter , it was by a general consent concluded to be the best course , for all men in all places to celebrate that festival upon one and the same day . for what can be more comely and commendable , or what more grave and decent , then that this festival , from which we have received the hopes of immortality , should be unerringly kept by all men in one and the same order , and in a manner apparently and expresly agreeable ? and in the first place , all men lookt upon it as an unworthy thing and misbecoming the dignity of that most sacred festival , to follow the jewish usage in the celebration thereof . for the jews , persons who have defiled themselves with a most abominable sin , are deservedly impure and blind as to their understandings . having therefore rejected their usage , we may by a more certain and infallible order propagate that day to future ages for the completion of this solemnity , which we have kept from the first day of the passion even to this present time . let us then have nothing in common with that most hostile multitude of the jews . we have received another way from our saviour . for there is proposed to us a lawful and decent leading to our most sacred religion . let us therefore ( dearest brethren ) with one accord constantly persist in this course , and * withdraw our selves from that most adverse society and their consciousness . for it is really most absurd for them to make their bragges , that we are not capable of our selves , without their instruction to observe these things . but of what are they able to pass a right judgment , who after that parricide of theirs , the murther of our lord , were struck with madness , and are led , not by the conduct of reason , but by an ungovernable * impetus , whithersoever their innate rage shall drive them ? hence therefore it is that even in this particular they discern not the truth , m but always wandring at the greatest distance from a decent and agreeable amendment , they celebrate easter twice within the space of one and the same year . what reason have we therefore to follow these men , who , it is acknowledged , are distempered with an abominable errour ? we must never endure the keeping of two easters in one year . but although what we have said were not sufficient , yet nevertheless , it behooves your prudence to make it your greatest care , and the matter of your constant prayers , that the purity of your souls should not in the likeness of any thing seem to be joyned or mixed with the usages of most wicked men . besides , this is to be considered , that it is a most impious thing , that there should be any disagreement in a matter of so great concern , and in such a solemnity of religion . for our saviour left us but one day [ to be celebrated in commemoration ] of our redemption , that is the day of his most sacred passion : and he also desired that his catholick church should be one . the members of which church ( although they are much dispersed in divers places , yet nevertheless ) are cherished by one spirit , that is , by the will of god. let the prudence of your sanctity consider , how grievous and undecent a thing it is , that on the self same daies some should keep strict fasts , and others celebrate feasts : and that on the days after easter , some should be conversant in feastings and a vacantness from labours , and others devote themselves to set fasts . wherefore it pleased divine providence that these things should be seasonably redressed , and reduced to one and the same form , as we suppose you are all sensible . since therefore it was expedient to make such an emendation in this point , as that we might not seem to hold the least communion with those parricides , and murderers of of our lord , the jews : and since this is the most decent and becoming order , which all the churches of the western , southern and northern parts of the world , and also some in the eastern parts do observe : for these reasons all persons have at present judged it good and expedient ; ( and we our selves also promised that it would not be ungratefull to your wisdom , ) that that which with such an universal unanimity is observed in the city of rome , and all over italy and africa , throughout all aegypt , spain , france , brittain , libya ; over all greece , and the provinces of asia and pontus , and throughout cilicia , would also be most willingly received and embraced by you . let this also be seriously considered , that not only the number of the churches in the forementioned places is far the greater ; but also that it is most just and equal that all mens wills should universally concur in that which strict reason seems to require , and which has no communion with the perjury of the jews . but , that we may speak more summarily and briefly , it was by a general consent agreed that the most sacred festival of easter should be solemniz'd upon one and the same day . for it is undecent that there should be any diversity in so great and holy a solemnity : and it is far better to adhere to that opinion , in which there is no mixture of strange and absurd errour and impiety . since therefore these things are thus ordered , do you with joy receive this celestial and truly divine commandment . for whatsoever is transacted [ and determined ] in the sacred assemblies of the bishops , must be attributed to the divine will. wherefore , when you have imparted to all our beloved brethren what has been prescribed , it is your duty to embrace , and establish the forementioned rule and observation of the most holy day : that when we shall come into the presence of your love ( which we were long since desirous of , ) we may celebrate the sacred festival with you , on one and the same day : and that we may rejoyce together with you for all things , beholding the cruelty of the devil totally removed by the divine power and our endeavours ; whilst your faith , peace , and concord does every where flourish . god preserve you , beloved brethren . n another letter to eusebius . victor constantinus , maximus , augustus , to eusebius . we really believe and are absolutely perswaded ( dearest brother ) that , in regard an impious desire and tyrannick violence hath persecuted the servants of god our saviour even to this present time , the edifices of all churches , have either by neglect gone to ruine , or through fear of the imminent dangerousness [ of the times ] have been adorned with less of stateliness . but now , since liberty is restored , and that serpent , o that persecutor licinius , is by almighty god's providence and our instrumental endeavours forced out of the administration of publick affairs , we suppose that the divine power hath been sufficiently manifested to all men : and that all who either through fear or unbelief have fallen into any sins , p having now acknowledged the only true god , will in future return to the true and right course of life . do you therefore remind as well all [ persons belonging to ] the churches over which you preside , as also all other bishops presiding in other places , together with the presbyters and deacons , whom you know , that they use their utmost diligence about the structures of the churches ; either about repairing those that are still standing , or about inlarging others , or in building new ones , wheresoever it shall be found requisite . and you your self , and the rest by your mediation may ask necessaries [ for that work ] both from our presidents of the provinces , and also from the q office of the praetorian prefecture . for they are already impowred by our rescripts to be diligently observant about all your holinesses orders . god preserve you , beloved brother . thus wrote the emperour to the bishops throughout every particular province , concerning the building of the churches : but what he wrote to eusebius of palestine about providing [ some copies of ] the sacred scriptures we may easily collect from these his letters . victor constantinus , maximus , augustus , to eusebius bishop of caesarea . by the assistance of god our saviours providence , so great a multitude of men have joyned themselves to the most holy church in that city which bears our * name ; that [ christianity seems ] to have made its greatest progress and increase there . r it seems therefore very requisite that there should be more churches erected in that city . wherefore do you with the greatest alacrity admit of what we have decreed . we thought fit to signifie this to your prudence , that you should order fifty copies of the sacred scriptures ( the provision and use whereof you know to be most necessary for the instruction of the church , ) to be written on well prepared parchment by artificial transcribers of books , most skilfull in the art of accurate and fair writing ; which [ copies ] must be very legible , and easily portable in order to their being used . moreover , letters are dispatch't away from our clemency to the s rationalist of the dioecesis to take care for provision of all things necessary towards the preparing of the said copies . let it therefore be the imployment of your care to see that the foresaid copies be provided as soon as may be . you are also impowr'd by this our letter to make use of two publick carriages for their conveyance . for by this meanes those which are fairest transcribed may be easiest convey'd even to our sight , to wit , if one of the deacons of your church be imployed in the performances hereof . who when he comes to us , shall experience our liberality . god preserve you dear brother . another letter to macarius . victor constantinus , maximus , augustus , to macarius bishop of jerusalem . so great is our saviours love and favour that no rhetorick seems sufficient to set forth a declaration of the present miracle . for , that the * monument of his most holy passion , long since hid underneath the earth , should lie conceal'd for so many years space , till such time as , by the t slaughter of the common enemy , it should gloriously appear to his servants now set at liberty , [ is a matter which ] does really surmount all admiration . for if all those persons that throughout the whole world are accounted wise should be convened in one and the same place with a design to speak something according to the worthiness of this matter , they would not be able after their utmost endeavours to attain to [ an explication of ] the least part thereof . for the * authority and greatness of this miracle doth as far transcend every nature capable of humane reason , as things that are celestial do exceed those that are humane . wherefore this is always our chief and only aim , that as the authority of the truth doth daily demonstrate it self by new miracles , so the minds of us all should with all modesty and unanimous alacrity become more careful and diligent about an observation of the divine law. which in regard we judge to be manifestly apparent to all men , our desire is you should most especially be perswaded of this , that it is altogether our chiefest care , that that sacred place ( which by gods command we have unburthened of that most detestable u accession of the idol , as it were of a ponderous and heavy weight ; which [ place ] was by gods determination made holy from the beginning , but was afterwards demonstrated to be more holy , out of which he hath brought to light the certainty of our saviour's passion ) should be beautified and adorned with magnificent and stately structures . wherefore it does well become your prudence so to order the matter , and to make such a provision of materials necessary for this work , that not only the temple it self may in stateliness excel all others in what place soever , but also that the other parts of it be made such , as that all the beautifullest structures in every city , may be acknowledged far inferiour to this fabrick . and as concerning the workmanship and exquisite beauty of the walls , we would have you know that we have committed the care thereof to our friend † dracilianus , deputy to the most excellent the prefects of the praetorium , and to the president of the province . for our piety has taken order , that artificers and workmen , and whatever else they may be informed from your prudence to be necessary for the structure , shall by their care be forthwith sent . but concerning the pillars or marbles , ( and whatever you your self on sight of the x model [ of the building ] shall judge to be more rich and useful , ) make it your business to inform us by writing : that when we shall understand from your letter , how many and what manner of materials you stand in need of , they may be convey'd to you from all parts . for it is but reasonable that that most admirable place of the whole world should be beautifi'd according to its dignity and worth . we desire to know of you , whether you think good to have the inner roof of the church y arched , or made of any other sort of work . for if it be arched , it may also be guilded with gold . it remains therefore , that your holiness inform as soon as may be the forementioned judges , how many workmen , and artificers , and what money for expences you shall want . and be you careful to return us a speedy account , not only concerning the marbles , and pillars , but also concerning the arched roof ( if you shall judge that to be the more beautiful work . ) dearest brother , god preserve you . the emperour wrote several other epistles in a more florid stile like orations , against arius , and those that embraced his opinion , and caused them to be z published in every city ; in which epistles he represents [ arius ] to be an infamous person , and rebukes him sharply in an ironical manner . moreover , he wrote to the a nicomedians , against eusebius and theognis : wherein he severely reprehends eusebius's wickedness , not only for his arianism , but also because , having formerly been a favourer of the tyrants party , he had been a traitor against [ him and ] his affairs . he therefore advises them to elect another bishop in his stead . but i thought it superfluous to insert his letters concerning these matters here , because they are long . they that are desirous [ to inspect them ] may easily find them out , and read them over . thus much concerning these things . chap. x. that the emperour summoned to the synod acesius also , a bishop of the novatian heresie . this great diligence and industry of the emperour moves me to make mention of another thing , wherein his mind is declared , and how careful and solicitous he was to procure peace . for , consulting the concord and agreement of the churches , he a summoned acesius , a bishop of the novatian heresie , to appear at the council . when the synod had drawn up a form of the creed , and subscribed it , the emperour enquir'd of acesius , whether he would also give his assent to these articles of the creed , and also to the determination about the festival of easter . he replied , o emperour , the synod has determined no new thing : for anciently even from the [ churches ] original , and the apostolick times , i have in this same manner received by tradition both this form of faith , and also this time [ for the observation ] of the feast of easter . when therefore the emperour demanded of him again , what then should induce you to be a separatist from the communion [ of the church ? ] he related what was done under decius in the time of the persecution , and recited the strictness of that severe canon , [ 'to wit , ] that those who after baptism had committed any such sin , as the sacred scriptures terms a mortal sin , ought not to be admitted to a participation of the sacred mysteries : they were indeed to be exhorted to repentance , but ought not to entertain any hopes of remission from the priests , but from god , who only is able , and has power to forgive sins . when acesius had spoken thus , the emperour repli'd , o acesius , set a ladder , and do you alone climb up to heaven . this story neither eusebius pamphilus , nor any other author has mentioned . but i had it from a person that was in no wise a lier , one who was very aged , and related what he had seen transacted in the council . whence i conjecture , that the same accident besell those who have omitted the mention hereof , which happens to many other writers of history . for they usually pass over many things , either because they are ill affected towards some , or have a desire to gratifie others . thus much concerning acesius . chap. xi . concerning paphnutius the bishop . now because we have promised before , to make mention of paphnutius and spyridon , it will be seasonable to speak of them here . paphnutius therefore was bishop of one of the cities in the upper thebaïs : he was a person so pious , that wonderful miracles were wrought by him . in the time of the persecution one of his eyes had been cut out : the emperour had an high esteem for the man , and frequently sent for him to the pallace , and kissed [ the place of ] that eye which had been dug out . so great a piety and reverence was there in the emperour constantine . let this therefore be one thing said by us concerning paphnutius . this other ( which was done by his advice for the utility and advantage of the church , and the grace and ornament of the clergy , ) i will now relate . the bishops had a design to introduce a new law into the church , to wit , that those who were in holy orders , i mean the bishops , presbyters , and deacons , a should abstain from lying with those wives which they had married during the time they were laïcks . and when a proposition was made to consult hereof , paphnutius b rose up in the midst of the assembly of bishops , and cried out with a great deal of earnestness , that such an heavy yoak ought not to be imposed upon those persons that were in sacred orders , saying , that marriage was honourable , and the bed undefil'd ; [ so that they ought to be careful ] least they should rather incommode the church , by their overmuch severity . for all men [ said he ] cannot bear the practise of so strict and severe a continencie , nor is it likely that the chastity of every one of their wives should be preserved . ( the husbands keeping company with his lawful wife he termed chastity . ) it was sufficient [ said he , ] that they who had entred themselves into the function of the clergy before they were married , should afterwards ( according to the ancient tradition of the church ) abstain from entring into a state of matrimony : but that no person ought to be separated from his wife , whom he had heretofore married , [ to wit , ] whilst he was a laick . thus he spake , though he was a man , who had not experienced what marriage was , and ( as i may truly aver ) never knew a woman , for from his childhood he had been educated in a * place where the strictest exercises of virtue and abstinence were constantly practised , and was eminently famous above all men for his singular continencie . all the whole assembly of the clergy were perswaded to yield their assent , to what paphnutius said ; wherefore they silenc'd all further debate concerning this point , and left it to every mans arbitrement whether he would [ or would not ] abstain from keeping company with his wife . and thus much concerning paphnutius . chap. xii . concerning spyridon bishop of the cyprians . now [ we come to speak ] of spyridon : so great a sanctity was in this person whilest yet a shepherd , that he was thought worthy to be made a pastor of men . he had obtained the bishoprick of a city in cyprus call'd ▪ trimithuntis : but by reason of his singular humility he fed sheep during his being a bishop . there are many things related of this man : but i will only record one or two , that i may not seem to wander from my subject . one time about midnight , theeves entred his sheepfold privately , and attempted to take away the sheep . but god who protected the shepherd , preserv'd his sheep also : for the theeves were by an invisible power fast bound to the ●oulds . the morning being now come , he went to his sheep , where finding the men bound with their hands behind them , he perceiv'd what had happened . and after he had prayed , he loosed the theeves , admonishing and exhorting them earnestly , to endeavour the procuring of a livelyhood by honest labours , and not by such unjust rapine : he also gave them a ram and dismist them with this facetious saying , least , says he , you might seem to have watched all night in vain . this is one of spyridons miracles . another was of this sort . he had a daughter , a virgin , indued with her fathers piety , her name irene . a person well known to her , entrusted her with the keeping of an ornament that was of great value . the maid , that she might with greater safety keep what was deposited with her , hid it in the earth : and within a short time died . soon after that , he who had committed this thing to her care , came [ to demand it . ] not finding the virgin , he involves her father [ in that concern , ] sometimes accusing , another while entreating him . the old man , looking upon the persons loss who had entrusted his daughter as his own misfortune , went to his daughters grave , and did there begg of god , that he would shew him the promised resurrection before the time . and his hope was not frustrated . for the virgin immediately revives , and appears to her father , and having shew'd him the place where she had hid the ornament , immediately departed . such persons as these were during the reign of constantine the emperour eminent in the church . these things i both heard from several cyprians ; and also read them in a book of rufinus a presbyter , written in latine , out of which i have not only collected what has here been said , but also some other things which shall a little after this be declared . chap. xiii . concerning eutychianus the monk. i have also heard of eutychianus , a pious man , who flourished at the same time : who although he was one of the novatian church , yet was admired for works of the same nature with those [ we have mentioned . ] i will sincerely confess who it was that gave me this account of him : nor will i conceal it , though i am sensible some will be offended with me for it . one auxanon a presbyter of the novatian church , was a person of a very great age : this man , when he was very young , went to the council of nice with acesius , from him i receiv'd what i have said before concerning acesius . he liv'd from those times to the reign of theodosius the younger , and rehearsed to me , though then very young , these [ memoires ] of eutychianus : he discours'd much to me concerning the divine grace infus'd into him : but one thing he told me concerning him more especially worthy of remembrance , which happened in the reign of constantine . one of those belonging to the guard , whom the emperour calls his a domesticks , being suspected to have attempted some tyrannick designes , made his escape by flight : the emperour , highly incensed thereat , gave order , that he should be put to death , wherever he could be found : being apprehended about the mountain olympus in bithynia , he was shut up in prison , and loaded with very heavy and painful chaines ; neer these parts of olympus eutychianus then resided , leading a solitary life , where he wrought many cures both upon mens bodies and soules . the long-lived auxanon was with him at that time , being then very young , and was by him instructed in the precepts of a solitary life . many did resort to this eutychianus , beseeching him to release the prisoner , by interceding for him with the emperour . ( for the fame of the miracles wrought by eutychianus was come to the emperours hearing . ) he readily promised to make a journey to the emperour . but in regard the prisoner suffered most acute tortures caused by his chains , those that did sollicit for him , reported , that his death , ha●tned by [ the tortures of ] his fetters , would both prevent the emperours punishment , and eutychianus's intercession for him . eutychianus therefore sent to the keepers of the prison , and intreated them to release the man. but when they answered that it would be a very dangerous thing for them to release a criminal , he , taking auxanon only along with him , went to the prison : and upon the keepers refusal to open the prison , the grace which was in eutychianus , did there more illustrate it self : for the prison doors opened of their own accord , whilst the keepers of the prison had the keyes in their custody : and when eutychianus , together with auxanon , had entred the prison , and a great amazement had seized those that were present , the chains fell from the prisoners [ members ] of their own accord . afterwards [ eutychianus ] together with his companion auxano travelled to the city heretofore named byzantium , but afterwards called constantinople , and being admitted into the imperial pallace , he freed the prisoner from [ the danger of ] death . for the emperour , having a great respect for eutychianus , readily granted his request . this was done after [ those times which we are now giving an account of . ] but then , the bishops that were present at the synod , after they had drawn up in writing some things , which they usually term canons , returned to their respective cities . moreover , i look upon it as a thing advantagious to such as are studious of history , to insert here those bishops names ( as many of them as we were able to find , ) that were convened at nice , as also [ the name of ] the province and city over which every one of them did preside , and likewise the time wherein they were assembled . b hosius bishop of corduba in spain . i do believe as is before written . c vito and vincentius presbyters of rome . alexander [ bishop ] of aegypt . eustathius [ bishop ] of antioch the great . macarius [ bishop ] of jerusalem . d harpocration [ bishop ] of cynopolis . and the rest whose names are particularly and fully set forth in the e synodicon of athanasius bishop of alexandria . and the time when this synod was convened was ( as we found it in the f notation of the time prefixt before the synod ) in the consulate of paulinus and julianus , on the g twentieth day of the month of may ; that was the h six hundredth thirty six year from the reign of alexander the macedonian . thus the synod was concluded . we must also take notice , that after [ the dissolution of ] this synod , the emperour took his progress into the western parts [ of his empire . ] chap. xiv . that eusebius bishop of nicomedia , theognis bishop of nice ( who had been banished because they were abettors of arius's opinion , ) having afterwards sent a libell of repentance , and agreed to the exposition of the faith , were re-admitted to their sees . moreover , a eusebius and theognis , b having sent a libell of repentance to the most eminent bishops , were by an imperial order recalled from exile , and restored to their own churches : those who had been ordained in their places being removed by them ; eusebius [ put out ] amphion , and theognis [ removed ] chrestus . this is a copy of their libell . we having been sometime since c condemned by your piety , d without having our cause declared or defended , ought quietly to bear what has been determined by your holy discretion . but because 't is absurd , by silence to give an occasion of calumny against our selves , for this reason we declare to you , that we have both unanimously agreed to the [ determination about the ] faith , and also ( after we had made researches into the notion of homöousios , ) with our utmost earnestness laboured for peace , having never been followers of any heresie . and when we had suggested whatever came into our minds upon account of the churches security , and had fully satisfied those that ought to be perswaded by us , we subscribed the faith , but have not subscribed the anathematism ; not that we had any thing to object against the faith , but because we did not believe the person accused to be such a one [ as he was represented to be ; ] having been fully satisfied that he was no such person , partly from the private letters written to us by him , and partly from the discourses he made in our presence . e but if your holy council was [ then ] satisfied , we [ now ] make no resistance , but agree to what you have determined , and by this libell do fully declare and confirm our consent ; [ which we are induced to do ] not because we took upon our exile ▪ to be tedious and burdensom , but that we might avoid the suspicion of heresie . for if you shall now vouchsafe to let us return to your presence , you shall find us to be of the same opinion with you in all points , and quietly to adhere to what you have determined : since it hath seemed good to your piety , gently to treat even * him , who is accused for these things , and to f recall him from banishment . but it would be absurd ( since he that seemed to be guilty is recalled , and has made his defence in reference to those things laid to his charge , ) that we should be silent , and muster up an argument against our selves . do you therefore vouchsafe ( as it befits your piety that loves christ ) to remind our emperour most dear to god , to offer up our supplications to him , and speedily to determine concerning us as shall be most agreeable to your [ prudence . ] this is the libell of eusebius and theognius's recantation . from the words whereof i conjecture , that they subscribed the faith which had been publisht [ in the council ; ] but would not give their consent to the deposing of arius : and it appears hence , that arius was recalled [ from banishment ] before them : but although this seems to be so , yet he was forbid to enter alexandria . which is evident from this , [ to wit ] that he afterwards invented a way for his own return into the church and the city alexandria , by having made use of a counterfeited repentance , as we shall relate in its due place . chap. xv. that alexander dying after the [ nicene ] synod , athanasius was consecrated bishop of the city alexandria . a soon after , upon the death of alexander bishop of alexandria , athanasius was promoted to the presidency over that church . rufinus relates , that this person , when he was very young , did , together with those that were his equals in age , play at a kind of an holy sport : this play was an imitation of the sacerdotal function , and of those persons order that were clergy men . in this sport therefore athanasius was elected bishop , and every one of the rest of the children acted either a presbyter , or a deacon . this sport the children plaid at on that day , whereon was celebrated the memory of peter the martyr and bishop . alexander bishop of alexandria accidentally passing by at that time , saw all their play . and , having afterwards sent for the children , he enquir'd of them what place had been allotted to every one of them in the play , supposing that from what had been done some thing might be portended [ concerning each of them . ] and he gave order , that the children should be educated in the church and instructed in learning ; but most especially athanasius . afterwards when he was come to a maturity of age , he ordain'd him deacon , and took him along with him to nice , that he might assist him in the disputations there , at such time as that synod was convened . these things rufinus has related concerning athanasius , in his b books [ of ecclesiastick history : ] nor is it at all unlikely that these things hapned : for many such like acts are frequently found to have been done . thus much we have hitherto said concerning athanasius . chap. xvi . how the emperour constantine , having enlarged the city heretofore call'd byzantium , named it constantinople . the emperour , after the [ dissolution of the ] council spent his time in delight and pleasure . as soon therefore as he had finished the publick festivities of his a vicennalia , he forthwith imployed himself very diligently about reedifying and erecting of churches . this he did as well in other cities , as in that that bore his own name . which city , being formerly call'd byzantium , he very much enlarged ; he encompassed it with magnificent walls , and beautified with several edifices ; and having made it equal to the imperial city rome , b he named it constantinople , and did by a law establish that it should be call'd new rome . which law was engraven on a pillar of stone , and c exposed to the publick view , being erected in the d strategium , neer to the emperours statue on horseback . he also founded two churches in the same city , the one of which he named irêne , and the other he called the apostles : nor did he only improve and enlarge the affaires of the christians , as i have said , but did also subvert [ the superstition ] of the gentiles . for [ he took their ] images [ out of their temples ] and set them up in the most publick places , that they might serve to beautifie the city constantinople : he also expos'd the delphick tripods openly in the hippodrome . but it will perhaps seem superfluous to mention these things now . for they are sooner beheld with the eyes , than the relation of them can be heard . but at that time the christian religion was mightily propagated and increased . for the divine providence did ( amongst other things ) reserve that more especially for the times of constantine : and thus has eusebius pamphilus in a magnifick stile recorded the praises of this emperour . but yet we judge it not unseasonable for us to speak briefly of them , according to our ability . chap. xvii . how helena , the emperours mother , came to jerusalem , and having there found christs cross , which she had sought for a long time , built a church . helena the emperours mother , ( from whose name drepanum , which was formerly only a village , but made a city by the emperour , was call'd helenopolis ) being admonished by god in her dreames , travell'd to jerusalem . and when she found that place which was formerly jerusalem , desolate ( as the prophet predicted ) * like a lodge [ set up ] to preserve apples , she searched diligently for christs sepulchre wherein he was buried , and whence he arose , and though with great difficulty , yet by god's assistance ●he found it out . what was the reason of this difficulty , i will in few words explain . those that embraced christs doctrine , did after the time of his passion pay an high respect to that monument . but the heathens who abhorred the christian religion , having covered the place with an heap of earth , erected thereon a temple to venus , and set up her image there , designing wholly to suppress the memory of that place . and this plot of theirs had for a long time succeeded . but the emperours mother had notice hereof . wherefore , having thrown down the image , remov'd the earth , and wholly cleared the place , she finds three crosses in the monument : one of them was that blessed cross on which our saviour had hung : the other two were those , on which the two thieves , that were crucified with him , had dyed . there was also found with the crosses pilates title , whereon he had written in divers languages , and proclaim'd that that christ who was crucified , was the king of the jews . but in regard 't was dubious which of these was the cross that was searched for , the emperours mother was not a little troubled hereat . this trouble the bishop of jerusalem , by name macarius , soon eased her of ; and by [ the power of ] his faith cleared the doubt . for he requested a sign of god and obtained it ; the sign was this . a certain woman of that vicinage , having been oppressed with a tedious and lasting distemper , was now just at the point of death . the bishop therefore commanded every one of the crosses to be appli'd to her now expiring , being perswaded in himself that if the woman were toucht by the pretious cross [ of the lord ] she should recover . nor was his hope frustrated . for the two crosses which were not our lords being applied , the woman nevertheless continued in her dying condition ; but when the third , the true and genuine cross was applied , the dying woman immediately recovered and was made whole . after this manner was the cross found out : the emperours mother erected over the place where the sepulchre was , a most magnificent church , and call'd it a new jerusalem , building it opposite to that old deserted jerusalem , she left there one half of the cross , inclosed in a silver case , as a relique to be seen by those that should desire it . the other half she sent to the emperour , which when he had receiv'd , being fully perswaded that that city would be perfectly secure wherein such a [ relique ] as this was preserv'd , he hid it within his own statue , b which is erected upon a vast pillar of porphyrie in constantinople , in the forum , call'd from him constantin's forum . this story i have recorded as it has been related to me ; but almost all the inhabitants of constantinople do affirm it to be true . constantine having also received the nailes with which christs hands were fastned to the cross ; ( for his mother , having found them also in the sepulchre , sent them to him : ) he ordered bridles and a helmet to be made of them , which he made use of in his military expeditions . moreover , the emperour gave large supplies of all manner of materials towards the building of the churches : and wrote to macarius the bishop to hasten the work . the emperours mother , having finished the new jerusalem , built another church in no wise inferiour in splendour to the former , in the cave at bethlehem , which was the place of christs birth according to the flesh : besides , [ she erected another church ] upon the mount , from whence he was taken up into heaven . and she was so religiously and piously affected towards these things , that she would pray in the womens company together with others : she also invited , those virgins that were enroll'd in the catalogue of the churches to an entertainment . where she her self waited , and brought the meat to the tables . besides she was very liberal both to the churches , and also to the indigent . [ in fine , ] having spent her life very piously , she dyed about the eightieth year of her age : and her body was conveyed to the imperial city new rome , and deposited amongst the imperial monuments . chap. xviii . how the emperour constantine abolished gentilism , and erected many churches in several places . after this , the emperour , becoming more solicitous about [ the propagation of ] christianity , abhorred the superstitions of the gentiles : and first he abolished the combats of the gladiators : afterwards he placed his own statues in the temples . the heathens affirming that it was serapis that caused the inundations of nile whereby the fields of egypt were watered , because there was a cubit usually carried into his temple , the emperour a ordered alexander , to remove the cubit into the church [ of the alexandrians , ] hereupon 't was generally reported , that , because serapis was disgusted , the nile would not overflow ; nevertheless , there hapned an inundation on the ensuing year , and afterwards , which also does continue to this day : and thus it was really demonstrated , that the inundation of the nile hapned not by the meanes of their superstition , but by the decree of providence . about the same time , those barbarous nations , the sarmatae and the goths , made inroades into the roman territories , and yet the emperours forwardness in building of churches was not in the least interrupted thereby , but he made a commodious provision for both those affairs . for , having put his confidence in the * christian banner , he totally subdued those his enemies ; in so much that he took off the tribute of gold which had been customarily paid to the barbarians by those emperours who were his predecessours ; and that was the first time that they ( being astonished at their prodigious overthrow ) were perswaded to embrace the christian religion , by which constantine had been every where preserv'd . again , he erected other churches : one he built at that place called the oak of mambre , under which the sacred scriptures tell us that the angels were entertained by abraham . for the emperour being inform'd that altars were erected under that oak , and , that pagan sacrifices were there perform'd ; by his letter he severely reproved eusebius bishop of caesarea : and gave command that the altar should be demolished , and an house of prayer erected neer that oak . he also gave order for the building of another church , in heliopolis , a city of phaenicia , for this reason . what manner of law-maker the citizens of heliopolis originally had , or what person he was as to his morals , i cannot certainly tell . but his disposition is sufficiently demonstrated from that city : for the law of their country has commanded that the women should be common among them , upon which account the children amongst them could not be known whose they were . for there was no distinction betwixt the parents and the children . their virgins they delivered to strangers that arrived amongst them , that they might deflower them . the emperour made it his business to abolish this custom , which had so long prevailed amongst them . for having abrogated the flagitiousness of those unclean usages by a discreet and chast law , he brought them to know and distinguish betwixt families : and when he had built churches , he took care that a bishop should be ordained over them , and a sacred clergy . thus he reform'd the impious usages of the heliopolites , and made them more modest and civil . after the like manner also he demolisht the temple of venus at aphaca neer [ the mount ] libanus , and abrogated those impudent and obscene ▪ mysteries there celebrated . what need i relate how he expelled that devil who pretended to utter prophecies , out of cilicia , commanding the house in which he lurked , to be demolished even to its very foundations . moreover , so ardent was the emperours love for the christian religion , that being about to ingage in a war with the persians , he provided a tabernacle made of linen painted with divers colours , much resembling a church ( even as moses did in the wilderness ) and this he would have carried about with him , that so in the most desert regions he might have an oratory ready . but this war went no further at that time : for it hapned to be immediately extinguished through the fear which the persians had conceiv'd of the emperour . but i think it unseasonable to relate here how diligent the emperour constantine was in repairing cities , and how he turned many villages into cities ; as for instance , drepane , which bore his mothers name , and constantia in palestine , so called from his sisters name constantia . for our design is not to recount all the emperours actions , but them only which belong to the christian religion , and those more particularly which were done about the churches . wherefore , the emperours famous exploits , in regard they are of a subject different [ from mine , ] and require a peculiar treatise , i leave to others , that are able to commit to writing such matters . indeed , i my self , had the church continued undisturbed by factions and discord , had been wholly silent . for where the subject affords not matter proper for a narrative , the relators words are superfluous and useless . but in regard a subtile , vain , and insignificant craftiness in disputing hath disturbed , and at the same time also dissipated and distracted the apostolick faith of christianity , i supposed it requisite to commit these things to writing , that so those affaires which have been transacted in the churches , might not be buried in silence . for the knowledge of these things does both procure great praise and commendation amongst most men , and also renders him that is well versed therein much more solid and cautious ; teaching him not to fluctuate or stagger [ in his sentiments , ] when any * vain babblings about words and terms shall happen to arise . chap. xix . after what manner the innermost indian nations were in the times of constantine converted to christianity . now therefore we must record , how the christian religion was propagated in the times of this emperour . for the innermost indians , and the iberians did then first embrace the christian faith. but we will briefly explain , what we mean by the addition of this term , the innermost . when the apostles about to take their journey to the heathens , in order to their preaching to them , had by lot divided them amongst themselves , a thomas received the apostolate of the parthians . to matthew was allotted aethiopia . bartholomew had that india assign'd to him which lyes upon the confines of aethiopia . but this innermost india which is inhabited by several barbarous nations , who make use of different languages , was not enlightned with the doctrine of christianity , before the times of constantine . what was the cause of their embracing the christian religion , i come now to relate . one meropius , a philosopher , by birth a tyrian , made it his business to see the country of the indians , emulating herein b metrodorus the philosopher , who a little before him had travelled over that same country . meropius therefore taking along with him two youths that were related to him , who were in no wise unskilled in the greek language , arrived in this countrey in a ship. and having seen what he desired , in order to his procuring ▪ necessary provisions , he put to land at a place which had a safe commodious harbour . it hapned , that a little before [ his arival there ] the league betwixt the romans and indians had been broken . the indians therefore took the philosopher , and those that were in the ship with him , and put them all to death , except his two young kinsmen . having saved the lives of the two youths , out of a compassion to their age , they presented them to the king of the indians . he , much pleased with the young mens lookes , made the one of them , whose name was aedesius , the cup bearer of his table : to the other , whose name was frumentius , he * committed the custody of his accounts and evidences royal . not long after this , the king dying ( having left behind him a son to be his successour , who was a minor , and his wife , ) gave these two young men their liberty . but the queen , seeing her son left in his minority , spoke to these two persons to take care of him , till such time as he should come to maturity of age . the young men , in obedience to the queen , undertake the management of the kings business . but frumentius was the chief person in managing the affairs of state. and he was very earnest in enquiring of the roman merchants who then came to trade in that country , whether there were any that embraced christianity to be found amongst them . having found some , and informed them who he was , he exhorted them to make choice of c some private meeting places for the performance of prayers therein , after the manner of christians . afterwards , within some short interval of time he built an oratory ▪ and they ▪ having instructed some indians in the principles of christianity , brought them to prayers with them . but afterwards , when the young king came to a maturity of age , frumentius resigning to him the administration of the affairs of the kingdom , which he had well managed , petitioned for leave to return into his own countrey . and though the king and his mother entreated him to stay , yet they could not perswade him , but being desirous to see his own countrey , he , together with aedesius , returned home . aedesius hastened to tyre to see his parents and kindred : but frumentius arriving at alexandria , related the whole story to athanasius , d who was then newly dignified with that bishoprick ; informing him of the circumstances of his travells , and that there was good grounds to hope that the indians would embrace christianity : [ he also desired him ] that he would send a bishop and a clergy thither , and that he ought in no wise to neglect those tha● might be brought unto salvation . athanasius having taken into consideration what was most expedient to be done , entreated frumentius himself to take upon him the bishoprick , telling him that there was no man better quallified for it than he . which was done . e frumentius therefore , dignified with an episcopate , returns again to the indians country , and there became a preacher of the christian religion ; he founded many oratories , and being vouchsafed [ the assistance of ] divine grace , he wrought many miracles , and cured many mens bodies together with their souls . these things rufinus says he heard from aedesius's own mouth , who was afterwards dignified with a presbytership in the church of tyre . chap. xx. after what manner the iberians were converted to the christian religion . it is now a fit opportunity to relate after what manner the iberians were at the same time converted to christianity . a woman who led a religious and chast life , was , by the disposal of divine providence , taken captive by the iberians . these iberians dwell neer the euxine sea ; they are a colony of the iberians in spain . this captive woman therefore , living amongst the barbarians , devoted herself to a philosophick course of life . for together with the strictest and severest exercises of chastity , she used herself to most tedious and lasting fasts , and to continued prayer . the barbarians seeing this , were amazed at the strangeness and novelty of her actions . it hapned , that * the kings son , being a very young child , fell sick . the queen , according to the custom of that countrey , sent the child about to other women to be cured : if perchance by long experience they might know of any cure for the distemper . when the young child had been carried about by his nurse , and could find no cure from any of the women , he was at last brought to this captive woman . she in the presence of many women , applyed not any material remedy , for she had no knowledge of any such medicines . but , having taken the child , she laid him upon her own bed , which was made of hair-cloath , and only spake these words : christ ( said she ) who healed many , shall ●lso cure this child . having added a prayer to these words , and invoked gods assistance , the child immediately recovered , and from that time was very well . the report hereof was noised abroad amongst the barbarian women , it came also to the queens ear ; and the captive woman became more eminent . not long after the queen , being fallen into a distemper , sent for the captive woman . she having refused to go by reason of her modesty and bashfull disposition , the queen herself was conveyed to her . the captive woman does the same that she before had done to the child . and forthwith the sick queen recovered , and returned her thanks to the woman . but she made her this answer , it is not i that do this , but christ , who is the son of that god , who made the world . she therefore exhorted the queen to call upon him , and to acknowledge the true god. the king of the iberians , amazed at the suddenness of her recovery from the disease , having enquired who it was that did these cures , presented the captive woman with gifts . she answered , that she stood not in need of wealth , for piety was her riches . but that she should accept it as the greatest present , if he would acknowledge that god who was set forth and declared by her . with this answer she returned his presents . the king treasured up her words in his breast . the next day this accident befell the king going out a hunting : there fell a mist and a thick darkness upon the tops of the mountains and forrests where he was hunting , so that their sport was grown troublesome , and the way impassable . the king being in a very great straight , earnestly implored [ the assistance of ] those gods whom he worshipped : but finding he was never the better , at last he bethought himself of the captive-womans god , and calls upon him to be his assistant . he had no sooner prayed , but the darkness caused by the mist was dispersed . admiring at what was done , he returned home with joy , and having told his queen what had befallen him , he forthwith sent for the captive woman , and enquired of her who that god was , whom she worshipped . when the woman was come into his presence , she made the king of the iberians to become a preacher of christ. for , having been perswaded by this devout woman to believe in christ , he convened all the iberians that were his subjects ; and when he had related to them all things concerning the cure of his wife and his child , and also what had befallen him in his hunting , he exhorted them to worship the god of the captive-woman . thus therefore they both became preachers of christ , the king preached to the men ▪ and the queen to the women . moreover , the king , informed by the captive woman of the fashion of those churches amongst the romanes , commanded an oratory to be built ; and ordered a provision of all materials towards the building to be forthwith made . therefore a church was erected ; and when they went about raising of the pillars , divine providence attempts somewhat that might perswade the inhabitants of that country [ to embrace ] the christian faith. for one of the pillars continued immoveable . no engine could be invented , that was able to stir it . but the ropes were broken , and the engines torn in pieces . the work-men therefore , desponding and quite out of heart , went away . then was the captive womans faith openly manifested . for she goes by night to the place without any bodies knowledge , and there stayed all night , spending the time in fervent prayer : and by gods providence the pillar was raised , and stood fixt in the air , higher than its basis , in such a manner that it did not in the least touch its basis . assoon as it was day , the king , a well skilled in architecture , came to the building , and sees the pillar hanging in the air above its own basis . both he himself , and all his attendants were amaz'd at what had happened , for a little while after in their sight the pillar descended upon its own basis , and there stood fixt . hereupon they all shouted , cried out that the kings faith was true , and celebrated the praises of the captive-womans god. after this they believed [ in christ ] and raised up the rest of the pillars with great alacrity of mind : and the whole building was in a short time perfectly finished . afterwards an embassie was sent from them to constantine the emperour , whereby they requested , that they might both in future be admitted to a confederacie with the romans , and also have a bishop and an holy clergy sent to them . for they protested that they did sincerely believe in christ. this relation rufinus says he had from b bacurius , who had formerly been a prince of iberia : but afterwards coming over to the romans , he was c made a captain within the limits of palestine . at length he was advanced to the office of a general , and did the emperour theodosius extraordinary good service , in the d war against maximus the tyrant . after this manner were the iberians converted to the christian religion in the times of constantine . chap. xxi . concerning antonius the monk. it would be superfluous for us to say any thing concerning antonius the monk , who at the same time lived in the deserts of aegypt , [ or to relate ] what a man he was , how he openly strove with devils , and detected all their stratagems and attempts ; and how he wrought many miracles . for athanasius bishop of alexandria has prevented us , having written a particular book concerning his life : such a plenty of eminent men was there , who lived at one and the same time , in the reign of constantine . chap. xxii . concerning manes the author of the heresie of the maniche●s , and whence he had his original . but it is usuall for cockle to grow up amongst the good corn , for the envy [ of the devil ] loves to lay snares for the righteous . not long before constantines reign , there sprung up a kind of heathenish christianity , together with the true christian religion , as heretofore false-prophets arose up together with the prophets , and pseudo-apostles amongst the apostles . for in those days one manichaeus attempted clandestinely to introduce the opinion of empedocles the heathen philosopher , into christianity . this man eusebius pamphilus indeed has mentioned , in the * seventh book of his ecclesiastick history , but has not accurately explained all things concerning him . wherefore i judge it requisite to supply what he has omitted . for thereby it will be manifested , who this manichaeus was , whence he came , and how he arived at so high a degree of audaciousness . one scythianus a saracen , married a captive woman a native of the upper thebaïs . upon her account he lived in aegypt , and having been instructed in the literature of the aegyptians , he introduced the opinion of empedocles and pythagoras into the christian religion : asserting that there were two natures , the one good , the other evil ; ( as empedocles also did ) the evil nature he termed discord ; the good he called friendship . one buddas , heretofore named terebinthus , was this scythianus's schollar . this man travelling into the countrey of babylonia , which is inhabited by the persians , told many strange and prodigious things of himself , saying , that he was born of a virgin , and educated in the mountains . afterwards he wrote four books , one he entitled [ the book ] of mysteries ; another , the gospel ; the third he called the thesaurus , and the fourth heads . but as he was counterfiting the performance of some mysterious sacred rites , he was thrown down headlong by the devil , and so died . the woman , at whose house he sojourned , buried him . she having possessed her self of his money , bought a boy , about seven years old , by name cubricus : this boy she made free ; and when she had bred him a schollar , she died soon after , and le●t him all terebinthus's estate , and the books also which he had written , being instructed by scythianus . cubricus , now a free-man , takes these goods along with him , and travelling into persia , changes his name , calling himself manes . where he distributed buddas's , or terebinthus's books , as his own genuine works , amongst his seduced followers . now these are the subjects of those books , in the words they seemingly assert the christian religion , but [ if ] the opinions [ contained in them be attentively considered ] they are [ neer a kin to ] gentilism . for manichaeus , being an impious person , does incite [ his disciples ] to worship a plurality of gods. he also teaches , that the a sun is to be adored . besides , he introduces fate , and destroys mans free-will . he apparently asserts a transmutation of bodies , following herein the opinions of empedocles , pythagoras , and the aegyptians . he denies that christ existed in the flesh , saying , that he was a meer * phantasm . he does also reject the law and the prophets : and calls himself the paraclete . all which tenets , t is manifest , are wholly disagreeable to the orthodox [ doctrine of the ] church . moreover , in his letters he has been so audacious as to stile himself an apostle . but he met with a condign punishment for this impudent lie of his , [ which befell him ] upon this occasion . the son of the king of persia happened to fall sick ; his father , desirous to save the life of his son , left no stone unturn'd , as the common saying is . having heard of manichaeus , and supposing the wonders he did to be real and true , he sends for him as if he had been an apostle , hoping that he might preserve his sons life . when he was come , in a fictitious and pretended manner he takes in hand to cure the kings son . but the king , seeing that his son died under his hands , clap't him in prison , with a designe forthwith to put him to death . he made his escape [ out of prison ] into mesopotamia , and saved himself : but when the king of persia had intelligence of his abode in those parts , he [ caused him ] to be brought from thence by force , and flead him alive : and having stuffed his skin with chaff , he hanged it up before the city gates . these things , which we relate , are no forgeries of our own , b but we collected them out of a book we read over , [ intitled ] the disputation of archelaus , bishop of cascharum , one of the cities of mesopotamia . for this archelaus says , that he disputed with manichaeus face to face , and what we have written above concerning manichaeus's life , archelaus himself does relate . thus therefore does the envy [ of the devil , ] as we said before , delight to entrap good affairs when in their most flourishing posture . but , for what reason the goodness of god should permit this to be done , ( whether it be that he is desirous to have the true opinion of the church brought to the test and examined , and wholly to extirpate arrogancy which usually grows up together with faith , or for what other reason ) is a question that cannot be solved without great difficulty and tediousness : nor can it now be opportunely discust by us . for , it is not our design to examin [ the truth ] of opinions , or to make researches into the abstruse accounts of providence and the judgment of god ; but , according to our ability , to compose a narrative of the affairs that have been transacted in the churches . after what manner therefore the superstition of the manichaeans c sprang up a little before the times of constantine , it has been sufficiently declared . let us now return to [ the series of ] those times , that are the proper subject of the history we designe . chap. xxiii . how eusebius bishop of nicomedia , and theognis bishop of nice , taking courage again , endeavoured to subvert the nicene creed , by plotting against athanasius . eusebius and theognis , being returned from exile , recovered their own churches , having ( as we said before ) extruded those that had been ordained [ bishops ] in their places : moreover , they acquired great interest and favour with the emperour , who had an high esteem for them , looking upon them as converts from an heretical to the orthodox doctrine . but they abused this favour and liberty granted them , and made more disturbance in the world then formerly they had done ; incited thereto by two motives ; the one [ proceeded ] from the arian heresie , with which they had been formerly infected ; the other from their inveterate hatred against athanasius ; because he had so vigorously opposed them in the synod , when the articles of faith were discussed . first of all therefore they began to find fault with athanasius's ordination , as if he were unworthy of a bishoprick , and a as if his ordination had been performed by unfitting persons . but it was afterwards demonstrated that he was superiour to all manner of calumny : for being seated in the bishoprick of alexandria , he stifly and vigorously contended for the nicene creed : then eusebius set all his wits at work to lay a plot for athanasius , and to bring arius again into alexandria . for he supposed this to be the only way to eradicate the * doctrine of consubstantiality , and introduce arianism . eusebius therefore wrote to athanasius that he would readmit arius and his companions [ into the church . ] b and in his letter he intreated him , but openly and in publick he threatned him . but when athanasius could by no means be prevailed with , he attempts to perswade the emperour to grant arius leave to come into his presence , and that he would give him a liberty of returning to alexandria . and by what means he prevailed so far , as to effect this , i will relate in its due place . but before these things were done , there was another commotion raised in the churches . for her own sons did again disturb the peace of the church . eusebius pamphilus relates , that immediately after the synod , aegypt raised mutual factions within it self , but he annexes not the occasion of this division . whence he is thought by many to have been double-tongued , because , declining to set forth the reasons [ of the discords ] he had resolved with himself not to assent to what had been determined at nice . but as we our selves have found from several letters which the bishops wrote to one another after the synod , the term homoousios disturbed some mens minds . whilst they were busying themselves about this word , and made too curious inquiries into its import and meaning , they raised an intestine war amongst themselves . and what was done herein was not unlike a fight in the night . for neither side seemed to understand perfectly , why they reviled one another . for they that had an aversion for the term homoöusios , look'd upon them that approved of it as introducers of c sabellius's and montanus's opinion . and therefore they called them blasphemers , as being persons that destroyed the existence of the son of god. on the other hand , they that were maintainers of the term homoöusios , supposing the other [ their adversaries ] to be introducers of [ the worship of ] many gods , abominated them , as the bringers in of gentilism . eustathius bishop of antioch reviles eusebius pamphilus as one that adulterates the nicene faith. eusebius answers , that he does in no wise infringe or violate the creed [ published ] at nice : but accuses eustathius , for being an assertour of sabellius's opinion . for these reasons every one [ of the bishops ] wrote volumes , as if it had been against most bitter enemies : and although both sides asserted , that the son of god had a * proper , real and peculiar person and existence , and confessed that there was one god in three persons , yet ( how it came to pass , i know not ) they could in no wise agree amongst themselves ; and therefore would by no means endure to be at quiet . chap. xxiv . concerning the synod convened at antioch , which deposed eustathius bishop of antioch : upon whose account there was a sedition raised , by which that city was almost ruined . therefore , having convened a synod at antioch , they depose eustathius , as one who was better affected towards sabellius's opinion , than towards what the nicene synod had determined . but , as some report , [ he was deposed ] for other reasons less commendable : which yet they have not openly declared . but this is a thing which the bishops usually do towards all that they depose ; they load them wi●h reproaches , and call them impious persons , but annex not the reasons of their impiety . now that they deposed eustathius as a favourer of sabellius's opinion ( cyrus bishop of beraea being his accuser , ) georgius bishop of laodicea in syria ( one of their number who hated the term homoöusios ) has related in that encomium a he wrote upon eusebius emisenus . concerning this eusebius emisenus we will hereafter speak in its proper place . but georgius writes [ such things as do not very well hang together ] concerning eustathius . for he reports , that eustathius was accused by cyrus for an assertour of sabellius's opinion ; again he says , that cyrus was b condemned and deposed for maintaining the same errour . but how can it be , that cyrus should accuse eustathius , for being a sabellian , who was himself a favourer of that heresie . it is probable therefore that eustathius was deposed for some other reasons . moreover , at such time as eustatbius was deposed , there was a very great sedition raised in antioch . and afterwards , [ at the conferences ] about the election of a bishop , there was frequently kindled so great a flame [ of dissention , ] that it wanted but little of destroying the whole city , the populace being divided into two factions : one party of them contended vigorously for the translation of eusebius pamphilus from caesarea in palestine to [ the see of ] antioch ; the other faction was very earnest to have eustathius restored . the whole city in general favoured the one or the other party [ of the christians . ] the military forces also were drawn up in battel array [ on both sides ] as it were against enemies , in so much that they were just about making use of their swords , had not god , and the fear of the emperour repressed the violence of the multitude . for the emperour by his letters , c and eusebius by his refusal of the bishoprick , appeased that tumult and sedition . upon which account the emperour admired him greatly , and writ a letter to him , in which he commends his prudent resolution , calling him happy , because he was judged worthy to be bishop not of one city , but almost of the whole world . it is recorded therefore that after this the see of antioch was d vacant eight years . but at length , by the diligence of those that plotted the subversion of the nicene faith , e euphronius is ordained bishop . let thus much be related concerning the synod convened at antioch upon eustathius's account . soon after these things , eusebius ( who had long before left berytus , and was now possessed of the church at nicomedia , ) made it his business , together with his confederates , to bring arius again into alexandria . but , how they prevailed to effect this their design , and after what manner the emperour was perswaded to admit arius and euzoïus into his presence , we are now to relate . chap. xxv . concerning the presbyter , who made it his business to get arius recalled . the emperour constantine had a sister whose name was constantia . she had been married to licinius who was heretofore colleague in the empire with constantine , but afterwards he became a tyrant and was therefore put to death . she had a confident , a presbyter , one that was a favourer of arianism , who was reckoned amongst her domesticks . this man , prompted thereto by eusebius and those of his faction , did in his familiar discourse with constantia let fall some words concerning arius , saying , that the synod had done him wrong , and that his sentiments were not such as report represented them to be . constantia having heard this was easily induced to give credit to the presbyter . but she had not confidence to declare it to the emperour . it happened that constantia fell dangerously sick . the emperour came daily to visit her in her sickness . but when she was brought into so dangerous a condition by her distemper , that she expected to die immediately , she recommends the presbyter to the emperour , declaring to him his industry , piety , and how well affected he was towards his government : and immediately after she died . the presbyter was [ after this ] made one of the emperours greatest confidents . and having by degrees got a greater liberty of speaking , he relates to the emperour the same things concerning arius , that he before told his sister ; affirming that arius had no other sentiments than what were agreeable to the synods determination : and that if [ the emperour ] would admit him to his presence , he would give his consent to what the synod had decreed : a moreover , that he was falsely accused without the least of reason . these words of the presbyters seemed strange to the emperour . thus therefore he answered [ the presbyter , ] if arius does consent to the synods determination , and has the same sentiments with that , i will both admit him to my presence , and also send him back to alexandria with repute and honour . thus he answered , and immediately wrote to arius after this manner . victor constantinus , maximus , augustus , to arius . it has been sometime since made known to your gravity , that you should repair to our court , in order to your being admitted to the enjoyment of our presence . but we much admire , that you have not immediately performed this . wherefore , ascend forthwith a publick chariot , and come with speed to our court : that having experienced our benevolence and care , you may return to your own countrey . god preserve you , beloved brother . dated before the fifth of the kalends of december . this was the emperours letter to arius . here i cannot but admire the emperours care and zeal for religion . for 't is evident by this letter , that he had before frequently exhorted arius to a * recantation , in regard he reproves him , that after his frequent writing to him , arius had not forthwith returned to the truth . arius therefore having received the emperours letters , came soon after to constantinople . there came along with him euzoïus ; whom alexander had divested of his deaconship when he deposed arius and his associates . the emperour admits them to his presence , and asked them whether they would agree to the [ nicene ] faith . they having readily given their assent , the emperour commanded them to deliver in a libel containing [ the articles of ] their faith . chap. xxvi . how arius , being recalled [ from exile , ] and having given up a libell of repentance to the emperour , did therein hypocritically pretend [ himself an assertour of ] the nicene creed . having therefore composed a libell , they present it to the emperour , the contents whereof are as followeth . arius and euzoïus , to our most religious and most pious lord constantine the emperour . according to the order of your piety most acceptable to god , ( our lord the emperour , ) we do declare our faith , and in writing profess in the presence of god , that we and all our adherents do believe as followeth . we believe in one god the father almighty ; and in the lord jesus christ his son , who was made by him before all worlds : god the word , by whom all things were made , that are in heaven , and that are in earth : who came down from heaven , and was incarnate , and suffered , and rose again , and ascended into the heavens , who also shall come again to judge the quick and the dead . [ we also believe ] in the holy ghost , and in the resurrection of the flesh , and in the life of the world to come , and in the kingdom of heaven , and in one catholick church of god [ which is spred ] from one end of the world to the other . this faith we have received from the holy gospels , the lord saying to his disciples : go ye and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . a if we do not thus believe these things , and [ if we do not ] truly admit of the father , the son and the holy ghost , in such manner as the whole catholick church , and the scriptures ( which we believe in all things ) do teach , god is our judge , both now , and in the judgment to come . we therefore beseech your piety ( o emperour most acceptable to god! ) that we being ecclesiastical persons , and holding the faith and sence of the church and the holy scriptures , may by your pacifick and religious piety be united b to our mother , to wit the church ; all questions and superfluous disputations being wholly taken away and suppressed : that so both we and the church , enjoying a mutual peace and union , may joyntly offer up our usual prayers for the peaceable reign of your imperial majesty , and for your whole family . chap. xxvii . how arius returned to alexandria by the emperours order , and upon athanasius's refusal to admit him , eusebius's faction framed divers accusations against athanasius before the emperour . arius having thus perswaded the emperour , returned to alexandria . but this specious covert was not prevalent enough to suppress the silenced and hidden truth . for when athanasius denied him reception upon his arival at alexandria : ( in regard he detested the man as an abomination : ) he attempted to stir up new commotions in alexandria , by disseminating his heresie . moreover , at that time eusebius did both himself write letters , and also induced the emperour to write , that arius and his complices might be received [ into the church . ] but athanasius did wholly refuse to grant them reception : and he acquainted the emperour by his letters that it was impossible for those , who had once rejected the faith , and were anathematized , to be entirely readmitted again [ to their degrees in the church ] at their return . but the emperour , highly incensed [ at this return ] thus threatned athanasius in a letter a . part of the emperours letter . having therefore received the knowledge of our will , doe you afford a free ingress to all such as are desirous of entring into the church . for if we shall receive information that you have prohibited any of those that are desirous [ to be united ] to the church , or have hindred their admission , we will immediately send one who shall be impowred by our order to depose you , and banish you your countrey . thus wrote the emperour , having a regard to the good of the publick , and being unwilling that [ the members of ] the church should be rent asunder . b for he laboured to reduce them all to a perfect union . at that time therefore the eusebians ( who were deadly haters of athanasius , ) supposing they had gotten a fair opportunity , made use of the emperours indignation as instrumental for the execution of their own design . upon which account they made great disturbances , labouring by that meanes to effect athanasius's deposition from his bishoprick : for they hoped that the arian opinion would become absolutely prevalent by these means only , [ to wit , ] by a removal of athanasius . there was therefore by a joynt consent an attack made against him by eusebius of nicomedia , theognis of nice , maris of chalcedon , ursacius of singidunum [ a city ] of the upper maesia , and valens of mursa in the upper pannonia . these persons hire some of the melitian hereticks , who bring in several accusations against athanasius . and first they frame a complaint [ against him ] by c ision , eudaemon and callinicus , who were melitians , as if athanasius had ordered the aegyptians to pay a linnen garment [ under the notion of tribute ] to the church of alexandria . d but alypius , and macarius , presbyters of the church of alexandria , who were then accidentally at nicomedia , extinguished this accusation , having informed the emperour , that what they reported against athanasius was false . wherefore the emperour by his letters sharply reproved those that informed against him : but he advised athanasius in a letter to repair to him . but the eusebian faction , before his arival , and in order to their preventing of it , tack another accusation to the first , far worse than the former : as if athanasius , * entring into a conspiracy against the emperours affaires , had sent a little chest full of gold to one philumenus . but the emperour , having taken cognizance hereof at psamathia , which is the suburbs of the city nicomedia , and finding athanasius innocent , dismissed him with honour ; and wrote to the church of alexandria , that their bishop athanasius had been falsly accused . it would indeed have been comely and decent to have passed over in silence those calumnies , which the eusebians afterwards framed against athanasius , lest christs church should be condemned by those that do not embrace his doctrine . but in regard they have been committed to writing , and exposed to the view of all men , i therefore judged it necessary to treat of these matters as compendiously as may be , which [ if particularized ] would require a peculiar volume . wherefore i will give a short account , whence both the subject of the calumny it self , and also the contrivers of the false accusation had their original . e mareotes is a region of alexandria . there are in it a great many , and those very populous villages , and in them many and stately churches . all these churches are under [ the jurisdiction of ] the bishop of alexandria , and subject to his city like parishes . in this country of mareotes there was a man , by name ischyras , who had committed a fact worthy of a thousand deaths . for , whenas he had never been admitted into sacred orders , he [ nevertheless ] took upon himself the name of a presbyter , and was so audacious as to perform the office of a presbyter . this ischyras therefore , detected in the commission of the foresaid crime , made his escape thence , and arriving at nicomedia , for refuge fled to the eusebian faction . they , in regard of their hatred towards athanasius , receive him as a presbyter ; and promise to prefer him to the dignity of a bishoprick , if he would frame an accusation against athanasius , they deriving a pretence [ for this calumny ] from those stories which ischyras had contrived . for he gave out , that he had suffered most miserably by an assault made upon him : and that macarius running furiously [ into the oratory ] as far as the altar , overturned the table , broke the mystical cup , and burnt the sacred books . for this accusation ( as i have said ) the eusebians promised him a bishoprick as his reward , being sensible that this accusation against macarius , would ( together with him that was accused ) overthrow athanasius also who had sent macarius . this accusation therefore they charged him with afterwards . but before this [ calumny they framed ] another stuffed with all manner of hatred and maliciousness , which we must now speak of . having got a mans hand ( whence they had it , i know not , whether they had murdered any man and cut off his hand ; or whether they had cut it off from some dead body , god only knows , and they that were authours of this fact , ) they produced it [ pretending ] it to be the hand of one f arsenius , a melitian bishop : the hand they exposed to all mens view , but kept arsenius concealed . and they reported that athanasius had this hand in his custody , and made use of it in the performance of some magical delusions . this therefore was the chiefest and most important point of the accusation which these sycophants had forged [ against athanasius . ] but ( as it usually happens in such cases ) other persons accused him of other matters . for all those who had been his enemies before , did at this time most especially make use of their utmost force against him . the emperour , having intelligence of these proceedings , writes to g dalmatius the censor , his brothers son , who then kept his residence at antioch in syria ; that he should command the persons accused to be brought before him , and ( after he had taken cognizance of the case ) order them that were convicted to be punished . he also sent eusebius and theognis , that athanasius might be tried before them . when athanasius knew that he was to be summoned to appear before the censor , he sent into aegypt to find out arsenius . he had certain information that the man was concealed : but he could not apprehend him because he frequently changed his lurking holes by removing from one place to another . in the interim , the emperour suppressed the tryal which should have been before the censor , upon this account . chap. xxviii . that the emperour ordered a synod of bishops should be convened at tyre , upon account of the accusations brought against athanasius . the emperour had ordered a synod of bishops to meet , that they might be present at the consecration of the church which he had erected at jerusalem . he therefore issued out an order that those bishops [ before they met there ] should first be convened at tyre , and by the by make researches into athanasius's case : that so [ all occasions of ] contention being by this means wholly taken away , they might more peaceably perform the * solemnities of the churches dedication , and consecrate it unto god. a this was the thirtieth year of constantines empire . moreover , there were assembled at tyre bishops out of divers places , to the number of sixty , upon the summons of dionysius , a person that had born the consulship . macarius the presbyter was brought from alexandria , bound in iron chains , under the custody of a guard of souldiers . but athanasius would not have come thither ( not that he so much dreaded the accusations brought against him : for he was not conscious to himself that he was guilty of those things he was accused for : but he was afraid least they should make any innovations there in opposition to what had by common consent been approved of at the synod of nice . ) but yet he dreaded the emperours menacing letters . for he had written to him that if he would not come voluntarily , he should be brought by force . therefore athanasius also was present there , being necessitated to it . chap. xxix . concerning arsenius , and his hand which was reported to have been cut off . moreover , divine providence forced arsenius to go to tyre . for having neglected the commands which the sycophants , whose hireling he was , had given him , he came in a disguise , to see what would be done there . it accidentally hapned , that the servants of a archelaus ( who was the consularis ) heard some persons in an inn say , that arsenius ( the person reported to have been murthered ) was there kept concealed in some [ citizens ] house . when they had heard this , and had taken good notice of them that spoke these words , they gave their master an account of what they had heard . he , without the least delay , immediately searched for the man and found him : and when he had found him , ordered he should be secured . and gives notice to athanasius not to be in the least disturbed : for arsenius was alive and present there . arsenius being apprehended , denied that he was [ arsenius . ] but paul bishop of tyre , who had formerly known him , made it appear that he was the person . divine providence having before hand disposed of these things after this manner , soon after athanasius was summoned by the synod . and when he had made his appearance , the sycophants produced the hand , and enforced their accusation [ against him . ] but he * demeaned himself prudently . for he enquired of those that were present , and of his accusers , whether any of them knew arsenius . when a great many answered that they knew him very well , he caused arsenius to be brought in before them , having his hands hid under his upper long garment : then he asked them again ; is this the man that hath lost his hand ? hereupon , they ( excepting those that knew whence the hand had been cut off ) were astonished at the strangeness of the thing . for all the rest thought that arsenius had really wanted a hand , and they expected that athanasius would make his own defence some other way . but he took arsenius's garment , and turning it on one side , shews the mans hand . again , when some supposed that his other hand was wanting , he made a short stay , permitting them to continue dubious . immediately after , without any further delay , he turned aside the other part [ of his garment ] and shewed arsenius's other hand : after which he thus addressed himself to the company ; arsenius , as you see , is found to have two hands : as for the third , let my accusers shew the place whence it was cut off . chap. xxx . that athanasius being found innocent after his first accusation , his accusers made their escape by flight . these affairs concerning arsenius having been thus transacted , they who had contrived this fraud , were reduced to a straight . but a achab , ( who was also called john ) athanasius's accuser , slipt away out of the court of judicature , and so made his escape in the tumult . thus athanasius cleared himself from this accusation , without making use of any * exception . for he was confident , that the bare sight of arsenius being alive would abash the sycophants . chap. xxxi . that athanasius fled to the emperour , upon the bishops not admitting of his defence at his second accusation . but in his disproof of the false accusations brought against macarius , he made use of legal exceptions . and first he excepted against eusebius and his companions , as being enemies , alledging that no man ought to be judged by his adversaries . afterwards he said , that it must be demonstrated , that ischyras the accuser had really procured the dignity of a presbyter . for so it was written in the libel of accusation . but when the judges would not allow of any of these exceptions , macarius's cause was brought in . after that the accusers were almost wearied out and quite faint , the further hearing of the cause was defered till such time as some persons should make a journey into mareotes , that they might make inquisition upon the place concerning all matters that were doubtful . but when athanasius perceived that those very persons were ordered to go , whom he had excepted against ; ( for theognis , maris , theodôrus , macedonius , valens , and ursacius were sent : ) he cried out that their proceedings were treacherous and fraudulent . for it is unjust [ said he ] that macarius the presbyter should be kept in bonds , and that his accuser , together with his adversaries the judges should go ; and [ that this was done ] for this reason , [ to wit , ] that the memorials of the acts might be made up [ in favour ] of one side only . after athanasius had spoke these words aloud , and made protestation before the whole synod and dionysius the president , when he saw that no body took notice of him , he privately withdrew . those therefore that were sent to mareotes , having registred the acts in favour of one side only , as if those things had been most certainly true , a which the accuser had deposed ; made [ their return to tyre . ] chap. xxxii . that after athanasius's departure , he was deposed by the vote of the synod . athanasius being gone away , fled immediately to the emperour . the synod in the first place condemned him in his absence for deserting his cause . but when the acts , which had been made up in mareotes arived , they passed the sentence of deposition against him ; loading him with reproaches in the a libel of his deposition , but mentioned not a word how shamefully the sycophants had been vanquished in the accusation of the murder . arsenius also , who was reported to have been murdered , was received by them . he had at first been a bishop of the melitian heresie : but he subscribed athanasius's deposition , as being at that time bishop of the b hypselites . and thus ( which was very strange ) he that was reported to have been murdered by athanasius , being alive , deposed athanasius . chap. xxxiii . how the synod , having left tyre , came to jerusalem , and after the celebration of the feast of dedication of the new jerusalem , readmitted arius to communion . in the interim the emperours letters arrived , commanding the synod to give their speedy attendance at new jerusalem . and immediately with all possible expedition they hastned from tyre to jerusalem . where after they had finished the solemnities of the consecration of the places , they a readmitted arius and his associates into the church , saying , that they did it in obedience to the emperours letters , by which he had signified to them that he was fully satisfied as touching arius and euzoïus's faith . moreover , they wrote letters to the church of alexandria , that all envy and hatred was now banished , and that the affaires of the church were in a peaceable and sedate posture : and that arius , in regard by his repentance he had acknowledged the truth , was in future to be received by them , and that deservedley , as being a member of the church . b [ but ] they obscurely intimated that athanasius was deposed from his bishoprick [ by their saying that all envy and hatred was now banished ] moreover , they wrote to the emperour , informing him of the same affaires . whilst the bishops were transacting these things , other letters came unlookt for from the emperour , which signified to them that athanasius was fled to him for refuge : and that upon his account they must necessarily come to constantinople . now the emperours intervening letter is as followeth . chap. xxxiv . that the emperour by his letter summoned the synod to attend him , that athanasius's case might be accurately discussed in his presence . victor constantinus , maximus , augustus , to the bishops assembled at tyre . it is indeed unknown to us , what hath tumultuously and tempestuously been determined by your synod . but the truth seemeth in a manner to be perverted by a certain turbulent disorder , to wit , whilst by reason of your mutual contention , which you are desirous should be insuperable , you consider not those things that are well pleasing to god. but it will [ we hope ] be the work of divine providence , to dissipate the mischiefs of this pertinacious contentiousness , after they are manifestly detected ; and to make it perspicuous to us , how great a care you that have been convened have had of the truth , and whether you have determined the matters that have been discussed by you without any favour or malice . therefore , all of you must of necessity with speed attend upon our piety , that you your selves may render an accurate account of what hath been done by you . now , for what reason we thought it requisite to write these things to you , and to summon you before our selves by this letter , you shall understand from the sequel . as we were making our entry into constantinople the city that bears our name , [ scitua●e in ] our own most flourishing countrey ; ( it hapned that we then rode on horse-back : ) on a sudden athanasius the bishop , together a with some presbyters whom he had about him , approacht us in the midst of the high way so unexpectedly , that he put us into a consternation . for god the inspectour of all things is our witness , that at first sight we were unable even to discern who he was , had not some of our [ servants ] upon our enquiry told us ( as it was meet ) both who he was , and what injuries he had suffered . at that time we neither spoke to , nor had any discourse with him . but when he requested that he might be heard , and we had refused that , and in a manner ordered he should be removed from our presence ; with a greater confidence he said , that he desired nothing else but your appearance here , that ( being necessitated thereto ) he might in our presence make a complaint of his sufferings . wherefore , in regard this seemed reasonable to us , and a matter befitting our times , we willingly gave order for the writing of these things to you : that all you , who made up the synod convened at tyre , should without delay hasten to the court of our piety , in order to your making a real demonstration of the integrity and unbyassedness of your determination ; to wit , in the presence of us , whom none of you can deny to be a genuine servant of god. for by the worship we exhibit to the deity , peace doth every where flourish , and the name of god is sincerely praised even by the b barbarians themselves , who till this time have been ignorant of the truth . moreover , it is manifest , that he who knows not the truth , acknowledges not god. nevertheless , as we said before , even the barbarians have ( upon our account who are gods genuine servant ) acknowledged the deity , and have learned to pay a religious worship to him , by whose providence , as they have been really and truely made sensible , we are every where protected and provided for . upon which account chiefly they have been brought to the knowledge of god ; whom they worship out of a dread towards us. but c we , who seem to have a greater est●em for , ( for we will not say , to defend ) the holy mysteries of his church : we say , we do nothing else , but what belongs to discord and hatred , and ( to speak plainly ) what tends to the destruction of mankind . but , as we said before , come all of you to vs speedily ; with a full assurance , that with our utmost vigour we will endeavour the accomplishing of this , [ namely ] that those things [ comprehended ] in the law of god may most especially be preserved firm and unshaken ( on which no reproach or ill opinion can possibly be fixt , ) to wit , by dissipating , breaking to pieces , and utterly destroying the enemies of the law , who under the covert of [ christs ] holy name introduce various and different sorts of blasphemies . chap. xxxv . that , when the synod came not to the emperour , the eusebians accused athanasius , as if he had threatned , that he would prohibit the carriage of that corn , with which alexandria furnished constantinople . whereupon the emperour , being incensed , banished athanasius , confining him to the gallia's . this letter put those present at the synod into a great perplexity of mind . wherefore most of them returned to their own cities . but eusebius , theognis , maris , patrophilus , ursacius and valens , going to constantinople , would not suffer any further enquiry to be made concerning breaking the cup , overturning the [ communion ] table , and the murthering of arsenius : but they proceeded to another calumny , having informed the emperour , that athanasius had threatned to prohibit the sending of the corn , which was usually conveighed from alexandria to constantinople : and that these words were said by athanasius in the hearing of adamantius , anubion , a arbathion and peter , all bishops . for a calumny hath a greater force and prevalency , when the false accuser is a person of repute and credit . the emperour , thus circumvented and incensed , punisheth athanasius with banishment , ordering him to inhabit the gallia's . there are those that say this was done by the emperour , with a design thereby to procure a general union in the church , in regard athanasius had wholly refused to communicate with arius and his followers . but he lived [ in exile ] at triers a city of gallia . chap. xxxvi . concerning marcellus [ bishop ] of ancyra , and asterius the sophista . the bishops that were convened at constantinople did also depose marcellus bishop of ancyra in galatia the less , upon this account . there was one asterius a professour of rhetorick in cappadocia , who left the teaching of that art , and owned himself a professour of the christian religion . he also took in hand to write books ( which are extant to this day ) wherein he asserted arius's opinion , saying , that christ is the power of god in the same sence that the locust and palmer-worm are in moses said to be the power of god , and other such like [ blasphemies ] as these . this asterius was continually in company with the bishops , and with those bishops most especially that were not disaffected to arianisme : moreover , he came frequently to synods , being very desirous to creep into the bishoprick of some city . but he got not so much as a presbytership , because he had sacrificed in the time of persecution . he went up and down to the cities of syria , and a recited in publick the books he had made . when marcellus understood this , being desirous to b oppose him , through an over great earnestness [ in his confutation of him ] he fell into the contrary errour . for he audaciously asserted , that christ was a meer man , as paul of samosata did . which when the bishops then convened at jerusalem had intelligence of , they took no notice of asterius , because he was not enrolled in the catalogue of the presbyters . but they required of marcellus , as being a priest , an account of the c book written by him . and when they found that he held paul of samosata's principles , they commanded him to alter his opinion . he , ashamed [ of what he had done , ] promised to burn his book . but the convention of bishops being hastily dissolved , upon the emperours summoning of them to constantinople ; when the eusebians came to constantinople , marcellus's case was again discussed . and upon marcellus's refusal to burn his impious and unhappy book according to his promise , the bishops there assembled deposed him , and sent basilius in his room to ancyra . moreover , eusebius wrote three books by way of answer and confutation of this book , [ of marcellus's , ] in which he manifestly laid open and reproved his false opinion . but marcellus afterwards recovered his bishoprick in the synod of sardis , saying that his book was not rightly understood , and therefore he was judged to favour paul of samosata's doctrine . but we will speak of this in its proper place . chap. xxxvii . how , after athanasius was exiled , arius , being sent for from alexandria by the emperour , raised disturbances against alexander bishop of constantinople . while these things were transacted , the thirtieth year of constantines reign was compleated . a arius and his followers being returned to alexandria , caused a general disturbance in that city again . for the populace of alexandria were very much troubled both at arius and his complices's return , and also at the exile of their bishop athanasius . but when the emperour understood the perversness of arius's mind , he ordered him to be sent for again to constantinople , there to give an account of the disturbances he had endeavoured to rekindle . alexander , who had some time before that succeeded metrophanes , did then preside over the church of alexandria . the conflict this man had with arius at that time , was a sufficient proof of his piety and acceptableness to god. for upon arius's arrival there , both the people were divided into two factions , and there also arose an universal commotion all the city over : some of them affirming , that the nicene creed ought to continue unshaken and without any alteration ; and others pertinaciously asserting that arius's opinion was consonant to reason ; alexander was hereupon reduced to a great straight . and more especially , because eusebius of nicomedia had sorely threatned him , saying that he would forthwith cause him to be deposed , unless he would admit arius and his followers to communion . but alexander was not so sollicitous about his own deposition , as he was fearful of the enervating of the doctrine of faith , which they earnestly endeavoured to subvert . for looking upon himself as the keeper and patron of the determinations made by the [ nicene ] synod , he made it wholly his business to prevent the wresting and depravation of those canons . being therefore reduced to those extremities , he entirely bad farwell to [ the assistances of ] logick , and made god his refuge . he devoted himself to continued fasts , and omitted no form or manner of praying . now , he made this resolution within his own mind , and what he had resolved he secretly performed . having shut up himself alone in the church which is called irene , he went to the altar , laid himself prostrate on the ground under the b holy table , and poured forth his prayers [ to god ] with tears : he continued doing this for many nights and days together . moreover , he asked of god , and received [ what he had desired . ] his petition was this ; that if arius's opinion were true , he might not see the day appointed for the disquisition thereof : but , if that faith which he professed were true , that arius ( in regard he was the authour of all these mischiefs ) might suffer condign punishment for his impiety . chap. xxxviii . concerning arius's death . this was the subject of alexanders prayer . now the emperour , desirous to make tryal of arius , sends for him to the pallace , and enquired of him , whether he would give his assent to the determinations of the nicene synod . he , without any delay readily subscribed in the emperours presence , making use of evasive shifts to elude and avoid what had been determined concerning the faith. the emperour , admiring hereat , compelled him to swear . this he also did , by making use of fraud and deceit . moreover , the manner of artifice he made use of in subscribing was , as i have heard , this . arius , they say ▪ wrote that opinion he maintained in a piece of paper , and hid it under his arm-pit : and then swore that he did really think as he had written . what i have written concerning his having done this , is grounded on hear-say only . but i have collected out of the emperours own letters , that he swore , besides his bare subscribing . hereupon the emperour believed him , and gave order to alexander bishop of constantinople to admit him to communion . it was then the sabbath day , and on the day following he expected that he should be a member of the assembly of believers . but divine vengeance closely followed arius's audaciousness . for , when he went out of the imperial pallace , he was attended by the eusebian faction , like guards , through the midst of the city , in so much that the eyes of all people were upon him . and when he came neer that place which is called constantines forum , where the pillar of porphyrie , is erected , a terror [ proceeding ] from a consciousness [ of his impieties ] seiz'd arius , which terrour was accompanied with a loosness . hereupon he enquired whether there were an house of office neer , and understanding that there was one behind constantines forum , he went thither . a fainting fit seized him ; a and together with his excrements his fundament fell down forthwith , and a great flux of bloud followed , and his small guts . and bloud gushed out , together with his spleen and liver . he died therefore immediately . but the house of office is to be seen at this day in constantinople , as i said , behind constantines forum , and behind the shambles in the piazza : and by every ones pointing with their finger at the jakes as they go by , the manner of arius's death will never be forgotten by posterity . this accident hapning , a fear and an anxietie seized eusebius of nicomedia's faction : and the report hereof quickly spread it self all over the city , nay i may say over the whole world . but the emperour did more zealously adhere to christianity , and said that the nicene faith was now truly confirmed by god himself . he was also very glad , both at what had hapned , and also upon the account of his three sons , whom he had proclaimed caesars : each of them was created at every * decennalia of his reign . the eldest of them ( called constantine after his own name ) he created governour over the western parts of the empire , in the first tenth year of his reign . his second son , constantius ( who bore his grandfathers name , ) he made caesar in b the eastern parts of the empire , in the twentieth year of his reign . the youngest , called constans he created [ caesar ] in the thirtieth year of his empire . chap. xxxix . how constantine , falling into a distemper , ended his life . the year after , the emperour constantine , having just entred the sixty fifth year of his age , falls sick . he therefore left constantinople and went by water to helenopolis , to make use of the medicinal hot springs situate in the vicinage of that city . but when he was sensible that his distemper increased , he deferred bathing . and removed from helenopolis to nicomedia . he kept his court there in the suburbs , and received christian baptism . he was hereupon very chearfull , and made his will , wherein he left his three sons heirs of the empire , allotting to every one of them their part , as he had done in his life time . he left many legacies both to a rome and to constantinople , and he intrusted his will with that b presbyter , by whose intercession arius was recalled , of whom we spoke something * before : injoyning him not to deliver it into any mans hands , except his son constantius's , whom he had constituted governour of the east . after he had made his will , he lived some few days and then died . moreover , none of his sons were with him at his death . therefore there was one immediately dispatcht into the east , to inform constantius of his fathers death . chap. xl. concerning constantine the emperours funerall . they that were about the emperour , put his corps in a coffin of gold , conveighed it to constantinople , and placed it [ on a bed of state ] on high in the pallace ; and there they paid their honorary respects to it , and set a guard about it , as when he was alive . this course they continued , till one of his sons came . but when constantius arrived out of the eastern parts , he was honoured with an imperial sepulture , and deposited in the church called the apostles ; which he himself had erected for this reason , that the emperours and prelates a might not be far inferiour to the reliques of the apostles . the emperour constantine lived to the age of sixty five years : he reigned one and thirty years . and died in the consulate of felicianus and titianus , upon the twenty second day of may : which was the b second year of the two hundredth seventy eighth olympiad . now , this book contains in it the space of thirty one yeares . the second book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . chap. i. the preface , wherein he gives an account , why he made a new edition of his first and second book . rufinus ( he that wrote an ecclesiastick history in the latine tongue , ) has erred concerning [ the notation of ] the times . for he supposes , that what was done against athanasius , hapned after the death of constantine the emperour . he was also ignorant of his banishment into the gallia's , and of several other things . we having at first followed rufinus [ as our authour , ] wrote the first and second book of our history according to his authority . but from the third to the seventh book we have made a collection of some passages , partly out of rufinus , and partly out of various other authours , and related others from those which do yet survive ; and so have compleated our work . but when we had afterwards procured athanasius's books , wherein he laments his own calamitous sufferings , and how he was banisht by the calumny of the eusebian faction ; we thought it more expedient to credit him ( who had suffered these hardships ) and those who had been present at the transacting of these matters ; rather then such as have followed conjectures [ in their relations ] thereof , and for that reason have been mistaken . besides , having gotten [ several ] letters of persons at that time very eminent , to our utmost ability we have diligently traced out the truth . upon which account we have been necessitated * entirely to dictate again the first and second book [ of this work , ] making use [ nevertheless ] of those passages , in the relation whereof rufinus hath not forsaken the truth . moreover , notice is to be taken , that in our former edition we had not inserted arius's libel of deposition , nor the emperours letters ; but had onely set forth a bare relation of the affairs transacted , that we might not dull our readers by a prolixe and tedious narration . but in regard that this also was to be done in favour to you a o sacred man of god , theodorus ! ) that you might not be ignorant of what the emperours wrote in their letters , nor of what the bishops ( changing that faith by little and little ) promulged in divers synods : wherefore , in this latter edition we have made such alterations and insertions as we judged to be necessary . and , having done this in the first book , we will also make it our business to do the same in that now under our hands , we mean the second . but we must now begin [ the following series of ] our history . chap. ii. how eusebius bishop of nicomedia with his accomplices , earnestly indeavouring to introduce arius's opinion again , made disturbances in the churches . the emperour constantine being dead , eusebius [ bishop ] of nicomedia , and theognis bishop of nice , supposing they had now gotten a very seasonable opportunity , made use of their utmost diligence and attempts to expell the * homoüsian faith , and introduce arianism in its stead . a but they [ supposed ] it impossible for them to effect this , if athanasius should return [ to alexandria . ] moreover , in order to their forming and carrying on of their design in this matter , they made use of that presbyters assistance , who had a little before been the cause of arius's being recalled from banishment . but , how this was effected , we must relate . that presbyter [ we have mentioned ] presented constantines last will and commands , which he had received from the emperour at his death , to the emperours son constantius . he having found that written in the will which he was very desirous of ; ( for by the will the empire of the east was committed to him ) had an honorary respect for the presbyter , allowed him a great liberty of speaking , and ordered he should freely and with confidence come into the palace . this liberty therefore being allowed [ the presbyter , ] made him in a short time well known both to the empress , and also to her eunuches . the principal person of the emperours bed-chamber at that time was an eunuch , whose name was eusebius . the presbyter perswaded this person to embrace arius's opinion . after which , the rest of the eunuches were prevailed with to be of the same opinion . moreover , the emperours wife also , by the perswasion of the eunuches and this presbyter , became a favourer of arius's tenets . not long after , this question came to [ the hearing of ] the emperour himself . and by degrees it was spread abroad , first amongst b those that were of the milice in the palace ; and afterwards it was divulged amongst the multitudes of the [ imperial ] city . those of the bed-chamber together with the women discoursed concerning this opinion in the imperial palace : and in the city , throughout every private family , there was a logical war waged . moreover , the mischief soon spread its self over other provinces and cities . and ( like a spark ) this controversie taking its rise from a small beginning , excited the hearers minds to a most pertinacious contention . for every person that enquired the reason of the disturbance , immediately had an occasion of disputing given him ; and at the very interim of his making an enquiry , he resolved upon entring into a wrangling dispute . by this contention all things were subverted . these [ alterations ] were started in the eastern cities only . for the cities of illyricum , and those [ scituated ] in the western parts [ of the empire ] were in that interim at quiet : for they would by no means disanull the determinations made at the nicene synod . when therefore this mischief , thus kindled , increased and grew daily worse and worse , eusebius of nicomedia and his faction began then to think the disturbance of the vulgar to be their gain . for [ they were in hopes ] of being enabled by this means only , to constitute a bishop of alexandria , that should be of the same opinion with them . but athanasius's return at that time to alexandria prevented this their design , who came thither fortified with one of the augustus's letters , which constantinus the younger ( who bore the same name with his father ) sent from triers a city in gallia to the people of alexandria . [ a copy of ] which letter i have here subjoyned . chap. iii. how athanasius , confiding in the letter of constantine the younger , returned to alexandria . constantinus caesar , to the people of the catholick church of the alexandrians . it has not , we suppose , a escaped the knowledge of your sacred mind , that athanasius an interpreter of the venerable law , was therefore sent into the gallia's for a time , lest ( in regard the barbarity of his bloud-devouring enemies and adversaries continually menaced his sacred head with imminent danger , ) he should undergo incurable mischiefs through the perverseness of wicked men . in order therefore to his frustrating of this [ barbarity , ] he was snatcht out of the jaws of those persons that designed his ruine ; and enjoyned to live under our district , in such a manner that , in that city wherein he was ordered to make his residence , he should abound with all manner of necessaries : although his most eximious virtue , having put its confidence in the divine assistances , esteems as nothing the troubles of a rougher fortune . wherefore , although our lord and father constantinus augustus of blessed memory had determined to restore this bishop to his own * see , and [ return him ] to your most amiable piety : yet in regard , being prevented by humane chance , he died before the accomplishment of his desire ; we being his successour , thought it agreeable to fulfill the mind of that emperour of sacred memory . [ moreover , ] how great a reverence and respect he has procured from us , you shall know from himself , as soon as he shall come into your presence . nor is it a wonder that we have done any thing in favour to him : for both the representation of your love , and also the aspect of so great a personage moved and exited our mind hereto . may the divine providence preserve you dearest brethren . upon the confidence of this letter athanasius comes to alexandria , and the people of alexandria most willingly received him . but as many as were followers of arius's opinion , entred into a combination and conspired against him : hereupon continual seditions arose , which gave an occasion to the eusebian faction of accusing him before the emperour , because upon his own inclination and award ( without the determination of a general council of bishops ) he had returned and taken possession of the [ alexandrian ] church . and they made so great a proficiency in their calumnies , that the emperour , being incensed , expelled him out of alexandria but , how that was effected , i will a little after this relate . chap. iv. that upon eusebius pamphilus's death ; acacius succeeded in the bishoprick of caesarea . during this interval of time , eusebius ( who was bishop of caesarea in palestine , and had the sirname of pamphilus ) departed this life , and acacius his scholar succeeded him in that bishoprick . this acacius published many other books , and also wrote [ particularly ] concerning the life of his master [ eusebius . ] chap. v. concerning the death of constantine the younger . not long after this , the emperour constantius's brother , ( who bore the same name with his father , ) constantine the younger , invading those parts [ of the empire ] that belonged to his younger brother constans , and ingaging with his souldiers , is slain by them , in the consulate of acindynus and proclus . chap. vi. how alexander bishop of constantinople , at his death , proposed paulus and macedonius to be elected into his bishoprick . at the very same time , the city constantinople was involved in another tumult ( which followed on the neck of those [ disturbances ] we have before related , ) raised upon this account . a alexander , who presided over the churches in that city , [ a prelate ] that had couragiously opposed arius , departed out of this life , after he had spent twenty three years in that bishoprick , and had lived ninety eight years compleat , having ordained no body [ to succeed ] in his place . but he commanded those to whom the power of electing belonged , to make choice of one of those two whom he should name . and if they were desirous of having one that should be both skillfull in teaching , and also of an approved piety and uprightness of life , [ he advised them ] to make choise of paulus , one that he had ordained presbyter ; a person that was a young man indeed in respect of his age , but old in understanding and prudence . but if they would rather have one commendable for an external shew of piety only , they might elect b macedonius , who had long since been made a deacon of that church , and was now grown aged . hereupon there hapned a great contest concerning the ordination of a bishop , which very much disturbed that church . for the people were divided into two * factions ; the one side adhered to the arian opinion ; the other embraced the determinations made at the nicene synod . and as long as alexander continued alive , the † homoöusian party prevailed ; the arians disagreeing , and contending daily amongst themselves concerning their own opinion . but after alexanders death , the success of the peoples contest was dubious . therefore , the homoöusian party proposed paulus to be ordained bishop : but those that embraced arianism , were very earnest to have macedonius elected . and in the church called c irene ( which is near that church now named the great church , and the church of sophia , ) paulus is ordained bishop ; in which [ election ] the suffrage of alexander , then dead , seemed to have prevailed . chap. vii . how the emperour constantius ejected paulus who had been ordained bishop : and , having sent for eusebius from nicomedia , entrusted him with the bishoprick of constantinople . but the emperour , arriving not long after at constantinople , was highly incensed at this ordination [ of paulus . ] and having convened a council of bishops that embraced arius's opinion , he vacated paulus's [ bishoprick . ] and he translated eusebius a from nicomedia , and constituted him bishop of constantinople . when the emperour had performed these things , he went to antioch . chap. viii . how eusebius assembled another synod at antioch of syria , and caused another form of faith to be published . but eusebius could by no means be at quiet : but ( as the common saying is ) moved every stone , that he might effect what he had designed . therefore , he procures a synod to be assembled at antioch in syria , under a pretence of dedicating a church , which [ constantine ] the father of the * augusti had begun to build : ( after whose death , constantius his son finished it , in the tenth year after its foundation was laid : ) but in reality , that he might subvert and destroy the homoöusian faith. at this synod there met ninety bishops , [ who came ] out of divers cities . but maximus bishop of jerusalem , who had succeeded macarius , was not present at that synod , a having considered with himself that he had been before induced by fraud to subscribe athanasius's deposition . neither was julius bishop of rome the great present there : nor did he send any body to supply his place . although the ecclesiastick ▪ canon doth order , that the churches ought not to make sanctions contrary to the bishop of romes opinion . this synod therefore is convened at antioch ( the emperour constantius himself being there present , ) in the b consulate of marcellus and probinus . this was the c fifth year from the death of constantine the father of the augusti . at that time d placitus , successour to euphronius presided over the churches in antioch . the eusebians therefore made it their principal business to calumniate athanasius , [ saying ] in the first place , that he had done contrary to that canon , which they had then constituted , because he had recovered his episcopal dignity without the consent of a general synod of bishops . for , returning from his exile , he had upon his own arbitrement and award rushed into the church : [ secondly , ] that a tumult being raised at his entrance , e many had lost their lives in that sedition ; and that some persons had been scourged by athanasius , and others brought before the seats of judicature . moreover , they produced what had been done against athanasius in the city of tyre . chap. ix . concerning eusebius emisenus . after the framing of these calumnies , they proposed one to be made bishop of alexandria , and in the first place [ they named ] eusebius emisenus . who this person was , georgius of laodicaea , one that was present at this synod , informs us . for he says ( in the book he wrote concerning his life ) that this eusebius was descended from noble personages of edessa in mesopotamia : and that from his childhood he a learned the sacred scriptures : that he was afterwards instructed in the grecian literature by a master who then lived at edessa ; and in fine , that he had the sacred scriptures interpreted to him by patrophilus and eusebius ; the latter of which persons presided over the church in caesarea , and the former over that in scythopolis . after this , when he came to antioch , it hapned that eustathius , being accused by cyrus of beroea , was deposed , as being an assertor of sabellius's opinion . wherefore eusebius afterwards lived with euphronius , eustathius's successour . afterwards , that he might avoid being made a bishop , he betook himself to alexandria , and there studied philosophy . returning from thence to antioch , he conversed with flaccillus , euphronius's successour , and was at length promoted to the see of alexandria by eusebius bishop of constantinople . but he went thither no more , because athanasius was so much beloved by the people of alexandria . he was therefore sent to emisa . but when the inhabitants of that city raised a sedition at his ordination , ( for he was reproacht , as being a person studious of , and exercised in the mathematicks , ) he fled from thence , and went to laodicaea , to georgius , who hath related so many passages concerning him . when this georgius had brought him to antioch , he procured him to be sent back again to emisa by flaccillus and narcissus . but he afterwards underwent another accusation , for being an adherent to sabellius's principles . georgius writes at large concerning his * ordination . and in fine adds , that the emperour , in his expedition against the barbarians , took him along with him , and that miracles were wrought by him . but hitherto we have recorded what georgius hath related concerning eusebius emisenus . chap. x. that the bishops convened at antioch , upon eusebius emisenus's refusal [ of the bishoprick ] of alexandria , ordained gregorius , and altered the expressions of the nicene faith. but when eusebius , who had been chosen bishop of alexandria at antioch , was afraid to go thither , they then proposed gregorius to be ordained bishop of alexandria . and having done this , they altered the * creed , finding fault indeed with nothing [ that had been determined ] at nice ; a but in reality [ their design was ] to subvert and destroy the homoöusian faith , by their continual assembling of synods , and by their publishing sometimes one , sometimes another form of the creed ; that so by degrees [ all persons ] might be b perverted to the arian opinion . moreover , how these things were done [ by them , ] we will manifest in the procedure of our history . but the epistle they published concerning the faith runs thus . we have neither been arius ' s followers : ( for how should we that are bishops be the followers of a presbyter ? ) nor have we embraced any other faith , than what was from the beginning set forth . but , being made inquirers into , and examiners of , his faith , we have c admitted and entertained , rather than followed , him . and this you will understand from what shall be said . for we have learned from the beginning to believe in one supream god , the maker and preserver of all things as well intelligible as sensible . and in one only begotten son of god , subsisting before all ages , existing together with the father that begat him ; by whom all things visible and invisible were made : who in the last days , according to the fathers good pleasure , descended , and assumed flesh from the holy virgin , and when he had compleatly fulfilled all his fathers will , he suffered , and arose , and ascended into the heavens , and sits at the right hand of the father : and he shall come to judge the quick and dead , and continues a king and god for ever . we believe also in the holy ghost . and ( if it be requisite to add this ) we also believe the resurrection of the flesh , and the life everlasting . having written these things in their first epistle , they sent them to [ the bishops ] throughout every city . but , when they had continued sometime at antioch , condemning as it were this [ their former ] epistle , they again publish another , in these very words . another exposition [ of faith. ] agreeable to evangelick and apostolick tradition , we believe in one god the father almighty , the framer and maker of all things . and in one lord jesus christ , his only begotten son , god , by whom all things were made : begotten of the father before all worlds , god of god , whole of whole , only of only , perfect of perfect , king of king , lord of lord : the living word , the wisedom , the life , the true light , the way of truth , the resurrection , the shepherd , the gate : immutable and inconvertible : the most express image of the father's deity , * substance , power , council , and glory : the first begotten of every creature : † who was in the beginning with god , god the word , according as 't is said in the gospel : and the word was god , by whom all things were made , and in whom all things have subsisted . who in the last days came down from heaven , and was born of the virgin according to the scriptures . and was made man , the mediatour of god and men , the apostle of our faith , and the prince of life , as he himself says , * for i came down from heaven , not to do mine own will , but the will of him that sent me . who suffered for us , and rose again for us the third day , and ascended into the heavens , and sitteth at the right hand of the father . and he shall come again with glory and power , to judge the quick and dead . and [ we believe ] in the holy ghost , who is given to believers in order to their consolation , sanctification , and perfection : according as our lord jesus christ commanded his disciples , saying , † go ye , and make disciples of all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost : to wit , of the father being truly the father , and of the son being truly the son , and of the holy ghost being truly the holy ghost : which terms are not simply , or insignificantly * made use of , but they do accurately manifest the proper and peculiar person , glory , and order of each of those that are named . so that they are three in person ; but in consent one. d we therefore holding this faith , in the presence of god and of christ , do anathematize all manner of heretical and ill opinions . and if any one shall teach ( contrary to the ●ound and true faith of the scriptures , ) saying , that there is , or was , a time , or an age , e before the son of god [ was begotten ; ] let him be anathema . and if any one says , that the son is a creature , as one of the creatures , or that he is a * branch , as one of the branches ; and [ shall not hold ] every one of the foresaid points according as the sacred scriptures have set them forth : or if any one teaches or preaches any other thing than what we have received , let him be anathema . for we do truly , and f clearly , believe and follow all things delivered by the prophets and apostles in the sacred scriptures . such were the expositions of the faith , [ published ] by those at that time convened at antioch : to which also gregorius ( although he had not then made his entry into alexandria , yet ) subscribed as bishop of that city . the synod at that time assembled in antioch , having done these things , and made some other canons , was dissolved . the state of the publick affairs in the empire hapned to be disturbed at the very same time also . a nation ( they are called the franci ) made an incursion into the roman territories in gallia . at the same time also , there were terrible earth-quakes in the east : g especially at antioch , which city was shaken thereby [ continually ] for the space of one whole year . chap. xi . that , upon gregorius's arrival at alexandria [ guarded ] with a military force , athanasius fled . when these things were done , a syrianus the captain ( with the armed souldiers under his command , being in number five thousand , ) brought gregorius to alexandria . those in that city who were favourers of arius's opinion , assisted the souldiers . moreover , after what manner athanasius , being expelled out of the church , escaped being taken by them , i think fit to relate . it was now b evening , and the people lodged in the church all night , a communion being expected . the captain came , and having put his souldiers into a fighting posture , environed the church on every side . athanasius seeing what was done , made it his chiefest care , that the people might in no wise be damnified upon his account . and having commanded the deacon to give the people notice of going to prayers , after that he gave order for the recitation of a psalm . and when there was a sweet harmony made by reason of the peoples singing of the psalm together , all the congregation went out through one of the church doors . whilst this was doing , the souldiers stood still without striking a stroak : and so athanasius escaped unhurt in the midst of those that sang the psalm . having secretly made his escape after this manner , he hastned to rome : gregorius was then put into possession of the [ alexandrian ] church . but the people of alexandria , unable to bear what had been done , burnt that , called dionysius's church . thus far concerning these things . but eusebius having done what he had a mind to do , c sent an embassage to julius bishop of rome , entreating him to become judge of those matters relating to athanasius , and that he would call for a disquisition of the controversie before himself , in order to his taking cognizance thereof . chap. xii . how , after eusebius's death , the people of constantinople restored paulus to his see again . and that the arians made choice of macedonius . but eusebius could never understand what julius had determined concerning athanasius . for having survived the synod some small time , he dyed . wherefore the people of constantinople introduce paulus into the church again . but at the same time the arians ordain macedonius , in the a church dedicated to paul. and this was done by those , who formerly had been assistants to eusebius that disturber of all things , but were then his successours in power and authority . these are their names , theognis of nice , maris of chalcedon , theodorus of heraclea in thracia , ursacius of singidunum in the upper mysia , valens of mursa in the upper pannonia . indeed , ursacius and valens changing their opinions afterwards , delivered their penetentiary libel to julius the bishop , and having consented to the homoöusian opinion , were admitted to communion . but at that time they were hot maintainers of the arian religion , and * framed no trivial commotions against the churches . one whereof was that made by macedonius in the city of constantinople . for from this intestine war amongst the christians there hapned continual seditions in the city , and many persons , oppressed by the violence of what was done , lost their lives . chap. xiii . concerning the slaughter of hermogenes the lieutenant-general , and how paulus was for that reason turned out of the church again . but , what was done came to the hearing of constantius the emperour , who then made his residence at antioch . therefore he orders hermogenes the lieutenant-general , ( whom he had sent into the coasts of thracia , ) that he should incidently pass through [ constantinople , ] and turn paulus out of that church . he arriving at constantinople , disturbed the whole city , by endeavouring to cast out the bishop by force . for there immediately followed a sedition amongst the people , and all persons were ready to defend [ the bishop . ] but when hermogenes with much earnestness endeavoured to expell paulus by his military forces , the populace being exasperated ( as in such like cases it usually happens , ) made a more inconsiderate and rash attack against him . in the first place they set his house on fire . then , having a drawn him about by the heels , they killed him . these things were done in the consulate of the two augusti , constantius being then the third , and constans the second time consul . at the same time , constans , having vanquished the nation of the franci , made them enter into a league with the romans . but the emperour constantius being informed of hermogenes's murder , rode post on horse-back from antioch , and arrived at constantihople : out of which city he expelled paulus . he also punished that city , taking away more than forty thousand [ bushels ] of that bread-corn daily d●stributed , which was his fathers donation [ to those ci●izens . ] for before that time , neer eighty thousand [ b bushells ] of wheat , brought thither from the city of alexandria , were bestowed [ amongst the inhabitants of that city . ] moreover , he differed the constituting of macedonius bishop of that city . c for he was incenfed against him , not only because he had been ordained contrary to his will , but also in regard , upon account of the seditions raised betwixt him and paulus , hermogenes his lieutenant , and many other persons had been slain . having therefore given him permission to gather assemblies of the people in that church wherein he was ordained , he departed again to antioch . chap. xiv . that the arians , having removed gregorius from [ the see of ] alexandria , put georgius into his place . at the same time the arians a removed gregorius from [ the see of ] alexandria , b as being a person odious , both upon account of his burning the church , and also because he was not zealous enough in defending their opinion . into his see they sent georgius , a person born in cappadocia , who had gotten the repu●e of being a very skillfull maintainer of their tenets . chap. xv. how athanasius and paulus , going to rome , and being fortified with bishop julius's letters , recovered their own sees again . moreover , athanasius with much difficulty at last gat over into italy . constans the youngest of constantin's sons had then the sole power in the western parts [ of the empire , ] his brother constantine having been killed by the souldiers , as we have before related . a at the same time also paulus bishop of constantinople , asclepas of gaza , marcellus of ancyra a city of galatia the less , and lucius of adrianople , having been accused , one for one thing , another for another , and driven from their churches , arrived at the imperial city rome . they acquaint therefore julius bishop of rome with their case . he ( in regard the church of romes priviledge is such , ) fortified them with his letters wherein he made use of a great deal of liberty , and sent them back into the east , b restoring to each of them his own ●●e , and sharply rebuking those who had inconsiderately deposed them . they , having left rome , and confiding in bishop julius's letters , possess themselves of their own churches , and send the letters to those whom they were written to . these persons having received [ julius's letters , ] lookt upon his reprehension as an injury and reproach to them . and having assembled themselves in a c synod called at antioch , they most severely rebuke julius in a letter written by the joynt consent of them all , making it apparent , that it ought not to be determined by him , if they should have a mind to expell some [ bishops ] from their churches . for [ they said ] that they did not make any opposition , when novatus was by * them ejected out of the church . thus wrote the eastern bishops in answer to julius bishop of rome . but in regard , upon d athanasius's entry into alexandria there hapned a disturbance , caused by those who were adherents to georgius the arian ; upon which disturbance there followed ( as they say ) seditions and slaughters of men : and [ because ] the arians ascribe the infamy and blame of all these mischiefs to athanasius , as being the authour thereof ; it is requisite that we speak briefly concerning these things . indeed , god , the judge of truth it self , only knows the true causes hereof . but , that such accidents do frequently and usually happen , when the multitude is divided into intestine factions , is a thing not unknown to prudent persons . in vain therefore do athanasius's slanderers attribute the cause hereof to him ; and especially sabinus a bishop of the macedonian heresie . who ( had he considered with himself , how great mischiess arians have wrought against athanasius and the rest that embrace the homoöusian faith ; or e how many complaints the synods convened upon athanasius's account have made thereof , or what maccdonius himself , f that arch-heretick , has practised throughout all the churches ) would either have been wholly silent ; or , if he had spoken any thing , g would instead of these [ reproaches ] have highly commended [ athanasius . ] but now , having [ designedly ] passed all these things over in silence , he falsly accuses the affairs [ done by athanasius . ] nor has he made the least mention of that arch-heretick [ macedonius , ] being desirous wholly to conceal his tragick and audacious villanies . and ( which is much more wonderfull , ) he has not spoken ill of the arians , whom notwithstanding he abhorred . but the ordination of macedonius ( whose heresie he was a follower of , ) he has silently concealed . for had he mentioned that , he must necessarily have recorded his impieties ; which those things done at that ordination do sufficiently demonstrate . but thus much concerning this person . chap. xvi . that the emperour sent an order by philippus praefect of the praetorium , that paulus should be ejected and banished , and that macedonius should be enstalled bishop in his see. moreover , the emperour constantius ( residing at antioch ) being informed that paulus had taken possession of his see again , was highly incensed at what was done . he therefore wrote an order , and sends it to a philippus praefect of the praetorium , who had a greater power than the other governours of provinces , and was stiled the second person from the emperour ; that he should eject paulus out of the church , and introduce macedonius into it in his room . philippus therefore the praefect being afraid that the multitude would raise a tumult , attempted to circumvent paulus by subilety . he keeps the emperours order concealed in his own possession : and , pretending to take care of some publick affaires , he goes to the publick bath , called zeuxippus . thither he sends for paulus with a great shew of respect and honour , [ acquainting him ] that he must necessarily come to him , and he came . after he was come upon his being sent for , the prefect immediately shews him the emperours order . the bishop patiently bore his being condemned without having his cause heard . but the prefect , fearing the rage of the multitude that stood round ; ( for great numbers of persons had flocked together about the publick bath , [ whose meeting there was caused ] by the report of a suspicion ) orders one of the bath doors to be opened , b through which paulus was carried into the imperial palace , put into a ship provided for that purpose , and forthwith sent away into banishment . the prefect commanded him to go to c thessalonica the chief city of macedonia , wherein paulus had had his original extract from his ancestours : in that city [ he ordered him ] to reside , and gave him the liberty of going to other cities also , [ to wit ] those in illyricum : but he forbad his passage into the eastern parts [ of the empire . ] paulus therefore being ( contrary to expectation ) cast out of the church , and at the same time also [ driven ] from the city , was immediately carried away . but philippus the emperour's prefect went forthwith from the publick bath into the church . macedonius was with him , being * thrown into his presence by an engin as it were ; he sate with the prefect in his chariot , and was exposed to the view of all men : they were surrounded by a military guard with their swords drawn . [ upon sight hereof ] a dread forthwith seized the multitude : and all of them , as well the homoöusians as the arians flockt to the † church ; every one earnestly endeavouring to get in thither . when the prefect together with macedonius came neer the church , an irrational fear seized both the multitudes , and also the souldiers themselves . for , because the persons present were so numerous , that there could be no passage made for the prefect to bring in macedonius , the souldiers began to thrust away the crowd of people by violence . but when the multitude wedged together in a crowd , could not possibly retire by reason of the places narrowness ; the souldiers , supposing that the multitude made a resistance , and designedly stopped the passage , made use of their naked swords , as if they had been engaging an enemy , and began to cut those that stood in the way . there were destroyed therefore , as report says , about three thousand one hundred and fifty persons : some of whom the souldiers slew ; others were killed by the crowd . after such brave exploits as these , macedonius , as if he had done no mischief at all , but were clear and guiltless of what had happened , was seated in the episcopal chair by the prefect , rather than by the ecclesiastick canon . thus therefore did macedonius and the arians take possession of churches by so great and numerous slaughters of men . at the same time also , the emperour built . d the great church , which is now called sophia . it was joyned to that church named ire●●● , which , being before a little one , the emperours father had very much beautified and enlarged . and both of them are to be seen at this present time , encompassed within one and the same wall , and called by the name of one church . chap. xvii . that athanasius , being afraid of the emperours menaces , returned to rome again . at the same time , there was another false accusation patcht together against athanasius by the arians , who invented this occasion for it . the * father of the augusti had heretofore given a yearly allowance of bread-corn to the church of alexandria for the relief of those that were indigent . it was reported by the arians , that athanasius had usually sold this bread-corn for money , and had converted the money to his own gain . the emperour therefore , having given credit to this report , threatned athanasius with death . he , being made sensible of the emperours menaces , made his escape , and absconded . but when julius bishop of rome understood what the arians had done against athanasius , having also received eusebius's letter who was now dead , he a invites athanasius , to come to him ; being informed of the place where he lay concealed . at the same time arrived the b letter , which those [ bishops ] that before that had been convened at antioch , wrote to him . another c letter also was sent to him by the bishops in egypt , informing him , that those things objected against athanasius were false . these letters so directly contradicting one another having been sent to julius , he returned an answer to those [ bishops ] convened at antioch , wherein he d blamed them , first for the bitterness of their letter ; then [ he told them ] they had done contrary to the canons , because they had not called him to the synod ; it being commanded by the ecclesiastick rule , that the churches ought not to make sanctions contrary to the bishop of rome's sentiment . [ he complained ] also , that they had clandestinely adulterated the faith . and moreover , that what was heretofore done at tyre , had been fraudulently and corruptly transacted , in regard the memorials of the acts done at mareotes had been made up of one side only . further , that what had been objected concerning arsenius's murther , was apparently demonstrated to have been a false accusation . these , and such like passages as these , julius wrote at large to the [ bishops ] convened at antioch . moreover , we had inserted here the letters to julius , and his answer also ; had not the prolixity thereof hindred that design of ours . but sabinus , a follower of the macedonian heresie , whom we have mentioned before , has not put julius's letters into his collection [ of the acts ] of synods . although , he has not left out that [ epistle ] written from those [ convened ] at antioch to julius . but this is usually done by sabinus . for , such letters as either make no mention at all of , or reject the term homoöusios , those [ epistles , i say , ] he carefully inserts . but the contrary hereto he voluntarily and on set purpose omits . thus much concerning these things . not long after this , paulus pretending a journey to corinth , arrived in italy . both the [ * bishops ] therefore make their condition known to the emperour of those parts . chap. xviii . how the emperour of the western parts requested of his brother , that such persons might be sent , as could give an account of [ the deposition of ] athanasius and paulus . and , that they who were sent published another form of the creed . but the emperour of the western parts , being informed of * their sufferings , a sympathized with them . and he sends a letter to his brother , signifying his desire to have three bishops sent to him , who might give an account of paulus's and athanasius's deposition . b the persons sent were narcissus the cilician , theodorus the thracian , maris the chalcedonian , and marcus the syrian . who being arrived , would in no wise admit of a congress with athanasius . but , having suppressed the creed published at antioch , and patched up another form , they presented it to the emperour constans ; the words whereof were these . another exposition of the faith. ] we believe in one god , the father almighty , the creatour and maker of all things , * of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named . and in his only begotten son , our lord jesus christ , who was begotten of the father before all worlds . god of god. light of light. by whom all things in heaven and earth , visible and invisible , were made . who is the word , and the wisdome : and the power , and the life , and the true light. who in the last days was for our sakes made man , and was born of the holy virgin. he was crucified , and died : and was buried , and arose from the dead on the third day , and ascended into the heavens , and was seated at the right hand of the father , and shall come at the end of the world , to judge the quick and dead , and shall render to every person according to his works ; whose kingdom being perpetual , shall continue unto infinite ages . for he shall sit at the right hand of the father , not only in this present world , but in that also which is to come . and [ we believe ] in the holy ghost , that is , in the † paraclete : whom [ christ ] having promised to the apostles , after his assent into the heavens , he sent him , ‖ that he might teach them and bring all things to their remembrance . by whom also those souls who have sincerely believed in him , shall be sanctified . but those who say that the son [ existed ] of things which are not , or of another substance , and not of god , and that there was a time when he was not , these persons the catholick church hath determined to be aliens [ from it . ] having delivered these things , and exhibited many other to the emperour , they departed without doing any thing further . moreover , whilst there was hitherto an inseparable communion between the western and eastern [ bishops , ] another heresie sprang up at sirmium , which is a city of illyricum . for photinus , ( who presided over the churches there , ) a person born in galatia the less , a disciple of that * marcellus who had been deposed , following his masters steps , asserted the son [ of god ] to be a meer man. but we will speak concerning these things in their due place . chap. xix . concerning the large explanation [ of the faith. ] a the space of three years being compleatly passed after these things , the eastern bishops having again assembled a synod , and composed another [ form of ] faith , send it to those in italy , by eudoxius at that time bishop of germanicia , martyrius and macedonius who was bishop of mopsuestia in cilicia . this [ form of the ] creed , being written a great deal more at large , and containing many more additions than those forms published before , was set forth in these very words . we believe in one god , the father almighty , the creator and maker of all things , * of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named . and in his only begotten son jesus christ , our lord , begotten of the father before all ages . god of god. light of light. by whom all things in the heavens and in earth , visible and invisible , were made . who is the word , the wisedom ▪ the power , the life , and the true light. who in the last daies was for our sakes made man , and was born of the holy virgin : he was crucified , and died , and was buried , and rose again from the dead on the third day , and ascended into heaven , and sitteth at the right hand of the father . he shall come at the end of the world to judge the quick and the dead , and shall render to every man according to his works . whose kingdom being perpetual , shall continue unto infinite ages . for he sitteth at the right hand of the father , not only in this present world , but in that also which is 〈◊〉 come . we believe likewise in the holy ghost , that is , in the * paraclete . whom [ christ ] having promised to the apostles , after his ascent into heaven he sent him , † that he might teach them and bring all things to their remembrance . by whom also those souls that sincerely believe in him are sanctified . but those who assert that the son [ existed ] of things which are not , or of another substance , and not of god , and that there was a time or age when he was not , the holy catholick church hath determined to be aliens [ from it . ] in like manner also , those that affirm there are three gods , or that christ is not god before [ all ] ages , or that he is not christ , or the son of god , or that the same person is the father , son , and holy ghost , or that the son is not begotten , or b that the father begat not the son of his own will and pleasure ; [ these persons ] the holy and catholick church anathematizes . for neither is it safe to assert , that the son [ existed ] of things which are not : in regard this is no where declared concerning him in the divinely inspired scriptures . nor have we learned , [ that he had his essence ] from any other pre-existing substance besides the father , but that he was truly and genuinely begotten of the father only . for the divine word teacheth , that there is one unbegotten [ principle which is ] without beginning , [ to wit ] the father of christ. nor must they ( who without authority of scripture doe dangerously assert this [ proposition , ] there was a time when he was not ) preconceive in their minds then any foregoing interval of time , but god only who begat him without time . for both times and ages were made by him . c nor must it be thought , that the son is without an original , or unbegotten as the father is . for no father , or son can properly be said to be co-inoriginate and counbegotten . but we have determined , that the father , being alone without an original and incomprehensible hath incomprehensibly and in a manner to all men imperceptible begotten : but that the son was begotten before ages , and that he is not unbegotten like the father , but hath a beginning , [ to wit , ] the father who begat him . * for the head of christ is god. nor , although we acknowledge three things and persons , [ to wit , ] of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , according to the scriptures ; do we therefore make three gods. for we know , that there is one only god , perfect of himself , unbegotten , inoriginate , and invisible , [ that is , ] the god and father of the only begotten , who of himself only hath his own existence , and who only does abundantly and freely give existence to all other things . but , although we do assert that there is one god the father of our lord jesus christ , who only is unbegotten ; we do not therefore deny christ to be god before ages , as the followers of * paul of samosata do , who affirm that after his incarnation he was by a promotion deified , whereas by nature he was a meer man. for we know that he ( although he hath been made subject unto the father and unto god , yet nevertheless ) was begotten of god , and is by nature true and perfect god , and was not afterwards made god of * man : but was for our sakes made man of god , and that he hath never ceased to be god. moreover , we abominate and anathematize those who falsely stile him the bare and meer word of god , [ and affirm ] that he has no real existence , but hath his essence in another : one while [ terming him ] as it were that word called by some d the word outwardly uttered by the mouth ; at another , as it were the mental or internal word : being of opinion , that before ages he was not christ , nor the son of god , nor the mediatour , nor the image of god : but that e he was made christ , and the son of god , from such time as he took our flesh from the virgin four hundred years agoe . for from that time they assert christ to have had the beginning of his kingdom , and that it shall have an end after the consummation and the judgment . such manner of persons as these are the followers of marcellus and photinus the ancyro-galatians : who reject the eternal existence and deity of christ , and his endless kingdom , ( in like manner as do f the jews , ) upon a pretence of seeming to constitute a monarchy . for we understand him to be , not barely the word of god outwardly uttered by the mouth , or his mental or internal word , but the living god the word , and subsisting of himself ; and the son of god , and christ : who existed with his father and was conversant with him before ages , not by fore-knowledge only , and ministred unto him at the creation of all things whether visible or invisible : but is the word of god really subsisting , and is god of god. for it is he to whom the father said , * let us make man in our image , after our likeness : who in his own person appeared to the fathers , gave the law , and spake by the prophets ; and being at last made man , he manifested his father to all men , and reigns unto perpetual ages . for christ hath attained no new dignity : but we believe him to have been perfect from the beginning , and in all things like unto his father ▪ we also deservedly expel out of the church those who affirm , that the father , son , and holy ghost are the same person , impiously supposing the three names to mean one and the same thing and person ; because by an incarnation they make the incomprehensible and impassible father subject to be comprehended , and to suffer . of which sort [ of hereticks ] are those termed amongst the romans g patropassians , but amongst us they are called * sabellians . for we know , that the father , who sent , continued in the proper nature of his own immutable deity : but the son , who was sent , fulfilled the † oeconomie of his incarnation . in like manner , we determine those to be persons most impious , and strangers to truth , who irreligiously assert , that christ was begotten not by the will and pleasure [ of the father , ] to wit , attributing to god an unwilling and involuntary necessity , as if he had begotten the son by constraint : because they have audaciously determined such things as these concerning the father , which are contrary both to the common notions of god , and also to the sense and meaning of the scripture given by divine inspiration . for we , knowing god to have free and plenary power , and to be lord of himself , do piously think , that he begat the son voluntarily and of his own accord . moreover , although with fear and reverence we do believe this which is spoken concerning him , ‖ the lord created me the beginning of his ways , upon account of his works : yet we suppose not , that the son was made in the same manner with the rest of the creatures and works made by him . for it is impious , and repugnant to the ecclesiastick faith , to compare the creatour with the works created by him , and to think that he hath the same manner of generation with the things of a different nature from him . for the sacred scriptures do teach us , that the one and alone-only-begotten son was genuinely and truely begotten . but , although we do assert , that the son is of himself , and that he doth live and subsist in like manner as the father doth ; yet we do not therefore separate him from the father , imagining in our minds in a corporal manner any spaces or intervalls of place between their conjunction . for we believe that they are conjoyned without any intervening medium , and without any space or distance , and that they cannot be separated one from the other : the h whole father embracing the son in his bosome ; and the whole son hanging upon and cleaving close to the father , in whose bosome he alone continually resteth . believing therefore the most absolutely perfect and most holy trinity , and asserting that the father is god , and that the son also is god ; notwithstanding this , we do not acknowledge two , but one god , by reason of the majesty of the deity , and the one absolutely-entire conjunction of the kingdom : the father ruling over all things in general , and over the son himself also : and the son being made subject to the father , but ( excepting him ) reigning over all things which were made after him and by him , and by his fathers will liberally bestowing the grace of the holy spirit upon the saints . for the sacred scriptures have informed us , that the manner of the monarchy which is in christ is thus manifested . we were necessitated to make a perfect explanation of these things at large ( after the publication of our shorter form of the creed , ) not upon account of our excessive ambition : but that we might clear our selves from all strange suspicious concerning our sentiments , amongst such as are ignorant of our opinions : and that all persons inhabiting the western parts might know both the impudent and audacious calumny of those who dissent from us , and also the ecclesiastick sentiments of the eastern [ bishops ] concerning christ , which is without violence confirmed by the testimony of the divinely inspired scriptures , i amongst those whose minds are not depraved . chap. xx. concerning the synod at serdica . a the bishops in the western parts [ of the empire , ] both because b they were unskilled in the greek language , and also in regard they understood not these things , admitted not of them ; saying , that the nicene creed was sufficient , and that there was no necessity of making any further disquisitions but when , upon the * emperours writing again , ( ordering that paulus and athanasius should be restored to their own sees , ) no thing could be done further in that affair : ( for there was a continued sedition amongst the populace : ) paulus and athanasius requested that another synod might be convened , that both their cause , and also the matters of faith , might be determined by an * oecumenicall synod : and they made it apparent , that they had been deposed for no other reason but this , that the faith might be subverted . another oecumenicall synod therefore is summoned [ to meet ] at serdica ( which is a city of illyricum , ) by the determination of the two emperours ; the one of them requesting this by his letters ▪ and the other ( to wit , the emperour of the east ) readily complying with him . c it was then the eleventh year from the death of the father of the augusti : rufinus and eusebius were consuls , at such time as the synod at serdica was assembled . about three hundred bishops of the western parts met there , as d athanasius attests . but from the eastern parts sabinus says there came but seventy , amongst which number ischyras , bishop of marcotes was recounted , whom they who had deposed athanasius , ordained bishop of that country . some of them pretended infirmity of body : others e complained of the shortness of the time that was set , laying the blame thereof upon julius bishop of rome : although there had passed a year and six months , after such time as the synod had been summoned , and during which space athanasius made his abode at rome , expecting the meeting of the synod ▪ when therefore they were all convened at serdica , the eastern bishops refused to come into the presence of the western , saying , that they would not enter into discourse with them , unless they would banish athanasius and paulus from the convention . but when protogenes bishop of serdica , and hosius bishop of corduba ( which is a city in spain , as we said before ) would by no means suffer f paulus and athanasius to be absent [ from the synod , the eastern bishops ] went away immediately . and returning to philippopolis , a city of thracia , they made up a synod apart by themselves . wherein they openly anathematized the term homoöusios : and having g inserted the h anomoian opinion into their epistles , they sent them about to all places . but the bishops at serdica in the first place condemned them for deserting [ the council . ] afterwards they divested athanasius's accusers of their dignities . and having confirmed that form of the creed published at nice , and rejected the term * anomoios , they made a more manifest publication of [ the term ] † homoöusios : concerning which they wrote letters , and ( as the others did ) sent them about to all places . moreover , both parties were of opinion , that they had done what was right and true ; the eastern bishops [ thought so , ] because the western [ prelates ] had approved of and entertained those persons whom they had deposed : and the western bishops [ were of that opinion , ] because they who had deposed these persons , fled away before their cause had been discussed , and because * they were the preservers and defenders of the nicene faith , but † these had been so audacious as to adulterate it . they therefore restored i paulus and athanasius to their sees ; as also marcellus [ bishop ] of ancyra [ a city ] in galatia the less . he had been deposed a long time before , as we have made mention in our foregoing ‖ book ▪ but then he used his utmost diligence † to get the sentence revoked which had been pronounced against him ; declaring that the expressions of the book written by him were not understood , and that he therefore lay under a suspicion [ of maintaining ] paul of samosata's opinion . but you must take notice that eusebius pamphilus confuted marcellus's book in a discourse against him , comprized in k three entire books which he entitled against marcellus . he quotes marcellus's own words [ in those books , ] and in his discourse against them maintaines , that marcellus does assert ( in like manner as sabellius the libyan and paul of samosata did ) that the lord [ christ ] is a meer man. chap. xxi . an apology for eusebius pamphilus . but in regard some have attempted to reproach this person , ( i mean eusebius pamphilus ) as if he were an assertor of arius's opinion in the books he hath published ; i judge it not unseasonable to say something concerning him . in the first place therefore , he was present at , and consented to , the nicene synod , which determined that the son was coessential with the father . moreover , in his third * book concerning the life of constantine , he says word for word thus : but the emperour incited them all to an unity of mind , until he had at that time reduced them all to be of the same mind and to have the same sentiments in relation to all those points , concerning which they had before disagreed . in so much that at nice they did all perfectly agree in the [ points ] of faith. since therefore eusebius , making mention of the nicene synod , does say , that all things about which they disagreed were composed , and that they were all brought to be of one and the same mind and opinion ; how can any persons judge him to be a maintainer of arius's opinion . the arians also themselves are mistaken , in their supposing him to be a favourer of their tenets . but some body will perhaps say , that in his writings he seems to † arianize , in regard he always says a by christ. to whom we answer , that ecclesiastick writers have frequently made use of this expression , and many other such like , which do signifie the dispensation of our saviours humanity . and before all these [ writers ] the apostle paul hath made use of these very expressions ; and he was never thought to be the teacher of a perverse opinion . moreover , in regard arius has been so audacious , as to stile the son a creature like unto one of those other [ creatures made by god ; ] hear what eusebius saith ( in his first book against marcellus , ) concerning this ; these are his very words : he only , and no other , hath been declared to be , and is , the only begotten son of god , upon which account they are deservedly to be reprehended , who have audaciously stiled him a creature , made of nothing like the rest of the creatures . for how should he be a son ? how should he be gods only begotten , who is entitled to the very same nature with the rest of the creatures , b and would be one of those common creatures , in regard he ( like them ) is made a partaker of a creation from nothing ? but the sacred oracles do not instruct us after this manner concerning him . then , after the interposition of some few words , he continues . whosoever therefore doth determine that the son is made of things which are not , and that he is a c creature produced out of nothing , that person hath forgotten , that he bestows upon him a name only , but in reality he denies him to be a son. for he that is made of nothing , cannot truly be the son of god , nor can any thing else which is made [ be his son. ] but the true son of god , in regard he is begotten of him as of a father , ought deservedly to be stiled the only begotten and beloved of the father . and therefore he must be god. for what can the off-spring of god be else , but most exactly like to him that hath begotten him ? a king indeed builds a city , but he begets not a city : but he is said to beget , not to build , a son. and an artificer may be said to be the framer , not the father , of that which he hath made . but he can in no wise be stiled the framer of the son who is begotten by him . so also , the supream god is the father of his son : but he is justly to be called the maker and framer of the world . and although this saying may be once found * somewhere in the scripture , the lord created me the beginning of his ways in order to his works , yet we ought duly to inspect the meaning of those words , ( which i will explain afterwards ; ) and not ( as marcellus doth ) subvert a principal point [ asserted by ] the church upon account of one word . these and many other such like expressions eusebius pamphilus utters , in his first book against marcellus . and in his third book [ of that work , ] the same authour , declaring in what sense the term creature is to be taken , says thus . these things therefore having been after this manner proved and confirmed , the consequence is ( agreeable to all things explained by us before , ) that these words also , the lord created me the beginning of his ways in order to his works , must have been spoken [ concerning the same person . ] but , although he says he was created , yet he must not be so understood as if he should say that he had arrived to what he is from things which are not , and that he also was made of nothing in the same manner with the other creatures ; which some have perversely supposed : but [ he speaks this ] as being a person subsisting ; living , preexisting , and being before the foundation of the whole world ; having been constituted the ruler of the universe by his lord and father : the term created being in that place used instead of ordained or constituted . indeed , the apostle hath in express words stiled the rulers and governours amongst men a creature , saying , * submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supream : or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him and the prophet ( where he saith , † prepare to invoke thy god o israel . for behold he that firmeth the thunder , and createth the spirit , and declareth his christ unto men . ) hath not taken the word created in such a sense as to signifie that which hath been made when as before it was not . for god did not then create his spirit , when he declared his christ to all men by him . ‖ for there is no new thing under the sun. but [ the spirit ] was , and did subsist before . but he was sent at such time as the apostles were gathered together , when ( like thunder ) * there came a sound from heaven , as of a rushing mighty wind : and they were filled with the holy ghost . and thus they declared gods christ amongst all men , agreeable to that prophesie , which saith . † for behold he that firmeth the thunder , and createth the spirit , and declareth his christ unto men : the term createth being made use of , instead of sendeth , or constituteth : and the word thunder in another manner signifying the preaching of the gospel . and he that saith , ‖ create in me a clean heart o god , said not that , as if he had had no heart before : but he prayed , that his mind might be made perfectly pure within him . after the same manner this is spoken , * for to make in himself of twain one new man , instead of to conjoyn . consider also , whether or no this saying be of the same sort , † put on that new man , which after god is created : and this , ‖ therefore if any man [ be ] in christ , [ he is ] a new creature : and whatever other [ expressions ] of this sort may be found by him that diligently searcheth the divinely inspired scripture . you need not wonder therefore , because in this place * the lord created me the beginning of his ways , the term created [ is used ] metaphorically , instead of ordained or constituted . after this manner eusebius discourses in his books against marcellus . we have produced his words here , upon their account , who have attempted causelesly to raile at and revile this person . nor can they demonstrate , that eusebius doth attribute a beginning of essence to the son of god , although they may find him frequently making use of the expressions of dispensation : especially , because he was a great emulator and admirer of origens writings , wherein such as are able to understand origens books , will find [ this ] every where [ asserted , to wit , ] that the son is begotten of the father . thus much we have said by the by , upon their account who have attempted to reproach eusebius . chap. xxii . that the synod of serdica restored paulus and athanasius to their sees , and that , upon the eastern emperours refusal to admit them , the emperour of the west threatned him with war. but the [ bishops , ] as well those convened at serdica , as they who made up a particular synod by themselves at philippopolis [ a city ] of thracia , having performed whatsoever each party thought requisite to be done , returned to their own cities . [ thence forward ] therefore the western church was severed from the eastern : and the boundary of communion between them , was the mountain called a soucis , which parts the illyrians from the thracians . as far as that mountain there was a promiscuous communion , although their faith was different . but they b communicated not with those who lived beyond it . such was the confusion of the churches affaires at that time . soon after this , the emperour of the western parts acquaints his brother constantius with what had been done at serdica , and entreats him to restore paulus and athanasius to their own sees . but when constantius made demurrs to what he had written , the emperour of the western parts in another letter gave him his choice , [ to wit , ] that he should either admit paulus and athanasius to their own former dignities , and restore their churches to them ; or else ( if he did not this ) he must look upon him to be his enemy , and expect a war. the c letter he wrote to his brother was this . paulus and athanasius are indeed here with us. but , upon enquiry we find that they are persecuted upon account of their piety . if therefore you will promise to restore them to their sees , and punish those who have causelesly injured them , we will send the men to you. but if you shall refuse to do as we have said , know for certain , that we our self will come thither , and restore them to their own sees whether you will or no. chap. xxiii . that constantius , being afraid of his brothers menaces , by his letters ordered athanasius to appear , and sent him to alexandria . the emperour of the east understanding these things , was reduced to a very great streight . and having forthwith sent for most of the eastern bishops , he made them acquainted with the option his brother had proposed to him , and enquired of them what was to be done . they made answer , that it was better [ for him ] to grant athanasius the churches , than to undertake a civil war. wherefore the emperour , being necessitated thereto , summoned athanasius to appear before him . at that very interim the western emperour sends paulus to constantinople , accompanied with two bishops and other honorary provisions , having fortified him both with his own letters , and also with those from the synod . but whilst athanasius was yet fearful , and in doubt whether he should go to constantius or not : ( for he was afraid of the treacherous attempts of the sycophants : ) the eastern emperour invited him [ to his court ] not only once , but a second and a third time ; as it is evident from his letters , the contents whereof , being translated out of the latine tongue [ into the greek , ] are these . constantius's epistle to athanasius . constantius victor augustus , to athanasius the bishop . a the humanity of our clemency hath not permitted you to be any longer tossed in and disquieted with the boysterous surges ( as it were ) of the sea. our indefatigable piety hath not neglected you during your being deprived of your native habitation , whilst you wanted your goods , and wandred up and down in desert and impassable places . and although we have too long deferred the acquanting you by letters with the purpose of our mind , expecting you would of your own accord have come to us , and requested a remedy for your troubles : yet because peradventure fear hath hindred that purpose of your mind , we have therefore sent to your gravity , letters filled with indulgence , that you should hasten to make your sudden appearance in our presence without fear ; whereby you might enjoy your desire , and , having made experiment of our humanity , be restored to your own habitation . for upon this account we made a request for you to our lord and brother constans victor augustus , that he would grant you the liberty of coming , to the end that being restored to your country by both our consents , you should have this pledge and assurance of our favour . another epistle to athanasius . constantius victor augustus , to athanasius the bishop . although we have made it sufficiently known to you by our former letter , that you might securely come to our court , in regard we are earnestly a desirous to send you to your own habitation : yet we have now b sent this letter to your gravity . wherefore we entreat you to take a publick chariot , and hasten to us without any mistrust or fear , that you may enjoy what you desire . another letter to the same person . constantius victor augustus , to athanasius the bishop . whilst we made our residence at edessa , ( your presbyters being present there , ) we were pleased , by sending a presbyter to you , to hasten your coming to our court , to the end that after you were come into our presence , you might go immediately to alexandria . but , in regard a considerable space of time is now past , since your receipt of our letter , and you have not yet come ; we therefore took care to put you in mind by this , that you should now hasten to make your sudden appearance in our presence , that so you may be restored to your own country ; and obtain your desire . and that you might be most fully certified hereof , we have sent achetas the deacon , from whom you may understand both the purpose of our mind , and also that you shall readily obtain what you desire . athanasius having received these letters at aquileia , ( for c there he abode after his departure from serdica , ) hastned immediately to d rome . and having shown the letters to julius the bishop , he caused great joy in the roman church . for they supposed , that the emperour of the east had now given his assent to their faith , in regard he invited athanasius to come to him . but julius wrote this epistle to the clergy and laity in alexandria concerning athanasius . the epistle of julius bishop of rome , to those of alexandria . julius to e the bishops and presbyters , and deacons , and to the laity inhabiting alexandria , his beloved brethren , health in the lord. i also rejoyce with you , beloved brethren , because you now see before your eyes the fruit of your faith. for that this is truly so , any one may , see in our brother and fellow bishop athanasius : whom god hath restored to you , upon an account both of his purity of life , and also of your prayers . hence it is apparent , that you have continually offered up to god prayers which were pure and full of charity . for , being mindfull of the celestial promises , and f of the course of life tending thereto , which you have been instructed in by the doctrine of our foresaid brother ; you certainly knew , and ( according to that true faith which is implanted in you ) were apprehensive of this , that your bishop could not be perpetually seperated from you , whom you carried in your pious minds , as being continually present . wherefore , i need not make use of many words in this my letter to you . for your faith hath prevented whatever could have been said by me : and by the grace of christ those things have been fulfilled , which you in common prayed for and desired . i rejoyce therefore with you , ( for i will say it again , ) because you have preserved your souls inexpugnable in [ your defending of ] the faith. nor do i any whit less rejoyce with my brother athan sius , because ( although he hath undergone many sharp afflictions , yet ) he was not one hour unmindfull of your love , and your desire . for although he seemed to have been withdrawn from you for a time , yet he was continually conversant with you in spirit . and i am of opinion , beloved , that all the trialls and troubles which have hapned to him , are not inglorious . for both your , and his faith hath thereby been made known , and approved amongst all men . for , had not so many and great afflictions befell him , who would have believed , either that you should have had so great a respect and love for so eminent a bishop , or that he should have been adorned with such excellent virtues , by reason of which he is in no wise to be defrauded of his hope in the heavens ? he hath therefore obtained a testimony of confession every way glorious , both in this , and in the world to come . for after his many and various sufferings both by land and sea , he hath trodden under foot all the treach●ries of the arian heresie ; and after his having been frequently assaulted and brought into danger through envy , he hath despised death , being guarded by almighty god , and our lord jesus christ : hoping that he should not only avoid his enemies plots , but also be restored in order to your consolation , bringing back to you greater trophies by reason of your being conscious [ of having done what was just and good . ] upon which account he hath been rendred glorious even as far as the ends of the whole earth , being approved for his [ integrity of ] life , undauntedly persisting in the defence of his resolution of mind , and celestial doctrine , and evidently declared by your constant and perpetual judgment to be intirely beloved by you . he returns therefore to you now far more bright and glorious , than when he departed from you . for , if the fire tries and refines pretious metalls , i mean gold and silver , what can be said of so eminent a personage according to his worth , who having vanquished the fire of so great afflictions , and so many perills , is now restored to you , having been g declared innocent , not by our determination only , but by that of the whole synod ? receive therefore ( beloved brethren ) with all divine glory and joy your bishop athanasius , h together with those who have been his fellow sufferers . and rejoyce , in that you enjoy your desires , who have nourished and quenched the thirst of your pastour , hungring ( if i may so speak , ) and thirsting after your piety , with your comfortable writings . for you were a consolation to him during his abode in strange countries : and you have cherished him with your most faithfull souls and minds , whilst he was persecuted , and assaulted with treacheries . indeed , i rejoyce already , whilst i consider and foresee in my mind the joy of every one of you at his return , and the most pious meetings [ which will be given him ] by the populace , and the glorious solomnity of those which will be assembled , and what manner of day that will be , wherein our brother shall make his return : when forepast calamities shall have an end ; and his pretious and wish't for return shall unite all persons in an alacrity of mind [ exprest by ] the highest degree of joy . such a joy as this does , as to the greatest part of it , reach even as far as us , to whom heaven , ( 't is manifest ) hath granted this favour , that we should be able to come to the knowledge of so eminent a personage . it is fit therefore , that we should close this letter with a prayer . may god almighty , and his son our lord and saviour jesus christ afford you this perpetual grace , rendring you the reward of your admirable faith , which you have demonstrated towards your bishop by a glorious testimony : that better things may await you and your posterity both in this , and in the world to come , which * eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , neither have entred into the heart of man : the things that god hath prepared for them that love him , through our lord jesus christ , by whom glory be to almighty god for ever and ever , amen . i wish you good health , beloved brethren . athanasius confiding in these letters , went into the east . the emperour constantius received him not then with an incensed mind . but upon the suggestion of the arians , he attempted to circumvent him . and speaks to him thus . you have indeed recovered your see by the synods determination , and our consent . but , in regard there are some of the people in alexandria , who do i refuse to hold communion with you , suffer them to have one church in the city . to which request athanasius immediately made this return , and says , it is in your power , o emperour , to command and do what you will. i also ask and request this favour of you , which i desire you would grant me . when the emperour had readily promised him to grant it , athanasius forthwith added , that he desired to receive the same favour , that the emperour had required should be granted him : for he also requested that throughout every city one church might be allowed to those who refused to communicate with the arians . when the arians understood that athanasius's opinion would k incommode [ their party , ] they made answer that that business was to be deferred till another time : but they permitted the emperour to do what pleased him . wherefore , the emperour restored athanasius , paulus , and marcellus to their own sees : as also , asclepas of gaza , and lucius of adrianople . for they also had been received by the synod of serdica ; asclepas [ was received ] upon his exhibiting the acts , whereby it was manifest , that eusebius pamphilus ( together with many others ) having taken cognizance of his cause , had restored him to his dignity , and lucius , because those that accused him were fled . therefore , the emperours edicts were sent to their cities , giving order that they should be readily admitted . upon basilius's being turned out of ancyra , and marcellus's entrance into that city , there was no trivial disturbance made , which gave those that were his adversaries an occasion of reproaching him . but the gazites willingly received asclepas . in constantinople , macedonius did for some small time give place to paulus , and convened assemblies by himself seperately , in a private church of that city . but , in behalf of athanasius , the emperour wrote to the bishops , to the clergy , and to the laity , that they should willingly receive him . moreover , he gave order by other letters , that what had been enacted against him in the courts of judicature , should be abrogated . the contents of his letters concerning both these particulars are these . canstantius's letter , in behalf of athanasius . victor constantius maximus augustus , to the bishops and presbyters of the catholick church . the most reverend bishop athanasius hath not been deserted by the grace of god. but although he was for a short time subjected to humane tryal , yet he hath received a just sentence from divine providence which inspects all things : having been restored , by the will of god , and our determination , both to his own country , and church , over which by divine permission he presided . it was meet , that what is agreeable hereto should be performed by our clemency . that so , all things which have heretofore been determined against those who have held communion with him , should now wholly be forgotten , and that all suspicion [ entertained ] against him should in future cease , and that the immunity , which those clergy men that are with him did heretofore enjoy , should ( as it is meet ) be confirmed to them . moreover , we thought it equitable to make this addition to our indulgence in favour of him , that all persons belonging to the sacred order of the clergy might understand , that security is granted to all those that have adhered to him , whether they be bishops , or clerks : and a firm union with him shall be a sufficient testimony of every ones good resolution of mind . for , what persons soever ( making use of a better judgment , and becoming followers of a sounder opinion , ) shall embrace his communion . we have ordered , that all such shall enjoy that indulgence ( according to the * pattern of the preceding providence ) which we have now granted agreeable to the will of god. another letter sent to the alexandrians . victor constantius maximus augustus , to the populace of the catholike church in alexandria . in regard we make l your good government our aim in all things , and knowing that you have for some time been deprived of an episcopall providence , we have thought good to send back to you again athanasius the bishop , a person well known to all men for his sanctity of life and moral honesty . when you shall have received this person according to your usual manner , and as it is meet ; and shall constitute him your assistant in your prayers to god ; make it your business to preserve continually a concord and peace , befitting your selves , and gratefull to us , according to the sanction of the church . for it is disagreeable to reason , that there should be any dissention or faction raised amongst you , contrary to the felicity of our times . our desires and wishes are , that you may be wholly freed from this mischief . and we exhort you to persist continually in your usual prayers to god , making use of him your prelate and your assistant , as was said before . that so this resolution of yours being conveyed to the m ears of all men , even those ▪ gentiles as yet * enslaved in the erroneous worship of idols , may with the greatest alacrity hasten to the knowledge of the sacred religion , ( most dear alexandrians ! ) we therefore again exhort you to persist in what hath been said before . do you willingly receive your bishop , sent to you by gods decree and our determination , and look upon him as worthy to be embraced n with your whole souls and minds . for that doth both become you , and is also manifestly agreeable to our clemency . and that all manner of o disturbance and occasion of sedition may be taken from such as are endowed with malevolent and factious mindes , we have by our letters given order to the judges amongst you , that they should render all those liable to undergo the penalty of the laws , whom upon inquiry they shall find to have been seditions . taking therefore into your consideration these two things , both gods and our determination , and also the care we have taken about your agreement , and the punishment [ we have commanded to be inflicted ] upon those that are disordered ; make it your chief business to have a diligent regard to whatever doth become and agree with the sanctions of the sacred religion , and with all reverence to honour the * foresaid [ prelate , ] that so you together with him may offer up prayers to the supream god and father , both for your selves , and also for the good government and concord of mankind in general . an epistle concerning the abrogating what had been enacted against athanasius . victor constantius augustus , to nestorius . and in the same copy , to the presidents of p augustamnica , thebaïs , and lybia . if any thing be found to have been heretofore done to the detriment and injury of those who communicate with athanasius the bishop , our will is that that be now wholly abrogated . for our pleasure is , that those of his clergy should again have the same immunity , which they formerly had . and we command , that this order of ours be kept : that so ( athanasius the bishop having been restored to his church , ) they who communicate with him may have the same priviledge which they always had , and which the other clergy-men now have : whereby their affairs being thus setled , they also may rejoyce . chap. xxiv . that athanasius , passing through jerusalem in his return to alexandria , was received into communion by maximus , and convened a synod of bishops which confirmed the nicene faith. athanasius the bishop being fortified with these letters , passed thorow syria , and came into palestine . and arriving at jerusalem , he made known to maximus the bishop , both what had been done in the syond of serdica , and also that constantius the emperour had consented to their determination : and he makes it his business to have a synod of bishops convened in that city . maximus without any delay sent for some of the bishops in syria and palestine : and having constituted a synod , he also restored to athanasius communion , and his [ former ] dignity . moreover , this synod a wrote to the alexandrians , and to all the bishops in egypt and libya , declaring to them what had been determined and decreed concerning athanasius . upon which account , those who were athanasius's enemies egregiously derided maximus , because he had before deposed athanasius ; but then altering his mind again , ( as if nothing had been done before , ) he gave his suffrage for athanasius , and restored to him communion and his dignity . ursacius and valens ( who had before been hot maintainers of arianism , ) understanding these things , having at that time rejected their former industry [ in asserting that opinion , ] went to rome . and presented a penitentiary libel to julius the bishop , after which they embraced the homoöusian faith. and having written letters to athanasius , they professed they would in future hold communion with him . ursacius therefore and valens were at that time in such a manner vanquished by athanasius's prosperous success , that ( as i said ) they gave their consent to the homoöusian faith. but athanasius passed through pelusium in his journey to alexandria . and he admonished all the cities through which he passed , to have an aversion for the arians , and to embrace those that professed the homoöusian faith. he ordained also in some of the churches . which gave beginning to another accusation against him , b because he attempted to ordain in other [ bishops ] diocesses . such was the posture of athanasius's affaires at that time . chap. xxv . concerning the tyrants magnentius and vetranio . but in the interim a disturbance in no wise trivial seized the publick affaires of the empire . it is necessary that we should give a summary account only concerning it , by running over the chief heads thereof . when the * builder of the city constantinople was dead , his three sons succeeded him in the empire , as we have mentioned in our first book . but you must know , that together with them reigned their cousin-german , whose name was dalmatius of the same name with his own father . after he had been colleague with them in the empire some small time , the souldiers slew him ; constantius neither b commanding him to be murdered , nor yet forbidding it . after what manner constantinus junior ( invading those parts of the empire which belonged to his brother , ) was also slain in an engagement with the souldiers , we have more than once mentioned * before . after his slaughter , the persian war was raised against the romans , wherein constantius performed no action that was fortunate . for , there hapning an c engagement by night about the limits of the romans and persians , the latter seemed then for some little time to have been conquerours . at the same time , the posture of the christians affaires was little less sedate : but upon athanasius's account , and by reason of the term homoöusios , there was a war throughout the churches . during this state of affaires , there arose a tyrant in the western parts [ of the empire , ] one magnentius . who by treachery slew constans the emperour of the western parts , residing at that time in the gallia's . after which there was a mighty civil war kindled . for the tyrant magnentius conquered all italy , he also reduced africa and libya under his own dominion , and had possession even of the gallia's . in illyricum likewise , at the city sirmium , another tyrant was * set up by the souldiers ; his name vetranio . moreover , rome was involved in a disturbance . for d constantine had a sisters son , by name nepotianus , who being guarded by a party of the gladiatours , had by violence seized upon the empire . this nepotianus was slain by magnentius's forces . but magnentius himself invaded the rest of the western provinces , and made all places desolate . chap. xxvi . how , after the death of [ constans ] the western emperour , paulus and athanasius were ejected out of their own sees again . and , that paulus , after his being carried into banishment , was slain . but athanasius made his escape by flight . aconfluxe of all these mischiefs hapned almost at one and the same time . for these things were done on the fourth year after the synod at serdica in the a consulate of sergius and * nigrinianus . upon the relation hereof , the whole roman empire seemed to be devolved upon constantius only : who being proclaimed b emperour in the eastern parts , was wholly intent in making preparations against the tyrants . in the interim , athanasius's adversaries , supposing they had gotten a very seasonable opportunity , did again frame most horrid false accusations against him , he having not yet entred alexandria : they inform the emperour constantius , that he would subvert all egypt and libya . that which made the greatest addition to their calumny was , that athanasius had ordained in other [ bishops ] diocesses . athanasius arriving at alexandria during this troublesome posture of affaires , assembled a synod of bishops in egypt . who by an unanimous consent made the same determinations with those convened at serdica , and with that synod assembled at jerusalem by maximus . but the emperour , who had long before embraced the arian opinion , wholly altered all things which he had a little before decreed . and in the first place , he gave order , that paulus the bishop of constantinople should be banished , who was strangled by those that carried him into banishment , at c cucusus in cappadocia . marcellus also being ejected , basilius was again put into possession of the church of ancyra . lucius of adrianople was bound in iron chaines , and died in prison . moreover , what was reported concerning athanasius made so prevalent an impression upon the emperour , that he fell into an unmeasurable rage , and gave order that he should be slain whenever he could be found : and together with him , d theodulus and olympius , prelates of churches in thracin . but athanasius was not ignorant of what orders the emperour had given . but , having been made sensible thereof before hand , he betook himself to flight again , and so avoided the emperours menaces . the arians calumniated him for this his escape , especially narcissus bishop of neroniades a city of cilicia , georgius of laodicaea , and e leontius who then presided over the church at antioch . this leontius , when he was a presbyter , was divested of that dignity , because he lived continually with a woman whose name was eustolium , and endeavouring to conceal the suspicion of his unclean converse with her , he cut off his own genitalls ; after which he was conversant with her , with a greater confidence and liberty , in regard he wanted those things upon account whereof he had fallen into that suspition . but by the decree and diligence of the emperour constantius he was promoted to the bishoprick of the antiochian church after stephanus , who had before succeeded flaccillus . thus far concerning this person . chap. xxvii . that macedonius , having got possession of the see [ of constantinople , ] did much mischief to those that in opinion dissented from him . moreover , at that time macedonius was put into possession of the churches in constantinople , paulus being dispatcht in the forementioned manner . and having procured a very great interest in the emperour , he raised a war amongst the christians , not inferiour to that waged by the tyrants at the same time . for , having by his perswasions induced the emperour to countenance him with his assistance in destroying of the churches , he procured whatever wicked acts he had a mind to doe , to be established by law. from that time therefore an edict was publickly proposed throughout every city . and a military force appointed to see the emperours decrees put in execution . those who asserted the homo●usian faith , were driven not only out of the churches , but from the cities also . at first indeed they made it their business to expell them only . but afterwards , the mischief growing worse and worse , they betook , themselves to a forcing of them to communicate with them , being very little sollicitous about the churches . and this forcible constraint was nothing inferiour to that heretofore made use of by them , who necessitated the christians to worship idolls . for they made use of all manner of scourgings , various tortures , and proscriptions of their goods . many were punished with exile . some died under their tortures : others were murdered , during their being led away to banishment . these things were done throughout all the eastern cities , but more especially at constantinople . this intestine persecution therefore , being but small before , was much increased by macedonius , after he had gotten the bishoprick . but the cities of achaia and illyricum , and the western parts of the empire , continued as yet undisturbed , in regard they both mutually agreed , and also retained the rule of faith delivered by the nicene synod . chap. xxviii . concerning what was done at alexandria by georgius the arian ; from athanasius's own relation . but what [ villanies ] georgius during the same time committed at alexandria , you may understand from athanasius's own relation , who was present at , and a sufferer in those [ miseries . ] for , in his apologetick concerning his own flight , he speaks word for word thus concerning what had been done there . for they came from thence to alexandria , making search for me again , that they might murder me . and what hapned then was worse than that they had done before , for on a suddain the souldiers surrounded the church , and instead of going to prayers , there hapned a sight . after this , georgius ( sent by them out of cappadocia , ) arriving in lent , increased those mischiefs which he had learn't from them . for after easter-week , the virgins were cast into prison : the bishops , bound in chaines , were led away by tho souldiers : the houses of orphans and widdows were plundered , and the stock of bread-corn [ was pillaged : ] they broke into houses . and the christians were carried out [ to burial ] in the night . the houses were sealed up : and the brethren of those that were clergy-men , were in danger upon their brethrens account . these things were horrid : but those afterwards committed were much more horrid . for the week after the holy pentecost , the people , after they had fasted , went out to the coemetery to pray , because they all abominated georgius ' s communion . but that villanous wretch understanding this , instigated sebastianus the captain , who was a manichaean , against them . he with a company of souldiers , carrying armour , naked swords , bows , and darts , made a violent attack upon the people on the very lords day . and finding some few at their prayers ( for most of them were gone away by reason of the time of the day ; ) he did such exploits as became the arians to have performed amongst them . for having kindled a fire , he set the virgins close to it , forced them to say , that they professed the arian faith. but when he perceived they were not to be vanquished , and that they despised the fire , he afterwards stript them , and beat them on the face in such a manner , that for a time they could scarce be known . and having seized fourty men , he beat them after a new and unusual manner . for he forthwith cut rods from off palm-trees , which yet had their pricks on them , and flea'd their backs after such a manner , that some of them by reason of the pricks that stuck in their flesh , were forced to make frequent use of chirurgions : others of them , not able to endure [ the pain , ] died . immediately he took all the rest , that were left , and together with them a virgin , and a banished them into oasis the great . moreover , they would not at first suffer the bodies of those that were dead to be given to their relations : but casting them forth unburied , they hid them as they thought good , that they might seem not to know of so barbarous a cruelty . and this these madmen did , having a blindness upon their minds . for , in as much as the relations of those that were dead , rejoyced upon account of their confession , but mourned because their bodies lay unburied ; their impiety and barbarity was so much the more plainly detected and divulged . soon after this , they carried away into banishment out of egypt and both the libya ' s these bishops , ammonius , thmuis , cajus , philo , hermes , plinius , psenosiris , nilammon , agatho , anagamphus , ammonius , marcus , dracontius , adelphius , another ammonius , another marcus , and athenodorus : and these presbyters , hierax , and dioscorus . and they treated them so cruelly in their conveying them into banishment , that some of them died in the journey , and others in the very place of their exile . they b drove away more then thirty bishops . for it was their earnest desire , according as ahab did , wholly , if possible , to destroy the truth . thus much athanasius hath related in his own words concerning the villanies committed by georgius at alexandria . but the emperour marcht his army into illyricum . for the necessity of the publick affaires required his presence there ; more especially , because vetranio was proclaimed emperour there by the souldiers . being come to sirmium , he made a league with vetranio , after which he discoursed with him , and brought affaires to such a pass , that those souldiers , who had proclaimed vetranio , revolted from him to constantius's side . having therefore deserted vetranio , they cried out that only constantius was augustus , king and emperour . no mention was made of vetranio in their acclamation . vetranio , becoming sensible immediately that he was betrayed , laid himself prostrate at the feet of the emperour . constantius took his imperial crown and purple from him , and treated him kindly , exhorting him to lead a more sedate and quiet life in the habit of a private person . for [ he told him ] that a life void of disquietude was much more sutable for a man of his years , than to have a name full of care and sollicitude . such was the conclusion of vetranio's affaires . but the emperour ordered , that he should be allowed an ample revenue out of the publick tribute . afterwards he wrote frequently to the emperour whilst he made his residence at prusa in bithynia , declaring to him , that he had been the authour of the greatest happiness to him , in that he had freed him from cares , and the troubles that accompany a crown : and said , that he himself did not do well , because he would not enjoy that happiness which he had bestowed upon him . thus far concerning these things . at the same time , the emperour constantius , having created gallus , his fathers brothers son , caesar , and given him his own name , sent him to antioch of syria , designing that he should guard the eastern parts . whilst he was making his entry into antioch , the c sign of our saviour appeared in the east . for a pillar in the form of a cross appearing in the heavens , struck the beholders with a great amazement . the rest of his chief commanders he sent against magnentius , at the head of a very great army . in the interim , he himself made his residence at sirmium , expecting the issue of affaires . chap. xxix . concerning photinus the arch-heretick . moreover , at that time photinus who presided over the church in that * city , did more openly divulge that opinion which he had invented . wherefore , when there arose a disturbance occasioned thereby , the emperour ordered , that a a synod of bishops should be convened at sirmium . therefore , there met together in that city , of the eastern [ bishops , ] b marcus of arethusa , c georgius of alexandria , whom the arian party ( having removed gregorius , as we said * before , ) put into his see ; also basilius ( who presided over the church at ancyra , marcellus having been ejected , ) pancratius [ bishop ] of pelucium , and d hypatianus of heraclea . of the western bishops , [ there met there ] valens [ bishop ] of mursa , and hosius bishop of corduba in spain ( a person eminently famous at that time ) was present against his will. these [ prelates ] being convened at sirmium , after the consulate of sergius and nigrinianus , ( in which year , by reason of the tumults caused by the wars , no consul published the solemn e shews and playes usually exhibited at their entrance upon their consulate , ) and having upon examination found , that photinus asserted the opinion of sabellius the libyan and paul of samosata ; they immediately deposed him . and this determination of theirs was by all men , both then and afterwards , approved of as good and equitable . f but those [ bishops ] who stayed behind [ at sirmium ] did that which was not gratefull to all men . chap. xxx . concerning the [ forms of the ] creed published at sirmium , in the presence of the emperour constantius . for , as if they would condemn what they had heretofore determined concerning the faith , they again composed , ratified , and published other * draughts of the creed : a one whereof was dictated in the greek tongue by marcus of arethusa : b two more were drawn up in the latine tongue , which neither agreed one with the other ( either in the expressions , or in the composure , ) nor yet with that greek one , which the bishop of arethusa dictated . moreover , the one of those creeds drawn up in latine , i will here subjoyn to that composed by marcus : the other ( which they afterwards recited at c sirmium , ) we will set at it's proper place , where we shall declare what was done at ariminum . but you must know that they were both translated into the greek language . the draught of the creed dictated by marcus , runs thus . we believe in one god the father almighty , the creatour and framer of all things : * of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named : and in his only begotten son , our lord jesus christ , born of the father before all worlds , god of god , light of light , by whom all things , which are in the heavens , and which are upon the earth , visible and invisible , were made . who is the word , and the wisedom , and the true light , and the life . who in the last days was for our sakes incarnate , and born of the holy virgin , and was crucified and died , and was buried , and arose again from the dead on the third day , and was taken up into heaven , and sitteth at the right hand of the father , and shall come at the end of the world to judge the quick and dead , and shall render to every man according to his works . whose kingdom being perpetual continueth unto infinite ages . for he is sitting on the right hand of the father , not only in this present world , but in that also which is to come . and [ we believe ] in the holy ghost , that is , the paraclete ; whom [ our lord , ] ( having promised he would send him to the apostles after his ascent into the heavens , that he might teach and put them in mind of all things , ) sent . by whom also those souls , which have sincerely believed in him , are sanctified . but those who affirm , that the son [ exists ] of things which * were not , or of another substance , and not of god , and that there was a time or an age when he was not , the holy and catholick church hath certainly known to be aliens [ from her. ] we say it therefore again , if any one doth affirm the father and the son to be two gods , let him be anathema . d and if any one , affirming christ to be god the son of god before ages , shall not profess him to have ministred to the father in order to the framing of all things , let him be anathema . if any one be so audacious as to say , that the unbegotten , or part of him , was born of mary , let him be anathema . if any one shall say that the son was of mary according to prescience , and that he was not with god , born of the father before ages , and that all things were made by him , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm the essence of god to be † dilated or contracted , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm the dilated essence of god to make the son , or shall term the son the enlargement of his essence , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm the internal or outwardly-uttered word to be the son of god , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm the son who was [ born ] of mary to be man only , let him be anathema . if any one asserting him that was [ born ] of mary to be god and man , shall understand the unbegotten god himself , let him be anathema . if any one shall understand this text , * i am the first god , and i am the last , and besides me there is no god , ( which is spoken in order to the destruction of idolls , and those which are not gods ) in the same sense which the jews take it in , [ to wit , as if it were spoken ] upon account of the subversion of the only begotten god before ages , let him be anathema . if any one hearing these words , † the word was made flesh , shall suppose that the word was changed into flesh , or that he assumed flesh by having undergone any change , let him be anathema . e if any one hearing that the only begotten son of god was crucified , shall assert that his deity underwent any corruption , or passion , or mutation , or diminution , or destruction , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm , that the father spake not these words , † let us make man to the son , but shall assert that god himself spake to himself , let him be anathema . if any one shall say , that it was not the son who appeared to abraham , but the unbegotten god , or part of him , let him be anathema . f if any one shall say , that it was not the son who as a man wrestled with jacob , but the unbegotten god or part of him , let him be anathema . if any one shall understand these words , † the lord rained from the lord , not of the father and of the son , but shall say that god rained from himself , let him be anathema . for the lord the son rained from the lord the father . g if any one hearing [ these words ] the lord the father and the lord the son , shall term both the father lord , and the son also lord , and saying , the lord from the lord , shall assert that there are two gods , let him be anathema . for we place not the son in the same degree with the father , but [ understand ] him to be inferiour to the father . for neither did he come down to h sodom without his fathers will. nor did he rain from himself , but from the lord , that is from the father , who hath the supream authority . nor does he sit at his fathers right hand of himself , but he hears the father , saying , * sit thou at my right hand , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm , that the father son and holy ghost are one person , let him be anathema . if any terming the holy ghost the paraclete , shall call him the unbegotten god , let him be anathema . if any one does say that the paraclete is no other [ person ] than the son , ( as the son himself hath taught us ; for he has said , † the father , whom i will ask , shall send you another comforter , ) let him be anathema . if any one shall say , that the spirit is part of the father and of the son , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm , that the father and the son and the holy ghost are three gods , let him be anathema . if any one shall say , that the son of god was made like one of the creatures , by the will of god , let him be anathema . if any one shall affirm , that the son was begotten against the will of the father , let him be anathema . i for the father was not forced by a physical necessity , nor did he beget the son as if he were unwilling : but as soon as he was willing , he has declared that he begat him of himself without time and without passion , let him be anathema . if any one shall say , that the son is unborn and without a beginning , affirming as it were that there are two [ principles ] without a beginning and unborn , and so making two gods , let him be anathema . for the son is the head and beginning of all things . * but the head of christ is god. for thus we piously refer all things by the son to one who is without a beginning , the beginning of all things . furthermore , we , making an accurate explanation of [ their ] sentiments [ who profest ] the christian religion , do assert , that if any one shall not affirm christ jesus to have been the son of god before ages , and to have ministred to the father at the framing of all things , but [ shall say ] that he was called the son and christ from such time only as he was born of mary , and that he then received the beginning of his deity ; let him be anathema , like [ paul ] of samosata . k another [ draught of the ] creed published at sirmium in the latine tongue , and rendred into greek in regard there seemeth to have been some difference concerning the faith , all things were diligently inquired into and discussed at sirmium , in the presence of valens , ursacius , germinius l and the rest . it is manifest that there is one god the father almighty , according as it is declared over the whole world : and his one only begotten son jesus christ our lord m and god and saviour , begotten of his father before ages . but it must not be asserted that there are two gods , because the lord himself hath said , * i go unto my father , and your father , and to my god , and your god. therefore he is god even of all , as the apostle also hath taught , † is he the god of the jews only ? is he not also of the gentiles ? yes , of the gentiles also : seeing it is one god who shall justifie the circumcision by faith. moreover , all other things agree , nor have they any ambiguity . but whereas very many are disturbed about that term which in latine is called † substantia , and in greek ousia ( that is , that it may be more accurately understood , the word † homoöusion or * homoiöusion , ) these termes ought in no wise to be mentioned , nor discoursed of publickly in the church , for this reason , and upon this account , because there is nothing recorded concerning them in the divine scriptures , and in regard these things are above the reach of humane knowledge and mind of man , nor can any one declare the son's generation , according as it is written , ‖ and who shall declare his generation ? for 't is manifest that only the father knows how he begat the son ; and again , that the son [ only knows , ] how he was begotten of the father . it cannot be doubtful to any man that the father is greater in honour , dignity , and divinity , and that he is greater in that very name of a father : the son himself attesting , † the father who sent me is greater than i. no man is ignorant that this is catholick [ doctrine , ] that there are two persons of the father and of the son , and that the father is the greater : but that the son is made subject , together with all other things which the father hath subjected to himself . that the father hath no beginning , and is invisible , immortal , and impassible : but that the son was born of the father , god of god , light of light. and that no man knows his generation , ( as was said before , ) but only the father . that the son himself our lord and god , took flesh , or a body , that is [ was made ] man , according as the angel evangelized . and according as all the scriptures do teach , and especially the apostle himself , the teacher of the gentiles , christ received humanity of the virgin mary , by which he suffered . this is the principal head of the whole faith , and its confirmation , that the trinity must be always preserved according as we read in the gospel : † go ye and disciple all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . the number of the trinity is entire and perfect . but the paraclete , the holy ghost , was sent by the son , and he came according to promise , that he might sanctifie and n teach the apostles and all believers . they attempted to perswade photinus to give his * consent to , and subscribe these things , even after his deposition , promising that they would restore him his bishoprick , in case by altering his mind he would anathematize the opinion which he had invented , and consent to their sentiments . but he accepted not of that proposition ; but challenged them to dispute . a day therefore being set , by the emperours own appointment , the bishops there present met , and also not a few of the o senatorian order , whom the emperour commanded to be present at the dispute . in their presence , basilius , who at that time presided over the church at ancyra , opposed photinus , the notaries taking their words in writing . there was a very great contest on both sides during their dispute ; wherein photinus being vanquished , was condemned . spending the residue of his life in exile , he wrote a p book in † both languages , for he was not unskilled in the latine tongue . he wrote also against all heresies , asserting his own opinion only . let thus much be said concerning photinus . moreover , you must know , that the bishops convened at sirmium were afterwards q displeased with that draught of the creed published by them in latine . for it seemed to them , after its publication , to contain many contradictions . wherefore , they earnestly endeavoured to get it out of their hands who had transcribed it . but , in regard many hid it , the emperour by his edicts ordered , that all the copies of it should be diligently searched for and gathered up , threatning to punish those that should be found concealing of it . but his menaces were unable to suppress it when once published , in regard it had fallen into many mens hands . thus far concerning this . chap. xxxi . concerning hosius bishop of corduba . but , in regard we have mentioned hosius the spaniard , as being against his will present [ at sirmium , ] we must say something very briefly concerning him . for a little before , this person had been sent into a banishment by the fraudulent practises of the arians , but then , through the earnest desire of those convened at sirmium , the emperour sent for him , being desirous either to perswade , or else by force to compell him to give consent with those [ bishops ] present there . for if this could be accomplished , an evident testimony would seem to be given to their faith. for this reason therefore ; he was present ( as i said , ) being necessitated thereto against his will. but when he refused to give his consent , they inflicted stripes and tortures upon the old man. upon which account he was necessitated both to consent to , and subscribe those expositions of the faith then published . such was the conclusion of affaires at that time transacted at sirmium . moreover , the emperour constantius continued at sirmium , expecting the event of the war against magnentius . chap. xxxii . concerning the overthrow of magnentius the tyrant . in the interim , magnentius having possessed himself of the imperial city rome , slew many of the senatorian order , and destroyed several of the populace . but as soon as constantius's commanders , having got together a body of romans , marched out against him , he left rome , and went into the gallia's . where there hapned continual engagements ; and sometimes one side , sometimes the other got the better . but in fine , magnentius having been worsted about mursa , which is a fort of the gallia's , was besieged there . in which fort such a miraculous accident as this is said to have hapned . magnentius attempting to encourage his souldiers disheartned at their overthrow , ascended a lofty tribunal . his men , desirous to receive him with the shouts and acclamations usually given to the emperours , contrary to their intent diverted them to constantius . for by a general consent they all cried out , not magnentius , but constantius augustus . magnentius looking upon this to be an * omen of his imminent ruine , departed immediately out of the garrison , and fled to the further parts of the gallia's . constantius's commanders followed him with a very close pursuit . whereupon there hapned another engagement at a place called a the mountain seleucus : wherein magnentius being totally routed , fled alone to lyons a city of gallia , three days journey distant from the fort at mursa . magnentius having got into lyons , in the first place killed his own mother . then he slew his brother , whom he had created caesar ; and at last laid violent hands upon himself . this was done in the sixth consulate of constantius , and in constantius gallus's second consulate , b about the fifteenth of the month august . not long after , another of magnentius's brothers , his name decentius , finished his own life , by hanging of himself . such was magnentius his exit . but the publick affairs of the empire returned not to a perfect degree of tranquillity . for soon after this another tyrant arose , by name silvanus . but constantius's commanders quickly destroyed him , whilst he was making disturbances in the gallia's . chap. xxxiii . concerning the jews inhabiting dio-caesarea in palestine . at the same time also that these things hapned , there arose another intestine war in the east . for the jews , who inhabited dio-caesarea in palestine , took arms against the romans , and overran and destroyed the adjacent places . but gallus ( who was also named constantius , whom the emperour , having created him caesar , had sent into the east ) sent an army against them , and routed them . and by his order their city dio-caesarea was totally destroyed . chap. xxxiv . concerning gallus caesar. gallus having done this , was unable [ with moderation ] to bear his prosperous success : but immediately attempted to raise innovations against him by whom he had been created caesar , and he himself was also resolved to play the tyrant . ●ut , whereas his design was soon discovered by constantius : ( for gallus had upon his own authority ordered domitianus , at that time praefect of the praetorium in the east , and magnus the quaestor , to be slain , because they had a acquainted the emperour with his design . ) constantius highly incensed thereat , sent for gallus to him . he , being in a very great fear , went unwillingly . when he arrived in the western parts , and was come as far as the island flanona , constantius ordered he should be slain . not long after , he created julianus , gallus's brother , caesar , and sent him against the barbarians in gallia . moreover , gallus ( called also constantius ) was slain in the seventh consulate of the emperour constantius , when he himself was consul the third time . on the year following , in the consulate of arbetion and lollianus , julianus was created caesar , on the sixth of the month november . concerning julianus we shall make a further mention in our following book . but constantius having got rid of his present mischiefs and disquietudes , bent his mind again to an ecclesiastick war. for going from sirmium to the imperial city rome , he again summoned a synod of bishops , and ordered some of the eastern bishops to hasten into b italy ; and at the same time commanded the western bishops to meet there also . but in the interim that they were making preparation to go into italy , this accident hapned : c julius bishop of rome died , having presided over the church there fifteen years : liberius succeeded him in his bishoprick . chap. xxxv . concerning aëtius the syrian , eunomius's master . at antioch in syria there arose another arch heretick , aëtius , surnamed atheus . he had the same sentiments with arius , and maintained the same opinion . but he separated himself from the arian party , because they had admitted arius into communion . for arius ( as i said * before ) espousing one opinion in his mind , made an open profession of another with his mouth , when he hypocritically consented to , and subscribed the form of the creed [ drawn up ] at the synod of nice , that he might deceive the then emperour . upon this account therefore aëtius separated himself from the arians . moreover , aëtius had formerly been an hereticall person , and a very zealons defender of arius's opinion . for after he had been a little instructed at alexandria , he returned from thence . and arriving at antioch in syria ▪ ( for there he was born ) he was ordained deacon by leontius , at that time bishop of antioch . immediately therefore he astonished those that discoursed him with the novelty of his speeches . and this he did , trusting in aristotle's categories ; ( that book is so entitled by its authour , ) from the rules whereof he discoursed , but was insensible of his framing fallacious arguments in order to the deceiving of his own self , nor had he learned the scope of aristotle from knowing persons . for aristotle , upon account of the sophisters who at that time derided philosophy , wrote that exercitation for young men , and opposed the sophisters with the art of discourse by subtile reasonings . wherefore the a ephecticks who expound plato's and plotinus's works , do find fault with what aristotle has subtilly and artificially asserted [ in that work . ] but aëtius , having never had an academick master , stuck close to the sophismes of the categories . upon which account he could neither understand how there could be a generation b without a beginning , nor how he that was begotten could be coëternal with him who begat him . yea , aëtius was a man of so little learning , so unskilled in the sacred scriptures , and so wholly exercised in and addicted to a contentious and disputative humour , ( which every rustick may easily do ; ) that he was not in the least studious in the perusal of those ancient writers who have explained the sacred books of the christian religion , but wholly rejected clemens , africanus , and origen , persons expert in all manner of knowledge and literature . but he patcht together epistles , both to the emperour constantius , and to some other persons , knitting together therein trifling and contentious disputes , and inventing subtile and fallacious arguments . upon which account he was surnamed * atheus . but although his assertions were the same with those of the arians ; yet because they were unable to understand his difficult and perplexed † syllogismes , he who had the same sentiments with them , was by those of his own party judged to be an heretick . and for this reason he was driven from their church ; but he himself pretended that he would not communicate with them . there are at this present some hereticks propagated from him , [ to wit , ] those who were heretofore called aëtians , but now they are termed eunomians . for eunomius ( who ●ad been aëtius's notary , ) having been instructed in that c heretical opinion by him , afterwards headed that sect. but we shall speak concerning eunomius in due place . chap. xxxvi . concerning the synod at millaine . at that time the bishops met in italy ; there came not very many of the eastern bishops , in regard most of them were hindred from coming either by their great age , or by the length of the journey : but of the western bishops there met above a three hundred . for it was the emperours order , that a synod should be held at the city of millaine . where being met together , the eastern bishops requested that in the first place sentence might by a general consent be pronounced against athanasius : that so , that having been effected , he might in future be perfectly disabled from returning to alexandria . but when b paulinus bishop of triers in gallia , and dionysius , and eusebius , ( the former of whom was bishop of c alba the metropolis of italy , and the latter of vercellae which is a city of liguria in italy , ) were sensible , that the eastern bishops , by a ratification of the sentence against athanasius , attempted the subversion of the faith , they arose and with great earnestness cryed out ▪ that deceit and fraud was covertly designed against the christian religion by what was transacted : for they said , that the accusation against athanasius was not true , but that these things were invented by them in order to the depravation of the faith. after they had with loud voices spoken all this , the congress of bishops was for that time dissolved . chap. xxxvii . concerning the synod at ariminum , and concerning the [ draught of the ] creed which was published there . when the emperour understood this , he removed * them out of the way by banishment . and resolved to convene a general council , that so , by drawing all the eastern bishops into the west , he might ( if it were possible ) reduce them all to an agreement in opinion . but in regard the tediousness of the journey rendred this design of his difficult , he ordered the synod should be divided into two parts , permitting those then present to meet at ariminum [ a city ] of italy . but by his letters he gave the eastern bishops order to assemble at nicomedia [ a city ] of bithynia . a the emperour issued out these orders with a design to unite them in opinion . but this design of his had not a successful event . for neither of the synods agreed amongst themselves , but each of them was divided into contrary factions . for neither could they convened at ariminum be brought to agree in one and the same opinion : and those eastern bishops gathered together at seleucia of isauria raised another schism . moreover , after what manner all these matters were transacted , we will declare in the procedure of our history , having first made mention of some few passages concerning eudoxius . for about that time b leontius ( who had ordained aëtius the heretick deacon ) departing this life , eudoxius bishop of germanicia a city of syria , being then present at rome , considered with himself that he was to make haste . and having framed a cunning discourse with the emperour , as if the city germanicia stood in need of his consolation and defence , he requested that leave might be granted him to make a sudden return . the emperour foreseeing nothing [ of a design , ] sent him away . but he , having procured the chiefest persons of the bedchamber to , the emperour to be his assistants , left his own city [ germanicia , ] and * clancularly possest himself of the episcopate of antioch : immediately after which he attempted to favour aëtius , and made it his business to assemble a synod of bishops , and c restore him to his dignity , [ to wit , ] his † diaconate . but he was in no wise able to effect this , because the hatred conceived against aëtius was more prevalent than eudoxius's earnestness for him . thus much concerning these things . but when the bishops were assembled at ariminum , the eastern prelates affirmed that they were come to the council with a design wholly to omit the mention of the accusations against athanasius . this desire and resolution of theirs was assisted by ursacius and valens , who at the beginning had been defenders of arius's opinion : but [ afterwards ] they publickly consented to the term homoöusios , by their libel given in to the bishop of rome , as we said * before . for these persons always inclined to the strongest side . they were assisted by germinius , auxentius , demophilus , and caius . when therefore some were ready to propose one thing in the congress of bishops then present , and some another ; ursacius and valens said , that all forms of the creed heretofore published were to be accounted null and void ; and that that last draught was to be admitted and approved of , which they had a little before published in their convention at sirmium . having said this , they caused a paper , which they had in their hands , to be read ; [ wherein was contained ] another form of the creed ( which they had drawn up before at sirmium , but concealed it there , as i said * before ) which they then made publick at ariminum . this d creed was translated out of latine [ into greek ; ] the contents thereof are these . this catholick creed was published in the presence of our lord constantius , in the consulate of the most eminent flavius eusebius and hypatius , at sirmium , on the eleventh of the kalends of june . we believe in one only and true god , the father almighty , creatour and framer of all things . and in one only begotten son of god , who was begotten of god , without passion , before all ages , and before every beginning , and before all time conceivable in the mind , and before every comprehensible e notion : by whom the ages were framed , and all things were made . who was begotten the only begotten of the father , the only of the only , god of god , like to the father who begat him , according to the scriptures . whose generation no person knoweth , but only the father who begat him . we know that this only begotten son of god , by his father's appointment , came down from heaven in order to the abolishing of sin : and was born of the virgin mary , and conversed with the disciples , and fulfilled every dispensation according to his fathers will : and was crucified , and died , and descended into the infernal parts , and set in order what was to be done there . at the sight of whom the doorkeepers of hell trembled . he arose again on the third day , and conversed with his disciples : and after the completion of fourty days , he ascended into the heavens , and sits at the right hand of his father . and he shall come in the last day in his fathers glory , and render to every man according to his works . and [ we believe ] in the holy ghost , whom the only begotten son of god jesus christ himself promised to send as a comforter to mankind , according as it is written : i go away to my father , and i will pray my father , and he shall send you another comforter , the spirit of truth . he shall receive of mine , and shall teach you , and bring all things to your remembrance . but ▪ for the term * ousia , in regard it has been used by the fathers in a more plain and ordinary sense , and , being not understood by the people , gives an offence to many , in as much as it is not contained in the scriptures , we thought good to have it wholly removed , and in future to make no mention at all of this term ousia , when god is spoken of , in regard the saecred scriptures have no where mentioned the substance of the father and of the son. but f we do assert , that the son is in all things like the father , as the sacred scriptures do affirm and teach . after the reading of this paper , those who were displeased with the contents thereof , rose up and said : we came not hither because we wanted a creed . for we keep that entire , which we have received from our ancestours . but [ we are met , ] that if any innovation hath hapned concerning it , we might repress it . if therefore what hath been recited doth contain nothing of novelty in it , do you now openly anathematize the arian heresie , in such sort as the ancient rule of the church hath rejected other heresies , as being blasphemous . for , it has been made manifest to the whole world , that arius's impious opinion hath been the occasion of those tumults and disturbances , which have hapned in the church untill this present time . this proposall , being not admitted of by ursacius , valens , germinius , auxentius , demophilus , and caius , wholly rent in sunder the church . for these persons adhered to what had been recited in the synod of ariminum . but the others did again confirm the nicene creed . moreover , they derided the inscription prefixt before the creed which had been read . and especially g athanasius , in the epistle he sent to his acquaintance , where he writes word for word thus . for what was wanting to the doctrine of the catholick church as concerning piety , that disquisitions should now be made about the faith , and that they should prefix the consulate of the present times before that draught of the creed ( forsooth ! ) which they have published ? for ursacius , valens , and germinius , have done that which never was done , or so much as ever heard of amongst christians . for having composed such a form of the creed as they were willing to admit of , they prefixt before it the consulate , the month , and the day of the present year , in order to their making it manifest to all prudent persons , that their faith had not its beginning before , but now under the reign of constantius . for , they have written h all things with a respect had to their own heresie . beside● , pretending to write concerning the lord , they name another to be their lord , [ to wit , ] constantius . for he it was , who influenced and authorized their impiety . and they who deny the son to be eternal , have stiled him i eternal emperour : such bitter enemies are they against christ , by reason of their impiety ! but perhaps , the holy prophets specifying of the time [ wherein they prophesied ] gave them an occasion of assigning the consulate . now , should they be so audacious as to assert this , they would most egregiously betray their own ignorance . for the prophesies of th●se holy persons do indeed contain a mention of the times . isaiah and hosea lived * in the days of uzziah , jotham , ahaz , and hezekiah . jeremiah , † in the days of josiah . ezekiel and daniel [ flourish't ] under cyrus and darius . and others prophesied in other times : but they did not then lay the foundations of religion . for that was in being before their times , and always was , even before the foundation of the world , god having prepared it for us by christ. nor did they thereby manifest the times of their own faith. for even before those times they themselves were believers . but the times [ which they mention ] were the times of the promise [ which god made ] by them . now , the chief and principal head of the promise was concerning our saviours advent . and by way of * appendix those things were added which should in future happen to israel and to the gentiles . these were the times manifested [ by them , whereby was declared ] not the beginning of faith , as we said before , but the times wherein those prophets themselves lived and foretold these things . but these † wise men in our days ( whenas they neither compose histories , nor predict future things , but ) having written [ these words , ] the catholick faith was published , immediately add the consulate , the month , and the day . and , as those holy persons wrote the history of affairs [ in their age , and noted ] the times of their own ministration ; so these men do manifest the time of their own faith. and would to god they had written concerning their own faith only ; ( for now they first began to believe : ) and had not attempted [ to write ] concerning the catholick [ faith ! ] for they have not written , thus we believe : but after this manner , the catholick faith was published . the audaciousness therefore of this design does reprehend their impiety : but the novelty of the * expression by them invented is altogether like the arian heresie . for by their writing after this manner they have informed [ all persons , ] when they themselves began first to believe ; and from what instant they are desirous their faith should be preached . and ▪ according to that saying of luke the evangelist , * a decree [ of enrolment ] was published ; ( which [ edict ] was not before , but it began from those times , and was published by him that wrote it : ) so these persons by writing thus , the faith is now published , have demonstrated , that the tenets of their heresie are novitious , and were not in former times . but , in as much as they add the term catholick , they are insensible of their falling into the k impious opinion of the † cataphrygae : and as they did , so do these assert , [ saying , ] the faith of the christians was first revealed to us , and took its beginning from us . and , as they stiled maximilla and montanus , so these term constantius their lord and master , instead of christ. but if , according to them , the faith took its beginning from this consulate , what will the fathers , and the blessed martyrs do ? moreover , what will they themselves do with such persons as were catechized and instructed by them , and died before this consulate ? how will they raise them to life again , that they may root out of their minds what they seemed to have taught them , and implant in them those [ sentiments , ] which , as they write , are newly invented by them ? to such a degree of ignorance are they arrived , being only well skilled in framing pretexts , and they such as are undecent and improbable , and which may be presently confuted . thus wrote athanasius to those of his acquaintance . such as are lovers of learning ( after they have found out this letter ) may understand the powerfull expressions therein contained . for we , having an aversion for prolixity , have inserted but part thereof here . further , you are to take notice , that the synod deposed valens , ursacius , auxentius , germinius , caius , and demophilus , because they would not anathematize the arian opinion . wherefore they highly resenting their deposition , hastned forthwith to the emperour , carrying along with them that draught of the creed which had been read in the synod . and the synod acquainted the emperour with their determinations , by their letter : the purport whereof , being translated out of latine into greek , is this . the letter of the ariminum synod to the emperour constantius . l by gods will , and the command of your piety , we believe order has been taken , that we western bishops should come out of divers provinces to the * city of ariminum : that the faith of the catholick church might be made apparent to all men , and that hereticks might be notified . for whilst all of us ( who entertain such sentiments as are true ) could review and consider matters , our determination was to hold the faith which hath continued from [ all ] antiquity , which we have received by the prophets , gospels , and apostles , by god himself and our lord jesus christ , the preserver of your empire and doner of your † safety . for we accounted it a thing detestable to maim any of those matters which have been rightly and justly determined ; and [ to take away any thing ] from those persons , who were assessours in the nicene * treaty , together with constantine of glorious memory the father of your piety . which treaty hath been manifested and insinuated into the minds of the people , and is found to have been then opposed to the arian heresie , in such manner that not only that , but other heresies also have thereby been vanquished . from which treaty should any thing be taken away , a passage would be opened to the poison of hereticks . m therefore ursacius and valens sometime lay under a suspicion of [ being adherents to ] the same arian heresie , and they were suspended from communion . they also begged pardon , as the contents of their libel do manifest . which they procured at that time from the n council of millaine , the embassadours of the church of rome also assisting . constantine being present in this [ consult , ] in regard after a searching disquisition , that [ creed ] had been drawn up , ( which he believing , and being baptized , departed to gods rest , ) we look upon it as a thing detestable , to make any † mutilations therein , or in any thing to set aside so many saints , confessours , and successours of the martyrs , who were composers of that treaty ; in regard they have kept all things [ asserted by ] the past writers of the catholick church . and it hath continued to these very times , wherein your piety hath received the power of ruling the world from god the father by god and our lord jesus christ. but [ these ] wretched men , endewed with an unhappy * sense , have again by a temerarious attempt proclaimed themselves the setters forth of impious doctrine : and even now they endeavour to shake what had been founded in reason . for when the letters of your piety ordered that the faith should be treated of , there was proposed to us by the forenamed disturbers of the churches ( germinius , auxentius , and caius having joyned themselves to them , ) a new [ creed ] to be considered of , which contained much perverse doctrine . but when the creed they proposed publickly in the council seemed to displease , their sentiments were that it was to be drawn up otherwise . and it is manifest , that they have in a short time often p altered these things . but lest the churches should be frequently disturbed , we have determined that the ancient sanctions ought to be kept ratified and inviolable ; and that the forementioned persons should be removed from our communion . in order therefore to the informing of your clemency , we have directed our legates , who by our letter will declare the opinion of the council . to whom we have given this particular only in charge , that they should dispatch their embassie no otherwise , than that the ancient sanctions may continue firm and inviolable : as also that your wisdom might know , that peace cannot be accomplished by this which the forenamed valens , ursacius , germinius , and caius have promised , if any thing had been * altered . for how can peace be kept by those who subvert peace ? for all regions , and especially the roman church hath been involved in greater disturbances . upon which account we beseech your clemency , that you would hear and look upon all our legates with favourable ears , and a serene countenance : q and that your clemency would not permit any thing to be reversed to the injury of the ancients , but that all things may continue which we have received from our ancestours , who ( we are confident ) were prudent persons , and acted not without the holy spirit of god. because , not only the believing populace are disquieted by that novelty , but also infidels are prohibited from making their approaches to a r credulity . we also entreat , that you would give order , that as many bishops as are deteined at ariminum ( amongst which there are many that are enfeebled with age and poverty , ) may return to their province ; lest the populace of the churches suffer dammage by being destitute of their bishops . but we do with more earnestness petition for this , that no innovation may be made , nothing may be diminished ; but that those things may remain uncorrupted which have continued in the times of the father of your holy piety , and in your own religious days . and , that your holy prudence would not suffer us to be wearied out , and ravisht from our secs : but that the bishops with their laity , free from disquietude , may always attend the [ putting up their ] petitions , which they * make for your health , for your empire , and for peace , which may the divinity grant you to be profound and perpetual , according to your deserts . our embassadours will bring both the subscriptions and also the names of the bishops or legates ; as they will inform your s holy and religious prudence by another writing . thus wrote the synod , and sent it by the bishops . but ursacius and valens having prevented their arrival , did before-hand calumniate the synod , shewing [ the emperour ] the draught of the creed , which they had brought along with them . the emperour , whose mind had been long since wholly addicted to the arian opinion , was highly incensed against the synod : but had a great esteem and honour for valens and ursacius . wherefore , the persons sent by the synod staied a long while , being unable to get an answer . but at length the emperour wrote back to the synod by those that were present , after this manner . t constantius victor and triumphator augustus , to all the bishops convened at ariminum . that our chiefest care is always employed about the divine and venerable law , even your goodness is not ignorant . notwithstanding , we could not hitherto see the twenty bishops sent from your prudence , who undertook the dispatch of the embassie from you . for we are wholly intent upon an expedition against the barbarians . and , as you know , 't is fit that a mind exercised about the divine law , should be vacated from all care and sollicitude . wherefore we have ordered the bishops to expect our return to adrianople , that , after the publick affairs shall be put into a good and settled posture , we may at length hear and deliberate upon what they shall propose . in the interim , let it not seem troublesome to your gravity to wait for their return , in regard , when they shall come back and bring you our answer , you will be enabled to bring to a conclusion such things as appertain to the utility of the catholick church . when the bishops had received this letter , they returned an answer , after this manner . we have received your clemencies letter , ( lord emperour most dear to god! ) wherein is conteined , that by reason of the pressing necessity of publick business , you could not hitherto see our embassadours . and you order us to expect their return , till such time as your piety shall understand from them what hath been determined by us agreeable to [ the tradition of ] our ancestours . but we do by this letter profess and affirm , that we do in no wise recede from our resolution . and this we have given in charge to our embassadours . we desire therefore , that with a serene countenance you would both order this present letter of our meanness to be read ; and also gratiously admit of those things which we have given in charge to our embassadours . undoubtedly , your mildness , as well as we , doth perceive , how great the grief and sadness at present is [ every where , ] in regard so many churches are destitute of their bishops in these most blessed times of yours . and therefore , we again beseech your clemency , ( lord emperour most dear to god! ) that before the sharpness of winter ( if it may please your piety , ) you would command us to return to our churches , in order to our being enabled to * put up our usual prayers together with the people , to almighty god , and to our lord and saviour jesus christ , his only begotten son , in behalf of your empire , in such manner as we have always done , and now most earnestly desire to do . after they had written this letter , and continued together some small time ; in regard the emperour would not vouchsafe them an answer , they departed every one to his own city . but the emperour had long before had a designe of disseminating the arian opinion throughout the churches . which he then earnestly endeavouring to effect , made their departure a pretext of contumely , saying that he was despised by them , in regard they had dissolved [ the council ] contrary to his will. wherefore , he gave ursacius's party free liberty of doing what they pleased against the churches . he also commanded , that that draught of the creed which had been read at ariminum , should be sent to the churches throughout italy , giving order that such as would not subscribe it , should be put out of the churches , and others substituted in their places . and in the first place u liberius bishop of rome , having refused to give his consent to that creed , is banished , the * ursacians having substituted felix in his place . this felix being a deacon in the church of rome , x embraced the arian opinion , and was preferred to that bishoprick . but there are some who affirm , that he was not add●cted to the arian opinion , but was by force necessitated to be ordained bishop . at that time therefore all places in the west were filled with innovations and disturbances , some being ejected and banished , and others put into their places . and these things were transacted by force , and the authority of the imperial edicts , which were also sent into the eastern parts . indeed , not long after liberius was recalled from banishment and recovered his own see ; the people of rome having raised a sedition , and ejected felix out of that church : at which time the emperour gave them his consent thereto against his will. but the ursacians left italy , went into the eastern parts , and arrived at a city of thracia , the name whereof was nice . wherein after they had continued some small time , they made up y another synod there . and having translated that form of the creed , read at ariminum , into the greek tongue , ( as it has been before related , ) they published and confirmed it , giving out that that creed , which was made publick by them at nice , had been dictated by an oëcumenicall synod ; their design being to impose upon the simpler sort of people by the likeness of the [ cities ] name . for such persons were ready to think that it was the creed published at nicaea a city of bithynia . but this cheat was not at all advantagious to them : for it was soon detected ; and they themselves continued to be exposed to the reproach and laughter of all men . let thus much be said concerning what was transacted in the western parts . we must now pass to the relation of what was done at the same time in the east . and our narrative must begin from hence . chap. xxxviii . concerning the cruelty of macedonius , and the tumults by him raised . the bishops of the arian party assumed a greater degree of boldness from the imperial edicts . and upon what account they attempted to convene a synod , we will relate a little afterwards . but we will first briefly recite those things done by them before the synod acacius and patrophilus having ejected maximus bishop of jerusalem , placed cyrillus in his see. macedonius subverted the provinces and cities a lying near to constantinople , preferring those that were embarqued in the same wicked design with him against the churches . he ordained eleusius bishop of cyzicum ; and marathonius bishop of nicomedia , who had before been a deacon , placed under macedonius : he was also very diligent in founding monasteries of men and women . but after what manner macedonius subverted the provinces and cities which lay round constantinople , we are now to declare . this person therefore , having possest himself of the bishoprick in such a manner as is * before related , did innumerable mischiefs to those who would not entertain the same sentiments with him . nor did he persecute those only who were discerned [ to be members ] of the church , but the novations also , knowing that they also embraced the homoöusian faith. these therefore were together with the others disquieted , undergoing most deplorable sufferings . † their bishop , by name agelius , made his escape by ●light : but many of them , eminent for their piety , were taken , and tortured , because they would not communicate with him . and after their tortures , they forcibly constrained the men to partake of the holy * mysteries . for they wrested their mouthes open with a piece of wood , and thrust the sacrament into them . such persons as underwent this usage , looked upon it to be a punishment far exceeding all other tortures . moreover , they snatcht up the women and children , and forced them to be initiated [ by baptism . ] and if any one refused , or otherwise spoke against this , stripes immediately followed , and after stripes bonds , imprisonments , and other accute tortures . one or two [ instances ] whereof i will mention , that i may render the hearers sensible of the apparent barbarity and cruelty of macedonius and those persons who were then in power . they squeezed the breasts of those women who refused to be communicants with them in the sacrament , between [ the doors of ] † presses , and cut them off with a saw. they burnt the same members of other women , partly with iron , and partly with eggs exceedingly heated in the fire . this new sort of torture , which even the heathens never used towards us , was invented by those who professed themselves christians . these things i heard from the long-liv'd auxano , of whom i have made mention in the first book . he was a presbyter in the church of the novatians . and he reported that he himself indured not a few miseries [ inflicted upon him ] by the arians , before he received the dignity of a presbyter . for he said that he was cast into prison together with alexander paphlagon , ( who with him led a monastick life , ) and sustained innumerable stripes . which tortures [ as he related ] he was enabled to indure : but alexander died in prison by reason of his stripes . his sepulchre is now [ to be seen , ] on the right hand as you sail into the byzantine bay , which is named b ceras , near the rivers : where there is a church of the novatians , which bears alexanders name . moreover , the arians , by macedonius's order , demolished many other churches in divers cities ; as also a church of the novatians , scituate in constantinople near pelargus . why i have made particular mention of this church , i will here declare , as i heard it from the very aged c auxano . the emperours edict and macedonius's violence gave order for the demolishing of their churches who embraced the homoöusian opinion . this edict and violence * threatned this church also with ruine , and they were at hand , to whom the execution hereof was committed . i cannot choose but admire , when i reflect upon the great zeal and earnestness of the novatians towards their church , and the kindness which they had for those persons , who at that time were ejected out of the church by the arians , but do now peaceably and quietly enjoy their churches ! when therefore they , to whom the execution hereof was enjoyned , were urgent to demolish this church also , a great multitude of people that were novatians , and others who embraced the same sentiments with them , flock't together thither . and when they had pulled down their church , they conveyed it to another place . this place is scituate over against the city [ constantinople ; ] the name of it is sycae , and 't is the thirteenth ward of the city . moreover , the removal of the church was performed in a very short time , it being carried away by a numerous multitude of people with an incredible alacrity of mind . for one carried tiles ; another stones ; a third timber . some took up one thing , some another , and carried it to sycae . yea , the very women and little children assisted in this business , looking upon it as an accomplishment of their desires , and esteeming it as a great gain , that they were vouchsafed to be pure and faithful preservers of the things consecrated to god. in this manner therefore was the church of the novatians at that time removed to sycae . but afterwards , when constantius was dead , the emperour julian ordered the place to be restored to them , and permitted them to rebuild their church . at which time the people , in the same manner as before , carried the materialls back again , and built the church in its former place : and having made it more beautifull and stately , they would have it called * anastasia , a name apposite and significative . this church therefore was afterwards erected again , as i said , in the reign of julian . but then both parties , as well the catholicks as the novatians , were after the same manner persecuted . wherefore the catholicks abhorred to d pray in those oratories , wherein the arians assembled themselves . but , in the other three churches ( for so many oratories the novatians had within the ci●y [ constantinople ] ) the catholicks assembled with them , and prayed together . and there wanted but little of their being entirely united , had not the novatians , who observed their old injunction , refused to do that . but as to other matters , they preserved such a singular benevolence and kindness mutually , that they * were ready to die for one another . therefore both parties were at the same time persecuted , not only in the city constantinople , but in other provinces and cities also . for in cyzicum , eleusius the bishop there did the same things against the christians that were acted by macedonius , putting them to flight and disquieting them every where . he also totally demolished the church of the novatians at cyzicum . but macedonius finished the enormous villanies he had perpetrated , after this manner . being informed that in the province of paphlagonia , and especially at mantinium , there were very many persons of the novatian sect , and perceiving that so great a multitude could not be driven [ from their habitations ] by ecclesiastick persons , he procured four * companies of souldiers to be by the emperours order sent into paphlagonia ; that being terrified by those armed men , they might be induced to embrace the arian opinion . but they who inhabited mantinium , out of a zeal to [ defend ] their sect , made use of desperation against the souldiers . and many of them getting together in one body , and providing themselves with long hooks and hatchets , and whatever weapon they could lay hands on , they marched out to meet the souldiers . an engagement therefore hapning , many of the paphlagonians were therein slain : but all the souldiers ( except a very few ) were cut off . this i heard from a country man of paphlagonia , who said he was present at that action . but many other paphlagonians do affirm the same . of this sort were macedonius's brave exploits in defence of christianity , [ to wit , ] murders , fights , captivities , and intestine wars . but these practises of macedpnius's raised a deserved † odium against him , not only amongst those he had injured , but amongst them also who were his adherents . yea , the emperour himself was offended at him , both upon this account , and also for another reason , which was this . the church , wherein lay the coffin that contained the body of the emperour constantine , was threatned with ruine . e wherefore for this reason , as well they who had entred that church , as those that continued in it and prayed , were in a great fear . macedonius therefore resolved to remove the emperours bones , that the coffin might not be f spoiled by the ruine [ of the church . ] the people understanding this , attempted to hinder it , saying that the emperours bones ought not to be removed ; in regard that would be the same , as if they were dug up again . immediately the people were divided into two parties . the one affirmed , that no hurt could be done to the dead body by its being removed : the other side asserted it to be an impious thing . those of the homoöusian opinion met together also , and opposed the doing hereof . but macedonius , disregarding those that resisted him , removes the body of the emperour into that church , wherein lies acacius the martyr's body . this being done , the multitude , divided into two parties , ran forthwith to that church : and when the two factions were drawn up against each other , immediately an engagement followed : wherein so great a number of men were slain , that that church-yard was full of bloud ; g and the well therein overflowed with bloud , which ran even into the adjacent portico , and from thence into the very street . the emperour , informed of this calamitous accident , was incensed against macedonius , both upon account of those that were slain , and also because he had been so audacious as to remove his fathers body without his consent . having therefore lest julianus the caesar to take care of the western parts of the empire , he himself went into the east . but , how macedonius was soon after this deposed , and underwent a punishment short of his enormous impieties , i will relate a little afterwards . chap. xxxix . concerning the synod at seleucia [ a city ] of isauria . but at present , i must give an account of the other synod , which by the emperours edict was to emulate that at ariminum in the east . at first it was determined , that the bishops should be convened at nicomedia in bithynia . but , a great earthquake , whereby the city nicomedia hapned to be ruined hindred their being convened at that place . this hapned in the consulate of a dacianus and cerealis , about the eight and twentieth day of the month august . they resolved therefore upon removing the synod to the city nicaea which was near to it . but this resolution was again altered : and it seemed [ more convenient ] to meet at tarsus a city of cilicia . when this displeased them also , they were assembled at seleucia [ a city ] of isauria , which is surnamed aspera . this they did on the b same year [ whereon the ariminum council was held , ] in the consulate of eusebius and hypatius . the persons convened were in number an hundred and sixty . there was present with them a personage eminent in the imperial pallace , his name c leonas ; in whose presence , as the emperour had given order by his edict , the disquisition about the faith was to be proposed . lauricius also the commander in chief of the souldiers throughout isauria , was ordered to be there , to provide the bishops with what necessaries they might stand in need of . at this place therefore [ the bishops ] were convened in the presence of these persons , on the twenty seventh of the month september , and began to dispute about making of publick acts. for there were notaries present also , who were to take in writing what was spoken by every one of them . a particular account of all matters then transacted , the studious readers may find in sabinus's collection , where they are set forth at large . but we shall only cursorily relate the chief heads thereof . on the first day of their being convened , leonas ordered every one to propose what they would . but such as were present said , that no dispute ought to be raised , before the persons absent were come . for these bishops were wanting , macedonius of constantinople , basilius of ancyra , and some others , who suspected they should be accused . macedonius excused his absence by saying he was sick . patrophilus affirmed he had a distemper in his eyes , and was therefore necessitated to continue in the suburbs of seleucia . all the rest proposed one occasion or other of their being absent . but , in regard leonas said , that , notwithstanding the absence of these persons , the question was to be proposed ; those that were present made answer again , that they would in no wise enter into any debate , before the * moralls of those accused were inquired into . for cyrillus of jerusalem , eustathius of sebastia in armenia , and some others had been accused some time before . hereupon arose a sharp contest amongst those that were present . for some affirmed , that the moralls of such as had been accused were in the first place to be lookt into : others were of opinion , that no controversie ought to be discussed before [ that concerning ] the faith. this contest was raised by the different opinion of the emperour . for his letter was produced , in one passage whereof he gave order for the debating of this matter in the first place , in another for that . a disagreement therefore hapning concerning this matter , a schism was made amongst the persons present . and this was the original cause of the seleucian-synods being divided into two parties . the one faction was headed by acacius [ bishop ] of caesarea in palestine , georgius of alexandria , uranius of tyre , and eudoxius of antioch : of the same mind with whom there were only two and thirty other [ bishops . ] the principal persons of the other faction were georgius of laodicea in syria , sophronius of pompeiopolis in paphlagonia , and eleusius of cyzicum ; who were followed by the major part . when therefore that side prevailed which was for debating in the first place concerning the faith , acacius's party manifestly rejected the nicene creed , and intimated the publication of another . but those of the other faction , who were superiour in number , approved of all other matters [ determined ] in the nicene synod ; excepting only the term homoöusios , which they found fault with . therefore , after a very sharp contest amongst one another untill evening , at length silvanus ( who presided over the church at tarsus ) spake a loud , saying , there was no necessity of publishing a new draught of the creed , but that they ought rather to confirm that set forth at antioch , at the consecration of the church . when he had said this , acacius's party secretly withdrew [ out of the council : ] but the other faction produced the creed [ composed ] at antioch , after the reading whereof the council broke up for that day . on the next day they met in a church in seleucia , and having shut the doors , they read that creed , and confirmed it by their subscriptions . instead of some [ bishops ] who were absent , the readers and deacons there present subscribed , by whom the absent persons had professed , that they would acquiess in that draught [ of the creed . ] chap. xl. that acacius [ bishop ] of caesarea dictated another draught of the creed , in the synod at seleucia . but acacius , and those of his party found fault with what was done , because they had subscribed covertly when the church-doors were shut . for matters , said he , transacted in secret were naught , and to be suspected . he made these objections , because he was desirous of publishing another draught of the creed instead of that [ subscribed by them , ] which [ form ] he had about him , ready drawn up , and had before recited it to lauricius and leonas the governours : and he made it his whole business to get that draught only established and confirmed . these were the transactions of the second day , when nothing else was done . on the third day , leonas was again very earnest to procu●e a meeting of both parties . at which time neither macedonius of constantinople , nor basilius of ancyra were absent . when therefore both these persons had joyned themselves to one and the same faction , the acacians were again unwilling to meet , saying , that as well those who had before been deposed , as them at present accused , ought in the first place to be put out of the assembly . after a great contest on both sides , at length this opinion was prevalent , the persons charged with an accusation went out ; and the acacians came in . then leonas said , that acacius had delivered a libell to him ; [ leonas ] not discovering it to be a draught of the creed , which in some passages secretly , in others openly contradicted the former . when silence was made amongst those that were present , ( they supposing the libel to contain any thing else , rather than a form of the creed ; ) acacius's composure of the creed with a preface thereto was then recited , the contents whereof are these . we having met together at seleucia [ a city ] of isauria ( according to the emperours command ) yesterday , which was before the fifth of the calends of october , used our utmost endeavour with all modesly to preserve the peace of the church , stedfastly to determine concerning the faith ( as our emperour constantius most dear to god hath ordered ) according to the prophetick and evangelick expressions , and to introduce nothing into the ecclesiastick faith contrary to the divine scriptures . but in regard certain persons in the synod have injured some of us ; have stopt the mouths of others , not permitting them to speak : have excluded othersome against their wills : have brought along with them out of divers provinces persons deposed ; and have in their company such as have been ordained contrary to the canon [ of the church : ] in so much that the synod is on all sides filled with tumult , a of which the most eminent lauricius president of the province , and the most illustrious leonas the comes , have been eye-witnesses : upon this account we interpose these things . not that we forsake the authentick faith published at the consecration at antioch , but we give that the preference , especially in regard our fathers concurred about the proposition at that time in controversie . but whereas the terms homoöusion and * homoiöusion have in times past disturbed very many , and do still disquiet them : and moreover , whereas 't is said that there is an innovation lately coyned by some , who assert a dissimilitude of the son to the father . upon this account we reject homoöusion and homoiöusion , as being terms not to be met with in the scriptures ; but we anathematize the term † anomoion : and do look upon all such , as are assertours thereof , to be persons alienated from the church . but we do manifestly profess the likeness of the son to the father , agreeable to the apostle , that hath said concerning the son , ‖ who is the image of the invisible god. we acknowledge therefore , and believe in one god , the father almighty : the maker of heaven and earth , of things visible and invisible . moreover , we believe in our lord jesus christ , his son , begotten of him without any passion before all ages , god the word , the only begotten of god , the light , the life , the truth ; the wisedom : by whom all things were made , which are in the heavens , and which are on the earth , whether visible or invisible . we believe him to have assumed flesh from the holy virgin mary , at the consummation of ages , in order to the abolition of sin : and that he was made man , that he suffered for our sins , and rose again , and was taken up into the heavens , and sitteth at the right hand of the father : and that he shall come again in glory to judge the quick and dead . we believe also in the holy ghost , whom our lord and saviour hath termed the paraclete , having promised , after his departure , to send him to his disciples , and he sent him . by whom also he sanctifies [ all ] believers in the church , who are baptized in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . but those who preach any thing contrary to this creed , [ b we look upon ] to be alienated from the catholick church . this is the draught of the creed published by acacius . the persons who subscribed it were acacius himself , and such as adhered to his opinion , being as many in number , as we have mentioned a little before . after the recitation hereof , sophronius [ bishop ] of pompeiopolis in paphlagonia spake these words aloud : if to explain our own particular opinion every day be the exposition of the faith , we shall be destitute of the exact discussion of the truth . these words were spoken by sophronius . and i do affirm , that if as well those who lived before these men , as they that succeeded them , had at first entertained such sentiments concerning the nicene creed ; all contentious disputes would have ceased , nor would a violent and irrational disturbance have been prevalent in the churches . but let such as are prudent pass their judgment concerning the state of these matters . after they had mutually spoken and heard many things concerning this business , and concerning the persons accused , the convention was for that time dissolved . on the fourth day they all met again in the same place , and with the same contentiousness began to dispute again . amongst whom acacius explained his opinion in these words : in as much as the nicene creed hath been once , and after that frequently , altered , nothing hinders , but a new creed may be now published . hereto eleusius [ bishop ] of cyzicum made a return , and said ; the synod is at present convened , not that it should learn c what it had not the knowledge of before , nor to receive a creed which it was not heretofore in possession of : but that , proceeding on in the creed of the fathers , it should never recede from it , either during life , or at the time of death . with these words eleusius opposed acacius's opinion , terming that creed published at antioch the fathers creed . but any one might have answered him also , in these words : how is it , that you stile those convened at antioch the fathers , o eleusius , whereas you acknowledge not their fathers ? for they who were assembled at nice , and by their consent firmed the homoöusian faith , ought more properly to be termed the fathers , both because they preceded in time , and also in regard those convened at antioch were by them promoted to the sacerdotal dignity . now , if those [ assembled ] at antioch have rejected their own fathers , they who come after them do not perceive themselves to be followers of parricides . moreover , how can they have admitted their ordination to be legitimate , whose faith they have rejected as impious ? for if those persons had not the holy ghost , which is infused by ordination , these have not received the priesthood . for how could these have received [ it ] from them , who had it not to give ? these words might have been spoken in opposition to what was said by eleusius . after this they proceeded to another question . for , in regard the acacians asserted in that draught of the creed which had been recited , that the son was like the father , they enquired of one another , in what respect the son was like the father . the acacians asserted , that the son was like the father in respect of his will only , not as to his essence . but all the rest maintained , [ that he was like the father ] in respect of his essence also . they spent the whole day in their altercations about this query ; and they confuted acacius , because in the books by him composed and published , he had asserted that the son is in all things like the father . and how can you ( said they ) now deny the likeness of the son to the father as to his essence ? acacius made this answer , no modern or ancient authour was ever condemned out of his own writings . when they had maintained a tedious , fierce , and subtle dispute against one another concerning this question , and could in no wise be brought to an agreement , leonas arose , and dissolved the council . and this was the conclusion , which the synod held at seleucia had . for on the day after , leonas being intreated , refused to come any more into the congress , saying that he had been sent by the emperour , to be present at an unanimous synod . but in regard some of you do disagree , i cannot ( said he ) be there ; go therefore and prate in the church . the acacians looking upon what had been done to be a great advantage to them , refused to meet also . but those of the other party met together in the church , and sent for the acacians , that cognizance might be taken of the case of cyrillus bishop of jerusalem . for you must know that cyrillus had been accused before ; upon what account , i cannot tell . but he was deposed , because having been frequently summoned in order to the examination of his cause , he had not made his appearance during the space of two whole years . nevertheless when he was deposed , he sent an appellatory libel to them who had deposed him , and appealed to an higher court of judicature . to which appeal of his the emperour constantius gave his assent . indeed , cyrillus was the d first and only person , who ( contrary to the usage of the ecclesiastick canon ) did this , [ to wit , ] made use of appeals , as 't is usually done in the publick [ secular ] courts of judicature . he was at that time present at seleucia , ready to put himself upon his trial : and therefore the bishops called the acacians into the assembly , ( as we have said a little before , ) that e by a general consent they might pass a definitive sentence against the persons accused . for they had cited some other persons besides , that were accused , who for refuge had joyned themselves to acacius's party . but in regard , after their being frequently summoned , they refused to meet , [ the bishops ] deposed both acacius himself , and also georgius of alexandria , f uranius of tyre , g theodulus of chaeretapi in phrygia , theodosius of philadelphia in lydia , evagrius of the island mytilene , leontius of tripolis in lydia , and eudoxius who had heretofore been bishop of germanicia , but had afterwards crept into the bishoprick of antioch in syria . moreover , they deposed h patrophilus , because being accused by dorotheus a presbyter , and summoned by them to make his defence , he was contumacious . these persons they deposed . but they excommunicated asterius , eusebius , abgarus , basilicus , phoebus , fidelis , eutychius , magnus , and eustathius : determining they should continue excommunicate , till such time as by * making satisfaction they had cleared themselves of their accusations . having done this , and written letters concerning those bishops they had deposed to each of their churches , they constitute a bishop of antioch , in the room of eudoxius , whose name was annianus . whom the acacians [ soon after ] apprehended , and delivered him to leonas and lauricius , by whom he was banished . those bishops who had ordained annianus [ being incensed ] hereat , deposited i contestatory libels against the acacians with leonas and lauricius , by which they openly declared , that the determination of the synod was injured . and when nothing further could be done , they went to constantinople , to inform the emperour concerning the matters determined by them . chap. xli . that , upon the emperours return from the western parts , the acacians were convened in the city of constantinople , and firmed the ariminum creed , making some additions to it . for the emperour , being returned from the western parts , resided [ in that city : ] at which time also he made a person whole name was a honoratus the first praefect of constantinople ; having b abolished the proconsul's office . but the acacians prevented and calumniated them before-hand to the emperour , having informed him , that the c creed which they had set forth was not admitted by them . whereupon the emperour was highly incensed , and resolved to disperse them , having commanded by an edict [ which he published , ] that such of them as were subject to publick offices , should be reduced to their former condition . for several of them were liable to [ publick ] offices ; some [ were subject to the bearing of those offices belonging ] to the city magistracy ; others [ to them appertaining ] to the d sodalities of officialls or apparitours in several provinces . these persons being after this manner disturbed , the acacians abode for some time at constantinople , and assembled another synod , to which they sent for the bishops of bithynia . when therefore they were all met together , being e fifty in number , amongst whom was maris of chalcedon , they confirmed the creed published at ariminum , which had the consuls names prefixt . which creed it would have been superfluous to have inserted here , had they made no additions to it . but in regard they added some words thereto , we thought it necessary to set it down at this place again . the contents of it are these . we believe in one only god , the father almighty , of whom are all things . and in the only begotten son of god , begotten of god before all ages , and before every beginning : by whom all things , visible and invisible , were made . * who is the only begotten born of the father , the only of the only , god of god , like to the father ( who begat him ) according to the scriptures . whose generation no person knoweth , but the father only , who begat him . we know this person [ to be ] the only begotten son of god , who upon his father's sending of him , came down from the heavens , according as 't is written , upon account of the destruction of sin and death : and was born of the holy ghost , and of the virgin mary according to the flesh , as it is written , and conversed with the disciples ; and having fulfilled every dispensation according to his fathers will , he was crucified , and died , and was buryed , and descended into the parts beneath the earth . at whom hell it self trembled . who arose from the dead on the third day , and was conversant with the disciples : and after the completion of fourty days , he was taken up into the heavens , and sitteth on the right hand of the father ; he shall come in the last day of the resurrection in his fathers glory , that he may render to every man according to his works . and [ we believe ] in the holy ghost , whom he himself the only begotten of god , christ our lord and god , promised to send as an advocate to mankind , according as 't is written , the spirit of truth ; whom he sent unto them , after he was assumed into the heavens . but we thought good to remove the term * ousia , ( which was used by the fathers in a more plain and ordinary sense , and being not understood by the people , has given offence , ) in regard 't is not contained in the sacred scriptures ; and that in future not the least mention should be made thereof , for as much as the sacred scriptures have no where mentioned the substance of the father and of the son. f nor ought the subsistence of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , to be so much as named . but we assert the son to be like the father , in such a manner as the sacred scriptures do affirm and teach . moreover , let all the heresies , which have been heretofore condemned , and which may have risen of late , being opposite to this creed published [ by us , ] be anathema . this creed was at that time recited at constantinople . having now at length passed through the labyrinth of the expositions of faith , we will reckon up their number . after the creed [ published ] at nice , they set forth two expositions of the faith at antioch , at the dedication . a third was that delivered to the emperour constans in the gallia's , by narcissus and those that accompanied him . the fourth was that sent by eudoxius into italy . three [ draughts of the creed ] were published at sirmium , one whereof was recited at ariminum , which had the names of the consuls prefixt . the eighth was that which the acacians promulged at seleucia . the last was set forth at the city constantinople , with an addition . for hereto was annexed , that neither substance , nor subsistence ought to be mentioned in relation to god. moreover , ulfila bishop of the goths did at that time first agree to this creed . for before this he had embraced the nicene creed ; being theophilus's follower , who was bishop of the goths , and had been present at , and subscribed the nicene synod . thus far concerning these things . chap. xlii . that upon macedonius's being deposed , eudoxius obtained the bishoprick of constantinople . but acacius , eudoxius , and those that were with them at constantinople , made it wholly their business , that they also might on the other side depose some persons of the contrary party . now , you must know , that neither of the factions decreed these depositions upon account of religion , but for other pretences . for though they dissented about the faith , yet they found not fault with one anothers faith in their mutual depositions of one another . those therefore of acacius's party making use of the emperours indignation , ( which he had kept [ concealed in his mind , ] and earnestly indeavoured to wreak it against others , but most especially against macedonius , ) do in the first place depose macedonius , both because he had been the occasion of many murders , and also in regard he had admitted a deacon taken in fornication to communion . then , [ they depose ] eleusius [ bishop ] of cyzicum , because he had baptized one heraclius hercules's priest at tyre , a person known to be a conjurer , and ordained him deacon . [ in the next place they depose ] basilius , ( or basilas , for so he was also called , ) who had been constituted [ bishop ] of ancyra in the room of marcellus , as having unjustly tortured a certain person , bound him with iron chains , and confined him to prison : also , because he had fastned calumnies upon some persons : and moreover , in regard by his letters he had disturbed the churches in africa . dracontius [ was deposed by them , ] because he had removed from galatia to pergamus . moreover , they deposed neonas [ bishop ] of seleucia , in which city the synod had been convened , as also sophronius of pompeiopolis in paphlagonia , elpidius of a satala in macedonia , and cyrillus of jerusalem ; and others were ejected by them for other reasons . chap. xliii . concerning eustathius bishop of sebastia . but eustathius [ bishop ] of sebastia in armenia , was not so much as admitted to make his defence , because he had been long before deposed by eulalius his own father , who was bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , in regard he wore a garment misbecoming the sacerdotal function . you are to know , that in eustathius's room meletius was constituted bishop , concerning whom we will speak hereafter . but eustathius was afterwards condemned in a synod convened upon his account at gangra [ a city ] of paphlagonia ; because , after his deposition in the synod at a caesarea , he had done many things repugnant to the ecclesiastick laws . for he had forbidden marriage , and maintained that meats were to be abstained from : and upon this account he separated many who had contracted marriages , from their wives , and perswaded b those who had an aversion for the churches , to communicate at home . he also enticed away servants from their masters by a pretext of piety . he himself wore the habit of a philosopher , and caused his followers to make use of a new and unusual garb , and gave order that women should be shorn . he [ asserted ] that set fasts were to be avoided ; but maintained fasting on sundays . he forbad prayers to be made in the houses of those who were married ; and taught , that the blessing and communion of a presbyter who had a wife ( whom he had lawfully married during his being a laick ▪ ) ought to be declined as a thing most detestable . upon his doing and teaching these and several other such like things as these , a synod ( as i have said ) convened at gangra in paphlagonia deposed him , and anathematized his opinions . c these things were done afterwards . but macedonius being then ejected , eudoxius , despising the see of antioch , is constituted [ bishop ] of constantinople , being consecrated by the acacians . who forgot themselves , in that they decree'd what was contradictory to their former determinations . for they who had deposed dracontius because of his translation from galatia to pergamus , considered not with themselves , that by ordaining eudoxius who then made a second remove [ to another bishoprick ] they did what was contrary to their own sanctions . having done these things , they sent the creed which had been read , d to ariminum , together with its supplement , corrected by them ; and gave order , that such as would not subscribe it , should be banished , according to the emperours edict . [ lastly , ] they made known what they had done , both to others in the east who entertained the same sentiments with them , and also to patrophilus [ bishop ] of scythopolis . for he went from seleucia forthwith to his own city . further , eudoxius having been constituted [ bishop ] of the * great city , the e great church named sophia was at that time consecrated , in constantius's tenth and julianus caesar's third consulate , on the fifteenth of the month february . as soon as eudoxius was seated in that see , he was the first that uttered this sentence which is [ still ] in every bodies mouth , saying ; the father is irreligious ; the son is religious . when a tumult and a disturbance arose thereupon , be not troubled ( said he ) at what has been spoken by me , for , the father is irreligious , because he worships no person : but the son is religious , because he worships the father . when eudoxius had spoken these words , the tumult was appeased ; but instead of the disturbance , there was a great laughter raised in the church . and this saying of his continues to be a ridicule even to this day . such cavils the arch-hereticks made use of , and busied themselves about such expressions as these , rending the church in sunder [ thereby . ] this was the conclusion , that the synod had , which was convened at constantinople . chap. xliv . concerning meletius bishop of antioch . it now remaines , that we speak concerning meletius . for he ( as we said a little before ) was made bishop of sebastia in armenia , after eustathius's deposition . he was afterwards translated from sebastia to a beroea [ a city ] of syria . when he had been present at the synod in seleucia , and subscribed the creed published there by acacius , he went directly from thence to beroea . upon the convention of the synod at constantinople , when the antiochians understood that eudoxius had despised [ the presidency over their church , and removed to the wealth of the constantinopolitan see , they sent for b meletius from beroea , and install him [ bishop ] over the church of antioch . at first he superseded making any discourses about points of faith , and delivered moral doctrine only to his hearers . but after his continuance there some time , he expounded the nicene creed , and asserted the homoöusian opinion . which when the emperour understood , he gave order that he should be banished : and caused euzoïus ( who had before been deposed together with arius , ) to be ordained bishop of antioch . but as many as reserved an affection for meletius , left the arian congregation , and made assemblies apart by themselves : [ although ] those who originally embraced the homoöusian opinion , would not communicate with them , because meletius had received his ordination from the suffrages of the arians , and because his followers had been baptized by them . after this manner was the antiochian church affected towards the other party , although they agreed with them in the points of faith. but the emperour understanding that the persians were raising another war against the romans , went in great hast to antioch . chap. xlv . concerning macedonius's heresie . but macedonius , who had been ejected out of constantinople , being unable to bear his condemnation , could by no means endure to be at quiet . but joyned himself to those of the other party , who had deposed acacius and his followers at seleucia . he therefore sent an embassy to sophronius and eleusius , exhorting them to adhere to that creed which was at first published at antioch , and afterwards confirmed at seleucia , and that they should give it an a adulterate name , [ to wit ] the homoiöusian creed . wherefore many of his acquaintance and friends flock't to him , who are now from him called macedoniani . and as many as dissented from the acacians at the synod of seleucia , from thence forward manifestly asserted the term * homoiöusios , b whereas before this they had not openly owned it . but there is a report , which has been prevalent amongst many men , that this [ term homoiöusios ] was not macedonius's invention ; but marathonius's rather , whom they had made bishop of nicomedia a little before . upon which account they call the followers of this opinion marathoniani also . in like manner eustathius ( who had been ejected out of sebastia for that reason which we have mentioned a little before , ) joyned himself to that party . but after macedonius refused to include the holy ghost in the divinity of the trinity , then eustathius said , i cannot assent to the terming of the holy ghost god , nor dare i call him a creature . upon which account , those that embrace the homoöusian-opinion , give these persons the name of * pneumatomachi . the reason , why these macedoniani are so numerous in c hellespont , i will declare in its due place . now , the acacians used their utmost endeavours that they might be convened again at antioch , in regard they repented their having asserted the son to be wholly like to the father . on the year following therefore , wherein taurus and florentius were consuls , they met at antioch in syria , ( over which church euzöius presided , in which city the emperour also resided [ at that time ] ) when some few of them resumed a debate of those points which they had determined before , saying that the term † homoïos ought to be expunged out of the creed , which had been published both at ariminum , and at constantinople . nor did they any longer keep their vizours on , but affirmed bare fac'd , that the son was in all respects unlike the father , not only as to his essence , but in relation to his will also . and they openly asserted ( according as arius had affirmed ) that he was made of nothing . to this opinion those who at that time were followers of aëtius's heresie at antioch , gave their assent . wherefore , besides their having the appellation of arians , they were also called * anomoei , and † exucontii , by those at antioch who embraced the homoöusian opinion , who [ notwithstanding ] were at that time divided amongst themselves upon meletius's account , as has been said before . when therefore they were asked by the homoöusians , why they were so audacious , as to term the son to be unlike the father , and to affirm that he exists of nothing , whenas in the creed published by them they had said he was god of god ; they attempted to elude this objection by such fallacious artifices as these : the phrase god of god ( said they ) has the same import with those words of the apostle , * but all things of god. wherefore , the son is of god , he being one of those all things . and upon this account , in the editions of the creed , these words according to the scriptures are added . georgius bishop of laodicea was the authour of this † sophism . who being a person unskilled in such expressions , was ignorant after what manner origen had in former times discussed and interpreted such peculiar phrases of the apostle . but , notwithstanding their attempt to cavil after this manner , yet in regard of their inability to bear the reproaches and contempt [ thrown upon them , ] they recited the same creed , which they had before [ published ] at constantinople : and so departed every one to his own city . georgius therefore returning to alexandria , continued his presidency over the churches there , ( athanasius as yet absconding ▪ ) and persecuted those in alexandria who embraced not his sentiments . he was also cruel and severe towards the populace of that city ; to most of whom he was very odious . at jerusalem , d harrenius was ordained in cyrillus his room . you must also know , that after him heraclius was constituted [ bishop there , ] who was succeeded by hilarius . but at length cyrillus returned to jerusalem , and recovered the presidency over the church there . moreover , at the same time there sprang up another heresie , upon this account . chap. xlvi . concerning the apollinaristae , and their heresie . at laodicea in syria , there were two men of the same name , the father and the son : for each of their names was apollinaris . the father was dignified with a presbyterate in that church : the son had a readers place . they were both teachers of grecian literature ; the father taught grammar , the son rhetorick . the father was by birth an alexandrian , and having at first taught at bery●us , he removed afterwards to laodioea , where he married ; and bega● his son apollinaris . they both flourished at the same time with epiphanius the sophista , and being very intimate friends , they conversed together with him . but theodotus bishop of laodicea , fearing that by their continual converse with that person they should be perverted to gentilism , forbad their going to him . they regarding the bishops [ prohibition ] very little , continued their intimacy with epiphanius . after this , georgius , successour to theodotus , endeavoured to reform [ and wean ] them from conversing with epiphanius ; but being unable to perswade them by any means , he punished them both with excommunication . apollinaris the son lookt upon what was done to be an injury , and confiding in the fluentness of his sophistick faculty of speaking , he also framed a new heresie , which flourisheth at this present , and bears the name of its inventour . but some do report , that they dissented from georgius , not so much upon account of the forementioned reason , but because they saw he maintained absurdities ; sometimes professing the son to be like the father , ( according as it had been determined [ in the synod ] at seleucia ; ) at others inclining to the arian opinion . laying hold therefore of this specious pretext , they made a separation [ from him . ] but when they saw no body adhered to them , they introduce a [ new ] scheme of religion . and at first asserted , that a humanity was assumed by god the word in the oeconomy of his incarnation , without the soul. but afterward , rectifying their former errour by repentance as it were , they added , that the soul was indeed assumed : but that it had not a mind , but that god the word was in the place of a mind , in his assumption of humanity . as to this point only these [ hereticks ] do affirm that they dissent [ from catholicks , ] who from them are now called apollinaristae . for they assert that the trinity is consubstantial . but we shall mention the two appollinaris's again in due place . chap. xlvii . concerning the death of the emperour constantius . moreover , whilst the emperour constantius resided at antioch , julianus caesar engages with a numerous army of barbarians in the gallia's . and having obtained a victory , was for that reason greatly beloved by all the souldiers , by whom he is proclaimed emperour . this being told to the emperour constantius put him into an agony . he was therefore baptized by euzoïus , and * undertakes an expedition against julianus . but arriving between cappadocia and cilicia , he ended his life at mopsucrenae , ( being seized with an apoplexy by reason of his too great solicitude , ) in the consulate of taurus and florentius , on the third of november . this was the first year of the two hundred eighty fifth olympiad . constantius lived fourty five years , and reigned thirty eight . he was his fathers colleague in the empire thirteen years : after whose death [ he governed ] twenty five : which space of years this book doth contain . the third book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . chap. i. concerning julianus , his extract , and education . and how , upon his being made emperour , he revolted to gentilism . the emperour constantius ended his life on the confines of cilicia , about the third of november , in the consulate of taurus and florentius . during the same persons consulate , julianus arriving from the western parts a about the eleventh of december next ensuing , made his entry into constantinople , where he was proclaimed emperour . now , whereas 't is our design to say something concerning the emperour julianus , a person fam'd for his eloquence ; let none of those who were his intimado's , expect we should do it in a pompous and majestick stile , as if it were necessary , that a caracter of so eminent a person should in every particular correspond with his greatness of whom 't is given . but , the composure of an history of the christian religion being our business , we will continue our making use of a low , plain , and mean stile for perspicuities sake . and this we promised [ to do ] at the beginning . being therefore to speak concerning him , his extract , education , and how he came to the empire : in order to our performing hereof , we must begin a little higher . constantinus , he who gave byzantium his own name , had two brothers begotten by the same father , but not born of the same mother . the name of the one was dalmatius , the other was called constantius . dalmatius had a son who bore his own name . constantius begat two sons , gallus and julianus . after the death of [ constantine ] the builder of constantinople , when the souldiers had murthered dalmatius the younger , at that time these * two also being orphans , wanted but little of falling into the same danger with dalmatius : had not a distemper which seemed to be mortal delivered gallus [ from their violence : ] and the tenderness of julianus's age ( for he was not then eight years old compleat ) protected him . but , after the emperours rage against them was mollified , gallus frequented the schools at ephesus in ionia , in which country they had large possessions left them by their ancestours . and julianus being grown up , was an auditour in the schools at constantinople ; going into the pallace ( where there were then schools ) in a private habit , and was tutored by macedonius the eunuch . b nicocles the laconian taught him the grammar ; he had for his rhetorick ▪ master ecebolius the sophista , who was at that time a christian. for the emperour constantius took great care , least by his being an hearer of a pagan-master , he should revolt to the superstition [ of the gentiles : ] for julianus was at first a christian. upon his making a great progress in literature , a rumour [ began ] to be spread amongst the peop'e , that he was fit to govern the roman empire . which report being more openly divulged , much disturbed the emperours mind . wherefore , he removed him from the * great city to nicomedia , ordering him not to frequent [ the school ] of libanius the syrian-sophista . for at that time libanius , having been expelled constantinople by the school-masters , had opened a school at nicomedia . wherefore , he vented his gall against the school-masters , in an c oration which he wrote against them . but julianus was forbidden to go to him , because ▪ libanius was as to his religion a pagan . nevertheless , being a great admirer of libanius's orations , he procured them privately , and perused them frequently and studiously . when he had made a great proficiency in rhetorick , there came to nicomedia , maximus the philosopher , not d maximus of byzantium , euclid's father , but maximus the ephesian , whom the emperour valentinianus ordered to be slain afterwards , as being a practicer of magick . but this hapned a long while after . at that time , his coming to nicomedia was occasioned by nothing else but julianus's fame , which induced him to go thither . julianus having had a taste of philosophick literature from him , began forthwith to imitate his masters religion , who also instilled into his mind a desire of the empire . when the emperour was made acquainted with these things , julianus being betwixt hope and fear , became very desirous of avoiding suspicion , and he who had before been a sincere christian , then began to act the hypocrite . being therefore shaved to the very skin , he pretended to lead a monastick life . privately he imployed himself about the study of philosophy : but in publick , he read the sacred writings of the christians . moreover , he was made a reader in the church of nicomedia : and by this specious pretext he avoided the emperours fury . all this he did out of fear . but [ in the interim ] he receded not from his hope , but told many of his friends , that those would be happy times , when he should be possest of the empire . whilst his affairs were in this posture , his brother gallus was created caesar , and in his journey into the east came to nicomedia , to give him a visit . not long after this gallus was slain , immediately upon which the emperour grew suspicious of julianus . wherefore he ordered a guard should be set upon him . but as soon as he could get an opportunity of slipping away from his keepers , he removed from place to place , and by that means made his escape . at length the emperours wife eusebia , having found him out during his absconding , perswades the emperour to do him no harm , but to allow him a liberty of going to athens , to study philosophy . from whence ( that i may be brief ) the emperour sent for him , and created him caesar. after which he married him to his sister helena , and sent him into the gallia's against the barbarians . for the barbarians ( whom the emperour constantius had a little before hired to be his auxiliaries against magnentius , ) having been imployed in no service against the tyrant , fell to destroying the roman cities . and in regard julianus was as yet but young , he ordered him not to enter upon any thing of action without the advice of the commanders of the army . who having received so large a commission , grew negligent in their management of affairs , upon which account the barbarians increased in strength ; julianus permitted the commanders to spend their time in luxury and drinking : but he made the souldiers more couragious , by promising a set reward to him who should kill a barbarian . this was the original cause , whereby both the barbarians forces were diminished , and also he himself was rendred more acceptable to the souldiers . there is a report , that as he was entring into a town , a e crown , with which they [ usually ] adorn the cities , being hung up by ropes between two pillars , fell down upon his head and fitted it exactly , at which all that were present gave a shout . for by this sign [ it seemed ] to be portended , that he should be emperour . there are those who say , that constantius therefore sent him against the barbarians , that he might perish there , in an engagement with them . but i know not whether they who report this , speak the truth . for should he have framed such a design against him , after he had joyned him in marriage to his own sister , it would have been no other then a conspiracy against himself . but let every one judge of this matter according to his own pleasure . moreover , upon julianus's making a complaint to the emperour of the slothfullness of his military officers , there was another commander sent to him , exactly agreeable to julianus's courage . having got such an assistant , he made a bold attack upon the barbarians . they dispatcht away an embassadour to him , informing him , that they were ordered by the emperours letters to march into the roman territories , and the letters were produced to him . but he clapt their embassadour into prison ; and having engaged their forces , routed them totally ▪ he also took the king of the barbarians prisoner , and sent him to constantius . upon this fortunate success , he is proclaimed emperour by the souldiers . but because they wanted an imperial crown , one of his guards took the chain which he wore about his own neck , and put it upon julianus's head . after this manner therefore julianus came to be emperour . but what he did afterwards , let the hearers judge , whether or no they became a philosopher . for he neither sent an embassage to constantius , nor did he shew him that reverence which was due to him , as being his benefactour , but managed all affairs according to his own arbitrement . he changed the governours of provinces ; and reproacht constantius in every city , by reciting in publick his letters sent to the barbarians . whereupon [ those inhabitants ] revolted from constantius , and came over to him . at that time , he manifestly pull'd off his mask of christianity . for he went from city to city , opened the heathen temples , offered sacrifice to idols , and termed himself the * pontifex maximus . and such as professed gentilism celebrated their heathenish festivals [ after their own manner . ] by these proceedings of his he f takes an occasion of raising a civil war against constantius . and , as far as in him lay , [ he took care ] that all those calamities should have hapned , which are the consequents of a war. for this philosophers desire could not have been g fulfilled without much bloud-shed . but god the arbiter of his own councils , repressed the * impetus of one of these two antagonists without any † damage to the republick . for when julianus arrived amongst the thracians , news was brought him , that constantius was dead . and thus the roman empire at that time escaped a civil war. but julianus having made his entry into constantinople , began immediately to consider with himself , after what manner he might win the favour of the people , and procure their benevolence towards himself . he makes use therefore of this artifice . he very well understood , that constantius was odious to all such as embraced the homoousian opinion , both because he had driven them from their churches , and also in regard he had proscribed and banished the bishops belonging to them . he assuredly knew also , that the heathens were sorely vexed , because they were prohibited sacrificing to their gods : and that they were very desirous of getting an opportunity , wherein their temples might be opened , and they have a liberty of offering sacrifices to their idols . he was sensible , that for these reasons both those sorts of people had privately rancoured minds against his predecessour [ constantius . ] he also found , that all people in general highly resented the violence of the eunuches , and the rapines h of eusebius the principal person of the bed-chamber to him . he therefore treated them all with a great deal of craft and subtlety . with some he dissembled : others he oblieged by kindnesses , being a great affectour of vain glory . but he made it evident to all in general how he was affected towards the superstition [ of the heathens . ] and first , that he might make constantius odious for his cruelty towards his subjects , and render him infamous amongst the vulgar , he commanded that the exiled bishops should be recalled ; and restored to them their estates which had been confiscated . then , he issued out an order to his confidents , that the heathen temples should be forthwith opened . he also ordered , that such persons as had been injured by the eunuches , should be repossessed of their goods which were unjustly taken from them . he punished eusebius the principal person of the imperial bed-chamber with death , not only because many persons had been wronged by him , but also in regard he was assured that his brother gallus had been murthered upon account of his calumny [ against him . ] he took care that constantius's body should be honoured with an imperial funeral . he expelled the eunuches , barbers , and cooks out of his pallace . the eunuches , because he had lost his wife , after whose death he resolved not to marry any other . the cooks , in regard he fed upon a very slender and mean diet . and the barbers , because , said he , one is sufficient for a great many . for these reasons he put these sorts of men out [ of the pallace . ] most of the notaries he reduced to their former condition , and ordered that the rest should be allowed a salary befitting a notary . he also retrenched the i publick way of conveyance of necessaries for [ publick ] uses : for example , [ the use ] of mules , oxen , and asses ; and permitted horses only to serve for such publick conveniences . these acts of his are commended by some few persons : but most men discommend them , because the grandeur and magnificence of the imperial riches being lost , which creates an admiration in the minds of the vulgar , he thereby rendred the dignity of an emperour despicable and obnoxious to contempt . moreover , he sate up all night , composing orations , which he recited at his going into the senate-house . for he was the first and only emperour since julius caesar's times , that made speeches in the senate-house . he had an high esteem for such as were studious about [ any part of ] literature : but more especially for those who professed philosophy . wherefore , the report hereof brought such as were pretenders to this sort of learning from all parts to the pallace , who wore their * palliums , and were most of them more conspicuous for their garb , than their learning . but they were all troublesome to the christians , being persons that were impostours , and who always owned the same religion with the emperour . he himself also was so excessively vain glorious , that he reviled all his predecessours in the empire , in a book he composed , which he entitled the caesars . the same proud temper of mind excited him to write books against the christians also . his expulsion of the cooks and barbers was an act [ befitting ] a philosopher indeed , but not an emperour . but in his reproaching and reviling [ of others , ] he did neither like a philosopher , nor an emperour . for both those sorts of persons are to be [ of a temper of mind ] superiour to all detraction and envy . an emperour may indeed be a philosopher , in what bears a respect to modesty and temperance . but a philosopher , should he imitate an emperour in all things , would transgress his rules . let thus much be cursorily said concerning the emperour julianus , his extract , education , and disposition , and after what manner he came to the empire . chap. ii. concerning the sedition which hapned at alexandria , and after what manner georgius was slain . we come now to mention what was transacted in the churches at that time . in the great city alexandria there hapned a disturbance upon this account . there was a place in that city , which had for a long time lain wast and neglected , ( being filled with a great deal of filth ▪ ) wherein the heathens had formerly celebrated their mysteries 〈…〉 ‖ mithra , and had sacrificed men . this place being vacant and useless , constantius had sometime before bestowed upon the church of the alexandrians . georgius , desirous to erect an oratory therein , gave order that the place should be cleansed . whilst they were clearing of it , there was an † adytum discovered , of a vast depth , wherein were hid the mysteries of the heathens . which were the skulls of many men , young and old , who , as report says , had heretofore been slain , at such time as the heathens made use of divinations by the inspection of entrails , and performed magick sacrifices in order to the inchantment of mens souls . the christians therefore , upon their discovery of these things in the adytum of the temple of mithra , made it their business to expose these heathenish mysteries to the view and derision of all men . and they began forthwith to carry them in triumph as 't were about the city , showing the multitude mens bare skulls . when the heathens that were at alexandria beheld this , being unable to endure this ignominious affront , they became highly enraged : and making use of what came next to hand for a weapon , they fell with great violence upon the christians , and destroyed many of them a by various sorts of death . some of them they killed with swords , others with clubs or stones . others they strangled with ropes . some they crucified , inflicting this sort of death on them designedly , in contumely to the cross [ of christ. ] they wounded most of them . at which time , as it usually happens in such [ riots , ] they spared not their neerest friends and relatives . but one friend slew another , brother [ murdered ] brother , parents their children , outragiously embrewing their hands in one anothers blood . for which reason the christians left off cleansing mithra's temple . but the heathens dragg'd georgius out of the church , and having bound him to a camel , tore him to pieces , after which they burnt him , together with the camel. chap. iii. that the emperour incensed at georgius's murder , sharply rebuked the alexandrians by his letter . but the emperour highly resented georgius's murther , and by his letter severely reprehended the citizens of alexandria . there was a report spread abroad , as if they had done this to georgius , who hated him upon athanasius's account . but my opinion is , that such as entertain malice and hatred in their mindes , do usually put themselves into their company who make insurrections against unjust persons . the emperour's letter , 't is certain , lays the blame upon the populace , rather than upon the christians . but georgius was then , and had before a appeared , troublesome and offensive to all persons . and for this reason the multitude was incensed against him in such an high degree . but , that the emperour [ as i said ] does rather blame the people , you may hear from the letter it self . emperour caesar julian●s , maximus , augustus , to the citizens of alexandria . although you have no reverence for alexander the builder of your city , and ( which is more ) for that great god the most holy serapis ; yet how is it that you have forgot both that humanity , and * decorum , due to mankind in general ? we will add , [ which is due ] to us also , to whom all the gods , especially the great serapis , have assigned the empire of the world. for whom it was sit you should have reserved the cognizance of their case who had injured you . but perhaps , you were imposed upon by anger and rage , which where it inhabits the mind , does usually perpetrate most enormous facts . b but when you had repressed your fury , you afterwards added the commission of an unjust act to what had on a sudden been advisedly resolved by you . nor were you of the commonalty ashamed of perpetrating those things , for which you deservedly hated them . for , declare to us , [ we adjure you ] by serapis , for what unjust acts were you incensed against georgius ? you will undoubtedly make answer , because he exasperated constantius of blessed memory against us : also , because he brought an army into the sacred city , and the c king of egypt possest himself of gods most holy temple , and took away from thence the images , the consecrated gifts , and the furniture in those sacred places . at which when ( as it was meet ) you were highly incensed , and attempted to defend god , ( or rather his goods and possessions , ) from violence ; he , contrary to justice , law , and piety , audaciously sent armed men against you . [ but ] perhaps ( in regard he was more afraid of georgius than constantius , ) d he had made better provision for his own safety , had he at first behaved himself more moderately and civilly towards you , and not so tyrannically . you being therefore for these reasons enraged against georgius the enemy of the gods , have again polluted your sacred city , whenas you might have brought him to his trial before the judges . for by this means neither murder , nor any other unlawful fact had been committed : but justice had been equitably and exactly done , which would have preserved you guiltless from all manner of wickedness , and would have punished him who had impiously committed such enormous crimes , and [ lastly ] would have curbed all those who contemn the gods , and disrespect so great cities and such a flourishing people ; making the barbarity they practised against them the praeludium [ as it were ] of their power . compare therefore this our letter c with that we sent a while since , and consider the difference between them . how highly did we then commend you ? but now , by the [ immortal ] god 's ! when we should praise you , we cannot , by reason of your heinous offence . the people are so audacious as to tare a man piece-meal like dogs . nor are they afterwards abashed or carefull of preserving their hands pure , that they * may stretch them out undefiled with bloud in the presence of the gods. but georgius deserved to undergo these sufferings . we might perhaps grant , [ that he deserved ] more horrid and acute tortures . and should you say , [ he deserved them ] upon your account , we also assent to that . but should you add , [ he deserved to have this inflicted on him ] by you ; that we can in no wise allow . for you have laws , which ought to be observed and revered by you all , as well privately as in publick . now , suppose it happens , that some private persons do violate these laws , yet the community must be regulated by good laws , and you are to pay obedience to those laws , and not transgress what has from the beginning been well and prudently constituted . it has hapned very fortunately for you , o ye alexandrians ! that you have perpetrated such a fact as this in our reign ; who , by reason of our reverence towards god , and upon account of our f grandfather and uncle whose name we bear , ( who governed egypt and your city , ) do retain a fraternal affection for you . certainly , that power which suffers not it self to be disrespected , and such a government as is severe , entire , and of an healthy constitution , g could not connive at such an audacious insolence in its subjects , but would diligently purge out that deadly distemper as it were by a more acute medicine . but we , for the reasons now mentioned , make use of that most mild and gentle remedy in your case , [ to wit ] exhortation and discourse . to which , we are consident , we shall find you more readily submissive , because ( as we are informed ) you are not only grecians by original extract , h but do also still retain in your minds and endeavours a splendid and generous character of that your noble descent . i let it be published to our citizens of alexandria . thus wrote the emperour . chap. iv. how , upon georgius's being murdered , athanasius returned to alexandria , and recovered his own church . not long after , athanasius returning from his exile , was kindly received by the people of alexandria , who at that time expelled the arians out of the churches ; and gave athanasius possession of the oratories . but the arians assembled themselves in some obscure and mean houses , and ordained lucius in the place of georgius . such was the state of affairs then at alexandria . chap. v. concerning lucifer , and eusebius . at the same time lucifer and eusebius were by an imperial order recalled from banishment . lucifer was bishop of caralis , a city of sardinia : eusebius of vercellae , which is a city of the lygurians in italy ▪ as we have said before . both these persons therefore returning from exile out of the upper thebais , a held a consult how they might hinder the impaired laws of the church from being violated and despised . chap. vi. how lucifer arriving at antioch , ordained paulinus . it was concluded therefore , that lucifer should go to antioch in syria , and eusebius to alexandria : that , by assembling a synod together with athanasius , they might confirm the opinions of the church . a lucifer sent a deacon as his substitute , by whom he promised his assent to what should be determined by the synod . but he himself went to antioch , and finds that church in a great disturbance . for the people disagreed amongst themselves . for , not only the arian heresie , which had been introduced by euzoius , divided the church : but ( as we have said * before ) meletius's followers also , by reason of their affection towards their master , differed from those who embraced the same sentiments with them . lucifer therefore , when he had constituted paulinus bishop over them , departed from thence again . chap. vii . how eusebius and athanasius accorded together , and assembled a synod of bishops at alexandria , wherein they expensly declared , that the trinity is consubstantial . but , as soon as eusebius arrived at alexandria , he , together with athanasius , was very diligent about convening a synod . there assembled bishops out of several cities , and conferred amongst themselves concerning many and most weighty matters . in this synod they asserted the divinity of the holy ghost , and included him in the consubstantial trinity . they likewise determined that christ at his incarnation assumed not only flesh but an humane soul , which was also the opinion of the primitive ecclesiasticks . for they introduced not any new doctrine , invented by them , into the church , but [ confirmed ] those points which ecclesiastick tradition had from the beginning asserted , and which the learnedest persons amongst the christians had demonstratively affirmed . for such sentiments as these all the antients in their disputations concerning this point have left us in their writings . irenaeus , clemens , apollinaris of hierapolis , and serapion president of the church in antioch , do assert this in the books by them composed , a as an opinion by general consent acknowledged , [ to wit , ] that christ at his assumption of flesh was endowed with a [ humane ] soul. moreover , the synod convened upon b berillus's account , who was bishop of philadelphia in arabia , in their letter to the said berillus hath maintained the same doctrine . origen also doth acknowledge every where , in his works which are extant , that christ at his incarnation assumed an humane soul : but more particularly , in the ninth tome of his comments upon genesis , he has explained the mystery hereof ; where he hath copiously proved , that adam is a type of christ , and eve of the church . holy pamphilus , and eusebius who borrowed his sirname from him , persons worthy to be credited , do attest this . for both these persons ( who club'd in their drawing up the life of origen in writing , and answered such as were prepossest with a prejudice against that person , in those famous books , wherein they made an apology in defence of him , ) do affirm , that origen was not the first person engaged in this subject , but that he interpreted the mystical tradition of the church . but , those bishops present at the synod of alexandria , omitted not their researches into this question , to wit , concerning * ousia and † hypostasis . for hosius bishop of corduba in spaine , ( whom we formerly mentioned ) who was sent before by constantine the emperour , to compose the disturbance at that time raised by arius , being desirous to root out the opinion of ‖ sabellius the libyan , raised a dispute concerning ousia and hypostasis , which was the occasion of another dissention . but the nicene synod , which was soon after convened , made not the least mention of this dispute . notwithstanding , in regard some persons were afterwards desirous of contending about this matter , for that reason these determinations were made in this synod concerning ousia and hypostasis . c it was resolved by them , that these terms ought not to be used concerning god. for , [ they said that ] the term ousia was not so much as mentioned in the sacred scriptures : and , that the * apostle , oblieged thereto upon a necessity of [ delivering some ] opinions , had not rightly used the word hypostasis . but they decreed , that these terms were to be admitted of upon another account , to wit , when they refute sabellius's opinion , least , for want of expressive words , we should suppose [ the trinity to be ] one thing called by a triple name ; but we must rather believe every one d of those named in the trinity to be truly god in his proper person . these were the determinations of the synod at that time . but nothing hinders , but we may briefly declare our knowledge concerning [ the terms ] ousia and hypostasis . such persons amongst the greeks as were expositours of their philosophy , have given various definitions of ousia ; but they have not made the least mention of hypostasis . e irenaeus grammaticus , in his alphabetical lexicon entitled atticistes , affirms this word [ hypostasis ] to be a barbarous term : for it is not [ says he ] used by any of the antients : but should it be any where found occurring , it is not taken in that sense wherein 't is now used . for , in sophocles ( in [ his tragedy entitled ] phoenix , ) the term hypostasis signifies treachery . in menander [ it imports ] sauces ; f as if any one should term the lees in an hogshead of wine hypostasis . but , you must know , that although the antient philosophers did not make use of this term hypostasis , yet the more modern philosophick writers used it frequently instead of * ousia . moreover , they have given us ( as we said ) various definitions of ousia . but if ousia may be circumscribed by a definition , how can we properly make use of this term in reference to god , who is incomprehensible ? evagrius , in [ his piece intitled ] monachicus , disswades us from discoursing rashly and inconsiderately concerning god. but he altogether forbids the defining of the divinity , in regard it is a most † simple thing . for definitions , says he , belong to things that are compounded . the same authour delivers these very words . every proposition , says he , has either a genus which is praedicated , or a species , or a differentià , or a proprium , or an accidens , or what is compounded of these ; but none of these can be supposed to be in the sacred trinity . let that therefore which is inexplicable , be adored with silence . thus [ argues ] evagrius , concerning whom we shall speak hereafter . but , although we may seem to have made a digression by relating these things ; yet we have mentioned them here , in regard they are usefull and pertinent to the subject of our history . chap. viii . [ some passages quoted ] out of athanasius's apologetick concerning his own flight . at the same time athanasius recited the apologetick he had formerly made concerning his own flight , in the audience of those that were present . some passages whereof , being useful and profitable , i will here insert , and leave the whole book , in regard 't is large , to be inquired out and perused by the studious . behold [ says he ] these are the audacious villanies of those impious wretches . these are their practises , and yet they blush not at the mischiefs they have formerly a contrived against us , but do even at this time accuse us , because we were able to escape their murdering hands . yea rather , they are sorely troubled , because they have not quite dispatcht us . in fine , under a pretence and colour they upbraid us with fear , but are ignorant that whilst they make a noise about this , they retort the crime upon themselves . for , if it be bad to fly , it is much worse to pursue . for , the one absconds that he may not be murdered : but the other pursues with a design to murder . yea , the scripture informs us that we must fly . but he that seeks an occasion to murder , violates the law , and does himself give [ others ] an occasion of flying . if therefore they upbraid us with our flight , they should rather be ashamed of their own pursuit . let them leave plotting , and those that fly will soon desist from making their escape . but they cease not from acting their own villanies ; but do all they can to apprehend : being very sensible , that the flight of such as are pursued is a great evidence against them that pursue . for no body flies from a meek and good-natured person , but rather from one that is of a barbarous and malitious disposition . and therefore , * every one that was discontented and in debt fled from saul to david . wherefore , these persons also endeavour to slay such as conceal themselves , that there may seem to be no evidence to convince them of their wickedness . but in this case also these mistaken persons seem to be blinded . for by how much the more manifest the flight is , by so much will the slaughters caused by their treacheries , and the banishments be more evidently exposed to the view of all men . for , whether they kill , death will make a greater noise against them ; or again , whether they banish , they do in every place † erect monuments of their own injustice against themselves . were they therefore sound as to their intellectuals , they might perceive themselves intangled herein , and egregiously mistaken in their own measures . but in regard they are infatuated , for that reason they are incited to persecute , and whilst they seek to murder others , perceive not their own impiety . for , if they reproach such as conceal themselves from those that seek to murder them , and calumniate such as fly from their pursuers , what will they do when they see jacob flying from his brother esau ; and moses retreating into [ the country ] of * madian for fear of pharaoh ? what answer will these bablers make to david who fled from saul , ( when he † sent [ messengers ] from his own house to murder him , ) hid himself in a cave , and changed his countenance , untill he had passed by * abimelech , and avoided the treachery ? or , what will these fellows , who are ready to utter any thing , say , when they see the great elias ( who called upon god and raised a dead man ) hiding himself for fear of ahab , and flying because of jezebels menaces ? at which time the sons of the prophets also , being sought for [ to be slain , ] absconded , concealing themselves in caves with † abdia . or have they not read these passages , in regard they are antient ? but they have also quite forgot what is related in the gospel . for the disciples for fear of the jews retreated and hid themselves . and ‖ paul , when he was sought for at damascus by the governour , was let down from the wall in a basket , and escaped the hands of him that sought him . since therefore the scripture records these things concerning the saints , what excuse can they invent for their rash precipitancy ? for , if they upbraid [ them ] with timidity , that audacious reproach recoyls upon themselves being madmen as it were . but if they calumniate those [ holy ] persons as having done this contrary to the will of god , they [ demonstrate themselves ] to be altogether unskilled in the scriptures . for in the law there was a command that * cities of refuge should be appointed , to the intent that such as were sought for to be put to death , might some way or other be enabled to secure themselves . but , in the consummation of ages , when the word of the father ( he who spake to moses , ) came himself into the world , he did again give this command , saying , † but when they persecute you , flee from this city to another . and a little after he says : * when ye therefore shall see the abomination of desolation , spoken of by daniel the prophet , stand in the holy place , ( who so readeth , let him understand : ) then let them who be in judea flee into the mountaines . let him who is on the house-top , not come down to take any thing out of his house . let not him who is in the field , return back to take his clothes . when therefore the saints understood these things they entred upon such a course of life as was agreeable hereto . for , the same commands which the lord has now given , he had delivered by the saints before his coming in the flesh . and this is a rule for [ all ] men , which leads them to perfection , [ that is ] to do what ever god hath commanded . upon this account , the word himself also , ( made man for our sakes , ) when he was sought for , vouchsafed to conceal himself , as we do ; and being persecuted again , he [ was pleased ] to fly , and avoid the conspiracy . for , it became him , that as by hungring , thirsting , and undergoing these afflictions , so by this means also he should demonstrate himself to be made man. at the very beginning , as soon as he was made man , he himself , being as yet but a child , gave this command to joseph by an angel , * arise , and take the young child and his mother , and flee into egypt . for herod will seek the young childs life . and after the death of herod , it appears , that ( for fear of his son archelaus , ) he retired to nazareth . afterwards , when he had demonstrated himself to be god , and had healed the withered hand , the pharisees went out and entred into a consult against him , * how they might destroy him . but when jesus knew it , he withdrew himself from thence . moreover , when he had raised lazarus from the dead , † from that day forth ( says the evangelist ) they took counsel for to put him to death . jesus therefore walked no more openly among the jews : but went thence unto a country near to the wilderness . further , when our saviour had said , ‖ before abraham was , i am ; the jews took up stones to cast at him : but jesus hid himself , and went out of the temple . and going thorow the midst of them , went away , and so escaped . when therefore they see these things , b or rather hear them , ( for they see them not , ) ought they not , according as 't is written , to be burnt with fire , in regard they design and speak the contrary to what our saviour did and taught . in fine , when john had suffered martyrdom , and his disciples had buried his body ; * when jesus heard of it , he departed thence by ship into a desart place apart . these things our lord did , and thus he taught . but i wish these persons could [ be perswaded to ] be even in such a manner ashamed , that they would confine their rashness to men only , and not proceed to such an heighth of madness , as to charge our saviour with fearfulness , c against whom they have once already designedly invented blasphemies . but no man will ever tolerate this their madness : but rather by their ignorance in the gospels they will be confuted by all men . for , there is a rational and true cause for such a retreat and flight as this is : which as the evangelists have recorded , * was made use of by our saviour . and from hence we ought to suppose , that the very same [ cause of flight ] † was made use of by all the saints . for what ever is recorded concerning our saviour as man , the same ought to be referred to mankind in general . for he assumed our nature , and demonstrated in himself † such affections and dispositions of mind as are agreeable to our infirmity . which john has set forth in these words : * then they sought to take him : but no man laid hands on him , because his hour was not yet come . yea , before that hour came , he himself said to his mother , † mine hour is not yet come . and to those who were called his brethren [ he said ] * my time is not yet come . again , when the time was come , he said to his disciples , ‖ sleep on now , and take your rest : for behold , the hour is at hand , and the son of man shall be betrayed into the hands of sinners , neither therefore permitted he himself to be apprehended before the time came ; nor , when the time was come , did he conceal himself : but voluntarily resigned up himself to the traytors . after the same manner also did the blessed martyrs consult their own preservation in the persecutions which now and then hapned . when they were persecuted , they fled , and continued in places of concealment . but when found out , they suffered martyrdom . thus has athanasius discoursed in his apologetick concerning his own flight . chap. ix . how ( after the synod at alexandria [ made up ] of those who asserted the homoousian faith , ) eusebius , returning to antioch , found the catholicks disagreeing there upon account of paulinus's ordination ; and being unable to bring them to an agreement , he departed from thence . but eusebius bishop of vercellae , immediately after the synod , went from alexandria to antioch . where finding paulinus ordained by lucifer , and the populace disagreeing amongst themselves , ( for the followers of meletius had their assemblies apart by themselves : ) he was troubled , because all people did not unanimously agree to the ordination that had been made , and in his own thoughts disapproved of what was done . but , by reason of the reverence and respect he bore to lucifer , he held his peace , and went away , having promised , that he would rectifie what had been done , in a synod of bishops . afterwards , he used his utmost diligence to unite the dissenters , but could not effect it . in the interim meletius returned from his exile . and finding his followers celebrating their assemblies apart by themselves , he headed them . but euzoïus , a prelate who embraced the arian tenets , was possessed of the churches . paulinus had only one of the lesser churches within the city , out of which euzoïus had not ejected him , by reason of the reverential respect he had for him . but meletius had his meetings without the gates of the city . after this manner therefore did eusebius depart from antioch at that time . but when lucifer understood that his ordination was not approved by eusebius , he lookt upon it as an injury , and was highly incensed . wherefore he separated himself from eusebius's communion , and out of a pertinacious contentiousness presumed to reprove what had been determined by the synod . these things being transacted in a time of sadness and discord , caused many persons to separate from the church . for there sprung up another new heresie , [ the followers whereof were termed ] luciferians . but lucifer was not in a capacity of satisfying his anger . for he was bound by his own a promises , by which ( being sent by his deacon ) he had engaged that he would assent to the synods determinations . wherefore , he retained the ecclesiastick faith , and departed into sardinia to his own see. but such as at first were agrieved together with him , do hitherto continue separatists from the church . further , eusebius , like a good physitian , travelled over the eastern provinces , where he perfectly recovered those that were weak in the faith , teaching and instructing them in the doctrines of the church . departing from thence , he arrived in illyricum , and afterwards went into italy , where he took the same course . chap. x. concerning hilarius bishop of poictiers . but hilarius bishop of poictiers ( which is a city of the second aquitania ) had prevented him , having before-hand laid the foundations of such points as were agreeable to the catholick faith [ in the minds ] of the bishops in italy and gallia . for he , returning first from banishment , arrived in those countries before him . both of them therefore vigorously defended the faith. but hilarius , being a person endowed with a great stock of eloquence , asserted the homoöusian opinion in books which he wrote in the latine tongue : wherein he sufficiently confirmed * that faith , and powerfully confuted the arian tenets . these things hapned a little after the recalling of those who had been banished . but you must know , that at the same time , macedonius , eleusius , eustathius , and sophronius ( and [ the rest of that sect ] who were all called by one general name macedoniani ) held frequent a synods in various places . and having called together those who in seleucia were followers of their opinion , they anathematized the prelates of the other party , i mean , the acacians . they also rejected the ariminum creed , and confirmed that which had been recited at seleucia . which creed was the same that had before been set forth at antioch , according as we have remarked in our foregoing * book . and when by some persons they were asked this question : you who are termed macedoniani ; if you differ in your sentiments from the acacians , how comes it to pass , that you have b communicated with them c untill now , as being of the same opinion with you ? to this demand they returned an answer by sophronius bishop of pompeiopolis a city of paphlagonia , after this manner : the western bishops , says he , were infected ( as it were with a disease ) with the homoöusian opinion . aëtius in the east , having adulterated [ the doctrine of the faith , ] introduced [ an opinion whereby he maintained ] a dissimilitude of substance [ between the son and the father . ] both these opinions were impious . for , the western bishops did rashly knit together in one the distinct persons of the father and son , binding them together with that cord of iniquity , the term homoöusios . aëtius wholly separated that affinity of nature which the son hath to the father , by [ introducing ] this expression , unlike according to * essence . since therefore , [ the assertours of ] both these opinions fall into the highest extreams of opposition , the middle way between these two assertions seemed to us to be more agreeable to truth and piety , whereby 't is affirmed , that the son is like to the father † according to subsistence . d this is the answer which the macedoniani returned by sophronius to that question , as sabinus says in his collection of the acts of synods . but , whereas they accuse aëtius as being the authour of the * anomoian opinion , and not acacius , 't is apparent , they do fallaciously corrupt the truth , thinking to avoid the arians on the one side , and the homoöusians on the other . for they are confuted by their own words , that through a desire of innovating they have made a separation from them both . but let thus much be said concerning these [ persons . ] chap. xi . how the emperour julianus exacted money from the christians . but , the emperour julianus , having at the beginning of his reign shown himself mild and gratious to all persons , in process of time did not demonstrate himself to be of such a like temper towards every one . for whenever there hapned any occasion of calumniating constantius , he most readily granted the christians requests . but when no such [ reflections ] were to be made , he made all men apparently sensible of that private hatred which he had conceived against the christians in general . forthwith therefore he issues out an order , that the church of the novatians in cyzicum , which had been totally demolished by a euzoius , should be rebuilt ; imposing a most burthensome penalty upon eleusius bishop of that city , if he did not perfect that building at his own charge within the space of two months . he also promoted gentilism with his utmost endeavour . and ( as we have said before ) he opened the pagan temples . yea , he himself did publickly offer sacrifice to the genius of the city constantinople in the b basilica , where the image of the publick genius was erected . chap. xii . concerning maris bishop of chalcedon . moreover , at this time , maris bishop of chalcedon in bithynia being led by the hand into the emperours presence , ( for he was very aged , and had that distemper in his eyes termed the pin and web : ) when he came before him , he reproved him sharply , terming him an impious person , an apostate , and an atheist . the emperour returned him opprobrious language for his reproaches , calling him blind fellow . and your galilaean god ( said he ) will never cure you . ( for julianus did usually term christ the galilaean ; and christians galilaeans . ) but maris answered the emperour with a greater confidence : i thank god ( said he ) for depriving me of mine eyes , that i might not behold your face , who have fal'n into such horrid impieties . the emperour made no return hereto , a but was severely revenged on him [ afterwards . ] for when he perceived , that those who suffered martyrdom in the reign of diocletian , were honoured by the christians ; and having observed that many persons were very desirous of being made martyrs , as if he resolved to be revenged on the christians upon this very account , he took another course . he declined indeed that extremity of cruelty [ practised ] in the reign of diocletian : nevertheless , he did not wholly abstain from [ raising ] a persecution . for i call that a persecution , when those who live peaceably , are by any means whatever disquieted and molested . now , he disturbed them after this manner : he made a law , that the christians should not be allowed an education in humane literature : least ( said he ) when they have sharpned their tongues , they should with a greater readiness answer the * disputants amongst the heathens . chap. xiii . concerning the tumult raised by the heathens against the christians . he also issued out an order , that those who would not relinquish the christian religion , and come and offer sacrifice to idols , should not hold any military imploy about court. nor would he permit the christians to be governours of provinces , saying , that their law forbad the use of the sword against such delinquents as had deserved a capital punishment . moreover , he induced many persons , partly by flatteries , and partly by gifts , to sacrifice . immediately therefore both those who were true christians , and also they who pretended [ the profession of that religion , being tryed ] in a furnace as it were , were apparently manifested to all men . for such as sincerely and cord●ally professed christianity , willingly left their military offices , being resolved to suffer any thing , rather then renounce christ. amongst whom were jovianus , valentinianus , and valens , all which persons afterwards wore the imperial crown . but others , who were not found christians , a who preferred riches and secular honours before the true felicity , without the least delay submitted and offered sacrifice . one of which number was ecebolius , a sophista of constantinople . who , making himself conform to the dispositions and humours of the emperours , was in constantius's time pretendedly a very zealous christian : in julianus's reign he seemed a very fierce assertour of gentilism . after julianus's death , he would needs profess christianity again : for , having prostrated himself before the door of the oratory , he cried out , trample upon me who am salt without savour . this is the true character of ecebolius , a person , as at first , so afterwards , light and inconstant . at that time the emperour , desirous to be revenged upon the persians for the frequent incursions they had made into the roman territories in the reign of constantius , went in great hast through asia into the east . but being sensible of the many mischiefs which accompany a war , and that a vast treasure is required [ to carry it on , ] without which it cannot be commodiously managed ; he craftily devised a way to extort money from the christians . for he imposed a pecuniary mulct upon those that refused to sacrifice : and the exaction was very severe upon such as were sincere christians . for every one was compelled to pay proportionably to his estate . and thus the emperour , by an unjust collection of ill-gotten money , was in a short time mightily enriched . for that law was put in execution , not only where the emperour was present , but in those places also to which he came not . at the same time also the pagans made incursions upon the professours of christianity : and there was a great conflux of such as termed themselves philosophers . moreover , they constituted certain detestable rites ; in so much that they sacrificed young children , as well males , as females , inspected their entrails , and tasted of their flesh . and these were their practises , both in other cities , and also at athens and alexandria . at which city likewise they framed a calumnious accusation against athanasius the bishop , acquainting the emperour that he would destroy that city and all egypt , and therefore that it was requisite he should be driven from that city . the b prefect also of alexandria , according to the emperours command , made an attempt against him . chap. xiv . concerning athanasius's flight . but * he fled again , saying these words to his intimate acquaintance , friends , let us recede a little while ; for 't is a small cloud , which will soon vanish . having spoken these words , with all possible celerity he went aboard of a ship , and passing over the nile , fled into egypt . they who endeavoured to apprehend him , made a close pursuit after him . when he understood that his pursuers were not far behind , those that accompanied him , perswaded him to fly into the wilderness again . but by making use of prudent advice , he escaped those that pursued him . for he perswaded his followers to turn back and meet the pursuers , which was done with all possible speed . when therefore they , who a little before fled , approacht the pursuers , a the persons who sought [ for athanasius , ] ask't his followers nothing [ but this , ] whether they had seen athanasius . they gave them notice , that he was not far off , and said , that if they made hast , they would soon apprehend him . being after this manner imposed upon , they pursued him very hotly , but in vain . athanasius having made his escape , came privately to alexandria , and absconded there till such time as the persecution ceased . such were the miseries which befell the bishop of alexandria , after his frequent persecutions and troubles occasioned partly by the christians , and partly by the heathens . moreover , the presidents of provinces , supposing the emperours superstition to be a fair opportunity of [ increasing ] their private gain , treated the christians very ill , beyond [ what ] the imperial order [ commissioned them to do : ] one while exacting greater sums of money from them than they ought to have done ; at other times inflicting on them corporal punishments . these things the emperour was sensible of , but connived at them . and to the christians , making their addresses to him upon this account , his answer was , 't is your duty , when you are afflicted , to bear it patiently : for this is the command of your god. chap. xv. concerning those who in the reign of julianus suffered martyrdom at merus a city of phrygia . at the city merus , amachius president of the province of phrygia , gave order for the opening of the temple there , and commanded it should be cleansed from the filth heapt up therein by length of time , and that the images in it should be polished and trim'd up . this fact did sorely trouble the christians . one macedonius , thcodulus , and tatianus , out of their zeal to the christian religion , were unable to bear that indignity . but , having acquired a warmth and fervency of affection towards vertue , they rushed into the temple by night , and brake the images in pieces . the governour , highly incensed at what was done , resolved to destroy many in that city who were guiltless ; whereupon the authours of this fact rendred themselves on their own accord . and chose rather to die themselves in defence of the truth , than to see others put to death in their stead . the governour having seized these persons , ordered them to expiate the crime they had committed , by sacrificing . upon their refusal to do that , he threatned them with punishment . but , being persons endowed with a great courage of mind , they disregarded his menaces , and shewed themselves prepared to undergoe any sufferings whatever . and chose to die , rather than be polluted by sacrificing . when therefore he had made these men undergoe all manner of tortures , at last he gave order they should be laid on grid-irons , under which he commanded fire to be put , and so destroyed them . at which time they gave the highest and most heroick demonstration of their sortitude , by these words of theirs to the president : amachius , if you desire to eat broyled flesh , turn us on the other side , least we should seem half broyled to your tast . after this manner these persons ended their lives . chap. xvi . how ( when the emperour prohibited the christians from being educated in the grecian literature , ) the two apollinaris's betook themselves to writing of books . but , that imperial law , which prohibited the christians from being educated in the grecian literature , made the two * above mentioned apollinaris's far more eminent than they had been before . for , whereas both of them were persons well skilled in humane learning , the father in grammar , the son in rhetorick , they shewed themselves very usefull to the christians at that juncture of time . for the father , being an exquisite grammarian , † composed a grammar agreeable to the form of the christian religion : he also turned the books of moses into that termed heroick verse : and likewise paraphrased upon all the historical books of the old testament ; putting them partly into † dactylick verse , and partly reducing them into the form of * dramatick tragedy . he [ designedly ] made use of all sorts of verse , that no mode of expression [ peculiar to ] the grecian language , might be unknown , or un-heard-of amongst the christians . but the younger apollinaris , a person provided with a good stock of eloquence , explained the gospels , and apostolick writings , by way of dialogue , as plato amongst the grecians [ had done . ] having rendred themselves usefull after this manner to the christian religion , by their own labours they vanquished the emperours subtlety . but divine providence was more prevalent and powerfull , than either these persons industry , or the emperours attempt . for that law quickly became extinct , together with the emperour [ who made it , ] as we will manifest in the procedure [ of our history . ] and these mens works are reputed no otherwise , than if they had never been written . but some one will perhaps make this formidable objection against us ; how can you affirm these things to have been effected by divine providence ? for , it is indeed evident , that the emperours sudden death proved very advantagious to the christian religion . but certainly , the rejecting of the christian writings composed by the two apollinaris's , and the christians beginning again to be cultivated with an education in the grecian literature , can in no wise be of advantage to christianity . for , the grecian literature , in regard it asserts * polytheism , is very pernicious . to this objection we will ( according to our ability ) make such a return , as at present comes into our mind . the grecian learning was not admitted of , either by christ , or his disciples , as being divinely inspired ; nor was wholly rejected , as hurtfull . and this , in my opinion , was not inconsiderately done by them . for , many of the philosophers amongst the grecians were not far from the knowledge of god. for , [ being furnished ] with a discursive knowledge , they strenuously opposed those that denied gods providence , of which sort were the epicureans , and other contentious [ cavillers ; ] and confuted their ignorance . and by these books they rendred themselves very usefull to the lovers of piety : but they apprehended not the principal head of religion , because they were ignorant of the mystery of christ , † which hath been hid from generations and ages . and that this is so , the apostle in his epistle to the romans does declare , in these words : * for the wrath of god is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness , and unrighteousness of men , who hold the truth in unrighteousness . because that which may be known of god , is manifest in them . for god hath shewed it unto them . for the invisible things of him from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternal power and godhead , that they may be without excuse : because that when they knew god , they glorified him not as god. from these words 't is apparent , that they had the knowledge of the truth , which god manifested unto them . but they were obnoxious , in regard when they knew god , they glorified him not as god. whereas therefore [ the apostles ] prohibited not an education in the grecian learning , they left it to the choice of such as were desirous of it . let this be one argument , in answer to the objection made against us . another is this , the divinely inspired scriptures do indeed deliver doctrines that are admirable and truly divine : they do likewise infuse into [ the minds of ] those that hear them , both an eminent piety , and exact course of life ; and also exhibit to persons that are studious a faith acceptable to god. but they teach not an art of reasoning , whereby we may be enabled to answer those that resolutely oppose the truth . besides , the adversaries are then most effectually baffled , when we make use of their own weapons against them . ( but , the christians could not be furnished herewith , from the books written by the apollinaris's . ) which when the emperour julianus had accurately considered , he by a law prohibited the christians from being instructed in the grecian literature . for he very well knew , that the fables [ therein contained ] would render the opinion he had imbibed , obnoxious to reproach . which fabulous stories when socrates ( the eminentest of the philosophers amongst them ) contemned ; as if he had been a person that attempted to violate their deities , he was condemned . further , both a christ and also his apostle do give order , that we should be skilfull exchangers of money , * that we should prove all things , holding fast that which is good ; and to † beware , least any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit . but , we shall never obey this [ precept , ] unless we can possess our selves of the adversaries weapons ; and whilst we are in possession of them , we are not to entertain the same sentiments with our adversaries : but must abominate the evil : and , retaining what is good and true , examine all things we embrace . for good , where-ever it is , is the property of truth . but if any one does suppose , that by asserting these things we use violence [ towards the scriptures by wresting of them , ] let such a one consider , that the apostle does not only not forbid our being instructed in the grecian learning ; but he himself seems not to have neglected it , in regard he knew many sayings which were spoken by the grecians . for , whence took he an occasion of using this saying , * the cretians are always lyers , evil beasts , slow-bellies , except it were from his perusal of the b oracles of epimenides the cretian , a person that was an initiator ? or whence knew he this , * for we are also his off-spring , unless he had been acquainted with the phoenomena of aratus the astronomer . moreover , this , † evill communications corrupt good manners , is a sufficient evidence that he was not unacquainted with euripides's tragedies . but , what need is there of making a large discourse concerning these things ? for , 't is evident , that antiently , by an uninterrupted usage as it were , the ecclesiastick doctors studied the grecian arts and sciences , untill they arrived at a very great age : and this [ they did , ] partly upon account of [ gaining ] eloquence , and of * polishing the mind ; and partly in order to a confutation of those things , concerning which [ the heathens ] were mistaken . let thus much be said by us , according to our capacity , upon account of the two apollinaris's . chap. xvii . how the emperour , making preparations for an expedition against the persians , arrived at antioch : and being derided by the antiochians , he [ published ] an oration [ against them ] entitled * misop●g●n . but , the emperour , having extorted a vast treasure from the christians , and hastning his expedition against the persians , goes to antioch in syria . when he was come thither , being desirous to demonstrate to the antiochians how superabundantly he affected glory , he depressed the prizes of vendible commodities lower than was fitting : [ for ] he respected not the present time , nor considered with himself , that the presence of a numerous army does necessarily endammage the inhabitants of a province , and cut off plenty [ of provisions ] from the cities . wherefore , the a petty merchants and provision-sellers , unable to endure the loss they sustained by the imperial edict , at that time left off trading . whereupon , [ the markets ] were unfurnished with provisions . the antiochians could not tolerate this violence [ used towards them ; ] ( for they are persons naturally prone to revile : ) but presently brake forth [ into invectives ] against the emperour , and cried out upon him . they also derided his beard ; ( for he wore a very large one : ) saying , it ought to be shaved , and ropes made of it . [ they said ] likewise , that he had the stamp of a bull on his coyn , [ which was an emblem ] that he had turned the world upside down . for the emperour , extreamly addicted to superstition , and continually * sacrificing bulls upon the altars of his idols , had commanded , that an altar and a bull should be stamp't upon his coyn. the emperour , enraged at these scoffs , threatned that he would most severely punish the city of antioch ; b and that he would return to tarsus in cilicia [ and reside there . ] and having given order for a provision of necessaries to be made there , he prepared for his departure thence . upon which account , libanius the sophista took an occasion of writing two orations ; the one he composed by way of address to the emperour , in behalf of the antiochians ; the c other he wrote to the antiochians concerning the emperours displeasure . but , 't is said , this sophista wrote these orations only , and did not recite them in publick . moreover , the emperour , relinquishing his resolution of revenging himself upon those revilers by deeds , discharged his rage by reciprocal taunts and scoffs . for he compiled a book [ against them , ] which he entitled antiochicus or misop●g●n , wherein he has left a perpetual brand upon the city of antioch . thus much concerning these things . we must now relate what [ mischiefs ] the emperour then did to the christians in antioch . chap. xviii . how , when the emperour was desirous to consult the oracle , the daemon gave no answer , being afraid of babylas the martyr . for , having given order , that the heathen temples in antioch should be opened , he was very desirous of receiving an oracle from apollo * daphnaeus . but , in regard the daemon inhabiting that temple , feared his neighbour , ( i mean a babylas the martyr , ) he gave no answer . for the coffin lay hard by , wherein was inclosed the body of that martyr . when the emperour understood the reason thereof , he forthwith issued out an order for the immediate translation of the coffin . the christians of antioch understanding this , [ flockt together all of them ] as well women , as young children , and carried the coffin from daphne into the city , with great rejoycings and singing of psalms . [ the contents of ] those psalms were reproachfull reflections upon the heathenish gods , and upon those that confided in them , and in their images . chap. xix . concerning the emperours wrath , and concerning theodorus the confessour . moreover , the emperours genius and disposition , which he had [ hitherto ] kept concealed , was at that time clearly discovered and manifested . for he who before profest himself to be a philosopher , could not moderate himself any longer . but being very easily provokt to anger by those reproachfull hymns , was ready to inflict the same punishments upon the christians , which diocletian heretofore laid on them . but in regard his sollicitude about the persian expedition afforded him not a convenient opportunity of prosecuting this design , he ordered salustius prefect of the pretorium , to apprehend those persons that had been most zealous and busie in singing psalms , in order to their being punished . the prefect ( although as to his religion he was an heathen , yet ) did not willingly receive that order . but , in regard he could not contradict it , he commands many of the christians to be apprehended , and confines some of them to prison . upon one young man ( whose name was theodorus , whom the heathens brought before him , ) he inflicted tortures , and various sorts of punishment , ordering that his body should be lacerated all over ; and then , when 't was supposed he could live no longer , he released him from his tortures . but god preserved this person . for he survived that confession a long time . rufinus , who wrote an ecclesiastick history in latine , * says , that he converst with this theodorus a long while after this , and enquired of him , whether , during his being scourged and racked , he felt an acuteness of pain . and that his answer was , that the pain [ proceeding ] from his tortures was very little : and that there stood by him a certain young man , who both wiped off the sweat caused by his agony , and also corroborated his mind , and that he caused that space of time wherein he was tortured , to be a delight to him , rather than a conflict . let thus much be said concerning the admirable theodorus . at the same time arrived embassadours from the persians , requesting [ the emperour ] to put an end to the war a upon certain express articles and conditions . but he dismist them , with these words , you shall ere long see us in person , and so there will be no need of an embassy . chap. xx. how the emperour perswaded the jews to sacrifice , and concerning the utter destruction of jerusalem . vvhilst the emperour was very desirous to endammage the christians some other way besides this , he betrayed his own superstition . for , being much addicted to sacrificing , he not only delighted in the bloud [ of sacrifices ] himself , but thought himself wronged , unless others would do so too . but , in regard he found but few such men as those , he sent for the jews and enquired of them , upon what account they abstained from sacrificing , whenas the law of moses injoyned it . upon their answering him , that they could not sacrifice in any other place , but only at jerusalem , he gave order , that solomon's temple should be forthwith re-edifyed . [ in the interim ] he himself proceeds in his expedition against the persians . but the jews ( who for a long time had been desirous of getting an opportune time , wherein their temple might be rebuilt , in order to their offering sacrifice , ) were then very industrious about that work . they also shewed themselves very formidable to the christians , and their behaviour towards them was proud and insolent , threatning they would do them as much mischief , as they themselves had formerly suffered from the romans . in regard therefore the emperour had given order , that the charge [ of that structure ] should be paid out of his exchequer , all things were soon provided ; [ to wit , ] timber , stone , burnt brick , clay , lime , and all other materials necessary for building . at which time , cyrillus bishop of jerusalem call'd to mind the prophesie of daniel , ( which christ● also has confirmed in the holy gospels , ) and a predicted in the presence of many persons , that that time would come very shortly , wherein one stone should not be left upon another in that temple , but that our saviours prophecy should be fulfilled . these were the bishops words . and in the night there hapned a great earthquake , * which tore up the stones of the old foundation of the temple , and dispersed them all , together with the adjacent edifices . by reason of this accident , the jews were extreamly terrified . and the fame of it brought many persons , who lived at a great distance , to that place . when therefore a numerous multitude were gathered together , there hapned another prodigie . for there came down a fire from heaven , which consumed all the builders tools . you might have seen mallets , irons to smooth and pollish stones with , saws , hatchets , axes ; in short , all things the workmen had , which were to be used about that work , destroyed by the flames . the fire prey'd upon these things for a whole day together . the jews , being in the greatest fear imaginable , acknowledged ( though unwillingly ) that christ was god. but they obeyed not his will ; but were prepossessed with an opinion of their own religion , and continued firm thereto . for neither did a third miracle , which hapned afterwards , induce them to a belief of the truth . for , the night following , the impressions of a cross , which cast forth beams of brightness , appeared printed upon their garments . which impressions when they saw the next day , they endeavoured to wash and rub them out , but could not . they were blinded therefore , as the apostle says , and cast away that good they had in their hands . thus was the temple , instead of being rebuilt , at that time totally demolished . chap. xxi . concerning the emperours inroad into persia , and concerning his death . moreover , the emperour made an irruption into persia , a little before the spring , being informed that the persians were a people that were weakest , and of the least courage in the winter . for , being unable to endure cold , they abstain from undertaking any military action at that time . but , according to the proverb , a mede will not pull so much as his hand from under his cloak at that time . [ on the contrary , ] in regard he very well knew , that the romans were able to endure a winter campaigne , he poured his army into the persian territories . when therefore they had depopulated a large tract of ground , [ laid waste ] many villages , and garrisons , they then [ began ] to take cities . and , having invested the great city ctesiphon , he reduced the persian king to such straights , that he dispatcht frequent embassies to julian , entreating him that he might be punished with the loss of some part of his country only , provided he would depart out of his territories , and put an end to the war. but julianus was not in the least affected in his mind , nor shewed any compassion towards these suppliants . neither did he take into his consideration this common saying , to wit , to conquer is famous , but to * be more than conquerour , is odious . but , giving credit to certain divinations , which maximus the philosopher ( with whom he converst continually ) suggested to him ; and imagining , that he should not only equal , but exceed the glory of alexander the macedonian ; [ for these reasons , i say , ] ●e rejected the humble addresses of the persians . and he supposed , agreeable to the opinion of pythagoras and plato , that by a transmigration of souls he was possest of alexanders soul ; or rather , that he himself was alexander in another body . this opinion deceived him , and was the cause of his not admitting of the persian kings humble address at that time . the king of persia therefore , perceiving his embassie to be ineffectual , was reduced to a necessity [ of fighting . ] whereupon , the next day after he had sent his embassie , he draws out all the forces he had , against the roman army , in order to his giving them battel . the romans did indeed blame the emperour , in regard he would not avoid an engagement , when as he might have done it with advantage . nevertheless , they gave the enemy battel , and routed them again . the emperour was in the engagement in person , on horse-back , and encouraged his men : but he had no armour on , in regard he solely confided in his hope of success . but [ on a sudden ] a dart is ●ast at him from an unknown place , which pierced through his arm , and entred his side . a of which wound he died , the person that killed him being unknown . for some say , [ the dart ] was thrown by a certain persian who fled : others , [ that it was cast ] by one of his own men , which is the strongest and most common report . but callistus ( who had a military imploy in this b emperours guards , and recorded his acts in heroick verse , ) in his narrative of this war , says , that julian was wounded by a daemon , of which he died . this was perhaps a poetical fiction of his ; peradventure 't was really true . for revengefull furies have destroyed many persons . but , however that matter was , this is not unknown , that [ this emperour ] was a person , by reason of his too great heat and ardency of mind , unwary ; because of his learning , vain glorious ; upon account of his counterfeit mildness , obnoxious to contempt . julianus therefore ended his life in persia ( as we have said ) in his fourth consulate , which he bore with salustius [ his colleague , ] about the twenty sixth of june . this was the third year of his empire ; the seventh from his having been created caesar by constantius ; and the thirty first year of his age . chap. xxii . concerning jovianus's being proclaimed emperour . the roman army , reduced to the greatest streight imaginable , without delay , on the day after , proclaim jovianus emperour , a person couragious and nobly descended . he being tribune of the souldiers , * when julianus by publishing of an edict , gave the souldiers their choice , whether they would sacrifice , or leave their military employments ; chose rather to lay down his commission , then obey the command of the impious emperour . but julianus , necessitated thereto by the then imminent war , had continued him in commission , amongst his chief commanders . being at that time elected to the empire , he refused it . and when he was forcibly drawn forth by the souldiers , he cried out , saying , that being himself a christian , he would not reign over men firmly addicted to gentilisme . but , after all of them with one voice answered , professing that they also were christians , he accepted of the empire . moreover , in regard he was on a sudden left in very great streights † in an enemies country , and his men being destroyed by a famine , upon terms he put an end to the war. the conditions were indeed misbecoming the roman glory : but they were necessary in that conjuncture . for , being punished with the loss of the a borders of the empire , and having surrendred nicibis ( a city in mesopotamia , ) to the persians , he departed out of persia. at the relation of these things the christians were encouraged b : but the pagans bewailed julianus's death . further , the whole army blamed his imprudent heat and rashness , and ascribed the disgrace of the loss of their borders to him ; because , being imposed upon by a persian desertour , he had burnt the ships , which supplied them with provision by water , whereupon the army was reduced to a great extremity by a famine . further , at that time libanius the sophista composed a funeral oration upon julian , which he entitled julianum , or the epitaph . in which oration he does at large recite and extol almost all his actions : he has also mentioned the books which julian wrote against the christians , wherein he says , the emperour has demonstrated the books of the christians to be ridiculous , and stuft with trifles . had it sufficed this sophista , to have commended the emperours other actions only , i should quietly have proceeded to the following part of my history . but whenas , being a sharp oratour , by mentioning julians books he does enveigh against the christian religion ; for this reason we are resolved to speak something concerning this matter : and in the first place we will produce his own words . chap. xxiii . a confutation of what libanius the sophista has said concerning julianus . the winter , says he , having lengthened the nights , the emperour undertook those books , which make the man of palestine god , and the son of god ; and by a long dispute and validitie of arguments he evinced , that those [ records ] revered and honoured [ by the christians ] are ridiculous and meer trifles : having in this matter demonstrated himself to be more skilfull and wiser , than the * tyrian old man. but , may that tyrian be propitious to me , and not be disgusted at what is said , in regard he was but-done by his son ! these are libanius the sophista's words . i am indeed of opinion , that he was a most incomparable sophista : but , i am confident , had he not entertained the same sentiments with the emperour , as to religion , he would have spoken against him all that hath been said by christians , and ( as 't is very likely , ) being a sophista , would have enlarged upon that subject . for , whilst constantius was living , he wrote * encomiums upon him ; but after his death , he loaded him with reproaches and abusive accusations . wherefore , had porphyrius been an emperour , he had undoubtedly preferred his books before julian's : and , had julianus been a sophista , he would have termed him an ill sophista , as he does ecebolius , in his epitaph upon julian . since therefore he , as being of the same religion with the emperour , as a sophista , and as the emperour's friend , has related what he thought good ; we , according to our ability , will answer what he has written . in the first place therefore , he says , that the emperour undertook those books , when winter had lengthened the nights . this term , to undertake or attempt , imports , that he made it wholly his business to write a discommendation , as the sophistae usually do , when they instruct young men in the rudiments of their art. for he had been acquainted with those books long before , but then he made his attempts against them . and , having spent a great deal of time in a tedious contest , he did not [ oppose them ] ( as libanius says ) with solid arguments : but for want of truth betook himself to jests and drollery , ( whereof he was a great admirer , ) by which means he derided what is firmly established in those books . for , whosoever undertakes a contest against another , does usually belie him against whom he manages the dispute , one while by perverting the truth , at another by concealing it . and he that has a pique against another , as an adversary endeavours , not only to act , but to speak against him in all things : and delights to turn the * faults that are in himself , upon him with whom he is at variance . that julianus and porphyrius ( whom libanius calls the tyrian old man ) did both of them take great delight in scoffing , is evident from their own books . for porphyrius , in the books he wrote concerning philosophick history , has made the life of socrates a ridicle , who was the eminentest of the philosophers : and has left such passages upon record concerning him , as neither melitus , nor anytus , socrates's accusers , would have attempted to say . concerning socrates , i say a person admired amongst the grecians , for his modesty , justice , and other virtues . whom plato the most admirable philosopher among them , xenophon , and the whole † company of philosophers , not only honour as a person beloved by god , but also repute him to have been endowed with a wisdom more than humane . and julianus , imitating his * father , has discovered the distemper of his own mind in [ the book he entitled ] the caesars , wherein he has discommended all the emperours his predecessours , not sparing even marcus the philosopher . that both of them therefore took great delight in scoffs and taunts , their own writings do sufficiently declare . nor need i many or solid arguments , but this is sufficient to represent the humour and disposition of them both b : this character i give of them , grounding my conjecture concernning their disposition , upon the works of each of them . but , what gregorius nazianzenus has said concerning julianus , you may hear [ delivered ] in his own words . for , in * his second oration against the gentiles , he says thus . experience , and his assuming the imperial dignity and authority , evidenced these things to others . but to me they were in a manner apparently manifest long before , at such time as i was conversant with him at athens . for he came thither immediately after the innovations attempted by his † brother , having requested this of the emperour . the design of this his journey was twofold ; the one was more honourable , [ namely , ] to see greece , and the schools there : the other was kept secret , known but to a very few , [ to wit , ] that he might consult the sacrificers and impostours there concerning his own affairs : for his impiety was not yet in possession of confidence and liberty . at that time therefore , i well remember , i was no bad divine concerning this person , although i pretend not to be one of their number , who are well versed in the knowledge and use of these predictions . but , the unevenness and inconstancy of his disposition , and the incredible extravagancy of his mind , made me a prophet , if he be the best prophet , who gives the truest conjecture . for , 't was my opinion , that no good could be portended by an instable neck ; by shoulders which sometimes he brandished , at others c represt ; by wandring and rowling eyes ; a furious countenance ; feet unsteady and stumbling ; a nose breathing forth reproach and contempt ; ridiculous cuttings of faces signifying the same thing ; immoderate and excessively loud laughter ; noddings , and then denials by his countenance , without any reason ; a voice represt and cut off by his breath ; immethodicall and indiscreet questions ; answers no whit better then these , crowding one after another , inconstant to themselves , nor yet proceeding in a learned order . what need i give a particular description of every thing ? before his actions i saw he would be the same that i have sinoe found him to be by his actions . and , were some of those persons here , who were then present and heard me , they would be easily induced to attest this . to whom , when i saw these things , i forthwith spake these words , how great a mischief to its self does the roman empire breed up ! when i had uttered these words , i prayed to god , that i might be a false prophet . for that was better , than that the world should be filled with such horrid mischiefs , and that such a monster should appear , the like to which had never been seen before ; although many deluges are recorded ; many devastations by fire , many earthquakes , and * chasms ; d and moreover , many monstrous and inhumane men , and beasts that were prodigious and compounded of several kinds , of which nature produced new forms . upon this account , he ended his life in a manner answerable to his madness . this character gregorius has given us concerning julianus . moreover , that in those many books ( in the compiling whereof they imployed themselves , ) they have attempted to violate the truth , by perverting some passages of the sacred scriptures , by making insertions in other some , and by explaining all things agreeable to their own design ; e many persons have demonstrated in their answers to them , who have also overturned and confuted their fallacies . but , above all other [ ecclesiastick writers , ] f origen , ( who lived long before julianus's times , ) by raising objections against himself from such passages in the sacred scripture as seemed to disturb the readers , and after that by clearing of them , has put a stop to the fallacious cavills and verbose niceties of ill-affected persons . which works of his had julianus and porphyrius perused carefully , and given them a candid reception , undoubtedly they would have turned their discourses to some other subject , and would not have applied their minds to the writing of fallacies stuft with impiety and blasphemy . that the emperour made it his business to cavil in his discourses before ignorant and the simpler sort of men , not in their presence who retain a representation of the truth taken from the sacred scriptures ; is evident from hence : for , having pickt out as many expressions as upon account of necessity are by way of dispensation used concerning god in a more humane manner , and put them and many such like phrases all together ; at length he subjoynes these very words ; every one of these expressions therefore ( unless the phrase contains in it some secret and occult sense and meaning , which i suppose , ) is stuft with a deal of blasphemy against god. thus much he has said in express words , in his third book against the christians . and in that book of his , to which he gave this title g concerning the cynick phylosophy , declaring after what manner sacred fables ought to be feigned , he says , that in such things as these truth must be concealed : these are his very words : for nature loves concealment : and the hidden substance of the gods cannot endure to be thrown into polluted ears in bare and naked words . from these words 't is apparent , that the emperour had this sentiment concerning the divine scriptures , [ to wit , ] that they were mystical . discourses , containing in them an abstruse sense and meaning . moreover , he is very angry , because all men do not entertain the same opinion concerning them ; and inveighs against those persons amongst the christians , who take the sacred oracles in their plain and obvious sense . but , it was not decent to rail in such a manner against the simplicity of the vulgar , nor upon their account to use such insolence towards the sacred scriptures : nor yet , to hate and have an aversion for h those things which are rightly understood by others , because all persons understood them not , as he had a mind they should . but now , the same accident seems to have befal'n him , which hapned to porphyrius . for he , having been beaten by some christians at caesarea in palestine ; and being unable to master his passion , in a great fury i relinquished the christian religion : and out of his hatred towards those that had beaten him , he fell to writing blasphemous books against the christians ; as eusebius pamphilus has manifestly made it out against him , who has clearly confuted his books . but the emperour , having uttered disdainfull expressions against the christians in the presence of unthinking persons , through the same distemper of mind fell into porphyrius's blasphemy . since therefore both these persons voluntarily [ deserted the truth and ] brake out into impiety , they are punished by the very knowledge and consciousness of their own crime . further , whereas libanius the sophista in derision to the christians does say , that they make a man of palestine god and the son of god ; in my opinion he seems to have forgot , that he himself has deified julianus at the close of his oration . for they almost stoned to death ( says he ) the first messenger of his death , as if he had bely'd the god. then , a little afterwards he adds these words , o thou darling ( says he ) of the daemons , thou disciple of the daemons , thou assessor with the daemons ! although libanius himself understood this otherwise ; yet , in regard he avoided not the ambiguity of the term [ daemons , ] which is [ sometimes ] taken in an ill sense , he seems to have said the same which the christians usually do in their reproaches . wherefore , had it been his design to have commended the emperour , he ought to have shun'd an ambiguous term ; as he did avoid another word ; for which being reproacht , he afterwards raz'd it out of his orations . moreover , how man in christ may be said to be god , and how he was apparently man but invisibly god ; and after what manner both these assertions are infallibly true , the divine books of the christians do evidently shew . but the heathens , before they believe , cannot understand . for 't is the oracle of god which saith , that * if ye will not believe , surely you shall not understand . wherefore , they are not ashamed to deify many men ; and i wish at least they had been men good as to their morals , just , and sober ; and not rather impure , unjust , and persons addicted to drunkenness : i mean , the hercules's , bacchus's , and aesculapius's , by whom libanius blushes not to swear frequently in his orations . whose sodomies and adulteries should i give a particular account of , my discourse thereof would be long and a tedious digression . those that are desirous of information about these things , will find a satisfactory account thereof in k aristotles peplum , l dionysius's corona , m rheginus's polymnemωn , and in the crowd of the poets : who by writing concerning these things , do demonstrate to all men , that the heathen theology is trifling and ridiculous . further , that 't is the peculiar practise of the heathens and a thing usual amongst them , with great readiness to deifie men , 't will be sufficient to advertize you by a few instances . to the rhodians ( who consulted the oracle upon their being faln into a calamitous distress , ) an answer was given , that they should worship attis the phrygian , an heathen priest who instituted mad ceremonies in phrygia . the contents of the oracle are these . appease n attis , the great god , chast adonis , the doner of a prosperous life , and happiness , the beautifully-hair'd bacchus . the oracle calls attis ( who by reason of his love-madness castrated himself , ) adonis , and bacchus . and when alexander king of the macedonians passed over into asia , the amphictyones made him presents , and pythia uttered this oracle . adore the supream god jove , and minerva tritogenia , the king concealed in a mortal body , whom jove has begotten o of a race ineffable , mortals defender of equity , king alexander . these are the words of the oracle which the daemon uttered at delphos : he himself , when he would flatter potentates , deified them . and this was perhaps done meerly out of flattery . but , what shall we say concerning cleomedes the champion , whom they have made a god , and uttered this oracle concerning him . the last of the hero's , cleomedes astypalaeus . him worship with sacrifices , as being no longer a mortal . upon account of this oracle , diogenes the cynick , and p oenomaus the philosopher condemned apollo pythius . the inhabitants of cyzicum have declared adrianus to be the thirteenth god. and adrianus himself has deified antinous his own * catamite . these things libanus does not term ridiculous , and meer trifles ; although he very well knew these oracles , and that single book , which q adrias wrote concerning the life of alexander . r nor is he himself ashamed to deifie porphyrius . for his words are these , may the tyrian be propitious to me , whose books he preferred before the emperours . let thus much suffice to have been said by us by way of digression , upon account of the sophista's scoffing and reproaches . i thought fit to omit the rest , which requires a particular treatise . we must now subjoyn the remaining part of our history . chap. xxiv . that the bishops flockt from all places to jovianus , every one of them hoping they should induce him to embrace their own creed . after jovianus's return out of persia , the ecclesiastick commotions were again renewed . for the prelates of the churches made it their business to prevent one another , each of them expecting , that the emperour would give his assent to their creed . but he had from the beginning adhered to the homoöusian faith ; and openly declared , that he preferred that creed before all others . and by his letters he encourages athanasius bishop of alexandria , who immediately after julianus's death , had recovered the alexandrian church . but , being then made more confident and couragious by the emperours letters , he was freed from fear on all hands . the emperour likewise recalled those bishops , who had been banished by constantius , and had not procured their own revocation by julianus . moreover , all the heathen temples were then shut up . and [ the daemon priests ] themselves absconded , some in one place , some in another . the * philosopers also laid aside their palliums , and cloathed themselves in the common and ordinary habit . likewise , that a publick pollution caused by the bloud [ of sacrifices , ] which they had celebrated in julianus's reign even to loathsomness , was then taken away . chap. xxv . that the macedonians and acacians , meeting together at antioch , confirmed the nicene creed . but the affairs of the christians were in no wise in a sedate posture . for the principal heads of every party made their a addresses to the emperour , supposing they should obtain from him power and authority against those by them reputed to be their adversaries . and in the first place , those termed macedoniani present a libel to him , requesting that they who asserted the son to be unlike the father , might be ejected out of the churches , and themselves put into their places . the persons who presented this supplicatory libel , were basilius [ bishop ] of ancyra , silvanus of tarsus , sophronius of pompeiopolis , pasinicus of b zelae , leontius of comani , callicrates of claudiopolis , and theophilus of castabali . the emperour having received their libel , sent them away without an answer . he exprest himself only thus to them : i abominate ( said he ) contentiousness : but i love and honour those that are * desirous of unity and concord . when these expressions were divulged in the hearing of the other parties , they mollified the stiffness of those who were desirous of contention . and this fell out agreeable to the emperours intent and design . moreover , the contentious disposition of the acacians was then also clearly manifested , and they evidently demonstrated their continual usage of complying with their sentiments who were vested with the supream power . for , meeting together at antioch in syria , they entred into discourse with melitius , who having separated from them a little before , had embraced the homoöusian opinion . and this they did , in regard they saw melitius was highly esteemed by the emperour , who then resided at antioch . having therefore made a profession of the homoöusian opinion , and confirmed the nicene creed , by a general consent they drew up a libel , which they presented to the emperour . the contents whereof are these . to the most pious and most dear to god , our lord jovianus victor augustus , the synod of bishops present at antioch , assembled out of divers provinces . even we our selves are fully satisfied , most pious emperour , that your piety has in the first place studied to assert and constitute the peace and unity of the church . nor are 〈◊〉 insensible , that you have rightly judged a draught of the true and orthodox faith to be the head and fountain of this unity . wherefore , that we may not be reputed of their number who adulterate the doctrine of truth , we declare to your piety , that we do embrace and firmly adhere to the creed of the holy synod heretofore convened at nicaea . especially , since that term therein , which to some seems c new and unusual , ( we mean the term homoöusios , ) has with caution been explained by the fathers ; so , as to denote , that the son was begotten of the fathers substance , and that he is like the father as to his substance . not , as if any passion were to be understood in relation to that inexplicable generation : nor , is the term ▪ ousia taken by the fathers according to any usual signification of it amongst the grecians ; but , [ 't is made use of ] in order to the subversion of what has been impiously and audaciously asserted by arius concerning christ , [ to wit , ] that he existed of things which are not . which [ tenet ] the anomaeans , who are newly sprung up , do with a far greater boldness and audaciousness impudently assert , to the utter ruine of ecclesiastick unity . wherefore , we have annexed to this our declaration a copy of that creed set forth by the bishops convened at nicaea , which we also embrace . it is this , we believe in one god the father almighty , and d all the rest of the creed . * i meletius bishop of antioch have presented [ this libel , ] and do give my consent to what is above written . [ and so do i ] eusebius of samosata , evagrius of e siculi , uranius of apamaea , zoilus of larissa , acacius of caesarea , antipater of rhosus , abramius of urimi , aristonicus of seleucia upon belus , f barlamenus of pergamus , uranius of melitina , magnus of chalcedon , eutychius of eleutheropolis , g isacoces of armenia the great , titus of bostra , petrus of h sippi , pelagius of laodicaea , i arabianus of antros , piso of adani , by k lamydrion the presbyter , sabinianus of zeugma , athanasius of ancyra , by orphitus and aëtius presbyters , l irenius of gaza , piso of augusta , patricius of paltus , by lamyrion the presbyter , anatolius of beroea , theotimus of arabi , lucianus arcenus . we found this libel recorded in that work of sabinus's , entitled a collection of synodick acts. moreover , the emperour had taken this resolution with himself , that by kind words and perswasives he would extirpate the contentiousness of the disagreeing parties ; and he declared that he would not create trouble to any person of what belief soever he were of : but that he would love and highly value such as should be the principal promoters of the churches unity . that these things were after this manner done by him , themistius the philosopher does also attest . for in the oration he composed upon his consulate , he admires the emperour , m for his allowing every person a free liberty of worshipping the deity in such a manner as he desired ; whereby he repressed the humours of flatterers . upon whom he made very facetious reflections , saying , 't is experimentally known , that they worship the purple , not god ; and that such persons differ not from the euripus , which sometimes throws its waves this way , at others the quite contrary . chap. xxvi . concerning the death of the emperour jovianus . after this manner did the emperour at that time repress their fury , who made it their business to cavill and contend . departing immediately from antioch , he went to tarsus in cilicia , where he buried julianus's body . having performed all the solemnities of his funeral , he is declared consul . designing to go directly from thence to constantinople , he arrived at a place , the name whereof is dadastana ; it is situate in the frontiers of galatia and bithynia . there themistius the philosopher ( with others of the senatorian order , ) met him , and recited his consular oration before him , which he afterwards spoke in the presence of the people at constantinople . indeed , as well the civill , as ecclesiastick affairs of the roman empire , being blest with so good an emperour , would have been managed fortunately and successfully ; had not a sudden death ravish't so eminent a personage from the publick . for , being seized with a distemper [ termed ] an obstruction , in winter time , he ended his life at the fore mentioned place , in his own and his son varronianus's consulate , upon the seventeenth of february . having reigned seaven months , and lived thirty three years . this book contains the [ transactions of affairs during the ] space of two years and five months . the fourth book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . chap. i. that , after jovianus's death , valentinianus is proclaimed emperour , who made his brother valens his colleague in the empire . and , that valentinianus was a catholick , but valens an arian . the emperour jovianus having ended his life ( as we have declared ) at dadastana , in his own and his son varronianus's consulate , on the seventeenth of february ; the souldiers departing from galatia , on the seventh day after came to nicaa in bythinia , where by a general suffrage they proclaim valentinianus emperour , on the five and twentieth of february , a in the same consulate . by original extract he was a pannonian , born at the city cibalis . having been entrusted with the leading of an army , he had given a demonstration of his great skill in * tacticks ▪ he was a personage of a large soul , and always appeared superiour † to that degree of honour he had arrived at . when therefore they had created him emperour , he went immediately to constantinople , and thirty days after his being proclaimed , he makes his brother valens his colleague in the empire . they were both christians , but they disagreed about the faith of the christian religion . for valentinianus had a veneration for the creed of the nicene synod : but valens , by reason of a prepossession , adhered rather to the arian opinion . the reason of this his prepossession was , because he had been baptized by eudoxius [ bishop ] of constantinople , a prelate of the arian religion . both of them entertained a warmth and ardency for that religion which each adhered to : and yet after they came to the empire , they differed one from the other very much , in their dispositions . for formerly , in the reign of julianus , ( when valentinianus was tribune of the souldiers , and valens had a military employ in the emperours guards ) each of them gave a demonstration of the zeal they had for their religion : for being compelled to sacrifice , they chose to leave their military employments , rather than relinquish christianity . but , at that time the emperour julianus , knowing them to be persons usefull to the publick , removed neither of them from their military preferment ; nor yet jovianus , who was his successour in the empire . but , being afterwards promoted to the empire , * they were at first like to one another , as to their care about the management of the publick affairs ; but they differed ( as i have said ) about the christian religion , and behaved themselves after a disagreeable manner towards the christians . for valentinianus did indeed favour such persons as embraced his own sentiments ; but he was not in the least troublesome to the arians . but valens , desirous to promote the arians , did most grievously disquiet and disturb those who differed in opinion from them ; as the procedure of our history will evidence . at that very time , liberius presided over the roman church : at alexandria athanasius [ was bishop ] of the homoöusians ; and lucius of the arians , whom ▪ the arians had constituted georgius's successour . euzoïus presided over the arians at antioch . those of the homoöusian opinion in that city , were divided into two parties , paulinus headed the one party , and melitius the other . cyrillus was again put into possession of the church at jerusalem . the government of the churches at constantinople was in the hands of eudoxius , an assertour of the arian opinion : the homoöusians kept their assemblies in a little oratory within that city . those of the macedonian heresie , who had b dissented from the acacians at seleucia , at that time retained their churches in every city . in this posture were the affairs of the church at that time . chap. ii. that valentinianus went into the western parts [ of the empire , ] and valens resided at constantinople , who , upon the macedonians address to him that a synod might be convened , granted their request . and that he persecuted the homoousians . but , the one of the emperours , to wit , valentinianus , went forthwith into the western parts [ of the empire . ] for the care of the publick affairs * necessarily required his presence there . but valens , after he had resided a little while at constantinople , had an address made to him by most of the bishops of the macedonian heresie , who requested another synod might be convened , in order to the amendment of the † greed. the emperour , supposing they embraced the same sentiments with acacius and eudoxius , permitted it to be done . and so these persons made it their business to assemble a synod in the city lampsacus . but valens went with all speed possible towards antioch in syria , fearing least the persians should break the league they had entred into for thirty years in the reign of jovianus , and invade the roman territories . but the persians were quiet . which calm valens made an ill use of , and raised an irreconcileable war against those who embraced the homoöusian opinion . he did indeed no harm to paulinus the bishop ▪ by reason of that persons exemplary and eminent piety . but he punished melitius with exile . he drove all others , who refused to communicate with euzoïus , from the churches in antioch , and subjected them to losses and various punishments . 't is said , that he drowned many persons in the river orontes which runs by that city . chap. iii. that , whilst valens persecuted those who embraced the homoöusian opinion in the east , there arose a tyrant at constantinople , [ by name ] procopius . and that at the same time an earthquake hapned , and an inundation of the sea , which ruined many cities . whilst valens did these things in syria , there arose a tyrant at constantinople , by name procopius . he got together a great force in a short time , and made preparations for an expedition against the emperour . this being told to the emperour , put him into a very great agony , which for a little while represt the fury of his persecution against the catholicks . in the interim that the disquietude of a civil war was with pangs expected , an earthquake hapning ruined many cities . the sea also altered its own boundaries . for , in some places it overflowed so much , that vessells might sail , where there was a foot passage before . and it departed from other places in such a manner , that they were found to be dry ground . and this hapned in the first consulate of the two emperours . chap. iv. that there being a disturbance in the secular as well as the ecclesiastick state of affairs , the macedonians , having convened a synod at lampsacus , did again confirm the antiochian creed , and anathematized that [ published ] at ariminum , and did again ratifie the deposition of acacius and eudoxius . these things hapning to be thus , neither the civil , nor the ecclesiastick state of affairs was in a sedate posture . those therefore who had requested of the emperour a power of convening a synod , met at lampsacus in the same consulate [ which i have even now mentioned . ] this was the seventh year from the synod which had been assembled at seleucia . having again confirmed the * antiochian creed there , to which they had subscribed at seleucia , they anathematize that creed published at ariminum by those [ bishops ] with whom they had heretofore agreed in opinion : and again condemned acacius's and eudoxius's party , as having been justly deposed . eudoxius bishop of constantinople could not in any wise contradict these determinations ; for the civil war , which was imminent , permitted him not to revenge himself of them . wherefore , eleusius bishop of cyzicum and his adherents , were at that time for some little while the stronger party , in regard they asserted that termed macedonius's opinion , a which before had a very mean repute , but was then rendred more conspicuous and better known in the synod at lampsacus . i suppose this synod to have been the reason , why those termed the macedoniani are so numerous in the hellespont . for lampsacus is scituate in a narrow bay of the hellespont . this was the conclusion of the synod of lampsacus . chap. v. that , an engagement hapning about a city of phrygia between the emperour [ valens ] and the tyrant procopius , the emperour took the tyrant by the treachery of his commanders , and put him and them to death , by insticting new and unusual punishments upon them . on the year following , wherein g●d●ianus and * dagalaïfus were consul● , a the war was in good earnest begun . for when the tyrant procopius , having removed from constantinople , was upon the march with his army towards the emperour : valens , informed thereof , hastens from antioch , and engages procopius ●eer a city of phrygia , the name whereof is nacolia . in the first encounter he was worsted . but , not long after , he took procopius alive , agilo● and gomoarius his commanders having betrayed him ▪ upon [ all ] whom valens inflicted new and unusual punishments . for , disregarding the oathes he had bound himself in to the traitours , b he put them to death by cutting them in sunder with saws . and , having bound each of the tyrants legs to two trees standing neer one another , which were bowed down , c he afterwards permitted the bended trees to erect themselves . by the rise whereof procopius was torn in sunder . and thus the tyrant , rent into two pieces , ended his life . chap. vi. that , after the death of the tyrant , the emperour forced those who had been present at the synod , and all the christians , to embrace arius's opinion . the emperour , having at that time been fortunate and successfull in that action , began immediately to disquiet the christians , being desirous to bring over all persons to arianism . but he was in a more especial manner incensed against the synod which had been convened at lampsacus , not only because it had deposed the arian bishops , but in regard that draught of the creed published at ariminum , had been anathematized there . being therefore come to nicomedia in bithynia , he sent for eleusius bishop of cyzicum to him . this prelate had more closely adhered to macedonius's opinion , as i have said before . wherefore the emperour , having convened a synod of arian bishops , compelled eleusius to give his assent to their faith. at first he denied to do it . but when he was threatned with banishment and proscription of his goods , being terrified he gave his assent to the arian opinion . he repented immediately that he had consented . and returning to cyzicum , in the presence of all the people he complained of his being forc't , saying , that he had given his assent by compulsion , not voluntarily : he also advised them to seek out for another bishop , because he had been compelled to renounce his own opinion . but the inhabitants of cyzicum , by reason of that great love and affection they had for him , refused to be subject to another bishop , nor would they permit any other [ to govern ] their church . they continued therefore under his presidency , and would in no wise recede from their own heresie . chap. vii . that eunomius , having ejected eleusius the macedonian , was made bishop of cyzicum . and concerning eunomius's original , and that having been * amanuensis to aëtius [ sirnamed ] atheus , he imitated him . when the bishop of constantinople heard this , he prefers eunomius to the bishoprick of cyzicum , in regard he was a person able by his eloquence to draw [ the minds of ] the multitude to his own lure . upon his arrival at cyzicum , an imperial edict was published , by which order was given , that eleusius should be ejected , and eunomius installed . this being done , those of eleusius's party , having erected an oratory without the city , celebrated their assemblies therein . let thus much be said concerning eleusius . we must now give an account of eunomius . eunomius had been amanitensis to aëtius , surnamed atheus , of whom we have made mention * before . conversing with him , he imitated his sophistick way of discoursing : addicting himself [ to the use of ] certain insignificant and impertinent terms , and was insensible of his framing fallacious arguments in order to the deceiving of himself . upon this account he was puf't up with pride , and fell into a blasphemy , being indeed a follower of arius's opinion , but was various ways an adversary to the doctrines of truth . he had but a very mean skill in the sacred scriptures , and was unable to understand their meaning . but he was very full of words , always making a repetition of the same things over and over , but could not arrive at the design he had proposed to himself . his seven books which with a great deal of vain labour he wrote upon the apostles epistle to the romans , are a demonstration hereof . for , although he has spent a great many words in the explanation thereof , yet he could in no wise b apprehend the scope and design of that epistle ▪ of the same sort are those other books of his that be extant . of which he that should be desirous to make tryal , would find a great scarcity of sense amidst a multitude of words . this eunomius therefore was by eudoxius c preferred to the bishoprick of cyzicum . d when he was come thither , by making use of his usual dialectical art , he amazed his auditours by his unusual expressions , whereupon there arose a disturbance at cyzicum . [ at length ] the inhabitants of cyzicum , not able to endure his arrogant and haughty manner of expressing himself , drove him from their city . he went to constantinople , where he made his abode with eudoxius , and was [ reputed a e vacant bishop . but , that we may not seem to have said these things upon account of calumny and reproach , hear eunomius's own words , after what manner he takes the boldness to express himself in his sophistick and fallacious assertions concerning god. for he says word for word thus . god knows no more than we do concerning his own substance . nor is that more known to him , and less to us . but , whatever we know concerning the divine substance , that is wholly known to god. and on the contrary , whatever he [ knows , ] the same you will without any difference find in us . these , and many other such like fallacies , eunomius framed , being insensible [ of his own errour . ] but how he afterwards became a separatist from the arians , we will in due place relate . chap. viii . concerning the oracle , which was found cut upon a stone , when the wall of chalcedon was demolished by reason of the emperour valens's anger . but , the emperour gave order , that the walls of chalcedon ( a city scituate over against byzantium , ) should be demolished for he had oblieged himself by oath to do this ( after he should have vanquished the tyrant procopius , ) because the chalcedonians , siding with the tyrant , had shamefully a railed at and abused him , and had shut their gates upon him as he b passed by their city . the wall therefore was by the emperours order pulled down . and the stones were conveyed to the publick baths of constantinople , which are called c constantianae . there was a prophecy found , cut on one of the stones , which had for a long time lain concealed , but was then discovered ; signifying , that when the city should be furnished with plenty of water , then the wall should serve for a bath : and that numerous tribes of barbarous nations , having over-run the provinces of the roman empire , and done a great deal of mischief , at length should themselves also be destroyed . nothing hinders , but we may here insert the prophecy it self , in favour to such as are studious . when nymphs their mystick daunce with watry-feet shall tread through proud byzantium's stately street ; when rage the city-wall shall overthrow , whose stones to fence a bathing place shall go . then savage lands shall send forth num'rous swarms , ( shining with golden locks and burnish't arms , ) which having ister's silver streames o're past , shall scythian fields , and moesia's meadows wast : but when , proud with success , they enter thrace , they 'l meet their fate , and find a burial-place . this was the prophecy . but it afterwards hapned , that the aquaeduct built by valens , furnished the city with plenty of water : and then the barbarous nations made an insurrection , as we shall hereafter declare . this prediction , as it fell out , was by some persons taken in another sense . for when that aquaeduct was brought into the city , d clearchus , being praefect of the city , built a stately e bath , in that now called theodosius's forum : which bath was named the plentifull water . upon which account the city celebrated a festival with great solemnity . and this is that , say they , which is spoken of in the prophecy , in these words , — their mystick daunce with watry feet shall tread through proud byzantium's stately street . but , what belonged to the completion of this prophecy hapned sometime afterwards . at that time , when the walls should have been pulled down , the constantinopolitans entreated the emperour to desist from demolishing of them . also , [ some of ] the inhabitants of nicomedia and nicaea came from bithynia to constantinople , and made the same request . the emperour , being highly incensed , was with great difficulty induced to admit of the suppliants petition . but , that he might perform his oath [ wherein he had bound himself , ] he gave order , both that the walls should be pulled down , and also that the breaches made by that demolishment should at the same time be repaired with other small stones . at this present therefore there is to be seen in some parts of the wall , patches basely wrought up with very mean materials , laid upon vast and prodigions stones , which [ patches ] were at that time made . let thus much be said concerning the wall of chalcedon . chap. ix . that the emperour valens persecuted the novatians also , who ( in like manner as did the catholicks ) embraced the homoöusian faith. but the emperour desisted not from persecuting those that embraced the homoöusian opinion : but drove them from constantinople ; and together with them the novatians also , in regard they owned the same sentiments with them : whose churches he ordered to be shut up . and gave order , that their bishop also , by name agelius , should be punished with banishment . he was a person , that had presided over their churches from the times of constantine , and had led an apostolick life . for he always went bare foot , and made use of but one coat , observing the command of the gospel . but the emperours rage against the novatians was stopt by a pious and also an eloquent person , by name marcianus . he had before born a military employ in the imperial pallace , but was at that time a presbyter of the novatian church , and taught anastasia and carosa , valens's daughters , the grammar ; a by whose names the publick baths which valens erected at constantinople , yet standing , [ were called . ] out of veneration therefore to this person , the novatian churches , which for some small time had been shut up , were opened again . but the novatians were not perfectly free from disturbances caused by the arians . for they were hated by the arians , because the novatians loved and had an extraordinary kindness for the homoöusians , with whom they agreed in opinion . this was the posture of affairs at that time . further , you are to know , that the war against the tyrant procopius was finished in the consulate of gratianus and dagalaïfus , about the latter end of may. chap. x. that the emperour valentinianus begat a son , who bore his fathers name [ to wit , valentinianus ; ] he having begat [ his son ] gratianus before his being created emperour . not long after this war , a during the same consulate , a son was born to valentinianus the emperour in the western parts , who had his fathers name given him . for he had begotten gratianus long before his [ undertaking the government of the ] empire . chap. xi . concerning a hail of an unusual bigness which fell from heaven , and concerning the earthquakes in bithynia , and the hellespont . on the following consulate , which was lupicinus's and * jovianus's , there fell a hail at constantinople † of a vast bigness , on the second of july , which was like stones . many persons said , that this hail was sent by reason of gods anger , because the emperour had banished several of the sacerdotal order , in regard they refused to communicate with eudoxius . a little after this time , during the same consulate , the emperour valentinianus proclaimed his son gratianus ‖ augustus , on the twenty fourth of august . on the year after , wherein valentinianus and valens were the second time consuls , there hapned an earthquake in bithynia , which ruined the city nicaea , on the eleventh of october . this was the twelfth year after the ruine of * nicomedia . soon after this earthquake , most part of germa , a city in the hellespont , was destroyed by another earthquake . notwithstanding these accidents hapned , yet neither was eudoxius bishop of the arians , nor the emperour valens , put into any fear . for they desisted not from persecuting those who dissented in opin●on from them . [ moreover , ] these earthquakes seemed to denote the disturbance of the churches . wherefore , many of the sacerdotal order ( as i have said ) were banished . only basilius and gregorius , by a certain dispensation of divine providence , suffered not banishment , by reason of their eminent piety . a the first of these persons was bishop of caesarea in cappadocia ; and the second [ presided over ] nazianzum , a small city near caesarea . but we shall mention basilius and gregorius in the procedure [ of our history . ] chap. xii . that those who embraced macedonius's opinion , being reduced into streights by reason of the emperours violence towards them , sent an embassage to liberius [ bishop ] of rome , and subscribed to the homoöusian creed . when those who embraced the homoöusian opinion had at that time been sorely disquieted and put to flight , the persecutors renewed their rage against the macedonians . who , being reduced to great streights by fear rather then force , sent embassies to one another throughout every city ; signifying , that they must of necessity fly , both to the emperours brother [ valentinianus , ] and also to liberius bishop of rome ; and that [ 't was more eligible for them ] to embrace their faith , than to communicate with eudoxius's party . a they sent therefore eustathius [ bishop ] of sebastia , ( who had been many times deposed , ) silvanus of tarsus in cilicia , and theophilus of castabali , which is also a city of cilicia : and gave them order , that they should not dissent from liberius concerning the faith , but should enter into communion with the roman church , and confirm the homoöusian creed . these persons , carrying along with them their letters who had dissented [ from acacius ] at seleucia , arrived at old rome . they could not go to the emperour [ valentinian ] himself ; for he was engaged in a war with the b sarmatae in the gallia's . but they delivered their letters to liberius . he [ at first ] wholly refused to admit them : for he said , that they were of the arian faction , and could in no wise be received [ into communion ] by the church , in regard they had rejected the nicene creed . they made answer , that by a * retractation they had acknowledged the truth , that they had long since renounced the anomoïan creed , and had professed that the son was every way like to the father ; and that the term homoios differed not in its import from homoöusios . having said thus much , liberius required of them a profession of their opinion in writing . they presented him a libel , wherein were inserted the contents of the nicene creed . i have not here inserted the letters written from smyrna in asia , and from pisidia , isauria , pamphilia , and lycia , ( in which places they had held synods , ) because of their length . but the libel , which the embassadours , sent with eustathius , delivered to liberius , runs thus . to our lord , brother , and fellow minister liberius ; eustathius , theophilus , and silvanus , greeting in the lord . by reason of the mad opinions of hereticks , who desist not from giving cause of offence to the catholick churches ; upon this account [ we say ] we , [ desirous ] to deprive them of all opportunity [ of giving offence ] do approve of and assent to the synod of orthodox bishops which has been convened at lampsacus , smyrna , and at several other places : c from which synod we being employed as legates , do bring a letter to your benignity , and to all the italian and western bishops , to hold and keep the catholick faith , which having been established in the holy nicene synod in the reign of constantine of blessed memory , by three hundred and eighteen bishops , hath hitherto always continued intire and unshaken : in which [ creed ] the term homoousios is holily and piously made use of , in opposition to arius's perverse doctrine : in like manner we also , d together with the foresaid persons , do under our own hands profess , that we have held the same faith , and do hold , and will keep it to our last breath : and we do condemn arius , and his impious doctrine , together with his disciples , and those that embrace his sentiments ; as also , all the heresie of sabellius , the * patripassians , marcionistae , photinians , marcelliani , and that of paul of samosata , and the doctrine of these hereticks , and all those who maintain the same tenets with them ; in fine , all the heresies that are opposite to the foresaid holy creed , which was piously and catholickly set forth by the holy fathers at nicaea . but in a more especial manner we anathematize that draught of the creed recited at the ariminum synod , as being contrary to the foresaid creed of the holy synod [ convened ] at nicaea . e to which ( it being brought from nice [ a town ] of thracia ) [ the bishops ] subscribed at constantinople , being over perswaded by fraud and perjury . but , our creed , and the foresaid persons [ confession of faith ] also , from whom we are employed as legates , is this . we believe in one god , the father almighty , the framer of all things visible and invisible : and in one only begotten god , the lord jesus christ , the son of god ; begotten of the father , that is , of the substance of the father , god of god , light of light , very god of very god ; begotten , not made , of the same substance with the father , by whom all things were made which are in heaven , and which are on the earth : who , for us men , and for our salvation , descended [ from heaven , ] became incarnate , and was made man ; and suffered , and rose again the third day ; and ascended into the heavens ; and shall come to judge the quick and dead . and [ we believe ] in the holy spirit . but , those that affirm there was a time when he was not , and that he was not before he was born , and that he was made of things which are not ; or those that assert the son of god existed of another hypostasis or substance , or that he is changeable or mutable ; these persons the catholick and apostolick church of god does anathematize . i eustathius bishop of the city sebastia , i theophilus , and i silvanus , legates of the synod of lampsacus , of smyrna , and of other [ synods , ] have voluntarily and willingly written this confession [ of faith ] with our own hands . and , if any person , after the publication of this creed by us , shall be desirous of bringing any accusation , either against us , or those that have sent us , let him come with your holiness's letters before such orthodox bishops as your sanctity spall approve of , and go to tryal with us in their presence . and if any crimination shall be made out , let the authour thereof be punished . liberius having bound up and secured the legates by this libel , admitted them to communion , and afterwards dismist them with this letter . the letter of liberius bishop of rome , to the bishops of the macedoniani . to our dearly beloved brethren and fellow-ministers , evethius , cyrillus , hyperechius , uranius , heron , elpidius , maximus , eusebius , eucarpius , heortasi●s , neon , eumathius , faustinus , proclinus , pasinicus , arsenius , severus , didymion , brittannius , callicrates , dalmatius , aedesius , eustochius , ambrosius , gelonius , pardalius , macedonius , paulus , marcellus , heraclius , alexander , adolius , marcianus , s●henelus , johannes , macer , charisius , silvanus , photinus , antonius , f any●ho , celsus , euphranor , milesius , patricius , severianus , eusebius , eumolpius , athanasius , diophantus , menodorus , diocles , chrysampelus , neon , eugenius , eustathius , callicrates , arsenius , eugenius , martyrius , hieracius , leontius , philagrius , lucius , and to all the orthodox bishops in the east ; liberius bishop g of italy , and the bishops in the west , [ wish ] health always in the lord. your letters ( dearly beloved brethren , ) h resplendent with the light of faith , delivered to us by our highly esteemed brethren , the bishops , eustathius , silvanus , and theophilus , brought the most wish't-for joy of peace and unity to us : and that most especially upon this account , because they have affirmed and demonstrated , that your opinion and your sentiments are consonant and agreeable , both to our slenderness , and also to all [ the bishops ] in italy and in the western parts . and this we acknowledge to be the catholick and apostolick faith , which i from the nicene synod hitherto has continued entire and unshaken . this creed k your legates themselves have professed that they do hold and embrace , and being filled with great joy , have wiped out all impressions and [ quenched ] the remaining sparks of an absurd opinion , and have made a publication of this creed , not only in words , but under their own hand-writing . the copy whereof we have judged necessary to be annexed to these letters , that we might not leave the hereticks any pretext of framing another conspiracy , whereby they should again excite the incentives of their own malice , and according to their usage , rekindle the flames of discord . moreover , our dearest brethren , eustathius , silvanus , and theophilus , have professed and acknowledged this also , that both they themselves , and also your love , have always had this creed , and will retain it to the last ; to wit , the creed approved of at nicaea by three hundred and eighteen orthodox bishops : which does contain the perfect truth , and stops the mouthes , and vanquishes all the shoals of hereticks . for , not of their own accord , but by divine appointment so great a company of bishops was convened against the madness of arius ; as were * equal in number to those , by whose assistance blessed abraham through faith destroyed so many thousands [ of his enemies . ] which faith being comprehended in the hypostasis , and in the term homoousios , does ( like a strong and impregnable fortress ) beat back and repell all the assaults and mischievous machinations of arius's perverse opinion . wherefore , when all the western bishops had met at ariminum , whither the improbity of the arians had called them together , that either by some kind perswasives , or ( which is truest ) [ by compulsion ] of the secular power , they might destroy , or perversely deny what had with all imaginable caution been inserted into the creed ; their subtilty advantaged them not in the least . for , almost all those persons then convened at ariminum , who had at that time been either enticed into errour , or imposed upon , are now returned to a right mind , have anathematized that draught [ of the creed ] published by them convened at ariminum , and have subscribed to that catholick and apostolick creed ratified and established at nicaea . and having entred into a communion with us , they are with a greater warmth incensed against arius's opinion , and against his disciples . of which business when the legates of your love perceived an evident proof , they annexed you your selves to their own subscription ; and do anathematize arius , and what was transacted at ariminum against the creed ratified at nicaea : l to which [ transactions ] you your selves , beguiled by perjury , have subscribed . wherefore , it seemed agreeable to us , to write to your love , and to give assistance to those , whose requests are just and equitable . more especially , because we are ascertained by the profession of your legates , that the eastern [ bishops ] are come to themselves , and do embrace the same sentiments with the orthodox western [ prelates . ] we make known this to you also , ( least you should be ignorant of it , ) that the blasphemies of the ariminum synod are now anathematized , by those who seem to have been damnified at that time by fraud , and that all persons have unanimously conspired in an agreement to the nicene creed . and this ought to be made known to all men by you , that such as have been damnified [ in their faith ] * by force and fraud , may now at length return from heretical darkness to the divine light of catholick liberty . who ( if after this synod they will not vomit up the poyson of perverse doctrine , † renounce all arius's blasphemies , and anathematize them , ) may know that they themselves , together with arius , and his disciples , and the rest of the serpents , whether sabellians , or patropassians , or what ever other heresie they are [ followers ] of , are excluded from , and are no members of the church's assemblies , which admits not illegitimate sons . god preserve you in safety , dearly beloved brethren . eustathius and those that accompanied him , having received these letters , went over into sicilia : where after they had caused a synod of sicilian bishops to be convened , they made a profession of the homoöusian faith in their presence , and confirmed the nicene creed ; and having received from ▪ them letters written to the same effect , they returned to the persons by whom they had been sent . who , upon receipt of liberius's letter , sent legates from city to city , to the principal assertours of the homoöusian faith , exhorting them to meet together unanimously at tarsus [ a city ] of cilicia , in order to the confirming of the nicene creed , and that they might put an end to all manner of contentious disputes , which had since that been raised . and this had perhaps been effected , had not eudoxius ( a prelate of the arian religion , one who at that time was in great favour with the emperour ) hindred it . who being more exasperated because of the synod summoned to meet [ at tarsus , ] framed greater mischiefs against them . moreover , that the macedonians , by sending legates to liberius , entred into a communion with him , and confirmed the nicene creed ; sabinus himself has confessed in his collection of synodick actions . chap. xiii . how eunomius separated himself from eudoxius , because he adhered to [ his master ] aëtius . and that ( a disturbance being raised at alexandria by eudoxius's means , ) athanasius fled again . and that ( when the populace were tumultuous hereupon , ) the emperour being afraid , by his letters * pacified the alexandrians , and ordered that athanasius should be put into quiet possession of his church again . about the same time eunomius , being separated from eudoxius , held his assemblies apart by himself , because , after he had several times entreated him to embrace his master aëtius's [ opinion , ] eudoxius refused to do that . and yet eudoxius did not this willingly : ( for he rejected not aëtius's opinion ; in regard it was the same with his own : ) but because all those who embraced the same sentiments with eudoxius , a declined [ aëtius ] as being heterodox . this was the reason why eunomius made a separation from eudoxius . after this manner were these matters transacted at constantinople . but an b edict of the praefects of the praetorium sent thither by eudoxius's care , disturbed the church at alexandria . wherefore , athanasius , afraid of the irrational and mad violence of the multitude , and fearing least he should * be look't upon as the occasioner of those mad absurdities which might be committed ; hid himself four whole months in his fathers monument . but , when the populace , [ vexed ] because of his absence , were tumultuous by reason of their love and affection towards him ; the emperour , understanding that upon this account alexandria was sorrowfull and sad , signified by his letters , that athanasius should securely and without fear continue possest of the churches . and this was the reason why the alexandrian church continued undisturbed untill the death of athanasius . but how , when he was dead , those of the arian faction got possession of the churches again , we will relate a little after this . chap. xiv . that after the death of eudoxius at constantinople , the arians ordained demophilus ; but the orthodox , by [ the assistance of ] eustathius of antioch , [ made ] evagrius [ bishop of constantinople . ] further , the emperour valens departed from constantinople , and a hastned towards antioch again . and being arrived at nicomedia a city of bithynia , he made a stop there upon this account . eudoxius the chief prelate of the arian raction ended his life soon after the emperours departure [ from constantinople , ] in valentinianus's and valens's third consulate , having been in possession of the chair of the constantinopolitane church b nineteen years . wherefore , the arians constituted demophilus [ bishop ] in his room . but the homoöusians , supposing that a fair opportunity was offered to them , elected one evagrius , a person that owned the same creed with them . and c eustathius ( who had sometime before been bishop of antioch , and had formerly been recalled from exile in jovianus's reign , ) ordained him . this eustathius was at that time present at constantinople , [ to which city he came ] with a designe of setling and strengthening those of the homoöusian faith ; where he continued , absconding himself . chap. xv. that when the emperour had banished evagrius and eustathius , the arians sorely oppressed and afflicted the homoöusians . upon the doing hereof , the arians renewed their persecution against the homoöusians afresh . what had hapned , soon came to the emperours knowledge , who fearing , least a sedition , caused by a contention of the multitude , should ruine the city , sent some forces from nicomedia to constantinople : and gave order , that both persons , as well he that was ordained , as he that had ordained him , should be apprehended , and banished , the one to one place , the other to another . eustathius therefore was exiled to a bizua a city of thracia ; and evagrius was conveyed away to another place . these things having been performed after this manner , the arians , growing more insolent and bold , sorely afflicted the catholicks : [ sometimes ] they beat them , [ at others ] they gave them contumelious language ; [ some ] they shut up in prison , [ others ] they punished with pecuniary mulcts ; in fine , they practised all sorts of afflictive and most unsufferable mischiefs against them . which when they were unable to endure , they went to the emperour , [ with a design ] to beseech him , that they might , in some measure at least , be freed from the violence [ of the arians . ] but , [ although ] they had proposed this design to themselves , [ yet ] they were wholly frustrated of their hope , because they expected to obtain it from him , who had been the authour of their injurious usage . chap. xvi . concerning the holy presbyters who were burnt in a ship , and concerning the famine , which by the wrath of god hapned in phrygia upon that account . for , when some choice pious persons , who were ecclesiasticks , being eighty in number , ( the principal men amongst whom were urbanus , theodorus , and menedemus , ) were arrived at nicomedia , and had presented a supplicatory libel to the emperour , informing him of the violence and calamitous sufferings which were inflicted on them [ by the arians : ] the emperour , highly incensed , concealed his anger , till such time as he had given a secret order to modestus the praefect , for the apprehending of these persons , and putting of them to death . the manner of their death was new and unusual ; therefore it shall be recorded . the praefect being afraid , least if he should murder these men in publick , * he might raise a tumult of the unthinking crowd against himself , pretends to send them away into banishment . [ this news ] being received by these persons with a couragiousness of mind , the praefect orders them to be put aboard a ship , as if [ he designed ] they should be carried away and banished : but he commanded the sea men , that when they came to the middle of the sea , they should set the vessel on fire : that so , being destroyed after this manner , they might be deprived of a burial . thus therefore it was performed . the mariners sailed out of the haven , and being arrived at the middle of the astacum-bay , do what they were ordered : and having set the ship on fire , went aboard another small vessel which followed them , and so came off . but , a very boysterous easterly wind hapned to blow , whereby the burning ship was fiercely driven : in so much that it sailed with a great deal of swiftness ; and lasted till it came to a sea-port , the name whereof is a dacidizus , where it was wholly consumed together with the men in it . many have reported , that this [ horrid villany ] continued not unpunished . for there hapned so sore a b famine all over phrygia immediately after , that many of the inhabitants were forced to remove out of that country for some time , and betake themselves , partly to constantinople , and partly to other provinces . for constantinople , although it nourishes a vast multitude of people , yet always abounds with plenty , both because it has all manner of necessaries for provision imported into it from all places by sea , and also in regard the euxine-sea , lying near it , furnishes it with plenty of bread-corn , as often as it wants . chap. xvii . that the emperour , arriving at antioch , did again persecute those that embraced the homoöusian opinion . but the emperour valens , little regarding the calamities caused by the famine , went to antioch in syria . during his residence there , he destroyed such as would not profess arianism . for although he had perfectly ejected the embracers of the homoöusian opinion out of the churches of almost all the eastern cities ; yet he was not satisfied therewith , but did besides inflict various punishments upon them . and he destroyed many more than formerly [ had been murdered by him , ] by exposing them to different sorts of death ; but more especially by drowning them in a river . chap. xviii . concerning what was done at edessa , and the reproachfull affront put upon the praefect , and concerning the faith , couragiousness , and constancy of those citizens ; and concerning a pious woman . but , we must relate what was done at edessa [ a city ] of mesopotamia . in that city there is a stately and splendid * church [ which bears the name ] of thomas the apostle , wherein assemblies in order to the performance of the publick duties of religion are without intermission convened , by reason of that places sanctity . the emperour valens , desirous to view this church , and being informed that the whole congregation met therein were [ followers ] of that heresie which he detested , struck the praefect with his own hand , ( as 't is said , ) because he had not taken care to have them driven from that place . when the praefect , after this manner abused , made preparations ( though unwillingly ) to obey the emperours rage ; ( for he was not willing to be the instrument of the murder of so many persons ; ) he gave them notice secretly , to the intent that no person might be found within that church . but no body heeded either his advice , or his menaces . for on the day following all persons flock't to the church . and when the praefect with a great company of souldiers hastened to the oratory , in order to his fulfilling the emperours rage ; a poor woman , leading her own little son by the hand , went with great speed towards the church , and broke through the a ranks of souldiers which guarded the praefect . at which the praefect being highly displeased , orders the woman to be brought to him . and speaks to her after this manner , miserable woman ! whither runnest thou in this * undecent manner ? she replied , to the same place that others run too . have you not heard , said he , that the praefect is going to put to death all persons that shall be found there ? i have heard so , answered she , and do therefore make hast , that i may be found there b : and whither draggest thou that little child , said the praefect ; the woman replied , that he also may be voutsafed the honour of martyrdom . upon hearing hereof , the praefect made a conjecture of the constancy a●d resolution of the persons assembled [ in the church . ] and he went back immediately to the emperour , and informed him , that all of them were ready to die for their own faith . and declaring withall , that it would be absurd to destroy so many persons in so short a time , he thereby perswaded the emperour , to desist from being enraged . after this manner the edessens escaped their being destroyed by their own emperour . chap. xix . that the emperour valens slew many persons , the first letter of whose name was * theta , upon account of a certain necromantick - divination , whereby that was foretold . a at the same time , a certain destructive daemon abused the emperours cruelty . for he perswaded some persons to make a strict and over-busie enquiry by a necromantick divination , who should succeed valens in the empire . to which persons , having made use of a certain magicall inchantment , the daemon gave responses , not plain and manifest , but ( as he usually does ) oblique and ambiguous : by shewing only four letters , * theta , and epsilon , and omicron , and delta ; saying , that his name , who should reign after valens , did begin with these letters ; and that his name was compounded . the report of what had been done came to the emperours ears . but he permitted no● god ( who manages all things in a due and orderly manner ) to have the knowledge of things future , and to do what seemed good to him : but , slighting the sanctions of christianity , for which he supposed himself to have a zeal and ardency , he put many to death , of whom he had a suspicion that they would seize upon the empire . therefore , the theodorus's , the theodotus's , the theodosius's and the theodulus's , and as many as had such like names as these , were deprived of their lives . amongst whom b one theodosiolus , a person of great valour and courage , a descendant of a noble family in spain , was also put to death . and out of a fear of the imminent danger , many persons [ at that time ] changed their names , denying those names their parents had given them , when they were young , in regard they were liable to danger . but , let thus much be said concerning this . chap. xx. concerning athanasius's death , and the promotion of peter [ to his see. ] further , you are to know , that as long as athanasius bishop of alexandria lived , the emperour ( upon account of some [ over-ruling dispensation ] of gods providence ) forbore disquieting alexandria and egypt , knowing for certain , that there was a numerous multitude of persons there , who favoured athanasius ; and for this reason he was afraid , least a sedition being raised at alexandria , the populace , who are naturally hot and violent , should endammage the publick state of affairs . [ moreover , ] athanasius , after those many conflicts [ he had undergone ] upon the church's account , departed this life in the second consulate of gratianus which he bore with probus ; he governed that bishoprick amidst many dangers fourty and six years , and left peter , a pious and eloquent person , to succeed him in his see. chap. xxi . that after athanasius's death , the arians by the emperour valens's order , delivered up the churches in alexandria to lucius who had been ordained by them before , and committed peter to prison . the arians therefore took courage immediately , being rendred insolent by the emperour's religion ; and without delay they give an account hereof to the emperour , who then resided at antioch . at the same time also euzoius ( who presided over the professours of arianism at antioch , ) with greediness catches that opportunity so seasonably offered ; and makes it his design to procure himself to be sent to alexandria , to the intent that he might deliver possession of the churches there to lucius the arian . which was also approved of by the emperour . and forthwith he went to alexandria , [ accompanied ] with the imperial forces . for a magnus , lord treasurer to the emperour , went along with him . the imperial order was directed to palladius * praefect of egypt , and a command was issued forth that the military forces there should give their assistance . wherefore , they apprehended peter , and confined him to prison . after they had dispersed the other ecclesiasticks some into one place , some into another , they seated lucius in the episcopal chair . chap. xxii . that sabinus the macedonian heretick has made no mention of those many mischiefs which happened at lucius's installment . but they are recorded in a letter written by peter ; who made his escape , and fled to damasus [ bishop ] of rome . but the arians and lucius were the authours of many mischievous practises and cruelties against those holy persons who led a monastick life in the solitudes . moreover , what mischiefs hapned at lucius's induction [ into the sea of alexandria , ] or what was done against those persons that were ejected , as well in , as without the courts of judicature , and how some were subjected to various tortures , and others were banished , even after they had been tortured ; [ of any of these particulars ] there is not the least mention made by sabinus . for , in regard he was a semi-arian , he concealed the enormous villanies of his friends . but peter has manifestly displaied them to the view of all men , in his own letters , which he sent about to the churches every where , after his escape * out of prison . this † person , as soon as he could make an escape out of his imprisonment , fled to damasus bishop of rome . but the arians , although few in number , notwithstanding were repossessed of the alexandrian churches . not long after , an imperial edict [ came forth , wherein ] it was ordered , that [ all ] the embracers of the homoöusian opinion should be ejected out of alexandria , and [ driven ] from all parts of egypt . and the governour of egypt was commanded , with a numerous army of souldiers every where to put to flight and chase away those , whom lucius should order [ to be ejected . ] at the same time they molested , disturbed , and in a most cruel and hostile manner assaulted the monasteries in the desart . for armed men rush't in upon persons unarmed , who would not stretch forth so much as their hand to strike a stroak ; and destroyed them with such cruelty and barbarity , that what they perpetrated against them is inexpressible . chap. xxiii . a catalogue of the holy monks [ who lived ] in the desart . but , in regard we have made mention of the monasteries in egypt , nothing hinders but we may give an account in short concerning them . the monasteries in egypt had their original ( 't is probable ) from very great antiquity : but they were enlarged and much increased by a pious man , whose name was ammon . this person , when young , had an aversion for marriage . but when some of his nearest relatives entreated him not to speak reproachfully of matrimony , but that he would marry a wife ; he was prevailed upon , and entred into a matrimonial state of life . and immediately after he had taken the virgin out of the * bride-chamber , and with the usual solemnity lead her into his lodging-room , at length when his friends and acquaintance were gone away , he took the apostolick book , read saint pauls epistle to the corinthians , and expounded to his wife the apostles admonitions to married persons . and making an addition of several particulars from elsewhere , he informed her , how many burdensome inconveniences do accompany marriage , how full of grief and disquietude the cohabitation of man and woman is , and what pangs attend a woman great with child ; adding withall the grief and troubles [ which arise ] from the breeding up of children . [ on the other hand ] he added the conveniencies of chastity , how great a freedom attends a pure life , how unpolluted it is , and void of all uncleanness ; and that virginity places persons in the nearest alliance to god. having discourst of these and many other such like particulars to his virgin-wife , he perswades her , that before they should have any carnal knowledge of each other , she would together with him renounce a secular life . when they had made this agreement between themselves , they retired to the mountain called nitria . there they lived in a cottage , and for ▪ some short time made use of one ascetick apartment in common , without the knowledge of any difference between the masculine and feminine sex , but being ( according to the apostle ) one in christ. not long after , the new and unpolluted bride spake these words to ammon : it is not decent for you ( said she , ) who with the greatest strictness immaginable do prosess chastity , to look upon a woman a in so narrow an habitation . wherefore if you please , we will perform our ascetick exercises apart . with this compact also both parties were well pleased . and being separated one from the other , they thus spent the remainder of their lives ; abstaining from wine and oyle , and seeding upon dry b●ead only , which they eat sometimes after one days [ fasting , ] at others after two , at other times after more . antonius , who was this ammon's cotemporary , saw his soul after his death taken up [ into heaven ] by angels , as athanasius bishop of alexandria does declare in * his life of antonius . moreover , very many persons imitated this ammon's life . and by degrees the mountaines of nitria and scetis were filled with multitudes of monks . to write whose lives , would be the subject of a particular work . but in regard there were amongst them persons of great prety , who were eminent for their ascetick discipline , lived apostolick lives , and did , and said some things that were usefull and worthy to be recorded , i thought it expedient [ to select ] some few passages out of many , and intermix them with my history , in order to the readers advantage . 't is reported therefore , that this ammon never saw himself naked , saying , that it was misbecoming a monk to behold his own naked body . and , being one time desirous to pass a river , he was † loath to uncloath himself ; but prayed to god , that he might have a passage over without impeding the resolution he had taken : and an angel conveyed him to the other side of the river . didymus , another monk , although he lived ninety years , yet kept company with no man during his whole life . another , by name arsenius , would not separate the younger monks , who had committed an offence , from communion , but those only that were elderly : for he said , that a young monk being excommunicated , becomes ‖ contumacious : but an elderly monk does quickly become sensible of the grief of excommunication . pior eat his meat walking . when one asked him why he fed after that manner ; i will not ( said he , ) go to meat , as to a serious and set work , but as to an incident and by business . to another , questioning him concerning the same thing , he answered ; least ( says he , ) whilst i am eating , my mind should be affected with any bodily pleasure . isidorus said , that it was fourty years since he was sensible of sin in his mind ; and that he never consented , either to lust , or anger . pambos , a man illiterate , went to a person , that by him he might be taught a psalm . and having heard the first verse of the thirty eighth psalm , which runs thus , * i said i will take heed to my ways that i offend not with my tongue ; he refused to hear the second verse , and went away ▪ saying , that this one verse was enough for him , in case he could learn it perfectly , and in reality practise and perform it . and when he who had given him the verse to learn , reproved him , because he had not seen him in a whole six months space , he answered ; i have not yet truly and indeed learnt the verse of the psalm . many years after this , to one of his acquaintance enquiring of him whether he had learnt the verse , his answer was , during the space of these nineteen years i have scarce learned to * fulfill it effectually . the same person ( when one gave him gold [ to be bestowed ] for the maintenance of the poor , and said to him , tell the sum which i have given , ) replyed , there is no need of telling the money , but of a right and sound disposition of mind . the same ●ambos , upon the entreaty of athanasius the bishop , came out of the desart to alexandria . and seeing a woman-player there , he brake forth into tears . when the persons in pres●nce asked him , why he wept ; two things ( said he ) trouble me ; the one is , this womans destruction : the other , because i do not use so much diligence and industry to please god , as she does to delight obscene men . another of them said , that a monk , unless he will work , is to be involved in the same condemnation with the covetous and rapacious person . petirus was well furnished with a knowledge in natural speculations , and frequently expounded sometimes one thing , at other times another , to such as addressed themselves to him . at every one of his † lectures he made a prayer to god. but , amongst the monks [ who lived ] at that time , there were two pious persons who bore the same name . for each of them had the appellation of macarius . the one was born in the upper egypt , the other came from the city alexandria . both of them were famous upon several accounts , [ to wi● , ] for their ascetick exercises , for their morals , for their converse , and for the miracles wrought by their hands . the egyptian macarius wrought so many cures , and drove so numerous a company of devils out of persons possest , that [ to relate ] what he performed by the grace of god , would require a particular and separate work. towards those who came to him , he behaved himself with an austere gravity , tempered with caution and circumspection . but the alexandrian macarius , although he was every way like the egyptian macarius , yet he differed from him in this , that he shewed himself chearfull and pleasant towards those who came into his company , and by his courteous behaviour and complaizance induced young men to embrace an ascetick course of life . evagrius , scholar to these macarius's , having before been a philosopher in words only , learned [ from them ] that philosophy [ which consists ] in deeds and actions . * he having been ordained deacon by gregorius nazianzenus at constantinople , went afterwards with him into egypt , where he converst with those forementioned persons , and imitated their course of life . nor were the miracles wrought by his hands , fewer in number than those performed by his masters . the same evagrius wrote books of very great use : one whereof has this title , b the monk , or concerning active virtue : another is entitled , the gnostick , or to him who is reputed worthy of knowledge . this book is divided into fifty chapters . a third is termed antirreticus [ or the refutation , being a collection ] from the sacred scriptures , against the tempting evil spirits ; it is divided into eight parts , according to the number of the eight thoughts . [ he wrote ] also six hundred prognostick problems : and moreover , two books in verse ; the one to those monks [ who live ] in monasteries or covents ; the other to the virgin. how admirable these books of his are , they that read them will perceive . it is not unseasonable , as i suppose , to annex - to what has been said before , some few passages recorded by him , concerning the monks . for he says word for word thus . it is also necessary to make an enquiry into the ways of those monks , who have heretofore walked * uprightly , and to conform [ our selves ] to the pattern thereof : for many things have been well said and done by them . amongst which this was the saying of one of them , that a drier , slender , and not irregular sort of diet , joyned with love , will in a short time bring a monk to a port void of all inquietude . the same monk freed one of his brethren from his being disturbed with apparitions in the night , enjoyning him to minister to the sick , whilst he was fasting . and being asked [ why he commanded him to do that , ] such troubles as these ( said he ) are composed and extinguished with nothing so easily , as with mercy and compassion . a philosopher of those times came to antonius the just , and said unto him , o father , how can you hold out , being destitute of the comfort of books ? antonius replied , my book , o philosopher , is the nature of things made , and 't is ready at hand as often as i am desirous of reading the words of god. that aged person the egyptian macarius , that chosen vessel , asked me , why by remembring the injuries we receive from men , we destroy that strength and faculty of memory which is in our minds : but by remembring the mischiefs done to us by the devils , we continue unhurt ? and when i was doubtfull what answer i should make , and entreated him to explain the reason hereof to me ; the first ( said he , ) is an affection of the mind , which is contrary to nature : the second is agreeable to nature . i went one time to the holy father macarius , at noon-day , when it was very hot , and being most extreamly thirsty , requested some water to drink . his answer to me was , content your self with the shade ; for many persons who are at this time travelling by land , or making a voyage by sea , do want [ the refreshment of ] that . then , i conferred with him about abstinence , and he said unto me , be couragious and confident my son : for these twenty years compleat , i have not taken my fill either of bread , water , or sleep . for i have eaten my bread by weight ; i have drank my water by measure : and i have stollen c a little part of a sleep , by leaning my self against a wall . one of the monks had the news of his fathers death brought to him . his return to him that told him this , was , forbear speaking impiously ; for my father is immortal . one of the brethren was possessour of nothing else but the book of the gospels : when he had sould that book , he gave [ the money he had for it , ] to feed the hungry , and uttered this saying worthy to be recorded , i have sould that book which saieth , * sell that thou hast and give to the poor . there is an island about alexandria , scituate at the northern part of that city , beyond the lake called mareotis . near that island dwells a monk d of parembole , a most approved person amongst the gnosticks , who has declared , that all things practised by the monks , are done for five reasons , for the sake of god , of nature , on the account of custom , of necessity , and of the work of the hands . it was the usual saying of the same person also , that by nature there was only one virtue , but that in respect of the faculties of the soul it was divided into several species . for the light of the sun , said he , is without any figure ; but it does usually receive its figure from the windows through which it enters . another of the monks was wont to say , i do therefore every way eschew pleasures , that i may * prevent the occasions of anger . for i know very well , that anger does always † militate for pleasures , and does disquiet my mind , and expell knowledge . one of the aged monks said , that charity knows not how to keep the ‖ depositum of meat or money . this was another saying of the same person , i do not remember that i was ever twice deceived as to the same thing by the devil . these passages are word for word recorded in evagrius's book , entitled the practick . in that book of his , to which he gave this title , the gnostick , he says thus : we have been informed from gregorius the just , that the virtues and their contemplations are four ; prudence , fortitude , temperance , and justice . and the business of prudence , he said , was , to contemplate those intelligent and holy powers * without any reasons . for his doctrine was , that these were manifested by wisdom : [ the property ] of fortitude [ as he affirmed , ] was , to persist in what was true , although a resistance were made , and † not to turn aside towards those things which are not . he made answer , that 't was the property of temperance , to receive the seed from the first [ and great ] husband●an , and to repell him who would * sow over again . [ lastly , he assigned this work ] to justice , to give an account [ of things ] agreeable to the worth and dignity of every person ; [ which virtus ] does set forth some things obscurely ; it gives the knowledge of others by riddles ; and it plainly manifests other some , for the benefit and advantage of the more unskilfull and simple hearers . that pillar of truth basilius the cappadocian said , that that knowledge , which is accidentally procured from men , is improved by a continual meditation and exercise : but , that infused by the grace of god [ is increased ] by justice , * patience , and mercy . and that the former [ sort of knowledge , ] 't is possible , may be received by those who are lyable to disquietude and troubles of mind : but that they only are capable of the latter , who are free from all such disquietude and troubles ; who also , during the interim of their being at prayer , do contemplate that proper and peculiar light of their mind , which does illuminate them . athanasius that holy luminary of the egyptians , says , that moses is ordered † to place the table on the north-side . the gnosticks therefore may know , who it is that blows against them , and let them couragiously endure every temptation ; and with a chearfull mind nourish those that come unto them . c serapion the angel of the church of the thmüitae said , that the mind having drank a full draught of spiritual knowledge , is [ thereby ] perfectly cleansed : but , that the parts of the mind inflamed with anger , are cured by love : and that wicked desires , which flow into [ the mind , ] are stopt by abstinence . exercise your self with a continual meditation upon the discourses and reasons which relate to providence and the judgment [ of god , ] ( says that great and skilfull doctor didymus ; ) and attempt to bear in mind the subject of those reasons and discourses . for , almost all persons do err in these matters . and the reasons and discourses which concern a judgment , you will find in the difference of bodies , and * in all parts of the world . but the accounts and discourses which relate to a providence , [ you will discern ] in those ways which lead us from vice and ignorance , to virtue and knowledge . thus much we have taken out of evagrius's books and inserted here . there was also another admirable person amongst the monks , by name ammonius , who had so little of curiosity in him , that being at rome with athanasius , he was desirous of viewing none of those magnificent works in that city ; but saw only the cathedral of peter and paul. this ammonius , when he was to have been forced to take a bishoprick , fled away , and cut off his own right ear , that by a * mutilation of his body he might avoid being ordained a bishop . some time afterwards , evagrius ( who was also to have been forc't to [ take ] a bishoprick by theophilus bishop of alexandria , and had made his escape , without making any mutilation upon his own body ; ) accidentally met ammonius , and in a facetious manner said unto him , that he had done ill to cut off his own ear , and that upon that account he was culpable before god. to whom ammonius made this return : but do not you think , evagrius , that you shall be punished , because you have cut out your own tongue , and out of a love to your self , would not make use of that grace which was bestowed upon you ? moreover , at that time , there were in the solitudes many other admirable and pious persons , the men ion of whom in this work of ours would be too long and tedious . besides , we must of necessity digress from the design we have proposed to our selves , should we give a particular account of the lives of every one of these persons , and of the miracles they performed by that eminent sanctity wherewith they were endued . if any one be desirous of an accurate account of these men , and would know what actions they performed and did , what sayings they uttered conducive to the profit and advantage of the hearers , and how the wild-beasts were obedient to them : there is a particular book , elaborated by paladius the monk , who was evagrius's scholar ; wherein all things appertaining to these persons , are with great accuracy discourst of at large . in which book [ palladius ] makes mention of women also , who followed a course of life like to the foresaid men . further , evagrius and palladius flourished a little after the death of valens [ augustus . ] but we will now return to that place , whence we have digressed . chap. xxiv . concerning those holy monks who were exiled ; how god ( by the miracles they performed ) attracted all persons to himself . when therefore the emperour valens had by his edict given order , that as well the orthodox , in alexandria , as those in the other parts of egypt , should be forcibly driven from their habitations ; depopulation and ruine forthwith defaced and overthrew all things : whilst some persons were drag'd before the seats of judicature ; others thrown into prison ; and others tortured by other methods . for they inflicted various sorts of punishment upon persons that were great lovers of peace and quietness . after these things were done at alexandria , in such a manner as lucius thought good , and when euzoïus was returned to antioch , these [ two ] persons hastned immediately to the solitudes of egypt ; [ i mean ] the commander in chief of the milice , with a numerous company of souldiers , and lucius the arian . for he himself was not at that time absent , but ( without shewing any compassion in the least towards the assembly of those holy men , ) perpetrated worse barbarities than the souldiers themselves did . when they arrived at the place , they apprehended the men performing their usual exercises ; [ to wit , ] praying , curing diseases , and casting out devils . but these [ wretches , ] little regarding god's miracles , would not permit so much as the usual and solemn prayers to be performed in the oratories ; but drove the holy persons even out of those places . nor did they acquiess in the doing hereof only , but proceeded on further , and a made use of weapons against them . these [ cruelties ] rufinus says he was b present at and saw , and was a fellow-sufferer with these persons . wherefore , the words of the apostle were renewed against them . for , they were mocked , and * had triall of scourgings , they were stript naked , were bound , were stoned , were slain with the sword , [ they were ] persons that wandred about in the solitudes , in sheep-skins , and goat-skins , being destitute , afflicted , tormented , of whom the world was not worthy , they wandred in deserts , and in mountaines , and in dens , and caves of the earth : † notwithstanding they received a testimony both from their faith , and from the works and cures , which the grace of god performed by their hands . but ( as 't is probable , ) divine providence permitted these persons to suffer these things , having provided some better thing , that by those miseries which they underwent , others might obtain salvation in god. and this was demonstrated by the event . when therefore these admirable persons were superiour to all that force and violence used towards them , lucius , quite out of heart ; advices the commander of the military forces , to banish the fathers of the monks . these [ fathers of the monks ] were , the egyptian macarius , and he of alexandria who bore the same name . these persons therefore were exiled into an island , wherein there was no christian inhabitant . in that island there was an [ heathen ] temple , and a priest in it , whom all the inhabitants worshipped like a god. but when these pious persons arrived in that island , all the daemons there were seized with a fear and trembling . at the same time also , this accident hapned . the priests daughter , possest on a sudden by a devil , fell into a rage and overturned all things . she was extreamly unruly , and could by no means be quieted : but cried out with a loud voice , and spake to those pious persons , saying , why are you come to cast us out from hence also ? these men therefore did in that place give another demonstration of that * power of theirs which they had received from the grace of god. for they drove the devil out of the virgin , and [ having restored her ] to her right mind , delivered her to her father ; whereby they induced both the priest , and also all the inhabitants of that island , to [ embrace ] the faith of the christian religion . wherefore , c they cast away their images immediately ; changed the fabrick of their temple into the form of a church ; received baptism , and with cheerfulness learned all the [ doctrines ] of christianity . thus these admirable persons , persecuted upon account of the homoöusian faith , rendred themselves more approved , brought salvation to others , and made the faith more firm and strong . chap. xxv . concerning didymus , a blind man. about the same times , god produced another person , by whose testimony he thought fit the faith should be corroborated and confirmed . for didymus , a man admirable and eloquent , adorned with all sorts of learning , flourished at that time . this person being very young , when he had but just learned to read ; fell into a distemper of his eyes ; wherewith he was sorely troubled , and lost his eye-sight . but god , instead of corporal eyes , gave him those of the mind . for what he could not be instructed in by seeing , he learnt by hearing . for being of an apt and ingenious disposition from his childhood , and endued with an excellent wit , he far surpassed even those [ a ripe-witted children ] who had the acutest sight . for he became master of the rules of grammar with much ease , and arrived to the knowledge of those of rhetorick with more celerity . proceeding on from thence to philosophy , with an admirable facility he learnt logick , arithmetick , and musick ; and treasured up within his own mind the other precepts of the philosophers , in such a manner , that he could readily dispute against those , who had perfectly learnt those arts by the benefit of their eyes . moreover , he was so exactly well-skilled in the divine oracles of the old and new testament , that he published many discourses upon them : he dictated three books concerning the trinity ; and interpreted origens books concerning principles , setting forth b comments thereupon , wherein he asserts that those books were incomparably well written , and that their cavils are frivolous , who accuse origen , and make it their business to speak reproachfully of his works : for they are not able , says he , to arrive at the knowledge of that authours perspicacity and prudence . if any person therefore be desirous of knowing didymus's great learning , and the fervency of his mind , he may have an account thereof by a perusal of the books elaborated by him . it 's reported , that antonius [ the monk ] discoursed with this didymus , c long before the times of valens , at such time as he left the desart , and came to alexandria upon account of the arians ; and that perceiving the learning and knowledge of this person , he spake these words to him ; o didymus ! let not the loss of your bodily eyes trouble you . for you are deprived of such eyes , d as the flies and gnats can see with . but rejoyce , that you have those eyes , wherewith the angels see , by which even god himself is discerned , and his light comprehended . this was the saying of the pious antonius to didymus , long before these times [ we are treating of . ] but at that time , didymus was look't upon to be the greatest patron and defender of the genuine faith , who disputed against the arians , unravelled their sophistick cavills , and confuted their adulterate and fraudulent discourses . chap. xxvi . concerning basilius of caesarea , and gregorius of nazianzum . divine providence set up didymus indeed as an opponent to the arians at alexandria : but [ in order to their confutation ] in other cities , [ it made use of ] basilius caesariensis , and gregorius nazianzenus . concerning whom i judge it now opportune to give a short account . the memory and same of these two persons , which is still preserved amongst all men , and the learning contained in the books written by them , might indeed be sufficient to set forth the praises and commendations of each of them . but , in regard they were persons in an eminent manner usefull to the church at that time , and were preserved [ by god , ] as being the incentives of the [ orthodox ] faith ; the subject of our history does of necessity ingage us , in an especiall manner to make mention of these two men . should any one therefore be desirous of comparing basilius and gregorius with one another , and of giving an account of the life , morals , and virtues that were in them ; he would be in a great doubt which of them he should prefer before the other . for they were both equal to one another , whether you respect their [ pious and ] exact course of life , or their learning ; i mean as well their grecian literature , as their knowledge in the sacred scriptures . for , when very young , they went to athens , and were the hearers of himerius and prohaeresius , the two most eminent sophistae of those times ; afterwards they frequented [ the school of ] libanius at antioch in syria , and by their industry arrived at the highest accomplishments of * eloquence . and when they were judged worthy to be professours of eloquence , many persons perswaded them to enter upon the teaching and profession thereof . others advised them to practise the law , but they despised both these sorts of life : and discontinuing their studies of eloquence , embraced a monastick life . having therefore had a taste of the precepts of philosophy from him who at that time taught philosophy at antioch , not long after they procured origen's works , and from them got an insight into the interpretation of the sacred scriptures . for the great fame of origen did at that time fill the whole world . when they had with great studiousness exercised themselves in the perusal of those books , they powerfully opposed the assertours of arianism . and although the arians * cited origen's books , in confirmation ( as they supposed ) of their own opinion ; yet these two persons confuted them , and evidently demonstrated , that they understood not the meaning of origen . indeed , the arians , and their then abettor eunomius , although they were at that time accounted persons of great eloquence , yet , as often as they engaged in a discourse with gregorius and basilius , 't was made evidently apparent that they were men altogether ignorant and unlearned . basilius was first promoted to a † diaconate by meletius bishop of antioch ; after that , he was preferred to the b bishoprick of his own country , i mean caesarea in cappadocia , and undertook the care of the churches . for being afraid , least the novelty of the arian opinion should prey upon and devour the provinces of pontus , he went c with great hast into those parts . where he constituted monasteries , instructed the inhabitants in his own doctrines , and confirmed the minds of those that wavered . d gregorius [ being constituted ] bishop of nazianzum a small city in cappadocia , over which church his own father had before presided , took the same course that basilius did . for he also went up and down to the cities , and corroborated those that were feeble and dispirited as to the faith . but more especially , he made frequent journeys to constantinople , and confirmed the orthodox in that city by his preaching and discourses . upon which account , he was soon after constituted bishop over the people at constantinople , by the suffrage of many bishops . when therefore what * both these persons did , came to the emperour valens's ears , he forthwith ordered e basilius to be brought from caesarea to antioch . immediately therefore he was conveyed thither , and by the emperours order was set before the tribunal of the praefects : f when the praefect put this question to him , why he would not embrace the emperours faith ; basilius with a great deal of confidence found fault with the emperours religion , and commended the homoöusian faith. but when the praefect threatned him with death , would to god ( said basilius ) it might happen to me , to be delivered from the bonds of the body upon account of the truth ! then , upon the praefects admonishing him to inspect and consider the matter more seriously with himself , 't is reported that basilius said , i am the same this day that i shall be to morrow : g i wish that you would not have changed your self . after this basilius continued that day in custody . not long after , it hapned , that valens's son , a young child , whose name was h galates , was seized with a sore distemper , in so much that his recovery was despaired of by the physitians . the empress dominica , his mother , did positively affirm to the emperour , that she had been sorely disquieted with fearfull and horrid visions in her dreams ; and that the child was visited with sickness , because of the bishops injurious usage . the emperour , taking these things into consideration , sends for basilius . and to make tryal of him , expresses himself to him after this manner . if your opinion be true , pray that my son may not dye . if you will believe , o emperour ! ( replied basilius , ) as i doe ; and if [ you will assent that ] the church shall be united , the child shall live . when the emperour would not consent to that , the will of god therefore be done ( said basilius ) concerning the child . after basilius had spoken these words , [ the emperour ] ordered he should be dismist . but the child died not long after . let thus much be compendiously said concerning these persons . moreover , each of them wrote and published many , and those incomparable books . some of which rufinus says were by * him translated into latine . basilius had two brothers , petrus and gregorius . petrus imitated basilius's monastick course of life : but gregorius [ followed ] his eloquent way of teaching . he also finished that book concerning the six days-work , ( which basilius had taken pains about , and left imperfect ) after his brother's death . and recited a funeral oration in [ praise of ] meletius bishop of antioch , at constantinople . there are also several other orations of his extant . chap. xxvii . concerning gregorius thaumaturgus . but , in regard some are apt to mistake , because of the likeness of the name , and by reason of the books which in their title are ascribed to gregorius , you are to know , that there was another gregorius of pontus ; who had his original extract at neocaesarea in pontus , and was ancienter than these [ gregorius's . ] for he was * origen's scholar . this gregorius's fame is very great at athens , at berytus , over the whole a pontick dioecesis , and ( i had almost said ) over the whole world . for having left the schools at athens , he went to berytus , and studied the civill law. where being informed that origen did interpret the sacred scriptures at caesarea , he went in great hast to that city . and having been an hearer of the magnifick exposition of the sacred scriptures , he bad far-well to [ his study of ] the roman laws , and in future became wholly addicted [ to origen . ] by whom he was instructed in the true philosophy , and after that , his parents recalling him , he returned into his own country . where first of all , whilst he was a laïck , he did many miracles ; sometimes healing the diseased ; at others driving away devills by * letters ; [ in fine , ] he brought over the professours of gentilism [ to the faith , ] not only by his words , but much more by the works he did . he is mentioned also by pamphilus the martyr , in the books he wrote b concerning origen . whereto is annexed c gregorius's oration , wherein he returned thanks to origen at his departure from him . there were therefore , that i may speak briefly , [ many ] gregorius's . the first is this ancient , origens scholar ; the second , nazianzenus ; the third , basilius's brother . there was also another gregorius at alexandria , whom the arians constituted bishop [ of that city ] during the time of athanasius's exile . thus much concerning these persons . chap. xxviii . concerning novatus , and those from him termed novatians . and , that those novatians who inhabited phrygia , altered [ the time of celebrating ] the festival of easter , and kept it on the same day the jews did . about this very time , the novatians , who inhabited phrygia , altered the day of celebrating the feast of easter . how this was done , i will declare ; having first of all told you , upon what account the accurate and exact canon of their church does at this present flourish in the provinces of phrygia and paphlagonia . a novatus , a presbyter of the roman church , made a separation therefrom , in regard cornelius the bishop admitted those believers to communion , who had sacrificed in that persecution , which the emperour decius raised against the churches . becoming a separatist therefore upon this account , and being elected to the bishoprick [ of rome ] by such prelates as embraced the same sentiments with him , he wrote to the churches every where , that they should not admit such persons as had sacrificed , to the [ sacred ] mysteries : but should exhort them to repentance , and leave the pardoning of their offences to god , who is able , and has power to remit sins . the inhabitants of every province having received such letters as these , gave their judgments of the things therein signified , according to their own * dispositions and humours . for whereas novatus had given notice , that those were not to be vouchsafed the participation of the † mysteries , who after baptism had fallen into [ any ] deadly sin ; the promulgation of this canon seemed severe and cruel to some : but others admitted of this rule , as just and equitable , and [ of great use ] for the establishing a pious and more regular course of life . b in the interim that this great controversie was in debate , arrive the letters of cornelius bishop [ of rome , ] promising indulgence to those who had sinned after baptism . upon these two persons writing thus contrary to one another , and each of them confirming what he asserted by testimony of the sacred scriptures ; c every inhabitant of the provinces betook himself to that party , whereto he had before entertained a greater propensity and inclination . for , such persons as delighted in sin , laid hold of the indulgence then granted , and in future abused it to all manner of impiety . [ moreover , ] the people of phrygia seem to be more sober , and persons of better moralls , than other nations . for 't is very rare that the phrygians do swear . indeed , the scythians and thracians are very ready to be overcome with anger and passion ; and those who inhabit that region [ which lyes ] towards the rising sun , are more addicted to the serving of their lusts . but the paphlagonians and phrygians are not prone to either of these vices . for , neither cirque-sports , nor theatrical-shews , are at this present * esteemed amongst them . on which account , as well these persons , as others who embrace the same sentiments with them , in my judgment seem to have given their assent to what was then written from novatus . for , amongst them whoring is reputed a most enormous wickedness . 't is apparently known , that the phrygians and paphlagonians do live more modestly and temperately , than any other sect of men what ever . i am of opinion , that it was the very same reason likewise [ which prevailed ] with those that inhabit the western parts ; who also have followed novatus's opinion . but , novatus ( although he was a separatist upon account of an accurate and more strict course of life , yet ) made no alteration in [ the celebration of ] the feast of easter . for he always celebrated that festival , after the same manner that those in the western parts did . now , the inhabitants of those parts do always keep that feast after the aequinox , agreeable to an usage very anciently delivered to them , even from the time that they first embraced christianity . [ further , ] this * person suffered d martyrdom afterwards , [ to wit ] in the reign of the em-emperour valerian , who raised a persecution against the christians . but those in phrygia who from his name are called novatians , e having an aversion even for that communion they were permitted [ to hold with the rest of the catholicks in the celebrating ] of this [ festival . ] about this time changed the feast of easter also . for , some few ( and those in no wise eminent ) bishops of the novatians in phrygia , having convened a synod in the village pazum , ( at which place are the * heads of the river sangarius , ) promulged a canon , that it should be observed [ yearly on what day ] the jews celebrated their feast of unleavened bread , and that together with them the feast of easter should be kept . these things were told me by a certain f old man , who said that he was the son of a presbyter , and was together with his father present at the foresaid synod . at which synod , neither agelius bishop of the novatians at constantinople , was present , nor yet maximus of nicaea ; neither were the bishops of nicomedia , or cotuaeum at it : although these persons were the chief regulatours of the novatian religion . these things were after this manner transacted at that time . but , not long after , the church of the novatians was divided into two parties upon account of this synod , as we will declare in due place . we must now pass from hence , to [ a relation of ] what hapned at this very time in the western parts . chap. xxix . concerning damasus bishop of rome , and ursinus . how , a disturbance and sedition hapning in rome upon their account , there followed a great slaughter of men . whilst the emperour valentinianus lived in peace and tranquillity , and was vexatious towards no sect ; damasus succeeded liberius in the government of the bishoprick of rome . a under whom the church of rome hapned to be disturbed , upon this account . one ursinus , a deacon of the same church had been a competitor , when the election of a bishop was made . but , in regard damasus was preferred [ before him , ] ursinus , unable to bear the being frustrated of his expectation , made it his business to b hold assemblies that were schismatical and separate from the church ; and perswades certain mean bishops to ordain him [ clandestinely ] in a secret place . and he is ordained , not in a church , but in an obscure place , in that called c sicinius's pallace . upon the doing hereof , a dissention was raised amongst the populace . they disagreed amongst themselves , not upon account of the faith , or [ any ] heresie , but about this only , [ to wit ] who ought to be put in possession of the episcopal chair . hereupon there hapned [ frequent ] conflicts of the multitudes ; in so much that many were killed , on account of that variance . for which reason , many persons as well laïcks , as ecclesiasticks , were punished by d maximinus the then praefect [ of the city ; ] and so both ursinus at that time ceased from [ prosecuting ] his attempt , and also those who had a mind to be his followers , were quieted . chap. xxx . how ( after the death of auxentius bishop of millain , ) a sedition hapning on account of the election of a prelate to succeed in that sea ; ambrosius , president of the province , going with a military force to appease the tumult , was by a general suffrage ( the emperour valen●inianus having given his consent also ) preferred before all persons , and elected ▪ bishop of that church . about the same time , there hapned another thing worthy to be recorded , which came to pass at millain . for , a auxentius bishop of that church being dead , who had been ordained by the arians , the inhabitants of millain were again disturbed about the election of a bishop : and there was a great contention amongst them , some making it their business to elect one person , others another . when a sedition was raised about this matter , the governour of that province ( a person vested with a consular dignity , whose name was ambrosius , ) fearing least some absurdity might happen in the city , [ caused ] by that tumult , ran into the church , in order to his appeasing of the uproar . after that the people upon his coming thither were quieted , and that he had represt the irrational fury of the multitude by a long and very usefull exhortatory oration ; there hapned on a suddain an unanimous agreement amongst all persons ; who cried out , that ambrosius deserved the bishoprick , and all made it their request , that he might be ordained . for , by that means only [ 't was said ] the people would be united , and embrace a concordant opinion concerning the faith. in regard therefore , this unanimous consent of the people seemed to the bishops that were present , to proceed from some divine [ order and appointment , ] without delay they laid hold of ambrosius : and having baptized him , ( for he was then but a catechumen , ) they forthwith went about the promoting of him to the dignity of that bishoprick . but , because ambrosius ( though he received baptism with much willingness , yet ) refused the episcopal dignity with all imaginable earnestness ; [ the bishops ] acquaint the emperour valentinianus with what hapned . the emperour , admiring the unanimous consent of the people , and acknowledging what had come to pass , to be the work of god , declared to the bishops , that they ought to obey god , who had commanded he should be ordained : for that he was elected by the suffrage of god , rather than of men . ambrosius being after this manner constituted [ bishop , ] the inhabitants of millaine , who had been at variance before , were by his means reduced at that time to unity and concord . chap. xxxi . concerning valentinianus's death . but after this , when the sarmatae made incursions into the roman territories , the emperour undertook an expedition against them , at the head of a vast army . the barbarians , informed of these great preparations for a war , and being sensible of their own inability to make a resistance , sent an embassy to the emperour , and requested that they might obtain a peace upon certain conditions . when the embassadours were introduced into the emperours presence , and appeared to him to be * vile and despicable fellows , he asked , whether all-the sarmatae were such sort of persons . the embassadours made answer , that the noblest personages of † their whole nation were come to him ; whereupon valentinianus was highly incensed , and crying out with a very loud voice , said ; that he was very unfortunate to have the roman empire devolve upon him , when such a nation of barbarians , so vile and contemptible , was not satisfied to continue in safety within its own limits ; but would take up arms , ‖ depopulate the roman territories , and audaciously break out into a war. and he tore himself in such a manner by his crying out , that all his veines were opened , and every one of his arteries broken . [ a vast quantity of ] bloud gushing out after this manner , he died in the castle called bergition , after gratianus's third consulate [ which he bore ] with equitius , about the seventeenth of the month november ; when he had lived fifty four years , and reigned thirteen . valentinianus therefore having ended his life , the milice in italy , on the sixth day after his death , proclaimed his son ( who had the same name with his father , ) valentinianus ( a very young child , ) emperour , in a acincum a city of italy . the emperours , informed hereof , were displeased , not because valentinianus junior ( who was brother to the * one emperour , and the † others nephew ) was made emperour : but in regard he had been proclaimed without either of their being acquainted with it , whom they themselves were about to proclaim . notwithstanding , both of them gave their consent to his being made emperour . after this manner was valentinianus junior seated on his own fathers throne . further , you must know , that this valentinianus was begotten by valentinianus senior , of justina , which woman * he married whilest severa his former wife was living , on this occasion . justus , father to justina , ( who heretofore , to wit , in constantius's reign , had been governour of the province picenum ; ) had a dream , wherein ( to his own thinking ) he saw himself delivered of the imperial purple [ which he brought forth ] out of his right side , this dream being divulged , at length came to constantius's hearing also . he guessing at the meaning of the dream , to wit , that an emperour should * descend from justus , sent one who dispatcht him . his daughter justina , bereaved of her father , for a considerable while continued a virgin. some time after , she became known to severa , wife to the emperour valentinianus , and was continually conversant with the empress . and after a firm familiarity was contracted between them , she bathed her self also together with her . when therefore severa had seen justina washing her self , she was † wonderfully taken with the virgins beauteous composure of body , and discoursed concerning her in the emperours presence ; [ saying ] that that virgin , justus's daughter , was endowed with so admirable a compleatness of body , that she her self , although a woman , was notwithstanding inamoured with her delicate shape . the emperour treasured up his wives discourse in his mind , and consulted about his marriage of justina ; yet so as not to divorce severa , of whom he had begotten gratianus , and had created him augustus but a little before . he therefore dictated a b law , and made it publick throughout every city , that any one that would , might have two lawfull wives . this law was promulged . and he married justina , by whom he had valentinianus junior , and three daughters , justa , grata , and galla. the two former of which persisted in their resolution of continuing virgins : but galla was afterwards married to the emperour * theodosius the great , of whom he begat a daughter , by name placidia . for he had arcadius and honorius by c flaccilla his former wife . but we shall speak in particular concerning theodosius , and his sons , in due place . chap. xxxii . concerning the philosopher themistius . and , that valens , appeased by the oration he spake to him , did in some measure mitigate his persecution against the christians . valens , making his residence at antioch , continued in the interim undisturbed by forreign wars . for the barbarians did on every side contain themselves within their own territories . but he * persecuted those who embraced the homoöusian opinion , in a most grievous manner , and every day invented greater and more acute punishments [ to be inflicted ] on them . till such time as the philosopher themistius reduced his great cruelty to something of a moderation , by that a speech he spake to him ; wherein the philosopher advertizes the emperour , that he ought not to admire at the disagreement of opinions amongst the christians . for , that the discrepancy of sentiments amongst them was small , if compared with the multitude and confusion of opinions amongst the grecians . for they entertained above three hundred opinions . [ further , ] that as touching opinion there would of necessity arise a wonderfull dissent [ from the variety thereof . ] and yet , that god is delighted with this difference of opinion [ concerning himself , ] to the end that all persons may more highly revere his majesty , even upon this very account , because 't is not obvious and easie to have a knowledge of him . the philosopher having spoken these and such like words as these to the emperour , he became more mild in future . notwithstanding , his rage was not hereby perfectly and entirely appeased ; but , instead of death , he imposed exile as a punishment , upon ecclesiastick persons ; till at length , this fury of his also was represt by this accident . chap. xxxiii . how the goths , under the reign of valens , embraced christianity . those barbarians who dwell beyond the danube , having kindled a civil war amongst themselves , were divided into two parties : the one of which was headed by fritigernes , the other by athanarichus . when 't was apparent that athanarichus's party was the stronger , fritigernes flies to the romans , and implored their assistance against his adversary . this is made known to the emperour valens : and he orders those souldiers , who were engarrisoned all over thracia for the defence of that country , to assist the barbarians being at war against the barbarians . and they obtain a victory over athanarichus beyond the danube , having * routed his forces . this was the reason , that many of the barbarians became christians . for , fritigernes , that he might express his thankfulness to the emperour for the kindness he had done him , embraced the emperours religion , and perswaded those under his command to the same . wherefore , many of the goths are even till this present addicted to arianisme , having at that time become adherents to that heresie upon the emperours account . at the same time also , ulfila bishop of the goths , invented gothick letters , and having translated the sacred scriptures into the gothick language , undertook the instruction of the barbarians in the divine oracles . but , in regard ulfila instructed not only those barbarians under fritigernes , but them also who pay'd obedience to athanarichus , in the christian religion ; athanarichus , * as if violence were offered to the religion of his ancestours , inflicted punishments on many of those who profest christianity : in so much that at that time [ several ] arianizing barbarians were martyrs . indeed , arius , unable to refute the opinion of sabellius the lybian , fell from the true faith , and asserted a the son of god to be a new god. but the barbarians , embracing christianity with a simplicity of mind , despised this present life in respect of the faith of christ. thus far concerning those [ goths ] who came over to the christian religion . chap. xxxiv . that the goths vanquished by other barbarians , fled into the territories of the romans , and were received by the emperour . which [ reception of theirs ] was the occasion , both of the destruction of the roman empire , and also of the emperours own overthrow . but , not long after , the barbarians having entred into a league of friendship with one another , were again vanquished by other barbarians , their neighbours , called the hunni ; and being driven out of their own country , they flie into the roman territories , promising they would serve the roman emperour , and do what ever he should command them . this came to valens's knowledge ; who foreseeing nothing , gave order that the suppliants should have a kind and mercifull reception , shewing himself in this one instance only , mild and compassionate . he assigns therefore to them [ for their habitation ] the parts of thracia ; judging himself to be in a most especial manner fortunate upon this account . for , it was his sentiment , that he should in future be in possession of a ready and well furnished army against his enemies : and he hoped , that the barbarians would be a more terrible gaurd [ to the limits of his empire ] than the romans . upon this account , he in future neglected the increasing and filling up of the roman milice . he despised those old souldiers , who in former wars had fought against his enemies with much courage and gallantry : and he a put a money-value upon that militia , which the inhabitants of provinces were wont village by village to contribute and furnish out , ordering his tribute collectours to demand eighty * crowns instead of each souldier , although he had not before in the least lightened or abated their impositions . this was the original cause of the roman empire's being very unfortunate for some small time . chap. xxxv . that the emperour , by reason of his care and sollicitude about a war with the goths , remitted something of his persecution against the christians . for , the barbarians having been put into possession of thracia , and quietly enjoying that roman province , could not [ with moderation ] bear their fortunate success : but enter upon a war against those who had been their benefactours , and subverted all places throughout thracia and the adjoyning countries . these things falling out after this manner , came to valens's hearing , and made him desist from banishing those that embraced the homoöusian opinion . for , being troubled at this news , he left antioch forthwith , and came to constantinople . upon the same account also , the war [ he had waged ] against the christians in that city , was finished . moreover , at the same time euzoïus , bishop of the arian faction at antioch , departed this life , in the fifth consulate of valens , and in valentinianus juniors's first . and dorotheus is constituted [ bishop ] in his place . chap. xxxvi . that the saracens also at that time embraced the faith of christ , ( a woman , by name mavia , being their queen , ) and took one moses , a pious and faithfull person that led a monastick life , to be their bishop . after the emperours departure from antioch , the saracens , who before had been their allies , revolted from the romans at that time ; they were led by one mavia a woman , [ the king ] her husband being then dead . all places therefore a towards the east , were at that time destroyed by the saracens . but an act of divine providence repress't their fury by this means . a person whose name was moses , by extract a saracen , leading a monastick life in the solitudes , became exceedingly eminent for his piety , faith , and miracles . mavia , queen of the saracens , requested she might have this person to be bishop over her nation , [ promising ] upon this condition to put an end to the war. the roman commanders hearing this , supposed it would be gratefull , if a peace were made upon these terms : and forthwith gave order for the performance hereof with all possible celerity . moses therefore was seized , and brought from the solitudes to alexandria , b in order to his being initiated into the sacerdotal function . but in regard he was brought before lucius , who at that time was in possession of the churches there , he refused ordination , and exprest himself after this manner to lucius . indeed , i account my self unworthy of the sacerdotal function ; but if this thing be advantagious to the affairs of the publick , lucius shall not * ordain me , for his right hand has been filled with bloud . when lucius told him , that he ought not to give reproachfull language , but should rather learn the points of religion from him ; moses replied ; an account of the points [ of religion ] is not now required . for the villanous actions you have committed against the brethren , do sufficiently demonstrate , how christian-like sentiments you have : for a christian strikes not , reviles not , does not fight : for a servant of the lord ought not to fight . but your facts do loudly cry out , by those who have been exiled , who have been cast to the wild beasts , and who have been committed to the flames . [ moreover , ] things seen by the eyes contain a greater and more convincing demonstration , than what is received by hearing . when moses had said these and such like words as these , his friends carried him to the mountain , that he might receive ordination from those [ bishops ] who lived in exile there . moses therefore having been after this manner consecrated at that time , the saracen war had an end put to it ; and for the future mavia continued so strict an * alliance with the romans , that she betrothed her daughter to victor the roman lieutenant general . thus much concerning the saracens . chap. xxxvii . that after valens's departure from antioch the orthodox in the east ( more especially those at alexandria ) took courage ; and having ejected lucius , restored the churches again to peter , [ who was returned ] fortified with the letters of damasus bishop of rome . at the same time that the emperour valens left antioch , those persons in all places who had been persecuted , were mightily encouraged , especially the alexandrians ; a peter at that time returning from rome with the letters of damasus the roman bishop , whereby the homoöusian faith and peters ordination were confirmed . the populace therefore resuming courage , turn out lucius , and substitute peter in his place . lucius went immediately on board a ship , and sailed to constantinople . but peter , having lived but a little while after this , dyed , and left timotheus his brother to succeed him in his see. chap. xxxviii . that the emperour arriving at the city constantinople , and being reproach't by the people upon account of the goths , marches out of the city against the barbarians . and coming to an ingagement with them near adrianople , a city of macedonia , is slain by them ; after he had lived fifty years , and reigned sixteen . [ moreover , ] the emperour valens coming into constantinople about the thirtieth of may , in his own sixth and in valentinianus junior's second consulate , finds the people in a very sad and dejected condition . for the barbarians , who had already overrun and ruined thracia , did now plunder and destroy the very suburbs of constantinople ; there being then no forces ready that were fit to make a resistance against them . but when the barbarians attempted to make nearer approaches , even to the very city walls , the citizens were grievously troubled thereat ; and murmured against the emperour , as if he himself had brought the enemy thither , and because he did not forthwith march out against them , but deferred the war against the barbarians . moreover , when the cirque sports were exhibited , all with one consent exclaimed against the emperour , because he was negligent of the publick affairs . they cried out therefore with a great deal of earnestness , give us arms , and we our selves will fight . the emperour was highly incensed at the hearing of these exclamations against himself : and about the eleventh of june a marches out of the city , threatning that if he returned , he would punish the constantinopolitans , both for the reproaches they then cast upon him , and also because they had heretofore been abettours of procopius's tyranny . having therefore said , that he would totally demolish the city , and * plough it up , he march't out against the barbarians . whom he drove a great way from the city ; and pursued them as far as adrianople a city of thracia , situate in the frontiers of macedonia . ingaging the barbarians at that place , he ended his life on the ninth of august , in the now mentioned consulate . this was the fourth year of the b two hundreth eighty ninth olympiad . 't is reported by some , that he was destroyed by fire , after he had taken refuge in a certain village , which the barbarians assaulted and burnt . but others affirm , that having changed his imperial habit , he ran into the midst of the main body of foot : and when the horse attempted a defection , and refused fighting ; the roman foot were surrounded [ by the barbarians , ] and wholly cut off in the ingagement : amongst whom ( 't is said ) the emperour lay , but was not known , his imperial habit ( whereby it might have been manifested which was he , ) being not upon him . he died after the fiftieth year of his age , having governed the empire thirteen years with his brother , and reigned three years after him . this book containes [ an account of affairs during ] the space of sixteen years . the fifth book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . the preface . before we begin the history of our fifth book , we make a request to those who shall read this work of ours , that they would not blame us , because , designing to write an ecclesiastick history , we intermix therewith the wars also which have at several times hapned , so far as we could procure a true relation thereof . for we do this upon several accounts . first , to bring [ the readers ] to a knowledge of what has been transacted . secondly , that our readers may not be cloy'd , a by being continually detained with [ a perusal of ] the contentious disagreements of bishops , and with the designes they framed against one another . but most especially , that it might be made apparent , that when the affairs of the state were disturbed , those of the church also ( by a certain sympathy as it were , ) became distempered and disordered . for , let any man make an observation , and he will find , that the mischiefs of the state , and troubles of the church , have gathered strength and spread together . for , he will perceive , that they have either had their rise at one and the same time , or else have immediately followed one another . and sometimes [ the calamities ] of the church lead the way ; then follow the [ commotions of the ] state : at others , on the contrary . so that , i cannot perswade my self , that the interchangeable course [ of these things ] does proceed from any fortuitous accident , but that they take their beginnings from our iniquities : and that calamities are sent for the chastizement thereof . for , according to the apostle , † some mens sins are open before hand , going before to judgment : and some [ men ] they follow after . upon this account therefore , we have interwoven some affairs transacted in the state , with our ecclesiastick history . what was done in the wars during the reign of constantine , because 't is so long ago , we could not find an account of . but we make a cursory mention of the actions done since , according to the relation thereof , which we have received from persons yet living . we do , without intermitting any one of them , include the emperours in this our history , because from such time as they began to embrace the christian religion , the affairs of the church have depended upon them ; and the greatest synods have been , and at this present are * convened by their determination and appointment . moreover , we have made mention of the arian heresie , because it has disquieted the churches . let this be sufficient to have been said by way of preface . we will now begin our history . chap. i. how ( after the death of valens , ) when the goths laid siege to constantinople , the citizens sallied out of the city against them , having those saracens who were under mavia's command , to be their auxiliaries . after the emperour valens had ended his life by an unknown sort of death , the barbarians made their approaches again to the very walls of constantinople , and ruined the suburbs on every side of it . the citizens , sorely vexed thereat , on their own accord sallied out against the barbarians , every one taking what came next to hand for arms. * dominica , the emperours wife , gave every one that went out upon this piece of service , such pay out of the imperial treasury , as was usually allowed to souldiers . some few saracens , their confederates , assisted them ; being sent from mavia , whom we have mentioned before . when the citizens had after this manner made a resistance against them at that time , the barbarians retreated farther off from the city . chap. ii. that the emperour gratianus , having recalled the orthodox bishops from their exile , drove the hereticks out of the churches , and took theodosius to be his colleague in the empire . grratianus being together with valentinianus junior in possession of the empire , and detesting his unkle valen's cruelty towards the christians , recalled those who had been exiled by him . moreover , he made a a law , that persons of all sects might , without any distinction , securely meet together in their oratories : only the eunomians , photinians , and manichaeans , were extruded out of the churches . being also sensible of the languishing condition of the roman empire , and of the growth of the barbarians ; and [ perceiving also ] that the state was in want of a valiant and couragious man ; he chuses theodosius ( a person descended of a noble family in spain , who had performed many a brave piece of service in the wars , and upon that account had by all men been long since judged worthy of the empire , even before gratianus's election of him , ) to be his colleague in the empire . having therefore proclaimed him emperour in sirmium , a city of illyricum , in the consulate of ausonius and olybrius , on the sixteenth of january he divides with him the care of managing the war against the barbarians . chap. iii. what bishops were in possession of the presidency over the greater churches at that time . at this time damasus presided over the church at rome , who had succeeded liberius . cyrillus was as yet in possession of the church at jerusalem . the antiochian church ( as i have said , ) was divided into three parts . for dorotheus the arian , successour to euzoius , was possest of the churches . of the rest one part paid obedience to paulinus , the other to melitius , who was recalled from banishment . lucius , although * living in exile , presided over the arians at alexandria : the professours of the homoöusian opinion in that city were headed by timotheus , successour to peter . demophilus was in possession of the churches at constantinople , who succeeded eudoxius in the presidency over the arian faction . those that abominated communion with him , celebrated their assemblies apart by themselves . chap. iv. how the macedoniani , who had sent an embassy to damasus [ bishop ] of rome in defence of the homoöusian creed , returned again to their old heresie . the macedoniani , after their embassy sent to liberius , for some time held a perfect and entire communion with the churches throughout every city ; intermixing themselves with those , who from the beginning had embraced that draught of the creed [ publish 't ] at nicaea , but when the emperour gratianus's law [ was promulged , which ] allowed a liberty to [ several ] sects , they made it their business * to hold separate assemblies again . being met together at antioch in syria , they determined again , that the term homoöusios was to be abominated , and that a communion was not in any wise to be held with those who embraced the nicene creed . ●ut † they proceeded not in their attempt . for many of their own party , finding fault with their [ inconstancy , ] because sometimes they decreed one thing , at others another , left them , and in future became firm adherents to those that embraced the homoöusian creed . chap. v. concerning what hapned at that time at antioch , upon paulinus's , and melitius's account . moreover , at the same time arose a great difference at antioch in syria , upon meletius's account . we have told you * already , that paulinus bishop of antioch , by reason of his eminent piety , was not banished : and that melitius , after he had been restored by † julianus , was again banished by * valens , and at length recalled in ‖ gratianus's reign . at his return to antioch , he found paulinus very much decayed by reason of his great age . immediately therefore all those who were meletius's favourers , used their utmost endeavours to make melitius paulinus's * coadjutor . but , upon paulinus's saying , that it was contrary to the canons , to admit of a coadjutor who had been ordained by the arians ; the people make use of force , and cause him to be consecrated in one of the churches without the city . hereupon a great difference arose ; but afterwards the people came to an agreement upon these terms . having assembled † those persons that were reputed fit to be entrusted with the bishoprick , they find them to be in all six ; of which number flavianus was one . they bound these men by an oath , that none of them should make an interest for the bishoprick , after the death of one of the * prelates ; but that they should permit the surviver to continue possest of the see of the person deceased . having given them an oath after this manner , the people came to an agreement , nor was there any further dissention amongst them . but , the † luciferiani made a separation from the rest , for this reason , because melitius , who had been ordained by the arians , was admitted to the bishoprick . whilst affairs at antioch were in this posture , a very urgent occasion oblieged melitius to take a journey to constantinople . chap. vi. that gregorius of nazianzum was by a general suffrage of the orthodox constituted bishop of the constantinopolitan church ; at which time the emperour theodosius ( after his victory over the barbarians , ) fell sick at thessalonica , and was baptized by ascholius the bishop . at which time , gregorius was translated from the bishoprick of nazianzum to that of constantinople , by the common suffrage of many prelates . and this was done in such a manner [ as i have declared . ] about the same time the emperours , gratianus and theodosius , got each of them a victory over the barbarians . gratianus * returned immediately into the gallia's , because the alamanni overran those provinces . but theodosius , after [ he had erected ] his trophies , hastned to constantinople , and arrives at thessalonica . there he fell sick , and earnestly desired that he might be vouchsafed christian baptism : for by his progenitours he had been bred up in the christian religion , and was a professour of the homoöusian faith. being desirous with all possible speed to be baptized , because his distemper increased , and having [ for that reason ] sent for the bishop of thessalonica , he first enquired of him , what faith he profest . and when the bishop had made answer , that the opinion of the arians had not invaded the provinces of illyricum , and that the novelty which arius had given birth too , was not so prevalent as to prey upon the churches in those countries ; but that they continued to preserve that faith immoveable and unshaken , which from the beginning was delivered by the apostles , and had been confirmed in the nicene synod ; [ upon this answer ] the emperour was most willingly baptized by ascholius the bishop . not many days after [ theodosius ] recovered of his distemper , and came to constantinople about the twenty fourth of november , in gratianus's fifth and his own first consulate . chap. vii . that when gregorius was come to constantinople , and some bishops murmured at his translation ; he refused the presidency over the church . and , the emperour orders demophilus the arian bishop , either to give his assent to the homoöusian faith , or else to go out of the city ; which latter he chose rather to do . at that time gregorius of nazianzum , being a translated [ to constantinople , ] celebrated his assemblies within the city , in a small oratory . whereto the emperours afterwards joyned a stately church , and named it b anastasia . but gregorius ( a person for eloquence and piety far more eminent than all men of his own time , ) perceiving that some murmured [ at his translation , ] because he was a stranger ; after he had exprest his joy for the emperours arrival , refused to make any longer stay at constantinople . the emperour finding the church in this posture , was very sollicitous , how he might make peace , procure an union , and enlarge the churches . immediately therefore he opens his mind to demophilus , who presided over the arian sect , [ and makes a proposal to him ] whether he would give his assent to the [ creed published at the ] nicene synod , unite the people , and embrace peace . upon demophilus's refusing to comply with his proposition ; if then ( said the emperour ) you eschew peace and concord , we order you to quit the churches . when demophilus had heard these words , and considered with himself how difficult it was to make a resistance against those in authority and power ; he called the multitude together in the church , and standing up in the midst of them , spake these words on his own account to his followers . brethren , 't is written ( said he ) in the * gospel ; if they shall persecute you in this city , flee ye into another . in regard therefore the emperour c excludes us from the churches , take notice , that to morrow we will have our meetings without the city . having said these words , he went out : not so , as if he apprehended the true meaning contained in this evangelick oracle , [ the import whereof is , ] that such as flee out of the converse of this world , should seek the jerusalem which is above . but be [ following another sense of these words , went ] out of the city-gates , where for the future he had his meetings . together with him went out lucius of alexandria , who having been ejected , as i said * before , made his escape to constantinople , in which city he lived . after this manner therefore the arians ( who for the space of fourty years had been in possession of the churches , ) declining the agreement they were invited to by the emperour theodosius , departed out of the city , in gratianus's fifth and theodosius augustus's first consulate , on the twenty sixth of november . and the professours of the homoöusian faith , succeeding in their places , recovered possession of the churches . chap. viii . concerning the hundred and fifty bishops convened at constantinople , and concerning the determinations made by them , after they had ordained nectarius in that city . [ after this ] the emperour without any delay , summons a synod of bishops [ who embraced ] his own faith ; that by them the nicene faith might be confirmed , and a bishop of constantinople ordained . and because he had some hopes of being able to unite the macedoniani to [ a profession of ] his own faith ; he summoned the prelates of that heresie also . there met therefore of [ the embracers of ] the homoöusian faith , timotheus from alexandria ; from jerusalem cyrillus , who having made a retractation , at that time assented to the homoöusian creed : melitius was come thither from antioch before , having been sent for to that city on the account of gregorius's ordination : also a ascholius from thessalonica , and many others . they were in all an hundred and fifty . the principal persons of the macedonian party , were eleusius of cyzicum , and marcianus [ bishop ] of lampsacus . [ of this sect ] there were thirty six [ bishops , ] most of whom came from the cities about the hellespont . they met therefore in the consulate of eucharius and evagrius , in the month of may. the emperour , and the bishops that embraced his creed , did their utmost , to bring eleusius and his followers over to their own side ; putting them in remembrance of the a embassy , which they had sent by eustathius to liberius heretofore bishop of rome : and b that not long since they themselves had entred into a promiscuous communion [ with the orthodox , ] on their own accord : and that they , having once acknowledged and profest an agreement in the [ points of ] faith , did not do what was right and honest , now to attempt a subversion of what had been well and wisely determined by themselves . but the macedoniani , little regarding either admonitions , or reproofs , chose rather to profess the arian opinion , than to give their assent to the homoöusian creed . having made this answer , they departed from constantinople ; and wrote to their followers in every city , ordering them in no wise to give their consent to the creed of the nicene synod . but the [ prelates ] of the † other party staied [ at constantinople , ] and entred into a consult about the ordination of a bishop . for gregorius , as we have told you a little before , refused the bishoprick , and prepared for his departure to nazianzum . there was a person by name nectarius , [ a descendant ] of a senatorian family , a sweet tempered man , admirable for his whole course of life , c although he bore the praetors office. this person the people seized upon , elected him bishop , and he was ordained by the hundred and fifty prelates then present . moreover , at the same time [ the said prelates ] promulged a sanction , that the bishop of constantinople should have the d priviledges of honour after the bishop of rome , because that city was new-rome . they did again confirm the nicene creed ; and constituted e patriarchs , having made a f division of the provinces ; that so g those bishops [ who make their abode ] without the bounds of their own dioecesis , should not invade the churches without their limits . for this had been promiscuously done before , by reason of the persecutions . and to nectarius was allotted the * great city and thracia ▪ helladius successour to basilius in the bishoprick of caesarea in cappadocia ; gregorius [ bishop ] of nyssa a city also in cappadocia , ( who was basilius's brother ; and otreïus [ bishop ] of meletina in armenia , had the h patriarchate of the pontick dioecesis for their allotment . to amphilochius of iconium , and optimus [ bishop ] of antioch in pisidia , was assigned the asian [ dioecesis . ] to timotheus [ bishop ] of alexandria was given [ the superintendency over the churches ] throughout egypt . the administration of the churches throughout the east was committed to the bishops of that region , [ to wit ] to pelagius of laodicea , and diodorus of tarsus ; but to the antiochian church were reserved the priviledges [ of honour , ] which were given to meletius then present . they likewise decreed , that if need required , a provincial synod should determine the ecclesiastick affairs of every province . these sanctions were confirmed by the emperours own consent . such was the conclusion of this syond . chap. ix . that the emperour theodosius [ ordered ] the body of paulus bishop of constantinople to be honourably translated from [ the place of his ] exile . at which time also meletius [ bishop ] of antioch departed this life . at that time the emperour translated the body of paulus the bishop from the city ancyra : whom philippus praefect of the praetorium had banished upon macedonius's account , and had ordered him to be strangled in cucusus a town of armenia , as i have * already mentioned . [ theodosius ] therefore , having received [ his body ] with much honour and reverence , deposited it in the church which now bears his own name ; which church the embracers of macedonius's opinion were heretofore in possession of , at such time as they were separatists from the arians : but were then expelled by the emperour , because they refused embracing of his faith . moreover , at the same time , melitius bishop of antioch fell into a distemper , and died : in praise of whom gregorius , basilius's brother , spoke a a funeral oration . meletius's body was by his friends conveyed to antioch . such as were favourers of meletius , did again refuse to be subject to paulinus : but caused flavianus to be substituted in the place of meletius . by reason whereof a new division did again arise amongst the people . thus the antiochian church was afresh divided into two parties , on account of their bishops , not of their faith . chap. x. that the emperour ordered a synod of all the sects to be convened , at which time arcadius his son was proclaimed augustus ; and that the novatians ( who as to their faith embraced the same sentiments with the homoöusians ) were the only persons that had permission to hold their assemblies within the city . but the other hereticks were forced from thence . but , there were disturbances in other cities also , [ which hapned ] at such time as the arians were ejected out of the churches . on account whereof i cannot choose but admire the emperours judiciousness and prudence . for he suffered not ( so far as it was in his power [ to prevent them , ] ) the cities to be filled with tumultuous disturbances : but within a short space of time , ordered a synod of all the heresies to be again convened , supposing that by a mutual conference of the bishops , one concordant opinion would prevail amongst all men . i am of opinion , that this design of the emperour 's was the cause of that fortunate success he [ then ] had . for , about the same time , by a particular dispensation of divine providence , the barbarous nations were reduced to a subjection to him . and amongst others , athanarichus king of the goths made a surrendry of himself with all his own people unto him , a who soon after died at constantinople . moreover , at that time the emperour proclaimed his son arcadius , augustus , in the second consulate of * merobaudes which he bore with † saturninus , on the sixteenth of january . not long after these things , the bishops of every sect arrived from all places , in the same consulate , in the month june . the emperour therefore having sent for nectarius the bishop , consulted with him , what project should be made use of that the christian religion might be freed from dissentions , and the church reduced to an union . and he said , that that controversie which caused a separation in the churches , ought to be discussed , that so by a removal of the discord , an agreement might be effected in the churches . at the hearing of this nectarius was full of anxiety and sollicitude . and having sent for agelius then bishop of the novatians , ( in regard he was a person that embraced the same sentiments with him as to the faith , ) he makes known to him the emperours intent . he , as to other things , was indeed a very pious person : but being not very able to maintain a dispute , concerning the doctrine [ of faith , ] he proposes his reader under him , by name sisinnius , as a fit person to manage a conference . but sisinnius ( an eloquent man , and well experienced in affairs , one who had an accurate skill in the expositions of the sacred scriptures , and in philosophick opinions , ) knew that these disputations do not only not unite dissentions , but also raise heresies to an higher degree of contention . upon which account , he gave nectarius this advice . in regard he very well knew , that the ancients avoided the attributing a beginning of existence to the son of god ; ( for they apprehended him to be coeternal with the father ; ) he advises him to shun logical disputes ; and to produce for evidences the b expositions of the ancients : and that the emperour should propose to the chiefs of each heresie this question , whether they would entertain any respect for the ancients who c flourished before the dissention in the church , or whether they would reject them as estranged from the christian religion ? for if they reject them [ said he , ] then let them dare to anathematize them . and if they shall be so audacious as to do that , the multitude will forthwith extrude them by violence . upon the doing whereof , the truth will undoubtedly obtain a manifest victory . but , if they shall refuse to reject the ancient doctours , then it will be our business to produce the books of the ancients , whereby our opinion will be attested and confirmed . nectarius having heard all this from sisinnius , goes in great hast to the pallace ; and makes the emperour acquainted with the advice which had been given him . the emperour embraces it with much eagerness , and handled the matter prudently . for , without discovering his design , he asked [ the chiefs of the hereticks ] this one question , whether they had any respect for , and admitted of those doctours of the church [ who lived ] before [ the rise of ] the dissention ? upon their non-refusal of them , and their affirming that they highly revered and honoured them as being their masters ; the emperour enquired of them again , whether they would * acquiesse in them as witnesses of the christian religion worthy to be credited ? when the chiefs of the sects and their logicians ( for they had amongst them many persons well provided for the combat of dispute ; ) heard this , they knew not what to do . for every one of them fell into a disagreement of opinion ; some affirming that the emperours proposal was good ; others [ thinking ] it not conducive to their design . for some were one way affected towards the books of the ancients , others another . nor could they any longer agree amongst themselves : and they dissented not only from other sects , but those of the same sect differed one from the other . concordant malice therefore , like the tongue of those ancient gyants , was divided , and their tower of mischief demolished . after the emperour perceived their confused † dissention , and [ was sensible ] that they confided in disputation only , and not in the exposition of the ancients ; he betook himself to a second project . and orders every sect to d set forth [ and deliver in ] to him in writing a draught of that creed which they owned . then , those [ of every sect ] amongst them that were skilfullest and most eloquent , wrote their own opinion , making use of a great deal of caution and circumspection in their expressions . a day also was pitcht upon , whereon the bishops of each sect upon summons met at the pallace . at which time were present nectarius and agelius , prelates of the homoöusian creed ; of the arians , demophilus ; of the c eunomians , eunomius himself ; of those that embraced macedonius's opinion , eleusius [ bishop ] of cyzicum . the emperour gave them a very kind reception at their meeting : and having received a draught of the creed in writing from every one of them , retired into a private apartment alone , where he prayed with much fervency , that god would give him his assistance , in order to an election of the truth . and having read over every one of the written draughts of the creed , he tore all the rest , ( disapproving of them , in regard they introduced a separation of the trinity ) except the homoöusian creed only , which he commended and embraced . this was the reason of the novatians flourishing again , [ and of their being permitted ] to celebrate their sacred assemblies within the cities . for the emperour , admiring their consent as to the faith , f with those of his own opinion , gave command by [ the promulgation of ] a law , that they should securely enjoy their own oratories ; and that their churches should have the same priviledges with g those [ churches ] of his own faith. but , the prelates of the other sects , by reason of their disagreement amongst themselves , were condemned and despised even by their own disciples . and being reduced to a desperation , and overwhelmed with grief , they made their departure : and wrote consolatory letters to those of their own party , perswading them not to be troubled , because many relinquished them , and became adherents to the homoöusian creed . for many [ they said ] were called , but few chosen . which expression they in no wise made use of , at such time as the greatest part of the people * through force and fear became their favourers . but neither were the professours of the homoöusian creed perfectly free from trouble and disquietude . for the affairs of the antiochian church caused a division amongst those that were present at the synod . for , the egyptians , arabians , and cypriots † gathering together again , said that flavianus ought to be expelled out of antioch . but [ the bishops ] of palaestine , phoenice , and syria stood up in defence of flavianus . what conclusion this affair had , i will declare in its due place . chap. xi . concerning maximus the tyrant , how he slew gratianus by treachery : at which time also justina the mother of valentinianus junior , desisted , though unwillingly , from her design against ambrosius bishop of millain , for fear of maximus . about the same times wherein these synods were held at constantinople , these transactions hapned in the western parts . a maximus [ coming ] out of the island britannia , invaded the roman empire , and makes a treacherous attempt upon gratianus then ingaged in a war against the alamanni . in italy , during valentinianus's minority , probus a person that had been consul , had the chief management of affairs , who at that time bore the praefecture of the praetorium . justina ( mother to valentinianus augustus , ) a woman that was an arian , during her husbands life , had no power to be mischievous towards the embracers of the homoöusian creed . but after [ her husbands death , ] when her son was very young , she went to millain , and raised great disturbances against ambrosius the bishop , issuing out an order that he should be banished . and whilest the people made a resistance [ against this order , ] out of their excessive love to ambrosius , and opposed those that endeavoured to hale him away into exile ; in that interim news came , that gratianus was treacherously slain by the tyrant maximus . for andragathius maximus's lieutenant ( being hid in a carriage put into the form of a womans horse-litter , and carried by mules ; and having given the guards a command , that they should before-hand spread abroad a report , that the emperour gratianus's wife was in that litter ; ) meets the emperour before lyons a city in france , passing the river . the emperour supposing it to be his wife , was not aware of the treachery : but , as a blind man does into a ditch , fell into the hands of his enemie . ▪ for andragathius leapt out of the litter on a sudden , and slew gratianus . gratianus therefore ended his life in the consulate of * merobaudes and saturninus , after he had reigned fifteen years , and lived twenty four . this accident cool'd the emperours mothers heat against ambrosius . moreover , valentinianus , though against his will , complyed with the necessity of that juncture , and admitted maximus to be his colleague in the empire . at which time probus , afraid of maximus's power , resolves upon a retreat into those parts of the empire nearer to the east . immediately therefore he departs out of italy ; and arriving in illyricum , he fixt his residence b in thessalonica [ a city ] of macedonia . chap. xii . that the emperour theodosius having provided a numerous army against maximus , ( at which time flaccilla bore him his son honorius ; ) lest arcadius at constantinople ▪ but went himself to millain , where he came to an engagement with the tyrant . but the emperour theodosius was extreamly full of care and sollicitude ; and formed a very powerfull army against the tyrant ; being afraid lest he should treacherously murder valentinianus junior also . at the same time arrived embassadours from the persians , requesting peace of the emperour . moreover , then also a son was born to the emperour , named honorius , of whom his wife flaccilla was delivered , in the consulate of * richomeres and clearchus , on the ninth of september . in the same consulate died agelius bishop of the novatians , a little before [ honorius's birth . ] on the year following , whereon arcadius augustus bore his first consulate with bauton , timotheus bishop of alexandria ended his life , who was succeeded in that see by theophilus . a year after this , demophilus bishop of the arian heresie , concluded his life . the arians sent for one marinus , a bishop of their own heresie , out of thracia , whom they entrusted with the bishoprick . but marinus sate [ bishop ] not long . for under him the arian sect was divided into two parties , as we shall declare hereafter . wherefore they sent for dorotheus out of antioch in syria , and constituted him their bishop . in the interim , the emperour proceeded to a war against maximus , and left his son arcadius augustus at constantinople . arriving at thessalonica , he finds a valentinianus and those about him in great sadness and anxiety , because out of necessity they had admitted the tyrant to be emperour as it were . but theodosius , in outward appearance , gave no indication of his mind [ in favour of either side . ] for he neither b rejected , nor admitted maximius's embassy . but he could not endure the sight of a tyrannical government over the romans , covered with the specious pretence of an imperial name . having therefore mustered his military forces , he marcht to c millain . for thither maximus was already come . chap. xiii . concerning ▪ the disturbance raised at constantinople by the arians . about the same time that the emperour was busied in the war , the arians in constantinople raised a disturbance , by this artifice . 't is usual with * men to frame stories of things they are ignorant of . and if at any time they have gotten an occasion , they spread greater rumours concerning the things they have a mind to , being always extreamly desirous of changes and alterations . this was the case of constantinople at that time . for some framed and divulged one thing concerning the war which was waged at that great distance , others another ; always presuming upon the worst event of affairs . and when nothing of action had hapned in the war , as if themselves had been spectatours upon the very spot , they discoursed concerning things which they knew not : [ to wit , ] that the tyrant had gotten a victory over the emperours army , that thus many were slain on this side , and so many on that ; and that the emperour was just upon falling into the tyrants hands . then the arians , at that time highly incensed , ( for they were sorely vext , because those that had been persecuted by them heretofore , were now in possession of the churches within the city : ) began to enlarge the reports . but afterwards , some of the stories that were told , induced even the coyners themselves of these false rumours to believe , that the reports they had framed and divulged , were not feigned , but undoubtedly true . for , such persons as had taken them up upon here-say , affirmed to the authours of these lies , that the account of affairs was exactly agreeable to what they had heard from themselves . whereupon , the arians became emboldened , brake out into an irrational violence ; threw fire into the pallace of nectarius the bishop , and burnt it . this was done in theodosius's second consulate , [ which he bore ] with cynegius . chap. xiv . concerning the emperour theodosius's victory , and the tyrant's overthrow . but whilest the emperour was upon his march towards the tyrant , the forces under maximus's command , informed of the great military preparations , could not so much as resist an assault of the fame thereof ; but , being put into a consternation , bound the tyrant , and delivered him to the emperour . he was slain in the same consulate , on the a twenty seventh of august . but andragathius ( he that slew gratianus with his own hand , ) after he understood that maximus was routed , cast himself into the adjacent river , and was drowned . then , both the victorious emperours made their entry into rome . honorius , theodosius's son , a child very young , was with them . for after maximus was vanquished , his father sent for him from constantinople . they continued therefore at rome , celebrating their triumphal festivals . at which time theodosius the emperour shewed a signal instance of his goodness and clemency , towards b symmachus a person that had been consul . for , this symmachus was the eminentest person of the senate at rome , and was admired for his great skill in the roman literature . there are now extant many orations of his written in the latine tongue . but , in regard he had composed an oration in praise of maximus whilest he was alive , and had spoken it to him in publick ; he was afterwards charged with the crime of high-treason . upon this account he was afraid of a capital punishment , and took sanctuary in the church . but the emperour had so great a reverence for the christian religion , that he not only highly honoured the prelates of his own faith ; but gave a gratious reception to the novatians also , who embraced the homoöusian creed . therefore , that he might gratifie leontius bishop of the novatian church at rome , he pardoned symmachus's crime . symmachus having his pardon granted him , wrote an apologetick to the emperour theodosius . thus this war , which at the beginning seemed to threaten [ the empire ] with great calamity , was terminated by this sudden conclusion . chap. xv. concerning flavianus of antioch . at the same time , these affairs were transacted a at antioch in syria . after the death of paulinus , the people who had been his followers , had an aversion for flavianus . upon which account they caused evagrius to be ordained bishop of their own party . he having not long survived his ordination , no other person was afterwards constituted in his place ; which was effected by the diligence and endeavours of flavianus . notwithstanding those that had an aversion for flavianus , in regard he had violated his * oath , kept their assemblies apart by themselves . but flavianus left no stone unturned , ( as the saying is , ) that he might bring these persons also to own a subjection to him . which he effected soon after , [ to wit , ] when he had appeased the anger of theophilus then bishop of alexandria , by whose intercession flavianus procured a reconciliation also with damasus bishop of rome . for both these prelates had been incensed against flavianus , not only on account of his perjury , but also in regard he had given an occasion of a separation amongst that people who had been brought to an † agreement . theophilus therefore being pacified , sent isidorus a presbyter , and reconciled damasus , as yet offended ; telling him , 't was very conducive for the effecting an union amongst the people , to pass by the fault which flavianus had committed . communion being after this manner restored to flavianus ; the people of antioch were within a small space of time reduced to a reconciliation . such was the conclusion of this affair at antioch . for the arians in that city were ejected out of the churches , and had their meetings in the suburbs thereof . moreover , in this interim died cyrillus bishop of jerusalem , who was succeeded by johannes . chap. xvi . concerning the demolishment of the idol temples at alexandria ; and concerning the fight betwixt the pagans and christians , which hapned on that account . at the very same time , this disturbance also hapned at alexandria . by the solicitation of theophilus the bishop , the emperour issued forth an order , for the demolishment of the heathen temples at alexandria ; and gave command , that this order should be put in execution by theophilus's care . theophilus being thus empowered , used his utmost endeavours in order to the exposing the heathen mysteries to ignominy and contempt . he cleansed mithra's temple ; and destroyed that belonging to serapis . he also exposed to publick view the bloudy mysteries of the * mithreum . and shewed how full of ridiculousness the mysteries of serapis , and of the other gods , were ; ordering that the † priapus's should be carried through the midst of the forum . the heathens at alexandria , more especially those that profest philosophy , upon sight of the doing hereof , were unable to repress their discontent : but made an addition to the * former tragick actions which they had perpetrated . for , upon a sign given which they had agreed on before-hand , they made an unanimous assault upon the christians , and murthered every one they met : moreover , the christians defended themselves ; and thus mischief was attended with mischief . this fight was continued so long , till a satiety of slaughter put an end to it . few of the heathens were destroyed in this conflict : but of the christians [ there fell ] a great many . the wounded on both sides were innumerable . after the perpetration of this action , a fear seized the heathens , who dreaded the emperours anger . wherefore , having done what they pleased , and satiated their minds with slaughters , they absconded , some in one place , others in another . moreover , many of them fled from alexandria , and dispersed themselves into several cities . amongst which number were the two grammarians , a helladius and ammonius ; whose scholar i was at constantinople , when very young . helladius was stiled jupiters priest : ammonius was † simius's . this mischief being thus composed , the b praefect of alexandria , and the commander in chief of the milice in egypt , assisted theophilus in demolishing the heathen temples . the temples therefore were ruined , but the images of their gods were molten into caldrons , and into other utensills necessary for the alexandrian church ; the emperour having given [ the images of ] the heathen gods [ to that church , ] for the relief of the poor . wherefore theophilus brake in pieces all [ the images of ] the gods , save one , to wit , the image of the fore-mentioned god , which he ordered to be preserved unmelted , and caused it to be set up in a publick place ; least ( said he ) the heathens should in ages to come deny , that they had been worshippers of such gods. at which action [ of theophilus's , ] ammonius the grammarian was , to my knowledge , highly disgusted : for he was wont to say , that the religion of the gentiles had suffered most horrid abuses , c because but one image only was not melted down ; but was preserved meerly to render gentilism ridiculous . but helladius made his boasts in some persons hearing , that in the conflict he had slain nine men with his own hand . such were the doings in alexandria at that time . chap. xvii . concerning the hieroglyphical letters found in the temple of serapis . [ moreover , ] at such time as serapis's temple was rifled and demolished , there were letters found [ in it , ] ingraven on stones ; a which [ letters ] they call hieroglyphical . these characters had the forms and resemblances of crosses . when the christians and heathens saw these characters , each party * adapted them to their own religion . for the christians , who affirm that the cross is the signe of christs salutary passion , thought this character was properly and peculiarly theirs . the heathens alledged it was some thing [ that belonged in ] common both to christ , and to serapis : for , a character [ said they ] made in form of a cross , betokens one thing amongst the christians , another amongst the heathens . whilest these things were controverted amongst them , some of the heathens ( who were converted to the christian religion , ) having skill in these hieroglyphical letters , gave an interpretation of the character made in form of a cross , and said it signified life to come . this the christians took hold of with much earnestness , as being more advantageous to their religion in particular ; and were not a little proud of it . b but after it had been manifested by other hieroglyphicall letters , that serapis's temple would have an end , when a character in form of a cross should appear ; ( for thereby was signified life to come : ) then many more came over to the christian religion , and after a confession of their sins were baptized . this is a relation of what hapned upon account of the character [ that was discovered , ] made in form of a cross ; which relation i had from report . but , i am not of opinion , that the egyptian priests foreknew what should happen to christ , and therefore caused the figure of a cross to be ingraven on stones . for , if the mystery of [ our saviours ] coming into the world were hid from ages , and from generations , as the apostle * says ; and if the devill himself , the prince of wickedness , knew nothing of it ; 't was much more unknown to his ministers , to wit , the egyptian priests . but divine providence designed the same thing should happen at the enquiry made into this character , which he had heretofore demonstrated in the apostle paul's [ preaching . ] for he , inspired with wisedom by the divine spirit , made use of the same method towards the athenians , and brought many of them over to the faith [ of christ ; ] at such time as he read the * inscription upon [ one of their ] altars , and adapted it to his own discourse . unless any one should perhaps say , that the word of god had the same operation upon the egyptian priests , that it had on balaam and caiaphas . for those † two persons ( though they did it contrary to their will and knowledge , ) uttered prophesies concerning good things . but , let thus much be said concerning these things . chap. xviii . that the emperour theodosius , during his stay in rome , did a great deal of good to that city , both by demolishing those receptacles for thieves in the bake-houses , and also [ by prohibiting ] the obscene [ use ] of bells in the stews . moreover , the emperour theodosius , during his short stay in italy , was in many instances highly beneficiall to the city of rome , partly by his donation of some things , and partly by his abrogating others . for his donations were many and great : and he * regulated two villanous and most infamous abuses [ frequently practised in ] that city . the one whereof was this . there were in the † great city rome houses of a vast bigness and largness , long since [ built , ] wherein the bread was made which was distributed amongst the citizens . the masters of these houses ( whom the romans in their language term a mancipes , ) in process of time turned these edifices into receptacles for thieves . for , in regard the bake-houses in these buildings were situated under ground ; at the side of each of these structures they built victualling houses , wherein they prostituted whores , by which device they * trapanned many persons ; some going in thither to supply themselves with food , others to satisfie their libidinous and filthy desires . for , by a certain engin [ purposely made on that account ] they were † conveyed from the victualling house down into the bake-house . this trick was chiefly put upon strangers that sojourned at rome . such as were after this manner trapan'd , they forced to work in the bake-houses . in which places many continued till they were grown old ; being not permitted to go out , and their relations taking it for granted that they were dead . one of the emperour theodosius's souldiers fell into this snare . but after the souldier was shut up in the bake-house , and not suffered to go out , he drew a dagger that he had , and killed those that opposed [ his escape . ] the rest of them , affrighted at what had happened , let the souldier go out . the emperour having had notice hereof , punished the mancipes , and gave order that those houses , which were receptacles for thieves , should be pulled down . this was one of the ignominious practises , from which the emperour freed the imperial city . another was of this sort . if a woman were taken in adultery , they punished the delinquent , not with such a sort of punishment as might make her better , but in such a manner rather as should aggravate her offence . for they shut her up in a narrow brothel-house , and forced her to play the whore in a most impudent manner . and , during the time of performing that most unclean act , they caused little b bells to be rung , to the end that what was done [ within ] might not be concealed from those who passed by ; but that that ignominious punishment should be made known to all people by the sound of the bells rung . when the emperour had information of this impudent usage , he would by no means tollerate it : but commanded those sistra ( for by that name these stews were called , ) to be pulled down ; and gave order that women taken in adultery , should be * punished by other laws . from these two most wicked and reproachfull † usages , the emperour theodosius freed the city of rome . who , after he had well settled all other affairs , left valentinianus junior emperour at rome . but he himself , together with his son honorius , returned to constantinople , and entred that city in the consulate of tatianus and symmachus , on the tenth of november . chap. xix . concerning the penitentiary presbyters , how [ these officers in the church ] were at that time put down . about the same time it was judged requisite to extinguish [ the office of ] those presbyters in the churches ; whose charge it was to oversee penitents : [ which was done ] upon this account . a from such time as the novatians made a separation of themselves from the church , because they were unwilling to communicate with those that had lapsed in the persecution under decius ; the bishops added a presbyter , who was to have the charge of penitency , to the b canon of the churches ; to the intent that such persons as had sinned after baptism , might make a confession of their crimes c before this presbyter instituted for that purpose . this canon is in force to this day amongst other heresies . only the homoöusians , and ( who embraced the same sentiments with them , as to the faith , ) the novatians , have refused [ making use of ] the penitentiary presbyter . for the novatians admitted not of this * additional function at its first institution . but [ the homoöusians ] who are at this present in possession of the churches , after they had retained [ the office of the penitentiaries ] for a † long time , abrogated it in the times of nectarius the bishop , on account of this accident which hapned in the [ constantinopolitan ] church . there came a d gentlewoman to the penitentiarie [ of the church of constantinople ; to whom ] she made particular confession of those sins , which she had committed after baptism . the presbyter advised the woman to fast , and pray continually , that together with her confession , she might have some e work also worthy of repentance to shew . f some time after this the woman detected her self of another crime . for she confessed that a deacon of that church had lain with her . upon her discovery hereof , the deacon was ejected out of the church : and the g people were in a kind of tumult disturbed . for they were not only offended at what was done , but also because that fact had brought an infamy and disgrace upon the church . when therefore ecclesiastick persons were reproacht upon this account , one eudaemon a presbyter of that church , by birth an alexandrian , advised nectarius the bishop , to h abolish the penitentiary persbyters [ office ; ] and to leave every person to his own conscience , for the participation of the [ holy ] mysteries : for this [ in his judgment ] was the only way of freeing the church from obloquie and disgrace . i my self having heard these words from eudaemon , have taken the boldness to insert them into this my history . for , as i have often said , i have used my utmost care and industry , to procure an account of affairs from those that knew them best , and to make accurate researches into them , lest i should record any passage which is untrue . but my answer to eudaemon [ when he told me hereof ] first , was this ; i whether your advice , o presbyter ! hath been for the churches good , or otherwise , god knoweth . but i see that it has given an occasion , of our not reprehending one anothers faults any more , nor of our observing that apostolick precept , which saith , * have no fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkness , but rather reprove them . but , let thus much be sufficient to have been said concerning these things . chap. xx. that there were [ at that time ] many schisms amongst the arians , and other hereticks . but i think it fit , not to leave unmentioned those things also which hapned amongst others , i mean the arians , novatians , and those who had their denominations from macedonius and eunomius . for the church being divided , rested not in that division once made . but turning again , came to an engagement one with another ; and taking hold of a small and frivolous pretence , raised mutual separations and divisions . now , in what manner , when , and for what reasons , each party were the authours of dissentions amongst themselves , we will manifest in the procedure of our history . but this you must know , that the emperour theodosius persecuted none of them , except eunomius : who holding his meetings in private houses at constantinople , and reciting the books he had written , was by the emperours order sent into banishment , in regard he corrupted many persons with his doctrine . but the emperour molested none of the other [ hereticks , ] nor did he force them to a communion with himself . but permitted every one of them to meet at their private conventicles , and to entertain such sentiments concerning the christian faith , as every of them * could attain to in their conceptions thereof . he gave the other hereticks a licence of building themselves oratories without the cities . but ordered , that the novatians , ( in regard they embraced the same sentiments with himself , as to the faith , ) should without any fear continue in their churches within the cities , as i have said before . concerning whom i judge it opportune to relate some passages , and shall make a short repetition of what has been said before . chap. xxi . that the novatians also disagreed amongst themselves . a gelius presided over the church of the novatians at constantinople during the space of fourty years , from the times of constantine untill the sixth year of the emperour theodosius , as i have * somewhere related before . being near his death , he ordains sisinnius to succeed him in his bishoprick . he was a presbyter of that church over which agelius presided ; a person of great eloquence , and had been instructed in philosophy by maximus the philosopher at the same time [ that he read to ] the emperour julian . but when the novatian congregation found fault with this ordination , because [ agelius ] had not rather ordained marcianus , a person of an eminent piety , by † whose interest the novatians had continued unmolested during valens's reign ; agelius , desirous to appease the people's discontent , ordained marcianus also : and being somewhat recovered from his distemper , he went into the church , and spake these words to the people on his own account : after my decease , ( saies he ) take marcianus [ for your bishop , ] and after marcianus , sisinnius . having survived these words a small time , he ended his life . marcianus therefore being constituted bishop over the novatians , there arose a division in their church also , upon this account . one sabbatius , ( a person that had turned christian from being a jew , ) being by marcianus promoted to the dignity of a presbyter , continued notwithstanding a zealous promoter of judaism , wherewith he had been leavened before . moreover , he was extreamly ambitious of being made a bishop . having therefore procured two presbyters ( theoctistus and macarius , who were privy to his ambitious design , ) to be his assistants , he took a resolution of defending that innovation [ made by the novatians ] in valens's reign , concerning the festival of eaester , at pazum a village in phrygia ; which i have mentioned ‖ before . and first of all , under pretence of [ following ] an ascetick and more austere course of life , he secretly withdrew from the church , saying that he was aggrieved upon the account of some persons ; in regard he had a suspicion , that they were unworthy of a participation of the * mysteries . but in process of time his design was discovered , to wit , that his desire was to hold private and separate meetings . when marcianus understood this , he himself complained of his own mistake in ordaining , to wit , because he had promoted persons so ambitious of vain-glory to the † presbyterate . and being grieved , did frequently use to say , that it had been better he had laid his hands on thorns , than when he preferred sabbatius to the dignity of a presbyter . moreover , * he procured a synod of novatian bishops to be convened at * sangarum ; which is a mart-town in bithynia , lying near helenopolis . [ the bishops ] being convened there , sent for sabbatius , and ordered him to set forth before the synod the reasons of his grief . upon his affirming , that the dissention about [ the observation ] of the feast [ of easter ] was the cause of his being troubled , ( for it ought [ as he said ] to be kept in the same manner that the jews observed it , and agreeable to that sanction which those convened at pazum promulged : ) the bishops present at the synod , having a suspition , that sabbatius pretended all this on account of his being desirous of a bishoprick , bound him with an oath , that he should never accept of a bishoprick . when he had sworn to this , they published a * rule concerning the feast of easter , to which canon they gave this title , † adiaphoros : affirming that a disagreement about the festival [ of easter ] was not a sufficient reason for a separation from the church ; and that those convened at pazum did no prejudice to the catholick and universal rule . for , the ancients [ they said , ] and those who lived nearest the apostles times , although they differed in the observation of this festival , yet communicated one with another , and in no wise raised any dissention [ on that account . ] besides , the novations [ they added , ] who inhabit the imperial city rome , never followed the jewish usage ; but always kept easter after the aequinox ; and yet they separated not from those of their own faith , who observed not the feast of easter after the same manner that they themselves did . upon these and many such like mature considerations , they made that indifferent canon ( which i have mentioned ) concerning easter : whereby it was left to every ones arbitrement , to celebrate easter according to that usage which by a prejudicate opinion he had embraced : and that there should be no dissention in relation to communion , but that those who celebrated that festival after a different manner , should notwithstanding continue in the unity and agreement of the church . this rule therefore concerning the feast of easter : having at that time been constituted and confirmed by them ; sabbatius being bound by his oath , ( if at any time there hapned any discrepancy in the celebration of the feast of easter , ) himself anticipated the fast by keeping it in private by himself , b and having watched all night , he celebrated the solemn day of the sabbath of the passover . and again , on the day following , he came to the church at such time as the whole congregation were assembled there , and together with them partook of the mysteries . this he did for many years : and therefore could not avoid being taken notice of by the multitude . upon which account some of the simpler sort of people , more especially the phrygians and galatians , thinking they should be justified by this fact , imitated sabbatius , and kept the passover in secret agreeable to his fashion . but some time after this , sabbatius disregarding his oath , held schismatical meetings by himself , and was constituted bishop over those that were his own followers , as we shall manifest in the procedure of our history . chap. xxii . this historian's sentiment concerning the disagreements which appear in some places , in relation to the feast of easter , baptisms , fasts , marriages , the order of celebrating the eucharist , and other ecclesiastick rites and observances . but , i think it not unseasonable to declare in short what comes into my mind concerning easter . neither the ancients , nor the moderns who have studiously followed the jews , had in my judgment any just or rational cause of contending so much about this festival . for they considered not with themselves , that when the jewish religion was changed into christianity , those accurate [ observances ] of the masaick law , and the types [ of things future ] wholly ceased . and this carries along with it its own demonstration . for , no one of christ's laws has permitted the christians to observe the rites of the jews . moreover , on the contrary , the apostle has expresly forbid this , and does not only reject circumcision , but also advises against contending about festival days . wherefore , in his epistle to the galatians , his words are these , * tell me , ye that desire to be under the law , do ye not hear the law ? and having spent some few words in his discourse hereof , he demonstrates , that the people of the jews are servants , but that those who have † followed christ are called to liberty . moreover , 't is his admonition , that days and months and years should in no wise be observed . besides , in his epistle to the colossians he does loudly affirm , that [ such ] observations are a shadow . wherefore he says , * let no man judge you in meat , or in drink , or in respect of any holy day , or of the new moon , or of the sabbath-days ; which are a shadow of things to come . and in the epistle to the hebrews , this very [ apostle ] does confirm the same things in these words : † for the priesthood being changed , there is made of necessity a change also of the law . the apostle therefore , and the gospels have no where imposed the yoak of servitude on those who have approached the preaching [ of the faith : ] but have left the feast of easter , and the other festivals , to be honoured by their gratitude and benevolence , who have had benefits conferred upon them [ on those days . ] wherefore , in regard men love festivals , because thereon they have a cessation from their labours , each person in every place , according to his own pleasure , has by a certain custom celebrated the memory of the saving passion . for neither our saviour , nor his apostles , have enjoyned us by any law to observe this festival . not have the gospels or the apostles threatned us with any mulct , punishment , or curse , as the mosaick law does the jews . for , 't is meerly for the history's sake , in order to [ a publishing of ] the reproach of the jews , ( because they polluted themselves with bloud on their very festivals , ) that it has been recorded in the gospells that our saviour suffered even on the days of unleavened bread . moreover , it was not the apostles design , to make laws concerning festival days , but to introduce good life and piety . and it seems to me , that , as many other things in several places have been established by custom , so the feast of easter also hath had a peculiar observation amongst all persons from some old usage , in regard none of the apostles , as i have said , have made any determinate decree about it . now , that the observation of this festival had its original amongst all men in the primitive times from custom rather than law , the things themselves do demonstrate . for , in asia the less , most people kept the fourteenth day of the moon , disregarding the sabbath day . and though this was their practise , yet they never made a separation from those who celebrated the feast of easter otherwise : till such time as victor bishop of rome , over-much heated with anger , sent an * excommunicatory libell to the † quartodecimani in asia . for which fact irenaeus bishop of lyons in france severely reproved victor by letter ; blaming him for his immoderate heat ; and informing him , that although the ancients differed in their celebration of the feast of easter , yet they did in no wise separate from a mutual communion . also , that polycarp bishop of smyrna , a who afterwards suffered martyrdom under cordianus , communicated with anicetus bishop of rome , and made no separation from him on account of this festival , although polycarp himself , according to his own country usage [ practised ] in [ the church of ] smyrna , kept easter on the fourteenth day of the moon , as eusebius says in the * fifth book of his ecclesiastick history . some therefore in asia the less , as i have said , kept the fourteenth day of the moon . others in the b eastern parts , celebrated that feast on the † sunday indeed ; but they differed concerning the month . those [ first mentioned ] were of opinion , that the jews were to be followed , although they observed not an exact rule . c these celebrated easter after the aequinox , refusing to keep that feast with the jews . for they affirm that easter must always be kept when the sun is in aries , on that month which the antiochians term xanthicus , and the romans april . and in their practise hereof , they followed [ as they affirmed ] not the modern jews who mistake almost in all things , but the ancients of that nation , and josephus ; agreeable whereto are the words of that authour in his third book of the jewish antiquities . and thus these persons disagreed amongst themselves . but , all other [ christians ] in the western parts as far as the ocean it self , are found to have celebrated easter after the aequinox , from a very ancient tradition . for all these persons keep it after this manner , and have never disagreed amongst themselves . nor did the * synod under constantine alter this festival , as d some have noysed it abroad . for constantine himself writing to those persons who differed about this festival , advised them , in regard they were but few , to become followers of those who exceeded them in number . you will find the emperours letter entire , in the third book of eusebius's life of constantine . but that part of it [ which treats ] concerning the feast of easter , runs thus : — * and since 't is a decent order , which all the churches in the western , southern , and northern parts of the world do observe , and some places also in the east . upon which account , all persons have at present judged it good and right , ( and we our self also have engaged it will please your prudence ; ) [ to wit , ] that what is observed with one concordant mind in the city of rome , throughout italy , africa , all egypt , spaine , the gallia's , the britannia's , the libya's , all greece , the asian and pontick dicecesis , and cilicia ; will willingly be embraced by your prudence also : which will attentively consider , not only that the number of churches in the forenamed places is greater ; but also , that 't is most just and commendable , that all persons should chiefly and in common desire that , which strict reason seems to require ; and e to have no society with the perjury of the jews . such is the emperours letter . further , the quartodecimani do affirm , that the observation of the fourteenth day of the moon was delivered to them by john the apostle . but the romans , and those in the western parts say , that the usage in force with them was delivered by the apostles peter and paul. notwithstanding , neither of these two parties can produce any written testimony in confirmation hereof . moreover , that the feast of easter is kept in all places from some usage and custom , i do from hence conjecture . no sect of religion observes the same ceremonies , f although it embraces one and the same opinion concerning god. for they that are of the same faith , differ amongst themselves concerning rites . wherefore , it will not be unseasonable to add a few words concerning the different usages of churches . first therefore , you may find that the fasts before easter are observed one way by some , and in a manner different by others . g for they at rome fast three continued weeks before easter , excepting saturdays and sundays . the inhabitants of illyricum , those throughout all achaia , and h they at alexandria , observe a fast of six weeks before easter , which they term * the fourty days fast. i others in a different manner from them , begin their fast from the seventh week before easter , and though they fast three five days only [ part of three weeks , ] and that by intervalls ; yet nevertheless they also call that time the fourty days fast. and i cannot but wonder , how these persons , ( though they disagree about the number of the days , yet ) should in common give it the same name , [ to wit , ] the fourty days fast . of which appellation some assign one reason , other another , according to their particular fancies and humours . you likewise find several persons disagreeing not only k about the number of the days , but differing also in their abstinency from meats . for some abstain wholly from [ eating of ] living creatures : others , of all living creatures feed on fish only . othersome , together with fish , eat fowl also ; affirming , according to moses's * words , that these were made likewise of the waters . some abstain from all manner of fruits of trees , and from eggs . others feed upon dry bread only : othersome eat not even this ▪ others , having fasted till the l ninth hour , m feed upon any sort of food whatever making no distinction . n again , amongst other nations , there are other usages : for which innumerable reasons are assigned . and in regard no one can produce a command in writing concerning this thing , 't is manifest that the apostles left every one to his own will and free choice in this case ; to the end that no person might be compelled through fear or necessity , to the performance of what is good . such is the disagreement throughout the churches about their fastings . nor is the variety [ amongst them ] less , o about their performances in their religious assemblies . for , though [ almost ] all churches over the whole world do celebrate the sacred mysteries on the sabbath day at the period of every week ; yet the alexandrians and they at rome , on account of some ancient tradition , refuse to practise this . the egyptians who are neighbours to the alexandrians , and the inhabitants of thebaïs , have their religious meetings on the sabbath : notwithstanding , they participate not of the mysteries , in such a manner as is usual amongst the christians . for after they have feasted , and filled themselves with all manner of victuals , in the evening they * offer , and partake of the mysteries . again , at alexandria , on the † fourth feria , and on that termed the ‖ preparation day , the scriptures are read , and the doctours expound them ; and all things are performed which belong to the church assembly , except the celebration of the mysteries . and this is an usage of great antiquity at alexandria . for 't is manifest that origen most commonly taught in the church on these days . who , being a very learned doctor , and perceiving that the secret of the mosaick law was not to be expounded literally , reduced his discourse concerning the passover to a mysticall sense ; asserting that there had been one only true passover , [ to wit , ] that which our saviour celebrated , at such time as being fastned to his cross , he vanquished the adverse powers , making use of this trophy against the devill . in the same city alexandria , as well the catecumens , as the faithfull , are without difference or distinction made readers and p psalm setters , whereas in all other churches , the faithfull only are promoted to this dignity . q i my self , when i was in thessaly , knew another custom also . a clergy-man in that country ( if after his taking orders , he does lie with his wife , whom he had legally married before his being ordained ) is r degraded : whereas in the east all [ clergy-men ] s of their own accord do abstain [ from their wives , ] even the bishops themselves ; notwithstanding , they do this [ voluntarily , ] not by force or compulsion of a law. for many of them , during even the time of their being bishops , have begotten children of a lawfull wife . moreover , the authour of this usage in thessaly was heliodorus , [ bishop ] of trica in that country , under whose name there are love-books extant , which he t composed when he was a young man , and entitled them aethiopici . this same custom is observed in thessalonica , in macedonia , and in achaia . i have also known another custom in thessaly . they baptize there on the days of easter only . upon which account all of them , except a very few , die unbaptized . at that antioch which is in syria , the site of the church is inverted . for the altar * stands not towards the east , but towards the west . in achaia , at jerusalem , and in thessaly , they go to u prayers when the candles are lighted , in the same manner that the novatians do at constantinople . likewise , at caesarea , in cappadocia , and in cyprus , on saturdays and sundays , always in the evening , after the candles are lighted , the presbyters and bishops expound the scriptures . those novatians in the hellespont perform not their prayers wholly after the same manner , with them who live at constantinople : but they are vv in most things conform to [ the usages of ] the catholick church . in summe , in all places , and amongst all sects , you will scarcely find two churches exactly agreeing about their prayers . at alexandria , a presbyter does in no wise preach . and this [ usage ] had its beginning from such time as arius raised a disturbance in that church . at rome they fast every x saturday . y at caesarea in cappadocia they exclude those from communion who have sinned after baptism , as the novatians do . the same is also practised by the macedoniani in the hellespont , and by the quartodecimani in asia . the novatians in phrygia admit not of * digamists . those novatians who inhabit constantinople , neither openly admit , nor openly reject them . but in the western parts they are openly † received . the bishops , who in their severall times presided over the churches , were ( in my judgement ) the occasioners of this diversity . and those who received these rites and usages , transmitted them to posterity in manner of a law as ' t were . to give in a catalogue of all the rites and customs in use throughout all cities and countries , is a thing difficult , or rather impossible . but these we have produced , are sufficient to demonstrate , that the feast of easter was by reason of some certain usage celebrated in a different manner in every particular province . wherefore , they are too profuse in their talke , who have spread abroad a rumour , that [ the time of celebrating ] easter was altered in the nicene synod . for the fathers convened in that synod made it their business to reduce the people , ( who at first dissented from the far greater part of the church , ) to an agreement . now , that there hapned many differences upon this account , even in the apostles times , was a thing not unknown even to the apostles themselves , as the book of the acts does attest . for when the apostles understood , that a disturbance was raised amongst the faithfull , by reason of a dissention of the gentiles ; being all met together , they promulged a divine law , drawing it up in form of a letter : whereby they freed believers from a most burthensome servitude and vain contention about these things ; and taught them a most exact * way of living well , which would lead them to true piety ; mentioning to them only such things as necessarily ought to be observed . the epistle it self is recorded in the acts of the apostles : yet nothing hinders but we may insert it here . * the apostles , and elders , and brethren , send greeting unto the brethren which are of the gentiles in antioch , and syria , and cilicia . for as much as we have heard , that certain which went out from us , have troubled you with words , subverting your souls , saying , ye must be circumcised , and keep the law , to whom we gave no such commandment : it seemed good unto us , being assembled with one accord , to send chosen men unto you , with our beloved barnabas and paul : men that have hazarded their lives for the name of our lord jesus christ. we have therefore sent judas and silas , who shall also tell you the same things by mouth . for it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us , to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessary things : that ye abstain from meats offered to idols , and from bloud , and from things strangled , and from fornication : from which if you keep your selves , ye shall do well : fare ye well . these things pleased god. for these are the express words of the letter , it seemed good to the holy ghost to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessaries to be observed . notwithstanding there are some , who disregarding these [ precepts , ] suppose all fornication to be a thing indifferent : but contend about holy days , as if it were for their lives : [ these persons ] invert the commands of god , and make laws for themselves , not valuing the decree of the apostles : nor do they consider , that they practise the contrary to those things which seemed good to god. it were indeed possible , to have extended our discourse concerning easter , much farther , and to have demonstrated , that the jews observe no exact rule , either in the time , or manner of [ celebrating ] the paschal solemnity : and that the samaritans , who are a schism of the jews , do always celebrate this festivall after the aequinox . but this subject requires a particular and more copious treatise . i only say this , that they who so affectedly imitate the jews , and are so solicitously accurate about types and figures , ought in no wise to dissent from them , [ in any particular whatever . ] for , if they have taken a resolution of observing all things with an accuracy ; they must not only observe days and months , but all other things also , which christ ( constituted under the law ) did after the manner of the jews , or which he suffered unjustly from the jews , or [ lastly ] which he wrought typically whilest he was doing good to all men . [ for instance , ] he entred into a ship and taught : he ordered the passover to be made ready in an upper room : he commanded the ass that was tied to be loosed : he proposed him , who bore a pitcher of water , as a sign to them for hastning their preparations of the passover : [ these things , i say they must observe ] and infinite others of this nature which are recorded in the gospels . and yet they who suppose themselves to be justified by this festival , make it their business to observe none of these things in a bodily manner . for no doctor ever preach't out of a ship : no person ever went up to an upper room , and celebrated the passover there : they never tyed , and again unloosed an ass that was tyed : [ in fine ] no person ever enjoyned another to carry a pitcher of water , to the end that the symbolls might be fulfilled . for they thought that these and such like things as these * savoured rather of judaism . for the jews are solicitous about keeping their z solemn rites and ceremonies in their bodies , rather than in their souls . upon which account they are obnoxious to the curse , because they conceive the law of moses [ to consist ] in types and figures , but [ understand it ] not according to the truth . but those persons , who are favourers of the jews , do indeed refer these things to an allegoricall sense and meaning : but they raise an irreconcilable war about days and months ; contemning an allegoricall interpretation of them : in so much that , as to this particular , they themselves as well as the jews , are of necessity condemned , and bring the sentence of execration upon themselves . but i think this sufficient to have been said concerning these things . let us now return to our subject , whereof we have made mention a little * before : to wit , that the church [ once divided ] rested not in that first division ; and that those who were divided , did again engage one another , and taking hold of a small and very frivolous pretence , raised mutuall separations and divisions . the novatians as i have † said were divided amongst themselves on account of the feast of easter : nor was the division among them concerning this [ festivall ] single . for some throughout divers provinces [ observed it ] after one manner , others after another ; and they disagreed amongst themselves not only about the month , but about the days of the week also , and about other matters of a small importance , part of them holding separate assemblies , and part joyning in a promiscuous communion . chap. xxiii . concerning the arians at constantinople , who were also termed the psathyriani . moreover , there arose dissentions amongst the arians , upon this occasion . the contentious questions daily [ started ] amongst them , had reduced their discourses to some absurdities . for , whereas it has been always believed in the church , that god is the father of the son the word ; there hapned this query amongst them , whether or no god could be called father even before the son existed ? and , in regard they asserted , that the word of god was not begotten of the father , but existed of * nothing ; being thus mistaken about the first and chiefest article of faith , they deservedly fell into an absurd contentiousness about a bare word . dorotheus therefore † who had been sent for from antioch by them , maintained , that [ god ] neither was nor could be termed a father , before the son existed . but marinus ( whom they had called out of thracia before dorotheus ) having got a fair opportunity , ( for he was vext because dorotheus had been preferred before him : ) undertook to desend the contrary opinion . for this reason there hapned a dissention amongst them : and being divided on account of the foresaid term , each party held separate meetings . those under dorotheus continued possest of their own meeting-houses . but marinus's followers built themselves private oratories , wherein they had their assemblies ; and asserted that the father was always the father , even when the son existed not . moreover , the maintainers of this assertion were termed a psathyriani , because one theoctistus by country a syrian , a * psathyropola by trade , was a zealous defender of this opinion . selenas bishop of the goths became a follower of these persons tenets : † he was a man of a mixt descent , a goth by his fathers side , by his mothers a phrygian . and upon this account he taught in the church very readily in both these languages . further , this faction soon after quarrelled amongst themselves ; marinus disagreeing with agapius , whom he himself had preferred to the bishoprick of ephesus . but these two contended not one with another about [ any point of their ] religion , but about * primacy ; the goths sided with agapius . wherefore , many of the ecclesiasticks under their jurisdiction ( abominating the contest raised between them two , as being the product of their vain glory , ) deserted them , and became adherents to the homoöusian faith. when therefore the arians had continued divided amongst themselves during the space of b thirty five years , afterwards , c under the reign of theodosius junior , in the consulate of plintha master of the milice , the heresie of the psathyriani being perswaded to cease from contending , were again united in one body [ with the rest of the arians . ] and they made a sanction [ amongst themselves ] in form of a law as it were , that that query , which had caused the separation between them , should in future never be mentioned . but they could bring this to effect no where save at constantinople only . for in other cities ( if any of these two parties chanced to be inhabitants therein , ) they persisted in their former separation . thus much concerning the division amongst the arians . chap. xxiv . that the eunomians also raised factions amongst themselves , which had various denominations given them derived from the names of their first founders . moreover , neither did the eunomians continue undivided . for eunomius himself had long before this made a * separation from eudoxius , who † ordained him bishop of cyzicum , making this his pretence , to wit , because eudoxius refused to give reception to his master aëtius who was ejected [ out of the church . ] but those hereticks who had their name from him , were after this divided into severall factions . for first , one theophronius a cappadocian ( who had been instructed in the art of disputing by eunomius , and understood aristotle's categories , and his book concerning interpretation , but * indistinctly and imperfectly ; ) having wrote books , to which he gave this title concerning the exercise of the mind , incurred the displeasure of those of his own heresie , and was by them ejected as a desertour of their sect. this person afterwards held assemblies separate from them , and left behind him an heresie which bore his own name . then , one eutychius at constantinople , upon account of a very † slight controversie , made a separation from the eunomians , and at this present has his meetings apart . theophronius's followers are termed eunomio-theophroniani : and the adherents of eutychius are called eunomi-eutychiani . what those slight and trifling words were , about which they differed , i judge it unworthy to be recorded in this history , lest i should too far digress from my purpose . [ i will mention this ] only , to wit , that they have adulterated baptism . for they baptize not unto the trinity , but unto the death of christ. there was also for some time a dissention amongst the macedoniani , when one eutropius a presbyter held separate assemblies ; and carterius would in no wise agree in opinion with him . and there may perhaps be some other sects descended from these in other cities . but , in regard i make my residence in constantinople , where i was born and educated , i ‖ have resolved to be larger in my relation of what has been transacted in that city ; both because i my self have been an eye-witness of some of those transactions , and also in regard the affairs transacted in that city , have been more eminent , and worthier to be remembred . and these things hapned not at one and the same time , but at different times . now , if any person be desirous of knowing the names of the various sects , he may have an account hereof , by reading that book entitled ancoratus , which epiphanius bishop of cyprus composed . let this be sufficient to have been said concerning these matters . but the affairs of the state were disturbed upon this occasion . chap. xxv . concerning eugenius's tyranny , and the death of valentinianus junior ; also , concerning the emperour theodosius's victory over the tyrant . in the western parts , a grammarian by name eugenius , having sometime been a teacher of the latine tongue , afterwards left his school , and undertook a military employment in the emperours pallace , where he was made a master of the emperours desks . and in regard he was a person of great eloquence , and upon that account more highly esteemed than others , he could not with moderation bear his prosperous success . but , taking one arbogastes ( born in b galatia the less , who was master of the milice , a person of a rough temper , cruell and bloudy-minded , ) to be his assistant , he resolved to usurp the imperial crown . both these persons therefore determine to murther the emperour valentinianus , having c hired the eunuchs that belonged to the emperours bed-chamber , to be partakers in their design . these eunuchs , having received [ from them ] promises of greater places than they had at present , d strangled the emperour in his sleep . eugenius therefore immediately possest himself of the supream management of affairs in the western parts of the empire , and did such things as were likely to be acted by a tyrant . the emperour theodosius , informed hereof , was again extreamly disturbed and disquieted , in regard a way was hereby made for other troubles after [ the war waged against ] maximus . having therefore summoned together his military forces , and proclaimed his son honorius augustus in his own third consulate [ which he bore ] with abundantius , on the tenth of january he marched again in great hast into the western parts , e leaving both his sons [ now created ] augusti at constantinople . many of the barbarians [ inhabitants ] beyond the danube followed him in this expedition he undertook against eugenius , coming in voluntarily to give him their assistance against the tyrant . after some short time , he arrived in the gallia's with a very numerous army . for there the tyrant * had put himself into a posture of receiving him , who also had a vast army . they came to an engagement therefore neer the river named frigidus , which is distant f from aquileia thirty six miles . in that part of the armies where the romans engaged the romans , the fight was doubtfull . but where the barbarians ( who were the emperour theodosius's auxiliaries , ) engaged , eugenius's forces had much the better . when the emperour saw the great slaughter that was made by the enemy amongst the barbarians , being in a great-agony , he cast himself upon the ground , calling upon god to be his assistant ; and was in no wise frustrated of his request . for bacurius his own master of the milice was so far encouraged , as to run with his van-guard to that part where the barbarians were * hardest prest upon by the enemy ; who broke through their ranks ; and routed those that a little before were on the pursuit . there hapned another accident also , worthy of admiration . for a very violent wind arose on a sudden , which retorted the darts cast by eugenius's forces , upon themselves ; and moreover , it carried those thrown by theodosius's souldiers with a greater force against the enemy . so prevalent was the emperours prayer . the success of the battell being after this manner turned , the tyrant cast himself at the emperours feet , and requested his life might be saved . but the souldiers beheaded him as he lay prostrate at the emperours feet . these things were done on the sixth of september , in arcadius's third and honorius ●●cond consulate . but arbogastes ( who had been the authour of these great mischiefs ) being on his flight upon the third day after the battell ; as soon as he knew there were no hopes of life for him , ran himself through with his own sword . chap. xxvi . how the emperour falling ill after his victory , sent for his son honorius to millain ; and thinking himself somewhat recovered from his distemper , [ he ordered ] that * cirque-sports should be exhibited , on which very day he dyed . but , the emperour theodosius contracted an ill habit of body , from the troubles and disquietudes he underwent in this war. and supposing that his life would be ended by that distemper which was upon him , he was more sollicitous about the publick affairs , than [ concerned ] at his own death , considering with himself , how great calamities do usually befall subjects after the death of their emperour . wherefore , he sends forthwith for his son honorius from constantinople , being desirous to settle * the state of the western empire . after his sons arrivall at millain , he seemed to be somewhat revived from his distemper ; and gave order for the celebration of triumphant cirque-sports . and before dinner he was very well , and was a spectatour at the cirque-sports . but after dinner he was taken very ill on a sudden , and could not come to see † the games . but , having given his son order to preside at the cirque-sports , he died on the night following , in the consulate of olybrius and probinus , on the seventeenth day of january . this was the first year of the two hundredth ninety fourth olympiad . the emperour theodosius , lived sixty years ; and reigned sixteen . this book contains [ an account of affairs transacted ] during the space of sixteen years and eight months . the sixth book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . the preface . we have finished the task enjoyned by you ( most sacred man of god theodorus ! ) in the sive foregoing books ; wherein , according to our best ability , we have comprized the history of the church from the times of constantine . but you must know , that we have not been curious about our stile ; for we considered , that should we have been carefull about an elegancy of expression , we might peradventure have mist of our design . besides , could we have accomplished [ our design , ] yet we were altogether unable to write such things , as are extant in the composures of ancient historians ; whereby any one of them might suppose himself able either to amplifie , or disimprove transactions . further , such a stile would in no wise have edified the many and the simpler sort of persons ; who are desirous of knowing affairs only , not of admiring the stile for its elegant composure . that therefore our work might not be unusefull to both these sorts of persons ; to the learned , because 't is unworthy of being compared with the elegant stile of ancient writers ; and to the unlearned , in regard they cannot attain to [ the knowledge of ] affairs , being concealed by a pride and over-elegancy of expression : we have designedly made use of such a stile , * as seems indeed to be lower and more mean , but is notwithstanding plainer and more perspicuous . but , before we begin our sixth book , we must give this premonition : in regard we undertake [ the writing a narrative ] of the affairs which have hapned in our own age ; we are afraid , lest we should seem to record such things as will displease many persons : a either because ( according to the proverb , ) truth is bitter : or in regard we mention not their names , whom [ all men ] have a great love for , with an encomium : or [ lastly ] because we extoll not their actions . the zeal●ts of our religion will condemn us , because we do not give the bishops the title of most dear to god , or most holy , or such like . others also will sometimes make curious remarks , because we term not the emperours most divine , and lords ; nor [ do give them ] those other titles which are usually attributed to them . but , in as much as i am able to prove and demonstrate from the testimony of ancient writers , that a b servant amongst them did usually call his master by his proper name , and made no account of his dignity [ or title , ] by reason of the urgency of affairs ; and in as much as [ my indeavour is ] to obey the laws of history , which do require a sincere , pure , and true narrative of transactions , free from all manner of masks and covers ; i will in future proceed in the same narration ; recording those things which either i my self saw , or could learn from those who had seen them ; and making a judgment of the truth from their not varying in their relations , who told me them . but , my labour in discovering the truth hath been great , in regard many , and those different persons gave me an account of affairs ; some of whom affirming they were present at the transacting of these things ; and others asserting they knew them better than any other persons . chap. i. that after the death of the emperour theodosius , when his sons had divided the empire [ between them , ] and arcadius had met the army returning from italy , after some short stay there ; rufinus the praefectus praetorio was killed by the souldiers at the emperours feet . the emperour theodosius having ended his life in the consulate of olybrius and probinus , on the seventeenth of the month january ; his sons succeeded him in the roman empire . arcadius had the government of the eastern empire , and honorius of the western . [ the bishops ] who presided over the churches at that time , were damasus in the imperial [ city ] rome ; theophilus at alexandria ; johannes was in possession of the churches at jerusalem ; and flavianus of those at antioch . at constantinople [ termed also ] new rome , nectarius filled the [ episcopall ] chair , as we have related in the foregoing book . about the eighth of the month november , in the same consulate , theodosius's body was brought [ to constantinople , ] and interred by his son arcadius with an honourable and solemn funeral . not long after this , on the eight and twentieth of the same month , the army also arrived , which had been employed in the war against the tyrant , under the emperour theodosius's command . when therefore the emperour arcadius ( agreeable to the usuall custom ) had met the army without the city-gates , the souldiers at that time slew rufinus the emperours praefectus praetorio . for rufinus lay under a suspicion of turning tyrant , and 't was believed , that he had called the a hunni ( a barbarous nation ) into the roman territories . for at that time they destroyed armenia , and some parts of the east , by making incursions into those provinces . moreover , on the same day whereon rufinus was killed , marcianus bishop of the novatians died . he was succeeded in that bishoprick by sisinnius , of whom we have made mention * above . chap. ii. concerning nectarius's death , and the ordination of johannes . within a small intervall of time , nectarius also , bishop of constantinople , departed this life , in the consulate of caesarius and atticus , about the twenty seventh of the month september . forthwith therefore , a * contention aros● about the ordination of a bishop ; and some desired one person , others another , when a consult had been severall times held about this matter , it was at last concluded on ▪ that † johannes a presbyter of the antiochian church , should be sent for from antioch . for a fame was spread concerning him , for his ‖ learning and eloquence . within some small space of time therefore , the emperour areadius ( with the common consent of all persons , i mean the clergy , as well as laity ) sends for him . and , to the end that his ordination might be accomplished with more of firmness and authority , by the emperours order many other prelates were present , as was also theophilus [ bishop ] of alexandria ; who made it his business to * blacken johannes's glory , and to promote isidorus ( a presbyter under himself ) to the bishoprick ; whom he had a great love for , because isidorus had undertaken a very dangerous affair upon his account . what that business was , we must now declare . when the emperour theodosius was actually ingaged in a war against the tyrant maximus , theophilus sent presents by isidorus to the emperour , and delivered two letters to him , ordering him , to present the gifts and letters to him that should be conquerour . isidorus , in obedience to these commands , arriving at rome , stayed there expecting the * event of the war. but this business could not lie long concealed ; for a reader who accompanied him , stole the letters privately . on which account isidorus being in a great fear , fled forthwith to alexandria . this was the occasion of theophilus's being so highly concerned for isidorus . but [ the grandees ] of the imperial palace , gave johannes the preference . and in regard many persons raised accusations against theophilus , and presented libells ( some upon one account , others on another ) against him , to the bishops that were present ; eutropius the chief person of the bed-chamber to the emperour , took the written accusations , and shewed them to theophilus , bidding him take his choice , whether he would ordain johannes , or be brought to his tryall and answer the accusations on foot against him . theophilus ▪ terrified herewith , ordained johannes . johannes therefore being ordained , was seated in the episcopall chair in order to [ his bearing ] the office of a bishop , on the twenty sixth of february , in the following consulate , a which the emperour honorius celebrated at rome , and eutychianus ( at that time b praefectus praetorio ) at constantinople , with games and sports . but in regard this johannes is famous , both for the books he left written , and also for the many troubles he fell into , i judge it fit not to pass his affaires over in silence , but relate as compendiously as 't is possible , what might be declared more at large ; and to set forth , whence he was , from whom extracted , how he was called to the episcopate , after what manner he was deprived of it ; and [ lastly ] upon what account he was more honoured after his death , than whilest he was living . chap. iii. concerning the descent and education of johannes bishop of constantinople . johannes therefore was born at antioch [ a city ] of syria-coele , the son of secundus , and his mothers name was anthusa , persons of a noble family in that country . he was scholar to libanius the sophista , and an hearer of andragathius the philosopher . being ready to betake himself to the practise of the civil law , and perceiving how laborious and unjust a life they lead , a who are conversant in the * forum , he chose rather to follow a quieter sort of life . and this he did , in imitation of b evagrius ; who having been educated under the same masters , had long before betaken himself to a more sedate and quieter course of life . changing therefore forthwith his garb and his gate , he applied his mind to reading the sacred scriptures , and frequently went in great hast to the church [ on account of praying . ] moreover , he perswades theodorus and maximus ( who had been his school-fellows under libanius the sophista ) to leave their profession which had a respect to nothing but gain , and betake themselves to a more simple and meaner course of life . of these two persons , theodorus was afterwards bishop of mopsuestia a city in cilicia ; and maximus of seleucia in isauria . but being at that time very studious and diligent about virtue , they were instructed in a monastick course of life by diodorus and carterius , who then presided over the c monasteries . of these two diodorus , afterwards made bishop of tarsus , wrote many books , being intent upon the bare letter [ and obvious sense ] of the sacred scriptures ; but avoiding the d allegoricall interpretation thereof . thus far concerning these persons . moreover , johannes , ( who e converst frequently and familiarly with basilius f at that time ordained a deacon by meletius , but afterwards constituted bishop of caesarea in cappadocia ) was made reader of the antiochian church , by g zeno the bishop in his return from jerusalem . whilest he continued in the degree of a reader , he wrote a book against the jews . having not long after obtained the dignity of a deacon from meletius , he wrote his books concerning priesthood , and those against stagirius : moreover , those concerning the incomprehensible nature of god , and those concerning * subintroduced women . after this , when meletius was dead at constantinople ; ( for he had made a journey thither , on account of gregorius nazianzenus's ordination : ) johannes made a separation from the † meletianists , nor did he communicate with paulinus ; but lived quietly for the space of three whole years . afterwards , when paulinus was dead , he is ordained presbyter by h evagrius , paulinus's successour . this ( to speak compendiously ) was johannes's course of life , before his being made bishop . he was a person ( as 't is said ) sower and morose , by reason of his [ overmuch ] zeal for temperance ; and ( as one of his intimadoes has reported ; ) from his younger years more addicted to anger , than bashfullness . because of his * sanctity of life , he was not cautious and circumspect in ▪ relation to things future ; and by reason of his ‖ plainness , he was open and easie . he used too great a liberty in speaking to those who discoursed him . in his teaching , he made it his chief business to improve the moralls of his hearers : and in his conferences , he was supposed by those who knew him not , to be proud and arrogant . chap. iv. concerning serapion the deacon , and how by his instigation johannes became offended with , and an enemy to his clergy . this being the humour and disposition of johannes , after his promotion to the * episcopate , he was more supercilious and severe towards his clergy than was fitting ; his design in that being ( as he expected , ) to rectifie the lives of those under him . immediately therefore at his very entry [ upon the bishoprick ] he seemed rough and austere to the ecclesiasticks , and incurred their * odium , many of them became his enemies , and declined him as an angry person . serapion his deacon incited him to † alienate all mens minds from himself . and on a time , when all the clergy were present , he spake aloud to the bishop , after this manner , you will never be able ( o bishop ! ) to get the mastery over these persons , unless you drive them all out with one rod. this expression of his excited an odium against the bishop . not long after the bishop ejected many persons out of the church , some for one reason , others for another . but they ( as it usually happens in such violent proceedings of governours , ) enter into a combination against him , and calumniated him to the people . that which induced the hearers to a belief of what was spoken against him , was , that the bishop would not eat with any body , nor would he upon any invitation go to a feast . upon which account most especially , the calumny against him improved , and grew greater . upon what design ‖ he refused to eat with any person , no one could ever certainly tell . for those who are desirous of defending him , say that he had a very weak stomack , and could hardly digest meat ; for which reason he did eat alone . others affirm , he did this on account of his ascetick and most severe course of life . what-ever of truth there was in this matter , it was of no small advantage to his accusers , in order to their calumniating him . notwithstanding , the people did highly approve of him upon account of the sermons he preach't in the church , loved the man exceedingly , and disregarded those persons who attempted to accuse him . moreover , what his sermons were , ( as well those published by himself , as them taken by the notaries from his mouth as he preach't them , ) how elegant , inviting and perswasive ; it is needless now to declare , in regard those that are desirous may read them , and reap abundant benefit from them . chap. v. that johannes differed not only with the clergy , but with the magistracy also . and concerning eutropius the eunuch . as long as johannes was offensive to the clergy only , the designes framed against him were weak , and infirm . but after he attempted to reprove many of the magistracy also , beyond the bounds of what was fit , then the envy against him was much more enkindled . many things were spoken against him ; most whereof were in future believed by the hearers . but that which made an addition to the calumny , was the oration at that time spoken by him against eutropius . for eutropius the eunuch ( the chief person of the bed-chamber to the emperour , the * first eunuch that was vouchsafed the dignity of a consul by the emperour , ) desirous to be revenged upon some persons who had taken sanctuary in the church , made it his business to get an edict published by the emperours , prohibiting any person from flying into the churches for sanctuary , but that such as had fled thither should by force be drawn out thence . but [ divine ] vengeance followed immediately hereupon . for the law was promulged , and not long after eutropius himself , having offended the emperour , made his escape into the church . the bishop therefore ( whilest eutropius lay under the altar , and was terrified with fear , ) a sitting in the pulpit ( out of which it had before been his usage to preach , in order to his being heard more easily ; ) made an oration in reproof of him . whereupon he seemed to give a greater offence to some persons , because he was not only incompassionate towards an unfortunate man , but on the contrary even reproved him . eutropius therefore at that time bearing the consulate , was by the emperours order beheaded , for some crimes [ he had committed . ] his name also was rased out of the * fasti consulares , and only theodorus's name , who had been his colleague in the consulate , was b recorded therein . 't is reported likewise , that bishop johannes , making use of his usuall freedom and boldness in speaking , did sharply reprove gaina also , at that time master of the milice , because he took the confidence to make a request to the emperour , that one of the churches within the city might be assigned to the arians , who were of the same opinion with himself . he also reproved several other of the grandees upon various accounts , with much freedom and boldness ; by reason of which liberty of his , he gained the ill-will of many persons . wherefore , theophilus also bishop of alexandria , soon after johannes's ordination , began to consider , how he might undermine and ruine him . and with some persons that were present he discoursed privately concerning that affair ; but he imparted his own design [ by letters ] to many others , who were at a great distance . for he was not only vexed at johannes's too great boldness ; but also because he had not been able to promote isidorus , a presbyter under him , to the bishoprick of constantinople . in this posture were bishop johannes's affairs ; and immediately , at the very beginning of his episcopate , he felt the pangs of mischief and disquietude . but we will declare the matters that concern him , in the procedure of our history . chap. vi. concerning the tyranny of gaïna the goth , and the disturbance he raised at constantinople ; and concerning his death . i will now relate an affair worthy to be recorded , which hapned at this very time ; and will demonstrate , how divine providence freed the city and roman state from the greatest danger imaginable , by unexpected assistances . what that was , must now be declared . gaïna was by extract a barbarian . having made himself a subject to the romans , and ingaged in a military employ , he rose by degrees , and was at length constituted generall both of the roman horse and foot. when he had gotten so great a power , he knew not himself , nor could he moderate his own mind . but ( as the saying is ) moved every stone , that he might render the roman empire subject unto himself . he sent for the whole nation of the goths , out of their own country . a and took care , that such as were his relations should have the command of the military forces . [ moreover , ] when tribigildus ( one of his kindred , tribune of those souldiers lodged in phrygia , ) * raised a rebellion by gaïna's instigation , and ruined the whole province of phrygia ; gaïna orders the matter so , that the care of affairs there should be committed to himself . to which the emperour arcadius , foreknowing nothing [ of his design , ] readily yielded . gaïna therefore forthwith made an expedition , pretendedly indeed against tribigildus ; but in reality , with a resolution to turn tyrant . he took along with him a vast multitude of the barbarous goths . and when he was arrived in phrygia , laid all places desolate . the romans were on a sudden mightily disturbed , not only by reason of the vast number of barbarians who were with gaïna , but also in regard the [ fertilest and ] most usefull provinces of the east were highly endangered . but then the emperour , in relation to the present juncture of affairs , made use of a prudent and usefull advice , and by subtlety made an attempt upon the * barbarian . having therefore sent [ embassadours ] to him , he took a resolution of appeasing him as well by words , as deeds . upon gaïna's demanding two of the eminentest personages of the senatorian order ( who had born the consulate , to wit , saturninus and aurelianus , b persons whom he look't upon as hinderers of his designes ; ) to be hostages ; the emperour , in compliance with the necessity of that time delivered them , though unwillingly . these two persons , prepared to undergo death for the good of the publick , with a couragious mind obeyed the emperours command . and went forth to meet the barbarian , some distance from chalcedon , at a place termed the hippodrome ; being ready to endure whatever he should inflict . however , they suffered no harm . but gaïna made use of * dissimulation , and came to chalcedon . whither the emperour arcadius also went to meet him . the emperour and the barbarian going both into that church where the body of the martyr euphemia is deposited , bound themselves in a mutuall oath , that they would not frame designes one against the other . the emperour , a person that had a pious and religious esteem for an oath , and was upon that account beloved by god , kept the ingagement he had entred into . but gaïna violated it , and receded not from the design he had proposed to himself ; but was intent upon causing burnings and plunderings , both at constantinople , and also ( if he could have effected it ) over the whole roman empire . the * city therefore was turned into a barbary , by reason of the innumerable multitudes of barbarians , and its inhabitants had the treatment of captives . [ moreover , ] so great was the danger which hung over the city , that a vast comet which reached from heaven even to the earth , the like to which no man ever saw before , gave an indication thereof . gaïna therefore in the first place impudently attempted to make plunder of the silver publickly exposed to sale in the shops . but when , by a preceding rum●ur thereof , [ the money-changers ] abstained from exposing their silver on their tables ; he betook himself to another designe . and in the dead of the night he sends a great number of barbarians to burn down the pallace . at which time it was perspicuously manifested , how great a care god had of the city . for a multitude of angels appeared to the traytors , in the form of armed men of a vast stature ; whom the barbarians conjecturing to be in reallity a numerous and valiant army , were astonished thereat , and departed . when this was told to gaïna , it seemed incredible to him . for he well knew , that the greatest part of the roman army was then absent , being engarisoned in the cities [ of the east . ] on the next night therefore , and on many nights afterwards , he sent other persons . but when he had sent c severall men , who still brought him the same news ; ( for god's angels always appeared in the same form to the traytors : ) at length he himself went accompanied with a great multitude , to be a spectatour of the miracle . supposing them really to be an * army of souldiers , which on the day-time lay concealed , and in the night opposed his attempts ; he framed a design , prejudiciall ( as he thought ) to the romans , but which ( as the event demonstrated ) was of great advantage to them . for feigning himself to be possest with a devill , upon a pretence of prayer , he goes to the church of john the apostle , which is seaven miles distant from the city . the barbarians went out with him , and carried out their arms covertly , hiding them partly in tuns , and partly making use of other devices . but when the guard that kept the city-gates , having discovered the trick , would not suffer them to carry out their weapons , the barbarians drew their swords , and slew those that guarded the gates . hereupon arose a horrid tumult in the city , and death seemed to be impendent on all persons . notwithstanding , at that time the city suffered no harm , all its gates being strongly fortified . but the emperour made a seasonable use of prudent advice , and having proclaimed gaïna a publick enemy , he commanded those barbarians who were left in the city to be slain . one day d after the men that guarded the gates had been slain , the souldiers that were present engage the barbarians within the city-gates , near the church of the goths . for all the barbarians who were left in the city flock't thither . they burnt the church , and slew a great many of the barbarians . gaïna , informed that those of his party who could not get out of the city were slain , and perceiving that his artifices were unsuccessfull to himself , left [ s t john's ] church , and went in great hast into thracia . being come to cherronesus , he endeavoured to pass ▪ over from thence , and take lampsacus , that from that place he might make himself master of the eastern parts . but upon the emperour 's sending forces immediately both by land and sea , there appeared another admirable effect of divine providence . for whilest the barbarians , wanting vessells patch't up ships in great hast and disorder , wherein they might make their passage ; on a sudden the roman navy appeared in sight , and a west-wind blew hard . the romans had a safe and easie passage in their ships . but the barbarians together with their horses in their ships were tossed up and down and dispersed by a storm , and at length perished in the sea. many of them also were destroyed by the romans . after this manner a numerous multitude of barbarians at that time lost their lives in their passage . but gaïna got away from thence , and flying through thracia , falls into the hands of another party of the roman forces , by whom he is slain together with the barbarians in his company . let thus much be sufficient to have been said e cursorily concerning gaïna . if any one be desirous of having an accurate account concerning the transactions of that war , let him read the gainëa written by eusebius f scholasticus , who at that time was an auditour of troilus the sophista : and having been a spectatour in that war , he related the transactions thereof in four books written in heroick verse . for which poem he was much admired , whilest the memory of things was fresh . and very lately , ammonius the poet his made a poem upon the same subject , and recited it before the emperour theodosius junior , in his sixteenth consulate which he bore with faustus ; on account whereof he has gotten a great repute . moreover , this war was ended on the consulate of stilichon and aurelianus . and the year following , fravitus bore a consulate , a personage by extract indeed a goth , but one who had exprest much of kindness and fidelity towards the romans ▪ and had done them excellent service in this very war. on which account he had the dignity of a consulate bestowed upon him ; in whose year the emperour arcadius had a son born , theodosius the good , on the tenth of * april . let thus much be said concerning these things ▪ [ further , ] whilest the affaires of the roman state were thus tempestuous , those intrusted with the prelacy , abstained not in the least from framing designes and plots one against another , to the reproach and disgrace of the christian religion ▪ ●or at this very time the bishops employed their thoughts about raising tumults and insurrections against one another . which mischief took its beginning ▪ from egypt , upon this account . chap. vii . concerning the dissention which hapned between theophilus [ bishop ] of alexandria , and the monasticks in the solitude . and how theophilus anathematized origen's books . a little before this , a question had been started , whether god were a body , and had an humane shape ; or whether he were incorporeall , and forreign , not only to an humane , but to any other bodily shape and figure whatever . by reason of this question , strifes and contentions were raised amongst many persons : some favouring this opinion ; others patronizing that . the greatest part of the plainer and simpler sort of asceticks asserted , that god was corporeall , and had an humane shape . but most [ other persons ] condemned their opinion , affirming god to be incorporeall , and wholly void of all manner of bodily shape . whose sentiment was embraced by theophilus bishop of alexandria ; in so much that he invieghed publickly in the church , in the presence of the people , against those who asserted god had an humane shape ; and did himself expressly determine , that he was incorporeall . the egyptian asceticks understanding this , left their monasteries and came down to alexandria . and raised a tumult against theophilus , condemning him of impiety ; and were resolved to kill him . theophilus , acquainted herewith , was sorely perplexed , and employed his mind about a device , how he might avoid the death he was threatned with . being come into the presence of these men , he addrest himself to them in a flattering way , and spoke to them on this wise : * whilest i behold you , to my thinking i see god's countenance . these words mollified the fury of the monks . their return to him was : if you speak true , [ to wit , ] that god's countenance is like ours , then anathematize origen's works . for some persons have disputed out of those a books , and contradicted our opinion . but , if you refuse to do that expect from us the treatment due to impious persons and enemies to god. i will do whatever seems good to you , ( replied theophilus ) and therefore be not incensed against me . for i my self do abominate origen's books , and judge those persons worthy of reprehension , who admit of them . theophilus therefore having after this manner given the monks a repulse , dismissed them . and perhaps the controversie about this matter , which had come to this height , might have been quieted and appeased ; had there not another accident forthwith hapned , of this nature . there presided over the monasteries in egypt four pious men , dioscorus , ammonius , eusebius , and euthymius . these persons were own brothers ; and from their [ stature of ] body were termed the long ▪ they were eminent both for their [ sanctity of ] life , and eloquence . and upon that account their fame was very great at alexandria . moreover , theophilus bishop of alexandria had an high esteem for these men . for which reason he constituted one of them , to wit , dioscorus , bishop of hermopolis ; having by force constrained him [ to undertake that ecclesiastick charge . ] two more of them he intreated to continue with him , and could scarcely perswade them to it : but in regard he was bishop , at length he forced them [ to stay ; ] and b having honoured them with the dignity of clergy-men , he committed the disposall of [ the revenue of ] the church to them . they , necestitated thereto , and discharged their office of stewardship very well . notwithstanding , they were displeased , because they could not philosophize , as they had a mind to do , nor be intent upon [ their studies of ] an ascetick discipline . but when in process of time , they were of opinion that their souls received harm , in regard they perceived the bishop wholly intent upon lucre , and making it his chief concern to amass money together , ( and upon that account , as 't is commonly said moving every stone ; ) c then they refused to live a●y longer with him , saying they were in love with the solitude , and preferred that before a city-life . the bishop , as long as he was ignorant of the true reason [ why they resolved to be gone , ] entreated them to stay . but after he perceived himself condemned by them , he was filled with rage , and threatned to do them all manner of mischief . when they , disregarding his menaces , were departed into the solitude ; theophilus being ( as may be conjectured ) a person of an hot and hasty temper , raised no small disturbance against these persons : but set all engines on work to create them trouble . he forthwith entertained an hatred for their brother dioscorus also , bishop of hermopolis . for he was sorely vexed at him , because the asceticks were his favourers , and had an high veneration for him . he very well knew , that he could no ways damnifie these persons , unless he could make the monks their enemies . he therefore makes use of this method . 't was certainly known to him , that those men , in their frequent disputes with him , [ had strongly asserted ] that god was incorporeall , and in no wise had an humane shape . for , humane passions do of necessity accompany an humane shape . and this had been diligently inquired into by the ancients , especially by origen . although this was theophilus's own sentiment concern●ng god , yet that he might be revenged of his enemies , he was not ashamed of contradicting what he and they had well and truly asserted . but * imposed upon most of the monks , persons innocent indeed and sincere , but who were unskillfull in learning , yea most of them illiterate . for he sends letters to the monasteries in the solitudes , giving them advice that they ought not to be perswaded by dioscorus , nor his brethren , who affirm god to be incorporeall . for god ( said he , ) according to the [ testimony of the ] sacred scripture , hath eyes , ears , hands , and feet , as men have . but those persons about dioscorus , being followers of origen , do attempt to introduce an * impious opinion ; to wit , that god has neither eyes , nor ears , nor feet , nor hands . with this imposture he deceives most of the monks ; and there arises a very hot dissention amongst them . such as had their minds † cultivated with learning , were in no wise caught with this fraud ; but continued their adherence both to dioscorus and origen . but the simpler sort , who were the most in number , and had the greatest warmth and zeal , forthwith made an insurrection against the brethren . a division therefore was made amongst them , and they reproach't one another as impious persons . theophilus's party termed the brethren origenists and impious persons . on the contrary , the other faction stiled those instigated by theophilus ‖ anthropomorphitae . whereupon no small contention arose , and an irreconcileable war was kindled between the monks . as soon as theophilus understood , that his design succeeded according to his own mind , he went to nitria ( where the monasteries are , ) accompanied with a great multitude , and d arms the monks against dioscorus and his brethren . they having been in great danger of loosing their lives , at length with great difficulty made their escape . johannes bishop of constantinople was in the interim wholly ignorant of what had been done in egypt : and he grew famous for his learning and eloquence , on account whereof he became eminent [ in all places . ] he was also the first person that inlarged the prayers [ usually made ] in the nocturnall hymns , [ which he did ] for this reason . chap. viii . concerning the prayers of the nocturnall hymns [ sung ] by the arians and homoöusians ; and concerning the ingagement which hapned between them : and that the singing of hymns in parts , wherein one sang one verse , another another , had its originall from ignatius a theophorus . the arians , as we have said , had their meetings without the city . every week therefore , as often as the festivall days occurred ▪ ( i mean the sabbath , and sunday , ) whereon assemblies were usually held in the churches ; they flock't together within the city , about the publick * piazza's , and sang hymns adapted to the arian heresie , answering one another by turns . and this they did for the most part all night long . early in the morning they sang the same alternative hymns , passed through the midst of the city , out of its gates , and so went to the places where they met . but in regard they would not desist from making use of such terms as gave a provocation to the assertours of the homoöusian opinion : ( for they frequently sang such words as these , where are they who affirm three to be one power ? ) johannes being afraid , lest any of the more ignorant sort might be drawn away from the church by such hymns , in opposition to them appoints some of his own people , that they also might imploy themselves in singing of nocturnall hymns , and by that means both obscure the sedulity of the arians about these things , and also confirm his own party [ the orthodox ] in the profession of their faith. this design of johannes's was seemingly good and usefull ; but the conclusion of it was disturbance and dangers . for , in regard the hymns of the homoöusians , in their singing of them in the night , were performed with more of pomp and show : ( for johannes invented silver crosses , whereon were carried wax-tapers lighted ; the empress eudoxia being at the charge hereof : ) the arians , who were very numerous , and possest with an envious emulation , resolved to be revenged , and to make an attack against them . for , by reason of that power and sway which they had formerly had , they were as yet hot and ready for such conflicts , and likewise they despised their adversaries . without delay therefore , on one of those nights they ingaged . briso , the empresse's eunuch , who at that time was the singers instructour , received a wound in his forehead by a stone : and moreover , some persons on both sides were slain . the emperour incensed hereat , prohibited the arians from singing their ▪ hymns any more in publick . such , as we have declared , were the transactions then . we are further to relate , whence this usage of singing alternative hymns in the church had its original . b ignatius the third bishop of antioch in syria from the apostle peter , who also converst with the apostles themselves , saw a vision of angells , praising the holy trinity by singing of alternative hymns , and he delivered that way of singing , which he had seen in his vision , to the antiochian church . whence the same tradition was spread over all other churches . this is the account we have received concerning alternative hymns . chap. ix . concerning those termed the long monks , and how theophilus having conceived an implacable hatred against johannes upon their account , made it his business to get him deposed [ from his bishoprick ] not long after this , the monks together with dioscorus and his brethren , went from the solitudes to constantinople . they were accompanied by isidorus , a person for whom theophilus had heretofore had a great * love ; a but was then become his most deadly enemy , upon this account . one peter was b chief-presbyter of the alexandrian church . theophilus had conceived an hatred against him , and took a resolution of ejecting him out of the church . he charged him with this accusation , that he had admitted a woman , by sect a manichaean , to [ a participation of ] the sacred mysteries , before he had brought her off from the manichaean heresie . but in regard peter said that the woman had renounced her heresie , and that she had not been admitted [ to the eucharist ] contrary to theophilus's mind , theophilus was for that reason highly incensed , in regard he was calumniated . for he affirmed himself to be wholly ignorant of what had been done . peter therefore summoned isidorus to attest , that the bishop was not ignorant of what had been done concerning the woman . it hapned that isidorus was at that very time at the imperiall city rome . for he had been sent by theophilus to damasus bishop of rome , that he might make a reconciliation between him and flavianus bishop of antioch . for meletius's adherents made a separation from flavianus , on account of his oath , as has been declared * before . isidorus therefore being returned from rome , and summoned by peter to give in his evidence , affirmed that the manichaean woman was admitted [ to the sacrament ] agreeable to the bishop's consent : and that the bishop himself administred the [ sacred ] mysteries to her , hereupon theophilus was highly enraged , and out of anger ejected them both [ out of the church . ] this was the occasion of isidorus's accompanying dioscorus and his brethren to constantinople ; that the designs which had fraudulently been formed against them , might be inspected and lai● open before the emperour himself , and johan●●● the bishop . johannes informed hereof , gave the men an honourable reception ; and excluded them not from communion of the prayers ; but said he would not allow them a communion of the [ sacred ] mysteries , before cognizance had been taken of their case . whilest the affair was in this posture , a false report is brought to the hearing of theophilus , as if johannes had both admitted them to the sacred mysteries , and was also ready to give them assistance . wherefore [ theophilus ] made it his whole business , that he might not only be revenged upon dioscorus and isidorus , but cast johannes also out of his [ episcopall ] chair . he sends letters therefore to the bishops of every city , concealing indeed his own design , and to appearance blaming therein origen's books only : [ notwithstanding , ] athanasius , ( who lived long before him , ) in confirmation of his own faith , has frequently made use of the authority and testimony of origen's writings , in his orations against the arians . chap. x. that epiphanius [ bishop ] of cyprus being also led away by theophilus's frauds , convened a synod of bishops in cyprus , to determine against origen's writings , and reproved johannes for reading origen's books . he became reconciled also to epiphanius bishop of constantia in cyprus , with whom he had heretofore disagreed . for theophilus a had been angry with epiphanius , in regard he entertained abject thoughts of god , and subposed him to have an humane shape . although theophilus embraced these sentiments concerning god , and reproved those who supposed the deity had an humane shape ; yet by reason of the hatred he had conceived against some other persons , he openly denyed his own thoughts : and at that time entred into a friendship with epiphanius ( with whom he had before been at difference , ) as if he had altered his mind , and entertained now the same sentiment with him concerning god. he was very earnest with epiphanius likewise to convene a synod of the bishops in cyprus , that therein origen's writings might be condemned . epiphanius being by reason of his singular piety a person of a plain disposition and unacquainted with subtlety , was soon induced into errour by theophilus's letters . and having assembled a synod of the bishops within the island [ cyprus , ] prohibits the reading of origen's books . he sent letters also to johannes , intreating him to abstain from reading origen's works ; and [ requesting ] that he also would convene a synod , and make the same determination he had done . theophilus therefore having wound in epiphanius , a person famous for his piety , to embrace his own opinion , and perceiving that his design throve according to his wish ; became more confident , and he also ●●●self b assembled many bishops : in which convention ( agreeable to what had been done by epiphanius ) a sentence of condemnation was ponounced against the writings of origen , who had been dead c almost two hundred years : not that this was theophilus's principall design , but [ he did it chiefly ] to be revenged on dioscorus and his brethren . johannes gave little heed to what he was acquainted with either from epiphanius , or theophilus himself ; his mind being wholly imployed about preaching in the churches . and for that indeed he was extraordinarily eminent : but he altogether slighted the plots and designes formed against him . but after it came to be apparently known to most persons , that theophilus made it his business to divest johannes of his bishoprick , then all those men who had an hatred for johannes , joyned in their raising calumnious complaints against him . and many , as well of the clergy , as of the grandees who had a great interest in the imperiall pallace , supposing they had a very fair opportunity offered them of being revenged upon johannes , procured a grand synod to be convened at constantinople , sending into divers parts [ for the bishops , ] partly by letters , and partly by messengers . chap. xi . concerning the [ two ] syrian [ bishops ] severianus and antiochus , how , and for what reasons they disagreed with johannes . moreover , the odium against johannes was increased by another accident of this nature . there were two bishops who flourished at one and the same time , by extract they were syrians , [ their names ] severianus and antiochus . severianus presided over the church of gabali , which is a city of syria ; and antiochus over that of ptolemaïs scituate in phoenice . both of them were famous for their eloquence . severianus , though he seemed to be very learned , yet did not pronounce the greek tongue exactly and distinctly : but whilest he spoke greek , his voice had the sound of syriack . antiochus came first to constantinople from ptolemaïs ; and having for some time preached in the churches [ of the imperiall city ] with much labour and diligence , and from them procured a great summe of money ; at length he returned to his own church . afterwards , severianus being informed that antiochus had gotten a great deal of money at constantinople , made it his business to follow his example . having therefore exercised himself very much , and made many sermons , he also comes to constantinople . where being curteously received by johannes , for some time he soothed and ●●attered him , and was notwithstanding beloved and honoured by johannes : in the mean while he grew famous for his sermons , and on that account came to be taken notice of by * many great personages [ of that city , ] and moreover , by the emperour himself . it hapned that the bishop of ephesus died at that time , and johannes was necessitated to make a journey thither , to ordain a bishop there . being come to that city , and finding some endeavouring to promote one person to the bishoprick , others another , ( who also strove very earnestly amongst themselves upon their account , for whom they gave their suffrages ; ) johannes perceiving that both parties contended most pertinaciously , and would in no point be obedient to his admonitions ; resolved to put an end to their contention * without offending either faction . he himself therefore preferred one heraclides his deacon , by nation a cypriot ▪ to the bishoprick . and so both parties desisted from their mutuall contentiousness , and were at quiet . on this account johannes was necessitated to stay at ephesus a long time . in the interim that he resided there , severianus gained a greater esteem and affection from his auditors at constantinople . nor was this thing unknown to johannes . for he was with all imaginable speed acquainted with what-ever hapned . when therefore serapion ( of whom we have made mention † before , ) suggested this to him , and told him the church was disturbed by severianus , johannes was provoked to an emulation . and having ‖ incidently taken away many churches from the novatianists and quartadecimani , he returned to constantinople . where he renewed the care of the churches which was incumbent on him . but no body was able to endure serapion's haughtiness and arrogancy . for in regard he was in possession of a great * interest and favour with johannes the bishop , his insolence towards all persons was immeasurable . for which reason the odium also against the bishop became more enkindled . upon a time , when severianus passed by him , serapion refused to give him the honour due to a bishop : but continued in his seat , demonstrating thereby that he had but a very slight esteem for severianus's presence . severianus could not bear this contempt of serapion's ; but spake with a loud voice to those that were present , if serapion dies a christian , christ hath not been incarnate . serapion having gotten this occasion , did openly render severianus odious to johannes : he concealed the first clause of the sentence , [ to wit , this ] if serapion dies a christian ; and affirmed that severianus said these words only , doubtless christ was not incarnate . he produced a company of his own [ faction ] who attested that the words were spoken so . johannes therefore forthwith expells severianus out of the city . this coming to the knowledge of the empress eudoxia , she reproves johannes severely ; and gave order that severianus should forthwith be recalled from chalcedon in bithynia . he returned immediately . but johannes declined his friendship ; nor could he be induced thereto by the intreaty of any one . a till at length the empress eudoxia , in that church called the apostles , cast her son theodosius ( who now reigns successfully , but was then a very young child ; ) before johannes's knees , and b having adjured him frequently by her son , with much adoe prevailed with him to admit of a friendship wi●h severianus . after this manner therefore these two persons were to appearance reconciled : nevertheless , they retained a rancoured mind one towards another . such was the occasion of johannes's grudge against severianus . chap. xii . that epiphanius coming to constantinople , held assemblies , and performed ordinations contrary to johannes's mind ; that he might gratifie theophilus . not long after this , epiphanius the bishop comes again out of cyprus to constantinople , induced thereto by theophilus's * perswasives : he brought along with him † a copy of a sentence of a synod , wherein he had not declared origen to be excommunicate , but had condemned his books only . arriving therefore at saint john's church , ( which is distant from the city seven miles , ) and coming ashoar , he celebrated an assembly , a and ordained a deacon ; after which he entred into the city . that he might gratifie theophilus , he declined johannes's invitation , and lodged in a little private house . and having called together those bishops who were then at constantinople , he produced a copy of the sentence of condemnation against origen's books , and recited it to them : b having nothing to say against those books , only he and theophilus were pleased to reject them . some [ of the bishops ] out of that reverential respect they bore epiphanius , subscribed [ this decree of the synod : ] but very many of them refused to do it . amongst which number was theotimus bishop of scythia , who made this answer to epiphanius . i ( said he ) will neither be injurious ( o epiphanius ! ) to a person who has long since ended his life piously ; nor dare i attempt so impious a fact , as to condemn what our predecessours have in no wise rejected ; especially when i do not c know of any ill doctrine in the books of origen . after this he produced a book of origen's , which he began to read , and shewed the ecclesiastick expositions [ of scripture which occur'd ] therein . and then he subjoyned these words . they who are injurious towards these writings , perceive not that they fix a reproach upon those very books , concerning which these are written . this was the return , which theotimus ( a person eminent for his piety and rectitude of life , ) made to epiphanius . chap. xiii . what this writer can say in defence of origen . but in regard such as delight in reproaching , have imposed upon many persons , [ and disswaded them ] a from reading origen , as being a blasphemous authour ; i judge it not unseasonable to discourse a little concerning them . vile and despicable men , who of themselves cannot arrive at an eminency , are desirous of getting a name from discommending those who are better than themselves . the first person affected with this distemper was methodius , bishop of a city in lycia named olympus . then , eustathius , who for some small time presided over the church in antioch . after him , appollinaris , and lastly theophilus . this mess of revilers have calumniated origen , but proceeded not in one and the same method . for one has broke out into an accusation against him upon one account , another upon another ; whereby each of them hath sufficiently demonstrated , that he has fully approved of whatever he has not found fault with . for , whereas one has blamed him in particular for one opinion , another for another ; 't is manifest that each of them has wholly admitted as true what he hath not cavilled at ; his silence approving of that which he has not found fault with . methodius indeed , when [ in his books ] he had in many passages severely inveighed against origen , does notwithstanding afterwards unsay as it were what he had written , and b admires the man , in the c dialogue to which he gave the title of xenωn . but , i do affirm , that an addition is made to origen's commendation from his being accused by these persons . for they who have gotten together whatever they supposed blame-worthy [ in origen , ] and notwithstanding have not in the least found fault with him in these their collections for entertaining ill sentiments concerning the holy trinity ; [ these men , i say ] do most evidently demonstrate and bear witness to his true and orthodox piety . and by their not blaming him in this particular , they commend him by their own testimony . but athanasius a couragious defender of the homoöusian faith , in his orations against the arians , does with a loud voice cite this authour as a witness of his own faith , interweaving his words with his ▪ own , after this manner ; the most admirable and laborious origen ( says he ) does by his own testimony confirm our sentiment concerning the son of god , affirming him to be coëternall to the father . they therefore who reproach origen , have forgot themselves [ and consider not ] that they speak calumniously of athanasius , origen's praiser . but , let thus much be said concerning origen . we will now return to the sequell of our history . chap. xiv . how johannes ( having invited epiphanius to come to [ his pallace ] and he refusing , and continuing his holding of separate assemblies in the church of the ▪ apostles , ) admonished and reproved him , because he did many things contrary to the canons . wher●at epiphanius was terrified , and returned into his own country . a johannes was in no wise angry , because epiphanius had made an ordination in his church , contrary to the canon : but invited him to come and lodge with him in the bishops pallace . but his answer was , that he would neither abide nor pray with him , unless he would expell dioscorus and his brethren out of the city , and with his own hand subscribe the condemnation of origen's books . upon johannes's deferring to do these things , and saying that nothing ought rashly to be done * before a determination of a generall councill ; those that hated johannes put epiphanius upon another design . for they contrive , that at the next religious meeting which was to be held in that church named the apostles , epiphanius should come forth publickly , † condemn origen's books in the presence of all the people , excommunicate dioscorus with his followers , and reproach johannes as being their favourer . these things were declared to johannes : and on the day following he sends this message to epiphanius ( who was then come into the church ) by serapion : epiphanius , you do many things contrary to the canons : first , you have made an ordination in the churches under my jurisdiction : then , without any order from me , you have made use of your own authority and ministred in the said churches : further , when b heretofore i invited you hither , you refused to come , and now you allow your self that liberty . take heed therefore , least a tumult being raised amongst the people , even you your self incur danger therefrom . epiphanius having heard this , was fearfull and went from the church : and after he had very much blamed johannes , he began his voyage to cyprus . some persons report , that at his going a-board , he spake these words to johannes , i hope you will not die a bishop . and , that johannes made him this return , c i hope you will not arrive in your own country . i cannot positively affirm , whether they who told me these things spake true . notwithstanding , the event was agreeable to both their wishes . for epiphanius arrived not at cyprus : but d after his departure died on shipboard . and within a small time afterwards johannes was deposed from his bishoprick , as we shall manifest in the procedure of our history . chap. xv. how after epiphanius's departure , johannes made an oration against women , and upon that account ( by the care of the emperour , and empress , ) a synod was convened against him at chalcedon , and he is ejected out of his church . for , after epiphanius's departure , johannes received information from some persons , that the empress eudoxia had animated epiphanius against him . and being a person of an hot disposition , and of a ready expression ; without delay he made an oration in the presence of the people , the contents whereof were the discommendation of all women in generall . the multitude understands that oration so , as if it had been * aenigmatically spoken against the empress . this speech is taken in writing by malevolent persons , and brought to the knowledge of the emperours . the empress , informed hereof , complains to the emperour of the injury done to herself , and tells him that her injury was his . she takes care therefore , that theophilus should forthwith convene a synod against johannes : which was in like manner urged by severianus : for he still retained his grudge [ against johannes . ] within a small intervall of time theophilus arrived , accompanied with many bishops of severall cities [ whom he had summoned together by his letters . ] a for , the emperour had given him this order by his rescript . they flock't together most especially , who were displeased with johannes , some upon one account , others on another . they came also , whom johannes had turned out of their bishopricks . for johannes had deposed many bishops in asia , when he went to ephesus upon account of ordaining heraclides . all of them therefore by agreement met together at chalcedon [ a city ] of bithynia . one cyrinus was at that time bishop of chalcedon , by country an egyptian : he prated [ against johannes ] before the bishops , terming him an impious , arrogant , and b inexorable person . with which words the bishops were mightily pleased . but maruthas bishop of mesopotamia ; against his will trod upon cyrinus's foot . by reason of which [ bruise ] he was in very great pain , and could not accompany the rest of the bishops in their passage to constantinople . he therefore continued at chalcedon ; but the rest failed over to constantinople . none of the ecclesiasticks went out to meet theophilus , nor shewed him the usuall respect and honour : for he was known to be [ johannes's ] open enemy : the alexandrian mariners , whose corn-fleet hapned to be there at that time , went forth to meet him , and received him with acclamations of joy . theophilus refused to go into the church ; but took up his lodgings in one of the emperours houses , named placidiana . thence-forward many accusations were raised against johannes . nor was there the least mention now made concerning origen's books : but they betook themselves to other absurd criminations . provision being made before hand after this manner , the bishops met at a place * near the city chalcedon termed the † oake , whither they cited johannes immediately , that he might make his defence in reference to the crimes he stood charged with . together with him they summoned in serapion [ his deacon , ] tygris the eunuch a presbyter , and paulus a reader . for these persons were accused together with johannes . but , in regard johannes made use of an c exception , and refused those that summoned him in , as being his enemies , and appealed to a generall councill ; without any delays they cited him in four times . and when he refused to appear , but gave them always the same answer , they condemned and deposed him ; laying no other crime to his charge but this only , that upon his being summoned he would not appear . this business being divulged about evening , put the multitude into the greatest tumult immaginable : wherefore they watched all night long , and would in no wise suffer him to be taken out of the church : but cryed out , that cognizance ought to be taken of his case in a greater synod . but the emperour issued out an order , that he should be forthwith ejected , and carried into banishment . johannes understanding this , surrendred himself about d noon on the third day after his deposition , the people not knowing of it . for he was afraid , least a disturbance might have been raised upon his account . so , he was conveyed away [ and banished . ] chap. xvi . that the people being tumultuous because of johannes's banishment , briso the empresse's eunuch , was sent to bring him back again to constantinople . but the people were intollerably tumultuous . and ( as it usually happens in such cases , ) those who had conceived an hatred against him , changed it into a compassion , and affirmed him to be calumniated , whom a little before they desired to see deposed . upon this account therefore , they were the most numerous , who exclaimed both against the emperour , and the synod of bishops . but in a more especiall manner they fix't the occasion of this calumny upon theophilus . for his frauds could no longer continue concealed : but [ were discovered ] both by many other indications , and also because he communicated with dioscorus and those termed the long monks , a soon after johannes's deposition . moreover , at that time severianus also ( in a sermon he preach't in the church , ) supposing he had a fair opportunity of reproaching johannes , spake these words : although johannes had been condemned for nothing else , yet his proud and arrogant disposition was crime sufficient [ justly to have occasioned ] his deposition . for men are forgiven all other sins , but god resisteth the proud , as the sacred scriptures inform us . these words provoked the populace to an higher degree of obstinacy and contention . upon which account the emperour gave order he should be recalled immediately . briso therefore the empresse's eunuch being sent , found him at b praenetum , which is a mart-town scituate over against nicomedia , and ordered him , to return to constantinople . but in regard johannes , after he was recalled from exile , refused to enter the city before he had been declared innocent by a greater judicature ; in the interim therefore he abode in a c village at some distance from the city , termed marianae . upon his making delays and refusing to enter the city , the multitude was incensed , and forthwith began to cast forth opprobious words against the emperours . for which reason johannes was forced to return . the populace therefore went forth to meet him with [ expressions of ] the greatest veneration and honour , and bring him directly to the church : entreating him to place himself in the episcopall chair , and ( according to his former usage ) pray for peace upon the people . upon his refusing to do that , and saying that that ought to be done by a determination of the judges , and that it was necessary his condemners should acquit him ; the multitude grew more inflamed , they being extreamly desirous to see him sitting in the [ episcopall ] chair , and to hear him preach again . at length the people prevailed to have these things done . and johannes , after he had seated himself in the episcopall throne , according to his usage prayed for peace upon the people : and moreover , being constrained thereto , he preached a sermon to them . this thing gave johannes's adversaries an occasion of [ raising ] another calumnious accusation against him . but concerning that they spake not one word then . chap. xvii . that upon theophilus's desiring to discuss heraclides's case then absent , and johannes's refusing to permit him ; an engagement hapned between the constantinopolitans and alexandrians , wherein many were slain [ on both sides . ] at which theophilus and some other of the bishops were terrified , and fled from the city . but in the first place theophilus made an attempt to call in question heraclides's a ordination ; that so , if possible , he might make that an occasion of deposing johannes [ again . ] heraclides was not present : but was judged in his absence , as if he had unjustly beaten some persons , bound them with chains , and caused them to be led thorow the midst of the city ephesus . and when johannes and his favourers affirmed , that judgment ought not to be * passed upon those that were absent ; the alexandrians on the contrary stifly maintained , that heraclides's accusers ought to be admitted , although they accused him in his absence . a tumult therefore and a sharp conflict was forthwith raised between the constantinopolitans and alexandrians . and a fight hapned , wherein many persons received wounds , and some few were slain . upon sight hereof , theophilus fled forthwith to alexandria : the same was done by the other bishops , excepting a few who were of johannes's side . and all of them made their escape and went to their own [ sees . ] these things hapning thus , theophilus was condemned in the judgment of all men . moreover , the odium against him was increased , by his being in no wise ashamed of reading origen's books constantly after this . being asked therefore by one , why he would again embrace those books which he had condemned ; his answer was this : origen ' s books are like a medow adorned with all manner of flowers . if therefore i find any thing that is good amongst them , i gather it . but , if any thing appears thorny to me , that ( in regard it pricks ) i let alone . this was theophilus's answer ; but he considered not this saying of wise solomon : that , † the words of the wise are as goads , and they ought not to kick against them , who are pricked by the precepts [ contained therein . ] for these reasons theophilus was condemned in all mens judgments . moreover dioscorus ( one of those termed the long monks ) bishop of hermopolis , b died a little after theophilus's flight , and was honoured with a splendid funerall , being buried in the church at the oak , wherein the synod upon johannes's account had been convened . but johannes imployed himself about preaching . and ordains serapion ( for whose sake the odium against him had been raised , ) bishop of heraclea in thracia . not long after , these things also hapned . chap. xviii . concerning eudoxia's silver statue , and how johannes was ejected out of his church again on account of that , and conveyed into banishment . a a silver statue of the empress eudoxia , clothed in a womans stole , had been erected upon a pillar of porphyry . it stood upon an high basis , not very near , nor yet at any great distance from that church named sophia : but there was the distance of half the breadth of the street between them both . at that statue publick sports were usually celebrated . johannes supposing what was performed [ at those sports ] to be done in contempt to the church , reassumed his usuall freedom and boldness of speech , and armed his tongue against those who did these things . and whereas he ought to have perswaded the emperours by an exhortatory oration , to abstain from such sports ; he did not doe that : but made use of his sharp tongue , and reproach't those who had ordered these [ sports ] to be performed . the empress did again apply these expressions to her self . and supposing johannes's words [ to be spoken ] in contempt to her , she makes it her business to have another synod of bishops convened against him . johannes , made sensible hereof , preach't that famous sermon of his in the church , the beginning whereof is this : * herodias rages again , she is again disturbed , she dances again , she again desires to receive john ' s head in a charger . hereby the empress was more highly exasperated . and not long after the bishops arrived , to wit , leontius bishop of ancyra in galatia the less : ammonius of laodicea which is in pisidia , b briso of philippi in thracia : acacius of beroea in syria , and some others . after these prelates were come , those who had accused johannes before , were set up again . johannes was emboldened with a greater degree of confidence before these judges : and desired that the crimes he was accused of , might be inquired into . [ in the interim , the feast of ] our saviour's nativity approached , and the emperour , as he had usually done before , went not to the church : but gave johannes notice , that he would not communicate with him , till such time as he should clear himself of the crimes he stood charged with . farther , in regard johannes's accusers shewed a despondency and fearfulness of mind , by reason of his great confidence ; the bishops that were present superseded their researches into any thing else , and affirmed that a scrutiny was to be made concerning this only , to wit , that after his deposition he had thrust himself into his episcopall chair , without having had it adjudged to him by the authority of a synod . when johannes made answer , that sixty bishops who held communion with him , had decreed that ; leontius rejoyned [ in these words , ] c but they were the more in number , o johannes ! who condemned you in the synod . again , when johannes urged , that that was not a canon of the catholick church , d but of the arians making ; ( for the bishops * heretofore convened at antioch in order to the subversion of the homoöusian faith , out of their hatred to athanasius , made that canon : ) [ leontius and his party ] rejected his defence , and pronounced sentence against him : not considering , that by making use of that canon , e they deposed athanasius also . these things were transacted at the approach of the feast of easter . the emperour therefore gives johannes notice , that f he could not come to the church , because two synods had condemned him . wherefore johannes desisted in future , and went not any more to the church . on which account those of his party left the church immediately , and celebrated easter in the publick baths termed constantianae . there were with them many bishops , presbyters , and others of the ecclesiastick function ; who were termed johannitae , because from that time they held meetings in severall places apart by themselves . johannes appeared not at all in publick , for the space of two months , till such time as the emperour issued out an order for his being carried away into exile . by virtue whereof he was drawn out of the church , and conveyed into banishment . on which very day some of the johannitae set the church on fire . whilest that was burning , an easterly wind blew , which conveyed the fire to the g senate-house , whereby that was burnt . this hapned on the twentieth of june , in honorius's sixth consulate , which he bore with aristaenetus . moreover , what mischiefs the praefect of constantinople ( whose name was h optatus , an heathen as to his religion , and therefore an hater of the christians ) did to johannes's friends upon account of this fire , and how he destroyed many of them by a capitall punishment , i think fit to omit . chap. xix . concerning arsacius , who was ordained johannes's successour , and concerning cyrinus [ bishop ] of chalcedon . some few days after , arsacius is ordained bishop of constantinople ; he was brother to nectarius , who had been johannes's predecessour in that bishoprick , and had governed it well : but he was very aged . for he was above eighty years old . during his calm and peaceable presidency over that bishoprick , by reason of his singular mildness , cyrinus bishop of chalcedon , * whose foot maruthas bishop of mesopotamia had unawares trod upon , was in so very ill a condition , that his foot putrified , and he was forced to have it cut off . nor was this abscission performed once only , but it was many times iterated . for † the gangrene preyed upon his whole body , in so much that it seized his other foot , which he was forced to have cut off also . i have mentioned this thing for this reason , in regard many persons did affirm , that cyrinus suffered all this on account of the opprobrious words he had spoken against johannes ; for he frequently termed him an inexorable person , as i have said * before . and because [ about the same time ] there fell an hail , [ the stones whereof were ] of a vast bigness , at constantinople and in the suburbs round that city ; ( which hapned in the † fore-mentioned consulate ▪ about the thirtieth of september : ) this was said to have been an act of divine vengeance for johannes's unjust deposition . these reports had more of credit given to them and were improved by the empresse's death , which hapned soon after . for she ended her life on the fourth day after the hail fell . others affirmed , that johannes was deservedly deposed , because , when he was in asia and lydia , he had seized upon many churches belonging to the novatianists , quartadecimani , and some other [ hereticks , to wit , ] at such time as he made a journey to ephesus on account of heraclides's ordination . but , whether johannes's deposition were just , agreeable to their saying who were incensed against him ; or whether cyrinus underwent a due punishment for his reproachfull language ; and whether the hail fell , and the empress died , upon johannes's account ; or whether these things hapned for other reasons ; or for both ; god knows , who is the discerner of things secret , and the just judge of truth it self . i have recorded what the common reports of men were at that time . chap. xx. how , after arsacius , atticus obtained the constantinopolitan see. but arsacius did not long survive his taking the bishoprick . for , on the following consulate , which was stilichon's second and anthemius's first , about the eleventh of november he died . many persons being exceedingly desirous of obtaining the bishoprick , and for that reason much time having been spent , on the following consulate , which was arcadius's sixth and probus's first , a religious person was promoted to the bishoprick , his name atticus . by originall extract he was of sebastia in armenia , but had followed an ascetick course of life from his younger years ; and , besides his being furnished with a competency of learning , he was endowed with a greater degree of natural prudence . but i shall speak concerning this person hereafter . chap. xxi . concerning johannes's departure to the lord in exile . johannes being carried into banishment , died at comani upon the euxine sea , on the fourteenth of a september , in the following consulate , which was honorius his seventh and theodosius's second . he was a person ( as i have said * before ) by reason of his zeal for temperance , more addicted to anger than bashfullness , and because of his sanctity of life ; he always made use of too great a liberty of speech . but it is ▪ to me a wonder , how he , who was so zealous a follower of temperance , should teach in his sermons , that temperance was to be contemned . for , whereas the synod of bishops allowed repentance but once to those who lapsed after baptism , he was so bold as to say , [ b although ] you have repented a thousand times , approach . for which doctrine many of his acquaintance rebuked him ; but more especially sisinnius bishop of the novatianists : who wrote a book against this saying [ of chrysostome's , ] and reproved him sharply for it . but , these things hapned long before this time . chap. xxii . concerning sisinnius bishop of the novatianists , what expressions he is said to have used in his discourses with johannes . but , i judge it not inopportune , to speak something briefly concerning sisinnius . he was ( as i have often said ) an eloquent person , and an excellent philosopher . but in a more especiall manner he had taken pains about logick , and was incomparably well versed in interpreting the sacred scriptures . in so much that eunomius the heretick would [ out of fear ] frequently avoid his judicious and powerfull acuteness in discourse . his diet was not slender . but though he was eminently temperate , yet his fare was sumptuous and magnificent . his way of living was splendid and delicate , [ he was clad ] in a white garment , and bathed himself twice a day in the publick baths . being on a time asked by one , why he that was a bishop , would bathe twice a day ; his answer was , because i cannot bathe , thrice . at another time , when out of respect he went to give arsacius the bishop a visit , he was asked by one of those about arsacius , why he would wear a garment misbecoming a bishop ? and where it was written that a priest should be cloathed in a white garment ? his answer was , tell me first where is it written , that a bishop should wear a black garment ? and when he that asked him , was in doubt [ how to return answer ] to this contrary question , sisinnius added : you , said he , can never shew that a priest ought to wear black . but solomon is my authour , whose words are , * let thy garments be white . and our saviour in the † gospels , appeared clothed in a white garment . moreover , he shewed moses and elias , wearing white garments , to the apostles . having with readiness said these and many other such words as these , he was greatly admired by those that were present . when leontius bishop of ancyra in galatia the less , had taken the church [ there ] from the novatianists , and was [ at that time ] come to constantinople , sisinnius went to him , and entreated him to restore the church . but leontius in an heat made answer , and said to him , you novatianists ought not to have churches , [ in regard ] you take away repentance , and exclude the loving kindness of god. after leontius had spoken these and more such ill words against the novatianists , sisinnius made answer , but no person repents in such a manner as i do . when leontius added again , how do you repent ? sisinnius , subjoyned , because i have seen you a . one time , johannes reproved sisinnius , and said to him , a city cannot have two bishops ; sisinnius's answer was , nor has it . johannes being angry hereat , and saying , you seem desirous of being the only bishop ; sisinnius replyed , i do not say that , but that i am not a bishop in your account only , when as notwithstanding other persons look upon me to be such . johannes incensed at that answer , i ( said he ) will make you leave preaching ; for you are an heretick . to which sisinnius made this pleasant return : but i will give you a reward , if you will free me from so great pains . johannes being mollified with this answer , replied , i will not make you leave off preaching , if that office be troublesome to you . so facetious was sisinnius , and so ready at answering . it would be tedious to write and record all his sayings . wherefore , i have accounted it sufficient , by these few to shew what manner of person he was . i will only add this , that he was very eminent for his learning ; on which account , all the bishops that were his successours , loved and honoured him . moreover , all the eminent personages of the senatorian order had a great affection for , and admired him . he wrote many books : but * he is too studious about words in them , and intermixes poetick terms . he was more admired for his speaking , than his writing . for , in his face and voice , in his garb and aspect , and in the whole motion of his body , there was a gracefullness . by reason of which [ accomplishments , ] he was beloved both by all sects , and chiefly by atticus the bishop . but , i think thus much sufficient [ to have been said ] concerning sisinnius . chap. xxiii . concerning the death of the emperour arcadius . not long after the death of johannes , the emperour arcadius died ; a man of a mild and quiet temper , and who at the close of his life got the repute of a person beloved by god , for this reason . there is at constantinople a very spacious house , which is termed * carya . for , in the court of this house there is a nutt-tree , on which ( 't is reported ) the martyr acacius was hanged , and compleated his martyrdom . on this account a small church was built near that tree . the emperour arcadius desirous to see this church , went into it [ one day : ] and when he had said his prayers , came out again . all those persons who dwelt near that church , ran together to see the emperour . some went out of the house , and made it their business to take their standings before hand in the streets , from whence they supposed they might have a plainer view of the emperour's countenance ▪ and of the guards that were about him . others followed , untill all persons , together with the women and children , were got out of the church . after which , all that great house , the buildings whereof enclosed the church on every side , fell down immediately . hereupon followed an out-cry , together with an admiration , because the emperours prayer had delivered so great a multitude of persons from destruction . this hapned thus . [ moreover , arcadius ] leaving his son theodosius , then but eight years old , ended his life in the consulate of bassus and philippus , on the first of may : this was the second year of the two hundredth ninety seventh olympiad . he reigned with his father theodosius thirteen years : after his fathers death [ he reigned ] fourteen ; he lived one and thirty years . this book contains the † history of twelve years and six months . * in other copies this following passage occurs , not as if it were omitted , but worded in a different manner . we judged it therefore meet to annex it . on which account we have added it at this place . but , in regard the bishop of ephesus hapned to die in the interim , johannes was necessitated to go to ephesus , to ordain a bishop . being arrived in that city , and some endeavouring to promote one person , others another ; he preferred one heraclides , his own deacon , by country a cypriot , to the bishoprick . whereupon a disturbance being raised in ephesus , because heraclides was [ reputed ] unworthy of the episcopate ; johannes was forced to stay at ephesus for some time . during his residence there , severianus grew more beloved and esteemed by his auditors at constantinople . nor was this unknown to johannes . for he was speedily acquainted with what hapned by serapion , whom he had a singular affection for , and to whom he committed the whole care of his episcopate , in regard of his piety , his fidelity in all concerns , his prudence in the management of all matters , and his studiousness about defending the bishops rights . after some time , johannes returns to constantinople , and personally undertook again a becoming care of the churches . but between serapion the deacon , and severianus the bishop , there arose a great * dissention ; serapion opposing severianus , because he strove to out-do johannes in his preaching ; and severianus envying serapion , because johannes the bishop favoured him highly , and entrusted him with the whole care of his episcopate . being thus affected one towards the other , the vehemency of their hatred hapned to be much increased by this reason . to severianus on a time passing by , serapion † shewed not that honour which is due to a bishop : but continued in his feat ; whether it was because he saw him not , ( as serapion afterwards affirmed upon oath before the synod ; ) or whether it was because he slighted the presence of a bishop , ( as severianus averred , ) [ which of these was truest ] i cannot say : god only knows . but severianus could not then bear serapion's contempt ; but immediately , even before cognizance had been taken of the cause in a publick synod , with an a oath condemns serapion , and not only [ divests him ] of the dignity of a deacon ; but excommunicates him also from the church . johannes hearing this , took it very ill . but afterwards , when the business came under scrutiny before a synod , and serapion excused the fact , and averred that he saw him not , and also produced witnesses [ in confirmation thereof ; ] the whole synod of bishops then convened pardoned him , and entreated severianus to admit of serapion's excuse . but johannes the bishop , that he might fully satisfie severianus , removes serapion and suspends him from the * office of a deacon for a weeks space : although he used him as his right hand in all businesses , in regard he was a most acute and diligent person about ecclesiastick disputes and answers . notwithstanding , severianus could not thus be prevailed with : but made it his whole business to get serapion not only wholly degraded from his diaconate , but excommunicated also . johannes was sorely vexed hereat , went out of the synod , and left the bishops then present to determine the cause , having spoken these words to them : do you inquire into the cause , and make such a definitive determination as you shall think fit . for i refuse to determine the difference between them . after johannes had spoken these words , and was risen up , the whole synod arose likewise , and left the cause in the same state it was in , blaming severianus rather , because he † acquiesced not in what had been said by johannes the bishop . but johannes admitted not severianus to a familiarity any more in future : but advised him to return into his own country , signifying thus much to him : severianus , ( said he , ) 't is not expedient , that the diocess you are intrusted with should for so long a time continue unlookt-after ▪ and destitute of the presence of its bishop . wherefore , hasten your return to your churches , and neglect not the gift [ which god hath bestowed ] upon you . when severianus had begun his journey , the empress eudoxia , informed hereof , reproves johannes , and causes severianus to be forthwith recalled from chalcedon in bithynia . he came back immediately . but johannes declined a friendship with him , and could by no persons entreaty be prevailed upon : till such time as the empress eudoxia , in that church called the apostles , cast her son theodosius junior , then a very young child , before johannes's knees , and having conjured him frequently by her son , with much a-do perswaded him to admit of a friendship with severianus . after this manner therefore , ‖ &c. the seventh book of the ecclesiastical history of socrates scholasticus . chap. i. that after the emperour arcadius's death , ( who left his son theodosius , then eight years old ; ) anthemius the praefect had the chief management of affairs in the empire . the emperour arcadius having ended his life on the first of may , in the consulate of bassus and philippus ; honorius his brother [ still ] governed the western empire : the eastern was under the government of * his son theodosius junior , at that time eight years of age . anthemius the praefectus praetorio had the chief management of the publick affairs . he was grandchild to that philippus , * who in constantius's reign ejected paulus the bishop , and introduced macedonius into his see. a he encompassed constantinople with a great wall . of all the men of his own times , he was accounted and in reality was the most prudent person . he never did any thing without advice , but consulted with many of his acquaintance concerning what ought to be done ; chiefly , with b troïlus the sophista , who , besides the c wisdom that was in him , was anthemius's equall in politicall knowledge . wherefore , almost all things were done with troïlus's advice . chap. ii. concerning atticus bishop of constantinople , what manner of person he was as to his temper and disposition . during therefore the emperours being in the eighth year of his age , atticus was in the third year of his episcopate over constantinople , and was highly eminent . he was a person , ( as we have said * before , ) besides his great learning , pious and prudent . wherefore , he much augmented the churches under his jurisdiction . for he not only defended those of his own creed , but caused the hereticks also to admire his prudence . he was in no wise vexations to them ; but when he had attempted to terrifie them , afterwards he shewed himself mild towards them . nor was he careless about his studies . for he bestowed much pains in reading ancient writers , spending whole nights in perusing them . wherefore , he was not unacquainted with the discourses of the philosophers and sophistae . moreover , to those that addrest to him , he was pleasant and delectable : he groaned with such as were sorrowfull : and , that i may speak summarily , according to the apostle's [ example , ] * he was made all things to all men . formerly , during his being a presbyter , he made sermons ; gat them by heart , and preach't them in the church . but afterwards , by his assiduity , he procured such a readiness of expression , as to be able to speak † extemporè , and followed a panegyricall way of preaching . notwithstanding , his sermons were not such , as were either received by his hearers with applause , or committed to writing . but , concerning his temper , moralls , and learning , let this suffice . i will now relate those memorable passages which hapned in his times . chap. iii. concerning theodosius and agapetus bishops of synnada . in a synada a city of phrygia pacatiana , one theodosius was bishop , who severely persecuted the hereticks in that city , wherein there were many of the sect of the macedoniani : he drove them not only out of the city , but from the [ adjacent ] villages also . which practise of his was not b agreeable to that of the orthodox church , which does not use to persecute ; nor was [ he incited hereto ] by a zeal for the true faith : but being a perfect slave to the love of money , he made it his business to amass riches together , [ by taking them ] from the hereticks . wherefore , he made all imaginable attempts against those that embraced the sect of the macedoniani , putting the clergy that was under him in arms ; and practised a thousand stratagems against them : nor did he forbear c binding them [ over ] to the courts of judicature . more especially , he did severall ways disquiet their bishop , whose name was agapetus . but in regard the governours of provinces in no wise had ( as he supposed ) a sufficient power to punish [ hereticks , ] he ran to constantinople , and petitioned for edicts from the praefecti praetorio . in the interim therefore that theodosius stayed at constantinople on this account , agapetus , who as i have told you presided over the sect of the macedoniani , betook himself to a [ prudent and ] good d course . for , having communicated the affair to his whole clergy , and called together the people under him , he perswades them to embrace the homoöusian faith. having effected this , he went directly into the church , accompanied with a great multitude , or rather with the whole body of the people in generall . where * when he had solemnized the prayers , he took possession of the chair , wherein theodosius was wont to sit . and having united the people , and professing in future the homoöusian creed , he became possest of the churches belonging to synada . these things having been after this manner transacted , theodosius arrives within a short time , and brings along with him a praefecturian assistance : and being ignorant of what had been done , goes immediately to the church . from whence he was driven by all persons unanimously , and went again to constantinople . being arrived there , he made complaint before atticus the bishop , of what had been done against him , to wit , that he had been e unjustly ejected out of his bishoprick . atticus knowing that this accident was advantagious to the church , gave theodosius comfortable words , perswading him with patience to embrace a quiet course of life , and informing him that he ought to prefer the good of the publick before his own private concern . but he wrote to agapetus , [ ordering him ] to continue in possession of the bishoprick , and [ bidding ] him not to be suspicious of any molestation from theodosius's displeasure . chap. iv. concerning the paralyticall jew , who was cured by atticus the bishop in divine baptism . this was one usefull accident which befell the church in the times of atticus . nor was the state of these times without miracles , or cures . for a jew , who had been a * paralytick for many years , was confined to his bed . and when all medicinall remedies had been applied to him , and no prayers of the jews could do him any good ; at length he betook himself to christian baptism , hoping that this would be his only true and salutary physitian . atticus the bishop was soon acquainted herewith . having therefore instructed him in the rudiments of christianity , and declared to him the hope in christ , he ordered him to be carried in his bed to the font. the paralyticall jew receiving baptism with a sincere faith , immediately upon his being taken out of the water in the font , was freed from his disease , and continued sound and healthy in future . this [ admirable ] cure the power of christ vouchsafed to shew to men even in our times : by reason whereof many heathens believed and were baptized . but the jews , although they seek after signs , notwithstanding could not be induced [ to believe , ] by present miracles . such benefits as these were conferred upon men by christ. chap. v. how sabbatius , who from being a jew had been made a presbyter of the novatianists , deserted those of his own opinion . but many persons slighting these things , persisted in their impiety . for the jews did not only disbelieve these miracles which hapned ; but such persons also as were studious followers of them , were found to hold the same sentiments they did . for sabbatius , of whom we have made mention a little * before , not willing to continue in the degree of a presbyter to which he had been promoted , but being from the beginning ambitious of a bishoprick , in these times separated from the church of the novatianists , making the observation of the jewish passover his pretence . holding therefore assemblies that were schismaticall and separate from his own bishop sisinnius , in a place of the city which is termed xerolophus , where arcadius's forum now is , he attempted an audacious fact * that deserved many punishments . for , on one of his meetingdays , he read a passage in the gospell , whereat these words occur , † now , it was a feast called the passover of the jews ; to which he made an addition of his own , that was never written , nor ever heard of before ; to wit , these words cursed ( says he ) be that person who celebrates the passover a not on the days of unleavened bread . these words of his being heard , spread immediately . and the simpler sort of the novatian laity , circumvented by this artifice , betook themselves to him . but his fraud proved unsuccessfull to himself . and his forgery had an unhappy event . for not long after b he celebrated the festivall by way of anticipation ; when many persons flockt to him . and whilst they were keeping the c solemn vigills by watching all night in the church , a daemoniacall terrour seised them ; as if sisinnius their bishop was come with a great multitude , [ to fall ] upon them . hereupon a disturbance was raised , as it usually happens , and they being shut up by night in a streight place , trod upon one another : in so much that above seventy persons of them lost their lives . for this reason many deserted sabbatius . notwithstanding , some possest with a * rude anticipate opinion , continued with him . but , how sabbatius violated his oath , and got into a bishoprick , we will declare by and by . chap. vi. concerning those who at that time were the ring-leaders of the arian opinion . dorotheus bishop of the arian heresie ( who had been translated by the arians from antioch to constantinople , as we have related * before , ) having lived an hundred and nineteen years , died in honorius's seventh and theodosius augustus's second consulate , on the sixth of november . after this person barba presided over the arian sect. in whose time the arian heresie was very happy in having two eloquent men , both whom were dignified with a presbyterate . the name of the one was timotheus ; the other was called georgius . georgius was furnished with more of grecian literature : but timotheus had bestowed greater pains about the sacred scriptures . moreover , georgius had aristotle's and plato's books always in his hands : but timotheus was † an admirer of origen : and in his expositions of the sacred scriptures in publick , he [ shewed himself ] not to be unskilled in the hebrew tongue . timotheus , had formerly been an adherent to the sect of the ‖ psathyriani . but georgius had been ordained by barba . i my self discoursed with this timotheus , and evidently perceived how ready and expedite he was in returning answers to those who questioned him , and in explaining the most obscure places which occur in the sacred scriptures . he always quoted origen as a most evident witness of what he asserted . i cannot therefore but wonder , how these two persons should persist [ in their adherence ] to arianism ; the one of whom had plato always in his hand ; and the other had origen in his mouth . for neither does plato assert , that the second and third cause ( as he usually terms them , ) took a beginning of existence . and origen every where acknowledges the son to be coeternal with the father . but , though they continued in their own church , yet the arian heresie was by them reduced to a better and more moderate temper . for by their own doctrine they banished many of arius's blasphemies . but thus far concerning these persons . not long after this , sisinnius bishop of the novatianists dyed , in the same consulate , and chrysanthus is ordained , concerning whom we shall speak hereafter . chap. vii . how cyrillus succeeded theophilus bishop of alexandria . some little time after this , theophilus bishop of alexandria fell into a * lethargick distemper , and died in honorius's ninth and theodosius's fifth consulate , on the fifteenth of the month october . and a contention being raised there also about the bishoprick , some endeavoured to place timotheus the arch-deacon in the episcopal chair ; others cyrillus , a who was theophilus's sister's son . when a sedition arose hereupon amongst the people , abundatius commander of the milice [ in egypt ] favoured timotheus's party . wherefore , on the third day after theophilus's death , cyrillus was placed in the chair , and came to the bishoprick with a greater power than theophilus had done . for from that time , the * bishops of alexandria b surpassing the sacerdotall degree and bounds , exercised a principality , and took upon them the [ secular ] government of affairs . cyrillus therefore forthwith shut up the churches of the novatianists at alexandria ; and in the first place he took away all their sacred vessells and ornaments ; after which he deprived their bishop theopemptus of all he had . chap. viii . concerning maruthas bishop of mesopotamia , and how the christian religion was by him propagated in persia. about the very same time , the christian religion hapned to be propagated in persia , upon this account . between the romans and persians frequent embassies are continually sent . a for there are severall reasons , why they should frequently send embassies to one another . there hapned therefore to be a necessity at that time , that maruthas bishop of mesopotamia ( whom we have mentioned a little * before , ) should be sent by the roman emperour to the king of the persians . the persian king having found that this person was endewed with an eminency of piety , honoured him highly , and gave him attention , as being really and truly a friend of god. the magi , b whose interest is great with the persian king , were incensed hereat . for they were afraid least he should perswade the king , to turn christian. for maruthas by his prayers had cured the king of a pain in his head wherewith he had been a long while troubled , which the magi could not cure him of . wherefore , the magi betake themselves to the inventing of a fraudulent design . and whereas the persians worship fire , and the king was wont to adore a fire which was always burning in a certain house ; they hid a man under ground , whom ( at such time as the king usually * worshipped ) they ordered to speak [ to this effect , ] that the king ought to be thrust out of doors : for he had done impiously , because he supposed a priest of the christians to be dear to god. isdigerdes ( for that was the persian king's name , ) having heard these words , although he reverenced maruthas , notwithstanding had thoughts of sending him away . but maruthas , a man truly acceptable to god , was very earnest in putting up ▪ his prayers , whereby he detected the fraud which the magi had framed . [ he addressed himself ] therefore to the king in these words , be not deluded , o king ! but go into [ the house , ] and when you shall hear the voice , dig up the ground , and you will discover the fraud . for the fire speaks not , but the invention of men does this . the king of the persians is perswaded by maruthas , and goes into the little house again , * where fire is kept always burning . and when he had heard the same voice again , he ordered the place to be dug up where he that uttered the words which were supposed to be god's , was found . therefore , the king was highly incensed , and gave order that the * tribe of the magi should be ‖ decimated . after this was done , he spoke to maruthas , to build churches wheresoever he pleased . from that time the christian religion was propagated amongst the persians . moreover , maruthas having then left persia , returned to constantinople . but , not long after he was sent embassadour again to the persians . and the magi betook themselves to the invention of plots and intreagues again , to hinder his being admitted by the king. c for by a device they raised a most horrid stink in that place , d into which the king usually came ; and they calumniously accused the christians , as if they had caused it . but when the king , in regard he already had a suspicion of the magi , made a more exact scrutiny about the occasioners [ of this stink , ] the magi were found again to be the causes of this ill smell . wherefore he punished many of them again : but he had a greater honour and esteem for maruthas . and he loved the romans , with whom he embraced a friendship . yea , the king himself wanted but little of turning christian , after maruthas , together with e abdas the bishop of persia , had shewed another * miracle . for both these persons , when they had fasted long , and been earnest in prayers , cast out a devill that vexed the kings son. but isdigerdes , before he became a perfect christian , was prevented by death . his kingdom devolved to his son vararanes : in whose time the league between the romans and persians was broken , as we shall declare hereafter . chap. ix . who were bishops of antioch and rome at this time . about the very same times , flavianus died at antioch , and was succeeded in that bishoprick by porphyrius . after porphyrius , alexander presided over that church . at rome , damasus having held that bishoprick eighteen years ▪ was succeeded by siricus . after siricius had presided there fifteen years , anastasius governed that church three years . and after anastasius , innocentius . he was the first that began to persecute the novatianists at rome , whom he deprived of many churches . chap. x. that rome became subject to the barbarians at that time , and was destroyed by alarichus . at that very time rome hapned to be taken by the barbarians . for one alarichus a barbarian , ( who had been an allie of the romans , and had assisted the emperour theodosius in the war against the tyrant eugenius , on which account he was honoured with a roman dignities , ) could not bear his fortunate success . he presumed not indeed to seize the empire : but retired from constantinople , and went into the western parts . being arrived in illyricum , he laid all places desolate immediately . the thessalians resisted him in his march , about the mouthes of the river peneus , from whence there is a passage * over the mountain pindus to nicopolis [ a city ] of epirus . and coming to an engagement , the thessalians killed about three thousand [ of his forces . ] after this the barbarians that were with him , burnt and ruined what ever was in their way and in fine took rome it self . which city they destroyed , and burnt the greatest part b of the admirable works and structures therein : but they made plunder of the money , and divided it [ amongst themselves . ] they also forced many of the senatorian order to undergo various punishments , and [ afterwards ] slew them . [ alarichus ] likewise , in contempt to empire , proclaimed one attalus emperour . whom he ordered to go guarded like an emperour one day ; and the next made him appear in a servile habit . after he had done all this , he fled , being terrified with a rumour , as if the emperour theodosius had sent an army to fight him . nor was this rumour false . for an army did really come . and he was unable to bear the same thereof ; but , as i have said , fled away . 't is reported , that as he went to rome , he was met by a pious person that led a monastick life , who advised him not to rejoyce in [ perpetrating ] so great and notorious mischiefs , nor to delight in slaughter and bloud . to whom alarichus made this return , i go not thither of my own accord . but some * thing does every day vex and disquiet me , saying , go to rome , and ruine that city . thus much concerning this person . chap. xi . concerning the bishops of rome . after innocentius , zosimus was possest of the churches at rome , for the space of two years . after whom , bonifacius presided over that church three years , who was succeeded by celestinus . and this celestinus deprived the novatianists also at rome of their churches , and forced their bishop rusticula to hold his meetings in private and obscure houses . for till this time , the novatianists flourished mightily at rome , had many churches , and assembled numerous congregations therein . but envy * impaired them also ; the roman bishoprick , having ( like that of alexandria , ) surpassed the sacerdotall degree and bounds , and degenerated long before into a secular principality . and for this reason the [ roman ] bishops would not permit even those who agreed with them in the faith , peaceably and quietly to celebrate their meetings : but took from them all they had ; only they praised them for their agreement in the faith . notwithstanding , the constantinopolitan bishops were not thus affected . for they not only permitted [ the novatianists ] to have their meetings within the city , but had a singular love and affection for them also , as i have sufficiently declared already . chap. xii . concerning chrysanthus bishop of the novatianists at constantinople . after sisinnius's death , chrysanthus was by force made bishop . he was the son of that * marcianus , who had been bishop of the novatianists before sisinnius . from his younger years he had had a military employ in the pallace ; afterwards , in the reign of theodosius the great , he was made consularis of italy , and after that vicarius of the britannick islands ; for his management of both which charges he was much admired . being grown elderly , he returned to constantinople ; and desiring to be made praefect of that city , he was against his will compelled to take the bishoprick . for sisinnius having mentioned him at the time of his death , as a fit person for the bishoprick ; the novatian people , with whom sisinnius's words were a law , attempted to draw him by force , even against his will. but when chrysanthus fled , sabbatius supposing an opportune season was offered him , wherein he might be made possessour of the churches , gets himself ordained bishop by some obscure [ prelates ] and slights the oath which he had bound himself in . amongst those who ordained sabbatius bishop , hermogenes was one , who had been excommunicated and cursed by sabbatius , for his blasphemous books . but sabbatius's design proved unsuccessfull to him . for the people hating * his unreasonable ambition , ( because a he did all things with a design of getting into the bishoprick , ) made it their whole business to find out chrysanthus . whom they found absconding in bithynia , whence they brought him by force , and preferred him to the bishoprick . he was a person of as great prudence and modesty , as any man was : and by his means the church of the novatianists at constantinople was preserved and increased . he was the first person who distributed gold * of his own to the poor . he received nothing from the churches , save only b two loaves of the blessed bread every sunday . moreover , he was so carefull about his church , that he took c ablabius the eloquentest oratour of his own time , from troïlus the sophista's school , and ordained him presbyter . whose elegant and acute sermons are now extant . but ablabius was afterwards constituted bishop of the novatianists church at nicaea , in which city he taught rhetorick at the same time also . chap. xiii . concerning the fight which hapned at alexandria between the christians and jews , and concerning cyrillus the bishops difference with orestes the praefect . about the same time , the jewish nation were driven out of alexandria by cyrillus the bishop , for this reason . the alexandrians are more seditious and tumultuous , than any other people : and if at any time they get an occasion , they [ usually ] break out into intollerable mischiefs . for their rage is not appeased without bloud . it hapned at that time , that the populace of that city were tumultuous amongst themselves , not upon any weighty or necessary occasion , but by reason of that mischief which abounds in all cities , i mean an earnest desire of looking upon dancers . for in regard a dancer gathered great multitudes together on the sabbath day , because the jews work not on that day , nor are busied in hearing their law , but [ spend their time in seeing ] theatricall shews ; that day usually occasioned mutuall factions and divisions among the people . and although this was in some measure regulated and repressed by the praefect of alexandria , nevertheless the jews continued enraged against those of the contrary faction : and besides their being always enemies to the christians , they were much more incensed a against them on account of the dancers . therefore , when orestes praefect of alexandria b made a police ( ●o the alexandrians do usually term publick orders , ) in the theatre ; some of bishop cyrillus's favourers were present there also , being desirous to know the orders that were made by the praefect . amongst whom was a person by name hierax , a teacher of the c meaner sort of learning . he was a zealous hearer of cyrillus the bishop , and always mighty diligent about raising the * clappings at his sermons . the jewish multitude spying this hierax in the theatre , cried out immediately , that he came into the theatre for nothing else , but to raise a sedition amongst the people . moreover , orestes had long before conceived an hatred against the secular government of bishops , because it diminished much of their power who had been appointed governours of provinces by the emperour ; and also more especially , because cyrillus was desirous of prying into his acts and orders . having seized hierax therefore , he made him undergo tortures publickly in the theatre . with which cyrillus being acquainted , sends for the chief of the jews , and threatned them with condign punishment , unless they desisted from being tumultuous against the christians . of which menaces after the jewish multitude were made sensible , they became more pertinacious ; and contrived plots to damnifie the christians . the chiefest of which designs of theirs , and which occasioned their expulsion out of alexandria , i will relate here . having † agreed upon a sign amongst themselves , [ which was , ] that every one of them should wear a ring on their fingers made of the bark of a palmtree-branch , they took a resolution of making an attack upon the christians by a night-fight . one night therefore they sent some persons provided for that purpose , who cried out in all the * streets of the city , that alexander's church was on fire . the christians hearing this , ran some one way , others another , that they might preserve the church . then the jews set upon them immediately , and slew them : they abstained from killing those of their own party , by shewing their rings ; but they murdered all the christians they hapned to meet with . when it was day , the authours of this nefarious fact were not concealed . cyrillus highly incensed hereat , went accompanied with a great multitude to the jews synagogues ( so they term their houses of prayer , ) which he took from them : he also expelled the jews out of the city , and permitted the multitude to make plunder of their goods . the jews therefore , who had inhabited that city from the days of alexander the macedonian , were all forced to remove naked from thence at that time , and were dispersed some in one place , others in another . adamantius , [ one of them ] d a professour of physick , went to constantinople , and fled to atticus the bishop ; and having turned a professour of christianity , returned afterwards to alexandria again , and fixt his residence there . but orestes praefect of alexandria was highly incensed at what was , done ; being exceedingly troubled , because so great a city was on such a sudden emptied of so numerous a company of inhabitants . wherefore , he acquainted the emperour with what had been done . cyrillus himself likewise made known the jews wickednesses to the emperour ; nevertheless , he sent messengers to orestes , on account of procuring a reconciliation . for the people of alexandria compelled him to do this . and when orestes would not admit of any conferences about a reconciliation , cyrillus held forth the book of the gospells to him , thinking he should by that strike a reverence into orestes . but when he would not be mollified even by this means , but continued an irreconcileable war between himself and cyrillus ; this accident hapned afterwards . chap. xiv . that the monks of nitria came down to alexandria in defence of cyrillus , and raised a sedition against orestes the praefect . some of the monks who inhabited the mountaines of nitria , retaining an heat of mind from theophilus's times , who had armed them unjustly against dioscorus and his brethren ; were incensed with a zeal then also , and took a resolution of fighting couragiously in defence of cyrillus . about five hundred persons therefore of them went out of their monasteries , came down to the city , and observe the praefect going forth in his chariot . they came to him , and called him sacrificer and pagan , and gave him many other reproachfull terms . the praefect , having a suspicion that a plot was framed against him by cyrillus , cryed out that he was a christian , and had been baptized by atticus the bishop at constantinople . but when the monks heeded not what he said , one of them , by name ammonius , flings a stone and strikes orestes on the head . by which wound he was all over besmeared with bloud : and his * apparitors that attended him , except a very few , receded , ran some one way , others another , [ and hid themselves ] in the crowd , to avoid being killed by the throwing of stones . in the interim the alexandrians flockt together , with a resolution to be revenged upon the monks on the praefect's account . they put all the rest of them to flight ; but seized ammonius , and bring him before the praefect . he , agreeable to the laws , a put him to the question publickly , and tortured him to such a degree , that he died . not long after , he acquainted the emperours with what had been done . but cyrillus gave the emperour a narrative [ of the business ] contradictory [ to oreste's . ] and he took ammonius's body , deposited if in one of the churches , altered his name calling him thaumasius , ordered he should be stiled a martyr , and extolled his magnanimity publickly in the church , as if he had undergone the combat in defence of piety . but the modester and more sober persons even of the christians , approved not of this favour of cyrillus's shown towards ammonius . for they certainly knew , that ammonius had undergone the punishment of his rashness , and died not under his tortures , as forced to renounce christ. wherefore , cyrillus himself caused the memory of this affair to be by little and little buried in silence . but that fierce contention between cyrillus and orestes stopt not here . for it was b rekindled by another accident not unlike those foregoing . chap. xv. concerning hypatla the philosopheress . there was a woman at alexandria , by name hypatia . she was daughter to a theon the philosopher . she had arrived to so eminent a degree of learning , that she excelled [ all ] the philosophers of her own times , and succeeded in b that platonick school derived from plotinus , and expounded all the precepts of philosophy to those who would hear her . wherefore , all persons who were studious about philosophy , flockt to her from all parts . by reason of that eminent * gracefullness and readiness of expression wherewith she had accomplished her self by her learning , she addressed frequently even to the magistrates , with a singular modesty . nor was she ashamed of appearing in a publick assembly of men . for all persons revered and admired her , for her eximious modesty . envy armed it self against this woman at that time . for , because she had frequent conferences with orestes , for this reason a calumny was framed against her amongst the christian populace , as if she hindred orestes from coming to a reconciliation with the bishop . certain persons therefore of fierce and over hot minds , who were headed by one peter a reader , conspired against the woman , and observe her returning home from some place . and having pulled her out of her chariot , they drag her to the church named c caesareum . where they stript her , and murdered her with shells . and when they had torn her piece-meal , they carried all her members to a place called cinaron , and consumed them with fire . this fact * brought no small d disgrace upon cyrillus and the alexandrian church . for , murthers , fights , and things of that nature , are wholly forreign to the embracers of christianity . these things were done on the fourth year of cyrillus's episcopate , in honorius's tenth and theodosius's e sixth consulate , in the month of march , in lent. chap. xvi . that the jews entring upon another war against the christians , were punished . some time after this , the jews renued their absurd and impious practises against the christians , and were punished [ again for them . ] at a place named inmestar , which is scituate between chalcis and antioch of syria , the jews ( as 't was their usage ) exhibited some sports . during their sports they performed many mad actions , excited thereto by their drunkenness ; and in their recreations reproach't not only the christians , but even christ himself . and in derision to the cross , and to them who put their trust in him that was crucified , they attempted this villanous fact . having seized a christian boy , they bound him to a cross , and hung him up . at first they laughed at and jeered him . but becoming afterwards inraged , they scourged the boy till he died . for this reason there hapned a sharp conflict betwixt them and the christians . and after the emperours were acquainted with this fact , an order was issued out to the governours of the province , to find out and punish the authours thereof . thus the jews , who inhabited that place , were punished for the wickedness they had committed in their sports . chap. xvii . concerning paulus bishop of the novatianists , and concerning the miracle done by him , when he was about to have baptized a jewish impostour . at the same time , chrysanthus also bishop of the novatianists , having presided seaven years over the churches * of his own sect , ended his life in the consulate of monaxius and plintha , on the twenty sixth of august . he was succeeded in the bishoprick by paulus : who before had been a teacher of roman eloquence : but afterwards bad adieu to the roman tongue , and betook himself to an ascetick course of life . and having gathered together a monastery of religious men , he followed a way of living not unlike that led by the monks in the desart . for i found him to be really such a person , as evagrius says the monks who live in the solitudes ought to be . for he imitated them exactly in all things , in continued fasts , in speaking little , and in abstaining from eating creatures that have life . moreover , for the most part he abstained from oyl and wine . besides , his care and solicitude about the poor was eminent and extraordinary . he was very diligent in his visits to the imprisoned ; he interceded likewise for many persons with the judges , who readily hearkned to him on account of his eminent piety . what need i be large in my relation concerning him ? i will mention one action of his , highly worthy to be recorded in writing . a jewish impostour pretending himself converted to the christian religion , had been frequently baptized , and by that device had gathered much money . when he had deceived many sects [ of the christians ] by this fraud : ( for he had received baptism from the arians and macedonians : ) having no more persons whom he might put tricks upon , at length he came to paulus bishop of the novatianists : and affirming that he earnestly desired baptism , requested he might obtain it from his hand . he approved of the jews desire : but said he would not give him baptism , before he had been instructed in the grounds and principles of the faith , and had exercised himself with fastings severall days . the jew therefore having contrary to his own mind , been compelled to fast , was so much the more urgent in his intreaties for baptism . wherefore paulus , because he would not offend him , now grown importunate ; by any longer delays , makes provision for his baptism . and having bought him a white vestment , and ordered the * font to be filled with water , he brought the jew to it with a design to baptize him . but † an invisible act of divine power caused the water to vanish [ on a sudden . ] in regard the bishop and those that were present , ( having not the least suspicion of any such thing as had hapned , ) supposed the water to have run out by the passage underneath , whereby it was usually let out ; they filled the font again , having with great accuracy stopt up its passages every where . and when the jew was brought the second time to the font , all the water disappeared again . then paulus spake these words : either you are an impostour , o man , or else , being ignorant , you have been baptized already . a great multitude of people therefore running together to see this miracle , one of them knew the jew , and was certain that it was the same person who had been baptized before by atticus the bishop . this miracle was performed by the hands of [ paulus ] bishop of the novatianists . chap. xviii . how , after the death of isdigerdes the persian king , the league between the romans and persians was broken , and a bloudy war hapned , wherein the persians were worsted . after the death of isdigerdes king of persia , by whom the christians in that country were not persecuted in the least , his son by name vararanes succeeded in that kingdom ; and being induced thereto by the magi , he vexed the christians severely , inflicting on them various punishments and persian tortures . the christians therefore in persia , constrained thereto by necessity , flie to the romans , entreating them not to neglect and see them wholly destroyed . atticus the bishop receives the suppliants kindly ; and made it his business to assist them to the utmost of his power . likewise , he acquainted the emperour theodosius with what had hapned . it fell out at the very same time , that the romans were offended with the persians upon another account : because the persians would not restore the miners of gold , whom they had hired of the romans ; and in regard they had deprived the roman merchants of their * effects . to this occasion of difference , the flight of the christians in persia to the romans made an accession . for the persian king dispatch't away an embassie immediately , to demand the fugatives . but the romans would in no wise deliver up those who had fled to them , not only because they were desirous of preserving them as being suppliants , but in regard likewise of their readiness to do any thing in defence of the christian religion . wherefore they chose rather to have a war with the persians , than permit the christians to be miserably destroyed . hereupon the league was broken , and a fierce war broke out , concerning which i judge it not inopportune to give a short narrative . the roman emperour sent part of an army first , which was commanded by ardaburius . he made an irruption into persia through armenia , and ruined one of the persian provinces termed azazene . narsaeus the persian king's generall marched out to oppose him , at the head of a great persian army . and coming to an engagement , was worsted , and fled . [ afterwards ] he judged it advantagious to make a sudden irruption through mesopotamia into the roman territories being unguarded , [ thinking ] by this means to be revenged on the romans . but this design of narsaeus's was not unknown to the generall of the romans . having therefore in a short time laid azazene desolate , he likewise marched into mesopotamia . wherefore narsaeus ( notwithstanding he was furnished with a numerous army , yet ) could not invade the roman provinces . but , coming to nisibis , ( which is a city scituate in the confines [ of both empires , ] and belongs to the persians , ) he sent a message from thence to ardaburius , desiring they might come to an agreement between themselves about the management of the war , and that a place and day for an engagement might be set . ardaburius , gave the messengers this answer : tell narsaeus [ thus , ] the roman emperours will not fight when you have a mind they should . moreover , the * emperour perceiving that the persian mustered up the whole force of his kingdom for the carrying on of this war , placed all his hopes of victory in god , and besides sent vast supplies of forces . now , that the emperour ( in regard he put his whole confidence in god , ) received benefit from him immediately , 't was from hence evident . the constantinopolitans being very anxious , and doubtfull about the event of the war , the angells of god appeared in bithynia to some persons going to constantinople about their private concerns , and bad them tell [ the constantinopolitans , ] that they should be of good courage , and pray to god , and be confident that the romans would be conquerours . for they said , that they themselves were sent from god to be the managers of the war. at the hearing hereof , the city was not only encouraged , but the souldiers also became more bold and valiant . whereas therefore ( as i have said , ) the war had been removed from armenia into mesopotamia , the romans shut up the persians in the city nisibis , to which thy laid siege . and having made wooden towers , which moved upon engines , they brought them to the walls , wherewith they killed many of those who fought from the walls , and [ of them ] who ran to their assistance . vararanes king of persia hearing that his country azazene was laid desolate , and his army besieged within the city nisibis , resolved to go in person with all his forces against the romans . but , being afraid of the roman army , he called the saracens to his assistance , who were then governed by alamundarus , a valiant and warlike man. he brought a numerous multitude of saracens with him , and spake to the king of persia to be confident and couragious , he likewise promised , that he would quickly make the romans his prisoners , and deliver antioch in syria to him . but the event succeeded not according to his promise . for god possest the saracens with a vain and irrationall terrour . who supposing the roman forces to be falling upon them , became terrified , and not finding how they might make their escape , cast themselves armed as they were into the river euphrates , wherein about an hundred thousand men were drowned . these things fell out after this manner . but the romans who laid siege to nisibis , being informed that the king of persia was bringing many elephants along with him were terrified , and having burnt all their engines which they had made use of in the siege , a retreated into their own country . but , what engagements hapned afterwards ; and how areobindus , another roman generall , killed the valiantest person amongst the persians in a single duell ; and how ardaburius destroyed seven valiant persian commanders in an ambuscade ; or after what manner b vitianus another roman generall vanquished the remains of the saracen-forces , i think fit to omit , least i should seem to digress too far from my subject . chap. xix . concerning palladius the courier . moreover , the emperour theodosius was in a very short time acquainted with the actions [ of his forces . ] after what manner the emperour had so sudden an account of what was done in places at so great a distance , i will relate . it was his good fortune to have a * servant of a vigorous mind and strong body , his name was palladius . this person could ride on horse-back at such a rate , that in three days space he could go to those places which are the boundaries of the roman and persian territories , and again in as many days return to constantinople . the same man passed through all other parts of the world with an incredible swiftness , whithersoever the emperour sent him . wherefore , an eloquent person uttered this saying on a time concerning him : this man by his swiftness makes the roman empire , which in it self is large , seem to be little . moreover , the king of the persians was amazed , when he heard these things of this man. but , let thus much be said concerning palladius . chap. xx. how the persians had another severe overthrow given them by the romans . the roman emperour residing at constantinople , and being informed of a victory apparently given him ▪ a by god , was so good , that although his forces had managed the war very fortunately , nevertheless he embraced a peace . he sends helion therefore ( a person whom he had a mighty esteem for ) with orders to make up a peace with the persians . helion arriving in mesopotamia , [ at that place ] where the romans had made a great ditch for their own security , sends one maximinus ( an eloquent person , who was b assessour to ardaburius the generall , ) embassadour about a peace . when this person was come to the persian king , he acquaints him with his being sent about a peace , not from the roman emperours , ( for he affirmed that the emperour as yet was wholly ignorant of that war : and when he knew of it , he would look upon it as contemptible : ) but from his chief commanders . when the persian king was resolved readily to embrace the embassy : ( for his army was in great distress , by reason it wanted provisions ; ) those souldiers , who amongst the persians are termed the immortalls ; ( their number is ten thousand [ and they are ] valiant men , ) came to the emperour , and said , that a peace was not to be admitted of , before c they had made an attack upon the romans , then careless and negligent . the king is perswaded by them ; shuts up the embassadour in prison ; and sends the immortalls to put their design upon the romans in execution . being come [ to the place appointed , ] they divided themselves into two parties , and took a resolution of surrounding part of the roman army . the romans seeing but one party of the persians , made provision to receive their attack . the other party was not seen by them . for they rush't forth to fight on a suddain . but when the engagement was just beginning , the roman army under the command of d procopius master of the milice ( divine providence so ordering the matter , ) appears from an eminence . procopius seeing his fellow-souldiers in danger , attacks the persians in the rear ; and so they who a little before had surrounded the romans , were themselves encompassed . after the romans had in a short time slain every man of these , they set upon those who issued forth upon them from the ambuscade , every man of whom likewise they dispatch with their darts . thus , those termed the immortalls amongst the persians , were all of them manifestly proved to be mortalls ▪ christ inflicting this punishment upon the persians , because they had murdered many pious persons that were his worshippers . the persian king , informed of this overthrow , pretended himself wholly ignorant of the action : and having given admission to the embassy , he spake to the embassadour in this manner : we embrace a peace , not that we yield to the romans : but we [ do it to ] gratifie you , because we have found you to be the prudentest person of all the romans . e thus the war which had been undertaken upon the account of those christians who lived in persia , was concluded . which thing hapned in the consulate of the two augusti , honorius being the thirteenth and theodosius the tenth time consul , on the fourth year of the three hundredth olympiad . the persecution [ which had been raised ] against the christians in persia , ceased at the same time also . chap. xxi . after what manner acacius bishop of amida , behaved himself towards the persian captives . moreover , the good action of acacius bishop of amida , rendred him much more eminent at that time amongst all men [ than he had been before . ] for , when the roman souldiers would by no means restore the persian captives ( whom they had taken when they ruined a azazene , ) to the king of persia ; and the captives , in number about seaven thousand , were in the interim destroyed by famine ; ( which thing was the occasion of no small grief to the king of persia ) acacius thought that business was in no wise to be then neglected . b having [ therefore ] called together the clergy under himself : men [ and brethren , ] said he , our god stands not in need of dishes or cups . for he neither eats , nor drinks , in regard he wants nothing . whereas therefore the church is possest of many vessells of gold and silver by the beneficence and liberality of those who belong to it , 't is agreeable that by a sale of these vessells we should both c redeem the captives from the souldiers , and also provide them food . having discourst of these and many other such like things as these to them , he ordered the vessells to be melted down , and having paid the souldiers a ransom for the captives , and fed the captives [ for some time , ] he afterwards gave them money to bear their charges , and sent them home to their king. this action of the admirable acacius highly astonished the king of persia , because the romans made it their business to conquer their enemies both ways , as well by war , as by beneficence . and 't is said , that the persian king was very desirous that acacius should come into his presence , to the end he might enjoy a sight of the man ; and that that was effected by the emperour theodosius's order . when therefore god had given so eminent a victory to the romans , many persons who excelled for their eloquence , wrote * panegyricks in praise of the emperour , and recited them in publick . moreover , the emperour's wife wrote a poem in heroick verse : for she was a woman of a great eloquence . for , being the daughter of d leontius the athenian-sophist , she had been instructed by her father , and cultivated with all manner of literature . when the emperour was about marrying of this woman , atticus the bishop made her a christian , and at her baptism , instead of athanaïs , named her eudocia . many persons therefore , as i have said , recited panegyricks ; some with a design to make themselves taken notice of by the emperour ; others endeavouring to publish the powerfullness of their own eloquence ; being altogether unwilling , that that learning they had gotten by much labour , should lie concealed . chap. xxii . concerning the excellencies , wherewith the emperour theodosius junior was endowed . but i , who am neither studious about being taken notice of by the emperour , nor desirous of making a shew of eloquence , have taken a resolution of setting forth those excellencies wherewith the emperour is endowed , sincerely and without any rhetoricall flourishes . for , in regard his virtues are so singularly usefull , my sentiment is , that to pass them over in silence would be a loss to posterity , which would be defrauded of the knowledge thereof . in the first place therefore , although he was born and educated in the * imperiall pallace , yet he contracted nothing of an effeminacy o● stupidity from that education . but was [ always ] so prudent , as to be reputed by those who addressed to him , to have attained a knowledge and experience in most affairs . his patience in undergoing hardships was such , that he could endure heat and cold couragiously ; and would fast frequently , especially on those days termed wednesdaies and fridaies . and this he did , out of an earnest endeavour of observing the rites of the christian religion with an accuracy . he governed his pallace so , that it differed not much from a monasterie . wherefore he , a together with his sisters , rose early in the morning , and recited alternative hymns in praise of god. moreover , he could say the sacred scriptures by heart . and with the bishops who conferred with him , he discoursed out of the scriptures , as if he had been an ecclesiastick of a long standing . he was much more diligent in making a collection of the sacred books , and of the expositions which had been written thereon , than ptolemaeus philadelphus had been heretofore . for clemency and humanity he excelled all men by far . the emperour julianus , although he was a profest philosopher , yet could not moderate his rage and anger towards the antiochians who had * derided him ; but inflicted ▪ most acute tortures upon † theodorus . but theodosius bad farwell to aristotle's syllogismes , and exercised philosophy in deeds , getting the mastery over anger , grief , and pleasure . he never revenged himself upon any one who had been injurious to him . yea , no man ever saw him angry . being on a time asked by one with whom he was pleased to be familiar , why he never put to death any person who had injured him ? his answer was , would to god it were possible for me to restore to life those that are dead ! to another questioning him about the same thing , b 't is no great or difficult thing ( said he ) for him that is a man , to die : but 't is gods property only by repentance to restore to life him that is once dead . further , his practise of this virtue was so constant and earnest , that if any person had hapned to commit a crime which deserved a capitall punishment , he was never led so far as the city-gates onwards on his way to the place of execution , before a pardon was granted , whereby he was immediately recalled . when on a time he exhibited a show of hunting wild beasts in the amphitheatre at constantinople , the people cried out , let one of the boldest c bestiarii encounter the enraged wild beast . to whom he gave this answer , you know not , that we are wont to be spectatours at shows with clemency and humanity . with which saying he instructed the people , to be in future delighted with shows wherein there was less of cruelty . further , his piety was such , that he honoured all god's priests ; but most especially those whom he knew to be more eminent for sanctity of life . 't is reported , that when the bishop of d ch●bron had ended his life at constantinople , he desired to have his * hair-cloth-cassock , which ( although it was very foul and nasty ) he wore instead of a cloak , believing he should thereby partake something of the dead bishop's sanctity . there hapning tempestuous weather one year , he was forced to exhibit the usuall and set shows in the cirque , in regard the people were extreamly earnest for them . but when the cirque was filled with spectatours , the storm increased , and there was a vast fall of snow ; at which time the emperour gave an evident demonstration , how he was affected towards god ; [ for ] he made proclamation by the cryer to the people , in these words : 't is much better , that we should omit the show , and all joyn in prayer to god , that we may be preserved unhurt from the imminent storm . the cryer had scarce made an end of proclaiming these words , when all the people began to supplicate god in the cirque with the greatest joy immaginable , and with a generall consent sang hymns to him . and the whole city became one congregation . the emperour himself went in the midst [ of the multitude ] in a private habit , and began the hymns : nor was he frustrated of his hope [ at that time . ] for the air returned to its former serenity ; and instead of a scarcity of bread-corn , the divine benevolence bestowed a plentifull crop upon all persons . if at any time a war was raised , in imitation of david , he fled to god , knowing him to be the disposer of wars ; and by his prayers he managed them successfully . i will here relate therefore , how , a little after the persian war , ( when the emperour honorius was dead , in the consulate of asclepio●otus and marianus , e on the fifteenth of the month august , ) by putting his confidence in god , he vanquished the tyrant johannes . for , 't is my sentiment , that the actions which hapned at that time , are worthy to be recorded : because , what befell the hebrews ( who were led by moses ) in their passage over the red sea , the same [ almost ] hapned to the emperour's commanders , at such time as he sent them against that tyrant . which actions i will relate in short , leaving the ampleness of them , which does require a peculiar work , [ to be set forth at large ] by others . chap. xxiii . concerning johannes who tyrannized at rome , after honorius the emperour's death . and how god * mollified , by theodosius's prayers , delivered him into the hands of the roman army . honorius augustus therefore being dead , the emperour theodosius informed thereof , conceals it , and deceives the populace [ by feigning ] sometimes one thing , at others another . but he sends his military forces secretly to salonae ; which is a city of dalmatia ; to the end that if any * rebellion should happen in the western parts , a force to resist it might not be far off . having made provision after this manner before hand , he then published the death of his † uncle . but in the interim , a johannes the chief of the emperour's notaries , unable to bear the ‖ greatness of his own preferment , seizes the empire , and sends an embassage to the emperour theodosius , requiring to be admitted colleague in the empire . theodosius imprisoned his embassadours ; and dispatches away arda●urius , master of the milice , who had done excellent service in the persian war. he being arrived at salonae , sailed from thence to aquileia ; and had ill success as he then thought ; ( but 't was afterwards demonstrated to be prosperous . ) for , an unlucky wind blew , which drove him into the tyrant's hands . who having taken ardaburius , hoped theodosius would be necessitated to elect and proclaim him emperour , if he were desirous of preserving the life of his master of the milice . and the emperour , when informed hereof , was really in an agony , as was also the army which had been sent against the tyrant , least ardaburius should suffer any mischief from the tyrant . moreover , aspar , ardaburius's son , when he understood that his father was taken by the tyrant , and knew that many myriads of barbarians were come to the tyrant's assistance , knew not what course to take . but , the prayer of the emperour , beloved by god , at that time prevailed again . for an angel of god in the habit of a shepherd , became a guide to aspar and the forces with him , and leads them through the lake which lies near to ravenna . for in that city the tyrant resided , where he detained the * master of the milice prisoner . no person was ever known to have passed through this lake . but god rendred that passable at that time , which before had been impassable . b when therefore they had passed the waters of the lake [ as if it had been ] over dry ground , they found the gates of the city open , and seized the tyrant . at which time the most pious emperour gave a demonstration of his religious affection towards god. for whilest he was exhibiting the cirque-sports , news was brought him that the tyrant was destroyed . whereupon he speaks to the people : come , said he , if you please , let us rather leave our recreation , and go into the church , and put up our thanksgivings to god , in regard his hand hath destroyed the tyrant . these were his words ; and the shows ceased immediately , and were neglected : and all persons went through the midst of the cirque , singing praises together with him with one consent of mind and voice , and went into god's church . and the whole city became one congregation . being come into the place of prayer , they continued there all day . chap. xxiv . that , after the slaughter of johannes the tyrant , theodosius the emperour proclaimed valentinianus ( the son of constantius , and of his aunt placidia , ) emperour of rome . moreover , after the tyrant's death , the emperour theodosius became very solicitous , whom he should proclaim emperour of the western parts . he had a cosin-german very young ; by name valentinianus , the son of his aunt placidia . she was daughter to the emperour theodosius the great ; and sister to the two augusti , arcadius and honorius . valentinianus had a father , by name constantius , who having been proclaimed emperour by honorius , and reigned with him a short time , died soon after . this consin-german of his he created caesar , and sent him into the western parts , committing the chief management of affairs to his mother placidia . moreover , theodosius himself hastned into italy , that he might both proclaim his cosin-german emperour , and also ( by being present there himself ) instruct the italians by his own prudent advice , not easily to yield subjection to tyrants . being gone as far as thessalonica , he was hindred from proceeding on his journey by a sickness . having therefore sent the imperiall diadem to his cosin-german , by helion a person of the senatorian order , he himself returned to the city constantinople . but , i think this narrative which i have given concerning these transactions , to be sufficient . chap. xxv . concerning atticus's government of the churches ; and that he ordered johannes's name to be written into the dypticks of the church ; and that he foreknew his own death . [ in the interim ] atticus the bishop in a wonderfull manner enlarged the affairs of the church ; administring all things with a singular prudence , and by his sermons inciting the people to virtue . perceiving that the church was divided , in regard the * johannitae held † separate assemblies , he ordered , that mention should be made of johannes in the prayers , according as it was usuall for other bishops , who were dead to be mentioned ; on which account he hoped many would return to the church . moreover , he was so liberall , that he made provision not only for the poor of his own churches , but sent money also to the neighbouring cities towards the relief and comfort of the necessitous . for he sent three hundred crowns to calliopius a presbyter of the church of nicaea , to whom he wrote this letter . atticus to calliopius , health in the lord. i understand , that in your city there are an infinite company of persons oppressed with hunger , who stand in need of the compassion of pious men . by terming them an infinite company , i mean a multitude , not an accurate and determinate number . in regard therefore i have received a sum of money from him who with a liberall hand giveth to good stewards , and [ whereas ] it happens that some are oppressed with want , to the end that those who have wherewithall might be tried , but do not give to the indigent ; take ( dear friend ! ) these three hundred crowns , and bestow them as you shall think good . but give them to those who are wholly ashamed to beg , not to them that throughout their whole lives have declared their belly to be their trade . moreover , when you give , have no respect to any sect or religion whatever in this particular act ; mind this one thing only , to feed the hungry , but not to difference or distinguish those who embrace not our religion . after this manner atticus took care even of the indigent that were at a distance from him . moreover , he made it his business to extirpate the superstitions of some men . for having one time received information , that those who separated from the novatianists on account of the jewish passover , had translated the body of sabbatius from rodes , ( for he had been banished into that island , where he ended his life ) and buried it , and did usually pray at his grave : he sent some persons by night , to whom he gave order to [ dig up ] sabbatius's body , and * bury it in some other sepulchre . but the persons who usually went thither , when they found the grave dug up , in future left off worshipping † that place . besides , he was very elegant and happy in imposing names [ upon places . ] a ‖ sea-port situate in the mouth of the euxine-sea ( which had antiently been called * pharmaceus , he named † therapeia , least at his holding religious assemblies there , he should call that place by an infamous name . another place near adjacent to constantinople he named ‖ argyropolis , for this reason . * chrysopolis is an ancient sea-port situate in the head of the bosphorus : many of the ancient writers make mention of it , especially strabo , nicolaus damascenus , and the admirably eloquent xenophon in his sixth book concerning the expedition of cyrus ; and the same authour in his first book concerning the grecian affairs , speaks to this effect concerning this city , [ viz. ] that alcibiades , when he had built a wall round it , set up a toll therein which consisted of a payment of the tenth peny . for those who fail out of pontus were compelled to pay the tenth peny there . atticus therefore perceiving this place , which was situate over against chrysopolis , to be pleasant and delightfull , said it was fit and agreeable it should be termed argyropolis . which saying of his † put that name upon the place immediately . when some persons spoke to him , that the novatianists ought not to hold their assemblies within the cities ; his answer was , you know not how much they suffered together with us when we were persecuted in the reignes of constantius and valens . and besides ( said he ) they have been * assertours of our faith. for though they made a separation long since from the church , yet no innovation about the faith hath been introduced by them . being arrived on a time at nicaea upon account of an ordination , and seeing asclepiades , a very aged person , bishop of the novatianists there , he asked him , how many years have you been a bishop ? when he made answer [ that he had been a bishop ] fifty years , you are happy , o man , ( said he ) in regard you have been diligent about so good a work for such a long time ! he spake these words to the same asclepiades , i do indeed commend novatus ; but the novatianists i can in no wise approve of . asclepiades amazed at this strange expression , replied , how can you say this , o bishop ? to whom atticus made this answer ; i commend novatus , because he refused to communicate with those persons who had sacrificed . for i my self would have done the same . but i do not in any wise praise the novatianists , in regard they exclude the laïcks from communion on account of very light and triviall offences . to which asclepiades made this return ; there are , besides sacrificing , many other sins unto death , ( as the scriptures term them , ) on account whereof b you exclude ecclesiasticks , but we laïcks also from communion , leaving to god alone a power of pardoning them . further , atticus c foreknew even the time of his own death . for at his departure from nicaea , he spake these words to calliopius a presbyter of that place : hasten to constantinople before autumn , if you are desirous of seeing me agai● alive . for , if you delay , you will not find me living . upon his saying whereof , he mistook not . for in the twenty first year of his episcopate , on the tenth of october , he died , in theodosius's eleventh and valentinianus caesar's first consulate . moreover , the emperour theodosius being then in his return from thessalonica , was not at his funerall . for atticus was interred the day before the emperour's entry into constantinople . not long after valentinianus junior was d declared augustus , about the twenty third of that same october . chap. xxvi . concerning sisinnius , atticus's successour in the constantinopolitane bishoprick . after atticus's death , a great contest hapned about the ordination of a bishop , some desiring one person , others another . for , one party ( 't is said ) were earnest to have philippus a presbyter ; another , proclus ; who was a presbyter also . but the whole body of the people with a generall consent wished sisinnius might be made [ bishop ; ] who was a presbyter also himself : he had not been constituted * over any of the churches within the city , but had been promoted to the presbyterate in a village belonging to constantinople , the name whereof is elaea ; and 't is situate over against the imperiall † city : in which village the festivall of our saviour's ascension was from [ an ancient ] usage celebrated by the whole people in generall . all the laïcks were desirous to have this man [ made bishop , ] both because he was a person singularly eminent for his piety , and also more especially in regard his diligence in relieving the indigent was earnest even beyond his power . the desire therefore of the laïty prevailed : and sisinnius is ordained on the twenty eighth of february , in the following consulate , which was theodosius's twelfth and valentinianus junior augustus's second . afterwards , philippus the presbyter ( because sisinnius was preferred before him , ) was very bitter and large in his invectives against that ordination , in that [ voluminous work termed the ] christian history , which he wrote ; wherein he calumniates both the person ordained , and also those who had ordained him ; but more especially , the laity . and his expressions are such , that i am unwilling to record them ; for i can in no wise approve of his rashness , in having been so audacious , as to commit such things to writing . but , i judge it not inopportune to say something in short concerning him . chap. xxvii . concerning philippus the presbyter , who was born at side . philippus was by country a sidensian . side is a city of pamphylia , at which troilus the sophista had his originall extract ; of his own relation to whom philippus boasted . whilest he was a deacon , he had had frequent converse with * bishop johannes . he was a very laborious and painfull student , and had made a collection of many books , and those of all sorts . he imitated the asian style , and wrote many books . [ for , he confuted the emperour julian's pieces , and compiled a christian history , which he divided into six and thirty books . each book contained many tomes , in so much that in all they were near a thousand . the † contents of each tome equalled the tome it self in bigness . this work he entitled not an ecclesiastick , but a christian history . in it he heaped together variety of learning , being desirous to shew , that he was not unskilled in philosophick literature . for which reason , he makes frequent mention therein of geometricall , astronomicall , arithmeticall , and musicall * theorems . he also describes islands , mountains , trees , and severall other things not very momentous . upon which account he has made it a loose work : and therefore hath ( in my judgment ) rendred it useless both to the ignorant , and to the learned also . for , the ignorant are unable to inspect the heighth and grandeur of his stile . and those that are well versed in learning nauseate his insipid repetition of words . but , let every one pass a judgment upon those books according to his own liking . i only say this , that the times wherein affairs have been transacted are confounded by him . for when he has mentioned the times of the emperour theodosius , he runs back to those of athanasius the bishop . and this he does very frequently . thus much concerning philippus . 't is requisite that we should now declare what hapned in sisinnius's time . chap. xxviii . that sisinnius ordained proclus bishop of cyzicum : but the inhabitants of that city would not admit him [ to be their bishop . ] the bishop of cyzicum being dead , sisinnius ordained proclus bishop of that city . when therefore he was about going thither , the inhabitants of cyzicum prevent him , and ordain a person that was an ascetick , his name dalmatius . and this they did in contempt to a a law by which 't was established , that the ordination of a bishop [ there ] should not be made contrary to the constantinopolitane bishop's mind . but they disregarded this law , as being [ said they ] a personall prerogative granted only to atticus . proclus therefore continued destitute indeed of the presidency over his own church , but he flourished and grew famous for his sermons [ preach't ] in the churches of constantinople . but we shall speak concerning this person in due place . sisinnius having survived his being made bishop not full ou● two years , ended his life in the consulate of hierius and ardaburius , on the twenty fourth of the month december . he was a person , for his temperance , good life , and love to the poor , highly eminent . as to his temper , he was a person to whom access might easily be had , and of a disposition plain and without falsehood ; therefore no lover of business . for which reason busie men were offended at him ; amongst whom he had the character of a slothfull person . chap. xxix . that after sisinnius's death , [ the emperours ] sent for nestorius from antioch , and made him bishop of constantinople ; who quickly discovered his own temper and disposition : after sisinnius's death , the emperours were pleased not to prefer any person of the constantinopolitane church to that see , because they were men studious of vain-glory : although many were very earnest to have philippus , others not fewer in number [ strove to get ] proclus , ordained . but they resolved to send for a forreigner from antioch . for there was a man there , by name nestorius , born at the city germanicia , who had a good voice , and a readiness of expression . wherefore they determined to send for him , as being a fit person to teach the people . after an intervall of three months therefore , nestorius is brought from antioch . who was cried up indeed for his temperance amongst many persons ; but what a tempered man he was as to other things , the more prudent discovered from a his first sermon . for , being ordained on the tenth of aprill , in the consulate of felix and taurus ; addressing himself to the emperour he forthwith uttered that famous expression in the presence of all the people . give me ( said he , ) o emperour ! the earth cleared from hereticks , and in recompence thereof i will give you heaven . assist me in destroying hereticks ; and i will assist you in vanquishing the persians . although these words , were extreamly pleasing to some of the vulgar , who had conceived an hatred against hereticks ; yet to those ( who , as i have said , had skill in giving a conjecture of his sentiments from his expressions , ) neither the levity of his mind , nor his inclination to anger and violence joyned with his vain-gloriousness , were concealed : in regard he conteined not himself during the smallest space of time , but broke out into such expressions as these ; and ( if i may use the proverb ) before he had tasted the water of the city , shewed himself an inraged persecutor . on the fifth day therefore after his ordination , he takes a resolution to demolish the arians's oratory , in which they performed their devotions secretly ; whereby he drove those hereticks to a desperation . for when they saw their place of prayer pulling down , they threw fire into it and burnt it . moreover , the fire spread further , and consumed the adjacent buildings . whereupon a tumult was raised all over the city , and the arians made preparations to revenge themselves . but god the keeper of the city , permitted not the mischief to gather to an head . however , nestorius was in future termed an b incendiary , not only by the hereticks , but by those also of his own faith. for he desisted not , but framed intreagues against the hereticks , and did his utmost to subvert the city . for he attempted to molest the novatianists also , his envy spurring him on , because paulus bishop of the novatianists was famous in all places for his piety . but the emperours by their admonitions repressed his fury . now what mischiefs he did to the quartodecimani throughout asia , lydia , and caria , and how numerous the multitudes were that came to their deaths by his means at miletum and sardis in a tumult there raised , i think fit not to mention . but , what manner of punishment he underwent , as well for these [ wickednesses , ] as for his * unbridled tongue , i will declare hereafter . chap. xxx . after what manner the burgundions embraced the christian religion , in the reign of theodosius junior . i will now relate a thing worthy to be recorded , which hapned about this very time . there is a barbarous nation , which has its habitation beyond the river rhine , they are called the burgundions . these persons lead a * quiet life . for they are almost all carpenters ; by which [ trade ] they earn wages , and get a livelyhood . the nation of the hunni by making continuall inroades upon this people , depopulated their country , and frequently destroyed many of them . the burgundions therefore , reduced to a great streight , fly for refuge to no man ; but resolved to commit themselves to some god. and having seriously considered with themselves , that the god of the romans did vigorously assist and defend those that feared him ; by a generall consent they all came over to the faith of christ. going therefore to one of the cities of gallia , they made a request to the bishop , that they might receive christian baptism . the bishop ordered them to fast seaven days , in which intervall he instructed them in the grounds of faith , and on the eighth day baptized and dismissed them . being encouraged therefore [ hereby , ] they marched out a against the hunni , and were not frustrated of their expectation . for the king of the hunni ( whose name was b optar , ) having burst himself in the night by eating too much ; the burgundions fell upon the hunni then destitute of a commander in chief , and á few engaged very many , and conquered them . for the burgundions being in number only three thousand , destroyed about ten thousand of the hunni . and from that time the nation of the burgundions became zealous professours of christianity . about the same time , barba bishop of the arians died , in theodosius's thirteenth and valentinianus's third consulate , on the twenty fourth of june , and sabbatius is constituted bishop in his stead . but , let thus much be said concerning these things . chap. xxxi . with what miseries the macedoniani were afflicted by nestorius . moreover , nestorius behaved himself contrary to the usage of the church , a and caused others to imitate himself in such things , as 't is apparent from what hapned during his being bishop . for , one antonius bishop of germa a city in the hellespont , imitated nestorius's rage towards the hereticks , and made it his business to persecute the macedoniani , taking the patriarch's order as a pretext for his apology . the macedoniani for some time endured his vexatiousness . but after antonius began to disquiet them more vehemently ; being unable to undergo his molestation any longer , they [ grew desperate , and ] brake out into a cruell madness ; and having privately sent some men who preferred what is pleasant before that which is good , they murder him . the macedoniani having perpetrated this villanous fact , nestorius took hold of what had been done as an occasion of his own rage . and he perswades the emperours to deprive them of their churches . as well those churches therefore which they had before the old walls of constantinople , as them [ they were possest of ] in cyzicum , were taken from them ; as were likewise many others , which they had in the villages of the hellespont . some of them came over to the [ catholick ] church , and embraced the homo●usian faith. but , as 't is proverbially spoken , drunkards never want wine , nor contentious persons strife . it hapned therefore , that nestorius , who busied himself in expelling other persons , was himself turned out of the church , for this reason [ following . ] chap. xxxii . concerning the presbyter anastasius , by whom nestorius was perverted to impiety . anastasius the presbyter , who had come from antioch with nestorius , was his intimate acquaintance ▪ nestorius had an high esteem for him , and made use of his advice in the management of business . this anastasius being preaching one time in the church , uttered these words , let no man stile mary * theotocos . for mary was a woman . but 't is impossible for god to be born of a woman . the hearing hereof disturbed many persons , as well of the clergy as laity . for they had been heretofore taught , to confess christ to be god , and in no wise to separate him as man from the divinity on account of his incarnation ; whereto they were induced by the apostle's words , who saith ; yea , though we have known christ after the flesh ; yet now henceforth know we him no more . b and [ again , ] wherefore leaving the discourse concerning christ , let us press forwards to perfection . a disturbance therefore having been raised in the church ( as i have said , ) [ about this matter ; ] nestorius endeavoured to confirm anastasius's expression ; ( for he was unwilling , that the man for whom he had so great an esteem , should be reproved as having spoken blasphemy ; ) and made frequent discourses concerning it in the church , in which he proposed contentious questions concerning this thing , and every where rejected this term theotocos . this question therefore being entertained in one manner by some , and in another by others ; on this account a dissention arose in the church . and being engaged in an encounter by night as it were , sometimes they asserted these things , at others those , affirming and in like manner denying one and the same thing . but nestorius was supposed by most men , to entertain such sentiments , as to assert the lord [ christ ] to be a meer man , and to introduce the opinion of paul of samosata and photinus into the church . now , so great a controversie and disturbance was raised about this matter , that 't was thought necessary a generall councill [ should be convened . ] but i my self , after my reading the books b published by nestorius , found him to be an ignorant person . and i will declare the truth unfeignedly . for , his vices which i have spoken of already , i have not mentioned out of any hatred to him , nor will i , to gratifie any man , lessen my account of the good which i found in him . nestorius seems not to me , to be a follower either of paul of samosata's opinion , or of photinus's , nor in the least to assert the lord [ christ ] to be a meer man. but he was put into a fright by this term [ theotocos ] only , as if it had been a bugbear . and this befell him meerly by reason of his great illiterateness . for being naturally endowed with eloquence , he was supposed to be a man of learning ; but in reality was unlearned and ignorant . he likewise scorned to read the books of ancient c expositours . for being puft up with pride by reason of his ability to speak well , he minded not reading the ancients with any thing of accuracy ; but thought himself better then any man else . to begin therefore from hence , he was wholly ignorant , that in the catholick epistle of s t john ( to wit , in the ancient copies thereof , ) it was thus written ; d every spirit which separates jesus [ from god , ] is not of god. for , this sentence has been expunged out of the ancient copies by those , whose desire it is to separate the divine nature from the * humane oeconomy . wherefore , the ancient expositours have made this very remark , to wit , that some persons have depraved this epistle , being desirous † to separate the manhood of christ from his deity . for the humanity is joyned to the divinity . e nor are they any more two , but one . the ancients emboldened by this testimony , scrupled not to stile mary theotocos . for eusebius pamphilus ( in his third book concerning the life of constantine , ) has these express words . for * emanuel endured to be born for us . and the place of his nativity is amongst the hebrews termed bethlehem . upon which account the empress helena most dear to god , adorned the plaoe , where the † god bearing virgin was delivered , with admirable monuments , and illustrated that sacred cave with all manner of ornaments . and origen ( in the first tome of his [ comments ] upon the apostle's epistle to the romans , ) expounding in what manner [ mary ] may be termed theotocos , handles that question largely . 't is apparent therefore , that nestorius was wholly ignorant in the writings of the ancients . for which reason , as i have said , he opposes this only term [ theotocos . ] for , that he asserts not christ to be a meer man , as photinus and paul of samosata did , we are evidently informed even from his own discourses which he hath published . wherein he does in no place destroy the hypostasis of the word of god ; but every where professes him to have a proper , reall and peculiar person and existence : nor does he deprive him of a subsistence , as did photinus and paul of samosata . which tenet the manichaeans and montanus's followers have been so audacious as to assert . that this was nestorius's opinion , i my self have found , partly by reading his own works , and partly from the discourses of his admirers . further , this frigid and empty discourse of nestorius has raised no small disturbance in the world . chap. xxxiii . concerning the horrid wickedness commited upon the altar of the great church by the fugitive servants . these things having been transacted [ after this manner , ] there hapned a most detestable fact , perpetrated in the church . for , the servants of one of the great men , fellows that were barbarians , having by experience found their master to be cruell , fled to the church , and with their swords drawn leapt upon the altar . being intreated to go out , they could by no means be prevailed upon ; but hindred the divine services . and holding their naked swords in their hands for [ the space of ] many days , they stood in a posture to make resistance against any one that approached them . moreover , when they had killed one of the ecclesiasticks , and wounded another , at last they slew themselves . whereupon , one of those then present said , that the prophanation of the church was no good sign , [ in proof whereof ] he added two iambicks of a certain old poet : a for such prognosticks happen in that while when horrid crimes the churches do defile . nor was he who spake these words , mistaken in his sentiment . for ( as it was conjectured , ) a division amongst the people , and his deposition who had been the occasioner of this division , was hereby portended . chap. xxxiv . concerning the former synod at ephesus convened against nestorius . for within a small intervall of time , the bishops in all places were by the emperour's edict ordered to meet together at ephesus . immediately after the feast of easter therefore , nestorius went to ephesus , accompanied with a great and promiscuous multitude , where he finds many bishops met together . but cyrillus [ bishop ] of alexandria made some delaies , and came not till about pentecost . on the fifth day after pentecost , juvenalis bishop of jerusalem arrived . whilest johannes [ bishop ] of antioch was slow in coming , the [ prelates ] that were present began to debate the question . and cyrillus of alexandria made some onse●s [ of dispute , ] being desirous to disturb and terrifie nestorius ; for he had conceived an hatred against him . moreover , when many asserted the deity of christ , nestorius exprest himself thus , i cannot term him god , who was two months and three months old . and therefore i am clear from your bloud ; nor will i in future come to you any more . having said this , he afterwards held conventions with the other bishops , who were followers of his opinion . so that the persons present were divided into two factions . those of cyrillus's party * staid in the councill , and cited in nestorius . but he refused to come in , and deferred his appearance till the arrivall of johannes [ bishop ] of antioch . whereupon those of cyrillus's party , ( after they had severall times read over nestorius's discourses about this question , which he had made to the people ; and from the reading thereof had given in their judgment , that he had constantly spoken blasphemy against the son of god ) deposed him . when this was done , a nestorius's party made up another synod apart by themselves , and depose cyrillus , and together with him memnon bishop of ephesus . not long after these transactions , johannes bishop of antioch arrived . and being informed of what had been done , was highly displeased with cyrillus , as being the occasioner of the disturbance which had hapned , in regard he had with so much rashness and precipitancy proceeded to the deposition of nestorius . but cyrillus , and together with him juvenalis , to revenge themselves upon johannes , depose him also . these affairs being after this manner confused and disturbed , nestorius perceiving this contention had arrived to such an height as to ruine communion , retracted , and termed mary theotocos , saying , let mary be styled theotocos , and let all animosities cease . but though he made this retractation , yet no body admitted of it . for at this present he continues deposed , and lives in exile at oäsis . and this was the conclusion of the synod held at that time . these things were done in the consulate of bassus and antiochus , on the twenty eighth of june . but johannes after his return to antioch , assembled many bishops , and deposed cyrillus , who was then gone home to alexandria . however , they laid aside their enmity soon after , came to a reconciliation , and restored one another to their episcopall chairs . but after nestorius's deposition , a most violent disturbance seized the churches of constantinople . for the people were divided by reason of his frigid and empty babling , as i have said already . but all the clergy by a generall consent anathematized him . ( for so we christians do usually term the sentence against a blasphemer , when we propose it to publick view on a pillar as it were , and render it visible to all persons . ) chap. xxxv . how , after nestorius's deposition , when some were desirous of placing proclus in the episcopall chair , other bishops elected maximianus bishop of constantinople . [ after this ] there was another debate about the election of a bishop . and many were for choosing philippus , whom we have mentioned a little * before ; but more † nominated proclus . and the opinion of those [ who voted ] for proclus had carried it , had not some of the most powerfull persons hindred it , who said 't was forbidden by the ecclesiastick canon , that he who had been nominated bishop of any city , should be translated to another ‖ see. this having been said and believed , compelled the people to be quiet . after an intervall therefore of four months from nestorius's deposition , a person by name maximianus , is elected to the bishoprick ; as to his course of life he was an ascetick : but had himself also been made one of the presbyters . he had long before gotten the repute of a pious and holy person , because at his own charge he had built monuments , wherein religious persons might be buried after their decease . he was a man of mean accomplishments in speaking , and desirous of leading a life void of business . chap. xxxvi . instances , whereby this writer does ( as he supposes ) evince , that a translation from one see to another is not prohibited . but in regard some persons , by alledging the ecclesiastick canon , have hindred proclus , who had then been nominated bishop of cyzicum , from being seated [ in the episcopall chair of constantinople ; ] my desire is to say something briefly concerning this matter . those persons who undertook to speak these things at that time , in my judgment spake not true ; but either feigned them out of an odium [ they had conceived ] against proclus , or else were wholly ignorant of the canons , and of severall other things of great use to , and frequently practised in the churches . for , eusebius pamphilus , in the sixth * book of his ecclesiastick history , relates , that alexander bishop of one of the cities in cappadocia , coming to jerusalem on account of prayer , was detained by the inhabitants of that city , and consecrated bishop in the room of narcissus , and in future presided over the churches there as long as he lived . so indifferent a thing it was amongst our ancestours , for a bishop to be translated from one city to another , as often as necessity required . and if it be requisite to annex the canon to this our history , it will be demonstrated in what a manner they have belyed that canon , [ who have quoted it ] in order to their hindring proclus's ordination . the a canon therefore runs thus . if any person who has been ordained bishop of a church , goes not to that church over which he has been ordained [ bishop , ] not by reason of his own fault , but either because of the peoples refusall [ of him , ] or for any other necessary cause [ not proceeding from himself ; ] this person shall be partaker of the honour and ministration , provided he molests not the affairs of that church wherein he shall celebrate assemblies . but he ought to embrace whatever the synod of the province , b having had cognizance of his case , shall think good to determine . this is the canon . now , to make it evident , that many bishops have been translated from some cities to others , by reason of the churches necessities now and then [ intervening ; ] i will [ here ] annex the names of such [ bishops ] as have been translated . c perigenes had been ordained bishop of patrae . but in regard the inhabitants of the foresaid city refused to admit him , the bishop of rome ordered he should be constituted bishop in the metropolitane see of corinth , the bishop of that church being dead . over which church perigenes presided as long as he lived . gregorius of nazianzum was first of all bishop of sasimi one of the cities in cappadocia : afterwards he was made [ bishop ] of nazianzum . melitius had formerly presided over the church in sebastia , and afterwards he governed that in antioch . alexander bishop of antioch translated dositheus bishop ▪ of seleucia to tarsus in cilicia . d reverentius [ was removed ] from arci [ a city ] of phaenice , and afterwards translated to tyre . johannes was translated from e gordum [ a city ] of lydia to f proconnesus , and presided over the church there . palladius was translated from helenopolis to aspuna . alexander was translated from helenopolis to adriani . g theophilus was translated from apamea [ a city ] of asia , to eudoxipolis anciently termed h salambria . polycarpus was translated from sexantapristi [ a city ] of * moesia , to nicopolis of thracia . hierophilus was translated from trapezopolis [ a city ] of phrygia to plotinopolis in thracia . i optimus was removed from agdamia in phrygia to antioch [ a city ] of pisdia . silvanus was translated from philippopolis in thracia , to troas . let thus many be sufficient to have been named at present , who were removed from their own cities to other [ sees . ] but i judge it usefull to speak something in short concerning silvanus , who was translated from philippopolis in thracia to troas . chap. xxxvii . concerning silvanus , who was translated from philippopolis to troas . silvanus had formerly been a rhetorician [ in the school of ] troïlus the sophista . but in regard he proposed to himself an accuracy in the profession of the christian religion as his chief design , and exercised himself in the severities of an ascetick life , [ on account hereof ] he refused to a wear the rhetoricians pallium . but afterwards , atticus the bishop b laid hold of him , and ordained him bishop of philippopolis . after he had lived three years in thracia , and found himself unable to endure the cold ( for he had a very thin , lean , and infirm body ; ) he entreated atticus , that he would ordain another in his stead , affirming that he refused to live in thracia upon no other account , than because of the cold . another person therefore having for this very reason been ordained in his room , silvanus continued at constantinople , and with a most exquisite diligence followed an ascetick course of life . he was so great a stranger to delicateness and fineness , that he would frequently appear in publick amongst so numerous a concourse of people as were in that populous city , shod only with sandalls made of c spartum . after some intervall of time the bishop of the church of troas departed this life . on which account the inhabitants of troas came [ to constantinople ] to desire a bishop . whilest atticus was considering whom he should ordain , it hapned that silvanus came to give him a visit . as soon as atticus saw him , he d laid aside his care [ about that affair ] immediately , and spoke to silvanus [ on this wise , ] you have no further excuse for your avoiding the care and government of [ this ] church . for troas is not a cold place . behold , god has provided you a convenient place for the infirmness of your body . delay not therefore , brother , but go to troas . wherefore silvanus removed to that city : where he did a miracle , which i will now relate . a vast ship for carrying of burthens , made for the conveyance of great pillars , ( such a vessell they term plate ; ) had been newly built on the shore of troas . this vessell was to be launched . but though many ropes [ were fastned to the ship , ] and a great number of persons [ did their utmost ] to hale it [ seaward , ] yet it was not in any wise to be moved . after this had been done for many days , then they thought that a devil detained the vessell . wherefore , they went to bishop silvanus , and entreated him to make a prayer in that place . for they believed , that by that means only the ship was to be drawn into the sea. but he , entertaining modest thoughts of himself , stiled himself a sinner , and said , that was a work to be done by some righteous person , not by him . when they continued their suit with a greater earnestness , he went to the shore . where after he had prayed , he * took hold of one of the ropes , and bad them set close to the business . and when they had haled the ship on a little , she ran swiftly into the sea. this miracle performed by silvanus's hands stirred up those of that province to piety . but silvanus was a good man as to other things also . for perceiving that the ecclesiasticks made a gain of their contentions who were engaged in suits at law , he would never make any one of the clergy a judge . but received the libells of the litigants himself , and called one of the faithfull laicks to him , whom he knew to be a lover of justice ; to whom he committed the hearing of the cause , [ by which means ] he e freed the litigants from contentiousness . for these reasons silvanus got himself a great name amongst all men . thus much concerning silvanus , which although declared by way of digression , yet ( in my judgment ) the mention hereof * is not unusefull . but let us return to that place , from whence we have digressed . after maximianus therefore was ordained bishop [ of constantinople ] in the consulate of bassus and antiochus , about the twenty fifth of october , the affairs of the church were in a sedate and quiet posture . chap. xxxviii . concerning the jews in * creet , how , many of them turned christians at that time . about the same time , many of the jews [ who dwelt ] in creet , turned christians , on account of this calamitous accident . a certain jew , who was an impostor , feigned himself to be moses : and affirmed himself to have been sent from heaven , that he might a lead out the jews who inhabited that island , and conduct them through the sea. for he was ( as he said ) the same person , who preserved the israelites heretofore [ by leading them ] through the red-sea . for the space of one whole year therefore , he travelled about to all the cities of that island , and perswaded the jews who inhabited therein , to believe these things . and he exhorted them to leave their money and possessions : for he promised , that he would lead them through a dry sea into the land of promise . they , deceived by such hopes as these , neglected all employments ; and moreover despised the things they possessed , permitting any persons they met with to take them . when the day was come which had been set by this jewish impostor , he himself went before , and they all followed with their wives and little children . he leads them therefore to a promontory which * ran out into the sea , and ordered them to cast themselves from thence into the ocean . they who came first to the precipice , did so , and lost their lives immediately , part of them being dash't [ in pieces ] against the rocks , and part drowned in the waters . and many more of them had perished , had not some fishermen and merchants ( who were christians , ) by the disposall of divine providence hapned to be present . these persons drew out and saved some of them who were almost choak'd with the waters ; who having been in so imminent danger , were then sensible of their own madness . they kept the others also from casting themselves into the sea , by telling them that those were destroyed who had thrown themselves in first . the jews therefore , having at length understood the imposture , blamed their own indiscretion in believing . but when they endeavoured to [ seize ] the † pseudo-moses and kill him , they could not apprehend him . for he disappeared [ on a sudden ; ] and this made most men suspect that he was a destructive devil , who had clothed himself with an humane shape , that he might destroy their nation in that country . by reason of this calamitous accident , many of the jews then in creet , bade adieu to judaïsm , and * embraced the faith of the christian religion . chap. xxxix . concerning the fire which hapned in the church of the novatianists . not long after this time , paulus bishop of the novatianists gat the repute of a person truly beloved by god , and indeed rendred [ his own reputation ] far greater than what it had been before . for , there hapned a most furious fire [ at constantinople , ] such a one as had never † been known before . for a great part of the city was destroyed by this fire : in so much that the a greatest granaries , and that termed the b achillean bath , were burnt down . at length the fire , consuming [ all things in its way , ] approacht the novatianists church , which stands neer pelargus . when therefore paulus the bishop saw his church in danger , he rush't into it [ and ran ] as far as the altar , where he * commended the preservation of the church and the things therein to god , nor did he omit the pouring forth his prayers both for the city , and for the church . † and god heard his prayer , as 't was demonstrated by the event . for though the fire brake into the church through all the doors and windows , yet it did no harm . it wholly consumed many adjacent edifices on every side of it : but you might have seen the church it self in the midst of the whole fire , triumphing over its raging flames . and when this fire had continued two whole days and as many nights , it was wholly extinguished , after it had burnt down a great part of the city . but the church appeared entire and untoucht . and ( which is more to be admired ) there was not the least * appearance of smoak to be seen on its timber , or walls . this hapned about the sixteenth of august , in theodosius's fourteenth consulate which he bore with maximus . since which time the novatianists do celebrate [ the memory of ] their church its having been preserved , every year about the sixteenth of august ; on which day they put up their thanksgivings to god. and all persons in a manner , not only christians but very many pagans also , since that time honour that place , by reason of the miracle which hapned therein ; and have a veneration for it as being truly holy . but thus far concerning these things . chap. xl. that proclus succeeded maximianus the bishop . maximianus having quietly governed the churches two years and five months , died in the consulate of areobindus and aspar , on the twelfth of april . that day hapned to fall on the week of fasts , [ to wit ] the week which immediately precedes the feast of easter : and it was the * fifth day of that week . at which time the emperour theodosius made a prudent provision for this affair . for least a debate should arise , again about the election of a bishop , which might raise a disturbance in the church ; he delayed not , but whilest maximianus's body lay as yet unburied , ordered the bishops that were present [ in the city ] to place proclus in the episcopall chair . for the letters of celestinus bishop of rome , wherein he approved of a this [ election , ] were then come ; which letters he had sent to cyrillus [ bishop ] of alexandria , to johannes [ bishop ] of antioch , and to b rufus [ bishop ] of thessalonica ; informing them , that nothing hindred him ( who had been nominated and actually was bishop of one city , ) from being translated to another . therefore after proclus was placed in the episcopall chair , he made a funerall for the body of maximianus . but we have now an opportunity of speaking something in short concerning proclus . chap. xli . concerning proclus the bishop what manner of man he was . proclus was from his younger years a reader , he frequented the schools , and imployed his time in [ the study of ] rhetorick . being come to man's estate , he was for the most part conversant with atticus the bishop , and had been his notary . when he had made a great proficiency , atticus promoted him to the diaconate . having been preferred to the presbyterate , sisinnius ( as i have said * before ) ordained him bishop of cyzicum . these things had hapned long before this . but , 't was at this time that he obtained the chair of the constantinopolitane church . he was a person endowed with as good a disposition and moralls , as was any man whatsoever . for having been educated under atticus , he studiously imitated all that was good in him . a but he exercised a patience far greater than atticus . for he , * now and then , shewed himself terrible to hereticks . but proclus was calm and mild to all persons : b in regard he foresaw , that they might be brought [ to embrace the true faith ] by this means , rather than by force . for being resolved to vex and disquiet no heresie-whatever , he preserved the dignity and honour of his mildness and mansuetude intire and unviolated , and [ as if it had been some pledge ] restored it to the church . in which particular thing he imitated the emperour theodosius . for 't was his fixt and unalterable determination , not to make use of his imperiall power and authority against criminalls : and proclus's resolution was , not to value any ones entertaining such sentiments concerning god , as were different from those embraced by himself . chap. xlii . that this writer spends many words in praise of the emperour theodosius junior's probity . on account hereof therefore , proclus was highly commended by the emperour . for * he himself also was like to such as were true prelates ; nor did he any wise approve of those , who were desirous of persecuting others . yea , i can speak it with confidence , that for meekness he excelled all those who were true and genuine ecclesiasticks . a and what is recorded of moses in the book of numbers , * now the man moses was very meek , above all the men which were upon the face of the earth ; the same may be now said of the emperour theodosius , to wit , that he is very meek , above all the men which are upon the face of the earth . for by reason of this his meekness , god has subdued his enemies under him , without military engagements , as hath been demonstrated by his victory over the tyrant † johannes , and [ shall be made evident ] from the destruction of the ‖ barbarians , which succeeded that soon after . for what manner of assistances have been given by god to just men heretofore , such like have even in our times been bestowed on the most pious emperour , by the god of the universe . nor do i write this out of flattery , but i will give a narrative of affairs ( which all men have been throughly acquainted with , ) as they truly are . chap. xliii . how great calamities those barbarians underwent , who had been the tyrant johannes's auxiliaries . for after the slaughter of the tyrant , those barbarians whom he had called to his assistance against the romans , made preparations to overrun [ and ruine ] the roman * provinces . when the emperour heard of it , according as his usage was , he committed the care of this affair to god : and having been earnest in prayers , not long after obtained what he desired . further , it will be advantagious , to hear what [ calamities ] befell the barbarians . their commander in chief , whose name was a rougas , is killed by a clap of thunder . then followed a plague , which destroyed most of the men under his command . nor was this only sufficient ; but fire also descended from heaven , and consumed many of those who remained . and this put the barbarians into the greatest terrour imaginable , not so much because they had dared to take up arms against the valiant nation of the romans ; as in regard they found them assisted by a powerfull god. moreover , proclus the bishop preached a sermon at that time in the church , wherein he applied a prophecy [ taken ] out of ezechiel to the deliverance effected by god at that juncture ; [ for which discourse ] he was greatly admired . the prophecy runs thus : and thou son of man , prophecy against b prince gog , rhos , misoch and thobell . for i will judge him with death , and with bloud , and with an overflowing rain , and with stones of hail . and i will rain fire and brimstone upon him , and upon all those with him , and upon many nations [ which are ] with him . and i will be magnified and glorified , and i will be known in the eyes of many nations . and they shall know that i am the lord. on account thereof therefore , as i have said , proclus was much admired . but on the emperour , because of his meekness , many other [ blessings ] were conferred by divine providence . amongst which this was one , [ which i will now relate . ] chap. xliv . that the emperour valentinianus junior married eudoxia the daughter of theodosius . he had a daughter by his wife eudocia , her name eudoxia . his * cousin germane valentinianus , whom he had made emperour of the western parts , desired he might marry this [ princess . ] to which when the emperour theodosius had given his consent , and both the augusti ( after they had deliberated about celebrating the marriage at some place on the frontiers of both empires , ) had resolved each to make a journey half way , and do it at thessalonica : valentinianus sends theodosius intimation by letter , that he should not give himself that trouble : for , that he would come in person to constantinople . having therefore secured the western parts [ with a sufficient guard , ] he comes to constantinople on account of the marriage . which having been celebrated in the consulate of a isidorus and senator , he took his wife , and returned into the western parts . such a felicity as this befell the emperour at that time . chap. xlv . that proclus the bishop perswaded the emperour to translate the body of johannes from the place of his exile [ where it had been buried , ] to constantinople , and to deposite it in the church of the apostles . not long after this time , proclus the bishop reduced * those [ to the church ] who had made a separation [ from it ] on account of bishop johannes's deposition ; having mitigated their disgust by a † prudent expedient . what that was , we must now relate . after he had perswaded the emperour [ to give his consent thereto , ] he brought the body of johannes , which had been buried at comani , to constantinople , on the thirty fifth year after his deposition . and when he had carried it through the city , publickly in great pomp and state , he deposited it with much honour and solemnity in that termed the church of the apostles . those persons therefore who had made a separation on johannes's account , were by this means prevailed upon , and became united to the church . and this hapned in the sixteenth consulate of the emperour theodosius , about the twenty seventh of january . but i cannot forbear wondring here , how [ it came to pass , ] that envy should assail and corrode origen after he was dead , and yet spare johannes . for origen was excommunicated by theophilus about two hundred years after his death . but johannes was admitted to communion by proclus , on the thirty fifth year after he died . so great was the difference between proclus's disposition , and that of theophilus . but prudent men are not ignorant , a in what manner these things have been , and daily are done . chap. xlvi . concerning the death of paulus bishop of the novatianists , and concerning marcianus who was his successour . some little time after the removall of johannes's body , died paulus also bishop of the novatianists , in the same consulate , about the twenty first day of july . who at his own funerall reduced all the disagreeing heresies into one church in a manner . for they all accompanied his body to the * grave with singing of psalmes : because whilest he lived , all [ sects ] loved him exceedingly for his † sanctity of life . but , because the same paulus performed a memorable action just before his death , i judge it usefull to insert it into this history , for their advantage who shall peruse this work. for , that during his sickness he observed his usuall ascetick [ discipline as to his ] dyet , and transgressed not in the least [ the rules ] thereof ; and , that he never omitted performing the [ usuall ] prayers with a fervency ; [ all this ] i think fit to leave unmentioned : least by spending time in giving a narrative hereof , i should obscure that memorable and most usefull action ( as i have said ) which he performed . what that is , must now be declared . being neer dying , he sent for all the presbyters belonging to the churches under him , to whom he exprest himself thus : take care about electing a bishop [ over your selves ] whilest i am alive ; least afterwards your churches be disturbed . when they made answer , that the election of a bishop was not to be left to them : for in regard [ said they , ] some of us have one sentiment , others another , we shall never nominate the same person : but we wish , that you your self would name that man whom you desire [ to be your successour . ] to which paulus made this return : deliver me then this profession of yours in writing , [ to wit , ] that you will elect him whom i shall appoint to be chosen . when they had done that , and confirmed it by their subscriptions , a he sate on his bed , and ( without discovering it to those who were present , ) wrote marcianus's name in the paper . this person had been promoted to the presbyterate , and likewise had been instructed in a● ascetick course of life under paulus : but was then gone to travell . after this he sealed up the paper himself , and caused the chief of the presbyters to seal it up also , and then delivered it to one marcus , ( who was bishop of the novatianists in scythia , but had at that time made a journey to constantinople ; ) to whom he spake these words : if god shall permit me to continue much longer in this life , restore this * depositum to me [ now ] committed to your trust to be kept safely . but , if it shall please him to remove me out of this world , in this paper you will find whom i have elected to be my successour in the bishop●ick . when he had spoken these words , he died . on the third day therefore after his death , when they had unsealed the paper in the presence of a great multitude , and found marcianus's name therein , they all cried out that he was a worthy and fit person . and without delay they dispatcht away some messengers who might seize him . they took him by a pious fraud at his residence in tiberiopolis [ a city ] of phrygia ; from whence they brought him along with them , and about the twenty first b of the same month ordained , and placed him in the episcopall chair . but enough concerning these things . chap. xlvii . that the emperour theodosius sent his wife eudocia to jerusalem . moreover , the emperour theodosius offered up his thanksgivings to god for the benefits which he had conferred upon him . and this he performed , by honouring christ with singular and eminent honours . he likewise sent his wife eudocia to jerusalem . a for she had oblieged herself also to a performance of this vow , if she might see her daughter married . but the empress herself also * beautified the churches at jerusalem , and all those in the eastern cities , with various ornaments , both when she went thither , and likewise at her return . chap. xlviii . concerning thalassius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . about that very time , to wit , in theodosius's seventeenth consulate , proclus the bishop attempted a wonderfull thing , the like to which has not been performed by any of the ancient bishops . for firmus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia being dead , the caesareans came [ to constantinople , ] and requ●sted they might have a bishop . and whilest proclus was considering whom he should preser to that see , it hapned that all the senatours came to the church on the sabbath , to give him a visit , amongst whom was a thalassius also , a personage who had born a praefecture over the provinces and cities of illyricum . but [ though ] ( as it was reported ) he had been the person pitch't upon who was about to have the government of the eastern parts committed to his care by the emperour ; [ yet ] proclus laid his hands on him , and instead of his being constituted a praefectus praetorio , made him bishop of caesarea . thus successfull and prosperous were the affairs of the church . but i will here close my history , with my prayers [ to god , ] that the churches in all places , the cites , and provinces may live in peace . for , as long as peace flourishes , those that are desirous to do it , will have no subject for their writing an history . for we our selves ( who have performed what you enjoyned us in seven books , o sacred man of god , theodorus ! ) should have wanted matter for this our history , if the lovers of seditions and tumults would have been quiet . this seventh book contains [ an account of affairs transacted during ] the space of two and thirty years . the whole history , which i●●●omprized in seven books , contains the space of an hundred and fourty years . it begins from the first year of the two hundredth seventy first olympiad , wherein constantine was proclaimed emperour ; and ends at the second year of the three hundredth and fifth olympiad , whereon the emperour theodosius bore his seventeenth consulate . the end of socrates scholasticus's ecclesiastick history . the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis , ( and [ one ] of the ex-praefects , ) in six books , translated out of the greek , according to that edition set forth by valesius , and printed at paris in the year . together with valesius's annotations on the said historian ; which are done into english , and set at their proper places in the margin . hereunto also is annexed an account of the foresaid historian's life , and ecclesiastick history , collected by valesius , and rendred into english . hinc lucem et pocula sacra printer's or publisher's device cambridge , printed by john hayes , printer to the university . . valesius's account of the life , and ecclesiastick history , of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis . evagrius scholasticus was by nation a syrian , as was also † theodoret : born at epiphania ( which was a city of syria secunda ; ) as he himself has declared in the title of his own work . therefore i wonder at gerardus vossius , who ( in his book de historicis graecis , pag. , ) relates that evagrius was born at antioch . but evagrius himself , ( both in the title of his history , and also in his third book , chap. , ) does expressly attest that he was born at epiphania . for , speaking there concerning cosmas bishop of epiphania , his words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. cosmas bishop of our epiphania , in the vicinage whereof runs the [ river ] orontes , &c. besides , photius ( in his bibliotheca , chap. , ) affirms that evagrius was born in epiphania a city of syria coele 〈…〉 ▪ which is strange , nicephorus callistus does in two places term our evag●●●● 〈…〉 ot epiphaniensis , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , illustrious . for , in nicephorus's first book , chap. , the words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , evagrius the illustrious , &c. and , in book . chap. ; nicephorus quoting a passage of evagrius , out of his third book , chap. , ( which passage i have just now mentioned , ) expresses himself thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moreover , in like manner as evagrius the illustrious has related concerning severus . but , my sentiment is , that transcribers have mistook at both those places , and have written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ illustrious , ] instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ epiphaniensis . ] doubtless , nicephorus might have been evidently informed , from evagrius's own words which he there produces , ( which we have also quoted above , ) that evagrius had been born at epiphania . further , evagrius was born in the reign of justinianus augustus , on the year of our lord , or , as i have demonstrated from evagrius's own testimony , in my * notes on book . chap. . of his history . on the year of christ , his parents committed him to the care of a school-master , that he might learn the letters . at which time ( when thomas bishop of apamia had given notice to the neighbouring cities , that on a set day he would show the enlivening wood of the cross , which was kept at apamia ; ) evagrius was lead to that city by his parents , and with his own eyes saw that miracle , which was then performed in the church ; as himself attests in his fourth book , chap. . now , this hapned on the year of christ ▪ ; when the persians , having made an irruption into syria , had burnt antioch : which was done in justinus junior's consulate , as we are informed by marcellinus comes , and marius in his chronicon . two years after this , when † the lues inguinaria began to rage in the east , evagrius was as yet under a school-master , learning the letters , and was seized by that pestilence , as he himself attests , book . chap. . having afterwards left the schools of the grammarian● , he be took himself to the study of rhetorick . and when he had made a great proficiency in that art , he was registred * amongst the company of advocates . whence he got the appellation of scholasticus : which term signifies a lawyer , as macarius informs us in his fifteenth homily , in these words : † he that desires to have a knowledge in forensian cases , goes and learns the notes [ letters , or , abbreviatures . ] and when he has been the first there , he goes to the school of the romans , where he is the last of all . again , when he comes to be the first there , he goes away to the school of the pragmatici [ or , practicants ] where he is again the last of all , and arcarius [ or , novice . ] then , when he is made a scholasticus , he is novice , and the last of all the lawyers . again , when he comes to be the first there , then he is made a president [ or governour of a province . ] and when he is made a governour , he takes to himselfe an assistant [ councellour ] or assessour . in macarius's greek text , i have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that desires to have a knowledge in forensian cases ; not as 't is in the common reading , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that desires to have a knowledge in letters . further , in what city evagrius practised the law , 't is uncertain . notwithstanding , my conjecture is , that he pleaded causes at antioch : in which city there were three fora [ that is , courts of judicature ] or tribunals ; and as many schools of advocates , as i have observed from libanius , in my notes on evagrius , book . * chap. . 't is certain , he could not be an advocate at epiphania , ( which , as we have declared already , was the place of his nativity ; ) in regard that city had no judiciary forum , but brought its causes to apamia , in which city the consularis of syria secunda held a court of judicature . but , for my believing evagrius to have been an advocate at antioch , rather than at apamia , this is my chief reason ; because he was mostly conversant in that city , where he married a wife also , and begat sons of her . he married a daughter likewise in that city , as himself attests in his fourth book , chap. . and after she , together with her son , had ended her life by the pestilentiall disease , on the tenth year of mauricius ; evagrius , deprived of his wife and children , remarried , and took to wife a young virgin in that city , as he relates book . chap. . where he attests also , that the whole city kept holiday on that account , and celebrated a publick festivity , * both in pompous shows , and also about his marriage-bed . whence 't is by the way apparent , how great his authority was at antioch . moreover , he wrote his history at antioch , as may be collected from the twentieth * chapter of his first book . where speaking concerning the empress eudocia's jerusalem-journey , he says , she came to antioch : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a long time afterwards , in her journey which she made to the holy city of christ our god , she [ eudocia ] comes hither , ( to wit , to antioch . ) evagrius therefore lived at antioch when he wrote this history . hence 't is that evagri 〈…〉 〈…〉 diligent in recounting the works and publick edifices of the city antioch ; as may be seen in 〈…〉 ▪ book , chap. , and in his third book , chap. . at which places he does not obscurely intimate ▪ that he lived at antioch , whilest he wrote these things . hence 't is also , that he mentions with so much care and diligence , the earth-quakes , wherewith antioch was now and then shaken : and , that in the notation of the times he always makes use of the antiochian years . lastly , this may be collected from the seventh chapter of his sixth book , where he relates , that gregorius patriarch of antioch ( having been accused of incest , before johannes , comes of the east , by a silver-smith , ) appealed to the emperour , and to a synod . and when he went to constantinople , in order to the prosecution of his cause before the emperour and synod , he took evagrius along with him , as his assessour and counseller , that he might make use of his advice . by which words evagrius does plainly enough declare himself to have been an advocate and a lawyer . for assessours were wont to be taken out of their body , as well by the civill as military magistrates . nor was evagrius councellour to gregorius in this criminall affair only , but in other causes also . for in regard gregorius was patriarch of the orientall church , and * could not but have the examination of many causes every day , he must necessarily stand in need of some assessour , who might suggest to him the forms of right and of the laws . indeed , evagrius's words do fully declare what i have said . for he saith ▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having me therefore his assessour and companion , he went to the emperour 's [ city , constantinople , ] in order to the making his defence against these [ accusations . ] but let the studious determine concerning this matter , according to their own arbitrement . 't is sufficient for me , to have proposed my conjecture to the readers . further , the same gregorius made use of evagrius's judgment , not only in judiciary proceedings , but in writing letters also , and relations , which he now and then sent to the emperour ; in his sermons likewise and orations ; as evagrius attests at the † close of his history . which * volume when evagrius had published , not without the consent of gregorius the patriarch , in the reign of tiberius constantinus , he had the dignity of a quaestorate bestowed upon him by the same emperour . and not long after , when he had made an oration concerning the praises of mauricius augustus , on account of the birth of the most noble child theodosius , he received the codicills of a praefecture from the same mauricius ; as he himself attests at the close of his history . evagrius's words there are thus translated by christophorson : pro quibus duos honoris gradus consecuti sumus : quaesturam à tiberio constantino , & munus tabularum servandarum , in quibus praefectorum nomina inscribebantur , à mauricio tiberio : for which we have obtained two degrees of honour : a quaesture of tiberius constantinus , and the office of keeping the tables , wherein the names of the praefects were inscribed , of mauricius tiberius . which ill rendition deceived gerardus vossius and philippus labbaeus . for vossius ( in his * book de historicis graecis , ) treading in christophorson's steps , says thus : pro duobus autem hisce libris ait gemino se honore esse affectum . nam à tiberio constantino quaesturâ fuisse ornatum : sed a mauricio consecutum esse , ut tabulis publicis praeesset : now , for these two books , he says , he had a double honour conferred on himself . for he was honoured [ as he saith ] with a quaesture by tiberius constantinus : and , that he obtained of mauricius , the having the charge of the publick tables . but philippus labbaeus ( in his dissertation de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , ) hath * interpolated christophorsons version , after this manner : seque duos honoris gradus ait consecutum : & primùm à tiberio constantino ad quaesturam evectum ; tum à mauricio munus adeptum servandarum tabularum , in quibus non tàm nomina , quàm ipsa praefectorum acta inscribebantur : and he says that he himself obtained two degrees of honour : and in the first place , that he was preferred to a quaesture by tiberius constantinus ; and secondly , that he procured of mauricius the office of keeping the publick tables , wherein not only the names , but the acts of the praefects were inscribed . musculus has done much better , who hath rendred the passage in evagrius thus : quarum etiam gratiâ duas dignitates sumus consecuti : à tiberio constantino quaestoratum largiente , mauricio verò tiberio literas hyparchicas mittente , on account of which [ volume of relations , letters , &c. ] we have obtained two dignities : [ one ] from tiberius constantinus , who gave us a quaestorate ; and [ another ] from mauricius tiberius who sent us his hyparchicall letters . he would have said , the codicills of a praefecture , which the latines term † letters also , as i have long since observed in my notes on ammianus marcellinus . hence 't is , that in the title of his history , evagrius terms himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ one ] of the ex-praefects , because he had been rewarded with the codicills of an honorary praefecture by the emperour . after this , the same evagrius published six books of ecclesiastick history , beginning from those times wherein theodoret and socrates had closed their histories ; that is , from the ephesine synod , wherein nestorius was condemned and deposed : to wit , from the year of christ . and he has continued his history to the twelfth year of the emperour mauricius , which was the year of our lord . in his third book , at chap. , speaking concerning severus bishop of antioch , he says that at such time as he wrote these things it was the six hundredth fourty first year of the antiochians . in regard therefore the antiochian-hera precedes that of our saviour's nativity fourty eight years ; if from the number we substract years , it will be the year of christ . the same may also be collected from book , chap. . where evagrius writes , that whilest he penned this history , that plague in the groyne which had almost wholly destroyed the whole world , had already raged two and fifty years . now , this plague began to rage two years after antioch had been taken by the persians , that is , in the year of christ . to which number of years if you add two and fifty , it will be made the year of christ . further , evagrius's diligence is chiefly to be commended , because , undertaking to write an ecclesiastick history , he made a collection of whatever was pertinent to that subject , out of the best writers , to wit , priscus , johannes , zacharias , eustathius , and procopius [ who were all ] rhetoricians . his style likewise is not to be found fault with . for it has a beauty and elegancy ; as photius does also attest . but the chief thing commendable in evagrius is , that of all the greek writers of ecclesiastick history , he is the only person , who has kept the doctrine of the true faith intire and undefiled ; as ( after photius ) baronius has observed in his annalls . notwithstanding , he deserves reproof for this , viz. because he has not used so much diligence in searching out the monuments of ecclesiastick antiquity , as in reading profane writers . indeed , almost the whole sixth book is spent in a narrative of the persian war. besides , his style in many places is redundant and luxuriant , as photius has truly remarked in his bibliotheca . an instance of which superfluity of expression you have in book . chap. ; where he speaks concerning nestorius after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that tongue full of hostility against god , that second sanhedrim of caîphas , &c. and , in book . chap. ; where he describes s t euphemia's church , which was at chalcedon : the same redundancy of style , the studious reader will of himself easily observe , in many other places . moreover , rob ▪ stephens was the first person that printed evagrius's history in greek , from one only manuscript copy belonging to the kings library , which manuscript is very new , and not extraordinary good . for in many places 't is defective and imperfect . but we have mended and perfected evagrius's history in so many places , from two manuscript copies of the best note , that it may seem now to have been first published . the first of these copies was the florent . manuscript , [ taken ] out of s t laurence's library , which the most famous michael erminius compared with the geneva edition , and sent me the various readings written out with his own hand . on which account i profess my self very much oblieged to him . this manuscript is the best and ancientest of all the copies of evagrius . for 't is written in parchment , [ and was transcribed ] about five hundred years since more or less , as i have been informed by one that saw it , viz. emericus bigotius , an excellent schollar , and a person who has deserved well of learning : by whose favour and intervention i received the fore mentioned various readings , sent by the most famons michael erminius . in the same florentine manuscript , some not unlearned scholia were written in the margin , which we have put into our annotations , in their due places . but , the reader is to take notice , that in this florentine manuscript is contained socrates scholasticus's history also , the various readings whereof the same erminius sent me long since , written out with his own hand ; as i have attested above four years since , in that preface i prefixt before my edition of socrates and sozomen . the second manuscript copy was taken out of the library of that most illustrious prelate dionysius tellerius , arch-bishop of rheims : this is no very ancient copy ; but 't is a good one , and transcribed by the hand of a learned man. this copy was of great use to us in many places , as we have now and then shown in our annotations . the first book of the ecclesiastical history of evagrivs scholasticvs epiphaniensis , and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . the writers preface [ wherein he declares ] on what account he betook himself to the writing of this present history . eusebius surnamed pamphilus , a person both eminently eloquent as to other things , and so powerfull in his writings also , that by his perswasives he might be able ( if not to render them a perfectly orthodox , yet ) to prevail upon his readers so far as to embrace our [ sentiments : ] eusebius surnamed pamphilus [ i say , ] sozomen , theodoret , and socrates , in the best and most accurate manner have set forth in writing , both the advent of [ our ] compassionate god amongst us , and his ascent into the heavens ; and also those things which the divine apostles , and other martyrs have couragiously performed in their combats [ in defence of the faith ; ] moreover , whatever else hath been transacted by those of our religion , whether praise-worthy , or otherwise , till some b part of the emperour theodosius's reign . but , in regard no person has hitherto given an orderly narrative of the transactions that hapned afterwards , which [ notwithstanding ] are not much inferiour to them ; i have resolved ( though i am but little versed in such things , ) to undertake this work , and to compile an history of those affairs ; being very confident , that by his assistance , who infused wisdome into fishermen , and made the tongue of a brute utter an articulate voice ; i shall raise affairs already buried in oblivion , give life to them by my discourse , and render them immortall by an [ eternall ] commemoration : to the end that every one of my readers may know , what [ has been done , ] when , where , how , against whom , and by whom affairs have been transacted , untill our own times : and [ to the end that ] nothing worthy to be remembred , may lie concealed by a remiss and dissolute sloth , and ( which is its next neighbour , ) oblivion . divine assistance therefore being my guide , i will begin , where the authours i have already mentioned , closed their history . chap. i. that , after the destruction of the impious julian , when the heresies had been a little quieted , * the devil afterwards disturbed the faith again . when the impiety of julian had now been drowned in the bloud of the martyrs , and arius's madness bound in the fetters made at nicaea ; and when eunomius and macedonius , a driven away by the holy spirit [ as it were by an impetuous wind , ] had been shipwrack't about the bosphorus , and at the sacred city constantinople : when the holy church , having laid aside her late filth , and * recovering her pristine beauty and gracefullness , was clothed † in a vesture of gold wrought about with divers colours , and made fit for her lover and [ celestiall ] bridegroom : the devil , virtue 's enemie , unable to bear this , raises a new and ‖ unusuall kind of war against us ; contemning the worship of idols which now lay tramplied under foot , and abandoning arius's servile madness . he was indeed afraid of making an attack against [ our ] faith , [ openly ] as an enemy , in regard it was fortified by so many and such eminent holy fathers ; and [ because ] he had lost many of his forces in the siege thereof . but he attempts this business in such a method [ rather ] as theeves make use of , by inventing certain questions and answers , whereby he in a new manner * perverted the erroneous to judaism ; the wretch being insensible , that he should be foiled † even this way . for , that one b term , which before he had made the sharpest resistance against , he now admires and embraces : rejoycing mightily ( though he could not wholly * vanquish us , yet ) that he was able to adulterate even but one word . having therefore ▪ many times c wound up himself within his own malice , he d invented the change of one letter , which might indeed † lead to one and the same sense , but notwithstanding would separate the understanding from the tongue ; least with both they should confess and glorifie god in a concordant and agreeable manner . further , in what manner each of these things was performed , and what conclusion they had , i will declare in their due places and times . whereto i will likewise add whatever else i could finde worthy to be related , although it may seem forreign to my subject ; [ resolving ] e to close my history where it shall seem good to the compassionate and propitious deity . chap. ii. how nestorius was detected by his disciple anastasius , who in his sermon , termed the holy mother of god , not * theotocos , but † christotocos : for which reason [ nestorius ] was pronounced an heretick . for as much as nestorius ( that tongue full of hostility against god , that second sanhedrim of caïphas ; that shop of blasphemy , wherein christ is again a bargained for , and sold ; his natures being divided and torn in sunder , of whom not one bone had been broken on the very cross it self , according as it is written ; nor had his woven-coat in any wise been rent by the murderers of god ; ) has rejected and abandoned the term theotocos , ( [ a word ] long since framed by many of the [ most ] approved fathers by [ the inspiration of ] the holy spirit : ) and , instead thereof , has coyned and formed [ the term ] christotocos , an adulterate coyn [ us it were , ] stamped by himself : and has refilled the church with innumerable wars , making an inundation of civill bloud therein : i shall not , i suppose , want matter agreeable and fit for the composure of an history , nor [ shall i despair ] of bringing it to a conclusion , if ( by the cooperation of christ , who is god above all , ) i shall begin from the blasphemy of the impious nestorius . now the war of the churches had its originall from hence . [ there was ] one b anastasius a presbyter , ( a person of a very unsound opinion , an ardent lover of nestorius and his jewish sentiments , ) who had accompanied nestorius in the journey he made in order to [ his entring upon ] the bishoprick [ of constantinople . ] in which journey ( having had a conference with theodorus at mopsuestia , and heard his opinions , ) was perverted from piety , as c theodulus has related , treating hereof in one of his epistles . [ this anastasius , ] in a sermon he preacht to the people that loved christ , in the church of constantinople , was so audacious as openly and plainly to speak [ these words ; ] let no person term mary theotocos : for mary was a woman : but , 't is impossible for god to be born of a woman . the people that loved christ being highly offended at the hearing hereof , and [ supposing , ] not without reason , that this expression opened a way to blasphemy ; nestorius , the authour of this blasphemy , did not only not curb [ anastasius , ] nor undertake the patronage of such sentiments as were orthodox and true : but also , openly and manifestly added strength to what anastasius had said , and pertinaciously maintained disputes about these [ points . ] and sometimes he would insert and intermix his own opinions ; and by belching forth the poyson of his own mind , attempted to teach such [ doctrines ] as were far more blasphemous . in so much that , to his own destruction , he uttered these words , i cannot term him god , who was two months and three months old ; as 't is plainly related by socrates in his account hereof , and [ in the acts ] of the former ephesine synod . chap. iii. what cyrillus the great wrote to nestorius , and how the third synod at ephesus was convened , to which johannes [ bishop ] of antioch and theodoret came late . which [ assertions ] when cyrillus bishop of alexandria , [ a prelate ] of famous memory , had reproved by his own letters ; and nestorius had defended them in his answers thereto ; a nor could be prevailed upon , either by those [ letters ] written [ to him ] by cyrillus , or them [ sent him ] by celestinus bishop of the senior rome ; but fearlessly vomited forth his own poyson against the whole church : [ cyrillus , ] ( for which he had just cause ; ) made his request to theodosius junior who at that time swayed the sceptre of the eastern empire , that by his order the first synod at ephesus might be convened . the b imperiall letters [ therefore ] were dispatcht away , both to cyrillus , and also to the [ bishops that ] presided over the holy churches in all places . [ theodosius ] appointed the day of the synod's convention to be on the * day of the holy pentecost ; whereon the life-giving spirit [ of god ] descended c upon us . nestorius , in regard ephesus is not far distant from constantinople , came thither first . also cyrillus and the [ bishops ] about him arrived before the day appointed . but johannes bishop of antioch , together with the [ bishops ] about him , was absent at the set day ; not willingly , ( d as it seems to many persons , from the apology he made [ in excuse for his not coming at the time appointed ; ] ) but because he could not gather together the bishops of his province sooner . for the cities [ belonging to ] the bishops [ under him , ] are twelve days journey distant from that city ( heretofore called antioch , but now ) termed theopolis , to a man that is an expedite and nimble traveller ; but , to others [ who are not so good at travelling ] they are more [ than twelve days journey distant . ] and ephesus is at least thirty days journey distant from antioch . wherefore [ johannes ] affirmed , that he could in no wise meet at the appointed day , [ if he should set out ] when the bishops , whom he had about him , had celebrated that termed the e new sunday within their own sees . chap. iv. how nestorius was deposed by the synod , before the arrivall of [ the bishop of ] antioch . vvhen therefore fifteen days were past beyond the day prefixt , the bishops who had been called together for that reason ( supposing that the eastern [ bishops ] would not come at all , or if they did , that much time would be spent before they could be got together ) [ meet together in one place ] a the divine cyrillus administring , and the place of caelestinus , who ( as it has been said ) governed the bishoprick of the elder rome : they summon in nestorius therefore , entreating him that he would give in his answer to [ the accusations ] brought against him . who on the day before promised to come , if there should be an occasion for it , but [ afterwards ] neglected to fullfill his promise ; and having been thrice called , after that he appeared not ; [ whereupon ] the bishops convened undertook the examination [ of the matter . ] and when memnon bishop of ephesus had reckoned up the days which had passed after the set day , ( they were in number sixteen days ; ) and when the letters of the divine cyrillus , which had been written by him to nestorius , and also nestorius's [ letters ] to cyrillus , had been read ; moreover , when that sacred letter of the famous caelestinus , which he sent to the same nestorius , had been annexed : further , when theodotus bishop of ancyra , and acacius who presided over the * see of melitina , had declared those blasphemous expressions , which nestorius had manifestly and openly belched forth at ephesus : [ lastly , ] when many sayings of the holy and most approved fathers , who have expounded the right and sincere faith , had been joyned together ; and also , when the various blasphemies foolishly and madly uttered by the impious nestorius , had been reduced into an order : [ i say , after all these things had been done ] the holy synod pronounced sentence [ against nestorius ] in these express words : moreover , in regard the most reverend nestorius would neither obey our summons , nor admit the most holy and most religious bishops sent by us , we have been forced to proceed to an examination of his impious expressions . and having found , both from his letters and writings which have been recited , and also from his own words which he hath lately spoken in this metropolis , [ which expressions of his ] have been confirmed [ by the testimony of many persons , ] that his sentiments and doctrines are impious ; being necessarily induced thereto , both by the [ authority of the ] canons , and also by the letter of our most holy father and fellow-minister caelestinus bishop of the roman church , after many tears we have proceeded to [ the pronunciation of ] this sad sentence . therefore , our lord jesus christ , who has been blasphemed by him , hath determined by this present holy synod , that the same nestorius is * divested of the episcopall dignity , and [ excluded from ] all manner of sacerdotall convention . chap. v. that johannes [ bishop ] of antioch , coming [ to ephesus ] after five days , deposes cyrillus [ bishop ] of alexandria , and memnon [ bishop ] of ephesus ; whom the synod pronounced innocent soon after , and deposed johannes and his party . and how , by [ the interposition of ] the emperour theodosius , cyrillus and johannes were reconciled , and confirmed nestorius's deposition . after this most legall and just sentence , johannes [ bishop ] of antioch comes to ephesus , together with the prelates about him , arriving [ there ] five days after [ nestorius's ] deposition . and having convened * those [ bishops ] of his party , deposes cyrillus and memnon . but when cyrillus and memnon had presented libells to that synod which had been convened with them , ( although † socrates , through ignorance , has related [ this matter ] otherwise , ) johannes is summoned , to give an account of that deposition which he had made . who not appearing after he had been thrice called , cyrillus and memnon are absolved from their deposition ; but johannes and the [ bishops ] of his party are separated from holy communion , and from all sacerdotall authority . [ further , ] theodosius at first approved not of nestorius's deposition ; but having afterwards been informed of his blasphemy , when he had written very pious letters to the bishops , cyrillus and johannes , they come to a mutuall agreement , and confirmed nestorius's deposition : chap. vi. concerning paulus [ bishop ] of emisa's ▪ journey to alexandria , and cyrillus's commendation [ of johannes ] on account of [ his ] letter . when paulus bishop of emisa was arrived at alexandria , and had made a discourse , which is still extant , in the church concerning this matter . at which time also cyrillus , having highly commended johannes's letter , wrote word for word thus : † let the heavens rejoyce , and the earth be glad . for the partition wall is demolished , that which caused grief and sadness is ceased , and the occasion of all manner of dissention is taken away ; in regard christ the saviour of us all , has * restored peace to his own churches ; and the most religious emperours and most dear to god , have invited us thereto . who having been the most incomparable emulators of their ancestours piety , do preserve the true faith firm and unshaken in their own minds : and they take an exquisite care of the holy churches , to the end they may obtain both a far-spread and immortall glory , and also render their empire most highly renowned . to whom even the lord of hosts himself distributes good things with a * plentifull hand , gives them [ power ] to vanquish their adversaries , and freely bestows victory [ on them . ] a for he cannot lie who has said , as i live , saith the lord , i will glorifie them who glorifie me . when therefore my lord and most religious brother and fellow-minister paulus was come to alexandria , we were filled with joy , and that most deservedly , in regard so great a person [ was come to be ] an intercessour , and was willing b to undergo labours above [ humane ] strength : that he might vanquish the envy of the devil , unite divisions , and by removing offences on both sides , crown both our and your churches with concord and peace . and , after the interposition of some words , [ he adds : ] moreover , that this dissention of the church was altogether frivolous and c inexcusable , we have been now fully satisfied , since my lord the most religious bishop paulus has brought a paper which containes an irreprehensible confession of faith ; and has affirmed , that it was written by your sanctity , and by the most religious bishops there . now , the confession runs thus , and 't is inserted in the very ▪ same words into this our epistle . but concerning . theotocos , and so forth . when we had read these d your sacred words , and perceived , that we our selves embraced the same sentiments ; ( for , there is one lord , one faith , one baptism ; ) we glorified the saviour of all men , rejoycing mutually , because as well your , as our churches , do profess a faith which is agreeable , both to the divinely inspired scriptures , and also to the tradition of our holy fathers . these things may be known by him who is desirous of having an accurate account of those affairs transacted at that time . chap. vii . what the impious nestorius writes concerning his own sufferings ; and how , his tongue having at last been eaten out with worms , he ended his life at oasis . but , after what manner nestorius was banished , or what befell him after that , or in what manner he departed out of this life , and what rewards he received on account of his blasphemy ; [ these particulars ] have not been related by the writers of history . all which had been forgotten , and had been wholly lost and swallowed by [ length of ] time , nor had been so much as heard of ; had not i accidentally met with a book of nestorius's , which contains a narrative of these things . this father of blasphemy therefore , nestorius , ( who has not raised his building on that foundation which was laid , but hath built [ his house ] on the sand , and [ therefore ] it has soon faln down , according to our lord's parable ; ) making an apology ( which was his desire , ) in defence of his own blasphemy , a against those who had accused him , ( because he had introduced some innovation contrary to what was fitting , and had not rightly requested that a synod should be convened at ephesus ; ) amongst other things writes [ to this effect : ] that he , wholly compelled thereto by necessity , had betaken himself * to [ the defence of ] this part , in regard the holy church was divided , some affirming that mary was to be termed † anthropotocos , others , ‖ theotocos . that therefore ( as he says ) he might not offend in one of these two , [ viz. ] b least he should either joyn things mortall with those that are immortall , or else least ( by betaking himself to the other side ) he might be deprived of that other party [ who defended the term theotocos : ] he invented the word christotocos . he intimates further , that at first the emperour theodosius , out of that affection he bore towards him , confirmed not the [ sentence of ] * deposition pronounc't against him : but afterwards , that when some bishops c of both parties had been sent from the city ephesus to theodosius ; d and when he also himself requested it , he was permitted to return to his own monastery ; which is scituate before the gates of that city now called * theopolis , and is not expressly named [ there ] by nestorius . but , they say , e it is now termed euprepius's [ monastery , ] which , as we assuredly know , stands before the [ city ] theopolis , distant from thence not more than two furlongs . moreover , the same nestorius says , that having resided there during the space of four years , he had all imaginable honour conferred upon him , and enjoyed all manner of reverence and respect : but that afterwards , by the edict of [ the emperour ] theodosius , he was banished into that place called oäsis . but he has concealed that which is the principall thing . for , during his residence f there , he in no wise desisted from his own blasphemy . in so much that johannes bishop of antioch gave [ the emperour ] an account thereof , and nestorius was condemned to perpetuall banishment . g he wrote also another book , composed in the manner of a dialogue , to a certain egyptian as it were , concerning his banishment into oäsis ; wherein he speaks more at large concerning these things . but , what punishments he underwent on account of the blasphemies * coyned by him ( not being able to lie concealed from [ god's ] all-seeing eye , ) may be known from other letters , sent by him to the governour of thebäis . for , in those [ letters ] you may find , after what manner ( in regard he had not yet undergone condign h punishment , ) the judgment of god seized him , and involved him in i captivity , a calamity of all [ afflictions ] the most miserable . but , in as much as he was to endure greater punishments , he was let go by the blemmyae , amongst whom he had been a captive . and removing from place to place about the utmost borders of thebäis , by the edicts of theodosius who had determined that he should return ; and being dash't against the earth , he ended his days agreeable to his own forepast life : [ like ] a second arius , declaring and * foreshewing by his calamitous death , what rewards are appointed for [ those who utter ] blasphemy against christ. for both those † persons blasphemed christ in a like manner ; arius , by terming him a creature ; and nestorius , by thinking him to be a man. to * whom ( because he complains , that the acts at ephesus were not rightly composed [ and made up , ] but were framed by fraud and an illegall artifice of cyrillus's ; ) i would willingly say [ thus much : ] why ( since theodosius was his favourer , ) was he banished , and , without obtaining the least commiseration , condemned to so many exiles , and concluded his life after such a manner as this ? or why ( if the sentence [ pronounced ] against him by cyrillus , and the other prelates about him , were not divine , ) both of them being now numbred amongst those departed [ and dead , ] ( at which time , as it has been said by one of the heathen sages , k that which appears not any more in sight [ or , that which survives not any longer ] is honoured with a benevolence that hath no enemy ; ) has he himself been condemned as a blasphemer , and an enemy of god ; but cyrillus is praised and extolled [ by all persons , ] as having been a loud [ and eminent ] preacher , and a great defender of orthodox sentiments ? but least we should be accused for writing what is false , come on , let us bring forth nestorius himself into the midst , giving a relation concerning these very things . recite to me therefore [ o nestorius ! ] some passages in the express words of your own letter , which you wrote to the governour of thebaïs . because of some [ controversies ] lately agitated at ephesus concerning the most holy religion ; by an imperiall order we inhabit oäsis otherwise [ called ] ●bis . and after the interposition of some words , he adds : but after the foresaid [ oäsis ] was totally destroyed by l a barbarick captivity , and by fire , and sword ; and we were dismissed by the barbarians , who on a suddain , how i know not , * were moved with a compassion towards us , and after they had terrified us with menacing declarations , that we should immediately go out of that country , in regard the mazices would suddenly take possession of it after them ; we are come to thebaïs together with the remainder of the captives , whom the barbarians ( out of commiseration ) brought to us , for what intent i know not . moreover , they have been every one permitted to go whither they desired : but we by coming publickly to panopolis , * do exhibite our selves . for we were afraid , least any one , † by taking an occasion from our captivity , should either frame an accusation of flight against us , or else [ form ] a forged invention of some other fault . for malice is productive of all manner of calumnies . wherefore , we beseech your * magnificence , to take care ( according to that provision the laws have made , ) of our captivity , and not to deliver a captive , who is subject to mischief , to the evil arts of men ; least all generations should from hence forth cry out , that 't is better to be the barbarians captive , than to fly for refuge to the roman empire . then , having added an oath , he made his request [ to the governour ] thus : [ that you would please ] to give the emperour an account of our remove from oäsis * hither , which hapned from our being dismissed by the barbarians : that so , whatever determination shall be well pleasing to god , may now at length be made concerning us . [ also , out of ] the same nestorius's second letter to the said governour : whether you will account this present letter from us to your magnificence , as [ written ] from a friend , or as an admonition from a father to a son , hear , i beseech you , with patience the narration [ contained ] therein concerning many [ matters , ] written from us , wherein we have been as brief as possibly could be . oäsis otherwise [ termed ] ibis , having been severall ways ruin'd of late , by an incursion made into it by a multitude of the m nomades . and after some words . these things having happned thus , ( by what impulse , or on what occasion your magnificence was moved thereto , i know not ; ) we have been sent by barbarian souldiers from panopolis , to elephantina , [ a town ] situate in the borders of the province thebaïs ; towards which we have been drag'd by the forementioned military assistance . and when we had been tired by our travelling more than half that journey , we again met with an order of your magnanimity by word of mouth , [ whereby we were commanded ] to return to panopolis . having therefore been wearied with the miseries n of this so long a journey , our body being infirm and aged , and our hand and side tired , we came again to panopolis , in a manner breathing forth our soul. and whilest we were as yet cruciated with the calamities and mischiefs of [ our ] pains , another order written by your magnanimity * came in great hast , whereby we were conveyed again from panopolis to a place adjoyning thereto . o when we supposed , that we should stop here , and were in expectation of the most victorious emperours determination concerning us ; on a sudden another [ decree ] was again drawn up against us , without any commiseration , in order to another [ to wit , ] a fourth banishment . and after some few words , [ he continues . ] but , i beseech you , bee what has been done be sufficient , and [ may it be enough ] p to have decreed so many banishments against one body : and , q after the relations [ which have been sent to their imperial majesties ] by your magnificence , permit , i humbly beseech you , that an accurate account [ of our condition ] may be made known to ou● most victorious emperours , even by us also , by whom that ought [ to be done . ] these are our advices , as to a son from a father . but if you be angry now , as you have been heretofore , do what you think good ; since * no reason is powerfull enough to sway your mind . after this manner [ nestorius ] in his letters strikes and leaps , with his fists and fee● , and reviles * the emperours and magistracy ; having not been made prudent by the miseries he suffered . but i have † read a certain writer declaring his latter end [ after this manner , to wit , ] that his tongue having been eaten out with worms , he departed to greater and immort●ll punishments [ which are to be inflicted on him . ] chap. viii . how , after nestorius , maximianus , and after him proclus , then flavianus , were made [ bishops of constagtinople . ] after that destructive pest nestorius , maximianus succeeded in the episcopate of the famous [ city ] constantinople ; under whom the church of god enjoyed all imaginable peace and tranquillity . when he was taken from amongst men , proclus enters upon the government of that see , who had heretofore been ordained bishop of cyzicum . and after he was gone the common way * of mankind , flavianus succeeded in that chair . chap. ix . concerning the unfortunate eutyches , and how he was deposed by flavianus [ bishop ] of constantinople ; and concerning the second ( to wit , that theevish ) synod at ephesus . in † his times , the controversie about the impious eutyches was started ; a particular synod having been convened a at constantinople : [ to which synod ] eusebius bishop of dorylaeum ( who was the first person that had [ heretofore ] refuted nestorius's blasphemy , being untill then but a rhetorician , ) presented libells . therefore , when eutyches , after he had been summoned [ to the synod , ] came not : and at his appearing [ afterwards ] had been convicted of having said these words : i confess , that our lord * had two natures before the union : but , after the union i confess , but one nature : ( he asserted also , that the body of our lord was not of the same substance with our bodies ▪ ) [ after ▪ this , i say , ] he is deposed . but when he had presented a supplicatory libell to theodosius , * pretending that the acts of those convened [ in that synod ] had been falsified by flavianus ; in the first place a synod of [ the bishops ] that were neer neighbours to constantinople was assembled . in which ( b some of the magistrates also being present therein , ) flavianus is judged . and when this synod had confirmed the acts , as being true ; a second synod is convened at ephesus . chap. x. what was transacted by dioscorus and chrysaphius [ at ] the * absurd synod at ephesus . at this synod dioscorus , successour to cyrillus in the see of alexandria , was appointed to preside : a which thing was effected by the artifice of b chrysaphius ( a person of great interest in the imperiall pallace at that time , ) out of [ his ] hatred to flavianus . there met [ at this synod ] at ephesus , juvenalis bishop of jerusalem , c who had been at the former ephesine synod , together with many other priests [ whom he had ] about him . together with these met domnus , johannes's successour in the antiochian see : also bishop d julius , who filled the place of leo bishop of the seniour rome . flavianus likewise was present with them , together with the bishops about him : e theodosius having given an order to elpidius in these express words : let those [ prelates ] who before have been the judges of eutyches the most religious * archimandrite , be present and silent : but let them in no wise take the place of judges , but expect the common † sentence of all the most holy fathers ; in regard those things which have been judged by them , are now under scrutiny . in this synod eutyches is restored ( his sentence of deposition being revok't , ) by dioscorus and those about him ; * as the contents of the acts thereof do shew . and flavianus , and eusebius bishop of dorylaeum , are condemned and deposed . at the same synod , ibas bishop of the edesseni is excommunicated : and f daniel bishop of carrae is deposed : as is also g irenaeus of tyre , and aquilinus of byblus . moreover , some things were transacted [ there ] on the account of h sophronius bishop of constantina . * theodoret bishop of cyrus was deposed also by them , as was likewise domnus [ bishop ] of antioch . i what became of which prelate afterwards , i cannot find . when these things had been transacted in this manner , the second synod at ephesus was dissolved . chap. xi . this writers apology in defence of the variety [ of opinions ] amongst us [ christians , ] and his derision of the pagan tri●●es . but , let * none of the heathens deride us , because the latter [ bishops ] depose the former , and always find out some new thing [ which they add ] to the faith . for we making researches after the ineffable love of god [ towards men , ] which is past finding out , and being desirous to honour and extoll it in the highest manner , doe betake our selves to this , or that [ opinion . ] nor was any one of those , who invented heresies amongst the christians , so weak , that he would † designedly blaspheme ; nor has [ any such person ] fallen into an errour , with a desire to dishonour the deity : but 't was rather his supposition , that if he should assert this opinion , he should speak better than * those who went before him . besides , those [ points ] which are essentiall a and fundamentall , with a generall consent we all confess and acknowledge . for 't is the trinity which we adore , and the unity which we glorifie : and god the word , begotten before [ all ] ages , who was incarnate by a second generation , out of his compassion * to man. but if innovations have been introduced about some other [ points , ] they have proceeded from god our saviour's giving [ us ] a free liberty of judging concerning these things ; to the end that the holy catholick and apostolick church may † reduce the things that are said on the one side and on the other , to what is decent and pious , and ‖ may [ make them ] fall into one exact and right way . and for this reason the apostle [ saint paul ] has most perspicuously and truly said : * there must be also heresies among you , that they which are approved may be made manifest [ among you . ] and in this also the unspeakable wisdome of god is to be admired , who has said to the divine [ saint ] paul : † for my strength is made ▪ perfect in weakness . for , for what reasons the members of the church have been rent in sunder , for the very same [ causes ] the true and irreprehensible ‖ dogmata have been more accurately polished and set forth ; and the catholick and apostolick church has increased , and been advanced even to the heavens . but the nourishers of heathenish errour , who are not desirous of finding out either [ the nature of ] god , or his providentiall care about men , do mutually overthrow both their own , and their ancestours opinions . for they invent gods upon gods , and choose and name them from their own perturbatiens of mind ; to the end that by taking to themselves such gods , they may procure pardon for their own lusts and debaucheries . so forsooth , he who amongst them [ is accounted ] the supream father of men and gods , having metamorphoz'd himself into a bird , lasciviously snach't up the phrygian boy ; and , as the reward of his uncleanness , gave him his cup , b permitting him to begin to drink an inviting cup to himself , that so both of them might in common swallow down their shame together with the nectar . the same [ jupiter defiled himself ] with infinite other impieties , which have been interdicted even amongst the vilest of men . and having changed himself into all the shapes of irrationall creatures , ( he himself being of all the most brutish ▪ ) is made an * androgynus , and c bears a child not in his belly , but on his thigh , to the end that these things contrary to nature might be done by him . at which birth bacchus [ is brought forth , ] who was himself an androgynus also , and brought a reproach upon both sexes : he was the prince of drunk●nness , of sottishness caused by fulness of wine , of su●●●i●s and debauches proceeding from so profuse drinking , and of all the distempers rising therefrom . to this d aegiochus , this loud thunderer ▪ they ascribe this e as some brave and great [ action , ] they term him parricide ( a villany judged by all men to be of the greatest magnitude , ) because he drove saturn , who had un fortunately begat him , out of his kingdome . what should i say of whoredome , which * has been consecrated amongst them , over which they have made the cyprian venus , begotten of a shell , to preside ; which [ goddess ] abominates continency as a most execrable thing and altogether intolerable : but she is delighted with whoredomes and all manner of filthy actions , wherewith 't is her desire to be appeased . with whom mars commits an unclean act , and by the craft of vulcanus is [ taken and ] exposed to the view and derision of the other gods. any one may also deservedly laugh at their phalli , their ithyphalli , phallagogia , their vast priapus , and pan who is worshipped with an obscene member ; and at their mysteries [ celebrated ] at eleusine , commendable for this thing only , [ to wit , ] that the sun sees them not , but they are condemned to dwell in darkness . but , leaving these things as well to the obscene worshippers as to the worshipped , let us spur on our horse * to the end of the race , and render the remaining [ transactions ] of theodosius'● reign , manifest and evident to the eyes of all men . chap. xii . in what manner the emperour theodosius [ prosecuted and ] expelled the heresie of nestorius . the same emperour wrote a most pious constitution , extant in the first book of that termed justinian's code , which is in number the third of the first title . in which [ constitution , theodosius ] incited thereto by god , has with all suffrages ( as 't is proverbially said ) condemned * him , for whom he had heretofore had a singular affection ( as nestorius himself has related ; ) † and has denounced an anathema against him , recorded in these express words : moreover , we decree , that those who ‖ emulate the impious faith of nestorius , or follow his detestable doctrine , ( if they be bishops , or ecclesiasticks , ) shall be ejected out of the holy churches : but , if they be läicks , they shall be anathematized . the same emperour made other laws on account of our religion , which do sufficiently demonstrate the ardency of his zeal . chap. xiii . concerning saint symeon the * stylite . in these times , symeones , [ a person ] of an holy a and most celebrated memory , flourished and was * eminent : he was the first person that instituted the station upon a pillar , the circumference of whose mansion was scarce two cubits ; at which time domnus presided over the church of antioch . who when he was come to symeones , and had admired his station and manner of life , was desirous of some more secret [ converse with him . ] both of them therefore met together , b and having consecrated the immaculate body [ of christ , ] they gave one another the vivifick communion . this person in the flesh emulated the converse of the celestiall powers , withdrew himself from affairs upon-earth , and putting a force upon nature which tends downward , pursued things sublime . and having placed himself in the midst , [ as it were ] between heaven and things upon earth , he conversed with god , and together with the angels glorified him : offering to god ▪ from the earth his supplications for men , and procuring from heaven the supernall benevolence upon men . this persons * miracles have been written by one that was an eye-witness of what he did . theodoret also bishop of cyrus has † recorded them very eloquently . [ c but ] we have found , that they have been most especially defective in this [ following passage , ] which to this day is preserved amongst those of the holy solitude , and from which very persons , we have received it . when therefore symeones , that angel upon earth , that citizen in the flesh of the jerusalem which is above , had instituted this new , and [ hitherto ] unknown way of living to men ; the inhabitants of the holy desert send a messenger to him , whom they ordered to enquire [ of symeones , ] what this new and strange course of life was , and why he left that way which had been trodden and worn by the saints , and proceeded in another new one , [ hitherto ] wholly unknown to men ? and [ they bade the messenger tell him ] that they commanded him to come down , and go on in the way of the elect fathers . now , if he should shew himself d ready [ and willing ] to come down , their order was , that he should be permitted to follow his own [ way . ] for by his obedience [ they said ] it would be manifest , that by the direction of god he had undertaken this troublesome and afflictive way of living . but if he refused , and would be the servant of his own will , nor would with a readiness forthwith obey their admonition , [ 't was their order ] that he should be pulled down by force . when therefore the messenger was come to him , and had acquainted him with the command of the fathers , and symeon's had forthwith put down one of his feet , resolving to fulfill the order of the fathers ; [ the messenger who had been sent to him ] permitted him to proceed on in his own way ; and spake these words [ to him : ] be strong , and behave thy self like a man : thy station is of god. this truly memorable action [ ▪ of symeon's ] which i have related here , is omitted by those who have written concerning him . [ further , ] this person was in so high a manner influenced by the power of divine grace , that when the emperour theodosius had issued out an order , that the synagogues of the jews inhabiting antioch ( which had been taken from them by the christians , ) should be restored to them again ; he wrote to the emperour with so much freedome and confidence , and reproved him so smartly , ( revering [ god ] only his own king , ) that the emperour theodosius revoak't his own orders , fulfilled all things in favour of the christians , removed the praefectus praetorio , who had suggested these things to him , from his government , and entreated the most holy and e aërial martyr in [ these ] express words , that he would put up his supplications and prayers for him , and impart to him his own blessing . moreover , symeon spent six and fifty years in this afflictive and austere course of life . in the fi●st monastery , wherein he had been imbued with the precepts of a divine life , [ he spent ] nine years . and seven and fourty in that place called * the mandra : during ten years [ of which time ] he performed his combat in a certain narrow place ; [ he dwelt ] seaven years in the shorter pillars , and thirty years upon a pillar of fourty cubits long . his most sacred body , after his departure out of this life , in the succeeding times was brought to antioch , [ to wit , ] when leo swayed the imperiall scepter , and martyrius presided over the church of antioch ; at which time also ardaburius master of the orientall milice , came to symeon's mandra , accompanied with those military forces he had about him , and with other multitudes ; and guarded the most pretious dead body of the blessed symeones , to the end that the neighbouring cities might not meet together and steal it . his most holy body therefore is conveyed to antioch , very great miracles having been performed even by the way . the emperour leo desired it might be given to him by the antiochians . but the inhabitants of antioch presented a supplicatory libell to him , wherein were contained these words : in regard we have no wall to our city , ( f for 't is faln by reason of the wrath [ of god : ] ) we have brought [ hither ] the most holy body that it may be to us instead of a wall and a fortification . by which words the emperour leo was prevailed upon , granted their request , and permitted them [ to enjoy ] the holy body . many of this persons [ reliques ] have been preserved untill our times . even i my self have seen his holy head , ( severall ecclesiasticks being then present , ) at such time as the most celebrated gregorius was bishop of antioch ; when philippicus requested , that the pretious reliques of the saints might be sent to him , in order to the guarding and defending the orientall milice . and , which is to be wondred at , the hair of his head was not faln off ; but is preserved perfect and entire , as if he were yet alive , and conversant amongst men . the skin also of his forehead was wrinkled indeed , and become hard : but 't is as yet preserved whole , as are also most of his teeth , g excepting so many of them as have by force been taken away by the hands of faithfull persons . [ which teeth of his ] do by their * form declare , what , how great , and eminent a man of god this symeones was . there lies likewise at his head , a chain made of iron which he wore about his neck ; with which his much-renowned body , worn out by austerities , hath shared the honours [ given ] by god. for that dear and friendly iron deserted not symeones , even when dead . i would have given h a particular account of this persons performances , ( which would yield no small advantage , both to my self relating them , and also to those who should read them ; ) were it not , that theodoret ( i as i have said before , ) hath declared them more at large . chap. xiv . concerning the star which appears frequently in the piazza about the pillar of saint symeon , which this writer and others have seen : and concerning the same saint's head. but come on , i will insert another thing also into this history , which i my self saw . i had a great desire to see the church of this holy person . it is about three hundred furlongs distant from * theopolis , scituate on the very top of an hill . those who live there abouts call it a the mandra ; the most holy [ symeones , ] i suppose , left this name to the place of his ascetick exercises . the rising of the hill extends to the length of twenty furlongs . the fabrick of the temple represents the form of a cross , beautified with portico's of four sides . b opposite to those portico's are placed pillars , curiously framed of polish't stone , whereon the roof is gracefully raised to an heighth . c in the midst , there is an open court , wrought with a great deal of art : in which [ court ] stands the pillar forty cubits long , wherein that incarnate angel upon earth led a celestiall life . in the roof of the said portico's , there are d clatri , ( some term them windows ; ) e verging both towards the forementioned open court , and also towards the portico's . at the left side therefore of the pillar , i my self f together with the whole multitude there gathered together , ( the country-men being dauncing about the pillar , ) have seen in the window a star of a vast magnitude , running all over the window and glistering , not once , nor twice , nor thrice , but often : which [ star ] vanished frequently , and appeared again on a sudden . but this happens only on those days , observed in memory of that most holy person [ symeon . ] there are those who say , ( nor are we to disbelieve the miracle , both because of their credibility who affirm it , and by reason of other things which we our selves have beheld : ) that they have seen even g his very person flying up and down this way and that way , with his long beard , and his head covered with a * tiara , as 't was wont to be . the men who come to this place , have free liberty to enter in , and go round the pillar many times together with their beasts that carry burdens . but a most exquisite care is taken , ( for what reason i cannot say , ) that no woman should go into the church . therefore , they stand without [ the church , ] at the porch , and behold the miracle . for , h one of the [ church ] gates is placed exactly opposite to the glistering star. chap. xv. concerning saint isidorus pelusiota , and synesius bishop of cyrenae . during the same [ theodosius's ] reign flourished isidorus also , * whose glory ( to use a poetick expression , ] is far spread , a person celebrated amongst all men , both for his actions and eloquence . this man † macerated his body with labours in such a manner , and fatned his soul with sublime and divine doctrines to so high a degree , that he lived an angelick life upon earth , and was always the living ‖ monument both of a monastick life , a and also of a contemplation upon god. he wrote many other [ pieces , ] filled [ with passages ] of manifold utility ; he wrote also to the celebrated cyrillus , from which [ letters ] 'tis evidently demonstrated , that he flourished in the same times with the divine [ cyrillus . ] but because 't is my endeavour to adorn * this history , as much as 't is possible , come on , let synesius [ bishop ] of cyrenae come forth , that he may beautifie our history † with the eminency of his own name . this synesius was accomplished with all other [ arts and sciences ; ] but * excelled in philosophy to so high a degree , that he was the admiration of those christians , who in passing their judgments upon what they see , are not [ ●yassed ] either by affection or hatred . they perswade him therefore , b to be a partaker of the salutary regeneration , and to take the sacerdotall yoak upon him , c although he had not as yet embraced the doctrine of the resurrection , * nor would be induced to believe that article : they having most truly conjectured , that these [ sentiments ] would follow this persons other virtues , [ in regard ] the divine grace would permit [ him ] to have nothing imperfect . nor was their expectation frustrated . for , what and how great a person he proved , is sufficiently attested by the epistles which he wrote with much elegancy and learning after [ his undertaking ] the sacerdotall function , by the d oration he spoke to [ the emperour ] theodosius himself , and by those other usefull works of his that are extant . chap. xvi . how the divine ignatius , having been removed from rome , was deposited at antioch . at the same time also , as 't is recorded by a johannes the rhetorcian and others , the divine ignatius ( after he had obtained , agreeable to his desire , the bellies of wild-beasts for his tomb , in the amphitheatre at rome ; and after his stronger bones which were left [ undevoured , ] had been conveyed to antioch , [ and deposited ] in that place termed the b coemitery ; many years after [ all this , i say , ] ) is removed : the all-good god having instilled it into the mind of theodosius , to bestow greater honours upon that c theophorus , and to dedicate a temple ( which the inhabitants termed the d tychaeum , ) heretofore consecrated to daemons , to that valiant conquerour and martyr . that therefore which had heretofore been the temple of the publick genius , is made a pure church , and holy temple [ dedicated ] to ignatius ; his sacred reliques having with great pomp been conveyed into the city on a chariot , and deposited in that temple . on which account , a solemn festivall and a [ day of ] publick joy is celebrated [ yearly ] even till our times ; which [ festivall ] has been rendred more magnificent by gregorius bishop [ of that place . ] these things were done there , [ because ] from that time god would honour the pious memories of [ his ] saints . for , the impious and destructive julian , that tyrant hatefull to god , ( in regard apollo daphnaeus , * who made use of e castalia for a voice and † an oracle , could not give any answer to the emperour consulting his oracle , because the holy * babylas , his near-neighbour , had quite stopped up his mouth : ) against his will , and forc't thereto by stripes [ as it were , ] honoured the saint with a removall ▪ ( at which time a spacious church was erected to him before the city , which [ structure ] continues standing at this day : ) to the intent that the daemons might in future freely perform their own [ business , ] according as ( 't is reported ) they had before-hand promised julian . this affair therefore was by the dispensation of god our saviour ordered in this manner , to the end that the power of those who had suffered martyrdome might be made manifest , and that the sacred reliques of the holy martyr , removed into an undefiled place , might be honoured with a most beautifull church . chap. xvii . concerning attila king of the * scythae ; and how he destroyed the provinces of the east and west . and concerning the strange † earthquake and other dreadfull prodigies which hapned in the world . in these very times , that much-talk't-of war was raised , by attila king of the scythae . which war priscus the rhetorician has written with much accuracy and eloquence , relating [ to us ] in a singular neatness and elegancy of stile , how * he undertook an expedition against the eastern and western parts [ of the empire , ] how many and how great cities he took and reduced to a subjection to himself , and [ lastly ] after the performance of what [ great actions ] he departed out of this life . whilest the same theodosius swayed the [ imperial ] scepter , a most terrible and horrid a earthquake , which exceeded all others that had been before , hapned almost throughout the whole world . in so much that many towers belonging to the imperial city [ constantinople ] fell down flat , and that called the long-wall of cherronesus fell likewise ; the earth also was rent in sunder , and many villages sank down into it : moreover , many and almost innumerable calamitous accidents hapned both at land and sea. for , some fountains were wholly dryed up ; and in other places abundance of water gushed forth , where there had been none before . trees , of themselves vastly rooted , were thrown up into the air b together with their roots . and many heaps of earth were on a sudden made up into mountains . the sea threw forth dead fishes [ upon its shore , ] and many islands therein were swallowed up . ships making their voyages at sea , were seen upon dry ground , the waters having receded [ and left them ▪ ] many places in bithynia , in the hellespont , and in both the phrygias , were sorely damnified . this calamity raged over the whole earth for some time ; notwithstanding , it continued not with that vehemency wherewith it began : but abated by small degrees , till such time as it wholly ceased . chap. xviii . concerning the [ publick ] buildings in antioch , and who they were that erected them . in these very times [ of theodosius's reign , ] memnonius , zoïlus , and callistus , a personages eminent for [ their profession of ] our religion ▪ were sent by theodosius to be b governours of antioch . memnonius with much of beauty and accuracy raises from the very ground that [ aedifice ] which by us also is termed the psephium , leaving an open atrium [ or , court ] in the middle . zoïlus [ built ] the royâll pôrticus , which [ is placed ] c at the south-side of rufinus [ his porticus ; ] and retaines his name even to our age , although the buildings have [ frequently ] been altered on account of various calamitous accidents . moreover , callistus has raised a most magnificent and splendid structure ( which as well the ancients as those of our age , have termed callistus's porticus , ) before * that pallace which is made the court of judicature , directly opposite to the forum , in which there is a most beautifull house , the d praetorium of the masters of the milice . after these persons , anatolius being sent master of the milice into the east , built that termed anatolius's porticus , and beautified it with matter of all sorts . these [ remarks ] ( though they are forreign to our design in hand , yet ) [ will not seem ] unhandsome and contemptible to lovers of learning . chap. xix . concerning the severall wars , which hapned both in italy , and persia , during the reign of theodosius . * during the times of the same theodosius , frequent rebellions hapned in europe , whilest valentinianus was emperour of rome . which theodosius repressed , by sending great forces both by land and sea , [ which made up ] a as well a foot army , as a navall strength . moreover , he vanquished the persians ( * who were grown insolent , isdigerdes , father to vararanes , being then their king , or , as † socrates's sentiment is , during the ▪ reign of vararanes himself : ) in such a manner , that on their request to him by their embassadours , he gratified them with a peace , which b lasted untill the twelfth year of anastasius's reign . these transactions have been related by other writers ; and are also very handsomely reduced into an epitome , by eustathius the syrian of epiphania , who has likewise written the siege of amida . at the same time , as 't is said , the poets c claudianus and d cyrus flourished . further , this cyrus arrived at the highest chair of the praefects , which [ grand officer ] our ancestours termed the praefectus praetorio [ or praefect of the court. ] he was also master of the western milice , at which time carthage was taken by the vandalls , those barbarians being [ then ] governed by genserichus . chap. xx. concerning the empress eudocia , and her daughter eudoxia ; and how [ eudocia ] came to antioch , and [ went ] to jerusalem . [ moreover , ] this theodosius married eudocia , ( after she had received salutary baptism ; by originall extract an athenian , [ a woman ] eloquent and beautifull ; ) by the mediation of pulcheria augusta his sister . by her theodosius had a daughter , [ by name ] eudoxia , whom , when she afterwards came to be marriageable , the emperour valentinianus married , having [ on that account ] gone from the elder rome and arrived at constantinople . [ a but , ] a long time after this , [ eudocia ] in her journey which she made to the holy city of christ our god , b comes hither : and having made an oration in publick to the people here , she closed her speech with this verse : i boast that i am of your stock and bloud . ( intimating thereby the colonies which had been sent hither out of greece . if any one be desirous of having an exact account of these [ colonies , ] c strabo the geographer , phlegon , diodorus siculus , arrianus , and d pisander the poet , have written concerning them with great accuracy : as have also ulpianus , libanius ; and g julianus , [ all ] most incomparable sophist● . ) on which account , the antiochians at that time honoured her with a statue artificially made of brass , which statue continues standing at this day . by her perswasion , theodosius made a very great addition to [ this ] city , extending its wall as far as that gate which leads to the suburbs of daphne ; as may be seen by those who are desirous of it . for even in this our age [ the foundation of ] the old wall is visible , its remains leading them by the hand as 't were , who have a mind to view it . notwithstanding , there are those who affirm , that the elder theodosius enlarged the wall ; and bestowed two hundred pound weight of gold upon h valens's bath , part whereof had been consumed by fire . chap. xxi . that eudocia did [ many ] good actions about jerusalem ; and concerning the different life and conversation of the monks in palestine . from this city therefore , eudocia a went twice to jerusalem . on what account [ she did this , ] ‖ or what her primary designe ( as they say ) was , must be left to historians ; who notwithstanding , in my judgement , seem not to declare the truth . but , after her arrivall at christ's holy city , she performed many things in honour of god [ our ] saviour . for she built * religious monasteries , and those they term the b laur● . in which , the way of living is different : but [ their ] conversation * is directed to one and the same scope of piety . for some live in companies , and are desirous of none of those things which depress [ the soul of man ] to the earth . for they have no gold. but why do i mention gold , when as not one of them has either a † garment of his own , or any thing of food [ properly belonging to himself ? ] for , that * garment or short coat , wherewith one is cloathed now , is by and by put on by another : so that , one's garment seems to belong to all of them , and all of them to have a right in and the use of one's garment . a common table is spread for them , not covered with dainty provisions , nor with any other meats ; but furnished only with herbs and pulse , of which they are supplied with such a quantity only , as is sufficient to keep them alive . they pour forth their common prayers to god all day and all night long , afflicting and † wearying themselves with labours in such a manner , that they seem to look like some dead persons without graves c above the earth . they frequently perform those termed the d fasts of superposition , continuing their fasts during the space of two , and three whole days . there are some of them who fast five days , and more , and [ after that ] with much adoe take necessary food . again , others enter upon a contrary course of life , shutting themselves up alone in very small houses which have such a breadth , and such an heighth , as that they cannot stand upright in them , nor yet with conveniency lie down ; [ thus ] they continue with patience † in dens and caves of the earth , according to the apostle's expression . othersome live together with the beasts , and make their prayers to god in some coverts of the earth which are past finding out . moreover , another way of living has been found out by them , which transcends * all the degrees of fortitude and sufferance . for , penetrating into a desert scorched [ with the sun , ] as well men as women , and covering those parts only which modesty forbids to be named , they expose the rest of their bodies naked to the sharpest and most intense colds and heats of the air , equally despising heats and colds . they wholly reject that food which men usually eat ; and feed upon the ground ( on which account they are termed c bosci , ) whence they take no more than sufficeth to keep them alive . so that , in time they become like unto beasts , and the shape of their [ bodies ] is depraved and altered , and the sentiments of their mindes in future becomes disagreeable to those of other men : whom when they see , they run from ; and being pursued , they either [ make their escape ] by the swiftness of their feet , or f get into some impassable places in the ground to hide themselves . moreover , i will relate another thing , which i had almost forgot , although it is the principall thing of all . there are some persons amongst them , though but very few , g who , after they are arrived at a freedome from perturbations of mind by [ a continued exercise of ] virtue , return to the world , and shewing themselves to be mad in the midst of crowds of men , they thus trample upon vain glory , which coat ( according to wise plato , ) the soul does usually put off last . further , they have * learned to eat with such undisturbedness as to their passions and affections , that , h if need so requires . [ they eat ] with victuallers and retailers of provision , without blushing either at the place , or the person , or at any thing else . they often frequent the publick baths also , and for the most part converse with and bath themselves in the company of women ; having vanquished their passions to such a degree , that they * put a force upon nature her self , and are not to be i inclined to [ what is proper to ] their own nature , either by the sight , or touch , or even the very embracing of a woman . but with men , they are men , and with women they are women ; it being their desire to partake of both sexes , and not to be of one . to speak briefly therefore , in this incomparable and divine way of living , virtue enacts laws contrary to nature , having established sanctions of her own , to wit , not to impart to any of them a satiety of those things [ which are ] necessary [ for life . ] but * their law commands them to be hungry , and thirsty , and to cover the body so far only , as necessity † requireth . and , their way of living is so equally and exactly poyzed and ballanced , that when they tend diametrically opposite , they are not in the least sensible of any alteration [ of things , ] although the distance between them be vast . for , things contrary are in such a manner mixed in them , ( the divine grace joyning things not to be mixt , and again separating them ; ) that life and death , ( which two are contraries , both in nature , and in the things themselves , ) dwell together in them . for where [ there occurs ] passion or perturbation , it behoves them to be dead and buried . but when 't is [ the time of ] prayer to god , then [ they must be ] robust in body , vivid and vigorous , although they are grown decrepid with age . moreover , k both sorts of life are so complicated and conjoyned in them , that although they have indeed wholly put off the flesh , [ yet ] they live still , and converse with the living , administring medicines to bodies , offering up the desires of suppliants to god , and [ lastly ] performing all other things agreeably to their former life ; l excepting only that they do not want necessaries , nor are limited to any place ; but they hear all , and converse with all . there are amongst them frequent and unwearied bendings of the knees , and [ after them ] m laborious stations ; desire being the only recreation of their age , and of their voluntary infirmity . they are a kind of champions without flesh , wrestlers without bloud ; who instead of ● splendid banquet and delicious dainties , have a fast , and , in place of a full furnished table , nothing ( as near as 't is possible ) that they may tast of . whensoever a stranger comes to them , though it be in the morning , yet they receive him with a singular hospitality , and friendly invitation to eat and drink ; having found out another sort of fasting , to wit , to eat even against their will. so that this thing strikes [ all men ] with an astonishment , that ( whereas they want n so many [ necessaries ] for sufficient food , yet ) they are contented with so very few : being enemies to their own wills and nature , but slaves o to the desires of their neighbours ; that in all things the sweets of the flesh might be expelled , and the soul might have the government , prudently choosing and conserving what is best and most acceptable to god. blessed persons , in respect of the life they lead here ; but much more blessed on account of their translation to that other , after which they pant continually , hastning to see p him whom they love . chap. xxii . what [ structures ] the empress eudocia built in palestine , and concerning the church of the proto-martyr stephen , within which she was piously buried : moreover , concerning the death of the emperour theodosius . when therefore the wife of theodosius had conversed with many such persons as these , and had built many monasteries , like unto them which i have mentioned ; and moreover , had repaired the walls of jerusalem ▪ [ and made them ] much better ; she erected a vast church , eminent for its * splendidness and beauty , [ in honour ] of stephen the first of the deacons and martyrs , about the distance of one furlong from jerusalem . in which church she was deposited , after her departure to an immortall life . further , theodosius [ having ended his life ] sometime after these things , or , as some will have it , before eudocia ; and changed the empire ( which had been governed by him eight and thirty years , ) [ for an eternall life : ] the most incomparable marcianus assumes the roman empire . the actions therefore , which were performed by him during his ruling the eastern empire , shall most plainly be set forth † in the following book , provided divine assistance will furnish us with its own favour and benevolence . the second book of the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis , and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . chap. i. concerning the emperour marcianus , and what signes preceded , * declaring he should be emperour . what was transacted during the times of theodosius [ junior , ] we have comprehended in our first † book . come on , we will now bring marcianus forth , that famous emperour of the romans ; and in the first place we will relate , who and whence he was , and in what manner * he arrived at the roman empire : and then we will declare the affairs transacted by him , in their proper places [ and times . ] marcianus therefore , as 't is related by many others , and also by a priscus the rhetorician , by originall extract was a thracian , the son of a military man. * desiring to follow his father's course of life , he went to philippopolis , [ hoping ] he might there be enrolled in the companies of the milice . as he was going thither , he sees the body of a man newly slain , which lay thrown upon the ground . near to which he made a stand , ( for he was eminent in respect of his other [ endowments , ] but most especially , on account of his humanity and compassion : ) lamented what had hapned , and for a sufficient while desisted from proceeding on his journey , being desirous to perform what was fitting [ to be done to the dead body . ] when some persons had seen this , they gave the magistrates of philippopolis an account of it . who having apprehended marcianus , interrogated him concerning the murder of the man. when therefore conjectures and probabilities prevailed more than truth it self , and than the tongue of the person accused denying the murder ; and when [ marcianus ] was about to undergo the punishment of a murderer ; divine assistance on a sudden discovered the person that had committed the murder . who having been punish't for that fact with the loss of his head , [ thereby ] * preserved the head of marcianus . being thus unexpectedly saved , he goes to one of the companies of the milice in that place , b it being his desire to enter himself a souldier therein . they admired the man , and conjecturing upon good grounds that he would in future become a great person and one of extraordinary worth , they received him most willingly , and enrolled him amongst themselves , not last of all , as the military law directs ; but , in the place of a souldier newly dead , whose name was augustus , they registred marcianus ( who was likewise called augustus , ) in the muster-roll . thus [ marcianus by ] his own name was before-hand in possession of the denomination of our emperours , who at such time as they put on their purple [ assume ] the appellation of augusti . as if the name had refused to abide with him without the dignity ; and again , as if the dignity could have required no other name for its being majestically adorned . so that , his proper , and his appellative name was the same ; both his dignity , and likewise his appellation , being declared by one and the same denomination . moreover , another accident hapned , from which it might be conjectured , that marcianus would come to be emperour . for , having had a military command under aspar [ in the war ] against the vandalls , it hapned that marcianus , together with many others , was taken prisoner , ( aspar having been very much worsted by the vandalls ; ) and brought into a field with the other cap●ives ; it being geiserichus's desire to see the prisoners . after they were gathered together , geiserichus being seated in an high room , pleased himself with viewing the multitude of those taken prisoners . and in regard much time was spent [ there , the prisoners ] did what each of them had a mind to : ( for geiserichus had given order , that those who guarded the captives , should loose them from their bonds . ) some of them therefore did one thing , others another . but marcianus laid himself down on the ground , and slept in the sun , which was hot and more scorching than usuall at that season of the year . [ in which very interim ] an eagle came down from on high in the air , and raising herself by a flight with her face perpendicularly opposite to the sun , made a shadow like a cloud over marcianus , whereby she refreshed and cooled him . geiserichus wondring hereat , with great foresight conjectured at what would happen ; and when he had sent for marcianus , he caused him to be dismissed from his captivity , having first bound him in great oaths , that after his coming to the empire , he should inviolably keep his faith to the vandalls , and not ●ove his arms against them . which ingagement , as c procopius relates , marcianus did in reality keep and perform . but leaving this digression , let us return to our subject . marcianus was pious towards god , just as to what related to his subjects : accounting those true riches ( not which were hoarded up , or brought together from the collections of tribute ; but them only ) which might supply the wants of the indigent , and render their estates who possest much , secure and safe . he was formidable , not for his punishing , but because [ 't was feared ] he was about to punish . on these accounts therefore he obtained the empire , [ which fell to him ] not by an hereditary right , but [ was ] the reward of his vertue ; as well the senate , as all other persons of what degrees and orders soever , conferring the imperiall dignity upon him by a generall suffrage , to which they were perswaded by pulcheria . whom , in regard she was augusta , marcianus married ; but knew her not as a wife , she continuing a virgin till her death . and these things were done , before valentinianus emperour of rome had confirmed this election by his own consent . notwithstanding , by reason of [ marcianus's ] virtue , he afterwards made it authentick . further , it was marcianus's desire , that [ one ] worship might in common be exhibited to god by all persons , ( those tongues , which had been confused through impiety , being again piously united ; ) and that the deity might be praised with one and the same * doxologie . chap. ii. concerning the synod at chalcedon , and what was the occasion of its being convened . whilest therefore the emperours mind was taken up with these desires , there came to him , both the * responsales of leo bishop of the elder rome , affirming that dioscorus in the second ephesine synod , had not admitted of leo's letter , wherein was contained † the doctrine of the true faith : and also those persons who had been injured by the same dioscorus , intreating that their cause might be judged in a synod of bishops . but above all eusebius , who had been bishop of dorylaeum , was most importunately urgent , saying , that by the treacherous contrivances of chrysaphius theodosius's a protector , he and flavianus had been deposed , because , to chrysaphius demanding gold for flavianus's own ordination , flavianus ( to shame him ) b had sent the sacred vessels ; and because chrysaphius agreed with eutyches in his erroneous and false opinions . eusebius said moreover , that flavianus had been beaten , and kick't , and in a miserable manner murdered by dioscorus . for these reasons , a synod is convened at chalcedon , couriers and expresses being sent , and the bishops in all places called together * by the most pious emperours letters , first at nicaea : ( in so much that , leo bishop of rome , writing to them concerning those persons he had sent to supply his own place , to wit , paschasimus , lucentius , and the rest , inscribed [ his letters thus , ] to those convened at nicaea : ) but afterwards at chalcedon in the country of the bithynians . c zacharias rhetor , in favour to nestorius , does indeed d affirm that he was sent for out of exile [ to this councill . ] but , that this was not so , may be conjectured from hence , that the synod does every where anathematize nestorius . the same is also expressly attested by eustathius bishop of berytus ( in his letter to johannes a bishop , and to another johannes a presbyter , concerning the matters agitated in the synod , ) in these very words : those persons meeting again , who demanded nestorius's reliques , cryed out against the synod , [ in this sort : ] for what reason are holy men anathematized ? in so much that the emperour , being highly incensed , commanded his guards by force to drive them a far off . how therefore nestorius could have been called [ to this council , ] who was dead long before , i cannot tell . chap. iii. a description of the great martyr euphemia's church , which is in [ the city ] chalcedon : and a narrative of the miracles performed therein . [ the fathers ] therefore are assembled in the sacred church of the martyr euphemia . this church stands in chalcedon , a city belonging to the province of the bithynians . it is distant from the bosphorus not more than two furlongs , [ scituate ] in a most pleasant place , on an * eminence which rises easily and by degrees : in so much that , those who go up into the church of the martyr , are insensible of labour in their walk , but being got within the temple , on a sudden they appear at a vast height . whence casting down their eyes as 't were from a watch tower , they have a prospect of all the fields beneath , extended into a levell and even plain , clothed in green with grass , waving with standing corn , and beautified with the sight of all sorts of trees : [ they see ] woody mountains also , [ the trees whereon ] bend and then raise [ their tops ] finely to an heighth . moreover , [ they have a prospect of ] severall seas , some of which [ seem ] * purple coloured by reason of their serenity , and do sweetly and mildly play with the shoares ; to wit , where the places are calm : but others are rough and boysterous with surges , by the very reciprocall motion of their waves forcing a shoar † sand mixt with little stones , sea-weed , and the lightest sort of shell-fish , and then drawing them back again . moreover , the church it self stands right over against constantinople . so that , the temple is [ not a little ] adorned with the prospect of so great a city . the church consists of three most spacious structures . the first is an open court , beautified with a large ‖ atrium , and with pillars on every side . after this there is another structure , for breadth , and length , and pillars , a almost alike ; differing only in this , that it has a roof laid over it . in the northen side whereof at the rising sun , there is a round edifice built in form of a b tholus , set round within with pillars most artificially framed , which are alike as to their matter , and equall in bigness . c over these [ pillars , ] there is an * hyper●on raised to a vast heighth , under the same roof : so that , even in this room also , they that desire it , may both supplicate the martyr , and also be present at the sacred mysteries . but , within the tholus , towards the east , d there is a magnificent tomb , where lie the most holy reliques of the martyr , deposited in an oblong chest ( some term it e the macra , ) most curiously made of silver . the miracles which are at certain times performed by the holy martyr , are manifestly known to all christians . for , frequently in their sleep she appears , either to the bishops during their severall times of presidency over that city , or else to some persons ( otherwise eminent for [ piety of ] life , ) who come to her [ church , ] and orders them f to make their vintage in the temple . after this hath been made known , both to the emperours , to the patriarch , and also to the city ; as well those who sway the imperiall scepter , as the pontif's , magistrates , and the rest of the whole multitude of the people , go immediately to the church , with a desire to partake of the mysteries . in the sight of all these persons therefore , the bishop of constantinople , together with the p●●e●●s about him , goes into the sacred edifice , where the holy body i have mentioned is deposited . g there is a little hole in the chest , on its left side , which is shut up and made fast by small doors . through this hole they let down a long iron rod , after they have fastned a sponge to it , as far as the most holy reliques ; and when they have turn●d the sponge about , they draw the iron-rod up to them , [ the sponge at the end whereof is ] full of bloud , and bloudy clotters . which when the people behold , immediately they adore and glorifie god. [ further , ] so great a plenty [ of bloud ] is extracted out thence , that both the pious emperours , and also all the priests [ there ] convened , moreover the whole multitude which flock together at that place , in a most plentifull manner do partake of it , and likewise send it over the whole world , to the faithfull that are desirous of it . and the congealed bloud lasts [ so as it is ] forever , nor is the most holy bloud in any wise changed into any other colour . * these miracles are performed , not at any determinate period of time , but according as the life of the bishop , and the gravity of his moralls shall † deserve . for , 't is reported , that when ever a person of probity , and one eminent for his virtues , does govern [ that church , ] this miracle is performed , and that most frequently : but when there is no such prelate , such divine signes as these do rarely happen . but i will relate another [ miracle , ] which no time or season ‖ interrupts : nor does it make any diff●●ence between the faithfull and the ●nfidells ; but 't is alike * shown to all persons . when any person comes into that place , wherein the pretious chest is , which contains the most holy reliques , † he smells a fragrant scent , which transcends all the usuall savours [ smelt ] by men . for , this scent is neither like that ‖ which arises from meadows , nor like that sent forth by any the most fragrant things , nor is it such a one as is made by perfumers : but 't is a certain strange and most excellent scent , h which of it self demonstrates the [ virtue and ] power of those things that produce it . chap. iv. concerning those things which were agitated and established in the synod ; and how dioscorus [ bishop ] of alexandria was deposed ; but , theodoret , ibas , and some others were restored . in this place , the synod i have mentioned is convened , the bishops paschatius and lucentius , and bonifacius the presbyter , administring ( as i have said , ) the place of leo pontif of the elder rome : anatolius presiding over the constantinopolitane [ church ; ] and dioscorus being bishop of [ the church of ] the alexandrians . maximus [ bishop ] of antioch , and juv●●●lis of jerusalem [ were there also . ] together with whom were present those prelates whom they had about them ; and also those personages who held the principall places in the eminent senate [ of constantinople . ] to whom they , who filled leo's place , said , that dioscorus ought not to sit together with them in the councill . for this [ they affirmed ] was given them in charge by their bishop leo , and unless it were observed , they would remove out of the church . and when [ those ] of the senate asked , what were the matters objected against dioscorus ; they returned answer , that he ought to render an account of his own judgment , who , contrary to what was fitting and just , had accepted the person of the judge . after which words , when dioscorus by the senates decree had come forth into a place in the midst ; eusebius made his request , that the supplicatory libell , which he had presented to the emperour , might be recited ; which request he worded thus : i have been injured by dioscorus ; the faith hath been injured ; flavianus the bishop has been murdered , and together with me unjustly deposed by him : do you give order , that my supplicatory libell may be read . which thing when [ the judges ] had discoursed of , the libell was permitted to be read , the contents whereof were these . a to the lovers of christ , our most religious and most pious emperours , flavius valentinianus , and marcianus , always augusti ; from eusebius the meanest bishop of dorylaeum , who speakes in defence of himself , of the orthodox faith , and of flavianus of blessed memory who was bishop of constantinople . [ it is ] the designe of your power , to make provision for all your subjects , and to stretch forth an hand to all those who are injured : especially b to them who are reckoned amongst the ecclesiasticks . for hereby c you worship the deity , by whom a power hath been given you to rule and govern * the world . in regard therefore the faith of christ and we have suffered many and grievous things , contrary to all reason and equity , from dioscorus the most reverend bishop of the great city alexandria ; we address to your piety , entreating we may have right done us. now , the business is this . at a synod lately held in the metropolis of the ephesians , ( would to god that synod had never been held , that it might not have filled the world with mischiefes and disturbance ! ) that * good man dioscorus , disregarding the consideration of what is just , and [ not respecting ] the fear of god , ( for he was of the same opinion , and entertained the same sentiments with the vain-minded and hereticall eutyches ; but concealed it from many persons , as 't was afterwards plainly evidenced from his own declaration : ) † took an occasion from that accusation which i had brought against eutyches , a person of the same opinion with himself ▪ and from that sentence pronounc't against the same eutyches by bishop flavianus * of holy memory ; [ whereby ] he assembled a multitude of disorderly and tumultuous persons : and having possest himself of power by money , as much as in him lay he has weakened the pious religion of the orthodox , and has confirmed the ill opinion of the monk eutyches , which long since , even from the beginning , hath been condemned by the holy fathers . whereas therefore , the matters are not small and triviall , which he hath audaciously attempted , both against the faith of christ , and against us , we fall at the feet of your [ imperial ] majesty , and humbly beseech you , to order the said most religious bishop dioscorus , to give in his answer to what is objected against him by us : to wit , by having the monuments of the acts , which he has made against us , read before an holy synod . from which [ acts ] we are able to demonstrate , that he is estranged from the orthodox faith , hath confirmed an heresie full of impiety , has unjustly deposed us , and in a most grievous and injurious manner oppressed us : you sending your divine and adorable mandates to the holy and oecumenicall synod of bishops most dear to god , to the end that it may hear the cause between us and the forementioned dioscorus , and bring to the knowledge of your piety all that is transacted , * according to that which shall please your immortall height . and if we shall obtain this , we will pour forth incessant prayers for your eternall empire , most divine emperours ! after this , by the joynt desire of dioscorus and eusebius , the acts of the second ephesine synod were publickly recited . the particular declaration whereof , ( it being † comprehended in many words , and contained ‖ within the acts of the chalcedon councill ; ) least i should seem verbose to those who hasten towards [ a knowledge of ] the conclusion of transactions , i have subjoyned to this second book of my history ; giving those persons who are desirous of an exact and particular knowledge of all matters , a liberty of reading these things , and of having an accurate account of all transactions imprinted on their mindes . [ in the interim ] i will cursorily mention the more principall and momentous matters : to wit , that dioscorus was * convicted , because he had not admitted of the letter of leo bishop of the elder rome ; and because he had effected the deposition of flavianus bishop of new rome , within the space of one day ; and because he had gotten the bishops who were convened , to subscribe [ their names ] in a paper not written on , as if therein had been contained flavianus's deposition . whereupon , those persons who were of the senate , made this decree . d we perceive , that a more exact scrutiny concerning the orthodox and catholick faith ought to be made to morrow , when e the synod will be more compleat and full . but , in regard flavianus of pious memory● and the most religious bishop eusebius ( from a search made into the acts and decrees , and also from their testimony by word of mouth who presided in the synod then convened ; who have confessed that they have erred , and deposed them without cause , when they had in no wise erred in the faith : ) have , as 't is evidently known , been unjustly deposed : it appears to us ( agreeable to that which is acceptable to god , ) to be just , ( provided it shall please our most divine and most pious lord , ) that dioscorus the most religious bishop of alexandria , juvenalis the most religious bishop of jerusalem , thalassius the most religious bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , eusebius the most religious bishop of f ancyra , eustathius the most religious bishop of berytus , and basilius the most religious bishop of seleucia in lsau●● , which [ prelates ] had power , and presided over the then synod , should lye under the very same punishment , being by [ the sentence of ] the sacred synod according to the canons * removed from the episcopall dignity : all things which have been consequently done being made known † to his most sacred imperial majesty . after this , libells having been given in on the second day against dioscorus , on account of [ various ] crimes , and concerning money [ forcibly by him taken , ] when dioscorus , being twice and thrice called , appeared not , by reason of [ severall ] excuses which he alledged ; they who filled the place of leo bishop of the elder rome , ‖ made this declaration in these express words . g what dioscorus who hath been bishop of the great city alexandria has audaciously attempted against the order of the canons , and the ecclesiastick constitution ; hath been made manifest , both by those things which have already been inquired into at the first session , and also from what hath been done this day . for this person , ( to omit many other things , ) making use of his own authority , uncanonically admitted to communion eutyches , ( a man that embraces the same sentiments with himself , who had been canonically deposed by his own bishop of holy memory , we mean our father and bishop flavianus ; ) before * his sitting [ in the synod ] at ephesus together with the bishops beloved by god. now , the apostolick see has granted a pardon to those [ prelates , ] for what hath been involuntarily done there by them . who also to this present continue of the same opinion with the most holy arch-bishop leo , and with all the holy and oecumenicall synod . on which account , he hath received them to his own communion , as being asserters of the same faith with himself . but † this man till this very time hath not desisted from boasting of these things , on account whereof he ought rather to mourn , and lay himself prostrate on the earth . besides , he permitted not the letter of the blessed pope leo , to be read , ( which had been written by him to flavianus of holy memory ; ) and this [ he did , ] notwithstanding he was severall times entreated by those persons who had brought the letter , to suffer it to be read ; and notwithstanding he had promised with an oath that it should be read . the not reading of which letter h has filled the most holy churches over the whole world with scandalls and detriment . nevertheless , although such things as these have been audaciously attempted by him , yet it was our design , to have voutsafed him something of compassion i in relation to his former impious fact , as also to the rest of the bishops beloved by god , although they had not the same authority k of judging that he was invested with . but in regard he has out-done his former iniquity by his * latter facts , ( for he has audaciously pronounced an excommunicaton against the most holy and most pious leo arch-bishop of rome the great ; and moreover , ( when libells stuft with crimes were presented to the holy and great synod against him , ) having been canonically called once , twice , and thrice , by the bishops beloved of god , he obeyed not , to wit , being prick't by his own conscience ; [ lastly , ] he has illegally received [ to communion ] those , who had justly been deposed by severall synods : [ on these various accounts we say ] ) he himself hath pronounced sentence against himself , having many ways trampled under foot the ecclesiastick rules . wherefore , the most holy and most blessed leo arch-bishop of the great and the elder rome , by us and the present synod , together with the thrice blessed and most eminent apostle peter , who is the † rock and basis of the catholick church , and the foundation of the orthodox faith , hath divested him of the episcopall dignity , and * hath removed him from [ the performance of ] every sacerdotall office. therefore , the holy and great synod it self will l decree those things concerning the forementioned dioscorus , which shall seem agreeable to the canons . these things having been confirmed by the synod , and some other business done , those [ prelates ] who had been deposed with dioscorus ; by the entreaty of the synod and the emperours assent , obtained their restoration . and some other things having been added to what was done before , they promulged a definition of the faith , contained in these express words . m our lord and saviour jesus christ , when he confirmed the knowledge of the faith to his disciples , said ; * my peace i give unto you , my peace i leave with you : to the end that no person should differ from his neighbour in the † dogmata of piety , but that the preaching of the truth might be equally demonstrated to all . after these words , when they had recited the nicene creed , and also [ that * creed ] of the hundred and fifty holy fathers , they have added these words . that wise and salutary creed of the divine grace , was indeed sufficient for the knowledge and confirmation of piety . for , it delivers a perfect and entire doctrine , concerning the father , the son , and the holy spirit ; and it expresses and confirms the incarnation of our lord to those who receive it with faith . but , in regard the n enemies of truth attempt to reject and abrogate the preaching [ thereof ] by their own heresies ; and have * coyned vain and new terms ; ( some daring to corrupt the mystery of our lords dispensation which [ was made ] ▪ upon our account , and denying the term theotocos [ which is attributed ] to the virgin : and others introducing a confusion and mixture , foolishly imagining the nature of the flesh and of the deity to be one , and monstrously feigning the divine nature of the only begotten to be by confusion passible : ) therefore , this present , holy , great , and oecumenicall synod , being desirous to * preclude all their [ ways of ] fraud invented against the truth , and to vindicate that † doctrine which from the beginning [ has continued ] unshaken ; hath determined , that in the first place , the ‖ faith of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers ought to remain and be preserved unattempted and inviolate : and upon their account who * impugne the holy spirit , [ this synod ] confirms that doctrine concerning the substance of the holy spirit , which was afterwards delivered by the hundred and fifty fathers convened in the imperiall city [ constantinople : ] which doctrine they promulged to all persons , not as if they added any thing which had been wanting before , but that they might declare their own sentiment concerning the holy spirit , against those who attempted to abrogate and abolish his dominion and power : but , upon their account who dare corrupt the mysterie of the oeconomy , and o do rave [ so ] impudently [ as to assert ] him who was born of the holy virgin mary to be a meer man ; [ this synod ] has admitted and approved of the synodicall letters of the blessed cyrillus who was pastour of the church of the alexandrians ; [ which letters cyrillus sent ] to nestorius , and to the eastern [ bishops , ] and they are sufficient , both to confute nestorius's madness , and also to explain the salutary creed , in favour to such persons as out of a pious zeal are desirous of attaining a true notion thereof . to which letters , in confirmation of such sentiments as are right and true , [ this synod ] has deservedly annext the epistle of the most blessed and most holy arch-bishop leo , president of the great and elder rome , which he wrote to arch-bishop flavianus of holy memory , in order to the subversion of eutyches's madness ; p which letter agrees with the confession of great peter , and is a certain common pillar against those who embrace ill sentiments . for , it makes a resistance against them , who attempt to divide the mystery of the oeconomy into two sons ; and it likewise expells those from the convention of sacred persons , who audaciously assert the deity of the only begotten to be passible : it * confutes them also who maintain a mixture or confusion in the two natures of christ : and it expells those who foolishly assert , that the form of a servant , which christ took from us [ men , ] is of a celestial , or of some other substance : lastly , it anathematizes such persons , as fabulously prate of two natures of [ our ] lord before the union , but after the union feign [ them to have been ] one . following therefore [ the steps of ] the holy fathers , q we confess our lord jesus christ [ to be ] one and the same son , and with one consent we do all teach and declare , that the same person is perfect in the deity , and that the same person is perfect in the humanity , truly god , and truly man , that the same person [ subsists ] of a rational soul and body , that he is consubstantial to the father as touching his deity , and that he is of the same substance with us according to his humanity , in all things like unto us , sin only excepted ; that , according to his deity he was begotten of the father before ages ; but that , in the last days , the same person , on our account and for our salvation , according to his humanity , was born of mary the virgin and theotocos : that , one and the same jesus christ , the son , the lord , the only begotten , is inconfusedly , immutably , indivisibly , and inseparably * manifested in two natures : that the difference of the natures is in no wise extinguished by the union : but rather , that the propriety of each nature is preserved , and † meets in one person , and in one hypostasis : not as if [ he ] were parted and divided into two persons : but [ he is ] one and the same only begotten son , god the word , the lord jesus christ , according as the prophets of old , and christ himself hath taught us concerning himself , and [ according as ] the creed of the fathers hath delivered [ it ] to us . these things therefore having with all imaginable accuracy and concinnity been constituted by us , the holy and oecumenical synod has determined , that it shall not be lawfull for any person , to produce , or write , or compose , or think , or teach others , another faith. but , whoever shall dare , either to compose , or to produce , or to teach any other faith , or to deliver another creed , to those who have a mind to turn from gentilism , or judaism , or from any other heresie whatever , to the knowledge of the truth ; those persons , if they be bishops , shall be * divested of the episcopall dignity ; if clergymen , they shall be † degraded . but if they be monks , or laïcks , they shall be anathematized . when therefore this determination had been read , the emperour marcianus also [ came to ] chalcedon , and was present at the synod ; and having made a speech [ to the bishops , ] he returned . juvenalis also and maximus on certain conditions ‖ determined those [ differences ] which were between them about [ some ] provinces ; and theodoret and ibas were * restored ; and some other matters were agitated , which , as i have said , [ the reader ] will find recorded at the end of this book . [ lastly , ] it was decreed , that the chair of † new rome , ‖ in regard it was the next see to the elder rome , should have precedency before all other [ sees . ] chap. v. concerning the sedition which hapned at alexandria , on account of proterius's ordination ; likewise , [ concerning what hapned ] at jerusalem . after these things , dioscorus * was banished to gangra [ a city ] in paphlagonia ; and by the common vote of the synod , proterius obtaines the bishoprick of alexandria . after he had taken possession of his own see , a great and most insufferable tumult arose , the populace fluctuating [ and being divided ] into different opinions . for some demanded dioscorus , as it usually happens in such cases ; others adhered pertinaciously to proterius . so that , thence arose many and those deplorable calamities . 't is certain , priscus the rhetorician does relate [ in his history , ] that at that time he came a out of the province of thebaïs to alexandria , and saw the people making an attack against the magistrates . and , that when the souldiers would have put a stop to the tumult , the people threw stones at them , and made them run ; that after this the souldiers took refuge in that which heretofore had been b serapis's temple , where the people besieged them , and burnt them alive . that , the emperour having notice hereof , sent two thousand new raised souldiers thither : who having the opportunity of a fair wind , made so prosperous a voyage , that they arrived at the great city alexandria on the sixth day [ after they had been ship't . ] that after this , when the souldiers most filthily abused the wives and daughters of the alexandrians , facts far more horrid and nefarious than the former , were perpetrated . and at last , that the people meeting together in the circus , entreated c florus , who was then commander of the milice [ throughout egypt , ] and also praefect of alexandria , that he would restore to them the d allowance of bread-corn ( which he had taken from them , ) and the baths and the shows , and whatever else they were deprived of on account of the sedition which had been raised amongst them . and that florus , by e his perswasion , went into the assembly of the people , and promised to perform all this , and so the sedition was appeased and vanished by little and little . nor , were affairs at the solitude near jerusalem , in a sedate posture . for some of the monks , who had been present at the synod , and had imbibed sentiments contrary to those constitutions there established , came into palestine : and complaining that the faith was betrayed , made it their business to inflame and disturb * all the monks . and in regard juvenalis had recovered his own see , and , being by the seditious compelled to retract and anathematize his own opinion , had made a journey to the imperial city ; those who embraced sentiments contrary to the chalcedon synod , ( as i have said above , ) met together , f and in the [ church of the ] holy resurrection ordained theodosius bishop , the same person who had raised great disturbances in the synod at chalcedon , and who had given them the first account of that synod . concerning which theodosius , the monks in palestine , when they afterwads wrote to g alcison , gave this account : viz. that having h by his own bishop been detected of [ the commission of ] impious facts , he had been expelled out of his own monastery ; that going afterwards to alexandria , i he had made an attempt upon dioscorus , and that , after he had been lacerated with many stripes as a seditious person , he was set upon a camell , in such manner as malefactours [ are usually served , ] and carried all over the city . k to this person came [ the inhabitants of ] many cities in the palestines , and procured bishops to be ordained over themselves by him . amongst which number was one petrus , by birth an hiberian , who was entrusted with the government of the bishoprick of that town called majuma , which is hard by the city of the gazites . when marcianus had received information of these things , in the first place he commands theodosius to be brought to court to him . then he sends juvenalis , to rectifie what had been done ; whom he ordered to turn out all those who had been ordained by theodosius . after the arrival of juvenalis therefore , many wicked and horrid facts were perpetrated ; as well the one faction as the other proceeding to the commission of whatever their fury suggested to them . for the envious devil , hated by god , had so mischievously contrived and misinterpreted the l change of one letter , that notwithstanding the m pronouncing of the one of these [ letters ] doth therewithall wholly infer the other , yet 't is thought by most persons , that there is a vast difference between them , that the meanings of both are diametrically opposite each to the other , and that they do mutually destroy one another . for , he that confesses christ in two natures , does plainly affirm him [ to subsist ] of two natures ; because , whilest he confesses christ both in the deity and in the humanity , he asserts him to consist n of the deity and of the humanity . again , he that affirms [ christ to subsist ] of two natures , the same person by a necessary consequence does confess [ him ] in two natures ; because , by his affirming christ [ to subsist ] of the deity and of the humanity , he acknowledges him to consist in the deity and in the humanity : the flesh being neither converted into the deity , nor the deity * changed into the flesh , of which [ two natures there is ] an ineffable union . so that , by this expression of two , may at the same time commodiously be understood this also in two , and by this expression in two [ may also be meant ] of two , the one [ expression ] being † not different from the other . for as much as , ‖ according to a copious use of speaking , the whole is known not only [ to consist ] of , but in its parts . yet nevertheless , men think these [ expressions ] to be in such a manner separated and disjoyned the one from the other , ( [ which sentiments they are induced to give entertainment too ] either from a certain usage * about their thinking concerning god , or else from their being prepossessed [ with a perswasion of mind ] to have it so ; ) that they contemn [ the undergoing of ] all sorts of death , rather than they will give their assent to the truth . and from hence arose those [ mischiefs ] which i have mentioned . in this posture were these matters . chap. vi. concerning the drought which hapned , and the famine and the pestilence : and how in some places the earth in a wonderfull manner brought forth fruits of its own accord . about the same times , there hapned * a great drought in both the phrygia's , in both the galatia's , in cappadocia , and in cilicia ; in so much that a scarcity of necessaries [ followed , ] and men made use of unwholesome and destructive food . whence hapned a pestilence also . for , because of their change of dyet , they fell sick , and their bodies swelling by reason of the excessive inflammation , they lost their eyes : they were troubled with a cough at the same time also , and [ usually ] dyed on the third day . for the pestilence , no cure could then be found out . but divine providence , the preserver of all things , bestowed on them that were left alive , a remedy against the famine . for in that barren year , food was showered down out of the air , which they termed manna , in the same manner as [ 't was heretofore showered down ] on the israelites . but , on the year following , the good-natured [ earth ] brought forth ripe fruits on its own accord . moreover , [ this calamity ] destroyed the country of the palestinians , and innumerable other provinces ; [ these * two ] mischiefs spreading themselves over the whole earth . chap. vii . concerning the murder of valentinianus , and the taking of rome ; and concerning those other emperours who governed rome [ after valentinianus's death . ] whilest these things * were transacted in the eastern parts , aëtius † is in a miserable manner murdered at the elder rome . valentinianus also emperour of the western parts , and together with him heraclius , [ is slain ] by some of aëtius's guards ; the plot against them being framed by maximus ( who afterwards possest himself of the empire , ) because valentinianus had abused maximus's wife , having by force debauch't her . further , this maximus , by making use of all manner of violence , compelled eudoxia ( who had been valentinianus's wife , ) to be married to himself . she , deservedly accounting this fact to be contumelious , and the highest indignity , took a resolution to cast every dye ( as the saying is , ) [ to the end she might be revenged ] both for what had been done in relation to [ the assassination of ] her husband , and also for the reproach which had been brought upon her own liberty . for , a woman is fierce , and of an anger * implacable , if ( when she uses her utmost endeavour to preserve it inviolate , ) her chastity be forcibly taken from her , and especially by him who hath been her husband's assassine . she sends therefore into † africa , to gizerichus , and having forthwith presented him with many gifts , and by her declaration put him into a good hope of what was behind , she prevails with him to make a sudden and unexpected invasion upon the roman empire , promising she would betray all to him . which having in this manner been performed , rome is taken . but gizerichus , in regard he was a barbarian and of a disposition inconstant and mutable , kept not * his promise even with her : but having burnt the city , and made plunder of all [ its riches , ] he took eudoxia together with her two daughters , marched back , went away , and returned into africa . the elder of eudoxia's daughters , by name eudocia , he married to his own son † hunericus . but the younger , ( her name was placidia , ) together with her mother eudoxia , he sent some time after to * byzantium , attended with an imperial train and a guard , to the end he might pacifie marcianus . for he had highly incensed him , both because rome had been burnt , and also in regard the imperial princesses had been so contumeliously used . moreover , placidia is match't by marcianus's order , olybrius having married her ; who was look't upon to be the eminentest personage amongst the [ roman ] senatours , and after the taking of rome had betaken himself to constantinople . further , after maximus , a avitus reigned over the romans eight months . he having ended his life by the b pestilence , c majorianus held the empire two years . after majorianus had been traecherously slain by ricimeres , master of the milice , severus possest the empire three years . chap. viii . concerning the doath of marcianus , and the empire of leo. and how , the hereticks of alexandria slew proterius , and gave that arch-bishoprick to timotheus aelurus . moreover , a during severus's governing the romans , marcianus changed his kingdom , and departed to a better inheritance , when he had governed the empire b seven years only , having left amongst all men a c truely royall monument . the alexandrians , informed of his death , with much more animosity and a greater heat of mind , renewed their rage against proterius . for , the multitude is a thing with the greatest ease imaginable blown up into a rage , and which snatches hold of the most triviall occasions as fuell for tumults . but above all others , the [ populace ] of alexandria [ are of this humour , which city ] abounds with a numerous multitude made up mostly of an obscure and d promiscuous company of foreigners , which by an unexpected and unaccountable boldness and precipitancy , e breaks out into violence and rage . 't is therefore for certain reported , that any one there who [ makes complaint ] f of the breaking any thing of small value [ which he carries , ] may incite the city to a popular tumult , and may lead and carry [ the multitude ] whither , and against whom he pleases . for the most part also they are delighted with jests and sports , as g herodotus relates concerning amasis . and this is the humour of the alexandrians . nevertheless , as to other things , they are not such a fort of persons , as that any one may despise them . the alexandrians therefore observing the time , when dionysius commander of the milice made his residence in the upper egypt , make choice of one timotheus , surnamed aelurus , to ascend the archi-episcopal-chair ; a person who heretofore had followed a monastick life , but afterwards was enrolled amongst the number of the presbyters of the alexandrian church . when they had led this person to the great church , called h caesar's , they ordain him their bishop , whilest proterius was as yet living , and personally officiating in his episcopal function . eusebius bishop of pelusium , and peter of iberia [ bishop ] of the little town majuma , were present at the ordination ; as he who wrote peter's life , has told us , in his account of these transactions . which writer affirms that proterius was not murdered by the people , but by one of the souldiers . further , after dionysius had made his return to the city [ alexandria ] with the greatest celerity imaginable , ( to which he had been urged by the nefarious facts there perpetrated , ) and was using his endeavours to extinguish the kindled fire of the sedition ; some of the alexandrians , incited thereto by timotheus , ( as the contents of the letter written to leo [ the emperour ] do declare , ) murder proterius by running their swords through his bowells , when he attempted to get away , and had fled as far as the most holy baptistery . and after they had tied a rope about him , [ they hung him up ] at that place termed the tetrapylum , and shewed him to all persons , jeering and crying out aloud , that that was proterius who had been killed . after this , they drag'd the body all over the city , and then burnt it . nor did they abhor tasting of his very bowells , according to the usage of savage-beasts ; as the supplicatory libell ( wherein all these passages are contained , ) sent by all the bishops of egypt , and by the whole clergy of alexandria , to leo , who after marcianus's death , as hath been said , was invested with the empire of the romans , [ doth evidence ; ] the contents whereof are conceived in these express words . to the pious , christ-lover , and by-god-designed leo , victor , triumphator , and augustus ; the humble address presented by all the bishops of your aegyptick dioecesis , and by the ecclesiasticks in your greatest and most holy church of the alexandrians . whereas by celestiall grace you have been bestowed as a most eximious gift upon the world , 't is no wonder if you cease not ( most sacred emperour ! ) daily , after god , from making provision for the publick . and after some other words . and whilest there was an uninterrupted peace amongst the orthodox laïty , both with us , and also at the city alexandria , [ disturbances were raised ] again by timotheus , who made a separation of himself from the catholick church and faith , and cut himself off [ therefrom , ] soon after the holy synod at chalcedon , ( at which time he was but a presbyter , ) together with four or five persons only , heretofore bishops , and some few monks , who together with him , were distempered with the hereticall errour of apollinaris and * that person . on which account having then been canonically deposed by proterius of divine memory , and by a synod of [ the bishops of ] all egypt , they deservedly experienced the imperial displeasure † by exile . and after some words interposed . and ‖ having taken his advantage of that opportunity , when the emperour marcianus of sacred * memory made his departure hence to god ; with impious expressions ( as if he had been subject to no laws , ) he in a most shameless manner raged against [ and reproach't ] the said emperour : and impudently anathematizing the holy and oecumenicall synod at chalcedon , he draws after him a multitude of ‖ mercenary and disorderly fellows , with whom he has made war , contrary to the divine canons , and to the ecclesiastick constitution , [ in opposition ] to the republick , and to the laws ; and † has violently thrust himself into the holy church of god , which at that time had its pastour and teacher , our most holy father and arch-bishop proterius , who then celebrated the usuall religious and solemn assemblies , and poured forth his prayers to christ the saviour of us all , for your religious empire , and for your christ-loving palace . and , after the interposition of a few words . then , after the space of one day , when ( as 't was customary ) the most pious proterius continued in the bishops pallace , timotheus taking with him two bishops who had been legally deposed , and [ some ] ecclesiasticks , who , as we have said , had in like manner been condemned to dwell in exile ; ( i as if he could have received ordination from two [ bishops ; ] not so much as one of the orthodox bishops throughout the egyptick-dioecesis being there , who are always wont to be present at such ordinations of the bishop of the alexandrians : ) takes possession , as he supposed , of the archiepiscopal chair ; audaciously attempting manifestly to commit adultery upon that church , which had its own bridegroome , who performed the divine [ offices ] therein , and canonically administred his own see. and after some other words . that blessed person [ proterius ] could do nothing else , than ( as 't is written , ) * give place unto wrath , and make his escape to the adorable baptistery , that he might avoid their incursion , who ran in upon him to murder him : in which † place most especially , a dread and terrour is usually infused into the minds even of barbarians , and all other savage and cruell persons , who are ignorant of the adorableness of that place , and of the grace flowing therefrom . nevertheless , these [ ruffians , ] who used their utmost endeavour to bring that designe to effect , which from the beginning [ they had laid with ] timotheus ; [ these butchers ] who would not suffer proterius to be preserved even within those immaculate * rails ; who revered neither the † sanctity of the place , nor the time it self ; ( for k it was the festival - day of the salutary easter ; ) who dreaded not [ the dignity of ] the sacerdotall function , to which it appertains to mediate between god and men ; kill that guiltless person , and together with him commit a barbarous murder upon six others . and , after they had carried about his body which was wounds all over , and likewise barbarously drag'd it almost throughout every place of the city , and [ further ] in a most lamentable manner insulted over it ; without any thing of compassion they scourged the corps , insensible of its stripes , l cutting it limb from limb . nor did they abstain , according to the usage of savage beasts , from tasting of his entrails , whom a little before they were supposed to have as an intercessour between god and men . [ in fine , ] having cast the remains of his body into a fire , they threw the ashes thereof into the winds ; [ by the commission of these barbarities ] far exceeding the utmost savageness of wild-beasts : the occasioner and crafty contriver of all which nefarious facts , was timotheus . moreover , zacharias giving a narrative of these matters [ in his history , ] is of opinion , that most of these things were done [ in such a manner as i have related them ; ] but says they were occasioned by proterius's fault , who had raised most grievous seditions at alexandria : [ he affirms likewise , ] that these facts were audaciously perpetrated ( not by the people , but ) by some of the souldiers ; which affirmation he grounds on the letter written by timotheus to [ the emperour ] leo. further , in order to the punishing these enormities , stilas is sent by the emperour leo. chap. ix . concerning the emperour leo's circular letters . also , leo wrote circular letters to the bishops throughout the whole roman empire , and to those persons eminent for their leading a monastick life ; asking their opinion , both concerning the synod at chalcedon , and also about timotheus surnamed aelurus's ordination : he sent to them likewise copies of the supplicatory-libells presented to him , as well by proterius's party , as by that of timotheus aelurus . the contents of the circular letters [ of leo ] are these . a copy of the most pious emperour leo's sacred letter , sent to anatolius bishop of constantinople , and to the metropolitanes , and other bishops over the whole world . emperour caesar , leo , pius , victor , triumphator , maximus , always augustus ; to anatolius the bishop . it was the desire and prayer of our piety , that the most holy orthodox churches , and also [ all ] the cities * of the roman empire , should enjoy the greatest peace imaginable , nor that any thing should happen , which might disturb their constitution and tranquillity . but , what [ disturbances ] have lately hapned at alexandria , are ( we are fully perswaded , ) already made known to your sanctity . nevertheless , that you may have a more perfect account concerning all things , what the causes were of so great a tumult and confusion ; we have transmitted to your piety the copies of the supplicatory-libells , which the most pious bishops and ecclesiasticks , coming from the foresaid city [ alexandria ] and from the aegyptick dioecesis , to the imperial city constantinople , have brought to our piety against timotheus : and moreover , the copies of the supplicatory-libells , which [ some persons , ] coming from alexandria to our divine court on timotheus's account , have presented to our serenity : so that , your sanctity may apparently know what hath been done by the foresaid timotheus , whom the populacy of alexandria , the a honorati , the decuriones , and the navicularii , desire to have for their bishop ; [ and that you may have an account ] concerning other matters b contained in the text of the supplicatory-libells ; and moreover , concerning the chalcedon synod , to which [ the forementioned persons ] do in no wise agree , as their supplicatory-libells , here underplaced , do demonstrate . let therefore your piety cause all the orthodox and holy bishops , who at present are resident in this imperial city , as likewise the most pious ecclesiasticks , forthwith to come together unto you. and having with great care * treated of , and enquired into all things ; ( for as much as the city alexandria hath already been disturbed , the state and repose whereof is our greatest care ; ) acquaint us with your sentiment concerning the foresaid timotheus , and concerning the chalcedon synod , without any humane fear , and without affection or hatred , placing before your eyes the only fear of the omnipotent god , in regard you well know , that you shall give an account concerning this affair to the incorrupt deity . that so , we having been perfectly informed of all things by your letters , may be enabled to * promulge an accommodate edict . this was the letter sent to anatolius . [ the emperour ] wrote letters like this , to other bishops also , and to those eminent persons , who ( as i have said , at that time * lead a life void of the furniture [ of living ] and remote from matter . of which number was symeones , the first inventer of the station † in a pillar , whom we have mentioned in the first [ book of our ] history : amongst whom also were baradatus and c jacobus the syrians . chap. x. concerning those things which the bishops and symeones the stylite wrote in answer [ to the emperour leo's circular letters . ] in the first place therefore , leo bishop of the elder rome wrote in defence of the chalcedon synod , and disallowed of timotheus's ordination , a as having been illegally performed . which letter of leo's , the emperour leo sent to timotheus prelate of the alexandrian church , by b diomedes the c silentiarius , who was imployed in carrying the imperiall mandates . to whom timotheus returned answer , wherein he blamed the chalcedon synod , and [ found fault with ] leo's letter . the copies of these epistles are extant d in that collection of letters termed the encyclicae . but i have designedly omitted the inserting them , because i * would not have this present work swell to a greatness of bulk . the bishops of other cities likewise stedfastly adhered to the sanctions [ of the synod ] at chalcedon , and † unanimously condemned timotheus's ordination . excepting only e amphilochius [ bishop ] of side ; who wrote a letter to the emperour , wherein he cryed out indeed against timotheus's ordination ; but admitted not of the synod at chalcedon . zacharias the rhetorician has written concerning these very affairs , and has inserted this very letter of amphilochius's into his history . moreover , symeones of holy memory , wrote two letters concerning these matters , one to the emperour leo , another to basilius bishop of antioch . of which two letters , i will insert into this my history that which he wrote to basilius , in regard 't is very short ; the contents whereof are these . to my most pious and most holy lord , the religious basilius arch-bishop ; the sinner and mean symeones [ wisheth ] health in the lord. it is now , my lord , opportune to say , blessed be god , who hath not turned away our prayer , nor [ removed ] his mercy from us sinners . for , on receipt of the letters of your dignity , i admired the zeal and piety of our emperour most dear to god , which he hath shown , and [ now ] does demonstrate towards the holy fathers , and their most firm faith. nor is this gift from us , according as the holy apostle saith ; but from god , who through our prayers hath given * him this propensity and singular earnestness of mind . and , after some few words . wherefore , i my self , a mean person and of slender account , † the untimely birth of the monks , have made known my sentiment to his imperial majesty concerning the faith of the six hundred and thirty holy fathers convened at chalcedon ; who do persist in , and am grounded upon that faith which has been revealed by the holy spirit . for , if our saviour is present amongst two or three who are gathered together in his name , * how could it possibly be amongst so many , so great , and such holy fathers , that the holy spirit should not have been with them from the beginning ? and , after the interposition of some words . wherefore be strong , and behave your self valiantly in the defence of true plety ; in such manner as jesus the son of nave , the servant of the lord , [ behaved himself ] in defence of the israelitish people . give , i beseech you , my salutes to all the pious clergy under your sanctity , and to the blessed and most faithfull † laïty . chap. xi . concerning the banishment of timotheus aelurus , and the ordination of timotheus salophaciolus ; and concerning gennadius and acacius [ bishops ] of constantinople . after these things , timotheus is condemned to be banished , he also [ as well as * dioscorus ] being ordered to dwell at gangra . the alexandrians therefore † elect another timotheus to succeed proterius in that bishoprick : this [ timotheus ] some persons termed a basilicus , others [ called him ] salophaciolus . anatolius dying [ in this interim , ] gennadius succeeds in the chair of the imperial [ city constantinople . ] and after him acacius , who had presided over the orphans hospital at the imperial city . chap. xii . concerning the earthquake which hapned at antioch , three hundred fourty and seven years after that [ which had hapned ] in the times of trajane . [ further , ] on the second year of leo's empire , there hapned a great and vehement motion and shaking of the earth at antioch ; some [ facts ] perpetrated with the utmost rage and fury imaginable , and which far exceeded the most superlative ferity of beasts , having before-hand been committed by the populacy of that city ; which [ facts ] were the prelude as 't were to such mischiefs as these . now , this most calamitous accident hapned on the five hundredth and sixth year a of antioch's being entitled to all the priviledges and immunities of a free city , about the fourth hour of the night that * preceded the fourteenth day of the month gorpiaeus , ( which month the romans term september , ) the lords day approaching , b on the eleventh ‖ partition of the cycle ; this is related to have been the sixth [ earthquake which shaked anioch , ] three hundred c fourty and seven years having passed , from the time that that [ earthquake ] had hapned [ which came to pass ] in trajan's empire . for that [ earthquake in trajan's time ] hapned on the hundredth d fifty ninth year of antioch's being entitled to the priviledges and immunities of a free city . but this [ earthquake ] in the times of leo [ hapned ] on the five hundredth and sixth year , as 't is declared by the most accurate and diligent writers . further , this earthquake ruined almost all the houses of the new city , the inhabitants whereof were very numerous , nor was there any part of it empty , or wholly neglected ; but 't was extraordinary beautified and adorned by the [ preceding ] emperours magnificence , who strove to out-doe one another [ in that thing . ] likewise , the first and second fabrick of the pallace fell down ; but the other buildings continued standing , together with the adjoyning bath ; which having been useless before , at such time as this calamitous accident hapned , was of necessity [ made use of ] for the bathing of * the citizens , the other baths having been ruined . moreover , the porticus's before the pallace fell down , and the tetrapylum [ which stood ] behind them . besides , the towers of the hippodrome which [ were ] near the gates , and e some of the porticus's which led to these [ towers fell . ] in the old city the porticus's and houses were wholly untouch't by the ruine : but some small part of trajan's , severus's , and adrianus's baths , was shaken , and overturned . this earthquake also ruined some [ parts ] of the geitonia of [ that region ] termed the f ostracine , together with the porticus's , as likewise that termed the g nymphaeum . every of which particulars johannes the rhetorician has related with a singular accuracy . this writer therefore affirms , that a thousand talents of gold were by the emperour remitted to the city out of the tributary function ; and that , to the citizens [ were abated ] the h yearly tolls paid to the publick treasury for those houses which had been destroyed by that calamity : and moreover , that the i same [ emperour ] took care of the publick [ works and ] buildings . chap. xiii . concerning the fire which [ hapned ] at constantinople . a there hapned together with these [ mischiefs ] a like , or rather a far more grievous [ calamity ] at constantinople ; this mischievous accident began in that part of the city that lay towards the sea , which they term the b ox-street . 't is reported , that about such time as candles are usually lighted , a certain mischievous and execrable devill having clo●hed himself in the shape of a woman , or rather in reality a poor woman instigated by the devill , ( for 't is reported both ways ; ) carried a candle into the market , being about to buy some * salt-fish ; and that the woman set down the candle there , and went away . and , that the fire having taken hold of some flax , raised a vast flame , and in a moment burnt † the market-house . after which , that it easily consumed the adjoyning buildings , the fire preying all about , not only upon such [ houses ] as might with ease be fired , but upon stone-buildings also ; and that it continued till the fourth day ; and that , having exceeded all possibility of being extinguished , all the middle of the city , from the northern to the southern quarter , five furlongs in length , and fourteen in breadth , was in such a manner consumed ; that nothing , either of the publick or private buildings , was left [ standing ] within this compass , not the pillars , nor arches of stone : but , that all the most hardned matter was burnt , as if it [ had been straw , o● ] any such combustible stuff . further , this calamitous mischief raged in the northern part , * wherein is the haven of the city , from that termed the † bosporos , unto the old temple of apollo . in the southern part , from julianus's haven to those houses which stand not far off from that oratory termed the church of c concordia . and in the middle part of the city , from that termed constantine's forum , to that called taurus's forum , [ it left ] a miserable and most deformed spectacle to [ the view of ] all men . for , whatever edifices ] had stood stately to behold in the city , or had been brought to a magnificence and incomparableness of beauty , or * accommodated to publick or private uses , were every one on a sudden transformed into mountains and hills , inaccessible and impassible , made up with all manner of rubbish , which deformed the pristine beauty and sight [ of the city . ] in so much that even the possessours themselves of the places could not discern , what any one of those former [ edifices ] had been , and in what place [ it had stood . ] chap. xiv . concerning the universall calamities . a about the same times , when the b scythian war was raised against the eastern-romans , the country of thracia , and the helespont were shaken with an earthquake ; as was ionia , and likewise those islands called the cycladès : in so much that in the islands cnidus and coos very many [ buildings ] were overturned . further , priscus relates , that at constantinople and in the country of the bithynians , there hapned most violent storms of rain , the waters descending from heaven in the manner of rivers , for the space of three or four days . and , that mountains were levelled into plains , and villages , overwhelmed with waters , perished . moreover , that islands arose in the lake boäne , ( which is not far distant from nicomedia , ) from the vast quantity of dirt and filth conveyed into it . but these things came to pass sometime afterwards . chap. xv. concerning the marriage of zeno and ariadne . [ moreover , ] leo takes zeno to be his son in law , by [ giving him ] his daughter ariadne in marriage . this person having from his cradle been called a aricmesius , after his marriage assumed the name of zeno from a certain b person so named , who had arrived at great glory amongst the isauri . but , by what means this zeno arrived at this heighth of honour , and on what account he was by leo preferred before all persons , eustathius the syrian has declared . chap. xvi . concerning anthemius emperour of rome , and those emperours who succeeded him . by reason of an embassie of the western romans [ to leo , ] anthemius [ by him ] is sent [ and created ] emperour of rome , to whom marcianus the preceding emperour had married his own daughter . [ not long after , ] basiliscus brother of verina the wife of leo [ augustus , ] is sent master of the milice against a gizerichus , with a choice army of souldiers . all which have with great accuracy been recorded by b priscus the rhetorician : as likewise in what manner the same [ emperour ] leo killed aspar ( who had invested him with the empire , whom he circumvented by treachery , rendring him this reward , as 't were , of his own promotion ; ) and his sons ardaburius and patricius , whom some time before he had created caesar , that he might possess himself of aspar's c favour and benevolence . but , after the murder of anthemius , who had reigned five years at rome , olybrius is proclaimed emperour by recimeres ; and after him glycerius is made emperour . whom d nepos having expelled , during the space of five years holds the empire , and ordains glycerius e bishop of the romans at salonae a city of dalmatia . afterwards nepos is driven from the empire by orestes , and after him his son romulus , surnamed augustulus , is made the last emperour of rome , f one thousand three hundred and three years after the reign of romulus . after this [ augustulus , ] odöacer , rejecting the name of emperour , and styling himself king , g administred the affairs of the romans . chap. xvii . concerning the death of leo , and the empire of leo junior , and also concerning zeno his father . at the same time the emperour leo ended his reign at byzantium , after he had governed the empire seventeen years , having declared leo ( the son of his own daughter ariadne and zeno ) a very young child , emperour ▪ after * his death , his father zeno † assumes the purple , verina the wife of leo giving him her assistance , as being her son in law. the child [ leo junior ] dying not long after , zeno continued sole possessour of the empire . but , what was transacted by him or against him , and whatever else hapned [ in his times ▪ ] the following book , by god's assistance , shall declare . a the end of the second book , the matters agitated at the synod convened at chalcedon , being reduced into an epitome , are these . chap. xviii . an epitome of the acts at the synod of chalcedon , set at the end of the second book . paschasinus and lucentius , bishops , and boniphatius , a presbyter , filled the place of leo pontif of the elder rome . anatolius being prelate of constantinople , and dioscorus bishop of the alexandrians ; maximus also of antioch , and juvenalis of jerusalem , and those bishops about them [ were there . ] together with whom were present those personages who held the principall places in the eximious senate [ of constantinople . ] to whom they who filled the place of leo said , that dioscorus ought not to sit together with them in the councill . for this [ they said ] was given them in charge by leo. and , unless it were done , that they would go [ forthwith ] out of the church . and when [ those ] of the senate asked , what were the matters objected against dioscorus ; they made answer , that dioscorus ought to give an account of his own judgment , who , contrary to what was fitting and just , had accepted the person of the judge , a without the permission of him who governeth the bishoprick of rome . after which words , when dioscorus , by the senate's decree , was standing in a place in the midst ; eusebius bishop of dorylaeum made a request , that the supplicatory libell , which had by him been presented to the emperour might be recited ; which request he made in these express words : i have been injured by dioscorus ; the faith hath been injured : flavianus ▪ the bishop has been murdered ; and together with me unjustly deposed by him . do you give order , that my supplicatory libell may be read . which thing therefore having been debated , the libell was permitted to be read , the contents whereof were these . from eusebius the meanest bishop of dorylaeum , who speakes in defence of himself , of the orthodox faith , and of flavianus of blessed memory who was bishop of constantinople . [ it is ] the designe of your power , to make provision for all your subjects , and to stretch forth an hand to all those who are injured : especially to them who are recounted amongst the ecclesiasticks . and hereby you worship the deity , by whom a power hath been given you to rule and govern * the world . in regard therefore the faith of christ and we have suffered many and grievous things , contrary to all reason and equity , from dioscorus the most reverend bishop of the great city alexandria ; we address to your piety , entreating we may have right done us. now , the business is this . at the synod lately held in the metropolis of the ephesians , ( would to god that synod had never been held , that it might not have filled the world with mischiefs and disturbance● ) that † good man dioscorus , disregarding the consideration of what is just , and [ not respecting ] the fear of god , ( for he was of the same opinion , and entertained the same sentiments with the vain-minded and hereticall eutyches ; but concealed it from many persons , as 't was afterwards plainly evidenced by his own declaration : ) † took an occasion from that accusation which i had brought against eutyches a person of the same opinion with himself , and from that sentence pronounc't against the same eutyches by bishop flavianus of holy memory ; [ whereby ] he assembled a multitude of disorderly and tumultuous persons : and having possest himself of power by money , as much as in him lay he hath weakened the pious religion of the orthodox , and has confirmed the ill opinion of the monk eutyches , which long since , even from the beginning , hath been condemned by the holy fathers . whereas therefore , the matters are not small and triviall , which he has audaciously attempted , both against the faith of christ , and against us , we fall at the feet of your [ imperial ] majesty , and humbly beseech you , to order the said most religious bishop dioscorus , to give in his answer to what is objected against him by us : to wit , by having the monuments of the acts , which he has made against us , read before the holy synod . from which [ acts ] we are able to demonstrate , that even he himself is estranged from the orthodox faith , hath confirmed an heresie full of impiety , has unjustly deposed us , and in a most grievous and injurious manner oppressed us : you sending your divine and adorable mandates to the holy and oecumenicall synod of bishops most dear to god , b to the end that it may hear both us and the forementioned dioscorus , and bring to the knowledge of your piety all that is transacted , according to that which shall please your immortall height . and if we shall obtain this , we will pour forth incessant prayers for your eternall empire , most divine emperours ! by the joynt request therefore of dioscorus and eusebius , the acts of the second ephesine synod were publickly recited : by which 't was manifestly demonstrated , that leo's letter had not been read , and that , notwithstanding there had been an interlocution once and twice concerning that matter . wherefore , when dioscorus was asked to declare the cause hereof , his answer was , that he himself by an interlocution [ had given order ] once and twice that that should be done ; and he requested , that juvenalis bishop of jerusalem , and thalassius [ bishop ] of the first caesarea in cappadocia , might give a more manifest declaration of this matter . for [ he said ] that they had received an authority [ of presiding in the synod ] together with him . juvenalis did indeed affirm , that when the [ emperours ] divine letter * had been read in the first place , he made an interlocution , [ ordering ] that c that [ letter ] should be recited ; but , that afterwards no mention was made of that * epistle . but thalassius said , that he hindred not the reading of that letter ; and that he had not so much † authority , as that he alone could decree , that it should ‖ be read . when therefore a further progress was made in the reading of the acts , and some of the bishops found fault with some words as being false and forged ; stephanus bishop of the ephesians was asked , what notaries of his at that time had taken [ those words ] in writing ; his answer was , that julianus ( afterwards made bishop of lebedus , ) and crispinus were his notaries : but , that dioscorus's notaries would not permit * that to be done , but took hold of their fingers whilst they were writing ; in so much that they were in danger of undergoing most foul abuses . further , the same stephanus † deposed , that [ himself and the other bishops ] had subscribed to flavianus's deposition in one and the same day . hereto added acacius bishop of ariarathia , that all [ of them ] had subscribed in a paper not written on , [ and that they were compelled to it ] by force and necessity , having been surrounded with innumerable mischiefs , in regard souldiers [ armed ] with murdering ‖ weapons had encompassed them . further , when another sentence was read , theodorus bishop of claudiopolis said , that no body uttered those words . moreover , upon a procedure in reading [ the acts , in this manner , ] when [ they came ] to a certain d place wherein eutyches had said , [ that he anathematized ] those who should affirm that the flesh of god and our lord and saviour jesus christ had descended from heaven : the acts declared , that against these words eusebius had said , that those were indeed condemned by eutyches who should say that christ's flesh had descended from heaven , but that it was not added by him , whence the flesh was . the same acts added also , that diogenes bishop of cyzicum subjoyned [ these words : ] c declare therefore , from whence ? and , that notwithstanding they were not permitted to make any further inquiry into these things . further , the same acts do manifest , that basilius bishop of seleucia in isauria , spake [ these words : ] i adore our one lord jesus christ , * the son of god , the only god the word , who after the incarnation and union , is known in two natures . and , that against these words the egyptians cryed out : let no man divide him who is not to be parted , he ought not to call one son two . but , that the easterns exclaimed , anathema to him who parts , anathema to him who divides . 't is contained in the same acts , that eutyches was asked , whether he would affirm two natures in christ. and , that he answered , that he asserted christ [ to consist ] of two natures before the union : but after the union , [ he acknowledged but ] one [ nature in him . ] and , that basilius said [ these words ; ] unless you affirm two undivided and inconfused natures after the union , you assert a confusion and a commixture . but if you add incarnate and inhumanate , and do understand incarnation and inhumanation in such manner as cyrillus doth , you affirm the same that we do . for , the divinity which [ is ] from [ his ] father , is one thing ; the humanity which is from [ his ] mother , is another . when f they were interrogated , upon what account they had subscribed to flavianus's deposition ; the acts declare that the easterns cryed out , we have all sinned , we do all crave pardon . again further , the same acts being read on , do manifest , that the bishops were questioned , for what reason they would not permit eusebius to come in , when he desired it . to which dioscorus made answer , that elpidius brought the commonitory ; and , that he affirmed , that the emperour theodosius had given order , that eusebius should not be suffered to come in . the acts do manifest , that juvenalis also said the same words . but thalassius said , that he himself g had not authority . which answers were disallowed of by the judges . for [ they said , ] that this apology was invalid [ where a matter ] of faith is the subject of the conference . after these things , the same acts do declare , that dioscorus h made a complaint in these words : what canons are now observed , whenas theodoret is [ suffered to ] come in ; and , that the senatours made answer , that theodoret was come in as an accuser . and when dioscorus subjoyned , that theodoret sate amongst the bishops ; the senatours said again , that eusebius and theodoret should take the place of the accusers , in like manner as dioscorus had the place of the accused allotted to him . when therefore all [ the acts ] of the second ephesine synod had been read , and the sentence [ of deposition pronounc't ] against flavianus and eusebius , had been likewise recited , as far as that * place , where i hilarius the deacon had said , 't is contradicted : the bishops of the east and those with them exclaimed , anathema to dioscorus : in this very hour k christ hath deposed dioscorus : flavianus hath been deposed by dioscorus : holy lord , do thou revenge him , orthodox emperour , do you revenge him ! many years to leo : many years to the l patriarch . then , when the following words were read , which manifested , that all the then convened bishops had agreed to the deposition of flavianus and eusebius ; the most glorious judges made an interlocution in these express words . we perceive , that a more exact scrutiny concerning the orthodox and catholick faith ought to be made to morrow , when the synod will be more compleat and full . but , in regard flavianus of pious memory , and eusebius the most religious bishop of dorylaeum ( from a search made into the acts and decrees , and also from their testimony by word of mouth who presided in the synod then convened ; who have confessed that they have erred , and have deposed them without cause , when they had in no wise erred in relation to the faith : ) have , as 't is evidently known , been unjustly deposed : it appears to us ( agreeable to that which is acceptable unto god , ) to be just , ( provided it shall please our most divine and most pious lord , ) that dioscorus the most religious bishop of alexandria , juvenalis the most religious bishop of jerusalem , thalassius the most religious bishop of caesarea , eusebius the most religious bishop of m ancyra , eustathius the most religious bishop of berytus , and basilius the most religious bishop of seleucia in isauria , which [ prelates ] had power , and presided over the then synod , should n lye under the very same punishment , being by [ the sentence of ] this sacred synod according to the canons estranged from the episcopall dignity : all things which have been consequently done being made known to his most sacred imperial majesty . after these words , the easterns cryed out this [ is ] a just judgment : but the bishops of illyricum exclaimed , we have all sinned , let us all be vouchsafed pardon . and again ; when the easterns acclaimed , this is a just sentence : christ hath deposed a murderer , christ hath revenged the martyrs : the senators made an interlocution , that every one of the bishops convened , should by himself * declare his own faith ; knowing for certain , that the most divine emperour did believe , according to that exposition of the faith of the three hundred and eighteen [ fathers , assembled ] at nice , and of the hundred and fifty fathers [ convened ] o at constantinople ; also according to the epistles of the holy fathers , gregorius , basilius , hilarius athanasius , ambrosius ; and according to cyrill's two letters , which were recited at the first synod at ephesus : for , that the most pious leo bishop of the elder rome , had deposed eutyches according to the same faith. the first session therefore having after this manner been ended , when the most holy bishops had come together p alone in order to another [ action , ] eusebius bishop of dorylaeum presented libells in defence of himself and flavianus ; wherein he accused dioscorus as entertaining the same sentiments with eutyches , and because he had divested them of the sacerdotall function . he added also , that dioscorus had inserted some words , which had not been spoken at the then convened synod , into the acts thereof ; and moreover , that dioscorus had procured that they should subscribe in blank papers . he requested further , that all the acts of the second ephesine synod might be made null by the vote of [ the prelates who ] were convened , that themselves might be restored to the sacerdotall dignity , and that that nefarious opinion might be anathematized . he requested also after the reading [ of his libell , ] that his adversary might be present . when this was by an interlocution ordered to be done ; aëtius arch-deacon and primicerius of the notaries said , that he had gone to dioscorus , as also to the others ; and that dioscorus had answered , that he was not permitted by his keepers to come to the councill . by making another interlocution it was ordered , that dioscorus should be sought for before [ the doors of ] the councill . and when he was not found , anatolius bishop of constantinople made an interlocution , that he ought to be sent for , and to be present in the synod . which having been done , the messengers sent to dioscorus returned and said that he told them , i am under custody : let [ my keepers ] say , whether or no they will permit me to go [ to the councill . ] and upon the messengers saying to him , that they ▪ had been sent to him , not to the magistriani ; they brought word , that dioscorus had said , i am ready to come to the holy and oecumenicall synod ; but i am hindred . whereto himerius added , that in their return from dioscorus , the q assistant to the master of the sacred offices met them , and that in company with him the bishops had gone again to dioscorus , and that he had some things concerning these matters which he had taken in r notes . which having been read , 't was manifested that dioscorus had spoken these express words . having recollected my self , and considered what is expedient [ for me , ] i answer thus . in regard the most magnificent judges who sate in the session before this , have decreed severall things after many interlocutions made by every one ; and i am now cited to a second session , to the end that the soresaid [ decrees ] may be voided and made null ; 't is my request , that the most magnificent judges and sacred senate , who were at the former session , may be present now also , in order to a re-examination of the same matters . to whom acacius , as 't is manifestly related in the said acts , gave answer in these very words . the holy and great synod have not commanded your sanctity therefore to be present , that those things which have been transacted before the most magnificent judges and the sacred senate might be voided and made null : but [ the synod ] hath sent us , [ with a command ] that you should come to the session , and that your sanctity should not be absent therefrom . to whom dioscorus returned this answer , ( as the acts declare ; ) you have told me even now , that eusebius hath presented libells : i make a request again , that my cause may be examined before the judges and senate . then , after other things of this nature , which are put into the acts ; those were again sent , who might perswade dioscorus to be present at what was transacted . which having been done , those who had been sent returned , and said , that they had taken dioscorus's answer in notes , which [ notes ] do manifest , that he said these words . i have already signified to your p●ety , that i am afflicted with a distemper , and that 't is my request , that the most magnificent judges also and the sacred senate may now likewise be present at the judgment of those things which shall be inquired into : but in regard my distemper hath increased , upon that account i have made a delay . and the acts do manifest that cecropius said unto dioscoru● ▪ that a little before he had not made the least mention concerning his sickness ; and that therefore he ought to satisfie the canons . to whom dioscorus made this return , i have said once , that the judges ought to be present . then , that ruffinus bishop of samosata said unto dioscorus , that the * agitations and debates [ in the councill ] were canonicall , and that dioscorus , if he were present , might freely speak what he should have a mind to . and when dioscorus enquired , whether juvenalis and thalassius and eustathius were come [ to the synod , ] s he answered , that that was nothing pertinent to the business . to which words the acts doe set forth , that dioscorus subjoyned these , that he had requested the christ-loving emperour , [ that he would give order ] that the judges also might be present [ in the councill , ] as likewise those [ prelates ] who together with him * had been judges . and , that hereto the [ synod's ] messengers said , that eusebius had accused him only , and that all the rest ought not to be present . and , that to these words dioscorus replied , that those other persons ought also to be present who had been judged together with him : for , that eusebius had no private † cause against him , but [ a common one , to wit , ] concerning those things on account of which all of them had been judged . and again , when the [ synod's ] messengers persisted ‖ in the same things , dioscorus made answer , what i have said , i have said once ; nor have i any thing further to say . to which words [ when declared to the synod , ] eusebius [ bishop ] of dorylaeum said , that he had [ matter of accusation ] against dioscorus only , and against no person else : and he desired that dioscorus might be cited in by a third summons . [ after this ] aëtius gave information , that some persons who stiled themselves ecclesiasticks , together with some others who were laïcks , coming from the city alexandria , had lately presented libells against dioscorus , and that those men were now standing before [ the doors of ] the councill , and * crying out . when therefore theodorus , a deacon of the holy church of alexandria , had in the first place presented [ libells ; ] and then ischyrio , who was a deacon likewise ; and after him athanasius a presbyter and cyrillus's sisters son ; and lastly sophronius ; in which [ libells ] they accused dioscorus partly for blasphemies , and partly on account of bodily [ damages ] and t violent exaction of moneys : a third citation is issued out , wherein dioscorus is admonished to come [ to the synod . ] the messengers therefore appointed for this business , being returned , made report that dioscorus had said [ these words : ] i have sufficiently informed your piety ; nor can i add any thing else thereto . again , when the persons sent upon this account had continued to be very urgent in their perswasives to dioscorus [ that he would come , ] and he having always given the same answer ; paschasinus the bishop said [ these words . ] dioscorus having now been thrice summoned , hath not appeared , being prick't in conscience : and he u asked what [ punishment ] he deserved . whereto when the bishops had returned answer , that he had * offended against the canons , and when proterius bishop of smyrna had said , at such time as the holy flavianus was murdered , nothing had been agreeably and orderly done against him : they who supplied the place of leo bishop of the elder rome , † made this declaration in these express words . what dioscorus who hath been bishop of the great city alexandria has audaciously attempted against the order of the canons , and the ecclesiastick constitution ; hath been made manifest , both by those things which have already been enquired into at the first session , and also from what hath been done this day . for this person , ( to omit many other things , ) making use of his own authority , uncanonically admitted to communion eutyches , ( a man that embraces the same sentiments with himself , who had been deposed canonically by his own bishop of holy memory , we mean our father and arch-bishop flavianus ; ) before * his sitting [ in the synod ] at ephesus together with the bishops beloved by god. but the apostolick see has granted a pardon to those [ prelates , ] for what hath been involuntarily done there by them . who also to this present continue of the same opinion with the most holy arch-bishop leo , and with all the holy and oecumenicall synod . on which account , he hath received them to his own communion , as being asserters of the same faith with himself . but † this man till this very time hath not desisted from boasting of these things , on account whereof he ought rather to mourn , and lay himself prostrate on the earth . besides , he permitted not the letter of the most blessed pope leo , to be read , ( which had been written by him to flavianus of holy memory ; ) and his [ he did , ] notwithstanding he was severall times entreated by those persons who brought the letter , to suffer it to be read ; and notwithstanding he had promised with an oath that it should be read . the not reading of which letter has filled the most holy churches over the whole world with scandalls and detriment . nevertheless , although such things as these have been audaciously attempted by him , vv yet we had some thoughts concerning the vouchsafing to him something of compassion in relation to his former impious fact , as also to the rest of the bishops beloved by god , although they had not the same authority of judging that he was invested with . but in regard he has out-done his former iniquity by his * latter facts , ( for he has audaciously pronounced an excommunication against the most holy and most pious leo arch-bishop of rome the great ; and moreover , ( when libells stuft with crimes were preferred to the holy and great synod against him , ) having been canonically called once , twice , and thrice , by the bishops beloved of god , he obeyed not , to wit , being prick't by his own conscience ; [ lastly , ] he has illegally received [ to communion ] those , who have been justly deposed by severall synods : [ on these various accounts we say ] ) he himself hath pronounced sentence against himself , having many ways trampled under foot the ecclesiastick rules . wherefore , the most holy and most blessed leo arch-bishop of the greatest and the elder rome ▪ by us and the present synod , together with the thrice blessed and most eminent apostle peter , who is the * rock and basis of the catholick church , and the foundation of the orthodox faith , hath divested him of the episcopall dignity , and hath * removed him from [ the performance of ] every sacerdotall office. therefore , the holy and great synod it self will decree those things concerning the forementioned dioscorus , which shall seem agreeable to the canons . when therefore these things had been confirmed by anatolius , maximus , and the rest of the bishops , excepting those [ prelates ] who together with dioscorus had been deposed by the councill ; a relation concerning these [ transactions ] was by the synod written to [ the emperour ] marcianus , and by the same synod a deposition was sent to dioscorus , the contents whereof were these . know , that by reason of your contemning the divine canons , and on account of your contumacy [ shown ] towards this holy and oecumenicall synod , because ( besides other crimes whereof you have been convicted , ) having been the third time called by this holy and great synod , according to the divine canons to answer to those accusations brought against you , you have not appeared ; on the thirteenth day of this instant month october , you are deposed from your bishoprick by this holy and oecumenicall synod , and are * estranged from every ecclesiastick y duty . then , having written concerning these things to the pious z bishops of the most holy church at alexandria , and when the a edict against dioscorus had been proposed , this sessions was ended . the foregoing * session having been thus ended , after this [ the bishops ] being again convened , returned answer to the interrogation of the judges ( who had requested that the † true faith might be expounded , ) [ in this manner , ] b that nothing further ought to be established , the matters against eutyches having been fully finished , and determined by the bishop of rome , to which [ determinations ] they had all given their assent . again , when all the bishops cried out , that they all said the same things , and when the judges by making an interlocution had pronounced , that each patriarch , having chosen one or two persons of his own dioecesis , should come forth into the midst , to the end that the opinion of every one might be made manifest : florentius bishop of sardis required a * truce , to the end that with consideration they might arrive at the truth . and cecropius bishop of sebastopolis spoke these words . the faith hath been well expounded by the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers , and hath been confirmed by the holy fathers , athanasius , cyrillus , celestinus , hilarius , basilius , gregorius , and now again by the most holy leo. and our request is , that the [ words ] of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers , as also those of the most holy leo , may be recited . which having been read , the whole synod cried out , in these words ; this is the faith of the orthodox : thus we all believe , pope leo believes thus , cyrillus believed thus , the pope hath expounded it thus . and when there had been another interlocution , that the exposition of the faith [ set forth ] by the hundred and fifty holy fathers might be recited also , that was likewise read . to which the synod again cried out , and said : this is the faith of [ us ] all : this is the faith of the orthodox : thus we all believe . d after whom aetius the arch-deacon said , that he had at hand the epistle of the divine cyrillus to nestorius , which all [ the fathers ] convened at ephesus had confirmed by their own subscriptions ; and that he had likewise another letter of the same cyrillus ' s , which had been written to johannes [ bishop ] of antioch , and which had likewise been confirmed : and his request was , that both these letters might be read . and after an interlocution had been made concerning these [ letters , ] they were both recited . part of the contents of the former epistle run word for word thus . cyrillus , to the most pious nestorius , [ my ] fellow-minister . some persons , as i understand , * reproach my reputation in the presence of your piety , and that frequently , taking an occasion [ to do thus ] most especially , at such time as those of the magistracy are met together ; and peradventure they suppose , that your ears are even delighted [ with such discourses as these . ] and after some words . the holy and great synod therefore hath said , † that he the only begotten son hath been begotten of god and the father according to nature , very god of very god , the light of the light ; that he , by whom the father hath made all things , descended , was incarnate , made man , suffered , rose again the third day , ascended into the heavens . these expressions and forms we also ought to follow , considering with our selves , what is meant by this [ proposition , ] god the word was incarnate and was made man. for we do not affirm , that the nature of the word having been changed , was made flesh : nor that it was converted into whole man , who [ consists ] of soul and body . but [ we say ] that rather , that when the word had personally united to himself the flesh enlivened with a rationall soul , he was ineffably and incomprehensibly made man , and he hath been stiled the son of man , not according to will only , or good pleasure ; nor yet as it were in the assumption of the person only . and , that the natures [ are ] diverse , e which have come together into a true unity : but , that of both [ natures there is ] one christ and [ one ] son ; not as if the diversity of the natures were destroyed by the union : but rather , * that the divinity and humanity have perfected to us one lord , and christ , and son , by an ineffable mysticall and secret concourse to an unity . and after some few words . but , in regard having personally united the humanity to himself on our account and for our salvation , he proceeded from a woman , for this reason he is said to have been born according to the flesh. for he was not at first born a common [ and ordinary ] man of the holy virgin , and after that the word * descended upon him : but having been † united from the very womb , he is said to have undergone a carnall nativity , that he might procure [ to himself ] the nativity of his own flesh. after the same manner we say he suffered , and rose again ; not as if god the word , as to his own nature , suffered either the stripes , or the * transfixions of the nails , or any other of the wounds : for the deity is impassible , because 't is also incorporeall . but , in regard that which had been made his own body suffered , on this account he is again said to have suffered for us . for there was the impassible [ deity ] in a passible body . most part of [ cyrillus ' s ] other letter hath been recorded in our foregoing † book . but there is a passage in it , which johannes [ bishop ] of the antiochians had written [ in his letter , to which passage ] cyrillus hath ‖ fully agreed : this passage runs thus . we confess the holy virgin to be theotocos , because god the word took flesh from her and was made man , and from that very conception united to himself a temple taken from her. but we know , that those divine men do take the evangelick and apostolick expressions [ uttered ] concerning the lord , * sometimes in a common sense , as [ spoken ] of one person : † at oth●r whiles [ they ] divide them , as [ uttered ] concerning two natures . and , [ that they have ] delivered these [ expressions as ] becoming god , according to the divinity of christ : but those other [ as ] humble and mean , agreeable to the same persons humanity . to which words [ cyrillus ] has subjoyned these . having read these your sacred expressions , we find that we our selves embrace the same sentiments . for , there is one lord , one faith , one baptism . we have therefore glorified god the saviour of all [ men , ] rejoycing mutually , that as well the churches amongst us , as those with you , do profess a faith that is agreeable , both to the divinely inspired scriptures , and also to the tradition of our holy fathers . after the reading hereof , those of this synod cried out in these words : we do all believe thus ; pope leo believes thus . anathema to him that divides , and to him who confounds . this is the faith of leo the arch-bishop . leo believes thus ; leo and anatolius believe thus . we all believe thus . as cyrillus , so we believe . the eternall memory of cyrillus . as cyrillus's letters f are , so are our sentiments . thus we have believed , thus we do believe : leo the arch-bishop thinks thus , thus he believes , thus he hath written . then , an interlocution having been made , that leo's letter might also be read ; being rendred [ into greek , ] it was recited : which [ letter ] is extant in the acts [ of the councill . ] after therefore the reading thereof , the bishops exclaimed , this is the faith of the fathers , this is the faith of the apostles . we all believe thus , g we that are orthodox do believe thus . anathema to him who believes not thus . peter by leo hath uttered these words : the apostles have taught thus : leo hath taught piously and truly , cyrillus has taught thus , leo and cyrillus have taught alike : anathema to him who believes not thus : this is the true faith , the orthodox think thus , this is the faith of the fathers . why were not these [ words ] read at ephesus ? dioscorus hath concealed these [ expressions . ] it is recorded in the same acts , that when part of the [ fore-mentioned ] letter of leo was read , the contents whereof were these , and in order to the * paying that due debt of our nature , the divine nature was united to a nature passible , to the end that ( for this was agreeable to our remedies , ) he being one and the same mediatour of god and men , the man christ jesus ; might be able to die by one , and might not be able to die by the other : the illyrician and palestine bishops being in doubt as to this expression ; aetius arch-deacon of the most holy church of constantinople , produced a passage of cyrillus ' s , the contents whereof are these : again , in regard his own body * by the grace of god , according as the apostle paul saith , hath tasted death h for every man , he himself is [ therefore ] said to have suffered death for us : not as if he had experienced death , as to what belongs to his own nature ; ( for 't is stupidity and extream madness , either to affirm , or think this : ) but because ( as i have even now said , ) his flesh tasted death . and again , as to an expression of leo's letter , which runs thus : for each form acts with a communion of the other , that which is proper : to wit , the word operates that which is the word ' s ; and the * flesh performs that which is of the † flesh : and the one of these shines with miracles ; but the other hath lain under injuries : the illyrician and palestine bishops being in doubt , the same aetius read a ‖ chapter of cyrillus , the contents whereof were these . of the expressions [ used concerning christ , ] some are most especially agreeable to god ; again , others are agreeable to man. but a third sort possess a certain middle place , evidencing the son of god , to be god and also at the same time man. after this , when the foresaid bishops doubted at another place of leo's epistle , which runs thus : for , although in our lord jesus christ , [ there is ] one person of god and of man , nevertheless that is one thing whence there is in both a community of contumely , and that is another whence there is a community of glory . for from us he [ has ] humanity , which is less than the father . but from the father he has the divinity which is equall with his father . theodoret , after he had well considered this matter , said , that the blessed cyrillus had expresly spoken thus , in these words : and being made man , and loosing nothing that was his own , i he continued what he was , and the one dwelt in the other , that is , the divine nature * in man. after this , when the illustrious judges enquired whether there were any person who as yet doubted , all answered , that no person made any further doubt . after whom , atticus bishop of nicopolis requested , that a * truce of some few days might be allowed them , to the end that with a sedate mind and undisturbed understanding such things might be decreed as were pleasing to god , and to the holy fathers . he desired also , that cyrillus's letter , written to nestorius , might be delivered [ to them , ] in which cyrillus intreats nestorius , that he would give his assent to his twelve heads , k whereto all agreed . and when the judges by making an interlocution [ had given order , ] that an intervall of five days might be allowed them , wherein they might have a meeting [ and confer ] l with anatolius prelate of costantinople : all the bishops cryed out , and said ; we do believe thus : we all believe thus : as leo , so we believe : no one of us doubts : we have all subscribed . to which [ exclamations the judges ] made an interlocution in these express words . there is no necessity that you should all meet . but , in regard 't is agreeable , that those who doubt should be confirmed , let the most pious bishop anatolius choose out of their number who have subscribed , such persons as he shall think fit to teach and inform those that doubt . whereto those of the synod subjoyned these acclamations : we entreat m for the fathers : [ let ] the fathers , who are of the same sentiment with leo , [ be restored ] to the synod ; the fathers to the synod : these words to the emperour : these supplications to the orthodox , these supplications to augusta : we have all sinned : let us all be pardoned . but the clergy of the constantinopolitane church exclaimed [ in these words , ] they are but few who cry out : the synod says not this . after whom , the eastern bishops cried out , the egygyptian to banishment . but the illyricians exclaimed : we entreat [ you , ] have mercy upon all . after whom the eastern bishops cried out , the egyptian to banishment . and when the illyricians had made the same request which they had made before , the clergy of constantinople cried out : dioscorus to banishment : the egyptian to exile : the heretick to banishment . christ hath deposed dioscorus . after whom , the illyricians and those bishops of their partie [ exclaimed , ] we have all sinned ; pardon all : dioscorus to the synod , dioscorus to the churches . and when such like words as these had preceded , this session was ended . at the session after this , when the senate had made an interlocution , that the decrees which had already been n given forth should be recited , constantinus the secretary read these express words out of a * schedule . we perceive , that a more exact scrutiny concerning the orthodox and catholick faith ought to be made to morrow , when the synod will be more compleat and full . but , in regard flavianus of pious memory , and the most religious bishop eusebius ( from a search made into the acts and decrees , and also from their testimony by word of mouth who presided in the synod then convened ; who have confessed that they have erred , and have deposed them without cause , when they had in no wise erred in the faith : ) have , as 't is evidently known , been unjustly deposed : it appears to us ( agreeable to that which is acceptable unto god , ) to be just , ( provided it shall please our most divine and most pious lord , ) that dioscorus the most religious bishop of alexandria , juvenalis the most religious bishop of jerusalem , thalassius the most religious bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , eusebius the most religious bishop of ancyra , eustathius the most religious bishop of berytus , and basilius the most religious bishop of seleucia in isauria , which [ prelates ] had power , and presided over the then synod , should lye under the very same punishment , [ and ] according to the canons * be removed from the episcopall dignity : all things which have been consequently done being made known † to his most sacred imperial majesty . then , after the reading of some other things , the bishops assembled were asked , whether leo's letter agreed with the faith of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers convened at nice , and with that of the hundred and fifty [ holy fathers assembled ] in the imperiall city [ constantinople ; ] whereto anatolius prelate of constantinople and all the bishops present returned answer , that leo's letter agreed with the foresaid holy fathers : and o he subscribed to the forementioned letter of leo. these things having proceeded thus , those of the synod cried out , we all consent , we do all approve , we all believe a like , we all think the same things , we all believe thus . [ let ] the fathers [ be restored ] to the synod , [ let ] those who have subscribed [ be restored ] to the synod : many years * to the emperour : many years † to augusta . the fathers to the synod , those of the same faith to the synod : many years to the emperour : those of the same sentiments to the synod : many years to the emperour . we have all subscribed to the faith : as leo , so we think after this an interlocution was made [ by the judges , ] in these express words : we have given a relation concerning these things to our most divine and most pious lord , and we expect the answer of his piety . but your reverence shall render an account to god , as well concerning dioscorus who hath been deposed by you , ( his imperiall majesty and we being ignorant thereof , ) as p concerning those [ other ] five persons for whom you have entreated , and concerning all other matters which have been transacted in the synod . [ hereupon they all ] cried out , saying , god hath deposed dioscorus : dioscorus hath been justly deposed , christ hath deposed dioscorus . then after these things , an answer being brought from marcianus , which gave the bishops permission to determine according to their own discretion concerning the persons who had been deposed , in such manner as the judges have declared by an interlocution ; [ the bishops ] made their request , saying these express words : we entreat that they may come in . [ let ] those of the same opinion [ be restored ] to the synod : those of the same sentiments , to the synod : those who have subscribed to leo's letter , to the synod . which persons , after an interlocution , were admitted into the number of the synod . and after this , the supplicatory libells , which had been presented by the bishops of the aegyptick dioecesis to the emperour marcianus , were read ; wherein , besides other matters these things were contained : our sentiments are the same with those expositions which the three hundred and eighteen [ holy fathers ] set forth at nicaea , and [ with those embraced by ] the blessed athanasius , and cyrillus of holy memory : we anathematize every heresie , that of arius , that of eunomius , of manes , of nestorius , and that of those who assert , that the flesh of our lord is from heaven , and not from the holy theotocos , and ever-virgin mary ; * whom [ we affirm ] to be like to us all , [ but ] without sin . then , all [ the bishops ] present in the synod cried out , saying : why do they not anathematize eutyches's opinion ? let them subscribe to leo's letter , and anathematize eutyches and his opinions : let them give their assent to leo's letter : they are desirous to impose upon us and be gone . hereto the bishops of egypt returned answer , that there were many bishops in egypt , and that 't was impossible [ for them ] to represent the † persons of those who were absent : and they requested , that the synod would expect their arch-bishop , to the end that ( according as custome required , ) they might follow his opinion . for [ they said , ] that if they should do any thing before the ‖ election of their arch-bishop , all persons of the whole egyptick dioecesis would fall upon them . and when they had made many entreaties concerning these things , and those of the synod had vigorously resisted them ; by an interlocution 't was ordered , that an * intervall should be granted to the bishops of egypt , till such time as an arch-bishop could be ordained over them . and after this , were presented supplicatory libells of some monks , the sum of which was this , that they might in no wise be forced to subscribe † to certain papers , q till such time as the synod ( which the emperour had ordained to be convened , ) should meet , and take cognizance of those things which had been decreed . after the recitall of these [ libells , ] diogenes bishop of cyz●cus declared that ●arsumas , one of those persons who were come into the councill , had murdered flavianus : for , that he had cried out kill him . and that , although he was not named in the libells , yet ( contrary to what was right and fitting , ) he had gotten entrance [ into the councill . ] whereat all the bishops exclaimed , barsumas hath ruined all syria , he hath brought a thousand monks against us . and when an interlocution had been made , that the [ monks ] who were come together should expect the synod's determination ; the monks requested , that the libells composed by them might be read : part whereof was this , that dioscorus and those bishops with him might be present at the synod . at the hearing whereof , all the bishops exclaimed . anathema to dioscorus : christ hath deposed dioscorus : thrust these persons out of doors : take away the injury of the synod : remove the force of the synod : [ relate ] these words to the emperour : remove the injury of the synod : take away the disgrace of the synod . in opposition to whom the monks cried out , remove the injury of the monasteries . and when the same exclamations had been made again by the synod , 't was ordered by an interlocution , that the rest of the libells should be recited . in which 't was affirmed , that dioscorus's deposition had not been duely and orderly made , and that , the faith being proposed , * he ought to be admitted to the session of the synod . and unless this were done , they would shake their garments , [ and recede ] from the communion of those bishops who were convened . after the recitall of these words , aetius the arch-deacon read the canon concerning those who separated themselves [ from communion . ] and again , when the monks were divided at the questions [ put to them ] by the most holy bishops , and afterwards , at the interrogatory of aetius the arch-deacon made as from the synod ; and when some of them anathematized nestorius and eutyches , and others refused to do that : an interlocution was made by the judges [ who declared , ] that the supplicatory libells of faustus and the other monks should be read ; wherein they requested of the emperour , that those monks should not have any further countenance shown them , who had lately appeared in opposition to orthodox sentiments : amongst whom , one dorotheus ● monk had termed eutyches orthodox . against him diverse questions concerning eutyches's doctrine were proposed by the judges . after this , when the fifth session was begun , the judges by an interlocution declared , that what had been determined concerning the faith , should be promulged . then asclepiades a deacon of constantinople , read the determination , which they were pleased not to have inserted into the acts. against which [ determination ] some made opposition ; but more consented to it . and when exclamations had been made on the one side and on the other , the judges said , that dioscorus affirmed he had therefore deposed flavianus , because he asserted there were two natures : but , that the determination ran thus , of two natures . to which anatolius made answer , that dioscorus had not been deposed on account of the faith ; but because he had * excommunicated leo , and having been thrice summoned , had not appeared . then r the judges desired , that the words in leo's letter might be inserted into the definition [ of the faith : ] which having been denied by the bishops ( who said that another definition [ of the faith ] could not be made , for that was compleat and perfect ; ) these things were related to the emperour . and he ordered six of the eastern bishops , and three of the pontick [ dioecesis , ] and three of asia , and three of thracia , and three of illyricum , ( anatolius and the deputies of the romish see being also present , ) to meet in the church [ of euphemia , ] and there rightly to determine matters in relation to the faith ; or at least , that every one of them should set forth his own faith ; which if they did not , they were to know , that a synod should be convened in the west . and being asked to declare , whether they would follow dioscorus who asserted [ christ to consist ] of two [ natures , ] or leo [ who affirmed ] two [ natures ] in christ , they cried out that they s believed [ agreeable to ] leo : but , that those who made opposition were eutychianists . and when the judges had said , that t according to leo's opinion [ there ought ] to be added [ in the definition of the faith , these words ] two natures united , u inconvertible , and undivided , and inconfused in christ ; [ the bishops entreated them to go into the oratory of the holy euphemia's church . ] vv and when the judges had entred into the foresaid oratory , together with anatolius and the deputies of leo , with maximus also of antioch , and juvenalis of jerusalem , and thalassius of caesarea in cappadocia , and with the other [ bishops ; ] and when [ some little time after ] they had gone out from thence , the definition [ of the faith ] was read , the contents whereof were these : our lord and saviour jesus christ , and so forth , which we have inserted * above into our history . and when they had all cried out ; this is the faith of the fathers , let the metropolitans now subscribe ; this is the faith of the apostles ; we all follow this faith ; we all think thus : the ●udges made an interlocution in these words : those matters which have been defined by the fathers , and which please all persons , shall be related † to his imperial majesty . but , at the sixth session , the emperour [ marcianus ] came [ to the councill , ] and made a speech to the bishops concerning concord . and ‖ after an interlocution of the emperour 's , the definition [ of the faith ] was read by aetius arch-deacon of constantinople , and all subscribed to the definition . then the emperour asked , whether the definition were composed by the unanimous consent of them all : and they all confirmed it with joyfull acclamations . again , the emperour made two speeches [ to the bishops , ] which were followed with the joyfull acclamations of them all . after this by the emperour's perswasion the canons were * written , and x to [ the city of ] the chalcedonensians were given metropoliticall rights and priviledges . and the emperour commanded the bishops to stay three or four days , and that every one should propose [ questions ] concerning what he had a mind to , in the presence of the judges ; and * that all things should be ended by a convenient and fit determination ▪ thus this convention was finished . there was y another [ session ] also , wherein other canons were made . and again , at another session , juvenalis and maximus made an agreement , and it seemed good , that the [ bishop ] of antioch should have the two phoenicia's , and arabia ; and the [ bishop ] of jerusalem the three palestines [ subject to his see. ] and after an interlocution of the judges and ▪ bishops , they confirmed [ this agreement . ] and at the z ninth session theodoret's cause was discussed . who had anathematized nestorius , in these words ; anathema to nestorius , and to him who denies the holy virgin mary to be theotocos , and to him who divides the one only-begotten son into two sons : moreover , i have subscribed to the definition of the faith , and to leo's epistle . after an interlocution therefore made by them all , he recovered his own see. in another session , ibas's cause was examined , and those things were read which had been transacted and pronounced against him ; the judges whereof were photius bishop of tyre , and eustathius bishop of berytus . and sentence was deferred to the following [ session . ] at the eleventh convention , when many of the bishops had voted ibas to a be restored to his bishoprick , some bishops opposed it , and said , that his accusers were without , and they requested that they might be ordered to come in . those things therefore were read which had been transacted against ibas . and when the judges by an interiocution had given order , that the acts at ephesus against ibas should be read ; the bishops said , that all things which had been done , at the second ephesine synod , were void and null ; except only the ordination of maximus [ bishop ] of antioch . and they made a request to the emperour concerning this matter , that by a law he would decree , that nothing of those things [ which had been done ] at ephesus after the first synod ( over which cyrillus of blessed memory , prelate of alexandria , had presided ; ) should be valid . and ibas had his bishoprick adjudged to him . at another action , the cause of bassianus bishop of ephesus was discussed ; and 't was decreed , b that as well he , as stephanus , should be deposed , and another substituted in their room . and at another session , the same thing was put to the vote and confirmed . in the thirteenth action , the cause between eunomius [ bishop ] of nicomedia , and anastasius bishop of nicaea was inquired into , who were at strife amongst themselves concerning their own cities . moreover , there was a fourteenth action , wherein the cause of c sabinianus [ the bishop ] was examined . and in fine , it was determined , that the constantinopolitane - see should have * precedency immediately after that of rome . the end. the third book of the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis , and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . chap. i. concerning zeno's empire , and concerning his life . but zeno , after the death of his own * son , was invested with the sole administration of the empire ; supposing as it were that he could not be possest of the dominion of the whole world , unless with [ an uncontroulable ] liberty he might prosecute all manner of pleasures which occurred : at his first entrance he yielded himself so wholly up to the attempts and allurements of lusts , a that no filthy or flagitious fact could put a restraint upon him : but in such a manner he * wallowed in the commission thereof , that he thought it vile and mean to commit these things in darkness and obscurity : but [ to perpetrate them ] openly and in the sight of all [ was in his judgment ] royall and becoming only an emperour . but , his sentiments [ in this matter ] were ill and * absolutely servile . b for an emperour is not taken notice of for this , because he rules over others , but on this account , in regard in the first place he governeth and moderateth himself , permitting nothing that is extravagant or ill c to creep into himself : but continues d so impregnable against intemperance , that [ he may seem to be ] a living image of virtues , instructing his subjects to an imitation [ of himself . ] but he who has prostituted himself to pleasures , by degrees is imprudently made the vilest of servants , and becomes a captive not redeemable , * frequently changing his masters , like the unusefullest sort of slaves . for innumerable pleasures are made his mistresses , which can never have an end of their train and coherence , and of their succeeding one another : the pleasure which is at hand never stopping , but becomes the incentive and preface of another ; till such time as any person , e really and truly made an emperour [ over himself , ] can expell that turbulent and tumultuous government of pleasures , reigning in future , and not opprest with tyranny : otherwise , continuing a slave to his last breath , he must possess the infernall pit . chap. ii. concerning the incursions of the barbarians , both in the east , and in the west . such a person was zeno at the beginning [ of his government , ] a a man of an intemperate and dissolute life . but those who were his subjects , as * well in the eastern as western parts ▪ underwent most severe mischiefs and afflictions : on this side the † saracens ruined all things : on that , a multitude of the hunni , heretofore termed the massagetae , made incursions into thracia , and passed the danube , no body making a resistance against them ; zeno himself also in a barbarick manner b by force took away [ from the provincialls ] what [ the barbarians ] had left . chap. iii. concerning basiliscus's tyranny , and zeno's flight . but when basiliscus verina's brother made an insurrection against him , ( for even his own relations were enemies to zeno , all persons equally abominating his debauch't life ; ) he had not so much as a thought in him that was manly and couragious : ( for wickedness is a cowardly thing , which breeds desperation and despondency , and gives a sufficient indication of an unmanliness of mind , from its being vanquished by pleasures : ) but flies with all the hast imaginable , and without a battell yields so great an empire to basiliscus . he endured also a tedious a siege b in the country of the isaurians where he himself had been born , having his wise ariadne with him , ( who after [ her husbands flight ] had left her mother , ) and as many of his friends as had continued faithfull to him . basiliscus therefore having thus encircled himself with the crown of the romans , and proclaimed his son marcus caesar , took a contrary course , both to zeno , and to those who had been emperours before [ zeno. ] chap. iv. that basiliscus recalled timotheus aelurus , and ▪ induced thereto by him , sent his circular letters to all places , in order to the * abrogating of the chalcedon-synod . [ induced thereto ] by an embassy therefore of some persons [ sent to him ] from alexandria , he recalls timotheus from exile , ( who had been banished eighteen years ; ) acacius [ at that time ] administring the bishoprick ▪ of constantinople . when therefore timotheus was arrived at the imperiall city , he perswades basiliscus ‖ to send his circular letters to the prelates in all places , and to anathematize what had been done at chalcedon , and leo's book . the † contents of the circular letters run thus . emperour caesar basiliscus , pius , victor ▪ triumphator , maximus , always adorable , augustus : and marcus the most noble caesar , to timotheus the most reverend and * most pious arch-bishop of the great city alexandria . whatever laws the most pious emperours our predecessours have made in defence of the true and orthodox faith , whosoever [ of them ] have persisted truly to worship the blessed , immortall , and vivifick trinity ; our will is , that those laws , in regard they have always been salutary to the whole world , should at no time be abrogated and made void : but rather , we promulge those laws as our own . but we , who give piety and a zeal for god and our saviour jesus christ , who hath made us and advanced us to glory , a preference before [ all care and sollicitude ] about humane affairs ; and moreover , who believe , that the * concord of christ's flocks is the † safety of the flocks themselves , and of every subject , and is the firm and solid foundation , and immovable wall of our empire ; being ‖ on this account deservedly moved with a divine zeal of mind , and offering to god and our saviour jesus christ the uniting together of the holy church as the first-fruits of our empire , do enact , that the * basis and foundation of humane felicity ▪ that is the creed of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers heretofore convened at nicea † by the instinct of the holy ghost ( unto which [ creed ] we and all our ancestours , after our belief thereof , have been baptized , ) shall only be made use of , and ‖ obtain in all god's most holy churches [ and in the assemblies of ] the orthodox people ; in regard that only is the definition of the true and sincere faith , and is sufficient both for the destruction of any heresie of what sort soever , and also for the compleat and perfect uniting of god's holy churches . yet so , that those things also shall retain their own strength and validity , which have been done in this imperial city by the hundred and fifty holy fathers , in confirmation of the same divine creed , against them who have uttered . blasphemies against the holy ghost : and moreover , all those things which have been done in the metropolis of the ephesians , against the impious nestorius , and those who * since that have embraced his sentiments . but we decree , that those things which have broke the concord and good order of god's holy churches , and the peace of the whole world , to wit , that termed leo's tome , and all things which in the definition of the faith at chalcedon , or in the exposition of the creeds , have been spoken or done , on account either of interpretation , or doctrine , or disputation , in order to the innovation of the forementioned holy creed of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers , shall be anathematized both here , and every where else , throughout every church , by the most holy bishops in all places , and shall be committed to the flames by whomsoever they shall be found . for thus the emperours of pious and blessed memory [ who lived ] before us , to wit , b constantine and theodosius junior , have decreed concerning all hereticall opinions . being therefore after this manner abrogated , let them be wholly cast out of the one and only catholick and apostolick orthodox church ; in regard they alter the eternall and salutary * terms of the holy fathers , and those of the [ ] blessed fathers who † have published express declarations [ concerning ] the holy ghost , c as likewise the [ terms ] of those at ephesus . it shall therefore be lawfull for no person whatever , whether priest or laïck , in any wise to transgress that most divine constitution of the holy creed . [ further , ] together with all those innovations made at chalcedon , against the divine creed , [ we decree ] that their heresie shall be anathematized , who deny that the only-begotten son of god was really and truly incarnate and made man by the holy ghost , and of the holy and ever-virgin mary the theotocos , but in a false and monstrous manner assert [ that he took flesh ] either * from heaven , or imaginarily and in shew only and appearance ; in fine , every heresie , and if there hath been any other innovation made , at what time soever , in whatever manner , or place of the whole world , either in sense and meaning , or in words , [ framed ] in order to a transgressing the said divine creed . but in regard 't is the property of an imperial providence , by a foreseeing consideration and inspection liberally to distribute security to its subjects , not only at the present , but for the future also ; we decree that the most holy bishops in all places shall subscribe to this our divine circular letter when * exhibited to them , and shall plainly declare , that they adhere solely to the divine creed of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers , which the hundred and fifty holy fathers have since confirmed ; in such manner as those most holy fathers afterwards convened at the metropolis of the ephesians have definitively decreed , to wit , d that we ought only to follow the divine creed of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers , in regard it is the boundary and limit of the faith : anathematizing what ever hath at chalcedon been made the stumbling-block of the orthodox laity , and wholly ejecting it out of the churches , as being become the impediment of the e universall and our own [ private ] felicity . but whosoever after these our divine syllables ( which , we believe , are promulged agreeable to [ the mind of ] god , in regard they procure an union to god's holy churches , wisht-for and desired by all men ; ) shall at any time attempt to produce , or so much as to name , either by way of dispute , or in their teaching , or writings , at what time , in what manner or place soever , the innovation which hath been made at chalcedon against the faith ; our command is , that such persons as these ( in regard they are the occasioners of disquietude and tumult to all god's holy churches and to every one of our subjects , and are enemies to god and to our safety , according to those laws promulged long before our time by theodosius of blessed and divine memory , against this manner of * improbity , which [ laws ] we have subjoyned to this our divine circular letter ; ) if they be bishops or clergymen , shall be deposed : but if monks , or laicks they † shall be lyable to banishment , to a confiscation of all their goods , and to the extreamest punishments . for thus the holy and consubstantiall trinity ( at all times adored by our piety , ) the framer and enlivener of all things , being by us now also worshipped , by an abolition of the forementioned ‖ darnell , and a confirmation of the true and apostolick traditions of the holy creed , and rendred propitious and candid , both to our souls , and to every of our subjects ; will ever in future together with us govern humane affairs , and render them composed and peaceable . chap. v. concerning those persons who consented to basiliscus's circular letters , and rejected the synod [ of chalcedon . ] as therefore 't is related by zacharias the rhetorician , timotheus , newly returned from exile ( as i have said , ) gave his consent to these circular letters : as did likewise peter bishop of antioch , surnamed * fullo , who together with timotheus was present at the imperial [ city constantinople . ] these things having been performed in this manner , † they vote that paulus also should recover the archiepiscopall chair of ephesus . further , [ the same zacharias ] affirms , that anastasius , who had succeeded juvenalis [ in the see ] of jerusalem , subscribed the same circular letters , as likewise very many others : insomuch that they were in number about five hundred , who condemned leo's * letter , and the chalcedon synod . [ the same authour ] a does also some where record the supplicatory libell presented by the bishops of asia b convened at ephesus , to basiliscus ; part of the contents of which [ libell ] run thus . to the most pious in all things , and the lovers of christ , our lords basiliscus and marcus , perpetual victors , c augusti . and after some words . you have always seemed ( most pious and christ-loving emperours ! ) to be divers ways assaulted , together with the faith which is hated and opposed . and after other words . a certain terrible expectation of judgment , and an * ardour of divine fire , and the just † resentment of your serenity , will in a short time ‖ seize the adversaries , who d with a certain arrogant folly , as it were with darts , attempt to make an attack against the powerfull god and your empire fortified by the [ true ] faith ; nor do they in any manner spare our tenuity : but continually assault us with reproaches and lies , as if by a necessity and a force we had subscribed to your divine and apostolick circular letters ; whereas we have set our hands thereto with all imaginable joy and alacrity of mind . and after some other words . be pleased therefore to publish nothing contrary to your divine circular letters ; knowing for certain what we have already said , that the whole world will be overturned again , and that the mischiefs done by the synod at chalcedon will be found small and triviall , which [ yet ] have effected these innumerable murders , and have unjustly and illegally poured forth the bloud of the orthodox . and after other words . we protest before our saviour jesus christ , e we entreat your piety to be free from that just canonicall and ecclesiastick * condemnation and deposition inflicted on them , and especially [ from that inflicted ] on him , who by many [ evidences ] has been detected not to have governed the bishoprick of the imperial [ city ] holily . [ further , ] the same zacharias writes word for word thus . as soon as the circular and imperial letters were published , those persons in the imperial [ city ] f who were distempered with eutyches's opinion and followed a monastick life , supposing they had met with timotheus as with some unexpected gain , and hoping to reap a great advantage to themselves from the circular letters ; in great hast betook themselves to timotheus . and when they had been convinced by him , that the word of god was of the same substance with us according to the flesh , but consubstantiall to the father in relation to the deity , they went back [ to their own homes . ] chap. vi. that timotheus aelurus recovered the [ bishoprick ] of alexandria , and having restored the priviledge of a patriarchate to the [ church ] of ephesus , anathematized the chalcedon-synod . the same [ zacharias ] says , that timotheus leaving the imperial [ city constantinople , ] arrived at ephesus , and [ there ] * placed a paulus in the archi-episcopall see of the ephesians . this [ paulus ] had long before this been ordained by the bishops of that province , b agreeable to the more ancient usage : but had been ejected out of his see. timotheus also restored to the ephesine church the c patriarchicall priviledge , which the synod of chalcedon had deprived it of , as i have said . removing from thence , he comes to alexandria , and persisted to request those who came to him , to anathematize the synod of chalcedon . nevertheless , many others of his own faction receded from him ( as 't is related by the same zacharias , ) as did likewise theodotus one of those that had been ordained at joppa by * theodosius , who was made bishop of jerusalem by some persons , at such time as juvenalis went to constantinople . chap. vii . that the monks having raised a sedition by the perswasion of acacius , basiliscus was put into a fear , and wrote and promulged circular letters contrary to those he had published before . [ the same zacharias ] relates likewise , that acacius bishop of constantinople a was extreamly troubled at these things , and that he incited the monks and populacy of the imperial [ city ] against basiliscus , as being an heretick . and , that basiliscus , at length * renounced his circular letters , and wrote a constitution , that what had been surreptitiously [ and rashly ] done , should be wholly vacated and made null ; and , that he sent abroad letters contrary to his former circular letters , wherein he confirmed the synod at chalcedon . and these anti-circular-letters ( as he terms them , ) zacharias has omitted , who hath written his whole history with partiality and in favour to his own party . but the contents of them run word for word thus . basiliscus's anti-circular-letter . emperours caesars , basiliscus and marcus. we decree , that the apostolick and orthodox faith ( which originally and from the beginning hath flourished in the catholick churches , which hath obtained even untill our empire , which doth now obtain under our empire , and which ought forever to obtain , into which we have been baptized , and which we believe ; ) shall only continue inviolate and unshaken , and shall for ever be prevalent in all the catholick and apostolick churches of the orthodox ; and , that nothing else shall be required . for this reason therefore we command , that all things which have been done on account of the faith or ecclesiastick * discipline under our empire , whether they be circular letters , or other [ letters , ] or what ever else , shall be void and null : nestorius and eutyches , and every other heresie , and all those who embrace the same sentiments with them , being anathematized . and [ ' t is our will , ] that concerning this subject , neither any synod should be convened , nor any other question [ started : ] but , that these things should continue firm and unshaken . moreover , [ we command , ] b that those provinces ( the ordination whereof the chair of this imperiall and glorious city hath had , ) shall be restored to the most pious and most holy patriarch and arch-bishop acacius : to wit , the most pious bishops that now are , continuing in their own sees ; [ yet so ] that after their deaths no prejudice from this business may arise to the right of ordination [ belonging to ] the holy chair of this imperial and famous city . now , * it is dubious to no person , that this our divine decree has the force of a divine constitution . and these things proceeded in this manner . chap. viii . concerning zeno's return . but zeno having ( as 't is reported ) [ seen in his sleep ] the holy a proto-martyr thecla , famous for her many conflicts , who incited him , and made him a promise that his empire should be restored to him ; marched his army towards byzantium . and having with gifts , corrupted those who besieged him , he drives out basiliscus who had held the empire two years ; and delivers him to the enemy after he had made his escape to the holy rails [ of the altar . ] on this account zeno dedicated a spatious church , eminent for its * splendidness and beauty , to the proto-martyr thecla , at seleucia scituate in the country of isauria , and beautified it with many and imperial sacred gifts , which are preserved till these our times . further , basiliscus is sent into the region of the cappadocians , † in order to his being put to death : but he is b slain in that station named c acusus , together with his wife and children . and zeno makes a law , which abrogates what had been constituted by the tyrant basiliscus in his circular letters . then also petrus surnamed fullo is driven from the church of the antiochians ; and paulus from that of the ephesians . chap. ix . that after basiliscus's death , the bishops of asia , that they might appease acacius , sent him a penitentiary-libell , [ craving pardon ] for their offence in rejecting the synod of chalcedon . [ in the interim , ] the bishops of asia , in order to their appeasing acacius , excused themselves , and craved pardon , sending a penitentiary-libell [ to him , ] wherein they affirmed , that they had subscribed to the circular-letters by force and constraint , not voluntarily ; and they swore , that the thing was so , and that they had not believed , nor did believe otherwise than agreeable to the synod at chalcedon . the * purport of their letters is this the epistle , or petition , sent to acacius bishop of constantinople , from the bishops of asia . to acacius the most holy and most pious patriarch of the most holy church at the imperial [ city ] constantinople new rome . and after other words . a he hath arrived amongst us and does what is right and fitting ; who also shall fill your place . and after a few words . by these libells we signifie to you , that we have subscribed , not according to the intent of our minds , but by force and constraint , giving our consent thereto in words and letters , but not in heart . for by [ the assistance of ] b your acceptable intercessions , together with the assent of the deity , we believe in such manner as we have received from those . three hundred and eighteen luminaries of the world , and from the hundred and fifty holy fathers . besides , [ we believe ] those matters also , which have been piously and rightly determined at chalcedon by the holy fathers convened there . further , whether zacharias the rhetorician has calumniated these [ bishops of asia , ] or whether they themselves have lyed , in averring that they subscribed involuntarily , i cannot affirm . chap. x. concerning those who governed the bishoprick of antioch . a after therefore peter [ was ejected , ] stephanus assumes the chair of antioch : whom the children of the antiochians slew with reeds , which were made sharp like to darts , as johannes the rhetorician has related . but after stephanus , the government of that same see was committed to calendion , who excited those that came to him to anathematize timotheus , together with basiliscus's circular letters . chap. xi . that the emperour zeno took a resolution of persecuting aelurus : but by reason of his age he had compassion on him and let him alone . and how after aelurus's death , petrus mongus was ordained by the alexandrians . but timotheus , proterius's successour , by the order of the emperour , obtained the chair of the alexandrians . moreover , zeno was resolved to have expelled timotheus out of alexandria : but understanding from some persons that he was now very aged , and would soon * go the way of all men , he † altered his resolution . and not long after [ timotheus ] paid the common debt [ of nature : ] whereupon a those of alexandria by their own authority elect petrus , surnamed mongus , bishop . which , when it came to zeno's hearing , disturbed him extreamly . wherefore zeno b punished petrus with death : but he recalled timotheus [ salophaciolus , ] proterius's successour , who then lived at canopus on account of a sedition raised by the people . timotheus therefore by the emperour's order recovered his own see. chap. xii . concerning johannes who obtained the presidency over the alexandrian church after timotheus , and how zeno outed him in regard he had forsworn himself , and restored the chair of alexandria to petrus mongus . a but by the advice of some persons , johannes a presbyter , b appointed to be the steward of the venerable church of the holy forerunner and baptist john , makes a journey to the imperial city [ constantinople , ] being sent on an embassage [ to make an address to the emperour , ] that if it should happen that their bishop should die , the inhabitants of alexandria might have a c liberty of electing one to preside over their church whom they should have a mind to . this person , as zacharias affirms , was by the emperour discovered to have a design of procuring the bishoprick for himself . and when he had oblieged himself by oaths , that he would never seek to get the alexandrian chair , he returned into his own country . but the emperour promulged a law , that after timotheus's death , that person should be bishop whom the clergy and * people [ of alexandria ] should elect. timotheus having ended his life not long after , this johannes ( as the same zacharias has related , ) gave money d and disregarding the oathes wherein [ he had bound himself ] to the emperour , is constituted bishop of alexandria . which when the emperour understood , he ordered him to be ejected . and by the perswasion of some persons , the emperour wrote an exhortatory edict to the alexandrians , which he termed his * henoticon ; and ordered , that the chair of alexandria should be restored to petrus , provided he would subscribe to his henoticon , and receive those of proterius's party to communion . chap. xiii . that petrus mongus embraced zeno's henoticon , and joyned himself to the * proterians . a this disposition , which had been made by the advice of acacius bishop of the imperial city , b pergamius , who was constituted praefect of egypt carries along with him . he being arrived at alexandria , and finding johannes fled , held a conference with petrus , and perswades him to admit of ▪ zeno's exhortatory edict , and moreover [ to receive ] those who had dissented from him . he admits therefore of the forementioned exhortatory edict , and subscribes to it . he promises also that he would receive those who were of the contrary party . wherefore not long after this when a publick festivity was celebrated at alexandria , and all persons by a generall consent agreed to that termed zeno's henoticon , petrus likewise admitted [ to communion ] those of proterius's party . and having made an exhortatory oration to the people in the church , he recited zeno's exhortatory edict also , the contents whereof were these . chap. xiv . zeno's henoticon . emperour caesar zeno , pius , victor , triumphator , maximus , always adorable , augustus ; to the a most reverend bishops , clergy , monks , and laicks , in alexandria , and throughout egypt , libya , and pentapolis . knowing the only right and true faith ( which the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers convened at nicaea by a divine influence have set forth , and which the hundred and eighteen holy fathers in like manner assembled at constantinople have confirmed ; ) to be the beginning and * consistency , and the power and inexpugnable † defence of our empire : we have ‖ made it our business night and day , b by all imaginable attention and diligence , and by our laws ; that god's holy catholick and apostolick church , which is the incorruptible and immortall mother of our scepters , should every where be multiplied and enlarged by that [ faith : ] and that the pious people continuing in peace and that concord [ which bears a relation ] to god , together with the bishops most dear to god , and with the most religious clergy , archimandrites , and monks , might offer up their acceptable prayers for our empire . for whilest the great god and our saviour jesus christ , who was incarnate and born of the holy virgin and theotocos mary , approves of and readily accepts our concordant glorification and worship , all sorts of enemies shall be consumed and extinguished : and all nations will submit their necks to our power which is * according to god : [ in fine , ] peace , and those goods that are the product thereof , temperateness of the air , plenty of fruits , and all other things which are usefull and advantageous , shall be conferred upon men . whereas therefore the irreprehensible faith doth in this manner † preserve us and the roman affairs , addresses have been presented to us by the most religious archimandrites , hermits , and other reverend persons , who with tears made supplication , that an unity might be made in the most holy churches , and that the members might be joyned to the members , which that enemy of good hath long since been very solicitous to disjoyn : assuredly knowing , that c should he make war against the entire body of the church , he might with ease be vanquished . for from hence it happens , that there are innumerable * multitudes of men , which time hath taken out of this life in the space of so many years , d part whereof have departed hence deprived of the laver of regeneration , and part have gone the inevitable way of mankind without a participation of the divine communion : and , that innumerable murders have been audaciously committed , and that not only the earth , but the air it self also hath been defiled by an abundant effusion of bloud . what man is he , who will not pray , that these things may be changed into a better state and condition ? on this account therefore , we have made it our business to certifie you , that neither we , nor the churches in all places , either have had , or have , or in future will have , nor do we know any persons that have , any other symbol , or creed , or definition of the faith , or faith , save the forementioned holy creed of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers , which the foresaid hundred and fifty holy fathers confirmed . moreover , if any one has [ any other creed , ] we account him a person estranged [ from the church . ] for by this creed only ( as we have said , ) we are confident our empire is * preserved . and all persons vouchsaft the salutary † illumination , receiving this only [ creed ] are baptized . the same [ creed ] hath been followed by all the holy fathers convened at ephesus ; who likewise deposed the impious nestorius , and also those that afterwards embraced his sentiments . which nestorius together with eutyches , in regard they held opinions contrary to the foresaid [ fathers , ] we do anathematize , and do also admit of the twelve * heads which were dictated by cyrillus of holy memory , who was heretofore arch-bishop of the holy catholick church of the alexandrians . but we confess the only begotten son of god and god , ( who was truly and really made man , our lord jesus christ , consubstantiall to the father according to the deity , and of the same substance with us as to his humanity , who descended and was incarnate by the holy ghost , of mary the virgin and theotocos , ) to be one , and not two . for we affirm , that the miracles , and sufferings which he voluntarily underwent in the flesh , are of one . but we in no wise admit of those who divide , or confound , or introduce a † phantasie . in regard the * impeccable and true incarnation from the theotocos hath not made an accession of [ another ] son. for the trinity hath ever continued the trinity , although one of the trinity , [ to wit , ] god the word , hath been incarnate . assuredly knowing therefore , that neither the holy orthodox churches of god in all places , nor the prelates most beloved by god who preside over them , nor yet our empire , hath received , or doth admit of any other creed , or definition of the faith , save the foresaid holy creed ; without making doubts or delays , e we have united our selves . now , we have written these things [ to you , ] not that we might innovate the faith , but in order to the giving you full satisfaction . but we anathematize every person , who has thought , or thinks otherwise , either now , or at any other time , whether at chalcedon , or in any other synod whatever : but more especially the foresaid persons nestorius and eutyches , and such as embrace their sentiments . be yee joyned therefore to [ your ] spirituall mother the church , and together with us enjoy that same divine communion therein , according to the forementioned one and only definition of the faith of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers . for your most holy mother the church expects to embrace you f as her genuine sons , and after a long time earnestly desires to hear your sweet voice . make all imaginable haste therefore . for by doing hereof , you will procure to your selves both the benevolence of our master and saviour and god jesus christ , and shall also be praised by our imperial majesty . after the reading hereof , all the inhabitants of alexandria were united to the holy catholick and apostolick church . chap. xv. that johannes [ bishop ] of alexandria coming to rome , perswades simplicius to write to zeno concerning what had hapned ; [ and what ] zeno [ wrote back in answer to him . ] but johannes , of whom we have made mention * before , after he had fled from alexandria , a arrives at the senior rome : and there raised disturbances , affirming that he had been ejected out of his own chair , on account of his defending leo's * dogmata , and the chalcedon synod : and , that another was substituted in his room , who was an enemy to those dogmata . hereat simplicius bishop of the elder rome was troubled , and wrote to zeno ; whereto zeno returned answer , accusing johannes of perjury , and [ affirming ] that on that account , and for no other reason ▪ he had been ejected out of his bishoprick . chap. xvi . concerning calendion [ bishop ] of antioch , and that he was condemned to be banished on account of the friendship he was suspected [ to have held ] with illus and leontius ; also , that petrus fullo entred into an union with mongus , and with the [ bishops ] of constantinople and jerusalem . moreover , calendion bishop of antioch wrote [ letters ] to the emperour zeno , and to acacius prelate of constantinople , wherein he termed petrus an a adulterer ; affirming that when he was at alexandria , he had anathematized the chalcedon synod . some time afterwards , calendion is condemned to be banished into oäsis , being supposed to have b favoured c illus , leontius , and pamprepius , in relation to a tyranny raised by them against zeno . but petrus fullo , who [ had been bishop of antioch , ] before d calendion and stephanus , as i have said , recovered his own [ chair . ] who both subscribed to zeno's henoticon , e and also sent synodicall letters to petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria . acacius also bishop of constantinople entred into a communion with the f same [ petrus bishop of alexandria : ] as did likewise martyrius bishop of jerusalem , who sent his synodicall letters to the same petrus . after this , g some persons separated themselves from petrus's communion : so that from that time petrus anathematized the synod of chalcedon publickly . which news coming to the hearing of acacius bishop of constantinople , troubled him [ not a little . ] acacius therefore caused some persons to be sent , who might enquire into the truth hereof . whom petrus being desirous fully to satisfie , that no such thing had been done by him , * framed acts , wherein some persons affirmed , that to their knowledge no such thing h had been done by petrus . chap. xvii . concerning those things written by petrus to acacius who had embraced the chalcedon-synod . [ for ] this petrus , a in regard he was a person that could cloath himself in any dress , of a mind mutable and crafty , and one that could conform to the times ; persisted not in the least in one and the same opinion . but sometimes he anathematized the chalcedon-synod ; at others retracted , and embraced that councill with all suffrages . he wrote a letter therefore to acacius bishop of constantinople , the contents whereof run word for word thus : the most high god will reward your holiness , b for those great labours and troubles , which for so many years space you [ have undergone , ] conserving and defending the faith of the holy fathers , which by uninterrupted preaching you have confirmed . in which faith we have found the creed also of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers rightly and orderly placed , in which creed we were heretofore baptized , and which we have and do believe : which creed the hundred and fifty holy fathers assembled at constantinople have confirmed . you therefore without intermission leading all men the way , have united the holy church of god , and by the weightiest and most convincing instances and arguments have perswaded us , that nothing contrary hereto hath been done in the most holy and oecumenicall synod convened at chalcedon , which agrees with , and hath confirmed the determinations of the holy fathers at nicaea . for , having found nothing of any innovation therein , we have given our absolute and perfect assent thereto , and believed it . but we understand , that certain monks , envying our fraternity , have conveyed some calumnies to your holy ears ; which could not readily induce your holiness to be incensed [ against us . ] and in the first place [ they affirm , ] c that we have removed the reliques of our father of holy memory the blessed arch-bishop timotheus , to some other place . which fact is neither acceptable to god , nor agreeable to the laws . then they pass to another [ crime , ] which is inconsistent with it self , and much worse than the former . for , how could we anathematize the holy synod held at chalcedon , which we have believed and confirmed ? but you are not ignorant , nor is it concealed from your piety , how great the heat and levity of the people amongst us is , as also [ that ] of the monks who are desirous of change and innovation . who having entred into a consult together with some malevolent persons that have severed themselves from the church , attempt to draw the people after them . but , by the assistance of your prayers , d we have found a way how to cure [ this mischief , ] without doing any prejudice to the holy synod of chalcedon ; for we have been certainly informed , that nothing new hath been done there . and in order to the perswasion and * satisfaction of the more simple , we have taken care that the same thing should be said by e those who hold assemblies together with us . and to f this business , after i had been wholly intent upon it , i soon put a stop . further , i do signifie to your sanctity , that even at this very instant the monks cease not , who sow * tares , intermixing some persons amongst themselves , who never dwelt in g monasteries , [ as ] instruments [ of sedition ; ] and run up and down scattering various rumours against us , and † against the peace of christ's church , and permitting us to perform nothing canonically and in a manner befitting god's holy catholick church : making it their business , that the people committed to our care should rule over , rather than obey us ; [ in fine , ] * they attempt the doing of whatever [ actions ] are unseemly [ in the sight ] of god. but we are confident , that your sanctity will give the most divine lord of the world an account of all things , and will take care , that [ such an ] order shall be issued forth to them from his serenity , as may be necessary in relation to the ecclesiastick peace , and befitting god and the emperour : so that all persons may acquiesce in what [ shall be established . ] chap. xviii . in what manner johannes [ bishop ] of alexandria perswades felix pope of rome , to send a deposition to acacius [ bishop ] of constantinople . [ in the interim ] johannes having fled to rome , [ desisted not from ] troubling felix , who had succeeded simplicius in the bishoprick of rome , about those things done by petrus ; and [ at length ] prevails [ so far , ] as zacharias affirms , that a deposition was sent from felix himself to acacius , on account of his holding a communion with petrus . which deposition , in regard it was a thing done a contrary to the prescript of the canons , as the same zacharias has related ; ( for some of those persons who lead a monastick life in that termed the monastery of the * acoemeti , delivered it ; ) acacius would not admit of , nor acknowledge . and these things have indeed [ in this manner ] been written by zacharias : but he seems to me , to have had no exact knowledge of the matters at that time transacted ; but , to have given us a very lame , maimed , and imperfect account ; to wit , those things only which he had from report and hear-say . i my self therefore will give an accurate narrative of that whole transaction . b libells having been presented to felix by johannes against acacius , because he illegally held communion with petrus , and on account of other things done by him contrary to the canons ; the bishops vitalis and misenus are sent c from felix to [ the emperour ] zeno , [ with these requests , ] that the synod at chalcedon might be confirmed , that petrus might be expelled [ from his see ] as being an heretick , and that acacius should be sent to felix , to give an account of those matters , whereof johannes ( of whom we have made frequent mention ) might accuse him . chap. xix . concerning cyrillus governour of the monastery of the acoemeti , how he sent some persons to felix at rome , inciting him to revenge what had been committed against the faith. a but before their arrivall at the imperial city , cyrillus governour of those [ monks ] termed the b acoemeti , sends [ some persons ] to felix , complaining of his slackness , in regard so great offences were committed against the true faith. felix therefore writes to misenus and those who accompanied him , [ ordering them ] to do nothing before they should have had a conference with cyrillus , and might be informed from him what was to be done . chap. xx. concerning what felix wrote to zeno , and zeno to felix . there were dispatcht to them other a commonitories also from felix ; who likewise wrote letters to zeno , both concerning the chalcedon synod , and also about the persecution in africa [ which had been raised ] by onorichus . besides , he wrote to acacius . the emperour zeno returned an answer to felix , [ wherein he told him ] that johannes had given him trouble in vain , because * he had sworn that he would in no wise at any time sue for admission to the see of alexandria ; but , that afterwards he had disregarded his oath , and committed all manner of sacriledge : and , that petrus had not been ordained rashly and without an exquisite tryall and examination , but with his own hand had subscribed , that he embraced the faith of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers heretofore convened at nicaea ; which faith the holy synod at chalcedon also had [ approved of , and ] followed . the express words [ of zeno's letter ] are these : you ought to be most undoubtedly assured , that both our piety , and the forementioned most holy petrus , and all the most holy churches , do embrace and revere the most holy synod of the b chalcedonians , which hath fully agreed with the faith in the synod of the nicaeans . c there are also extant in the same acts the letters , both from the forementioned cyrillus , and from other archimandrites of the impeperiall city ; and also [ those ] from the bishops and clergy of the egyptick dioecesis , [ written ] to felix , against petrus as being an heretick , and against those who communicated with him . further , when the [ monks ] belonging to the monastery of the acoemeti were come to felix , d they accused misenus and those that accompanied him , because till their arrivall at byzantium , [ the name of ] petrus had in secret been recited in the sacred diptycks ; but , that from that time till now it was recited publickly ; and therefore , that misenus and those who accompanied him had held communion [ with petrus . ] the letter likewise of the egyptians affirmed the same things [ with what i have related ] concerning petrus ; and further also , that johannes being a person orthodox , had been legally ordained ; but , that petrus was ordained only by e two bishops , who maintained the same ill opinion with himself : and , that immediately after johannes's flight , all manner of punishments had been inflicted on the orthodox . and , that acacius had had information of all these things by some persons who had made a journey to him [ from alexandria ] to the imperiall city ; and [ lastly , ] that acacius was found to be petrus's favourer and assistant in all things . chap. xxi . that symeones a monk belonging to the monastery of the aoemeti went to rome , and accused those bishops sent from the romans to constantinople as having held communion with hereticks ; and , that these legates , and those persons who held communion with petrus , were deposed by the romans . these [ accusations ] were much increased by symeones one of those monks termed the acoemeti , who was sent [ to rome ] from cyrillus . for this person accused misenus and vitalis for having communicated with hereticks ; [ he averred ] that the name of petrus was publickly recited in the sacred diptycks , and that by this means many of the simpler sort were imposed upon by hereticks , who affirmed that petrus was received [ to communion ] even by the see of rome . symeones added likewise , that when severall question 's [ were proposed , ] misenus and his companions would not allow of a conference with any person that was orthodox , or make a delivery of letters to them , or take an exact scrutiny of any thing that was audaciously attempted against the true faith. silvanus a presbyter ( one that had conversed with misenus and vitalis at constantinople , ) was likewise brought in , who confirmed what had been said by the monks . moreover , acacius's a letter to simplicius was read , [ wherein acacius ] affirmed , that petrus had been long since deposed , and that he was a son of night . and on these accounts misenus and vitalis were removed from the sacerdotall function , and separated from the undefiled communion ; the whole synod having given their vote in these express words . the church of the romans doth not receive [ to communion ] the heretick petrus , who hath long since been both condemned by the vote of the sacred chair , and also excommunicated and anathematized . against whom ( though nothing else were objected , yet ) even this would be sufficient , that having been ordained by hereticks , he could not preside over the orthodox . this also was contained [ in the said sentence : ] b but , that acacius [ bishop ] of constantinople deserves a severe reproof , the thing it self has demonstrated ; because in his letter to simplicius he has termed petrus an heretick , but at this present hath not detected it to the emperour : for he ought , if he had loved zeno , to have done this : but he loves the emperour with a greater ardency of affection , c than he has for the faith. but let us reduce our relation to the d following series of affairs . there is extant an epistle of acacius's , [ written ] to the bishops in egypt , and to the ecclesiasticks and monks ; and to the whole body of the laity ; wherein he has attempted to repair and make up the schism which had hapned . concerning which affair he wrote also to petrus bishop of alexandria . chap. xxii . concerning the disturbances at alexandria , and in severall [ other ] places , on account of the synod at chalcedon . the schism therefore increasing at alexandria , petrus ( after he had a again anathematized leo's epistle , and the acts of the chalcedon synod , and those persons who would not embrace the writings of dioscorus and timotheus ; ) perswaded some of the bishops and archimandrites to communicate with himself . and because he could not induce others [ to do the same , ] he drove most of them from their own monasteries . for which reasons b nephalius made a journey to the imperial city , and gave zeno an account of these matters . whereat zeno was sorely troubled , and sends cosmas , one of his own protectors , [ to alexandria ; ] who gave forth many and great menaces against petrus on account of [ procuring an ] unity , in regard by his own roughness he had raised a great dissention . but cosmas , when nothing succeeded according to his wish and design , returned to the imperial city , having only restored the ejected monks to their own monasteries . again therefore the emperour sends arsenius , whom he had preferred to be prefect of egypt and dux of the companies of the militia . he being arrived at alexandria in company with nephalius , made a speech concerning unity . but when he could not perswade [ them to it , ] he sent some of them to the imperial city . moreover , many disputes were held before zeno concerning the synod at chalcedon : but nothing was brought to effect , because zeno did not * wholly assent to the synod at chalcedon . chap. xxiii . concerning fravita and euphemius [ bishops ] of constantinople ; and concerning athanasius and johannes [ bishops ] of alexandria : also concerning palladius and flavianus [ prelates ] of antioch ; and concerning some other persons . but acacius [ bishop ] of constantinople having a in this interim gone the common way [ of mankind , ] fravita succeeded him in his bishoprick . and when this pravita b had sent synodick letters to petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria , petrus on his part returned him answer in the like letters wherein he affirmed the same things [ with what i have mentioned ] concering the acts at chalcedon . moreover , after fravita's departure out of this life , ( for he sate bishop four months only ; ) euphemius was ordained bishop in his room . he receives the synodick letters , which petrus had written to fravita : and having found therein an anathema against the acts at chalcedon , was mightily disturbed , and severed himself from petrus's communion . both these [ prelates ] letters are extant , as well that from fravita to petrus , as that from petrus to fravita ; which , by reason of their prolixity , i have omitted . when therefore euphemius and petrus were about to contend one with another , and to convene synods one against the other ; petrus is prevented by death , and athanasius succeeds him in his chair . he attempted to unite the dissenting persons ; but could not effect it , the disagreeing parties being divided into c various opinions . this athanasius having after this sent synodick letters to palladius successour to d petrus in the bishoprick of antioch , did the same [ that petrus had done ] in relation to the synod at chalcedon . the very same was likewise performed by johannes , who after athanasius succeeded in the alexandrian chair . and after the death of palladius prelate of the church at antioch , when flavianus had succeeded him in his chair , solomon a presbyter of antioch is sent by him to alexandria , who carried * his synodick letters , and requested johannes's letters in answer to flavianus . but after this johannes , another johannes succeeds in the chair of alexandria . and these things proceeded in the same manner [ i have mentioned ] † till the beginning of [ the emperour ] anastasius's reign . for he ejected euphemius [ out of his bishoprick . ] which [ transactions ] i was necessitated to joyn together in one continued series , both for perspicuitie's sake , and also that they might with more celerity be understood . chap. xxiv . concerning the slaughter of armatus , who was kinsman to the empress verina . but zeno , by the perswasion of illus , slew armatus also , who was the empress verina's kinsman , whom , when sent [ against him ] by basiliscus , zeno had a ensnared with gifts , and , instead of being an enemy , had made him a friend and an auxiliary . he also creates his son basiliscus , caesar , at the city nicaea . but when he was come to byzantium , he slays armatus by treachery . but he makes his son basiliscus , instead of being a caesar , a presbyter . who was afterwards promoted to the episcopall dignity . chap. xxv . concerning the rebellion of * theodoricus the scythian ; and concerning the same person's death . thendoricus ; by nation a scythian ; made an insurrection also against zeno : and having gathered together his own forces in the [ country ] of the thracians , undertakes an expedition against † him . and when he had ruined all the countries before him , as far as the mouth of pontus , he wanted but little of taking the imperial city it self ; [ and had seized it , ] had not some of his grea est confidents , induced thereto [ by gifts , ] entred into a consult ‖ about taking him off . being informed therefore of this ill design of his own friends against him , he marched back ; and not long after this is numbred amongst those departed this life . moreover , i will declare the manner of his death , which hapned thus . a a javelin fitted with a loop of leather to cast it with , was hung up before his tent , agreeable to the mode of the barbarians . having therefore a mind to exercise his body , he ordered his horse to be brought to him . and it being not customary with him to make use of a b strator , he mounted his horse without any help . but the horse , being a beast unmanaged and fiery , before theodoricus had bestridden him and setled himself , rises with his fore-feet , and began to go forwards upright on his hinder feet only . so that theodoricus striving with his horse , and not daring to c curb him with the bridle , least he should fall backwards upon him , nor yet being firmly seated in his saddle , was tossed this way and that way , and thrown upon the point [ of his javelin . ] which ran obliquely into him , and wounded his side . being conveyed from thence therefore to his bed , and having continued alive some few days , he died of that wound . chap. xxvi . concerning marcianus's insurrection , and what hapned in relation to him . a after these things , marcianus ( the son of anthemius who had been emperour of rome , a kinsman by mariage to leo zeno's predecessour in the empire ; for he had married leontia leo's younger daughter ; ) having disagreed with zeno , made an attempt to set up for a tyrant . and a sharp engagement hapning about the pallace , wherein many fell on either side ; marcianus routs his opposers . and [ by that attack ] had possest himself of the pallace , had he not let that opportunity slip , by deferring that action till the morrow . for , opportunity is a swift-wing'd bird , and , whilst she flies at your feet , may peradventure be taken . but after she has avoided your hands , on a sudden she mounts on high , and derides those who pursue her , not suffering her self to be catcht by them in future . on which account therefore * statuaries and painters make her hair long before , but shave the hinder part of her head to the very skin : with great prudence intimating thereby , that as long as opportunity is behind , she may be perhaps laid hold on by her long hair : but being got before , she makes a perfect escape , not having any thing whereby she may be taken hold of by the pursuer . which very thing at that time befell marcianus , who lost that opportunity which was seasonably offered him , and was not in future able to recover it . for , on the morrow he was betrayed by his own party ; and having been wholly deserted , fled to the church of the divine apostles . whence he was drawn out by force , and banisht to caesarea a city of the cappadocians . where keeping company with some monks , he was afterwards found out to design a private escape . on which account he was by the emperour sent to tarsus of cilicia , and having had his hair shorn , is ordained a presbyter . these transactions are with great elegancy written by eustathius the syrian . chap. xxvii . concerning the tyranny of illus and leontius . the same eustathius relates , that zeno framed innumerable designes and intreagues , even against verina his own mother in law ; and , that after these things , he banisht her into the country of the cilicians : but , that afterwards , when illus's tyranny broke out , verina removed to that termed the castle of papirius , and there ended her life . moreover , the same eustathius hath written the affairs of illus with much eloquence ; how , having been treacherously laid wait for by zeno , he made his escape ; and , in what manner zeno delivered up that person [ to illus ] to be put to death , whom he had ordered to murder illus ; [ paying him with ] the loss of his head , which reward zeno gave him for his unsuccessfullness in that attempt . illus also was declared master of the oriental milice by zeno , who made it his business to conceal [ those treacherous designes he had framed against illus . ] but illus , having taken into an association with himself leontius , and one marsus a person eminent and skilfull , and pamprepius ; went into the eastern parts . then [ the said eustathius relates ] leontius's being proclaimed emperour , which was done at tarsus of cilicia ; and also , what these persons got by their tyranny ; theodoricus ( a person by original extract a goth , and who was a man of eminency amongst the romans , ) being sent against them , with an army consisting partly of romans and partly of barbarians . the same eustathius does very ingeniously describe the slaughter of these persons , which in a cruell manner was effected by zeno's order , [ he repaying them with this reward ] for their benevolence [ they had shown ] to himself : and , that theodoricus , a made sensible of zeno's treacherous designes [ against himself , ] departed to the seniour rome : ( but others affirm , b that [ theodoricus made this journey into italy ] by zeno's perswasion : ) and having vanquished odoacer in an engagement , made himself master of rome , and assumed to himself the name [ only ] of king. chap. xxviii . concerning mammianus , and the * structures [ built by ] him . johannes the rhetorician relates , that during the reign of zeno , one mammianus , from being a sedentary mechanick , became an eminent person , and arrived at the senatorian order ; and , that this mammianus built that edifice termed the a antiphorum in the suburb daphne , ( which place had before had vines in it , and was fit for tillage ; ) opposite to the publick bath ; wherein is erected a brazen statue , [ with this inscription , ] mammianus a lover of the city . [ the same johannes adds , ] that he raised two royall porticus's in the city , for building very magnificent , and beautified with the splendour and brightness of stones . and ▪ that between the two royall porticus's , the tetrapylum a middle edifice was erected by him , most exquisitely adorned with columns and * brass . i my self have seen the royall porticus's , which , together with their name , do still retain the remains of their former beauty ; their flour being paved with proconnesian marble . but , the [ rest of the ] building has nothing of excellency . for , by reason of those calamities which have befaln them , they have of late been repair'd , b nothing being added that might beautifie them . but , of the tetrapylum erected by mammianus we have not found so much as the very * foundation . chap. xxix . concerning zeno's death , and the proclaiming anastasius emperour . further , zeno dying childless , of a disease [ termed ] an epilepsie , after the seventeenth year of his empire ; his brother longinus , who had arrived at great power , entertained an hope , that he should invest himself with the empire . but he proved unsuccesfull in his desires . for ariadne encircled anastasius with the [ imperial ] crown , who had not yet arrived at the senatorian order , but was inrolled in that termed * the schole of the silentiarii . moreover , eustathius relates , that from the beginning of diocletian's empire to zeno's death and the proclaiming of anastasius , there passed two hundred and seven years : from the † empire of augustus , five hundred thirty two years and seven months : from the reign of alexander the macedonian eight hundred thirty two years , and likewise seven months : from the reign of the romans and romulus , one thousand fifty two years , and moreover seven months : from the destruction of troy , one thousand six hundred eighty and six years , with seven months . this anastasius had his originall extract at the city epidamnus , which is now termed dyrrachium : and [ succeeded ] zeno in his empire , and married * his wife ariadne . and in the first place he sends away longinus ( zeno's brother , who bore the dignity of a magister , which officer the ancients termed the prefect of the offices in the pallace ; ) into his own country . then , [ he gave ] many other isaurians [ a like liberty of returning into their own country , ] who requested the same thing of him . chap. xxx . concerning the emperour anastasius ; and how , because he would not innovate any thing in relation to the ecclesiastick constitution , the churches over the whole world were filled with infinite disturbances : and many of the bishops for that reason were ejected . [ further , ] this anastasius , being a person very a studious to promote peace , would permit no innovation whatever to be made , especially in relation to the ecclesiastick constitution : and took all imaginable courses , both that the most holy churches might continue undisturbed , and also that every person subject to his government might enjoy a profound peace ; all animosity and contention being far removed both from the ecclesiastick , and from the civill state of affairs . the synod therefore at chalcedon was in these times , neither publickly asserted in the most holy churches , nor yet wholly rejected : but every one of the prelates acted according to that sentiment they had embraced . b and some of them couragiously defended what had been expounded in that synod , nor would they recede even from one syllable of it's determinations , or admit of the alteration of one letter : but with much confidence * separated from , and would in no wise endure to communicate with those , who admitted not of that synod's decrees . but others , not only embraced not the synod at chalcedon and the determinations made by it ; but also * anathematized it , together with leo's epistle . othersome stifly adhered to zeno's henoticon ; [ which they did ] notwithstanding their disagreement amongst themselves concerning the one or the two natures : these being imposed upon by the c composure of the letters ; and those having a greater inclination to peace and unity . in so much that the churches of the whole world were divided into private factions , nor would the prelates hold communion one with another . hence hapned many * dissentions both in the east , and in the western parts , and throughout africa ; neither the eastern bishops keeping up a society and amity with the western or those of africa , nor yet on the other hand these with the eastern prelates . moreover , the matter proceeded to an higher degree of absurdity . for , neither did the eastern prelates hold a communion amongst their own selves ; nor [ would ] those who governed the [ episcopall ] chairs of europe or africa [ cherish a communion one with another , ] much less with strangers and forreiners . which when the emperour anastasius perceived ; he ejected those bishops who made any innovation , out of the church ; where-ever he found any such person , either crying up the synod of chalcedon contrary to the usage in those places , or else anathematizing it . he ejected therefore out of the imperial city , in the first place euphemius , as we have related * before , and then macedonius ; after whom timotheus was made [ bishop . ] flavianus also [ was by him ejected ] out of antioch . chap. xxxi . the letter of the monks of palestine to alcison concerning xenaias and some other persons . now , concerning macedonius and flavianus , the monks in palestine , in their letter to a alcison , say word for word thus : but , b petrus being dead , they were again divided amongst themselves ; and alexandria and egypt and libya continued within their own communion . the rest of the east likewise held a communion separate from others , c in regard the westerns refused communicating with them on any terms , unless to their anathematizing of nestorius , eutyches , and dioscorus , they would add petrus mongus also , and acacius . the churches therefore over the whole world being in this posture , the genuine [ followers ] of dioscorus and eutyches were reduced to the smallest number imaginable . and when they were now just about vanishing in such a manner as not to appear any more in the world , one d xenaias , [ a person agreeable to his name ] truly a stranger from god , ( on what design we know not , nor what the grudge was which he would revenge upon flavianus , but ) under a pretext of the faith , as most do say , begins to move against flavianus , and to calumniate him as a nestorian . but when flavianus had anathematized nestorius together with his opinion , xenaias passes from nestorius e to dioscorus , and to theodorus , and theodoret , ibas , f and cyrus , and eutherius , and johannes , and we know not to what persons else , nor whence he had gathered them . some of whom had in reality been asserters of nestorius's sentiments : but others of them , suspected to have been [ nestorius's followers , ] had anathematized him , and had ended their lives in the communion of the church . unless ( says [ xenaïas to flavianus ] ) you will anathematize all these persons who are distempered with nestorius's tenets , you are an embracer of nestorius's sentiments , although you should anathematize him a thousand times , together with his opinion . by letters also he excites the favourers of dioscorus and eutyches , perswading them to assist himself against flavianus , and to require him not to anathematize the synod , but the forementioned persons [ only . ] when flavianus the bishop had made a long and stout resistance against these men , and against others who together with xenaias combined against him , to wit , one g elusinus bishop of the second cappadocia , nicias [ bishop ] of laodicea in syria , and others from other places ; ( to relate the causes of which persons * hatred against flavianus , belongs not to us , but to others : ) at length [ plavianus ] supposing h they would not be quiet in behalfe of these persons , yielded to their contentious humour : and having in writing anathematized the foresaid persons , sent [ his libell ] to the emperour : for they had incensed him against flavianus , as being an assertour of nestorius's opinion . but xenaias not satisfied even herewith , required again of flavianus , that he should anathematize the synod it self , and those who asserted two natures in the lord [ christ , ] one of the flesh , another of the deity . which when flavianus had refused to do , xenaias accused him again , as being a nestorian . after many debates in reference to this matter , when the i patriarch had drawn up an exposition of the faith , wherein he profest that he embraced the synod as to what related to the deposition of nestorius and eutyches , but not as to its definition and doctrine of the faith ; they renewed their accusations against him , as if he were a secret favourer of nestorius's sentiments , unless he would add an anathematism against the synod it self also , and against those who asserted two natures in our lord , one of the flesh , another of the deity . moreover , by their many fraudulent words ' and expressions , they induced the k isauri also to embrace their own opinion . and having drawn up a writing concerning the faith , wherein they anathematized the synod together with those who affirmed two natures , or proprieties [ in christ ; ] they withdrew themselves from a communion with flavianus and macedonius ; and enter into society with others , who had subscribed to their writing . during this interim , they entreated the bishop of jerusalem also , that he would draw up in writing the form of his own faith. which he having set forth , sent it to the emperour by the followers of dioscorus . l and that [ copy of it ] which they produce , does indeed contain an anathematism of those who assert two natures . but , the bishop of jerusalem himself affirms , that it has been adulterated by them , and produces another without any such anathematism . nor , need this seem a wonder . for they have frequently corrupted the books of the fathers . and by [ false ] titles have ascribed many of apollinaris's books , to athanasius , to gregorius thaumaturgus , and to m julius . by which [ books ] especially , they have induced many persons to [ embrace ] their own impiety . further , they requested of macedonius a writing concerning his own faith. who set forth an exposition thereof , affirming that he knew no other faith save that of the three hundred and eighteen , and hundred and fifty [ holy fathers ; ] and he anathematizes nestorius and eutyches , and those who assert two sons , or two christs , or who divide the natures : n but has made no mention of the ephesine synod which deposed nestorius , nor of that at chalcedon wherein eutiches had been deposed . whereat the o monasteries about constantinople were highly offended , and separated from the communion of macedonius the bishop . in the mean while , xenaias and p dioscorus having brought over many of the bishops to their own party , became intollerable ; and raised tumults against those who refused to anathematize [ the synod . ] and against such as would not in the end yield to them , they framed many stratagems , and caused them to be cast into exile . in this manner therefore , they banish macedonius , and q johannes bishop of paltum , and flavianus . these are the contents of the foresaid letter . chap. xxxii . concerning the expulsion of macedonius [ bishop ] of constantinople , and of flavianus [ bishop ] of antioch . but , there were other things which secretly a wrung anastasius . for when ariadne had taken a resolution to cloath anastasius with the imperial purple ; euphemius , who presided over the archi-episcopal chair [ of constantinople , ] would on no terms give his consent , till such time as anastasius had delivered to him a caution [ or , contract , ] in writing , written with his own hand , and [ confirmed ] with great oaths , that he would preserve the faith entire , and introduce no innovation into gods holy church , if he should obtain the imperial scepter . which paper euphemius delivered to macedonius who was intrusted with the custody of the sacred vessells . euphemius had done these things on this account , because anastasius was by many persons thougt to be addicted to the manichaean heresie . after macedonius therefore had ascended the episcopal throne , anastasius was desirous of having his own caution restored to him , saying it would be a reproach to the empire , if the forementioned obligatory-instrument should be kept [ laid up in the church . ] against which when macedonius made a resolute opposition , and affirmed that he would not betray the faith ; the emperour [ anastasius ] framed all imaginable designes against him , resolving to eject him out of his [ episcopal ] chair . certain boyes therefore who were slanderers , were produced , who falsly accused both themselves , and macedonius of a filthy and unclean act . but , when it was found , that macedonius was deprived of his genitalls , they betook themselves to other arts and designes ; till at length , by the advices and perswasions of celer master of the offices at court , macedonius withdrew privately from his [ episcopal ] chair . but in the expulsion of flavianus , they have added other things . for we have received information from some very aged persons , who perfectly remembred what ever had hapned during flavianus's being bishop ; which persons do affirm , that those monks [ who dwelt ] in that country termed b cynegica , and whatever other [ monks ] inhabited the first provinces of the syrians , perswaded thereto by c xenaias , a man [ by extract a persian ; ] ( which xenaias was bishop of hicrapolis a city near to [ antioch , ] and by a greek name he was termed philoxenus : ) flock't together , and in a tumultuous and very disorderly manner made an irruption into the city [ antioch , ] where they would compell flavianus to anathematize the chalcedon synod and leo's epistle . whereat flavianus being extreamly troubled , and the monks pressing on with great violence ; the populacy of the city made an insurrection , and slew a great many of the monks ; in so much that a vast number of them had the [ river ] orontes for their tomb , their bodies being buried in its waves . there hapned another thing also , not much inferiour to this . for , the monks of syria coele ( which is now termed syria secunda , ) having a mighty affection for flavianus , because he had lead a monastick life in a certain monastery which was situate in a * country named tilmognus ; came to antioch , with a resolution to defend flavianus : so that at that time also some , and those no small [ mischievous accidents ] hapned . whether therefore on account of the former [ tumult , ] or by reason of [ that disorder we have mentioned ] in the second place , or for both , flavianus is ejected and banished to petrae , [ a town ] situate in the utmost confines of the palestines . chap. xxxiii . concerning severus bishop of antioch . flavianus therefore having been ejected , severus is preferred to the episcopal throne of antioch , on the a five hundredth fifty first year of antioch's being * styled a free city , in the month dius , it being the sixth indiction of the b cycle then [ current ; ] but at this present time wherein we write , it is the six hundredth fourty first year . this severus had sozopolis for the place of his nativity , which is one of the cities of the province pisidia . he had formerly imployed himself in the study of the law at berytus . but , having afterwards soon left * those studies , when he had received holy baptism in the sacred temple of the divine martyr leontius who is honoured at tripolis a city of the c maritime phoenice , he betook himself to a monastick life in a d certain monasterie situate in the mid way between the small city gaza and that little town termed majuma . in which place e petrus the iberian also , who had been bishop of the same gaza , and was banished together with timotheus aelurus , * had exercised a monastick life , and had left himself a famous name . further , severus [ on a time ] ingages in a dispute with nephalius , who formerly had been of the same † sentiment with him concerning the one nature [ of christ ; ] but had afterwards united himself to to the defenders of the chalcedon synod , and to those who asserted two natures in our lord jesus christ. by this nephalius therefore , and those who were of his party , [ severus ] is driven out of his own monastery , together with severall others who held the same opinion with himself . from whence he went to the imperial city , under the notion of an embassadour , in defence both of himself , and those who had been ejected with him . and there he becomes known to the emperour anastasius , as he hath related at large who wrote severus's life . moreover , the same severus , in the f synodick letters which he wrote , has in express words anathematized the chalcedon synod . concerning which matter , [ the monks of palestine ] in their letter to alcison , say these words . g the synodick letters of timotheus now [ bishop ] of constantinople , have indeed been approved and admitted of here in palestine : but the deposition of macedonius and flavianus , hath not been allowed of ; nor yet severus's synodick letters . h but , those persons who brought them hither , were disgracefully and contumeliously used , agreeable to their deserts , and betook themselves to their heels ; i the populacy of the city and the monks having made an insurrection against them . in this posture was palestine . k but , of those who were subject to [ the see of ] antioch , some , induced thereto by fraud , were prevailed upon ; of which number is marinus bishop of berytus . but others , by force and * compulsion gave their assent to severus's synodick letters , wherein was contained an anathematism , both of the synod , and of the rest who had asserted two natures or ●roprieties in our lord , one of the flesh , another of the deity . some , when through necessity they had given their assent , afterwards altered their minds , and revoak's [ it : ] of which number are the bishops subject to apamia . others wholly refused to assent ; of which number are julianus [ bishop ] of bostri , and epiphanius of tyre , and some others , as they say , bishops . but , the isaurians , now come to themselves , condemn themselves for their former mistake : moreover , they anathematize severus together with his followers . yea , some of the bishops and ecclesiasticks under severus , having relinquish't their own churches , are fled away : of which number is julianus [ bishop ] of bostri , and petrus of dama●cus , who reside here with us . l mamas also : which person seemed to have been one of the two ring-leaders of the dioscorians , m by whom severus himself had been instructed , who has condemned their arogancy . and after the interposition of other words . but , the monasteries here , and jerusalem it self , also most other cities together with their bishops , by gods assistance are of one and the same mind in relation to the true faith. for all which persons , and for us , pray ( most holy lord and our most honoured father ! ) that we enter not into temptation . chap. xxxiv . concerning the [ libell of ] deposition sent to the same severus by cosmas and severianus . but , in regard the forecited letters do attest , that a those prelates under [ the jurisdiction of the church of ] apamia receded from [ the communion ] of severus ; come on , let us add a certain passage , * which we have been told by our fathers , although it be not as yet recorded in any history . cosmas bishop of our epiphania , † in the vicinage whereof runs the [ river ] orontes , and severianus [ bishop ] of arethusa a neighbouring city , being disturbed at severus's synodick letters , severed themselves from his communion , and sent a libell of deposition to him whilst he sate bishop of the city antioch . they deliver the libell to one aurelianus * arch-deacon of the church of epiphania . who , in regard he feared severus , and [ dreaded ] the grandeur of so great a bishoprick , after his arrivall at antioch , cloathed himself in the habit of a woman , and comes to severus , † jesting and playing the wanton , and by all ways imaginable seigning himself to be a woman . [ in fine , ] having let down the vail wherewith his head was covered , as far as his breasts he lamented , and by fetching deep sighs besought assistance ; and under the pretence of a supplicatory libell , delivers a deposition to severus then going forth . and without being taken notice of by any person , withdraws out of the croud which followed [ severus ; ] and by flying purchases his own safety , before severus knew what the contents of the libell were . but severus , notwithstanding he had received the libe● , and understood what was contained therein , nevertheless continued possest of his own see , untill the death of anastasius . further ; when anastasius was informed of what had hapned to severus , ( for , we must not omit the mentioning of an act of anastasius's , which was wholly made up of clemency and humanity : ) he orders asiaticus b who bore the command of the militia in phoenice libanensis , to eject cosmas and severianus out of their own sees , because they had sent a libell of deposition to severus . after asiaticus was arrived in the eastern parts , and found many persons defending the opinions of cosmas and severianus , and that their cities made a stout resistance in favour of their own bishops ; he gave anastasius an account , that those bishops were not to be driven out of their own sees without bloudshed . so much of clemency and humanity therefore was there in anastasius , that he wrote expresly to asiaticus , that he would in no wise c effect any thing , though never so great and splendid , if but a drop of bloud were to be spilt . in this posture therefore were the affairs of the churches over the whole world , * during the empire of anastasius . whom some persons judged to be an enemy to the chalcedon synod , and have expunged his name out of the sacred tables . but at jerusalem ▪ even whilst living , he was anathematized . chap. xxxv . concerning the destruction of the jsaurian tyrants . but , it will not be disagreeable to the promise we have made * before , if to this history we annex some other [ transactions ] worthy to be recorded , a which have hapned during the times of anastasius . longinus zeno's kinsman , being arrived in that [ country ] wherein he had been born , as hath been shown * before , † ingages in an open war against the emperour . and great forces having been raised on the one side and on the other , amongst which was conon , heretofore bishop at apamia [ a city ] of the province of the syrians , who , in regard he was an isaurian , bore arms under the isaurians ; at length the war was terminated [ in this manner . ] the isaurians who fought under longinus were all cut off to one man. but the heads of longinus and b theodorus were sent to the imperiall city by johannes scytha . which heads the emperour [ ordered to be ] fixt upon poles , [ carried about , ] and hung up in that [ suburb ] termed sycae situate over against constantinople : a gratefull spectacle to the byzantines , because of those mischiefes they had suffered from zeno and the isaurians . moreover , the other longinus , surnamed selinuntius , the chief supporter of that tyrannick faction , and together with him indes , are [ taken and ] sent alive to anastasius , by johannes surnamed gibbus . wherewith the emperour and the byzantines were highly pleased , in regard longinus and indes were in the manner of a triumph lead through the streets of the city , and thorow the cirque , [ carrying ] chains made of iron , which were put round their necks and about their hands . from that time those [ donatives ] heretofore termed c the isaurica began to be paid into the imperial treasury . now , that was [ a sum ] of gold , paid every year to the barbarians , amounting to the weight of fifty thousand pounds . chap. xxxvi . concerning the * saracens , that they made a peace with the romans . those barbarians also [ termed ] scenitae , not without damage to themselves , became petulant , and insulted over the roman empire ; and ruined the * province mesopotamia , a both the phoenice's , and palestine . but , having received a severe overthrow from the military commanders in each province , at last they were quiet , and by a generall consent that whole nation made a peace with the romans . chap. xxxvii . concerning the siege of amida , and the building of [ the city ] daras . moreover , the persians , then subject to their king cavades , broke the league [ with the romans ; ] and having left their native soyle , in the first place invaded armenia , and took the small town named theodosiopolis ; after which they marched to amida a well-fortified city of mesopotamia ; which they laid siege to and took . but the roman emperour by vast labour rebuilt it . but , if any one be desirous of having a particular knowledge of these matters , and would read an accurate narrative of all these transactions ; [ let him consult ] eustathius , who with much acuteness , great labour , and a singular elegancy , hath written an history [ of these affairs . ] which historian having brought down his history to these very times , departed this life , and left off writing at the twelfth year of anastasius's empire . after this war was ended , anastasius makes daras ( a place of mesopotamia , situate in the utmost confines of the roman * pale , and being the boundarie as it were of the roman and persian empire ; ) a city , from its being a field : which he fortified with a strong wall , and adorned with various and those splended buildings , to wit , churches and other sacred houses , and with royall porticus's , publick baths , and other [ works , ] of which the most eminent cities do [ usually ] boast . 't is said by some persons , that this place got the name of daras , because alexander the macedonian son to phillip , had totally vanquished darius there . chap. xxxviii . concerning the long wall. the same emperour perfected a vast work , worthy to be recorded , a which is usually termed the long wall , situate in a very convenient place of thracia . this wall is distant from constantinople about two hundred and eighty furlongs : it embraces both the seas , [ and runs out ] like a streight to the length of four hundred and twenty furlongs : it makes the [ imperiall ] city from being a * peninsula , almost an island , and affords a most convenient and safe passage to those who have a mind to sail from that place termed pontus to propontis and the thracian sea. it repells also those barbarians , who make excursions out of that termed the euxine sea , out of colchis , from the lake maeötis , and from the places about caucasus ; and likewise them , who are usually poured in , out of europe . chap. xxxix . concerning that [ tax ] termed the chrysargyrum , and how anastasius abolished it . moreover , the same emperour performed an eximious and plainly divine action , to wit , the perfect and intire * abolition of that [ tax ] termed † the chrysargyrum . concerning which thing we are now to speak , although it wants the tongue of a thucydides , or rather one of more eminency and eloquence , [ to give a narrative of it . ] however , i will declare the matter , not induced thereto by my eloquence , but confiding in [ the greatness of ] that action . upon the dominions of the romans , which were so great and so far diffused , was imposed a miserable tax , detestable to god , and misbecoming even the barbarians themselves , much less [ agreeable ] to the most christian empire of the romans . this tax , on what account neglected and tolerated i know not , continued till the times of anastasius , who by his imperial magnificence abolish't it . it was imposed both upon many others who got their maintenance from a charitable contribution , and also upon those women who sold the beauty of their bodies , upon * common whores likewise who prostituted themselves in baudy-houses which stood in the hidden and obscure places of the city ; moreover , upon * catamites , who affected not only nature it self , but the republick also , with ignominy . in so much that , this tax , instead of a law , made loud proclamation , that those who had a mind , might securely and with impunity commit such abominable leachery . further , that impious and detestable † profit arising from this tax , was every fourth year paid in to the a first and chiefest of the praefectures , by the collectours who gathered it in all places ; so that , it was not the smallest part of this praefecture , to have both its b proper * scrinia ( as they term them , ) and also c such officers as managed the accounts of this nature ; [ and these were ] not persons mean and obscure , who lookt upon this employ to be a † militia as well as the rest . which when anastasius understood , and had d referred it to the senate , and had likewise deservedly pronounced this thing to be a detestable impiety and a wickedness new and unheard-of ; he made a law wherein 't was declared that it should be wholly abolished , and he burnt those papers ‖ which contained a summary of this exaction . and , being resolved to make a perfect holocaust [ as it were ] of this tax to god , to the end that no one of his successours in the empire might in future again renew the old infamy [ of this exaction ; ] he feignes himself grieved and vexed ▪ e and accused himself of imprudence , and of the highest degree of madness , saying , that by attributing too much to vain-glory , he had neglected the utility of the republick , and had rashly and inconsiderately abolished so great a tax , which had been found out by his ancestours , and confirmed by so long a duration of time ; before he had duely weighed in his mind the imminent dangers , or the expence of the milice , ( which is the living wall of the government , ) or [ lastly ] those [ charges which are necessary ] to the service of god. without declaring therefore any of the thoughts of his mind , he signifies , that it was his intent to restore the forementioned tax . and having sent for those officers who had been employed in collecting that tax , he confest that he repented indeed of what he had done ; but knew not what course he could now take , or how he might correct his own mistake , in regard all the papers were burnt , which could have set forth a * notitia of this tax . these persons having , not feignedly , but in reality , lamented [ the abolition of ] this tax on account of that unjust gain which accrued to themselves therefrom , and pretending the like difficulty [ that the emperour did , in getting it restored : ] anastasius perswaded and entreated them , that they would proceed in all imaginable methods of making a search , whether or no the way of assessing and collecting this whole tax might be found out from those tables which lay in every place ; and having assigned a salary to each of them , he dispatcht them away to make a collection of those papers , giving order , that whatever paper might be of use in setting forth the notitia of this tax , whereever it were found , should be brought to himself ; to the end that , after much circumspection and the most exquisite accuracy imaginable , a notitia of this whole tax might be again composed . when therefore those persons , who were employed in this affair , had some time after made their return , anastasius seemed very chearfull and full of joy . and he did f really rejoyce , because he had obtained what he desired . he inquired therefore the manner , how , and with whom [ these papers ] had been found , and whether or no any one of this sort [ of monuments ] were left behind . but , when they had affirmed positively , that great pains had been taken by them in the collecting of these papers , and had sworn by the emperour himself , that no other paper could be found in the whole roman empire , which might set forth the notitia of this tax : [ the emperour ordered ] a great fire to be again made of those papers which had been brought , the ashes whereof he [ caused to be ] put into water ; it being his intent wholly to abolish this exaction : that so , neither the dust , nor the ashes , nor any the least remain of this thing , or of the burnt papers , might be left appearing . but , least whilst we so much extoll the * abolition of this tax , we should seem not to know , what , and how great matters have with partiality enough been related by the more ancient writers concerning this [ exaction ; ] come on , i will now produce even those passages also , and will demonstrate them to be false , and most especially , from those very things which they themselves have related . chap. xl. concerning what zosimus hath written in relation to the chrysargyrum , and about the emperour constantine . zosimus ( one of their number [ who have followed ] the execrable and abominable superstition of the † heathens , ) being highly incensed against constantine [ on this account , ] because he was the first emperour that embraced the christian religion , and relinquished the abominable superstition of the * graecians ; relates , that he was the first [ emperour , ] who invented that termed the chrysargyrum , and made a law , that such a tax as that should be brought in [ to the treasury ] every fourth year . [ the same zosimus ] has ‖ loaded that pious and magnificent emperour with infinite other [ calumnies . ] for , he says , that he contrived severall other altogether intollerable [ mischiefs ] against [ persons of ] all qualities and conditions , and , that he cruelly murdered his son crispus , and likewise killed his own wife fausta , whom he shut up [ and stifled ] in a bath which had been over-much heated . and , that when he had sought amongst his own priests for an expiation of such horrid and nefarious murders as these , and had found none : ( for they openly declared , that such black crimes as these could not be purged by sacrifice ) [ he adds ] that he accidentally met with an egyptian who had come out of iberia : and , that having received information from him , that the faith of the christians abolished all manner of sin , he embraced those things which the egyptian had imparted to him . and , that from that time he relinquished * the religion of his ancestours , and made a beginning of impiety , † as he terms it . now , that these things are notoriously false , i will demonstrate immediately : but , in the first place i must give a relation concerning the chrysargyrum . chap. xli . an invective against zosimus , on account of the reproaches and calumnies he has cast upon constantine and the christians . thou sayst therefore , ( o destructive and impure * daemon ! ) that constantine resolving to build a city equall to rome , at first attempted the erecting of such a great city in the mid way between troas and ilium ; and having laid the foundations and raised the wall to an heighth , afterwards he found byzantium to be a place more commodious , and so incompassed that with walls ; which old city he enlarged to such a degree , and adorned it with such † splendid buildings , that it seemed not much inferiour to rome which in so many years had by little and little arrived at that greatness . thou sayst further , that he distributed amongst the byzantine people ‖ the annona out of the publick stock , and gave a vast sum of gold to those who had removed together with him to byzantium , for the building of their own private houses . again , thou writest word for word thus ; after constantine's death , [ the supream management of ] affairs devolved only to his son constantius , [ to wit ] after the death of his two brothers . and when magnentius and vetranio had set up for tyrants , he attacked vetranio by perswasives . for , both their armies being come together , a constantius in the first place made a speech to the souldiers , and put them in mind of his fathers liberality , with whom they had waged many wars , and [ by whom ] they had been honoured with the greatest gratuities . which when the souldiers had heard , they divested vetranio of his purple , and drew him out of the tribunal [ clothed ] in a private habit . notwithstanding , [ thou doest affirm , ] that he underwent nothing of molestation from constantius , who together with his father hath by thee been loaded with so many calumnies . how therefore thou canst judge it agreeable [ to affirm ] the same person to have been so liberall , and so bountifull ; and yet so tenacious and sordid , as to have imposed such an execrable tax ; i am [ i must confess ] wholly ignorant . further , that he neither slew fausta nor crispus , nor , for that reason , received our mysteries from any egyptian ; hear the words of eusebius pamphilus , who flourished in the same times with constantine and crispus , and was frequently conversant with them . ( for , thou writest not even what thou hast received by report , much less the truth : in regard thou livedst a long time after , [ to wit , ] in the reign of arcadius and honorius ( to b whose times thou hast brought down thine history , ) or rather , after them . ) in the c eight book of his ecclesiastick history [ eusebius ] writes word for word thus : within some small intervall of time , the emperour constantius ( a person of extraordinary mildness throughout his whole life , most favourable to his subjects , and one that had a singular affection for the divine doctrine [ of our religion , ] ) ended his life according to the common sanction of nature , leaving his own son constantine , emperour and augustus in his stead . and , after some other words . constantine , son to this man , being immediately from that very time [ of his fathers death , ] proclaimed supream emperour and augustus by the souldiers , ( but long before that , by the supream god ) exhibited himself an emulatour of his fathers piety towards our religion . and , at the * close of his history , he expresses himself in these very words . but constantine the mighty conquerour , gloriously adorned with all the virtues of religion , ( together with his son crispus , a prince highly beloved of god , and in all things like his father , ) recovered his own east . doubtless eusebius ( who survived constantine , ) would never have so highly extolled crispus , if he had been murdered by his father . moreover , theodoret relates in † his history , that constantine at the very close of his life , was made partaker of salutary baptism at nicomedia ; and , that he defer'd it till that time , because he was desirous of being baptized in the river jordan . thou sayst moreover , ( most execrable and impurest of mortalls ! ) that the ‖ roman empire , from such time as the christian religion shewed it self , hath decayed , and been utterly destroyed ; [ which thou affirmest , ] either because thou hast read nothing of what hath hapned in ancient times , or else with a designed malice to attack the truth . for , the contrary is manifestly apparent , to wit , that the roman empire hath increased together with our faith. consider therefore , how about the very [ time of the ] advent of christ our god amongst men , d most of [ the cities of ] the macedonians were ruined by the romans : albania also and iberia , the colchi and arabians , were made subjects to the romans . [ consider likewise , ] how caius caesar , on the hundredth e eighty second olympiad , in great fights subdued the galli , germani , and britanni , ( which nations inhabited five hundred cities ▪ ) and annexed them to the roman empire ; as it has been recorded by historians . this is the caesar , who after the consuls , was the first monarch of the roman empire ; who made a way out of * polytheism and † democracy , and introduced a praevious veneration of a monarchy , on account of that just ready to come , the monarchy of christ. immediately , all judaea , and the neighbouring countries , were annext [ to the roman empire : ] in so much that , the * first inrollment was then made , in which christ also together with others was enrolled , to the end that bethlehem might publickly declare the completion of that prophecie [ which had been uttered ] concerning it self . for it hath been predicted by the prophet micah concerning it in this manner : ‖ and thou bethlehem in the land of juda , art not the least amongst the princes of juda : for out of thee shall come forth to me a governour , who shall * rule my people israel . and f after the nativity of christ our god , egypt was added to the roman empire , augustus caesar , under whom christ was born , having totally subdued antonius and cleopatra who killed themselves . after which persons , cornelius gallus is constituted praefect of egypt by augustus caesar ; and he was the first who governed egypt after the ptolemies , as it has been recorded by historiographers . further , how many [ countries ] have been taken away from the persians , by ventidius , and by corbulo , nero's * dux ; by g trajan also , severus , and carus ; by cassius likewise , odaenathus of palmyra , h apollonius , and others : how often have [ the cities ] seleucia and ctesiphon been taken ; as likewise nisibis , ( which sometimes passed into the hands of the romans , at others , into those of the persians ; ) [ lastly , ] that armenia , and the adjacent nations , have been annexed to the roman empire , thou thy self , together with other writers , dost relate . but i had almost omitted those things which thou writest were done by constantine , who together with his professing of our religion , valiantly and with great courage governed the roman empire : and what thy julian suffered , a partaker of the same mysteries with thy self , who left such deep wounds upon the roman state. but , whether any thing of what hath been predicted concerning the end of the world , hath either received a * prelude , or shall obtain an end , is of an higher dispensation than thou canst conceive . but , if thou pleasest , let us make inquiry , in what manner those emperours who asserted the superstition of the gentiles , and how they who had a value for the christian religion , concluded their [ lives and ] reigns . was not caius julius caesar , the first monarch of the roman empire , murdered by treachery , and so ended his life ? did not some souldiers with their swords kill the other caius who was * nephew to tiberius ? was not nero murdered by one of his domesticks ? did nor galba undergoe the same fate ? otho , and vitellius also ; which three emperours reigned only sixteen months . did not domitian ( who was his brother , ) destroy the emperour titus by poison ? was not domitian himself in a miserable manner removed out of this world by stephanus ? what wilt thou say concerning commodus , did not he end his life by [ the violent hands of ] narcissus ? pertinax also , and julian , underwent they not the same fate ? did not antoninus son to severus , murther his brother geta , and was not he himself afterwards taken off in the same manner by martialis ? what [ of ] macrinus also , was not he carried up and down like a captive about byzantium , and nefariously murdered by his own souldiers ? aurelius antoninus likewise , born at the city emesa , was not he slain together with his mother ? and alexander his successour in the empire , fell not he together with his mother by * the like fact ? what shall we say concerning maximinus , was not he destroyed by his own souldiers ? what concerning gordianus , who by philippus's treacheries [ was murdered ] by his own souldiers , and ended his days ? now , doe thou tell me , was not philippus and his successour decius slain by their enemies ? gallus and likewise volusianus , were they not thrust out of their lives by their own forces ? aemilianus also , fell not he in the same manner ? valerianus , was not he taken prisoner , and carried up and down by the persians ? [ in fine , ] after gallienus had been treacherously murdered , and carinus slain , the [ supream management of ] affairs came to diocletianus , and those whom he took in to be colleagues in the empire with himself . of whom , maximianus herculius , and his son maxentius , as likewise licinius , were utterly destroyed . but , from such time as the most celebrated constantine entred upon the empire , and dedicated to christ a city built by himself , which bore his own name ; look about earnestly [ and see , ] whether any of those who reigned in that city , excepting only julian thy pontif and emperour , have been slain either by their own citizens , or by their enemies ; or whether any tyrant hath ever vanquished an emperour , save only basiliscus who drove out zeno : notwithstanding , he was afterwards routed by the same zeno , and ended his life . i assent also to what thou writest concerning valens ; [ because ] he was the occasioner of such and so vexatious mischiefs against the christians . for , concerning any other emperour [ besides these , . ] even thou thy self canst not say it . let no person account these things to be forreign to our ecclesiastick history ; but rather [ look upon them as ] most usefull and † accommodate ; in regard the historiographers amongst the heathens do designedly attempt to cloud the accurate knowledge of transactions . but let us return to the remaining actions of anastasius . chap. xlii . concerning * the chrysotelia . the actions we have already mentioned , were egregiously performed by anastasius in a manner besitting the imperial majesty . but the same emperour did some things in no wise answerable to those [ we have related . ] for he invented that termed a the chrysotelia , and b rated the expence of the militia at a very high value , to the great dammage c of the provincials . besides , d he took away the exaction of the tributes from the courts [ of the cities , ] and instituted those termed e the vindices in every city , f by the inducement ( as 't is said , ) of marinus the syrian , who administred the supreamest dignity , that [ grand officer who bore that place ] the ancients termed the praefectus praetorio . whence it hapned , that the tributes were both extreamly lessened , and the beauty also of the cities decayed . for anciently , the noblest personages were enrolled in the albs [ or , registers ] of [ all ] cities , and each city had and appointed those [ persons who were registred ] in * the curia , instead of a certain senate . chap. xliii . concerning the tyranny of vitalianus . [ further , ] vitalianus by extract a thracian , makes an insurrection against anastasius . having laid waste thracia and * mysia a as far as [ the cities ] odessus and anchialus , he hastned to the imperial city , at the head of a [ vast , but ] inconsiderate multitude of the nations of the hunni . against whom the emperour sent hypatius . who having been betrayed by his own [ forces , ] and taken alive by the enemy , was afterwards redeemed with a vast ransome ; and cyrillus undertakes the mannagement of that whole war. and in the first place , a doubtfull engagement hapned . then , after [ the fight ] had received many * turns , as well in pur●●its , as retreats ▪ and cyrillus had had the better ; [ on a sudden ] b the enemy began to fall on again , the [ roman ] souldiers having voluntarily given ground and turned their backs . and , in this manner vitalianus took cyrillus † in the [ city ] odessus : and after he had ruined all places with fire and sword , he made his march as far as that place called sycae ; having no other thoughts in his mind , than of taking the imperial city it self , and of being put into possession of the empire . but when vitalianus had encamped in sycae , marinus the syrian , of whom we have made mention before , is sent by the emperour , to engage him with a * marine army . both † fleets therefore stood opposed to each other , the one having sycae a stern , the other constantinople . and at first [ by compact as 't were ] they forbore engaging . then , after some excursions of the ships , and ‖ skirmishes on both sides , a sharp sea-fight was begun between the two fleets , about those places termed bytharia ; and vitalianus having tack't about , flies with all the sail he could make ▪ after he had lost most of his forces ▪ they also who were about him , sailed off with all imaginable hast ; in so much that on the day following , not one of the enemy was to be found about c anaplus , or at the imperial city it self . 't is moreover said , that [ after this , ] vitalianus spent some time at anchialus , and kept himself quiet . further , another nation of the hunni d having past the caspian streights , made an incursion [ into the roman provinces . ] at those very same times also , rhodus * was shaken by a most violent earthquake , in the dead of the night ; which was the third calamity it had suffered of that nature . chap. xliv . that anastasius being desirous to add these words , who hast been crucified on our account , to the hymn [ termed ] * the trisagium , a sedition and disturbance hapned amongst the people . which [ anastasius ] fearing , † made use of dissimulation , and soon altered the minds of the people . and concerning the death of anastasius . but at constantinople , when the emperour was desirous of making an addition of these words , who hast been crucified on our account , to [ the hymn termed ] the trisagium ; a most violent sedition hapned , as if the christian religion had been totally * subverted . macedonius and the constantinopolitane clergy were the authours and abettours of this sedition , as severus affirms in his epistle to a soterichus . which [ epistle ] he wrote before he had obtained the episcopall throne , whilst he resided b at the imperial city , to wit , at that time c when he , together with others , had been ejected out of his own monastery , as i have * related already . on account of these calumnies , besides other reasons † already mentioned , i am of opinion that macedonius was ejected [ out of his see. ] from this occasion the populacy was enraged , and in regard they were not any longer to be withheld , many personages of the nobility were reduced to the greatest of dangers , and severall of the eminentest places [ of the city ] were burnt down . and when the people had found a certain country-fellow ( who lead a monastick course of life , ) in the house of marinus the syrian , they cut off his head ; affirming that by this mans motives and perswasions that expression had been added [ to the hymn . ] they also put his head upon a pole , [ carried it about , ] and in a deriding manner exclaimed , that he was the enemy of the trinity . [ further , ] the sedition increased so vastly , ruining all things , and being superiour to all * opposition , that the emperour , † compelled by necessity , went to the cirque without his crown , and sent the criers to the people , to make proclamation , that with all imaginable readiness he would resigne his empire : but , that it was a perfect impossibility for all of them to obtain the empire , which cannot endure many colleagues ; and , that there was of necessity to be one , who might govern the empire after him . which when the people perceived , by a certain divine impulse as it were they altered their mindes , and besought anastasius to put his crown upon his head , and promised to be calm and quiet [ in future . ] when anastasius had survived these disturbances d some small intervall of time , he departed to another life , having governed the empire of the romans , seven and twenty years , three months , and as many days . the end of the third book of evagrius's ecclesiastical history . the fourth book of the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis , and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . chap. i. concerning the empire of * justinus senior . anastasius therefore being ( as i have said , ) translated to a better allotment , justinus , by extract a thracian , vests himself with the purple robe , on the ninth day of the month panemus , which amongst the romans is termed july , in the five hundredth sixty sixth year of antioch's being styled a free city : he was declared [ emperour ] by the imperial guards , of whom also he was commander , having been made a master of the offices at court. he obtained the imperial dignity beyond all expectation , in regard there were many of anastasius's relations , who were eminent personages , had arrived at the greatest fortunateness imaginable , and who had procured to themselves all that power which might have invested them * with the imperial dignity . chap. ii. concerning the eunuch amantius , and theocritus , and in what manner justinus put these persons to death . moreover , there was [ at that time ] one amantius the chief person of the imperial bed-chamber , a man of great power [ and interest . ] who , in regard 't was unlawfull for a man deprived of his genitalls [ as he was , ] to be possest of the roman empire , was desirous of encircling theocritus , a great confident of his , with the imperial crown . having therefore caused justinus to be sent for , he gave him vast quantities of money , ordering him to distribute it amongst those who were most fit to effect this thing , and who might be able to invest theocritus with the purple robe . but justinus having with this money purchased , either [ the suffrages of ] the people , or else the benevolence of those termed the guards , ( for 't is reported both ways ; ) invested himself with the imperial dignity . forthwith therefore he * takes off amantius and theocritus , together with some other persons . chap. iii. in what manner justinus slew vitalianus by treachery . but , he calls vitalianus [ then ] a making [ his residence ] in thracia , ( who had attempted to divest anastasius of the empire , ) to constantinople : being afraid of his power , of his skill in relation to military affairs , of the greatness of his fame then [ spread ] amongst all men , and of the desire he had to obtain the empire . but perceiving by a sagacious foresight , that he could on no other terms bring vitalianus within his own power , unless he should feign himself his friend ; and having [ for that reason ] mask't his face with a fraud not to be detected , he constitutes him master of b one [ of those armies ] termed the present militia . after this , he gave a greater * occasion of perswasion , whereby vitalianus might more deeply be imposed upon , and promotes him to the consulate . c vitalianus therefore being made consul , after he was arrived at the imperial pallace , ended his life by being treacherously murdered d at one of the inner gates ; e paying this punishment for those high contumelies wherewith he had affected the roman empire . but these things hapned afterwards . chap. iv. how [ justinus ] having ejected severus , put paulus into his place : and , that some little time after , euphrasius obtained the see of antioch . but severus , who had been ordained bishop of antioch , agreeable to what we have * already related , ( in regard he ceased not a daily to anathematize the synod at chalcedon , especially in those they term b the installing letters , and in the answers thereto , which he sent to the patriarchs in all places ; ( but they were embraced and admitted of at alexandria only , by johannes successour to the former johannes , and by dioscorus and also c timotheus , which letters are preserved till these times of ours ; ) and because many contentions in the church arose therefrom , and the most faithfull people were divided into factions ; this severus [ i say ] ) is by justinus's order seized in the d first year of his empire , and underwent the punishment of having his tongue cut out , as it has been reported by some persons . the executing of which punishment was committed to irenaeus , e who being then comes of the east , resided at antioch . 't is certain , severus himself ( in his letter to some of the antiochians , wherein he relates the manner of his own flight ; ) does aver , that irenaeus had been ordered to apprehend * him . in which letters , he loads irenaeus with the greatest calumnies , f because he had placed the watchfullest guard imaginable about him , that he might not make his escape out of antioch . there are those who affirm , that vitalianus , who as yet seemed to hold the chiefest place of favour and authority with justinus , requested severus's tongue , because severus in his own sermons had been injurious towards him . severus therefore flies from his own see [ the chair of antioch , ] in the month gorpiaeus , which in the roman tongue is termed september , on the five hundredth sixty seventh year of antioch's being styled a free city . after whom paulus ascends that [ episcopal ] chair , and g is ordered publickly to commend and assert the chalcedon synod . moreover , paulus having h voluntarily withdrawn himself from antioch , finished his life , and goes the [ common ] way of all men . after him , euphrasius , who [ came ] from jerusalem , is preferred to his chair . chap. v. concerning the fires which hapned at antioch , and the earthquakes ; wherein euphrasius was buried , and ended his life . about these same times of justinus , frequent and dreadfull fires hapned at antioch , which lead the way as 't were to those most terrible earthquakes that followed afterwards , and gave beginning to the ensuing calamities . for , after some short time , in the seventh year of justinus's reign , a on [ his ] tenth month , in the month artemisius , or may , on the twenty ninth day thereof , at the very hottest time of noon-day , on the sixth day of that termed the week , a shaking and quaking of the earth invaded the city , which almost wholly overturned and ruined it . after th●se [ tremblings and quakings of the earth ] followed a fire , sharing as it were the calamity with them . for , those places which these [ shakings and quakings of the earth ] afflicted not , the fire spreading it self all about , reduced to embers and ashes ▪ further , what places of the city were ruined , how many persons perished in the fire and by the earthquakes , ( as 't is probably supposed ; ) also , what wonderfull and [ almost ] inexpressible accidents hapned ; johannes the rhetorician has most pathetically related , with the narrative whereof he hath closed his history . lastly , euphrasius himself also , having been inclosed within those ruines , b ended his life ; [ which accident brought ] another calamity upon that city , in regard no person was left alive , who might provide such things as were necessary . chap. vi. concerning ephraemius who succeeded euphrasius . but the salutary providence of god over men , which [ usually ] provides the remedy before the blow , and sharpens the sword of its anger with clemency , which in the very interim that affairs are in a deplorable and desperate posture , displays its own compassion ▪ excited ephraemius a then comes of the east , to take all possible care , that the city might want nothing of those things that were necessary . which person the inhabitants of antioch admired on this very account , and chose him their bishop . ephraemius therefore obtains the apostolick chair , which was allotted to him as the reward and recompence as 't were of such his providence [ towards that city . ] thirty months after this , antioch was again afflicted with earthquakes : b at which time also it [ changed its name , and ] was called theopolis ; and the emperour made provision for it by all other care and diligence whatever . chap. vii . concerning zosimas and johannes who were workers of miracles . but , in regard we have mentioned the foresaid calamities , come on , we will also insert some other passages , worthy to be remembred , into this our present work ; which passages were brought to our knowledge by those who saw them . there [ was ] one zosimas , a person who exercised himself in a monastick life , by extract a phoenician , of that phoenice termed maritima ; the place of his nativity was sinde , a village distant from tyre not full out twenty furlongs . this man ▪ by his abstinence from and use of meats , and by other virtues of his life , had in such a manner * possest himself of god , that he could not only foresee things future , but had also received [ from god ] the gift of † being free from all manner of perturbation of mind . being therefore [ one time ] in the city caesarea , which is the metropolis of one of the palestines , at the house of a a personage of eminency ; ( his name was arcesilaus , a person nobly descended and learned , and one who had arrived at honours and those other [ accomplishments ] which adorn the life of a man : ) at that very instant of time wherein antioch was ruined [ by the earthquake , ] this zosimas all on a sudden grew sad , mourned and sighed deeply , and shed so great a quantity of tears that he wetted the earth . he also asked for a censer , and having burnt incense all over that place where they stood , he prostrates himself on the ground , in order to his appeasing god with prayers and supplications . then arcesilaus asking him , what that was which troubled him so much , he answered in express words , that the noise of the ruine of antioch just then rang in his ears . in so much that arcesilaus and those then present , being stricken with an amazement , wrote down the hour , and found afterwards , that it had so hapned as zosimas had declared . severall other wonders were wrought by this person ; the multitude whereof i will omit , in regard they are even more in number than can be told ; and will mention only some of them . there flourished at the same time with this zosimas , a man by name johannes , for virtues like to him ; who had exercised a monastick and * immateriall life in the laura b chuziba , ( which is scituate in the extremity of the valley , at the northern part of the highway that leads passengers from jerusalem to the city jericho ; ) c but had been made bishop of the forementioned city caesarea . this johannes the chuzibite , in regard he had heard that the wife of the forementioned arcesilaus had beat out one of her eyes with a weavers shuttle , ran to her in great hast , to make an inspection into the wound . but when he had seen it , and [ perceived ] that the pupill was faln out , and the whole eye perfectly run out , he orders one of the phisitians who had * come thither , to bring a sponge , and to put the eye which was faln out into its place again as well as he could , and to put the sponge about it and bind it with † swathells of linnen . arcesilaus , was not then present . for ●e hapned to be at that time with zosimas , in his monastery , which was scituate in the village of the sindeni , distant from caesarea about five hundred furlongs . messengers therefore ran in great hast to arcesilaus , to acquaint him with what had hapned . arcesilaus was sitting near to zosimas holding a conference with him . as soon as he understood [ the misfortune that had befaln his wife , ] he wept bitterly , pluckt off and tore his hair , and threw it into the air . when zosimas enquired the reason hereof , arcesilaus gave him an account of what had hapned , but made frequent interruptions in his relation by sighs and tears . zosimas therefore having left him , retired alone by himself into a certain little * room , where he was wont to converse with god , as 't is the usage of such persons . after some little time he came out , lookt chearfully , and with a modest and grave smile † stroakt arcesilaus's hand softly , go , says he , go away with joy : grace is given to the chuzibite . your wife is cured ; she has both her eyes ; that accident could deprive her of nothing , in regard it so pleased the chuzibite . and so it hapned , these two righteous persons having at one and the same time wrought a miracle . this same zosimas going one time to caesarea , and leading an ass after him whereon he had laid some things that were needfull to him , meets a lyon , who having seized upon the ass , went his way . zosimas followed the lyon over the wood , till such time as he had filled his belly with the asse's flesh . after which zosimas laugh't , and speaks [ these words ] to the lyon ; but friend [ says he ] my journey is stopt , for i am a man d gross and fat , and of a very great age ; nor am i able to carry that burthen on my back which was laid upon the ass. if therefore you have a mind that zosimas should remove from hence , you must necessarily carry my burthen , [ though this be a thing ] contrary to the law of your nature ; and [ after that ] you shall be a wild beast again . the lyon wholly forgetting his rage , began to fawn , in a most gentle manner e ran immediately to zosimas , and by his gesture * shewed his obedience . zosimas therefore having laid the asses burden on him , lead him as far as the gates of caesarea ; demonstrating hereby the power of god , and how all things serve and obey us men , when we live to god , and do not adulterate that grace which is given to us . but , least i should lengthen my history by [ relating ] more [ such passages as these , ] i will return to that place from whence i have made a digression . chap. viii . concerning the universall calamities . during the same justinus's governing the [ roman ] empire , that [ city ] now named dyrrachium ( which was anciently called epidamnus , ) was ruined by an earthquake . as was likewise corinthus , scituate in achaia . anazarbus also , the metropolis of the second cilicia , [ suffered ] a fourth calamity of this sort . which cities justinus rebuilt by the expence of a vast sum of money . in these very same times also , edessa a city of the osröeni , which was vastly great and rich , was drowned by the waters of the torrent of the scirtus which runs hard by it ; in so much that most of the houses were beaten down , and an innumerable multitude of men destroyed , whom the water carried away . edessa and anazarbus had their [ ancient ] names changed by justinus ; for both those cities were adorned with * his own name . chap. ix . how justinus whilst he was yet living , took justinianus to be his colleague in the empire . the same justinus having passed the eighth year of his empire , a and also nine months and three days [ of his ninth year , ] justinianus his sisters son is made his colleague in the empire , being proclaimed on the first [ day of the month ] xanthicus , or aprill , in the five hundredth seventy fifth year of antioch's being stiled a free city . and when these affairs had proceeded in this manner , justinus removes from his empire here [ on earth , ] * having ended his life on the first day of löus , or the month august , when he had reigned four months with justinianus , and had b held the empire [ as well alone , as with a colleague ] nine compleat years [ c one month , ] and three days . [ further , ] when justinianus was invested with the sole government of the whole roman empire , and the synod at chalcedon had been asserted over all the most holy churches , by the order of justinus , as i have related ; the affairs of the ecclesiastick constitution were as yet disturbed in some provinces ; and especially at the imperial city , and at alexandria : anthimus then governing the bishoprick of constantinople , and theodosius presiding over the church at alexandria . for both [ these prelates ] asserted one nature [ in christ. ] chap. x. that justinianus favoured those who embraced the chalcedon synod . but [ his wife ] theodora was a lover of the contrary party . justinianus indeed couragiously defended the [ fathers ] which had been convened at chalcedon , and the expositions they had made . but his wife theodora [ favoured ] them who asserted one nature : a whether it were because they themselves really thought so : ( for when the subject of the debate is concerning the faith , fathers differ from their children , and children from their parents , the wife [ disagrees ] with her own husband , and again the husband with his own wife : ) or whether it had been so agreed upon between themselves b out of a politick design , that the emperour should defend those who asserted two natures in christ our god after the union : but the empress , them who maintained [ there was but ] one nature . nevertheless , neither of them yielded to the other . but justinian pertinaciously adhered to what had been agreed on at chalcedon : and theodora , addicted to the contrary party , made all imaginable provision for those who asserted one nature . and she every way cherished c our country-men ; but she favoured forreigners with vast presents of money . [ in fine , ] she perswades justinian to cause severus to be sent for [ to constantinople . ] chap. xi . how severus perverted anthimus [ bishop ] of constantinople , and theodosius [ bishop ] of alexandria : which prelates the emperour ejected , and put others [ into their sees . ] severus's letters , both to justinianus , and also to theodora , are still extant : from which it may be collected , that severus , after his relinquishing the chair of antioch , at first deferred his journey to the imperial city ; but , that afterwards he went thither . he writes also [ in the same letters , ] that when he was come to constantinople , he discoursed with anthimus , and finding that he embraced the same sentiments with himself , and [ maintained the same ] opinion in relation to god ; he perswaded him to relinquish his [ episcopal chair . ] he wrote also concerning the same matters to theodosius who was bishop of the city alexandria : in which [ letters ] he boasts , that he had perswaded anthimus himself , as hath been said , to give such opinions as these the preference before earthly glory , and his own [ episcopal ] chair . anthimus's letters to theodosius concerning these matters are also extant , as likewise theodosius's to severus and anthimus ; which letters i omit , ( leaving them to those who are desirous of reading them , ) least i should heap together an immense multitude [ of transactions ] a within this present book . but , both these [ * prelates , ] in regard they proceeded contrary to the emperour's commands , and would not embrace what had been agreed on at chalcedon , were expelled from their own sees . and b zoilus succeeds in the chair of alexandria : but in that of the imperial city , c epiphanius : d so that , in all the churches from hence forward , the chalcedon synod was publickly e preacht up and asserted , and no body dared to anathematize it : but those persons who would not embrace these sentiments , were by innumerable ways compelled to give their consent thereto . a f constitution therefore was written by justinianus , wherein he hath anathematized severus and anthimus with others , and has made obnoxious to most sore punishments those who assert their opinions . from that time therefore , nothing of dissention remained in the churches over the whole world : but the patriarchs of each dioecesis agreed one with another , and the bishops of the cities followed their own g exarchs : and the four synods were preach't up in the churches ; the first whereof was that at nicaea , then , that at constantinople , the third [ was ] the former synod at ephesus , and the fourth that at chalcedon . moreover , there was a fifth synod convened by the order of justinianus : concerning which i shall speak what is fit and accommodate in its due place . in the interim , i will interweave into this present history those affairs which were transacted one after the other in these very times , and which deserved to be recorded . chap. xii . out of the history of procopius caesariensis , concerning cavades king of the persians , and his son chosröes . procopius the rhetorician has written the affairs transacted by belisarius : [ and he declares , ] that cavades king of the persians , desirous to invest chosröes being the younger of his other sons , with the kingdom , a considered how he might procure his son chosröes to be adopted by the emperour of the romans ; to the end that by this means the kingdom might be most firmly secured to him . in regard therefore * he mist of this his design ; by the inducement of proclus who sate quaestor to [ the emperour ] justinian , the feud against the romans was increased . further , the same procopius with much exqu siteness and great elegance hath set forth the actions of belisarius master of the eastern milice , at such time as the romans and persians were at war one with another . he relates the first victory therefore of the romans about the places daras and nisibis , when belisarias and hermogenes commanded the roman army . to which he subjoyns also what hapned in the country of the armenians , and with how great [ mischiefs ] alamundarus commander of those barbarians [ termed ] * scenitae , infested the roman provinces . which alamundarus took timostratus , brother to rufinus , alive , together with the souldiers † under his command ; and afterwards delivered him up [ when ransomed ] with a vast sum of money . chap. xiii . concerning alamundarus and azarethus ; and concerning that sedition at constantinople , which had the name nica given it . [ the same authour ] * most passionately describes the incursion of the fore mentioned alamundarus and azarethus into the † roman pale ; and how belisarius , forced thereto by his own army , made an attaque upon those barbarians in their return to their own country , near the banks of the euphrates , the festivall of easter then approaching ; and how the roman army was ruined , by their refusing to obey the advices of belisarius : and lastly , how rufinus and hermogenes made that peace with the persians called * the interminate peace . to which † he subjoyns the popular sedition that hapned at byzantium , whereto the ‖ word of the people gave a name . for they gave it the appellation of nica , [ because ] the populacy being assembled together had given one another this † word , in order to their distinguishing one another . in that [ sedition , ] hypatius and pompeius were by the populacy forced to set up for tyrants . but the heads of them both by justinian's command were cut off by the souldiers , and drowned in the sea ; the people having been soon quelled . moreover , procopius affirms , that thirty thousand men perished * in this tumult . chap. xiv . concerning * hunericus king of the vandalls , and concerning those christians whose tongues were cut out by him . the same procopius , in his book wherein he has related the affairs of the vandalls , gives a narrative of † strange things , and which deserve for ever to be kept in memory by men ; which matters i come now to relate . hunericus who succeded gisericus in the kingdom , in regard he embraced [ the tenets ] of arius , behaved himself most barbarously towards those christians in africa ; forcing them who asserted the orthodox opinions to [ retract and ] turn to the opinion of the arians . and if any refused to obey his commands , he destroyed them by fire , and infinite other sorts of death . but he ordered the tongues of some of them to be cut out . procopius affirms , that he himself a saw these persons when they were at constantinople , to which city they had fled ; and that he conferred with them [ and heard them ] speak in such a manner as if they had suffered no such thing : and [ he says , ] that their tongues indeed were cut out from the very root : but , that they had an articulate voice , and spake distinctly : [ which thing was ] a wonder new and unusuall . the constitution of * justinian mentions these persons also . two of whom lapsed , as the same procopius relates . for in regard they would † converse with women , they were deprived of their voice , and the grace of martyrdom continued not any longer with them . chap. xv. concerning cabaones the moor. moreover , [ procopius ] a relates another admirable passage , which was wonderfully effected by god [ our ] saviour , amongst men who were strangers indeed to our religion , but who behaved themselves piously and holily at that time . he says , that cabaones was king of those moors about tripoly . this cabaones , says he , ( for i think fit to make use of procopius's own words , who has elegantly related these matters , as well as others ; ) having received information , that the vandalls would undertake an expedition against him , behaved himself in this manner . in the first place he ordered his subjects , to abstain from all manner of injustice , and * from dainty and delicious dishes , but most especially from the † company of women . then , he pitcht two camps , in the one he himself encamped , together with all the men : but within the other he shut up the women ; and threatned he would inflict a punishment of death upon any one that should go into the womens entrenchment . after this , he sent ‖ spies to carthage , to whom he gave these orders : that if the vandalls , when on their expedition , should * defile any oratory † wherein the christians worshipped , they should make an inspection into what was done . but , when the vandalls were removed from that place , [ he enjoyned them ] to do all things that were the quite contrary , to that church out of which the vandalls had made their removall , and were gone . 't is reported that ‖ he said this also , that he was indeed ignorant of that god whom the christians worshipped : but 't is probable , says he , if he be a strong and powerfull [ god , ] as he is said to be , that he will be revenged on those who injure [ his deity , ] and will defend his worshippers . the spies therefore , when they were arrived at carthage , continued there , and * veiwed the preparation of the vandalls . but when their army had begun their expedition towards tripoly , † they put themselves into a mean garb , and followed them . the vandalls on the very first day [ of their march ] made stables of the christians oratories , into which they brought their horses , and their other beasts ; omitting the performing no sort of contumely whatever : also they themselves practised * their usuall unruliness , cuff't those christian ‖ ministers whom they could take , tore their backs with many stripes , and commanded them to wait on them . but , cabaones's spies , as soon as ever the vandalls had removed from those places , performed what they had been ordered to do . for they cleansed the churches immediately , with great care carried away the dung and whatever else had been irreligiously put therein , lighted all the candles , paid the highest reverence imaginable to the * ministers , and were indulgent to them in all other instances of kindness and beneficence . then , they distributed money amongst the indigent , who sate about those sacred houses ; in this manner they followed the army of the vandalls . and the vandalls from this very time throughout their whole expedition committed such impious facts as these : but the spies made it their business to apply remedies thereto . but when the vandalls drew near [ towards the moors ] the spies hastned and told cabaones , as well what the vandalls , as what they themselves had done to the churches of the christians , and [ informed him ] that the enemy approacht . cabaones hearing this , put his army into a posture fit to ingage . most of the vandalls , as 't is said , were destroyed : many of them were taken by the moors , and very few of that army returned to their own homes . this overthrow thrasamundus suffered from the moors : and not long after this he ended his life , when he had reigned seven and twenty years over the vandalls . chap. xvi . concerning belisarius's expedition against the vandalls , and their totall overthrow . the same procopius relates , that justinian ( in compassion to those christians who suffered grievously there , ) declared [ he would undertake ] an expedition [ into africa ; ] but by the suggestions of johannes the praefectus pr●torio , he was diverted from that design . yet , he was afterwards admonished in a a dream , not to desist from that invasion . for [ he was told , ] that in case he would give the christians assistance , he should ruine * the kingdom of the vandalls . incouraged by this dream , b having passed the seventh year of his reign , he sends belisarius to the carthaginian war , about the summer solstice : after the * praetorian ship had been brought to that shore which is before the pallace , and epiphanius bishop of the [ imperial ] city had made such prayers as were fit and agreeable , and had put aboard the praetorian ship some of those souldiers , whom he had baptized a little before . the same authour likewise has given a narrative of some passages concerning the martyr cyprianus , which deserve [ to be inserted into this ] history : his express words are these . all the carthaginians have an high veneration for that holy person cyprianus , and [ in honour ] of him have erected a most magnificent church * without that city , near the sea-shore , and besides other religious respects [ by them paid to him , ] they also celebrate an anniversary festivall , which they term cypriana ; and hence the mariners are wont to call that storm ( which i have even now mentioned , ) by the same name with this festivall , because it usually rages at that very time , whereon the africans are accustomed perpetually to celebrate that festivall . in the reign of hunericus , the vandalls took this church from the christians by force , drove the priests out thence with great ignominy , and afterwards * altered it , in regard it was come into the possession of the arians . the africans being vexed and highly displeased on account hereof , they say that cyprianus appeared and visited [ them ] frequently in [ their ] sleep , [ and said to some of them , ] that the christians ought in no wise to be sollicitous about him : for , that he himself in process of time would be his own revenger . which prediction was compleated in the times of belisarius ; when carthage by the commander belisarius was reduced to a subjection to the romans , c after the ninty fifth year of its being lost : when also the vandalls were totally vanquished , the heresie of the arians was prefectly driven out of africa , and the christians recovered their own churches , according to the martyr cyprianus's prediction . chap. xvii . concerning the spoyls which were brought out of africa . the same procopius hath recorded this passage . when belisarius ( says he ) having vanquished the vandalls , was returned to constantinople , bringing along with him the spoyls , the prisoners of war , and gelimeres himself king of the vandalls ; a triumph was granted him , [ at which time ] he lead through the cirque all things that were worthy of admiration . amongst which there was a vast treasure ; for gizerichus had heretofore plundered the pallace at rome , ( as has before been related by me ; ) at such time as eudoxia wife to valentinian emperour of the western romans , ( having both lost her husband by maximus's means , and also been injured as to her chastity , ) had sent for gizerichus , promising she would betray the city t●●im . at which time [ gizerichus ] burnt ro●● , and carried away eudoxia with her two daughters into the country of the vandalls . when also , together with other treasures , he made plunder of what ever titus son to vespasian had brought to rome , after his conquest of jerusalem ; to wit , solomon's gifts , which he had dedicated to god. which gifts justinian sent to jerusalem again , in honour to christ our god ; whereby he exhibited a due honour to god , to whom they had been before dedicated . procopius says also , that gelimeres , lying then prostrate on the ground in the cirque , over against the emperours throne whereon justinian sate and beheld what was done , uttered this divine oracle in his own country language , vanity of vanities , all is vanity . chap. xviii . concerning those phoenicians who fled from the face of jesus the son of nave . moreover , [ the same procopius ] relates another thing , never mentioned by any authour before him , which is most admirable , * and transcends almost all belief . he relates therefore , that the moors , a nation of the africans , removed out of palestine , and took up their habitation in africa : and , that they are those [ people ] whom the sacred scriptures do mention [ by the names of ] gergeshites and jebusites , and those other nations who were vanquished by jesus the son of nave . and he supposes this thing to be ‖ unquestionably true , from a certain inscription cut in phoenician letters , which he affirms that he himself read . this [ inscription he says , ] is to be seen near a fountain , where two columns of white marble are erected , on which these words are cut : we are they who flie from the face of that thief jesus the son of nave . and this was the conclusion of these transactions ; africa was again reduced to a subjection to the romans , and paid in the annuall tributes , as it had usually done before . 't is moreover reported , that justinian repaired an hundred and fifty cities in africa , ( some whereof were wholly ruined , and others , as to their greatest part ) and , that he made them most transcendently more magnificent than they had been before , [ beautifying them ] with an eximious splendidness , with ornaments , and with structures as well private as publick ; with the inclosures of walls also , and with other vast edifices , wherewith cities are both usually adorned , and also [ wherein ] the deity is appeased ; with plenty of waters likewise , as well for use , as ornament ; some of which waters were first brought into them by him , the cities having not had them before ; and others he reduced to their ancient course and order . chap. xix . concerning * theodoricus the goth and what hapned at rome under him till the times of justinian , and , that rome was again reduced to a subjection to the romans , after vitiges had fled out of that city . i come now to declare the affairs which were transa●●●d in italy , and these procopius the rhetorician has with great accuracy ralated till his own times . after theodoricus , as it has * already been declared by me , had taken rome , ( having wholly vanquished odoacer who tyrannized therein ; ) and had governed the roman empire as long as he lived ; amalasuntha , who had been his wife , undertook the † tutelage of ‖ atalarichus son to them both , and governed the empire ; she * was a woman of a masculine spirit , and in this manner she managed affairs . this woman first incited justinian to a desire of a gothick war , having sent embassadours to him , in regard a plot was framed against her . further , when atalarichus had ended his life , which he did whilst very young , * theodatus kinsman to theodoricus takes upon himself the administration of the western empire . who , when justinian had sent belisarius into the western parts , relinquished his government ; ( for being a person addicted rather to books and study , he was wholly unexperienced in military affairs ; ) vitiges a most warlike person being in the interim commander in chief of the western forces . from the history of the same procopius we may extract this also , that when belisarius arrived in italy , vitiges left rome ; and , that belisarius with his army about him made his approach to rome . whom the romans received most willingly , and opened their gates to him ; that having been chiefly effected by silverius then pontif of that city ; who on this account had sent fidelis a person that had been assessour to atalarichus . thus the city was delivered up to belisarius without an engagement : and rome was again brought to a subjection to the romans , after [ the space of ] sixty years , on the ninth of the month apellaeus which the latines term december , when justinian was in the eleventh year of his empire . the same procopius relates also , that when the goths besieged rome , belisarius having a suspicion that silverius pontif of that city would betray it , † condemned him to a deportation into achaia ; and made vigilius pontif in his stead . chap. xx. how those [ people ] termed the eruli turned christians in the times of justinian . about these very times , as the same procopius relates , the a eruli ( who long before had passed the river danube , at such time as anastasius governed the roman empire ; ) having been kindly received by justinian who enriched them with great wealth , by a generall consent turned all christians , and changed their pristine way of living for a more civilized and quieter course of life . chap. xxi . that belisarius recovered [ the city ] rome , which had been again taken by the goths . after this , procopius sets forth belisarius's return to constantinople , and how he carried vitiges along with him , together with the spoyls taken out of rome ; also , totila's seizure of the roman empire , and how rome was again reduced under the goths dominion ; and , that belisarius arriving the second time in italy , recovered rome again . and how , when the persian war broke out , belisarius was again sent for to constantinople by the emperour . chap. xxii . that the abasgi turned christians also in those times . the same [ writer ] relates , that about these very times the abasgi became more civilized , and embraced the christian religion ; and , that the emperour justinian sent one of the eunuchs belonging to his court , by descent an abasgian , his name euphrata , amongst the abasgians , to declare to them , that no one in that nation should in future have his genitalls cut off with an iron , nor , that a force should be put upon nature . for , out of these the servants of the imperial bed-chamber were for the most part chosen , whom they usually term eunuchs . then also justinian built a church [ in honour ] of the theotocos amongst the abasgi , and constituted priests amongst them . and from thence forward [ the abasgi ] learned * the dogmata of the christians with the greatest accuracy imaginable . chap. xxiii . that the inhabitants of tanais also at that time embraced the christian religion ; and concerning the earthquakes which hapned in greece and achaia . it is related by the same writer , that the inhabitants of tanais ( those who dwell in this region , term that stream [ which runs ] out of the lake maeotis , untill [ it falls ] into the euxine sea , tanais ; ) earnestly entreated justinian to send a bishop to them ; and , that justinian a brought their petition to effect , and most willingly sent a prelate amongst them . the same authour with much elegancy records , that in the times of justinian , the goths made an irruption out of maeotis into the * roman pale ; [ he declares ] also , that there hapned dreadfull earthquakes in greece , boeotia , and achaia , and , that the places about the crisaean bay were shaken , and , that innumerable other towns and cities were totally ruined . that there hapned likewise chasms of the earth in many places : and , that in some places the ground closed and came together again : but , that in others , [ those chasms ] continued . chap. xxiv . concerning narses a master of the milice , and his piety . * he relates likewise narses's † expedition , who was sent into italy by justinian ; and in what manner he conquered totila , and after him teia ; and how rome was taken the fifth time . further , those persons who had an intimacy with narses do report , ‖ that he appeased the deity with supplications and other [ offices of ] piety [ in such a manner , ] paying so due a veneration thereto , that even the virgin and theotocos her self manifestly declared to him the time when he ought to engage : and that he should not give the onset , before he had received the signall from † thence . many other actions , which deserve great commendation , were performed by narses ; for he vanquished buselinus and sindvaldus , and reduced many [ regions , ] as far as the ocean , [ to the roman empire . ] which [ actions ] agathias the rhetorician has recorded , but as yet they are not come to our hands . chap. xxv . that chosroes , stimulated with envy at the prosperous successes of justinian , broke out into a war against the romans , and ruined many roman cities , amongst which [ he destroyed ] antioch the great also . the same procopius has related these matters also , how chosroes , after he had received information that affairs both in africa and italy had succeeded so fortunately to the roman empire , was excessively inflamed with envy : and objected some things against the roman empire , affirming that the league was violated [ by them , ] and that they had broken the peace which had been agreed on [ between the two empires . ] and , that in the first place justinian dispatch't away embassadours to chosroes , who might perswade him not to break that interminate peace [ which had been made ] between them , nor to violate the articles of agreement , but rather that the matters in controversie might be inquired into , and composed in an amicable manner . but he says , that chosroes , corroded by envy which stimulated him within , would accept of none of those rationall proposalls ; but with a numerous army made an invasion into the roman territories , in the thirteenth year of justinian's governing the roman empire . [ the same procopius ] relates likewise , how chosroes laid siege to and destroyed * sura a city scituate on the banks of the euphrates , [ with the inhabitants whereof ] he seemingly made some articles of agreement , but dealt with them far otherwise , [ perpetrating ] all the most impious and nefarious facts [ amongst them , ] having not in the least heeded the articles of agreement ; and was made master of that city by treachery rather than his * arms. also , how he burnt beroea ; and after that [ made ] an attack upon antioch , ephraemius being then bishop of that city , who had left it , a in regard nothing of what he did , succeeded according to his design . which [ prelate ] is reported to have preserved the church and all [ the edifices ] about it , having adorned [ the church ] with sacred gifts , [ on this design , ] that they might be the price of its redemption . moreover , [ the same writer ] also gives a most patheticall and lively description of the siege of antioch , laid to it by chosroes , and how chosroes [ becoming master of it ] ruined and destroyed all things with fire and sword. also , how * he went to seleucia a neighbouring city [ to antioch , ] then to the suburb daphne ; and after that to apamea , thomas then governing the chair of that church , a person [ admirable and ] most powerfull both in words and deeds . this prelate wisely refused not to be a spectatour , together with chosroes , of † the cirque-sports in the hippodrome , ( though that was a thing contrary to the usage of the church ; ) [ it being his desire ] by all imaginable ways to gratifie chosroes , and to mitigate his mind . whom chosroes asked , whether he should be willing to see him at his own city . and they say , that thomas answered really and according to the true sentiment of his own mind , that he would not willingly see chosroes in his own city . which answer , as 't is reported , chosroes wondred at , and deservedly admired this man [ for the love he bore ] to truth . chap. xxvi . concerning the miracle of the pretious and vivifick wood of the cross , which hapned at apamia . but , in regard i am fallen upon this relation , i will also declare a miracle that hapned * there , which deserves to be inserted into our present history . when the inhabitants of apamia were informed that antioch had been burnt [ by chosroes , ] they earnestly besought the forementioned thomas , to bring forth and expose to view ( though contrary to the usuall custome , ) the salutary and vivifick wood of the cross , to the end they might have the last sight of , and kiss the only salvation of men , and might take the † viaticum of another life , the pretious cross being their convoy to a better allotment . which thing thomas performed , and brought forth the vivifick wood , having appointed some set days for its being exposed to view , to the end that all the neighbourhood might come together thither , and enjoy the safety [ arising ] from thence . together therefore with others , ‖ my parents also went thither , leading me along with them who then * went to [ the school of ] a grammar master . wherefore at such time as we were vouchsafed to reverence and kiss the pretious cross , thomas lifting up both his hands , shewed the wood of the cross [ which was ] the abolition of the old curse , and went all about the sacred church , as 't was the usage on solemn and set days of † veneration . but , as thomas moved up and down , there followed him a vast flame of a shining , not of a burning fire , in so much that every place , where he stood to shew the pretious cross , seemed to be all on a flame . and this hapned not once , or twice , but oftner , whilst the bishop went round all that place , and whilst the people there assembled earnestly entreated thomas that that might be done . which thing predicted that safety which hapned to the apamensians . a picture therefore was hung up at the roof of the church , which a by its representation might declare these things to those who know them not . which [ picture ] was preserved intire untill the incursion of b adaarmanes and the persians . at which time it was burnt , together with gods holy church and that whole city . and these things hapned thus . but chosroes at his going away violated his articles of agreement , ( for he had agreed to some things then also ; ) and did the quite contrary ; which [ behaviour ] was agreeable indeed to his unstable and inconstant humour , but does in no wise befit a man of sense and reason , much less a king , * who has a value for his articles of agreement . chap. xxvii . concerning chosroes's expedition against edessa . the same procopius records what has been related by the ancients concerning edessa and agbarus , and how christ a wrote to agbarus . further also , how in another incursion chosroes resolved upon a siege of the edessens , supposing he should * enervate what had been divulged by the faithfull , [ to wit , ] that edessa should never be subdued by † an enemy . which thing is not indeed extant in that letter sent from christ our god to agbarus , b as may be gathered by the studious from what has been related by eusebius pamphilus , who has inserted that letter word for word [ into his ‖ history . ] nevertheless , 't is both divulged and believed amongst the faithfull , c and the event it self declared the truth , faith bringing the prediction to effect . for , after chosroes had made an attack against the city , and had severall ways attempted to break into it , and had raised so vast a rampire , that in heighth it surmounted the city-walls ; and had made use of infinite other engines ; [ after all this , i say ] he retreated without effecting his design . but i will give a particular narrative of what was done . chosroes ordered the forces he had about him , to bring together a vast quantity of wood of any sort of trees they could light on , in order to a siege . this [ wood ] having no sooner been ordered to be brought together than 't was effected , he laid it round in the form of a circle , cast earth into the midst of it , and advanced it directly towards the city . building in this manner * by degrees upon the wood and on the earth , and making nearer approaches to the city , he raised it to so vast a height , and made it surmount the city-wall so far , that from an higher place he could throw darts against those who in defence of the city endangered themselves on the wall . the besieged therefore , when they saw the rampire ( like a mountain ) coming near and approaching the city , and were in expectation that the enemy would set foot into the city ; very early in the morning attempted to work a mine directly opposite to the rampire which by the romans is termed an d aggesta ; and put fire therein , to the end that , the wood being consumed by the flame , the rampire of earth might fall to the ground . and that work was brought to perfection . but , after they had kindled the fire , * their project proved unsuccesfull , in regard the fire had not a passage , whereby the air being let in , it might † catch hold of the heap of wood . being reduced therefore ‖ to the greatest non-plus imaginable , they bring forth e that image framed by god , which the hands of men had not made ; but christ [ our ] god had sent it to agbarus , in regard [ agbarus ] desired to see him . having carried this most holy image therefore into the mine which they had made , and † sprinkled it with water , they cast [ some ] of the same [ water ] upon the pile of fire and on the wood : and immediately ( the divine power giving assistance to their faith who had done this , ) what had before been impossible to them , was brought to effect . for the wood forthwith received the flame , and being in the twinkling of an eye reduced to coals , transmitted it to the wood which lay above , the fire preying all about upon all things . now the besieged , when they saw the smoak breaking out above , made use of this device . they brought forth little † stone-bottles , and having stuft them with brimstone , tow , and other matter which would readily take fire , they threw them upon that termed the aggesta : which bottles , ( the fire kindling within them by the force of their being thrown , ) raised a smoak , and thereby effected this , [ to wit , ] that it was not perceived that a smoak broke out of the rampire . for all persons who were ignorant hereof , supposed , that the smoak came out of the bottles rather than from any other place . on the third day after this therefore , * the small tongues of fire appeared coming forth out of the earth , and then those of the persians who fought † upon the rampire , were sensible what imminent danger they were in . but chosroes , as if he resolved to make a resistance against the divine power , turned the aquaeducts which were before the city , up 〈…〉 pile of fire , and attempted to extinguish it 〈…〉 the fiery pile received the wa'er as if it had been rather oyle , or brimstone , or some such matter as is † combustible , and was much more increased , till such time as it had destroyed the whole rampire , and perfectly reduced the aggesta to ashes . then therefore chosroes , disappointed of all his hopes , and being experimentally sensible , that he had gotten great disgrace by supposing he could vanquish that god worshipped by us ; made an inglorious return into his own territories . chap. xxviii . concerning the miracle which was performed at sergiopolis . moreover , i will relate another thing , which was done by [ the same ] chosroes at the city sergiopolis ; in regard 't is [ a passage ] worthy to be recorded , and in reality deserves to be consigned to eternall memory . for chosroes came to this city also , and attempted to take it by a siege . after therefore he had made an attacque against its walls , † the inhabitants came to a parley with him about a preservation of the city . and it is agreed [ at length on both sides , ] that the sacred treasure and gifts [ which had been dedicated to the church ] should be the ransome of the city ; amongst which [ gifts ] was that a cross also which had been sent thither by justinianus and theodora . after these things had been brought to chosroes , he asked the priest and those persians who had been sent with him [ into the city on that account , ] whether there were any thing remaining . then a certain person of those not accustomed to speak the truth , returned answer to chosroes , that there were other sacred gifts of great value , which were concealed by the citizens who were very few in number . now , of [ the sacred treasure ] which was brought out [ of the city to chosroes , ] nothing of value had been left behind consisting either of gold or silver , but of another sort of matter more pretious , and which was wholly dedicated to god ; to wit , the most holy reliques of the victorious martyr sergius , which lay in a certain oblong chest covered over with silver . when chosroes , perswaded hereby , had sent his whole army to the city , on a sudden , round the whole circuit [ of the city walls ] there appeared an innumerable multitude of souldiers , who with bucklers defended the city . which [ apparition ] those sent by chosroes having beheld , returned , and with admiration declared both their number , and their kind of armour . but chosroes , after on a second enquiry he understood that very few persons were left in the city , and those either very aged or very young , the men of strength and vigour being all cut off and destroyed ; found that the martyr was the authour of this miracle . and being [ on this account ] put into a fear , and having admired the faith of the christians , he returned into his own kingdom . b they say also , that at the close of his life he was vouchsafed [ the laver of ] divine regeneration . chap. xxix . concerning the pestilentiall distemper . moreover , i will give a narrative of that [ pestilentiall ] distemper which brake out [ in these times , ] and which has raged now these two and fifty years , ( a a thing which is never related to have hapned before , ) and has in a manner destroyed the whole earth . for , two years after antioch had been taken by the persians , a pestilentiall disease began to rage , in some things like to that recorded by * thucydides , in others far different . and it took its beginning from aethiopia , as 't was then reported : but by turns it has overrun the whole world ; this distemper having , i think , left no mortalls untouch't . some cities were so sorely oppressed [ with this calamity , ] that they became wholly empty of inhabitants : but in other places where the distemper arrived , its chastisement was more light . nor did [ this pestilence ] rage at any certain and set season [ of the year ; ] nor , after it had raged , did it in a like manner recede . but , it seized some places at the beginning of winter , others in the spring time , b others in summer ; again , othersome during the procedure of the autumn . and , in some cities , when it had touched some parts , it abstained [ from infecting ] the other parts thereof . and you might frequently see in a city not infected , some families utterly destroyed : but in other places , one or two families having been consumed , the rest of the city in future continued untouch't by the distemper . but , after a more accurate inspection into the matter , we found , that those families which had continued untouch't , were on the year following the only ones which suffered [ by this distemper . ] but , that which was the most wonderfull thing of all , was this , that if it hapned that the inhabitants of those cities infected , removed to any other place where this distemper raged not , they were the only persons seized with these diseases , who [ coming ] out of infected cities , made their residence in cities uninfected . and these things hapned frequently , both in cities and in other places , at the periods of those cycles termed the indictions . but , most especially c on the d year * of each indiction , almost a totall destruction befell men . in so much that i my self who write these things ; ( for i thought good to interweave into this history what has a relation to my self , by a fit insertion of what is congruous at places opportune and convenient : [ i my self , i say , ] ) who d as yet frequented [ the school of ] a grammer-master , was seised with those termed the † bubo's , about the beginning of this [ pestilentiall ] distemper . and in those sicknesses which raged at severall times , i lost many of my children , my wife , and severall others of my relations , e my servants also , and very many of those who lookt after and tilled my grounds : the circles of the indictions dividing as 't were the calamities that befell me amongst themselves . at what time therefore i did write these things , being in the f fifty eighth year of mine age , g within these two last years , when this distemper had raged at antioch now the fourth time , ( for the h fourth cycle [ of the indictions ] hath passed from the beginning [ of this calamitous disease : ] ) besides the persons forementioned , i lost my daughter , and my grandchild born of her . further , this distemper * consisted of a complication of diseases . for , in some it began from the head , and having made the eyes bloudy , and tumified the face , it descended into the throat , and sent the person seized with it from among men . in others there hapned a † looseness of the belly . in othersome arose bubo's , and thence [ hapned ] very high feavers : and within two or three days they died , being as firm and ●ound in body and mind as those who had been afflicted with no distemper . others became distracted and mad , and so ended their lives . carbuncles also breaking out [ of the body , ] destroyed many men . some persons having once , twice , and thrice been seized [ with this distemper , ] and escaped with their lives ; afterwards were infected [ with it ] again , and died . the ways likwise of contracting this distemper were different and manifold , and such as were * unaccountable . for some died , meerly by conversing and living together [ in the same house : ] others , by a touch only : othersome , by entring into an house : again , others [ contracted the infection ] in the forum . some having fied out of infected cities , continued uninfected themselves , but imparted the disease to those who were not infected . others contracted no distemper at all , although they had lived with many infected persons , and had touched not only persons distempered , but those likewise who were dead . othersome ( although they made it their business to destroy themselves , because of the loss of their children or families ; and on this account especially were continually conversant with the infected ; nevertheless , as if the disease made a resistance against their will , ) were in no wise seized with it . this pestilentiall distemper therefore has raged two and fifty years , as i have said , till this present time ; having out-done all [ plagues ] which [ ever hapned ] before . but philostratus admires , because in his time a plague raged fifteen years . now , the events after this yet to come , are uncertain , in regard they proceed thither , whither it shall seem well pleasing to god , who certainly knows both the causes [ of things , ] and also whither they tend . but i will return to that place , from whence i have digressed , and will give a narrative of the rest of justinian's transactions . chap. xxx . concerning * justinian's insatiable avarice . justinian was indeed [ a person , ] of an insatiable avarice , and ●o † extravagant a lover of what was another's , that for gold he sold his whole empire , to those who governed the provinces , to the collectors of the tributes , and to any persons else who for no cause at all are ‖ wont to frame plots against men . besides , * by patching calumnies together , he punished many and [ almost ] innumerable persons , whose possessions were great , with the loss of their whole estates . further , if a woman who got her livelyhood by the prostitution of her body , had † falsely objected a familiarity or mixture against any one , out of her desire to procure what he had ; immediately all the laws were abolished and made null , and , provided she had made justinian partaker of her * filthy gain , she might remove all the riches of the person calumniated to her own house . nevertheless , the same emperour was profuse in his expending money : in so much that he erected many holy a and magnificent churches every where ; and other pious houses for the taking care of men and women , as well young as old , and of those disquieted with various diseases : and he allotted vast revenues , out of the income whereof these things might be done . he likewise did infinite other pious [ acts , ] and such as are well pleasing to god , provided the doers thereof perform [ those works ] with such goods as are their own , and offer their pure actions , as a sacrifice , unto god. chap. xxxi . concerning the great church of saint sophia , and [ that ] of the holy apostles . further , [ the same emperour ] erected not only many other churches at constantinople of a gracefull composure , [ in honour ] to god and [ his ] saints : but he also built that great and incomparable work , [ the like whereto ] is not to be found any where on record , [ to wit , ] * that most spacious church of saint sophia , [ a structure ] beautifull and eminent , and which exceeds the possibilty of a description . nevertheless , as far as i am able , i will attempt to describe this church . † the fabrick of the sanctuary is a ‖ tholus , erected upon four arches , raised to so vast an heighth , that 't is very difficult for those who look steadfastly from below , to see the top of the * hemisphaere : but such as stand above , though they be persons very bold and daring , will in no wise attempt to look down , and cast their eyes downwards to the pavement . the arches are raised a empty from the pavement to the very covering [ or , top ] of the roof . on the right hand and on the left , b opposite to the [ arches ] are placed pillars , framed of thessalick stone : and they bear up c hyper●a , which being underpropt by other such like columns , give a liberty to those that are desirous of looking down from on high upon the mysteries . to which place also the empress comes on holidays when she is present at the sacred performance of the mysteries . but the [ columns placed ] at the east and west , d are so left , that there should be nothing which might hinder the admiration of so vast a greatness . the porticus's of the forementioned hyper●a , finish so great a work with pillars and small arches . further , that the miracle of this structure may be plainer and more manifest , i have resolved to insert here the [ number of ] feet , both of its length , breadth , and heighth ; as likewise the empty spaces , and heighth also of the arches . the measure therefore is this . the length from that † door opposite to the sacred e concha , where the unbloudy sacrifice is offered , unto the [ concha ] it self , is an hundred and ninty feet : the breadth from north to south , one hundred and fifteen feet : the * heighth from the center of the hemisphaere to the pavement , is an hundred and eighty feet . the breadth of each of the arches is f ...... feet . the length from east to west [ contains ] two hundred and sixty feet . g the breadth of their light is seventy five feet . there are besides at the west two other porticus's very splendid , and open courts on all sides of an admirable beauty and gracefullness . the same justinian built the church of the divine apostles , which will not readily give precedency to any other temple . in which church the emperours h and the prelates are customarily interred . but , concerning these and such things as these , let thus much every way [ suffice ] to have been said . chap. xxxii . concerning the emperour [ justinian's ] madness rather than kindness shown * towards [ the faction ] of the venetiani . a there was also another thing in justinian , that exceeded the utmost ferity of savage beasts : ( which whether [ it proceeded ] from a fault of nature , or from sloth and fear , i cannot say ; but , it took its beginning from that popular sedition [ termed ] * nica. ) for he seemed so † highly to favour the one of the factions , i mean that ‖ of the venetiani , that they committed murders upon persons of the contrary faction at noon day , and in the midst of the city ; and not only feared not punishments , but also obtained rewards : in so much that hence it hapned , that many were made murderers . moreover , a liberty was indulged them of entring even into houses , of plundring the riches laid up therein , and of selling [ miserable ] men their own safety . and if any one of the magistrates had attempted to punish them , he endangered his own safety . 't is certain , a personage who was comes of the east , because he had ordered some seditious persons to be beaten with † bow-strings , he himself was lead through the midst of the city and scourged with bow-strings . callinicus likewise governour of cilicia , because according to the prescript of the laws he had inflicted a capitall punishment upon two cilician murderers , paulus and faustinus , who fell upon him and would have murdered him ; was crucified , undergoing this punishment on account of his great prudence in passing judgement , and of [ his observing ] the laws . hence it hapned , that * those of the other faction , having fled out of their own country , and finding reception amongst no men what ever , but being driven from all places as persons most detestable ; beset travellers , and committed rapines and murders : and all places were filled with untimely deaths , robberies , and such like horrid and impious crimes . but sometimes † he turned to the contrary opinion , and slew the venetiani themselves ; subjecting them to the laws , to whom he had given permission of perpetrating nefarious facts , in a barbarick manner , throughout every city . but , to give a perticular narrative of these matters , is a thing above relation or [ any compass of ] time : nevertheless , these things [ i have mentioned ] are sufficient for the making a conjecture concerning the rest . chap. xxxiii . concerning barsanuphius the asceta . at the same time , divine persons , and such as were workers of great miracles , lived in various parts of the world : but such of them , whose glory shone every where , [ were thus termed . ] barsanuphius by extract an egyptian : this person lead an unfleshly life in the flesh , in a certain monastery near the town gaza : insomuch that he performed many miracles and such as are superiour to [ any ] relation . moreover , 't is believed that he lives at this present , shut up in his cell ; although fifty years and upwards are now past , since he hath been seen by any person , or has pertaken of any thing that is upon the earth . which things eustochius prelate of jerusalem a disbelieving , when he had ordered the cell , wherein this man of god had inclosed himself , to be dug open , a fire brake out thence , which burnt almost all persons that were there present . chap. xxxiv . concerning the monk symeon , who for christ's sake [ feigned himself ] a fool. moreover , at [ the city ] emisa there was one symeones : this person had in such a manner divested himself of the garment of vain-glory , that amongst all persons who knew him not , he was accounted an idiot , although he abounded with all manner of wisdom and divine grace . further , this symeones for the most part lived alone by himself , allowing no person what ever a liberty of knowing , either when or in what manner he † prayed to god ; nor [ permitting them to know ] at what time he abstained from , or partook of nourishment at home . at some times being abroad in the streets , he seemed a to be a person distracted , and to have nothing of prudence or wisdom in him . at other times he would go into a victualling-house , and eat of what ever food or provision he met with , when he was hungry . but , if any person b bowed his head and reverenced him , he would immediately run from that place in anger , being afraid that his own virtue should be found out by the vulgar . and in this manner symeones behaved himself in the forum . but there were some persons that held a familiarity with him , with whom he usually conversed without any thing at all of dissimulation . amongst those of his acquaintance therefore , one had a maid , who having been debauch't and got with child by some person , when she was forced by her masters to declare the man who had done this , she affirmed that symeones had had to do with her in private , and that she was with child by him , and that she would swear that the matter was so , and ( if need should require , ) could manifestly prove the thing . which when symeones had heard , he assented , saying that he carryed flesh about him , which was a frail and mutable thing . but when this matter came to be divulged amongst all persons , and symeones ( as it seemed ) was obnoxious to a great ignominy , he withdrew himself , and feigned that he was ashamed . when therefore the woman's time of delivery was come , and she sate in the usuall posture of women in travail ; her labour caused most acute , many , and intollerable pangs , and brought the woman into the imminentest danger of her life . but the birth * fell not in the least . symeones therefore being designedly come thither , when he was requested [ by those present ] to go to prayers , he declared before them all , that the woman should not be delivered , untill she would confess who was the father of the child in her womb . which when she had done , and had named the true father , the infant leap't forth immediately , truth it self doing [ as 't were ] the office of a mid-wife . the same person was one time observed to go into the house of a strumpet , and having shut to the door , he and she continued alone for some time : after this he opened the door again , and ran away in great hast , looking round least any one should see him , whereby he much increased the suspicion . in so much that the persons who had seen him , brought forth the woman , and enquired of her , both what the meaning of symeones's coming into her was , and why he made so long a stay . the woman swore , that for three days before that , because of her want of necessaries , she had tasted of nothing but water only : but , that symeones had brought victualls and meat and a vessell of wine along with him , and having shut the door , had spread the table , and bad her go to supper , and fill her self with provisions , because she had been sufficiently afflicted with want of nourishment ; and she fetcht out the remains of the victualls [ which symeones ] had brought to her . further , some small time before that earthquake hapned which shook phoenice maritima , wherein c berytus , byblus , and tripolis suffered more [ than other cities , the same symeones ] holding a whip on high in his hand , scourged most of the columns in the forum , and cryed out , stand , you must dance . because therefore nothing was done unadvisedly and without design by this man , some persons present at his doing hereof , took particular notice of those columns , which he passed by , and did not scourge : which pillars fell not long after , being ruined by the earthquake . moreover , he did very many other things , the relation whereof requires a peculiar treatise . chap. xxxv . concerning the monk thomas , who in like manner feigned himself a fool. there was also at the same time one thomas , who followed the same course of life in syria coele . this person went [ one time ] to antioch , to receive the annuall stipend [ allotted for the maintenance ] of his own monastery . a for [ this annuall stipend ] was ordered [ to be paid ] out of the [ revenues of the ] antiochian church . anastasius * oeconomus of the same church , ( in regard the said thomas troubled him frequently , ) gave him [ one day ] a box on the ear with his hand . whereat when the persons present with them were much offended , thomas said , that neither he himself would receive any thing more [ of the annuall stipend , ] nor should anastasius † pay any more . both which things came to pass : anastasius ending his life on the day following ; and thomas being translated to an immortall life b in the hospitall of the infirm at the daphnensian suburb , whilst he was on his return home . they laid his dead body in the monuments of the strangers . but , in regard when one or two had been buried after him , thomas's body was still above them , ( god showing a great miracle , even after his death : for [ the other bodies ] were removed and thrust down ; ) [ the inhabitants ] admire this holy person , and declare [ the thing ] to c ephraemius . then his * holy dead body is removed to antioch with a publick festivity and [ a solemn ] pomp , and is honourably buried in the coemitary ; having at its translation caused the pestilentiall distemper , which then raged at antioch , to cease . and the inhabitants of antioch do magnificently celebrate an anniversary feast [ in honour ] of this [ thomas ] till these our times . but let us † return to the * proposed series of our history . chap. xxxvi . concerning the patriarch menas , and concerning the miracle which hapned then to the boy of a certain hebrew . anthimus having been ejected ( as i have * said , ) out of the chair of the imperial city , a epiphanius succeeded in that episcopate : and after epiphanius , menas ; in whose time hapned a miracle highly worthy to be recorded . there is an b ancient usage at constantinople , that when a great quantity of the holy parts of the immaculate body of christ our god are left ▪ remaining , [ some ] young boyes of their number who frequent the grammar-schools are sent for , that they may eat them . which thing having hapned at that time , the son of a * glass-maker ( as to his oopinion a jew , ) was † called amongst the other boyes . this child told his parents , who enquired the reason of his stay , what had hapned , and what he together with other boyes had tasted of . his father , highly incensed and enraged , snatcht up the boy immediately , and threw him into the furnace of coals , wherein he usually formed glass . but his mother sought for her son , and when she could not find him , she went all about the city mourning and * making great lamentation . and on the third day after standing at the door of her husband's work-house , she called her son by his name , † weeping and tearing herself . the boy knowing his mother's voice , answered her out of the furnace . shee breaks open the doors , goes in , and sees her son standing in the midst of the coals , the fire having not touch't him in the least . the child , when afterwards asked in what manner he had continued un-hurt , said , that a woman cloathed in a purple garment came to him frequently , gave him water , quenched the coals that were near him , and fed him as often as he was hungry . which passage having been brought to [ the hearing of ] justinian , he [ ordered ] the boy and his mother to be ‖ baptised in the laver of regeneration , and c enrolled them amongst the clergy : but his father , because he would not embrace the profession of christianity , was [ by the emperour's order ] crucified in [ the suburb ] d sycae , as designing to have murdered his own son . these things hapned in this manner . chap. xxxvii . who were bishops of the greater cities at that time . after menas , eutychius ascends the [ episcopall ] throne [ at constantinople . ] but at jerusalem , after martyrius , salustius succeeds in that see , and after him , helias . after helias , petrus ; and after petrus , macarius ; [ whose election ] the emperour approved * not of ; so that he was [ afterwards ] ejected out of his own chair : a for they affirmed that he asserted origen's opinions . after this [ macarius ] therefore , eustochius succeeded in that bishoprick . after the ejection of theodosius , as has been related † above , zoilus is declared bishop of alexandria . and when he was added b to [ the alexandrian bishops ] his predecessours , apollinaris undertakes [ the government of ] that chair . after ephraemius , domninus is entrusted with the [ episcopall ] throne of antioch . chap. xxxviii . concerning the fifth holy oecumenicall synod , and on what account it was convened . during therefore vigilius's presidency over the elder rome ; whilst in the first place menas , and then eutychius [ was patriarch ] of constantinople ; and whilst apollinaris [ was bishop ] of alexandria , domninus of amioch , and eustochius of jerusalem ; justinian convenes the fifth synod , on this account . the assertours of origen's opinions abounding and growing powerfull [ in the monasteries of palestine , ] and especially a in that termed the new laura ; eustochius made it his whole business to eject them . and going to the new laura , he drove them all out , and pursued them to a great distance , as being the common pest [ of mankind . ] they , dispersed into severall places , associated many persons to their own party . theodorus surnamed ascidas ( bishop of caesarea the head-city of the province cappadocia ; [ a prelate ] resident with justinian , faithfull to him , and of whom the emperour made great use ; ) undertook the patronage of these [ monks . ] upon * his making a disturbance therefore at the [ imperial ] pallace , and terming [ eustochius's ] fact the † highest impiety and wickedness ; ruphus abbot of theodosius's monastery , and b conon [ abbot ] of the [ monastery ] of saba ( persons of the chiefest note * amongst the monasticks , both for their own worth , and on account of the monasteries over which they presided ; ) are sent to the imperial city by eustochius . they were accompanied with others also , not much inferiour to them in dignity . and these men resolved to debate concerning origen primarily , and concerning evagrius and didymus . but theodorus the cappadocian , desirous of diverting them to another matter , c proposes to be debated the cause of theodorus [ bishop ] of mopsuestia , and that of theodoret and ibas : the all-good god having excellently well disposed the whole matter so , that whatever was profane both on the one and on the other side might be wholly expelled . the first question therefore having been proposed , whether it were lawfull to anathematize the dead ; eutychius who was then present , ( a person incomparably well versed in the sacred scriptures , who during menas's life was not very eminent ; for he was then but d apocrisiarius to the bishop of amasia ; ) being not only wiser , but also looking with contempt upon those convened , said in express words , that that question need not be debated : in regard king josias did not only heretofore slay the living priests of daemons , but also dug open the sepulchers of those who had been dead long before . all persons that were present look't upon these [ words of eutychius's ] to be most appositely spoken . which [ saying of his ] when justinian was acquainted with , he preferred * him to the chair of the imperial city , on the death of menas which hapned soon after . further , vigilius e gave his consent by his letters , but refused to be present at the synod . the synod therefore being convened , when [ the emperour ] justinian asked , what their sentiment was concerning theodorus , and in relation to those things which theodoret had written against cyrillus and his twelve † heads ; also [ what they thought ] of that letter said to be ibas's , [ written by him ] to maris the persian : after many passages had been recited [ out of the books ] of theodorus and theodoret , and after it had been made apparent , that theodorus had long since been condemned , and [ his name ] expunged out of the sacred diptycks ; and , that hereticks ought to be condemned even after their death : with all suffrages ( as the usuall saying is , ) they anathematize theodorus , and what had been written by theodoret against cyrillus's twelve heads , and against the true faith ; ibas's letter also , which he wrote to maris the persian ; [ their condemnation of the foresaid persons and writings ] being conceived in these express words . f whereas the great god and our saviour jesus christ according to the parable in the gospells , &c. and after some other words . besides all those other hereticks which are condemned and anathematized by the four forementioned holy synods , and by the holy catholick and apostolick church ; we also condemn and anathematize theodorus who is styled bishop of mopsuestia , and his impious writings ; also , what hath been impiously written by theodoret , both against the true faith , and against the twelve heads of cyrillus of blessed memory , and against the first holy synod at ephesus ; in fine , whatever has been written by the same [ theodoret ] in defence of theodorus and nestorius . moreover , we also anathematize that impious letter said to have been written by ibas to maris the persian . and after some few words , they expounded fourteen g heads concerning the right and † sincere faith. and these things proceeded in this manner . but , h when libells were delivered in by the monks eulogius , conon , cyriacus , and pancratius , against the opinions of origen adamantius , and against the followers of his impiety and errour ; justinian consulted the then convened synod about these matters , having subjoyned [ to his own letter ] a copy of the libell , as also what he had written to vigilius concerning these things . from all which it may be gathered , that origen had made it his business , to fill the * purity of the apostolick † dogmata with i paganish and manichaean tares . a relation therefore was transmitted to justinian from the synod , after the exclamations which they [ had heaped together ] against origen and those involved in the same erroneous tenets with him . part of which [ relation ] runs thus . you who possess a mind partaker k of a celestiall nobility , most christian emperour ! and after some other words . we have avoided therefore , we have avoided that [ doctrine . ] for we knew not the voice of strangers . and having securely bound this person , as a thief , and like a robber , with the ropes of an anathema , we have cast him out of the sacred rails . and after some few words . but you will know the power and efficacy of the matters which have been transacted by us , by the reading thereof . hereto they also annexed whatever * heads origen's followers had [ from their masters ] learned to assert ; which [ heads ] manifested both their agreements , as also their disagreements , and likewise their l manifold errour . amongst these there was a fifth head [ which contained ] the blasphemies broach't by some private persons of that termed the new laura ; the contents of which head run thus . m theodorus ascidas the cappadocian said : if the apostles and the martyrs doe now work miracles , and are in so great honour ; unless in the resurrection they shall be made equall to christ , what manner of resurrection shall they have ? the same fathers related severall other blasphemies of didymus , evagrius , and theodorus , which with great diligence they had collected out of their books . further , some intervall of time after this synod , n eutychius is ejected , and o johannes is placed in the chair of the constantinopolitane church in his room . this johannes was born at p sirimis , which is a village scituate in the cynegick region , in the antiochian territory . chap. xxxix . that justinian * having forsaken the right faith , asserted the body of [ our ] lord to be incorruptible . at the same time justinian † deflected from the right high-way of [ orthodox ] sentiments , and having entred a path untrodden by the apostles and fathers , fell into thorns and brambles . wherewith being desirous to fill the church , he mist of his design ; the lord having securely fenced * the high-way a with hedges not to be broken , that murderers [ and thieves ] might not break in , as if the wall had been faln and the fence broken down : [ and thus ] he fulfilled the prophets prediction . johannes therefore , who was also termed catelinus , having b succeeded vigilius in the bishoprick of the elder rome , and johannes born at sirimis governing the constantinopolitane church , and apolinaris that of alexandria , anastasius successour to domninus presiding over the antiochian church , and over that at jerusalem c macarius , who was again restored to his own chair : when * he had anathematized origen , didymus , and evagrius , after eustochius's deposition ; justinian writes that which amongst the romans is called an edict , wherein he has termed the body of [ our ] lord incorruptible ; and incapable of naturall and irreprehensible † passions ; affirming that [ our ] lord ate in the same manner before his passion , as he did eat after his resurrection , his most holy body having received no change or alteration from its very formation in the womb , neither in the voluntary and naturall passions , nor yet after [ his ] resurrection . to which [ assertions ] justinian [ resolved ] to force the prelates in all places to give their assent . but when all of them affirmed , that they earnestly expected [ the opinion of ] anastasius bishop of antioch , they [ thereby ] represt the [ emperour 's ] first attempt . chap. xl. concerning anastasius arch-bishop of antioch . moreover , this anastasius [ was a person ] both incomparably well skilled in the sacred scriptures , and also accurate in his moralls and way of living : in so much that he would * take consideration about the most triviall matters , nor would he † deflect at any time from a constancy and firmness , much less in things momentous , and which had a relation to the deity it self . and he had * tempered his disposition so , that neither an easiness of access to and conference with him , might render him exposed to what was unmeet and inconvenient ; nor should an austerity and rigour make him inaccessible in relation to what was fit and rationall . in [ conferences that were ] weighty and serious , he was of a ready ear , and fluent tongue : but in [ discourses that were ] impertinent and superfluous , he had his ears perfectly shut . a bridle represt his tongue in such a manner , that he † measured his discourse with reason , and rendred silence far better than talke . this person therefore justinian makes an attack against , as against some inexpugnable tower , and sets upon him with all manner of engines ; considering with himself , that if he could ruine a this [ tower , ] he should afterwards become master of the city with ease , enslave the doctrine of the true faith , and lead captive the sheep of christ. but anastasius by a divine heighth of mind raised himself so far [ above the emperour , ] ( for he stood upon a rock of faith not to be broken ; ) that by his own relation sent to justinian , he openly contradicted him , and in the same [ relation ] demonstrated [ to him ] most perspicuously and with great eloquence , that the body of [ our ] lord was corruptible in passions naturall and irreprehensible , and that the divine apostles and * holy fathers both thought and taught so . the same answer he returned to the monks of the first and second syria , who had consulted him : and he confirmed the minds of all persons , and † prepared for the conflict , reciting daily in the church that saying of that vessell of election ; * if any one preach any other gospell unto you , than that you have received , though he be an angell from heaven , let him be accursed . which [ words ] when all persons had ‖ weighed in their minds , a very small number only excepted , they imitated him . the same anastasius wrote a b valedictory oration to the antiochians , after he had received information , that justinian was resolved to send him into banishment . which oration is deservedly delightfull and admirable , for the elegancy of its words , the abundance of its * sententious expressions , the frequent quotations of sacred scripture , c and for the accommodateness of the history . chap. xli . concerning the death of justinian . but this oration was not published , god having provided some better thing for us . for justinian , whilst he dictated a sentence of deportation against anastasius and the prelates about him , was invisibly wounded , and ended his life , after he had reigned in all thirty eight years and eight months . the end of the fourth book of evagrius's ecclesiastical history . the fifth book of the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis , and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . chap. i. concerning the election of [ the emperour ] justinus , and concerning his moralls . when therefore justinian in this manner had fill'd all places with disquietude and tumults , and at the close of his life had received the condign reward of such [ actings , ] he departed to the infernall * punishments : but justinus his sister's son , who was intrusted with the custody of the [ imperial ] pallace , which [ grand officer ] the roman tongue terms a curopalates , is invested with the purple after his [ death : ] neither justinian's departure , nor the election of justinus having been made known to any person , save to those that were his confidents , till such time as he appeared at the * ludi circenses , † in order to his performing and undertaking what usually belongs to an emperour . after these [ solemnities ] therefore were over , when nothing of an * opposition had in any wise been attempted [ against him , ] he returned to the pallace . [ by ] the first edict he promulged , the b prelates who had been convened in all places , were sent home to their own sees , in order to their worshipping god in the usuall and received manner , no innovation being made in relation to the faith. and this action done by him was highly commendable . but , as to his life , he was dissolute , and * altogether a slave to luxuries and † obscene pleasures : so ardent a lover also of other mens money , that he sold all things for illegall gain , and revered not the deity even in the ecclesiastick preferments , which he made his markets of to any persons he could meet with , and publickly proposed even these to sale . moreover , being possest c with [ two most contrary ] vices , boldness and sloth , in the first place he caused his d kinsman justinus to be sent for , a personage of an universall honour and esteem , both for his skill in military affairs , and for those other dignities [ which he had born : ] he at that time made his residence about the danube , and hindred the abari from passing that river . the abari are a scythick nation who live in waggons , and inhabit the * regions scituate beyond caucasus . which people , in regard they had been sorely afflicted by the e turks their neighbours , [ left their habitation , and ] with their whole families fled from them , and came to the bosphorus . then leaving the shore of that termed the euxine sea , ( where many barbarous nations who had left their own dwellings , inhabited ; moreover , cities , * castra , and f some stations had been built [ there ] by the romans , when either † veterane souldiers , or colonies had been sent thither by the emperours : ) they continued on their journey , engaging ▪ all the barbarians they met with , till such time as they were arrived at the banks of the danube , and g had sent embassadours to justinian . from thence therefore justinus was sent for , on pretence as if he were to enjoy [ the advantage of ] that compact which had been made betwixt him and the emperour justinus . for , in regard both of them were equall as to their secular grandeur and power , and whereas the empire * hung as it were betwixt them ; after many debates they had come to this agreement , that he who was arrived at the empire , should give the other the second place ; that so , by being second in the empire , he might be first in respect of all other persons . chap. ii. concerning the murder of justinus kinsman to the emperour justinus . [ the emperour ] justinus therefore received justinus with great appearances of kindness and friendship ; but soon after he framed [ various ] causes and pretences , and [ by degrees ] deprived him of his * satellites , his domesticks , and the protectors of his body , and a forbids him access to himself : b for he sate at home . [ at length ] by justinus's order c he is removed to the great city alexandria ; where he is most inhumanely murdered in the dead of the night , whilst he lay in his bed ; this being the reward he received for his kindness to the republick , and for those eminent services he had performed in the wars . nor would the emperour justinus and his wise sophia abate of their rage , or could they satiate their burning sury [ conceived against justinus , ] till such time as they had seen his head after 't was cut off , and had trampled it under their feet . chap. iii. concerning those miscreants addaeus and aetherius . moreover , a not long after , the emperour delivered up aetherius and addaeus , ( persons of the b senatorian order , who had been great favourites of the emperour justinian's , ) to a judiciary process , they being charged with an accusation of high-treason . of these two , aetherius confessed that he designed to kill the emperour by poyson , and said that he had addaeus his accomplice in this attempt , and his assistant in all [ his other designes . ] but addaeus with horrid oaths affirmed , that he was wholly ignorant of these [ treasons . ] nevertheless , both of them were beheaded . addaeus at such time as his head was cut off , affirmed , that in this matter he had been falsely accused , but that he was deservedly punished by [ divine ] justice , which inspects all affairs where-ever transacted : for [ he said ] that by magick he had murdered theodotus the praefectus praetorio . but i cannot positively affirm whither or no these things were so : however , they were both most flagitious wretches . addaeus was a notorious * sodomite . and aetherius omitted no sort of calumny , but preyed upon the estates as well of the living , as of the dead , in the name of that imperial c house , of which he was curator [ or , governour , ] during the empire of justinian . and such was the conclusion of these matters . chap. iv. concerning the edict of our faith , which justinus wrote to the christians in all places . moreover , the same justinus wrote an edict to the christians in all places , [ the contents ] whereof [ ran ] in these express words . in the name of the lord jesus christ our god , emperour caesar flavius justinus , faithfull in christ , mild , the greatest , beneficent , alemanicus , gotthicus , germanicus , anticus , francicus , erulicus , gepaedicus , pious , happy , glorious , victor , triumphator , always adorable , augustus . * my peace i give unto you , says the lord christ , our true god. my peace i leave with you , declares the same [ christ ] to all men . the purport of which [ expressions ] is nothing else , but that those who believe in him should † unite in one and the same church : being of the same mind in relation to the true ‖ faith of the christians , and having an aversion for them who affirm or think the contrary ▪ for , the * primary safety [ which ] has been appointed to all men , [ is ] the confession of the true faith. wherefore , we also following the evangelick admonitions , and the holy symboll , or creed of the holy fathers , do exhort all men to betake themselves to one and the same church and opinion : believing in the father , in the son , and in the holy spirit , in the consubstantiall trinity , in the one deity , or nature and † essence , both in word and deed , and ‖ asserting one might and power and operation , in the three hypostasis's or persons , into which we have been baptized , in which we have believed , and to which we have been conjoyned . for we adore the unity in the trinity , and the trinity in the unity , which hath an admirable both division , and * unition : an unity in respect of the † essence or deity : but a trinity in respect of the proprieties or hypostasis's or persons . for , that we may so speak , it is indivisibly divided , and divisibly conjoyned . for [ there is ] one in three , [ to wit , ] the deity , and three [ are ] one , in whom [ namely ] is the deity , or , to speak more accurately , which [ are ] the deity it self : god the father , god the son , god the holy ghost , when as each person is considered by himself ; the mind [ to wit ] dividing those things which are inseperable : the three [ persons being one ] god , understood together , on account of the same motion and the same nature . for we ought both to confess one god , and also to assert three * hypostasis's or proprieties . but we confess him , the only begotten son of god , god the word , who was begotten of the father before ages and without time , not made ; in the last days to have descended from heaven on our account and for our salvation , and to have been incarnate by the holy ghost , and of our lady the holy glorious theotocos and ever-virgin mary , and to have been born of her : a who is our lord jesus christ , one of the holy trinity , glorified together with the father and the holy spirit . for the holy trinity hath not received an addition of a fourth person , although one of the holy trinity god the word hath been incarnate : but he is one and the same our lord jesus christ , consubstantiall to god and the father according to the deity , and the same [ person is ] of the same substance with us in respect of the humanity : passible in the flesh , and the same [ person ] impassible in the deity . for we acknowledge not one god the word who wrought miracles , and another who suffered : but we confess one and the same our lord jesus christ god the word , to have been incarnate and perfectly made man , and that the miracles † belong both to one and the same , as likewise the sufferings , which he voluntarily underwent in the flesh on account of our salvation . for * a man gave not himself for us ; but god the word himself , made man without [ any ] conversion , ‖ underwent both a spontaneous passion , and a death in the flesh for us . although therefore we confess him to be god , yet we deny not that the same person is also man : and by our confessing him to be man , we deny not the same person to be also god. whence , whilst we profess one and the same [ person ] our lord jesus christ to be * compounded of both natures , the deity and the humanity , b we introduce not a confusion into the unition . for he * will not cease to be god , because † agreeably to us he was made man : nor again , because by nature he is god , and cannot receive a likeness to us , will he refuse to be man. for , as he hath continued god in the humanity , so also [ though ] existing in the ‖ majesty of the deity , he nevertheless [ continues ] man : * existing both in the same , and [ is ] one god and also man , the emmanuel . [ further , whereas ] we confess him perfect in the deity , and perfect in the humanity , of which [ two ] he is also made up , [ yet ] † we bring not in a particular division or section upon his one compounded hypostasis : but we show the difference of the natures , which is not destroyed [ or , taken away ] by the unition . for , neither has the divine nature been changed into the humane , nor hath the humane nature been converted into the divine . but both [ natures ] c being understood , or rather existing in the defini tion and ‖ manner of the proper nature , we affirm that the unition was made according to the person : now , the unition according to the person imports , that god the word , that is one person of the three persons of the deity , was united not to a prae-existing man , but in the womb of our lady the holy-glorious theotocos and ever-virgin mary ; that from her he framed to himself in a proper person flesh of the same substance with us and subject to like passions in all things , sin only excepted , and that it was enlivened with a rationall and intelligent soul. d for he had a person in himself , and was made man , and is one and the same our lord jesus christ glorified together with the father and the holy ghost . [ moreover , ] weighing in our minds his ineffable unition , we rightly confess one nature incarnate of god the word , which in the flesh is enlivened with a rationall and intelligent soul. and again , taking into consideration the difference of the natures , we assert them to be two , introducing no manner of division . for each nature is in him . wherefore , we confess one and the same christ , one son , one person , one hypostasis , [ to be ] god and also man. but all those , who have thought or do think contrary hereto , we anathematize , and judge them estranged from the holy catholick and apostolick church of god. whereas therefore the true * dogmata , which have been delivered to us by the holy fathers , are asserted ; we exhort you all to concur in one and the same catholick and apostolick church ; yea rather , we beseech you . for we are not ashamed , though placed in the sublimity of royalty , to make use of such expressions e for the consent and union of all christians , to the end one glorification may be † attributed to the great god and our saviour jesus christ ; and that in future ▪ no person might pretend to quarrell f about the persons or the syllables . for the syllables tend to one and the same right faith and meaning : that usage and ‖ form , which hitherto hath obtained in god's holy catholick and apostolick church , [ remaining ] in all things firm and without innovation , and continuing [ so ] to all futurity . to this edict all persons gave their consent , and affirmed [ that the faith and doctrine ] was [ therein ] orthodoxly promulged : but yet it reduced not so much as one [ of the churche's members , ] which had been rent insunder , to an unity , because [ the emperour ] in express words had declared , that [ the state of ] the churches had been preserved firm and without innovation , and for the time yet to come [ should so continue . ] chap. v. concerning the ejection of anastasius bishop of * theopolis . moreover , justinus ejected anastasius out of the chair of theopolis ; objecting against him , both the profuse expence of the sacred revenue which had been made , saying it was immoderate , and not according to what was meet and necessary ; and also [ charging him ] with † reflecting abusively on himself . for when anastasius was asked , why he would fling away the sacred money in so lavish a manner , he replyed openly , that it might not be taken away by justinus that common pest. but 't was said that [ justinus ] had therefore conceived an old grudge against anastasius , because when he demanded money of him a at his promotion to the bishoprick , anastasius would not give it him . moreover , b other matters were objected against anastasius , by some persons who , i suppose , were desirous of serving and promoting the emperour's design . chap. vi. that , after anastasius , gregorius was made bishop , and concerning his disposition . but after anastasius , gregorius is preferred to the episcopall throne , a whose glory , that i may use the poet's expression , is far spread . [ this person ] from his younger years had been exercised in the monastick conflicts , and had striven with so much courage and constancy of mind , that in a very short time , ‖ even during his youthfull age , he arrived at the highest degrees ; and governed the monastery of the b byzantii , where he embraced a † monastick life . [ afterwards , ] by the * order of justinus [ he presided over the monks ] of mount sinai also ; in which place he fell into the greatest of dangers , by undergoing a siege from those arabians [ termed ] scenitae . nevertheless , when he had procured that place a profound peace , he was called from thence to the † patriarchate . for understanding and virtue of mind , c and in all other things he was the eminentest person of all men , and the most active in [ effecting ] whatever he had proposed to himself ; ‖ of an undaunted spirit , and a man not to be induced to yield , or to be afraid of the secular power . he made such magnificent † distributions of money , and used such a bountifullness and liberality towards all men , that whenever he went abroad , numerous crowds of people , besides those that were his usuall attendants , followed him . and whatever persons could either see , or hear he was d going forth , flock't together . e the honour given to the supreamest powers [ of this world ] was inferiour to that [ paid ] to this man ; for people were for the most part desirous , both of seeing him as near as possibly they could , and coveted to hear him discourse . for he was most excellently qualified to excite a desire of himself in all persons , who upon what ever account came to and conversed with him . for , his aspect was admirable , and his discourse , by reason of his pleasantness of speech , most delightfull ; as ready as ever was any man , in the present apprehending of a thing , and most quick in action : in ‖ choosing the best advice , and in passing a judgement , as well of his own , as the affairs of others , he was † most prudent . on which account he performed so many and such great things , never deferring any business till the morrow . he was the admiration not only of the roman emperours , but of them of persia also , in regard he so demeaned himself in all affairs , as either necessity required , or occasion would bear ; f [ to which he was ] never wanting , as i shall manifest particularly in due place . there was in him much of vehemency , and also sometimes passion . but on the other hand , his lenity and mansuetude was not little , but rather † abundant and extraordinary . so that , that saying which with great wisedom hath been uttered by gregorius the divine , might incomparably well befit him ; an austerity so well tempered with ‖ modesty , that the one is not injured by the other ; but both are an ornament and commendation to each other . chap. vii . how those termed the persarmenii surrendred themselves † to the romans : on which account a war broke out ‖ between the romans and persians . during the first year of this [ gregorius's ] governing his bishoprick , the [ inhabitants ] of that [ country ] anciently termed armenia the great ( which afterwards was named persarmenia ; this [ region ] had heretofore been subject to the romans ; but , after philippus successour to gordianus , had betrayed it to sapor , that termed armenia the less remained in subjection to the romans ; though all the rest was in the power of the persians : ) being professours of the christian religion , in regard they had a suffered grievously from the persians , and especially ‖ in those matters which related to their religion , sent an embassy secretly to justinus , entreating they † might be received as subjects to the romans ; to the end they might with freedome and security perform [ the rites ] of the divine worship and honour , and that nothing might obstruct them [ in those performances . ] [ which embassy ] justinus having admitted of , and some [ conditions set forth ] in writing having been agreed to by the emperour , and confirmed with great and solemn b oaths ; the armenii kill their own c governours , and * in one intire body joyn themselves to the roman empire , together with their neighbours whom they had taken into an association with themselves , as well those of the same , as of other nations ; vardanes [ being their leader , ] a person eminent amongst them for descent , dignity , and skill in military affairs . when therefore chosroes complained of these things , justinus dismissed [ his embassadours ] with these words , that the peace [ which had been made between them ] was terminated , and that 't was not possible for christians to reject christians when they made them their refuge in a time of war. this was justinus's answer . nevertheless , he made no preparations for a war ; but yielded up himself to his usuall voluptuousness , and ‖ postponed all affairs to his own pleasures . chap. viii . concerning marcianus the † magister militum , and concerning the siege of nisibis . [ further , ] he sends a marcianus , who was his kinsman , magister of the orientall [ milice , ] but allows him neither an army fit for an engagement , nor any other sufficient provision for the [ carrying on a ] war. marcianus arrives in mesopotamia , to the manifest hazard and subversion of all affairs , drawing along with him some few souldiers , and those unarmed ; having also with him some trench-makers and b oxe-drivers , whom he had by force taken from among the c provincialls . he comes to an engagement therefore with the persians in a small fight about nisibis , ( the persians themselves being as yet unprovided for a war ; ) and having got the better , lays siege to the city : the persians [ in the interim ] thought not fit to shut the gates , but most scornfully reproach't and derided the army of the romans . many other prodigies were seen , which foreshewed the future misfortunes ; but at the beginning of this war , we our selves saw a calf newly calv'd , out of whose neck grew forth two heads . chap. ix . how chosroes ( after he had sent his generall adaarmanes against the romans , who afflicted them with many and those severe losses ; ) went himself in person to nisibis . but chosroes , after he had made sufficient provision of all things necessary for a war , went to a certain [ place , ] and having past the euphrates in his own country , sends adaarmanes into the roman territories , by a [ place ] termed circesium . this circesium is a town most commodious to the romans , scituate in the utmost confines of the empire . which [ town ] is fortified not only with walls raised to a vast heighth ; but the rivers euphrates and aboras do likewise encompass it , and make the city as 't were an island . but [ chosroes ] himself having , together with those [ forces ] about him , passed the river tigris , marched directly to nisibis . [ though ] these things had been done , [ yet ] the romans were a long while ignorant of them : in so much that justinus , giving overmuch credit to report , ( which said that chosroes was either already dead , or drawing his very last breath , ) became highly incensed , because the siege of nisibis was protracted so long ; and sent some persons who might hasten marcianus forward , and might forthwith bring him the keys of the gates : but when this affair was not in the least forwarded , but rather he himself procured great ignominy and disgrace , in regard he would attempt those things which could not be done against such and so vast a city , and with so pittifull and despicable an army ; in the first place a message is brought to gregorius bishop of theopolis . for whereas the bishop of nisibis was an intimate friend to gregorius , in regard he had received great presents from him ; and moreover being one that was highly displeased at the persians contumelious usage of the christians , which the christians had continually suffered from them , being also desirous that his own city might become subject [ to the empire ] of the romans ; he gave gregorius an account of whatever was done in the enemie's country , and in due time made known [ to him ] all things . of which [ matters gregorius ] forthwith sent justinus a relation , declaring to him chosroes's sudden irruption . but justinus , involved in his usuall pleasures , heeded not what had been written [ to him by gregorius ; ] nor would he give credit thereto , but only supposed [ that true , ] which he himself desired . for * 't is usuall with persons who are dissolute , that they should be both a slothfull and confident against the events [ of affairs ; ] and if any thing happens contrary to their wills , they disbelieve it . he wrote therefore to gregorius , [ in which letters ] he perfectly rejected those things [ told him by gregorius , ] as being wholly false : or if they were true , yet , that the persians could never prevent the siege ; but , that if they did prevent it , they would retire [ from thence ] with great loss . [ at the same time ] he sends one acacius ( a wicked and spitefull person , ) to marcianus , giving him order , that although marcianus should have set one of his feet into the city , he should nevertheless * turn him out of commission . which thing [ acacius ] performed exactly , obeying the emperour's commands though to the disadvantage of the republick . for being arrived in the [ roman ] camp , he divests marcianus of his command , in the enemies country , without having acquainted the army therewith . but the centurions and leaders of the ranks , having understood at their coming off the watch , that their commander in chief was turn'd out of commission , b would not appear in publick any more , but left [ the service , ] were dispersed here and there , and brake up the ridiculous siege . in the interim adaarmanes having an army of persians and barbarous scenitae fit to engage , passed by circesium , and ruined the roman territories with all manner of depopulations , burning and killing , designing in his mind or performing nothing that was mean and triviall . he also takes castles and many villages , no body making a resistance against him : first , because [ at that time ] there was no commander [ of the romans : ] and then , in regard the [ roman ] souldiers were by chosroes shut up in daras ; as well excursions to fetch in forrage , as irruptions , were made without impediment . he made an attack also upon the † theopolites by the souldiers he had with him ; ( for he went not thither in person . ) nevertheless , those [ souldiers of his ] received a repulse beyond all expectation , although no body , excepting only a very small number , continued in the city ; and though the bishop was fled , and had carried a long with him the sacred treasure , because , both most part of the wall was fallen down , and the people also had raised a sedition , being desirous of beginning an innovation , as it usually happens , and most especially at such times as those . moreover , [ the seditious ] themselves betook themselves to their heels , and had left the city empty ; nothing at all being to be found out , * that might either annoy the enemy , or on the other hand keep them off . chap. x. concerning the taking of apamia and daras . vvhen therefore a adaarmanes had been frustrated in this attempt , having burnt that city anciently termed heraclea , but afterwards named gagalice , he took apamia , which had been built by b seleucus nicator , [ a city ] heretofore rich and populous , but in [ process of ] time it was become extreamly ruinous . having possest himself of this city on some articles of agreement , ( for [ the inhabitants ] were in no wise in a capacity to make a resistance , the wall by reason of its age being faln to the ground ; ) he utterly destroyed it by fire ; and when he had made , plunder of all things , contrary to the conditions agreed to by him , he went away , and lead away captive all the citizens , and [ the inhabitants of ] the adjacent villages . amongst which [ prisoners ] he carried away alive the bishop of the city , and that person who was entrusted with the government [ of the province . ] moreover , he committed all manner of * outrages at his departure , there being no body that might restrain or give him any the lest resistance , excepting a very few souldiers sent by justinus , under the command of one magnus , who was heretofore president of the † argentarii at the imperiall city , but had afterwards by justinus been made curator of one of the imperial houses . and these [ souldiers ] also ran away with all the hast imaginable , there having wanted but little of their being all taken by the enemy . when therefore adaarmanes had performed these exploits , he came to chosroes , who had not yet taken the city [ daras . ] his joyning forces with chosroes was of great importance to [ their ] affairs , both because it gave incouragement to their own men , and also struck a terrour into the enemy . further , [ chosroes ] found that city encompassed with a wall , and a vast rampire of earth cast up hard by the wall , also those engines [ termed ] * helepoles standing ready ; and especially the catapultae wherewith stones are thrown from an eminence , which [ machines ] they usually term † petrariae . ‖ in this manner chosroes became master of that city by force , in the winter time , johannes the son of timostratus being its governour , who was very little sollicitous about it , or rather betrayed it . for both are reported . now , chosroes had laid siege to that city five months and more , no body appearing in its defence . having therefore brought all persons out of the city , ( which were a vast multitude , ) and in a cruell manner killed some of them there , and preserved others , which were the most in number , alive ; he fortified the city with a garrison , because its site was commodious : but he himself returned into his own countrey . chap. xi . that the emperour justinus was seized with a * frensie : but tiberius undertook the care of the republick . which [ proceedings ] when justinus was made acquainted with , having in his mind not so much as one thought that was sound and prudent , nor bearing his a misfortune so as it becomes a man to doe ; from such an heighth of pride and haughtiness he falls into a frantick distemper and madness , and in future became insensible of what was transacted . from thence forward therefore tiberius had the management of the republick , a person by descent a thracian , but one who bore the chiefest place of trust , [ and was the greatest favourite ] with justinus . b this person had heretofore been sent [ by justinus ] against the * abari , [ accompanied with ] a vast army of souldiers which had been raised . but , the souldiers not enduring so much as the sight of the barbarians , tiberius wanted but little of being taken , had not the divine providence in a wonderfull manner protected him , and reserved him for the roman empire ; which had been reduced to such danger by justinus's absurd and rash attempts , that [ 't was feared least ] together with the whole state it should be utterly ruined , and might yield to the * prevalent power and dominion of the barbarians . chap. xii . that trajanus having been sent embassadour to chosroes , * repaired the affairs of the romans . tiberius therefore resolves upon a † course very seasonable , and accommodate to the [ present juncture of ] affairs ; which repaired the whole misfortune . for a trajanus , a wise person of the senatorian order , a man highly valued by all men for his gray-hairs and understanding , is dispatcht away to chosroes : he was not to perform that embassy in the name of ‖ the emperour , nor of the state ; but was to speak in behalf only of [ the empress ] sophia . moreover , she wrote to chosroes , [ in which letter ] she lamented both the calamities of her husband , and also the state 's being deprived of an emperour ; adding with all , that 't was misbecoming [ a prince ] to insult over a woman that was a widdow , over a ‖ dead emperour , and over a deserted state : for , that * he himself , when he had faln sick sometime since , had not only experienced the like [ humanity and kind usage , ] but had likewise had the best physitians sent him by the roman state , who also freed him from his distemper . [ hereby ] therefore chosroes is prevailed upon . and although he was just ready to make an invasion ‖ upon the territories of the romans , yet he concludes a truce for the space of three years , in the eastern parts . but , 't was thought good , that armenia b should not be included in the like [ conditions of a truce ; ] so that , he might wage war there , provided no body disturbed the eastern parts . during the transaction of these affairs in the east , sirmium was taken by the c abares : which [ city ] the gepidae had possest themselves of before , but had afterwards surrendred it to [ the emperour ] justinus . chap. xiii . concerning the election of tiberius to the empire , and concerning his disposition . about the same time , justinus by the advice of sophia , proclaims tiberius , caesar. at which election [ justinus ] made such a speech , as transcends all history , as well ancient as modern : the most commpassionate god allowing justinus this opportunity , both for a confession of his own sins , and also that he might be the authour of wholesome advice for the advantage and benefit of the state. for , at a convention a in the atrium of the [ imperial ] pallace ( where b ancient custome says such solemnities were performed , ) both of c johannes the patriarch , whom we mentioned before , together with his clergy , of the magistracy and honorati , and of all the grand officers about the court ; justinus , when he had invested tiberius with the imperial coat , and had cloathed him in the [ purple ] * robe , with a loud voice spake publickly [ these following words . ] let not the magnificence of your attire deceive you , nor the scene of those things which are seen : by which i have been imposed upon , and have rendred my self obnoxious to the extreamest of punishments . do you correct my mistakes , and withall * lenity and mansuetude govern the state. then pointing to the † magistrates ; you ought not , said he , in any wise to be perswaded by them ; and further added , for they have reduced me to those circumstances wherein you now behold me . [ he uttered ] severall other such like [ expressions , ] which put all persons into an amaze , and drew from them plenty of tears . now , tiberius was very tall of body , and besides his stature , the comeliest person , not only of emperours , but of all other men , d as far as any one may conjecture ; e in so much that , in the first place , even his very shape deserved an empire . his temper of mind was sweet and curteous , [ a person ] that received all men kindly even at the first sight . he esteemed it [ the greatest ] riches to be liberall to all men in reference to bountifull contributions , not only as far as a necessity , but even to an affluence . f for he considered no● , what petitioners ought to receive , but what it became an emperour of the romans to give . 't was his sentiment , that that gold was adulterate ‖ which was collected with the tears [ of the provincialls . ] hence ( 't is certain ) it was , that he remitted the collection of g one whole years tribute , to the tributaries . and those possessions which adaarmanes had ruined , he freed from the tributary function , not only in proportion to the damage they had suffered , but also much above [ the loss . ] moreover , h those illegall presents were remitted to the magistrates , for which [ bribes ] the emperours had heretofore sold their subjects [ to them . ] he also wrote constitutions concerning these matters , making thereby provision for the security of posterity . chap. xiv . that the emperour tiberius raised a vast army [ to be imployed ] against chosroes ; [ at the head whereof ] he sent justinianus the dux , and drove [ chosroes ] out of * the roman pale . having therefore imployed the ill gotten treasure to a good use , he made provision for a war. and raises so vast an army * of valiant men , by listing the choycest souldiers , both of the ‖ transalpine nations who [ inhabit ] about the rhine , and also of the † cisalpines , of the massagetae likewise , and other scythick nations ; of those also about * pannonia and moesia , of the illyrii and isauri : that he intermixt near an hundred and fifty thousand men with his incomparable a troops of horse , and routed chosroes : who after his taking of daras , immediately in the summer had made an irruption into armenia , and from thence resolved upon an invasion of caesarea , ( which is the metropolis of cappadocia , ) and of the cities in that region . he contemned the roman empire in such a manner , that when caesar dispatch't away an embassy to him , he would not vouchsafe the ambassadours access to himself : but ordered them to follow him to caesarea : for there , he said , he would * give them audience . but when he saw the roman army fronting him , ( commanded by b justinianus c brother to that justinus who had been barbarously murdered by [ the emperour ] justinus , ) accurately well armed , the trumpe●s sounding an alarm , the colours raised in order to an engagement , the souldier greedy of slaughter , and with a most incomparable decency breathing forth rage and fury , [ lastly ] such and so great a number of horse , as none of the emperours had ever conceived in their mind ; he was stricken with a great amazement , sighed deeply at so unhop't-for and unexpected a thing , and would not begin a fight . when therefore he deferred an engagement , made delayes , spent the time , and only feigned a fight ; d curs the scythian , a person that commanded the right wing , makes an attack upon him . the persians were not able to bear the † shock of his charge , but apparently deserted their ‖ ranks ; whereupon [ curs ] made a great slaughter amongst the enemy . then he attacks the rere [ of the persian , ] where chosroes and the whole army had their baggage : and he takes all the kings treasure , and moreover the whole baggage , in the very sight of chosroes , who bore it with patience , and e thought his own trouble might with more ease be indured , than the attack of curs . in this manner therefore curs , together with his souldiers , possesses himself of great riches and plunder , and drives away the beasts of burthen together with their burthens , amongst which hapned to be chosroes's sacred fire , adored by him as a god : [ after this ] he marches round the persian army singing a victorious song , and about candle-lighting returns to * the roman army , which † had now left its station ; neither chosroes nor the romans having begun a fight : only some skirmishes had hapned , and ( as it usually happens , ) sometimes one man [ came out ] of each army and engaged in a single combat . on the night following chosroes kindled many fires , and prepared for a night-fight : and whereas the roman army was divided into two camps , in the dead of the night he falls upon those who were encamped to the northward . after he had routed them by his sudden and unexpected attack , he invades melitina a city that lay near , which was then without a garrison and destitute of inhabitants . and after he had burnt down this whole city , he made preparations for his passing over the river euphrates . but when the roman army was got together into one body , and followed him , being put into a fear in relation to his own safety , he himself got upon an elephant , and so past the river . but a vast number of the [ forces ] about him were buried in the torrent of the euphrates . after he had received information of their being drowned , he marched away from thence . chosroes therefore having undergone this last punishment for his so great † insolence towards the romans , in company of those [ of his forces ] who had made their escape , went into the east , where he had a truce , to the end no one might make an attack upon him . but justinianus with the whole roman army entred the persian empire , where he passed the winter season , no body giving him any the least molestation . about the summer solstice he returned , without the loss of any part of his forces , and with great felicity and much glory spent the summer about the confines of both empires . chap. xv. that chosroes being heavily disquieted at his own overthrow , ended his life : but his son hormisda undertook the government of the persians . but , an immense [ deluge of ] sadness being poured in upon a chosroes , ( who was now sorely distressed , reduced to a desperation , and overwhelmed with a reciprocall torrent of grief , ) in a miserable manner took him out of this life ; after he had erected an immortall monument of his own flight , [ to wit ] the law he wrote , that no emperour of the persians should in future lead forth an army against the romans . his son hormisda succeeds him in the empire . b of whom i must at present omit to speak , in regard the sequel [ of transactions ] calls me to themselves , and doth expect the * thread of my discourse . chap. xvi . who at that time were bishops of the greater churches . after the departure of johannes , called also catelinus , out of this life , a bonosus undertakes the government of the bishoprick of rome ; he was succeeded by another johannes , whose successour was pelagius . the constantinopolitane chair , when johannes was dead , was restored to eutychius , who had been bishop before johannes . after apollinaris , johannes succeeds in the throne of alexandria , who was succeeded by eulogius . after macarius , johannes is promoted to the episcopate of jerusalem , a person who had been excercised in the conflicts of an unfurnished life , in that termed the monasterie of the acoemeti ; b nothing of an innovation having been attempted in relation to the ecclesiastick constitution . chap. xvii . concerning the earthquake which hapned at antioch in the times of tiberius . but , a in the third year of tiberius the caesar's governing the roman empire , there hapned at antioch and the suburb daphne which is near it , a most dismall shaking of the earth , b at the very hottest time of noon-day . at which time all daphne was totally demolished by this earthquake , and the edifices at antioch , as well the publick as the private ones , were rent in sunder to the very earth , but fell not to the very ground . some other accidents hapned likewise , highly worthy to be recorded , both at theopolis it self , and at the imperial city also : which disquieted both those cities , and incited them to the greatest tumults . [ these accidents ] took their * beginning from a divine zeal , and obtained a conclusion befitting god. which [ matters ] c i come [ now ] to give a narrative of . chap. xviii . concerning the insurrection against the execrable anatolius . one anatolius ( a person at first a of the ordinary rank , and one of the sedentary mechanicks , but afterwards in what manner i know not , he had thrust himself into the magistracy , and into other offices ; ) lived in the city antioch : where also he followed those affairs which he then had in hand . on which account likewise it hapned that he contracted an intimate familiarity with gregorius the prelate of that city : and made frequent visits to him , b partly that he might confer with him , and partly to render his own power and authority greater by often conversing with him . this [ anatolius ] was afterwards discovered to have sacrificed [ to the gods ; ] and having on that account been called to examination , was detected to be a most execrable wretch , a conjurer , and a person involved in innumerable impieties . but he † corrupted the comes of the east with money ; and wanted but little of gaining his dismission , together with his accomplices ; ( for he had severall others of the same moralls with himself , who had been apprehended at the same time that he was : ) had not the populacy made an insurrection , and by raising a great disturbance , spoyled that design . moreover , they exclaimed against the patriarch himself , and said that he * was a party in that consult . also , some turbulent and destructive daemon c had perswaded some persons , that he was ‖ present together with anatolius at the [ detestable ] sacrifices . for this reason gregorius was reduced to the imminentest of dangers , most violent incursions being made against him by the populacy . and this suspicion was raised to such an heighth , that the emperour tiberius himself became desirous of knowing the truth from anatolius's own mouth . he gives order therefore , that anatolius and his accomplices should forthwith be conveyed to the imperial city . which when anatolius understood , he ran to an image of the theotocos hung up by a rope in the prison , and having folded his hands behind his back , shewed himself in the posture of an humble suppliant and petitioner . but she , abominating [ the man , ] and reproving [ the wretch ] as impious and hatefull to god , d turned [ her face ] quite backward ; an horred sight , and worthy to be forever remembred : which thing having been seen , both by all the prisoners , and also by those who were entrusted with the custody of anatolius and his accomplices ; was declared to all persons . moreover , she was seen by some of the faithfull , inciting them against that pest anatolius , and saying that he had been injurious to her son. but after he was brought to the imperial city , and having been * exposed to the acutest of tortures , had not any thing in the least to say against the prelate [ gregorius ; ] he , together with his associates , became the occasioner of greater tumults there , and [ was the authour ] of a popular sedition in that city . for , when some of † them had received a sentence of banishment , but were not to be taken off by a capitall punishment ; the populacy , incensed by a kind of divine zeal , put all things into a disturbance , by being exasperated , and highly enraged . and having seized the persons that had been condemned to exile , they put them into a boat , and burnt them alive ; which sentence the people pronounc't against them . they likewise exclaimed against the emperour , and against eutychius their own patriarch , as being betrayers of the faith : and they were about to have murdered eutychius , and those persons to whom the cognizance of this cause had been committed , going up and down to all places in quest of them ; had not providence , the preserver of all things , delivered them out of their hands who sought after them , and by degrees appeased the rage of so numerous a multitude , in such a manner , that no mischievous action was committed by their hands . further , anatolius himself in the first place was cast to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre , and his body having been torn by them , was afterwards fixt to a cross. but neither in this manner found he an end of his punishment in this life . for the wolves having drag'd his impure body down from the cross , ( a thing never before seen , ) divided it for a prey amongst themselves . there was also a certain person amongst us , who ( before these things hapned , ) affirmed , that he saw in his sleep , in what manner the sentence against anatolius and his accomplices should be * pronounced by the people . and an illustrious e curator of the imperial houses , who was a vigorous defender of anatolius , affirmed that he saw the theotocos , who said , how long would he defend anatolius , who had cast such great contumelies , both on her self , and on her son . and in this manner were these affairs concluded . chap. xix . concerning mauricius's generalship , and concerning his vertues . but , tiberius being now , after the death of justinus , encircled with the [ imperial ] crown , turns justinianus out of commission , in regard he managed not [ the war ] against the barbarians with the same fortunate success as formerly . and a he creates mauricius magister of the eastern milice , a person that derived his descent and name from the seniour rome ; but from his immediate parents he acknowledged himself a native of b arabissus , a city of cappadocia . he was a personage of great prudence and perspicacity , every way accurate and immoveable . as to his diet and moralls , he was constant and most exact , a perfect master over his appetite , making use of those [ provisions ] only that were necessary and easily procured ; but [ avoiding ] all other things , † wherewith dissolute and intemperate men are wont to please themselves . he was not easie of access as to conferences with * the many , nor gave attention [ promiscuously to all persons ; ] being sensible , that the first produced contempt , and the second opened the way to flattery . he permitted very few visits to be made to himself , c nor those except concerning affairs of consequence . but to matters superfluous he stopt his ears , not with wax , according to the poet , but with reason rather : that so , reason might be the best key of his ears , which should opportunely both open and shut them in discourses . he had in such a manner , ‖ clear'd himself of ignorance , the mother of rashness ; and of sloth , which d dwelleth with her , and is her e comrade : that his being in danger was [ to be ascribed ] to wisedome , and his slowness of action , to security . for , courage and prudence rode on opportunities as 't were on an horse , and governed the raines according to what the utility [ of the republick ] might order . and , the remissness and * intensness of his very assaults were performed in a certain measure , order , and proportion . but concerning this matter we shall speak more accurately in the sequel . for , what and how eminent a person he was , must be reserved to his own empire ; which hath made a more manifest discovery of this man , and , by having allowed him an uncontroulable power of doing any thing , has displaid his very inmost recesses . this mauricius therefore having at the head of the roman army made an expedition into the persian territories , takes from the persians their cities and most convenient castles : and possessed himself of so great a spoil , that the * captives he had brought away [ out of persia ] f peopled whole islands , cities , and countreys , which in process of time had been deserted ; and land that before had been wholly untilled , was by them rendred fertile ; and out of them were raised numerous armies , which with great courage and valour waged wars against other [ barbarous ] nations : [ in fine , ] every family was filled with those that might perform servile offices , in regard slaves could be procured at a most cheap rate . chap. xx. how mauricius vanquished tamchosroes and adaarmanes generalls of the persians . moreover , he engaged with the eminentest of the persian commanders , to wit , tamchosroes and adaarmanes , who had made an irruption [ into the roman pale ] with a considerable army . in what manner , when , and where this action was performed , let others relate ; or perhaps we will give a narrative thereof in another work : for our present subject promises an account of far different affairs . nevertheless , a tamchosroes fell in that engagement , not by the valour of the roman army , but by the piety only of their commander in chief [ mauricius , ] and by his faith in god. * moreover , adaarmanes flies with all imaginable hast , having been severely worsted in that fight , and lost many of his own forces : and that , notwithstanding alamundarus , who commanded the † saracens , had acted perfidiously , and refused to pass the river euphrates , and to give assistance to mauricius against those saracens who were in the persian army . for the saracens are not to be vanquished by others , because of the fleetness of their horses : nor can they be taken , if at any time they be * stopt , and they prevent the enemy in their retreats . notwithstanding also , b theodorichus , who was commander of the scythian nations , stood not even the first charge , but fled together with the forces about him . chap. xxi . concerning those signes which † presignified mauricius's being made emperour . further , there hapned signes also shown from heaven , which foretold , that mauricius should be emperour . for , as he offered incense late at night , within the sanctuary of the sacred house of the holy and most undefiled virgin and theotocos mary , ( which by the antiochians is termed justinian's church , ) the veil about the sacred table seemed to be all on fire ; in so much that mauricius was struck with terrour and amazement , and very much dreaded that sight . gregorius patriarch of that city , standing by mauricius , told him , that that thing proceeded * from god , and portended the greatest and most eximious events to him . christ our god appeared likewise to him a in the east , requesting of him that he would avenge him . which [ vision ] apparently declared that he should be emperour . for , from whom else could [ our saviour ] have requested such things , save from an emperour , and from one who was so pious an adorer of himself ? moreover , his parents related to me severall other memorable passages , and such as are worthy to be recorded , when i my self made enquiry of them concerning these matters . for his father affirmed to me , that in his sleep he saw a vast vine , which sprang out of his bed at the very time of * his conception , and that a great many and those the fairest sort of grapes appeared hanging on it . and his mother declared , that b at the very time of her delivery , the earth sent forth a strange and unusuall sweet smell . also , that she termed c the empusa had often carried away the infant , as if she would have devoured it : but was unable to do it any mischief . symeones , likewise who kept his station upon a pillar near antioch , a man of extraordinary prudence in the management of affairs , and one adorned with all the divine virtues , spoke and performed many things , which declared that mauricius should be emperour . concerning which person we shall speak more opportunely in the following book of our history . chap. xxii . concerning the proclaiming of mauricius and augusta . further , mauricius is promoted to the empire , at such time as tiberius was drawing his last breath , and had delivered to him his daughter augusta , and the empire instead of a portion , * he survived his being made emperour but a very short time ; but left an immortall memory for the good actions he performed . nor , are they easily to be confined within the bounds of a narrative . moreover , tiberius left an incomparable inheritance to the republick , to wit , his proclaiming of mauricius emperour . to whom he distributed his names also : for he styled mauricius , tiberius ; and to augusta [ he gave the name of ] constantina . what was performed by them , the following book , divine strength affording me its assistance , shall set forth . chap. xxiii . † a computation of the times from justinus junior , to mauricius . moreover , that the times may be * distinguished with all imaginable accuracy , you are to know , that justinus junior reigned a by himself twelve years ten months and a half ; b with tiberius [ his colleague , ] three years and eleven months . all which time put together , [ make up ] sixteen years nine months and an half . tiberius reigned alone four years . so that , from romulus untill the proclaiming of mauricius tiberius emperour , there are concluded to be ............... , as both the former , and present [ description of ] the years hath manifested . chap. xxiv . concerning the series of history , which is preserved till our times . by god's assistance , the history of the church is * handed down to us , digested into one body , by [ the industry of the best ] writers . till the times of constantine , by eusebius pamphilus . from constantine's reign , to [ the empire of ] theodosius junior , by theodoret , sozomen , and socrates : and [ lastly , ] a by those collections , we have made in this our present work. the ancient history , as well sacred as profane , is extant , continued in a series by the industrious . for moses , who was the first that began to write an history , ( as 't is most evidently demonstrated by those who have made collections in reference to these matters ; ) compiled a true and most exact account of affairs from the beginning of the world , according to the information he had from god himself , with whom he conversed in the mount sina . others who followed him , preparing a way for our religion , have in the sacred volumes set forth what hapned in succeeding ages . moreover , josephus wrote a large history , which is every way usefull and profitable . whatever occurrences , whether fabulous or reall , have hapned amongst the greeks and ancient barbarians , whilst the greeks waged wars amongst themselves , or against the barbarians ; or whatever else has been transacted from such time as they had an account that men first existed ; have been recorded by b charax , theopompus , and ephorus , and by innumerable other writers . the actions of the romans , wherein is contained the history [ almost ] of the whole world , or whatever else hapned , whilst they were involved in civill and intestine broyls , or acted against others ; have been set forth in writing by dionysius halicarnasseus , who began his history from those people termed the aborigines , and continued it to pyrrhus * king of the epirotes . from that time , polybius the megalopolite hath brought down [ his history ] to the destruction of carthage . all which apianus has † with great perspicuity distinguished , and hath gathered together each action into one body , although they were performed at different times . in like manner , the affairs transacted after the times of those historians i have mentioned , have been committed to writing by diodorus siculus , [ who wrote ] till [ the times of ] julius caesar ; and by dion cassius who brought down his history to the empire of antoninus born at emesa . herodian also , a writer of the same times , has given us a record of transactions till the death of maximus . c nicostratus the sophist of trapezus has compiled an history , wherein he sets forth an account of affairs from philippus who succeeded gordianus in the empire , untill odaenathus of palmyra , and valerian's disgracefull expedition against the persians . dexippus also has written at large concerning the same matters , who begins from the d scythick wars , and ends at the empire of claudius successour to gallienus . the same dexippus hath compiled an history of the actions of the carpi and other barbarous nations , which they performed in their wars within achaia , thracia , and ionia , eusebius begins from octavianus , trajanus , and marcus , and has brought down his history as far as the death of carus . moreover , e arrianus and asinius quadratus have written some things concerning the same times . the history of the following times is given us by zosimus , untill the emperours honorius and arcadius . after which emperours , affairs have been recorded by priscus rhetor , and others . all these transactions are excellently well reduced into an epitome by f eustathius epiphaniensis , in two volumes ; the first whereof [ comprizes matters transacted ] untill the taking of troy , and the second , unto the twelfth year of anastasius's empire . from whence , untill the times of justinian , procopius the rhetorician hath recorded affairs . the history of those times next immediately following , untill the flight of chosroes junior to the romans , and his restauration to his own kingdom by mauricius , ( who made not any the least delay at that affair , but gave [ the fugitive ] a royall reception , and with the expence of a vast sum of money , and accompanied with great forces , conveyed him back into his own kingdom , g with all possible expedition ; ) hath been written in a continued series by agathias the rhetorician , and h johannes my fellow-citizen and kinsman ; although as yet they have not made their histories publick . concerning which affairs , we our selves also , the divine † clemency giving us permission , will in the sequel give such a narrative as is accommodate and agreeable . the end of the fifth book of evagrius's ecclesiastical history . the sixth book of the ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis , and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . chap. i. concerning the marriage of mauricius and augusta . mauricius , after he had obtained the empire , in the first place made provision for his marriage . and , agreeable to the solemn usage of emperours , he takes to wife augusta , who was also called constantina . the pomp of those nuptialls was most magnificently performed , and banquets and * jolity [ celebrated and observed ] in every place of the city . at this wedding were present piety and imperial dignity , which [ two ] guarded [ mauricius and constantina ] in the gracefullest manner imaginable , and presented them with the richest gifts . for , the † first ‖ produced the father and the mother [ of mauricius , ] ( a thing never known to have hapned to any emperour before , ) who consecrated the wedding with their comely gray-hairs and venerable wrincles ; his brethren also , eminent for their shape , stature , and comeliness , who adorned the nuptiall pomp. the * second [ presented ] a robe interwoven with gold , adorned with purple and indian stones ; crowns also of the highest value , enrich't with much gold and the various brightnesses of gems ; all those personages likewise , which bore offices in the imperial pallace , and were enrolled in the militia ; who carried nuptiall tapers in their hands , were a most magnificently clad to the end they might be known , and with songs celebrated that nuptiall solemnity . in so much that , never was there amongst men any thing more splendid or , * richer than that ‖ show . b demophilus , writing concerning rome , does indeed relate , that plutarchus chaeronensis uttered a c wise saying , viz. that for the sake of that one only † city , virtue and fortune had entred into a mutuall league . but i may say , that piety and felicity in such a like manner had come together in one mauricius ; for piety had vanquished felicity , and would in no wise permit her to make an escape . after this , mauricius made it his business to invest and adorn , not his body only , but his mind also , with the imperial purple and crown . for , of all the emperours that were his predecessours , he alone reigned over himself . and being in reality made an emperour , he expelled out of his own mind that † democraticall dominion of the passions . and having constituted an * aristocracy within his own mind , he shewed himself a living image of virtue , instructing his subjects to an imitation of himself . all this is not spoken by me out of flattery . for , why should i utter these words with such a design , since † he is wholly ignorant of what i write ? but , that what i have said is really so , will be made evident , both by those gifts conferred on him by god , and also from the successfull accidents which have hapned at severall times ; all which must * without controversie be by us afcribed to god. chap. ii. concerning alamundarus the saracen , and his son naamanes . besides all his other [ virtues , ] this was the chiefest of his care , that the bloud of none of those who had been guilty of high-treason , should in any wise be shed . therefore , he did not put to death even alamundarus chief of the saracens , who had betrayed both the republick and mauricius himself , as i have * already related : but only punished him with deportation to an island , together with his wife and some of his children , [ ordering him ] to dwell in sicily . but naamanes son to this man , ( who had involved the state in innumerable mischiefs , and by the assistance of those barbarians he had about him , had ruined and enslaved both the phoenice's , and the palestine's , at such time as [ his father ] alamundarus was seized ; ) although all [ the judges ] were of opinion that he deserved a capitall punishment , was only detained by him under a * custody at large ; and he inflicted no further punishment on him . he used the same [ clemency ] towards innumerable other persons , as shall be particularly related in due place . chap. iii. concerning johannes and philippicus masters of the milice , and the actions done by them . further , mauricius in the first place sent johannes , ( a native of thracia , ) commander of the eastern milice . who having been worsted in some engagements , and got the better in others , did nothing worthy of a narrative . after him [ he sent ] philippicus , who was related to him ; for he had married the one of mauricius's two sisters . he entred the enemies country , ruined all things he met with , and possest himself of a vast quantity of plunder . he likewise slew many [ inhabitants ] of the city nisibis , who were of noble birth and well descended , and of other cities also which stood beyond the river tigris . moreover , he engaged with the persians : whereupon a great fight hapned , in which fell severall persians of the greatest note , and he took many * prisoners ; he likewise sent away a † body of persians unhurt , who had fled to a certain * eminence conveniently enough scituated , when 't was in his power to have taken them ; after they had made him a promise , to perswade their own king , forthwith to dispatch away [ an embassy ] to treat about a peace . he also behaved himself very well in relation to severall other matters , during his command of the roman forces ; for he freed the army from all things that were superfluous , and which opened a way to luxury ; and the souldiers were by him reduced to modesty , tractablen●ss , and obedience . but these matters must be left to those who have written , or do now write , according as they may either receive information from report , or are lead by opinion : whose relation , in regard it either stumbles and is lamed by ignorance , or is softned by affection and partiality , or [ lastly ] is blinded by * hatred , does [ usually ] wander from the truth . chap. iv. concerning priscus's mastership of the milice , and what he suffered from the army who raised a mutiny against him . after this philippicus , priscus is preferred to the mastership of the milice ; a person to whom access was not easily obtained , and one who came not abroad but upon affairs † of consequence . for , it was his sentiment , that he could transact every thing better and with more ease , if for the most part he continued retired : as if the souldiery , induced by fear this way rather , would yield a more ready obedience to his commands . at the time therefore of his first arrivall in the roman camp , his looks were supercilious and haughty , and his garb too gorgeous ; when he a published some [ edicts ] also , concerning the souldiers * perseverance in undergoing hardships in the wars , in reference to their being compleatly armed , and in relation to the annona which they were to receive out of the publick treasury . they having had some intimation of these matters before hand , at that time broke forth into an open rage ; and by a joynt consent made an attack upon that place where priscus's tent was pitch't , and in a barbarous manner make plunder of his magnificent furniture , and of his richest and most valuable treasure . moreover , they mist but little of killing him ; had he not mounted one of his b led-horses , and made his escape to edessa . to which city the souldiers sent a detachment of their own body , and laid siege to it , demanding priscus to be surrendred up to them . chap. v. concerning germanus's being forced against his will to undertake the imperial dignity . but when the inhabitants of edessa refused to do that ; they left priscus there , and by force lay hands upon germanus commander of the militia a in phoenice libanensis , whom they create their leader , and , b as much as they were able to do it , their emperour . but , upon germanus's refusall of that , and their urging it with a greater degree of heat and fierceness , a contention was raised on both sides ; he [ striving ] that he might not be compelled , and they [ contending ] to bring about [ what they desired : ] and when the souldiers * threatned him with death , unless he would voluntarily undertake [ that dignity they conferred on him ; ] and germanus with a willing mind embraced death : at length , after they saw he could not be terrified , nor was to be abashed , they betook themselves to scourging him , and maimed the members of his body , supposing he would in no wise indure those tortures : for they judged him not more hardy than nature and his age would bear . having therefore set about this matter , they made tryall of him with a kind of reverence and compassion , and in fine forced him , though unwilling , to consent , and to swear [ in a set form of words , ] that in future he would † continue faithfull unto them . in this manner therefore they compelled him their subject to become their ruler , him whom they governed to turn their governour , and him a captive to be their sovereign . then they displaced all other officers in the army , the praefects of the troops , the tribunes , the * centurions , and decurions ; and put whom they pleased into their places , casting forth reproaches in publick upon the empire . and , for the most part they behaved themselves towards the provincialls , with more of † modesty indeed , than barbarians usually do : but were far from being c fellow-souldiers and servants of the state. for , they neither received the annonae by appointed measures or weights , nor were they contented with the d mansions or quarters assigned them . but every one's sentiment was his law , and his will his set measure . chap. vi. how the emperour sent philippicus again , but the army refused to receive him . in order to the composure of these [ disturbances , ] the emperour sends philippicus . whom the souldiers not only received not ; but if they suspected a any one to have an inclination towards him , he was in great danger of his life . chap. vii . concerning gregorius [ bishop ] of antioch , and the calumny framed against him ; and in what manner he evinced it to be false . whilst affairs were in this posture , gregorius bishop of * antioch makes his return from the imperial city , having now been conquerour in a certain conflict , which i will here give a narrative of . whilst asterius was comes of the east , a difference had risen between him and gregorius , wherein all the eminentest citizens of † antioch had betaken themselves to asterius's ‖ side . the commonalty also and artificers of the city sided with asterius . for all of them affirmed , that they had received some injury or other from gregorius . at length , even the populacy were likewise permitted to cast reproaches upon the bishop . a both parties therefore , [ as well the eminenter citizens , as the artificers , ] agreed in one and the same opinion with the populacy ; and both in the streets , and in the theatre , exclaimed against the patriarch in a reproachfull manner : nor did the players abstain from [ loading him with ] such contumelies . in the interim , asterius is deprived of his government , and johannes undertakes it ; who was ordered by the emperour to make an enquiry into that disturbance . this johannes was a person unfit to manage the most triviall affairs , much less [ to compose ] a matter of such consequence . having therefore filled the city with tumults and disturbances , and by a publication of his edicts declared , that any one that would , might accuse the patriarch ; he receives a libell against him , presented by a certain person who was president of a money-table ; wherein 't was set forth , that gregorius had had to do with his own sister , who was given in marriage to another man. he receives likewise [ accusations ] from other men of the same kidney , b which related to the peace and repose of the city [ antioch , ] as if that had been frequently disturbed by gregorius . as to [ the crime he stood charged with for disturbing ] the repose of the city , gregorius's answer was , that his defence was ready . but , in relation to other matters objected against him , he appealed to the emperour and a synod . c having me therefore his assessour councellour and companion , he went to the imperial [ city , constantinople , ] in order to the making his defence against these [ accusations . ] and , the patriarchs in all places , partly in person and partly by their legates , having been present at the examination hereof , as likewise the sacred senate , and many of the most pious metropolitans ; when the matter had been thorowly sifted ; at length , after many * actions , gregorius carried the cause : in so much that , his accuser was scourged with nerves , lead about the city , and punished with exile . from thence therefore gregorius returns to his own see , at such time as the roman army in the east was in a mutiny ; philippicus then making his residence about the cities beraea and chalcis . chap. viii . that antioch suffered again by earth-quakes . four months after * his return , a on the six hundredth thirty seventh year of antioch's being styled a free city , sixty one years after the former earthquake , on the last day of the month hyperberetaeus , whereon i had married a young virgin , and the whole city kept holiday , and celebrated a publick festivity , both as to pomp , and also round my marriage-bed ; † about the third hour of the night , hapned an earthquake accompanied with a dreadfull noyse , which shook the whole city : it overturned very many edifices , * and tore up their very foundations . in so much that , all [ the buildings which stood ] about the most holy church were totally ruined , only the hemisphaere thereof was preserved , which ephraemius had built of timber fell'd in the daphnensian grove , when it had suffered by an earthquake in justinus's empire . in the earthquakes which hapned afterwards , the same hemisphaere had been so bowed towards the northern-side , that b it had timber-props wherewith 't was supported . which props having been thrown down by the violent concussion of the earth , the hemisphaere returned to the other side , and being directed by a certain rule as 't were , was restored to its proper place . moreover , there fell many buildings of that [ region ] termed the ostracine , the psephium also , of which we have made mention ‖ before , and all those places called the c brysia , the edifices likewise about the most venerable church of the theotocos , only its middle porticus was miraculously preserved . further , all the d towers in the campus were ruined , but the rest of the building continued entire , excepting only the battlements of the walls . for some stones of those battlements were * driven backward , but they fell not . severall other churches suffered likewise , as did also the one of the publick baths , to wit , e one of them which was divided according to the severall seasons of the year . an innumerable company of people perished also in this earthquake ; and , as some have made a f conjecture from the publick annona , this calamity destroyed about sixty thousand persons . but , the bishop was beyond all expectation preserved , although the house wherein he sate fell , and no person escaped , save only those who stood about him . which persons , when another shaking of the earth had rent that place , g took [ up the bishop ] on their shoulders , and let him down by a rope , and so made their escape from danger . there hapned another thing also , which was salutary to the city , in regard our compassionate god sharpned his menaces with lenity , and chastized the sin [ of the people ] with the rod of commiseration and mercy . for , no part of the city hapned to be burnt , notwithstanding there was so vast a quantity of flame every where in the city , [ which arose ] from the hearths , from the publick and private candles , from kitchins , furnaces , and baths , and from innumerable other places . further , many persons of great note and eminency perished in this earthquake ; amongst which number was asterius . and the emperour administred comfort to this calamity of the city , by [ a supply of ] money [ out of his exchequer . ] chap. ix . that the barbarians taking courage from the defection of the army from the emperour , set upon them , and were worsted by germanus . but the army * persisted in their defection : in so much that the barbarians made an irruption into the roman territories , being fully perswaded that no person would hinder them from doing such actions as are usually perpetrated by barbarians . but , a germanus marches out against them at the head of the roman army , and gave them such a totall rout and overthrow , that not so much as a messenger was left remaining , to carry the persian news of their calamitous defeat . chap. x. concerning the emperour's clemency towards the mutineers . moreover , the emperour rewarded the army with money . but , he recalled germanus with some other persons from thence , and brought them to tryall . and though all of them were condemned to undergo a capital punishment , yet the emperour would not permit them to suffer any thing of trouble or inconveniency ; yea he bestowed honours and rewards upon them . whilst these affairs proceeded in this manner , the abares made two excursions as far as that termed the long wall ; [ possest themselves of ] singidunum , anchialus , and all achaia , and took severall other cities and castles , and reduced [ the persons they found there ] to slavery , destroying all places with fire and sword ; [ no resistance being made against them , ] in regard the greatest part of the roman army made their residence in the east . the emperour therefore sends a andreas , a personage of eminentest note amongst the imperial * satellites , who might perswade the army to receive their former leaders , and the rest [ of their commanders . ] chap. xi . that gregorius [ bishop ] of * antioch was sent to pacifie the army . but when the souldiers would not endure so much as to hear this order , the management of that whole affair is † committed to gregorius ; not only because he was a person fit to negotiate matters of the greatest importance , but also in regard the army gave him a deserved deference , and paid him the highest respect and honour . for some of the souldiers had had money bestowed on them by him : and [ he had supplied ] others of them with clothes , provisions , and other necessaries , a at such time as , when registred in the muster-roll , they had marched thorow his [ grounds . ] having therefore sent messengers all about , he calls together those who were accounted the principall persons of the army , to a place termed b litarba , distant from theopolis about three hundred furlongs . to whom , after he was come amongst them , notwithstanding he lay on his bed , he spake these words . chap. xii . gregorius's speech to the army . i was indeed of opinion , ( ye men truly romans , as well by name , as for your actions ! ) that you would have long since come to me , both to * confer with me about the present juncture , and to take that advice also , which my benevolence towards you doth abundantly promise . which [ kindness of mine ] has indubitably been confirmed by former good offices , at such time as , by sending you supplies of necessaries , i asswaged a your navall tumult , and the storm which arose from thence . but , in regard that has been neglected till now , ( an inducement thereto having peradventure not hapned from above , ) both that the persians , vanquished by persons without a leader , might perfectly understand the valour of romans ; and also , that your sincere kindness [ towards the state , ] having been accurately tried by opportunity , and attested by actions themselves , might every way receive confirmation : ( for you have evidently demonstrated , that although you have had cause of trouble and offence against your leaders given you , yet nothing is more of value to you than the state : ) come on therefore , let us now consider what is to be done . the emperour invites you , and has promised an * amnesty of all that is past , having received your benevolence toward the state , and your fortitude in battell , in † place of the boughs and olive-branches of suppliants ; and having given you these securest pledges imaginable of his pardon , in regard he says thus : if god hath given ‖ victory to your benevolence [ towards the state , ] and ( your offences being dispelled , ) your courage has shined forth , which is a most certain argument of pardon granted ; b how shall not i follow the divine judgment ? the heart of a king is in the hand of god , and he inclines it which way he pleases . obey me therefore , ye romans ! with all imaginable speed . and let us not * loose the present opportunity , nor frustrate it by letting it slip : for it hates to be taken after it has escaped , and , vex't as 't were because it was c neglected , never suffers it self to be taken twice . be ye heirs of your ancestours obedience , as you have been inheritours of their valour ; that you may every way show your selves romans , and that no infamous brand may be fixt upon your name , or demonstrate you to be a spurious issue . your ancestours , when under the government of consuls and emperours , by obedience and valour possest themselves of the whole world. manlius torquatus † crowned his own son by beheading him ; who though he had behaved himself valiantly , had notwithstanding disobeyed command . for , by the prudent conduct of commanders , and the obedience of the milice , great ‖ things are wont to be performed . but if the one of these two be * separated from the other , it halts , staggers , and stumbles ; in regard these most excellent pair of virtues are disjoyned . make no longer delays therefore : but † be perswaded by me , ( the sacerdotall function does now mediate between the emperour and his army : ) and give a demonstration , that what you do is not ‖ rebellion , but a just indignation [ entertained ] for some short time against those your commanders by whom you had been injured . for if you will not flie [ to the emperour ] with all imaginable speed , i indeed shall have * done what is requisite , both in discharge of that benevolence i owe the state , and of my friendship also towards you : but i would have you consider , what the † exits of tyrants are . for , in what manner will you terminate the present state of affairs ? 't is altogether impossible that you should continue together in a body . for whence shall the fruits of the earth be brought into you , or those conveniences which the sea affords the * continent for a supply ; unless you wage war with christians , and on the other hand be involved in wars brought upon you by them , whereby you will commit and suffer the horridest mischiefs , villanies , and reproaches imaginable ? and what will be the end hereof ? being dispersed into all places , you will spend the residue of your lives . revenge will forthwith overtake you , and not suffer any pardon to be granted you in future . give therefore your right hands , and let us consider what is advantagious , both to our selves and to the government ; in regard we have the festivall days of the salutary passion , and of the most holy resurrection of christ our god , to give us assistance in that affair . chap. xiii . that , after gregorius's speech , the souldiers changed their minds , and received their generall philippicus again . having uttered these words , and shed many tears , by a certain divine impulse as 't were he altered all their minds in a moment . and they forthwith requested , that they might go out of the * convention , and consult apart by themselves concerning what was to be done . not long after which they returned , and surrendred themselves to [ the arbitrement and will of ] the bishop . who having nominated philippicus to them , that they should request him for their leader ; their answer was , that as to that matter they and the whole army were oblieged by great oaths . whereto gregorius made this return without any the least hesitancy or delay , that by divine permission he was a priest , and had power to loose and bind , upon earth and in heaven ; and he put them in mind of the divine † oracle . when therefore they had acquiesced in this matter also , he appeased god with a prayers and supplications . and having distributed to them the immaculate body [ of christ ; ] ( for it was b a most solemn day , the second feria , which is near the holy passion : ) he entertained them all at a supper , in number about two thousand persons , ordering beds , whereon they might eat , forthwith to be laid for them on the grass ; and on the morrow returned home . but , 't was thought good that the souldiers should meet together at what place they pleased . gregorius therefore sends for philippicus , who made his residence at tarsus in cilicia , c and was preparing for his journey to constantinople . further , he dispatcht away a relation to the emperour concerning these affairs , wherewith he likewise sent the petition of the army , in which they requested philippicus might be their commander . wherefore , when philippicus was arrived at antioch , the army met him there ; and having taken out those persons who had been vouchsased divine regeneration , to make an address in their behalf , they fall prostrate before him . and when they had received his right hand , in confirmation of an * amnesty of what was past , they made an † expedition under his command . in this manner proceeded these affairs . chap. xiv . concerning the taking of martyropolis . [ in the interim , ] one sittas a a decanus in martyropolis , vext at an injury he had received from one of the military commanders there , betrays the city [ to the enemy , ] observing the time when the garrison b lodged in that city was marched out of it : and having brought in a persian c cohort , as if it had been a roman one , he possest himself of that city , which was a * place of great consequence to the romans . he kept most of the younger women within the city ; but turned out all other persons , except some few servants . immediately therefore philippicus made his march thither , and having invested the city , besieged it , although he had none of those provisions necessary for a siege . nevertheless , he made use of what came next to hand in his attacks , and having wrought some mines , ruined one of the towers : but was not able to make himself master of the city , in regard the persians sate up all night , and * repaired what had been beaten down . when therefore the romans had made frequent attacks against the wall , they were as often beat off . for , the darts thrown upon them from an higher place , very seldome mist the mark they were designed against ; in so much that , they were more damnified , than they could do hurt to the enemy within ; and therefore brake up the siege . and having marched off at some small distance , encamped ; but took particular care of this , that no other supplies of forces should be † let in to those persians besieged . but by the order of mauricius , gregorius makes a journey to the camp , and perswades them to return to the siege . nevertheless , they were unable to effect any thing more than what they had done before , in regard they were wholly destitute of warlike engines commonly made use of in the siege of cities . on which account the army was sent into their winter-quarters . but in the adjacent castles , severall garrisons were left , that the persians might not by stealth get into the city . and on the summer following , when the roman army was got into a body , and the persians had made an expedition against the romans , there hapned a great fight about martyropolis . in which engagement philippicus got the better , and many of the persians fell , amongst whom was * slain one † vallant prince ; but no small number of persians got into martyropolis , which was the chief thing they designed to effect . from thence forward the romans resolved not to lay siege to that city : for it was impossible for them to take it by force . but they built another city at seven surlongs distance [ from martyropolis , ] upon mountainous and ‖ more inaccessible places ; that from thence they might infest it with stratagems and * excursions . and these things [ the romans ] performed during the summer ; but in the winter the army was dismist . chap. xv. concerning comentiolus's mastership of the milice , and the taking [ the castle ] ocbas . after this , comentiolus , by descent a thracian , is sent successour [ to philippicus ] in the mastership of the milice . he engaged the persians in a most couragious manner , and wanted but little of loosing his life , ( having been beaten down together with his horse , ) had not one of his guards mounted him on a one of his led-horses , and conveyed him out of the fight . nevertheless , b the persians were vanquished and fled , having lost all their commanders ; and made their escape to nisibis . and being afraid to return to their own king ; ( for he had threatned them with death , unless they brought back their commanders safe and unhurt : ) they enter into a conspiracy there against * hormisda , the chief authour whereof was varamus master of the persian milice , who not long before had made his return together with the forces about him , from an engagement with the turks . in the interim comentiolus invested martyropolis , and leaves the greater part of his forces there : but he himself , together with some choice souldiers which he had chosen out man by man , makes an excursion to c ocbas , a castle almost inexpugnable , scituate over against martyropolis , on the opposite bank [ of the river nymphius , ] and placed upon a steep and craggy rock ; from whence the whole city was easily to be seen . and having laid siege thereto , and left nothing unattempted , and beaten down some part of the wall with * catapults , he brake in that way , and takes the castle by force . therefore , the persians in future wholly despaired of holding martyropolis . chap. xvi . concerning the murder of hormisda . whilst these actions were performed in this manner , the persians murdered hormisda , who was the unjustest of all kings ; not only because he had oppressed his subjects with exactions of money , but also for [ his inflicting on them ] various sorts of deaths . chap. xvii . concerning the flight of chosroes junior to * us . a then , in his room they constitute his son chosroes their king , against whom varamus undertakes an expedition together with those forces he had about him . chosroes marches out to meet him accompanied with an army not very numerous , and flies , because he perceived his own forces were engaged in a treacherous design against himself . and at length he arrives at circesium , having first called upon the god of the christians , ( as he himself affirmed , ) that his horse might go to that place , whither he should be lead by * him . being come † thither , together with his wives , two children newly born , and some persian nobles who voluntarily followed him ; from thence he dispatches away an embassy to the emperour mauricius . mauricius , as in other affairs , so in this also consulted for the best ; and being convinc't , by taking his measures even from this instance , of the inconstancy and mutability of this life , and of the sudden turns ebbings and flowings ‖ of humane affairs ; readily admits of chosroes's humble address , and instead of an exile [ entertains him as ] his guest , b and in place of a fugitive makes him his son ; having given him a reception [ whereat he was presented ] with imperial gifts . by which [ presents ] not only the emperour himself declared his own kindness to chosroes , to whom he sent them in a manner befitting an emperour ; but the empress also did the same towards chosroes's wives , and the emperour's children to those of chosroes . chap. xviii . how the emperour sent gregorius and dometianus to meet chosroes . moreover , he sent all his imperial guards , and the whole roman army together with their commander in chief , who were to follow chosroes even whither he would . and , to show him greater honour , [ he sent to him ] dometianus bishop of melitina his own kinsman , a person prudent and sagacious , most compleatly accomplish't both for action and discourse , and every way fit for the management of affairs of the greatest consequence . he sent likewise gregorius , who in all things struck chosroes with amazement , by his discourses , with his presents , and with the advices he gave him , seasonable and accommodate to his affairs . chap. xix . that chosroes recovered the empire of the persians , by that assistance given him by the romans . further , when chosroes was come as far as hierapolis , which is the metropolis of the [ province ] euphratensis , he went back again , in regard mauricius also lookt upon that as expedient , who contributed more to the [ advantage of the ] suppliant , than to his own glory . moreover , he pleasured chosroes with a vast sum of money , a thing never recorded [ to have been done ] before . and when he had raised an army of persians , the whole charge whereof he paid out of his own treasury , he sends chosroes with a double army , one of romans , another of persians , out of the confines of the roman empire ; martyropolis having before that been surrendred to * him , together with sittas . which person was a stoned by the martyropolites , and afterwards crucified . daras also was surrendred [ to the romans , ] the persians having been drawn out thence . after this , when varamus had been vanquished in a single engagement by the romans only , and had ingloriously fled away alone , chosroes was brought back to his own pallace . chap. xx. that the holy mother golanduch * lived in those times . in those times also lived the martyr golanduch , and was conversant amongst us . which woman , after many conflicts , was crowned with martyrdome , ( the persian magi being her tormentours , ) and became a worker of great miracles . stephanus the former , bishop of hierapolis , hath written her life . chap. xxi . concerning those sacred presents , which chosroes sent to the holy martyr sergius . moreover , chosroes being repossest of his own kingdome , sends to gregorius a cross , adorned with much gold and pretious stones , in honour of the victorious martyr sergius . which [ cross ] theodora wife to justinian had dedicated : but * chosroes had made plunder of it , together with other sacred treasures and gifts , as has † already been related by me . further , the same chosroes sent another cross of gold , whereon he set this inscription in greek letters . i chosroes king of kings , son of hormisda , [ sent ] this cross , at such time as by the diabolick force and malice of the most unlucky varamus and the horsemen with him , we betook our self to the empire of the romans : and in regard the wretched zadespram came a with an army to nisibis , in a treacherous manner to sollicite the nisibene horse to b revolt from and oppose us ; we also sent [ a body of ] horse with a commander to [ the town ] charchas . and because we had heard , that the venerable and illustrious sergius was a giver of those things requested from him ; in the first year of our reign , on the seventh day of the month january , we made a request by the genius of the said saint , [ promising ] that if our horsemen should kill zadespram , or could take him alive , we would send a cross of gold set with gems to his * church , in honour of his venerable name . and on the ninth of the month february , they brought us the head of zadespram . having therefore obtained our desire ; that we might put every thing out of doubt , we have sent to the house of the venerable saint sergius , this cross made by us in honour of his venerable name , together with that cross sent to his house by justinian emperour of the romans , which in the times of war between the two empires , was brought hither by chosroes king of kings son of cavades , our † father , and was found amongst our treasures . gregorius having with the consent of the emperour mauricius received these [ crosses , ] with great pomp dedicated them to , and deposited them in , the sacred house of the martyr . not long after , the said chosroes sent other presents also to the same sacred church , and on a bason made of gold , ordered this inscription to be set in the greek tongue . i chosroes king of kings , the son of hormisda , [ have ordered ] this inscription to be set upon this bason , not that it might be seen by men , nor that by my words the greatness of your venerable name might be made known ; but , on account of the truth of what is inscribed , and by reason of those many favours and benefits which i have received from you. for , 't is my happiness , that my name is extant on your sacred vessells . when i was at a place [ called ] beramais , i requested of you ( holy man ! ) that you would come to my assistance , and that sira might conceive . and in regard sira is a christian , and i a ‖ gentile , our law allows us not to have a christian wife . on account therefore of my benevolence towards you , i disregarded this law , and have had a kindness for this woman above my other wives , and doe love her every day more and more . wherefore , i have taken a resolution , at present to desire ▪ of your goodness , ( holy man ! ) that she might conceive . i have requested therefore , and solemnly vowed , that if sira shall conceive , i will send the cross worn by her to your venerable house . and on this account , i and sira have this design , that we will retain this cross in memory of your name , holy man ! and we have resolved instead thereof ( in regard its value exceeds not four thousand four hundred c miliaresian staters , ) to transmit five thousand staters . and from such time as i conceived this request within d my self , and entertained these thoughts , untill we came to e rosumchosrum , ten days had not fully past . and thou ( holy man ! ) not that i deserved it , but because of thine own goodness , appearedst to me in a dream by night , and didst affirm thrice to me , that sira should be with child . and in the same vision i answered thee thrice , saying , 't is well . and because thou art a giver of what is requested of thee , from that day sira was not sensible of the custome of women . but i might perhaps have doubted in relation to this matter , had i not given credit to thy words , ( because thou art an holy person , and a granter of requests , ) that [ sira ] should not in future be sensible of the custome of women . from hence i understood the * virtue of the vision , and the truth of what was predicted by thee . i have therefore forthwith transmitted the cross it self , and its value , to your venerable house , with order , that of its price one bason and one cup be made , to be used at the holy mysteries : moreover , that a cross be made , which is to be fixed upon the † sacred table , and a censor ; all of gold : and further , f an hunnick veyle adorned with gold. and , [ our order is , ] that the remaining miliaresians of the price shall belong to thine holy house ; that by thy genius ( holy man ! ) thou wouldest give assistance in all things to me and sira , but especially in relation to this request ; and , that what hath hapned to us from thine intercession , by the mercy of thy goodness may arrive at perfection , agreeable to the will of me and sira . to the end that i , and sira , and all persons in the world , may place our hope in thy power , and in future believe in thee . these are the expressions [ contained ] in the sacred presents [ transmitted ] by chosroes , which disagree in nothing from balaam's prophecy ; the compassionate god having wisely disposed [ all things in such a manner , ] that the tongues of gentiles should [ some times ] utter salutary words . chap. xxii . concerning naamanes the saracen . at the same time , naamanes also , the chief of a tribe of those saracens that were enemies , a pagan so wicked and abominable , that with his own hand he sacrificed men to his daemons , came to holy baptisme ; and having melted down a [ statue of ] venus , which was nothing else but a reall mass of gold , he distributed it amongst the poor , and brought over all those persons about him to [ the worship of ] god. but gregorius , after chosroes's crosses had been presented , by the emperour's order went a circuit to the solitudes of those termed the limits , wherein severus's tenets a were highly prevalent ; [ in which places ] he set forth the ecclesiastick dogmata , and brought over to the church of god many castles , villages , monasteries , and whole tribes . chap. xxiii . concerning the death of saint symeon junior the stylite . but in the interim , saint symeones fell sick of a distemper whereof he died ; and , upon my giving gregorius notice thereof , he made all the hast he could to him , to pay him his last salutes . but gregorius obtained not what he desired . further , this symeones for virtue far excelled all persons of his own time ; having from his tender years lead an austere course of life upon a pillar : a in so much that his teeth were changed in that station upon the pillar . he went up upon a column , on this account . whilst he was yet very young , he wandred up and down over the tops of the mountain , * playing and leaping . and by chance hapned upon a wild beast [ termed ] a libard , about whose neck he cast his girdle , and as with the rein of a bridle as 't were , lead the beast who † forgat his naturall ferity , and brought him to his own monastery . which when symeones's instructer , ( a person who kept his station upon a pillar , ) beheld , he asked the boy what that was . symeones made answer , that it was an aelurus , which they usually term a cat. from hence [ his instructer ] conjectured how eminent a person symeones would prove [ in the study of ] virtue , and therefore carried him up into a pillar . in which pillar , and in another that stood upon the very top of the mountain , he spent sixty eight years , being vouchsafed all manner of grace ; both as to the casting out of devills , as to the curing every disease and all manner of languishing distempers , and in relation to the foreseeing things future as if they had been present . he foretold gregorius , that he should not see him die ; but [ said , ] that he was ignorant of what would happen after his own death . and when i my self was ‖ troubled with various thoughts at the loss of my children , and doubted within my own mind , why the same [ troubles ] befell not the pagans who had many children ; although i had not opened my mind to any person whatever , yet he wrote to me , to abstain from such thoughts as those , b in regard they were displeasing to god. moreover , when the wife of * one of my amanuenses had her milk stopt after her delivery , [ by reason whereof ] the infant was in imminent danger ; [ the same symeones ] put his hand upon her husbands right hand , and ordered him to lay it upon the breasts of his wife : which when he had done , immediately the milk sprang out as 't were from a fountain , in such a manner that it wetted the garment of the woman . further , a child having been left upon the road in the dead of the night , through the forgetfullness of those who travelled with him , a lyon laid it on his back , and brought it to [ symeon's ] monastery , and by symeones's order , those who ministred to him went out , and brought in the child , which had been ‖ preserved by the lyon. the same person performed many other things * highly memorable , which require an eloquent tongue , much time , and a peculiar treatise ; [ all which actions of his ] are celebrated by the tongues of men . for , persons of almost all nations of the earth ; not only romans , but barbarians , came frequently to him , and obtained their requests of him . certain branches of a shrub which grew on that mountain , * were made use of by him in stead of all sorts of meat and drink . chap. xxiv . concerning the death of gregorius bishop of antioch , and the restauration of anastasius . not long after a dyed gregorius also , after he had been seized with a goutish distemper , wherewith he was much troubled , and had drank a potion [ made of the herb ] termed b hermodactylus , which was administred to him by a physitian . he ended his life , at such time as gregorius was bishop of the elder rome , who had succeeded pelagius ; and whilst johannes [ presided over the church of ] * constantinople , and eulogius over that of alexandria , ( persons whom i have mentioned before ; ) and during anastasius's presidency over the antiochian church , c who had been restored to his own chair d after three and twenty years . johannes [ was then bishop ] of jerusalem ; who died soon after , and as yet no body has undertaken the government of that church . and here shall my history be closed , namely , e on the twelfth year of mauricius tiberius's government of the roman empire ; the following [ affairs of the church ] being left to be collected and written by such as are desirous [ of employing themselves that way . ] if any thing be either omitted , or not accurately set forth by us ; let no person ascribe it to us as a fault ; but let him consider with himself , that we have collected into one body * a dispersed and scattered history , and have made it our business [ to consult ] the advantage of men , in favour of whom we have † undertaken so many and such vast labours . another volume has likewise been composed by us , which contains relations , letters , decrees , orations , disputations , and some other things . the foresaid relations contained in that volume were all written in the name of gregorius bishop of antioch . by reason whereof we have obtained two dignities ; [ the one ] from tiberius constantinus , f who invested us with the [ dignity ] of quaestorius , [ the other ] from mauricius tiberius who sent us the codicills of a praefecture , g on account of that [ oration ] we had composed , at such time as ( having wiped away the reproach of the empire , ) he brought into the light [ his son ] h theodosius , who gave a beginning of all manner of felicity , both to [ mauricius ] himself , and to the state. six books of ecclesiastical history of evagrius scholasticus epiphaniensis and [ one ] of the ex-praefects . the end . the life of constantine , in four books , written in greek , by eusebius pamphilus bishop of caesarea in palestine ; done into english from that edition set forth by valesius and printed at paris in the year . together with valesius's annotations on the said life , which are made english , and set at their proper places in the margin . hereto is also annext the emperour constantine's oration to the convention of the saints , and eusebius pamphilus's speech concerning the praises of constantine , spoken at his tricennalia . hinc lucem et pocula sacra printer's or publisher's device cambridge , printed by john hayes , printer to the university . . valesius's advertisement to the reader . in my annotations on eusebius's ecclesiastick history , i have remarked , that the titles or contents of the chapters , which are prefixt before each book , were composed by eusebius himself . and this , in my judgment , i have proved by most evident arguments . but , in these books concerning the life of constantine , the matter is otherwise . for the contents of these books were not made by eusebius himself , but by some other more modern authour . now , i make this conjecture from hence , both because the contents of these chapters , are for the most part uncooth , insipid , and barbarous ; and also in regard they always speak of eusebius in the third person ; whereas , in the contents of the chapters of his ecclesiastick history , eusebius always names himself in the first person . besides , the distinctions of the chapters are two thick , and occur too often ; and one letter and constitution of the emperour , is divided , and torn asunder as 't were , into many chapters . which thing is wont often to beget a loathing and nauseousness in the reader . i forbear mentioning the barbarous words and terms , which occur frequently in these contents . for , in them you diverse times meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . all which considerations make me of this opininon , that i should believe any one else , rather than eusebius , to have been the authour of these contents . nevertheless , whoever the person was , he was ancient , and lived not at any great distance from the age of our eusebius . and this is chiefly collected from the contents of the fourth book ; wherein you may read some passages , which could not have been known , but by a writer contemporary with those times , of which sort is that concerning marianus the tribune and notary , in the contents of chapter . book ; the name of which notary we might at this day have been ignorant of , had not that authour of the contents , and after him sozomen , given us information thereof . i have sometimes conjectured , that acacius , ( he , who succeeded our eusebius in the chair of the church of caesarea , in regard he publisht these books of his master after his death , ) composed these contents . but , this is but a meer conjecture , which any one that will , may follow . lastly , the reader is to be advertised , that in all our manuscript copies , the titles of these chapters are written without the * numerall notes . and in the old sheets belonging to the kings library , they occur praefixt before each book . but in the fuketian manuscript , they are not only set before each book ; but are also added to every chapter , in the body of each book . the first book of eusebius pamphilus a concerning the life of the blessed emperour constantine b . the preface . concerning the death of constantine . all mankind have not long since celebrated the recurring periods of our great emperour 's compleated * vicennalia and tricennalia , with festivities and publick banquets . we our selves also , a by a panegyrick spoken in his vicennalia , have lately venerated the same glorious conquerour environed with a synod of god's sacred ministers . moreover , b we have platted him crowns of tricennalian orations , wherewith we lately encircled his sacred head within his own imperial pallace . but now * i am doubtfull and at a stand , desirous indeed to utter something according to the usuall manner , but ignorant which way to turn my self , and amazed at this only miracle of a new and surprizing † spectacle . for , which way soever i look with a fixt and steady eye , whether to the east or west , upon the whole earth or to heaven it self , i behold the blessed [ emperour ] present ‖ every where and in all places , c conversing with imperiall majesty her self . and i see his sons , like some new luminaries , filling the whole earth with their father's rays , and [ i behold ] himself as yet living in power and authority , and managing the whole affairs of the world better and more potently than before ; in regard he is diffused and enlarged by the succession of his sons . who before had * been invested with the caesarian dignity : but having now clothed themselves with their whole father , on account of their eximious † virtue and religion are proclaimed supream soveraigns , augusti , adorable , emperours , being illustrated with [ all ] their fathers ornaments . chap. ii. the preface yet . and when i behold him ( who a little before was seen a in a mortall body , and b converst with us our selves , ) in a most admirable manner enjoying the same imperial pallaces , honours , and commendations , even after the end of this life , when nature rejects as forreign whatever is superfluous ; i am stricken with an incredible amazement . but now , when with an acuteness of mind i reach up to the very arches of heaven it self , and there contemplate his thrice happy soul conversing with god ; wholly divested of its mortall and terrestriall garment , and beautified with a most * splendid stole of light : and when i perceive it not any more involved in the short periods of time , within these † fading habitations ; but honoured with an ever-flourishing diadem , and [ endowed ] † with an endless life and a blessed immortality : c i am dumb , and wholly deprived of the use of my tongue and reason . and being unable to utter one word , but passing sentence my self upon mine own weakness , and decreeing silence against my self , i give place to one more potent , who may declare his * praises in a manner correspondent to his deserts ; to him namely , who being † immortall and god the word , is only able to confirm and ratifie his own expressions . chap. iii. concerning god who honoured the pious emperours and destroyed the tyrants . for whereas he has predicted , that they who glorifie and honour him , shall by him be * compensated with reciprocall gifts and rewards ; but , that those who have † profest themselves his enemies and adversaries , shall procure to themselves ● destruction of their souls ; long since [ even from this life ] he hath ascertained ‖ the truth of these his own words and promises . for he hath evidently set before our eyes the detestable * exits of impious and god-opposing tyrants ; but hath demonstrated not only the life of his servant , but his death also to be desirable and worthy of the highest commendations : a in so much that , even † this deserves a commemoration , and is egregiously worthy not of mortall but immortall sepulchrall monuments . the ‖ wit of men hath indeed found out a comfort and preservative against a mortall and frail end , and by consecrations of statues , as 't were by immortall honours , have thought good to reverence the memories of their ancestours . and some have framed representations of men with the shadowed colours of b encaustick painting ; others , with the sculptures of inanimate matter ; othersome have cut deep letters on wooden or stone tablets , wherewith they have c taken occasion of consigning to eternall memory the virtues of those whom they honour . but all these things were mortall , and consumed by length of time ; in regard they exprest the proportions of mortall bodies , not the * idea's of an immortall † mind . however , these things seemed to content those persons , who , after the conclusion of this mortall life , had conceived in their minds an hope of no other thing that was good . but god , god [ i say ] the common saviour of all things , who hath treasured up with himself greater goods than man can have a conception of , for the lovers of piety ; gives as a foregoing pledge even in this life , the first fruits of future rewards , and in a manner represents and confirms immortall hopes to mortall eyes . the ancient oracles of the prophets , which are committed to writing , do plainly foretell these things . the lives of persons dear to god , who heretofore have shined with all manner of virtues , whose [ lives ] are as yet celebrated by posterity , do give attestation hereto . the same is clearly evinced to be true by the testimony of this our present age , wherein constantine , the only person of all those who ever yet governed the roman empire , having been made the friend of god the supream king , is proposed to all men as a powerfull and illustrious instance of a religious life . chap. iv. that god honoured constantine . lastly , god himself , whom constantine worshipped , confirmed this with effectuall suffrages , a by affording him his favourable and benigne presence and assistance , at the beginning , procedure , and end of his reign : which person god proposed to mankind as an † exemplar for their information in relation to the divine worship . indeed , of all the emperours , whom we ever yet heard of , he was the only one , whom god , by those blessings of all sorts which he conferred on him , demonstrated to be the greatest luminary and loudest proclaimer of steady piety and true religion . chap. v. that he reigned upwards of thirty years , and lived above sixty . * he honoured the time of his reign with three compleated periods of ten years , and a something more ; but he circumscribed the whole life he lead amongst men , with a space of time double as much . further , because † he would propose him as the portraicture of his own monarchicall power , b he made him the conquerour of the whole tyrannick brood , and the destroyer of the * impious giants : who , [ instigated ] by a desperation and madness of mind , took up arms of impiety against god himself the supream king but , having made their appearance c even during a shorter time than is required to speak , they were extinguished . but god , who is one and the sole god , when he had fortified his servant , one opposed to many , with divine armour d , and by his means had cleared the world of the multitude of impious persons , constituted him the teacher of his own worship to all nations : who in the e hearing of all men attested with a loud voice , that he acknowleged the true god , but abominated the errour of false deities . chap. vi. that he was the servant of god , and a vanquisher of nations . and , like a faithfull and good servant , he practised and asserted this ; openly styling himself a servant , and owning himself a worshipper of the supream king. but god rewarded him forthwith , by making him lord and master , and the only conquerour of all the emperours that ever were , alwaies invincible and insuperable : a and [ he advanced him to be ] so great an emperour on account of his victories and trophies , as no one is ever recorded to have been in former ages : so happy and dear to god ; so pious and every way fortunate , that with all facility imaginable he reduced more nations to a subjection under himself , than the former [ emperours had vanquished ; ] and continued possest of his empire , free from disturbance and disquietude , to the very moment of his expiration . chap. vii . [ constantine ] compared with cyrus king of the persians , and with alexander the macedonian . ancient history relates cyrus [ king ] of the persians to have been more renowned and glorious , than all [ the princes ] that ever were . a but , the conclusion of his life , 't is said , was in no wise fortunate , but reproachfull rather , and ignominious ; in regard he was slain by a woman . the greeks tell us , that alexander , [ king ] of the macedonians vanquished * innumerable nations : but before he had perfectly arrived at man's estate , he ended his life by an untimely death , and was taken off by † debauchery and drunkenness . he finished the whole course of his life within the space of two and thirty years ; ● not much more than a third part of which years determined the time of his reign . he march't on through bloud and slaughter , being a person that may be compared to thunder , and incompassionately enslaved nations and whole cities without any respect had to age. but when he was scarce arrived at c the flower of his age , and whilst he bemoaned his catamite , death approach't him * on a sudden , and took him off childless , without any stock or kindred , before he had raised a family , and in an enemies country far remote ; that he might not any longer be the ruine of mankind . his kingdom was immediately rent insunder , each of his servants [ striving to ] pull and tare off some part for themselves . and yet this person is extolled for such mischiefs as these . chap. viii . that he subdued almost the whole world. but our emperour began to reign from that year of his age , whereon the macedonian ended his life : and he lived twice as long as alexander did ; but trebled the length of his reign . further , having * cultivated his army with the mild and ▪ modest precepts of piety , he march't into britannia , and to those who dwell in the very ocean which is diffused far and wide a at the setting of the sun. he likewise subdued all scythia , [ which lyes ] under the north it self , and is divided into innumerable nations of barbarians , differing both in name and manners . moreover , having extended his empire to the utmost confines of the south , to the blemmyae namely and aethiopians ; he look't upon a dominion over them who dwell at the rising sun , not to be forreign and inconvenient . in fine , b having with the brightest rayes of piety enlightned all mortalls inhabiting within the circumference of the whole element of the earth , even to the utmost bounds of the * continent , that is , as far as the outermost indians , and the nations inhabiting round on every side ; he brought all the reguli , ethnarchs , c and satrapae of the barbarous nations under a subjection to himself ; all which gave him voluntary and joyfull salutes , sent him embassies and d presents , and put an high value upon his knowledge and friendship . so that , each person within his own province paid him honour , partly by pictures , and partly with statues publickly dedicated to him : and constantine , the only person of the emperours , was known and famous over the whole world. even as far as these nations therefore he proclaimed his own god by his imperial acclamations , with all the freedome and liberty imaginable . chap. ix . that [ he was ] the son of a pious emperour , and left his empire to his sons who were emperours . nor a performed he this by words only , and was * disappointed in the thing it self : but , proceeding on in all manner of virtue , he † abounded with the various fruits of piety ; ‖ oblieging his friends with magnificent benefactions ; governing by the laws of clemency ; and making his empire easie and desirable to all his subjects . till at length , after long periods of years , that god whom he worshipped , crowned him ( when wearied out by various conflicts and exercises , ) with the divine rewards of an immortality , and from a mortall kingdome translated him to an endless life , which he hath treasured up with himself for holy souls ; after * he had raised him up † three children , who might succeed him in his empire . in this manner therefore , the ‖ imperiall dignity descended to him from his father ; and by the law of nature is reserved for his children , and for their descendants ; and , like some paternall inheritance , shall henceforward be forever propagated and prolonged . and indeed god himself , who hath exalted this most blessed emperour ( as yet * conversant amongst us , ) to divine honours , and hath adorned his death with singular advantages [ proceeding ] from himself , can only be a fit writer of his life ; in regard he has b recorded his glorious actions and conflicts on celestiall tables and monuments . chap. x. that this history is necessary , and advantagious to the souls and mindes [ of men. ] but , though i am convinc't of the difficulty of saying any thing * befitting the blessedness of so great a person , and , that to be silent is safe and without danger : nevertheless [ i count it ] necessary to consecrate to eternall memory the portraicture of a most pious [ emperour , ] drawn [ in the colours of ] words , in imitation of † mortall paint ; to the end i may a clear my self of the imputation of sloth and negligence . for , b i should be ashamed of my self , should i not confer the utmost of my abilities , though they are slender and mean , on him who with a transcendency of piety honoured god. further , 't is my sentiment , that this work will prove both advantagious to the life of man , and necessary to my self also ; wherein are contained the actions of a great-minded emperour , which are highly acceptable to god the supream king. for , how can it be otherwise than disgracefull , that the memory of a nero , and of some other impious and atheisticall tyrants far worse than he , should not have wanted indefatigable writers , who have adorned their subjects , which were ill actions , with a politeness and elegancy of style , and made them up into voluminous histories : but , that we should be silent , for whom god himself hath vouchsafed to procure such an emperour as no c age hath seen , and to whom he has allowed a liberty of coming into his presence , to his knowledge , and converse ? chap. xi . that he will at present relate only the pious actions of constantine . a wherefore , * 't is certainly incumbent on us , rather than on any other person , to give a full narrative of all the good things we have heard , to those whose minds , by an example of good works , are raised to a love and desire of god. now , b those authors ( who have put into writing the lives of men in no wise grave and sober , and [ have recorded ] affairs wholly unusefull for the improvement of manners , either out of favour or hatred to some persons , or else to make a show of their own learning ; ) † with a magnifick furniture of words have , otherwise than was fitting , enlarged the relations of most reproachfull villanies , and thereby have rendred themselves the teachers of vile actions , and such as deserved to be buried in perpetuall oblivion and darkness , to those who by gods favour and impulse have had no hand in mischief . but , our style , though it is weak and altogether unfit * for the greatness and significancy of what we are to set forth , seems nevertheless to be polish't and illustrated even by the bare c relation of good actions . nor , is the commemoration of works acceptable to god , unusefull , but it affords a very advantagious * lesson to those who shall have a mind rightly fitted and prepared . [ not to mention ] therefore very many of this thrice blessed person's d imperiall actions , his battells and military engagements , his deeds of valour , victories , and trophies [ raised ] against his enemies , and what ever triumphs he lead ; moreover , the constitutions made by him , conducive to the utility of every person ; the laws also he composed for the profit and advantage † of his subjects and the government ; in fine , many other of his labours and imperial conflicts , which are kept in memory by all persons ; [ all these particulars , i say ] i think fit to omit ; in regard the scope and design of the work under my hand admonishes me to declare and write those matters only which bear a reference to a pious and blessed course of life . further , whereas even these particulars are almost infinite , out of those matters which have come to my knowledge i will choose such passages only as are most sutable and seasonable , and worthiest of being consigned to the memory of posterity , and will give a narrative of them with all possible brevity . in regard the time it self doth henceforward allow us this liberty , that we may extoll this thrice-blessed emperour with all manner of commendatory expressions . for , a power of doing this was not permitted before now , because it has been advised , that e we should not pronounce any person blessed before his death , by reason of the uncertain turns and changes of life . wherefore , i call god to be my assistant , and his celestiall word to cooperate with , and inspire me : and , [ taking my beginning ] from this emperour 's tender years , i will enter upon my relation in this manner . chap. xii . that constantine , like moses , was educated in the houses of tyrants . a ancient history relates , that a cruell brood of tyrants did heretofore oppress the people of the hebrews : but , that god , shewing himself propitious to the oppressed , made provision , that the prophet moses , who at that time was but an infant , should be educated in the very houses and bosomes of the tyrants , and should be instructed in all the wisdom amongst them . but afterwards , when in process of time he arrived at man's estate , and divine justice , the usuall defender of the injured , had taken a resolution to prosecute the oppressours : then this prophet of god departed out of the tyrants houses , and exhibited himself a minister of the divine will. he † abominated , as well in reality as words , the tyrants by whom he had been educated : but those , who in very deed were his own brethren and relatives , he declared to be his friends and familiars . after this , god constituted him the leader of that whole nation , and freed the hebrews indeed from that servitude [ they were opprest with ] by their enemies ; but by his means was revenged on that tyrannick brood , by inflicting on them punishments sent from heaven . this ancient story [ i say , ] which hath been delivered to many persons under the notion of a fable , has filled the ears of all mortalls . but now , the same god , who is also our god , hath granted us a power of viewing with our own eyes such miracles as far surpass all fables ; which manner of sight is accounted by those who of late have beheld i● , to be truer than all sorts of report or hear-say . for the tyrants in our age , resolving upon waging a war against the supream god , have sorely oppressed his church . but constantine , a person that not long after became the tyrant ▪ slayer , whilst he was a child , youthfull , and beautified with the juvenile down upon his chin , was in the midst of them , like that servant of god [ moses , ] and made his residence within the very houses of the tyrants . nevertheless , though very young , he communicated not with the impious in the same moralls and way of living . for , b at that very age , a good disposition [ improved ] by the divine spirit , incited him to a life that was pious and highly acceptable to god. moreover , a studious emulation of his father added strength thereto , and invited the son to an imitation of virtues and good actions . for , he had for his father constantius , ( whose memory 't is fit we should at this opportunity give a resurrection to , ) the noblest of the emperours in our age. c concerning whom 't is necessary to relate some passages briefly , which bear a reference to the commendation of his son. chap. xiii . concerning his father constantius , who refused to persecute the christians , in such manner as diocletianus , maximianus , and maxentius did . * whilst the roman empire was governed by four augusti , † he was the only person who embraced a course of life different from his colleagues , and entred into a friendship with the supream god. for they , by a siege as 't were , ruined the churches of god , and demolished them to the ground , and utterly destroyed the oratories to their very foundations . but he kept his hands undefiled and clean from their nefarious impiety , nor would he in any wise render himself like to them . they defiled the provinces subject to them with the intestine murders of men and women who were worshippers of god. he preserved his own mind from being polluted with a such detestable wickedness . they , by a confusion of the mischiefs of a b detestable idolatry , in the first place enslaved themselves , and then all their subjects , in the frauds and errours of most impious daemons . he being the authour and preserver of a most profound peace * within the limits of his own empire , permitted his subjects to prosecute their worship and service to god without any the least trouble or molestation . [ lastly , ] they imposed the heaviest sorts of exactions upon all men , and thereby made life comfortless to them , and far more unpleasant than [ any sort of ] death . but constantius was the only person , who rendred his government inoffensive , calm , and easie to his subjects , and gave them an assistance from himself in nothing inferiour to a paternall care and sollicitude . further , because innumerable other virtues of this person are celebrated amongst all men , i will only commemorate one or two of his brave actions , from which a conjecture may be made of those that are left unmentioned , and so pass to the proposed scope and design of my writing . chap. xiv . how constantius father [ to constantine ] being reproach'● with poverty by diocletian , filled his treasuries , and afterwards restored the money to [ the owners thereof ] who had brought it in . when a great report was spread abroad concerning this emperour , that he was mild and calm , that he was a most excellent personage , that he was a superlative lover of god , and that , by reason of his transcendent clemency and indulgence towards his subjects , he had hoarded up no money in his treasuries : that * emperour who then filled the highest station in the empire , sent to him , and blamed his negligence in managing the publick affairs : and he reproach't him with poverty , alleadging this as an argument in confirmation of what he said , that he was possest of nothing laid up in his treasuries . but constantius entreated those persons who came to him from the emperour , to stay some little time with him ; then he call'd together those men that were possest of the greatest quantity of riches , who lived within all those provinces under his empire ▪ and signified to them , that he wanted money , and that this was a fit opportunity wherein every one of them ought voluntarily to give a demonstration of their kindness and benevolence towards their emperour . when they heard that , a as if they had long since made this their desire , that an occasion might be offered them of shewing him their readiness of affection , [ 't is said , ] that with all imaginable haste and diligence they filled his treasuries with gold , silver , and other riches ; contending earnestly amongst themselves , that in giving they might out-vie one another : and this they performed with countenances full of joy and pleasantness . when this was done , constantius gave order , that those persons sent from the b senior augustus should be eye-witnesses of his treasures . then c he commanded them [ at their return ] to give attestation to what they had seen ; [ and added , ] that at present he had drawn together this treasure and taken it into his own custody ; but , that it had long before been kept for him by the owners of the money , deposited as 't were with such d guards as are usually appointed to have the custody of treasure . the messengers were surprized with the strangeness of this thing : but report says , that the most benign emperour , after their departure , sent for the owners of the money ; and having highly commended them for their obedience and good affection towards him , ordered them to take back all their money , and return home . this is one act of the forementioned emperour 's , which gives a demonstration of his humanity and good nature . this other action of his [ which followes , ] contains an evident testimony of e his piety towards god. chap. xv. concerning the persecution [ raised ] by the other [ emperours . ] by the command of the emperours , the governours of provinces in all places persecuted the worshippers of god. and such as were the first of all the pious martyrs , came out of the very imperial pallaces themselves , underwent conflicts in defence of their religion , and with all imaginable alacrity endured fire , sword , the depths of the sea , and all sorts of death whatever . in so much that , within a very short space of time , the a imperial pallaces in all places were emptied of god's worshippers . from whence chiefly it came to pass , that the authours of this wickedness remained deprived of the divine inspection and assistance . for whilst they persecuted the worshippers of god , by the same means they banished those supplications usually put up for themselves . chap. xvi . how constantius father [ to constantine , ] pretending himself a worshipper of idolls , turned out those who were willing to offer sacrifice ; but retained within his own pallace such as chose to profess themselves christians . * only constantius entred upon a a prudent and pious course . and the thing he performed was wonderfull to be heard , but much more admirable as to its performance . for , having given all the b palatines that belonged to his court , even as far as the judges that were invested with the supreamest powers , a free liberty of choice ; he proposed this condition to them , that if they would sacrifice to daemons , they might stay at court with him , and enjoy their usuall places and honours ; but if they would not do that , they should be excluded from accesse to him , thrust out , and removed from his knowledge and familiarity . after [ his courtiers ] therefore had been hereupon divided into two parties , and some had betaken themselves to this , others to that side , and the sentiment and purpose of every one of them was laid open : then this admirable prince discovered his own design , which hitherto he had concealed , and condemned their timiditie and self-love : and to these he gave a kind reception , on account of their conscience devoted to god : but then he pronounced those , in regard they were betrayers of god , to be unworthy of their prince's favour . c for how [ said he ] will it be possible they should preserve a fidelity towards their emperour , who have been detected of perfidiousness towards god ? wherefore he made an establishment by a law , that such persons should be removed far from the imperial houses . but he declared openly , that those men who by the testimony of truth it self were manifested to be * acceptable to god , would render themselves like-minded towards their emperour , and therefore he made them the protectours of his body , and the guards of his empire : and affirmed , that such persons as these ought to be made use of and accounted d as the chiefest and nearest of friends , and most intimate relatives ; and , that they were far more highly to be esteemed , than hoards of the most valuable riches and treasures . chap. xvii . concerning the same [ constantius's ] love and affection towards christ. a what manner of person the father of constantine is recorded to have been , we have in short manifested . now , what a conclusion of life befell him , who had demonstrated himself such a person towards god , and how great a difference was shown between him and his colleagues in the empire , by that god whom he honoured , any one will easily discern , who with attention shall apply his mind to consider † the thing it self . for , after he had for a long time given illustrious and approved instances of his royall virtue , by [ avowing ] b one only supream god , and by condemning * their impiety who pay a worship to more gods than one , and had on all sides fortified his own house with the prayers of holy men ; c he compleated the remainder of his life without any thing of trouble or disquietude : being made master of that d felicity , which , as 't is said , consists in this , neither to be molested by others , nor to give others trouble . after this manner therefore [ he rendred ] the whole time of his reign even , undisturbed , and pacate ; and consecrated his whole family , his wife namely , and children , and all his servants , to one god the supream king. in so much that , that company which conversed together within the walls of his pallace , differed in nothing from a church of god. amongst whom were ministers of god also , who performed uninterrupted acts of worship to the deity , in behalf of the emperour's safety ; e when as commonly amongst the rest , not so much as the bare name of those sort of men that were religious , was permitted to be mentioned . chap. xviii . that after the resignation of diocletian and maximian , constantius was the first augustus , and was adorned with a numerous issue . further , in recompense of these things , a reward from god attended him not long after ; in so much that he obtained the first and chiefest place of the * empire . for those † augusti who were his seniours , by what means i know not , divested themselves of their imperial dignity : which sudden change befell them a on the first year after the * demolishment of the churches ; from whence forward , only constantius was declared the first and † chiefest augustus . who at first was adorned with the diadem of the caesars [ together with * galerius , ] and had obtained precedency : but after [ he had given ] an egregious † specimen of his own worth in that digni●y of caesar , he was invested with the highest honour amongst the romans , and was styled the first augustus of those b four afterwards proclaimed . moreover , he was the only person that excelled all the other emperours in a numerous issue , being surrounded with a great quire of children , as well males as females ▪ lastly , after he had attained to a mature old age , and , being ready to pay * the common debt of nature , was at the point of making his departure out of this life : then did god again demonstrate himself to him the performer of wonderfull works , and by his providence took care , that constantine the eldest of his sons should be present with him at his death , in order to his taking possession of the empire . chap. xix . concerning his son constantine , who when a young man , came into palestine together with diocletian . for he convers't with the emperours [ who were his father's ] colleagues ; and made his residence amongst them , agreeable to that ancient prophet of the lord moses , as we have already said . a and having newly past over his years of childhood , and arrived at those of his youth , he was vouchsafed the highest honour and esteem amongst the foresaid emperours . at which age of his we our selves saw him , when he past through the province of palestine , in company with the senior augustus . at whose right hand he stood , and appeared a most excellent and glorious person to those who were desirous of seeing him , and such a one as even then gave indications of an imperial height of mind . for , as to the beautifull shape of his body , and his tallness of stature , there was no other person that might be compared to him . moreover , he so far excelled his equalls in strength and courage , that he was a terrour to them . but he was far more illustrious and eminent for the virtues of his mind , than for his bodily endowments and accomplishments . and in the first place he beautified his mind with modesty ; after that , with polite literature ; and as well an innate prudence , as a wisdome infused from above , b adorned him in a most transcendent manner . chap. xx. the departure of constantine to his father , because of diocletian's treacherous designes [ against him . ] further , when the then emperours perceived , that the young man was couragious , strong , and great , and * endewed with an height and vigour of mind , they were wounded with a fear and envy . they watch't therefore in expectation of a fit opportunity , wherein , agreeable to their desire , they might involve him in ignominy and disgrace . which the young man being sensible of , ( for the treacherous designes which had been once and twice framed against him , by the consent and appointment of god were discovered ; ) he opened away to his own safety by flying ; and herein likewise he * imitated the great prophet moses . further , god gave him his assistance in all things , and by his divine providence disposed affairs in such a manner , that he should be present with his father , b in order to his succeeding him [ in the empire . ] chap. xxi . the death of constantius , who left his son constantine emperour . when therefore he had avoided these * treacherous contrivances , he made all imaginable hast to his father , into whose presence he came , after a long space of time . at that instant of his arrivall , his father was at the very point of dying . when therefore constantius beheld his son present with him , whom he did not in the least expect , he leapt from his bed , and cast his arms about him ; and affirming that that only grief which troubled him now ready to conclude his life , to wit , the absence of his son , was wholly removed out of his mind , he put up a prayer of thanks to god ; and said , that now he accounted death to be better for him than immortality . further , when he had disposed of his affairs in a manner agreeable to his own mind , and a had taken leave of his sons and daughters , who like a quire surrounded him on every side : he ended his life in his pallace , lying on his royall bed , after he had surrendred the * administration of his empire , agreeable to the law of nature , into the hands of b his eldest son. chap. xxii . how * after the death of constantius , the army † saluted constantine augustus . nor did the state continue deprived of an emperour . but constantine was adorned with his fathers purple ; and proceeding forth of his father's * house , gave all men a demonstration , that , by a resurrection as 't were , the father continued as yet to reign in him his son. then he lead out his father's funerall , accompanied with the friends of his father a , some of whom went before , others followed ; and with all the splendour imaginable celebrated the obsequies of that pious prince . all persons honoured the thrice-blessed emperour with acclamations and praises , and agreed in an unanimous consent , that the succession of the son in the empire was a resurrection of the dead father . and forthwith , even at the first word , they * saluted the young prince emperour and augustus , with fortunate acclamations . which expressions uttered in praise of the son , were an ornament indeed to the dead emperour ; but they loudly proclaimed the son blessed , who was declared the successour to so great a father . moreover , all the provinces subject to his empire , were filled with gladness and a joy that was inexpressible , because they had not , during the smallest moment of time , been deprived of the assistance of an imperiall † providence and inspection . thus in the emperour constantius , god gave a demonstration to all persons of our age , that such as this is the conclusion of a pious and religious life and conversation . chap. xxiii . a brief rehearsall of the death of the tyrants . but what the * exits of those other persons were , who by an open war as 't were made attacks against the churches of god , i judge in no wise fit to insert into this present narrative , nor to defile the memories of the good by † annexing a mention of the mischievous . indeed , the ‖ matters themselves are sufficient to repress and keep within the bounds of duty those persons , who by their own eyes and ears have received an account of that [ whole scene of calamities ] which befell each of them . chap. xxiv . that constantine obtained the empire by the will of god. in this manner , the supream god himself , who is the governour of the whole world , * by his own arbitrement designed and constituted constantine , begotten of such a father , prince and emperour : in so much that , whereas the rest [ of the emperours ] obtained this honour by the approbation and votes of others , he was the only person , of whose a promotion no mortall might boast . chap. xxv . the victories of constantine over the barbarians and britanni . when therefore he was firmly setled in the empire , in the first place he began to make provision * for those parts of the empire which had been transferred to him from his father , and with much humanity and tenderness a visited all those provinces that had heretofore been under his father's administration . and , having reduced all those barbarous nations , ( whose habitations were about the river rhine and the western ocean , who had taken the boldness to raise commotions , ) to an obedience to his own government ; from being intractable , he brought them over to a mild and more civilized temper . but he was satisfied in repressing others , whom like savage beasts he frighted from the confines of his empire ; to wit , those whose minds he perceived were incurable , and despaired of bringing them to a peaceable and quiet course of life . when b these things had been performed according to his own mind , he set before his eyes the other parts of the world ; then he made a c voyage over to the brittish nations , situate within the ocean it self . whom when he had subdued , he lookt towards other parts of the world , that he might apply remedies to those [ nations ] who wanted his assistance . chap. xxvi . how he took a resolution of freeing rome [ from the tyranny ] of maxentius . after this he took into his consideration the whole * world , as t were some vast body ; and perceiving that the head of the whole earth , the † chief city of the roman empire , was oppressed with a tyrannick servitude ; in the first place he gave place to a them to free it , who had obtained the other portions of the roman empire ; in regard they were his seniours in time . now , when none of them could give it assistance ; but those who had resolved upon making tryall , b had perished by an ignominious death ; he profest his life would be uncomfortable , if he should neglect the imperial city when so sorely afflicted , and therefore made preparations to suppress the tyranny . chap. xxvii . that [ constantine ] weighing in his mind the deaths of those who had worshipped idols , chose rather the [ profession of ] christianity . but having well considered with himself , that he wanted some better assistance than his military forces , because of the evill arts and magick impostures studiously followed by the tyrant ; he sought for a god to be his assistant ; and accounted his furniture of arms and military companies † as secondary helps only ; but [ perswaded himself , ] that the assistance of a deity was invincible and inexpugnable . he began therefore to consider with himself , what god he should take to be his assistant . which whilst he sollicitously inquired into , * these thoughts arose in his mind : that of those many who had arrived at the empire before him , they that had placed their hopes in a multitude of gods , and had worshipped them a with sacrifices and consecrated gifts ; at first had been deluded by prophecies made to please and flatter them , and by oracles which promised them all things that were prosperous and fortunate ; but had at length found an unlucky and disastrous end : nor was any of their gods ready at hand with them , to † free them from that destruction inflicted on them by heaven . that his father was the only person , who had taken a course contrary [ to those former emperours ; ] and had condemned their errour ; who throughout his whole life had heretofore worshipped one supream god , whom he had found to be the saviour and keeper of his empire , and the bestower of all good . when he had weighed these things with himself , and well considered , that those who had put their confidence in a multitude of gods , had likewise faln into a multitude of destructions ; in so much that , not the least footstep either of their stock , * issue , † kindred , name , or memory was left remaining amongst men : but [ on the contrary , ] that the god of his father had given many and those effectuall demonstrations of his own power to his father . and when he had further considered , that those who before had lead out their forces against the tyrant , because they had made their expedition with a multitude of gods , had undergone a disgracefull end . for the one of them had retreated ignominiously with all his forces , without effecting any thing . and the other was killed in the midst of his army , and so became b a cheap and easie sacrifice of death . having , i say , mustered up all these thoughts within his own mind , and considered them well , he judged it the highest pitch of † madness to trifle about [ the worship of ] those gods which are nothing , and , after so clear a conviction , still to run on in blind errour : but his sentiment was , that he ought only to worship the god of his father . chap. xxviii . that whilst he was praying to god , he shewed him a vision ; to wit , a cross of light in the * heavens , ( it being then mid-day , ) and an inscription thereon , which admonished him , that by that he should conquer . he called upon this god therefore in his prayers , entreating and beseeching him , that , who ever he was , he would manifest himself to him , and reach out his right hand [ to his assistance ] in his present affairs . whilst the emperour was putting up these prayers and earnest supplications , a most wonderfull sign sent from god appeared . which [ sign , ] had any other person given a relation of it , would not easily have been a received as true . but since the † victorious emperour himself told it to us who write this history , a long while after , namely at such time as we were vouchsafed his knowledge and converse ; and confirmed his relation with an ‖ oath ; who will hereafter doubt of giving credit to his narrative ? especially , when the succeeding * times gave an evident attestation to this relation . b about the meridian hours of the sun when the day was declining , he said he saw with his own eyes the trophy of the cross in the † heavens , placed over the sun , made up of light , and an inscription annexed to it containing these words , by this conquer . and , that at the sight thereof , an amazement seized both him , and all his military forces , which followed him as he was making a journey some whither , and were spectatours of the miracle . chap. xxix . that god's christ appeared to him in his sleep , and ordered him to make use of a standard made in the form of a cross , in his wars . moreover , he began to doubt with himself , as he said , what the meaning of this apparition should be . but whilst he was revolving it in his mind , and very intent in his thoughts upon it , on a sudden night came on . at which time [ as he said , ] the christ of god appeared to him when asleep , with that sign which had been shown him in the heavens ; and ordered him to get a standard made in imitation of that he had seen in the heaven , which he should use as a salutary defence in his engagements with his enemies . chap. xxx . the making of that standard framed in the fashion of a cross. as soon as it was day he arose , and declared the whole secret to his friends . then he called together the workers in gold and pretious stones , in the midst of whom he himself sate , and by discourse gave them a description of that * standard , and ordered them to express its likeness in gold and pretious stones . which [ standard ] we our selves also a hapned sometime to have a sight of . chap. xxxi . a description of the standard made in fushion of a cross , which the romans do now term the labarum . it was made in this form . a very long spear overlaid with gold , a had a piece like a sail-yard laid overthwart it , framed in fashion of a cross. above , on the very top of the spear , was sixt a crown , made up of pretious stones and gold. in this crown was the symboll of the salutary appellation , to wit , two letters representing the name of christ , [ which they ] denoted by the first characters , the letter rho being cut thorow in its middle part . which two letters the emperour was wont to wear in his helmet , though [ he embraced that usage ] in the times which succeeded these matters . further , from the cross-piece fixed athwart the spear , was hung a kind of a * flag , to wit , a purple cloth , covered with a variety of pretious stones joyned one with another , which dazled mens eyes with the rays of their light ; and being b interwoven with much gold , presented those that viewed it with an inexpressible kind of beauty . this flag , hung at the cross-piece , c had a length exactly equall to its breadth . but , the upright staff of the spear , d from its lowest part was extended to a very great length , and in its upper part , under the trophy of the cross , at the very top of the e flag embroidered with a variety of colours , it bore a golden picture of the pious emperour , as far as his breast , and [ a representation ] likewise of his children . this salutary standard the emperour always made use of as a defence against the opposed forces of all enemies whatever ; and he gave order , that other standards made like to this , should be carried at the head of all his armies . chap. xxxii . that constantine becoming a catechumen , read the sacred scriptures . but these things [ were done ] a little afterwards . but being then amazed at that wonderfull vision , after he had taken a resolution of worshipping a no other god but him whom he had seen , he sent for b those persons that were skilled in the mysteries of his doctrine ; and enquired of them what that god was , and * what the vision of that sign meant . they affirmed that he was god , the only begotten son of the one and only god : but that that sign which had been shown him , was the symboll of immortality , and the trophy of that victory , which he , when heretofore conversant on the earth , had obtained over death . they likewise taught him the causes of his advent , and expounded to him the accurate account of his c incarnation . he gave them attention , being desirous of information in those matters . but he was taken up with an admiration of that appearance of god which had been exhibited to his sight . and when he had compared that celestial vision with the interpretation given of it by the discourses of the bishops , he was strengthened in mind ; and became fully perswaded , that the knowledge of these matters was delivered to him by the ministration of god himself . from thence forward he resolved to apply himself to the reading of the divine books ; and having made those prelates of god his assessours , was of opinion , that that god whom he had seen , was to be worshipped with all imaginable observancy . after this , being fortified with good hopes placed in him , he undertook to extinguish * the fire of tyrannick fury . chap. xxxiii . concerning the adulteries committed by maxentius at rome . for he who by tyranny had possest himself of the imperial city , was arrived at that height of impiety and wickedness , that no audacious fact , no filthy and impure practises were omitted by him . a for he parted the wives , from their husbands , to whom they had been legally married ; and having debauch't them , in a most dishonourable manner sent them back to their husbands . nor did he in this wise insult over and abuse obscure persons , and those of mean quality , but even such as filled the eminentest places in the roman senate . but although he vitiated almost infinite numbers of free women in a most shamefull manner , yet could he in no wise satiate the immoderate and intemperate [ lust of ] his own mind . but , after he began [ to sollicite ] christian women , b he could by no arts of his own bring it about , [ that he might enjoy their embraces . ] for they chose sooner to expose their lives c to death , than suffer their bodies to be vitiated by him . chap. xxxiv . how the praefect's wife , that she might preserve her chastity , laid violent hands on her selfe . one of these women , wise to a personage of the senatorian order in that city , who bore the praefecture , when she understood that those [ guards , ] which the tyrant made use of as his ministers in such wickednesses , were standing before her house , ( this woman was a christian ; ) and knew , that her husband , out of fear , had given them order to take her , and carry her away [ to the tyrant ; ] having requested that a short space of time might be allowed her , wherein she might adorn her body in her usuall dress , she went in to her chamber . and being left alone , she sheathed a sword in her own breast . and expiring immediately hereupon , she left her dead body indeed to those that came to conduct her [ to the tyrant . ] but , by this act of her's , which resounds far more than any voice , she has manifested to all men that now are and shall be in future ages , that chastity [ a virtue ] so famous amongst christians , is the only thing that is invincible , and which cannot be destroyed . thus this woman behaved her self . chap. xxxv . the slaughter of the people of rome by maxentius . all persons therefore , both the commonalty and the magistracy , as well the honourable as the obscure , stood in great fear of him , [ when they beheld ] him audaciously perpetrating such impieties as these ; and were sorely afflicted with his intollerable tyranny . and although they were quiet , and patiently bore the austere servitude [ they were opprest with ; ] yet none could so avoid the bloudy cruelty of the tyrant . for , one time , upon a very trivial pretence , he exposed the people of rome to the slaughter of his own guards . and so , innumerable multitudes of the roman people ( not scythians , nor barbarians , but his own citizens , ) were killed with spears and all manner of weapons , in the midst of the city . moreover , 't is impossible to enumerate how many slaughters were committed of those that were senatours , to the end a seizure might be made of each persons estate ; infinite numbers of them being put to death at severall times , for various crimes framed [ against them . ] chap. xxxvi . maxentius's magick arts against constantine ; and the scarcity of provisions at rome . at length , as the complement of his impieties , the tyrant proceeded to [ exercise ] the delusions of magick art : sometimes ripping up women great with child ; otherwhiles searching into the bowells of new-born infants : he also † killed lyons , and performed some other horrid rites , to call forth the daemons , and repell the approaching war. for he hoped , that by these performances he should obtain victory . whilst he tyrannized therefore in this manner at rome , 't is impossible to relate what mischievous facts he perpetrated , and [ how miserably ] he enslaved his subjects : in so much that , they were reduced to such extream penury and want of necessary sustenance , * as ( 't is recorded by those of our times , ) never hapned at rome , nor any where else . chap. xxxvii . the overthrow of maxentius's armies in italy . but constantine , moved with compassion at all these [ calamities of the romans , ] furnished himself with all manner of military provisions against the tyranny . and when he had procured the supream god to be his patron , and invoaked his [ son ] christ to be his saviour and assistant ; and had set up the victorious trophy , to wit , the salutary standard , before his souldiers and guards , he began his march with his whole army , that by his intervention he might restore to the romans the liberties they had received from their ancestours . now maxentius , confiding more in his magick * impostures , than in the love and affection of his subjects , durst not so much as stir out of the city gates ; but with a multitude of souldiers , and with innumerable bodies of men laid in ambushes , had fortified every place , region , and city , which were under the pressures of his tyranny . but the emperour [ constantine ] depended upon divine assistance , and having attacked the tyrant's first , second , and third body , and with ease routed them all at the very first charge , he opened himself a passage into the greatest part of the country of italy . chap. xxxviii . maxentius's death on the bridge of the river tiber. and he had now made his approaches very near to rome it self . but least he should be constrained to assault all the romans for the tyrant's sake only , god himself drew the tyrant ( as it were with cords ) a great way out of the gates : and effectually confirmed the truth of those miracles ( a recorded in the everlasting monuments of the sacred scriptures , which though they are accounted fabulous by many persons , and are not credited , are nevertheless believed by the faithfull ; ) he had wrought in times past against the wicked , to all in generall , believers as well as infidells , who with their own eyes saw this miracle we are about to relate . for , as heretofore in the days of moses and the old religious nation of the jews , god cast the chariots of pharaoh and his army into the sea , and drowned his chosen captaines in the red-sea : after the same manner maxentius with the souldiers and guards that were about him , were cast into the deep like a stone ; at such time as , having been put to flight by that divine power which gave assistance to constantine's arms , he would have past the river that was in the way before him . over which he having laid a bridge of boats well fastned together , had thereby framed an engin of destruction against himself , being in hopes that the [ emperour ] beloved by god might have been caught in this snare : but the god whom he worshipped was present with , and gave him his assistance . but the wretched maxentius , b deprived of his aid , framed these secret machines against himself . on which account these words may be pertinently spoken of him ; wherefore , * he he hath graven and digged up a pit , and is fallen himself into the destruction that he hath made . his travell shall come upon his own head , and his wickedness shall fall on his own pate . thus therefore , by god's assent , the machines framed upon the bridge of boats , and the ambuscade placed in them [ being disjoyned ] at a time in no wise expected , the passage began to sink , and the boats together with the men in them descended on a sudden to the bottom [ of the river . ] and in the first place the wretch himself , then the protectors and guards that were about him , as the divine oracles have predicted , sank down like lead into the deep waters . so that [ constantine's souldiers ] who by divine assistance then obtained the victory , in such sort as the israelites heretofore did who were lead by that eminent servant of the lord moses , might deservedly have sung and repeated ( though not in words exactly the same , yet in reality ) [ some of ] those expressions which they heretofore did against that impious tyrant [ pharaoh , ] in this manner : * we will sing unto the lord , for he hath been magnificently glorified . the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea. [ my ] helper and defender is become my salvation . and again , who is like unto thee , o lord , amongst the gods ? thou hast been glorified in the saints , admirable in glories , doing wonders . chap. xxxix . constantine's entry into rome . after constantine , who at that time imitated that great servant of god moses , had in reality sung these and other such like hymns as these , in praise of god the governour of all things , and the authour of victory ; he made his entry into the imperial city in triumph . and immediately all persons , as well those of the senatorian as them of the equestrian order in that city , being freed from the confinement of a prison as 't were , together with the whole roman populace , received him with a joy in their * countenances that proceeded from their very souls , with acclamations and a gladness insatiable . and the men , together with the women , children , and infinite numbers of servants , stiled him a redeemer , a saviour , and a benefactour , with voices that could not be silenced . but he , possest of a piety towards god naturally implanted in him , was neither swelled with pride at these shouts , nor elevated at these commendations . but being sensible of that assistance which god had given him , he forthwith rendred a thanksgiving to the authour of his victory . chap. xl. concerning the statue of constantine which held a cross ; and concerning its inscription . a and with a loud voice and by inscriptions he made known to all men the salutary standard ; by erecting this great trophy against his enemies in the midst of the imperial city , b and by plainly engraving this salutary standard , which is the preservative of the roman government and of the empire of the whole world , with indelible characters . he issued out therefore an immediate order , that an high spear made in the form of a cross , should be placed under the hand of his own likeness exprest in a statue set up in the most publick and frequented place of the city rome , and that this very inscription in the latine tongue should be cut upon it : [ thus englished ; ] by this salutary sign which is the ‖ cognizance of true valour , i have delivered and freed your city from the slavish yoak of the tyrant . and have set at liberty the senate and people of rome and restored them to their ancient splendour and dignity . chap. xli . the rejoycings over the provinces , and constantine's acts of grace . the pious emperour having in this manner adorned himself with the confession of the victorious cross , with all imaginable freedom of speech made known the son of god to the romans . and all persons inhabiting the city , as well the senate as the people , in regard they had been eased of a bitter and tyrannick government , seemed in their own judgments to enjoy purer rays of light , and to * enter upon a certain new life as ' t were . all those nations also which are bounded with the western ocean , freed from those mischiefs wherewith they had been before oppressed , celebrated festivalls with the greatest cheerfullness , and continued to applaud [ constantine , and give him the titles of ] victour , pious , and the common benefactour . and with one voice and one mouth , all persons acknowledged he was a common good * bestowed on men by god's favour and benignity . moreover , the emperour's ‖ letters were fixt up in all places , which allowed an enjoyment of their own estates to those who had had their goods taken from them , and recalled to their own houses such as had undergone an unjust exile . and those persons were freed from bonds , all manner of danger , and fear ; who by a tyrannick cruelty had layn under these sufferings . chap. xlii . the honours conferred on the bishops , and the building of the churches . moreover , the emperour personally invited god's ministers to himself , and vouchsafed them the highest a veneration and honour ; to whom he gave a kind and courteous reception , as well by deeds as words , in regard they were persons consecrated to his god. there were admitted therefore to his own table , men who as to their outward b garb indeed and dress seemed despicable , but they were not accounted such by him : for he was not for viewing the outside of a man , which is visible to the eyes , c but was pleased to look upon god himself . and these persons he carried a long with him , which way so ever he made a journey ; being fully perswaded , that that god whom they worshipped , would d for this very reason be propitious to him . moreover , he gave very * large and plentifull † benefactions to the churches of god out of his own treasury ; partly enlarging the oratories , and raising them to an height ; and partly adorning the august ‖ sacraria of the churches with many consecrated gifts . chap. xliii . concerning constantine's beneficence towards the poor . a he likewise made various distributions of money to the indigent . besides , he shewed himself humane and beneficent even to b extraneous persons who made their addresses to him . and to those wretches and abjects , who beg'd in the forum , he [ gave ] not only money , and necessary food ; but ▪ provided them decent garments also to cover their bodies . but , on those , who had heretofore lived well , and by a change of * fortune had afterwards faln into great calamities , he bestowed larger and more plentifull allowances . and with a mind truly royall , conferred on such persons as these , magnificent benefactions ; to some of whom he gave possessions of lands ; and honoured others of them with various dignities . he took a care , nothing inferiour to that of a father , of those fal'n into the calamities of † orphancy : and relieved the destitute and forlorn condition of widdows , by cherishing them with his own patronage and protection . moreover , he match't young virgins made orphans by the loss of their parents , to rich men and such as were known to himself . and this he did , when he had before hand bestowed on the virgins c marrying , whatever it was fitting they should bring to such persons as took them to wife . [ in fine , ] d as the sun , when it rises upon the earth , does liberally impart the rayes of its light to all men : in the very same manner constantine , going out of his imperial pallace early in the morning , ‖ and rising as 't were together with that celestiall luminary , imparted the rayes of light of his own e beneficence to all those who approacht his presence . nor did ever any pebrson come near to him , who gained not something of good : neither were they ever frustrated of their good hope , who had expected to receive assistance from him . chap. xliv . how he was present at the synods of bishops . such was his behaviour towards all persons in generall . but his care of the church of god was signal and eminent : [ for ] when some persons in several provinces differed one with another ; like some common bishop constituted by god ▪ he convened synods of god's ministers : nor disdained he to be present and sit with them in the midst of their congress ; but made himself an associate in reference to the matters inquired into , and ministred to all persons those things which have relation to the peace of god. further ▪ he sate in the midst of them , as one amongst many ; and would send off his protectours , his armed men , and all the guards of his body ; but he was covered with the fear of god , and surrounded with the dearest affection of his a faithfull friends . and when he perceived any persons inclinable to acquiesce in an opinion that was sounder and better , and disposed to a quiet and agreeing temper of mind ; he approved highly of such men , and shewed himself extraordinarily pleased at the unanimous consent of all . but he had an aversion for those that were opinionative and not to be perswaded . chap. xlv . in what manner he bore with the * madmen . moreover , he patiently bore with some persons who were exasperated a against him ; commanding such men in expressions that were sedate and mild , to behave themselves with prudence and modesty , and not to raise seditions . some of these people , revering his admonitions , desisted [ from being obstinate and perverse . ] but he let alone others of them , who were incurable in reference to their being brought to a soundness of mind , and committed them to god ; having at no time designed any thing of severity against any one of them . hence it hapned , ( as 't is probable , ) that b those who had raised a sedition in the region of the africans , proceeded to such an height of wickedness , that they attempted some audacious facts ; c the devill ( as 't is likely , ) envying that plenty of the present blessings , and inciting those men to absurd practises , that he might incense the mind of the emperour against them . but he reapt no advantage by his envy ; in regard the emperour accounted what was done to be d ridiculous , and affirmed tha he acknowledged it the incitation of the devil . for [ he said ] that those were not the actions of sober persons , but of such as were either altogether mad men , or stimulated by the wickedest of devils : which sort of people ought to be pitied , rather than punish't . [ for it would not be such an height of justice to be incited ] e against the fury of mad men , as 't is a transcendency of humanity to compassionate their condition . chap. xlvi . his victories over the barbarians . thus the emperour in all his actions worshipped god the inspectour of all things , and a with an indefatigable sollicitude made provision for his churches . but god rewarded him , and subdued almost all barbarous nations under his feet ; in so much that he erected trophies in all places against his enemies . he proclaimed him conquerour amongst all men ; and rendred him formidable to his enemies and adversaries ; although naturally he was no such man ; b but rather the mildest , meekest , and most compassionate personage of all mortalls what ever . chap. xlvii . the death of maximin and others , whose plots constantine discovered , god making them known to him . in the interim that he was doing these things , the a second of those two persons who had resigned the empire , framed a design to cut off constantine ; and being discovered , ended his life by a most ignominious death . and b this was the first person , whose pictures , statues , and what ever other monuments are usually erected in honour of the emperours , were defaced and thrown down in all parts of the world , in regard he was an impious and wicked wretch . after this man , other persons also related to him , who were contriving secret plots [ against constantine , ] were detected ; god himself in a most miraculous manner being the discoverer of all their designs to his servant , by visions . for he frequently vouchsafed him his own presence , the divine likeness appearing to him in a most wonderfull manner , and suggesting to him all manner of foreknowledge in relation to future affairs . indeed , the miracles [ shown him ] by divine grace , are inexpressible ; nor is it possible for a narrative to comprehend , what great blessings god himself vouchsafed to afford his servant . with which he was surrounded , and spent the residue of his life in repose and safety ; highly pleased at the benevolence and good affection of his subjects ; rejoycing because he saw all those under his government leading peaceable and chearfull lives ; but above all , extraordinarily delighted with the splendour and flourishing condition of god's churches . chap. xlviii . the celebration of constantine's decennalia . whilst he was in this condition , the tenth year of his empire was compleated . on which account he celebrated publick and solemn festivalls , and put up thanksgivings , like some pure sacrifices without fire and smoak , to god the supream king. with which [ holy exercises ] he was highly delighted ; but [ he was not so well pleased ] with the account brought him by those messengers , from whom he received advice , concerning the ruine of the provinces in the east . chap. xlix . in what manner licinius afflicted the east . for , a a certain savage beast , he was told , had beset both the church of god there , and the rest of the provincialls also ; the most impure devil , enraged with emulation as 't were , striving to do the quite contrary to those things performed by the pious emperour . in so much that , the roman empire , divided into two parts , seemed to all men to be like the night and the day . for , a darkness involved the inhabitants of the east : but a most bright day enlightned those who dwelt in the * western parts . whose enjoyment of those innumerable blessings procured them by god , was an intollerable spectacle to the envy of the devil that hater of good : nor did the tyrant , who oppressed the other part of the world , think that fit to be born with . who seeing the affairs of his empire succeeding prosperously , and being vouchsafed an affinity by marriage to so great an emperour as constantine was , relinquished the imitation of that pious prince , and strove to embrace the instructions and wicked moralls of the impious . and he made it his business , rather to follow their advices , whose calamitous end he had been an eye-witness of , than b to continue in a friendship and amity with him that was his better . chap. l. in what manner licinius attempted to frame treacheries against constantine . he raises therefore an * irreconcileable war against his benefactour ; without calling to mind the laws of friendship ; not considering his oaths , his affinity , or the leagues [ that were between them . ] for , the most benigne [ constantine , ] that he might give him the surest evidence of his sincere benevolence and affection , made him partaker of his own paternall lineage , and of that imperiall bloud he drew from his ancestours , by matching his sister to him ; and permitted him to enjoy the colleague-ship of the whole roman empire . but licinius's thoughts were contrary hereto , being taken up in contriving machinations and ill-designes against his better ; inventing various sorts of * treacheries successively , that with mischiefs he might reward his benefactour . and at the beginning he pretended friendship , and performed all things with deceit and fraud ; hoping that his audacious designs might be kept concealed . but god discovered those treacheries of his , hatch't in darkness , to his servant [ constantine . ] whereupon licinius , because detected in his first attempts , betook himself to second frauds ; sometimes pretending friendship ; at others , procuring himself belief [ by the religion ] of oathes and leagues : then on a sudden he would violate what he had agreed to ; and again , would crave pardon by an embassie ; after which he would render himself infamous by lyes . but at length he proclaimed open war ; and , instigated by a desperate madness of mind , took a resolution in future to bear arms against god himself , of whom he well knew the emperour [ constantine ] was a worshipper . chap. li. licinius's treacheries against the bishops , and his prohibitions of synods . and in the first place , with great closeness and subtlety he made a strict inquiry into those ministers of god that lived under his dominions , who had never committed any crime against his government ; by hunting out various calumnies against them . and when he could not furnish himself with any the least offence of theirs , nor had [ any pretext ] wherewith he might blame these men ; he issued forth a law , whereby he commanded , that the bishops should in no wise * confer one with another in any place what ever , nor should it be lawfull for any one of them to go into the church of his neighbour ; nor to convene synods , nor councills ; or to consult about matters that were usefull and advantagious . now , this gave him an occasion of vexing and disquieting us . for , if those of our religion transgrest that law of his , they were oblieged to undergo punishment ; but , if they paid an obedience to this his order , of necessity they must enervate the laws of the church . for , 't is impossible that the more momentous † controversies should by any other means be composed and rectified , than by synods . and thus this [ tyrant ] highly odious to god , because he studied in all things to contradict the pious emperour , issued out such orders as these [ in reference to us christians . ] for constantine called together god's priests , in a honour to those consecrated persons , and for the promoting of mutuall peace and concord . but licinius , attempting to abrogate whatever was well constituted , endeavoured to ‖ disturb the harmonious agreement [ of the churches . ] chap. lii . the banishments and proscriptions of the christians . and because constantine , who was god's friend , vouchsafed the servants of god admission into his imperial pallaces ; the enemy of god licinius , whose sentiments were quite contrary hereto , a drove all god's worshippers , who lived under his dominions , from his imperial pallaces ; and sent into banishment those persons in his court that were faithfullest and best-affected to him . and such persons as for their former brave actions had received from him honour and dignities , them he ordered to serve others , and to perform servile offices . and when he had seized upon the goods of every one of them , as if they had been some unhop't-for gain ; at last he threatned [ to punish ] those with death , who assumed to themselves the salutary name [ of christians . ] b further , whereas he himself possest a mind that was incontinent and lustfull , and committed infinite adulteries , and the most infamous acts of obscenity ; c it was his sentiment that no man could be chast and continent ; * and thus , from his own distemper he past an ill judgement upon the nature of mankind in generall . chap. liii . [ licinius's ] edict , that women should not meet in the churches together with the men. vvherefore , he made a second law , wherein he gave command , that the men should not be present at prayers [ in the church ] of god together with the women : nor should womenkind frequent the venerable schools of virtue : lastly , that the bishops should not deliver the divine precepts of religion to women ; but , that women should be made choice of , to be the teachers of women . but whereas these things seemed ridiculous to all persons , he invented another device for the subversion of the churches . for , he ordered , that the solemn assemblies of the people should be held without the gates , in the open fields ; affirming , that the fresh air without the gates was far more commodious for crouds , than the oratories situate within the city . chap. liv. that he cashiered from the militia those who refused to sacrifice ; and forbad , that such as were shut up in prisons should have any nourishment given them . but when he perceived they would not obey him even in this ; in future [ he went to work ] bare-fac't [ as we say , ] and gave order , that the a civill milice should be removed from their attendance upon the * praesidial office , unless they were willing to sacrifice to daemons . b the offices therefore of magistrates throughout every province , were emptied of pious and religious persons . and he himself , who made this law , was deprived of the prayers of holy men , which he had bereaved himself of . what need we , c besides these things , make mention , in what manner he gave order , that no person should shew compassion to those afflicted in prisons , by ministring food to them ; nor , that any one should take commiseration of such as perished with famine in their bonds : ( that is , that not so much as one good man should exist : ) nor , that those who by nature it self are drawn to a compassion of their neighbours , should do any thing of good ? indeed , this was clearly the most impudent and unjustest of laws , and far out-did the utmost ferity of nature . to which law there was a penalty also annext , that they who shewed compassion , should suffer the same inflictions with those to whom they shewed it ; and that such as performed offices of humanity , should be lyable to punishment . chap. lv. concerning licinius's improbity and avarice . such were licinius's constitutions . but , what need we reckon up his innovations concerning marriages ? or his new laws in relation to such as are ending their lives ? whereby he presumptuously abrogated the ancient , good ; and wisely established roman laws , and instead of them introduced certain barbarous and inhumane [ ordinances . ] besides , he found out a thousand sorts of exactions towards his subjects . on which account , he invented * new surveys of lands , that he might compute a small field to be greater in measure , because of his insatiable desire after unequall exactions . for this reason , he enrolled in his censuall tables the names of countrymen who were not alive , but had been dead long before ; procuring to himself from hence a filthy and ignominious gain . for his sordidness had no measure ; nor was his unsatiableness to be circumscribed by any limit . wherefore , when he had filled all his treasuries with gold , silver , and immense quantities of riches , he sighed and lamented his poverty ; his mind being disquieted with the disease of † tantalus . [ why should i mention ] what punishments of exile he inflicted on innocent persons ? what proscriptions of goods ? what imprisonments of men well-descended and of eminent quality ; whose young wives he delivered to some impure slaves , that they might be most injuriously vitiated ? how many married women , virgins , and young maids he himself attempted to force , though his body was now rendred decrepit by age ? 't is needless to enlarge upon these things , in regard the exorbitancy of his last actions hath evinced his former to be triviall and in a manner nothing . chap. lvi . that at length he undertook the raising a persecution [ against the christians . ] in fine , he proceeded to that height of madness , that he armed himself against the churches ; and sets upon the bishops , whom he accounted to be his chiefest adversaries ; and look't upon them as enemies , who were friends to the pious and great emperour . on which account he sharpned his fury most especially against them , having forsaken a the way of sober and right reason . nor did he take into consideration the memory of them , who had persecuted the christians before him , nor of those , whose destroyer and punisher he himself had been appointed , because of the height of those impieties at which they had arrived . neither [ did he reflect upon ] what he had been an eye-witness of ; then , when with his own eyes he beheld the b chief authour of [ our ] mischiefs , whosoever he was , smitten with a scourge sent from heaven . chap. lvii . that maximianus having been afflicted with a fistulous ulcer that bred worms , wrote [ a law ] in favour of the christians . for , whereas he had begun a siege of the churches , and was the first that had defiled his own soul with the bloud of just and religious persons ; a punishment sent from god seized him : which , having made its beginning in his very flesh , proceeded even to his soul. for on a sudden an impostume arose upon him about the midst of the privy parts of his body ; after that a fistula in ano : and both these diseases spread incurably , and did eat into his inmost bowells . from them bred an unspeakable multitude of worms , and a most * noysom stench proceeded therefrom . for , the whole mass of flesh upon his body , by reason of that abundance of food he devoured , was grown to an immense fatness : which being then putrified , became ( 't is said ) an intollerable and most horrid spectacle to those that approach't him . whilst therefore he was strugling under these many and great afflictions , at length , though late , he began to be sensible of the villanies he had audaciously committed against the church . after which , having made his confession to god , he stops the persecution against the christians ; and by laws and imperial edicts orders that their churches should with all expedition be built : and commanded that the christians themselves should perform their usuall solemnities , and make supplications [ to god ] for him . chap. lviii . that maximinus being a persecutor of the christians , fled away in a servile habit and hid himself . such was the punishment , which the beginner of the persecution underwent . but this [ licinius , ] concerning whom we now speak , who had been an eye-witness of these things , and by experience had had an accurate knowledge thereof ; nevertheless , on a sudden forgat all ; neither did he call to mind the punishment inflicted on the former , a nor the revenging judgment [ divine justice executed ] on the latter . who , because he strove with the greatest earnestness imaginable , to out-do the former in a combat of mischiefs as 't were , gloried in his invention of new punishments against us . for he was not satisfied with fire , sword , and the * fastnings with nails ; nor with the wild-beasts and depths of the sea. but besides all these , he himself contrived a certain new sort of punishment , and by a law gave order , that those members whereby we perceive the light , should be destroyed . immediately therefore , vast numbers , not only of men , but of children and women also , having had the sights of their right eyes , and the junctures of their feet rendred useless , partly by iron , and partly by † cauteries , were thrust into the mines , there to be afflict'd with daily labour . on which account , the just judgment of god not long after seized this person also ; at such time as , putting his trust in daemons , whom he thought to be gods , and confiding in innumerable myriads of armed men , he began an engagement . for , being at that time deprived of the divine † assistance , he devested himself of the imperial habit , which in no wise became him ; and having in a cowardly and most unmanly manner shrowded himself in the common crowd , * purchased his own safety by flight : after this , he absconded in the fields and country villages [ clothed ] in a servile habit , and supposed he might have kept himself concealed . but he could not thus avoid the great eye † of providence which inspects all things . for when he hoped his life was now in safety , being struck with god's fiery dart , he fell prostrate on the ground ; and his whole body was in such a manner consumed by a blow given him from heaven , that the entire * shew of its pristine beauty vanished ; and only his parch't bones , turned into a perfect skeleton , like some ghost , were left remaining to him . chap. lix . that maximine , blinded by [ the acuteness of ] his disease , * issued out a law in favour of the christians . further , when this disease , wherewith god had afflicted him , was arrived at a greater degree of acuteness and vehemency , * his eyes leap't out ; and falling from their proper place , left him blind : thus , by a most just sentence he underwent the same punishments , which he had been the first inventer of against god's martyrs . breathing nevertheless still after these so calamitous miseries , at length , though late , he also made an open confession to the god of the christians , and declared his own oppositions of the deity . he likewise composed a retractation , in such manner as the former person had done , and by laws and edicts in writing confest his own errour in reference to those whom he thought to be gods ; attesting , that by experience it self he had found , the christians god to be the only true god. notwithstanding licinius knew all this , not by the information he received from others , but from the very facts themselves ; yet wrapping up his mind within some thick darkness as 't were , he † resolved upon a performance of the very same things they had done . the second book of eusebius pamphilus concerning the life of the blessed emperour constantine . chap. i. licinius's clandestine persecution , and his murder of the bishops at amasia [ a city ] of pontus . in this manner the forementioned [ licinius ] plunged himself into the pit of the * impious . and , imitating their example to his own destruction , whose ruines by reason of their impiety he had beheld with his own eyes , he re-kindled the persecution against the christians , like some raging fire long since extinguished ; and blew up the flame of impiety to a greater fierceness than his predecessours had done . moreover , ( like some outragious wild-beast , or crooked serpent rolled together about himself , ) breathing forth rage and hostile menaces against god , he durst not as yet commencè an open war against the churches of god within his own dominions , because of his fear of constantine : but concealing the venome of his malice , he contrived secret plots , and those in some particular places only , against the bishops ; and † by calumnies framed by his governours of provinces , destroyed the eminentest and most approved amongst them . and the manner of murdering them was new , such as never was known before . a indeed , the facts perpetrated at amasia [ a city ] of pontus , far exceeded the most superlative cruelty . chap. ii. the demolishments of the churches , and butcheries of the bishops . where some of the churches , after that former * demolishment of them , were thrown down to the ground from their vast height ; others were shut up by the governours in their severall districts , least any one of those persons who usually frequented them , should meet there , or least they a might render a due worship to god. for that person who issued out these orders , was of opinion , that prayers were not made there for him , being induced to entertain such thoughts as these from a consciousness of his own impieties . but he had perswaded himself , that all we did was in behalf of constantine , and to render god propitious [ to him . ] now , those [ presidents ] who were his flatterers and soothed him up , being fully perswaded they should do what would be gratefull to the impious [ tyrant ; ] subjected the eminentest prelates of the churches to capitall punishments . therefore , harmless and innocent persons were haled away , and without any the least cause punished as if they had been murderers . but some of them underwent a new sort of death , having their bodies cut with a sword ( as butchers do meat ) into a great many pieces : and after this barbarous spectacle far more horrid than any tragicall representation , they were thrown into the depths of the sea to be made food for fishes . after this therefore , persons that were worshippers of god began to flye again , in such manner as they had done a little before . and the fields and solitudes were again become the receptacles of gods servants . when the tyrant had succeeded thus prosperously in these his attempts , he afterwards entertained thoughts of raising a generall persecution against the christians . and he had undoubtedly been master of his desire , nor could there have been any obstacle which might in future have hindred him from effecting it , had not [ god ] the defender of his own [ servants , ] ( that he might prevent what would have ensued , ) caused his servant constantine to appear like some great light in darkness and in a most obscure night , and led him by the hand as 't were into these parts . chap. iii. in what manner constantine was moved in behalf of the christians , when [ licinius ] made preparations to persecute them . * who perceiving , that the † complaint he had received of the foresaid proceedings was not any longer to be endured , musters up a soberness and prudence of mind ; and having mixt an austerity of disposition with his own innate clemency , hastned to the ‖ assistance of the oppressed ; judging , that that ought to be accounted a pious and holy action , when by the taking off of one person , the greatest part of mankind is preserved . for [ thus he thought with himself , ] if he should make use of a much clemency , and should shew compassion to him who deserved no pity , it would not advantage him in the least , for he would in no wise desist from his practise of mischiefs , but would rather increase his rage and fury against his subjects : nor could there be any hopes of safety in future remaining to those persons who had been afflicted by him . the emperour having considered these things with himself , without any dilatoriness resolved to stretch forth a salutary right hand to those who had faln into the bitterest of calamities . he made therefore a * vast provision of military forces ; and his whole army , as well troops of horse as companies of ●●ot , were drawn together . but before them all were carried † the insignia of his confidence in god , to wit , the forementioned standard . chap. iv. that constantine made provision for the war with prayers ; but licinius , with divinations and prophecics . and well knowing , that , if ever before , he now stood in need of prayers , he carried god's * prelates along with him : it being his sentiment , that these persons a like some good guards of his soul , ought to be always present and conversant with him . whereupon , when he that headed the tyranny was informed , that constantine obtained victories over his enemies by no other means than by god's assistance ; and , that the foresaid persons were alwaies present and conversant with him ; also , that the symboll of the salutary passion went before himself and his whole army : he judged these things to be deservedly ridiculous ; and at the same time mock't constantine , and reviled him with opprobrious expressions . b but he himself got the diviners and soothsayers of the egyptians about him , the sorcerers and impostours , the sacrificers and prophets of such as he look't upon as gods. and when he had with sacrifices appeased those c whom he thought to be gods , he enquired of them , what manner of end he was like to have of the war. they made answer with one consent , that d without controversie he would be the conquerour of his enemies , e and should get the better in the war ; the oracles every where promising him this in long and elegant verses . moreover , f the interpreters of dreams predicted , that success was portended to him by the flying of birds ; and the † aruspices affirmed the like was signified by the motion of entrails . elevated therefore by the fallacious promises of these persons , with great confidence he proceeded forth g to the camp , and made preparations for an engagement . chap. v. what licinius spaek concerning idolls and concerning christ , whilst he was sacrificing in a grove . but when he was just about beginning * a fight , he called together the choicest of his protectors that were about him , and those of his friends for whom he had an higher value , into a certain place which by them was accounted sacred . it was a well-watered and shady grove ; but in it were erected various statues , carv'd out of stone , of those whom he thought to be gods. to whom after he had a lighted tapers , and offered the usuall sacrifices ; 't is reported , that he made this speech [ to those that stood by him . ] friends and b fellow souldiers ! these , whom we honour , whose adoration hath been handed down to us from our remotest ancestours , are our country gods. but he who leads the army opposed against us , having violated the usages and institutions of his fore-fathers , has made choice of their impious opinion who believe no god ; and hath erroneously embraced a certain strange god [ procured ] from i know not whence : and with his most filthy sign c disgraces his own army . in whom having put his confidence , he comes forth and takes up arms , not so much against us , as against those very gods whom he hath abused . this present * day therefore will evidently shew , which of us two have erred in opinion : and will give a judgment concerning those gods who are worshipped by us , and of them [ honoured ] by the other side . for , either it will declare us conquerours , and so most justly demonstrate our gods to be the saviours and true assistants . or else , if this one god of constantine's who comes from i know not whence , shall get the better of our gods , which are many , and at d present do exeeed in number ; no body in future will be in doubt , which god he ought to worship ; but will betake himself to the more powerfull god , and attribute to him the rewards of victory . and , if this strange god , who is e now a ridicule to us , shall appear to be the victor , it will behoove us also to acknowledge and adore him , and to bid a long farewell to those , to whom we light tapers in vain . but , if our gods shall get the better , which no person can entertain a doubt of ; after the victory obtained in this place , we will proceed to bring a war upon those impious contemners of the gods. these are the words licinius spake a little before the engagement , to those persons who stood round him . which very speech of his was not long after imparted to f us who have been called to this history , by those who had been ear-witnesses of his very expressions . after therefore he had made this speech , he commanded his forces to begin the fight . chap. vi. the apparition seen in the cities under licinius's government , of constantine's souldiers pursuing the forces of licinius . whilst these things were doing , a most wonderfull apparition ( 't is said ) was seen in the cities subject to the tyrant . for , they thought they saw various companies of constantine's souldiers , passing at noon day thorow the cities , as if they had obtained the victory . and these things were seen , when in reality no body appeared ; but the divine and superiour power , by that vision shown to the eyes of men ; foreshewed that which was ready to happen . further , after the armies had made ready to engage , he that had broken the league of friendship , began the fight first . then constantine , having called upon god the supream saviour , and given this signall to the army about him ; got the better in the a first engagement . not long after , he was superiour in a b second fight , and obtained a far greater victory ; in regard the salutary trophy was carried before his army . chap. vii . that in the battels , where-ever the standard , made in the form of a cross , was , there a victory was obtained . indeed , where-ever that [ standard ] appeared , hapned a rout of the enemies , and a pursuit [ was made ] by those who had gotten the better . which when the emperour perceived , in what ever place he saw any party of his army prest hard upon , thither he ordered the salutary trophy to be carried , as some most efficacious * amulet to procure a victory . after the doing whereof , a victory followed immediately ; in regard strength and courage was by a divine act of providence infused into those who fought . chap. viii . that fifty persons were made choice of , to carry the cross. wherefore , out of the protectours that were about him , he made choice of such persons as excelled for strength of body , courage of mind , and exemplariness of piety ; on whom he imposed only this of duty , that they should take an assiduous care of this standard . a these persons were in number no less then fifty : on whom nothing else was incumbent , but to surround , defend , and guard the standard ; which each of them by turns carried on his shoulders . these things the emperour himself related to us who compose this history , whilst he was in peace and repose , a long time after [ the transaction ] of these affairs ; and to his relation he added a matter highly worthy to be recorded . chap. ix . that one of the cross-bearers who sled , was killed ; but he that by faith stood his ground , was preserved . for he said , that a dismal noise and sudden disturbance having one time put the army into a consternation during the very heat of an engagement , he who bore the standard on his shoulders , was in an agony by reason of his fear ; whereupon he delivered the standard to another , to the end he might make his escape out of the fight . that other person had no sooner taken it , a but he who slipt away , being got without the protection of the standard , was stuck into the belly by a dart cast at him , and was deprived of his life . thus this man underwent the punishment of his cowardise and infidelity , and lay dead upon the spot . but the salutary trophy became the preservative of his life who bore it . in so much that , though darts were frequently cast at him who bore the standard , yet he was preserved unhurt : but the spear of the [ salutary ] trophy received the darts . and this was a thing which far surpassed every miracle , [ to see ] in what manner the enemies darts fell upon the smallest circumference of the spear , whereon they were fixt and stuck fast ; but the standard-bearer was preserved from death : yea , none of those employed in this office did ever receive a wound . this is not our relation , but the emperour 's own , who amongst other matters declared this also to us . who , when by the power of god he had obtained the former victories , afterwards marched forward , and moved his army in a military order . chap. x. various fights , and the victories of constantine . but the van a of the adverse party , not able to † stand his first attack , cast away their arms with both their hands , and fell prostrate at the emperour's feet . he * saved them all , being one that was highly pleased with the preservation of men . but others of them , who continued in arms , prepared themselves for an engagement . to whom when the emperour had proposed overtures , and had b treated them with expressions of kindness and friendship ; perceiving they were not to be perswaded , he sent his army against them . they turned their backs immediately , and betook themselves to flight . and some of them , taken in the pursuit , were slain by the law of ‖ arms : but others ran one against another , and so were cut off by their own swords . chap. xi . licinius's flight , and inchantments . after this , when their prince saw himself deprived of an assistance a from his servants , and that the vast numbers as well of souldiers as auxiliaries which he had gotten together , were vanished ; and was experimentally covinced that the hope he had placed in those whom he thought to be gods , was vain ; he forthwith betook himself to a most inglorious flight . and in this manner he made his escape , and * secured himself from danger ; because the most pious emperour ordered his own men not to make a close pursuit after him , to the end by flying he might obtain safety . for 't was his hope , that licinius , made sensible of the unhappy posture of his own affairs , might at length desist from his mad boldness , and would change his opinion for thoughts that were sound and better . these were constantine's thoughts , suggested to him from that transcendency of humanity wherewith he was endowed ; and he took a resolution patiently to bear injuries , and to give him pardon who deserved it not . but so far was licinius from abstaining from his pristine improbity ; that he heap't mischiefs upon mischiefs , and attempted more nefarious and audacious facts . moreover , he betook himself again to the evill arts and practises of conjurers , and was more insolently emboldened . but , that saying might have † fitly been applied to him , which was spoken of that old tyrant , to wit , god had hardned his heart . chap. xii . in what manner constantine , praying in a tabernacle , obtained the victory . licinius having therefore involved himself in such [ impieties ] as these , was thrust headlong into the pit of destruction . but the emperour , when he saw there was a necessity of a a second battel , diligently † applyed himself to [ the worship of ] his saviour . and pitch't a b tabernacle of the cross without [ his camp , ] and at a good distance from it : where he ‖ lived chastly and purely , and poured forth his prayers to god ; agreeable to the practise of that old prophet of god ; concerning whom the divine oracles give this attestation , that * he pitch't the tabernacle without the camp. some few persons , of whose faith piety and c benevolence he had the most assured proofs , were continually present with him . and this he was always wont to do , as often as he was about to begin a flight . for he was slow , because he would be secure : and 't was his constant usage to act all things by the advice of god. further , when with great earnestness he made supplications to his god , he was always vouchsafed the divine presence . after which , moved as 't were by a more divine inspiration , he was wont to leap out of the tabernacle , and would forthwith give order for the immediate march of his army ▪ and that without delay , yea even in that very hour , they should draw their swords . his men would fall on pell-mell , and cut down all before them without any distinction of age ; till such time as ( having gotten a victory d within a very short space , ) they had erected victorious trophies against their enemies . chap. xiii . his humanity towards the souldiers that were taken prisoners . in this manner was the emperour long before wont , both to behave himself , and to order his army , before they engaged in a battel : for he always preferred god before his own life ; and studied to perform all things by his advices ; and used all imaginable caution to prevent the slaughter of many men . on which account , he consulted the safety of the enemies no less , than that of his own souldiers . wherefore , he admonished his own men , when they had been victors in a battel , to shew compassion to the vanquished : and , that being men themselves , they ought not to forget the same nature which they were of . but if at any time he perceived , that the mindes of his souldiers were greedy of slaughter , he repressed them by a largess of gold ; giving order , that whoever took one of the enemy alive , * should have a certain weight of gold bestowed on him . and this inticement for the preservation of mens lives , was found out by the emperours prudence . insomuch that , very many even of the barbarians themselves were saved , the emperour's gold being the ransome of their lives . chap. xiv . again concerning his prayers in the tabernacle . these , and infinite other such like actions as these , the emperour was wont at other times frequently to perform . but at that present , before he joyned battel , he retired alone into the tabernacle , where , as his usage was , he was earnest in prayers to god ; abstaining from all manner of divertisement , and delicious food ; and * macerating himself with fastings , and † bodily austerities . and in this manner he appeased god with supplications and prayers , that he might have him for his benign and propitious assistant , and might perform those things which god had suggested to his mind . moreover , ‖ his care in behalf of the republick was watchfull and diligent ; and he poured forth prayers , not more for the safety of his own forces , than for that of his enemies . chap. xv. licinius's * dissembled friendship , and his worship of idolls . but because licinius ( who had fled a little before , ) practised dissimulation , and entreated , that an amicable league might be again renewed ; [ the emperour ] supposing a peace would be of use [ to the government , ] and advantagious to mankind in general , vouchsafed to grant him even this , upon certain a terms and conditions . licinius speciously pretended a ready compliance with the terms offered him , and with oaths confirmed his * adherence thereto . but he secretly got together another † army of men , and resolved to renew the war , and begin a fight . he also called in the barbarians to be his auxiliaries ; and went up and down in quest of other gods , because he had been deceived by the former . he did not in the least remember , what he himself had said a little before , in his speech concerning the gods. nor would he acknowledge that god who had been constantine's defender : but in a most ridiculous manner began to enquire out for himself , more and those newer gods. chap. xvi . in what manner ▪ licinius commanded his souldiers , not to make an attack against the [ standard of the ] cross. after this , knowing for certain , that there was a certain divine and secret power in the salutary trophy , by which power ( he understood ) constantine's army obtained victory ; he warned his souldiers , that they should by no means engage against it , nor by chance or a rashly cast their eyes upon it . for , that standard ( he said , ) was of a force incredible , and an enemy and adversary to him in particular : wherefore they were to use great caution , not to begin a fight against it . having given out these orders , he prepared for an engagement with * him , who by reason of his † innate clemency made delays , and deferred that ruine which hung over him . the ‖ licinians , placing their confidence in a multitude of gods , marched forth with vast numbers of forces , carrying before them , as their defence , images of dead persons , and inanimate statues . but constantine , surrounded with the * armour of piety , against the multitude of his enemies opposed the salutary and vivifick standard of the cross , as some affrightning spectacle and potent preservative against mischief . and at first he † made an alt ; in which interim he forbore the use of his arms , that he might not begin the fight first ; which thing he did , on account of the league he had made . chap. xvii . constantine's victory . but when he saw the enemy persisting in an obstinacy of mind , and perceived that they drew their swords ; moved with indignation , a with one shout and in a moment he routed all the forces of the enemy , and obtained a victory at the same time , both over his eenemies , and over the daemons . chap. xviii . licinius's death , and the triumphs celebrated over him . then he inflicted on that * enemy of god , and on those about him , a condign punishment ; to which he adjudged them by the law of war. what persons soever therefore had been his advisers to a war against god , were lead away , together with the tyrant himself , and underwent a deserved punishment . and they , who a a little before had been puft up with a vain hope , did in reality embrace the god of constantine , and profest that at length they acknowledged him to be the true and only god. chap. xix . the publick rejoycings and festivities . moreover , when the impious were quite * destroyed , the rays of the sun in future appeared bright and pure , [ the cloud as 't were ] of tyrannick power [ being dispersed . ] and all parts of the world which paid obedience to the roman empire became conjoyned ; those provinces in the east were united to them in the west ; and the whole body of the empire was adorned with * one universall monarch , as with one head ; the dominion and authority of one person † comprehending all men whatever . and the bright rays of the light of piety bestowed joyfull days on them , who before sate in darkness and the shadow of death . nor did there remain any remembrance of the past evills ; in regard all persons every where adorned the conquerour with praises , and profest they acknowledged the only god his preserver . thus , our emperour , embellisht with all the virtues of religion , constantinus victor ( for he procured himself this a most agreeable and proper surname and title , on account of those victories granted him by god over all his enemies and opposers : ) received the east ; and reduced under a subjection to himself the entire roman empire , conjoyned as heretofore it had been . he was the first [ emperour ] who publisht to all men the dominion of one god : and he himself , possest of the sole dominion over the roman world , governed the whole body of mankind . all fear of those mischiefs wherewith all men had been heretofore opprest , was now taken away . and they who in times past had been dejected and sorrowfull , then lookt one upon another with smiling countenances and chearfull eyes . in dances also and songs they first of all glorified god the king of kings , ( b for thus they were instructed to do ; ) and in the next place the victor augustus , and his most modest and pious sons the caesars , with * uninterrupted acclamations . there was an oblivion of past afflictions , no remembrance of impiety ; but an enjoyment of the present † blessings , and an expectation of more in future . chap. xx. how constantine made laws in favour of the confessours . moreover , the emperour's constitutions full of clemency , were then * published amongst us also , as they had been before amongst those who inhabited the other part of the world : and laws , breathing forth piety towards god , gave various promises of all manner of goods ; in regard they bestowed a on the provincials throughout each province , what was usefull and of advantage to them ; and assigned to the churches of god those things that were congruous and convenient . and first of all , * they recalled home those persons , who , because they would not sacrifice to idolls , had been banished by the governours of provinces , and compelled to remove out of their own country . then , they freed from publick functions , those who for the same reason had been b adjudged to the curiae : and ordered , that such as had been deprived of their goods , should have them restored to them again . besides , they who during the time of persecution , [ having been strengthened ] by god , had given a signall proof of their fortitude and constancy of mind ; and were either condemned to the mines , there to be tortured with daily labour ; or adjudged to a deportation into the islands ; or had been forced c to a slavery in the publick works ; these persons , freed on a sudden from all these disquietudes and troubles , enjoyed their liberty . further , such as , by reason of their egregious resoluteness in retaining their religion , had been despoyled of the honour of the militia , were recalled from this ignominy by the emperour's munificence : who gave them d a free liberty of choice , either of recovering their proper offices , and of flourishing in their pristine dignities ; or , if they were in love with a quiet and retired life , of continuing in future exempt from the troubles of all publick functions . lastly , whatever persons in order to their being reproacht and disgrac't , had been condemned to a slavery in the e gynaecia , them [ the emperour ] set at liberty as well as the rest . chap. xxi . how [ he made laws ] concerning the martyrs , and concerning the estates of the churches and these were the establishments which the emperour made in written laws , concerning such persons as had undergone those sufferings . but in relation to their goods , a most full and ample provision was made by a law of the emperour 's . for he commanded , that the goods and estates of god's holy martyrs , who had ended their lives in their confession , should be enjoyed by their nearest relatives . but , if no relation of their's could be found , then the churches were to have their estates . and , the [ imperial ] letter of indulgence ordered , that the goods which had been heretofore transferred to others , out of the treasury , either by a sale , or by donation ; and which remained still in the treasury , should be returned back to their owners . such were the favours which the emperour's benignity conferred upon the church of god , by his laws transmitted into all the provinces . chap. xxii . in what manner he refreshed and cherish't the people also . a but , his imperial munificence bestowed more , and far greater favours than these , upon the people that were strangers to our religion , and upon all the provinces . wherefore , all the inhabitants of our [ eastern countries , ] b who having before this received an account of what had been done in the other part of the roman empire , had styled them happy because they were possest of such blessings ; and who fervently prayed , that they themselves might at length enjoy the like : beholding these things with their own eyes , * doubted not of terming themselves blessed now ; and confest , that some new miracle , and such a one as no age under the rays of the sun had ever beheld before , so great and gracious an emperour [ namely , ] had † appeared to mankind . and these were their sentiments . chap. xxiii . that he publickly proclaimed god the authour of good ; and concerning the copies of his laws . but , when the emperour , by the power of god his saviour , had reduced all places under a subjection to himself , he himself made known to all men that god who had bestowed these blessings upon him : and attested , that * he , not himself , was to be accounted the authour of his victories . and this he declared by his letters , written as well in the latine as greek tongue , and sent throughout every province . further , the a powerfullness of his language will easily be perceived by him , who shall apply himself to the perusall of his letters , they were two : the one directed to the churches of god ; the other , to the people in every city that were strangers to our religion . b which latter , in regard 't is accommodate to our present subject , i think fit to insert here ; both , that the copy of this letter may be recorded in the monuments of history , and consigned to posterity ; and also , that the truth of our relation may receive confirmation . it was transcribed from an authentick copy of the imperial law , which is in our custody . a subscription whereto in the emperour 's own * hand , does , like some seal , ‡ assert the verity of our narrative . chap. xxiv . constantine's law concerning piety towards god , and concerning the christian religion . victor constantinus , maximus augustus , a to the provincials of palestine . amongst those whose sentiments concerning the deity are right and prudent , it has long since been made apparent by a manifest * evidence , b and such as is sufficient far to remove all scruple whatever ; how great a difference there hath been between an accurate observancy in reference to the most venerable worship of christianity , and those who are its opposers c and desirous of contemning it . but now , by far evidenter actions and more illustrious exploits , as well the absurdity of the doubt hath been demonstrated , as also , how great the power of the supream god is . in as much as , to those who faithfully revere the venerable law , and dare not violate any of its precepts , a plenty of * blessings is presented , and an incomparable strength with good hopes to effect what they have attempted . but , to them who have embraced an impious opinion , d even the events were correspondent to the designes . for , who ever obtained any thing of good , that would not acknowledge god to be the authour of goods , and refused to pay him a due worship ? e indeed , the things themselves give confirmation to what we affirm . chap. xxv . an example from ancient times . if therefore any one does in his thoughts run over the a former times derived down as far as these days of ours , and in his mind contemplates the affairs heretofore transacted ; he will find all those , who laid justice and probity as the foundation of their actions , both to have brought their attempts to an happy issue , and ( as from some root of sweetness ) to have likewise gathered the pleasantest fruit . but [ he will perceive ] them , who have audaciously attempted unjust facts ; ( and have either [ broken out ] into a foolish madness against god himself ; or have entertained not one good thought b towards mankind ; but have inflicted exiles , infamies , * proscriptions , slaughters , and many other such like [ punishments ; ] and who never repented at any time , nor recalled their mindes to a better temper : ) to have received rewards of the like nature . and these things do happen c not ill and unseemly , nor contrary to reason . chap. xxvi . concerning the persecuted , and the persecutors . a for , what ever persons proceed to action with a just [ purpose of ] mind , and have the fear of god continually in their thoughts , preserving their faith towards him firm and unshaken ; and who do not prefer present fears and dangers before the hopes of those future things : although they may have had experience of some troubles and afflictions for a time , yet they have not born what befell them with heaviness , because they believe , that greater rewards are treasured up for them . but , by how much more pressing the calamities were , wherewith they have been tryed ; by so much more shining was the glory they obtained . b but , such as have either dishonourably contemned what is just ; or not acknowledged god themselves , and have dared to inflict on those who faithfully * worship him , contumelies and the cruellest of punishments ; and who have not judged themselves wretched , because they have c punished [ men ] upon such pretexts as these ; nor [ accounted the persons thus punish't ] happy and blessed , who amidst so great sufferings have preserved their piety towards god inviolate : many of these mens armies have been ruined , and many routed . in fine , their whole military forces have ended in a totall overthrow . chap. xxvii . that persecution hath been the occasion of mischief to those who waged war. from such [ impieties ] as these , * bloudy wars have risen , and dismall devastations . hence [ hath been occasioned ] a want of necessaries for daily use , and a multitude of a impendent mischiefs . hence , the authours of so great impiety , fallen under the pressures of the extreamest calamities , have either perished by an b unhappy death ; or , leading a most reproachfull life , have acknowledged that more afflictive than death it self ; and have received punishments in a manner equall to their unjust actions . for , each of them hath met with mischiefs so much the more calamitous , with how much more of vehemency he had through madness resolved to assault ( as he hoped , ) and put a force upon the divine law. in so much that , they were not only disquieted with the troubles of this present life , but most acutely tortured with a fear and expectation of the infernall punishments . chap. xxviii . that god chose constantine to be the minister of blessings . futher , when so great and sore an impiety had seized a mankind ; and the republick , as 't were by the rage of some pestilentiall distemper , was infected with the imminentest of dangers , and therefore wanted a cure that was salutary and great ; what solace , what remedy did god find out , to free us from these evills ? ( now , when i speak of god , b he must always be meant , who really is the only god , and is possest of a perpetuall power in every age. c nor will it in any wise be arrogancy for him , who acknowledges the benefits [ received ] from god , to speak magnificently . ) d god himself hath required and determined to make use of our assistance as fit in order to [ the completion of ] his own will. who having begun from that brittish ocean , and those parts where , by a determined necessity , the sun is ordered to set ▪ ; and having e by a certain divine power expelled and dissipated f all those mischiefs which had possest [ the world ; ] both , that mankind , instructed by my ministery , might be recalled to an observancy of the most venerable law ; and also , that the most blessed faith might be increased and propagated , by god himself being the leader : chap. xxix . constantine's pious expressions towards god ; and his praise of the confessours . ( a for i could never have been ingratefull in reference to the benefit wherewith i am oblieged ; in regard i firmly believe b this most excellent ministery to have been conferred on me as a gift of the highest value ; ) at length i am come as far as the eastern parts . which [ countries , ] because they * groan under heavier calamities , call for a greater cure from us . further , i do most firmly believe , that my whole soul , all that i breath , and what ever dwells within the inmost recesses of my mind , is entirely owing from me to the supream god. i know accurately well indeed , that they who have rightly pursued † an hope of celestiall things , and have c peculiarly and firmly placed this queen in the divine ‖ dwellings ; do in no wise stand in need of the benevolence of men : in regard they enjoy so much the greater honours , d by how much farther they have removed and separated themselves from * the vices and impieties of mortality . nevertheless , i account it as belonging to me , at the greatest distance now to remove , from persons void of all fault and reprehension , those necessities imposed on them for a time , and those misbecoming tortures . otherwise , it would be most absurd , that these mens fortitude and stability of mind , should have been made apparent under their reign , who were desirous of persecuting them , on account of their worship of god : but , that under a servant of god [ swaying the imperiall scepter , ] their glory should not have been raised e to an higher degree of resplendency and blessedness . chap. xxx . a law setting [ men ] free from banishment , from the curia , and from proscription of goods . let all those therefore , whether they be such as have changed their country for a strange soil ; because they would not * betray their honour and faith towards god , to which with their whole souls they had consecrated themselves , at what time soever each of them have been condemned by the cruell a sentences of the judges : or , whether they be such as have been enrolled within the catalogues of the curiales , when as before they did not fill up their number : be now restored both b to their paternal estates , and to their wonted leasure , and return thanks to god the deliverer of all . also , whoever have been deprived of their goods , and , c stricken with a * mulct of their whole substance , have hitherto led a most miserable and sad life ; let them likewise be restored to their pristine habitations , d families , and goods ; and may they with gladness enjoy the beneficence of god. chap. xxxi . those in islands likewise . moreover , we command , that what ever persons are detained in islands a against their wills , shall enjoy [ the benefit of ] this provision b : to the end that they , who hitherto have been inclosed , both within the impassable craggs of mountains , and within the surrounding sea , being freed from their sad and inhumane solitude , should restore themselves to their dearest relatives , and fulfill their wishes and desires . and , that such as for a long time have lived a miserable and necessitous life in a most c detestable filthiness , having obtained their return as some prey given to them , and being in future freed from cares , d should without fear live with us . for , for any one to live in fear under us , who both boast and believe our selves to be the servants of god , would not only be a very absurd thing to be heard , but also much more to be believed . for our * usage is such , that we would correct the faults of others . chap. xxxii . also , those who have been * condemned to the mines and publick works . also , what ever persons have been condemned either to work in the sore labours of the mines , or to undergo the services in the publick works ; let such men exchange their continual toyls for a a sweet leisure , and in future lead a more easie life agreeable to their own minds , and conclude * the troubles of their immoderate labours with a pleasing rest . b and although some of them may have † lost their common liberty , and may have been so unfortunate as to have been marked with infamy ; nevertheless , let them with a becoming joy recover their pristine dignity separated from them by some long voyage as it were , and hasten to return into their own countries . chap. xxxiii . concerning the confessours who have been employed in the militia . further , to those who have heretofore been * adorned a with military dignities , and have lost them upon this cruel and unjust pretence , to wit , because professing the knowledge of god , b they preferred that before the dignity they were possest of ; it shall be * free to choose , whether they will embrace their military employes , and continue in the same figure they were in ; c or live in freedome with an honourable discharge . for it will be fit and agreeable to reason , that he who hath demonstrated such a greatness of mind and constancy in undergoing † torments inflicted on him , should , according to his own choice , enjoy either repose , or honour . chap. xxxiv . the setting at liberty those free persons in the gynaecea , or them delivered over to slavery . a also , whatever persons , by force deprived of their nobility , have from the judges received some such like sentence as this , that being thrust into the * gynaecea or linyphia , they have endured b cruell and miserable labour , or were accounted servants of the treasury , their pristine splendour of birth c being of no advantage to them : let such men ( rejoycing both at the honours they formerly enjoyed , and at the † priviledge of their liberty , ) recover their usuall dignities , and in future live in all manner of gladness . and let him ( d who has changed his liberty for slavery , by an unjust and inhumane madness of the e seller , and hath often f lamented his unusuall servile offices , perceiving himself on a sudden as 't were made a servant from being a free man ; ) receive his former freedome according to this our command , and restore himself to his parents , and undergo those labours that befit a freeman ; having cast out of his memory those misbecoming servilities , g which he had before laboured under . chap. xxxv . concerning the succession in inheriting the goods of martyrs and confessours , and of such persons as had been banished , and of them whose goods had been brought into the treasury . but , we must not omit mentioning those estates , a whereof severall persons have been deprived upon various pretences . wherefore , if any persons , undergoing the eximious and divine combat of martyrdom with a fearlesness and confidence of mind , have been deprived of their goods ; b or , if any men , made confessours , have procured themselves the * hope of eternall goods ; also , whatever persons ( forc't to remove out of their country , because by betraying their faith they would not yield to the persecutors ; ) have in like manner been deprived of their goods : lastly , c if any persons , though not condemned by a capitall sentence , have nevertheless had the hard fortune to suffer a loss of their goods : our order is , that the inheritances of all these persons shall be given to their nearest relations . further , d whereas the laws do in express words command , that the nearer of the kindred [ shall receive the inheritance , ] 't is easie to know , to whom the inheritances belong . e and moreover , 't is agreeable to reason , that they should come to the succession , f who would have been the nearer of kin , if those persons had ended their lives by their own and a naturall death . chap. xxxvi . that the church is to be heir to those who have no relations ; and that the legacies given by them shall remain firm . but , if none of the kindred be left , who , agreeable to reason , may be heir to any of the forementioned persons , to wit , of the martyrs , or of the confessours , or of those who have removed out of their country on such an occasion as this ; we decree , that the church in every of those places shall always succeed in the inheritance . a nor will this in any wise be * uneasie to the defunct , if they shall happen to have † her their heir , on whose account they have undergone all imaginable labours . b moreover , 't is necessary to annex this also ; that , if any of the foresaid persons have bequeathed any thing of their goods to such as they had a mind [ to give them , ] the * property thereof , as 't is reasonable , shall remain firm and certain to them . chap. xxxvii . that those who possess such places , and gardens , and houses , shall restore them ; but without the * mean-profits . further , that no † ambiguity may appear in this our precept , a but that every one may with readiness understand what the law is ; let all persons know , that if they are possest , either of a ground , or of an house , or of a garden , or of any thing else of the forementioned persons estates , it will be good and advantagious to themselves , both to confess it , and to restore it with all imaginable celerity . b and although it may be most manifestly apparent , that some persons have received great profits from those [ estates , ] by an unjust possession ; yet we judge a ‖ demand of those fruits to be in no wise just : chap. xxxviii . in what manner supplicatory libells ought to be presented in reference to these persons . nevertheless , let such men of themselves ingeniously acknowledge what profits they have gathered , and whence , and let them supplicate for a pardon of their offence to be granted them from us ; both , that their former avarice a may be cured by such an emendation ; and also , that the supream god , receiving this satisfaction in place of some repentance as 't were , may be rendred propitious [ and remit ] their offences . but , they who have been constituted owners of such estates , ( if such men either deserve , or can have this title given them , ) alledging this in defence of themselves , will per adventure say ; that it was impossible they should abstain [ from those things ] then , when a manifold spectacle of all manner of mischiefs was set before their eyes ; b when men were cruelly * ejected ; incompassionately destroyed ; carelesly cast forth ; when proscriptions of innocent persons were frequent ; the † fury of persecutors insatiable ; and sales of goods [ every where visible . ] but , if any men do insist upon such discourses as these , and do persist in their insatiable c purposes and intentions ; they shall be sensible , that such a practise will not be suffered with an impunity to themselves ; especially , in regard on this account chiefly we give our help and ministery to the supream god. d whatever things therefore a destructive necessity hath heretofore forced ‖ to be received , it s now dangerous to keep . and besides , 't is necessary to lessen lusts not to be satiated , partly by considerations , and partly by examples . chap. xxxix . that the exchequer shall restore to the churches , grounds , and gardens , and houses . a nor shall the exchequer , if it be possest of any of those things forementioned , be permitted firmly to retain them . but , as 't were not b daring to utter any thing of obloquie against the sacred churches , those things which for a long time it hath unjustly detained , them it shall at length justly restore to the churches . all things therefore whatever , which c may rightly appear to appertain to the churches ; whether they be houses [ enjoyed as ] a possession ; or certain fields and gardens ; or whatever else they be , ( no right belonging ▪ d to the dominion being diminished , but all things continuing firm and entire ; ) we order to be restored . chap. xl. the * martyria and coemiteries † are ordered to be yielded up to the churches . a moreover , who doubts but those places , which have been honoured with the bodies of the martyrs , and are the monuments of their glorious departure , do belong to the churches ? yea rather , who would not even command that ? in as much as , there can be no gift more valuable , nor can there be any other labour pleasanter , and b which has in it more of advantage , than that , by the impulse of the divine c spirit , a diligent care be taken about these matters ; to the end that those places , which with wicked pretexts have been taken away by unjust and d most flagitious men , being justly yielded up , may be restored again to [ god's ] sacred churches . chap. xli . that such as have bought things belonging to the church , or have received them as a gift , must restore them . a but , because it appertains to an entire and absolute * providence , that they should not be past over in silence , who b either by a right of emption have bought any thing of the exchequer , or by a title of donation have possest themselves of any thing as granted to them , having c in vain d extended their insatiable desires to such goods : let all such persons know , that although they have attempted to alienate our clemency from themselves , by reason of their most notorious audaciousness in making such purchases ; nevertheless , that our benignity shall not be wanting to them , so far as 't is possible and becoming . but let it suffice thus far to have treated concerning these matters . chap. xlii . an earnest exhortation to worship god. a further , whereas it hath been b made apparent by most evident and most perspicuous demonstrations ; partly by the power and might of the omnipotent god , c and partly by the exhortations and assistances which he desires should frequently be given by me ; that that calamitous grief and disquietude , which had heretofore seized the whole complex of humane affairs , hath now been banished from all places under the sun : all of you in generall , and each person in particular , by a most accurate * inspection do perceive , what and how great that d power , what that grace is , which hath wholly extinguished and destroyed the seed ( as i may so say ) of the e most flagitious and wickedest men ; but hath recalled the gladness of the good , and abundantly diffused it throughout all regions : and which hath permitted all immaginable liberty to all persons , that they should again both pay a meet worship to the divine law it self with the highest veneration , and also in a befitting manner revere those who have consecrated themselves to the service of that law. who having risen up out of f a most profound darkness as 't were , and received a clear knowledge of g affairs , h will in future exhibite a due observancy , and a pious and agreeable honour to this law. let it be published in our eastern parts . chap. xliii . that those things which constantine had established by laws , were by him really accomplished and performed . these were the constitutions contained in the emperours first edict sent to a us . immediately therefore the orders contained in this law were effectually put into execution : and all things were transacted , contrary to what a little before had been audaciously perpetrated by tyrannick cruelty . and they , to whom the law granted them , enjoyed the imperial indulgences . chap. xliv . that he preferred christians to the government of provinces ; but if [ any of the governours ] were pagans , he forbad them to sacrifice . after this , the emperour * put his hand seriously to the work . and in the first place , most of those he sent as governours of the nations distributed throughout the provinces , were persons dedicated to the salutary faith. but , if any of them seemed addicted to gentilism , it was forbidden them to sacrifice . the same law was imposed also a upon those , who in dignity preceded the presidents , as likewise on them that had obtained the highest pitch of honour and the power of the praetorian praefecture . for either , if they were christians , he gave them permission , that they should perform what was correspondent to their appellation : or else , if they were otherwise affected , he ordered them not to worship idols . chap. xlv . concerning the laws forbidding sacrifices , and ordering the churches to be built . soon after , a two laws were issued out at one and the same time . the one whereof forbad the detestable sacrifices to idols , heretofore usually performed in every city and country ; so that , no person in future should dare , either to * erect the statues of the gods , or to attempt divinations and other such vain † arts ; b nor , in any wise to sacrifice . the other law ordered the structures of the oratories to be raised to a vast height , and the churches of god to be enlarged both in length and breadth ; as if all mankind ( i had almost said ) were about to unite themselves to god , and as if the madness of polytheïsm had been wholly destroyed . the emperour 's own piety towards god moved him to entertain such sentiments as these , and thus to write to the presidents of each province . the law contained this also , that they should not be sparing in the expence of money ; but , that the charges [ of building the churches ] should be defrayed out of the imperial treasures . moreover , he wrote letters of this sort to the prelates of churches in all places : and such a one he vouchsafed to write to me also , which was the first letter he sent to me by name . chap. xlvi . constantine's [ letter ] to eusebius and the rest of the bishops , concerning the building of churches ; and that the old-ones should be repaired , and built larger by the [ assistance of the ] presidents . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to eusebius . we really believe and are absolutely perswaded ( dearest brother , ) that , in regard an impious * presumption and a tyrannick violence hath persecuted the servants of our saviour even to this present time , the edifices of all churches , have either by neglect gone to ruine , or through fear of the imminent iniquity [ of the times ] a have been less worthily adorned . but now , since liberty is restored , and that b serpent by almighty god's providence , and our instrumentall endeavours , is forc't out of the administration of publick affairs ; we suppose that the divine power hath been sufficiently manifested to all men : and that those , who c either through fear or unbelief have fallen into any sins , having now d acknowledged * him that truly is , will in future return to the true and right course of life . do you therefore remind as well [ all persons belonging to ] the churches over which you preside , as also bishops presiding in other places , together with the presbyters and deacons whom you know , that they use their utmost diligence about the structures of the churches ; either about repairing those that are still standing , or about enlarging them , or in building new ones where ever it shall be found requisite . and you your self , and the rest by your mediation , may aske necessaries [ for that work , ] both from our presidents of the provinces , and also from the e office of the praetorian praefecture . f for they have already been empowered by letters , to be diligently observant about your holinesse's orders . god preserve you , beloved brother . g the same letters were sent to the prelates of churches throughput every province . and the presidents of provinces were ordered to do what was agreeable and consonant hereto . so that , withall imaginable speed the precepts of the law were effectually put in execution . chap. xlvii . that he wrote against idolatry . but the emperour made a further progress in his a piety towards god , and transmitted to the provincials in each province , b an oration against the errour of idolatry , wherein they had been involved , c who had governed the roman empire before him . [ in which oration ] he exhorted his subjects with an admirable eloquence , to acknowledge the supream god , and openly to assume to themselves his [ son ] christ to be their saviour . moreover , i judged it necessary to translate this letter also , written with his own hand , out of the latine tongue [ into greek , ] and insert it in to this present work ; that we may seem to hear the emperour himself , crying out in the hearing of all men after this manner . chap. xlviii . constantine's edict to the provinces , concerning the errour of polytheism . the preface , concerning virtue and vice. victor constantinus maximus augustus , to the † provincials of the east . all things what ever that are contained in the most authentick laws of nature , do give all men sufficient notices of a divine providence over and ‖ inspection into the administration of all matters . nor is there any doubt to those , whose minds are by the right way of knowledge † directed to that end , but an accurate comprehension of a sound mind and of the very sight it self , a by one and the same impulse of true virtue , may lead to the knowledge of god. wherefore , no considerate person can ever be disturbed , when he perceives most men following * courses of life contrary the one to the other . for , the beauty of virtue would be b unusefull and lye concealed , unless improbity should on the other hand † set forth a perverse and depraved way of living . therefore , a crown is proposed to virtue ; but the most high god presides in the judgment [ and punishment of improbity . ] but , i will attempt , with all possible perspicuity , to ‖ discourse to you all , concerning those * hopes i have of things future . chap. xlix . concerning the pious father of constantine ; and concerning diocletian and maximian the persecutors . i always look't upon the former emperours , by reason of the ferity of their dispositions , as persons * extraneous and forreign . my father was the only man , who took in hand works of lenity and mansuetude ; and with an admirable piety invoaked god the father in all his actings . but the rest [ of the emperours , ] not sound as to their intellectualls , made immanity , rather then mildness , their business ; and this they nourished † in a wonderfull manner , subverting the true doctrine during their own times . further , the fury of their improbity was kindled to such a degree , that a civill wars were raised by them , against all as well divine as humane affairs , when in the greatest repose and tranquillity imaginable . chap. l. that by reason of apollo's oracle , who could not give forth responses because of the just men , a persecution was raised . it was reported , that at that time apollo gave forth an oracle out of a certain den and dark cavern , not by humane voice ; whereby he declared , that the just men upon earth were an hindrance to him , that he could not speak the truth : and , that on this account † false oracles were given out from the tripods : and , that for this reason a his mournfull prophetess suffered her long hair to hang down neglected ; and , the art of divination being banish't , lamented that great evill amongst men . but let us see , what manner of conclusion these things were brought to . chap. li. that constantine , when he was a youth , heard that the just men were the christians , from him that had written the [ edicts ] concerning the persecution . i now † appeal to thee , most high god! [ thou knowest , ] that being then a very young i heard , how he , who at that time held the chiefest place amongst the roman emperours , ( a person wretched , truly miserable , * imposed upon by the errour of his mind ; ) with a great deal of curiosity enquired of those that were his guards , who those just men were [ that lived ] upon the earth : and , that one of the sacrificers about him made answer , that they were the christians . the emperour , b having devoured this answer like some honey , unsheathed the swords , * prepared to punish crimes , against an unblamable sanctity . immediately therefore he wrote edicts of bloud c with bloudy points of swords ( as i may say ; ) and ordered his judges to d stretch that subtilty implanted on them by nature , to an invention of acuter punishments . chap. lii . how many sorts of tortures and punishments were made use of against the christians . then you might , [ i say ] you might have beheld , with how great a freedom [ and licence ] the * venerable worshippers of god daily underwent the severest of contumelies , [ caused ] by a continuedness of cruelty . for , that modesty , which even none of the enemies ever affected with any injury , a was made the easie sport and pastime of the contumely of their own enraged fellow-citizens . what fire , what manner of torments , what sort of tortures was not made use of upon every body , and without distinction [ applied ] b to persons of all ages whatever ? doubtless , at that time the earth wept ; the heavens , within whose circumference all things are contained , being defiled with bloud , lamented . also , the very [ light of the ] day it self was clouded by the sorrow and horrour of that prodigy . chap. liii . what reception was given to the christians by the barbarians . but why [ do i mention ] these things ? on account hereof the barbarians do now boast , who gave reception to the men of our country that fled at that time , and * treated the captives with all imaginable tenderness and humanity . for , they allowed them not only safety , but permitted them to retain † their religious worship with security . therefore , the romans do now bear this perpetuall brand of infamy , which the christians , at that time driven out of the roman world , and flying to the barbarians , fixt upon them . chap. liv. what manner of revenge overtook them , who , on account of the oracle , raised a persecution . but , what need i in many words rehearse those lamentations , and that common mourning of the whole world ? those authours of so horrid an impiety , perished afterwards by a most ignominious end , and were thrust down into the pits of acharon , to an eternall punishment . for , having been * involved in intestine wars , they left no remains , either of their name , or stock . which doubtless had never hapned to them , had not that impious prophecy of the oracles of apollo had a false and depraved force . chap. lv. constantine's glorification of god , and his confession in reference to the sign of the cross , and his prayer for the churches and people . now , i beseech thee , * most supream god! be mild and propitious to thy easterns : be [ mercifull ] to all thy provincialls , worn out by a lasting calamitie : by me thy servant , † administer a remedy . and these things i aske of thee not without cause , o thou lord of all , holy god! for , by thy guidance and assistance , i have undertaken and perfected salutary affairs . every where carrying before me thy sign , i have lead on my victorious army . and as often as the publick necessity requires , following those very ensigns of thy ‖ virtue , i march out against the enemy . for these reasons i have dedicated my mind to thee , purely tempered with love and fear . for i love thy name with a sincerity : but i have an awfull fear for thy power , which thou hast demonstrated by many indications , and hast thereby rendred my faith firmer . i hasten therefore , to put my shoulders , may own shoulders [ i say to the work , ] that i may re-edifie thy most holy a house ; which those detestable and most impious [ wretches ] have ruined by * a wicked overthrow . chap. lvi . how he prayes , that all persons may be christians ; but forces no body . i desire , that thy people may live in repose , and without tumult or disturbance , for the common advantage of the world and all mortalls . may those involved in the errour [ of gentilism ] with gladness partake of an enjoyment of the same peace and quiet with the believers . for , this ▪ reparation of mutuall society a will be of great efficacy in leading men to the true way . let no person molest another . b let every one do that which his soul desireth . yet , it behooves those whose sentiments are true , to be firmly perswaded , that they only shall live holily and purely , whom thou callest [ to this , ] that they should acquiesce in thy holy laws . but , let those who withdraw themselves , have their temples of lies , since they desire them . we retain the most splendid house of thy truth , ‖ which thou hast given us according to nature . we wish this likewise to them , namely , that by a common consent and agreement , they also may reap a delight of mind . chap. lvii . he gives glory to god , who by his son has enlightned those that were in errour . a nor is our religion new , or of a late date ; but , from such time as we believe this beautifull fabrick of the world to have stood firmly put together , thou hast instituted this [ religion ] with a due observancy of thy deity . further , mankind seduced by various errours , hath stumbled . but , least this evill should increase and grow stronger , thou by thy son hast raised up a pure light , and hast put all men in mind * of the worship of thy deity . chap. lviii . another glorification of god , from his * government of the world . thy works give confirmation to these things . thy power makes us innocent and faithfull . the sun and moon have their stated and prescribed † road ; nor are the stars moved round the ‖ axis of the whole world in an irregular manner . the vicissitudes of times recur by a certain law. by thy word the firm * site of the earth hath been established . and the wind makes its motion a according to a set time . also , the current and carriage of the waters † proceeds from the motion of a restless flux . the sea is contained within fixt and immovable bounds . and what ever is diffused thorow the earth and ocean , every such thing is framed for certain admirable and ‖ great uses . which unless it were in this manner governed according to the arbitrement of thy will , doubtless so great a diversity , and b so manifold a division of power , would have brought destruction upon the whole world and humane affairs . c for they who have waged war against one another , would doubtless have fought with a greater vehemency against mankind . which questionless they do , although they are not seen with the eyes . chap. lix . he praises god , in regard he always teaches good things . we give thee many thanks , thou lord of all , greatest god! for , by how much the more humane nature is known from different * endeavours ; by so much the more the † precepts of the divine religion are confirmed in those , whose sentiments are right , and a who are studious of true virtue . but , whoever hinders himself from being cured , b let not him impute that to another . for the medicine , which † is of strength sufficient to effect the cure , is publickly proposed to all men . only [ this must be taken care of , ] that no one should violate that religion , which the things themselves do manifest to be pure and immaculate . let all us men therefore make use of the ‖ allotment of that good in common conferred on us , that is , the blessing of peace ; to wit , by separating our consciences from every thing that is contrary to it . chap. lx. an exhortation at the close of the edict , that no person should give trouble or disturbance to another . but , let no person do harm to another , by that which he hath perswaded himself of , a and declared . what one man hath understood and known , with that let him assist his neighbour ▪ if it may be . but , if it be impossible , let him omit it . for 't is one thing , voluntarily to undertake the combat for immortality ; another , to be forc't to it by punishment . these things i have said ; these things i have discoursed of more at large than the scope of our mansuetude required , because i would not conceal b the true faith. especially , in regard some persons ( as i hear , ) do assert , that the rites of the temples and the c power of darkness are wholly abolished . which i had indeed perswaded all men to , had not the violent d insolency of nefarious errour been immeasurably fix't on the minds of some persons , to the hurt and damage of the e emendation of mankind . chap. lxi . how from the city alexandria * controversies were raised on account of arius . these things the emperour , like a most loud-speaking preacher of god , by his own letter † proclaimed to all the provincialls ; ‖ diverting his subjects from diabolicall errour ; and exhorting them to the exercise of true piety . but whilst he was exceedingly joyfull on account hereof , news was brought him , concerning a disturbance of no small consequence , which had seized the churches . at the hearing whereof he was extreamly troubled , and began earnestly to consider of a cure. [ the originall of the disturbance ] was this . the people of god were in a flourishing condition , and * pleased themselves with the exercises of good actions . there was no fear without , which might give disturbance : in regard , by the grace and favour of god , a splendid and most profound peace fortified the church on all sides . but envy framed treacherous designes against our blessings . [ at first ] it crept in privately ; but [ afterward ] it daunced in the very midst of the conventions of the saints . at length it raised contention between the bishops , and a cast in discord and wranglings amongst them , under a pretence of the divine † dogmata . from thence , as 't were from some small spark , a great fire was kindled . which began from the alexandrian church , as 't were from an ‖ eminence ; and afterwards over-ran all egypt , and libya , and the further thebais . moreover , it ruined the rest of the provinces and cities : in so much that , you might have seen not only the prelates of the churches fighting one with another with words ; but the people also rent into factions ; some inclining to this party ; others , to that . b further , the spectacle of the things performed proceeded to such an height of absurdity , that even in the very theaters of the infidells , the vanerableness of the divine doctrine * was traduced by a most ignominious and reproachfull derision . chap. lxii . concerning arius and the melitians . these persons therefore at alexandria in a childish manner strove about the sublimest [ points . ] but a others all over egypt and the upper thebais were in the interim at difference on account of a controversie which had been started before : so that , the churches were in all places rent in sunder . and whereas the body [ of the church ] was distempered as 't were with these [ diseases , ] all libya likewise fell sick ; and the other parts of the provinces without were seized with the same distemper . for they of alexandria sent legates to the bishops in each province ; and these , divided into either side , partook of the like sedition and disturbance . chap. lxiii . how constantine sent a legate with a letter in order to a composure . upon hearing hereof the emperour was highly perplex't in mind ; and looking upon this thing to be his own calamitous concern , he forthwith dispatches away one of the worshippers of god whom he had about him , ( a a person whom he well knew to have been approved for his * modesty of faith , and in the late times to have been ennobled with confessions in defence of piety ; ) to alexandria , to make peace between those that were at difference there . and by him he sends a most usefull and necessary letter to the occasioners of that contention . which letter , in regard it containes an illustrious specimen of his care in reference to the people of god , is fit to be inserted into this our discourse concerning him , the contents of it are these . chap. lxiv . constantine's letter to alexander the bishop , and arius the presbyter . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to alexander and arius . we * call god to witness , who , as 't is meet , is himself the assistant of our attempts , saviour of all men ; that upon a twofold account we were moved to take in hand the † management of those affairs which we have in reality performed . chap. lxv . that he was continually sollicitous about peace . for first , [ our design was ] to unite the a opinion of all nations concerning the deity , in one constitution and form as 't were : secondly , we were desirous of restoring to an healthiness the body of the whole world , afflicted as 't were with some terrible b distemper . which [ two things ] having proposed to our self as our aim , we inspected the one with the secret eye of thought ; but we attempted to effect the other by the power of a military force : well knowing , that if ( as 't was our desire ) we could establish an universall agreement amongst the worshippers of god , the consequence would be , that the administration of the publick affairs would certainly obtaine a change agreeable to the pious minds of all men . chap. lxvi . in what manner he put a stop to the controversies raised in africk . a when therefore an intollerable madness had seized all affrica , occasioned by some persons , who with a rash levity had dared to rent the religion of the people into various sects ; we being desirous to put a stop to this distemper , could find no other remedy sufficient to effect its cure , than ( after we had destroyed the b common enemy of the world , who had opposed his own impious opinion and command against your sacred synods ; ) c that we should send some of you as assistants in order to the making up an agreement between those who were at variance one with another . chap. lxvii . that the beginnings of religion were from the east . for , whereas the power of [ the true ] light , and the law of the sacred religion , being by the beneficence of god given forth out of the bosomes ( as i may so say ) of the east , hath at the same time illuminated the whole world with its sacred light ; we upon a very good account believing a you would prove the authours as 't were and promoters of the salvation of [ all ] nations , have attempted to find you out , as well by a propensity of our mind , as the * sight of our eyes . b immediately therefore after our great victory and our most certain triumph over our enemies , c we had resolved before all things to enquire into that again , which we judged to be the chiefest and most momentous of all . chap. lxviii . that being troubled by reason of the disturbance , he advises to an agreement . but ( o the most beautifull and divine providence ! ) what a deadly wound hath been given to our ears , or rather to a our very heart , when 't was told us , that the dissentions raised amongst you were far more fierce than those which have been b left remaining in africk ? in so much that , your parts , from which we hop't a remedy might have been produced for others , do now stand in need of a greater cure. indeed , when we seriously considered of the origine and cause of these [ differences , ] the occasion appeared to us very trivial , and such as in no wise deserved so sierce a contest . wherefore , being induced to a necessity of [ penning ] this letter , and writing to your c unanimous sagacity , having also called upon divine providence to be our assistant in this affair , we do upon a good account interpose our self as the * arbiter of your mutuall dissention , and as an † administrator of peace . for , if we our self ( god giving us his assistance , although there were a greater occasion of discord , yet ) by instilling reason into the pious minds of our hearers , could be able without much difficulty d to recall each person to more wholesome counsells ; why may not we the same person ( in regard the occasion is small and very trivial , which hinders the agreement of the whole body ; ) promise our self an easier and far more expedite ‖ accommodation of this matter ? chap. lxix . whence the controversie between alexander and arius arose ; and , that such matters ought not to be enquired into . vve understand therefore , that the ground of the present controversie arose from hence . for whereas you , alexander , enquired of your presbyters , a what every particular persons [ sentiment was ] concerning a certain passage of those things written in the law , or rather asked about a part of a fruitless controversie : and whereas you , arius , b inconsiderately vented that , which you ought either not to have conceived at first , or if you had had such conceptions , it had been your duty , to have let them been buried in silence : c hereupon a dissention has been raised between you , d communion is denied ; and the most holy people , rent into two factions , are separated from the harmonious unity of the whole body . wherefore , let both of you , mutually e pardoning each other , accept of what your fellow-servant doth reasonably advise you to . but what is that ? it was fitting , neither to have asked such questions at first , nor if proposed , to have made any return thereto . for such questions , which no law does necessarily order or prescribe , but are proposed by the contentiousness of an unprofitable vacancy from business ( although they may be made to exercise and imploy our naturall parts about , yet ) we ought to confine within our breasts , and not inconsiderately divulge them in publick assemblies , nor unadvisedly commit them to the ears of the vulgar . for , what person amongst a thousand is sufficiently qualified , either accurately to comprehend the full efficacy and nature of things so sublime and profound , or to explicate them according to their worth and dignity ? or , should any man look upon this to be an easie performance , how small a part of the vulgar will he induce to be fully perswaded hereof ? or , f what man can without danger of falling into gross errours , insist upon the accurate discussions of such nice controversies ? in questions therefore of this nature , loquacity must be bridled and restrained , least either through the frailty of our nature , we being not able to explicate what we propose , or through the slower understanding of the auditors , ( being unable accurately to apprehend those matters discoursed of ; ) least [ we say ] g from the one of these two causes , the people be reduced to a necessity either of blasphemy , or schism . chap. lxx . an exhortation to an agreement . vvherefore , let an unwary question , and an inconsiderate answer in both of you mutually pardon each other . for this contest hath not been raised among you upon an occasion of any principal or chief commandment of our law : nor have you introduced any new heresie concerning the worship of god. but both of you hold one and the same opinion ; so that , you may easily close with each other in a a consent of communion . chap. lxxi . that a pertinacious contention ought not to have been raised concerning this matter , on account of some light and frivolous expressions . for whilst you thus pertinaciously contend about trifles and matters of no importance , 't is not decent that so numerous a multitude of god's people should be under your care and government , because of your dissention with one another : nor is it only misbecoming , but 't is likewise judged to be altogether unlawfull . now , that we may advertise your prudence by a smaller instance , a we will tell you : you know even the philosophers themselves ; b how that they are all united in [ the profession of ] one sect ; whenas nevertheless , they frequently disagree in some part of their assertions : but although they dissent in the very perfection of science , yet because of the agreement and union of their sect , they close again in a mutuall consent . now , if it be so [ amongst them , ] how will it not be much more reasonable , that c you , who are the ministers of the most high god , should in like manner be unanimous in the profession of the same religion ? but , let us with more accuracy and a greater attention , inspect and examine what we have now said ; whether it be reasonable , that because of the triviall , vain , and pertinacious contests between you about words , brethren should be set in array as 't were against brethren ; and that the venerable assembly should upon your account , who contend one with another about things so slight and in no wise necessary , be rent in sunder by an impious variance . these things are poor and mean , and do befit a childish ignorance , rather than agree with the understanding of priests and prudent men . let us of our own accord depart from the temptations of the devill . our great god the common saviour of all , d hath reached forth a light common to all . by the assistance of whose providence , give us leave who are his servant , successfully to finish e this our endeavour ; that by our exhortation , diligence , and earnest admonitions , we may reduce you to a communion of convention . for in regard , as we have said already , your faith is one and the same , and your sentiment of our religion is one , and whereas the f commandment of the law doth in each part of it inclose all in generall in one consent and purpose of mind : let not this thing , which has raised a small contention between you , ( in as much as it appertaineth not to * the sum of all religion in generall , ) by any means make any separation and faction amongst you . and these things we speak , not to necessitate you to be all of one opinion concerning this foolish idle question , of what sort soever it be . for the pretious value of the convention may be preserved entire amongst you , and one and the same communion may be retained , although there be interchangeably amongst you a great diversity of sentiments in things of the least moment . for , we do not all will the same in all things ; nor is there in us one disposition or opinion . therefore concerning the divine providence , let there be amongst you one faith , one understanding , and one † consent in reference to god. but , as for those slender and trivial questions , which with so much niceness you dispute of and make researches into amongst your selves , although therein you do do not agree in the same opinion , yet 't is fit you should confine them to your own thoughts , and keep them within the secret repositories of your minds . let therefore that eximious [ priviledge ] of a common friendship , and the ‖ belief of the truth , and the honour of god , and a religious observancy in reference to [ his ] law , remain amongst you firm and immoveable . return ye to a mutuall friendship and charity : restore to the whole body of the people their own embraces . and be you your selves ( having g purified your own souls as 't were , ) acquainted again [ and renew your familiarity ] with each other . for friendship ( when it returns to reconciliation again , ) frequently becomes sweeter and more pleasing , after the h removall of the enmity . chap. lxxii . that being highly affected with grief in regard of his piety , he was necessitated to shed tears ; and , that on this account , he put off the journey he was about to make into the east . restore therefore to us peaceable and serene days , and nights void of care ; that the pleasure of the pure light , and the joy of a quiet life may in future be reserved for us also . which if [ we shall ] not [ obtain , ] we must of necessity groan , and be wholly surrounded with tears ; nor shall we finish the residue of our life without great disquietude . for , whilst the people of god , ( we mean our fellow-servants , ) are rent in sunder by this unreasonable and pernitious contention one with another , how is it possible for us in future to continue in a sedate temper of mind ? but , that you may be sensible of our excessive grief on account of this matter , [ * be attentive to what we shall tell you : ] when we lately came to the city nicomedia , we had resolved forthwith to have made a journey into the east . but whilst we were hastning unto you , and a by the greatest part were with you , b the news of this affair * quite altered our resolution : that we might not be necessitated to behold with our eyes those things of which we accounted even the report to be intollerable . do you therefore in future , by your unanimity , open a way for us into the east , which by your mutuall contentions you have stop't up . give us leave with joy speedily to see you , and all the rest of the people , and that with an unanimous consent of praises we may attribute to god due thanks for the concord and liberty of all persons . chap. lxxiii . that after this letter , the disturbance about the * controversies continued . after this manner the pious [ emperour , ] by sending his letter , made provision for the peace of the church of god. moreover , that good man made use of his utmost diligence , not only in carrying the letter , but in fulfilling his will , by whom he had been sent . and he was every way a a pious person , as i have said . but , the affair was greater , than to be accommodated by the help of a letter . in so much that , the contention of the persons at variance increased daily ; and the vehemency of the mischief over-ran all the eastern provinces . envy , and the malicious devil , vext at the prosperity of the church , † invented these things for our destruction . the end of the second book . the third book of eusebius pamphilus concerning the life of the blessed emperour constantine . chap. i. a comparison of constantine's piety with the improbity of the persecutors . in this manner the devill , that hater of good , envying the felicity of the church , raised up storms and intestine disturbances in it , during a time of peace and joy. a in the interim , the emperour dear-to-god neglected not the performance of what became him : b but doing all things contrary to what had been audaciously perpetrated a little before by tyrannick cruelty , [ by that means ] he was made superiour to every of his enemies and opposers . in the first place therefore , they , alienated from [ his worship ] who truly is god , by various methods of force compelled all men to adore those who were not gods : but he , evincing them as well by words as in reality in no wise to be gods , exhorted all persons to an acknowledgment of him who is the only god. besides , they derided god's christ with blasphemous expressions : but he c assumed to himself as his preservative , that very thing , against which those impious wretches with the greatest virulency * belch't forth their blasphemies ; and gloried in the trophy of the [ salutary ] passion . they persecuted the worshippers of christ , and drove them from their houses and habitations . he recalled them all [ from exile , ] and restored them to their own dwellings . they surrounded them with ignominies ; he made them honourable and happy in the opinion of all men . they seized upon the goods of god's worshippers , and with the greatest injustice made sale of them : he not only restored their goods to them , but likewise enricht them abundantly with very many gifts and benefactions . they by written constitutions d publisht calumnies against the prelates [ of churches : ] on the contrary , he raised and advanced those men to honour [ bestowed ] by himself , and by edicts and laws made them more renowned than they had been before . they demolished the oratories to the very foundations , and from their vast height pulled them down to the ground : he by a law ordained , that those oratories which were standing should be raised higher , and that new ones should be magnificently erected , [ the charges whereof were defrayed ] out of the imperial exchequer it self . they ordered the divinely-inspired scriptures to be destroyed and consumed by fire : he made a sanction , that at the charge of the imperiall treasury the [ copies of the sacred volumes ] should be increased , e and * adorned with a magnifick furniture . they commanded , that synods of bishops should in no wise be attempted to be any where convened : he called together into his own presence the prelates out of all the provinces ; and vouchsafed them admission not only into his pallace , and inmost bed-chamber ; but likewise gave them a reception within his own house , and made them companions of his imperial table . they honoured daemons with consecrated gifts : but he laid open their frauds , continually distributing the * unserviceable matter of those consecrated gifts to such as could make use of it . they gave order , that the temples [ of the gods ] should be adorned with all imaginable splendour : he utterly demolished those very temples , especially them that were highliest esteemed of by superstitious men . they subjected the servants of god to the most ignominious punishments ▪ he took vengeance on those who had done these things , chastizing them with a f condign punishment from god ; but he never desisted from honouring the memories of gods holy martyrs . they drove men that were worshippers of god from the imperial pallaces : he put his chiefest confidence in such persons , knowing them to be of all men the best affected and faithfullest to him . they were overcome with [ the love of ] money , having enslaved their minds to a * tantalick † passion : but he with an imperial magnificence opened all his treasures , and made distributions of them with a ‖ liberality that was bountifull , noble and generous . lastly , they perpetrated infinite murders , to the end they might make a seizure of , and expose to sale the estates of those that were slain : but during the whole reign of constantine , every sword hung up as useless to the judges ; in regard the people and g decuriones were h ruled by a paternall power , rather than governed by force and necessity . all which things whoever shall attentively consider , he will have good cause to say , that a certain new i age seemed just then to have appeared ; an unusuall light * after a long darkness having shined upon mankind . and he will confess , that all this was the work of god , who opposed this religious emperour , as an adversary against that multitude of the impious . chap. ii. again concerning the piety of constantine , who made a free and open profession of the cross of christ. for , whereas they were such persons , the like to whom had never appeared at any time , and had dared to act such things against the church , as * no person from the utmost memory of men ever heard done ; with good reason god himself produced a certain new miracle , [ i mean constantine , ] by whom he effected such things as had never been known by report , nor represented to view . for , what miracle was stranger and more unusuall , than the virtue of our emperour , whom the wisdom of god bestowed upon mankind ? for withall imaginable confidence and freedom he continued asserting god's christ to all men ; nor was he ashamed of the † salutary appellation : but gloried in reference to that matter , and shewed himself in order to his being taken notice of and known by all men ; sometimes sealing his face with the salutary sign ; at others , boasting in the victorious trophy . chap. iii. concerning constantine's picture , over which was placed a cross , and under it * a wounded dragon . moreover , in an high painted table placed before the † porticus of the imperial pallace , he proposed to the view of all men , the salutary sign represented in a picture , set over his own head ; but [ he ordered ] that enemy and fierce adversary [ of mankind , ] who by the tyranny of the impious had ‖ opposed the church of god , to be drawn [ underneath , ] in the form of a dragon * falling into the deep . for the divine oracles contained in the book 's of god's prophets , have termed him a dragon and a crooked serpent . on which account the emperour , under his own and his children's feet , in encaustick painting exhibited to the view of all men , a dragon wounded with a dart thorow the midst of his belly , and cast into the depths of the sea ; denoting hereby that secret enemy of mankind ; whom also he declared to have been thrust down into the pit of destruction , by the power of that salutary trophy placed over his head . and these things were tacitely shown by the picture painted with a variety of colours . but i am seized with an admiration of the emperour 's great knowledge ; in regard by divine inspiration he exprest those very things in paint , which the words of the prophets had declared before concerning that same beast in this manner , saying , * that god would † unsheath a great and terrible sword against the dragon the serpent that flees , and would slay the dragon that is in the sea . the emperour therefore exprest the figures hereof , ‖ having in the picture truly imitated the thing it self . chap. iv. again concerning the controversies [ raised ] in egypt by arius . these things he performed with a complacency of mind . but the blackness of envy , which [ at that time ] in an horrid manner disturbed the churches of god at alexandria , and the a pestilent schism of those of thebais and egypt , troubled him not a little . for the bishops in each city * strove with the bishops , and the people made insurrections against the people , and , dasht one against another like the b symplegades , were cut in pieces by mutual wounds . in so much that , spurred on at length by a fury and desperateness of mind , they attempted impious and nefarious facts , and were so audacious as to do violence to the pictures of the emperour . but these things did not so much excite the emperour's anger , as they grieved and disquieted his mind ; in regard he was extreamly troubled at the madness of men that were impaired as to their intellectualls . chap. v. concerning the dissention on account of [ the feast of ] easter . moreover , before these [ distempers , ] there had risen another most sore disease , which a for a long time had infested the church ; [ namely ] a dissention about the * salutary feast . for some affirmed , that the usage of the jews ought to be followed : others asserted , that † the time it self was accurately to be observed , nor were erroneous persons to be followed , who were estranged from evangelick grace b even in this matter also . whereas therefore the people in all places had now for a long time disagreed one with another , and whereas the divine laws [ of our religion ] were disturbed and subverted ; ( for , in one and the same feast , a * diversity of time begat the greatest dissention imaginable amongst those who celebrated the feast ; in regard some persons † afflicted themselves with fastings and austerities ; others ‖ indulged to leisure and mirth ; ) there was no mortall able to find out and administer a remedy to this mischief ; because the c controversie hung in an equall poyze as 't were between the dissenting parties . to the only omnipotent god it was easie to cure these evills . whose sole minister of good things upon earth appeared to be constantine . who , after he had received an account of what we have even now mentioned , and saw that his letter to alexandria proved ineffectuall ; himself mustered up [ all the forces of ] his own mind , and said , that this * new sort of a war against an invisible enemy that had disturbed the [ peace of the ] church , ought to be ended by him . chap. vi. in what manner he gave order , that a synod should be convened at nicaea . immediately therefore setting in array as 't were a divine * army against † him , he convened an ‖ oecumenicall synod ; by honourable letters inviting the bishops every where , to the end they should come with all the speed imaginable . nor was it a simple and bare order ; but the emperour's appointment gave assistance to the business it self . for to some he allowed a liberty of making use a of the cursus publicus : others he supplied abundantly with the assistances of beasts of burden . moreover , a most convenient [ place ] was assigned for this synod , a city [ namely ] which from victory has the name nicaea , situate in the province of the bithynians . when therefore the emperour's order was brought into all the provinces , all persons [ set out ] as 't were from some goal , and ran with all imaginable alacrity . for the hope of good things drew them , * and the participation of peace , and [ lastly ] the spectacle of a new miracle , to wit , the sight of so great an emperour . when therefore they were all come together , that which was done appeared to be the work of god. for they who were at the greatest distance one from another , not only in minds , but in bodies , regions , places , and provinces ; were seen assembled together in one place . and one city received them all , as 't were some vast garland of priests made up of a variety of beautifull flowers . chap. vii . concerning the occumenicall synod , at which were present bishops out of all provinces . * the most eminent therefore amongst god's ministers of all those churches which fill'd all europe , africk , and asia , were convened . a and one sacred oratory , enlarged as 't were by god himself , included at the same time within its walls , syrians and cilicians , phoenicians and arabians ; palestinians likewise , and moreover egyptians , thebaeans , libyans ; those also that came out of mesopotamia . there was likewise present at this synod a persian bishop ; nor was b the scythian absent from this quire. pontus also , galatia , and pamphilia , cappadocia , asia , and phrygia afforded their most select divines . moreover , [ there appeared here ] thracians and macedonians , achaians and epirots , and such as dwelt far beyond these , were nevertheless present . from * spain likewise it self , that most celebrated person [ hosius ] was one , amongst the many others , who sate in this synod . c the prelate of the imperial city was absent indeed , by reason of his age : but his presbyters were there , who filled his place . constantine was the d only emperour of all the princes since the foundation of the world , who , after he had platted such a crown as this with the bond of peace , dedicated it to christ his saviour , as a divine present and gratefull acknowledgment for the victories he had obtained over his enemies and adversaries ; having constituted this [ synod convened ] in our days , to be a lively representation of that apostolick quire. chap. viii . that , like as [ 't is said ] in the acts of the apostles , they met together out of various nations . for 't is * said , that in the apostles times , there were gathered together devout men out of every nation under heaven . amongst whom were parthians , medes , and elamites , and the inhabitants of mesopotamia , judaea and cappadocia , of pontus , and asia , of phrygia and pamphilia , of egypt and the parts of libya adjacent to cyrene : strangers also of rome , jews and proselytes , cretians and arabians . this only was wanting amongst them , they who met were not all the ministers of god. but in this present quire , there was a multitude of bishops , which exceeded the number of a two hundred and fifty . but the number of the presbyters and deacons who followed them , b of the acolythi , and of the many other persons , was not to be comprehended . chap. ix . concerning the virtue and age of the two hundred and fifty bishops . [ a moreover , ] of these ministers of god , some were eminent for their * wisedom and eloquence ; others , for their integrity of life , and patient sufferance of hardships ; b others , were adorned with modesty and a courteous behaviour . some of them were highly respected by reason of their great age ; others were eminent for their youthfull vigour , both of body and mind . some were newly in●tiated into the † order of the ministery . to all which persons the emperour commanded a plentifull provision of food should be every day allowed . chap. x. the synod [ was held ] in the pallace , amongst whom constantine went in , and sate together with [ the bishops . ] but on the day appointed for the synod , whereon the points in controversie were to be determined ; after a every person concerned in that [ determination ] was come b to the very middlemost * edifice of the pallace , which [ edifice ] in greatness seemed to exceed all others : and after a great many seats had been placed in order on both sides of the room , the persons who had been sent for went in ; and each of them took an agreeable seat. but when with a befiting decency the whole synod had sate down , they were all silent , expecting the emperour's coming forth . soon after this enters one , then a second , and a third person of those about the emperour . others also went before , not any of the [ emperour 's ] usuall protectours and guards , but * those only of his friends who profest the faith of christ. and when , c upon a sign given which declared the emperour's entrance , they had all risen up , at length he himself d came walking in the midst , like some celestial angell of god : shining with his bright purple-garment as 't were with the splendour of light , glistering with * flaming rays , and adorned with the clear brightnesses of gold and pretious stones . such was the attire of his body . but as to his mind , 't was sufficiently manifest , that he was to an accuracy adorned with a fear and reverence of god. and an indication hereof was given by his cast-down eyes , by his blushing countenance , and by † his gate and motion . moreover , the rest of his bodily shape ; his tallness of stature namely , wherein he excelled all persons that were about him , [ as he did likewise ] in a comliness of make , in a magnificent gracefullness of body , and in an invincible strength and might : all these [ accomplishments i say ] being mixt with a † sweetness of disposition , and with an imperial lenity and mansuetude , declared the immense excellency of his mind to be superiour to all manner of commendation . after the emperour was come to the † upper end of the seats , in the first place he stood in the midst . and when a ‖ low chair made of gold had been placed before him , he sate not down till such time as the bishops had beckoned to him . as soon as the emperour [ had seated himself , ] they all did the same . chap. xi . the silence of the synod , after eusebius the bishop had made a short speech . then a he of the bishops , who sate first on the right-hand-side , arose , and addrest himself to the emperour in a speech of an indifferent length , wherein he gave almighty god thanks and praise for † him. after he had taken his seat also , silence was made , all persons having fixt their eyes on the emperour . when he had lookt upon them all with joyfull eyes and a pleasing countenance , afterwards he made a recollection of his own mind within himself , and with a calm and mild voice uttered these words . chap. xii . constantine's [ speech ] to the synod concerning peace . the * sum of my prayers ( dearest friends ! ) was this , that i might enjoy the sight of your convention . which having now obtained , i render my thanks to [ god ] the supream king ; because , besides his innumerable other [ benefits , ] he hath granted me a sight of this , which is the chiefest of all goods : i mean , that i might behold all you convened together , and † find one and the same unanimous sentiment amongst you all . let no envious enemy therefore in future ‖ disturb the happy posture of our affairs : and , since that opposition made by tyrants against the deity is wholly removed by the power of god our saviour , let not the malignant devill a by any other methods * expose the divine ▪ law to blasphemies . for , an intestine sedition of the church of god appears to me more grievous and dangerous than any sort of war or fight whatever : nor do any externall affairs seem more afflictive to me , than these matters . indeed , at such time as , by the will and cooperation of god , i had obtained a compleat victory over mine enemies , b i was of opinion , that nothing remained to me , but to give god thanks , and to rejoyce with those whom he by our means had set a liberty . but when ( contrary to all expectation ) i had received information of your disagreement , i lookt upon that † thing as in no wise to be neglected : but wishing that by our assistance a remedy might be applyed to this [ mischief ] also , without any delay i called you all together . and i am highly pleased with the sight of this your convention . but shall then judge that i have managed this affair according to my prayers , when i shall behold all of you ‖ conjoyned in your minds , and one amicable agreement in common concluded on amongst you all , which it becomes you , who are persons consecrated to god , c to preach to others . delay not therefore , dearest friends , ye ministers of god , and good servants of the common lord and saviour of us all ! but beginning d even from hence to take away the occasions of mutuall dissent amongst you , e dissolve every knot of controversie by the laws of peace . for by this means you will perform both what is most acceptable to the supream god ; and will likewise bestow a transcendent favour on me your fellow-servant . chap. xiii . that he reduced those bishops who were at difference , to an agreement . having spoken these words in the latine tongue , which were done into greek by some other person , he gave those who presided in the synod , leave to speak . but then , some of them began to accuse their neighbours ; others answered their accusations , and on the contrary made complaints . many things therefore being in this manner proposed on both sides , and a great controversie raised even at the first beginning [ of the debate , ] the emperour heard them all very patiently , and with an a intent mind received their proposed questions ; and by turns assisting the assertions of both parties , by degrees he reduced them , who pertinaciously opposed each other , to a more sedate temper of mind . and by his gracious speeches to each person , and his making use of the greek tongue , ( for he was not unskilled in that language , ) he rendred himself most extraordinarily pleasing and delightfull ; b inducing some to be of his opinion by the force of his arguments ; woing others by entreaties ; praising those who spoke well ; and exciting all to an agreement : till at length he had made them all of the same mind and opinion , in relation to all matters concerning which they had before disagreed . chap. xiv . the concordant * determination of the synod concerning the faith , and concerning easter . so that , there was not only an universall agreement about the [ articles of ] faith , but one and the same time also was generally acknowledged for the celebration of the salutary feast [ of easter . ] moreover , a the determinations ratified by a common consent , were engrossed , and confirmed by the subscription of every person . which things having in this manner been performed , the emperour affirmed that he had obtained this second victory against the enemy of the church , and celebrated a triumphant feast in honour of god. chap. xv. that constantine entertained the bishops at a feast , it being his vicennalia . at the same time the twentieth year of his empire was a compleated . on which account publick feasts were celebrated in all the other provinces ; and the emperour himself began the feasts with the ministers of god , banquetting together with them now reconciled one with another , and by them offering this becoming sacrifice as 't were to god. nor was any of the bishops absent from this imperial feast . further , what was then performed , surpasses the bounds of any narrative . for the b protectors and souldiers , with the naked points of their swords , on all sides guarded the porticus's of the pallace ; thorow the midst of whom the men of god without fear passed , and went into the inmost rooms of the pallace . then , c some of them * lay down together with the emperour ; others rested themselves on stibadia [ or , beds to eat on ] placed d on both sides . one would have thought , that a representation of christ's kingdom was adumbrated , and that the thing it self was a dream , but nothing more . chap. xvi . the gifts bestowed on the bishops , and the letters written to all . after the feast had in a most splendid manner been kept , the emperour received them all , and out of his own magnificence added this also , that he honoured every one of them according to his desert and dignity , with presents from himself . he likewise gave an account of this synod , even to those who were not present at it , by his own letter : which i will insert into this very narrative concerning him [ and will publish it fix't ] as 't were upon some pillar . the contents thereof are these . chap. xvii . constantine's [ letter ] to the churches , concerning the synod [ convened ] at nicaea . constantinus augustus to the churches . having sufficiently experienced , by the flourishing posture of the state , how great the benignity of the divine power has been towards us ; i judged it my chiefest concern and aim [ to labour ] for the preservation of one faith , a sincere love , and one universally-acknowledged religion towards almighty god , amongst the most blessed * congregations of the catholick church . but in regard this thing could not be firmly and stedfastly constituted , unless all , or at least the greatest part of the bishops were convened in one place , and every particular that concerns the most holy religion were discussed : on this account , when as many of the clergy , as could possibly be got together , were assembled , and i my self also , as one of you , was present with them , ( for i will not deny , what i account my greatest glory , that i am your fellow-servant ; ) all matters were sufficiently discussed so far , till such time as an opinion acceptable to god the inspectour of all things , was brought to light , a in order † to an universall agreement and union : so that no place might be left for dissention or controversie in relation to the faith. chap. xviii . the same persons [ words ] concerning the agreement about the feast of easter , and against the jews . where also , after a disquisition made concerning the most holy day of easter , it a was by a generall opinion thought good to be decreed , that [ that festivall ] ought to be celebrated by all persons in all places on one and the same day . for what can be more comely , what more grave and decent for us , than that this festivall , from which we have received the hopes of immortality , should be unerringly kept by all men , in one and the same order , and in a manner apparently agreeable ? and in the first place , it seemed [ to all ] to be a thing unworthy and misbecoming , that in the celebration of that most holy solemnity we should follow the usage of the jews . who being persons that have defiled their own hands with a most detestable sin , are deservedly impure and blind as to their minds . for , b their usage being rejected , we may by a truer order , which we have observed from the first day of the passion untill this present time , propagate the * rite of this observance to future ages . let nothing therefore be common to us with that most hostile multitude of the jews . for we have received another way from our saviour . there is proposed to us a c lawfull and decent course to [ our ] most sacred religion . let us therefore ( dearest brethren ! ) with one accord constantly persist in this course , and withdraw our selves from that most impure [ society and ] d their consciousness . for 't is really most absurd , that they should boast , that we are not sufficient of our selves , without their instruction , to observe these things . but , of what are they able to pass a right judgment , who after the murder of the lord and that parricide , having been struck with madness , are led , not by the conduct of reason , but by an ungovernable * impetus , whither soever their innate rage shall drive them ? hence therefore it is , that even in this particular they discern not the truth : in so much that , wandring at the greatest distance e from a decent and agreeable amendment , f they celebrate easter twice within one and the same year . g what reason have we to follow these men , who , 't is acknowledged , are distempered with a most grievous errour ? for we shall never endure the keeping of two easters in one and the same year . but , although what i have said were not sufficient , nevertheless it behooveth your prudence , to make it your greatest care , and the constant matter of your prayers , that the purity of your souls should not in any thing seem to have communion with the usages of most wicked men . besides , this also is to be considered , that 't is a most detestable thing , that there should any disagreement be found in a matter of so great concern , and in such a solemnity of religion . for our saviour left us but one festival day of our liberty , that is the day of his most holy passion ; and 't was his will , that his catholick church should be one . the members of which church ( although for the most part they are disperst into many and various places , nevertheless ) are cherished by one spirit , that is by the divine will. let the prudence of your sanctity consider , how grievous and indecent a thing it is , that on the self-same days some should keep h strict fasts , and others celebrate feasts : and that after the days of easter , some should be conversant in feastings and a relaxation [ of their minds ; ] and others devote themselves to set fasts . wherefore , 't is the will of divine providence , that this thing should be redressed by a convenient emendation , and reduced to one and the same form , as i suppose you are all sensible . chap. xix . an exhortation , that they would rather follow the greatest part of the world . since therefore it was expedient to make such an amendment in this matter , as that we might have nothing in common with the * usage of those parricides and murderers of our lord ; and since this is the most decent and becoming order , which all the churches of the western , southern , and northern parts of the world , and also some of the eastern parts , do observe : a on this account all persons have at present judged it good and expedient , ( and i my self have promised that it would please your prudence , ) that that which with one and a concordant mind is observed in the city of rome , and over all italy , affrica , egypt , spain , the gallia's , the britannia's , the b libya's , thorowout all achaïa , the asian and pontick dioecesis , and cilicia ; your prudence also would most willingly embrace and receive . which [ wisedom of yours ] will consider , that not only the number of the churches in the forementioned places is far the greater ; but that 't is most just and equal , that all men should in common desire that , which c strict reason seems to require , and should have no communion with the d perjury of the jews . but that i may speak more summarily and briefly , it has pleased the judgment of all in common , that the most holy feast of easter should be celebrated on one and the same day . for 't is indecent , that there should be any difference in so great a sanctity : and 't is better to follow that opinion , e wherein there is no mixture of strange errour and impiety . chap. xx. an exhortation , that [ all ] should * give their assent to the decrees of the synod . since therefore these things are thus , do you with all willingness receive this † gift of god , and this truly divine commandment . a for whatever is transacted [ and determined ] in the holy assemblies of bishops , that has a reference to the divine will. wherefore , when you shall have intimated to all our beloved brethren those matters which have been transacted , b you ought to embrace and establish the forementioned rule and observation of the most holy day : that when i shall come into the presence of c your love ( which i have long since been desirous of , ) i may celebrate the holy festival with you , on one and the same day , and may rejoyce with you for all things , beholding the cruelty of the devil totally removed by the divine power , and by d our * endeavours ; whilst your faith , peace , and concord does every where flourish . god preserve you , dearest brethren ! e a copy of this very letter was by the emperour transmitted into every province ; whereby , as in a glass , he gives those that reade it , the clearest view of his own mind , and of his piety towards god. chap. xxi . [ his ] advice to the bishops now ready to go away , * that they would preserve unity . further , when the synod was about to be dissolved , a he made a valedictory speech to the bishops . for on a set day he called them all together . and when they were met , he advised them that they should use their utmost diligence to preserve peace one with another , and to avoid pertinacious contentions ; that they should not be envious , if any bishop amongst them appeared eminent and approved for wisdom and eloquence : but , should account the virtue of every one to be a common good : that those who were the more eminent ought not to † exalt themselves above them who were meaner : for , that it was god's property to give a judgement concerning every one's true virtue and worth . that it was rather behoveable , that [ the more eminent ] should yield and condescend to the weaker , with an indulgence and lenity ; especially , in regard 't was very difficult to find any thing every way perfect . wherefore , that it behoved them to grant one another pardon for small offences , and to forgive and remit whatever has been committed through humane frailty ; b having always an high regard to , and honour for mutual concord ; least whilst they raise seditions and factions one amongst another , an occasion of derision might be given to those , who are ready to blaspheme the divine law. c of which persons we must take the greatest care , and ought to do all things , in regard they d might easily be saved , if those things performed amongst us could seem to them desirable and worthy of imitation . e and , that they [ ought ] not to doubt , that the advantage [ arising ] from discourses does not profit all men . for some rejoyce , that conveniences are f allowed them as 't were in order to their maintenance : others are wont to flie to patronage . some love those from whom they have had a kind reception : and others being honoured with gifts , are thereby induced to enter into a friendship . but their number is small who are g true lovers of discourses , and † 't is a rare thing to find a friend of truth . for which reason they ought all to fit and conform themselves [ to all men , ] and ( like a physitian ) administer to each person those things which are profitable for salvation ; to the end that the saving doctrine may be honoured by all men . these were the admonitions [ given them by the emperour ] in the first place . but in the close he added , that with all diligence and earnestness they would put up their prayers to god in behalf of him . having in this manner taken leave of them , he permitted them all to return into their own countries . they therefore went home with all the chearfullness imaginable ; and in future one opinion , which had been agreed on in the emperours presence , prevailed amongst all men ; in regard , those who for a long time had been disunited , closed again in one body as ' t were . chap. xxii . in what manner he sent to some , and wrote to others ; and [ concerning ] the distributions of money . the emperour therefore , rejoycing at this * great success , by his letters imparted most plentifull and pleasing fruit to those who had not been present at the synod . moreover , he ordered liberal distributions of money to be made amongst all the people , as well those in the countries as them in the cities ; in this manner honouring the publick festivals [ celebrated ] on account of the twentieth year of his empire . chap. xxiii . how he wrote to the egyptians , and exhorted them * to peace . but when all other persons were at peace one with another , amongst the egyptians only the mutual contention was fierce and implacable : in so much that they did again disturb the emperour ; nevertheless they excited him not to anger . for he † treated them with all the honour imaginable , as if they had been fathers , or rather prophets of god ; and called them to him a second time ; and did again with great patience mediate between them ; and honoured them with gifts again , and declared to them his determination by a letter : wherein he confirmed and established the decrees of the synod ; and besought them that they would be studious to preserve concord , that they should not distract nor tear in sunder the church ; but , that they should take into their consideration the memory of the judgment of god. and these things the emperour suggested to them by † a peculiar letter . chap. xxiv . that he frequently wrote * pious letters to the bishops and people . moreover , he wrote infinite other things of the same sort with these , and penn'd a vast number of letters ; † sometimes to the bishops , wherein he commanded those things which were of advantage to the churches of god ; at others , he addrest himself by letters even to the ‖ populacy themselves , [ in which letters ] this thrice blessed person stiled the people of the church , brethren and his own fellow-servants . but we will at another time get leisure a to make a collection of these [ letters and sanctions ] in a peculiar volume , to the end the ‖ series of this our history may not be interrupted at present . chap. xxv . that he ordered a church to be built at jerusalem , in the holy place of our saviour's resurrection . these matters having been in this manner performed , this pious [ emperour ] effected a another vast work highly memorable , in the province of the palestinians . but what was that ? he lookt upon it as his duty , to render that most blessed place of the salutary resurrection , which is at jerusalem , illustrious and venerable in the sight of all men . he gave order therefore , that an oratory should forthwith be erected there : which he was induced to do , not without god's appointment ; but had his mind incited thereto by our saviour himself . chap. xxvi . that the impious had covered our lord's sepulchre with rubbish and idols . for impious men , or rather the whole tribe of daemons by the assistance of such men , had heretofore made it their business , wholly to involve that admirable monument of immortality in darkness and oblivion . [ that monument i say ] to which an angel , shining with light , descended from heaven , and rolled away the stone from their minds who were really stony , and who supposed that the living [ christ ] as yet lay amongst the dead : [ which angel ] brought glad tidings to the women , and removed the stone of infidelity from a their minds , to the end he might assert an opinion concerning his life , who was sought for by them . this salutary cave therefore some impious and profane persons took a resolution wholly to render invisible ; being so foolish as to think , that by this means they should conceal the truth . wherefore , having by much labour brought together a vast quantity of earth , b from what place soever they could get it , and heap't it up , they * filled that whole place . and after this they raised it to an height , and paved it with stone ; under which great heap of earth they hid the divine cave which was below . then , as if nothing else remained to [ be done by ] them , upon this [ heap of ] earth they prepare a truely horrid sepulchre of souls ; erecting a dark cavern of dead idols , in honour of that lascivious daemon [ whom they term ] venus : in which place they c offered abominable oblations upon impure and execrable altars . for by this means only , and not otherwise , they thought to bring to effect what they had attempted , if by these execrable abominations they could cover the salutary cave . for the wretches were not able to understand , that it was altogether unlikely , that he who had been crowned with a victory over death , should leave this attempt of theirs concealed : d in the like manner as 't is impossible , that the sun shining above the earth , and performing his † usual course in the heavens , should escape the knowledge of all mankind . for the power of our saviour ( which shines with a light far more resplendent than the sun , and which does not illustrate bodies [ as the sun does , ] but the souls of men , ) had now filled the whole world with its own raies of light. nevertheless , the machinations of these impious and prophane men against the truth , had continued for a long space of time . nor was there any person to be found , either of the presidents , or * duces , or of the emperours themselves , who could be fit to destroy this so audacious an impiety ; save only this one [ prince , ] the friend to the supream god. who , inspired with the divine spirit , and not enduring that that forementioned place , which by the enemies frauds had been hid under all manner of impure † filth , should be delivered up to oblivion and ignorance ; nor thinking it fit to yield to their malice , who had been the occasioners hereof : having called upon that god who was his assistant , gives order that it should be cleansed . it being his sentiment , that that part especially of the ground , which had been defiled by the enemie , ought by his means to enjoy the divine magnificence . as soon therefore as this order was issued out from the emperour , those engines of fraud were thrown down from their vast height to the very ground ; and the buildings erected to lead men into errour , were ruined and demolish't , together with the very statues themselves and the daemons . chap. xxvii . in what manner constantine gave order , that the materials wherewith the idol-temple had been built , and the rubbish should be removed and thrown at a great distance . nor did the emperour's earnestness and diligence stop here . but he issued forth another order , that the materials of the buildings demolished , which consisted of stone and timber , should be removed , and thrown at a vast distance without the confines of that region . which order of his likewise was forthwith put in execution . nor was he satisfied in proceeding thus far only . but , incited again by a divine warmth and zeal , he commanded , that they should dig up the very ground it self of that place , to a vast depth , and carry away the earth which was thrown out a far off , in regard it had been defiled with the gore of sacrifices offered to * devils . chap. xxviii . the discovery * of the most holy sepulchre . vvithout delay therefore this command was likewise fulfilled . but after another ground † beneath the former , namely the place which was at the bottome , was discovered ; then the august and most holy ‖ monument of our saviour's resurrection , contrary to all expectation appeared . and then also that cave , [ which may truly be stiled ] the holy of holies , exprest a certain likeness to our saviour's resurrection : in regard , after its being * buried in darkness , it came forth into the light again , and gave a manifest history of those miracles heretofore performed there , to be viewed by them who flock't together to that sight ; [ an history ] that attested the resurrection of our saviour a by the things themselves , which sound far more audibly and clearly than any voice . chap. xxix . in what manner he wrote to the presidents , and to macarius the bishop , concerning the building [ of a church . ] these things having been thus performed , immediately the emperour , by issuing forth pious laws and constitutions , and by plentifull allowances for expences , orders a church befitting god to be built about the salutary cave , with a magnificence that was rich and royal . for he had laid this design within himself long before , and with a divine alacrity had foreseen that which in future would be . [ he gave command ] therefore to the governours of the provinces in the east , that by allowing liberal and plentifull supplies , they should make that work stately , large , and magnificent . but to the bishop who at that time presided over the church at jerusalem , he sent this letter , wherein by manifest expressions he has asserted * the doctrine of the saving faith , writing in this manner . chap. xxx . constantine's [ letter ] to macarius , concerning the building of the martyrium of our saviour . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to macarius . so great is our saviour's love and favour , that a no rhetorick seems sufficient to set forth a declaration of the present miracle . for , that the monument of his most holy passion , long since hid underneath the earth , should lie concealed for so many periods of years , till such time as , by the b slaughter of that common enemy , it should gloriously appear to his servants now set at liberty , [ is a matter which ] does really surmount all admiration . for , if all those persons who throughout the whole world are accounted wise , should be convened in one and the same place , with a design to speak something agreeable to the worthiness of this matter ; they would not be able after their utmost endeavours , to attain to [ an explication of ] the least part of it . c for , * the authority of this miracle doth as far transcend every nature capable of humane reason , as things that are celestial do exceed those which are humane . wherefore , this is always my chief and only aim , that as the authority of the truth doth daily demonstrate it self by new miracles , so the minds of us all should with all modesty and unanimous alacrity , become more carefull and diligent about [ an observation of ] the holy law. d which thing in regard i judge to be manifestly apparent to all men , my desire is you should most especially be perswaded of this , that there is nothing which i have a greater care about and concern for , than that we should adorn that sacred place ( which by god's command i have unburthened of that most detestable accession of the idol , as 't were of some ponderous and heavy weight ; [ which place ] by god's determination was made holy from the beginning , but was afterwards demonstrated to be more holy , out of which he hath brought to light the truth and certainty of our saviour's passion ; ) with magnificent and stately structures . chap. xxxi . that he would have this church built so , as to exceed all the churches in the world , for beauty of walls , columns , and marbles . therefore , it does well become your prudence , so to dispose and make provision of all materials necessary for the work , that not only the church it self may in stateliness excell all others in what place so ever , but also that the other parts of it may be made such , as that all the beautifullest structures in whatever city may be out-done by this fabrick . and as concerning the raising and exquisite workmanship of the walls , we would have you know , that the care thereof hath by us been committed to our friend a dracilianus deputy to the most famous the praefecti praetorio , and to the president of the province . for it has been ordered by our piety , that artificers and workmen , and whatever else they may be informed of from your prudence as necessary for the structure , shall by their care be forthwith sent . but concerning the columns or marbles , whatever you your self , b on sight of the modell , shall judge to be more sumptuous and usefuller , make it your business to inform us by letter ; that when we shall understand from your letter ; how many and what manner of materials you stand in need of , they may be conveyed to you from all parts . [ c for 't is but reasonable , that that most admirable place of the whole world , should be beautified according to its dignity and worth . ] chap. xxxii . that [ macarius ] should write to the presidents concerning the beautifying of the * concha , and concerning workmen , and materials . further , i desire to know of you , whether you think good to have the inner roof of the church a arched , or † embowed , or made of any other sort of work. for , if it be embowed , it may also be ‖ gilded with gold. b it remains therefore , that as soon as may be , your holiness should inform the forementioned judges , how many workmen and artificers , and what money for expences there will be need of : and that [ your holiness ] take care to give me a speedy account , not only concerning the marbles and columns , but in reference also to the embowed roofs , if you shall judge that to be the more beautifull work. god preserve you , beloved brother ! chap. xxxiii . how the church of [ our ] saviour was built , which the prophets had termed new-jerusalem . these were the contents of the emperour's letter : his * order was immediately followed by the things themselves effectually put in execution . and a in the very martyrium of our saviour , b the new-jerusalem was built , over against that most celebrated old [ jerusalem ▪ ] which having been reduced to the * utmost degree of ruine and desolation after that nefarious murder of our lord , underwent the punishment of its impious inhabitants . opposite to this [ city ] therefore , the emperour erected † the trophie of victory which our saviour had gained over death , ‖ with a rich and gorgeous splendour . and this perhaps was that fresh and new jerusalem , spoken of in the oracles of the prophets ; concerning which there occurs so many , and such large expressions uttered by the divine spirit it self . in the first place therefore , he adorned the sacred cave , in regard it was the head of the whole work ; to wit , that divine monument , at which an angel shining with [ a celestial ] light , heretofore * declared to all men that regeneration which was demonstrated by our saviour . chap. xxxiv . a description of the fabrick of the most holy sepulchre . this [ monument i say , ] in regard it was the head of the whole work , the emperour's munificence in the first place * adorned with eximious columns , and with all imaginable beauty ; and rendred it glorious and splendid by various sorts of ornaments . chap. xxxv . a description of the atrium , and of the porticus's . after that he passed to a most spacious place , open to the pure air . the * ground whereof he beautified by paving it with a shining or bright stone , and inclosed it b on three sides with porticus's that † were extended to a vast length . chap. xxxvi . a description of the walls , roof , beauty , and gilding * of the church it self . for , to that side placed opposite to the cave ( which [ side ] lookt towards the rising sun , ) the † basilica was joyned : a work admirable and stately , raised to an immense height , and extended to a vast length and breadth . the in sides of which structure a were covered with crusts of marble , that were of different colours : but the outward surface of the walls , being beautified with polisht stones cemented together by exact joynts , made a most glorious and beautifull shew , nothing inferiour to the appearance of marble . * as to the top of the church , he covered the outward part of the roof with lead , in regard that was the strongest defence against winter showers . but the inner roof being † set with b carv'd lacunaria , and spread like some great sea all over the church by ‖ tables joyned one with another , and covered all over with the * purest gold , made the whole church shine , as 't were , with rayes of light. chap. xxxvii . a description of the double porticus's on both sides , and of the three eastern gates . further , at both the sides , a double b porticus's as well c beneath as above , in length equalled the whole church ; the roofs of which [ porticus's ] were likewise variously adorned with gold. of these [ porticus's , ] d they which were in the front of the church , were under-prop't with vast columns : e but those which were more inward , were born up by f piles of stone most beautifully adorned on the outside . three ‖ doors fitly placed at the rising sun , received the multitudes of those that went in . chap. xxxviii . a description of the hemisphaere , and of the twelve columns with their capitals . opposite to these [ doors ] was the a hemisphaere , the head of the whole work , b which was * stretch't to the top of the church . this hemisphaere was † begirt with twelve pillars , equall to the number of our saviour's apostles . the heads of which [ pillars ] were adorned with vast capitals made of silver : which the emperour himself had dedicated to his god , as the fairest sacred present . chap. xxxix . a a description of the area , exhedrae , and porches . b hence , at those passages which to them that goe out lie before the church , he interposed an area [ or court. ] in which place there were c first the atrium , then the porticus's d on both sides , and last of all the gates of the atrium . after which , the porches of the whole structure [ placed ] e in the very middle of the street ( where there was a market , ) being most beautifully adorned , gave such as were making a journey abroad , a most amazing * prospect f of the things seen within . chap. xl. concerning the number of the * donaria . this church therefore , which was a manifest evidence of the salutary resurrection , the emperour erected ; and beautified it throughout with a furniture that was † magnificent and truly imperial . he adorned it likewise in a various manner with inexpressible ‖ ornaments of innumerable consecrated gifts , consisting of gold , silver , and pretious stones . the composure of which [ ornaments , ] being wrought with the most curious workmanship , and [ eminent ] for greatness , number , and variety , we are not now at leisure to describe particularly . chap. xli . concerning the building of the churches at bethlehem , and on the mount of olives . having likewise in the same country found other places a ennobled with two * sacred caves , he beautified them also with magnificent † ornaments . to that cave , wherein our saviour first made his divine appearance , where also he endured to be born in the flesh ; he attributed a becoming honour . but in the other cave he honoured the memory of our lord's ascent into the heavens , which [ had heretofore hapned ] on the top of a mountain . and these places he adorned most magnificently ; and [ at the same time ] eternized the memory of his own mother , who had procured so great a good for mankind . chap. xlii . that helena augusta , the mother of constantine , going [ to bethlehem ] on account of prayer , built these [ churches . ] for , in regard she had resolved to pay the due debt of her pious affection to god the supream king , and had determined that she ought to give thanks with supplications for her own son so glorious an emperour , and for his sons the caesars most dear to god , her grand-children ; though now very aged , yet a she hastned and came with a youthfull mind , ( being a woman of a b singular prudence , ) that she might view that admirable ground , and with a care and sollicitude truly royal , might make a visit to the eastern provinces , * cities , and people . but , after she had given a due veneration to the footsteps of our saviour , agreeable to that prophetick expression which runs thus , † let us worship at the place where his feet have stood : immediately she left the fruit of her own piety even to posterity . chap. xliii . again concerning the church at bethlehem . for , she forthwith dedicated two churches to that god whom she had adored : the one at the cave * wherein christ was born : the other on the mountain † whence he had ascended into heaven . for ‖ emanuel endured to be born for us a under the earth : and the place of his nativity is by the hebrews termed bethlehem . and therefore the empress most dear to god , adorned the place where the theotocos was delivered , with admirable monuments , and illustrated that sacred cave with all manner of ornaments . not long after which , the emperour honoured it also with imperial sacred gifts ; increasing his mother's * magnificence with monuments of silver and gold , and b with various curtains . further , the emperour's mother , † in memory of his ascent into the heavens who is the saviour of all , raised stately edifices in the mount of olives ; erecting a sacred house c together with an holy church upon the very top of the mount. d moreover , here ( as the true history attests , ) the supream saviour c in the very cave informed his * disciples in secret mysteries . but the emperour himself in this place also reverenced the supream king with all manner of sacred gifts and ornaments . and these two stately and most beautifull monuments worthy of an eternal memory , [ erected ] at the two sacred caves , helena augusta the religious mother of a religious emperour , dedicated to god her saviour , being the indications of a pious affection ; her son reaching out to her the right hand of his imperial power . not long after which , this aged woman received a † reward worthy [ of her labours . ] for , having passed the whole time of her life , unto the very threshold of old age , in all manner of felicity , and having as well in words as deeds brought forth plentifull fruits of the saving precepts ; and having for that reason lead a life void of trouble and grief , in the greatest healthiness both of body and mind ; at length she obtained from god , both an end befitting her piety , and a reward also of her good [ works , ] even in this life present . chap. xliv . concerning helena's greatness of mind , and beneficence . for whilst she was taking her progress round the whole east with a * royal magnificence , she heapt innumerable benefits and favours , both on cities , and on every private person also who approacht her : and with a liberal † hand she distributed numerous [ largesses ] amongst the military forces . but , on the poor , naked , and on such as were destitute of all help and comfort , she bestowed very many gifts : making distributions of money to some ; plentifully supplying others with clothes to cover their bodies . othersome she set at liberty from bonds , as also them afflicted with the slavery of the mines : she likewise freed some that were opprest by the violence of persons more powerfull than themselves ; and again , re-called others from banishment . chap. xlv . in what manner helena was religiously conversant in the churches . having rendred her self eminent by such actions as these , [ in the interim ] she in no wise neglected her piety towards god. for * she was seen to come constantly into the church of god ; and beautified the sacred houses with splendid ornaments ; not contemning the † churches even in the smallest cities . you might therefore have beheld this admirable woman , in a ‖ modest and decent garb associating her self with the rest of the multitude , and demonstrating her reverence towards god , by all manner of pious actions . chap. xlvi . how , being eighty years old , and having made her will , she ended her life . but at length , when , after she had lived a sufficient space of time , she was called to a better allotment ; having prolonged her life till about the eightieth year of her age , and being arrived at the very confines of death , she composed ordained and declared her last will and testament , constituting her only son ( * sole emperour , and lord of the world , ) her heir , together with his sons the caesars her grand-children ; and distributing to each of her grand-children , those her own goods , whatever she was possest of throughout the whole world . having in this manner made her will , afterwards she closed her life , her † great son being present with and standing by her , ‖ paying her all imaginable respect , and embracing her hands . insomuch that , to those whose sentiments are good and true , this thrice-blessed woman in no wise seemed to die , but in reality to * make a change of this earthly life , for one that was celestiall . a her soul therefore was new-framed into an incorruptible and angelick substance , and received up to her saviour . chap. xlvii . in what manner constantine deposited his mother ; and how he honoured her whilst she was living . but the body of this blessed woman was vouchsafed no trivial honour . for it was conveyed into the a imperial city [ accompanied ] with a numerous train of the [ imperial ] guards ; where it was deposited in a royal monument . in this manner the emperour's mother closed her life ; a woman worthy of an indelible memory , both in respect of her pious actions , and also on account of that most eminent and admirable son born of her . whom 't is fit we should stile blessed , besides all other things , even for this also , his piety towards her who brought him forth ; whom he rendred so religious , ( she having before not been a worshipper of god , ) that she seemed from her tender years to have been discipled by b him himself who is the common saviour of all : whom he honoured with imperial dignities in such a manner , that in all the provinces , and by the very companies of the milice , she was stiled augusta and empress ; and golden coynes were stamp't bearing her image . moreover , constantine granted her a power over the imperial treasures , to make use of them according to her own arbitrement , and to dispose of them according to her own mind , in such manner as she thought good , and as every thing might seem well-pleasing to her . for even in * this respect also , her son rendred her conspicuous and † admirable . wherefore , amongst those things belonging to the illustrating of his memory , we have , not without reason , included these also , which out of his transcendency of piety the emperour performed in honour of his mother ; whereby he fulfilled the divine laws , which do injoyn due [ offices ] of honour towards parents . these forementioned beautifull structures therefore , the emperour in this manner erected in the province of palestine . moreover , in all the other provinces also , he built new churches , and made them far more stately than those that had been before . chap. xlviii . in what manner he built * martyria at constantinople , and abolished all manner of idolatry . but when he had resolved upon raising that city to the highest honour which bore his own name , he beautified it with many oratories , with vast martyria , and with most stately houses ; part whereof were erected in the suburbs , and part within the city it self . and by this means , he both honoured the memories of the martyrs , and likewise consecrated his own city to the god of the martyrs . in fine , being a wholly inspired with the wisdome of god , he thought it requisite , in such a manner to purifie that city , which he determined to dignifie with the appellation of his own name , from all sorts of idolatry ; that the images of those reputed to be gods , should no where be worshipped in temples therein ; neither should altars defiled with the † bloud of victims be visible in it ; nor sacrifices wholly consumed by fire ; nor should the festivals of daemons [ be celebrated there ; ] nor any other of those usages [ commonly practised ] amongst superstitious persons . chap. xlix . the sign of the cross in the pallace , and [ the * effigies of ] daniel in the † conduits . you might therefore have seen in the conduits situate in the middle of the forum , the † representations of the good shepherd , well known to those skill'd in the divine oracles ; [ the effigies ] of daniel likewise , together with the lyons , a cast in brass , and shining with ‖ plates of gold. further , so ardent a divine love had possest the mind of the emperour , that in the stateliest room of all those within the imperial pallace , at the very middle of the embowed roof which was gilded with gold , a large table was displaied , in the midst whereof was fixt the sign of our lord's passion , consisting of a variety of pretious stones , and wrought with a great quantity of gold. and this [ in my judgment ] seemed to have been * set up by that pious emperour , as the preservative of the empire it self . chap. l. that he built churches at nicomedia also , and in other cities . with these [ ornaments ] therefore he beautified his own city . he likewise honoured the a chief [ city ] of bithynia with the monument of a most * stately and most magnificent church ; in which place also , † at his own charge , he erected the trophies of victory which he had gained over the enemies and opposers of god , in honour of his own saviour . moreover , he also grac't the chiefest cities of the rest of the provinces , with most beautifull oratories : b for instance , that city which was the metropolis of the whole east , that took its name from antiochus . in which [ city , ] as 't were in the head of all the provinces of that region , he dedicated [ to god ] a † peerless church , in resect both of its largeness and beauty . for he encompassed the whole temple with a large circuit on the outside : c but within , he raised the basilica to an immense height : it was built in an d eight-square figure ; and surrounded on all sides with many lodging rooms , and e exhedrae , and with * apartments f as well above as under [ or , even with ] the ground . which church [ he beautified ] with ‖ a vast quantity of g gold , and † adorned it with brass and other materials of great value . chap. li. that he likewise gave order for the building of a church in [ the place called ] mamre . these were the most eminent structures , which the emperour dedicated to god. but , having been informed , that that one and the same saviour , who had lately made his appearance in the world , had heretofore exhibited the presence of his divinity , to certain men of palestine that were lovers of god , near that called the oak of mamre ; he ordered an oratory to be erected there also , to the god who had appeared . therefore , the * emperour's order was issued out to the governours of provinces , by the letters transmitted to each of them , commanding them to bring to effect what they had been enjoyned to perform . but to us who write this history , he sent an a exhortation full of wisedome . a copy whereof i judge fit to be inserted into this present work , to the end that the care and diligence of this most pious emperour might be accurately known . having blamed us therefore for those things , which , as he had been informed , were done in the forementioned place , he wrote word for word thus . chap. lii . constantine's letter to eusebius concerning mamre . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to macarius and the rest of the bishops of palestine . even this very one thing was a most eminent favour a of my most holy mother-in - law b towards you , that by her letters to us she hath made known that nefarious boldness of certain impious persons , which hitherto hath lain concealed amongst you : to the end that , that long-neglected crime might , ( though late , nevertheless ) necessarily obtain a befitting animadversion and cure from us . for , 't is most certainly the greatest impiety , that holy places should be defiled by detestable impurities . what therefore is that ( dearest brethren ! ) which , when it had escap't your prudence , our foresaid mother-in-law , by reason of her reverence towards the deity , was not able to keep concealed ? chap. liii . that our saviour appeared there to abraham . that place termed a at the oak mamre , wherein we are informed that abraham had his habitation , is ( she b says ) every way defiled by some superstitious persons . for , c she has given us an account , that d idols which deserve an utter ruine and destruction , are erected near that tree , and that an e altar is built hard by , and that impure sacrifices are continually * offered there . wherefore , in regard this thing seems both disagreeable f to our times , and an indignity also to the sanctity of that place ; i would have your gravity know , that we have given order by letter to the most perfect acacius the comes and a g friend of ours ; that without any delay , not only all the idols , which can be found in the fore-mentioned place , shall be committed to the flames ; but that the altar also shall be totally demolished : and , that h a condigne punishment shall be inflicted on all those , who , after this order of ours , shall dare to perform any thing that is impious in that place . which place moreover we have commanded to be beautified with the pure edifice of a church , to the end it may be made a fit seat for holy men . but if any thing shall happen to be done contrary to our precept , 't is fit it should without any delay be made known to our clemency , by your letters namely : to the end we may order the person detected to undergo the extreamest of punishments , as being a transgressour of the law. for you are not ignorant , that the supream lord and god appeared first to abraham in that place , and talkt with him . moreover , the observance of the holy law took its first beginning there . there our saviour himself , together with the two angels , first gave abraham a full sight of his own presence . there god first of all appeared unto men . there he made abraham a promise concerning his future feed ; and immediately fulfilled that promise . there he foretold , that he should be the father of many nations . which things being so , 't is fit , as to me it seems , that by your care this place should be preserved from all manner of pollution , and restored to its pristine sanctity ; that so in future , no other thing be done in that place , save the performance of a befitting worship to the almighty and our saviour and to god the supream lord. which thing i 't is fit you should observe with a due care , if your gravity be desirous ( of which i am confident ) to accomplish my will , which is chiefly inclined to the worship of god. god preserve you , beloved brethren ! chap. liv. the demolishment of the idol-temples and * images in all places . all these things the emperour performed with all imaginable earnestness , to the glory of [ christ's ] salutary power . and in this manner he ceased not from giving honour to god his saviour . but he endeavoured all manner of ways to † confute the superstitious errour of the heathens . therefore , the porches of some temples in the cities were * laid open , they being , by the emperour's order , deprived of their doors : the roofs of others were ript , that wherewith they were covered being taken off . the venerable brazen † statues of other some , on account whereof the errour of the ancients had for a long time boasted , were exposed to publick veiw a in all the forum's of the emperour's city . in so much that , for a reproachfull sight to the spectatours , there lay exposed to view , in one place apollo pythius , in another sminthius ; and in the very cirque it self the delphick tripods ; and the b heliconian muses in the pallace . in fine , the city which bore the emperour's name , was filled in all places with images , which being made of brass with great art and curiosity , had heretofore been consecrated in every province . to whom , under the notion of gods , when men distempered with errour had for many ages in vain offered numerous hecatombs and holocausts ; at length , though late , they learn't to be wise ; after the emperour had begun to make use of these very images as objects of sport in order to the laughter and recreation of the beholders . but , on those images made of gold c he was revenged another way . for , whereas he perceived , that the simple multitude , like children , in vain stood in fear of those * bugbeares of errour made of gold and silver ; it was his sentiment , that they ought wholly to be destroyed ; in regard they would be like some pieces of stones cast before the feet of those who walk in the dark ; and because a smooth and plain passage through the kings-high-way was in future to be opened to all men . d having therefore considered these things with himself , he was of opinion , that he stood not in need either of military forces or a numerous army , in order to his giving check to these things ; but , that one or two of those persons well known to him , were sufficient to effect this business ; whom by one nod he dispatch't away into every province . they , confiding in the emperour's piety , and in their own religiousness towards god , made their way thorow the thickest crowds and thorow infinite multitudes of people , e and totally destroyed that ancient errour [ of idolatry ] in all cities and throughout every country . and in the first place they commanded the priests themselves , with much laughter and disgrace to bring forth their gods out of certain dark recesses . then they devested [ those gods ] of their outward dress , and exposed their inward deformity , which lay concealed under a painted shape , to the eyes of all men . lastly , having serap't off that matter which seemed to be usefull , and † cast it into the fire , and melted it down ; so much of it as by them was thought to be of use and necessary , they reserved , and put it up safe . but what was superfluous and wholly useless , that they left to the superstitious for a lasting monument of disgrace . f moreover , this admirable emperour performed another thing of this nature . for , at the same time that those idols of the dead , made of pretious matter , were spoyled in that manner we have declared , g he ordered the rest of the images consisting of brass to be brought together . therefore , those gods , celebrated in the doting fables [ of the greeks , ] having had ropes made of hair cast about them , were drag'd away bound . chap. lv. the demolishment of the idol-temple at aphaca in phoenice , and [ the disannulling ] those acts of uncleanness [ committed there . ] after this the emperour having as 't were lighted a most bright torch , lookt about with his imperial eye , if peradventure he might any where find any remains of errour as yet lying concealed . and as some most sharp-sighted eagle , which has raised her self to heaven on her wings , sees from above those things on the earth which are at the greatest distance : in the same manner he , whilst he * was resident in the imperial pallace of a his own most beautifull city , beheld as from a watch-tower a certain pernicious snare of souls in the province of the phoenicians . it was a grove and a temple , [ not placed ] in the midst of a city , nor in the forums , or streets ; of which sort many [ are visible ] in cities , most gloriously built for ornament sake : but this [ temple ] was out of the way , far distant from the common road and beaten path , consecrated to that filthy daemon [ termed ] venus , in part of the top of [ mount ] libanus which is at b aphaca . this was a school of wickedness , [ open ] to all impure persons , and such as with all manner of * intemperance had debauch't their bodies . for certain effeminate men , who ought to be termed women rather then men , having renounc't the † gravity of their own sex , appeased the daemon ‖ by suffering themselves to be made use of as women . besides , unlawfull * mixtures with women , and adulteries , and other † obscene and infamous facts were committed in that temple , c as in a place that was lawless and without a governour . nor was there any one that might inspect what was done in that place , in regard no person of gravity or modesty durst go thither . but the impieties committed there could not lie concealed from this great emperour . but when he himself had lookt into them with the eye of imperial providence , he judged such a temple as this to be unworthy of [ being enlightned ] with the rays of the sun. wherefore , he orders it to be totally demolished , together with its statues and consecrated gifts . immediately therefore , the * engines of this impudent and libidinous errour were dissipated by an imperial order ; and a company of souldiers gave their assistance in cleansing that place . and they who had hitherto been addicted to lasciviousness , being scar'd by the emperour's menaces , in future learned modesty : as likewise did those superstitious heathens , that in their own opinion seemed very wise ; who even themselves truly and experimentally understood their own vanity ●nd folly . chap. lvi . the demolishment of aesculapius's temple at aegae . for , whereas the [ superstitious ] errour of those thought to be wise , was great and much talk't of , in reference to that daemon of cilicia ; almost infinite numbers of men highly admiring him as a saviour and a physitian ; in regard he sometimes appeared a to those who slept in his temple ; at others , healed the diseases of them that were infirm in their bodies : ( nevertheless , he was a manifest destroyer of souls , a seducer of men from the true saviour , one that drew off such as could easily be imposed upon , to the errour of impiety : ) the emperour b behaving himself according to his wonted manner , ( for he had proposed the jealous god and true saviour as the object of his adoration ; ) ordered this temple also to be pulled down to the very ground . presently therefore , at one nod of the emperour 's , [ this temple , which was ] a wonder cryed up amongst the c noble philosophers , lay flat on the ground , being ruined by a company of souldiers : and [ together with the temple ] d he that lay lurking within it , who was not a daemon , nor a god , but a seducer of souls , one who for an exceeding long space of time had led men into errour . thus therefore he , who promised that he would free others from their illnesses and calamities , was not able to find out a e remedy in order to his own preservation ; no more than when he was struck with thunder ( as we are told in the f fables . ) but the actions of * our emperour , being such as were highly acceptable to god , were not in like manner fabulous : but by the manifest power of our saviour himself , this temple in that place was so utterly ruined [ together with others , ] that not the least footstep of the former madness was left remaining there . chap. lvii . how the heathens having rejected their idols , returned to the knowledge of god. whatever persons therefore had heretofore been addicted to the superstitious worship of daemons , when with their own eyes they saw their own errour confuted , and actually beheld the ruine of the temples and images in all places ; some of them came over to the salutary doctrine of christ : but others , although they refused to do that , yet condemned the vanity of their fore-fathers , and laught at and derided those which by them had heretofore been accounted gods. and indeed , how could they forbear having such thoughts as these , when under an external beauty and splendour of the images , they saw so much filth and impurity lie concealed within ? for either the bones of dead bodies , and dry skulls a stoln by the frands of conjurers , were within them : or else , nasty rags and clouts stuft with abominable filth ; or lastly , a bundle of hay and straw . which after they beheld heapt together within their soulless images , they blamed both their own and their fathers extream folly of mind ; especially when they perceived , that within those their * adyta , and within the images themselves , there was no inhabitant , b no daemon , no utterer of oracles , no god , no prophet , as they had before perswaded themselves ; no not so much as an impotent or obscure phantome . and therefore every dark cavern , and every secret recess was readily opened to those sent by the emperour : the adyta also , and places before inaccessible , as likewise the inmost parts of the temples , were trodden by the feet of the souldiers . so that , hereby was discovered and exposed to publick view that blindness of mind , wherein all the heathens had for so long a time been kept involved . chap. lviii that having demolished venus's temple at heliopolis , he was the first who built [ a church there . ] a and these things may deservedly be recounted amongst the emperour's famous actions ; as likewise those matters particularly constituted by him in several provinces . of which sort is that [ which we have seen performed by him ] at heliopolis a city of phoenice . in which city the heathens who honoured obscene lust with the appellation [ of the goddess venus , ] permitted their wives and daughters to commit whoredom with impunity . but now a new and modest law is issued out from the emperour , whereby 't is cautioned , that no one of those usages heretofore common amongst them , shall in future be in any wise audaciously practised . and to these persons he again transmitted instructions in writing ; for he b was * appointed by god for this reason chiefly , that he might instruct all men in the laws of temperance . wherefore , he accounted it not a thing below himself , to preach even to these persons by his own letter , and to exhort them to hasten to the knowledge of god. and in that place he added works consonant to his words , erecting even amongst them a c most spacious church with the edifices belonging thereto . in so much that , d what had no where been heard of by any preceding age whatever , was then first of all really compleated ; and a city of men addicted to the superstitious worship of daemons , was vouchsafed a church of god , and presbyters and deacons ; and a bishop consecrated to the supream god , presided over the inhabitants of that place . moreover , the emperour taking great care that many persons might come over to the faith of christ , made large distributions there , in order to the relief of the poor : and in this wise he perswaded and invited men to the salutary doctrine , in a manner uttering those very words spoken by saint paul ; * whether in pretence , or in truth , christ is preached . chap. lix . concerning the disturbance raised at antioch on eustathius's account . but , whilst all persons passed their lives in the greatest joy imaginable on account of these [ blessings , ] and the church of god was all manner of ways exalted amongst all nations every where ; the envy [ of the devil , ] who is always contriving plots against the good , began again to make an insurrection against this so great a prosperity of our affairs : supposing , that the emperour , † exasperated at our disturbances and indecencies , would in future have his affection towards us alienated . having therefore kindled a great fire , he ‖ filled the church of antioch with tragical calamities : in so much that , there wanted but little of the whole citie 's being utterly subverted . a for the people of the church were divided into two factions ; and the commonalty of the city in an hostile manner were so highly enraged against the magistrates themselves , and the b milice : that , they were just upon the point of drawing their swords , had not the providence of god , and the fear of the emperour , represt the violence of the multitude . and here the clemency of the emperour , like a saviour and physitian of souls , did again by discourse administer a cure to those distempered . for he dispatcht away thither one of those about him , whom he had had tryal of , a person honoured with the dignity of a comes , a man eminently trusty and faithfull ; [ by whom he spake ] to those people in a most gracious manner . and by letter after letter he exhorted them to entertain thoughts of peace ; and taught them to practise such things as were agreeable to the divine religion . and at length he prevailed with them ; and excused them in those letters he wrote to them , affirming that he himself had publickly heard c him who had been the occasioner of that tumult . and these letters of his , which were filled with no ordinary learning and utility , i had inserted at this place , had they not set a brand of infamy on the persons † guilty . wherefore i will at present omit them , being resolved not to renew the memory of mischiefs : and will only annex those letters to this work , which he wrote to d express the joy and satisfaction of his own mind in reference to the peace and agreement of others . in which letters he entreats them , that they would not in any wise challenge to themselves the prelate of another place , by whose intervention they had made up a peace amongst themselves ; but that , agreeable to the canon of the church , they should rather choose him bishop , whom [ our lord ] himself the common saviour of all , should design [ for that office . ] he writes therefore both to the people , and also to the bishops , severally , these following [ letters . ] chap. lx. constantine's letter to the antiochians , that they should not draw away eusebius from caesarea ; but should seek another [ bishop . ] victor constantinus maximus augustus , to the people of antioch . how gratefull and pleasing is the concord amongst you * to all the prudent and wise men of this age ! even i my self , brethren , have determined to embrace you with an everlasting affection ; being invited thereto both † by the rule of religion , and by your way of life , and also by your love and favour . this is most certainly the genuine product of blessings , to ‖ act with an understanding that is right and sound . for what can so much become you ? a wonder not therefore , if i shall affirm the truth to have been to you * a cause of safety , rather than of hatred . indeed , amongst brethren ( to whom one and the same affection of mind , and a progress in the way that is right and just , doth by gods assistance promise an enrollment into the pure and holy family ; ) what b can be more goodly and valuable , than with a joy and unanimity of mind to rest contented at their beholding the blessings of all men ? especially , in regard the instruction of the divine law incites c your purpose of mind to † a greater perfection , and because 't is our desire that your judgment should be confirmed by the best determinations . this will perhaps seem strange to you ; what namely this preface of our ‖ letter should mean. truly , i will neither avoid , nor refuse to declare the reason of this matter . for i confess that i have perused the acts , wherein both from your honourable commendations and testimonies in reference to eusebius bishop of caesarea , ( whom i my self also have long since very well known , on account as well of his learning as his modesty ; ) i perceive you have an d inclination towards him , and are desirous of making him your own . what , think you , came into my mind , who am e earnestly hastning to an accurate disquisition of * what is right and true ? what a care and solicitude [ do you believe me ] to have taken on account of that your desire ? o holy faith , which by the words and precepts of our saviour dost exhibite to us as 't were an express † representation of life ; with what trouble wouldest even thou thy self resist ‖ sinners , unless thou shouldest wholly refuse to serve in order to gain and favour ! indeed to me , he seemes to have f conquered even victory her self , who * makes peace his more earnest study and endeavour . for where that which is decent , is lawfull to any one , no body can be found who is not highly pleased with it . i beseech you therefore , brethren , on what account should we so determine , as thereby to procure others an injury ? for what reason do we follow those things , which will certainly overthrow the faith of our opinion ? indeed , i do highly praise that person , who by you also is approved of as worthy of honour and affection . nevertheless , that ( which amongst all should remain firm and ratified , ) ought not in such a manner to have been * enervated , as that all persons should not be contented g with their own limits , nor all enjoy their domestick blessings ; and that in a search after those who might equally seem worthy of the bishoprick , not only one , but many persons should not be † produced comparatively of equall worth with ‖ this person . for when neither * terrour nor roughness gives any disturbance to ecclesiastick honours , it happens that those [ honours ] are alike in themselves , and † are in all things equally desireable . nor is it agreeable to reason , that a deliberation concerning this matter should be made h to the injury of others : in regard the minds of all men , whether they may seem to be i meaner or more illustrious do equally admit of and keep the divine * dogmata ; so that , as to what relate● to the common † faith , one sort of persons are in nothing inferiour to another . k but should we plainly declare the truth , any one might with good reason affirm , that this is not to detain a man , but rather to take him away by force ; and , that what is done is an act of violence ▪ not of justice . and whether the * generality of the people think thus , or otherwise , i my self do plainly and boldly affirm , that this business gives occasion for an accusation , and does raise the disturbance of no small tumult . for , even lambs do shew the † force and strength of their teeth , as often as ( the usual care and concern of their shepherd for them growing more remiss , ) they perceive themselves deprived of their former guidance and looking to . now , if these things be thus , and if we are not mistaken ; in the first place , brethren , consider this . ( for many , and those great advantages will offer themselves to you even at the very beginning . ) first of all [ i say consider this ; ] whether the ‖ affection and love you have one towards another will not be sensible of some abatement of it self . then [ weigh this also , ] that that person who l came to you on account of good advice , does from the divine judgment reap to himself the due fruit of honour ; in regard he has received no mean favour from that honourable testimony which you by a general consent have given of his * virtue . lastly [ consider , ] m that 't is agreeable to your usage , to make use of a care and diligence which becometh good judgment , in your looking out for such a man as you stand in need of ; so as that you may avoid all manner of tumultuous and disorderly clamour . for such sort of clamour is always † noxious ; n and from the * collision of several men one against the other , sparks and fires are usually raised . may i therefore so please god and you , and may i so leade a life agreeable to your desires and wishes , as i love you , and the calm port of your mildness ; o since you have cast out that silth , and instead thereof have brought in concord with good morals , and have put up [ a-boord your ship ] the firm flag [ of the cross ; ] p steering a prosperous course to the light it self , with rudders of iron , as one may say . wherefore , q convey on boord your ship the incorruptible cargo . for , whatever could any way defile the vessel , is drawn out by the pump as ' t were . now therefore , use your utmost endeavours , that your enjoyment r of all these blessings may be such , as you may not a second time seem , either to have determined any thing at all , with an inconsiderate and unprofitable desire , or from the beginning to have attempted what is disagreeable . god keep you , beloved brethren ! chap. lxi . constantine's letter to eusebius , wherein he commends him for his refusal of [ the see of ] antioch . the emperour's letter a to us , after our refusal of the bishoprick of antioch . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to eusebius . i have perused your letter very often ; and have found that you do most exactly observe the rule of ecclesiastick discipline . for , to persist in those sentiments which appear both acceptable to god , and agreeable to apostolick tradition , is an eminent degree of piety . you may account your self blessed even in this very thing , because by the testimony of the whole world , as i may say , you have been judged worthy b to be bishop over the whole church . for , whereas all persons desire you to be [ bishop ] amongst them , without question they increase this your felicity . but your prudence ( c which hath resolved to observe the commands of god , and the apostolick canon , and that of the church , ) has acquitted it self incomparably well , in regard it hath refused the bishoprick of the church at antioch ; and hath endeavoured to continue in that see rather , the presidency over which by the will of god it had at first undertaken . further , concerning this matter i have written a letter to the people , and to those other persons your colleagues , who also themselves wrote to me in relation to the same affairs . which letters when your * holiness shall have perused , it will easily understand , that , because justice seemed to resist them , i have written unto them by the impulse of the deity . it will behove your prudence also to be present at their † council , to the end this very thing may be constituted in the church of antioch . god keep you , beloved brother ▪ chap. lxii . constantine's letter to the synod , that eusebius should not be drawn away from caesarea . victor constantinus maximus augustus ; to a theodotus , theodorus , narcissus , aëtius , alpheus , and to the rest of the bishops which are at antioch . i have read the letter written by your prudence , and do highly commend the wise resolution of your colleague eusebius . and when i had perfectly understood all transactions , partly from your letter , and partly from that of the most perfect b acacius and strategius [ the comites , ] and had made a due inspection into the thing ; i wrote to the people of antioch , what was well pleasing to god , and besitting the church . a copy of which letter i have ordered to be annext hereto , to the end you also might know , what i , c invited thereto by the way of right , had ordered to be written to the people [ of antioch : ] in as much as this was contained in your letter , that according to the suffrage of the people and d the desire of your prudence , eusebius the most holy bishop of the church of caesarea might preside over the antiochian church , and undertake the care thereof . e indeed , eusebius's letter appeared highly observant of the ecclesiastick canon : but 't is meet , that our sentiment also should be made known to your prudence . f for , it has been related to me , that euphronius a presbyter , who is a citizen of caesarea in cappadocia , and g georgius [ a citizen ] of arethusa , a presbyter also ( h whom alexander preferred to this dignity in the city alexandria , ) are most approved persons in reference to the faith. i it seemed good therefore , to give your prudence notice of these men , that having k proposed them , and some others , whom you shall judge fit for the dignity of the episcopate , you may determine such things as may be agreeable to the tradition of the apostles . for such matters as these having been well prepared and ordered , your prudence will be able so to direct this election according to the canon of the church and apostolick tradition , as the rule of ecclesiastick discipline does require . god keep you , beloved brethren ! chap. lxiii . in what manner he endeavoured to destroy heresies . such were the admonitions [ which the emperour gave ] to the [ prelates ] of the churches , [ advising them to do all things ] in order to the glory and commendation of the divine religion . but after he had made a riddance of all dissentions , and had reduced the church of god to an agreement and harmony of doctrine ; he past from thence , and was of opinion , that another sort of impious persons were to be supprest and destroyed , in regard they were the poyson of mankind . these were a sort of pernicious men , who under the specious disguise of modesty and gravity ruined the cities . whom our saviour somewhere terms false prophets or ravenous wolves , in these words : * beware of false prophets which come to you in sheeps clothing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves . ye shall know them by their fruits . by the transmission of a precept therefore to the presidents of provinces , he put to flight the whole tribe of these sort of persons . but besides this law , the emperour composed an enlivening * exhortation , directed to them by name ; wherein he incited those men to hasten their repentance : for [ he told them ] that the church of god would be to them a port of † safety . but , hear in what manner ‖ he discoursed even to these persons , in his letter to them . chap. lxiv . constantine's constitution against the hereticks . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to the hereticks . acknowledge now by the benefit of this law , ( o ye novatianists , valentinians , marcionists , pauliani ; and you who are termed cataphrygae ; in a word , all of you , who by your private meetings , breed and * compleat heresies ! ) in how many lyes the † vanity of your opinions is wrapt up , and in what manner your doctrine is ‖ compounded of certain pernicious poysons : in so much that , by you the healthy are reduced to weakness , and the living to a perpetual death : ye enemies of truth , ye adversaries of life , and ye councellours of destruction ! all things amongst you are contrary to truth ; agreeable to filthy impieties ; a stuft with absurdities and fictions : whereby you compose lyes , afflict the innocent , and deny believers the light . and , sinning continually under a mask of divinity , you defile all things ! ye wound the innocent and pure consciences [ of men ] with blows that are mortal and deadly ; and ye ravish even the day it self ( i had almost said , ) from the eyes of men . but what necessity is there of recounting every particular ? especially , since neither the shortness of the time , nor the urgency of our affairs will suffer us to speak concerning your * crimes according as they deserve . for , your impieties are so large and immense , so filthy and full of all manner of outragiousness , that a whole day would not be sufficient for a description of them . and besides , 't is fit we should remove our ears and turn away our eyes from things of this nature , least by a particular declaration of them , the pure and sincere † alacrity of our faith s●ould be defiled . what reason is there then that we should any longer tolerate such mischiefs ? especially since our long b forbearance is the cause , that even those who are sound , become infected with this pestilential distemper as ' t were . why therefore do we not immediately cut off the roots ( as we may so term them ) of such a mischief by a publick animadversion ? chap. lxv . concerning the taking away the meeting-places of hereticks . wherefore , in as much as this perniciousness of your improbity is not any longer to be born with , we declare by this law , that no one of you shall in future dare to hold assemblies . and therefore we have given order , that all those your houses , wherein you hold such assemblies , shall be taken away : and this care [ of our majesty ] does extend so far , as that the congregations of your superstitious madness shall not meet together , not only in publick , but neither in a private house , nor in any places , whereto the right or title is peculiar . therefore , what ever persons amongst you are studious of the true and pure religion , ( which is a thing far more commendable and better , ) let them come over to the catholick church , and hold communion with its sanctity ; by the assistance whereof they may arrive at the truth . but , let the errour of your perverted mindes , i mean the execrable and pernicious dissent of hereticks and schismaticks , be wholly separated from the felicity of our times . for it becomes our blessedness , which by god's assistance we enjoy , that they who lead their lives [ buoy'd up ] with good hopes , should be reduced from all manner of * extravagant errour to the right way ; from darkness to the light ; from vanity to the truth ; lastly , from death to salvation . and , to the end that the force and power of this remedy may be effectual and prevalent , we have given order , that a all the conventicles of your superstition , as we have said above , i mean the oratories of all sorts of hereticks , ( if it be fit to term them oratories , ) shall without any contradiction b be taken away , and without any delay delivered to the catholick church : but , that the rest of the places shall be adjudged to the publick : and , that no licence shall be left to you c of holding meetings there in future . so that , from this present day , your illegal congregations shall not dare to meet , either in any publick or private place . d let it be published . chap. lxvi . that impious and prohibited books having been found amongst the hereticks , very many of them returned to the catholick church . in this manner therefore the * dens of the heterodox were by the imperial order laid open ; and the wild beasts themselves , that is the ring-leaders of their impiety , were put to flight . now , some of those persons who had been deceived by them , being put into a fear by the emperour's menaces , crept into the church with a mind and meaning that was false and counterfeit , and for a time a play'd the hypocrites . and because the b law commanded that a search should be made after the books of those men ; they who made evill and forbidden arts their business , were apprehended . on which account they practised dissimulation , and did all things , to the end they might purchase themselves safety . but others of them betook themselves to a better hope , with a purpose of mind that was hearty , true , and sincere . further , the prelates of the churches made an accurate † inspection into both these sorts of persons , and such as they found coming over [ to the church ] * under a disguise , who were hid under the skins of sheep , them they drove away a far off . but they who did this with † sincerity , were tryed for some time ; and after a sufficient proof , [ the bishops ] enrolled them amongst their number who are c admitted to the sacred assemblies . and in this manner they treated those * hereticks that were infamous and abominable . but such as maintained nothing that was impious in † their opinions and doctrines , but by the fault of schismatical men had been rashly severed from the common society , them they admitted [ into the church ] d without any delay . these therefore , returning in troops from some e forreign region as 't were , recovered their own country again , and acknowledged their mother the church . from which having strayed , after a long interval of time they made their return to * her with a gladness and joy . thus the members of the whole body were united one with another by one common band , and grew together into one frame . and the one and only catholick church of god , † fitly cohering with it self , darted forth its rays of light ; no congregation either of hereticks or schismaticks being left remaining in any part of the earth . to the performance of which f singular and great action , our emperour ( the only person car'd for and respected by god , amongst all those that had ever sway'd the imperial sceptre , ) entitled himself . the fourth book of eusebius pamphilus concerning the life of the blessed emperour constantine . chap. i. in what manner he honoured very many persons with gifts and promotions . although the emperour accomplished so many and such signal performances in order to the edification and glory of god's church ; and administred all matters so , as that our saviour's doctrine might every where find a glorious * reception : nevertheless , in the interim he neglected not the † civill affairs . but even in this respect he never desisted from bestowing various favours , which were successive and continued , on all the inhabitants of each province : sometimes demonstrating in publick a paternal care towards all persons ; at other times , honouring in private each of his favourites with different dignities ; and bestowing all things upon all persons with a true greatness of mind . nor did it ever happen , that he mist of his design , who beg'd a favour of the emperour : neither was there ever any person who hop't to obtain a boon from him , that went away frustrated of his expectation . but some got money ; others estates : some were grac't with the a dignity of the praetorian praefecture ; others with the senatorian : some were created consuls ; many were designed presidents . some were made b comites of the first rank ; others , of the second ; others , of the third . innumerable other persons had the * perfectissimatus bestowed on them , as likewise very many other such like dignities . for , to the end he might honour the more , the emperour devised various dignities . chap. ii. a remission of the fourth part of the * census . but , with what earnestness he endeavoured , that all mankind in general might lead joyfull and pleasant lives , may be perceived even from this one instance , which being highly advantageous to the life of men , and extended to all persons in general , is even at this very present highly celebrated in the mouths of all . having abated a fourth part of those annual tributes which were paid for land , he bestowed it upon the owners of the grounds : so that , if you compute the sum of this annual abatement , it will † appear , that every fourth year the a occupiers of the fruits are free from the payment of tribute . which thi g being ‖ past into a law , and confirmed for the time to come , not only to those of the present age , but to their children , and the successours of them , made the emperour's beneficence indelible and perpetual . chap. iii. the * peraequation of those censûs that were too heavy and burthensome . but , whereas some persons found fault with those surveyes of land , which had been made by the former emperours , and complained that their own grounds were too much opprest ; here also [ the emperour in obedience ] to the laws of justice , dispatcht away a peraequatores , who might free the complainants from wrong . chap. iv. that on those who were overthrown in pecuniary causes , he himself bestowed money out of his own [ income . ] moreover , as often as the emperour had pronounc't sentence between two who were at suit ; to the end the party that had lost his cause , might not go away sadder a than him in favour of whom sentence had past ; out of his own [ revenues ] he bestowed on those who had been cast in their suits , sometimes farms , and sometimes money : by which means he managed the matter so , as that the party worsted did no less rejoyce than he who had carried the cause ; in regard [ the person overthrown ] had been vouchsafed to come into * his presence . for he judged it altogether unfit , that any one who had stood before so great a prince , should be dismist sad and sorrowfull . by this means therefore , both parties that were at law returned from sentence with countenances full of joy and chearfullness : and the emperour's greatness of mind was the admiration of all men . chap. v. the conquest of the scythae , who were subdued by the standard of our saviour's [ cross. ] a what need have i here of making mention by the by as 't were , how he reduced the barbarous nations under the empire of the romans ? in what manner he first brought under the yoak , the nations of the b scythae and sarmatae , who before had never learn't to obey any one ; and forc't them even against their wills , to acknowledge the romans their lords ? for the preceding emperours had paid c tribute to the scythae : and the romans were servants to the barbarians , allowing them a sum of money yearly . d but this indignity was insupportable to the emperour : nor did he judge it a thing befitting a victorious prince , to pay what had been paid by the former emperours . putting his confidence therefore in his saviour , he raised the victorious trophee against them also , and in a small time subdued them . such of them as were contumacious and made a resistance , he vanquished by his arms : but the rest he appeased by prudent embassies , and from a lawless and savage life , reduced them to a way of living that was agreeable to reason and law thus the scythae at length learn't to obey the romans . chap. vi. the subduing of the sarmatae , occasioned by the rebellion of the servants against their masters . but god himself * prostrated the sarmatae at the feet of constantine ; and subdued those men swelled with a barbarick insolence , in this manner . for the scythae having raised a war against them , the sarmatae , that they might make a resistance against their enemies , armed their slaves . after these slaves had gained the victory , they † turned their arms against their masters , and drove them all from their own a habitations . they found no other port of safety , save only constantine . who , in regard 't was his usage to preserve men , gave them all a reception within the confines of the roman empire . and those that were fit for service , he enrolled amongst his own military companies : but to the rest of them he distributed grounds to be tilled , in order to their procuring necessaries for a livelyhood . in so much that , they acknowledged their calamity to have been succesfull and fortunate to them ; in regard , instead of a barbarick savageness , they enjoyed a roman freedom . in this manner god annext ‖ very many barbarous nations to his empire . chap. vii . the embassies of several barbarous nations , and the gifts [ bestowed on them ] by the emperour . for , from all places embassies arrived continually [ at his court , ] and brought him such presents as were of greatest value amongst themselves . in so much that , even we our selves hapned on time to see * various shapes of barbarians , standing in order before the a court-gate of the imperial pallace . whose garb and manner of dress was different and changeable ; and the hair both of their head and beard much unlike . their aspect grim , barbarous , and terrible ; and their bodily stature of an immense greatness . some of them had ruddy countenances ; the faces of others were whiter than snow . in othersome of them there was a middle temperature of colour . for the blemmyae , indi , and aethiopes ( who [ as b homer says , ] are divided two ways , and live in the out-skirts of the earth ; ) were to be seen amongst those forementioned barbarians . each o● these persons ( c in such manner as we see it commonly painted in tables ) brought severally to the emperour such presents as were of greatest value amongst themselves . some [ presented him with ] crowns of gold ; others , with diadems beset with pretious stones ; others , with yellow-hair'd boyes ; others , with barbar●●k garments d interwoven with gold and flowers ; others , with horses ; others , with bucklers , long spears , arrows , and bowes . by which presents they demonstrated , that they made an offer of their service and confederacy of arms to the emperour , if he pleased . the emperour received and * kept the presents brought by each of them , and remunerated them with so many and such great favours , that in an instant of time the persons who had brought these presents were extraordinarily enrich . moreover ▪ he e grac't the eminenter persons amongst them with roman dignities : in so much that , very many of them forgat to return into their own country , and † chose to make their residence here amongst us . chap. viii . that he wrote to the persian emperour ( who had sent an embassie to him , ) in favour of the christians there . moreover , in regard the king of the persians was desirous of being made known to constantine by an a embassie , and had likewise sent him presents which were the signes of peace and amity ; b making it his business to enter into a league with him : here also the emperour [ shewed ] a transcendent greatness of mind , and by the magnificence of his presents far out-did him who had first honoured him . and being informed , that the churches of god were numerous amongst the persians , and that infinite numbers of people were gathered together within the folds of christ ; he was highly pleased at the news hereof , as being the common patron and defender of all men whereever they lived ; and even to those regions also he extended his providence [ which laboured ] for the good of all men . chap. ix . constantinus augustus's letter to sapor king of the persians , wherein he makes a most pious confession of god and christ. a copy [ of the letter ] to the king of the persians . by keeping the divine faith , i am a partaker of the light of truth : being lead by the guidance of the light of truth , i * arrive at the knowledge of the divine faith. by this means therefore , as 't is confirmed by the things themselves , i acknowledge the most holy religion : this very worship i declare to be the teacher of my knowledge of the † most holy god. having the power of this god for mine assistance , i have begun from the utmost bounds of the ocean , and have raised the whole world a to a firm hope of safety . in so much that , all the provinces ( which being enslaved under so many tyrants , and involved in daily calamities , b were in a manner totally ruined ; ) c having at length gotten a * restorer of the republick , are raised to life again by some sovereign medicine as ' t were . this god i assert : whose standard my forces which are dedicated to god , do carry on their shoulders , and are directed to what place soever the rule of equity invites them ; and on these very accounts i immediately obtain most glorious victories as my reward . this god i profess my self to honour with an immortal memory . him i contemplate with a pure and sincere mind , whose seat is in the highest [ heavens . ] chap. x. that [ he speaks ] against idols , and concerning the glorification of god. him i invoke upon my bended knees ; and i have an aversion for all manner of abominable bloud , and unpleasant and detestable odours ; and lastly i do avoid all sorts of a terrene fire : of all which the impious and execrable errour [ of superstition ] has made use , and has b thrust down many of the heathens , yea almost whole nations , to the lowest * hell. for , the supream god can in no wise endure , that those things which by his providence over men , and out of his own benignity [ towards them ] he has produced for common use , should be † perverted to any one 's lust. but , he requires of men a pure mind only , and an immaculate soul ; * wherewith , as in a ballance , he weighs the actions of virtue and piety . for he is pleased with the works of modesty and lenity ; loves the meek , hates the turbulent ; loves faith , punishes infidelity : destroyes all power joyned with arrogancy , punishes the contempt of the proud . he utterly ruines those who are puft up with insolency , but distributes agreeable rewards amongst them that are humble and patient of injuries . † hence 't is , that he puts an high value upon that empire which is just ; confirms it by his own assistances , and alwayes keeps imperial prudence in a calm of peace . chap. xi . against tyrants and persecutors ; and concerning valerian who was taken prisoner . nor do i seem to my self to be mistaken ( my brother ! ) by my professing this one god to be the author and parent of all things . whom many of those who have been possest of the empire here , induced thereto by mad errours , have attempted to deny . but , all these [ emperours ] have been destroyed by such a dreadfull and avenging end , that since their times , all mankind a doth usually wish their calamities may fall as a curse and punishment on those , who shall study to imitate them . one of which persons i judge him to have been , ( him [ i mean ] whom divine vengeance , like some thunder , drove out of our regions , and conveyed into your country ; ) b who by his own disgrace and ignominie erected that trophie so * much boasted of amongst you . chap. xii . that he saw the fall of the persecutors , and does now rejoyce because of the peace of the christians . indeed , this thing has succeeded well , namely , that in our age also the punishment of such persons hath most evidently been demonstrated . for even i my self have been a spectator [ of their disastrous end , ] who lately disquieted the people dedicated to god , by their most impious edicts . therefore , i give god great thanks , because by his signall providence , all mankind who are observant of the divine law , having peace and repose restored to them , are exceeding joyfull and glad . from whence i do perswade my self , that all affairs are in an excellent and most safe posture , in regard god vouchsafes to gather all persons to himself , by their pure and approved religion , and by their unanimous sentiment in reference to the deity . chap. xiii . an exhortation , that he should love the christians , who live in his * country . how great a pleasure and delight was it to me ( think you ) when i heard , ( what is my most earnest desire , ) that even the richest and best places of persia were † plentifully adorned with a a multitude of these men , i mean christians ? for my whole discourse at present is concerning them . i wish therefore , both that your affairs may continue in a most flourishing posture , and in like manner that their affairs maybe so too ; that is , b the affairs of both of you equally . for , by this means you will have god the supream lord and father , mercifull and propitious towards you . these persons therefore , because you are so great [ a prince , ] i commit to your care : these very persons , in regard you are eminent for piety , i deliver into your hands . love these men in a manner befitting your own benignity and good nature . for , by this your faith , you will do an immense kindness both to your self and us. chap. xiv . how , by the earnestness of constantine's prayers , peace was bestowed on the christians . all nations in all parts of the world being ( like some ship , ) in this manner steered and directed by one commander , and willingly embracing the a religion and government of this servant of god ; and there being no person who might give any further disturbance to the roman empire ; all men in future lead peaceable and undisturbed lives . but , because the emperour judg'd the prayers of pious persons to be highly usefull and advantagious in order to the safety and preservation of the state , 't was his sentiment , that these were necessarily to be procured . therefore , both he himself humbly implored gods assistance , b and also commanded the prelates of churches to put up their prayers to god for him . chap. xv. that both on his money , and in his pictures , he ordered himself to be stamp't and drawn in a praying posture . but , how transcendent a liveliness of a divine faith was fixt in his soul , may easily be conjectured from this very one thing ; that on his golden money he ordered his own image to be stamp't in such a manner , as that he might seem to look up to god with his hands * expanded , in the posture of one praying . and this sort of money was current over the whole roman world. but in the imperial palaces which were b in some cities , his pictures were plac't on high at the very entrance of the porch , wherein he was drawn standing upright ; looking up to heaven ; c but his hands were expanded , in the fashion of one praying . chap. xvi . that he issued forth a law , forbidding his own * statues to be placed in idol-temples . in this manner therefore he represented himself praying , even in his pictures drawn in colours . but by a a law he forbad , that his own statues should be dedicated in idol-temples : least they should be b polluted , even as far as the † outward form only , with the errour of prohibited superstition . chap. xvii . his praying in the palace , and his reading of the divine scriptures . but whosoever has a mind to give attention , will perceive far nobler [ instances of his piety ] than these ; how he constituted a a church of god as 't were , within the imperial palace ; and with diligence and chearfulness lead the way himself , to those who assembled within that church . moreover , he took the bible into his hands , and with an attentive mind meditated upon those divinely-inspired oracles . after which he recited the * usual prayers , together with b the whole assemblie of his courtiers . chap. xviii . that by a law he commanded sunday and friday to be honoured . but he ordained , that a day should be esteemed of , as convenient and fit for prayers ; that day namely , which really is the chief and first of the other days , and which is truly the lord's , and the salutary day . moreover , he appointed deacons and ministers consecrated to god , who were grac't with integrity of life and all other virtues , to be the a keepers of his whole house . lastly , the protectors and trusty guards , furnished with the arms of good affection and faith , b acknowledged the emperour himself as their instructer in the practise of piety ; and they themselves in the same manner honoured the salutary and the lord's day , whereon they poured forth [ to god ] prayers that were gratefull to the emperour . and this blessed [ emperour ] incited all other men to practise the same thing ; in regard this was his chiefest desire , that by degrees he might make all persons worshippers of god. and for this reason , he issued out a precept to all those who lived under the roman empire , that they should keep holy-day on those days which had their denomination from our saviour ; as likewise , that they should honour c the day before the sabbath : in memory ( as i think ) of those things said to have been performed on those days by the common saviour . further , whereas he instructed his whole army diligently to honour the salutary day , which happens to derive its name from the light and from the sun ; to those who had embraced the divinely-inspired faith , he allowed time and leisure for a free exercise of themselves according to the usage and order of god's church , to the end they might without any impediment be present at the performance of the prayers . chap. xix . how he ordered the * ethnick-souldiers to pray on sundays . but to them who as yet had not embraced the doctrine of the divine faith , he issued out a precept in a second law , that a on sundays they should go out into a b pure field in the suburbs ; where , after a signal given , they should all together power forth a prayer to god , which they had * learnt before . for , c that they ought not to place their confidence in their spears , nor in their armour , nor in their strength of body : but were to acknowledge the supream god , the giver of every good thing , and of victory it self ; and , that to him the solemn prayers were to be performed ; lifting up their hands on high towards heaven ; but raising the eyes of their mind higher , as far as the celestial king himself : and that in their prayers they ought to call upon him as the giver of victory , the saviour , the preserver , and the assistant . further , he himself gave all his souldiers a form of prayer , ordering all of them to recite these words in the latine tongue . chap. xx. the form of prayer which constantine gave to his souldiers . thee we acknowledge [ to be ] the only god : thee we declare [ to be ] king : thee we invoke as our assistant . 't is thy gift , that we have gotten victories : by thee we have vanquished our enemies : to thee we pay our thanks for past * blessings : and from thee expect [ more ] in future . we are all thy humble suppliants : keep our emperour constantine ( together with his most pious children , ) in safety amongst us , and continue him a victor during the longest space of time , we humbly beseech thee . these things he ordered his military companies to do on sundays , and taught them to utter these expressions in their prayers to god. chap. xxi . [ he orders ] the representation of our saviour's cross [ to be drawn ] upon the arms of his souldiers . moreover , he caused the symbol of the salutary trophie to be exprest a upon the very arms [ of his souldiers : and [ commanded , ] that before his b armed forces , none of the c golden images should be carried in pomp , ( as the usage had heretofore been ; ) but the salutary trophie only . chap. xxii . a his fervency and earnestness in praying , and his * religious observation of the festival of easter . but he himself , in regard he was a partaker of the sacred * rites , every day at stated hours shut himself up within the inmost rooms of his imperial palace , where he converst alone with his only god ; and falling upon his knees , made his request in humble supplications , that he might obtain those things which he stood in need of . but on the days of the salutary festival , he raised the vigour of his religious exercises and meditations , and with his utmost strength of body and mind b performed the office of a prelate or pontif. c and with a chearfullness and diligence he himself lead on all persons to the celebration of the feast . but he turned the sacred vigil into the brightness of day , d pillars of wax which were of a vast height being lighted up all over the city , by those persons to whom this affair was given in charge . e torches likewise were kindled , which enlightned all places ; in so much that this mystick vigil was rendred brighter than any the most glorious day . but as soon as the day light appeared ; in imitation of our saviour's beneficence , f he reacht out a bountifull hand to all nations , provinces , and people , and bestowed on all persons the richest sort of gifts . chap. xxiii . how he prohibited the worship of idols ; but honoured the feasts of the martyrs . in this manner therefore he himself performed the office of a priest to his own god. but to all persons who lived under the roman empire , as well to the commonalty as the milice , the doors of idolatry were shut , a and every sort of sacrifice was prohibited . a law also was transmitted to the presidents of provinces , that they likewise should pay a veneration to the lord's day . which [ presidents ] b by the emperour's order did in like manner honour the feast-days of the martyrs , and shewed a due reverence to the times of the ecclesiastick festivals . all which things were performed with the greatest joy and satisfaction imaginable to the emperour . chap. xxiv . that he affirmed himself to be as 't were a bishop of external affairs . wherefore , at an entertainment which one time he gave the bishops , he cast forth an expression which was not absurdly uttered , [ affirming ] that he himself also was a bishop : the words he made use of in our hearing , were these . you ( says he ) are bishops in those matters transacted within the church : but in them done without [ the church , ] i am a bishop , constituted by god. therefore , the thoughts of his mind were agreeable to his expressions ; he governed all his subjects with an episcopal care , and by what ever methods he could take , incited them to be followers of * true piety . chap. xxv . concerning his prohibiting of sacrifices , and initiations ; and concerning his abolishing the gladiators , and the heretofore impure [ priests ] of the nile . on this account it was , that by frequent laws and constitutions he prohibited all persons , from sacrificing to idols ; from a curious consulting of a diviners and soothsayers ; from erecting images ; from performing secret initiations ; and from polluting the cities with the * bloody shows of gladiators . and whereas they of egypt and alexandria had a custom b of worshipping their river , by the ministery of certain effeminate men ; another law was transmitted to them , [ wherein 't was ordered ] that that whole tribe of * androgyni , in regard they were all an † adulterate sort of people , should be utterly destroyed ; and that it should not be lawfull for those to be seen in any place whatever , who were distempered with the disease of this sort of uncleanness . now , whereas the superstitious supposed , that the nile would not in future any more overflow their fields , as it had usually done before ; god , in favour to the emperour's law , performed the quite contrary to what they expected . for those persons who by their obscenity had polluted the cities , ‖ were taken off indeed . but the river nile , as if that whole region had been cleansed and purged for it , ran higher than it had ever done before ; and overflowing with a rich stream , laid all the fields under water : whereby it effectually taught the unwise , that they ought to have an aversion for impure persons ; but , that the original cause of blessings and success was to be ascribed to the only [ god , the ] giver of every thing that is good. chap. xxvi . the amendment of that law made against the childless , as also the * alteration of that law concerning wills and testaments . but , in as much as the things of this nature performed by the emperour in every province , are almost infinite ; whoever shall attempt to record them accurately , will be furnished with plenty of matter [ for such a subject . ] of the same sort herewith is this likewise , that , to the end he might reduce [ many ] laws to a greater sanctity ; instead of the old , he made new ones . and 't is easie to manifest the manner hereof , * by one or two instances . the old laws punished the a childless with a deprivation of the inheritance of their fathers . and this law against the childless was doubtless the cruellest of laws , in regard it inflicted a punishment on them , as if they had been guilty of some crime . b but the emperour abrogated this statute , and turned it into an holy and religious law. for he said , that those who committed faults designedly and on set purpose , ought to be chastized with condign punishment . but , nature her self hath * denied children to many persons : who although they earnestly desired a numerous issue ; nevertheless wanted children , by reason of their infirmity of † body . others lived without having any children , not that they would not have had children to succeed them ; but because they would avoid carnal copulation with a woman ; which [ sort of continency ] they embraced , out of their most ardent love to philosophy . besides , many women consecrated to the service of god , were studious followers of chastity and spotless virginity , having dedicated themselves , in reference as well to their minds as bodies , to a chast and most holy life . what then ? ought this to be accounted worthy of punishment , or rather of praise and admiration ? for , the very inclination to this thing deserves an high commendation : but , to perfect and bring it to effect , is a matter above the strength of humane nature . 't is fit therefore , that those who ( though very desirous of children , nevertheless ) are deprived of them by the infirmity of nature , should be pitied rather than punished . but he who is lead by the love of a sublimer philosophy , is so far from deserving punishment , that he ought to be the wonder and admiration of all men . in this manner the emperour with the greatest equity mended that law. further , provision had been made by the old laws , that dying persons , c who were at the very last gaspe as i may say , should make their wills with a great deal of exactness , in some certain words : and there were set forms and solemnities prescribed , and what expressions ought to be added . and hereupon many frauds were practised , in order to the disannulling the will of the dead . which when the emperour perceived , he corrected this law also ; affirming , that a dying person ought to have a liberty of making his will as he pleased , whether in bare words , or in any ordinary expressions ; and , that he might declare his last will in d any written form ; or if he had rather do it by word of mouth , he might ; provided it were done in the presence of credible witnesses , who were able to preserve integrity with the truth . chap. xxvii . that he made a law , that a christian should not be slave to a jew , and that the decrees of synods should be firm and authentick , and so forth . moreover , he made a law , that no christian should serve jews . for , it was [ he said ] a thing not to be permitted , that those who had been redeemed by our saviour , should be reduced under the yoak of slavery to those who were the murderers of the prophets and of the lord. but if any person professing the christian religion should be found to be slave to a jew ; [ his order was , ] that he should be set at liberty ; but , that the jew should be punished with a pecuniary mulct . he also confirmed those a decrees of bishops which were promulged in synods , by his own authority : in so much that , 't was not in the power of the governours of provinces to resci●d the bishops determinations . for the priests of god [ he said ] were * to be preferred before any judge whatever . he issued forth to his subjects a vast number of laws of this nature : to comprize all which in a peculiar volumn , to the end an accurate inspection may be made into the emperour's prudence even in this particular , would require a greater leisure . what necessity is there of our relating at present , in what manner he applied himself to the supream god , and was from morning to night sollicitously inquisitive , what sort of men he might do good to ; and how , in reference to his beneficence , he shewed himself equal and † obliging to all persons ? chap. xxviii . his gifts [ bestowed ] on the churches ; and his distributions of money to virgins , and to the poor . but on the churches of god he conferred innumerable gifts , in a manner that was extraordinary and transcendent ; sometimes bestowing lands ; at others , * annonae , for the maintenance of poor men , fatherless children , and † widows . lastly , he took all imaginable care , that even infinite numbers of garments should be provided for the naked and such as wanted clothing . but above all others , he vouchsafed them the highest honour , who had wholly ‖ addicted themselves to the divine philosophy . indeed , he paid little less than a veneration to the most holy quire of god's perpetual virgins ; in regard he was fully perswaded , that that very god , to whom they had consecrated themselves , had taken up his habitation within the minds of such persons . chap. xxix . speeches and * discourses written by constantine . yea farther , he spent whole nights without taking any rest , to the end he might accomplish his own mind by a meditation on divine matters . he likewise employed his vacant hours in a writing orations , and b made frequent speeches in publick : accounting it as a duty incumbent on himself , to govern his subjects by the precepts of reason , and to make * his own government an empire of reason . wherefore he himself would call a meeting . numerous multitudes of people flock't into the place of hearing , that they might be auditours of a philosophizing emperour . but if during his speaking , any occasion was offered of treating concerning divinity , he stood upright immediately , and with a † composed countenance and low voice , c seemed to initiate those that were present , in the mysteries of the divine doctrine , with all imaginable piety and modesty . and when his hearers applauded him with their acclamations , he gave them notice by a nod , that they should look upwards to heaven , and with pious praises highly admire and honour that one supream king. farther , he divided his speeches in such a manner , that in the first place he would lay the confutation of the errour of polytheism , as the foundation [ of his discourse , ] asserting by most evident arguments , that the superstition of the pagans was meer fraud , and the bulwark of impiety . then he discoursed concerning the sole empire of god. after this he treated about providence , whereby as well all things in general , as every individual is governed . from hence he proceeded to the salutary dispensation , and shewed that to have been done necessarily , and in an agreeable manner . passing from that point , he began a discourse concerning the divine * judgment . in his treating whereof he gave the minds of his hearers most sharp and severe touches ; reproving the rapacious and † deceitfull , and those that had enslaved themselves to an insatiable desire of money . he likewise whip't as 't were and scourg'd with his expressions , some of his confidents that stood round him ; and forc't them , when stung by their own consciences , to cast down their eyes . to whom he evidenc'd and declared with a loud voice , that they themselves should give god an account of their own undertakings d ▪ for [ he told them , ] that the supream god had given him the empire of the world ; but , that he , in imitation of the deity , had committed the parts of his empire to their government : moreover , that all of them should at a fit opportunity render an account of their actions to the supream king. these things he attested continually ; these things he suggested to them ; with these lessons he instructed them . and truly he himself , trusting in the sincerity of his own faith , not only declared , but had his thoughts taken up with such matters as these . but they were unapt to learn , and deaf to all good documents ; applauding indeed his sayings with their tongues and acclamations ; but in their practises they disregarded them by reason of their unsatiableness . chap. xxx . that he shewed a certain covetous person the measure of a grave , to the end he might shame him . wherefore , one time he took one of those persons about him by the hand , and spake these words to him . how far ( hark ye ! ) do we stretch our * covetous desires ? then marking out on the ground the † length of a man , with a spear which he hapned to have in his hand : although ( said he , ) you were possest of all the riches of this world , and of the whole element of the earth , yet you shall carry away nothing more than this space of ground which i have mark't out , if even a that be allowed you . notwithstanding this blessed prince said and did these things , yet he reclaimed no person . but , 't was manifestly evidenced by the very event of affairs , that the emperours * admonitions were rather like divine oracles , than bare words . chap. xxxi . that he was laught at because of his too great clemency . further , whereas there was no fear of * any capital punishment , which might restrain ill men from wickedness ; ( the emperour himself being wholly inclined to clemency , and the governours in each province wholly neglecting the prosecution and punishment of crimes ; ) this thing exposed the publick administration of affairs to no ordinary blame and reprehension : whether justly , or otherwise , every one may judge according as he shall think good . let me be permitted to record the truth . chap. xxxii . concerning constantine's * oration , which he wrote to the convention of the saints . moreover , the emperour * wrote his orations in the latine tongue . but they were rendred into † greek by the a interpreters , whose imployment it was to do this . one of these orations done into greek , i will , for an instance , annex after the close of this present work ; to which [ speech ] he himself gave this title , to the convention of the saints , dedicating that his discourse to the church of god : [ which oration i will subjoyn for this reason , ] least any one should account our testimony in reference to these matters , to be [ nothing more than ] ostentation and noise . chap. xxxiii . how he heard eusebius's panegyrick concerning the sepulchre of our saviour , in a standing posture . but that , in my judgment , is in no wise to be silently overpast , which this admirable [ prince ] did , even in our own presence . for , when we had one time besought him , being confident of his singular piety towards god , that he would be an auditor of a speech of ours concerning the sepulchre of our saviour ; he gave us audience with all imaginable willingness . and a great company of hearers standing round , a within the imperial palace it self , he himself stood also , and together with the rest gave audience . but when we entreated him to rest himself upon his imperial throne which was placed hard by , he would by no means be perswaded to sit ; but with an intent mind , weighed what was spoken , and by his own testimony approved the truth of the * theologick dogmata . but when much time had been spent , and our oration was continued to a great length ; we were desirous to break off . but he would not suffer that ; but entreated us to go on till we had ended our discourse . and when we again sollicited him to sit down , he on the contrary was urgent in his refusal : sometimes affirming , that it was unfit to hearken to discourses which treated concerning god , with ease and remisness ; at other times saying , that this was usefull and advantagious to him. for it was [ he told us ] a thing consonant to piety and religion , to hear discourses about divine matters in a standing posture . after these things were finished , we returned home , and betook our selves to our usual studies and exercises . chap. xxxiv . that he wrote to eusebius concerning easter , and about the divine books . but he , always a sollicitously consulting the good of god's churches , wrote a letter to us , about providing [ some copies ] of the divinely inspired oracles : as also [ another letter ] concerning the most holy feast of easter . b for , whereas we had dedicated a book to him , wherein the mystick account of that festival was explained ; in what manner he rewarded and honoured us by his answer , any one may perceive , by perusing this letter of his. chap. xxxv . constantine's [ letter ] to eusebius , wherein he commends his oration concerning easter . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to eusebius . it is indeed a mighty attempt , and [ a work ] superiour to all the power of oratory , to declare the mysteries of christ agreeably to their dignity , and in a due manner to unfold the a reason and ground of easter , and its institution , and its advantagious and laborious consummation . for , 't is impossible even to men that are able to understand things divine , to declare those matters according to their dignity . nevertheless , i do highly admire your excellent learning , and your extraordinary diligence , and have my self most willingly perused your book ; and , according to your desire , have given order , that it should be put into the hands of many persons who sincerely adhere to the observance of the divine religion . whereas therefore you understand , with how great a delight of mind we receive such presents as these from your prudence , take care to please us in future with more frequent discourses b , whereto you confess your self to have been by education accustomed . but ( as the saying is , ) we incite you who run , to your usuall studies . in as much as , c this so great an opinion does sufficiently demonstrate , that you have not found an unworthy translatour of your writings , who can render your labours into d latine : although 't is impossible , that such a version should express the dignity of works that are so egregiously eminent . god keep you , beloved brother ! such was his letter in reference to this matter . but , that which he wrote about providing [ some copies of the scriptures ] to be read in churches , runs thus . chap. xxxvi . constantine's letter to eusebius , concerning the providing [ some copies ] of the divine scriptures . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to eusebius . in that city which bears our name , by the assistance of god our saviour's providence , a vast multitude of men have joyned themselves to the most holy church . whereas therefore all things do there receive a very great increase , it seems highly requisite , that there should be more churches erected in that city . wherefore , do you most willingly receive that which i have determined to do . for it seemed fit , to signifie to your prudence , that you should order fifty copies of the divine scriptures ( the provision and use whereof you know to be chiefly necessary for the instruction of the church ) to be written on well-prepared parchment , by artificial transcribers of books most skilfull in the art of accurate and fair writing ; which [ copies ] must be very legible , and easily portable in order to their being used . moreover , letters are dispatcht away from our clemency to the a rationalist of the dioecesis , that he should take care for the providing of all things necessary in order to the finishing of the said copies . this therefore shall be the work of your diligence , [ to see ] that the written copies be forthwith provided . you are also empowered by the authority of this our letter , to have the use of two publick ●arriages , in order to their conveyance . for by this means , those which are transcribed fair , may most commodiously be conveyed even to our sight ; to wit , one of the deacons of your church being employed in the performance hereof . who , when he comes to us , shall be made sensible of our * bounty . god preserve you , dear brother ! chap. xxxvii . in what manner the copies were provided . these things the emperour gave order for . which order of his was immediately followed by the completion of the work it self ; we having sent him a ternions and quaternions in volumns magnificently adorned . which very thing another answer of the emperour's will attest . in which letter ( information having been given him , that the city constantia in our country , heretofore consisting of men notoriously superstitious , had by an b impulse of piety receded from their pristine errour of idolatry ; ) he signified , that he rejoyced , and highly approved of that action . chap. xxxviii . how the mart-town of the gazaei , by reason of [ its embracing ] the christian religion , was made a city , and named constantia . for constantia in the province of palestine having at this very time embraced the salutary religion , was vouchsafed a signal honour , both from god , and from the emperour . for , it was both termed a city , which it had not been before ; and likewise changed its name for a better appellation , to wit , that of the emperour 's most religious sister . chap. xxxix . that in phoenice there was a city made [ termed constantina ; ] and in other cities the idols were destroyed , and churches erected . the same thing was likewise done in many other places . for instance , in a city of the province of phoenice , which is called by the emperour's name . the inhabitants whereof having committed their innumerable images to the flames , changed their worship of them , for the observation of the salutary law. moreover , in other provinces , they came over in great companies , as well in the country as in the cities , to the saving knowledge [ of god , ] and destroyed their images consisting of all sorts of matter ( which before had been accounted sacred by them , ) as if they were nothing : they also demolished their own temples and places of worship , which were raised to a vast height , when no person ordered them to do it . but they erected churches from the very foundations , and made a change of their former opinion , or errour rather . but , a to give a particular narrative of all this pious emperour's actions , is not so much our business , as theirs who were vouchsafed a continual converse with him . after therefore we have in short b recorded in this work those matters which came to our knowledge , we will pass to the * later part of his life . chap. xl. that having created his three sons caesars in the three ten years of his reign , he celebrated the dedication of the martyrrum at jerusalem . thirty * years of his reign were now compleated a . wherein his three sons had at different times been created colleagues of the empire . constantine , who bore the same name with his father , was the first that partook of that honour , about the tenth year of his father's empire . his second son constantius , grac't with his grandfather's name , was declared caesar about the time of the celebration of his father 's vicennalia . his third son constans , who by his own name denotes presence and stability , was promoted to this honour about the thirtieth year of his father's reign . thus therefore when ( * according to a likeness of the trinity as 't were , ) he had gotten † three sons beloved by god , and had honoured them with the colleagueship of his empire , b at each period of ten years of his reign ; he thought his tricennalia to be a c most opportune time , wherein he might give thanks to [ god ] the supream king. and he himself judged it best and most agreeable , should he celebrate the dedication of that martyrium , which with all imaginable diligence and magnificence he had caused to be erected at jerusalem . chap. xli . that in this interim he ordered a synod to be convened at tyre , because of some controversies [ started ] in egypt . but the envious devill , that enemy to all good , a like some dark cloud opposed against the most splendid rayes of the sun , attempted to disturb the brightness of this celebrity ; and again disquieted the churches in egypt with his own contentions . but the emperour , whom god himself took care of , having again armed a synod of many bishops resembling the host of god , set them in array against the malevolent devil : an order having been issued forth from him , that [ the prelates ] of all egypt and libya , asia and europe , should hasten , in the first place to a determination of the controversie , and from thence to make a dedication of the formentioned martyrium . wherefore he commanded them , that by the by they should compose the differences , at the metropolis of phoenice . for , it was [ he said ] unfit , to approach the worship of god with dissenting mindes ; in regard the divine law prohibits those that are at variance , from bringing their gifts [ to god , ] b before they have embraced friendship , and are peaceably affected one towards another . these wholesome precepts [ of our saviour ] the emperour gave new life to , by a continual meditation on them within his own mind ; and advised them to set about the business with all imaginable consent and agreement of mind , by his letter which runs thus . chap. xlii . constantine's letter to the synod at tyre . victor constantinus maximus augustus , to the holy synod [ convened ] at tyre . it was manifestly agreeable to , and highly befitting the prosperity of our times , that the catholick church should be void of all disturbance , and that the servants of christ should now be free from a all manner of reproach . but in regard some persons , prick't forward by the spur of unsound contention , ( for i will not say that they leade a life unworthy of themselves ; ) attempt to confound all things ; which [ mischief ] seems to me more grievous than any calamity whatever : for this reason i incite you , who ( as the saying is ) run of your own accord , that without any delay you would meet together , and make up a synod ; that you may give your assistance to those who want it ; that you may administer a remedie to the brethren who are in danger ; that you may reduce the dissenting members to an agreement ; [ and lastly , ] that you may correct faults , whilst opportunity does permit : to the end that , to so many and such large provinces you may restore a befitting concord , which ( oh absurd ! ) the arrogancy of a few men hath destroyed . further , that this thing is highly acceptable to god the supream lord , and more earnestly wish't for by us than any desire whatever ; lastly , that to your selves ( if you shall restore peace , ) it will be an occasion of no small honour , i suppose all men do acknowledge . delay not therefore ; but henceforward raise your alacrity to the highest pitch , and make it your business to put an end to the present differences by a befitting b determination : [ meeting together namely with all sincerity and faith , which that saviour whom we worship , who lifts up his uoice * every where in a manner , does chiefly require c of us . but , as to what appertains to ‖ our piety , nothing shall be wanting to you . all things have been done by me , which by your letter you gave notice of . d i have written to those bishops whom you desired , that they should come , and be partakers with you in the common care and solicitude . i have sent e dionysius the ex-consularis , who may both put in mind those bishops that ought to come with you to the synod , and may also be an inspector of what is transacted , f but most especially of regularity and good order . but if any person ( which i don 't in the least suspect , ) presuming at this juncture to violate our precept , shall refuse to be present ; one shall be forthwith dispatch't from us , who by an imperial order shall drive that person into exile , and shall teach him , that 't is in no wise fit to resist the determinations of an emperour , when published in defence of the truth . as to what remains , it shall be the business of your sanctity , neither with hatred ] nor favour , but in a manner agreeable to the ecclesiastick and apostolick rules , to find out a befitting remedy , whether for crimes , or such things as have hapned by mistake : to the end , you may free the church from all reproach , may lighten our cares , and , having restored the pleasantness of peace to those churches now disturbed , may procure the eminentest glory to your selves . god preserve you , beloved brethren ! chap. xliii . that at the feast of dedication [ of the church ] at jerusalem , there were bishops present out of all the provinces . after these orders had been effectually put in execution , another messenger from the emperour arrived , who having brought a an imperial letter , moved the synod , that without any delay they would forthwith hasten their journey to jerusalem . all of them therefore left the province of the phoenicians , and by [ the assistance of the ] cursus publicus went whither they had received orders to go . at which time that whole place was filled with a numerous * divine assembly , the eminent bishops out of every province having met together at jerusalem . for the b macedonians had sent the [ bishop ] of the metropolis amongst them : and the pannonii and moesi [ had directed thither ] the choycest flower of god's youth in their country . there was likewise present the ornament of the persian bishops , an holy person and one that was incomparably well verst in the divine oracles . c the bithynians also and thracians * by their own presence adorned the convention . nor were the most eminent [ of the bishops ] amongst the cilicians absent . those of cappadocia likewise who excelled for learning and eloquence , shined in the midst of this congress . moreover , all syria and mesopotamia , phoenice and arabia , together with palestine it self ; egypt also and libya , and those who inhabit the country of thebaïs , all [ met ] together , and filled up that great quire of god. who were followed by an innumerable company of people out of all the provinces . there was present together with all these persons , an d imperial attendance ; and from the imperial palace it self , approved men were sent , who , with expences furnished by the emperour , might illustrate the festivity . chap. xliv . concerning their reception by marianus the notary , and concerning the money distributed amongst the poor , and the sacred gifts of the church . but , over * all these there was appointed as chief , a a person highly acceptable and usefull to the emperour ; one that was eminent for his faith , religion , and skill in the sacred scriptures . who having been famous for his confessions in defence of piety during the times of the tyrants , was deservedly entrusted with the ordering of these matters . this person therefore with all imaginable sincerity paid obedience to the emperours commands , and honoured the synod with a most courteous reception , entertaining them with splendid feasts and banquets . but , amongst the indigent and naked , b and amongst infinite multitudes of poor of both sexes , who stood in great need of food and other necessaries , he distributed vast quantities of money , and a great number of garments . lastly , he variously adorned the whole church with magnificent and royal sacred gifts . chap. xlv . various discourses of the bishops , in the sacred assemblies ; as also of eusebius himself the authour of this work. such was the service performed by this person . but the ministers of god adorned the festival , partly with their prayers , and partly by their discourses . a for some of them with praises celebrated the b benignity of the religious emperour towards the universal saviour , and in their orations set forth the magnificence of the martyrium . others * entertained their hearers with theologick discourses upon the divine dogmata , fitted to the present solemnity , as with some splendid banquet of rational food . others † interpreted the lessons of the divine volumns , and disclosed the mystick meanings . but such as were unable to arrive at these things , appeased the deity with unbloudy sacrifices and mystick immolations ; humbly offering up their prayers to god , for the common peace , for the church of god , ●or the emperour himself who was the occasioner of such great blessings , and for his pious children . at which place we our selves also , who were vouchsased ‖ blessings much above our deserts , honoured the solemnity with various discourses uttered in publick ; sometimes making descriptions in writing of the stateliness and magnificence of the royal fabrick ; at others , c explaining the meanings of the prophetick visions , in a manner befitting the present d symbols and figures . thus was the feast of dedication celebrated , with the greatest joy imaginable , e on the very tricennalia of the emperour . chap. xlvi . that he afterwards recited his description of our saviour's martyrium , and his oration upon constantine's tricennalia , before the emperour himself . but , what the form of our saviour's church is , what the fashion is of the salutary cave , * how great the beauty and elegancy of the structure , and [ lastly ] how a many the donaria , made partly of gold and silver , and partly of pretious stones ; we have , as well as we could , comprized in a peculiar treatise , and have dedicated it to the emperour himself . which book we shall make a seasonable publication of b at the close of this present work : whereto we will annex that oration concerning his tricennalia , which , having not long after made a journey to constantinople , we recited in the emperours own hearing . this was the c second time that we celebrated the praises of god the supream king , within the imperial palace . which [ oration ] the emperour , who was beloved by god , being an auditor of , seemed like one transported with joy . and this he himself manifested after the speech was done , in regard he entertained those bishops that were present at a banquet , and bestowed on them all imaginable honour . chap. xlvii . that the synod at nicaea hapned on constantine's vicennalia ; but the dedication [ of the church ] at jerusalem [ was performed ] on his tricennalia . this second synod , the greatest that we have known , the emperour convened at jerusalem , after that first synod , which he had assembled a at the most eminent city of bithynia . that was a triumphal [ synod , ] which in the vicennalia of [ constantine's ] empire paid its b vows for the victory obtained over his enemies and adversaries , in that very city which had its name from victory . but this [ synod ] grac't the period of his third decade ; when the emperour dedicated to god the giver of all good , c the martyrium , as 't were some sacred present of peace , [ erected ] round the very monument of our saviour . chap. xlviii . that constantine was displeased with one , who praised him too highly . a after the performance of all these things ; when the emperour 's god-like virtue was cry'd up in the discourses of all men , one of the ministers of god was so bold , as to pronounce him blessed to his very face : in regard he had both been vouchsafed the supream empire over the whole roman world in this life present ; and also , in that to come , should reign together with the son of god. but he , much displeased at the hearing of this expression , advised the man , that he should not presume to utter such words ; but , rather that by prayer he would make his humble request to god , that as well in the life present , as in that to come , * he might appear worthy of being reckoned amongst the servants of god. chap. xlix . the marriage of constantius caesar , his son. when the thirtieth year of his empire was ended , he celebrated the marriage of his second son ▪ a having long before performed the same thing for his elder son. banquets therefore and feasts were made ; the emperour himself led his son the bridegroom , and in a most splendid manner entertained and feasted the whole company , the men apart by themselves , and the women in separate places by themselves . * rich gifts were likewise bestowed , both on the people , and on the cities . chap. l. the embassie and presents [ sent from ] the indians . at the same time arrived embassadours from those indians who dwell at the rising sun , and brought with them presents . which were various sorts of pretious stones of an exquisite lustre , and wild beasts of a nature different from those known amongst us . all which they presented to the emperour , [ thereby ] declaring that his empire reach't a to the indian ocean it self ; and that the * roytelets of the indians country honoured him with pictures , and statues erected to him , and profest their acknowledgment of him to be the emperour and king. b indeed , at the beginning of his empire , the britains [ who dwell ] at the setting sun , were the first that submitted themselves to his government : but now the indians whose habitation is at the rising sun , [ did the same . ] chap. li. that constantine having parted his empire betwixt his three sons , instructed them in the art of governing , * and offices of piety . when therefore he had reduced both the limits of the whole world under his own power , he divided his whole empire , distributing some paternal inheritance as 't were to his dearest relatives , amongst his three sons . to the elder , he gave his grand-fathers allotment : to the second , the empire of the east : to the third , that portion which lay in the midst between these two . but being desirous to procure a good inheritance for his children , and such as might be salutary to their souls , he scattered the seeds of piety in their minds : partly by a cultivating them himself with divine precepts ; and partly by appointing them tutors , who were persons of approved piety . he likewise set over them teachers of secular learning , such persons namely as were arrived at the heighth of literature . others instructed them in the knowledge of the military art. others were their instructours in politicks , and matters civil . and [ lastly , ] others rendred them knowing and expert in the laws . moreover , to each of his sons was allotted an imperial * attendance , [ namely ] † scutarii ; hastati ; protectors ; legions also , and military companies ; and officers that commanded them , [ to wit , ] centurions , tribunes , and ‖ duces : of whose skill in warlike affairs , as likewise of their good affection towards them his sons , the father had had experience . chap. lii . how , when they were arrived at man's estate , he taught them piety . further , during their being caesars as yet very young , they had ( as 't was requisite , ) ministers and councellours present with them , who administred the publick affairs . a but when , afterwards , they grew up to be men , their fathers instruction onely , was sufficient for them . who sometimes incited them , when present with him , by private instructions to an imitation of himself ; and taught them to become exact followers of his own piety : at other times , when they were absent , by his letters he suggested to them imperial precepts . the first and chiefest whereof was this , that they should value the knowledge and worship of god the supream king , above all riches whatever , and before the empire it self . but at length he gave them power , of themselves to do what might be of advantage to the publick : and before all things gave them this in charge , that they should take a particular care of god's church , and commanded them openly to own themselves to be christians . and in this manner he instructed his sons . but they , incited not so much by precept as their own alacrity of mind , exceeded the admonitions of their father ; in regard they had their minds always intent upon piety towards god , and in the very palace it self exactly performed and observed the rites of the church , together with all their domesticks . for this was the work of the fathers care , to assign no domesticks to his sons , but such as were * worshippers of god. b the commanders also of the first companies , and they to whom the care of the state was entrusted , * were of this sort . for he † confided in persons who profest a faith in god , as in some strong and firm walls . c when this thrice-blessed prince had [ thus ] constituted these matters also , god the disposer of every good thing , ( in regard all affairs of the state had been put into good order by the emperour , ) thought it now at length an opportune time , for translating him to a better allotment , and brought upon him the debt due to nature . chap. liii . that after he had reigned about two and thirty years , and lived above sixty , he had a body that was sound and healthy . he compleated the time of his reign in a two and thirty years , abating some few months and days : but the space of his life was about double as much . at which age his body continued free from diseases , firm , void of all manner of blemish , and youthfuller than any the most juvenile body ; beautifull to behold ; and strong to do any thing whatever , that was to be performed by strength . in so much that , he could exercise as a souldier ; ride ; walk ; fight ; erect trophies against his conquered enemies ; and , according to his own usage , could obtain unbloudy victories over his opposers . chap. liv. concerning those who abused his eximious humanity , to * avarice and a pretence of piety . his mind also arrived at the heighth of humane perfection ; being adorned with all manner of † accomplishments ; but most especially , with humanity . which , nevertheless , many persons found fault with , by reason of the baseness of ill men , who ascribed [ the occasion of ] their own badness to the emperours a patience and clemency . indeed , even we our selves beheld the mighty prevalency of these two vices in those times ; b the violence namely of insatiable and ill men , who infested almost all mortals ; and the unspeakable dissimulation of those who craftily crept into the church , and pretendedly took upon themselves the name of christians . but the emperours innate humanity and goodness , the sincerity of his faith , and * integrity of his morals , induced him to credit the specious and outside piety of those men who were thought to be christians , and who with a crafty mind pretended to † bear a true and sincere benevolence towards him . his committing of himself to which persons , did sometimes perhaps drive him upon those things that were unfitting ; the envy [ of the devil ] bringing this blot upon his other ‖ praises . chap. lv. how constantine wrote orations to the very last day of his life . but divine vengeance seized a those men not long after . but the emperour himself had in such a manner furnished his mind with discursive knowledge , that to his very death , according to his accustomed manner , he wrote orations ; and , b as his usage was , made speeches , and instilled into his hearers divine precepts : he would likewise be continually making of laws , sometimes about civil matters , at others , concerning military affairs : in fine , he employed his thoughts about all things that were advantagious , and of use to the life of men . but this is highly worthy to be recorded , namely that when he was at the point of death , he recited a certain funeral oration in the presence of his usual auditory . and c having continued his speech to a great length , he discoursed therein concerning the immortality of the soul , and concerning those who had spent their lives piously , and concerning the blessings treasured up with god himself for those that love him . but on the other hand , he made it apparent by many and those evident reasons , what manner of end they would come to , who had lead a contrary course of life ; and gave an accurate description of the calamitous death of the impious . by his solid and weighty attestation to which truth , he seemed severely to touch those about him . in so much that , he asked one of them d who were puft up with a vain opinion of wisdom , what his sentiment was in reference to those things which had been discoursed of . who by his own testimony confirmed the truth of what had been spoken , and though much against his will , highly commended his reasonings against the worship of many gods. by making such discourses as these to his confidents , before his death , he seemed to render his way to a better allotment , smooth and plain . chap. lvi . how , making an expedition against the persians , he took the bishops along with him , and [ provided ] a * tent made in form of a church . this also is worthy to be recorded , that about the forementioned time , upon his hearing of the motion of those barbarians [ who dwell ] at the east , having said , that as yet there remained to him this victory [ to be obtained ] over them , he resolved upon an expedition against the persian . which when he had determined to undertake , he summoned together his military forces ; and likewise conferred with the bishops that were about him , concerning the desighe of his expedition ; it being his chiefest care , that some persons should always be present with him , who were of use in order to the worship of god. they affirmed , that they would most willingly follow him , nor would in any wise leave him ; but with their incessant prayers to god would ingage and fight together with him . at which news he was highly pleased , and described to them a way whereby they might go a . [ b then he prepared a tabernacle most richly furnished , made in the form of a church , for the use of this war ; wherein he resolved , in company with the bishops , to pour forth his prayers to god the giver of victory . chap. lvii . that having received the embassie of the persians , he watch't all night , together with others , on the feast of easter . in the interim the persians , informed of the emperours preparation for a war , and being extreamly fearfull of coming to an engagement with him , a by an embassie entreated him to make a peace . wherefore , this most peaceable emperour , gave the embassie of the persians a kind reception , and b readily entred into a league with them . the great festival of easter was now at hand : wherein the emperour paid his vowes to god , and together with others watch't all night long . chap. lviii . concerning the building of that termed the martyrium of the apostles , at constantinople . a after this he began to build a martyrium in that city which bore his own name , in memory of the apostles . ] and when he had raised the church to an unexpressible height , he made it splendid and glorious by a variety of all manner of stones , covering it with crusts of marble from the foundation to the very roof . he laid the inner-roof all over with lacunaria of very small work , and gilded it thorowout with gold. b above , instead of tyles , brass was laid , which afforded the whole structure a secure defence against showers . which [ covering ] being likewise over-spread with gold , shined gloriously : in so much that , it * dazled their eyes who beheld it at a distance , [ the brass ] † reverberating the rayes of the sun. but the whole c roof was encompassed round with chased net-work , made of brass and gold. chap. lix . a further description of the same martyrium . in this manner was the church it self beautified , by the emperour 's extraordinary care and munificence . but about the church there was a most spatious * area , open to the pure air. at the four sides whereof ran porticus's [ joyned one to another , ] which inclosed the area scituate in the midst , together with the church it self . moreover , † basilicae , baths , rooms to lodge and eat in , and many other apartments built for their use who kept the place , were joyned to the porticus's , and were equall to them in length . chap. lx. that in this [ church ] also , he built * himself a sepulchre . all these [ edifices ] the emperour * dedicated [ with this intent , ] that he might consign to posterity the memory of our saviour's apostles . but he had another design in his mind , when he built this church : which [ purpose of his ] was at first concealed ; but in the end it became known to all men . for he had † designed this place for himself ‖ after his death ; foreseeing by a transcendent alacrity of faith , that his own body should after death be made a a partaker of the apostles appellation : * to the end that even after death , he might be esteemed worthy of the prayers which should be performed there in honour of the apostles . having therefore raised twelve † capsae there , as some sacred columns , in honour and memory of the choire of the apostles , he b placed his own ‖ ark in the midst ; on each side of which lay six capsae of the apostles . and this , as i have said , he prudently considered of , [ namely ] where his body might be decently deposited after he had ended his life . having in his mind ordered these matters long before , he consecrated a church to the apostles ; * believing , that their memory would be usefull and advantagious to his soul. nor did god account him unworthy of those things which by his prayers he expected . for , as soon as the first [ † exercises of the feast of easter had been compleated by him , and when he had past over our saviour's day , rendring it splendid to himself , and a festival to all other persons ; whilest he was intent upon these things , and spent his life herein to the very c close of it , god , by whose assistance he performed all these things , opportunely vouchsafed him a divine passage to a better allotment . chap. lxi . [ the emperour 's ] indisposition of body at helenopolis , and his prayers . [ also ] concerning his baptisme . at first an unequal temper of body hapned to him : together therewith a distemper seized him . soon after which he went to the * warm baths of his own city : thence he goes to the city which bore the name of his own mother : where having made his abode for some considerable time , in the oratory of the martyrs , ] he put up his prayers and supplications to god. and when he perceived that the end of his life drew near , a he thought this was the time of purgation , of all those sins which he had committed throughout his whole life : firmly believing , that whatever sins as a man he had faln into and committed , would be washt from off his soul , by the efficacy of mystick words , b and by the salutary laver. having therefore considered this with himself , kneeling upon the pavement , he humbly beg'd god's pardon , making a confession of his sins in the very martyrium : in c which place likewise he was first vouchsafed d imposition of hands with prayer . removing from thence , he goes to the suburbs of the city nicomedia : where he called the bishops together , and spake to them in this manner . chap. lxii . constantine's request to the bishops , that they would confer baptism upon him . this was the time long since hop't for by me , when i thirsted and prayed , that i might obtain salvation in god. this is the hour , wherein even we may also enjoy that seal which conferrs immortality ; the hour , wherein we may partake of that a salutary impression . i had heretofore taken a resolution , of doing this in the c streams of the river jordan , where our saviour himself , * in a likeness to us , is recorded to have partaken of the laver. but god , who best knows what is advantagious to us , in this place vouchsafes us a participation thereof . d let therefore all doubt be removed . for if the lord of life and death , will have us continue our life any longer here ; and if it be e once so determined [ concerning me , ] that i may in future be assembled with the people of god , and , being made a member of the church , may together with all the rest partake of the prayers : i will prescribe my self such rules of living , as may * befit [ a servant of ] god. these were the words he spake . they performed the rites , and compleated the divine ceremonies ; and , f having first enjoyned him whatever was necessary , made him a partaker of the sacred mysteries . constantine therefore , the only person of all those that ever were emperours , was by a regeneration g perfected in the martyria of christ : and being dignified with the divine seal , h rejoyced in spirit ; and was renewed , and filled with the divine light. the joy of his mind was great , by reason of his transcendency of faith ▪ but he was stricken with an amazement at the manifestation of the divine power . after all things had been duely performed , he was clothed with white and royal garments , which shined like the light ; and rested himself upon a most bright bed ; nor would he any more touch the purple . chap. lxiii . in what manner he praised god , after he had received baptism . after this he lifted up his voice , and poured forth to god a prayer of thanksgiving . which ended , he added these words . now i know my self to be truly blessed : a now 't is evident that i am accounted worthy of an immortal life : now i have an assurance that i am made a partaker of divine light. moreover , he termed them miserable , and said they were unhappy , who were deprived of such great * blessings . and when the tribunes and chief officers of the military forces came in , and with tears bewailed [ their own misfortune , ] that they themselves should be left desolate ; and prayed for his longer life : he answered them also , and said , that now at length he was vouchsafed true life , and that only he himself knew , what great blessings he had been made a partaker of . wherefore , that he hastned , and would by no delayes defer going to his god. after this , he disposed of every thing according to his own mind . and to those romans who inhabit the imperial city , he bequeathed certain annual gifts . but he left the inheritance of the empire , as 't were some paternal estate , to his own children ; ordering all things in such a manner , as he himself thought good . chap. lxiv . the death of constantine on the festival of pentecost , about noon . further , all these things were transacted in that great solemnity of the most venerable and most sacred pentecost ; which is honoured with seven weeks , a but is sealed with * the number one . in which festival hapned , both the ascent of the common saviour into the heavens , and also the descent of the holy spirit upon men , as the divine scriptures do attest . in this solemnity therefore the emperour , having obtained those things we have mentioned , on the last day of all , ( which should any one term the feast of feasts , he would not be mistaken ; ) † about noon , was taken up to his god : leaving to mortalls that part of himself which was related to them ; but joyning to his god that part of his soul which was endued with understanding , and the love of god. this was the end of constantine's life . but , let us proceed to what follows . chap. lxv . the lamentations of the milice , and tribunes . the protectors , and the whole body of his guards , rent their clothes forthwith , and casting themselves prostrate on the earth , beat their heads against the ground ; uttering a mournfull expressions [ intermixt ] with sighs and cries ; calling upon him their master , their lord , their emperour ; nor [ did they invoke him barely ] as a master , but , like most * obedient children , [ they accounted him ] as a father . moreover , the tribunes and centurions styled him a saviour , a preserver , a benefactour . and the rest of the army , as 't is usual amongst flocks , with all imaginable decency and becoming reverence , desired and wisht for their good shepherd . the common people also ran up and down all over the city , and by shreikes and cries gave a manifest indication of their inward grief of mind . others with dejected countenances seemed like persons astonished ; and b each particular man lookt upon this as his own calamity , and bemoan'd himself , because the common good of all men was taken out of this their life . chap. lxvi . that his body was carried from nicomedia to constantinople , into the palace . after this , the milice took his body [ out of the bed , ] and laid it into a coffin of gold ; which they covered a with purple , and carried it to the city that bore his own name . and there they plac't it * on high , b in the stateliest room of the imperial palace . then they light up tapers round it , which being put into candlesticks of gold , rendred the sight admirable to those that beheld it , and such a one as had never been seen on earth , by any person that was ever under the sun's rayes , since the world was first made . for within , in the very middlemost room of the imperial palace , the emperours corps lay on high in a golden coffin ; and being adorned with imperial ornaments , the purple namely and the diadem , was encompassed by many persons , who watcht with , and guarded it night and day . chap. lxvii . that even after his death , he was honoured by the comites and the rest , in the same manner as when he was alive . moreover , the * duces , comites , and the whole order of the judges and magistrates , whose usage it had heretofore been to a adore the emperour , made not the least alteration in their former custom , but came in at set times , and on their knees saluted the emperour when dead , and laid in his coffin , as if he had been yet alive . after these grandees , those of the senate , b and all the honorati , came in , and did the same . after whom , multitudes of all sorts of people , together with women and children , approacht to the sight hereof . and these things were thus performed during a long space of time : the milice having taken a resolution , that the corps should lie and be guarded in this manner , till such time as his sons could come , who might honour their father by * a personal attendance at his funeral . [ in fine , ] this most blessed [ prince ] was the only mortal who c reigned after death ; and all things were performed in the usual manner , as if he had been still alive : this being the sole person , from the utmost memory of man , on whom god conferred this . for , whereas he of all the emperours had been the only one , who by actions of all sorts whatever had honoured god the supream king , and his christ ; he alone , and that deservedly , had these honours allotted him : and the supream god was pleased to vouchsafe him this , that even his dead body should reign amongst men . whereby god clearly shewed them , whose minds are not * totally stupified , that † the empire of his soul is endless and immortall . in this manner were these things performed . chap. lxviii . in what manner the army resolved , that his sons should be forthwith proclaimed augusti . in the interim , the tribunes dispatcht away some choice men belonging to the military companies , who for their fidelity and good affection had heretofore been * acceptable to the emperour ; that they might make the caesars acquainted with what had been done . and these were the things which those men performed then . but the armies in all places , as soon as they were acquainted with the emperours death , incited thereto by divine instinct as 't were , with an unanimous consent resolved , as if their great emperour had been yet living , that they would acknowledge no other person as emperour of the romans , save only his sons . and not long after , they determined to have them all henceforward , not stiled caesares , but augusti ; which [ name ] is the † cognisance of supremacy of empire . and these things were done by the armies ; who by letters one to another , signified their own suffrages and acclamations ; and the unanimous consent of the legions was in one and the same moment of time , made known to all persons wherever they dwelt . chap. lxix . the mourning * at rome for constantine , and the honour [ done him ] by pictures after his death . but the inhabitants of the imperial city , as well the senate as people of rome , when they were acquainted with the emperours death , lookt upon that to be most doleful news , and more calamitous than any misfortune whatever ; and therefore set no bounds to their mourning . the ●aths therefore and forums were shut up , and the publick shows [ omitted ; ] as likewise whatever other pleasures , as recreations of life , are usually followed by those who spend their time in mirth and ●ollity . such also , as had heretofore abounded with delights , walk't the streets with dejected countenances . and all in general stiled [ the emperour ] blessed ; a person dear to god ; and one that was truly worthy of the empire . nor made they these declarations in bare words only : but proceeding on to actual performances , they honoured him when dead , with dedications of pictures , as if he had been still alive . for , having exprest a representation of heaven in colours on a table , they drew him making his residence in an aetherial mansion , above the celestial arches . moreover , they proclaimed his sons the sole emperours and augusti , without the colleagueship of any other person ; and with humble supplications made it their earnest request , that they might have the a body of their emperour with them , and might deposite it within the imperial city . chap. lxx . that his body was deposited at constantinople , by his son constantius . in this manner , even these [ inhabitants of rome ] grac't this emperour , who was honoured by god. but the a second of his sons ▪ when he was come to the place where his father's corps lay , conveyed b [ it ] to the city [ that bore his own name , ] he himself going before the hearse . the companies of the milice march't before , troop by troop in a military order : and behind followed an innumerable multitude of people . but the hastati and scutarii surrounded the emperour's corps . when they were come to the church of our saviour's apostles , they deposited the coffin there . and thus the new emperour constantius , honouring his father , as well by his presence , as other befitting offices , in a due manner performed * his funeral obsequies . chap. lxxi . the * performance of the solemn prayers in that termed the martyrium of the apostles , at the † funeral of constantine . a but after he had withdrawn himself , together with the military companies ; the ministers of god , as likewise the multitudes , and all the congregation of the faithfull , came forth , and by prayers performed the rites of the divine worship . at which time this blessed [ prince , ] lying on high * upon a lofty place , was celebrated with praises . likewise , a vast number of people , together with those persons consecrated to god , no● without tears and great lamentation , poured forth prayers to god for the emperour's soul , thereby performing a most gratefull office to this pious prince . further , herein also god demonstrated his singular favour towards his servant : because [ after ] his death b he bequeathed the empire to his own dear sons , who were his successours ; and because , c agreeable to his own most earnest desire , the tabernacle of his thrice-blessed soul was vouchsafed a place with the monument of the apostles ; to the end namely , that it might be honoured in the same degree with the name of the apostles ; and that it might be joyned with god's people in the church ; and might be vouchsafed the divine rites , and mystick service ; and might enjoy a communion of the holy prayers : d but , that he himself , possest of the empire [ even ] after death , managing the whole government by a return to life as 't were , e victor , maximus , augustus , might in his own name still f rule the roman state. chap. lxxii . concerning the bird [ termed ] the phoenix . not like that egyptian bird : which being the only one of her kind , is said to die upon [ an heap of ] spices , at her death making her self a sacrifice : and presently [ as 't is reported , ] is restored to life again out of those very ashes ; and raising her self by her wings , appears the same in kind that she was before . but in the same manner with his saviour rather ; who , like wheat sown , from one grain diffusing himself into many , by the blessing of god hath brought forth an ear of corn , and hath filled the whole world with his fruits . in a like manner hereto , this thrice-blessed [ prince , ] by the succession of his children , from being one , has been made a many : in so much that , throughout all provinces , statues are raised in honour of him , together with his sons ; and the usual name of constantine * obtaines even after his death . chap. lxxiii . in what manner they stamp't constantine on coyns , ascending up into heaven as ' t were . moreover , * coyns were stamp't bearing this impress : on the fore-side they exprest this blessed [ prince ] a with his head covered : but , on the † reverse [ he was represented sitting ] like a charioteer , in a chariot drawn by four horses , and taken up [ into heaven ] by a ‖ hand stretcht out to him from above . chap. lxxiv . that whereas god had been honoured by him , he was on the other hand deservedly honoured by god. these [ miracles ] the supream god laid before our very eyes , in [ the person of ] constantine , who was the only [ prince ] of all the preceding emperours , that had openly profest himself a a christian ; whereby god manifestly declared , b how great a difference he made , between those who thought good to worship him and his christ , and them that had embraced a contrary [ opinion . ] who having brought a war upon god's church , thereby rendred him their enemy and * opposer . and indeed , the disastrous and unfortunate close of every of their lives , has produced a most convincing argument of the greatness of the divine hatred towards them : in the same manner that the death of constantine has rendred the pledges of god's favour in reference to him , manifest and apparent to all men . chap. lxxv . that constantine was more pious than [ any of ] the foregoing roman emperours . vvho being the sole emperour of the romans , that had honoured god the supream king with a transcendency of piety ; and the only one that had freely and boldly * published the doctrine of christ to all men ; and the only person ( as i may say , ) that had raised his church to such a degree of honour and glory , as no one had ever done before ; and the only person that † had totally destroyed the errour of polythëism , and confuted all the rites and modes of [ such a ] superstition : is the only person also , that was vouchsafed such [ honours , ] both in this life , and after death , as no one , either amongst the graecians or barbarians , is reported ever to have obtained ; nor can there be any one mentioned , amongst the ancient romans themselves , from the remotest times to this present age , who may be compared with this [ our prince . ] the emperour constantine's a oration , b which he entitled to the convention of the saints . chap. i. the preface makes mention of easter ; and , that * christ , having been several ways beneficial to all men , hath had plots framed against him by those , on whom he has conferred favours . the † more [ than usual ] brightness and splendour , both of the day and sun ; the preface of the resurrection ; the new ‖ reparation of bodies long since dissolved ; a the foundation of the promise , and the way leading to life eternal , the day [ namely ] of the passion is now come , dearest doctours , and all the rest of you [ my ] friends ! b ye multitudes of believers are far more blessed [ than others ; ] ye [ who worship ] god the very [ authour ] of religion , and who , as well by an inward sense of every particular soul , as by outward expressions , do without intermission praise him , according to those rules [ contained ] in the divine oracles . but , thou nature , mother of all things ! what of this sort hast thou ever conferred upon the world ? or rather , * what is in any wise thy work ? in as much as he [ who is the authour ] of all things , was the framer of thy c sanctity also . for he it is , who has adorned thee : in as much as the beauty of nature , is a d life agreeable to god. e but , those things prevailed afterwards , which are directly contrary to nature ; [ namely , ] that no one should adore god [ the authour ] of all things with a congruous worship ; and , that it should be supposed , that all things were managed , not by providence , but chance , in a disorderly and * discomposed manner . and although † the prophets inspired by the divine spirit , particularly and in express words foretold these things , to whom credit ought to have been given ; yet ‖ impious injustice made its resistance by all manner of devices ; hating and reproaching the very light of truth ; and embracing * the impenetrable darkness of errour . nor , was force and cruelty wanting ; especially , when the will of princes gave assistance to the † rash and heady ‖ impetus of the vulgar ; or rather , when * they themselves headed an unseasonable fury . wherefore , this way of life having been confirmed by the usage of many generations , was the occasion of dismal calamities to the men of those times . but , as soon as ever the presence of our saviour shined forth , immediately , instead of unjust actions , justice [ was advanc't ; ] in place of a † most destructive storm , arose a calm ; and all those things which had been predicted by the prophets , were fulfilled . for , after [ that saviour of ours ] was taken up on high to his father's house , having ‖ enlightned the world with the rayes of modesty and * continence , he founded a church on earth , like some sacred temple of virtue ; a temple [ that is ] eternal and incorruptible ; wherein might be piously performed due [ acts of worship ] both to god the supream father , and likewise an agreeable [ service ] to himself . but what did the mad wickedness of the nations invent , after these things ? it endeavoured to † reject the benefits and favours of christ , and to ruine the church , constituted in order to the salvation of all men ; and in place thereof to substitute its own f superstition . again [ hapned ] horrible seditions , wars , fights , g morosity , [ a luxurious ] furniture of life , and a love of riches : which having its being in men contrary to nature ( a thing that is the property of wickedness , ) does sometimes recreate by false and specious hopes ; at others , it astonishes with fear . h but , let her lie prostrate on the ground , being vanquished by virtue : and ( as 't is fit she should , ) let her rend and tear her self by reason of her repentance . but , at present we i must discourse of those matters which appertain to the divine doctrine . chap. ii. an * address to the church , and to his hearers , that they would pardon and amend his mistakes . hear therefore , a thou master of the ship , who art possest of chastity and virginity ! and thou church , that art the nurse of immature and † unskilfull age ! to whose care and charge , truth and ‖ clemency are committed : from whose everlasting fountain , flows a salutary b stream . be ye candid hearers also , ye who worship god with sincerity , and for that reason are his care : be ye attentive , not so much to the words themselves , as to the truth of what is delivered : and [ respect ] not me that speak , but the * religious office of devotion rather . for , what can the benefit and advantage of * an oration be , when the mind of the speaker remains undiscovered ? indeed , i do peradventure attempt great things . but , that which occasions my boldness , is the love of god implanted in me : for , this [ love ] puts a force upon modesty . wherefore , my desire is , that ye who are eminently knowing in the divine mysteries , should be joyned with me , as my assistants ; to the end that , if any mistake shall happen * during my speaking , you may go along with me and correct it . expect not any perfect and consummate † doctrine from me ; but rather , give a kind reception to the ‖ attempt of my faith. farther , may the most * benign influence of the father and son , be effectually present with us , whilst we are uttering those things , which c it shall command and suggest to our mind ! for , if any person professing rhetorick , or any other art , shall suppose himself able , without the divine assistance , with an accuracy to perfect his work ; he himself , as also the work he has undertaken , will be found ignorant , and imperfect . but , such persons as have once obtained the divine influence , must neither loiter , nor be careless . wherefore , having beg'd your pardon for the length of this our d preface , we will enter upon the † head and principal matter of our design . chap. iii. that god is both the father of * the logos , and the framer of the [ whole ] creation ; and , that it were impossible for things to † consist , if their causes were diverse . god , a who is above every essence , being always that good which all things desire , has no generation ; and consequently no beginning . but he himself is the origine of all things that are brought forth . but he who has his procession from him , is united with him again : the disjunction and conjunction being performed in him , not locally , but intellectually only . for , * that foetus exists not by any dammage of his father's bowels , as , for instance , those things do which are born of seed : but , by the dispose of [ divine ] providence our saviour has appeared , that he might preside , as well over this visible world , as over all things and works framed therein . the cause therefore , both of subsistence and life , to all things which are contained within the complex of this world , [ is derived ] from hence . moreover , hence [ proceeds ] the soul , and every sense , and the * faculties , by whose assistance those things which are signified by the senses , are perfected . what then does this discourse † conclude ? [ thus much , ] that there is one president over all things which are ; and , that all things whatever are subject to his sole dominion , as well things celestial , as terrestrial ; both natural , and also b organical bodies . for , if the dominion over all these things , which are innumerable , should be in the hands , not of one , but of many ; c partitions and divisions of the elements , ( as 't is in the ancient fables , ) and envy , and a desire of having more , powerfully contending to overcome , would disturb the harmonious concord of all things : in regard those many , would d manage that portion allotted to each of them , in a different manner . but , whereas this whole world does keep it self always in one and the same order , 't is plain , that this is e not performed without providence , and , that it has not proceeded from chance . but , who could ever have acknowledged a framer of universal * matter ? to whom in the first place , or in the last , were prayers and supplications [ to have been assigned ? ] how could it be , that by my worshipping one of them f by choice , i should not have been impious towards the rest ? or , having perhaps requested something necessary for this life , shall i return thanks to that god who has given me assistance ; but , revile him who was mine opposer ? but , to whom shall i make my supplication , that he may declare to me the occasion of my calamity , and may vouchsafe me a deliverance from it ? let us suppose , that an answer has been given us by oracles and prophecies : g but , that these things are not in their power , but belong to another god. what is the compassion then ? of what sort is the providence of god towards man ? unless perhaps , some one of them , inclinable to be kinder , being more forcibly moved , shall give assistance against another , who is not in the least kindly disposed towards men . moreover , anger , and discord , and railing ; and in fine , a confusion of all things would follow from hence ; whilst not one of them would perform his own part ; but , through covetousness not satisfied with his own affairs , would invade those that belong to others . what therefore will be the consequence hereof ? questionless , this discord amongst the celestial powers , would ruine things under heaven , and things on earth ; the order and vicissitude of seasons and times would vanish , as likewise the delight and use of those fruits produced at the several seasons of the year ; the day would be destroyed , and the rest of the night which follows the day . but enough concerning these matters . let us now return to those reasons which can in no wise be refuted . chap. iv. concerning * their errour who worship idols . whatever had a beginning , must necessarily have an end also . now , a temporal beginning , is termed a † generation . but , the things produced by a generation , are all corruptible . besides , time defaces their form and beauty . how then can they , who [ have their original ] from a corruptible generation , be immortal ? now , such an opinion as this hath been divulged amongst unthinking people , namely , that marriages are usually made amongst the gods , and children begotten . but , if they who are begotten , be immortal ; and if [ new gods ] are always begotten , a their kind must necessarily be excessively numerous : after which accession made , b what heaven , what manner of earth must it be , that can be capable of containing such a growing swarm of gods ? but , what can any one say in reference to those men , who joyn the brethren-gods in a society of marriage [ with the sister-goddesses ; ] and who charge them with adulteries , and acts of incontinency ? we do confidently assert this also , that the very honours and * acts of worship , attributed to them by men , are mixt with † uncleannesses and lust. c now therefore , some skilfull person , and a statuary , having conceived in his mind the form [ of his future work , ] frames it by the rules of art , and * soon after , a forgetfulness falling [ upon him , ] as 't were , he flatters his own work , and worships it in place of an immortal god : whereas notwithstanding , he himself , d the father and framer of that statue , must confess himself to be mortal . moreover , they themselves do shew the sepulchres and * arks of those immortals , and honour the dead with † divine honours : being wholly ignorant , that that which is truly blessed and ‖ immortal , stands not in need of honour from mortals . for , that which can be discerned by the mind only , and comprehended by the understanding , requires neither a form whereby it may be known , nor admits of a figure , as its image or resemblance . but , all these things are done , in favour of the dead . for , they were really men , whilst they lived , * and were endued with bodies . chap. v. that christ the son of god framed all things , and has appointed to every thing the term of its existence . but , why do i defile my tongue with impure expressions , when i am about to praise the true god ? i am resolved in the first place to * wash away that bitter potion as 't were , with one that is pure . now , this pure potion is † drawn out of that ‖ ever-flowing fountain of virtues , of that god who is extolled by us. indeed , i account it my proper business , to praise christ [ both ] by [ an holiness of ] life , and a thanksgiving also , which is due to him from us , for those his many and signal benefits . i assert therefore , that 't is he who hath setled the beginnings of this universe , and who hath * created men , and a who hath established these things by a certain law and order . and immediately , when † they were newly brought forth , he removed them b into a certain blessed and flourishing place , * abounding with a c variety of fruits ; and at first he would have them ignorant of good and evil. but at length he appointed a seat upon earth , a mansion befitting a rational creature ; and then , in regard they were creatures endued with reason , he shewed them the knowledge of good and evil. then also he gave order , that mankind should be increased ; d and , that all that healthy space , terminated by the circuit of the ocean , should be inhabited . when mankind was thus increased , arts necessary for the use of life e , were invented . in like manner , the kinds of irrational creatures increased also ; a certain peculiar virtue and power being found planted by nature in every kind . in tame creatures , a gentleness and obedience to man : but in those that are wild , strength and swiftness , and a certain natural providence , whereby they may preserve themselves from danger . and , to men [ god ] enjoyned a care over all the tame creatures : but , against the wild , he instituted a certain strife and combat as ' t were . after these things , he formed the generation of birds ; in number , almost infinite ; but in nature and conditions , very different ; [ beautified ] with a great and gorgeous variety of colours ; and f naturally endued with a musical harmony . also , when he had most beautifully * distinguished all other things whatever , which this world contains within its compass ; and had set the fatal term of life to them all ; he † finished the fabrick of the universe , grac't with all sorts of ornaments . chap. vi. concerning fate ; that what is discourst of it , is false ; [ and this ] is demonstrated , both from humane laws , and * things created ; which are moved , not disorderly , but in a regular manner ; by which order of theirs , they demonstrate the † command of the creator . but very many men , not so considerate as they should be , make nature the cause that has given beauty and gracefullness to all these things : some others of them [ ascribe it ] to fate , or fortuitous chance ; a assigning to fate the power of these matters . nor doe they understand , that when they speak of fate , they utter a name indeed ; but declare no act , nor any substance proposed as a subject . for , what can fate it self be , * in reference to it self , when nature shall have produced all things ? b or , what shall nature be thought to be , if the law of fate be inviolable ? ▪ moreover , whereas 't is said to be a fatal law , 't is plain ( in regard every law is the work of some law-maker , ) that even fate it self , if it be a law , is the work and invention of god. all things therefore are subject to god , nor is there any thing that has no share of his power . we do also allow , that fate both is , and must be thought to be the will of god. but , in what manner do justice , temperance , and the other virtues [ derive their being ] from fate ? or , whence [ proceed the vices ] contrary to these virtues , injustice namely , and intemperance ? c for , wickedness [ has its original ] from nature , not from fate : and virtue is [ nothing else ] but good performances and offices , of the disposition and morals . * but , if those things ( which from a good purpose of mind are done well , or which on the contrary are performed otherwise , ) have a different issue , according as it seems good either to fortune or fate ; how will d all right , and a giving of every person his due [ proceed ] from fate ? but now , laws , and discourses , which perswade to virtue , and deter from vices ; praises also , and discommendations ; punishments likewise , and all those things whatever , wherewith men are incited to virtue , and drawn off from wickedness ; how can these be said to proceed from fortune or chance , and not from justice rather , which is the property of the provident god ? for , * he gives men those things , which they deserve for their following e this or that course of life : sometimes pestilences [ do rage , ] and seditions ; and scarcity and plenty do by turns succeed one another ; making proclamation as 't were in plain and express words , f that all such things as these do most fitly agree with our lives . for the divine essence rejoyces at the * probity of men ; but abominates all manner of impiety . and , as it embraces a mind , whose sentiments concerning it self are moderate ; so it hates boldness , and an arrogancy which raises it self higher than is becoming a creature . the proofs of g all which matters , although they are very perspicuous , and do lye before our eyes ; are yet h then more apparently manifest , i as often as , making a descent into our selves , and as 't were contracting our minds , we weigh with our selves the cause of them . wherefore , 't is my assertion , that we ought to lead lives that are * sober and calm , not raising our † thoughts above the condition of our nature ; but taking this into our serious consideration , that god the inspector of all our actions is continually present with us. moreover , let us another way examine , whether this assertion be true , namely , that the dispose of all affairs k does depend upon fortune and chance . whether therefore , the celestial bodies , and the stars , the earth and the sea , the fire and the winds , the water and the air , and the vicissitude of times , and the seasonable returns of summer and winter ; whether [ i say ] it ought to be believed , that all these have hapned * without reason and fortuitously , rather than were created . 't is certain , some persons , wholly void of understanding , do affirm , that men have found out many of these for their own use and advantage . and truly , whereas nature does plentifully supply us with all manner of riches ; we may grant , that , in reference to things which are terrene and corruptible , this opinion † wants not something of reason . but , are then things immortal and immutable , the inventions of men also ? for , of these , and of all other things of this nature , ( which are removed from our senses , and can be comprehended by the mind only ; ) l not man , a creature made of matter , but the intelligible and eternal essence of god is the framer . besides , the course and order of that constitution , is the work of providence also ; [ namely , ] that the day is bright , being enlightened by the sun ; that the night succeeds the setting of the sun ; and , that , when it has succeeded it , it is not left wholly m void [ of light , ] by reason of the quire of the stars . but , what shall we say concerning the moon ; which , when at the greatest distance from the sun , being in a direct opposition to him , is at the full ; but , is lessened , * as often as 't is in a conjunction with the sun : do not these things manifestly declare the † knowledge of god , and his sagacious wisedom ? farther , n the usefull and seasonable warmth of the solar rayes , whereby the fruits are brought to maturity ; the blasts of the winds , which are of great use in making the year fruitfull and healthy ; the refreshment of showers , and the admirable harmony of all these , according to which they are all managed in a due and well-ordered manner : [ lastly , ] that perpetual order of the planets , which at fit and stated times make their returns to the same * point ; is not the command of god hereby manifested , and likewise the perfect and entire dutifullness of the stars , which pay an obedience to the divine law ? moreover , the tops of mountains , and the hollow depths of valleys , o and the smooth levels of far-spreading fields ; do these seem to exist without the providence of god ? the prospect whereof is not only p gratefull , but the use also is delightfull and pleasant . the * spaces likewise and † breaks of the waters and the earth , ( which are of use partly for tillage , q and partly for conveyance of those things we stand in need of from forreign regions ; ) do they not most clearly demonstrate the accurate and exact care of god ? for , the mountains contain water within their bowels ; which when the plain has received , and ‖ by the moysture thereof has sufficiently refresht the ground ; it pours forth the residue of it into the sea : and the sea transmits it to the ocean . and , dare we yet affirm , that all these things come to pass fort●itously , and by accident ? when as notwithstanding , r we are in no wise able to declare , with what shape or form chance is endued : a thing which has no subsistence , either in the understanding , or sense ; but is only the empty sound of a name ‖ without the thing , which makes a noyse about our ears . chap. vii . that , * in things which we can't understand , we ought to glorifie the creator's wisdom ; nor must we suppose chance , or any thing else [ save god , ] to be the cause [ of them . ] for chance , 't is most certain , is a term [ invented ] by men , whose thoughts are rash and inconsiderate ; and who cannot † understand the cause it self : but , by reason of their weakness of apprehension , suppose that all these things , whereof they are unable to give a reason , have been framed and ordered without any thing of reason . there are indeed some things endued with an admirable nature , the certain and evident knowledge of the truth whereof , lies deep : of which sort is the nature of warm waters . for no person can readily assign the reason of so great a fire . and 't is strange , that [ that fire , ] though encompassed round with cold water , nevertheless , should not loose its native heat . and these things are found to be very rare , and few in number thorowout the whole world ; for this reason , as i perswade my self , that men might easily know the power of [ divine ] providence ; which has ordered two most contrary natures , heat namely and cold , to spring from one and the same root . indeed , the things are many , and almost innumerable , which god hath bestowed on men , in order to their comfort and delight : but , the fruit of the olive-tree and of the vine , are chiefly [ to be accounted such . ] of which two , a this has a power of recreating and exhilerating the mind . but the other is fit not only for delight : but of use in order to the curing of bodies . the perpetual and everlasting course of rivers deserves likewise the highest admiration ; which , by their flowing night and day , give a representation of an eternal and never-ceasing life . also , the continual vicissitude of night and day , is in the same manner admirable . chap. viii . that god does plentifully supply men with those things that are usefull ; but , with such as are for delight , [ he furnishes them ] in an indifferent manner only ; bestowing both sorts , so as may be agreeable to their profit and advantage . * all these words have been spoken by us , in confirmation of this truth , that nothing has been done without reason , or without understanding : but , that reason it self , and also a providence , are [ the works ] of god. who has likewise † produced the several kinds of gold , silver , brass , and of the other metals , in a manner and measure that is fit and agreeable . for with those things , the use whereof was like to be manifold and various , [ men ] are by his order plentifully furnished : but , such things as are of use b for the delight of the world , and for luxury only ; [ them he hath bestowed , ] both liberally , and also sparingly ; [ observing a mean ] between a parcimony and a profuseness . for , if the same plenty of those things which were made for ornament , had been granted ; the searchers after mettals , by reason of their overmuch avarice , would have despised those [ mettals ] that are of use for husbandry , and building , as well of houses , as ships ; iron namely , and brass ; and would have neglected the gathering of them together : but would have made it their whole business , to provide such things as serve for delight , and a vain and fruitless superfluity of riches . wherefore , there is ( they say ) more of difficulty and labour , in finding gold and silver , than in finding all other mettals whatever : for this reason namely , that the soreness of the labour may be opposed to the vehemency of the desire . how many other works of divine providence may besides be reckoned up ; whereby , in all those things which it has plentifully conferred on us , it does plainly incite the life of men to modesty and the other virtues , and draws [ them ] off from unseasonable and importunate desires ? to find out the reason of all which things , is a greater work than can be performed by man. for , how can the understanding of a corruptible and infirm creature , c arrive at the accuracy of truth ? how can it apprehend the pure and sincere will of god from the beginning ? chap. ix . concerning the philosophers , who , because they desired to know all things , erred as to their opinions ; a and some of them were exposed to dangers . also , concerning the opinions of plato . wherefore , we ought to attempt those things that are possible , and which exceed not the capacity of our nature . for , the perswasiveness b of such matters as are found in dialogues and disputations , does usually draw away most of us from the truth of things . and this befell many of the philosophers , whilst they c exercise their wits in discourses , and in finding out the nature of things . for , as often as the greatness of things transcends their enquiry , they * involve the truth by various methods of arguing . whence it happens , that their sentiments are contrary , and that they oppose one anothers opinions : and this [ they do ] when they would pretend to be wise . from whence [ have been occasioned ] commotions of the people , and severe sentences of princes [ against them ; ] whilst they think , that the usages of their ancestours are subverted by them . and their own ruine has very frequently been the consequence hereof . for socrates , proud of his knowledge in disputing ; d when he would undertake to render reasons that were weaker , more strong ; and would frequently make sport in contradicting ; was killed by the envy of those of his own tribe , and of his fellow-citizens . moreover pythagoras , who pretended highly to the exercise of temperance and silence , was taken in a lye. for , he declared to the italians , that e those things long before predicted by the prophets , which he had heard whilst he was a traveller in aegypt , were revealed by god to him as 't were in particular . lastly plato , the mildest and sweetest tempered person of them all , and the first man that drew off mens minds from the senses , to things intelligible , and such as always continue in the same state ; accustoming men to look upwards , f and instructing them to raise their eyes to things sublime ; in the first place taught , that god was above every * essence : wherein he did well . to him he subjoyned a second ; and in number distinguished the two essences , although the perfection of them both be one ; and notwithstanding the essence of the second god , † proceeds from the first . for he is the framer and governour of the universe ; and therefore transcends [ all things . ] but he who is the second from him , ministring to his commands , ‖ ascribes the constitution of all things to him , as to the cause . therefore , according to the most accurate way of philosophizing , there will be but one who takes the care of all things , and consults their good ; god the * logos namely , who has beautified all things . which logos himself being truly god , is also the son of god. for , what other name shall any one impose upon him , besides the appellation of a son , who at the same time shall not commit a sin of the deepest dye ? for ▪ he who is the father of all , is deservedly esteemed the father of his own word also . thus far plato's sentiments were right . but , in those things which follow , he is found to have wandred far from the truth ; whilst he both introduces a multitude of gods , and also ascribes different forms to each of them . which was the occasion of a greater mistake amongst unthinking men : who do not consider the providence of the most high god ; but pay a veneration to images framed by themselves , made according to the likeness of men , and some other creatures . and thus it hapned , that that excellent g wit , and that learning worthy of the highest commendation , being mixt with some such errours as these , had in it less of purity and perfection . the same person seems to me , to reprove himself , and to correct that discourse ; whilst he attests in express words , that the rational soul is the spirit of god. for h he divides all things into two sorts , intelligible namely and sensible : [ the former sort is simple and uncompounded , ] the latter consists of a frame of body . and , that is apprehended by the understanding ; but this is perceived by opinion with sense . therefore , that which partakes of the divine spirit , in regard 't is unmixt and immaterial , is also eternal , and has for its allotment an endless life . but , that which is sensible , because 't is dissolved the same way whereby it was at first framed , has no portion in an endless life . but , the doctrine which * he delivers in the following words , is highly admirable ; that those who have lived well , the souls namely of holy and good men , after their departure out of the body , are consecrated in the most beautifull [ mansions ] of heaven . [ which assertion of his does not only deserve admiration , ] i but is also highly usefull . for , what person giving credit to him , and expecting such a felicity , will not order his life in the best manner , will not exercise righteousness and temperance , and will not have an aversion for wickedness ? agreeably to these words also , he has subjoyned , that the souls of wicked men are tossed up and down in the streams of acheron and pyriphlegon , floating k like the remains of a shipwrack't vessel . chap. x. a concerning those men , who do not only reject the dogmata of the sacred scriptures , but them of the philosophers , also : and , that we either ought to give the poets credit in all things , or in nothing . nevertheless , there are some men so depraved as to their minds , that , when they reade these very discourses , neither care , nor are abashed with any thing of fear : but , as if they heard some forged stories and fables , they contemn and laugh [ at them . ] they highly extol a variety and fluency of expression ; but abominate the solidness and severity of the * dogmata . b but , yet the same men give credit to the fables of the poets ; and fill all greece and the barbarous regions with vain and c false stories . for the poets affirm , that some men , sons of the gods , do judge souls after death ; and they constitute them the inspectors and triers of those departed , and celebrate their sentences , and judiciary proceedings . but these very poets commemorate the fights of the daemons , and † rights of war amongst them . they divulge the fates of the same [ god 's ] also . and affirm , that some of them are by nature cruel and austere ; that others of them are strangers to all care over men ; and , that some of them are morose . moreover , they bring in [ the gods ] lamenting the slaughter of their own sons ; as if they were unable to give relief , not only to strangers , but to them also whom they love most entirely . they also feign them lyable to the same passions and troubles with men ; whilst they sing their wars and wounds , their joyes and mournings . and they seem worthy of credit , when they affirm these things . for , whereas they attempt poetry , incited thereto by some divine motion ; 't is fit we should believe , and be perswaded by them , in reference to those things which they utter , † when moved by a divine spirit . they likewise relate the calamities of the gods and daemons . indeed , their calamities are d wholly agreeable with truth . but some body will say , that 't is lawfull for poets to lye . for this [ 't is asserted ] is the property of poetry , to recreate the minds of the hearers : but , [ that is said ] to be truth , when what is spoken , is in it self no otherwise , than so as 't is delivered . let this be the property of poetry , sometimes to conceal and withdraw the truth . but , they who lye , never lye in vain and for nothing . for they do this , on account either of gain and profit ; or else , being ( as 't is likely ) conscious to themselves of some ill practise , they hide [ the truth , ] out of a fear of that danger which the laws threaten them with . e but doubtless , it might ( in my judgment ) be possible for them , when relating nothing save the truth concerning the divine nature , neither to lye , nor act impiously . chap. xi . concerning our lord's coming in the flesh , what it was , and for what reasons it has hapned . if therefore there be any person unworthy of [ an acquaintance with ] the best way of living , a and be conscious to himself , that he hath lived wickedly and in a disordered manner ; may he repent and look towards the deity , having first clear'd the eye of his mind , and being made a stranger to his former most vitious courses . nevertheless , he ought to rest satisfied ▪ if even in his declining age he may b attain wisdom . but , no learning [ that has proceeded ] from men , was ever any assistance to us. but , whatever things are commendable in mens lives and morals , amongst those that have understanding are all accounted the gifts of god. moreover , c against those poysoned darts which the devil has framed , i have no mean buckler which i may oppose ; the knowledge namely , of those matters which are acceptable to god. d out of which ▪ [ knowledge ] having selected those things that are sutable to the discourse in hand , i will attempt to laud the father of all things . e but , be thou thy self ( o christ , thou saviour of all ! ) favourably present with this design of our devotion , and do thou adorn our discourse concerning thine own power , prescribing to us the way and method of uttering praises . farther , let no person expect , that he shall hear † an oration garnished with a singular elegancy of words . for i know accurately well , that that oration which is soft and loose , and composed to please and allure , will be unacceptable to the prudent ; when they who speak , make noyse and applause , rather than a sober and modest discourse , their care and business . some inconsiderate and impious men do affirm , that our christ was deservedly condemned to punishment ; and , that he who is the authour of life to the living , was himself deprived of life . but , 't is not in the least strange , that f those who have once dared to be impious , and who have * taken a resolution neither to be afraid , nor conceal their own wickedness , should assert this . but , that has exceeded the utmost degree of folly and madness , which they seem to have perswaded themselves of ; that the immortal god underwent force from men , and did not [ suffer , ] meerly out of his own benignity and kindness [ towards them . ] nor do they consider , that magnanimity g and patience , is neither to be * changed by ignominy , nor removed from its natural constancy and firmness by reproach ; but , by consideration and an height of mind , does always break and beat back their fierceness , who invade and assault it . the clemency of god had indeed resolved , wholly to destroy injustice , and to advance modesty and equity . and therefore , having gathered together the h wisest of men , † it instituted a most beautifull and most advantagious doctrine to mankind ; to the i end it might make the good and blessed , to emulate and admire his own providence , in reference to worldly affairs . than which , what can be termed a greater good ? god himself ‖ prescribing the laws of justice , and rendring those , who shall deserve to be his disciples , like himself : to the end that , goodness and virtue being diffused amongst all persons , an everlasting felicity might be procured for men . this is a glorious victory ; this is true power ; this is a mighty work , and most befitting [ god ; ] the amendment namely of all people , and the reducing them to a better temper . and to thee o thou saviour of all , with praises and acclamations we ascribe the glory of this victory ! k but , thou , o wicked and infamous blasphemy , who dost advance thy self by lyes , reports and rumours every where published ; thou [ i say ] deceivest young men ; and by perswasion dost impose upon youths , and those men who are endued with a childish disposition ; drawing them off from the worship of him who is l truly god ; and erecting images , to which they may pray , and pay an adoration ! that so , being deceived , the reward of their own senselessness may m await them . for they acouse and calumniate christ the authour of all good , who is both god , and the son of god. i● not this god deservedly worshipped by the * soberest and most prudent nations and people ? who being possest of all manner of power ; and always continuing firm to his own purpose , has not made the least abatement of his innate clemency . be gone therefore , ye impious ! ( for that is permitted to you , in as much as no punishment is now inflicted on your wickedness ; ) begone , i say , to your slaughters of victims , and to your banquets , festivals , and drunken debauches . wherein , under the mask of religion , you make pleasures and intemperance your business . you pretend indeed to perform sacrifices ; but in reality you serve your own lusts. for you know nothing of good , not so much as the first command of the great god ; who has both prescribed laws to mankind , and also given it in charge to his son , that he should form and govern the lives and morals of men : to the end that they who shall lead their lives well and soberly , may , according to the judgment of his son , have a second life allotted them , which will be blessed and happy . i have declared n god's decree concerning the life of men , neither wandring in ignorance , as many do ; nor yet led by guess , or conjecture . but some body will perhaps say , whence is this appellation of a son ; or , what is the manner of this begetting ; for there is but one only god , and he is wholly a stranger to all mixture and copulation . but , it ought to be considered , that generation is twofold ; the one from † conception , which is known to all men ; the other , from an eternal cause . the manner of which [ generation , ] by the favour of divine providence that person sees even amongst men , o who is dear to god. for , any wise man knows the cause of the disposition and order of the universe . there being nothing therefore which has not a cause ; 't is necessary , that before all things which are , their cause should exist . whereas then the world , and the things therein , do exist ; and whereas the preservation of those things does exist also ; 't is necessary , that before all things which are , the preserver should exist . so that , christ himself is the cause [ p of preservation ] of things , q and preservation , the effect . in the same manner as the r father is the cause of the son ; and the son , the effect . now , that christ himself existed before all things , we have already proved sufficiently . but in what manner came he down to men , and [ why desoended he ] into the world ? the intent and purpose s of his coming , as the prophets have predicted , proceeded from his care over the universe . for 't is requisite , that the framer should take care of his own works . but , when he was about to * assume a terrene body , and to stay upon earth for some time , ( necessity requiring this ; ) he devised for himself a new way of being born . for the conception [ was ] without a marriage ; and the † child-birth of a pure virginity ; and a virgin the mother of god ; and a temporal beginning of an eternal nature ; and a ‖ perception of an intelligible essence ; and a t matter of an incorporeal brightness . all things therefore , which then were seen , were agreeable hereto . u abright dove , [ such a one as heretofore ] flew out of noah's ark , descended into the bosome of the uirgin . those other things are likewise consonant , that were the consequences of this * unspotted w marriage , which is purer than all chastity , and more excellent than continency it self . the [ wonderfull ] wisdom of god from his very cradle : and jordan , [ the river ] which afforded him water for baptism , receiving him with a reverence . besides this , a royal unction * joyned with the knowledge of all things . a doctrine also , and power which performed wonderfull things , and healed incurable diseases . † and a swift and unhindred assent to humane prayers . and his whole life in general was beneficial and usefull to men . but , his preaching [ was such as might ] not instill prudence , but wisedom : for his disciples did not learn those termed the x civil virtues , but the paths which lead to an intelligible world ; and laboured in the contemplation of that nature , which always continues in one and the same state ; and made continual researches into the notion of the supream father . now , as to his favours and acts of kindness , they were in no wise mean. instead of y blindness , sight ; instead of faintness and a weakness of body , a sound and healthy constitution ; lastly , instead of death , a restoration to life . i omit that plentifull provision of necessaries for food in the wilderness , and that abundance of all sorts , * raised from small quantities of victuals , wherewith numerous multitudes were for a long space of time sufficed . this thanksgiving , according as we are able , we render to thee , christ thou god and saviour , the supream providence of the great father ! thou who savest us from evils , and teachest us a most blessed doctrine . for i speak not these words , that i might praise thee , but in order to my giving thee thanks . for who is he amongst men , that hath ever praised thee according to thy worth ? for thou art he , who art said to have created things of nothing ; z and to have given them light ; and with order and measure to have beautified the † confused heap of the elements . but this is the eminentest gift of thy clemency , that thou hast rendred men , endued with a good disposition , emulatours and admirers of a divine and blessed life ; a and hast taken order , that , having been made merchants of those things which are truly good , they should impart their own wisedom and happiness to many others ; and that they themselves should reap the immortal fruit of virtue ; being freed from intemperance , but made partakers of clemency ; having mercy before their eyes , but hoping for the * promises of faith ; lastly , b embracing modesty and all manner of virtue , [ instead of injustice , ] which the former life of men had cast upon their morals , [ that it might be cut off ] from him who makes provision for all things . for , no other person could be found , who might bee a fit physitian for the curing such great evils , and that injustice , which had prevailed in that age . providence therefore coming even to the earth it self , easily composed and beautified all things , which by wickedness and intemperance had been disordered . nor [ did christ perform ] this secretly and in a concealed manner . for he knew , that there were some men , who with prudence and understanding would c contemplate his own power : but , that others , in regard as to their nature they were like irrational creatures , would * relye upon their own senses rather . d wherefore , that no person , whether good or ill , might be in doubt ; [ he performed it ] openly , and hath exposed this blessedness and admirable cure to publick view : restoring again ▪ to life , those that were dead ; and commanding , that such as had been deprived of their senses , should again recover their former soundness of sense . but , that he rendred the sea solid , and in the midst of a storm ordered a calm to arise ; and in fine , that ( after he had performed wonderfull works , and from an incredulity had brought men over to a most strong faith ; ) he † ascended up into heaven ; whose work was this , save god's , and [ a performance ] of a most transcendent power ? nor did that time , which was nearest to his passion , want those sights that were highly admirable ; when the darkness of night obscured the brightness of day , and * totally eclips'd the sun. for , a terrour had seized all people every where , [ who believed ] that the end of all things was now come , and that a chaos , such a one as had been before the composure of the world , would now prevail . moreover , the cause of so great a calamity was inquired into , and what horrid impiety that might be , which had been committed by men against the deity . e till such time as , with a pleasing greatness of mind , god had with contempt look't upon the contumely of the impious , and had restored all things , and beautified the whole heaven with the usual * course of the stars . the face therefore of the world , which f in a manner had been wholly covered with mourning and sadness , was again restored to its † native beauty . chap. xii . concerning those who knew not this mystery ; and , that their ignorance is voluntary ; and , what great blessings await those who know it , and especially them who have died in confession . a but , some one of those , with whom 't is usual to blaspheme , will peradventure say , that god was able to have made the will of men better , and more tractable and mild . [ i demand ] therefore , what better method , what more effectual attempt in order to the amendment of ill men , than god's own speaking to them ? has not he , when present and rendred visible to all , taught them modestie and sobriety of life ? if therefore the command of a god who was present ; hath availed nothing ; how could [ the admonition ] of one absent and un-heard , be of force ? what therefore was the obstacle of that most blessed doctrine ? the perverse , untractable , and fierce humour of men . for , when with an angry and displeased mind we receive those things which are well and fitly enjoyned , the * acuteness of our understanding is dull'd as 't were , and clouded . b besides , it was pleasure to them , to neglect the commands ; and in a loathing and disdainfull manner to give ear to the law that was made . for , had they not been negligent and careless , they had received rewards befitting their attention , not only in this life present , but in that to come also , which is really and truly the life . for , the reward of those who obey god , is an immortal and eternal life . the attaining whereof is possible to them only , who shall know god , and shall propose their own lives , as some perpetual † exemplar , for their imitation , c that have resolved to live by way of emulation with a desire of excelling . on this account therefore the doctrine was delivered to the wise , that what they shall command , might d in a pure mind be preserved with care , by their companions ; and that the observance of god's command might thus continue true and firm . for , from such an observance , and from a pure faith , and a sincere devotion towards god , springs a fearlesness and contempt of death . [ such a mind as this ] therefore , gives a resistance to the storms and tumults of the world , e being fortified in order to martyrdom , by an inexpugnable strength of divine virtue . and when with a magnanimity it has conquered the greatest terrours , it is vouchsafed a crown from him , f to whom with courage and constancy it hath born witness . nevertheless , it does not boast in respect hereof . for , it knows i suppose , that even this is the gift of god , that it has both endured tortures , and hath also chearfully fulfilled the divine commands . farther , such a life as this is followed by an immortal memory , and an eternal glory ; and that most deservedly . for , both the life of a martyr is found to be full of modesty , and of a religious observance of the divine commands ; and g his death likewise [ appears ] full of magnanimity and * gallantry . wherefore , hymns , psalms , commendations , and praises are after this sung to god the inspectour of all things ; and such a h sacrifice of thanksgiving as this , is performed in memory of these persons : [ a sacrifice ] not polluted with bloud , and void of all manner of violence . neither is the odour of frankincense required , nor a kindling of the funeral-pile : but a pure light only , as much as may be sufficient for the enlightning them , who pray to god. sober i feasts and banquets are likewise celebrated by many , made for the relief and refreshment of the indigent , and to help them who have been deprived [ of their estates and country . ] which [ banquets ] should any one think to be burthensome and inconvenient , his sentiment would be repugnant to the divine and most blessed † discipline . chap. xiii . that a difference of the parts of the creation is necessary ; and that a propensity to good and evil , springs from the will of men : and therefore , that the judgment [ of god ] is necessary , and agreeable to reason . but now , some persons do boldly and inconsiderately presume , to find fault with god a even in this matter . what was his meaning [ say they , ] that he has not framed the nature of things , one and the same ; but has commanded , that even most things should be produced different , and therefore should be endued with a nature and disposition that are contrary ▪ whence springs a diversity of the morals and wills of us men . it had peradventure been better , both as to what respects an obedience to the commands of god , and as to an accurate * contemplation of him , and in reference to a confirmation b of the faith of every particular person ; that all men had been endued with one and the same disposition . but [ we answer , ] 't is altogether ridiculous to desire , that all men should be of one and the same humour and disposition : [ and 't is absurd ] not to consider and remark this , that the c constitution of the whole world is not the same , with that of those things which are in the world : or this , that natural things are not of the same substance with those that are moral : or lastly this , that the affections of the body are not the same with those of the mind . d for , [ the rational soul does far excel ] this whole world ; and is so much more blessed than creatures that are earthly and lyable to corruption , by how much it is nobler and more divine : neither is mankind void of the divine goodness . nevertheless , all men are not promiscuously and without any thing of difference [ partakers of the divine goodness : ] but those only , who have search't into the divine nature , and who have proposed to themselves this , as their chief purpose of life and primary study , the knowledge namely of things divine . chap. xiv . that a created nature is at a vast distance from an essence which is uncreated : and , that man * approaches nearest to god , by a virtuous life . moreover , to compare things that are made , with them which be eternal , is questionless the highest degree of madness . for these have neither beginning , nor end . but those , in regard they are brought forth and begotten ; and because they have received a beginning both of their existing , and of their living for some set time ; must consequently of necessity have an end also . but , how can those things which are a begotten , be any ways compared with him , who hath commanded them to be begotten ? b for , if these things were equal to him , the command whereby he ordered them to be produced , would in no wise fit and be agreeable to him . but , neither can things celestial be compared with him ; in the same manner that the sensible world [ is not to be compared ] with the intelligible ; nor images , with the originals . c but , is not the confusing and mixing of all things , a thing wholly ridiculous ? in regard the dignity of the divine nature would be * clouded , d by a comparing of it with men , or with beasts . and , is not a desire of power , which might strive to equal the power of god , is not [ i say such a desire ] to be esteemed as peculiar to madmen and such as abhor a sober , modest , and virtuous course of life ? for if with earnestness we strive to attain divine felicity , we ought to leade our lives according to the command of god. for by this means , when we shall have lived in conformity to that law appoynted by god ; being made superiour to all fate , we shall take up our residence in immortal and eternal mansions . for , this is the only strength in man , which is like to the divine power , [ namely ] a sincere and unfeigned worship paid to god ; and a conversion to him ; and a contemplation and knowledge of those things which are acceptable to the deity : not to be enclined towards the earth ; but as far as we are able , to raise our minds to things sublime and celestial . for by such an endeavour a● this , e a victory is procured for us , * of equal value with many blessings . the cause therefore of the dissimilitude of things , † which is plac't in a distance both of dignity and power , has this reason . wherein they who are wise , do willingly acquiesce , and are eminently thankfull . but the ingratefull , and the foolish , receive a punishment f befitting their arrogance . chap. xv. what precepts our saviour delivered , and what miracles he wrought ; and how beneficial he hath been to those who own a subjection to him. farther , the son of god exhorts all men to virtue , and constitutes himself a teacher to such as are prudent , [ instructing them ] a in the father's commands . unless we forget our selves , being wretchedly ignorant , that for the sake of our advantage , that is , on account of mens blessedness , he travelled up and down on earth ; and having called together to himself the best men of b those times , he delivered them a most usefull doctrine , the preservative as 't were of a sober life ; teaching them faith and justice , against the envy of the * malitious devil , whose delight it is to c allure and deceive the unskilfull . therefore , he visited the sick ; and eased the infirm of those ills , wherewith they were surrounded . he likewise administred comfort to those , who were reduced to an extremity of poverty and indigency . he highly extolled d a sober modest and quiet temper of mind , joyned with reason ; and gave command , that with a courage and patience of mind we should bear all manner of injury , and every sort of contempt : teaching us , that the e visitation of his father is of this sort : so that , they who could magnanimously endure accidents , might always obtain the victory . for he affirmed , that this is the most superlative degree of strength , [ namely ] a constancy of mind joyned with philosophy ; which is nothing else but a knowledge f of what is true and good , accustoming those who get riches fairly and justly , to impart what they possess , by a kind and liberal distribution to the poorer sort . but he wholly forbids mastership , and bearing sway over others ; openly declaring , that as he came to give assistance to the humble , so he would desist from favouring those , who should disrespect the humble . having therefore made tryal of the faith of those people subject to him , by such and so powerfull an experiment , he rendred them not only contemmers of the terriblest and most formidable things , but most genuine disciples also of an hope and confidence in himself . moreover , he once sharply rebuked , and by his words represt one of his companions , who had * been over much heated with anger . that [ disciple ] had g with a drawn sword made an assault upon some body ; exposing his own life , that he might assist our saviour . but [ his lord ] commanded him to be quiet , and to put up his sword ; reproving the man severely , because he had dispaired of a defence and refuge in him himself . and he enacted a law in express words , that h whoever should begin an assault upon another with the hands of violence , or should attempt to injure him who had begun , or [ whoever in general ] should make use of the sword , should perish by a violent death . this is most undoubtedly the celestial wisedom , to choose to be injured , rather than to injure ; and , as often as necessity shall require , to be in a readiness to undergo , rather than do evil . i for , whereas the mischief of being injurious is very great ; not he who suffers the wrong , but he that does it , * incurrs the heaviest punishment . farther , k 't is in the power of him who pays an obedience to god , neither to do , nor suffer an injury ; provided he places his confidence in the protection of god , who is present with , and gives him assistance ; to the end no one of his subjects may receive any harm . but , how should he [ endeavour ] l to assist himself , who puts his trust in god ? for , by this means a m fight betwixt two would ensue , and a doubtfull and uncertain victory . but , no man of understanding preferrs dubious matters , before those that are fixt and certain . but , how will he make any scruple about god's presence and assistance , who has had experience of so many perills , and has always been easily delivered from dangers , by the n sole will and pleasure of god ; who has walkt thorow the sea , which by our saviour's command was paved , and afforded a solid and firm way to the people that passed over it . for this , as i suppose , is the most evident and firm * basis of faith , this is the foundation of confidence ; when we behold these admirable and incredible things performed and perfected by the command of the provident god. hence likewise it happens , that o when any one falls into the trial of calamities , he does p not repent himself of his faith , and retains his hope in god firm and unshaken . which habit being once firmly fixt in the mind , god takes up his habitation in the inmost thought . and whereas he is invincible ; that mind also , which in its inmost thought q possesses him that is thus invincible , can never be vanquished by those dangers that surround it . r besides , we have learn't this very thing from god's own victory ; who , whilst he was making provision for the good of all men , when reproacht and insulted over by the impious and unjust , received no damage from his passion , but obtained a most glorious victory over wickedness , and was encircled with an immortal crown : having brought to effect the design and purpose of his own providence and love , towards the just ; but , trampled upon the cruelty of the unjust and impious . chap. xvi . that the coming of christ is foretold by the prophets ; and , that he was appointed for the destruction of idols , and idolatrous cities . moreover , his passion was long since foreshewed by the prophets ; and his corporal nativity foretold . the very time likewise of his incarnation was predicted , a wherein the shoots springing from injustice and intemperance , which are hurtfull to just actions and morals , might be destroyed ; and [ wherein ] the whole world might be made partaker of prudence and modesty ; that law namely , which our saviour has promulged , prevailing upon the minds of almost all men ; the worship of the deity being confirmed and establisht ; and superstition wholly abolished . on account of which [ superstition , ] not only slaughters of irrational creatures , but sacrifices of humane bodies also , and detestable pollutions of altars were exercised : for according to the assyrian and egyptian laws , * innocent men were sacrificed to brazen or earthen images . wherefore , the fruit they reapt , was agreeable to such a religion . memphis [ says he ] and babylon shall be made desolate ; and both of them , with the gods of their countries , shall be left uninhabited . nor do i relate these things from report and hear say ; but i my self was present and saw them ; b and was made an eye-witness of the miserable and calamitous fortune of those cities . c memphis lyes desolate , that pride and glory of the then most powerfull pharaoh . d whom moses ruined according to the divine command : and destroyed his forces ( which had gained the victory over many , and the greatest nations , ) whilst well fortified e and compleatly furnished with arms ; not by the shooting of arrows , or the throwing of darts ; but by an holy prayer only , and a quiet supplication . chap. xvii . concerning the wisedom of moses , which was emulated by the wise men amongst the heathens ; also concerning daniel , and the three children . farther , no people ever were , or could have been blesseder than * that [ nation ; ] had they not voluntarily alienated their minds from the divine spirit . but , what man is he , that can speak concerning moses according as he deserves ? who having reduced † the confused multitude of the jews into order , and beautified their minds with obedience and modesty ; instead of captivity , conferred on them liberty ; instead of their sadness , rendred them joyfull . who raised those mens minds to such an height , that by reason of the [ unhop'd-for ] change of their affairs for the better , and because of their fortunate successes and victories , they became puft up with pride and insolence . who in wisedom so far excelled those that had lived before him , that those persons which are most celebrated by the gentiles , whether wise men a or philosophers , have been emulatours of his wisdom . for pythagoras having imitated his wisedom , has been so highly fam'd for his modesty , that that most * prudent and sober person plato , proposed his abstinence as a pattern for his own imitation . b daniel also , he who foretold things future , who shewed a * specimen of a most transcendent greatness of mind , and who was egregiously eminent for the * sanctity of his morals and his whole life ; what and how rigorous a cruelty did he vanquish , of that tyrant which then reigned in syria ? his name was nabuchodonosor ; all whose race being now extinct , that vast and formidable power is transferred to the persians . the riches of that tyrant ▪ were , and to this very day are , much spoken of in all mens discourses ; as likewise his unmeet and foolish care about a misbecoming worship ; and c his great plenty of metals of all sorts , for the making of gods ; and the tops of temples [ which he erected , ] reaching as high as heaven it self ; and lastly , his horrid laws about religion , made and designed for cruelty . all which d daniel despised , on account of his sincere piety towards him who is truly god ; and foretold , that that inconvenient earnestness of the tyrant , would be the occasion of some great and sore mischief . nevertheless , he prevailed not with the tyrant . for an affluence of riches is a mighty hindrance to sober and good thoughts . but , at length the king manifested the cruelty of his own mind ; having given order , that this just and guiltless person should be cast to the wild beasts , that he might be torn in pieces . moreover , the consent of those brethren in undergoing martyrdom , was highly couragious : whom posterity afterwards imitated , and procured transcendent glory , on account of their faith towards our saviour . who appearing unhurt by the fire , and furnace ▪ and by those other tortures appointed to consume them ; by the approach and touch of their pure bodies repelled the fire contained within the furnace . but after the ruine of the assyrian empire , which was e destroyed by thunder-bolts ; daniel by [ the direction of ] divine providence , betook himself to cambyses king of the persians . but , envy , [ vexed him ] here also ; and , besides envy , the destructive treacheries of the * magi ; and a continued succession of many , and those the greatest perils . out of all which he was easily delivered , by christs assisting providence , and flourisht , being the * exemplar of all manner of virtue . for , whereas he poured forth his prayers to god thrice a day , and performed great and f unusual miracles , † and works highly memorable ; the magi , induced thereto by envy , calumniated the very prevalency of his prayers ; making the king acquainted , that that great power of the man g was very dangerous : h and [ at length ] they perswaded him , that this very person , who had been the occasioner of so many , and such eminent blessings to the state of the persians , should be condemned to be devoured by fierce lyons . daniel therefore , [ in this manner ] condemned , not that he should be destroyed , but in order to his eternal glory ; was shut up in the den. and whilst he was conversant amongst the wild-beasts , found them more gentle and tamer , than those by whom he had been shut up . i for , a prayer of modesty and soberness , giving assistance by its powerfulness , tamed all those beasts , though by their own nature they are fierce and raging . which things being made known to cambyses , ( for 't was impossible , that the performances of so great , and such a divine power should lye concealed ; ) he was stricken with an amazement at the wonderfulness of what was told him ; and he repented himself , because he had been so easily prevailed upon by the calumnies of the magi. nevertheless he * had a desire to be an eye-witness of that spectacle . k and when he beheld daniel praising christ , both his hands being lifted up on high ; but [ saw ] the lyons couching , and as 't were worshipping the footsteps of the man : immediately [ he condemned ] the magi , who had perswaded him hereto , [ to the very same punishment , and shut them up in the den of the lyons . ] but the wild-beasts , which a little before had fawned upon and made much of daniel , set upon the magi , forthwith , and , agreeable to their own fierceness of nature , tore all of them in pieces . chap. xviii . concerning sibylla erythraea , who prophesied in an acrostick of verses , manifesting [ our ] lord and [ his ] passion . the acrostick is this ; jesus christ , son of god , saviour , cross . but , i am * desirous likewise of mentioning a some testimonies concerning the divinity of christ , taken from forreigners . for by this means , even they whose usage it is to speak reproachfully of christ , will also acknowledge him to be god and the son of god ; if they will give credit to the discourses of their own party . sibylla erythraea therefore , who says that she lived in the sixth age after the flood , b was the priestess of apollo : she wore a crown on her head , in the same manner with that god who was worshipped by her ; and kept a tripod , about which a serpent was twisted ; and gave forth oracles to those who consulted her : having c by the folly of her parents been enslaved to this worship , from which nothing that is decent and virtuous , but immodest fury only is produced ; agreeable to those very things which are related concerning daphne . this woman therefore , entring in great hast one time into the * adyta of her unseasonable superstition , and d being really filled with divine inspiration , uttered a prophecy in verses , containing all those things which should happen in reference to god : plainly setting forth the history of the advent of jesus , by those letters which stand in the front of every verse ; which sort of poem is termed an acrostick . now , the acrostick is this , jesus christ , son of god , saviour , cross . and her verses are these . * when the great day of judgment shall appear , the melting earth shall then dissolve with fear . a king immortal shall from heav'n descend , at whose tribunal the whole world attend . both just and wicked shall , when time grows old , their mighty god in flesh array'd behold ; armies of saints on his right hand shall come , whilst humane souls expect their final doom . th' universe shall be a dry barren strand , and thorns shall flourish on the scorched land. men shall with indignation cast away their wealth , and idols in that dreadfull day . the parched earth , and heaven in flames shall fry , and e searching fire drain the ocean dry : all flesh which in the grave imprison'd lay , shake off their fetters , and return to day . fire 'twixt good and bad shall diff'rence make , and filthy dross from purer metal take . mens secret deeds shall all be open lay'd , and th' obscure mazes of their hearts display'd . gnashing their teeth , they shall their fate bewail : the stars harmonious daunce , and th' sun shall fail . f the orbs rol'd up , shrink into darkest night , the labouring moon shall lose her borrow'd light . mountains with plains on the same level lye ; valleys shall gape no more , nor hills be high . on the proud billows ships shall ride no more : and lightning the earth's face shall shrivel sore . the g crackling rivers with fierce fire shall burn , which shall their streams to solid chrystal turn . the heav'nly trump shall blow a dolefull sound , h and th' worlds destruction , and its sin resound . the yawning earth i hell's vast abyss shall show ; all kings before god's just tribunal go . then liquid sulphur from the skye shall stream , god shall pour down rivers of vengefull flame . all men shall then the glorious cross descry , that wisht-for sign unto a faithfull eye : the life of pious souls , their chief delight ; to sinners an offence , a dismal sight : k enlightening the called with its beams , when cleans'd from sin in twice six limpid streams . his empire shall be boundless , and that god l shall rule the wicked with an iron rod. this god , immortal king , describ'd in verse , our saviour , dying shall man's doom reverse . and these things were predicted by the virgin , who ( 't is likely ) was divinely inspired . but , i judge her to be blessed on this very account , because our saviour has made choice of her to be a prophetess of his own providence and car● in relation to us . chap. xix . that this prophecy concerning our saviour , was not forged by any of the christians ; but was written by sibylla erythraea , whose books cicero rendred into latine verse , before the coming of christ. and , that virgil makes mention of this sibyll , as also of a virgin delivered of a child : but he sang of this mystery , * obscurely ; out of a fear of those then in power . a but , many persons ( although they confess sibylla erythraea to have been a prophetess , yet ) disbelieve [ this prediction . ] for they suspect , that some body of our religion , not unskilled in the art of poetry , made these verses , and put a false title to them , and affirmed them to ▪ be the predictions of the sibyll ; in regard they contain sentences that are of great use to the life of man , whereby both the immoderate use of pleasures is restrained , and a way also is opened to a sober and temperate life . b but , the truth it self is apparent and exposed to the view of all men ; in as much as the diligence of * those who profess our religion , hath made so accurate a collection of the series of times , that no body can now suspect , that that poem was composed after the coming and condemnation of christ ; [ nor can it be now supposed , ] that the common report is false , namely , that these verses were long before by way of prophecy uttered by the sibyll . for , 't is by common consent acknowledged , that c cicero , after he had read this poem , translated it into latine , and inserted it into his own works . this cicero was taken off by antony , whilest he was in power . again , antony was vanquished by augustus , who reigned six and fifty years . his successour was tiberius : in which time the presence of our saviour shined upon the world , and the mystery of the most holy religion began to flourish , and a d new progeny and succession of people was † established . concerning which , 't is my sentiment , that the prince of the latine poets speaks , in these words . now from high heaven springs a e new progeny . and again , in another f place of his bucolicks . sicilian muses , sing we one note higher . what is plainer than this ? for he adds . last times are come , cumaea's prophecy . meaning namely sibylla cumaea . nor is he content herewith ; but has proceeded farther ; as if necessity it self required his testimony . what says he therefore ? and time 's great order now again is born . the maid returns , saturnian realmes return . who therefore is that virgin which returns ? is it not she , who was full of , and great with child by the divine spirit ? and what hinders , but she who is great with child by the divine spirit , should always be a maid , and continue a virgin ? [ the wisht-for king ] g shall also return again , and by his coming shall comfort the world . for the poet adds . h to th' infant , chast lucina , favouring be , who ending iron ages , through all lands shall golden plant : — if any prints of our old vice remain'd by thee they 'r void , i and fear shall leave the land . which words we perceive to be spoken plainly , and also obscurely by way of allegory . for , k to those who make deeper researches into the force and meaning of the verses , [ to them i say ] they give a clear prospect of christ's divinity . l but , least any one of the grandees in the imperial city , might take occasion to accuse the poet , because he had written [ what was ] repugnant to the laws of his own country , and had overthrown the opinions concerning the gods , which had in former times been delivered by their ancestours ; [ on this account ] he designedly obscures the truth . for he knew , i suppose , the blessed and salutary m mystery of our saviour . therefore , to the end he might avoid the outragious cruelty [ of men , ] he led the minds of his hearers , to an usage whereto they were accustomed : and says , that altars must be erected , and temples built , and sacrifices performed to the new-born child . the other words which he has subjoyned , are likewise agreeable ; [ in favour ] to those who might entertain such sentiments . for he says . chap. xx. other verses of virgilius maro's concerning christ , and the interpretation of them ; in which 't is shown , but obscurely , as the usage of poets is , that the mystery is disclosed . he a god's life shall take , with gods shall see mixt heroes , and himself their object be : namely the just . rule with paternal power th' appeased earth , which shall to thee ( sweet child ) undrest , bring forth berries , a wild ivy , and shall pay first-fruits of mixt acanthus , with egyptian roots . farther , this admirable person , a man that was accomplisht with all manner of literature ; in regard he had an accurate knowledge of the cruelty of those times ; [ has added these words ; ] b the goates themselves shall home full udders bear : nor shall the herds the mighty lyons fear . wherein he speaks very true . for faith will not be afraid of the grandees of the imperial palace . c flowers shall thy cradle sprout ; the serpent shall , and the deceitfull herb of d venome fall : in each place * roses of assyria grow . e than which nothing truer , nothing can be said more agreeable to our saviour's excellency and virtue . for the power of the holy ghost hath presented the very cradle of god , as 't were some most fragrant flowers , to a f new generation . but the serpent is destroyed , and the poyson of that sorpent [ is taken away , ] who first deceived our first parents , seducing their minds from their innate [ temperance ] to the enjoyment of pleasures ; g that they might [ not ] understand the destruction which hung over them . for , before the coming of our saviour , [ that serpent ] had * subverted the minds of men , which were blinded with an ignorance of the immortality of the just , and † buoy'd up with no hope that was profitable and advantagious . but after his passion , when the body wherewith he was clothed , had for some time been separated , [ from his most holy soul ; ] h by the communication of the holy ghost , the i possibility of a resurrection was discovered to men : and if any spot of humane impieties were left remaining , it was wholly washt off in the holy laver. then 't was , that [ christ ] ordered his subjects to take courage ; and from his adorable and most illustrious resurrection , commanded them to hope for the like things . on a good account therefore it is spoken , that the nature of things venomous is destroyed . death it self is likewise destroyed ; and the resurrection is * confirmed . k moreover , the stock of the assyrians is destroyed also , who were the first beginners and chief promoters of a faith in god. and whereas he says , that * amomum shall grow every where ; ●he gives the multitude of the christians that appellation . which [ multitude , ] like a vast number of branches flourishing with most fragrant flowers , springs from one and the same root . most learnedly spoken , o maro , thou wisest of poets ! and all the following words are likewise agreeable hereto . as soon as thou the hero's praise shalt know and read thy father's acts , and unto virtue 's knowledge can'st attain : by the praises of the heroes , he means the works of just men : and he terms the constitution of the world and its accurate composure which is to last for ever , the virtues or acts of the father . perhaps also [ he means thereby ] the laws , which the church , beloved by god , does make use of ; * directing to such a course of life as is correspondent to [ the precepts of ] justice and temperance . but , the † raising of the life of men ( who stand in some middle rank between the good and bad , ) m to things more sublime , is worthy of admiration also ; when as notwithstanding , [ such a life ] admits not of any sudden alteration . the fields shall mellow wax with golden grain . that is , the fruit of the divine law shall be produced for the use [ of men . ] the blushing grape shall hang on thorns , unset ; which things were not at all visible in the wicked and depraved life [ of men . ] and th' hardned oakes with dewy hony sweat . [ in which words ] he describes the folly and hardned temper of mind , of the men who then lived . and perhaps he likewise shews , that those who on god's account have n been exercised with labour , shall receive some sweet fruit of their own patient sufferance . some steps of ancient fraud shall yet be found : thetis to tempt with ships , and to surround cities with walls , bids earth in furrows tear . a second typhis , a new argo bear choice heroes : and another war , imploy again a great achilles sent to troy. incomparably well , thou wisest of poets ! for thou hast * advanced o poetick licence as far as it was becoming . for , it was not thy designe to utter oracles , in regard thou wert not a prophet . i suppose likewise , that the present danger was an hindrance , which danger hung over their heads , who would go about to confute those rites instituted by their ancestours . as warily therefore , and as safely as 't was possible , he has represented the truth to those who are able to understand it , whilst he lays the blame upon towers and wars , which at this very present are really visible in the life of men ; and describes our saviour going to the trojan war. now , by troy [ he means ] the whole world . p for [ christ ] waged a war against the opposed forces of wickedness ; his mission into the world being occasioned partly from the good will and pleasure of his own providence , and partly from the order of the supream father . but , what says the poet after these words ? here when full years shall make thee perfect man , that is , when , after thou art arrived at man's estate , thou shalt have pluckt up by the roots those mischiefs , which infest the life of men ; and shalt have adorned the whole world with pea●e . q the saylor shall forsake the ocean ; nor navigable pines shall traffick ware ; but each part of the world shall all things bear . * nor earth feel harrows , nor the vine the hook ; — nor wool with various colours shall deceive . but in the meadows rams r shall scarlet have ; and changing , sometimes golden fleeces wear . and feeding lambs shall native purple bear . — attempt great honours , for the time draws near , dear race of gods , great stock of jupiter ! behold ▪ the world shakes on its ponderous axe , see , earth , and heavens immense , and th' ocean's tracts ; how all things at th' approaching age rejoyce ● oh that my s life would last so long , and voyce , as would suffice thy actions to rehearse : not orpheus then should vanquish me in verse , nor linus , though their parents present be ; — should pan strive with me , by arcadia's doom , although a god , pan should be overcome . behold , says he , the joy of the * tottering world , and of all the elements . chap. xxi . that 't is impossible for these things to be spoken concerning a meer man : and , that unbelievers , by reason of their ignorance of the divine worship , know not even whence they have their being . some one of their number , whose sentiments have less of prudence in them , will perhaps suppose , that these things are spoken concerning the birth of a man. a but , what reason can there be assigned , that upon the birth of a son of man , the earth should be unsown and unplowed ; and , that the vine should not need the edge of the hook , nor any other care or cultivation ? how can these things be thought to be spoken concerning the off-spring of a man ? b for nature is the handmaid of the divine will , and does not execute humane commands . besides , the joy of [ all ] the elements denotes the advent of god , not the birth of any man. and this , namely the poets praying that the term of his life might be prolonged , is a certain evidence of divine invocation . for , 't is our usage to ask life and safety of god , not of men . thus therefore sibylla erythraea [ speaks ] to god. why ▪ o lord , says she , dost thou lay upon me a necessity of prophesying ; and not rather keep me ▪ raised ] on high from the earth , until the day of thy most blessed coming ? but maro adds these verses also , to those we have quoted above . c begin sweet child , with smiles thy mother know : who ten long months did with thy burthen go . sweet child begin ▪ d cheer'd by no parents look , to 's board no god , t' her bed no goddess took . for how should his parents have smiled on him ? e for god , who is his father , is a power void of quality . and he himself wants all figure , but [ exists ] in the circumscription of others ; nor is he endued with an humane body . who likewise is ignorant , that f the spirit of god is * unconcern'd in a marriage bed ? for , what desire , what † appetite [ can there be ] in the affection of the chiefest good , whereof all other things are desirous ? what can be wholly common to wisedom and pleasure ? g but , it may be permitted them to speak these things , who [ feign to themselves ] a certain humane [ generation of christ : ] h and who make it not their business , to cleanse their mind from every ill fact and word . i here appeaal to thee , o piety ! i implore thy assistance in reference to those things which are spoken : thou , who art [ nothing else but ] the law of chastity [ and holiness ; ] the most desirable of all goods ; the school-mistris of a most holy hope ; the most certain and unfeigned promise of immortality ! thee i adore , o piety and clemency ! to thee we owe eternal thanks , for the benefit of thy cure , k which we stood in need of ! but , the generality of men , void of thy assistance , by reason of their innate hatred towards thee , have an aversion for god also . nor do they understand , that the very cause , as well of their life and being , as of all other persons who are impious , depends upon that service and worship , [ which is paid ] to the deity . for the whole world , and whatever is contained therein , is l his possession . chap. xxii . the emperour's thanksgiving , wherein he ascribes his victories , and all his other blessings , to christ ; also a reproof of maximinus the tyrant of those times , who by the severity of his persecution had increased the glory of the christian religion . indeed , i my self do ascribe mine own felicity , and all that i am possest of , to piety , as to the cause thereof . whereto the event of a all things , which have been answerable to my desires and wishes , does bear witness : my battels ; my victories over mine enemies ; and my trophies [ are an evidence hereof . ] the b great city knows these things , and celebrates them with praises . the same likewise is the sentiment of the inhabitants of my most beloved city ; although , deceived by false hopes , she hath chosen a prince unworthy of herself : who forthwith underwent a condigne punishment , and such as was agreeable to his own audacious impieties . but , i look upon these things as unfit to be mentioned now ; by me especially , who am directing my discourse to thee , [ o piety ! ] and who do make it my whole care , c how i may address my selfe to thee , in discourses that are * pure and seemly . nevertheless , i will say something , which shall neither appear foul nor indecent . a fierce and implacable war , abounding with [ instances of ] madness and cruelty , was by the tyrants [ waged , ] both against thee , o piety ! d and against all thy most holy churches . nor , were there some persons wanting in the city rome , who rejoyced in such great and publick mischiefs . a e field was likewise pitcht in order to an engagement . but , thou camest forth , and didst voluntarily f deliver up thyself , being supported by a faith in god. g then the cruelty of the impious , having , like some furious fire , without intermission preyed upon all things which it met with , procured for thee an admirable , and ever-to-becelebrated glory . for , on this account [ it was , ] that a veneration [ of thee ] seized the very spectatours themselves . you might indeed have seen the executioners and tormenters , wearied out with torturing the h bodies of the pious , and sorely perplext at the labour and trouble they met with : but the bonds [ you might have beheld ] broken ; and the engines of torture loosed ; and the fires which were brought , extinguished : but , [ on the contrary , ] the constancy and boldness [ of the pious ] not in the least weakened or abated . what advantage therefore hast thou made , by attempting these things , i o thou wickedest of men ? what was the occasion of this thy outragious fury ? thou wilt peradventure say , that [ thou performedst these things ] in honour to the gods. what gods were those ? or what notion conceivest thou in thy mind , that is worthy of the divine nature ? didst thou suppose the gods to be angry in the same manner with thee ? if therefore they were such , it was expedient to wonder at their resolution , rather than obey their impudent commands , whereby they * ordered k just men to be unjustly slain . but , thou wilt perhaps affirm , [ that these things were done by thee , ] on account of the institutions and establishments of thy ancestours , and by reason of the opinion of men. i pardon thee . for those institutions are exactly like to the actions done by thee , and [ flow from ] one and the same [ fountain of ] ignorance . thou thoughtest perhaps , that there was some excellent power and virtue , in images made in the shape of a man , by workmen and artificers . wherefore , thou paidst a worship to them ; making it thy whole business , that they should not at any time be polluted with filth ; those great and eminent gods , forsooth ! standing in need of humane l care. chap. xxiii . concerning the polity of the christians : and , that the deity rejoyces in those who leade virtuous lives : and , that we ought to expect a judgment , and a retribution . compare our religion with your [ rites . ] is there not amongst us a genuine concord , and a lasting humanity and goodness of nature ? is there not amongst us such a reprehension for a fault , as may produce amendment , not ruine ? a and a cure , which [ may bring forth ] safety , not cruelty ? is there not amongst us , a b sincere faith also , in the first place towards god ; and then , towards the natural community of men ? do not we exercise a compassion towards those , against whom fortune has waged a war ? is there not an honest plain and sincere life , and such as does not cover wickedness with [ the mask of ] any subtil fraud ; and a knowledge of him that is truly god , and of his monarchy ? this is true piety ; this is a religion that is sincere , and wholly uncorrupt . this is the most prudent course of life ; and they who have embraced it , tend directly to an eternal life , making their passage through some splendid high-way as ' t were . for no person , who enters upon such a course of life , and who purifies his mind from [ all pollution of ] his body , does wholly die : but he must be said to perform the office appointed him by god , rather than to die . for he who has confessed god , c does not give place , either to contumelie , or rage . but , couragiously enduring necessity , has the trial of his suffenance as his d viaticum , in order to his procuring himself the divine clemency . e nor is it to be doubted , but the deity gives a kind reception to * men endued with virtue . for it would be most absurd , that as well f persons in great power , as men of an inferiour rank , should shew themselves gratefull towards those , and should compensate their favours , by whom they are either reverenced , or have kindnesses shown them : but , that he who is above all , and who is the ruler over all , and is the chiefest good it self , should be negligent in making a retribution . g who does accompany us thorowout all our lives , and is present with us , as often as we do any good. and forthwith commends and rewards our fortitude and h obedience : but deferrs the complement and perfection [ of that reward till another time . ] for , the whole account of our lives shall then be cast up . and if all things be found well and right , the reward of an eternal life shall follow : but , a condigne punishment shall be inflicted on the wicked . chap. xxiv . concerning decius , valerianus , and aurelianus , who ended their lives a miserably , because of their persecution of the church . i ask thee now , decius ! who heretofore didst insult over the labours of the just ; who hatedst the church ; and didst inflict punishments on those who had lived holily : b what doest thou now do , after this life ? with what , and how afflictive miseries art thou now prest ? indeed , that interval of time , which was between thy life and death , has sufficiently demonstrated * thine infelicity : when , having been overthrown with thy whole army in the scythick fields , thou didst expose the roman empire , so highly celebrated in all places , to the contempt and scorn of the † goths . thou also , valerian ! after thou hadst declared the same bloudiness and cruelty towards god's servants , hast made a manifest discovery of god's holy and just judgment ; being taken prisoner by the enemy , and carried up and down in bonds , drest in thy purple , and thine other imperial attire : but at length , by the c order of sapor king of the persians , thy skin was pull'd off , and preserved from corruption by salt , whereby thou wert made an eternal trophy of thine own calamity . and thou aurelian ! the * chief promoter of all impieties , by how manifest a stroke of divine vengeance , d whilst raging with fury thou rannest thorow thracia , wert ▪ thou slain in the midst of the high-way , and filledst the tracks of the publick road with thine impious bloud ? chap. xxv . concerning diocletian , who with infamy resigned the empire ; and , by reason of his persecuting the church , was stricken ; with thunder . but diocletian , after that bloudy cruelty of his persecution , being condemned by a sentence which he pronounc't against himself ; a because of the harm he received by the loss of his wits , was punished by being shut up in one despicable house . what was the advantage therefore which he got , by his raising a war against our god ? this , i think ; that he might finish the remaining part of his life , in a continual fear of being thunder-struck . the city nicomedia does attest this : nor , are they silent , who saw the thing with their own eyes ; of which number i my self am one . b the palace was destroyed , and diocletian's own * room ; thunder , and a fire from heaven ruining and devouring it . indeed , the event of those things had been predicted by prudent persons . for they were not silent , nor did they conceal their lamentation of affairs , which were managed with so much of indignity : but with freedom spake their minds openly and in publick , and discoursed one with another [ in this manner . ] what outragious fury is this ? how extravagant is this arrogancy of power , that men should dare to wage a war against god ; and should resolve to insult over and reproach the most holy and most righteous religion ; and [ should not scruple ] to plot and contrive the ruine of so numerous a multitude , and of such just men , when there is not the least fault in them ? c o rare instructer of the modesty of all subjects ! o [ excellent teacher ] of that care which the army bore towards their own citizens ! the breasts of their own country-men were wounded by those , d who had never seen the backs of their enemies in a fight . but at length , divine providence inflicted on them the punishment of such impious facts ; and yet , not without damage to the empire . e 't is certain , the slaughters committed were so numerous , f that had they been made [ in battels ] against the barbarians , they might have been sufficient to have procured us a perpetual peace . for , that whole army of the forementioned emperour , when afterwards it came under the command of a g worthless person , who by force had seized upon the empire of the romans , ( h divine providence having at length set at liberty that great city ; ) was totally ruined in many and those * bloudy battels . i moreover , the cries to god of those that were opprest , and who ardently desired their native freedom ; the praises also and thanksgivings paid to god , after a deliverance from those mischiefs , when liberty k and contracts with justice were restored to them ; do not these things all manner of ways declare the providence of god , and his paternal love towards men ? chap. xxvi . that god is the cause of the emperour's piety ; and , that we ought to seek prosperous events from god , and to impute them to him ; but must ascribe faults to our own sloth and negligence . but , when they commend my labour and service , which took its rise from the inspiration of god ; doe they not plainly avouch , that god is the authour of my valorous actions ? a nothing more certain . for , 't is god's property to do whatever is best : but , 't is the property of men , to pay an obedience to god. farther , this is , i suppose , the best and most excellent ministery ; when a man , before his taking an affair in hand , makes such provision , that all things be done with the greatest safety . indeed , all men know , that the b most holy ministery of these very hands , is owing to god , together with a pure and most sincere faith ; and , that whatever has been performed for the advantage of men , by prayers and supplications joyned with labour of the hands , hath been happily effected : in regard , so much of utility has c redounded to all persons , both privately and publickly , as each man could have desired , not only for himself , but for his dearest relatives . they have likewise seen fights , and have been spectatours of a battle , when divine providence d bestowed victory on the people : and they have beheld god favouring and assisting our prayers . for righteous prayer is a thing invincible ; and no man ever mist of his designe , who besought god holily . for , there is no e pretence left for a repulse ; save only where faith is wavering . for god is always favourably present , and gives a gracious reception to the probity of men . wherefore , sometimes to slip and stumble , is a thing common to men : but god is in f no wise the authour of humane lapses and mistakes . all persons therefore whatever , who are followers of piety , ought to give thanks to the universal saviour , g both for our and their own safety , and for the flourishing posture of the publick affairs : and with holy prayers , and continual supplications , to render christ propitious to us , that he would preserve and perpetuate his own favours . for he is the invincible assistant and defender of the just : he is the best judge ; the prince of immortality ; the donour of eternal life . eusebius pamphilus's oration in praise of the emperour constantine , spoken at his tricennalia . the a prologue [ to the oration ] in praise of constantine . i come not hither with a composure of fables , nor with an elegancy of expressions framed to captivate the ears ; that by the voice of syrens as 't were , i might charm [ my hearers : ] nor , that in golden cups , namely the beautifull flowers of words bedeckt with the most exquisite art of rhetorick , i might present the delicate potions of pleasure , to persons in love with those things . but rather , paying an obedience to [ the precepts of ] the wise , i perswade all men , to shun and avoid the publick roads ; and entreat them , that they would not herd with the many . i am come therefore , that i might b being amongst you a * new song of the emperour's praises . and although numerous persons have attempted to tread the same † path with me , yet c i will decline the foot-steps of men , and will go in an untrodden way , into which 't is impious to enter with unwasht feet . indeed , they who affect vulgar discourses , and expressions worn with the ‖ witticisms of lads , and who court a pleasing and popular muse ; may daub mens ears with humane narratives ; whilst they submit the arbitrage [ of all things ] to pleasure . but such as be initiated in the mysteries of universal wisedom it self , ( in regard they are masters of the knowledge of things divine and humane ; ) accounting the choice of what is better , to be the highest felicity ; [ such i say ] esteem and preferre the god-lov'd virtues of our emperour , and his pious actions , before his humane accomplishments and deeds ; leaving those his secondary excellencies , to be celebrated by inferiour persons . for , whereas the emperour's mind is endued with a knowledge of matters divine and humane ; and whereas those have a reference to god ; but these , to men : let them , d whoever namely are fit for the performance of this office , suggest things humane to such as stand without the sacred rails . for , even these things are both illustrious and transcendent , and of great use to mankind . yea , all the perfections visible in our emperour , are eximious ; e nevertheless , they are far ●utdone by his diviner excellencies . but , let those persons , who are within the holy sanctuaries , and who have entred into the ady●a and invious recesses [ of the church ; ] ( after they have shut the doors against prophane and impious ears , ) unfold the secret mysteries of the emperour , to those men only who are initiated therein . farther , when they have cleansed their ears in the fountains of piety , and mounted their understanding upon the sub●●me win● of the mind it self , let them lead a dance about [ god himself ] the supream king , silently learning the divine [ mysteries . ] and let the oracles , not those which are the products of divination f or rather of rage and madness ; but them that are uttered by the illumination and inspiration of the divine [ spirit , ] g be our instructers in the sacred rites : [ let them give us information ] concerning the kingdom it self ; and concerning the supream king ; and concerning that divine guard which surrounds the universal governour : as also , concerning that copy of royal power which is amongst us , drawn from that original of the celestial kingdom ; and concerning that other false one , which does counterfeit the impress thereof : and lastly , concerning those things which do accompany * each sort of empire . h having therefore learned the divine mysteries from these [ oracles , ] as from some hierophantae , we will thus begin our divine i discourses . eusebius pamphilus's [ oration in praise of ] the emperour constantine , spoken at his tricennalia . this is the great emperour's solemn festival ; wherein we who are the servants of the emperour , inspired with the instructions of sacred discourses , do rejoyce . he who gives beginning to , and rules this our festival , is the great emperour himself . him i term the great emperour , who is truly great . him i mean , ( nor will the emperour , who is here present , be offended thereat , but will rather , together with us , highly approve of this our discourse concerning the divinity ; ) * who is beyond the universe ; the supream over all ; the highest ; the most immense . the thrones of whose empire , are the celestial arches ; and the earth , the footstool of his feet . a nor can any one † perfectly comprehend him in his mind . for , the glorious light which surrounds him , by the unspeakable splendour of its rayes , drives off all persons , and hinders them from beholding his divinity . ‖ him the celestial hosts do encompass : his guards are the supernal powers ; him they acknowledge their master , lord , and emperour . the innumerable multitudes of angels , and the companies of arch-angels , and the quires of holy spirits , * deriving [ their splendour ] from the rayes about him , as 't were from some everlasting fountains of light , are illustrated . likewise , all the lights , and especially those divine and intellectual kinds of incorporeal lights , which have their place beyond heaven ; do celebrate this great emperour with the highest and most divine hymns . the vast firmament , like some azure curtain , is drawn between , which separates those without , from them who are conversant within the palace . round this [ firmament , ] in the same manner with the b light-bearers in the imperial porticus's , run the sun and moon , and those other luminaries of heaven : which do both highly honour the emperour himself and also at his beck and word , afford the splendour of an inextinguishable light , to those who are without heaven , and who inhabit a gloomy region . whereas therefore i do presume , that our victorious prince himself also , does with praises celebrate c this greatest emperour ; therein , in my own judgment , i d seem to do very well : in regard i am truly sensible , that * all power amongst us is derivative from him. him also the religious caesars do acknowledge to be the fountain of all † blessings : having received this command from their father . him , the milice ; the numerous multitudes of the people , as well in the countries as cities ; and the governours of provinces assembling in the church , do religiously adore : being instructed by our e great saviour and master . lastly , all mankind in general , all sorts of nations , tribes , and languages ; and all persons , as well collectively and in one body , as severally and apart ; although in other matters they differ in their sentiments , yet agree in this very one confession ; invoking this one and only god , by natural reason , by notions self-learnt , and which proceed not from the instruction of any teacher . what , does not the whole * mass of the earth acknowledge him lord ? by the plants and living creatures produced out of it , does it not evidently demonstrate its submission to f his command who is far superiour in power ? the torrents also of rivers overflowing with their waters , and the plentifull streams of fountaines , perpetually issuing g out of the unknown and immense depths of the earth , do profess him to be the authour of this inexplicable and miraculous performance . the gulfs of the sea , inclosed within unfathomable depths , and the swollen waves h which are raised to a vast height , and strike the adjacent earth with terrour ; as soon as they approach the shores , dread him , being bound by the command of his divine law. moreover , the * determinate quantities of winter showers ; and the astonishing noise of the thunder ; and the ●lashings of the lightning ; and the variable and inconstant blasts of the windes ; and lastly , the aierie † tracks of the clouds , do plainly exhibit his presence i to those , who can in no wise take a view of him with their own eyes . the all enlightening sun also , who hath * finished so vast a number of ages , acknowledges him only as his lord ; and , in entire obedience to his command , never dare , go beyond his fixt bounds . the moon likewise , ( k which for the splendour of her light is far inferiour to the sun , ) being lessened and again increased at set periods of times , obeys the divine commands . and the beautie of heaven , which glisters gorgeously with the dances of the stars , and * moves with order and harmony , and measures over its own circles ; proclaims god to be the donor of all manner of light. likewise , all the other celestial luminaries , having by his beck and word made up one harmonious consort , finishing their long course by the circles of so vast a number of ages , like charioteers run over the rounds of their aetherial stages . the successive returns of nights and dayes , the changes of seasons and times , and the order and harmony of the universe , do celebrate the manifold wisedom [ l of his infinite and immense power . ] those invisible powers , which flye about the plains that lye streacht through the air , do render to this god , due and befitting praise . the whole world therefore with a joynt consent doth la●d this great emperour . the heavens above , and those quires which are higher than the celestial arches , do reverence him : the hosts of angels praise him with inexpressible hymns : and the spirits which are the off-springs of intellectual light , do pronounce him their parent and their god. those ages * unlimited by time , which were before this heaven and this world ; and besides , infinite other ages , before all constitution of things visible , do acknowledge one sole and supream master and lord. lastly , he himself , who is in all , and before all , m and after all , his only-begotten son and praeexisting word ; the great high-priest of the great god ; ancienter than all time and all ages ; n devoted and consecrated to the worship of his father , is the first and only person who makes supplication to him for the salvation of all men . who enjoyes a preheminence in the government of the world ; o but possesses an equal share of glory with his father , in his father's kingdom . for , he is that light which transcends all things ; which dances about the father , and which by its intervention separates that nature which is without a beginning and without a generation , from the substance of things begotten . which light also , streaming from above , from the deity which wants both beginning and end , * diffuses it self without , and illustrates the region above heaven , and all things that are within heaven , with the rayes of wisdom , which are far more glorious than the splendour of the sun. this is he , who is the leader of the whole world ; the word of god who goes before all , and through all , and is in all things , as well visible as invisible . by whom and through whom , our emperour dear to god , bearing a resemblance of the celestial empire , in imitation of the deity , directs and manages the helm of government over all things upon the earth . and that only-begotten word of god , reigns together with his father , from ages which want a beginning , to infinite and endless ages . but this our emperour , a always dear to him , being supplyed with some imperial emanations from above , and fortified b with the surname of a divine appellation , governs upon earth during many and long periods of years . farther , that universal * preserver renders heaven , and the whole world , and the celestial kingdom , fit for his father . but this [ our emperour , ] who is his friend , brings all those persons living upon earth , that are the subjects of his empire , to the only-begotten word and saviour , and makes them fit c for his kingdom . and , that common saviour of all , by an invisible and divine power , drives off at the greatest distance from his fold ( in the same manner that a good shepherd does wild-beasts , ) those rebellious powers , which flew up and down thorow this air that is nearest the earth , and * brooded the souls of men. but this [ our emperour , ] his friend , adorned from above by him , with trophies erected against his enemies ; by the law of war subdues the open adversaries of truth , and chastizes them . that person , existing † the logos before the world was framed , and the preserver of all things ; delivers rational and saving seeds to his companions , and renders them reasonable , and instructed in the knowledge of his father's kingdom . this [ our emperour , ] his friend , as 't were some interpreter to the word of god , recalls all mankind to the knowledge of god : crying out in the hearing of all men , and with a loud voice promulging the laws of d true piety and verity , to all persons living upon the earth . that universal saviour opens the celestial gates of his father's kingdom , to those who remove from hence thither . this [ our emperour , ] following the example of the deity , after he hath cleansed his empire on earth , from all the filth of impious errour , invites the * assemblies of holy and pious men , into the sacred houses and † basilicae ; making it his chiefest care , that the whole navy , with the command and management whereof he is entrusted , should be preserved together with the people on boord . and he is the only person of all those that ever yet governed the empire of the romans , who having now been honoured by god the supream king , with * thirty years reigne , celebrates this festival , not to terrene spirits , as the usage of the ancients was , nor to the apparitions of daemons which seduce the unskilfull multitude , nor yet to the frauds and e feigned narratives of impious men : but , pays his thanks to that god , by whom he has been honoured , being truly sensible of those blessings which he has conferred on him . not polluting his † palace with bloud and gore , agreeable to the rites of the ancients ; nor appeasing terrene daemons with smoke and fire , and with sacrifices of beasts wholly consumed by fire on the altars ; but consecrating a most gratefull and acceptable sacrifice to the supream king himself , his own imperial soul namely , and his mind which is most worthy of god. for this is the only sacrifice wherewith god is well pleased : which our emperour has learnt to offer , with the purified thoughts of his mind , without either fire or bloud f : giving confirmation to his piety by those unerring sentiments and opinions treasured up in his mind ; setting forth the praises of god in lofty and magnifick orations , and by imperial actions emulating the clemency of the deity : and wholly devoting himself to god , and , like some great gift , making a present of himself to him , the first-fruits as 't were of the world , with the administration whereof he hath been entrusted . this greatest sacrifice therefore , the emperour in a due manner offers , g before all other . but he sacrifices like a good shepherd , not offering glorious hecatombs of firstling-lambs : but rather , bringing over the minds of those rational flocks , which are fed by him , to the knowledge and worship of god. but god , highly pleased with such a sacrifice as this , and with delight accepting this gift offered to him ; praises the * hierophanta of this venerable and eximious sacrifice , and makes an addition of † many periods [ of years ] to his reigne ; augmenting his favours towards him , in a manner correspondent and proportionate to those acts of piety , wherewith he is worshipped by the emperour . and he has permitted him to celebrate all these festivals with the highest prosperity of the monarchy ; at each period of the decennalian festivity , advancing one of his sons to the colleague-ship of the imperial throne a . for , b in the first decennium of his empire , he proclaimed his eldest son , who bears the same name with his ▪ father , a partner of the imperial * realm : after that , his second son , who was the next to him in age , at his second decade : and in like manner his third , at his third decade , which we now celebrate . c and , whereas his fourth period [ of ten years ] is now current ; in regard the spaces of times do more and more extend themselves , he increases the empire by a copious † colleagueship of his stock , d and by creations of caesars ; fulfilling the oracles of e the divine prophets , which they long since proclaimed in this manner : and the saints of the most high shall take the kingdom . thus therefore , god himself the supream king conferrs upon the most pious emperour , * an increase both of years and children , and renders his government of the nations upon earth , fresh and flourishing , as if it had been but now begun . and * he himself solemnizes this festival [ in honour ] to him ; having made him the conquerour over all his enemies and adversaries ; and exhibiting him as the pattern of true piety , to all persons upon the earth . but our emperour , like the light of the sun , illustrates men , whose habitations are in places most remote from one another , with the glorious † presence of his caesars , as 't were by some rayes transmitted from himself to the greatest distance . and on us who inhabit the east , he hath bestowed a f shoot truly worthy of himself : another of his sons [ he hath assigned ] to another portion of men : and again , another [ he has placed ] otherwhere ; like so many lamps and lights , which derive their brightness from that light diffused from himself . farther , having joyned together for himself , the four most valiant caesars , like so many young horses , * and fixt them under one set of harness belonging to the g imperial chariot , and fitted them with the raines of divine concord and unity ; he himself sits above , like the charioteer , and puts them on ; and drives over the whole world , wherever the sun makes his visits ; and is personally present in all places , and inspects all affairs . lastly , being adorned with a representation of the celestial empire , having his eyes fixt upon heaven , he directs and manages the affairs of mortals , in a conformity to that original draught ; and is encouraged and strengthened by a resemblance of the monarchy of god. for , this the [ sole ] king over all , hath bestowed on the nature of men only , h of all those creatures which are on earth , [ that it should express a likeness of his divine monarchy . ] i for , he is the law of imperial power , whereby 't is decreed , that all should be subject to the empire of one. moreover , monarchy does far excell all other constitutions , and forms of government whatever . for polyarchy , which is opposed to it , being a sort of regiment wherein many govern with an equality of power and honour , ought rather to be termed anarchy and confusion . on which account , there is one god , not two , nor three , nor yet many . for , to assert a multitude of gods , is plainly to affirm , that there is no god at all . one king : and k his word and imperial law , one : which [ law ] is not declared by words and syllables ; nor is it written in paper , or cut upon pillars , that it should be consumed by length of time : but it is the living and self-subsisting * god the word , who disposes and orders his fathers kingdom , to all those who are under him , and after him. him the celestial hosts do surround , and myriads of angels which are the ministers of god ; and innumerable troops of the milice plac't above the world , and of invisible spirits ; who residing within the inclosures of heaven , use their utmost diligence about the order and administration of the whole world. over all whom , the royal † logos is the captain and prince , as 't were some praefect of the supream emperour . the sacred oracles of divines term him , the master of the milice , and the great high-priest , and the prophet of the father , and the angel of the great council , and the brightness of his father's light , and the only-begotten son ; and [ give him ] innumerable other such titles as these . whom when the father had constituted the living word , and the law , and the wisdom , and the complement of all good ; he made a present of l this greatest blessing , to all those who are subject to his empire . but , he pierces thorow all things , and goes every where , and in a plentifull manner displays his father's favours to all persons ; and has stretcht forth the resemblance of the imperial power , even as far as those rational creatures which live on earth ; having adorned the mind of man , which is framed according to his own likeness , with divine * faculties . hence 't is , that in the mind of man there is a participation of the other virtues also , derived from a divine emanation . for , he only is wise , who is also the sole god : he only is essentially good : he only is strong and powerfull . and he is the parent of justice : the father of reason and wisedom ; the fountain of light and life ; the dispenser of truth and virtue ; and lastly , the authour of empire it self , and of all dominion and power . but , whence has man the knowledge of these matters ? who hath declared these things in the hearing of mortals ? whence has a carnal tongue the liberty , of uttering those matters , which are forreign both to flesh and body ? who ever saw the invisible king , and discovered these excellencies in him ? 't is true , the elements , which are joyned in an affinity with bodies , and the things made up of those elements , are perceived by the * senses of the body . but , no person hath boasted , that with the eyes of the body he hath ever had a sight of that invisible kingdom , by which all things are governed : nor , has mortal nature ever beheld the beauty of wisedom . who hath seen the face of justice , with † eyes of flesh ? whence was the notion of legal government and royal dominion suggested to men ? from whence could imperial power [ be known ] to man , who is made up of flesh and bloud ? who hath declared to those on earth , the invisible * form , which can't be express't by any figure ; and the incorporeal † essence which wants all external lineaments ? questionless , there was one interpreter of these things , the word of god who pierceth thorow all things . who is the father and maker of that rational and intellectual substance which appears to be in men : who being the only person that is united to the divinity of the father , watereth his own sons with his fathers ‖ effluxes . hence have all men , greeks and likewise barbarians , those natural and self-learnt reasonings : hence those notions of reason and wisedom : hence the seeds of prudence and justice : hence the † inventions of arts : hence the knowledge of virtue * and the gratefull name of wisedom , and the venerable love of philosophick learning . hence the knowledge of all that is good and commendable : hence the representation of god himself formed in the mind , and a course of life fitly answering the divine worship . hence is man furnished with a royal power , and with an invincible empire over all things that are in the earth . but , after the logos , who is the parent of rational creatures , had imprest upon the mind of man a character agreeable to the image and likeness of god , and had made man a royal creature ; ( having conferred this on him only , of all those creatures which are on earth , namely that he should have a knowledge , both of governing , and of being governed ; and also , that even from this life he should a begin to meditate upon , and to fore-learn that promised hope of the celestial kingdom ; for the sake of which kingdom , he himself came , and , as a father of his children , disdained not personally to enter into a converse with mortals : ) b he himself , cultivating his own seeds , and renewing his heavenly supplies and favours , declared to all men , that they should partake of the celestial kingdom . and he invited all persons , and exhorted them , that they should be ready for their journey upwards , and should furnish themselves with a garment befitting their calling . and by an unspeakable power he filled the whole world , which is enlightened by the sun's rayes , with his preaching ; by a likeness of the earthly kingdom , expressing the kingdom of heaven . to which he incites and encourages the whole body of mankind to hasten , having shewed all men this confidence and good hope . of which hope , our emperour most dear to god , is even in this life made a partaker ; in regard he is adorned by god with innate virtues , and has received into his mind the celestial effluxes derived from that fountain . for he is rational from that universal reason ▪ wise , from a communication of that divine wisdom : good , from a participation of that goodness . and he is just , by being a partaker of that justice : and temperate , from that * original of temperance ; and strong , by having that supream strength imparted to him . a he therefore may most truly be stiled emperour , who hath fashioned his mind with royal virtues , to a likeness of the celestial empire . but , that person who is a stranger to these , and who has renounc't the king of this universe ; neither hath acknowledged the celestial parent of souls ; nor cloathed himself in a garb befitting an emperour ; but hath * filled his mind with deformity and filthiness , and instead of imperial clemency , hath gotten the rage of a savage beast ; instead of an ingenuous disposition , the incurable poyson of improbity ; in place of prudence , folly ; instead of reason and wisedom , † a want of reason and consideration , the foulest of all vices : from which , as b from a bitter root , most pernicious sprouts do spring , namely , a sottish c and intemperate life ; avarice ; murders ; fightings against god ; impieties : he [ i say ] who is addicted to all these vices , though he may seem sometime to govern by tyrannick violence , yet cannot deservedly and in reality be stiled an emperour . for , how should he represent a likeness of the monarchical power [ of heaven , ] who bears a thousand false and adulterate resemblances of daemons , imprest on his mind ? how should he be a prince and lord over all , who hath procured for himself so infinite a number of cruel and hard masters ? a servant to filthy pleasure ; a servant to an excessive madness for women ; a servant to money gotten by injustice ; a servant of anger and rage ; a servant of fear and dread ; a servant of bloudy daemons ; and [ lastly ] a slave to soul-destroying spirits . therefore , ( truth it self favouring us with its assent and testimony , ) this emperour , dear to the supream god , is the sole person that can truly be styled an emperour : who only is free ; or rather , who really is lord. who is above the desire of money , and superiour to the love of women : a vanquisher of pleasures , even of them which nature does allow of . who is not overcome by anger and rage , but has those passions perfectly within his own power . he is really emperour , and bears a title d answerable to his practise : being e truely victor ; for he has gotten the victory over those passions , which are wont to overpower and conquer the minds of men . who is formed according to that primitive * idea of the supream emperour ; and in his mind , as in a glass , expresses those rayes of virtues darted from that celestial original . from which [ rayes ] he is made temperate ; good ; just ; valiant ; pious ; a lover of god : f and , which is peculiar to him only , this our emperour is really a philosopher . for he is one that truly knows himself ; and is sensible , that the supplies of every thing which is good , are bestowed on him from without , or rather from heaven . one who demonstrates the august title of his monarchical power , by the eximious ornature of his imperial robe ; and who is the g sole person , that is deservedly clothed with the imperial purple , which becomes him . this is the emperour , who night and day invokes the heavenly father ; who in his prayers * implores his assistance ; who burns with a desire of the celestial kingdom . for , whereas he understands , that things present are in no wise † to be compared with god the supream king , ( in regard they are mortal and frail , and , like a river , transient , and continually perishing ; ) therefore he desires the incorruptible and incorporeal kingdom of god. that kingdom he prayes that he may obtain ; by a sublimity of thought , raising his mind above the arch of heaven , and being inflamed with an inexpressible desire of those lights which shine there . in comparison with which lights , he accounts the most valuable things of this life present , to be in nothing different from darkness . for he sees , that the dominion over men ( in regard 't is nothing else but a small and short administration of a mortal and temporary life ; ) is not much better than the authority and power of goatherds , shepherds and neatheards : yea rather , that 't is more troublesome , or a sovereignty over a h moroser sort of cattel . and , as to the acclamations of the many , and the voices of flatterers , i he esteems them to be troublesome , rather than delightfull ; by reason of * the solidity of his disposition , and the sincere discipline of his mind . moreover , as often as he beholds the k dutifulness of his subjects , his innumerable forces , and those vast multitudes , as well of horse as foot , that are at his beck and command ; he is not in the least stricken with admiration , nor does he swell with pride at his authority and power over them : but , turning his thoughts l upon himself , he * acknowledges , in himself also , the common nature of all men . he laughs at the garment made of cloth of gold interwoven with a variety of flowers , at the imperial purple , and at the diadem it self : when he beholds the multitude stricken with an admiration of these things , and , wholly like children , gazing on this glorious pomp , as on some bug-bear . m but he himself is not in any wise so disturbed as they are ; but does cloath his mind with the knowledge of god , as with a garment embroidered with temperance , justice , piety , and the other virtues ; which is a dress that does really and truly become an emperour . besides all this , as for riches which are with so much earnestness desired by men ; i mean gold , and silver , and whatever sorts of stones are had in admiration ; he understands them to be really stones wholly unprofitable , and useless matter . such therefore as they are in their own nature , such and so highly does he esteem them ; as things that are not in the least conducive in order to the diverting of ills and calamities . for , of what prevalency are these things towards the removal of diseases ▪ or the avoiding of death ? nevertheless , although he knows these things accurately well , being instructed by the very use of them ; n yet he is in no wise disturbed in his mind , at the decent garb of his subjects ; but laughs at those persons , who by reason of their folly and simplicity † admire these things . farther , he abstaines from surfeiting and drunkenness , and from exquisite dainties and delicate dishes ; in regard they are the proper business of gluttons : it being his sentiment , that these things appertain to others , not to himself . for he is convinc't , that such debauches are extreamly hurtfull , and do cloud and darken the intellective faculty of the soul. on account of all these reasons , the emperour , instructed in the knowledge of divine matters , and endued with a great mind , aspires after better things than those of this present life : calling upon the celestial father , and earnestly desiring his kingdom ; and performing all things with a singular piety ; and lastly , delivering the knowledge of the supream god and emperour , to all those subject to his empire , * whom , as the best of masters , he has undertaken to instruct . moreover , god affording him , as an earnest , some pledges of a future retribution , conferrs on him a tricennalian crowns , platted and made up of prosperous and happy circles of years . and having now compleated three cycles of ten years , he permits the whole body of mankind to celebrate b publick , or rather universal feasts . but , in the interim that mortals rejoyce on earth , [ crowned ] with the flowers of the knowledge of god , it would not be absurd to imagine , that even the quires in heaven , incited by the laws of nature , do rejoyce likewise together with those that dwell on earth . and [ 't is probable , ] that even the supream king himself , like an indulgent father , is affected with gladness , whilst he beholds good sons paying a due worship to god : and , that for this reason chiefly , he does honour the prince and authour of those * things , with many circles of years . in so much that , he is not satisfied with giving him thirty years reigne ; c but extends it to the longest time , and perpetuates it to an immense aevum . now , entire * aevum neither grows old at any time , nor does it dye : neither can the minds of mortals discern , either its beginning or end. nor does it suffer its own center to be perceived , d nor that time which is termed its present , to be comprehended by † any one ; e much less time future , or time past . for , this latter is not , in regard 't is f already gone . and the time future is not yet come ; wherefore , it is not . but , [ that part of it ] termed its time present , flyeth away whilst we think or speak , yea sooner . nor is it at all possible , that it should be apprehended as time present : for we must of necessity , either expect things future , or contemplate things past . for [ the present ] slips away , and flies as quick as thought . thus therefore entire aevum suffers not it self to be subjected to the thoughts and accounts of men ; but disdains to serve them . nevertheless , it refuses not , to acknowledge g god its own king and lord ; and it carries him sitting on its back ▪ priding it self in all those h gayeties , [ which it hath received ] from him. but god sitting above , and driving it on , has not bound it fast with a golden chain , according to the fiction of the poet ; but , curbing and holding it in with the cords of an unspeakable wisdom , as 't were with some reins ; with all imaginable harmony he has constituted in it , months and times , seasons and years , and the interchangeable distances of nights and days ; and has circumscribed it with various limits and measures . for , aevum , of its own nature , is i direct or straight , and * reaches to an immensity ; and has taken the name of aevum , k as 't were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ that is , always existing ; ] and is it self like its own parts ; or rather , being void both of parts and distance , doth increase , being prolonged into † rectitude only . but god hath divided it by middle ‖ segments , and , like a right line stretch't into longitude , hath severed it by points , and hath included in it a vast multitude . and , whereas it was one , and exactly like an unite ; he hath bound it with a variety of numbers ; and , from its being without form , hath made in it * manifold and various forms . for first of all , he framed in it matter void of form , as some substance fit to receive all forms . in the second place , he created quality in matter , by the power of the number two ; making that beautifull , which before was void of all comeliness . afterwards , by [ the help of ] the number three , he framed a body , l compounded of matter and form , consisting of three dimensions , namely , latitude , longitude , and profundity . then , from the number two doubled , he devised † the quaternion of the elements ; earth ; water ; air ; fire ; which he produced as some evérlasting fountains , in order to the * supply of this universe . farther , the number four begets the number ten. for , one ; two ; three ; four , make up the number ten. the number three † multiplied by the number ten , hath ‖ produced the space of a month . and a month by twelve circuits or turns , finishes the course of the sun. hence the circles of years , and the changes of seasons , have delineated and exprest aevum , which before was void both of form and shape , as 't were in a variety of paint [ made up ] of many flowers ; in order to the ease and delight of those , who therein * run over the course of life . for , as those persons ( who in hope of winning prizes , perform the courses in a race , ) have the distances set out to them , by stadia or determinate quantities of ground : and as they who travel long journeys , find the publick road † beset as 't were , with some mansions and stages ; least any person , by having his expectation drawn out to an immense length , should be quite tired , and abate of his alacrity and vigour of mind : after the very same manner also , god the supream emperour , having confined the whole mass of time within the lines of wisedom , leads and manages it ; and like a charioteer , governs it variously , according as it seems good to himself . the same moderatour of the universe , having bedeck't aevum , which before was void of figure , with beautifull colours and fresh flowers ; has adorned the day with brightness and the rayes of the sun : but , over the night he hath spread a ‖ darker colour , and has made the lights of the stars to glister therein , like some bits or spangles of gold. and having light up the bright rayes of the day-star , and the various splendour of the moon , and the most resplendent companies of the stars ; he has crowned the whole heaven , as 't were some large embroidered * vesture , with the manifold beauties of colours . also , when he had extended the air from a vast height to a great depth , and by its help had m cooled the length and breadth of the whole world ; he commanded it to be grac't with all sorts of birds ; having opened this vast sea as 't were , wherein all those [ creatures ] which pass thorow the air , as well the n invisible as visible , might swim . lastly , having poyz'd the earth in the middle like the center , he encompassed it with the ocean , o priding it self in that its green-coloured mantle . and after he had made this the residence , nurse , and mother of all creatures that are therein ; and had moystened it partly with showers , and partly with waters issuing from springs ; he commanded it to flourish and grow green with all sorts of plants and beautifull flowers , in order to the delight and pleasure of humane life . and having therein formed a most excellent and honourable creature , dear to the divinity it self , according to his own image ; namely * man , endued with a mind and knowledge , and the off-spring of reason and wisedom ; on him he conferred the government and empire over all the other creatures , which creep upon the earth and have their sustenance from it . for , of all the creatures that are on the earth , man was the dearest to god ; and like an indulgent father he permitted , that all sorts of irrational creatures should pay their service and obedience to him. [ 't was ] man , for whose sake he made the sea navigable , and crowned the earth with all manner of plants . on him he bestowed knowing and intellective faculties and powers , in order to his being rendred capable of all manner of learning and sciences . into his hands he hath delivered , as well those creatures which swim in the depths , as the fowls which fly in the air. to him he hath laid open the knowledge and contemplation of things celestial ; and hath discovered [ to him ] the courses of the sun , and changes of the moon , and the circuits of the planets and fixed stars . [ lastly , ] 't was man alone , of all the creatures that are on the earth , to whom he gave order , that he should acknowledge the celestial father , and with hymns should land and praise the supream emperour of entire aevum . besides all these things , that great framer of the world , hath begirt immutable aevum with four changes of the year ; the winter-season he has bounded with the spring : p but the spring , which is the beginning of the seasons of the year , he has weighed as 't were in an equal ballance . then , when he had crowned universal aevum with the manifold fruits of the spring , q he delivered it to the parching heat of the summer . after this , having allowed a cessation from labour as 't were , he hath refresht it with the interval of autumn . lastly , when he has washt * it ( being as 't were some royal steed , ) in the moyst falls of winter showers , and has rendred it slick and gay by the waters which flow from † above , and has sufficiently fatned it with the continual waterings of the rain ; he again places it at the fore-gates of the spring . when therefore the supream emperour , had in this manner bound fast his own aevum , within the circle of the whole year , by such reins of divine wisedom as these ; he delivered it to be managed by a r greater governour , namely , his own only-begotten word ; to whom , as being the common preserver of all things , he has committed the reins of this universe . but he , having received an inheritance as 't were , from a most excellent father ; and having bound together all things , which are contained as well in the inner , as more outward compass of heaven , in one harmonious consent ; proceeds straight forward : and with all imaginable equity makes provision of those things that are of use to his rational flocks on earth . and having appointed a certain and fixt space of living to mortals , he has given all men leave , that even in this life they should be exercised in the * preludes of a better and an eternal life . for he hath taught , that after the term of this present age , there is a divine and happy life ; treasur'd up and reserved for them , who in the hopes of celestial enjoyments , have undergone the combat of this life . and , that there shall be a translation and removal of those , who have spent their lives soberly , modestly , and piously , from hence to a better allotment : but , for them , who shall have been detected of impieties in this life , [ he has given notice , ] that there is an agreeable place provided . after this , ( as 't is wont to be in the distributions of prizes and rewards in the games , ) having with a loud voice pronounced various crowns [ to be due ] to the victors , he crowneth t different persons with the different rewards of their virtues . but , for a good emperour adorned with piety , he declares far greater and more valuable rewards of his conflicts to be provided . some beginnings whereof he permits to be celebrated even here , namely , a festivity ... composed of perfect numbers ; of tens trebled , and of threes ten times repeated . whereof the first * ternary , is the off-spring of an unite : an unite is the mother of numbers , and does preside over all months , seasons , and years ; and also , over all circles of times . moreover , it may deservedly be styled the beginning , the foundation , and the element of all multitude ; being termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to stay or continue . for , whereas all multitude is lessened and increased , according to the diminution or addition of numbers ; an unite alone has stability and firmness , as its allotment ; being separated from all multitude , and from those numbers produc't from it self . and therefore it bears a lively resemblance of that indivisible † essence , which is severed from all others ; by the power and participation whereof , the nature of all things doth subsist . for , an unite is the framer of every number ; in as much as every multitude does consist of a composition and addition of unites . nor is it possible , without an unite , to have a conception in our thoughts of the substance of numbers . but , an unite it self , subsists without a multitude ; being separated at the greatest distance from , and far better than all numbers ; making and constituting all things ; but , it self receiving an increase from none . nearly related hereto is the ternarie , which in like manner can neither be cut in sunder , nor divided ; and is the first of numbers that are made up of even and odd. for the even number two , having an unite added to it , hath produced the ternarie , which is the first of odd numbers . moreover , the ternarie first shewed [ men ] justice , by teaching them equality : for it has a beginning , middle , and end , all equal . and these things give a representation of the mystick , most holy , and royal trinity : which though it consists in a nature that is void of beginning and * generation , yet containes in it self the seeds , and reasons , and causes of the substance of all things which have generation . and the power of the ternarie may deservedly be thought the beginning of all things . but the number ten , which containes the end or term of all numbers , stops and bounds all things [ proceeding ] as far as it self : and 't is with good reason styled full , and every way perfect : in regard it comprehends all the species , and all the measures , of all numbers , † ratio's , concords , and harmonies . 't is certain , unites being by composition increased , are terminated by the ‖ denarie : and having the decade allotted to them , as their mother , w and fixt boundary ; as 't were in the cirque they run round this * meta. then , having performed a second circuit , and again a third , and a fourth , and so on as far as ten ; of ten tens they make up the hundredth number . after this they return to the first † from whence they begin again , and proceed on to ten ; and having run round the hundredth number ten times , going back again , they perform long courses round the same metae ; returning by a circuit from themselves into themselves . for , of the number ten , an unite is the tenth part ; and ten unites make up one denarie . but , a denarie or decade is the limit , the x meta , and the fixt and stated boundary of unites : the meta of the infinity of numbers ; but , * the end , that is , the perfection of unites . moreover , the ternarie joyned together with the denarie , and having performed the third period of ten circuits , produces that most natural number , the number thirty . for , that which in unites is the ternarie , the same in denaries is the tricenarie or thirtieth number . and this is the firm and certain limit of that great luminary , which is the second from the sun. for the course of the moon , from one conjunction with the sun to the next , compleats the circle of a month : after which , she again receives a beginning of birth as 't were , and does again begin new light , and new days : y being grac't with thirty unites ; honoured with three decades ; and beautified with ten ternaries . with the very same [ graces ] is the empire of our victor augustus , and lord of the whole world , z adorned , by the bestower of all things that are good ; and enters upon a beginning of new blessings : having hitherto accomplished the tricennalian festivities only ; but now from hence forward entring upon longer intervals of times ; and * espousing the hopes of future blessings , in the celestial kingdom . where not one only sun , but troops of innumerable lights daunce about the supream emperour : every one of which a is far more glorious than the sun it self ; and do shine and glister , with the splendour of those rayes shot from that eternal fountaine [ of light. ] where [ there is ] a life of the † mind , in the b incorruptible beauties of goods : where [ there is ] a life ▪ void of all grief and trouble : where [ there is ] an enjoyment of temperate and most holy pleasure : time without time ; a long and endless aevum , enlarged to spaces bounded by no term : not any more [ distinguished ] by the intervals of dayes and months ; nor measured by the circles of years , and the periods of seasons and times : but sufficient for one life continued to an immensity . which is not enlightned by the sun , nor illustrated by the multitude of the stars , or * splendour of the moon : but has that luminary it self , god the word , the only-begotten son of the supream emperour . on which account , the divine discourses of mystick theology , do declare him to be that sun of righteousness , and a light which far transcends all lights . we do firmly believe , that the very same person does illustrate those most blessed powers , with the rayes of justice , and the beams of wisedom : and , that he does take the souls of men , adorned with true piety , not into the circumference of heaven , but into his own bosom ; and , that he does really confirm and fulfill his own promises . but the eye of mortals hath not seen , nor hath any ear heard ; neither can a mind cloathed with flesh , be able to discern and look into those things , which are prepared for them who have been adorned with p●ety : as likewise for you also , most religious emperour ! to whom alone , of all persons that ever were , god himself the supream emperour of this universe , has granted this , that you should cleanse and reform the life of men . to whom also he hath shown his own salutary sign ; by the power whereof having conquered death , he c celebrated a triumph over his enemies . which trophy of victory , and amulet of daemons , when you had opposed against the images of errour ; you d gained the victory over all impious ▪ enemies and barbarians , as also over the daemons themselves , who are another sort of barbarians . for , whereas there are in us two * substances conjoyned , namely , soul and body ; whereof the latter is exposed to view , but the other remaines invisible : against both these , two sorts of enemies and barbarians , the one covertly , the other openly , have set themselves in array . and , the one of them opposes bodies against bodies : but the other assaults man's naked soul it self , with all sorts of incorporeal engines . farther , those visible barbarians , like some savage a nomades , in nothing different from wild-beasts , make an attack upon the meek and gentle flocks of men ; ruine and depopulate countries ; enslave cities ; [ rush ] out of the desert , like fierce and furious wolves , and fall upon the inhabitants of cities ; after which they destroy as many as they can . but the invisible enemies , i mean the soul-destroying daemons , who are far more fierce and cruel than all barbarians ; flye about the regions of this air , and by the engines of mischievous polytheisme , had reduced all mankind under their power : in so much that , the true god was not by them any longer look't upon as god ; but they wandred up and down in manifold errour , without any worship of the deity . for , having procured for themselves gods from i know not whence , who have not any being or existence in any place whatever ; they wholly neglected and undervalued him who is the only , and the true god , as if he were not . hence it was , that the generation of bodies was by them reputed and worshipt as a god ; as also , a contrary deity hereto , to wit ▪ the destruction and dissolution of bodies ▪ and the former of these gods , in regard he was the authour of generation , was honoured with the rites of venus . but the latter , because he abounded with riches , and in strength excelled mankind , was named pluto and * or●●●● ▪ for , whereas the men of that age , acknowledged no other life , save that which takes its beginning from generation ; therefore they asserted the cause and origine of that life to be a god. and , whereas they believed men not to exist any more , after death ; they declared death to be the vanquisher of all , and a great god. then , concluding , that on account of that dissolution by death , they were in no wi●e accountable hereafter for what was performed here ; they resolved upon living such a life , as in effect was 〈◊〉 life ; perpetrating such facts , as deserved to be punished with ten thousand deaths . for , they had not their minds taken up , with the thoughts of god ; they expected not the tribunals of the divine judgment ; nor call'd to remembrance the * nature of their own souls : but acknowledging a subjection to one cruel patron , death ; and fully perswading themselves , that b the destruction of bodies effected by it , was the dissolution [ and annihilation ] of the whole man ; they declared death to be a great and a rich god ; and for that reason gave him the name of pluto or dis. death therefore was to them a god ; and not he alone ; but whatever else they accounted valuable in comparison of death ; namely , those things which were conducive , in order to the rendring their lives pleasant and delicate . for , the pleasure of the † body was by them accounted a god ; nourishment was a god ; the growth of those things [ that produce nutriment , ] a god ; the fruit of trees , a god ; drunkenness and luxury , a god ; the desire of things carnal , a god ; the pleasure of those things , a god. hence [ came ] the mysteries of ceres and proserpina ; hence the ravishment of the virgin [ proserpina ] by pluto , and her restoration again . hence bacchus's initiations and ceremonies ; and hercules vanquished by drunkenness , as by a more powerfull god. hence the adulterous rites of cupid and venus . hence jupiter himself enraged with a lust after women , and in love with ganymede : hence the fictions of lascivious fables , concerning gods addicted to pleasure , wantonness , and luxury . with such therefore , and so many darts of * impious superstition as these , the cruel barbarians , and profest enemies to the supream king , gaul'd the inhabitants of the earth ; and at length reduc'd the whole body of mankind to a subjection to themselves ; in so much that , monuments of impiety were erected by them , in all parts of the earth ; and temples and shrines of false divinity , built in every corner . moreover , c those persons then thought to be in power , were so miserably enslaved to errour , that they appeased their gods , with the slaughters of their own country-men and relations ; and sharpened their swords against the defenders of truth ; and [ commenc't ] an implacable war , and lifted up impious hands , not against forreigne and barbarous enemies ; but against their domesticks and friends , and against their brethren , kinsmen and dearest relatives ; who by a purity of life and sobriety , and with purposes of true piety , had resolved to pay a worship and observance to the deity . after this manner , these men , seized with a distraction of mind , sacrificed persons consecrated to the supream king , to their own daemons . but they , in regard they were couragious witnesses of true piety , and had been accustomed to prefer a glorious death in defence of truth , before life it self ; did not in the least value so severe a tyranny : but rather , as it became the souldier ▪ s of god ▪ being fortified with the * arms of patience , they despised and laught at every sort of death ; namely fire , sword , and the † piercings of nails ; the wild beasts ; the depths of the sea ; the cutting off , and afterwards searing of limbs ; digging out of eyes ; mutilations of the whole body ; and lastly , famine , the mines , and bonds . all which , by reason of that love and ardency of affection they bore to their own king , they accounted sweeter than all the pleasures and enjoyments [ of this life . ] the minds likewise of the tenderer sex were valiant and stout , endued with a courage nothing inferiour to that of men ; some of whom underwent the very same combats with men , and obtained equal rewards of valour . others , when drag'd away to be ravished , sooner resigned their lives to death , d than their bodies to ravishment . and vast other numbers of them , not enduring so much as to hear the menaces of ravishment , wherewith they were threatned by the presidents of provinces ; with a valiant mind endured all sorts of tortures , and [ the execution of ] every capital sentence . in this manner the vauntguard of the supream emperour , with an undaunted courage of mind maintained the fight , against their army who paid a worship to many gods. but the [ daemons , ] who are the adversaries of god , and enemies to the salvation of men ; demonstrating more of cruelty than any the most savage barbarian , rejoyced in such libations of humane bloud . and their assistants and ministers , quaff't to them such cups as these , filled with blood unjustly shed ; providing for them this direfull e and impious banquet , to the ruine and destruction of humane kind . affairs being in this posture ; what ought to have been done by god , the king of those that were opprest ? ought ▪ he to be careless of the safety of his dearest [ dependents , ] and to neglect his own servants , when in this bloudy manner assaulted ? f doubtless , he can never be termed a prudent pilot , who shall suffer his vessel , together with the men on board , to be sunk ; without contributing any thing of his own assistance , in order to the preservation of the ships-company . nor , can that person be styled a g wary and provident general , who shall render up his allies to the enemy , unreveng'd and undefended . neither will a good shepherd be unconcerned for , and h careless of a sheep straying from the rest of his flock : but will rather leave all the other , which are safe and in good condition ; and will most readily suffer any thing whatever , on account of preserving that sheep which has strayed ; being ready , should there be a necessity ▪ to encounter even with fierce and raging beasts . but , the supream moderator's care was not employ'd about a sheep that wants reason ; but he was highly concern'd for his whole army ; for the sake of those , who on his account were assaulted . of whose combats , and conflicts in defence of piety , when he had approved ; and had honoured them , who were now removed to him , with the rewards of victory , i with himself ; he enrolled them amongst the angelick quires in heaven . but , others of them he continued still upon earth , as seeds that might restore and give new life to piety , for the good of posterity ; that they should both be spectatours of his vengeance upon the impious , and might also become relatours of those things which they had beheld with their own eyes . after this , when he had stretcht forth his right hand , in order to his being avenged of his adversaries ; by his very nod , on a sudden he destroyed them ; having first punished them with stripes inflicted on them from heaven ; and compell'd them , even against their wills , with their own lips to recant their own horrid wickednesses . but these , who were mean and contemned , and by almost all persons look't upon as forsaken and hopeless , he has raised from the ground , and highly exalted . and this , the supream emperour [ god , ] effected from heaven ; when he had presented to us his own servant , as some invincible warriour . ( for our emperour , by reason of his transcendency of piety , rejoyces in his being stiled the servant of god. ) whom god has made conquerour over all sorts of enemies whatever , having raised up him alone , against many . for , they were numerous ; and almost infinite , as k being the friends of many daemons . l yea rather , they were nothing : whence it is , that at present they are nothing . but this one emperour , [ * is ] of one , [ and bears ] the image of that one supream emperour . they , [ induced thereto ] by an impious mind , destroyed pious men by bloudy murthers . but he , imitating his own saviour's example , and being only skilled in this , the preservation namely of men ; has sav'd alive even the impious themselves , teaching them true piety and religion . then , in regard ▪ he is really victor , he hath vanquished that twofold sort of barbarians : civilizing the fierce and untractable tribes of men , by prudent and rational embassies ; compelling them to own , and * submit themselves to their betters ; and from a lawless and brutish life , reducing them to civility and humanity . but , as for that cruel and enraged sort of invisible daemons , he does really and manifestly m prove , that they were long since vanquished by god. for the common saviour of the universe , had by an invisible power routed those invisible spirits . but this our prince , the supream emperour's lieutenant-general as 't were , n has pursued the vanquished ; spoyling † those who were long since dead and consumed ; and plentifully distributing the booty amongst the souldiers of [ god ] the victor . for , whereas he perceived , that the simple multitude , like children , in vain stood in fear of those bug-bears of errour , made of gold and silver ; it was his sentiment , that they ought wholly to be destroyed ; in regard they would be like some pieces of stones , cast before the feet of those who walk in the dark ; a and because a smooth and plain passage thorow the kings-high-way was in future to be open to all men . having therefore diligently weighed these matters with himself , he was of opinion , that he stood not in need either of military forces or a numerous army , in order to his giving check to those things ; but , that one , or two of those persons well known to him , were sufficient to effect this business : whom by one only nod he dispatcht away into every province . they , confiding in [ the emperour 's ] piety ▪ [ and in their own religiousness towards god , ] made their way thorow the thickest crowds , and thorow infinite multitudes of people , and b fully discovered that ancient errour [ of idolatry , ] in all cities , and throughout every country . and in the first place , they commanded the priests themselves , with much laughter and disgrace to bring forth their gods , out of certain dark recesses . then they divested [ those gods ] of their outward dress , and exposed their inward deformity , which lay concealed under a painted shape , to the eyes of all men . lastly , having scrap't off that matter which seemed to be usefull , and * cast it into the fire , and melted it down ; c so much as by them was thought to be of use and necessary , they reserved , and put it up safe . but , whatever was superfluous and wholly useless , that they left with the superstitious , for a lasting monument of disgrace . moreover , this admirable emperour performed another thing like hereto . for , at the same time that those idols of the dead , made of pretious matter , were spoyled in that manner we have declared ; he * ordered the rest of the images , consisting of brass , to be brought together . therefore , those gods , [ celebrated ] in the doting fables [ of the greeks , ] having had ropes made of hair cast about them , were drag'd away bound . after these things , this great emperour , having as 't were light up a most bright torch , lookt about with his imperial eye , if peradventure he could any where find , any remains of errour as yet lying concealed . and , as some most sharp-sighted aeagle , which has raised herself to heaven on her wings , sees from above those things on the earth that are at the greatest distance : in the same manner he , whilst he † was resident in the imperial palace of his own most beautifull city , behold as from a watch-tower , a certain pernicious snare of souls , lying concealed in the province of the phoenicians . it was a grove and a temple , [ not placed ] in the midst of a city , nor in the forums , or streets ; of which sort many are visible in cities , most gloriously built for ornaments sake : but this [ temple ] was out of the way , far distant from the common road and beaten path , consecrated to that filthy daemon [ termed ] venus , in part of the top of [ mount ] libanus . this was a school of wickedness , [ open ] to all incontinent persons , and such as with all manner of dissoluteness had debauch't their own bodies . for certain effeminate men , who ought to be termed women rather than men , having renounc'd the venerableness of their own sex , appeased the daemon by suffering themselves to be made use of as women . besides , unlawfull ‖ coitions with women , and adulteries , and other beastly and infamous facts were committed in that temple , as in a place that was lawless , and without a governour . nor was there any one that might inspect what was done in that place , in regard no person of gravity or modesty durst go thither . but , the impieties committed there , could not lye concealed from this great emperour also . but , when he himself had look't into them with the eye of an imperial providence , he judged such a temple as this to be unworthy of being [ enlightned with the rayes ] of the sun it self , wherefore he orders it to be totally demolished , together with [ its statues and ] consecrated gifts . immediately therefore , the engines of this impudent and libidinous errour , were dissipated by an imperial order ; and a company of souldiers gave their assistance in cleansing that place . and they who had hitherto been addicted to lasciviousness , [ being scar'd ] by the emperour's menaces , in future learned modesty . when therefore the emperour had in this manner d pull'd off those vizards of abominable wickednesse , which were visible in the temple of that daemon the seducer of the people ; and had exposed them to the view of all persons ; he preached his own saviour in the presence of all . nor was there any one who could defend or assist the persons detected ; no daemon ; no god ; no utterer of oracles ; no diviner . nor were the minds of men any longer wrap't up in thick and profound darkness : but being illustrated by the rayes of unerring piety , they condemned the ignorance of their ancestours ; and pityed their blindness ; and pronounc't themselves happy , in regard they were free'd from the cruel slavery of errour . e thus therefore in a moment , by the will of the great god , and the emperour's assistance and ministery , all the kinds of enemies and adversaries , as well the visible as invisible , were totally destroyed : and in future , peace , the best educatrix of youth , encompassed the habitation of all men . nor were there any more wars , because the gods were not . neither did there happen any fights , either in the countries or cities , as there had been before , when the worship of daemons flourisht : nor were there any more effusions of bloud amongst men , such ●s had usually hapned , whilst the fury of polytheisme was prevalent . now therefore 't is seasonable , to oppose the new face of affairs to the old , and inspect the change of matters made for the better , by comparing the worser with them ; and to discern and perceive clearly , in what manner heretofore , porches and consecrated plots of ground ; graves and temples , were a most elaborately founded and prepared for them ; and how the temples were * beautified with vast numbers of consecrated gifts . as for the tyrants and those in whose hands the supream power then was , they had an high veneration for the gods. the nations also and people , in the fields and in all places , yea in their very private dwellings , in their store houses namely and bed-chambers , b honoured them with statues , according to the rites of their own country . but , the fruit of their devotion , was not that mutual peace , which we now behold with our eyes , but all things directly contrary hereto ; to wit wars , fights , and seditions ; wherewith they were † sorely disquieted during the whole course of their lives , and filled their own countries with bloud and intestine slaughters . moreover , the gods worshipt by them , with much flattery did indeed promise the then emperours , prophesies and oracles , and predictions of things future . but those very gods c could not * foresee their own ruine , and were altogether unable to foretell it to their own selves . which is a most convincing argument , in order to the manifestation of their cheat and imposture . 't is certain , none of those , heretofore admired for their oracles , ever foretold the glorious coming of the common saviour amongst men , or the new preaching of that divine knowledge , which was first delivered by him . neither pythius himself , nor any other of the great daemons , was ever apprehensive of their own desolation : nor did he presage or prophesie , who should vanquish and destroy them . what diviner or soothsayer hath foretold , that the worship of the gods should be extinguished by the coming of a certain † new person into the world ; and , that the knowledge and worship of the supream mediator of all things , should be diffused amongst all men ? who hath foreseen this holy and religious principality , and this our victor , and the trophies which he has in all places of the earth erected against daemons , and the ruine of the * high places ? which of the hero's hath ever declared in express words , that the lifeless statues should be melted , and from an useless ▪ form be changed into necessary uses ? which of the gods hath ever made any mention , concerning their own statues which are melted down , and with disgrace and laughter d cut into thinn plates ? where [ i beseech you ] were the defenders of those [ gods , ] that could not give assistance to the monuments consecrated to them , which were ruined by men ? what is become of them , who heretofore raised wars , and who now behold their own vanquishers living in a most calm and secure peace ? where are those who put their trust in them , as in gods , and elevated their own minds by a vain and fruitless confidence ; e who , when they had raised the errour [ of their own superstition ] to the highest pitch , and had commenc't an implacable war against the defenders of truth ; wretches as they were , perished in a most miserable manner ? where are those troops of gyants , fighting against god himself ? and the hissings of dragons ; who have whet their tongues , and have uttered impious expressions against the supream king ? those persons , profest enemies to the supream emperour , confiding in a multitude of gods , fell on with vast numbers of men in arms ; carrying before them as their defence , f resemblances of dead persons , in statues void of life . but our emperour , cloathed with the coat of mail of piety , having opposed against the multitude of his enemies , the salutary and vivifick standard , as some affrightning spectacle , and potent preservative against mischiefs ; obtained the victory , both over his enemies , and over the daemons ▪ after which , with a gratefull mind , he rendred a thanksgiving-prayer to [ god ] the authour of his victory ; and with a loud voice , and by the monuments of statues raised , he made known to all men the triumphant standard ; erecting this great trophy against all his enemies , in the midst of the imperial city ; and issuing out an express command to all men , that they should acknowledge this salutary standard ( which no age can deface , ) as the preservative of the roman government , that is , the empire of the whole world . and herewith ●e acquainted all persons , but more especially the milice . to whom [ he gave this in charge , ] that they ought not to * place their hopes in their spears and armour , nor in the strength of their bodies ; but should acknowledge god to be the giver of all good , and particularly of victory it self . thus the emperour himself ( strange and almost incredible ! ) was his own armie's instructer in their devotions ; and delivered to them pious † prayers , which were agreeable to the divine laws and institutions ; that they should lift up their hands on high , towards heaven ; but should ‖ fix the eyes of their minds on the highest object , namely on the celestial king ; and in their prayers should invoke him , as the giver of victory , the saviour , the preserver , and the assistant . moreover , that they should esteem of a day , as convenient and fit for prayers ; to wit , that day , which really is the chief and g first of other days , and which is truly the h lord's , and the salutary day : and which has its i name from light , life , immortality , and from every thing that is good . moreover , he k himself , becoming his own teacher of such good things , pays an adoration to his saviour in the most private apartments of his imperial palace ; and sometimes by praying fulfills the divine laws ; at others , by hearing the sacred scriptures read , he cultivates and instructs his own mind . farther , persons consecrated to god , and who are adorned with holiness of life and the other virtues , are his servants and ministers ; and them he has appointed to be the * controllers of his whole house . lastly , his protectors and trusty guards , armed with the weapons of good affection , do acknowledge the emperour as their instructer in a pious life . but the emperour himself pays an honour to this victorious banner , having experimentally found a divine efficacy inherent in it . for , by this [ standard ] vast multitudes of the adverse army have been put to ●light ; by it the forces of invisible daemons have been subdued . by it , their insolence , who opposed god himself , was represt : by it , the tongues of flanderers and impious persons were silenced . by it the barbarous nations were vanquished . by it the frauds and mockery of superstitious errour were exposed and detected . lastly , to it ( which is the sum and perfection of all goods , ) the emperour paying a due debt as 't were , has erected triumphal arches in all places of the earth . and with a bountifull and royal hand [ hath founded ] temples and churches , in honour of it : and has issued forth an order to all persons , that sacred oratories should be built . in the very midst l therefore of the provinces and cities , eximious monuments of his imperial magnificence were forthwith raised ; and in a short time they shined gloriously in every country , and manifestly confuted and exposed the impiety of tyrannick government . for those [ tyrants ] having by a madness of mind been a little before hurried on to wage a war against god ; like mad dogs , vented their rage against the lifeless structures , in regard they were unable to effect any thing against god himself : and when they had thrown down the oratories from their vast height to the very ground , and had dug up their very foundations ; they made them look like a city taken by the enemy . such was the tragedy of wickednesses acted by them : wherein they attempted , as 't were to assault the deity it self ; but were soon made sensible of their own madness . for a short space of time had scarce intervened , when a storm poured on them from heaven , swept them away and in one moment rendred them invisible : in so much that , neither kindred , nor issue , nor any the least relique of their memory , was left remaining amongst men ; but , though they were numerous , yet in a minute , having first had stripes inslicted on them from heaven , they all perished utterly , and became extinct . such was the conclusion of these mens outragious fury , whereby they had made an insurrection against god. but this [ our emperour , ] who , armed with the salutary trophy , ●ad alone fal'n upon the enemies ; ( or rather , was not alone ; for he who is the sole emperour , was present with , and assisted him ; ) hath built new oratories far better than those which a little before had been demolisht ; and hath made the latter much more magnificent , than the former were : one while adorning the city which bears his own name , with various churches of god ; at another time , honouring the chief [ city ] of bithynia , with m a most stately and most beautifull [ church . ] he hath likewise grao't the chiefest [ cities ] of the other provinces , with ornaments of this nature . moreover , when he had made choice of two eminent places in the east ; the one in the province of palestine , because the vivifick stream [ of saving faith ] has from thence , as from a spring , diffused it self and overflowed all nations ; the other in the metropolis of the whole east , n which graces the name of antiochus : in this latter , as 't were in the head of all the provinces of that tract , he hath consecrated [ to god ] a * most glorious & matchless structure , in respect both of its largeness and beauty . for he hath encompassed the whole temple , with a large circuit on the out side : but within , he hath raised the basilica it self to an immense height , and has built it in an eight-square figure , and has variously adorned it ; and having surrounded it on all sides with many lodging rooms and exhedrae , has crowned it with a variety of ornaments . in this manner were these [ edifices ] compleated . but in the province of the palestinians , in that city heretofore the royal seat of the hebrews , in the middle of the city , o at the very martyrium of our saviour , [ he has erected ] a † basilica of a vast bigness , and an holy house in honour of the salutary cross , and has beautified it richly , and with all manner of magnificence . and he hath grac't the monument of the supream saviour , ( which deserves an eternal memory , ) and the trophies that he raised against death , with ornaments that are inexpressible . and having selected three places in that country , which are honoured with three mystick caves , he has beautified each of them with magnificent structures : to p that cave wherein [ our saviour ] first made his divine appearance , he hath assigned a befitting honour : in the other , he has illustrated the memory of his last assumption , in the top of the mount : but in that cave , which is in the midst between the other two , he has extoll'd ‖ the combats and victory of our saviour . all these [ caves ] the emperour has adorned magnificently , thereby declaring to all persons the salutary sign [ of the cross. ] q which [ sign ] gives the emperour the reward of his piety , increases his whole family and the time [ of his reigne , ] and confirms the throne of his empire by * many periods of years ; reserving the fruits and rewards of virtue , for his most excellent children , and for r his own kindred , and for their descendants . and this is a most convincing argument of the power of that god , whom the emperour does worship ; that he hath poyz'd the scale of justice with equal weights on both sides , and has assigned to each party a fit and proportionate reward . for the punishment due to impiety , immediately seized those who had assaulted and demolisht the sacred houses ; and they were forthwith swept away , without any stock or kindred , without any house , or family . but this [ our emperour , ] who by acts of piety of all sorts , pays an honour to his lord ; and who one while erects churches to him ; at another time , manifests and makes him known to his subjects , by those sacred gifts which he hath dedicated to him in all parts of the world : is most certainly known to have him , and that most deservedly , the preserver and keeper of his family , empire , and race . in this manner have god's performances been made known , by the divine power and virtue of the salutary sign . concerning which [ sign ] the discourse might be large , wherewith they are well acquainted , a who have been initiated in those mysteries delivered to them by divine persons . for , this * is that truly saving [ sign : ] a thing wonderfull indeed to be related ; but , far more admirable to be conceived : in what manner , as soon as it appeared on earth , that alone hath obsoured all those fables , many ages since invented concerning the gods ; and hath delivered up errour , to darkness and oblivion ; but hath discovered to all persons that intellectual light ( which had illustrated the minds of men , ) the one namely , and the true god. therefore , all people , now changed to a better and more enlightened condition , spit on the faces of their dead idols ; trample under foot the impious rites of daemons , and deride that ancient errour handed down to them from their ancestours . and on the other side , men have every where founded schooles of sacred literature , and are all trained up as 't were in the precepts of the saving discipline : to the intent that , they may no longer dread * things created , which are visible to the eyes of flesh ; nor lift up their eyes to the sun , moon , and stars , and stop in an admiratian of those bodies : but may confess him , who transcends all these , him who can't be perceived by sight , or any sense ; to be the creator of all things ; and may learn to worship him alone . all which singular and extraordinary blessings and favours [ conferred ] on men , had their rise from this great and admirable signe . by the power and virtue whereof , all those ills which were before , now are not : and those [ goods ] which before were not , are † every where resplendent , [ deriving their lustre ] from the rayes of piety . also , discourses , precepts , and exhortations to a sober and pious life , are preach't in the hearing of all nations ; yea , even the emperour himself preaches . and this is the greatest wonder , that so mighty an emperour , does with so loud a voice call out to the whole world , like some interpreter to god the supream king ; and does invite all those governed by him , to the knowledge of the true god. and that , in the midst of the imperial palace , b the trifling and ridiculous composures of impious men [ are not recited , ] as the usage was heretofore ; but the priests and ministers of god , persons conspicuous for their piety , with * royal hymns and praises do celebrate the festival . that , the sole god , he who is the emperour of the universe , is declared and set forth to all ; and that the evangelick word [ who promiseth us all things which are ] good , does unite mankind to [ god ] the supream king ; shewing the glad tidings of his celestial father's being rendred propitious and benign to his sons on earth . that , quires do laud him with all manner of triumphant songs ; and , that the whole body of mankind doth joyn in the chorus together with the angelick companies in heaven : and , that rational souls , using those bodies wherewith they are cloathed as some musical instruments , [ do laud ] him with befitting hymns , and shout forth praises that are gratefull to him . that they who are inhabitants of the east , together with those who dwell in the west , are instructed in his precepts , at one and the same moment of time : and , that those who have received the southern and northern parts of the world as their allotment , do sing † to the same melodious tune : studiously following a pious course of life , by the very same methods and precepts : conspiring in the praises of one god , who is supream : admitting of one saviour , his onely-begotten son , the authour of all blessings : and [ lastly , ] acknowledging one moderatour and emperour on earth , and his sons belov'd by god. which emperour , like some skilfull pilot , c sits on high above the rudder , and holding the helm in his hand , steers the vessel in a straight course ; and by a prosperous gale of wind , brings all those under his command , into a safe and calm port. but god himself , the supream emperour , stretches forth his right hand to him from above , and hitherto constitutes him the conquerour of all his enemies and opposers ; encreasing the strength of his empire by long periods of years . but will hereafter make him a partaker of far more excellent blessings , and will really fulfill his own promises made to him. of which promises the time present permits not a rehearsal ; but a departure out of this life is to be expected : in as much as , 't is not possible for things divine to be distinctly perceived and fully apprehended , by mortal eyes and corporeal ears . but , come on , victor maximus constantinus ▪ a in this imperial book [ written ] concerning the supream emperour , let us now deliver to you * secret and mysterious matters : not that we may teach you , who have been instructed by god : nor that we may disclose secrets to you , to whom god himself , long before these our discourses , ( not from men , neither by any man , but by the common saviour himself , and by the presence and appearance of his own divinity , which hath often shined upon you , ) hath opened and revealed things secret that were hidden : but , that we may bring untaught men to the light ; and may suggest to the ignorant , the reasons and causes of your pious and religious works and deeds . indeed , those great actions dayly performed b by your virtue , thorowout the whole habitable world , in order to the promoting the worship and honour of god the supream king ; are celebrated in the mouthes of all mortals . but , the monuments of gratitude , which you have consecrated to your preserver and saviour , in our country , ( i mean in the province of palestine , and in that city , whence , as from a fountain-head , the salutary word hath powred forth its refreshing streams upon all men ; ) and the trophies of that victory gained over death , which you have erected in the edifices of oratories , and in the dedications of sacred houses : [ i say , ] those lofty and most beautifull works of an imperial magnificence , structures truly imperial , erected c about the salutary [ martyrium , a monument that deserves ] an immortal memory ; contain a reason [ for their having been built , ] which is d not equally apparent and manifest to all persons . 't is certain , they who have been enlightened by the celestial power and influence of the divine spirit , do know and understand [ the true cause of your raising those structures , ] and on account thereof do deservedly admire you , and do stile that your purpose of mind , a blessed resolution , as proceeding from no other than a divine impulse . but , those who are unskilled in matters divine , in a most immoderate manner deride , and scoff at that work , by reason of their blindness of mind : supposing it to be a mighty indecency , and a thing unbefitting [ the majesty of ] so great an emperour , to employ his care about the monuments and sepulchres of dead bodies . for , would it not have been better ( may some one of these persons say , ) to observe and keep our ancestours rites ; and to appease the hero's and gods worshipt in each province ; and not to detest and abhor them , on account of such calamities as these ? for , either they must be * affected with divine honours , in the same manner with e this person , by reason of that likeness there is in their miseries and infelicities : or else , if they are to be rejected , as being obnoxious to humane sufferings ; 't is just , that the very same sentence be pronounc't against him also . these words will peradventure be said by some one of those persons , having first contracted his brows , and in his own vain opinion thinking himself wiser than others , and with much of gravity extolling his own arrogance . to whom nevertheless , a pardon of his ignorance is vouchsafed , ( and not to him only , but to every one who hath erred from the right way ; ) by the gracious and mercifull word of the most excellent father ; who hath founded schools and places of instruction all over the whole world , in countries and villages , in fields and desert places , and in all cities whatever ; and freely invites [ all persons ] to learn the divine precepts : and like a most indulgent saviour and physitian of souls , perswades both greeks and barbarians ; wise and simple ; poor and rich ; servants and masters ; governours and the governed ; the impious ; the unjust ; the unlearned ; the unclean ; the blasphemous ; to come , yea to hasten to a divine cure. with a loud voice therefore proclaiming to all persons oblivion of their former wickedness , thus he heretofore cryed out , saying ; * come unto me all ye that labour , and are heavy laden , and i will give you rest . and again . i † am not come to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance . and he adds the reason , saying : [ ‖ for ] they that be whole , need not a physician , but they that are sick . and [ in another place , ] i desire not the death of a sinner [ so earnestly , as i desire ] his repentance . hence it is , that only that person who has been instructed in the knowledge of things divine , ( as soon as he shall have been acquainted with the reasons of that care and diligence imployed about the forementioned works , ) must of necessity acknowledge a far more excellent instinct than that which is meerly humane , to have been in our emperour , and must admire his pious disposition towards the worship of god ; and must believe , that this care and sollicitude in reference to * the monument of the salutary resurrection , was not exerted without divine appoyntment ; but was really the product of the inspiration of that god , whose faithfull servant and minister of good things , [ the emperour ] boasts himself to be . being fully perswaded , greatest emperour ! that these things are truly gratefull and acceptable to you , i have taken a resolution , in this present discourse to set forth to all persons , the causes and g reasons of your pious fabricks : glorying in this , that i am as 't were the interpreter of your intention , and the relatour of your pious mind ▪ and that i teach all those things , which 't is fit and agreeable every person should be instructed in , whose desire it is to understand the reasons of the power of god , and of our saviour : on account of which [ reasons ] he who existed long before , and had the sole care and management of the universe , at length came down from heaven to us : for which [ reasons ] he cloathed himself with the humane nature : for which [ reasons lastly , ] he gave access even to death : moreover , [ that i declare ] the reasons of that immortal life which followed hereupon , and of the resurrection from the dead ; and not the reasons only , but the most evident and rational demonstrations also , and the most indubitable proofs , necessary to those who as yet stand in need of these things . but , now it is time , that we should here begin this our design'd discourse . they who have * ascribed the worship of god the framer of the world and the supream governour over all things , to those things created by him ; and have honoured the sun and moon , and the other parts of the world , and the first elements [ of all things , ] earth ; water ; air ; fire ; with an appellation equal to their maker and framer : and have termed those things , gods , which neither ever were , nor had subsisted , nor had had any name , unless they had been present with and waited upon the word of god who made the world : such persons , in my judgment , seem to differ very little from those , who † passing by the architect of eximious works in imperial palaces , greatly admire the roofs and walls , and the paintings thereon which consist of a variety of flowers and colours , and the golden * lacunaria , and the curious workmanship thereon , and the carv'd works of stones ; and to those very things ▪ attribute the praise and name of the skill of the artist : whereas , the cause of the admiration ought not to be ascribed to those things visible to the eye , but onely to the architect of those [ curious pieces of work : ] and in as much as 't is to be acknowledged , that there are many works of great art and skill ; but , that he only is wise and skillfull , who is the authour of the being of such works as these , and of their being beheld by many . nor , would they seem in any thing to differ from very young children , who should admire the musical instrument of the harp it self , which consists of seven strings ; and not the inventour himself , and the person skilled in its harmony , on account of this his knowledge : or they , who neglecting him that had performed a brave piece of service in the wars , should adorn the spear , or the shield , with triumphant crowns : or [ lastly ] they , who should honour the forums , the streets , the edifices , the lifeless temples , and the † gymnasia ; in the same degree with the mighty emperour , the authour and founder of the great and royal city : whereas 't is not meet to admire the [ columns or ] stones , but rather the wise builder himself of this great work , and him by whose laws and sanctions it is governed . in the very same manner also , they , who with the eyes of the body behold this universe , ought not to ascribe its cause , either to the sun , or moon , or to any other of the celestial bodies : but must acknowledge all these to be the workes of wisdom ; being in the interim mindfull of the maker and framer of them , and preferring his honour and worship before all other things whatever . but , from a view of these very [ works , ] with an entire affection of mind they must reverence and adore him , namely the word of god , the supream emperour [ of this universe , ] who is not now to be perceived by the eyes of the body , but only by a pure and uncorrupt mind . for , in the body of a man , no one hath ever termed the eyes , or head , or hands , or feet , or the rest of the members of a wise and knowing person , wisdom ; much less has any one termed the ‖ pallium within which such a person is wrapt , wise ; or his house-hold-stuff , wise ; or the vessels necessary for a philosopher's use , wise : but every prudent person admires the invisible and disappearing mind that is in man. in the same manner also , rather than [ we should wonder at ] the visible works of this whole world , which are corporeal , and framed of one and the same matter ; we ought to admire that undiscerned and invisible word , the framer and beautifier of this universe ; who is the onely-begotten [ son ] of god : whom the maker of all things himself , a being that far transcends every substance , hath begotten of himself ; and hath constituted him the ruler and governour of this universe . for , whereas it was impossible , that the transient and frail substance of bodies , and the nature of rational creatures which had been newly made ▪ should approach god the supream rectour , because of that infinity of distance whereby he excells them : ( for he is unbegotten , plac'd above and beyond all things ; inexplicable ; incomprehensible ; inaccessible ; inhabiting light that is not to be approach't , as the k sacred oracles tell us : but they were produced out of nothing , and are vastly distant , and a long way separated from that unbegotten nature : ) with good reason therefore , the all-good and supream god , interposed as 't were l the middle , divine , and omnipotent power of his own onely-begotten word . which [ power ] is most intimately and most nearly conversant with the father , and abides within him , and enjoyes his secrets : m nevertheless , it does most graciously condescend and let down it self , and in a manner adapts and fits it self to those , who are far distant from the supream height . for otherwise , it would be a thing neither pure nor holy , that he who is plac't above and beyond all things , should be joyned with corruptible matter and body . therefore , the divine word * came down and put himself into this universe ; and having taken the reins of the whole world into his hands , governs it by an incorporeal and divine power ; and , like a most wise charioteer , manages it according as it seems good to himself . now , the demonstration of this discourse is clear and perspicuous . for , if those parts of the world do subsist of themselves , which we have usually termed the first elements , namely , earth ; water ; air ; and fire ; which consist of a nature void of reason , as we see with our own eyes : [ or n , ] if there be one matter [ or , substance ] common to them all , which those persons skilled in such things as these , are wont to term the receptacle , mother and nurse of all : and if that be without form and figure , wholly void of life and reason : whence [ hath it hapned , ] ( will any one affirm , ) that there is in it beauty and ornature ? whence [ proceeded ] the distinction of the elements ? whence , † the concord and agreement of things contrary ? who hath commanded the heavy element of earth to be carried on the moist substance [ of water ? ] who hath turned back the nature of waters , which tends downward , and hath carried it about on high , in the clouds ? who hath bound the force of fire , and [ hath commanded it ] to lie hid in wood , and to mix with things contrary to its nature ? who hath mingled the cold air with the hot nature of fire , and o by putting an end to the mutual fight between them , hath reduced them to concord and agreement ? who hath propagated mankind , by inventing the † benefit of succession , [ and hath enlarged it ] to the * long-continuing space of an immortal life ? who hath formed the male , and fashioned the female , thus as we see them ; and p having made them both up into one harmonious composition , hath found out one common principle of generation to all living creatures ? who has changed the liquid nature of sperm , which of it self is corruptible , fluid , and q void of sense ; and hath made it prolifick and fit for the begetting of living creatures ? who even at this very instant works all these things , and infinite others besides these , which are far above wonder , and superiour to all admiration ? who is it , that every day and hour effects the generations [ r and corruptions ] of all these , by an undiscerned and invisible power ? the wonder-working word of god , is most deservedly to be lookt upon as the authour of all these things . for the truly-omnipotent word of god , diffuses himself over all things ; and having in an incorporeal manner extended himself , both upwards to an immense height , and also downwards to a vast depth ; and containing within his large hands as 't were , the s latitude and longitude of the universe , he hath compacted and bound together this whole world . which when he had made up into an instrument containing in it self all sorts of harmony , for his own use ; with ‖ reason and wisdom he began to play upon the matter of bodies , which is of it self irrational , without form , and void of figure ; t fitly setting together and composing the disjuncts with the diatones . he likewise governs the sun and moon , and the other luminaries of heaven , by measures not to be unfolded ; and leades [ them ] in such a manner , as may be most usefull and beneficial to this universe . the same word of god let himself down upon the earth also , where he produced living creatures of every kind , and the variouslyshap'd beauties of plants . the very same word of god penetrated into the deep recesses of the sea likewise , and u invented the nature of swimming creatures : and there also he made infinite and innumerable forms and varieties of all sorts of living creatures . he it is , who perfecting and compleating the † foetus's conceived in the wombe , within in the very work-house of nature , gives them life and form. he also lifts up on high the fluid and heavy nature of the moist substance , and afterwards , when by a change he has made it sweet , brings it down gently and moderately to the ground : but at stated seasons he bestows it in a more plentifull manner . then , like some skilfull and excellent husband-man , having sufficiently watered the fields with it , by dividing it into various streams , and conveying it in several channells ; and having mixt the moist substance with the dry ground ; he dresses and adorns the earth in a different manner ; sometimes , with beautifull flowers ; w at others , with a variety of figures ; one while , with fragrant scents ; at another , with various sorts of fruits : and at another time he affords all manner of enjoyments that are delicious to the tast. x but , why do i presume to rehearse the * wonderfull works of the word of god , and to attempt impossibilities ? whereas his efficiency does far surmount all humane thought . indeed , some persons have term'd him the nature of the universe ; others , the soul of the world ; others , fate . others have asserted , that he is that supream and most transcendent being , god ; thereby confounding , in a manner to me unintelligible , things that are at the greatest distance one from another : whilst they debase and throw down even to the earth , the ruler of all things himself , and the unbegotten and supream nature ; and joyn it with a body , and with corruptible matter ; and affirm that 't is † wrap't up in the midst , between living creatures that are rational and irrational , between substances mortal and immortal . thus they . but , the divine doctrine does assert , a that that which is the supream good it self , and the cause of all things , is far beyond all comprehension : and therefore , that it is ineffable , and inexpressible , nor can have a name given it ; and that 't is not only above expression , but all thought also . that 't is not to be contained in place , nor is in bodies : that [ it exists ] not in heaven , nor in the b aether ; or in any other part of the universe : but , that 't is wholly without all things , and hid within some secret recess of the understanding . the sacred oracles do teach , that he is to be acknowledged the c onely true god ; he who is separated from all corporeal substance and d forreigne to all ministerial oeconomie . wherefore all things , are said to have existed from him , but not by him. but he himself , as the emperour , within in secret and inaccessible apartments , inhabits light that is always unapproachable , and by the sole power of his own will does [ every where ] determine and command . for , from his being willing , proceeds the existence of every thing that is ; and he not being willing , it is not . now , he wills all things that are good , because by his own essence he is e goodness it self . but god the word , by whom are all things , issues from above f in a manner inexpressible , out of his excellent father , as out of an everlasting and immense fountain , and flows forth like a river ; * spreading his streames all abroad , in order to the common preservation of every thing . and ( that i may make use of an instance taken from our selves , ) as the invisible and undiscovered mind in us , ( which , what , and of what sort it is as to its essence , no mortal ever yet knew ; ) residing like some emperour within the private apartments of his own palace , does alone will , and conclude upon those things that are to be done : but discourse , as 't were the onely-begotten son , begotten by the mind in a manner that is inexplicable , and by a power not to be exprest , proceeds out of its bosome , as from its parent ; and is the first messenger and interpreter of its parent 's thoughts to all persons ; and makes a publick declaration of those things which its parent has concluded on in secret ; and actually performs its parents resolves , conveying it self to the ears of all men . whence 't is , that men receive benefit from discourse : but no person has ever beheld with his eyes , the latent and invisible mind it self , which is the parent of discourse . in the very same manner , or rather in a manner far beyond all comparison and resemblance , the most perfect word of the supream god , in regard he is the onely begotten son of the father , not consisting of a power of pronunciation , nor as to his nature made up of syllables , names , and words ; nor exprest by a voice which strikes through the air : but existing the living and operating word of the supream god , and subsisting personally , as being the power of god , and the wisdom of god ; proceeds from his father's divinity , and [ comes forth ] out of his kingdom . and , in as much as he is the good off-spring of the good father , and the common saviour of all things , he g passes thorow , and derives a moysture upon all [ living creatures : ] and by reason of his own fulness of reason , wisdom , light , and of all goods , he diffuses himself over all things , not only those that are at hand and near ▪ but them also that are at the remotest distance , whether on the earth or in the sea , or where ever else ; if besides these there be in nature any other seat or habitation allotted to things . to all which , with the greatest equity and justice he appoynts limits , and * regions , and laws , and stated inheritances ; and by his royal power bestows upon , and supplies each of them with those things that are fit and agreeable . and to some of them he assignes [ for their place of residence , ] those arches that are above the world ; h again , to others [ he appoints ] the heaven for their habitation ; to others , aetherial mansions ; to others , the air ; to others , the earth . and afterwards , he does again remove them from hence to other places ; and makes an exact enquiry into the lives of every one of them , and rewards their morals , behaviour , and conversation . he likewise provides food and nourishment , not only for creatures endued with reason , but for those that are irrational also , which are of use to men : i and to these latter , he affords the enjoyment of a mortal and temporary life ; but to the former , a participation of [ a life ] immortal . in fine , he himself , as being the word of god , effects all things , is every where present , and by his rational power does penetrate and pass thorow all things . and looking up to his own father , agreeably to his will and appointment , he governs and manages all k inferiour things , and which are consequent to him , in regard he is the common saviour of all : existing in a manner the middle [ between both , ] and joyning that substance which has an original , with the unbegotten [ father . ] for the word of god is a most firm middle bond , which does bind together things distant one from another , and suffers them not to depart far asunder . he is that providence which governs the universe : he it is , who takes care of , composes , and corrects all things . he is the power of god , and the wisdom of god. lastly , he is the * onely begotten word , god begotten of god. for , † in the beginning was the word , and the word was with god , and the word was god. all things were made by him ; and without him was not any thing made that was made : as the sacred expressions of divine men do inform us . he is the common planter of all things , by whose assistance the substance of all things does sprout and flourish ; being continually watered by showers from him , and always [ enlivened ] with new vigour , and every day endued with comeliness and beauty . he holds the reines [ of the universe in his hand , ] and directs all things in a straight course , and by the arbitrement of his father , manages the helm of that vast ship of the whole world. such an incomparable artist as this , the onely-begotten son namely , when he who is god over all , l as being the [ most excellent ] father of the most excellent * foetus , had begotten of himself ; he bestowed him on this world as the chiefest good : m and having infused him as the soul and life into a body inanimate , and [ mixt ] his own word [ and reason ] with the irrational nature of bodies ; by the divine power of his own word he enlightened and gave life to formless matter , which was without shape , life , and figure . whom we ought to acknowledge and contemplate , as continually and in all places present in matter , and in the elements of bodies ; and as the begetter of all creatures endued with life : and [ must own ] him to be the light ; and the intellectual product of inexplicable light. who , as to essence , is one ; because begotten of one father : but contains in himself many powers and faculties . for , because there be many parts of the world , n we must not for that reason think that there are many powers : nor , because many things have been made , is it therefore fit we should determine , that there be many gods also . o indeed , those sons of persons that were worshippers of many gods , in regard as to their minds they were childish and simple , have err'd miserably ; whilst they deified the parts of the universe , and divided the world , which in it self was one , into many . 't is the same , as if any person should take the eyes of one entire man , by themselves , and should say that they were one man ; and again , the ears , another man ; and in like manner , the head , [ another : ] as also the neck , and the breast , and the shoulders , and the feet , and the hands ; and having thus divided the rest of the members into pieces ; and lastly , by a mental abstraction , severed the faculties of the senses ; should affirm him , who is really but one , to be a great many men . [ he that should proceed thus , ] would do nothing more than expose his own madness to be laught at by men of sense . exactly such a one is he , who forms to himself an infinite number of gods , out of the parts of one world ; or who supposes , that the world it self , which has both a beginning , and also consists of many parts , is a god ; and who does not understand , that 't is no way possible , that the divine nature should consist of parts . for , should it be compounded , it would want some other thing , which might compound it : p nor again , could that in any wise be divine , which should consist of many parts . for , how [ should it be divine , ] whenas it would consist of [ things ] unlike and different , and of worse and better ? but , [ the nature of god ] is simple , indivisible , and uncompounded ; and is far beyond all this visible constitution of the world . wherefore , q that preacher of truth , has cryed out with a loud voice , plainly expressing himself in this manner . 't is certain , the word of god , who [ existed ] before all things , is the only saviour of all rational creatures . r but god who is above all , the authour of the generation of the word ; in regard he alone is the cause of all things , is properly styled the father of his own word , as of his onely-begotten : but he himself acknowledges no superiour cause . therefore , he himself is the onely god : but the onely-begotten proceeds from him ; he is the saviour of all , the one word of god , who [ pierces ] thorow all things . s indeed , this sensible world ( as 't were some many-string'd harp , made up of dislike chords , whereof some are sharp , others flat , some slack , others strain'd , and othersome betwixt both ; but all well fitted and proportion'd , according to the rules of the art of musick : in the same manner this world ) consisting of many parts , and compounded in a various manner ; of cold namely and its contrary heat ; and again , of a moyst substance , and dry the contrary thereto ; and of all these making up one harmony , may fitly be styled the great musical instrument and composure of the great god. but the divine word , who neither consists of parts , nor is made up of contraries , but is indivisible and uncompounded , with great art and skill does play upon [ this musical instrument ] the universe ; and makes such a melody as is * gratefull to his father the supream king , and befitting himself . t for , as in one body , the members and parts , the bowels , and almost innumerable entrails , are compacted and set together ; but one invisible soul is diffused through all its parts ; & one mind , which is indivisible and incorporeal : so also in this universe , the world it self , consisting of many parts , is made up into one ; but the word of god , whose power is manifold and omnipotent , is in like manner one ; and passes through all things , and is u without wandring diffused and spread over all things , and is the cause of all things that are made in them . do you not with your eyes see this whole world ? how one heaven containes w innumerable * quires of stars which go their rounds about it . again , how one sun [ leads up ] the many other [ daunces of the stars , ] and by the transcendency of his own light , obscures the splendour of all the rest . in the same manner , the father being one , his word must be one also , as being the excellent [ off-spring ] of the excellent father . but , should any person complain , because there are not more ; such a one has as good reason to find fault , because there are not more suns , more moons , more worlds , and a thousand things beside ; whilst like a mad man , he attempts to subvert and discompose those things , which are right and well-constituted by nature . for , as in things visible , one sun does enlighten this whole sensible world : so in things intelligible , one almighty word of god illuminates all things , in a manner to us unknown and invisible . for , even in man himself , one soul and one faculty of reasoning , is the framer of many things all under one : for , one and the same mind , having been instructed in the knowledge of many matters , attempts both to till the ground , and to build a ship , and to steer it , and to set up an house . also , one mind and reason in man , is capable of numerous sciences . for , one and the same mind is skill'd in geometry , and in astronomy ; and delivers the rules of grammar , and rhetorick , and physick : nor is [ the mind ] mistress of these liberal sciences only , but of arts manual also . and yet no man was ever hitherto of opinion , that there are many [ rational ] soules in one body : nor hath any one admired or had a suspicion of many substances in the same man , because he is capable of being skill'd in many sciences . let us suppose any one to have found an unform'd lump of clay ; and , ( after he has softened it with his hands ) to have fashioned it into the shape of a living creature ; the head in one figure : the hands and feet in another ; and again the eyes in another , as also the cheeks in another ; and likewise † by the art of a potter to have formed the ears , mouth , nose , breast , and shoulders . although there are many figures , parts and members formed in this one body ; yet it must not therefore be thought , that there were as many framers of this work : but we must acknowledge the artist of the whole work to be but one ; and must necessarily commend that single person , who by the help of one reason and one faculty , has framed the whole work. the same is to be thought concerning this whole world ; which although it be one , yet consists of many parts . nor must we therefore suppose many framing powers ; or name many gods : but must attribute the appellation of divinity to the true god's one power and wisdom , which is compleatly furnished with all manner of sagacity , and with the perfection of harmony : which by one and that a singular power and virtue , passes thorow all things ; and goes through the whole world ; and constitutes and enlivens all things ; and lastly x from it self gives a various supply to all and singular bodies and elements . so also , one and the same impression of the solar light , at one and the same instant illustrates the air ; enlightens the eyes ; heats the [ sense of ] touching ; fattens the earth , and gives increase to plants : besides , it constitutes time ; rules and leades the stars ; goes round heaven ; beautifies the world ; and renders the power of god , manifest and apparent to every one : and all these things it performs , by one and the same force of its own nature . in like manner , the nature of fire , refines gold , melts lead ; dissolves wax ; dries clay ; and burns wood : so many , and such great things it performs by one power and faculty , that namely of burning . in the very same manner , the word of god , the supream moderatour of all things , who passes through all things , exists in all things , and ‖ overspreads all things , as well celestial as terrestrial ; governs things invisible and visible , and by y unspeakable powers rules the sun himself , heaven , and the whole world ; is present with all things by his active power , and goes thorow all things . and on the sun himself , and on the moon , and the stars , he sheads forth a perpetual light out of his own fountain of light . the heaven , which he hath made as the most sit resemblance of his own greatness , he does for ever govern . but the powers which are beyond heaven and the world it self , namely the angels and spirits , and the intelligent and rational substances ; are by him filled and enricht , with life and light , and wisdom , and all manner of virtue , and beauty , and goodness , out of his own treasures . lastly , by one and the same framing faculty , he never ceases from furnishing the elements with substance , and bodies with mixtures and temperaments ; and moreover , with forms , and figures , and innumerable qualities ; z as well in living creatures as plants ; not only in rational beings , but in brutes ; differ●●cing and distinguishing all things with an admirable variety , and by one and the same power plentifully supplying all things with all things : hereby most clearly demonstrating , that not an harp consisting of seven chords , but this one all-harmonious world , is the work of the one world-creating word . a proceed we therefore in the next place to un-fold the reason , which moved this almighty word to make his descent into this world . a sort of ignorant and unthinking men , not apprehending that this word of god has the presidency over heaven and earth , that he was begotten of his father's divinity , [ the stream ] as 't were from that supream fountain it self , and is always present and conversant with this world ; and that he exhibits most apparent and manifest indications of his own providence and care in reference to men : have given the adorable name [ of god ] to the sun and moon , and to the heaven it self and the stars . nor have they stop't here : but have likewise deified a terrene nature , and the fruits produc'd from the earth , and all manner of nourishment of bodies : framing for themselves ▪ images of ceres , of proserpina and bacchus , and of infinite other such like [ deities . ] neither has it sufficed them to proceed thus far : but they have not been afraid of declaring the thoughts of their own minds , and speech it self the interpreter of those thoughts , to be gods : terming the mind , minerva ; and speech , mercurius : they have likewise named those faculties of the mind , whereby arts and sciences are acquired , * moneta and the muses . nor have they stop't here : but making every day new accessions to their absurdities , by reason of their transcendent impiety , they have deified their own commotions and perturbations of mind , which they ought to have had an aversion for , and to have cur'd by the prescripts of temperance . and even to their very lust it self , and to the mischievous and unruly disease of their souls , and to those parts of the body that are the incentives to obscenity ; b and moreover , to that intemperance excessively prone to filthy pleasures , they have given the names of cupido , priapus , and venus , and other such like appellations as these . nor have they stopt here : but debasing themselves to the generations of bodies , and to this mortal life here below , they have deified mortal men , and after death which is common to all , have termed them hero's and gods ; imagining that the immortal and divine nature does * wander about tombes and sepulchres . nor has this put a stop to their madness : but they have honoured all sorts of irrational creatures , and the most noxious kinds of creeping things , with the venerable title [ of divinity . ] neither were they satisfied herewith : but they have cut down trees , and hew'd out stones , and have dug forth the mettals of the earth , brass , iron , and other matter ; whereof they have form'd resemblances of women and shapes of men , and figures of wild beasts and creeping things : and afterwards paid them a divine worship and honour . nor have they put an end to their madness here : but have given the name of gods to those malignant daemons , which had hol'd in images , and lay lurking within obscure and dark recesses , and who with greediness gap'd after and swallowed libations , and the stinking savours of sacrifices . nor did they stop here : but c by certain ligatures of forbidden craft , and by d wicked and compulsory enchanting verses and charms , they allured and enticed those daemons and invisible powers which fly about the air , to be their e assistants and familiars . f moreover , some mortal men were deified by one sort of people ; others , by another . for the greeks honoured bacchus , and hercules , and aesculapius , and apollo , and some other men , with the name of hero's and gods. but the egyptians esteemed horus , and isis , and osiris , and other such like men as these , to be gods. and these persons , who on account of their transcendent sagacity , boasted of the invention of geometry , astronomy , and arithmetick ; understood not , nor were so well skilled , ( though in g their own judgments they lookt upon themselves to be such wife and knowing men ; ) as to weigh and consider , the measures of the power of god , and [ to examine ] how great a difference there is between his , and a mortal and brutish nature . hence it was , that they were not ashamed of deifying every sort of filthy and ill-favoured beasts , and all manner of living creatures , and venomous ▪ serpents , and savage beasts . also , the phoenicians gave the title of gods to h melcatharus and usorus , and to some other obscure persons , who had heretofore been men . and so did the arabians , to one i dusares and obadas ; k and the getae , to zamolxis ; and the cilicians , to mopsus ; and the thebaeans , to amphiareus : and again some [ made gods ] of these , others of those ; persons in nothing different from a mortal nature ; but such as in reality were meer men . all the egyptians by a general consent , the phoenicians , the greeks , and in short the whole body of mankind which the rayes of the sun do enlighten , [ have attributed divine honours ] to the parts of the world , and to the elements , and to l the fruits which spring out of the earth . and which is yet more strange , although they acknowledge their adulteries , their sodomies , and their ravishments of women ; nevertheless they have filled all cities and towns and countries , with their temples and statues and shrines ; and in a conformity to the morals of their gods , they have totally ruined their own souls . indeed , in words and expressions you might frequently hear gods named amongst them , m and sons of gods , also heroes , and good genii : but the thing it self was quite different and contrary . for they grac't contrary things with contrary names : in the same manner as if a man desirous to shew another the sun and the luminaries in the heaven , should not lift up his eyes thither ; but should cast his hands downwards toward the earth , and throwing them on the ground , grope for the celestial powers in the dirt and mire . thus mankind , [ induced thereto ] by a stupidity of mind , and the fraud of mischeivous daemons , was fully perswaded , that the intelligible nature of god , which does far transcend heaven and the world it self , resided below in the generation of bodies , in the * affections of mortals , and in † death . further , men were arrived at such an height of madness , that they sacrificed their dearest pledges to them ; nor would they spare even nature it self ; but , out of fury and a distraction of mind , murdered their only-begotten , and the dearest of their children . for , what can be supposed a madder action than this , to sacrifice men ; and to pollute all cities , and their own houses with intestine murders ? doe not the greeks themselves give testimony to these matters ? is not every history fill'd with the rehearsall of these things ? the phoenicians did every year sacrifice their most beloved and only begotten children , to saturn . n to the very same [ god , ] in [ the island ] rhodes , on the sixth day of the month metageitnion , they offered men in sacrifice . also at salamis , in a temple of minerva agraulis and diomedes , 't was the custom , that a man , pursu'd by others should run round about the altar thrice ; after which the priest stab'd him into the stomack with a launce ; and thus he laid him on a pile of wood set on fire , and wholly consumed him . in egypt likewise , innumerable slaughters of men were committed . for at heliopolis , three men were every day sacrificed to juno : the barbarousness of which thing , king o amoses having lookt into and rightly considered , ordered the like number of men made up of wax , to be substituted in their room . also in [ the island ] chius they sacrificed a man to bacchus omadius ; and they did the like in tenedos . in lacedaemon they performed a sacrifice to mars by [ offering ] men : and they did the very same in creet , where they sacrificed a man to saturn . at laodicea in syria , a virgin was every year sacrificed to minerva ; in place of whom a hart is now offered . moreover , the libyans and carthaginians appeased their own gods with humane sacrifices . p also , the dumateni of arabia offered a boy in sacrifice yearly , whom they were wont to bury under the altar . history does inform us , that all the greeks in general , before they marched out to war , usually sacrificed a man : and the thracians and scythae are recorded to have done the like . the athenians mention q the virgin-daughters of leus , r and the daughter of erechtheus , as offered in sacrifice amongst them . and who is ignorant , that even at this present , s in the city rome , on the feast of jupiter latiaris , a man is sacrificed ? the most approved persons amongst the philosophers , have by their own testimony evidenced , that these things are thus . moreover , diodorus , who composed an epitome of libraries , says that the africans offered as a publick sacrifice , two hundred of their noblest boyes to saturn ; and that t three hundred other persons voluntarily presented their own sons , not fewer in number , to be sacrificed . but dionysius , the writer of the roman history , does relate , that jupiter himself in u his own name , and apollo , required humane sacrifices in italy , from those termed the aborigines : and says farther , that those persons from whom these sacrifices had been required , offered a portion of all manner of fruits to the gods : but , because they did not sacrifice men also , [ he adds ] that they fell into all sorts of calamites ; and , that they could not procure a relaxation from these mischiefs , till such time as they had * decimated themselves . and that , being in this manner compelled to take off every tenth man by offering him in sacrifice , they became the occasioners of the depopulation of their own country . with so many and such great calamities was the whole body of mankind heretofore afflicted . nor yet was this the only unhappiness wherewith men were attended : but they were slaves to infinite other , and those deplorable and incurable mischiefs . for all the nations disperst thorowout the whole world , both greeks and barbarians , stirred up as 't were and provok'd by a devilish impulse , were seized with the horrid and most sore disease of sedition ; in so much that , the sons of men were unsociable , and irreconcileable one to another ; the great body of common nature was torn piece-meal [ and its members scatter'd ] here and there ; and in every corner of the earth men † were dis-united , and strove with one another on account of their different laws and forms of government . and not only this ; but being enraged by frequent commotions and insurrections , they made attacks upon one another : so that , they spent their whole lives in continued fights and intestine wars ; nor durst any one , unless arm'd at all points like a warriour , stir abroad and travel whither he had a mind to go . moreover , throughout all countries and in the villages , the ‖ boors w wore swords ; and possest themselves of provisions of arms , rather than of tools and furniture to till the ground : and to pillage and make slaves of such of the neighbourhood as they had taken prisoners , was by them placed to the account of valour . nor were they satisfied only with this ; but taking an occasion of leading unclean and wicked lives , from those fables which they themselves had coyn'd concerning their own gods ; they ruined their own souls as well as bodies , by all the ways and methods of intemperance . nor did they acquiesce herein ; but passing those bounds and limits which nature has set , they proceeded farther , and abused one another by the commission of such acts of obscenity , as are as unfit to be declared , as incredible : and * men with men wrought that which is unseemly , and received in themselves that recompense of their errour which was meet , as the sacred scriptures do express it . nor were they satisfied herewith ; but having deprav'd those notions concerning god , infused into them by nature , they lookt upon all affairs here below , as not managed with any thing of care and providence ; but ascribed the origine and constitution of this universe to † rash and fortuitous chance , and to fatal neoessitie . neither did they end here : but supposing their souls to perish together with their bodies , they lead a brutish and lifeless life ; not searching into the nature of the soul ; not expecting the tribunals of divine judgment ; not weighing in their minds the rewards of virtue , or the punishments of an unrighteous and wicked life . moreover , whole nations , [ enslaved ] to various sorts of impiety , consumed away in a brutish course of life , as if rotted by some inveterate disease . for some made horrible and most unnatural mixtures with their own mothers : others married their own sisters ; others debauch'd their own daughters . and some murdered strangers , who had come to them : others fed upon humane flesh : others strangled their aged people , and afterwards feasted on them : others cast them to dogs , whilst they were yet living , to be devoured by them . the time would fail me , should i attempt to give a particular narrative of all those mischiefs , of that complicated and inveterate disease , which had seized the whole body of mankind . these , and ten thousand more of the same nature with these , [ were the calamitous distempers ; ] on account whereof the most gracious word of god , compassionating x his own rational flock ( heretofore by some of his prophets , and long after that by other pious men , and then by those famous and illustrious persons who lived in the following ages , ) incited those that were despair'd of and lost , to their own cure : and partly by laws , partly by various exhortations , and partly by all . manner of instructions , he infused into men the beginnings and first rudiments of divine worship . y but when mankind stood not any longer in need of humane power , but wanted an assistant far superiour and more powerfull than man was ; in regard the sons of men wandred in errour this way and that way , and were most cruelly torn in sunder , not by wolves and fierce wild-beasts , but by terrible and raging daemons , and by furious and soul-destroying spirits : at length the word of god , in obedience to his most excellent father's command , with all imaginable willingness came to us himself , and entred our tents . now , the reasons of his descent hither , were the same with those i have mentioned above . z on account therefore of all which , when he was come to the converse of mortals , he performed not that which had been usual and customary to him ; for he was incorporeal , and in an invisible manner could pass thorow the whole world , and by his works themselves demonstrated the greatness of his own power , to the inhabitants as well of heaven , as earth . but he * made use of a new and unusual manner of acting . for , having assumed a mortal body , he vouchsafed to discourse and converse with men ; with this designe , that he might save mankind by its like . but come on , in the procedure we will declare , on what account the incorporeal word of god , having * assumed a body as an instrument , was present and conversant with men . and , by what other method could the divine essence ( which can't be touched , is immaterial , and invisible , ) shew it self to those , who seek for god in matter and below on the ground , a and who any other way were unable , or at least unwilling , to inspect the parent and maker of all things ; unless he had exposed himself to view under an humane form and shape ? hence it was , that by the most agreeable assistance of a mortal body , he descended to a converse with men , because such a body was familiar and acceptable to them . for , as the common proverb assures us , like loves its like . b in the same manner therefore , the word of god shewed himself to those , who * were lead by a sense of things visible , and who sought gods in statues and sculptures of lifeless images , and fancied that the deity dwelt in matter and in a body ; and lastly , who termed mortal men , gods. on this account he procured himself † the instrument of a body , as some most holy temple ; the sensible habitation of a rational faculty ; a venerable and most sacred statue , of far greater worth and value than every inanimate image . for an image consisting of lifeless matter , which has been form'd into an humane shape by the hands of sordid and mean mechanicks , the substance whereof is either brass or iron , gold or ivory , stones or wood ; is a most fit and commodious mansion for daemons . but that divine statue , fram'd and polisht by the ‖ omnipotent industry of divine wisdom , was a partaker of life and an intellectual substance . a statue that was filled with all manner of virtue : a statue that was the residence of god the word , and a holy temple of the most holy god. the inhabitant whereof [ god ] the word , was conversant amongst , and became acquainted with mortals , by means of an instrument that was familiar and of kin to them : nevertheless , he submitted not himself to the like passions with men ; neither , as an humane mind is , was he bound * by the bonds of the body ; nor , being made worse than himself , did he change his own divinity . for , as the rayes of the sun ( which though they fill all places , and touch bodies that are dead and impure , yet ) suffer nothing therefrom : so , and in a far more excellent manner also , the incorporeal power of god the word , neither suffers any thing , nor is he sensible of any detriment in reference to his own essence , nor does that ever exist worse than it self , * when , being spiritual , it touches a body . in this manner therefore the common saviour of all , exhibited himself beneficent and salutary to all : demonstrating his wisdom by the instrument of an humane body which he had assumed , no otherwise than a musician [ does shew his skill ] by an harp. we are told in the fables of the greeks , that orpheus by melody appeased all sorts of wild beasts , and mitigated the rage of savage monsters , by his skilfull strokes on the chords of his instrument . and this is both commonly reported amongst the greeks , and also believ'd to be true ; namely , that the lifeless harp tam'd the wild-beasts ; and c moreover , that it removed the oakes , which were ravisht by its musick . but the all-wise and all-harmonious word of god , when he would administer all methods of cure to the souls of men , which were depraved by a manifold improbity ; took into his hands a musical instrument , d the composure of his own wisdom , namely the humane nature ; on which instrument he play'd tunes , and by it did not charm e brutes [ as orpheus did , ] but creatures endued with reason ; civilizing the morals of all persons , as well greeks as barbarians ; and healing the outragious and brutish perturbations of their minds , by the remedies of his divine doctrine . and , like some expert and knowing physitian , applying to these sick minds , which sought the deity in matter and in bodies , a natural , apposite , and fit * medicament ; he shewed god in man. after this , in regard he manifested no less care towards bodies , than towards souls ; even the eyes of flesh beheld some stupendious miracles , and divine wonders , and works of his own omnipotence . but in the interim , by a corporeal mouth and tongue he desisted not from instilling saving precepts , into the ears of flesh . in fine , he performed all things by the humanity which he had assumed , on their account , who could no otherwise , than only by this means , be made sensible of * his divinity . and these things he performed in obedience to his father's counsels , f himself continuing the same that he was before with the father : neither changing his essence ; nor * loosing his own nature : not bound with the bonds of flesh ; nor making his abode in that place where his humane vessel was ; and altogether hindred from being present in other places . but , during that very interim wherein he was conversant with men , by his presence he filled all things , and was with the father , and was in the father ; and in that very instant took care of all things together , as well those which are in heaven , as them on earth . neither was he excluded , in the same manner that we are , from being present every where ; nor hindred from performing divine works , according to his usual manner . but those things which were of himself , he delivered to the humane nature ; but , on the other hand , he received not those things which were of the mortal nature it self . he did indeed confer divine power on mortal nature : but , on the contrary , he drew nothing from a participation of the mortal nature . therefore , neither was he any way polluted , at such time as his body was born ; nor again , at such time as his mortal body was g dissolved , did he , in regard he is impassible , suffer any thing in reference to his essence . for neither , if an harp should by accident be broken , or the chords thereof burst ; is it * necessary that he himself should suffer any thing , who playes upon the harp. nor , if the body of any wise man happen to be punished , is there any reason we should affirm , that the wisdom in that wise man , or the soul in that body , is either mangled or burnt . h in the very same manner , and on a far better account , 't is agreeable to reason we should assert , that the power of the divine word received no dammage , from the * sufferings of the body : in as much as , neither that instance of light , which we have already made use of , does any ways permit the solar rayes , which are shot from heaven upon the earth , and do touch dirt and mire and all manner of filth , to be polluted . for , though nothing hinders us from affirming , that even these things are illustrated by the rayes of light ; yet we do not therefore [ say , ] that the light it self is also bemired , or that the sun is defiled by the mixture of bodies : albeit these things are not wholly disagreeable to nature it self . but , whereas that saviour and incorporeal word of god , i is the life it self and the intellectual light it self ; whatsoever thing he shall have toucht by his divine and incorporeal virtue , that thing must afterwards of necessity live , and be conversant in rational light. k in like manner also , whatever body he shall have toucht , that body is forthwith sanctified and illuminated : and immediately every disease , sickness , and trouble departs from it . and those things which before were empty , receive some portion from his fulness . wherefore , he spent almost the whole course of his life in such a manner , that he might sometimes shew his own body to be lyable to the same passions that we are ; but at others , that he might declare himself to be god the word : whilst he performed great and wonderfull works , as god , and foretold things future long before they hapned ; and demonstrated the word of god , ( who was not seen by many , ) by the things themselves ; namely , by prodigious works , miracles , signes , and stupendious powers ; l and moreover , by divine doctrines , whereby he incited the minds of men , that they should prepare their souls for [ the blessedness ] of that supernal habitation which is beyond heaven . what remains now , but that we give an account of the cause and reason of that thing , which is the chief and principal of all : i mean the much-talk't-of end of his life , and the manner of his passion ; and the grand miracle of his a resurrection after death . after an explication of which [ particulars ] we will confirm the demonstrations of them all , by most manifest testimonies . [ the divine word ] therefore , having , on account of those reasons mentioned by us , b made use of a mortal instrument , as of a * statue most becoming the majesty of god ; and , in regard he is the great emperour , having by its ministery , as 't were by that of an interpreter , † been conversant amongst men ; he performed all things in such a manner as became the divine power . now , if , after that life spent amongst men , he had by some other means c become invisible on a sudden and gone away ; if he had conveyed away his interpreter privately , and by a flight had endeavoured to rescue his own statue from the danger of death ; and if afterwards , of himself he had adjudg'd that very mortal body to death and corruption : doubtless , all men would have believed him to have been a meer apparition or ghost . d nor would he himself have performed those things which became himself ; in regard ( although he was the life , and the word of god , and the power of god ; yet ) he would have delivered up his own interpreter to death and corruption . nor would those things which he had performed against the * devil , have been terminated by an illustrious conflict and combat with death . nor could it have been accurately known , whither he had withdrawn himself : nor would he have been believed by those , who had not seen him with their eyes : nor could it have been made apparent , that he has a nature superiour to death : nor could he have freed mortal nature from [ the infirmity of ] it s own condition : nor would he have been † fam'd thorowout the whole habitable world : nor could he have prevailed upon his own disciples to contemn death : nor would he have procured for those who are followers of his doctrine , the hope of a life with god after death : nor would he have fulfilled the promises of his own discourses : nor would . he have exhibited agreeable events to the prophetick predictions concerning himself : nor [ in fine , ] would he have undergone the last combat of all ; which was against death it self . on account therefore of all these particulars , in as much as 't was wholly necessary , that his mortal instrument , after that sufficient service which it had performed to the divine word , should have an end befitting god allotted to it ; therefore [ i say ] his death is in this manner dispenc'd and ordered . e for , there remaining two things [ to be done by him ] at the end of his life ; either that he should surrender up his whole body to corruption and ruine ; and so close his whole life , f like a play as 't were , with a most disgracefull catastrophe ; or else , that he should manifest himself to be superiour to death , and by the assistance of divine power should render his mortal body , immortal : the first of these two was repugnant to his own promise . ( for , 't is not the property of fire , to cool ; nor of light , g to darken . so , neither is it the [ property ] of life , to die ; nor ; of the divine reason , to act contrary to reason . ) for , how is it agreeable to reason , that he who had promised life to others , should be so negligent , as to suffer his own instrument to be corrupted , and should surrender up his own image to destruction ; and , that he who promised immortality to all that address themselves to him , should by death ruine the interpreter of his own divinity ? the second thing therefore was necessary ; i mean , that he should manifest himself to be superiour to death . in what manner then was that to have been done ? covertly and by stealth , or * openly and in the view of all ? but , so glorious an atchievement , had it been performed by him in the dark and in secret , and had it been unknown to any one , would have been advantagious to no body . but when divulged and † fam'd amongst all persons , it would redound to the benefit and advantage of all , by reason of the miracle of the thing . whereas then it was necessary , that his instrument should be manifested to be above death , and whereas this was not to have been performed in secret , but in the view of men ; on account hereof it was , that he avoided not death . for , had he done that , he would have been lookt upon as a coward , and inferiour to death . but by his conflict with death as with an adversary , he rendred that body which was mortal , immortal ; after he had undergone that combat for the life , immortality and salvation of all persons . and as , should any one have a mind to shew us a h vessel that can't be burnt , and which is above the power of fire , he could by no other means * make out the strangeness of the thing , than by taking the vessel into his hands , by casting it into the fire , and afterwards by pulling it out of the flames entire and unconsum'd : in the very same manner , the word of god who confers life on all , desirous to demonstrate that mortal instrument , which he had made use of in order to the salvation of men , to be superiour to death ; and to render it a partaker of his own life and immortality ; i underwent a most usefull and advantagious dispensation : k forsaking his body during a very short time , and surrendring up to death that which was mortal , that its own nature might hereby be proved : then soon after rescuing it from death again , in order to the manifestation of his divine power ; by which [ power ] he made it l apparent , that that eternal life which he had promised , was superiour to all [ the force of ] death . now , the reason of this thing is evident and perspicuous . for , whereas it was altogether necessary for his disciples , that with their own eyes they should see a manifest and undoubted reparation of life after death ; in which [ life ] he had taught them to place their hopes ; in regard his design was , to render them contemners and vanquishers of death : not without reason it was , that he would have them behold this with their own eyes . m for it behoved such persons , who were about entring upon a pious course of life , by the clearest view to behold and imbibe this first and most necessary lesson of all : and much more those , who were forthwith to preach him thoroughout the whole world , and to declare to all men the n knowledge of god , the foundation of which knowledge had before been laid by him amongst all nations . which persons ought to rely and ground upon the o firmest and most undoubted perswasion of a life after death ; to the end that without any fear or dread of death , they might with alacrity undertake the combat , p against the errour of the nations who worship many gods. for , unless they had learnt to dispise death , they would never have been provided against those perils [ they were to undergo . ] wherefore , when , as 't was requisite , he would arm them against the power of death , he did not deliver them a precept in naked words and bare expressions , nor , as the usage of men is , did he compose an oration concerning the immortality of the soul , made up of perswasives and probabilities : but really and actually shewed them the trophies erected against death . this then was the first and most cogent reason , of our saviour's engagement with death . for he shewed his disciples , that death , which is formidable to all , was nothing ; and by a clear view rendred them eye-witnesses of q that life promised by him : which very [ life ] he made the first-fruits of our common hope , and of a future life and immortality with god. a second reason of his resurrection was , the demonstration of that divine power which had dwelt in his body . for , in regard men had heretofore deified mortal persons who had been vanquished by death , and had usually termed them heroes and gods , whom death had subdued ; on this very account the most compassionate word of god , did even here manifest * who he was : shewing men , [ that his own ] nature was above death . and he not only raised his mortal body , after 't was separated from his soul , to a second life ; but proposed that trophy of immortality , which by his conquest of death he had erected , to be viewed by all : and in his very death taught , that he alone was to be acknowledged the true god , who had been crown'd with the rewards of victory over death . i could also assign you a third reason of our lord's death . he was a sacred victim , offered up for the whole race of mankind , to god the supream king of the universe . a victim sacrificed † instead of the flock of men : a victim which routed and destroyed the errour of diabolical superstition . for , after that one victim ad eximious sacrifice , namely the most holy body of our saviour , was slain for mankind , and offered up as the r substitute to ransome ▪ the life of all nations , s who , being before bound by the impiety of diabolical errour , stood convict of treason as 't were ; thenceforward all the power of t impure and profane daemons , became extinct ; and all manner of terrestrial and fraudulent errour was forthwith weakened , dissolv'd and confuted . the u salutary sacrifice therefore , [ taken ] from among men , namely the * very body of the [ divine ] word , was sacrificed in place of the whole flock of men . and this was the victim delivered unto death , concerning which mention is made in the expressions of the sacred scriptures ; which are sometimes worded in this manner , † behold the lamb of god , which taketh away the sin of the world : sometimes they run thus , ‖ as a sheep he was led to the slaughter , and as a lamb before his shearer [ he was ] dumb . and they likewise tell us the reason , by adding these words , he bears our sins , and is tortured with pain for us : and we esteemed him to be in labour and in stripes and in affliction . but he was wounded for our sins ; and he was bruised by reason of our iniquities . the chastisement of our peace [ was ] upon him ; with his stripes we are healed . all we like sheep have gone astray ; every one has wandered in his own way : and the lord hath delivered him for our sins . for these reasons therefore , the humane instrument of god the word was sacrificed . but this great high-priest consecrated to god the chief governour and supream king , being something else besides a victim ; namely , the word of god ; the power of god , and the wisdom of god ; soon recalled his mortal [ body ] from death ; and presented it to his father , as the first-fruits of our common salvation ; having erected this for all mankind , as the trophy of that victory which he had gain'd over death , and over the army of daemons , and [ made it ] the final abolishment of those humane victims which of old had been usually offered in sacrifice . but whereas these things are thus , 't is now seasonable we should come to the demonstrations : if indeed a the truth of these matters has any need of demonstration , and if it be indeed necessary , to produce testimonies in confirmation of deeds that are manifest and evident . take therefore these demonstrations , having first prepared * your ears in order to a candid hearing of our discourse . all nations upon the earth were heretofore divided , and the whole race of men b was minc't into provinces ▪ into various dominions over each nation and place , into tyrannies , and manifold principalities . on which account , fights and continued wars , depopulations and captivities , as well in the countries as cities , never left them . hence the numerous subjects of histories , adulteries and rapes of women : c hence the calamitous destruction of troy , and those tragedies of the ancients , whereof mention is made amongst all men . the causes of which [ calamities ] should any one ascribe to their errour in worshipping many gods , 't is my sentiment he would not be mistaken . but , after the salutary instrument , namely the most holy body of christ , ( which appeared superiour to all diabolical fraud [ and ] force , and was a stranger to every fault , as well in deeds as words ; ) was erected against the daemons , as d some trophy of victory , and the abolishment of ancient mischiefs ; immediately all the works of daemons were dissolved and dissipated : nor were there dominions of places any more , nor manifold principalities , nor tyrannies , nor † democracies , nor ( which were wont to arise from thence , ) depopulations of countries , and sieges of cities . but , e one god was preach't amongst all men ; and at the same time , one empire also , that of the romans , flourished over all ; and that f irreconcileable and implacable hatred , which the nations had born one to another almost from the remotest date of time , became forthwith utterly extinct . and as the knowledge of one god was delivered to all men , and one way of religion and salvation , [ namely ] g the doctrine of christ ; so also , at one and the very same time , in regard one monarch was constituted over all the whole roman empire , a most profound peace * prevailed over the whole world . thus by the appointment of one god , two signal blessings , as 't were two branches , shot forth at one time amongst men ; to wit the empire of the romans , and the † doctrine of christian piety . before that [ empire , ] some in a separate and particular manner governed syria ; others reigned over asia ; others , over macedonia . also some were in possession of egypt severed from the other [ provinces ; ] and in like manner others , of the country of the arabians . moreover , the nation of the jews had reduced palestine under their jurisdiction and power . in every village and city , and in all places , men were seiz'd with a kind of a madness as 't were , and being really agitated by the devil , committed murders one upon another , and made wars and fights their chief business . but two mighty powers starting together , from the ‖ same barriers as 't were , on a sudden made all things calm , and reduced them to an amicable composure : i mean , the empire of the romans , which from that time was under the government of a single person ; and the doctrine of christ : which two [ powers ] flourisht together , at one and the same time . our saviour's power utterly destroyed those manifold principalities and numerous deities of daemons ; publishing and declaring one kingdom of god to all men , as well greeks as barbarians , even to those who inhabit the remotest regions of the earth . but the empire of the romans , in regard the causes of many principalities were * before hand taken away , reduced those [ principalities ] which as yet remained visible , under its own dominion ; making this its chief business , to joyn together the whole body of mankind in one common union and agreement . and it hath already reconciled and knit together in one , most nations : but within a short time it will reach even as far as the utmost confines of the earth : in regard the salutary doctrine [ of christ ] joyned with a divine power , does before hand make all things easie to it and renders them smooth and plain . doubtless , this will be acknowledged a great miracle by them , who , induced thereto by a love of truth , shall with attention weigh the thing , and shall not be desirous of detracting from , and reviling the eminentest † blessings . for , at one and the very same juncture , the errour of daemons was confuted ; and at the same time that hatred and strife , which from remote ages had raged amongst the nations , had an end put to it : and again , at the same time one god , and one knowledge of that god was preacht amongst all ; and at the same ▪ time one empire was established amongst men ; and at the same time the whole race of men was ‖ reduced to peace and friendship ; and all persons mutually profest themselves brethren , and acknowledged their own nature . immediately therefore , being as 't were children h begotten by the same ▪ father , to wit one god , and born of the same mother , namely true piety , they began to salute and receive one another peaceably and affectionately : in so much as from that time the whole world seem'd in no point to differ from one well-governed house and family ; and any one might make a journey whither he listed , and travel to what place he pleased , withall imaginable security : and some might without danger pass from the western to the eastern parts ; again others might go from hence thither , as 't were to their own country : and the responses of the ancient oracles were fulfilled , as likewise numerous other predictions of the prophets , which at present we have not leisure to cite : and moreover , those [ expressions ] concerning the divine word , which run thus . * he shall have dominion from sea to sea , and from the river , unto the ends of the earth . and again , † in his days righteousness shall rise , and abundance of peace . [ and in another place : ] ‖ and they shall beat their swords into plow-shares , and [ their ] spears into pruning-hookes ; and nation shall not lay hand on sword against nation , and they shall not learn war any more . these things were predicted , and many ages since proclaimed in the hebrew tongue : which appearing to be actually accomplished in our days , do confirm the testimonies of those ancient oracles . but if , besides these , you desire plenty of other demonstrations , take them , not in words , but in deeds , and realities . open the eyes of your own mind , and set open the gates of thought . forbear speaking for some time , and consider with your self . ask your self , and enquire as 't were of some other person , and make researches into the nature of affairs in this manner . what king from the utmost memory of men ; or prince ; or philosopher ; or law-giver ; or prophet whether greek ro barbarian , ever attained to so much power and authority , ( i do not say after death , but whilst he was yet living , and breathing , and was able to perform many things ; ) as to fill the ears and tongues of all men upon earth , with [ the glory ] of his own name ? 't is certain , no person hath performed this , except only our one saviour , after that victory gain'd over death : when he both * gave his disciples a command in words , and also afterwards actually accomplished it . † go therefore , said he to them , make disciples of all nations in my name . and when he had foretold and affirmed to them , that his gospel should be preacht thorowout the whole world , for a testimony to all nations ; to his words he forthwith added the actual completion of the thing . immediately therefore , and not after a long interval of time , the whole world was filled with his doctrine . what then has he to return in answer hereto , who at the beginning of this oration blamed us ; especially in regard the testimony ‖ of the eyes is superiour to all manner of * reasoning ? but , who hath chased away that always-noxious and destructive tribe of daemons ( which heretofore prey'd upon the whole † body of mankind , and by the motion and impulse of images shewed many impostures and delusions amongst men ; ) by an invisible and potent hand , being as 't were fierce and raging wild-beasts , from the flock of men ? what other person besides our saviour , by an invocation of himself , and by the purest prayers in his name put up to the supream god , hath given a power of driving away the remains of evil spirits from among men , to those who with purity and sincerity would follow ‖ that rule of living and discipline delivered by him ? l what other person , save onely our saviour , hath taught his followers to offer unbloudy and rational sacrifices , which [ are performed ] by prayers and a mysterious * naming of god ? on which account , altars have been erected thorowout the whole world , and churches consecrated : k and divine ministrations of intellectual and rational sacrifices , are offered up by all nations to the only ▪ god the supream king. who by a secret and invisible power , hath caused those sacrifices , which were usually l performed by bloud and gore , smoak and fire ; as likewise those cruel and furious slaughters of men , and humane victims , to be abolished and wholly extinguished ? in so much that , this thing is attested even by the very histories of the heathens themselves . for , all those sacrifices of men in all places of the earth , were not abolished till after [ the publication of ] our saviour's divine doctrine , [ namely ] m about the times of [ the emperour ] hadrim . whereas therefore , so many cogent arguments and evident demonstrations do give confirmation to our saviour's might and power after his death , who is so iron-minded , as not together with others to give evidence to the truth , and not to acknowledge his life [ to be ] divine ? for great atchievements [ are the performances ] of the living , not of the dead : and those things which we see , do furnish us with a knowledge of things hidden . not long since indeed , yesterday as 't were , a race of men who fought against god ; disturbed the life of men , turned all things upside down , and were possest of great power and strength . but when they were departed from among men ; thenceforward they lay upon the earth , n more contemptible than dung ; without breath ; without motion ; without voice . nor is there now any account , or any mention made of them . for this is the * allotment of the dead . and he that is no longer , is no body . but , o what can he do , who is no body ? but on the contrary , he who acts and works , and who is more powerfull than those that are alive , how can he be supposed not to be ? and although he be invisible to eyes of flesh , nevertheless the p faculty of judging consists not in sense : nor do we by the senses of the body perceive the reasons and rules of arts , or speculations of sciences . neither did ever any with his eyes see the mind that is in men , much less the strength and power of god : but things of this nature are wont to be known and perceived by the works themselves . wherefore in our saviour also , 't is fit we should inspect and * discern his invisible power and strength from his works : namely , whether those many illustrious acts , which even till this present time are done by him , must be acknowledged [ the performances ] of a person living ; or whether 't is to be said , that they are the works of one who is not ; or rather whether this question be not altogether foolish and † incoherent . for , how can any one with reason affirm him to be , who is not ? in regard 't is manifest by the consent and suffrages of all , that that which is not , neither has any strength , nor can it act , or operate . q for this is the nature of the living : but [ the nature ] of the dead is contrary . but 't is here seasonable , that we should inspect the performances of our saviour in this our age ; and should contemplate the living works of the living god. a for how should such glorious atchievements as these , not be the living works of a living person , and of one who truly lives the life of god ? but , do you enquire what those are ? hear them . not long since , some persons who had proclaimed war against god , with great obstinacy , and no less power and military force , ruined and dug up from their very foundations , the edifices of his oratories ; and resolved upon rendring his churches wholly invisible ; and with all imaginable engines and stratagems fought against him who is not to be seen with eyes ; casting and throwing aginst him * the darts of impious expressions . but the invisible god was avenged on them in an invisible manner . immediately therefore , by one only nod of the deity , they became extinct ; [ those persons i mean ] who a little before lived delicious and pleasant lives and were thrice-happy ; who were celebrated amongst all men , as equal with the gods ; who during many periods of years b had governed the empire gloriously and happily , as long , namely , as there was peace and friendship between them and him whom they afterwards opposed . but when they changed their minds , and were so audacious as to engage in an actuall war with god ; and set their gods in array against ours , as their * leaders and defenders : immediately , in one moment of time , and by the beck and power of that god whom they opposed , they all underwent the deserved punishments of their audacious attempts . in so much that , giving ground to him with whom they were engaged in war , and turning their backs upon him , they acknowledged his divinity as others had done ; and hastned to grant and permit the clean contrary to those things , which a little before they had attempted . but our saviour forthwith erected victorious trophies in all parts of the earth ; and did again adorn the whole world afresh , with holy temples and † consecrated oratories : and in every city and vill●ge , in all countries , and in the desart places of the barbarians , c he dedicated churches and temples , to one god the supream king and lord of all . hence also 't is , that these consecrated places are vouchsafed the name of the lord ; and take their appellation not from men , but from the supream lord himself . for , from him d they have the name of churches . let him therefore that has a mind to it , come forth and inform us , who , after so great a ruine and devastation , hath raised the sacred houses from their foundations to so vast an height ? who [ hath bestowed a resurrection ] upon those [ structures , ] † wholly despair'd of as to their being rebuilt , and has vouchsafed them a re-edification , whereby they are become far more splendid and stately , than they had been before ? * and , which is most to be admired , hath not new-built them after the death of those enemies of god ; but whilst those very persons were yet alive , who had demolished them : in so much that , they themselves with their own mouthes , and by their own letters recanted their bold attempts : and this they did , not whilst they were surrounded with the delights and pleasures of life , ( for thus any one might perhaps suppose , that they performed this c with a regard to kindness and clemency ; ) but at such time as they were pursued with stripes inflicted on them from heaven . who , after so many and such impetuous storms of persecution , and in the very heat and extremity of dangers , thorowout the whole world kept fixt to the precepts of his divine doctrine , infinite numbers of men that were zealous followers of a philosophick life , and strict worshippers of the deity , f also women that were in holy orders , and quires of virgins which dedicated the whole time of their lives to a perpetual chastity of body and mind : and taught them abstinence from food , and most willingly to continue without meat and wine during the space of many days , and to † lead a hard and austere oourse of life , with a singular modesty and temperance ? who hath so far prevailed upon women , and numerous multitudes of men , that they should exchange the food of their bodies , for that rational food that agrees with their rational souls , [ which food is gotten ] by ‖ a perusal of divine lessons ? who hath taught barbarians and peasants , women , children and servants , and innumerable multitudes of all nations , to despise death ; and to perswade themselves , that their souls are immortal , and that g there is an eye of justice which inspects humane affairs ; and that they should expect a future judgment from god [ to pass upon ] the pious and the impious ; and that for that reason , they ought to lead just , holy , and sober lives ? for 't is in no wise possible , that those who are not thus disposed , should submit themselves to the yoke of piety . all which egregious performances , are even at this present accomplished , only by our saviour . but let us omit these things . come on , we will now apply our selves to [ a conviction of ] him whose mind is as hard as flint , by such interrogatories as these . tell me , friend ! and utter words that are rational ; * let your expressions be the products , not of a foolish and stupid heart , but of a soul endued with reason and understanding . tell me [ i say , ] after you have often and duely weighed the matter with your self . which of all the sages who in times past have been famous , was known in the same manner with our saviour , and † proclaimed so infinite a number of ages since , by the oracles of the prophets , amongst the children of the hebrews , anciently god's beloved people ? who in their minds had a fore-knowledge of the place of his birth , and of the times of his coming , and of his manner of life ; of his miracles likewise , of his discourses , and of his famous actions ; and left them on record in the sacred volumns . h who hath shown himself so swift a revenger , of those audacious attempts against himself ? that , immediately after that impious fact committed against himself , the whole nation of the jews should be pursued and punished by an invisible power , and their royal seat utterly demolished and overthrown from its very foundations , and the temple , together with all the ornaments and rich furniture therein , levell'd with the ground . who hath uttered predictions , i both concerning those impious men , and also in reference to the church founded by him over the whole world , exactly correspondent to the affairs themselves , and hath actually demonstrated and confirm'd the truth of those predictions , in such a manner as our saviour hath done ? concerning the temple of the impious he had said , * behold , your house is left to you desolate , and , † there shall not remain a stone upon a stone in this place , which shall not be thrown down . but concerning his own church [ he spake in this manner , ] ‖ i will build my church upon a rock , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . k to have brought at first from fishing , men that were contemptible and * illiterate ; and afterwards to have constituted them law-givers , and teachers to the whole world ; what , and how mighty a thing does this seem to you ? as for his promise to them , that he would make them fishers of men , he not only uttered it in words , but performed it actually and abundantly : and conferr'd on them so great a degree of strength and power , that they composed writings , and published books : and the authority of all those books was so great , that being rendred into all languages , as well of greeks as barbarians , thorowout the whole world , they are studiously read by all nations ; and the contents of them are believed to be divine oracles ; of how mighty a prevalency is this , in order to a clear demonstration of his divinity ? how considerable likewise is that , namely that he foretold things future , and , long before it hapned , assured his disciples , that they should be brought before kings and princes , and should be punished , and undergo the extreamest of torments , not for any foul act of their own , but only on account of their confession of his name ? moreover , that he fitted and prepared them chearfully to endure these things ; and so fortified them with the arms of piety , that in their conflicts with their adversaries , their minds appeared firmer than an adamant ; what powerfulness of expression is it , which that matter does not exceed ? likewise , that not only those who had followed him , but their successours also , and again they who immediately succeeded them , and at length such as have lived in this our present age , should with so undaunted a resolution * unite the forces of their minds ; that although they had done nothing worthy of death , yet with pleasure would endure all manner of punishments , and every sort of torture , on account of their eximious piety towards the supream god ; what degree of admiration does not this surpass ? what king did ever continue his reign during so vast a number of ages ? who does thus wage war after death , and does erect trophies over his enemies ; and does subdue every place , country , and city , as well grecian as barbarian ; and does vanquish his opposers by an invisible and latent † hand ? and , which is the chiefest thing of all that hath been hitherto rehearsed , l that peace * by his power procured for the whole world , concerning which we have already spoken what we judged agreeable , how should it not stop the mouthes of all slanderers ? in as much as , the unity and concord of all nations , did really concur in time with the preaching of our saviour , and with the doctrine by him disseminated over the whole world : and in regard [ both of them ] had long before been foretold by the prophets of god , i mean the † universal peace of the nations , and the doctrine delivered by christ to the nations . the whole length of the day would be insufficient for me , ‖ dread sir ! should i attempt to sum up in one , those most clear and cogent arguments of our saviour's divine power , drawn from the things which are at this present visible . for no man since the creation , either amongst the grecians or barbarians , hath ever exerted such mighty efforts of a divine power , as our saviour has done . m but why do i say men ? when as , even they who amongst all nations are styled gods , have not been endued with such a mighty power upon earth . or if the thing he otherwise , let him that is desirous , make it out to us . let * any of the philosophers come forth and inform us , what god or hero was ever heard of , from the very first beginning of time , who hath delivered to men the doctrine of an eternal life and a celestial kingdome , in such a manner as our saviour hath done : who has induced innumerable multitudes of men thorowout the whole world , to live in a conformity to the precepts of a celestial philosophy ; and has perswaded them , that they should † aspire to heaven , and hope for those mansions there provided for pious souls ? what person , whether god , n or hero , or man , hath euer * overspread and enlightened the [ whole world , ] from the rising as far as the setting sun , with the brightest beames of his own doctrine ; running in a manner the same course with the sun : in so much that , all nations where ever inhabiting , perform one and the same worship , to the one god ? who , whether god or hero , hath crush't all the gods and hero's both grecian and barbarian , and hath made a law , that no one of them should be esteemed a god ; and hath so far prevailed , that this his law should obtain every where : after which , when he was opposed by all , he himself , being but one , hath routed the whole force of his adversaries , hath vanquished all those who had always been accounted gods and hero's , and hath brought the matter to this issue , that all over the whole world , even from its remotest limits , he himself should alone be termed the son of god by all nations ? who hath commanded them who inhabit this vast element of the earth , as well those in the continent , as them that live in the isles , that meeting together [ every week , ] they should observe that termed the lord's day , and celebrate it as a festival : o and that they should not feed fat their own bodies , but should make it their business , to enliven and cherish their soules with divine instructions ? what god or hero , so opposed as our saviour hath been , hath erected victorious trophies over his enemies ? for from * the first times hitherto , they have not ceased their hostilities , both against his doctrine and people . but he being invisible , by an undiscern'd power hath advanced his own servants , together with the sacred houses , to the height of glory . but what necessity is there , with so much of earnestness to attempt a narrative , of our saviour's divine performances , which exceed all manner of expression ? in as much as , though we be silent , the things themselves do cry aloud to those , who are possest of mental ears . undoubtedly , this is a new and wonderfull thing , and which was once only seen amongst the race of mankind ; that such signal blessings as these should be p conferred on men ; and , that he who really is the only son of god from all eternity , should be visible on earth . a but these things which you have heard from us , will perhaps be superfluous to you [ great sir ! ] who by experience it self have frequently been made sensible [ of the presence ] of our saviour's divinity , and who , not so much in words as deeds , have approved your self a preacher of the truth to all men . for you your self , dread sovereign ! when you shall have leisure , can relate to us , if you please , innumerable appearances of our saviour shewing you his divinity ; innumerable visions in your sleep : i mean not those suggestions of his to you , which to us are secret and inexplicable ; but those divine councils and advises infused into your mind , and which are productive of matters universally advantagious , and every way usefull , in reference to the care and providence of humane affairs . you will likewise unfold to us , in such a manner as they deserve , the apparent assistances of god your defender and keeper in your wars : the ruine of your enemies , and those that combin'd and plotted against you : your rescues in dangers : your ready and expedite knowledge in difficulties : your defence in solitudes : your * industry and readiness in straits and distresses : your fore-knowledges of things future : your provident care in reference to the whole of affairs : your deliberations concerning matters uncertain and obscure : your undertakings in relation to the most momentous things : your administration of civil matters : your ordering of your military forces : your † reformations every where : your constitutions in reference to publick right : lastly , your laws , which are of singular use to the lives of men . you will likewise without any omission recount each of those matters , which are obscure to us , but most apparently manifest to your self alone , and are kept deposited in your imperial memory , as in some secret treasuries . in regard to all which particulars , as 't is likely , when you had made use of the very same clear and cogent arguments of our saviour's [ divine ] power , you raised a ‖ basilica , as a trophy of his victory gain'd over death , a fabrick which you design'd all should view , as well the faithfull as infidels ; and an holy temple of the holy god ; and most stately , splendid , and glorious monuments of an immortal life and a divine kingdom ; and [ you gave ] sacred gifts [ in memory ] of the victory of our saviour the supream king , [ gifts ] that are every way sutable to the donour , and which do most exactly b befit an emperour [ who is a victor . ] wherewith you have adorned that martyrium and monument of immortal life , that c in royal characters you might express and represent the celestial word of god to be the victor and triumpher , d to all nations ; and , as well really as verbally , might publish a pious and religious confession of god , in expressions which are clear , and that can't be obscur'd . the end . the index of the chief matters contained in the text of these historians . the first number shews the page ; the second , the column . a. abari or abares , a scythick nation , being heavily opprest by the turks , leave their habitation , and come to the bosphorus . . . at length lodge themselves on the banks of the danube . ibid. they make an excursion as far as the long walt , and take many cities . . . abasgi embrace the christian faith under justinian . . . abdas bishop of persia. . . abd●● son of abdus , and edessen , cured by thaddaus . . . abgarus or agbarus king of the edessens , sends a letter to christ. . . christ's answer to abgarus . ibid. ablabius a rhetorician and a bishop . . . abramius bishop of urimi . . . acacius bishop of amida melts down the sacred vessels , and with their price redeems captives . . . acacius bishop of beroea in syria . . . acacius bishop of caesarea . . . his draught of the creed . . he is deposed in the synod of seleucia . . . he wrote eusebius pamphilus's life . . . acacius , after gennadius , is ordain'd bishop of constantinople . . . he is termed patriarch and arch bishop in the emperour basiliscus's constitution . . . also , in the penitentiary-libell of the bishops of asia . . . what was transacted in his condemnation and deposition . . , . acacius bishop of melitina declares nestorius's blasphemy in the ephesine synod . . . acacius bishop of ariarathia . . . acacius and strategius , comites . . . acesius bishop of the novatianists . . . achillas bishop of alexandria . . . achior the ammonite . . . acoemeti , monks so called . . . acts of pilate . see pilate . adaarmanes general of the persians , is by chosröes sent with an army . . . besieges antioch . . . burns heraclea and apamia . ibid. is vanquished by mauricius . . . adamantius a jewish physician . . . adauctus a martyr . . . addaeus and aetherius senators , punished with death . . . adrian . see hadrian . adrianus and eubulus martyrs at caesarea in palestine . . . aedesius brother to appbianus , a martyr at alexandria . . . aedesius a tyrian . . . aelia , that city heretofore term'd jerusalem . . . . . aelius publius julius bishop of develtum . . . aemilianus praefect of egypt . . , . aemllius frontinus proconsul of asia . . . aesculapius's temple at aegae in cilicia . . . aëtius an heretick surnam'd atheus . . . he is made deacon by leontius . ibid. aëtius arch-deacon of the constantinopolitan church . . . primicerius of the notaries . . . aevum has neither beginning , nor end . . . whence so called . ibid. africanus's opinion concerning the disagreement of the gospels in reckoning up our saviour's genealogy . . , . concerning the history of susanna . . . his books of chronography , or annals . ibid. a most learned man. . . agabus a prophet . . . his prediction concerning the famine was compleated under claudius . . . agapius bishop of caesarea in palestine . . . agapius and thecla martyrs of palestine . . , . agapius and dionysius , martyrs at caesarea in palestine . . . agathias the rhetorician , his history . . . agathobulus , two of that name , surnam'd the masters . . , . agbarus . see abgarus . agellus bishop of the novatianists . . . . . . . . . agrippa made king of the jews by caius . . . he was also called herod . ibid. and . . he kills james the brother of our lord. . . his death . . , . agrippa son of king agrippa , made king of judaea by claudian . . . agrippa castor wrote against basilides . . . agrippinus bishop of alexandria . . . alamundarus governour of the saracens . . . alamundarus king of the saracens . . . refuses to give assistance to the romans , though confederates . . . is banished by mauricius into the island sioilie . . . alarichus king of the goths ▪ takes rome . . . makes attalus emperour . ibid. albinus procurator of judaea . . . alcibiades a martyr of lyons . . . alexander , the fifth bishop of rome after the apostles . . . alexander a native of phrygia , a martyr at lyons . . . alexander a montanist , condemn'd for robberies . . . alexander was coadjutor to narcissus bishop of jerusalem . . . and . . he founded an ecclesiastick library . . . he is crown'd with martyrdom . . . . . alexander bishop of alexandria . . . having convened a synod at alexandria , condemns arius and his followers . . . sends his synodick letter to all the bishops . ibid. his elogie . . . alexander bishop of antioch . . . alexander bishop of constantinople . . . alexander a native of paphlagonia , a novatianist . . , . alexandrian church , its custome . . . alexandrians , their humour seditious and heady . . . allegorical expositions of sacred scripture . . . alphaeus and zacchaeus martyrs of palestine . , &c. amachius president of the province of phrygia . . . ambrosius converted to the true faith by origen . . . invites origen to write , and supplies him with notaries . . . was a confessour under the emperour maximinus . . . ambrosius is ordained bishop of millain . . . amida a city of mesopotamia , taken by the persians . . . ammia , a prophetess . . . ammon , zeno , ptolemaeus , ingenuus , and theophilus martyrs at alexandria . . . ammon , father of the monks of egypt . . . ammonarium two women of that name , martyrs at alexandria . . . ammonius was a christian philosopher . . . his book concerning the agreement of moses and christ. ibid. ammonius bishop of la●dic●a in pi●idi● . . . ammonius , dioscorus , eusebius , and euthymius , monks commonly called the long monks . . . they come to constantinople . . . ammonius a monk. . . ammonius a poet. . . he recited his poem before the emperour . ibid. amphilochius bishop of iconium . . . anastasian and garosian baths at constantinople , whence so termed . . . anastasius bishop of rome . . . anastasius a presbyter , nestorius's companion and confident . . . anastasius bishop of jerusalem after juvenalis , subscribes to basiliscus's circular letters . . . anastasius is chosen emperour from being a silentiarius . . . would suffer no innovation to be made in reference to the constitution of the church . . . ejects euphemius and macedonius bishops of constantinople . . . his name , after his death , was rased out of the sacred diptychs , or tables . . . whilst alive , he was anathematized at jerusalem . ibid. he ordered these words to be added to the hymn termed the trisagium ; who hast been crucified on our account . . . anastasius succeeds domninus in the bishoprick of antioch . . . his character . . . his answer to the emperour justinian . . . also , his letter to the monks of both the syria's concerning the faith . ibid. his fare-well-speech to the antiochians . ibid. he is ejected out of his see. . . he is restored . . . avathematize , what it is . . . anatolius bishop of laodicea . . . his book concerning easter . . . he is first made coadjutor by theotecnus bishop of caesarea . . . anatolius bishop of beroea . . . anatolius master of the milice throughout the east , builds anatolius's porticus at antioch . . . anatolius senator , a wicked man , is convicted to have sacrificed to daemons . . . he is cast to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre at constaminople . . . anazarbus the metropolis of the second cilicia , is ruined by an earthquake . . . being rebuilt by justinus senior , it is named justinopoli● . ibid. andreas the apostle , preaches the gospel in scythia . . . androgyni the priests of the nile , destroyed by constantine . . . an●ncletus bishop of the roman church . . . anicetus bishop of rome . . . how highly he honoured polycarp . . . annianus the first bishop of alexandria . . . annianus is ordained bishop of antioch by the synod of seleucia . . . anniversary or nativity of the publick genius of the city caesarea . . . anomoei , hereticks . . . anomoei and exucontii . . . . . anteros bishop of rome . . . anthemius is made emperour of the romans by leo augustus . . . anthemius praefect of the praetorium . . . anthimus bishop of constantinople , an eutychian . . . by severus's perswasion he leaves the see of constantinople . . . his letters to theodosius . ibid. is ejected out of his see by justinian . ibid. anthimus bishop of nicomedia , is crowned with martyrdom . . . . . anthropomorphitae , hereticks . . . . . antinous servant to the emperour hadrian . . . hadrian builds a city in honour of him , and institutes games . ibid. he is deified . . . antioch termed theopolis . . . . . colonies from the greeks carried thither . . . was shaken by a terrible earthquake in the reign of leo augustu● . . . the tetrapylum of antioch . . . the palace also and the nymphaeum . ibid. antiochus bishop of p●olema●s , by preaching gathers a vast sum of money . . . antipater son of herod the ascalonite , . . . . made procurator of judaea by hyrcanus . . . antipater bishop of rhosus . , . antoninus , zebinas and germanus , martyrs in palestine . . , . antonius bishop of germa . . . is killed by the macedoniani . ibid. antonius a monk. . his apophthegme , . . anulinus proconsul of africa . . . apelles , an heretick . . . ap●aca a place in phoenice , infamous for the worship of venus . . . . . apianus , a writer of the roman affairs . . . apion , wrote upon the six-days-work . . . apocalypse , whether written by saint john the evangelist , or by another . , &c. apollinaris bishop of hierapolis . . . . . his books . ibid. and . . apollinares , two laodicaeans , father and son , . , . their heresie . ibid. their books . . , . apollinaris is ordained bishop of alexandria after zoilus . . . he was present at the fifth constantinopolitan synod . . . apollonia a virgin of alexandria , is made a martyr . . . apollonides an heretick , corrupted the books of sacred scripture . . . apollonius , an ecclesiastick writer . . . apollonius underwent an illustrious martyrdom at rome . . , . apollophanes , a philosopher . . . apostles , many termed such , besides the twelve . . . apostles and christ , their images carefully preserved . . , . apostles and evangelists , determined nothing concerning the feast of easter . . . apphianus a martyr in palestine . . , &c. aquila of pontus , rendred the books of the old testament into greek . . . aquila praefect of alexandria . . . . . arabianus bishop of antro● . . . arabianus an ecclesiastick writer . . . arcadius is proclaimed augustus . . . archelaus son to herod . . . archelaus's disputation against manichaeus . . . archelaus , consularis of phoenice . . . ardaba , a town of phrygia , montanus's country . . . ardaburius master of the eastern milice . . . ardaburius , a general of the romans . . . is sent into italy . . . areobindus , a general of the romans . . . vanquisheth the persians . ibid. ares , probus , and elias , egyptians , martyrs in palestine . . . arians were wont to call the catholicks sabellians . . . arians were termed porphyrians . . . aristides wrote an apology in defence of the christians . . . aristion and john the presbyter or elder , disciples of our lo●● . . . aristobulus , king and high-priest of the jews . . . aristobulus , one of the seventy translatours . . . aristonicus bishop of seleucia upon belus . . . aristotlee's book , entitled peplum . . . arius and euzoius present a libell of faith to constantine . . . arius asserts a new opinion . . , . his followers . . . their assertions . ibid. he writes a book entitled thalia . . . his books are ordered to be burned . . . his fraud in subscribing . . . his death . ibid. armatus kinsman to verina augusta , is slain by zeno augustus . . . his son basiliscus , from being caesar , is by zeno compelled to be made a presbyter . ibid. arsacius , chrysostome being ejected , is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . arsenius a bishop of the melitians . . . subscribes to athanasius's deposition . . , . arsenius a monk. . . arsenius is by zeno advanced to be augustalis and dux of egypt . . . artemon's heresie . . . the authour thereof was theodotus a tanner . . . ascholius bishop of thessalonica . . . asclepas bishop of gaza . . . . . asclepiades bishop of antioch . . . asclepiadotus an heretick , disciple to theodotus . . he mended the books of sacred scripture . ibid. asclepius a bishop of the marcionites , was burnt for the faith of christ. . . asiaticus dux of phoenice libanensis . . . asinius quadratus , a writer of roman-affairs . . . aspar son to ardaburius . . . he , together with his sons , is slain by leo augustus . . . asterius a sophist . . . marcellus bishop of ancyra wrote against him . ibid. asterius comes of the east , quarrells with gregory bishop of antioch . . . he is killed in the earthquake which ruined antioch . . . asturius a martyr . . . . . ater a martyr of alexandria . . . athalaricus son of theodoricus king of the goths . . . athanasius deacon of the alexandrian church . . . he is made bishop of alexandria . . . he is calumniated by the eusebians . . . is banished into the gallia's . . . goes to rome . . . is restored in the serdican synod . . . returns to alexandria . . . dyes . . . athanasius's book of synods . . . his book concerning the life of saint anthony . . . . . his letter to his acquaintance . . , &c. his apologetick concerning his own flight . . . athanasius bishop of ancyra . . . athanarichus king of the goths . . . he surrenders himself to theodosius . . . at●alus of pergamus , a martyr at lyons . . , &c. articus bishop of 〈◊〉 in p●rygia ▪ ● . . articus is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . his character . . . he puts chrysostom●'s name into the dypt●cks again . . . articus bishop of nicopolis . . . attis the same with ado●●s and bacchus . . . augustus reigned seven and fifty years . . . avilius bishop of alexandria . . . avitus reigned eight months . . . aurelianus preparing for a persecution , is smitten by divine vengeance . . . . . aus● the name of joshua the son of nave . . . auxentius an arian , bishop of millain . . . . . . . auxentius a martyr in palestine . . . b. babylas bishop of antioch . . . he dyed in prison . . . his reliques translated . . . . . a church built in honour of the martyr . ibid. bacchylides and elpistus . . . bacchyllus bishop of the corinthians . . . bacurius an iberian , dux of palestine . . . master of the milice . . . baptism the seal of christ. . . baptism of the sick in bed . . . persons so baptized , were not promoted to be clergy-men . . . baradatus a famous monk. . . barba bishop of the arians at constantinople . . . barchochebas leader of the jews . . . . . persecuted the christians . . . bardesanes a syrian . . . barlamenus bishop of pergamus . . . barnabas ▪ one of christ's disciples . . . his epistle apoctyphal . . . barsanuphius , a famous monk. . . barsumas a monk , raises sedition in syria . . . bartholomew preaches the gospel to the indians . . . basilicus a marcionist . . . basilides a martyr . . . basilides an arch-heretick . . . he wrote four and twenty books on the gospel . . . he counterfeited two prophets , barcabas and barcoph . ibid. basilidians , hereticks . . . basiliscus the brother of verina wife to leo augustus , seizes the empire , and makes his son marcus casar . . . his circular letter against the chalcedon-synod . . . his anti-circular letter . . . basilius bishop of ancyra . . . disputes against photinus . . . is deposed . . . . . . . &c. basilius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . . . was a pillar of truth . . . basilius bishop of seleucia in isauria was present at the second ephesine synod . . . bassianus and stephanus bishops of ephesus are deposed , and another chosen in their place . . . belisarius master of the milice in the east , vanquishes the persians . . . takes carthage . . . takes rome . ● . . triumphs at his return out of africa . . . takes rome again . . . bells made use of in the stews at rome . . . benjamin bishop of jerusalem . ● . . beryllus bishop of bostri . . . . . beryllus bishop of philadelphia in arabia . . . beri●us , biblus , and tripolis , sea-port towns in phoenice , are ruined by an earthquake . . . besas a souldier , a martyr at alexandria . . . betthera a very smal city of judaea . . . biblias a martyr at lyons . . bishop's chair . . . bishops and clergy ought to give the people a good example . . . bishops are to be preferred before any judge . . . bishop of rome , his autority . . . . . bishops of rome , their power . . . bishops usually wore a black garment . . . bitus bishop of carrae . . . bizua a town of thracia . . . blandina a martyr at lyons . . . . . . . blastus an heretick . . . . . boäne a lake near nicomedia . . . bonifacius bishop of rome . . . bonosus bishop of rome . . . bosci , a sort of monks in palestine that fed on the ground as beasts do . . . briso bishop of phil●ppopolis in thracia . . . briso eunuch to eudoxia augusta . . . bry●ia , places near antioch . . . buddas , termed also tertbi●thus . . . he wrote four books . ibid. 〈◊〉 converted to the ●aith of 〈◊〉 . . ● . c. cab●●nes a little king of the m●●r● ●e●● trip●ly . . . 〈◊〉 what manner he vanquished the van●als in africa . ibid. celestinus see celestinus . caesarea philippi , is by the phoenicians called paneas . ▪ . a statue erected there to christ by a woman whom christ had c●●ed ▪ . . caius the emperour , persecuted the jews most severely . . . he seized upon their prose●●●ae . ibid. caius an ecclesiastick writer flourished under pope zephyri●●s . ● . . his disputation against proclus . . caius and alexander , martyrs at ap●me● . . . caius bishop of jerusalem . . . caius bishop of rome . . . caius a bishop . . ▪ &c. callicrates bishop of claudiopolis . . . callinicus a melitia● . . . callendion is ordained bishop of a●●ioch . . . writes letters to zeno and acacius against peter ▪ mongus . . . is banished to oäsis . . . callir●●e a place in judaea , famous for warm-waters . . . callistus wrote the actions of julian augustus in heroick verse . . . callistus governour of antioch under theodosius junior , built callistus's porticus . . . candidus wrote upon the six-days-work . . . capito bishop of jerusalem . . . carbuncle during the reign of maximinus , deprived many persons of their sight . . . carpocrates founder of the sect of the gnos●icks . . . carpocratians . . . carya a house at constantinople . . . cassianus bishop of jerusalem . . . cassianus's chronographie . . . cassius bishop of tyre . . . cataphrygae , hereticks . . . the same with the montanistae . . . catholick church is one , and always like and constant to it self . . . it 's accomplishments . ibid. cavades king of the persians , breaks the league which the persians had made with the romans in theodosius junior's reign . . . he is desirous to give his kingdom to ch●sr●●s his youngest son. . . cecropius bishop of sebastopolis . . . celadion bishop of alexandria . . . celerinus a confessour , at first a follower of nov●tut . . . celestinus bishop of rome . . . his letter to cyrillus , johanne● and rufus . . . and to nestorius . . . celsus bishop of iconium in pisidia . . . cephas , one of the disciples of christ. . . cerdo bishop of alexandria . . . cerdo , an heretick , flourished at rome . . . ceras a bay of the pontick sea. . . cerinthus an arch-heretick . . . . . saint john the apostle avoids his company . . . chaeromon a philosopher . . . charemon bishop of the city nile . . . chalcedon-council . see council . chalcedon , its walls demolished by valens augustus's order . . . the bishop thereof is made a metropolitane . . . charan a writer of grecian history . . . chief-priest . see pontif. christ , his divinity . . . in christ two natures . ibid. and . , . christ was acknowledged and worshipped by all the prophets and just men . . . christ , under the shape of man , appeared to abraham , jacob , j●shua . . . christ's kingdom is foretold by daniel , that it should come after the end of the world . . . the name of christ venerable in ancient times . . . christ , the name of the jewish high-priests and kings . ibid. christ's priesthood . . . christ's birth under augustus . . . his genealogy , as 't is drawn by saint matthew and saint luke , reconciled . . . his baptism under tiberius . . . why he would dye . . , . he is very god. . . christian religion was educated and flourisht together with the roman empire . . . it conferred prosperity upon the roman world , ibid. christians , their name foretold by the prophets . . . their religion very ancient . ibid. and . . a christian described . . . name of christians began first at antioch . . . whence arose the crime of incest and killing infants , which was charg'd upon the ancient christians . . , &c. name of christians common to hereticks also . . . chosroes king of the persians , besieges antioch and other cities of syria . . at the close of his life he is baptized . . . he burns melltina . . . chosroes son of hormisda , is chosen king of the persians . ● ● . . he flies to the romans , and is adopted by the emperour mauricius . 〈…〉 he is carried back to his kingdom by the romans . ● . . he gives a golden cross to the church of saint sergius the martyr . . . he marries sira a christian woman , contrary to the persian laws . . . chrysanthus bishop of the novatianists at constantinople . . . . . chrysaybius protector to theodosius , an enemy to flavianus bishop of constantinople . . . . . why he was angry with flavianus . . . chrysargyrum , a tax abolished by the emperour anastasius . . , &c. it was paid by common whores every fourth year . ibid. zozimus affirms this tax to have been begun by constantine the great . . . evagrius denies it . . , &c. chrysopolis , a city of bithynia , a sea-port of the chalcedonians . . . . . chrysotelia , that is a golden tax , first brought up by anastasius . . , &c. church , its gifts . . . . . churches , very large and spatious built by the christians before diocletian's persecution . . . church of acacius the martyr at constantinople . . . church at alexandria termed cas●reum . . . another church there , called alexander's . . . church anastasia at constantinople . . . church of the goths at constantinople . . church is not wont fiercely to persecute hereticks . . . church , the disturbance thereof is usually accompanied with tumults in the state. . church , its affairs depend on the will and appointment of the emperours . ibid. church of rome , its priviledge . . . church of the b. virgin mary at antioch , was called justinian's church , from the builder's name . . . . . church library first founded by alexander bishop of jerusalem . . . circesium , a castle which is begirt by the rivers euphrates and abora . . . clarus bishop of ptolemaïs in syria . . . claudianus , a noble poet. . . clearchus praefect of constantinople . . . clemens , saint paul's companion , the third bishop of rome . . . . . his epistle to the corinthians . . . . . he rendred saint paul's epistle to the hebrews into greek . ibid. clemens alexandrinus . . . . . . . was master of the catechetick school at alexandria . . . . . his books . . . cleobians , hereticks amongst the jews . . . cleomedes is deified . . . clopas or cleophas was the brother of joseph . . . caele-syria , afterwards named syria secunda . . . caemeteries of the christians . . . . . assemblies wont to be held in them . . . comentiolus by the emperour mauricius is sent master of the milice into the east . . . comites of the first and second order . . . communion of the laicks . . . conon , from being bishop of apamia , becomes a souldier in the army of the isauri . . . conon abbot of the monasterie of saint saba in palestine . . . constantia wife to licinius , sister to constantine the great . . . constantianae , baths so called at constantinople . . . . . constantinus junior's letter to the alexandrians . . his death . . . constantine saluted augustus by the souldiers . . . . . sees the sign of the cross in the heavens . . . . . erects the signe of the cross in rome . . . . . invites his subjects to embrace christianity . . , &c. his empire was not bloudy . . . he entertains the bishops at a banquet . . . he forgives his subjects the fourth part of the tribute . . . on easter-day he bestows alms on all persons . . . he abolishes the penalties of single-life and want of children . . , &c. during his reign two vices prevailed , covetousness and hypocrisie . . . he is baptized at nicomedia . . . . . he dyes on the day of pentecost . . . his funeral very splendid . . , &c. he was buried in the church of the apostles , . . constantine built two churches at constantinople , the one called irene , the other the apostles . . . . . constantius chlorus father to constantine the great , a most religious prince . . . he did not persecute the christians . ibid. and . . his clemency towards his subjects . . . how he tryed their zeal for the christian religion . . . when he dyed . . . constantia a mart-town of the gazaei . . . consubstantial , in what sense to be taken . . . consulate of paulinus and julianus . . . of felicianus and titianus , . . consulate of acindynus and proculus . . . of marcellinus and probinus . . . of constantius iii. and constans ii. . . of eusebius and rufinus . . . of sergius and nigrinianus . . . . . of constantius aug. vi. and gallus ii. ● . ● . of constantius vii . and gallus iii. . . of arbetion and lollianus . ibid. of dacianus and cerealis . . . of eusebius and hypatius ▪ ibid. of constantius x. and julian iii. . . of taurus and florentius . . . and . . consulate of julian aug. iv. and salustius . . . consulate of jovian aug. and varronianus . . . consulate of valentinian aug. and valens aug. i. . . . of gratianus and dagalaisus . ibid. of lupicinus and jovinus . . . of valentinian ii. and valens ii. ibid. of valentinian iii. and valens iii. . . of gratianus ii. and probus . . . of valens aug. v. and valentinian junior i. . . of valens vi. and valentinian junior ii. . . consulate of ausonius and olybrius . . . of gratianus aug. v. and theodosius i. . . of merobaudes and saturninus . . . of richomeres and clearchus . . . of arcadius aug. and bauton . ibid. of theodosius aug. ii. and cynegius . . . of tatianus and symmachus . . . of theodosius iii. and abundantius . . . of arcadius iii. and honorius ii. . . of olybrius and probinus . ibid. consulate of caesarius and atticus . . . of honorius iv. and eutychianus . . . of stilichon and aurelianus . . . of honorius vi. and aristaenetus . . of stilichon ii. and anthemius . . . of arcadius aug. vi. and probus . ibid. of honorius vii . and theodosius ii. . . . . of bassus and philippus . . . of honorius ix . and theodosius junior v. . . of honorius x. and theodosius vi. . . of monaxius and plintha . . . of honorius xiii . and theodosius x. . . of asclepiodotus and marinianus . . ● . consulate of theodosius junior xi . and valentinianus caesar. i. . . of theodosius junior xii . and valentinianus aug. ii. . . of hierius and ardaburius . . . of felix and taurus . ibid. of theodosius junior xiii . and valentinianus iii. . . of bassus and antiochus . . . of theodosius xiv . and maximus . . . of areobindus and aspar . ibid. of isidorus and senator . . . of theodosius xvi . and faustus . . . and . . of theodosius xvii . and festus . . . coracio an egyptian , confuted by dionysius alexandrinus . . . cornelius a centurion , the first of the gentiles that was baptized by peter . . . cornelius bishop of antioch . . . cornelius bishop of rome . . . his letter against novatus . . . cornelius gallus the first praefect of egypt . . cornutus a philosopher . . . cosmas bishop of epiphania in syria , refusing to consent to severus's synodick letters , separates from his communion , and sends him a libel of deposition . . ● . councils always summoned by the emperours autority , since they became christians . . councils in asia against montanus's heresie . . . councils , their usefulness and necessity . . . council in palestine concerning the celebration of easter-day . . . council at rome under pope victor , concerning the same question . ibid. council of the bishops of pontus about the same affair . ibid. council of the bishops in gallia about the same thing . ibid. council of the churches of osdroena and mesopotamia . ibid. council in arabia against the errours of beryllus . . . another council in arabia . . . council at rome against novatus . . . council of africk against novatus . ibid. council at antioch about the lapsed , and concerning novatus's opinion . . , . council at iconium and synnada concerning re-baptizing hereticks . . council of antioch against paul of samosata . . council at rome about the cause of caecilianus . . . council at orleance concerning the same matter . ibid. council at alexandria under athanasius . . . council at alexandria under theophilus , against origen's books . . . council at antioch . . . draught of the creed published there . . . council at antioch , celebrated by acacius . . . council at antioch under jovianus . . . council of ariminum . . . council of constantinople . . . council of constantinople under constantius . . . council of constantinople under theodosius . . , &c. council of constantinople against john chrysostome . . . council of ephesus against nestorius . . . . . &c. council at jerusalem . . . a second council at jerusalem ▪ . . council of the macedoniani at antioch . . . council of the macedoniani at lampsacus . . . council at millain . . . council of nice , or nicaea . . , &c. two reasons thereof . . . the canons . . . subscriptions of the bishops , day and year when held . ibid. it s synodick letter . . . &c. council at nice in thracia . . . council of novatians in the village pazum . . . council of novatians at sangaram . . . council at the oak against john chrysostome . . . council at seleucia in isauria . . . it was divided into two parts ▪ as was the ariminum-council . . . council at serdica . . . council of the bishops of sicilie . . . council of sirmium , . . draught of the creed published there ▪ . , &c. council of tyre . ● . . deposes athanasius . . . council of constantinople under justinian , on what account convened . . . the matters transacted therein . ● . , &c. council at ephesus , the second there , over which dioscorus bishop of alexandria presided . . . therein eutyches is restored ▪ and flavianus condemned . . . council at chalcedon , and the affairs transacted there . ▪ . , &c. the draught of the creed published there ▪ . , . an epitome of the acts of that council . , &c. council of the bishops of asia in the city ephesus under basiliscus . . . the supplicatory-libel presented by them to basiliscus . ibid. creed , the draught of that published in the nicene council . . . . . creeds , how many were set forth . . . crescens is sent into the gallia's by saint paul the apostle . . . crescens a cynick philosopher . . , . cyonius a philosopher . . . cross , the signe thereof salutary and vivifick . . . . . constantine used to seal his face with the signe thereof . . . he set up the signe of the cross in the palace . . . signa of the cross , the defence and guard of the empire . ibid. the amulet of daemons . . . its power and efficacy . . , &c. crosses of sylver in the church . . . cross , the salutary and vivifick wood thereof , in the city apamia . . . cabit of the nile carried to scrapis's temple . . . constantine orders it to be carried into the church . ibid. culcianus a fierce persecutor of the christians , is slain . . . cars a scythian , commands the right-wing of the roman army , and routs the persians . . . he makes an irruption into the persians country , and winters there . . . cynegica , a region not far from antioch . . . . . cypriana , so the carthaginians termed the feast-day of saint cyprian . . . cyprianus the bishop . . . was of opinion that hereticks ought to be re-baptized . . , &c. cyrillus bishop of antioch . . . cyrillus is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . his power more than sacerdotal . ibid. he drives the jews out of alexandria . . . he writes to nestorius . . . he presides in the synod of ephesus . . . his letter to john bishop of antioch . . . cyrillus is ordained bishop of jerusalem . . . being deposed , appeals to a greater synod . . . cyrinus bishop of chalcedon . . . dyes by a putrified wound . . , &c. cyrus king of the persians . . . cyrus bishop of beroea . . . cyrus praefect of the praetorium , famous for his poetry . . . d. dacidizus , a sea-port . . . dadastana a place in the confines of galatia and bithynia . . . dalmatius the caesar. . . dalmatius the censor , son to constantine's brother . . . damas bishop of magnesia . . . damasus is ordained bishop of rome . . . damophilus or demophilus what he wrote concerning the city rome . . . daniel the prophet , his praise . . , &c. daras in mesopotamia , is built by the emperour anastasius , in the frontiers of the persians and romans . . , . is besieged by chosroes . . , &c. and is taken . . . is restored to the romans . . . deacons , seaven of them ordained by the apostles . . . decius the emperour's edict against the christians . . . his death . . . decuriones enrolled in the registers of the curi● , were senators as ' t were . . . dedication of the martyrium , or jerusalem church . . . demetrianus bishop of antioch . . . . . demetrius bishop of alexandria . . . demophilus . see damophilus . demophilus a bishop . . . . . demophilus is made bishop of constantinople . . . is ejected by theodosius . . . description of the church at tyre ▪ ▪ &c. description of the jerusalem church . , &c. description of the dominicum at antioch . . . . . of the church of the apostles at constantinople . . . desposyni , by that name the kindred of our saviour were called ▪ as were likewise those descended from them . . . they came from na●ara and cochaba . ibid. dexippus an historian , wrote the wars of the scythians . . ● . didymus a blind man. . . three books of his concerning the trinity . . . didymus a monk. . . digamists by some not admitted to the sacrament . . . diocaesar●a a city of palestine . . . dio cassius brought down the roman history as far as the empire of antoninus elagabalus . . . diocletian's edicts against the christians . ● . . . . . . he and maximianus herculius resign the empire . . . diocletian runs mad . . . . . he dyes at salona . . . diodorus siculus an historian , continued his history to the times of julius caesar. . . he wrote an epitome of libraries ▪ . . diodorus bishop of tarsus . . . diodorus from being a monk is made bishop of tarsus . . . diogenes bishop of cyzicus , was present at the second ephesine synod . . . diomedes the silentiarius . . . dionysia a martyr of alexandria . ● . . dionysius areopagita , the first bishop of athens . . . dionysius bishop of corinth . . . his catholick epistles . ibid. dionysius bishop of rome . . . . . dionysius the ex-consularis . . dionysius halicarnassensis . . . . . dionysius alexandrinus , origen's disciple , was master of the alexandrian school . . . is ordained bishop . . . for the faith of christ is banished to taposiris . . . his books . . ▪ . . . . . he is banished to cephro . . . he dyes in the reign of gallienus . . . dionysius's book entitled corona . . . dionysius bishop of alba in italy . . . dioscorus a confessour . . . dioscorus a presbyter of the alexandrian church . . . dioscorus bishop of alexandria , presided at the second ephesine synod . . . he deposes flavianus and eusebius . . . he is condemned in the chalcedon council . . . he is banished to gangra . . . a libel of deposition is sent to him . . . he was not deposed on account of the faith . . . disciples of christ , their order and names are no where found written ▪ . . dius bishop of jerusalem . . . dius , faustus , and ammonius presbyters of the alexandrian church , martyrs . . . docetae , hereticks . . . doctrines , or institutions of the apostles , an apocryphal book . . . dolichianus bishop of jerusalem . . . dominica , so the churches consecrated to the lord christ are named . . . dominica augusta , valen's wife . . . . . domitian , the second persecutor of the christians . . . he issued out an edict , and ceased the persecution . . . domitianus bishop of melitina , kinsman to the emperour mauricius . . . his commendation . ibid. domitilla for the faith of christ is banisht into the island pontia . . . domninus a martyr . . . domninus successour to ephraemius in the bishoprick of antioch . . . was present at the fifth constantinopolitane synod . . . domnus bishop of caesarea in palestine . . . domnus bishop of antioch . . . domnus successour to johannes in the bishoprick of antioch , is deposed in the second ephesine synod . . . comes to symeones the stylite . . . dorotheus a presbyter of the antiochian church . . . dorotheus , one of the bed-chamber to the emperour . . . . . is crowned with martyrdom . . . dorotheus bishop of the arians at antioch . . . is translated to constantinople . . . dositheus founder of the sect of the dositheans . . . dositheus bishop of seleucia ▪ then of tarsus ▪ . . dracilianus vicarius to the praefecti praetorio . . . . . dracontius bishop of pergamus . . . dusares and obadas , gods of the arabians . . . dux of phoenices . . . dyrrachium , anciently called epidamnus , is ruined by an earth-quake . . . e. easter , observed by those of asia , on the fourteenth day of the moon . . , . the dissension concerning the celebration of easter continued till the nicene council . . . the nicene council's decree concerning easter-day . . . easter-day was kept by the ancients , from usage and custome . . . ebionites , hereticks , who they were . . , &c. why so called . ibid. ecclesiasticks , their degrees of deacons , presbyters , and bishops . . . . . of readers and exorcists . ibid. eccb●tius the sophist . . his levity in changing his religion . . . he is termed an ill sophist by libanius . . . edessa a most christian city . . . edessa a city of mesopotamia . . . edessa a city of osdroena , is drowned by the overflowing of the scirtus . ▪ . is rebuilt by justinus senior , and named justinopolis . ibid. an image of christ , not made with hands , is kept there . . . egyptians do boast , that geometry , astronomy , and arithmetick were first found out amongst them . . . elaea a village , in the suburbs of constantinople . . . elephantina a town in the frontiers of thebais . . . eleusinus bishop of the second cappadocia . . . eleusius bishop of cyzicus . . . . is deposed in the constantinopolitan synod . . . eleutherus bishop of rome . . . . . . elpidius bishop of satala . . . empire of rome when first divided . . . . . emperour's office , what it is . . . encratitae , their heresie . . . ennathas a virgin , martyr'd in palestine . . . enoch , his apocryphal book . . . ephorus and theopompus , writers of graecian history . . . ephraemius comes of the east under justinus . . . he is chosen bishop of antioch by the citizens , to whom he came in the time of the earth-quake . ibid. and . . . . ephres bishop of jerusalem . . . epimachus and alexander , martyrs at alexandria . . . epimenides the cretian , an initiator . . . epiphanius's book , entitled ancoratus . . . epiphanius bishop of cyprus , having assembled a synod of bishops , condemns origen's books . . . comes to constantinople . . . holds assemblies , and ordains there , without the consent of john chrysostome . ibid. epiphanius bishop of tyre , refuses subscribing to severus's synodick letter . . . epiphanius bishop of constantinople . . . . . episcopal jurisdiction . . . epistle of the monks of palestine , to alcison the bishop . . . . . . . eros bishop of antioch . . . eruli converted to christianity , under justinian . . essaeans , hereticks of the jews . . . estba first of all married to matthan , then to melchi . . . evagrius is ordained bishop of antioch . . . evagrius bishop of constantinople . . . is banished . . . evagrius bishop of mytilene . . . evagrius bishop of siculi . . . evagrius a monk. . . . . wrote two books , the one entitled the monk , the other the gnostick . ibid. his book entitled the practick . . . a passage quoted out of that book termed the gnostick . ibid. evarestus bishop of rome . . . eucharist , those that received it , said amen . . . what was left of it , at constantinople was given to boys , to be eaten and drank . . . eudaemon a melitian . . . eudaemon a presbyter . . . eudocia an athenian , wife to theodosius junior . . . . . she wrote poems . . . she comes to antioch . . . the antiochians bestow a brazen statue on her . . . she goes to jerusalem , to pay her vow . . . she converses with the monks that lived there . . . she builds saint stephen's church at jerusalem . ibid. eudocia junior , daughter to valentinianus placidus and eudoxia , marries hunericus son to king geizericus . . . eudoxia theodosius junior's daughter . . . . . she marries valentinianus placidus . . . . . after valentinian's death she marries maximus . . . she calls geizericus out of africk . ibid. eudoxia augusta , her silver statue . . . eudoxius bishop of germanicia . . . seizes upon the bishoprick of antioch . . . is deposed . . . is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . dyes . . . euelpis a laick , preaches in the church . . . e●e●hius a bishop . . . eugenius sets up for a tyrant in the west . . . is slain . . . eulogius , after johannes , is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . . . eumenes bishop of alexandria . . . eunomians don 't baptize into the trinity , but into the death of christ. . . eunomius , aëtius's notary . . . is made bishop of cyzicus . . . writes comments on saint paul's epistle to the romans . ibid. separates himself from eudoxius . . . eunomius bishop of nicomedia contends with anastasius bishop of nicaea about some cities . . . eunuch to queen candace , was the first that preach'd the gospel to the ethiopians . . . eunus , call'd also cronion , a martyr at alexandria . . . eu●dius the first bishop of antioch after saint peter . . . euphemia the martyr's church at chalcedon . . . is described . . , &c. two miracles performed there . ibid. euphemius , after fravita , is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . he is banished . . . euphrasius is ordained bishop of antioch . . . he is buried in the earth-quake at antioch . . . euphronius a presbyter , born at caesarea in cappadocia . . . euphronius is ordained bishop of antioch . . . euprepi●s's monastery near antioch . . . eusebius a deacon of the alexandrian church , afterwards bishop of laodicea . . . . . eusebius pamphilus bishop of caesarea , his letter to the caesareans concerning the nicene synod . . . &c. he drew up a draught of the creed , and proposed it to the nicene synod . . . how he explains the term homoöusios . . . he wrote three books against marcellus . . . he was no arian . ibid. &c. he wrote the history of the church from the apostles times , to those of constantine . . . he made a speech in the nicene synod , in praise of constantine . . , . he spake another oration in the palace to the emperour constantine , on his tricennalia . ibid. and . . the antiochians invite him to be their bishop . . . constantine commends him for refusing that bishoprick . . . he recited an oration before constantine in the palace . . . he wrote against porphyrius . ▪ . . and constantine's life . . . and . . eusebius emisenus . . . eusebius bishop of samosat● . . . eusebius bishop of nicomedia , writes letters to many bishops , in favour of arius and his followers . . . he is angry with alexander bishop of alexandria . . . he is translated to the bishoprick of constantinople . . . he dyes . . . eusebius provest of the bed-chamber to the emperour , favoured the arians . . . he is put to death . . . eusebius scholasticus , scholar to troïlus the sophist . . . eusebius bishop of vercella . . . . . a defender of the true faith. . . eusebius and theognius subscribed to the nicaene creed , but would not subscribe to the anathematism . . . being banished on that account , they presented a penitentiary libel to the bishops . , . eusebius bishop of dorylaeum , accuses eutyches . . . his libel presented to the emperour against dioscorus . . , &c. eusebius bishop of ancyra , was present at the second ephesine synod . . . eusebius , a writer of the roman history , from augustus to the death of the emperour carus . . . eustathius bishop of antioch , ordains evagrius bishop of constantinople . . . he is banished by valens . . . eustathius bishop of antioch accuses eusebius bishop of caesarea . . . he is deposed in the synod at antioch . ibid. he is accused by cyrus bishop of beraea . ibid. eustathius bishop of antioch , finds fault with origen . . . eustathius bishop of sebastia . . . is suspended from communion . . . he is deposed in the constantinopolitan synod . . , &c. eustathius epiphaniensis , a writer of history . . . he closes his history on the th year of the emperour anastasius . . . eustathius bishop of berytus , wrote a letter to johannes a bishop , concerning the affairs transacted in the chalcedon synod . . . he was present at the second ephesine synod . . . eustochius bishop of jerusalem . . . he succeeded macarius . . . he drove the origenists out of the new laura . . . eutychius , a bishop . . . eutyches . . . eutychianus bishop of rome . . . eutychianus , a novatian monk. . . his miracles . ibid. eutychian hereticks have corrupted many books of the ancient fathers , and have fathered many of apollinaris's books , on athanasius , gregory thaumaturgus , and julius . . . eutychius disciple to eunomius , coyn's a new opinion . . . eutychius , after menas , is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . he had before been apocrisarius to the bishop of ama●ia . . . he is ejected out of his see. . . he is restored . . . eutropius praefect of the imperial bed-chamber . . . the first and the onely eunuch that was ever made consul . ibid. euzoïus is made bishop of antioch . . . is sent to alexandria . . . he dyes . . . f. fabian bishop of rome . . . fabius bishop of antioch . . . fadus procurator of judaea . . . familiar-spirits , or paredri . . . famine takes away bashfulness . . . fate and fortune ▪ empty names onely . . . . . faustus , eusebius , and chaeremon , deacons of the alexandrian church . . . faustus a martyr under diocletian . . . feast of our lord's ascension . . . feast of our lord's nativity . . . felix procurator of judaea . . . felix bishop of rome . . . felix , from being a deacon , is ordained bishop of rome . . . felix the pope , successour to simplicius , sends a deposition to acacius . . . acacius did not acknowledge that deposition . . . he sends vitalis and misenus legates to zeno augustus . ibid. festus procurator of judaea . . . firmilianus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . . . . . . . firmilianus president of palestine . . . is beheaded . . . firmus bishop of caesarea in capadocia . . flaccillus , or placitus bishop of antioch . . . flavianus president of palestine . . . flavianus is ordained bishop of antioch . . . a difference amongst the bishops on account of his ordination . . . he appeases the anger of theophilus of alexandria . . . flavianus , after the death of proclus , is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . he condemns eutyches in a synod assembled at constantinople . ibid. flavianus is ordained palladius's successour in the bishoprick of antioch . . . he is ejected by the emperour anastasius . . . he is banished to petrae a town in palestine . . , . florentius bishop of sardis . . . florinus a presbyter of the church of rome , falls into heresie . . . . . florus procurator of judaea . . . florus dux and prefect of alexandria . . . fravita is ordained acacius's successour in the see of constantinople . . . fravitus a goth , a person of great valour . . . fritigernes , leader of the goths . . . frumentius is created the first bishop of the indians . . . . g. gaïnas general of the souldiers . . . endeavours to turn tyrant . ibid. he is declared a publick enemy . . . galates son to valens augustus . . . galilaeans , their sect. . . galla the wife of theodosius . . . the mother of placidia . ibid. gallus is created caesar. . . he is slain . . . geiorae or geörae , whom the jews called by that name . . . gelimeres king of the vandals , is taken by belisarius . . . lying prostrate before justinian sitting in his throne in the cirque , what he said . ibid. gennadius succeeds anatolius in the constantinopolitan see. . . georgius made presbyter of alexandria by alexander . . . georgius is made bishop of alexandria . . . his cruelty . . , &c. he is killed . . . georgius bishop of laodicea , wrote a commendation of eusebius emisenus . . . . . germanicus a martyr at smyrna . . . germanio bishop of jerusalem . . . germinius bishop of sirmium . . , . . . gladiators , their shows forbid by constantine . . . glycerius , after olybrius , is made emperour of rome . . . he is ordained bishop of salonae . ibid. golanduch , an holy woman . . . gordius bishop of jerusalem . . . gorgonius , of the bed-chamber to the emperour . . . he is crowned with martyrdom . . . gortheus founder of the sect of the gortheans . . . gospel according to the hebrews . . . . . . . . . gospel syriack . . . gospel termed diatessar●n , made up of the four evangelists . . . goths divided into two parties . . . why they became arians . ibid. gratian is proclaimed emperour . . . his law against the photinians , eunomians , and manichaeans . . . grecian learning was not forbidden to the christians , either by christ , or his apostles . . . the advantage and usefulness thereof . ibid. and . . gregorius thaumaturgus , disciple to origen . . . his oration in praise of origen . . . gregorius bishop of alexandria . . . . . gregorius bishop of nazianzum . ● . . . . he is made bishop of constantinople . . ● . . . his oration against the gentiles . . . gregorius nyssenus , brother to ba●il the great . . . gregorius from being a monk is ordained bishop of antioch . . . his character . . . he is accused for having been present at the sacrifices to daemons . . . he is accused a second time , of incest , and because he had burnt the annona . . . he is acquitted in a synod at constantinople . ibid. his speech to the roman souldiers who had made a mutiny . . , &c. he reconciles the roman souldiers to the emperour , and to their commander . . . and frees them from the rash oath they had taken . ibid. gregorius is ordained bishop of rome after pelagius . . . h. hadrian the emperour , his rescript to minucius fundanus in favour of the christians . . . hegesippus when he flourished . . . his books . . , . helcesaïts , hereticks . . . helena queen of the adiabeni furnishes the jews with corn. . . her sepulchre near jerusalem . ibid. helena a whore , simon magus's companion . . . helena augusta mother to constantine , goes to bethlehem to pray . . . comes to jerusalem . . . builds two churches there . . . her piety and bountifulness . . . she finds the sepulchre and cross of our lord. . . . . she builds three churches in honour of our lord. . . her death and burial . . , &c. . . drepanum is from her termed helenopolis . . . helenus bishop of tarsus . . . helius succeeds salustius in the bishoprick of jerusalem . . . helion is sent embassadour to the persians . . . he is sent into italy . . . heliodorus bishop of laodicea in syria . . . heliodorus bishop of trica in thessalia . . . heliopolites , their law. . . helladius and ammonius , alexandrians , grammarians . . , . helladius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . . . hemerobaptists , an heresie amongst the jews . . . heraclas , origen's disciple . . . origen chuses him his assistant and companion in teaching . . . he studied philosophy and grecian learning . ibid. and . . heraclas a presbyter wore a philosophick pallium . . . he is made bishop of alexandria . . . his fame . . . his rule about receiving hereticks . . . heraclea a city of syria , formerly called gagalice . . . heraclides origen's disciple , a martyr . . . heraclides deacon to john chrysostome , is preferred to the bishoprick of ephesus . . . heraclitus wrote comments on the apostle . . . heraclius bishop of jerusalem . . . heraïs a catechumen , she was a martyr . . . herennius bishop of jerusalem . . . hereticks were not so bold as to broach their errours till after the death of the apostles . . . they are divided into manifold kinds of errours . . . the sects of hereticks destroy one another . ibid. their converse is to be avoided . . . hereticks have corrupted the books of sacred scripture . . . their books must be read with caution . . . hermas's book called pastor . . . . . . . hermogenes master of the milice is slain at constantinople . . . hermon bishop of jerusalem . . . hermogenes an heretick . . . hermophilus an heretick , mended the books of sacred scripture . . . herod the great , no jew but a forreigner . . . by father's side an idumaean , by his mother's , an arabian . . . made king of the jews by the roman senate and augustus . ibid. and . . burnt the jews genealogies , and why . ibid. slays the infants of bethlehem . . . his disease described . . . his largess to his souldiers . . . orders his sister salome to kill the chief of the jews whom he had imprisoned , at his death . ibid. puts three of his own sons to death . ibid. resolves to kill himself . ibid. his death . ibid. herod junior , son to herod the great , kills john the baptist. . . he and his wife herodias are banisht by caius . . . he was present at our saviour's passion . ibid. herod eirenarch of smyrna , son to nicetes . . . herodian a writer of roman history . . . heron , origen's disciple , a martyr . . . heron and isidorus , egyptian martyrs . . . heros bishop of antioch . . . hesychius , pachumius , and theodorus , bishops and martyrs . . . hierapolis the metropolis of the province euphratensis . . . hieroglyphick letters found in serapis's temple . . . hierophilus bishop of plotinopolis . . . hilarius bishop of jerusalem . . . hilarius bishop of poictiers . . . hippolitus bishop . . . his books . . . holy ghost . see spirit . homonoea or concordia , the name of a church at constantinople . . . honoratus praefect of constantinople . . . honorius is proclaimed augustus . . . hormisda son to chosroes , succeeds his father in the kingdom . . . the persians headed by varamus conspire against him . . . hosius bishop of corduba . . . . . . . . ● , . was present at the nicene council . . . hunericus or onorichus king of the vandals , persecutes the catholicks in africk . . . . . hunni destroy armenia . . . hunni heretofore called massagetae . . . hyginus bishop of rome . . . the ninth successour of the apostles . ibid. hymenaeus bishop of jerusalem . . . . . hypatia a philosopheress . . . she is barbarously murdered . . . hypatianus bishop of heraclea . . . hyperechius a bishop . . . hypostasis and ousia , how they may be spoken concerning god. . , &c. hyrcanus prince of the jews taken by the parthians . . . i. james the brother of our lord , one of the disciples . . . . . is created bishop of jerusalem . . . surnamed james the just. ibid. also surnamed oblias . . . his martyrdom . ibid. his catholick epistle . . . his chair kept with great care . . . iberians converted to the christian faith , when and how . . . jerusalem-church was termed a virgin. . . jerusalem , its last siege and famine described . , &c. jews first under judges , after that under kings ; after the captivity they were an aristocracy with an oligarchy : at length became tributaries to rome . . . they had the names of their ancestours written out in ancient rolls . . . they had a sacred treasury called corban . . . their seaven sects . . . the destruction of the jews under vespasian . . . they endeavour to rebuild their temple . . . hadrian forbids them to enter jerusalem . . . ignatius the second bishop of antioch after saint peter . , . . . his epistles are reckoned up . . . he suffered martyrdom at rome . ibid. by theodosius junior's order , his reliques are removed into the city antioch . . . illus and leontius rebell against zeno. . . index of the books of the old testament . . . . , . indians converted to the faith of christ , when , and how . . . immestar , a place in syria . . . innocentius bishop of rome . . . johannes , or john , two of them lived at the same time in asia . . , . john the apostle preach'd in asia . . . dyed at ephesus . ibid. was banished into the island patmos . . . returned from thence after domitian's death , and governed the churches of asia . . , . for what reason he wrote his gospel . . , . . . he wore a plate of gold. . . johannes a reader , is beheaded for the faith of christ. . . his wonderful memory . ibid. johannes a presbyter of the church of antioch . . . is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . his descent and education . ibid. and . . his course of life and disposition . . . he was wont to preach sitting in the pulpit . . . his death . . . johannes is ordained bishop of jerusalem . . . johannes bishop of proconnesus . . . johannes the chief of the notaries , sets up for a tyrant . . ● . john the apostle's church seaven miles from constantinople . . . john chrysostoms opinion concerning the admission of penitents . . . johannitae , so they were called who took john chrysostom's part . . . at length they were re-united to the church by proclus . . . johannes bishop of antioch . . . . . coming to the council the fifth day after nestorius's condemnation , assembles a synod , and deposes cyrillus . . . is reconciled to cyrillus . . johannes the rhetorician an historian . . . . . . . closed his history under justinus senior . . . johannes from being steward is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . is ejected by zeno augustus's order . ibid. flyes to rome to pope simplicius . . . johannes , after athanasius , is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . johannes bishop of paltum , a defender of the chalcedon synod , is banished . . . johannes scytha aud johannes gibbus , masters of the milice , vanquish the isauri . . . johannes the chuzibite a monk in palestine . . . johannes scholasticus , eutychius being ejected , is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . johannes bishop of jerusalem . . . johannes called catelinus , successour to vigilius in the bishoprick of rome . . . johannes ordained apollinaris's successour in the see of alexandria . . . johannes succeeds macarius in the see of jerusalem . ibid. josephus the historiographer . . . his books . . , . joseph bishop of jerusalem . . . jovianus is chosen emperour . . . makes a peace with the persians . . . dyes . . . irenaeus a presbyter of lyons . . . is made a bishop . . . his books . . . . . when a youth he was an hearer of polycarp at smyrna . . . he writes to pope victor . . . . . irenaeus a grammarian wrote a lexicon . . . irenaeus of tyre , and aquilinus of biblus , bishops , are deposed in the second ephesine synod . . . irenaeus comes of the east under justinus senior . . . irenius bishop of gaza . . . isacoces bishop of armenia the great . . . isaurica , donatives which the emperour gave yearly to the isaurians . . . ischyras assumes to himself the office of a presbyter . . . is made a bishop by the arians . . . ischyrion is killed for the faith of christ. . . isdigerdes king of the persians . . . father to vararanes . . . isidorus a presbyter of alexandria . . . hated by theophilus , and why . . . isidorus pelusiota . . . ision a meletian . ● . . judas of galile or gaulanites . . . jude one of the brethren of christ. . . judas bishop of jerusalem . . . judas an ecclesiastick writer . . . julianus bishop of alexandria . . . julianus bishop of apamia . . . julianus a martyr at alexandria , under decius . . . julianus a martyr with pamphilus . . . julianus created caesar. . . he is saluted augustus . . . . . his education . . . he recites his orations in the court. . . wrote against the christians . ibid. his book entitled the caesars . ibid. persecutes the christians . . . his misopogon or antiochicus . . . his book concerning the cynick philosophy . . . he is slain . . . julianus bishop of lebedus . . . julianus bishop of bostri , refuses subscribing to severus's synodick letters . . . julius caesar takes five hundred cities . . . julius bishop of rome , wrote a letter to the easterns . . . his letter to the alexandrians . . . &c. sate bishop fifteen years . . . justina augusta , mother to valentinian junior , favours the arians . . . justinianus , sister's son to justinus , is by him proclaimed augustus . . . a defender of the chalcedon synod . ibid. his wife theodora is an enemy to that synod . ibid. his constitution , wherein he anathematizes anthimus and severus and their associates . . . destroys the kingdom of the vandals in africk . . . his insatiable covetousness . . . he favours the faction of the venetiani , and persecutes the prasiani . . . he falls into the heresie of the aphthar●odocet● . . . justinianus brother to justinus , is sent master of the milice against the persians . . . he is turned out of commission by tiberius . . . justinus the philosopher . . . his martyrdom . . , . his books . . , . justinus senior , after the death of anastasius , is proclaimed emperour . . . he orders the chalcedon synod to be asserted and maintained throughout all churches . . . justinus junior , justinian's sister's son , from being curopalates is made emperour of the romans . . . an effeminate and dissolute person , and insatiably covetous . . . his wife sophia augusta . . . he kills his kinsman justinus , ibid. his edict to all christians concerning the faith. , , &c. he runs mad . . . justus tiberiensis , an historian . . . justus bishop of jerusalem . . . another justus bishop of the same place . . . justus surnamed barsabas . . . justus bishop of alexandria . . . juvenalis bishop of jerusalem . . . was present at both the ephesine synods . . . he was present at the chalcedon synod . . . l. labarum described ▪ . , . fifty souldiers were appointed to to guard it . . . laetus praefect of egypt . . . laïcks , the bishops entreating them , did sometimes preach in the church . . . lamydrion a presbyter . . . laodicea in asia was the place where the question about easter was started . ● . . latronianus corrector of sicily . . ● . laurae and monasteries in palestine . . . the monks manner of living there . ibid. lauricius commander in chief of the souldiers in isauria . . . legi● sul●i●●● , or thundring legion , whence it had that name . . , &c. l●onas comes of the palace . . . lent-fast variously observed amongst the ancients . . . . . . . leonides a martyr , origen's father . . . leontius bishop of ancyra . . , leontius bishop of antioch . . . leontius bishop of comani . . . leontius bishop of tripolis . . . levi bishop of jerusalem . . . libanius and julianus the eminentest of all sophists . . . libanius the sophist teaches rhetorick at constantinople and nicomedia . . . two orations of his . . . his funeral oration upon julian . . . libel supplicatory presented to leo by the bishops of egypt and clergy of alexandria , against timotheus aelurus . . , &c. liberius bishops of rome . . . is banished . . . his letter to the bishops of the macedoniani . . , &c. licinius raises a war against constantine . . . . . persecutes the christians . . . . . his coveteousness . . . . . he is vanquished by constantine and christ. . . . . he prohibites the synods of bishops . . . licinius is made emperour by galerius . . . constantine marries his sister to him . . ● . he persecutes the christians in the east . ibid. he is vanished by constantine , and soon after slain . . . linus the first bishop of rome . . . . . litarba a place three humdred furlongs distant from antioch . . . longinus a philosopher . . . longinus an isaurian , rebels against the emperour anastasius . . . longinus selinuntius chief of the isauri . ibid. long-wall of the cherronesus falls down by an earthquake . . . long-wall built by the emperour anastasius . . lucianus a presbyter of antioch . . . a martyr . . . lucianus bishop of arces , or arcenus . . . lucifer bishop of caralis . . . he founds a schisme and an heresie of his own name . . . lucius a martyr at rome under pius . . . lucius bishop of rome . . . lucius is by the arians made bishop of alexandria . . . lucius bishop of hadrianople . . . . . lucuas leader of the jews . ● . . lupus praefect of egypt . ibid. lusius quietus having vanquished the jews , obtains the government of palestine . ibid. m. macar a martyr at alexandria . . . macarius an egyptian monk , a different person from macarius of alexandria . . . macarius of alexandria a monk. ibid. macarius a presbyter of alexandria , . . macarius is ordained peter's successour in the see of jerusalem . . . he is ejected out of that see , on account of origen's doctrine . ibid. he is restored . . . macedoniani , hereticks , assemble synods often . . . their embassy to liberius bishop of rome . . . the libel of faith which they presented to him . , &c. macedonius is ordained bishop of constantinople by the arians . . . his bloody installation . . . he persecutes the orthodox . . . he removes the emperour constantine's reliques into another church . . . whereupon hapned a sedition at constantinople . ibid. he is deposed in a synod at constantinople . . . he founds a heresie called by his own name . . , . macedonius bishop of mopsuestia . . . macedonius , theodulus , and tatianus martyrs in phrygia . . . macedonius bishop of constantinople . . . . . he is ejected . . . . . macrianus the emperour valerian's praefect . . . turns tyrant . . . magi a sort of people in persia. . . magnentius turns tyrant . . ▪ being worsted kills himself . . . magnus , made master of the milice , is sent against the persians . . . magnus bishop of chalcedon , or chalcis . . . magnus comes of the sacred largesses , or treasurer . . . majorianus emperour of rome . ● . . is slain by recimeres master of the milice . ibid. malchion a presbyter of antioch , disputed against paul of samosata . . . mammianus , from being a sedentary mechanick becomes a senator . . . is termed a lover of the city , on account of his structures . ibid. mancipes , so the romans termed the praefects of the pistrina . . . manc● . . . called also cubricus . . . his tenets . ibid. manichaeans , their heresie . . . they and the montanists take away the subsistence of the word . . . manlius torquatus kills his own son , who had disobeyed command . . . m●●●a fell from heaven in the time of a famine . ● . . mantinium a town of paphlagonia . . . marathonius bishop of nicomedia . . . . , &c. marcelliani , hereticks . . ● . marcellinus bishop of rome . . . marcellus bishop of ancyra . . . hisopinion . ibid. and . . he is restored in the synod of serdica . . ● . marcianus bishop of the macedoniani at lamplacus . . . marcianus bishop of the novatianists at constantinople . . . marcianus a novatian presbyter . . . taught valens's daughters . ibid. bishop of the novatianists at constantinople . . . marcianus the emperour , a native of thracia , the signes of his being emperour . . , . his commendation . . . he is chosen emperour by the perswasion of pulcheria augustia . ibid. marcianus son to the emperour anthemius sets up for a tyrant aganst zeno. . . he is banished to casarea in cappadocia ▪ and afterwards to tarsus , and being shaven is ordained a presbyter . marcianus by justinus junior is sent master of the eastern milice against the persians . . . besieges nisibis . ibid. marcion of pontus an arch-heretick . . . marcionists . . . mark companion to peter , wrote his gospel at rome , . . . . that gospel was afterwards approved of and confirmed by saint peter . ibid. mark goes into egypt and preaches the gospel there . ibid. he was interpreter to saint peter . . . he was the first bishop of alexandria . . . he wrote his gospel after saint peter's death . . ▪ . marcius turb● vanquishes the jews in many fights . . . marcus bishop of jerusalem . . . marcus and heretick . . . marcus bishop of alexandria . ibid. marcus bishop of arethusa . . . . . marcotes a region subject to the bishop of alexandria . ● . . maria a lake near alexandria . . . marianae a suburb near constantinople . . . mary of the same tribe with her husband joseph . . . mary a jewish woman ; eats her own son in the siege of jerusalem . . . marinus bishop of tyre . . . marinus a martyr at caesarea . . . marinus bishop of berytus . . . marinus a syrian , praefect ▪ of the praetorium under anastasius , vanquishes vitalianus in a sea-fight . . . maris bishop of chalcedon . . . . . . . . . . . martyr , that name due onely to christ. . . martyrs were disciples and followers of christ. . . the honours of martyrs . . . martyrs honoured by christians . . . their reliques carefully preserved . ibid. their birth-day celebrated yearly . ibid. they are christ's assessours . . . the humility of the martyrs . . . their kindness towards the lapsed . ibid. martyrs amongst the hereticks . . . martyrs spoke when their tongues were cut out . . . martyrius bishop of antioch . . . martyrius bishop of jerusalem , sent synodick letters to petrus mongus . . . martyropolis delivered up to the persians . . . it is restored to the romans , together with its betrayer sittas . . . maruthas bishop of mesopotamia . . . . . is sent embassadour to the king of the persians . ibid. masbotheus founder of the sect of the masbothaeans . . . mathew wrote a gospel to the hebrews in their own language . . . . . . . . . . . he preached in aethiopia . . . matthias the apostle , one of christ's seventy disciples . . . . . his preaching and doctrine . . . matthias bishop of jerusalem . . . maturus a neophyte , martyred at lyons . . . mavia queen of the saracens . . . . . mauricius made master of the milice by the emperour tiberius , is sent against the persians . . . bornat arabissus a city of cappadocia . ibid. his morals and disposition . ibid. the signs of his being made emperour . ● . ▪ he is created emperour by tiberius . . . from the emperour tiberius , he is named tiberius , and his wife is called constantina . ibid. his wedding is described . . , . maxent . ut turns tyrant at rome . . . . ● . at the beginning of his empire , by an edict he stops the persecution of the christians . ibid. his wickedness and cruelty ▪ 〈◊〉 and . . and . . he is vanquished by ●anstantine . . ▪ . . ● . maximianus galerius the authour and beginner of the christians persecution , . . . . . . in what manner he was smitten by divine dengeance ▪ . . his retractation , or edict about restoring peace and liberty to the christians . ibid. his death . . . creates two casars , severus and maximium . . . proclaims licinius augustus . . . maximianus herculius hang'd himself ▪ . . maximianus is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . maximinus's drunkenness and lust. . , . the bloudiest of all the persecutors . . . . . he waged a war with the armenians . . . is vanquished by licinius . . . he declares himself augustus . . . is very superstitious and fearfull . . , ▪ covetous also and prodigal . ibid. maximinus bishop of antioch , the seventh bishop there from the apostles . . . maximus an ecclesiastick writer . . . maximus a presbyter of the roman church , and confessour . . . maximus a presbyter of the alexandrian church . . . . . afterwards bishop of alexandria . ibid. and . . maximus bishop of bostra . . . maximus bishop of jerusalem . ● . . subscribes to athanasius's deposition in the council of tyre . ibid. maximus bishop of seleucia in isauria . . . maximus a philosopher of byzansium , father to euclid . ● . . maximus an ephesian philosopher , julian's master . ibid. maximus turns tyrant in the gallia's . . . slays gratianus . . . is killed . . . maximus bishop of antioch , was present at the chalcedon council . . . mazabanes bishop of jerusalem . . . . . mazices , barbarians . . . mel●at●arus and us●rus , gods of the p●●nicians . . . mel●hisedech priest of the most high god. . . meletina a region of armenia the less . . . meletius bishop of the churches of pontus . . . meletius bishop of sebastia in armenia . . . is translated to antioch . . . . . . . dyes 〈◊〉 constantinople . . . melitius a bishop of egypt , being condemned by p●●●r bishop of alexandria , makes a schism . . . is condemned in the nic●●e council . . . melito bishop of sardis . . . . . his books . . . . he was an eunuch . . . memnon bishop of ephesus . . . . . memnonius governour of the city antioch under theodosius junior . . . he built the psephium at antioch . ibid. men heretofore usually offered in sacrifice , as well amongst greeks as barbarians . . . that usage abolished by hadrian the emperour . . . men that are dissolute , are both slothfull , and confident . . . . . menander an arch-heretick . . . menandria●s , his followers . . . menas is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . mercuria a martyr at alexandria . . . meropius the philosopher , travels into india . . . merus a city of phrygia . . . meruzanes bishop of the armenians . . . methodius bishop of olympus in lycia . . . his dialogue entitled xeno . . . metras a martyr at alexandria . . . metrodorus a presbyter of the marcionites , is burnt for the faith of christ. . . metrodorus a philosopher , travels into india . . . miltiades an ecclesiastick writer . . , . . . miracles wont to be wrought in the church . . . miracle of a glistering star. . , &c. miracle of the b. virgin mary . . , . mithra's temple at alexandria . . . . . moderatus a pythagorean philosopher . . . molestus praefect of the pratorium . . . montanus , with priscilla and maximilla , the founder of the sect of the cataphrygae . . . . . his life . . , . his death . ibid. his sordidness and avarice . . . m●ors originally came from palestine . . . mopsus in cilicia , worshipped for a god. . . moses a presbyter of the roman church , a martyr . . . moses the ancientest of all the prophets . . . the great servant of god. ibid. bred in the court of tyrants . . . constituted leader of the people by god. ibid. was the first that wrote the sacred history , as he had been instructed by god. . . his commendation . . , . moses a monk , is made bishop of the saracens . . . mountain s●●●s●s in 〈◊〉 , ●ear lyons . . . mursa a fort of gallia ▪ ibid. musanus an ecclesiastick writer . . . mus●●● a jewish writer . . . n. naamanes a saracen son to alamundarus , is kindly used by mauricius . . . he leaves the worship of daemons , and is converted to the christian faith . ●● . . narcissus bishop of jerusalem . . . his miracles . . . narcissus a bishop . . . . ● . . . narses being sent into italy by justinian , vanquishes to●●●a and t●●● kings of the goths , . . his piety towards god. ibid. natalis a confessour at rome , imposed upon by hereticks . . . 〈◊〉 length returns to the church . . . nectarius is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . nemesion an egyptian . . . neon bishop of laranda . . . neonas bishop of seleucia in isauria . . . nephalius a monk of syria . . . is by the emperour zeno s●nt to alexandria , to restore vnity . ibid. ejects severus out of his monastery . . . nepos bishop of egypt . . , . nepos is made emperour of rome . . . nepo●ianus seizes the empire of rome . . . nero the first roman emperour that persecuted the christians ▪ ● , . nestorius is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . persecutes the hereticks . ibid. his opinion concerning christ. . ● . his ignorance and pride . . . he broaches a new heresie . . . he is condemned in the ephesine synod . . . is banished to oasis . . . his letter to the president of thebais concerning his exile . . , . he is taken and let go by the blemmyae . . . his tongue is eaten out with worms , which kills him . ●●● . . new-testament , the boo●● thereof . . , &c. nicetas , father to herod the eiye●●●●● . . . nicias bishop of laodicea in syria , an opposer of flavianus's . . . nicol●●●es , their heresie . . , &c. nicomachus a pythagorean . . . nicomedia , ruined by an earthquake . . . nicomas bishop of iconium . . . nicostratus a sophist of t●apezus , writes an history from the beginning of the emperour philip's reign , to the death of valerian , . . nitria , a mountain . . . no body is condemned out of his own books . . . nocturnal and morning hymns were wont to be sung alternatively or by sides in the church . . . novatus's heresie . . . novatus the founder of the sect of the cathari or puritans . ibid. why he made a schism . . . he was martyred under valerian . . . novatus or novatianus is deserted by the confessours . . . he thrusts himself into the bishoprick of rome . ibid. his character . . . novatianists celebrated the festival of easter indifferently . . . novatianists church at constantinople was pull'd down , and removed to another place . . . numenius a philosopher . . . o. oak of mamre . . , . the miracles performed in that place . . . a church built their by constantine . ibid. oasis by another name called ibis . . . ocbas a very strong castle over against martyropolis . . . o●●nath● and apollonius beat the persians . , . odöacer seizes the kingdom of italy . . . oenomaus a cynick-philosopher . . . olybrius is made emperour of rome by recimeres . . . onesimus bishop of ephesus . . . onesimus a pious and studious man. . . opportunity how described by painters . . . optar . king of the hunni . . . optatus praefect of constantinople . . . optimus bishop of antioch in pisidi● . . . oracle found in a stone in the walls of chalcedon . . , . oracle given to the rhodians . . . oreste● praefect of alexandria . . . origen's education from a child . . , &c. he teaches grammar . . . when eighteen years old he is chosen catechist of the alexandrian church . ibid. his abstinence . . , . demetrius's envy against him . . . he was called adamantius also . . . he comes to rome in pope zephyrinus's times . ibid. he was a person of eminent learning . . . he made the 〈◊〉 and tetrapla . . . he brought up the allegorical interpretations of scripture . . . mamea augusta sends for him . . . he is made presbyter at caesarea . . . his books . . ● . ● . , &c. . . he is 〈◊〉 for the faith of christ. . . he dyes 〈◊〉 the seventieth year of his age . ● . ● . origen asserts the son to be 〈◊〉 with the father . . ● . origen's 〈◊〉 t●me of comments on saint paul's epistle to the romans . . . origen's ●e●●acters who , and how many . ● . . his defence ▪ ibid. theophilus's judgment concerning his books . . ● . origen recited his homilies on the fourth and sixth veria , in the church of alexandria . ● . ● . ostracine a region of the city antioch . . . . ● . 〈◊〉 bishop of melitina . . . p. palestines , three of them subject to the see of jerusalem . . . palladius the courier . . ● . palladius bishop of helenopolis , and afterwards of aspuna . . . palladius a monk , evagrius's scholar . . . wrote the historia lausiaca . ibid. palladius pr●fe●● of egypt . ● . . palladius is ordained petrus fullo's successour in the see of antio●● ▪ . . palma bishop of amastris . . . . . pambos a monk. . . pamphilus a presbyter of the church of c●sarea . . . . . he is crowned with martyrdom . . . ● . . he collected an ecclesiastick library . ▪ . he and eusebius club'd in writing an apologetick for origen . . . pancratius bishop of pelusium . . . panopolis a city of thebais . . ● . pantaenus master of the alexandrian school . . . . . pap●●●tius bishop of egypt , was present at the nicene council . . . . . papias bishop of hierapolis . . . his five books . . . he was a person of but mean understanding . ibid. he was the first c●itiast ibid. papirius a martyr . . . paschasinus and lucentius are by pope leo sent to the chalcedon council . . . they condemn dioscorus . . . pasinicus bishop of zelae . . . ● . . patriachs constituted in the constantinopolitans council . . . patricius bishop o● paltus . . . patropassians , hereticks whom the greeks term sabelliani . . . . . patrophilus a bishop . . . is deposed in the synod of sabelliani . . . patermuthius burnt for the faith of christ. . . paulinus bishop of tyre . . . built a stately church in that city . . . paul is made an apostle . . . he is carried bound to rome . . . is a second time carried to rome , and martyred . ibid. beheaded under nero. . . his epistles . . . acts of paul ▪ an apocryphal book . ibid. and . . his epistle to the hebrews written in hebrew . . . the roman church don't believe it to be his epistle . . . paul of samosata . . . attempts to revive artemon's heresie . . . . . is confuted by malchion the presbyter . . . his avarice and pride . . , &c. he is deposed in the antiochian synod . . . his heresie . . ● . paulus a martyr in palestine . . . his pious and christian prayer before his death . ibid. another paulus , martyred with pamphilus . . . paulinus is ordained bishop of antioch by lucifer . . . . . he and meletius come to an agreement . . . paulinus bishop of triers . . . paulus bishop of the novatians at constantinople . . . his commendation . ibid. and . . paulus bishop of tyre . . . paulus a presbyter at constantinople . . . is ordained bishop ▪ ibid. he is ejected ibid. restored . . . his death . . . his reliques are removed to constantinople . . . paulus bishop of emisa , is sent to cyrill bishop of alexandria by johannes bishop of antioch . . . paulus is ordained bishop of ephesus . . . he is put out of his see by zeno augustus . . . paulus , after severus's ejectment , is ordained bishop of antioch . . . peace termed the interminate peace , made with the persians by justinian ▪ . . is broken by the persians . . . pelagius bishop of laodicea ▪ . . pelagius successour to johannes in the bishoprick of rome . . . pelelis and nilus , egyptian bishops , crowned with martyrdom . . . . . pella a town beyond jordan . . . the christians remove thither ▪ before the siege of jerusalem . ibid. 〈◊〉 - presbyters ▪ ● ● . ● ▪ ● . abolished by nectarius bishop of constantinople . ibid. &c. perigenes bishop of corinth . . ● ▪ &c. pers-armenia , so armenia the great was called ; from the times of the emperour philip , it was subject to the persians ▪ ● . . the inhabitants thereof revolt to the romans in justinus junior's reign ▪ ibid , pers●●utio● of diocletian lasted ten years . . . persians worship fire . . . pestilent disease destroys almost the whole world in justinian's reigne . . , . it raged two and fifty years . ibid. peter the chief of all the apostles . 〈◊〉 . . comes to rome to preach the word of god there ▪ and to oppose simon magus ibid ▪ is crucified at rome in nero's time . 〈◊〉 ▪ . . . preached the word of god to the corinthians . . . was preacher to the jews that were dispersed . . . his epistles . ● . . his 〈◊〉 , gospel , preaching , revelation are apocryphal books . ibid. his wife was martyred . . . petrus bishop of alexandria . . . is crowned with martyrdom in the ninth year of the persecution . . . petrus , of the bed-chamber to the emperour , is crowned with martyrdom . ● . . petrus , called also apselamus , a martyr in palestine . ▪ . petrus is ordained bishop of alexandria . ●● . . he is put into prison . . . he returns to alexandria . . . petrus chief presbyter of the alexandrian church . ● . . petrus bishop of ●ippi . ● ▪ ● . petrus the ●iberian is ordained bishop of majuma ▪ ● ▪ . he was present at timotheus aelurus's ordination . 〈◊〉 . . he is banished with him . . . petrus fullo bishop of antioch , subscribes to 〈◊〉 's circular letters . . . zeno ejects him out of the see of antioch . . . he restores him again . . ● . petrus mongus is chosen bishop of alexandria after ▪ aelurus's death . . . he does in publick a●athe●atiz● the chalcedon synod . . . a man of a crafty disposition . ibid. his letter to acacius bishop of constantinople . ● . , . petrus bishop of 〈◊〉 , refuses his consent to 〈◊〉 's synodick letters . . . petrus successour to helias in the see of jerusalem . ● . . pharisees , hereticks amongst the jews . 〈◊〉 . ● . pharmaceus , a port in the mouth of the euxine sea. ● . . phileas bishop of the thmuit● ▪ ● martyr . . ▪ &c. . . philetus bishop of antioch . . . philip the apostle had ● wife , and children by her . ● ▪ , . dyed a● hierapolis . ibid. his daughters were prophetesses . ibid. and . . his daughters lived at hierapolis . . ● . philip bishop of jerusalem . . . philip the asi●r●● . ● . ● . philip bishop of gortina . . . his book against marcion . . . philippus the emperour was a christian. . . philippus pr●sect of the pr●●●r●um , ejects paul the bishop out of his see. . . philippus a presbyter of side . ● . . wrote an ecclesiastick history . ibid. socrates's judgment concerning philip's history . ibid. philippicus is made master of the eastern milice by mauricius . . . he is sent a second time into the east , to quiet a mutiny of the souldiers . . . philo the jew , a famous man , is sent embassadour to caius . . . his books are reckoned up . . . and put into the publick library at rome . . . philoromus a martyr . . . philostratus writes , that in his time a pestilence raged fifteen years . . . phlegon , an historian . . . phoebus a bishop . . . photinians , hereticks . . . photinus bishop of sir●ium , founded an heresie called by his own name . . . his opinion . . . he is deposed . . . he wrote against all heresies . . . phrygians are naturally temperate . . . picentius , maximinus the emperour's favorite , is slain . . . pierius a presbyter of the alexandrian church . . . pilate when made procurator of jud●a , and how long he continued so . . . those called pilase's acts forged long since his time . . . and . . he sends a relation to tiberius concerning christ's miracles . . . he laid violent hands on himself . . , . pilgrimage to places of the holy land. . . . . pinytus bishop of creet . . . pionius's martyrdom in smyrna . . . pisander a poet. . . piso bishop of the adani . . . piso bishop of augusta . ibid. piterus or petiros a monk. . . pius bishop of rome . . . plato the philosopher praised . . . what he thought of the second and third cause . . . placidia , daughter to valentinian and eudoxia , married olybrius . . . placidiana , an imperial palace at constantinople . . . plintha master of the milice and consul . . . plutarchus , scholar to origen , a martyr . . . . . pusumatomachi , so the macedoniani were termed . . . polybius bishop of the church at trallis . . . polybius of megalopolis brought down his history to the destruction of carthage . . . polycarp bishop of smyrna . . . ● . comes to rome on account of the controversie concerning easter , and conferred with anicetus . . . . . avoids the meeting and salutation of marcion the heretick . . . his epistle to the philippians . . . his martyrdome . . , &c. his prayer for the catholick church . . . polycarpus bishop of nicopolis in thracia . . . polycrates bishop of ephesus . . . his epistle to pope victor . ibid. pontianus bishop of rome . . . ponticus , blandina's brother , a martyr . . . ponti●s , or chief priests , of the jews , were heretofore perpetual , and enjoyed that office by inheritance . . . the sedition of the chief priests against the priests . . . chief priest's robe lockt up by herod . . . porphyrius , servant to pamphilus , is crowned with martyrdom . . . porphyrius bishop of antioch . . . porphyrius a philosopher , in love with scoffing ▪ . . he wrote books concerning the history of philosophy . ibid. he renounced the christian faith . . . potamiaena , a martyr . . , . pothinus bishop of lyons , a martyr . . . potitus a marcionist . . . prayer that is fervent has an invincible power . . . . . prayer for the dead . . . primus bishop of alexandria , the fourth from the apostles . . . primus bishop of gorinth . . . priscus , malchus , and alexander , martyrs under valerian . . . priscus the rhetorician , wrote an history of the war waged by attila against the romans . . . . . . . . . priscus is sent master of the milice into the east . . . his pride . ibid. a mutiny of the souldiers against him , and against the emperour maurich●● . ibid. probus praefect of the pratorium . . . proclus is ordained bishop of cyzicus . . . is not admitted by the inhabitants there . . . is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . his character . ibid. he causes john chrysostome's body to be conveyed to constantinople . . , . proclus quaestor of the sacred palace under justinian . . . procopius , the first palestinian martyr in diocletian's persecution . . . procopius master of the milice , . . procopius sets up for a tyrant . . . he is slain . . . procopius the rhetorician , his epitome of histories . . , . . . proterius is ordained bishop of alexandria , in the place of dioscorus , by the common vote of the bishops of the alexandrian synod . . . he is murdered by the people of alexandria . . . proterius bishop of smyrna was present at the chalcedon synod . . . protogenes bishop of sardica . . . psalmodie of the ancient christians , what it was . . . psalms made by the christians . . . . . psamathia , a village near nicomedia . . . psathyriani , hereticks . . , . p●olemaus a martyr at rome . . . publius bishop of athens , a martyr . . . q. quadratus eminent for the gift of prophecy . . . . . he presented an apology to the emperour hadrian , in defence of the christians . . . quadratus bishop of athens . . . questions concerning things that are sacred and obscure , are not to be committed to the ears of the vulgar . . . quartodecimani were excommunicated by pope victor . . . . . they derived their tradition from saint john the apostle . . . quinta , an alexandrian woman , a martyr . . . quintus a native of phrygia , who had voluntarily run to martyrdom , on sight of the torments , renounced the faith . . . quirinius , or cyrenius , president of syria . . r. reginus's book entitled polymnem●n . . . religious assemblies variously celebrated amongst the ancients . . . . . repentance , another baptism . . . an example of sincere repentance . ibid. 't is the trophy of the resurrection . ibid. reticius and maternus bishops of the gallia's . . . reverentius bishop of tyre . . . rhodes ruined by an earthquake . . . rhodon scholar to tatianus . . . rhosse a town in syria . . . robas or rougas a little king of the barbarians . . . roman church , its bounty and antiquity . . . it had forty six presbyters , and seven deacons . . . roman bishops , their letters with what respect received heretofore . . . romans fast every sabbath or saturday . . . they fast three whole weeks before easter . . . romanus a deacon , a martyr at antioch . . , . romulus , surnamed augustulus , son to orestes , the last emperour of rome . . . rufinus's books of ecclesiastick history . . . . . . . . . his mistake is noted . . . rufinus the praefect of the pratoriu● , is slain . . . rufinus bishop of samosata . . . rufus praefect of judas , killed vast numbers of the jews . . , &c. rufus abbot of theodosius's monastery in palestine . . . s. sabbatius a nouatianist , makes a schisme amongst the novatianists . . . he is made bishop over part of the novatianists . . . . . is banished to rhodes and dyes there . . . sabellius the heretick , his opinion . . . sabinianus bishop of zeugma . . . sabinus praefect of egypt under decius . . . . . sabinus , praefect of the pratorium to maximinus . . . sabinus a macedonian heretick , what he wrote concerning the bishops convened at nicaea . . . was bishop of heraclea in thracia . ibid. he wrote a collection of synodal acts. ibid. sacred vessels of the church , melted down to redeem captives . . . given for the redemption of a city . . . sacrifice [ of the christians ] mystical and without bloud . . . . . sadduces , an heresie among the jews . . . sagaris a bishop and a martyr . . . . . salo●● , or salona , a city of dalmatia . . . salustius praefect of the praetorium . . . salustius is chosen successour to martyrius in the see of jerusalem . . . samarites , an heresie amongst the jews . . . samaritanes when they kept easter . . . sanctus a deacon of vienna . . . . . sangarius , a river . . . sangarum , a mart-town in bithynia . . . sapor king of the persians , constantine's letter to him . . ▪ . sara●●us . ● . . saturninus an arch-heretick in the reign of hadrian , . . saturnilians . . . se●●o●at alexandria . . scythianus a saracen . . . sedition at constantinople termed nica. . . sejanus a cruel enemy of the jews . . . selenas bishop of the goths . . . seneca bishop of jerusalem . . . septuagint , or seventy translators . . . sepulchre of our lord covered with an heap of earth by the heathens , and polluted with an image of venus . . . serapion bishop of antioch . . . . . his books . . . serapion a martyr of alexandria . . . serapion deacon to john chrysostome . . . serapion bishop of the thmuitae . . . serenius granianus proconsul of afia . . . serenus , origen's scholar , a martyr . . . serenus , another of origen's scholars , a martyr . ibid. sergiopolis a city of syria , wherein are kept the reliques of the martyr sergius . . . severa augusta , wife to valentian the elder . . . severiani , hereticks which had their name from severus . . . severianus bishop of gabala . . . severianus bishop of arethusa , sends a libel of deposition to severus patriarch of antioch . . . severus reignes at rome after majorianus . . . severus , after the ejectment of flavianus , is ordained bishop of antioch . . . his life and studies . . . he anathematizes the chalcedon council in his synodick letters . . . his letter to soterichus . . his enstalling letters . . . he is banished by the emperour justinus . ibid. his letters to justinianus and theodora . . . sextus wrote concerning the resurrection . . . sibylla erythraea . . . her verses concerning the comeing of christ. . , . in what words she addresses her self to god. . . signes which preceded the destruction of jerusalem . . . &c. signe of the cross seen in the east . . . silvanus bishop of emisa , a martyr . . . . . silvanus bishop of gaza , a martyr . . . his character . . . silvanus bishop of tarsus . ● . . silvanus bishop of troas . . , . he had before been bishop of philippopolis . ibid. silvanus a tyrant in the gallia's . . . silverius bishop of rome , opens the gates of that city to belisarius . . . he is deposed by belisarius , and vigilius is put into his place . . . simon mugus is baptized by philip. . . comes to rome , and there deceives many by his impostures . . . he was the captain and chief of all hereticks . ibid. siricius bishop of rome . . . sirmium is taken by the gepidae . . . taken again by those barbarians termed abares . ibid. sisinnius is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . his character . . . sisinnius a novatianist . . . he was a learned man. ibid. ordained bishop of the novatianists at constantinople . . . . . his book against john chrysostome . . . his witty sayings . ibid , &c. socrates bishop of laodicea . . . socrates why put to death by his own citizens . . . socrates scholasticus learnt grammar at constantinople , of helladius and ammonius . . . born and bred at constantinople . . . dedicates his work to theodorus . . what style he followed . ibid. socrates's ecclesiastick history . . his mistake in his accounts of the ephesine synod . . . he is cited . . . sophia , the great church at constantinople . . . is consecrated by eudoxius , . . sophia , a church built by justinian , is described . . , &c. sophronius bishop of pompeiopolis . . . . . is deposed in a synod at constantinople . . . . . . . sosthenes one of christ's seventy disciples . . . sotas bishop of anchialus . . , . soter bishop of rome . . . his commendation . . . spirit , or holy ghost , is infused by ordination . . . spyridon from being a shepherd , is made a bishop . . . he fed sheep whilst he was a bishop . ibid. his miracles . ibid. stephen bishop of rome . . . stephen the deacon , first martyr of christ. . . stephen bishop of laodicaea . . . stephanus bishop of antioch . . . stephanus bishop of ephesus was present at the chalcedon council . . . stephanus is ordained bishop of antioch . . . he is barbarously murdered by the boys of antioch . ibid. stephanus bishop of hierapolis , wrote the life of saint golanduch . . . succi , a mountain that divides the western churches from the eastern . . . sunday and friday kept holy by constantine's order . ● . . . . . . sunday celebrated as a festival , by christ's own command . . . symeon , son of clopas or cleophas , bishop of jerusalem . . . after several tortures , he is crucified . . , . symeon , or symeones , the stylite , flourished under theodosius junior . . . he spent six and fifty years in monastick exercises and severities . . . his dead body is with great honour conveyed to antioch , in leo's reign . ibid. he was the first that found out the way of standing upon a pillar . . . his letter to leo augustus . . . and another letter of his , to basilius bishop of antioch . ibid. his mandra is described . . . symma●●us the ebionite . . . his books . ibid. symmach●s a senator of rome . . . syneros an heretick . . . synesius is preferred to the bishoprick of cyrene , whilst he was entangled in the errours of gentilism . . , . his epistles , and oration to the emperour theodosius . ibid. synnada a city of phrygia pacatiana . . . t. tablett , or title of criminals , who were led about in the amphitheatre . . . tam-chosroes general of the persians , is slain in battel by the romans . . . tanais , so the barbarians call the stream of the lake maeotis into the euxine sea. . . tatianus founder of the sect of the encratitae . . . . . his books . . . he is reckoned amongst the catholick writers . ibid. telesphorus bishop of rome , the seventh from the apostles . . . temples of the heathens demolished at alexandria . . . tertullianus eminently skilfull in the roman laws . . . thaddaeus one of christ's seventy disciples . . . is sent to edessa by thomas the apostle . ibid. cures agbarus by laying his hand on him . . . preaches the gospel of christ to the edessens . ibid. thalassius , praesect of the praetorium , is ordained bishop of caesarea by the patriarch proclus . . . thalassius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , together with dioscerus bishop of alexandria , presided at the second ephesine synod . . . thebuthis the first that made a schism in the church of jerusalem . . thecla the protomartyr , appears to zeno in his sleep ▪ . . in honour of her , zeno builds a most splendid church in the city seleucia . ibid. thelymidres bishop of laodicea . . . themison a montanist . . . themistius the philosopher . . . his oration to valens , . . theoctistus bishop of caesarea in palestine . . . . , . theodoricus king of the goths , resignes his kingdom . . . theodoricus a goth rebells against zeno. . . he dyes , leing wounded by the point of his javelin . ibid. theodoricus valamer is by zeno sent against illus and leontius . . . he leaves the east , and goes into italy , and having vanquished odoacer there , possesses himself of the kingdom of italy . ibid. his wife amalasuntha , . . theodoricus king of the goths has a military command in the roman army . . . theodoritus bishop of cyrus , his ecclesiastick history . . . . he is deposed by dioscorus in the second ephesine synod , together with ibas bishop of edessa , and daniel bishop of carrae . . , . he is restored in the chalcedon council . . . . ● . theodorus bishop of heraclea in thracia . . . . . theodorus bishop of mopsuestia in cilicia . . . theodorus , a man of god. . . theodorus is cruelly tortured for the faith of christ. . , . theodorus surnamed ascidas , bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . . . a favourer of origen . ibid. and . . theodosia a virgin , martyred at caesarea . . . theodosiapolis a city besieged by the persians . . . theodosius bishop of philadelphia . . . theodosiolus is killed by valens . . . theodosius the great is created emperour . . , he is baptized by ascholius . . . dyes . . . theodosius junior is born . . . his commendations . . , . . . his law against nestorius , extant in the code . . . theodosius bishop of synnada . . . in what manner he lost his bishoprick . . . theodosius is ordained bishop of jerusalem , contrary to the canons . . . theodosius bishop of alexandria , a reviler of the chalcedon synod . . . severus writes a letter to him . . . his letters sent to anthimus and severus . ibid. he is ejected out of his see by justinian . ibid. theodotion the ephesian turned the old testament into greek . . . theodotus a montanist . . . . . theodotus the tanner , excommunicated by victor . . . theodotus bishop of laodicea . . . theodotus bishop of laodicea . . . theodotus bishop of ancyra , accuses nestorius in the ephesine synod . . . theodotus bishop of joppa . . . theodulus a martyr with pamphilus . . . theodulus bishop of chaeretap● . . . theodulus and olympius , bishops . . . theodulus's letter concerning nestorius , and his heresie . . . theonas bishop of alexandria . . . theonas bishop of marmarica , and secundus bishop of ptolemais , are anathematized by the nicene synod . . . theophilus bishop of antioch , the sixth from the apostles . . . his books . . . theophilus bishop of caesarea in palestine . . . theophilus is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . theophilus bishop of castabali . . . theophilus bishop of the goths , subscribed to the nicene council . . . theophronius a cappadocian , ennomius's scholar , coyns a new heresie . . . theotecnus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . . . . . theotecnus curator of the city antioch . . . the authour and incentive of the christians persecution . ibid. he is executed by licinius's order . . . theotimus bishop of the arabi . . . theotimus bishop of scythia , what his sentiments were concerning origen's books . . . therapeutae , why so termed . . . their monasteries and course of life . ibid , &c. theudas an impostour . . . thomas the apostle , called judas also . . . he preached the gospel to the parthians . . . . . a great church dedicated to him in the city edessa . . . thomas bishop of apamia . . . he is a spectatour of the equestrian sports , contrary to the usage of the church . ibid. thomas a monk in syria , feigned himself a fool . . . thraseas a martyr . . . bishop of eumenia . . . thrasamundus king of the vandals in africa . . . tiberiopolis a city of phrygia . . . tiberius augustus how affected at pilate's relation concerning the resurrection of christ. . , &c. tiberius , after justinus junior became craz'd , managed the empire together with sophia wife to justinus . . , . he is declared caesar by justinus . . . his character . . . tigris an eunuch , and a presbyter . . . timaeus bishop of antioch . . . timolaus , dionysius , romulus , pausis , alexander , and another alexander , martyrs in palestine . . . timotheus , saint paul's disciple , the first bishop of the ephesians . . . timotheus a martyr in palestine . . . timotheus is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . . . . . timotheus aelurus is chosen bishop by the alexandrians whilst proterius was living . . . he was ordained but by two bishops . . . he wrote a letter to leo augustus concerning his own ordination . . . he is banished to gangra . . . he is recalled by the emperour basiliscus . . . timotheus salosaciolus , after aelurus's ejectment , is ordained bishop of alexandria . . . he flyes to canopus . . . by zeno's order he recovers his see. ibid. timotheus , after macedonius's ejectment , is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . titus disciple to saint paul , bishop of the cities of creet . . . titus bishop of bostra . . . tobias son of tobias , an edessen . . . tobias bishop of jerusalem . . . translations of bishops forbidden . . . sometimes used on account of the church's necessity . ibid. instances of such translations . . . they were forbidden by constantine . . . tribigildus a tribune of souldiers . . . tripolis a city of phoenice , wherein was the church of saint leontius the martyer . . . troïlus the sophist a prudent man. . . a native of side in pamphylia . . . tychaeum of antioch , that is , the temple of the publick genius , consecrated in honour of the martyr ignatius . . . tyrannio bishop of tyre , a martyr . . . tyrannus bishop of antioch . . . v. valens bishop of jerusalem . . . valens a deacon of aelia , is martyred . . . valens the emperour being baptized by eudoxius the bishop , becomes an arian . . . he persecutes the orthodox . . . he builds an aquaeduct at constantinople . . . he dyes . . . valentinianus is chosen emperour . . . chuses valens to be his golleague in the empire . ibid. dyes . . . had two wives at the same time . . . valentinianus placidus , son to constantius and placidia . . . is proclaimed caesar by theodosius . ibid. is declared augustus . ibid. valentinianus juniour is created emperour . . . he was justina's son . ibid. valentina a virgin , martyred . . . valentinus an arch-heretick , flourished at rome . . . valentinians , hereticks . . . valerianus at the beginning of his reign , favoured the christians . . . his ignominious slavery and captivity in persia. . . valerius gratus procurator of judaea . . . vararanes king of the persians . . . persecutes the christians . ibid. various usages and rites in divers churches . . , &c. ventidius and corbulo , romans , conquered the parthians . . . vetranio turns tyrant . . . afterwards he became a private man. . . vettius epagathus , a martyr at lyons . . . victor bishop of rome . . . excommunicates the churches of asia . ibid. he is disswaded therefrom by irenaeus . ibid. victor master of the milice . . . vigils of the christians , and their fasts before the feast of easter . . . vigil of easter . . . observed by the emperour constantine . . . vigilius bishop of rome , refuses to come to the fifth synod . . . vindices , officers made in every city by the emperour anastasius . . . vine , the badge of a centurion's office . . . virgil's verses concerning christ. . , &c. virgins of the christians . . . . . they were registred in the matricula or roll of the church . . . vitalianus rebels against anastasius . . . takes hypatius and cyrillus commanders of the romans . ibid. being made master of the milice and consul by justinus , he is slain . . . vitalis and misenus , legates of the see of rome , are condemned in a synod at rome for ill-management of their embassie . . . ulfila bishop of the goths . . . . . ulpianus a martyr at tyre . . . ulpianus a sophist , wrote an oration in commendation of antioch . . . uranius bishop of apamea . . . uranius bishop of meletina . ibid. uranius bishop of tyre . . . is deposed . . . urbanus bishop of rome . . . urbanus president of palestine . . . is put to death . . . urbanus , theodorus , menedemus , and seventy other presbyters , who had been sent legates for the catholicks to valens , are barbarously murdered . . , . urbicius , or urbicus , praefect of rome . . . ursacius and valens , arian bishops . . . condemned in the sardican synod . . . present a penitentiary-libel to pope julius . . . they are deposed in the synod of ariminum . . . ursinus a deacon of the roman church . . . w. western church when severed in communion from the eastern . . . wisedom of solomon , so the book of proverbs was called . . . . . woman of alexandria , her chastity . . . women that were adulteresses , how punished by the romans . . . word of god , his nature , proprieties , and operations . . , &c. he is god of god , and light of light. . . the reason of his incarnation . . . &c. x. xenaias a great stickler against flavianus bishop of antioch . . . he is made bishop of hierapolis . . . by a greek name he was termed philoxenus . ibid. xorolophus a place in constantinople . . . xystus bishop of rome . . . xystus , another bishop of rome . . . z. zambdas bishop of jerusalem . . . zacchaus bishop of jerusalem . . . zacharias the rhetorician , an historian , favoured nestorius . . . blames proterius falsely . . . he favoured eutyches's party . . . evagrius reproves him for his carelesness in writing his history . . . zamolxis a god of the getae . . . zebinus bishop of antioch . . . zeno at first named aricmesius , marries leo augustus's daughter . . . is created emperour of the romans . . . his wicked life . . , . his henoticon , or uniting-edict . . , . his letter to pope felix . . . zenobius a presbyter of the church at sidon , martyred . . . zephyrinus bishop of rome . . . zeuxippus's bath . . . zoïlus bishop of larissa . . . zoïlus governour of antioch under theodosius junior , what buildings he erected at antioch . . . zoïlus is made bishop of alexandria , after theodosius's ejectment . . . . . zosimus bishop of rome . . . zoticus otrenus a presbyter . . . zoticus bishop of comana . . . . . zozimas or zosimas a monk in syria . . . he foretells the earthquake at antioch . . . his miracles . ibid. zozimus an historian , was a heathen , and on that account hated constantine . . . he brought down his history as far as the times of honorius and arcadius . . . when he wrote his history . ibid. the index of the chief matters that occur in the notes on these historians . the first number shews the page ; the second , the column . a. abares , or abari , when first known to the romans . . . acacius bishop of constantinople , never held communion with petrus fullo . . . he was condemned in no particular synod . . . when the sentence of deposition was pronounc't against him . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . acesius the novatianist seems not to have been called to the nicene synod by constantine . . . acoemeti had two monasteries at constantinople . . . . . acts what . . . acts of pilate when forged by the heathens . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the power of a perpetual master of the milice . . . a passage in theophanes is mended . ibid. adjutor , the prince of the office of the master of the offices . . . adoration of the emperour , what it was . . . adra , a city of arabia . . . adulterer , so he was called who invaded the see of a bishop that was yet living . . . adultery , how punished amongst the romans . . . aegiochus , an epithete given to jupiter . . . aelia , so jerusalem was called till constantine's time , when it recovered its old name jerusalem again . . . . . . . aërial martyr , so symeon the stylite was called . . . aether , the element of fire . . . africanus the chronographer , not the same person that composed the cesti . . . agathobulus a philosopher . . . agbarus , called also abgarus . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , forum , a market , or court of judicature . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or aevum , in plato signifies eternity . . . agnati and cognati , who , and wherein they differ . . . agrippa junior , when he began to reign . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who they are . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . . . alabarches , the chief magistrate of the jews that lived at alexandria . . . allegories were by the ancient graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . alexander bishop of constantinople , in what year he dyed . . . alexandria a very unhealthfull city , and why . . . alexandrian bishops heretofore termed popes . . . nicephorus's opinion is refuted . ibid. they had a secular principality . . . alexandrian synod , wherein origen's books were condemned by theophilus . , . alexandrian synod , its acts. . , &c. alexandrian bishop , whether he ordained all over egypt . . . alternative hymns , by whom first appointed . . . ambon , a place wherein criminals were set , whilst they were interrogated by the judge . . . amen was the answer of the faithfull , when they received the consecrated bread. . . also , after the priest had consecrated . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , curtains hanging before doors . . , . many uses of them in the church . ibid. amphilochius bishop of side . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a preface . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a strator , one that lifts his master on horseback . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to comfort , or refresh . . . anastasia , the wife of bassianus the caesar. . , . anastasian baths , whence so called . ibid. anastasis , the church of the resurrection at jerusalem . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the relation of a president to the emperour . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a place neer constantinople . . . anastasius sinaïta bishop of antioch , when he was ejected . . . annas or ananus , held the high-priest-hood many years . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , props . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , masters of the scrinia . . . antioch when made a free city . . . three forum's or tribunals there , and as many scholes of advocates . . . in the same city was also the praetorium of the master of the eastern milice . . . when termed theopolis . . . antiochians , from what moneth their years begin . . . . . antipater and aristobulus , sons to herod the great , killed by his order . . . antipater , grandfather to herod the great . . . antiphons , see alternative hymns . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vicarius , a substitute . . . apamia , the metropolis of syria coele or syria secunda . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . . . apocryphal books . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . apocrysarius of a monastery , that is , one who managed the affairs of a monastery . . . apocrysarii or responsales of patriarchs and bishops in the emperour's court. . . apollinarians , hereticks . . . apollonia , a virgin that suffered martyrdom in the reign of philippus , not under decius . . . apollonius , whilst montanus was living , wrote against his prophesie . . , &c. apollonius a roman senator . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , its signification . . . apostates , when they return to the church , are treated with more severity . . . apostles , the twelve were not onely so called , but several other persons . . . . . apostles are not reckoned in the number of bishops . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it imports . . . aquaeduct of valens augustus at constantinople . . . . archelaus bishop of cascharum , his disputation against manichaeus . . . areopagus , what it was . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . arius , two of that name . . . arius who with euzoius presented a libel of faith to the emperour constantine , was not arius the arch-heretick . ibid. arius , when and how recalled from banishment . ibid. artemius , commander in chief of egypt . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to take away , or remove . . . arsenius , bishop of the hypselitae . . . . . ascetae , who were heretofore called so . . . not onely monks but clergy-men also had that name given them . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the crime of treason . . . asia , how many ways 't is taken . ● . . asiarchs , what they were . . . how chosen . ibid. a very chargeable office. ibid. asterius urbanus , authour of the books against the cataphrygae . . . athanasius , in what year recalled from banishment . . . in what year he went to rome . . . he went to rome once onely . . . when a boy , he baptized his play-fellows . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or attis , bacchus . . . atticus bishop of constantinople , his epitaph . . . augustonica a province of egypt . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a door of an house . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , atrium , or a court. . . avitus , how many moneths he reigned . . , &c. ause , or osee , the first name of jesus the son of nave . . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christian virgins . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so eusebius calls christ. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the honorati , are joyned with the decuriones . . . b. bacaudae , a sort of boors , were up in arms over the whole roman world . . . bacurius prince of the iberi . . . baptism is by the greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a seal . . . 't is the symbol of our lord's passion . . . 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . basileus bishop of amasia . . . a martyr under licinius . ibid. basilius the great , what year made bishop of caesarea . . , . he was twice questioned by valens . . . basilides's prophets . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the imperial city , so eusebius always calls rome , not constantinople ▪ . . basiliscus declared his son marcus , caesar ; afterwards , augustus , . . bataneotes , a surname of porphyrius the philosopher . . . battle at cibalae . . . battle at hadrianople , what year it hapned . . . beneficiarii . . . beryllus's opinion concerning the nature and divinity of christ. . . his heresie . . . berytus , what year the synod was convened there . . . bishops in egypt , were an hundred . . . bishops heretofore preached , standing on the steps of the altar . . . bishops , their first sermon always much taken notice of . . . bishops , their sentences in judicature made valid . . . bishops of other cities , were usually buried at constantinople , in the church of the apostles . . . bishops anciently wore a plate of gold on their forehead , in imitation of the jewish high-priests . ● . . birth-day of the martyrs , was that whereon they suffer'd martyrdom . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to lead a secular life . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , laicks . ibid. bosci , monks so called . . . botry a city of phoenice . . . theophanes and antoninus martyr are mended . ibid. british-church very ancient . . , . it was , and is independent of the roman patriarchate . ibid. bruchium , what it was . . . the siege of it , when . ibid. brysia . . . c. caesarea , or caesarium , the great church of alexandria . . . whence it had that name . . . caius was authour of the book called the little labyrinth . . . he wrote a book against proclus . . . calendio is ordained bishop of antioch at constantinople by acacius , contrary to the canons . . . how many years he sate bishop . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so constantinople was termed . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes made use of in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . in old coyns that city is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . camp-bread given to the city antioch by diocletian . . . a place in procopius about this annona , is mended . ibid. campus , a place without the city antioch , where the souldiers exercised . . . campus , a place seven miles distant from constantinople . . . it was the place where criminals were punished . . . canon of the council of antioch . . . what must be thought concerning that council . ibid. canon , or set-allowance of bread , or bread-corn , at constantinople . . . canon the second , of the constantinopolitan council , is explained . . . canon the sixth , of the nicene council , whither it ●eats concerning patriarchs , and their jurisdiction . . . castalian fountain neer antioch . . . castrensis panis . see camp-bread . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ligatures , inchantments . . . catechist taught in a private auditory , not publickly in the church . . . catechumens were made by imposition of the bishop's ha●d . . , . they covered their heads . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . catholick epistles . . . catholicus , a rationalist . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a rationalist . ibid. and . . celsus the philosopher , against whom origen wrote , was lucian's friend . . . cephro , and coluthio . . . . . cerat●s , a wind about byzantium , . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , capitulum , a period . . . chaeremon , a philosopher . . . chair or throne of saint mark at alexandria . . . chalcedon ▪ synod , the copies of it that evagrius made use of , are different from ours . . . which are more genuine and authentick , evagrius's copies , or ours . . . chalcedon had onely the bare name of a metropolis given it by marcianus . . . chartae , or libels of caecilianus's crimes , transmitted to the emperour . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . chorepiscopi , who they were . . . chosroes king of the persians , when he dyed . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christ , was written with a dipthong . . . christ before all things , and after all things . . . christ , in what year born . . . whether he was born on the twenty fifth of december . ibid. christian religion termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . christians wont to stop their ears , when they heard any impious expression . . . they gave their children the names of the apostles . . . they prayed with expanded hands . . . christians were very desirous of being baptized in jordan . . . who were termed perfect christians . . . their feasts at the sepulchres of the martyrs . . . their way of burial . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , encaustick painting . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . chrysargyrum is in the code termed lustralis auri collatio . . . the emperours called it vectigal . ibid. libanius calls it tribute , because 't was paid every fourth year by merchants or traders . ibid. the aurum poenosum is to be distinguished from it . ibid. chrysostome's saying concerning penitents . . . chrysotelia , what it was . . . churches , there were fourty of them at rome in decius's time . . . circular letters , or encyclicae . . . claudian at first wrote greek verses . . . when he began to write latine verses . ibid. clavularis cursus . . . clemens's book of recognitions . . . . . clemens's stromata . . . clemens's books entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or institutions . . . a fragment of them is now extant , at the close of his stromata . ibid. clergy-men wore a philosophick pallium . . . clergy-men termed competentes . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the degree or order of ecclesiasticks . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he enroll'd amongst the clergy . . . cletus bishop of rome , the same person with anencletus . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stibadia , accubita , beds to lye and eat upon , . . clinicks , their baptism . . . coadjutor or assistant can't be made without the bishops consent . . . two instances of coadjutours . . . colligere , collecta . . . clopas or cleophas , whether joseph's brother , and unkle to christ. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in latine areae . . . comites of the first and second order , long before the reign of constantine . . , &c. common council of asia , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it was . . . . . communicatory-letters , two sorts of them . . . communion was twofold ; one of prayer , the other of the sacraments . . . private communion . ibid. and . . confectoret . . . consession , whether private , or publick , amongst the ancient christians . . . . , &c. consecrated bread was wont to be moystned in water . . . constantina , a city of phoenice , the bishop whereof was sophronius . . . constantine's letters to the bishops , taken for the synodick letter of the nicene synod . . . constantine took too much upon himself , in ecclesiastick matters . . . constantine the great , how many years he reigned . . . he was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , equal to an apostle . . . when he was made a catechumen . . . constantine's statue wont to be adored by the common people . . . constantine's letter against arius . . . constantinopolitane bishop ordained in the hellespont , and in the adjacent provinces . . . he is simply and absolutely termed the patriarch . . . constantinopolitane synod assembled on account of the cause of gregorius bishop of antioch , what year convened . . , . constantius chlorus , in what year he dyed . . . constantius used to swear by his own eternity . . . corban , what it was . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rusticks or boors . . . called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . cornutus a philosopher . . . he is erroneously termed phornutus . ibid. council at jerusalem , in what year assembled . . . council of chalcedon , in what manner it was preached and published . . . the three general-councils preached or published together with it by the deacon in the church after the reading of the gospel , and inserted into the diptycks . ibid. criminals usually executed without the city . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . curator of a city . . . curators of the imperial houses , who they were . . , &c. they had jurisdiction . . . their title was , most glorious , and most magnificent . ibid. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dominica , or churches . . . curiae , and curiales . . . curiales or decuriones did heretofore gather the tribute . . . anastasius the emperour freed them from that . . . the following emperours null'd that law. ibid. curopalates heretofore a despicable office , afterwards the highest dignity of the palace . . , . he was a different person from the count of the guards . ibid. cuziba , a monastery and laura . . . cynegica a region near antioch . . . cyrenius . see quirinius . cyrillus bishop of alexandria presided in the ephesine synod . . . cyrus bishop of beroea , banished on account of the homoousian faith. . . cyrus , a poet. . . d. dacianus . . . daemons of the air , or aërial daemons . . . dalmatius the censor , father to dalmatius the caesar. . , &c. damophilus the bithynian , his collectanea . . . he lived after plutarch's time . ibid. darius the mede , is not nabonnidus . . . deacons distributed not the sacrament amongst the people , when the priest was present . . . decani , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . decennalia , vicennalia , tricennalia , what meant by them . . . decius , how many years he reigned . . . decuriales , who they were at rome . . . the rector of the decuriae . ibid. delphicum , an edifice wherein were the emperour 's stibadia , or beds to lye and banquet on . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be read publickly . . . dengisich son to attala . . . his name being faulty in the alexandrian chronicle , is mended . ibid. depositions of bishops , in what order usually declared . . . dexippus the historian , his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perpetual priests . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , masters of the platonick school at athens . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , homilies , or discourses to the people . . . dialogue of jason and papiscus , by whom written . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , protests . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most perfect . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , charity , love. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , componere , to bury the dead . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hasta amentata , a javelyn fitted with a leatherloop . . . dignus est , he is worthy , was the usual acclamation in the election of bishops . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enarrations , expositions . . . dii patrii and peregrini . . . diocletian's persecution , when it began . . . . . . . when it ended . . . what year diocletian triumphed . . , . why he resigned the empire . . , . in what year he dyed . . . dioecesis , what it signifies . . . . . dionysius consularis of phoenice . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , porticus's . . . dioscorus bishop of hermopolis , when he dyed . . . dioscorus junior when ordained bishop of alexandria . . . liberatus's mistake in relating his ordination . ibid. dius , the first moneth of the syro-macedonians . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hereticks . . . dominica mediana . . . whence so called . ibid. donatists , their schism . . . they were the first that appealed from an ecclesiastick judicature . . . dorotheus presbyter of antioch , a different person from dorotheus who was of the bed-chamber to the emperour . . , &c. dositheus the samaritane , when he lived . . . doxology of the arians . ● . . drachms whence so called , by whom used ; attick drachms , their value . . . ducenarius , what he was . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 powers , so angels , as well as daemons , are termed . . . e. earth-quakes , two sorts of them . . . earth-quake at antioch in justinus's reign , in what year it hapned . . . easter-alms . . . ebionites , whence so called . . . ecclesiasticus , an ecclesiastical person , in how many senses 't is taken . . . edicts and letters of the emperours , written in paper . . . edict of the praesecti praetorio . . . edicts and letters of the emperours , wherein they differ . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , madness of mind . . . egypt heretofore reckoned amongst the provinces of the east . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what . . . philosophy and rhetorick differ from them . ibid. elcesaïta , hereticks . . , . so called from elcesai or elxaeus . ibid. eleusinius bishop of sasima . . . a place in theophanes about him , is mended . ibid. emperours of constantinople were usually proclaimed in the seventh miliarium , or mile . . . emperours of rome rescinded all that had been done by tyrants . . . empire of rome when first divided . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies amongst the antients . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , letters of the patriarchs at their instalment . . . also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , homilies . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sleep in an heathen-temple . . . encaenia of the jerusalem-church , on what day celebrated . . . encyclic letters . see circular-letters . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a supplicatory-libel . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies unition , not unity . . , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pascal letters . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the officials of the praetorian praefecture . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made use of instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . ephesine bishop heretofore ordained by the bishops of his own province . . . the patriarchical jurisdiction taken from him in the chalcedon-council . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to salute . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the advent or arrival of the gods. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sedentary mechanicks . . . epimenides , an initiator . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an indiction . . . ephesine council in basiliscus's reign . . . epiphanius bishop of cyprus , when he dyed . . . . his character . ibid. epistolae communicatoriae . see communicatory-letters . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what they signifie . . . essenes . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the provinces of the romans . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . eruli are by the grecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . evagrius a presbyter of antioch , was afterwards bishop of antioch . . . evagrius praefect of egypt . . , . a passage in eunapius his life of aedesius , mended . ibid. eucharist , so the consecrated bread was termed . . . it was sent to other bishops under the name of eulogiae . ibid. it is given to a boy to carry to a sick man. . . it was sometimes given to penitents without reconciliation . ibid. it was put into the mouthes of the sick . . . what remained of it , was given to boys , to be eaten . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vota facere , to pray , or desire earnestly . . . eudocia augusta went twice to jerusalem . . , . when she made her second journey thither . ibid. eudoxia the empress , her silver statue . . , . eugenius a tyrant in diocletian's time . . . eunomius when made bishop of cy●icus . . . his creed . . , &c. 〈◊〉 ▪ who they were . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies noble persons , not p●●ricians . . . eusebius wrote his ecclesiastick history , after almost all his other works . . . his book concerning the easter-cycle . . . whether he made a speech to the emperour in the nicene-council . . . eusebius and lucifer , whether they were legates of the apostolic see. . . eusebius and theognius , when banished , and when restored . . . when they presented a libel of satisfaction to the bishops . . . they were not condemned in the nicene synod , but in some other synod . ibid. eustatbius bishop of antioch , when deposed . . . when he dyed . . . his body when removed to antioch . ibid. eutropia mother-in-law to constantine . . , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ephecticks . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adaerare , to value by money . . . exarchs , who they were . . . exedra , what it is , and whence so called . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peraequatores . . , . exorcists , their office . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , municipal magistrates . . . expeditions , two of them were made against the vandals in leo augustus's reign . . . a passage in candidus isaurus , concerning that expedition , mended . ibid. f. faithfull heard the word , standing in the church . . . faith onely by sense . . . fast before easter , very ancient . . . fast , three sorts of it amongst the ancient christians . ibid. fast of fourty hours before easter , why used . ibid. fast of the great week , must be distinguished from the lent-fast . ibid. feasts at the sepulchres of the martyrs . . . felix when sent procurator into judaea . . . feriae , why the days of the week are so termed . . . feriae of the week , have their name from the following sunday . . , . . first succession of the apostles , how far it reacht . . . flaccilla wife to the emperour theodosius . . . flaccillus bishop of antioch . . . flamen perpetuus . . . folles , two sorts of them . . . their value . ibid. form , or draught of the nicene creed , was subscribed by all the bishops , but two . . . frumentius bishop of auxumis , the same person with frumentius bishop of the indians . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . g. galen's authority , great amongst the ancients . . . galerius's victory over the persians . . . gangra , the synod there when held . . . genealogies of the hebrews , were registred in their publick archives . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how much they differ in signification . . . gillo or gello , a kind of shee-devil . . . the same with empusa . ibid. georae , or geiorae , who they were . . . georgius of laodicea was made a presbyter by alexander bishop of the alexandrians . . . germinius when made bishop of sirmium . . . glicerius the emperour was not made bishop of portue , but of salonae . . , . golden-rod usually carried before the roman emperours . . , . gospel according to the hebrews . . . gospel of basilides . . . gregorius bishop of alexandria , how many years he sate bishop . . . gregorius nazianzenus , his three bishopricks . . . . . gynacea . . . h. hadrian the emperour built a temple to venus , on mount calvary . . . hanniballianus . . . heathens , how they consecrated the images of their gods. . . heg●sippus was irenaeus's contemporary . . . helena her death ▪ what year it hapned . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies that age which is fit for warfare . . . henoticon , or zeno's edict about uniting the churches , is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . hera●s a catechumen . . . hereticks , whither they may lawfully be persecuted . . . hermodactylus , what manner of plant it was . . . the root of it good for those that are troubled with the gout in the joynts or fingers . ibid. hermogenes an heretick . . . what his heresie was . ibid. herod the great was no forreigner but a jew . . ● . after his death , his kingdom was divided into three parts . . . herod , called also agrippa , who he was . . . what children he had . . . hexapla of origen , whence so called . . . . . hierocles praefect of egypt , against whom eusebius wrote . . . hierophantae were never called by their own name , by those whom they had initiated . . . high-priest , so every person was called , as long as he lived , who had once born that office . . . they wore a plate of gold. . . hilarius and athanasius differ in opinion concerning the draughts of the creed , drawn up by the easterns . . , . hippolytus bishop of portue . . . his paschal-canon is part of his book concerning easter . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . honoratus was the first praefect of constantinople . . . honorati , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . hosanna , what it signifies . . . hosius subscribed first to the nicene synod . . . hyacinthides virgins at athens , who they were . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prefecti praetorio . . . hypatia the philosopheress , probably was theon's daughter . . . by whose means she was murdered . . . hypatianus when made bishop of heraclea . . . hypodiaconi , or sub-deacons , kept the doors of the church . . . hypomnematographer , an office born by lucian at alexandria . . . i. jacobus the monk , to whom the emperour leo wrote , whither jacobus nisibenus . . . james the brother of our lord , whether one of the twelve apostles . . . whether the son of joseph . . . what is the meaning of his surname oblias . . . in what year he suffered martyrdom . . , james ordained bishop of jerusalem by christ. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who termed so amongst the greeks . . . iconium , the synod there when convened . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the egyptians , who they were . . . jerusalem ▪ bishop's authority . . . jews , how their families came to be so confused . . . their genealogies were not burnt by herod . . . they had private copies of their genealogies . ibid. they pray'd to god with their eyes turned towards the temple . . . they were permitted to enter jerusalem but once in a year . . . their seaven herefies . . . their archisynagogi , presbyters , deacons , patriarchs . . at their feasts the gentiles were present also . . . their dispersion , and the reasons of it . . , &c. a jew in secret , or inwardly . . . how they divided the night and day . . . image of christ at edessa . . . indians converted to the faith of christ by frumentius , in constantius's reign . . , . interregnum of three months after the death of constantine the great . . . johannes is ordained bishop of alexandria at constantinople , by johannes scholasticus patriarch of constantinople . . . johannes apamenus , bishop of antioch after petrus fullo . . . johannes codonatus bishop of antioch . . . johannes rhetor the historian , not the same person with johannes of epiphania the historian . . , &c. johannes tabennesiota , bishop of alexandria , whence so called . . . he was oeconomus of the alexandrian church . ibid. a place in liberatus concerning him , is mended . ibid. he did not appeal to pope simplicius . . . john the baptist's church in the city alexandria , was the great church . . . josephus's history of the jewish wars transcribed by titus's own hand . . . josephus's book concerning his own life , is part of his twentieth book of antiquities . . . his books of history , otherwise divided than now they are . . . josepus , so the ancients called josephus . . . jovius maximinus . . . his third consulate . . . irenaeus , whether he brought the letters of the martyrs to rome . . . in what year he was ordained bishop . . . his synodick letter . . . irenarch , or eirenarch . . . irene , two churches at constantinople , called by that name ; the one , the old ; the other , the new . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a copy . . . judas of galile , or gaulanites , when he made his insurrection . . . he was founder of the sect of the galilaeans . . . judas whether the brother of our lord. . . julian the emperour , called bull-burner . . . julianus , the bishop of rome's substitute in the second ephesine synod , was bishop of coe , not of puteoli . . . justice , its eye . . . justinian's vandalic expedition , on what year of christio was undertaken . . . justin the martyr's first apology , according to eusebius , is that which is commonly entitled his second ; and on the contrary , his 〈◊〉 his first . . , . . , . justin's second apology , commonly entitled his first , was dedicated to antoninus pius . . . justin was martyred in the reign of pius . ibid. justinus senior , is by some termed a thracian , by others an illyrian . . . before he was emperour , he was comes of the excu●i●● or guards . ibid. justinus junior , how many years he reigned . . . justus tiberiensis , and his books . . . k. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the matricula or koll of the church-officers . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , coemiteries . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . l. lacunaria . . . laicks , when about to receive the sacrament , heretofore came up to the altar . . . before bishops and monks that were eminent for piety of life , the laicks were wont to bow their heads , that they might receive a blessing . . . lampadarii , or light-bearers . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , torches . . . latiare sacrum at rome . . . laura what it is , and wherein it differs from a monastery . . . laws of the emperours constantine and theodosius , concerning burning the books of hereticks . . . legates of caesar , some were consulares , others praetorii . . . legate or deputy of the province of lyons . . , . legion termed the lightning legion . . . legions amongst the romans had their chappel , or oratory , and their presbyters . . . leo's letter by dioscorus forbid to be read in the council of ephesius . . . leus's daughters at athens . . . libellatici , who they were . , . licinita made the cities of the roman empire to flourish . . . light after darkness , in the mysteries of the pagans . . . litar●a a village in chalcis . , . it 's ●ame-being faulty in theophanes's chronicon , is mended . ibid. linyphia . . . loaves of benediction . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bear the office of a curator . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so the praefectus praetorio was termed . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . long-wall termed the anastasian-wall , from its builder . . . longinus a philosopher , taught at athens . . . lotts , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the athletae or champions . . . lucianus a martyr suffered under maximinus . . . ludi lugdunenses , or sports at lyons . . . lunar month , was thirty days . . . lusius quietus deputy of palestine . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . lysanias the tetrarch was not one of herod's sons , nor his successour . . . m. macarius bishop of jerusalem , when ordained , and when ejected . . . in what year he was restored to his see. . . macedonius's presidency over the constantinopolitane church , whence to be begun . . . macedoniani , their embassie to pope liberius , in what year sent . . . macedonius bishop of constantinople , when first made bishop , subscribed to zeno's uniting edict , or henoticon . . . magi amongst the egyptians . . . magistrate of the city jerusalem , was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . magistrates and governours of provinces can't be preferred to a bishoprick , without consent of the emperour . . . mancipes , so the bakers were called ; and mancipatus was the office of bakers . . . mandates or commands of princes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . mandra , a monastery ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an abbot of a monastery . . . manichaeans , who was the first broacher of their heresie . . . their fasts . . . marcion at first a mariner . . . marcotick region was subject to the bishop of alexandria . . . how many presbyters and deacons it had . ibid. mark the evangelist , what year he went into egypt . . . mark the interpreter of saint peter . . . martyrs will be christ's assessours when he comes to judgment . . . martyrs were beheaded in the campus . . . martyrs , four sorts of them amongst the greeks . . . martyrdom , what is so termed according to the command of the gospel . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sepulchre of a martyr , 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of saint euphemia 〈…〉 oratory of a martyrium , what it was . ● . , . martyrium , so the jerusalem church was called . ●● . ▪ mashoth●i , and masbotheani . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so the greeks call the creed . ▪ . matthew ▪ where and in what year he wrote his gospel . . . mausoleum or tomb of helena queen of the adiabeni near jerusalem . . . maximus , two of that name who were presbyters of the roman church . . . . . maximus the cynick is ordained bishop of constantinople . . . maximus , two philosophers of that name . . . maximus the tyraut , what country-man he was . ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ rome . . . melchi put instead of matthat , in our saviour's genealogy . . . meletius bishop of pontus . ▪ ● ▪ surnamed meleatus the great . ibid. melitians after the nicene synod joyned with the arians . . . melitius why kindly used by the nicene synod . . . he was ●o haeresiarch . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ● . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , area , a court. ●● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the twenty fifth day from easter . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dardenarii , petty-merchants . 〈◊〉 . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies , and in what senses 't is used . . . methodius's book concerning the resurrection , against origen . ● . . why eusebius has not mentioned methodius . ibid. metrodorus the philosopher . ● . . metropolitans , their ordination does properly belong to the patriarchs . . . milice is a sort of servitude . . . . . militia palatina . . . millain-synod , how many bishops were at it . 〈◊〉 ▪ ▪ the matters transacted there . . . in what year of christ it was held . ibid. mitella , or little mitre worn by christian virgins . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assigned to god the father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the son and holy ghost . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ● . . montanus's fasts . . . his heresie called the new prophecy . . ● . montanus and sabellius , why frequently joyned together . . , . moyses , the presbyter dyed before cornelius's ordination . . . mysia , two of them . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . n. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for the whole sacred house . . , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bishop . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first sunday after easter . . . the greeks call it by that name ●●il● , . . neapolis a city of palestine . . . nectarius , whether he abolished confession or pennance . . , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dead more contemptible than dung . . . neophytes were cloathed in white garments . . . they put them off , on the eighth day . ibid. nepos , how many years he reigned . . . nicene synod was convened in the palace . . . how many bishops met at that synod . . . . . . . no acts were made of this synod . . . on what month and day it was held . . , . nicocles the grammarian . . . nicolaites , what their heresie was . . . nile , the priests thereof were androgyni . . , . nicomas instead of nicomachus . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the christian sacrifice . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein they differ . . . nomades , who the greeks call so . . . notaries of the church , or of bishops . . . what their office was . ibid. novatianists did not use the chrism● in baptism . . . they rebaptized the catholicks that embraced their here●ie . . . novatus and novatianus are confounded by the greeks . . . novatianus's martyrdom , and the acts of his passion are forged . . . novatianus was a native of phrygia . ibid. novum saeculum , or a new age . . , . nubae , they were called nomades also . . , . numenius the philosopher , . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is lately . . . . . nymphaeum , the temple of the nymphs . . . o. obodas , a god amongst the arabians . . . ocbas and acbas an impregnable fort near the river nymphius . . . octachora templa , eight-fided-churches . . . octaves of infants and neophytes how religiously observed . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 domestick protectors . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used in reference to the incarnation onely , but concerning all things which christ did on earth , in order to mans salvation . . . . . ● . . . . the disputation concerning christ is divided into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the administration , is properly attributed to the son. . ● . . . olympiad , whence so called . . . how many years it consisted of . ibid. old testament , three ranks or degrees of the books thereof amongst the jews . . . how many in number the books thereof were . ibid. and . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of alexandria . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a place where the publick treasure was laid . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a dart . . ▪ o●t●r king of the ●●nni . ● . . his brother roas . . . oraria or handkerchiefs were wont to be shaken by auditors . . . order of the session of bishops in councils . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . origen is ordained by two bishop● . . . went onely once to rome . . . distinguished the books of the old testament into cola , verses , or such parts of the text as contained an entire sense . . . after his edition of the hexapla , he made the tetrapla . ibid. is a different person from the other origen plotinus's school-fellow . . , &c. is condemned by demetrius and deposed . . . demetrius's sentence was ineffectual . ibid. origen , before his condemnation , removed from the city alexandria . . , . his threefold work upon the sacred scripture . . , . what year he dyed . . . he was not condemned in the fifth synod at constantinople , but long before . . . origen , that name is written with an asperate by the greeks . . . osanna , what it signifies , ● . . ostracine , a place or village near antioch , whence so called . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies the person of the father . . . p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a church at antioch , in the old city . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that buyes provisions , and sells them again . . . pallium , the habit of the philosophers . . . pall for a bishop , woven with threads of gold. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . paphnutius , as rufinus says , was present at the nicene council . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who they were . . . not the same persons with the confectores . ibid. and . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . . it imports also to list for a souldier . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the muster-roll . ibid. paradice upon earth , were it was . . . paradoxi , champions that had gained many victories . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adulterate , or counterfeit . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assemblies of schismaticks . . . paredri , daemons so called , what they were . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what they signifie . . . parembole , a village in egypt . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a church . . . the reason of that name . ibid. sometimes 't is taken for a whole diocesse , sometimes for a particular church . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . . . parricides , how punished . . . particular assemblies which were held in diverse churches at alexandria . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a wedding-chamber . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . . patriarchs , when first constituted in the church . . . &c. ● . . a patriarch being accused by a laick , appeals to the emperour and a synod . . . he is judged in an auditory made up of laicks and ecclesiasticks . ibid. patripassians , or patropassians , hereticks . . , &c. paul the apostle went not to jerusalem in tiberius's reign . . . paulinus bishop of tyre is translated to the bishoprick of antioch . . . . paulus bishop of alexandria , was a heretick . . . liberatus makes him a catholick . ibid. peace was not given to the lapsed , without the people's consent . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . ▪ penitentiary-presbyter , why and when instituted . . . pent●cost , and the space of fifty days from easter to pentecost . . . perigenes the bishop of corinth , his election is confirmed by the bishop of rome . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hills or heaps of stone . . . pen●●entiary-presbyter , his office . . ● . when abrogated . . . peter the apostle , his second epistle most undoubtedly his . . . he and saint paul did not suffer martyrdom on the same year . ▪ ● ▪ he was not superior to the other apostles . . . petrus full● died before petrus mongus . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so the opinion of eutyches was termed . . . phile●● , whether he suffered at alexandria , or in thebais . . . philip the deacon was by the ancients confounded with philip the apostle . . . the names of philip's daughters . ibid. philippus the praefectus praetorio , when he dyed . . . philo's book against flaccus , and that entitled concerning the embassy to ●ain● . . . his book against flaccus , eusebius terms his second book concerning virtues . . . philoromus rationalist of egypt . . . philosophers borrowed their best precepts from moses's law. . . phoenice , two of them , the one termed maritima , the other libanensis . . . they were subject to the patriarch of antioch . . . the dux of phoenice . . . . . phosphorion , and bosporium , the port at constantinople . . . pilate killed himself . . . his character . ibid. pisander the poet , two of that name , the former a rhodian ▪ the latter a native of larinda , who wrote six books concerning the marriages of the goddesses and heroes . . . placidia augusta gave the western illyricum to theodosius junior . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , crusts of marble . . . plague in the groyn which raged fifty years , when it began . . . platonick philosophy , a school thereof at alexandria . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abstinence . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it was amongst the alexandrians . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decurions , . . polycarp , whether he came to rome on account of the controversie concerning easter . . . in what year he came to rome . ibid. the day of his martyrdom . . ● . porphyrius , why called malchus , and bataneotes . . when he lived . ibid. potamius bishop of lysbone was banished together with hosius . . . power , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not used but concerning the greater judges . . . praefects of the praetorium , and the other judges , prefixed the emperours ▪ letters before their own edicts . . . praefects of the praetorium had the title of clarissimi in constantine's time . . . . . praefecture of the praetorium , was the highest of all dignities . ● . . it had two chests . . . also numerarii of gold. . . praenetum the name of a town , variously written . . . praepositi laborum , or rather laboru , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the laborum . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . presbyters performed the publick prayers together with the bishop . . . presbyters were not ordained without the consent of the clergy and people . . . presbyters were termed priests of the second order . . . . ▪ &c. presbyter , whom constantia at her death recommended to constantine , who he was . . ▪ . . praesens numen , present deity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . praesentes or praesentales milites , present milice ; who they were . . . the greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. priscus rhetor the historian , was a thracian , born at panium a town in thracia . . . a passage in theophanes in mended . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to instruct , to cultivate . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a village at some distance from a city . . . proclus , chief of the sect of the cataphrygians . . . proconsul of thracia . . . procopius , two martyrs of that name . . . procurators of the familia gladiatoria , or company of the gladiatours ▪ . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to propose the name of a person to be ordained . . ● . . . prophetae , so the high-priests amongst the egyptians were termed . . . prophets that are true , how to be distinguished from the false one . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to live according to example . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proseuchae of the jews . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to take pains . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bear the changes of fortune . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , diligence , attention . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it imports . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let it be published , it was a word which the emperours added to their laws . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to publish an edict . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief or first of the presbyters . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ● provost , or chief . ● . . psalm● or 〈◊〉 ▪ when first in use in the church . . . . ● . psalms called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . q. quadratus proconsul of asia , under whom polycarp suffered martyrdom , in what year he bore the proconsulate . . ▪ &c. quadratus bishop of athens , a different person from quadratus the disciple of the apostles . . . quaternions , and ternions . . . quirinius , or gyrenius , when president of syria . ● . . quirus instead of cyrus , and quinegius for cynegius . . . r. recusatory-libels , wherein patriarchs requested of the emperour , that they might have leave to relinquish their bishopricks . . . regius morbus , to signifie the leprosie . ● . . religion of the christians defined . . . rhetoricians were initiated by a certain rite . . . the rhetorician's pallium . ibid. and . . rhossus or rhosse a city of cilicia . . . roman-church , their liberality and bounty towards the poor . ▪ ● . romans , when they left off burning their dead . ● . ● . rufinus's letter to ursacius . . . s. sabaiarius , a nick-name given to valens by the citizens of chalcedon . . . sabba●um magnum , or the great sabbath , what it is . . . sabbath not kept as a fasting-day amongst the romans , in lent. . . nor in the ember-weeks . . . sabellians , hereticks , . . sacerdotes provinciae , the chief-priests of a province . . . . . sacred scripture , a threefold difference of the books thereof . . . sacrifices of the heathens were not totally abolished by constantine . . . schismaticks returning to the church , were more kindly received than hereticks . . . scholastici , advocates . . . scholia , what meant by that word . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it means . . . scribes amongst the jews , were the keepers and expounders of the law. . ● ▪ &c. scythae , so the greeks call them , whom the latines t●rm goths . . . . . secretum , what it was . . . secular judges who were present at a council , when criminal matters were under debate , pronounced sentence ; but in a matter of faith , they concerned not themselves . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to calumniate , or extort . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a chappell wherein was the tomb of a martyr . . . sel●ucus was called nicaror , not nicanor . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excepta , excerptions . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of origen , ought in latine to be termed excepta , not excerpta . . . senate , for an house or court . . . septuagint translation when made . . . whether they translated all the books of scripture . ibid. and whether in separate cells . ibid. serapis in what manner worshipped by the egyptian priests . . , . why he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. his temple when demolished . ibid. serdican-council , how many bishops present at it . . . 〈◊〉 , a passage in him mended . . . 〈◊〉 augustus was called also serpentius or serpentinus . . . showes amongst the romans , were ordinary and extraordinary . . . sibylls , whether they foretold things by divine inspiration . . , &c. signes of the zodiack were by the greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . silentiarii , who they were . . . simon magus's death , when it hapned . . . sirmium , three synods there , and their three draughts of the creed , . . sirmium-synods in what years convened . ibid. and . . sitting , the usual posture of mourners amongst the jews . . . socrates seems to have been a novatianist . . . whether he was a novatianist . . . son of god , was by antient divines termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . he is termed the middle , between the father and things created . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so solomon's book of proverbs was called . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to lay hands on , or ordain . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or sepulchral monuments . ● . . . . stephen the deacon , on what year he suffered martyrdom . . ● . stephen the pope , whether he excommunicated those of africa , and of the east . . . stephanus junior bishop of antioch , is ordained at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . ● . strategium , what it is . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magistrates , or duumviri . ● . ● . . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , officials , app●●itours . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . sub-introduced women , who they were ▪ ● . ● . succi , streights , or narrow passes so called . . . symeon the son of cleophas , how a ●in to our saviour . . . symmachians , hereticks . . . symplegades . . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i make a bargain . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bargain . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . syna●●● , in how many senses it is used . . . sunday termed the first day , and the eighth . . ▪ why this day was set apart for the meeting of the faithfull . . . syncelli , officers which the patriarchs had . ● . ● , &c. the syncelli were as well of the order of presbyters ▪ as deacons ▪ ibid. not onely patriarchs , but other bishops also had their syncell● ▪ ibid. syn●sius was not bishop of cyr●nae , but of prolemais . . . what his belief was concerning the resurrection . ibid. sy●●ad● , a city of phr●gia ▪ . . synnadenses , the citizens of that city , two of their coyns explained . ● ▪ . they worshipped jupiter under the name of pa●demos . ibid. synod of antioch against paul of samosata , in what year held . ●● . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to signifie an assemblie of the faithfull . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a particular synod , is op●●sed to a gene●al 〈◊〉 ▪ . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a synod of bishops that made their residence for some time onely at the imperial city . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a modell or delineation of a future work . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking leave of , or bidding farwell . ● . . ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. and . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ tributaries . ● . . . ▪ &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sign of communion . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it signifies . . . superposition , a sort of fast. . . in greek termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. t. tabularii , who they were . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , companies of souldiers . . , &c. tatianus was not a professour of rhetorick . . . . . tatianus's gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not the same with that termed the gospel according to the hebrews . . . taurobolia , and cr●obolia . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , offices , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , office , body of apparitours . . . . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . taxing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it was ; . . whether one or two taxings . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , martyrdom . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptism . . . terebinthus , or turpentine-tree , a place in palestine . . , . that turpentine-tree worshipped by the pagans . ibid. at that place there was a mart or market yearly . ibid. testaments of souldiers in expedition . . . tetrapla were made by origen after his edition of the hexapla . . . thaddaeus the apostle , in what year he came to edessa . . . th●●la , instead of theoclia . . . she was termed the proto-martyr . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in what sense used by eusebius . . . theodor●● asc●d●s . . . theodotion , when he published his version . . . theodotus bishop of laodicea was an arian . . . theodulus the presbyter , when he wrote . . . theologia , anciently termed theologicen . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mistick sense . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sur-name of saint ignatius . . ● . . . his reliques were removed to antioch long before theodosius junior's time . ibid. therapeutae were not essens . . . nor christians . . . thessalonica , whether it was under the government of theodosius senior . . . the bishops of thessalonica were legates of the roman see. . . thmuis , a city of augustanica . . . tholus , what it is . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . tiberius constantinus , how long he reigned . . . time twofold , the one perticular , the other general . . . timotheus salofaciolus , called also albus . . . tractates , so homilies or sermons to the people are termed . . . trajanus the patricius , an historian , when he lived . . . trapezita , who they were . . . tribunal of the nineteen accubita . . . a place in theophylactus simocatta concerning that edifice , is explained . ibid. tricennalia is taken for the festival , and for the thirtieth year . . . . . tripolis , a city of phoenice maritima , wherein was the sepulchre of the martyr leontius . . . . . trisagium , an hymn in the church . . ● , . 〈…〉 . . . 〈…〉 phanes's chronicon . ibid. troilus the sophista . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the temple of the publick ge●●u● . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the publick genius . . . v. vacant bishops . . ▪ valentinianus 〈…〉 , where , and when proclaimed augustus . . . valentinian junior was ●●oson of valens augustus . . . he was also called galates . ibid. in what year he dyed . . ▪ valerian , when he began to reign . . . vettius , a roman name . . . vicarii or deputies of the praefects had the title of perfectissimi in constantine's time . . . victor the pope , whether he excommunicated the asians , or onely threatned it . . . victor thunonensi● , an eminent passage in him is mended . . , &c. victor was taken by constantine as his pranomen , or fore-name . . . and after his death by his sons . . . vigilius the pope gave his consent to the synod of constantinople , but refused to be present at it . . . vigil of easter , thereon the christians kindled lights , as well publickly , as in private . . . vindices made by anastasius . . . vine , the badge of the centurion's office. . . virtues are either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in what sense used by divines . . . unio for unition , is a barbarous , not a latine word . . . unio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈…〉 . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fasts of superposition , . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who they were . . . w. week before easter , termed by the greek father● the great week . . . it began from the second feria , or monday . . . . , &c. widows , or deaconnesses , their examination . . ▪ x. xanthicus , the name of a moneth amongst those of smyrna , when it began . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a dialogue of methodius the bishop . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pair of stocks . . . . . sometimes 't is used to signifie the eculeus . . . . . xystus , how long bishop of rome . . . y. years of the edessens , whence they began . . . year of christ , the first , according to eusebius . . . z. zela , a city of cappadocia . . . zeno , whether bishop of majuma . . , . zozimus the historian , did not live in the times of theodosius junior . . , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the end . books printed for , and sould by hannah sawbridge at the bible on ludgate hill. folio . the lives of the noble graecians and romans , by that learned historiographer , plutarch , translated from the original : with the addition of the lives of many eminent persons and their effigies engraven in copper plates . a chronicle of the kings of england containing all the passages of state and church , by the famous sir richard baker , knight , with a continuation of all material affairs of state to this time . astronomia britannica authore vincentio wing , in qua hi quinque tractatus traduntur . i. logistica astronomica . ii. trigonometria . iii. doctrina sphaerica . iv. theoria planetarum . v. tabulae novae astronomicae . riverus practice of physick in severall books translated into english by nicholas culpeper , phys. and astr. abadiah cole , doct. phys. and william rowland , physician . anatomy . riolanus , bartholinus veslingus , all three translated by nicholas culpeper , gent. student in physick and astrology . the compleat surveyor , containing the whole art of surveying land , by william leybourne . cambridge concordance , with additions being the compleatest extant , by s. n. a large bible , cambridge print , fit for churches . doctor holi●kes large dictionary , being the best and largest in print . gallileus's mathematical system of the world , with cuts , englished by t. salsbury esq learned cooks comment on litletons tenures . maynards , edward the d. doctor cowels , interpreter with t. manlys additions corrected from former errors : now in the press . morgans , heraldry epitomized : a large sheet . dyers reports with tables ▪ townsends tables c. l. physick refined being the works of that famous and profound philosopher and chymical physician john baptista van helmot . the year books compleat . j. rolls ▪ abridgement . rastalls entries . cooks reports , french. — entries . doctor heylins life of bishop laud. quarto . gouldman's dictionary . thesaurus graecae linguae , &c. by w. robertson . a. m. thesaurus linguae sanctae , &c. by w. robertson . a. m. with many other quarto books , and books of lesser volumes , which we have not room here to insert . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e his epistle dedicatory to robert e. of leicester bears date december the th . . he dyed at dublin , of the plague , anno . see fuller's worthies of wales . flintshire ▪ pag. . see godwi● de pr●sulibus angliae , pag. : and fuller's worthies . lancashire . notes for div a -e a valesius dedicated his first volume , ( which contains eusebius's ten books of history , his life of constantine , constantine's oration , and his own. ) to the arch-bishops , bishops , and the whole clergy of the gallican church . b see origen's works , second part , pag. . edit . paris . . a he allowed valesius a yearly pension of livers : which sum the cardinal sent him yearly , as long as he lived ; and by his will continued it till valesius's death : see valesius's life , written by his brother hadrian . b see amm. marcellinus , book . pag. . edit . paris . . c or ▪ cryers . a scholia . b he means , the distinguishing the periods one from another , and the clauses and members of each period , by poynts . c full poynt . a chap. . pag. . edit . paris . . b a pause . c actu● verborum . d comma's . e he means the french clergy . f in his epistle dedicatory . g chap. . h or , critical art. a these four dissertations are published at the latter end of valesius's first volume of the ecclesiastick historians . notes for div a -e a eccles. hist. book . chap. . b see chap. . c chap. . where see note ( a. ) d see chap. ● , at the beginning . e eusebius's f book . chap. . g which occurs in theodoret's eccles. hist. book . chap. . edit . vales. h chap. . a chap. . where see note ( ● . ) b the remembrance of , &c. c his other life . d or , right . e chap. ● . towards the end . f chap. . a he should have said his fi●th book ; where see chap. , and . p. , &c. edi● . thys . b chap. . c see chap. . where eusebius has inserted this his speech . d valesius , after this his account of eusebius's life & writings , adds a collection ( which he had made himself ) of the testimonies of the ancients , both for and against eusebius ; a translation whereof into english , was lookt upon as needless . e chap. . a or , wing . b chap. . where see note ( a. ) c chap. . d chap. . e or , form of faith. f see this letter in socrates , book . chap. . pag. , &c. of our english version . g see the story in theodoret's eccles. hist. book . chap. . edit . vales. h see life of constantine , book . chap. . note ( c. ) i this calumny the melitians fram'd , instigated by eusebius of nicomedia ; as athanasius tells us in his apology to constantius : see his works , tom. . p. . edi● . paris . . k that is ▪ sacrifice to idols . a chap. . b life of constant. book . chap. & . c id. b. . chap. . d book . chap. , . e eccles. hist. b. . chap. . where see nese ( k. ) f chap. . & . g in his preface to his comments on daniel . h chap. . a book . chap. . b twentieth year of his empire . c chap. . d judge , or give sentence . e double-tongue'd . see s●crat . book . chap. . a in his martyrology . b in epist. tertiâ ad eliam aqueleïensem & alios episcopos istriae . c see his defence of him , in book . chap. . d book . de synod . nicaenâ , chap. . d see scaliger's elench . trih●res . chap. : and book . de emend . temp. chap. . about the end : and his animadversions on eusebius's chronicon , pag. . notes for div a -e a i cannot approve of christophorsons translat on who renders the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] provinces . neither am i pleased with the amendment of curterius , or whoever it was that translated it [ churches . ] indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a church amongst christian writers , and particularly in our eusebius , not in one place . the original of which signification came from hence , as i judge ; because the church is as it were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a stranger or sojourner in the earth ; but its country and freedom is in heaven . hence we often meet with this phrase in our eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , book . . & b . chap. . and clemens , in his epist. to the corinthians , writes thus - 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but in this place of eusebius we must not translate this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] churches . for then the same word must be repeated twice in the same clause , thus - who have governed and presided over the church especially in the most famous churches . i should rather translate it [ cities or sees ] or , with rufinus , in celeberrimis locis , in the most famous places . sometimes this word is taken for the whole diocess , as it occurs in eusebius in very many places ; and in several other authours : sometimes it is taken in a more strict sense , not for the whole diocess , but for one particular church : so apollonius in his book against the cataphrygians , whose words eusebius quotes chap. . b. . in both these senses the word is used amongst the latines . see jac. sermondus in his notes on the last epistle of sidonius . vales. see j. gs. notes on ridleys view of the civil law. p. . edit . oxford , . b whatsoever our saviour did on earth in order to the procuring the salvation of mankind , that the antient greek-fathers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is the phrase here used , signifies the incarnation ▪ as the last 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i● his passion . for they are mistaken who think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies nothing else but the incarnation . for this word is taken in a larger sense , and comprehends the whole life of christ among men . nicephorus therefore ( b. . chap. . ) has rightly used , instead of this phrase here in eusebius , this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. his conversation in the flesh. in this sense justin martyr uses this word , in his disputation adversus tryphon . p. . clemens in the . of his stromat . and irencus , lib. . cap. . calls the passion of christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so chrysostom in his second homilie on matt. and cyrill , in his . b. against julian , pag. . and origen , in the beginning of his tome of his commentaries on john. vales. c in the maz. m. s. i found this scholion written in the margin [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that is , observe that the chronical canons were first written by eusebius . vales. d there being in christ a twofold nature , the one divine , the other humane , which conjoyfied make one person : as often as he is treated of , the discourse must be divided into two parts . and those things which are spoken of his humanity belong to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we said before ; but those which are spoken of his divinity are to be referred to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which are the two terms here used by eusebius . ) thus gregor . nazian . in his orat. upon christs birth , distinguishes the oeconomia from the theologia in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and chrysostome , in his sermon de sigillis which is in his sixth tome , says , that the three former evangelists , being to preach the gospel of christ to all nations , began their discourse from his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but , that john , after them three , ayplyed himself to the explicating of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and took the beginning of his discourse from the divinity of christ. whence it appears why eusebius here used these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] for when we speak of christ , we must necessarily understand his two natures . vales. e the antients called that theologicen , which we now commonly stile theologiam ; jerom in his . epist. ad paulam urbicam — aut de logicâ pro quâ nostri theologicen sibi vindicant ; so it s written in the old m. s. of henricus memmius ( not as it is now commonly printed , theoricen , without any sense ) which i have heretofore seen . after the same manner pliny called that geometricen , and magicen , which we now call geometriam and magiam . in the books of jerome you will never find it termed theologiam , but in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see him on chap. . ezechiel . vales. a the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . begin the first chap. at these words , with this title [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] the same is observed in the edit . of robert stephens , who has , throughout the whole work , followed the kings m. s. in the stile , or text of the chapters , but the medicaean m. s. in the titles of the chapters . but any one may see that this title is altogether unmeet for this place . christophorson therefore rightly set it at the beginning of this book ; and here began the second chapter ; whom we have willingly followed . vales. isai. . . matt. . . isai. . . b or , minister : for some copies read it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] othe●s [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as we have translated it . vales. john . , , . gen. . . psal. . . c in the med. & savil. m. ss . there is this scholion in the margin at these words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. the word of the father , being of the same substance with the father , is not subject to the father , but together with him framed the creation , as being by nature god , and equal to the father in honour . vales. d or , is appointed , or , made . vales. e at these words the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . begin the second chapter , to which agrees robert stephens's edit . but we , following christophorson , have otherwise distinguished the chapters : for which we gave the reason before . vales. gen. . . f valesius , in his note on this place , says that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the essence of god ] is here taken for [ hypostasis ] i. e. the person of god the father ; for so ( continues he ) the ecclesiastical writers before the nicene councill used to speak ; he translates it [ naturam ] nature . for confirmation of which he quotes photius's bibliotheca , cap. . see photii biblioth . cap. . pag. . edit . david . hoescel . . psal. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . josh. . , , . g eusebius would here prove , that he who appeared to joshua the son of nun , and called himself the captain of the host of the lord , was the same that appeared to moses in the bush. now he concludes this from hence , because this captain of the lords host used the same words to joshua , that god did to moses in the bush. so , before eusebius , supposed justin martyr , in his disputat . adversus tryphon . and others , as theodoret witnesses , in his questions on the book of joshua . but the rest of the fathers thought this captain of the host of the lord was not the son of god , but rather michael the arch-angel . in the most antient maz. m. s. there is at these words , a scholion put which i thought good here to translate . but the church , o holy eusebius , thinks otherwise concerning this , and not as thou dost . for him that appeared to moses in the bush , the church concludes to be god ; but him that appeared to moses's successour in jericho , to whom the presidency over the hebrews was allotted , who had his sword drawn and commanded joshua to put off his shooe , him , i say , the church supposes to be michael the arch-angel : and its manifest that it thinks righter than thou . whence is this gathered ? god , that appeared in the bush in the form of fire , being asked by his servant moses , who he was , most evidently declared this unto him , that he was god. but he that appeared to joshua , in no wise stiles himself god , but calls himself gods chief captain . but this dignity being inferiour to the supream power and divinity , and being not regal , but belonging to a general , as one would say ......... the rest , by reason of the great age of the m. s. could not be read , which indeed is great pitty . for it is both a most elegant scholion , and also written by the hand of that very antiquary who wrote out the m. s. that is , by a most learned and antient hand . vales. exod. . , , . prov. . , , . , , &c. h the maz. med. & fuk. m. ss . begin the third chapter at these words , to which agrees the edit . of robert stephens . but in that i saw the title of the third chapter did not agree with this place , i judged it should be placed lower ; which also christophorson did . vales. it s strange , that in the translation of this place both musculus and christophorson erred . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the term here used ) in greek signifies , to make a fortification , or bulwarke against a place ; see harpocration , in the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] but it 's ridiculous to believe , that men arrived to that degree of madness , as by building rampires to attempt to scale heaven , and to turn out god from thence ; which yet eusebius seems by this place to have believed . these are the fictions of the poets , who by this ●ansie would set forth the pride of men of that age , and their contempt of god. indeed holy writ mentions the giants , but it says nothing of this sort concerning them ; and it testifies that that tower was built , not by the giants , but by the sons and posterity of noah , after the flood . vales. k the term in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and it signifies satiety or fullness ; it is the same in robert stephens edit . but valesius says it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which he translates ( torpor ) i. e. a slothful heaviness , for so , says he , it is written in the fuk. and savill . m. ss . l i doubt not but eusebius wrote it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the preexistent wisedom of god ] as it is in our four m. ss . maz. med. fuk. and savil ; and not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the first produced , &c. ] for this term agrees better with eusebius's meaning , seeing that he had a little above quoted that place out of the proverbs ( chap. . v. . ) the lord himself fashioned me , &c. indeed , the antient divines , and especially those who wrote before the times of the nicene-council , by the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] understood , not onely a creation which is made of nothing , but , all production in general , as well that which was from all eternity , as that which is produced in time . hence it is , that melito wrote a book [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as we shall see at the fourth book of this history . but if we should here read . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] there would be an unmeet repetition , which is called a tautologie , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] besides , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is an unfit term to express the divine generation . vales. m nicephorus understood this place amiss , ●s if it had been spoken by eusebius in praise of the jews : but the words of eusebius have a clean contrary meaning . for he says , that the jews being corrupted by the contagion of their former life god thought it sufficient to prescribe them legal ceremonies , and to deliver them as it were certain signes and symbols of more secret mysteries , as being yet ignorant , and accustomed to the superstition of the heathens , chrysostome , on matthew , says the same . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from whence the participle here used comes , signifies in greek , to be corrupted , and from a pristine discipline to fall into a luxurious and dissolute course of life . from whence [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is a remiss and loose life ; a phrase taken from intemperate men , who observe no rule in meat and drink , nor in their whole cou●se of life . this word occurs often in the writings of dion cassius . vales. n translatours understood not this place , as it appears from their version of it . the meaning of eusebius here is this . he attributes not so much to the law-makers and philosophers of the gentiles , as if that old savageness and immanity of men were by little and little brought to be more tractable and gentle by their precepts and institutes . but he imputes the reason hereof to the law of moses ; which , being known to the whole world , at length reclaimed and civilized the manners of all men . for the law-makers and philosophers of the gentiles , having derived all their best precepts from that law , as from a fountain , infused them afterwards into the minds of their auditours : whereby men being polished , were rendred sit to receive the knowledge of the evangelical law. for the mosaical law was previous and the forerunner to the evangelical , and prepared the way to christ's preaching . this place therefore is to be thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as it is plainly written in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . and not , as it is in robert stephens edit . thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] undoubtedly , unless it be thus written , the sentence will be incoherent . for to what shall the particle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] be referred , which is put in the beginning of the period ? there is also another difficulty in this place of eusebius , that is , what is meant by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] for eusebius says [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ] as before . which words , as to me it seems , were put in , that eusebius might shew , that whatever was fitly said by the law-makers and philosophers of the gentiles , they borrowed it all from the hebrews . and thus rufinus understood this place , a● it plainly appears from his translation . eusebius discourses largely concerning this point in his book , de preparatione , where he shews that the grecian philosophers stole many things out of the books of moses . vales. dan. . , , & , . o he means his books of evangelical demonstration , of which ten onely are now extant . moreover , this ecclesiastical history of eusebius ought to be so much the more esteemed by us , because he wrote it after almost all his other works . vales. a in the maz. and fuk. m. ss . there is no distinction here of a new chapter : for those copies begin the third chapter long before , as we noted above . the med. m. s. begins the fourth chapter at these words . but it s most certain , as i before intimated , that the third chapter must begin here ; which the title it self does demonstrate . vales. exod. . . b numb . . . where the sept. edit . calls him [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. ause . ] but jerom ( on the chap. hosh. ) notes that this place in the sept. edit . is corrupted ; hoshea being disguised by auses ; which name is yet farther essranged by those who call him [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. nauses ] as eusebius does thrice , in his demonstrat . evangel . b. . chap. . in hebrew he is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. joshua , numb . . v. . vales. * lament . . . * psal. . , , , . * hep. . . it is evident that our lord sprang out of judah of which tribe moses spake nothing concerning priesthood . c or , by the spirit . but all the m. ss . copies agree with our translation of it . vales. * isai. . . * psal. . , . † psal. . , , . † gen. . . heb. . . d or , chief-priest . for so the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . read it . vales. e or , an●inting , for some copies have it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] vales. f that is , from all eternity . vales. a at these words the maz. and fuk. m. ss . and the kings m. s. and the old sheets begin the th chapter . * isai. . . * isai. . ▪ b some translatours ( as musculus , and d r hanmer as appears by his version , and marginal note thereat ) supposed that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. atar , which is the word here used in the original , and is a greek adverb ] was a proper name , and a corruption of terah the name of the father of abraham , of whom mention is made gen. . but this is a great mistake . for terah , the father of abraham , was not one of those whom god loved ; as it may be plainly collected from sacred scripture : neither did our eusebius think so , as appears by his own words , when he says , a little after this , in this chapter , concerning abraham , that he left the superstition of his fathers . we have therefore translated these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and moreover . vales. * psal. . . † christs , that is , anointed . * gen. . . rom. . . * gen. . . gen. . . & . . a the first year of augustus , according to eusebius's computation , is that wherein hirtius and pansa were consuls . therefore the fourty second year of augustus fal● on his thirteenth consulship . thus much concerning the year wherein christ was born . eusebius does no where expresly mention the day . it was the common opinion of the western church that he was born on the . kalend. january : but the eastern church thought otherwise , that he was born on the . id. january ( i. e. on the th day jan. ) vales. the learned have found so great difficulty in assigning the day of our saviours birth , that scaliger said , uni●● dei est non hominis de●inire ; i. e. god onely , not man , was able expressely to declare it . it had been much better for these men to content themselves with the tradition of the church , rather than by such an elaborate unfruitful search to entangle the truth . for the celebration of this festival , many testimonies may be produced out of origen , cyprian , and chrysostom , each of these fathers deducing it from the practise of the first antiquity ; and s t augustine makes it a character of a son of the church to solemnize the festivals of it , and this ( principally and by name ) of the nativity . to which may be added that of the author of the constitutions ( constit. b. . c. . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. keep the days of the feasts , and first the day of christs birth . so that the religion of this day , non est nupera , neque novitia , is not modern , nor newly begun , though scaliger said so . and for the particular day , the th of december , whereon this festival is by us solemnized , ( not to mention other testimonies which might be produced to this purpose ) in joseph the egyptian's arabick codex of the counsels ( a m. s. in the archives of the publick library of oxford , of the gift of s t thomas roe ) this day as well as this feast is affirmed to stand by apostolical canon . the words of which , as it is transcribed by m r gregory , are in english these , also that you constitute an anniversary feast at the nativity of the lord christ , on the day on which he was born , and that was the five and twentieth of the first canon ( i. e. of december ) for this is the principal of all the feasts , &c. see m r gregories works , chap. . d r hammond on the festivals of the church , and the learned seldens tract of christmas-day for further satisfaction . b it is by learned men affirmed , particularly by js. casaubon in bar. p. . ( and is most probable ) that this decree of taxing ( or inrolling every person ▪ according to their families and estates ) was an effect of augustus his curiosity ( and neither of his desire to enrich his treasure , nor to reform the excesses of those before him ) and this over-ruled by gods special providence , that this emperour might serve to be instrumental to the conserving the record of the birth of christ , whose name and his mothers , as well as josephs , were now inrolled . and this is an evidence of the nature of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was not a tax , for that would not have belonged to women and infants , but to the possessours onely . see d r hammond on luk. . v. . c there is a great disagreement amongst the learned about this enrolment and valuation of mens persons and estates , whether it was done once , or twice . some say there were two , both made by the same cyrenius , ( or quirinius , ) and both mentioned by st luke ▪ the first he speaks of chap. . . of his gospel ; which was made a little before our saviours birth , about the latter end of the reign of herod the great , sentius saturninus being then president of syria ; this , say these men , st luke calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first taxing , to difference it from that other mentioned by him , acts ▪ . . and whereas st luke says , cyrenius at that time had the rule over syria ; these words are to be taken in a loofer , not stricter sense ; not that cyrenius was then the standing governour there 〈◊〉 the romans , but was sent by the emperour particularly on this ●●●●sion ▪ to take an inventory of this part of the empire : for●iss confest that sentius saturninus was then the president of syria . the other taxing , mentioned in the acts , was made ten years after this , after the banishment of archelaus , and about the insurrection of judas of galilee ( or gaulanites . ) this is the opinion of scaliger , petavius , casaubon , and hammond . on the other hand , val●●iu● ( and with him , as he thinks , agrees our eusebius in this chapt. ) says there was but one taxing ▪ ( which may be supposed to have been begun at the latter end of herod the great his reign , about the time of christs birth , and was not perhaps finished till ten years after , when cyrenius was president of syria , after the banishment of archelaus ; ) his reasons are these ; josephus mentions but one : after this enrolment once made why should it be repeated , and that by the same person ? for if he had done it equally and exactly , what need of a new one ? if not , another person ought rather to be sent who might doe it better : what had a roman magistrate to doe with any thing of government in judea whilst herod lived , who in all right was king there , and was so acknowledged by the roman senate ? lastly , about the time of christs birth saturninus and varus were procurators in syria , and not cyrenius , i shall not take upon me to determine this difference ; the reader has here the sum of the arguments on both sides , and is left to his liberty to be swayed by which party he pleases . * act. . . d this insurrection of judas of galilee we assert to have been after the banishment of archelaus . indeed , before his deposition there could be no reason why judas should stir up the people of the jews to a defection . for no valuation of mens estates could be made by a roman magistrate there , where a king , that was a friend and an allie of the romans , governed ; neither was judea in any danger to be brought into servitude by strangers , as long as it obeyed a jew , that is , a king of their own nation . vales. * gen. . . a joseph scaliger , in his animadversions upon eusebius's chronicon , has sufficiently made it evident , that herod was no forreigner . josephus , in his . b. of antiqui● , chap. . call● herod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. a jew as to his li●eage . vales. * jesus otherwise called joshua . b he means his books of evangelical demonstration . for in the eighth book of that work he treats of daniels weeks , which he affirms were compleated at our saviours coming , according to the opinion of africanus . vales. a or , having evidenced them to be false ; for so it is in the kings m. s. vales. b the chief cause of confusing of families was , when the woman , having had children by a former husband , hastned to remarry , and bore children by her latter also . after which , let us suppose the son , begotten by her first husband , to have married a wife , and afterwards to have died without issue . then , if his brother by the mother side marry his widow , and beget children of her , in these children there will be a confusedness of families ; in so much that by nature they may be called this mans and have one name , but by law the others , and bear another name . vales. c or , the successions ; so robert stephens edit . and the kings m. s. vales. * matth. . , . * luk. . , . d but melchi is , in st luke , the fifth , to wit , joseph's great-grandfathers father . therefore either africanus forgot . himself ; or else in that copie of the gospel he used , melchi was written for matthat ; which is the conjecture of bede , on the third chap. of luke . vales. * matth. . . * luk. . , . e this passage is altogether fabulous . for the name of antipater's father was not herod ▪ but antipater an idumaean ; neither was he a minister in the temple of apollo . see josephus b. . chap. . this antipater , alexander king of the jews made prefect of all idumaea ; and this first antipater seems to be the founder of all that greatness , to which his posterity afterwards arrived . for he had the prefecture of idumaea during the reign of alexander and alexandra ; and , having made an alliance with the a●calonites , gazites , and arabians gat great riches . vales. f antipater , the father of herod , was procuratour of the whole kingdom of judaea under hyrcanus , and managed all affairs , both militarie , and civil . therefore josephus , in his . b. calls him [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. procuratour . ] vales. g i judge this passage also to have little of certainty in it . for josephus , in the book of his own life , mentioning the original and antiquity of his own stock , fetches it from the publick archives . therefore those publick tables , which contained the originalls of the jewish families , were extant in josephus's time . and so its false to say that herod burnt them . vales. h two sorts of men joyned themselves with the children of israel when they went up out of egypt . the one were native egyptians , whom moses ( exod. . . ) calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. born in the land : the other sort were a mixt multitude , whom he there calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. strangers . they were extraneous persons amongst the egyptians , who took the land to till at a certain pension : the jews were such , before they went up out of egypt . both these sorts of men the sacred scripture comprehends under the name of a mixt multitude ( exod. , . ) vales. i cochaba was a village neer decapolis . vales. k many of the jews , studious of preserving their pedegree , had private copies thereof , taken out of the publick archives ; as we often see gentlemen doe at this day amongst us . vales. l how much this explication of the place in the gospels is to be valued , appears from these words of africanus ; who confesses it is not confirmed by the testimonie of any antient writer : but he would have us admit of it , because none that is better can be brought . which if it be so , i wish our eusebius had not mentioned this matter in the entrance of his history . it had undoubtedly been better and more advisedly done , to have passed over in silence this disagreement of the evangelists , least those readers , who were not believers ( many of which there were at that time ) might hence take occasion to doubt of the truth of the gospel . vales. m in this way of reconciling this matter , which africanus relates , two things occur which seem to have something of difficulty in them , first , i doubt whether it were lawful for the brother by the mothers side to marry his brothers widow , and to beget children of her , which were to succeed in the name and be accounted of the familie of his brother . the law ( deut. . . ) speaks of the brother that dwells in the same house , and that is of the same stock : but the brother by the mothers side is not of the same house , nor of the same stock : seeing that the stock , especially amongst the jews , was deduced from the fathers race . secondly , it may be deservedly questioned , whether in reckoning up the generations , there be any account had of the adoptive fathers . obed , who is mentioned in the genealogie of christ , is an eminent example hereof . for when maalon was dead in the land of moab , and ruth left a widow without children , booz the kinsman of maalon ( he that was a nearer kinsman than he giving up his right ) took ruth to wi●e , whereby he might raise up seed to maalon . yet obed that was begotten of her , is by the evangelists , and in the book of ruth not called the son of maalon , but the son of booz . vales. * matt. . , , . * micah . . . * joseph . antiq. b. . c. . a these words of josephus we meet with now in the . b. . c. of his history . but in the m. s. copies of josephus in the books were otherwise divided than now they are . that division eusebius followed , and therefore no alteration is here to be made . vales. b the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , an handfull , as containing so many pieces of brass-money as would make an handfull , to wit ▪ six . this word from the greeks came not onely to the romans , but , after the time of the se●ucidae , to the jews also ; so ezr. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greek word with a very little alteration , rendred by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by us drachms . now four attich drachms make one ordinary shekel ( so i call it to distinguish it from that of the sanctuary which was twice as much ) an ordinary shekel is two shillings and six pence in our coin. so that according to this account herods largess came to six pounds and five shillings a man. suid. c antipater who was beheaded by his fathers command five days before his death . see montagues acts and mon. d aristobulus and alexander , who were strangled , at samaria by his special command . i● . * matt. . . a s t luke mentions this lysanias . chap. . . but josephus mentions him not in his account of this matter . 't is certain he was not herods son , nor yet his successour . vales. b acts were books wherein the scribes that belonged to the several places of judicature , recorded the sentences pronounced by the judges . see calvins lex . jurid . the word acta . these acts of pilate were counterfeited by the enemies of christianity , in the persecution under maximinus , as eusebius affirms , lib. . c. . * luk. . , . a i know not why eusebius put lysanias in the middle between herod and phillip , the sons of herod the great . for luke , whose words eusebius does here profess that he follows , in that famous place concerning the baptism of christ , names lysanias in the third place . wherefore eusebius should have observed the same order , especially because lysanias was neither son , nor successour to herod . eusebius also seems to be reproveable here , in that after he had said pilate was then procuratour of judea , he adds , that the rest of judea was governed by the tetrarchs , herod , phillip , and lysanias . but lysanias never had any part of judea . for abila was not a city of judea , but of syria . yet eusebius may be excused , if we say , that by judea he understood the whole dominion of herod the great . for its manifest that he had the tetrarchie of lysanias given him by augustus . for the roman emperours used to bestow these tetrarchies on those kings that were their confederates and friends , that they might thereby the more oblige them . it s strange that there is no mention of this lysanias , of whom s t luke speaks , either in josephus , dion , or the rest . b in all our copies this word is in the singular number [ high-priest ] but in s t luke it is in the plural [ high-priests ] but these words of s t luke doe no way mean what eusebius perswades himself they doe ; to wit , that christ began to preach in that year wherein annas was high-priest , and continued till caiphas came on . for first , luke speaks there concerning johns preaching , which was before christs , and not concerning our saviours : then he says , that that preaching of john was begun under annas and caiphas being high-priests ; not that there were two high-priests at the same time , which is absurd and was never heard of , but that luke means by these words , that in this fifteenth year of tiberius , caiphas was high-priest , and annas was one that had born that office very lately . ( see d r hammonds note on luke chap. . v. . where he treats of this matter learnedly and largely . ) whosoever had born the high-priests office , those were called high-priests during their lives , and took tythes ; so josephus declares b. . of antiq. vales. c joseph . antiq. b. . chap. . eusebius is here very much mistaken ; for josephus does not speak of the same times that s t luke does ; josephus speaks of the first ten years of tiberius's reign , in which time valerius gratus was procuratour of judea ; but luke speaks of tiberius's second ten years , when pilate was governour of judea . vales. d or phabi , as some copies read it . vales. e or joseppus , or , josepus , as it is in the old editions of rufinus . vales. f eusebius understands josephus so , as if josephus had said that those four high-priests , annas , ( or ananus , ) ismael , eleazar , and simon executed the high-priest hood , each the space of one year . indeed josephus says this expresly of the two last ; but not so of the two first . for he declares that ismael ▪ indeed was put out a little after he was made high-priest by valerius : but josephus is so far from making ananus to have been high-priest but one year , that from his words it is plainly gathered he held the high-priesthood three years at least . see josephus's antiq. b. . chap. . vales. g he means john ▪ . but the evangelist does not say there that he was made high-priest that same year . a i began the chap. at these words ; following the autority of the kings , the maz. and the fuk. m. ss . vales. b josephus , in his b. of antiquit. chap. says he was banisht by caius caesar to lions in france . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. called , is to be understood , as valesius supposes . * there is a catalogue of the disciples , written by dorotheus , but it was not extant in eusebius his time . * gal. . . where , instead of cephas we now read peter . * cor. . , , . a many of the antient writers affirm , that james the brother of our lord , he that was ordained the first bishop of jerusalem , was not of the number of the apostles , but of the disciples of the lord. indeed paul , in his epist , to the cor. chap. . v. . seems to favour this opinion , where , reckoning up those to whom christ appeared after his death , after he hath named the apostles , and five hundred others , he adds after that he was seen of james , &c. vales. a or , abgarus ; for so he is called in some copies . vales. b abgarus was ruler over one nation onely ; for he was prince of the arabians , but not of them all : for the arabians were divided into many tribes ; and each tribe had its distinct prefect . this name was common to the princes of edessa . it is an arabick term , and signifies most powerfull . vales. c in what part of the old testament these words occur i am yet to seek . indeed , in the gospel of s t john it is written that our lord said to thomas after his resurrection , job . ▪ . blessed are they that have not seen , and yet have believed . but this epistle of christ to king abgarus , if it be genuine , preceded that reprehension of the apostle thomas some years . vales. d thomas indeed , that was one of the twelve apostles , was called didymus ; but that the same person was surnamed judas , is not , that i know , any where else to be found . upon this account therefore this story is deservedly to be suspected . vales. e apostle here is to be taken in a large sense ; ( see eusebius at the latter end of the foregoing chapter . ) after the same manner every nation and city termed them apostles , from whom they first received the truth of the gospel . this name was not onely given to the ; but all their disciples , companions , and assistants , were generally called apostles . vales. f this three hundredth and fortieth year according to the account of the edessens , falleth with the first year of the two hundredth and second olympiad . for the edessens numbred their years from the hundredth and seventeenth olympiad , fixing their aera upon the first year of seleucus his reign in asia ( as eusebius writes in his chronicon ) from which time to the beginning of the two hundredth and second olympiad , there are just three hundred and forty years . now the beginning of the two hundredth and second olympiad falleth with the fifteenth year of tiberius caesar ; in which year , as many of the antients believed , our blessed saviour suffered and ascended . so that this account falls right , placing thaddaeus his coming to edessa , and his curing king agbarus on the same year , in which our blessed saviour suffered . note that the edessens began their year , from the autumnal aequinox , according to the custom of the syrlans , and almost all the eastern nations . vales. notes for div a -e a at these words we began the first chapter , following the autority partly of rufinus , partly of the king 's , maz. and fuk. m. ss . for , what goes before is a preface . vales. b the year wherein stephen suffered martyrdom is not agreed on by all : some say it was the third year after christs passion , which was the last of claudius , so syncellus . others say he was martyred on the th of the calend. of jan. that same year in which christ suffered . so scaliger says in his excerpt . chronol●g . which he puts out with euseb. chronicon . p. . and this seems to have been the opinion of eusebius , as appears from this place . vales. c stephen , in greek signifies a crown . d that this james was not the son of the b. virgin , nor yet of joseph by one escha a former wife ; but of mary the wife of cleophas sister to the b. virgin , may thus be made appear : we read jo. . . that there stood by the cross of christ his mother , and his mothers sister mary the wife of cleophas , and mary magdalen : in the rest of the evangelists we find at the same place ( matth. . . ) mary magdalen , and mary the mother of james and joses ; and again at the sepulchre ( matth. . . ) mary magdalen and the other mary . wherefore that other mary by the conjunction of these testimonies , appeareth to be the sister of the b. virgin , to be the wife of cleophas , and the mother of james and joses ; and consequently james and joses the brethren of the lord , were not the sons of mary his mother , nor of joseph by a former wife , but of the other mary , and therefore called his brethren , according to the language of the jews [ see gen. . . & . . & . . ] because that other mary was the sister of his mother . see bishop pearson on the creed . p. . edit . lond. . * gal. . . * acts . . * acts . . &c. * psal. . . † acts . ● &c. a tertullian was by birth a carthaginian ; his father was a centurion , a deputy-pro-consul . he wrote many volumes in latine , of which his apologie onely was done into greek , but by whom , it is uncertain : he flourisht under severus and antoninus caracalla . vales. b in our translation of this quotation out of tertullian , we have followed the original expression of the authour , according to rigaltius his edition of him : this greek translation being not fully expressive of the authours mind , as valesius thinks . * psal. . . a it was called caesarea in palestine to distinguish it from caesarea philippi , which was in phoenice . vale● . b that our saviours followers were first named christians in tiberius his reign , tertullian affirms in his apologie , the place is quoted by eusebius in the preceding chapter . vales. c this journey of pauls to jerusalem can no way fall upon the times of tiberius . for luke writes expresly in the acts , chap. . v. , . that it happened about that time when herod agrippa was smitten by the angel of the lord : which it is most certain , happened in claudius his time . vales. a caius caesar about the beginning of his reign made agrippa king , first of trachonitis , which was phillips tretrarchy . after that , when herod , tetrarch of galilee , by the perswasion of his wife herodias , went to rome to get the regal dignity of caius the emperour , caius took from herod his tetrarchy of galilee , and gave it to agrippa . at length , after the death of caius , claudius confirmed the kingdom to agrippa which caius had given him , and gave him also judea and samaria , which his grandfather herod had . and so the whole kingdom of herod the great was possessed by agrippa . see philo in flaccum & in legat. ad caium sub sinem ; and joseph . hist. b. . so that eusebius is mistaken , in that he says , caius made agrippa king of jude● . vales. a there are now extant onely two books of philo's concerning this subject , the one entitled in flaccum , the other de ; légatione ad caium ; so that either eusebius forgot their number , or else they were heretofore divided into five volumes : neither can any one suspect the other three to be lost : for in those two , we now have , are contained all that happened to the jews under caius his empire . vales. b philo says there were five embassadours of the jews side sent to rome ; see his de legat. ad caium sub sinem . these embassadours were sent upon two accounts , first , the jews complained that the alexandrians defiled their proseucha's by bringing the emperours statues into them ; and then , that the alexandrians went about to deprive the jews of their freedom of the city alexandria . vales. c so the chief magistrate among the jews at alexandria was called : he held his place as long as he lived ; and at his death the jews chose another into his room . see philo in flaccum . vales. d philo's meaning here is , that caius indeed was angry with the jews as to appearance , and in words ; but that in reality he did arm god , and set him in array against himself . for , in that caius would have himself called god , he provoked god to take vengeance of him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whence the word here used is derived ) is a military term , and signifies , to set an army in array against an enemy . vales. a philo in legat. ad caium about the end . b the jews had two sorts of places , besides their temple , ( which was for sacrifice ) for religious duties ; viz. their proscuchae , and synagogucs ; the difference between them was this ; the proseucha was a plot of ground encompassed with a wall or some other inclosure , and open above ; the use of it was properly for prayer ; a synagogue was a covered edifice , where the law and prophets were read and expounded , and the people instructed in divine matters ; besides , the synagogues were within , the proscuchae without the cities . they were in use before the captivity , as may be gathered from jos. . . psal. . . see acts . . m r mede . c so caligula was called , to distinguish him from jullus caesar , who was also called caius , and was deified . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conspicuous . valesius translates it praesens ; praesentes dii sunt vel qui statim praestant , vel qui coluntur & videntur . donat. in terent. phorm . that is , the propitious or conspicuous gods were such , as were at hand , or such as were visible to the worshippers . hence antiochus king of syria was called epiphanes by his flatterers . e valesius thinks that by this second book of virtues must be understood philo's book in flaccum ; and his reason is , because philo does no where else but in that book , relate the calamities that befell the jews of alexandria . f jos. bell. jud. l. . c. . * joh. . . g in this place eusebius is mistaken , in that he thought that those things , which josephus relates concerning the images of tiberius brought into the city of jerusalem by pilate , happened after the death of christ. but josephus attests ( in the d b. of the jewish wars , and in his b. antiq. ) that this happened at the beginning of pilates government . now pilate was sent by tiberius into judea in the twelsth year of his reign . it s absurd therefore to say , that those mischiefs , which befell the jews long before christs death , happened to them for no other cause than for their wickedness committed against christ. besides , eusebius thought , that one and the same act of pilate's was mentioned both by philo and josephus . but josephus speaks of the images of the emperour ; and philo , of the guilded bucklers , which had no image , but onely the name of the emperour to whom they were dedicated , and pilate's name that made that dedication . moreover , what josephus relates , happened in the first year of pilates government ; but , what philo reports , came to pass when pilate had been many years governour . vales. h corban comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies promiscuously to draw nigh , and to offer : the evangelist renders corban , a gift ( matth. . v. . ) i. e. that which is presented and consecrated to god in the temple : it signifies also the place where the offerings so called were laid up . d r hammond . a that is , by reason of despair . this is confirmed by eusebius in his chronicon ; in the third year of caius caligula , says he , p. pilate falling into great troubles killed himself . king agrippa ( apud philon. in legat. ad caium ) gives this description of this pilate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , he was of an inflexible nature , and withall arrogant and cruel : which testimony is so much the more considerable , because it came out of agrippa's mouth , who was an eye-witness of pilates detestable acts . a character well befitting him that condemned our saviour . vales. b there were amongst the grecians , games instituted for the exercise of their youth , to the honour of jupiter olympus , neer unto whose temple they were performed in the olympian field . the time was ( as onely pindar has revealed ) at the full moon which followed the summer solstice . they were celebrated every fifth year : and the interval was called an olympiad , consisting of four julian years , and the ódd bissextile day . the restitution of these games by iphitus , is so much more taken notice of than the first celebration by hercules . that this , which was many years after , is yet accounted for the first olympiad , upon which the grecian chronology fixeth it self , as upon the certain term , to which their reckoning does refer , see m r jo. gregory of oxford , de aeris & epoch . acts . , , . acts . , . a it was usual for those that were accused , to be brought before the judgment-seat by a souldier or apparator : the greek word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) will bear that sense , as well as accuser , but we have translated it accuser , upon the account of clemens his following words , saying , that this person asked james forgiveness , which , if he had accused him , he had reason to doe ; but had he been onely an officer or souldier , and had done no more but brought in james before the judge , he may seem to have done no more then the duty of his place , what he was commanded ; and so needed not have asked james forgiveness . vales. * acts . . &c. b this herod , called also agrippa , was eldest son to aristobulus by bernice his wife , daughter of ' salome sister to herod the great : which aristobulus was eldest son to herod the great by his wife mariamne the assamonean . see montagues acts , and mon. chap. . sect. . so that this herod was grandchild to herod the great . joseph . antiq. b. . c. . * joseph . antiq. b. . c. . a this festival was instituted first by herod the great in honour of augustus , in the olympiad , says josephus , ( antiq. l. . c. . ) at the city caesarea . agrippa went to caesarea to celebrate it , in the year of claudius , at the beginning of the olympiad . vales. b he means syria , or ( which was part of it ) phoenicia ; which was called the province , to distinguish it from judea where agrippa then reigned . indeed luke says expresly ( acts . . ) that the principal men of tyre were then present , which tyre was the chief city of phoenicia . vales. c josephus calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an owl : see his words in the b. and chap. last cited . d to wit , in the reign of tiberius : when agrippa , being in bonds , and leaning against a tree , as he stood before the palace of tiberius , saw an owl sitting over his head . a german being by , one of his fellow prisoners foretold this to portend great felicity to agrippa . see the story at large in joseph . antiq. b. . c. . e this was the usual posture of the hebrew mourners . see job . . esai . . . lament . . . jonah . , &c. consonant hereunto , the reverses of the medalls both of vespasian and titus , made for the memory and celebration of the conquest of judea , were imprinted with a silent woman sitting on the ground , and leaning her back to a palm-tree , with this inscription , judaea capta , i. e. judea subdued . note here that the reverses made to commit victories to memory were always written upon with some representation of proper respect to the place conquered . i know the posture of sitting is a ceremony of roman lamentation too . but it was first used among the jews , from whom the romans learned it . m r gregory of oxford . chap. . pag. , &c. f this man had two sons , and three daughters ; his sons were , agrippa the younger mentioned acts ▪ and drusus who died young . his daughters were , bernice , mariamne , and drusilla , which last married felix the procurator of judea , as we have it in the acts : bernice is also mentioned in the acts coming in great pomp with her brother agrippa to hear paul. joseph . antiq. * acts . . a this theudas josephus mentions antiq. b. . c. . but that was in claudius's reign , in the time of fadus his prefecture . and so that cannot be the person mentioned in the acts ; for that theudas was before judas galilaeus ( acts . . ) and he was in the time of cyrenius's being governour of syria . that theudas in the acts therefore must needs be some other person , whom the jews had recorded in their writings , and from thence gamaliel there recites the story , though we have no other record of it . this is the opinion of scaliger , in l. . de emendat . tempor . and of casaubon in exercitat . . c. . and of d r hammond in his notes on acts . . valesius , in his annotations , dissents from all these learned men , and says that by those words of s t luke [ after this man rose up judas of galilec ] is meant , that judas his insurrection was before that of theudas ; which exposition he confirms by saying , that when ever we begin to reckon from the last , as nearest to us , ( so he supposes s t luke there does ) we must necessarily place the last person first in such a reckoning , and the first last : so that notwithstanding s t luke says ( after this man rose up judas of galilee ) yet judas his insurrection was long before theudas's . this he illustrates by two examples of such an expression , one taken out of tertullian in apologet. the other out of clemens alexandr . lib. . stromat . but then being not able to reconcile the time of theudas his insurrection with the time josephus places it in , to wit , in the time of fadus his procuratorship , he says josephus was mistaken , placing it later than he should have done . for he will by no means allow two theudas's . another way he has to make up this difference , that is , he thinks s t luke in his expression used a prolepsis , anticipating the insurrection of theudas ten years , and makes gamaliel speak that which was agreeable to his present purpose : and thus eusebius , he thinks , understood s t lukes words . the reader has here the opinion of both sides , and is left to his liberty to believe which he pleases . a joseph . antiq. b. . c. . * this famine happened on the and years of claudius . vales. † acts . , , . b there were three pyramids standing three furlongs from jerusalem , where the bones of this helena were buried , says joseph . antiq. b. . c. . he mentions them again in his b. of the jews wars . jerom mentions them in his oration de obit . b. paula , and says they were standing in his time . pausanias ( in arcadicis ) reckoning up the stately sepulchers he had seen , admires two above all the rest , to wit , that of mausolus in caria , and this of helena in judea . this helena had a palace in jerusalem , says josephus , in the b. of the jews wars . vales. a this place of justin is now to be found not in his second but in his first apologie . eusebius in citing justins apologies follows not the order of our common editions . for he always calls that the first which our editions term the second ; and that the second which they call the first : of which more hereafter . vales. b the learned have long since observed , that justin , by reason of his unskilfulness in the latine tongue , was here mistaken ; thinking that the image dedicated to semon sancus was consecrated to simon magus . t is certain , that image , which justin had seen in the island of tiber , was lately dug up , with this inscription upon it , semoni sango deo fidio . sancus was a god among the sabins that had the charge of bargains and contracts , whence he had the names of sangus and fidius . by him the romans were wont to swear . some samaritans , no doubt , deceived justin , making him believe this image was dedicated to their simon magus ▪ vales. c c. rufinus calls her selene . vales. a eusebius speaks of a devil , which had made his residence and fixt his habitation in rome , being then the metropolis of the whole world . vales. a from these words of eusebius it is concluded that the death of simon magus happened at rome in the time of claudius : for eusebius writeth that peter came to rome in claudius his reign , and that presently after , simon 's magical arts were by his coming destroyed together with the authour . though there be others that say simon was destroyed in nero's time . vales. b this place of clemens is quoted again by eusebius in his b. eccles . hist. at which place more shall be said of it . vales. c rome was parallel to babylon in many things . vales. * pet. . . a eusebius in his chronic. places mark 's going into egypt on the second year of claudius : the authour of the alexandrian chronic . and georg. syncellus say he went in the third year of c. caligula : it s the opinion of eutychius patriarch of alexandria that mark went thither in the ninth year of claudius . vales. a he means not monks ; for they were an order of a later date . valesius says they were christians , who led a retired , and more severe and strict sort of life : so they were called from that philosophical term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which signifies the exercise of virtue and abstinence : and any one that led such a life was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. asceta . ] the reader may have farther satisfaction in this matter in bishop montagues acts & mon. chap. . where he will find this business discussed at large . b that these therapeutae were not christians we will shew hereafter . some think they were essens ; but that is unlikely : for philo never terms them so in that book wherein he describes them , but at the very beginning calls them therapeutae : besides , the essens ( as philo himself witnesses in his apology for the jews , cited by euscbius lib. . de preparat . ) were onely in judea and palaestine ; but these therapeutae , he says were scattered all over the ( then known ) world . lastly philo attributes many things to these therapeutae , which the sect of the essens by no means allowed : as for example , that they had women conversant among them called therapeutriae : now philo says expresly that the essens hated womankind . see philo de vita contemplat . and joseph . hist. of the jewish wars . b. . chap. . vales. * acts . , , . c philo's description of these therapeutae in these following words can no way agree with the christian professours in those times . for they were then few in number , neither did they look upon any country as their own , besides the heavenly jerusalem . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that 's the term in the original . so the ancient greeks called that which the latter call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , an allegory , as they term it ; when one thing is said , another is to be understood . vales. e from these words of philo we may easily perceive that these therapeutae were not christians . for the professours of christianity were then of a very fresh date . besides , what writings could these be ? the books of the prophets they were not , for philo separates them from these , speaking of them a little before : they could not be the gospels , nor the epistles of the apostles , for they were scarce written in philo's age , however they could not then be called the writings of antient persons , at least by philo. vales. f the composition of psalms and hymns was not in use so early in the church , as these words of philo must suppose , if we understand them to be spoken of the christians : that came in after the times of antoninus , when learned men began to embrace the christian faith. so that neither can these words of philo be any ways understood of christians . the junior pliny indeed ( in his epistle to trajan lib. . epist. . ) says it was a custome of the christians in their coetûs , carmen christo tanquam deo dicere secum invicem , i. e. to say one with another by turns a verse , or hymn , to christ as unto god : but there is a difference between saying and composing a song or hymn ; and besides , this was long after philo's time . see d r hammonds preface to his exposit ▪ on the psalms ; and m r gregory's posthumous works ; discourse d. g eusebius means that whole week which precedes the feast of easter , which the greek fathers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great week , and we the passion week . but in philo's book there is no mention of this feast of easter . he speaks indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a great solemnity ; but by his following words 't is evident he means the jewish-feast of weeks , or , our pentecost . vales. h he means the presbyters ; concerning whom , see philo , in his said book , de vitâ contemplat . p. . edit . par. vales. a this book of philo's is not now extant . vales. b in suidas this book is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which inscription suidas took from sophronius the interpreter of jerom. but our excellent m. ss . maz. med. fuk and s r henry savills have it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore i agree with nicephorus , who rightly distinguisht the two books of philo : the one of which was entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of flight and choice ; the other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , of nature and inv●ntion . whence it appears that that book of eusebius's , which nicephorus made use of , was in this place more correct than our copies . vales. c 't is manifest that philo wrote three books on this subject , that dreams are sent from god. the first of which is lost ; the second is extant in the paris edition of philo , pag. . in the beginning whereof he makes mention of a former book which he had written on that subject . the third is also extant in the same edition , pag. . but misplaced . whether he wrote any more than these three , is uncertain . suidas mentions five books of philo's de somniis . vales. d in the maz. and fuk. m. ss . it s written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truer ; for there was onely one book that bore this title . in a m. s. copy of philo's works in the library of auspurg , this book of philo's , de providentiâ , is confounded with another of his adversus flaccum . indeed this book , de providentiâ , is lost . but there is an eminent fragment of it in eusebius de preparat libr. . cap. ultim . and in libr. . cap. . vales. e i doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the jews , for so this book is quoted by eusebius in his b. de preparat . evangel . chap. . where there is a most elegant place produced 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. out of the apologie of philo for the jews . rufinus confirms this our emendation ; who turns this place thus , de judaeis apologeticus liber . vales. f jerome makes mention of this book of philo's , in his interpretation of the hebrew names . moreover , philo having onely interpreted those names that occur in the law and the prophets , origen added afterwards an interpretation of the words and names of the new testament ; supplying that which seemed to be wanting in philo's book , as jerome writes in that book of his now mentioned . vales. g eusebius took this out of the acts of the apost . chap. . v. . and orosius writes , as he had it out of josephus , that this was done in the ninth year of claudius . but that place of josephus which orosius quotes is not now extant . therefore orosius seems to me to have forgotten himself . and truely , it is not very likely , that claudius the emperour , who had so great a kindness for the jews , as appears by his many edicts extant in josephus , should drive the jews in particular out of the city . i should rather think , whenas there was a great famine at rome ( which in eusebius's chronicon is said to have happened in the tenth year of claudius ) that claudius expelled all forreiners out of the city , amongst whom were the jews also . for so augustus did before ; and 't was frequently practised by the following emperours , as oft as the city of rome was in any scarcity of provision : and so i judge that place of luke in the acts is to be understood . but if any one , relying on the authority of suetonius ( whose words are these , judaeos impulsore chresto assiduè tumultuantes româ expulit ; in the life of claudius . see d r hammonds annot. on acts . v. . ) does reject this our opinion , i will not much withstand him . all the chronologers downwards follow orosius ; as does also barronius in his annals . whom i much wonder at , in that when he had placed this edict of claudius on the ninth year of his reign , he should also cast the jerusalem council upon the same year . which is manifestly repugnant to the history of the acts of the apostles . for , after the jerusalem council , which is related acts , paul going back to antioch , delivered the epistle of the apostles to the brethren , and is said to have tarried there some time . after this , being parted from barnabas , he went into syria and cilicia , preaching the word of god. then he travelled into phrygia , galatia , and mysia , where he was warned by the holy spirit in a dream to sail into macedonia , and first preach't the faith of christ at philippi ; after that , at thessalonica and berea . sailing thence to athens , he staied there a good while expecting timothy and sylas ; and preached the word of god to the athenians . then going to corinth he found aquila and priscilla there , who were lately come from italy thither , upon account of the edict of claudius commanding all jews to depart from rome , as it is in the chap. acts. from all this its apparent , that there was a good distance of time between the council held at jerusalem , and the edict of claudius ; in which space all this we have related was dispatcht by paul the apostle . in chronico alexandrino , the council at jerusalem is placed on the sixth year of claudius ; he had better have said , the seventh . for so all things agree exactly . for paul staid at antioch the remaining months of that year wherein the council was ; then the following year he travelled through syria , cilicia , phrygia , and galatia . at length in the ninth year of claudius , he came into greece . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , at which time aquila , &c. for it may be read in two words , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as i found it written in the kings , and the fuk. m. ss . vales. a the same number he sets down in his chronicon . but josephus , in his b. of the jewish wars says there was somewhat more than ten thousand killed . but in his th b. of antiquities , which work he compiled after his history , he accounts the number of the slain to be twenty thousand . which number i would rather agree too , because these books , as i said , were written last by him ▪ vales. b this agrippa the younger , to speak properly , was never king of the jews . for after the death of agrippa his father , who dyed the fourth year of claudius , claudius took him being very young and kept him with him , neither did he permit him to succeed in his fathers kingdom . afterwards , herod the king of chalcis being dead , claudius gave agrippa his uncle's kingdom ; which when he had held four years , claudius in the twelfth year of his reign gave him thraconitis , which was the tetrarchie of philip , and also the kingdom of lysanias ; having first taken chalcis from him : he transferred to him also the authority over the temple , and the power of electing the high-priests , which his uncle herod had . a little after , nero added to his kingdom part of galilce , as josephus writes in his twentieth b. of antiq. which being thus , its apparent eusebius was mistaken , who wrote both here and in his chronicon , that agrippa the younger succeeded in his fathers kingdom presently after the death of his father , and was made king of the jews by claudius . although eusebius says not here expresly that he was by claudius made king presently after his fathers death . indeed , out of josephus it may be evidently shown that the younger agrippa was not made king immediately after his fathers death . for in his second book of the jewish wars , chap. ▪ he makes the twelfth year of nero , wherein the jewish war began , to be the same with the seventeenth of king agrippa . therefore the younger agrippa began to reign in the eighth year of claudius . moreover , i will not deny that he was king of the jews , seeing he was king of galilce , and is by justus reckoned among the kings of the jews . but i deny that ever he was king of judea . for after the death of the seniour agrippa , which happened in the fourth year of claudius , judea was brought into the form of a province , and every year the procuratours of caesar were sent thither , as josephus relates . vales. c in the chronicon of eusebius , felix is said to have been sent procuratour into judea by claudius , in the eleventh year of his reign . but in scaligers edition of that work , it is more rightly placed on the tenth year of claudius . yet it seems to be truer , that felix was sent into judea in the ninth of claudius . for tracitus , in his twelfth book , says , that felix was lately set over the jews , ( sulla and otho being consuls , which was the tenth year of claudius : ) and in acts . paul , pleading his cause before this same felix , which was done on the thirteenth year of claudius , speaks thus to him : for as much as i know that thou hast been for many years a judge unto this nation . moreover rufinus is mistaken , in that he thinks these are josephus's words , when as it appears that they indeed are eusebius's . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so it is in josephus . gelenius renders it , enemies : which i like not . for josephus by that term means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the most eminent personages . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies properly , to attend too , or observe . in this sense eusebius uses the word chap. . of this book , and in b. . chap. . this word occurs in athenaeus , polybius , and others . vales. * acts . . see josephus antiq. b. . c. , & . see also d r hammond on acts . . b josephus says there were thirty thousand men : which is so to be understood , as that the number of the whole multitude was , of which onely were murtherers . and so josephus will be reconciled to luke . but i agree not with eusebius , who writes that this was done in nero's time . for , in acts , this egyptian is said to have been overthrown a little before pauls coming to jerusalem . now paul came thither in the last year of claudius : which may be gathered from the chap. acts , where luke writes that portius festus was sent as successour to felix . seeing therefore festus was sent into judea in the second year of nero , the overthrow of this egyptian must necessarily fall on the last year of claudius . the narration of josephus , who seems to refer all this to the times of nero , deceived eusebius . but eusebius ought to have considered , that josephus does in that place relate all the acts of felix together , as well what he did under claudius , as what under nero. vales. a indeed this place is very obscure ; and therefore musculus ( as also d r hanmer ) omitted it . but , having considered upon it long and much , at length i apprehended the true sense of this place . eusebius therefore says , that from the second epistle of paul to timothy this may be gathered , to wit , that paul in his first defence was acquitted by the judges sentence ; but afterward at his second defence he was condemned . the former part hereof he apparently manifests in these words [ at my first defence no man stood with me ; ] and whenas he says [ i was delivered out of the mouth of the lyon. ] which is as much as if he had said , i was snatcht from nero's jaws . but paul speaks far otherwise of his second accusation . for he does not say [ the lord delivered me out of the mouth of the lyon ] as he had said before . for he foresaw , god revealing it to him , that he should by no means any longer avoid the sword of the persecutour , but should end his life by a glorious martyrdom . therefore when he had said of his first accusation [ i was delivered out of the mouth of the lyon ] concerning his second , with which he was then charged , he adds these words [ the lord shall deliver me from every evil work , and will preserve me unto his heavenly kingdom ] apparently manifesting his death by these words . this is the meaning of this place , which neither the translatours , nor i my self at first understood . wherefore in the words of eusebius , it must be read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in two distinct words , or else the accent must be changed , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , in the maz. m. s. it is thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in two distinct words . moreover jerome , in his book de scriptorib . ecclesiast . has quoted this place of eusebius , where he speaks of paul ; but he apprehended not eusebius's meaning , as it will be apparent to the reader . wherefore sophronius also , when he translated this place of jerome , into greek , omitted some words , which seemed to hinder the meaning . vales. a the first succession of the apostles is extended to the times of m. aurelius antoninus . for in his reign polycarp the disciple of john the apostle was crowned with martyrdom . hegesippus therefore is rightly said to have lived in the first succession of the apostles , in that he flourished in the reign of the sons of antoninus pius . and coming to rome when anicetas was bishop , he stayed there to eleutherus's time . in the alexandrian chronicle ( which i would more willingly call the antiochian ) hegesippus is said to have died in the reign of commodus . he was therefore cotemporary with ireneus : who also was next to the first succession of the apostles , as eusebius testifies , book . chap. . vales. b scaliger , in his animadvers . eusebian . p. . has examined this whole passage of hegesippus's , and finds fault with many things in it ; which are well worth reading . see also dionysius petavius in not. ad he●esim . epiphanii , & p. halloixius , in his notes on the life of hegesippus , chap. . vales. c the learned nich. fuller , book . chap. . of his miscellan , has thus corrected this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he was called saddick , and ozleam , which signifies in english , a just man , and the defence of the people . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hebrew signifies , a just man. and ozleam is made up of these two hebrew words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which signifie , the strength , or , defence of the people ; the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the sign of the genitive or dative case with the hebrews . the original of this appellation is taken from psalm . . where we meet with these words in the original , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lord shall give strength to his people . fullers miscell . b. . chap. . d this place of hegesippus , wherein , he says , he wrote concerning the seven heresies , we shall meet with in the b. of eusch . eccles. hist. where we will speak more concerning them . vales. e by gate here , is meant nothing else , but the way of entrance to christ ; which is , by faith in god the father , the son , and the holy ghost . agreeable hereto its said psal. . . this is the gate of the lord , the righteous shall enter into it . vales. f the pharisees , who were one branch of these sects , believed the resurrection from the dead . vales. g petavius does here deservedly reprove scaliger , who had denied , that it was lawfull for any gentile to be present at the festivals of the jews . for besides that place which petavius quotes ; john . . we are supplied with many testimonies out of joscphus , to evidence this matter . vitellius the president of syria went up to jerusalem at the feast of the passover , and was honourably entertained by the jews : as we may read chap. . b. . of josephus's antiq. he writes the same concerning quadratus the president of syria , b. ▪ of his antiq. vales. h this word hosanna , is a corruption of the hebrew word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifies , preserve me , or , make me safe . ) being the imperative mood hiph . with the assix● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; derived from the theme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see the original text of jer. . . and also , see bishop pearson on the creed , in his marginal notes , pag. . edit . lond. . i these words , which hegesippus says the jews then uttered , ought to be understood of christ , rather than of james . for when james was set upon the battlement of the temple , and had declared jesus to be the christ and redeemer of mankind , those that embraced the faith of christ began to cry out , hosanna , to the son of david , that is , to jesus christ. vales. k so the translate esai . . v. . their words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the hebrew copy differs much from this translation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which our translation following , renders thus in english , say ye to the righteous , that it shall be well with him ; for they shall eat the fruit of their doings . compare the sept. translat . of isai. . . with the hebrew text of that place . l as if he had said , one of the priests , the son of rechab , of the family of the rechabites ; which last words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] are therefore added , that rechab , the father of this priest , might be distinguished from other rechabs . for many were called by the same name of rechab ▪ but this man , of whom hegesippus speaks , was of the stock of the rechabites , spoken of by the prophet jeremy , chap. . vales. m epiphanius , in hares● , writes , that these words were not spoken by the rechabite priest , but by simeon the son of cleopas . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the kings m. s. reads it ; which stephens followed in his edit . but our other three m. ss . maz. med. and fuk ▪ have it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , and they buried him in that place , near the temple ; which reading nicephorus and rufinus doe confirm ▪ vales. o how can it be that the grave-stone , or monument of this james should remain after the destruction of the city by the romans ? neither is that very likely , which hegefippus says , to wit , that james was buried neer the temple . for the jews used to bury their dead without the city ; as appears from the gospel , and from the sepulchre of helena , which before we spoke of , at chap. of this book . rufinus therefore leaves out this whole clause , in his version . in the most antient maz. m. s. i found ( at the grave-stone ) this note written in the margin : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , you must know that this monument was nothing else but a stone not formed into any shape upon which the name of james there buried was cut : from whence even to this time the christians set up stones on their sepulchres , and either write letters thereon ▪ or engrave the sign of the cross. vales. p what can be more different , yea contrary , than this relation of josephus , and that of hegesippus , about james's martyrdome ? for josephus says , he was condemned in a publick council of the jews ; and hegesippus , that he was murthered in a sedition and tumult of the people : hegesippus relates , that he was killed with a fullers club , in the midst of the city : but josephus declares that he was stoned ; which was always done without the gates of the city . farther josephus shews us the year , wherein james died , by these two remarques , to wit , that it was when ananus was high-priest , and when albinus came first into judea . eusebius , in his chronicon , writes that albinus succeeded festus in the sixth year of nero's empire ; and yet the same authour places the martyrdome of james on the year following , which manifestly contradicts what josephus has related : for he expresly says that james was murthered before albinus came into that province . eusebius therefore ought to have included the beginning of albinus his procuratourship , and james his martyrdom in the same year . but baronius denies all this , and proves , that the martyrdom of james happened on the seventh year of nero ; which assertion he confirms both from the consent of all the antients , and also from josephus his history of the jewish wars b. . chap. . but i judge that the consent of jerome , nicephorus , and others , who wrote from , and followed eusebius's chronicon ( eusebius's opinion not being discus'd ) is not much to be esteemed of : now the place in josephus proves nothing else , than that albinus was procuratour of judea in the fourth year before the jewish war began , and in the seventh before the city was taken . but from that place in josephus it cannot be concluded that albinus began his procuratourship in the seventh year before the taking of jerusalem . yea , it seems truer in my judgment , that albinus came into judea in the fourth year of nero. for porcius . festus governed judea two years , as appears by his acts , of which josephus relates but few ▪ to him succeeded albinus in the fourth year of nero , and continued there to the tenth of that emperour , as eusebius has out of josephus rightly observed . therefore james was martyred in the fourth year of nero. epiphanius confirms this our conjecture ( in heres . . ) where he says james presided over the church at jerusalem about twenty four years , from the lords ascension . vales. q nicephorus ( in his second b. chap. . ) thinks this ananus to be the same with that ananias , who commanded paul to be smitten ; of whom luke speaks acts . . but herein he is much out . for ananias the son of nebed●us ( of whom luke there speaks ) was high-priest in claudius's empire , from his seventh year to the beginning of nero's reign ; a man that was the most potent of all the jews in his age , as josephus testifies in his twentieth book of antiq. but moreover , that catalogue of high-priests , which is there put down by nicephorus , is to be made up out of josephus's books : and after joseph the son of cama , ananias the son of nebedaeus is to be placed , of whom josephus speaks in the chap. of his twentieth book . after him was ishmael the son phabaeus , made high-priest by agrippa juniour . after whom succeeded joseph , surnamed cabus , the son of simon ; and then ananus , the son of ananus , who is here spoken of . vales. r in josephus and nicephorus it is damnaeus . vales. rufinus and christophorson translated this place so , as if this were the opinion of some ; which sense we have followed in our version . but , having now considered the matter better , we think otherwise , to wit , that eusebius did absolutely pronounce this epistle to be spurious . jerom ( de jacobo ) says thus , unam scripsit epistolam , quae & ipsa ab alio quodam sub nomine eius edita asscritur , licet paulatim tempore procedente , obtj●uerit autoritatem : that is , he wrote one epistle , which is affirmed to have been set forth by another , under his name ; though by degrees in process of time it hath obtained autority . vales. in the kings m. s. it is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , mark the apostle and evangelist ; but in the rest of the m. ss . maz. med. fuk and savil ▪ these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. apostle and ] are wanting : which neither are in rufinus's translation . i know indeed , that mark may deservedly be called an apostle ; in that he was the first that preacht the faith of christ to the alexandrians . athanasius ( in synopsi ) indeed calls mark and luke apostles . idatius also ( in fastis ) stiles luke and timothy apostles . see what we noted above at the last chap. of the first book . but we doe not here enquire what title mark deserved , but onely what euscbius wrote . vales. b this whole clause is wanting in our three m. ss . copies , maz. med. and fuk. and in the translation of rufinus . but because it was in the kings m. s. we have put it in . we have also written the name of annianus with a double ● ; from the authority , of the maz. and med. m. ss . to which agree rufinus , jerom , and others . for annianus is a roman name , and is derived from annius . vales. a he that translated tertullian's apologie into greek , ( were it eusebius , which i think not to be true , or whoever it was ; ) he understood not tertullian's words . neither is this true of this place onely , but of many others also of tertullian , which are produced in greek by eusebius in this work . vales. tertullian's words are these : consulite commentarios vestros ; illic reperietis primum neronem in hanc sectam , tum maxim● romae orientem caesariano gladio ●erocisse . sed tali dedicatore damnationis nostrae etiam gloriamur . qui enim scit illum , intelligere potest , non nisi grande aliquod bonum à nerone damnatum . tertul. apolog. p. . edit . rigal . b the term [ ecclesiastical ] is used in three senses . sometimes it s taken for a christian , and opposed to an heathen , or gentile : so jerome in his preface to his book , de scriptor . ecclefias . sometimes it denotes a catholick , and is opposed to an heretick ; so jerome also in his preface to s t matthew , and on chap. . ezechiel . so origen also , tome . explanat ▪ on s t john's gospel . lastly , sometimes it signifies a clergy-man , and is opposed to a laick , or secular person . so jerome again , in his epistle to p●●machius , and in his epist. to rusticus . i would rather take this word in the second sense here , both because that signification of this word is more frequent , and also in regard eusebius ▪ speaking here of caius's book against proclus , gives each of them his proper epithet ; he stiles cains [ an ecclesiastical man ] and proclus he calls [ the defender of the opinion of the cataphrygians , ] i. e. an heretick . the sect of the cataphrygians was divided into two parts ; the ringleader of the one party was proclus ; of the other aeschynes . so tertullian , in his book de praescript . h●●●t . vales. c peter was buried in the vatican ; paul in the vid ostia . vales. d dionysius here answers the epistle of sot●r and of the roman clergie ; who , writing to the corinthians , had in a friendly way admonished them , as eusebius hereafter declares , b. . chap. . the same thing clemens romanus in his epistle had before done . dionysius therefore says to sot●r ; you by this your admonition have again united the plantation of the roman and corinthian churches heretofore made by peter and paul. this i have the more largely explained , because the translatours , and especially christophorson , have been much mistaken in the version of this place . vales. e dionysius does not expresly say that peter and paul suffered on the same day , but onely at the same time ; which may be so understood , as that there might be an interval of many days between their sufferings . prudentius [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] says they were both martyred on the same day , but not in the same year : and that there was a years space between their deaths . with prudentius agrees augustine , in his sermon , de sanctis ; and arator . lib. . hist. apost . but simcon metaphrastes takes these words of dionysius so , as if he said that peter and paul were martyred on the same day together . his words are to be found in comment , de percgrinat . pauli ac petri , apud surium , tome . vales. a at these words i began the chapter , following the authoritie of the kings m. s. but in the maz. m. s. we found another reading , and a different distinction . for that begins the chapter from these words ( which are the conclusion of the foregoing chapter ) [ and ●hu● much i have related , &c. ] and it points the whole place thus , [ and thus much i have related that the history hereof might be yet farther confirmed . moreover , josephus , discoursing , &c. ] and puts the full point after these words [ makes it manifest in express words . ] the same reading is observed by the med. and fuk. m. ss . but the reading and punctation in the kings m. s. seems to me to be much better ; which both nicephorus and rufinus followed . i had almost forgot to put you in mind , that these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in the title of this chapter , ought to be taken adverbially ; for so rufinus translates it ; ut innumeris judaei malis afflicti sint , ac novissimè contra romanos arma moverint . vales. b these are the words of josephus in his second book of the jews wars , pag. . edit . genev. c in the original 't is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in josephus and nicephorus 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by the province we must in this place understand judea , which after the death of agrippa the elder was reduced into the form of a province , and governed by procuratours sent from the emperour . vales. notes for div a -e * pet. . . a the jews were dispersed at several times , and for several causes . first , when they were carried captive into babylon and into egypt and syria ▪ and also when they were subdued by pompey . then , in the times of the macchabees , they did of their own accord remove out of judea into egypt . for the law for bad not the jews to remove into other countreys , as it is manifest from the book of ruth . thirdly , they dispersed themselves upon account of gaining proselytes , which they admitted of all nations , whence it came to pass that they were scattered over the whole world . vales. those jews that were dispersed in europe had their chief assembly at alexandria ; and there the septuagints translation of the bible was in use ; and thence they were called ( john . . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the dispersion of the h●llenist● ▪ and of these there were many also in jerusalem , which used the same translation of the seventy two , being thus skilled in the greek tongue ; and these living not in greece are yet called ( acts . . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they used the greek language and the translation , whereas the other are called there ( see acts . . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hebrews , who used the jerusalem paraphrase . the asian dispersion is mentioned pet. . . they had babylon for their metropolis , and used the targum , or caldec paraphrase of onkelos in their synagogues . b it is very doubtfull where these words of origens , whom eusebius here quotes , doe begin ; whether it be at those words , and thomas , &c. or rather at those , peter 't is probable , &c. for eusebius has not shown us where they begin . vales. * tim. . . a that this d epistle of s. peter was not at first received in the church of christ with so universal agreement and consent as the former , may be concluded from this passage in eusebius . but notwithstanding , there are great and sure evidences of this epistles being written by the acknowledged authour of it , as ( . ) the title of simon peter with the addition of an apostle of jesus christ ( chap. . v. . ) ( . ) there is a whole passage in this epistle ( chap. . v. , . ) which doth signally belong to peter , that of having been on the holy mount with christ , and hearing those words , this is my beloved son , &c. which certainly belongs to the trans●iguration , matth. . where onely peter and james and john were present with christ. ( . ) this is said to be a d epistle ( chap. . v. . ) written much to the same purpose with the ●ormer . ( . ) s t jude speaking ( v. . ) of the scoffers that should come , &c. cites that prediction from the apostles of our lord jesus ( v. . ) where it is reasonable to believe that this epistle ( chap. . v. . ) is referred too ; for in it those very words are met with ( and are not so in any other apostolick writing ) knowing this first , &c. compare jude the . & . ● . with epist. pet. . chap. v. . all this in all copies stands unmoved to secure the authority of this epistle , and to convince us of the author of it . see d r hammonds preface to the d epist. pet. * rom. . . † acts from . to ● . chap. † epist. pet. . . * luke . , , . † tim. . . a these words of s t paul occur tim. . . where we now read , crescens to galatia . but the antients , among whom eusebius , seem to have read gallia : so epiphanius in haeres . alogor ▪ and hieronymus in catalog . and sophronius and others . but the other reading is the truest , which clemens confirms in his constitut. apost . theodoret reads galatia , but says that thereby is meant gallia . vales. b areopagus was the senate or standing court of judicature in athens , by whose laws and orders any new gods were received among them ; and therefore as soon as they perceived that paul was a promulger of strange deities , they bring him to the areopagus to have him examined what gods they were that he thus preached . two judicatures they had at athens ; one every year changed , made up of . chosen men , of whom the republick consisted ; the other perpetual , which judged of murthers and the like capital offences ; and this was in areopago ; of which and the customs thereof ▪ see budaeus on the pandects . why it was called areopagus , see s t aug. de civit dei l. . c. . the judges which sat in this court were called areopagitae , who were lookt upon with such reverence , that an areopagite signified proverbially an excellent persons . gell. l. . c. . dionysius was one of these areopagites . * matth. . . a so says epiphanius ( in haeres . nazaraeorum cap. . ) to wit , that the christians who dwelt in jerusalem being forewarned by christ of the approaching siege removed to pella . but in his book ( de ponderibus & mensuris ) he writes that the disciples of christ being warned by an angel removed to pella : and afterwards when adrian rebuilt jerusalem and called it after his own name aelia colonia , they returned thither ▪ vales. * a myriad is ten thousand . b immediately before these words b● christophorson ( in his latine translation of eusehius ) inserts a passage at length out of josephus his hist. of the jewish wars , b. the th , both against the authority of all the m. ss . copies , and also without any necessity . neither rufinus nor nicephorus hath inserted this passage of josephus's ; and eusebius did sufficient to intimate it , and to produce some words from it , as are those , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. as it were in a prison ; which words eusebius does sufficiently shew to be josephus's , in that he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the common editions of eusebius these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were wanting , which we have put in , warranted thereto by the old m. ss . copies , maz. med. and fuk. we found those words also in the kings m. s. which robert stephens made use of in his edition of eusebius ; who too much favoured his own conjecture , by expunging those words here , and putting them in a little after , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against the authority of all copies . vales. * joseph . hist. of the jewish wars b. . chap. . a josephus means that those wretched people tore the meat from one another ; not , that they greedily devoured it , as christopherson took his meaning to be , he translating it avidè ore abripiebant . that is the meaning of those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. b in josephus it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but in the m. ss . copies of eusebius it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which is the better reading : for the greeks call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines call aciem , and we in english the edge , &c. vales. c observe here the religion of the jews , who in what parts of the world soever they were , always prayed to god with their eyes turned towards the holy city and the temple . we have an example of this custom in dan. . . and kings . . and esdr. . . henc● perhaps was derived the custom of the christians , to pray towards the east . vales. d that is , ten shillings in our coin . see note on b. the . chap. . in the margin concerning the word drachms . e that is for the theeves , not for her self : and therefore it is in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the geneva edition of eusebius adds in the margin . vales. f the jews , as well as the grecians , believed , that the ghosts of such as had been murdered follow those that killed them , to take revenge of them . in this sense those words may be taken , that occur gen. . . the voice of thy brothers bloud cryeth unto me from the ground : i. e. thy brother , whom thou hast wickedly slain , requires that i should revenge him , and punish thee for his murder : then it follows v. . a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth ; i. e. thy brothers ghost , whom thou hast slain , shall follow thee every where and be always troublesome to thee . vales. g that is ; all the citizens were stricken with such an horrour at this fact , as if it had been done in their own houses . vales. * matt. . v. , , . a eusebius is here mistaken ; for josephus does not say so ; but onely affirms that the number of those that were taken captive , during the whole war , by the romans , amounted to ninety thousand men . the words of josephus are to be seen at the latter end of his sixth book of the hist. of the jewish wars . vales. luke . , , . luke . , . luke . . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; these are the words of eusebius ; by which he means , not his own history , as bishop christopherson thought , but the history of josephus : in our translation therefore we have expressed his name ; but it is not , we consess , in the original of eusebius . vales. * that is josephus . a we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in josephus b. . pag. . but nicephorus thought that this star which appeared in the likeness of a sword , and the comet which continued a whole year was all one ; which , as we judge , is not right . vales. b the jews divided the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. night and day , or four and twenty hours , into eight parts , each of them containing hours ; the d the th , the th , and the th hour of the day ; and the like again for the several watches of the night : the ninth hour of the night ( or third watch ) according to their account , was commonly betwixt our hours of twelve and three a clock in the morning . see buxtorf . synag . judaic . chap. . c the scribes amongst the jews were the same with the doctors of the law , as petavius has well observed , in animadvers . ad haeres . epiphanii . their office it was , to keep the holy books of the law , and to read them in the presence of the people , in the temple and in the synagogues . but their principal office was to be assessours with the chief priests and elders in the great councel called the s●nhedrim . see the , and chapters of the acts. the name of scribe therefore was the name of a magistrate among the jews as well as among the grecians . and as the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] scribes in greece were to be present at assemblies and judicatures , and to have the custody of the laws and statutes made by the people , and decrees made by the senate ; so also were the scribes amongst the jews the keepers of the law. that this was no small honour , appears from many places in the gospel ; where our b. saviour reproves their pride and insolence . after the same manner , amongst the grecians , the scribes . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] were in great authority , as appears from that which s. luke relates acts . . [ our translation calls him town-clerk , how truly , m r jo. gregory of oxford will tell you in his notes on the text ; chap. . p. . of his works . ] amongst the jews the scribes were so much the more respected by how much that nation above all others esteemed their own laws : of which the scribes were not onely the keepers , but the interpreters also . moreover they were consulted as being taken to be men of great knowledge and skill , and who were best able to interpret signs and prodigies ; and also who best knew the mysteries of the law. so we read matth. . . herod there consults the scribes ; and in this place of josephus here , the scribes foretell the meaning of the prodigies . moreover the magistrate of the city of jerusalem who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had his scribe , as josephus tells us b. . but whither this scribe was among the number of those that were interpreters of the law , it is hard to say . farther , the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] amongst the egyptians were certain priests who look't after the ordinances about things sacred , and had the keeping of the mystical learning , and foretold things to come ; concerning whom see joseph . l. . c. . where he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these , after the cantor and the horoscopus went in the third place into the temple , wearing wings on their heads , and carrying before them in their hands , ink , and a pen , with a book . they had also the hieroglyphical books of mercury , and those of cosmography , and of the scituation of countries , and of egypt , and of the nile , and of the places consecrated in honour of their gods , committed to their custody , as clem. alexandrinus writes in his b. lucianus saith that these sort of men had been of long continuance in egypt . vales. d after these words eusebius omits some passages that are extant in josephus , as , of this prodigies's being told to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or magistrate ; for an account of whom , and his office see the learned hammond in his notes on luke . . e the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. those that beat him , as it is in josephus ; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. those that were present ; although rufinus followed that reading . vales. f that is , the magistrate of the temple , the chief priests , and the scribes . vales. g that was albinus , who then was procuratour of judea . vales. h percrebuerat oriente toto vetus & constans opinio ; esse in satis , ut eo tempore judae● profecti rerum potirentur . id de imperatore romano quantùm eventu posteà praedictum patuit . judaei ad se trahentes , rebellarunt . so suetonius in the life of vespasian . * psal. . . † psal. . . a in the kings m. s. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so also in josephus , in his book of his own life , and in the proeme to his history of the jewish wars . in sophronius's book , de scriptoribus eccles. it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also sozomen calls him in the beginning of his first book . and rufinus calls the father of josephus matthias ; joseppus , says he , m●thiae fillus , ex hierosolymis sacerdos . so it is written in the most excellent m. s. of the parisian church . vales. suetonius , in the life of vespasian , has this passage of josephus ; unus ex nobilibus captivis josephus , cùm conjiceretur in vincula ; constantissime asseveravit fore , ut ab eo brevi solveretur , verum jam imperatore . b the words of eusebius are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but nicephorus writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which josephus seems to confirm , who testifies that apion wrote more books than one against the jewish nation . but jerom , in catalogo , where he speaks of josephus's writings , defends the ordinary reading . vales. c josephus in his books against apion , answers not onely those who had calumniated the laws and institutions of the jews ; but also he more especially writes against those who had forged certain falsities concerning the original and antiquity of the jews , as appears by his first book . but about the end of his second book he answers apollonius , molon , and lysimachus , who had written some lies about the laws and institutions of the jews . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore in this place must mean both these , to wit , the antiquity , and the laws of the jewish nation . vales. a there were so many books of the scripture amongst the jews , as they had letters in their alphabet ; so origen tells us in his exposition of the first psalm , and jerome in proemio galeato ; where also he saies that there were among them three ranks of these holy volumes ; the first contained the law ; the second the prophets ; the third the hagiography . all which agrees very well with josephus . but in this they differ ; josephus makes thirteen books to be of the second order ; to wit , following the series of the times . but of the third , he reckons onely four , disagreeing from s. jerom : who in the foresaid preface , and in that of his before the prophecie of daniel , reckons up eight books of the prophets , and nine of the hagiography . but josephus seems to have placed the book of joshua , and judges , also those of the kings , chronicles , and ezra amongst the prophetical writings ; not that they contain prophecies , as the books of the prophets doe ; but because they were written by men that were prophets . vales. b to wit , in the book of his own life , pag. edit . genev. which book is the conclusion of his twentieth and last book of his antiquities ; from which it is separated unadvisedly in the greek and latine editions . now that it is the conclusion of the b. of antiquities , josephus himself tells us at the close of that book , and at the end of this book , of his own life . scaliger therefore is mistaken , in his animadvers ▪ on euseb. p. , where he saies , eusebius forgot himself here ; and so is christopherson , who , supposing this place in eusebius to be corrupted , altered it . but had they seen the greek m. ss . copies of josephus , or had they consulted the basil. edition of him , they might easily have found , that which i have said to be true , to wit , that this book of josephus's , of his own life , was nothing else but an appendix or conclusion of his book of antiquities . vales. c our m. ss . copies , maz. med. and fuk. have it thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; corruptly as i judge . for both stephanus byzantius doth acknowledge it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and also jerom , in his book de scriptorib . ecclesiast . calls him justus tiberiensis ; whom we have followed . but scaliger stiles him tiberiadensis . this justus wrote an history of the jewish wars , as josephus tells us in his book , de vitâ suâ ; and stephanus , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides this history he wrote a chronicle of the kings of the jews ▪ as photius testifies , in bibliothecâ : which work he dedicated to king agrippa ▪ as scaliger affirms , in animadvers . euseb. pag. . and he adds these words : nemo de obitu regis ag ippae certiûs pro nuntiare potuit quàm is qui illi opus suum dedicavit i. e. no body could speak more certainly of the death of king agrippa , than he who dedicated his work to him . which i indeed wish , had not dropt from so acute a man. for how can an historian testifie of the death of him to whom he dedicates his history ? unless we say that justus dedicated his chronicle to agrippa , when he was dead , which is absurd . but as scaliger without all ground asserted , that justus tiberiandensis dedicated his chronicle to k. agrippa ; so what he inferrs therefrom is also absurd . but from photius his testimonie it is manifest , that that work was put forth by justus after the death of king agrippa . josephus relates that the history of the jewish wars was published by justus also after the death of agrippa , although it was written twenty years before . a book of this same justus his , whose title was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is quoted by laërtius , in the life of socrates ; which photius says was the same with his chronicle . vales. d he means julius archelaus and herod , as josephus himself declares in his first book against apion . julius archelaus was brother in law to king agrippa ; for he had married his sister mariamne ; so says josephus at the end of his and books of antiquit. vales. e nicephorus , in his book , chap. . interpreting these words of josephus , says that titus with his own hand copied out the books of josephus his history of the jewish wars . see what johannes langus has noted at that place of nicephorus . but all interpreters who have translated this place of josephus into latine , understand thereby that titus onely subscribed the books of josephus with his own hand , and did not copy them out himself . but i would rather follow the opinion of nicephorus . neither do these words of josephus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] seem to sound any thing less to me . thus this place is pointed in all copies as well m. s. as printed . but if this place of josephus were to be understood onely of titus his subscribing josephus his books with his hand , then the distinction or comma ought to be put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but here you see it put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f in the most excellent m. ss . maz. med. fuk. and in s r hen. savills m. s. it is written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which reading all interpreters seem to have followed : but i like rufinus his version best , who translates it : to be publickly read ; in which sense the same word is used by eusebius in chap. . of his second book , where he speaks of the general epistles of james and jade ; and in chap. . of his book . but from these words of josephus we may gather that the history of the jewish wars was put out by him in the reign of vespasian ; but his antiquities were published by him in the thirteenth year of domitian , as he himself testifies at the end of his book , and at the close of his book , of his own life . but , that which scaliger affirms , in animad . euseb. p. . to wit , that the book of josephus his own life was by him put out seven years after his antiquities , seems not probable to me ; for that book is as we made it out before , onely the conclusion of his twentieth book of antiquities ; and at the end of it josephus reckoning up the roman emperours , concludes with domitian . vales. a this account of eusebius his here agrees not with what he has written in that work of his called his chronicon : for there he writes , that presently after the death of james , simcon was elected ; to wit , in the seventh year of nero. but here he makes it evident , that after the murder of james , the episcopal see was vacant for the space of about eight or nine years . which intervall of time , that the authour chronici alexandrini might fill up , he places the death of james on the first year of vespasian . vales. b that is , because ( as we conjecture ) he married mary which was sister to the b. virgin ; upon which account simeon the son of this cleophas is here called cousin-german by the mothers side to our saviour ; for so we translate the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] not patruelem , i. e. cousin-german by the fathers side , as it is in the version of valesius ; but consobrinum , i. e. sisters son . for mary the wife of cleophas , and the b. virgin were sisters ; see jo. . . and so simeon the son of the former mary , and our saviour the son of the latter , were sisters children . see the learned b● pearson on the creed , p. , & . edit . lond. . and petavius , in hares . . epiphan . cap. , & . and also st jerom , in catalog . a i know not why r. stephens read anacletus , seeing that all our books have it written anencletus . and so nicephorus constantinopolitanus , and his translatour anastasius bibliothecarius in chronolog . tripartit ▪ reads it . so also nicephorus calistus in libr. . cap. . and georgius syncellus , and the m. ss . copies of rufinus . so likewise irenaeus ( in lib. , where he reckons up the roman bishops in order ) names him anencletus ; and omits the name of cletus , which to me seems to be made of a piece of the word anencletus . neither does optatus , nor s. augustine ▪ in his epistle ( where he counts up the romish bishops ) acknowledge cletus . but on the contrary , in two very antient catalogues of the roman bishops , one whereof is in the monastery of s. german , and the other in the jesuits colledge at clermont — there is no mention of anencletus ; but onely of cletus , who succeeded linus , and sat eleven years , one month , and two daies . from whence its evident that cletus and anencletus was the same man. see more of this in p. halloixius , in notat . ad cap. . vitae irenaei . vales. a that is , the first after mark. so eusebius said before , concerning linus bishop of rome , at the chap. of this book . for mark was the apostle of the alexandrians as we before have said . but the apostles were not reckoned amongst the number of the bishops . there was therefore no need of putting in here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as nicephorus did . see seldens notes ad eutychium patriarcham alexandr . vales. b rufinus and the other translatours call this man abilius ; and also jerom himself , in chronico , not so rightly as i judge . for he ought to be called avilius , which is a roman name ; as well as annianus , who was bishop before avilius . besides , the order of the chapters is here disturbed in the common editions ; this chap. of the succession of avilius being put before that of the succession of anencletus : but we by the direction of the m. ss . copies maz. and fuk. have placed them in their true order . this was a very antient mistake ; for in the index of the chapters prefixed before the b. of rufinus his translation , and in all the greek copies except in that of fuk. the same errour is committed . but in the body of the maz. m. s. ( which book has the titles of the chapters exactly placed in their order ) this errour is corrected . vales. * philip. . . a rufinus thought these words that follow here were the words of hegesippus , whom eusebius quoted at the end of the foregoing chapt . whence it appears that rufinus read as it is in our m. ss . copies , maz. med. and fuk. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover in rufinus the chap. . begins at those words , now that in the time of the forementioned , &c. as i observed it to be also in the maz. and fuk. m. ss . but i rather approve of the ordinary writing and distinction . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , it signifies one that is descended from an illustrious and noble stock . so gregor . nazianz. in oration . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s. jerom , in chronico anno . domitian . saies , domitianus plurimos nobilium in exilium mittit , atque occidit . vales. lib. . c. . † revel . . * that is , antichrists name . a so he is called matth. . . but it was the usual language of the jews to call the first cousins brethren . see bishop pearson on the creed , pag. , . edit . lond. . see also bishop montagues acts and mon. chap. . s. . concerning the desposyni . b rob. stephens , in his edition of eusebius calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so does the med. m. s. but in the kings m. s. i found it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which r. stephens observed also in his notes added at the latter end of his edition . georg. syncellus , in chronico , reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we from our three m. ss . copies , to wit , maz. fuk. and s r henry savills , have made good the true writing of this place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and these evocatus brought , &c. this reading nicephorus and rufinus doe confirm ; the words of rufinus are , hos revocatus quidam nomine , qui ad hoc missus fuerat , perduxit ad domitianum . nicephorus , lib. . cap. . has it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these evocati were souldiers of an higher degree who having performed their service and being dismist , were upon occasion summoned by the emperour himself . there is mention of these in the antient ▪ inscriptions , evox . aug. i. e. evocatus augusti . no man need wonder , that hegesippus a greek writer should make use of a latine word here ; for that is usual with him ; and in this very relation of his he lias [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] both latine words . vales. c so we translate the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] warranted thereto by the same translation of that word , occurring matth. . . the value of that peny there shewed christ , was , saies ▪ dr hammond on the place , a whole attick drachm ; but what value these here were of it is hard to say , in regard there were several sorts of these denarii , which were also of a different value . see voss. etymol . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were tributes , or taxes , raised upon lands , and they were commonly paid in wheat , barley , wine , and the like ▪ as it appears from cod. theodosian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the toll gathered by the publicans , who farmed it commonly ; it was paid in ready money . the word here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which we therefore render tribute . vales. tertullians words are these , tentaverat & domitianus , portio neronis d● crudelitate . sed quia & homo , facil● coeptum repressit , restitutis etiam quos relegaverat : they are in his apolog. but whosoever it was that translated his apologie into greek , he has not rendred his words well . for tertullians words are to this effect , that after nero , who first raged against the christians , domitian also , like another nero , attempted the same ; but as men are fickle and mutable , he soon desisted from his enterprize . but eusebius , or whosoever he was that translated tertullians apology , takes the meaning of those words [ quia & homo ] to be , as if tertullian had said , that domitian was something of a man , but nero was rather a savage beast than a man. vales. a here , and before , we may observe paul put before peter by eusebius . in the seals of the roman church paul is put on the right hand , and peter on the left ▪ as baronius observes , in expositione concil , nicen. and eusebius seems to make them both bishops of rome together , vales. the kings m. s. reads according to our translation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the other four m. ss . i. e. maz. med. fuk. and s r henry savills have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had the publick charge , &c. vales. * irenaeus . lib. . cap. . a the words of eusebius in the edit . of valesius ( which in our translation we follow ) are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in rob. stephens edit . of euseb. it is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. valesius says , he altered the reading here upon account of the authority of the three m. ss . maz. med. and fuk. rejecting the reading of the kings m. s. ( which rob. stephens followed ) in that he was not able to make sense of it : and moreover , says valesius , rufinus his version confirms this our emendation ; for he translates this place thus : rogabatur etiam vicinas lustrare provincias , quò vel ecclesias ●undaret , in quibus non erant locis ; vel in quibus crant , sacerdotibus ac ministris instruerct , secund●m quod ei de unoquoque spiritus sanctus indicasset . vales. b the author of the chronicon alexandrinum calls the name of this city smyrna . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this verb occurs often in the new testament , as in cor. . . cor. . . &c. where our english translation generally renders it [ to refresh ] upon which account we thus translate it here . d see d r hammond , concerning the use of this word presbyter by the apostles and writers of the new testament , and by the fathers in the first apostolical times , in his notes on acts . . e the primitive christians so termed baptism , as gregor . nazianz . orat. . where he observes that baptism is called by christians by divers names ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. now the reason why baptism is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a seal , is annext by the same gregory nazianz ▪ because , to wit , baptism is , as it were , a preservation , or a mark of dominion . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word here in the original is the same , insignification , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. accedere ad aliquem , adjungi , to be of the same company , or , to be familiarly acquainted : onely it is taken in a bad sense . vales. g grut●rus reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and so rufinus and musculus seem to have read ; i should rather like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he scorned , &c. vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are sayings or sentences taken out of the holy bible , with which john comforted the young mans mind . vales. i there is a difference between being brought in , and restored to the church : he is brought into the church , who promises he will repent : but he is restored to the church , who , having been actually and truely penitent , is received into it again and owned as a member thereof . vales. a the word in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we translate , to be ambassadours of , warranted thereto from the same word occurring cor. . ▪ and there so translated . this word signifies the apostolical office , and that from god to men , offering pardon on his part , and requiring on their part reformation for the future . see d r hammond on cor. . . b it is doubtfull whether eusebius would call paul's epistles short or few ▪ both may be said of them ; to wit , that they are few , being in number not above fourteen ; and they are short to them that piously and religiously read them over . origen in libro . exposition . in evangeli . johan . calls them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , conteining few verses ▪ he that desires to read origens words , will find them hereafter quoted in the sixth b. of euseb. chap. . vales. c nicephorus , libr. . chap. . reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and rufinus and musculus translate it as we have done . but christophorson interprets it otherwise ; thus , and what seemed to be wanting to those from whom he departed whilst he was present with them , that he fully made up by his sedulity and labour in writing . in which translation this is to be blamed , to wit , in that he says matthew wrote his gospel after his departure from the hebrews , when as eusebius says the contrary ; for in the greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. from whom he was going . athanasius in his tract de libr. s. scrip. and chrysostome write that matthew first wrote his gospel at jerusalem : and nicephorus and the authour chronic. alexandr . say he wrote it in the th year after christs ascension . christophorson referred those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereas they are referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the kings maz. and med. m. ss . after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the comma is put . vales. * matth. . . † mar. . . luk. . , . john . . * joh. . , . d in the most antient maz. m. s. i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a dipthong , i. e. saleim . vales. * book . chap. . a eusebius does here use this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] very improperly , to wit , to signifie those books whose authority is doubtfull ; whereas those books are to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are adulterated and forged by hereticks , of which sort he makes mention at the end of this chapter , which that it may more manifestly appear , you must understand , there are three sorts of sacred books . some are without controversie true ; others without controversie false ; a third sort are those , of which the antients doubted . this latter sort can't be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because many accounted them to be genuine : it remains therefore that the second sort onely be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. spurious books . of which sort is pauls epistle to the laodiceans , which s t jerom says was with one consent exploded by all . but eusebius corrects himself in chap. ▪ of this third book , where he manifestly differences the spurious books from those which are doubtfull . see his words there . gregory naz. in iambico carmine ad seleucum , manifestly confirms our opinion . for of the books of sacred scripture , some , says he , are genuine and true , which he there reckons up ; others are supposititious , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spurious ; a third sort he makes those to be , which come nearest to those books that are genuine , which division gregory had from origen , out of his tome of explanat . in johan . but to speak properly , there are but two sorts of sacred books , those namely that are true , and those whose authority is asserted by some , and questioned by others . for the spurious books deserve not to be reckoned amongst the sacred books . vales. b concerning this book see the learned arch-bishop usher in his dissertation on ignatius epistles , chap. . edit . oxon. . c concerning this gospel , s t jerome , in catalogo , where he , speaking of james the brother of our lord , says thus , evangelium quoque quod appellatur secundum hebraeos , & à me nuper in graecum-latinumque sermonem translatum est , quo & origenes saepe utitur , &c. julianus pelagianus , lib. . speaks of this gospel , where he accuses jerome , because in his dialogue against the pelagians he made use of an authority of a fifth gospel , which he himself had translated into latine . but that which eusebius adds , that the jews which embraced christianity are chiefly delighted with this gospel , makes him seem to mean the nazareans and ebionites ; for they use to reade that gospel written in hebrew , as s t jerom shews , in esaia c. . and in ezech. c. . vales. d eusebius speaks not here of the successours of the apostles , which title belongs onely to bishops ; but he speaks of the ecclesiastical writers who in a perpetual succession have flourished in the church . therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. of the ecclesiastical writers in every age. for , as heretofore among the jews there was a succession of prophets , though sometimes interrupted ( as josephus says in his first book against apion ; ) so in the church there always was a succession of learned men and writers which were called ecclesiasticks . moreover in the m. ss . maz ▪ med. & fuk. it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the article . vales. a i wonder that all interpreters have erred in the translation of this word . rufinus renders it sc●tum , a buckler ; langus and musculus , armaturam , armour : christophor son , propugnaculum , a bulwar● . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies telum , a dart . therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an instrument of diabolical force . vales. b in four of our m. ss . copies , to wit , maz. med. fuk. & s r hen. savills i found a far different punctation of this place from that which christophorson followed , as appears by his version . for in the said m. ss . it is thus pointed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and truly this punctation is ●a● better than the vulgar . for what can the meaning of these words be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i know the jews hated the samaritans , as the worst of men ; in so much that the name of samaritan was accounted by the jews the greatest reproach . but here menanders countrey is spoken of ; his manners eusebius speaks of hereafter . moreover he is said to be a samaritan in the same sense that justin in apologet. and clemens in libr. recognit . calls simon ▪ a samaritan ; i. e. he was of the province or countrey of samaria , ●e came not out of the very city samaria . for simon was of the village gitton ; but menander of the village caparattae . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a new word , made up of a strange kind of composition : of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take or catch on some other side , or some other way . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies egenus , a begger , in hebrew ; from the theam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluit , desideravit ; because a begger desires , or craves supplies for his wants . buxtorss lexic . rab. see origen . lib. . de princip . concerning these hereticks . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so it is printed in rob. stephens edition , i know not by what accident . which errour of the press the geneva edition afterwards followed : but we , from our m. ss . copies , and from nicephorus his book , have made good the true reading of this place , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desirous to induce men into errour , &c. vales. b it should be thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his second book concerning promises . dionysius alexandrinus wrote two books of promises , or rewards which god promised to give to pious men after this life . the second of these was written against nepos a bishop of egypt , who from the revelation of john asserted that christs kingdom would be terrestrial , as eusebius declares in his seventh book . vales. c this place of dionysius is to be found whole and entire in the th b. of this history , chap. . from thence is to be had the explication of this passage . some , says dionyfius there , said that the book of the revelation was made by cerinthus the a●ch-heretick , who published it under the name of john the apostle , that he might get the greater authority for his own opinions . vales. d christophorson , in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] from b. . c. . but that place in b. . is rather to be corrected by this , than this corrupted from that . our m. ss . copies maz. and med. have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in b. . so also nicephorus in his d b. c. . under the name of feasts and sacrifices cerinthus hid his lusts , that he might make a shew of honesty and decency . vales. a in the m. ss . maz. med. and s r henry savills it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. after him , to wit , cerinthus . vales. b these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. simply and rashly ] ought to be referred to the word , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. assenting to ] and not to the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. this saying : ] which being not minded by christophorson , he widely mistook clemens his meaning . for clemens does not say that that sact , or that saying was do●e or said by nicholas rashly and inconsiderately . yea he declares in the d of his stromatw̄n about the latter end , that this saying [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] was one of nicholas his apophthegms , or pithy speeches . which saying of his , his followers interpreted so , as if nicholas had commanded every one to abuse his flesh with all manner of voluptuousness and lasciviousness : but nicholas meant the clean contrary by this his speech , to wit , that the flesh ought not to be indulged too , but to be kept under , and wearied out with continual exercises of virtue . vales. c these words are spoken by clemens alexandrinus by way of enallage ; for thus they are to be taken , as if he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. by those words of his [ that we ought to abuse the flesh ] he taught continencie and an abstaining from pleasures , &c. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jerome and musculus translate it elements , elements , or foundations . christophorson turns it seminaria , seedplotts : but rufinus ▪ best of all , calls it lumina , lights . for the grecians were wont to call the signes of the zodiack 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so diogen . laert. in the life of menedem●s . now the heathens called those signes so , because they thought the principles of the lives and fortunes of men were placed in them . see epiphan , in heres . pharisaeor●m . vales. b christophorson in this place did in no wi●e perform the office of a good translatour , who for philip one of the twelve apostles put in philip one of the seven deacons . it was an antient mistake , to confound philip the deacon and evangelist with philip the apostle . and because they read , acts . v. , . that philip had four daughters , virgins , that prophecied , they asserted philip the apostle was married and bego● daughters . so , besides polycrates , clemens alexandrinus said in the foregoing chap. and so said papeas , as we shall see hereafter . but from the acts of the apostles it may be manifestly gathered , that philip the deacon ( he th●● baptized the eunuch and that had the four daughters that were prophetesses ) was not the same with philip the apostle , but another man. see isidore pelusiota , in his first book epist. . and so on , where he evidently demonstrates this . vales. c this third daughter of philip , polycrates separates from the other two which died virgins ; whence it may be collected that she was married . neither is this repugnant to the acts c. . for it may be answered that then when these things were done that luke mentions , philip's daughters were virgins : but afterwards one of them was given in marriage by her father . and clemens alexandrinus seems to intimate thus much in those words of his , which eusebius quotes in the foregoing chap. moreover christophorson confounds this third daughter of philips with the two former . whose translation did much trouble baronius as appears from his annals , ad annum christi . chap. . eusebius repeats this passage of polycrates in his fifth book chap. . where christophorson does rightly distinguish the three daughters of philip , and amen●s his former errour . but it may here be deservedly questioned , why polycrates mentions onely three daughters of philips , whereas in the acts they are counted four . i answer polycrates mentioned onely those that died and were buried in asia , as may be seen from his whole epistle which is recited in the fifth book of euseb. hist ▪ ●eeing therefore one of the four daughters died at c●satea , or some where else , upon that account polycrates mentions her not . moreover of these daughters of philip , one was called hermione , the other eutychis . for so it is in men●o graecor●m di● sept. see the place . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 's the word in polycrates here quoted by eusebius . the use this word exod. . . for so they translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hebrew word there , which properly signifies a flour , but by our translatours is in english rendred a plate there , and afterwards . exod. . . 〈◊〉 is called a plate of the holy crown . it was a long plate of gold , two fingers broad , and reacht from one ear of the priest to the other , says maimon . in his treatise of the implements of the sanctuary , chap. . sect. . see ainsworth on the pentat . e in our four m. ss . copies , maz. med. fuk. and s r hen. savills i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. concerning the apostles themselves , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being in them added . vales. a in the kings m. s. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , simon , as rob. stephens observed . jerom , in chronico , testifies that the name of this bishop of jerusalem was written two ways , to wit , simeon and simon . the same georg. syncellus observes , and also the authour chronici alexandrini . vales. b that is , when atticus was deputy of syria . the syrians used to shew their years , by the name of these their presidents . moreover , of the emperours deputies some were of the consular order ; others of the pretorian . wherefore atticus is here called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to shew that he was of the consular order , or had been consul . in the m. s. copies of rufinus his translation ( that is in the kings librarie ) it is , martyr effectus est cum esset annorum centum xxv . i. e. he was martyred when he was . years old . vales. * book . chap. . † i. e. trajans . * book . chap. . c that is , because he married mary sister to the b. virgin. see note a in chap. . of this book . d the authour chronici alexandrini supposes that the cerinthian hereticks and the nicholaïtes are here meant : to whom i doe not assent . hegefippus means those sects which at that time were potent at jerusalem , to wit , the pharisees , sadduces , and others , of whom hereafter , at book . chap , . vales. e that is , because he preacht the faith of christ , as he said before , and says again , b. . chap. . vales. f this hegesippus spoke of the church of jerusalem in particular , to wi● , that it continued a virgin untill the death of symeon , unto trajans time . the words of hegesippus you will meet with hereafter , at chap. . b. . eusebius seems to have attributed that to the whole church which hegesippus spake of the church at jerusalem in particular . vales. g all these words , to the end of the chapter , are wanting in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . neither doth rufinus acknowledge them in his translation , as appears therefrom . and this whole clause seems to me to be spurious and supposititious . for whosoever added it , thought the words that went before were hegesippus his ; whereas they are not his , but eusebius's , as we may see from chap. . b. . vales. a he that translated the words of tertullian into greek has rendred them unhappily . for neither does 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie discipline , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to agree together . i would therefore rather translate these words of tertullian thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. and that they had a certain summary of their polity . vales. b here also the greek translatour of teriullian hath done ill ; for tertullian , or rather trajan , calls those oblatos , who were brought in before the judges ; for so the latines use to speak . the sense therefore of the emperour trajans rescript against the christians is this , that the governours of provinces should not too diligently hunt after the christians by sending out spies and officers to take them ▪ but if any christians were by chance found out by their officers , or if they were made appear to be such by their accusers , that then they ought to be punished . vales. a this whole elogue of papias is wanting in our m. ss . copies , maz. med. and fuk. neither did rufinus read these words in his copies , as may be gathered from his translation . wherefore i doubt not but they were inserted by some unskilfull scholiast , against the mind and opinion of eusebius . for how can it be ▪ that eusebius should here stile papias a man most excellently learned , and very skilfull in the scriptures , whenas himself does at the end of this book expresly affirm , that papias was a man of an ordinary wit , and altogether ignorant and simple . vales. b in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . 't is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little after i read , with isaac vossius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , which i heartily wish may be found to be fierce , which amendment rufinus his translation confirms . for thus he turns it , quas & ego opto acriores parari . therefore rufinus read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies [ soon , or straight-ways . ] the same errour is amended by us hereafter , in the sixth book ; for there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was printed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. but bishop usher reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see his annot. on this epistle ▪ number . c it is as much as if ignatius had said , let nothing envy me the glory of being a disciple of christ ; let no man pluck me from his embraces . the holy martyr alludes , as he uses to doe , to those words of s t paul , who shall separate us from the love of christ ? rom. . . vales. see bishop usher's notes on ignatius epist ▪ to the romans , number . d this passage of ignatius his concerning christ is taken out of the gospel according to the hebrews ; which was either omitted by eusebius , or unknown to him . jerome , in his book de ecclesias . scriptor . informs us hereof ; as also in his b. of commentaries on esaiah . see ushers annotat ▪ on ignatius his epistles . pag. . number . a in our m. ss . maz. med. fuk. and s r henry savills , it is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. eminent , or excellent disciples . vales. a in the tenth book recognit . of clemens romanus there is mention of appion , who is said to have come to antioch with anubion about the same time that the apostle peter came thither . but there is nothing said there of peters dispute with appion . what shall we say then ? that the book of clemens which contains peters dispute with appion is different from his books recognit ? to me indeed they seem not to be two books . for if there had been two books of clemens's , the one recognit . the other containing the dispute of peter with appion , why should eusebius mention one onely , and omit the other ? there was ▪ therefore but one book of clemens's entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but 't was divided into two parts ; the former mentioned matidia and faustinianus to be acknowledged of their children ; in the second part was contained the dialogues of peter and appion . indeed rufinus , who translated that book of clemens's into latine , does testifie , in his epistle to gaudentius the bishop , that there were two parts of this book in the greek ; in the one of which some things occurred which the other had not ▪ he writes also that on set purpose he omitted some things , because they disagreed from sound doctrine . vales. b this name is written with a double p , in all our m. ss . but that of m r fukett , where t is writ with à single p , as it is in josephus and others . photius , in biblioth . chap. , agrees with our copies ; and clemens also in b. . recognit . where he says that appion plistonicensis came to antioch with anubion . lastly agellius , in his b. says appion graecus homo qui plistonices est appellatus . undoubtedly appion is a roman name , wrested into a greek form , as is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the like . appion was a common name amongst the egyptians ; derived from apis , whom they worshipped ; as , serapion , anubion , and the like . ptolcmaeus king of the cyrenae was called apion . wherefore seeing this grammarian the son of plistonices was an egyptian , it seems that he should be called apion , rather than appion . for appion that was consul in justinians time , the latine annalls calls appion ; but the chronicon alexandrinum calls him apion . vales. c but origen , in his d b. explanat . on genesis , makes mention of these books of clemens's ; and quotes a passage out of them , which is still extant in the books of clemens's recognit . this quotation of origens is in the chap. philocal . ( pag. . edit . cambr. . ) and in the common editions of that piece the ▪ place is said to be taken out of his b. . against celsus ; but in the books of origen against celsus now extant , it is not to be found . this quotation out of clemens is indeed in his d b. explanat . on genesis . — but i have observed that origen does often quote books , whose authority is unknown ; wherein he does , like the bee , gather honey from venomous flowers . vales. d photius testifies the same , chap. . biblioth . and before him , rufinus in his epistle to gaudentius the bishop , to wit , that in those books recognit . of clemens's there are some things said concerning the son of god , which disagree from the true rule of faith , and make for the opinion of the arrians . epiphanius , in heres . ebionaeorum chap. . doe● expresly affirm , that those books of clemens romanus , entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were corrupted and falsified by the ebionites . vales. a in the kings m. s. it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agreeable to our translation . rufinus reads this place so , as appears by his translation . for he renders it thus , non pigebit autem nos tibi omnia quae quondam à presbyteris didicimus , & bene retinemus , recordantes exponere cum interpretationibus nostris . but in the other m. ss . maz. med. fuk. and nicephorus it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * chap. ▪ of this d ▪ book . b in of our m. ss . maz. med. and fuk. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , barsabbas . vales. acts . , . ☜ c jerom , in catalogo , calls mark the interpreter of peter , from this place of papias , as i judge . hence 't is , that many of the greeks write , that the gospel of mark was dictated by peter . so athanasius in his treatise , de libris sacra scripturae . which , how it s to be understood , papias declares in this place . for it is not to be supposed that mark wrote his gospel from the mouth of peter dictating to him ; but , when he heard peter preaching the word of god to the jews in hebrew , mark carefully digested those things in the greek language , which concerned christ. vales. notes for div a -e a in the chronicon of eusebius , the beginning of primus's being bishop of alexandria falls upon the tenth year of trajan . also the beginning of alexanders being made bishop of rome is placed on the tenth year of trajan . but in the digesting of the years of the bishops both of rome , and also of other cities , i have observed that eusebius's chronicon does often dissent from his ecclesiastical history . whether it be the fault of the transcribers , or of jerome the translatour , or of eusebius himself ▪ i cannot positively affirm : for in so great a diversity its difficult to assign the cause of the mistake . but , seeing that the ecclesiastical history was written by eusebius after his chronicon wheresoever such a disagreement occurs , that seems rather to be followed , which is asserted in the ecclesiastical history . vales. * book . chap. . a the jews , who dwelt in the clties and towns with the grecians and gentiles , and had equal freedom thereof with them , did frequently disagree with them ; tumults being usually raised by reason of their different religions . for the grecians scorned that the jews should be fellow-citizens with them and enjoy the same priviledges they did ; on the other hand , the jews would not live in a meaner condition , than the rest of the citizens did . hence arose frequent contentions , both in egypt , and also in syria , as philo , and josephus doe attest . therefore in our translation we have inserted both [ grecians and gentiles ] because one word seemed not to suffice . for the jews did not onely assault the grecians , but the natives also of egypt and lybia : nor again , the gentiles onely , but the christians likewise , of whom there was then no small number in egypt and cyrene . vales. b this destroying of all egypt and lybia by the jews , besides dion , orosius mentions , in his b. vales. c this man was a moor , not of the province of mauritania , but of the barbarous moors , who were allies of the roman empire . at first he commanded a troop of moors ; not long after he was condemned for his lewdness , and in disgrace cashired . but afterwards in the dacick war ▪ when the army stood in need of the assistance of the moors , he did a brave piece of service . upon which account being rewarded and honoured , he did more and braver exploits in the second dacick war. at length , in the parthian war , which trajan waged against the parthians , he was so valiant and fortunate , that he was chosen into the pretorian order , bore a consulship , and governed the province of palestine , which promotion first made him to be envied , then hated , and at last ruined him . thus much dion cassius relates , in excerpt . vales. a the phrase in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. of his apostolical right division . this word occurs ( tim. . . ) in the old testament the greek translatours use of the word belongs to a way or path to goe in , which was wont to be cut out that it might be fitter for use ; thence the latine phrase , viam secare , i. e. to cut a way , that is , to goe before and direct any in their journey . and with the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , right ] joyned with it , it is to goe before one , and direct him in the straight way to such a place . hence the syriack version of the new testament renders this phrase in timothy [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] recte praedicare sermonem , i. e. rightly to preach the word . fullers miscellan . b. . chap. . a eusebius , in his chronicon , calls him joses . so joseph the brother of the lord , of whom matthew and mark speak in their gospels , is by jerom and others called joses . ephres also is , by nicephorus , called ephrem . vales. b or , one month ; for so rufinus seems to have read in his copy . vales. * his name was tinius rufus . euscbius , in his chronicon , says this rebellion happened on the year of adrian ; at which time the said rufus was president of the province of judea . vales. a he calls the jews slaves , because of their poverty and baseness of birth ; for most of them were descended of those captives , who were fold under titus . vales. b or , biththera ; there was a town called betthar , which was two and fifty miles distant from jerusalem ; another village there was called bethar , which was twelve miles off jerusalem : both these jerome calls bethoron . vales. c the same is attested by tertullian , apologet . c. ; by celsus , in the latter end of b. of origen against him ; and by gregor . naz. in his orat. onely , on one day ( that whereon jerusalem was taken and destroyed by the romans ) the jews out of all nations were wont to meet in palestine , and , having paid a sum of money to the souldiers , they entred into that part of the city where solomon's temple heretofore stood ; and there they bewailed the destruction of the city and temple . see scaliger , in animadvers . euseb. p. . vales. d that was a city of syria , which , after the destruction of jerusalem by titus , was the seat of the bishops of jerusalem ; as eusebius testifies . this ariston of pella wrote a book entitled a dispute of jason and papiscus ; this book origen makes mention of in his b. against celsus : but the preface of it is onely now extant amongst the works of cyprian . vales. e euscbius is here doubly mistaken ; both in that he says jerusalem was wholly destroyed in adrian's time ; and also because he thought that aelia capitolina was built by the same adrian after the siege of betthera . as to the first ; its evident from josephus , that jerusalem was totally destroyed by titus , in so much that it was ploughed . as to the second , aelia was so far from being built by adrian after this victory obtained over the jews , that this war was begun by the jews upon that very account . for when the jews saw the soyle of their city occupied by strangers ; and perceived that in that very place where the temple had been , jupiter capitolinus was worshiped and sacrificed to ; being not able to endure that , they took arms , and began this war which eusebius here relates . which was begun in the year of adrian , and ended the of his empire . but aelia capitolina was built long before , to wit , in the second year of adrian . from whose times to those of constantine the great it was always called aelia . but from the time of constantine the great it recovered again the name of jerusalem , both upon the account of the honour of that name , and also because of its prerogative , being the first episcopal seat. vales. * book . chap. . a eusebius says not upon what gospel basilides wrote these , books , perhaps basilides made these books upon his own gospel ; for he wrote one , and set his own name to it , and called it [ the gospel according to basilides ] as origen attests in his homil , on luke ; and jerom in his preface to s. matthew . these books were called basilides's exegeticks . clemens ( lib. . stromat . ) quotes some places out of the d of these books . vales. b or , barcabas : upon these prophets , barcabbas and barcoph , isodore the son of basilides wrote some books of expositions , as clemens alexandr . shews , b. . stromat . vales. c eusebius speaks here of those prophets whom basilides seigned for himself . our authour is right in his saying that basilides's heresie sprang up in adrian's reign . for then the hereticks began to creep out of their holes : they thought ( the apostles being all dead ) that they had then an opportune time to divulge their errours . vales. d so they were called , because they were supposed to be assistant to men ; and kept them from diseases , and unfortunate accidents . magicians had such spirits as these at their command , by whose help they did miraculous things . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original , hence the christian religion was by the heathens called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the prevailing opinion ; and the christians were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by porphyrius , in his book de oraculor . philosoph . which place eusebius quotes , in his th b. preparat . evangel . cap. . vales. a in my opinion hegesippus is not rightly placed in the times of adrian ; neither doe his words , here quoted by eusebius , evince so much . it 's certain , hegesippus wrote his books when eleutherus was bishop of rome , as he himself attests in the chap. of this book . he was contemporary therefore with irenaeus , who then composed his elaborate books against the heresies . indeed our eusebius , retracting as it were his former opinion , does , in the , and chapt . of this book , place hegesippus in the times of marcus antoninus . vales. b which was celebrated every fifth year , at mantinea in arcadia , says pausanias , in arcad. vales. c amongst the egyptians , the chief priest , who was over the other priests , and distributed to them the revenue of the temple , was called a prophet . for the first officer of the temple was the cant●r , then the horoscopus , after him the scriba , then the vestitor : last of all the propheta took his place , who carried a water-pot in his bosom . see epiphan . in b. advers . haeres . &c. concerning these prophets of antinous instituted by adrian there is mention made in an old greek inscription , quoted by casaubon in his notes on spartianus . wherefore it s no wonder that antinous , deified by adrian , had his prophets , seeing he was worshipped chiefly by the egyptians . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. in the jewish war which was not long since . for the greek word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is sometimes used in such a sense , as to signifie [ nuper ] i. e. lately . in which sense justin uses it , when he speaks of antinous in this chapt . vales. e or , serennius ; he was proconsul of asia , and predecessour to minutius fundanus in that government . vales. f it may be deservedly questioned , why adrian answered not granianus from whom he received these letters but wrote to minutius fundanus his successour : the reason , as i suppose , might be this ; either granianus died soon after he wrote to adrian ; or else he left that government ; for the proconsuls were annual . vales. g justin , in his second apologie , as 't is now commonly written , p. . vales. a he means the outcries , which the people were wont to make in the theatres , - the christians to the lyons ! as tertullian attests . sometimes it so happened that the proconsuls and governours were forced to yield to these tumultuous clamours , though unwilling to it of themselves . wherefore the emperour adrian admonisheth fundanus the proconsul not to suffer himself to be induced by such requests to the persecution and slaughter of the christians . it was an old custom in the roman empire , for the populace both in the city and in the provinces , as oft as they met at the publick shews , to ask of the emperour , or governour what they had a mind to , with loud outcries all at once . instances hereof are frequent in the writers of the roman history . vales. a these words of irenaeus are extant in his b. chap. . where the old translatour seems to have read the eighth : which reading is most agreeable to trenaeus , as appears from the chapt . of the same book ; where he , reckoning up the roman bishops , counts hyginus the eighth from the apostles . but in the b. of irenaeus chap. . it s written [ the ninth ] so also in epiphan . in haeres . cerdon . and in the epistle of cyprian to pomp●ius . vales. b irenaeus does not say he was excommunicated ; but that he separated himself from the church ; whence it appears , that cerdo condemned himself , in his own judgment , and so prevented the sentence of the church . vales. c rufinus seems to have readit otherwise ; for he translates it thus ; quarto autem episcopatûs sui anno cùm decessisset hyginus , &c. i. e. hyginus dying in the fourth year of his being bishop , &c. vales. d our eusebius forgot himself here , in that he says , that these following words of justins were taken out of his book against marcion ; they are taken out of justins second apologie ; pag. . edit . paris . vales. e these words [ to be the father of christ ] are wanting in the common editions of justin ; and they seem to be superfluous . marcion asserted , there were two gods , the one the creatour , by whom this world was made ▪ the other superiour to him ; who framed the better and more excellent things : this god , he said , we ought to confess , and to deny the other . this is the meaning of justins words : to whom agrees epiphan . in haeres . marcion . marcion held , that that most high god was the father of christ ; and that christ came down from heaven to reprehend the other god the maker of this world , whom he called the god of the jews . vales ▪ a lucius was by nature the son of aelius verus caesar whom adrian adopted . he dying , adrian adopted antoninus pius ▪ upon this condition , that pius should adopt marcus and lucius ; as spartianus and capitolinus doe declare . but others say , that lucius was adopted by marcus ; so capitolinus in the life of marcus . wherefore in these words of justin , can be no other person meant by caesar the philosopher , than aelius verus , whom adrian adopted . for justin says , that lucius was by nature the son of caesar the philosopher , and the adoptive son of antoninus pius . now , its evident , lucius was aelius verus's own son : therefore by caesar the philosopher must be meant aelius verus . but there are two things which seem to withstand this exposition of this passage . the first is , the surname of philosopher is no way agreeable to aelius verus . indeed , aelius verus ( who was adopted by adrian ) was a learned man , and studious , especially in poetry , as capitolinus says in his life : but his moralls were in no wise agreeable to the study and profession of philosophy . then further , if justin would here mean aelius verus why does he not mention his name ? for the appellation of caesar the philosopher seems not sufficient to evidence him to be meant ; in as much as that appellation might be common to marcus also . we could easily clear our selves of these difficulties by admitting the reading of the four m. ss . maz. med. fuk. and savil. where this place is thus written [ and to lucius the philosopher , by nature the son of caesar ] which reading casaubon approves of , in his notes on spartianus . but we judge it not to be good . for it follows in justin [ the lover of learning ] where you see , marcus and lucius have each their epithetes : marcus is termed [ the philosopher ] and lucius [ the lover of learning ] vales. b neapolis , a city of palestine , is called flavia , because there was a colony brought thither by flavius vespasianus . before , it was called sichem . yet pliny does not say there was a colony there . afterwards , the emperour severus deprived it of its priviledges , and reduced it to a village , because it favoured nigers side . vales. c in the original 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] rufinus translates it [ postulatum , i. e. a petition ] the greek word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies , to goe to the emperour , and make a request to him ; which was most commonly done in writing : there is extant a form of such a petition ( presented by marcellinus the presbyter to theodosius augustus ) which syrmondus published lately : it begins thus ; deprecamur mansuetudinem vestram ; i. e. we earnestly intreat your graciousness , &c. vales. d see note b. in the following chapter . a eusebius is mistaken in attributing this rescript to antoninus pius , whenas it was m. aurelius's ( as appears by the title ) written in the first year of his reign , when he was consul iii. see onuphrii fast. ad ann . vrb. . the testimony of melito ( which eusebius produces to confirm his opinion in this point ) destroys it . for melito , in his apologie , reckons up all the rescripts of antoninus pius in favour of the christans ; to wit , his epistle to the lariseans , to the thessalonians , the athenians , and to all the grecians : now if this rescript to the common council of asia had been antoninus pius's , doubtless melito ( being of the province of asia ) would not have omitted it . for he could not be ignorant of it , since it was publisht at ephesus : and , when he had reckoned up the other rescripts of pius , why should he not make mention of this , which was written to the people of his own province ? vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. councill , is to be understood . for the afians had a common . councill of the whole province , to which each city sent its representatives ; as aristides declares , in the . of his orat. sacr. and the same authour says there , that this councill met in the upper phrygia , that is , at apamea , or synnada . yet , as it seems , they met in other cities . there were , in the other roman provinces , such councills as these . vales. c it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. your : as it is in justins apologie , at the end . vales. d although this rescript be not antoninus pius's ; yet it 's here produced in an opportune place . for in it is mention made of that epistle which antoninus pius wrote to the governours of provinces , when they enquired of him what they should doe with the christians . melito makes mention of this epistle of pius's ; whose words eusebius quotes in chap. . of this book . vales. e to some laws , in the codex theodosian . there is put [ p. p. ] which mark signifies that that law of the emperour was made publick in such a city . for the emperours , as oft as they would have any edict be taken notice of and known to all , were wont to write with their own hand this word [ proponatur , i. e. let it be publisht . ] vales. f that is , in the room or place where the councill met . it may also be taken for the temple which the province of asia built in honour of rome and augustus . there is extant an old coin of claudius augustus , whereon there is a temple to be seen with this title [ r. & aug . ] and this inscription [ com. asiae . ] on both sides of the temple . this temple , i suppose , was at ephesus , wherein all the cities of asia met to solemnize their religious rites for the prosperity of the emperour and the roman people : and this temple was for the use of all asia in common , being built at the publick charge . vales. a in the original the term is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which in this place is the same almost in signification with the word [ salutare , i. e. to salute ] for therefore would marcion have had himself taken notice of , that he might be saluted . so , antiently in the church , when the faithfull approacht the holy table , the deacon was wont to cry aloud often [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. acknowledge one another ] to wit , least any prophane person or jew should come to the sacrament . vales. s. paul uses this term ( cor. . . ) where our translation renders it [ acknowledge . ] * tit. . . . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. throughout pontus , the reading , as i judge , should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. every where : which is confirmed by the inscription of the epistle , which is thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. every where , &c. neither is there any mention of the churches of pontus in the title of this epistle . for philomelium is not a city of pontus , but of lycaonia , as pliny says , or ( as others ) of pisidia . for so in the acts of the council of chalcedon , one paul , a philomelian , is named among the bishops of pisidia . vales. in robert stephens edit . it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. throughout pontus . b this whole epistle , concerning the martyrdom of polycarp , is put out by the learned bishop usher . our eusebius does not insert the whole epistle ; the learned reader may see it entire in that edit . of bishop ushers . c in bishop ushers edit . of this epistle this place is different from what t is here . the words there are these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. for the most couragious germanicus strengthened the imbecillity of others by his great patience in undergoing the tortures . d or , coun●enance ; for in rob. stephens edit . it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but in the kings m. s. it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. behaviour , or , carriage ; ] as we translate it . vales. e in the maz. and med. m. ss . in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. which happened , &c. ] the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. which had been conversant ] and so rufinus read this place , as appears from his version : and the old translatour of this epistle , put forth by bishop usher , is found to have read it so likewise . vales. in rob. stephens edit . it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. which had happened to him . f so it was called whenever the first day of the feast of unleavened bread fell on the sabbath day . see jo. . . & . . for that which among the jews is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a feast , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the day of solemn assembly in any feast , ( and such were the first day , and the last of the feast of tabernacles , the first and seventh of the feast of unleavened-bread , and the day of penteoost ) is by the jews , writing in greek , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a great day . so the render it ▪ isa. . . where we read calling of assemblies . se● scalig. proleg . de emend . temp. p. , & . bishop usher ( in his tract de anno macedon . chap. . ) says that the great sabbath , mentioned here , was that which immediately preceded easter ; the learned reader may see the authour and his reasons . g it was the office of this magistrate to apprehend seditious persons , and disturbers of the publick peace , and , having before sent their indictments , to bring them to the places of judicature : so says august . in his , and epist. hence 't is here said , that herod , the irenarch of smyrna , took up polycarp into his chariot , whom he had commanded to be found out and apprehended by his guards . these irenarchs were made of some of the members of the court of judicature , as the th law in the codex theodos. does shew . at last theodosius junior wholly abolished that office in the east : his constitution is extant in the codex theodos. they had under their command horsemen , and the diogmitae , [ i. e. pursuers ] a sort of souldiers that were lightly armed , and so more expedite to pursue and take such as were thieves . vales. † that was the place where their sacred games and shews were exhibited . h this proconsul's name was statius ▪ quadratu●● for so 't is truly printed in the old latine translation of this epistle , which the most learned arch b. usher published . this man , as ● judge , was the same person with l. statius quadratus , who was consul in the reign of antoninus , anno ur● . condit . . aristi●●● makes mention of this proconsul of asia , in the first and fourth of his sacred orations : where he also calls him a rhetorician . i doubt not therefore but he was the same man with quadratus the consul , who , as philostratus says , was the master of varus sophista , who was wont to declaim extemp●re upon any subject given ; and was a great emulatour of favorinus sophista . in what year he bore the office of proconsul of asia , aristides indeed says not . but that , as it seems to me , may be made out from his relation . for , in the of his orat. sacr. aristides says , that a little after that plague which raged in asia , scverus was proconsul . eusebius , in his chronicon , places that plague on the year of m. aurelius antoninus . therefore severus was proconsul of asia in the of m. aurelius . when he was proconsul , aristides writes , that he received letters out of italy from the emperours ; to wit , from the seniour augustus and his son : where by the name of augustus he understands mareus ; and the son of the emperour is commodus , who was then called caesar. next before scverus , pollio was proconsul , as aristides attests in the same place ; and immediately before pollio , our quadratus was the proconsul of asia : for so says aristides in the same oration . so that quadratus was proconsul of asia in the of marcus's empire . on which year also eusebius , in his chronicon , places the martyrdome of polycarp . they are in an errour therefore , who say the martyrdome of polycarp happened on the ninth of marcus. for , whereas t is manifest from the attestation of aristides , that quadratus ( under whom polycarp suffered ) bore the proconsulate of asia in the seventh year of marcus , the death of polycarp is necessarily to be placed on the same year . vales. to wit , either the fire , or the wild beasts . for the reading in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in the plural number ; and so we translate it . vales. k these asiarchs were the priests of the community ( or whole body of inhabitants ) of the province of asia : for as the people of asia had temples built by common charge , sacred games , sacred feasts in common , and a common-council ; so also they had a priesthood called asiarchia , that is , the common priesthood of asia ; and those who executed this sacerdotal office ( which consisted in the managing their publick sports or spectacles ) were termed asiarchs . these asiarchs were elected after this manner : each city of asia , at the beginning of every year ( that is , about the autumnal equinox ) had a publick meeting , wherein they appointed one of their own citizens to be an asiarch ; then they sent deputies to the common-council of the province , who declared to them his name whom they had made choice of at home : after which the common-council chose about ten to be asiarchs , out of the number of all those , whom each city had elected to that office . see aristides , in orat. sacr. tâ . now the difficulty is , whither all these , who were elected , by the common-council , executed this office altogether , or whither onely one of them was asiarch ; valesius thinks there was but one asiarch ; his reasons are these ; though more than one were elected by the senate of asia , yet that perhaps was done that out of them the roman proconsul might choose one , as he usually did in the election of the irenarchs : again , the senate might elect more than one , because if the first that was chosen asiarch should die , before he had ended his year , there might be another to supply his place : lastly , that there was but one asiarch every year , is apparent from the words at the latter end of this epistle ( which eusebius leaves out in his quotation , but the learned reader may see them in arch b. ushers's edit ▪ of it ) where 't is said , polycarp suffered under philip the asiarch , and statius quadratus proconsul of asia . this is the opinion of valesius , and these are his reasons for it . on the other side , the incomparably learned usher affirms that there were more asiarchs than one at the same time ; which he collects from acts . . with whom agrees the learned d r hammond in his paraphrase and notes on that text , and also m r jo. gregory of oxford , pag. . of his works , edit . lond. . this office ( says valesius ) was very chargeable , therefore the richest persons were elected to it . hence 't is that strabo affirms , that the asiarchs were commonly chosen out of trallis , the citizens whereof were the wealthiest of all asia . l that is , the stake , ( to which such as were to be burnt were bound ) the nails , the ropes , and the tunica molesta ( mentioned by juvenal ) which was a coat , daubed all over with pitch and brimstone , and put upon the person who was to be burnt , vales. m from this passage i conjecture , that polycarp said this foregoing prayer of his with a low voice ; but pronounced amen aloud . that this of old was the custom of the christians ( that is , loudly to resound the amen at the end of the prayer ) the rite now observed in the church does demonstrate , to wit , that after each prayer repeated by the priest , all the people doe with a loud voice answer amen . vales. n this officers charge was ( not to fight with the wild beasts , as the bestiarii did , but ) to dispatch them , if at any time they were enraged , and like to endanger the spectatours , as sometimes it happened . they were also called lancea●ii . vales. o the phrase in the original is this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says hesychius ) oi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. they are said to communicate , who distribute to one another , and they that partake and receive from one another , whether friendship , or knowledge . whence it appears that the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is appliable to friendship or society ; which the primitive christians exprest to the martyrs , &c. departed , when , meeting yearly at the place where their sacred reliques were interred , they celebrated the anniversary day of their martyrdom : thus they maintained a friendship or society ( as it were ) with the departed martyr . the following words of this epistle doe declare the resolution of the church of smyrna about the celebration of the day of polycarps martyrdom , after this manner , and also the reason of that their so doing . p or , alce , for so it is in bishop ushers edit . vales. q in the learned ushers edit . 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that is , companions ; from the verb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] used here in the same sense , as we said ( note o. ) it is sometimes taken to signifie . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the original phrase : so the primitive christians called the days whereon the martyrs suffered , because at their deaths they were born sons ( as it were ) and heirs of the kingdom of glory . s this passage is otherwise ( and truer ) in b. ushers edit . thus [ who together with those of philadelphia was the twelfth that suffered martyrdom in smyrna . ] so that , those martyrs of philadelphia were not in number but onely ; and polycarp was the twelfth . vales. t eusebius purposely omitted the conclusion of this letter , as being unserviceable to his present designe ; and because he had inserted the entire epistle into another work of his , to wit , into his book concerning the sufferings of the primitive martyrs : the learned reader may see this whole letter ( as before we intimated ) put forth by arch b. usher , from the conclusion whereof he may observe , ( . ) that this epistle was not written immediately after polycarps martyrdom , but that there was some distance of time between that and the writing thereof : for the philomelians , hearing a report of the suffering of polycarp , sent letters to the church of smyrna , desiring an account of all particulars that happened at the suffering of this b. martyr : which those of smyrna willingly undertook , and wrote them this letter , most part whereof eusebius quotes in this chapter . ( . ) that polycarps martyrdom is there called evangelical ; and the reason is given , to wit , because polycarp fled from those who pursued him , ( agreeable to the example of our saviour . ) lastly , 't is observable therefrom , that polycarp was martyred the d day of the month xanthicus , that is , the th of the calend. of march. vales. but arch b ▪ usher dissents ( in this particular , that is , concerning the day of polycarps martyrdom ) from valesius , as the learned reader may see in his notes on that epist. and in his tract de anno solar , maced . & asian . eusebius is here much mistaken in that he thought , pionius , metrodorus , carpus , and the rest suffered in the reign of m. antoninus , at the same time when polycarp was martyred ; for 't is manifest from the acts of pionius , carpus , and papulus , that they were martyred in the reign of decius . vales. see usher , in his book de anno solar . maced . & asian . cap. . a eusebius mentions this second apology of justins in the following chapter and so does jerom in his work de script . ecclesiast . but in the vulgar editions of justin's works , his apologies are preposterously placed : for that which in the printed copies is put in the second place ▪ should be placed first ; and that which in those editions is set first , and dedicated to the roman senate , should be placed last ; which we shall more fully manifest hereafter . vales. b this passage of justin's is now extant in his first apology ; pag. . edit . paris . graco-latin . vales. c the maz. fuk. & med. m. ss . interpose here the preposition [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in ] which we have followed in our translation . the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we have rendered [ stocks ; ] in which sense this word is frequently used in eusebius ; for example , in the beginning of his b. the learned petavius ( in his notes on themistius , orat. . ) remarques that the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which there occurs , is the same in signification with [ nervus , i. e. a kind of stocks ] for these sort of fetters were made of wood . vales. the same word is used acts . . where our translatours render it thus [ and made their feet fast in the stocks . ] d in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. crescens did very ill , to defame the christians , ( the points of whose religion he was altogether ignorant of ) meerly to win the applause of the multitude . vales. in rob. stephens edit . it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. i. e. crescens did this to please and delight the erroneous multitude . e he means that incomparable saying of socrates , that is in plato's works : which valesius thought good to insert into his translation ; ( supposing it was left out by the negligence of the transcribers of eusebius ; ) and we also have exprest it in our version ; but it is not in this original edit . of eusebius , nor in rob. stephens edit . and is therefore printed in a different character . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original ; which though it ▪ be sometimes taken in that signification eusebius here uses it in ; yet by other writers ( and particularly by tatianus in his book here quoted by eusebius , about the end of it ) it is used in such a sense , as to comprehend all the learning of the grecians , and the liberal sciences . vales. g this work of tatianus's is extant at the latter end of justin martyrs works , edit . paris . . it is there called tatiani assyr●i contra graecos oratio . this passage here quoted by euseb. occurs p. , . where the translatour renders these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in megalopol●● : but we , following valesius , have translated it thus [ in the great city , i. e. rome . ] a it should be [ in his second apology , &c. ] as the learned petavius has conjectured ( in his notes on heres . . epiphan . ) for eusebius does not recount the apologies of justin in the same order wherein they are now printed . for that which in the ordinary editions is termed the second , and is dedicated to antoninus pius , eusebius calls the first , as appears from chapt . . b. . and from chapt . , and . b. . and that , which in the vulga ▪ editions is said to be his first apology , and is dedicated to the senate , eusebius calls the second , ( see chap. . of this book . ) and says ( chap. . and , of this b. ) it was presented to m. aurelius antoninus , after the death of pius . as to the order of justins apologies i agree with eusebius , and doe grant that to be the latter which is in the vulgar edit . inscribed to the senate . but whereas eusebius says , justins former apology was presented to m. aurelius antoninus ; i cannot assent to him . for , in the beginning of that apology justin says , that the woman ( which was a christian ) being accused by her husband , presented a petition to the emperour [ and she presented a libell to these o emperour : ] ( see these words in this chapter . ) now if that apology had been presented to the successou●s of antoninus pius , as eusebius thinks it was , doubtless ▪ justin would have used the plural number , and said [ to you , o emperours : ] for marcus and verus were both emperours together . again , justin says , that one lucius , seeing ptolemeus a christian led away to be put to death , used these words to the judge [ these judiciary proceedings are misbecoming both pius the emperour , and the son of caesar the philosopher , &c. ] ( in chap. . of this th b. the reading is better , thus , [ and the philosopher ] which is confirmed by our m. ss . ) who therefore sees not , that antoninus pius is meant in these words ? for his surname [ pius ] evidently shews so much ; and [ the philosopher son of the emperour ] manifestly confirms this our opinion . lastly , urbicus the prefect ( see note d. in this chap. ) whom justin there mentions , lived in the times of antoninus pius . for he was that lollius urbicus , who , being the emperours deputy , appea●ed the rebellion of the brittans , as capitolinus relates in the life of antoninus . apul●ius ( in the beginning of his apology ) affirms that this lollius urbicus was prefect of the city in the reign of pius . these are the reasons by which i am induced to affirm , that the latter apology of justin was not presented to m. aurelius , but to antoninus pius : under which emperour he suffered martyrdom , and not under marcus aurelius , as eusebius here places his martyrdom : but , in his chronicon ( whom georg. syncellus also follows ) he seems to place it in the reign of antoninus pius ; and so does mich. glycas , in annal. vales. m r tho. lydiat , in his emend . temp. says justin suffered under this emperour antoninus pius . b that is , a petition , wherein the woman requested of the emperour , that the proceedings against her might be deferred , which delay was usually granted as well to the accused , as to the accusor . see cod. theod. tit. . ut intra annum , &c. vales. c to wit , which was prefixt by the emperour ; who had granted the womans petition , in regard it was reasonable and just . vales. d this urbicus was prefect of the city ; whose sentence , pronounced against the two christians ptolemaeus and lucius , was the occasion of justins writing this apology . he was called q. lollius urbicus , as an old inscription at rome attests . see apulcius , in desens . su● : yet , 't is strange that in all our copies he is written urbicius . in justin he is now and then rightly called urbicus , to wit , in the beginning of his apology , and a little after that . vales. a or , mind ; as it is in the kings m. s. vales. in robert stephens edit . t is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. understanding . b the term in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in nicephorus , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the antient graecians called [ scholia ] some short notes ; and distinguish't them from exegeticks : for exegeticks were long and large expositions , and explained the whole work of a writer : but scholia were put to explain particular words , or to expound one sentence . sometimes , scholia are called short expositions of more obscure words and sentences . such were cyrill's scholia concerning the incarnation of the onely begotten son of god , which are now extant , and are nothing else but some short explications of the more obscure questions concerning the incarnation . and of this sort was justin's book of the soul ; to wit , some questions and opinions , concerning the nature and origin of souls ; to which were added justin's exposition and demonstration thereof . jerom calls them excerpta , which origen termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c epiphaenius seem● to have been of the same opinion . in his panarium ( lib. . heres . . pag. . edit . petav. ) he proposeth to us , as a certain truth , that the devil , before the coming of christ , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was in hopes of grace and pardon ; and that out of this perswasion of his , he never all that while shewed himself ●●●actory towards god : but that having understood by the manifestation of our saviour , that there was left him no hopes of salvation , he from thenceforth had grown exceedingly enraged ▪ doing as much mischief as possibly he could against christ , and his church . but this opinion ( as the learned petavius has observed in his note on that passage ) vulgò non probatur , i. e. is not generally approved of , as true . a in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] as it is in the kings m. s. and in rob. stephens edit . it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. after some words ; as we translate it . vales. b s r henry savil , at the margin of his m. s. made it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that is , i staied there . in robert stephens edit . 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] whether the learned knight corrected this passage from his own conjecture , or by the autority of some m. s. copie , is to me uncertain : however this emendation is very necessary . further , eusebius quotes this passage of hegesippus's in chap. . of this book ; between which place and this here there seems to be some disagreement . for eusebius writes there , that hegesippus came to rome in the times of anicetus , and staid there till eleutherius was promoted to that see. but hegesippus himself does not say so here , onely , that he staied at rome untill anicetus was bishop there . therefore hegesippus came thither about the latter end of pius's reign . vales. c see note ( a ) on c. . book . d in the kings , the maz. and fuk. m. ss . his name is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. thebuthis . in rob. stephens edit . he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. thebulis . rufinus , in his version , calls him theobutes , and thobutes . vales. e that is , he was one that gathered up his errours from the false opinions of those seven sects amongst the jews ; as did also simon , cleobius , dositheus , &c. vales. f some think that this dositheus was much antienter than these times he is here mentioned to have lived in : drusius ( in respons . ad minerval s●raii , cap. . ) asserts he lived in the times of sennach●rib king of assyria ; and jerom is of that opinion , as appears by what he says in dialog . advers . luciferian . but scalig●r , ( in elencho tribaeres . ) and origen ( book . against celsus ) affirm he lived since our saviours incarnation , and was co-temporary with simon magus . see photii bibliothec. cap. . vales. g or , goratheans : for so these hereticks are named in the kings , maz. med. fuk. and s r henry savills m. ss . vales. h by this passage hegesippus seems to have thought the tribe of judah clear of all sects and heresies ; so that none of that tribe were followers of the essens , sadducees , and pharisees , &c. but this is very improbable . hegesippus said it only in favour of that tribe , from whence christ sprang . vales. i these were the seven sects amongst the jews ; of which hegesippus makes frequent mention , as may be seen from some quotations out of him , which occur in the foregoing books . justin ( in disputat . advers . triphon . ) mentions them , but calls them by other names , to wit , sadducees , genists , merists galilaeans , hellenians , pharisees , and baptists . epiphanius terms them , scribes , pharisces , sadducees , essens , nazareans , hemerobaptists , and herodians . vales. k judas galilaeus was the original authour of this sect , ( says josephus , antiq. b. . chap. . ) who ▪ having joyned saddock , a pharisee , to him , sollicited the people to defection , telling them , that god was to be their onely prince and master , and no mortal to be acknowledged as such ; that the requiring a tax from them , if it were by them paid , was a manifest profession of servitude , and that 't was their duty to vindicate their liberty ; by which means he raised a great sedition among the jews , and was the cause ( under pretence of defending the publick liberty ) of innumerable mischiefs to the nation . see joseph . antiq. b. . chap. . l they are called also marboneans and morboneans ; they must be distinguisht from those whom hegesippus mentions a little before ; for these here were one of the seven sects amongst the jews ; but those were propagated from the seven sects ; as were also the simonians , dositheans , &c. vales. m indeed , jerom gives this epithet to that b. called the wisdom of jesus the son of sirach , ( in his preface to the books of solomon ) his words are these : fertur & panaeretos jesu filii sirach liber , & alius pseudepigraphus , qui sapientia solomonis inscribitur . quorum priorem hebraicum reperi ; non ecclesiasticum , ut apud latinos , sed parabolas pranotatum , &c. a this quadratus , i judge , is not the same person with that quadratus , the disciple of the apostles , mentioned by eusebius ( book . chap. . ) for the quadratus last named was not a bishop , as it plainly appears from the foresaid place of eusebius . but , that quadratus ( spoken of by our authour at the beginning of this fourth book ) who presented an apology to adrian for our religion , was the disciple of the apostles , as eusebius , in his chronicon , expresly affirms . now this quadratus here spoken of ( who was bishop of the athenians ) must , as i said , be distinguished from quadratus the disciple of the apostles : for this latter lived not beyond the times of adrian ; but he that was bishop of the athenians , governed that church in the times of m. antoninus , as 't is evident from dionysius's epistle to the athenians ▪ for he speaks of him , as being his co-temporary ▪ now dionysius bishop of corinth flourisht in the reign of m. antoninus ▪ vales. b he means the persecution in diocletians reign . vales. c dionysius means those brethren , who usually came from remote countreys to rome , to procure some relief for such as in their own countrey were in distress , and necessity . vales. d to this fragment of dionysius's epistle to the roman clergy is to be joyned that other passage of the same epist. quoted by our eusebius ( chap. . b. . ) vales. a concerning this hermogenes ▪ and his heresie , see baronius , ad annum christi . but , i cannot give my assent to him , as to what he affirms , viz. that hermogenes taught in asia . vales. the heresie of this hermogenes is related by theodoret ( heret . fab . l. . cap. . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. this hermogenes asserted , that the body of the lord was deposited in the sun : and that the devil and the civil spirits should be turned into matter . the seleuciani and hermiani taught the same ; to wit , that the body of christ ascended no farther than the sun ; the occasion of which assertion they took from those words of the psalmist , psal. . . which in s. jeroms translation is thus rendred , in sole posuit tabernaculum suum : but in the psalms used in our liturgy 't is thus worded , in them hath he set a tabernacle for the sun . see d r hammond on that text. the same opinion gregory nazianzen attributeth to the ma●icheans : epist. . ad cledonium , and s. august . tract . . in joh. this opinion is more largely and clearly set down , but without a name , in the catena patrum on psal. . where 't is said , that these [ hereticks ] assert , that after his resurrection , our saviour deposited his body in the sphere of the sun , to be preserved there till his second coming . a in all ou● m. ss . copies this title [ concerning the true way of converse and of the prophets ] evidently appears to be the title but of one book . jerom ( in his book de eccles. scriptor . which is almost wholly ▪ taken out of eusebius ) entitles this piece of melito's thus [ de vitâ propbetarum ▪ i. e. concerning the life of the prophets . vales. b melito wrote a book upon this subject , because there were some hereticks who asserted , that such men as were carnal , believed by the help of their senses ; but those who were spiritual believed by reason . so heraclio expounded that text in s. johns gospel ( c. . . ) except ye see signs and wonders , ye will not believe . which words heraclio said , were properly directed to those , who by works and their senses had the nature of obeying , but not of believing through reason . origen ( tome . enarrat . on s. john's gospel ) mentions , and confutes this opinion : where he declares , that neither spiritual nor carnal men can believe , unless it be by sense . vales. c in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . and in nicephorus , this book of melito's is intitled [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ] i. e. concerning the origination , &c. which reading ▪ we doubt not but is true . rufinus , as appears by his version , and robert stephens , as may be seen in his edit . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. concerning faith , &c. the ancient fathers , who lived before the nicene council , meant ( by the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ) not onely such a creation as is made out of nothing , but also all sort of production whatsoever , and therefore the divine origination of the word . those words of the apostle ( colos . . ) the first born of every creature , they asserted , were to be understood of the eternal generation of the son. vales. but as d r hammond observes in his notes on that text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. first born , is used some times for a lord , or person in power , who hath the priviledge of the first born , dominion over all his brethren ▪ and according to this notion ( continues he ) 't is used commonly in scripture for a prince , or principal person . see psal. . . job . . or it may peculiarly refer to his resurrection , in which he was the first born from the dead . see hammond on colos. . . d these words are to be understood of the christians ; which appears from what follows . for melito desires of the emperour , that he would first look into and examine the cause of the christians ; and then determine , whether they deserved to be punished , or rather preserved in safety . vales. e so he terms the jews , amongst whom the christian religion first sprang up . upon this account porphyrius ( whose words eusebius quotes book . chap. . of this work ) termed the christian religion [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. an audacious sect that had its beginning amongst barbarians . vales. f from this place it is evident , that melito the bishop presented his apology to m. antoninus after the death of aurelius verus . for , if verus had been then living , when melito wrote this apology , he would doubtless have mentioned him here ; and in stead of these words [ together with your son ] would certainly have said [ together with your brother . ] for l. verus was the adopted brother of m. aurelius . seeing therefore , melito does here mention onely the son of m. antoninus ( to wit , commodus ) t is manifest , as i said , that this apology was presented to marcus after the death of l. verus . and therefore eusebius ( in his chronicon ) places it on the th year of m. aurelius , to wit , the year after ver●●'s death . vales. g the same is asserted by tertullian ( apologet . cap. . ) whose words our eusebius quotes , partly at chap. . b. . and partly at chap. . b. . h the rescript of antoninus pius ( who is here meant ) in savour of the christians , is not now extant . 't is mentioned in the restript of m. aurelius antoninus to the cities of asia , which eusebius has set down in chap. . of this book . vales. a in our m. ss . maz. med. and fuk. there is in this place no beginning of a new chapter , but this chapt ▪ which treats concerning apollinaris , and the following chapt . concerning musanus , are both annext to chap. . the title whereof in our said m. ss . is this [ concerning melito , and what he has made mention of , apollinaris , and musanus ; ] which division robert stephen● followed in the body of this fourth book . for in the contents prefixt before this th book , he follows the kings m. s. and makes three chap. here , to wit , one of melito , another concerning apollinaris , and a third concerning musanus : but in the body of that book he follows the med. m. s. ( as he always does in this particular ) and has put no distinction of a new chap. here ; but hath made all the three chapters into one . we following the autority of the kings m. s. have divided them into three chap. and the same was done before , in the geneva impression of eusebius's history . vales. b these words [ his two books against the jews ] are not in the maz. med. nor fuk. m. ss . nor in that copy rufinus made use of , as appears from his version : nor yet in jeroms b. de eccles. scriptor . where he reckons up all apollinaris's books . but nicephorus mentions the● 〈◊〉 his history . vales. c m r tho. lydya● ( in his em●●d . tempor . ) says this heresie began in the times of m. aurelius and l. verus ; the authour whereof was montanus . a the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . and also nicephorus , call him saturninus . epiphanius and theodoret name him saturni●us ; and hegefippus terms those hereticks , which had their name from him , satur●ilians . see chap. . of this b. . vales. b jerom ( in his book de scriptor . eccles. ) takes the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in such a sense as to signifie a master of eloquence . such an one tatianus was before his conversion to the christian religion , as may be seen from chap. . of this th book . but i rather think , that by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ( which is the term in the original ) should be meant [ an ecclesiastical doctour ] which sense of that term the following words of irenaus doe confirm ; for he says , he was the composer of a new form of doctrin of his own making . vales. c epiphanius makes this severus to be ancienter than tatianus ; which is a mistake , as 't is evident from these words of eusebius . iren●us makes no mention of this severus . theodoret ( in his first book haeret. fabul . ) has rightly placed severus after tatianus . vales. d epiphanius ( in haeres . . ) says , this work of tatianus's is by some called the gospel according to the hebrews . but that gospel is more ancient than tatianus . for hegesippus , who flourisht some years before tatianus , makes mention of the gospel according to the hebrews , as eusebius tells us , chap. . of this book : papias also quotes a passage out of that gospel , as our authour asserts about the close of the d book . vales. e that is , his oration against the grecians , which is extant at the latter end of justin martyrs works . edit par . . at pag. . he begins the proof of this point , viz. the antiquity of moses and t●● prophets . a tatianus who was the founder of the heresie of the encratita , lived in mesopotamia , and there publisht his heresie , as epiphanius attests . and the same may be concluded from what theodore● write● , to wit , that he found above copies of the gospel made by tatianus in the churches of osdro●na . vales. b it 's doubtfull whether antoninus the emperour , or one of that name , who was a follower of tatianus's , be here meant . it is not likely that bardesanes should dedicate his books to the roman emperour , which he wrote in the syriack language . besides , eusebius ( in his b. de prapara● . ) does declare that bardesanes dedicated his dialogues to his followers and friends . vales. notes for div a -e a the persecution of the christians in the reign of marcus raged not every where at the same time ; nor was it ended in one years space . in asia it began first in the seventh year of m. ●ntoninus ; and that not by the edict of the emperour , but by a tumultuous insurrection of the populace against them : where it lasted to the end of that emperours reign , as 't is evident from these words in melito's apology [ for from that time the power of the roman empire began to be eminently great , and was much augmented : of which empire you by succession are the most acceptable inheritour that could be wisht for , and shall so continue together with your son , &c. see chap. . b. . note ( f. ) ] now , commodus was by his father received as his partner in the empire , when melito presented this apology to the emperour . his being made colleague in the empire , 't is evident , happened about the latter end of m. antoninus's reign : wherefore the persecution of the christians in asia must necessarily have lasted till that time . but this persecution was more sharp and violent in asia , in the gallias , and in other provinces , in the seventeenth year of the said antoninus , as eusebius does here say expresly . see baronius , ad annum christi . vales. a there arises here a double question ; ( . ) why this epistle was written joyntly by the two churches , that of vienna , and that of lyon● ? ( . ) why the french wrote in greek to the churches of asia and phrygia ? as to the first , i suppose it was for this reason done , because the churches of vienna and lyons were joyned together , not onely by vicinity of place , but also by the bonds of mutual love . and seeing they had together been engaged in the same persecution , they joyntly wrote an epistle concerning their own martyrs . besides , both provinces seem at that time to have been under the jurisdiction of one president ; which may be conjectured from hence , because as well they of vienna , as those of lyons , are in this epistle said to have been by the president apprehended , and condemned for the faith of christ. these therefore are the reasons why they wrote joyntly . for that which some have supposed , ( to wit , that then there was but one bishop of vienna and lyons ) is easily confuted out of this epistle , which says that pothinus was bishop of lyons , but not of vienna . moreover , those of lyons doe , out of respect , set the name of those of vienna first , whenas notwithstanding they of lyons wrote the epistle concerning the things which were done at their own city . which respect also may seem to be attributed to the antiquity , and nobility , of the colonie at vienna . as to the second query , we may understand from this epistle , that there were many grecians in the church of lyons , as was attalus , and alexander the phrygian , and alcibiades , who was by original extract a phrygian also , as i think : also iren●us was born in asia , and , when he was very young , had , together with florinus , been an auditour of polycarps at smyrna ; as he himself evidences . the very name also of pothinus the bishop shews him to be originally a grecian . 't is no wonder therefore , that those who came out of asia into the gallia's , should write to their brethren that were in asia concerning their affairs ; from whom , as 't is probable , they had before received that epistle concerning the martyrdom of polycarp , and others . i suppose irenaeus to have been the authour of this epistle , who at that time was a presbyter of the church at lyons . vales. b the term in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which signifies onely private houses , from which the christians were then driven , that is , from the houses of their friends , relations , &c. for i agree not with rufinus , who thought that the christians were prohibited to inhabit their own houses . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original ; which signifies any promiscuous or popular assembly ; these ( setting aside the sacred assemblies , which are otherwise expressed ) are principally of two sorts , either ( . ) to buy and sell , or ( . ) to resort for justice ; and the word here used commonly signifies both , or either of these , ( . ) a fair or market , ( . ) a place of judicature , an hall , or court of judgment . the romans termed this place forum ; which word they used in the same latitude that the grecians did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place , and hereafter , we have made use of the latine term in our translation ; and we therefore put this note in here , that the english reader might understand the meaning of it . * rom. . . d here in the first place is recounted the injurious usage , which the christians suffered from the whole multitude ; wherein imprisonment can have no place . for the judges , and not the people , had power to imprison those that were guilty . rufinus therefore translates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] concludi , i. e. to be shut up . for the heathens shut up the christians within their own houses , and would not suffer them to come abroad . vales. e he means the muncipal magistrates , who were also called the duumviri . although the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( here used ) is usually meant of those judges which have the power of the sword ; ( see ulpian . in tit . de jurisdict . ) yet it denotes the municipal magistrates also , who , as the civilians phrase it , have modicam coercitionem . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term that occurs here ) has a general signification . for all governours of provinces are so called , be they procuratours , proconsuls , or deputies of caesar. it may therefore be deservedly questioned of which of these three sorts the governour of the province of lyons was ▪ indeed , i think he was the deputy of caesar , which i am induced to suppose ( . ) because there is mention here made of the tribune of the souldiers . for that agrees very well with the deputy of caesar ▪ who lookt after the military affairs . ( . ) in the old inscription , which gruter speaks of , pag. , he is termed deputy of the lugdunensian province . see gruter . inscript . p. . lastly , spartianus ( in severo ) attests , that the province of lyons was in the reign of m. antoninus governed by deputies of caesar. and perhaps in this epistle of those of lyons , severus is meant : for he was deputy of the lugdunensian province under marcus. junius blesus also ( whom tacitus in the b. . of his history calls governour of gallia lugdunensis ) was deputy of this province ; and so was vitrasius pollio in the times of adrjan . vales. g this martyrs name should be written with a double ● , as it is in the maz. and fuk. m. ss . for vettius is a roman name , and occurs in cicero , and juvenal ▪ vales. h they mean zachariah the priest , the father of john the baptist , whom they call seniour , comparing epagathus , a young man , with him . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term here used . it seems to be a metaphor taken from champions , who before they engaged in the combat , were wont to be examined and proved , whether they were free men , and of the age that champions should be . and those that were admitted to the combat , were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ such as were repudiated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the examination it self was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i collect from this place . indeed this epistle is very full of athletical terms , as 't is manifest from this place ▪ and as we will shew more plainly hereafter . vales. k to wit , in the church of vienna and in that of lyons . but these words are in an especial manner to be taken notice of , because from them it appears manifestly , that the church of vienna , as well as that of lyons , had at that time its bishop . for by antient writers it is not called a church unless it be a mother-church , which we call a cathedral . ado viennensis ( in his chronicon ) says justus was bishop of vienna at that time ; who having been macerated with a long exile , was at last crowned with martyrdom . vales. l the story goes , that this thyestes eat part of his own son ; whom atreus his brother ( to be revenged of him for committing adultery with his wife ) made ready , and set before him . m he ( not knowing her to be so ) married his own mother jocast● , ( having before out of ignorance slain his own father laius , ) of whom he begat four sons . * joh. . . n the servants of the christians ( before mentioned ) being afraid of the tortures they were threatned with , had confest that the christians killed infants , and committed incest : and here the devill endeavoured , that the christians themselves , which were apprehended , should after the same manner calumniate the christian religion . therefore the judges tortured them all manner of ways , that they should confess , that they eat children , and committed incest . upon this account blandina ( as hereafter it follows ) cried out amidst her tortures — i am a christian , and there is nothing of wickedness acted amongst us . vales. o this sanctus was born at vienna , but was a deacon of the church at lyons . vales. * see joh. . . p that is , by reason of the greatness of his tortures . for they who were tortured in the eculeus ( the description of which engine see in turnebus his advers . l. . c. . ) were forced to bow their heads very much . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original . rufinus ( as by his version appears ) read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. wounds ; which reading seems to be right . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that 's the reading of the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . and 't is better than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the tormentours , as 't is in robert stephens edit . they are meant here , who calumniated the christian religion ; or at least those , who , by reason of the sharpness of the tortures , renounc't it , and confest that the christians killed infants , and committed incest . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. in the stocks , see chap. . b. . and the note there , concerning this term . the fashion of this engine for punishment , and the manner how persons were punished in it , seems to have been this . it was a piece of timber , wherein five paire of holes were made , at a certain distance one from the other : into these holes ( as it were into boots ) they put the feet of offenders , and fastned them therein with cords and fetters . the meaning of [ their feet being strained to the fifth hole ] is , they forced them to stradle so wide , as to put their feet into the last pair of holes ; which posture , ( those holes being at the greatest distance one from the other ) was the sharpest degree of torture in this engine . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the phrase , i. e. in their passage from their confinement to the place of judicature . vales. † psal. . . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by this term the amphitheatre seems to be understood ▪ for it can't be referred to [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] because the preposition is repeated , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. this is the reading of the maz. med. fuk. & savil. m. ss . vales. the meaning of this place is , that the president , or deputy , of the province of lyons granted the people an extraordinary shew of fighting with the wild beasts ; a day being appointed for that purpose , because of the christians , who were condemned to the beasts . for the romans had set days for these spectacles , which fell on the month of december , as may be seen in the calender of heruuartius . except on these days , i● was unlawfull for the bestowers of these sports , or for the duumviri ( on whom the charge of these shews was imposed ) to exhibit these spectacles of fighting with wild-beasts to the people . but those judges , who had the power of the sword and of condemning persons to the beasts , exhibited these shews as often as they pleased , that they might delight the people by destroying of offenders . vales. x we noted before , that many athletical terms were made use of in this epistle . amongst which is to be accounted the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which occurs here . for the champions , who were to contend in the games , were wont to be drawn forth by lot , which , after what manner it was done , lucian ( in hermotimo ) tells us . there was a little silver box , dedicated to the god that presided over the games , into which the lots were cast . upon two the letter a was written ; upon other ▪ two the letter b , and so on . then the champions drew these lots out of the box . those two , who drew ●orth the lettter a , engaged one with the other , and sought in the first place : and this was the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] in like manner , they that drew the letter b , engaged one another in the second place . so the lot and the ur● assigned every one his antagonist . he that vanquished his adversary , was not immediately crowned , but engaged in another encounter with those others who had conquered their adversaries , untill there remained onely one victour over all . upon which account they drew lots several times . hence 't is , that in the farne●ian inscription ( which gruter speaks of pag. . ) one asclepiades is said to have gotten the victory in many encounters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. after the first or second casting of lots having vanquished the antagonist● the second , or third time . for this was usual for that reason i mentioned , as often as there were many couples of champions . for the conquerours engaged one another , and there was a second and third drawing of lots amongst them , untill the victory remained to one . and this is that which , in this epistle , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. y it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] so 't is in the med. m. s. and in nicophorus . see peter faber , in his first book agonistici , chap. . note , also , that blandina , being a servant , was crucified ; for that was the punishment of servants . vales. robert stephens reads [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] z the gladiatours and the bestiarii , before they began the encounter , were wont to be led about in the presence of the spectatours . see lucian , in toxari . this was usually done not onely with those who let themselves out to play prizes , but also with those offenders , which were condemned to the sword , and to the wild-beasts . so martial , traducta est gyris , nec cepi● arena nocentes . vales. * that is , by making intercession for them , &c. vales. a the term in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which is used as well in an active as passive sense . 't is a metaphor taken from the wild-olive-tree , which being gra●●ed , grows sweet ; of which s. paul speaks . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lexicographers differ very much in their giving the signification of this term ( which here occurs . ) stephens ( in his thesaurus , ) renders it , fustibus concidi , i. e. to be beaten with clubs : varinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. to be beheaded : the etymologicon ( publisht by sylbergius ) says it signifies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no● barely to be put to death , but to be killed with the tympanum , which is ● piece of wood called a cudgell : the reader will find a large and learned account of this term , and of this engine of torture , in d. hammonds note on hebr. . . where he makes it appear , that this sort of punishment was very painfull , contumelious , and capital . c the publick meeting , from all parts of gallia , up ▪ on account of the sports and games , was at lyons , at the altar consecrated to augustus . this altar was consecrated when julius antonius and fabius africanus were consuls , on the calends of august , as suetonius says , in the life of claudius . dio writes , that these games were continued in his time . hence 't is collected , that the martyrs of lyons suffered in the month of august ; but not all in one day , as 't is evident from this epistle . vales. d in the kings m. s. and , in rob. stephens edit . the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. number . see note ( x ) in this chap. vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the phrase in the original ; t is s. pauls expression , galat. . . e rufinus translates this passage thus , qui à praeside in medium statui jussus , i. e. who being commanded by the president to be set before him . which translation pleases me best . for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is the word here used , does properly signifie , to set before the judge ; in which sense also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rufinus translates it , ju●ulat● sunt , that is their throats were cut ; i would rather have it thus rendred , they were run through with a sword . for it was the custom that the confector should ●●ay the bestiarii ; as we noted before , in the martyrdom of polycarp , b. . chap. . vales. g hence it 's manifest that the sports of the gladiatours were wont to be exhibited for the space of some days , at lyons , at that famous assembly of all gallia , before the altar of augustus . besides these sports of the gladiatours , there was a day granted by the president for fighting with wild-beasts , on account of the christians , as 't is expressely said in this epistle . for i suppose , that these two terms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not to be confounded , though the latines comprehend them both in one word , to wit , munus . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the greek term ; which rufinus translates craticulam , i. e. a grid-iron : it is the same , which before is called the iron-chair , on which the martyrs being set , were broyled , as it were on a gridiron . thus the christians were used before they were cast to the wild-beasts . vales. i amongst the sports of an amphitheatrical shew this was one ; a bull was brought in , to whom ( being first enraged ) they cast offenders inclosed in a net ; whom , like balls , he tossed on high . martials verse on this subject are well known , taurus ut impositas jact at ad astra pilas . vales. k that is the devill ; the greek word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies , a wild-beast ; but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is often taken for the devill . vales. l rev. . . where instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as the reading in the original is here ; we now read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he that is unjust , let him be unjust still ; see the original of the text. m these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. neither would money perswadethem ] are not in our three m. ss . maz. med. and fuk. the kings m. s. and robert stephens edit . doe retain them . vales. n the maz. med. fuk. and savil , m. ss . read it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. were swept into the river rhone : but the reading of the kings m. s. of stephens edit . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. were strewed , &c. vales. * philip. . . a s r henry savil , at the margin of his m. s. copy , has mended this place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. and had been cast to the wild-beasts , and taken from them again ; which emendation is put in the margin of the geneva edit . indeed christophorson read this place thus , as appears from his translation ; but 't is uncertain whether he did it by conjecture , or from the authority of some old copies . our m. ss . alter not the reading here . moreover ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the term in the original ) signifies in this place , to be cast again into prison ; in which sense 't is twice used in the foregoing chapter . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus translates it truest , thus , omnibus rationem fidei suae reddebant , i. e. they gave all men an account of their faith : it may be rendred thus , they excused themselves to all : for that 's the proper signification of ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * act. . . c the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. over all , vales. d he means the novatians , who afterwards excluded such as fell in time of persecution from all hope of absolution . vales. a this alcibiades must be distinguished from alcibiades mentioned a little before in this chapter . he , that is first named in this place , was a companion of the b. martyrs of lyons . this person here was ( together with montanus and theodotus , ) a ringleader of the sect of the cataphrygians . concerning whom see chap. , & of this book . vales. b eleutherus bishop of rome , was first deceived by the montanists , who craftily hid their errour under the pretence of a felgned plety . moreover , being moved thereto by the letters and exhortations of the martyrs of lyons , he wrote an epistle to the churches of asia and phrygia , concerning the receiving of the montanists into the church . but being soon after admonished by one praxeas of asia , he revoked his pacifick letters which he had sent ; and , following the authority of his predecessour anicetus , refused to admit of a new prophecy . so tertullian , in his book , against praxeas . vales. c that is , the brethren of asia and phrygia , as well as eleutherus , were embassadours for the peace of the church , see b. . chap. . note ( a. ) a blondell ( in his apology , chap. . p. . ) denies that the martyrs of lyons wrote to eleutherus ▪ for he affirms that the martyrdom of pothinus , and the lugdunensians , happened on the seventh year of marcus the emperour , on the year of christ ; at which time soter was ▪ bishop of rome . the martyrs of lyons ▪ therefore could not write to eleutherus who then had not succeeded soter . but our eusebius does refute blondell , saying plainly , that the same martyrs recommended , &c. vales. b valesius , in his note here , will not allow that irenaeus did actually goe this journey to rome ; the martyrs indeed , says he , had desired him , and he had promised to undertake it ; but the heat of the persecution coming on , and he being fixt in the presidency over that church , could not be spared personally to undergoe it . but since eusebius clearly intimates , and s t jerom ( in catalogo ) and baronius ( at the year of christ ) doe expresly affirm that the martyrs sent him upon this errand , 't is safest to grant his journey thither ▪ thought it must be while he was yet presbyter , for so they particularly say he was in their epistle to the bishop of rome , part of which our eusebius has here inserted . see the learned d r cave's apostolici ; in the life of s. irenaeus ; pag. . edit . london , . c the kings , maz. and fuk. m. ss . read eleutherus ; as doe also nicephorus and rufinus . but there are some who call him eleutherius . vales. a eusebius is here much mistaken , who says , that m. aurelius was brother to antoninus the emperour , whenas m. aurelius antoninus was one and the same person . his adoptive brother was not named marcus , but lucius aelius verus , as all men know . but he , who fought against the germans and sarmatians ( to whom god granted a sudden shower to allay his souldiers ▪ thirst , ) was not l. aelius verus , but m. aurelius antoninus , as all historians do attest ; which our eusebius does confirm also in his chronicon , where he says this was done in the th year of antoninus , that is , four or five years after the death of l. aelius verus . vales. b melitina is a countrey of cappadocia , scituate between commagenes and cata●nia , sayes strabo in his book ; who also relates , that that country had no cities . but afterwards melitina became a famous city , which , upon a new division made of the provinces , was attributed to armenia the less ; so says amm. marcelinus , who always calls it melitina . vales. * that is , the name of that legion ; he means not the very persons , which then were in it . c some of the heathen writers , who have mentioned this thing , say the rain was procured by the inchantments of magicians ; others assert it to have been done by the prayers of marcus the emperour . so capitolinus in the life of marcus , and claudian in the sixth consulate of honorius . moreover , they have set down the very words of the prayer , that marcus used , which are these , hanc dextram ad t● , jupiter , tendo , quae nullius unquam sanguinem fudi● ; i. e. i stretch forth ibis right hand to thoe , ● jupiter , which never shed the bloud of any man. vales. d that is , the lightning legion . scaliger has long since remark't , ( in his animad . euseb . ) that the legion was not named fulminea upon account of this miracle , for it was so called long before antoninus's time . dio cassius makes this evident , in his b. where he reckons up all the legions . also , the old inscription , produced by scaliger , confirms this . wherefore , as to the miracle of the rain , obtained by the prayers of the christian souldiers , we doe readily give credit to the attestation of apollinaris ▪ and tertullian ; but apollinaris has not yet perswaded me to believe , that the legion melitina was named the lightning legion upon that account . some may object , that there was indeed a legion , called the lightning legion , before antoninus's time , but that he gave the legion melitina that name also , because of the benefit he received by their means . but , if it were so , it ought to be called the second lightning legion : and yet dio makes no mention of any such legion , although he reckons up exactly all the legions enrolled by the former emperours . moreover , dio says , that the lightning legion had its station in cappadocia , which agrees very well with the legion melitina . in the book called notitia imperii romani , the prefecture of the legion , termed fulminea , at melitina , is reckoned under the disposition of the duke of armenia . whence t is collected that melitina was not the name of the legion , but of the town , wherein the legion , called fulminea , abode . but 't was not usual to give the legions their denomination from the places where they were in garison , but from the countreys wherein they were inrolled . therefore , what eusebius says concerning the legion melitina , seems to me scarce probable . besides , rufinus purposely omitted this name of the legion , as i suppose , because he knew that melitina was the name of a town in armenia the less , wherein the legion , called fulminea , kept guard in his time . but ( that i may freely say what i think ) it seems not very probable to me , that a whole legion of roman souldiers should at that time be christians ; which yet eusebius seems to affirm : who errs in this also , because he has not produced the place of apollinaris , nor shown the book wherein he wrote these things . but the words , with which eusebius closes this whole story , doe sufficiently shew , that he himself doubted of the truth of this matter : for thus he says , in this chap. let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure . vales. e tertullians words are these ; at nos è contrario èdimus protectorem ; si litera marci aurelii gravissimi imperatoris requirantur , quibus illam germanicam sitim christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbriodis cussam contestatur . tertul. apol. pag. . edit . regal . paris . f quales ergo leges istae ▪ quas adversus nos soli exequntur impii , injusti , turpes , truces , vani , dementes ? quas trajanus ex parte frustratus est , vetando inquiri christianos : quas nullus-hadrianus , quanquam curiositatum omnium explorator ▪ nullus vespasianus , quanquam judaeorum debellator ; nullus pius ; nullus verus impressit . tertul. apol. pag. , and . edit . as before . we have added these words of tertullian here , that the learned reader may see how different the translation , eusebius here quotes , is from the original copies of tertullian , which we now have . g baronius has placed the election of irenaeus to the see of lyons on the year of christ . for after the death of pothinus , which happened in the year , he says that see was vacant till the heat of the persecution was over . vales. d r cave , in his chronological table , says pothinus died in the year of christ , to whom succeeded irenaeus the year following . * tim. . . a our m. ss . copies read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i doctrine ; i would rather read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] succession ; as christophorson , s r hen. savill ▪ and the old translatour of irenaeus read it . vales. a the m●● ▪ med. fuk. and savill m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prayer ; the kings m. s. and robert stephens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purity . vales. a these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. of which number irenaeus was one ] seem to be superfluous , and written in the margin onely , by some scholiast . but they are in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . vales. b irenaeus , in that he affirms here that the gospel according to mark was written after the death of paul and peter , does contradict what eusebius related before ▪ at the th chap. of the second book : where he says mark 's gospel was publish't at rome , whilest peter was alive , and approved of by that apostle . but 't is no wonder that the antient fathers disagree amongst themselves in this matter : seeing we have almost nothing of certainty about the writing of the sacred gospels , save that they are four , and written by four several authours . but when , or for what reason they were written , and whether the gospel of s. matthew were first penned in hebrew , it s not very evident . vales. c all the ancient ecclesiastick writer ▪ ( as before was noted ) call that book the wisedom of solomon , which we now call the proverbi . but that b. entitled now the wisedom of solomon , is apocryphal . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here in the original ) does properly signifie , the sayings of wise men , which are repeated by heart . vales. e irenaeus is the ancientest writer that makes mention of theodotion . wherefore we will see , if from hence we can make out the time when theodotion lived . epiphanius ( in his book de ponderib . ) says theodotion flourished under commodus , and then put forth his translation . the chronicon of alexandria follows epiphanius's opinion , and says he publisht that work in the sixth year of the emperour commodus . i judge theodotion to be somewhat ancienter . for , seeing irenaeus has mentioned him in his books against heresies , ( which books , t is manifest , he wrote when eleutherus was bishop of rome , for he says so in the d b. of tha● work , ) we must necessarily grant that theodotion flourisht before eleutherus was made bishop of rome . vales. f some of the ancients doe declare that the greek translation of the holy scriptures was performed under ptolemaeus the son of lagus ; others mention it to have been done under ptolemaeus philadelphus . which latter opinion in that 't is confirmed by the authority of the greater number of writers , has at last prevailed . anatolius says the translation of the was made both in the reign of ptolomy the son of lagus , and also in that of his successour philadelphus : which to me seems very probable . for , seeing aristobulus , josephus , and tertullian doe say in express words , that demetrius phalereus put ptolomy upon this business ; and it being manifest that the said demetrius was in great favour with , and authority under , ptolomy the son of lagus , and died soon after him , we must necessarily say that this translation ( if it were done by the procurement of demetrius ) was begun in the reign of ptolomy the son of lagus . and , seeing that philadelphus reigned about two years together with his father , being made his colleague in the kingdom , therefore perhaps 't is related that this translation was made under both the princes . vales. the learned petavius is of the same opinion with valesius , in this matter ; as may be seen from his annotations on epiphanius's book de ponderib . pag. . edit . paris . . g cle●oens alexandrinus says the seniours translated all the books ( as well those of the law , as those of the prophets ) of the scripture into greek . to whom agrees theodoret , in his preface to his comment on the psalms , olympiodorus , and almost all other writers . but aristobulus and josephus , both jewish writers , doe intimate that the law onely was by them turned into greek . aristobulus's words may be seen b. . of eusebius de praparat ▪ and josephus's in his preface to his antiquities . but to this it may be answered , that the jews , under the name of the law , doe sometimes comprehend the prophets also . see ma●ius's preface to the greek edition of joshua . vales. h valesius reads this passage thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. satisfying the kings desire herein . ] he says christophorson read this place so , and s r hen. savill in his m. s. but the kings , the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . ( as he says ) and robert stephens , in his edit . read it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. god having done according to his own will. we follow valesius ; but leave the reader to his liberty . i justin the martyr ( in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the gentiles ) says the . seniours were by ptolomy put into so many cells ; the ruines of which he saw at alexandria : epiphanius ( in his book de ponderib . ) says the king placed them two and two in a cell . these words of irenaeus agree best with justin's account of this matter . others there are , who deride this whole story about the cell ; because neither josephus , nor aristeas , nor philo make any mention of them . see petavius's annotat. on epiphanius , pag. . edit paris ; and m r gregorie's discourse ( of oxford ) concerning the interpreters . * at alexandria . a rufinus , and jerome ( in catalogo ) doe say , that pantaenus , returning from india to alexandria , brought with him that gospel of s t matthew in hebrew . but eusebius does not say so . for by that which he adds , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] he meanes onely thus much , viz. that than copy of bartholomew's was preserved untill pantaenus came into india . so nicephorus expounds eusebius's words b. . chap. ; but i assent not to nicephorus , in that which he says further , to wit , that that gospel of s t matthew , which pantaenus found in india , was dictated there by bartholomow . i rather believe that copy was brought thither by bartholomew , out of judea . further , jerom ( in catalog . ) says , the gospel of s t matthew , written in hebrew , was preserved in the library of cafarea ( collected by pamphilus the martyr . ) even in his time . but i doubt 't was the gospel according to the hebrews , which the nazareans used . for some thought , that this gospel of the hebrews was the original copy of s t matthews gospel ▪ but that 's a mistake . vales. a these books of clemens's contained a short and compendious exposition of both testaments , says photius , in his bibliotheca . but , because of the errours with which they abounded , they were disregarded , and at length lost . neither is there any other reason , in my opinion , why the books of papias , hegesippus , and others of the ancients , are ●ost . yet the excerpta out of theodotus , which are extant after his stromatewn , seem to be taken out of his institutions ; which i wonder no body has taken notice of before . this i conclude to be true , both because in those excerpta out of theodotus there are the same things said of christ , which photius attests he read in clemens's books of institutions ; and also because the authour of those excerpta does , about the end of them , call pantaenus master . now pantaenus was clemens's master , as eusebius says in this chapter ; whom clemens in his institutions , does often quote , as photius relates . vales. * or , the most eminent persons of the apostolick succession . † it was that part of italy , which since is called cal●bria . b valesius thinks this person was tatianus , justin the martyrs scholar ; baronius says 't was bardesanes , of whom see b. . chap. the iast ; but he was no assyrian ; for he was of edessa , the chief city of o●droena . c baronius says , this was theophilus bishop of caesarea ; but i rather think him to have been theodotus ; which i conjecture from hence , because the epitome of clemens's institutions is entitled , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the epitome of theodotus his oriental doctrine . ] for clemens calls that the oriental doctrine , which he learned from his masters in the east . i have two arguments to perswade me , that clemens does not here mean theophilus of caesarea ; ( ) theophilus was contemporary with clemens , for he flourisht in the times of victor bishop of rome , as we are informed by our eusebius . ( ) none of the antients ever said that theophilus was an hebrew , or , which is all one , a jew . vales. a the most famous churches , especially those which were founded by the apostoles , did with great care keep the successions of their bishops laid up amongst their archives , recording their names , and the day of their deaths , in a pair of writing-tables . these our eusebius had diligently examined , ●s appears from this place ; and he has digested the bishops of the principal sees from the authority of these tables onely . wherefore , the successions of bishops which are recounted in the history and chronicles of eusebius are highly to be prized , as being the ancientest , and most certain . vales. b before this valens , the names of two bishops are wanting , to wit , maximus , and antoninus , which were omitted by the negligence of the transcribers ▪ for seeing eusebius affirmed narcissus to have been the fifteenth bishop of jerusalem from mark , and the thirtieth from the apostles ; that can't be unless you add two bishops here . eusebius indeed , in his chronicon , after capito the twenty sixth from the apostles , reckons maximus , and antoninus ; after these valens , and dolichianus ▪ and then narcissus . georg. syncellus and nicephorus doe agree with eusebius ; onely between julianus and capito they insert one helias , whom eusebius does not admit of . vales. a rufinus does well translate this passage thus , qui abstinentiae & senectutis praerogativ●usus , &c. who making an advantage of his abstinence and old age , &c. for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] does usually signifie abstinence and a more strict course of life . but i understand not how apelles could boast of his continency ; who was rejected by marcion , because he was a fornicatour , and afterwards retreated to alexandria ▪ as tertullian affirms in his book de praescription . wherefore let us see whether the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] does not signifie something else here ; it sometimes denotes the office of a decurio , or , captain over ten horsemen ; for these commanders are by the graecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have observed in my notes on amm. marcellinus . also , a man may conjecture , that this place should be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. his venerable hoary ha●rs and old age . for apelles was commonly called old man ; and so rhodon terms high in this chapter . eusebius favours our conjecture , b. . chap. . where speaking of alexander the bishop , he uses this very phrase . vales. b the kings m. s. and stephens edition doe here insert these two words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the mariner ] but they are wanting in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . indeed tertullian , in his book de praescription , does testifie that marcion was at first a mariner ▪ ubi ●unc , says he , marcion ponticus nauclerus , stoica studiosus ? vales. c the kings m. s. and robert stephens edition call this man's name potimus ; the maz. med. fuk. and savill m. ss ▪ term him potitus ▪ so does rufinus , in his version ▪ and theodoret b. . h●r●t . fab. vales. * he means marcion ; see b. . chap. . * that is , the holy ghost ; whom s t john , in his gospel , does , several times call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comforter . see jo. . . a rufinus , and cristophorson supposed the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to signifie errour● nicephorus takes it in such a sense as to signifie , a discharging ; and thought that blastus , as well as florinus , was degraded from being a presbyter . vales. a the opinions of writers are various and different , concerning this person , whose authority eusebius quotes in this chapter . rufinus , nicephorus b. . chap. . and baronius thought it was apollinaris of hierapolis , whom eusebius mentioned a little before . jerom ( in his book de scriptor ▪ eccles. ) supposed him to be apollonius , and afterwards thinks 't was rhodon . apollinaris of hierapolis was not the authour of this book , 't is from hence manifest , because he wrote against the cataphrygian heresie when it newly arose , as eusebius attests at the end of b. . but this unknown authour compiled his books after the death of montanus , maximilla , and theodotus , as appears by the fragments of them quoted in this chapter . see halloixius in his notes on the life of apollinaris , chap. . vales. b in the greek menology at the of october , mention is made of the holy averci●s , ( so nicephorus calls him b. . ) bishop of hierapolis , a worker of miracles . halloixius put forth this persons , life in greek , tome . concerning the famous writers of the eastern church . vales. c why this authour without a name calls the her●sie of the cataphrygians , the sect of miltiades , rather than of montanus , 't is hard to be determined . for he means not here that miltiades , of whom eusebius speaks in the following chapter . for he wrote for the catholick truth against the cataphrygiant . the learned langus , who translated nicephorus , at this place put in alcibiades in stead of miltiades . indeed alcibiades is by eusebius ( b. . cha . ● ) named amongst the principal abettours of the cataphrygian heresie . therefore we must either read alcibiades here , or miltiades there . vales. d the kings m. s. and nicephorus ( b. . chap. . ) in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. throughout pontus ] reads it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the church of the place , ] to wit , ancyra . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that is , filled with the noise of , &c. for the whole church of that place ●ounded with the rumour of this new prophecy , inasmuch as , by reason of the strangeness of this great matter , all men talk't of it . hence it appears , that the gift of prophecy was in those times rare and unusual in the church ; seeing that the prophecy of montanus which then arose , stirred up at that time such commotions in the church . which certainly had not happened , had the gift of prophecy been then common in the church . vales. f s r h●n . savill ( in the margin of his copy ) made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ i. e. continually , daily : so christophorson read it . vales. g the reading of the fuk. and savill m. ss . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the enemies of god. so he calls the montanists , because they were the introducers of a new paraclete , or holy ghost . vales. h this zoticus otrenus must be distinguished from zoticus of comanes the bishop , whom this authour mentions hereafter in this chapter . for he of comanes was the antienter of the two . vales. i there were heretofore two mysia's , ( as also two phrygia's , ) says strabo , b. . the one called the greater , which strah● calls olympone ; the other the less , which ptolemy calls hellespon●ia . both of them bordered on phrygia . whence arose the greek proverb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] concerning which see erasm. adag . p. . edit . wech●lian . there was also another mysia in europe , which the latines call masia , but the greeks always mysia . to difference this mysia therefore from the other , 't is stiled here [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. that mysia which borders on phrygia ; or mysia in asia . in the maz. m. s. this town is called ardabab . vales. * or , distinction , for the term in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † see mat. . . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is a metaphor taken from women , who leaving their husbands bed , go by stealth to that of the adulterer . for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to sleep , i● often used for these adulteries , as it occurs frequently in sacred writt . vales. l montanus , or rather the devil who spoke through the mouth of montanus , knew , that 't was predicted by the lord , that the spirit of god , at his coming should reprove the world of ●in . therefore , the devil , that he might make his auditours believe he was the true spirit of god , did sometimes reprove , and rebuke them . vales. m amongst the montanists there was a certian chest , into which those of their party put money , which was for the maintenance of the prophets . theodotus was the first that look● after this chest ; whom this authour does therefore call the procuratour of their prop●ecy . montanus with his prophetesses was otherways a great co●ener , who under a pretence of offerings , scraped much money together . he usually gave salaries to the preachers of his doctrine . 't was necessary therefore he should have his treasury , and one to oversee and look after it , who also might deliver out the stipends to such as montanus ordered should be paid . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , to be seized with a false extasie or trance . for there are true extasies ; such was peter's act. ; and pauls , when he was caught up to the third heaven . there are also false extasies amongst hereticks , which this authour does elegantly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these false extasies di●te● little from madness , because the devil is the procurer of them : but those which proceed from the divine spirit doe not at all disturb the state of the mind , but are calm and pleasant , as epiphanius says ( in heres . cataphryg . ) vales. o these words within this parenthesis seem to me to be a scholion , which some old scholiast , or eusebius himself put in the margin of his book at this place . besides , from hence it may be collected that asterius urbanus was the authour of these three books against the cataphrygians , and not apollinaris , as rufinus and christophorson supposed . vales. p this was a great man amongst the montanists , who boasted himself to be a confessour , and a martyr ; and was so audacious , as , like an apostle , to write a general epistle to the churches , in recommendation of this new prophecy . apollonius speaks much concerning this man in the following chapter . vales. a in the foregoing chapter we observed that the name [ miltiades ] was put for [ alcibiades . ] on the contrary , here [ alcibiades ] is crept into the text of eusebius , instead of [ miltiades . ] in nicephorus t is [ miltiades ; ] but neither he , nor christophorson , understood this place . vales. b rufinus , and baronius , were mistaken , in that they supposed these following words were taken out of miltiades's book . for this nameless authour quotes nothing out of miltiades's book , but onely out of the cataphrygians answer to miltiades's book : which thing translatours understood not . now the meaning of this place is this ▪ there is a great difference between the true prophets , and the false . for the true prophets , who were filled with the spirit of god , did foretell things future in a quiet and serene temper of mind . but the false prophets , as was montanus , uttered what they said in a raging and mad temper of mind . indeed this was the chief objection of the ecclesiasticks against the montanists , who boasted they were inspired with a prophetick spirit , because they prophecied in an extasie . but we read that no prophet either under the old or new testament did ever prophecy in an extasie . therefore miltiades wrote a book against them , which was thus entitled [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. a prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind . see epiphanius , advers . haeres . montanist . chap. . & ; and chrysostom . homil. . on the epist. corinth . vales. c jerom , refinus , and other translatours thought miltiades dedicated his apology to the roman emperours , called here [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but because at that time there was onely one roman emperour , ( to wit , commodus , ) i judge the governours of provinces are here rather meant . for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] does commonly signifie the presidents of provinces . to these therefore miltiades dedicated his apology , as did tertullian afterwards ; who calls this miltiades , the rhetorician of the churches . vales. a montanus instituted three ●ents every year , and besides them , two weeks of abstinence , wherein nothing but dry meats were to be eaten . so tertullian , in his book , de jejuniis , and jerom , in his epistle to mercella . apollonius objects here against montanus , his instituting fasts by a law ; not that 't is a fault to observe fasts ; or as if 't were not lawfull for some in the church to proclaim fasts : for the apostle s t john appointed a three days fast ●t ephesus , before he betook himself to the writing his gospel . but montanus had no power to proclaim a fast , being an heretick , an excommunicated person , and no presbyter . apollonius therefore does deservedly blame him , because of his own head , not by apostolick tradition , he instituted fasts . vales. b in the maz. med. fuk. m. ss . and in nicephorus , this woman is called prisca : which is confirmed by rufinus , tertullian , and firmilianus , robert stephens calls her priscilla . vales. c the montanists covered their avarice under the pretext of religion , and specious term of oblations , as apollonius says a little before in this chapter . vales. d christophorson thought the cross was meant here : but doubtless apollonius means bonds , which themison could not endure for christs sake . for that which he calls [ the sign of confession ] here , in the next words he terms [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] bonds . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original . at athens there was an house so called , behind the temple of minerva polias , wherein the publick treasury was laid . so says harpocration , on that word . in all the temples there was such a place , as varro asserts , b. . but here this term must mean the publick registry , where the publick records are kept . vales. * mat. . , . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term , which rufinus translates [ an apostate . ] vales. * he means montanus . g the greeks call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines term , crines tingere seu rutilare , to die , or make the hair red . to doe which they made use of ashes which had been put into lye , as varro says ▪ see hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * that is , a kind of colouring stuff , which is used to make the eye-brows black . h i perceive now why eusebius places apollonius after the authour without a name , of whom he spake in the foregoing chapter . for because that anonymous authour says he wrote his books fourteen years after the death of montanus and maximilla ; and in regard apollonius does here say montanus broacht his new prophecy years before he wrote ; therefore eusebius supposed apollonius to be a later writer than that anonymous authour : in which , as i judge , he is much out . for apollonius wrote his book whilest montanus , and his mad prophetesses priscilla and maximilla , were yet alive , which appears from these passages [ let the prophetess answer us concerning alexander , who terms himself a martyr , with whom she feasts , &c ] and again [ and yet the prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man whom he has converst with for many years ] eusebius quotes in this chapter . apollonius therefore does not say , years were past from the death of montanus , when he wrote this book ; but onely , that montanus had set a broach his false prophecy years before he went about to write this book against him . let us suppose therefore montanus to be thirty years old when he set up to be a prophet ; he could not be above years old when apollonius wrote his book against him . neither had he maximilla and priscilla for his companions , as soon as ever he began his heresie ; but , as i judge , they were ensnared by him a long while after . vales. a eusebius ( in his th b. cha . . ) calls these men [ pontius and caricus . ] jerom ( in catalogo ) calls them carinus , and pontius . vales. b so the ancients termed the prophesie of montanus and his associates ; as may be seen from tertullian , de jejuniis ; jerom , in catalogo ; firmilian , in his epistle to cyprian ; and the old authour quoted by our eusebius , chap. . of this b. vales. c the reading of the maz. med. fuk. and savill m. ss . agrees with our translation , to wit , [ by all the brotherhood in the world . ] the kings m. s. and robert stephens read it thus [ by all the brotherhood in christ , over the whole world . ] vales. d debeltum , or develtum , a colony in thracia , is mentioned by geographers , and in the old coyns , which john tristan put forth . anchialus also , hereafter named , is a city of thracia , sufficiently known . but why should the subscriptions of the bishops of thracia be put to the epistle of serapion bishop of antioch ? if i may make a conjecture , i suppose the bishops of thracia had written an epistle to the churches of asia and phrygia against montanus's prophecy ; wherein they gave their opinion thereof , after the same manner that those of vienna and lyons did , as our eusebius related before . that these subscriptions were put to the bottom of some epistle , 't is apparent from cyrenus's subscription here mentioned . but 't is no way likely that those bishops did subscribe serapions epistle ; ( ) because eusebius does not say so , but onely that the subscriptions of many bishops were contained in serapions letter , as was also apollinaris's epistle to the said serapion . for serapion did this with good advisement , that he might confute the heresie of montanus by the authority of many bishops . ( ) how could the bishops of thracia subscribe the letter of a bishop of antioch ? 't is most probable therefore , as i said , that the bishops of thracia had with a joynt consent written to the churches of asia and phrygia . vales. e that is , bishop of anchialus , a city of thracia , as we said before . this sotas the bishop , hearing of this new prophecy , sailed out of thracia into phrygia , where having seen priscilla , not filled with the holy spirit , but actuated by the devill , he undertook to cast him out of her by exorcism . not onely sotas , but also many other bishops went at that time into phrygia , to examine that new prophecy , says the anonymous authour , chapt . . of this b. moreover , we may observe , that sotas , was dead , when aelius julius wrote this ; which is shown by the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a term which the greeks use when they speak of a dead person : had sotas been alive ; he would doubtless have confirmed this thing by his subscription . the same term serapion uses , when he speaks of apollinaris , who also was then dead . vales. a here we began the chapter ; following therein rufinus , musculus , and christophorson . the kings , the maz. and fuk. m. ss . begin the chapter from these words [ and of this sort were the matters , &c. ] which are the close of the foregoing chapter . vales. b the antient christians did frequently use this term ; as often , as they disputed against the gentiles , under which title they put forth many books , to shew that there was one god , the maker and king of all things , which term [ to wit , monarchy ] they ascribed to god the father ; but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the dispensation , and administration ] they assigned to the son and holy ghost ; so tertullian , ( in his book against praxeas , ) and tatianus , ( adversus graecos . ) there is a book of justin the martyrs , now extant , which has this title . moreover , from this title of irenaeus's book we may conclude , that florinus asserted two principles , and embraced the opinions of cerdo and marcion , affirming one to be the authour of good , the other of evil . vales. c see irenaeus , and epiphanius , concerning a work of valentinus's , which bears this title . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original . those notes which were set at the margin of m. ss . that the reader might understand something remarkable occurred there , were properly so called . therefore we translate it [ adnotationem , i. e. a note . ] this note is now to be found in many greek m. ss . exprest onely by the two first letters , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] which doe signifie [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. note . ] this adjuration of irenaeus's did so well please eusebius , that he put it at the beginning of his chronicon . vales. e all our m. ss . and nicephorus , doe read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. his goings out ] and so we translate it . vales. f it was the custom of the primitive christians , ( when they heard any impious expression in a familiar discourse , which was disagreeable to the rule of the catholick faith , ) forthwith to stop their ears , and run away . see irenaeus ( b. , against heresies , chap. ; ) and jerom , b. . against rufinus . vales. * or , every soul of all sorts of men . for that 's the import of the greek , if it be exactly rendred . valesius translates it [ ex omnigenere hominum quàm plurimos , i. e. very many of all sorts of men . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. he unclothed himself ; 't is a metaphor taken from champions , who , being to engage , strip't themselves , and studied by various arts and subtilties tò vanquish their adversaries . vales. b this apollonius was not the same person with him , mentioned chap. . of this book . jerom ( in catalogo ) calls him a roman senatour . eusebius does not say ▪ he was one of the senate , in this place . but more of this hereafter . vales. c jerom ( in his book de scriptor . ecclesiast . ) supposes the person here spoken of to be apollonius's servant ; and calls his name severus . vales. * that is , the devil having stirred up one of his own instruments , or , ministers , &c. d he means the rescript of marcus , mentioned chap. . b. . see that place , and the notes upon it . rufinus thought the edict of trajan , ( which eusebius mentions b. . chap. , ) or the rescript of adrian , ( see chap. . b. , ) to minucius fundanus ; was here meant . vales. e the judges , who interrogated the christians that were brought before them , were wont to perswade and entreat them to have a regard for their own safety , by embracing the worship of the heathen gods. there are infinite examples hereof in tertullian , eusebius , &c. vales. f from this passage i am induced to think that apollonius was of the senatorian order , as jerom has said . who upon the information of some desperate fellow ( whose name is unknown ) was brought before perennis , the prefect of the praetorium , ( i. e. the officer to whom the oversight of the souldiers was committed ) as being a christian ; being ask't by the judge what order he was of , and making answer that he was of the senatorian order , perennis commanded him to give an account of his faith before the senate . which when apollonius had with much eloquence done , by the sentence of the senate he was put to death . why may we not therefore believe jerom , who ( in his book de ecclesiast . scriptor , and in his epistle to magnus ) has said in express terms , that apollonius was a senatour ? and although eusebius does not expresly say so here ; yet from this relation of his thus much may be collected . besides , jerom might have read the acts of apollonius's suffering , to which eusebius does here refer us . in which acts , t is probable , apollonius was called a roman senatour , and was said to have been betrayed by his servant . these acts were written at rome in greek , by men that were grecians , after the same manner as the acts of the lugdunensian martyrs were written in greek . vales. g jerom ( in his book de scriptor . eccles. ) misunderstanding this place of eusebius , has accounted apollonius , amongst the ecclesiastick writers . but eusebius onely says , that apollonius made a most elegant oration before the judges in defence of the faith he profest , not that he wrote an apology . scaliger takes notice of this mistake of jerom's in his animadvers . eusebian . p. . but he has there altered the reading of part of this place in eusebius , thus [ but the martyr , most beloved of god , after he had beseech't the judge by many intreaties , that he might have leave to give an account of his faith before the senate . ] which emendation is contradicted by all our m. s. copies , and by reason it self . vales. h all translatours have rendred this place without taking any notice of the particle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in their versions ; supposing it to be useless . which as i judge , is not true : first because the senatours were not judges , neither had they jurisdiction . [ ] perennis , who was the judge in this cause , had remitted apollonius to the senate , not that the senate should give judgment upon him , but that apollonius should give them an account of his religion : he honoured the senate so far , that he would not condemn a senatour , before the senate had had cognizance of his crime . when therefore the senate had heard apollonius , their answer was , that the man should be judged according to the law. after this apollonius was punished with death , by the sentence indeed of perennis himself , but by the decree of the senate , because the senate had heard him , and given their consent that he should be condemned . vales. i he means the rescript of trajan , which eusebius mentions b. . chap. , at the latter end . see the place and the note upon it . vales. a in his chronicon eusebius assigns fifteen years to eleutherus , and continues his presidency to the last year● of commodus . between which two accounts of his there is a great disagreement . vales. b nice phorus calls him bacchylus . but sometimes diminutive terms , such as this is , are written with ● double l. vales. a the reading of the maz. med. fuk. and savill m. ss . is [ the churches of all asia , ] as we have translated it . asia may be taken in a threefold sense ; sometimes 't is taken for the third part of the world ; sometimes for a province , divided into nine jurisdictions , which was governed by a roman proconsul ; at other times 't is more strictly taken for that region which lies by the river meander . in these words of eusebius , 't is , in my judgment , to be taken in the second sense , to wit , for a province which a proconsul governed . vales. * that is , the fourteenth day after the appearance of the new moon : for the religious part of the jewish calendar was concerned in these appearances of the new moon , the reports whereof were made by the country people . see the whole manner hereof described particularly , by the learned doctor cudworth , in his excellent discourse concerning the true notion of the lords supper , pag. . see also m r jo. gregory of oxford , in his discourse concerning upper-rooms . p. , &c. b the learned arch-bishop usher , in his dissertation prefixt before ignatius's epistles , thap . . says , that the asiatics , who celebrated easter , with the jews , on the first day of unleavened bread , passed over that day with mourning and fasting ; after which day was ended , they concluded their lent-fast . which opinion eusebius does here contradict , in that he affirms expresly , that the asiatics did put an end to their fastings on the th day of the first month , although it were not sunday . vales. c here eusebius does plainly declare that the asiatics onely did at that time celebrate easter with the jews ; but that all the other churches observed that festiyal on another day . wherefore i dissent from halloixius , arch-bishop usher , and others , who suppose that the syrians , mesopotamians , and cilicians , did then keep easter at the same time with the asia●ics . 't is evident that the syrians and mesopotamians , were then right in their sentiments about this matter , which appears from their councills here mentioned by ensebius . for o●droena is a part of mesopotamia : but afterwards they fell to the jewish observation of this festival , and that before the nicene councill , as athanasius asserts . on the contrary , the asiatics forsaking their former errour , embraced the sounder opinion in their observation of easter ; which they did before the nicene-councill , as appears from constantines epistle , which eusebius relates b. . chap. , and . of constantines life . vales. d it was questioned amongst the antients , at what hour the fast before easter was to be concluded ; some were of opinion , that it was to be continued to the dawning of easter day , after the cock-crowing , as may be seen in epiphanius , and clemens : others thought it was to be finished on the saturday ▪ evening before easter-day ; so cyrill , in homil. paschal . vales. e the bishop of caesarea , ( before the nicene council , and a longtime after , ) had the dignity and honour of a metropolit●● , and presided in all the councils of palestine , as being bishop of the chief see. nevertheless , the bishops of jerusalem had a respect shown them ; their 's being the apostolick church , which first had a bishop . therefore the bishops of that see were not under the bishops of caesarea , but were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. were , as to their priviledges , independent of the see of caesarea . see the seventh canon of the nicene-council . vales. f he was bishop of amastris in pontus , of whom dionystus bishop of corinth makes mention , in his epistle to the church of amastris , which epistle our eusebius speaks of b. . chap. . there was one , which bore the same name , ( to wit , palmas ) of the consular order , whom adrian commanded to be killed ; so says spartianus . moreover , eusebius says , this palmas presided , as being the most antient bishop , not that he was a metropolitan . for heraclea not amastris , was metropolis of the cities of pontus . but in the ecclesiastick councils the precedency was different , according to the diversity of times and places . the plainest and most reasonable cause of precedency was , that the antientest bishop should take place of the rest . afterwards the bishops of the metropolitan churches had that honour given them ▪ vales. g jerom ( in his book de scriptor . ecclesiast . ) expounds this place so , as if bacchylus had convened a council in achaia , apart by himself : for in this sense he takes the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] here used by eusebius : but there may another sense be given hereof , to wit , that bacchylus wrote a private epistle in his own name concerning easter , not a synodicall letter , as the rest did . eusebius ( book . chap. . ) calls a private lettor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * he means easter-day . † eusebius quotes part of this epistle at the chap. of his d b. the learned reader , upon comparing of the original greek , here , and at the said chapter , will find some small difference : upon which account our version of the two places differs ; for we translated them as we found them . a see b. . chap. . note ( d. ) but the jewish use of this plate of gold can't be meant here ; for john was neither high-priest amongst the jews , nor yet of the sacerdotal race . polycrates mentions things of john ; . that he was a priest , , a martyr ; , a d r , or evangelist , now as he was a doctor of christ , and a martyr for him ; so also must he be understood to be a priest of christ. 't is probable those first christian priests , in imitation of the jewish high-priests , did wear a plate of gold , as a badge of honour . epiphanius ( in heres . nazaraeor . ) says james the brother of our lord , who was ordained the first bishop of jerusalem , wore such a plate of gold on his forehead . the same is said of mark the evangelist in a m. s. concerning his suffering . vales. b this is thraseas the martyr , whom apollonius mentions in his book against the cataphrygians ; whose words our eusebius quotes chap. . of this book ; rufinus says he suffered martyrdom at smyrna . vales. c melito bishop of sardis makes mention of this martyr , in his book concerning easter ; in those words which our eusebius quotes b. . chap. . this sagaris was bishop of laodicea in asia ; in whose times the question concerning easter was raised at laodicea . vales. d in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . this mans name is thus written , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 papirus . ] t is a roman name . polycrates does not say where this papirius was bishop . but i find in simeon metaphrastes , ( in the life of polycarp ) that this papirius was successour to polycarp bishop of smyrna . vales. e polycrates does here stile melito , an eunuch , that is , in our saviours explication , one of those , who make themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heavens sake ; who are content to deny themselves , and to renounce the lawfull pleasures and comforts of the world , for the service of religion . jerom ( de scriptor . ecclesiast . ) attests that this melito was by many accounted a prophet . vales. f rufinus thought that seven of polycrates's ancestours , or relations , were bishops of ephesus . but polycrates does not say they were all bishops of ephesus ; we may suppose they were bishops in several cities of asia . vales. g in the kings , and maz. m. ss . this place is plainly written thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. when the people removed the leaven . so rufinus read this place , as appears by his version ; viz. qui omnes ita observarunt hunc diem ut conveniret cum illo quo fermentum judeorum populus ausert ; i. e. all which so observed this day , that it might agree with that wherein the people of the jews removed their leaven . i wonder why robert stephens read it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the people prepared , & c ? ] for on the th day of the first month , the people did not prepare , but cast away their leaven . see exod. . . vales. * acts . . h hence 't is apparent that victor bishop of rome had written to polycrates to convene the bishops of asia ; and threatned to excommunicate him , unless he obeyed his determination about ▪ easter . as to his menaces , polycrates answers i am not at all terrified at what i am threatned with . vales. i valesius ( in his note at this place ) is of opinion that victor did not excommunicate the churches of asia ; but onely endeavoured , and threatned , to doe it . the reasons he brings for this are these : ( ) euseblus says expresly [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. he endeavoured to cut off from the communion , &c. ] ( ) the epistles written to victor by irenaeus and other bishops doe shew that the sentence of excommunication was not then pronounc't by victor ; for thus eusebius writes concerning irenaeus's letters [ but does in many other words seasonably advise victor not to cut off whole churches , &c. ] ( ) photius ( in biblioth . chap. . ) writes that irenaeus wrote many letters to victor , perswading him not to excommunicate any one for their dissent about the observation of easter ; therefore , before irenaeus wrote , victor had excommunicated no body : now , it cannot be supposed that victor did it after receipt of irenaeus's . letters ; for then eusebius would have made mention of it ; but he intimates the contrary to all this , calling irenaeus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] i. e. peace-maker , because his letters restored peace to the church . these are valesius's reasons . on the contrary , socrates , ( b. . chap. . ) halloixius in his life of irenaeus , pag. ; and d r cave in the life of irenaeus pag. ; are of opinion , that this sentence of excommunication was actually pronounc't by victor . their main argument for this , is grounded on these words of eusebius , which here follow [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we have thus rendred [ and by his letters be , i. e. victor , publickly declares , and pronounces all the brethren there to be wholly excommunicate . ] which , whether it does not outweigh all that valesius has said to the contrary , is left to the determination of the learned reader . k this epistle therefore of irenaeus's was a synodical epistle ▪ because 't was written in the name of the churches of france , the chief city whereof then was lyons . this epistle is mentioned by eusebius , in the foregoing chapter : for i judge it to be one and the same epistle , because 't is unlikely there should be two synods convened in so short a time , to determine of one and the same matter . vales. l irenaeus says , that at that time there was a two fold dissention in the church ; the first concerning easter day ; the second about the form of the fast ; i. e. how many days were to be kept as a fast ; for so he explains himself in the follow●ng words . for all , as well those who celebrated easter on the sunday , as those who , with the jews , kept that festival on the fourteenth day of the moons appearance , did agree in this , to wit , that they fasted before easter . which fast , as well as the feast of easter , they had received from apostolick tradition : see eusebius , book . chap. . and the notes there . vales. m amongst the antient christians there were three kinds of fasts : the first was the fast on wednesdays , and frydays , which ended at the th hour of the day , ( i. e. at three a clock in the afternoon , ) after the end of the station , or holy communion . the second sort was the lent-fast , which ended about the evening . the third sort was the strictest of all , and lasted to the cock-crowing ; which was therefore by the greeks called [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] in latine superpositio . epiphanius ( in his expositio fidei catholic . at the end of his books , against heresies ) does plainly distinguish these sorts of fasts . so does dionysius alexandrinus , in his epistle to basilides . but now , it may be demanded , which of these sorts of fasts irenaeus does here speak of ? 't is manifest , he means not the first sort ; for he evidently speaks of a whole days fast , some suppose , says he , they ought to fast one day , &c. dionysius alexandrinus , and epiphanius , ( in the places before mentioned ) seem to be of opinion , that irenaeus means the d sort of fast. vales. n these words of irenaeus are variously understood . bellarmine thinks he speaks of lent. cardinal perron supposes he speaks of the week that precedes easter : which opinion is confirmed by dionysius alexandrinus , and epiphanius , in the places before cited . vales. o without doubt irenaeus means , the friday of the great week ; ( i. e. the week before easter ; ) on which day was kept a publick fast , says tertullian , in his book de orat. and in that de jejunio . vales. p to wit , on the preparation day , ( which we call good-friday , ) and on the great sabbath ( i. e. the saturday before easter . ) for on these two days all persons , except the sick , were wont to fast , says tertullian , in his book de jejunio . vales. q the kings , maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . doe read and point this place thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] and musculus has faithfully translated it thus [ alii quadraginta horas diurnas & nocturnas computantes , diem suum statuunt . ] whom we follow in our version of this place ; having rendred it thus [ others computing forty continued ] hours of the day and night make that [ space ] their day [ of fasting . ] this reading is doubtless the truest : for irenaeus having said that some fast one day , others two , others more ; what need is there of his adding this [ others fast fourty days . ] when as in those words of his [ others fast more days ] fourty days are comprehended ? besides , if the stop be put at [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fourty , ] ( as 't is in the savil. m. s. and in rufinus and christophorsons translations ) to what shall the following words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ] be referred ? if they be referred to those that fast fourty days , ( as 't is certain they must ) then 't will necessarily follow , that those who fast fourty days during that time doe eat nothing at all , seeing that they account their fast must be continued all the hours of the night , as well as of the day . having made out the true reading of this place , we come to explain the meaning of it . irenaeus therefore says , that some fasted fourty continued hours of the day and night . some think this fast of fourty hours was kept by them in memory of that space of time which was between the death of christ and his resurrection : which space of time contained about fourty hours ; to wit , from the th hour of the preparation day ( that is , between and a clock on good-friday ) to the dawning of easter-day : but i suppose 't was kept in honour and memory of christs fourty days fast in the wilderness . three things may be collected from these words of irenaeus . ( ) that the fast before easter was usually observed in the church from the very times of the apostles . ( ) this fast was celebrated in honour and memory of christ's fast : ( ) that the space of time , allotted for this fast , was various and different ▪ but we ought always to remember that irenaeus does here speak of the fast of superposition , ( see note ( m ) in this chap. ) which the christians usually observed throughout the great-week ; ( i. e. the passion-week : ) the fast in which week being once admitted , the fast of lent must also be admitted : for the week before easter is part of lent. sometimes indeed we see the fast of this week is distinguisht from the lent fast ; ( as in epiphanius's expositio fidei , &c. ) but 't is not so distinguisht , as if it did not really belong to lent ; but 't is distinguished from it , as the part is from the whole . the reason of this distinction is twofold ; ( ) it was kept with a more strict fast , to wit , the fast of superposition , as we shewed before , ( note m. ) ( ) this week does properly belong to easter . for the feriae ( or days ) of it have their denomination from the following sunday , as shall hereafter be manifested . hence 't is called the great-week ; the reasons of which term chrysostom does give in his homily on genesis . this week began from the second feria , ( i. e. monday , ) says cyrill in homil. paschal . and epiphanius in a●rianis . vales. r in the original 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. their day [ of fasting . ] but irenaeus did doubtless write [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. their fast. ] s irenaeus would shew here whence so great a diversity about the fast before easter arose . he says therefore , that it proceeded not from any law given by the apostles or christ ; but did by degrees grow in use ; and afterwards some bishops , being too remiss in those things belonging to discipline , made that a custom , which was introduced by simplicity and singularity , and left it to be observed by their successours . in this sense socrates took irenaeus's words here , as appears from what he says b. . chap. . vales. t in turnebus and moreus's book , at the margin 't is mended thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] i. e. with them . so rufinus reads this place , as appears by his version . vales. u the sense of this place is this ; although the observing , and not observing of any custom are in themselves contrary ; yet as often as he that observes the custom is conversant among those who observe it not , this diversity will be much more apparent . vales. † the bishops were wont , in the time of the festivity of easter , to send the eucharist to other bishops , in the name of a benediction . this custom was at length forbidden in the council of laodicea . chap. . vales. x though the exact time of polycarps coming to rome cannot precisely be defined , yet will it in a great measure depend upon anicetus's succession to that see , in whose time he came thither . now 't is evident , that almost all the antient catalogues place him before soter , and next to pius , whom he succeeded . this succession eusebius ( in his chronicon ) places on the year of christ ; ( a computation doubtless much truer than that of baronius , who places it on the year ; ) and agreeable to this the chronicle of alexandria places polycarp's coming to rome , in the year ; in the of antoninus the emperour . see d r cave's life of s t polycarp . pag. . y valesius ( in his note on this place ) denies that polycarp came to rome concerning the difference about the paschal solemnity ; for it was , he says , some other controversies , that brought him thither . but irenaeus's express words are ( if our eusebius has rightly represented them , in b. . chap. . ) that polycarp came to rome and discourst anicetus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] i. e. upon account of a certain controversie concerning the day whereon easter was to be kept . 't is true , irenaus says ( in this chapter ) there was a difference between them [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. concerning some other things ; but this does not hinder , but that the other was his main errand to rome . z that is , anicetus had so great a respect for the venerable polycarp , that he permitted him , in his own presence to consecrate the sacrament in his own church . vales. the maz. fuk. and savil. m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. for letters , &c. ] the letters about easter are meant here . the acts of this synod of caesarea are extant in bede , in his book concerning the vernal equinox ; which some look upon to be spurious ; but i think they are in no wise to be despised . baronius accounted them to be genuine . vales. a the chapters of this fifth book , were , even in our m. s. copies , very much disordered ; but we have put them into due order , from the authority of rufinus ; with whom agrees the kings , and the maz. and fuk. m. ss . for those copies begin the chapter at these words , with this title [ how many [ monuments ] &c. ] but they call it chap. . when as 't is truly the ; as appears from the index of the chapters prefixt before the book . the cause of the mistake was , that the titles of the former chapters were set down twice in the foresaid copies , through the negligence of the transcribers . vales. b the reading in the original is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius thinks it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a demonstration . ] c rufinus translates it [ dialogos , dialogues ] jerom renders it [ tractatus , tracts . ] it may be taken to signifie sermons or discourses to the people : for in that sense our eusebius takes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his b . chap. ● . and in the chap. of that book he calls origens homilies [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( which is the term here ) does properly signifie , internoscere , ac distinguere , i. e. to discern , or distinguish . the import of eusebius's words is , that those writers which by some certain mark be was able to distinguish from heretical authours , were heraclitus , maximus , &c. rufinus and jerom , instead of heraclitus , read heraclius . our historian does here relate , first the ecclesiastick writers of that time , whose names he knew : afterwards he mentions those , whose books were 〈◊〉 extant ; but their names were unknown . vales. b the title of maximus's book was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concern●ng matter : it was composed by way of dialogue . eusebius quotes a most excellent piece of it in his last chap. of his b. preparat , evang. where he gives the authour this elogue : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. maximus , a person in no wise obscure for his christian life and conversation , wrote a seasonable piece entitled , concerning matter . vales. c eusebius does usually quote some passages out of those authours works which he mentions : so he did , as we see , out of irenaeus , clemens , hegesippus , papias , and others ; whenever he knew the time of the authours writing . but in these writers , whom he mentions in this chapter , eusebius says he could not perform this , because he could not certainly know the times they lived in , but was in want of arguments and proofs thereof . vales. a nicephorus ( b. . chap. ● . ) says , the name of this book ( the authour whereof is unknown ) was the little labyrinth : photius ( in biblioth . chap. . ) relates that caius was the authour of this book ; and makes it not the same book with the little labyrinth : but theodoret ( b. . heret . fabul . ) confi●ms nicephorus's opinion , and mentions this very story of theodotus the tanner , and natalis the bishop , atte●ting he had taken it out of the book called th● little labyrinth . vales. b hence it appears , that 't was an antient custom in the church to compose psalms and hymns in honour of christ. pliny ( in his epistle to trajan ) mentions this usage amongst the christians ; as we have already observed , at b. . chap. . c perhaps this person was that caecilius natalis , who by a dispute of octavius januarius's before minucius faelix at rome was converted to the christian faith ; as minucius faelix relates , in his dialogue . indeed , the name , the time , and the profession of this person doe all agree to make this probable . vales. d the maz. med. fuk. and savill m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. to be elected . ] the kings m. s. and rob. stephens read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. to be called . ] vales. e valesius says those stripes are meant here , which natalis had undergone for the confession of christ ; quas , says he , pro christi confessione per●ulerat : indeed natalis is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a confessour , at the beginning of this story ; and afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a martyr or witness : but perhaps the authour might mean here the stripes , which the story says he received from the holy angels . f these are logical terms : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly such a proposition , as this [ if it be day , there is light . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is such an one as this [ either it is day , or it is light . ] see diogen . laert. in zenone . vales. g he speaks of the last advent of our saviour ; which the antient fathers usually speak of not as future , but present . vales. h galen wrote books concerning the forms of syllogisms , and concerning the whole systeme of philosophy , as appears from the catalogue of his works . from this place 't is evident that galen is a very antient authour , which may be collected not onely from the testimony of this writer , but from many others , who have made him contemporary with aristotle , theophrastus , and plato . see alexander aphrodis . b. . topic. at the beginning . vales. i some call him asclepiades ; but nicephorus and rufinus term● him asclepiadotus . a little after this instead of [ apollonius ] we read [ apollonides ] as did rufinus , and nicephorus . vales. k s r henry savill in the margin of his m. s. had made it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by him . ] our other m. ss . read it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by them . ] but the former reading is the best : for the authour speaks onely of apollonides here ; affirming that he put forth two editions of the sacred scriptures ▪ the latter of which differ'd very much from the former . vales. l the following words [ neither did they receive such copies as these from those who were their instructours ; nor yet can they shew the copies out of which they transcribed these things ] are wanting in the kings m. s. i think them not very necessary : but they are in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . and in rufinus's version . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. by , or , by reason of , is here to be understood . these hereticks , under a pretence of the grace given by the gospel , rejected both the law , and the prophets : upon which account he calls their doctrine lawless and atheistical . vales. notes for div a -e a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lectis●imi , i. e. the choicest , 't is the nearest signification of the word , but does not fully explain it , for the word imports something more . see viger . idiot . pag. . b 't is a critical dispute whether the greek word be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an aspirate , or a tenuis : some say 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because 't is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 maturè and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 natus , i. e. born in a fit season : and for this reason the med. maz. and fuk. m. ss . always write it with an aspirate . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eusebius always uses both for the gospel , and the christian religion , as in ▪ chap. , and . of this book , and this rufinus renders divinae legis studia : christoph. sacrarum literarum studium ; and musculus translates it divin●m doctrinam . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are the words in the original : the greeks , call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the liberal arts which children learn'd ; but philosophy , by the testimonies of several authours is not included in that phrase , as diogenes laertius , clemens alexan. and eusebius himself in chap. . b. . do assert ; hence is that ariston ceus , a noble philosopher , says , they who place all their studie , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are like pen●lopes woers , who when they were repuls'd by the mistress , courted the maid . oratours also exclude rhetorick out of this number ; but some include both , who mistake ; for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies aliquid in trivi●● positum , vulgare , i. e. what is trivial and vulgar ; now philosophy and rhetorick are more noble sciences : hence demosthenes uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for mean and base offices . vales. b the med. maz. fuk. and savill m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. no indifferent skill . ] vales. a some dispute there is concerning the beginning of this chapter : valesius ( whom we follow ) follows the division of rufinus , but christophorson begins it at these words [ when origen was years old , ] the kings m. s. something lower then valesius , [ when he was years old . ] fuk. m. s. at these words , [ his father's estate being consiscate . ] b this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies originally , insono , to sound : this preposition [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] makes it , being a verb neuter , to have an active signification , and he is properly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who tells us any thing which he would teach us by way of instruction : hence it signifies to teach the rudiments , or first grounds of an art , but peculiarly to teach the principles of christian religion which we call catechising in english , fitly made out of the greek . some say heathen authours knew not this use of this word , but they mistake , for lucian uses it in this sence , to teach the rudiments of any art. stephan . lexicon . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. after he had lead a pious secular life : this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by christians used to signifie secularem , vitam agere . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is seculum , as chrysostom uses it in his d homily on the epistle to the romans , where he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them whom we call laïcks , to distinguish them from the clergy , in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this sence must the word here be understood ; one of origen's disciples liv'd a pious secular life being a laick , the other was a clergy-man . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. having made a concourse : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies an assembly or tumultuous crowd met together to plot mischief or raise sedition . rufinus and christophorson will have these words to be referr'd to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the souldiers , which is improper and improbable ; we must without doubt understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the infidells , as best agreeing with the propriety of the greek , and sence of the place : but nicephorus , worst of all , explains the place thus , as if origens disciples , fearing the outrages of the tumultuous populace , should get a guard of soldiers for their own safety . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rufinus translates , his library of heathen writers ; better then christophorson , who takes this phrase of eusebius's to signifie onely the books of old oratours : as if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were never us'd for grammar and philosophy , but for orations onely ; or as if origen parted with his old oratours onely , and not with his grammarians , and philosophick books also . musculus says they were notes upon authours gather'd by origen and compos'd into volumes ; but rufinus's version is most natural . vales. * or , five ●●●ce . f this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primarily signifies any matter of which thing is made ; but amongst divines it peculiarly signifies the filth and dregs of this world , out of which proceed unlawfull lusts , desires , and contempt of god. g the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to have , is left out in the greek ; but must necessarily be added . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies the stomach ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in galen and dioscorides , is us'd as here , for the spoyling , or turning , of the stomach , to wit , when it loaths any thing ; in latine 'tis termed subversio stomachi . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vulgar ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bomines ex trivio . k the med. m. s. leaves out [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] i. e. by his meanes ; and reads onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by his doctrine ; which is the better reading : for the place seems to be corrupted , this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] creeping out of the margin into the text ; or out of the line following into , this place . the kings , and the maz. m. ss . alter nothing here , but the fuk. m. s. reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * that is origen . a christophorson calls him heronex . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. newly baptized . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in gregory and chrysostom , and many other divines is pecullarly us'd in this sence to baptize , and rendred by the translatours baptizare . c i long since conjectured it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in one word , not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] two words ; which conjecture i found confirmed by the kings , and fuk. m. ss . rufinus agrees hereto , who translates this place thus , sed & mulicres plurimae , in quibus hera quaedam catechumena . 't is a proper name derived from juno , who is called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : whence comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heraiscus , the name of an egyptian philosopher , concerning whom see suidas . the greoks celebrate the memory of this herais on the fourth , or rather the fifth day of march , as 't is in the menologie set forth by canisius . i am not certain whether this person be the same with irais the alexandrian virgin , who in the roman martyrologie is said to have suffered martyrdom ( together with some others ) at the city antinoe on september . in cardinal sirletus's menologie , at the fifth of september these words occur ; natalis b. martyris rhaïdis , quae igne consumpta est ; i. e. the birth-day of the b. martyr rhaïs , who was burnt . this is the same whom eusebius mentions here . therefore there were three heraïs's ; the first is she mentioned in the menaeum , at the fifth day of march : the second heraïs is the catechumen , of whom mention is made in the menologie , on the fifth of september : the third heraïs the egyptian virgin , born at a place called tamma ; whose fathers name was peter , a presbyter : she suffered martyrdom when she was twelve years old , as 't is in the m●n●um , at the d of september : where she is called hieraïs : in the roman martyrologic she is termed , iraïs . vales. a this aquila was governour of aegypt , as euscbius before relates in the d chapter : at which time origen was in the eighteenth year of his age . vales. b the gladiators were commonly noted to be lascivious wicked men ; therefore aquila threatned to deliver her to them , thinking she , who had such special care of her chastity , would rather revolt from her faith , then hazard the purity of her body , by being put into their power . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies to fright birds away , but here , as also in demosthenes , it signifies to thrust aside out of the way , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . demost. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eusebius means baptism . e rufinus translates this place so as to make potamiaena origen's scholar ; neither dare we contradict him in that . for although eusebius does not mention it particularly , yet we may gather so much from this his narration ; for , reckoning up the martyrs which were of origen's school , he adds to them basilides and potamiaena ; whence 't is collected these two also were his disciples ; and though we cannot for certain say basilides was , yet 't is probable potamiaena might be one of them . vales. a there is little connexion betwixt this and what he said before . clemens was not then the catechist at alexandria ; but origen , clemens's , scholar . moreover concerning clemens , and his books , eusebius writes in the foregoing book . and caius in his little labyrinth ▪ reckons him among the ecclesiastick writers which writ in the time of victor ; the words of caius are at the end of the th book : therefore rufinus rightly places this and the following chapter in the d chapter of this book where he speaks of demetrius the bishops committing the office of catechizing to origen . vales. * matth. chap. . v. . a eusebius here laies open the the reason why demetrius who was formerly so much origen's friend , should now so persecute him by his letters ; which was , because the bishops of caesarea and jerusalem had ordain'd him priest. in which thing no small injury was done to demetrius , both by the bishops , and origen ; by origen because he had yielded to be ordain'd by forreign bishops ; and by the bishops , because by doing this they had translated the catechist of alexandria into their church . moreover , there arises a difficulty not to be pass'd by , viz. why two bishops together should ordain origen ? by this means he had power to sit in two churches , and to communicate with other priests . see the . and . chapters following ; where this conjecture is confirm'd . 't was the ●●der when either deacons or priests were ordain'd , some bishops should be present , that the ordination might be more solemn , ( saies innocentius in his epistle to marcianus the bishop . ) photius , in biblioth . chap. . says that theoctistus solemniz'd the ordination , but alexander gave his approbation . christophorson also says these were the names of the bishops ; theoctistus was bishop of caesarea , and alexander of jerusalem . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the word here ) has several significations ; rufinus explains it thus , when a man has free power to do a thing all impediments being remov'd ; which explanation seems best ; for , before origen made himself an eunuch , for fear of a scandalous report he had reason to be cautious of conversing with women , and teaching them ; but when he had unman'd himself , as he did , he might do it freely without suspicion . vales. c rufinus's old book which was in the church at paris begins a new chapter here , and so does christophorson . vales. d concerning this alexander , eusebius , in his chronicle , in the year , of severus's reign , which was the second year of this persecution , writes thus . alexander was accounted famous for his confession of the name of the lord. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into the nature or quality of oil ; we should rather read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fatness of oil . rufinus translates it thus , aquae naturâ in olei pinguedinem versâ , and in moraeus's book 't is so corrected in the margin ; the fuk. m. s. also reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rufinus renders thus , regio morbo : but langus calls it morbus sonticus , the falling sickness . christophorson , morbus scevus & faedus , an unfortunate , or cruel and filthy disease ; which comes nearest to rufinus's version : for by this morbus regius he means the leprosie , as appears by what follows . for in the book and chapter he speaks thus of eunomius ; vir corpore & anima leprosus , & interiùs , exteriúsque morbo regio corruptus . gregorius nyssenus also in his first book against eunomius certainly affirms he was a leper . pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he who goes into another mans house not invited , and keeps not the filthiness under his own roof , considers not what natural abhorrence they who are sound have towards those who are infected . hieronymus in the life of hilario speaks thus , of his scholar adrianus , post aliquantum temporis computruit morbo regio . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the interpreters seem not to have rightly understood this place . eusebius's meaning is this , those perjur'd men did not forswear themselves against narcissus , but against themselves , alluding without doubt to that of the psalmist , he ly'd mischief to himself ; for craft often falls upon the author 's own head , though he intends it for another . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; nicephorus thinks 't was the snuff or spark which fell from a candle . christophorson and musculus render the place , as if fire had fell from heaven upon this perjur'd man's house , but eusebius confutes that , saying it came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes a publick confession . so the kings m. s. reads , but the med. and fuk. m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which tense the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirms . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christophorson , and musculus alter the reading thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which also nicephorus follows ▪ but the reading ought not to be alter'd . rufinus very well corrects this story of eusebius's ( which he makes something obscure ) thus . he sales that that revelation concerning alexander was sent by god to narcissus and other holy men ; but the voice was heard by all men ; here rufinus , like a good interpreter , lightly corrects what the authour saies amiss . vales. b nicephorus and hieronymus write that narcissus also consented ; which without doubt he did . here are two things contrary to the canon of the church committed in the election of alexander , first his translation from one bishoprick to another , secondly that he was joyn'd as an assistant to another bishop while he was yet alive which was afterwards forbid in the council of sardis . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rufinus and christophorson doe not translate this place well ; but hieronymus renders it truly according to the sense , though not word for word , he translates it thus : narcissus salutes you who before me govern'd this bishoprick , and now governs the same in prayers with me . alexander's meaning was undoubtedly this ; that , narcissus onely assisted him in prayers , but in no other part of the office of bishop . which makes him adde that he was an hundred and sixteen years old , signifying thereby that he perform'd the office , and narcissus being very old had onely the title , and name of bishop . vales. d alexander wrote this epistle in the heat of persecution while he was 〈◊〉 prison , before he was elected to the bishoprick of jerusalem , as appears by these words , calling himself the prisoner of christ. hence eusebius does not well by reckoning , in his chronicon , asclepiades's consecration in the first year of antoninus caracalla : for asclepiades was consecrated when alexander was in prison ; which eusebius in his chronicle saies , happen'd in severus's reign . vales. e hieronymus ( in catalogo ) conjectures this to be clemens alexandrinus . clemens alexandrinus certainly liv'd till the times of severus , and travelled into these countreys , as he witnesses in the first book of his stromatewn , he was also a familiar friend of alexander the bishop , for to him he dedicates his work concerning the canon of the church , as eusebius writes in the chapter of this book . vales. a the greeks write this name serapion with an ● , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but the latines with an e. so the greeks write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the latines serapin . this name is always writ thus in the med. maz. and fuk. m. ss . vales. b this rhosse is a city of cilicia ▪ it lyes upon the right hand to them who sail into the gulf of issus . some write this cities name with a single s , so stephanus in his tract de urbibus , and theodoret in his religious history , chap. , and . the name of this place in plutark is corrupted ; for he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , orossus . vales. c the maz. med fuk. and savill's m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. in his name . so rufinus seems to have read it . serapion , also a little lower saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 origen in his commentaries upon the th chapter of matthew makes mention of this gospel of peter . vales. d here serapion saies he borrow'd this gospel from the successours of some of those hereticks who were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doceti , of which hereticks marcianus was one ; the translatours take no notice in this place of that hereticall sect called the doceti . they held that christ was not really incarnate , nor did truely suffer , but in opinion onely ▪ clemens alexandrinus in his th book stromat . and also theodores in his book divinorum decretorum mentions them . the ring-leader of this sect was one julius cassianus , as clemens tells as in his third book . vales. a rufinus very well translates this title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus , opus varie contextum . plutark calls some books of his , which are part history , and part poetry , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eusebius takes the books to be so call'd from the divers sorts of matter which they treat of , and so says baronius in his annals , and suidas in his history : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in greek signifies carpets or hangings which were woven of divers colours : hence these books are metaphorically entitl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the mixture of things they treat of : for he intermixes grecian , barbarian , and latine opinions , confutes hereticks , and composes a kind of a various history . photius biblioth . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the term here , ) are such writings as contain onely the heads , and some particulars of some special things , or as cicero in verrem says , sunt scripta quae ▪ domi continentur , nec in vulgus efferuntur : but now the word has got a larger signification . c langus renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictates , musculus verbally , excerptions , rufinus , expositions , and christophorson commentaries upon the scriptures , but none of them sufficiently explain the propriety of the word : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the sence and meanings of scripture . so origen uses is in his th book de principiis chap. . speaking of the double sence of scripture , that is the literal , and the spiritual sence , and so also does methodius , epiphanius and dionysius . alexandrinus use the term . vales. d these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made rufinus believe , that the preceding person tatianus wrote a chronographie as well as cassianus ▪ but we must in no-wise think that true . vales. e some copies read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in all our m. ss . and in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this aristobulus here is that same aristobulus the peripatetick who wrote books of the explications of the mosaical law to ptolomy philometor , as eusebius records in his chronicle , and he produces a fragment of these books , in his th book praeparationis , origen also mentions something of these books in his th book against celsus , pag. . vales. a for the explication of the title of this book ; see the note ( a ) upon the th chap. of the th book , where 't is prov'd by several quotations , that the true rendring of this title is institutions , or , informations . b this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , langus translates compendiosam enumerationem , musculus , contractas explicationes . and so christophorson also : but rufinus calls them compendiosas dissertiones . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words photius uses in that sence , that is explications , interpretations ; though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies narrations onely . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to hesychius's interpretation , is rendered the written word , aliquid scripto constans . hesych . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are scriptures , whose authority is question'd , disputed of , and by some contradicted , we must not therefore call them apocrypha , as rufinus does , for apocrypha are those which are certainly false and compos'd by hereticks ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are those which some approve of , others not : of which here eusebius gives us a catalogue , some of which in s t hieromes catalogue are accounted apocryphal , as the revelation of peter , which is concluded to be undoubtedly false . vales. e catholick epistles are those which were not written to certain persons , particular cities , or provinces , but to whole nations , and the universal church . thus themison , one of montanus's disciples , impudently wrote a catholick epistle , like an apostle , to the universal church , as apollonius testifies book . chap. . eusebius also mentions dionysius bishop of corinth's epistles to cities ; which he calls catholick . the revelation of peter which eusebius mentions here , is quoted in theodotus's excerptions which is printed at the end of clemens's stromata : hence 't is plain that these collections of theodotus are nothing else , but f●agments of clemens's hypotyp●seωn . vales. f this quotation clemens has out of macarius . g this reason also s t hierome confirms upon the first chapter of the epistle of paul to the galatians , where he says that s t paul does not after his accustomed way prefix his name before this epistle , because he was about to speak of christ , and thought it not fit to call himself an apostle where christ also must be stil'd an apostle . vales. h though this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies a far off ; yet here it must be re●dred as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a long time ; which word niceph . cal. uses in this place , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] vales. i all copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and so also does niceph ▪ but christophorson boldly alter'd the reading , saying , that this passage impugned the authority of the gospel . eusebius relates this story in the d book at the th chapt . otherwise ; saying , that peter was mightily pleas'd with the gospel which was written by mark and confirm'd it , appointing it should be read in the churches . but if we weigh the words of euscbius and clemens carefully , these places will appear not in the least contradictory , as christophorson says they are : for although s t peter , as clemens says , did neither openly prohibit no● further him ; yet he may be said to have tacitly approv'd of what he had done . rufinus has very well translated the place , whom we ought to imitate , because by his translation he explains it very well , rendring it thus , licet fieri ipsum non jusserit tamen factum non prohibuit : by which 't is very plain that he did not disallow of it . vales. k this hieronymus attests , speaking of john , in his preface to his commentaries upon s t matthew . vales. l baronius places origen's coming to rome , on the year of christ ; which was the first year of the reign of elagahalus the emperour : but we must in no-wise yield to this ▪ seeing that eusebius says he came to rome in antoninus caracalla's reign . baronius also affirms that he came again to rome in the reign of philip the emperour , that is in the year of christ : but we must not believe baronius in this ; for eusebius , who carefully and truely wrote the history of origen , makes no mention of origen's second coming to rome : but rather seems to confute this of baronius , saying thus , that origen sent letters concerning the profession of his faith ▪ to fabianus , who was bishop of rome , therefore origen went not to rome , as baronius says , onely sent letters to fabianus the bishop of rome . but hence arises baronius's mistake ; he follows porphyrius , who , in his life of plotinus , mentions one origen , who was plotinus's and herennius's school-fellow ; but this is not that origen adamantius which we mean here ; but another origen , therefore we must carefully make a distinction betwixt these two origens ▪ which we will shew hereafter . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 budaeus calls exemplaria , copies , by which we doe any thing or make any thing ▪ valesius translates this phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the authentick scriptures ; because , says he , eusebius's meaning is plainly the same , for he implies thus much , that these were not the very first copies which were writ by esdras ; but authentick in respect of the septuagint , and other translatours ; and he says this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is commonly rendred in latine authenticas : but christophorson translates it the old copies . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly curru tero , hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 via curru trita , the high-way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hence metaphorically ( as the latine word tritum does to which it exactly answers ) it signifies aliquid vulgare , that which is trite , or common ; 't is sometimes written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as here in eusebius . c in the med. maz. fuk. m. ss . we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 't is not so well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ludi actiaci , but nicopolis had not it's name from those games ; but from the promontory near which it was scituate , 't was called nicopolis near actium . vales. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sixth and seventh ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not onely a fifth and sixth , but also a seventh ; ] and judge this emendation to be altogether necessary . for eusebius , having before spoken of a fifth and sixth edition found by origen , here adds this further , that origen put a seventh into the copies of his hexapla of the psalms . therefore his edition of the psalms was seven-fold . but because this seventh edition ▪ had onely the psalms , origen altered not the title of his edition , to wit , hexapla . this amendment and exposition of ours is evidently confirmed by johannes zonaras , in his history of the emperour severus . see the authour's words . but that which zonaras there adds , to wit , that the seventh edition was found at jericho , is not expresly said by eusebius here . epiphanius ( in his book de ponderib . ) and athanasius ( in synopsi , ) affirm that the fifth edition was found at jericho in an hogs-head : but nicephorus thought that both the sixth and seventh were found there . although the particular authours of this fifth and sixth edition are unknown ; yet 't is manifest they were jews : which is asserted by hierom , in his b. . advers . rufinum . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here ) signifies verses , or such parts of the text as contain an entire sense . hierom was the first amongst the latins , who divided his translation into verses : see his preface to isaiah . this he did in imitation of origen , who had done the same in his hexapla . origen herein had a regard to the profit of the readers . for what is thus distinguisht by verses , is both more easily understood , and also more readily gotten by heart . besides , this distinction was altogether necessary in order to a comparing of the greek editions . origen's example was afterwards followed by many ; who did the same in the new-testament , which origen had done in the old . vales. f this was another of origen's inventions , to wit , the placing of the translations one against the other ; that so ▪ if one differed from another , it might be presently discerned by one view . see hierom , in his preface to chromatius , upon the chronicles . vales. see a scheme of origen's contrivance herein in d r cave's life of origen , pag. . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term which occurs here ) signifies properly annotation ▪ see b. . chap. . note ( d. ) but eusebius does here call the hebrew text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because 't was prefixt before the six greek translations ; in like manner as in comments the words of the authour are prefixt before the exposition : this term ▪ [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies not onely the exposition , but the text , at which the exposition is set . vales. h from this place 't is evident , that this work of origen's was called hexapla , because there were six greek translations contained in it , besides the hebrew text , which was written in two columns two manner of ways , in the one in hebrew , in the other in greek letters . see epiphan . haeres . originist . cap. . and the reason why this work was thus termed , is plain ; for , as the tetrapla were so called , because they contained four greek translations collected into one body ; so the hexapla were thus termed , because they comprehended six greek versions , to wit , that of aquila , symmachus , the seventy two , theodotion , and lastly the fifth and sixth translation . but the hebrew text must not be reckoned amongst the versions ; that being the original . zonaras ( in his history of the emperour severus ) is of the same opinion with us , and explains this place of eusebius ( though he mentions not his name ) as we doe . vales. i the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . have it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] which is all one as if eusebius should have said [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. after the edition of his hexapla , having prepared , &c. ] for when origen perceived that his hexapla required too much cost and labour , he composed his tetrapla , ( which were more ready and ▪ useful ▪ ) having taken away the two editions of the hebrew text , and the fifth , sixth , and seventh translation . hitherto it has been the opinion of the learned , that origen made his tetrapla before his hexapla : usher ( in syntag. de sept. interpret . cap. . ) and salmasins ( in his book de lingud hellenist . ) are of this opinion . but this passage in eusebius , ( as it is corrected by the authority of our m. ss . copies ) does wholly confute it . vales. a the ebionites admitted onely s t matthew's gospel to be genuine : but that gospel of the ebionites was not the same gospel of s t matthew which we now have , but a forged one , and which wanted the genealogie of christ , as epiphanius declares ( in heres . ebion . ) for the gospel according to the hebrews , which they made use of , ( as eusebius saies b. . chap. . where see note ( c. ) they called the authentick gospel of s t matthew . these words therefore [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we have rendred thus [ disputing strongly against matthews gospel , ] to wit , ours , and the true gospel of s t matthew . from this symmachus the ebionites were afterwards termed symmachians , because he strongly asserted their opinions . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is elegantly us'd for alicujus partibus favere , to be a favourer of such a mans party : so euripides in hecuba , when polyxena speaks to her mother saying , ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agamemnon is on our side● thus much for the phrase . now that ambrosius was of valentinus's sect , or at least favour'd that opinion , origen testifies in the proaemium of his fifth tome of explications on s t john's gospel , where he commends ambrosius for relinquishing those dangerous principles . but some will have ambrosius not to have been a valentinian , but a marcionist , and epiphanius is of that opinion . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies to give attention to any one , so as to learn something from him , or to come often to any one , to learn as scholars ; and therefore he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , almost like scholars . vales. * that is , grecian philosophy . c that is , who were his scholars . vales. a eunapius , in his vitâ philosophorum , saies this porphyrius was a tyrian by birth , and was first call'd malchus , which in syriack signifies a king : but afterwards , by his master longinus a platonick , whom he was an auditour of at athens , he was call'd porphyrius , which signifies one cloath'd in purple , a king ; because kings onely wore the true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s t hierom saies he was a jew , born in the city of batanaea ; thence he calls him bataneotes or batanaetes : socrates attests that this man was once a christian , but could not endure the reproofs of those christians who reprov'd him , and therefore turn'd an apostate . lactantius , who liv'd in his time , saies he wrote his books against the christians in the same year the emperour pull'd down the churches ; but s t hierom affirms he left his master plotinus , and rome , and went to sicily for his healths sake , and dwelt at lilybaeum ; where he wrote those books : but we ought rather to believe lactantius , who liv'd in his time . s t augustine says there were two porphyrius's ; one who liv'd in sicily a famous man ; and another who wrote against the christians : but all agree that 't was one and the same porphyrius the platonick who liv'd in sicily and wrote against the christians . baronius's annals . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; their own judgment , and understanding being bewitched or misleaden by their pride . so langus , rufinus and christophorson understand these words : but valesius otherwise . he saies porphyrius's meaning was this , that the authours of these expositions through the loftiness of their words bewitch'd or inchanted the minds and judgements of their hearers , and then impos'd upon them with their expositions . vales. c 't is probable origen was seen by porphyrius in his younger daies , in the city of tyre , where origen , having left alexandria , staid some time . for porphyrius was a tyrian ; and he was a young man at the same time when origen made his abode at tyre . but porphyrius could by no means see origen at alexandria when he was an old man ; because when origen left alexandria he was not compleat fifty years old . vales. d we must believe porphyrius , whenas he so expresly affirms here , that origen adamantius ( so he was called ) was an auditour of ammonius alexandrinus . but amongst the auditours of ammonius there was at that time another origen , school-fellow to herennius and plotinus ; mentioned by porphyrius ( in vitâ plotini , ) by longinus ( in his book de fine , ) by eunapius , and hierocles ( in his book de providentia . ) baronius ( in his annals , ) and lucas holstenius ( in and cap. de vitâ scriptisque porphyrii , ) supposed this origen to have been the same person with origen adamantius . but i dissent from them , for these two reasons especially . ( . ) longinus the philosopher ( in his book de fine ) reckons ammonius and origen , ( platonick philosophers ) among those , who would not commit to writing their opinions for the benefit of posterity , but thought it sufficient to deliver them by word of mouth to their auditours . if any thing be written by any of them , ( these are the words of longinus , ) as indeed origen did wrote one book de daemonibus , it is very little : for they seemed not to have made it their business to write books . these words cannot be supposed to have been spoken of origen adamantius , who , 't is manifest , was a voluminous writer , as the catalogue of his works recorded by eusebius does manifest ▪ moreover , porphyrius ( in these words of his here quoted by eusebius ) saies origen was eminently renowned upon account of his writings which he left behind him . ( . ) porphyrius ( in his life of plotinus , not far from the beginning , ) has these words : but when herennius , origen , and plotinus , had agreed amongst themselves , that they would not publish the opinions of ammonius , which having heard from him they approved of as most especially pure and refined ; plotinus was as good as his word : but herennius first broke the compact ; and afterwards origen followed him : but origen wrote nothing besides a book concerning daemons , and a piece in gallienus's time , wherein he proved that the king was the onely poet. this last book origen wrote in praise of gallienus the emperour , to commend his po●tical faculty . for gallienus was given to poetry ; and there are some nuptial verses of his extant amongst the fragments of petronius arbiter . now , if it be true , that this origen , school-fellow to plotinus , wrote this book under gallienus the emperour , doubtless he must necessarily be distinguished from origen adamantius . for origen adamantius survived not the times of gallienus , but died when gallus and volusianus were emperours , in the year of christ , having compleated the sixty ninth year of his age . vales. e the heathens ▪ call'd the christians and jews religion barbarous , as justin , tatianus and others affirm : so they termed every thing which was not grecian . porphyrius calls this barbarous impudence , to despise the roman gods , and the emperour's edicts , to be forc'd by no torments or persecutions to sacrifice to those heathen gods. vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cauponari , to sell wine or to keep a victualling-house . now because these cauponae us'd to cheat the buyers by mixing and dashing their wines , and so enrich themselves ; this word is us'd to adulterate or corrupt ; as here , and likewise in holy writ , in the d epistle to the corinthians chap. . . we find , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not corrupting the word of god. vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; porphyrius takes this metaphor from hucksters , who , by counterfeiting false wares for true , circumvent the buyers : for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies to suborn , to lay one thing for another : hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a changling a false child left in the place of one taken away . thus porphyrius saies origen plaies the huckster . vales. h origen quotes this numenius in his books against celsus : he was a famous pythagorean , born at apamea in syria . longinus , in his book de fine , mentions these philosophers , numenius , cronius and moderatus ; who , he saies , connected pythagoras's and plato's opinions together . cronius's book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by nemesius in his book de naturâ hominis cap. . vales. i apollophanes is call'd by stobaens , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the son of aegimius . vales. k this was cassius longinus who has onely one book exstant at this day , entitl'd de sublimi genere dicendi ; most men think he was a grammarian : but he profess'd philosophy , as suidas and others testifie : he was porphyrius's master in platonick philosophy at athens . he liv'd in origen's time , and was younger then him , and died a long time after him , 't is a wonder therefore that porphyrius should reckon him amongst the antient philosophers . vales. l this moderatus was born at gades now call'd cales , an island on the south side of spain without the straits of gibraltar : he wrote eleven books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning nicomachus ; see photius , and suidas . vales. m chaeremon was a stoick philosopher : origen , in his books against celsus quotes charemon's book de cometis : he taught philosophy at alexandria , and dionysius alexandrinus succeeded him in his school . see suidas in dionysio . vales. of this chaeremon , see martials epig. book . epig. . n this cornutus aser leptitanus taught philosophy at rome in the reign of claudius nero : he wrote many things concerning philosophy , and eloquence : persius dedicates his fifth satyr to him , as to his master : he wrote a book de graecorum theologia , which is cited by the etymologist in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the name is corrupted by aldus manutius and call'd phornutus . vales. o we may from these words gather that heraclas and origen had the same philosophy master , which porphyrius affirms was ammonius the most famous philosopher of that age. vales. p the philosophick habit was the pallium , or cloak ; which was the usual badge of the greek philosophers , different from that which was worn by the ordinary greeks ; which those christians still kept to , who before their conversion had been professed philosophers : this our eusebius affirms of justin the martyr ( b. . chap. . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that in a philosophick habit was an assertour of the divine word . q hence we may conjecture that the clergie had at that time no peculiar habit ; seeing that heraclas , a presbyter of alexandria and afterwards bishop , always retain'd his philosophick habit . vales. r hence 't is conjectur'd , that origen catechiz'd at alexandria in a private auditory , and not publickly in the church ; for had he before taught in the church , demetrius could not have brought this as an objection against alexander , and theoctistus . wherefore rufinus mistakes , who sa●es demetrius permitted him to catechize publickly in the church . vales. s he writes to demetrius the bishop in the third person ; understanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your holiness . and without doubt had we the whole epistle we should find these words to precede . vales. t alexander bishop of jerusalem was a very eloquent man , and without doubt wrote this epistle himself , which makes him use the first person here : but the letter was writ both in his name , and in the bishop of caesarea's . vales. u this synnada is a very noted city of phrygia , and as stephanus , in his book de urbibus writes , it ought to be written with a double ( n , ) though some write it with a single one , it is deriv'd from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c●habito , to dwell together , because many flock'd from macedonia to dwell together there , from whence it was first call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was corrupted by the interposition of ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) there is also some old pieces of caracalla's coin with this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hence it appeares these synnadenses were doricks mix'd with ionians , for they were originally macedonians , and therefore doricks , though they liv'd in the midst of ionia . vales. x origen was about years old when he came into palestine ▪ for according to our eusebius's account in this place , he went thither about the end of antoninus caracalla's reign . vales. a christophorson translates this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 libellos ex variis scriptoribus excerptos , tanquam flosculos i. e. books like flowers , selected out of divers authours . 't is true , the antients call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things selected , or excerptions out of any authour , such are origen's philocaliae : such also are apulcius's libri floridorum . but this signification does not well agree with this place ; because eusebius does not mention that beryllus selected them out of any books . and likewise he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 several . and 't is not likely that beryllus should compose several books upon so slight an argument : therefore 't is better to translate it ( as we have done ) elegantis ingenii monumenta , i. e. monuments of his polite ingenie . he seems to mean hymins and poems . and in this sense , p●rynicus uses this word in his epistle to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. b georgius syncellus , nicephorus and others affirm that this hippolytus was bishop of portua : theodoret who quotes him much , terms him a martyr , and a bishop , but does not mention where : gelasius , in his book , de duabus naturis stiles him a martyr , and calls him bishop of the metropolis of arabia . vales. c this sect of the cataphrygae was divided into two parts ; the leader of one part of them was proclus , and over the other parties aeschines was their chief , as tertullian attests . those which adher'd to proclus were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or proclus's men ; as tertullian again witnesses . hence we may safely conclude , that proclus was a grecian . besides , caius wrote against this proclus in greek : wherefore we must not assent to baronius , who says that this proclus and proculus the african , who as tertullian saies wrote against the valentinians , were one and the same person . now if these were one and the same , why should tertulliam call one of them proculus a latine name , and the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek : concerning caius's book against proclus , see photius's biblioth . but theodoret instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this book of proclus was a dialogue in which proclus was brought in defending montanus's prophecie . see the d book of this ecclesiastick history , chap. . vales. d eusebius before in the d book , and d chapter disputing about pauls epistles , says that some rejected the epistle to the hebrews as false , averring that the church of rome question'd the authority of that epistle . amongst the roman authors , who doubted the authority of this epistle , hippolytus the asore nam'd bishop of portu● may be reckoned ; for he in his book against heresies , has affirm'd that the epistle to the hebrews is not paul's the apostles . vales. a hippolytus's canon paschalis is extant till this day , which joseph scaliger has inserted into his book de emendatione temporum . and aegidius bucherius translated it into latine , but neither of them takes notice that this canon is onely a part of the book which he wrote concerning easter . and through his inadvertency scaliger blames this place of eusebius , and saies that hippolytus's canon does not end at the first year of alexander's reign , but begins there : which is really true : but eusebius does not speak concerning the canon which hippolytus annex'd to his books , but concerning the book it self , which ends at the first year of alexander the emperours reign . vales. b he means the second chapter of genesis , as scaliger notes . where also he reproves hieronymus as if he had been ignorant of it , but undeservedly : for when hieronymus says he wrote upon genesis , he means as well his books on the hexameron , as those on the post-hexameron . vales. c theodoret in his book call'd eranistes quotes this book of hippolytus . vales. d concerning this book of hippolytus's , see photii biblioth , chap. . this book was written against heresies ; the first of which was the dosithean , the last the no●tian heresie . which heresies irenaeus having confuted in his sermons , hippolytus his schollar wrote an epitome thereof . stephanus gobarus has often quoted this piece of hippolytus's , as appears from his , , and . chap. b. . vales. a here the maz. m. s. and that most excellent copie of rufinus which we have often quoted , begin this chap. . but rufinus's book instead of chap. . calls it the . hieranymus takes these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in a bad sence , as if origen had set himself to write in emulation of hippolytus ; and referrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hippolytus ▪ which is not so , for we must understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which thing is common , and so the sence is plain , to wit , from this time . vales. b rufinus's version may here well serve instead of a comment upon this place , who has rendred it thus , he was intreated by the churches of achaia to come thither to convince hereticks , who grew strong in those parts . so also says hieronymus in his catalogue . vales. c eusebius ought here to have recited the decrees of the bishops against origen , as being matter most accommodate to an ecclesiastick history ; and might better have omitted other things concerning him , and have inserted these , as most pertinent : but we ought not to blame eusebius for this omission here , because it had been superfluous , having before declared them in his second book de defensione origenis : which books some men , through their immoderate hatred to origen , envied us the use of . there is nothing of eusebius , and pamphilus the martyrs apologia origenis extant , except some fragments which photius preserv'd as it were from shipwrack . he , in his biblioth , chap. . says that there were two synods summon'd against origen ; the first decreed that origen should be banisht out of the church of alexandria , but did not divest him of his priesthood : the second , which was assembled by demetrius , consisting of aegyptian bishops , degraded origen from the office of a priest , to which decree almost all the bishops of the world subscrib'd , as hieronymus says , whose words rufinus relates in a apolog. hironymus also adds that he was not onely depos'd but also excommunicated by demetrius . but this decree of demetrius's was ineffectual , for two reasons , first , because he issu'd it out against him , in his absence , without any legal citation ; and secondly , because this sentence was not confirm'd by the authority of many bishops , particularly not by the bishop of rome . wherefore origen still retain'd his priests-office , and continued preaching in the church , as eusebius witnesses in this book , and pamphilus in his first book apologiae originis . vales. a he means , he ought to have adjoyned these things to what he has said in his second book of his apology . vales. b there were thirty four books of origen's expositions upon john , as hieronymus says ; but onely nine are now remaining , which are still divided into thirty-four . vales. c hieronymus in his apology makes this short catalogue of origen's works ● books upon genesis , two books of mystical homilics : excerptions upon exodus : excerptions upon leviticus : also monobiblia : four books de principiis : two books concerning the resurrection ; and two other dialogues concerning the resurrection . methodius the bishop wrote an excellent book of the resurrection , against origen's books upon the same subject , as hieronymus in his book de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , and maximus in his scholia upon dionysius's ecclesiastick hierarchy , do testifie : there are excellent fragments of this methodius's book of the resurrection , in epiphanius against the origenists , and in photius's biblioth . and i think 't is for no other reason , that eusebius never mentions this methodius , ( whereas he mentions several ecclesiastick writers far inferiour to him , ) but this , that he wrote against origen : eusebius , being a very great favourer of origen , could not endure this man's name in his history , because he was not his friend . vales. d hieronymus in his epistle to magnus the roman oratour , says origen wrote these ten books in imitation of clemens ; for the argument of these books and clemens's afore-mention'd are alike . hierom also cites a piece of these books in his apology against rufinus not far from the beginning . vales. e translatours did not understand what these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , written with his own hand . the lawyers call a will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is written with the testatour's own hand , and not onely confirm'd by his subscription . so eusebius here calls those notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which were written with origen ' s own hand , and either prefix'd or annexed to every tome . for 't was usuall for authours to note something with their own hands either at the beginning , or end of their books . vales. a this whole quotation is to be seen in origen's philocalia ; chap. . but that place of the philocalia must be corrected by this , for there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read . and this is the common mistake of all editions that they writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the word following begins with a vowel . but in all good copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written , although a vowel follow . vales. b victorimus upon the apocalyps says , there are twenty four books of the old testament ; twenty two you may ▪ find io theodotus his excerptions . some reckon'd twenty two , some twenty four books of the old testament : hence arose this different account saith hieronymus , because some reckon'd the book of ruth , and that of the lamentations of jeremiah in the catalogue of scriptures apart by themselves . others , as hilarius says , added tobias , and judith to make books of the old testament ; epiphanius says , that some reckon'd up twenty seven books of the old testament . vales. c i know not what copy robert stephens follows , who here reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in the kings , the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the reading . vales. d some books adde this clause , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not as some think the song of songs . this we have omitted in our edition , but 't is in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . and also in the king's copy , and in rufinus's translation of this place . vales. e in this catalogue the book of the twelve minor prophets is left out . hence it comes to pass that although origen promises to reckon up twenty two books , we can find but one and twenty . in rufinus's version this book is reckon'd immediately after the canticles . so also hilarius and cyrill of jerusalem doe reckon them . the books of the holy scripture are recounted here in a different order to epiphanius , hieronymus , and melito's reckoning of them : but hilarius in his prologue to his commentaries upon the psalmes , agrees all along with origen ; and no wonder , for that prologue is almost all of it a translation of origen's comments upon the psalms . vales. f these are origen's own words , and so rufinus , langus and musculus translated them : onely christophorson thought they are eusebius's own words : to whom we cannot consent , although in the maz. and med. m. ss . after the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] there is a final distinction ; but in the king's copy the whole clause is continned without any distinction . moreover , besides this place quoted by eusebius , origen also in another place ( that is , in the beginning of his comments upon luke ) says there were four gospels onely which were allowed by the catholick church . vales. g pet. . . h this place of origen , which eusebius here quotes , is in the preface to the fifth book of his expositions upon john ; the greatest part of this preface is extant in the fifth chapter of his philocaliae , therefore this place here quoted by eusebius must be joyn'd to that fragment . in that preface origen raises this dispute , whether many books are to be written concerning sacred things ? and he proves it from ecclesiastes . . also he brings for proof the examples of holy men , prophets and apostles , who wrote very little . but these examples the collector of the philocaliae on set purpose omitted , as he himself confesses . vales. i rom. . . k matthew the chap. and ver . the . see d r hammond upon the place . l s t john's gospel c. . v. , and . m john . . n see apocaly p. . . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies to remember , to repeat a thing by heart , as schollars do who repeat their master's dictates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies to illustrate , or make a thing plain by short scholia's , or explications ▪ that is to explain obscure words , by other words more common and known . the translatours , and especially christophorson , seem by their versions not to have understood this passage . origen says , that the sentences of the epistle to the hebrews , are the apostles own ; but the words and composition of the whole epistle are some bodies else , who recorded the sayings of the apostle , and , like a scholiast , explained them more elegantly . see chap. . b. note ( b. ) vales. a in the maz. med. fuk. & savil . m. ss . and in nicephorus , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the tenth ] it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the twelfth . ] in eusebius's chronicon this remove of origen from alexandria to caesarea is ( in some copies ) placed on the year of alexander , as pontacus attests . eusebius does strangely disagree from himself , who in his chronicon records this removal of origen a year , or two years after the death of demetrius . but here he says origen removed from alexandria a little before demetrius dyed . this last account i suppose to be truest . for after demetrius's death , origen had no reason to leave alexandria : especially when heraclas , one of origen's schollars succeeded demetrius . besides , eusebius relates in this chapter , that when origen departed from alexandria , he left his catechetick office to heraclas . whence it appears , that origen departed from alexandria a little before demetrius pronounc't the sentence of excommunication agaisnt him . for after that sentence 〈◊〉 could not hold his office of catechist in the church of alexandria baronius therefore has done well in amending eusebius's chronicon , in placing origen's departure from alexandria on the tenth year of alexander's reign , and the death of demetrius on the year following . but he mistakes in saying demetrius pronounc't the sentence of excommunication against origen a year before he left alexandria ; which we have evidently refuted . for since origen kept his office of catechist till such time as he resigned it to heraclas at his departure , 't is plain he departed before the sentence of excommunication was pronounc't against him . moreover , when origen understood he was excommunicated by demetrius in the synod of the bishops , he wrote a letter to his friends at alexandria , in which he inveighs against demetrius and the rest of the bishops . jerom ( in b. . advers . rufin . ) quotes part of this letter . further , origen had once before retired to caesarea , in the times of antoninus caracalla ; but was in a short time honourably recalled by demetrius to alexandria , as was before related . but afterwards , when he went into achaia , passing through caesarea-palestine , he was there ordained presbyter , vales. b heraclas , as 't is before related chap. . was origen's assistant onely : but after his departure , he was catechist . vales. * firmilianus . a christophorson did not at all understand the meaning of this place , for he thinks that ambrosius , and protoctetus were afflicted for the name of christ about the end of maximinus's reign : but eusebius does not say so ; he onely means thus much , that the persecution continu'd all maximinus's reign , but that his days were shortned , as the scripture says of antichrist . moreover , this persecution begun when maximin was emperour , ( after a long continu'd peace in the church , ) because of frequent , and most dreadfull earthquakes , which the heathens , as they usually did , imputed to the christians . firmilianus in his epistle to cyprian attests this : see baronius at the year of christ , . vales. this was the common acclamation at the election of bishops , of which we have many examples in philostorgius , in his tenth chapter of the th book . and in the relation of what things were done at eradius's election , ( recorded in augustine's epistles ) these acclamations are read , which were then us'd : they cry'd out twenty times , dignus , & justus est , he is worthy and just ; and five times , bene meritus , bene dignus est , he is very deserving , he is very worthy . vales. b the med. maz. and fuk. m. ss . adde these words , had executed that office for fourty three years : but the kings m. s. and rufinus own them not . vales. eusebius means by the roman learning , the civil law , which gregory learn't at the city berytus , at that time when origen perswaded him to nobler studies , as he , in his oration to origen testifies : the same thing also origen attests in his epistle to gregory , chap . of his philocal . vales. a i suppose that these words , ( viz. ) the authour of the books entitl'd cesti , ought to be raz'd out , for the clause is neither in rufinus's version , nor in hieronymus . besides , it seems ridiculous when he here speaks of an ecclesiastick writer , to mention those books first , which contain'd nothing else , but certain medicines made up of herbs , metals , magick figures , charms , and the like : for , as suidas witnesses , these cesti contain nothing else , and have their title from venus's cestus , or girdle , because they treat of love affaires . besides , this africanus , the authour of these cesti ; seems to be a distinct person from africanus the chronologer , whom eusebius mentions , for as suidas says , this authour of the cesti was a libyan by birth , and was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but scaliger in his animadversions upon eusebius calls him sextus africanus . but perhaps that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in suidas ought to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so he may be call'd africanus cestus from the title of his books , even as clemens was call'd stromateus . but this africanus the chronologer was born in palestine says eusebius's chronicle ; and in a town call'd emmaus , and his name was julius africanus , this africanus was a christian , but the other was a heathen , as appears by his books . there was also another julius africanus who wrote a book de apparatu bellico , which book in the m. s. copy of the king's library has the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and under that title it is quoted by politianus in his miscellanies . the grecians indeed were proud in prefixing titles before their books , they seem therefore to call those books cesti which were fill'd with knowledge of divers kinds , like the cestus , which amongst the grecians signifies a girdle wrought of divers colours : for that same reason were clemens's books call'd stromata . vales. * book . chap. . a eusebius wrote three most elegant books concerning pamphilus the martyr's life , as hieronymus witnesseth in his . apology against rufinus ; where he also quotes a piece of that work , out of the third book ; lie also mentions those books in his epistle to marcella ; 't was in eusebius's third book de vitâ pamphili , wherein he wrote a catalogue of origen's works . vales. b the med. and fuk. m ss . read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all in one word , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the greeks call those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were both martyrs , and priests : therfore pamphilus being a presbyter , and a martyr , may well be stil'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the greeks in their menologie● have three sorts of martyrs , some they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. great martyrs : some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. holy martyrs , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the bishops , or sometimes presbyters who suffer'd martyrdome : all the rest they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , barely martyrs : there is also another title yet , namely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but this is onely proper to stephen , and th●●la he being the first of men , and she the first of women which were crown'd with martyrdom . here we may see what decency the greeks use in comparison of the latines ; they give epithe●s to their saints , with which , as with titles they are honour'd , distinguished from other men . vales. * that is , before his incarnation . a this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is nothing else but difference of subsistence , which may appear by the words of gregorius nyssenus in his book de differentiâ subsistentiae , & essentiae . beryllus seems to take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie a person , after the manner of his times , which confounded these two terms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the true signification of them , see socrates's ecclesiastick history , book chap. . where these terms are largely discus'd . beryllus erred in that he believed christ had no proper personality before his incarnation ; but he was orthodox in that he holds christ had not a godhead proper to himself , onely the godhead of the father residing in him ; for the godhead of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost , is all one , the glory equal , the majesty coeternal ▪ otherwise there would be three gods , not one god : therefore if this were beryllus's opinion he may be excused : but he erred in that he asserted the son by himself is not properly god , but has onely a derivative divinity from the father . for if he asserted that the son subsisted not personally before his incarnation , it follows that he deprived him of his divinity . vales. b ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here may be best explain'd by the words of nicephorus , who says , he regain'd him gently , and calmly . vales. c hieronymus in his catalogue , and also in his first apology against rufinus says , eusebius wrote six books in defence of origen , rufinus translated the first of these books , and put it out under the name of pamphilus the martyr ; for which he is most severely reprov'd by hieronymus , for that he set forth a book of eusebius's , ( whom jerome always calls an heretick ) under the name of pamphilus the martyr . but r●●inus may make answer for ▪ himself from these words of eusebius , who says that that apology was written by both of them . which also photius confirms with his testimony ; photius's biblioth . chap. . from this book , as well as from eusebius's own words , we may gather , that origen had many enemies and opposers , because of the newness of his opinions . the chiefest of them was methodius , concerning whom , and the reason why he is not mentioned by eusebius in his history , see b. . chap. . note ( c. ) vales. a ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here sigu●fies annumero● , i am reckon'd amongst . vales. b this story concerning philip the emperour , whom babylas would not admit into the church , being then bishop , is told by the authour of chron. alexand. and also by chrysostom in his oration concerning holy babylas ; but he does not name the emperour . vales. pamphilus the martyr in his first book of his apology attests this of him . vales. b there were two celsus's , both epicurean philosophers , one of them lived in the reign of nero ; the other about the times of antoninus , as origen writes in his first book against celsus : it was against this latter celsus that origen wrote eight most elegant books , which are still extant . this is the same celsus , to whom lucian dedicates his book called , alexander , or , the false prophet ; being intreated by him to write the life of that impostor . in the end of that book , lucian speaking to him , plainly demonstrates him to be an epicurean . in the same place also he seems to mention celsus's book intitled , the true discourse . vales. c hieronymus in his th epistle mentions this epistle of origen's to fabian . vales. a 't was said before , chap. . that origen was sent for into arabia by the bishops , to dispute against . beryllus : wherefore this was the second time that origen was called thither to dispute . vales. a origen wrote three sorts of books upon the scripture , commentaries , scholia , and homilies . his comments he wrote for the sake of the learned , and his scholia also : but upon those books which did not require long and tedious comments he made homilies , adapted to the peoples capacity . and this is that which sedulius aims at in his preface to his opus paschale . see hieronymus in his prefaces to isaiah , and matthew , and also in his preface to his comments upon the epistle to the galatians : where he mentions this threefold work of origen's ; onely instead of the word homilia he uses tractatus , i. e. discourses , which is all one : for tractatus in latine is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek . concerning this threefold work of origen , rufinus speaks in his epistle to ursacius , which he prefixes before his translation of origen's book upon numbers . vales. b theodoret in his second book fabularum hareticarum , chap. . calls these men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and says they were so call'd from one elcesa● . epiphanius names him elxaeus , a false prophet , who joyn'd himself to the ebionites , and was authour of a strange , uncertain , and an unfix'd opinion concerning christ : which he relates , and which little differs from theodoret's story in the place quoted . hence it appears that this elxaeus , and elcesai are one and the same man. epiphanius , in his haresi ossenorum , calls him elxai , and says he lived in trajan's time . at first , he says , he put forth a book full of divine wisdom , and a prophesying spirit : but afterwards he affirmed 't was no sin for a man to sacrifice to idols , in the time of persecution , if so be he do it not with his whole heart . the same also origen here relates of these elcesaits : but epiphanius more plainly demonstrates this in his haresi samps●orum , where he says that these elcesaei ( which we prov'd were the same as elcesaits . ) had one elxaeus , or elxai authour of their sect . wherefore scaliger in his ele●chus chap. . err's , where he says that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same person with essaeus ; and that these elcesaei or elcesaits are the same as essaei : then which nothing is more absurd vales. c the translatours , rufinus , langus , and christophorson knew not the use and propriety of this phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] and so misinterpreted it : the word signifies no more then , qui sapit , or sapiens , a wise man : see that old verse of he●iod . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to wise men . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ( as we before noted ) the same as nervm , a paire of stocks , wherein the feet are put : but in this place 't is used for eculeus , a rack : for , eusebius in this place means , that origen , being put upon the rack , patiently sustain'd the threats of fire , and other torments . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore in this place signifies the same as the latine word eculaeus , which the word added , ( viz. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sufficiently sheweth , for as often as this term signifies stocks , or shackles , we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely ; but when it signifies the rack , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is commonly added ▪ as here we find it to be . vales. * that is , the judge was desirous to prolong his life , that so he might undergo the more tortures . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the comfortless , or helpless ; which some translatours did not understand ; this transposition in eusebius is common . eusebius here says nothing of the aethiopian , who was suborn'd against origen ; or concerning his denial of the faith : baronius with good reason thought these things were fabulous ; but nemesius , in his book de naturâ hominis , chap. . confirms that narration of epiphanius's . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) not by my own counsel , not on my own accord . but the fuk. m. s. and georgius syncellus's chronicle read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 maz. and med. m. ss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the med. m. s. begins this epistle where we have begun it . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here taken for the decree of the persecution : and accordingly we have translated the place . vales. c erumentarii milites were souldiers sent to seek after offenders , and to pick up all rumours and news . constantine put down this sort of officers ; they were also deputies under governours of provinces , such an one was this frumentarius , whom dionysius here mentions . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , musculus and christoph. translate liberi , children , which interpretation i doe not approve of . vales. e christophor . translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indigena , one born and bred in that countrey , the translatour of georg. syncell . calls it incola ; neither of them rendring it well : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are country men , rustick● . so in the greek councils we find , o● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the countrey presbyters . the maz. med. and fuk m. ss . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so also does alexandrinus use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for rusticks . vales. f sc●mpodia are low beds such as are used in great houses to this day , onely to sit in ; call'd couches . so libanius in his own life uses the word : where he saith , pag. . that at home he us'd to lye upon a bed , but in the school he lean'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon a couch . hence 't is plain those couches were made for the ease of sick people ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies unmade , without any furniture upon it . so martial in his apophor●tis , speaking of sheets , nudo stramina nè toro pater●nt , junctae nos tibi venimus sor●r●s . vales. g we must refer this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who took me up , to caius ▪ and the rest of the presbyters , and not to the riotous countrey men , as christophor ▪ does . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies together with the bed or couch on which he lay . dionysius says nothing here of what hapned to him after the rusticks forc'd him to leave taposiris , having beaten the guard : but in his epistle to domitius and didymus , which is in the th book , and th chapter , he saith , that he and peter , and caius were separated from the rest of their company , and abode in a desert and dry place of libya . dionysius liv'd an exile till the death of decius the emperour , and from that desert place he wrote letters to domitius and didymus . vales. a the med. maz. and fuk. m. ss . call this man fabianus , not fabius ▪ so also rufinus names this bishop of antioch . vales. b i have tanslated [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a poet : first , because there is great familiarity betwixt poets , and prophets , for the diviners or soothsayers us'd to deliver their oracles in verse . besides , the aegyptians were chiefly delighted with poetry , which eunapius takes notice of . moreover , no people were more malicious towards the christians then these soothsayers , moving the people to persecute them , and encouraging them by their oracles . vales. * these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , worship of their gods ] ought , as i suppose , to be expunged : for they disturb the sense , and were added by some scholiast , to explain the preceding term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 service . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to purloin ; see tit. . . * heb. . . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are the terms here : what the words were , 't is hard to conjecture : in his epistle to germanus he calls them [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impious words ; ] and in this epistle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , horrid words . ] vales. e here we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. in his own house , but nicephorus very ill reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning this serapion , bede , and usuardus speak at the th of november . where they say he suffered in the reign of decius ; but they might better have said in the reign of philip. for dionysius in this epistle to fabius expresly affirms that serapion , and some other martyrs , suffer'd before the death of philip the emperour . the same errour is committed in all martyrologies concerning apollonia the virgin , which say she suffer'd in the time of decius upon the day of february . vales. f here he means the death of philip the emperour , who behav'd himself gently and kindly toward the christians : therefore what passages are here next related , happened in the last year of the reign of philip : which thing dionysius intimates in the beginning of this epistle , where he says , the persecution began a year before the emperours edict came out : but christoph. did not understand this place , he rendring [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the alteration of the emperours mind towards us . baronius follows this errour of his , at the year of christ ▪ . chap. . vales. g in the kings m. s. and stephanus's edition , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read , but in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term , which is a great deal better as i think . for dionysius here means that this decree of decius was so terrible , that it seemed to represent those most dreadfull times of antichrist , foretold by our saviour . vales. h christophor . mistakes in his translation of this place . i have rendred here [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as if it had been [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the decurions or magistrates : for these always assembled themselves at the reading of the emperours edicts in the courts , and first of all executed his commands ; hence they were compell'd to be present at the reading of this decree , and immediately after it was read , to sacrifice to the gods , according to the injunction of the decree . vales. i this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendred vivae calcis incendio , a fire of unslaked lime ; so also we may translate the same phrase which is us'd a little after this , speaking of epimachus and alexander , where he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ instead of which phrase nicephorus uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with lime . in menaeo , on the th day of october , there is mention of these martyrs , julianus , cronio , and macarius , where the words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; burning lime being poured upon them . vales. k macar is derived from the greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies blessed : dionysius seems here to allude to those words of our saviour , matt. . . blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness sake , &c. rufinus translates this place thus , alius quidam , vir nominis sui macarius , gente lybicus . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original : it signifies properly any kind of iron-instrument to make incision : dionysius does here mean by it , an engine wherewith they scraped the flesh from off the bones of the christians . l these words [ also another ammonarium . ] i have added out of rufinus : for dionysius said there were four women ; but we find but three , except , according to rufinus , we adde these words . vales. m instead of ater in georg. syncellus , and niceph. we find aster ▪ in rufinus 't is arsinus ; in the old roman martyrologie , which is mostly taking out of rufinus , he is called arsenius , at the th of the kalends of january . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rufinus renders a troop of souldiers ; him christophorson also followes : but i had rather translate it a file of men . some may perhaps think that these souldiers were the prefects apparitours , and other officers , because they stood before the judgment seat , but i rather think they were legionary souldiers of that legion which kept garison at alexandria , and were under the command of the emperours deputy-governour of aegypt ; for at that time he who was the emperour's prefect in aegypt , had not onely power in civil affaires , but also in military . in the old roman martyrologie the birth-day of these martyrs is set down on the th of the kalends of january . vales. o by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant subsellium , i. e. the place on which the criminals while they are examin'd by the judge sate . it is in some places call'd ambon , or pulpitum . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rufinus translates thus , god thus triumphing by his saints ; hence we may suppose he read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus and christophorson follow this translation of rufinus : but we must take notice and see whether dionysius meanes not by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which i think he does , and therefore have so translated it . vales. * ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( from whence the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which here occurs , is derived ) signifies one that looketh to another mans business , and that has the charge of his affairs committed to his care . a herodotus mentions a mountain , called arabius ; which ptolomy and others call troicus . christophorson therefore does not well in calling it a mountain in arabia . 't is a little after called arabicus , from its vicinity to arabia . vales. b this place ought to be taken notice of for this one thing : for of all the writers which came to our hands , there is none ( that i know of ) who is ancienter then dionysius alexandrinus , that mentions the saracens . indeed ammianus marcellinus says in his th book , that he mention'd the saracens amongst the acts of prince marcus. so also says spartianus , ( in nigro ) saying they were conquered by the roman souldiers . vales. c it was the opinion of the ancient fathers , that martyrs should be christs assessours , and should judge the world together with him . so says eulogius , bishop of alexandria , in his th book against the novatians : but photius in his biblioth . reproves this opinion . ( photius says ) that those words of s t paul in the epistle to the corinthians . . know ye not that the saints shall judge the world ? must not be understood as if the saints were to be judges with christ : paul , says he , onely meaneth thus , that other men who had not lived so piously should by the saints means he condemned . as it is in the gospel , the men of ninevie , and the queen of the south shall rise up in judgement against wicked men , and condemn them , matth. . . photius took this exposition out of chrysostome ; but eulogius's opinion seems the truer to me . for if the martyrs are now colleagues of christ in his kingdom , why may not they be partakers of his judgment ? moreover , christ expresly promised the apostles , that they should sit on twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel , matth. . . vales. d this place must be rendred according to our translation ; though langus and christoph ▪ translate it , as if the martyrs admitted the penitents into the church : which they could not doe , being in bonds . moreover the bishops onely had power of reconciling penitents , the martyrs could onely intercede for them , and write commendatory letters in their behalf ; though this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendred passively , as in the d chap. of this th book . vales. e communion in the church is twofold , of prayer , and of the sacraments , that of the prayers was granted to penitents after a certain time ; but the communion of the body of christ was not granted except to them who were reconcil'd after long time of repentance . but dionysius here means private communion ; now that i call private communion , which was granted to any one by some private persons and not by the bishop , whose power and duty it was to grant it . the thing these private persons granted , was this ; these martyrs and confessours permitted penitents who desired their pitty and intercession , to pray to god with them . vales. * that is , the lapsed . † that is , the pure . a rufinus translates this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decretus significatur quid facto opus esset , but the other translatours in my opinion turn it better , by translating it thus ; decernitur ab omnibus . vales. b rufinus confounds , and mixeth this epistle with that which eusebius afore mentioned , for he owns but two epistles of cornelius , hieronymus in his book , de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , reckons up four , but eusebius in this place gives us an account of three onely . the first , and the third seem as if cornelius had writ them in greek , which may be proved by several arguments , for eusebius quotes several things out of the third epistle , but does not in the least signifie that it was ever translated out of latine into greek , which thing he always does as often as he quotes any latine authours . moreover , in this very chapter eusebius signifies that the first epistle was writ in greek , for speaking of it , he adds that there was another epistle of cyprian annex'd to it , which was written in latine . which clause certainly he had not added , had not cornelius's epistle been written in a contrary language . vales. c concerning this maximus the presbyter , urbanus , and sidonius confessours , how they deserted novatianus , and were converted to the church , see cornelius the pope's epistle to cyprian . there was also at the same time another maximus presbyter of the church of rome , whom novatianus imploy'd as embassador to cyprian into africk , together with mach●us ▪ and others : afterwards the schismaticks made this maximus a bishop in africk , as cyprian in his epistle to cornelius tells us , vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies to catch a man in the very act of robbery , whilest the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or things which he hath stolen are yet in his hands , hence it signifies to being any plot , robbery or any other wickedness to light , to bewray , or disclose . vig●r . idi●● . pag. . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the phrase here in the originall ) has the same import with [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is a proverbial speech in greek , and signifies , ex insperato , improvis● ; i. ● . unlooks for , or on a sudden . see erasm. ad●g . pag. . edit . f●ob●● . f the●dores in his ● book of his h●●●●le . fabu● . chap. . w●●tes , that novatus himself went into italy to fetch th●se bishops , and when he , with the bishops upon their journey , came into some town or other , he forced them to ordain him , which those bishops complain'd of when they came to rome ; but this epistle of cornelius refutes that story of his . vales. g go●●●●ius 〈◊〉 this a● imperfect , and ineffectual ordination , because it was solemniz'd by bishops of another diocess , and not by those bishops who had the right and power of ordaining the bishops of rome , which were the bishops of ostia , t●bu● and others ; 't was also ineffectual and vain , because it was done by men who were drunk , by force , at the tenth hour of the day , none of the clergy , or people being present , and lastly , because another bishop was before regularly ordain'd . cornelius both here , and in his epistle to cyprian , says novatianus was ordain'd by thr●● bishops , whereas p●●ia●●s says , in his a d epistle to 〈◊〉 , he was ordain'd by the letters commendatory of the confessours : but these differences we may thus reconcile . novatianus was named to be the bishop , by the epistle of the confessours , but was afterwards consecrated by three bishops . vales. h hence we may gather that cornelius degraded the bishops which assisted in the consecration of novatianus , and also excommunicated them all , except one who by the mediation of the people , obtain'd the priviledge of the communion which the laicks have : which was to kiss the bishop after they had taken the eucharist of him , as hieronymus , and paulus diaconus affirm . vales. i this is spoken ironically of novatianus , because he himself ( as cyprian in his first epistle to cornelius witnesseth ) boasted he was a defender of the gospel of christ. vales. k the same words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] are in the epistle of cornelius to cyprian : where the confessours , who deserted novatianus , use these words , as a renunciation of their former principles , by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is here meant the church of rome . vales. l hence we may gather how many churches there were then at rome , for every presbyter had his particular church ; so that if there were presbyters , there were also churches : see baronius in the year of christ . vales. m some editions read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but without doubt the true reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , as rufinus renders it , indigent persons , or as the roman clergy explain it , persons who could not maintain themselves . chrysostome in his th homilie upon matthew , saith , that the church of antioch in his days , though it had but small revenues , yet reliev'd above widows and virgins daily , besides strangers , lepers , and prisoners : and besides clerks , whom it supplied with meat and cloathing . vales. this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rufinus very well renders p●●●u●us , be sprinkled ; for people which were sick , and baptiz'd in their beds ▪ could not be dipped in water by the priest , but were sprinkled with water by him : this baptism was thought imperfect , and not solemn for several reasons . also they who were thus baptiz'd were called ever afterwards cli●i●i , and by the th canon of the council of neo●●s●re● , these cli●i●i were prohibited priesthood . chrysostome describes this sort of baptism in his th homily tome the ● ( to the catechumen● ▪ ) cyprian , in his th epistle ▪ ●old● this baptism to be lawfull , and perfect . vales. o the canon was this , that they who were baptized in their beds , if they recovered again , should afterwards go to the bishop , that be might supply what was wanting in that baptism ; novatianus is here accused by cornelius , because , after his recovery he never 〈◊〉 to the bishop for the completion of baptism , as the canon of the church injoyneth : for it is expresly commanded in the th canon of the council of laodicea , and in chap. . of the council of eliberis . vales. p rufinus thinketh that by this phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is meant the chrism , but i rather think he means the imposition of hands , by which the bishops gave the holy ghost to them who were baptiz'd . cyprian , to jubaianus , confirms our interpretation . 't is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to sign , or mark , it also signifies , to lay hands on , as innocentius uses it in his d and th chap. to decentius , and marcus in his life of porphyrius bishop of gaza , and ambrose ( or whosoever it is who is the authour of those books ) upon the th chap. of paul's epistle to the ephesians . this sealing of the baptized was sometimes perform'd with the chrism , ( that is ) when the person , in case of approaching death , had been baptiz'd by some of the inferiour clergy , and not anointed ; but if he had been perfectly baptized before , onely imposition of hands by the bishop was required , as the canon arausicanus tells us . hence i conjecture arose the custom of not using the chrism in baptism amongst ▪ the novatians , ( as theodoret tells us they did no● , in his third book haeret ▪ fabul . ) because their ringleader novatianus received baptism without the chrism . vales. q hence we may gather that novatianus immediately received priests orders being never ordained deacon , or subdeacon : which thing was at that time customary in the church , as we may see in origen and others . vales. r formerly bishops could not ordain priests without the consent of the clergy , and people . now concerning the requiring of the peoples votes in the election of presbyters , the nicene fathers themselves do evidence that , in their synodical epistle to the bishops of aegypt . out of several places of that epistle we may gather , that the consent of the people was required in the ordination of clergy men . the holy fathers also in that same epistle deprive those bishops who adhered to meletius the schismatick , of all authority of proposing their names to the people , who were to be admitted into holy orders , and onely granted it to those bishops who were pure from all schism . for , in those days , the bishops gave up the names of them who were to be ordain'd to the people , that if they had any thing to object against any of them , they might attest it openly ; as we may read in the sacramentarium of gregory the great . there is also an excellent passage in s t chrysosto●● ●pon this same thing in his th homily upon the d epistle of paul to the corinthians . we have the whole solemnity excellently describ'd in the sacramentarium of gregory the great , pag. ▪ upon which place consult the annotations of that most learned man hugo menardus . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a degree or order of them who have any office in the church . so cornelius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbytership . eusebius , and 〈◊〉 very often use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the dignitie of a bishop ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies any degree whatsoever . vales. t it was the proper duty of the priest to deliver the eucharist , and the cup into the hands of the receivers . see chrysostom's homily upon matthew : in the ● council of orleans , chap. . the deacons are forbid to presume to deliver the body of christ to the believers , when the priest is present . vales. u every oath has a curse annexed to it , which though it is not always expressed ( as in this place ) yet may be tacitly understood ; which thing the latine translatours did not take notice of , and hence they make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie ▪ before he had devoted himself to him , ( i. e. ) as they supposed to novatianus : but i had rather read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with george syncellus . the meaning of the place then is this , that the unhappy man was not permitted to tast , before he had solemnly cursed himself . vales. † this phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of saying amen ] has the same import with what cornelius has said a little before , viz. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of blessing him . ] for the faithfull ( when they received the eucharist from the hands of the priest ) used to answer amen , after the priest , delivering the sacrament , had said , the body of our lord , &c. see ambros. in his b. . chap. . de sacrament : cyrill of jerusalem , in his last catechism : and august . b. . chap. . against faustus . vales. x concerning this moses , a presbyter of rome , cyprian in his epistles does speak frequently . after the martyrdom of fabianus bishop of rome ( who suffered anno christi ) this moses was apprehended , ( together with maximus the presbyter and nicostratus the deacon , ) cast into prison , where after ● months , and days , he dyed . see cyprian's th epistle to moses and maximus . vales. y moses being a presbyter had no authority to excommunicate his fellow-presbyters : all he could doe was to separate himself from their communion , when they came to visit him in prison . this phrase here [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. he deprived him of communion ] the ancient writers frequently used , when they spake of those presbyters , who abstained from communion with others . see paulinus in the life of s t ambros. moses's depriving of novatianus of communion was , i suppose , done by him a little before his death . for at first moses the confessour had communion with novatianus : and when the clergy of rome wrote that epistle to cyprian ( which among cyprian's epistles is accounted the , ) moses then had communion with novatianus ▪ for both of them subscribed that epistle . moreover , novatianus himself wrote an epistle , as cyprian attests in his epistle to antonianus : from which epistle we may perceive the wit and eloquence of novatianus ; for that epistle , we must confess , is a most elegant piece ; and it was written when moses had been a year in prison , as may be collected from cyprian's epistles to moses . vales. z who these five presbyters were , who with novatianus made a schism , 't is to me unknown . i can't think that maximus the presbyter and confessour , who with urbanus , sidonius , nicostratus , and the rest of the confessours were reduced by novatianus , adhered to his party any long time ▪ for maximus and the rest of the confessors went over to novatianus's party after moses's death . indeed novatianus separated himself from the church before moses's death , which happened in february , decius , and etruscus being consuls : but the confessours did not betake themselves to novatianus's ●ide till after moses's death . so great was the power and authority of moses . besides , 't is evident the confessours were not dismist of their imprisonment till moses was dead ; for why should they be freed rather than moses ? therefore they became novatianus's followers after moses's death . one maximus , name-sake to maximus the presbyter and confessour , seems to have been one of these five presbyters ; whom novatianus sent as his messenger afterwards into africa . vales. a he means that none of the clergy , or laity , were moved with his entreaties so as to think him worthy of absolution . ( for the people's suffrages were required when any one was to be received into the church , who for any fault had been excommunicated . ) and the bishop himself sometimes asked the consent of the people . the people also did often intercede for the penitents to the bishop , as we may see in the preceding chap. in the epistle of pope cornelius to fabian bishop of antioch . vales. b some one may perhaps ask why serapion did not rather send for the bishop , whose office it was to reconcile penitents . the bishop had given this authority to the presbyters for fear least he being absent any one should die without absolution and the communion . see epiphanius in his heresic of the arrians . this custom of committing this authority to the presbyters was usual in all great cities . vales. c this was the decree of the african synod about the same time that dionysius wrote these things . vales. d in the savil , and fuk. m. ss . before this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] there are some words inserted which also christophor . inserts in his translation : it may appear from this place that the sacrament was delivered to such penitents in case of necessity , without the reconciliatory imposition of hands . and this communion was called , the viaticum . see canon the and of the th council of carthage , and the th carton of the first council of arausica : this communion was called also dispensatoria , because it was granted to dying penitents , before the completion of the full time appointed for repentance , and if the penitent communicant recovered , it was perfected after his recovery by imposition , he compleating his time of repentance . vales. e this that dionysius here says concerning the giving of the eucharist to the boy to carry to the sick person , ought not to seem strange , for it was frequently done a long time after ; so that s t udalric thought it necessary expresly to prohibit it , in his synodical speech which gretser published together with the life of gregory the seventh chap. . but that which gretser takes to be s t udalric's oration , i found lately to be the synodical epistle of ratherius bishop of verona to his clergy . and so 't is intitled in the old laudunensian m. s. vales. f rufinus translates this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus , he commanded it should be given him being dipped . so the antients us'd to dip the consecrated bread in water , as adamannus witnesseth in his d book concerning the miracles of s t columba , cap. . and bede also in the life of s t cuthbert , chap. . and in his poem upon the same man's life ; and several other ecclesiastick writers . but the eucharists being put into the mouth of sick persons , is mentioned in the th canon of the th council of carthage ; which canon is , concerning sick persons , who desired repentance , but were speechless before the priest came to them . see the contents of that canon . vales. g langus , wolfius and musculus render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place by the latine word confiteri ; which ▪ in my opinion , is intolerable . christoph. renders it , in numerum confessorum referri , to be reckoned amongst the confessours : which translation ▪ i like , if it be understood thus ▪ referri ● christo , to be reckoned by christ. for dionysius alludeth to christ's words in the gospel . he who shall confess me before men , him will i also confess before my father , &c. matth. . . vales. a hieronymus , in his catalogue ▪ where he relates the beginning of this epistle , instead of novatus more truly writes novatianus . and so in george syncellus's chronicle we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rufinus says that dionysius wrote two epistles after the same copy ; one to novatus , another to novatianus ; and at the end of dionysius's epistle to novatus , which eusebius here rehearseth , he addes thus much , and he wrote these same words to novatianus : which words are no where found in the greek text. the greek writers being deceived through the likeness of the names , make a confusion betwixt novatus , and novatianus , using them both to signifie one and the same person . our authour eusebius is also guilty of this mistake . vales. a hieronymus in his book , concerning the ecclesiastick writers , saith , that dionysius wrote this epistle about repentance , and the order , or degree of sins , to the armenians . vales. b musculus and christophor ▪ translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an hortatory epistle ; but not well ; eusebius uses the same word in his former books . vales. c in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was bishop of armenia the less , as i think . vales. d we must understand this news was written in the same epistle ▪ and not in another , as christophorson thinks . vales. e rufinus translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de ministeriis , as if the epistle were so intitled , because it treated concerning the ministers of the church . jacobus g●ar , who published georgius syncellus , and illustrated him with his notes , thinks that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a kind of an ecclesiastick epistle , as were the synodical , the dimissory epistles , and the like : but i rather affent to rufinus , that it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because i● treated concerning the duty of a deacon . vales. notes for div a -e a decius the emperour had sons , the elder was named , quintus herennius etruscus messius decius ; the younger , caius valens hostilianus messius quintus . they were both made caesars by their father , and afterwards augusti , as may appear by their coins , and the inscriptions upon them . vales. b eusebius in his chronicle saith decius reigned one year , and three moneths . aurelius victor saith he died after he had reigned two years compleat . but victor in his epitomy saith he reigned moneths . eusebius in his chronicle assigns one year and three moneths to decius , because he had before said that philip reigned seven years , whereas he reigned but six . after his death decius proclaimed himself both emperour , and consul , which was in the year of christ . and in the year . he was again consul . and also the year after he kept his government , as we may gather , by a decree of the senate which was made in that year , which pollio in valerian relates . wherefore he died the year following , together with his sons ( when gallus , and volusianus were consuls , ) being all kill'd in the wa●●s in thrace . vales. c baronius placeth origen's death at the year of christ , in the third year of gallus and volusianus ; eusebius here placeth it in the same year that decius died ▪ and gallus began to govern. but eusebius himself in the th chap. of the th book of this history confirmeth what baronius saith : for he says that in the d year of philip the emperours reign , origen was above years old . and from the d year of philip's reign to the d year of gallus and volusianus's consulship , 't is years . moreover , if we say origen liv'd years , and died in the first year of gallus the emperour , he must necessarily be born in the th year of commodus the emperour : but the chronicon alexandr ▪ assigns his birth to the ninth year of that emperour . vales. d some copies , as the king's m. s. and stephan . edit . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and make it a metaphor taken from them who sail with tide and stream . vales. a at these words we should begin the d chapter , for what follows concerning cyprian , ought to be contained in the same sentence with these last words in this chapter . and before these words in all books we find a distinction , which shews , here is to begin another period . but musculus , and christoph ▪ begin the third chapter where we doe . vales. a cyprian was not the first authour of this opinion ; but agrippinus , who was bishop of carthage a long time before him , having assembled together the bishops of africa and numidia , made a decree that hereticks should be rebaptized , as cyprian saith in his and epistles . therefore cyprian ought here to be excused , who onely endeavoured to maintain his predecessours opinion , which was established by the authority of a synod . but this custom of rebaptizing hereticks , had been used in cappadocia time out of mind , as firmilianus bishop of o●sare● in cappadocia testifieth in his epistle to cyprian . vales. b the epistle of stephen to the bishops of africa is in the and epist. of cyprian . firmilianus also , in his epistle to cyprian , relates some heads of that epistle , and confutes them . vales. * to stephen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here ) his some allusion to novatus , or novatianus's name : other greek authours call that which the latines call novitates haereseon , novelties , innovations , or newness of doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a baronius from this epistle of dionysius's ( at the year of christ ) gathers that the eastern bishops had renounced their errour , and adhered to stephen's opinion , that hereticks were not to be rebaptized . but any considerate reader of this epistle will find it far otherwise . for the subject of this epistle is twofold . . whether hereticks were to be rebaptized . . concerning the unanimity of the oriental churches , which had abominated the novatian heresie , and decree'd that the lapsed should be received . he therefore tells him , that demetrianus bishop of antioch , metropolitan of the east , and the rest had subscribed to this opinion : which he knew would please stephen , because fabius , demetrianus's predecessour , endeavoured to establish the novatian heresie , as dionysius before signified in the end of the book of this history . vales. b these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a little farther ] are not in the fuk ▪ and savil m. ss ▪ but syncellus , nicephorus , king 's maz. and med. m. ss . have them , and though some will have these words to signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more remote churches , yet i think that they are eusebius's own words , repeating the heads of dionyfius's epistle . and this is my reason , because in most of our m. ss . there is a middle distinction at these words ; therefore we translate it thus , a little further he writes . vales. c this city was in dionysius's days , and also till constantinus's time called aelia . it was afterwards called jerusalem ( as i before noted ) through the pride of the bishops of that see , who termed themselves the successours of james the just : hence is it that rufinus never calls it aelia but according to the manner of his times , always jerusalem . vales. d the church of rome was wont formerly to relieve other churches , and to send money and cloathes to the brethren in ▪ captivity , and to those which wrought as slaves in the mines . so dionysius bishop of corinth saith in his epistle to pope soter ; which epistle eusebius quotes in his fourth book chap. . eusebius also in that same place says that this laudable custom continued in the church of rome in his days . and to that purpose collections were made in the church . ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies , to supply one with all things necessary for a journey , viaticum praebere , and also it signifies ( as it does here ) to relieve charitably , as we do beggers , with money , or alms. so clemens alex. in his first book stromat . and chrysost . in his homily upon matthew , use the word . vales. e stephen wrote another epistle , ( besides that we mentioned , before he wrote to the bishops of africa , ) to the eastern bistops , which firmilianus mentions in his epistle to cyprian , near the end : where firmilianus says that he broke off all peace and friendship with the eastern bishops , but he did not , onely threatned that he would renounce all communion with them , if they persisted in their old opinion , as dionysius here expresly testifieth . it is certain that stephen never proceeded in this matter farther then threats ; for after stephen's death , dionysius wrote to xystus desiring his judgment in that point . for dionysius inclined to the opinion of the africans , and the eastern bishops , as hieronymus witnesseth . firmilianus in his foresaid epistle does strangely aggravate the business , so that some think from his words they may gather that stephen excommunicated those bishops : he was indeed much displeased that the african synod should pretend to di●anul so ancient a custom , and make decrees , that hereticks should be rebaptized , without the knowledge of the church of rome : but he never broke peace with them , nor excommunicated them : for he wrote an answer to cyprian . and although his letters to cyprian were something sharp , yet they still remained friends : for cyprian afterwards in his letters to pompeius , called stephen brother . in fine the africans , notwithstanding stephen's letters , rebaptized hereticks till the times of constantine , as we may see from the council of orleans . vales. f he meanes by these great synods , the synod of iconium , of which see firmilianus's epistle to cyprian ; the council of synnada , and the council of carthage under cyprian : in which council above eighty bishops gave their opinion , some of which were martyrs and confessours : in the council of iconium fifty bishops met , as august ▪ attests in book . and chap. . against cresconius . but the eastern churches , especially the churches of cappadocia , still retained their old custom of rebaptizing hereticks . and that custom remained amongst them even till the first synod of constantinople . vales. a instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king's m. s. reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading we follow , and understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word is us'd in eusebius before . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies , post illud capitulum , after that chapter , or head of his discourse . dionysius's epistle to xystus consisted of two principall heads , which were the matter and subject of the whole , ( viz. ) concerning hereticks being rebaptized , and concerning sabellius his heresie . vales. b these hereticks were very ancient , even before sabellius , though those who maintained these opinions were afterwards all so denominated , from sabellius . for we find this was the opinion of praxeas , against whom tertullian wrote . after praxeas followed no●●us , ( see epiphan . heres . . ) from whom they were called noctiani . suddenly after no●tus arose sabellius , from whom all which held the same opinion were afterwards called sabellians . this sabellius ( the reviver of this heresie ) was a lybian , born at ptolemai ▪ a city of pentapolis : he affirmed the father , son , and holy ghost to be but one subsistence , one person under three several names , which in the time of the old testament g●ve the law under the notion of the father : in the new , was made man in the capacity of the son , and descended afterwards upon the apostles , in the quality of the holy ghost . dionysius undertakes this man ; but managing the cause with too much eagerness and fervency of disputation , he bent the stick too much the other way , asserting not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a distinction of persons , but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a difference of essence , and an inequality of power and glory . upon which account he is severely censured by s t basil , ( epist. . ad magn. philosoph . ) and others of the ancients , as one of those who in a great measure opened the gap to those arrian impieties which afterwards broke in upon the world . c dionysius here seems to mean his epistle to ammon bishop of berenice , and that to telesphorus , and that to euphranor : all against sabellius ; eusebius mentions these epistles , in chap. . of this seventh book . athanasius in his defence of dionysius alexandrinus mentions but one epistle of dionysius's to ammonius and euphranor . dionysius was accused by some bishops of aegypt , for speaking some things about christ in that epistle which were not orthodox . vales. a these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be ye skilful tryers or examiners , are no where ●ound in the apostle , indeed we have , in the first epistle to the thessalonians chap. . ver . . these words , prove all things , and hold fast that which is good : which are the same in effect with these , be ye tryers , &c. but origen , and hieronymus say that these words , estote boni trapezit● , are an express command of our saviour's . and that the place out of the thessalonians above quoted has relation to these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and exactly agrees with them , wherefore i am of the same mind with the learned usher , who in his proleg . to i●nati●s's epist. cap. . says , this command of christ is taken out of the gospel according to the hebrews . these words are also quoted in cyril hierosolymit . his catechism , neer the end . vales. * the term in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word occurs matth. . . where our translation renders it exchangers . the israelites being bound by the law ( exod. . . ) to come up to jerusalem , how far soever they dwelt from it , and there to sacrifice , and offer the half shekel for the use of the temple , ( which by the length of their journey they were sometimes disabled to do ) these trapezitae set up their tables in the very temple , that so they might traffick with all that had use of them ; in like manner as others brought oxen and sheep and doves , to sell there to them which had not brought their sacrifices with them . see d r hammond on matth. . v. . b here we may see the difference between apostates , and those which are simply called hereticks . apostates were them , who had been baptiz'd in the catholick church , but had deserted the church and revolted to hereticks : simple hereticks were those who had never been admitted into the church . and this was the custom in the church that apostates as well as simple hereticks should be received ( when they returned to the church ) by imposition of hands . s t august . in his epistle to vincentius saith , the church dealt more kindly with them who were never received into the church , ( that is with them who were simply hereticks ) then with them who had been received into her and deserted her , ( that is apostates ) this is therefore the sence of dionysius's words here , as we may gather by the afore mentioned words of s august . dionysius here says , heraclas his predecessour had this form of admitting converts , who had been apostate hereticks , into the church . he required a publick confession ( which is called exomologesis ) of the principles of that heresie which they had followed ; but he did not rebaptize them , because they had been before baptized : immediately after this confession he laid hands upon them ( as we may gather from dionysius's words ) this imposition of hands upon an apostate , and a simple heretick , was different . the one was ad panitentiam , in order to repentance : the other was ad tradendum spiritum sanctum , for the delivery of the holy ghost , the first was used at the admission of apostates , the other at the admission of them whom they called pure hereticks . see cyprians epistle to stephanus . vales. * in the med. m. s. and rob. stephens's edit . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for they had received the holy spirit , &c. ] in the kings , maz. and fuk. m. ss . the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spirit ] is wanting : which in my judgment is the truest reading . for dionysius gives the reason why heraclas did not reiterate baptism in the admission of hereticks in these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] [ understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , baptism ] [ for they had before received holy baptism from him . ] dionysius calls baptism holy , to difference it from the baptism of hereticks ; which cyprian , firmilian ▪ and others ( who at that time defended the opinion of not rebaptizing hereticks ) call profane : dionysius was a favourer of their party , as appears both from his epistles here quoted by eusebius , and also from s t jeroms testimony . vales. c that these synods were before dionysius alexand , his time , we may easily gather by his own words here : for he expresly affirms that these synods were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , long before our time . the same thing firmilianus witnesseth , in his epistle to cyprian concerning the synod of iconium . this synod was a long time before the days of stephen bishop of rome , as we may gather by firmilianus's words in his said epistle to cyprian , where he expresly affirms that this synod of iconium had been long since assembled : also dionysius alexand. in his epistle to philemon presbyter of rome , which he wrote about the beginning of the presidency of xystus , saith , that this synod was solemnly assembled by the bishops which preceded him a long time . therefore this synod seems to have been assembled about the end of alexander severus's reign : about which time , as euscbius in the th book of this history recordeth , firmilianus was newly promoted to the dignity of priest in the church of caesarea . therefore i cannot assent to baronius , and binius , who reckon this synod of iconium in the year of christ which was the d year of stephen's presidency . vales. a the maz. med. fuk. m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and truely , as we afore noted book . chap. . 't is strange that we find the true name of this heretick only in this place of eusebius . vales. b ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what may be the true meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this place may be best conjectured by considering the divers significations of the word , for from the various meanings of the word , arose the different translations of this place . ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies to reject , to scorn , sometimes to disgrace , or dishonour , as hesych . saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to esteem , or value one , but to despise : so clemens alexand. stromat , book . uses the word . ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . novatianus who did not allow but condemn the baptism of the catholick church , is fitly said here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) he rejected , and contemned that baptism as unprofitable and ineffectual to salvation . vales. c t was the custom for the catechumeni , or catechized , before the receiving of baptism to repeat the creed . and at every article the priest asked them whether they believed , to which they answered , yes i believe : wherefore when they said that they believed the remission of sins , novatianus who did not allow remission of sins , but abolished it , must also abolish that confession of faith which the catechized repeated before baptism . see cyprians and th epistle . vales. d it is very difficult to understand what dionysius here means by saying novatianus banished the holy spirit from the brethren : perhaps by the holy spirit he means the grace which was given to penitents by imposition of hands when they were admitted into communion , after the performance of the duty of repentance . but then these words are very obscure ( although there was some hope that it still rested in them or would return to them again . ) 't is plain and evident that dionysius here speaks concerning them who had lapsed , but how can the holy spirit be said to abide in them who had sinned ? indeed it may be said to return again to them after their repentance , but can in no wise abide in them , for the scripture saith , every soul which sinneth shall likewise perish . we must then understand it of them who had lapsed through weakness and ignorance : who in those days were called libellatici , or sacrificers , ( who had purchased libells of security from the heathen magistrate , for fear least they should be compelled to sacrifice ) for such as sin through weakness or ignorance do no● forfeit the grace of the spirit : but if this explication please not , we will understand it spoken of the faithfull : some of whom retained the holy spirit which they received in baptism , some lost it . from them who had lost it , novatianus utterly expelled and banished the holy spirit , by denying them repentance and peace , by which the grace of the holy spirit is regained ; he drove it away from them who retained it , and kept it , by insinuating into their minds false and sinister opinions of the holy ghost , as that he was unmerciful , implacable , &c. and so denied them , and utterly deprived them of all hopes of pardon for sin committed . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by christophorson rendred susceptio in ecclesiam , a receiving into the church ; 't is by musculus rendered susceptio only ; which version i rather approve of . for baptism is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because in it god receiveth us as his sons : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may also be translated perceptio , for so baptism is stiled in the m. s. acts of the passion of s t genesius mimus . vales. b when the priest had finished the solemn prayers at the eucharist , all the people with a joynt acclamation used to say aloud amen , ( that is ) so be it . we must understand that place of s t paul in the first epist. to the corinth . chap. . v. . to be spoken in reference to this custom , in which place s t paul taxeth the hebrews , who used the hebrew or syrian language commonly in their oblations and divine service , when the grecians were present with them , ( as the commentatour says upon the place . ) this word amen denotes the assent of the people to the prayer made by another before them , and it is an expression of affirmation , which the church still retaineth . vales. c from these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we may gather that the communicants came to the altar , and received the body of christ from the presbyter , standing up , and not upon their knees , as we do now : had it not been so , dionysius would not have added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which word we find to be properly used in reference to them who minister at the altar . chrysostom in his homilie , upon the first epistle to the corinth . useth [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] for the priest ; but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] he useth to signifie the laity . but in the canon of the council of laodicea all communicants were prohibited from coming to the altar , except the priests . vales. d in the primitive church the faithful communicants came to the altar with their hands carefully washed , and when they were about to receive the body of our lord , they stretched out their right hands bending them and making them hollow , and they put their left hands under them least they should drop any of that holy food . see chrysost. d homil. upon the ephesians , and also his homil. upon matthew . vales. a baronius ( at the year of christ . cap. . ) does excellently well explain this passage of dionysius's ; to wit , concerning the space of time , during which valerianus's persecution lasted . for whereas valerian reigned almost seven years , as 't is acknowledged by all ; in his former three years he was mild towards the christians , but in his latter triennium he raised a persecution against the church . valerian began to reign in the year of christ . ( about the end of the year ) volusianus and maximus being coss. this is manifest from the old coins produced by occo and goltzius , wherein valerian is inscribed tribvn . potestat . . consul . also , trib . pot . . cos. . the same may be gathered from gallienus's coins . vales. b by these christian emperours he means philip the first christian emperour ( as many of the ancients doe affirm ) of the romans : but because he speaks in the plural number , we may adde alexander severus , who in his private chappel had christ's image , and favoured the christians . but dionyfius here means those emperours who were called and thought to be christians , not that they were really so . vales. c this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , baronius at the year of christ . saith was the same man that excited the alexandrians in the reign of decius to persecute the christians . ( see chap. . book . of this history : ) but i think it was quite a distinct person , namely macrianus , he that was afterwards emperour , who stirred up valerian to persecute the christians : this macrianus was valarian's master or tutor , and by his evil counsel it was that valerian raised this persecution ; which thing dionysius's following words do confirm . vales. d this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a term borrowed from the jews ; for in their synagogues there were these degrees of officers ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rulers of the synagogues ; also fathers of the synagogues ; priests , presbyters and deacons of the synagogues , whom they called azanites ; there were also apostles , and patriarchs , who were set over all these : but what this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may mean in this place , we are yet to seek : neither know we what these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were , except we call them aruspices or diviners , who were at rome : or we may call them the priests of isis and serapis , over whom this macrianus was ruler or chief . now these magicians were prohibited by the jews , but the roman emperours , in imitation of alexander the great , had these magicians with them in their camps and in all their exploits . dio says , m. antony , in his expedition into germany , took arnuphis an aegyptian sorcerer along with him ; so valerian here had magicians in his army , and the chief or head of them was this macrianus , as dionyniùs attests . vales. e this participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vales. renders insuffiantes , ( i. e. ) blowing upon . for the christians used to blow upon the demons and their delusions , temples , and images ; shewing thereby that they abominated them : concerning this usage amongst the christians , see brissonius's notes in commentar . ad tit. cod. theod. de feriis . and heraldus in his notes on minucius felix . f this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is spoken in reference to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the demons , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the emperours , as some think ; which interpretation if we should follow , the sence would be lost ; but in our translation , the sence is plain and entire . and also although here we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so likewise the writers of the roman history , and the old coines , name this tyrant . vales. g the greeks call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom the latines call rationales , vel procuratores summae rei ; receivers general , or stewards of the emperours estate . whose procurator or steward this macrianus was , we cannot certainly tell ; we must not suppose he was valerian's . vales. h dionysius here jesteth upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which he meaneth both the stewards office , and also the catholick religion , from which signification some gather our religion to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod sit rationalis , because 't is rational : but i can scarce think that we can hence gather the catholick religion to be so called ; for this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie rationalis , except we understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a steward , or rationalist . we find this title attributed to the church about the first age after the apostles , see b. . chap. . pag. . and in the acts of the martyrdom of pionius the martyr , who suffered in the reign of decius augustus , it is so termed : about which time several heresies arose , and endeavoured by their traditions to subvert the true faith of christ and the doctrine of the apostles . at that time , that the true church might be distinguished from the adulterate conventicles of hereticks , this name catholick was attributed to the congregation of the orthodox persons . vales. i this place out of the . chap. of ezek. vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hieronym . translates , non omninò vident , sce not at all : but our authour dionysius renders it as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; accommodating the words of the prophet , or rather of the septuagint , to his own purpose . vales. * robert stephens reads [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his own church : ] but in the kings , the maz. fuk. and savil m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his own salvation . ] vales. k christoph. thought these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was most extraordinarily desirous of the empire ] were spoken concerning valerian , when as 't is plain they must be referred to macrianus . for he could not possibly say of valerian that he was unfit for the empire which he coveted , for he was a most eminent man , the very chief of the city : and before he reigned ( as historians avert ) was judged worthy of the empire by common consent . this translation and mistake of christoph. has also brought baronius into an errour . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have rendred ( which he could not enjoy ) and if that reading [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] be true , it must be so rendred : the kings m. s. and steph. edit . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he successfully obtained ; and in my opinion 't is the better reading . for macrianus did obtain the empire , which he was so desirous of , but by reason of his debility of body he was unable to carry the insignia of the empire , but raised his two sons to that dignity , wherefore upon the obtaining of all these his desires , dionysius might well say of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was votorum compos , master of all his wishes . as for this feebleness of body ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which he attributeth to macrianus , we find it mentioned in no historians , except in zonaras's annals ( who was the onely man that gave us a true relation of the acts of macrianus and his sons ) and he says macrianus was lame . vales. * the passage which follows , is an eminent fragment of the epistle ( or rather the book ) which dionysius wrote against germanus the bishop ; and it is to be joyned to that other fragment of the same book , which you had in chap. . of book . vales. a this place of dionysius alludeth to that of saint paul in the th chap. of the d epist. to the corinthians v. ; where s t paul useth this same excuse , being about to commend himself : upon which place see chrysostom's annotat ▪ vales. b these words we find in the th chap. of tobit ver . . c these words occurr in chap. . of the acts of the apostles , ver . . they are saint peter's answer to the sanhedrim , when they laid to their charge the preaching the gospel : but how these words come in in this place i cannot tell , except we read with the kings m. s. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) i answered him not absurdly , and not much unlike that answer of the apostle . vales. d christoph. translates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] sicut à quibusdam in commentarios relata sunt ; but we have rendred it thus , as they are inserted in the publick records . for the greeks use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sence as the latines use their word acta , see b. . c. . note ( b. ) those which wrote these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines call ab actis , registers , recorders . we find mention of the registers of alexandria in several places . lucianus was once recorder of alexandria , and he saith he had a large salary out of the city treasurie for the performance of this office ; and for the good executon thereof he had the government of a province conferred upon him . vales. e this was the form of their publick acts as amm. marc. informs us in his book . vales. † cephro was the most rude and barbarous tract of the lybian desart ; and coluthio ( a place hereafter mentioned in this chapter , to which dionysius was in particular designed ) was , 't is like , the most uncomfortable part of that tract . see nicephor . b. . chap. . f those places which eusebius in greek here calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines call areae . vales ▪ they were the places where the martyrs were usually buried ; upon which account the christians frequented them . see book . chap. . note ( o. ) g here dionysius answers germanus's cavil , who accused him , because he never called an assembly of the brethren before the persecution began ; which was a custome in those days , ( viz. ) that the bishops , upon the approach of a persecution , should gather the people together , and exhort them to a constant perseverance in christianity ; and baptize infants , and catechumens ; least they should die unbaptized ; and a so distribute the sacrament to believers . vales. h although we read here [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and have so translated it ; yet the maz. and med. m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] [ as one may say : ] the fuk. and savil. m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the apostle said : 't is certain dionys. here alludeth to that of the apostle in the first to the corinth . chap. . ver . . vales. i in the original the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ] but we must necessarily understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ parts ] and so we have translated it . this colluthio was a part of the mareotic presecture in aegypt ; so called from them who were formerly possessours of it . colutho is a common name amongst the aegyptians , and hence came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which in niceph. we find written with a single ( l. ) there were several aegyptians called by this name , colutho . vales. k these words , which we here translate particular congregations , are in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . those that dwelt in the remotest parts of the suburbs , were not bound to come to the congregation of the great church : but in that part of the suburbs there were particular assemblies in a church , or some other place fit for that purpose . thus much we may gather by this passage of dionysius . moreover the greeks did not call those places onely which joyned to the city 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also the villages which were a great way distant from the city . canopus which was twelve miles from alexandria , is called by athanasius in his book which he presented to the council of chalcedon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , from this place we may gather , that in dionysius's days there was but one church in alexandria whither all the christians assembled themselves to pray : but afterwards , in the days of athanasius , the number of the churches being increased by the bounty of the bishops of alexandria , the citizens of alexandria had particular congregations in divers churches ; except in the solemn festivals of easter and whitsontide , when all the people assembled themselves in the great church . vales. * these things concerning germanus are here spoken ironically . vales. l by these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deprivations of dignities ; we may conjecture that dionysius was descended of a good family ; for dignitas is that which cometh by nobleness of birth . thus we find , in gest. purgat . caeciliani , that victor being asked by zenofilus the president , cujus conditionis esset , he answered , he was professor litterarum romanarum , and when he asked him cujus dignitatis esset ; he answered he was sprung a patre decurione constantiniensium , avo milite , qui in comitatu militaverat . dionysius alexandrinus , before he turned christian , was by profession an oratour , or teacher of rhetorick . vales. m augustus commanded the alexandrians to govern their city without any senatours , or aldermen . but afterward severus the emperour granted the alexandrians power of having a senate , as we may read in book . of dio. and in athanasius's epistle ad solitarios there is mention of the senatours of alexandria . vales. n this sabinus was prefect of aegypt under decius the emperour ; of him dionysius speaketh in his epistle to fabius , which epistle is quoted in chap. . book . of this history : but aemilianus , who is here mentioned as governour , afterwards seised the empire , as pollio writeth in his tyrants . vales. o these words occurr in jsa . c. . v. . p translatours generally mistake in rendring this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place , by the latine word duces , captaines : christoph. saw the absurditie it sed to by rendring it duces , and therefore he renders it dux : but neither does he by thus rendring it , avoid an absurditie , for it was not the least branch of the captaines duty to lead criminals into banishment , but that was rather the centurions or the guards duty . wherefore this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must here signifie some other officer besides a captain , we will therefore render it the duumviri , or as we call them , the sheriffs , or magistrates of alexandria ; which are in greek often called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now it was the duty of these magistrates to apprehend criminals , commit them to prison , examine them , &c. still reserving the power of judging to the roman president . wherefore 't is not here absurd , but very reasonable to say , these duumviri assisted the governour in leading these men into banishment : the following words also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirm our opinion : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the guards which belonged to the prefect ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the officers belonging to the duumviri , or sheriff . athanas. in his epistle ad solitarios , calls this magistrate , or duumvir , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. q these things happened in the first persecution under decius , at that time when dionysius , by the sentence of sabinus the governour , was led to taposiris . see his own epistle to fabius in chap. . book . and whosoever does compare that epistle with this here , he will conclude them both written concerning the same thing . wherefore , eusebius mistakes when he thinks that the subject of this epistle here to domitius is that thing which happened in valerian's reign : for none of these things which he here mentioneth , happened in valerian's reign , but in the persecution which begun a little before decius's reign , as dionysius himself saith in his epist. against germanus , which eusebius quoteth in the th book . but in the persecution under valerian , he had onely those companions which he mentions in the beginning of this chapter . vales. r rufinus instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accordingly he translates the place , some who dyed in the island : but dionyfius means the plague , which in gallus and volusianus's time , spread it self quite through the roman empire , as eusebius and others record . vales. s christoph. renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a long periphrasis thus , ad lintea , quibus corpora●beatorum martyrum jam vita defunctorum involverentur , conficienda ; he all along having relation to the usage in our days , for with us the dead are wrapped in linnen cloth , and so intered . but the antients , i mean the christians , used to wrap the dead in most costly clothes , and so bury them : but for christophorson's translation , we have athanasius's authority , who saith , in his life of s. anthony , that the aegyptians used to wrap their dead bodies , especially those of the holy martyrs in linnen , and did not interr them , but laid them upon beds and kept them within their own private houses . vales. t these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are in the med. fuk. and maz. m. ss . and not without reason ; for it was a great while after that eusebius was ordained bishop of laodicea : for he succeeded socrates , as eusebius attests a little lower . vales. a rufinus here alters the course of the chapters , and placeth these which we place here as the th and th after the chapter immediately ; but in his index before his history he keeps the same method as the greek copies of eusebius does : why he should here pervert the order , i cannot tell ; except it is , because he thinks it is more convenient to subjoyn the sufferings of marinus , and asturius to the sufferings of the martyrs of caesarea . but he ought to observe that those martyrs of caesarea suffered in valerian's persecution ; but marinus and asturius suffered in the reign of gallienus . this mistake of rufinus has brought several other authours into the same errour . vales. b valerian was taken captive by the king of persia , in the year of christ . c for an explication of this persons office , see valesius's notes , ad excerpta ex dione cocceiano , pag. . d they were the places where they buried their dead , and often assembled for their religious solemnities , especially the memorials of the martyrs ; as has before been remark't . a xystus was dead long before ; for he died a famous martyr in the persecution under valerian , when tuscus and bassus were consuls , on the th of the ides of august ; as we may see in cyprians epistle . vales. a he means the cohortalis militia , as may be collected from what follows . for mention is made of achaeus the judge , of the forum , &c. which could not be spoken of the militia castrensis . had the camp-milice been spoken of here , marinus must have pleaded his cause before the captain , or deputy of coesar . the ordinary judges had their centurions and cornicularii in their court. yea , almost all the names of the officers under them were taken from the camp-milice , as asconius pedianus has remark't . vales. b the phrase in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we have rendred [ the vine . ] it was enacted by a law amongst the romans , that no citizen should be beaten with rods , but with vines ▪ see livy , in his book : upon this account the souldiers were by the centurions beaten with vines ; whence at last the vine came to be the badge of the centurions office. spartianus ( in the life of hadrian ) uses it in this sense ; and so does plutarch in galba . c in the maz. fuk. and med. m. ss . there is a stop here ; but in the kings m. s. there is none ; which punctation in the three m. ss . first named , salmasius ( in his notes on spartianus ) defends against casaubon , ( in his notes on the same authour , ) who thought that the vine was a badge which denoted those that were to be chosen centurions , who should bear that office , when there was a place vacated . and therefore casaubon read this passage thus [ there is a certain dignity amongst the romans termed the vine , which those that obtain are said to be made centurions when there is a place vacant : ] which reading agrees with the kings m. s. but salmasius makes a stop ( as we do ) at the word [ centurions , ] which doubtless is the truest reading : see note ( b ) in this chapter . vales. d that was the judges name ; so a famous captain was called , who heretofore rebelled against antiochus , as polybius relates . this achaeus was president of palestine , and had his residence at caesarea , which was the chief city of that whole province . vales. e we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is a common , but an erroneous reading . the chlamys and the balteus ( i. e. the cloak and the belt ) were military badges , as may be proved from innumerable places in chrysostom , libanius , and others . vales. f the term here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. he was perfected by martyrdom . for martyrs were initiated by confession , and perfected by death ; as dionysius phrases it at the end of chap. . in this book . clemens alexandrinus ( in b. . stromat . pag. . ) gives another reason , why martyrdom is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it demonstrates the perfection of love . vales. a those whom our eusebius here calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , phaenicians , are the grecians which inhabited phaenicia . for paneas is a greek name , the syrians , or rather the syro-phoenicians , called this city dan , as s. jerom , affirms in his questions on genesis ; his words are these ; dan phoenices oppidum , quod nunc paneas dicitur . dan autem unus è sontibus jordanis . nam & alter vocatur jor , quod interpretatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . duobus ergo sontibus , qui haud procul a se distant , in unum rivulum foederatis , jordanis deinceps appellatur . i. e. dan is a town of phoenicia , which is now called paneas . also dan is the name of one of the spring-heads of jordan . for the other is named jor , the interpretation whereof is [ a stream . ] these two fountains therefore , which are not far distant from each other , are united into one rivulet , which is afterwards called jordan . vales. b this custom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of casting the sacrifice into the springs , or wells , which they worshipped , was used by the heathens . and hence it is that publicola asketh augustine , in his . epistle , whether it were lawful to drink of that spring or well , into which any part of a sacrifice had been cast . vales. a this place of eusebius , concerning the woman who had the issue of bloud , is quoted in the seventh synod , action . . pag. . see also what philostorgius saith in his seventh book , chap. . and what nicephorus , who borroweth it from him . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it sometimes sign fies a military cloak ; this term occurs psal. . . where 't is rendred a mantle . b rufinus understands this place [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] so , as if this herb had no healing vertue till it was grown up to the skirt of our saviours vesture : but since eusebius does not expressely determine it that way , every one may interpret the place as pleaseth him best . i think eusebius meaneth by the addition of these words that the herb grew up no higher then the skirt of our saviour's doublet , as if it were in reverence to him . see nicephor . b. . chap. . vales. c rufinus translateth this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indifferenter , indifferently ; but i rather think 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifieth inconfiderately , unadvisedly , contrary to the doctrine of the ancients , unwisely . moreover , s r henr. savil in the margin of his m. s. upon these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the custom of the heathens , bids us take notice that this is here spoken concerning images . vales. a this was an old tradition , that james the apostle was ordained bishop of jerusalem by christ. besides eusebius , saint chrysost ▪ in his homil ▪ upon the epistle to the corinthians , on these words , deinde visus est jacobo , then he was seen of james ; expresly affirmeth it : the same also epiphanius , niceph ▪ callist ▪ and others do affirm . they all seem to borrow this opinion from the first book of clemens's recognitions : also , in the eighth book of his constitutions , chap. . we find him speaking of james the bishop of jerusalem in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordained by our saviour himself , and the apostles . we must farther advertise the reader that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the apostle are wanting in the kings fuk. maz. m. ss . and in rufinus : but in our maz. med. fuk. m. ss . in the contents of this chapter , we find this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the apostle : although in the index of the chapters which is prefixed , we find it thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning the chair of james the bishop . vales. a from this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a● the same time , some would conclude that dionysius wrote these epistles in the persecution , raised by valerian : but that is false ; for this epistle to domitius and didymus , was written in the reign of decius the emperour . vales. b rufinus very well translates this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this place , paschales , paschal epistles . the bishops of alexandria used to write these paschal letters every year , and send them to the rest of the churches of aegypt ; that they might all agree in the time of the celebration of easter . there are at this day extant epistles of this sort , written by theophilus , cyril , and others : what was the form of these epistles we may understand from the paschal homilies of cyril ▪ first they discoursed some thing concerning easter : in the end they declared the beginning of lent , and the day of easter , whence we may call them homilies , as well as epistles . vales. a in the kings m. s. we find , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these cities ; which reading is not to be rejected : for that great faction had so divided alexandria that in a manner it became of one city two , as before he seemeth to intimate when he saith , that a man may with more ease travel from east to west , then out of alexandria into alexandria . this great sedition , i think , happened , when aemilianus possest himself of the government of alexandria . vales. b there are divers ways of translating this place according as we point it . most translatours have erred here , by an erroneous conjunction of this sentence with what precedeth . but dionysius's following words confirm our punctation and version : the sense of which is that the havens of alexandria , overflowing with the bloud of the slaughtered citizens , did truly represent the red sea. wherefore it is not the middle street of the city which is compared to the red sea ( although some so interpret it ) but the ports or havens are said to represent that . vales. c betwixt these words where we use onely a middle distinction or comma , robert steph ▪ uses a full period , contrary to the authority of all the m. ss . we ought rather to follow the punctation of the m. ss . and joyn this passage with what precedeth : but here we meet with a genitive case plural of the article [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which we translate in the singular number , and referr it to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sea , which is a singular put for the plural number . for the sea was divided into two parts and opened a broad way for the israelites ; so that what was really but one sea , seemed to be two ; but if we translate it according to stephanus's punctation , we can find no word to which this genitive plural of the article can reasonably be referred . vales. * the very situation of alexandria did doubtless conduce much to the insalubrity of the place . for the river nile , coming from the west , was conveyed into the city under ground by arches made under the houses . the manner how this was done , is set down by john leo , in his description of africa : his words are these ▪ cuique sert domui civitatis ingens cister●a concamerata , crassisque innitens sornicibus substructa est , in quas ●xun●ans nilus per aquaeductum in planitie magno artificio constructum extra . alexandriam deductus , sub ejus manibus demittitur , &c. this artificial conveyance of the river , though it were otherwise acceptable to the inhabitants , yet it could not be without some annoyance to the ai● , the complexion whereof suffered much alteration by the noysome vapours which rose up out of the waters , which in tract of time putrified in their cisterns . it is the collection of the foresaid leo , in his following words , cisternae porrò temporis successu turbidae ac canosae redditae , plurimis aesti●o tempore languoribus occasionem praebent , &c. the same authour gives us another reason for the unwholsomness of that city ; which was caused by certain little gardens planted near the city , the fruits whereof were so unwholsom , that the inhabitants were thereby made subject to very noxious feavers , and many other diseases . see john leo's descript . afric . pag. , and . edit . lugd. batav . . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , continued plagues without intermission . the plague even from the times of gallus and volusianus , over-ran and destroyed almost all the roman empire . eutropius saith that the reign of gallus and valusianus was onely remarkable for the great plague which happened in their days . aurelius victor affirms that gallus and volusianus were beloved very much on this account , because they took care of every ones , even of the poorest man's funeral . the plague afterwards raged at rome , and in the roman provinces , in the days of gallienus , as pollio in gallienus's life attests . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vivid , lively , lusty old men . so they were called at alexandria , who were between fourty and seventy years old . their names were registred in tables that they might partake of the publick distribution of the corn , as dionysius attests in his following words . over these were the archigerontes , of whom mention is made in the first law of the codex theodosianus , de alexandrinae plebis primatibus . hither may be referred that which gregor . naz. affirms , in his oration concerning s. athanasius , to wit , that the alexandrians were wont to be distributed into sexes , ages , and trades , as often as , out of respect , they went forth to meet any person . vales. a this exordium of this paschal epistle of dionysius's is really a most elegant one . here he saith that this present time , when all things were in so lamentable a posture , would seem to the unbelieving heathens no fit time to keep a feast in : but neither this time , which ( saith he ) is really a time of mourning , nor any other , though never so undisturbed , never so merry , could possibly yield the heathens any true joy . for the wicked and unbelievers can never keep a feast , although they daily sacrifice , because they cannot enjoy any true mirth : onely the pious and virtuous do truely keep a feast , because they perform their duty , and offer prayers , and unbloudy sacrifices to god. origen , in his eighth book against celsus , discourses at large concerning this opinion ; which passages in him are borrowed from the stoicks , and they give much light to the understanding of this place of dionysius . vales. b here we read onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and i wish ▪ but turnebus in the margin of his book very well correcteth and pointeth it thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and i wish onely one had died in every house : the kings m. s. reads thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. but turnebus does very well amend this place of dionysius , by his foresaid punctation of it . vales. c dionysius here makes a compendious repetition of all the sufferings of the christians from the time he was first ordained bishop of alexandria : first he recounts the persecution and expulsion , which began in the last year of philip the emperour . next the civil war which immediately followed ; concerning which civil war , see chap. . book . of this history . then he saith , after a little cessation followed the plague ; which raged grievously in the times of gallus and volusianus ; but it began in decius's reign : for it is evident by dionysius's epistle to domitius and didymus , that some deacons died of this plague in the reign of decius . see chap. . book . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some translatours render mitigantes , easing , and lessening their distempers : but i cannot approve of that version , for the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to squeeze out , or to wipe off . dionysius's meaning is this , that they who visited the infected christians , did in a manner force the infection from them , and translate it to , or take it upon themselves . and that is the true notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take upon himself , and as it were to suck one another's disease and infection . it is no more then what he said in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , drawing the infection upon themselves . vales. e this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have here rendred friendship , yet the word primarily and properly signifies that which the latines call comitas , that is , complaisance , courteousness , civility , affability : as for this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we have translated a ransom , we find it in the first epistle to the corinth . chap. . v. . this word seems to have been used by the alexandrians in their salutations : when they met-together , and promised their sincere love , willingness , and diligence in serving one another , they used to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or else we may take the word in this sence ; as if the heathens should call the christians the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the off-scouring , the filth , the very faece● populi , and the purgam●n●a seculi ; which interpretation is not to be rejected here . vales. f christoph. in his latine version , renders this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] decenter ornantes , dressing them up neatly : but he mistakes ; for dionysius speaks of their dress afterwards in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decking them in their best cloaths : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here we therefore render , componentes ( that is ) burying them , and so the word is used in profane as well as in sacred authours : compostus prosepulto , in virgil , and horace . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some render , linteo funebri involventes , shrowding them in a winding sheet . but this is contrary to the custom of buryings in those days ; for the heathens used to dress the dead in their best cloaths and so interr them . and the christians used in like manner so to dress the saints corps . see chap. . of this seventh book , concerning asturius . vales. a though we find here barely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he therefore ; yet we must understand macrianus ; for by his treachery it was that valerian was delivered into the hands of the persians . other historians assert that he was delivered to them by his own captains ; so aurel. vict. syncel . and others . these words of dionysius are to be joyned with those in chap. . of this book ; for they are fragments of one and the same epistle to hermammon ; we also find a piece of it in chap. . of this seventh book . vales. * he means macrianus , and his two sons . see chap. . of this book ; at the close of the chapter . † esai . . . b dionysius here speaks of macrianus's empire , because he was owned , and received as emperour by aegypt , and the eastern provinces : which his coins declare , for on the fore-side there is this inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and on the reverse this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * that is , that the promises were to be literally understood . a we have here sufficient evidence that this book concerning the promises was written in answer to nepos : i wonder that hieronymus in his preface before the eighteenth book of his comments upon esaias , should affirm that this book was written against irenaeus bishop of lions . indeed irenaeus was one of them who believed that christ should come and reign on the earth a years , which opinion was grounded on papias's authority , as hieronymus himself affirms , and also our authour eusebius in the end of the third book . but as well from this place , as also from hieronymus himself , in his book de script ▪ ecclesiastic . we may gather that this book was not written against irenaeus , but against nepos . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have here translated , the composition of psalms and hymns ; according to the custom of the christians who used to compose psalms and hymns in honour of christ , as eusebius in the end of the fifth book attesteth . we also find mention of these hymns in the epistle of the council of antioch against paul of samosata , and in th● last canon but one of the council of laodicea , where there is an express prohibition that ▪ no psalms which in greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , composed by private or ignorant persons , should be sang in churches . vales. c pliny in his book chap. . asketh , why we affirm , when we mention any dead persons , that we will not vex or disturb their memory . vales. d this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly to promise a great while before any performance ; it is a metaphor taken from the mysteties of the grecians , who promised strange and great things to them who are initated , and tormented them with a long expectation ; that by keeping their thoughts thus in suspence , they might beget in them an opinion , and a fear and reverence . vales. e the true reading of this place in the greek , we owe to the maz. m. s. according to which reading we have here translated it . vales. f this province was so called from arsinoe , who was queen of it , before it was a roman province . vales. g ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the term in the original ; i have rendred it docilitatem , aptness to be taught . for auditours are properly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they apprehend the sense of words . vales. h the greek phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which valesius renders , ad ea de quibus instituta erat disputatio eniti ; and we , to keep close to the points of the question in hand , or the present question . i this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is truly translated thus , expansis cordibus , & patefactis , with hearts unfoulded , and as it were spread abroad : but some translate it puris & simplicibus cordibus , with pure and single hearts : which sense though the words may bear , yet it is not so good in this place , as the other version . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not put in this place for dispensation , but for the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) an union , and reconciliation : and so dionysius uses the word a little before : s t paul also in his epist. to the colossians , chap. . v. . & . useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this sence . vales. * see b. . chap. . pag. . note c. & d. * revelat. c. . v. , . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a term proper to the rhetoricians , as plainly appears by the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with dispositio , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in suidas is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to dispose , or handle . or we may render it the form and manner of writing : for first he proves the revelation not to be john's the apostle , by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the genius or nature of the writer : then by the stile and mode of writing , that is , by the phrase , and the sentences . vales. * revelat. c. . v. , . † vers. . * john c. . v. . † matth. c. . v. . * revalat . c. . v. . † revelat. c. . v. , . b we ought to take special notice of this passage concerning the primitive christians custom of calling their children , by the names of peter and paul , which they did both for the reverence and love they bare to those saints , and also that their children might be beloved and no less dear in the sight of god then those saints were . chrysostom in his oration concerning s t meletius saith , that the antiochians had such a reverence and esteem for him , that the parents called their children after his name , that they might have their houses in a manner adorned with his presence . the same father also in his homily upon genesis , adviseth his auditours that they should not carelesly call their children by their grandfathers or great grandfathers , or some noble heroes names , but that they should rather give them the names of some men who were famous for virtue and piety ; that the children , by their example , might be excited to an imitation of them . vales. * acts ● . . and ● . . * acts ● . . and ● . . c this is dionysius's second argument , by which he proves that the gospel and revelation were not written by one and the same john , for he had urged his first argument begun at note ( a ) to this place : now here he begins a second , ( viz. ) to prove by the words and sentences , and by the placing of the words or method , that they were two distinct persons . for i render this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the placing or modelling of words , according to cicero , though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place may as well comprehend the ordering and modelling of sentences , as well as of words . but here we may take notice what an excellent critick dionysius alexandrinus was . for it is the property of a critick to judge of the writings of the antients , and to discern what is true and genuine , and what spurious and supposititious . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place signifies periods or sentences , by which an entire sense is concluded . chapters also they may be called , the greeks also call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines capitula . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must i think be rendred here rather the condemnation of the world , then the reproving of the world . in the old glossary we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie judicium . vales. * see jude vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; without any errour , or mistake . f by both faculties he means that which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) externus and internus serm● , which is afterwards mentioned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gift of knowledge and the gift of speaking ; by which subsequent words the preceding are explained . vales. a hence we may gather that the books concerning the promises , out of which eusebius has the fragments afore quoted , were epistles . we may also confirm this by a passage in chap. . where dionysius uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is an epistolary phrase . but because these epistles were something prolix , they were therefore called books . rufinus truly calls dionysius's epistles concerning baptism , books , and the four books against sabellius here mentioned are nothing else but a longer sort of epistles , which eusebius testifies : for he saith that all the rest of dionysius's books were written in an epistolary form and style . vales. b dionysius alexand. in his epistles against sabellius seemed not to be orthodox as touching the divinity of christ , and he was accused of it before dionysius bishop of rome , by some of the bishops of pentapolis , who went to rome . dionysius roman . called a synod , heard the accusers , and having examined some select opinions in dionys. epistles , he wrote to dionys. alexand. desiring him that he would more distinctly declare his faith and opinion concerning those matters . upon this account dionys. alexand. wrote four epistles to dionys. roman . which he intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is , ) concerning the confutation of his adversaries , and concerning his own apology or defence of himself . vales. c eusebius , in his th book de praeparat . produces an excellent piece of this book de naturâ . it was dedicated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; this word being dubiously taken to signifie either a son , or any other child or servant , 't is some difficulty to determine who the person was , to whom it was dedicated , some say to his son : i have here rendred it to a child . for i cannot think that dionys. was ever married . the like difficulty occurs in book . chap. . vales. d of these many epistles written by dionysius to this basilides , onely one is now extant , which theodorus balsamo has preserved for us . vales. a here eusebius is in a gross mistake , for xystus was not bishop of rome eleven years , but onely two years and eleven months , as we may see in the book de pontificibus romanis , which cuspinianus first published , and that book is most exact in its account of the times of the pope's from callistus to liberius : the same also says xystus suffered martyrdom on the eight of the ides of august : but our authour neither here , in his history , nor in his chronicle mentions any thing of xystus's martyrdom , which i really admire , and should more admire , did not i certainly know that eusebius is not over sollicitous and curious in his history concerning what things were done in the western parts . moreover eusebius in his chronicle ascribes eight years to xystus , and he says that dionysius succeeded xystus in the th year of gallienus , and that maximus succeeded dionys. alexandrin . in the th year of the said gallienus the emperour . which is most absurd , whenas 't is evident that dionys. alexand. dedicated his four books against sabellius to dionys. roman . as our authour tells us in chap. . of this th book . vales. a this name nichomas seems to be abbreviated , and should rather be nichomedes or nichomachus . in the old m. s. in the abbey of corbie which contains a collection of the canons ; amongst the bishops which subscribed to the council of nice , nicomas bishop of bostra is named the first of the bishops of the province of arabia : but the common m. ss . read nicomachus , and so we find it in the m. s. of c. justellus , which is of no less antiquity then the other . vales. b we here translate it , divers times , though some greek copies read onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but all our m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there were several synods called against this paul of samosata ; hence follows the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we must in no wise suppose to be superfluous here . eusebius says there were many synods assembled at several times , and in every synod there were many sessions or actions . the first synod against paul was at antioch in the twelfth year of gallienus ; of which synod firmilianus was president : concerning which see baronius , anno christi , and . vales. * anno christi . . † see b. . chap. . note ( f. ) a hence it may be gathered , that the synod of antioch was assembled in the beginning of aurelianus's reign . but i cannot assent to baronius ▪ who says this synod was called in the second year of aurelianus . the council of ephesus , in pag. . utterly destroys this opinion of barorius's : for it says that paul of samosata was excommunicated years before that time ; and if we reckon backwards we shall find , that the year of claudius and paternus's consulship , that is , the year of christ . is the year backwards from the time that book was written , which was , theodosius th , and valentinianus d being consuls . moreover , if baronius reckon these things done in the d year of aurelianus , he must of necessity make dionysius to continue bishop of rome till that year ; but that is contrary to the authority of the lib. pontifical . farther , in the second year of aurelianus his reign , there was a war waged against zenobia , when antioch and other cities were taken , so that 't is impossible there should be a synod of bishops that year there . vales. b leontius in his first book against nestorius has a fragment of this disputation . in theodoret , this malchion is called malachion ; but falsly : this man gained such honour in this confutation of paul , that he was thought worthy to be cannoniz'd in the greek menology at the day of october . vales. a in the maz. fuk. med. and sav. m. ss . 't is writ ▪ thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lianus ; but in some printed editions , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amilianus . also rifinus , and niceph. call him aelianus . athanasius says there were fathers in this synod , who devested paul of samosata . vales. b we ought to take notice of the inscription of this epistle : for we find here not the names of bishops onely , but also of presbyters's , and deacons , and of the laity also . the same we may see in the acts of the council of carthage , in which cyprian was president , and in the council of eliberis . vales. c hence we may gather the epistle of dionys. alexand. to paul of samosata , which is inserted in the th volume of the bibliotheca patrum , is supposititious , together with the propositions of paul , and dionysius's answers to them . for the fathers of the council of antioch do here affirm , that dionys. did not write to paul , but to the whole church of antioch . in that epistle which goes under the name of dionysius , we find that he wrote to paul twice . but the stile of the epistle and answer is not at all like dionysius's works . so that i am fully perswaded , although baronius takes that work to be true and genuine , it is false , and adulterate . vales. d the greek words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must be translated , sine ullâ religionis nostrae contumeliâ , and we have rendred them in english accordingly : but christoph. scorn'd to follow that excellent version of rufinus which agrees with us . vales. e the fathers called the rule of faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the true rule . see the fourth book of our authour eusebius and chap. . where we find the same use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exactly with this here . vales. f extortion is twofold ; and is committed either by the terrour of authority , as when a souldier , or magistrate demands any thing ; or else by deceit and cunning , when under pretence of favouring , or succouring and helping a man we get something from him . and this latter is that which the fathers of the council of antioch here mean : the greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to which the latine word concussio , and concutere does exactly answer ; in which sense they were used among the old lawyers . we also find the word in the gospel , where john gives this command to the souldiers : ( viz. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ luke chap. . . and amongst the grecians , the antient use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the same sence as calumniari . so aristophanes and tel●clides , use the word . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by langus very well translated praemia accipere , to take bribes : s t paul uses that term , colos. . . vales. h although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek , and we have so translated it : ( viz. ) getting money for doing nothing , making it to be referred to paul ; yet it should rather be referred to the litigants or people in suit , who gave their money to paul , for his help and favour in their cause , and so lost it : he never helping them . vales. i this is a scripture phrase , taken out of timothy chap. . v. . k these ducenarii were procuratours ; called ducenarii , because they were such receivers , or collectours of the revenues , as had festerces paid them from the emperour , as a yearly sallary . see dio , lib. . p. . vales. * see book . chap. . note ( c. ) l the fathers do not here condemn paul because he had a throne ; for that was customary amongst bishops , even from the times of the apostles , as we may see in chap. . book . concerning the throne of james the brother of the lord. but for this they condemn him because he erected a tribunal for himself in the church , and buil't a high throne , as rufinus well translates the place , higher then it was before . bishops did sit higher then the people ; but they had not a tribunal . vales. m this secretum was onely proper to magistrates , and the judices majores , or judges of life and death . it was the inner part of the court of judgment , and was compassed about with rails , and curtains were drawn about it ; in it the judges sate , when they heard the tryals of criminals . see my notes on amm. marcell . p. . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies to shake a linnen cloth , or handkerchief in token of applause ; as the spectatours used to doe in the theater . vopiscus says that aurelianus was the first who gave these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , craria , in english , handkerchiefs , to the people of rome , that concutiendo , by shaking them , they might signifie their consent in elections . but aurelianus borrowed this custom from the eastern people who long before his time used these oraria after the same manner . vales. o eusebius seems here to mean the chorepiscopi , which some term vicarios episcopi , & vicarios episcopos , i. e. deputys of the bishop , and vicar-bishops . they here make a distinction betwixt the episcopi civitatum , and episcopi pagorum . and these latter , the fathers here say , sang , or repeated these songs or hymns in their sermons , and congregations . see damasi epist. concerning these . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are here gesta , or acta , publick acts ; such are commonly registred ; but some falsly translate them commentaries . now the acts of this synod of antioch were nothing but the disputation of malchion against paul of samosata ; which were registred by the notaries . vales. * see joh. . . q these subintroduced women were neither wives , nor concubines , but a third sort of women ; which the presbyters , &c. kept , not to have children by , nor upon account of lust , but as 't was pretended out of a desire of piety . see john langus's notes on b. . niceph. eccles. hist. chap. . these sort of women , valesius says , were called sisters ; which he was informed of from the third canon . concil . nicen. they were also termed commanentes . see jerom's epistle to eustochius , where he inveys against these sort of women . r here the fathers accuse paul because he kept these fair women with him ; and because [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] he glutted himself with all sensual delights , as , feasts , drinking , and the like , which are the common incentives of lust . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the latines call them , literas communicatorias , communicatory letters ; the use whereof is very ancient in the church . they were also called formatae , as augustine , in epist. . attests . there were two sorts of these letters . one sort was given to the clergy and laity that were going to travel , that they might be admitted to communion by forrein bishops . another sort were those , which bishops sent to other bishops , and received from them mutually , to attest and declare their mutual communion : concerning this latter sort the synod speaks here . they were usually sent by the new bishops a little after their ordination . see august . epist , and cyprians epistle to cornelius , pag. . vales. t baronius at the year of christ . ( in which year he has placed this synod of antioch , ) accuses eusebius of fraud , or rather of connivence ; because he on set purpose ( as he says ) omitted that creed which the fathers made in this council of antioch , which utterly destroyed arrianism . but baronius , as in other places , so here also , causelesly accuseth eusebius . for that creed which he there produceth out of the acts of the synod of ephesus , was not the creed which was composed by the fathers of the council of antioch , but by them of the nicene council . for the more certain demonstration of this , see the d tome of the acts of the council of ephesus , pag. ; where this creed , which baronius mentions as composed by the fathers of this council of antioch , is expresly assign'd to the fathers of the council of nice . wherefore that creed which baronius , and binius , following his example , have placed in the acts of this council of antioch , must be razed out . there is also extant an epistle of this d synod of antioch to paul of samosata in the th tome of the bibliotheca patrum , which epistle was written about the beginning of the session of this d synod , but baronius ascribes that epistle to the first synod , which cannot possibly be , because of the title , and the persons mentioned in it , and other circumstances . vales. u after the sentence of being deposed was passed against paul , he kept his church for some years ; and would not obey the decree of the bishops ; relying on the power of zenobia an eastern queen . theodoret says , in his d book haeretic . fabul . that paul did flatter her , and used all means possible to get her favour . when zenobia was conquered , the christian prelates petitioned auretianus , that this paul , who had conspired with zenobia against the romans , might be removed from the see of antioch , which was done in the third year of aurelianus ▪ vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the import of which words , being litterally rendred , is the house of the church : perhaps they mean the bishops palace ; a little after they call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which we have rendred the palace . valesius renders the first phrase ecclesiae domus , and the second domus . a eusebius , as we here see , derives the name of this heretick from the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a mad-man : the learned bishop pearson , on the creed , supposes manes to be a title rather than a name , and to be derived from the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying , an heretick : see his reasons for this derivation , in his marginal notes at pag. . of his exposition on the creed ; edit ▪ lond. . * see the note on chap. . b . b the phrase in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which valesius renders in orbem romanum , into the roman empire . c manes was not the first authour of this heresie , though his followers were from him called manicheans . indeed , manes disseminated this heresie in the days of aurelianus , or probus the emperour : but he had a predecessour , though not a master , called first terebintbus , afterwards buddas : which buddas had a former master , by name scythianus , who was the first authour of this heresie , and lived about the apostolick times . see the pedegree of this heresie drawn at large by epiphanius , advers . manicheos ; pag. , &c. edit . petav. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , knowledge falsely so called . tim , . . a this eutychianus , sate bishop of rome years and months as is evident from the old book of the popes ; in which the years of all the popes from callistus are very well digested by the consuls under whom they began their presidencies , and under whom they died . eusebius here takes away years from eutychianus and ascribeth them to xystus . see chap. . note ( a. ) vales. b this dorotheus presbyter of antioch , baronius ( in his notes on the roman martyrology ) takes to be the same with that dorotheus who was a presbyter of tyre : but this is a mistake in him ; which errour blondellus undertakes to correct ; but in the interim committeth one far worse . for he confounds this dorotheus presbyter of antioch , with dorotheus , diocletian's groom of the chamber ; whose martyrdom our authour in the book giveth us an account of : i do not in the least doubt but there were two of this name ( viz. ) dorotheus's , one was presbyter of antioch , and the other was an eunuch , groom of the chamber to diocletian . and this may be proved by sufficient arguments . ( . ) this dorotheus , the presbyter , was not a martyr ; for we find no mention of him as such in eusebius , and certainly had he been so , eusebius would not have omitted him amongst the ecclesiasticks he reckons up book . chap. . who suffered martyrdom , seeing also he was his master . ( . ) this dorotheus the presbyter was a man nobly descended , and he bore office before he was a presbyter ; but the other dorotheus was a man of a servile condition , an eunuch , and groom of the chamber to diocletian . besides , 't is impossible that the same man should be a groom of the chamber , and a presbyter ; for that was inconsistent with the ecclesiastick canon , and with reason ; onely youths of great beauty were chosen to serve in the emperours bed-chamber . lastly , we read in eusebius , and others , that dorotheus the groom of the chamber suffered martyrdom while he had that office. hence arose this confusion ; both these dorotheus's were eunuchs , and both the emperour's favourites . vales. c the reading in the maz. med. fuk. and sa● . m. ss . is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , liberaliter educatus , he was very well educated . vales. d this is the same anatolius ( if i mistake not ) that eunapius mentions in the life of iamblichus ; where he says that iamblichus was at first the scholar of anatolius , who at that time was esteemed the best philosopher next to prophyrius . this an●tolius , here spoken of by eusebius , lived in the same times prophyrius did , and according to eusebius's character , he was a man well versed in all sorts of learning . vales. e the phrase , in the original is ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aristotelicae successionis , of the aristotelick order . anatolius being an exellent philosopher was requested by the citizens of alexandria to set up an aristotelick school , in imitation of the platonick school long since erected at athens . the masters of plato's school were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and were promoted to that place by a publick decree . this school had great annual revenues , raised out of estates , which learned men left as legacies to this school , which were hence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in imitation of this school at athens , there was afterwards founded a philosophical school at alexandria , of which that most excellent philosopher hierocles was master . see damascius , in vitâ isidor . pag. , &c. vales. f this siege of the bruchium was in aurelianus's time , as we find asserted in the end of b. . of amm. marcell . eusebius in his chronicle says it happened on the d year of claudius : for which scaliger reproves and corrects eusebius , relying on the authority of marcell . but i had rather follow our authours opinion here . for that eusebius mentioned in this chap. and anatolius were still at alexandria , and could not possibly travel to antioch till the siege was raised . but eusebius , we see , went to the synod of antioch , which , as before we proved , was in the second year of claudius . and intending to return from antioch , he was detained by the laodiceans and made bishop of that place . but if we say that the bruchium was not taken till aurelianus's reign ; how could eusebius , who was at the siege go towards that synod , and be made bishop of laodicea . vales. g whilest claudius warred against the barbarians , zenobia sent zabda lier captain , who , by the assistance of timogenes an aegyptian seized upon aegypt , and put a garrison into alexandria : but probus the roman general , with some assistance of the aegyptians , who did not affect the syrians of palmyra who kept the garrison , forced them out thence ; as pollia in the life of claudius , and zosimus record . and this , i think , was the time when the bruchium was besieged by the romans . vales. martinius thinks that this bruchium , ▪ here mentioned as a part of alexandria , and in the greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was that which the romans call the forum frumentarium , or corn-market ; it being derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , annonae praefectus ; and that compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tritici curam ha●●o , to have the charge of the wheat : see martin . lexicon . philolog . in the word bruchion . h christoph. renders the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here used , congerere , to lay up corn ; but it must here be rendred quite contrary , to give out , or measure out corn sparingly ; which was customary in famines , and in sieges . vales. i hieronymus , in his chronicle , says that this siege of the bruchium lasted several years . vales. k these words ought to be separated from the text of eusebius , as we have here done in the translation . for they are a title as it were , which noteth that the fragment following is out of another authour . vales. l ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words being imperfect , and unintelligible ; there must of necessity be something understood . christoph. conjectures that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easter , is to be understood ; but that is absurd , for the feast of easter does never fall on the new-moon of the first moneth . i rather think we ought to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you have , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the imperative , reckon the new-moon , &c. vales. m ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term which occurs here ) does properly signifie carceres , the place whence the horse-races were begun . anatolius therefore calls the first dodecatemorium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because from that , as it were from the original and sourse thereof the course of the planets should begin . vales. the translation of this canon of anatolius's will be scarce understood by the unlearned reader , because so many terms of art occur in it . the learned reader , that is desirous of farther satisfaction herein , may consult petavius's notes on epiphan . p. , &c. and aegydius bucherius , de doctrinâ temporum , pag. , edit . antv●rp . . n that is , from that segment : for although the reading in the greek text be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet it is to be corrected thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , segment : so petavius corrected it in his notes upon epiphanius pag. . vales. o anatolius here affirms that there were two agathobulus's , sirnamed the doctours , or masters . but i fear he mistakes in affirming them to be antienter then philo and josephus . for eusebius in his chronicle says , that agathobulus the philosopher flourished in the times of hadrianus , vales. p rufinus ▪ renders ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aristobulus of paneas ; but he is in a gross errour . i wonder that scaliger , ( in his animadversions upon eusebius , pag. . ) should think , these words of anatolius ought to be corrected according to rufinus's translation of them . bede also follows this corrupt version of rufinus , and takes paniada to be the name of a jewish writer . scaliger in the place afore-quoted largely proves that what anatolius says of aristobulus ( viz. he was one of the translatours ) is false . this aristobulus was also sirnamed the master , or the doctor ; as we may see maccabees chap. . because he was tutour to king ptolomy . for i cannot assent to scaliger , who makes a distinction betwixt that aristobulus mentioned in the history of the maccabees , and aristobulus the peripatetick , who dedicated his expositions upon moses's law to ptolomy ph●lometor . vales. q this book of enoch is quoted by jude in his canonical epistle . it was an apocryphal book , and not received amongst the authentick scriptures of the jewes . but the apostles , and the antient fathers in imitation of them , have not been afraid to quote apocryphal books which seemed to confirm the truth . georgius syncel . in his chronicle , quotes an excellent fragment out of this book of enoch's . vales. * some excerptions out of anatolius's arithmetick are yet extant . vales. r we have the like example in chap. . book . where alexander ruled the church of jerusalem joyntly with narcissus . these two are the most antient instances of assistant bishops ( as they are now called . ) these sort of assistants were first instituted for the ease of aged bishops ; but afterwards they grew customary ; and were chosen not out of necessity , but ambition and pride : but the fathers of the council of sardis put a stop here ▪ to . vales. f eusebius relates the same thing concerning eusebius alexandrinus in the beginning of this chapter : ( viz. ) that he went to the synod of antioch , which was called upon paul's account , and in his return was stopped by the laodiceans , and made bishop of that place . now again we find the same concerning anatolius : which cannot possibly be defended , except we should say that eusebius died some few days after his ordination : but in opposition to that we will produce hieronymus's authority , who in the second year of aurelianus writes thus ; eusebius is now famous at laodicea . vales. t that is , he was not so well affected to the christian faith , as he was to philosophy and grecian learning : some will have the greek phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to have reference to some thing else , but thus i understand it . vales. u musculus and christophorson , because of the false punctation of this place , translate it otherwise than we have done . they mistook 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a passive , and thus point it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. all things were restored to their former state by god the preserver , &c. but after a diligent inspection into this place , i think the words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ought to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then the sence will be agreeable to our translation ; to wit , theodotus , who was elected bishop by god himself the preserver of all things , restored the affaires of the church to their former splendour . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some translate these words thus , concerning the school in which he was educated : but i understand them spoken of the school which pamphilus founded at caesarea : concerning the library which he erected at caesarea , see hieronymus's catalogue ; where he speaks concerning matthew ; see also his epistle to marcella . vales. x christoph ▪ takes these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie one book onely : but eusebius wrote three books of the life of pamphilus . which hieronymus attesteth in his book de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis ; and in his apology against rufinus . vales. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( that is , ) as we have translated it , amongst those men who lived nearest to our times , &c. some will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most eminent m●● ; but that i cannot approve of . pierius , and meletius , of whom eusebius afterwards speaks , lived even till constantine's time ; concerning pierius , see photius and hieronymus . rufinus does not call him pierius , but hierius . so does the old roman martyrology , at the fourth day of november . but this martyrology , i think , is neither the old one , nor the roman . for had it been the roman martyrology , we should have had mention of none but roman martyrs . but in it we have a catalogue of the martyrs , of all countreys . that i think ( if any desire to know which it is ) is the old roman martyrology , which bucherius published with the canon of victorius aquitanus , although that looks more like a calender , then a martyrology . there is indeed none which is properly the roman martyrology : for that which gregory the great mentions in his epistle to eulogius , is s t hierom's martyrology , which the western church then used , as we shall hereafter at another place demonstrate . vales. z this is the man , whom athanasius in his speech against the arrians calls meletius the great , pag. . where in his catalogue of the orthodox bishops ▪ he reckons meletius bishop of pontus for one . philostorgius in his first book calls him bishop of sebastopolis in pontus . he says he was at the council of nice with basilius bishop of amasia , and that he sided with the arrians : but athanasius in the place above quoted , proves that to be false . vales. a therefore the name of meletius is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from honey . gregory nazianz ▪ in his iambicks calls meletius the bishop of antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] he means that the throne of james the brother of the lord , was preserved at jerusalem till that time , as 't is recorded chap. . book . so also at alexandria , the chair , or throne of saint mark the evangelist who first founded the church of alexandria , was preserved there for a long time . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally , the school of the divine faith . c there is nothing more frequent in eusebius then the use of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which terms the christians borrowed from the philosophers , as i noted chap. . book . note ( a. ) the philosophers called those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who professed a stricter kind of life . hence it is that artemidorus in his fourth book chap. . calls alexander the philosopher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ascetick philosophy is opposed to philosophy which consists in bare words . when the christians first made use of this name ascetae , they bestowed it on the clergy ▪ a long time after that , the monks laid claim to this name . but at the first it was used as was before shown : see chap. . book . note ( a. ) which may be proved by the instance here of peter , bishop of alexandria , and pierius the presbyter ▪ both whom eusebius in this chapter calls asceta● . eusebius also chap. . concerning the martyrs of palestine , calls pamphilus the presbyter , asceta . vales. d this place ought particularly to be taken notice of , in regard eusebius here summeth up the time which he hath comprehended in his ecclefiastick history . he saith that from our saviour's birth to the demolishing of the churches , which was in the nineteenth year of diocletian , there were years . also in eusebius's chronicle the year of christ is set opposite to the year of diocletian . but in scaliger's edition , the year in which the persecution under diocletian began , is reckoned the year of christ. hence arises this difference ; scaliger in his edition of eusebius's chronicle , reckons not that to be the first year of christ in which he was born , but the year following . but eusebius reckons that to be the first of christ in which he was born , as i before noted chap. . book . note ( a. ) for eusebius places his birth on the th of the ides of january . indeed , in all the m. ss . of eusebius's chronicle ( which have the years of christ annext , particularly in that of millaine , which is ancienter then any other ) that is noted for the first year of christ in which he was born in bethlehem of judea . vales. notes for div a -e a in the most ancient maz. m. s. and in the editions of rufinus , the first chap. is begun at these words , how great , &c. vales. b the maz. and med. m. ss . retain the true reading of this place ; which is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of sacrificing : ] the same reading gruter found in his copies . the governours of provinces were oblieged to sacrifice to the gods ▪ and to the emperours , and to be present at sacrifices . upon which account the christians abstained from the magistracy , and refused the government of provinces , offered them by the emperours . vales. the reading in robert stephens edit . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] c our authour means not the empresses , as christophorson supposed ; but the wives of the emperours domesticks . vales. d this dorotheus was of the bed-chamber to the emperour diocletian , or galcrius casar : so metaphrastes affirms , in the acts of the martyrs , indes , and domna , chap. . vales. e in the med. fu● . savil. and maz. m. ss . the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] amongst the procuratours , &c. which m. ss . have not these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , observancy and eminent favour . ] but in the kings m. s. and r. stephens edit . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by all private men ; ] in which copies also we have those words , which we said were wanting in the other m. ss . vales. f the term in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] which word s t paul uses thessal . . . where our translatours render it , our gathering together . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie , to collect persons disperst in divers places into one place . in this sense dionys. alexandrin . uses it b. . chap. . of this history ; where he speaks of quadratus bishop of the athenians . vales. g that is , whilst the bishops were at variance amongst themselves concerning preeminence , or about the bounds of their diocesses . vales. * lament . . , . † psal. . , &c. the words of eusebius in the original here , do not agree with that copy of the septuagint printed according to the vatican m. s. at rome , ( which is the common septuagint we now use , ) nor with the original hebrew ; the learned reader , upon comparing the texts , will see the difference ; we translated out authours words as we found them in the greek copy . a in the maz. m. s. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnino , wholly or fully . in the kings m. s. and robert stephens's edit . 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the former is the better reading . at these words chap. . begins in all our m. ss . and in rufinus's old copy . vales. * psal. . . this quotation seems impertinent , vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tryed , experienced : for this term is used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s t paul uses the word , heb. . . where our translation renders it tempted . 't is a metaphor taken from ships , set upon by pirates at sea ; as the following words declare : these marine thieves are called pirates ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c so says our eusebius , in his chronicon ; and so also the alexandrian chronicle : with whom agrees idatius ( in fastis ) whose words are these ; diocletiano viii . & maximiano vii . his coss. persecutio christianorum : i. e. when diocletian was the eighth time consul and maximianus the seventh , the persecution of the christians began . the same may be concluded from the acts of munatius felix ( in gest. apud zenophilum consularem numidiae . ) according to eusebius's account this was the year from our blessed saviours nativity ; but , according to the dionysian aera ▪ which we now make use of , it was the . but baronius ( in annal. ) and petavius ( in the second part of his rationar . tempor . ) affirms that the beginning of this persecution must be placed on the year of christ ; when constantius iv. and maximianus iv. coss. their opinion is grounded on one onely argument , to wit ▪ the acts of the council of cirta ( a city in numidia , afterwards called constantina . ) which council augustine ( in breviculo collat. ) affirms was convened the year after the persecution began , and after the passion of the martyrs . now the acts of that council ( which augustine relates in the b. . against cresconius ) doe shew , that it was convened diocletian viii , and maximianus vii , coss. but this argument is easily answered . for there is a mistake in those acts of the council of cirta ; the true reading is , p. c. diocletiani ix . and maximiani viii . this appears evidently ex breviculo collat diei . cap. . where we meet with these words ; nam gesta martyrum quibus ostendebatur tempus persecutionis , coss. gesta sunt diocletiano ix . & maximiano viii . pridie idus februarias : gesta autem episcopalia decreti cirtensis , post eorundem consulatum , . non●● martias , &c. this passage cannot be supposed to be false . for augustine adds there , that the officers , being commanded by the judge to see what distance of time there was between the passion of the martyrs and the council of cirta , were deceived , and through their ignorance told him what was false . for whereas the acts ▪ of the martyrs were thus inscribed [ diocletiano ix . and maximiano viii . pridie idus febr. ] and the acts of the council of cirta , thus [ post consulatum diocletiani novies , & maximiani octies , . nonas martias , ] the officers ▪ taking [ post consulatus ] for [ consulatus ] made answer , that there was onely one moneth between the acts , both of the martyrs , and of the council . but there really was moneths space between them , as augustinus truly affirms . — there is another argument to evince , that the council of cirta was not convened in the eighth consolate of diocletian . for whereas that council was assembled to ordain a bishop over the church of cirta , ( as augustinus affirms ) i desire to know who was ordained bishop of that church by those bishops convened in that council ? silvanus was not . for he in this very year was still sub-deacon to paul bishop of cirta , as 't is apparent from the acts of munatius felix . answer perhaps will be made ( a● baronius does ) that paul was made bishop of cirta . but this cannot be true , for the persecution began under paul , as 't is evident from the acts , apud zenophilum consularem numidiae , which are related in augustine's third book against cresconius . see the place ; and also augustine's epistle . thus much i have said ( and could have said a great deal more ) to evince that the council of cirta was convened moneths after those acts of the martyrs of africa ; and therefore it could not be assembled in the eighth consulate of diocletian , and the seventh of maximian ; in which year the persecution began . vales. d the alexandrian chronicle places the beginning of this persecution in the same moneth . but our eusebius ( in his b. concerning the martyrs of patestine , which is put as an appendix to this th book of his ecclesiastick history ) says it began in the moneth xanthicus , which the romans call april . vales. e theodoret ( in book . . chap. . of his ecclesiastick history ) affirms , that the edict for the demolishing of the churches was proposed on the day of our lords passion ( i. e. good-friday ▪ ) the authour of the alexandrian chronicle says it came forth on easter-day ; which was on the of march : but easter-day could not fall on the of march in the year of diocletian , as scaliger and petavius have observed . eusebius in his chronicon , says it came forth in march , diebus pasch● . the greek phrase here imports onely , that easter was near at hand , when the edicts were proposed : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; rufinus renders it , dies solennis pascha imminebat , the solemn day of easter was at hand . in the year of christ ( according to the dionysian aera ) easter fell on the day of april , amongst the eastern churches . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rufinus and nicephorus supposed the servants of the christians were hereby meant . but that cannot be the meaning of this place . for then the imperial edict would have been imperfect , providing onely for the apprehension of those who were honoured with any degree of preferment , and of servants , and leaving out the rusticks and ordinary sort of people . besides , how can servants be said to be deprived of their liberty ? christophorson translates it privatos , private persons . i think he means the actores and procuratores , who were servants to the richer sort of men . zonaras expounds this place very well , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , persons of a private condition . vales. a i suppose he means the plumbatae ( i. e. instruments of torture made with lead ) with which they beat the martyrs on the face and cheek . there is frequent mention of this sort of torture in the sufferings of the martyrs . our authour had said before , that the martyrs were beaten with the fists ▪ of the souldiers . here therefore he must mean these plumbatae : otherwise , what he says is a tautology . vales. a he means the devil , who is said in the gospel to be the princo of this world . vales. b his name was veturius ; he was magister militum , the master of the camp , or lieutenant-general of the army : concerning whom eusebius in his chronicon , at the year of diocletian says thus , veturius master of the camp persecutes the christian souldiers ; the persecution against us being from that time begun by degrees . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it imports his doing of the office of a judge amongst his souldiers , examining the place and order of each of them . the same term occurs book . chap. . where see note ( ● . ) * he means the devil , not the roman general , as christophorson supposed . vales. a this person is called john in the martyrology of usuardus , ado , notker , and in the old roman martyrology , at september . vales. b the edicts and rescripts , of the emperours were written in paper . therefore nilus , in his epistle , says it was barely called charta ; but after it had been subscribed by the emperour , it was called sacra ; which appears also from the acts of the council of chalcedon , and from justinians novells . vales. a concerning this peter , dorotheus , gorgonius , and the others ▪ that were martyred , see the acts of the suffering of indes and domna , at the . of december . vales. b there is an illustrious evidence of this fire , which happened at nicomedia in the first year of the persecution , in the chap. of the emperour constantine's oration , ad caetum sanctorum . vales. c see b. . chap. . note ( b. ) concerning melitina . there was a city , and a country called by this name in armenia the less . but i never met with any thing concerning this tyrant , who seized the empire in that region . vales. d he means eugenius , who for some little time tyrannized in syria . libanius ( in his oration to theodosius , pag. ; and in his antioch . pag. . ) tells the whole story . whereto may be annext a passage of the same libanius's , out of his oration to theodosius , concerning the sedition at antioch , pag. . there was a tribune of seleucia , by name , eugenius , who had the command of souldiers . these souldiers were ordered to open the mouth and passage of the haven . when they had laboured day and night without any intermission ; being much displeased at their task , they force their commander ( eugenius ) to take the empire upon him ; threatning him with death unless he would give his assent . the tribune being after this manner compelled , took the purple off the image of one of the gods , and was saluted emperour . he goes forthwith to antioch , ( which then had no garrison in it ) supposing that if he could possess himself of that city , it would much advance his designs : he makes himself master of that place about sun-setting . but his souldiers , agreeable to their usual irregularities , destroyed the country as they marched , and stuft themselves with wine , and good cheer . which being perceived by the antiochians , they ▪ despising the paucity and drunkenness of the souldiers , killed them all with stones and weapons of all sorts , ( the very women giving their assistance ) and their leader also , as he was going towards the palace : so that about the first watch none of them were left alive . but the emperour , who ought to have exprest his thankfulness to the antiochians , ordered the princes of the antiochensian and seleucensian . order should be slain , when as neither of them deserved any punishment . amongst them the grandfather of libanius ( a proper comely old man ) was killed . all this i met with pag. & . moreover , libanus ( in orat. ad theodosium de seditione ) tells us , the name of this tribune of the seleucensian souldiers was eugenius ; and the name of the emperour was diocletian , whom he calls , by his true name , diocles. thus i have given you the name and history of the tyrant ; and the time when this eugenius made his attempts on the empire , eusebius here declares , to wit , when diocletian was the eighth , and maximian the seventh time coss. vales. e this was the third edict of the emperours against the christians . by the first it was ordered the churches should be ruined and the scriptures burnt ; and those who were honoured with any preserment ( if they refused to sacrifice ) should be deprived of their dignity ; the meaner sort were to loose their liberty ; see chap. . another edict soon followed this , that bishops , priests and deacons should be imprisoned , and by all ways compelled to sacrifice . the third edict comprehended all sorts of christians , as well those of the laity , as the clergy ; which edict was proposed ( says eusebius in the chap. . of his book concerning the martyrs of palestine ) in the second year of the persecution . but this seems rather to have been the fourth edict : for the second and third concerned the presbyters onely ; by the second 't was ordered they should be imprisoned , and by the third it was enjoyned , they should by tortures be compelled to sacrifice . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the reading of the maz. and med. m. ss . accordingly we have rendered it of those truly admirable champions , &c. those champions were termed paradoxi , who had gained many victories . see peter faber ( in agonistico ) b. . pag. . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ursorum immanium ; so valesius ▪ renders it ; and we have translated it huge , i. e. terrible , outragious wild bears . b by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the term which here occurs , nicephorus ( b. . chap. . ) thought those were meant , who stood without the aren● of the amphitheatre ▪ and incited the wild-beasts by their clamours . but rufinus supposed that the arenarii were here spoken of , whose business it was to provoke the boasts : thus he renders the place ; verùm bestiae illos ipsos qui ad instegandum mittuntur , incredibili velocitate discerpunt , but the beasts tare in pieces those with an incredible swiftness , who are sent in to provoke them . christophorson thought that as well the infidells , as those who stood without the arena were here meant . the same term occurs again in this chapter ; we have rendred it in both places infidels . vales. e it was the custom , that the confectors ( concerning whom see b. . chap. . note n. ) were sent in to slay , or cut the throats of offenders , in the arena . we must not think these martyrs were beheaded . vales. a hence it may be collected that eusebius lived in egypt ; which is also attested by theodorus metochita , ( in collectan . ) where he says , that not onely the egyptians but also all those who lived in that country , used an intricate and obscure stile in their writing amongst which he reckons our eusebius . vales. b that is , the procuratour , or receiver general of the emperours revenues in egypt . for that office is meant by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] vales. c the phrase is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the honourable magistrates . ] but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] should be expunged : for , as i think , 't is a scholion added to explain what went before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie magistrates , but personages of honour . besides , no body was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the judge himself . vales. see valesius's note on b. . of amm. marcellinus . d in the acts of the passion of phileas this president is called culcianus : he was president of thebais , says epiphanius . therefore phileas suffered at thebais , not at alexandria , as some think . that which induced them to be of that mind , was a place in eusebius's following chapter , where he quotes phileas his epistle , which he wrote to the thmuitae from alexandria , a little before his suffering martyrdom . but , being ( as i said ) condemned by culcianus president of thebais , 't is manifest that he suffered there . vales. a in the med. and maz. m. ss . the title of this chap. is thus ▪ [ the written informations concerning what was done at alexandria . ] the title of the foregoing chapter is thus written [ phileas the martyrs relation concerning those who suffered at thebais . ] i doubt not but those words [ phileas the martyr ] belong to the title of this chap. . for here eusebius ( out of phileas's epistle to the thmuitae ) relates the martyrdoms of the alexandrians . vales. b these words should be printed in capital letters . in the kings m. s. they are disjoyned from the text : in the med. m. s. they are plac'd in the margin : but in the fuk ▪ and savil. m. ss . they are omitted . vales. * phil. . , . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. martyrs full of christ : so ignatius bishop of antioch , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. full of god. vales. * john. . . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i suppose he means the eculeus ; on which offenders were hung , and had their sides torn with iron-nailes . vales. e ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here ) seems to signifie some thing more than iron-nailes . for hesychius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a two-edged sword . note here the cruelty of the judges ; who were not contented with iron-nailes onely , but used knives also , or razours , with which they cut the sides of the martyrs . vales. * ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , a porch , gallery , or walking place under-propped with pillars ; in such philosophers taught and disputed : the stoicks had their name from hence : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f he means the apparitours or officers , who were under the praefectus augustalis ; concerning whom phileas speaks in this epistle , and calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the governour . the name of the praesectus augustalis at that time was hierocles , as epiphanius says , in haeres . melitian . vales. g the phrase in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which to me seems a new and uncouth expression . vales. h that is , the dragging of the bodies up and down : the first sort of torture was by stripes and scourges ; the second was , that they were laid on the ground ▪ drag'd about , and so drawn into prison . vales. i see b. . chap. . note ( c. ) * exod. ● . . † exod. . . k after these words christophorson has inserted many chapters , out of that appendix which robert stephens has published at the latter end of this eighth book . but that appendix is an entire book , and separated from this work , to wit , the ecclesiastick history ; in which eusebius describes the sufferings of the palestine martyrs , and especially the passion of his friend pamphilus . some studious person added this book to the eighth book of the ecclesiastick history , because their subjects were very like ; whose copy the transcribers afterwards following , placed it in their copies . in all the m. ss . which i could ever yet see , this book is extant after the end of b. . in such manner as robert stephens publish't it . christophorson therefore did ill , and contrary to the authority of all copies , to put this book in here , as if it had been part of the eighth book of the ecclesiastick history . musculus was more prudent , who ( following stephens's edition in his version ) translated the eighth book as he found it in the greek , and wholly omitted this appendix : which neither ru●●nus , nor nicephorus seem to have found in their copies . besides , the titles of the chapters of book . ( which , as usually , are prefixt before it ) were sufficient to have put christophorson in mind , that this appendix did in no wise belong to the eighth book . vales. a lactantius tells the same story , in his book . institut . divi●ar . chap. . where he treats concerning the injustice of the judges , or rulers of provinces , who punished the christians : alii ( says he ) ad occidendum pr●cipi●es extiterunt , sicut unus in phrygia , qui universum populum cum ipso pariter conventiculo concremavit ; i. e. others were very hasty to murther [ the christians ] as was one in phrygia , who burnt all the inhabitants , together with the place they dwelt in , at one and the same time . vales. b the curator of the city was he , who lookt after the treasure , and what ever else in generall belonged to the revenue of the city ; this is manifest from the pandects of the law ; he is also called logista ( from the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the term here in the original , ) in lege . cod. de modo mulctandi . hence [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] was used to signifie the performance of the curators office , or place . see valesius's notes on ammian . marcellinus , pag. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the term in the original ; which the latines called magistratus , or duumvir ; 't is taken in this sense throughout the whole title cod. theod. de decurlonibus : & in optatus , lib. . &c. in which places ( and in many others ) magistratus and duumvir are promiscuously used . the chief magistrate amongst the corinthians , rhodians , tarsenses , ephesians , and philippians , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and also amongst the athenians the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 got the precedency and chief place , the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being suppressed : see cicero in book . epist. . ad atticum . lastly in all grecian cities it was at length customary to call the chief magistrates strategi ; as 't is manifest from the old coyns and marbles . see valesius's his notes on amm. marcellinus , b. . pag. , . d in the maz. med. fuk. and savill . m. ss . this person's name is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ adauctus ▪ so rufinus and cedrenus wrote his name also . this person is mentioned in the greek menaeum , on the third of october . there was at the same time another adauctus , who suffered martyrdom at rome , and is mentioned at the seventh of february vales. e he means the procuratour , or steward of the revenue . rufinus renders this place thus ; rationes summarum partium administrans ; which is truly translated . vales. f concerning these magistrirei privatae , see leg. and , cod. theod. de jure fisci . these officers are usually joyned with the ratio●alists in the cod. theod. see valesius's notes on ammian . marcellin . book . . pag. . a such a fire is that , which is made of straw and small sprigs of trees . it is called a slow , or slack fire , to difference it from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the unquenchable fire , which we took notice of before . this fire was kindled at some distance , that so the martyrs might be choakt with the smoak , rather than burnt . pionius the martyr seems to have been killed by such a fire , as his acts do attest . seneca ( in his third book de irâ ) seems to mention this sort of punishment , in these words , e● circundati defixis corporibus ignes . vales. b rufinus translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the term here , grid-irons ▪ so also the old gloss renders this term . vales. c there may be a double meaning given of these words . for we may either understand that these women had gone one half of their journey ; in which sense nicephorus took the words : or that they stood on a bank which was in the middle of the high-way . concerning the martyrdom of these sort of christian women ( who drowned themselves for the preservation of their chastity and religion , ) see s t august . de civitat . d●i , book . chap. . there is extant an encomium of these women in the first tome of chrysostome , where the mother is called domnina , and the daughters bernice and prosdoce . the antiochians , celebrated their martyrdom on the day after the feast of the holy cross ; the greeks placed their birth-day on oct. . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which rufinus translates elegantly , usque ad loca pudenda quibus naturalis egestio procurari soles . the grecians call [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that part of the body , which modesty forbids to be named . vales. * ironically spoken . e the med. maz ▪ and fuk. m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] superlative . vales. f rufinus says an edict of the emperour was set forth , whereby such a sort of punishment was commanded thenceforth to be inflicted on the christians : but i think this not to be true . for the magistrates themselves , being overcome by the constancy of the christians , at length betook themselves to this sort of punishment on their own accord . vales. g you must understand [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , combats ▪ ] for he had spoken concerning these just before . christophorson translated these words ill , thus [ at this time ; ] and from them began a new chapter . vales. h the term here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , secret . ] it seems to be used for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inexplicable ; ] in which sense eusebius does frequently use it . but if any one will translate it [ secret , ] i shall not withstand it . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the martyrs at antioch ] in niccphorus the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the martyrs of antioch , ] which doubtless is truest . for lucianus suffered not at antioch , but at nicomedia , as eusebius attests in this place ; to whom agree jerom [ in catalog . ] rufinus , and nicephorus . the same is confirmed by lucianus himself in the epistle he wrote to the antiochians , when he was ( together with some other martyrs ) in prison at nicomedia . the last words of this epistle are extant in the alexandrian chronicle , at the first year of the persecution . vales. b to wit , in the book concerning the martyrs of palestine , which is placed after this eighth b. for in that eusebius at large declares the martyrdom of pamphilus , as may there be seen . moreover , from this place it appears , that that book concerning the martyrs of palestine was written by euscbius after his ecclesiastick history , and after his books concerning the life of pamphilus the martyr . christophorson ( who had inserted that whole appendix before this chapter ) was forced to omit these words of eusebius here , least eusebius should seem to have forgot himself . i must indeed confess , that in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have declared ; ] but if that reading be true , eusebius must mean his books concerning the life of pamphilus the martyr ; which ( as before we observed ) he wrote before his ecclesiastick history . vales. c in the maz. & med. m. ss . this person is called dius ; in robert stephens he is named didius . vales. d he means doubtless his book concerning the martyrs of palestine . for no other book but that can be found , wherein eusebius relates the conflicts of the martyrs which he himself had seen . the opinion of christophorson is from this passage further disproved , who supposed the book concerning the martyrs of palestine was part of this eighth book : upon which account , after these words [ in another work ] he omitted some words , and inserted others , against the authority of all copies . turnebus was sensible hereof , and therefore at the margin of his copy he put this greek scholion at these words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. note , that you will meet with this writing immediately after this eighth book . vales. e how great the felicity of the roman empire was , in the reign of diocletian and maximian , mamertinus attests in his genethliacum , about the latter end . neither did the romans ever succeed more prosperously in their wars against the barbarians , than at that time . the barbarians were in every engagement slain , and the limits of the roman empire enlarged . if we read the histories of those times , we shall find that the affairs of the empire were never in a better posture ; when four princes , to wit , two augusti , and as many caesar's , did each of them severally repell the barbarians . but although diocletian and maximian obtained so many victories over the enemies of the roman empire ; yet they triumphed but once , a little before they resigned the empire , as eutropius and zonaras do attest . the words of eutropius are these ; uterque una die privato habitu imperii infigne mutavit ; nicomediae diocletianus , herculius mediolani , post triumphum in●lytum , quem romae ex numerosis gentibus egerant , pompa serculorum illustri , &c. hieronymus ( in his chronicon ) has placed this triumph of diocletian and maximian on the eighteenth year of diocletian . at which place scaliger ( in his animadversions ) remarques , that hieronymus has committed an anachronism . for he says , this triumph was performed on the twentieth year of diocletian , some months before he put off his purple . but scaliger himself is mistaken rather than hieronymus . for if diocletian triumphed in the twentieth year of his empire , that is some few moneths before he resigned it , it must be said he triumpht about january , in the year of christ , and put off his purple on the kalends of april of the same year ; which time of his resignation , idatius declares ( in fastis . ) whence it follows , that he triumpht in winter time , and in the depth of winter travelled from rome to nicomedia ; neither of which is probable . for neither did the roman emperours usually triumph in winter ; nor was diocletian ( by reason of his age and infirmity of body ) able to endure the trouble of so tedious a journey besides , in the nineteenth year of his empire , in march and april , diocletian was at nieomedia ; at which time the persecution against the christians began , as our eusebius attests in chap. . book . he was at nicomedia also , when the palace there was burnt ; ( as constantine witnesseth in his oration ad sanctorum coetum , chap. . ) which fire happened some moneths after the persecution was began . let us therefore suppose , that that happened in may , is it credible that diocletian could goe from nicomedia to rome , triumph there , return from thence to nicomedia , put off his purple there , and retire into dalmatia to lead the rest of his life in retirement there : is it ( i say ) credible he could do all this within ten moneths space ? besides , the disease , by which diocletian was for some time put out of his wits , seized him first at nicomedia , a little after he raised the persecution , as constantine relates . wherefore , 't is very improbable , that diocletian , troubled with such a distemper , undertook such a long journey . further , the authour of the panegyrick spoken to maximian and constantine , does expresly affirm , that diocletian and maximian triumphed at rome some years before the twentieth of diocletian's empire ; see his words . scaliger therefore is much mistaken , in saying diocletian and maximian triumphed in the twentieth year of diocletian's empire : hieronymus , more truly , placed it on the eighteenth of diocletian . in which year idatius ( in fastis ) observes , that the emperours gave command by their edict that corn should be sold cheap ; which seems to have been ordered by them after the triumph , to please the people of rome . but cedrenus places this triumph on the seventeenth year of diocletian . vales. f eusebius had better have said , the first year was scarce compleated . for this resignation of the empire , made by diocletian and maximian , happened about the beginning of the second year of the persecution , on the kalends of april , in the year of christ . the persecution having been begun in the moneth of march of the foregoing year . whenas therefore eusebius says [ the second year of this war was not compleated , ] his meaning must be this [ it was the second year current of the persecution : ] in this sense that other place of eusebius ( which occurs in chap. . of his b. concerning the martyrs of palestine , about the end of the chapter , ) is to be taken vales. g christophorson translates these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus , primus nostrarum aerumnarum auctor , the first authour of our sorrows ; which version is not good : but he seems to have followed nicephorus herein ; who ( in b. chap. . ) writes out this passage of eusebius ; and instead of his words here set down , uses these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the authour of our mischief . ] vales. h for constantius and galcrius parted the empire between themselves : which was the first division of the empire , as eusebius here asserts . for although there had been more than one augustus at the same time , yet they governed the roman empire together , without making any division of it ; thus it was in the reign of marcus and verus . neither was there any division made of the empire in the reign of diocletianus and herculius maximianus ; when those two augusti parted neither the provinces , nor the legions . see eutropius , b. . orosius b. . concerning this division of the empire ( which rome was much displeased at ) porphyrius ( in his panegyrich to constantine , written by him in the th year of constantine's reign , ) speaks these words , — laccrata cruentis imperiis pars fessa poli , divisa gemebat sceptra , & ausoniae marebat perdita jura . vales. i the meaning of his passage is not , that constantius was the first emperour that had the honour to be deified after his death : ( for many emperours , before constantius , were by the senate accounted amongst the number of the divi : ) but that , of the four emperours who governed the empire together ( to wit , diocletianus , maximianus , constantius , and galerius ) constantius was the first that obtained this honour ; because he was the first of them four , that dyed . vales. k in the kings m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fertunate end of his life : ] but in the maz med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . the words here are [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an honourable and thrice-happy conclusion of his life . ] vales. l in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honoured with the title of caesar onely , before ( or , otherwise than ) all the rest : ] which reading is truer than [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by all men . ] for , four augusti at that time governed the affairs of the roman empire ; to wit , galerius , constantinus , maxentius , and licinius . but maximinus was long before made caesar by galerius , and continued in that dignity untill galerius's death . wherefore , 't is most true ( what eusebius here saith ) that maximinus was much displeased , because , there being then so many augusti , he alone had no other title than that of caesar , when as notwithstanding he had received that title of caesar , before the other three princes now mentioned . vales. m these words [ whom we before manifested to have re-assumed the empire , after his resignation of it ] are wanting in the maz. and fuk. m. ss . they are in the kings m. s. and in the med. m. s. they are written at the margin here , in the same hand in which that m. s. is written . moreover , although eusebius here says , he before related , that maximianus herculius re-assumed the imperial dignity ; yet hitherto i cannot find the place where eusebius has said this . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the expression here ) is to be understood in the same sense with that we explained a little before in this chapter , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first that was deisied . ] see note ( i. ) in this thirteenth chapter . vales. * to maximianus . a aurelius victor ( in the life of maxentius ) says the same ; adeo saevus , uti praetorianis caedem vulgi quondam annuerit ; he was so cruel , that one time he connived at his guards for killing the common people . constantine , having vanquished maxentius , did quite put down the praetorian cohorts , ( i. e. those souldiers , whose office it was to guard the emperours body , ) upon pretence of this slaughter ( here mentioned ) they made among the common people ; but in reality , that they should not attempt any alterations in the government , nor make emperours , as they had done maxentius , whom they proclaimed augustus . moreover , zosimus tells the same story , ( here mentioned by our eusebius ) but a little otherwise . for he relates , that when the temple of the god genius at rome was accidentally fired , and the people flockt together to quench the fire ; a souldier , who derided this god of the gentiles , was killed by the common people ; upon which there immediately happened so great an uproar amongst the souldiers , that the whole city had been destroyed , had not maxentius intervened , vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so our authour words it in the greek . they were called s●cerdotes [ i. e. chief priests ] by the gentiles , who had the temples of a whole province under their care : but the flamines [ the priests ] were those , who in every town and city took care of the performance of their religious rites . ( see valesius's notes on amm. marcellinus , book . pag. . moreover , maximinus must not be supposed to have been the first that instituted these chief priests of the provinces : for there were such priests long before his time . but maximinus increased their honour , and allowed them a guard , i. e. lictors and apparitors . th●se chief priests of the provinces were made out of the body of the curiales , ( i. e. those that were of the court , or senate in every city ; see valesius's notes on amm. marcell . b. . p. . ) who had before born all publick offices , and discharged them worthily . this place [ of high priest of a province ] was accounted so honourable , that he that bore it took place of the magistrates , or duumviri . see the gesta purgat . caeciliani , b. . chap. . these high priests had the power of entring into the secretum of the judges , and of being assessours with them , as appears from the acts of theodorus the martyr at november . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus translates it statutis , laws : christophorson , manda●is , commands : valesius , indictionibus , imposts or taxes . our eusebius uses the same term at chap. . b. . where , speaking of licinius , he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. he invented several sorts of taxes against his subjects . see book . chap. . note ( d. ) d see eusebius's oration concerning the praises of constantine , c. . where this passage is repeated almost in the same words . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the greek : valesius renders it clavorum suffixiones ▪ the being fastned with nails ; perhaps our authour means crucifixion . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the expression in the greek . some words seem to be wanting , which may be thus supplied [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having requested a short space of time for a recess . ] eusebius used the same phrase before , when he spake of the antiochian woman , who with the two virgins leapt into the river . vales. f at the margin of the maz. and savill m. ss . i found this scholion written , for the explication of these words : [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. how does this man admire those women , who were the authours of their own deaths ? and yes the judgment of the church is , not to record them amongst the number of the martyrs , who have been their own executioners . for 't is [ an argument ] of fear , rather than courage , by death to prevent the dread of punishment . but [ the church looks upon those as martyrs , ] who suppose nothing to be dreadfull upon account of the confession of christ ; but with alacrity suffer all [ tortures , ] that a tyrannick and devilish subtilty can produce [ against them . ] the authour of this scholion has made a true remark , to wit , that the church approves not of self-murder ; when men , out of a fear of death , or through desperation lay violent hands on themselves . but as often as they are d●iven to do that by the instinct of the divine spirit , which ●arely happens ; then the church approves and admires that act ▪ but proposes it not for imitation . see what s t augustine thought concerning this matter , in his first book . de civitate dei , chap. . vales. a the persecution began in the year of christ ; when diocletian was in his th , an maximian in his th , consulate . it ended in the year of christ ; then , when constantine , having conquered maxentius , sent letters to maximinus emperour of the east , to procure liberty for the christians ; as our eusebius relates in book . therefore the persecution lasted ten years , as 't is here affirmed . and so the years are noted in the m. s. copies of eusebius's chronicon , as pontacus has observed . epiphanius therefore is mistaken ; who ( in his book de ponder . & mensur . ) says this persecution lasted twelve years . see the following chapter , where our authour relates , that the persecution ceased on the tenth year . vales. a at these words we began the th chapter , agreable to the maz ▪ and fuk ▪ m. ss . but in the med ▪ m. s. ( which rob. stephens followed , in the distinction of the chapters ) there is no new chapter began here . vales. b he means maximianus galerius , as 't is apparent from the following words : for he was the authour of the persecution raised against the christians . rufinus in the ● th chapter of this book speaks thus concerning ; g●lerius ; ille verò , qui ●i secundus ●n honore , postm●dum etiam in primis successor ●uit , qui & in centor ac ●ignif●r nostra persecutionis extiterat , &c. i. e. but he , who was the next in honour to him , afterwards succeeded him in the first and chiefest place ; who also was the incendiary and first beginner of our persecution , &c. cedrenus attests the same . vales. * matth. . . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means his genitals ; which victor ( in his epitomo ) does confirm : galerius maximianus ( says he ) consumptis genitalibus defecit . d the phrase in the greek is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , being literally rendred , imports thus much , an ulcer in the fundamens full of holes like a spunge . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this expression musculus renders thus , ad semetipsum reversus , being come to himself : christophorson thus , mentem igitur recolligens , & tanquam rediens ad se , recollecting therefore his mind , and returning as it were to himself : valesius thus , totâ mentis aci● in semet ipsum conversâ , the whole sharpness of his mind being turned upon himself . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words rufinus renders very well , thus . convocatis his qui in officio publico parc●ant ; having called together those who served in any publick office . eusebius usually means , by this phrase , the grandees of the palace , whom amm. marcellinus does commonly term , aulae summates , & imperatoris proximos , the chief court officers , and those necrest to the emperour . vales. * in the original 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the imperial palace : but nicephorus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the emperour . vales. b we find that the persians were but once conquered by galerius , which was in the year of christ ; as 't is affirmed in fastis idatii , and in the alexandrian chronicle . the same is confirmed by libanius , in his oration intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; where he relates that the persians , after that great defeat they received from the romans under the conduct of galerius ▪ spent fourty years in preparations to make amends for that overthrow ; and that , a little before the death of constantine the great , they entred upon a war with the romans . indeed , from that year of christ we mentioned ( i. e. anno ) to the year wherein constantine dyed , there are fourty years . therefore , eusebius's chronicle must be corrected , in which this persian victory is placed on the seventeenth year of diocletian ; whereas it should be placed on his thirteenth year ; as it is in the edition of arnaldus pontacus . seeing therefore we can find no other victory that maximianus obtained over the persians , this place ought to be pointed ( as it is in nicephorus , and as we have done in our translation ) after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sarmaticus maximus the fifth time ; persicus maximus . in rufinus's old copy , there is at this place no distinction by points ; but 't is thus , sarmaticus quinquies persicus bis carpicus sexies armenicus medorum & adiabenorum victor . c rufinus ▪ renders this passage thus , tribuniciae potestatis vicies , having been tribune of the people twenty times . this is the reading in the m. ss . from this place we may perceive , that galerius was made caesar , and colleague in the tribunician power ( or , tribune of the people ) at the same time ; since in this edict he accounts the years of his tribunician power from that time when he was proclaimed caesar. now , he was made caesar in the year of christ , on the calends of march. moreover , he put forth this edict in favour of the christians , in the year of christ , in his eighth consulate , as the inscription of the edict declares : whence it followes , that this edict was written before the calends of march. for from that time galerius began his tribunician power . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. emperour the nineteenth time : for that 's the reading in the most ancient copy of rufinus . christophorson translated this term ill , thus , dictator . he knew not what was the import of the word imperator . imperator signifies one thing in the titles of the emperours , when 't is put in the first place like a pronoun ; but it imports another thing , when 't is subjoyned to the rest of the titles . for the word [ emperour ] put in the second place , denotes the victory of the emperours , and shews how often they were stiled emperours by the army , after they had obtained a victory ; so dio ●●forms us . vales. e in all copies , there is an omission of the number of times that constantine had born the office of tribune of the people , when this edict came forth . i have added the figure [ v ] which denotes the fifth time of his bearing the tribune-ship : which addition is grounded upon a most certain conjecture . vales. f after this word [ proconsul , ] ( in the maz. med. fuk. and savil m. ss . and in nicephorus ) there are these following words [ and , emperour caesar valerius licinianus , pius ▪ faelix , invictus , augastus , pontifex maximus ; tribune of the people iv. emperour iii. consul , father of his country , proconsul : to the subjects of their own provinces greeting . ] which passage , although it occurs not in ruffinus , yet is of good authority . and first ▪ as to licinius's tribunician power , the same must be thought of that which was of galerius's , to wit , that it is to be begun from the time of his being made caesar. now , licinius was made caesar in the year of christ , on the third of the ides of november , as it appears in the fasti of idatius . therefore , the ●ourth year of licinius's tribunician power began in the year of christ , on the third of the ides of november . but this disagrees with what we noted before , when we treated concerning the tribunician power of galerius . wherefore one of these places must necessarily be false . for if it were then the fourth year of licinius's tribunician power , it was the twenty first of galerius's . on the contrary , if this were the twentieth year of galerius's being tribune of the people , it was but the third year of licinius's bearing that dignity . as to the consulate of licinius , there is mention thereof in the fasti of prosp●rus , cassiodorus , and victorius ; where he is placed consul with maximianus augustus cos. viii . in my notes on amm. marcellinus , i had remarked , that licinius was made augustus by galerius , a little before galerius's death ; which i collected from hence , because in this edict , we now speak of , gallerius had made no mention of licinius's being his colleague : but since in our m. ss . and in nicephorus licinius is stiled augustus in this edict of galerius , that conjecture of ours is wholly destroyed . vales. g in the fuk. savil , maz. and med. m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so great an arrogancy and unadvisedness — has possest and invaded them . ] vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which valesius here renders arrogantia , arrogancy ) is by democrates ( in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) defined to be speaking all , and no● enduring to hear any body else . d r hammond has given a large account of the significantions of this word , in his note on rom. . v. . notes for div a -e * id est galerius . see the edict , chap. . book . a those four were diocletianus , maximianus , constantius , and galeriu● . see book . chap. . note ( ● . ) b that is , diocletianus and maximianus . see book . chap. . note ( e. ) c in chap. . book . d diocletianus . e maximianus . f galerius . g see chap. . book . . note ( b. ) h see chap. . book . i these following words are taken out of chap. . book . v●les . k constantine the great . l ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so rob. stephens : valesius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * galerius . m chap. . book . n who were constantinus ▪ and licinius or licinianus : see chap. . book ● . notes for div a -e a before i had lookt into any of the m. ss . i thought these words were added by rob. stephens , who in some copies had found these two supplements of the th book . but when i had perceived that the same words occurred in all the m. ss . i was easily induced to believe , that all those m. ss . were transcribed from one and the same copy . moreover , this d supplement is nothing else but eusebius's book concerning the martyrs of palestine ; which appears from the words at the end of this supplement . for in the maz ▪ and med. m. ss . these words occur there ▪ ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. the end of eusebius pamphilus's [ book ] concerning tho martyrs of palestine . vales. a the same relation is in the acts of the passion of procopius the martyr , which begin thus , the first of the martyrs that appeared in palestine was procopius , &c. from whence 't is evident , that those acts were translated out of the greek copy of eusebius into latine . to make this more manifestly apparent , it will in no wise be unusefull , to insert here the entire acts. for many things worth our knowledge are contained in them , which neither baronius nor molanus happened to have a sight of ▪ we have transcribed them from a most ancient m. s. belonging to the musciacensian monastery , which is now in the hands of that learned person claudius joly canon of the church at paris . their contents are these ; the passion of s. procopius the martyr , who suffered under fabianus the president , on the fourth of the nones of august . the first of the martyrs that appeared in palestine was procopius : a person [ full ] of celestial grace , who before his martyrdom ordered his life so , as that from his very childhood he applied his mind to chastity , and a virtuous converse . he so macerated his body , that 't was judged to be almost dead . but he comforted his mind with such divine words , that he infused strength and courage into his body , by this refection of his mind . bread and water was his food and drink : he fed onely on these : which he would forsake for two , or three , sometimes for seven days together , and then return to that his food again . also , a meditation on divine expressions had bound up his mind so fast , that he continued indefatigable in it night and day . he made himself an high example of courtesie and meekness , looking on himself to be inferiour to others , so great was his studiousness in divine matters : he had also attained to a competency in external accomplishments . his original extract he had at aelia [ i. e. jerusalem ; ] but by converse and habitation he was a scythopolitan . he served in three offices in that church ; one was that of a reader , another consisted in his interpretation of the syrian tongue ; and the third was an imposition of hands , to cast out devils . and when he ( together with his companions ) was sent from scythopolis to caesarea , he was led from the very gates to the president ▪ and before he had experienced the miseries of imprisonment and bonds , he was upon his very first arrival commanded by flavianus the president , to offer sacrifice to the gods. but with a loud voice he attested that there was not a multiplicity of gods , but one maker and framer of all things . the president , smitten with that expression of his , and being wounded in his own conscience , assented to what he said . and , betaking himself to other arguments , [ perswaded him ] to sacrifice at least but to the emperours . but the holy martyr of god , despising what he said , repeated that passage of homer — it is not good [ to have ] many lords , let there be one lord , one king. which words being heard , it being supposed that he spoke something that was of ill consequence to the emperours , by the presidents command he was led to execution ; and being beheaded , had an entrance into a celestial life , or found a compendious way into heaven , on the seventh day of desius , that is , the moneth july , which amongst the romans is called the nones of july , in the first year of the persecution against us . this was the first martyrdom that was consummated in caesarea , our lord jesus christ reigning , to whom be honour and glory for ever and ever , amen . these acts are also extant in two m. ss . belonging to the library of saint germans . vales. b the foregoing acts of the passion of saint procopius render this passage almost word for word , thus ; priusquam carceris vel vinculorum experiretur angustias , before he had experienced the miseries of imprisonment and bonds . by which words the cruelty of the judge is signified . for the roman presidents were wont first to imprison those offenders that were apprehended and brought before them , and to interrogate them afterwards at their leisure . vales. c the foregoing acts word this passage thus ; in ipso ingressu suo ● judice flaviano ut diis sacrificaret impellitur ; i. e. he was upon his very first arrival , commanded by flavianus the president , to offer sacrifice to the gods. many things are here omitted in the greek text of eusebius , which must be made prefect by those acts in latine ( the translation whereof we have before inserted . ) for when eusebius had here said expresly , that procopius upon his first arrival was brought before the judge , he adds nothing concerning the place from whence he came , where he was apprehended , or to what place he was brought : nothing of which ought to have been omitted . besides , eusebius does accurately relate the descent and country of other martyrs mentioned in this book ; and if any of them had attained any degree of ecclesiastick honour , he does usually take notice of that also . but of this person ( who was the chief , and leader of all the palestine martyrs ) we see no such remarks made . this , 't is probable , was not the fault of eusebius , but of his excribers . for , in the latine acts , which , as we before evidenced , were translated out of eusebius , all these circumstances are manifestly declared . see the translation of the latine acts , in note ( a. ) in this chapter . vales. d the latine copies of these acts doe vary a little here : in claudius joly's copy ( the translation of which you have in note ( a. ) in this chapter , ) the words are , defii septima julii mensi● , quae nonas julias dicitur apud latinos , i. e. on the seventh day of desius [ that is the ] moneth july , which amongst the romans is called the nones of july : in the two m. s. copies belonging to the library of s. germans , the reading is thus , dies erat septima julii mensis , quae . idus julii dicitur apud latinos , i. e. it was the seventh day of the month july , which amongst the romans is called the seventh of the ides of july . in the greek text of our eusebius here , the words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the eighth day of the moneth desius , that is ( as the romans stile it ) before the seventh of the ides of june . by these words in the latine copies of the m. ss . in saint germans library , the title before claudius joly's copy of these acts is to be amended , where 't is said procopius suffered on the fourth of the nones of august . notwithstanding , in all the martyrologies , the martyrdom of procopius is set on the eighth of the ides of july . the greeks also celebrate the memory of the great martyr procopius on the same day , as may be seen in their menaeum . but that procopius is a different person from ours , although he was born at jerusalem , and suffered at the same time almost , and in the same city , that our procopius did . for our procopius was a reader , and an - exorcist , as eusebius attests . but the other was a captain of egypt . the first procopius was a christian from his childhood , the second was at first a worshipper of daemons . our procopius was beheaded , having suffered no tortures , and so obtained the crown of martyrdom by a most compendious and easie kind of death . the other procopius suffered a tedious and most cruel martyrdom , having undergone most horrid tortures under two presidents of palestine , justus and flavianus . upon which account he is reckoned by the greeks amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great martyrs : see book . chap. . note ( b. ) lastly , our procopius was taken at scythopolis , brought to caesarea in palestine , and there beheaded . the other was apprehended in egypt , and martyred in caesarea a city of phoenicia ( which was also called paneas ) if we may believe simcon metaphrastes . vales. e it is , i perceive , taken for granted amongst all men , that the months of the syro-macedonians were wholly the same with the julian months , from that time when julius caesar publisht his year . for scaliger and our petavius do in many places affirm this ; and the only difference ( as they say ) was , that the syro-macedonians began their year from october . but , there are many things which make me dissent from their opinion . for first , bede ( in his ephemeris , and in his book de ratione temporum ) says , that the months of the greeks began from apellaeus , which answers to december . but marcus ( in his life of porphyrius bishop of gaza ) attests , that those of gaza began their year from the month dius . for these are his words at pag , . primo mense qui ab eis vocatur dios , deinde etiam secundo , qui dicitur apellaeos ; i. e. in the first month which they call dius , then also in the second which is termed apellaeus . the emperour julianus ( in antiochico ) confirms this , where he expresly says that lous was the tenth month amongst the syrians . now , if they began their year from october , then lous ( which answers to august ) would not have been the tenth , but the eleventh month . the same is manifested by julianus ( in misopogone , pag. . ) in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ i. e. the calends of the syrians were come , and caesar goes to the temple of jupiter philius again . then came the calends of january ( for , in my notes on book . of ammian . marcellinus , pag. , i have shown that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the same with the calends of january . ) and caesar goes to the temple of the god genius . ( concerning the temple of this god genius at antioch , see evagrius's hist. book . chap. . ) then passing by the ominous day , he renews his vows in the temple of jupiter philius according to the custome of his ancestours . seeing therefore julianus attests , that the new moon of the syrians year did a little precede the calends of january ; it is manifest that the beginning of the roman and syrian year was not the same . but , it may be plainly collected from the same place of julian , that dius was the first month of the year amongst the antiochians : for julian says , that on the calends of the first month of the syrians , he went to the temple of jupiter , to sacrifice , because their first month was sacred to jupiter , and received its name from him . for it was called dius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from jupiter : and the first month was rightly called after his name , who was thought to be the principal cause , and origine of all things . now , if october were the first month of the syrian year , that passage in julian would have been impertinent . for , when the antiochians would deride julian , for his assiduity in worshiping the gods , they produce this example thereof [ the calends of the syrians were come , and caesar goes to the temple of jupiter philius again : then came the calends of january , and caesar goes to the temple of the god genius . ] there must therefore necessarily be some little space of time between the calends of the syrians , and the romans , that so julian might deservedly be derided by the antiochians for his too frequent offering of sacrifice . it is therefore necessary , that either apellaeus must have been the first month amongst the syrians , ( which is bede's opinion , ) or else dius . thus far concerning the beginning of the syro-macedonian year ; which we have demonstrated to be different from the beginning of the julian year . we will now inquire into the syro-macedonian months , and see whether they began and ended at the same time that the roman months did . indeed , this place in eusebius does plainly shew , that the beginning of the months amongst the syrians and romans was not the same : for it makes the eighth day of the month desius to be the same with the seventh of the month june . therefore the syrian month desius began one day before the roman month june . moreover , marcus ( in the life of porphyrius ) affirms , that the months of the inhabitants of gaza preceded the roman months five days . his words are these , pluit autem dominus , &c. our lord sent a continued rain from the eighth day of the month audynaeus to the tenth . now audynaeus amongst the romans is january . for their months precede the roman months five days . but on the eleventh day we celebrated the feast of the epiphany , praising god. from which words 't is apparent , that the beginning of the months amongst those of gaza was almost the same with the beginning of them amongst the egyptians . further , epiphanius ( in his book de ponderib . chap. . ) makes the sixteenth day of may the same with the twenty third of the grecian month artemisius . the form of the months amongst the tyrians was different from this ; they made use of the macedonian account of the months . for , in the acts at tyre ( which are related in the ninth action of the council of chalcedon ) the tenth day of the month peritius is confounded with the twenty fifth of february : and in the fifth action concil . constantinop . sub ▪ mena , the twenty eighth day of the tyrian month lous is said to have been the sixteenth day of the roman month september . from all this it may be concluded , that the account of the whole year , and of the months , was not of one and the same form amongst the syrians . for those of gaza computed them after one way , those of tyre after another , and those of caesarea after a third manner . but , i am fully perswaded , that the caesareans used months , wholly composed according to the julian form . for , in all places of this book of eusebius's , concerning the martyres of palestine , wherever mention is made of the macedonian months amongst the caesarians , ( the mention whereof does frequently occur in it ; ) the days of those months do always agree with the days of the roman months ; excepting this only place in this first chapter . therefore , i think , that the reading in the text of eusebius here should be thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the seventh day of the month desius . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , on the fourth feria , or , ( to render it word for word ) on the fourth day of the sabbath , or , of the week . for the ancient christians having received a set account of the seven days of the week from the jews , named them as they did . therefore they called them the first of the sabbath , the second of the sabbath , &c. see tertullian in his book de jejuniis . sometimes they called them feriae : feria is the same with sabbath . therefore , as the jews termed the week-days the first , the second , the third of the sabbath ; and so on to the seventh-day , which they called the sabbath : so the antient christians termed them the first , second , and third feria , &c. making an alteration only in this , that they did not keep the sabbath-day holy , as did the jews ; but observed their sabbath 〈…〉 the first day of the sabbath ▪ which they also called sunday , or the lord's day . so isidorus in his book , de natura rerum , chap. . bede ( in his book de ratione temporum ) says the week-days were called feriae , because the clergy-men , by the decree of pope sylvester , were ordered to keep every day holy . but this opinion cannot be true ; for the days of the week were called feriae long before pope sylvester's time , as tertullian informs us . moreover , not only the christians , but the gentiles also received the computation of the week from the jews , as josephus informs us , in the close of his second book against apion . but the gentiles called the days of the week by the names of the seven planets ; which names continue still in use amongst most nations , being as it were certain reliques of the ancient errour of the gentiles . see tertullian in his book ad nationes . vales. the ecclesiastical year of old began at easter , the first week whereof was all holyday , the days being distinguished by prima , secunda , tertia , &c. added unto feria . from thence the days of any other week began to be called feria prima , secunda , &c. see m r jo. gregory of oxford , in his tract de aeris & epochis , chap. . the original of the names , which we in england give to the days of the week , may be seen in verstegan's antiquities , pag. , &c. edit . antwerp . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we render primum martyrium , the first martyrdom : so the latine acts render it ▪ whence it appears , the translator thereof did read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * see b. . chap. . he was a deacon of the church of gadara ; concerning whom we have this passage in the m●●ologi● at the th of november : the commemoration of the holy martyrs michaeus , zacchaeus , deacon of gadara , and alphaeus . the blessed zacchaeus was led before the tribunal , having an heavy iron-chain about his neck . vales. a the greeks , in their menaeum , make mention of two romanus's , both martyrs ; the one , they say , was condemned by asclepiades the praefect at antioch , in the reign of galerius : the other was a deacon of caesarea ( concerning whom eusebius here speaks ) who , as they affirm , suffered under diocletian . but , in as much as they confess , that both of them suffered on one and the same day , ( for they affirm that both of them had their tongues cut out , that they both spoke after they were cut out , and that both of them were afterwards strangled in prison , ) 't is plain , that the greeks mistake in their making of them two distinct martyrs . i wonder that this opinion of theirs should please baronius in his notes on the martyrologie . if there were two martyrs called by the same name , to wit , romanus , and if they both suffered martyrdom on the same day at antioch , why does eusebius mention but one here ? it will perhaps be answered , that eusebius was resolved to speak of the martyrs of palestine onely in this book , and therefore that he onely mentioned romanus the deacon , because he was a palestinian . but eusebius has made mention of this martyr in another place , to wit , in his second book concerning the resurrection and ascension of christ , where he acknowledges but one romanus who was martyred at antioch . vales. b amongst the primitive christians , especially in the smaller towns , because the clergy were few in number , one and the same clergy-man performed two or three offices . hence 't is , that in the acts of procopius the martyr , ( which we related before ) procopius is said to have born three offices at the same time in the church of scythopolis , to wit , the office of a reader , of an interpreter , and of an exorcist . after the same manner therefore romanus was both a deacon , and also an ●xorcist in the church of caesarea . see vetus author question . veter . & novi testament , ch . . vales. c there was in former times a twofold use of the exorcists in the church . for their business was to cleanse both those possessed with devils , and also the catechumens ; who were exorcized more than once . for after every examination in their catechism , they were brought to the exorcist ungirt and with their shoes off , that they might be purged by him . see cyril . hierosolymit . in procatechesi ad illuminandos ; and chrysostom , in his first homily ad illuminandos , in his first tome . vales. d many of these persons had renounced christ , as eusebius declares in his second sermon concerning the resurrection ; where he speaks of the tortures inflicted on romanus , which he mentions not here . vales. e i suppose he means galcrius caesar : for diocletian made his abode then at nicomedia . the caesars , like apparitours and officers , went all over the bounds of their own district . indeed , in that year when the persecution begun , diocletian lived ( together with galerius ) at nicomedia , in april , as eusebius attests in his eighth book . also , a little after the persecution began , when the imperial palace a● nicomedia was burnt by lightning , diocletian was at that city , as constantine informs us in his oration ad caetum sanctorum . wherefore he could not be at antioch , when romanus was condemned to be burnt ; which happened about the beginning of the persecution . for romanus was strangled on the th of the calends of december , after he had lain in prison some months , as eusebius here attests . vales. f this place is in an especial manner to be taken notice of , because it most evidently declares the year wherein diocletian's pesecution began . for eusebius says , that in the first year of the persecution the emperours vicennalia ( i. e. the festivals for his having arrived to the twentieth year of his reign ) were kept ; which can only fall on that year , wherein diocletian was the eighth time consul , and maximian the seventh . for , in this year ( which was the year of christ . ) diocletian's twentieth year was begun at the fifteenth of the calends of october ; that being the first of diocletian's reign , carinus ii. and numerianus coss. in the year of christ ; as 't is set forth in the alexandrian chronicle . but , there arises no small difficulty from what eusebius here says , to wit , that romanus suffered martyrdom on the th day of november , when diocletians vicennnlia were kept . whence it seemes to follow , that the first day of diocletian's reign must have been in the month of november , and not in september , as the alexandrian chronicle attests . wherefore , 't is necessary , that either in our eusebius , or else in the alexandrian chronicle , the name of the month should be mistaken . unless we say , that diocletians vicennalia were kept at antioch not on the same day which was the first of his empire , but a little later . eusebius indeed says ( in his chronicon ) that constantines vicennalia were kept at nicomedia , and in the following year celebrated at rome . g it was usual amongst the romans , that , on the fifth and tenth years of their emperours reigns , offenders who were guilty of less notorious crimes should be discharged from their imprisonment ; the emperours edict being set forth for that purpose , which they called an indulgence . see the cod. theodos. tit . de indulgentiis criminum . vales. a these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who lived in our times ] are , not without reason , added by eusebius . for by them ▪ it was his intent to manifest , that this thecla should be distinguished from the other thecla who was companion to s t paul the apostle . in the menaeum , at the th of august , this thecla is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , byzietis ; the meaning whereof i know not . for this thecla here spoken of was a palestinian , not born at bizua a city of thrace . yet , it may be , this thecla was a thracian ▪ for neither were all those , whose martyrdoms eusebius here relates , palestinians ; nor does he in this book , treat of the martyrs of palestine , but of those who suffered martyrdom in palestine . vales. b the reading here is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; our rendition whereof is , together with those others whom they had a great esteem for . christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but took it in the neuter gender ; for thus he has rendred it ; inter alia quae magnopere ip●is in optatis erant ad contemplandum , amongst other things , which they had a great desire to be spectatours of . i suppose it to be spoken in the masculine gender ; and that he means those more eminent bestiarii , who amongst the grecians were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the stoutest and strongest sort of men , who let themselves out to combat with the wild beasts before the people in the amphitheatre . such a one was he , whom the people in the amphitheatre at constantinople called for , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words cassiodorus ( histor. tripart , lib. . ) thus renders , crudeli bestiae artifex parabolus componatur . vales. c in the maz. and med. m. ss . his name is päesis . in the greek men●logy , ( which canisius published ) at the th of march , instead of päesis , he is called publius ▪ vales. a christophorson ha● rendred this place ill ; thus he translates it ▪ maximinus caesar , who by his own power and strength had possest himself of the empire : as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the greek term here , signified by his own power and strength . indeed , maximinus proclaimed himself augustus , as our eusebius relates in chap. . book . but he was made caesar by galerius maximianus . moreover , eusebius speaks here of maximinus ▪ whilst he was only caesar , and of the time when he had that title first conferred on him , to wit , in the second year current of the perfecution , immediately after the resignation of diocletianus , and herculius . the import therefore of eusebi●●'s words is this , that maximinus , as soon as he was made caesar , shewed a proof of his impiety , by a most cruel persecution of the christians . wherefore [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must be rendred [ from the very time . ] now , maximinus was made caesar in the year of christ , on the calends of april , as idatius ( in fastis ) declares : which agrees very well with the account here given by our eusebius . for he re●ates that maximinus ( after the resignation of diocletian ) was created caesar in the second year of the persecution ; immediately after which promotion ( that he might shew his power ) he renewed the persecution against the christians . but this must not be understood of that very year , wherein maximinus was made caesar : for during that year ( affairs being then in confusion , and galerius scarce well setled in the empire ) maximinus was quiet . therefore eusebius mentions no martyrdoms in palestine during that year . but in the year following , which was the third of the persecution , maximinus set forth his edicts against the christians , and renewed the persecution , as eusebius expresly relates in this chapter . vales. b it is sufficiently apparent that the greek text is here corrupted ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; wherefore we have rendred it before the gates , &c. eusebius confirms this correction hereafter in this chapter , where he says , that the dead body of apphianus , which had been cast into the sea , swam to the caesarian shore , hard by the gates of the city . vales. c he means the civill law , and the latine tongue , the knowledge whereof was necessary for those that bore offices in the magistracy . at berytus there was a school for civil law as many have taken notice from gregory thaumaturgus , eunapius , nonnus , and others . hence 't is , that eusebius adds the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , secular , or mundane literature . gregorius nazianzenus ( in carm . nicobuli ad filium ) calls berytus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a famous city of phoenicia , the seat of the a●sonian laws . in the menologies of the greeks , at the second of april , amphianus , with his brother aedesius , is mentioned to have been instructed in the christian religion by pamphilus the martyr , at berytus . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which we have rendred , according to the prescripts of christianity : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , congruous or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agreeable : which way of expression is frequently used by eusebius . vales. e in the med. m. s. this city is called arpagas ; in the maz. m. s. arapagas ; in the fuk. m. s. harpagas ; but in the margin notice is given that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with an asperate . i never met with any thing concerning aragas , a city of lycia ; araxa , a city of lycia is mentioned by p●olemaeus and stephanus . and , in the constantinopolitan council , amongst the bishops of the province of lycia , who subscribed to that synod , the last that is recounted is theanthinus araxenus : also in the synod of chalcedon there is mention of leontius bishop of the araxi . in the menaeum of the greeks , amphianus is said to have been born in lydia . vales. f symeon metaphrastes , who professes he transcribed the martyrdom of apphianus ( or , as he calls him , amphianus ) out of eusebius , has altered this passage , thus , and having been conversant with us in divine studies , and instructed in the sacred scriptures by the great martyr pamphilus , he obtained no mean habit of virtue ; by which he opened a passage for himself , whereby he procured the crown of martyrdom . but eusebius attests here , that apphianus was not instructed in the sacred scriptures by pamphilus the martyr , but by himself : which , as i judge , is the truest account . for our eusebius was a person much learneder than pamphilus . but the menaea of the greeks , and the menology set forth by canisius , agree with symeon metaphrastes : excepting only in this , which metaphrastes relates , that apphianus ( after he was returned from his studies at berytus , ) when he came to caesarea , was there instructed by pamphilus . but in the menaea , and in the menology , apphianus ( with his brother aedesius ) is said to have been instructed by pamphilus at berytus ; no mention being made of eusebius . so carefull were the latter grecians , that the blessed martyr should not be said to have been instructed by eusebius pamphilus , who , as they perswaded themselves , was an heretick . vales. g the reading i judge , should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which contains most evident signs : for it referrs to the foregoing word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , attempt . ] vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the phrase in the original ; metaphrastes thought the shore was meant by these words ; and therefore renders it circumstans littus . but the greeks by this expression do usually mean the air that surrounds the earth . vales. * this was the punishment , which the romans inflicted on parricides . in seneca's age ( see his th book , controver . . at the latter end ) only serpents were put into the leathern sack ( which they termed culeus ) with the malefactor ; afterwards they sowed up an ape and a cock with him , and at last a dog. the offender was first whip't with rods till the bloud came , then sown up after this manner . see coel. rhod. b. . chap. . the grecians had a way of putting criminals to death , by drowning them in the sea , which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but they made use of a leaden vessell only , into which they put the malefactor ; as appears from athenaeus , b ; his words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , patroclus therefore , ptolemie's governour in the isle caunus , took him , and put him into a leaden vessell , and carried him to the sea , and drowned him . neither was this accounted amongst the heaviest sorts of punishment by the grecians , as appears from polybius , b. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , although ulpianus suffered not in palestine , but in phoenicia , yet because he suffered martyrdom at the same time , and died by the same sort of punishment that apph●anus had inflicted on him , we judged it not unfit to make mention of him here . it is therefore apparent from these words , that eusebius in this book designed to give an account of the martyrs of the province of palestine only . vales. b in the greek menaeum , at the second day of april , aedesius is stiled apphianus's brother by the mothers side . vales. c in the med. fuk. and maz. m. ss . the term is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one entire word ; which , in my judgment is the better reading . eusebius does usually call those christian virgins by this name , who spontaneously had devoted their virginity to god. such persons the latines called devotae . for so ausonius and others term them . vales. d the explication of this place is to be had from the menaeum of the greeks ; where aedesius is said to have struck hierocles prefect of egypt ( in the interim of his raging against the christians ) with his fist . the words there are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. but aedesius , who was [ condemned ] to work in the mines of brass , having seen ( at alexandria in egypt ) hierocles the president punishing the christians , he accounted him a despicable person , and struck the president with own hand . wherefore , in this place of eusebius , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes the blows given to the president ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports the reproachful language which aedesius gave him . both which are intimated by eusebius in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by his words and deeds . epiphanius and lactantius mention this hierocles , prefect of egypt , who was famous for the great slaughter he made amongst the christians . this was the hi●rocles , against whom our eusebius wrote a book . vales. a he means the pantomimi , mimicks that used antick , filthy , and obscene gestures ; the pegmatarii , those that managed the machines and images in their plaies ; the contigeri , pole-carriers ; and funambuli , rope-dancers ; and such other artists , which were made use of by those that were at the charge to exhibit shews to the people . see claudianus in his book , de consulatu theodori . vales. b at first i thought the reading here should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the second year : for so eusebius had said above in chap. . but the vulgar reading [ to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second of that name ) is best , for he is called agapius the second , to distinguish him from the former agapius , who had suffered two years before ; concerning whom eusebius speaks in the said third chapter . vales. c this place is corrupted , and imperfect . christophorson reads [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brought out of prison , ] which reading is not amiss . but i think there is a whole line omitted here ; which i thus make up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] [ brought ] out of prison [ wherein he had been confined now three years . ] agapius was cast into prison at the beginning of the second year of the persecution . therefore , this was the third year of his confinement . vales. d concerning this custom of leading the criminals about the stadium , see book . . chap. . z. ) a in the m. s. acts of the passion of theodosia , she is said to have suffered not on easter-day , but only , on a sunday . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so the greek words it . christophorson renders it , ante tribunal considentibus , sate before the tribunal : which version i do not approve of . i have rendred it , before the praetorium ; i. e. before the palace of the president . for those prisoners stood before his palace , waiting , until the president ( before whom they were to be brought ) came forth to the tribunal . this rendition is confirmed by the following words . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , flexures of their feet ; that 's the import of the greek : valesius renders it , pedum junctur● , the joynts of their feet . c see the following chapter ; from whence we are informed , that those who were condemned to such combats , were delivered to the procurators of caesar , who caused them to practise and exercise daily , that so at last they might be fit to engage in a combat . vales. ●rbanus . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heretofore , must be referred to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lived ; not to the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had its appellation ] as christophorson thought ; who renders this place thus ; in loco porphyrite appellato , qui jam ante● ex ven● lapidis qu● ibi nascitur , nomen d●xerat ; i. e. in a place called porphyrites , which had before , gotten its name from a vein of stone , which is there dug out . vales. b he means , as i judge , the procuratours of the company of the gladiatours , and of the morning exercises ; of whom there is frequent mention in ▪ the old inscriptions . for the gladiatours , that were maintained by stipends paid out of the imperial exchequer , were committed to their care , and they gave them their allowances out of the treasury . vales. c christophorson supposed these persons to be priests and deacons , who had convened the people to hear the sacred scriptures read : which at that time they were compelled to do in private houses . for , their churches and oratories being then demolished , the christians had only private-houses to assemble themselves in . vales. * that is , having acknowledged her self to be a christian. d he means the frankincense , &c. vales. e this virgins name is wanting here : but we will supply this defect , from the grecian menology ; where this passage occurs , at the th of july : on the same day , the holy martyrs , valentina and thea , which were egyptians , being brought to the city dio caesarea before firmilianus the judge , made confession of christs name , who is our god ; after which , their left feet being burnt , and their right eyes pulled out , they were killed with a sword , and their bodies burnt . but this account disagrees with our eusebius's relation here . for he says , the one was born at gaza , the other at caesarea : and he makes no mention of the burning of their feet , or of the pulling out their right eyes . vales. f in the fuk. & savil m. ss . instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nevertheless he made himself ready ] the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as the usual manner was , &c. ] which reading , in my judgment , is not to be despised . mention is made of this paul's martyrdom , in the menology , at the fifteenth of july . vales. * the devil . a i judge , he means the praefect of the praetorium : for at that time they took care of military matters . indeed , eusebius's following words are a sufficient evidence , that the praefect of the praetorium is meant here : for he speaks of the injunctions , and publick orders given to the curators , magistrates , and tabularii of every city : which orders were issued out by the praefect of the praetorium only ; as might be made appear from several places . see book . chap. . & . where eusebius speaks of sabinus praefect of the praetorium to maximin . * see book . chap. . note ( b. ) b these officers had in their custody the publick tables , or rolls of the cities , and look't after the accounts of the tribute . they were first called numerarii : afterwards valens made a law , that they should be called tabularii . see valesius's notes on amm. marcell . book . . pag. . c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] as it is in robert stephens's copy ; in the maz. med. fuk. and savill : m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which contained an order that , &c. ] which is the better reading : for eusebius here relates the contents of maximin's edict . vales. d eusebius notes this , as a thing new , and unusual ; not that he designed to praise firmilianus the presidents clemency , because he did not torture the martyrs ; but he would hereby shew the precipitancy and rage of the man ; in regard he commanded , the martyrs ( who had provoked and confuted him ) should be immediately led away to be put to death , without sufferring any tortures before their execution ; as the common usage was . for the roman judges did usually torture the christian martyrs before they dispatch't them , to the end those valiant champions might not finish their lives by too easie a death . nor was this usually done to the martyrs only ; but generally as often as any hainous offenders were brought to examination , they were first tortured . and although the guilty person confes't the fact , yet did not the judge presently order him to be releas't from his tortures ; but continued to inquire out the consequences : for example , how often he had done the fact , with what weapons , and in what places : then he questioned him about his companions and accomplices . see tertullian , in his book ad nationes ; and in his apologetick , chap. . vales. e in the greeks menology , this man is called antonius , where ( besides zebinas and germanus ) there is a fourth companion of theirs named , to wit , nicephorus . for the th day of november this passage occurs : the birth-day of the holy martyrs antonius and his fellows , who were [ put to death ] in the times of maximinus . antonius was an old man ; nicephorus , zebinas , and germanus were in the flower of their age . they were taken at caesarea and after they had boldly confessed christ , were slain . here you see , the authour of the menology has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an old man , not a presbyter . vales. f in the greek menology she is called manatho ▪ vales. g eusebius means a little mitre of purple-coloured-wool ; which was the badge of profes't virginity , as optatus informs us , in his sixth book . vales. * the president . a in the greek this mans name is promus : but , i suppose , it should be probus . for i never met with such a proper name as promus . this mistake arose from hence ; in ancient m. ss . beta is usually written like my. in the fuk. and savil m. ss . 't is probus . vales. b mention is made of this person in the greek menea , at the th of october ; although eusebius says he suffered on the d of the ides of january . in the meneum he is called auselamus : but , in the menology anselamus is , by a mistake , put for auselamus , or abseldmus : the import of the passage there is this : on the same day is the commemoration of the holy martyr petrus anselamus of eleutheropolis , who being in the flower of his age , and of a vigorous mind , behaved himself most admirably in the conflicts he underwent for religion ; and , having despised earthly things , was by sire offered up as a victim well pleasing to god , in the sixth year of diocletian's and maximian's empire . in which passage , this is observable , that the sixth year of diocletian's empire is put for the sixth year of the persecution . vales. a symeon metaphrastes has transcribed this whole relation of the martyrdom of pamphilus and his companions , out of our eusebius ; adding some things , and altering others , as he usually does . but he seems to have been furnished with more perfect copies of eusebius , than those we now have which will manifestly appear to the reader ; who may meet with metaphrastes's account hereof in that latine version of him , which lipomanus and surius put forth ▪ tome the third , a● the first of june ; pag. . edit . venet. anno. . vales. b he means the minor prophets , who were twelve in number : this passage is more clearly exprest in metaphrastes , thus : it is worth our while to admire the number of the men , which represents a certain prophetick and apostolick grace . for , it happened that they were in all twelve ; of the same number with the patriarchs , prophets and apostles , as we are informed . vales. c this passage also is more perfect in metaphrastes , after this manner : he was pamphilus , a man truly pious , loving and friendly towards all men , really demonstrating the truth of his name ; [ the import of pamphilus , is , friend to all men : ] the ornament of the church at caesarea , &c. see lipomanus and surius's version of metaphrastes , a● the fore-cited place . vales. d in the maz. med. and fuk. m. ss . 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let us prosecute ] in the imparative mood . moreover , hence we may make this manifest collection , to wit , that this book concerning the martyrs of palestine was eusebius's own work , written by him after his books concerning pamphilus's life , and after his ecclesiastick history . vales. e there may be a double meaning given of these words . for the import of them may be , either that aelia was valens's country , or that he was a deacon of the church of aelia . symeon metaphrastes followed this latter sence , as appears from his words . the like ambiguity i took notice of before , book . chap. . note ( o ) where we spoke concerning sanctus a deacon of vienna . vales. f 't is easily discernable , that the greek text is here corrupted ; i suppose it may be thus amended ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading we have followed in our version ; and it agrees with symeon metaphrastes's interpretation , as 't is evident from gentianus hervetus's translation in lipomanus's edition at the month of february ; see note ( a ) in this chapter . but hervetus has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to get by heart ; whereas that term signifies , to recite by heart , as we observed before . vales. g ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here used ) seems to be taken passive●y , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for euscbius's meaning is , that firmilianus the judge was well versed in passing such sentences , and in extracting examinations by tortures . but , because the same term is taken in an active sense hereafter in this chapter , it ought also to be taken so here . by the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] eusebius means , the scourges and tortures . vales. h these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of god ] are wanting in the med. m. s. eusebius's meaning is , that those aegyptians who gave themselves the names of israelites , or jews , did both by their actions and names represent the true and genuine israel , and those jews , who were inwardly such . vales. i eusebius alludes to that passage in s t paul , ( rom. . , . ) where the apostle makes two sorts of jews : some that were jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , outwardly ; others that were such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inwardly : the former , as he affirms , are not truly jews , because they observed the bodily ceremonies only of the law : the latter are really jews ; whose circumcision is that of the heart , in the spirit , and not in the letter . see origen , chap. . philocal . vales. * galat. . . † heb. . . k eusebius seems to mean firmilianus's desire of knowing from the egyptian martyrs , where that jerusalem was , which they called their country . whence we may make this remark by the by , that 't is sufficiently evident , ( as we observed before , book . chap. . note e. ) there was no city upon earth at that time called jerusalem . otherwise firmillanus president of palestine , would never have been so earnest in his enquiries of the martyrs , where jerusalem was scituated . but , the greek term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] cannot , i think , be taken in that sense i have mentioned . indeed , this place is obscure , and ( if i mistake not ) faulty . therefore symeon metaphrastes , when he transcribed this passage from eusebius , on set purpose omitted these words . vales. l at this place symeon metaphrastes adds some words , which deserve to be set down here . nondum autem dictum , &c. [ the judge ] had scarce made an end of speaking , when a young man , belonging to pamphilus's family , called out at some distance ; and , coming out of the midst of the crowd into the presence of those who sate round in the place of judicature , requested that their bodies might be interred . this was the b. porphyrius , one of pamphilus's own breeding , not full eighteen years old , [ a youth ] well skilled in the art of writing ; but one that concealed these praises by his modest behaviour , in regard he had been educated under so eminent a person . vales. m instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fire at a distance ] christophorson seemes to have read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a slow , or remiss fire : see his translation . hervetus also has rendred it thus , pronuntiat sententiam ut tradatur molli & lento igni , he pronounc't sentence upon him , that he should be set into [ and consumed by ] a soft and gentle fire . the same is confirmed by eusebius's following words : for he says , that porphyrius was ●astned to a stake , and that the pile , which lay round him , but at some distance , was kindled ; that so the martyr might be consumed by a slack fire . we read of the same sort of punishment in the passion of pionius , and of other martyrs . eusebius uses [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in the same sense hereafter , where he mentions julianus . further , we must take notice that both porphyrius and julianus were catechumens ; as metaphrastes informs us . vales. * see b. . chap. . note ( p. ) n this garment is in the greek termed ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; see its description in a. gellius , book . chap. . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original , it peculiarly imports that age , which is fit for warfare ; which livy stiles militarem aet●t●m , the military age ; beginning from the seventeenth year of a mans age , says plutarch ( in graccho . ) p christophorson judged amiss , in that he supposed by the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] monks were meant . for , at that time there were no monks ; or , if there were any they differed much from the ascetae . for monks ( as their name , monachi , denotes ) affected solitude : but the ascetae did converse publickly in the cities . whosoever therefore lived a more strict and severe course of life according to the precepts of the gospel , and left all they had , upon god's account , were termed ascetae ▪ thus one peter is called asceta , and a virgin is termed ascetria , before in this book of eusebius : should any one term these monks , doubtless he would be much mistaken . s t jerom says expresly , that there was no monk in palestine before hilarion . but peter , the asceta , lived in palestine long before hilarion's time . vales. q in times past all cities had their genius's , in honour of which temples were erected , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . marcus ( in the life of porphyrius ) mentions the tycheum of gaza : and there was a tycheum at alexandria , mentioned in ●od . theod. and in libanius's descriptions lately published by the learned leo allatius . also the temple of the genius at antiochia is mentioned by julian in misopog . which passage we cited before . the genius of caesarea in cappadocia had its temple ; concerning which see gregor . naz. in his first invective against julian , pag. . and in his th oration pag. . the genius was a tutelar god , that ( as the heathens thought ) had undertaken the particular protection of any city , or town . vales. a these words are very obscure . christophorson thought they were to be understood concerning the time of the persecution ; i am not of his mind . for eusebius speaks concerning what happened , when the fury of the persecution was in some measure abated . therefore [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies postea , afterwards ; according to eusebius's usual way of expressing himself , both in other places , and also hereafter in this chapter . the following words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] denote the whole interval of time from the beginning of the persecution to its seventh year , as eusebius informs us in the following chapter . vales. b it was a sort of punishment amongst the romans , that free-men ( i. e. those that were free of rome ) should be condemned to look after the emperours horses and camels , and to such like offices . this employment was called camelasia , and it is reckoned amongst the personall offices , in the pandects ( tit. de muner . & honor. ) although in that place of the pandects , the emperours camels are not spoken of , but those camels are meant belonging to every city , which were used to fetch wood and other burthens ; as appears from the th law , in the said title . but eusebius does here speak of the emperours horses and camels , to the feeding whereof some bishops were condemned . now , there is a great difference between these two offices . for the former was a civil office , to which the decurions of the white order were promoted , as 't is said in the fore-quoted law. but the latter was a penal servitude , to which criminals were condemned , as may be collected from eusebius's words here . moreover , these camelarii ( keepers of camels ) were under his care and dispose , that was the comes rei privatae , ( i. e. the treasurer of the privy purse to the emperour ; see vales. notes on amm. marcell . book . pag. . ) under whom were the masters of the flocks , and of the stables ; as appears from the notitia imperii romani . see the acts of marcellus the pope . vales. c he means the schism between meletius lycopolitanus and peter bishop of alexandria ; concerning which see athanasius and epiphanius . he means also donatus's schisme in africa , against caecilianus the bishop . vales. d the place eusebius here speaks of is not to be found in this book . whence 't is apparent , that this book , concerning the martyrs of palestine , is imperfect . any body may perceive that the beginning of it is wanting . but this defect may be made up from chap. . book . of the ecclesiastick history , where eusebius says that , which he mentions here , as spoken of before by himself . vales. a his name was helias ; who , together with patermuthius , was burnt to death ; as 't is recorded in the greek menaea , at the th of september . photius mentions patermuthius , in his bitblioth . chap. ; where he speaks of the books written by pamphilus the martyr , during his imprisonment , in defence of origen . vales. b by these words eusebius seems to declare , that this silvanus was not bishop of gaza : for eusebius only says that silvanus was born at gaza , and made bishop over those christians that wrought in the mines in palestine . the greeks ( in their menaea , at the th of october ) seem to have taken these words of eusebius in this sense . for they say that silvanus was presbyter of the church at gaza ; and , after he had suffered most accute tortures at casarea , was condemned to the mines , where the office of a bishop was conserred on him by the christians . so the menaea . but eusebius ( in book . chap. . ) does expresly call him bishop of gaza . vales. * this john is mentioned in the menaeum , at the twentieth of september . vales. * the devil . c the conclusion of this book is wanting ; to wit , the retractation , of the emperours or galerius maximianus's edict , ordering a stop to be put to the persecution . but this defect may be easily made up from the last chapter of the eighth book of the ecclesiastick history . vales. notes for div a -e a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here used ) must be taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as is frequent in our author . we have this revocation of the emperour's decree in the th book of this history , at the latter end . vales. b by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] christoph . understands all the provinces of asi● ; but rufinus thinks pontus , bithynia , galatia and the rest of the provinces bordering on every side are meant , which were under the emperour galcrius's government : excepting only the eastern provinces , over which maximinus caesar was ruler . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have translated having concealed : the phrase is borrowed from the attick lawyers ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with them signifies that court where matters of small importance were adjusted , to wit , not exceeding one drachm . the judges of this court were the undecemviri ; this court stood in an obscure place of the city , and hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in demosthenes , and here also in our authour , us'd metaphorically , for privily . c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with them ] the reading in nicephorus is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with him , ] shewing , that sabinus was prefect of the praetorium to maximin . but our copies do all agree in the former reading , that is [ with them , ] in the plural number ; which is the truest . for , although sabinus bore the prefecture of the praetorium ( which we may call the office of lord-chief-justice , or of lieutenant general under the emperour , to govern provinces in civil causes ; see pancirol . in notitiam imper. orient . c. . ) under maximinus caesar in the east ; yet because he was made praefect by galerius , therefore he is stiled the praefect of the emperours , meaning galerius and maximinus . for the caesars had not the power of creating praefects ; but they were made by the augusti , as may be shown from many places in amm. marcellinus . hence 't is , that sabinus in his edict ( which eusebius does here insert ) always speaks of the emperours in the plural number , to let the governours of particular provinces understand , that that was the command of the emperours , to wit , galerius , constantinus , licinius , and maximinus . also , by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] may be meant the governours of those provinces which were under maximin's jurisdiction : for eusebius speaks of them in the foregoing sentence . indeed , this exposition seems most natural to me ; but then we must render [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not with , but amongst them ; which rendition the greek will bear . vales. d rufinus translates this place thus ; sed , sabinus , &c. but sabinus , who at that time was chief of the provinces ; and inserted the forementioned imperial edict , thereby manifesting to all men that which maximin had attempted to conceal . but rufinus has not expressed eusebius's meaning in this rendition of his words . for sabinus did not set galerius the emperour's decree before his own order , as it was usual for the prefects of the praetorium to do ; in regard maximin had made i● his business , that that imperial constitution should be concealed from those provinces under his government . for he was highly displeased at galerius's rescript ; both in regard the christians ( whom he had hitherto most barbarously persecuted , ) were delivered from his butcheries ; and also because his name was not prefix't before the foresaid decree . for , after galcrius's and constantine's name , licinius's was set before the rescript : but maximin's name , ( he being as yet but caesar only ) was not there . therefore , partly for shame , partly out of indignation , maximin suppressed that edict . but s●binus ( in this epistle of his to the presidents of the provinces ) makes very little mention of this constitution , because he would not displease maximin . further , by the word [ emperour ] christophorson thought maximin was meant . but i like rufinus's version better , who supposed galerius to be understood thereby ; and besides , eusebius usually calls maximin by the name of tyrant , not caesar. vales. * i suppose , these are the terms of honour , which these great officers had given to them in all addresses ; and which they themselves also made use of , when they mentioned themselves in any letters they wrote to others : the words in the greek are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which valesius renders devotio ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by him translated solertia . c i doubt not but instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this decree ] it ought to be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this affair . ] which amendment nicephorus confirms b. . chap. . who has exprest this place thus , that they should not trouble themselves any further about the christians . vales. * to maximin . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assemblies , is here used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solemn services . dionysius alexandr . used this term in the same sense , as we noted before . there was a twofold synaxis ; one of the prayers ; the other of the sacraments . athanasius mentions the former , in his apology to constantius . vales. a maximinus galerius did not live long after he had made that decree for the peace and liberty of the christians , but within a few months after , dyed of a wound which had festered . see the appendix to the eighth book of this history . when maximinus caesar heard of his death , he renewed the persecution against the christians , and proclaimed himself augustus ; whereas he was only caesar before , and was compelled to obey the commands of galerius augustus . vales. * see book . chap. . note ( f. ) b what is meant by this elegant passage [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] neither christoph ▪ nor musculus understood : the meaning of it is this : maximin sent underhand some cunning men to sollicit the antiochians , to send embassadours to his court , to request of him , that they might have liberty to drive out all christians from amongst them . hence maximin who did underhand procure this embassy , may well be said to have sent this embassy to himself , and he himself to have been the embassadour , this transposition of words is frequent and familiar in eusebius . vales. † the import of theotecnus in the greek , is , the son of god. c see book . . chap. . note ( b. ) a this temple of jupiter philius at antioch is mentioned by julianus , in misopogone , and by libanius ( if i mistake not ) in antiochico . vales. b the ceremonies of the gentiles , used in the erection and consecration of images to their gods , were various . for jupiter ctesius was consecrated with one sort of rites , herceus with another , and philius with a third sort . jupiter ctesius , whose image they kept in their store-houses , was consecrated with a little tub . anticlides ( in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , in his b. de ritubus sacris , apud athenaeum b. . cap. . ) relates the ceremonies of consecration . jupiter herceus was consecrated with pots : see aristophanes in danaidibus . after the same manner were those images consecrated , which they erected to mercury , and other gods : and this they termed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consecrate with pots . in these pots they boyled all sorts of purse , of which they offered sacrifice to those gods they consecrated , in memory of the food eaten in old times , and of the frugality of the ancients . but when they designed to be at greater cost in treating their god , then they killed a sacrifice at the erection of his image ; which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consecrate with a slain sacrifice . see aristophanes ( in irene ) and his scholiast , pag. . see suidas also , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 besides these ceremonies , they used sometimes magical consecrations ; so theotecnus did here , in the dedication of an image to jupiter philius . vales. a by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are meant sacerdotes provinciarum . concerning whom see b. . chap. . note ( b. ) a sacerdos provinciae was created by the votes of the decuriones , i. e. the senators , or aldermen of the city . now those men especially were advanced to this dignity , who had with honour acquitted themselves in the discharge of all offices belonging to the court ; as we may see in god. theod. tit. de decurionibus . eusebius here takes notice of it as a thing new and unusual , that maximinus himself should elect the sacerdotes provinciae . vales. a concerning the falseness of these acts , see what eusebius has remarkt b. . chap. . these acts are mentioned in act. praesidial . tarachi , probi , & andronici , cap. . where maximus the president says these words , wretch , knowest thou not , that that christ , whom thou callest upon , was a man committed to custody by pontius pilate , and punished by him ; the acts of whose passion are extant ? moreover , these acta praefidialia tarachi , &c. were performed when diociesian was consul the fourth time , and maximian the third , as the inscription of the first interrogatory sheweth . whence 't is plain , that these acts of pilate were forged long before the persecution ; the contrary to which eusebius affirms in this place . but , that i may freely speak my sense , the inscription of these acta praefidialia is in my judgment false ; and it should be corrected thus , when diocletian was consul the ninth time , and maximian the eighth : for ( ) there is , in those acts , mention of the imperial command , whereby 't was ordered that all men should sacrifice to the gods. now this command was issued out on the nineteenth year of diocletian's empire . ( ) in the ninth chapter these words occur . the president said , you curse the princes , who have secured a lasting and continued peace . andronicus said ▪ i have cursed the plague , and the bloud thirsty , which destroy the world . that expression [ concerning the securing a lasting and continued peace ] cannot agree with the fourth consulate of diocletian ; for at that time the barbarians attacked the roman empire on every side . besides , i can't see how diocletian and maximian can be termed , blood thirsty , till after the th year of diocletian , when the persecution began . lastly , which is another argument , eusebius affirms , that these acts of pilate were forged in the time of this persecution . vales. b rufinus has rendred the greek phrase here ( which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) thus , act is profiteri , to attest the truth of the said acts by signing of them : for an evidence may be given both by word of mouth , and in writing also . vales. a this silvanus is a different person from that silvanus which eusebius mentions in his book concerning the martyrs of palestine , chap. the last . for this was bishop of emesa ▪ the other was bishop of gaza . the first was beheaded in the mines at palestine with other martyrs ; in the eighth year of the persecution . but this silvanus was cast to the wild beasts at emesa , on the ninth year of the persecution . concerning this man's martyrdom eusebius has said something before , in his eighth book , although not in its proper place ; see b. . chap. . vales. b eusebius mentioned this man's martyrdom before in the eighth book chap. . but not in its proper place . for the eighth book does not go beyond the eighth year of the persecution . but peter bishop of alexandria was martyr'd in the ninth year of the persecution ( which eusebius expresly affirmeth in the end of the seventh book ) upon the seventh of the calends of december , as we read in the excerpta chronologica published by scaliger . usuardus says the same ; and so does ado , and the old roman martyrology . the greeks celebrate his birth day on the th of november . the acts of his passion are extant in a m. s. in greek , which the reverend father franciscus combesisius has , and will shortly publish , with many other things . vales. c eusebius has mentioned this man's martyrdom at book . chap. . though not in its due place . but here he remarks the time more distinctly , wherein peter and lucianus suffered ; to wit , under maximin ; not in the reign of galerius maximianus , as baronius would have us believe , at the year of christ . cap. . also , baronius is mistaken in placing the martyrdom of peter bishop of alexandria on the year of christ . for he suffered in the year of our lord , on the ninth year current of the persecution . baronius's errour arose from his beginning the persecution a year too soon ; which mistake we have sufficiently confuted before , at book . chap. . note ( c. ) moreover , in regard lucianus's martyrdom happened under maximin , the martyrdom of anthimus bishop of nicomedia should , in my judgment , be placed under maximin also . indeed , anthimus suffered a little before lucianus , as lucianus informs us in his epistle to the antiochians ▪ which i made mention of in book . chap. . note ( a. ) we may also make the same conclusion from the acts of lucianus the martyr ; where , instead of maximinus , we read maximianus , which is a common errour in the greeks . vales. d when galerius was dead , maximinus took possession of asia and bithynia ; which provinces ( together with illyricum , and thracia ) were governed by galerius . for galerius kept these provinces for himself , as eutropius informs us ; the same is asserted by the old authour of the excerptions , which i published at the end of my amm. marcelinus . maximinus therefore made his abode at nicomedia , which was the chief city of bithynia ; where the emperours had a pallace ever since diocletions time . further , the following words do evidently manifest , that by the term [ emperour ] maximinus must be meant . wherefore i wonder at baronius , for asserting that lucianus suffered under galerius , not under maximin ; when as eusebius , contemporary with lucianus , affirms he was killed by maximin . vales. a any man may justly wonder why eusebius should affirm here , that this was never seen before . were the decrees of the cities , or the edicts of the emperours , never published before now ? this cannot be denyed : nor is it denyed by our eusebius . but that which he asserts to have never been seen before , is , the ingraving of these edicts upon plates of brass . for ( as we observed before , book . chap. . note b. ) the imperial edicts were written on paper . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all day long ; so rufinus and langus render it : christophorson and musculus translate it , quotidie , daily . vales. b christoph. and musculus thought that this clause ought to be referred to deos ( the gods : ) but we make it to be referred to the tyrians themselves . maximin does attempt to blacken the faith of the christians by these words ; he calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a faith of bare words : as if the christian faith had nothing in it but words ▪ and were void of all reality . vales. c the antients believed , that on set days the gods descended into those cities for which they had a kindness : hence it is that the inhabitants of delos and miletum solemnized the coming of apollo : and the argivi , the advent of diana . this coming of the gods we find mentioned up and down in the poets , as in virgil. hence it is , that upon old coins and in the calendar , we find written a●ventu● impp. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he aludes to that aspect of the planets called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which term is used concerning the planets , when they seem to move neither backward , nor forward in their epicycles ; but are stationary . vales. e in the greek text the term is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , parts [ not ] in sunder ] but it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , does [ not ] raise vast hills out of its own bowells . ] for two sorts of earthquakes ( contrary to each other ) are here spoken of by maximin ; to wit , ( ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which ( as amm. marcellinus describes them book . pag. . edit . paris . ) humum molestius suscitantes sursum propellunt immanissimas moles , raise the ground after an horrid manner , and drive forth vast quantities of earth : ( ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which ( according to amm. marcellin . description , loc . citat . ) grandiori motu patefactis subito voratrinis , terrarum partes absorbent , having on a sudden made vast scissures in the ground by a most violent motion , swallow up parts of the earth . see valesius's notes on these words of amm. marcellinus ; pag. . maximin means here that earthquake which afflicted the city of tyre , in that year before diocletian's persecution , as our eusebius relates in his chronicon . vales. * he alludes to matth. . . * the most ancient maz. m. s. begins the chap. . at these words ; to which agrees the fuk. m. s. and rufinus . vales. * maximin . * see b. . chap. . note ( b. ) † see b. . chap. . note ( b. ) a it was customary amongst the heathens to attend their dead to the grave with musick upon pipes , and singing of mournful songs : in this ceremony were imployed certain old women , called praeficae and siticine● ; see our notes upon the th book of amm. marcell . wherefore christoph. mistakes who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] reads [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] as if this were the sence ; there was nothing now to be seen , but mournful cryes , instead of their pipes , &c. thus he erroneously translates the place . but all our m. ss . and nicepho . keep to the common reading . vales. b by what is here related concerning the burial of the dead , we may gather that the custom of burning dead bodies was at that time wholly disused amongst the romans . but , when this custom was first abolish'd 't is difficult to determine . the romans seem to have taken up this custom of burying in graves from the jews , and christians : concerning which we have a place very observable in macrobius : for ( says he in his saturnal . b. . cap. . ) although in our days the custom of burning the dead is antiquated and disannulled : yet history teacheth us that in those days when they burned the dead , they pay'd great respect and honour to them . vales. a in all our m. ss . the titles of the chapters are transpos'd ; that which ought to be the title of the tenth chapter is given to the ninth , and on the contrary that which ought to be prefixt to the ninth is set before the tenth . this mistake we had corrected in our translation , but because we would do nothing without the authority of the m. ss . we did therefore choose rather to follow the mistake , resting satisfied in having advertised the reader of the mistake . vales. b after these words , in the most antient maz. and med. m. ss . follows this clause [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and licinius ( who was next to him in authority , both honoured for their wisedom and piety ; ) two most pious [ emperours ] having been encouraged by god the supream king and saviour of all men against two most impious tyrants , &c. ] which we have here inserted , judging it to be genuine and penned by eusebius himself , as 't is apparent from what follows . for in the end of the period licinius is mentioned as well as constantine : whence 't is plain , that eusebius had spoken of both of them at the beginning of the period . but the transcriber designedly expunged licinius's name here , upon account of the impieties he committed afterwards . the fuk. and savill m. ss . does also agree with the maz. and med. m. ss . in inserting this clause here . vales. c these words occur at exod. . . the phrase in the hebrew is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which the septuagint translation renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; our english translation , his chosen captains . expositours differ in their explications of these words . valesius thinks the vulgar translation is truest ; 't is there rendred ternos ex curribus pugnantes , that is , the three fighting out of the chariots . the true import of the hebrew is , the valiantest , or ( as the caldeo renders ) the fairest , captaines ; called the three or third , from their being the third sort of governours in the kingdom of egypt . see ainsworth . exod. . . and . . * psal. . . . d i mislike christophorson's version of these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which he translates [ canere potuisset , could have sung : ] he ought rather to have rendred it [ cecinerit , should have sung : ] for eusebius says , that constantine did sing so , though not in exact words , yet really and truly . vales. * exod. . , , . e in the maz. and savil. m. ss . this place is thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lord my helper and defender is become my salvation : ] which reading is confirmed by rufinus's version , who translates it thus [ adjutor & protector meus , & factus est mihi in salutem : ] this passage occurs at exod. . ; where the roman edition of the septuagint has not these two words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which i wonder at : for i am very certain that eusebius made use of the septuagint translation . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the greeks call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom the latines call [ perfectissimi , most perfect ] this title perfectissimi was appropiated to them of the ordinis equestris , or roman knights ; as clarissimi was a title peculiar to them of the senatorian order . the emperour's prefects and treasurers , who were always knights , had the title of perfectissimi given them . this dignity or title in antient inscriptions is signified by these characters p. v. ( i. e. ) vir. perfectissimus : see gruter , pag. ; and my notes on amm. marcell . p. . vales. g instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we chose to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over , or into the hand : which rufinus confirms and explains thus , vexillum dominicae crucis in dexter● suâ jub●s depingi . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( though otherwise rendred by some translatours ) signifies the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a phrase before used in the first chapter of this ninth book . the import of it is seponere , occultare ; to conceal , or suppress the edict , as maximin did before in the first chapter of this ninth book , when galerius's rescript was sent him . but when constantine and licinius , after the overthrow of maxentius , sent their decree to him in favour of the christians ; he durst not conceal it metu superiorum , fearing them , as being his superiours . vales. i diocletian was the first that assumed to himself this sirname , jovius ; as his collegue maximian did that of herculius . aferwards when constantius and galerius were created caesar's , galerius , by marrying diocletian's daughter , and living with him in the east , came to be called caesar jovius ; and constantius , by marrying herculius's daughter in law ; and living with him in the western parts , was called caesar herculius . afterwards when galerius died , maximin , who was by him created caesar , assumed to himself the sirname of jovius ; which eusebius here takes notice of . see the chronicon alexandrian . vales. k under the name of the east , egypt also is contained . for the government hereof was committed to maximinus caesar. for maximimus ( after he was made caesar by galerius ) received the jurisdiction over all those provinces , which diocletian had reserved to himself . and hence it came to pass , that egypt was reckoned amongst the eastern provinces a long while after . so amm. marcellinus ( b. . where he recounts the provinces of the east , ) reckons egypt and mesopotamia amongst them . further , egypt was originally under the comes of the east , as we are informed from an antient inscription ; the contents whereof are these ; m. maecio memmio furio balburio caeciliano placido c. v. comiti orientis . aegypti . mesopotamiae . consuli ordinario , &c. vales. l ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the year past , ( i. e. ) the year of christ . when maximian was the eighth time consul , for in this very year ( wherein galerius died , maximin seized upon bithynia , which galerius ( together with illyricum and thrace ) had reserved for himself . vales. m this place is very intricate and obscure : and first , there is a difficulty in these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which some translated propterea quòd , because , but the adverb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] may be rendred ità , so , and then this is the meaning of the place . ( viz. ) i return'd a kind reply to the nicomedians , which the emperours my predecessours always were careful to do . the next difficulty is in these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it therefore pleased the gods , &c. ] but we rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it now so pleased the gods , &c. by this means [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is fitly oppos'd to the preceding words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the antient emperours . &c. ] according to this emendation we have translated the place . vales. n maximin does here make a distinction betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , letters and commands . letters or rescripts were sent by the emperours to the magistrates or presidents into their provinces when they were absent from court : mandata or commands were given them by the emperour when they were with him , before they went to their provinces , all which commands were bound up in a short libel . and this was one of the chief of their charges given them ( to wit , ) that they should be careful of their health . the civilians speak much concerning these mandata principum . vales. o those souldiers were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or beneficiarii , that were promoted by the favour of the tribune ; they were priviledged from several duties and military hardships ( as says vergetius . ) vales. p it was usual that the praesects of the praetorium should , immediately upon receipt of the emperour's law , publish it to the subjects by their edict . sometimes they did promulge the emperours law before their own edict ; sometimes they proclaimed their own edict , and only mentioned in it the emperour's law. thus did sabinus , in the next chapter of this ninth book . but rufinus says that he proclaimed the emperour's law before his own edict . true it is , we must confess , that the emperours laws were published before the edicts of the presidents most commonly . of this we have a notable instance in the conference at carthage , where after the reading of the emperour's letter to marcellinus the tribune and the notarius , marcellinus's edict was read . we must suppose the same thing concerning the emperour's rescripts : which were always placed before the edicts of the magistrates . so did himerius rationalist of egypt , in his epistle to the governour of marcot● ; which athanasius has related in his apology . vales. q by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 us'd in this place , we must not understand a council of bishops , but an ecclesiastick congregation , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes us'd in that sence , and niceph. in this place uses [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. to meet together in their assemblies ] instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word i greatly approve of as explaining the place . vales. r these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] musculus and christoph. render thus ; maximino , ut ista concederet , scripserant , they had written to maximin that he should grant it . but i think eusebius's meaning was otherwise , ( to wit , ) constantine and licinius wrote to maximin that they had given free liberty to the christians to exercise their religion ▪ to celebrate their assemblies , and to build churches , &c. for it seems unlikely and some thing arrogant , that constantine and licinius should command maximin , their collegue , to grant these priviledges to the christians . vales. a i wonder translatours did not understand the force of this word . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. to surround ] when as the common lexicons do sufficiently explain it ▪ moreover , the old maz. m. s. does here begin this chapter , and i am not a little glad that my conjecture is confirm'd by its authority . for before i had procured that m. s. i begun this tenth chapter at the next period , the king 's and fuk. m. ss . do agree with the maz. vales. b by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is meant , to place his name first in all titles of laws and decrees . also , in all inscriptions on publick works , statues and images , maximin plac'd his name before his collegues , constantine and licinius : although they were augusti before him . but maximin challenged the first place , because he was created caesar before them . vales. c niceph. changes these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extending his pride to utter madness ] which rendition is not amiss . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , in chrysostome , taken for pride in many places . vales. * in all our m. ss . 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we translate accordingly the term . vales. d by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the term here us'd , eusebius means maximin's foot forces . of all historians only zosimus mentions any thing of this battel between maximin and licinius in illyricum ; in his second book : he says , that licinius at first suffered some loss ; but afterwards , renewing the fight , he put maximin to flight , who fled towards the east , thinking to raise a new army . this relation does well agree with this of eusebius here , for he says that maximin having lost his army fled into his part of the empire , that is , into the east . this battel therefore was fought in europe ; in the year of christ . constantine and licinius being the third time consuls ; as sigonius well observes in his third book de occidentali imperio . vales. psal. . . psal. . , , . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a copy of the version , &c. * see the foregoing chapter . note ( e. ) he means his rescript to sabinus prefect of the pretorium ; which eusebius has inserted at the foregoing chap. b. . maximin says 't was written in the year past , or the last year , i. e. in the year of christ . constantine and licinius being both then in their second consulate . whence it follows that this last edict of maximin was written in the year of christ ; constantine and licinius being the third time consuls . further , these are the principal differences between the emperours rescripts and edicts . ( . ) their rescripts had their names annext to whom they were sent ; the edicts spoke to all men in general . ( . ) the edicts were publickly proposed ; the rescripts were given to those to whom they were sent ; as may be seen from gest. purgat . cecilian . p. nor was it usual to publish them , unless this word was expresly added in the end of the rescript , proponatur , let it be published . lastly , in their rescripts the name of the emperour was prefixt only with some few of his titles : but in their edicts , none of their titles were omitted , but all were carefully and proudly mentioned . vales. f this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is by langus rendered malè accepisse , misapprehended , misinterpreted : which version i approve of : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in its genuin sense signifies malè interpretari . but musculus ( and christoph. in imitation of him ) translates it , neglig●re to neglect , pro nihilo habere , not to value : which is not so well . the fuk. and savil. m. ss . read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disregarded ] which words seem to have been written in the margin as a scholion at first ; but afterward crept into the text. vales. g that is by the emperours , who us'd to give those estates which fell to the exchequer to those that begged them . see the code , in the title de petitionibus . vales. h chrysostome attests the same , in his oration concerning saint babylas against the gentiles ; in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the eye-balls of one of them leapt out of his eye holes of their own accord , while he was yet alive ; this was maximin : the other ran mad . diocletian was the emperour that was distracted ; which is attested by eusebius , and by constantine . we have also an account of maximins blindness , in epiphanius's piece de ponderib . vales. though in the common editions the term here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] yet we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for eusebius here means , that maximin was proclaimed a common enemy . this was done very solemnly , by the decree of the senate , as the compilers of the historia augusta inform us in many places , and especially where they treat of maximin . vales. b him whom the greeks name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have termed picentius : that there was a sycophant of this name in the time of constantine , zosimus attesteth in the end of his second book . certain we are that those persons whom the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the latines term picentes . vales. c he seems to mean the prefect of the praetorium . for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is never used but to denote either the prefect of the praetorium , or the prefect of the city . besides , whenas eusebius affirms that picentius was advanced to great honour and made consul twice by maximin , it would be absurd for him to say , that he was made rationalist by him , that being a place of small honour in respect of the prefecture of the praetorium . but , there are these arguments to con●ute this opinion : ( . ) by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] eusebius does always mean the rationalist , as we have frequently observed before . ( . ) sabinus was prefect of the praetorium to maximin ( as we noted before ) in the year of christ , , and . neither ( . ) is the dignity of the rationalists office to be lookt upon as mean and low . for even macrianus ( he that seized on the empire in the times of gallienus ) bore that office : and eusebius himself ( book . chap. . ) calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no mean office ; speaking of philoromus the martyr . but that which eusebius says , to wit , that picentius was made consul thrice by maximin , is very intricate and difficult to be made out . we have observed before , that after galerius's death , maximin took upon himself the title of augustus , in the year of christ . therefore , before this time , when he was caesar only , he could not make picentius consul . for the augusti only had a right of creating the consuls . therefore , after galerius's death , maximin declared himself and picentius consuls in that very year . on the year following maximin and picentius bore their second consulate in the east , when constantine and licinius were the second time consuls in the west . but in italy and africa maxentius was the fourth time consul alone . then , on the year after , which was the year of christ , the same maximin and picentius were consuls the third time in the east , as is evidently collected from this famous passage in eusebius for 't is improbable that maximin should give a third consulate to another , and not declare himself consul once . indeed , in the alexandrian chronicle , galerius maximinus is put consul with maximianus being in his eighth consulate , which is the year of christ . although in that chronicle he is called galerius maximus . we therefore are the first that have taken notice , that maximin bore three consulates . whence it may be gathered that maximin was augustus about two years , having before been caesar seven years , and that he lived till the year of christ , which we have also demonstrated from his rescripts . wherefore i wonder how so notorious a mistake should creep into eusebius's chronicon , as to place maximin's death before maxentius's : it seems to have been committed by saint jerome ; for he added many things of his own to eusebius's chronicon . vales. d he was president of thebaïs , as epiphanius attests in his here 's ▪ which is the heresie of the mel●tiani , where he is called [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 culcïanus ; ] but it should be culcianus as 't is evident from this place in eusebius . yet rufinus translates it quintianus : in nicephorus 't is lucianus ; both names are false . for this president was called culcianus , as ( besides eusebius ) the acts of phileas the martyr's passion do affirm . vales. c eusebius speaks of this theotecnus before , in this ninth book . cedrenus asserts that this theotecnus perswaded galerius maximianus to raise a persecution against the christians . but he is mistaken , in that 〈◊〉 takes galerius maximianus for galerius maximinus , which is a common errour amongst the modern greek authours . vales. psal. . , , notes for div a -e a he means paulinus bishop of tyre , to whom our eusebius dedicated his ecclesiastick history . for by his perswasion he undertook this work , as he does here plainly intimate . eusebius designedly omitted the dedication of his books to paulinus at the beginning of this his work , ( which is usually done , ) upon account of paulinus's modesty ( if i mistake not : ) but was contented to make an honourable mention of him at the end of his history . for he supposed it signified not much , whether he dedicated his books to him at the beginning , or at the end of them . eusebius dedicated to the same paulinus two books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning the names of places : the former of these ( which contained the division of the tribes , the description of the city jerusalem , and the hebrew appellations of extraneous nations ) is now lost . but the latter ( which treats of the hebrew names of places ) was above twenty years since put forth in greek by the reverend father bonsrerius ; to which there is prefixt an epistle to paulinus . wherein eusebius attests , that by paulinus's perswasion he attempted that work ; and he gives him this title [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o paulinus , thou sacred man of god! ] paulinus therefore was our eusebius's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instigator to compile his books , as ambrosius heretofore was origen's . — further , this paulinus was at first a presbyter of antioch . afterwards , being preferred to the bishoprick of tyre , he was much commended for his presidency over that church . and at length when eustathius was divested of the see of antioch , he was by the antiochians preferred to the goverment of their church : so eusebius info 〈…〉 us , in his book against marcellus , chap. . in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. afterwards he inveighs against the man of god paulinus , a most blessed person ; who was adorned with the dignity of a presbyter at antioch : and was so famous for his government of the tyrian church , that the antiochians challenged him as their own proper goods . philostorgius ( book . chap. . ) says expresly , that paulinus succeeded eustathius in the see of antioch , and that six months after his translation he died . — paulinus therefore died in the year of christ , after he had born the episcopate of antioch six months . wherefore gothofredus is much mistaken , who ( in his notes on philostorgius ) supposes paulinus to have died in the year of christ ; and blames philostorgius for being inconstant to himself . but philostorgius agrees very well with himself ; which gothofredus does not in asserting that paulinus bishop of tyre died on the year of christ . undoubtedly paulinus bishop of tyre was present at the nicene council , and survived that synod sometime ; as theodoret informs us book . chap. . and sozomen book . chap. . — baronius indeed says that paulinus died in the year , and that eustathius succeeded him . but baronius affirms not , that that paulinus , whom he makes eustathius's predecessour , was bishop of tyre ▪ vales. * the phrase in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which valesius , chistophorson , and grynaeus render in perfecto numero ; and we , in its due order . psal. . , , . psal. , , . * psal. . , . b this place ( which neither musculus nor christophorson understood ) must be thus mended ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but ( although they did not enjoy them in the same degree that we did , yet at least in some measure ) might together with us partake of the streams , &c. vales. in stephens edit . the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. * ezek. . v. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here ( as 't is frequently in this historian ) us'd to signifie the praising of god : so also is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laudare deum , to praise god. vales. b rufinus's version of this place may serve in stead of a comment ; he translates it thus ; jam verò ingens in sacerdotiis & ministeriis , atque in omnibus quae ad religionis observantiam pertinent , gratia refulgebat . adstabant hic psallentium chori , juvenes & virgines , senes cum junioribus laudabant nomen domini . hic mystica ministeria ordinatis & dispositis vicibus agebantur ; and now an exceeding great glory and beauty appeared in the performances of the presbyters , and in the ecclesiastick services , and in all things belonging to the observances of religion . in one place , the company of those that sung psalms , youths and virgins , old men and young , praised the name of the lord. in another , the mysticall services were performed by set courses orderly appointed . the terms [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] therefore denote the people of the congregation , who sang psalms in the church , and hearkned to the sacred lessons : which is confirmed by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , auditours of the expressions ] which can be understood of the laicks only . the words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] point out to us the presbyters , who performed the mystical ceremonies . vales. c by these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mystical symbols of our saviour's passion ] is meant baptism ; which is a sign of our saviour's suffering . for , by baptism we die , and are buried with christ , and we rise again through the same christ by faith . see colos. . . vales. a these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we render [ to whom god hath given this special and particular priviledge ] christoph. understands as if this were the sense of them . ( viz. ) that this church , which was founded by paulinus , was a special ornament or honour to christ , and his church : but musculus follows the same sense that i do . vales. b in the greek text , the term is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we have translated religious ; but doubtless eusebius wrote [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , majestick ] for it would be a simple way of expressing ones self thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the religious auditory of religion . vales. * psal. . v. . psal. . v. . * tim. c. . v. . † psal. . v. . * psal. . v. . † psal. . v. . * psal. . v. . c in the med. m. s. i found this scholion written at these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. thou deliverest no good divinity here ( o eusebius i ) concerning the son of god , who is coëqual in dominion , coëternal , and con-creatour of all things [ with the father : ] thou stilest him the second authour of all good , when as he is the same authour and framer of all things with the father , and of the same substance with him . also in the maz. m. s. we met with this scholion here , in a later hand , wherein eusebius is also reproved , in regard he subjects the son to the father , and attributes to him the second place . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is : why doest thou utter this divinity ( o man ! ) to thine own destruction ? detracting from and subjecting him , who in glory , power , and essence is every way like the father ; and attributing to him the second place from the father . thy sentiments and writings do herein contradict those holy fathers , who determined the son to be coëssential with the father . to whose opinion thou didst subscribe , unless they who wrote their acts do declare a palpable untruth . vales. d in the greek , these following lines ( the translation whereof is contained within this parenthesis ) seem to be iambicks taken out of some tragedian . the words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which verses are undoubtedly very elegant , and smel something of aeschylus , or sophocles . but i think they ought rather to be blotted out of this place , for they disturb the sence . vales. e here he first relates what christ did in the days of old , for the salvation of mankind . afterwards he sets forth what miracles he lately wrought . vales. f in the text we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] but we should rather read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as we find it in the med. fuk. and maz. m. ss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies solummodo , only , or alone ; which phrase is frequent in eusebius , and thus he is here to be understood : that christ only , by his appearance and incarnation in times past ▪ delivered men , who were enstav'd by the devil , from that grievous yoke of servitude . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the import whereof , if rendered word for word , is this ; envy the hater of that which is good , and the devil the lover of mischief . but by the following words in the period he seems to speak of the devil only : upon which account we render it the envious devil , &c. agreeable to valesius's version . g upon these words in the med. m. s. we find this scholion in the margin . ( viz. ) this is wicked , atheistical , and blasphemous , to call the saviour christ and god , the great commander in chief of god's host. vales. h we ought to take special notice of this place ; for it is the first wherein eusebius calls christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this one place i think sufficient to consute all their malicious calumnies , who believe that our authour eusebius was infected with arianisme . this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is made in imitation of plato's word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies that which in it self is truly good : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is he who is truly originally and in himself god. vales. i by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] may be meant the christians , who are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after his own name : which name of christians was spread over all nations , and known not amongst the romans only , but also amongst the barbarians . but if any would have these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifie christ's own name ; i will not much contradict it ; for a little after our authour speaks of the christians : which certainly he would not have done , had he spoken of them before . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here , does not signifie the consecration of churches , as musculus here translates it ; but rather the donaria , things offered and consecrated to god , and thus the following words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ornaments and dedicated ( or consecrated ) gifts , ] declare . certainly if eusebius had here meant consecration , he would have us'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place ; as he does in the third chapter of this tenth book . vales. l in the kings m. s. at the side of this line i found this mark [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] set : which is an abbreviation of the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. polite , elegant . ] in antient m. ss . 't is usually found placed at the more elegant passages . vales. * psal. . v. . m i have translated these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] firm stones : musculus translates them crescentes lapides , growing stones . christoph . renders them incedentes in terra lapides , walking stones : but i cannot conceive , how the foundation could be firm , if the stones mov'd . of these versions the reader may take which best pleaseth him ; i do not here reject christoph. version . but whereas christoph. supposes these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we translate [ that god whom we praise ] do signifie christ ; i cannot at all commend him ; for our authour speaks afterward of christ ; saying , that he is the chief corner stone of this temple . wherefore by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is meant god the father , the overseer of this work . hieronym . translates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in the second chapter of haggai , lapides viventes qui nunc volvuntur super terram , living stones which are rolled upon the earth . vales. n after these words there is an asterisk set in the med. m. s. and in the margin are these words written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this also is blasphemous . ] the scholiast , who set this note here , seems to have thought that in this place eusebius spake concerning christ : but he speaks of paulinus bishop of tyre , who ( says he ) has obtained the next place to christ in the government of believers . now this cannot be stiled an impious expression , seeing that all prelates do resemble christ , and are his vicegerents in the government of the church . we confess indeed , that eusebius attributes too much to paulinus , in regard he gives him the second place , as if he were christs equal and colleague ; and in regard he terms him melchisedech . vales. o he means as well the spiritual as material fabrick of the church at tyre ; of the form and model whereof paulinus ( says he ) can give the best account , in regard by the assistance of divine power he framed that structure . vales. * jo. . . * see exod. . . † eusebius ▪ here us'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 improperly , making it to signifie a tabernacle ; whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly , a temple : we read in exod. chap. . that beseleel built the tabernacle of the lord , not the temple . vales. p this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is a metaphorical term , taken from the heathen priests , who carried the images of their gods upon their shoulders . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so 't is worded in the original . q he alludes to the herculean labours , or combats . vales. * psal. . v. . r the phrase here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which valesius renders thus ▪ [ itaque illi deo invisi , nunc amplius non sunt , quando ne tum quidem erant : ] and we thus , [ now therefore these persons , hated by god , are not , nor were they then . ] it seems to be an imitation of dionysius alexandrinus his expression ; who in his epistle to harmammon ( part whereof is quoted by our eusebius , at book . chap. . ) speaks thus concerning macrianus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , now he is not , for he never was . ] vales. * psal. . v. , . * psal. . . their memorial is perished 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with them ; in the septuagint the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a sound . † psal. . . ‖ see psal. . . † psal. . v. . * psal. . v. . † the church of god. * isal. . v. , , , , , . our authour quotes this text , as it is in the version of the ; according to which we translate . * he alludes to psal. . v. . * see psal. . v. , . † heb. . v. . * isai. . v. . † we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fountain ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] the fuk. & savil . m. ss . confirmour reading . vales. * see hag. . . s christoph. thought that these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] were spoken concerning the temple ; whereas by them is meant the space betwixt the porch and the temple . this space was inclosed ( says he ) in figure of a quadrangle , and beautified with four opposite cloysters by paulinus . vales. t this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] very well rendred , [ intercolumnia , the space betwixt the pillars , ] was fill'd up with latticed bars of wood , which reached upwards an indifferent height : here also eusebius useth [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to signifie [ height ] which is not taken notice of by translatours . vales. u he means that middle space in the open air , which was encompassed on every side with the four cloysters ; it was of the same figure with those which in the modern monasteries are called pratella . for that which the monks call a cloyster is nothing else but four covered walks , within which is that vacancy in the open air , by them termed pratellum . moreover , in some monasteries , this vatancy in the open air is fenced in with rails , after the same manner that eusebius says the atrium , [ the court , or yard ] was , wherein the church of tyre stood ; which is done to hinder boys from going into that open place , which is usually planted with flowers . this vacant place is in latine properly termed atrium . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after you have seen these things , or after you have entertained your self with beholding these things . musculus's version of it is horum conspectu praeterito , after you have passed seeing these things , which version of musculus's is rather to be follow'd then that long circumlocution of christophorson's , by which he translates this place thus , quinetiam quo istas res ad oculos capiendos magnâ operum varietate concinne illustrarent : which translation agrees not with eusebius's words . vales. * see psal. . v. . * for whom these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , benches or seats were made , 't is some difficulty to resolve , ( that is , ) for what degree of order of men they were intended . leo allatius in his second epist. de templis gracor : supposes these benches were made for the common use of the laity , the same says clemens , in his constitut , apost . b. . cap. . but eusebius means another thing . for afterwards , where he explains the whole fabrick of this church allegorically , he says that by the thrones , the bishops and presbyters were meant : but by the benches , the deacons , and others that served in the church . wherefore these benches were rather designed for those who served in the church , than for the laicks . indeed the laity were not permitted to sit in the church . so says optatus in his fourth book , and which words of his we must so understand , that in a congregation in the church , during the time of divine service , the laicks were not permitted to sit down ; but when the service was ended , they had liberty to sit . so also says athanas. in his epist. ad solitar . vales. * see note ( y. ) y christophorson renders this place thus ; atque adeo ad senestras inferioris templi affixit , and therefore joyned them to the windows of the lower temple : the meaning of which version i understand not . for i can't apprehend how the exhedra ( i. e. the vestries , or lower buildings which stood on the sides of the cathedral and were joyned to it ) could be fixed to the windows . christophorson supposed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here used in the greek ) did signifie windows . indeed , euscbius , speaking a little above concerning the windows through which the light was conveyed into the porches , uses this term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which christophorson translates windows . but in this place , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put by its self , without being joyned to any other word , it can't signifie windows . either therefore eusebius means , by this term here used , the doors of the cathedral , which a little before he calls [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] or else certain walks , through which there was a passage to the cathedral ▪ which paulinus , in his twelfth epist. calls transennae . but 't is my judgment that the doors of the cathedral are hereby meant . further , by those oeci , and exhedrae , eusebius means the baptistery , the consistory , and the place where they saluted one another ; which were joyned to the cathedral . vales. z we observed before ( see book . chap. . note b. ) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term that occurs here ) signifies not only christ's incarnation ; but that , whatever our saviour did in the flesh in order to the procuring man's salvation , is in general termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see the authorities there quoted . this place also evidently demonstrates the same , where eusebius terms not only the death , but the resurrection also of christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dispensations , in the plural number . vales. * esaias . , , our authour quotes the words of the septuagint ; and we translate accordingly . * esai . . , , , , . † esai . . , , , . * esai . . , . ‖ esai . . , , , . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here very well rendred by christoph. exornator spons● , the dress●r of the bride . musculus renders it not amiss paranymphus , ( i. e. ) one who is to take care of all things that appertain to the bride . vales. b eusebius here calls the soul of man ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) a self intelligent substance , because naturally and of it self it understandeth . so the philosophers call spiritual substances , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as we call intelligentias , intelligences . but christoph ▪ being grosly mistaken , takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and accordingly renders it , substantia sol● mentis intelligentiâ cognita , a substance which can only be comprebended by the understanding of the mind . but there is a difference betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) intelligible , that which may be comprehended , or , understood , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) intellectual , that which does understand , or comprehend ▪ for example's sake , chimara , and all such fictions of the understanding are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intelligible , but not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intellectual or intelligent . nebridius in his epist. to both augustines , doth very well distinguish betwixt these words . vales. * levit. . . c by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eusebius means malleoli , darts besmeared with wild-fire , and such fire-balls as are flung from the walls , upon enemies ; here he imitates that place of saint paul ▪ where he makes the devil to be armed with fiery darts with which he fights against men . see ephes. . . vales. d what was here meant by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we render [ priests consecrated to him for ever ] translatours understood not ; and have therefore misinterpreted it . there were two sorts of priests , some annual ; such were those the jews had , under the roman governours ; and such were almost all the gentile priests . others were perpetual , which they call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this an old inscription in gruter , ( pag. . ) does manifest . and also the old coins of the perpereni ; which jac. sirmondus publish'd ; where we met with ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacerdos perpetuus , a perpetual priest. hence 't is that eusebius calls the priests of the christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ because their priesthood was not yearly , but perpetual : like the priesthood of christ : who is a priest for ever after the order of meichisedech ; as saith the prophet . the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] our authour uses frequently to signifie priests : see the third chapter of this book ; where we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sacred duties or performances of the priests . in our version of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we follow velleius paterculus , who calls those magistrates , perpetui , which the athenians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . munatius felix ( in gestis purgationis caeciliani ) is call'd flamen perpetuus . this dignity for brevities sake was commonly noted by these characters , fl. pp . i. e. flamen perpetuus , a perpetual priest. these priests are mentioned in the second law god. theod. vales. e instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we should rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the old maz. m. s. does ( that is , ) adjudging or attributing to every one his place . mark what follows in the chapter . but should any desire to retain the common reading i would not resist it much : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in hesychius ) is explain'd by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dividere , to divide . vales. * esai . c. . v. , , , . f by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( to watch at the gates and conduct those that come in . ) eusebius here meanes the sub-deacons , who kept the gates of the church , and conducted all that came in to their particular places : ( viz. ) the catechumens , penitents and possessed with evil spirits , into the narthex ( or church porch , ) or into the catechumenium , ( or place where they catechised ; ) but the believers into the quire. see the canon of the council of laodicea , and zonaras's and balsamo's notes upon it . vales. g we have before noted in note ( u. ) of this chapter , that that void open place betwixt the portico and the church is call'd by the latines atrium the court. the greek's ( as here ) call the same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] frequently occurrs in the gospel , and is always by the old translatour render'd atrium . vales. h 't is difficult to render this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] here used by any latine word . muscul●● renders it propugnacula ▪ bulwarks . christoph. repagula , bars . i have translated it obices , bolts . vales. i the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must be blotted out ; for it troubleth the sense ; it crept in here out of the upper line . vales. * see note ( ● ▪ ) k by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not far removed from that clear inspection into the mysteries which the believers enjoy ] i say by these words eusebius means those who amongst the antient christians were called competentes . these were certain holy candidates of baptism as it were . eusebius here makes three degrees or ranks of the catechumeni . the first were those who had learned the creed : ( i. e. ) the principles of christian religion . these he compares to the out wall of the church . the second were those to whom a short exposition of the gospels was delivered . these he compares to the pillars which were placed in the court made like a quadrangle . the next are the competentes , who were next to the perfect believers . but if any one by the first rank would rather understand ▪ the promiscuous multitude of the laicks , and by the second rank those of the laity which were the more learned : i will not be much averse to that explication . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the term used at this place , may be render'd gates , as well as windows . vales. m at these words we have ( in the maz. m. s. ) a long scholion in the margin , inveighing against this authour as being heretical , and against this passage a● being blasphemous , in regard it makes the son inferiour to the father , and attributes the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] first place to the father , and the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] second to the son. in the med. m. s. we meet with this short scholio● at the margin here [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] and this also is blasphemy . ] vales. n this place is eminent for the commendation of the chastity and continency of the clergy : but its excellence lay heretofore undiscovered , because of the erroneous version of translatours : the cause of the mistake in them was the false punctation in steph. edit . and in the kings m. s. but the maz. and med. m. ss . do with good reason reject that punctation . vales. † acts c. . v. . o he means the presbyters , who had the second degree of the priesthood . here he compares the bishop and presbyters to the thrones of the church : and the deacons to the benches . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supinis manibus ; so valesius : pronis manibus ; so christophorson . p here eusebius ( having spoken largely concerning the double fabrick of the church ( that is ) the material and spiritual ; and compared them together , ) elegantly makes a transition to that heavenly hierusalem which is the idea and original pattern of this church on earth . but the translatours through their inadvertency took no notice of this elegant apostrophe . vales. * see heb. . , . † instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading should undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no mortal , &c. ] vales. * cor. c. . v. . † psal , . , , , , , . a because that first rescript or letter , mentioned here by constantine , is lost , we cannot easily resolve what constantine meanes when he says , that in that edict were named many and several sorts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sects ; for which reason many desisted from professing christianity . christoph. translates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] doubtful and controverted opinions ; as if the sense or meaning of this first edict had been ambiguous . so also baronius understands christoph. his words at the year of christ . langus and musculus translate [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] opiniones & haereses , heresies and opinions ; far better then christoph. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot signifie the sense , or [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] meaning of a place : but it signifies an opinion or sect. when the emperour constantine therefore had in that former edict permitted this liberty of conscience to all , he added , that that priviledge was not granted to the christians only , but to all men of every sect , ( that is ) to jews , samaritans , marcionists , &c. and to all sects of all religions . this the christians took to be no small injury to their religion , that it should be reckon'd amongst schismaticks , and unbelieving jews ▪ constantine being advertised hereof by the catholicks , corrected it in this latter edict ; that clause , which mention'd all sects , being taken out : and this is that which is meant by these words a little further , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) that all those sects which were in our former rescript should be quite left out . vales. b this was constantin's second edict , directed to the praefect of the praetorium , the same person to whom was sent constantin's first edict for the christians . the first edict was signed or dated at rome , constantine 〈◊〉 . and licinius ii. coss. and it was immediately sent into the east , to maximin ; see book . chap. . but this second edict was dated at mediolanum on the year following . vales. c concerning the restitution of the publick places and coemiteria of the christians , there is extant an edict of gallienus's in book . chap. . of this history , in which these places are commanded to be restored to the christians . in the first decree therefore , which constantine and licinius ( after maxentius was conquered , ) published in favour of the christians ; a copy of which they sent to maximinus the emperour into the east , they only decreed that all places where the christians used to assemble themselves , which had been heretofore taken from them , should be restored to them again ; but they said nothing expresly concerning the restitution of the price : neither in the edict of maximin , which was published soon after the decree of constantine and licinius , was there any caution concerning repaying of the price , as we may see in book . chap. . of this history . it was necessary therefore that constantine should decree something more distinctly concerning that point . that the christians might recover those places which had been taken from them or sold , or given by the treasury , without repaying the price . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so he terms adjectiones , i. e. the additions to the prices in sales of goods or estates . these adjectiones ( which civilians in other words call additamenta pretii , accessions to the price ) we in france call encheres . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( according 〈◊〉 the decree aforesaid ) ( i. e. ) according to that edict signed at rome . constantine ii. and licinius ii. coss. which edict constantine mention'd before . that was constantine's first decree for the christians . but constantine , having in that law shew'd himself too favourable towards the christians in that in it he had extolled their religion , and condemn'd all other sects and ceremonies , was forced in this second edict to explain his mind , for fear , least the heathens should murmur at the prohibiting and abolishing the worship of their gods. wherefore constantine saies , that he granted free liberty to every one to worship what gods , and follow what sect and religion he pleased . this second decree therefore is nothing else but an explication of the first ▪ for in the first edict there were some words with which the gentiles and also the schismatical christians were not a little offended ; in that they saw themselves named hereticks . the catholick christians also resented it , because they were joyned in the same decree with the gentiles and hereticks . wherefore constantine , that he might shew himself kind to all , desired that those words might be razed out ▪ and this is the sense of those former words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that the names of these s●its in our former rescript might be wholly taken out , &c. vales. e instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. citizens ▪ in this place we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are call'd by the latines ▪ decuriones ; concerning whom see my notes on amm. marcellin . b. . p. . these decurions in the time of persecution seized upon the places and farmes which belonged to the catholick church , as being vacant . vales. f it is much controverted amongst the learned who this mark is , whom constantine here joyneth with miltiades bishop of rome . baronius , at the year of christ . chap. . thinks the text of fasebius is faulty , and instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] he would read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] but this emendation cannot be admitted of , for whereas miltiades is before call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop , t is superfluous to adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacred magistrate . moreover , titles of honour are common words , but this here is an affected and unusual term wherefore , rejecting this conjecture of baronius's , i think this mark was a presbyter of the church of rome , whom constantine had a desire should be present at this synod with miltiades . this also i think was that mark who was bishop of rome after silvester . this epistle of constantine to miltiades was extant in the third conference at carthage ; chap. . but the latter part of this third conference , which in my opinion is the most useful , is lost . vales. g by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are meant two libels , which contained the faults of cecilianus bishop of carthage , which being subscribed by the faction of majorinus , they gave them to anulinus the proconsul at carthage on the th of the calends of may. constantine the emperour being the third time , and licinius the third time consuls . these libels constantine calls [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] because they contained in them many papers , and many publick acts , to prove the faults of cecilianus . christoph. calls these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epistles but that is an ill term : for there was but one epistle sent by anulinus to constantine the emperour , but there were several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or papers . constantine also a little further calls them libelli : so does augustine also , in his epistle to vincentius , call it libellus : and saies it was thus superscribed ; the libell of the catholick church containing the faults of cecilianus , put in by the faction of majorinus . vales. h in our text it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in niceph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in the maz. and med. m. ss . 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a transposition of the aspirate , which the greeks usually do in turning latine p●oper names into greek . vales. i instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we should undoubtedly read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in this place , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) ( those countries which divine providence gave into our hands by a voluntary surrender . ) for when the head of maxentius was sent into africa , all africa at the sight of the tyrant's head , yielded to constantine . and also before the overthrow of maxentius some african cities yielded themselves voluntarily to constantine , when he sent some sea-forces thither . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading in nicephorus is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dearest ] in the plural number . for since the rescript was written to miltiades bishop of rome , and to mark , and since he always speaks to them in the plural number ; 't is reasonable that in the close of the rescript it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] further , the acts of this synod at rome are extant in optatus , b. . the authour of the synodicon ( whom we have often quoted ) says this synod was convened by miltiades and mark at rome ; he joyns mark to miltiades , as soon as he perceived from this rescript that constantine mentioned them joyntly . vales. * in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mutually , it should be undoubtedly [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst themselves : ] so 't is corrected in the margin of the geneva-edition : and so also sir henry savill had mended it , in the margin of his copy . vales. l the maz. fuk. and med. m. ss . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but without doubt we should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is ) from latronianus corrector of sicily , we find mention of this latronianus in an old inscription at panormus , which is attested by gualtherus , in tabulis siculis , number . d. n. fl. valerio licinio aug . domitius latronianus v. c. corr. p. s. devotus n. m. que ejus . gualtherus also in his annotations upon this inscription , quoteth and correcteth this place of eusebius . vales. m by these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] eusebius meaneth the presbyters , who were commonly called sacerdotes secundi ordinis , ( priests of the second order ) which may be collected out of several good authours , as optatus milevitanus , and jacobus sirmondus in his notes upon sidonius page . hieronymus , in his epitaph on the blessed paula , says , there were present the bishops of hierusalem and other cities , and an innumerable company of priests [ inferioris gradus ] of the lower order , &c. so also says gregor . nazianz. in carm. jamb . de vitâ sua pag. . hence comes this distinction ; the bishops in the church , sate in more losty thrones , the presbyters sitting on both hands on lower seats , and the deacons standing by in white garments , saith the same greg. naz. in his dream de ecclesiae anastasia pag. . eusebius also , in his description of the church of tyre , allotteth the thrones which were in the church next the altar , to the bishop and presbyters , but the benches to the deacons , where also he calls the presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. those which have the second places next the bishop . see s t augustin's th epistle . vales. a this title [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning the estates of the christians ] is here put in a wrong place : for the epistle which follows , says not a word concerning the estates of the christians . this title might better have been prefix't before chap. . where we have two several decrees of constantin's concerning the estates of the christians . therefore very well do the old maz. and fuk. m. ss . make no distinction of a chapter in this place . vales. * see b. . chap. . note ( f. ) b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epiphanius mentions these folles , at the close of his book de mensur . & pondcrib . he speaks of two sorts of them ; the first he calls the small talent , consisting of denarii . the value of the other , he says , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , duo minuta , two minutes , or mites . see the learned petavius's diatriba concerning the follis , at the end of his notes on epiphan . pag. , &c. edit . paris . . c concerning these vicarii praefectorum , deputies of the prefects , we have treated in our notes on the th book of amm. marcellinus ; pag. . where we shewed that there was a difference between acting for a prefect , and acting for the prefects . he may be said to act for a prefect , whom the prefect of a city , or prefect of the pretorium orders to supply his place in any special business . but he may be said to act for the prefects , who exercises a deputies power ordine codicillorum . see the place now cited in those notes . the title given to these vicarii at this time was perfectissimus , ( see book ● . chap. . note f. ) not clarissimus , or spectabilis . this we are informed of from constantine the emperours rescript to probianus procunsul of africa , which augustine relates in his th epistle ; and in his d book against cresconius , cap. . vales. a in the most ancient maz. and fuk. m. ss . this is called the sixth chatter ; which is true , if i mistake not . see the foregoing chap. note ( a. ) vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nomini romano , upon the roman name . b in the med. maz. fuk. and savil. m. ss . we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most honoured and our dearest anulinus . ] we have the relation of anulinus in answer to this rescript of constantine's in augustin's epistle . but eusebius inserts these rescripts in a preposterous kind of order . for constantin's letter to cecilianus the bishop , and his rescript to anulinus ought in order to precede constantin's letter to miltiades , bishop of rome . for all those letters have a relation to the roman synod which was summoned upon the account of cecilianus , when constantine and licinius were both the third time consulls ; in the year of christ . vales. a here we follow that emendation of this place which is set at the margin of turnebus's m. s. who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affinity ] in this place reads . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobility . ] for constantine was extracted from a royal descent ; he derived his pedigree from claudius the emperour . vales. b the best comment upon this place is the th chap. of book . of constantin's life . the militia amongst the roman's was twofold : the militia castrensis , or , the militia imploy'd in all martial affaires ; and the militia civilis ( which in theodosius's code , is called the militia cohortalis , the militia imploy'd in civil affaires . those that were listed into this militia cohortalis , were by the latines commonly call'd officiales , or apparitores : and by the greeks generally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see themist . . orat. pag. . chrysost. homily . upon the first epist. to corinth . pag. . and pag. . moreover [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] by chrysost. hom. . upon saint matthew is us'd for apparitoris officio fungi , to execute an apparitours office. but the greeks ( sometimes for distinction's sake of the militia castrensis ) called these apparitores , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , city apparitours . so eusebius in the place above quoted ; and themistius , in his th orat. pag. . makes use of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which has the same import with [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] here in eusebius , ( i. e. ) the apparitours of the presidents and prefects of the praetorium , who gathered the tributes , which belonged to the treasury . vales. c this passage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by christoph. and langu● render'd mortuos , the dead : but i cannot admit of this version . what law this of licinius's was , 't is difficult to resolve . it seems to have belonged to the testaments of dying people : it was abrogated by constantine after licinius was overcome by him . vales. d eusebius uses this terme [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which occurs here , at book . chap. . ( see note c. there ) where he treats concerning maximinus the eastern tyrant : but in his first book de vita constant : he terms it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) ways of getting money . the ancient greeks us'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sence . there is extant a book of xenophon's entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the modern latine authours call these taxes , tituli . vales. e the phrase here us'd ( viz. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is very well rendred by langus , iteratae agrorum mensiones , the re-measuring of lands . this version rufinus confirm's , who renders it census innovare , to renew the census , or the prizing of every mans estate . this census could not be renewed without the remeasuring of land. for the census amongst the romans consisted of two things , ( i. e. ) the measuring of lands , and the numbering of the people , as i have elsewhere noted . we have the testimony of aurel. vict. and of victor's epitome in confirmation of what eusebius says concerning licinius's avarice . but what eusebius says concerning licinius's exactions , and oppressions of his subjects , is confuted by the testimony of two ancient authors , ( viz. ) aurel. victor and libanius : victor says of licinius that he was , agraribus plane ac rusticantibus , quia ab eo genere ortus altusque erat , satis utilis , i. e. to the common sort of people and rusticks , because he was extracted from and maintained by that sort of men , he was useful enough . libanius in his oration pro templis gentilium , says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the cities flourished under him ( viz. ) licinius . vales. f i doubt not , but instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] we should read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proscriptions : ] for in the first book , de vita constant. cap. . ( where eusebius repeats all these passages almost in the same words ) instead of this term , he uses this phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , punishments of exile . ] vales. g christoph translates the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used , patricios , erroneously , as we before signified . they were termed nobiles , who were descended from those that had born any office in rome , or in the towns incorporate . vales. h but licinius died in the sixtieth year of his age , as victor affirms in his epitome . wherefore eusebius , like an oratour , aggravates the matter here . vales. a at these words we began the th chap. which conjecture of ours is confirmed by the old maz. and fuk. m. ss . and in those m. ss . this chapter is rightly call'd the eighth chapter as we remark't before . vales. * licinius . † constantine . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these are the words in the original ; which valesius renders thus , modestam ac sobriam in se colligens mentem : grynaeus thus , rem hanc sapienter expendit : and we translate it after this manner , entring into a prudent and sober consideration with himself . 't is a phrase usual with our euschius . for so he expresses himself book . de vita constant. chap. . and . * or prince ; the term in the greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c by this phrase here used [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their peace ] is meant the peace which they restored . so seneca in his book de clementia brings in nero speaking thus : haec tot millia gladiorum quae pax mea comprimit , ad nutum meum stringentur . where by [ pax mea ] he means the peace he had procured . so also velleius paterculus uses this phrase , and on some old coines we find this inscription ; pax augusti , i. e. the peace procured by the emperour . but pax romana is by the same seneca ( in his book de clementia , and in that de providentia ) used in another sence , to wit , pax ea quâ fruitur imperium romanum , ( i. e. ) that peace which the roman empire enjoyeth . vales. d this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dances ] here used , when the discourse is concerning the christians praising god , did not please niceph. and therefore instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius , in his second book , de vita constant. instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which term indeed is more tolerable . but we may easily bear with this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the christians used to dance on their festivals of the martyrs , which they kept in honour of them ; and thus they celebrated their conflicts and victories as greg , naz. relates ( in carminibus ad mulieres sese curioflus exornantes , pag. . ) basilius magnus ( in his th homily against drunkenness ) has a sharp invective against these choreas , or dances . vales. e the reading in the kings m. s. ( which stephens almost every where follows ) is this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , declared by their law [ published ] in favour of the christians . ] but in the maz. med. fuk. and savil. m. ss . this place is written far otherwise , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did by a most apparent and convincing testimony of their deeds declare to all men : ] which reading , being confirmed by the consent of more , and those ancienter copies , we with good reason supposed ought to be preferred before the other . vales. notes for div a -e * see socrat . ecclesiast . hist. book . . chap. . note ( c. ) * non quod in scholas relati essent ; so he words it ; the expression is ambiguous . * that is , he himself revised , and corrected it . † see eusebius's eccles . hist. book . chap. . * that is , pure . † see socrates's eccles . hist. book . . chap. . note ( a. ) * socrates and sozomen . notes for div a -e a in the kings m. s. and robert stephens's edit . it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the war : ] but in the florent . and sfort. m. ss . we found it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , persecution . ] vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here us'd does not ( as usually ) signifie singillatim , one by one , apart , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partly : for eusebius ( in his books de vitâ constantini ▪ ) does indeed but partly touch the history of arius ; he prosecutes it not wholly , and particularly . vales. c musculus renders these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus , we will begin our history where he left off : christoph. does translate it almost after the same manner , but more barbarously , as to his latine . we have rendred these words thus [ ab iis rebus quas ille intactas reliquit , operis nostri sumemus exordium , i. e. we will begin our history from those matters which he has left untouch't ] for socrates's meaning is , that he will begin from the history of arius , which eusebius had but partly touch't upon , in his books , concerning the life of constantine : for eusebius ( says he ) made it his business in those books , to enlarge upon the emperours praises , rather than to give an exact account of the ecclesiastick affairs : but he himself , resolving to commit to writing the affairs transacted in the church , promises to give a more accurate relation of the arian-heresie , and to begin his history from those things which eusebius had either purposely omitted , or but slightly touch't upon as not conducive to his design in hand . indeed socrates has not begun his history , where eusebius left off . for eusebius continues that work of his concerning constantines life to the death of constantine . but eusebius has continued the series of his ecclesiastick history down to the tumults raised by arius , and to those affairs which preceded the nicene-council . if therefore we have a respect onely to eusebius's ten books of his ecclesiastick history , we may say that socrates began where eusebius ended . but if we also add his books concerning the life of constantine ( as socrates here does , ) then that will not be true . vales. a vales. in his latine translation begins this period not as musculus and christoph . do , and we have followed his judgment , as more agreeable with the continuation , and connexion of the sense . b socrates seems to have been of opinion , that constantine and maxentius began their reign in the same year that diocletian and maximianus herculius did resign the empire . this also was the opinion of the authour of the chronicle of alexandria , and of others who attribute the years of constantius's reign to constantine his son. and hence it is that constantine the great is reported to have reigned years , when as really he reigned but years , and months . vales. c socrates does in the end of his seventh book ( where he concludes his history ) repeat this , in which place he says that he began his history in the first year of the olympiad , in which year constantine the great was proclaimed emperour . this olympiad does begin at the solstice of the cccv . year , being the year after the resignation of diocletian . but constantius died not this year , but in that following , when he was the sixth time consul with galerius augustus , as we may read in fastis idatii . and therefore constantius's death is to be reckoned on the second year of the aforesaid cclxxi. olympiad . vales. d socrates is here in an error , for maximianus herculius , who was otherwise called maximian the elder , was by constantin's command slain in gallia , in the year of christ . but maximinus caesar , being two years after conquered by licinius , died at tarsus , as aurelius victor relates , and eusebius in his chronicle and other authours . this is the common mistake of the greek historians ; they make a confusion betwixt maximianus and maximinus , using them promiscuously . vales. e although in the greek it be galerius maximinus ; yet we must read maximianus : the greeks usually confound these two names . in the beginning of this chapter ( where the words are , maximianus surnamed galerius ) the sfort. m. s. has it written maximinus . vales. f this passage [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , maximianus galerius , who was now the supream person in the empire ] must be understood favourably , for galerius was not really chief and sole arbitratour of all things , whenas there were at the same time two other augusti , to wit , constantine in the gallia's , and maxentius at rome . but nevertheless he may be said summam imperii administrasse , because he was the seniour augustus , and was respected by the junior augusti , as a father . vales. g constantine got this victory over maxentius in the year of christ . when he and licinius were in their second consulate , this was the sixth year of constantin's reign : for he begun his reign on the th day of july , in the year of christ . but if we say that maxentius was conquered on the eighth of the kalends of october in the year , ( as onufrius reckons in his fasti , and sigonius in his second book concerning the western empire ) then that which socrates here affirms may be true ; that constantine routed maxentius in the seventh year of his reign . but it seems something odd to me , that maxentius should ( in the panagyrick of nazarius ) be said to be slain in the end of his sixth year , just the day before he began his seventh . maxentius began his reign some days after constantine , therefore if maxentius died on the eighth of the kalends of october , he must necessarily begin his reign on the th . and by this computation constantine came to the empire two months before maxentius . which indeed does not seem probable to me . but socrates does here accord with his own opinion . for whereas constantine ( according to him ) began his reign in the ▪ year of christ , he very well reckons this victory in the seventh year of his reign . vales. h diocletian died at salona the d of the nones of december , in the year of christ . as idatius does very well write in his annals . the same also says the authour of the chronic. alexand. but instead of diocletian there is crept into the text , galerius maximianus ; 't is also confirm'd by the authority of zosimus in the second book of his history , where he says that diocletian died years after the d consulship of constantine and licinius . for , having said , that from the consulship of chilon and libo ( in which the secular games were celebrated ) to the third consulship of constantine and licinius , it was above years , he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) three years after died diocletian . but joseph scaliger in his notes upon eusebius , understood this passage of zosimus so , as if zosimus should say that diocletian died three years after the resignation of his empire , or after his ninth consulship . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made common , or exposed the images placed therein ▪ that is ( as we suppose ) he caused them to be desecrated . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the import whereof rendred word for word , is this , it hapned there only , where licinius was : valesius renders the words thus , in iis enim duntaxa● partibus grassata est , quae subditioni erant licinii , it raged in those parts only , which were under licinius's jurisdiction . a in the kings and florentine m. ss . the particle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ] is wanting ; which christoph . inserted . to me it seems not very necessary . if we do retain it , then [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must signifie [ augustus , ] not king , as christoph. renders it . socrates alludes to the souldiers acclamations , who after a signal victory were wont to stile their prince emperour , and augustus . the citizens did the same , when the victorious prince made his entry into the city . vales. * see eusebius's ecclesiastical history book . chap. . note ( b. ) a lucas hotstenius , a very learned person , heretofore wrote a dissertation upon this epistle of alexander's , which ( together with some other pieces of his ) he sent me a little before his death . in that treatise he remarkes in the first place , that interpreters had not well rendred these words of alexander [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which they had translated thus [ cum unum sit catholicae corpus ecclesiae , whereas there is one body of the catholick church . but he asserts , that the place should rather have been thus rendred [ whereas the catholick church is one body , &c. or , consists of one body . for that learned person is of opinion , that alexander alludes to saint paul's epistles , wherein the church is frequently called christ's body . but ( by the favour of that great man and heretofore my dearest friend ) this version cannot be born with . for , if alexander had thought , as holstenius means , he would doubtless have expressed himself thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] which in regard he has not said , it is apparent , there can be no other sense of the words , than that expressed by translatours . besides , if alexander would have said that the church is the body of christ , he would not have worded it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one body ] but rather thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the body of christ. ] vales. b in the florence m. s. after these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these are ] follow these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the tenets of the arians , ) which words should rather be placed in the margin . in gelasius there occur likewise at this place these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arius's opinion . vales. c after these words [ nor his true wisdom ] there was a whole clause wanting , which from our three m. ss . the florentine , sfortian , and allatian , and from gelasius cyzicenus we have made good , thus , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ but he is one of his works , and one of his creatures , ] which words epiph. scholasticus had found in his copy , as it is apparent from his version . for he has translated this whole place thus : creatura est enim , & factura filius , neque similis est patri secundum substantiam : neque verus est , neque verae sapientia ejus est , neque verum naturaliter patris verbum est , sed unus quidem creaturarum & facturarum est : for the son is a creature and a work , neither is he like the father as to his essence : nor is he genuin , nor his true wisedom : nor is he by nature the true word of the father , but one of his creatures and one of his works . hence it appears , that that greek copy of socrates , which epiph. scholasticus used , differed something from our manuscripts . and yet leo allatius's copy agrees exactly with that which epiphanius followed . for thus it words this passage : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so exactly do the authours of the greek and latine tripertite history agree amongst themselves , that they seem to have borrowed from one another . vales. d in leo allatius's m. s. copy , the reading of this place is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading epiphan . scholast . has followed ; who translates it thus ; factus & ipse & existens in proprio dei verbo , & in dei sapientid , be himself is made and exists in the proper word of god , and in the wisedom of god. but we have rather followed the reading of the kings , the florentine , and the sfortian m. ss . which is also confirmed by gelasius . vales. e in leo allatius's m. s. ( which contains the tripertite history that theodorus lector composed in greek out of socrates , sozomen , and theodoret ) these words are added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and is invisible . so epiph. scholast . reads it , as appears from his version . vales. f instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek , we with gelasius chuse to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accordingly translate it thus , begotten and created . this passage is thus translated by epiph. factus aiunt , & convertibilis est , they say that he is made , and is mutable . vales. g in leo allatius's m. s. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in gelasius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading does please me . for there are two libya's , we may also here take notice of this number ( to wit ) bishops in aegypt . the same number i remember i met with in athanasius's second apology , against the arians : pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; there are in egypt , libya , and pentapolis , neer an hundred bishops . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cursed , or excommunicated . see d r hammond on rom. . v. . note b. h in leo allatius's m. s. and in gelasius . cyzicenus , this place is truer written , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading we have expressed in our translation . the reading in the florentine and sfortian m. ss . is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how can he be equal with those things made by him . vales. * psalm . v. . † psalm . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the septuagint words that text ; and we translate accordingly ; the very words of the being here quoted . † colos. . . * hebr. . . ‖ john . . * john . . † john . . ‖ see mal. . . † heb. . . * heb. . . * john . . † prov. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the septuagint words this text ; which words occur here in the original . but in our english version of the bible ( which agrees with the hebrew ) this text is thus rendred , when the wicked cometh , then cometh also contempt . i the reading in leo allatius's m. s. and in gelasius ( which is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have attempted the subversion ) pleases me better than this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] vales. * tim. . , . † mat. . . luk. . . * tim. . . * see ▪ epist. joh. v. , . k instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the controversic raised ] the reading in leo allatius's m. s. is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the question that raised the disturbance . ] a little after this , in the same m. s. instead of [ consent to alexander ] the reading is [ consent to those whom alexander wrote to . ] vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , childishly . l here , i am confident , socrates mistakes , for the melitians did not side with the arians till after the counsel of nice : being then solicited , by eusebius bishop of nicomedia to cast scandalous aspersions upon athanafius , as he himself does testifie in his second apology against the arians . if the melitians had joyn'd themselves with the arians before the council of nice , the fathers of that council undoubtedly had not treated them so kindly as they did . vales. a in the greek after these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is extant in the books , the florent . m. s. reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , part of the letter ; which words although they may be written in the margin , yet sometimes are put into the text by authors ; as for instance in athanasius's apology against the arians . vales. b after these words in the greek : ( to wit , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , leo allat . m. s. and gelas. cyzicen : add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the import of which we have also made use of in our translation ; though 't is not exprest in the common edit . vales. c in leo allatius's m. s. this place is thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. 't is neither decent , nor is it in any wise to be believed , that so numerous a people of god ( which ought to be governed by your prayers and prudence ) should be at variance . ] epiphan . scholasticus followed the same reading : for thus he translates this place : [ tantum dei populum , quem vestris orationibus & prudentiâ convenit gubernari , discordare nec decet , nec omnino fas esse credibile est . ] vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in ipsâ scientiae perfectione : so valesius , whom we follow . musculus renders it , in virtute scientiae , in the virtue of knowledge : grynaeus , disciplinae causâ , &c. upon account of their discipline , &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will , wish , or desire . d in my annotations at the second book of eusebius's life of constantine , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the occasion of the enmity is laid aside ] i have noted that the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the removing of the enmity ; ] as it is in some copies . but , in as much as our m. ss . to wit , the florent . sfortian , and allatian change not the reading here , we may bear with the common reading ; which is also confirmed by epiph. scholasticus's version : for thus he translates this passage ; suaviores crebrò sunt amicitiae post inimicitiarum causas ad concordiam restitutae . vales. * these words of eusebius occur at the third book of his life of constantine , chap. . socrates has not quoted them word for word as they are there : we ( following herein valesius , musculus , and grynaeus ) have rendred them as they are in the forecited place of eusebius . † gelasius cyzicenus supposed that by these words the bishop of constantinople was meant . with whom agrees nicetas , ( in thesauro arthodoxae fidei . book . chap. . ) and epiphanius scholasticus in book . histor. tripart . musculus ( as 't is apparent from his rendition of these words ) thought the bishop of rome was hereby meant : for he renders this place thus , romanae autem civitatis episcopus propter senium decrat , i. e. the bishop of rome by reason of his age , was absent . valesius is of the same opinion with musculus . for ( in his annotations on chap. . of the third book of eusebius's life of constantine ) he says , that at such time as this council was convened , constantinople was not adorned with the name of the imperial city . see sozomen , book . chap. . and theodoret , book . chap. ● . * see acts . . a the ancients are not agreed concerning the number of bishops that were at the nicene council . eusebius ( in his third book , chap. . concerning the life of constantine ) says they were two hundred and fifty . eustathius bishop of antioch ( in his homily on those words of solomon , the lord created me , &c. ) affirms they were about ; but says he had not cast up their number exactly . the more constant account ( which is confirmed by the consent of all modern authours ) is , that there sate in that synod bishops , which is confirmed by these ancients . viz. athanasius , in his epistle to the african bishops , neer the beginning ; hilarius , in his book against constantius ; jerome , in his chronicon ; and rufinus . see valesius's notes on chap. . of book . of eusebius , de vitâ constant. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , followers , or attendants . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . many senses may be given of these words . for first [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] may be taken for [ modesty and a curteous behaviour ; ] supposing [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to be put for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] this sense we have followed in our version . secondly , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] may be meant concerning them , who were not the eminentest persons amongst the bishops for learning or piety of life ; but did not come much behind them . so the ancients called those medios principes ac duces , middle princes or captains , who were neither the best , nor the worst , but between both . lastly , this phrase may be used concerning them , who deserved to be praised on both accounts , to wit , for their learning and sanctity : and thus sozomen interprets this place of eusebius , as may be seen from his words in his first book chap. . see valesius's notes on chap. . of the third book of eusebius , de vitâ constant. † in the allat . m. s. there are some words added here ; in which copy the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning those there assembled eusebius pamphilus has thus at large discoursed : ] which reading has a greater emphasis . vales. c i prefer the reading in the allat . m. s , in which , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plain opinion ] it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. plain knowledge , &c. ) epiph. scholasticus followed this latter reading , as appears from his version of this place . socrates seems to have had this narration out of rufinus's tenth book , where he treats concerning the nicene-council . but socrates on set purpose altered some things . gelasius , treating on this subject , enlarges upon it , relating the questions of each of the philosophers , and the bishops answers thereto . all which passages of his look more like fables , than an history of what was done , vales. * eusebius , concerning the life of constantine ; book . chap. . and . edit . vales. d this sabinus was bishop of the macedonians in heraclea a city of thrace ; he made a collection of the synodical acts ; a very usefull work ; the testimony whereof socrates does frequently make use of in this his history . but socrates reproves him in many places ; both because he was unfaithfull in his collection of those acts , ( studiously relating what conduced to the strengthening of his own heresie , and omitting the contrary , ) and also in regard he always shews himself incensed against the orthodox bishops . an instance whereof is this relation of socrates's here , where he says that sabinus termed the fathers of the nicene-council ignorant and simple fellows . but 't is usual for hereticks to calumniate the holy fathers and doctors of the church . vales. e in the allat . m. s. the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. now the agreement in the faith with loud acclamations approved of by the great synod at nice , and by eusebius , &c. ] epiphan . scholast . followed the same reading . vales. f this following creed is wanting in all our m. ss . viz. the kings sfortian : and florent : but christophorson did very well in placing it here : for 't is plain both from epiphanius scholast , as also by those following words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. this creed three hundred , &c. ] that it was placed here by the historian himself . but all the m. ss . did omit it in this place because 't is repeated a little after in eusebius pamphilus's epistle . vales. g there were only two bishops secundus and theonas which refus'd to subscribe to the nicene creed , as theodoret does very well testifie in the first book of his ecclesiastick history , and ( before him ) hieronymus in his dialogue against the luciferiani . the synodical epistle also of the council of nice , which is here related by socrates does plainly confirm this . vales. * that is , of the same substance . * that is , of the same substance . * that is , of the same substance . * matt. . . h eusebius seems to affirm , that the emperour constantine was the occasion of adding the word homoousios to the creed . but this is very improbable . for constantine was not so learned ; being as yet but a catechumen . eusebius's relation therefore must be thus understood , that the bishops ( after the creed proposed by eusebius caesariensis , ) judged that the word homoöusios ought to be added to it ; and that constan●ine confirmed their opinion . but eusebius , who made it his business to clear and excuse himself to those of his diocess ▪ because he hath subscribed that form of the creed published by the council , ( as athanasius , in his book de decret . synod . nicen. and in his book de synod . arimini and seleuciae ▪ attests , ) does designedly make the business intricate , and ascribes that to the emperour constantine , which should rather be ascribed to the bishops . vales. i after these words , before the nicene creed , in the florentine and sfortian m. ss . are added these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] so the greeks call the creed , because the catechumens got it by heart socrates ( in his third book chap. . ) has these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we believe in one god the father almighty , and the rest of the articles of the creed . see leontius bisantius , in his book de sectis , pag. . vales. k in the greek text of socrates ( as it is published by valesius ) there is at this place a great errour . for these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were discussed in the presence of our most pious emperour ] are quite omitted ; and instead thereof , these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and for the forementioned reasons received with an unanimous consent ] are twice printed . we supplied this defect from robers stephens's greek edit . with which our translation agrees ; as it likewise doth with valesius's latine version , and with that of musculus , christophorson , and grynaeus . * that is , the curse . a this epistle is extant in theodoret , in chap. . of the first book of his ecclesiastick history ; but is in some places different from socrates's edition of it here . for theodoret omits the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , affirming , ] together with the following clause , and joyns all this with the preceding period . in leo allatius's m. s. the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is also wanting , and that which follows , to wit , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , calls : ] and instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading there is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the phrase that d●●u●s here ) imports the rigour or extremity of the law : to which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equity is opposed . the fathers therefore of the nicene ▪ council say ▪ that the synod dealt with melitius , not according to the rigour and extremity of the law , nor according to the exact rule and discipline ▪ but ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by way of dispensation . for in the strictest sense of the law melitius deserved no kindness or pardon , in regard he challenged ordinations which in no wise belong to him , and had made a schism in egypt . for that is evidently declared by these words of this epistle , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that by gods grace have not been found [ engaged ] in any schism . by reason therefore of his rashness and insolency , melitius deserved to be deposed and excommunicated . but yet the holy fathers had a mind to treat him kindly , depriving him of all power , and leaving him only the name of a bishop . now , why melitius was thus kindly used ▪ many reasons may be alleadged . the first ( which the holy fathers intimate in this epistle ) is , because they had before unsheathed and made use of their sharpest severity and censure against arius and his followers . now it was but equal , that after so sad and heavy a sentence pronounc't against them , there should be a place afterwards less for clemency ; especially , since melitius had been convicted of no heresie , but was only accused to have made a schism . secondly , there were many persons amongst the melitians ▪ that were good men , and eminent for their plous lives . of which sort was paphnutius the anchoret , and john the bishop ▪ whom epiphanius mentions , in h●res . melitian . lastly , they did thus to promote peace , whereby the members of the church , which before had been rent in sunder , might cement and unite : therefore the nicene fathers received the melitians into communion . and this is a most illustrious example of ecclesiastick dispensation . vales. * see note ( ● ) in this chapter . c i like not christophorsons version , who thought these words were meant of the presbyters ordained by melitius . for melitius ordained not only presbyters and deacons throughout egypt , but bishops also , as epiphanius attests . yea , he had ordained far more bishops , than presbyters ; as may be collected from that catalogue , which alexander ( 't is said ) required of him , after the nicene synod . wherein are reckoned twenty eight bishops of melitius's party ; but five presbyters , and three deacons . this catalogue is extant in athanasius's second apology against the arians . since therefore melitius had ordained so many bishops , if the nicene fathers had made no determination concerning the bishops by him ordained , their sentence had been imperfect ; in regard they would have decreed , what should be done with the presbyters made by melitius , but would have made no mention of the bishops . wherefore i think these words must be taken in such a sense , as to include both bishops , and also presbyters . vales. d in the first place the synod decreed , that the bishops and clergy , which had been ordained by melitius , should be confirmed by a more holy consecration , that is , should receive imposition of hands from the bishop of alexandria . for , in regard they had been ordained without his consent , it was the pleasure of the synod , that they should be ordained by the alexandrian bishop , according to the ancient usage , by which it was customary , that all the bishops of the diocess of egypt should be subject to the prelate of alexandria . but the synod required not the re-ordination of melitius , because he had been rightly ordained before . vales. e instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it should rather be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordained before ] as it is in theodoret , book . chap. . eccles. histor. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies another thing , as we shall shew hereafter . ( see the following note . ) sozomen ( in his first book chap. . where he epitomizes this epistle ) supposed these words were meant of the clergy , not of the bishops . vales. f in our annotations on the third book of eusebius concerning the life of constantine , we remarked , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies to propose the names of such persons as are to be ordained . so the synod decreed above concerning melitius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he should neither ordain , nor propose the names of those that were to be ordained . in the same sence nicetas used this term , in his life of ignatius patriarch of constantinople , where he mentions his election : his words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. when therefore the names of many persons were proposed to preside over that church , &c. therefore the following words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to nominate ] are only an explication of the foregoing term . in the same sense sozomen took this word , in his fore-cited chapt . moreover , we must note , that melitius was more severely dealt with , ( as being the authour of a schism , ) than the melitiani . for the nicene fathers deprived melitius of all episcopal jurisdiction , and left him only the name of a bishop . but they permitted the melitians to exercise their functions in the church . that is , that the deacons should minister in the order of deacons , and that the presbyters should consecrate and baptize , as should also the bishops . they only took from them their power of voting in elections : which was prudently done of the nicene fathers , least the melitians should clandestinely promote some men of their own party to the ecclesiastick preferments . vales. g it should rather be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishops , ] as it is in theodoret , and in the allat . m. s. vales. h these words do plainly confirm what we said before , to wit , that not only the presbyters and deacons , but the bishops also ( who had been ordained by melitius ) are here spoken of . for , if they here treated concerning the presbyters only that were to succeed in the places of other presbyters , why should the nicene ▪ fathers use so great caution , require so many and great things for this reason , that one of the melitian presbyters should be put into the place of a defunct presbyter of the catholick church ? for the holy fathers expresly prohibit , that any of the melitians shall succeed in the place and dignity of the defunct ▪ unless he seem worthy of that honour , unless the people elect him , and unless his election be confirmed by the bishop of alexandria . what need of so great caution and diligence in the promotion of a presbyter ? 't is therefore apparent , that these words do rather belong to the bishops . in the elections of whom most especially , the peoples suffrages were necessary ; and whose election must besides be confirmed by the bishop of alexandria , in regard he was the metropolitane of all egypt . vales. i socrates does undeservedly stile melitius an arch-heretick . for neither do the nicene fathers , nor athanasius ( in his apology ) nor epiphanius , accuse melitius of any heresie ; they only affirm , he was the authour of a schism . but when the melitians had afterwards joyned themselves to the arians ▪ ( which , as i remark● before , hapned after the nicene ▪ synod , and melitius's death , ) they turned their schism into an heresie , as augustine writes concerning the donatists . in this sense therefore melitius may be termed an arch-heretick . vales. k the sfortian & florentine , m. ss . add these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or verses ; ] which christophorson found in his copy , as appears from his version . concerning arius's thalia , see athanasius , in his second oration against the arians . when socrates says , that this book of arius's was condemned by the synod , we must not so understand him , as if the poem it self were particularly condemned , but the doctrine only contained in that poem . vales. * he was a maronite , a most obscene greek poet. * in the allat . m. s. the reading is concerning our saviour ; which i like better than this , concerning our great saviour . vales. l this epistle of constantine the emperour is not rightly placed by our author . it should rather be placed immediately after constantin's letter to the churches which is the next in this chapter . for certainly those letters which concern the council of nice should regularly be placed first . but this letter does not concern that council , nor does it in the least mention the council . athanasius in his epistle ad solitar . alludes to this letter of constantin's , where he speaks thus concerning the emperour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) why does he ( to wit , constantine ) endeavour to reduce the arians into the church ▪ whom he himself calls porphyrians ? vales. * in book chap. . of eusebius's life of constantine ( where we have this epistle of the emperour , ) the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which valesius at that place , and here , renders thus [ ab illâ turpissimâ societate & conscientiâ , from that most abominable society and their consciousness . ] of this his version , he gives this reason : they who celebrate easter with the jews , seem to be conscious of that wickedness which they committed against our lord. see his annotat. at the book and chapter now cited . * violence . m instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in the florent . and sfortian m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , always : ] which reading theodoret confirms . in book . chap. . of eusebius's life of constantine , it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] whereas the jewish paschal neomenia ( or new moon ) began from the fifth day of march , and was concluded at the third of april , hence it sometimes hapned , that their passover began before the aequinox . so that they celebrated two passovers in one year , ( suppossing you mean the solar and julian year ) that is , accounting from the vernal aequinox of this year , to the vernal aequinox of the year following . ambrosius asserts the same in his epistle to the bishops of aemilia , where he relates , that the jews sometimes celebrated their passover in the twelfth month , that is , according to the latines , and eastern men . for the jews never kept their passover on their own twelfth month , but on the fourteenth day of their first month . moreover , this celebrating of their pasover twice in one year , which constantine objects against the jews , seems to me not at all momentous . for the jews might have returned the objection upon the christians , to wit , that they celebrated easter twice in the same year . for , suppose easter is this year kept on the tenth of the calends of may ; ( that is , on the d of april ) next year it must necessarily be kept sooner . and so there will occur two easters amongst the christians within the space of one year current . but this will not happen , if you reckon the year from the aequinoctial cardo to the vernal aequinox of the year following . see epiphan . pag. . edit petav. and petav. animadvers . pag. , . see also aegidius bucherius de paschali judaeorum cyclo , chap. . n this letter of the emperour to eusebius , and also the two next are misplaced . for they have no relation to the council of nice ; neither do they make the lest mention of arius or the arians . yea , the first of constantin's letters to eusebius was written before the council of nice , as eusebius himself testifies , in his d book of constantin's life , chap. . vales. o we meet with this letter of the emperours to eusebius at book . chap. . of eusebius's life of constantine ; where these three words [ that persecutor licinius ] are wanting ; being added here , instead of a scholion by socrates , or some other scholiast . he ●erms licinius a serpent by reason of his craftiness , and age . hence we may conjecture , that this letter was written soon after licinius's deposition . see valesius's notes on book . chap. . of eusebius's life of constantine . p here we made choice of this reading [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. having now acknowledged , &c. ] by the term [ fear ] in the foregoing clause he means the christians , who through fear of persecution had neglected the churches , or renounced the faith . the term [ unbelief ] belongs to the heathens , who had demolished the churches , and divers ways vexed the christians . see valesius's notes , at the book and chapter before cited . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the term here used , signifies an office , or company of apparitours attending on a magistrate ; i. e. a certain number of souldiers waiting on the judges ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the praesects of the praetorium ; so termed , because they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over the presidents and rectours of provinces . therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the phrase here used ) imports the office of the praetorian praesecture , concerning which consult the notitia imperii romani . further , the office ( or attendants ) of the prefect of the praetorium was more honourable than the offices of all the other magistrates . for as the prefect of the praetorium excelled all the other judges , as well military as civil , in dignity ; so his officials or attendants , were lookt upon to be more honourable then the other officials . hence , in the chalcedon council , action . , the office of the praefects of the praetorium is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see valesius's notes , at the before cited book and chapter . * he means the city of constantinople . r in eusebius's life of constantine , book . chap. . ( where this letter occurs ) this place is far otherwise read and pointed , than it is here ; so a●so it is in theodoret , book . chap. . vales. s concerning the rationalist and his office , we have spoken before , in our notes on eusebius . by [ dioecesis ] is meant here the diocess of the east . the old romans called a certain number of provinces ( which , taken together , were under a deputy of the praetorian praefecture ) by this name [ dioecesis . ] for the prefect of the praetorium had under his jurisdiction many dioeceses ; but the deputies had each but one dioecesis . this term began to be used in this sense about constantin's time , as appears from his letters , and from some laws in the cod. theod. see valesius's annotations on eusebius's life of constant. b. . chap. . * he means our blessed saviours sepulchre . t constantine here terms licinius the publick enemy , after whose destruction , he says , the sacred sepulchre of our lord , which had been before concealed , was discovered . licinius was slain in the year of christ , as 't is recorded in fast. idat. and on that very year , when helena came to jerusalem , the sepulchre of our lord was found . by the name of the publick enemy , the devil might here be meant , were not this contradicted by the expressions here used . for the devil was not then vanquished and overcome , when the sepulchre of our lord was cleared from the rubbish that covered it . besides , the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , slaughter ] is more expressive , being meant of licinius , than of the devil . see valesius's notes on euscbius's life of constant. book . chap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the faith , autority , or estimation of this miracle , &c. u he means the temple built by adrian the emperour on mount calvary , in honour of venus ; which receptacle of paganism was demolished by helena , constantines mother , and in the room thereof was built a magnificent temple , at this day called the temple of the sepulchre ; the description whereof you may see in sandys travels , book . pag. . &c. edit . lond. . † there are two laws made by constantine extant in the cod. theod. ( the one in tit. de usuris , the other in tit. de haereticis , ) written to this dracilianus . the former of these laws bears this inscription , imp. constantinus aug. ad dracilianum agentem vices praefectorum praet . that is , emperour constantinus augustus to dracilianus deputy to the praefects of the praetorium . this law was published at caesarea in palestine on the th of the calends of may , when paulinus and julianus were consuls . the other is said to have been published on the calends of september , constantinus aug. being the seventh time and constantius caesar coff . that is , in the year of christ . in which year constantine wrote this epistle to macarius bishop of jerusalem . further , we must remarke , that the praefects of the praetorium are here stiled clarissimi , most excellent . for as yet they had not received the title of most illustrious . moreover ▪ in other of constantin's laws , the praefects of the praetorium are stiled most excellent . now , as the praefects of the praetorium were in conctantin's time allowed only the title of most excellent , so the deputies of the praetorian praefecture had in the said constantin's times only the title of most perfect given them , as the epistle to probianus proconsul of africa shews , which we meet with in athanasius's apology to constantius , pag. . see valesius's notes on book . chap. . of eusebius's life of constantine . x at this place the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies the model or delineation of the fabrick that was to be erected . it is taken in the same sense , in the epistle of himerius rationalist of alexandria to the praefect of mareotis ; which athanasius has recorded in his apology , pag. . for after he had said , that augustus and the caesars had permitted ischyras to build a church in his town , he orders the governour of that town , that he should forthwith draw a model of the future building , and transmit it to his office ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see valesius's notes , at the book and chapter before cited . y the inner roofs of churches were commonly framed two ways . for they were either beautified with arched or embowed roofs , or else painted with mosaick-work . concerning the arched ( or embowed ) roofs , this place of constantin's letter is an evidence . procopius evidences the use of the mosaick-work , in his first book de fabricis justiniani , where he describes the temple of sancta sophia . now the arched roofs were usually adorned two ways . for they were either guilded with gold , or painted ; which latter way was first invented by pausias , as pliny attests , book ▪ chap. . hist. natural . see valesius's notes , at the book and chapter before cited . z instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he added ] the reading must necessarily be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he published . ] for the roman emperours did usually propose to publick view those rescripts they wrote to the cities . therefore , at the close of the rescript they added this word [ proponatur , let it be published : ] as we have observed in our notes on eusebius . so constantine , when he had wrote many letters against arius and his followers , commanded they should be proposed to publick view in the forum . of this sort was constantin's epistle to arius and the arians , which gelasius cyzicenus has recorded in his d book de gestis synod nicaenae : which epistle epiphanius mentions in hares . arian . it was written by constantine after the nicene synod , and it contains the punishment of those that would not recede from arius's wicked tenets . for at the close of that epistle , the emperour commands , that , if they be persons of the ordinary rank , they shall pay tribute for ten heads , besides their own poll-money . but if they be descendants of the curiales , ( or noble-men , ) they shall be delivered to the court ▪ and made liable to bear the publick offices of the decurions . this letter therefore was like an edict , and so ought to be publickly read and promulged . vales. a the greatest part of this epistle is extant in the first book of theodorets ecclesiastick history , chap. . it is entire in latin , in baronius , at the year of christ ; as justinian the emperour sent it to pope vigilius . vales. a sozomen relates the same story , in his first book chap. . but in such a manner , that 't is sufficiently apparent , he had it out of socrates's history . for socrates tells the whole story more fully and elegantly . and after he has told it , says he had it from a credible person , who lived in the times of the nicene council . but sozomen begins this relation thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. it s reported that the empeour , &c. nor does he confirm it by any persons authority . besides sozomen has in a manner stole the very words of socrates , making some small alterations and interpositions , as plagiaries usually do . but this story seems to me very improbable upon many accounts . first , because it is founded on the autority of no ancient writer . secondly , neither socrates , nor sozomen , do say , of what city acesius was bishop , which was very necessary to confirm the story . thirdly , it is not at all likely , that an heretical bishop should be summoned by constantine to an ecclesiastick synod . for if constantine had sent for acesius in order to the restoring of peace and agreement to the church , upon the same account he ought to have summoned the bishops of other heresies also to the nicene council . lastly , what socrates says , to wit , that he had this story from a very old man who was at the synod , seems to me altogether incredible . this persons name was auxano , a novatian presbyter , who was at the synod with acesius , and lived untill the reign of theodosius junior , as socrates says chap. . of this book . now from the nicene synod to the beginning of theodosius's reign , there are years . to which if you adde ( for so old auxano must needs be when he was present at the council ) auxano must necessarily be above an hundred years old , when he told socrates this story . let the reader judge therefore , at what rate the testimony of a decrepid old heretick is to be valued . vales. a the florent . m. s. addes [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and sub-deacons : ] and so the reading is in sozomen , book . chap. ; where he tells this story concerning paphnutius . where also what we said before is apparent , to wit , that sozomen borrowed from socrates . for he that addes to anothers relation , shews evidently that he wrote last . vales. b rufinus ( out of whom socrates had the former story which he tells in this chapter concerning paphnutius ) says not a word of this speech of paphnutius ; see his first book eccles. hist. chap. . but he relates that paphnutius was one of the bishops in the parts of egypt , and that he was present at the nicene council . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , in a place , where the ascetae lived ; concerning whom , and their course of life , see euseb. ecclesiast . hist. book . chap. . note ( a. ) book . chap. . note ( c. ) in the second alphabet . vales. a by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the protectores domestici , or guards of the body , which waited on the emperours person . they were souldiers of a superiour order ▪ who also had greater pay then the others . see valesius's notes on amm. marcellin . book . pag. . b we perfected this place by the assistance of the florentine and sfortian m. ss . for in the common editions of socrates , after these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hosius bishop of corduba , ] followed these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vito and vincentius . ] but those incomparable m. ss . exhibited this place entire to us , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. hosius bishop of corduba in spain . i do believe as it is before written . vito and vincentius presbyters of rome , &c. this is the series of the bishops who subscribed the nicene council ; which socrates transcribed from athanasius's synodicon , as he himself attests hereafter . in the greek collections of the canons this series is wanting , nor is it extant in dionysius exiguus's version . but in that ancient collection lately published at paris , ( which the western church heretofore made use of , before dionysius's version ) and in isidorus's collection , this series occurs almost in the same words . in that ancient collection the words are these : et subscripserunt . osius episco●us civitatis cordubensis , provinciae spaniae dixit : ita credo sicut superius scriptum est . victor & vincentius presbyteri urbis romae . alexander alexandriae magna . alph●cration , &c. i. e. and they subscribed . osius bishop of the city corduba , in the province of spain said : i believe so , as it is above written . victor and vincentius presbyters of the city of rome . alexander of alexandria the great ▪ alphocration , &c. the words in isidorus's collection are almost the same . but in athanasius's synodicon , eustathius bishop of antioch and macarius bishop of jerusalem are placed after alexander bishop of alexandria . vales. c athanasius makes mention of this vito the presbyter , in his apologetick against the arians , and attests , that a roman synod consisting of fifty bishops ( by whom he was received into communion ) was convened in his church . vales. d in the latine collections of the canons , harpocration is stiled bishop of naucratis , and next to him is set adamantius cynopolites , or cynensis , as it is in that forementioned ancient collection . vales. e this book of athanasius's is not now ( to my knowledge ) extant . but 't is probable that the names of the bishops who subscribed the nicene council , were translated out of that book . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term that occurs here ) imports the notation ( or express declaration ) of the time usually prefixt before publick acts. in the greek collection of the canons ( which joannes tilius first published ) the notation of the time is prefixt , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the canons of the . holy fathers , convened at nice , in the consulate of the most illustrious paulinus and julianus , on the th year from alexander , on the nineteenth day of the month desius , before the thirteenth of the calends of july . vales. g it is otherwise in the greek collection , which tictius published , ( see the foregoing note . ) for 't is said that the synod was convened on the ninteenth day of the month desius ( which the romans call june ) on the thirteenth of the calends of july . which is confirmed by the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , by the chalcedon council , and by that latine collection which baronius calls cresconiana , which account i think is the truest . for , should we suppose that the council of nice was assembled on the twentieth day of may , there would be too narrow a space of time left for the transacting of those affairs which constantine did after his vanquishing of licinius . licinius was subdued in the last engagement at chalcedon , in the year of christ , on the ▪ th of the calends of october , as 't is recorded in fastis idatii , and in the alexandrian chronicle : on the day following licinius ( who made his escape to nicomedia ) yielded himself to constantine the conquerour . after this constantine made his entry into nicomedia ▪ whilst he continued there , and hastned to make his progress into the eastern parts , a messenger arrived , declaring to him the dissention of the alexandrian church , and of all egypt , upon account of arius's opinion , and the disturbances of the melitians , as himself attests in his epistle to alexander and arius . and first he sends hosius with his letters to alexandria , that he might compose those differences by his authority . but hosius , after he had staied a little while at alexandria ▪ returns to constantine without effecting his business . all this could in no wise have been done in a shorter space of time than three months . moreover , constantine perceiving the mischief to increase daily , resolves upon calling a general council of bishops , that he might thereby restore peace to the church . upon this account he dispatcht away couriers throughout all the provinces , to convene the bishops at nice in bythinia . suppose therefore , that the couriers delivered the emperours letters to every one of the bishops in the month of march : it is scarce credible , that the bishops could come from the remotest regions , as well of the east as of the west , to bithynia , before the month july : especially since they came by land , and not by water , as eusebius attests , book . chap. . de vitâ constant. see vales. notes on euseb. life of constant. book . chap. . h after these words [ the six hundredth thirty six year from the reign of alexander the macedonian ] leo allat . m. s. adds these [ and it was the nineteenth year from the beginning of the reign of constantine the emperour , ] which is very true . for when paulinus and iulianus were consuls , ( which was on the th year of christ , ) the nicen● synod was ( according to socrates's opinion ) assembled in may. it being then the nineteenth year of constantines reign . his twentieth year began the same year , about the end of july following . vales. a socrates has observed no order here . for he says , that eusebius and theognis were recalled from banishment almost before he had told us they were exiled . sozomen therefore did better , who in this particular corrected socrates's relation . for , in the first book of his history , chap. ▪ he relates that eusebius and theognis were banisht by the emperour constantine a little after the synod , and that other bishops were put into their sees . then , in his second book chap. . he declares how they were recalled from their banishment . from which passage ( that i may make this remark by the by ) it may be concluded , that sozomen wrote his history after socrates , in as much as he corrects and amends socrates's narration in many places . further , eusebius and theognis were banisht three months after the nicene synod , as philostorgius attests : and returned from their exil● ( as the said philostorgius relates ) in the third year after that synod ▪ that is , in the year of christ . which account agrees exactly with the history of affaires transacted in that time . for all historians agree that eusebius , upon his return from banishment , entertained thoughts of confirming arius's opinion , and of thrusting out those that asserted the nicene faith. and , that his first attack was made against eustathius bishop of antioch , whom he caused to be expell'd [ from his see ] by seigned calumnies , in the year of christ , or . baronius therefore did ill , to place eusebius nicomediensis's return from exile on the year of christ . vales. b baronius ( at the year of christ . ) reproves socrates and sozomen , for saying , that eusebius and theognis were banisht a little after the nicene synod ▪ ● and that some few years after ( having sent a libell of satisfaction to the most eminent bishops ) they were recalled from their exile . baronius endeavours to prove , that this libell was presented by eusebius to the bishops in the nicene synod . for he asserts , that the rule of faith was first written ; which eusebius nicomediensis ( with four other bishops ) refused to subscribe : but , that the said eusebius , having afterwards presented a libell of satisfaction , did subscribe what had been determined [ in the synod . ] but , after this , when the synod had anathematized arius , eusebius and theognius ( says he ) would not subscribe this anathematism ; and for that reason they were condemned and deposed , by the synod , and amphion and chrestus were put into their sees . but the emperour constantine ( continues he ) interceded that the sentence might not be put in execution , and perswaded the synod that they should admit of eusebius and theognius upon their presenting a libell of repentane . this is baronius's opinion . but he is out , first , in saying that there were two libells presented by eusebius : for of the former libell no body has ever made mention . secondly , he cites no authour for what he says concerning eusebius's and theognius's deprivation and condemnation done in the nicene council . constantine ( in his epistle to the nicomedians , the latter part of which epistle in greek the reader may meet in theodoret . eccles. hist. book . chap. ; it occurs entire at the close of gelasius cyzicenus's d book pag. . ) says not that it was then done , but only says , that eusebius was afraid it would be done . lastly , his saying that a libell of repentance was presented by eusebius in the nicene synod , is manifestly refuted from the libell it self . for this libell was presented by eusebius , when he was in banishment , as is attested by these words of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. and by this libell do fully declare and confirm our consent ; [ which we are induced to do ] not because we look upon our exile to be tedious , &c. besides , this libell was sent , when arius was recalled from banishment ; which is apparent from these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. but it would be absurd ( since he that seemed to be guilty is recalled and has made his defence in reference to , &c. moreover , arius was recalled from banishment by constantine long enough after the nicene synod . &c. vales. c in as much as eusebius and theognius do say in the beginning of this epistle , that they were condemned by the bishops ; it is worth our making an inquiry , when and where they were condemned . baronius says they were condemned and deposed in the nicene synod . but this is contradicted by s t jerom's autority ; who , in his dialogue against the luciferiani , does in express words attest , that eusebius and theognius ( with other bishops of the arian faction ) were admitted of by the nicene synod . and this he proves both from the testimony of those that were present at the synod , and also from the very acts of the nicene synod ; in which , amongst the names of those bishops who subscribed the synod , eusebius and the others i have mentioned are reckoned . the same is attested by philostorgius , who says that eusebius was banisht about three months after the nicene synod . since therefore eusebius and theognius do confess themselves to have been condemned by the bishops , and since 't is manifest that was not done in the nicene synod ; it must necessarily have been done in some other meeting of the bishops . the reason of their being exiled , constantine does declare in his epistle to the nicomedians , ( the latter part whereof see in therodoret . eccles. hist. book . chap. . ) for he says , that he banished them , because they entertained certain hereticks , ( whom he had commanded to be sent to his court from the city alexandria , ) and held communion with them . ( baronius , at the year of christ , thinks these hereticks were melitians . but i do rather believe they were arians : and this is expresly affirmed by the egyptian bishops , in their synodick epistle , which athanasius has recorded in his second apology against the arians . ) for this reason therefore constantine ordered a synod of some bishops to be convened , by whom eusebius and theognius were condemned and deposed , after which the emperour banished them . this is expresly affirmed by athanasius ( in his book de synodis , ) and by theodoret ( book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) vales. d christophorson and musculus omitted these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without having our cause declared or defended ] in their version . they occur in sozomen ( book . chap. . ) and epiphan . scholasticus has rendred them thus : du●um quidem ante judicium condemnati à reverenti● vestrâ , patienter ferr● quae decreta sunt a sancto vestro concilio debuimus ; i. e. having been sometime since condemned by your reverence before judgment , we ought patiently to bear what is decreed by your holy council . by these words eusebius seems to intimate , that he was condemned without being heard , and by a rash judgment , or prejudice : to wit , because the emperour had condemned him before , who was angry with eusebius for several reasons , which you may meet with in constantine's epistle to the nicomedians ; see theodoret . eccles. hist. book . chap. . vales. e the meaning of these words is this . if we then satisfied your holy council ( to wit , the nicene ) and perswaded it to think , that we had just cause for our being unwilling to subscribe the anathematism , now we fully compleat our consent , and are ready to subscribe as well the anathematism as the form of the creed . you see how much the adding of these two words [ then and now ] would enlighten this place . vales. * arius . f that is attributed here to the bishops , which had been done by the emperour . for the emperour , not the bishops , had recalled arius from his exile . but writers do usually speak thus ; assigning that to the bishops , which was the emperours deed ; and on the contrary , that to the emperour which the bishops did . so socrates said above , that the nicene synod forbad arius to enter alexandria ; whenas this was the emperours doing , as appears from his epistle . vales. a socrates ( as also sozomen ) mistakes here in placing alexander's death , and athansius's ordination after eusebius's and theognis's return from exile . for alexander bishop of alexandria dyed within five months after the council of nice , as athanasius testifies in his second apology against the arians , where he speaks of melitius . the same says theodoret , in the first book of his history , chap. . alexander therefore dyed in the year of christ . and athanasius was consecrated either at the latter end of the same year , or in the beginning of the next . vales. b see rufinus's eccles . hist. book . chap. . where rufinus adds this circumstance to this story ; that the boys ( upon alexanders enquiry ) confessed some catechumens had been baptized by athanasius , whom they had chosen bishop in their sports . then alexander , having demanded of those said to be baptized , what questions they had been asked , and what answers they made , and also having examined him who had asked them the questions ; found that all things had been done according to the rites of our religion : and , after a confult with his clergy , 't is said , he ordered , that those boys ( on whom water had been poured , after they were perfectly questioned , and had returned compleat answers ) should not be rebaptized , &c. see rufinus at the book and chapter now cited . a that is , the festivals for his having arrived to the twentieth year of his empire . b this place , which was corrupted and obseured by an ill distinction , we have illustrated and restor'd , by blotting out the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which particle is not to be found either in the florent . or sforti . m. s. our correction is also confirm'd by epiphanius scholasticus's version , who thus translates the passage , et denominatam constantinopolim , appellari secundam romam lege firmavit . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was set , or placed ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was exposed , or erected . this emendation is confirmed by epiphan . scholasticus's version . vales. d the strategium was a publick edifice wherein the strategi , ( i. e. the duumviri , the two principal magistrates that heretofore governed the city byzantium ) were wont to sit . it is mentioned in the old description of the city constantinople , which is prefixt before the notitia imperii romani . vales. * see esa● . . . where the septuagint version is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which , in our english translation is thus worded , as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers ; which rendition does exactly agree with the original hebrew . a socrates borrow'd this story out of eusebius's third book of constantin's life , chap. . but mistakes in saying that the church which was built over our saviours sepulchre by helena , or rather by constantine , was call'd new jerusalem . for eusebius says no such thing : but he only alludes to the new jerusalem , which is mentioned in saint john's revelations . see our notes on euseb. life of constant . book . chap. . vales. b philostorgius does report that the people us'd to come to this pillar with their tapers and worship it ; which is very strange and almost incredible : but theodoret does by his authority confirm it , in the first book of his ecclesiastick history and the last chapter . vales. a christophorson and muscul●● thought that these words were transposed ; they read them ( as appears from their version ) thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ the emperour ] ordered that the cubit should be removed into the church of the alexandrians . but , because the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] cannot be taken in a passive sense the place must be otherwise mended : which from the sfortian m. s. we have thus restored : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; [ the emperour ] ordered alexander to remove the cubit into the church [ of the alexandrians . ] which emendation needs no confirmation . see rufin . eccles. hist. book ▪ chap. . this order of constantines lasted not long . for julian commanded that the same cubit should be carried back again into serapis's temple , where it seems to have continued till theodosius's reign , and the demolishment of scrapis's temple ▪ vales. * he means that standard , or banner , which the emperour ordered to be made , in figure like to the cross that appeared to him in the face of the heavens . see chap. ▪ of this book . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; see tim. . . a see book . chap. . of eusebius's ecclesiastick history : to which add this place of an anonymous author out of the second homily upon matthew . denique cum post resurrectionem domin● thomas apostolus isset in provinciam i●●am , ad●●ncti sunt ●i : & baptisati ab eo , sacti sunt adjutores praedicationis illius : meaning the persian magi. vales. b this is metrodorus the philosopher , whom jerome has mentioned in his chronicon ; who , returning from his travails in india , presented constantine with many gemms and pea●ls , and feigned that many more of greater value were taken from him by sapor king of the persians : which lie of his was the occasion of the persian war , as am. marcellinus attests , book . pag. . edit . vales. see valesius's notes on amm. mar●●ll . pag. . * rationes suas scriniaque commi●it ; so rufinus ( from whom socrates translated this story almost word for word ) describes this young mans office ; book . chap. . hist. ecclesiast . c translatours understood not this place . for musculus renders it thus . ut separatis locis uterentur , that they should make use of separate places . christophorson thus , ut loca seperatim ●ibi sumerent , that they should take to themselves places severally . in this chapter socrates has translated rusinus ( book . chap. . ecclesiast . hist. ) almost word for word ; and calls those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which rufinus had termed conventicula . now conventicula are properly private places wherein collects , or short prayers are made ; and from these places churches are distinguished , which belong to the right of the publick , and are not in the power of any private person . vales. d rufinus says the same : tum vero athanasius ( nam is nuper sacerdotium susceperat , ) i. e. but then athanasius ( for he had a little before undertaken the episcopate , &c. ) but if we consider the matter more attentively , these things cannot be . for meropius the philosopher is said to have travelled into india , in imitation of the philosopher metrodorus , who had taken a view of that country before him . but metrodorus , returned not from his indian journey before the year of christ . for at his return from india he presented the emperour constantine with gifts which he had received from the king of the indians , as we remarked before in note ( b. ) in this chapter . which must necessarily happen after the conquest of licinius . for then constantine first received the empire of the east . now licinius was vanquished at the latter end of the year of christ . meropius therefore , in regard , following metrodorus's example , he attempted to travell over india , must have undertaken this journey some years after him . let us then suppose , that meropius went into india in the year of our lord . on the year following , when he should have returned into his own country , he was slain by the barbarians . and aedesius and frumentius , being as yet youths , were presented to the indian king ; and one of them was made his cup-bearer ; the other was set over his acts and evidences royal. in which offices both continued to the kings death . now , suppose they served the king three years . after this the indian king dies , leaving his son very young . but the queen his mother entreated aedesius and frumentius to undertake the government of the kingdome , till her son were of age . let us also allow that the kings son was about eight years old when his father died . in as much as frumentius returned not to alexandria till the young king was grown a man , it is wholly requisite that he should have managed the affairs of the kingdom at least ten years . so frumentius returned to alexandria about the year of our lord ; in which year athanasius was not newly made bishop , but had held that bishopricck above fifteen years . from what we have said 't is apparent , that this conversion of the indians by frumentius hapned in the reign of constantius , not of constantine , as rufinus , and others that follow him , have related . vales. e athanasius speaks of this frumentius , in his apologetick to the emperour constantius . and a little after mentions constantius's epistle to aizanas and sazanas the kings of auxumis , wherein he commands them to send frumentius ( whom athanasius had ordained bishop of auxumis ) to alexandria , to george bishop of that city , that he might receive from him the doctrine of the true faith , whence it appears , that frumentius was at that time but newly ordained by athanasius . now this epistle was written in the year of christ . baronius , ( in his annotations on the roman martyrology . ) says that this frumentius bishop of auxumis must be differenced from the other frumentius bishop of the indians . but i do assert , that he that was bishop of auxumis , and he that is stiled the bishop of the indians , is one and the same frumentius . for auxumis is the metropolis of aethiopia . now the aethiopians are by the ancients usually confounded with the indians . so philostorgius calls the homeritae ( who were the auxumites neighbours ) indians . also , the aethiopians who are now called abyssines , call themselves indians , and do acknowledge frumentius to have been the apostle of their nation ; as lucas holsteinius attests in his notes on baronius's martyrology , which were lately published at rome . vales. * see rufinus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. rufinus does not say , that this child was the kings son ; but , mulier quaedam par●ulum suum , &c. a certain woman ( say● he ) carried about her son , &c. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , well skilled in architecture ] i had rather read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being very anxious . ] i doubt not but socrates wrote it thus . for in ruflnus ( book . chap. . from whom socrates borrowed this relation ) the words are these ; cum ecce matutinus & anxius cum suis omnibus ingrediens rex , &c. when behold the king , perplexed in his mind , coming in the morning with all his attendants , &c. vales. b the sfort. florent . and all at . m. ss . call this persons name baccurius . but in rufinus , and others , his name is , more truly , bacurius . zosimus says he was born in that armenia which borders on iberia , and that he was a man without all malice , or deceit , very expert in military affairs . but rufinus ( book . chap. . and book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) affirms he was a prince of the iberi ; that he was a person of great fidelity , very studious of religion and truth : first made a captain within the limits of palestine ; afterwards comes of the domesticks ; and lastly that he did theodosius the emperour great service in his war with eugenius . vales. see valesius's notes on amm. marcell . pag. , &c. c at this place socrates mistook rufinus's meaning . for rufinus says that bacurius was a captain ; palestini limitis , of the palestinian limit ; when he told him these things . but socrates seems to have read in rufinus , palestini militis ducem , that bacurius was a captain of the palestinian milice . vales. d here also socrates is out . for bacurius served not theodosius in the war against maximus , but in that against eugenius : as rufinus attests , book . chap. . eccles. hist. and zosimus , book . vales. * see eusebius eccles . hist. book . chap. . a it is most apparent that the manichaeans adored the sun. libanius relates the same concerning them , in book . epist. . wherein he commends the manichaeans that were in palestine ( but suppresses their name ) to priscianus the president of palestine : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. those men that worship the sun without bloud , and honour god with the second appellation , who chastize their belly , and account the day of their death to be gain ; are found to be in many places , but are every where few in number . they injure no man , but are molested by some . i doubt not but by these words libanius means the manichaeans ; for they cannot be agreeably attributed to any other persons besides them . but he designedly omitted the mention of their name , because the name of the manichaeans was odious . concerning the feigned fasts of the manichaeans , see cyrill , in his sixth cateches . vales. * that is , he had only the form or figure of a man ; was imaginatily , not really such . b the reading here must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of archelaus's dialogue , or disputation : ] which appears from the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we read . ] this archelaus , bishop , of mesopotamia , wrote the dispute which he maintained against manichaeus , i● syriack : which being afterwards translated into greek , was in the possession of many persons , as jerome attests , in his book de scriptor . ecclesiast . cyrill of jerusalem has mentioned this dispute , in his sixth catechism . a fragment of this work is in my hands , wherein is contained the history of the impious and perfidious manichaeus . but his disputation with archelaus the bishop , which was annexed to the close of this history , is wanting . in the room whereof is added archelaus's epistle to diodorus the presbyter . i am beholding to the eminent emericus bigotius for this monument ▪ as also for many others . vales. valesius has published this disputation of archelaus's in latine , at the close of his annotations upon sozomen , pag. , &c. c in the allat . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ sprang up ; ] which is better than [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sprang up before . ] after the same manner socrates exp●esses himself in the beginning of this chapter . 't is a metaphor taken from cockle , which is wont to grow up with the corn. vales. a i follow this reading [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if his ordination , &c. for eusebius's party found fault with the ordination of athanasius upon two accounts ; both because athanasius was unworthy of that honour , and also because his ordination had been performed by persons unfitting . see philostorgius . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ●aith of homoou●ios ; i. e. those words in the cree● , wherein it ●s asserted that christ is of the same essence or substance with the father . b socrates borrowed these words out of athanasius's second apology against the arians ; where athanasius gives an account how eusebius secretly joyned with the melitians in a conspiracie against him , these are his very words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words of athanasius , sozomen makes use of in his second book , chap. . vales. c it is hard to assign a reason , why socrates should joyn montanus with sabellius . for montanus himself made no innovations in the doctrine of the trinity , but followed the faith of the catholick church ; as epiph●niu● attests ( in hares● monta●ist . ) and theodoret ( book . . h●ret ▪ fabul ▪ ) yet some of his disciples took away the difference of the persons , as sabellius did ; which theodoret attests ( at the place now cited ) in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but some of them have denyed the three persons of the godhead , in like manner as sabellius did , saying that the father , son , and holy ghost are one and the same person . and hence it is , that in the synodicall epistle of the arian bishops at scrdica , montanus is joyned to sabellius . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the learned reader will find these terms incomparably well explained by dionysius petavius , in his dogm . theolog. tom. . de trinit . book . chap. . sect. , &c. pag. . edit . paris . . a it is strange to see how notoriously translatours have been mistaken in the version of this place ; they perceived not that the last word was to be exp●nged , as being superfluous . for whenas at first there had been a remarke set in the margin , that instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he wrote ] it should be otherwise written , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he said : ] afterwards this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he said ] crept out of the margin , into the text. vales. b whether cyrus bishop of beraea did accuse eustathius , as being a favourer of sabellius's opinion , ( as georgius of laodicea relates , ) i know not . but what georgius writes , to wit , that cyrus himself was afterwards deposed because he favoured sabellius's heresie ( i. e. because he defended the doctrine of consubstantiality ; for so these words are to be understood : ) is very true . for athanasius confirms this , in his epistle ad solitar . where he reckon● up in order all the bishops thrust out by the arians during constantines reign . and in the first place he names eustathius bishop of antioch , then eutropius of adrianople . afterwards euphration of the balan●i , the two cymatius's , asclep● of gaza , cyrus of berae● and others ; who were banished by the emperours edict , and others put into their places . vales. c the meaning of this place is this . the emperour , by his letters written to antioch , and eusebius , by his refusing the bishoprick of antioch , appeased that tumult . therefore these words [ appeased the tumult and sedition ] must in common belong to both the preceding clauses . vales. d what socrates here says , concerning the vacancy of the see of antioch eight years , after eustathlus was deposed , is false . for immediately after eustathius was ejected ; when eusebius of cesarea had refused that see ; paulinus bishop of tyre was translated to that see , in the year of christ : as i before noted in the tenth book of eusebius's ecclesiastick history , chap. . note ( a. ) afterwards euphronius succeeded paulinus ; or , as some will have it , eualius . after whom flaccillus was advanced to the see of antioch , who ( as athanasius attests in his second apology against the arians ) was at the synod of tyre . vales. e sozomen says the same ; and theodorus mopsuestenus ( apud nicaetam in thesauro orthodox . fidei . ) which is also confirmed by georgius of laodicea , in his encomium of eusebius emisenus , socrates quotes his words , in book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) but theodoret ( book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) puts eualius between eustathius and euphronius , and says that he presided but a very short time . philostorgius agrees with theodoret. vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was falsely accused not without reason ] s r henry savill and christophorson read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moreover , that he was falsely accused without the least of reason . ] this story concerning the arian presbyter ( whom constantia augusta recommended to her brother constantine ) socrates borrowed out of rufinus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. but i suspect the truth of it , for these reasons . first , because athanasius ( who does usually detect all the frauds of the arians ) has no where made mention of it . secondly , in regard the name of this presbyter is suppressed : for , if this presbyter were in so great favour and authority with constantine , that , ( as rufinus relates in the book and chapter now cited , ) when the emperour died , he should leave his will , which he had written , in the hands of this presbyter ; doubtless , he was worthy to have had his name mentioned . but , in my judgment , rufinus's authority is but small ; for he wrote his history very carelesly , not from the records of affaires transacted , but from fabulous stories , and relations grounded barely on report . * repentance . matth. . . a after these words , there was wanting this whole clause [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if we do not thus believe these things , and [ if we do not ] truly admit of the father , the son , and the holy ghost ] which we have made up from the authority of the allatian m. s. and from sozomen , book . chap. . vales. b in the kings m. s. and in epiphanius scholasticus , this place is pointed otherwise , thus [ to our mother the church , to wit , all questions , &c. ] which distinction displeases me not . vales. a after these words , the florentine m. s. adds these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , part of the emperours letter . ] which are altogether necessary , that the reader may understand , that not the emperours whole epistle , but part of it only , is here inserted . athanasius , in his second apology against the arians , ( out of whom socrates took these passages ) producing this epistle of constantines , sets these very words before it ; and adds , that this epistle was brought to alexandria by syncletius and gaudentius , officers belonging to the imperial palace . but , that which socrates affirms ( to wit , that arius came to alexandria ) is not mentioned by athanasius , nor doe i think it is true . vales. b after these words from the florentine , sfortian , and allatian m. ss . we have added this whole period [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he laboured to reduce them all to a perfect union . ] which was wanting in the common editions . sozomen has almost the same words , in his second book at the close of chap. ; but he has changed their order . vales. c we find these mens names in that catalogue of the melitian bishops which alexander procured from melitius , this ision was bishop in athribis , eudaemon in tanis , and callinicus in pelusium . see athanasius's second apologetick . vales. d athanasius ( in his apologetick ) calls this man apis , not alypius . but names not the place , wherein constantine took cognizance of this matter . yet socrates affirms it was at nicomedia . further , baronius relates that these affaires were transacted in the year of christ . but i would rather choose to place them on the year following . for these things hapned after eustathius's deposition , when eusebius and theognius , ( returned from their exile ) had procured a great authority and interest with constantine . but what the same baronius says ( to wit , that constantines letter , concerning arius's readmission into the church , was written to athanasius in the year of christ , ) is a palpable mistake ; and he dissents from athanasius , whom notwithstanding he professes to follow in all things . for athanasius relates , that soon after constantines letter , and arius's repulse , the melitians accused him of these crimes before the emperour . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words , valesius has thus rendred , conspirans adversus principem , conspiring against the emperour . e this passage of socrates is very much enlightned by athanasius in his second apologetick against the arians . whose words , because they are misunderstood by his translatour , i will here set down . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , mareotes is a region of alexandria . in that region there never was a bishop , or deputy bishop . but the churches of that whole region are subject to the bishop of alexandria . each of the presbyters hath peculiar villages , ( which are very great , ) sometimes ten in number , or more . from these words it appears , that every village of mareotes had not its particular presbyter ; but that one presbyter governed ten villages and sometimes more . that village , wherein ischyras was , in regard it was the least of all , undoubtedly had neither its peculiar church , nor presbyter . to that epistle which all the presbyters and deacons of mareotes wrote to the synod of tyre ( which letter is recorded by athanasius in the book now cited ) there subscribed fourteen presbyters , and fifteen deacons . vales. f this arsenius was a bishop of the melitians in the city hypselis which is in thebaïs . in his epistle , which he wrote to athanasius , he assumes to himself this title of honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. to athanasius the blessed pope , arsenius bishop of the city hypselis , one of those sometimes under melitius . but in the catalogue of bishops of the melitian faction , which melitius delivered to alexander , no arsenius can be found . vales. g socrates took this out of athanasius , in his second apologetick against the arians , his words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. constantine wrote to antioch , to dalmatius the censor , [ ordering him ] to hear the cause concerning the murder . the censor therefore sent to me , to prepare for my defence . socrates thought that this dalmatius was the son of constantines brother , he that some years after was made caesar by constantine . but that is a great mistake . for dalmatius the censor was constantines brother , and the father of dalmatius the caesar. the authour of the alexandrian chronicle confirms this , who writes thus concerning constantine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. and he created dalmatius ( the son of his brother dalmatius the censor ) caesar. certainly , dalmatius the son of dalmatius was ( when these things were done which are related by athanasius ) very young , and could not sit as judge in so weighty an affair . besides , he lived at that time at narbona , and ( together with hannibalianus his brother ) was an hearer of exuperius the rhetorician . for from that city he was sent for by constantine , and created caesar when very young ( as ansonius affirms in his book de professor . burdigal . ) in the year of christ . but that tryal concerning the murder of arsenius was before dalmatius the censor at antioch , ( as athanasius attests , ) in the year of christ , according to baronius's opinion . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning the import of this word , the learned reader may consult scaliger . po●tic . lib. . cap. . epibaterion . a the synod of tyre was held in the consulates of constantius and albinus , ( as athanasius attests , ) in the year of christ . this was the th year of constantines empire . his th year began ( during the same mens consulates ) on the th of the calends of august , on which day constantine celebrated his tricennalia ( i. e. the festivals for his having arrived to the th year of his empire ) as idatius attests , ( in fast. ) anticipating that solemnity one whole year . this anticipation of his tricennalia has induced not only socrates , but several others also , into a mistake . vales. a rufinus , in book . chap. . of his ecclesiastick history , says that this archelaus was not the consularis ( or president ) of phoenicia , but the comes of the east . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordered the matter prudently : this is the import of th●se words , if rendred literally . a in athanasius's second apologetick , pag. . edit . paris ▪ the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , archaph , who is also called john. in the epistle of alexander bishop of thessalonica to athanasius , he is also called archaph . therefore , this man had two names , he was called archaph , by the egyptians , which was his countrey name : john was his monastick name . he was a bishop of the melitian faction at memphis . athanasius relates , that he was commanded by constantine to agree with his arch-bishop . athanasius means constantines letter to john , which he gives an account of , at pag. , of his second apologet. edit . paris . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see calvin . lexic . juridic . ●n the word paragraphe . a this place is imperfect , as any one may perceive . it may be made perfect , if instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we make this addition [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made their return to tyre : ] which we have followed in our version . vales. a musculus and christophorson render these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus , depositionis causas , the causes of his deposition . but i suppose , that by these words is meant the libel of his deposition , or the synodical epistle concerning the condemnation and deposition of athanasius . socrates uses the same term , in his second book chap. . if any one be desirous to peruse a copy of these epistles , there is extant a synodical epistle of the council of antioch , concerning the deposition of paul of samosata : also , the synodical epistle of the council of sardis , concerning the deposition of gregorius alexandrinus , valens , ursacius , and other arian prelates . vales. b in athanasius the reading is truer , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the city of the hypselites , ] as we noted before . stephanus ( de urbibus ) says hypseli● is a town in egypt ; and that the inhabitants thereof are called hypsclites . vales. a in athanasius's second apology against the arians , and in his book de synodis arimini and seleuciae , this synodick epistle of the jerusalem council is recorded ; in which epistle the bishops , who had been convened there for the dedication of constantines church , do attest , that they had received into communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arius and his followers : which they had done according to the emperours command , who by his letters had signified to them , that he himself knew that those mens faith was true and orthodox , both from their own attestation by word of mouth , and also from the libel of faith which they presented to him . which libel constantine had annexed to his letters . now , he means that libel of faith , which arius and euzoïus had presented to constantine , mentioned by socrates before , at the chapter of this first book ; and by sozomen , book . chap. . for when arius had presented a libel of his faith to constantine , constantine , believing his doctrine to be agreeable to the nicene faith , would not himself give his judgment concerning this matter ; but remitted him to the examination of the jerusalem council , as rufinus and sozomen do relate . athanasius also ( in his book de synodis ) affirms expresly , that arius and his associates were received into communion by the jerusalem synod : his words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and after the banishment of athanasius bishop of alexandria , writing that they should admit to communion arius and his followers , &c. but i suppose that arius the arch-heretick is not to be meant here , but another arius , his name sake , who had been condemned by alexander bishop of alexandria , together with arius his ringleader . for arius the arch-heretick died long before the jerusalem synod , as i have evidently proved in my second book of ecclesiastick observations , chap. . [ the learned reader will find three books of ecclesiastick observations written by valesius , and publisht at the latter end of the second vol. of his greek ecclesiastick historians . ] therefore , that arius , who together with euzoïus , presented a libel of his faith to constantine , is a different person from arius the arch-heretick . which may be demonstrated by another argument . this arius who presented a libel to constantine together with euzoïus , was not restored before the jerusalem synod , that is , before the year of christ ● ; nor joyned to the catholick church . for he requests of the emperour in the foresaid libel , that all altercations being taken away by his piety , he may be united to the catholick church . but arius the arch-heretick was recalled from exile long before , and readmitted to communion , as the penitentiary-libel of eusebius and theognius doth attest . for eusebius and theognius do say there expresly , that the authour of the whole controversie ( to wit , arius ) having given satisfaction , was entirely restored . further , eusebius and theognius sent that libel to the bishops , in the year of christ , as i shewed before . therefore arius the haeresiarch must necessarily have been recalled at the beginning of the same year . vales. b this place is imperfect ; it is easier to pick out the meaning of it , than to correct the words . socrates therefore would say , that the bishops , in their synodical epistle , do obscurely mean athanasius , when they say , that all e●vy and hatred now was bartished , &c. vales. a in athanasius's second apology against the arians ( where this epistle of constantines is recorded ) the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , together with some others . ] but the reading we follow , to wit , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with some presbyters ] is better ; which is confirmed by epiphan . scholasticus . vales. b perhaps he means the iberians , concerning whose conversion socrates has spoken before . vales. c in leo allatius's m. s. and in athanasius , the reading of this place is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ye , who seem to have a greater est●em for — the holy mysteries of his clemency . ] epip●anius scholasticus read this passage thus also , as appears from his version : where , instead of [ we , who seem , &c. ] it is [ ye , who seem , &c. ] which is confirmed by the fl●rent . m. s. vales. a in athanasius's second apology , this man i● called arbetion . but it must be read with a diphthong , thus , arbaetion . for 't is a greek name derived from arba●us ; of which name there was a consul in constantius's reign , as i have observed in my notes on amm. marcellin . vales. a athanasius ( in his book de synodis ) says that this asterius sate in the church amongst those that were of the clergy , and recited his books in publick . vales. b in the allat . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to write against him . ] so epiphan . scholast . seems to have read . vales. c this book of marcellus's was intitled , de subjectione christi , concerning christs subjection ▪ as hilarius informs us , in the fragment of his book . de synodis . vales. a socrates does here follow rufinus , who says that arius ( after the synod at jerusalem ) returned to alexandria ; and a little after that ( when his devices would doe no good there ) was recalled to constantinople by eusebius . but all this is false , as we intimated before , in regard arius died long before the jerusalem synod . vales. b rufinus ( book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) from whom socrates borrowed this , words this passage thus , sub altari jacens , lying under the altar ▪ sozomen tells the same story ; book . chap. . vales. a in leo allatius's m. s. ( or in theodorus lectors tripertite history ) this place is worded thus , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and together with his excrements his fundament slid secretly down , and that termed by physitians the apeph●hesma fell immediately through his fundament ; which was followed by a great flux of bloud , and his small guts ran out , together with his spleen and liver . ] which passage is in my judgment incomparably well expressed . nor do i doubt but socrates wrote thus . 't is certain , epiphanius scholasticus does in part confirm this reading . also , in the ssortian m. s. it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , slid secretly down ] instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fell down . ] vales. * or , every tenth year of his empire . b it should not be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the eastern parts . ] and , a little before , it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the same name with his grandfather : ] as it is in the allat . m. s. but the vulgar reading is tolerable . for the greek term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is used not only to signifiy him who gives his name to another ; but in respect to him also , who takes his name from another . so socrates does usually stile constantinople 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a city that took its name from constantine . vales. a concerning this gift , which constantine by his will bequeathed to the elder-rome , our eusebius is a witness ; in his th book of constantines life , chap. . vales. b socrates borrowed this out of rufinus , book . eccles. hist. chap. . but this story seems to me very improbable . for who can believe that the emperour constantine , who then had many bishops about him , ( for so eusebius says expresly ; ) as also grandees and great officers , should make choice of one presbyter , an unknown person , ( for his name is always concealed ) to whom he might commit the keeping of his will , when he died . wherefore , i had rather follow philostorgius here , who says , that constantine delivered his will to eusebius of nicomedia , by whom he had been baptized a little before . vales. * chap. . of this book . a musculus and christophorson have rendred this place thus ; ne imperatores & antistetes reliquiis apostolorum destituerentur , that the emperours and prelates might not be deprived of the apostles reliques . but i cannot approve of this version . for constantine had deposited no reliques of the apostles in that church . i would therefore rather translate it thus , that the emperours and prelates there to be buried , might not be far inferiour to the apostles reliques ; but might be affected with the same degree of honour with them . which interpretation eusebius confirms , in book . chap. . concerning the life of constantine . vales. b socrates mistakes here . for in the consulate of felicianus and titianus ( which was the year of christ ) on the eleventh of the calends of june ( i. e. on the d of may ) the fourth year of the th olympiad was current . which may be demonstrated by most evident reasons . but socrates seems to have made use of a corrupt copy of eusebius's chronicle , wherein the year of the olympiad was erroniously set . but , at this place of socrates , we ought rather to read the third year . for socrates says , that this first book of his history contains the space of one and thirty years . for he begins from the beginning of constantines reign , who , as he says , reigned one and thirty years . the beginning of his reign he places on the first year of the olympiad , as we saw before . now from this year to the second year of the th olympiad there are but thirty years , including therein the two terms . wherefore , there must necessarily be a mistake in this place of socrates . vales. notes for div a -e * that is , to make a new edition of , &c. a our eusebius has given the same title to paulinus bishop of tyre , at the beginning of the tenth book of his ecclesiastick hist. whose example socrates here follows . who this theodorus was , to whom socrates dedicated his history , is uncertain . for i cannot think that theodorus bishop of mopsuestia is here meant . vales. * that is , the faith that professed christ to be of the same substance or essence with the father . a this place is imperfect , and faulty . it may be made good not incommodiously , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but they understood that they could not effect this , if athanasius should return . vales. b christophorson rendred these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus , imperatoris satellites , the emperours guards : which is ill translated . for by this term all the palatini are meant ; not only the protectores , the domestici , and the rest of the scholares , ( see valesius's notes on amm. marcellin . pag. . &c. ) but the ministeriani , and scriniarii also . for this was termed the palatine milice . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] as it is in athanasius's second apologetick against the arians ▪ caesar baronius , ( in his annalls , ) dionysius petavius , ( in his rationarium temporum , ) blondellus , ( in his book de primatu ecclesiae , ) and others do relate , that athanasius was recalled from banishment , in the year of christ , to wit , the year after constantines death ; who , perceiving the foresaid prelate to be pressed on every side by the calumnies of his adversaries , had for a time banished him into the gallia's . but i do maintain , that athanasius was restored in the year of christ , when felicianus and titianus were consuls in that very year , wherein constantine died : which i can make evident , as i suppose , by a most demonstrable argument . for athanasius ( in his second apology against the arians , pag. . ) relates , that he was released from his banishment and restored to his country by constantine the younger , who also wrote a letter in his behalf to the populace and clergy of the alexandrian church . this letter [ as socrates does here , so ] athanasius there recites : the inscription of it is this ; constantinus caesar , to the people of the catholick church of alexandria . the subscription of this letter is thus , dated at triers the fifteenth of the calends of july . as well the inscription , as subscription of this letter , does attest what i say , to wit , that athanasius was released from his exile soon after the death of constantine the great , in the year of christ . for if he had been restored on the year following , then constantine the younger would not have called himself caesar , but augustus . nor would athanasius have been restored by constantine the younger , but by constantius , to whom was allotted the eastern part of the empire . wherefore , in regard constantine stiles himself only caesar in that letter , and since athanasius attests , that he was restored by constantine the younger , 't is apparent , that that was done , before the sons of constantine the elder were by the souldiers proclaimed augusti . for , upon constantines death , there was a certain interregnum ; and the roman world continued without an emperour almost three months ; untill the brethren ( who under the name of caesars governed divers provinces ) had met together , in order to their making a division of the whole roman empire . constantine died on the eleventh of the calends of june , and on that very year there were three augusti proclaimed , to wit , constantinus , constantius and constans , on the fifth of the ides of september ; ( as it is recorded in the old fasti , which jacobus sirmondus published under the false name of idatius . this is that which eusebius writes in his fourth book of constantines life , chap. , to wit , that constantine retained his empire after his death , and that all rescripts and edicts bore his name , as if he had been yet alive . for this reason therefore constantine the younger stiles himself caesar only , in his letter to the alexandrians , in regard he was not yet proclaimed augustus . for the letter was dated on the fifteenth of the calends of july . but he was created augustus ( together with his brethren ) on the fifth of the ides of september . moreover , at that time ( whilst the brothers were stiled caesars only ) constantinus junior was the chief in authority , because he was the eldest brother . see valesius's first book of ecclesiastick observations on socrates and sozomen . chap. . * place . a socrates mistakes here , ( and all those that follow him , ) in placing the death of alexander bishop of constantinople on the consulate of acindynus and proclus , in the year of christ . in the second book of my ecclesiastick observations upon socrates and sozomen [ the learned reader will meet with valesius's ecclesiastick observations on socrates and sozomen , at the close of valesius's second volume of the greek ecclesiastick historians ; he may find this matter discussed at the first chapter of the second book of those observations . ] i have by most evident arguments demonstrated , that alexander bishop of constantinople died in the reign of constantine the great , and that paul succeeded him , during the reign of the said constantine . baronius , who places alexanders death on the year of christ , does manifestly contradict himself . for he says , that the synod of the bishops of egypt ( which was summoned to confute the calumnies brought against athanasius by the eusebian faction , ) was convened in the year of christ . but those bishops do expresly attest , in their synodick epistle , that at that very time eusebius had left nicomedia , and had lept into the constantinopolitan see. 't is needless to quote the words of that epistle here , in regard they are produced by baronius himself , at the year of christ . now , if eusebius had gotten the see of constantinople in the year of christ . alexander must necessarily be supposed to have been dead before this year . vales. b this person was afterwards promoted to the degree of presbyter under paul bishop of constantinople , and accused his own bishop , as athanasius relates , in his epistle ad solitar . vales. * parts . † that is , those that owned christ to be of the same substance or essence with the father . c there were two churches of this name in constantinople , the one called the old , the other the new irene ; as it is recorded in the life of paul the constantinopolitan bishop , which photius relates in his bibliotheca . moreover , the old church called irene was contiguous to the great church , which was afterwards named sophia : nor had it separate clergy-men ; but the clergy of the great church by turns ministred in that church . the emperour justinian informs us of this , in the third novell . in the old description of constantinople , which is prefixt before the notitia imperii romani , this is called the old church , and 't is placed in the second ward of the city together with the great church . the church irene ( to wit , the new irene , ) is recounted in the seventh ward of that city . socrates hath made mention of the old irene , in his first book , chap. . it is termed the church of saint irene , after the same manner that the church sophia is called saint sophia ; not that there was a virgin , or martyr , called by that name . vales. a the allatian m. s. inserts some words here , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. and having through eusebius's own ambition removed him from nicomedia , he constituted him bishop of the great city [ constantinople . ] vales. * that is , he means constantiu● , and constans , sons to the emperour constantine the great ; who had a little before this been proclaimed augusti . constantine , the other son of constantine the great , was now dead . see chap. . of this book . a the particle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must be expunged here ; and the whole clause read in this continued form ; having considered with himself how he had been circum vented that he might subscribe athanasius's deposition . for maximus bishop of jerusalem ▪ had , together with paul and the rest , subscribed athanasius's deposition , in the council of tyre . in regard of his sorrow for doing this , he refused afterwards to be present at the council of antioch ; as sozomen relates , in his d book chap. . neer the end . vales. b athanasius ( in his book de synodis ) set forth the time of this council by these notes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. those bishops that met at the dedication were ninety in number ; [ they were convened ] in the consulate of marcellinus and probinus , in the tenth indiction , the most impious constantius being there present . vales. c in the consulate of marcellinus and probinus , on the eleventh of the calends of june was compleated the fourth year from constantines death . the synod of antioch therefore was convened after this day , if it be true which socrates here says , to wit , that it was convened in the fifth year after constantines death . vales. d in epiphanius scholasticus's version , this persons name is truer written , thus , flaccillus . nor is he otherwise called , in pope julius's epistle to the bishops convened in this synod of antioch . this person had been present before , at the council of tyre , and had with the arians conspired against athanasius , as the epistle of the egyptian bishops to dionysius the comes doth inform us , which epistle athanasius has recorded , in his second defence against the arians . eusebius of caesarea dedicated the books he wrote against marcellus , to this same flaccillus . but , instead of flaccillus , he is almost every where called placitus : only in the following chapter , the allatian m. s. terms him flaccillus . vales. e these calumnies of the eusebians are incomparably well refuted by the egyptian bishops , in their synodick epistle , which athanasius records , in his second defence against the arians . vales. a sozomen ( in his third book chap. . ) explains this passage in socrates ; where he speaks thus concerning eusebius emisenus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. from his childhood ( according to the custom of his own country ) he learned the sacred scriptures by heart . therefore the boys of edessa got by heart the books of sacred scripture , according to the usage of their ancestours . indeed , ecclesiastick writers do attest , that the edessens were most ardent lovers of the christian religion . vales. * or restauration , or , election . * or , the faith. a instead of these words [ but in reality their design was to subvert . ] the allat . m. s. has these [ but giving the beginning to a pretext by their continual , &c. ] and so epiphan . schol. read it , as from his version appears . vales. b in the allat . m. s. the reading is [ fall into . ] vales. c how these words are to be understood , i have advertized the reader , in the second book of my ecclesiastick observations , chap. . for we must not suppose , that the arch-heretick arius himself was admitted and entertained in the jerusalem synod , but his followers only . for arius himself was dead long before . should any one maintain , that these words of the bishops of the antiochian-council are to be understood of arius himself , then i will answer , that the jerusalem synod is not meant here , but some other more ancient synod , which admitted arius to communion : for the eusebian party had done that before the synod of jerusalem , as athanasius attests , in his book de synodis , not far from the beginning . vales. * essence . † john . . joh. . . † matt. . . * placed . d after these words [ we therefore holding this faith , ] in athanasius's book de synodis ( where this form of faith occurs ) these are added [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and holding it from the beginning to the end : ] which ought not to have been omitted . hilarius ( in his book de synodis ) has translated this form of the creed into latine ; in which version of his these words occur . vales. e i corrected this place by the assistance of the florentine m. s. wherein it is written thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before the son of god. ] the verb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was begotten ] which preceded , is to be understood here . in athanasius's book de synodis , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before he was begotten . ] but our reading pleases us better , because it comes neerer the sense of the arians : who asserted that the son of god was made . vales. * or an off-spring , or , a foe●us . f in the allat . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with fear : ] 't is so also in athanasius , and in hilarius's version . vales. g no ; antioch was by a special priviledge free from this earth-quake . for so 't is recorded in those incomparable fasti consulares , ( which sirmondus has published under the name of idatius ; ) in these words : marcellino & probino coss. his consulibus pugna facta est ●um gente francorum à constante augusto in galliis . et ipso anno terrae motus fuit ad orientem per totum annum praeter antiochiam : i. e. in the consulate of marcellinus and probinus , there was a fight between the nation of the franci and constans augustus in the gallia's . and in the same year there was an earthquake in the east throughout the whole year except at antioch . vales. a in this place socrates mistakes , who confounds what was done at georgius's installation with those things transacted at gregorius's arival . indeed syrianus brought georgius to alexandria , as athanasius attests , in his epistle ad solitar ▪ and in his apologetick to constantius the emperour ; and in his apology concerning his own escape , when syrianus pursued him . but these things hapned a long while after this , to wit , in the year of christ . gregorius , concerning whom socrates speaks here , was brought to alexandria by balacius the captain , and philagrius prefect of egypt , as athanasius relates , in his epistle ad solitar . but athanasius departed from alexandria before their arival and went to rome , whither he had been invited by pope julius's letters . vales. b socrates borrowed this out of athanasius's apology concerning his own escape , about the close of it . where athanasius's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. it was now night , and some of the people lay in the church all night , a communion being expected . but in his apologetick to the emperour constantinus , he shews manifestly that syrianus made this irruption in the night , and not in the evening , as socrates here says . vales. c our socrates does mistake here also . for eusebius of nicomedia did not send embassadours to pope julius , to incite him against athanasius , after the council at antioch , but a long time before . but when the presbyters sent by athanasius had confuted eusebius's embassadours in all points before julius , at length eusebius's messengers referred the decision of the whole matter to julius . julius therefore , according to the request of the embassadours , wrote letters , both to athanasius , and also to eusebius and the rest of athanasius's adversaries , by which he invited them to an ecclesiastick judicature at rome . but this was done before the council at antioch , as athanasius informs us , ( in his second apologetick against the arians , ) and julius bishop of rome ( in his epistle to the bishops convened in the council of antioch . ) this epistle of julius's , athanasius has inserted at the th page of his works , edit . paris . . moreover , socrates's relation here may be refuted also by these arguments . for , if these things had been done after the council at antioch , not only eusebius , but the whole synod would have sent an embassy , and letters , to julius . besides , it would have been altogether ridiculous and unseemly , after the matter was determined in a council , and put in execution , ( athanasius being now expelled , and gregorius put into his see , ) to write to julius , that he would be judge , and remove the controversie in order to its being discust before him ; as if the matter were still wholly undetermined . sozomen ( book . chap. . ) has followed socrates's mistake in this relation . vales. a in the old description of constantinople this church is mentioned ; where 't is called paul's church , and 't is placed in the seventh ward of the city . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , coagulated , or curded , as the runnet doth in the making of cheese . a ammianus marcellinus had at large described this sedition of the constantinopolitans , in those books of his history which are lost . but he has by the by mentioned it in his th book pag. . edit . paris . . libanius means this tumult in his oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and says it was a most violent sedition . it hapned in the third consulate of constantius , and in constans's second ; which was the year of christ , as it is recorded in fast. idat. vales. see valesius's annotas . on amm. marcellinus page . b it is doubtful , whether socrates meanes here bushells of bread-corn , or loaves of bread . the author of the life of paulus bishop of constantinople ( which occurs in photius's bibliotheca , pag. . edit . david . ho●s●bell . . ) supposed , that in this place loaves were meant . for thus he says : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the whole donation was , eighty thousand loaves daily [ distributed . ] 〈◊〉 i am rather of opinion , ( and so epiphanius scholasticus understands it , ) that bushells are meant . for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of wheat ] imports bushells of wheat , rather then loaves . besides , how could eighty thousand loaves be sufficient for that multitude of citizens which inhabited constantinople ? should any one wonder at this vast quantity of bread-corn usually distributed every day , let him hear eunapius ( in the life of aedesius , pag. edit . comm. . thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. but in our age , neither the ships loaden with corn which come from aegypt , nor that vast quantity of wheat , brought out of all asia , syria , phoenicia , and the rest of the provinces ( upon the consideration of tribute ) is sufficient to fill and satisfic that drunken multitude of people , which constantine ( by emptying of other cities ) hath transported to bysantium . concerning this prescript about bread corn for the supply of constantinople , ( appointed by constantine of blessed memory , and afterwards increased by theodosius , ) see the second law in cod. theod. de frumento urbis constantinop . vales. c from the authority of the allat . m. s. this place is to be amended , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for he was incensed against him , not only because he had been ordained , &c. thus also the reading is in the life of paulus constantinop . vales. a socrates mistakes here also . for gregorius ( who was created bishop of alexandria in the synod of antioch ) held that bishoprick six years , untill the council of serdica : in which he was deposed , and excommunicated , as it is related in the synodical epistle of that council . and when he had survived this sentence about six months , he died , as athanasius attests , in epistol . ad soli●ar . theodoret has corrected this mistake of socrates's and sozomon's , in book . of his eccles. hist. georgius was made bishop of alexandria by the arians long after gregorius , in the year of christ . vales. b this place was corrupted by a transposition of the words ; which gave translatours an occasion of mistaking here . but the words might have been easily put into their order , after this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as being a person odious , both upon account of his burning the church ; and also because , &c. socrates does here assign two reasons , why the arians deprived gregorius of his bishoprick . the first is , because gregorius was a person hated by all men , upon account of his burning dionysius's church ; which socrates has mentioned before ; athanasius also takes notice of it , in epist. ad solitar . the other reason is , because he seemed not zealous enough in defending their opinion . the same is confirmed by sozomen , book . chap. . eccles. hist. vales. a after the murder of hermogenes the emperours lieutenant-general , constantius put paulus into iron chains , and banisht him to singar a town of mesopotamia , whence he removed him afterwards to emisa , as i have remarked out of athavasius , in my second book of ecclesiastick observations , chap. . therefore , what socrates here says is false , to wit , that paulus was at rome at the same time that athanasius was there . indeed , marcellus bishop of anoy●● was at rome together with athanasius , as we are informed from julius's letter to the eastern bishops ; which is also ascertained from marcellus's libel which he presented to julius . but julius speaks not a word concerning paulus in his foresaid epistle ; whom he would doubtless have mentioned , had he been then at rome with athanasius and marcellus . vales. b julius restored not one of the forementioned bishops , not athanasius himself , to his own see. for , in the roman synod , wherein athanasius's and marcellus's cause was discust , athanasius was only pronounced innocent , and admitted to communion by julius and the rest of the bishops . but against athanasius's accusers , who refused to make their personal appearance in judgment , nothing was determined ; as i have observed out of athanasius in my first book of ecclesiastick observations . nor was athanasius , marcellus , asclepas , or lucius restored before the synod of serdica . vales. c after the roman synod , wherein athanasius was pronounced innocent , when julius had sent a letter by gabianus the comes to the eastern bishops , who had met in a synod at antioch at such time as the church was dedicated ; ( see chap. . of this book , ) the eastern bishops , in order to their answering of this letter , were convened again at antioch in the year of christ . and they wrote back an elegant and sharp letter to julius , the sense whereof sozomen relates , book . chap. . vales. * the church of rome . see euseb. eccles . hist. book . chap. . d what socrates here says , to wit , that athanasius returned at that time to alexandria , is false . for athanasius went not back to that city , till after the council at serdica , that is , till after the year of christ . vales. e we follow christophorsons & s r henry savils reading here ; which is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. or how many complaints the synods , &c. vales. f in the allat . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his [ that is , sabinus's ] arch-heretick ▪ vales. g the amendment of this place we owe to the allat . m. s. wherein t is thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , would instead of these [ reproaches , ] &c. vales. a socrates ( as also sozomen ) is mistaken here . for paulus was by philippus . praefect of the praetorium banished not to thessalonica , but to cucusus , and was there strangled by the arians ; as athanasius informs us , in his epist. ad solitar . but these things hapned a long while after this , to wit , when constans augustus was dead , in the year of our lord , or . as baronius will have it , who long since perceived this errour of socrates's . further 't is easie to confute socrates out of athanasius . for athanasius relates , that philippus ( after he had banished paulus and caused him to be cruelly murdered by the arians ) was within less than a year deposed from his prefecture , deprived of his goods , and ended his life miserably . now , philippus was consul in the year of christ : and on the year following he bore the office of praefect of the praetorium , as may be collected from the laws extant in the theodosian code directed to him . the same philippus was after this sent embassadour by constantius to magnentius , a little before the fight at mursa , as zosimus relates in his second book . which hapned in the year of christ . let us therefore suppose that philippus died on the year following , which was the year of christ . then paulus might have been banished by him in the year of our lord ; which is baronius's opinion . and from this year macedonius's presidency over the constantinopolitan church must be begun . vales. b at this place there was wanting this whole line [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through which [ paulus ] was carried into the imperial palace ] which i have made good from the florentine and sfortian m. s. in leo allatius's m. s. there is something more added here , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. they had flockt about the publick bath , being gathered together there by the report of a suspicion ; because the people environed all the passages out , he ordered one of the bath doors to be opened , thorough which paulus was conveyed into the imperial palace , &c. vales. c how philippus could banish paulus to thessalonica , i see not . for socrates relates these things as done whilst constans was yet living , and before the council of serdica . but at that time thessalonica was under the government of constans augustus . how therefore could philippus ( who was praefect of the praetorium to constantius ) banish paulus to thessalonica , and permit him to live in the cities of illyricum ; but wholly forbid him entring into the eastern parts [ of the empire ? ] vales. * see euseb. eccles. history , book . . chap. . note ( e. ) pag. . † churches d this great-church was consecrated by eusebius bishop of constantinople , ( he that before had been bishop of nicomedia ) if we may credit cedrenus . for at the ninth year of constantius he writes thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. and eusebius consecrated the church of god , called the great church , which was finished by constantius , according to the order of constantine the great in his will. and he brought the reliques of the holy martyr pamphilus , and those of his companions , theodulus , porphyrius , and paulus , from antioch and deposited them therein . but cedrenus mistakes in his notation of the time . for if this consecration were performed by eusebius ▪ of nicomedia , it must be placed on the third or fourth year of constantius , at which time eusebius governed the see of constantinople . the same cedrenus relates , that this church , being afterwards ruined , and reedified by constantius , was consecrated by eudoxeus . vales. * constantine the great . a socrates does here confound all things , and repeats the same things twice , as if they had been done again . for he says that athanasius fled to rome twice . the same is asserted by baronius ( in his annalls . ) by petavius ( in his rationarium temporum , ) and by blondellus ( in his book de primatu . ) but we have sufficiently refuted this mistake , in our first book of ecclesiastick observations , chap. . socrates makes the same mistake , in his asserting that paulus bishop of constantinople came twice to rome . moreover , julius received eusebius of nicomedia's letter , before that council of antioch , which was held at the consecration of the new jerusalem , as we remarked before . and at the same time he invited athanasius and his adversaries to rome , in order to the discussion of their cause , as 't is manifest from athanasius's relation . vales. b the bishops who had been convened at antioch at the consecration , having received julius's letter written to eusebius of nicomedia , ( in which he invited him and the rest of the eusebians to rome , in order to the having their cause discussed there on a set day , whereon a council was there to be held : ) deteined julius's messengers ( elpidius and philoxenus , ) beyond the day appointed . then , after they had held their synod , they dismissed the messengers , and gave them a letter to julius . upon receipt whereof he wrote back that famous letter , which athanasius hath inserted , in his second apology against the arians ; pag. , &c. edit . paris . . vales. c he means the synodical epistle , which the bishops of egypt wrote to all the bishops every where : which is inserted in the first place by athanasius in his forecited apology , pag. . edit . ut prius . julius speaks concerning this synodical epistle , in that letter he wrote to the eastern bishops convened at antioch : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , many bishops ( says he ) wrote from egypt and from other provinces , in defence of athanasius . vales. d i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he blamed ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he sent : ] s r henry savil hath mended this place , in the margin of his copy , and made it agreeable to our reading . in the allat . m. s. this place is written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. in the first place he found fault with the bitterness of their epistle . this letter of julius's is still extant , preserved for us by athanasius , in his second apology against the arians : pag. , &c. edit . ut prius . in that letter julius reprehends the insolency and pride , which the eastern bishops had used in their letters to him . but , that which socrates here adds ( to wit , that julius complained , because they had not invited him to the synod : and that it was the ecclesiastick rule , that nothing should be determined in the church without the bishop of rome's consent : ) is not to be found in that letter . indeed , julius complains in that epistle , because the eastern bishops ( upon their receipt of his letter , wherein he invited them to the synod at rome , ) disregarding this his invitation , had ordained gregorius bishop in athanasius's see. but he says not one word concerning this ecclesiastick rule or canon . and yet sozomen ( chap. . book . eccles. history ) says the same that socrates does here . vales. * that is , athanasius & paulus . * that is , paulus and athanasius's sufferings . a the reading here , and in robert stephens edition , is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] but i suppose it should be thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , understanding their sufferings , sympathized with them : ] for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to suffer with . but the reading may be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was very much troubled at : ] which emendation is the best . vales. b some few months after the synod at antioch which was held at the dedication ; the eastern bishops made another form of the creed , and sent it to constans augustus , and to the western bishops , by narcissus , theodorus , maris , and marcus , as if it had been dictated by the synod at antioch . so athanasius attests in his book de synod . arimin . and seleuc. this therefore hapned in the year of christ . socrates does evidently agree with athanasius . for he says , that those messengers sent by the eastern bishops suppressed that form of the creed composed by the antiochian synod ; and instead thereof produced another , which themselves had made . vales. * ephes. . . † or comforter . ‖ see john . . * see socrates , book . chap. . a athanasius ( in his book de synodis ) says the same : his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. afterwards , repenting as it were [ of what they had done , ] they again assemble a synod of their own party , three years after . and they send eudoxius , martyrius , and macedonius of cilicia , and some other persons with them , into the parts of italy ; who carried along with them a prolixe [ form of ] saith , &c. baronius . ( in his annals ) says , that this second council of antioch ( wherein that prolixe form of faith was promulged ) was convened in the year of christ . and he thinks that he proves this from athanasius and socrates . but , in my judgment , he is much mistaken . for first , this expression of athanasius's [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after three years ] signifies the fourth year , not the third . for it denotes , that three years were now past . in this sense also socrates understood the passage in athanasius ; in regard he says [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the space of three years being compleatly passed after these things . since therefore that synod of antioch which had been convened at the consecration , was held in the year of christ ; this second antiochian synod ought more truly to be placed on the year of christ . secondly , athanasius does not say , that the second antiochian synod ( wherein the large form of faith was composed , ) was assembled three years after that synod at the consecration had been convened there : but he says , it was assembled three years after narcissus , theodorus , maris , and marcus had brought that new form of faith to constans augustus , pretending it to have been composed at antioch . now , he says that this was done some few months after the antiochian synod held at the consecration . from whence that which i have said is made apparent ; to wit , that that council ( in which the large form of faith had been composed , ) was convened in the year of christ ; not in the year , as baronius would have it . vales. * ephes. . . * or comforter . † see john . . b this was the opinion of the arians . the easterns explain this sentiment of theirs better hereafter , to wit , that the father may be understood to have begotten the son willingly , without compulsion . vales. c in robert stephens's edition of socrates ( fol. . edit . paris . . ) these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. nor must it be thought , that the son is without an original , or unbegotten as the father is ] are wanting . the said robert stephens's edition does in the following words also differ something from this copy of the creed here . athanasius has inserted this whole creed , in his book de synod . arimin . & seleuc. pag. , &c. edit . paris . . athanasius's copy and this in valesius's edition of socrates do agree : whom we have followed in our version . * cor. . . * see euseb . eccles. hist. book chap. . &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of men : but valesius renders it , ex hominc , of man. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as it is in the allat . m. s. and in athanasius , in his book de synodis . by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] philosophers mean that word which is uttered by the mouth . hilarius calls it verbum prolativum . to which is opposed [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which modern philosophers do term the word of the mind . vales. e by these words the eastern bishops mean , the heresie of marcellus ancyranus , who asserted that christs kingdom began from his nativity , about four hundred years before that time ; making use of a certain number for an uncertain . the synodick epistle of the eastern bishops at serdica informs us hereof ; which epistle hilarius has inserted , in his fragments . for these are their words in that letter : extiti● namque temporibus nostris marcellus , &c. i. e. for there hath risen up in our days one marcellus of galatia , the most execrable post of all hereticks , who with a sacrilegious mind , and impious mouth , and a wicked argument , will needs set bounds to the perpetual , eternal , and timeless ▪ kingdom of our lord christ , saying , that he began his reign years since , and shall end it at the dissolution of this present world . vales. f we made good this place , by adding the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the jews : ] which is not in robert stephens's edit . but it occurs in athanasius , and in the allat . m. s. vales. * gen. . . g the heresie of the patropassians ( or patripassians ) was very ancient , and far diffused . tertullian ( adv. prax. cap. , and . ) chargeth this heresie upon praxeas . the same was maintained by hermogenes , whence they were termed hermogeniani . after whom noëtus maintained the same , who ( says epiphanius ) lived years before his time : ( see epiphan . heres . . ) from noëtus they had the name of noëtiani ; and from sabellius , noëtus's disciple , they were called sabelliani . after whom succeeded priscillianus in the same heresie ; from him they had the name of priscillianistae . the sum and substance of this heresie thus propagated by these succeeding assertours of it , was this : they affirmed there was but one person in the deity , to wit , the father ; that he only subsisted , and was the maker of all things ▪ that he came not only into the world , but was incarnate , and did all things which we say were done by the son. in order to the exclusion of these hereticks , the aquileian church added these two terms [ invisible and impassible ] to the first article of the creed ; shewing by the first ▪ that the father was not incarnate , and by the second , that he was not crucified . * see euseb . eccles. hist. book . . chap. . note ( b. ) † dispensation . ‖ see prov. . . the eastern bishops have here quoted the very words of the septuagint : and we render it accordingly . but in the english version ( which followes the hebrew exactly ) the text is thus rendred ; the lord possessed me in the beginning of his way , before his works of old . h instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we must necessarily read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole father ; ] as it is in athanasius : from whom the reading is to be made good in the words immediately following ; thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he alone continually resting in his fathers bosome . vales. i instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading in the allat . m. s. and in athanasius's book de synodis is this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. amongst those whose minds are not [ perverted , corrupted , or ] depraved . vales. a this confession of faith ( for so athanasius calls it ) the embassadours of the eastern bishops presented to the western prelates assembled at millaine . for some bishops together with the presbyters of the church of rome had gone thither , to intreat constans augustus , that he would write to his brother constantius about the assembling of a general synod , in order to the determining of those dissensions in an ecclesiastick judicature , which had been raised in diverse churches : thus we are informed by athanasius in his apology to constantius . moreover , when the easterns had presented this draught of the creed to those of the west , they requested them to subscribe it . but the western bishops made answer , that , as to what belonged to the articles of faith , the nicene creed was to them sufficient , to which nothing was to be added , nor anything to be taken from it . and as concerning the condemnation of those hereticks who were disallowed of in that confession , they requested of the eastern bishops embassadours that they would in the first place condemn the arian heresie . but , upon their refusal to do that , the eastern embassadours being angry went away from the council ; as liberius relates , in his epistle to the emperour constantius , in these words : quae est pax , clementissime imperator , &c. what peace is there , most gracious emperour , whenas there are four bishops of their party , demofilus , macedonius , eudoxius , and martyrius , who above eight years since , when they would not condemn arius's heretical opinion at millaine , departed from the council in anger ? notwithstanding , the western bishops condemned photinus's heresie in that synod . but they pronounced no sentence against marcellus , because he had before been judged clear from all manner of heresie in the roman synod . in the same synod vrsacius and valens ( who had lain under a suspicion of being arians ) having presented a libel wherein they condemned arius's perfidiousness and photinus's heresie , were admitted to communi●● , as the synodick epistle of the ariminum council informs us . the 〈…〉 e is attested by ursacius and valens themselves , in another libel afterwards presented to julius bishop of rome , in these words : item anathema dicimus , &c. also we anathematize those , who deny , that christ is god and the son of god from all eternity , according to our former libel , which we presented at millaine , &c. we thought good to be more large in these remarks of ours concerning the millaine synod , because the memory thereof is very obscure in the ecclesiastick annals . dionyfius petavius is the first person that hath taken notice of this synod , who ( in his dissertation de duplici synodo sirmiensi ) hath made many very learned observations concerning this synod . but he has mistaken the year whereon it was convened . for he says it was held in the year of christ , a little before the council of serdica . which can in no wise be true . therefore jacobus sirmondus ( in his second diatriba , which he wrote against petavius ) has in this particular deservedly reproved him . baronius ( who affirms that the long draught of the creed ( which socrates has recorded in the foregoing chapter ) was drawn up at the antiochian synod in the year of christ , ) places this embassie of the eastern bishops and the millaine council on the same year also . but sirmondus ( in the forementioned diatriba ) assignes this council to the year of christ . which opinion is in my judgment the truer . for , in the first place , athanasius ( in his apologetick to constantius , ) relates , that on the fourth year after his coming to rome he was by constans augustus summoned to millaine , whither some bishops were then gone . now athanasius came to rome in the year of christ . secondly , hilarius ( in fragmentis ) relates , that the millaine synod ( wherein photinus was condemned ) was held two years before ursacius and valens offered their libel of satisfaction to julius bishop of rome . for after he has recorded that libel , he addes these words , hac epistola post biennium missa est , quàm haresis photini a romanis damnata est , i. e. this letter was sent two years after the romans had condemned photinus's heresie . since therefore ursacius and valens wrote that letter in the year of christ , as petavius attests ; the millain council must needs have been celebrated on the third year before that : that is , on the year of christ . for that expression [ post biennium ▪ two years after ] imports thus much , to wit , on the third year after that ; which petavius did not consider . vales. b baronius does deservedly blame socrates here , for his saying that the reason why the western bishops rejected this draught of the creed was , because they understood not the greek tongue . as if there were not then many in italy who were well skilled in the greek language . moreover , theodorus lector has with good reason found fault with this cause of their refusal . for , instead of socrates's words here , he has substituted these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of its manifest blasphemy . vales. * he means constans . * general . c from the consulate of felicianus and titianus , ( which was in the year of christ , ) to the consulate of rufinus and eusebius which was in the year of our lord , ) there are ten years compleat . therefore , if the council of serdica was convened in the eleventh year after constantine's death , it must of necessity have been assembled after the twenty second day of may. vales. d athanasius does not say , that about three hundred bishops of the western churches met at the council of serdica . he only says this , that as well those who were present at the council of serdica , as those who subscribed the synodick epistle afterwards sent to them ; also those who before the council at serdica had written synodick epistles in his behalf , out of phrygia , asia , and isauria , were in all three hundred and fourty . this passage of athanasius's occurs in his second defence against the arians , pag. ; edit . paris . . moreover , the same athanasius ( in his epistle ad solitar . pag. . ) does expresly attest , that the bishops , who met at the council of serdica , as well those out of the western as the eastern parts , were no more than . his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. there met therefore , both from the east , and from the west , at the city of serdica , bishops , neither more nor less . in the mogunt . edit . after the canons of the synod of serdica , there is this note ; & subscripserunt , &c. i. e. and all the bishops of divers provinces and cities subscribed , being in number . vales. e in this place socrates seems to have been mistaken , in referring those things to the council of serdica , which belong to the roman synod . for when julius had invited the eastern bishops to a syond at rome , that athanasius's case might there be inquired into ; the eastern bishops refused to come thither , pretending , amongst other reasons , the narrowness of the time set ; as julius informs us in his epistle to the said eastern bishops , recorded by athanasius , pag. . indeed socrates's following words , to wit [ although there had passed a year and six months , after such time as the synod had been summoned , and during which space athanasius made his abode at rome , &c. ] doe manifestly confirm what i have said . for athanasius , invited by julius's letters , came to rome ▪ where he abode a whole year and six months expecting his adversaries , and the synod which had been summoned at rome . julius attests this , in his forequoted epistle ▪ pag. . vales. f paulus bishop of constantinople was not present at the synod of serdica , as theodoret attests , ( book ▪ chap. . eccles. histor. ) which is also confirmed by the synodick epistle of the eastern bishops at serdica , which occurs in hilarius's fragments , at pag. . edit . paris . . vales. g instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having written letters ] the reading in the allat . m. s. is truer ; which is thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having inserted in their letters . ] but what socrates here says , ( to wit , that the eastern bishops at serdica established the opinion of the anomoiani ( see the following note in this chapter ) in their synodick epistle ▪ ) is altogether false . their synodick epistle is extant in hilarius's fragments , at pag. . edit . paris . ; and at the end of it there is a confession of faith added . in which confession ▪ there is nothing which in the least savours of the anomians opinion . the said hilarius ▪ relating ( in his book de synodis ) the same draught of the creed published by the eastern bishops at serdica , owns it as catholick , and explaines it . and hilarius is so far from believing that they disseminated the anomians opinion ; that he affirms them to have obstructed that opinion on every side . his words are these : ex omni autem parte , &c. but on all sides , whithersoever sollicitude could turn it self , the passage is stopt up by the wit of the hereticks , lest it should be preacht , that there is any diversity or unlikeliness in the son [ from the father . ] vales. h the anomoians were such as asserted , that the son had a substance or essence different from , or unlike to the father . * that is , different , or unlike . † co-essential , or consubstantial . * the western bishops . † the eastern bishops . i in the synodick epistle of the council of s●rdica ( which occurs in theodoret b. . c. . eccles. hist. ) there is not the least mention of paulus . vales. ‖ see socrates , book . . chap. eccles. hist. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to renew the combat with the sentence which , &c. k these three books ( the title whereof is de ecclesiastica theologia ad versus marcellum ) of eusebius's are at this day extant . there are prefixt before them two books , entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , against marcellus ; wherein he reproves his designe , malice , and envy . eusebius attests ( in the close of his second book against marcellus ) that he wrote these books by the order of those bishops who had condemned marcellus in the constantinopolitan synod . further , it is uncertain whether or no socrates had ever seen those two former books against marcellus , in regard he has made no mention of them . vales. * see euseb . concerning the life of constantine , book . chap. , edit . vales. † that is , to assert arius's opinion . a socrates means those doxologies , that occur at the end of eusebius's sermons ; which eusebius doth always put into this form : glory be to the unborn father by his only begotten son , &c. this may plainly be seen in those tracts of eusebius's , which jacobus sirmondus hath published . for example , in the end of his first book against sabellius , these are his words : gloria uni non nato deo , &c. i. e. glory be to the one unborn god , by the one only begotten god the son of god , in one holy spirit , both now , and always , and throughout all ages of ages . amen . and so concerning the rest . also , in the oration eusebius made at the consecration of the church at tyre , ( which occurs at the tenth book of his eccles. histor. chap. . ) we meet with the same clause , at the close of that speech ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. by whom be glory to him . for so we have worded that place , agreeable to three of our m. ss . further , 't is manifestly known , that the arians attributed this preposition [ per quem , by whom ] to the son , upon this design , that they might make him subject to the father . see theodoret upon the first chapter of the first epistle to the corinthians . vales. b before these words there is a whole line wanting , ( which ( from the first book of eusebius de ecclesiastica theologia , chap. . ) is thus to be made up : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. for by this means he would be their brother , rather than the son of god : and would be one of those common creatures , &c. vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , produced as eusebius words it , at the place before cited . it should also be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] for these two words , although they are distinguished but by one letter ▪ yet do very much differ in their significations . for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies that which is born ; but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] imports that which is made . vales. * see prov. . . and what was remarkt concerning that text , in chap. . of this book . note ( ‖ . ) * pet. . , . where the expression in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which may be rendred thus , to every humane creature . † amos . . . euseb. quotes this text in the words of the septuagint : but omits the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i : ] we have rendred them according to his quotation ; which is very different from the hebrew , and from our english version . ‖ eccles. . . * acts . , . † amos . . ‖ psal. . . * ephes. . . † ephes. . . ‖ cor. . . * prov. . . a in our annotations on the twenty first book of amm. marcellinus , we have long since remarked , that this mountains name should be soucis ; and that hereby is meant the streights of the succi , which amm. marcellinus describes in his twenty first book pag. . edit . paris . . philostorgius mentions the same streights , ( in book . eccles. hist. ) and calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. succi ; being scituated between dacia and thracia . he describes them thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. they are streight passages of vast mountains , which are crouded together on each side into one place , in such a manner that they seem to embrace one another . he means the two mountains , haemus and rhodope , which arising from different places , make an angle in that place , and do as it were kiss one another . which gave the ancients an occasion of seigning haemus to be a young man , and rhodope a maid , and that heretofore they fell in love with one another . you may meet with the story in ovid. metamorph. book . at the beginning . busbequius ( in epist legat. turci . ) says that the turks do now call this narrow passage capi deruent , i. e. the gate of narrownesses . vales. b these words must have a favourable sense put upon them ; and are not so to be understood , as if socrates should have said , that after the synod of serdica the western bishops held no communion with the eastern . for in the synod of sirmium ( which was convened by the western bishops against photinus two years after the synod at serdica ) the western bishops sent their determinations to the eastern , upon account of preserving a communion . and the eastern bishops wrote back to them , as hilarius informs us , in his fragments . thus therefore socrates's words here must be understood : to wit ; after the synod of serdica the western bishops did ( not readily and rashly , but ) with a great deal of cautiousness communicate with the eastern . vales. c constans augustus's letter to his brother constantius , which is here recorded by socrates , is in my judgment not to be lookt upon as genuine . for athanasius makes no mention of this letter : and paulus's name ( which is extant in it ) doth upon good grounds render it suspicious . for at that time paulus enjoyed his bishoprick : neither was he present at the synod of serdica ; nor restored by the determination thereof ; as we shewed before . wherefore , if this letter of constans's be genuine , it must necessarily have been written before the council of serdica . lastly , constantius's first letter to athanasius ( which socrates has inserted in the following chapter ) evidently shews this to be a forged letter . for constantius in that epistle saith , that by a letter written to his brother he hath requested him to give athanasius leave to return to his see. vales. a this , and the two following letters , are in athanasius's second defence , pag. . edit . paris . vales. a in athanasius , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 determined ] the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desired . ] vales. b in athanasius , it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifested . ] vales. c after the synod of serdica , athanasius made his abode first at naïsis in dacia . in which city he received the letters written to him by constans augustus . afterwards , he left naïsis , and went to aquileia , as he himself attests , in his apologetick to constantius . pag. . vales. d athanasius relates the reason of this journey of his to rome in his second defence against the arians ; to wit , that he might take his leave of julius the bishop , and the roman church , by whom he had been so kindly entertained . for that is the meaning of these words of athanasius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. but i , upon receipt of these letters , went to rome , to bid the roman church and the bishop farwell : for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies valedicere , to take leave of , or to bid farewell : as we have observed and proved in our annot. on eusebius's life of constantine ; book . chap. . vales. e in the allat . m. s. and in athanasius ( in his second apology against the arians ) these words [ the bishops and ] are wanting . instead hereof epiphanius scholasticus seems to have read [ julius the bishop to the presbyters , &c. ] which reading christophorson hath followed . vales. f in athanasius the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] which i like not . for it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the course of life t●nding to them ; ] that is , to the promises . or else the reading may be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of your mutual love : ] which reading epiphan . scholastic . followed . vales. g instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received ] in the alla● . m. s. and in athanasius , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declared : ] which i account the better reading . vales. h in the allat . m. s. the reading of this place is thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and together with him as many as have been partakers of so great labours with him . the reading in athanasius is almost the same . but our copies and epiphanius scholasticus do confirm the common reading . vales. * cor. . . i this passage socrates had from r●sinus . there is no mention of it in athanasius vales. k the reading must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ; incommode ; ] which emendation rufinus confirmes , ( book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) and so doth epiphanius , in his version . vales. * likeness . l epiphan . scholasticus reads [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. our good government ▪ &c. ] vales. m i doubt not , but instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayers ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ears , o● hearing ▪ ] and so we have rendred it . vales. * or , eminently addicted to . n in the all●● . m. s. and in ●thana●ius , the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with your whole souls & minds . ] vales. o instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all manner of con●utation ] the reading in the allat . and sfortian m. ss . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all manner of disturbance . ] vales. * athanasius . p in the allat . m. s. it is augustonica : in athanasius it is called augustamnica . the name of this province is usually written divers ways . for some term it augustamnica , others augustanica : so i found it written in many both greek and latine m. ss . others called it augustonica , to wit , from augustus's victory . in the subscriptions of the bishops , who approved of acacius's draught of the creed , ( which the reader will meet with at the fortieth chapter of this second book , ) whose names epiphanius has recorded , ( in heres . semiarian . ) we read amongst others ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. ptolemaeus bishop of thmuis [ a city ] of augustonica . vales. a this epistle of the jerusalem synod is extant in athanasius's second defence against the arians ▪ together with the names of those bishops who subscribed to that synod . but we may here by the by take notice of the bishop of jerusalems authority , who ( although he was no metropolitane yet ) summoned the neighbouring bishops to a synod , without the permission of the ▪ bishop of caesar●a . vales. b socrates speaks here concerning the ordinations performed by athanasius in egypt . for he says that was done after he arrived at pelusium ▪ which is the first city of egypt to those that come out of syria . if this be so , that opinion can no ways be maintained , which some now a days assert , to wit , that all ordinations ( as well of bishops as of presbyters ) throughout egypt belonged to the bishop of alexandria : but we have sufficiently refuted this opinion in our third book of ecclesiastick observations published at the close of our annotations on socrates and sozomen . vales. * constantine the great . the emendation of this place ( which is very corrupt in robert stephens's edition ) we own to the allat . m. s. where the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. but you must know , that together with them reigned their cousen-german , whose name was dalmatius of the same name with his own father . ] see socrat. book . chap. . note ( g. ) the florent . and sfortian m. ss . alter not the vulgar reading here . but the reading of the allat . m. s. is evidently confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus's version . only he calls dalmatius constantiu●'s cousin-german by the mother's side . but dalmatius was constantiu●'s cousin-german by the father's side ; for he was son to dalmatius , constantine the great 's brother . vales. b eutropius relates the same : dalmatius caesar ( says he , ) haud multò post oppressus est factione militari , constantio patruele suo si●●n●● potius quàm jubente : i. e. not long after , dalmatius caesar was slain by a faction of the souldiers , constantius his cosin-german by the father's side suffering , rather than commanding , it . vales. * see socrat. book . chap. . c he means the fight by night between the romans & persians , at singar , a sortress of mesopotamia , wherein the son of sapor king of persia was slain : but the romans had a very great slaughter made amongst them , as amm. marcellinus relates , book . pag. . edit . paris . . see our annotations on that passage ; pag. ● . this engagement hapned in the year of christ , when philippus and salias were consuls ; as idatius relates , in his ●●st● . vales. * or crept up by the souldiers means . d in the greek the reading is [ constantius had a sister's son , &c. ] but it must be [ constantine had ▪ &c. ] for nepotianus was son to eutropia constantin's sister ; as victor tells us , in his epitome : and , as we are informed by eutropiu● ▪ epiphanius scholasticus's reading agrees with our emendation ; but he mistakes in calling nepotianus [ ●ratru●lem constant●ni ▪ i. e. constantin's brothers son , ] in regard he was his sisters son. vales. a the same is recorded in idatius's fasti ; in these words : sergio & nigriniano coss. his consulibus constans occisus est in galliis à magnentio , & levatus est magnentius die . kal. februar . et vetranio apud sirmium kal. martii . eo anno , & nepotianus romae tertio nonas junias . ●t pugna magna suit cum romanis & magnentianis : i. e. sergius and nigrinianus being consuls , constans was slain in the gallia's by magnentius , and magnentius was set up on the th of the kalends of february . and vetranio at sirmium on the kalends of march. on the same year , nepotianus also at rome on the third of the nones of june . and there was a great battel between the romans and magnentians . the same is recorded in the alexandrian chronicle ; but there , these passages are placed on the consulate of limenius and catullinus , when as they hapned on the year following . which was the year of christ , . vales. * or nigrianus . b constantius was long before emperour of the east . but when constans was dead , who governed the western empire ▪ he was by the souldiers stiled emperour of the whole roman world . vales. c in the florent . m. s. this towns name is written with a double s , thus cucussus . vales. d olympius was bishop of acnum a city of thracia : theodulus was bishop of trajanople , as athanasius attests , ( in epist. ad solitar . ) he mentions the same bishops , in his apologetick de fuga sua , pag. . but these passages are preposterously related by socrates . for they were not done before the magnentian war , as socrates says , but when that war was ended , in the year of christ ; as baronius hath truly remarked . vales. e this person has a great elogue given him in the alexandrian chronicle , at the consulate of sergiu● and nigrinianus : which commendation was taken out of some semi-arian writer . athanasius doth every where speak sharply concerning this leontius . his crafty disposition is incomparably well described by theodoret ; book . chap. . eccles. histor. vales. a in atbanasius the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they banished . ] but in the florent ▪ and sfortian m. ss . the reading ( which i like better ) is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he banished . ] to shew , that this is to be understood of sebastianus the captain of egypt , who then adjudged matters in a detestable course . moreover , all these things are ( as i have said ) related in a preposterous manner by socrates ; in regard they were done in the year of christ , . vales. b the reading is the same in athanasius . but in theodoret ( book . chap. . where this passage of athanasius's is inserted ) the reading is [ they murdered . ] vales. c the same is recorded in idatius's fasti , after the consulate of sergius and nigrinianus , in these words : his coss. levatus est constantius caesar id. martii , & apparuit in oriente signum salvatoris die . kal. februar . lunae . i. e. during these mens consulate constantius [ gallus ] was created caesar on the ides of march , and the sign of our saviour appeared in the east , on the third of the kalends of february , on the th of the moon . but the authour of the alexandrian chronicle says this sign was seen in the east , on the nones of may , about the day of pentecost . to whom agrees cyrillus , philostorgius , and cedrenus . and socrates seems to confirm the same in this place . for he saith , that this sign appeared in the east , when gallus caesar entred antioch . now gallus was created caesar on the ides of march as ( besides idatius ) the authour of the alexandrian chronicle doth affirm . vales. * that is , sirmium . a it is not agreed amongst the learned , in what year the synod of sirmium ( wherein photinus was deprived of his bishoprick ) was held . socrates and sozomen affirm it to have been celebrated after the consulate of sergius an nigrinianus : in which year , by reason of the disturbances caused by the civil war , there were no consuls in the east ; but in the western parts magnentius augustus was consul with gaiso . baronius ( in his ecclesiastick annalls , ) asserts , that that synod was convened in the year of christ ; when constantius augustus was the ninth time consul , and julianus casar the second time . but dionysius petavius ( first in his animadversions on epiphanius , and secondly in his dissertation de duplici synodo sirmiensi , ) doth by most evident arguments demonstrate , that the year of that synod is truly assigned by socrates , after the consulate of sergius and nigrinianus , which was the year of christ . i know jacobus sirmondus hath written two books , wherein he has endeavoured to maintain baronius's opinion against dionysius petavius . but , in regard he himself did not publish those books , that is an evidence sufficient , that at length he acknowledged his own opinion to be false . vales. b the bishops here named by socrates , sate not in that synod of sirmium , which was convened against photinus , after the consulate of sergius and nigrinianus , in the year of christ : but in that other synod , which was convened there when eusebius and hypatius were consuls , in the year of christ , a little before the council of ariminum : which latter synod at sirmium did also set forth that draught of the creed , which was afterwards recited at ariminum ; before which the consuls names were perfixt . and this is evidently made out by germinius , in his epistle to valens , which is recorded in hilarius's fragments ; and by epiphanius , in heres . semiarian . in the former sirmium-synod , assembled against photinus , the eastern bishops only were present : this is attested by hilarius , in his book de synodis , and by vigilius bishop of tapsis in his fifth book against eutyches . vales. c georgius was not at this time ( viz. after the consulate o● sergius and nigrinianus ) bishop of alexandria . for he was created bishop there in the eighth consulate of constantius augustus , and in the first consulate of julianus caesar , which was in the year of christ . wherefore , he could not sit in the former sirmium synod , which deposed photinus in the year of christ . the same must be said of hosius also , who at that time lived under magnentius's jurisdiction : nor was he as yet banished to sirmium . vales. * see chap. . of this book . d theodorus continued to be bishop of heraclea in thracia in the year of chist , as it is manifest from athanasius's circular epistle to the bishops of egypt and libya , pag. : which epistle athanasius wrote in the year of christ , after georgius's entrance into the see of alexandria . wherefore , hypatianus must necessarily have been made bishop of heraclea after the year . sozomen hath made mention of the same hypatianus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. vales. e socrates here means by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ludi circenses , which the consuls , exhibited at their entrance upon their consulate : which by the latines is termed consulatum dare . some consuls , besides the ludi circenses , entertained the people with scenical plays , and with hunting of wild beasts in the amphitheatre . vales. f at this place we follow the sfortian m. s. in which copy this passage is more fully exprest , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. but those [ bishops ] who staid behind , &c. ] incomparably well in my judgment . indeed , that draught of the creed , which was published in the synod of sirmium against photinus , is approved of by hilarius , ( in his book de synodis , ) as being catholick : but athanasius ( in his book de synodis arimini & seleuciae ) condemns and rejects it , in the same manner with the other creeds composed by the arians . nor do hilarius and athanasius disagree with one another concerning this one form of the creed , but about other draughts of it also ; for example , about the antiochian draught . for hilarius confesseth that the eastern bishops had good reason to compose new forms of the creed , when new heresies arose against the church . but athanasius doth maintain , that those new draughts of the creed were craftily composed by the arians , with a design to destroy the nicene creed . further , that this place of socrates , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which was not best for all men ] i had rather read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which was not gratefull to all men . ] and so i have rendred it . vales. * or , other explanations concerning the faith. a socrates ( and with him sozomen , ) is here doubly mistaken . first , because he supposed , that there were three forms of the creed drawn up in the synod of sirmium against photinus ; whereas there was one form only composed in that synod ; which ( besides socrates ) is recorded by athanasius , pag. . and by hilarius , in his book de synodis . edit . paris . . secondly , in regard he asserts , that that form of the creed , which was published in the greek tongue at the synod of sirmium against photinus , was dictated by marcus of arethusa . marcus of arethusa did not dictate that form i have mentioned , but another ; before which the consuls names were prefixt , and which was afterwards recited at ariminum , as nicholaus faber hath already observed ( in the preface he wrote to hilarius's fragments ) from germinius's epistle . we must therefore distinguish between the three synods of sirmium , each of which published their form of the creed . the first was convened against photinus , in the year of christ . the second was assembled in the year of our lord : wherein the blasphemie of hosius and potamius was composed . the third was celebrated when eusebius and hypatius were consuls , in the year of christ ; wherein that creed was drawn up , which marcus of arethusa dictated . vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another ] the reading must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other two , or two more ] as it is in the allat . m. s. for socrates here recounts three draughts of the creed composed at sirmium ; the two latter whereof he saith were written at first in latine , and afterwards translated into greek . which in my judgment is not true . i grant indeed , that that creed , which by hilarius is termed hosius's blasphemie , was at first published in latine . but the other , which had the consuls names prefixt before it , was undoubtedly at first dictated in the greek tongue . for he that dictated it , ( viz. marcus of arethusa ) and the rest of the bishops then assembled were almost all graecians . lastly , the subscriptions of the bishops , who subscribed this form , are extant in greek , in epiphanius ( in hares . semiarian . ) vales. c without doubt it must be [ ariminum , ] not [ sirmium : ] which reading epiphan . scholasticus followed , as appears from his version . see chap. . of this second book . vales. * ephes. . . * are not . d hilarius seems to have read otherwise . for in his book de synodis , where he records this creed , he renders this passage thus : & fiquis , &c. and if any one affirming one god , but shall not profess christ to be god the son of god before ages , &c. vales. † enlarged . * esai . . . † john . . e in the allat . m. s. and in athanasius's book de synodis , this anathema is thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and we have rendred it accordingly : after the same manner hilarius read this passage , as from his version appears . vales. † gen. . . f this whole anathematism was omitted here : it occurs in athanasius's and hilarius's copy of this creed ; and therefore we inserted it . vales. the learned reader will find it in robert stephens edit . also . † gen. . . g this anathematism is differently worded in all the authours ( we have seen ) wherein this creed occurs . valesius says , that he has published it according to the reading of the florent . and sfortian m. ss . which copies we have followed in our english version : where it is thus worded in the greek : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in robert stephens is different from this ; and so is that in athanasius , pag. : where 't is thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. hilarius has translated otherwise , as appears from his version , at pag. . edit . paris ▪ . his words are these : siquis dominum & dominum patrem & filium ▪ quasi dominum a domino intelligat : quia dominum & dominum duos dicat deos ▪ anathema sit . thus variously is this anathematism represented . the learned reader may take the liberty ( as we have done , ) to follow which copy he pleases . h we follow the reading in hilarius , and in athanasius ; where it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sodom . ] in robert stephens the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for neither did he descend into the body . ] * psal. . . † see john . . i here we follow the reading in athanasius , which is thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for the father was not forced , &c. which reading is confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus , and by hilarius . vales. * cor. . . k athanasius has the same words in his book de synodis arimini & seleuciae : where , after he had inserted this foregoing creed , he adds these words concerning this which follows ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. having rejected all these things , as if they had invented better , they promulge another creed , which they wrote at sirmium in latine , but it was translated into greek . but hilarius recording this creed in his book de synodis , prefixes this title before it : exemplum blasphemiae , &c. a copy of the blasphemy composed at sirmium by hosius and potamius . which title hilarius made himself , and deservedly calls this creed blasphemy . who this potamius , here joyned with hosius was , marcellinus presbyter informs us in the supplicatory libel which he presented to the emperour theodosius . where , amongst the corrupters of the divine and apostolick faith , after arius , he in the first place names this person : his words are these : potamius odyssiponae civitatis episcopus , &c. i. e. potamius bishop of lisbon was at first a defender of the catholick faith , but afterwards induced by the reward of a farm belonging to the emperours revenue ( which he was very desirous of , ) be corrupted the faith. hosius of corduba amongst the churches in spain detected this man , and repelled him as being an impious heretick . but , even hosius himself , summoned before the emperour constantius by the complaint of this potamius , and terrified with threats , was fearfull ( being old and rich ) of banishment , or proscription , and so yielded to the impiety . vales. l these three words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the rest ] occur not in the latine copy of this draught of the creed . but they are extant in athanasius , and in all our m. ss . copies . hence 't is manifest that many bishops were at that time convened at sirmium . indeed phoebadius bishop of angolesm [ in france , ] in the epistle he wrote against this draught of the creed , does expresly affirm that it was published in a synod of bishops . the same is sufficiently confirmed by athanasius , in the forequoted place . lastly , in regard hilarius ( in his foresaid book ) does attest , that this creed , after it had been dictated at sirmium , was forthwith sent to all the eastern and western bishops to be approved by them ; he evidently shews it to have been dictated in a synod . nor can the draught of a creed be any where dictated but in a synod of bishops . further , that germinius here mentioned , was bishop of sirmium , put into photinus's see upon his being ejected , in the year of christ . nicolaus faber ( in his preface to hilarius's fragments , ) says that this germinius had before been bishop of cyzicum ; which i do not believe . that place in athanasius ( in his epist. ad solitar . pag. ; where he reproves the emperour constantius because , contrary to the ecclesiastick canons , he would send obscure fellows , born in remote countries , to be bishops in the cities ; ) deceived that learned man : athanasius's words there are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so he sent gregorius from cappadocia to alexandria . and germinius was by him sent from the city cyzicum to sirmium . from laodicea he sent cecropius to nicomedia . from these words of athanasius it cannot be concluded , that germinius had been bishop of cyzicum before . otherwise , the same must be said concerning gregorius and cecropius , that the latter had been before bishop of laodicea , and the former in cappadocia , which , in regard 't is evidently false in these two , cannot be said of germinius . this germinius was preferred to the episcopate of sirmium by the arians , because he was a most eager defender of their opinion . this we are informed of by athanasius , in his circular letter to the bishops of egypt and libya , pag. . vales. m in the allat . and sfortian . m. ss . and in epiphanius's version these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and god ] occur ; in athanasius and hilarius they are wanting . vales. * john . . † rom. . , . † substance , or essence . † that is , of the same substance , or essence . * that is , of like substance , or essence . ‖ esai . . . † see john . . † matth. . . n in athanasius it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he might teach . vales. * see chap. . note ( b. ) o epiphanius ( in h●r●s . photinian . ) relates , that photinus , after he had been condemned and deposed in the synod of sirmium , ( for so the reading must be , not , in the synod of scrdica . ) went to constantius , and requested that he might dispute concerning the faith before judges by him nominated : and that constantius enjoyned basilius bishop of ancyra to undertake the disputation against photinus , and gave leave , that thalassius , datianus , cerealis , and taurus , who were counts ▪ should be judges or auditours of that disputation . amongst these thalassius was the chief person in favour and authority with the emperour ( as zosimus tells us in his second book . ) and was sent prefect of the pretorium into the east together with gallus caesar , in the year of christ . he died in the year of our lord , in the sixth consulate of constantius augustus , and in the second of gallus caesar ; as amm. marcellinus relates book . therefore the synod of sirmium , and the disputation of basilius against photinus cannot fall on the year of christ , as baronius asserts . besides , epiphanius says further , that in basilius's disputation against photinus , callicrates was a notary , who had before been notary to rufinus prefect of the praetorium . now , rufinus was prefect of the praetorium in the gallia's , in the sixth consulate of constantius augustus , and in the second of gallus caesar , as amm. marcellinus tells us book . . but , two years before he had been praefect of illyricum . now , in the year of christ , anatolius , not rufinus , bore the praefecture of the praetorium in illyricum . further , it may be evidently concluded from germinius's being made bishop , that the synod of sirmium against photinus ( wherein photinus was ejected out of his bishoprick , ) was not held in the year of christ . for , germinius was bishop of sirmium , before georgius intruded himself into the see of alexandria upon athanasius's ejectment , as athanasius relates in the circular letter he wrote to the bishops of egypt and libya , at such ▪ time as georgius was in possession of the alexandrian see. moreover , georgius entred upon the see of alexandria in the beginning of the year , as it is evident from the protestation of the alexandrians which is extant at the close of athanasius's epistle ad solitar . seeing therefore germinius was bishop of sirmium before the year of our lord , photinus also ( whom germinius succeeded ) must necessarily have been deposed before this year . athanasius ( in epist. ad solitar . pag. , where he recounts the ordinations of extraneous persons made by constantius ; ) does in the first place mention gregorius's ordination ; then , germinius's and cecropius's ; afterwards auxentius's ; and at last georgius's . amongst these persons , gregorius was made bishop of alexandria in the year of christ . germinius succeeded photinus in the episcopate of sirmium in the year : after he had been sent for by constantius then residing at sirmium , as athanasius relates in the fore-quoted place ; which the latine translatour has rendred ill . on the same year cecropius was made bishop of nicomedia , as it may be concluded from the foresaid passage in athanasius . lastly , auxentius was preferred to the bishoprick of millaine in the year of our lord : and on the year following georgius thrust himself into the see of alexandria . vales. p in the allat . m. s. it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he wrote books ] which reading is confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus's version . vales. † that is , in greek , and latine . q socrates borrowed this passage out of athanasius's book de synodis arimin . & seleuciae . but herein he mistakes ; viz. what athanasius had said concerning the third form of the creed drawn up at sirmium , ( before which the consuls names were prefixt , ) socrates attributes to the second , composed by hosius and potamius . the place in athanasius is extant at pag. : but in regard of its length we forbear quoting the words here . petavius ( in his animadversions on epiphanius , pag. . ) has followed this mistake of socrates's . vales. a i noted before , that hosius's banishment to sirmium , and the form of the creed drawn up by him , are here preposterously related by socrates . for hosius's lapse hapned in the year of christ . as baronius has truly observed . vales. * sign● . a in the allat . m. s. this place is called [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , monto seleucus . ] epiphanius scholasticus terms it the mountain seleucus . we have the site of this place in the jerusalem itinerary . vales. b it is something otherwise in idatius's fasti : thus : in the sixth consulate of constantius and the second of constantius gallus , magnentius killed himself in the gallia's at lyons , on the third of the ides of august ; and decentius , brother to magnentius , hanged himself on the fifteenth of the kalends of september . in the alexandr . chronicle , the year of magnentius's death is falsely set down ; but the day is noted to have been on the fourteenth of the ides of august . vales. a i corrected this place by the assistance of the allat . m. s. of sozomen , and cedrenus . in the allat . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he slew them because they had acquainted the emperour with his de●ign . ] sozomen's words ( book . chap. . ) are almost the same . but epiphanius , our m. ss . copies , and the alexandrian chronicle retain the vulgar reading , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he ( that is , gallus ) having not acquainted the emperour with his design of slaying domitianus , &c. vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into gallia ] the reading in the allat . m. s. is truer ; which is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into italy : ] which reading we have followed in our version . vals . c julius bishop of rome died on the twelfth of april , when constantius augustus was consul the fifth time , and constantius caesar the first time ; which was the year of christ : after he had sat bishop fifteen years , one month , and eleven days ; as it is recorded in the antient book concerning the roman bishops , which is published together with victorius aquitanus's cycle . vales. * book . chap. . a who these ephecticks were , we may know from diogenes laërtius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. philosophers ( says he ) were generally divided into two sorts ; some were termed dogmatici , who discoursed concerning things as they might be comprehended : others were called ephectici , who define nothing , and dispute of things so as they cannot be comprehended . see diogen laërt . in proëm . de vit. philos. pag. . edit . colon. allobrog . . of these ephecticks ( whom we may in english call doubters ) the scepticks were one species . b in the original , the term is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] unbegotten ] which is used instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without a beginning ; ] wherefore , we have rendred it accordingly . vales. * that is , one that believes there is no god. † or , methods of arguing . c in the allatian m. s. instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that ▪ haeretical opinion ] the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that contentious and verbose way of disputing : ] but epiphanius scholasticus follows the vulgar reading , and so does suidas , in the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] where he transcribes this passage of our socrates . vales. a we meet with the same number in sozomen , book . chap. . but 't is scarce credible that so great a number of bishops should have been convened at this council of millaine : i should rather think that the copies of socrates and sozomen were false ; and that instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three hundred ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirty . ] in the epistle of the council of millaine sent to eusebius bishop of vercellae , there are the names of thirty bishops only , who consented to the condemnation of athanasius , marcellus , and photinus . amongst whom some eastern bishops are recounted , as you may see in baronius , at the year of christ . vales. b paulinus bishop of triers was not present at the council of millaine , but at that of orleance , which had been convened two years before , in the year of christ . see baronius . vales. c the reading is the same in sozomen , book . chap. . but baronius has long since remarked , that alba is here put instead of millaine , for millaine ( not alba ) was the metropolis of italy . and dionysius , who then opposed constantius and the arians , was not bishop of alba , but of millaine , as athanasius attests in his epistle a● solitar . vales. * that is , paulinus , dionysius , and eusebius . a these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. ● . the emperour issued out these orders with a designe to unite them in opinion ] are wanting in robert stephens's edition : we have inserted them , upon the authority of the florentine and sfortian m. ss . vales. b the death of leontius bishop of antioch hapned in the year of christ ; constantius residing then at rome , as baronius has truly remarked . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , undermined , or burrowed into the bishoprick of antioch . c leontius bishop of antioch , had at first preferred aëtius to a diaconate : but being afterwards reproved by diodorus and flavianus , because he had advanced a person to sacred orders who had been bred up in ill studies , and was an assertour of impious tenets ; he divested him of his deaconship , as theodoret relates ( eccles. hist. book . chap. . ) eudoxius therefore , as soon as he had gotten the bishoprick of antioch , attempted to restore aëtius to his former preferment . vales. † deaconship . * book . chap. . * chap. . d we remark't before , ( book . chap. . note ( b. ) that this third exposition of faith was not translated out of latine ; but was at first dictated in greek by marcus arethusius . athanasius , who has recorded this creed in his book de synodis , does not say it was translated out of latine ; and yet , where-ever he produceth any monument rendred into greek out of the latine tongue , his continual usage is to give the reader warning of it . further , these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. this creed was translated out of latine [ into greek , ] the contents thereof are these ] are wanting in robert stephens's edition ; nor are they in epiphanius scholasticus's version . vales. e in athanasius's book de synodis pag. ; the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before every comprehensible substance . ] vales. * substance . f the latter part of this sirmian creed is set down by germinius in his epistle to ●ufianus , palladius , and others , in these words : nam sub bonae memoriae constantio imperatore , &c. for under the emperour constantius of good memory , when there began to be a dissention amongst some concerning the faith ; in the presence of the said emperour , there being also present georgius bishop of the alexandrian church , pancratius of pelusium , basilius at that time bishop of anquiritum , valens , ursacius , and our slenderness ; after a dispute had concerning the faith untill night , when it was reduced to a certain rule , marcus was chosen by us all to dictate it : in which creed it is thus written , the son is in all things like the father , as the divine scriptures do affirm and teach . to which entire prosession of faith we all gave our consent , and subscribed it with our hands . their subscriptions are extant in epiphanius ( in haeres . semiarian . cap. . ) which ought to be annexed to this draught of the creed . the same form of the sirmian creed is mentioned in the exposition of the faith at seleucia , which epiphanius hath recorded in the foresaid heresie , chap. ; in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. moreover , that that draught of the creed heretosore published at sirmium in the presence of the piety of our emperour [ constantius ] does exactly agree with this form of the creed , is very well known by them who have read that creed ; which was subscribed by them ●hat were then present , to wit , basilius , marcus , geo●gius bishop of alexandria , pancratius , hypatianus , and most of the western bishops . vales. g the passage in athanasius here quoted by socrates , occurs at the beginning of his epistle de synod● arimini & seleuciae . vales. h we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things ] as it is in athanasius : see the forequoted passage . vales. i for this is the title prefixt before the exposition of faith at sirmium [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & c. this chatholick creed was expounded and published in the presence of our lord the most pious and victorious emperour constantius augustus , eternal augustus , &c. ] as it is extant in athanasius , at the fore-quoted place . which words i therefore annext here , because our socrates , in his recitation of that draught of the creed , has omitted these titles . indeed constantius did so readily give credence to such flatteries as these , that speaking of himself in his edicts and letters , he would sometimes assert his own eternity . this is attested by amm. marcellinus , not far from the beginning of his fifteenth book , in these words : quo ille ( speaking of constantius ) studio blandi●iarum exquisito sublatus ▪ immunemque se deinde fore ab omni mortalitatis incommodo fidenter existimans , confestim à justitia declinavit ita intemperanter , u● aeternitatem meam aliquoties subsereret ipse dictando , &c. vales. * see isai. . . and hosea . . † jeremiah . . * addition . † he speaks ●ronically . * writing . * see luk. . . k in athanasius the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into the madness : ] which is the better reading : for he means the montanists , to whom madness is deservedly attributed . the term here , in socrates , is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impious opinion . ] vales. † see eusebius eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( c. ) and book . chap. . l this letter of the ariminum synod is extant in latine , in hilarius , amongst the fragments of his book de synodis , pag. . edit . paris . : out of whom we have transc●ibed it , and placed it here instead of a version . it ought not to seem strange to any person , to see so great a disagreement between the greek version and the original latine copy of this epistle . for this is an usual thing with greek translatours , as often as they render latine into greek ; which may be easily perceived from the emperours rescripts , which occur in eusebius's ecclesiastical history . but , we need not fetch examples hereof from any other place , than from this letter : in which do occur almost as many mistakes in the greek translation of it , as there are periods in the letter . but , the beginning of this letter is commonly thus worded in hilarius ▪ lubente deo ex praecepto pietatis tuae credimus f●isse dispos●tum , &c. by gods pleasure we believe it hath been ordered by the command of your piety , &c. but in the m. s. copy made use of by jacobus sirmondus , the reading is thus : jubente deo , &c. by gods will , &c. so the greek translatour reads it ▪ whom we have followed in this place . any one may with good reason conjecture , that [ jubente deo , by gods will ] is written instead of [ juvante deo , by gods assistance . ] vales. * or , place of the ariminensians . † salvation . * or , consult . m these words have no very good coherence with the preceding sentence . i conjecture that this place was transposed in the latine copies . therefore , next these words [ a passage would be opened to the poisons of hereticks , ] those , in my judgment , are to be placed , which follow a little after ; in this manner : constantine being present in this [ consult , ] in regard , after a searching disquisition , &c. unto these words [ our lord jesus christ. ] to which are to be subjoyned these [ therefore ursacius and valens , &c. ] vales. n at chap. of this book , note ( a. ) we have remarkt many things concerning this first synod of millaine , wherein ursacius , and valens having presented a libel of satisfaction , condemned the arian heresie . the said persons confirm the same in another libel , which they presented afterwards to julius bishop of rome , at rome ; in these words : haereticum vero arium &c. sicut per priorem nostrum libellum , quem apud mediolanum porreximus , & nunc & semper anathematizasse profitemur . vales. † maimings . * understanding . p these words are spoken against ursacius and valens , and their followers ; who daily promulged new forms of the creed , hereby demonstrating that they had no certain faith ; as athanasius frequently objects against them . vales. * taken away . q here i followed the greek translatour of this epistle ; and corrected the latine copy . for in hilarius's fragments , the common reading of this place is this [ ne vel permittat clementia tua jura vetera convelli , that your clemency would not permit the ancient laws to be reversed . ] in the m. s. copy , which sirmondus had seen , the reading is [ ne vel aliquid permittat clementia tua injuriam veterum convelli . ] whence we smelt out the true reading , which we have exprest in our version . vales. r here the greek translatour was grievously out ; for instead of credulity he has rendred it cruelty . vales. * or , have . s the greek translatour of this letter makes use of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , divinity , here : but in athanasius 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sanctity . it is improbable that the bishops should have said , the divinity of the emperour . vales. t this letter of constantius's , together with the answer of the bishops at ariminum , is extant in athanasius's book de synodis , near the close of it . vales. * or , perform . u socrates is here mistaken . for liberius was not banished , and felix the deacon put into his see , after the synod of ariminum ; but long befo●e , in the year of christ , . vales. * that is , ursacius's party . x in the kings m. s. ( which copy robert stephens followed , ) and in robert stephens's edition , there are several words wanting in the text at this place : we have made up this chasme fr●●●he 〈◊〉 and sfortian m. ss . after this manner [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. embraced the arian opinion , and was preferred to that bishoprick . but there are some who affirm , that he was not addicted to the arian opinion , but was by force . ] moreover , baronius maintaines , that felix the deacon , preserred by acacius to liberius's see , never was an arian , but was defiled with the communion only of the arians . theodoret affirms the same , in the second book chap. . of his eccles hist. and so does sozomon book . chap. . vales. y the embassadours of the synod of ariminum ( who were sent to constantius , ) having been corrupted by ursacius and valens , held a council at nice a town of thracia , on the sixth of the ides of october , in the consulate of eusebius and hypatius . in which council they in the first place rescinded the sentence of excommunication , which the ariminum bishops had pronounced against ursacius , valens , and the rest : and pronounced them to be , and always to have been catholicks . then , they published an haeretical form of the creed . part of their acts are extant in hillarius's fragments , pag. , &c. where are recounted names of those that were embassadours . vales. a this place is in an especial manner to be taken notice of . for from it we conclude , that the bishop of constantinople had even then a right of ordaining throughout hellespont and bithynia , before the council of constantinople [ was held . ] the same is confirmed from the acts of eudoxius bishop of constantinople , who made eunomius bishop of cyzicum ; indeed , the bishops of byzantium had a very great addition of authority and power , from the time that the emperour constantine gave that city his own name , and ordered it should be equal to the senior rome . also , eusebius of nicomedia , after his translation to that see , brought no small increase [ of jurisdiction ] to it . for he was the most potent prelate of his own times . further , the reader is to take notice , that the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lying near to constantinople ; ] so epiphanius scholasticus reads it . unless we should say , that the words are transposed here . ( as it frequently happens in these books ; ) and that the place is thus to be construed [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. macedonius in constantinople subverted the neighbouring provinces , &c. vales. * see chap. . of this book . † that is , the bishop of the novatians . * that is , the bread and wine in the eucharist . † or , chests . b polybius says the same , in the fourth book of his history , and strabo , in his sixth book , to wit , that ceras is a bay near byzantium , so termed from its likeness to an harts horn . but pliny calls a promontory by this name , scituated in that bay. to whom agrees amm. marcellinus , book . pag. . edit . paris . . which place ( because the common reading of it is very corrupt , and is not yet mended in our edition , ) shall be here set down by me , as it ought to be read ; thus : & promontorium ceras , praelucentem navibus vehens constructam celsius turrim : quapropter ceratas appellatur ventus inde suctus oriri praegelidus : i. e. and the promontory ceras , on which stands a tower built very high which gives light to the ships : wherefore , that extream cold winde , which usually arises from thence , is termed ceratas . thus i have corrected this place , having followed the footsteps of the written reading : for the common reading , ( which is this , & promontorium ceras pralucentem navibus vehens constructam celsius turrim , quapropter pharos appellatur : & vetus inde fons euripu● pragelidus . ) the authour whereof was petrus castellus , is without any sense . it was the usage of the ancients to name the winds from those places whence they blew . thus , the athenians called the north-west wind scironites , because it blew from the promontory sciron , as strabo relates . after the same manner therefore , that wind was by the constantinopolitans called ceratas , which blew from the promontory ceras . vales. c in the allat . m. s. and in epiphanius scholasticus , this old man is called auxonius . but at the beginning of this chapter , and in socrates's first book , he is named auxano . from this auxano socrates seems to me to have had all the stories throughout his history , which he relates concerning the novatians , of whom he tells very many . vales. * or , bring ruine upon this church also . * that is , the resurrection , a fit name ; in regard it rose again , as it were , in the same place it stood in before . d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading must undoubtedly ●e [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to pray ; ] which i wonder christophorson did not perceive . further , what socrates relates here , to wit , that the catholicks prayed in the churches of the novatians , seems to me incredible . our socrates was , in my judgment imposed upon by old auxano , who fixed that upon all the catholicks , which was perhaps done by some few christians , who were less cautious . for there is nothing more contrary to ecclesiastick , discipline , than to communicate with hereticks , either in the sacraments , or in prayer . but in my opinion they are mistaken , who from this relation do conclude socrates to have been a novatian : yea , it is evidently manifest from this place , that he was a catholics . for in this chapter he frequently terms the catholicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those of the church ; and opposes them to the novatians . therefore he lookt upon the novatians to be without the church . vales. * or , they chose . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , numbers . † hatred . e the amendment of this place is to be acknowledged as due to the allatian m. s. wherein 't is thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. wherefore for this reason , as well they who had entred that church , as those that continued in it and prayed , &c. ] for in the florent , and and sfortian m. s. this place is enlarged but by one word only , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. wherefore for this reason they who pres●ded over &c. ] but this chasme is made up by the allat . m. s. to which agrees epiphan . scholasticus's version . but his rendring [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , custodes , keepers ] i like not , i should rather translate the term thus , those that made their abode for some time in the church , upon account of praying there . vales. f in the sfortian m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spoiled , which i think to be better than ▪ [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comprehended , or contained . ] vales. g i made good this place from the incomparable allat . m. s. our other ▪ m. ss . make no alteration here : but when i perceived the vulgar reading ( which is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. and it ran to the adjatent porch , even to the street ) to be wholly un●outh , i was not scrupulous of admitting the reading of the allat . m. s. which is this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and the well therein overflowed with bloud , which ran even into , &c. ] socrates says , there was so great a slaughter of men , that the church-yard of saint acacius was filled with mans bloud ; and the well therein overflowed with bloud , in such sort that it ran into the neighbouring porch , and from thence into the street . vales. a this persons name should not be tatianus , but dacianus ▪ for so he is called in the fasti consulares , and in ammianus marcellinus . this man was one of libanius's chiefest friends ; to whom libanius wrote very many of his epistles , which are extant in the fourth book of his epistles . in the epistle of that book he mentions his consulate , and says he was schollar to one of the emperours , and master to the other : his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. but your actions are illustrious , and better than that they should be extinguished . for your consulate , and the honours bestowed upon you by the emperours , and your having been one of the emperours schollars , and the others master : moreover , the stateliness , of your houses , and the numerousness , largeness , and handsomeness of your bathes : all these things will for ever retain your name , although your body does depart . in the epistle of the same book , there is extant this elogue of datianus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for , to hear such and so many brave exploits of a person , who has erected so many kingdoms , and has been beneficial to so many men , nor has ever hurt any body , who is eminent for prudence , and has filled the earth and sea with the glory of his name ; is , to a man of discretion , greater than all present or future wealth . and , at the close of the same epistle , he intimates , that the same datianus had a seat at constantinople ; and that in antioch and the suburbs thereof , he had houses and palaces beautified with fountaines and bathes ; to take a view whereof he invites him . vales. b at this place occurs no trivial difficulty . for the destruction of the city nicomedia hapned when datianus and cerealis were consuls , in the year of christ , on the month of august . but the councill of seleucia was held on the year following , in the consulate of eusebius and hypatius , in the month of september . these things therefore hapned not in one and the same year . wherefore it seemeth , that the reading at this place should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the year following . ] or , if the common reading must be retained , we must understand our authours meaning to be , that the councill of bishops at seleucia was held on the same year with the ariminum councill . vales. c this leonas was questor of the sacred palace : and lauricius was comes of isauria , as ammianus marcellinus doth attest . vales. * or lives . a the reading of this place is in the allat . m. s. more full , thus , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we have exprest in our version ; it being confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus , ( only he puts leonas before lauricius , which is undoubtedly truest : ) and by epiphanius , in haeres . semiarian . cap. . where this profession of faith is recorded entire . vales. see epiphanius , edit . petav. pag. , &c. * see this term explained at chap. , of this book , note , ( h. ) † see chap. . of this book , note ( h. ) ‖ colos. . . b this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we look upon , or account ] is wanting in our m. ss . it was first inserted by the publishers of the geneva edition , from christophorson● version . but in regard we found not this reading in any manuscript copy , we took the boldness to expunge it . in epiphanius , ( in haeres . semiarian , pag. . ) and in atbanasius ( in his book de synod . arimini & seleuciae ; ) the reading of this place is thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the catholick church hath determined them to be alienated [ from it . ] i found the same reading in the allat . m. s. after these words there follow ( in epiphanius ) the names of those bishops , who subscribed this draught of the creed ; being in number about fourty . but before those subscriptions , something is added there , which deserves to be set down here . the words therefore in dionysius petavius's edition are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. now , that that creed lately published at sirmium , in the presence of the piety of our emperour , does exactly agree with this creed , is a thing manifestly known to those who have read that creed . then follows another chapter , after this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( i doubt not but the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to which subscribed . ) i. e. to which they who were present subscribed , basilius , marcus , georgius bishop of alexandria , pancratius , hypatianus , and most of the western bishops . vales. c in the florent . and allat . m. ss . as saies vales. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we have exprest in our version . but valesius follows the other reading , which is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what it had the knowledge of before . ] d nay ; long before cyrill , the donatists appealed from the determination of the council of orleans . for thus the emperour constantine speaks concerning them in his epistle : ò rabida furoris audacia ! sicut in causis gentilium solet , appellationem interposuerunt : i. e. o the outragious audaciousness of fury ! as 't is usually done in the cases of the heathens , they have put in an appeal . vales. e these two lines [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a general consent they might pa●s a definitive sentence against the persons accused . for they had cited some other persons besides , that were accused , ] were at this place , wanting in the common editions ; we have inserted them from the florentine and sfortian m. ss . to which agrees epiphanius scholasticus's version . but christophorson made up the chasme at this place very unhappily by conjecture : whence it appears , that he had no manuscript copies of socrates , but various readings only , gathered from the margins of printed copies . vales. f this persons name should be uranius ( not ursacius ; ) so he is called in athanafius's book , de synod . arimin . & seleuciae . pag. . which name also epiphanius scholasticus gives him ; as does likewise epiphanius , ( in haeres . semiarian . ) who names him among the bishops that subscribed the acacian creed . vales. g in the florentine and allatian m. ss . this person is named ( not theodorus , but more truly ) theodulus . for that is his name in athanastus , epiphanius , and philostorgius . when this theodulus had been divested of the bishoprick of chaeretapi , in the council held at seleucia , he was afterwards ordained bishop of palestina by the eunomians , as philostorgius relatet . concerning leontius of tripolis you may meet with many passages in philostorgius . vales. h into his see they put one philippus a presbyter of scythopolis , as epiphanius attests , in haeres . semiarian . vales. * or , by making their defence . i it should be but one word , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so the greeks term the libels of protestation , ( or , protests , ) which were usually deposited with the acts. we meet a form of one of these libels , at the close of athanasius's epistle ad solitarios . i suppose , that two libels of protestation were delivered by the council ; one to leonas the comes ; another to lauricius president of isauria . vales. a in the old fasti ( put forth by jacobus sirmondus under the name of idatius , ) there is this record concerning this thing : eusebio & hypatio , his consulibus primum processit constantinopoli praefectus vrbis , nomine honoratus , die tertio idû● decembris : i. e. in the consulate of eusebius and hypatius a praefect of constantinople was first made , his name honoratus , on the third of the ides of december . vales. b before the emperour constantius had made a praefect of the city at constantinople , the province europa ( the chief city whereof was constantinople ) was governed by a proconsul ▪ as socrates here attests . athanasius mentions this proconsul , in his apologetick de fugâ suâ , not far from the beginning ; where he says that the emperour constantius wrote letters to donatus the proconsul ▪ against olympius bishop of thracia . in the emperour constantius's epistle also , which he wrote to the senate and constantinopolitan-people concerning the praises of themistius , there is mention of this proconsul ; at the close of that epistle . vales. c that is , the greed which had the consuls names praefixt . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ so this place is worded in the original . what the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were , i have long since explained in my notes on amm. marcellinus ▪ to wit , the bodies or sodalities of officials or apparitours who attended upon the presidents and governours of provinces . it was their duty to collect the tribute from the inhabitants of the provinces , and to put in execution the presidents orders . further , as they who had listed themselves in the camp-milice , stood obliged by a military-oath , and enjoyed not a compleat liberty , but were bound in a servitude as it were , till such time as they were disbanded , ( as suidas declares , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) so those officials , who followed the city-milice , were bound to this employment as it were , and lyable to the offices of their milice ; and their farms , as well as those of the decurions , were incumbred with these burdens , as 't is apparent from the theodofian code . vales. e in the alexandrian chronicle , seventy two bishops are said to have been present at the constantinopolitan-synod , in the year of christ , . vales. * or , who is the only begotten born , the only of the only father , &c. * substance . f in athanafius's book de synodis , pag. ▪ the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor ought , &c. ] to which agrees the version of the latine translatour . which is also confirmed by athanasius himself , in the same book , pag. ▪ the place we will quote by and by . vales. a satala was a town in armenia ; of which there is frequent mention amongst the antients . but in macedonia , no mention is made of a city of this name by the ancients . wherefore i judge , that instead of macedonia , it should be armenia , here in the greek text. vales. a sozomen , book . chap. . says 't was at neocaesarea . vales. b these words of socrates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those who had an aversion for , or , detested the churches ] are not to be understood of all those who declined the churches : but they must be joyned to the foregoing words , and are to be meant of those persons , who by eustathius's perswasion had separated themselves from the converse of their wives . eustathius perswaded these men to avoid the churches assemblies , and not to communicate with other believers ; but that , being as it were pure and perfect , they should participate of the sacred mysteries by themselves at home . see what epiphanius has related concerning this eustathius , in his hare●●e of the a●riani ▪ and basilius , in his epistles . vales. c i am not of socrates's opinion , who makes the synod of gangra ( wherein eustathius was condemned ) to have been after that assembled at seleucia , and after the constantinopolitan-synod . sozomen ( book . chap. . ) makes the synod of gangra to be ancienter than the council of antioch , which was held at the dedication in the year of christ . indeed , baronius ( at the year of christ . ) places the synod of gangra in the reign of constantine the great . but he is confuted both by socrates and sozomen . for socrates makes that synod to be later than the seleucian and constantinopolitan synod . but sozomen places it after eustathius's deposition , which was done by eusebius bishop of constantinople . now , eusebius thrust himself into the constantinopolitan ▪ see in constantius's reign , as 't is agree'd amongst all men . lastly , basilius ( in his seventy fourth epistle , which he wrote to the western bishops against eustathius bishop of sebastia , ) makes no mention of the council of gangra . whence 't is manifest , that at such time as basilius wrote that epistle ( which he did in vaten●'s reign , ) the council of gangra , wherein eustathius was condemned , had not been held . some one will peradventure say , ( which is objected by baronius ) that that eustathius condemned in the synod of gangra was a different person from eustathius of sebastia . but this is gratis dictum , no● is it founded on the authority of any authour . vales. d i have rendered this place so , as to refer these words [ to ariminum ] to these [ they sent : ] which version of ours is confirmed by athanasius , in his book de synodis , pag. ▪ his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ &c. having written these things in isauria , they departed to constantinople , and repenting as it were [ of what they had done , ] according to their usual manner they altered their draught : and when they had added some words , [ to wit ] that [ the term ] subsistence should , not be used in relation to the father , and the son , and the holy ghost , they sent this [ form of ] the creed to th●se at ariminum , &c. which passage in athanasius , socrates does seem to transcribe here , epiphanius scholasticus and christophorson have rendred this place to this effect ; having done this , they sent the creed read at ariminum together with its supplement , &c. vales. * constantinople . e i perfected and mended this place from the florentine and sfortian copies . concerning the consecration of this church , it is thus recorded in idarius's fasti : constantio decimo , &c. in constantius's tenth and julianus's third consulate , the great church at constantinople was consecrated , on the fifteenth of the kalends of march. cedrenus ( in his chronicon ) says this was the second consecration of this church . for it was first consecrated , says he , by eusebius bishop of constantinople . but being afterwards ruined , it was re-edified by constantius augustus , and consecrated by eudoxius . see the chronicon alexandrinum , where many passages ( in no wise trivial ) occur concerning this consecration . vales. a i can scarce believe , that meletius was translated from sebastia in armenia to the episcopate of beroea . for sozomen and theodoret , and ( before them ) jerome do affirm , that he was translated from sebastia in armenia to the see of antioch , making no mention of his being bishop of beroea . theodoret says only thus much , that upon meletius's being promoted to the bishoprick of sebastia , perceiving a contumacy in those under his charge , he retired from thence to some other place . then therefore he went to beroea , as i conjecture ; but he presided not over the city of beroea . this mistake of socrates's was perceived by baronius , at the year of christ . which he corrects so , as to affirm , that meletius was translated from beroea to sebastia , not from sebastia to beroea . which , as i suppose , is not true , in regard neither theodoret nor sozomen have affirmed that concerning meletius . vales. b this persons name is written sometimes with an [ e ] thus meletius ; sometimes with an [ i ] thus melitius . see eusebius's eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( a ) pag. . a translatours understood not this place . and yet they might have been informed from harpocration's lexicon , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here used , ) does signifie adulterate , or , counterfeit ▪ by a metaphor taken from money which has a false stamp . socrates therefore calls homoiöusios ( for so 't is to be written , agreeable to the florentine and sfortian manuscripts ; and the import of the term is , that the son is of a substance , or essence like to the father : ) an adulterate name , because 't is corrupted , and counterfeitly put instead of homoöusios ( i. e. that the son is of the same substance , or essence with the father : ) which is the name of the true and uncorrupted creed . further , the acacians rejected as well the term homoïousios ▪ as homoöusios ; and retained only homo●os ( i. e. like the father ; ) and wholly abhorred the term ousia ( i. e. substance . ) vales. * that is , that the son is of a substance , or essence like to the father . b this place is corrupted by a transposition of the words ; which may easily be rectified thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from thence forward manifestly asserted the term homoiousios , whereas before this they had not openly owned it . nor do i doubt but socrates wrote thus . christophorson and musculus apprehended not the meaning of this place . but epiphanius scholasticus's rendition of it agrees with our version : only instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as many as ▪ the reading in his copy seems to have been [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for as many as ] which displeaseth us not . vales. * that is , adversaries , or opposers of the holy spirit . c in the allatian manuscript , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about hellespont ] vales. † that is , like the father . * they termed them anomoei , because of their asserting the son to be unlike the father . † they had this name , in regard they maintained the son to be made of nothing , or , of things which are not . see athanasius , pag. . edit . paris ; whence socrates borrowed these names for these hereticks . * cor. . . † or , fallacy . d in the allatian m. s. he is called erennius ; where this whole passage is thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. at jerusalem , cyrillus having been deposed , as has been said , erennius succeeded in that church : after whom , e●racius ▪ and after him hilarius . but jerome ( in his chronicon ) calls him irenius : for this is the reading in the most correct copies , and in johannes miraeus's edition ; maximus hieroso●ymorum episcopus moritur . post quem , ecclesiam a●iani invadunt , id est cyrillus , eutychius , rursum cyrillus , irenius , tertiò cyrillus , hila●ius , quarto cyrillus : id est , maximus bishop of jerusalem dies ; after whom , the a●ians invade that church , that is , cyrillus , eutychius , cyrillus the second , irenius , cyrillus the third , hilarius , cyrillus the fourth . in nicephorus constantinopolitanus's chronicon , he is very corruptly called arsenius . vales. maximus bishop of jerusalem had at his death ordained heraclius to be his successour . but acacius bishop of caesarea , together with some other arian bishops , slighting his ordination , substituted cyrillus in the room of maximus being now dead . this cyrillus degraded heraclius from his episcopal dignity , and reduced him to the degree of a presbyter ; as jerome relates in his chronicon . vales. a the arians asserted a tenet neer of kin to this of the apollinaristae , or apollinariuns . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. arius ( says athanasius de adv. christi , ) prosesses the flesh only to be the cover of the deity : and asserts the word to have been in the flesh , in the stead of our inner man , that is , the soul. in this opinion he was followed by eunomius , as theodoret informs us , contr. haeres . book . chap. . but the apollinarians differred from him : for they distinguished ( as we may see from this passage in our socrates ) between the soul and mind of man ; acknowledging ( in the second edition of their heresie ) that god the word assumed an humane body and a soul ; ( which latter arius and his crew denied ) but not the mind , or spirit of man : the place whereof was supplied , said they , by the word it self . this phylosophick notion ( making man consist of three parts , a body , a soul , and a mind ; ) they borrowed from plotinus ; so says nemeseus in his de nat. hom. * or , proceeded to a war against , &c. notes for div a -e a we have the same account in idatius's fasti : tauro & florentio . his coss. &c. in the consulate of taurus and florentius , constantius augustus died at mopsucrinae in the confines of cilicia a province of phaenicia , on the third of november . and julianus made his entry into constantinople on the eleventh of december . but , what socrates adds , to wit , that julian was proclaimed emperour in that city , must be so understood , not as i● that were the first time of his being saluted emperour . for he had been proclaimed emperour in the gallia's a long while before , whilst constantius was alive . but , upon his entry into constantinople , he was declared emperour by the senate and constantinopolitans , and ●ook possession of the empire of the east . vales. * that is , gallus and julianus . b there are several epistles of libanius's extant , written to this nicocles ; particularly the seventh epistle of his fourth book , wherein libanius excuses the insolency of a citizen of antioch , who had abused him : amongst other passages he says , that the fault of one citizen was not to be ascribed to the whole city . for in a city containing an hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants , 't is not to be wondred at , if one bad citizen be ●ound : wheras ; neither in your sparta ( which yet has lycurgus for its law-giver ) all are alike good and generous . vales. * that is , constantinople . c this oration of libanius's against the school-masters is not ( to my knowledge ) now extant . vales. d maximus of epirus , or the philosopher of bizantium is mentioned by suidas : he wrote concerning insoluble questions , and concerning numbers ; as also a comment upon aristotle , which he dedicated to julianus the emperour , his scholar . now , if this be true , julianus had two maximus's his masters in philosophy , the one an epirote , or a byzantine ; the other an ephesian . there is extant an elogue of maximus the ephesian in libanius's fourty first epistle of his fifth book , his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. and the philosophy , which he received from maximus the improver of philosophy whilst be lived , and its extinguisher when he died . vales. e epiphanius scholasticus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the term here ) a crown of laurel , with which the cities were usually adorned . indeed , the provinces of the roman empire were wont to be represented in this habit , wearing crowns like towers upon their heads ; as may be seen in the notitia imperii romani . yet any one may conjecture , that this place should be thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with which the cities adorn the emperours . vales. * or , chief priest. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the phrase here in the original ) is by epiphanius scholasticus rendred thus ; quaesitâ occasione , he took an occasion , &c. but there may be another rendition of these words , thus : by doing hereof , he raised a civil war against constantius , having undertaken an expedition against him . vales. g the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie here , to be fulfilled , compleated , or perfected , epiphanius scholasticus therefore renders it thus : non enim fine multo sanguine studium ejus philosophi poterat adimpleri , i. e. for the desire of this philosopher could not have been accomplished without much bloud . musculus's version ( which is declarari , could not have been declared ) and also christophorson's ( which is , intetnosci , could not have been discerned ) are in my judgment absurd . vales. * or , force . † or , without the damage of others . h translatours perceived not that this place was faulty . i doubt not but socrates wrote thus : [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the rapines of eusebius the principal person of the bed chamber to him . ] for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the provost , or chief officer of the sacred bed-chamber , which office eusebius then bore . socrates does frequently use this word in this sense ; as we may see in his second book chap. . vales. i gregory nazianzen , in his former invective against julian , does confess also that the publick way , or manner of travelling and conveying of necessaries from place to place , was well rectified by julian . for constantius had impaired it much , by allowing the bishops every where the use thereof , that they might come to the synods 〈◊〉 by him . but , what regulations julianus made in this matter , 't is hard to determine . and yet we may conjecture from socrates's words , that the way of travelling by chariots ( which was also called the cursus clavularis , ) was put down by him , and that travelling on horse-back ( upon horses provided for publick uses ) remained only in use . johannes lydus has treated at large de publico cursu , in his book de mensibus . vales. * see eusebius's eccles . hist. book . chap. . note ( p. ) ‖ the persians suppose mithra to be the sun to whom they offer many sacrifices . no person was initiated into the mysteries hereof ▪ before he had arrived to them by certain degrees of torture , and had declared himself holy , and approved by sufferings . † that is , a secret place in the heathen temples , to which none but their priests had access . a or , by all manner of treacheries ▪ for that 's the reading in the sfortian m. s. vales. a for an account of the reasons of the alexandrians hatred towards georgius , consult ammianus marcellinus , book . pag. , &c. edit . paris . see also epiphanius , in heres . , to wit , that of the ano●oe● . vales. * or , good-behaviour . b in the florentine and sfortian m. ss . instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] wherefore , i doubt not but this whole place is to be thus restored : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but when you had repressed your fury , &c. vales. c he means artemius , commander in chief of the forces in egypt ; as he is stiled by theodore● , ( book . chap. . eccles . histor. ) who relates , that he was deprived of his estate , and beheaded by julian ; because , being captain of egypt in the reign of constantius , he had broken many images . it was he , who allowed georgius the arian a guard of souldiers for his assistance , whilst he destroyed the heathen temples in alexandria . see our notes on amm. marcellinus , book . pag. . the martyrdom of this artemius is extant in simeon metaphrastes , in which many things are contained that do much illustrate the history of those times . vales. d in that edition of julianus ' s works published by petavius , printed at paris , ( where this letter of julianus's to the alexandrians is reckoned to be his tenth epistle ▪ ) and in nicophorus ( book . chap. . ) the reading and punctation of this passage is thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the best version of which passage ( for no less than four have rendred it into latine ) is langus's ; who his rendred it thus : qui meliu●●ibi ipsi consuluisset , si moderate vobiscum & civiliter , nec tam tyrannic● ab initio egisset . we have followed the same sense in our ●endition . but christophorsons version is reprovable , both for his inserting the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for ] contrary to the authority of all copies ; and also , because he excuses artemius commander of the forces in egypt , as if he had carried himself civilly and moderately at the beginning of his government . it would certainly have been most absurd should julian have excused him , whom he had ordered to be executed as a criminal . if any one therefore has a mind to follow our version , 't is b●t inserting one particle only , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but perhaps , &c. but petavius ( in his notes on this epistle of julianus ▪ see the sorementioned edition ) has produced another emendation from some m. ss . copies ; after this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who had preserved himself . &c. vales. c the reading in the florent . m. s. and in nicephorus is better than that in the vulgar editions : it is thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with that we sent , &c. ] vales. * or , produce them undefiled with bloud before the gods. f in nicephorus the reading is truer ; where the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grandfather ] is left out ; and the clause is thus worded [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon account of our uncle whose name we bear . ] he means julian expresect of egypt ; concerning whom amm. marcellinus relates much . in julianus's epistles , both readings are retained thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon account of our grandfather and uncle whose name we bear . but this reading is not to be endured ; for , what reason has julianus to mention his grandfather here ▪ sozomen does confirm nicephorus's reading , as we may see , book . chap. . eccles. hist. vales. g i doubt not but this place should be thus worded ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. h the reading should doubtless be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but do also still , &c. i it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let it be published . ] we have spoken concerning this clause ( which was usually annext to the emperours edicts ) in our ▪ annotations on eusebius , and think it superfluous to repeat it here . vales. a eusebius and lucifer were not the only persons who entred into a consult about repairing the decayed state of the church , and establishing the canon of faith ; but other bishops besides them , who by julianus's edict were at that time recalled from exile : to wit , hilarius , asterius , and the rest , as theodores truly remarks , book . chap. . eccles. histor. these prelates , moved thereto by a zeal to the catholick faith , took in hand to reduce hereticks and schismaticks to the path of truth , and recall them to their former concord . therefore , what baronius says , to wit , that eusebius and lucifer were created legates of the apostolick see by liberius , in order to their repairing the state of the church , can in no wise be true . for the same must have been said concerning hilarius and the other prelates . besides , rufinus does expresly disprove this . for he relates , that eusebius and lucifer were commissionated with this legantine power by the alexandrian synod . vales. a socrates borrowed this out of rufinus ▪ who ( in book . chap. . eccles. histor . ) has these words : lucifer autem cùm exoraretur ab eusebio , &c. but lucifer , being entreated by eusebius , that they might go together to see athanasius at alexandria , and in a general consult with those prelates that were left , determine concerning the state of the church ; refused to be present himself , but sends his deacon is his deputy . but from the synodick epistle , which athanasius wrote in the name of the alexandrian synod to the catholick bishops which were in the city of antioch , we are informed that lucifer sent two of his deacons to the synod of alexandria , herennius and agapetus ; whom he sent after he had ordained paulinus bishop of antioch . for the legates of paulinus himself were present at this synod , and subscribed athanasius's synodick epistle . for these things were transacted thus . soon after eusebius's going to the alexandrian synod , lucifer together with these two bishops cy●atius and a●a●olius ( the one whereof was bishop of palius , the other of 〈…〉 , ) created paulinus bishop of antioch . who , immediately after his ordination , sent his legates maximus and calamerus to the alexandrian synod . also , apollinaris bishop of la●●i●ea ( who had a peculiar sect. and a bishop of his own faction , at antioch ) sent his legate ▪ at the same time . the bishops of egypt therefore who were met at alexandria , when they had heard that eusebius , asterius , and lucifer's legates were sent by lucifer , cymatius , and anatolius , and when they had admitted the legates sent by paulinus and apollinaris ; departed every one to their own sees , and gave order to athanasius and some other bishops who continued at alexandria , that they should write a letter to the bishops convened at antioch , concerning receiving the hereticks and schismaticks into communion , how they ought to behave themselves in that affair . in obedience to their order , athanasius wrote a letter to the bishops convened at antioch , to wit , to lucifer , eusebius , and asterius , ( for these were now returned from the alexandrian synod : ) cymatius , and anatolius . this letter is extant in athanasius's works , which baronius supposed to be the synodick epistle of the alexandrian synod . but 't is manifest from the contents of that letter , that it was not written from the synod it self , but from athanasius ; nor was it sent to all the bishops , but to those of antioch in particular . which may be concluded both from the inscription it self , and also from the text of the whole letter . for he treats therein concerning the affairs of the antiochian church only , as ( besides others ) we are informed from this passage : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which place athanasius's translatour has rendred ill : the import of it in english is this ; invite therefore to you all those that are desirous of continuing in peace with you , especially those who celebrate their conventions in the old city , and such as [ come ] from the arians . athanasius means those that adhered to meletius bishop of antioch . for they , being separatists from the eustathians , had their religious meetings in the palaea ( that is , in the old city , ) as theodoret attests , book . chap. . and book . chap. . eccles. histor. athanasius speaks of the same persons afterwards in the said epistle ; and distinguishes those that had their meetings in the old city , from the followers of paulinus , that is , the eustathians . for paulinus was one of their number . those therefore that had their assemblies in the palaea can be no other than meletius's favourers , whom athanasius does most especially commend . vales. * book . chap. . a this clause is thus worded in the greek [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] where the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ought in my judgment to be expunged , as being unnecessarily inserted here by some careless transcriber out of the foregoing line , where it occurs . but nicephorus ( book . chap. . where he writes out this passage of socrates ) makes use of the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] either because that was the ▪ reading in his copy ; or else in regard he thought [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] was to be so explained . vales. b nicephorus ▪ ( at the book and chapter now mentioned ) calls this person cyrillus . but , from the authority of the florentine and sfortian m. ss . we have termed him berillus . our emendation is confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus's version . berillus was not bishop of philadelphia , as socrates says here , but of bostra ( or of bostri ) in arabia : he denied christ to have been god before his incarnation , as eusebius informs us , book . chap. . of his ecclesiastick history ; where see note ( a. ) that passage of origens must be understood concerning this heresie of berillus's , which occurs in his comment on the epistle to titus : where his words are these : sed & eos qui hominem dicunt dominum jesum , &c. also those , who affirm the lord jesus to be a man fore-known , and predesigned , who before his coming in the flesh had no peculiar existence of his own , but that being born man he had the deity of the father only in him ; these persons , i say , cannot , without great danger , be accounted members of the church . this passage occurs also in pamphilus's apologetick in defence of origen . and gennadius has mentioned it , in his book de dogmatibus ecclesiasticis , cap. . vales. * essence , or substance . † subsistence , existence , or personality . ‖ see euseb . eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( b. ) this was the difference betwixt the sabellian and arian heresie ▪ sabellius confounded the persons in the sacred trinity , arius divided the substance . c the acts of the synod of alexandria are not now extant ; but 't is sufficiently apparent , both from that synodick epistle which athanasius wrote in the name of that council , and also from hence , because the great athanasius was present at that synod , that what socrates here says is false . for , as to the synodick epistle , there occurs no such passage in that , as this , that the terms ousia and hypostasis are not to be used as often as we speak concerning god. nor , would athanasius ever have suffered that to have been determined in his synod , which does manifestly contradict the nicene creed . for in that creed the term ousia does occur . socrates seems to have been deceived by this passage in the synodick epistle : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and , by the grace of god , all persons , after such interpretations of those terms , unanimously agreed , that that creed , which the father 's made profession of at nice , was better and more accurate , and that in future , it was sufficient , that the terms thereof should be made use of . in which words , the terms ousia and hypostasis are not condemned : but this only is asserted , that it is more safe to use the terms of the nicene creed , than these , of three hypostasis's and of one hypostasis . for the debate at that time was only concerning these words ; some affirming there were three hypostasis's in the sacred trinity , as did the followers of meletius : others , with paulinus , professing there was but one hypostasis . but no question was then started concerning the term ousia . for both sides asserted that there was one substance in the trinity . how therefore can that which socrates here says stand good , to wit , that it was decreed in the alexandrian synod , that these terms eusia and hypostasis were not to be used concerning god ? perhaps also sabinus ▪ ( whose collection socrates had diligently perused ) had led him into this mistake . vales. * they mean , i suppose those words of the apostle at hebr. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the character of his subsistence , or ( as our english version words it ) the express image of his person . some of the antients were very cautious about acknowledging three hypostases in the deity . particularly s r jerome , who thought that the term hypostasis in this text signified substantia : and therefore in his version 't is thus rendred figura substantiae ejus , the figure of his substance . see d r owens account of this phrase , in his exposition on the hebrews , pag. , &c. edit . london . . d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the names , ] which is the common reading ▪ the florentine m. s. words it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of those named . ] but nicephorus maintains the common reading ; for he has recorded this passage of socrates thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which his learned translatour langus has thus rendred : sed tribus usurpatis nominibus , res quaeque in trinitate tripliciter distincta peculiari subsistentiâ suâ intelligatur . but i cannot approve of this rendition , in regard it recedes too far from the authours words . langus was puzled with these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the names , ] and not without reason . for the bare name of the father , son , and holy ghost , is neither believed , nor asserted to be god ; but the things [ or persons ] signified by those names . wherefore , the reading in the florentine m. s. is , in my judgment , to be preferred before the vulgar reading ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. e irenaeus grammaticus was an alexandrian , the scholar of heliodorus metricus , who by a latine name was called minucius pacatus . he wrote many books concerning the propriety of the attick language . for he compiled three books of attick names , and as many more de atticâ consuci●dine in dictione & in prosodia , which were alphabetically digested : he composed one book also de atticismo , as suidas relates in his lexicon . vales. f nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) reads this passage otherwise . for , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if any one should term ] he words it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and another stiles it the lees in an hogshead . ] epiphanius scholasticus translates this place thus : apud menandrum vero veluti faeces quae ex vino colliguntur in dolio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est , subsistentiam designare dicit . but , i think that there is another sense of these words ; to wit , that menander should term sauce hypostasis , because it settles in the bottom of the dish , like lees , or sedement , in an hogshead . vales. * that is , substance . † unmixt ▪ or uncompounded . a in athanasius , pag. . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tyrannically acted against us : ] but i do rather approve of nicephorus's reading , to wit , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrived against us ; ] which epiphanius scholasticus has followed in his version . vales. * sam. . . † or , send forth . * or midian ; see exod. . . † sam. . , &c. * see sam. . the septuagint ( the words of which version athanasius quotes here ) calls this man abimelech : but in the hebrew his name is abimelech . † or , obadiah . see kings . . ‖ cor. . , . * numb . . . † matt. . . * matt. . , , , . * matt. . . * see matt. . , . † john . , . ‖ john . , . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rather consider them ] we follow the reading in the edition of athanasius , which is thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. or rather hear them , ( for they see them not , ) ought they not , according as 't is written , to be burnt with fire , &c. which reading epiphan . scholasticus followed , as 't is apparent from his version . but musculus and christophorson joyn these words [ according as 't is written ] with these [ for they see not ; ] as if athanasius had alluded to that saying of the gospel , matt. . ; they seeing , see not : which rendition i like not . for the arians could not then see those things , which had been done long before their age . i am also of the same opinion with langus , that the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , burnt with fire ] is to be understood of eternal fire , or of fire sent from heaven . lastly , the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] seems to be used here instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall they not , ] or [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ought they not , ] and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. * matth. . . c all translatours have rendred this place ill ; excepting langus only , nicephorus's translatour : whose rendition of it is this : qui semel blasphemare , & maledictis eum incessere consult● instituerunt , i. e. who have once already with deliberation undertaken to blaspheme and assail him with slanderous reproaches . for he means the arians , who rancked christ amongst the creatures . vales. * or , was in our saviour . † or , was in the saints . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the passions , or , affections of our infirmity . * john . . † john . . * john . . ‖ matt. . . a the term here in the original is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , defences , ] which is in no wise agreeable here . therefore , instead thereof , nicephorus substituted these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by his own nets . ] in my judgement , it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by his own promises ; ] and so epiphanius read it , as appears by his version . but rufinus ( book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) has this passage only ; sed constringeb●●ur , &c. but he was bound by the bond of his legate , who by his authority had subscribed in the council . afterwards , rufinus adds these words concerning lucifer , si vero recepisset alexandrini decreta concilii , &c. but , ●ad he admitted of the determinations of the alexandrian council , he saw that all his attempts must have been frustrated . but i see no reason why lucifer should reject the alexandrian synod● determinations . for that synod had approved of paulinus's ordination , as i have remarkt before from athanasius's synodick epistle . and whereas eusebius subscribed that epistle , he also may seem to have approved of lucifers ordination of paulinus . yet , the same eusebius coming to antioch after the alexandrian council , and perceiving the disagreement between the catholicks , would communicate with neither party , as rufinus attests in the forequoted book and chapter : that is , he abstained as well from paulinus's as meletius's communion . vales. * that is , the homoöusian faith. a concerning these little synods , or conventicles , of the macedoniani , this passage in basilius's epistle , ad ev●senos is to be understood ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. there is not amongst us one saith at seleucia , another a● constantinople : a third a● zela , a fourth at lampsacum ▪ and a fifth at rome . vales. * see book . . chap. . b this was with good reason objected against the macedonians , that whereas they dissented from the acacians in the draught of the creed , and were deposed by them in the seleucian and constantinopolitan synod ; yet notwithstanding this , they communicated with them . basilius , 't is certain , accuses them upon this account in his epist●e ad suos monachos . basilius's words there are to be understood concerning eustathius and the macedonians , who blamed basilius , because he had heretofore communicated with eudoxius , as 't is apparent from his th epistle to eustathius . vales. c nicephorus understood this passage of socrates otherwise ; he words it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. why do you now dissent from the acacians , with whom you have heretofore agreed and communicated ? nicephorus therefore seems to have taken these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , untill now ] for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hitherto . ] but i like not this exposition , and am of opinion , that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did communicate ] is by socrates used instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do communicate . ] which basilius does mightily confirm in his forequoted epistle , and epiphanius ( in haeres . semiarian . ) where he says , that although the semiarians were divided into several factions , yet they dissented in words only , but in reallity agreed in the same opinion : in so much that it would be very difficult to assign the point wherein they disagreed amongst themselves . but upon a more mature consideration of the matter , i judge nicephorus's sense of these words to be truer . for socrates says , that eleusins , eustathius , and the rest of the macedonians did at this time ( that is , in the reign of julian ) first make up a body of their own sect , and , having convened synods , did confirm the creed of the antiochian synod , and anathematize acacius with his followers : and that when they were questioned by some , why they had communicated with the acacians ( whose creed they did reject ) so long after the seleucian synod ; they returned this answer by sophronius ; to wit ; the western prelates erred , in regard they asserted the homoöusian faith : the easterns , being followers of aëtius's opinion , professed the son to be dislike the father : but we keeping the middle way , do affirm the son to be like the father according to his subsistence . this is sophronius's answer . which that it may satisfie the question proposed , this must necessarily be understood , to wit ; since therefore the acacians entertained the same sentiments , it need not be wondred at , that we have hitherto held communion with them . acacius , 't is certain , did profess the son to be like the father , in the same manner as the macedonians did . see sozomen , book . chap. . vales. * or , substance . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; see chap. . of this book . d this place is very intricate . the answer of the macedoniani ( which socrates has related above , out of sabinus ) is obscure enough . but the censure and reprehension of that answer ( which socrates now subjoyns , ) seems to be much more obscure . nor does nicephorus give us any assistance here ; for he has transcribed this passage of socrates's almost word for word . notwithstanding , we will endeavour to produce something in order to the illustration of this place . this therefore is our sentiment . the macedoniani were asked , why they dissented from acacius , with whom they had before held communion . in their answer they blamed the homoöusians and aëtius . this is nothing to the purpose , says socrates . for you were not questioned concerning aëtius , but concerning acacius ; you do meerly sophisticate : for acacius , as well as you , does condemn aëtius's opinion . now , whereas you condemn aëtius's opinion , you are not for that reason any whit less hereticks . for by your own words you are convinced of novelty or heresie , whilst you assert the son to be like the father according to subsistence . wherein you dissent as well from the catholick followers of the nicene creed , ( who profess him to be of the same substance with the father , ) as from the arians , who asserted him to be a creature , or dislike in respect of his substance . 't is certain , theodoret ( book . haret . fabul . ) does say , that macedonius asserted the son of god to be every way like to the father , and that he was the first who invented the term homoiöusios . he was therefore one of the semiarians , as well as acacius . vales. * see book . chap. . note ( ● . ) a it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by euleu●ius ] as 't is apparent from the following words . so christophorson found the reading to be , as is evident from his version . see sozomen . vales. b he means i suppose , that basilica [ or cathedral ] which was in the fourth ward of the city constantinople . for this was simply and absolutely called the cathedral . the other was termed the theodosian cathedral , which stood in the seventh ward of the city , as we are informed from the old description of that city . in the former basilica therefore , the image of the city constantinople's publick genius had heretofore been placed . for so these words of socrates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must be rendred . for the greeks do usually call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines term genius ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the temples of the publick genius ; see euseb. book concerning the martyrs of palestine , chap. . note ( q. ) vales. a in the florent . and sfortian m. ss . the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but revenged i● afterwards ● . ] which reading pleases me best . for julianus was not afterwards in any instance revenged upon mark in particular ; but he persecuted all the christians in general , with that sort of persecution which socrates relates . nicephorus met with the same reading in his copy : for thus he has exprest this passage in socrates : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he was in a very horrid manner revenged for that thing . vales. * or , logicians . a in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who preferred riches , &c. ] i suppose it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard they preferred , &c. [ which emendation is confirmed by epiphan . scholasticus's version ; and by nicephorus's expressing of this passage , in his tenth book , chap. . vales. b the name of this prefect of egypt [ who in the greek is called prefect of alexandria ] was hermogenes , as we are informed from julian's d epistle . vales. * athanasius . a in my judgment , this passage should be worded thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those who sought for him , ask't his followers , whether they had seen athanasius : ] the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing ] being expunged ; which is superfluous . nicephorus confirms our emendation ; in whom this word [ nothing ] occurs not , either because he found it not in his copy ; or else in regard he disliked that expression . further ▪ this whole story is taken out of rufinus . vales. * book . chap. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compiled an art of grammar conform to the christian mode . † see scalig . poct . book . chap. . * or , tragedy that might be represented by actors . * or , a multitude of gods. † col. . . * rom. . , , , . a at what place this precept of our saviours [ that we should be skilfull mony-changers ] does occur , is uncertain . for 't is not to be met with in the gospels . but , in as much as origen and jerome do agree , that this command was given by our saviour , and was afterwards inculcated by the apostle ; i am of the same opinion with the learned usher , who supposes , that that saying of our saviour was recorded in the gospel according to the hebrews . further , this saying is frequently mentioned amongst the antients . amongst the rest , palladius makes mention of it in the life of john chrysostome . see euseb. eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( a. ) and the following remark . vales. * thes. . . † colos. . . * titus . . b epimenides did indeed predict many things , partly to the athenians , partly to the lacedaemonians , and partly to the cretians , as may be seen in diogenes laërtius : ( see laërtius in epimened . ) but i never read , that oracles were written by him . suidas affirms , that he wrote some mysticall and expiatory poems , and some other obscure things . these therefore must be stiled oracles . epimenides was a person incomparably well skilled in lustrations and consecrations . in his lustrations or purgations , he made great use of the sea-onyon : and therefore one kind of it was from him called the epimenidian-sea onyon . so theophrastus , book . chap. . hence it appears , why socrates termed epimenides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an initiator . vales. * acts . . † cor. . . * or , exercising . * that is , beard-hater . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the greeks do in general term all small and minute-merchants , because they barter'd their wares for a mean value . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to buy and sell for gain ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports a merchandizeing trade , as julius pollux informs us , book . chap. . hence , he was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( says harpocration ) who had been frequently sold. these traders are in latine termed cociones , arilatores , and dardanaril . but nicephorus calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom socrates here terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may in english be termed retailers , such as the dardanarii heretofore were . vales. * hence 't is that gregor . nazianzen ( in his first invective against julian , ) stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bull-burner . and amm. marcellinus ( book . pag , edit . paris . ) giving a character of him , says thus : praesagiorum sciscitationi nimiae deditus , ut aequiparare videretur in hac parte principem hadrianum : superstitiosus magis , quàm sactorum legitimus observator innumeras sine parsimonia pecudes mactans : ut aestimaretur si reve●tisset de parthis boves jam defutures : marci illius similis caesaris , in quem id accepimus dictum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b in the original , the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and returns to tarsus in cilicia : ] which reading nicephorus has followed . but in my opinion , it should be thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that he would return to tarsus in cilicia [ and reside there . ] for julian threatned , that when he returned from persia , he would go to tarsus in cilicia , and would not winter any more at antioch . see amm. marcellinus , book . pag. . of our edition . vales. c this oration of libanius's is in my hands ; 't is transcribed from two m. ss . copies , the one belonging to johannes a'tinus , the other to the most eminent cardinal francis barberini . we will ( god willing ) translate this , and more than twenty other orations of the same sophista's into latine , and publish them within a little while . vales. * there was a grove in the suburbs of antioch , called daphne , which was consecrated to apollo ; whence he was termed apollo daphnaeus . sozomen spends a great many words in describing this grove , at chap. . books . of his eccles. histor. a he succeeded zabinus in the bishoprick of antioch , says eusebius , book . chap. . eccles. histor. the same authour ( chap. . book . . ) says that he died in prison ( but chrysostome ▪ lib. de s. babyl . tom. . pag. . tells us he was beheaded , ) in decius's reign . where his body was first buried , is not known : but wherever it was , there it rested , till gallus , julian's brother , built a church over against the temple of apollo daphnaeus , ( see sozom. book . chap. . ) into which he caused s. babylas's body to be translated . after this removal of it , mentioned in this chapter , 't was intombed within the city antioch , in a church dedicated to his name and memory . * see rufinus's eccles . hist. book . chap. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the phrase in the original ; which neither musculus , nor christophorson understood , as appears from their versions . vales. a that is , cyrillus predicted in the presence , &c. for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must not be referred to christ ; though musculus and christophorson both render it so ▪ nicephorus does evidently confirm our version , at book . chap. . eccles. histor. vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which made the stones of the old foundation of the temple seeth , or , ●oy●e . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the term occurs , rom. . ; where out english version renders it , more than conquerour . a theodoret ( eccles. histor. book . chap. . ) has recorded this passage of julian : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 't is re●orted , that upon the receipt of his wound , he filled his hand with bloud , and threw it up into the air , and said , o galilean ▪ [ so he termed our saviour , and the christians he called galileans ] thou hast overcome , &c. b the greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies in this place protectores domesticos , the emperours guards ; concerning whom we have spoken at large , in our notes on book . of amm. marcellinus ; pag. . in this sense socrates uses this term , book . chap. . this is that callistus ( if i mistake not ) whom libanius ( epist. . book . ) calls callistio , friend to sallustius pr●fect of the pratorium . for libanius attests there ( as well as socrates does here ) that he was a poet. vales. * see chap. . † or , in the country of the persians . a in the original , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , being punished with the loss of the dominion over the syrians : ] which reading is retained in all our coples . agreeable to which is epiphanius scholasticus's version ; who renders it thus : amissâ namque syriâ , & traditâ persis nisibi , for having lost syria , and surrendred nicibis to the persians : and niccphorus words this passage thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , moreover , surrendring some places to the persians , that were tributary to the romans , i mean the government of the syrians , and nisibis in mesopotamia . but , jovianus surrendred not syria to the persians . he gave them nisibis only , and the countries beyond the tigris . wherefore , i doubt not , but instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the syrians ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the borders of the empire ; ] and accordingly we have rendred it . than which emendation , there is nothing more certain . socrates himself confirms it , who speaking concerning this matter a little after , in this chapter , says thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ascribed the disgrace of the loss of the borders to him . vales. b between these two words [ encouraged ] and [ death , ] there was wanting in the printed copies of socrates this whole line [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the pagans bewailed julianus's ; ] which we have inserted from the florent , and s●ortian m. ss . further , from this very one place 't is evident , that christophorson made use of no m. s. copies , in his translation of socrates . vales. * porphyrius . in the florent . and sfortian m. ss . the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard he was out-done by his son. ] but in libanius's oration , which i have read in manuscript , it is thus worded [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] which reading pleases me best . this funeral oration of libanius's concerning the praises of julian the emperour , is published indeed by morellus , in the second tome of the said libanius's works ; but very corruptly . for , two parts in four of it are transposed ; and besides , there are some pages of it wanting . we have some time since found out the transposition of this oration ; and made up its defects from jobannes altinus's manuscript ; in which copy this passage is extant , which socrates does here quote . vales. * commendations . * the ill● . † or , quire . * porphyrius . b after these words this line [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] was wanting in the printed copies ; which i inserted from the sfortian m. s. vales. * this passage occurs in nazianzen's second invective against julian , pag. . edit . eton. . † he means gallus caesar ; see chap. . book . and chap , . book . c in gregory nazianzens second invective against julian ( out of which this passage is quoted ) the term here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word billius renders , attollebat , he lifted up . but i had rather it should be rendred libratos , poyzed . nicephorus retains the vulgar reading , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , represt ; whose translatour gives this rendition of these words : humeri , quos subinde jactaret ac reduceret mobiles , i. e. moveable shoulders which he would sometimes thrust out , at others pluck back . vales. see m r nontagu's account of this term , in his notes on pag. . of nazianzens second invective , edit . eton. . * or , openings of the earth . d this passage is to be made good from gregorius nazianzenus , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. e many of the antients have undertaken to refute porphyrius and julianus's books against the christians . methodius , eusebius , and apollinaris wrote books against porphyrius . cyrillus wrote against julian ; which books of cyrillus's are still extant , but are not extraordinarily acute . vales. f in what books origen has explained such passages in sacred writ as might trouble the readers , and has confuted the fallacious arguments brought against the christian religion ▪ 't is hard to assert . for , in his books against celsus , he has in no wise done this . nor , was it his design in that work , to explain those passages in the sacred scripture , which had any difficulty in them , but only to answer celsus's objections . perhaps , socrates does mean origens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in those books origen shewed the congruity of the opinions of our religion with those of the philosophers , as jerom informs us in his epistle to magnus the oratour . in order to his effecting of this , 't was requisite for origen to expound those places of scripture , which seemed to contradict the sentiments of the philosophers . vales. g he mean● his book against heraclius the cynick ; the title whereof is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the way of living like a cynick . for , in the pag. of that book , this passage here quoted occurs . vales. h in the sfortian m. s. the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i am better pleased with my former conjecture , which was to read it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those things which are rightly understood by others . although , the reading may be barely thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those things which are rightly understood . for the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] crept in hither , from the following line . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the florentine m. s. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he deserted . nicephorus ( book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) words it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abjured . vales. * see esai . . . socrates quotes the words of the septuagint ; and we render it accordingly . k concerning aristotles peplum , see what the learned guillelmus canterus has remarkt . vales. l it should be dionysius , not dionysus . 't is hard to say , who this dionysius was , who wrote a book with this title . i am of opinion , it was dionysius milesius ; who ( as suidas attests ) wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an historical circle ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same . vales. m suidas relates , that reginus grammaticus wrote a book with this title , polymnemων . vales. n that attis is the same person with bacchus , clemens alexandrinus also does inform us ( in his protrepticon ) in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon which account some will have attis , deprived of his genitals , not unfitly termed bacchus . demosthenes , in his oration pro coron● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. and shouting euoi saboi [ these were the usual acclamations of those celebrating bacchus's feasts ] and triumphing in words , hues attis . which words of domosthenes's harpocration supposed were meant of attis the phrygian . but some of the antients , read not in that place of demosthenes , attis , but ates , which is an additional name to bacchus , as is also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see the authour of the etymologicon in the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. o instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a race most incomparably the best ] the reading ( as the rule of verse requires ) should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a race ineffable . ] vales. p oenomaus a cynick philososopher , having been deluded by apollo's oracle , resolved to revenge himself ; and wrote a book concerning the falseness of oracles , to which he gave this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. a discovery of cozeners : this eusebius tells us from porphyrius , in his fifth book de praeparat . vales. * that is , his favorite whom he kept to abuse contrary to nature . q musculus and christophorson took [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to be a proper name . langus ( in his notes on niceph. book . chap. . ) was of opinion , that instead of adrias , it should be adrianus . indeed , the word adrias is not to be endured . for no body was ever called by that name . therefore nicephorus , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] substituted this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] very erroneously . in this place socrates means that book of lucian's , which has this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alexander or the false prophet . in which book lucian describes the frauds and impostures of one alexander a paphlagonian , who had craftily forged an oracle . wherefore instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the florentine m. s. ) it must be lucianus . unless we should say , that socrates mistook , and ascribed this book to one adrianus , or arrianus . vales. r before these words i placed a full ▪ point , following herein nicephorus's authority . moreover , the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor is he himself ashamed . ] vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pallium-wearers . a he seems to mean the taurobolia and criobolia , after the undertaking whereof , the pagans believed they were eternally regenerated ; as the old inscriptions inform us . this whole ceremony is incomparably well described at large by prudentius ; in the passion of romanus the martyr ; pag. , &c. edit . basil. it was in short thus : the priest to be consecrated , being habited in his sacerdotal vestments , ( adorned with a crown of gold and wrapt about with a silken gown , ) was put into a deep pit dug into the earth . over this pit an altar ●ade of planks was erected , through which many holes were boared . upon this altar a great bull was laid , adorned with garlands ; and his horns were guilded : his breast they divided with a consecrated weapon . a stream of recking bloud gushing immediately out of the large wound , flowed upon the boarded altar , and running through the holes made therein , rained down upon the priest inclosed under the boards ; who catcht the shower of gore by putting his head under the falling drops ; wherewith he besmeared his garments , and his whole body . see prudentius , ut supr● . a it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , approaches , or addresses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies another thing , to wit , progressus , proceedings . vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , zeni ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , zelae ] according as epiphan . scholasticus read it . zelae or zela is a town of cappadocia , as pliny and others do affirm . basilius mentions this place in his epist. ad evae●enos ; and in epist. . ad monachos suos . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that hasten towards , &c. c the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , new or unusual ] was added by christophorson out of nicephorus . for , in the kings m. s. ( which robert stethens followed , ) and in the florent ▪ and sfortian m. ss . this word is wanting . nor did epiphanius scholasticus meet with it in his copy , as 't is apparent from his version . for thus he renders it : quando etiam consubstantialitatis nomen , quod aliter se quibusdam habere videtur , dicimus cautam interpretationem a patribus excepisse . vales. d we remarked before ( socrat. book . chap. . note ( a. ) that the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is by the greeks used to signifie the creed , because 't was commonly learnt by heart . but , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is useless here . in my judgment , it would be placed better after these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is this in full . vales. * here follow the names of those bishops who presented and consented to this libel . e in the sfortian m. s. it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 siculi , ] which reading is truer than [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sicclus . ] it is the name of a city situate in the east , concerning which i have yet met with nothing . amongst the bishops of the acacian party who subscribed the seleucian synod , evagrius of mitilene , of the province of the islands , is recounted . vales. f this is neither a greek , nor a latine name . in the tripartite-history it is barbabentus . vales. g epiphanius scholasticus terms him isacius . he seems to be the same person with him that is called i●saces in basilius's epistle , which is the synodick epistle of the antiochian council under meletius . he is recounted between cosroës and narses . vales. h upon my warrant , make it hippi . this petrus was bishop of hippi , a province of palestine . he subscribed the seleucian synod , together with the others of the acacian party here recounted , to wit , zoïlus of larissa , eutychianus of eleutheropolis ; as you may read in epiphanius , in haeres . semiarian . hippos was a town in palestine , thirty stadium's distant from tiberias ; josephus mentions it in his own life . vales. i in epiphanius scholasticus's version he is called arabianus adren●is , very right . for this is the arabianus , or arabion , bishop of the adraï , who subscribed the seleucian synod , amongst the bishops of the acacian party , as epiphanius relates in heres . semiarian . where he is placed after exeresius bishop of gerast , and next before charisius bishop of azotus . adra , or adraon , is a city of arabia ▪ under the bishoprick of bostra , as guillelmus tyrius informs us . 't is certain , uranius bishop of adra is reckoned amongst the bishops of the province of arabia in the first constantinopolitan-synod . but , in the fifth constantinopolitan-synod , one dorymenius is counted bishop of adra. vales. k i should rather write it lamurio , agreeable to epiphanius scholasticus ; for 't is a name formed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies talkative . a little after this , instead of a●etius , the said epiphanius reads aëtius ; and so i found it written in the florentine m. s. vales. l this person is mentioned by marcus the deacon , in his life of porphyrius bishop of gaza , which you have in surius . vales. m instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. notes for div a -e a i doubt not , but instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his consulate ] socrates wrote [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the same consulate ; ] that is , in the consulate of jovianus augustus and varronianus that noble young prince , his son. vales. * that is , in marshalling of an army . † or , to his present fortune . * that is , valentinianus , and valens . b i am of the same mind with christophorson , who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had declared for the acacians ] read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had dissented from the acacians . ] which reading i have followed in my version . the reading may be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 separated from ] which is perhaps truest . nicephorus has altered this passage of socrates thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , asserting the same things with the acacians , ] which is worst of all . vales. * or , drew him thither . † or , faith. * this creed occurs in socrates's eccles. histor . book . . chap. . a musculus and christophorson have rendred these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] paulo antea , a little before ; as if it had been [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] i am of the opinion ; that this place is faulty , and by a small change is thus to be restored : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which before had a very mean repute , but was then ●●ndred more conspicuous and better known in the synod at lampsacus . he speaks concerning macedonius's heresie , which hitherto ( says he ) had been obscure and unknown : but then , in the synod of lampsacus , it became most apparently known . i doubt not but socrates wrote agreeable to my emendation . concerning this synod of lampsacus , see baronius , at the year of christ , . vales. * or , dagalaïphus . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epiphanius renders it ; bella parabantur , the war was prepared . christophorson , following the sense , rather than the words , translates it , bellum gets c●ptum est , the war was begun to be waged . but , in order to the expressing the significativeness and propriety of the greek phrase , it must be rendred , bella incubuerunt , or , belli vis grassata est ; the war was with all diligence taken in hand , or , the force of the war raged . vales. b ammianus marcellinus relates no such thing concerning agilo and gomoarius procopius's captaines . he does indeed affirm , that they revolted to valens's side , but says not , that they were cut in sunder with saws . marcellinus gives us this narrative only , ( see amm. marcellinus , book . pag. , , edit . paris . . ) that the tribunes florentius and barchalba , after the sight at nacolia , delivered procopius bound to valens . and , that procopius was immediately beheaded ; and florentius and barchalba soon after underwent the same punishment . therefore , what socrates relates here concerning agilo and gomoärius , and concerning procopius's being torn in sunder , is false . philostorgius also , in his ninth book , relates that procopius was beheaded , and that florentius , who delivered him to valens , was burnt . vales. c this place is corrupted , as 't is evident . in my judgment , 't is thus to be restored : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. * or , notary . * see socrates , book . chap. . a in the florentine m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into blasphemies : ] which is confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus's version . vales. b the common reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apprehend the scope , or designe ; ] in the florent . m. s. it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comprehend the designe . ] vales. c socrates has done ill , to place eunomius's promotion to the episcopate of cyzicum , in the reign of valens augustus . for eunemius was made bishop of cyzicum under the emperour constantius , in that synod of constantinople , which was held immediately after the synod of seleucia , as philostorgius does in express words affirm , book . chap. and theodoret , book . . chap. & . eccles. histor. which two authours have recorded eunomius's affairs with a far greater accuracy , than socrates has related them . 't is certain , that in valens's reign , eunomius was banished by valens ; because he was reported to be a favourer of the tyrant procopius , as philostorgius affirms . so unlikely is it , that he should have had the bishoprick of cyzicum then bestowed upon him . sozomen has followed socrates's mistake , in book . chap. . eccles. histor. vales. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it should undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when he was come thither . ] i wonder this was not perceived by chrystophorson . for epiphanius might have shown him the true reading , who renders it thus , cum illuc venisset , when he was arrived there . vales. e in civil and military offices , some persons were actually employed in bearing of them ; others were vacantes , [ that is , persons that had the title of such an office , but were not actually concerned in the management of it ; we may term them titular officers : ] who in the code are said to be proecincti honore otiosi cinguli . so some tribunos are termed vacantes in amm. marcellinus , as i have remark't in my notes on that historian . after the same manner those bishops are termed vacantes by our socrates , who had the bare name of a bishop , without a church , without a clergy and people , over whom they might preside . of the same nature almost are those , who now a days are stiled bishops in infidel countries , such a one therefore was eunomius , when , being driven from cyzicum , he resided with eudoxius at constantinople . which hapned in constantius's empire , not in valens's reign , as socrates here relates . further , after eunomius's expulsion , eleusius ( 't is probable ) recovered his see again . vales. a amm. marcellinus relates , that valens laid siege to chalcedon , during his war with procopius . at which siege the inhabitants of that city reviled him from the walls , and contemptuously stiled him sabaiarius , small-bear-drinker . sabaia ( as marcellinus describes it ) was a small sort of liquour made of barly , very usually drank in pannonia . in which country valens was born , ( see socrates book . chap. . ) and therefore was , by way of reproach , called sabaiarius , or sabiarius . that this was the pannonians usual drink , dio attests lib. . where he says , that the pannonians fed upon a very mean diet ; that they had very little wine , of oyle ; and that barly and millet was their food and drinke . see amm. marcellinus , book . pag. . edit . park . ; and valesius's notes thereon , pag. . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] it should in my mind be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] as i have exprest it in my version . but the chalcedonians , because of that revolt of theirs , were not only punished with the demolishment of their walls ; but had this infamous brand also set upon them , viz. that no chalcedonian should ever be preferred to any office. isidorus pelusiota ( book . epist ▪ ; ) does attest this , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the law prohibits the carthaginians from bearing any office. on my peril make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chalcedonians . for the carthaginians have no concern with this place , in regard they were not subjects of the eastern empire , concerning which isidorus here speaks . vales. c sozomen mentions these baths , termed constantianae , in his eccles. histor. book . chap. . they were in the tenth ward of the city constantinople , as we are informed from the old description of that city . also , ammianus marcellinus ( book . ) relates , that valens built a bath at constantinople , of the stones of the walls of chalcedon . but cedrenus and zonaras do affirm , that an aquaeduct or conduit , not a bath , was built of those stones . which relations do not contradict one another . for an aquaeduct is necessary for a bath . it was doubtless a very famous work ; whereof mention is made by themistius , ( in oratione decennali ad valentem , ) and by gregorius nazianzenus in his th oration ; who very elegantly terms this aquaeduct of valens's , a subterraneous and aërial river . so also themistius , in his oration entitled ama●orium , or de regi● pulchritudine ad gratianum ; the passage wherein i will so much the more willingly annex here , because the oration is not yet printed : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. moreover , in socrates here , i had rather read carosianae , than constantianae . for the baths called constantianae were built by the emperour constantius , as their name does declare . but the carosian● baths were finished by valens , and dedicated after gratianus's third and aequitius's consulate , vindalonius magnus being then pr●sect of constantinople , as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti , and by the authour of the alexandrian chronicle . they were named carosianae from carosia valens's daughter , as sozomen attests , book . and they were in the seventh ward of the city , as the description of constantinople declares . vales. d this is the clearchus , who was afterwards consul with richomeres , in the empire of theodosius . concerning whom eunapius makes mention , in the life of maximus the philosopher : and says that he had first been vicarius of asia in the procopian war ; and was afterwards made proconsul of all asia by valens , for the eminent service he had done in the war with procopius . libanius has very many epistles written to this clearchus in his fourth and fifth book ; wherein he commends him highly , and intimates that he had a royal command over asia . he was prefect of constantinople in the consulate of modestus and arinthaeus , as we are informed from the theodosian code . vales. e cedrenus and z●narus call it a nymphaeum . but the nymphaea are not the same with baths , as 't is apparent from the description of constantinople . for the nymphaea are the nymph● temples , w●tered with pleasant fountains ; as i have long since remarkt in my notes on am. marcellinus , pag. . vales. a 't is false , what socrates here says , that the anastasian baths at constantinople had their name from anastasia valens's daughter , and were erected by valens . they were built by constantine the great , and from his sisters name were called the anastasian baths . amm. marcellinus tells us thus much , ( book . pag. , edit . paris . ) where he describes procopius's tyrannick design : his words are these ; idem procopius diductus in cogitationes varias , anasiasianas balneas petit , a sorore constantini cognominatas , the same procopius , divided into various thoughts , went to the anastasian baths , which had their name from constantines sister . at which place in amm. marcellinus i have long since remark't in my notes thereon , that anastasia , constantines sister , was married to bassianus caesar. after my publishing of those my notes on amm. marcellinus , there was a noble and learned person in england , who found fault with this annotation of mine , and has stifly denyed , that bassianus was ever created caesur . upon what account therefore i was induced to affirm this , i will in short here declare . when the emperour constantine ( after his conquest of maxentius ) had given his sister constantia in marriage to licinius ; quickly after that he returned into the gallia's , and sent his brother constantius to licinius , entreating him that bassianus might be created caesar ; to which bassianus , anastasia , constantines other sister , was married . sed licinio talia frustrante , &c. that is , but when licinius disappointed him as to those things , bassianus ( by the instigation of senecio his brother , who was his bosom-friend ) takes up arms against constantine . who being apprehended in the very attempt , was by constantines order convicted and put to death . when sinicius the authour of this treachery , was demanded in order to his being punished ; licinius denying that , the agreement betwixt them was broken . this passage occurs in the excerptione de vita constantini , which i heretofore published at the end of amm. marcellinus . from which words i draw these conclusions : ( ) that constantine treated with licinius , in order to bassianus's being created caesar. ( ) that bassianus being sollicited by licinius , did not only conspire against constantine , but made war also against him . bassianus therefore must of necessity [ be allowed ] to have played the tyrant , and therefore , to have by force assumed the title of caesar , which constantine had thoughts of giving him , had licinius consented . being moved by these reasons , i have termed bassianus , caesar , whom notwithstanding i do acknowledge to have been a tyrant , and do grant that he never was duely and lawfully made caesar. moreover , in regard the anastasian baths were at constantinople before procopius's insurrection , ( as we have shown from amm. marcellinus , it may be evidently concluded from thence , that they were not built by valens , in regard at that time he was but newly made emperour . further , the reading here in socrates should be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the publick baths . ] vales. a socrates is grievously mistaken here . for valentinianus the younger , who was born in the consulate of gratianus and dagalaïphus , was not valentinianus's , but valens augustus's son. idatius does expresly affirm this in his fasti , in these words : gratiano nob. & dagalaïso consulibus , &c. in the consulate of the most noble gratianus , and dagalaïsus , valentinianus the younger , son to valens augustus , was born , on the fifteenth of the calends of february . i know indeed , that in jacobus sirmondus's edition of these fasti , the common reading is , filius augusti valentiniani , the son of valentinianus augustus . but , in that most antient manuscript belonging to the colledge of clermont , from which sirmondus published these fasti , i found it in express words written thus , filius augusti valentis , the son of valens augustus . besides the testimony of these fasti , it may be made evident by many other arguments , that this valentinianus the younger , ( who was born in the consulate of gratianus and dagalaïphus , in the year of our lord , , ) was the son of valens augustus . for , this is the very same valentinianus , as 't is on all hands agreed , who was afterwards consul with victor , in the year of christ ; and to whom themistius spake his consular-oration , which is at this day extant under this title : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now , in this oration , themistius frequently calls valens the father of this valentinian , and stiles gratianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , his cousin german by the fathers side . see pag. . in that oration . besides . themistius does affirm ( pag. , ) that the slaughter and overthrow of the tyrant procopius was foresignified by god , by the birth of this valentinian . 't is certain , valentinianus junior was born when gratianus and dagalaïphus were consuls , on the th of the calends of february ; as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti , and in the alexandrian chronicle . in which year the tyrant pracopius was vanquished by valens , on the sixth of the calends of june , as 't is affirmed in the same fasti. but , if valentinianus junior had been son to valentinianus senior , his birth had signified nothing to valens . further , if this valentinianus had in reality been son to valentinianus senior , why did he make his residence in the east ? how could he have been sent so long a journey from his father , being as yet but an infant ? for he accompanied valens in the gothick expedition , as themistius attests not far from the beginning of this oration . lastly , 't is evident from themistius's quinquennalian oration [ i. e. his oration upon valens's having arrived at the fifth year of his empire , ] near the close thereof , that valens had an only son then when he celebrated his quinquennalia , that is , in the year of our lord . in regard therefore , the most noble valentinianus was made consul in the east on the year following , he can be no other person than valens's son. and themistius , in the close of his quinquennalian oration ( after he had spoken concerning valens's only son , ) adds these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom i would make an alexander , and philosophy shall again boast of such an issue . and in his ex●ortatory oration , which he spake the year after to valentinianus junior , he makes an address to the child almost in the same words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 come [ royal ] babe , sit upon my knees ! and a little after : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plato and aristotle shall together with my self instruct thee , by whom the great alexander was ●u●ored . from whence 't is apparent , that it is one and the same person concerning whom themistius speaks in both places ; and therefore that valentinianus junior , whom themistius speaks to in his ex●ortatory oration , was the same only son of valens . but , this valentinianus junior was , by another name , called galates . for socrates and sozomen give him this name . sozomen ( book . chap. . ) does expresly affirm , that valens had one only son by [ dominica ] his wife , whose name was galates . since therefore , 't is manifest from what i have just now said , that the most noble valentinianus was valens's son , valentinianus and galates must necessarily be one and the same person . i should think ▪ that the child might have the surname of galates given him , because he was born in galatia , at such time as valens was at war with procopius . moreover , socrates's mistake ( in which errour he is followed by sozomen , book . chap. . ) did , in my judgment , proceed from hence ; viz. because he confounded the two junior valentinians , ( one whereof was son to valens , the other to valentinianus senior , ) and made but one person of two . for he thought , that the most noble valentinianus ( who was consul with victor ) was the same person with that valentinianus junior , who , after the death of his father valentinianus senior , governed the empire with gratianus . but we have long since refuted this errour , in our notes on book . of amm. marcellinus , pag. . vales. valesius , at the now quoted pag. of his notes on amm. marcellinus , does indeed evidently prove that there were two junior valentinians ; but ( contrary to what he affirms here , ) he asserts they were both sons to valentinianus senior , whom he there stiles magnus . see his note . * or ▪ jovinus's . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as big as would fill a mans hand . ‖ emperour . * nicomedia was destroyed by an earthquake , in the consulate of dacianus and cerealis , about the th of august . see socrates , book . chap. . a basilius was made bishop of c●sarea in cappadocia , in the year of christ , as baronius has rightly observed . but socrates seems to make basilius's promotion to that bishoprick somewhat ancienter . for , in his account at this place of those affairs that were transacted in valentinianus's and valens's second consulate , which was the year of christ , he does acknowledge that basilius was then bishop of caesarea , and gregorius of nazianzum . but , as to gregorius , socrates is manifestly mistaken . for he was not at that time made bishop of nazianzum by basilius , but of sasimi : which bishoprick he notwithstanding never entred upon , as he himself attests in his epistles . but in his verses concerning his own life , he evidently complaines of basilius , who ( when as he had sixty bishopricks under him , ) had preferred him to the church of a pittifull little town , although he himself was nothing inferiour to basilius . vales. a baronius , at the year of christ , reproves socrates , because he places this embassy of the macedoniani to liberius bishop of rome ( the chief of which was eustathius bishop of sebastia , ) on the year of christ , in which year valentinianus and valens were the second time consuls . baronius thinks 't was sent in the year of christ , and grounds his opinion on these two arguments especially . first , eustathius with his companions , was sent embassadour by the synod of lampsacus . now , that synod was convened in the year of christ , seven years after the seleucian synod , as socrates attests . 't is certain , the embassadours ( in their libel of faith which they presented to liberius , ) do expresly profess that they were legates from the synod of lampsacus , and that they brought the letters of that synod to liberius . secondly , if this embassy of the macedoniani were sent on the year of christ , it would not have been sent to liberius , but to damasus . for liberius died on the year of christ , in the consulate of lupicinus and jovinus ; and on the same year damasus entred upon that see. but , the macedonian embassadours presented a libel of their faith to liberius , and from the same liberius received letters to the prelates of their own party , as socrates relates in this chapter . this embassy therefore was not sent in the year . these are baronius's arguments . but i would rather place this embassy on the year of christ , and will determine hereof against baronius , upon this account . baronius confesses , that elpidius presbyter of rome was sent , together with eustathius and his companions , to the illyricum synod ; the synodick letter whereof theodoret has recorded , book . chap. . eccles. histor. but , the illyricum synod , at which elpidius and eustathius of sebastia were present , was convened in the year of christ , or ; as appears from the inscription of that letter which the emperour valentinianus wrote to the bishops of asia , that he might confirm that synod . for that imperial letter has this title : valentinianus , valens and gratianus , augusti , to the bishops , &c. as you may read in theodoret , book . chap. . now gratianus was proclaimed augustus by his father , in the consulate of lupicinus and jovinus , on the ninth of the calends of september , as ( besides socrates ) idatius in his fasti , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , do declare . therefore , if the illyricum synod hapned on the same year whereon the macedonians embassy was sent ; the macedonians embassy must necessarily be placed on the year of christ , in which year liberius died in the beginning of september . eustathius therefore might go to liberius in june , and receive letters from him in august . now , i am of opinion , that the illyricum synod was held on the same year , in the month of september , which synod valentinianus the emperour confirmed , after gratianus was created augustus . vales. b socrates should have said the alamanni , rather than the sarma●● . for at this time valentinian was detained in the gallia's , by reason of his war against the alamanni . towards the end of his reign , he went into illyricum , in order to his engaging in a war against the sarmatae . vales. * or , repentance . c the studious reader may observe from this place , that eustathius , silvanus , and theophilus ( after they had spoken concerning many synods , to wit , of that at lampsacus , of that at smyrna , and of others held in lycia , pamphylia , pisidia , and isauria , ) do now say , that they came as legates from one synod , and that they brought the letters of one synod . for these are their words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which synod we being employed as legates , do bring a letter . the reason why they exprest themselves thus , is , because the smyrna synod , and those other synods which were held by the macedonians in pisidia , isauria , pamphylia , and lycia , had been composed according to the pattern and likeness of the synod at lam●s●●us , and had exprest their faith and doctrine , as being the original draught . upon which account , all these synods are by the macedonian legates taken for one synod : and the letters of each of those synods , which socrates has a little before told us were brought by those legates , are taken for one and the same letter , because they contained one and the same doctrine of faith ▪ i made this remark , because in christophorson's version all things are here confused and altered : epiphanius scholasticus has rendred this place much better . vales. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] so epiphan . scholast . reads ; and accordingly we have rendred it . vales. * see socrates , book . chap. . note ( g. ) e in my judgment ▪ it should be thus worded [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] which we have expressed in our rendition . for they anathematize not only that form of the creed which had been recited in the ariminum council , but the acts also at nice in thracia , ( see socrates ▪ book . chap. , neer the close of that chapter , ) to which , being brought to constantinople , the bishops , induced thereto by sraud , had subscribed , as if they had been the acts of the nicene synod . vales. f in the florent . and s●or●ian m. ss . this persons name is constantly written thus , autho. so he is also called in epiphanius scholasticus . in christoph●rson's version 't is aÿtho , with three syllables ▪ invermet with this name in all my reading . perhaps it should be a●tho . vales. g the words [ of italy ] must be expunged ; epiphan . scholasticus acknowledges them not : or else it must be thus worded : liberius bishop , and the bishops of italy , and those in the west , &c. for thus liberius distinguishes the bishops of italy from the rest of the western prelates , in the beginning of this his letter , in these words ; both to our slenderness and also to all [ the bishops ] in italy and in the western parts . nor is it otherwise exprest in the libel of faith which the legates presented to liberius . vales. h it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] that it may be referred to the foregoing word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , letters . ] and thus epiphanius scholasticus , and langus , nicephorus's translatour , read it . it would doubtless have been foolish to term antient bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , persons illuminated with the light of faith ; as if they had been some neophytes , or late converts to the faith. vales. i instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it would be better thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the nicene synod hitherto ] so in the libel of faith presented to liberius by the legates : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. which having been established in the holy nicene synod — hath hitherto always continued intire and unshaken . so musculus and christophorson read this place . vales. k it should not be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] that is , your legates themselves . for liberius means the libel of faith , which the macedonian legates had presented to him . in which libel the legates profess , that as well those persons by whom they had been sent did constantly retain that creed which had heretofore been set forth at nicaea ; as also that they themselves did and always would observe and keep to the same creed . masculus and christophorson supposed that by these words the nicene fathers were meant ; than which nothing is more absurd . langus led them into this mistake , who in his version of nicephorus has rendred this passage in relation to the nicene fathers . epiphanius scholasticus ( more truly ) supposed , that hereby the macedonian legates were meant ; which is apparent from his version . vales. * see gen. . . where we find , that the number where with abraham routed the four kings forces , was three hundred and eighteen , being all his own servants . l the erroneous punctation in rob. stephen's edition deceived christophorson . for , he renders it thus : cum jurejurando adhibito subscripsistis , to which [ transactions ] you your selves by taking an oath have subscribed . langus , and ( before him ) epiphanius scholasticus have rendered it truer , thus , quibus vos perjur●o capti subscripsistis , to which you , beguiled by perjury , have subscribed . in the macedonians libel of faith , 't is ▪ said in express words , that the bishops , being imposed upon by fraud and perjury , had subscribed the creed set forth at nice in thracia . for the arians . ( see note ( e. ) in this chapter , ) after they had drawn up a form of the creed in a synod held at nice in thracia , swore that that was the creed of the synod of nicaea . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by impudency and improbity . † or , destroy . * or , interceded with . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term here used ) signifies in this place to decline , or have an aversion for : in which signification lucianus uses it in hermotimo . langus and christophorson render it abhorrere , to abhorre . but epiphanius , unacquainted with this signification of the word , has rendred it thus : sed quoniam omnes unanimes , illius , eum sectae alterius ●atebantur . but because all those of eudoxius's opinion confessed him to be of another sect. vales. this term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] occurs tim. . . where in our english version 't is rendred [ to shun . ] b he means an order of the prafects of the praetorium . for 't was usual , that the praefect of the praetorium , as often as he issued out any edict , should annex the names of the other praefects of the praetorium . an instance whereof occurs both in the gesta purgationis ceciliani , which are published after the carthaginian collation , and also in theodosius and valentinianus's novells . there is a famous evidence of this thing in the antient writer de quae●●ion●bu● veteris ac novi testament . cap. . vales. * or , bear the blame of , &c. a the emperour valens had gone towards antioch before . but , hearing of procopius's defection — whilst he was in his journey , he was forced to come back ▪ as amm. marcellinus attests , book . baronius therefore finds fault with socrates without cause . for socrates says not , that valens came to antioch before , but that he went towards that city ; which is certainly most true . but christophorsons version seems to have been the cause of baronius's mistake ; for he renders it thus : imperator valens denuo antiochiam ire ma●urans , the emperour valens hastning to go to antioch again . vales. b sozomen's account is truer , who makes eudoxius to have been bishop but eleven years . 't is certain , eudoxius thrust himself into the bishoprick of constantinople when eusebius and hypatius were consuls , which was the year of christ . he died in the third consulate of valentinianus and valens , in the year of our lord . wherefore ▪ at this place of socrates ( in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nineteen ] ) it ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eleven , ] which is confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus . wherefore , baronius does here also undeservedly reprove socrates ; in regard , not socrates himself , but the copies of socrates's history are here false . concerning eudoxius's death , consult philostorgius , book . vales. c sozomen tells us the same story , in his eccles. histor. book . chap. . but baronius , at the year of christ , reproves both these historians . for he maintains , that eustathius bishop of antioch was dead long before , in constantius's reign . indeed , jerome ( in his book de scriptor . ecclesiast . ) does relate ; that eustathius died in exile , and was buried at trajanople in thracia , to which place he had been banished . if this be true , eustathius must necessarily have died in constantius's reign . for julianus , and after him jovianus , recalled all the bishops from exile . it is indeed sca●ce credible , that eustathius bishop of antioch could live to these times . for , in regard he was at the nicene council , which was held in the year of christ ; we may suppose him to have been then in the forty fifth year of his age . from this year to the third consulate of valentinianus and valens ( wherein eustathius is said to have ordained evagrius at constantinople ) there are five and fourty years . so that eustathius must necessarily have been ninety years old , if he ordained evagrius bishop in this year . further , i must not omit , what i have been informed of , from victor tununensis's chronicon ; to wit , that eustathius was not interred at trajanople , as jerome relates , but at philippi . for these are his words : post consulatum tertium longini , &c. after longinus's third consulate , c●lendio bishop of antioch got together the reliques of his predecessour eustathius , bishop and confessour , from philippi in macedonia , and with great honour conveyed them to antioch . theodorus lector says the same , in his second book excerpt . histor. ecclesiast . baronius does ill , to place this translation of eustathius's reliques on the year of christ , in regard , as 't is evident from victor tununensis's chronicon , 't was performed in the year of our lord , when longinus ii , and faustus were coss. but what theodorus lector adds at that place , to wit , that the eustathians , who before had meetings by themselves , were then at length united to the catholicks , an hundred years after eustathius's death ; is in my judgment false . for , this being supposed , eustathius would have lived to the year of christ . vales. a this account disagrees both from what we have related before ( chap. . note c. ) out of jerome , and also from the relation of theodorus lector , and theophanes in his chronicon . for jerome says , that even in his age eustathius lay buried at trajanople , whither he had been banished . but theodorus lector and theophanes relate , that he was banished to philippi , and there buried . that eustathius therefore , who was banished by valens to bizua , must necessarily be a different person from eustathius bishop of antioch . bizua is a city of thracia , heretofore the pallace of the thracian astor●s , as stephanus attests . eutropius mentions it in his sixth book , where he speaks of lucius lucullus , who subdued the thracian bessi . vales. * or , be might raise an irrational tumult of the multitude , &c. a sozomen ( book . chap. . ) tells the same story : where he calls this place dacibyza , and says 't is a maritime-city of bithynia . cedrenus also terms it dacibyza . but theophanes gives it the name of dacidiza . vales. b concerning this famine there is this record , in the old fasti , with sirmondus has published under the name of idatius : valentiniano iii , and valente iii , &c. i. e. in the third consulate of valentinianus and valens there was a great famine in the parts of phrygia . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it sometimes signifies a place where the reliques of some martyr are deposited ▪ 'tis plain from what follows , that by it our authour here means a church . a rufinus ( from whom socrates borrowed this story ) book . chap. . eccles. hist. words this passage thus : infantem quoque parvulum secum trahentem , cursuque rabido , irrupto etiam officii agmine , festinantem . leading her little child with her , and making such great bast , that she broke through the praefects guards . this memorable fact of the woman of edessa hapned on the year of christ or ; as we shall see by and by . baronius has done ill to place it on the year of our lord . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rufinus ( in the book and chapter just now quoted ) says , she made such hast , that she would not stay to shat her door , nor dress herself in the usual garb that women appeared in in publick . b after these words , there were wanting in robert stephens's edition these two whole lines [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and whither draggest thou that little child ▪ said the praefect , the woman replied , that he also may be voutsafed the honour of martyrdom ] which i have inserted from the florentine and sfortian m. ss . epiphanius scholasticus acknowledges them ; and so does rufinus , from whom socrates borrowed this story . moreover , from this place also 't is evident , that christophorson had perused no m. s. copies of socrates . vales. * or. th. a this whole scene of that unhappy oracle , which some heathens had consulted that they might know who should succeed valens in the empire , is at large set forth by ammianus marcellinus , in his th book . but , 't is difficult to assign the year whereon it hapned . baronius , in his annalls places it on the year of christ . i am of opinion , that it was acted in the year of our lord , or at the beginning of the year . for valens , in the year of christ , made his entry into antioch , at the end of summer , gratianus ii , and probus being consuls , as i have demonstrated in my notes on the foresaid book of marcellinus , partly from the laws of the theodosian code , and partly from libanius's book concerning his own life . now , that tragedy and conspiracy of those wicked wretches against valens , hapned after his entry into the city antioch , as 't is manifest from marcellinus . therefore , it must necessarily happen at the close of the year , or at least at the beginning of . 't is certain , theophanes and cedrenus do place valens's entry into antioch on his eighth year . but , the same theophanes does ascribe that conspiracy of those impious wretches , who had consulted the oracle concerning the future emperour , to valens's ninth year . which agrees exactly with our opinion , if we may compute valens's first year from the consulate of jovianus and varronianus . vales. * or , th , e , o , d. b in the sfortian m. s. the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another theodosius . ] epiphanius scholasticus also calls him theodosius . who this theodosius [ or , theodosiolus ] should be , 't is uncertain . for i cannot think , it was that theodosius , ( father to theodosius the emperour , ) of whom ammianus makes frequent mention in his history . for he lived in the west , and was not slain by the fraud and treachery of malevolent persons , till after valentinianus's death . and yet this character added by socrates [ a personage of great valour and courage , a descendant of a noble family in spain , ] does exactly fi● him . vales. athanasius's death . a this magnus is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comes of the court-largesses , in the letter of petrus alexandrinus ( the person spoken of in this chapter ▪ ) part of which letter theodoret has recorded , book . chap. . eccles. histor. * in the original he is termed praefect of alexandria ; which title was sometimes given to the praefects of egypt ; as it has been observed before . * or , out of his bonds . † peter . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ( which has the same import ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies a wedding-chamber , dining-room , or entertainingroom . see stephens's thesaur . graec. ling. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the seventy two translatours do use this term ( at jo●l . , and at psalm . . ) to express the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chuppa ; which was a tabernacle or ten● set up on purpose , for the performance of the solemnities ( usual amongst the jews ) of betrothing between the man and woman . a in the original 't is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so great an house . christophorson has rendred it , in tantillo domicilio , in so small an house . but the greek term will not admit of this rendition . wherefore , i had rather it should be thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in your dwelling . vales. * see socrates book . chap. . † or , ashamed , or , he refused . ‖ or , a contemner . * see psal. . v. . * or , practise . † or , theorems , or , expositions . * evagrius . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the monk ] epiphanius scholasticus in his copy read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the monastick , ] as 't is apparent from his version . notwithstanding , nicephorus ( book . chap. ) confirms the common reading . but as to evagrius's other book here mentioned he words the title of it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gnostick , or concerning him who is reputed worthy of knowledge . it may also be written ( as it is here in socrates ) thus , or to him who is reputed worthy of knowledge : which reading we have followed in our version . concerning this evagrius's books , ●ee jerome's sentiment , in his epistle to c●esiphonagainst the pelagians ▪ where he informs us , that evagrius was an origenist . palladius ( in lausia●a ) says evagrius wrote three books . the first of these he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the saint : the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the monk ; ●he third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the refutation ; which is against the frauds of the devil . palladius terms that book of evagrius's , the saint , which socrates here calls the gnostick . vales. * or , rightly . c in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading in the florentine m. s. and in nicephorus is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little part of a sleep , or , a nap . ] for that sleep , which macarius took by leaning his head against a wall , was a part of a sleep , rather than a sleep . for he slept but a very little while . wherefore , he is said to have stollen , rather than to have taken a sleep . vales. * matth. . . d translatours have been notoriously mistaken a● this place . for christophorson renders it thus ; in 〈◊〉 monachus ex sect â gnosticorum ●ir spectatissimus habitavit , in that [ island ] dwelt a monk , a most eminent person of the sect of the gnosticks . langus , nicephorus's translatour , has rendred this passage in evagrius thus : habitat in eâ monachus gnosticorum ordinis celeberrimus , in that [ island ] dwells a most famous monk of the order of the gnosticks . but first , evagrius does not say , that that monk dwelt in that island beyond the lake mar●otis ; but only , that he dwelt near that island . for that 's the import of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . secondly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ parembole ] does not signifie a sect , or an order : nor are the gnosticks taken in this place for a sect of hereticks ; but 't is a sort of monks , concerning whom evagrius wrote a book . parembole therefore is a village not f●r from alexandria , near the lake mareotis . atbanasius makes mention of it in his second apologetick against the arians , where he produces the catalogue of clergy-men , whom meletius had in the city and within the territory of alexandria . after his mentioning of the presbyters and deacons of meletius's party , which he had at alexandria , he adds these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and macarius presbyter of parembole . parembole is also mentioned in the notitia imperii romani , wherein were the quarters of the second trajan legion under the command of the comes of the military affairs throughout egypt . ptolemaeus also ( in ammoniaca ) places alexander's parembole near the lake mareotis . here therefore dwelt that monk , who was so eminent amongst the gnosticks . vales. * or , cut off . † or , fight or , strive . ‖ or , that which one is entrusted with to keep . * or , without words . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to intrude into , &c. see collos. . ; where this term occurs . * he alludes , i suppose , to the parable of the tares ; see matth. . , &c. * or , placability , or , slowness to anger . † see exod , . . c concerning this serapion , jerome ( in his book de scriptor . eccles. ) speaks these words : scrapio thmuëos aegypti urbis episcopus , qui ob elegantiam ingenii scholasticus dictus est , &c. serapion bishop of thmuis a city of aegypt , who for the elegance of his wit was stiled scholasticus , &c. he died in constantius's reign , before the seleucian synod , that is , before the year of christ . for in the seleucian synod , amongst the bishops of acacius's party , ptolomaeus is reckoned bishop of thmuis a city of augustonica , or augustanica . for baronius is not to be heeded , who ( in his annotations on the roman martyrology , ) says , thmuis was a city in the province scethis . scethis was not the name of a province , but was it self rather in the province augustanica . and yet marcellinus ( book . ) places thmuis in ( that properly called ) egypt . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , throughout all parts of the world . * or , maiming . ☜ a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made use of the multitudes ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made use of weapons . ] this reading is confirmed by rufi●●● ▪ book . chap. . which passage in rufinus socrates does here take notice of . vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was present at . ] see rufinus book . chap. . where his words are these qua praesens vidi loquor , & corum gesta re●●ro , quorum in passionibus socius esse promerui . i speak what i was present at , and saw ; and i relate their actions , of whose sufferings i had the savour to be a companion . vales. * he alludes to that passage , at hebr. . . , , † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially when as they received a testimony , or commendation , &c. * or , work. c here there was a whole line wanting , which we have made good from the florentine and sfortian m. ss . after this manner [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they cast away their images [ immediately changed ] the fabrick of their temple into [ the form ] of a church . ] epiphan . scholasticus found this reading in his copy ; as 't is apparent from his version . vales. a the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which we have rendred [ ripewittedchildren ] must be expunged ; which seems to have crept in here , out of the foregoing line . epiphanius scholasticus acknowledges it not . for thus he renders it ; qui cum a puero fuisset ingeniosus , vincebat etiam acutae conspicientes , who being from a boy of an ingenious disposition , excelled even those who saw with the greatest acuteness . vales. b concerning these comments of didymus's on origens books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jerome speaks , in his st , and d book against rufinus . vales. c epiphanius scholasticus , and the other translatours have rendred this place ill ; as if antonius the monk had come to alexandria in the times of valens augustus . but , 't is manifest , that antonius died in the reign of constantius . jerome informs us hereof , in his chronicon , and in his life of hilarion . 't is uncertain , in what year of constantius's empire antonius left the solitudes , and came down to alexandria ; whether it was about the beginning of constantius's reign , before the ordination of gregorius the arian ; or rather , after the synod of serdica , and athanasiu●'s second restitution . vales. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the flyes and gnats can see with , ] in cedrenus , at the sixth year of constantius , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the flyes and gnats can do harm to . nor did epiphanius scholasticus find it written otherwise in his copy , as 't is apparent from this his version : quibus & muscae & culices nocere possunt , to which the flyes and gnats can do harm . and yet rufinus , ( eccles. histor. book . chap. . ) out of whom socrates borrowed this story , defends the common reading , which we have followed in our version . and jerome also does confirm this our reading , in his epistle to castrutius . vales. a what socrates says here , is in my opinion false ; viz. that basilius and gregorius , after they had finished the course of their learned studies at athens , were hearers of libanius the sophista at antioch . gregorius himself does refute this , in his poem concerning his own life ; where he says , that he was in the thirtieth year of his age when he left athens , and that his friends would have detained him at athens , that he might be a professour of eloquence ; ( the same is attested by rufinus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. ) but that he fled secretly from thence , and went into his own country . vales. * or , rhetorick . * or , quoted . † or , the office of a deacon . b baronius says , basilius was prefered to the bishoprick of caesarea , in the year of christ : and this he attempts to prove from gregorius nyssenus's testimony . theophanes and cedrenus , in his chronicon , do place the beginning of basilius's episcopate , on the ninth year of valens , which was the year of christ . but the same authours do affirm , that basilius was yet but a presbyter , in the eighth year of valens . see theophanes's and cedrenus's words at the said eighth year of valens . gregorius nazianzenus does confirm the s●me in his oration de laudibus basilii . where he does attest in express words , that basilius was yet but a presbyter only of the church of caesarea , at such time as valens , guarded with a part of heretical prelates , undertook an expedition against the churches of the east , which he hastned to deliver up to the arians . moreover , valens undertook this expedition against the orthodox on his own third consulate , that is on the year of christ , as our socrates does affirm : ( compare the th and th chapters of this th book . ) gregorius nyssenus confirms this , in his first book against eunomius ( who had upbraided basilius with fearfulness and pusillanimity , ) where he describes valens's preparations and expedition against the churches , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the emperour went from constantinople into the east , p●ft up in his mind with the late successfull and fortunate actions he had performed against the barbarians . that is , after the war against the goths , and the league made with them . which hapned in the year of christ . as amm. marcellinus attests . wherefore , that expedition of valens's to destroy gods churches , hapned in ●ife year of our lord , as i have now said . now , that basilius was then no more than a presbyter , his brother gregorius does in the same place inform us . for , he says , that the prae●ect of the praetorium , to wit , modestus , at first made use of flatteries , and promised basilius a praesulate and an ecclesiastick presidency , provided he would obey the emperour . nyss●n's words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore basilius was not bishop of casarea , at such time as modestus endeavoured to pervert him . moreover , modestus first bore the praefecture of the praetorium , when gratianus ●i and prob●s were coss. in the year of christ , as i have remarkt in my notes on the th book of amm. marcellinus , pag. . it may also be proved by another argument , that basilius was preferred to the episcopate of caesarea after the year of christ . for nazianzon in the funeral oration which he wrote on him , says that basilius was but a presbyter , at such time as that famine ( by far the ●orest of all the famines that are mentioned to have hapned at any time ) hapned in cappadocia . now , this is the famine , which our socrates mentions in the sixteenth chapter of this book ; it hapned in the third consulate of valentinianus and valens . vales. c gregorius nazianzenus ( who is more to be credited in these things ) does attest in his funeral oration concerning the praises of basilius , that basilius , as yet but a presbyter , went into those parts , with a design to oppose himself against the perfidiousness of the arians . vales. d socrates borrowed this out of rufinus ; who ( in book . chap . eccles. histor. ) writes thus : gregorius vero apud nazianzon , &c. but gregorius , being substituted bishop in his father's stead , at the town nazianzum , faithfully ●ore the storm of the hereticks . and yet 't is manifest , that gregorius was not made bishop , but coadjutor only to his own father gregorius , in the episcopate of nazianzum : and upon this condition too , that he should not succeed his father in that bishoprick ; as he himself attests in his eighth oration , and in his poem concerning his own life . he was first constituted bishop of sasimi by basilius the great , who had been the first founder of this bishoprick , that he might assure that place to his own church ; as gregorius attests in the poem concerning his own life . from thence he was translated to the constantinopolitan see , which he quickly left , betook himself to nazianzum , and governed the bishoptick of that place some while , till such time as , being wearied out with age and diseases , he made choise of his own successour . jerome's account therefore is true , whose words ( in his book de script . ecclesiast . ) are these : gregorius primùm sasimorum , deinde nazianzenus episcopus , &c. gregorius , bishop first of sasimi , and afterwards of nazianzum , &c. and 't is strange , that although he governed three bishopricks , yet they were all doubtfull and uncertain . 't is plain , that in his epistles he himself does frequently deny , that he ever presided over the episcopate of sasimi , or ever performed any sacerdotal office there . neither jerome his scholar , nor rufinus , do ascribe the constantinopolitan bishop●ick to him . lastly , he delivered the bishoprick of nazianzum to another , rather than governed it himself . vales. * that is , basilius and gregorius . e this account disagrees from what the two gregorius's ( to wit , nazianzenus in his funeral oration , and nyssenus in his first book against eunomius ) do relate concerning basilius . for they do attest , that basilius was not brought before modestus the praefect of the praetorium at antioch , but that this was done in the city caesarea . sozomen therefore ( eccles. hist. book . . ch . . ) has truly corrected socrates's mistake here ; where he relates , that valens came from antioch to caesarea , and ordered basilius should be brought before the tribunal of the praefect of the praetorium . further , you must observe , that valens augustus came to caesarea twice , and made an attempt to vanquish basilius : his first journey thither was when basilius was no more than a presbyter ; which ( as we have shown before ) was in the year . this is evidently confirmed by sozomen in his sixth book . when he came the second time thither , 't is not certain . but i conjecture it was on the year of christ , or . which i collect from modestus's praefecture , which falls on those years . nazianzenus distinguishes these two journeys of valens's , in his twentieth oration , pag. . of his works . edit . paris . . vales. f socrates took this out of rufinus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. but gregorius nyssenus , in his first book against eunomius , says that basilius stood before the tribunal of modestus the praefect twice ; once when he was presbyter , and a second time when he was bishop . but nazianzen makes no mention of basilius's former examination . vales. g in rufinus ( eccles. hist. book . chap. . ) this passage is thus worded ; utinam te non mutares , i wish you would not have changed your self . in which words basilius reproves modestus , because from being a catholick he was become an arian , that he might please the emperour . we are indeed told by gregorius ( in his funeral oration ) that modestus was an arian . vales. h here valentinianus junior is called by another name , as we have observed before , chap. . of this book note ( a ) he was surnamed galates , because he was born in galatia . further , in regard socrates does here term him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a young child ; our opinion ( which we have given in before ) is very much confirmed ; to wit , that these things were done about the year of our lord , or . for valentinianus junior was born in the year of christ ; as we have remarked before : from which year to the year , are six years compleat . so valentinianus junior , called also galates , died at six years old . for a child of that age is rightly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * so rufinus says , book . chap. . eccles. hist. * so euseb. eccles. hist. book . . chap. . a at this place i have followed nicephorus's authority ; and instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i have amended it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pontick dioecesis ; ] although our m. ss . copies make no alteration here . see socrat. book . chap. . note ( s. ) vales. * or , epistles . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning origen , ] it would be better thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in defence of origen ; ] for he means pamphilus's apologetick in defence of origen : concerning which consult photius , in his bibliotheca . vales. c in the greek , 't is thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which musculus renders thus ; liber gregorii quo origenem commendavit , gregorius's book wherein he has commended origen . christophorson translates it thus : oratio gregorii in crigenis commendationem conscripta , gregorius's oration written in praise of origen . but , i cannot approve of this version : for that oration was not written by gregorius thaumaturgus in commendation of origen ; but to return thanks to his master , when he left his school . indeed , commendatory letters are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but there were never any orationes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , commendatory orations . wherefore , i doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; although nicephorus confirms the vulgar reading . now , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a valedictory oration , as we have remarked in our notes on euseb. life of constant. book . chap. . note ( a. ) vales. a the greeks usually term him novatus , whose right name was novatianus . concerning whose heresie , you may consult eusebius , ( eccles. hist. book . chip . , ) epiphanius , the authour of the questions on the old and new testament , and theodoret. vales. * or moralls . † he means the sacrament of the lords supper . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it is doubtless to be thus worded [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] questionless , socrates left it written thus ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. c the expression in the original is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which musculus renders thus , sicut fieri solet , as it is usually done ; and christophorson thus ; ut moris est , as the manner is . but i cannot approve of these versions . for the grecian writers make use of ( not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to signifie , as it is usually done , or , as the manner is . wherefore , i am rather of opinion , that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every inhabitant of the provinces : so epiphanius scholasticus read it . for he renders it thus ; singuli provincialium , &c. every subject of the provinces . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which phrase socrates has made use of a little before , in this chapter ; where his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the inhabitants of every province having received such letters as these . vales. * or studiously exercised or , followed . * novatus . d the novatians did boast , that the founder of their sect was a martyr ; and they wrote a book , the title whereof was , the martyrdom of novatianus . but this book , which was stuft with lies and fables , has long since been confuted by eulogius bishop of alexandria , in his sixth book against the novatians , the excerptions whereof occur in photius's bibliotheca , p. . edit . david hoeschel . . moreover , in those acts of the martyrdom of novatianus , novatianus was not said to have suffered martyrdom , but only to have been a confessour of the faith of christ. for , the authour of the acts. says , that of the eight presbyters of the roman church who were under macedonius bishop of rome , seven offered sacrifice to idols together with macedonius , and that only novatus underwent an egregious martyrdom of confession . and that together with novatianus three bishops ( almost the only persons of the western parts ) termed it a martyrdom ; to wit , marcellus and alexander bishops of aquileia , and agamemnon bishop of porta , or rather of tibur . who lived apart after that confession , held assemblies with novatianus , and avoided their communion who had sacrificed to idols . a little afterwards they laid their hands on novatianus , and ordained him bishop of rome . vales. e this place is strangely corrupted . nor is this fault new ; but the copies were faulty even in epiphanius scholasticus's time ; for thus he renders it : hi vero qui ex eo nomen habuerunt , ejusque fuere participes , &c. but those who had their name from him , and were partakers thereof , &c. how nicephorus read this passage in socrates , 't is uncertain , in regard his greek text is at this place defective . but langus , who had seen a greek copy of nicephorus , renders it thus : qui vero ejus nomine in phrygia censentur , &c. but those who are accounted of his name in phrygia , when by indulging themselves , they had degenerated from his institutions and communion , at this time altered the paschal festival also . i say nothing concerning the other translatours , in whose versions you will find nothing of soundness . i am of opinion , that the place , by a small alteration , is thus to be made good : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , having an aversion even for that communion they were permitted [ to hold with the rest of the catholicks in the celebrating ] of this [ festival . ] there is nothing more plain than this sense . before valens's time , the novatians in phrygia kept easter at the same time the rest of the catholicks did . after that , they began to shun the communion and society of the catholicks in this matter also . further , although i do very much approve of socrates's judgment , who gives an account why the phrygians more especially embraced the novatian heresie ; yet there may another reason be given hereof . for , novatus , or rather novatianus , was ( as 't is said ) by country a phrygian : so philostorgius asserts book . wherefore , 't is no wonder , that he had many followers of his own opinion in that province . vales. * or , fountains . f i conjecture , that this was long-lived auxano , a presbyter of the novatian church ; whose testimony socrates makes use of , book . chap. , & . but , we must not here omit nicephorus's words concerning our socrates : he says thus , book . chap. ; haec sibi renuntiata esse socrates qui hoc loco non abhorrere se à novatianorum institutis palàm prae se fert , à sene quodam scribit , &c. socrates ( who in this place plainly shews himself not to be a detester of the novatian principles ) relates that these things were told him by a certain old man , &c. notwithstanding , i am not of nicephorus's opinion . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under whom ; for that 's the reading in the florent . m. s. and in nicephorus . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a very elegant term , to signifie scismatical assemblies and conventicles , who are said to erect one altar contrary to another . hence comes the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sort of schism , concerning which basilius speaks , in his canonicall epistle to amphylochius , de baptismo haereticorum . vales. c amm. marcellinus ( book . pag. . edit . vales. ) calls it sicininus's pallace ; where , says he , there is a little private assembling place of [ the professours of ] the christian religion ; in which [ during the conflicts between damasus's and ursinus's parties ] there was in one day an hundred and thirty dead bodies found , &c. read the historians following words ; from the whole passage 't is plain , how disorderly the elections of a bishop of rome then were , and at what an height they lived . d socrates borrowed this out of rufinus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. in that year , whereon ursinus raised his schism , juventius , not maximinus , was praefect of the city , as amm. marcellinus attests , book . pag. . but , in regard this schism lasted many years , 't is possible that maximinus ( who was praefect of the annona , ) might take cognizance of this business , and torture some ecclesiasticks , as rufinus relates . this maximinus was praefect of the annona , in the seventh year of valentinian ; as jerome does assert in his chronicon . marcellinus speaks much concerning this maximinus , in his th book . vales. a socrates has transcribed this following passage , almost word for word out of rufinus's book . chap. . eccles , hist. for , he observes the same order that rufinus does , after damasus's ordination forthwith subjoyning ambrosius's promotion . but , although rufinus and socrates have conjoyned these two ordinations , as if they had been made at one and the same time ; yet there was a great interval of time between each ordination . for damasus entred upon the bishoprick of rome in the consulate of lupicinus and jovinus , on the year of christ . but ambrosius was promoted to the episcopate of millain in the year of our lord , in the third consulate of gratianus which he bore with equitius ; as baronius has observed from saint jerom's chronicon . vales. * or , persons unworthy of praise . † that is , of the whole nation of the sarmatae . ‖ or , trample upon . a we met with a double mistake here , the one committed by socrates's transcribers , the other by socrates himself . we have corrected the transcribers errour ( who , in stead of acincum , had made it aconcam , ) from the authority of the sfortian and florent . m. ss . it will be sufficient only to take notice of socrates's mistake here ; who calls acincum a city of italy , whenas it belonged to pannonia . vales. * that is , to gratianus . † to wit , valens's brother's son . * that is , valentinianus senior . * or , should be born of . † or , in love with . b there is no mention of this law of valentinianus's , any where . no , not in amm. marcellinus , who has with great accuracy recorded valentinianus's affaires . indeed such a law as this ( in my judgment ) is in no wise agreeable to valentinian , a serious prince , and a christian. therefore , this whole story of justina's marriag● , is in my opinion , of a credit doubtfull and uncertain . vales. * or , theodosius senior . c epiphanius scholasticus calls her ( not placida , but ) flaccilla ; which is truest . for so the ancient coynes term her . but , 't is strange that greek writers should so frequently be mistaken in this name . for we have remark't before , that placitus is by socrates often used , instead of flaccillus , who was bishop of antioch . further , this flaccilla was the daughter of that antonius , who was consul with siagrius , as themistius informs us , in his gratiarum actione , to theodosius , for the peace made with the goths . vales. * or , warred against . a this oration of themistius's to valens , is at this time extant , published in latine by duditius . for , what socrates says themistius spoke in that oration concerning the difference of philosophick opinions , occurs in duditius's version , at pag. : the words are these ; artes quidem , quarum magnus in vit●usus & delectatio est , &c. indeed , those arts , of which there is great use in this life , and which are very delightfull , had never arrived at such an height and elegancy , had there not been a discrepancy of judgments , and a certain strife amongst the artists themselves . for , has not philosophy it self ( the mother of all laudable arts. ) raised from mean and small beginnings , increased by the dissent of learned men in such a manner , that nothing may seem wanting to its absolute perfection ? further , what s●crates says was spoken by themistius in that oration , to wit , that god is desirous of this variety of opinions concerning himself , that men may have a greater reverence for the majesty of his deity , because the knowledge of his divinity is ●n no wise obvious and easily attainable ; occurs in duditius's version , at pag. : where 't is thus worded : quocirca quod à cognitione nostrâ se longissimè removit , &c. wherefore , in regard he has removed himself at the greatest distance from our knowledge , nor does humble himself to the capacity of our wits ; 't is a sufficient argument , that he does not require one and the same law and rule of religion from all persons , but leaves every man a licence and faculty of thinking concerning himself , according to his own , not another mans liberty and choice . whence it also happens , that a greater admiration of the deity , and a more religious veneration of his eternal majesty , is ingendred in the minds of men . for , it usually comes to pass , that we loath and disregard those things which are readily apparent , and prostrated to every understanding , &c. vales. * ●othē , having ▪ outed the enemy . * or , in regard his paternal religion was adulterated . a instead of [ the son of god to be new ] which is the vulgar reading ; in the sfort. and florent . m. ss . the reading is [ the son of god to be a new god ; ] accordingly we have rendred it . vales. a in the florent . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be reduced into money , ] which , if i mistake not , is the truer . notwithstanding , the common reading ( to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he put a money-value upon , ) is sound , and needs no alteration . for chrysostom uses this term in this sense , in his homily on matth. . the old glosses expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by adaerat , he values by money . further , what socrates remarks here , ( to wit , that valens , instead of supplies of souldiers , did afterwards exact gold of his provinces , ) is also related by amm. marcellinus , book . . pag. . which place , because 't is corrupt even in our edition , i will here set down , as it ought to be amended : eruditi● adulatoribus in majus fortunam principis extollentibus : quod ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia [ not , thracenses nec opinanti offerrent , but ] trahens , ci nec opinanti offerret , ut collatis in unum suis & alieniginis viribus , invictum haberet exercitum ; & pro militari supplemento quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur , thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were gold , and of about a crown value . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the east ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , towards the east . ] vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having been initiated ] we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in order to his being initiated , &c. ] further , this story concerning moses's being made bishop of the saracens , and concerning the peace made with them , socrates has taken out of rufinus , book . chap. . eccles. hist. but has not observed rufinus's order . for rufinus has placed it about the beginning of lucius's episcopate , after the persecution of the edessens , not at the latter end of valens's reign . and i had rather follow rufinus's opinion , than that of socrates and sozomen . the motive i have to be of this opinion , is grounded on socrates's words at the close of this chapter , where he says , that mavia the queen , having made a peace with the romans , betrothed her daughter to victor the roman lieutenant general . now , victor , about the latter end of valens's reign , was too old to have any thoughts of marrying a wife . vales. * or , lay his hand on me . * or , peace : a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and peter being returned , ] the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peter at that time returning : ] and the full-point , which is ( in some copies ) placed before these words , must be expunged . epiphanius scholasticus seems to have followed this reading . vales. a the reading must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , marches out ; ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , passes by . ] moreover , the same days [ which socrates here assignes for valens's entry into , and march out of , constantinople , ] are recorded in idatius's fasti , in these words : valente vi. & valentiniano is. &c. in valens's sixth and valentinianus's second consulate , valens augustus entred constantinople , from the east , on the third of the calends of june [ that is , the thirtieth of may. ] and on the same year valens augustus went out of the city to the fort on the third of the ides [ that is , the eleventh ] of june . vales. * the ancients made use of a plough , both at their demolishing , and also at their raising of a city . see horace , carm. lib. . od. . b it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it was usuall with transcribers of books , for brevities sake , to write these words thus . for they wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. notes for div a -e a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by being continually detained . ] for a repetition of the negative particle is inelegant and nauseous ▪ in regard these words [ may not be cloy'd ] do precede . for , after them , an affirmation ought to follow . vales. † tim. . . * the reader may observe from this passage , in whose power it was in those days , to summon general synods . * or , domnica . a sozomen mentions this law of gratianus's , book . chap. . and so does theodoret , book . chap. . who says that sapor , lieutenant-general , was sent by gratianus into the eastern parts of the empire , to put this law in execution . that hapned in the year of christ . this law of gratianus's is not now extant . and yet it seems to be mentioned in the fifth law in the theodosian code , de fide catholicâ . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; living in exile . lucius was not banished ; the people of alexandria forced him to leave that city : see socrates , book . chap. . * or , to dissent again . † or , they reapt no benefit , or delight , from their attempt . * book . chap. . † book . chap. . * book . chap. . ‖ see book . chap. . * or , colleague in the bishoprick . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * that is , melitius , and paulinus . † see book . chap. . * or , marched . a indeed , socrates thought that gregorius had been translated from the bishoprick of nazianzum , to that of constantinople : which was the opinion of many others also . but gregorius had never been bishop of nazianzum ; he was only his father gregorius's assistant in that bishoprick , being sent for thither by his father ( then very aged , ) out of the solitudes ; whither he had retired after he had accepted of and also refused the bishoprick of sasimi , in the year of christ ; as baronius has remarked . vales. b i am not of socrates's opinion , who says here , that that church ( wherein gregorius nazianzenus used to preach the word of god at constantinople , ) was by the succeeding emperours named anastasia . for , in gregorius's own life time this church was called anastasia ; which is apparent , both from gregorius's own oration , wherein he bids farwell in express words to anastasia , and the apostles ; and also from his elegiack concerning the dream of anastasia . consult baronius , at the year of christ . vales. * see matt. . . where 't is thus worded in the greek : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but when they shall persecute you in this city . but here in socrates the words are : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; if they shall persecute you out of this city , &c. c we found a far different reading in our florentine and sfortian m. ss . for , in both those copies 't is thus exprest ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stands in need of the churches : this reading epiphan . scholasticus has followed , as appears from his version . for he renders it thus : quia igitur imperator ecclesiis opus habet , in regard therefore the emperour has an occasion for the churches . nicephorus maintains the common reading : for instead of [ excludes us from ] his words are [ drives us out of . ] the manuscript reading is in my judgment the better . vales. * book . chap. . a in the sfortian m. s. both here , and also before , in chap. . of this book ; this person is called acholius . the latins do commonly give him that name . for so he is called by ambrosius , by prosper in his chronicon , and by jordanes in his book de successione regnorum . but the greeks do usually term him ascholius . this is the ascholius , concerning whose death , virtues , and miracles , saint ambrosius writes , in his th epistle to the clergy of thessalonica . where he says , that anysius his scholl●● succeeded him . vales. a see book . chap. . b see what socrates has remarked concerning this matter in chap . of this book ▪ vales. † that is , the orthodox . c instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. although , &c. ] i had rather read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. who also at that time bore the praetor's office. ] nicephorus confirms our emendation ; for he words it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and admirable , as i may say , for all things ; who then bore the praetors office. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they are the very words of the third canon of the constantinopolitan synod . whereby the constantinopolitan fathers do confer upon the bishop of constantinople a precedency , or primacy of honour only ; but give him nothing of a metropolitical or patriarchical power , or jurisdiction . this is evident , not only from the cautious expression which the fathers of this synod make use of ; ( for they give him , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledges of power or jurisdiction , nor priviledges in general ; but they bestow on him only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledges of honour : ) but also from these very words themselves , compared with the second canon of this constantinopolitan synod . for , in that canon the fathers had made a positive sanction , that a dioecesis should be governed by its bishops , ( or by a synod of all the bishops in the same dioecesis , ) and that the said bishops should exercise their ecclesiastical power in that dioecesis only : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that the bishops of the thracican dioecesis should only govern the [ ecclesiastick ] affairs of the said thracican dioecesis : these are the very words of the canon . now , every body knows , that constantinople is scituate in the thracican dioecesis . in regard therefore , that the present fathers had committed the whole government of the thracican dioecesis to a synod of all the bishops in the said dioecesis ; there could nothing remain , which they might assign to any other single bishop in the said dioecesis ▪ before the rest of them , save only the bare priviledge of honour ; which alone they do here confer upon the constantinopolitan see scituate in the same dioecesis . and thus , by the order of this canon , anatolius bishop of constantinople is placed next after leo the bishop of rome's legates , in the subscriptions of the council of chalcedon . see concil . general . edit . bin. paris . tom. . pag. , . there occurs an eminent instance of this honour due to the constantinopolitan bishop by vertue of this canon , in synod . chalced. act. . vid. concil , general . edit . bin. ut prius ▪ tom. . pag. , . see the learned d r beveredge's annotat ▪ on the third canon concil . constantinop . pag. . e the first mention ( if i mistake not , ) of christian patriarchs ( so i term them , because the jews had grand officers amongst them thus termed , long before this time ; ) in any authour worthy of credit , is at this place in our socrates . however , there is no small stir amongst learned men , about defining the time wherein these patriarchs were first constituted in the christian church . valesius , in his notes on this chap. and in his third book of ecclesiastick observations upon socrates and sozomen , does in a great many words assert , that the patriarchical authority was confirmed by the sixth canon of the nicene synod . this assertion of his is sufficiently confuted by d r beveredge , in his annotat. upon that sixth canon , pag. ▪ &c. at which place , and in his notes on the second canon of the constantinopolitan council , pag. , ; the said learned doctor is of opinion ( agreeable to our socrates here , ) that patriarchs were first constituted by this second oecumenical council held at constantinople . nevertheless , he grants , that most of those priviledges , which patriarchs afterwards challenged were given them by other councils . lastly , d r barrow's sentiment is , that this dioecesan ( or patriarchical ) form did soon after the nicene council creep into the church , without any solemn appointment , by a spontaneous assumption and submission . see his excellent treatise of the pope's supremacy , pag. ▪ &c. f the roman emperours who preceded constantine the great , committed the chief management of affairs in the civill state of the empire to one , or at most to two praefects of the praetorium . but constantine the great introduced a new partition of the empire , ( as zosimus tells us , book . of his histor. pag. , , edit . lugd. ; ) and divided the management thereof amongst four praefects of the praetorium : one whereof was praefect of the pretorium in the east , a second of illyricum , a third of italy , and a fourth of the gallia's . each of these praefects had several dioecesis's under them : every single dioecesis was a combination of divers provinces together into one territory . what diocesis's every one of these prefects had under their district , and what and how many provinces were included in each dioecesis ; the learned reader may see in guidus pancirolus's notitia utraque , dignitatum , cùm orientis , tùm occidentis , edit . lugd. . from which author we will transcribe the five dioecesis's ( for so many he had under him , ) of the praefect of the praetorium of the east , as they occur at fol. , and , of his comment : because they are necessary in order to the clear understanding of what we have to say further here . sub dispositione virorum illustrium praefectorum pr●torio per orientem , &c. under the dispose of the illustrious the praefects of the praetorium throughout the east , are these dioecesis's underwritten , the east , egypt , the asian , pontick , and thracican dioecesis's . the provinces of the east [ or eastern dioecesis ] are xv. palestina , phaenice , syria , cilicia , cyprus , arabia . and the dux ( commander ) and comes ( earl ) of the milice . isauria , palestina salutaris , palestina secunda , phoenice libani , euphratensis , syria salutaris , osrhoena , mesopotamia , cilicia secunda . the provinces of egypt [ or aegyptick dioecesis . ] are vi. libya superior , libya inferior , thebais , aegyptus , arcadia , augustanica . the provinces of the asian dioecesis x. pamphylia , hellespontus , lydia , pisidia , lycaonia , phrygia pacatiana , phrygia salutaris , lycia , caria , insula . the provinces of the pontick dioecesis xi . galatia , bithynia , honorias , cappadocia prima , cappadocia secunda , paphlagonia , pontus polemaniacus , hellenopontus , armenia prima , armenia secunda , galatia salutaris . the provinces of the thracican dioecesis vi. europa , thracia , haemimontis , rhodope , moesia secunda , scythia . in conformity to this model of government in the civil state , the regiment in the church ( which before had been metropolitical , when the provinces were independent on each other in ecclesiastical administrations , ) was adapted . this dioecesan form of governance might , 't is probable , privately creep into the church , in that interval of time between the nicene and constantinopolitan councils ; which is the opinion of d r barrow ( see note ( e. ) in this chapter . ) but , 't is certain , it was confirmed by the fathers convened in this second oecumenical synod ; which sanction they made upon this occasion . a little before the summoning of this synod , melitius bishop of antioch in the east , took a journey to constantinople , where he , together with some other bishops promoted gregorius of nazianzum to the constantinopolitan see. so sozomen tells us , book . chap. and . soon after melitius had done this , peter bishop of alexandria sent some bishops from egypt to constantinople , who ordained maximus the cynick bishop of that city . see sozomen book . chap. . now , in the political partition of the roman empire , ( as you may see by that draught we have here given you of the oriental-praetorian-praefecture , ) these three places were in three several dioeceses . for , antioch in syria ( whence melitius came ) was in the oriental dioecesis : alexandria ( from whence the bishops we●● sent by peter ) was in the egyptick dioecesis : and constantinople ( where these bishops had celebrated their episcopal ordinations ) was scituate in the thracican dioecesis . in regard these proceedings had produced a great deal of disorder and confusion in the church ; to remedy this in future , the fathers convened in this synod , make a sanction , ( see conc. constantinopol . ii. can. . pag. , edit . bevereg . ) that the ecclesiastick dioecesis's should have the same limits with those of the state ; and that it should be as unlawfull for ecclesiastick persons to perform any office , or do any business belonging to them , without that dioecesis wherein they were placed ; as it was for the civil minister to intermeddle with any affair without the limits of his dioecesis . that this had not been duly observed in the church before this synod , but that prelates made frequent excursions out of one dioecesis into another , to ordain , is evident , not only from the instances we have mentioned just now ; ( where we find melitius who belonged to the oriental dioecesis , and other bishops of the egyptick dioecesis , ordaining a bishop of constantinople , a city in the thracican dioecesis ▪ ) but also from the testimony of our socrates , a person who lived soon after the convention of this constantinopolitan synod ; who speaking here concerning its sanctions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and they constituted patriarchs , having made a division of the provinces ; that so those bishops [ who make their abode ] without the bounds of their own dioecesis , should not invade the churches without their limits . for this had been promiscuously done before by reason of the persecutions . but , notwithstanding that this dioecesan form ( in imitation of the civil state of the empire ) was brought into the church , and thereupon patriarchical sees were erected : yet after this , several provincial churches had their ancient priviledges confirmed to them , ( which confirmation is grounded on the sixth canon of the nicene council , as d r beveredge has fully proved in his notes ▪ on that canon , pag. ; ) and remained independent from the patriarchical sees . for instance , the cyprian church was adjudged to be such an one , in the eighth canon of the third general council held at ephesus , in the year of christ . in which canon , after the ephesine fathers had determined the cyprian church to be independent from the bishop of antioch ; they add this clause : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the same shall be observed in other dioeceses , and in the provinces every where : that so , none of the most religious bishops may invade another province , which has not been for many years before , and from the beginning under his , or his predecessours hand . in like manner , armenia the great was exempted from dependence on any patriarchate ; as 't is apparent from that order of the presidency of the most holy patriarchs , which d r beveredge has published ( at his notes on the th canon concil . trullan . pag. , &c. ) from a very ancient greek manuscript in the bodlcian library . in which manuscript , neither england , scotland , nor ireland , are reckoned dependents on the roman patriarchate ; as the learned reader , on perusall , will find . though , 't is as certain , that there was a compleat and absolute church setled in this island , long before this manuscript order was ( or can be supposed to have been ) drawn up ; as that there was one at antioch , or rome it self . for ( not to mention those unquestionable authorities which might be here produced to prove , that the plantation of the gospel in this our province was as early as the close of tiberius's reign ; ) we have many witnesses of an undoubted authority to attest , that before the times of the nicene council , there was a compleat church setled in this island . for first , in the subscriptions to the first council of arles ( convened in france before the nicene council , that is , before the year of christ , as the acts of the said council , publisht by jacobus sirmondus do attest ; ) we meet with the names of these persons who went thither from this our island : ( see concilia antiqua gallia , tom. . pag. . edit . sirmondi paris . . ) eborius , episcopus de civitate eboracensi , &c. eborius bishop of the city of york in the province of britania . restitutus , bishop of the city london , in the fore-written province . adelfius , bishop of the city colonia of the londoners . from the same province , sacerdos a presbyter , arminius a deacon . secondly , athanasius ( in his second apology against the arians pag. . edit . paris . ) does attest , that the bishops of the britannia's were present at the sardican council ; which synod was convened in the consulate of rufinus and eusebius ( see our socrates book . chap. , note c. ) on the year of our lord . lastly , to mention no more , hilarius bishop of poictiers in france , in the beginning of his book de synodis ( pag. . edit . paris . . which book was written about the year of our lord . ) sends greeting britanniarum episcopis , to the bishops of the britannia's . this is sufficient to prove we had a church here in those times . and , that this church was governed by its own bishops , till about the year of christ , and subject neither to the roman , not to any other forreign prelate , is a thing evidently apparent from what venerable bede has recorded in his ecclesiastick history . for when gregory bishop of rome , ( supposing the inhabitants of this island to be still intangled in the errours of paganism , ) had sent hither augustine the monk to convert them to christianity ; he unexpectedly found , not only the christian religion disseminated amongst them long before his arrival , but bishops also rightly and duely constituted : which prelates could not ( in my simple judgment ) be supposed the subjects of the roman bishop , because he was so far from having any knowledge of them , that he did not believe there was one single christian in this island . but , though augustine at his arrival found not the british bishops dependants on the roman see ; yet , he resolves to use his utmost endeavour to make them such . in order to which , by the assistance of ●thelbert king of kent ( as bede tells us , book . chap. . eccles. histor. ) he summons together the prelates of the adjacent province of the britons , advises them to alter their ancient usages ▪ and to accept of him for their arch-bishop ▪ but they , having an arch-bishop of their own already to wit , the bishop of kaerleon , and looking upon it to be a strange and unheard-of thing , that they should become subjects to a forreigner ; wholly refused him and his monstrous proposal ; telling him , that they would not own him for their arch-bishop ; and , as to their ancient customs and usages , that they could not relinquish them without the consent and licence of their own nation . whereupon they desired a second synod might be convened . at which there met seaven brittish bishops ( whose names you may see in sir henry spelmans councils , tom. ● . pag. ; ) and many other learned men ; who by dionothus ( or , as bed● calls him ▪ dino●th ) abbot of bangor gave augustine the monk this answer ; ( see sir henry spelman , as before , pag. , : ) be it known to you and without doubt , that we are , and every one of us obedient and subject to the church of god and pope of rome , and to every true and pious christian , to love every one in his degree with perfect charity , and to help every one of them by word and deed to be the sons of god. as for any other obedience , i do not know that i owe it to him , whom ●e call the pope , or that he hath right to challenge or require to be the father of fathers . this obedience we are ready to give and pay to him ▪ and to every christian continually . besides , we are placed under the government of the bishop of kaerleon upon uske , who is to supervise under god over us , to make us keep the spiritual way . what treatment the brittish prelates found from augustines hand , after they had given him this answer ; the reader may see in bed● , at the book and chapter now quoted . where we find this augustine , their pretended convertour , threatning them with a war. which by his instigation ( see m r wheelocks notes on bed. eccles. hist. book . chap. . ethel●ridus king of the northanhumbrians waged against them : wherein no less than brittish ecclesiasticks were slain at one time . after this , the romish bishop , for upwards of nine centuries exercised a supream ecclesiastick power in this nation ; though several of our kings promulged severe laws against it . but now at length , his tyrannick yoak is broken off ; and our church enjoys its ancient priviledges : which may that god continue to it , by the most pretious bloud of whose eternal son it was purchased ! amen . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they are the words of the second canon of the constantinopolitan synod ; which dionysius exiguus renders thus : qui sunt super dioecesim episcopi , &c. the bishops who are over a dioecesis . there may be a twofold sence of these words . for first , they may be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who are over a dioecesis , or preside over a whole dioecesis : of which sort is the bishop of alexandria , or the bishop of antioch , who is constituted not over a province , but over a dioecesis . or secondly , they may be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who are without their own dioecesis : so zonaras explains these words , in his comment on this canon . lucas holstenius has embraced the former sense of these words . for , at the margin of his copy he had made a remark , that this passage in socrates is to be explained thus : ne episcopi , &c. least the bishops set over their own dioecesis's , should invade the churches situate without their limits . but , the latter sense is the truer ; which the canon it self declares in the following words : for the fathers add , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the uncalled bishops come not beyond their dioecesis . wherefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prelates without their bounds ; which title socrates has given gregory nazianzen at chap. . of this book ; because of his removal from the bishoprick of sasimi ( which was in the pontick dioecesis ) to constantinople . further , it is to be noted , that dioecesis in this canon does not signifie a diocese ( as that word is commonly used , ) or a province , as the greek interpreters zonaras and balsamon supposed ; but it imports many provinces joyned together which are subject to one governour . whence the title of this canon is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning dioeceses . for , its express words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the fore written canon concerning dioecesises being observed , 't is manifest that a provincial synod will govern affairs throughout every province . you see what the title of this canon is ▪ and how it distinguishes a province from a dioecesis . for , 't is not forbidden by this canon , that bishops should goe out of one province into another , to celebrate ordinations : that being not to be done otherwise . to instance in the asian dioecesis , ( see note f. ) the fathers prohibit not a removal out of lycia into pamphilia , nor out of caria into lycia , on account of ecclesiastick business : but they only forbid them to pass out of one dioecesis into another . vales. * that is , constantinople . h the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not here used in such a sense , as to signifie a patriarchate strictly so taken . nor , must we think , that these prelates here mentioned by socrates , were constituted patriarchs properly so called ; because ( as valesius well remarks ) there are more than one named here to be superintendents over one dioecesis ; for instance , helladius , gregorius , and otreïus , are assigned for the pontick dioecesis . now , what that power was , which is here given to these prelates by the synod ( or rather by the emperour theodosius himself , ) will appear from an inspection into the occasion of their being intrusted with this power . the emperour theodosius , perceiving the churches to be notoriously pestred with arianisme , took a resolution to extirpate it . in order whereto , he published an edict ( which is mentioned by sozomen , book . chap. ; and is still extant , being the third law in the theodosian code , tit. de fide catholicâ : ) to this effect ; that in all places , the possession of the churches should be delivered to such persons only , as would acknowledge and profess one and the same deity of the father , son , and holy spirit , in a subsistency of three persons equal in honour and power . in order to a more clear manifestation of those persons that owned this acknowledgment and profession ; such of them as were in constantinople and thracia , were by this imperial law obliged to hold communion with nectarius prelate of the constantinopolitan see ; those in the pontick dioecesis , with helladius , gregorius , and otreïus , &c. for these prelates ( says sozomen ) the emperour himself approved of , after he had seen and spoken with them ; and also , they had an eminent repute for their pious government of their churches . and the emperour orders further in his edict , that whosoever dissented from a communion of faith with these prelates , in their several districts ; he should be expelled out of the church as a manifest heretick . you see then , that the power given to these prelates here was not properly patriarchichal ; but only this , that their faith was to be the standard as it were , to measure that of others by , and a communion with them the test for admitting persons to , or expelling them from , ecclesiastick preferments . but , though we affirm , that the prelates here mentioned by socrates , were not constituted patriarchs properly so called : yet we see no reason of making an inference from hence , ( as valesius in his note here does , ) that patriarchs were not constituted by the constantinopolitan fathers . for this is plainly repugnant to our socrates's fore-mentioned words in this chap. viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they constituted patriarchs , having made a distribution , or division , of the provinces . on which distribution of the provinces , the entire constitution of patriarchs has its sole dependence . for , from it arose dioecesis's , over which patriarchs were set . see the learned d r beveredge's notes on the th canon of the nicene council , pag. , and on the second canon of the constant. synod . pag. . * see socrates , book . chap. . & book . chap. . note ( a. ) a this funeral oration in praise of melitius bishop of antioch , is now extant amongst the works of gregorius nyssenus . vales. a athanarichus king of the goths , entred constantinople in the consulate of eucherius and evagrius , on the eleventh of january , and died on the twenty fifth of the same month ; as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti , and in marcellinus's chronicon . on the year following , which was the year of christ , when antonius and syagrius were consuls , the whole gothick nation surrendred it self to theodosius , on the d of octob. as says the same idatius . vales. * in the greek he is called merogaudus here , and hereafter . † his name in the greek is satornilus . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders these word thus : the forms of the creed delivered by the ancients . epiphanius scholasticus thus : the traditions of the ancients . i like neither version . for socrates means the books of the ancient doctors of the church ; and more especially the interpretations of sacred scripture put forth by them . 't is certain , what he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ expositions ] here , he does a little after call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the books of the ancients . wherefore i have here chosen to render it expositions , as musculus does . for , what socrates here calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little lower he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the exposition of the ancients . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accommodated , ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , flourished . ] which emendation is confirmed by epiphanius scholasticus : for thus he renders it : de antiquis ecclesiae doctoribus , qui ante divisionem floruissent , concerning the ancient doctors of the church who flourished before the division . vales. * insist , or rely upon . † or dispersion . d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make known their draught of the creed ] i had rather read , as nicephorus does ▪ [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to set forth [ and deliver in ] to him in writing a draught . ] &c , vales. c this draught of the creed , which eunomius then presented to the emperour theodosius ▪ i have by me in manuscript ; for which i am oblieged to the most famous and learned emericus bigotius . in the bavarian manuscript , and in livineius's copy , this draught of the creed was placed at the latter end of gregorius nyssenus's books against eunomius , as gretser attests . but , in the florentine copy , from which bigotius transcribed this creed , it was placed before those books . nor , will it be unusefull , to insert it here . for , though it contains eunomius's whole impiety ; yet some things occur in it , in no wise despicable . eunomius's creed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whereas god and our saviour jesus christ according to a most just sentence has said , that he will confess before god and the father , those which should confess him before men , and that he will deny such as should deny him : and whereas the apostolick doctrine does exhort us , to be always ready to [ give ] an account to every one that asketh it : whereas [ lastly , ] the imperial commands do require this confession ; with all readiness we confess what our sentiments are , and that we believe in one only true god , according to his own doctrine , not honouring him with a false voice . for he cannot lye . but is by nature and glory truly one god : without beginning , always , and eternally alone . not parted or divided into many as to his substance , according to which he is one : nor existing sometimes one , at others another ; no● receding from what he is : nor formed from one substance into three persons . for he is altogether and wholly one , continuing always alone in one and the same manner . having no companion of his divinity , no partaker of his glory , no consort of his power , no assessour of his kingdom . for he is one and the only omnipotent god , god of gods , king of kings , and lord of lords . the highest over all the earth , the highest in the heavens , the highest in the highest , the heavenly things : true in being what he is , and always continuing so . true in his works , true in his words . the beginning of all subjection , power , empire . above conversion , and free from change , as being incorrupt . not dividing his own substance in begetting , nor being the same begetting and begotten , or existing the same father and son. for he is incorrupt . in working in no wise wanting matter , or members , or natural instruments . for he stands in need of nothing . we believe also in the son of god , the only begotten god , the first begotten of every creature , christ the true god , not unbegotten : not ( before he was , ) named the son without generation , begotten before every creature . not uncreated . the beginning of the waies of god [ in order to his ] works , and being the word in the beginning : not without a beginning . the living wisdom , the operating truth , the subsisting power , the begotten life : as being the son of god giving life to the living ; and restoring life to the dead : the true light , enlightning every man that cometh into the world : god , and the minister of good things ; in regard he is begotten of the goodness and power of the father : who hath not divided with him that has imparted the dignity , nor with any other , his fathers substance , or kingdom . but by generation is made glorious , and the lord of glory . who has received glory from the father , but has not partaken of the fathers glory . for , the glory of the almighty is incommunicable , as he himself has said , i will not give my glory to another . who has been glorified by the father before ages . who has been glorified by the father through ages , and throughout the whole rational and created substance . whom the whole celestial milice doth guard . for he is the lord and king of glory , as being the son of god and god : the framer of things immortal and mortal , the framer of spirits and of all flesh . for all things were made by him , and without him nothing was made . the king and lord of all life and breath of those [ creatures ] that were made by him . for all things were delivered unto him by the father , according to his holy expression , and the father hath given all things into his hand . obedient to the framing and creating of the things which are . obedient to every administration . not receiving his being the son , or god , from his obedience : but in that he is the son , and is the only begotten , he is made god. obedient in works . obedient in words . the mediatour in sentences [ or decrees . ] the mediatour in laws . him we acknowledge to be the sun of god , and the only begotten god. him alone [ we acknowledge to be ] like to him that begat him upon account of an eminent similitude and a peculiar conception [ or signification . ] not as the father [ is ] to the father . for there are not two fathers . nor as the son [ is ] to the son , there being not two sons . nor as the unbegotten to the unbegotten . for there is one only unbegotten , [ to wit ] the omnipotent ; and one only begotten son. but [ he is like ] as the son to the father : in regard he is the image and seal of every operation and power of the almighty : the seal of all the works , words , and councels of the father . him we acknowledge to be one of those who covered the earth with [ a deluge of ] waters . who burnt the sodomites with fire . who inflicted punishment on the egyptians . who made laws according to the commandment of the eternal god. who in the times of the prophets converst with the ancients . who called those that refused to obey . who has received all power of judging . for the father judgeth no man : but hath given all judgment to the son. who in the last days was made flesh : made of a woman . made man in order to the deliverance and salvation of us men . who assumed man [ or humanity ] consisting of a soul and body . who by his tongue and mouth preached peace to those that were near and such as were remote . who was made obedient unto the cross and unto death . and who saw not corruption , but rose again the third day . and after his resurrection he compendiously expounded the mystery to his [ disciples . ] he sits on the right hand of the father : and shall come to judge the quick and dead . after this [ person , ] we believe in the paraclete , the spirit of truth . the teacher of piety . made by the only begotten , to whom he was once subject . who is not to be reckoned after the father , nor together with the father . for there is one only father , who is god over all . nor is he to be equalled with the son. for he is the only begotten , and has no brother begotten at the same time with him . nor yet is he to be compared with any other thing . for he has transcended all other things that have been made by the son , in generation , nature , glory , and knowledge . in regard he is the first and best , the greatest and most beautifull work of the only begotten . who also himself being one , and the first , and the only , and the most eminent of all the sons composures , by reason of his substance and natural dignity ; does perfect every operation and doctrine according to the sons arbitrement , by whom he is sent , and of whom he receives . and he makes a relation to those that are instructed ▪ teaching the truth : sanctifying the saints : leading them who come to the sacrament : dividing to the spirit all his free gifts , who gives grace . and he cooperates with the faithfull , in order to their understanding and contemplation of the things commanded . who groans with them that pray : is the guide to what is profitable : gives strength in order to piety : enlightens souls with the light of knowledge : purges the thoughts : chases away devills : cures the sick : heals the diseased : brings back the wanderers [ into the way : ] comforts the afflicted : erects those that stumble and fall : refreshes those that labour : encourages with shouts those that strive : emboldens those that are fearfull : is the guardian and overseer of all men : takes all imaginable care , and makes provision for the promotion [ or access ] of the well minded , and for the preservation of the more faithfull . further , we believe in that resurrection ▪ which shall be [ effected ] by our saviour ; [ to wit ] of those very bodies which have been dissolved , together with their proper members and particles : when nothing shall be wanting or changed , of those things which composed every mans body in this present life . moreover , [ we believe ] the judgment which shall be after this , of those things which have been ill-thought or acted ; and likewise of all the works , words , actions , practises , conceptions of the mind , and thoughts which have hapned in this present life : so that nothing at all , whether of the greatest matters , or of the least , shall be concealed : nothing of those things , which have been legally done , or unjustly perpetrated , shall be neglected or overlookt : but a proportionate and just sentence shall be given [ or measured out . ] and those that have continued impious and sinners to the end [ of their lives , ] shall be sent away to an endless punishment . but such as have led holy and righteous lives , shall be taken up to an eternall life . these are our sentiments , which we have learned from the saints , and thus we think and believe . we have omitted nothing of what we have learned , on account of shame , or out of fear . nor have we by reason of turpitude or contentiousness made any additions thereto , or perverted any thing therein . neither are we conscious to our selves of any such falsity or detestable impiety as is framed against us by those sycophants , or slanderers ; whose damnation is just . that this is the confession of faith , which was delivered by eunomius to theodosius , in the month june , on the second consulate of merobaudes which he bore which saturninus ; is evident from these words which occur at the beginning of this confession ; to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and whereas the imperial commands do require this confession . vales. f instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about those of his own opinion , ] it must be thus mended [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with , or to those of his own opinion . ] the same errour occurs before in this chapter ; where he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which we have corrected by rendring it thus : for some were one way affected towards the books of the ancients , others another . vales. g i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with those [ churches ] of his own faith. for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 churches is understood . the priviledges of churches are , a priviledge of sanctuary , a priviledge of receiving embassies , and the like . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps he means the imperial power ; for constantius and valens were great favourers of these sects . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making a joynt attempt again . a musculus and christophorson seem to have thought ( as by their versions appear , ) that this man was born in brittain ; which ( though perhaps true , yet ) cannot be made out from this passage in our socrates . zosimus ( histor. book . ) says this maximus was a spaniard . our countrey-man guildas calls him germen plantationis britannicae , a branch of the britannick plantation . camden mentions him in his britannia ( pag. ▪ , edit . lond. . ) where he quotes some verses out of ausonius ; in which he is termed rhutupinum latronem , the richborow-thief . * or , merogaudus . b i will here propose my doubt to the reader . i am of opinion therefore , that thessalonica , which was the chief city of macedonia , was under theodosius's empire . my reasons are ; ( . ) because theodosius , after he had been proclaimed augustus by gratianus at sirmium , went to thessalonica , resided there a long while , and received the embassies of the cities of the east : and when he fell sick , he was baptized by acholius bishop of that city , as zosimus , prosper , socrates , and others do relate . ( . ) during his residence in that city , he published many laws , which are extant in the theodosian code , in the titles de fide catholica , and de haereticis ; which laws are dated at thessalonica . ( . ) lastly , in the constantinopolitan synod , at which 't is manifest the eastern bishops only were present , acholius bishop of thessalonica is reckoned , as may be seen in the eighth chapter of this book . after theodosius's times , there is no doubt but thessalonica was under the eastern emperours . for 't was the chief city of the oriental illyricum , which contained macedonia and dacia , as we are informed from the notitia of the roman empire . but , whether or no it was under the eastern emperours , about the beginning of theodosius's reign ; may deservedly be doubted . for aurelius victor , and zonaras do expresly affirm , that gratianus gave theodosius only the east and the thracia's . and zosimus relates , that valentinlanus junior ( upon his division of the empire with his brother , ) had italy , africk , and illyricum . neither had constantius , or valens ( who governed the eastern empire before theodosius ) illyricum under their dominion . in the times of valens , 't is certain , mamertinus praefect of the praetorium , governed italy , africa , and illyricum at the same time ; as amm. marcellinus attests . notwithstanding , valens ( after his brother valentinianus's death ) seems to have annext macedonia and dacia to his own empire , by the consent of his brother's sons , which collection i make from the close of amm. marcellinus's thirty first book : where he says , that valens's souldiers and palatines , who had been besieged by the goths at adrianople , went out after that siege was broken up , and hastned some into dacia ▪ others into macedonia , supposing that valens had retired thither . see amm. marcellinus , pag. . edit . par. . vales. * or , richomelius . a the phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which christophorson renders ill , thus , valentinian's souldiers . for socrates means valentinian himself who was on this year ( when valentinian himself was the third time consul , with eutropius , ) conquered by maximus , ( as sulpitius informs us , in his first book concerning the life of martinus ) and together with his mother justina , his praesects and comites , fled to thessalonica . vales. b but zosimus says , that maximus's embassy was received by theodosius ; and that he acknowledged him to be emperour , and admitted of his statues ▪ and ordered cynegius praefect of the praetorium in the east , that maximus's statues should be proposed to publick view at alexandria , and that he should declare to the people that maximus was colleague of his empire . which thing sigonius ( in his book de occidentati imperio ) has done ill to place on the year of christ , when richomeres and clearchus were consuls ; in regard it was done in valentinianus's third consulate , which he bore with eutropius , on the year of christ . for , on this year cynegius was praefect of the praetorium . vales. c he should rather have said aquileia . for thither maximus went , as zosimus and the other chronologers do inform us . vales. * this character does well befit too many persons of our own nation at this juncture . a socrates i s mistaken . for maximus was slain , not on the th of august , but on the th of july , as idatius says in his chronicon . the same is recorded in those fasti , which jacobus sirmondus has published under idatius's name . for , these are the words there : theodosio aug. ii. & cynegio coss. &c. in the second consulate of theodosius augustus [ which he bore ] with cynegius , on that year , maximus the tyrant that publick enemy , is slain by theodosius augustus , three miles from aquileia , on the fifth of the calends of august [ that is , on the th of july ] also , his son victor is slain a few days after , in the gallia's , by theodosius's comes . further , this victor had been created first caesar , and then augustus , by his father ; as we are informed from this old inscription recorded by sigonius , in his th book , de occidentali imperio : dd. nn. mag . cl. maximo , et fl. victori piis felicibus semper augustis bono r. p. natis . where you see maximus has two praenomina , to wit , magnus clemens . sulpitius severus ( book . histor. sacr. ) calls him clemens maximus . but , by orosius he is termed magnus maximus . vales. b here is a mistake , either of socrates , or of his transcribers ; in calling symmachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a person that had born the consulate . for symmachus whose epistles are extant at this day , had not at that time been consul ; but three years after he bore a consulate with tatianus . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about antioch in syria ] i had rather word it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at antioch in syria . ] vales. * compare chap. . with chap. . of this book . † see chap. . * that is , mithra's temple : what these mysteries were , socrates has told us , book . chap. . † pieces of wood made in fashion of a mans privities . * see book . chap. . a some excerptions of this helladius the grammarian , are extant in photius's bibliotheca . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the ape 's priest. for the egyptians worship an ape , as lucian tells us , in his piece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b sozomen ( book . chap. . ) calls this praefects name evagrius : and the commander in chief of the milice in egypt , he names romanus . eunapius likewise ( in the life of aedesius , ) names both these persons ; and attests , that they gave a great assistance to theophilus bishop of alexandria , in destroying the temple of serapis . i will insert eunapius's own words here , because they want correcting ; ( see eunap . in vità aedes●i , pag. . edit . colon. allobrog . : ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the temples about the city canobus underwent the same thing , theodosius being at that time emperour , and theophilus presiding over those execrable persons ; he was a certain eurymidon , that reigned over the haughty gyants . evetius being then governour of the civill affairs : and romanus intrusted with the command of the milice throughout egypt . on my perill , correct it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , evagrius being then governour of the civill affairs . in the theodosian code , ( title , de paganis , ) there is a law extant of theodosius's , directed to this evagrius praefect of egypt , and to romanus comes of the milite throughout egypt ; which law was dated at aquilcia , in the consulate of . tatianus and symmachus . from which law it may be concluded , that serapi●'s temple was demollished at alexandria , in the year of christ . but marcellinus , in his chronicon , contradicts this ; and says this temple was destroyed when timasius and promotus were consuls ; which was the year of christ . and this , in my judgment , is the truer . for cynegius praefect of the praetorium , at his being sent into egypt , had a command from theodosius , that he should pull down the heathen temples ; as zosimus relates in his first book . and he had executed that command , as idatius attests in his fasti. now , cynegius died in his own consulate , on the year of christ . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because but , &c. ] socrates means the image of their god simius , which theophilus had ordered to be reserved on purpose . and thus epiphan . scholasticus has explained this place in socrates ; much better then christophorson ; who understood those words of socrates [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as spoken concerning a certain ( or rather uncertain ) god. vales. a instead-of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called an hieroglyphick ; ] it ought rather to be thus written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which [ letters ] they call hieroglyphical : ] so epiphanius scholasticus seems , to have read . indeed , socrates and sozomen do relate , that these hieroglyphical letters were found in the temple of serapis , cut upon the walls thereof . but rufinus does not say they were found there : he tells us rather , that they were kept and expounded at canopus . at his d book , eccles. histor. chap. ; these are his words : jam vero canopi quis enumere● superstitiosa flagitia ? &c. but now , who can enumerate the superstitious impieties at canopus ? where , under a praetext of their sacerdotal letters , ( for so they call the ancient letters of the egyptians ; ) there was in a manner a publick school of magick art. vales. * fitted , or applied . b socrates borrowed this out of rufinus's d book , eccles. histor . chap. . he apprehended not rufinus's meaning . for rufinus says not , that it was predicted to the pagans by other sacerdotal letters , that serapis's temple would then be destroyed , when that sign of the cross should appear : he only says , that the egyptians received this as a tradition from their ancestours , to wit , that the temples wherein they then worshipped , should stand so long , till that sign should come , wherein there was life . but , because mention is here made of serapis's worship , and of the letters found in his temple ; nothing hinders , but we may here explain , ( in favour of the studious ) an old epigram concerning scrapis , which is recorded by eusebius in his books de demonstratione evangelicâ . for it contains both the manner how this god was worshipped by the egyptians ; and besides , scaliger understood it not , in his animadversions on eusebius , number . the epigram therefore runs thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , the seven vowells do my praise resound , who am the great , immortal deity , th' unwearied father of the universe . you must know , that the egyptian priests were wont to praise their god serapis in no other manner , than by a recitation now and then of the seven greek vowells . therefore , instead of hymns and songs , the pipe and harp ; the sound of the seven vowells was heard in serapis's temple . dionysius halicarnassensis does attest this , in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the chapter de collisione vocalium . where after he has informed us , that the collision of the vowells is not so much to be avoided , in regard it sometimes produces a pleasant noise ▪ ; he adds these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , in egypt the priests sing praises to the gods by [ repeating ] the seven vowells , sounding them out one after the other . and , instead of the pipe and harp , the sound of these letters is heard . elias vinetus ( in his notes at ausonius ' s eighteenth epistle , ) does declare that he had seen an old inscription , which was found upon a golden plate , fixt on the breast of a dead body . this plate contained the seven greek vowells , repeated in seven verses , in such order as you may see there . but i doubt not , but there were seven other verses on the reverse of the said plate , in the same order with those on the foreside . to wit , in such a manner that the second verse of the reverse side began with omicron , the fourth with ypsilon , the sixth with omega . vinetus could not explain this riddle . in my judgment serapis's name is denoted by these letters ; which god ( as hesychius attests ) was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only because there are seven letters contained in his name , but in regard he was usually praised by the seven vowells . now , it was an usage amongst the superstitious heathens to engrave serapis's name upon a brazen plate , and wear it hung about their necks in form of a buckler . artemidorus ( book . ) gives us an account of this usage , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. in what order the seven greek vowells were placed on the foreside of this golden plate ; the learned reader may see in vinetus's notes on the th epistle of ausonius , written to tetradius ; edit . burdigal . . * colos. . . * acts . , &c. † see numb . . & john. . . * or , rendred ineffectuall . † or , in the greatest rome . a amongst the romans , bakers were called mancipes ; because they were [ mancipati ] bound to the colledge of bakers , and to the trade of making bread : and their goods and families were obnoxious to this function . see the eighteenth law of the theodosian code de pistoribus . in which law , they are the decuriales , ( concerning whom i have made several remarks in my notes on amm. marcel . ) who were of the decuriae of the city of rome . these officers had the custody of all the publick acts and monuments ; especially the sentences of judges , contracts , adoptions , and the like . on which account ( as cassiodorus tells us , book . epist. , ) the quiet and security of all men , and the publick faith was kept in their desks . there was over all these a rector of the decuriae ; concerning whose office see cassiodorus , book . epist. , . but , to return to the mancipes ; it is observable , that in the fore-mentioned law the function of the mancipes or bakers is termed mancipatus . so also it is called in that one law in the theodosian code de mancipibus : which law was published at rome by theodosius , in the consulate of timasius and promotus ; at the same time that these things ( which socrates here relates ) were done . see meursius's glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is further to be remarkt , that those constitutions made at rome by theodosius ( which socrates treats of in this chapter , and places after the emperours victory over the tyrant maximus , ) are by cedrenus placed after theodosius's victory over the tyrant eugenius . but cedrenus's words ( you will meet with this passage in cedrenus , at pag. , edit . basil. ) are corrupt , which i mend thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ in the fore-mentioned edition of cedrenus the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against is omitted ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ in cedrenus , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strangers , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 living creatures : ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , making his entry into rome after his victory over this person [ eugenius , ] he did a great deal of good to that city , and abolished what [ had been usually done ] in the bake-houses against strangers that fell in thither , whom they shut up in the bake-houses till they became aged , and forced them to grind . the authour of this emendation in cedrenus , is theophanes , who also relates this fact of theodosius's , after his victory over eugenius . concerning these mancipes there is an eminent passage extant in the excerptions of joannes lydus de mensibus graecorum , in the month march. vales. * intrapped . † or , fell from the victuallinghouses down into , &c. b i can scarce believe , that the romans inflicted this sort of punishment upon adulteresses . for , after constantine's time , they always punisht adultery with a capital punishment . we are informed hereof from the emperours laws extant in both the codes , tit. ad legem juliam de adulteriis . i omit the testimony of amm. marcellinus , book . further , any one may conjecture , that those little bells , mentioned here by socrates were not found out to punish adulteresses ; but were commonly made use of by all whores who prostituting themselves in their cells , by this sign called travellers unto them . concerning which custome dio cassius ( in the fragments of his th book , which i have some time since published , ) speaks these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in fine , having made a cell within the pallace , he acted his lechery therein , standing naked before the door thereof , as whores usually do , shaking his shirs which was hung up with golden rings , and with a soft , delicate , and broken voice , inviting his companions to him . vales. these words dion cassius speaks of avitus or heliogabalus , emperour of rome ; the learned reader will find this passage , at pag. . edit . hanov. . * or , made liable to punishment . † practises . a the course of discipline in relation to penetency , as it was practised by the fathers during the first and purest times , reformed open transgressours , by putting them into offices of open penitence , especially confession , whereby they declared their own crimes in the hearing of the whole church , and were not from the time of their first convention capable of the holy mysteries of christ , till they had solemnly discharged this duty . during which times , offenders in secret also , knowing themselves altogether as unworthy of admission to the lords table , as the other who were withheld ; and being perswaded , that if the church did direct them in the offices of their penitency , and assist them with publick prayer , they should more easily attain what they sought , than by trusting wholly to their own endeavours ; lastly , having no impediment to stay them from it but bashfullness , which countervailed not the sore-mentioned inducements ; and besides , was greatly eased by that good construction , which the charity of those times gave to such actions , ( wherein mens piety and voluntary care to be reconciled to god purchased them much more love , than their faults were able to procure disgrace ; ) these offenders in secret , i say , were not nice to use some one of gods ministers , by whom the rest might take notice of their faults , prescribe them convenient remedies , and in the end , after publick confession , all joyn in prayer to god for them . but , as professours of christianity grew more numerous , so they waxed worse ; when persecution ceased , the church immediately became subject to those mischiefs , that are the product of peace and security ; to wit , schisms , discords , dissentions , &c : faults were not corrected in charity , but noted with delight , and treasured up for malice to make use of , when the deadliest opportunities should be offered . whereupon , in regard publick confessions became dangerous and prejudicial to the safety of well minded men , and in diverse respects advantageous to the enemies of god's church ; it seemed first unto some , and afterwards generally requisite , that voluntary penitents should cease from open confession . instead whereof , private and secret confession was usually practised , as well in the latine , as in the greek church . the cause why the latins made this change of publick confession into private , leo the great declares , in his decretall epistles , epist , , ad universos episcopos per campaniam , &c. pag. , . edit lugd. . this alteration was made in the greek church , about such time as the heresie of the novatianists had its original , ( which is our socrates's sentiment here , and is very probable ; ) upon this occasion . the church resolving ( contrary to the opinion of novatus , or rather novatianus , and his followers ; concerning which , see euseb. eccles. histor , book . chap. . ) to admit the lapsed in the decian persecution to communion , and judging it fit , that before that their admission , they ( and all other voluntary penitents in future ) should do pennance and make confession in private only ; ( to the end that the novatianists might not take occasion at the multitude of publick penitents , of insulting over the discipline of the church , as they usually had done , and did : ) constituted in every church a penitentiary presbyter : whose office it was , to take the confessions and appoint the pennances of secret offenders . so that , if penitents in secret , being guilty of crimes whereby they knew they had made themselves unfit guests for the table of our lord , did seek direction for their better performance of that which should set them clear ; it was in this case the penitentiarie's duty to take their confessions , to advise them the best way he could for their souls good , to admonish them , to counsell them ; but not to lay upon them more than private pennance . as for notorious wicked persons , whose crimes were known ; to convict , judge , and punish them , was the office of the ecclesiastical consistory ; penitentiaries had their institution to another end . this office of the penitentiary was continued in the greek church for the space of above some hundred years ; till nectarius , and the bishops of churches under him begun a second alteration , abolishing even that confession which their penitentiaries took in private , upon that occasion which socrates mentions here in this chapter . see m r hooker's eccles. politie , book . pag. . &c. edit . lond. ; also d r cave's primitive christianity , part . chap. . b in rob. stephens edit . the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishops added a presbyter , who was to have the charge of penitency , to the canon of the churches . in the sfortian m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the ecclesiastick canon ; ] which reading epiphanius scholasticus and nicephorus found in their copies , as appears by the version of the first , and the greek text of the second . which two authours took canon to signifie a rule or ecclesiastick decree . petavius , in his notes on epiphanius , pag. , took these words of socrates in such a sense , as if the import of them were , that the bishops , by publishing of a canon then newly found out , added a presbyter who should take charge of the penitents ; which opinion of his he confirms by these following words of socrates : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. this canon is in force to this day amongst other heresics ; where the term canon is manifestly taken for a rule and decree . but valesius is not of petavius's opinion . his reasons are , ( ) the propriety of the greek tongue admits not of this sense . ( ) if a new canon were then made concerning the institution of a penitentiary presbyter , he queries , where , and in what councill it was published . valesius's sentiment therefore is , that the term canon is here to be taken for the matricula , or roll of ecclesiastick officers belonging to the church . in which sense , he says , t is taken in the can. concil . chalccdon . pag. edit . beveredg . where ( t is true ) it must be taken in a more comprehensive sense , than to signifie the c●crus only ; that is , those who are ordained by imposition of hands : because the fathers in that canon speak of all the ecclesiastick officers , such as were the occonomi , the defensores , the mansionarii , &c. concerning whom see d r beveredge's notes , pag. . but , whether it is to be used in this sense here , i determine not ; let the learned judge . c what the course of discipline in relation to penitency was , as it was practised by the fathers during the first and purest times , before penitentiaries were instituted ; we have declared at note ( a. ) in this chapter , mostly in m r hookers own words . which incomparable authour , in the forecited book of his eccles. politie , has by unexceptionable authorities made it evident , ( whatever the learned reader may find said to the contrary by baronius at the year of christ , by petavius in his diatriba about this point which occurs at pag. , of his notes on epiphanius , or by bellarmine : ) that the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or confession , which the primitives use to speak of in the exercise of repentance , was made openly in the hearing of the whole both ecclesiastical confistory and assembly . after the institution of penitentiary presbyters in every church , this publick confession was abrogated ; and such as were guilty of crimes , confessed them not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the presence of the people , but ( as socrates here says ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before this presbyter instituted for that purpose . the same is confirmed by sozomen , book . chap. . where he tells us , how a presbyter elected to the office of a penitentiary , was to be qualified . one of his qualifications was , that he ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a person that could hold his tongue : by which 't is plain , that the confessions made to him were private , and to be kept concealed . * that is , the office of the penitentiary . for these hereticks admitted no person to their communion upon any repentance , who was once known to have sinned after baptism : see euseb. eccles. hist. book . chap. . which practise of theirs , how fair soever their pretence might seem , made sinners not the fewer , but the closer , and the more obdurate . † to wit , from the persecution under the emperour decius , till after the election of nectarius to the episcopate of constantinople . d valesius , in his note here , starts this query ; whether the confession made by this gentlewoman were publick , or private ? in order to the answering whereof , he remarks , that she confest twice before the penitentiary . at her first confession , she made known all her sins ; whereupon she is advised to continue in fasting and prayer . at her second , she discovered her having been debaucht by the deacon . these two confessions ( continues valesius , ) were different both in time and manner . the first was of all her faults 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , particularly ( as socrates words it ; ) the second was of one crime only . all which may perhaps be true . after this remark made , valesius concludes both these confessions to have been secret ; which ( says he ) is apparent from these two reasons ( ) because publick confession was never in use in the church : ( ) in regard socrates says , that this woman accused not her self before the people , but before the penitentiary . valesius's first reason appears evidently false , not only from m r hookers words quoted before , and the unquestionable authorities he there produces to prove what he asserts ; but from a passage in sozomen book . chap. . where that ecclesiastick historian , ( giving reasons of the alteration which the grecians made , by abrogating publick confession , and instituting penitentiaries throughout all churches to take the confessions and appoint the penances of secret offenders , ) assignes this for one : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. it did from the beginning deservedly seem burthensome to the priests , that sins should be declared before the whole congregation of the church as witnesses , in a theatre as it were ; from which words 't is evident that publick confession was once in fashion in the church . valesius's second reason we have before cleared and confirmed by the joynt testimony of socrates and sozomen . see note ( c. ) e valesius says here , he can't be induced to believe , that this gentlewoman did publick pennance . his reasons for this are ( ) women were very rarely compelled to do publick pennance , the church being indulgent towards the modesty of matrons . ( ) nothing occurs at this passage , which may make us think this matron's pennance was publick . ( ) in regard she is injoyned to fast and pray continually ; that may be understood of private satisfaction , which she performed at home and in secret . to which reasons of valesius's , a fourth may be added , drawn from the penitentiaries office : which was to take the confessions of secret penitents , to advise them the best way he could for their souls health , to admonish and councel them , but not to lay on them more than private pennance . see note ( a ) in this chapter . f in the original , 't is thus exprest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import here with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in process of time , or some time after this . for socrates's meaning is , that this was the womans second confession . which is confirmed by nicephorus , and sozomen ; who ( in his eccles. hist. book . chap. , ) words this passage thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. whilest she made her abode in the church upon this account , [ to wit , of performing the pennance injoyned her by the penitentiary , ] she confessed that she had been debaucht by a deacon . it may also not unfitly be thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but the woman came to [ the penitentiary , ] and detected , &c. vales. g here arises a difficulty , to wit , how this fact could come to the peoples knowledge , if the womans confession were secret ? how also the bishop could know this wicked fact , who degraded the deacon on account thereof ? my sentiment is , that the penitentiary-presbyter , to whom the woman had confessed this impious act , first sent for the deacon , reproving him before the woman , and forced him to a confession of his crime : then , he made a report of the whole matter to nectarius the bishop , by whom he had been set over the penitents : and whose deputy he was in that office. for the penitentiary heard confessions only , and enjoyned pennances . but the bishop himself reconciled penitents . nor ought any one to make this objection , viz. if we admit what you have said to be true , it follows that the secrets of confession may be discovered . i deny that consequence . for the penitentiary-presbyter made known the deacon's wickedness only to the bishop ; the matron's name he concealed . further , the deacon's degradation does plainly confirm what i have asserted . for nectarius the bishop could not have deposed him , had he not had intimation from the penitentiary , who had detected the deacon of whoredom . vales. h the learned reader must have observed , that there is nothing wherein the romanists do more disagree amongst themselves , than in their accounts of this fact of nectarius . petavius ( in his notes on epiphanius , pag. , ) does maintaine , that nectarius abrogated publick pennance only , but continued confession , that is private confession ; for publick , he says , was never in use in the church . valesius ( in his note at this place ) does assert , that neither confession , nor pennance were abolished by nectarius ; but that the bishop removed this particular penitentiary-presbyter only , and that but for a time , because of the discontented people's indignation . one john hasselius , ( who is mentioned by pamelius , in his th note on saint cyprian's treatise de lapsis , ) worte a book on purpose to shew that nectarius did but put the penitentiary from his office , and abrogated not the office it self . but all these assertions are palpably contradicted ( ) by the whole advice which eudaemon gives nectarius in this chapter , to wit , of leaving the people from that time forward to their own consciences ; ( ) by the conference between our socrates and eudaemon , which follows in this chapter ; wherein complaint is made of some inconvenience which the want of this office would breed : ( ) by that which the history declares concerning other churches , who did as nectarius had done before them , not in deposing the same man ( for that was impossible ) but in removing the same office out of their churches , which nectarius had abrogated in his . all these particulars are evident from this chapter in socrates ; with whom sozomen ( book . chap. . ) agrees , and adds further that in his time ( he lived in the reign of the younger theodosius , ) the same abolition did still continue , and that the bishops had in a manner every where followed the example given them by nectarius . but , though the romanists differ ( as you see ) in their sentiments about this fact of nectarius's : yet they all unanimously agree in this ; to wit , that nectarius did not abrogate auricular confession . the reason of their consent in this assertion is plain : should it be acknowledged , that nectarius did abrogate auricular ( or private ) confession , ( as 't is evident he did , from the attestation both of socrates and sozomen , ) it would enforce them to grant , that the greek church at that time held not confession , as the latine church now doth , to be the part of a sacrament instituted by our saviour jesus christ , which therefore the church till the worlds end hath no power to alter . see m r hookers eccles. politie , pag. , &c. edit . lond. . i from this answer of socrates's to eudamon , 't is apparent , that nectarius's abolition of the penitentiary-presbyter's office , displeased our socrates . whence we may evidently conclude , ( what ever baronius and petavius have said to the contrary , at the places before quoted ) that our socrates was no novatianist . for , had he embraced that heresie , he would doubtless never have sound fault with that sanction of nectarius's , whereby he abrogated the penitentiary : nor would he have doubted to pronounce these words concerning the advice eudaemon suggested to nectarius , to wit , whether it were usefull or hurtfull to the church : for the novatians never admitted either of penitency , or of the penitentiary-presbyter . besides , socrates in this place terms the assembly of the homoöusians barely and simply the church : which he would questionless never have done , had he been a follower of the novatian heresie . vales. * ephes. . . * or , could comprehend in their opinion thereof . * see socrat . book . chap. . & book . chap. . † see socrat . book . chap. . ‖ socrat. book . chap. . * that is , the eucharist . † the office of presbyter . * that is , marcianus . * instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at angarum ] the reading must doubtless be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at sangarum : ] so epiphan . scholasticus , and nicephorus read it ; and the same reading occurs in sozomen , book . chap. . vales. * or , canon . † that is , indifferent . b this place is corrupted ; nor is this fault of a short standing . for , even in epiphanius scholasticus's age , this mistake had crept into the copies of secrates , as 't is apparent from his version . for epiphanius renders it thus : cum haec ab els tunc fuissetregular definita , &c. when this determination had at that time been made by them , sabbatius bound by his oath , ( if at any time there hapned any discrepancy in the paschal solemnity , ) fasted by himself , and by night celebrated the solemn day of the passover on the sabbath : and again , mes with the whole congregation in the church , and partook of the mysteries . christophorson has exprest the same sense in his version . nicephorus also ( eccles. hist. book . chap. , ) has followed the same sense . for he says , that sabbatius , ( as often as the christians differed from the jews in the celebration of easter , ) was wont to fast in private by himself , and to celebrate the passover on the paschal-sabbath about evening , after the jewish manner . then on the sunday following , after the solemn vigills , his usage was to celebrate easter with the rest of the christians , or rather novatians . but this interpretation does in no wise please me . for thus sabbatius ( as often as the jewish passover differed from the christian-paschal-feast , ) could not have celebrated the first paschal-solemnity with the jews . then , if sabbatius always celebrated the first paschal-solemnity on the sabbath day at evening after the jewish manner , how is it possible , that he could celebrate the solemn vigills in the church on the same sabbath-day ? for this is attested in express words by socrates here , and by sozomen , book . chap. . my sentiment therefore is , that the words in this place of socrates are transposed , and must be put into their pristine order after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , sabbatius being bound by his oath , ( if at any time a disagreement hapned in the celebration of the paschal-festival , ) himself by way of anticipation fasted in private at home , and celebrated the passover . and watching all night on the solemn day of the sabbath , again on the next day he went to church together with the rest of the congregation , and partook of the mysteries . sozomen does evidently confirm this our emendation , in his seventh book chap. ; where he sets forth the same thing much more clearly in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but from that time sabbatius following the jews , ( unless it by chance hapned that all persons [ as well christians , as jews ] did celebrate the feast [ of easter ] at one and the same time , ) fasted before hand , a● the manner is , and celebrated the paschal solemnity in private by himself , according to the sanctions [ of the mosaick law. ] but on the sabbath , from the evening to a fit time , be continued watching and making the usuall prayers , and on the day following met in the church in common with the congregation , and partook of the mysteries . sabbatius therefore kept the paschal solemnity twice in one and the same year ; the first time with the jews , the second with the christians : unless it by chance hapned , that the christians agreed with the jews in the time of celebrating the paschal feast . which could very rarely happen . vales. our english-rendition of this passage agrees with the greek text in rob. stephens's edition , and that in this edition of valesius's . * galat. . . † or , approached . * colos. . , . † hebr. . . * see euseb . eccles. histor. book . chap. . note ( i. ) † that is , those that kept easter on the fourteenth day of the moon . a but socrates is mistaken . for polycarp did not suffer martyrdom in gordianus's reign , but in that of marcus antoninus , as 't is manifest from eusebius , and other writers . 't is certain , that irenaeus does relate , ( in his third book against heresies , which piece he wrote during eleutherius's presidency over the roman church , that is , in the times of marcus antoninus , ) that polycarp had at that time suffered martyrdom . wherefore these words [ who afterwards suffered martyrdom under gordianus ] are rather to be placed a little above , after these [ irenaeus bishop of lyons in france . ] for they are more accommodate to irenaeus , than to polycarp . but let the prudent reader determine hereof according to his own arbitrement . i know indeed , that in s t benignus divionensis's chronicle , the martyrdom of irenaeus bishop of lyons is placed before polycarp's . for the authour of that chronicle does relate , that irenaeus , after his martyrdom , appeared to polycarp bishop of smyrna in his sleep , and commanded him to send benignus into the gallia's . but these are meer trifles . vales. * see euseb . eccles. hist. book . chap. . b he seems to mean the syrians , cilicians , and mesopotamians , who kept easter with the jews before the nicene council , as athanasius informs us , in his epistle to the africans , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in regard the syrians , cilicians , and mesopotamians differ from us , and celebrate [ easter ] at the same time that the jews keep it . those eastern people therefore , concerning whom secrates speaks , followed the jews indeed , in that they observed the fourteenth day of the moon of the first month before the aequinox . but they celebrated not easter on the same day whereon the jews kept it , but on the sunday following . wherefore , athanasius says , that they kept easter at the same time with the jews , but not on the same day ; as his translatour has ill rendred it . vales. † in the greek 't is on the sabbath . c he means ( i think ) the montanistae , and pepusiani , who kept easter indeed after the aequinox . but always fixt that festival on the month xanthicus or april , before the eight of the ides ( that is , the sixth day ) of april ; as sozomen attests , book . chap. . vales. * he means the nicene synod . d to wit , the audiani . for these hereticks affirmed that the nicene synod first altered the paschal solemnity ; as epiphanius attests , pag. . edit . petav. vales. * see euseb . life of constantine , book . chap. . e instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have , ] the reading in the florent . and sfortian m. ss . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have ] so it is in eusebius ; and so epiphan . scholasticus read , as appears by his version . vales. f instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in my judgment the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although it embraces one and the same opinion concerning god. ] socrates's meaning is this ; all religions and sects have different rites and ceremonies , although they entertain the same sentiments concerning god. but the following words do plainly confirm our emendation . for socrates adds , for they that are of the same faith , &c. nicephorus also favours this our amendment ; for he has exprest this passage in socrates thus : for though all men are of the same opinion , yet they observe not the same traditions throughout the churches . vales. g baronius , at the year of christ and , accuses socrates of a double mistake ; first , because he says that the romans fasted three weeks only in lent before easter ; secondly , in regard he asserts , that in those three weeks , saturdays were excepted , on which days the romans fasted not . as to the first , socrates's opinion is defended against baronius , by halloixius in his notes on the th chapter of ireneus's life , pag. . that which makes me incline to socrates's opinion , is the authority of cassiodorus , who in his tripertite history has put this passage in socrates into these words : romani enim tres ante pascha septimanas , praeter sabbatum & dominicam , sub continuatione jejunant , the romans fast three weeks before easter without intermission , except on saturday and sunday . could cassiodorus be ignorant of the custom of the roman church in the observation of the lent fast , who was himself a senatour , consul , and praefectus praetorio in the city of rome ? who can believe he would have put these words of socrates into his history , if he had known the thing had been otherwise ? doubtless , cassiodorus , had he known this to have been false , would on purpose have omitted socrates's words , left he should leade his reader into a mistake . which in regard cassiodorus has not done , but was resolved to have socrates's testimony concerning the romans lent fast read in the history which bears his name ; from thence 't is apparent , that what socrates has said concerning the romans fast is true . in the catholick church , though the lent fast was always observed by all persons , yet they fasted not after one and the same manner , as irenaeus informs us in his epistle to victor bishop of rome ; a considerable part whereof is quoted by eusebius eccles. hist. book . chap. . wherefore baronius is impertinent in opposing socrates with the testimony of gregorius magnus . for the romans fasted in lent after one manner in socrates's age , after another in the days of gregory the great . in the times of pope leo , with which socrates was in a manner equall , the romans fasted three days of the week only in lent , to wit , on munday , wednesday , and friday , as 't is apparent from that pope's sermons concerning lent. in the roman order i have in my judgment found a footstep of that ancient custom , which socrates relates here . for , that sunday of lent vulgarly termed dominica de passione domini , is called dominica mediana ; which name , 't is said , was given it by command of the roman see. now , i see no other reason why it should be so termed , than , that of the three weeks wherein the romans fasted in lent , this was the second sunday . bede ( in his book concerning the vernal aequinox ) relates , that in italy some fasted twenty days , others seven ▪ but now , what socrates says concerning saturday , may be truly defended . for ●n pope leo's age ▪ the romans fasted not on saturdays in lent ; as 't is apparent from the close of that pope's fourth sermon concerning lent. add hereto bede's testimony , in his book de officiis ; where he relates , that most people fasted not in lent on thursdays and saturdays ▪ vales. h sozomen attests the same , book . chap. . moreover , the alexandrians began the lent fast , not from the sunday of the sixth week before easter , ( as johannes filesacus supposed , in the th chapter of his book concerning lent , ) but from the munday which followed that sunday . therefore , the first sunday of the alexandrians lent was the fifth sunday before easter . and this is manifestly asserted by theophilus and cyrillus , in their homilies or paschal epistles . ▪ which i wonder filesacus perceived not , who produces theophilus's testimony against himself . vales. * or lent. i to wit , the constantinopolitans , and those people who inhabit the provinces round that city , as far as phoenice ; so sozomen attests , b. . chap. . vales. k in the florent ▪ and sfortian m. ss . the reading here is [ about the number of the fasts : ] but the other reading , which we have followed , is confirmed by socrates a little above , where his words are [ and i cannot but wonder , how these persons , ( though they disagree about the number of the days , yet ) should in common give it the same name [ to wit , ] the fourty days fast. ] vales. * see gen. . . l that is , till our three a clock in the afternoon ; see euseb. eccles . histor. book . chap. . note ( b. ) i am of opinion , that few fasted after this manner in lent. for the lent fast lasted till the evening . vales. m in the greek the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , make use of a different sort of food : ] but i am of opinion it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , feed upon any sort of food without making any difference . ] so epiphanius scholasticus read this place ; for thus he renders it ; alii usque ad nonam jejunantes boram , sine discrimine ciborum reficiuntur , others having fasted to the ninth hour , refresh themselves without making any difference about the sorts of food . vales. n after these words [ again , amongst other nations , there are other usages ] s r henry savill in his manuscript had placed a subdistinction , ( that is , a single point , which greek writers usually placed at the bottom of the letter ; see valesius's preface to his edition of eusebius : ) but i had rather place a middle distinction ( that is a colon ) here . which is confirmed by nicephorus , who has exprest this passage of socrates thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and there are other usages amongst other nations and tribes : amongst whom also there are infinite causes of such [ customs ] as these . vales. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . synaxis is a word used by christian writers in several senses . ( ) 't is sometimes a general term , and contains all things usually done in the religious assemblies of christians ; in which sence we suppose it to be taken here . ( ) the celebration of the lord's supper is by a peculiar name termed synaxis . ( ) 't is used so as to signifie the christian conventions or assemblies , without any respect had to the eucharist . ( ) synaxis is sometimes expressly distinguished from the celebration of the sacrament : in which sense our socrates uses it a little lower in this chapter ; where his words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and all things are performed which belong to the church-assembly , except the celebration of the mysteries [ or , the eucharist . ] the reader will find good authorities assigned for all these significations of this term , by the learned casaubon , exercit. . ad annal. eccles. baronii , num. . * to wit , alms and oblations . † that is , on wednesday in the passion-week . ‖ or , good-friday . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus and christophorson have rendred this term very ill , thus , interpretes , expounders . but epiphanius translates it psalmi pronunciatores , pronouncers [ or setters ] of the psalm ; which rendition is good . it seems to have been these persons office , to begin to sing the first words of the psalm ; and then the people sang the rest after them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were heretofore termed monitores who prompted the players whilest they were acting : they put the actours in as oft as they forgot any passage in the play , and were out . there were monitores also in the prayers , of whom mention is made by tertullian in his apology ; where he says , that the christians prayed without a monitour , because they prayed by heart . but nicephorus at this place reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , notaries ; instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , monitours : which reading displeases me not . for the bishops had their notaries , who were learned young men . thus proclus is said to have been atticus's notary , as socrates attests , book . chap. . and long before that , athanasius was notary to alexander bishop of alexandria , as sozomen relates , book . chap. . in pope gelasius's decrees , cap. . amongst the first ecclesiastick degrees , the lectores , notarii , and defensores are reckoned . in caesarius ar●latensis's life , chap. . are these words : lector aut notarius coram illo non c●ssabat clamare , that is , the reader or notary ceased not to cry before him . in the first action of the ephesine synod , epaphroditus is termed the reader and notary of hellanicus bishop of the rhodii . from all which authorities 't is apparent , that the notarie's and reader 's office was in a manner the same ; to wit , to read the psalms or other books of the sacred scripture , either in the church , or in the bishops presence . and this simeon metaphrastes confirms , in the acts of the notaries marcianus and martyrius , which occur in surius at the twenty fifth day of october . these notaries registred the acts which were made in the church ; on which account they seem to have had this name given them . in the gesta collationis inter catholicos ac donatistas , we meet with this title : excipientibus quoque januario & vitale notariis ecclesiae catholic● , victore & cresconio notariis ecclesiae donatistarum , &c. that is , also januarius and vitales notaries of the catholick church , victor and cresconius notaries of the church of the donatists , registring [ the acts , &c. ] there was over these a primicerius notariorum , [ or the chief of the notaries , ] who was usually chosen out of the presbyters , as we are informed from the first action of the ephesine council , wherein petrus presbyter of alexandria , and primicerius of the notaries , recites the emperour theodosius's edict to cyrillus and the other metropolitanes . but the chief duty of the notaries was , to carry the virge or staff before the bishop , as 't is related in the second book concerning the life and miracles of caesarius ar●latensis . vales. q in rob. stephens's edition , this place is pointed thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i 〈◊〉 self knew another custome also in thessaly , being made a clergy-man there : if this punctation were true , it would follow , that socrates was a clergy-man in thessaly . but this is in no wise probable , in regard socrates does every where stile himself scholasticus , that is , an advocate . wherefore , i doubt not but this place must be otherwise pointed ▪ to wit , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i my self when i was in thessaly knew another custom also . a clergy-man in that country , &c. notwithstanding musculus and christophorson have followed another punctation here , to wit , this ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. i my self knew another custom also in thessaly . one being made a clergy-man there , &c. which distinction i can't approve of . for the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would be superfluous , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would be too often repeated in the same period . further , that socrates had been conversant in thessaly , is apparent from his following words . for a little after this he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also i have seen [ or known ) another custom in thessaly . although the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is ambiguous , and may be meant as well of an absent , as a present person . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put out of his orders , or , made no clergy-man ; which displeases me not . notwithstanding , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to denote something that is heavier , to wit , his being excommunicated . vales. s we owe the amendment of this place to the floretine m. s. for , whereas in the common editions the reading here was [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas all the most illustrious persons in the east do abstaine ; ] in that m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereas in the east all [ clergymen ] of their own accord do abstain , &c. ) which emendation is confirmed by nicephorus . vales. t instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i had rather read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , composed ; ] in nicephorus 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but what nicephorus adds , [ to wit , that heliodorus was ordered in a synod either to burn his love-books , or else to relinquish his bishoprick , ] seems to me to be fabulous . for there is no sufficient evidence , whether those books concerning the amours of theagenes and chariclea , were written by heliodorus the bishop , or by some body else . vales. * or , looks not . u this office the greek church terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latine , lucernarium ; as jacobus syrmondus has observed in his notes on ennodius . see meursius's glossary , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the notes on cassianus , at the words luccernaris hora. vales. vv i doubt not but instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] socrates wrote [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but they are in most things conform ; ] and so nicephorus has worded it . musculus and christophorson read thus also . for musculus has rendred it thus : sed in multis se imperiali conformant ecclesiae , but in many things they conform themselves to the imperial church . christophorson translates it after this manner : sed tamen ex multo majore parte , primariae apud illos ecclesia consuetudinem sequuntur , but yet by much the greater part , they follow the custom of the primary church amongst them . neither of these translatours understood what was meant by these words here , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrates usually gives this appellation to the catholick church , because at that time it had gotten the chief power and authority . so in chap. . of this book , to the novatians he opposes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those who are in possession of the churches , that is , the catholicks : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for the novatians admitted not of this additional function at its first institution . but [ the homoöusians ] who are at this present in possession of the churches , &c. vales. x except those saturdays in lent , and in the ember-weeks . for in lent the romans fasted not on saturdays , as we have shown before , at note ( g. ) in this chapter , from pope leo's sermon concerning lent. nor did the romans fast on saturdays in the fast of the ember-weeks ; but only on wednesdays and frydays : on saturdays they watched at s t peters church , as the same leo informs us in his sermons concerning the fast of the tenth month , concerning the fast of pentecost , and concerning the fast of the seventh month . wherefore , baronius , petavius , and halloixius do undeservedly reprove our socrates , because he has said that the romans fasted not on saturdays in lent. vales. y petavius in his notes on epiphanius , at the heresie of the quartodecimani , does affirm that socrates is here mistaken ; and says , that the penitential canons of basilius the great are sufficient to confute this errour . but it may be answered , that after basilius's death , there was perhaps another usage observed in the church of caesarea . for socrates speaks of a rite then in use , when he wrote this history . vales. * that is , those who have had two wives successively one after another . † or , admitted , that is , to communion . * or , form of good life . * acts ▪ . , , , , , , . * or , were rather jewish . z the reading here is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the accidents ; ] in which , what sense there can be , i see not . i am of opinion it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the symbolls ] which term socrates makes use of a little above , where he says to the end that the symbolls might be fulfilled . by symbolls , socrates means the legal ceremonies and commands ; for instance , circumcision , which the jews kept in their bodies , but not in their hearts . nicephorus has worded this passage in socrates thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words langus renders thus : siquidem & judai ea quae sic in corporibus accidunt , majore studio , quàm si animabus eveniant , observare contendunt , for the jews also with a greater industry strive to observe those things which so happen to their bodies , than if they hapned to their souls . you see , that neither nicephorus , nor his translatour , apprehended socrates's meaning . socrates speaks concerning the jews , who observed the law of works in their bodies , rather than their hearts ; whom the apostle ( rom. . . ) terms jews outwardly . vales. * see chap. ; at the beginning . † chap. . * or , things which are not . † see chap. . of this book . a theodoret gives an account of these hereticks , book . haeret. fabul . vales. * that is , a cakeseller . † selenas . * or , precedency . b it must be twenty five years ; and accordingly epiphanius scholasticus read it . for , from arcadius's third and honorius's second consulate ( in which year these things were done , which socrates does here relate ) to the consulate of monaxtius and plinta [ or plintha ] there are twenty five years . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the consulate ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the reign . ] for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crept into this place from the following line . vales. * see book . chap. . † see book . chap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , grosly , and rudely . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , absurd , or frigid . ‖ or , i am larger . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which i have rendred thus , magister scriniorum imperatoris , master of the emperours desks : for the greeks call those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom the latins term magistros scriniorum , masters of the desks ; as cujacius has truly remark't . but salmasius , in his notes on vopiscus pag. , affirms that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the proximi of the sacred desks , not the masters . for his opinion is , that there was only one master of all the desks , who had under him four antigraphei or proximi [ that is , clerks : ] to wit , one in each desk . but salmasius is disproved , first by the theodofian code , and secondly by the notitia imperii romani . for , in the notitia imperii romani , there are four masters of the desks of the roman emperours reckoned ; to wit , the master of the memory , the master of the letters , the master of the libells , and the master of the greek letters . and , in the theodosian code , in the sixth book , there is a particular title de magistris sacrorum scriniorum , whom the emperours will have preferred before the vicarii . but concerning the proximi , there follows another title , at a great distance from this : wherein the emperours give order only , that the proximi after two years space should leave the scrinia , and be followed by the vicarii . from whence 't is evident , that the proximi of the desks are distinguished from the masters : for the masters were chosen by the emperours codecill [ or letters patents , ] as were the rest of the officers of the pallace . but the proximi came to that place by degrees and order of promotion : and they were more than one in every desk ; whereas there was but one master in each desk . the proximi therefore are not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in regard there were only four 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we are informed from the glosses of julianus antecessor . see petrus patricius in excerpt . legationum . philostorgius relates , that eugenius was preferred to the dignity of a master , before he broke out into his tyranny . vales. b instead of [ gallia the less , ] the reading in the florentine m. s. is truer , thus [ galatia ] although arbogastes was not born in gallia , but in francia , as all historians agree . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , introduced ] we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hired . ] vales. d valentinianus junior was murthered at vienna , in arcadius's second consulate which he bore with rufinus ; as idatius rightly informs us in his fasti. but marcellinus says , that fact was perpetrated in the consulate of tatianus and symmachus , on the ides of march. notwithstanding , this appears to be false , from the fourth and fifth law in the theodosian code de apostatis . vales. e zosimus ( in his fourth book ) says , that only arcadius was left by theodosius at constantinople ; and that honorius followed his father in his expedition against eugenius . the same is asserted by marcellinus in his chronicon . but philostorgius agrees with socrates . vales. * or , made preparations . f here there is a defect in the greek text ; these words [ from aquileia thirty six miles ] being wanting . which valesius says he perfected from antoninus's itinerary , and from sigonius in his ninth book de imperio occidentali . * or , routed . * or , running of horses . * or , the western parts . † or , the sight . notes for div a -e * or , as seems indeed to be plainer and more perspicuous , but is notwithstanding lower and more mean. a this whole clause [ either because ( according to the proverb , ) truth is bitter ] is in my judgment to be expunged , in regard it disturbs the sense . or , if it has a place here , it must be put at the close of the period , after these words [ extoll not their actions . ] if this displeases any one ; 't will be sufficient , to expunge the parcticle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either , ] and put this clause to the head of that following . vales. b to wit , in the comoedies of menander , and others . you may see the same in plautus's and terentius's latine comoedies ; wherein the servants do usually call their masters barely by their names . vales. a zozimus ( book . ) relates , that alaricus and the goths , not the hunni , were sollicited by rufinus , to invade the roman provinces . the same is assert●d by marcellinus in his chronicon . but sozomen ( book . chap. . ) agrees with socrates . not , is there any disagreement between the forecited authors . for rufinus called in both those nations against the romans ; the goths first , under their chief , alaricus : after the goths were routed by stilichon he excited the hunni to assist the goths , as claudian tells us , in his first book against rufinus ; and in his second book , he sets forth the same more clearly , neer the beginning thereof . but sigonius , in his tenth book de occidentali imperio , where he makes it his business to relate this whole story , speaks not one word concerning this irruption of the hunni ; which negligence of his is inexcusable . vales. * see book . chap. . * or , a trouble , or , earnestness . † this person was termed chrysostom , that is , golden-mouth . ‖ or , fitness to be a teacher . * or , detract from . * or , the victory . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the emperour , &c. ] a small fault , but which ( being not perceived by translatours ) led them into a great mistake . for thus they have rendred it : on the following consulate wherein honotius the emperour at rome , and eutychianus at constantinople governed the publick . but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies consulatum dare , that is , to publish or shew the ludi circenses , on account of succeeding well in their office of consul . vales. see socrat. book . chap. . note ( e. ) b christophor son has rendered it ill , thus , praefect of the emperours ; whenas he should have translated it praefectus praetorio . for in the greek it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the same mistake in the same word i have taken notice of before . eutychianus therefore was consul and praefectus praetorio on the same year ; which was the common usage of those times , as 't is apparent from the theodosian code . vales. a that conjecture displeases me not , which came heretofore into my mind , to wit , that at this place , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] further , socrates and sozomen , do indeed affirm , that john chrysostome did not follow the practise of the civil law. for they say , that he went from libanius's school , when it was supposed he would have pleaded causes , and on a sudden betook himself to a quieter sort of life . notwithstanding , there are those who do affirm , that for some time he did plead causes . which seems to be intimated by libanius's epistle , which isidorus pelusiota records book . epistol . but that epistle of libanius's is , i fear , written to some other johannes , who then pleaded causes at constantinople , and spoke a panegyrick there to theodosius , on account of his assuming his sons to be his colleagues in the empire . now , our chrysostome ( who went from libanius's school about the beginning of valens's reign , ) neither left antioch , that libanius ( who profest rhetorick at antioch ) might write letters to him being absent ; nor could he praise theodosius , who at that time was not emperour . nor can libanius's words be understood of any other emperour , than of theodosius , who took in his sons to be partners with him in the empire . however , that chrysostome did for some time practise the civil law , is apparent from the beginning of his first book de sacerdotio . vales. * or , courts of judicature . b what evagrius this should be , who having left libanius's auditory long before chrysostome , had embraced a pious and religious course of life , 't is hard to determine . for i cannot think it was evagrius of pontus , who was afterwards a deacon at constantinople , under gregorius nazianzenus , and under nectarius ; and thence removed into the solitudes of egypt . baronius , at the year of christ , calls this evagrius , chrysostome's school-fellow , evagrius junior , son of the most noble evagrius a citizen of antioch ; and says that he went into the desart before chrysostome , and lead a monastick life under diodorus and carterius . but , i know not what authority baronius had for this , nor why he should term this person evagrius junior ▪ unless perhaps he has called this person evagrius junior , to distinguish him from evagrius senior the antiochian , whom he had made mention of before at the year of christ ▪ from basilius magnus's epistle to eusebius of samosata ; the words whereof are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbyter evagrius , the son of pompeianus of antioch , who sometime went into the west with the blessed eusebius . the latine translatour has rendred it evagrius senior , whereas he should have translated it ; evagrius the presbyter , concerning whom hieronymus ( in the chronicon of eusebius ) writes thus : zenobia apud immas , haud longe ab antiochia vinci●ur , &c. zenobia is conquered at immae , not far from antioch ; in which fight pompeianus the commander , surnamed francus , sought most valiantly against her : his family continues at this day at antioch , from whose race our dearest evagrius the presbyter descended . jerome makes mention of the same person in his book de scriptor . eccles. and in my judgment , this is the evagrius , chrysostome's school-fellow , whom socrates mentions here . for , what baronius writes concerning evagrius junior , is founded on no authour . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is the dative case , the rules of grammer do require it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over the monasteries ] in the genitive case ; the reading in sozomen is the same , as was also that in epiphanius scholasticus's copy , as appears from his version . further , baronius ( following indeed the greek writers ) is of opinion , that these monasteries of diodorus , and carterius , were situated without the city . but a learned person , who has lately published the life of john chrysostome in french , does ●ffirm they were within the city antioch : to whom notwithstanding i cannot assent . 't is more probable , that these little houses were placed in the suburbs , to the end that pious and religious persons , who were continually imployed in contemplation and reading of the sacred books , might be far remote from noyse and disturbance . but what the same learned person objects out of theodoret , ( to wit , that diodorus was continually conversant in antioch , and made a couragious resistance against the rage and force of the arians ; ) does in no wise weaken our opinion . for diodorus , as often as he pleased , could easily come out of a monasterie in the suburbs , into the city . vales. d sozomen says the same of diodorus bishop of tarsus ; to wit , that he expounded the sacred scriptures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , literally ; but avoided the more abstruse and mysticall sense . jerome says the same concerning him , in his book de scriptor . eccles. extant ejus in apostolum commentarii , &c. his comments upon the apostle are extant , and many other pieces , belonging rather to eusebius emisenus's character : whose sense although he has followed , yet he could not imitate his eloquence , because of his ignorance in humane [ or secular ] learning . jerom says , that diodorus has followed eusebius emisenus's sense , that is , his method in explaining the scriptures . let us see therefore , what sense eusebius emisenus has followed . jerome himself will inform us ; whose words concerning eusebius emisenus are these : magisque historiam secutus , ab iis qui declamare volunt , studiosissime legitur , and having rather followed history , he is most studiously read by those , who have a mind to declaim . from whence it appears that eusebius in his exposition of the scriptures , has chiefly followed the historicall and literal sense ; but has not touched the mystick and allegoricall . for the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehends these senses . allegoria therefore differs from theoria , as a species does from the genus . indeed , diodorus bishop of tarsus , of whom we now speak , had written a book with this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , what may be the difference between theoria and allegoria . but i wonder at jerome , who says that diodorus was instructed neither in eloquence , nor in the knowledge of humane learning . and yet theodoret ( histor. book . ) compares his eloquence to a most limpid river ; and photius in his bibliotheca does attest , that in his discourses he was clear and perspicuous . vales. e that chrysostome converst familiarly with basilius , 't is evident from chrysostome's books de sacerdotio . but who that basilius was , concerning whom chrysostome speaks in those books , 't is uncertaine . socrates does in this place affirm , that it was basilius magnus . photius ( in his bibliotheca ) says it was basilius bishop of seleucia . baronius ( at the year of christ , ) does deservedly disprove both these opinions . chrysostome ( 't is certain ) does attest in the beginning of his book , that himself and that basilius , concerning whom he there speaks , had always the same masters . now basilius magnus learnt rhetorick at athens : but chysostome was libanius's hearer at antioch a long while after that . if that were basilius the great , whom chrysostome affirms to have obtained the principall place amongst his own companions and friends , doubtless some footsteps of his friendship would at this day be extant in basilius's epistles . but , amongst so many of his epistles which have been preserved to our times , there occurs not one , written to our johannes . wherefore i agree with baronius , who says , that that basilius who was companion to chrysostome , was basilius bishop of raphanea , or else basilius bishop of byblus . for both these persons were chrysostomes contemporaries , in regard they subscribed the constantinopolitan council . vales. f instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes made a deacon , &c. ] in my judgment it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at that time made a deacon , &c. ] for it follows ▪ but afterwards constituted bishop of caesarea in cappadocia . ] epiphanius scholasticus confirms our conjecture , as 't is apparent from his version ; for thus he renders it , qui tunc à meletio factus erat diaconus , who was then made deacon by meletius . further , amphilochius ( in his life of basilius the great , ) does relate that basil was made deacon by meletius bishop of antioch . but that book is stuft with fables and lies . doubtless , in regard basil the great was by lawfull degrees promoted to be reader and presbyter at caesarea , ( as gregorius nazianzenus does attest , in his funerall oration concerning the praises of the same basilius ) 't is scarce credible , that he should have been made deacon any where else , but at caesarea . vales. g nicephorus ( what authour he follows , i know not , ) makes this zeno , bishop of gaza or majuma . but , whereas zeno was created bishop of majuma in the reign of theodosius , ( as sozomen relates book . chap. ; ) he must necessarily be a different person from that zeno who ordained chrysostome reader ; in regard chrysostome was made a reader in valens augustus's reign , about the year of our lord . but baronius ( at the year of christ , ) says that this zeno ( by whom chrysostome was ordained a reader of antioch ) was bishop of tyre , the same person who was present at the constantinopolitan councill ; and was then ( meletius being absent ) his deputy in the church of antioch . in which thing i do readily assent to baronius . but whereas he repoves socrates there , for his saying , that that zeno was bishop of jerusalem ; therein the cardinal is evidently mistaken . for socrates does not make zeno bishop of jerusalem ▪ he only says , that zeno the bishop , returning from jerusalem , ordained chrysostome reader of antioch . now zeno had made a journey to jerusalem , either on the account of prayer , ( as it was the custom of those times , ) or by reason of some ecclesiastick affair . but here arises a difficulty . for , if zeno in his return from jerusalem , ordained chrysostome reader of antioch ; the city of which he was bishop , must necessarily be farther remote from jerusalem , than antioch was ; or at least it must lie at the side of antioch . which cannot be said of the cities tyre , and gaza . for both those are far nearer to jerusalem , than antioch is . therefore , this zeno , who ordained chrysostome reader of antioch , was bishop of some other city . in basil the great 's th epistle , there is mention of one zeno a bishop , who was present at the antiochian-council under meletius : but the name of his see is not set down . i know palladius ( in the life of chrysostome ) does relate , that chrysostome was ordained reader by meletius . but this , in my judgment , is so to be understood , that that may be said to have been done by meletius , which was performed by zeno supplying his place . vales. * see euseb . eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( q. ) † that is ; meletius's party . h this is the evagrius , of whom we have spoken at note ( b. ) in this chapter . but , what socrates says , ( to wit , that chrysostome was ordained presbyter , by evagrius , ) has but little of probability . for , if that be true which socrates says , ( i mean , that chrysostome , after meletius's death , abstained from paulinus's communion ; ) how can it be supposed that chrysostome should admit of evagrius's ordination , who was successour to panlinus ? it is better therefore to follow palladius , simeon metaphrastes , and others , who relate that chrysostome was promoted to the presbyterate by flavianus the bishop . vales. * or , rectitude of life . ‖ or , simplicity , or singleness . * bishoprick . * hatred . † or , displease all men . ‖ or , he chose to eat with no body . * or , the first of the eunuchs . a from this place 't is apparent , that the bishops heretofore did not usually preach to the people out of the pulpit . for this socrates takes notice of as a thing singular in chrysostome , to wit , that being about to make an oration , he went up into the pulpit , that he might be the easier heard by the people . most commonly the bishops preached standing on the steps of the altar . we are informed hereof from king childerbert's constitution , which sirmondus has recorded , in his first tome of the councills of france , pag. ; but it is there imperfect . we will make good one defect in it , from the most ancient corbeiensian manuscript , after this manner : qualiter in sacrilegos dei injuria vindicetur , nostrum est pertractandum . et quia fides nostra ut verbo de altario sacerdote faciente quaecunque de evangelio , prophetis vel apostolo fuerit adnuntiatum ▪ in quantum deus dat intellectum : ad nos querimonia processi● , &c. the sense of these words , which are very corrupt , is this . because the priests have complained , whilest they make sermons to the people , that the bansatrices [ what the import of that word is , i cannot find ] walk through the fields and recall the people from the church ; therefore we command , &c. see baronius at the year of christ , number . vales. * or , the catalogue of consuls . b hence 't is , that in the fasti of prosperus , idatius , and cassiodorus , this year has only manlius theodorus consul , eutropius's name being expunged . concerning eustropius's death , consult zofimus . vales. a in my judgment this place is thus to be mended : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and took care , that such as were his relations , &c. this our emendation is confirmed by sozomen , book . chap. . in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he made his relations centurions and tribunes . had translatours consulted this passage in sozomen , they would have rendred socrates's words here more happily . vales. * or , made an innovation . * that is , gaïna , b this passage is thus to be worded ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , persons whom he look't upon as hinderers of his designes ; so nicephorus expresses it . moreover , of these two persons aurelianus bore the consulate on this very year with stilichon : saturninus had been consul long before with merobaudes , in the times of theodosius senior . concerning whose praises themistius speaks at large in his gratiarum actio to theodosius on account of the peace made with the goths , and on account of the consulate given to the said saturninus . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making a feigned , or , disdainfull refusal . * constantinople . c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a various manner ] we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 severall men ; ] and so musculus seems to have read . vales. * or , a multitude . d i doubt not but socrates wrote [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the men that guarded the gates were slain ; ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the pulling down of the gates ] for on the foregoing day , those that guarded the gates had been slain by gaina's souldiers , as socrates has related a little before . vales. e the true reading seems to be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cursorily concerning gaïna . vales. f advocates were heretofore stiled scholastici , as we are informed from justinian's th and th novell . the words of macarius in his th homily , are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. he that desires to have a knowledge in forensian cases , goes and learns the abbreviatures . and when he has been the first there , he goes to the school of the romans , where he is the last of all . again , when he comes to be the first there , he departs to the school of the pragmatici [ or , practicants , ] where he is again the last of all , and arcarius [ or novice . ] then , when he is made a scholasticus , he is novice and the last of all the lawyers . again , when he becomes the first there , then he is made a president [ or governour of a province . ] and when he is made a governour , he takes to himself an assistant or assessour . see more in franciscus pithoeus's glossary ad novellas juliani antecessoris , and in meursius's glossary in the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * in the year of christ ▪ see book . chap. . note ( c. ) * or , i look upon you in the same manner that i do behold the face of god. a the passage in origen ( wherein he disputes against those who affirmed god was endewed with an humane shape ▪ ) is extant in theodoret , in his questions upon genesis cap. ▪ [ quoted ] from origen's comments upon genesis . vales. b johannes launoius ( in his book concerning the true interpretation of the sixth canon of the nicene-councill ) produces this passage in socrates , to prove , that the bishop of alexandria ordained all the bishops , presbyters , and deacons , throughout all egypt . for he remarks , that theophilus did two things here . first , he made dioscorus bishop of hermopolis ; then he ordained his two brothers clergy-men , and joyned them to the same dioscorus . 't was indeed launoius's opinion , that ammonius and his brother were by theophilus made clergy-men of the hermopolitane church . which was also the sentiment ( as i see ) of the author of the sacred geography . but in my judgment , both these persons are mistaken . for theophilus made them not clergy-men of the hermopolitane-church ; but kept them with himself , and ordained them clerks of his own ( that is , of the alexandrian ) church . this is attested by socrates , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two more of them be entreated to continue with him . besides the following words in socrates do more clearly evince this : for socrates adds , that being made stewards of the church by theophilus , in the first place they were displeased , because being ravished from the solitude , they had no further leisure to mind the monastick philosophy . but at length , when they discerned theophilus's incredible avarice and desire of riches , and percelved themselves vitiated by conversing with him , they requested a dismission from him . from which words the proof is sufficient , that they converst with theophilus ; and being as it were his companions and domesticks , had an insight into his vices and rapines : for they were the oeconomi , that is , the stewards of the revenue of the church . moreover , these learned men were imposed upon by epiphanius scholasticus's version ; who has rendred this passage in socrates thus : quamobrem dioscorum violenter tractum , &c. wherefore he took dioscorus by force , and made him bishop of hermopolis . two more of them be intreated to dwell with him , and ( although a bishop ) scarcely prevailed : having ordained them , he made them stewards of the church . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and they refused ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then they refused , vales. * or , wound in . * or , blasphemous . † or , exercised in . ‖ that is , persons that affirmed god had an humane shape . d socrates conceals the true reason , why those monks termed the long-brethren were driven out of the monasteries of nitria by theophilus . for , they were forced from thence , because they were defenders of origen , whom , together with his errours , theophilus had condemned in the alexandrian synod . socrates seems to have been imposed upon by some person that was an origenist , who favouring ammonius and his brethren , had given socrates a narrative of that business , otherwise than it really was . baronius , not content to fix the novatian heresie upon our socrates does openly call him an origenist . but we only say this , that socrates had this his relation from some one of ammonius's friends . i do not in the lest doubt , but theophilus , out of a grudge and hatred towards ammonius and his brethren , made the errours of origen and the crime of heresie his pretext only ; as he did afterwards frame the same calumny against john chrystostome . vales. a so the holy martyr ignatius is usually stiled . this term is differently accented in the greek , which makes its import different also . for if it be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it denotes a divine person , one whose soul is full of god. if it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , its import is passive , and implies one born or carried by god. we are told by many learned men , that ignatius had this title from our saviours taking him up in his arms . for , he was that very child ( they say ) whom our saviour ( mar. . . ) took up , and set in the midst of his disciples . others , on the contrary , affirm this story to be groundless and uncertain . see d r cave's life of ignatius . * covered , or arched walk● . b i cannot imagine whence socrates had this story . for 't is manifest , that flavianus and diodorus were the first persons , who in constantius's reign divided the quires of singers at antioch into two parts , and gave them david's psalms , to be sung alternatively , or by turns : which usage being first practised at antioch , afterwards spread over all the churches of the world . theodoret attests this in his hist. lib. . cap. ; as does also theodorus mo●suestenus ( a person ancienter than he ) who lived in the same times with flavianus and diodorus . theodorus's words are quoted by nicetas in thesauro orth●d●xae fidei , lib. . cap. . although that way of singing of psalms seems to have been used by the syrians , before flavianus and diodorus's times . for theodorus writes , that flavianus and diodorus were the first persons , who translated that kind of psalmodie which they term antiphonae [ that is , when one singeth one verse , another another ] out of the syrian language into the grecian ; and that those two persons appeared almost the only authours of this thing , to all the parts of the world . what therefore the syrians had done long before flavianus's time , ( to wit , in singing of david's psalms alternatively in syriack , ) that f●●vianu● and diodorus ordered to be done , by the grecians of antioch in their singing the psalms in greek . vales. * see the second chapter of this book . a besides this reason of theophilus's hatred against isidorus , sozomen ( book . chap. . ) relates two other causes . the first was , because isidorus had refused to give evidence in favour of theophilus's sister . the second , because ●e had reproved theophilus for his over much diligence in building churches , whereby he wasted the money of the church , which ought rather to have been bestowed on the poor . i am easily induced to believe , that these were the reasons of theophilus's hatred against isidorus ; in regard both socrates and sozomen do expressly attest it . notwithstanding , isidorus was not for these reasons ejected out of the church ; but was condemned by the sentence of the bishops , on account of origen's errours , which he maintained ▪ as baronius has long since informed us from palladius in lausiaca . vales. b so arsacius , who succeeded chrysostome in his bishoprick , is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chief-presbyter , in the acts of the synod ad quercum ; and one martyrius is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chief-deacon . sozomen calls this peter arch-presbyter . this is a name of honour , not of ancientness . for the bishops elected whom they pleased out of the colledge of presbyters to be arch-presbyters , as liberatus informs us in his breviarium , chap. . vales. * see book . chap. . a 't is false that epiphanius was ever so simple , as to be addicted to the heresie of the anthropomorphitae : he had indeed once received a check upon that account from john [ bishop ] of jerusalem . but jerome has refuted this calumny , and also epiphanius himself , in that sermon he preach't at jerusalem in the presence of john himself ; as jerome ( in his book to pammachius concerning the errours of john of jerusalem ) and baronius ( at the year of christ ) do relate . wherefore , there was no need of theophilus's feigning himself an anthropomorphite , to curry favour with epiphanius . both socrates and sozomen were imposed upon by some origenist , a favourer of ammonius and dioscorus , who told them these things . for 't was usuall with the origenists , ( as baronius has truly remarked , ) to fix the crime of this heresie upon the catholicks , by whom they were condemned . vales. b socrates ( and sozomen who has followed him herein ) is mistaken here , in supposing that the alexandrian synod ( wherein theophilus condemned origen's books , together with origen himself , ) was held after that synod convened at constantia by epiphanius . 't is manifest , that theophilus did first of all convene a synod at alexandria , and condemn that heresie in the year of christ . which was done after many conferences concerning that matter held by the bishops who came thither , as postumianu● informs us in sulpicius's dialogues de vitae b. martini . after this theophilus sent a synodick letter to all the bishops , and he wrote a particular letter to epiphanius , beseeching and intreating him that he would convene all the bishops of the island , condemn the same heresie himself , and subscribe his synodick letter . this letter of theophilus's is at this day extant , translated by s t jerome . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged . moreover , socrates here uses a perfect number for an imperfect . and for this reason he adds the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , almost , or , thereabout . but if we would speak exactly , above fifty years must be taken from this number . for origen died on the year of christ , as may be made out from what we have said at note ( b. ) and ( c. ) on euseb. eccles. histor. book . chap. . from which year , to the year of christ , wherein origen was condemned in the alexandrian synod , there are years . vales. * or , many of the magistracy . * or , without labour , or , trouble . † book . chap. . ‖ or , by the by . * or , liberty and confidence . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so much that the empress , ] in my judgment it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , till at length the empress . ] nor do i doubt but socrates wrote thus . nicephorus words it expressly according to our emendation . and in sozomen the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , untill , ] which is the same . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , having adjured him by her son. the ancients were wont to swear by their children . so in virgil , per caput hoc juro , per spem surgentis iüli : i swear by this head , by the hopes of growing iülus . after the same manner , when they would earnestly entreat others , they beseeched them by their own children , and whatever they accounted most dear to themselves . in this manner therefore eudoxi● spake to john chrysostome at that time . by this little child of mine , and your spirituall so● , whom i brought forth , and whom you received out of the sacred font ; be reconciled with severianus . 't is certain chrysostome had received theodosius junior out of the sacred font ▪ as nicephorus relates at this place , from simeon metaphrastes , as i suppose . further , baronius places this reconciliation between severianus and chrysostome , on the year of christ , in the consulate of vincentius and fravitus . but i had rather place it on the year following ▪ for if it be true that theodosius was then baptized , as we have before related from nicephorus : ( which is indeed highly probable ; for eudoxia would not have brought her son into the church of the apostles , had he not been baptized : ) this reconciliation of the bishops must necessarily happen on the year of christ . for theodosius junior was born in the consulate of vincentius and fravi●us , ( which was the year of christ , ) on the tenth of april . for so 't is recorded in the alexandrian chronicle , and in marcellinus's which was put forth by onu●rius . the reading in sirmondus's edition is false , where it is on the eleventh of april . nor is it credible , that he could be bapti●ed , except in the easter of the year following . if any one notwithstanding shall maintain , that he was baptized a few days after his birth , ( as marcus seems to intimate in the life of porphyrius ; ) we will allow this , if he pleases . but who can believe , that theodosius would have been brought into the church by his mother , and placed at chrysostome's knees , before he was a year , or ten months old ? vales. * or , arguments . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a baronius does at this place charge socrates with a mistake , because he has said , that epiphanius ordained a deacon at constantinople without the consent of the bishop of that city . epiphanius had done that before indeed , in the diocess of john bishop of jerusalem , as 't is manifest from jerome's epistles . s●crates therefore , and those that follow him , being deceived by the likeness of the name , thought that was done by epiphanius in the church of john bishop of constantinople . this device baronius has invented to excuse epiphanius . but , who sees not , that there is no reason , why we should charge socrates with a lie in those things which he himself was able to see ? for what had been once done already by epiphanius in palaestine , why could it not afterwards be made use of by the same person at constantinople ? for there was not so great a crime in ordaining a deacon , whom notwithstanding epiphanius ordained not , but by the entreaty of the multitude that stood by . vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have nothing ; ] it must doubtless be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having nothing : ] in the next line ▪ we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were pleased ] instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is pleased . ] vales. c i agree with christophorson , who in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saying , ] read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , know , ] and at the end of this clause placed a full point . notwithstanding , 't is my opinion , that there is something ▪ more wanting here . and after the word [ origen , ] i think the place is to be made perfect thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having said these words , and produced a book , &c. which is confirmed by sozomen and nicephorus . and epiphanius scholasticus seems to have read thus , as may be collected from his version . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] the reading in the sfortian m. s. is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] and so epiphanius scholasticus found it written in his copy . for thus he renders it : sed quoniam detractores , &c. but , in regard revilers , stealing privily upon many persons , do reject origen as being a blasphemous authour . i reade therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from reading origen , as being a blasphemous authour . vales. b baronius , at the year of christ , does charge socrates here with a lie and with calumny , because he has said , that methodius ( when he had before reproach't origen , ) did afterwards unsay what he had written , and set forth his praises , in his dialogue intitled xenωn , or , the house of entertainment . but baronius affirms , that methodius did the contrary . for when he had at the beginning praised origen , afterwards having derected his errours , he inveighed against him . baronius confirms this by the testimony of eusebius , who in the sixth book of his apologic in de●ence of origen , writes thus ▪ quomodo ausus est methodius nunc contra origenem scribere , qui haec & haec de origenis l●cutus est dogmatibus , how dares methodius write against origen now ; who has spoken these and these things , concerning origen's opinions . which pa●●age in eusebius s t jerome quotes in his apologie against rufinus , to shew that he had done the same thing which methodius did before . but eusebius , in the place now cited , does not say plainly , that methodius had heretofore spoken in defence of origen . for he does not say [ who had ▪ spoken these and these things concerning origen's opinions ; ] but only ▪ [ who has spoken , &c. ] which may be taken on either side . therefore socrates is not to be charged with a lie . vales. c methodius wrote his books commonly in the way of dialogues , as 't is apparent both from his convivium , which is lately published by two learned men ; and also from his books concerning the resurrection , which he had written against origen , out of which books epiphanius produces some excerptions . of the same sort also was this dialogue of his , entitled xenωn , that is , the house of entertainment wherein strangers lodge . for , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a place for virgins to dwell in : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an house for strangers to lodge in . this book is mentioned in photius's bibliotheca , in his excerptions out of methodius's book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where these words occur ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which place the translatour has rendred very ill : it is thus to be translated : that passage in the gospel [ cast not that which is holy to dogs , nor your pearls before swine ] is thus explained by xenωn , that by pearls are meant the more secret mysteries of the religion given by god ▪ but the hogs , &c. the great methodius says , &c. in this dialogue therefore , the title whereof was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an origenist was introduced , by name xenωn , against whom methodius disputed , not in his own name , but under another person , as photius attests in the same excerptions . hence 't is apparent , that that dialogue of methodius's , which socrates calls xenωn , was the same to which photius gives the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that xenωn is not to be taken for a place of entertainment , but rather for a person of the dialogue . but some one will object that in that dialogue intitled xenωn , origen was highly commended by methodius ; but in the dialogue intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 methodius terms him a centaure . for so 't is extant in two places in photius's excerptions . my answer is , 't is possible that in the beginning of that work methodius might have been sharp upon origen ; but in the end or procedure of it , he might sound a retreat as it were , and praise him highly . notwithstanding , if any one has a mind stifly to maintain , that the dialogue xenωn differed from that intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; then it must be said , that xenωn was not the proper name of any man , but that thereby is rather meant the whole school of origen , wherein the auditors and schollars , coming from divers parts of the world , were conversant . which in my judgment is the truest . 't is certain , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were a proper name , it would have the accent in the last syllable save one . vales. a this beginning is too abrupt , especially in regard that digression concerning origen went before . therefore in my judgment [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] should precede here ; and the beginning of the next period should run thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but his answer was , &c. vales. * or , before a catholick , or , general disquisition . † or , reproach . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and again ] it should in my judgement be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heretofore ; ] ( although this reading be disagreeable to all our copies . ) for 't is opposed to what follows , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and now . valesius . c the reading in the florentine , m. s. pleases me best ; which is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do not hope , epiphanius , to arrive in your own country . moreover , baronius does deservedly deride these predictions of epiphanius and chrysostome , as fabulous and forged . socrates relates them not for true and certain ; and in my judgment they are altogether mi●becoming holy men and bishops . vales. d baronius does indeed place that contest between epiphanius and chrysostome on the year of christ . but concerning epiphanius's death he dissents from socrates , sozomen , and the other writers , who tell us that epiphanius died soon after , in his return to his own country . and yet baronius confesses he knows not what year epiphanius died on . which i cannot wonder at enough . for , whereas baronius follows socrates and sozomen in the fore-going account of that contest which hapned between those two eminent men , what reason had he to dissent from them about the death of epiphanius ? they might indeed have been mistaken in their relating the mutual predictions between epiphanius and chrysostome : nor is it sufficiently manifest , whether or no they predicted those accidents to one another . but the things which hapned to each of them are most certain , nor could socrates and sozomen be ignorant hereof ; the latter of whom was born at salamine , over which city epiphanius had been bishop ; and both of them were almost epiphanius's contemporaries . it ought therefore to be look't upon as certain from the testimony of these writers , that epiphanius died at the close of the year ▪ or at least on the beginning of the year following , before the synod ad quercum . theophilus informs us hereof in his epistle to saint jerome , which epistle jerome has prefix● before the●●bilus's paschal epistles ▪ which he translated into latine . for in th●t epistle theophilus speaks these words concerning chrysostome then condemned : sed ille ut caetera ejus flagitia taccam , &c. but he , not to mention his other crimes , admit●ed the origenists to a familiarity with himself , and preferred many of them to the sacerdotall office ; on account of which fact he ●●dned the hea●t of that man of god epiphanius of blessed memory , ( who shined a bright star in the world amongst the bishops ▪ ) and therefore has deserved to hear , babylon is fallen , i● fallen . where you see theophilus does speak of epiphanius , as then dead ; for he terms him a man of blessed memory : and he intimates , that he was dead before chrysostome's condemnation . vales. * darkly . or , obscurely . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , the emperour , &c. ] i had rather it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for the emperour , &c. ] moreover , chrysostome affirms the contrary to what is said here , in his epistle to innocentius . for he says that the emperour commanded theophilus to come to constantinople alone , to plead his cause : but , that he came thither , accompanied with many bishops . notwithstanding , these things may be reconciled , if we say that the emperour gave theophilus this order at the beginning , when the monks had gone to him . but afterwards , at the instigation of his wife eudoxia , who was angry with johannes , the emperour commanded theophilus to bring the bishops out of egyp● with him . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . muscul●● renders it inflexible . christophorson , contumacious . i would rather translate it inexorable ; for we fall down at their knees , whom we entreat . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see euseb. book . chap. . note ( k. ) † this was termed synodus a● quercum , the synod at the oake . c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is a civill law term : and we have rendred it accordingly . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies an exception . now , one kind of an exception is a refusall of the judges . vales. d john chrysostome , in his epistle to innocentius , does attest , that he was put on shipboard late in the evening , and carried into banishment . upon which account baronius ( at the year of christ . ) charges socrates with a mistake here . but , if we weigh socrates's words more attentively , we shall find them in no wise differing from chrysostome's narrative . for socrates says only , that john chrysostome surrendred himself to the emperours officers about noon : therefore the emperours officers might detain him in custody till the evening , that he might be conveyed into banishment with more secresie in the night . vales. a yea , he communicated with them , before johannes's case was inquired into : so sozomen tells us , book . chap. . vales. b this town 's name is written variously . hierocles , theophanes , cedrenus , nicephorus , and moschopulus , call it pranetum . sozomen terms it pronetum . in stephanus 't is named pronectus . in the putingerian table it is called pronetio . vales. c mannours , or farms in the country , which were at some distance from the city , were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as we have remark't in our notes on eusebius , book . chap. . note ( k. ) which the latines do sometimes call suburbana . wherefore ortelius ( in his thesaurus geographicus ) is mistaken , in his supposing marianae to be the suburbs of constantinople ; whenas it was a village , so called from its builder . sozomen ( book . chap. . ) says this village was then in the empress eudoxia's possession . vales. a instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ] which is the reading in georgius alexandrinus's life of john chrysostome . vales. * or , made against . * the first clause of this saying occurs at eccles. . . b dioscorus bishop of hermopolis was dead before the convention of the synod at the oak , nor was he buried in the church at the oak , but in s t mocius's church ; as sozomen attests book . chap. . s t mocius's church was at constantinople , as we are informed by procopius and others . wherefore socrates is mistaken , who attributes that to dioscorus , which was rather to have been said concerning his brother ammonius . for , at such time as the synod ad quercum [ that is , the synod at the oak ] was summoned , ammonius fell into a distemper . and having passed over to the oak , he died soon after , and was honoured with a splendid funerall , in the monastery of that place , as sozomen tells us book . chap. . vales. a marcellinus ( in his chronicon ) reports this statue to have been made in the consulate of theodosius junior and rumoridus , which was the year of christ : his words are these : eudoxiae arcadii uxoris super porphyreticam columnam argentea statua suxta ecclesiam posita hactenus fistit , a silver statue of eudoxia , wise to arcadius , placed upon a porphyry-pillar near the church still stands . theophanes relates the same , who says , that that statue was erected in that place called pittacia , neer the church of s t irene ; and that at the dedication thereof the praefect of the city ( who was a manichaean and a semipagan ) excited the people to shout and daunce in such a manner , that the divine service could not quietly be performed in the church , because of the noyse made by the multitude of dauncers . notwithstanding ▪ baronius places the dedication of this statue on the year of christ , but in regard marcellinus comes , in his chronicon does in express words place it on the consulate of theodosius junior and rumoridus , i judge it more safe to follow his opinion ; provided it be said to have been made after the synod ad quercum , and after chrysostome's first condemnation , that is about the close of the year . and this is confirmed by socrates . for he adds a little after , that when the nativity of our lord drew neer , arcadius gave johannes notice , that he could not come to the church . now , john was deposed a little before easter , in the year of christ . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. this homily occurs at tom. . pag. . of s r hen. savils edition of chrysostome . b this briso seems to be a different person from briso the bishop , who ( as cedrenus tells us ) was one of john chrysostome's scholars . and socrates seems to have put philippi instead of philippopolis . for philippopolis is an eminent city of thracia . but philippi is a city of macedonia . vales. c baronius ( at the year of christ , ) charges socrates with a lie here . for , in the synod at the oak thirty six bishops only had condemned johannes : of which twenty nine were egyptians , the rest were of divers provinces , as theodorus ( in palladius , in his dialogue concerning the life of chrysostome , ) relates from the acts of the synod at the oak . but when he was afterwards recalled to constantinople , he had been admitted to communion by sixty five bishops . either therefore socrates must necessarily be mistaken , who has said that chrysostome was condemned by more bishops than those by whom he had been admitted to communion and restored ; or else it must be said that palladius is out . unless any one will reconcile these things by saying thus , viz. that leontius the bishop has here reckoned the suffrages of the bishops together , who had condemned john chrysostome in both synods , as well that held at the oak , as the other assembled at constantinople . for although , at such time as leontius spake these words , the bishops present in the constantinopolitane synod had not pronounced sentence against chrysostome , yet leontius , who knew they were incensed against chrysostome , made not the least doubt of their suffrages . vales. d palladius tells us , that this very answer was given by john chrysostome's defenders , against the canon of the antiochian synod ; to wit , that that canon was made by the arian bishops . but chrysostome's adversaries rejected this defence , asserting that canon to have been made by the catholick bishops . and when elpidius , a bishop of chrysostome's party , urged them to subscribe that draught of the creed then promulged by those bishops ; they answered in presence of the emperour , that they were ready to subscribe it : but they put off that business to another time . therefore , what must we determine concerning this question ? athanasius indeed , in his book de synodis , does wholly reject that antiochian synod , together with its draught of the creed , as having been held by the arians with a design to subvert the nicene creed . but to athanasius ( who cannot be a sufficient witness in his own case , ) we in the first place oppose hilarius , then pope julius , and lastly , all the eastern and western bishops , who have now at length by a generall consent admitted of that synod . hilarius , 't is certain , ( in his book de synodis ) does fully admit of it , and commends that form of the creed drawn up there , as being usefull and necessary , on account of the heresies which sprang up after the nicene councill . moreover , pope julius wrote a synodick epistle to all the bishops who had been convened in that synod ; amongst whom were eusebius , narcissus , theodorus , and maris . which synodick epistle athanasius does record intire , at pag. . &c. tom. . edit . paris . . in the title and body of that letter , julius terms them beloved brethren ; which undoubtedly he would never have done , had he lookt upon them to have been arians . now , what reason had he to look upon them to be arians , who as yet had not been condemned by the sentence of any synod ; and amongst whom there were very many stiff maintainers of the nicene creed , which baronius himself does not deny ? of which sort was dianius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , whom julius names in the first place ; concerning whose praises basil the great has a peculiar epistle extant . lastly , all the easterns have acknowledged that synod to be catholick , and inserted its sanctions into the book of canons , soon after john chrysostome's times , as appears from the chalcedon-councill . and at ▪ length the western church has by degrees admitted of those canons , rendred into latine by dionysius exiguus . notwithstanding , in john chrysostome's times they might be rejected , in regard they were not received by a generall consent of the whole church , nor as yet admitted by the romish church . pope innocentius , in his epistle to the constantinopolitan church , ( which sozomen has recorded , book . chap. . ) does in no wise admit of these canons . vales. * see socrat . book . chap. . e christophorson supposed that these words were spoken by socrates concerning the bishops convened in the antiochian-synod . but i think they are to be understood concerning the bishops then assembled at constantinople against john chrysostome . and in this sense epiphanius scholasticus and musculus took this place : for epiphanius has rendred it thus , non intelligentes , quod dum hâc regulâ uterentur , athanasium quoque deponerent , not understanding , that whilest they made use of this canon , they deposed athanasius also : and musculus has translated it happily after this manner : nec cogitantes , non johannem se modò , sed & ipsum athanasium hoc canone utentes deponere , nor thinking , that by using of this canon , they deposed not only johannes , but even athanasius himself . vales. f christophorson thought these words were spoken concerning john , who after this was withheld from entring the church ▪ but i ▪ had rather they should be understood of the emperour himself ; in which sense epiphanius and musculus takes them . our sentiment is confirmed by that passage in socrates which occurs a little before in this chapter : where he relates , that arcadius at the approach of christmas , gave john notice , that he could not come into the church , unless john ( who had been condemned by the sentence of a synod , ) should first clear himself . after the same manner therefore , at the approach of easter , arcadius gives john notice , that he could not go to the church , as long as john , condemned now by two synods , resided therein . vales. g this edifice was called the senate-house . the author of the alexandrian chronicle , at the sixth consulate of honorius which he bore with aristaenetus , has these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and on a sudden the great church was burns together with the senate-house , [ fired ] by those who held it , termed the xylocercetae , on the second day , at the sixth hour . see chronic. alexandr . pag. . edit . monach. . zosimus describes this structure about the middle of his fifth book . it was in the second ward of the city constantinople , as we are informed from the old description of that city , published before the notitia imperii romani . vales. h this ( if i mistake not ) is the manichaean and semipagan praefect of the city , who , at the dedication of eudoxia's statue , had mocked the christians , as we have related before ( see note ( a. ) in this chapter . ) from theophanes . palladius ( in the life of chrysostome ) speaks concerning the same optatus ; that when he was praefect of the city , he compelled the noble matrons either to communicate with arsacius , who had been put into john chrysostome's bishoprick , or else to pay two hundred pounds of gold into the exchequer . vales. * see chap. . † or , the destemper . * chap. . † see the close of the foregoing chapter . a instead of [ november , ] it must be [ september , ] as it is in the sfortian m. s. and in epiphanius scholasticus's version . nor did nicephorus read otherwise , who adds , that the day whereon john chrysostome died , was dedicated to the exaltation of the holy cross. for so it was agreeable , that he who had passed his whole life under the cross , and had gloried in nothing but in the cross of his lord , should be loosed from the frame of his body on that festivall , as the same nicephorus does elegantly write . vales. * chap. . b in what homily this was said by chrysostome , i cannot find . and yet we have little reason to question socrates's authority , because he lived in the same times , and could have heard the sermons , as well of chrysostome , as of sisinnius bishop of the novatians . moreover ▪ it may be more certainly concluded from this passage , than from any other , that socrates was a novatianist . for he does both put an ill interpretation upon chrysostome's saying , and also openly favours sisinrius bishop of the novatian party , against john chrysostome . — you must know further , that this saying was objected to chrysostome by bishop isaacius in the synod ad quercum ▪ because he gave sinners a liberty , in regard he taught , if you have sinned again , repent again . and , as often as you sin , come to me and i will heal you . vales. * eccles. . . † luke . . a in suidas , at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this whole passage in socrates is transcribed , where the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●e answered ] is wanting . which word must either be expunged here as superfluous , [ which we have done in our version ; ] or else the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , subjoyned ] which went before , must be blotted out vales. * or , he hunts after words , &c. * that is , a nutt-tree . † or , the space . * this appendix is part of the eleventh chapter of this book , worded in a different manner only . musculus , grynaeus , and d r hanmer have omitted it in their versions . christophorson , curterius , and valesius have inserted it in their translations . the greek text of it occurs in stephens's edition , and in valesius's ; from which latter we have rendred it into english. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a narrowness of mind . † or , gave not . a he means the oath mentioned before , at the th chapter , to wit , if serapion dies a christian , christ hath not been incarnate . further ▪ these words [ condemns ] and [ excommunicates ] denote severianus's menaces , rather than the thing it self . for severianus bishop of gabali had no power of condemning or deposing a deacon of another diocess ; but he only threatned to do this , and committed his complaint to the judgment of the bishops . vales. * or , the honour . † or , was not obedient to what , &c. ‖ see chap. , at the latter end of it . notes for div a -e * that is , arcadius's son. * see socrates book . chap. ● . a nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) relates that this anthemius enlarged the pomoerium , [ that is , a space about the walls of a city or town , as well within as without , which was not to be built upon ▪ ] of the city constantinople , demolished the old walls , and built new on●● towards the continent , which ( says he ) are now standing : and that he finished the work with an incredible swiftness , to wit , within the space of two months . for so i render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , walls to the landward , and not as langus does , brick-walls . but nicephorus seems to be mistaken , who attributes that to anthemius , which was done long after by cyrus praefect of constantinople , ( as cedrenus relates in his chronicon , ) on the th year of theodosius junior . further , i would very willingly expunge this whole clause in our socrates . for it disturbs the sense , and seems to have crept from the margin into the text. vales. b this troïlus the sophista was one of anthemius's chiefest friends , as ( besides socrates ) synesius informs us in his epistle to troïlus . socrates mentions the same troïlus , at chap. . book . where he speaks concerning eusebius scholasticus , who wrote gaina's war in verse . suidas has mentioned the same person , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where he affirms that he wrote politick orations , and books of epistles . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , friendship ] the reading in the florentine m. s. is truer , thus , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wisdom . ] which emendation is confirmed by nicephorus . vales. valesius ( in his account of the life and writings of socrates and sozomen ) reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , philosophy ; which alteration in the reading he makes in his appendix to his notes on socrates and sozomen . * book . chap. . * cor. . . † or , without pr●meditation . a it would be more truly written synnada , with a double n. for so the name of this city is more frequently inscribed on old coyns . johannes tristanus has produced a coyn of the emperour caracalla's , which has this inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ synnade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. ] yet 't is sometimes written with a single n. so it is in an old coyn of the emperour nerva's ; in the reverse whereof jupiter is engraven with this inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this coyn was in the archives of that illustrious personage the lord bryennius , concerning the meaning whereof when i was asked by the learned franciscus ogerius ▪ ( to whom pati●us had communicated that coyn , ) my answer was , it was to be read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the synnadensians worshipped jupiter under the name of pandemos , because having heretofore been gathered together out of many sorts of people in greece , by acamas , theseus's son , they inhabited the city synnada . whence says stephanus , the city was so named , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from their dwelling together . further , those people out of whom the colony of the synnadensians was first collected , were of two sorts ; to wit , the macedonians , and the athenians , or ionians , who were in asia ; as the same stephanus relates . whence we understand , why ( in the emperour caracalla's coyn , which johannes tristanus has set forth , ) the synnadensians , are termed dorienses and ionians . for , this is the inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the macedonians , a colony whereof acamas brought thither , were originally dorienses . but the athenians who went thither with acamas theseus's son , and the colonies which acamas is reported to have gathered out of asia , were ionians ▪ so termed from iön the athenian . vales. b it is a famous question , and usually disputed on both sides , whether it be lawfull for catholicks , especially bishops , to persecute hereticks . in the determination whereof , i am of opinion , that a distinction is requisite . for 't is certain , that on account of amassing money together it is not lawfull for catholicks to molest and vex hereticks ; which thing theodosius bishop of synnada at that time did . also , to persecute them by criminall sentences , and to thirst after their bloud , is in like manner unlawfull ; as idatius and some other prelates of spain did in their persecution of the priscilianists . to whose communion when s t martin had for some time joyned himself , he acknowledged , that great detriment befell him from that thing , as sulpicius severus does relate in his life . notwithstanding , it is and always was lawfull for catholicks , to implore the aid of princes and magistrates against hereticks , that they be restrained , and kept within the bounds of duty ; least they should behave themselves insolently over the catholicks , or least they should insult over and scoff at the catholick religion . s r augustine confesses indeed , that heretofore this was his sentiment , to wit , that hereticks were not to be molested and vexed by catholicks , but that they were to be invited by all instances of mansuetude and mildness . but afterwards he altered his opinion , being most certainly informed , that the laws of princes made against hereticks , are usefull to hereticks themselves in order to their conversion . and he says this was acknowledged by the donatists themselves , who had afterwards returned to the catholick church . for they affirmed , that they had never returned to the church , but had always continued in their errour , had they not been provoked and drawn as it were by those penalties and mulcts [ contained in ] the imperial laws . there is a most elegant passage of augustine's [ about this matter ] in his th epistle to vincentius ; to which is to be added another passage of the same authour , in his first book against gaudentius , chap. . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , he drew and bound them as it were to judges tribunals . translatours thought these words were spoken concerning bonds , as if theodosius the bishop had brought the hereticks bound before the judges . in which sense nicephorus also took this passage . but socrates's words will not bear this meaning . vales. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , madness ] nicephorus and christophorson read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , course , device , or purpose : ] with which reading i am best pleased . vales. * or , when he had celebrated a prayer . e we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unjustly ▪ ] agreeable to the reading in epiphan . scholasticus , and nicephorus . the other reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contrary to reason , or unexpectedly . vales. * troubled with the palsy . * book . chap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , worthy of many dangers . † see luke . . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i like not the version of langus and christophorson , who have rendred this place thus : maledictus qui absque azimis pascha celebrat , cursed is he who celebrates the passover without unleavened bread . in my judgement it must be rendred thus , beyond [ or , not on ] the days of unleavened bread . for in the greek it is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , without : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which imports beyond , out of , or saving on . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which langus and christophorson render thus : cum ex anticipatâ opinione festum paschae celebraret , when he celebrated the paschall festivall by an anticipated opinion . i like musculus's version better , who translates it thus : per anticipationem celebraret , he celebrated [ the festivall ] by way of anticipation . for sabbatius celebrating the paschall solemnity after the jewish manner , prevented the christians , and kept that festivall before the sunday . if these words are thus to be understood ; it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrates uses the same term a little lower in this chapter ; where speaking concerning the same thing , his words are : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , possest with a rude anticipate opinion . where notwithstanding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be taken for an anticipate opinion . vales. c i understand the vigill of the paschall festivall . nor can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be any other then the vigill of the paschall festivall . for sabbatius ( although he anticipated easter , and celebrated it with the jews yet ) kept the vigills on the paschall sabbath with the rest of the christians ; with whom also he celebrated easter-day in a dissembling and negligent manner , as socrates has related before , in book . chap. . and thus this passage in socrates was understood by nicephorus , whose words his translatour hath not rendred well . nicephorus's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which are to be translated thus , but in regard they celebrated the solemn vigill with a congruous worship meerly for fashions sake , &c. moreover , why sabbatius ( although he followed the jews in the observation of easter , notwithstanding ) would feign a celebration of easter with the christians , this in my judgement is the reason ; because he feared the laws of the emperours who had made a sanction that they should be accounted hereticks , who kept not easter on one and the same day with all other christians . this was the command of the emperour theodosius , in the ninth law of the theodosian code de haereticis . vales. * or , rustick , or , clownish . * book . . chap. . † or , delighted with . ‖ see book . chap. . * or , a drousie disease . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders it , who was theophilus's nephew by his sister . christophorson translates it , the son of his brother . nicephorus ( book . chap. , ) says theophilus was cyrillus's unckle by the father's side ; his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : theodoret terms him only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unckle . wherefore i rather believe he was cyrillus's mother's brother . in sozomen there is mention of theophilus's sister . facundus hermianensis and epiphanius scholasticus term theophilus cyrillus's cousin-german ; which is ill done : but from thence 't is clearly intimated , that cyrillus was related to theophilus by his sister . vales. * or , the bishoprick of alexandria . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the sacerdotal degree and order ] it must doubtless be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. surpassing [ or beyond ] the sacerdotal , &c. ] according as s r henry savill had noted at the margin of his copy from christophorsons book . notwithstanding both translatours have followed the common reading , which is not to be endured . socrates , 't is certain , speaking concerning the same thing at chap. . of this book , uses the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the roman bishoprick , having ( like that of alexandria ) surpassed the sacerdotal degree and bounds , and degenerated long before into a secular principality vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but there are severall ] it is better thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for there are several , &c. vales. * book . chap. , and . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. who are numerous , &c. ] it must undoubtedly bee [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. whose interest is great with the persian king. ] thus nicephorus read . vales. * or , prayed . * or , where the unquenchable fire was . * or , stock , or ▪ race . ‖ that is , every tenth man put to death . c we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for by a device they raised ▪ &c. ] not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by a device , &c. ] otherwise , a repetition of the same particle would be odious and unpleasant . many errours in these particles are usually committed by transcribers of books , whilest they write too hastily . vales. d here we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e epiphanius scholasticus calls this bishop of persian abla●ies . nicephorus terms him abdas . in the ssortian m. s. he is stiled an●das . vales. * tryall , or , experiment . a or , roman dignity . zosimus ( book . ) relates , that alarichus , after the expedition against the tyrant eugenius , wherein he had done excellent service , was commander of no roman forces , but returned into thracia , and kept with him those barbarians only , whom he had commanded . but , a little afterwards , when being sent for by rufinus , he had ruined graecia and epirus , he was created master of the milice throughout illyricum ; as claudian informs us in his second book against eutropius . — vastator achivae gentis , & epirum nuper populatus inultam , praesidet illyricis . jam quos obsedit , amicus ingreditur muros , illis responsa daturus , quorum conjugibus potitur , natosque peremit . sic hostes pensare solent . — vales. * or , thorow . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of their admirable works and structures ] i think it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the admirable works and structures therein : ] which reading we have expressed in our version . vales. * or , some body . * or , seized , or , devoured . * see book . chap. ● . * or , his immorality . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this expression is not in my judgment good greek . nicephorus in regard he liked it not , altered it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he moved every rope to get into the bishoprick . but in my mind , this place in socrates is to be thus restored : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he did all things with a design of getting into the bishoprick . vales. * ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders it per singulas domos , from house to house . grynaeus and curterius , de suis ipsius ●or●unis , of his own estate . valesius , ex propria pecunia , of his own money . b the loaves which the faithfull offered for a sacrifice , were termed the loaves of benediction . for so dionysius exiguus renders the th canon of the laodicean councill . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the bread of benediction ought not to be offered in lent , except on the sabbath and on sunday only . of these loaves some were taken for the eucharist : the rest were allotted for the food of the clergy by the bishop ; who also took some of them himself , as much as he would , as we are informed from this place . you must note further , that socrates says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the churches . for the bishop , according to his own arbitrement , disposed of the oblations of all the churches , which were under his own jurisdiction . see gelasius's decretalls , cap. . vales. c ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil from christophorson's book , at the margin of his own copy , hath mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which reading christophorson has followed . but in my judgment , it must be thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the best oratour of his own time , &c. the schollars of the sophists , who learned rhetorick were heretofore termed rhetoricians . notwithstanding , all the sophists schollars had not that appellation , but the eminentest of them only , who being initiated by a certain rite , wore a rhetorician's pallium , which was red or s●arl●t-coloured . we are informed hereof by cyrillus in his lexicon : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that is , pallium's were certain cloaks . some [ were worn ] by rhetoricians : which were red and scarl●t-coloured ▪ others , by philosophers , which were of a dark-colour . this was the badge , worn by them daily . by what rite rhetoricians were wont to be made at athens , olympiadorus ( in excerptis historiarum apud photium , ) gregory nazianzen , and eunapius do declare . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] muscul●s and christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against them . ] which reading i like better . notwithstanding , nicephorus retains the common reading . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epiphanius scholasticus was mistaken in thinking there was a festivall which the alexandrians called politia . nor was christophorson less out , in supposing the publick edicts of the imperiall praesects to be so termed by the alexandrians , which orestes published then in the theatre . in which he is doubly mistaken . first , because he thought that all the imperiall edicts were by the alexandrians called politia ; whereas , those edicts only had that name , which belonged to the quiet and profit of the city . agreeable whereto , those orders made in respect to the prizes of corn and other vendible commodities usually exposed to sale in the market , at paris we now term in french a police , and the orders of police . secondly , christophorson mistakes in supposing that these edicts were published by orestes in the theatre . for socrates does not say so ▪ but only that orestes made ( that is , dictated , or rehearsed to his officers ) these orders in the theatre . for the roman magistrates were wont to sit in judgment and decide matters in the law , in the theatre , circus , or in any other place they had a mind to . so amm. marcellinus relates ( book . ) concerning leontius praefect of the city . moreover , the orders then made by orestes , respected the theatre , and the publick shows ▪ vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which are the terms here used , ) do import the first r●aiments which children learn. the teachers hereof are by the greeks termed grammatistae , and by the latines li●●ratores . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plausus , clapping of hands ; such as is now used at plays ; then belike usuall at sermons . † or , given . * or , in all the wards of the city . d ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these persons the greeks in one word term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , professours of physick . such a one was magnus medicus , who professed physick publickly at alexandria ; but was a better oratour then physitian ; as eunapius informs us , in his book de vi●is sophistarum . such a one also was ge●ius the physitian in the times of the emperour zeno ; concerning whom see stephanus byzantius , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . damascius ( in the life of isidorus ) spends a great many words about this gesius ; and from him suidas , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where he divides physick into two parts , theory and practise . vales. cyrillus therefore held forth the book of the gospells , that thereby he might conjure and earnestly beseech orestes praefect of egypt , to be reconciled with him . we have remarked already ( see book . chap. . note b. ) that the antients did usually conjure and earnestly beseech , by those things which they used to swear by . the christians usage was to swear by the gospells , laying their hands on those sacred books , as 't is evidently known . vales. * or , o●●icers . a that is , tortured him . instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , undertaking , ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put him to , or made him undergo , ] as s r henry savil had mended it at the margin of his copy . nor did musculus read otherwise , who has rendred this place thus : quem ille publice secundum leges torturae subjicit , whom he makes to undergo torture in publick , agreeable to the laws . where you see musculus took the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for an adverb , and is therein followed by christophorson . for thus he renders it : praefectus palàm , uti leges postulant , de eo quaestionem exercere , the praefect , as the laws required , put him to the question openly . notwithstanding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken adjectively in the same sense . i have observed a little before from amm. marcellinus , that the roman magistrates were wont to take criminalls openly and in publick , and torture them ; in regard they had their apparitors always about them . therefore , even whilest they rode in their chariots , they put offenders to the question , as marcellinus relates concerning leontius , and socrates at this place concerning orestes . vales. b the verb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , extinguished , is in no wise agreeably used here . i had much rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rekindled . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which verb s r henry savil and the geneva printers have set in the margin from christophorson's copy , ) is not to be born with , in regard it signifies , was kindled , not , was renewed . i found here no alteration in the m. ss . copies . nicephorus has also followed the common reading . for , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , extinguished , he makes use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was obscured , or , obliterated . vales. a the incomparably learned s r henry savil , at the margin of his copy , had made this remark , which we thought good to communicate to the studious reader . theo interpres ptolemaei , &c. that is , theon ptolemie's interpreter , in the st year of the diocletian epocha ( which was valens's fifth year , as i suppose , ) observed two lunar conjunctions , the one synodicam the other panselenon . see pag. and . of theon's comments upon the almagestus , edit . basil. . therefore , 't is very probable , that this theon was hypatia's father . for , from those observations to hypatia's death , there are years . vales. b at alexandria there was heretofore a school of platonick philosophy , over which , amongst others , hierocles the philosopher presided ; as damascius ( in the life of isidorus , pag. , ) and aeneas gazaeus ( in theophrasto , ) do inform us . but the succession of this school is not to be deduced from plotinus . for plotinus never taught philosophy at alexandria . plotinus was indeed instructed in philosophy at alexandria , by ammonius ; but he himself never kept a school there , but continued teaching at rome for the space of twenty six years compleat , untill his death ; as porphyrius relates in his life . wherefore , instead of plotinus , i would more willingly put ammonius here . unless we should say , that the alexandrian school had associated plotinus to themselves , as being the eminent est master and instructor of the platonick philosophy . by this means our socrates may be excused . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; confidence and freedome in speaking . c athanasius mentions this church , in his epistle ad solitarios , pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; have not the arians and ●●gans offered sacrifice in the great church , in the caesareum , and [ performed ] blasphemies against christ , by his command as it were ? he means the cow , which the pagans would have offered in the great church , of which he had spoken before , at pag. . epiphanius says a great deal concerning the same church , in haeres . arian . chap. . 't is called basilica caesarea in liberatus's breviarium , cap. . vales. * or , wrought no small disgrace to , &c. d 't is certain , that damascius ( in the life of isidorus the philosopher , which by gods assistance i will ere long set forth larger by half , than it is ) does make cyrillus the authour of hypatia's murder . damascius's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so on , which occur in suidas . 't is a most elegant passage , which in favour to the studious reader , i will render into english , and annex it here , repeating damascius's words a little higher . the governours also of the city alexandria , as soon as they came into that city , visited her in the first place . which has been usually done at athens also . for , though the thing it self be lost , yes the name of philosophy seems as yet magnificent and venerable to persons who hold the principall place in the government of the publick . it hapned therefore one time , that cyrillus a bishop of the christian religion , passing by hypatia ' s house , saw a great company before her door , both of men and horses ; some of whom came , others went away , and others stayed . and when he had inquired what that multitude moant and why so great a tumult was made , he was answered by his followers , that they then saluted hypatia the philosopheress , and that that was her house . which when cyrillus had been acquainted with , he was so galled with envy , that he forthwith contrived her murder , and that in the most nefarious manner . for when hypatia went out of her house as she was wont to do , many inhumane russians , who fear neither the punishment of the gods , nor the revenge of men , assault and kill her ; defiling their own country with a most horrid crime and disgrace . the emperour was highly incensed there●● , and had revenged it , had not aedesius corrupted the emperours friends . the emperour pardoned the assassines . but he drew the revenge upon his own head , and on his own family : for his nephew underwent the punishment . thus far damascius . where by nephew he means , as i suppose , valentinianus the son of placidia , who was aunt to theodosius junior . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and theodosius's tenth , &c. christophorson has done ill to mend it thus , theodosius's seventh consulate ; whose version led baronius into a mistake , as you may see at the year of christ . from the incomparable florentine and sfortian m. ss . i have mended this place thus , theodosius's sixth consulate ; which emendation is confirmed by the fasti consulares . vales. * or , under him . * or , the belly of the font. † or , a certain invisible power of god. * or , wares , or , merchandizes . * theodosius . a we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b in the tripartite history which epiphanius scholasticus rendred into latine , this roman commander is termed beatianus . which name i like best . this victory of the romans over the persians hapned in the consulate of eustathius and agricola , on the year of christ , as marcellinus informs us in his chronicon ; the authour of the alexandrian chronicle says the same ; who relates , that the emperour theodosius had news of that victory , in the month gorpieus , on the eighth of the ides of september , on the third feria . this was the fourteenth year of theodosius junior's reign . wherefore theophanes is mistaken in his chronicle , who places this victory of the romans over the persians on the eighteenth year of theodosius . vales. * or , man. a the florentine m. s. inserts two words here , altogether necessary ▪ after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a victory apparently given him [ by god. ] which words ( before i had gotten that manuscript , ) i had put in at this place , from nicephorus , and epiphanius scholasticus's version . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred it ill , ardaburius the commanders colleague . musculus has translated it better , assessour . epiphanius scholasticus renders it councellour , which is the same . concerning the councellours or assessours of judges , as well civill as military , i have made many remarks in my notes on amm. marcellinus ; which 't is unnecessary to repeat here . further , this maximinus seems to be the same person , who was afterwards sent embassadour by the emperour theodosius to attalas ; as priscus relates in his excerpta legationum : where he attests , that he was nobly descended , and had been very usefull to the emperour in many affairs . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they , ] that is , the immortalls : so christophorson and s r henry savil read . vales. d sidonius makes mention of this procopius , in his panegyrick of anthemius augustus ; where he relates , that he was son-in-law to anthemius heretofore consul and praefectus praetorio ; who during theodosius junior's minority , had had the chief management of affairs in the empire . vales. e i doubt not but this place is thus to be restored : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus the war which had been undertaken upon the account of those christians who lived in persia , was concluded . which thing [ that is , which conclusion of the war ] hapned in the consulate of the two augusti . so epiphanius scholasticus read , as 't is apparent from his version . for thus he renders it : et hoc modo bellum propter christianos exortum de parthorum regione cessavit . contigit autem consulatu honorii xiii . & theodosii x. 't is certain , in this consulate the persian war was not waged , but concluded . for it had been begun on the foregoing year ▪ when eustatbius and agricola were consuls , as i have remarked before ; see chap. , note ( b. ) this is confirmed by marcellinus comes in his chronicon , in these words : honorio xiii . & theodosio x. coss. persaecum romanis pacem pepigere , in honorius ' s thirteenth and theodosius ' s tenth consulate , the persians made a peace with the romans . vales. a so he has termed this province before , at chap. . theophanes in his chronicon , calls it arxanes , or arzanes ; for so 't is in some copies . one of the five provinces beyond tigris was called arzanene , as amm. marcellinus attests , book . which is sometimes termed arxanene , and ara●●are , and araxene , as i have remarked at the foresaid book of amm. marcellinus . vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but having called together the clergymen under himself , he said , ] this place would be written more elegantly , thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. having [ therefore ] called together the clergy under himself : men [ and brethren ] said he , &c. ] and so epiphanius scholasticus read , as 't is apparent from his version . our emendation is plainly confirmed also by nicephorus . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it ill , to redeem the captive souldiers : for those who had been taken prisoners by the romans in arzanene , were unarmed ▪ most of them being boo●s , who inhabited that country . besides , the romans are termed souldiers by way of emphasis , to distinguish them from the barbarians , as i have noted at amm. marcellinus . so our socrates calls the romans , souldiers , almost in the next words after these . vales. * or , panegyrical orations . d this is the leontius ( if i mistake not , ) whom olympiodorus relates by his own care and industry to have been promoted to the sophistick chair at athens ; whenas he himself as yet declined it ; as photius declares in his bibliotheca . vales. * or , in the empire . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherefore he , together with his sisters ; ] as nicephorus expresses it book . chap. . the mistake arose from hence , because these particles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are usually confounded one with the other by transcribers . vales. * see socrat . book . chap. . † book . chap. . b epiphanius scholasticus has rendred this whole place thus : non est inquit , magnum neque difficile hominem mori , quia neque deo soli , semel mortuum ▪ ex poenitentiâ suscitare . it is not , saith he , a great nor difficult thing for a man to die , because neither [ is it a great or difficult thing ] to god alone , by repentance to raise a man once dead . for you must understand [ is it a great or difficult thing ] to be used i● common to both clauses . nicephorus callistus has worded this passage thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words langus has rendred thus : nihil est novi , dixit , fiquis homo quum sit , ● vit● excedat : uni●● autem dei esse , eum qui semel mortuus sit , per p●nitentiam ad vitam rev●care . it is no new thing , said he , that he who is a man should depart out of this life : but 't is god's property only , by repentance to recall to life him who is once dead . but i like not nicephorus's using 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , the discourse here is not concerning the life of the soul , but that of the body . wherefore , i approve rather of museulus's version ▪ who has rendred it thus : ex ●oenitentiâ verò revocare ●um qui semel mort●●● est , non est nisi soli deo possibile . but by repentance to recall him who is once dead , is a thing possible only to god. notwithstanding this version pleased not christophorson , because it may seem to attribute repentance to god. but this expression may be born with , in regard god in the sacred scriptures is now and then said to repent himself of some fact . vales. c scaliger in his notes on the fourth book of manilius , and ( after him ) salmasius in his notes on capitolinus , pag. , have long since observed , that the greeks called those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the term here used , ) who let themselves out to fight with wild beasts . but i approve not of their confounding the confectores with these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the confectores were another sort of persons , as i have remarked on eusebius , ( book . chap. . note n. ) who sought not with the wild beasts , but dispatcht them at a distance . vales. see eusebius pamphilius's book concerning the martyrs of palestine , chap. . note ▪ ( b. ) d this city , and the name of this bishop , are equally unknown to me . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; all translatours ( whom i have seen ) except valesius , render it his sack-cloth ; the greek term comprehends both significations . e theophanes , in his chronicon , says the same . but olympiodorus dissents ; who says honorius died on the twenty seventh of august . vales. * or , bowed , or , inclined . * or , innovation . † that is , honorius . a this is the johannes , primiccrius ▪ [ or , chief ] of the n●taries , who when rome was besieged , had been sent embassad●ur to alarichus king of the goths , whose friend and guest he had been , as zosimus relates , book . vales. ‖ or , fortunateness . * that is , ardaburius . b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but having passed the water of the lake through dry ground ] the reading in the florent . m. s. is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. when therefore they had passed , &c. ] but , in my judgment , another particle is to be added , after this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. when therefore they had passed the waters of the lake as i● i● had been over dry ground . vales. the emendation of this place is owing to the florentine m. s. wherein , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was a prudent person , ] 't is plainly wirtten thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , became very solicitous . ] vales. * see book . chap. . † or , assemblies without the church . after these words , there was a whole line and something more wanting ; which we have made up from the incomparable florent . and sfortian m. ss . after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moreover , be made it his business to extirpate the superstitions of some men . which words were in that copy also , which epiphan . scholasticus made use of , as 't is apparent from his version . for thus he renders it ; sed & superstitionem quorundam studebat abscindere , moreover be endeavoured to cut off the superstition of some men . but , that christophorson had consulted no m. s. coples of socrates , 't is evident both from this place and also from many others . vales. * or , hid it . † or , that sepulchre . ‖ or , a station for ships . * that is , venomous , or , full of poyson . † that is , a medicine , or , cure . ‖ that is , the silver-city . * the golden-city . † or , confirmed that name to the place . * or , witnesses . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged ; which neither nicephorus , nor epiphan ▪ scholasticus , nor the other translatours do acknowledge . unless , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any one has a mind to substitute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and read thus ; you in a certain manner exclude ecclesiasticks . but , this place wants not difficulty . for , it may seem to be concluded from hence , that ecclesiasticks in the catholick church , who had been excommunicated for more enormous crimes , were cut off from the church without all hope of pardon ; but laïcks not so . which may be thus explained . laïcks , who had been separated from communion on account of publick crimes , recovered peace and communion again by the remedy of penitency , at least once . but to ecclesiasticks who had been excommunicated , the door of penitency was shut . for they were not admitted to publick penitency . they continued therefore for ever excommunicated . for which reason ecclesiasticks were very rarely excommunicated : but were either deposed , or suspended from their office for some time , or at least reduced to a laïck-communion . but , the first canon of the neocaesarian synod does gainsay this ; wherein the ecclesiasticks who had committed fornication or adultery , are driven from communion , and brought to penitency . this passage may be explained otherwise also . for , from such time as nectarius abolished the penitentiary , all laïcks had a free power of communicating left them ; nor was any one removed from communion on account of a deadly crime , except ecclesiasticks only . vales. c atticus did not only foreknow the day of his own death , but long before his death , he built himself a sepulchre , as i am informed from an old epigram ; which because 't is not yet extant in print , i will here annex : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. paulus silentiarius ' s composure on the tomb of one atticus . atticus , whilest he was living , ( in whose mind a fortitude not to be daunted ( shin'd , ) dug me his grave , in common hope of fate untractable and incompassionate . such were his virtuous actions , that death's fear , and frightfull terrours by him slighted were . but , by the sun , to late posterity his sun-like wisedom shall recorded be . this epigram is extant in constantinus cephalas's anthologia , not yet printed . 't is my sentiment , that atticus bishop of constantinople is meant hereby . for i know no other atticus , to whom this elogy of wisdom and virtue can be agreeable . notwithstanding , this is contradicted by paulus silentiarius's being inscribed the authour of this epigram , who ( as 't is manifest from agathias's testimony , ) flourished long after atticus , in justinian's times . wherefore , either the inscription of the epigram , or our conjecture , must of necessity be false . vales. d the authour of the alexandrian chronicle understood this passage in socrates amiss . for he thought , that valentinianus junior placidia's son , had been stiled augustus on the d of october : but socrates says not so ; he relates only , that valentinianus's having been proclaimed augustus was published at constantinople on the twenty third of october . which two things are vastly different . sigonius ( book ▪ de occidentali imperio ) relates that valentinianus was created augustus at ravenna on the ides ( that is , the fifteenth ) of october , in theodosius augustus's eleventh and valentinianus's own first consulate . 't is certain , on the eighth of october in the same consulate , valentinianus was as yet but caesar ▪ as we are informed from the th law in the theodosian code de episc. eccles. & clericis , dated at aquileia . by which place sigonius was chiefly induced , to place valentinianus's being proclaimed augustus on the ides of october , and to relate it to have been made at ravenna . for in regard it was published at constantinople on the twenty fifth of that same month , it could not have been done later . onufriu● ( in his fasti ) has followed sigonius's opinion . further marcellinus and jordaines ( in his book de successione regnorum ) do mention this declaration to have been made at ravenna : but olympiodorus and idatius ( in his chronicon ) say 't was done at rome . vales. * or , in any of the churches , &c. † constantinople . photius ( in his bibliotheca , chap. . ) attests the same ▪ where his words concerning philippus sideta's christian history are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but in his history he is very severe upon sisinnius , because , when as they were both of the same degree and order , and he himself seemed superiour in eloquence and all sort of literature ; yet sisinnius ( says he ) was elected to the archiepiscopall see. valesius . * that is , chrysostome . † or , subject , or argument . * speculations , precepts , or , axioms . a what law this was and by whom made , 't is uncertain . my sentiment ▪ is , that 't was an imperiall law , whereby provision had been made , that the inhabitants of cyzicum should not ordain themselves a bishop contrary to the consent of atticus bishop of constantinople . for if this had been a sanction made in a councill of bishops , socrates would have used the term canon , rather than have called it a law. after atticus's death , the inhabitants of cyzicum disregarded this law. for they said , that that priviledge had in an especiall manner been granted to atticus , and belonged not to his successours . but , they were mistaken . for long before atticus , the constantinopolitan prelates had given bishops to the inhabitants of cyzicum . for , in constantius's time , eudoxius bishop of constantinople ordained eunomius bishop of cyzicum . see liberatus's breviarium chap. . vales. a amongst the ancients it was wont to be ve●y carefully observed , what the bishops ( especially the prelates of the greater churches ) said in their first sermon to the people . for from that sermon a conjecture was made of the faith , doctrine , and temper , of every bishop . wherefore they were wont to take particular notice of , and remember their sayings . a remark of this nature socrates has made before , at book ▪ chap. . concerning the first sermon of eudoxius bishop of constantinople . and theodoret and epiphanius declare the same concerning meletius antiochenus's first sermon to the people . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i chose to render it an incendiary ( as etiphan . scholasticus does , ) rather than incendium , a fire , though , 't is con●est , this is the true import of the word , vales. * or , open tongue . * or , unbufied . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against the tyrants ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against the hunni : ] for the burgundious were oppressed by them , as socrates attests . vales. b this person ( as i suppose , ) is octar king of the hunni ; whom jordanes ( in his history of the goths , chap. , ) relates to have been the brother of ro● , and mundiüchus attila's father . vales. a in my own judgment , i have mended this ▪ place very happily . for , whereas there was no sense in the common reading , ( which is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and otherwise caused himself to be hated in such things ; ) by a very small change i have mended the place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and caused others to imitate himself in such things . nor do i doubt but socrates left it thus written . otherwise , what he adds concerning antonius bishop of germa , would in no wise agree with that which goes before . at the very next words , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is apparent from what hapned from him , ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is apparent from what hapned during his being bishop . ] which emendation seems to me altogether necessary . for , that which follows concerning antonius the bishop , was in no wi●e done by nestorius . vales. * that is , the mother of god , or , the virgin that bore god : a term that made a great disturbance in the christian world , as the reader will see hereafter . b nicephorus , when he wrote out this passage of socrates , added the word [ again , ] shewing thereby , that the following words were taken out of s t paul's epistle . indeed , the words immediately preceding occur at cor. . ; but whence these are quoted , i cannot yet find . vales. b s r henry savill , had remarked at the margin of his copy , that in his judgment , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proposed , ] it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , published . ] and a little after , where the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for being a naturall eloquent man ] that learned knight had written in the margin fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , naturally ; ] to which emendation we agree , as by our version appears . for nicephorus , who has extracted this passage out of socrates , words it thus , vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , expositours , ] though the same errour be in nicephorus also . but socrates himself does a little after this , shew it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ancient expositours . vales. d in the first epist. of s t john , chap. . vers . , ; the words in the greek copies now extant are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . every spirit that confesseth that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is of god. and every spirit that confesseth not that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is not of god. in the latine copies 't is thus worded : omnis spiritus qui confitetur jesum christum in carne venisse , ex deo est : & omnis spiritus qui solvit jesum , ex deo non est , every spirit which confesses jesus christ is come in the flesh , is of god : and every spirit which separates jesus , is not of god. in that greek copy therefore , which the old latine translatour made use of , it was written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every spirit which separates jesus from god is not ; as socrates attests it to have been written in the ancient copies . notwithstanding , socrates seems to have read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words we have exprest in our version . for socrates's following words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that some persons have depraved [ or , corrupted ] this epistle , being desirous to separate the manhood of christ from his deity [ or , man from god. ] in the alexandrian copy ( the various readings whereof the english have given us , ) this place in john is thus written ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and every spirit which confesses not jesus , is not of god. which comes nearer to the vulgar reading . vales. * or , dispensation of man. † or , to separate man from god. e socrates mistakes here ; and whilest he reproves nestorius , falls into the errour of eutyches , who thought , that after the union , there was not two , but only one nature in christ. unless we should say , that socrates speaks concerning the persons , not the natures . by this means socrates might be excused , if his words would admit of this sense . 't is certain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( concerning which terms these words are spoken ) do altogether signifie natures , not persons . vales. * that is , god with us . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a nicephorus quotes these two verses thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the latter verse would be written better thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , made up the synod . a socrates mistakes at this place , in attributing that to nestorius which was done by john bishop of antioch . therefore evagrius and ( who has followed him ) nicephorus do deservedly reprehend our socrates . now , the business , as we are informed from the acts of the ephesine synod , was transacted in this manner . when nestorius had been condemned and deposed by the holy synod , and the letters of deposition had been sent to him , he sent forthwith a relation to the emperour theodosius , wherein he complained of his adversaries violence , and that they would not expect the coming of the eastern bishops , who , 't was said , would quickly be there . this relation was subscribed by ten bishops of nestorius's party . on the fifth day after , comes john bishop of antioch , with the eastern bishops . who having understood what had been done ▪ assembled together the bishops ( as well the eastern prelates whom he had brought with him , as those ten , which ( as we have said ) had subscribed nestorius's relation , ) and deposed the bishops cyrillus and memnon . at this little councill of johannes's , nestorius himself was not persent , because having been condemned by an episcopall sentence , he had not been restored by the determination of a synod . but the bishops of his party , whom the sentence of the synod had in no wise touched , were present . wherefore socrates may be excused , if we say that these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] do not denote nestorius himself , but the bishops who were of his party , and had subscribed his relation . but in the other particulars socrates is not to be excused . vales. * see chap. , and . † or , elected . ‖ or , city . * chap. . a this is , the eighteenth canon of the synod at antioch . [ socrates speaks of this synod at book . chap. ; and this very canon occurs at pag. . tom. . edit . beveridge . ] but socrates is mistaken , in thinking that the bishops relled upon this canon , that they might exclude proclus from the constantinopolitan see. 't is true indeed , that proclus was one of their number who are meant in the foresaid canon . for after he had been ordained bishop of cyzicum by sisinnius patriarch of constantinople , he was not admitted by the inhabitants of cyzicum , as socrates has related before . but the bishops who were against proclus's election , relied not upon this canon , but quoted the twenty first canon [ which occurs at pag. , tom. . edit . bever . ] of the same synod in confirmation of their own opinion ; the contents whereof are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a bishop ought not in any wise to remove from one see to another , neither rushing into it wholly on his own accord , nor forcibly compelled by the people , nor yet necessarily constrained by the bishops : but let him continue in that church , which god has at first allotted to him , nor let him remove from thence , agreeable to the pristine determination made concerning this matter . our socrates is therefore mistaken , who has put the eighteenth canon of the antiochian synod , instead of the one and twentieth . he is out in this also , to wit , in supposing , that these words in the close of the eighteenth canon [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] do favour his own opinion . those words we have rendred thus : suscipere autem debet quicquid provinciae synodus de ejus negotio judicans constituerit , but he ought to embrace whatever a synod of the province , having had cognizance of his case , shall think good to determine ▪ socrates thought this to be the consequence of these words , viz , that if a synod of the province should think fit to translate the foresaid bishop to some other see , that bishop ought to obey that determination . but 't is plain that he is out , in regard translations of bishops are expresly forbidden in the twenty first canon . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words dionysius exiguus renders thus , quod visum fuerit judicando decreverit , shall by judging decree what shall seem good . the old translatour also ( whose version was heretofore in henricus memmius's library , and has lately been published at paris ) renders it after this manner : sed spectare cum oportere , quo usque provinciae synodus de eo quae eis videntur ordinet , but he ought to expect , till such time as a synod of the province shall determine concerning him what they think good . where you may remark by the by , that the old translatour in his copy , read not the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perfect ; ] as neither did socrates . the same phrase occurs above in the appendix to the sixth book , where johannes speaks to the bishops thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which we have thus rendred into latine , causam ad vos delatam perpendentes ipsi ac dijudicantes definite . but 't is better to translate it thus , quodcunque vobis visum fuerit , &c. vales. our english rendition of that place is this , do you inquire into the cause , and make such a definitive determination as you shall think fit . c perigenes had been born and baptized at corinth the metropolis of achaia : having afterwards been made a clergy-man , he continued presbyter of the same church a long while with great integrity . afterwards when he had been promoted to the bishoprick of patrae by the bishop of corinth , and the inhabitants of patrae had refused to receive him , he was forced to return to corinth . the bishop of which city dying not long after , the corinthians requested he might be their bishop ; which request of theirs they made known to bonifatius bishop of rome . but bonifatius would do nothing in that affair , before he had received the letters of rufus bishop of thessalonica , who was deputed the vicegerent of the apostolick see throughout achaia and macedonia . he wrote therefore two letters to him concerning this business , to which was annext the corinthians request . these letters bore date in the consulate of monaxius and plintha . afterwards , when bonifatius had received rufus's letters , he approved of perigenes's election , and wrote a letter to him and the corinthians . i have collected these things from two letters of bonifatius to rufus , which letters were lately published at rome by lucas holstenius a learned person , and one that has deserved well of ecclesiastick antiquity . further , this perigenes was present at the ephesine synod convened against nestorius . for in the first action thereof occur these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of perigenes [ bishop ] of corinth in greece . vales. d in the sfortian m. s. this person is called r●nverentius . but in nicephorus 't is reverentius , which is truer . epiphan . scholasticus terms him reverentius also . in the fourth book of the jus graeco-romanum , chap. de translationibus episcoporum , he is corruptly stiled revenus . vales. e nicephorus makes gordum a city of lycia , not lydia : but all other [ writers ] assign it to lydia . further , this johannes bishop of proconnesus was present at the ephesine synod , as 't is recorded in the first action of that councill . vales. f in the florentine manuscript 't is proconnesus . in nicephorus , in the jus graeco-romanum , and in the acts of the ephesine councill , 't is written proiconnesus . the author of the etymologicon ( in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) defends both readings . and deduces the originall of this name ( which has the letter ( i ) added ) from hence , either because this island furnishes the other islands with marmour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is gratis , freely , or for nothing ; or else from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies hinnuleum , a little hind . but dionysius atheniensis ( in his book [ entitled ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he wrote concerning the building of cities , ) says 't was called proconesus from the multitude of harts there , which they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . others will have its name derived from a vessell which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because when the milesii at first brought a colony thither , they were met by a virgin carrying such a vessell . vales. in robert stephens edit . 't is termed preconesus . g in the fourth book of the jus graeco-romanum , pag. ● ; he is termed theosebius . and so he is called in the tripartite history ( which epiphan . scholasticus translated ; ) and in ivo carnotensis ( in prologo decreti . ) but nicephorus terms him philippus , which i wonder at . vales. h from the florentine and sfortian manuscripts , and from nicephorus and epiphan . scholasticus , instead of salabria , we have made it salambria . 't is a city of thracia , which the greeks heretofore termed selymbria , as strabo and stephanus do attest : but afterwards 't was called salambria . so in the itinerarium burdigalense : mansio salamembria [ is mentioned which was ] miles distant from constantinople . vales. * or , mysia . i this is the optimus bishop of antioch in pisidia , of whom the emperour theodosius makes mention in the third law of the theodosian code , de fide catholicâ ; to whom , ( together with amphilochius of iconium , ) the charge and administration of the churches of asia is committed . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred it ill ▪ thus , pallium philosophicum , the philosophick pallium , adding a word of his own , to wit , philosophick . but socrates speaks not concerning the philosophick pallium , but concerning that of the rhetoricians . for he says that silvanus had before been a rhetorician , that is , an advocate out of troïlus the sophist's school : but afterwards left off his pallium , and imbraced a monastick life . concerning the rhetoricians pallium see what we have remarked before at book . chap. ▪ note ( c. ) to which may be added this passage out of theophylactus simocatta's menodia , which he spoke in praise of the emperour mauricius after phaucas's death : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words theophylactus himself cites in the eighth book of his history , chap. . whence it may be gathered , that the rhetoricians pallium was white , not red , or scarlet coloured , as we have noted before from cyrillus , and basilius grammaticus . gregorius nazianzenus speaks also concerning the rhetoricians pallium , in his twentieth oration concerning the praises of basilius ▪ pag. . edit . paris . ▪ where billius ( by the same mistake ) has rendred it pallia philosophica , the philosophick palliums . vales. b i agree not with christophorson , who has rendred this place so , as if atticus had sent for silvanus to come to him . what need was there of sending for him , who was present at constantinople , to wit , a rhetorician in the school of troïlus the sophist who taught rhetorick at constantinople ? the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies something more , to wit , to lay hold of , and use force towards any person . by this term therefore socrates shews , that silvanus was against his own will , and with a reluctancy made bishop of philippopolis by atticus . philippopolis is the metropolis of that country strictly and properly called thracia . you must know further , that the ordination of the metropolitanes of thracia belonged then to the bishop of constantinople . for the patriarchs by a certain singular priviledge ordained metropolitanes , as i have observed at large in my dissertation on the sixth canon of the nicene councill . [ the learned reader will meet with this dissertation of valesius's at pag. . of his notes on socrates and sozomen ; edit . paris . . ] hence 't is , that the same atticus patriarch of constantinople , ordained the said silvanus bishop of troas , upon the request of the inhabitants of that city . for alexandria troas [ or , alexander's troas , ] was the metropolis of phrygia . this is in express words established by the twenty eighth canon of the chalcedon councill , [ which occurs at tom. . pag. , edit . beveredg . ] which treats concerning the priviledges of the constantinopolitane see : to wit , that the metropolitanes only of the thracican , pontick , and asian dioecesis , should be ordained by the most holy constantinopolitane see ; the decrees being , ( as usually , ) first made , by the common consent of the clergy and laity , and directed to the patriarch of constantinople . for thus the foresaid canon does determine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the decrees made as usually , being agreed upon and transmitted to him , the canon means the decree of request , such a one as the corinthians sent to bonifatius , desiring they might have perigenes for their bishop ; as we have observed before at chap. ▪ note ( c. ) vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it , sandalils indutus foeno confectis , shod with sandalls made of hay . epiphanius scholasticus ( who is followed by langus , nicephorus's translatour , book . chap. . ) translates it soleas de sparto , sandalls of spartum . spartum is a kind of shrub like our broom , of which they made bonds to tie their vines , ropes for ships , and ( as it seems ) sandalls also . such sandalls as these were those termed carbatinae ; concerning which see julius pollux onomast . book . chap. . hesychius ( in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) says they were mean shooes worn by the pesants ; and expounds that term thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a shooe with one sole . d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , laid upon ] we read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he laid aside ] agreeable to chrystophorson's and s r henry savil's reading . vales. * or , touched . e in robert stephens edition the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he drove . ] in the florent . m. s. 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore , i doubt not but socrates wrote [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he freed , or released . ] for the common reading , in my judgment , is not to be born ; although nicephorus confirms it . vales. * or , has not been unfruitfull . * this island is now termed candia . a in some copies the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] at which word epiphanius scholasticus and nicephorus with good reason were displeased ; and therefore both of them omitted it . in my judgment it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , might lead out ] vales. * or , hung over into , &c. † or , false-moses . * or , betook themselves to . † or , hapned . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an aspirate . and langus translates it barns , or granaries ▪ musculus renders it maxima aedificia , the greatest edifices . christophorson , fortissima munimenta , the strongest fortresses . i had rather follow langus . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a barbarous greek word , which signifies a barn or granary ; as meursius has long since observed in his glossary . in the kings copy i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at this place . further , there were five publick barns or granaries at constantinople ; to wit , four in the fifth ward . vales. b in the alexandrian chronicle ( pag. , edit . monach. , ) the words are these : on theodosius augustus's fourteenth consulate which he bore with maximus , there arose a great fire from the neo●ium , which burnt down the granaries and the achillean bath , in the month loos , &c. epiphanius scholasticus renders it , thermas quae vocantur achilleae , that termed the achillean bath . which rendition is confirmed by marcellinus comes in his chronicon , ( pag. . edit . paris . ; ) at the consulate of maximus and paterius , which was the year of christ. . his coss. ( says he ) thermarum quae achilleae dicuntur , encoenia facta , in their consulate , that termed the achillean bath was [ after it had been rebuilt , ] dedicated . and the author of the alexandrian chronicon affirms the same ( pag. , edit . ut prius , ) in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the same persons [ that is , maximus's and paterius's ] consulate , the publick bath termed achilles was dedicated , in the month audunaeus , before the third of the ides of january . the achillean bath therefore ( after it had been consumed by fire , in the fourteenth consulate of theodosius which he bore with maximus , on the year of christ , ) was rebuilt and dedicated on the tenth year after . vales. * or , committed . † or , but god heard the man. * or , token , or footstep . * that is , thursday in the passion week . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] as did s r henry savill and christophorson . moreover , i agree with baronius , who ( at the year of christ , ) has truly remarked , that these letters of caelestine bishop of rome were not written on this year , but two years before ; to wit , when ( after nestorius's deposition , ) they were busie about electing a bishop of constantinople . 't is certain on this year ( when arcobindus and aspar were consuls ) caelestine was dead , and xystus had succeeded him in the bishoprick of rome . vales. b valesius has told us before ( at note ( c. ) on chap. , ) that rusus bishop of thessalonica was deputed the vice-gerent of the apostolick see [ that is , rome ] throughout achaia and macedonia . he adds here , that he had the same vice-gerency throughout illyricum , as the epistles of innocentius and bonifacius bishops of rome do declare , which are to be seen in lucas holstenius's roman collection . for ( continues valesius ) the bishops of thessalonica had that priviledge from the times of pope damasus , as we learn from the same collection . balsamo ( in his comments on the synod in trullo , pag. , edit . paris . . ) affirms , that the bishops of thessalonica were heretofore the legates of the roman bishop ; and that the bishop of rome has a power of constituting legates in the constantinopolitane patriarchate ; but denies that he has a power of ordaining bishops ; wherein balsamo is much mistaken . for those provinces , which then when balsamo wrote , were under the constantinopolitan prelate , had heretofore been under the bishop of rome . further , the nicene synod has determined , that the ancient usages should be observed . thus far valesius . but , as you see , he gives no reason to confute what balsamo has said , to wit , that the bishop of rome has no power to ordain bishops within the constantinopolitane patriarchate . and therefore i will ( and so may the reader too , if he pleases ) suspend my belief , till some reasons are assigned . this passage in balsamo ( here quoted by valesius ) occurs in d r beveredge's synod . tom. . p. . see the learned doctors notes , pag. . * at chap. . a in robert stephens's edition , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but be exercised a patience far greater than he [ atticus ] had . the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had ] is wanting in the sfortain m. s. wherefore i doubt not but socrates left it written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but he exercised a patience far greater than atticus . which emendation is confirmed by epiphan . scholasticus and nicephorus , for nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) words it thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moreover , he was far more patient than they , [ that is , than john chrysostome and atticus . ] and epiphan ▪ scholast . renders it thus : sed in isto patientia potior apparebat , but in him a better [ or more desireable ] patience appeared . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon occasion . b we reade [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard — by this means ; ] before which words we have put a colon. vales. * that is , theodosius . a the discourse will be more gracefull and emphaticall , if we add a particle thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and what is recorded , &c. and so make this the beginning of a period . thus nicephorus reads it . vales. * numb . . . † see book . chap. . ‖ see the following chapter . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , affairs . a in priscus's history of the goths , the king of the hunni is termed rouas , who was succeeded by attalas . in jordanes he is called roäs , the brother of o●tar and mundïuchus , the uncle of attalas . langus , nicephorus's translator calls him roïlas , for what reason i know not : for in nicephorus 't is rougas , as well as here in socrates . vales. b see ezech. . vers . , , & . in the septuagint version , at v. . the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prince rhos . but the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in the vulgar translation , instead whereof hieronymus has rendred it thus , principem capitis mosoch , prince of the chief of mosoch . wherefore , what langus remarks here concerning the russi , is in my judgment forreign to this place . vales. in the hebrew , the words at this text are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which in the margin of our english version is render'd exactly , thus , prince of the chief of meshech . socrates quotes this whole text out of ezechiel , in the words of the septuagin● version , and we have translated them accordingly . the difference between the greek version and originall hebrew at this text is great . our english translatours ( as they generally do , so here ) follow the hebrew . * see book . chap. . a these persons were consuls on the year of christ . but prosper , marcellinus comes in his chronicon , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , disagree from socrates . for those authours relate , that this marriage was celebrated on the year following , whereon aëtius bore his second consulate with sigisvultus , in the month of november . the same is confirmed by jordanes in his book de successione regnorum ; where after he has spoken concerning the whoredom committed by honoria with her procurator eugenius , which was done in the consulate of areobindus and aspar on the year of christ ; he adds these words ; posthaec tertio anno valentinianus , &c. on the third year after this the emperour valentinianus comes from rome to constantinople in order to his marr●ing eudoxia daughter to the emperour theodosius : and having given all illyria as a gratuity to his father in law , after the celebration of the marriage , he returned with his wife to his own kingdomes . cassiodorus senator attests the same concerning the donation of the western illyricum ( book . variarum , epist. . pag. , edit . aurel. allobrog . . ) in these words : placidiam mundi opinione celebratam , avorum [ or , principum , or , aliquorum , as 't is in some copies , ] prosapia gloriosam , purpurato filio studuisse percepimus ; cujus dum remisse administrat imperium , indecenter cognoscitur imminutum . nurum denique sibi amissione illyrici comparavit , factaque est conjunctio reg●an●is , divisio dole●da provinciis . vales. * he means those termed the johannitae . see book . chap. . † or , by prudence . a by these words socrates does plainly discover his opinion . for he would say , that these things are usually done through envy , or out of favour . for because origen was condemned by theophilus , so many years after his death ; that socrates ascribes to theophilus's envy towards origen himself , or against those termed the long-monks . and , whereas john chrysostome was brought back with honour into his own country , on the thirty fifth year after his death ; that socrates attributes to the love and benevolence of proclu● and the people of constantinople . but i am not of socrates's opinion . for although in affairs of this nature , t●e affections of men have some effect . yet divine justice and providence , whereby the church is governed , doth always overrule . origen therefore was condemned for his heterodox opinions ; and john chrysostome , being consecrated for his integrity of life and doctrine , continues in the church to this very day . valesius . * or , tomb. † or , rectitude . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he sate upon ; in which author these words are added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having taken the paper : which seem altogether necessary . vales. * this pledge , or , gage . b although our m. ss . copies alter ▪ not the reading here ▪ yet i agree with christophorson and s r henry savill , who have mended it thus [ of the month august . ] doubtless , in regard paulus bishop of the novatianists died on the twenty first of july , and the paper wherein he had named marcianus to be his successour , was unsealed three days after his death , as socrates has told us before ; 't is not to be supposed , that marcianus could be ordained bishop on the twenty first of the same month , to wit , july ; in regard he absconded in tiberiopolis a city of phrygia : from whence he was to be brought to constantinople , that he might be there constituted bishop of the novatianists . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for he had oblieged himself to a performance , &c ] i doubt not but it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for she had obliged herself ; ] that is , eudocia . thus epiphan . scholasticus read , as appears from his version ; which is thus , hoc enim & ipsa votum habuerat , si filiam videret nuptam , for she herself also had [ made ] this vow , if she might see her daughter married . vales. * or , honoured . a this is the thalassius , or thalassus , praefectus praetorio of illyricum , to whom the one law ( tit. . legum novellarum theodosii junioris ) was directed , which is dated at constantinople , on the third of the ides of august , in theodosius's seventeenth consulate which he bore with festus . after this day therefore , on this very year , thalassius was made bishop of caesarea by proclus . which action of proclus's socrates does not without cause wonder at , as new , and not practised by former bishops . nectarius indeed , when he was praetor of constantinople , had been created bishop of that city . but , the emperour's consent had been first obtained , as socrates has told us before . but here proclus meerly by his own impulse , laid his hands on a praefectus praetorio , who by the emperour had been designed to the government of the orientall praefecture . notwithstanding , it is to be understood , that the emperour's consent was afterwards obtained , who approved of what proclus had done . but , in promoting inferiour magistrates to ecclesiastick degrees , the prince's consent was in no wife necessary . for the praefectus praetorio's approbation was sufficient , under whose dispose the presidents of provinces were . we have an eminent instance hereof in the life of s t germanus altissiodorensis , which was written by constantius presbyter . which germanus being president of a province , and amator bishop of altissiodorum [ a city in france , now called auxerre ] having a mind to appoint him his successour ; amator procured the consent of julius , praefectus praetorio of the gallia's , before he attempted to do that ; as 't is related in book , chap. , concerning the life of s t germanus . further , this thalassius bishop of caesarea was present at the false synod at ephesus [ convened ] against flavianus ; as we are informed from the acts of the said synod , which are recorded in the first action of the chalcedon councill . vales. notes for div a -e † he was bishop of cyrus ; and set about writing an ecclesiastick history ( which valesius has published with the other greek historians of the church ) towards the latter end of theodosius junior's reign , at the same time that socrates and sozomen wrote theirs . he began where they did , ( to wit , from those times whereat eusebius closed his history ; ) and ended with them ; viz. at the latter end of theodosius junior's empire . 't is more than probable , that he wrote after socrates and sozomen . for ( ) all the ancients were of this opinion . ( ) he that reads his history , will find it nothing else but a supplement of socrates and sozomen their histories . ( ) theodoret himself , in the first chapter of the first book of his history , says these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will attempt to commit to writing the remaines of ecclesiastick history . ( ) lastly , he published his history after the year of christ , ( as valesius demonstrates in his preface before his history ; ) whereas socrates and sozomen had finished their histories on the seventeenth consulate of theodosius jun. that is , in the year of christ . he is most particular in his acccount of the affairs of the eastern church , in regard he lived there . his books of ecclesiastick history are but five in number ( as he himself intimates at the close of his fifth book ; ) wherein he comprehends the affairs transacted in the church , during the space of years . * see evagrius's ecclesiastick history , book . chap. , note ( f. ) † the plague in the groyn . * or , in the number . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valesius quotes this passage out of macarius , in his notes on socrates , book . chap. . note ( f. ) * see note ( b ) in that chapter . * tum in pompa , both in pomp. * see note ( b ) in that chapter . * or , ought to have , &c. * see evagrius book . chap. . † see evagrius book . . chap. . * that is , the volume of relations , letters , &c. * pag. . edit . lugd. bat. . * repaired , or , put a new face upon . † or , letters-patents . notes for div a -e a i like not christophorson's version , who has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perfecte christianos , perfectly christians . i would rather render it perfectly orthodox . for the followers of true opinions are properly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . photius ( in his bibliotheca ) speaks thus concerning socrates scholasticus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . moreover , in his sentiments he is not very orthodox . the meaning of this place therefore , is this : eusebius ( although he be very fit to perswade his readers to embrace the christian religion , yet ) is not able to make them very accurate in the doctrine of the christian faith , in regard he himself seems to have inclined towards the opinion of the arians . for , this was the sentiment of many persons concerning eusebius pamphilus ; whom i have sufficiently answered , in the preface i have written to the same eusebius's ecclesiastick history . vales. b the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , part ] is wanting in the kings , in the florentine , and in the tellerian m. ss . nor is it in robert stephens's edition . the geneva-printers were the first that put in this word from christophorson's copy , the various readings whereof are extant at the end of the cologne-edition . christophorson has expressed this word in his version . for thus he renders it : ad aliquam partem regni theodosii , to some part of theodosius's reign . but , it seems more elegant to me , to suppress , rather than add this word . if a word must be added , i had rather add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , time . vales. * or , the wicked devil . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christophorson and s r henry savil have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compelled , or rejected by force . but , that reading is much better , which the florentine and tellerian , m. ss . give us , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , driven away — as it were by an impetuous wind . 't is a metaphor taken from shipwrack't persons who are driven away by the violence of a storm . evagrius compares the holy spirit to a wind , by the force whereof eunomius and macedonius being driven away , were at length shipwrack't at constantinople , to wit , condemned in the constantinopolitan synod . vales. * or , being restored to her pristine , &c. † see the septuagint version , at psalm . vers . . ‖ or , monstrous . * or , reduced . † or , even from hence . b he means the term homobusios [ that is , coessentiall . ] for the malignant devill made his chiefest resistance against this word , in regard it was the beesome as it were of all heresies , and the firmest sortress of the true faith. vales. * or , remove . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a term used to denote the manner how a serpent moves . which is incomparably well exprest by virgill , in these words , — sinuatque immensa volumine terga , and he windes up his vast back in a roll , or , volume . d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i had rather make it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as it is in the tellerian m. s. further , 't is very intricate , what word evagrius should mean here . the term homoiöusios , [ that is , of like substance , or , essence ] might indeed be meant . but , because in this word there is an addition ( rather than a change , ) of one letter , [ to wit , of the letter i ; ] therefore the praepositions [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] that is , [ of , and in ] are rather to be meant : which praepositions raised great stirs and commotions in the church , on account of the eutychian heresie ; some affirming that christ was to be adored , [ as subsisting ] of two natures , others , [ as subsilling ] in two natures . vales. † or , draw . e this place wants not difficulty . musculus renders it thus : ubi absolutam haenc historiam benigno deo commendavero , where i shall have commended this compleated history to the benign god. but this rendition is not to be born with . therefore christophorson has translated it otherwise , to wit , after this manner : ibique finem scribendi faciam , ubi deo clementi ac propitio visum fuerit , and there i will make an end of writing , where it shall seem good to the mild and propitious god. but , neither does this translation fully satisfie me . for , first , evagrius says not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the future tense , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the present tense . secondly , i do not remember that i ever read this phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in such a sense as to import , to finish an history . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly recondere , to lay up : whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports a repository , or , store-cellar for wines . it signifies also to lay on the ground , or , deposite in a monument . hesychius in his lexicon renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he who lieth . the same hesychius says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to expose , or , set forth . which signification is contrary to the former . for , to hide , and to set forth or promulge , are contrary the one to the other . i had rather therefore render this passage of evagrius thus , historiam editurus , quando clementi placuerit deo , [ and ] shall put forth my history , when it shall please the gracious god. notwithstanding , if any one shall prefer christophorson's version , i will not much resist it . 't is certain , evagrius ( in the seventh chapter of his first book ) uses these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so as to signifie , be ended his life . nevertheless , in the thirteenth chapter of this book , evagrius uses this word , in this sense , viz. to relate , or , set forth . for thus he says : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , theodoret also wrote , and elegantly s●t forth , [ or , related . ] &c. and in the th chapter of this book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the same sense , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he set forth . also in the beginning of his second book , evagrius uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we will set forth . vales. * that is , the woman who bore god. † that is , the woman who bore christ. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is strange that both translatours have erred in their versions of this place . for , musculus renders it thus : officina blasphemiae , in quâ rursus ad judicium voca●ir & venditur christus , that shop of blasphemy , wherein christ is again called to judgment , and sold. christophorson translates it after this manner : qui blasphemiae officinam , in quâ christus denuò trucidatur & divenditur , instruxit ; who furnished up a shop of blasphemy , wherein christ is again killed and sold. neither of them have rendred it well . for , neither is this expression [ to be called to judgment ] agreeable to a shop ; nor is there any such greek word as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i wonder at s r henry savill , who set this most ridiculous emendation of christophorson's , at the margin of his copy . it should have been rendred thus , that shop of blasphemy , wherein christ is again bargained for , and sold at a price . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly i make a bargain , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a bargain , or , agreement ; as it is in the old glosses . which term occurs frequently in the books of the greek lawyers . vales. b this anastasius was syncellus to nesterius bishop of constantinople . which is attested by theophanes in his chronicon , and by anastasius bibliothecarius . for the patriarchs had their syncelli ( that is , those that kept in the same cell with them , or those that dwelt with them . ) whom they chose out of the order of presbyters . so , in the epistle of the constantinopolitan synod to hormisda bishop of rome , about the election of epiphanius patriarch of constantinople , which epistle baronius records at the year of christ ; amongst the legates sent from the synod , is named heraclianus presbyter of the greater church , and cohabitator , [ that is , the person who dwelt with him ] to epiphanius the patriarch . epiphanius himself also had formerly been presbyter and syncellus to john , patriarch of constantinople , as dioscorus attests in his epistle to pope hormisda . lastly , john had also been presbyter and syncellus to timothy , patriarch of constantinople ; as victor tunonensis informs us in his chronicon , in these words : agapeto v. c. cos. timotheus c. p. episcopus , obtrectator synodi chalcedonensis , quinto di● aprilis occubuit ▪ & johannes cappadox in cell● propriâ atque presbyter● episcopatum tradidit ; [ on my perill , mend it thus , & johanni cappadoci syncello proprio atque presbytero episcopatum tradidit ; there is nothing more certain than this emendation : ] that is , in the consulate of the most famous agapetus , timothy bishop of constantinople , the reviler of the chalcedon synod , died on the first of aprill , and delivered the bishoprick to john the cappadocian , his own syncellus and presbyter . the syncelli were chosen also out of the order of deacons . so , in the third action of the chalcedon synod , one agorastus a deacon is termed syncellus to dioscorus bishop of alexandria . lastly , in eunodius there is a precept extant , whereby all bishops are ordered to have their cellulani , [ that is , chamber-fellows , or persons that were to keep in the same cell with them . ] which precept runs thus : nullum ergo sacerdotem antiquis & modernis legibus obsequentem , &c. our will is , that no priest who is obedient to the ancient and modern laws , and none of the levites shall reside in any place without a person well approved of . and if the slenderness of any person's estate shall not permit him to have a companion , be himself shall become cell-fellow to another . the patriarchs therefore were not the only persons who had their syncelli . 't is certain , stephanus is recorded to have been syncellus to syncleticus bishop of tarsus , by ephremius , in photius . vales. see meursius's glossary , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c i have found no mention of this theodulus any where else . for , whereas nicephorus names him at book . chap. , that mention of him is borrowed from our evagrius . notwithstanding , this person seems to have been that theodulus a presbyter in caele-syria , who in the reign of zeno augustus wrote many things ; as 't is attested by gennadius massiliensis , and by marcellinus comes in his chronicon . vales. a we have perfected this place from the incomparable florentine m. s. by adding some words , which had been unhappily omitted by transcribers . for , whereas in robert stephens's edition , this clause is worded thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : we have altered it after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; nor could be prevailed upon , either by those [ letters ] written [ to him ] by cyrillus , or them [ sent him ] by celestinus bishop of the senior rome . which i therefore thought good to give an advertisement of that the readers might know , that we have neither added nor diminished any thing , except by the authority of that most incomparable manuscript . besides , the tellerian manuscript agrees with the florentine copy . vales. b there is extant an epistle of theodosius junior's , which they commonly called sacra . for so theodosius himself terms it , in his epistle to the ephesine synod . in the latine version of this epistle ; the title is worded thus : sacra imperatoria , missa alexandriam ad cyrillum episcopum & episcopo● metropolitanos ejus regionis . but the greek words have a different import ; they run thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the sacred letters sent to alexandria to cyrillus , and to the metropolitane bishops every where : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every region . and this is confirmed by theodosius himself in the same epistle , where he says , that by the same copy he wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the bishops of metropolis's every where . but , instead hereof , our evagrius words it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the imperiall letters [ therefore ] were dispatcht away , both to cyrillus , and also to the [ bishops that ] presided over the holy churches in all places . vales. * in the year of christ . see d r beveredge's annot. in can. concil . ephes. pag. . c the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon us ] displeased nicephorus . therefore , instead thereof he substituted these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the holy apostles . ] but , this emendation was needless . for the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon us ] is at this place put for the church of god , which at , that time resided in the apostles . indeed , the holy spirit had descended on mary before , at such time as she conceived the son of god : and afterwards upon christ , when he had been baptized in jordan , which hapned to them by a speciall priviledge . but the holy spirit descended first on the day of pentecost upon the church of god by the apostles ; for the apostles delivered the same spirit ( which they then received , ) afterwards to their successours , by imposition of hands . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus , instead of the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it seems ] uses [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be said . ] but christophorson read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for he renders this place after this manner : johannes praeful antiochia , &c. john bishop of antioch , together with his [ bishops , ] was absent at the day appointed ; not willingly indeed , as it seems to many persons , who have a mind to defend this fact of his . notwithstanding , i cannot approve of this em●●dation ; although sr henry savill hath set it at the margin of his copy , musculus renders this place thus : verùm praeter animi sui sententiam , sicu● & multis moram illam excusans , ostendit , but contrary to his own mind , as he has also demonstrated to many persons , in his excusing that delay . but i am of opinion , that no alteration is to be made here , and do render the place thus : but johannes bishop of antioch , together with the [ bishops ] about him , was absent at the set day ; not willingly , ( as it seems to many persons from the apology he made , &c. doubtless , there can be no other sense of these words . vales. e the greeks heretofore termed the first sunday after easter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the new sunday . so gregorius nazianzenus calls it in his nineteenth oration which he spake at the funerall of his own father gregorius . there is extant an oration of the same gregorius's ( to wit , his oration ) upon this new sunday : in which oration he gives a reason , why this day should be called new sunday . further , the synod in trullo can. , terms this sunday ( which we now commonly call dominicam in albis , the sunday in the albs , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , new sunday . vales. m r smith ( in his account of the greek church , pag. , edit . lond. , ) tells us , that the greeks do still term thu sunday , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the new sunday ; and that 't is also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . meursius says it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , regenerating , or , renewing sunday . see meursius's glossary , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a here , and in robert stephens's edit . this passage is worded thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the divine cyrillus administring , &c. in which clause ( as the learned d r barrow remarks , in his treat . of the pope's suprem . pag. ; ) a word seemeth to have fallen out . zonaras ( on the can. synod . ephes. tom. . edit . bever . pag. . ) expresses this passage more plainly , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the holy cyrill pope of alexandria presiding over the orthodox fathers , and also holding the place of celestine . and photius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ cyril ] supplyed the seat and the person of celestine [ bishop ] of rome . from which authours 't is plain , that cyrillus had the disposall of celestine's single suffrage , and that pope's legall concurrence with him in his actings in that synod : but cyrillus had no authoritative presidency from celestine , because the pope could by no delegation impart that , himself having no title thereto , warranted by any law , or by any precedent ; that depended on the will of the emperours , who disposed of it according as they saw reason . a notable instance whereof we meet with in the next ephesine synod ( which in design was a generall synod , legally convened , though by some miscarriages it proved abortive ; ) mentioned by our evagrius in the tenth chapter of this book : where though julius ( or rather julianus , ) pope leo's legate was present ; yet by the emperours order ( see the words of his letter , syn. chalced. act. . p. . ) dioscorus bishop of alexandria presided . nicephorus ( book . chap. , ) tells us , that in regard celestine bishop of rome could not be present at this synod , by reason of the dangers of such a voyage , he made cyrillus his deputy : and that from this time cyrillus and the succeeding bishops of alexandria challenged the name of pope , &c. doubtless nicephorus is mistaken herein . for , dionysius alexandrinus ( in his third epist. to philemon , part of which is quoted by eusebius , eccles. hist. book . c. . ) mentioning heraclas , his predecessour in the alexandrian see , says these words concerning him : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i received this rule and canon from heraclas our blessed pope . and athanasius ( in his second apologetick tom. . pag. , edit . paris . ; ) has recorded an epistle written to him from ischyras , which has this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to athanasius the blessed pope . therefore , these words of nicephorus's are ( as valesius says truly in his note here ) inepta & falsissima , foolish and most untrue . and , that other remark of valesius's here , which he makes from the former part of the now cited passage in nicephorus ( to wit , that 〈◊〉 well nicephorus , as those from whom ●e borrowed this , doubted not but the bishop of rome was the sovereign judge of all the churches ; ) is questionless no less foolish and false . 't is indeed true , that the bishops of rome have some centuries since claimed an authority not only of presiding in , but also of indicting and convening generall councills . but , how unjust this claim is , as well in respect of right , as practise , will be evident to him , who with attention and consideration shall peruse these ecclesiastick historians . look back to what socrates says in the proeme to his fifth book : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. we do continually include the emperours in this our history , because from such time as they began to embrace the christian religion , the affairs of the church have depended on them ; and the greatest synods have been , and at this present are convened by their determination and appointment . but , for a most full and compleat satisfaction in these points , viz. concerning the bishop of rome's sovereign power to indict and preside in generall councills ; i referr the reader to the learned d r barrow's treatise of the pope's supremacy , pag. . &c. * or , chair . * or , removed , or , estranged , from . * or , those [ prelates ] about him . † see socrates book . chap. and also note ( b. ) in that chapter . † this letter of cyrillus to johannes occurs entire in binius , tom. . pag. . edit . paris . . * or , ministred . * or , rich . a in the incomparable florent . m. s. i found it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cannot lie ] which is the truer reading . in the acts of the ephesine synod , where this epistle is recorded ( see binius , as before , p. , ) it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will not lie . ] but the reading of the florent . m. s. is confirmed by nicephorus and the tellerian m. s. vales. in robert stephens , the reading here is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath not lied . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has tendred this place very ill , thus , et graviores quàm vires ferebant , suscepit in concionando labores , and in preaching has undertaken far greater pains , than his strength would bear . musculus translates it thus : et laboribus vires excedentibus collocutionem suscepisset , and with labours exceeding his strength had undertaken a conference . neither of them has rendred it well . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , imports , to endure or undergo labours . so , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies , to bear the vicissitudes of fortune . plutarch ( in marius , ) speaking concerning jugurtha , says these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , so various was that person as to his disposition , [ which was fitted ] to bear the changes of fortune . moreover , these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , above strength ] may be understood two ways . for , we may either understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , humane , ( which we have done : ) or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his own . musculus and christophorson have embraced the latter sense ; as did he also , who rendred the acts of the ephesine councill into latine . vales. c here , and in the acts of the ephesine councill ▪ the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inexcusable , or , inopporture . but , in the tellerian m. s. i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and incongruous . vales. d in the acts of the ephesine councill , and in nicephorus ; instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our ] it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your ; ] which doubtless is the truer reading . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the incomparable florent . m. s. i found it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against those who had accused him ▪ ] which is doubtless the truer . reading : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † that is , [ the virgin ] who bore man. ‖ she who bore god. b the meaning of this place is very obscure ; it is , in my judgment , thus to be explained . after that sermon of anastasius the presbyter , who was nestorius's syncellus , ( see chap. . note b. ) there arose a great dissention in the constantinopolitan church : in regard some affirmed , that mary was to be termed theotocos ; others anthropotocos . and when the sedition increased daily , nestorius , desirous to appease it , invented a certain middle term ; viz. that mary should in future be termed christotocos , the virgin who bore christ : least , if he should term her theotocos , he might seem to joyn things mortal with those that are immortal ; ( which thing he [ that is , nestorius ] look't upon to be impious : ) or least , if he had embraced the term anthropotocos ; the other party ( to wit , those who defended the term theotocos , ) should have revolted from him , and held their assemblies apart . this is the meaning of this place ; which neither musculus , nor christophorson understood . therefore , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian m. s. i sound this reading , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , ejection . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , of both parties , as well catholicks , as nestorians . musculus has rendred it ill , thus , ultero citroque , to and fro . vales. d instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] the reading in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and when he also himself requested it . ] vales. * that is , antioch . see chap. . e from the florent . and tellerian m. s. i have mended this place thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is now ●●●med euprepius's [ monastery : ] the reading before was very foolish , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f to wit , in the foresaid monastery , which was called euprepius's monastery . vales. g i like neither christophorson's , nor musculus's version of this place . the latter of whom renders it thus : scripsit autem & alium librum more dialectico , velut ad egyptium quendam de exilio suo compositum , but he wrote another book also in a logical manner , to a certain egyptian as it were , composed concerning his own exile . and christophorson translates it thus : scripsit praeterea nestorius alium libellum acutè & subtiliter , &c. moreover , nestorius wrote another little book , acutely and subtilly , &c. what need was there of acuteness and logicall subtilty in a little book , wherein nestorius treated concerning his own banishment into oäsis ? therefore , i judge it better to render these words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus [ composed in the manner of a dialogue . ] and thus nicephorus expounded these words of evagrius . for , instead thereof , he makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more by way of dialogue . which term langus renders , disertius , more eloquently : as if nicephorus had said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , brought forth . h in nicephorus , ( book . chap. . ) instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , torture ; the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , punishment . and so i found it written in the tellerian m. s ▪ vales. i i have mended this place from the incomparable florentine manuscript ; wherein the reading is thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , captivity , a calamity of all [ afflictions ] the most miserable ; than which emendation , there is nothing more certain . the reading in nicephorus is the same also . vales. in robert stephens's edition , 't is thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , ratifying , or , confirming . † that is , arius , and nestorius . * that is , to nestorius . k translatours , in regard they had perswaded themselves , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does always signifie an hindrance ; have fallen into various ertours . for langus renders it thus : et ambo vos jam ex vitâ hâc excessistis , &c. and both of you have now made your departure out of this life : at which time , as one of the heathen sages has said , nothing hinders , but that every person may be honoured by a free benevolence of men , no adversary intervening . and christophorson has translated it after this manner : quando , ut sapienti inter gentiles scriptori placet , &c. at which time , as it pleases a prudent writer amongst the heathens , every one is usually honoured with a firm and concordant benevolence of all men , provided there be nothing which may lawfully be an impediment . but , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not always signifie an impediment , or hindrance . for the ancients , as well rhetoricians as philosophers , used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in such a sense as to signifie the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be in fight , or , appear openly ; as suidas , harpocration , and the authour of the ethymologicon do inform us . ▪ but , the latter writers , and especially hierocles the philosopher , have used that word to signifie an impediment or hindrance . therefore , musculus has rendred this passage in evagrius best of all , thus : quando , sicut quidam exterorum philosophorum dixit , quod non est amplius superstes , sine ullius invidiâ & contradictione cum benevolentiâ honoratur ; when , as one of the forreign philosophers has said , that which survives not any longer is honoured with benevolence , without the envy and contradiction of any one . further , in the margin of the tellerian manuscript , there is set at this place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , this sentence is taken out of thucidides . 't is extant in thucidides's second book , pag. , edit . francosurt . ; in the funeral oration which pericles made . vales. l instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading , as it seems should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a barbarick captivity . ] in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . and in nicephorus , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by captivity . vales. * or , recovered a compassion , &c. * or , do appear personally . † or , by making our captivity [ his ] matter of enquiry . * or , greatness . * that is , to panopolis . m in that letter of nestorius's mentioned before , the people who ruined oasis are termed blemmyae . wherefore , nomades ought here to be taken for an adjectiv● . notwithstanding , it may be the proper name of a nation of barbarians . 't is certain , the nub● , neighbours to the blemmy● , ( who made frequent incursions into the country of oäsis , as procopius informs us , in book . persic ▪ ) were termed nomades also , or numides ; which is attested by stephanus . — but some one will object , if nestorius speaks here concerning one and the same captivity of oäsis , how can that stand , which he says in ▪ the beginning of this epistle , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , the incursion of the blemmy● into oäsis ( in which nestorius had been taken captive by the barbarians , and was presently dismissed , ) had hapned but a little while before , as he himself attests . but , the incursion of the nomades had hapned long before ; as 't is apparent from nestorius's words in this last epistle , which were just now cited . to all this i answer , that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do not signifie long since , as langus , musculus and christophorson thought . for , the adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies lately , as every body knows . doubtless , this incursion had hapned a little before nestorius wrote these things . therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that ▪ ' 〈◊〉 the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should have said ▪ oäsis having been ●ev●●all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of la●●● to wit , by fire , slaughters , and a barbarick captivity ; a● nestorius 〈◊〉 said above . vales. n the reading here , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of this your journey ▪ and 't is the same in nicephorus . notwithstanding , i doubt not but it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of this so long a journey . and so christophorson and s t henry savil read it . vales. * or , came flying . o instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when we supposed these things against us would stop ] i think it should be thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when we supposed we should stop here . thus musculus seems to have read , who renders it in this manner : et cum illic h●suros n●s arbitraremur , and when we thought we should stop there . vales. p instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ] for , the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which preceded immediately , is understood . in the tellerian m. s. the particle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is wanting . vales. q translatours saw nothing at this place ▪ who by a small fau●e were induced into a great errour . instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ] presidents of provinces were heretofore wont to give the emperour an account of all things which hapned with them . the doing whereof was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the relation it self 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have noted on amm. marcellinus . concerning these relations of presidents , severianus speaks , in his first oration in hexa●meron ; the passage whereof i will annex here , because the translatour understood it not : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. for , brethren , as the presidents by [ sending ] relations , make known all things [ that are transacted with them ] to the emperour : so also the angels , &c. the translatour renders it the masters of the libells and suggestions ; which rendition is ill . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in chrysostome and the other writers of that age , are nothing else but presidents or governours of provinces . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports nothing else but relation , or narrative . wherefore , in severianus , it must be written thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , no reason is more powerfull than your mind . * or , the empire . † or , ●eard . * or , of men . † that is , flavianus's . a instead ● of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at constantinople ● which is the reading in the tellerian manuscript , and in nicephorus , book . chap. . where langus rendets it thus : flavianus synodo pr●vinciall apud constantinopolim coactâ , &c. flavianus , a provincial synod having been convened at constantinople , &c. whom christophorson has followed . notwithstanding . i had rather render it ● particular synod , as musculus does . indeed , that synod consisted only of those bishops , who at that time hapned to make their abode at constantinople , on account of some ecclesiastick affairs : which prelates they commonly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishops that made their residence for some time only in the city . the acts of this constantinopolitane synod under flavianus , are related in the first action of the chalcedon councill ▪ where these words occur [ see binius tom. . pag. . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the holy and great synod having been convened [ consisting of such prelates as ] resided for some time in the forenamed great city , &c. if any one be desirous of knowing the names of those bishops then convened ; they occur in the first action of the chalcedon synod . vales. see binius , tom. . pag. . edit . paris . . * or , consisted of two natures . * or , as if the acts , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which words christophorson hath rendred ill , thus , some prelates of churches ; whereas he should have translated it , some of the magistrates . nicephorus therefore ( book . chap. . ) has rightly explained these words of evagrius , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in which [ synod ] there were present both others of the prelates , and also some of the senate . the actions of this second constantinopolitan synod under flavianus are extant , recorded in the first action of the chalcedon councill . see binius tom. . pag. . edit ▪ ut prius . where florentius the most magnificent patricius , mamas the comes and proximus , [ that is , clerk ] of the desk of libells and sacred cognitions , and macedonius the tribune and notary , are said to have been present at this synod . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unexpected , or absurd synod : valesius renders it , the illegitimate synod ; curterius terms it the mad synod . a in r●b●r● stephens's edition , the reading was [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but christo ▪ phorson and s r henry savill , by transposing the words , have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but evagrius wrote thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which thing [ that is , dioscorus's presidency in that synod ] was effected by the artifice of chrysaphius . further , christophorson translates and points this whole passage , in this manner : hujus concilii dioscorus , qui in alexandr●ae episcopatum post cyrillum successit , quò odium in f●avianum incenderetur , prases de●ignatus fuit . chrysaphius enim hanc rem callid● molitus fuerat . of this councill dioscorus , who succeeded cyrillus in the episcopate of alexandria , to the end that the hatred against flavianus might be inflamed , was appointed president . for chrysaphius had craftily attempted this thing . but musculus's opinion seems far better to me , who before these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , places a subdistinction . for he renders it thus : praesidebat autem ei synodo dioscorus post cyrillum alexandrinus episcopus ; id quod ita odio flaviani instituerat chrysaphlus , &c. at that synod presided dioscorus bishop of alexandria after cyrillus ; which thing chrysaphius had so ordered out of [ his ] hatred to flavianus , &c. instead of these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as s r henry savill mends it ) out of [ his ] hatred ; ] nicephorus has these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by reason of his hatred resisting [ or , breaking out against ] flavianus ▪ vales. b at the margin of the florentine manuscript , this scholion is set : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , note concerning the impious chrysaphius , that the eunuchs of the bed-chamber have always done mischief to the orthodox arch-bishops . of which thing we have an eminent instance in eusebius , chief [ eunuch ] of the bed-chamber , who in constantius's reign persecuted atbanasius , and the other catholick prelates . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood these words amiss ; as if evagrius had said , that juvenalis had formerly been bishop of ephesus . but evagrius does no● say so ; but only , that juvenalis bishop of jerusalem , had been heretofore at ephesus , to wit , in the former ephesine synod , wherein nestorius had been condemned . vales. d the reading in nicephorus is the same ; but 't is corrup● , instead of julianus ▪ for so it is truly written in the acts of the second ephesine synod , which are recorded in the first action of the chalcedon councill ; post consulatum zenonis & posthumiani v v ▪ c c. di● sex●o idus augusti , &c. after the consulate of the most famous personages zeno and posthumianus , on the sixth of the ides of august , in the third indiction ▪ a synod is convened in the metropolis ephesus , by the command of the most religious and most christian emperours ▪ and the most reverend and most holy bishops , dioscorus of alexandria , and bishop julianus ( who was the deputy of the most holy and most blessed leo bishop of the roman church , ) sate in the holy church , which is called [ saint ] mary's . baronius , at the year of christ , relates from marianus's chronicon , that this julianus was bishop of puteoli . notwithstanding , as it is now extant in marianus scotus's chronicon , the bishop of puteoli is not called julianus ▪ but julius , who was sent with hilarus the deacon by pope leo , to the second ephesine synod . but , in the subscriptions of the bishops who subscribed to this second ephesine synod , ( which subscriptions are recorded in the first action of the chalcedon council , pag. ; ) he is termed julianus the bishop . for these are the words there : julianus episcopus , ●enens locum sanctissimi episcopi romanae ecclesiae , interpretante se florentio episcopo lydiae , dixit , &c. from which words it seems to be concluded , that this julianus , who was present at the second ephesine synod , was julianus bishop of c●e , who two years after was present at the chalcedon councill , and held there also the place of leo bishop of rome , as it frequently occurs recorded in the acts of the chalcedon-synod . — observe here baronius's inconstancy ; who ▪ when he had written at the year of christ , that that julianus ( who was legate of the apostolick see at the second ephesine synod , ) was bishop of puteoli ; afterwards ( at the year of christ , chap. , ) makes him bishop of cö● . vales. e the sacred commonitory ( or , letters mandatory , ) of the emperour theodosius to elpidius , comes of the sacred consistory , and to eulogius the tribune and praetorian notary , is extant in the acts of the ephesine conventicle [ or , little councill , ] which are recorded in the first action of the chalcedon synod , pag. , where these words here related by evagrius , do occur . vales. * or , abbot . † or , suffrage . * or , as 't is contained in the acts. f a little before the second ephesine synod , ibas [ bishop ] of edessa , and daniel bishop of carrae had been accused before the emperour theodosius by their own clergy . the emperour gave order , that cognizance of their cause should be taken in a synod at berytus , in the presence of damascius tribune and praetorian notary . the acts of this councill [ at berytus ] are extant , recorded in the tenth action of the chalcedon synod , ( see binius . tom. . pag. . ) which begin thus : post consulatum flavii zenonis & posthumiani , &c. after the consulate of the most famous personages flavius zeno and posthumianus , on the calends o● september , in the second indiction , &c. i doubt not but it should be written , consulatu zenonis & posthumiani , in the consulate of zeno and posthumianus . otherwise , this synod would have hapned after the ephesine little councill , which was convened after the consulate of zeno and posthumianus , in the month of august . now , the berytian synod connot be placed after that ephesine synod , in regard mention is made therein of flavianus bishop of constantinople , and of domnus of antioch : both which , 't is manifest , were deposed in the second ephesine synod . add hereto the testimony of liberatus the deacon , who relates in his breviarium , that this berytian synod was convened before eutyches had framed his heresie . vales. g long before the second ephesine synod , irenaeus had been driven from his bishoprick , by an edict of the emperour the odosius ; and photius had been put into his see. 't is certain , photius presided at the berytian synod , which had been convened on the year before the second ephesine synod . but , because irenaeus had been ejected by the emperours order , not by the determination of a synod , therefore he was deposed in the second ephesine synod . vales. h 't is strange , how much translatours have erred in the version of this place . for , langus , nicephorus's translatour , renders it thus : decrevit haec synodus quoque de sophronio quaedam , &c. this synod also decreed some things concerning sophronius , who had come at that time to constantinople , on account of seeing that city . christophorson translates it in this manner : nonnulla ibidem acta ●uere contra sophronium episcopum constantinopolitanum , some things were acted there against sophronius bishop of constantinople . but he ought to have said bishop of constantina . for sophronius was bishop of constantina , as 't is apparent from the second antiochian synod under domnus , which is inserted in the th action of the chalcedon synod . the same sophronius was afterwards present at the chalcedon synod , as 't is recorded in the acts of that synod . now , constantina is a city of phaenice . vales. * this was he , who wrote the five books of ecclesiastick history . i in the place of domnus bishop of antioch maximus was subrogated , as liberatus informs us in his breviarium . who was afterwards confirmed in his bishoprick by pope leo , as we read in the tenth action of the chalcedon council . notwithstanding , the same maximus appointed domnus , as long as he lived , a certain allowance out of the reyenue of his church , that being content with his maintenance , he might in future be quiet : which thing was approved of by the other patriarchs in the chalcedon council , as may be seen in the forecited action , vales. * or , none of those who are mad upon idolls . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 originally , or ▪ primarily . * or , him who went before him . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus ( book . chap. . where he transcribes this passage of evagrius , ) the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and opportune ] which reading is not so good , as i judge . yet , i found it expressly ●o written in the tellerian m. s. vales. * or , to the creature . † or , c●private . ‖ or , may meet in one exact , &c. * cor. . . † cor. . . ‖ doctrines , or , points . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means ( i suppose ) that story , which we are told concerning ganymed son of tros king of troas ( which was one part of phrygia . ) this boy , jupiter having turned himself into an eagle , snatch't up , and admitted him his cup-bearer , in the room of hebe , whom he had displaced ; and makes him his catamite . * a person that is both male and female . c the story is this . semele ( 't is said ) being great with child by jupiter , ( to whom that god had sworn to give whatever she should ask of him , ) was by juno's craft put upon making this request to him ; viz. that he would lie one ●●●ht with her in the same manner be used to lie with juno . the god-lover granted her desire ; and semele is burnt up with thunder ▪ but the boy was taken out of her womb , and put upon jove's thigh ; of whom he was delivered ( in such manner as women are ) at the due time . on which account bacchus ( who was the child thus brought forth , ) had the name of bimater , one that had two mothers . d 't is an epith●te given to jupiter , either ( ) because he wore the sacred ●●gis , [ that is , brest-plate , ] or ( ) because he was the raiser of storms , or rather ( ) in regard he wore the skin of the goat am●●thaea , which had been his nurse . see servius upon virgil's th aeneid . col. , edit . basil. . e in stead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and some brave , &c. i doubt not but it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as some brave , &c. ] for , in these books of evagrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is frequently used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , has had divinity attributed to it ; or , has been deified . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the mark , or , goal . * nestorius ▪ † or , has surrounded him with an anathenia . ‖ or , imitate . * or , who dwelt in [ or , upon ] a pillar . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil in his copy makes it one word , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i had rather write it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so grecians do usually speak ; as when they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most eminently laudable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most holy , and the like . our evagrius speaking hereafter concerning gregorius bishop of antioch , gives him this elogy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most celebrated gregorius . vales. * or , conspicuous . b heretofore the presbyters celebrated the church-service together with the bishop , and received the eucharist from his hand . so in the tenth action of the chalcedon councill , bassianus bishop of ephesus , in his supplicatory libell to marsianus the emperour , amongst other things says these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. having on the day after all of us performed the publick-service together , &c. and , at a great distance from that place , the same bassianus says , pag. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. stephanus my presbyter was with me four years , he performed the publick-service with me , communicated with me , and received the communion from me , as from his bishop . the same usage also was heretofore practised in the roman church , to wit , that the presbyters should every day celebrate the publick-service together with the bishop of rome , and receive the communion from his hand . but on sundays , when the presbyters were necessitated to perform the publick-service apart in their own titles , [ parishes , or , cures . ] on account of the people committed to their charge ; they received the lords body sent by the acolythi from the bishop of rome : that they might not seem to be separated from the communion of their own bishop , especially on that day ; as pope innocent informs us in his epistle to decentius . vales. * or , predictions . † see theodoret's works , tom. . pag. , &c. edit . paris . . c this place has been severall ways corrected by learned men , to wit , by christophorson and curterius , or rather by those from whose copies they transcribed these emendations . for some , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , add the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . others read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and understand that concerning theodoret only . but i suppose this place is to be restored thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so i have rendred it : nor do i doubt but evagrius wrote it thus . vales. d in the incomparable florentine m. s. i found these words , written at the margin : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the judgment of the fathers concerning the great symeon [ was ] truly spirituall in christ. vales. e these seem to be the words of the emperour theodosius , taken out of the letter he wrote to the blessed symeones . the emperour therefore had prefixt this title before his letter ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the most holy and aërial martyr . where he terms him martyr ; on account of those great seve●ities wherewith he afflicted his own body : and he stiles him aërial , because he stood on high in the air , in a pillar . the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do undoubtedly declare what i have said ; to wit , that those now mentioned , or them immediately following , are the words of the emperour theodosius . notwithstanding , christophorson has pointed this place otherwise , as 't is apparent from his version . for he renders it thus : et sanctissimum ac aërium oraret martyrem , uti nominatim pro ipso deum obs●●raret , and he besought the most holy and aërial martyr , that he would beseech god expressly for himself . which punctation of this passage i can in no wise approve of . vales. * see the following chapter . note ( a. ) f after this clause , nicephorus adds these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a great earthquake having hapned . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson and s r henry savil have mended this place thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as many as have not by force , &c. ] but , the place may be mended by a smaller change , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. excepting so many of them as , &c. instead of these words , nicephorus uses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is more elegant . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by [ their ] figure , form , or shape : valesius renders it by their greatness ▪ h instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i had rather it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a particular account of this persons , &c. ] which emendation seems to me to be altogether necessary ; although nicephorus defends the common reading . christophorson seems to have read according as i have said . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am of the same mind with s r henry savil , who in the margin of his copy has mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have said before . the same fault is corrected before in this chapter , where the synagogues are spoken of , which the antiochians had heretofore taken away from the jews . and so it is plainly written in the tellerian . m. s. vales. * that is , antioch . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mandr●a , ] in the tellerian m. s. and nicephorus , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mandra . for so evagrius himself terms it twice , in the foregoing chapter . but what evagrius adds , to wit , that saint symeones gave that name to that place wherein he had exercised himself in the studies of a more austere philosophy , is to be further inquired into . evagrius's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson and s r henry savil mend it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; wherein they are greatly mistaken . they perceived not that evagrius is wont sometimes to transpose words . this place therefore in evagrius is thus to be construed : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most holy [ symeones , ] i suppose , le●t , &c. so nicephorus understood this place in evagrius . for thus he words it : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the inhabitants call the place of his ascetick exercises the mandra , as has been said ; the holy [ symeon ] having given it that name . yet , any one may conjecture , that that name was given to that place after symeon's death , when many monks flock't thither , and had built a monasterie there . for mandra signifies a monasterie , being a metaphor taken from hovells wherein sheep or goats are foddered ; which are called mandrae . hence the abbots of monasteries are termed archimandritae , as may be seen in the chalcedon councill , and in the novells of the emperours . theodorus lector speaks concerning this monasterie of symeon's , in book . collectan ; where he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the admirable daniel , who came out of symeon's mandra , went up upon the pillar at anaplum . symeon metaphrastes does likewise mention this monasterie , in his life of daniel the stylite , chap. . at which place metaphrastes shews that this monasterie was built whilest symeon was living . concerning which , neither theodoret , nor evagrius , speak one word . but , i will not hide this , viz. that in the tellerian m. s. the reading at this place is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders this place thus : porticibus vero columnae adjunctae sunt , to the portico's are adjoyned pillars . nor is musculus's version much different ; who translates it thus : insunt autem porticibus columnae , there are in the portico's pillars . but the greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to import something more . evagrius makes use of the same word in book . chap. . where he describes the church of saint sophia . the place there is thus worded : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which passage i have rendred after this manner : in dextro autem ac sinistro latere , ex adverso fornicum posita sunt columnae , on the right hand and on the le●t , oppos●●● to the arches are placed pillars . doubtless , this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does either signifie that which i have said [ to wit , to place over against , or , opposite , ] or else juxta ponere , to place near . langus ; nicephorus's translatour , renders these words of evagrius which we have placed at the beginning of this note , after this manner : juxta porticus has ex saxo polito columnae decentissim● constructae sunt , near these portico's there are pillars of polish'● stone most gracefully built . vales. c christophorson understood this place much amiss . for thus he has rendred it : versus medium templum , atrium est sub dio , towards the middle of the church , there is an open court. evagrius does not say so ; but , that in the midst of these portico's there was a cour● or area . for courts were usually encompassed with four portico's , as i have remarked at eusebius's books concerning the life of constantine . christophorson was deceived by what evagrius has said a little before , to wit , that the church was surrounded with portico's of four sides . therefore he thought , that the church was in the midst between the four portico's . wherein he is much mistaken . for the atrium [ or court ] was in the midst of those four portico's . and that was the first thing which those who went in met with , after they had passed the porch , or entry . after the atrium was the church , contiguous to one of the portico's . that this was the figure of this church , the following words do sufficiently declare . for evagrius says , that women were forbidden to go into that church : notwithstanding , that they saw the miracle of that star , from the gate which was in the porch . the atrium therefore occurred immediately after the porch , nor was the church in the midst . otherwise , the walls of the church it self would have hindred them from seeing the star. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . langus and christophorson have translated it cancellos , lattises ; which i can by no means approve of . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie cancelli . i would therefore rather render it clatri . in the old glosses , clatri are thus described : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , squares , [ that is , cross-bars , or , lattised-bar● , ] or bars that are in windows . but in the other glosses , clatrare is expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , claudere , to shut . the originall therefore of the greek and latine word is the same . vales. e i am of the same opinion with christophorson and s r henry savil , who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answering , mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verging , or , declining . notwithstanding , nicephorus defends the common reading , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answering . moreover , nicephorus adds some words , which are not at this day extant in our evagrius . the passage is thus worded in nicephorus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which place in nicephorus langus renders thus : — porticibus ipsis & subdiali quae dicta est aulae respondentes , locumque volentibus dantes , ut ex ipso templo extra , & rursùm ab exteriori templi parte in templum prospicere possint ▪ which [ clatri ] are answerable both to the portico's themselves and also to the said open-court ▪ and afford a place to those that are desirous of looking out , from within the church , and again , of looking into the church , from its outward part . whence nicephorus had this , i know not ; unless it were from symeon metaphrastes , who had written the life of symeones the stylite . nicephorus does indeed attest , that he himself had read metaphrastes's life of symeones . and 't is not likely , that nicephorus should have added this of his own head . now , for what reason these words were added , i have as to me it seemeth apprehended . to wit , metaphrastes ( or , if you will , nicephorus himself , ) thought , that the women , who were in no wise suffered to go into that sacred edifice , beheld that star , here mentioned , from these windows . but , he is much mistaken , as we shall declare by and by . vales. f musculus renders this passage thus : cum universo collecto illic agrestium circa columnam saltantium populo , together with the whole multitude [ or , people ] of the country-men there gathered together dauncing round the pillar . whom christophorson has followed ; having expunged the comma , which is placed after the word [ together . ] but this rendition is not to be born with . for the country-men were not the only persons then in the church of saint symeon , when this star was seen by evagrius . but many citizens were there also at that time , of which number evagrius was one . besides ▪ the people which evagrius says were there gathered together at that time , were in the portico at the le●t hand of the pillar . but , the rusticks were in the atrium , [ or , open court , ] dauncing about the pillar . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which i think to be rightest . in the tellerian m. s. i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the accent being changed . vales. * a round ornament , worn by princes and priests on their heads ; it was heretofore the dress of the persian women . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . instead of the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gates , ] nicephorus made it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , windows , ] which was ill done , as i have remarked above , at note ( e. ) for , the women could not see through the window , in regard they [ the women ] were in the porch , but the windows were placed in the very top of the portico's , into which the women were forbid to come . johannes langus therefore , having followed our evagrius , has upon a good account corrected nicephorus . for , thus he renders it : mulieres quoque , sed extra templum ad postes stantes , miraculum hoc spectant . janua enim una ex adverso stellae fulgentis locata est . women also , but they stand without the church at the gate , do behold this miracle . for one of the gates is placed over against the shining star. vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † or , melted his flesh . ‖ or , image . a nicephorus ( book . chap. , where he transcribes this passage of evagrius , ) words it thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a contemplation upon god. the same reading i found in the tellerian m. s. it may also be mended thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a divine contemplation . [ in robert stephens's edition , the reading here is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] further , there is an illustrious elogy of this isidorus pelusiota , extant in ephremius bishop of antioch , in his epistle to zenobius scholasticu● , which photius records in his bibliotheca . where he says , that he was by birth an alexandrian , and venerable amongst the arch-bishops themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , these thing● . † or , with his own memory . * or , exercised philosophy . b or , to count himself worthy of the salutary regeneration ; that is , baptisme . as far as may be collected from these and the following words , evagrius seems to have thought ▪ that synesius was baptized and promoted to the episcopall dignity at one and the same time . and yet , that this is false , petavius proves by many arguments , in his notes upon synesius , pag. , and . notwithstanding , evagrius is followed by photius in his bibliotheca , and by nicephorus book . chap. . although nicephorus says not that synesius had been baptized and ordained at one and the same time : but , that when theophilus had prevailed with him to receive christian-baptisme , afterwards he endeavoured to perswade him to enter upon the episcopall function . see nicephorus's words , at the book and chapter now cited . vales. c many persons , i perceive , have perswaded themselves , that when synesius was elected bishop by the inhabitants of ptolem●●● , he wholly disbel●eved the resurrection of bodies . notwithstanding , that this is not true , synesius himself attests in his th epistle , which he wrote to his brother euoptius , who was then at alexandria in that letter , he gives reasons why he could not undertake the bishopric● offered to him . — one of which is , the resurrection of bodies . his sentiment concerning which point , he declares in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that much-spoken-of resurrection i account a sacred and mysticall thing , and am far from assenting to the opinions of the vulgar . synesius therefore did not wholly deny the resurrection of the dead ; but expounded it agreeable to the platonicks , and to origen . baronius ( at the year of christ , ) thinks , that whatever is said by synesius in this epistle , is not spoken seriously , but feignedly and dissemblingly , that he might decline the burthen of a bishoprick . but , petavius has deservedly found fault with this opinion of baronius . for he says , that 't is much more likely , that synesius wrote these things to his brother , in a manner agreeable to what he then thought . but , that having been afterwards instructed by theophilus and other prelates , before he was made a bishop , he embraced a true opinion concerning the resurrection ▪ lucas holstenius has at large examined this question , in a peculiar dissertation , which in favour to the studious , we have set forth at the close of our annotations . [ the learned reader will meet with this dissertation , de synesio & de ●ug● episcopatûs , at the close of the third vol. of the ecclesiastick historians set forth by valesius , at pag. of valesiut's notes . ] in the interim , the reader is to be advertised that there is a mistake in the contents of this chapter , and in photius's bibliotheca , where synesius is termed bishop of cyrenae . synesius was indeed by country a cyrenaean . but he was bishop of ptolemais , which is a city in cyrenaica . vales. * or , nor would think so . d he means the oration de regno . which , notwithstanding was not spoken to theolosius junior , but to arcadius ▪ in the year of christ , that is , ten years before synesius had undertaken the bishoprick ▪ as dionysius petavius has rightly observed in his notes at that oration of synesius . vales. a evagriu● does frequently quote the history of this johannes the rhetorician in his following books . for instance , in chap. ▪ of his second book , in chap. , and , of his third book , and in the th chapter of his fourth book . but he is a far different person from that johannes , of whom evagrius makes mention at the close of the last chapter of his fifth book . for , this johannes , last mentioned , had written an history of affairs from the latter end of justinianus's reign , unto the reign of mauritius , as evagrius does there attest : ( see evagrius book . chap. . ) but the former johannes had recorded the affairs transacted in the reigns of theodosius junior , leo , and zeno , as may be concluded from those passages which evagrius has taken out of that johannes . and he had closed his history at the destruction of antioch , which hapned on the ninth year of justinus senior , as evagrius relates . further , that johannes which i have mentioned in the second place at the beginning of this note , was born at epiphania . for evagrius ( in the forecited place , viz. book . chap. , ) terms him his fellow-citizen and kinsman . now , evagrius was by originall extract an epiphaniensian , as i have shown in my account of his life and ecclesiastick history . but , the johannes rhetor , whom , evagrius mentions in this chapter , ( if i may have leave to conjecture , ) seems to me to have been an antiochian . for , whatever passages our evagrius cites out of him , belong to the city of antioch . i have been more large in my annotation on these things , for this reason , that i might correct the mistake of johannes vossius , who in his comment de historicis gracis , has confounded these two johannes's , one with the other . vales. b the obscurity and ill-punctation of this place , led nicephorus in the first place , and after him christophorson , into a mistake . the obscurity of this passage arose from hence , because our evagrius , according to his usage , includes too many words in one and the same period , which were to have been divided into more periods . therefore , after the word [ coemitery ] a distinction is to be placed , which neither nicephorus nor christophorson saw . nicephorus thought , that the reliques of ignatius were brought from rome to constantinople in the times of theodosius junior , and having been carried to antioch by the same emperours order , had been deposited there in the coemitery . which is most notoriously false . for , long before theodosius junior's reign , the reliques of the martyr ignatius had been deposited in the coemitery of the city antioch , as saint jerome does expressly attest in his book de scriptor . ecclesiast . where these are his words concerning ignatius . reliquiae corporis ejus antiochiae jacent extra portam daphniticam in coemiterio , the remaines of his body lie at antioch , without the daphnitick - gate in the coemitery . theodosius junior therefore translated not the reliques of ignatius from rome to constantinople , and after that to antioch ; but he ordered them to be removed out of the coemitery which was without the city antioch , and carried into the city . thus , 't is certain , musculus understood this passage in evagrius , as appears from his version . for he has rendred it thus : tunc & divi●●s ignatius , posteaquàm sicuti voluerat , &c. then also the divine ignatius ( after ( according as he had desired ) he had obtained the bellies of wild-beasts instead of a sepulchre , in the roman amphitheatre , and his bones as being the stronger [ parts of him ] had been left by the beasts , were carried to antioch , and buried in the coemitery , a long time after ) is removed by theodosius , &c. musculus seems to have expunged the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the whole place might be construed after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which i very much approve of . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this seems to have been the sur-name of the blessed ignatius . which is concluded from hence , because we read this title prefixt before all his epistles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignatius who also [ is termed ] theophorus . in the martyrdome of the blessed ignatius , which arch-bishop usher has set forth , ignatius stiles himself theophorus in the presence of the emperour trajan . and , being asked , who theophorus was , he answers ; he who bears christ in his breast . vales. see socrat. eccles. histor. book . chap. . note ( a. ) d the heathens attributed to all cities their genii , to whom they built temples , which in greek were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ as i have remarked at eusebius pamphilus's book concerning the martyrs of palestine , chap. . note ( q. ) the temple of the publick genius of the city of antioch is mentioned by amm. marcellinus book . pag. ; which julian in his misopog . terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , who had castalia , &c. e he means the castalian fountaine . concerning which amm. marcellinus , gregorius nazianzenus , and others have related many things ▪ gregorius's words in his second invective against julian ( tom. . pag. . edit . paris . . ) are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. castalia has been silenced again , and is silent , and it is water , not uttering oracles , but exciting laughter . apollo [ is become ] a dumb statue again . daphne [ is ] a tree again , &c. at which words of gregorius , see ( if you please ) what the scholiast nonnus has remarked , chap. . i should not have taken notice of this , had i not perceived that neither of the translatours had seen it . vales. nonnus's scholion ( which valesius here referres his reader to , ) is this : castalia fons erat in antiochia , &c. castalia was a fountaine in antioch , at which apollo is by the antients reported to sit , and to give forth oracles at the water . and when any persons came thither on account of consulting the oracle , that water ( as 't is reported ) sent forth gentle blasts and puffs of wind ; and then the priests , who were about the fountain , declared those things which the will of the daemon had brought forth . † or , prophecy . * see socrat . eccles . histor. book . chap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius renders it the hunni . † or , wonder . * attila . a this earthquake hapned on the year of christ , in the consulate of ardabures and callepius ▪ as marcellinus in his chronicon , and the author of the aloxandrian chronicle doe relate . marcellinus's words are these : ingenti terrae motu per loca varia imminente , plurimi urbis augustae muri recenti adhuc reaedificatione constructi , cum quinquaginta septem turribus corruerunt : an exceeding great earthquake being imminent through severall places , a vast part of the walls [ or , most of the walls ] of the imperial city which had been but very lately rebuilt , fell down , together with fifty seven towers . which words i have annexed for this reason , that i might shew that evagrius's words here have been misunderstood by translatours ; who rendred these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus [ in palatio , in the palace ; ] when as they ought to have rendred them , in the imperial city . by which name evagrius usually calls constantinople . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the rules of grammar do require , that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , together with their roots . in the tellerian m. s. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little before , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the earth was dissipated ; the same manuscript has it written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the earth was separated , or , rent in sunder . vales. a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] it must , i think , be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , personages eminent for , &c. for , this reading is required by the rules of grammar . vales. b that is , to be consulares of syria . for , the consularis of syria governed the city antioch , and the other cities of syria-coele . further , take heed of supposing , that these three men ( to wit , memnonius , zoïlus , and callistus ) were sent at one and the same time by theodosius , to preside over the antiochian jurisdiction . for this was not the usage of the romans . we ought therefore to understand , that each of them had been sent at severall times , one after the other , by theodosius . you must know further , that 't was usuall for the consulares of syria , that they might ingratiate themselves with the antiochians , to erect some publick structure . libanius informs us hereof ( in his antiochi● . pag. , tom. . edit . paris , . ) in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 't is no wonder therefore , if that [ city ] which excells the rest in other things , which , after she has vanquished other [ cities ] in the study and exercise of wisdome , has [ out done ] even herself , should render those who come to be her governours , her lovers . the beginning , middle , and close of each of which persons government , is this , to make some addition to the city . the same libanius , a little before in the same page , says there were three tribunals in the city antioch , and as many scholes of advocates , to wit , equall to the number of the tribunals , [ or judicatories . ] the first tribunal seems to have belonged to the praefectus praetorio of the east , whose residence was at antioch . the second was the tribunal of the comes of the east . the third was the jurisdiction of the consularis of syria-coele . libanius's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which passage is to be rendred thus : for , besides the erudition which is in the decurions , three scholes [ or , quires ] of advocates are [ there ] assembled , equall in number to the judicatories . vales. c the reading in robert stephens's edition , and here is this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the southern part of rophinus's side . ] the geneva-printers , from christophorson's copy , have set it forth thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ at the southern ] side of ruphinus's pallace . s r henry savil also , in his copy which i have by me , has expunged the word rufinus , and in stead thereof has substituted these [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the roof of the pallace . ] and thus christophorson read , as 't is apparent from his version . for he has rendred it thus : qui ad australe latus tecti palatii , quod rufini nomen obtinet , spectat ; which looks towards the southern side of the roof of the pallace , which bears the name of rufinus . but , in regard these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] or [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] occur not ▪ either in the kings , or in the florentine , or tellerian m. ss . in my judgment , they ought deservedly to be expunged . vales. valesius has rendred this passage thus : quae ad meridianum latus porticus rufini sita ▪ which we have exprest in our english version . the import of the greek , if rendred word for word , is this , at the southern part of rophinus's side . * or , those buildings which are made , &c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 musculus renders it , mansionem ducum , the mansion of the duces , or , chief military commanders . christophorson's version is not much different ; for he renders it thus : è regione fori in quo pulcherrima domus est quam praefecti praesidiorum incolere solent ; over against the forum wherein there is a most beautifull house , in which the praefects of the milice [ or , of the military forces , ] do usually dwell . but , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place , in my judgment , must be understood , ( not the military commanders in chief , or , masters of the milice , but ) the magistrates or du●mviri , who in greek were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have already remarked in my notes on am ▪ marcellinus , and eusebius ; [ see euseb. eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( p. ) and book . chap. . note ( c. ) ] now , why i suppose this word is rather thus to be taken here , this is the reason , because that house is said to have been in the forum , over against the pallace wherein was the court of judicature . moreover , such a house as this seems to be more agreeable to a municipall magistrate , than to a rectour of the milice . besides , these houses were in greek termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . such a one was the s●rategium at constantinople , as i have noted at the first book of socrates , [ chap. . note ( d. ) ] although the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , in the transactions of the emperour severus , brings another reason of this word . but now , having examined the business more attentively ; by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i understand here the masters of the milice throughout the east , who had a splendid praetorium in the forum of the city antioch . theophanes mentions this praetorium , in his chronicon , pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for the fire was kindled from the church of saint stephen , and burnt [ or , went ] as far as the praetorium of the master of the milice . vales. * or , during the same times of theodosius . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if we would follow the laws of grammar ; it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ▪ but because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used in the plurall number , i would rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as the reading is in the tellerian m. s. in the incomparable florentine m. s. 't is plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , who raged . † see socrates , book . chap. , and . b here it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as it is in robert stephens's edit . vales. c this is the claudian , whose excellent verses are at this day extant . but , a twofold difficulty occurs at this place : ( ) how a latine poet should come to be mentioned here by evagrius ? ( ) why he is placed by the same evagrius on the times of theodosius junior , when as that claudian , whose verses we now have , flourished in the reigns of arcadius and honorius , as his writings inform us ? the answer to the first question is easie . for claudian wrote not only latine , but greek poems also . on which account , in the old epigram which was inscribed on the basis of his statue , he is said to have had the soul of virgil and homer also , transfused into him . he began to write a latine poem first in the year of christ , whereon olybrius and probinus were consuls . he wrote an elegant poem on their consulate , which is still extant . when this attempt had succeeded happily to claudian , it encouraged him to the writing of latine verses afterwards ; whereas he had published only greek poems before , as himself attests in his elegy to probinus , in these words : romanos bibimus primùm te consule fontes , et latiae cessit graja thalia toga . incipiensque tuis a ●acibus omina cepi , fataque debebo posterior● tibi . 't is certain , claudian was by nation a grecian , born at the city alexandria , as suidas informs us at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . claudian himself also attests the same , in his poem to hadrianus praefectus praetorio , ( who was himself also an alexandrian . ) for he writes thus concerning alexander the macedonian ; conditor hic patriae . sic hostibus ille pepercit . and in the close of the same poem , he has these words : saviet in miseros cognata potentia cives . audiat haec commune solum , longéque carinis vales. nota pharos , &c. d the poet cyrus was by nation an aegyptian , born at the town panopolis . who having on account of his poetick faculty been highly acceptable to eudocia augusta , wife to theodosius junior , ( for this woman was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a great lover of verses : ) is promoted by the emperour theodosius to the praefecture of the pr●torium , and to that of the city . he was also ex-consul , and patricius , as suidas relates . but afterwards , when the empress eudocia , on account of some unknown reasons , had left the pallace , and was gone to the city jerusalem ; cyrus , deprived of his power , is made bishop of cotyaeum a city of phrygia , or rather of smyrna , as the author of the alexandrian chronicle and theophanes doe inform us . he lived till the times of leo augustus , as suidas attests . theophilact ( in the th book of his history , chap. , ) makes mention of this cyrus the consul and poet ; where he says , that the church of the god-bearing virgin at constantinople , was built by him , in the times of theodosius augustus . vales. a a particle is to be added here , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , a long time after this , she ; ] that is , eudocia . for , unless you add this pa●ticle ; what follows will be meant concerning eudoxia , eudocia's daughter ; of whom evagrius has spoken just before . but , the adding of this particle [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ] shews that the discourse is not now concerning eudoxia , but her mother eudocia . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus and christophorson understood this place very erroneously . for , they supposed that by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the city jerusalem was meant ; when as the city antioch is to be understood . for evagrius wrote his history at antioch , in which city he had fixt the mansion of his own fortunes , as we have shown in our account of his life and ecclesiastick history . moreover , nicephorus fell into the same mistake with musculus and christophorson . for in his th book , chap. , where he writes out this passage of evagrius , he understands the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of the city jerusalem . but , 't was easie to have perceived from evagrius's following words , that these words could not have been meant of the city jerusalem . for jerusalem was not a colony of greeks , but rather of jews , and after that , of romans . nor , did ulpianus , libanius , and the other writers here mentioned by evagrius , write concerning the city jerusalem . nor , lastly , could the empress eudocia , who by originall extract was an athenian , speak to the citizens of jerusalem in this verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i boast thai i am of your stock and blood. 't is certain , the authour of the alexandrian chronicle does say , that eudocia made an oration to the antiochians out of a golden chariot . vales. c that place in strabo , which evagrius points to here , is extant in his th book ; pag. . edit . paris . vales. d there were two pisanders , poets . the one a rhodian , who wrote the poem heraclea in two books , which treats concerning hercules's actions . some make this pisander ancienter than he●iod . others place him on the thirty third olympiad , as suidas relates . the other pisander was a lyca●nian , born at larindi a town of lycaönia , son of the poet nestor . suidas says he flourish't in the reign of alexander son of mamme● . he wrote six books in heroïck verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning the marriages of the heroes and goddesses , which were stuft with all manner of history , as suidas attests . zosimus mentions this work in his fifth book : where he speaks concerning the building of the city hemona : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which words of zosimus , leunclavius translates in this manner ; sicuti pisander poeta memoriae prodidit , qui heroicarum divin●●umque nuptiarum titulo totam hanc propemodùm historiam complexus est , as pisander the poet has recorded , who under the title of heroick and divine marriages , has in a manner comprized this whole history . this is not the meaning of zosimus's words . for zosimus says , that pisander the poet , in that poem of his concerning the marriages of the heroes and goddesses , has in a manner comprehended all history . suidas does likewise artest the same ; whose words concerning pisander are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he wrote a various history in verse ; which he intitled , concerning the marriages of the heroes and goddesses , in six books . in this work therefore , pi●ander had written concerning triptolemus the argive , and concerning iö , who were the first that built antioch a city of syria . further , this work seems to have been comprehended in sixteen books , and not in six , as 't is erroneously extant in suidas . for stephanus in his book de urbibus , cites the tenth , and fourteenth book of pisander . vales. this is ulpianus the antiochian sophist , who taught rhetorick first at emesa , and afterwards at antioch , in the reign of constantine , as suidas attests . eunapius mentions him , in the life of pröoeresius thè sophist . this person therefore , amongst the other orations which ( as suidas relates , ) he wrote , had composed a peculiar oration in praise of his own country , wherein he spake concerning the colonies at severall times brought into it . vales. libanius the antiochian sophist wrote an oration , with this title , antiochicus , which is still extant , published in the second tome of his works . nor is it to be doubted , but evagrius means this oration at this place . further , in the said oration , libanius with great accuracy recounts all the greck colonies , which at severall times had been brought to antioch . amongst these he reckons also those athenians , whom seleucus , after the destruction of the city antigonia , had brought to antioch . vales. g who this julianus the sophista should be , i have not yet found . there was one julianus a cappadocian , the most eminent of all the sophists of his own time , who taught rhetorick at athens . concerning whom eunapius relates many passages , in his book de vitis sophistarum . suidas says he flourisht in the times of constantine the great . but whereas he says , that he was contemporary with callinicus the sophist , therein he contradicts himself ; in regard callinicus the sophist lived in the reign of philippus and gallienus . i am apt to think therefore , that there were two julianus's sophists at athens . the former of whom lived in the same times with callinicus the sophist . but the other flourisht in the reign of constantine the great . h amm. marcellinus mentions this bath in his book , near the beginning : his words are these ; vocesque praeconum audiebantur assiduè , mandantium congeri ligna ad valentini lavacri succensionem , studio ipsius principis conditi . and the voices of the cryers were heard continually , ordering wood to be heaped together in order to the burning of valens's bath , built by the endeavour of that prince . vales. a the reading in robert stephens is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , went. ] nicephorus read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , went twice . ] for ( book . chap. . ) he words it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 't is reported that she went twice to jerusalem . which reading christophorson has followed , as 't is apparent from his version . for he renders this place thus : eudocia vero constantinopoli hierosolymam ●is profect a est , but eudocia went twice from constantinople to jerusalem . and thus i found it expressly written in the tellerian manuscript . eudocia's former journey to jerusalem hapned on the sixteenth consulate of theodosius which he bore with faustus , on the year of christ , as baronius has rightly observed from socrates and marcellinus's chronicon . on the year following , she returned from jerusalem to constantinople , carrying along with her the reliques of saint stephen , as marcellinus relates in his chronicon . but , writers are not agreed , on what year her second jerusalem-journey hapned . baronius places it in the reign of marcianus augustus . but i do maintain , that this second journey was undertaken by eudocia augusta long before marcianus's empire , whilest theodosius survived . for marcellinus in his chronicon ( at the xviii , consulate of theodosius augustus which he bore with albinus , which was the year of christ ▪ ) writes thus : severum presbyterum & johannem diaconum eudoclae regi●● ▪ &c. saturnin●● the comes of the domesticks , being sent by the emperour theodosius● kills severus the presbyter and johannes the deacon of eudocia augusta , who were ministring at the city aelia . eudocia , by what grudge [ or , grief ] incited thereto i know not , killed saturninus forthwith ▪ and being immediately deprived of her royall servants , by the command of the emperour her husband , she staid to die at the city aelia . the same is confirmed by the authour of the alexandrian chronicle . for he relates , that in the same consulate paulinus the master of the offices was slain by the emperour theodosius's order : and therefore ▪ that eudocia being aggrieved ( for she knew that paulinus had been slain on her account ; ) requested of the emperour theodosius , that a liberty might be allowed her of going to jerusalem . notwithstanding marcellinus in his chronicon places paulinus's slaughter on the year of christ , val●●rinianus being then the fifth time consul with anatolius . therefore , if eudocia went the second time to jerusalem on account of paulinus's slaughter ; according to marcellinus's opinion , that hapned on the year of christ . further , concerning saturninus the comes ( whom eudocia augusta ordered to be slain at jerusalem , ) there is a passage extant in the history of priscus rhetor , pag. ; which i will annex here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * or , pure . b a laur● differs from a monastery , because a laura consists of many cells far disjoyned one from another . but a monastery is inclosed within one wall . and in a laura the hermites [ or , anachorites ] lived : but in a monastery the monks lived together . cyrillus scy●●opolitan●● informs us hereof , in his life of euthymius , in these words ; te autem oportet venire ●d meam lauram , &c. but it behoves you to come to my laura , and to pull down the cells of the brethren to the very foundations . but [ you must ] build a monastery there , where you have built my coemitery . for it pleases god , that the place should not be a laura , but a monastery rather . the same cyrillus , in the life of saint saba , does frequently declare the same difference between a laura and a monastery . our evagrius also at this place observes the same difference between the phrontisteria [ monasteries ] and the laurae . for in the phrontister is ( says he , ) the monks lived in flocks , [ or , companies , ] made use of a common table , and performed the diurnall and nocturnall prayers together . but , in the laura , the anachorites lived separately , shut up in small cells . vales. * or , terminates in one and the same pious design . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * short cloak . † or , pressing . c i am of the same mind with christophorson , who ( instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the earth ] ) read [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , above the earth ; ] which latter reading nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) has followed . besides , the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seem ] was wanting here ; which we have put in from the florentine m. s. in the tellerian m. s. i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , above the earth . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus and christophorson have rendred this place very ill . nicephorus has explained it well , in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , these persons frequently extend their fasts to the length of two and three days . there are those [ of them ] who for five days and more , continue without tasting of meat . dionysius petavius also , in the fifth chapter of his miscellaneous exercitations against salmasius , has rightly expounded this place of our evagrius ; to wit , concerning superposition , which was the most exquisite sort of fast amongst the christians . but , whereas petavius conjectures , that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it should be written here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in this i cannot a●●ent to him , in regard this emendation recedes too far from the footsteps of the vulgar reading . indeed , at this place i would rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , you must understand [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , days , ] or [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lasts . ] the latines have termed it superpositionem , superposition ; instead of jejunium , fast : as may be seen in the eliberitane council , and in the poenitentiall canons . see what we have remarked at the fifth book of euseb. eccles. histor. chap. . note ( m. ) in the incomparable tellerian m. s. i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i had conjectured . vales. † heb. . . * or , all manner of &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , pabulatores , feeders upon the ground . sozomen ( book . chap. . ) relates , that some monks in mesopotamia were call●● by this name , because they were the first who found out this stricter sort of abstinence . vales. f instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading in the florent . m. s. is truer ; which is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 get into . besides , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. g i have restored this place partly from the florent . and partly from the tellerian m. ss . after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who , after they are arrived at a freedome from perturbations of mind by [ a continued exercise of ] virtue . in the florent . m. s. the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obnoxious to injuries : ] but in the tellerian m. s. and in nicephorus 't is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , free from perturbations of mind . ] a little after this , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , turning themselves about , ] it must undoubtedly be mended thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mad ; ] which is the reading in nicephorus . vales. in robert stephens's edition , this whole passage is thus worded and pointed : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which i cannot make sense of . * or , studied , or , devised . h christophorson has rendred this place thus : adeo etiam sine delectatione cibum capiunt , &c. they also take their meat so much without delight , and exercise so austere a discipline in that thing , that if necessity compells them to go into a victualling-house , or a brothel-house , they neither avoid the place , &c. christophorson , no doubt , followed nicephorus's exposition , who ( book . chap. . ) has rendred evagrius's words thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. they eat without affection and commotion of minde , although [ it be ] in a victualling-house , or baudy-house , if there be a necessity of doing this . but i have restored this place from the incomparable florent . m. s. in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if need so requires [ they cat ] with victuallers or retailers of provision . what a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was , and how he differed from a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i think every body knows . how much a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differed from a merchant ; so much a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differed from a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the old glosses render ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in latine dardanarium , one that buys provisions to sell them againe . vales. * or , tyrannize over . i the conjecture of learned men displeases me not ; who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and will not answer to , &c. ] have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are not to be inclined to , &c. which latter reading christophorson has followed , as 't is apparent from his version . notwithstanding , nicephorus has retained the vulgar reading , to wit , that first mentioned . vales. * that is , the monastick law. † forceth , or , urgeth . k johannes langus expounds these words concerning the present and future life . for he has rendred the place of his nicephorus in this manner : vitam utramque illi ▪ &c. they do so complicate and conjoyn both lives , to wit , the future , &c. but , in my judgment , by these words [ both sorts of life ] the secular , and monastick life are to be understood : which is , plainly confirmed by evagrius's following words . for he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and performing all other things agreeable to their former life . vales. l the reading of this place i● truer in nicephorus , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , excepting only that they do not want necessaries , nor are limited to any place . vales. m instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , laborious , i think it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intent , or continued . for i have found , that these two words are frequently confounded in manuscript copies . vales. n instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] i doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. o we owe the amendment of this place to the florent . m. s. in which copy . instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it is plainly written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the desires of their neighbours . s r henry savil had drawn a line under this place , signifying thereby , that there was a fault here . but he saw not how it was to be mended . nicephorus also retains the vulgar reading . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the tellerian m. s. pleases me better ; which is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the thing desired by them ; ] this to me seems more elegant . vales. * or , excellence . † or. in the following history . notes for div a -e * or , declaring his empire . † or , discourse . * or , he was crowned with . a instead of [ patriscus ] it must be priscus , which is the reading in the tellerian m. s. and in nicephorus book . this is the priscus , out of whose books of history we have the excerptae legationes , ● vales. * or , endeavouring . * or , pardoned , or , forgave . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus has rendred it well , thus , ut in eo militiae nomen daret , that he might list , [ or , enter ] himself a souldier therein . not that the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does exactly import the same with nomen dare , to list , or , enter , or , enroll . for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie , to desire and to sue for . so dionys. halicarnasseus , about the close of his th book , uses this phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sue for an office . but , appian usually words it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so does the old author in suidas , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now , candidates , when they sued for an office , were wont nomen suum profiteri , to tell their name and be inrolled . johannes langus renders it , militare sacramentum dicere , to say the military oath . which version i disprove of . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the album militare , the muster-roll , wherein the names of all the souldiers were registred . vegetius , book . chap. . terms it matriculam , the list of souldiers . evagrius uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sense , hereafter in this chapter ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they registred marcianus ( who was likewise called augustus ) in the muster-roll . further , the names of the souldiers were inserted into the muster-roll , before they had said the oath ; as vegetius attests in the forequoted place . candidus isaurus makes use of the same term , in his first book histor ▪ where his words concerning leo are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who was of that dacia in illyricum ; having been registred in a military company . vales. c the words of procopius , which evagrius points to here , were heretofore extant in the first book of his vandalicks . but now they are wanting in the augustane edition , at pag. . for there is a defect in the greek text there , after these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , glorification . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those persons that were employed in the answers , &c. † or , the determination of orthodoxy . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the defender of the emperours person , or , his protectour . chrysaphius is thus termed by priscus rhetor , in his excerpt . legationum . the author of the alexandrian chronicle calls him spatharius , which we may render esquire of the emperours body . he is termed spatharius also in gestis de nomine acacii , which jacobus sirmondus hath set forth . vales. b theophanes in his chronicon relates that theodosius junior , who then made his residence at chalcedon , by the impulse of chrysaphius commanded flavianus , ( newly ordained bishop of constantinople , ) that for his ordination he should send him the eulogiae , [ that is , the loaves of benediction , or , pieces of the blessed bread , see socrat. book . chap. . note ( b ; ) and also meur●ius's glossary , at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] and when flavianus had sent white loaves , in the name of a benediction , chrysaphius made answer , that the emperour demanded golden eulogiae . in answer to which flavianus wrote back , that he had no money which he could send , unless instead of money he should present him with the sacred vessels of the church . and this thing , as theophanes says , raised a deadly grudge between chrysaphius and flavianus . vales. * or , by pious letters . c zacharias rhetor wrote an ecclesiastick history from the beginning of the emperour marcianus's reign ( as it may be conjectured from this place , ) untill the reign of anastasius . but , he wrote not with sincerity and moderation ( as an history ought to be written , ) but was corrupted with favour and hatred , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with affection and partiality , as evagrius says . evagrius attests the same concerning him , in book . chap. . and in chap. . of his third book , he accuses the same zacharias of negligence . vales. d in the florentine m. s. the reading of this place is more entire , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. in robert stephens edition , the words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of exile ] are wanting . * or , hill . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words valesius renders thus : serenitate renidentia , shining , or , glistering by reason of their calmness . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it signifies shells , or , sand full of little stones . ‖ court , or , courtyard . a i have mended this place from the florentine m. s. after this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , almost alike . nevertheless , nicephorus has followed the vulgar reading , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian m. s. i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , inform of a cupolo . or cuppolo ; as the italians now term it . harpocration ( in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) tells us , that the place where the prytanes ( who were a sort of magistrates amongst the athenians ) eat , was termed tholus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( continues he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but by some 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( that is , an arbour ) because 't is built round , in that form , like an hat with an high round crown . c 't is strange that translatours should not have perceived the fault of this place : for what can the sense be of these words ; sub his columnis tabulatum est sublime , &c. vnder these pillars there is an high chamber , &c , according as christophorson has rendred it ? instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under these ] it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over these ; which is the reading in nicephorus ; his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which langus renders thus : super quibus porticus ( ublimis eâdem sub testudine constructa est , ●ver which [ pillars ] there is an high gallery built under the same roof . vales. * or , upper-room . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . langus and christophorson render it sacrarium , a vestry , or little chappell . musculus translates it adytum , a secret place in a church to which few have access . which i approve not of . i have rather rendred it tumulum , a tomb , or monument . for that is the import of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hesychius and suidas do attest . but , by a tomb , or monument , i mean a place fenced in with barrs made lattise ▪ wise , in the midst whereof was that silver-chest wherein the reliques of the holy martyr euphemia were deposited . for , that it was so , is apparent from evagrius's following words . vales. e instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 macra , i think it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the arke . truly , i do not see what sense there can be in the vul●●r reading ; in regard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the same ; nor is it a proper name , but an adjective . 't is better therefore to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the arke . some persons , says evagrius , term the martyrs che●● , arcam , the arke . for so the latines term it . the old glosses render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arca ●unebris , an arke , or chest , for the dead . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours understood not this place . musculus and christophorson made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for musculus renders it thus : ut circa templum ad honorem ejus jucundentur praecipit , and orders them that in honour of her they should be merry about the temple . and christophorson translates it thus : jubet ut in ipso templo festum deliciis , & opiparis epulis celebrent , she order● that in the very church they should celebrate a feast with dainties and sumptuous banquets . but , evagrius's following words do altogether refute this emendation . for , he adds not one word at this place , which may in any wise belong to luxury or delicious food . nicephorus has indeed retained the vulgar reading : but has explained it ill , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , as langus has rendred it , ut miraculorum talium fructum perciperent , est cohortata , she exhorteth them , that they should freely partake of the fruit of such miracles . but nicephorus added these words of his own head ; nor has he comprehended evagrius's meaning ; in regard evagrius speaks not here of more miracles , but of one only miracle , to wit , the bloud flowing out of the tomb of the holy martyr . i have followed the ordinary reading , and have explained this place in the simple and obvious sense concerning the making of a vintage . which agrees exactly with evagrius's following words . for the bloud , which in a most plentifull manner was press't out of the blessed martyrs reliques , was not unlike wine , which is squeezed out of prest grapes . besides , the festivall day of the holy euphemia sell on the time of vintage , to wit , on the sixteenth of september , as we are informed from the greek menologie . vales. g i am of the same opinion with learned men , who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but moreover ] have long since altered the reading , and made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is , &c. which emendation is confirmed by the tellerian manuscript , and by nicephorus . further , langus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the term here used , ) fenestellam , a little window : christophorson translates it transennam , a loup , or , casement . i ( as musculus has done , ) had rather render it foramen , an hole . for sozomen terms it thus , book . . chap. . where i have made more remarkes concerning such little windows as these , which were made in the capsae [ chests wherein were laid the reliques ] of the martyrs . vales. * or , which things are magnificently celebrated . † or , require . ‖ or , cuts in sunder . * or , exposed , or , obvious . † or , he is filled with . ‖ or , which is gathered . h the term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reliques ] is wanting in the kings , the florentine , and tellerian manuscripts , and likewise in robert stephens's edition . nor have the geneva-printers done well , who from christophorson's books put this word in here , whereas it is in no wise necessary at this place , nor is it confirmed by the testimony of any written copy . for , those various readings which are produced from christophorson's books , are for the most part nothing else but the conjectures of learned men . this whole passage therefore ought to be written as 't is read in the tellerian and florentine manuscripts ; to wit thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which of it self demonstrates the [ virtue and ] power of those things that produce it . and so nicephorus read : for he has exprest this place of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which gives an indication of the power of that thing which produceth it . a this whole preface , as far as these words always augusti , is wanting in the kings , and florentine , and tellerian manuscripts . christophorson was the first that put in these words , from the acts of the chalced●● councill ; notwithstanding , they seem not at all necessary at this place . vales. the said preface is wanting in stephens's , edition ; where also , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by eusebius , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning eusebius . ] b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those who perform the priesthood , ] it must without doubt be written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those who are reckoned amongst the ecclesiasticks ; ] as the reading is in the first action of the chalcedon councill , where this supplicatory libell of bishop ▪ eusebius to the emperour marcianus is recorded . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is worshipped ▪ ] i doubt not but evagrius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you worship . 't is certain in the first action of the chalcedon councill , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , worshipping . which though it be corrupt , nevertheless confirms our emendation . vales. * or , the things under the sun. * 't is ironically spoken . † or , found . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of an holy character , or , name . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see socrat. book . . chap. . note ( b. ) † or , formed , or , made up into , &c. ‖ or , within those things agitated at chalcedon . * or , detected . d this is the sentence , which the most magnificent judges who were present at the chalcedon councill , pronounc't after an hearing of the cause : which sentence is recorded in the very same words , in the first action of the chalcedon councill . pag. . edit . bin. notwithstanding , 't is a wonder to me , that christophorson had not seen this , who has confused and disturbed all things at this place in such a manner , that you can extract nothing of sound sense from his version . that which disturbed him , was his seeing the secular magistrates in a councill of bishops and their pronouncing sentence as judges . but christophorson ought to have considered , that those magistrates concerned not themselves in the cause of the faith , but le●t the bishops a free right and power of determining concerning that matter . indeed , at such time as the rule of faith was drawn up by the bishops convened at chalcedon , these very magistrates , who before had often moved the councill that the might be done , would not be present at the session of bishops . but in the business between eusebius bishop of dorylaeum and dioscorus of alexandria , in which affair nothing was treated of concerning the faith , but concerning violence , fraud , and other crimes : in this business , i say , the secular magistrates had a right to pronounce sentence . which nevertheless was not a definitive sentence , but an interlocution only , as 't is apparent from the acts of the councill . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the first action of the chalcedon councill , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more perfect and compleat . in the compen●ium of the acts of this synod , which evagrius has subjoyned at the close of this book , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the florent . and tellerian manuscripts at this place is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. in robert stephens , the reading is the same with that at the beginning of this note . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop of armonia ▪ the same fault occurs in the compendium of the acts of the chalcedon councill , which is extant at the end of this book . notwithstanding , 't is manifest , that it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of ancyra , agreeable to the reading in the first action of the chalcedon councill . vales. in robert stephens the reading is [ of armenia . ] * or , made strangers to . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the divine ●eight● . ‖ or , pronounced sentence . g this sentence pronounc't by the deputies of the apostolick see , is extant in the third action of the chalcedon councill , pag. . vales. * dioscorus's . † dioscorus . h in the third action of the chalcedon-councill , this place is otherwise read , to wit , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most holy churches over the whole world have been tempted , or tryed . vales. i instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ] in the acts of the chalcedon-councill , the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] vales. k these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of judging , or , of judgment , ] are wanting in the kings , in the tellerian , and in the florentine manuscripts ; and they are put into the geneva edition , from christophorson's books . they occur indeed in the acts of the chalcedon-councill ; but to me they seem not very necessary . vales. in rob. stephens's edition , they are wanting . * or , second . † see chap. . note ( x. ) * or , hath estranged him . l in the acts of the chalcedon-councill , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will decree . which in my judgment is right . for the future tense is in this place put for the imperative mood . for , whereas the legates of the apostolick see do here speak to the synod , they would not use the imperative ; because it seems more arrogant . they made use therefore of the future tense , as being the softer and more modest mode of expression . notwithstanding , the old translatour of the chalcedon council has rendred it in the imperative mood . in nic●phorus , book . chap. . the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; vales. in robert stephens's edition , and in the greek text here , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth decree ; which perhaps is the ●ruer reading . m this definition of the faith is contained in the fifth action of the chalcedon-synod . 't is extant also in nicephorus , book . chap. . vales. * jo. . . † or , opinions . * that is , the constantinopolitane creed ▪ at the drawing up whereof there were fathers . see socrat ▪ book . c. . n the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enemies ] is wanting in the acts of the chalcedon councill : and the reading of this whole place is thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. those who attempt to reject and abrogate the preaching of the truth by their , &c. which reading seems to me far better . vales. * or , bred , or , brought forth . * or , stop up . † or , preaching . ‖ that is , the nicen● creed . * or , fight against . o instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do reproach [ so ] impudently ] it must doubtless be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do rave [ so ] impudently ; ] agreeable to the reading in the florentine m. s. and in the acts of the chalcedon ▪ synod . vales. p the reading here ▪ and in nicephorus is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which letter agrees with the confession of the great peter , &c. but , the contexture of the words does necessarily require , that we should read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in regard it agrees &c. and so 't is written in the acts of the chalcedon-synod . vales. * or , resists . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the acts of the chalcedon synod , this place is worded otherwise , to wit , in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to confess our lord jesus christ [ to be ] one and the same son , with one consent we do all teach and declare . which reading seems to me to be far the truer . vales. * or , known . † or , runs together into one , &c. * or , estranged from . † or , alienated from the clergy . ‖ removed , or , put to flight . * or , recalled . † constantinople . ● ‖ or , in regard it was the second after the elder rome . * or , was condemned to dwell at , &c. a i have restored this place from the florentine manuscript ; to which agrees nicephorus , book . chap. . christophorson had mended it very ill , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the praefect of thebaïs came at that time to alexandria . but , the province of thebaïs was not governed by a praefect ; but by a president , as we are informed from the notitia imperii romani . besides , priscus rhetor says not , that the governour of the province of thebaïs , but that he himself came then to alexandria . priscus had indeed been long conversant in the province thebaïs , with maximinus the commander , whose councellour and assessour he was , when he waged war against the nubae and blemmyae , as himself informs us in his excerpt , legationum . in the tellerian manuscript , i found this place written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , came by alexandria from the province of thebaïs . but i should rather write it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. came to alexandria out of the province of thebais . vales. in robert stephens the reading here is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b nicephorus has added some passages here concerning serapis's temple , which are sufficiently profound , and which i remember not to have read any where else . therefore i conjecture , that nicephorus wrote these passages out of priscus rhetor's history , which then was extant entire . vales. see nicephorus's eccles. histor. book . chap. . c of this florus ( who was praefectus augustalis and also dux of egypt , ) jordanes has made mention in his book de successione regnorum , where he writes thus concerning the emperour marcianus : nobades blemmyesque aethiopia pr●olapsos , &c. he appeased the nobades and the blemmyes , ( who had fallen down from aethiopia , ) by florus procurator of the city alexandria , and drove them from the territories of the romans . this florus had succeeded theodorus the augustalis , as we are informed from liberatus's breviarium , chap. . under whom proterius is ordained bishop , and that sedition ( which evagrius describes here , ) was raised at alexandria , in the year of christ . on account of which sedition ▪ whenas the publick [ allowance of ] bread-corn , ( which was wont to be delivered out to the alexandrians , ) the baths also , and shows , by the emperour's order had been taken from the inhabitants of alexandria ; the multitude mer together in the cirque , and entreated florus the praefectus augustalis , who was come to alexandria a little before this , that these things might be restored to them . therefore , this hapned on the year of christ . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to the citizens of alexandria , as well as to those of rome and constantinople , loaves of bread were every day delivered out ; as we are informed from the fourteenth book of the theodosian code , tit. de frumento alexandrino . but who had been the beginner of this thing , 't is uncertain . diocletian was the first [ emperour ] who bestowed the pa●is castrensis [ the camp-bread ] upon the alexandrians , as the author of the alexandrian chronicle relates at constantius caesar's and maximianus jovius caesar's fourth cousulate ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on this year the panis castrensis was given at alexandria by diocletian . which passage occurs in the very same words in the chronologicall excerptions set forth by scaliger at the end of eusebius's chronicon . procopius ( in his anecdot . pag. . ) says this bread-corn was allowed by diocletian to the poor only of the city alexandria . which when the citizens of that city had in after times divided amongst themselves , they then transmitted it to their posterity . procopius's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; diocletian having been made emperour of the romans , decreed , that a vast quantity of bread-corn should every year be given by the people to the indigent alexandrians . the people having at that time quarrelled amongst their own selves about this [ bread-corn , ] transmitted it to their descendants even to this day . in which words of procopius's there is a very great fault , which nicolaus alemannus ( a person otherwise of incomparable learning ) perceived not . for instead of these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the people , ] it must undoubtedly be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the publick stock of corn laid up for the emperours use . ] and , a little after , instead of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the people having at that time quarrelled amongst themselves about this bread-corn ; ] it must be thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the people having at that time privately given this [ bread-corn ] amongst their own selves . ] than which emendation there is nothing more certain . further , long before diocletian , to wit , in the times of dionysius alexandrinus , the omogerontes of the city alexandria received bread-corn out of the publick stock , as dionysius alexandrinus informs us in his epistle to hierax the bishop ; which letter eusebius records , eccles. hist. book . chap. ; where see note ( e. ) therefore diocletianus augmented , rather than began , this distribution of bread-corn at alexandria . vales. e translatours understood not this place , as 't is apparent from their versions . for they thought that the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ] was to be referred to florus ; when as it ought to be referred to priscus rhetor , out of whose history evagrius has transcribed all these passages . for , priscus rhetor , in regard he was then conversant at alexandria , gave florus this advice , that he should go to the cirque ; in which place the alexandrian populace were gathered together , and with great out ▪ cries required florus to come thither . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole society of monks . f christophorson has rendred this place ill , after this manner : in sancto die festo resurrectionis , theodosium designant episcopum , on the holy festival day of the resurrection , they choose theodosius bishop . musculus renders it righter , thus , ordinarunt in ecclesiâ sanctae resurrectionis , theodosium illum , &c. in the church of the holy resurrection , they ordained that theodosius , &c. concerning this church of the holy resurrection i have made several remarks in my notes on ensebius's life of constantine . [ see valesius's letter to a friend , de anastasi & martyrio hierosolymitano , which letter he has published at pag. . of his notes on eusebius . ] but , concerning this theodosius , who invaded the see of jerusalem , consult baronius at the year of christ . vales. g instead of aclison , it must without doubt be alcison ▪ a● the reading is in nicephorus . these letters of the monks of palestine to alcison , are recorded by evagrius , book . chap. . at which place we will say more concerning alcison . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil had made this remark at the side of his copy , fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , by . so , 't is certain , christo. phorson and musculus read ; and so we have rendred it . i am very confident also , that evagrius wrote it thus . but , transcribers of books are wont frequently to mistake in these two praepositions , as 't is known to those persons who have read over manuscript copies . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he had received dioscorus . s r henry savil had made a remark at the margin of his copy , that perhaps the reading should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he had laid hands upon , ] which reading displeases me not . nevertheless , i had rather write it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which reading i have followed in my version . nor does nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) seem to have read otherwise , who has exprest this passage in evagrius thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had been an enemy to dioscorus at alexandria . but musculus and christophorson saw nothing in the rendition of this place . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have corrected this place by the florentine manuscript , in which copy 't is read thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to this person came [ the inhabitants of ] many cities in the palestines . it had been so agreed between the bishops of antioch and jerusalem in the synod of chalcedon , that the three palestines should be under the disposition of the bishop of jerusalem . vales. l evagrius means the praepositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ that is , in and of , ] which differ one from the other in one letter . the catholicks confest christ in two natures . the hereticks asserted , that he consisted of two natures , but , which had grown together and were become one nature . for , after the union of the word , they affirmed , that the nature of christ was one . vales. m i am of the same opinion with the learned , who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pronouncing ; which is the same with the reading in nicephorus . and so christophorson read ; who notwithstanding , in the rendition of this place , has in no wise exprest evagrius's meaning . in the tellerian manuscript , i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pronouncing ▪ vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ confessing ] is to be expunged , in regard 't is superfluous . it occurs not in nicephorus , and s r henry savil , in his copy , had drawn a line under it . vales. * or , passing into . † or , not relinquish't by the other . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which may also be rendred , according to a peculiar mode of expression : but 't is an uncouth phrase , not often to be met with , especially in such a sense as 't is here used . * or , about their opinion of god. * or , a scarcity of showers of rain . * the famine and the pestilence . * or , proceeded on . † or , in a miserable manner removes from amongst men . * or , inexorable . † or , libya . * or , his saith . † or , on●richus . * constantinople . a after valentinianus placidus's death , and after the murder of maximus , avitus was proclaimed emperour , first at tolouse , and then at orlcance , in valentinianus's eighth consulate [ which he bore ] with anthemius , in the year of christ , on the sixth of the ides of july ; as 't is recorded in the old chronicon , which cuspinianus first published in his fasti. on the year following , the same avitus was consul , as 't is related in the fasti which jacobus sirmondus has publish't under the name of idatius : and on the same year he was deposed at placentia , as marius and cassiodorus inform us in their fasti , as likewise that old chronographer put forth by cuspinianus . but , on what day , and in what month avitus resigned the empire , i do not find declared by the ancients . indeed , sigonius ( in his fourteenth book de occidentali imperio , ) writes , that avitus resigned the empire on the sixteenth of the calends of june . but sigonius quotes no author of this thing . the words of cuspinianus's old chronographer are these : joanne & varane coss. captus est imp. avitus , &c. in the consulate of joannes and varanes , the emperour avitus is taken at placentia by ricimeres master of the milice . and his patritius messianus is slain , on the sixteenth of the calends of june . from this place therefore sigonius , induced thereto by conjectures , thought that avitus had put off his purple , and that messianus had been slain , on one and the same day ; although the old chronographer affirms not that . for , that sixteenth of the calends of june is referred to the murder of messianus , not to avitus's deposition . 't is certain , if what evagrius relates here be true , ( viz. that avitus reigned eight months , ) his deposition must necessarily fall on the month of march in the year . idatius , in his chronicon , seems to attribute three years reign to avitus . for , his words are these : avitus tertio anno posteaquam à gallis & à gotthis factus suerat imperator , caret imperio , gotthorum promisso destitutus auxilio , caret & vitâ , avitus on the third year after he had been made emperour by the galli and the gotthi , wants his empire , being disappointed of the promised assistance of the gotthi , is deprived of his life also . but , in the manuscript copy , which jacobus sirmondus made use of , this place is read thus : tertio anno , avitus septimo mense posteaquam à gallis & à gotthis factus fuerat imperator , &c. on the third year , avitus on the seventh month after he had been made emperour by the galli and gotthi , &c. jacobus sirmondus , perceiving that these two were inconsistent , omitted these two words [ septimo mense , on the seventh month ] in his edition ; but he had done better , if he had expunged these two [ tertio anno , on the third year . ] for avitus did not reign three years , but seven or eight months only , which months were part of two consulates . for which reason 't is affirmed by some writers , that he reigned two years . cedrenus , 't is certain , writes thus in his chronicon . vales. b musculus and christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the pestilence . which reading is in my judgment truer than the other , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by famine . for , 't is not probable , that avitus ( who after he had resigned the empire , was made bishop of placentia , as victor tunonensis , and marius in his chronicon , do relate ; ) should have dyed by famine . notwithstanding , nicephorus has retained the vulgar reading . vales. in robert stephens the reading is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , famine . ] c majorianus [ or majourinus ] governed the roman empire four years and as many months , as the old chronographer publisht by cuspinianus informs us ▪ to whom agree idatius and marcellinus in his chronicon . severus , who succeeded him , reigned almost the same space of years , as the same writers relate . but these things hapned after the death of the emperour marcianus , during leo augustus's government of the eastern empire . vales. a evagrius is out . marcianus augustus dyed in the consulate of constantinus and rusus , on the year of christ , in the month february . majorianus was proclaimed emperour at ravenna in the same year , on the calends of aprill , that is , almost two months after marcianus's death . to whom succeeded severus , on the year of christ , in the consulate of severinus and dagalaï●us , almost five years after the emperour marcianus's death . further , this severus was by another name termed serpentius , as theophanes informs us in his chronicon , pag. , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and severus , called also serpentius , was proclaimed . for so it must be read , as the most learned franciscus combesisius has rightly conjectured . 't is certain , in the alexandrian chronicle he is so termed . for , on the fifteenth indiction , leo augustus is put consul the second time with serpentinus . now , 't is manifestly known , that on this year severus augustus was consul with leo. for so cassiodorus relates in his fasti , and also the old authour publish't by cuspinianus . vales. b marcianus reigned six years and as many months , as marcellinus relates , and victor tunonensis in his chronicon . he began his reign in the year of christ , on the eighth of the calends of september , on the fifth feria , as 't is recorded in the alexandrian chronicle . and he dyed on the year of christ . about the close of the month january , as theodorus lector informs us , with whom agrees the author of the alexandrian chronicle . for this authour says , that leo , who succeeded marcianus , was proclaimed in the month peritius , on the seventh of the ides of february . so marcianus reigned six years five months and some few days . vales. c nicephorus has interlined this place after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having left his empire a monument to all men . christophorson followed the same sense , as 't is apparent from his rendition . for he translates it thus : exemplari verè regio omnibus ad intuendum relicto , a truly royall exemplar being left [ by him ] to the view of all persons . musculus has rendred it in this manner ; et memoriam sui verè imperialem apud cunctos mortales reliquisset , and had left a truly imperial memory of his own self amongst all mortalls . but evagrius does not say this , but that a monument manifestly royall was left by marcianus amongst all men . now , that monument can be nothing else , than either his own life religiously spent , or rather the chalcedon synod , which he had ordered to be convened , to take away the dissentions of the church , and whereat he himself , agreeable to the example of constantine the great , would be present . in regard therefore , that synod had been convened and perfected by his labour and diligence , it may deservedly be stiled the work and monument of the emperour marcianus . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the florentine m. s. the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notwithstanding , the rules of grammar require that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as s r henry savil had remarked at the margin of his copy . suidas in his lexicon explains 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by these terms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , promiscuous , extraneous persons , such as are brought in unawares . — nicophorus has explained this word elegantly thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a numerous multitude , and which comes from any place whatever . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . something seems to be wanting here , which may perhaps be supplyed , by adding a praeposition , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , breaks out into violence and rage . vales. f in the incomparable florentine and tellerian m. ss . this place is written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has explained this place excellently well , in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and they say , that every one who will make use of an obvious [ light , or triviall ] occasion , may quickly enrage the people [ and incite them ] to a sedition . christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for he renders it thus : aiunt plebtium quemque modò ipse voluerit principium dare , &c. they say that every ordinary fellow , provided he be willing to give the onset , may inflame that city [ and excite it ] to a popular and civil sedition . but i approve not of this emendation . for , what shall become of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? i embrace therefore the reading in the florent . aud tellerian m. ss . viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and render the whole passage thus : 't is therefore for certain reported , that any one there who [ makes complaint ] of the breaking any thing of small value [ to wit , a glass vessel , pot , or any such like thing , which he carries , ] may incite the city to a popular tumult . pollio ( in emilianus ) confirms the same , where he speaks thus concerning the egyptians in general : et hoc familiare est populo aegyptiorum , &c. and this is usual with the egyptians , that , like furious and madmen , upon any triviall occasions they may be induced [ to involve ] the publick in the greatest dangers . on account of their being past by unsaluted , by reason of their not having a place allowed them in the baths , because their flesh and pot-herbs may have been taken from them , on account of their servile shooes , and other such like occasions as these , they have by sedition often arrived at the highest peril of the republick . vales. g the passage in herodotus , which evagrius points at here , occurs in b. . of his history , pag. , edit . paul. stephens , . vales. h the great church of the city alexandria , was termed caesaria , as epiphanius informs us , in hares . arian , and liberatus , in his breviarium , cap. . but socrates ( book . chap. . ) says the name of that church was caesarium . athanasius declares the reason of this appellation ( in his epist. ad solitar . ) to wit , because that church had been built in a place which heretofore was called the caesarium , that is , the temple of the caesars . there had been a school in the same place also , and a pallace of the emperour adrian's , which in succeeding times was termed licinius's pallace , as epiphanius attests . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they mean eutyches ; and so valesius renders it . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with exile . ‖ or , having observed the time . * or , rest . ‖ or , fellows that may be bought . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the true import of which words is ( if our english tongue would bear such an expression , ) has swell'd himself into . i i have mended this place from the florentine m. s. in which copy ( instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and moreover , receiving ordination from two ; ) the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as if he could have received ordination from two [ bishops . ] in the fourth canon of the nicene councill , 't is in express words established , that a bishop is to be ordained by at least three bishops of his own province . the old translatour of this letter read as we do : whose version is extant in the third part of the chalcedon synod . where his rendition is this , tanquam manus impositionem suscepturus a duobus , as if about to receive imposition of hands ▪ from two . vales. * rom. . . † viz. the baptistery . * wherewith the baptistery was encompassed . † or , reverence . k liberatus ( in his breviarium , chap. . ) relates , that proterius was not murdered on the festival of easter , but three days before . for these are his words : et ante triduum paschae , &c. and on the third day before easter , whereon the lords supper is celebrated , proterius of holy memory is by the multitudes themselves shut up in the church , whither out of fear he had be taken himself . and there on the same day in the baptistery , he is slain , torn in pieces , cast out , and his corps is burnt , and his ashes are strewed into the winds . all which liberatus has almost word for word written out of the gesta de nomine acacii , which we owe to jacobus sirmondus . vales. l instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it must undoubtedly be written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cutting it in pieces , or , limb from limb . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the reading in the florent . m. s. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is a very small difference . nicephorus confirms our emendation , at book . chap. ; who has it expresly written as i had conjectured . further , this supplicatory-libell of the bishops of the egyptick dioecesis to the emperour leo , if any one has a mind to read it entire , occurs in latine , in the third part of the chalcedon synod , chap. . vales. * or , under the government of the romans . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who th●se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and who were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have already shown inmy notes on amm. marcellinus , pag. . and pag. ● . [ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom we render the honorati , were those persons who bore the civill dignities us well in the cities , as in the provinces ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the decuriones . ] gregorius nazianzenus joyns them both together , in his th epistle to olympius , where his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , all the citizens , the decuriones , and the honorati . the same gregorius , in his d epistle to the casarienses , joyns the same persons both together , in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , all those who are of the order of the honorati , and of the decuriones . the old translatour therefore of this letter , renders this passage truly , thus , honorati & curiales & naucleri , the honorati , the curiales , and the naucleri . the naucleri were the masters of the vessells in the river nyle , who conveyed the corn and publick provisions from egypt to constantinople . aurelianus seems to have instituted their body , as he himself shews in his epistle to arabianus , which is cited by vopiscus . these naucleri , or navicularii were a society of sea-faring men , ordained for transportation of corn and publick provisions in severall quarters of the empire ; ( for there was a body of them in the east , another in africk , and a third at alexandria ; ) they were a set number , and transported the said provisions at their own expence , succeeding by turns in the charge and burthen ; to which their sons and heirs were lyable , as were also those who possest their estates after them , according to that proportion which they possessed . to this function they were always obnoxious , so that scarcely could they be excused by any great honour obtained . they were forced to build ships and vessells of certain burthens ; but the materialls for them were supplied by the country . their charge was great , and so were their priviledges , as may be seen by various laws extant concerning them in the theodofian code . vales. b i am of the same opinion with s r henry savill , who at the margin of his copy had remarkt , that in his judgment the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contained : so christophorson read ; and 't is so in nicephorus , book . chap. . vales. in robert stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , given , or , exhibited . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a speciall greek term . * or , give a fit form . * or , lead an unfurnish's and immateriall life : he means the monks . † or , upon . c nicephorus callistus terms this jacobus , nisibenus , and adds , that mention is made , as well of him , as of varadatus [ or , baradatus , ] by theodoret in his historia religiosa . notwithstanding , theodoret , in chap. . of his historia religiosa does not say , that jacobus was a nisibene ; which thing theodoret would not in any wise have omitted , if jacobus had indeed been a nisibene . for , whereas he notes , that this latter jacobus was like the former jacobus nisibenus , not only in name , but in manners , and dignity , ( for both of them were priests ; ) if he had been a nisibene also , theodoret would in no wise have omitted that at that place . neither , does theodorus ▪ lector ( collectan ▪ book . ) make this latter jacobus , who answered leo augustus's circular letters , a nisibene ; nor y●● theophanes in his chronicon , pag. . there is also extant an epistle of theodoret's , written to this jacobus , in which he terms him a presbyter and a monk. instead of baradatus , theophanes stiles him bardas , corruptly as i think . in the third part of the chalcedon synod , pag. . amongst the monks , to whom the emperour leo wrote letters , the first named is the monk jacobus nisibenus , then symeones and baradatus . ephremius bishop of antioch makes mention of them also , in his epistle ad monachos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , severianos ; and in his third oration , which he wrote to the monks domnus and johannes , as it occurs in photius . vales. a i am of the same mind with christophorson and s r henry savil ; who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having been illegally ] have mended it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as having been illegally performed . ] 't is certain , in these books of evagrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was most frequently put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we , following the authority of the m. s. copies , have mended . but at this place , in regard the manuscript copies differed not from the printed ones , we scrupled the altering of any thing . vales. b the name of this silentiarius was wanting in the ordinary editions , and in nicephorus . we have put it in , from the incomparable ●●orentine manuscript ; wherein 't is plainly and expressly written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by diomedes the silentiarius . concerning the silentiarii i have heretofore observed something in my notes on amm. marcellinus . vales. c nicolaus alemannus ( in his historicall notes on procopius's historia arcana , pag. , edit . lugd. , ) tells us , that the silentiarii , whom procopius ▪ ( as he remarks , ) sometimes terms domestici and protectores , were officers of the greatest honour about the emperour , in regard they were of the emperour 's inmost chamber ; on which account they were also termed cubicularii . he says further , that the outward chamber ( out of which there was an immediate passage into the very chamber of the emperour , by reason of the silence there kept in reverence to the emperour , ) was termed silentium , the silence ; which the greeks by a corrupt name called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : whence these cubicularii had the name of silentiarii . meursius ( in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) makes two orders of these officers : the first was a meaner sort of office , their business was to command the people to be silent and quies . the other order of the silentiarii was far more honourable ; they were , says meursius , over the secrets of the emperour , and are reckoned amongst the clarissimi . see d r howell's account of these officers , part ii ▪ of his hist. chap. . pag. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood this place very ill , as it appears from his version : for he renders it thus : istarum epistotarum exemplaria extant in litteris leonis imperatoris generatim ad omnes scriptis , &c. the copies of these epistles are extant in the empeperour leo's letters , which he wrote in general to all persons , &c. but liberatus diaconus , in his breviarium , chap. . does incomparably well declare , what these encyclica [ that is , circular letters ] were , in these words . imperator scripsit singularum civitatum episcopis de utroque negotio , &c. the emperour wrote to the bishops of every city , concerning each affair , consulting what ought to be done , &c. who return answer , that the chalcedon synod is to be vindicated even unto bloud : but , that timotheus was not only not to be reckoned amongst the bishops , but to be deprived even of the christian appellation . and these epistles or relations of all the bishops , in one body of a book , are termed encyclicae ▪ further , these encyclicae , translated almost all into latine , are extant in the third part of the chalcedon synod , pag. , &c. of the cologne edition ; an eximious piece of ecclesiastick antiquity , which i heartily wish were extant in greek . there is mention made of these encyclicae in victor tunonenfis's chronicon . vales. * or , i would not bring a greatness upon this present work . † or , with all suffrages . e there is mention of this amphilochius bishop of side , in photius's bibliotheca , chap. . where the letters of atticu● and sisinnius bishops of constantinople , written to him , are recorded . the same amphilochius was present at the ephesine and chalcedon synods , as 't is apparent from the synodick acts. further , eulogius bishop of alexandria , book , does attest , that this amphilochius bishop of side , although at the beginning he had affirmed in his letters to the emperour leo , that he could in no wise give his assent to the chalcedon synod , yet some little time after consented and subscribed to that same synod . eulogius's words are related by photius in his bibliotheca , pag. ; edit . david . hoeschel . . vales. * the emperour . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; see cor. . . * or , how could he [ our saviour ] have ●ad a place amongst so many , so great , and such holy fathers , unless the holy spirit had been with them from the beginning ? † or , people . * see chap. . † or , elect timotheus another bishop successour to proterius . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also nicephorus writes it . but in liberatus's breviarium , chap. , this surname of timotheus is written far otherwise . for liberatus's words are these : et exilio relegatur timotheus aelurus chersonam arctâ custodiâ , & fit pro proterio timotheus c●gnomento salophaciolus sive asbus , and timotheus aelurus is conveyed into banishment to chersona under a close guard , and in proterius's stead timotheus , surnamed salophaciolus , or asbus , is made [ bishop . ] but in liberatus it must be written albus ; as theophanes informs us in these words ( see his chronicon , pag. , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but another timothy surnamed albus , called also salophaciolus , was ordained . cedr●nus relates the same . what must we say therefore ? shall we affirm that in evagrius it must be written albus , instead of basilicus ? or , does salophaciolus import something that is royall ? indeed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek signifies ●ascia , which may be taken for a royall diadem . but , nothing of certainty can be gotten out of this surname , in regard 't is variously written in ancient writers . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ when p●●vince ▪ submitted themselves to the r●m●n empire , 't was usual for the emperour to cause 〈◊〉 edict to be drawn up , and proclaimed ●penly upon the place . the tenour whereof was , first to entitle the emperour himself to all respects of dominion and supremacy over that people , and then secondly to abo●● from this by a popular insinuation of all possible sacredness and liberty of the provincialls . a particular instance hereof , as it relates to this very city antioch ▪ is produced by m r jo. gregory of oxford ( see his works pag. , edit . london , , ) from johannes antiochenus's m. s. geograph . book ● in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and when the city antioch had yielded it self up to the subjection of the roman empire , an edict of the liberties thereof was sent by jullus caesar , and publickly proclaimed at antioch upon the twentieth of m●y 〈◊〉 the contents where of were these , at antioch the holy , sacred and free city , the metropolitan queen , and president of the east , caius julius caesar , &c. the provinces usually returned the honour of these priviledges back upon the emperour , by this way of acknowledgement . that they might keep the emperour's grace in perpetuall memory , they reckoned all their publick affairs ever after from that time ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( continues the same johannes antiochenus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. therefore antioch the great , in honour of the emperour , fixed its aera in caius julius caesar , and made this year of grace the first . on which account , this aera of theirs , which precedes that of our lords nativity fourty eight years , was peculiarly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because at the fixing hereof , the emperour did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , publickly name himself to all the title of dominion ; and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , publickly entitle them to all priviledges a●d immunities . * or , l●d ●o ▪ b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. musculus has rendred this place very ill . but christophorson , in regard he could not understand the meaning of these words , omitted them in his version . indeed , this place tortured me a long while and very much . notwithstanding , at length i found the meaning of it to be this . ▪ after evagrius has set forth the time wherein the earthquake hapned at antioch , in the reign of leo augustus , by certain notes , to wit , of the year , month , week , day , and indiction : in the last place he adds these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , that that earthquake had hapned without any turning of the cycles , three hundred fourty seven years compleat after that earthquake which had hapned in trajan's times . for this note of time hath no cycle . but the former notes of time assigned by evagrius , are [ notes ] of the cycles or periods . for , an indiction is a cycle of fifteen years , and a week , a month , and a year , are circles and periods always recurring . this therefore is my sentiment concerning the explication of this place : nevertheless , if any one shall produce a more certain account of this passage , i will not refuse to alter my opinion . see evagriu● , book . chap. ; and note ( b ) there . this place may also be taken otherwise , by changing only the accent , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that so the sense may be this . this is said to be the sixth earthquake which shaked antioch . no● , do i now doubt ▪ but this is the true interpretation of this plate . in the tellerian manuscript , i found it plainly written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sixth ] with an asperate , and the accent in the first syllable . vales. the reading in robert stephens is the same with that set at the beginning of this note . in the greek text of valesius's edition , this place is pointed and accented thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which reading and punctation we have followed in our version . ‖ or , indicti●● . c i have restored this place from the incomparable florentine m. s. wherein 't is plainly written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , fourty and seaven . the reading in nicephorus , at book . chap. . is altogether the same , vales. and so 't is in robert stephen's edition also ; notwithstanding valesius's saying that he restored this place . d baronius in his eccelesiastick annals , at the year of christ , says that evagrius is mistaken , in affirming , that that earthquake which came to pass at antioch in trajan's reign , hapned on the year ( according to the antiochians account ) . for , that earthquake hapned in the consulate of messala and pedo , as 't is manifest from dion , who asserts that the consul pedo perished in that earthquake . further , the consulate of messala and p●do fell on the year of christ , as 't is agreed amongst all chronologers . it was then , according to the antiochians account , the hundredth sixty third year , not the hundredth fifty ninth year , as evagrius says . for , the years of the antiochians precede christ's nativity fourty eight years . moreover , concerning these years of the antiochians , amongst the ancients the authour of the alexandrian chronicle has spoken best of all , in the affairs of julius caesar●● but , amongst the moderns , dionysius petavius [ gives us the best account hereof ] in his books de doctrina temporum , and in the second part of his rationarium , chap. . to which authour nevertheless i can't give my assent in this which he affirms , viz. that the beginning of these years is deduced from the month october , which was the popular [ or , ordinary ] beginning of the year amongst the antiochians . in my annotations on eusebius [ see euseb. book concerning the martyrs of palestine , chap. . note ( e. ) ] i have , in my judgment , sufficiently demonstrated , that the antiochians began their year from the month dius , or november . nor , is that true which petavius writes at the same place , viz. that the authour of the alexandrian chronicle seems to deduce the beginning of these years from the month may. for the authour of the alexandrian chronicle does not say that ; he affi●ms only , that the decree of the senate , whereby antioch was pronounced a free city , was received by the antiochians on the month may , and then also publickly proposed . vales. * or , the city . e in the incomparable florentine manuscript this whole place is written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides , the towers of the hippodrome [ or cirque ] which [ were ] near the gates , and some of the porticus's which lead to those [ towers , fell . ] which doubtless is the better reading . the gates of the cirque were fortified with two towers on each side . there were also some porticus's , which led to those towers , from the gates of the cirque , as i suppose . in the tellerian m. s. i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some of the porticus's [ which led ] to those [ gates . ] vales. in robert stephens , this whole clause is worded thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the towers of the hippodrome from the gate , and some of the porticus's [ leading ] from them . f instead of [ ostracinia , ] the reading in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . and in nicephorus , is truer ; which is thus , ostracine . our evagrius mentions this place again , at chap. . book . but what the ostracine was , 't is hard to say . — geitonia is a continuation of houses which received [ or stood behind ] the publick porticus's . which libanius also confirms in his antiochicus , pag. . edit . park . it was termed ostracine , because the potters-workhouses were there . the old glosses render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fictile , a thing made of potters-earth . vales. g so the greeks termed the temple of the nymphs ; which libanius describes in his antiochicus , pag. . edit . ut prius . vales. h in the version of this place , both translatours have erred . for musculus renders it thus : dicit etiam mille auri talenta civitat● illi ab imperatore de tributis esse remissa ▪ & ex tributis quoque constitutum esse , ut civibus illis qui eâ calamitate ad●ecti erant , aedes ipsorum simulque publica aedificia restaurarentur ; he says also , that a thousand talents of gold were by the emperour remitted to that city of the tributes ; and that 't was constituted out of the tributes also , that to those citizens who had been affected with that calamity , their houses together with the publick edifices should be repaired . but christophorson translates it in this manner : ait porro , tum civitati de tributis mille auri talenta ab imperatore esse condona●a , tum civibus etiam vectigalia qui eâ clade afflicti erant ; he says further , that both to the city a thousand talents of gold of the tributes were remitted by the emperour , and also the taxes [ or , customs ] to those citizens , who had been afflicted with that calamity . where you see , that both translatours referred these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to the citizens ; which is in no wise to be born with . for evagrius would not have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nicephorus therefore understood these words righter , to wit , concerning the houses of private men , the taxes whereof the emperour remitted to the citizens of antioch . nevertheless , nicephorus has not fully apprehended evagrius's meaning . for thus he expresses this place of evagrius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , as langus renders it ; terrae motus istius grati● , &c. and because of this earthquake , and on account of the houses ruined , the emperour , 't is reported , forgave the city a thousand talents of gold , the tributes of the annuall payments . but evagrius , or rather johannes the rhetorician , says more . for he affirms , that the emperour remitted to the antiochians a thousand talents of gold of the tributary function ; but forgave to each citizen the tributes of those houses which had been ruined by the earthquake . now these tributes may be understood in a twofold sence ; either ( . ) concerning the annuall pension which by hirers was paid to the owners [ or lords ▪ ] of the houses ; or ( . ) concerning the money which was paid to the fiscus [ exchequer , ] because those houses had been built upon the publick soyle . in such manner as amongst us , an annuall rent is wont to be paid by possessours of houses , as well in the city as country , to the lords of the soyle . and in this latter sense i had rather take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ the tributes ] here . for this word is more frequently used to signifie tributes , tolls , or customes , which are paid to the publick . but if this term should be so taken here , as to signifie the price of houses which is usually paid by the hirer , there would have been no liberality of the emperour 's in that . for he would have given nothing of his own to the citizens , but that which was another's . vales. i instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the reading undoubtedly must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same ; adde the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emperour . and thus christophorson seems to have read . further , concerning this earthquake , isaac syrus had written an elegie , as marcellinus attests in his chronicon , in these words : patricio & ricimere coss. &c. in the consulate of patriclus and ricimeres , isaac a presbyter of the antiochian church wrote many things in the syrian language , and especially against the nestorians and eutychians . he likewise bewailed the ruine of antioch in an elegie , in such manner as ephren diaconus did the fall of nicomedia . vales. a 't is not amongst ▪ authours agreed concerning the year whereon this fire hapned at constantinople . for theophanes and cedrenus place it on the fifth year of leo , in the fifteenth indiction , leo augustus being the second time consul with severas which was the year of christ . but marcellinus comes and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle place this fire of constantinople in the consulate of basiliscus and hermenericus , that is on the year of christ . our evagrius seems to have followed the former opinion . for the verb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hapned together , ] which he uses at this place , gives an indication of what i have said ; to wit , that that conflagration of constantinople hapned no long time after the antiochian earthquake . further , concerning that fire wherewith the city constantinople was consumed in the times of leo augustus , candidus isaurus does also write , in the first book of his history , and relates that many things were usefully ordered therein by aspar the patritius . vales. b he means the portus phosphorianus ▪ which was in the fifth region of the city , as the old description of constantino●le informs us . the greeks te●med it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as constantinus porphyrogennetus tells us in his second book de thema●ibus about the end , and georgius codinus in his book de originibus constantinopolitan . . vales. * or , salt-meat . † or , the houses . * or , wherein are the havens of the city . † or , oxstreet . c the church of homonoea [ or concord , [ was in the ninth region of the city constantinople , as the old description of that city informs us . why this church had this name , we are told by theodorus lector in book . of his eccles. history ; whose words are cited by johannes dama●cenus in his ● d book de imaginibus . for , it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ concord , ] because the hundred and fifty fathers of the constantinopolitane synod in the reign of theodosius the great [ see socrates's eccles. hist. book . chap. . ] meeting therein , agreed in one opinion concerning the consubstantiall trinity . vales. * or , called . a instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] it would be better written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the same times . ] vales. b evagrius means the war which the hunni waged against the eastern romans , under the command of dengizich son of attila● , in the consulate of zeno and marcianus , on the year of christ ▪ as marcellinus comes relates in his chronicon . nevertheless the authour of the alexandrian chronicle places that war on the forego●●g year , whereon anthemius augustus was consul . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. under the same consul ginzi●ichus son to a●t●●as was s●ain by anagastus magister militum [ master of the milice ] of thracia : i reade dengizichus , from priscus r●etor , who describes this war , pag. , , of the king's edition . further , this anagastus magister militum throughout the thracia's , who flew dengizichus king of the hunn● in battle , had succeeded arnegisclus magister militum . vales. a in the most excellent florentine manuscript , and in nicephorus , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aricmesus , ] 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aricmesius . further , ariadne married zeno on the third year of leo augustus's reign , as theophanes relates in his chronicon . vales. b he means flavius zeno , who was consul in the reign of theodosius augustus , on the year of christ , and magister militum throughout the east . concerning whose singular power , see what i have written in my annotations at priscus rhetor's excerpta leg●tionum , pag. , of the kings edition . vales. a concerning that vast army , which the emperour leo sent against the vandals into africk , theophanes , cedrenus , and idatius in his chronicon , are to be consulted . concerning the preparations of the same war candidus isaurus writes also , in the first book of his history ; the passage whereof , because 't is not yet extant , i will annex here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that is , candidus the historiographer says , that leo , termed also macelles , who reigned after marcianus , spent an innumerable sum of money in an expedition against the vandalls . for , as those have attested who furnished that money , fourty seven thousand pounds of gold were di●bursed by the praefecti praetorio ▪ by the comes largitionum were spent seventeen thousand pounds of gold , and of silver seven hundred thousand pounds : in regard this charge was abundantly supplyed , partly by the goods of persons proscribed , and partly by the emperour anthemius . this eminent passage is extant in suidas , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the authours name is corrupted . in the same place of suidas , ●nstead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] it must be made [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] further this vandalick expedition hapned on the year of christ , as baronius has rightly observed ▪ which is confirmed by cedrenus , idatius and marcellinus . two years after this , another expedition against the vandalls was undertaken by the commander ( dux ) heraclius , and marsus , as theophanes relates in h 〈…〉 hronicon , who is the only person that i know of , who has made mention of this expedition . for procopius , in his vandalicks , has confounded this second expedition with the former . further , this second expedition had an event fortunate enough . for gizerichus ▪ being put into a fear , was compelled to make a peace with the orientall romans . vales. b priscus had at large described this vandalick war in the last book of his histories , as ( besides evagrius ) theophanes informs us in his chronicon pag. . but the place is corrupted , which i will annex here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but having at last been whe●●led and allured by gifts and many riches , by gizerichus , he yielded , and was voluntarily vanquished , as persicus the thracian has related . it must undoubtedly be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as priscus the thracian has related . for priscus the historian has described that war , as evagrius attests . now , priscus was a thracian , born at panium a town of thrace , which town is mentioned by hicrocles . provincia europa sub consulariurbes quatuordeci●● . eudoxia , heraclia , arcadiopolis , bisue , panion , orni , &c. the province europa under a consularis [ contains ] fourteen cities . eudoxia , heraclia , arcadiopolis , bisue , panium , orni , &c. besides , suidas doés also affirm , that priscus the writer of the histories was a panite . vales. c as to my self it seemeth , i have restored this place not unhappily , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might possess himself of aspars favour and benevolence . cedrenus confirms our emendation , at the twelfth year of leo augustus , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; on the same year also patricius , aspars son , is created caesar by leo , and is sent to alexandria to draw off aspar from the arian opinion , and to make him faithfull and kind to the emperour . and theophanes expresses it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. on the same year patricius the son of aspar , whom the emperour leo had made c●sar , went to alexandria , with a design to draw off aspar from arianisme , and to render him faithfull and friendly to the emperour . vales. in robert stephens , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might possess himself of aspars madness . d the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be expunged , which led translatours into a mistake . for nepos was not made emperour on the fifth year after glycerius's deposition , but on the same year whereon glycerius had been rejected , ( as 't is related in the old fasti which cuspinianus set forth ; ) that is , on the year of christ . after this , nepos held the empire five years . for he was slain when basilius was consul alone , on the year of christ ; as marcellinus attests in his chronicon , and as 't is affirmed by the old authour of the fasti , whom cuspinianus published . from which authour we are informed , that julius nepos retained the name of emperour untill his death . vales. e 't is false , that glycerius from being emperour was made bishop of rome . nor is it true , that he was constituted bishop of portue , which some have affirmed , following marcellinus as their authour . notwithstanding , marcellinus does not say so . for his words are these : leone solo cos. glycerius casar romae imperium tenen ▪ &c. leo being consul alone , glycerius caesar holding the empire of rome , is driven from the empire by nepos , son of the sister of marcellinus heretofore patricius ; and of a caesar is ordained a bishop in the port of the city rome . but in marcellinus the punctation is to be altered thus : imperio expulsus portu urbis romae , ex caesare episcopus ordinatus est , being driven from the empire in the port of the city rome , of a caesar is ordained a bishop . our emendation is confirmed by the old authour of the fasti , whom i have quoted above ; [ whose words are these ; ] domino leone juniore august cos. dejectus de imperio glycerius in portu urbis rom● , dominus leo junior augustus being consul , glycerius is cast from his empire in the port of the city rome . 't is certain , jordanes , in his book de successione regnorum , affirms that glycerius was made bishop at salona . jordanes's words are these : occisoque romae anthemio nepotem ●i●ium nepotiani , &c. and having killed anthemius at rome , he created nepos son of nepotianus ( to whom he married his neece , ) caesar at ravenna , by domitianus his client . which nepos having legally obtained the empire , expelled glycerius , ( who had given the kingdom to himself in a tyrannick manner , ) from the empire , and made him bishop in salona of dalmatia . at this place therefore in the greek te●t , the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the romans ] must be expunged , or rather transposed after this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. holds the empire of the romanes , and ordains glycerius , bishop , &c. vales. f marcellinus comes's computation is truer , who in his chronicon writes thus concerning this romulus : basilisco & armato coss. &c. in the consulate of basiliscus and armatus , the western empire of the roman nation ( which octavianus augustus the first of the augusti began to hold on the seven hundreth and ninth year from the building of the city , ) perished with this augustulus , on the year of the reign of the emperours his predecessours dxxii. jordanes has the same words in his book de successione regnorum . now , this sum makes one thousand two hundred thirty and one years . therefore cedrenus must be corrected , who from romulus the builder of the city , to this romulus augustulus , reckons but one thousand and eighty years . vales. g the reading in robert stephens is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , attempts ; ] without doubt it should be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , takes in hand , ] as nicephorus words it , book . chap. . in the tellerian m. s. i found it written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , administred , ] which reading pleases me best . vales. * to wit , the death of leo the elder . † or , invests himself with the purple-robe . a before the following ( to wit , the eighteenth ) chapter , in the incomparable florentine manuscript these words were written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the end of the second book . then , after the [ seventeenth ] chapter ▪ these words occur : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the matters agitated at the synod convened at chalcedon , being reduced into an epitome , are these . vales. a in the fourth chapter of this book ( where we have this same passage ) these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the permission of him who governeth the bishoprick of rome , ] occur no● , neither in the greek text of valesius's edition , nor in that of robert stephens's ; though valesius takes notice of them in his version there . at this place they are inserted into both the now mentioned greek editions ; and therefore we have rendred them here , but ( with good reason ) have omitted them at the said fourth chapter . this latter answer of the roman legates to the senatours , seems obscure and unintelligible . * or , the things under the sun. † spoken by way of irony . † or , found ▪ b in the incomparable florentine m. s. this place is read thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the end that it may hear both us , &c. the reading in the acts of the chalcedon councill is the same . christophorson , and s r henry savill at the margin of his copy , have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. to the end that it may hear our cause , and that of the forementioned dioscorus . but i had rather write it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. in robert stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. where also the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is wanting . * or , had lead the way . c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to him ] doubtless the reading must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that , ] understand [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine letter . ] which emendation is confirmed by the acts of the chalcedon councill , pag. , and . edit . bin. where these words occur . gloriosissimi judices & amplissimus senatus dixerunt , &c. the most glorious judges and the most noble senate said : let the most blessed bishop juvenalis declare , why ▪ when the most reverend bishop dioscorus made an interlocution for the reciting of the letter of the most holy romish arch-bishop , that letter was not read . juvenalis the most reverend bishop of jerusalem said : johannes the presbyter and primicerius [ chief ] of the notaries said , that he had in his hands the sacred letters of the most religious and most pious emperours , and i answered that the imperial letters must be read . further , the very words which juvenalis had made use of in that second ephesine synod , occur in the abovesaid . pag. where the acts of the second ephesine synod are recorded . moreover , nicephorus confirms our emendation , in the last chapter of his th book , where he gives us a summary of the acts of the chalcedon councill , mostly transcribed from evagrius . i have been larger in my remarks upon these things , because christophorson , in the rendition of this place , hath wandred far from the truth . by the way , you may observe the fraud committed in that second ephesine synod . for , when hilarius the deacon , the legate of the apostolick see , had openly declared to the bishops who were present , that he had pope leo's letter , and had required that it might be read in the councill : johannes the presbyter and primicerius of the notaries , arose and said , that he had in his hands other letters written from the emperour to dioscorus . then juvenalis commanded , that those letters of the emperour should be read , no mention being made of leo's letter . you see therefore , that the reading of leo's letter was designedly impeded , by the fraud of dioscorus , who , instead of leo's epistle , caused the emperour theodosius's letter to be read in the synod . further , the tellerian m. s. does confirm our emendation ; in which copy i found it written as i had conjectured . vales. * that is , of the letter of leo bishop of rome . † liberty , or , freedome . ‖ or , come to a reading . * that is , would not permit stephanus's notaries to take the acts in writing . † or , attested . ‖ or , instruments . d this place , which evagrius points at here , is extant in the first action of the chalcedon synod , pag. . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he said , from whence therefore ? ] the reading in the acts of the chalcedon councill is better , ( see pag. ; ) in the imperative-mood , to wit , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , declare therefore , from whence ? vales. * in binius , pag. , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the only begotten son of god , god the word . f in the acts of the chalcedon councill , only basilius is said to have been questioned by the judges and senatours ; and what answer he returned to their question , is added there also . notwithstanding , nicephorus confirms the vulgar reading , which is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they were interrogated : ] which if we will retain , it must be said , that basilius and those who were with him , were interrogated by the judges . vales. g in the rendition of this place both translatours have erred . for musculus renders it thus : thalassius verò dixit , non habere autoritatem ca quae à principibus in hujusmodi causis judicantur , but thalassius said , that those things which are judged [ or , determined ] by the princes in such causes as these , have not authority . christophorson has followed the same sense also . likewise langus , nicephorus's translatour , hath fallen into the same mistake . but , from the acts of the chalcedon councill , it is easie to confute this rendition . for thalassius being questioned by the judges , makes this answer only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , all power and authority was not in me . for , although juvenalis and thalassius were ordered by the emperour theodosius to preside at the second ephesine synod together with dioscorus , notwithstanding in reallity all the power was in dioscorus's hands . further , the judges condemned the answer of dioscorus , juvenalis , and thalassius in these words , in a matter of ●aith this defence is not to be admitted . vales. h i agree with christophorson and s r henry savill ; who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was sent for , ] mended it thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made a complaint . ] which fault i found to have been frequently committed in the manuscript copies . vales. * or , expression . i this place must be corrected from the first action of the chalcedon synod , pag. . where , after the sentence of condemnation pronounc't by dioscorus against flavianus and eusebius , when flavianus had said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , i refuse you : hilarius deacon of the church of rome said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is contradicted . which words are written out from the acts of the second ephesine synod . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so 't is also written in nicephorus . but in the acts of the chalcedon synod 't is written far otherwise , to wit , after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , in this very hour [ dioscours ] hath deposed : in this very hour let him be deposed . which reading i approve of as being the better . but , as this place of evagrius is to be corrected from the acts of the chalcedon-councill , so on the other hand , the acts of the chalcedon-councill are to be amended from our evagrius . for , instead of these words which follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , holy lord do thou revenge him ; it must [ in the chalcedon-acts ] be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. flavianus hath been deposed by dioscorus : holy lord , do thou revenge him , orthodox emperour &c. as it is in evagrius and nicephorus : and ●o the old translatour of the chalcedon-councill seems to have read : for he renders it thus : sancte domine , tu illum vindica : catholice imperator , tu illum vindica , holy lord , do thou revenge him : catholick emperour , do you revenge him . from which version we conclude , that these words [ flavianus hath been deposed by dioscorus ] ought necessarily to precede . otherwise , whither should these words [ do thou revenge him ] be referred ? vales. l some body may make a query here , what patriarch is to be understood at this place . my affirmation is that anatolius bishop of constantinople is meant . further , two things are remarkable here . the first is , that the orientall bishops wish many years not to their own patriarch , but to another . secondly , that they term the bishop of constantinople simple and absolutely , the patriarch , to wit , giving him this honour on account of the prerogative of his see. for , in the constantinopolitane synod , the second place was assigned to the see of constantinople . vales. m from the act● of the chalcedon-councill , pag. . ( where this interlocution of the judges is recorded ; ) instead of armenia , it must be made ancyra . vales. n instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fall from , ] in the first action of the chalcedon-councill , pag. , it is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lie under . ] for 't is referred to what went before , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very same punishment ; and the same herewith is the reading in the fourth chapter of this book , where this interlocution of the judges occurs entire . in the fourth action of the chalcedon ▪ synod , pag. , the reading indeed is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but there is a word added in the foregoing [ clause , ] in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , subjected to the same punishment . if we should retain the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being estranged from ] which follow , would be superfluous . indeed , these two last mentioned words are wanting in the tellerian and florentine m. ss . and in nicephorus . vales. * or , set forth . o in the excellent florent . m. s. these words [ at constantinople ] are wanting ; nor do they occur in the acts of the chalcedon-councill , as may be seen at pag. ; edit . bin ▪ vales. p in the third action of the chalcedon-synod , only the bishops met , nor were there any of the secular judges , or senators , present in the councill . for , in that session the faith was to be treated of : which that they should declare and set forth ▪ the bishops had before been invited by the most glorious judges . but the bishops for a long while refused to do that , saying that the draught of the nicene creed was sufficient , which had been confirmed by the constantinopolitane , and first ephesine synod . nevertheless , at length they had yielded to the judges request , and promised they would do it . further , where the faith is treated of the secular judges have nothing to do . in the third action therefore , wherein the faith was to be treated of , no secular judges were present . it is further to be remarked , that at this place evagrius hath omitted the transactions of the second action . evagrius therefore seems to have taken the third action for the second . which is confirmed by the acts of this very synod , pag. ; where that seems to be the second meeting , or action , which now is the third . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . langus and christophorson have rendred it boethus , as if that were a proper name . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the name of an office. for the princeps officii magistri officiorum was so termed , who was of the schole [ or , body ] of the agente● in rebus ; as we are informed from the notitia imperii romani . farther , this assistant of the master of the offices , was by his proper name called eleusinius , as 't is recorded in the third action of the chalcedon synod . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the acts of the chalcedon councill , instead of these words , 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which the old translatour hath rendred thus : et c●rta locuti sunt , quae in exceptis habeo , and they have spoken some words , which i have in my excepta [ that is , in my account taken thereof in writing . ] 't is certain , himerius was a notary and a reader , sent by the councill ( together with the bishops ) to dioscorus , that he might take those things in writing , which should be said on both sides ; for that was the office of notaries . the bishops , as often as they went to a synod , were wont to carry each , his notary along with them , who were to take the matters transacted in the synod in writing : to the end that , after the ending of the synod , each bishop might carry a copy of the acts into his own country . further , i approve highly of the old translatour's rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excepta . whence i am of opinion , that origen's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought in latine to be termed excepta . i know indeed , that origen's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are by rufinus and jerome commonly termed excerpta , excerptions ; but my sentiment is , that 't is corruptly written , in regard they ought rather to be termed excepta . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius renders it thus ; canonicum constitutum esse judicium , that a canonicall judicatory was constituted . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he answered : in robert stephens's edition , the reading is , eustathius answered : in valesius's versi●n 't is , respondit pergamius , pergamius answered . * or , had judged . † or , business . ‖ or , concerning the same matter . * or , made use of outcries . t i am of the same opinion with learned men , who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] had mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lent exaction ; by conjecture , as i think . for our copies have no alteration here . yet the tellerian manuscript ( which i procured opportunely , whilest our edition was in the press , ) has it plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. u nicephorus has inserted some words here , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he asked the bishops . vales. * or , made himself obnoxious to . † or , pronounced sentence . * dioscorus's . † dioscorus . vv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same is the reading also in nicephorus . but , in the chalcedon ▪ acts , and in the fourth chapter of this book , ( where this sentence of condemnation occurs , ) it is more truly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it was our design . but , by transposing the prepositions , i had rather write it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we had considered in relation to , &c. which writing is far more elegant . vales. * or , second . * these ▪ legates of the romish-see ( i suppose ) point at that expression used by our saviour to peter , recorded matth. . . as a comment on which text take these words of saint cyprian , in his book de unitate ecclesiae , termed also tractatus de simplicitate prelatorum , pag. . edit . bafil . . loquitur dominus ad petrum , ego tibi dico , inquit , quia tu es petrus , & super istam petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam , &c. the lord speaketh to peter , i say unto thee , says he , that thou art peter , and upon this rock i will build my church , &c. — and after his resurrection he says to the same person , feed my sheep . and although he gives an equall power to all the apostles after his resurrection , and says , as the father hath sent me , so also i send you , &c. — yet that he might manifest the unity , by his own authority he hath disposed the originall of the same unity as beginning from one. for the rest of the apostles were the same also , that peter was , endowed with an equall fellowship , both of honour and power ; but the originall proceeds from unity , that the church may be shown to be one . * or , estranged . * or , removed . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is variously rendred by translatours . for langus renders it consuetudinem , custome . musculus and christophorson have translated it thus ; & ab omni ecclesiastico jure esse abalienatum , and are alienated from all ecclesiastick right . the old translatour of the chalcedon-councill , pag. , renders it functionem , function ; which , in my judgment , is the truer version . in the libell of deposition of the same dioscorus , which the chalcedon-synod sent , almost in the very same words , to the clergy men of the alexandrian church who were then at chalcedon , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , degree . in the sentence of condemnation pronounced against the same dioscorus by the legates of the romish see , instead of this word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , office , is made use of . now , these words are therefore added by the synod , that they might shew , that dioscorus was reduced to a laïck-communion . for he is not only said to be divested of the episcopall dignity , but is also removed from every ecclesiastick office : least any one should think him to be removed from the episcopall act : [ or , acting as a bishop , ] and thrust down into the degree of the presbyterate . for to do that , is sacriledge , as 't is said in the fourth action of the chalcedon-synod , pag. . vales. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it should ( as it seems , ) be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clergy of the most holy , &c. for dioscorus's libell of deposition was sent to the clergy-men of the alexandrian church , who were then at chalcedon , as may be seen in the acts of the chalcedon-councill , pag. . due order did require indeed , that dioscorus's deposition should be declared by the synod to the bishops of egypt also . but the bishops of the chalcedon-councill were to perform that afterwards , in their synodick letter . at that time they had done sufficient , in declaring dioscorus's deposition to the alexandrian ecclesiasticks who were then at chalcedon , to wit , to el●●mosynus the presbyter and oeconomus [ or , steward , ] and to euthalius arch-deacon , and to the rest of the clergy . 't is certain , evagrius's words do sufficiently declare , that there is no mention here concerning the bishops of egypt . for he calls them bishops of the alexandrian church : which appellation agrees not with the bishops of egypt . vales. a in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the acts of the chalcedon-councill , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian m. s. i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. and so 't is in robert stephens's edition . * or , convention . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the true religion . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged ; in regard 't is altogether superfluous at this place . further , the place here meant by evagrius , is extant in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , pag. , edit . bin. but 't is to be remarked , of which i have given an advertisement before , that the copies of the chalcedon-synod which evagrius made use of , were different from those we now have . for that which is to us the third action , to evagrius is the second , as we have seen already . but , that which in our copies is inscribed the second action , is the third to evagrius ; as it will be made manifest from this place , and those following . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pr●lude , or , cessation . c the place which evagrius means here , occurs in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , pag. . also , the words of cecropius bishop of sebastopolis occur in the same page . vales. d this place is also extant in the second action of the chalcedon-synod , pag. . vales. * or , prate against . † or , that he hath been begotten the only begotten son of god , &c. e for the divine and humane nature being joyned together , have constituted to us one christ and lord. and so that is true which cyrillus says , viz. that two natures diverse amongst themselves , have come together into a true unity : which , nevertheless , christophorson understood not . not that of two natures one is made , in such manner as eutyches asserted : but , that of two natures one christ hath existed . and thus cyrillus has explained his own opinion a little after these words ; whereas he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by an ineffable mysticall and secret concourse to an unity . from hence it appears , that johannes langus , otherwise the learned translatour of nicephorus , hath mistook here , who has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not unity , but ) union . vales. * or , that by the divinity and humanity they [ the natures ] have perfected , &c. * or , came . † or , made one . * or , piercings . † chap. . ‖ or , withall suffrages . * or , partly . † or , partly . f in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , pag. ▪ instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are ] it is written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contain . ] vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we that are orthodox do believe thus . in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , p. , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the orthodox do believe thus ; which reading i like better , although nicephorus confirms the common reading . vales. * or , laying down . * see heb. . . h i agree with learned men , who ( instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by all ) have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , or , instead of every man ; so the reading is in nicephorus , and in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , pag. . vales. * the body . † or , body . ‖ or , head. i in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , this place of cyrillus is written otherwise , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he continued what he was : but 't is altogether to be understood , that the one dwells in the other , that is the divine nature in the humane . vales. * or , with men . * or , an intervall . k there is an ambiguity in these words . for they may as well be referred to cyrillus's twelve heads , of which he speaks just before , as to the requests of atticus bishop of nicopolis ; to which all the rest of the bishops agreed , as we are informed in the second action of the chalcedon-councill , about the end of it . johannes langus has followed the former sense . but the latter explication pleases me best . vales. l i assent to the learned , who ( instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about anatolius , ) before us had mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with anatolius . in nicephorus the preposition is wanting , which nevertheless seems to me altogether necessary . vales. m in the excellent florentine m. s. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , or , concerning the fathers ; which is better than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. from the , &c. and the same with that first mentioned , is the reading in the second action of the chalcedon-councill . further , who these fathers should be , for whom the bishops entreat , that they may be restored to the synod , 't is not difficult to guess . for they are these , juvenalis bishop of jerusalem , thalassius of caesarea in cappadocia , eusebius , eustathius , and basilius ; who had been deposed in the first action together with dioscorus , by an interlocution of the judges and senatours . on account therefore of this deposition which the bishops had approved of by their suffrages , these five bishops , were present neither at the second nor third action , as 't is apparent from the catalogue of the bishops which is prefixt before those actions . besides , in the third action , when the legates of the apostolick see had pronounced a sentence of deposition against dioscorus , the rest of the bishops confirmed it by their own subscriptions : excepting these five , as evagrius has truly observed above . in the common editions of the chalcedon-synod , pag. , the names even of these five bishops occur written also : but , out of order , and after all the other bishops . whence it appears , that they had not subscribed at such time as the sentence was pronounc't , but a long while after , when they had been restored , and had recovered their former dignity . moreover , it may be manifestly concluded from what is said above , that that is most true which i have already remark't , viz. that the second action of the chalcedon synod is by evagrius taken for the third , and the third for the second . but , which copies are worthiest to be believed , whether those which evagrius made use of , or them which we have now extant , 't is not easie to pronounce . to me , the copies made use of by evagrius seem more certain . first , on account of their antiquity ; for doubtless they were older than those we now use . secondly , by reason of their legitimate and true order of matters transacted . for , after an accurate examination of dioscorus's cause , and after the interlocution of the judges , who had pronounced him to have offended against the canons , and that he was to be deposed ; all which was done in the first action : it remained , that dioscorus by a canonicall judgment of the bishops should be condemned . wherefore , that action , wherein dioscorus was deposed by the bishops by a synodick sentence , ought immediately to follow the first action . therefore evagrius and nicephorus have rightly placed it in the second place . a third reason is drawn from the third action it self , pag. . where dioscorus is said to have answered the legates sent to him from the holy synod , in this manner : quoniam ante haec in congregatione , &c. in regard before this the most magnificent judges sitting in the convention , have determined some things , after a large interlocution of every one of them , but now a second meeting calls me out , in order to the nulling of what has been said before . nevertheless , that is in the way , which occurs at the close of the second action , viz that the bishops of illyricum cried out thus , dioscorus to the synod , dioscorus to the churches . which doubtless they would not have dared to say after dioscorus's deposition to which themselves had subscribed . therefore , the second action , where this acclamation occurs , ought necessarily to precede the third action ; in which dioscorus was canonically deposed . and this i think to be truer . vales. n instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the due decrees ; ] it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the decrees which had been given forth ; which is the reading in nicephorus . and this reading is confirmed by the fourth action of the chalcedon-synod , pag. , &c. vales. * or , paper . * or , made strangers to . † or , to the divine heighth . o christophorson read it in the plurall number 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they subscribed ; and so the reading is in nicephorus : which is confirmed by the acts of the chalcedon-synod , pag. , &c. vales. * or , of the emperour . † or , of augusta ; that is , pulcheria ; see chap. . p instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ concerning all those other things , ] the reading in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning those [ other ] five persons ; in the fourth action of the chalcedon-synod , pag. ▪ the reading is the same with this last mentioned ; as likewise that in nicephorus . vales. * that is , christ. † or , person . ‖ or , nomination . * or , delay . † or , in certain papers . q there is extant a supplicatory libell , presented to the emperour marcianus by the monks , in the fourth action of the chalcedon-synod , pag. . in this libell the monks request of the emperour , that an oecumenicall synod might be convened , ( which the emperour had before given order to be assembled ; ) which might consult the safety of all persons , and that the monks might not be compelled by violence to subscribe . those monks , belike , did not believe that synod to be oecumenicall , at which dioscorus and the other bishops of egypt were not present . they requested therefore , that dioscorus might be wholly restored , as may be seen in another libell which is recited afterwards . vales. * or , he ought to partake of the synod . * or , brought an excommunication upon leo. r as to my self it seemeth , i have restored this place very happily . for , of these three words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from this instant ] i have made one , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the judges desired , &c. but nicephorus , perceiving this place to be corrupted , by adding a word made it good in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. from this instant the judges ordered , &c. which emendation is contradicted by the authority of the acts , and contrary to evagrius's mind . for the s●cular judges , who by the emperour's order were present at the synod , never commanded that leo's letter should be inserted into the definition of the faith ; but only desired that of the bishops : which nevertheless was denied them by the bishops , as 't is apparent from the fifth action , pag. . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agreeable to ] must be understood . for the bishops did not make answer that they believed leo , according as christophorson renders it ; but , that they believed with leo [ or , as leo did believe , ] as langus and musculus have rightly rendred it . for thus they had acclaimed , as leo does , so we believe ; as it occurs in the fifth action . vales. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ according to leo. but , i doubt not but evagrius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to leo's opinion . for so the judges speak in the fifth action of this councill , pag. . further , before the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the verb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there ought ] seems necessary to be added . vales. u in the fifth action of the chalcedon-councill , 't is written adverbially , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inconvertibly , and indivisibly , and inconfusealy . vales. vv before these ▪ some words seem to be wanting in the greek-text , which from , the acts of the chalcedon-councill may be supplied after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishops intreated them to go into the oratory [ of the holy euphemia's church . ] further ▪ the mistake of langus and christophorson is to be taken notice of here ; who have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of the holy martyr euphemia . the synod of chalcedon was indeed assembled in the temple , or church of saint euphemia . but , the treaty , or conference , concerning the faith was held in the oratory of the said church , according as the emperour had given order in the allocution which is recited in the councill , pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to meet in the oratory [ or quire ] of the most holy church . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ martyrium ] is taken for the church , as it appears from the third action of the chalcedon-synod , where the bishops are said to have met in the martyrium of the most holy and victorious martyr euphemia , and in the other actions of that councill , the same bishops are said to have come together into the most holy church of the same martyr . in regard therefore 't is manifest , that the oratory ( wherein some few of the bishops met only , to treat concerning the faith , together with anatolius and the deputies of the romish see , ) was part of saint euphemia's church , it remains to be inquired , what part of the church that was . saint euphemia's church consisted of three spacious edifices ; the first whereof was an atrium , or , court. the second , the basilico , [ or , the church it self ; ] the third , the altar built in form of a cuppolo , as evagrius tells us in the third chapter of this book . the oratory therefore is the same with the altar , which now a days we term the choire , or , quire. nor has our evagrius done right , in making use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the oratory ; for the emperour had not ordered the bishops to meet in the martyrium , but in the oratory of the martyr , as we have now said . vales. * see chap. . † or , to the divine heighth . ‖ or , by the emperour's order . * ordained , or , constituted . x not a metropoliticall right or priviledge , but the name of a metropolis only , was given to the city of chalcedon : for these are the words of the emperour marcianus's law ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , we have decreed , that the city of the chalcedonensians , wherein the synod of the most holy faith was convened , should have the priviledges of a metropolis , honouring it with the name only , to wit , its proper dignity being preserved to the metropolis of the nicomedians . but although the emperour in these words seems to adorn only the city it self of the chalcedonensians , with the title of a metropolis , yet that priviledge belongs even to the church of the chalcedonensians also . from that time therefore the bishop of chalcedon had the honour of a metropolitane : but , had no metropoliticall right or priviledge , because the emperour by this law would have nothing diminished from the dignity of the bishop of nicomedia . the bishops of this very councill have determined [ or judged ] the same thing in the cause of the bishops of nicomedia and nicaea . for , whereas nicaea by the emperour's rescript had obtained the honour of a metropolis , the judges and bishops who were in the councill made answer , that this honour had been given only to the city by the emperours ; nor could the bishop of nicaea by this law arrogate to himself a metropoliticall right or priviledge ; but was only preferred before the other bishops of the province bythinia : so that , he was accounted in the second place after the metropolitane , as may be seen in the thirteenth action . further , what the metropoliticall rights and priviledges were , we are informed from the canons of the nicene councill ; to wit , that the ordinations of provinciall bishops should not be made without the metropolitan's consent : and that the metropolitane bishop should have a power of calling out the provinciall bishops to a councill of his own . moreover , in the florentine manuscript i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , although in the chalcedon-councill it is always written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . regularly it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the ancients seem to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is apparent from many places in the chalcedon-councill . vales. * or , what was fitting should be done . y in nicephorus , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , other things , ] it is righter thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accent in the last syllable save one ; understand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , session , or convention . i wonder , that neither musculus nor christophorson perceived this . vales. z yes , in the ninth action , the cause of theodoret the bishop was judged , as our copies show us . but the copies of the chalcedon synod , which evagrius made use of , seem to have been different from ours . for , as we have seen a little before , evagrius reckons a seventh action , wherein other canons were promulged . which action is at this day wanting in our copies . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tenth action of the chalcedon-councill , and in nicephorus , the praeposition is wanting . but in the florentine manuscript , i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is the same as if he should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among , or , of the number of the bishops ▪ vales. the reading in robert stephens is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b the bishops decreed , that as well bassianus , as stephanus , should be removed from the bishoprick of ephesus , and that in their place another bishop should be made ; as may be seen in the eleventh and twelfth action . this place of evagrius therefore is to be made good thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that as well he as stephanus should be ejected , or , deposed , and another substituted in their room . vales. c instead of basianus , it must be made sabinianus , from the acts of the chalcedon-councill . of this sabinianus bishop of the perrenses ( which is a city in the euphratensian province ) liberatus makes mention , in the twelfth chapter of his breviarium . also , there is an epistle of theodoret's extant , written to this sabinianus , which is reckoned the th amongst his epistles . vales. * or , should be placed . notes for div a -e * viz. leo the second ; see book . chap. . a in the most excellent florentine m. s. at this place some learned scholiast had set these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oh , the likeness to what it is now ▪ vales. * or , was conversant . * or , like those of slaves . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the kings , tellerian , and florentine m. ss . and in stephens's edit . the adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting , which learned men had put in by conjecture , unhappily enough . but , i doubt not but it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and have rendred it accordingly . vales. c instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , entrance , ] in my judgment it ought to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to creep into : and this reading is confirmed by nicephorus , book . chap. . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i assent to the learned , who have long since ménded it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but continues so impregnable , &c. although the manuscript copies vary not here . but nicephorus , when he perceived this place to be corrupted , interpolated it after this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence he continues so impregnable , &c. vales. * or , changing his frequent slaveries . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any person thus made an emperour : doubtless it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , really and truly made , and so the reading is in nicephorus . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this phrase , as 't is apparent from his version . for he has rendred it thus : ad hunc modum zeno in initio imperii sui vitam instituit , after this manner zeno at the beginning of his empire ordered his life . graecians take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a dissolute and intemperate life . which word does frequently occur in this sense in dion cocceianus and others . hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for luxury and delights , as suidas attests . further , the greeks do term dissolute and luxurious persons thus , because they are wont to observe no rule of living . so dionysius halicarnacensis , in his fifth book , speaking of a just king. says these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not at all receding from the institutions of his ancestours . nicephorus therefore has rightly expounded this place of evagrius thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an incomposed and disorderly person , and most extravagantly dissolute in his life . vales. * or , as well at the rising as setting sun. † or , the barbarians inhabiting tents . b 't is strange that neither translatour hath hit the sence of this place . for musculus renders it thus ▪ zenone deinceps ad barbaricum morem violenter abrepto , zeno being from thenceforth violently hurried away to a barbarick disposition . but christophorson translates it in this manner ; zeno vero reliquis etiam imperii partibus per vim barbaro quodam more ac modo spoliatus est , but zeno in the other parts of the empire also by force committed spoils in a certain barbarous fashion and manner . but had they consulted nicephorus , they might have had a right understanding of this place from him . for nicephorus has explained these words of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , but whatever had been left by them [ the barbarians , ] was forcibly taken away by zeno , who insested [ the provinces ] at no less rate than the barbarians . further , in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the plurall number , which seems to me more elegant . vales. a zeno having heard of basiliscus's defection , struck with fear , fled with his wi●e ariadne into isauria , and betook himself to a most strong castle , the name whereof was ubara : but afterwards , when basiliscus had sent hillus and trocondus with vast forces against him , he went to tessaedes , or rather as nicephorus says , to the city seleucia , which was the head city of all isauria . there he was a long while besieged by hillus and trocondus , as theophanes relates in his chronicon pag. . cedrenus also and nicephorus do affirm the same . but in theophanes , the name trocondus is corrupted . for the common editions have it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hillus and secundus , whereas it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , trocondus , as it is rightly written in nicephorus . indeed the same theophanes , pag. ▪ terms him procundus ; which comes nearer to the true reading . this person was brother to hillus , and bore the consulate in the year of christ , as it occurs in marcellinus's chronicon : but at length , when hillus had set up for a tyrant , trocondus , who had been sent by his brother to get forces , was taken by johannes a master of the milice , and beheaded ; as theophanes , informs us pag. . notwithstanding , at that place of theophanes the name trocondus is likewise corrupted . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words are transposed ; and are to be restored to their pristine order in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the country of the isaurians where he himself had been born : which words of evagrius , nicephorus has exprest thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having gathered an army fit for an engagement , he sent it to besiege zeno at seleucia in isauria . which country had given zeno birth , and at that time ●id the fugitive . vales. * rejecting , or , abolishing . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by an embassy therefore . which though it may seem a small and triviall emendation , is yet altogether necessary . in nicephorus , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit , or , therefore . vales. ‖ or , to make use of his circular syllables . † or , composure of which letters say these words . * or , god-loving . * or , conjunction , or , binding together . † or , salvation . ‖ or , from hence . * or , ground and firmament . † or , together with the holy spirit . ‖ or , hold [ obliege , bind , ] the orthodox people in all god's most holy churches . * or , afterwards . b there is indeed extant a constitution of the emperour constantine's , wherein the dogmaticall books of arius are ordered to be burnt ; which constitution occurs at pag. . of our socrates . nevertheless , the emperour basiliscus seems here to mean another law , which had been promulged by constantine against all hereticks in generall . but that law hath perished by the injury of time . yet part of it is still remaining in eusebius , in the third book of his life of constantine , chap. , and . but , there are two constitutions extant of theodosius junior's , concerning the burning of nestorius's books . the former of which makes mention of the law of constantine of blessed memory against arius's impious books . further , these constitutions of theodosius occur in the third part of the ephesine councill . basiliscus had subjoyned these laws of theodosius to his own circular edict , as 't is hereafter attested , vales. * or , limits . † or , have made sanctions [ concerning ] the , &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place nicephorus has rightly added two words , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i affirm that a third word is to be added , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , terms ] is understood ; which occurs in the foregoing clauses . vales. * or , out of . * or , shown , or , declared . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c in nicephorus 't is truer written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that we ought only to follow , &c. which reading christophorson and s r henry savil have embraced . a little after this , where the reading before was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the boundary and limit of the faith ; from the florent . and tellerian m. ss . i have made it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard it is , &c. as 't is in nicephorus . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian m. s. and in nicephorus , i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the universall , &c. vales. * or , malevolence . † or , shall fall under banishment , &c. ‖ or , tares . * or , the fuller . † see chap. . note ( a. ) * or , tome . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , does record ; which i admire translatours perceived not . zacharias is understood , who in his ecclesiasticall history had recorded this libell entire , which the bishops of asia , convened at ephesus , had sent to the emperour basilisous . vales. b concerning this ephesine councill , which was held in the times of the emperour basiliscus , baronius in his annalls , at the year of christ , writes very slightly and negligently : remarking this only , that it was celebrated by the eutychians . but he mentions neither upon what account it was assembled , nor what was transacted therein : it is our office therefore , by our care and diligence to supply what he has omitted . after the circular letters sent forth by the emperour basiliscus against the chalcedon-councill , acacius bishop of constantinople , the only person of the patriarchs subject to the eastern empire , refused subscribing to these letters , nor would ever endure to expunge the chalcedon synod out of the ecclesiasticall tables . moreover , the monks of constantinople resolutely opposed basiliscus . lastly , the constantinopolitane populacy began to be most grievously tumultuous , threatning to fire the city and the pallace , if the emperour should persist to put a force upon acacius and the catholicks . basiliscus , terrified hereat , flies from the imperial city ; took from the constantinopolitane church their rights and priviledges , and forbad the senators to speak to [ or salute ] acacius . but afterwards , when he heard that zeno was on his return out of isauria ; being stricken with fear , he came into the church together with his wife and children ; and excusing himself to acacius and the clergy of the imperiall city , restored their rights to the constantinopolitan church , and set forth his anti-circular [ that is , letters contrary to his circular ] letters : thus theodorus lector informs us , book . the eutychians therefore , ( when they saw acacius contend with so much fierceness for the confirmation of the chalcedon synod ; and that not only the monasteries , but the people also of the imperial city , and other priests every where , were excited by acacius against basiliscus ; ) convened a councill of bishops of their own party in the city ephesus : in which councill they condemned and deposed both acacius , and some other bishops who embraced the same sentiments with him : and then they entreated the emperour basiliscus , that he would persist in his former opinion , and would not promulge a constitution contrary to his own circular letters . in the same synod , paulus is ordained bishop of ephesus by the bishops of the same province , and the patriarchicall priviledge is restored to the ephesine see , as our evagrius relates in the sixth chapter of this book . further , this ephesine councill was held on the year of christ , after the consulate of basiliscus and armatus . which i gather from hence , because this synod was assembled a little before basiliscus promulged his anti-circular letters . now basiliscus published those letters on that year i have mentioned ; when he understood that zeno was returning out of isauria with an army ; as i have observed above out of theodorus lector . indeed , the asian bishops seem to intimate this in their letter to basiliscus , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be pleased therefore to publish nothing contrary to your divine circular letters . moreover , timotheus aelurus seems to have presided at this councill . for he came to ephesus in the reign of basiliscus , and seated paulus in his episcopal chair , as evagrius relates from zacharias . nor is it likely , that acacius patriarch of constantinople should have been deposed by any other person than the alexandrian bishop , who held the dignity of a patriarch equall to acacius . for who can believe that the constantinopolitan bishop was deposed by the bishops of asia , who long before this , from the times of john chrysostome , were subject to the bishops of constantinople ? vales. c marcus was first created caesar by his father basiliscus , as marcellinus relates in his chronicon , theophanes , and others . 't is certain , in basiliscus's circular letters he is only termed the most noble caesar. but afterwards he was styled augustus by his father , as this letter of the bishops of the ephesine councill doth inform us . also , in the anti-circular letter of basiliscus , the same marcus is named emperour with his father . the authour of the alexandrian chronicle is mistaken therefore , who relates that basiliscus , as soon as he was proclaimed emperour , crowned his son marcus emperour . candidus says truer , in the second book of his history , in photius . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fervency , or , a p●rching heat . † incitation , or , commotion . ‖ or , engage . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a proud revenge : the reading in nicephorus is the same . where johannes langus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , revenge . but i am of opinion , that by a small change this place is thus to be restored ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a certain arrogant folly . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our piety ; contrary to the faith and authority of all copies , and without any sense . besides , he has rendred the following words very badly . whence it hapned , that baronius , who every where follows christophorson's version , could in no wise understand the transactions of this ephesine councill . so great a hindrance is an ill rendition . nor has johannes langus translated this clause more happily . for he hath rendred it thus : attestamur coram salvatore nostro jesu christo , &c. we attest before our saviour jesus christ , that your piety is free and innocent . from which we request , that a just and canonical and ecclesiastick sentence of condemnation and deposition may be pronounc's against them , and especially against him who hath been many ways found out to have administred the bishoprick in the imperial city impiously . but the bishops of asia do not say this : but request of the emperours basiliscus and marcus , that they would not communicate any more with acacius and the other bishops whom they themselves had condemned and deposed by an ecclesiastick sentence : for this is the import of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are to be written in one entire clause , without any distinction . but translatours , following nicephorus , and the edition of robert stephens , have placed a distinction after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which led them into a mistake . vales. * in this edition of valesius's , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abuse : it is , i suppose , an errour of the press ; put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , condemnation ; which is the reading in stephens's edition . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours understood not these words of zacharias rhetor . nor does nicephorus seem to have understood them . for instead of them , he has substituted these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those who imagine [ or , conceive ] eutyches tenets . ] by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ phantasie , ] or , [ imagination , ] zacharias means the opinion of eutyches , who asserted , that the flesh of christ was not true nor consubstantiall with us , but phantasticall or imaginary ; as may be seen in the acts of the chalcedon councill . hence the epistles of avitus bishop of vienna , wherein he confutes eutyches's errour , have this title , contra phantasma , against the phantasme ; as sirmondus attests . further , from this place it may be gathered , that zacharias rhetor was not an eutychian , as baronius thought at the year of christ . for he would never have exprest himself thus , had he been a follower of eutyches's sect. it must therefore either be said , that these are not the words of zacharias rhetor , ( which notwithstanding evagrius affirms ; ) or else , that he was not an eutychianist . see chap. . vales. * or , seated arch-bishop paulus in the [ chair ] of the ephesians . a timotheus aelurus and petrus fullo , together with other bishops , being a little before this assembled at constantinople , had decreed that this paulus should be restored to the see of ephesus , out of which he had been ejected . for these are evagrius's words at the fifth chapter of this book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they vote that paulus also should recover the archiepiscopall chair of ephesus . which place christophorson has not rendred truly , in this manner ; his rebus ita constitutis paulus ad sedem archiepiscopatûs ephesiani capessendam deligitur , these things having been thus constituted , paulus is chosen to take the archiepiscopall see of ephesus . for paulus was not elected by aelurus and petrus fullo at constantinople , that he should take the ephesine-see : but having been expelled out of the see of ephesus , he came to constantinople : where a councill of eutychianists being convened , it was decreed that he should recover the archiepiscopate of the city ephesus . in the fifth chapter of this book , the reading in the vulgar editions was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , come into the chair . but from the florentine and tellerian m. ss . i have mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enter upon . yet i had rather add a preposition , and write it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 return to , recover , or , re-enter upon . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. agreeable to , &c. further , what zacharias says here is most true , to wit , that it was the ancienter usage , that the bishop of ephesus should be ordained by the bishops of his own province . for , from s t timothy who was the first bishop of the ephesians , untill castinus , and heraclides , whom john chrysostome ordained , all the bishops of the ephesians were ordained in the same city by the bishops of that province , as 't is apparent from the eleventh action of the chalcedon-councill . vales. c zacharias does here call the patriarchicall priviledge the right of primacy ; or the priviledge of ordaining metropolitanes . for in this the patriarchicall priviledge did properly consist , as i have observed in my little book concerning the interpretation of the sixth canon of the nicene councill , which is published at the close of our socrates . now whereas zacharias , or rather evagrius , adds , that this priviledge had been taken away from the see of ephesus by the chalcedon synod ; he means ' the sixteenth action of the chalcedon-synod ; wherein it was decreed , that the constantinopolitane bishops should ordain metropolitanes in the asian dioecesis . vales. * see book . chap. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had conjectured long since , that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was extreamly troubled . the tellerian m. s. has at length confirmed this my conjecture ; wherein i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , denyed ; that is , repealed , or revoak't . * or , constitution , b when by the emperour basiliscus's circular letters , the chalcedon-synod had been wholly abrogated , the priviledges of the constantinopolitan see which had been established in that councill , seemed to have been taken away by that same sanction . by which thing acacius was chiefly moved , and used his utmost endeavour , that the emperour basiliscus should revoak his own constitution . besides , in the ephesine synod , the patriarchicall priviledge had been restored to the see of ephesus by timotheus aelurus , as we have seen before . which having been done , the asian dioecesis , the ordinations whereof had been given to the bishop of constantinople by the decree of the chaltedon-synod , was taken away from that see. there was therefore need of a new constitution , whereby its rights and priviledges might be restored to the constantinopolitane see. this therefore the emperour basiliscus now performs , by the publication of these his anti-circular-letters . theodorus lector does likewise attest the same , in his first book collectan , about the close thereof . vales. * or , it has been dubious . a the greeks who delight much in epithets , are wont to grace each saint with proper and peculiar titles . thus they commonly term thecla the apostle and proto-martyr . they call her an apostle , because , like an apostle , she had preacht the faith of christ in many places : and they style her proto-martyr , in regard as stephen was the first martyr of christ amongst men , so was she the first amongst women ; as basilius seleuciensis does attest in his first book concerning the life and miracles of the blessed thecla . she is called thecla by way of contraction , instead of theoclia . for thus the same basilius does frequently term her . vales. * or , excellency . † or , being about to die . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . with evagrius agrees malchus in the first book of his byzantine history , and candidus isaurus in the second book of his histories ; both which authours relate , that basiliscus was killed by the sword . but the other historians tell us , that he dyed by hunger and cold , together with his wife and children . this disagreement of writers in reference to basiliscus's death , is taken notice of by theophanes in his chronicon , pag. . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also the name of this station is written in nicephorus . but cedrenus and theophanes term it cucusus . marcellinus and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle call it leminis and limnae , a castrum [ or , castle ] of cappadocia , into which basiliscus was thrust together with his wife and children ; and the gate of one of the towers , wherein he was inclosed , being stop't up , he perished there by hunger and cold . vales. * or , force . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson and s r henry savil have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst you , without any thing of sense . nicephorus , 't is certain , confirms , the vulgar reading , viz. amongst us . but in the next words which follow , it ought to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your place , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our place . johannes langus perceived this before us , who has rendred this passage transcribed out of evagrius thus , rectè sanè ad nos venit ▪ qui locum etiam vestrum obtinebit , he hath indeed come rightly unto us ▪ who shall also possess your place . by which words the bishops of asia mean the legate , which acacius bishop of constantinople had sent to them , to wit a presbyter or a deacon of the constantinopolitane church . but if any one had rather , with christophorson , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst you ; we must understand it of the legate which the bishops of asia had sent to acacius , that he might present the libell of satisfaction to him . and this i think is truer . vales. b instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our ] doubtless it must be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your , ] as the reading is in nicephorus . from whom an amendment must be made a little after this , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by dividing the words , which were erroneously made one word . each emendation is confirmed by the tellerian manuscript . vales. a after peirus fullo , johannes apamenus was bishop of antioch . he being ejected after months , stephanus was put into his place , as theophanes relates in his cronicon , page : to which writer agrees gelasius in gestis de nomine acacii , and liberatus in his breviary , chap. . pope felix has mentioned the same johannes , in the sentence of condemnation which he dictated against acacius , and in the epistle which in the name of the roman synod he wrote to all the presbyters and archimandrites in constantinople and bithynia . vales. * or , enter the inn , or , house of all men . † or , forbad . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the bishops of alexandria elect , &c. i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so reade the whole clause thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereupon those of alexandria by their own authority elect petrus surnamed mongus bishop : and i am of opinion that evagrius wrote thus . 't is certain , these words o● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be spoken of the suffragan bishops . besides , petrus mongus was ordained but by one bishop , as 't is related in gestis de nomine acacii , and in acacius's epistle to pope simplicius . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , punished . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies mulctare , to punish . whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports punishment , as suidas attests . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the reading in robert stephen's edition ) signifies quite another thing . nicephorus having found this fault in his copy , expunged the preposition , and worded this place of evagrius thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , he punished those who had elected [ petrus mongus bishop ] with a capitall punishment . and yet evagrius does not say so . for the relates , that mongus himself was condemned by zeno , not the bishops who had chosen mongus . 't is apparent therefore that nicephorus had read thus in our evagrius ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherefore zeno punished those with death ; and that he understood it as spoken of the hereticall bishops who had elected mongus . doubtless , the bishops who had chosen mongus deserved a sorer punishment than mongus himself , who was elected by them . for they had done that on their own authority , without the emperours advice and direction : whenas it had been customary , by reason of the largness of the city alexandria , that the bishop thereof should not be elected , unless the emperour's mind were first known . besides , they had presumed to elect another bishop when the see was not void , but whilst timotheus salophaciolus as yet survived . whereupon the seditions and divisions , which seemed to have been extinguished by the death of timotheus aelurus , were rekindled . for these reasons , those bishops were to be punished with a capitall punishment , rather than mongus . nevertheless , in my judgment neither is true . for mongus was punished only with banishment . but the bishops who had ordained him , are ordered to be punished by anthemius the augustalis ; as liberatus affirms in his breviary , chap. . vales. a i am , of the same mind with christophorson and s r henry savil , who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but by the advice of some persons : which amendment is confirmed by nicephorus and the tellerian manuscript . moreover , liberatus in his breviarium chap. ▪ affirms that johannes the occonomus [ or , steward ] was sent to constantinople on a far different account . for he says , that timotheus salophaciolus , after he had recovered his episcopall chair by the decree of zeno augustus , sent some ecclesiasticks to constantinople , amongst whom was johannes the occonomus , who might give the emperour thanks for his own restitution . they also made a request to the emperour at the same time , that if any thing should happen to timotheus otherwise than well , no other person but a catholick might be put into his see by the clergy and people of alexandria ; as we are informed in gestis de nomine acacii . which thing zeno in his answer to salophaciolus's advices , ordered to be done by a letter written to the alexandrian clergy ; as felix attesteth in his first epistle to acacius , and gelasius in gestis de nomine acacii . further , in the florentine manuscript , at the margin here , these words occur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning johannes tabennesiota . 't is certain , this johannes is termed tabennesiota by theophanes also in his chronicon , because he had been a monk in the monastery of the tabennenses at canopus , where timotheus salophaciolus had likewise formerly followed a monastick life and discipline ; as theophanes relates , vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . victor thunonensis in his chronicon , and liberatus in his breviary term this johannes barely and simply oeconomus . but in the gesta de nomine acacii he is styled the oeconomus of timotheus catholicus . why therefore does evagrius ( or rather zacharias , out of whom evagrius took it , ) say here , that johannes was oeconomus of saint john's church ? for he was not steward of this church only ; but he lookt after the revenues and money of all the churches which were under the bishop of alexandria , as liberatus informs us in his sixteenth chapter , in these words : porro johannes ex oeconomo amicus factus est hillo magistro ; qui cum reliquis descendit alexandriam . factusque est iterum oeconomus , habens causas omnium ecclesiarum . further johannes of an oeconomus is made a friend to hillus the magister ; who together with the rest went down to alexandria . and he is made steward again [ or , the second time , ] having all the causes of the churches . instead of [ habent causes omnium ecclesiarum , ] i think it should be habens gazas omnium ecclesiarum , having the treasure or riches of all the churches . this emendation , liberatus's following words do confirm , which run thus : qui mul●a & pretiosa xenia direxit hillo magistro , &c. who directed [ or sent ] many and those pretious presents to hillus the magister , &c. or must it be said that the church of saint john baptist was then the greatest church of alexandria ? indeed , heretofore the greater church of alexandria was termed the caesarea , as i have observed at socrates . but 't is possible , that the church of saint john , which had been built there by theodosius after the demolishment of the serapium , might become the greater church , the episcopall chair being removed thither . concerning this church of saint john baptist , rufinus speaks in chap. . of his second book eccles. histor. and in the following chapter he adds concerning the reliques of saint john baptist , that in the time of athanasius they were brought to alexandria . to which afterwards , the serapium [ or , serapis's temple ] being demolished , golden houses ( that i may use rufinus's words , which are aurea tecta , ) were erected in the reign of theodosius . 't is certain in this church of saint john , the patriarch of alexandria performed the religious assembles , as theophanes informs us concerning dioscorus , pag. . vales. c the power therefore of electing their bishops had been taken from the clergy and people of the city alexandria , and the emperour had removed the priviledge of nominating the bishop of alexandria to himself , as 't is apparent from this place . which , we deny not , was done by force and against the ecclesiastick laws . nevertheless , the roman emperours not without reason challenged that power to themselves after the murder of proterius the alexandrian bishop , in regard the city of alexandria , by its own inclination prone to seditions , had severall times raised vehement disturbances in the election of bishops . vales. * or , commonalty . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the excellent florentine . m. s. i found it written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . further , concerning this oath , wherein johannes tabennesiota had formerly bound himself in the emperours presence , that he would never climb up into the alexandrian see , pope simplicius speaks in his th epistle to acacius . liberatus also attests the same , in his breviary , chap. . vales. * or , uniting rescript . * or , those of proterius's party . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to wit , zeno's uniting edict , which a little before evagrius has termed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and 't is therefore called a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and hereafter by evagrius , because the emperour in that edict speaks to all the clergy and laity , and by preaching as it were , exhorts them , like a priest , to embrace unity . but , 't is termed an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this reason , because by a wholesome dispensation ( as at the first blush it appears , ) it invites all catholicks to one and the same communion , the mention of the chalcedon synod being suppressed . further , this edict of zeno bore date on the year of christ ; trocondus and severinus being consuls , as baronius writes . which is evidently confirmed by victor tunonensis in his chronicon . vales. b liberatus in his breviary , chap. , relates that pergamius was not praefect of egypt , but dux [ or commander of the milice : ] his words are these ; acacius persuasit zenoni , &c. acacius perswaded zeno , that he should write to apollonius the augustalis , and to pergamius the dux , that they should drive johannes out of the alexandrian see , as having seized it contrary to his own oath which he had given in the imperial city ; and that they should give their assistance to petrus mongus , that he might continue in that see. vales. a facundus hermianensis citing this edict of zeno's in his twelfth book , reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the orthodox bishops . for the words are these : flavius zeno pius , victor , triumphator , maximus , always augustus , to the orthodox bishops , &c. then facundus finds fault with that term orthodox , and expresses his anger against it in many words ; that the emperour should not be afraid of giving the title of orthodox to a company of hereticks who had no head . further , this edict of zeno was promulged in the year of christ , as baronius has recorded . vales. * or , confirmation . † or , armour . ‖ or , have night and day made use of all imaginable &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ by all imaginable prayer and diligence . the same likewise is the reading in nicephorus . nor had the old translatour of this edict read otherwise , in liberatus chap. : for he renders it thus : noctibus ac diebus , oratione , & studio & legibus , &c. night and day , by prayer and diligence , and by our laws , we endeavour , that the holy catholick and apostolick church may be multiplyed by that faith. notwithstanding in my judgment , it ought rather to be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by all imaginable attention . what the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , we are informed from suidas , who produces a passage of an old writer . indeed , this emendation pleases me mightily . vales. * or , next to god. † or , begirt . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , waging war against the [ entire ] body . doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should he make war ▪ &c. as it is in nicephorus , and in the tellerian m. s. s r henry savil also , at the margin of his copy , had remarked , fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps is should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , generations . d to this place of zeno's edict pope felix alludes , in his epistle to zeno augustus ; where his words are these ▪ dolet certè pietas tuae , quòd per diuturnos partis alter●ae gravesque conflictus , multi ex hoc saeculo videantur ablati , aut baptismatis aut communionis expertes ▪ your piety doubtless i● grieved , that by reason of the long and sore conflicts of each party , many may seem to have been taken out of this world , without being partakers of baptism or the communion . vales. * or , begirt . † or , baptism . * or , chapters . † see chap. . note ( f. ) * unsinning , or , without sin . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so 't is also written in nicephorus . but facundus and liberatus seem to have read otherwise . for facundus ( pag. . ) renders this place thus : adunate ergo vos in nullo dubitantes , &c. unite your selves therefore , being doubtfull in nothing . for we have written these things to you , not to innovate the faith , but that we might satisfie you . &c. and liberatus translates it in this manner : unite vosmetipsos , nihil dubitantes , &c. unite your selves , doubting nothing , &c. whence it appears , that they read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but the reading in our copies is better ; for soon after it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we anathematize . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that which frequently happens in these books of evagrius , occurs here also , to wit , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is certain liberatus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , as 't is apparent from his version . for thus he renders it : sanctissima namque mater nostra ecclesia , &c. for our most holy mother the church , as being the person who hath begotten you , from a long time expects to embrace her sons , and earnestly desires to hear your sweet voice . nor did facundus read otherwise , in his twelfth book . for thus his version runs : sancta enim mater nostra ecclesia , &c. for our holy mother the church receives you as her own sons . embrace her . for she desires after a long time to hear your sweet voice . moreover , nicephorus has it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , from the forecited passages 't is apparent , that facundus and liberatus in zeno's edict had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our mother ; which reading i am most pleased with . besides , facundus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , embrace ye her ; not as 't is commonly read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to embrace . which reading nevertheless is intolerable . lastly , liberatus seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from a long time ; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and after a long time . vales. * chap. . a liberatus in his breviary , chap. , says , that johannes being driven from the see of alexandria , came first to antioch : and after he had gotten letters of intercession from calendion patriarch of antioch , came to rome , and appealed to simplicius bishop of rome , as the blessed athanasius had also done before . but in the gesta de nomine acacii , which in my judgment were written by pope gelasius , he is said to have requested the refuge only of the roman church , in such manner as his predecessours had done . which i think is truer . for johannes appealed not from any ecclesiastick judicature to simplicius , in regard he had not been expelled out of his own see by the sentence of a synod , but by force : nor did he present a libell to pope simplicius , but to felix his successour , as we shall see afterwards . vales. * opinions , or , decrees . a so also pope simplicius , in his epistle to acacius , terms petrus moggus ; as liberatus attests in his breviary , chap. . to wit , because he had invaded the alexandrian church , whilest timotheus salophaciolus , who had been legally ordained , was alive . vales. b that this was the pretext of condemning calendion , is attested by liberatus in his breviary , chap. . but the true cause of his being condemned and deposed , was this , because he would defend the chalcedon synod , nor would acquiesce in zeno's edict . liberatus's words are these : interea calendion archiepiscopus antiochenus deponitur , &c. in the interim calendion arch-bishop of antioch is deposed . being accused in publick as having been undutifull [ indevotus , without devotion ] to his prince , drawing in the people into a rebellion with illus : but secretly , because he would not keep himself from the communion both of pope felix and johannes . gelasius also in his thirteenth epistle to the dardani , says , that calendion was therefore ejected by zeno , because he had razed his name out of the dypticks , and instead thereof put in leontius's . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is the hillus , by country an isaurian , in dignity magister officiorum [ master of the offices , ] as marcellinus tells us in his chronicon : who after he had been in great favour with the emperour , at length was incensed against him , for what reason i know not , and together with leontius ingaged himself in a tyranny in the east , on the year of christ , as marcellinus records ; or rather , as baronius has rightly observed . further , this hillus is by candidus isaurus and by damascius in the life of isidorus the philosopher , always called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accent in the last syllable . so 't is also written in suidas : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that place of suidas is to be read . vales. d petrus fullo was ejected out of the see of antioch a little after the return of zeno augustus , on the year after the consulate of basiliscus and armatus . one johannes , whom petrus had ordained [ bishop ] of apamia , invaded his see , as i observed before at chap. , note ( a. ) he having been ejected , an oriental synod ordained stephanus , as theophanes tells us in his chronicon . this stephanus , when he had governed the see of antioch about a years space , was most barbarously murdered by hereticks in the church , on the year of christ , after the consulate of the most famous illus ; as baronius has rightly observed from pope simplicius's epistles . zeno being highly incensed on account of this murther , sent some persons to antioch , who might revenge this fact and punish the authours of the sedition . moreover , to avoid tumults , he commanded acacius bishop of constantinople , to ordain a bishop of antioch in the imperial city . and this thing , done on account of preserving the ecclesiastick peace , as well the emperour as acacius excused to pope simplicius , promising that in future the ordination of the prelate of antioch should be made by the comprovinciall bishops , according to the prescripts of the canons . stephanus junior therefore is ordained by acacius , and after he had sate three years , calendion is created bishop in his stead by an orientall synod , in the consulate of trocundus and severinus , on the year of christ ; as baronius has learnedly observed from pope simplicius's epistle . theophanes does indeed affirm , that calendion was ordained by acacius at constantinople , by the emperour zeno's order . theophanes's opinion seems to be confirmed by candidus in the third book of his history ; whose words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in like manner as the emperour zeno , when the impious petrus disturbed the churches of the east , sent calendion to be consecrated [ bishop ] of antioch . besides , in the gesta de nomine acacii , 't is in express words written , that calendion was ordained by acacius bishop of constantinople . simplicius also affirms the same in the cited epistle , if we weigh his words more attentively . for , what else is the meaning of these words : antiocheni exordium sacerdotis quâ ratione serius fuerit . indicatum , quamvis minimè nos latere potuerit , tamen & ipse vel synodus ejus indicavit . quod sicut non optavimus fieri , ita faciles excusationi quam necessitas fecit extitimus ; quia quod voluntarium non est , non potest vocari in reatum , &c. for what guilt , what necessity was to be excused before simplicius , unless acacius had ordained calendion at constantinople contrary to the ecclesiastick laws ? but now , what the same theophanes adds concerning johannes codonatus , who was ordained bishop by the antiochians knowing nothing of the ordination made at constantinople , and whom calendion afterwards removed to the see of tyre : i fear theophanes is mistaken herein . for , not calendion , but acacius removed johannes to the see of tyre ; as 't is attested by pope felix in the libell of condemnation of acacius , and by gelasius , and liberatus . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and also sent synodical letters to petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria . thus nicephorus read , and yet christophorson , and s r henry savil at the margin of his copy , mend it very simply , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to proterius . for proterius was dead long before this . 't is manifest from pope gelasius's epistles , that petrus fullo held communion with petrus mongus . vales. f to wit , with petrus mongus . for with him , after the ejection of johannes tabennesiota , acacius held communion , and received from , and sent to him synodicall letters , as liberatus informs us . but acacius never held communion with petrus fullo : yea , he was wont to boast , that he had never been joyned in communion with him : whereas yet , by this that he communicated with petrus mongus who maintained a communion with petrus fullo , acacius himself also might hold communion with fullo ; as pope gelasius says in his epistle to the orientalls , which was first published by jacobus syrmondus . vales. g evagrius gives no reason , why these men separated themselves from the communion of petrus mongus . besides , liberatus in his breviary chap. , does relate this matter very obscurely ▪ in these words : igitur petrus mongus ab abbote ammone & johanne episcopo magileos , &c. therefore petrus mongus having undergone wars from the abbot ammon and johannes the bishop of magilis , and from the abbots of the monks of the lower egypt , and a sedition having been raised against him in the cathedral caesarea as 't is called , [ or , as 't is reported ; ] anathematized the chalcedon synod , and pope leo's tome . and these things he did , after he had written to acacius and simplicius that he held communion with them and with the holy synod . and these matters having been in this manner performed , some persons departed from petrus's communion , and declared [ them ] to the roman bishop at rome . which words , in themselves obscure enough , are in my judgment to be explained thus . petrus mongus , after he had been restored to the alexandrian see upon johannes's ejection , at first used dissimulation , and sent synodicall letters to acacius and simplicius , wherein he affirmed that he held communion with the synod of chalcedon . he also admitted those to communion who were of timotheus salophaciolus's party , as liberatus attests . but afterwards , when he had been vexed by the eutyohian monks on account of this dissimulation , he anathematized the chalcedon-synod publickly in the church . vales. * or , wrote . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had been written : in my judgment it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been done . and so nicephorus read , book . chap. . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have mended this place thus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard he was a person that could cloath himself in any dress , ] partly from nicephorus , and partly by the authority of the florentine and tellerian m. ss . further , concerning this wavering and fraudulent humour of petrus's , we have the attestation of liberatus in these words : sed permansit petrus in episcopatu , &c. but peter continued in his bishoprick , and wrote to acaci●s , that he was a communicator of [ or , held communion with ] the sinod , and deceived the alexandrians , because he would not communicate with the synod : so that some ecclesiasticks who were his communicators , some monks and laicks , perceiving his fallaciousness , separated themselves from his communion . and holding separate assemblies , would not endure to communicate with his name . vales. b ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must doubtless be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for those great labours . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in the tellerian manuscript , and in nicephorus . vales. c mongus says , this crime was objected against him , that he had removed the reliques of timotheus salophaciolus into another place . but he neither excuses that fact , nor denies it ▪ resting satisfied only in saying this , that that fact was impious in the presence of god and men . for humane laws do severely punish the disturbers of sepulchers . 't is certain , victor tunonensis in his chronicon writes thus concerning mongus : post consulatum zenonis tertium &c. after zeno's third consulate , — he condemns the chalcedon synod out of the pulpit before the people . he takes the names of proterius and timotheus salophaciolus out of the ecclesiastick dypticks , and writes therein those of dioscorus and aelurus , who had murdered proterius : and having cast timotheus salophaciolus's body out of the church , he threw it into a desert place without the city . liberatus also attests the same in his breviary , chap. , in these words : — sed & petrum alexandrinum , &c. — moreover petrus alexandrinus anathematizing the chalcedon synod and pope leo's tome , who having expunged the names of proterius and timotheus catholicus out of the dypticks , inserted those of dioscorus and aelurus : who took the body of the same timotheus catholicus out of the earth , and cast it forth , who had been buried amongst the catholick bishops , acacius has in a strange manner praised him , concerning whom he had remembred before , that himself had related so great crimes . lastly , pope felix in the sentence of condemnation against acacius , does expresly confirm this very thing . so that now there can be no further doubt of the truth of this fact . vales. d ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours have rendred this place variously . for musculus translates it thus ; libellum consideratè concinnavimus , we have with consideration composed a libell . christophorson , in this manner ▪ literas hasce excogitavimus , quae huic malo remedio sint , we have found out these letters , which may be a remedy for this mischief . but johannes langus , nicephorus's translatour , has rendred it thus : re deliberatâ , rationem quae mederi malo imminenti posset , invenimus ; having considered the business , we found out a way , which might cure the imminent evill . of these three renditions , the second is wholly to be rejected ; but the first and third are tolerable . nevertheless , it seems to me more fit , to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the oration , or , speech to the people , which petrus made in the church at such time as he ordered the ecclesiastick acts to be made up before acacius's legates ; concerning which acts evagrius has spoken before , at the close of the foregoing chapter . vales. * or , defence . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johannes langus renders this place thus : fecimus ut ab iis qui nobiscum conventus agunt , ista dicerentur , we have caused , that these things should be said by those , who hold assemblies with us . musculus interprets it in this manner : eos qui ad nos venerunt , hoc ipsum dicere fecimus ; we have made those , who have come to us , say the same thing . christophorson's translation runs thus : tum ut illi qui nobiscum unà accersebantur , pro defensione idem ipsum dicerent , effecimus , and also we have procured , that they who were sent for together with us , should for a defence say the very same thing . they thought therefore , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified no other thing , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is my judgment that the ecclesiasticks and laicks of timotheus salophaciolus's party are understood , who by the order of zeno augustus were associated and joyned to petrus mongus . for the emperour zeno , by the perswasion and advice of acacius , had written to apollonius the augustalis , and pergamius the dux , that they should eject johannes talaia , and install petrus , provided he would admit of the henoticon , and receive [ to communion ] the clergy of timotheus catholicus ; as liberatus relates in his breviarie , chap. . zeno had likewise written letters to petrus mongus , wherein he ordered him , that he should give reception to the clergy of timotheus's party , who were of the same opinion with himself ; as the same liberatus affirms in these words : et quidem petrus inthronizatur ab omnibus , &c , and petrus is installed by all persons . 't is written from the emperour , that he should receive those that agreed with him who had been of timotheus catholicus's party . that is , as well the clergy , as laity , who were willing to agree to zeno's edict . when therefore petrus mongus made up his ecclesiastick acts , wherewith he would prove to acacius that he had never condemned the chalcedon-synod ; he made use of these persons as witnesses , and caused them to confirm this with their own testimony , that the chalcedon-synod had never been condemned by peirus . further , their testimony seemed worthy to be credited , because they had been of timotheus catholicus's party , who had always defended the chalcedon-synod . see the close of the sixteenth chapter . pope felix speaks concerning these very persons in the sentence of condemnation against acacius ; where his words are these : quid enim sunt aliud , qui post obitum sanctae memoriae timothei , ad ecclesiam sub petro redeunt , &c. for what are they else , who after the death of timotheus of holy memory , return to the church under petrus , &c. vales. f that is , that crime which by some ill-minded persons was objected against me : to wit , that the chalcedon-synod is rejected and condemned by me . vales. * or , darnell . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the learned have long since made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is the reading in nicephorus . vales. † or , against the ecclesiastick peace of christ. * or , they desire to do . a in the condemnation and deposition of acacius , the greeks found fault chiefly with two things . first , because he had not been condemned and deposed in a synod ; but only pope felix had prefixt his own name before the sentence of deposition . the other thing was , because acacius having been neither convicted nor examined according to the ecclesiastick canons , had received a sentence of condemnation ▪ to the former objection those of the church of rome returned this answer : that there was no need of a new synod for the condemning of acacius . for all followers and communicators [ that is , those that held communion ] with hereticks , who had heretofore been condemned by a special sentence , are to be understood as condemned together with the same hereticks . so says pope gelasius in his epistle to the orientalls ( which was first published by jacobus syrmondus , ) in the gesta de nomine acacii . i know what answer is given by baronius at the year of christ , chap. : to wit , that gelasius speaks concerning an oecumenicall synod . but by baronius's favour , this answer is not satisfactory . for the greeks in this affair made no difference between a generall and a particular councill . but in generall they affirmed , that acacius had been condemned in no synod particularly convened upon his account . for thus pope gelasius writes in the forementioned epistle , speaking to the orientalls in these words : an de uno dolet acacio , quod speciall synodo non fuerit confutatus , &c. are you troubled about one acacius , because he has not been confuted in a speciall synod ; whenas he himself in his own letters hath detected his own crime ; nor having already voluntarily confessed , ought he to be heard ; and are you not troubled about so great catholick prelates without any examinatian secluded ? pope gelasius confesses ingenuously , that acacius had been convicted and heard in no speciall synod . 't is certain , neither of those two roman synods , wherein acacius was condemned , were convened upon his account . for the former was assembled on the account of vitalis and misenus the legates of the apostolick see : wherein vitalis and misenus were indeed condemned : but petrus bishop of alexandria and acacius , were only reprehended and by the by reproved , as evagrius tells us a little after this . but the latter synod was assembled on the account of the antiochian church , on the same year , as pope felix informs us in his synodick letter to all the presbyters and archimandrites at constantinople and throughout bithynia . in which synod petrus bishop of antioch was indeed chiefly and most especially condemned ; who having ejected calendion , had invaded the antiochian see. but petrus bishop of alexandria and acacius bishop of constantinople , were only condemned as the associates and communicators of the same petrus ; as the subscription annext to the same letter doth declare [ in these words : ] candidus tiburtinae civitatis episcopus , &c. i candidus bishop of the tiburtine city , following the authority of the apostolick se● , set forth by the catholick deliberation of us all , according to the state of the church ; pronouncing an anathema to petrus the invader of the alexandrian church , and to acacius sometime of the constantinopolitane church , also to petrus [ bishop ] of antioch , who have heretofore been rightly and deservedly separated from the episcopall [ dignity ] and number of christians , and to all their followers , have subscribed , &c. but whereas the greeks complained that pope felix had prefixt his own name only before that sentence ; felix , in the forecited letter , answers this objection thus , in these words : unde nunc causâ antiochenae ecclesiae apud b. petrum apostolum collecti , &c. whence being at this present convened before the blessed apostle peter on account of the antiochian church , we have again hastned to shew your love the usage which has always obtained amongst us . as often as the lords the prelates are convened within italy on account of ecclesiastick causes , especially of faith , an usage is retained , that the successour of the prelates of the apostolick see , in the name [ or , person ] of all the prelates of all italy ▪ agreeable to the care of all the churches appertaining to them , should constitute all things . pope julius had said the same long before felix , in his letter to the orientalls , which athanasius records in his apologetick . but now , as to the second objection of the easterns , concerning acacius's being condemned without any examination ; that is sufficiently answered by pope gelasius in his epistle to the orientalls , the words whereof we have produced above . vales. * that is ▪ the monks ▪ who did not sleep . b some time before this , johannes tabennesiota ( after he had been ejected out of his see , ) had come to rome , and had made his case known to pope simplicius . but he had not presented a libell to him ; but had only perswaded him , that he would write to acacius in defence of his cause . which thing pope simplicius performed with a ready and willing mind . but acacius , having received simplicius's letters , returned answer , that he in no wise acknow'edged johannes bishop of alexandria : but , had received petrus mongus to communion by order of the emperour zeno. at which letters simplicius being highly incensed , wrote back , that acacius had not done what was regular and orderly , in that he had received petrus to communion , who stood condemned by the common sentence of them both . and when johannes was preparing to offer a libell to the pope , containing various crimes against acacius ; in the interim simplicius was prevented by death , before acacius had given answer to his last letters ▪ as liberatus tells us in his breviarium . but after felix had been put into simplicius's place , johannes presented that libell to pope felix , which he had before made ready to offer to simplicius . who forthwith sent a libell of citation to acacius by the bishops vitalis and misenus , ordering him to come to rome immediately , and give in his answer before the apostolick see , to the libell of johannes the bishop ; as 't is recorded in the gesta de nomine acacii , and in the libell of citation transmitted to acacius . — vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words are transposed , which i restore thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are sent from felix to [ the emperour ] zeno. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has excellently well explained this place of evagrius , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but before vitalis and misenus , coming from rome , had arrived at the imperial city , &c. in evagrius therefore it must be written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so evagrius does usually call constantinople ; as hereafter , at chap. . vales. b there were two monasteries at constantinople which were termed [ the monasteries ] of the acoemeti , to wit , [ the monastery ] of bassianus , and that of dius . they had taken the name of bassianus and of dius from their founders . but they had the appellation of acoemeti [ or , ac●mita , ] given them , because they celebrated the divine praises night and day , succeeding one another by turns : in so much that they seemed not to sleep . so heretofore in the gallia's , a continuall praising of god is said to have been kept up in some monasteries . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus supposed that these commonitoria ( for so the latines term them , which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) were written to the emperour zeno. but evagrius says they were written to vitalis and misenus the legates of the apostolick see. 't is certain , commonitories were wont to be sent to embassadours and such like persons , but not to the roman emperour . for they were as it were orders and instructions which publick ministers ought studiously to observe . vales. * that is , johannes . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the excellent florent . m. s. i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and so also the same manuscript copy has it written in other places , as i have remarked before . indeed , the ancient coyns do confirm this writing of this word , as does likewise the authour of the etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i agree with s r henry savil , who in his copy hath mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there are also extant in the same acts. but i can in no wise approve of christophorson's version , who has rendred this place thus : extant praeterea in actis ejusdem concilii , &c. there are moreover extant in the acts of the same councill , &c. for evagrius makes no mention here of any councill , only takes a view of the collection of letters , which belonged to acacius's cause . christophorson thought , ( because be saw mention was made of acts by evagrius , ) that it followed immediately , that these things were transacted in a councill . but the matter is not always so . for whatever things were done in any affair , may simply be called acts , although no councill or judiciary proceedings intervened . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ is to be expunged ; which is not acknowledged by nicephorus . vales. e all other authours relate , that mongus was ordained by one bishop , and he an heretick . so says acacius in his letter to pope simplicius , and felix in his synodick epistle to all the monks and archimandrites at constantinople and in bythinia . the same is likewise attested by theophanes in his chronicon , pag. ; and by gelasius in the gesta de nomine acacii . yet liberatus affirms petrus was ordained by more bishops than one , although he expresses not their number . vales. a this letter of acacius's is extant , set forth in latine amongst the epistles of pope simplicius . the same letter is mentioned in pope felix's epistle , which contains acacius's sentence of deposition . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have added the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , from the florentine manuscript ; which particle casts a great light upon this place . in the same florentine manuscript at the side of these words , this scholion was written : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , this authour does not say here expresly , that acacius was deposed by the [ bishop ] of rome : but theodorus and basilius cilix do manifestly affirm this . nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) attests the same concerning basilius cilix . further , our evagrius is undeservedly reproved by that scholiast , because at this place he speaks nothing of acacius's deposition . evagrius does here relate all things that were transacted in the roman synod , which was convened in the year of christ against vitalis and misenus legates of the apostolick see. in that synod vitalis and misenus were indeed deprived of the honour of the priesthood . but acacius was only reprehended and rebuked , as 't is apparent from the decree of the synod , here recorded by evagrius . after this , felix sent his synodick letters to acacius ; wherein these words occurred ; peccasti , ne adjicias , & de prioribus supplica , you have offended , make no addition , and supplicate for [ your ] former [ failings . ] after receipt of which letters , when acacius still stood out , and committed facts worse than the former ; pope felix ( the bishops being a second time convened , ) promulged a sentence of deposition against acacius , and directed it to acacius , by tutus defensor of the roman church ; which [ sentence ] begins thus : multarum transgressionum reperiris obnoxius , you are found guilty of many transgressions . that these things were transacted in this manner , pope felix informs us in his synodick letter to the presbyters and archimandrites at constantinople and throughout bythinia . for , after he had written concerning vitalis and misenus , and concerning acacius , who were condemned in the roman synod ; he adds these words : post illam sententiam quae in acacium perturbatorem totius orientis ecclesiae dicta est , &c. after that sentence which hath been pronounced against acacius the disturber of the whole eastern church , being now also convened , we have added to these letters , &c. and a little after : unde nunc causâ antiochenae ecclesiae , &c. wherefore being at this present convened in the presence of the blessed apostle peter on account of the antiochian church , we do again hasten to declare to your love the custom which hath always obtained amongst us . from which words it appears , that this letter was written by felix , in the name of the third roman synod , which had been assembled on account of the antiochian church ; which , after calendion was ejected , petrus fullo had invaded . in this synod therefore felix had dictated the sentence against acacius , ( which begins thus ; multarum transgressionum reperiris obnoxius , you are found guilty of many transgressions ; ) and had transmitted it to acacius , by tutus the defensor . nor can any one say , that that sentence was pronounc't before in the second roman synod , at such time as vitalis and misenus were condemned ; but was sent a little afterwards by felix , by the order of the third roman synod . for evagrius refutes this , who does not say , that the sentence of deposition was pronounc't against acacius in that roman synod wherein vitalis and misenus were condemned . besides , liberatus in his breviarium ( chap. . ) does manifestly declare , that that sentence of deposition against acacius was pronounced long after the condemnation of vitalis and misenus . for hear what liberatus says : redeunt aliquando legati . sed praecesserant monachi , &c. at length the legates return . but the monks had gone before , who in a grievous manner accused them of treachery . having been forthwith heard and convicted from those letters which they had brought , they are removed from their own places . and after some few words : ubi ergo ad plenum detectus est acacius haereticus , &c. when therefore the heretick acacius was fully detected , pope felix put these words in his synodick letters : you have offended , make no addition , and supplicate for [ your ] former [ failings . ] acacius having received these letters , persists in the same mind , neither receding from petrus's communion , nor yet perswading him openly to embrace the chalcedon synod and the tome of pope leo. pope felix understanding this , sent a writing of condemnation to acacius by tutus the defensor ; the beginning whereof is this . you are found guilty of many transgressions . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the florentine and tellerian m. ss . and in nicephorus , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , loves not the faith. but it would be better written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus christophorson seems to have read , and so we have rendred it . at the clause immediately foregoing , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for he ought , if he had loved zeno , to have done this ; ] i would rather read thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. whereas , if he had loved the faith rather than zeno , he ought to have done this . vales. d after the roman synod which was convened on the account of vitalis and misenus , and wherein vitalis and misenus had been condemned ; but petrus and acacius were only reproved and rebuked ; it was consequent that evagrius should have spoken concerning the sentence of deposition pronounced against acacius and sent to constantinople by tutus the defensor . and yet evagrius has not done this here . whereof two reasons may be assigned . for , either this was done by evagrius in reverence to the constantinopolitan see : or else , because evagrius had related that before from zacharias rhetor ; as may be seen in the eighteenth chapter . what therefore he had declared there , he look't upon as superfluous to repeat at this place . vales. a i have made good this place from the florentine m. s. in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after he had again anathematized , &c. for petrus mongus condemned not the chalcedon synod together with leo's epistle , once , but oftner . vales. b liberatus makes mention of this abbot nephalius , in his breviarium , chap. . vales. * or , fully . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i had rather make it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this interim . further , 't is to be observed , that evagrius does in the first place relate acacius's death . for , of those three schifmaticks who rent in sunder the orientall church , ( to wit , acacius bishop of constantinople , petrus of alexandria , and petrus of antioch ; ) the first that departed out of this life ( says evagrius , ) was acacius ; then petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria , who was termed mongus ; and last of all died petrus fullo . but victor thunonensis in his chronicon relates , that the first that died of those three i have mentioned , was petrus [ bishop ] of antioch . for his words are these : post consuletum secundum longini , &c. after longinus's second consulate , petrus [ bishop ] of antioch dies under condemnation , and in his place calendion is ordained . but the eastern bishops , as persons ignorant , consecrate johannes surnamed codonatus bishop over the said antiochian church , to whom succeeded petrus the heretick . this was the year of christ ; dynamius and sifidius being consuls . but on the year following , wherein probinus and eusebius were consuls , the same victor thunonensis records acacius's death in these words : eusebio v. c. cos. acacius constantinopolitanus episcopus sub damnatione moritur , &c. the most famous personage eusebius being consul , acacius bishop of constantinople dies under condemnation , and in his room flavita is ordained bishop ; to whom ( he dying in the third month of his promotion , ) euphemius keeper of the decrees of the chalcedon synod was successour in the bishoprick . and on the next year , longinus and faustus being the second time consuls , the same victor relates , that petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria died under condemnation . but baronius , in his ecclefiastick annalls , relates indeed the death of these three schismaticks in the same order with victor thunonensis , but not on the same year . for he says , that petrus fullo died on the year of our lord's nativity . and , that acacius died two years after , that is , on the year of christ : but in mongus's death he agrees exactly with victor . but i had rather follow victor's opinion , who places fullo's death on the year of christ . for calendion was created bishop of antioch on the year of our lord's nativity , as 't is manifest from pope simplicius's epistle ; and in regard he held that bishoprick four years , as theophanes does attest ; it must necessarily be said that petrus fullo , who on calendion's being ejected was put into his place , had possession of the see of antioch on the year of christ . but who can believe that petrus fullo , who committed so many and such notorious facts during the time of his episcopate , should have died a few months after his promotion ? petrus fullo therefore died not on the year of christ , as baronius thought . but this argument is with ease refuted ; for 't is grounded barely on theophanes's authority , who attributes four years to calendion's sitting bishop . but calendion sate bishop during the space of one year only . for he was ejected by the treachery of his ordainer acacius , a little after the roman synod , on the year of christ ; as we are informed from pope felix's letter to all the presbyters and archimandrites at constantinople and throughout bithynia , and from the authour of the gesta de nomine acacii . but theophanes and cedrenus are notoriously mistaken , who relate that petrus fullo departed this life after petrus mongus . whom pope gelasius has refuted , in his epistle to the orientalls , who does attest that of those two , petrus fullo died first . vales. b theophanes relates , that fravita wrote synodick letters to petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria , wherein he denyed that he communicated with felix bishop of rome . and on the other hand , that he sent synodick letters to felix , wherein he declared to him , that he had no society of communion with petrus [ bishop ] of alexandria . theophanes assignes only three months continuance in his bishoprick to the same fravita ; as does likewise victor thunonensis ; and not four , as evagrius affirms in this chapter . vales. c there were at alexandria two sorts of hereticks ; to wit , the dioscoritae , and the esaiani : concerning whom liberatus speaks in his breviary . the dioscoritae wholly condemned and anathematized the chalcedon synod . but the esaiani , following zeno's edict [ that is , his henoticon , ] did not indeed in any wise admit that synod ; yet they pronounc't not an anathema against it . vales. d evagrius says not expresly , on what year petrus bishop of antioch died ; nor can it be gathered from his words , that he died after petrus bishop of alexandria . yea , rather the contrary may be extracted from evagrius's words . for , if petrus bishop of antioch had survived petrus alexandrinus , doubtless athanasius , who succeeded petrus bishop of alexandria , would have sent his synodick letters to petrus bishop of antioch . for these synodick letters were wont to be sent by the patriarchs at the very beginning of their patriarchate . in regard therefore athanasius sent his synodick letters to palladius bishop of antioch , it appears from thence , that petrus antiochenus died long before petrus alexandrinus . further , concerning athanasius's synodick letters , liberatus in his breviarium says these words : non post multum tempus , &c. no long time after dies also petrus mongus at alexandria , and after him athanasius is ordained in that see : who himself also communicated with the constantinopolitan , antiochian , and hierosolymitane church in the edict . vales. * flavianus's . † or , till some times of anastasius . a zeno brought over armatus to his own side , not only by gifts and presents , but by promises also . for he promised , that as soon as he had recovered the empire , he would make armatus perpetuall magister [ or , master , ] of the present militia ; and his son basiliscus , caesar , and his own assessour ; as theophanes tells us in his chronicon . pag . whose words , because they are corrupted , nor could be understood by the translatour , i will annex here . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , but he also ( as it frequently [ happens , ] ) being blinded with gifts [ sent ] from zeno , and with a promise of the perpetuall mastership of the milice , and that zeno would make his son basiliscus , gaesar , and his assessour ; returned with zeno against basiliscus . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with a promise of the perpotuall mastership of the milice . theophanes terms the perpetuall power of master of the milice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the author of the alexandrian chronicle does fully confirm our emendation . for he writes , that zeno had made a promise to armatus , that be would grant to him the magisteriall power of the present milice as long as he should live . suidas relates much concerning this armatus , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which seem to have been taken out of damascius in the life of hisydorus the philosopher . vales. * or , theudericus . † zeno. ‖ or , to kill him . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the exposition of this word translatours have been mistaken . langus renders it hastam expeditam , a javelin fitted up and in readiness . musculus , according to his own usage , having not a latine word ready at hand , retained the greek one . but christophorson has rendred it worst of all , thus , hastam cuspide bisidâ , a javelin with a double point . i have translated it hastam amentatam , a javelinsitted with a loop of leather to caest it with . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with amenium ; to wit , the thong wherewith darts or javelins were bound about , that they might be cast against the enemy . the old glosses out of the library of petrus daniel quoted by turnebus , explain it thus : amentum , corrigia lanceae , quae etiam ansula est ad jactum , that is , amentum , the latehets of a launce , which is also a little handle to cast it . where ansula is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to wit , that whereby a dart is held that it may be thrown . hesychius expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sit [ or clasp together ] the fingers about the leather-latchet of a missile weapon . 't is likewise used to signifie , to be ready . so aeschylus made use of this phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sounds made by the lashings of leather-thongs , [ see hesychius , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] a metaphor taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from those javelins , which they termed amenta● [ that is , fitted with loops of leather to fliag them with ; ] as eustathius tells us , at the second book of the i●●ads . now , there was a double use of the amentum . for , it conduced both to the holding of the dart , and also that it might be thrown against the enemy with a greater force . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the incomparable florentine m. s. i found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as learned men had conjectured the reading should be . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with him whom the latines term a strator who is wont to li●t his master on horseback ; as suidas attests : in which author there is a passage extant of an ancient writer , who says these words concerning king massanissa , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but this massanissa when he was old mounted his horse without a strator . where suidas seems to have taken the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a scale which we vulgarly term a stirrop . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the tellerian m. s. for so the analogy requires it should ; as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suidas expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to pull back , to curb . but nicephorus , instead of this word , made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to repress , or , to draw back . further , the death of theodoricus hapned on the year of christ , as marcellinus in his chronicon attests , in these words : placidio solo coss. theodoricus triarii filius rex gothorum , &c. placidius being consul alone theodoricus triarius's son king of the goths , taking his forces [ along with him ] as far as anaplum , arrives at the distance of four miles from the city ; but having done no harm to any of the romans , returned forthwith . further , hastning into illyricum , whilest he was going between the moving carriages of his own army , he is wounded and striken thorow with the point of a dert lying upon one of the wagons , [ occasioned ] by the motion of his own horse who started ; and dies . vales. a theophanes relates this commotion of marcianus's ( in like manner as our evagrius does , ) soon after the death of theodoricus the son of triarius . but malchus dissents , in his byzantine history . for he tells us , that theodoricus triarius having heard of marcianus's sedition , forthwith drew together vast forces , and marched towards constantinople ; pretending to give the emperour assistance ; but in reality , that he might make himself master of the imperial city . malchus's words , if any one be desirous of reading them , occur at pag. of the king's edition . further , procopius marcianus's brother , after marcianus was taken , and his tyranny supprest , fled into graecia to theodoricus . and when zeno sent an embassy requiring him to be delivered up to himself , he could never prevail to get that done by theodoricus ; as candidus says , in his second book , and malchus , in the book now cited . vales. * or , image-makers . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made sensible of zeno's intent . in the florent . m. s. 't is t●uer written , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. made sensible of zeno's treacherous designes , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours saw not the meaning of this place ; they were deceived by an ill punctation . but , by placing a middle distinction after these words , i have cast a light upon this passage . for evagrius says , two reasons were brought , which had moved theodoricus to go into italy . the first was because zeno plotted against him . the second is assigned in these words , but others affirm that , &c. indeed , in the excerpta of that old author , which i published long since at the end of amm. marcellinus , theodoricus is said to have gone into italy with the consent of zeno. for these are the words there , at pag. ; zeno recompensans beneficiis theodoricum , &c. zeno recompensing theodoricus with gifts , whom he made patricius and consul , giving him much ; and sending him into italy , made an agreement with him , that if odöachar should be vanquished , for the merit of his own labours , he should only reign before , in his room whilest he should live . [ loco ejus dum adviveret , in his room whilest he should live ; so 't is worded in this note of valesius's here : but in the forementioned excerpta of the old authour , the reading is , loco ejus dum adveniret , in his room whilest he should come . ] jordanes does also attest the same in his geticks , and in his book de successione regnorum . vales. * or , works . a so a certain building seems to be termed , which served instead of a forum . evagrius says , this edifice was in the daphnensian suburb , over against [ or , opposite to ] the publick bath . for that is the import of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rectà ad publicum balneum , straight forth to the publick bath . which i approve not of : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , opposite ; as suidas attests . now , in the antiforum ( says evagrius , ) mammianus's statue was erected . whence it is apparent , that the antiforum was the same with what i have said above . for statues were wont to be erected in the forum . vales. * or , matter of brass . b i agree with christophorson and s r henry savil ; who instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] have mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , footstep . * see d r howell's history second part ; pag. . † or , monarchy . * zēno's . a how anastasius was affected towards ecclesiastick affairs , and in what manner he behaved himself in the administration thereof , liberatus , in his breviary chap. . informs us in these words : ascenderunt quidam & adversantium , &c. some persons both of those who were against him , and of them who communicated with him , went up to anastasius . and whilst they had a debate before the emperour , some proposing that the synod should he anathematized , and so they would communicate ; but others , being more calm , were for adding those things in the uniting edict , which might satisfie these who had communicated with petrus : the emperour considering that if he should make an addition to the edict , he might raise a disturbance in the church , and that , to anathematize the synod was impossible ; perswaded them that the uniting edict was sufficient that they might communicate mutually with one another , as the rest of the bishops of the churches did . and when they would not obey to perform these things , he dismissed them without their having obtained any thing . from which words you see , that the emperour anastasius wholly followed zeno's edict , nor would besides innovate any thi●g ▪ vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , although some : it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and some . vales. * or , leapt from . * or , surrounded it with an anathema . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johannes langus seems to understand the emperour zeno's letters concerning the uniting of the churches . for thus he renders it : ii quidem litteris insidiosè compositis per fraudem decep●i , those being through fraud deceived by the letters craftily composed . which sense christophorson has likewise followed . indeed , this place of evagrius can't be otherwise explained . for he brings two reasons , why some persons would not acquiesce in zeno's edict . he says therefore , that some were deceived by that flattering oration of the emperour , which was composed to perswade . but , that others , allured with a desire of the peace and repose of the churches , had acquiesced in this edict . vales. * or , sections . * chap. . a this alcison was bishop of nicopolis , ( which is the metropolis of old epirus ; ) one of the chief defenders of the chalcedon synod . he died in the year of christ , petrus being consul alone . marcellinus mentions him in his chronicon , who terms him alcissus . see baronius at the year of christ . vales. b in regard there were two petrus's at one and the same time , the one bishop of alexandria , the other of antioch ; 't is uncertain which of these two is here meant . but it seems more probable ▪ that petrus of alexandria should be meant here ; because the monks of palestine do immediately speak of alexandria , of egypt , and of libya . yet , this meaning is hindred by what is objected by the same monks ; to wit , that after petrus's death egypt held a separate communion , and that the orientals were disjoyned from their communion . for petrus alexandrinus was succeeded by athanasius , who wrote synodick letters to palladius bishop of antioch , and was joyned in a communion with him as i have observed above from evagrius and liberatus . but again , if we should say that petrus of antioch were meant at this place , there would be the same difficulty . but , answer may be made , that the monks do speak here , not of the patriarchs themselves , but of a whole dioecesis , and of the greatest part of the bishops . 't is certain , after petrus alexandrinus's death , the eastern bishops desired the communion of the church of rome ; as 't is apparent from pope gelasius's letter to the orientalls . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a negative particle is doubtless to be added , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard the westerns refused ; which is the reading in nicephorus and in the tellerian m. s. vales. d they derive xenaias's name from the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a stranger , or , an extraneous ●erson . this xenaias was bishop of hicrapolis , ordained by petrus fullo ; he was by another name called philoxenus . concerning this pestiferous person , theophanes , cedrenus , nicephorus , and others , have related much . vales. e i doubt not but the name of dioscorus is by mistake put here instead of the name diodorus . for xenaias , an enemy of the chalcedon synod , would not have anathematized dioscorus , but diodorus bishop of tarsus , and the rest . so , 't is certain , victor tunonensis [ tells us ] in his chronicon . johanne gibbo ( says he ) coss. anastasius imp. flaviano , &c. when johannes gibbus was consul , the emperour anastasius , flavianus being prelate of antioch , and philoxenus bishop of hierapolis , convenes a synod at constantinople ; and perswades them to pronounce an anathema against diodorus of tarsus , and theodorus of mopsuestia together with their writings , [ also , against ] theodoret of cyrus , ibas of edessa , andreas , eucherius , quirus and johannes , bishops , and against all others who asserted two natures in christ , and two forms , and who confessed not one of the trinity to have been crucified , together with leo bishop of rome and his tome , and together with the chalcedon synod . theophanes confirms the same in his chronicon , pag. . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . victor tunonensis in his chronicon terms them quirus and eucherius , as we saw in the foregoing note ; where quirus is put for cyrus , in such manner as in s t ambrosius's epistles , quinegius is put for cinegius . further , nicephorus has at this place substituted the name eleutherius , instead of eutherius . vales. g this eleusinus [ or , eleusinius ] is mentioned by liberatus in his breviary chap. , in these words , speaking of severus : ita ut ob hoc scriberet , &c. so that on this account he would write , even to flavianus himself , as 't is signified in his own epistles , and to maronas lector , and to eleusinus and euthrecius bishops , and to oecumenius scholasticus of isauria . the same person is mentioned by theophanes in his chronicon , pag. of the king's edition ; whose words anastasius bibliothecarius has rendred thus : anastasius quiete potitus à proeliis , macedonium patriarcham avertcre ab orthodoxâ side satagebat . multi autem episcoporum anastasio gratiam praestantes , chalcedonensi resistebant concilio , quorum primus erat eleusius sasimensis . theophanes's words in greek are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the reading in the vatican copy . indeed , the monks of palestine do affirm ▪ that this eleusinius was bishop of the second cappadocia . now , sasima is a city of cappadocia secunda , ( whereof gregorius nazianzenus was heretofore bishop ; ) as the old natitiae do inform us , and especially hierocles . vales. * or , narrowress of mind . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it should , as i think , be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or rather , a negative particle is to be added , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . nor do i doubt but evagrius wrote it thus . but antiquaries [ that is , transcribers of books , ] writing hastily , omitted the negative particle at this place . further , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these persons , he means diodorus bishop of tarsus , theodorus of mopsuestia , theodoret , and the rest mentioned above . see theophanes pag. . vales. i flavianus bishop of antioch is meant . which i should not have remarked , had there not been a fault in christophorson's version . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is righter , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the isauri . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a conjunction seems necessary to be added here , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and that [ copy of it ] which they produce . vales. m see leontius de sectis , in the eighth action . 〈…〉 where he tells us , that the acephali attributed some epistles to julius bishop of rome , which in reality were apollinaris's . vales. n so indeed macedonius behaved himself in the beginning of his episcopate , whilest he was willing to gratifie the emperour anastasius , by whom he had been promoted to the patriarchate . therefore , many of the antient writers have related , that macedonius at the beginning had subscribed to zeno's henoticon . so , 't is certain , theodorus lector affirms , whom baronius has causelessly reproved on that account . for liberatus relates the same in his breviary chap. ; where he speaks concerning johannes hemula bishop of alexandria ; — and a little after that , where he mentions johannes nicaeota , hemula's successour . victor tunonensis in his chronicon writes thus concerning macedonius : anastasio aug. cos. &c. in the consulate of anastasius augustus , macedonius bishop of constantinople , a synod being convened , condemns those who embraced the decrees of the chalcedon synod , and such as desend [ the sentiments ] of nestorius and eutyches . lastly , theophanes in his chronicon , pag. , does wholly agree with theodorus lector . vales. o he means the monasteries of dius , and bassianus , and of the acoemeti [ or , sleepless monks , ] and of matrona ; who had separated themselves from the communion of macedonius , and [ the monasteries ] of those who had subscribed zeno's henoticon , as theophanes tells us in his chronicon pag. . vales. p this , as i think , is dioscorus junior , who succeeded johannes nicaeota in the bishoprick of alexandria . baronius places his ordination on the year of christ , five years after macedonius's banishment . to whom agrees theophanes in his chronicon . but liberatus contradicts it , who relates dioscorus's ordination before the deposition of macedonius . and this evagrius confirms here . but , after a more accurate examination of the matter , dioscorus junior can't be meant here . for macedonius was ejected out of his bishoprick on the year of christ , as 't is manifest from marcellinus ; and in his room was substituted timotheus , who forthwith wrote synodick letters to johannes nicaeota bishop of alexandria ; as liberatus and theophanes do attest . whereas therefore dioscorus junior succeeded nicaeota , he must necessarily begin his presidency after macedonius's deposition . wherefore , another dioscorus is meant here . and perhaps , in stead of dioscorus , it must be written soterichus . vales. q concerning this johannes , victor tunonensis in his chronicon writes thus : theodoro viro c. cos. julianus bostrenus , &c. the most famous theodorus being consul , julianus of bost●l , and johannes of paltum voluntarily left their own churches , and others are put into their places . but marcellinus in his chronicon relates that in the consulate of paulus and mussianus , on the year of christ . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is a fault in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) writing out this passage of evagrius , makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , smote , or , wounded . but i am for treading in the footsteps of the ordinary reading ; and therefore think it is to be restored thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wrung , or , choak't ; after which manner christophorson seems to have read . in the tellerian m. s. the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b nicephorus ( book . chap. , ) thought there was a monastery so named from one cynegius its founder . but it seems likelier to me , that a country of syria was so termed , wherein there were many monasteries . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word must be expunged , being superfluous ; how it crept into this place , i know not . if we have a mind to retain this word , the reading must be thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man by extract a persian . for 't is referred to the participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perswaded . xenaias was indeed by nation a persian , as theophanes , nicephorus , and others do attest . vales. * field , or , village . a this was the year of christ . for the first year of the antiochians precedes the vulgar aera of our lords nativity . years . severns therefore entred upon the bishoprick of antioch on the year of christ , in the month november , in the sixth indiction . so marcellinus comes in his chronicon : indict . . clementino & probo coss. &c. in the sixth indiction , clementinus and probus being consuls , severus a worshipper of eutyches's perfidiousness , by the desire of anastasius caesar , possessed the see of the prelate flavianus , and of a monk was made a bishop . vales. * see book . chap. . note ( a. ) b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson omitted these words in his version . the meaning of them is this ; on the sixth year of the indictional circle which then was . for , an indiction is a circle of fifteen years , after the ending whereof , another circle beings of as many years . evagrius terms the partition of the circle of fifteen years , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines call indiction●m , an indiction . but , whereas evagrius says , that severus was ordained on the month dius , that is , november ; that must necessarily have been done in the s●aventh indiction . for a new indiction was begun on the month september . evagrius has expressed himself in the same manner before , at book . chap. ; where he says these words concerning the earthquake , which hapned at antioch in the times of leo augustus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the eleventh partition of the cycle , that is , on the eleventh year of the partition of the circle . so , in the thirteenth edict of justinian ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , untill the second partition of the past cycle . vales. * or , the exercise of the laws . c there was a twofold phoenice ; the one termed maritima [ because it lay by the sea-coast ; ] in greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the metropolis whereof was tyre . the other named libanen●is , the head city whereof was em●sa ; as the old notitiae do inform us . in the maritime phoenice was the most famous city tripolis . in that city , as evagrius does here attest , the martyr leontius was honoured . this is the leontius , of whom mention is made in the menologie , at the eighteenth day of the month july . the monks , in their libell presented to the patriarch menas , ( which libell is recorded in the fifth action of the constantinop . synod sub mena , ) do attest , that severus was baptized in this martyrs church . vales. d liberatus in his breviary chap. , writes thus concerning severus : is enim severus cum sed●ret prius in monasterio , &c. for this severus , when he formerly lived [ or , sate ] in the monasterie , admitted not of zeno's edict , nor [ received to communion ] petrus mongus . after this , living in the monastery of the abbot romanus , and of mamas who presided after him , he was from thence sent to reside as apocrisarius [ that is , legate ] at constantinople : and becomes one of their number , who were of petrus mongus's [ party . ] this relation of liberatus's is far different from that of evagrius . for , evagrius says , that at ●irst severus was a monk in a monastery which was between majuma and gaza . and this is confirmed by theophanes also . but , that afterwards he resided [ or , sate ] in the monastery of the abbot nephalius ; which was in egypt , as evagrius tells us in the two and twentieth chapter of this book . out of which monastery severus being driven , came ( says he ) to constantinople . but , liberatus relates , that severus sate indeed in two monasteries : but attests , that he was not ejected out of any monastery , but , was made apocrisarius . but , whose apocrisarius he was , he says not . i am of opinion , that he was the apocrisarius of the monks of the east , who were of the same sect with himself . so theonas is termed the apocrisarius of the monasteries in palestine , in the first action of the constantinopolitane synod under menas . and that evagrius confirms here . vales. e concerning this petrus iberus , evagrius has spoken already , at chap. , book . there is mention made of the same petrus , in the libell of the monks to the patriarch menas , which is recorded in the fifth action of the constantinopolitane synod under menas . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had passed through the same exercises ; [ to wit , of a monastick life . ] † or , party . f he means the synodick letters which severus wrote to timotheus bishop of constantinople , and to johannes nicaeota bishop of alexandria . for liberatus ( in his breviary , chap. , ) informs us , that severus held communion with these prelates . indeed , theophanes ( in his chronicon , pag , ) relates , that timotheus , when he would have inserted severus's name into the dyptichs , was hindred by the people of constantinople . vales. g theophanes casts a great light upon this place . he writes ( pag. , ) that timotheus sent his synodick letters , and the deposition of macedonius , to all the bishops , that they might subscribe to them : and , that the weaker persons amongst them , afraid of the emperour , subscribed to each libell , but , that those who were of a mind more stout and couragious , would subscribe to neither . further , that some , taking a middle way , subscribed to timotheus's synodick letters , but would in no wise subscribe to the deposition of macedonius . amongst these persons therefore who took the middle way , were the bishops of palestine , as the monks do attest here in their letter to alcison . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those persons who brought them ; as it is in nicephorus . in which author also , the reading is fuller by one word ; thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those persons who brought them hither . besides , in the tellerian manuscript i found it plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. i in nicephorus , this place is otherwise distinguished , to wit , in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fled out of the city : the populacy and monks having made an insurrection against them . which distinction i like best . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus words it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in antioch ; which i like not . for the monks of palestine do not speak of antioch here , but of the bishops who were subject to the see of antioch . for , having before spoken concerning the affairs of palestine , which were subject to the patriarch of jerusalem , they now pass to the bishops of the east , who were under the jurisdiction of the patriarch of antioch ; and in the first place they name marinus bishop of berytus , which was a city of phoenice . now , phoenice was under the dispose of the antiochian patriarch , according as it had been agreed in the chalcedon synod between maximus bishop of antioch , and juvenalis bishop of jerusalem . vales. * or , necessity . l liberatus makes mention of this mamas , in his breviary , chap. : whose words we have quoted at note ( d , ) in this chapter , therefore the two ring-leaders of the dioscorites [ or , dioscorians , ] by whom severus had been instructed , are romanus and mamas , abbots of that monastery which was between majuma and gaza . indeed , theophanes , in his chronicon , terms that a monastery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of schismaticall monks . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by whom severus himself had been ●odged . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had been catechized , or , instructed . for the abbots mamas and romanus had instructed severus ; as we have said before , out of liberatus . vales. a ●pa●ia was the metropolis of syria coele , or syria secunda , to which epiphania and ar●thusa were subject , as the old notitiae inform us . vales. * or , which hath passed to us from our fathers . † or , which has orontes its neighbour . * or , the first of the deacons . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vulesius renders these words thus : ●ocans ac lascivicus , ●e●●ing [ or , drolling , ] and playing the wanton . the primary signification of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , feignedly to refuse ; it imports also to dissemble , or , to play the fool , to behave ones self as that most petulant woman acco did ; from whose carriage this word had its originall . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have restored this place from the excellent florcntine and tellerian m. ss ; wherein 't is thus written . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the command of the militia in phoenice libanensis . there were two phoenice's , as i have remarked above ; the one termed maritima , the other libanensis . over this province was set the du● of phoenice , concerning whom see the notitia imp. rom. . vales. c instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , attempt ; it would , if i mistake not ▪ be better written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , effect . vales. * or , untill . * at book . chap. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i agree with s r henry savil , who at the margin of his copy hath mended it thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which hapned . the same person corrects the beginning of this ch●pter thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but 't will not be inconvenient , &c. it may also be made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but it will not be disagreeable , or mis●l●c't ; and perhaps 't is better so . for 't is the same , as if you should say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't will not be absurd . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hapned , the tellcrian manuscript has it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have hapned . vales. * chap. . † or , ▪ puts on . b marcellinus comes in his chronicon ( at anasta●in●'s being consul alone ; calls this person athenodorus and so does theophanes in his chronicon . pag. . vales. c he means the donative , which the tyrant hillus had allowed to the isaurians , and which the emperour zeno , though against his will , had bestowed upon them to procure a reconciliation . which donative the emperour anastasius having refused to pay to the isaurians , they made war against the romans , as jordanes relates in his book de successione regnorum . vales. * or , barbarians termed scenitae ; that is , who dwelt in tents . * or , the affairs of mesopotamia , &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as the reading is in nicephorus , book , chap. . further , we have remarked already , that there were two phoenice's ; the one termed libanensis , the other maritima . nor must this be omitted , that , that province is by the latines sometimes termed phoenicem , from the nominative case phoenix . 't is certain , in the itinerary table of the putingeri , it is called syria phoenix ; as also in the notitia imperii romani . in the manuscript copies , 't is written dux phoenicis . nor found i it written otherwise in aegesippus , book . chap. . vales. marcellinus comes , in his chronicon , says this city was taken by the persians on the tenth indiction , in the consulate of probus and avienus ; that is , on the year of christ , and on the eleventh year of anastasius's empire . see procopius in book . persic . vales. * or , empire . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged , being useless and superfluous . further , this wall was from its builders name called anastasianus : it was built in anastasius augustus's third consulate , on the year of christ ; as the authour of the alexandrian chronicle writes . concerning this wall suidas gives this relation , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the emperour anastasius builds the long wall , sixty miles from the city constantinople . it is extended from the sea at the north , to that at the south . it s length contains fourty miles , and its breadth is twenty foot . see more in petrus gillius's first book de topographia urbis constantinopol . cap. . vales. * almost an island . * or , inhibition . † that is , a tax of gold and silver . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whores that made no distinction in their admission of customers . * such as hired out themselves to be abused contrary to nature . † or , gain . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by these words evagrius seems to mean the pretorian praefecture . for that ( to use amm. marcellinus's expression ) vertex erat omnium dignitatum , was the crown [ or top ] of all dignities . to this prefecture therefore the tribute chrysargyrum was every fourth year brought in . indeed , the tributes were wont to be brought in to the chest of the praetorian proefecture . hence 't is , that in the thirteenth book of the theodosian code , in the title de lustrali collatione , the greatest part of the laws are directed to the praefecti praetorio . for the lustralis collatio was nothing else but the chrysargyrum : to wit , gold and silver imposed upon merchants , or the lustralis auri collatio , and the auraria functio . for so 't is called in the same title . further , whether it ought to be called a tribute , or rather a toll [ or tax , ] 't is uncertain . evagrius terms it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is vectigal , a toll , or tax . 't is termed also vectigal in the last law save one de lustrali collatione . the old authour of the quaestions on the old and new testament tells us , this was usually termed aurum poenosum , the punishing gold ; see him , in quaest. . there is an elegant passage concerning this tribute , in libanius's oration against florentius , pag. . which i will transcribe here . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words i render thus . let us also now relate that [ mischief ] which has far surpassed all the rest . this is that intollerable tribute , the chrysargyrum , which renders the approaching lustra [ or , every fifth year , ] dreadfull and horrid . the name [ imposed ] upon this tribute is in indeed specious , [ taken ] from merchants . but whilst they make use of the sea in order to the vending their wares , those whose hands do scarce afford them bread , are utterly ruined . not so much as a cobler escapes [ paying this tribute . ] whom i my self have frequently seen lifting their knife wherewith they cut their leather , up to heaven , and swearing that in that knife their all was placed . nevertheless , this frees them not from [ the vexation of ] those who are urgent and pressing upon them , and who bark , and do only not bite . this time ( o emperour ! ) increases the number of servants ; depriving of liberty those who are sold by their parents , not that their own coffer may receive the price [ for which their children are sold , ] but that they [ the parents ] may see it coming into the hand of the exactor . in the greek text of libanius , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in place of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have substituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b amongst the officials of the praefectus praetorio , four numerarii are reckoned in the notitia imperii romani ; the first of whom was the numerarius of the gold , that is , of the aurum lustrate , or chrysargyrum . there was also amongst the officials of the comes sacrarum largitionum , a primicerius of the scrinium of the golden masse , and a primicerius of the scrinium of gold ; on this account perhaps , because a certain part of this tax was brought in to the chest of the sacred largisses . indeed in the title de lustrali collatione , there is extant a law of valentinianus's , directed to florentius the comes sacrarum largitionum [ that is , of the sacred largisses . ] whence it appears , that some part of this golden function belonged to the largitional titles . vales. * offices , cabinets , or rooms . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the numerarii [ that is , officers who managed the accounts ] of the aurum lustrale , who were in the office of the praefecti praetorio , as i have said in the foregoing note . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the numerarii , ( as i have long since remarked at amm. marcellinus , ) who by another name were termed also rationarii . vales. † see euseb. eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( b. ) d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at my perill write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with referre , proponere , to referre , to propose . the tellerian manuscript confirms our emendation , wherein i found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i had conjectuted . vales. ‖ or , which set forth this exaction . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accused himself of imprudence . some few words after this , instead of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had rashly , inconsiderately suspended ; ] it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had rashly and inconsiderately abolished . vales. * or , summary , or , rationary , containing an accoun● how this tax was to be assessed and collected . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . every body sees it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which is the same as if he should have said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 really . further , this adverb is referred to the verb rejoyce . which being most certain , 't is nevertheless strange , that both translatours should have referred this adverb to the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus , and he did rejoyce , because he had really and truly obtained what he desired . vales. * or , inhibition . † or , gentiles , or , graecians . * or , gentiles . ‖ or , blasphemed . * or , his paternall religion . † or , as he says . * or , devill . † or , beauties of buildings . ‖ or , bread , or , bread-corn . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made constansius , as the reading is in the tellerian m. s. and in nicephorus book , chap . and a little after this , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enemies ; it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wars ; as the reading is in the same nicephorus . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in two words ; and accordingly we have rendred it , to whose times . and so nicephorus read , who has exprest these words of evagrius thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which place of nicephorus , langus understood not , as 't is apparent from his version of it . it must be rendred thus , quibus historiam tuam terminasti , wherein thou hast closed thine history . for zosimus brought down his work to the taking of rome effected by alaricus , as 't is manifest from photius's bibliotheca . further , from this passage in nicephorus and evagrius , vossius ( in his book de historicis graecis ) affirms , that zosimus lived in the times of theodosius junior . yet , neither of those two authors hath said that of zosimus . they only say , that he lived under honorius and arcadius , with which [ emperours ] he terminated his history , or rather long after them . indeed , i am of opinion , that this zosimus lived about the times of anastasius . for he cites olympiodorus thebaeus , who wrote his history under theodosius junior , as photius attests ; and he names syrianus philosophus , who was the master of proclus diadochus . now , proclus lived in the times of anastasius . lastly , saidas writes , that zosimus the sophist lived in the reign of anastasius ; whom i think to be the same with zosimus the historiographer . for many rhetoricians and sophists betook themselves to writing history , as 't is manifest both from dionysius halicarnasseus , and also from many others . and the dignity of advocate of the fiscus [ or , treasury , ] - wherewith zosimus was adorned , disagrees not much from the sophistick dignity . vales. c this passage of eusebius occurs at book , chap. , eccles. histor. from which place our evagrius is to be corrected . vales. * to wit , pag. of our version . † see theodoret's eccles . hist. book . chap. . ‖ or , affairs of the romans . d long before christ's advent macedonia had been subdued by the romans . moreover , the albani , iberi , and colchi had been conquered by the same romans long before christ's birth . therefore , what evagrius says here , is nothing to the purpose . but , concerning this whole invective of evagrius's against zosimus , see johannes leunclavius's apology , which he has prefixt before his edition of zosimus . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the hundred twenty third olympiad . the same is the reading in the greek copies of nicephorus ; but it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , on the hundredth eighty second olympiad , from eusebius , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , pag. . vales. * or , the worship of many gods. † or , a turbulent dominion mannaged by the people . * see euseb . eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( a , b , c. ) ‖ see mic. . . * or , feed . f evagrius mistakes . for about twenty years before out saviour's nativity , egypt was reduced into the form of a province . vales. * or , commander . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. it would be better written thus , trajan also , severus and carus . for this is required by the order of time . instead of severus , it might be written verus . for he got a great victory over the persians , as we are informed from the writers of the historia augusta . vales. h concerning this apollonius i have read nothing in any place . vales. * or , pr●em , or , beginning . * germanicus c. caesoris pater , drusi & minoris antoniae filius , à tiberio patruo adoptatus , &c. so suetonius in the life of caius caligula . * or , the same . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian m. s. i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but i would rather express it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , save only , &c. vales. † or , coherent . * or , golden tax . a what the chrysotelia should be , is hard to guess , in regard our evagrius , contenting himself in setting down the bare name , has omitted to explain the thing it self ; nor has any other of the ancient writers , that i know of , made mention of this thing . but , as much as i am able to attain by conjecture , i do think the chrysotelia to have been nothing else , but a paying of gold , which anastasius first ordered to be exacted from the provincialls in stead of the tributary function . for the old romans were wont to bring in the tributes in the very species themselves , to wit , in wheat , barley , wine , and oyl : out of which , being carried together into the publick granaries , the military and civil annona was distributed . moreover , by the sanctions of the emperours it had been forbidden , that the collectors should exact gold of the provincials instead of the species [ to wit , wheat , barley , &c. ] as may be seen in the fourth and fifth law of the theodosian code , tit. tributa in ipsis speciebus inferri . but anastasius was the first who gave order , that instead of the species , money should be exacted of the provincialls . now , i gather this , partly from the word chrysotelia it self , whereby is signified a paying of gold instead of tribute ; and partly from that which evagrius speaks in this whole chapter concerning the tributary function , as we shall see afterwards . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johannes langus has rendred this place very well , in this manner : et populos suos vectigales bellicis impensis per nundinationem divenditis supra modum gravavit , and he over-much burthened his people that payed tribute , the military expences being by a market made sale of . musculus translates it thus : et militares sumptus one rosissime contra consuetas contributiones divendidit , and in a most burdensome manner made sale of the military expences contrary to the usuall contributions . but , christophorson renders it worst of all , in this manner : et stipendia militaria , unà cum exactionibus , non sine gravissimo reipublicae detrimento divendidit , and sold the military stipends , together with the exactions ▪ not without the heaviest detriment to the re-publick . but , to the end we may fully understand the thing it self , we will diligently weigh each word . evagrius therefore says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that word signifies in latine , eum qui vendidi● , him that hath sold. suidas also observes , that a fraudulent selling , or sale , is understood by this word . now , the selling of the military expence may be meant in a twofold manner . for , either anastasius farmed out the military expence to publicans , in such manner as our kings are wont to do , who usually let out the allowance of the military annona , [ that is , the souldiers provisions , ] of cloths , and other things of that nature , to publicans and farmers . or else , that sale was no other thing than an adaeration , [ or , setting a money-value upon these expences : ] in such a manner as if anastasius should have rated at a most burthensome value the military expence , to wit , the clothes , arms , forrage , which were wont to be brought in by the provincialls : which thing redounded to the loss of the provincialls , who instead of the species themselves were forced to pay a price . and this latter sesse i have followed in my rendition . now , by these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evagrius means not only the military stipends , [ or , souldiers pay , ] as christophorson thought ; but , all manner of charge belonging to the militia , to wit , clothes , arms , and provisions . justinian makes frequent use of this word in his thirteenth edict , where he distinguishes also between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and he informs us , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the annonae , and the capita [ or , forrage for the beasts ] which were paid to the magistrates in gold : but , of what sort the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were , he explains not ; only he intimates , that the values of them also were exacted from the provincialls ; where he speaks concerning the dux of libya . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were , musculus and christophorson understood not . the provincialls who paid tribute , are so termed the old glosses explain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus , tributarius , a person obnoxious to the paying of tribute ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tributum , tribute . so evagrius ( book . chap. , ) calls the tributaries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . amongst the burthens of the decuriones , the exactione [ or , collection ] of the tributes was not the least . for they out of their own body made susceptores [ takers , or receivers , ] of the annonae , and praepositi [ or , overseers ] of the mansions and granaries , as 't is evident from the theodosian code , in the title de decurionibus , and in the titles de susceptoribus . which yet is not so to be understood , as if only the decurions might collect the fiscall tributes . for , both the officialls of the praefecti praetorio , and likewise the officialls of the presidents , were wont to collect the tributes from the provincials ; as amm. marcellinus informs us , book . , in these words . denique inusitato exemplo , id petendo caesar impetravera● a praefecto , &c. in fine by an unusuall example , caesar by entreaty had obtained that of the praefect , that the dispose of the second belgica , which was oppressed with manifold mischiefes , might be committed to him ; to wit , on that condition , that neither the official of a prefect , nor of a president , should urge any one to pay . [ in valesius's edition of amm. marcellinus , pag. , where this passage occurs ; it is printed thus : ......... inique . inusitato exemplo , which imperfection in marcellinus's copy he does , i suppose , supply here by altering the punctation , and making it , denique inusitato , &c. ] the emperour anastasius wholly took away from the decurions the exaction of the tributes , which they in part took care of . hence 't is , that in justinian's thirteenth edict , where he treats concerning the exaction of the tributes of egypt , he makes no mention of the decurions ; but only names the scriniarii and the tractatores of the praetorian praefecture , who collected the fiscall tributes from the payers , and brought them to the double table , or chest , of the praetorian praefecture , the one private , the other generall . which thing was , i suppose , instituted by anastasius , who had decreed , that the tributes should be brought in ▪ not in their very species , but in gold , as i have remarked above . now , why anastasius should institute that , this reason may be assigned . the emperour anastasius , in regard he was most provident in mannaging the publick affairs , ( as procopius attests , ) was willing rather to buy peace of the barbarians with gold , than to engage with them in a doubtfull war. which when he had succeeded in according to his desire , he lessened the number of the milice , in regard he had no need of them , because the barbarians , appeased with gold , would keep the peace . therefore suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says that the provinces of the roman empire , were in his times almost empty of souldiers . whereas therefore the roman legions had been reduced to so small a number , there was no necessity of carrying so many species annonariae [ that is , wheat , barly , &c. ] into the publick granaries . wherefore anastasius judged it to be better , to exact money from the provincialls , wherewith he might redeem peace from the barbarians . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is mention of these vindices in justinians novells , and in the thirteenth edict . the words of the author of the alexandrian chronicle pag. , are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which his translator hath rendred thus : inter quos antipater antiochiae vindex seu judex occubuit , amongst whom was slain antipater the vindex or judge of a●●ioch . but the vindices were not judges , but persons set over the collection of the tributes , as justinian informs us , in novell , and . where he joyns them with the curiales , officiales , canonicarii , and exactours of the tributes . and the same is confirmed by this place of evagrius . for he says , that the emperour anastasius took the exaction of the tributes from the curiales , and translated it to those vindices which himself had instituted . the vindices therefore exacted the tributes from the provincialls . the same justinian in his thirteenth edict says , that one potamo● , in the times of anastasius , under pretence of vindex of alexandria , was set over the exaction of the tributes . for so i render these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whence also we learn that the vindex of alexandria was set over the exaction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that was a tax for the exportation of tyles and other wares which were exported out of the city alexandria . further , out of this money which the vindex had collected , he was compelled to allow wood to heat the publick baths , and to fulfill other solemn duties , as the same justinian informs us in the above mentioned edict . from which passages therein , some persons might be able to collect , that there was only one vindex in every city . 't is further to be noted , that that constitution of anastasius , wherein the exaction of the tributes ● said to have been taken from the curiales , was in no wise observed by the succeeding emperours . 't is certain , justinian , in the forementioned novells ▪ does expresly name the curiales amongst those who at their own peril exacted and undertook the tributes . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the emperour justinian calls this person marianus , in his thirteenth edict , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. your glorious magnificence hath found in a certain paper in the times of the emperour anastasius of pious memory , then when marianus of glorious memory administred the publick affairs under him ▪ but , marcellinus in his chronicon terms him marinus ; indictione v. [ says he paulo & musciano coss. die dominico , dum jubente anastasio caesar● , per marinumperque platonem in ecclesiae pulpi●o consistentes , in hymnum trinitatis deipassianorum quaternitas additur ▪ &c. plato was indeed praefect of the city constantinople , as victor thunonensis informs us in his chronicon : but marinus was praefectus praetorio ; wherefore he is set before plato by marcellinus . further , cedrenus and zonaras , whilst they tell the same thing with marcellinus and victor , mention not the names of marinus and plato , but do express the dignity of each of them , stiling the one of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ where , by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they mean the praefectus praetorio , because the praefectus praetorio mannaged the accounts of the tributes . but , we must not omit what zonaras relates , to wit , that by this marianus the praefect ( for so he calls him ) vitalianus the tyrant was vanquished in a sea-fight , by the help of certain burning-glasses , which had been framed by proclus the philosopher . from which words some might conjecture , that this was the marinus syrus schollar to proclus the philosoper . indeed , nicephorus ▪ also , in the last chapter of his fifteenth book , calls this marinus , a syrian . but , i am of opinion , that that marinus syrus , who was praefectus praetorio in anastasius's times , must be distinguished from marinus syrus the philosopher , who wrote proclus's life . for this marinus last mentioned was by religion a pagan , as we learn from an old epigram which occurs in the a●thologi● . but , the former marinus was a christian , as 't is manifest from marcellinus . vales. * or , in the courts of judicature . * or , moesia . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as far as odyssus . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , odessus . for so 't is termed by diodorus siculus , by strabo , and by stephanus . the ancient coyns ▪ also have it thus written , as i have long since observed at the twenty seventh book of amm. marcellinus , pag. of my notes . nevertheless , most writers , as well greek as latine , call it odyssus as if it had had its name from ulysses . indeed , johannes langus has rendred that ulyssopolim , which nicephorus had termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in chap. , book . vales. * or , alterations . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ i judge it must be written in one word thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is the same mistake in nicephorus , chap. ▪ book . what the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , suidas tells us incomparably well , in that word . in the tellerian m. s. i found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. † or , o●● of odessus . * or , n●v●ll forces . † or , armies . ‖ or , throwing of missile weapons . c there was a place so called , as marcellinus attests in his chronicon , whose words we have quoted at chap. ▪ note ( c. ) stephanus has made mention of the same place in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the hunni having passed the caspian streights [ or , narrow passes , ] made an irruption into armenia , cappadocia , and pontus , in the consulate of anthemius and florentius , on the year of christ , as marcellinus and victor thunonensis relate in their chronicons . they were also termed sabiri , or saber , as cedrenus attests : for so 't is to be read in theophanes . from which authours it must be made here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having past the caspian , streights . 't is certain , nicephorus has thus exprest this place of evagrius , at book . chap. . through these caspian narrow passes , the hunni were wont to break into the roman pale , as procopius tells us book . persic . where he gives an excellent description of these narrow passes , and attests that they had been heretofore fortified by alexander the macedonian . whence , that passage of saint jerome , in his epitaph of fabiola , receives light ; which runs thus : ecce subito discurrentibus nuntiis , oriens totus intremuit , ab ultimâ maeötide inter glacialem tana●m , & massagetarum immanes populos , ubi caucasi rupibus feras gentes alexandri cla●stra cohibent , ●rupisse hunnorum examina . vales. * or , suffered a most violent , &c. * see meursius's glossary , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † or , feigned an humiliation . * or , abrogated . a this sothericus [ or , soterichus , ] had been ordained bishop of caesarea in cappadocia by macedonius bishop of constantinople . who going over afterwards to the eutychian party , joyned himself to the impious xenaïas , as theophanes relates in his chronicon . 't is no wonder therefore , that severus , a ringleader of the eutychians , should have written letters to soterichus , a person like himself , and should in them have accused macedonius a catholick bishop , as being the authour of the sedition . severus himself was rather the occasioner of this sedition , who had perswaded the emperour anastasius , that to the hymn [ termed ] the trisagium he should add this clause , who hast been crucified for us , have mercy upon us ; as cedrenus relates in his chronicon . further , proclus bishop of constantinople had been taught this hymn [ termed ] the trisagium , by angells . which , as soon as the priest had approacht the altar , the chaunter out of the pulpit began to sing , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , holy god ; holy mighty ▪ holy immortall ; as jovius monachus writes book , in photius's bibliotheca . on account of this hymn most violent tumults arose afterwards in the church , when the easterns would add this clause to it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who hast been crucified for us , referring it to jesus christ. but the constantinopolitanes and westerns rejected that addition , least any passion should be attributed to the consubstantiall trinity : and in place thereof sang these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , holy trinity have mercy upon us ; as ephraemius patriarch of antioch informs us in photius his bibliotheca . macedonius did right therefore , who retaining the usage delivered by proclus , refused that addition . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred this place ill , thus , vitam in aulâ imperatoriâ degebat , lead his life in the imperial pallace . nicephorus also committed the same mistake , who has expounded these words of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as yet resided in the imperial pallace . but , in evagrius it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a● the imperial city . for so evagrius is wont to call constantinople , as i have noted above . besides , in the foregoing chapter he terms it so . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . so also nicephorus read : for he has exprest evagrius's words thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at that time , when he was driven from his own monastery . yet i wonder , that this was not perceived by the translatours , to wit , musculus and christophorson . vales. * see chap. . † chap. . * or , strength . † or , out of necessity forced to a compassion . d nay ; anastasius lived seven years compleat after this sedition . vales. notes for div a -e * or , justinus the first . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , magister officiorum , master of the offices . for so the greeks do usually explain that dignity . nevertheless , jordanes in his book de successione regnorum , relates , that justinus was by the senate elected emperour , not from his being master of the offices , but comes of the guards . to whom agrees the author of the alexandrian chronicle , and the old chronographer whom i long since published at the end of amm. marcellinus's history . procopius ( in his anecdota , pag. , ) speaking of the emperour justinus as yet a private person , writes thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the emperour anastasius had made him comes of the guards in the pallace . the same procopius makes justinus , not a thracian , ( as evagrius , cedrenus , and zonaras do , ) but an illyrian , born at the town b●derian● . theophanes also says justinus was an illyrian . but , i cannot enough admire at the author of the alexandrian chronicle , who although he makes him a bederianite , yet terms him a thracian . vales. * or , with so great a dignity . * or , destroyes from amongst men . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making , substituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , living . but i am of opinion , that evagrius wrote ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making his residence ▪ and , that the two former words were omitted by transcribers . the reading may also be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pitching his tent , or , dwelling . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there were two armies in the court of the roman emperour , who were called praesentes , in greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these were commanded by two magistri militum , who were termed in praesenti , or praesentales . and in the eastern empire , one of these commanders was a magister of foot , the other of horse . but in the western empire , each of them was a magister of horse and foot. concerning these two magistri of the present milice , or , milice in waiting , malchus speaks in his excerpta legationum pag. . moreover , jordanes in his book de successione regnorum agrees with our evagrius , where he speaks these words concerning the emperour justinus ; foedusque cum vitaliano percussit , &c. and he made a league with vitalianus , and after he had sent for him , made him present master of the milice and ordinary consul . see meursius's glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fifth action of the constantinopolitane synod under menas , pag. , these words occur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , place . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian m. s. this place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders this place thus , in obscuriore quâdam palatii janu● , in a certain more obscure gate of the pallace . christophorson translates it in this manner ; in portâ quâdam post aulam positâ , in a certain gate placed after [ or , behind ] the pallace . johannes langus , who rendred nicephorus into latine , has translated it thus ; ad quandam in mediâ aulâ januam , at a certain gate in the middle of the pallace . he was minded belike to express that word which nicephorus made use of , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the greeks had two gates in their edisices which had no cellars , or , vaults . the first of these , which lookt towards the street , was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the porch-gate , as harpocration informs us in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the second gate was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was in the midst between the porch and the atrium [ or , court ; ] or else because it was in the middle between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men's apartment , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , womens apartment ; as the authour of the etymologicon affirms . lysias mentions both these gates in his oration pro eratosthene de caede , in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but having remembred that in that night the gate between the porch and atrium and the porch-gate creak't . i think it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heliodorus ( in the close of his third book , ) alludes to this place of lysias , when he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which passage the translatour renders thus , perstrepebat ostium atrii , the gate of the atrium creak't . aelius dionysius ( in his lexicon in eustathius on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. , ) says these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the greeks term the middle gate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ , especially the middle of the two gates , as aelius dionysius affirms ▪ which [ gate ] also the same person stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same is affirmed by the scholiast of apollonius at his third book . let thus much be noted concerning the propriety of this word , in the exposition whereof harpocration is mistaken , ( see him in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ) who from lysias thought the import of it was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that termed the sordid court [ or , yard ] were the fowls were . but , we must now come nearer to the matter . the words of victor thunonensis in his chronicon are these : maximo v. c. coss. vitalianus , &c. in the consulate of the most famous maximus , vitalianus is said to have been killed at constantinople within the pallace , ( in a place which by a greek word they term the delphicum , ) by the faction of justinianus the patricius . further , the delphicum was an house in the pallace at constantinople , wherein were the stibadia [ see book . chap. . note ( a. ) ] of the emperour ; it was so termed from the delphick table ; whereon drinking cups were wont to be placed , as procopius informs us in the first book of his vandalicks , pag. . the delphicum therefore was the house of the nineteen places to lye down on and banquet , near to which was a spacious atrium , or area , as we will declare hereafter at our annotations on book . chap. . in this area , therefore or spatious court , vitalianus was slain in his own consulate , on the year of christ , as marcellinus informs us in his chronicon . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports cur●is , a large and spacious court , which was betwixt the mens apartment and the womens apartment , as we have seen from the authour of the etymologicon , &c. but , if we would rather take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie a gate , we must mean the gate of the delphicum . thus the constantinopolitan synod under menas is said to have been held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , in the western atrium of the venerable church of the blessed virgin mary . cedrenus in justinian's thirty seventh year says that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the greater church was burnt ; which is termed the garsonastasium . the old glosses de habitatione , interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compluvium , a p●nt-house . theophanes in his chronicon , pag. , relates that justinian built a great cistern of the mesaulium or atrium of illus's basilica . the old glosses expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , atrium , a court. but when we read that the councill was held in the mesaulium , it is not to be understood of an open court , but of the porticus's of the court. for the councills of bishops were not held abroad in the open air. vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had other make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , paying . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no greek ph●●se , if i mistake not . but , 't is righter thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines term poenas solvere , to undergo punishment . thus evagrius expresses himself in chap. . of this book . vales. * book . chap. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , daily , as the reading is in the tellerian manuscript , and in nicephorus . evagrius took this passage out of the libell of the monks , which is recorded in the fifth action of the constantinopolitane synod under menas , pag. : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for daring daily ( as we may say , ) to anathematize the holy synod at chalcedon , he hath held communion thus far , [ or , in this manner , ] he has in the sacred diptycks many of the bishops under himself who had sate in that holy synod at chalcedon . for so it must be read agreeable to the old translatour : and this , liberatus confirms in his breviarium , chap. ; where his words concerning severus are these : sed vexabatur in episcopatu , tanquam anathematizaret quidem synodum , nominaret autem episcopos synodi ; but he was vexed in his bishoprick , as if he should anathematize the synod , but would name the bishops of the synod . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this term , as 't is apparent from his version . for he has rendred it thus : et maximè in litteris quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , quae de episcopis in sede episcopali collocandis scriptae sunt , and especially in the letters which [ are termed ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , which are written concerning the bishops to be placed in the episcopall chair . johannes langus ( in chap. , book , of nicephorus , ) translates it truer , thus : potissimùm verò in eis quae enthronisticae , sive synodales dicuntur , epistolis , but most especially in those letters , which are termed enthronistick or synodicall letters , &c. so the letters were termed , which the patriarchs sent one to another , at their installment , that is , in the beginning of their episcopate ▪ there were also enthronistick homilies , or sermons , which the bishops preacht to the people at their entrance upon their episcopate . concerning these , liberatus ( chap. . ) writes thus , treating of our severus , concerning whom evagrius speaks here ▪ fertur autem expositio ejus , quae ab eo dicta est in enthronismo , but his exposition is extant , which was spoken by him at his installment , wherein he does both embrace zeno's uniting edict , and also anathematizes the chalcedon synod , and likewise confesses himself to hold communion with the alexandrian and constantinopolitane prelates . vales. c he means timotheus bishop of alexandria , who had succeeded dioscorus junior in that bishoprick ▪ as liberatus relates chap. . for timotheus bishop of constantinople cannot be meant here , in regard evagrius has said just before , that severus's synodick letters were embraced and admitted of only at alexandria ▪ vales. d nay ; severus was ejected in the second year of the emperour justinus , on the year of christ , as baronius has remarked truly ▪ vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by these words i am of opinion the comes of the east is meant ; which was a civill dignity ▪ as i have long since remarqued at amm. marcellinus , pag. . of my notes . nevertheless , nicephorus thought that this irenaeus was the dux of the militia . for he has interpolated this passage of evagrius in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who commanded the military companies at antioch . but there is a fault in these words of evagrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in my judgment are to be expunged ; or else to be corrected in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * severus . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. without doubt it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he had placed the watchfullest guard imaginable about him , &c. i have noted already , that in these books of evagrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is most frequently put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. g the emperou● justinus , at the beginning of his empire , made an establishment by a law , that all the bishops should embrace the chalcedon synod : but if any would not embrace it , they should be driven from their sees . liberatus has mentioned this law in his nineteenth chapter , in these words : mortuo anastasio , & justino facto imperatore , anastasius being dead , and justinus being made emperour , severus is accused by vitalianus the magister militum , a religious and orthodox person , because he despised the emperours command , and would not embrace the synod . see baronius at the year of christ , number . further , this place of evagrius seems to have given occasion of a mistake to nicephorus . for , because our evagrius had said , that paulus , severus's successour had been ordered to assert the chalcedon synod at his installment , nicephorus thought that this paulus was in secret an eutychian : nevertheless , that this was false , liberatus informs us in his breviarium chap. ; as also the legates of the apostolick see in their relation to pope hormisda , which baronius records at the year of christ . vales. h paulus bishop of antioch was accused by his own clergy , and by some others of the people of antioch , before the legates of the apostolick see , who as yet resided at constantinople ; and after their departure , before the emperour justinus ; who not able to clear himself of the crimes objected against him , being vanquished by the testimony of his own conscience ▪ presented recusatory libells , requesting that he might have leave to retire from the episcopal office which he had undertaken . which when he had been permitted to do , he spontaneously removed himself from the sacerdotall function , as the emperour justinus relates in his letter to pope hormisda , which baronius records at the year of christ . but although it is not expresly said in the foresaid letter ▪ to whom paulus presented those libells : yet it seemeth to me ▪ that he presented those libells to the emperour justinus . for , that is declared by epiphanius bishop of constantinople , in the letter which he wrote to pope hormisda concerning the same affair . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this passage , as 't is apparent from his version . for he renders it thus : anno septimo regni ejusdem justini , mense ●ecimo , artemisio videlicet , id est , maio , in the seventh year of the same justinus's reign , on the tenth month , to wit artemisius , that is , may , & c. christophorson thought , that the tenth month was here termed artemisius . but 't is not so . for artemisius was not the tenth month of the macedonians . evagrius therefore says this only here , that that earthquake hapned at antioch in the seventh year ▪ on the tenth month of justinus's empire . concerning the year we shall see afterwards , whether it be truly reckoned the seventh . but the tenth month is rightly put by evagrius . for , that earthquake hapned in the month may , as evagrius , and likewise theophanes do attest . now , this was the tenth month of justinus's empire . for justinus began his reign on the ninth day of the month july , as the authour of the alexandrian chronicle observes . therefore , the month may of the following year was the tenth month of justinus's reign . these things concerning the month admit of no doubt . as to the year , our evagrius had done ill to place this earthquake on the seventh year of justinus's empire , in regard he ought rather to have said the eighth . for this earthquake hapned on the fourth indiction , when olybrius was consul alone ; as marcellinus comes and theophanes do attest in their chronicon's : which was the year of christ . on which year the eighth year of the same emperours reign was current till the month july . baronius therefore has not rightly placed this earthquake on the year of christ ; who was lead into a mistake by evagrius . further , in the florentine manuscript , at these words of evagrius , this scholion was set in the margin ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ note ] that may is termed the tenth month . but this scholiast , whosoever he was , is mistaken here . for may is not simply and absolutely termed the tenth month by evagrius here , but only the tenth month of justinus's empire , as i have said above . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in fine therefore . in the florent . m. s. the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ended his life . further , concerning this earthquake wherewith antioch was ruined in the times of the emperour justinus ; besides theophanes and cedrenus , procopius speaks in the first book of his persica , pag. , and ; where he relates that three hundred thousand person● perished in that earthquake . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who held the raines of government of the east . that is , was then comes of the east , under whose dispose were all the provinces of the east ; as the notitia of the roman empire informs us . that ephraemius was adorned with this dignity , we are told by johannes moschus in chap. . of his limonarium ; where his words are these : eo tempore vir clemens , & misericordiae operibus deditus ephraemius comes orientis erat , at that time ephraemius , a person of great clemency , and addicted to works of compassion , was comes of the east , and by him the publick buildings were repaired : for the city had been ruined by an earthquake . photius also attests the same , in his bibliotheca , chapter . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and then also ▪ &c. i would rather read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at which time also , &c. which is the reading in the tellerian manuscript , and in nicephorus , who writes , that in justinian's reign antioch had that name given it . the same is attested by stephanus bysantius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by theophanes in his chronicon . this latter earthquake hapned on the twenty ninth day of november , in the seventh indiction , two years after the former earthquake , as theophanes relates pag. ; or rather thirty months after the former earthquake , as evagrius says truly . for , so many months are reckoned from the twenty ninth of may in the year of christ , to the twenty ninth of november in the year of christ . in which year the seventh indiction began to be reckoned from the month september . whence , that appears to be most true which i have remarked before , viz. that that former earthquake hapned at antioch on the year of christ ; and not on the year , as baronius thought . and yet baronius has rightly placed the latter earthquake on the year of christ ; which is true . for , whereas he follows evagrius's calculation , he ought to have placed that earthquake on the year : in regard the former earthquake had hapned at antioch on the year of our lord's nativity . vales. * or , brought god home with in himself . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of all manner of undisturbedness in relation to the passions . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus has referred these last words , to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for he renders it thus : hic junctus erat nobili cuidam caesariensi , he was joyned to a certain noble man of caesarea . but njcephorus and christophorson construed these words otherwise , and referred them to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which precedes , thus ; being therefore , &c , as we have rendred it . which opinion i do rather approve of . yet , that which follows in evagrius raises a doubt , to wit , that zosimas asked the standers by for a censer . for , if zosimas was in the house of arcesilaus a laick , how could he seek for a censer there , in regard 't is not usuall to have censers in the house of a laick ? vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a life void of matter . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chuzica . so also the reading is in nicephorus , and ortelius has retained the same reading in his thesaurus geographicus . but in the excellent florentine manuscript it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chuziba ; which is doubtless truer . for so johannes moschus terms that laura in chap. ; cùm autem venisset in eremum , & moraretur in cellis cusibas , but when he was come into the desert , and abode in the cells at cusiba , be performed the same works of mercy . for he went through the high way which leads from jordan to the holy city . where 't is observable , that those are termed cells by moschus , which evagrius calls a laura . indeed , a laura was nothing else but cells of monks dispersed here and there , as i have remarkt above , at book . chap. . note ( b. ) yet moschus ( chap. . ) calls it the monastery chuziba . — vales. c this johannes was first abbot and presbyter of the monastery chuziba ; whence he had the surname of chuzibite . but afterwards he was made bishop of caesarea , as ( besides evagrius ) johannes moschus informs us , chap. . vales. * or , followed . † or , rollers . * or , house . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cooled his hand . in robert stephens the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus omitted these words in his version . but christophorson has rendred them thus ; quippe cùm annis plurimis onustus ●im , in regard i am loaden with many years . which rendition is not to be born with ; for his following words are , & aetate admodùm provectus , and very aged . by this version therefore evagrius would be made to say the same thing in both places . the greeks term gross , thick and fat men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which sort of persons are tender and delicate , and unfit to carry a burden . see suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus also understood not this word . for instead thereof he has substituted these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by reason of my want of necessaries am macerated , [ or , melted . ] vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ran to . in nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ran under . but our emendation seems better . vales. * or , roared out . * that is , he gave each of them the name of justinopolis . a the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , instead of , three days , has made it , five . for he writes , that justinianus was made augustus by justinus , after eight years nine months and five days of justinus's empire , on the calends of aprill , in the consulate of mavortius ; which was the year of christ . but the authour of that chronicle disagrees from himself : for he relates , that justinus entred on the empire on the ninth day of the month july , in the year of our lords nativity . from which time to the calends of aprill in the year , there are eight years , and as many months , together with one and twenty days . but if we follow cedrenus , who relates that justinianus was made augustus by justinus on the fourteenth of aprill , then the computation of the alexandrian chronicle will be most certain . vales. * or , having undergone his perfect day . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian manuscript , i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had held the imperiall government , or , the empire : which reading pleases me best . vales. c from evagrius's own computation 't is apparent , that these words [ one month ] must be added here . for in regard he has said a little before this , that on the calends of aprill of this year , the eighth year of justinus's reign was compleated , and that he had reigned over and above , nine months and three days ; the consequence is , that on the calends of august of the same year , nine years were passed together with one month and three days . whence 't is collected , that justinus's reign is to be begun from the twenty eighth day of june , according to evagrius's sentiment . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it should be worded thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether it were because they themselves really thought so . for the sense requires this reading . nicephorus in no wise understood the meaning of this passage . but musculus has explained it excellently well in this manner : sive autem sic verè sentiebant , sive sic dispensatione quâdam inter ipsos convenerat ; but whether they really thought so , or whether it had been so agreed amongst themselves by a certain dispensation . christophorson has followed musculus , and began a new period from these words , in this manner , sive igitur ita r●ver● sentiebant , &c. whether therefore they really thought so , &c. but we have joyned them with the foregoing words . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders it , dispensatione quâdam , by a certain dispensation . which version i do not approve off . johannes langus translates it , ex composito , by agreement , or , appointment . christophorson , deditâ operâ , on set purpose . i would rather render it , per simulationem , through pretence , or , out of a politick design . for , 't is opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to truth . some therefore were of opinion , that by fraud and under a colour it had been agreed on between justinian and theodora , that the one should adhere to the catholicks , the other to the acephali . in french we should term it , par politique . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by this word christophorson understood the accphali . for he has explained this place thus : et ejus epinionis homines , si nostrates essent , benevolè & amicè complexa est : sin externi , praemiis benigne remunerata : and the men of that opinion , if they were our country-men , she entertained kindly and friendly : but if forreigners , she rewarded them liberally with gifts . but nicephorus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the catholicks and the orthodox ; which i can by no means approve of . for , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our evagrius means the orientalls . but , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forreigners , he means the westerns , vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i agree with the learned , who have already mended this place thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within this present book . vales. * to wit , anthimus , and theodosius . b in the place of theodosius bishop of alexandria , paulus was substituted . who being soon ejected , zoilus was put into his see , as liberatus informs us in his breviary , chap. ; and likewise victor thunonensis in his chronicon , and theophanes pag. . liberatus attests , that this paulus was orthodox . but victor thunonensis and theophanes affirm him to have been an heretick , and to have celebrated dioscorus's name in the sacred diptycks . for victor's words are these : basilio v. c. cos. alexandrinae ecclesiae , in the consulate of the most famous basilius , theodosius and gaianus being banished from the alexandrian church , instead of them paulus the first of the tabennesiotae [ is made bishop , ] who celebrating the deposition of his predecessour the heretick dioscorus , is deposed by the palestine councill , and zoilus is ordained bishop in his room . but theophanes writes thus concerning paulus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this person having celebrated the memory of the profane severus , was ejected out of his bishoprick by the emperours displeasure . he had better have said , of the profane dioscorus ; for severus , if i mistake not , was as yet living , at such time as paulus was ejected out of his bishoprick , that is , on the year of christ . i have made these remarkes for this reason , because baronius , in his annalls , says nothing else concerning this paulus , save what had been related by liberatus . vales. c evagrius mistakes , and puts epiphanius instead of menas . for anthimus had succeeded epiphanius . after anthimus was ejected , in his place menas was ordained bishop of constantinople by pope agapetus ; after belisarius's consulate , on the year of christ ; as marcellinus relates in his chronicon . vales. d concerning this peace and union of the churches which hapned after the ordination of paulus bishop of alexandria , liberatus ( in his breviarie , chap. . ) speakes these words : hoc ergo modo unitas facta est ecclesiarum anno decimo imperii gloriosi justiniani augusti , on this manner therefore an union was made of the churches in the tenth year of the empire of the glorious justinianus augustus . for all the patriarchs at that time embraced and admitted of the chalcedon synod ; that is , in the year of christ . to wit , the bishop of rome , whose apocrisiarius [ or , legate , ] pelagius was at constantinople : paulus bishop of alexandria : ephraemius of antioch , and petrus of jerusalem . of which prelates , paulus , when at the beginning he had pretended to assert the true faith , afterwards revolted to the eutychian heresie , as i have remarked at note ( b , ) from victor and theophanes their chronicles . vales. e some person studious of ecclesiastick antiquity , will perhaps make enquiry here , in what manner or order this preaching [ publishing , or asserting , ] of the chaleedon synod was wont to be performed . i answer , that this preaching was usually made in the ambo , or pulpit of the church , by the bishop , or another person deputed by him , whilst the solemn [ or , publick ] prayers were performed . we have this information from the letter , or libell of the orthodox bishops presented at constantinople to pope agapetus , which libell is recorded in the first action of the constantinopolitan synod under menas , where they speak thus concerning the emperour justinian : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and on this account he made a constitution that the four sacred and holy synods should be preached by the divine preachers in the divine prayers wheresoever performed . the old translatour renders these words thus : & propter hoc statuit quatuor sanctas synodos in divinis & sacris initiationibus , a sacris praedicatoribus praedicari , and on this account he ordered , that the four holy synods should be preach't by the sacred preachers , in the divine and sacred initiations . this translatour thought , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was taken in this place for initiation , or baptism , as it is wont usually to be taken . but at this place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for the publick prayers , and has the same import with - 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine liturgie . indeed , the chalcedon-synod was first preach't [ or , asserted ] in the publick prayers at constantinople , in the reign of justinus senior , as may be seen in the fifth action of the constantinopolitane synod under menas , pag. , &c. edit . colon. but the studious of ecclesiastick antiquity must be cautioned , that they suffer not themselves to be led into an errour by the latine translatour , who writes that this publication was made after the prayers were ended . when as nevertheless , the greek text there has a far different import ; the words whereof are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c : when sunday and munday come , the liturgle being to be performed [ or , celebrated , ] in the holy church of god. the same errour is committed by the translatour , at pag. ; where the greek runs thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which words are to be rendred thus : and after the reading of the holy gospell , when the divine liturgie , as usually , is to be celebrated , and the doors are shut , and the holy creed , according to custome , read , &c ▪ which passages the studious reader may peruse there , if he has a mind to understand the whole order [ or fashion , ] wherein the four oecumenicall synods were preach't [ or proclaimed , ] and read in the sacred diptycks . vales. f he means justinian's fourty second novell , which is also recorded in the fifth action of the constantinopolitan synod under menas . in the edition of henry stephens , who publisht justinian's novells in greek , this constitution is indeed said to have been dated on the seventeenth of the calends of august , in the consulate of the most famous belisarius . but , in the edition of the constantinopolitane councill under menas , 't is said to be dated on the eighth of the ides of august , after the consulate of the most famous belisarius ; which is doubtless truer . for , in regard justinian promulged that constitution against anthimus and severus , after the sentence of the constantinopolitan synod pronounc't against those prelates , ( as the emperour himself attests in the preface of that constitution : ) and whereas the constantinopolitan synod pronounced a sentence of condemnation against the foresaid anthimus and severus on the twelfth of the calends of june , after belisarius's consulate : it is altogether necessary , that that constitution of justinian's should have been promulged on the year after belisarius's consulate . vales. g exarchs at this place are the primates , or patriarchs of each dioecesis , as evagrius has said a little before : in the same manner as jacobus syrmondus has explained it in the second book of his propempticon ▪ chap. , where he discourses excellently and most learnedly concerning exarchs . to whose exact diligence there remains nothing to be added by us . nor has christophorson done ill in rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , arch-bishops . for primates were heretofore termed arch-bishops , as isidorus informs us in the seventh book of his origines , in these words : ordo episcoporum quadripartitus est , the order of bishops is divided into four parts , into patriarchs , arch-bishops , metropolitanes , and bishops . a patriarch in the greek tongue imports the highest father , because he holds the first , that is , the apostolick place : as the roman , the antiochian , the alexandrian . arch-bishop in greek is termed the highest of bishops . for he holds the apostolick place , and presides as well over metropolitanes , as bishops . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the conjecture of learned men displeases me ; who ( instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desires , ) have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consulted how , &c. nicephorus ( book . chap. , ) instead of these two words uses this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thought , or , cast in his mind : which pleases me best . vales. * cavades . * or , who dwelt ▪ in tents : he means the saracens . † or , about him . * or , with a vehemency of affection . † or , land of the romans . * or , endless , or , boundless . † procopius . ‖ or , watch-word . † or , watch-word . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this mischief , or , harm . * or , onorichus . † or , the greatest . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as others before us have already obs●rved . further , concerning these african confessours ( whose tongues huncricus king of the vandalls had commanded to be cut out , and who afterwards desisted not from speaking though their tongues were cut out , ) marcellinus comes speaks in his chronicon , at the consulate of theodoricus and venantius ; where he also attests that some of them were seen by him . victor thunonensis records the same in his chronicon , at zeno augustus's third consulate . and victor vitensis in his book de persecutione vandalorum ; and lastly the emperour justinian in his first law de officio praefecti praetorio africae . which constitution of justinian's our evagrius quotes a little lower in this chapter ; although in the greek text the name of justinus is erroneously written instead of justinianus . see more in baronius , at the year of christ . vales. * in the greek text here , and in robert stephens's edit . 't is justinus : see note ( a ) in this chapter . † or , have to do with . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , produces . i had rather make it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , relates : as evagrius expresses himself at the beginning of the next chapter . vales. * or , from food which brought nourishment . † or , copulation with . ‖ or , scouts . * or , be injurious to . † or , which . ‖ cabaones . * or , beheld . † the scouts , or , spies . * or , their own intemperance . ‖ or , priests . * or , priests . a concerning this vision which appeared to justinian in his sleep , victor thunonensis writes thus : justiniano aug. iv. cos. justinianus imp. visitatione lati , justinianus augustus being the fourth time consul . the emperour justinianus , by a visitation of laetu● the bishop who was made a martyr by hunericus king of the vandalls , sends an army into africk against the vandalls , under the command of belisarius master of the milice . victor vitensis has made mention of this laetus the bishop , in his first book de persecutione vandalorum . further , concerning this expedition of justinian into africk against the vandalls , marcellinus comes speaks also in his chronicon , and places it on the fourth consulate of the same justinianus , that is on the year of christ . marius aventicensis relates the same in his chronicon . but baronius in his annalls reproves marcellinus , and maintains that that expedition was undertaken by justinianus in his third consulate , on the year of christ . justinian's constitution de confirmatione digestorum ( which is prefixt before the work of the pandects , ) confirms baronius's opinion . but , by baronius's favour , i think the opinion of marcellinus and victor to be truer . nor do i doubt , but a fault has crept into justinian's constitution , ( on the authority whereof baronius relies , ) and that the third consulate of the emperour justinian has been written by transcribers of books instead of the fourth . and this justinian himself does so manifestly shew in the foresaid constitution , that i admire it was not perceived by baronius . for thus justinian speaks : leges autem nostras , quas in his codicibus , id est , institutionum & digestorum posuimus , but our laws which we have put in these codes , that is , of the institutions and digests , [ shall ] obtain their strength from [ our ] third most happy consulate of the present twelfth indiction , on the third of the calends of january , and shall be of force for ever . for on the twelfth indiction justinian bore his fourth consulate , as marcellinus comes attests . but , some one will object , that the twelfth indiction was begun from the calends of september , in justinians third consulate . therefore , we must have recourse to another argument , to prove what i have said above ; viz. that the vandalick expedition was begun on justinians fourth consulate , and that that constitution whereon baronius's opinion is founded , was written in justinians fourth consulate . now , this may be proved thus . in the end of the foresaid constitution , as well in the greek as latine , justinian makes mention of a pr●fectus praetorio of africa . but , a praefectus pr●torio of africa was first created by justinian in his fourth consulate , a little before the calends of the september of the thirteenth indiction , as the first law of the code de praefecto praetorio africae informs us . for justinian speaks in this manner : haec igitur magnitudo tua cognoscens , ex calendis septembribus futurae decimae tertiae indictionis effectui mancipari procuret . vales. * or , affairs . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . procopius's words out of the first book of his vandalicks pag. , are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which words import , that his seventh year was already past . now , if we should say that the vandalick expedition was undertaken in justinians third consulate , as justinians words do wholly seem to perswade ; ( when , about the summer solstice , the roman navy came up to the byzantine port , and soon after set sail from thence ( as procopius relates , ) that is about the end of the month june : ) justinian was then in the seventh year and third month of his empire . for the first day of justinians reign is brought from the calends of aprill . but , if we should place the vandalick expedition on justinians fourth consulate , it will be the eighth year of his empire ; and not the seventh , as procopius writes : wherefore baronius's opinion is truer ; which is confirmed both by the emperour justinians authority , and also by the testimony of procopius . vales. * or , admirall ship. * or , before . * reformed , or , repaired . c the emperour justinian agrees ; whose words in the first law of the code de officio praefecti praetorio africae , are these : ut africa per not tam brevi tempore reciperet libertatem , ante nonaginta quinque annos a vandalis captivata ; that africk should by vs receive its liberty in so short a time , having been captivated by the vandalls ninty five years before . marcellinus comes in his chronicon relates , that carthage was taken by the romans on the ninty sixth year of its being lost . but victor thunonensis affirms that africk was recovered by the romans under the command of belisarius , on the ninty seventh year of the vandalls entrance into it . vales. * or , and transcends the hyperbole [ excess , or , superlativeness . ] of every wonder . ‖ or , every way . * or , theuderichus . * book . chap. . † gardianship . ‖ athalaricus . * or , she inclined rather to a masculine gravity . * or , theudatus . * or , carried him away into greece . a concerning the conversion of these people to the faith of christ , procopius speaks in book . of his gothicks , and theophanes in his chronicon , pag. . these people , in regard they lived near the lake maeotis , in fenny places , were from thence first termed eluri . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek signifies fens , or fennish places . jordanes in his book de rebus ge●icis , writes thus concerning the heruli : nam praedicta gens , ablabio historico referente , for the foresaid nation , as ablabius the historian relates , dwelling near the lakes of maeotis , in fennish places , which the greeks term ele , were named eluri . the authour of the etymologicon says the same in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . helmoldus in his chronicon of the slavi , chap. , affirms that these heruli were a slavick nation , who dwelt between albia and odora , and reach't a great way out to the south in a long bay ; who also , as he writes , were by another name termed heveldi . vales. * or , the opinions . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but evagrius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that justinian brought their petition to effect . for thus nicephorus words it , book , chap. . vales. * or , land of the romans . * procopius . † or , command of the army . ‖ we have rendred this clause , as far as the next full point , according as we found it pointed in robert stephens's edition ; the punctation in valesius's edition ( as the learned reader will easily observe , ) puts a sense upon these words far different from that we have expressed in our version . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , coelitùs , from heaven , as grynaeus and curterius have rendred it . valesius translates it , ab illâ , from her , to wit , the virgin mary . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * or , war. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have corrected this place from the tellerian manuscript , and from nicephorus , in which authour 't is written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard nothing of what he did succeeded according to his design , or , desire . see procopius book . perfic . where he says , that ephraemius the bishop was falsely accused for having a design to deliver up antioch to the persians ; and , that soon after he fled into cilicia , being afraid of the irruption of the persians . but concerning the ornaments given by ephraemius to the church of the antiochians , there is not a word extant in procopius . vales. * chosroes . † or , equestrian games . * at apamia . † or , voyage-provision . ‖ or , those who brought me to the light. * or , frequented an inferiour schoolmaster . † or , adorations . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is doubtfull , what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signifie here , whether a picture , and an image of that flame which had followed the wood of the cross ; or , a writing . musculus took it for a writing , or , an inscription ; as did also christophorson , who renders it thus : ob quam causam imago in testudine sanctuarii statuta fuit , quae inscriptione in basi incisâ , hoc miraculum illis qui ejusdem ignari erant , commonstravit ; for which reason an image was set up in the roof of the sanctuary , which by an inscription cut upon its basis , might show this miracle to those who were ignorant of it . but this rendition is intollerable . for first , a basis is , not a term properly used about a painted picture , but concerning a statue only . besides , if the image were in the roof , where , i pray , was the basis set . my sentiment is , that the image [ or , representation ] of this miracle was painted in the arched roof of the church , whereon perhaps some verses were inscribed , which might record this miracle . such like inscriptions are extant in ●ruther's thesaurus , and in paulinus's epistles . vales. b in nicephorus and the tellerian manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ardaarmanes . concerning this adaarmanes captain of the persians , and his irruption into syria , our evagrius speaks in his sixth book . vales. in robert stephens he is called adearmanes . * or , who makes an account of his &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i agree with christophorson and s r henry savill , who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sent away , have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wrote . moreover , the words which immediately follow , ( to wit , these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , ) are corrupted also . in the florentine manuscript 't is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but the place as yet is not without fault . i write thus therefore : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , further also , how in [ or , at ] another incursion chosroes resolved upon a siege of the edessens . vales. * or , provo false . † or , enemies . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the studious . vales. ‖ book . chap. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this whole place is corrupted , as 't is apparent to the readers . s r henry savill at the margin of his copy hath noted , that perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , demonstrated , or , declared : which emendation nicephorus confirms , in chap. , book . where he writes out this place of evagrius thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , as langus tenders it , res ipsa quoque praedictionis ejus fidem , quòd vera maximè sit & sibi ipsi consentiens , confirmavit ; the thing it self also confirmed the authority [ or , faith ] of that prediction , that it might be very true and agreeable to it self . my sentiment therefore is , that this whole clause of evagrius must be written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the event it self declared the truth , faith bringing the prediction to effect . vales. * or , by little and little . d see procopius ( out of whom evagrius borrowed this , ) book . persic . pag. . in what manner these aggesta were built by the romans , apollodorus informs us incomparably well in his mechanicks . which book , being lately done into latine by me , by gods assistance i will e're long publish , together with some other writers of the same subject . vales. * or , they mist of their design . † or , embrace the matter . ‖ or , to the greatest difficulty , or , highest pitch of desperation . e this place of evagrius is cited in the seventh occumenicall synod , pag. ; and likewise by barlaam in his book contra latinos . further , concerning this image not-made-with-hands , which christ is said to have sent to agbarus , see gretser in his book de imaginibus non manufactis . but , it is to be noted , that no mention is made of this image transmitted by christ to king agbarus , either by eusebius in the first book of his ecclesiastick history , or by procopius in his siege of the city edessa . for these authours relate , that a letter only was sent by christ to agbarus , by the apostle thaddaeus . vales. † or , overwhelmed . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in robert stephens's edition 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lexicographers have no such word . i meet with the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies lagenam a flagon , or stone-bottle . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † or , from , † or , wont to catch , or , nourish a flame † or , there was a conference on both sides about , &c. a concerning this golden cross which chosroes had taken out of the church of the sergiopolites for the price of its redemption , theophylactus simocatta speaks in the fifth book of his history , chap. . where also chosroes , grandchild [ or , nephew ] to this chosroes here mentioned by evagrius , does in express words attest , that that cross in honour of the martyr sergius had been sent by the emperour justinian to sergiopolis , and was placed in the church of s t sergius . vales. b in the excellent florentine . manuscript these words are written in the margin here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , [ note that evagrius ] speaks that concerning chosroe , which no other historian has mentioned : to wit , that about the close of his life he received the sacrament of baptism . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a postpositive article seems necessary to be added , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a thing which is never related to have hapned before . which emendation nicephorus confirms book . chap. ; who hath worded this place of evagrius thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which thing never was heard of , that it [ a plague ] should invade the earth for the space of two and fifty years . indeed , no plague is recorded to have raged so long . this pestilence is said to have begun on the year after basilius's consulate , which was the year of christ , as 't is attested by victor thunonensis in his chronicon , and by the continuer of marcellinus comes's chronicon . victor thunonensis writes thus concerning this plague : horum exordia malorum general●● orbis terrarum mortalitas sequitur , &c. a generall mortality of the world follows the beginnings of these mischiefs , and the greater part of the people is killed by a persecution of their groynes . the words of marcellinus's continuer run thus : indictione . anno secundo post consulatum basilii , in the sixth indiction , on the second year after basilius's consulate , a great mortality destroys italy , the east and illyricum having in the same manner been already consumed . victor does indeed seem to agree with marcellinus , relating that that plague began on the second year after basilius's consulate , as marcellinus , records . but , in reality he dissents in the space of one year . for , the second year after basilius's consulate , in victor tunonensis is the same with the first year after basilius's consulate , to wit , the year of christ . for , victor thunonensis does always term that year immediately following the consulate of any consul , the second year , not the first ; as may be proved by many instances . further , our evagrius seems to follow victor thunonensis's opinion . for evagrius says , that that pestilence began two years after antioch had been taken by the persians . now , antioch was won by the persians when justinus junior was consul , on the year of our lords nativity , as marcellinus and marius relate in their chronicles . but baronius will have this plague to have begun on the year of christ . vales. * see thucydides's hist. book . pag. , &c. edit . francosurt . . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it should be worded thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others in summer , as the reading is in niceph. book . chap. . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am of the same opinion with learned men , who have mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in [ or , on ] the second year ; as the reading is in nicephorus , so , 't is certain , s r henry savill hath mended it in the margin of his copy , and hath added this note , anno christi , on the year of christ . s r henry savill thought indeed , that by these words evagrius meant , that that plague had raged chiefly on the second indiction . but evagrius says not that ; nor , had that plague begun to rage on the year of christ . evagrius therefore says this only ; viz. that on the second year of each indiction that plague raged more sorely than 't was wont to do at other times . vales. * or , o● the cycle of fifteen years . d in the excellent florent . and tellerian m. s. i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as yet frequented [ the school of ] a grammar-master ; which is more elegant . and thus evagrius speaks above , at chap. ; where he writes , that he frequented the school of the grammarians , at such time a● antioch was taken by chosroes , that is , on the year of christ . vales. in robert stephens the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as yet frequenting the grammer-masters . † or , swellings in the groyn . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , servos & colonos , my servants and husband-men . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are rusticks , or tillers of ground , who are likewise termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have remarked at book , of euseb. eccles. hist. chap. , note ( ● . ) so theophanes in his chronicon pag. , speaking of dioscorus junior's election ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where anastasius bibliothecarius renders it well , thus , multitudinem rusticorum , the mulitude of the rusticks . vales. f from this place , evagrius's birth may easily be found out . for , whereas he has said in the beginning of this chapter , that at such time as he wrote these things , it was the fifty second year of that plague ; and does now assert , that whilst he wrote the same things , he was in the fifty eight year of his age ; it necessarily follows , that he had been born six years before the beginning of this plague . further , that plague began on the year after ba●ilius's consulate , or , two years after the destruction of antioch , as evagrius has said above . evagrius therefore was born on the year of christ , or . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , duobus his postremis annis nondum elapsis , these two last years being not yet overpast . which i should not have remarked , had not i perceived , that both translatours have been out in the version of this place . for musculus renders it thus ; cùm autem ista scriberem , & annum aetatis quinquagesimum octavum agerem , & duo ista temporis spatia nondum elapsa essent , but whenas i wrote these things , and was in the fifty eighth year of my age , and those two spaces of time were not yet overpast , &c. but christophorson translates it thus : cùm autem ista scriberem , quinquagesimo octavo anno scilicet aetatis , non biennio antè , but when as i wrote these things , to 〈…〉 in the fifty eighth year of my age , not two years before , &c. he had 〈…〉 have said , intra hoc postremum biennium , within these two last 〈…〉 vales. h these words are not to be understood so , as if four entire indictions had passed from the beginning of this plague , to that year whereon evagrius wrote these things . for four entire indictions make sixty years . but , evagrius has said above , that at such time as he wrote these things , it was the fifty second year of that pestilence . these words therefore are not meant concerning entire indictions . for the pestilence began to rage in the east , in the fifth indiction , on the year after basilius's consulate , which was the year of christ . from which if you count two and fifty years in order , it will be made the year of christ . vales. * or , was made up of many diseases . † flix , or , lask . * or , surpassing [ all ] account . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the florentine and tellerian manuscripts , 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for philostratus admires ; which reading nevertheless i approve not of . but , who this philostratus should be concerning whom evagrius speaks , and where he should have written this , 't is uncertain . philostratus an athenian historian is mentioned by georgius syncellus in his chronicon , on the first year of the emperour aurelian . vales. * 〈…〉 〈…〉 to ●e of money , and i●sati●bleness . † or , ●●seemly . ‖ or , desirous . * or , having coloured over inexcusable praetexts . † or , forged any familiarity or mixture ; that is , an act of uncleanness . * or , absurd . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s t henry savel has expunged the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of his copy . but i am of opinion it is to be retained here , provided the words be only transposed , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so much that he erected many holy and magnificent churches every where . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that most spatious temple of the church . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the temple of the sanctuaries . ‖ see evagrius , book . chap. . note ( b. ) * or , arch. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some one will ●er● haps ask , what this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emp●●● m 〈…〉 ▪ for evagrius says that the arches or vaults arose empty from the pavement to the top . in this place therefore we are to understand , that [ the arches ] were open , upheld by no columns . procopius in his first book de aedificiis , attests this concerning two of the arches only : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but two of the arches were raised up into the empty air , at the rising and at the setting sun. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours have rendred this place very badly . musculus turns it thus : in dextro latere ad sinistram ordinatae sunt in illis columnae ; in the right side on the left hand columns are placed in them . christophorson interprets it in this manner : in dextro latere , sunt homini ingredienti ad laevam columnae ordine locatae in the right side , on the left hand to a man going in , pillars are placed in order , &c. they were led into a mistake by the omission of one conjunction , [ to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , which is wanting in robert stephens's edition ; ] which we have put in from the florentine m. s. in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the right hand and on the left , &c. it remaines now that we explain what those words mean which follow next , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . evagrius himself therefore shall be his own interpreter ; who ( in his first book , chap. , ) describing the sacred church of symeones the stylite , says it consisted of four portico's . [ but , by valesius's favour , evagrius's words in that chapter are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beautified with portico's of [ or , at the ] four sides . ] and then he adds these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , opposite to [ or , near to ] those portico's are placed pillars ; wherefore at this place , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i would more willingly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to wit , by understanding the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arches . vales. c these hyper●a [ galleries , or , upper rooms ] were designed for the women , that being therein placed apart by themselves , they might behold the solemn performances of the divine service , as paulus silentiarius relates in his description of saint sophia ; which authour says , that those upper rooms or galleries , were upheld by six columns of thessalick marble ; whereas nevertheless , there were only two columns below , which upheld the galleries , pag. . paulus terms them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the womens hyper●ia ; in like manner as our evagrius does here , and also procopius in his first book ; where he describes this church of saint sophia : although procopius rather terms them porticus's . vales. d by these words evagrius sets forth the difference which was between the columns of the church of saint sophia . for he says , that the columns which were at the right and left side of the church , that is , at the north and south , had galleries or chambers laid upon them , out of which the faithfull might behold the sacred mysteries which were celebrated at the altar . but the columns which were placed at the east and west , upheld no gallerie ; but were left naked . it was my sentiment that these things were to be more largely explained , for this reason ; because i perceived translatours , especially christophorson , saw nothing here . vales. † or , gate . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means , i suppose , the most easternly part of the church ; which , because the whole structure was a tholus , must be almost semi-circular , or , made in the form of a shell . * or , depth . f in robert stephens's edition , as likewise in this of valesius's , there is an imperfection in the greek text here . curterius , grynaeus , christophorson , and d r hanmer , in their versions have inserted this number , sixty six ; from what authority i know not . musculus and valesius leave a blank here in their versions ; the latter of whom says nothing concerning this imperfection , in his notes . g see , if you please , the description of saint sophia's church , which franciscus combesisas , ( a person that deserves well of learning ) has lately published , page . paulus silentiarius describes these windows , in his ecphrasis , ( which the most learned person carolus de fraxino hath newly published ; ) and procopius , in his first book de aedificiis . vales. h sozomen says the same in the close of his second book of ecclesiastick history . but ( which is to be taken notice of , ) neither of them ( neither evagrius nor sozomen , ) do affirm it was peculiar to the constantinopolitane bishops , that they , in like manner as were the emperours , should be buried in the church of the apostles ; but they speak in generall concerning the bishops . indeed nicephorus ( book . chapter the last , ) does expressly attest , that not only the constantinopolitane , but other bishops also , who for sanctity of life had excelled others , were interred there . for it often hapned , that bishops , either sent for by the emperours , or making a journey to the imperial city on account of ecclesiastick affairs , ended their lives there . thus in the times of anastasius , alcissus and gajanus died at byzantium , and by marcellinus in his chronicon are recorded to have been buried in one sepulcher . vales. * or , towards [ the faction in ] the blew colour . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in robert stephens's edition the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting , which the geneva printers have inserted unhappily from the conjecture of christophorson and others . but from the tellerian and florentine manuscripts i have mended this place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , there was also another thing , &c : which emendation nicephorus confirms . for instead of these words of evagrius , he substitutes these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * see chap. . † manifestly , or , openly . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those of the blew . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the term signifies originally a nerve , or , sinew ; it imports also a bow-string , or , rope . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius renders these words : prasiniani , the greencolouredfaction . † justinian . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . instead of the verb [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily believing , ] which undoubtedly is corrupted , nicephorus makes use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disbelieving . and , instead of eustochius bishop of jerusalem , the same nicephorus has sallustius . sallustius was indeed bishop of jerusalem in the reign of anastasius augustus . but eustochius governed the same bishoprick about the beginning of justinus junior's empire , as theophanes attests in his chronicon . vales. † or , rendred the deity propitious . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the reading is in nicephorus , book . . chap. . vales. b the laicks were wont to bow their heads , not only before the bishops and presbyters , but before the monks also , to receive their blessing . an illustrious instance of which is extant in sozomen , book . chap. . vales. * or , was not in the least forwarded . c concerning this earthquake , the authour of antoninus martyr's itinerarium speaks in these words : inde venimus in partes syriae , ubi requiescit sanctus leontius , thence we came into the parts of syria , where saint leontius rests , which city , together with other cities , was ruined by an earthquake in the time of the emperour justinian . from thence we came to byblus , which city also , with all things that were therein , was destroyed . from thence we came into the city triari , which was likewise ruined . thence we came into the most splendid city beryto , wherein there was lately a study of learning ; which was also ruined , as we were told by the bishop of the city , to whom the persons were known , except the strangers who perished there . further , that city wherein saint leontius rests , is tripoly , as i have remarked before , book . chap. . note ( c. ) this earthquake hapned on the twenty fourth year of justinian's reign , as cedrenus writes in his chronicon , and theophanes pag. . what those authors relate concerning botry a city of phoenice , is memorable , viz that in that city there was an haven made by that earthquake , ( there having been no port there before , ) the promontory which was called litho-prosopon being removed . but in theophanes 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by which fault in the writing the translatour was induced to render it bostra ; which is a very gross mistake ; in regard bostra is a mid-land-city of arabia . the name of this city is in my judgment to be restored in antoninus martyr's itinerary , at that place which i have quoted above . for , instead of the city triari , it must be written botry . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who would not admire , that three learned men should have been mistaken in the rendition of this place ? johannes langus translates it thus : illins enim eccleslae censebatur , for he was reckoned of that church . and musculus renders it almost in the same manner . but christophorson has translated it worst of all , thus : ab eâ siquidem ecclesiâ presbyter fuerat ordinatus , for he had been ordained presbyter by that church . these persons thought that these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this thomas ] were here to be understood ; whereas we are to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this annuall stipend , or alms , which was wont yearly to be distributed out of the revenues of the church of antioch to the monastery of the abbot thomas . vales. * steward . † or , give . b johannes moschus , in his limonarium chap. , says this thomas dyed in the church of saint euphemia which was in the daphnensian suburb . therefore the church of the blessed euphemia was near the hospitall , wherein strangers were entertained : in such manner as we now adays see churches joyned to hospitalls and spi●●les . further , johannes moschus says , that this thomas was the apocrysarius , that is , the procurator , of his own monastery . for , those were termed apocrysarii , who managed the affairs of monasteries and churches , as justinian informs us in his sixth novell . vales. c moschus in the forecited chapter , calls the bishop of antioch , ( not ephraemius , but ) domninus , who succeeded ephraemius . nicephorus patriarch of constantinople terms this person domnus . vales. * or , most holy . † or , turn our course . * present , or , opposite . * book . chap. . a we have taken notice of this mistake of evagrius's above , at chap. , note c ; ) which nicephorus has also corrected . but nicephorus himself , whilst he amends evagrius's errour , has committed another . for he relates , that menas was ordained by pope agatho ; whereas he was ordained by agapetus in the place of anthimus , as 't is agreed amongst all persons . vales. b nicephorus callistus ( book . chap. . ) attests , that this custome , ( viz. that the particles of the sacred eucharist which remained , were at constantinople distributed amongst the boyes to be eaten ; ) continued even in his age ; and he writes , that he himself , whilst he was a boy and was frequently conversant in the churches , partook of those parts . vales. * or , glassworker . † or , taken . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † or , tearing herself with weepings . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enlightned . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johannes langus renders this place thus : puerum cum matre divino regenerationis lavacro adhibuit , deoque dicavit ; he admitted the boy with his mother to the divine laver of regeneration , and dedicated [ them ] to god. but musculus and christophorson have translated it far worse . for musculus terms it , servavit , he kept , or , preserved . but christophorson has rendred it thus : puerum cum matre lavacro regenerationis tingendos decernit , he decreed the boy with his mother to be baptized in the laver of regeneration . i doubt not but the place is thus to be rendred : puerum simul ac matrem regenerationis lavacro initiatos clero adscripsit , he enrolled the boy and his mother , having been initiated in the laver of regeneration , amongst the clergy . which must be understood in this manner , that the emperour ordered that boy to be reckoned amongst the readers of the church ; but , commanded his mother to be ordained a deaconness . vales. d in this suburb of the city constantinople , punishments were heretofore usually inflicted on criminalls , as i have already intimated in my notes on book . amm. marcell . pag. . whereto add a passage of saint jerome out of his commentaries on matt. th , which runs thus : extra urbem enim & foras portam loca sunt in quibus truncantur capita damnatorum , & calvariae , id est , decollatorum sumpsere nomen . vales. * or , not as yet . a indeed , many monks severed themselves from his communion , because he was thought to assert origen's opinions . one of their number was the abbot elias , who was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as johannes moschus relates in the ninteenth chapter of his limonarium . and yet theophanes , in his chronicon pag. , says macarius was ejected out of his see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , by subornation , fraud and calumny . but theophanes relates that in a place wholly unfit and incongruous , to wit , in the empire of justinus junior . now , macarius was ordained bishop of jerusalem on the year of christ ; and having after two years been expelled out of his see , eustochius was substituted in his room on the year of christ , as baronius relates . nevertheless , victor thunonensis differs herefrom , in his chronicon . for he attributes eight years of episcopate to macarius , and says that eustochius , was ordained whilst he survived , on the year before the fifth synod , that is on the year of christ : and my sentiment is , that this is truer . vales. † chap. . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same is the reading in nicephorus also , book . . chap. . but i do not think it can be said in greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood . vales. a this new laura is mentioned in the life of saint euthymius . concerning this matter theophanes ( though in an unfit place , to wit , in the affairs of justinas junior , ] writes thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but eustochius removing to jerusalem , out of that hatred he bore to apollinaris , agatho and macarius , ejected those monks of the new laura , as origenists : and on this account he himself was also [ afterwards ] ejected , and macarius was again restored to his own chair . baronius thinks indeed , that macarius was restored to his own see , a little before eustochius's ordination ; and then , that eustochius had obtained the see of jerusalem again , because by his legates he was present at the fifth constantinopolitane synod on the year of christ ; as 't is sufficiently manifest from our evagrius , and from the acts of the foresaid synod . but baronius was widely mistaken . for macarius ( eustochius being ejected , ) was restored to his own see long after the fifth synod , in justinian's thirty seventh year , on the twenty fourth year after basillus's consulate ; as victor thunonensis relates in his chronicon , who lived in those very times , and could not be ignorant of that . vales. * theodorus's † or , all impiety . b cyrillus scythopolitanus has composed an illustrous elogy of this conon , in the life of saint saba , about the end , in these words . qui cassianus cùm decimum mensem impl●sset in administratione , &c. which cassianus , when he had compleated his tenth month in his administration , departed out of this life ; after which the monks commit the praesecture to conon . they command , but god , i suppose , moved the minds of the monks to this . now , he was a person highly eminent for true sentiments , all manner of virtue , and good actions : who also made use of great care and diligence in his prefecture . for he both recollected those fathers which had departed from thence , being ejected by the origenists ; and likewise erected and as it were renewed the laura , which by those frequent tumults and wars of hereticks , was now brought to its knees . johannes moschus speaks of the same conon governour of saint saba's laura , in chap. ; where he intimates , that he was an acquaintance of eustochius's bishop of jerusalem . vales. * or , [ amongst those ] of the solitude . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , superinduces the cause of theodorus . liberatus relates the same in his breviary , chap. . yet libcratus says nothing concerning rufus and conon the abbots sent by eustochius to constantinople . on the other hand evagrius makes no mention of that condemnation of origen , which had been made by the emperour justinian by the endeavour of pelagius apochrysiarius of the roman see ; to which condemnation all the patriarchs had subscribed , to wit , zoilus of alexandria , ephraemius of antioch , petrus of jerusalem ; as liberatus writes in the foregoing chapter : now , that hapned on the year of christ , as baronius relates . but that embassie of conon , rusus , and the other palestine monks , was sent by eustochius to constantinople on the year of christ . for on that year apollinaris was put into the place of zoilus bishop of alexandria , as baronius affirms . but eustochius , out of his hatred chiefly to apollinaris bishop of alexandria , ejected the monks of the now laura out of their monasterie , as being origenists ; agreeable to what we have related above out of theophanes . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , was apocrisiarius to the bishop of amasia . for as well the patriarchs , as the bishops of the greater churches , had their apocrisiarii or responsales , who managed ecclesiastick affairs in the emperour's pallace . which thing had been in use from the times of constantine the great , as hincmarus tells us in epist. . ad proceres regni . monasteries had likewise their apocrisiarii in the imperial city , who performed the same office ; as i have abserved above . there is mention of these apocrisiarii in justinian's sixth novell . see more in pithoeus's glossary ad novellas juliani antecessoris , and in rosueydus's o●omasticon ad vitas patrum . vales. * eutychius . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johannes langus understood these words concerning eutychius's ordination . for he has rendred them thus : [ see niceph. book , chap. . ] porro vigilius etiamsi ei scripto interveniente , cum eutychio conveniret ; assidere tamen illi noluit ; further , although vigilius agreed with eutychius , approaching [ or , interceding with ] him by a letter ; yet he would not sit together with him . but this rendition is contrary to the meaning of evagrius , and of nicephorus himself . for evagrius says only this ; that vigilius gave his consent indeed to those matters which were transacted in the synod ; but would not be present at it . and the same thing is confirmed by the acts of the fifth constantinopolitan synod , pag. . from which acts we are informed , that pope vigilius who was then at constantinople ( although he had been frequently asked , both by the emperour justinian , and also by all the bishops convened in that city , that he would come to the councill , and had himself promised that by his letter ; yet ) would never come to the synod . further , that writing , whereby evagrius says vgilius had consented to the determination of the synod , is nothing else but vigilius's constitution , which baronius has published at the year of christ ; or else , the letter of pope vigilius , which petrus de marca first set forth in greek , together with a most learned dissertation , which it would be worth while to read . vales. † or , chapters . f this sentence is extant in the eighth collation of the fifth synod , pag. . vales. g these fourteen capitula , or expositions of the true faith , are extant pag. , and , synod . . constantinop . vales. † or , unblameable . h in the acts of the fifth constantinopolitane synod which have come to our hands in the latine tongue , there is nothing of those things extant which evagrius subjoyns here , to wit , concerning the condemnation of origen , evagrius and didymus . therefore baronius with good cause thought that those acts were maimed and imperfect . nicephorus affirms these things to have been done against origen and his followers in the second convention : but theophanes and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle relate , that the fifth synod was principally and most especially convened against the errours of origen , evagrius , and didymus ; but in the second plate against the tria capitula . vales. * or , simplicity . † or , opinions . i these words are taken out of the emperour justinian's letter to the fifth constantinopolitane synod ; part of which letter is recorded by cedrenus in his chronicon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , in regard therefore it has been told us , that there are certain monks at jerusalem who were followers of pythagoras , plato , and origen ; we were of opinion , that care ought [ to be taken ] and enquiry made about these persons , least by their paganish [ or , graecian , ] and manichaean errour they should perfectly ruine many persons . the same occurs in the emperour justinian's letter to menas , concerning the errours of grigen . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i cannot approve of christophorson's translation , who turns these words thus : qui animum nobilitatis antiquae participem tenes , who possess a mind partaker of ancient nobility . johannes langus and musculus have rendred it better . langus , in this manner ; qui animum obtines caelestis participem generositatis , who have a mind partaker of a celestial generosity . and musculus , thus ; animum supernae nobilitatis sortite christianissime imperator . you who have gotten a mind of supernall nobility , most christian emperour ! vales. * or , chapters . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is written truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; nor am i of opinion that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a greek word . to my best remembrance i have noted the same fault some where before this . but the place comes not at present into my mind . vales. m as far as may be gathered from these words of evagrius , this theodorus the cappadocian was one of the monks of the new laura , which was near the city jerusalem . this therefore is the theodorus , follower of nonnus the origenist , who being afterward made bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , openly undertook the patronage of the origenists , as cyrillus scythopolitanus relates in the life of saint saba . further , whereas this theodorus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia acted the chief parts , as i may say , in the fifth constantinopolitane synod , as may be seen from its acts , how is he now accused in the same synod as an origenist ? we may therefore not without cause conjecture , that these things which evagrius , theophanes , and cedrenus say were done in the fifth synod against origen , were long after that synod added to it , on account of the likeness of their subject : but , were not done in that synod . so also , the acts of the fifth constantinopolitane synod under menas , against anthimus and zoaras , were wont to be joyned to this fifth oecumenicall synod , as photius attests in his bibliotheca . the same thing may also be proved by what evagrius subjoyns . for he says , that many impious expressions gathered out of the books of evagrius , didymus , and theodorus mopsuestenus , were related to that synod . now , if these things had been done in the fifth constantinopolitane synod , as evagrius says , it would have been altogether superfluous and unusefull , to repeat those expressions of theodorus , which had so often been rekoned up and condemned in the abovesaid synod . my sentiment therefore is , that these things were acted against origen in another constantinopolitane synod on the year of christ ; then , when certain monks of jerusalem , who were favoured by pelagius a deacon of the roman church , and by menas bishop of constantinople , presented a libell to justinian , containing certain heads collected out of origen's books ; and requesting of the emperour , that those heads might be condemned ; as liberatus tells us chap. . of his breviary . see baronius at the year of christ . moreover , our conjecture is fully confirmed by what evagrius writes a little before this ; viz. that into those things done against origen was inserted the emperour justinian's letter to pope vigilius concerning the errours of origen . these matters therefore were not transacted in the fifth constantinopolitane synod on the year of christ . for on that year vigilius was at constantinople ; nor was there any need that justinian should treat with him by letters . wherefore these things were done against origen long before , to wit , then when justinian , having received the libell of those palestine monks , wrote a letter to menas bishop of constantinople concerning the errours of origen ; giving him order , that when he had assembled the bishops that were present in the imperial city , and the abbots of monasteries , he should condemn those errours . this letter of justinian's is extant in greek and latine , published at the end of the fifth constantinopolitane synod . in a place altogether forreign and unfit . for it belongs not to the fifth constantinopolitane synod which was celebrated on the year of christ , but to another constantinopolitane synod , which by the emperour justinian's order had been convened on the year of christ . therefore baronius has rightly placed that letter of justinian at that year i have mentioned . now at the close of his letter justinian affirms in express words , that he had also written a letter to vigilius bishop of rome upon the same subject . for thus he says . haec porro eadem scripsimus non modo ad sanctitatem tuam , moreover , we have written the very same things not only to your sanctity , but to the most holy and most blessed vigilius also pope and patriarch of the seniour rome , and to all the other most holy bishops and patriarchs , of alexandria , theopolis , and jerusalem , that they might both take care of this matter , and also that these things may come to an end . lastly , those anathematisms which nicephorus says were thrown against origen's opinions in the fifth constantinopolitane synod , occur in the self same words in justinian's letter to menas , which was written long before the fifth synod , on the year of christ ; as baronius informs us from liberatus . the same also may be proved from the letter which gregory the great wrote to the four patriarchs in the beginning of his episcopate . for , although he does expresly profess in that letter , that with veneration he gives reception to the fifth constantinopolitane synod , in which letter some writings of ibas , theodorus , and theodoret are condemned ; yet he says not one word concerning origen's condemnation . which certainly he would not have omitted , if origen had been condemned in that synod . vales. n these things are written carelessly enough by evagrius , who has disguised the cause of eutychius's deposition , least he should in any wise offend the memory of the emperour justinian . if any one be desirous of reading a compleat narrative of this matter , 't is extant in surius in the life of the blessed patriarch eutychius , elegantly written by his disciple eustathius , and in nicephorus book , chap. . baronius says that was done on the year of christ , which was the emperour justinian's last year . vales. o this is johannes scholasticus who has a collection of canons extant . victor thunonensis in his chronicon , gives us this account of his ordination : anno . imperii sui justinianus eutychium constantinopolitanum episcopum , &c. in the th year of his empire justinian sends into exile eutychius bishop of constantinople , a condemner of the three heads , and of evagrius the hermite a deacon , and of didymus the monk an alexandrian confessour , whose praises we have produced above from the authority of illustrious men ; and in his room makes johannes bishop a like [ assertour ] of the same errour . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the excellent florentine manuscript i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both here and in the following chapter . theophanes makes mention of this mannour or village , in his chronicon pag. ; where he writes concerning alamundarus's irruption into syria ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , and he burnt the outward parts of chalcis , and [ ruined ] the mannour [ or , possession ] sirmium , and the cynegick region . in the greek , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chalcedon , i have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chalcis . vales. * or , being perverted from the right opinion . † or , turned aside . * or , the king's way . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with unspeakable hedges . in nicephorus 't is truer written , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with hedges not to be broken . which writing the tellerian manuscript confirms . vales. b evagrius mistakes . for johannes succeeded not vigilius , but pelagius was his successour . after whose death , johannes junior undertook the episcopate of the church of rome , on the year of christ . vales. c this place is chiefly to be taken notice of against the sentiment of baronius , who believed macarius was restored to his own see before the fifth constantinopolitane synod . but this passage of evagrius refutes baronius's opinion ; evagrius informing us here , that macarius's restitution was made long before that synod . to evagrius agrees victor thunonensis in his chronicon , in these words : anno. . imperii justiniani , &c. on the th year of justinian's empire , eustochius bishop of jerusalem who had been ordained whilst macarius was alive , it ejected : and macarius is again put into his own see. but theophanes , in his chronicon , places macarius's restitution on the times of justinus junior , as i have observed above . vales. * justinian . † or , affections . * or , observe . † or , make an excursion . * or , mixt. † or , directed his discourse by reason . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus and the tellerian manuscript it is truer written , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he could ruine this [ tower. ] for so the rules of grammer require it should be 't is a metaphor drawn from machines used in sieges , wherewith cities are wont to be assaulted . further , concerning the constancy of this anastasius sinaïta in defending the true faith against the heresie of the aphthartodocitae , eustathius writes also in the life of the blessed eutychius patriarch of constantinople . vales. * or , divine . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , anointed himself . * galat. . , . ‖ or , lookt on . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is strange that three translatours , langus , musculus , and christophorson , should all mistake in the rendition of one word . the graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valedictory , or , farwell orations , and have handed down to us the peculiar method of those orations , as i have remarked in my notes upon eusebius's life of constantine , book . chap. , note ( a. ) vales. * or , sentences . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil at the margin of his copy has mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so the rules of grammar require it should be . but i have observed that the rules of grammar are sometimes despised by our evagrius . nicephorus , when he wrote out this passage of evagrius , instead of the conjunctive particle , substituted a praeposition , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. notes for div a -e * or , judicatories . a concerning the office of the curopalates , much to hath been already said by many persons , to repeat which here is superfluous ; we will remark this only , that the curopalates always went before with a golden rod , as often as the emperour would appear in publick . cassiodorus tells us this , in his formula curae palatii , in these words : considera quâ gratificatione tracteris , &c. consider with what gratification you are treated , how being adorned with a golden rod , amongst numerous obeysances , you seem to go first before the royall feet . so also corippus in book . chap. . de laudibus justini minoris ; where he describes justinus's procession to the cirque [ in these words , ] — tunc ordine longo incedunt summi proceres , fulgensque senatus , ipse inter primos vultu praeclarus honoro , fratris in obsequi●m gaudent marcellus abibat . dispositorque novus sacrae baduarius aulae , successor soceri , factus mox curopalates . concerning this golden rod which was wont to be carried before the roman emperours , paulus silentiarius speaks , in his description of the church of saint sophia , not far from the beginning . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for i assent not to that learned man , who hath rendred it , aureas secures , golden axes . and at first this dignity was small , for it was under the dispose of the castrensis [ see d r howells history , second part , pag , ] of the sacred pallace . but afterwards it began to be accounted the chiefest dignity of the pallace , from such time as justinus nephew to justinian bore it . it was a civil , not a military dignity , as alemannus thought , who ( in his notes on procopius's historia arcand , ) confounds the curopalates with the comes excubitorum . vales. * or , running of horses in the cirque . † or , about to doe and submit himself to the usages of an empire . * or , innovation . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) took these words of evagrius as meant of the bishops , who had been banished by justinian into various places for their defence of the true faith. but that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can not bear this interpretation . therefore christophorson chose to interpret this place concerning the bishops , who from all places had been assembled together at constantinople . but neither can i approve of this rendition ; in regard evagrius says those bishops were not convened at constantinople , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in all places . vales. * or , openly involved in . † or , immense . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some word seems to be wanting , which may be supplied in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most contrary vices . and so christophorson seems to have read . vales. see chap. . note ( d. ) d this justinus was son to germanus patritius , and cousin-germane to the emperour justinus , as johannes biclariensis informs us in his chronicon . indeed , germanus and justinus junior were akin . for germanus was justinian's nephew by his brother . but the emperour justinus was the son of vigilantia justinian's sister . further , this justinus son to germanus had born the consulate in the year of christ . the emperour justinian had created the same person master of the milice throughout colchis and armenia , in place of martinus , as agathias writes in his fourth book ; but afterwards he made the same person master of the milice throughout the thracia's ; as menander protector declares in the first book of his history , pag. . vales. * or , fields . e in what manner these abari , or abares , having been vanquished by the turks , betook themselves into europe , theophilactus simocatta relates , book . chap. . vales. * or , camps . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus book . chap. , and in the tellerian manuscript , 't is written in one word , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stations , or landing places ; which i rather approve of . but i think this whole place must be thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , where many barbarous nations , &c , according as we have rendred it . vales. † or , disabled . g in justinianus augustus's times , the abares having passed into europe , became first known to the romans , as theophilactus simocatta relates in book . chap. : for when they had come to the places of scythia and maesia , they sent embassadours to justinian , on the thirty first year of justinian's empire , as theophanes relates in his chronicon , and anastasius bibliothecarius . but victor thunonensis mentions this embassy a little later . post consulatum , &c. after the consulate of the most famous personage basilius on the twenty third year ; the emperour justinian makes the embassadours of the nation of the abari whence they had come , &c. this was the thirty sixth year of justinian's empire . concerning the same embassy of the abares to justinian , menander protector is to be consulted in the first book of his history , pag. of the king's edition , where he excellently well describes that embassy , and confirms victor thunonensis's opinion . for he says , that justinian died not long after . vales. * or , enclined to both of them . * guards , or , partisans . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus took away the praeposition here . for he has exprest this place of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and hindred him from going abroad . but i had rather write with evagrius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which reading i have followed in my version . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus and christophorson understood these words of evagrius concerning justinus kinsman to the emperour justinus . but i had rather take them as meant of the emperour justinus himself . for he being sickly , for the most part sate at home , and forbad his kinsman justinus access to himself . indeed , cedrenus and zonaras do attest what i have said concerning justinus ; for cedrenus's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this justinus was continually sick , and dim-sighted , and unable to come abroad . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is brought home . i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is removed . so in the foregoing chapter , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nicephorus read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and understands that place of evagrius concerning the barbarians who had been carried thither by the romans . further , this justinus was made augustalis and dux of alexandria , by the emperour justinus in the sixth year of his empire , as theophanes and cedrenus do relate . cedrenus's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but justinus having heard that his kinsman , who was augustalis and dux of alexandria , meditated treachery against the emperour , he sent and beheaded him . write thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as the reading is in theophanes . for those two dignities , augustalis and dux , although they were distinct , yet were now and then given to one and the same person by the emperours , as may be proved by many instances . further , this dignity was bestowed on justinus by the emperour , not in honour to him , but rather that he might send him far off from the imperial city . therefore the city alexandria was to justinus instead of a prison . hence 't is , that theophanes in his chronicon relates , that justinus augustus detained his cosin-german justinus prisoner as 't were at alexandria . moreover , johannes biclariensis , in his chronicon , places the murder of this justinus on the second year of justinus junior's empire ; to wit on the same year whereon aetherius and addaeus had a capitall punishment inflicted on them . and this is more agreeable to the account given here by evagrius . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the former negative particle must be expunged , as being altogether superfluous . vales. b the words of johannes biclariensis in his chronicon are these : anno secundo memorati principis , &c. on the second year of the mentioned emperour , in the imperial city , aetherius and addaeus patritii , being detected whilst by physitians they attempted to kill justinus by poyson rather than sword , are ordered to be punished with a capitall sentence : the former was devoured by wild beasts , the second was burnt to death . i know not whether johannes biclariensis termed these men patritii instead of senators ; but there is a great difference between the patritian and senatorian dignity . concerning the same aetherius and addaeus , eustathius in the life of eutychius patriarch of constantinople , writes thus : quâ quidem die , id est , tertiâ octobris , on which day , that is the third of october , those persons also who had framed plots against the holy man and had cast him into exile , [ i mean ] aetherius and addaeus , the latter of whom was praefect of the city , and the former was curator of [ the house of ] antiochus , died , &c. vales. * or , buggerer . c he means the house of antiochus , of which aetherius was curator , as eustathius attests in the place just now cited : ille autem antiochiae curator . eustathius's words in greek , if i mistake not , are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , but aetherius curator of the house of antiochus . the same eustathius makes mention of this house , where he describes in what manner eutychius was ejected out of the imperial city : dicebant enim quidam graves viri , &c. for some grave men said , if he should go out of the sacred temple , he would be killed . for some armed men , who were placed in the mannour-house of antiochus , stayed for him without , for that purpose . theophilactus mentions the same imperial house in his third book , chapter . there were many such houses at constantinople , as the house of placidia , the house of flaccilla , the house of hormisda , and severall others belonging to the emperour : each of which houses had its curator , who look't after that house or pallace , and all its revenues . these officers are termed curae palatiorum in the notitia of the roman empire , under the dispose of the castrensis of the sacred pallace . but then , the dignity of these curators was the chiefest , and their title was most glorious and most magnificent : as tiberius augustus's constitution de domibus imperialibus informs us . vales. * john . . † or , run together into . ‖ or , opinion . * or , first salvation . † or , substance . ‖ or , glorisying . * or , joyning together . † or , substance . * or ; subsistencies . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is to the father and to the holy ghost . in nicephorus , book . chap. , where this edict of the emperour justinus concerning the faith is recorded , this place is read thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who is equall to the father and to the holy spirit . which reading christophorson hath followed . for he renders it thus ; qui est equalis patri & spiritui sancto , who is equall to the father and to the holy spirit . but in this place the equality of the father and son is not treated of : but , whether christ be one of the trinity . i have therefore supplyed this place righter from the excellent florentine manuscript , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is our lord jesus christ , &c. the tellerian m. s. has it written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is in the father and in the holy spirit . vales. in robert stephens the reading is the same with that set at the beginning of this note . † or , are of . * or , a certain , or , some one man. ‖ or , received . * or , made up . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred this place ill , in this manner : non confusionem in unitatem introducimus , we introduce not a confusion into the unity . nor has musculus done righter ; who translates it thus : unitatem non con●●ndimus , we confound not the unity . i do not wonder at musculus , who in this edict of justinus always renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unitatem , unity , very erroneously . that learned man hath committed ▪ the same mistake , who has done into latine the fragments of ephraemius bishop of antioch , which are extant in photius's bibliotheca . but why christophorson , who every where renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , copulationem , copulation , should at this place translate it otherwise , i know not . johannes langus nicephorus's translatour renders it thus : in unione confusionem non inducimus , we induce not a confusion in the union . exactly right , if you add a syllable , in this manner , in unitione , in the unition . for the term unio , though it be now a days frequently used in the schools of philosophers and divines , is a barbarous word , when 't is taken for unition . for unio in latine signifies unitatem , unity ; as may be proved from tertullian , jerome , prudentius , pope simplicius , and others . let therefore those zoili [ carpers , or , censurers ] cease reproving of us , because in the letter of alexander bishop of alexandria , which is recorded by socrates book . chap. , we have translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , union . for we did that from the use and propriety of the latine tongue : which they being wholly ignorant of , thought that unio , union , was nothing else but unitionem , unition . but , betwixt unio and unitio , there is as much difference , as between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in union or unity , there is nothing but what is simple or single . but , in unition something compounded of two is necessarily understood . 't is certain , the old translatour of the chalcedon synod always renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unition , or adunation . vales. * or , shall not . † or , so as we are . ‖ sublimity , or eminency . * or , being both at the same time . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is truer written , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but , i had rather read thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being understood , or rather existing , &c. nor do i doubt but the emperour justinus wrote so as i have said : for he reproves himself , because he had said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being understood ; as if the difference of the two natures in christ were in the understanding only ▪ and did not really exist . vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , form , fashion , state . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the very flesh. which reading is not tollerable . for christ had not a proper subsistency in the flesh , but before he assumed flesh , he had a proper subsistency ▪ in regard he was the second person of the sacred trinity . nevertheless , if any one be minded to defend nicephorus's reading , i shall not much gainsay it . for it more fitly coheres with the words preceding . the sense therefore is this , that the son of god , who had a proper subsistency from all eternity , having assumed flesh , subsisted therein personally . vales. * points , or opinions e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i am of the same mind with the learned , who have long since mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the ▪ &c. although nicephorus has retained the vulgar reading . vales. † sent forth . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , persons , is used on account of nestorius's heresie , who asserted two persons in christ , the one of man , the other of the word . but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 syllables was annext on account of the futychians and acephali , who affirmed that christ consisted of two natures before the unition ; but after the unition , they asserted but one nature in him . on the other hand , the catholicks adored christ in two natures . those syllables therefore are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which though they are different , yet if they be rightly understood , do both aim at one and the same faith and opinion , as justinus adds . see evagrius above , at book . chap. note ( c. ) further , this edict was promulged by justinus junior on the first year of his empire , to wit the year of christ , as baronius remarks : than which edict justinus conferred nothing more upon the catholick church : but , satisfying himself in having only expounded the orthodox faith , he in future prohibited disputes about the nestorian and eutychian opinion ▪ and permitted every one to think of these matters according to his own arbitrement . from this edict therefore followed no advantage , as evagrius observes truly . wherefore johannes biclariensis [ said ] amiss in his chronicon , whose words concerning justinus junior are these : qui justinus anno primo regni fui , which justinus in the first year of his reign , destroyed those things which had been devised against the chalcedon synod . and suffered the creed of the holy fathers of the church convened at constantinople , ( which creed had been laudably received in the chalcedon synod , ) to have entrance , and to be sung by the people in every catholick church , before the lords prayer was to be repeated . biclariensis attributes those things to justinus junior , which rather befitted justinus senior . vales. ‖ scheme , or state. * or , antioch . † or , blasphemy against himself . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus , in regard he understood not these words , omitted them , as may be seen in book . chap. . for he his exprest this place of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 't was said that justinus was angry with him , because he refused to give him money when he demanded it . but 't was easie to have mended the place of evagrius , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because having been promoted to the bishoprick he refused to give [ justinus ] money who demanded it . and so christophorson and musculus seem to have read . for thus musculus renders it ; dicitur autem anastasio succensuise , quòd quum pecuniam pro episcopatûs collatione exigeret , dare illam noluerit ; but 't is said that he had been angry with anastasius , because when he exacted money for his collation to the bishoprick , he refused to give it . this occasion of hatred therefore against anastasius was of a long standing , before justinus had arrived at the empire . wherefore evagrius uses the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an ancient and concealed anger . 't is certain , whilst justinian survived , anastasius had been elected bishop of antioch . now , the grandees at court , and those whose interest was great with the emperour , were wont to exact money of them who were elected patriarchs , as may be proved by the example of chrysaphius the eunuch , who demanded money of flavianus bishop of constantinople ; as evagrius has related above , see book . chap. . nevertheless , this was forbidden by the novell constitutions of justinian . vales. b indeed , theophanes in his chronicon , brings another reason , on account whereof anastasius sinaïta was deposed from the see of antioch . but , because translatours have in no wise hit the meaning of theophanes , i will annex his words here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , as i render it . on the same year anastasius the great , bishop of antioch ▪ in regard in his answer to the synodick letters , he had reprehended john bishop of constantinople who had ordained john bishop of alexandria , and had [ at the same time reproved him ] who had been ordained by him was ejected out of his bishoprick by reason of justinus's indignation . i reade therefore in theophanes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which emendation is most certain . john bishop of alexandria had been ordained at constantinople by johannes scholasticus , on the fifth year of justinus's empire , in the year of christ , as baronius also relates . after his ordination , when ( as 't was usuall ) he had written synodick letters to anastasius bishop of antioch , anastasius in his answer to those letters , had severely reproved his ordainer johannes ; in regard , contrary to the ecclesiastick rules , he had been thrust into the place of eutychius as then living . he had also reprehended him , who having been ordained by him , had drawn upon himself the fault and blot of his own ordainer . the emperour justinus ( who loved johannes scholasticus , as being the person by whom he had been crowned , ) taking offence at this thing , ejected anastasius out of his see. theophanes's latine translatour thought , that those synodick letters which anastasius had given answer to , had been written by johannes bishop of constantinople ; which is a mistake . for they were written by johannes bishop of alexandria in the beginning of his episcopate . therefore , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a comma must be put , as anastasius bibliothecarius has done . further , baronius places this deposition of anastasius on the year of christ ; which is the eighth year of justinus's empire . but i had rather , with theophanes , place it on the fifth or sixth year of the same justinus , in regard it hapned a little after the ordination of johannes bishop of alexandria , which was performed on the year of christ , as baronius himself does attest . vales. a musculus and christophorson have rendred this place very ill , as if by these words evagrius would have shown , that gregorius bishop of antioch had been eminent for poetry . but langus has turned these words righter , thus : cujus lata est gloria , ut poeta verbis utar , whose glory is far spread , that i may use the poets words . vales. evagrius makes use of the same expression at chap. , book ; where he speaks of isidorus pelusiota . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the first down upon his chin. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 johannes ▪ langus renders these words thus : primùm verò byzantii monasterio praefuit , but in the first place he presided over the monastery of byzantium . but evagrius does not say , that gregorius was a monk or abbot of byzantium , but that he was abbot of the monastery of the byzantii . this seems to have been a monastery in syria , wherein gregorius , whilst he was yet young , had received the rudiments of a monastick life . theophanes in his chronicon , pag. , says gregorius had been apocrisiarius ( that is , procurator , or , agent ] of the monastery of the byzantii . vales. † or , unfurnished . * or , perswasion . † or , arch-bishoprick . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i conjecture we should read here ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in all things he was the eminentest person of all men . for so evagrius expresses himself hereafter , at chap. . of this book ; where his words concerning mauricius are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and every way accurate and immovable . vales. ‖ or , not to be wounded by fear . † or , contributions . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , going forth . in nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , going . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus read this place otherwise . for , instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mundane , or , secular . which in my judgment is far righter . johannes langus has translated nicephorus's words thus : et honorem mundanis dignitatibus debitum , prae viri hujus observantiâ secundo loco habebant , and they placed [ or , had ] the honour due to secular dignities , in the second place , in respect of the observancy of this man. vales. ‖ or , giving . † or , most sufficient . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in my own judgement , i have restored this place very happily , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , when time , or necessity required , he would be always at hand . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‖ or , bashfullness . † or , to the christians . ‖ or , with the persians . a the same reason of the defection of the armenii is assigned by theophanes byzantius in photius , and by johannes biclariensis in his chronicon ; whose words are these : armeniorum & iberorum gens qui a praedicatione apostolorum christi fidem susceperant , the nation of the armenii and iberi who from the preaching of the apostles had embraced the faith of christ , whilst by chosdröa emperour of the persians they were compelled to the worship of idolls , resused obedience to that impious command , and surrendred themselves with their provinces to the romans . which thing broke the league of peace between the romans and persians . but the abbot of biclaire is mistaken in this , to wit , his placing the defection of the armenii on justinus junior's first year . for the peace between the romans and persians was broken on the seventh year of the emperour justinus , as theophilactus relates in the third book of his history , chap. ; and likewise theophanes , and his translatour anastasius bibliothecarius , and cedrenus . besides , even johannes biclariensis himself disagrees from himself in his narrative of this affair . for he subjoyns these words a little after ▪ anno quinto justinus imperator , on [ his ] fifth year the emperour justinus , having repelled the persians , makes armenia and iberia roman provinces . vales. ‖ or , in relation to their own sentiment , or opinion . † or , might be made . b concerning this oath , wherein the emperour justinus had bound himself , that he would never deliver up the armenii and iberi ( who had surrendred themselves to the romans , ) to the persians , menander protector speaks in his excerpt . legationum , pag. of the king's edition : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which words the translatour understood not . in the first place therefore , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by justinianus , it must be mended thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by justinus . and then , the whole place is to be rendred in this manner . for tiberius caesar deservedly made the greatest account of those oathes , which by the emperour justinus had been given to the persarmenii and iberi , who had revolted to the romans . for the emperour had sworn , that he would use his utmost endeavour , to reduce that land , which had nourished them , to a subjection to himself . but , if he should not be able to effect that thing , and could not put an end to the war ; yet , that he would never surrender up to the persians the authours of that defection , and their relations , and in generall those who should have a mind to be subjects [ or , partakers ] of the roman republick . vales. c to wit , surenas . for he had been made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , rectour of armenia by the king of the persians ; after he was slain , the persarmenit delivered up themselves to the romans , as theophilactus tells us in his third book , chap. ; and theophanes byzantius in his excerpta in photius . lastly , menander says the same , in his excerpta legationum , pag. . vales. * or , by a generall consent . ‖ or , put all affairs in the second place to , &c. † or , master of the milice , or , souldiers . a theophanes in his chronicon calls this person martinus , as does likewise his translatour anastasius bibliothecarius . but theophanes byzantius , whose excerpta are extant in photius's bibliotheca , terms him marcianus , and calls him the emperour justinus's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brother's son. [ valesius in his note here , renders that greek word , thus , consobrinum , sister 's son. ] and says , he was sent magister militum into the east by justinus on the eight year of his empire . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the florentine and tellcrian m. ss , i have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drivers of oxen ; and so nicephorus read . but nicephorus inserts two words here . for he expresses this passage thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , as langus renders it , as also ditchers , and taylors , and drivers of oxen. which word [ taylours ] nicephorus seems to have read in his copy . for i see not whence he could have gotten it . further , there was use of these taylours in the camps , to mend the souldiers clothes , or else to sow skins together for tents or tabernacles . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours have rendred this place ill . for musculus translates it thus : et fossores quosdam ac bubulcos ex municipiis acceptos secùm habens , and having with him some ditchers and oxe-drivers taken out of the towns. but christophorson renders it in this manner : inter quos habuit fossores & bubulcos ex numero vectigalium exemptos , amongst whom he had ditchers and oxe-drivers exempted [ or , taken ] out of their number ▪ who payed tribute . they knew not what the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified . evagrius has made use of this word above , at chap. , book . at which place we have remarked , that by that word , are meant the provinciall tributaries , who are also termed collatores in the code . from those therefore martinus the magister militum had by force drawn ditchers and oxe-drivers , and taylours , that he might make use of their labour in his army : for he reckoned them not amongst the souldiers , as christophorson seems to have thought . vales. * or , it follows . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a double v. so a little before , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; nicephorus has it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is more usuall . yet , that word may be written with a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hesychius tells us . vales. * or , remove him from his command . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so musculus seems to have read . for he renders it thus : exercitui porro adessenolunt , would not be any more present with the army . christophorson translates it in this manner , copias non ulterius ducunt , lead not the forces any more . but the greek will not bear this sense vales. † antiochians . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; words which i have not yet met with ▪ used in such a sense , as by all the translatours they are taken here . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this name is found variously written in ancient authours . in theophanes's chronicon , he is called artabanes , and ardamanes in the palatine manuscript copy . anastasius bibliothecarius terms him dux adermanus . in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vadaarmanes . in theophanes byzantius , baraamanes . hereafter in the thirteenth chapter he is termed ardamanes . theophylactus , book ● calls him adormaanes . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . undoubtedly it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nicatoris . for seleucus the first king of syria , because of his famous victories , had the surname of nicator , as we learn from the old coyns , which ascribe this title or surname to him . vales. s●e v● ▪ lesius's notes on amm. marcel . pag. . * or , cruelties . † bankers . * machines used in sieges , to batter down the walls . † or , engines to cast stones . ‖ or , with which . * or , frantick distemper . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as i found it written in the tellerian m. s. vales. b the emperour justinus sent tiberius the comes of his guards , against the avares , with an army sufficiently strong , on the ninth year of his empire , as theophanes relates in his chronicon . but johannes biclariensis says that was done on the fourth year of justinus's empire : where he relates , that from this battel tiberius returned a conquerour to constantinople . which yet is declared to be false by evagrius and theophanes . vales. * or , abores , or , avares . * or , so great . * corrected , or , restored . † councill , or , advice . a this trajanus was patritius and quaestor of the sacred pallace ; concerning his embassie to the persians , menander protector speaks in the sixth book of his histories , pag. . and . this , as i think , is the trajanus patritius who had written a short chronicle , an admirable work , as suidas attests . theophanes mentions him in his chronicon , pag. . suidas writes indeed , that he had lived in the times of justinianus rhinotmetus . but i am of opinion that suidas is out , in regard no person of this name is mentioned in the empire of justinianus rhinotmetus . but in the reign of justinus junior , trajanus patritius is commended by menander protector in his sixth book , and by our evagrius here . vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the empire . ‖ or , dejected . * chosroes . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus the reading is truer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon the territories [ or , affairs ] of the romans . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in my own judgment i have restored this place very happily , so , that instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in the truce which was made between the romans and persians , it had been expressly cautioned , that there should be a cessation of armes throughout the east only : but in armenia and iberia it should be lawfull to wage war. see menander protector in the sixth book of his histories , pag. ; which authour does fully confirm this our emendation . and so does theophylactus , book . chap. . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the barbarians . the reading in nicephorus is the same . nevertheless , i doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the abares . for the abares took the city sirmium , as menander protector attests in his excerpta legationum , pag. . which city having before been in the hands of the gepida , the abares who had destroyed the kingdom of the gepidae , asserted , that that city , with the rest of the riches of the gepidae , had passed into their power and dominion , as the same menander relates , pag. and . see theophylactus , book . chap. . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the open court [ of the pallace . ] nicephorus adds a word here , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the open court of the imperial pallace . theophylactus makes mention of this place , book , chap. ; and relates , that the emperours were usually proclaimed there ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ says he , ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which place the latine translatour has exprest in a long circuit of words , in this manner : tiberius namque in atriam palatii juxta domum , in quâ multi ex herbis , seu frondibus , ad coenandum , dormiendumve tori , sive lectisternia , vestibulum illustre , visendumque proscenium . huc , inquam , gestatus , &c. whence it appears , that he understood not what was meant by these words . likewise nicephorus callistus , when he wrote out this place of theophilactus omitted the latter words . but my sentiment is , that by these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , theophilactus means that house which in greek was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because in it there were nineteen accubita , or stibadia , whereon the emperour with his nobles lay down and banquetted at christmas , and on the more solemn festival days , as theophanes and anastasius bibliothecarius do relate in the one and thirtieth year of justinian ; and likewise luitprandus in book rerum per europam gestarum , chap. ; where his words are these : est domus quae decaennea accubita dicitur , &c. there is an house which is termed the decaennea accubita . it is so called for this reason , because nineteen tables are spread there in the nativity of our lord. whereon the emperour and likewise his guests do banquet , not in a sitting posture , as on other days , but by lying down . near this house was the tribunal , or throne , in which the emperours and empresses were crowned . nicephorus constantinopolitanus , pag , speaking of isaurus leo ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the throne termed the decaennea accubita he crowned his son constantine emperour . anastasius relates the same , as does likewise the author historiae miscellae , book . the same writer , book , speaking of constantinus copronymus : anno imperii sui coronavit , on the th year of his own empire , the emperour crowned his wife eudoxia , after he had been thrice married , in the tribunal of the nineteen accubita . hence 't is , that codinus ( in his origines constantinopolitanae , ) places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the stepfimon , near the house of the nineteen accubita : by which term [ the stepsimon ] he means the throne whereon the emperours were crowned . now , this house was , in the third region [ of the city , ] near the hippodrome , as luitprandus attests . indeed , the old description informs us , that in that region was the great cirque , and the semicircular [ or , half-round ] porticus , which was called the sigma , and lastly the tribunal of the forum of constantine . and 't is very likely , that of that porticus was made the house of the nineteen accubita ; for a sigma is the same with a stibadium or an accubitum . moreover , the church of saint stephen is by codinus placed near the tribunal of the nineteen accubita , which petrus gyllius ( book , chap. , ) relates , from an old authour , to have been near the sigma . further , this house of the nineteen accubita , was also termed the delphica , or , the delphicum , as procopius attests book . of his vandalicks , pag. ; and victor thunonensis in his chronicon . vales. b i can't tell why evagrius should say this was an old custome , that the emperours of constantinople should be proclaimed in the atrium of the imperial pallace . for the old custome was , that the augusti should be proclaimed in the seventh milliarium , or , mile , from the city , in the presence of the army , in the campus , or field without the city . and valens , [ was ] the first that had been stiled emperour in that suburb , by his brother valentinian . after whom , the following emperours of the east were proclaimed in the same place , as i have long since observed in my notes on amm. marcellinus's th book . pag. , . the emperour zeno. also was crowned in the seventh milliarium by his own son leo , as victor thunonensis relates in his chronicon . likewise basiliscus was a little after stiled emperour in the campus , as theophanes informs us . now , the campus was in the seventh milliarium , as theophylactus attests , book , chap. . but who was first saluted augustus in the atrium of the imperial pallace , at constantinople , i have not yet plainly found . indeed , justinus junior seems to have been proclaimed emperour there , as may be gathered from the first chapter of this book . vales. c theophanes in his chronicon attests , that ( not johannes scholasticus , but ) eutychius was then patriarch of constantinople . for johannes scholasticus died on the tenth indiction , in the month august , the day before the calends of september . and eutychius was restored to his own see on the same year , in the month october , on the eleventh indiction , as theophanes attests . on the year following ( which was the year of christ , in the twelfth indiction , on the th of september , ) this eutychius crowned tiberius augustus , as theophanes and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle inform us . but , on a more attentive examination of the thing , i have perceived nothing is to be found fault with here : for evagrius speaks not here concerning tiberius's being proclaimed augustus , but of the appellation of caesar granted to him . further , tiberias was made caesar on the eighth indiction , as the authour of the alexandrian chronicle informs us : at which time johannes was patriarch of constantinople . vales. * or , cloake . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , delight of mind . † or , governours . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as far as any one ; &c. nor do i doubt but evagrius left it thus written . our conjecture is confirmed by the tellerian manuscript , wherein i found it plainly written in this manner . away therefore with the rendition of musculus , who translates it thus : insignis magis , quà● ut quisquam illi conferri possit , more eminent , than that any one might be compared to him . but christophorson turns it in this manner ; pulchritudinis excellentiâ omnium opinione major , for the excellency of beauty , greater than the opinion of all men . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in th● florentine manuscript is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , in so much that , in the first place , &c. evagrius alludes to that known verse of the tragoedian ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for he considered not , what petitioners ought to receive , as the reading is in nicephorus , book ● , chap. . in the florentine and tellerian manuscripts , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. ‖ or , which came from tears . g there is extant a constitution of justinus junior , wherein he has remitted to the provincialls the remains of the tributes of the past year , untill the eighth indiction of the cycle current . which justinus seems to have done by the perswasion of tiberius , whom a little before he had created caesar , at the beginning of the eighth indiction , as the authour of the alexandrian chronicle informs us . into this first constitution therefore of the emperour justinus junior , the name of tiberius the caesar ought also to have been inserted . vales. h at this present there is extant a constitution of the emperour justinus junior , concerning the promoting rectours of provinces without reward . which amongst the novelt constitutions of justinus junior is the fifth in number . in that constitution justinus gives permission to the provincialls , that they may make known to the emperour those persons whom they should judge fit to govern their own province ; and the emperour promises , that he will give forth the codicills and the insignia [ marks , tokens ] of magistracy freely , without any present or gift . which law , in regard it bears date on the eighth year of justinus junior's empire , was , we doubt not , set forth also by the perswasion and suggestion of tiberius the caesar. vales. * or , land of the romans . * or , of men that were heroes . ‖ or , beyond the alpes . † or , on this side the alpes . * or , paeonia . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , troops . 't is a wonder to me , that this was not taken notice of , either by nicephorus , or the translatours . vales. * or , consider of their embassy . b menander protector has mentioned this justinian magister militum throughout the east , in the sixth book of his histories , pag. . as also theophylactus , book . chap. . and likewise johannes biclariensis in his chronicon : anno . justini cosdroes persarum imperator , on justinus's ninth year cosdroes emperour of the persians , with too numerous an army , advances to ruine the roman confines : against whom justinianus commander of the roman milice and magister militum of the east being sent by tiberius , makes ready for a war , and in the fields which lie between daras and nisibis engages in a brave fight , having with him those most valiant nations , which in the language of the barbarians are termed hermani ; where he vanquishes the forementioned emperour . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the florentine and tellerian manuscripts i have made good this place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brother to that justinus who had been barbarously murdered by [ the emperour ] justinus . this justinian therefore was son to germanus , ( which theophylactus does also attest in his third book ▪ ) brother of that justinus who had been slain by the emperour , as evagrius relates in the beginning of this book . vales. d theophylactus mentions this person , in book . chap. ; and in book . chap. . in which places the latine translatour terms him cursius . but , he had better have translated it cursus . for so menander protector calls him , in the sixth book of his histories , pag. of the king's edition . in theophanes's chronicon , pag. , he is corruptly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , crous . vales. † or , vehemency . ‖ or , order . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i rather approve of nicephorus's reading , ( book . chap. . ) which runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : only , i would adde an article , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , as johannes langus renders it , quòd facilius is impressionem suam , quàm ipsius cours sustineri posse existimaret , because be thought his own impression might with more ease be endared , than the attack of cours . further , theophanes in his chronicon relates this flight of the persians and victory of the romans , after the death of the emperour justinus junior , when tiberius had obtained the empire alone . but theophylactus , from whom theophanes seems to have taken his relation , attests that that hapned whilst justinus was yet alive , when tiberius bore the title and dignity of caesar only , and governed the state ; as may be seen in theophylactus's third book , chap. . to whom agrees our evagrius ; for he relates the death of justinus junior thereafter , in the nineteenth chapter of this book , where he says in express words , that after justinus's death , tiberius deprived justinian of the dignity of magister militum . vales. * or , his own [ forces . ] † or , had now broke their own ranks . † petulancy , or , contumelie . a the death of chosdroes king of the persians is related too soon here . for he died after tiberius had gotten the empire , as theophylactus attests , book . chap. . which is also confirmed by menander protector in his excerpt . legat. wherefore theophanes is mistaken in his chronicon , who relates chosdroes's death , and the inauguration of his son hormisda , in the empire of justinus junior . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian manuscript i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom i must at present omit to speak : which reading i prefer far before the vulgar one . vales. * line , or , procedure . a in nicephorus , book , chapt . , he is called bonossus . this is he , whom anastasius bibliothecarius and the other authours who have written concerning the lives of the bishops of rome , do term benedictus . baronius thinks he had the surname of bonosus . vales. b christophorson understood these words so , as if evagrius would have said , that in the times of johannes bishop of jerusalem , no tumuit had been raised in the church . but to me evagrius seems to mean another thing ▪ to wit , that during that whole time , wherein those prelates , here named by evagrius , sate ; there had been no tumult in the church . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nicephorus ( book ▪ chap. , ) thought that by these words was meant the third year of tiberius augustus's empire . the same was the sentiment also of christophorson and musculus , as may be gathered from their renditions . but in my judgment , evagrius seems to mean here the year of tiberius's caesarean dignity . for , in the first place the words themselves do sufficiently show that . then secondly , evagrius has not yet related justinus junior's death , nor the coronation of tiberius . for he speaks of these hereafter , in the nineteenth chapter of this book . wherefore , those things related in this chapter , hapned whilst justinus junior was yet alive . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the very ; as 't is in the tellerian m. s ; or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in nicephorus . vales. * occasion . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i begin to relate . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i come : for so graecians are wont to speak . in the tellerian m. s. i found it plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i come to give a relation of . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the excellent flotine manuscript i found it plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the ordinary rank , and one of the sedentary mechanicks . the same is the reading in nicephorus . further , 't is strange that three translatours should have been mistaken in the rendition of one word . for johannes langus renders it thus : erat theopoli anatolius quidam , ex plebeis ille quidem & ignavis unus , there was at theopolis one anatolius , a person of the ordinary rank and one of the slothfull . musculus translates it in this manner ; unus ex multis illis qui vitam delicatè instituunt , one of those many who lead a delicate life . christophorson's version runs thus ; anatolius vir quidam plebeius primùm & mollis . anatolius a man at first a plebeian and effeminate , or , soft . which interpretation they seem to have drawn from suidas and the authour of the etymologicon ; who expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , idle and effeminate . but , this term signifies something else here , as is concluded from the preceding term . wherefore i doubt not , but by this word evagrius means the artifices sellularii , sedentary mechanicks , which the greeks also term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the same reason , to wit because they do their work sitting . so julius pollux book , chap. ; and the authour of the etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partly that he might confer with him ; the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged , which crept in here from the foregoing line . vales. † or , bought off . * or , was a partaker of that design . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had perswaded ; as the reading is in nicephorus . vales. ‖ or , intermixt . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , turned [ her face ] quite backward . and so nicephorus read , who has exprest this place of evagrius thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned her selfe quite away from him . whence it appears , that nicephorus put a comma before the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which punctation i do rather approve of . vales. in robert stephens's edition , this passage is worded and pointed thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but she , both abominating this impious person and perfectly reproving [ the wretch ] hatefull to god , turned backward . * or , subjected . † viz. anatolius's accomplices . * given-out , or , executed . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , curator of the imperial houses . for the houses of the emperours , as well those in the imperial city , as them in the suburbs , had their curatores , who look't after their revenue . and this dignity was not the meanest , for the persons who bore it had the titles of most glorious and most magnificent , as i have remarked before at the third chapter of this book . they seem also to have had a jurisdiction , as agathias shews in his fifth book , speaking concerning one anatolius an ex-consul ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a person that had both been honoured with the lignity of the consuls , and besides had obtained an office , [ which was , ] to take care of and to look after the houses and possessions of the emperour . those officers are by the romans termed curatores . the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , office , in this passage of agathias ( though vulcanius has omitted it in his version , ) is in no wise superfluous ; but it imports an office of a magistrate , or a jurisdiction . besides , that purple ribband [ or garland , ] and the tables which the same anatolius was wont to affixe to the houses of private persons , that he might challenge them for the treasury , ( as agathias subjoyns in his following words , ) do manifestly enough declare , that anatolius had a jurisdiction as curator of the imperial houses . 't is certain , the constitution of the emperour tiberius concerning the divine houses , doth plainly attest , that those curatores had jurisdiction . for in that constitution , tiberius does make an express establishment , that an actor , who shall prefer a plaint [ or , sue process ] against a cartularius or a conductor or a colonus of an imperial house , concerning any matter belonging to an house of the emperour , may , if he will , come to an hearing before the most glorious and most magnificent curator . but if he suspects him , he may prosecute his cause before any other judge who shall have been put into commission by the emperour . but the emperour tiberius in that law prohibites the curatores from fixing tables or fiscall titles on the houses of private persons , and from sealing them . for the curatores were wont to sell such titles as these to the meaner sort , and to exact something of them for their patronage and protection , as tiberius does there shew . moreover , these houses , and the conductores [ hirers ] of them enjoyed many priviledges and immunities , as may be seen in the theodosian code , tit. de privilegiis domus augustae , and in the fore-mentioned constitution of tiberius . vales. a yea , tiberius , whilst justinus as yet survived , created mauricius magister of the oriental milice , after he had turned out justinian ; as theophylactus attests , book , chap. . vales. b arabissus , or arabissum , was heretofore a town of armenia secunda , as hierocles informs us in his notitia of the provinces of the eastern empire . indeed , in the first constantinopolitane synod , a bishop of arabissus in armenia the less is mentioned . moreover , philostorgius ascribes this town to armenia the less , as may be seen in suidas , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but afterwards it was attributed to cappadocia , if we may believe evagrius . i know not whether it be the same with arabisson , whereof menander protector makes mention in his excerpta legationum , ( pag. of the kings edition , ) which town was near theodosiopolis . vales. † or , wherewith a dissolute life is delighted . * or , the vulgar . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders this place thus ; accessus ad se raros permittebat , eosque claboratos , he permitted very few accesses to himself , and those [ procured ] wit● a great deal of difficulty . nor has christophorson translated it better , in this manner ; rarò ad se adeundi concessit potestatem , eamque non nisi vehementer oratus , largitus est ; he rarely granted a power of access to himself ; and he bestowed that , not without very earnest intreaty . neither of these translatours have hit the sense of this place . but the florentine manuscript hath shown us the true reading of this passage . for , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is there written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i doubt not therefore but this whole place is thus to be read ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he permitted very few visits , &c , as we have rendred it . further , in the florent . manuscript these words are set in the margin : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those things which he speaks concerning mauricius are full of admiration and worthy of praise . there occurs another elogie of mauricius , elegant enough , in suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken out of menander protector 's history : to compare that with this here , would not be unuseful . vales. ‖ or , thrust from himself . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am not of the same opinion with christophorson and sir henry savil , who at this place read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for there is no such greek word as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i think ▪ musculus also seems to have read in the same manner . for he renders it thus ; inscitiam verò matrem temeritatis , & ignaviam illius domesticam ac sociam sic a se repellebat , &c. for he so drove from himself ignorance the mother of rashness , and sloth her domestick and companion , &c. in the same manner evagrius , in the beginning of this book , hath spoken concerning justinus junior ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. being possest with — vices , boldness and sloth : where ( as it seems from this place ) we should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with two vices that were comrades or chamberfellowes . but if any one had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as sir henry savil does , then the passage is to be rendred thus ; et inquilinam ejus , ac contubernalem ignaviam , and sloth which dwelleth with her , and is her comrade . for , there is as much difference between the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports colonus , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies inquilinus ; as suidas informs us in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they who were carried out of their own country into any colonie , were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or coloni . but , he who voluntarily left his own country and removed into a colonie or into any other city , was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson is mistaken therefore , who hath rendred this place thus : inscitiam autem matrem audaciae , & timiditatem quae ei vicina ac finitima est , sic ab se depulit , but he in such a manner thrust from himself ignorance the mother of boldness , and timidity which is her neighbour and borderer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie finitimam a borderer , but inquilinam , as i have said . and the latine word inquilina does exactly agree with the greek-term . for 't is called inquilinus ab incolatu , from habitation or dwelling . besides , the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie vicinam , a neighbour ; ( for that would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ) but contubernalem , a comrade or chamber-fellow , who lives under the same roof . but , after a more diligent inspection into the matter , i should rather read at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , understand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rashness . the reason of which emendation i have given a little before . nicephorus ( book , chap. , ) writing out this passage of evagrius , has exprest it thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sloth which dwelleth with her and is her assessour : which is the worst way of all . vales. * or , vehemency . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ensnared captives . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the florentine manuscript i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has made use of the simple verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but evagrius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peopled . evagrius has used the same term in the first and second chapter of this book . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tamoschroes . it must doubtless be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tamchosroes . for so evagrius calls him a little before . menander protector mentions this commander , in his excerpta legationum , and theophylactus in his third book . the same theophylactus relates also ( book , chap. , ) how he was killed in a battell against mauricius . and attests , that that was done after the death of the emperour justinus , at such time as tiberius was promoted to be augustus . in the tellerian manuscript it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chosrois . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in robert stephens the reading here is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. † or , barbarous scenitae . * or , inclosed , or surrounded . b theophylactus has made mention of this commander theodorichus , in his third book , chap. . he was by nation a goth , as may be concluded from his name . vales. † or , declared empire to mauricius . * or , from a certain divine instinct . a that is when mauricius was in the east . so nicephorus expounds this place of evagrius , in the ninth chapter of his th book . a little after , from the same nicephorus , and from the tellerian m. s. i have mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and petitioned him in relation to a revenge ; whereas before it was one word , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * mauricius's . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i am of the same mind with sir henry savil , who hath noted in his copy , that perhaps it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. declared , that at the very time of her delivery , &c. and so the reading is in nicephorus . in the tellerian manuscript i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at her very delivery . vales. c see , if you please , what i have remarked concerning the empusa , at the eighth book of sozomen's history , chap. . nicephorus , who deservedly derides such old-wives-fables as these , affirms ( chap. . book . ) that in his age this [ shee-devill ] was called gillo . those termed strigae by the romans , were like to these empusae ; concerning these strigae see festus . the old glosses , strigae , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , laestrygon , a witch . concerning this gillo or gello , which heretofore was believed to snatch away children , leo allatius has remarked much , in his letter to paulus zachias . vales. * or , he lived in the empire but , &c. † or , concerning a summary of , &c. * or , recounted . a this place gave occasion of a mistake to baronius , who , in his ecclesiastick annalls , following evagrius as his authour , attributes sixteen years and nine months reign to justinus junior . but , the other chronologers assign fewer years to justinus . for , johannes biclariensis attributes but eleven years to him ; cedrenus , thirteen years and some few months . the authour of the alexandrian chronicle affirms , that he reigned twelve years and eight months . lastly , dionysius petavius , a most diligent writer of times , gives justinus thirteen years of empire , lacking one month . which years he begins from the year of christ , on the month november , in the fourteenth indiction , whereon he judges , ( with theophanes and baronius , ) that justinian died . to the opinion of which person i do most willingly subscribe . indeed , that the first year of justinus junior was current with the fourteenth indiction , we are informed from the same justinus's first novel to julianus praefect of the city , which has this subscription : data . kalendas octobres chalcedone , imp. d. n. justino p. p. august . anno primo , indictione quintâ decimâ , dated on the eighteenth of the calends of october , at chalcedon , emperour our lord justinus father of his country augustus , on his first year , in the fifteenth indiction . for , the first year of justinus's empire began from the month november , as 't is agreed amongst all writers . it must therefore necessarily have then been the fourteenth indiction : in regard , on the month september of the year following , the fifteenth indiction is reckoned . for , if justinus had begun his empire on the fifteenth indiction , ( as victor thunonensis , johannes biclariensis , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , have left it recorded ; ) and in the month november ; 't is certain , the first indiction would have begun in the month september of the year following . further , of these twelve years and eleven months , ( during which compleat space of time we affirm that justinus reigned , ) he reigned alone and without a colleague eight years nine months and an half : with tiberius the caesar , he reigned four years , and almost one month . vales. b tiberius constantinus was made caesar by justinus , in the eighth indiction , on the seventh-day of the month september , as 't is recorded in the alexandrian chronicle . but he began his empire in the twelfth indiction , on the fifth day of the month october . hence there are four years and twenty eight days of tiberius's caesarean power . but , if we had rather follow theophylactus , who writes , that tiberius was made caesar by justinus on the seventh day of december , on the sixth feria ; there will be three years and almost ten months , which is , from the year of christ , to the year . further , 't is to be observed , that tiberius constantinus , after the death of justinus junior , reckoned the years of his own empire from the beginning of his caesarean power , as we are informed by the subscription of the same tiberius's sacra pragmatica , concerning the confirmation of the emperour justinus's constitutions ; which runs thus : data tertio idûs augusti , &c. dated on the third of the ides of august , at constantinople , on the eighth year of the emperour our lord tiberius constantinus augustus , and on the third year after his own consulate , and on the first year of the most noble flavius tiberius mauricius the most happy caesar. vales. * or , preserved . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and [ lastly ] by those , &c. for 't is referred to the foregoing words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which the translatours perceived not . vales. b concerning charax pergamenus a writer of greek histories , see what vossius has written in his book de historicis graecis . vales. * or , the epirote . † or , judiciously . c this seems to be the same person , who by vopiscus in the life of aurelianus ▪ is termed nicomachus ; he had written an history of those times , as vopiscus attests there . this nicostratus here was a different person from nicostratus the sophist , who flourisht in the empire of marcus , as suidas affirms , and also georgius scyncellus in his chronicon . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in my annotations on the excerpta legationum out of dexippus , i have long since remarked , that at this place the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the scythick wars . for dexippus wrote the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the wars which the romans waged against the scythians , as photius attests in his bibliotheca . vales. e arrianus wrote the parthica and alanica , in which books he related the actions performed by the romans against the parthians and alans . evagrius therefore means these books here . vales. f this is the eustathius syrus , whose testimony our evagrius has made frequent use of , in the foregoing books . concerning this authour suidas writes thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eustathius epiphaniensis [ wrote ] a chronologicall compendium of affairs from aeneas till the emperour anastasius in tomes . at my perill write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in two volumes , or tomes . i have evagrius's authority here , for this emendation . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with all possible expedition ; in order to the avoiding the ill sounding of the words . vales. h this johannes was an epiphaniensian . for , whereas evagrius calls him his own fellow-citizen , he must needs have been an epiphaniensian , in regard epiphania a city of syria , was evagrius's native place . wherefore vossius is mistaken in his book de histor. graecis , who thought that this johannes was by birth an antiochian . vales. † or , benevolence . notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pride , or , voluptuousness . † viz. piety . ‖ shewed , or , brought . * viz. imperial dignity . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , crowned ; which i don't approve of . for 't was not the custom amongst the ancients , at least so far as i know , that those who were invited to weddings , should wear crowns in like manner as did the bridegrooms . besides , the words next following do confute this reading . for evagrius adds , that they were magnificently clothed for this reason , because they might more easily be distinguished , or known . but , that can have no relation to crowns . for , they could not be known or distinguished by the crowns which they wore . vales. * more prosperous , or , fortunate . ‖ or , pomp. b concerning this demophilus , suidas writes in his lexicon ; in transcribing of whom vossius ( in his book de historicis graecis , ) was satisfied , and has added nothing further . but , in regard i have had an account of his country , and way of writing ; in favour to the studious , i will here annex it . that damophilus therefore ( or , demophilus , ) here mentioned was a native of bithynia , who wrote severall usefull stories and passages out of the books of the ancients , as julian informs us in his misopog : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. such writings were composed by damophilus the bithynian , of which he made a collection out of various authours , and composed relations that were very pleasing both to the younger and the elder student . i am sure julian at that place produces a certain passage , which that damophilus had collected out of plutarchus chaer●nensis , in like manner as our evagrius does here . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , uttered a plain saying . i had rather read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , uttered a wise saying ; as christophorson seems to have read . further , the place of plutarch , which evagrius means here , is extant in his book de fortu●● romanorum , not far from the beginning . vales. † rome . † popular , or , plebeian . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the originall import of this term is , a government managed by many and those of the noblest rank : but 't is taken metaphorically here , for a company of thoughts of the best sort . † mauricius . * or , confessedly . * book . chap. . * or , a free custody . * or , alive . † or , troop . * or , hill. * or , antipathy . † or , necessary . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words are to be understood concerning the edicts published by priscus . for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shows that ; which term has that import and signification i have mentioned . theophylactus confirms our exposition , book , chap. ; whom by all means consult . vales. * or , patient sufferance . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 musculus renders it , equum v●hicularem , an horse belonging to the carriages . christophorson translates it , vectarium , a chariot-horse . these horses the latines termed veredos , because they conveyed the redae , as festus tells us . evagrius uses this word again , at the fifteenth chapter of this book . where see what i have observed at note ( a. ) vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus ( chap. . book . ) the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a mistake on the other hand . for , it must be w●itten , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for , there were two phoenice's that were provinces , the one termed libanensis , the other maritima . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , quantum in ipsis erat , as much as they were able to do it . nicephorus confirms our emendation , who instead of the foresaid words of evagrius , hath substituted these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as much as in them lay . in the tellerian m. s , i ●ound it plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , pretended they would kill him . † or , preserve a fidelity to them . * or , those who commanded an hundred , or ten . † or , moderation . c the translatours understood not this place . for musculus renders it thus : et erga municipes quidem multò moderati●● quàm barbari faci●bant ; erga socios verò belli , & reipublicae ministros , admodùm ali●no erant animo ; and towards free-denizons [ or , those of the same country , ] they behaved themselves with much more of moderation than the barbarians did ; but towards their companions of war , and ministers of the state , they were of a mind quite different . christophorson has also rendred it in the same manner . but johannes langus , who turned into latine nicephorus evagrius's compilator , has expounded this place far better , thus ; et mitiores quidem illi in vectigales , and they were indeed more mild towards the people who paid taxes and tributes , than the barbarians are wont to be . but they were very far from being maintainers , or defenders of the republick , or what ever else i may stile them . nicephorus ▪ instead of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fellow-souldiers and servants of the state , had substituted these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but they were very far from being maintainers , &c. whence it appears , that nicephorus understood not the meaning of these words of evagrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , servants of the state. the militia amongst the romans , from the times of augustus , was a kind of temporary servitude . whence also the souldiers were marked with brands on their skin , in manner of servants , as vegetius informs us . moreover , the missio militaris , or , military discharge , does plainly answer the manumission , or , making free of servants . suidas ( or rather a certain old writer in suidas , ) in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tells us , that souldiers were under servitude , as long as they were in pay. so also petrus chrysologus in his fifteenth sermon de centurione . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i agree with musculus and christophorson , who have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for musculus renders it in this manner ; nec deputatis mansionibus contenti erant , nor were they contented with the appointed mansions . as often as the roman army was about making a long march , an edict was published long before , wherein all the mansions , in which the souldiers were to stay , were set forth ; as lampridius informs us , in alexander severus : itinerum dies publicè proponebantur , the daies of the marches were publickly set forth , in such a manner that an edict was hung up two months before , wherein 't was written : on such a day , at such an hour i shall go out of the city , and , if the gods please , shall stay in the first mansion . then , at the mansions in order , then at the fortified or standing camps , then when the annona is to be received , and that also . till such time as we are arrived at the borders of the barbarians . the inns also , or houses , wherein the souldiers ▪ either going to or returning from an expedition , were to stay , were set out by the mensores , or quarter-masters ; as vegeti●● informs us in book . chap. ; and the emperours likewise in the theodosian code , tit. de metatis . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any one to be a friend to him . the same likewise is the reading in nicephorus ▪ save that he , for perspecuitie's sake , hath added these words ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either by descent , or affection . yet musculus and christophorson have rendred it , favere ▪ to favour him ; though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has not that signification . therefore , i had rather read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have an inclination towards him . vales. * or , theopolis . † or , that city . ‖ or , part. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christophorson has explained this place thus ; ambo igitur ; & optimates & populares , both parties therefore , as well the eminenter citizens as the ordinary sort , agreed in the same opinion with the commonalty . but musculus expunged these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as appears from his version . for thus he renders it , utrique igitur in eandem sententiam conspirarunt , both parties therefore agreed in the same opinion : that is , as well the eminenter citizens as the pleb●ians ; or rather , as well the citizens as the artificers . for so evagrius has distinguished both parties a little before . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus renders it , the abundance and plenty of the annona . langus and christophorson translate it , the peace and felicity . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both , as suidas attests . vales. c what is now a days usually done amongst us in criminal suits and prosecutions , that councill should by the judges be assigned to the party accused ; the same was heretofore in use in ecclesiastick courts of judicature also , as this place of evagrius informs us . for gregorius bishop of antioch , when he went to the imperial city , to make his defence concerning his accusation of incest before a synod of bishops and before the senatours , carried evagrius scholasticus along with him , who might be his councellour and assessour , and might give him advice where there was need . for that is the import of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at this place . further , in this relation of evagrius's , many things are observable . first , his saying that gregorius bishop of antioch , when accused of incest by a laick before a secular judge , appealed to the emperour and a synod . ( concerning an appeal to the emperour , the letter of the roman councill to gratianus augustus is to be consulted , which was first published by jacobus syrmondus . ) secondly , it is to be observed that evagrius says , that gregorius's cause was tried before the patriarchs and metropolitanes , and before the senatours . so in the chalcedon synod , after the bishops and secular judges were met together , the cause of dioscorus bishop of alexandria was discussed and determined . in which synod the most glorious judges and senatours are always named before the bishops who were present at that synod : in like manner as in this place of evagrius , the senatours are named before the metropolitanes ; but they are mentioned after the patriarchs . vales. * or , conflicts . * gregorius's . a this was the year of christ . for the years of the antiochians precede the nativity of christ eight and fourty years , as i have observed above . now , that which evagrius adds , ( viz. that this earthquake hapned at antioch sixty one years after the former earthquakes which had afflicted antioch , ) agrees exactly with our accounts . for , that former earthquake , in justinus's reign , had hapned on the year of christ , as i have remarked at the fourth book of evagrius , chap. , note ( b. ) further , from hence may be gathered the year of the constantinopolitane synod , which was convened in the cause of gregorius bishop of antioch . this synod baronius places on the year of christ . but , from evagrius's authority ; i doubt not of its having been assembled two years after . for , whereas this synod was celebrated four months after that earthquake whereby antioch was shaken , and whereas that earthquake hapned on the sixth hundredth thirty seventh year of the antiochians , as evagrius attests ; what i have affirmed is necessarily made out , viz. that the constantinopolitane synod was convened on the year of christ . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * or , made their very foundations boyl . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received , or , had . our emendation is confirmed by the tellerian manuscript , and by nicephorus , who has worded this place of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , as langus renders it , eâque de caus● , tigna quae id sustinebant , habuerat , and on that account it had props which bore it up . the greeks call these props 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one word , as hesychius attests . which term i lately found philo mechanicus to have made use of , when i turned his books de machinis into latine . in french we call them , des étais . in latine they are termed fulturas , props , or shoars . which term fultura is made use of by livy , in his description of the siege of ambracia . vales. ‖ book . chap. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the tellerian manuscript , and in nicephorus , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brysia , which i rather approve of . certain pleasant and flourishing places seem to have been so termed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies , storere , to flourish ; as suidas attests , and the authour of the etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the translatours , langus , musculus , and christophorson , understood not this place , as 't is apparent from their versions . for they have rendred it thus : omnes quoque turres in plano constitutae , disjectae sunt ; also all the towers , placed in the plain , were thrown down . i think 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the campus , which was without the gates of the city antioch , wherein the souldiers were wont to be exercised . athanasius makes mention of this place , in a supplicatory address , which the arians had presented against him to the emperour jovian then residing at antioch : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the first congress they had with the emperour [ was ] in the gate romanensis , when the emperour went forth into the campus . vales. see athanas. works , tom. . pag. . edit . paris . . * or , turned to the contrary side . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nicephorus adds some few words here , in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the whole place is thus rendred by langus : et utrumque publicum lavacrum , ex pulcherrimo statu ad eam quae ex diametro est deformitatem , collapsum ; and each publick bath , fàln from a most beautifull condition to that deformity which is diametrically opposite . which rendition is by no means to be born with . nor is musculus's translation much better , who renders it thus : et ex publick balneis alterum iisdem boris dirutum est , and the one of the publick baths is ruined in the very same hours . christophorson has expounded this place thus : et utrumque publicum balneum , quod duobus distinctis temporibus inservit , eadem oppressit calamitas ; and the same calamity ruined each of the publick baths , which served for two distinct times . but my sentiment is , that the meaning of these words is this . there were at antioch two publick baths , divided according to the seasons of the year . the one a summer-bath , the other a winter-one . of these baths , says evagrius , the one was ruined by that earthquake . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has explained this place thus : et ut quidam conjecturam ex pane , qui in totâ civitate consumi solet , faciunt , haec lues sexaginta hominum millia extinxit ; and as some make a conjecture from the bread , which is w●nt to be spent in the whole city , this common destruction destroyed sixty thousand persons . but , i am not pleased with this rendition . for 't is my sentiment , that the number of the dead could not be made out that way . wherefore , i had rather explain this place thus . as at rome , constantinople , and alexandria , the annona was distributed to the citizens , out of the publick stock ; so in my opinion , the practise was at antioch . for antioch was one of the four greatest cities of the roman empire . from this bread therefore , which they were wont to distribute daily , 't was easie to collect the number of the dead . nevertheless , if any one had rather follow christophorson's exposition , i shall not much resist him . especially , in regard there is extant no evidence of any ancient writer , concerning the publick annona of the city antioch . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has added some few words here , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , took up [ the bishop ] together with his bed , or , couch , on their shoulders . i know not whether he added this by conjecture , or found it so written in his own copy . vales. * or , continued in the same posture they were in . a concerning this victory of germanus's , theophylactus speaks briefly , as his usage is , in book , chap. . vales. a theophylactus seems to call this person aristobulus , in his third book and third chapter . he says also , that he was curator of the house antiochus . vales. * or , guards . * or , theopolis . † or , cast upon . a this place is not a little difficult and obscure . musculus renders it thus : quando ad militiam conscripti ex catalogo , per ipsum sunt admissi , when having been enrolled to the militia by catalogue , they were admitted by him . christophorson translates it almost in the same manner ; thus : alii vestitu , cibo , & aliis rebus adjuti tum cùm in album militum adscripti & per eum admissi fuerant ; others were assisted with clothes , provision , and other things , then when they were registred in the muster-roll , and had been admitted by him . nicephorus also seems to have followed the same sense , who has expressed this place of evagrius thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words langus renders thus : tum autem quicunque delectu habito per sacramentum militare in catalogum adscripti erant , per ipsum id consecuti fuerant ; then also whoever , when an election was made , by the military oath had been registred in the muster-roll , had obtained that by his means . but this rendition does not please me . for the roman militia was not at that time so desirable a thing , that there should be need of any persons favour and assistance for this matter to procure any one to be enrolled amongst the number of the souldiers . wherefore , i rather think that these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are to be expounded thus , tunc cum militaribus numeris adscripti , per ipsius agros transirent , at such time as , when registred amongst the military companies , they had passed , or , marched through his grounds . evagrius at this place sets forth the munificence of gregorius bishop of antioch , who had not only given entertainment to the souldiers passing thorow his grounds , but had also bestowed on them clothes , provisions for eating , and money . indeed , justinian uses the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sense , in his th novell , concerning the passage of souldiers ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so much that without making complaint [ or , without fault ] he nourished those of our army in their passage in every province . in the telleriam manuscript i found this place thus written ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is a village in the ter●itory of chalcis a city of syria , whereof the emperour julian makes mention in his th epistle . near this village were the winter-quarters of king antiochus , the remains whereof were visible in his age , as julian does there attest , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which place martinius renders thus ; ad litarbos veni , quod oppidum est in chalcide : & casu incidi in viam quandam quae reliquias adhuc antiochensium hibernorum habebat , i came to litarbi , which is a town in chalcis : and by chance i light upon a certain way which as yet bad the remains of the antiochian winter-quarters . but i translate it thus ; litarba adveni , qui vicus est in agro chalcidico . et viam offendi quae reliquias habebat , hibernorum regis antiochi ; i came to litarba , which is a village in the territory of chalcis . and i found a way which had the remains of the winter-quarters of king antiochus . theophanes mentions the same village , in his chronicon , pag. ; where he says , that alamundarus depopulated syria prima , as far as the borders of antioch , and unto litarga , and scaphata . but in my judgment , it must be written thus in thcophanes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those possessions termed litarba and scaphata . which emendation is confirmed by his following words . for he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he burnt the places without chalcis . vales. * or , communicate . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson dream't i know not what here , concerning a navall fight of the romans . a navall fight had not been begun at that time by the romans , but they had engaged with the persians in a land-fight . our evagrius therefore has made use of a metaphor at this place ; and compares the roman camp to a ship : and the mutiny they had raised , he compares to a tempest . vales. * oblivion . † or , instead of a supplication and olive-branches . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preference , or , the better . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place , there was this whole line wanting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , judgment ? the heart of a king is in the hand of god , which i have supplied from the incomparable florentine manuscript . there seems to have been the same imperfection also in that copy which nicephorus made use of . for he would never have omitted that brave sentence which mauricius had made use of , the heart of a king is in the hand of god ; had he found it in his own copy . vales. * or , betray . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the excellent florentine manuscript , this whole place is read thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . incomparably well , provided we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in two words , as the reading is in nicephorus , book , chap. . and we have rendred it accordingly . away therefore with christophorson's and s r henry savil's conjecture ; who at this place have made it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily taken . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; see the story at large in livy , book . pag. , edit . paris . ‖ or , goods . * or , bereaved of . † or , obey me . ‖ or , tyranny . * expi●ted , or , made satisfaction . † ends , or conclusions . * or , land. * or , assembly . † see matt. . . a these prayers and supplications may be referred , either to the reconciliation of the penitents , and to the absolution from that oath wherein the souldiers had bound themselves ; or else to the solemn prayers , which gregorius then celebrated before the tribunes and centurions of the roman army , to whom also he distributed the sacred communion , as evavagrius attests . so indeed nicephorus expounds this place : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he appeased the deity with supplications . and having performed the divine prayers , he imparted the immaculate body to them all . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the excellent florentine and tellerian manuscripts , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added ; that is , the second feria [ or , monday ] of the great week , or passion week . i found the same emendation also written in the margin of the vulcobian copy . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i assent to christophorson and s r henry savill , who have put a point after these words . for 't is wholly necessary . moreover , before them , nicephorus had distinguished this place thus . but the reading in nicephorus is better , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the emperour's city , or , constantinople . vales. * oblivion . † or , expeditions with him . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the florentine and tellerian manuscripts 't is truer written , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as also vulcobius and s r henry savil had mended it in their copies . nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) has expounded this place of evagrius thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having been made commander of ten souldiers amongst the military forces . these officers were by the latines termed decani , not decuriones , as musculus and christophorson do render it . vegetius attests this book . chap. . speaking concerning the centuriones or ordinarii ; erant , says he , decani denis militibus praepositi qui nunc caput contubern●i vocantur , the decani were commanders of ten souldiers , which officers are now called the head of a file . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that city . for so the rule of grammar requires . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . four hundred armed men , as theophylactus relates , book . chap. . vales. * or , most commodious . * fortified , or , secured . † or , added . * or , vanquished . † or , hero. ‖ or , better fortified . * or , contrary attacks . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . evagrius has made use of this word above , at chap. . of this book ; where , as also here , the translatours render it vchicularem and vectarium equum . but nicephorus ( book , chap. , ) writing out this place of evagrius , explains the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , having mounted him on one of the horses lead after him , carried him out of the fight . for generalls when they went to an engagement , were wont to lead with them severall horses , that if that whereon they rode were by chance killed , they might mount another . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in my judgment , i have restored this place very happily , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , the persians were vanquished and fled , &c. 't is certain , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being preserved , is in no wise agreeable here . for , they that are preserved or saved , flie no more . nor could the persians be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preserved , or , saved , till they were come to nisibis . therefore evagrius adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made their escape to nisibis . instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nicephorus has put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a more common word . vales. * or , hormisdes . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it seems to be the same which by theophylactus is termed acbas , a castle very strongly fortified . theophylactus describes the site hereof , book . chap. , altogether in the same manner , wherein evagrius describes the site of the castle ocbas . therefore , as well from the likeness of the name , as from the site , it appears , that ocbas and acbas were one and the same castle ; scituate near the river nymphius and the city martyropolis . our conjecture is fully confirmed by theophylactus , in book . chap. ; where that castle ocbas , which our evagrius says was taken by comentiolus , is by theophylactus himself termed acbas . vales. * engins for battery . * or , the romans . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the florentine and tellerian m. ss . we have made good this place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. then , in his room they constitute , &c. further , chosroes was made king of the persians in the year of christ , as baronius writes in his annals . which was the tenth year of mauricius's empire , not the seventh , as baronius relates . for the years of mauricius's empire proceed almost in an equall pace with the years of the indiction , as do likewise the years of justinus junior's empire . wherefore , whereas on the year of christ it was the tenth indiction , as baronius himself attests , it must then also necessarily have been the tenth year of the same mauricius's empire . yet , the authour of the alexandrian chronicle places the inauguration of chosroes , and his flight to the romans , one year before this account . for thus he writes ; in the ninth indiction , on the ninth year of mauricius's empire , on the seventh year after the consulate of the same mauricius tiberius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. on this year chosroes emperour of the persians came to the romans , having had a rebellion raised against him by baram [ or , varamus ] his kinsman ; and by the assistance of the romans he was restored to his own kingdome . but johannes biclariensis in his chronicon , relates this to have been done a year sooner . for these are his words at the eighth year of the emperour mauricius , wherewith he closed his chronicle . a vigesimo ergo constantini imperatoris anno , &c. from the twentieth year therefore of the emperour constantine , at which time the arian heresie took its beginning , untill the eighth year of mauricius emperour of the romans , there are two hundred sixty six years . in these times therefore , wherein the omnipotent god ( the venome of poysonous heresie being destroyed , ) has restored peace to his church , the emperour of the persians embraced the faith of christ , and made [ or , confirmed ] a peace with the emperour mauricius . where , that is to be taken notice of , which biclariensis says , viz. that the king of persia , having thrown off the worship of idolls , came over to the faith of christ. indeed , theophylactus attests the same , book . chap. , and book , chap. . vales. * that is , god. † to circesium . ‖ or , of the life of men . b theophylactus ( book . chap. . ) says chosdroes was only termed son by the emperour mauricius . but theophanes in h●● chronicon , pag. , affirms in express words , that chosdroes was a son adopted by the emperour mauricius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. on this year the emperour mauricius having adopted chosroes the emperour of the persians , &c. vales. * to mauricius . a theophylactus , book . chap. , says , that sittas was burnt to death by the command of comentiolus the magister militiae . vales. * or , was. * he was grandfather to this chosroes . † book . chap. , where see note ( a. ) a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theophylactus simocatta , book , chap. , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in regard the wretched zadesprates came out of the army , which reading i like best . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theophylactus the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to disturb . vales. * or , house . † or , grandfather . see book . chap. . note ( a. ) ‖ or , pagan . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there were three sorts of stater's , ( ) stater atticus ; its value in our coyn was fifteen shillings , ( ) stater aureus mac●donicus ; its value in our money is eighteen shillings four pence , ( ) stater daricus , which 't is probable is the money here meant , it was valued at fifteen shillings , our money . see more in m r brerewood de ponderibus & pretiis veterum nummorum , chap. . pag. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but in theophylactus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within my self ; which reading i do rather approve of . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theophylactus and nicephorus , 't is read in one word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so also i found it written in the tellerian manuscript . vales. * or , power . † or , pretious . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatours understood not this place , as 't is apparent from their version . for they both render it in this manner ; et unicum utrinque apertum . so also rad●rus translated it , who rendied theophylactus into latine , save only that he has made it hunnicum , agreeable to the reading in the greek text of theophylactus . but langus , nicephorus's translatour , has retained the greek word , thus , & amphithyrum hunnicum . and , by adding a scholion , has explained this term thus : judicio meo carceres , sive canc●lli sunt , in my judgement , they are the bars or rails , either surrounding the more sacred table of the altar , or keeping the people from it ; in each part whereof there is a door , and a passage leading to it , of hunnick work. but , by the favour of that learned man , he has not hit the signification of this word . the greeks termed veyles or curtains which hung before doors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so chrysostome in his th homily on st matthew , speaking concerning za●h●us , who entertained our lord at a banquet : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ consider , ] when christ was about to enter into his house , how he adorned it : for he ran not to his neighbours , [ to borrow ] their curtains and chairs , &c. so , in the churches of the christians , there were curtains before the doors , as epiphanius attests in an epistle which saint jerome has done into latine . and , that we may come nearer to the business , at the very altar there were curtains , where with the doors of the altar or choire were covered . and when the priest was about to celebrate the eucharist , those curtains were wont to be drawn , that the people might behold the mysteries a far off . this is atrested by s t chrysostome , in his third homily on the epistle to the ephesians , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so also here , when the sacrifice is offered , and christ is sacrificed , when you shall hear [ these words ] let us all pray together , when you see the curtains drawn , then think that heaven is opened from above , &c. where you see , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for the curtains which were placed at the doors of the altar . there is also mention of these veyles or curtaines , in an old paper of the donation of the cornutianensian church , which was first published by johannes suarefius . et pro arae or a vela tramoscrica alba auroclava , vela blattea auroclava paragaudata , &c : and afterwards , vela linea paragaudata perficâ clavaturâ collomelina prasina , vela linea paragaudata perficâ clavaturâ leucorhodina duo . and again afterwards . item ante regias basilicae vela linea plumata majora fissa numero tria . item vela linea pura tria , ante consistorium velum lineum purum unum . in pronao velum lineum purum unum ; & intra basilicam pro porticibus vela linea rosulata sex . et ante secretarium vel curricula vela linea rosulata pensilia habentia arcus . which place i have transcribed entire , for this reason , that the studious reader may understand , how manifold the use of curtains was heretofore in the church ; and that we might know , what was the hunnick veyle or curtain in this place of evagrius . for , as this paper of donation informs us , that the persian curtains were heretofore highly valued , so the hunnick curtains were also chiefly commended . further , the persian curtains are mentioned by aristophanes's scholiaest ad ranas : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for these curtains were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they were hung before doors , as i have said . gulielmus bibliothecarius in the life of stephanus sextus has this passage . con●ulit in eadem basilica apostolorum cortinam lineam unam , velothyra s●rica tria in circuitu altaris . whence it appears , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the same thing . vales. a in the greek text of valesius's edition , at this place we found these words wanting , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were highly prevalent ; [ in which places ] he set forth the ecclesiastick dogmata , or , opinions : which we have inserted from robert stephens's edition . valesius has exprest them in his latine version , and so have all the other translatours . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has explained this place incomparably well , by inserting one word , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , as langus renders it , perhibetur sane primos dentes in columnae statione mutasse , 't is indeed reported , that he changed his first teeth in his station on the pillar . in the excellent florentine and tellerian manuscripts , 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behaving himself like a child . † or , forgat his nature . ‖ or , distracted into . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the rules of grammar require , that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precedes . vales. * or , one of those who wrote under me . or , filled . ‖ or , guarded . * or , above mention . * or , were to him . a baronius does indeed place the death of gregorius bishop of antioch and the restauration of anastasius sina●ta on the year of christ . but baronius doubts at the same place , whether it ought not to be placed on the year following ; especially in regard gregorius magnus , in the register of the letters of the thirteenth indiction , congratulates anastafius , because he had been restored to the see of antioch . but the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , ( who lived almost in the same times with gregorius , ) places gregorius's death in the tenth year of the empire of mauricius , on the tenth indiction ; his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the tenth indiction ; on this year anastasius patriarch of antioch returned to antioch , after the death of gregorius who had been patriarch , who had also before succeeded the same anastasius . where you may note that anastasius is called patriarch even before his restoration ; because , having been deposed illegally and by force , he had always retained the title of patriarch . 't is certain pope gregorius , in the three letters he wrote to him at the beginning of his episcopate , does always acknowledge anastasius to be a patriarch . but , he is never found to have accounted gregorius ( who had illegally taken possession of anastasius's chair whilst he was yet alive , ) amongst the number of patrlarchs . vales. b hermodactylus was a plant unknown to the ancients , 't is certain , neither dioscorides , nor galen have made any mention of it . but , the arabians after serapion , confounded it with colchicum and ephemeron . whom our apothecaries have followed , and in their shops substitute colchicum instead of hermodactylus . but andreds matthiolus ( in his comments on the fourth book of dioscorides , ) hath long since taken notice of this mistake ; and after him others , who have written concerning plants . when matthiolus published the former edition of his comments , he himself did not then fully know what hermodactylus was . but afterwards , when he had procured that plant from the illustrious personage augerius busbequius , who had brought it him at his return from an embassy at constantinopole ; he gave us the type or cut of that plant at pag. of his latter edition . the roots of this plant represent the likeness of fingers , with the addition of nails also . whence the plant had its name . for hermodactylus signifies the finger of mercury . further , the root hereof was heretofore given to those that were troubled with the gout in the joynts or fingers , at such time as the humours issued out : for , of it self , and by a decoction of it , it has a purgative quality , as paulus aegineta relates in his seventh book . but now a days hermodactylus is given to those troubled with the gout in their feet , not at that time when the humours issue forth , but rather when the disease is grown strong and come to its height . for , when modern physitians had found by the use of this medicine , that it was noxious in the approach or augmentation of the disease , they corrected the practise of the ancient physitians in this particular ; as the most famous and most learned tossanus de fontaine doctor of physick and regius professor in the university of paris informed me , a person to whom i profess my self highly obliged , for his singular kindness towards me , and for his care and diligence in curing my distemper . vales. * or , the junior rome c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from these words 't is evidently concluded , that anastasius was restored to the see of antioch a little before gregorius's death . for evagrius says , that gregorius bishop of antioch dyed , after anastasius had been restored to his own chair . yet , nicephorus thought , that nothing else was meant by these words , but that anastasius had been restored to his own see after gregorius's death . vales. d anastasius had been deposed on the year of christ , as i have observed above , in my notes on book . chap. . from this year to the tenth of mauricius's empire , ( whereon he was restored to his see , as the authour of the alexandrian chronicle informs us , ) that is to the year of christ , there are three and twenty years . vales. e from these words some one might prehaps conjecture that which baronius has also supposed , that gregorius bishop of antioch dyed on the twelfth year of the emperour mauricius . for why should evagrius say , that he had closed his history on the twelfth year of mauricius's empire , unless he had related some thing before , which had been done on the twelfth year of the same mauricius ? notwithstanding , after a more diligent inspection into the thing , evagrius seems not in my judgment , to have designed to mean that by these words , for evagrius says , that gregorius bishop of antioch had ended his life , at such time as gregorius governed the roman , and eulogius the alexandrian church ; and whilst johannes presided over the church at jerusalem . which johannes having ended his life not long after , evagrius saith no body was as yet put into his place . evagrius therefore closed not his history with the death of gregorius , in regard he relates , that after gregorius's death , johannes bishop of jerusalem dyed ; and that after his death no person was yet put into his see , at that time when he wrote these things . wherefore evagrius by these words means only this , that he wrote these things on the twelfth year of mauricius's empire . vales. * or , a wandring history . † or , sustained . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i like not the rendition of christophorson and musculus , who think that the honour of the quaesture was conferred upon our evagrius by tiberius . but evagrius does not say , that he had the dignity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of quaestor given him , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of quaestorius . now , there is a great difference between quaestor and quaestorius . for he is quaestor , who bears the office of quaestor . but , quaestorius is he who has already born that office. in regard therefore evagrius says , that he had the honour ex-quaestore given him , he means that the codicills ex-quaestore were conferred on him by the emperour : altogether in the same manner , wherein ( as he adds immediately , ) the codicills ex-prafectis praetorio were bestowed on him by the emperour mauricius . further , such persons as by their deserts had procured these codicills , enjoyed all those priviledges , which belonged to the honorati who had born those dignities , to wit , of the quaesture and of the praefecture . but , in my opinion the reading at this place ought to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood , ) the [ dignity ] of quaestorius . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours understood not this place . for musculus renders it thus ; unde ista composuimus , cum ille imperii ignominiam ablaturus , theodosium in lucem produxit , whence we composed those things , when he , about to take away the ignominie of the empire , brought theodosius into the light . christophorson translates it in this manner : quo regnante eas relationes composuimus ; idque eo ipso tempore quo theodosium in lucem edidit , during whose reign we composed those relations ; and that at that very time wherein he brought to light theodosius . christophorson was of opinion , that the reading here ought to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this emendation is not to be endured . for evagrius had not composed that work of relations during the reign of mauricius , but whilst tiberius constantinus was emperour , as he himself affirms a little above . therefore , i had rather retain the common reading here , by understanding the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relation , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 discourse . for when the emperour mauricius's son theodosius was born , evagrius wrote an oration to the emperour mauricius , wherein he congratulated with him on account of the birth of his son , and foretold the highest felicity both to mauricius and the roman state , because mauricius had abolished the old reproach of the roman empire , and had at length begotten a male-child . for , none of the roman emperours , who had reigned in the eastern parts ; even from the times of theodosius junior , had begotten male-children . evagrius therefore says , that on account of this oration , he had been rewarded by mauricius with the codicills of a most ample praefecture . vales. h the most noble theodosius was born in purple on the third year of mauricius's empire on the twenty sixth of the month september , and therefore on the fourth indiction , which had begun from the calends of the september of this year . the same theodosius was afterwards crowned augustus by his father mauricius , in the eighth indiction , on the twenty sixth of the month march , when he was four years and an half old , as theophanes relates in his chronicon , pag. . vales. notes for div a -e * that is , without setting forth what chapter it is , viz. the th , th , &c. notes for div a -e a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so graecians are wont to inscribe their books written concerning any one's life : philostratus gave his books concerning the life of apollonius tyaneus this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , philostratus's eight books concerning the life of apollonias tyaneus . so also marcus antoninus entitled the books concerning his own life , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , twelve books of [ remarks ] upon himself . 't is further to be noted , that although these books have this title , concerning the life of the emperour constantine , yet all things are not contained therein , which were performed by that emperour , but those matters only are described , which relate to true piety , and the glory of the christian religion . whereof eusebius gives an express advertisement in the beginning of this book , chap. . vales. b at this place robert stephens has added these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , five books ; what copies he followed , i know not . for these words occur not , either in the king's copy , or in the old sheets . neither are these words to be found in the fuketian manuscript . 't is certain , this work concerning the life of the emperour constantine consists only of four books ; which is also attested by photius . but , because eusebius had added three small pieces , to wit , the emperour constantine ' s oration to the convention of the saints , the description of the church at jerusalem together with the sacred presents there dedicated by constantine , and a panegyrick spoken at constantine ' s tricennalia ▪ hence it came to pass , that this appendix was by some taken for a fifth book . indeed , the index of the chapters which is prefixt before constantine's oration to the saints , in the fuketian manuscript has this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chapters of the fifth book . but in the kings copy , the indices of the chapters are omitted , and this title is written at the side , though in a more modern hand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the beginning of the fifth book . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , second and third decade of years . 't was usuall with emperours to celebrate solemn feasts and pastimes for joy they were arrived at the th , th , or th year of their reign ; the feasts for their tenth year were termed decennalia ; those for their th , vicennalia ; and them for their th tricennalia . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with vicennalian hymns . this oration spoken by eusebius in constantine's vicennalia is not now extant . we can only affirm this of it , that it was spoken in the nicene synod , in the presence of the emperour constantine , as eusebius attests in the following words : but he tells us this very thing much more plainly in book , chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have platted him tricennalian crowns of orations . he means the tricennalian oration concerning the praises of constantine , which eusebius had annexed at the close of his books concerning the life of constantine , as he himself attests book . chap. . nevertheless , in the fuketian manuscript this oration is prefixt before eusebius's books of the life of the emperour constantine . which is very right indeed , if we respect the time wherein this oration was spoken ▪ but 't is contrary to the opinion of the writer himself , who ordered that oration to be placed at the close of these books . vales. * or , our oration is , &c. see chap. . note ( c. ) † aspect , or , sight . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil hath noted at the margin of his copy , that perhaps the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with our oration is self . the same thing came also into my mind , before i had procured s r henry savils copy . 't is the same with what eusebius says in the following chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and converst with us our selves , in a most admirable manner . but , after a more diligent inspection into the thing , i am now of another opinion . nor do i doubt but eusebius wrote thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accompanied , or , conversing with imperial majesty her self : which is a most elegant expression . for he makes imperial majesty a kind of goddess as 't were , whose inseparable companion , he says , constantine was after his death : in regard he conversed above with god the supreamest of kings ; but reigned on the earth in his sons . questionless , whosoever shall read the following words with attention , will never doubt of this emendation . vales. * or , pertook of the honour of gaesars . † or , virtue of religion . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the old sheets is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . in the fuketian manuscript the four former words are wanting , and there is a blankspace left , capable of one or two words only . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscripts this place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but i had rather retain the ordinary reading , only i would alter the punctation . for , i am of opinion , that a c●mma is not to be placed after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a most admirable manner , ( as musculus and christophorson have done , ) but after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus , converst with us our selves , as we have pointed it . for eusebius says this was the greatest miracle and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most admirable ; that although constantine was dead , yet he had the same honours and obedience paid him as when alive . vales. * or , resplendent . † or , residencies of mortalls . † or , with an immortality of an endless , &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the fuketian manuscript and s r henry savil's copy i have mended this place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am dumb , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an elegant expression , as persons skillfull in the greek tongue do very well know . further , whereas all these expressions in this and the foregoing chapter , are spoken by eusebius in the third person , concerning his speech or oration , we chose rather to change the person , and put it in the first , because the propriety of the latine tongue seemed wholly to require that . vales. for the same reason here given by valesius in relation to the latine tongue , we have likewise altered the person in our english version . * or , the dignity of his equall praises . † or , the immortall god and the word . * or , subjected to . † made , or ▪ constituted . ‖ or , the true promises of these his words . * conclusions of life . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am not pleased with the reading in the fuketian manuscript and in gruter's copy which reading i found set at the margin in moreus's copy also ; it is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. by a transposition of one particle i mend the place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so much that , &c , as we have rendred it . and i dare lay any wager , that eusebius wrote so . further , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports here titles or scpulchrall monuments , as i have at large remarked on eusebius's eccles. history . vales. † his death . ‖ or , the nature of mortalls . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means paint of encaustum , or , ceruss , which was made by wax melted in the fire . this was the most ancient sort of painting , as pliny tells us , book , chap. . ceris pingere ac picturam inurere quis primus excogitaverit , non constat ; 't is not known who first found out painting with wax and burning the paint . the same pliny reckons up three sorts of this painting ; to wit , with wax , with the cestrum [ a kind of peircer to bore with ] in ivory , and with the pencill in wooden tables ; encausto pingendi duo fuisse antiquitus genera constat , cera , & in ●bore cestro , donec classes pingi caepere . hoc tertium accessit , resolutis igni ceris penecillo utendi . by which words 't is very obscure what pliny means , in regard he say● , that the first sort of painting with encaustum was with wax . for 't is not to be understood , that there was no wax in the other sorts of encaustick painting . the meaning therefore is this , that that first sort of encaustick painting was performed with wax only , no other instrument besides wax being made use of to paint . procopius ( in his first book de aedificiis justiniani , ) speaking concerning the roof of a church , describes this sort of painting thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole roof was adorned with paintings , not with wax made liquid [ or , burnt , ] and diffused . 't is apparent , that by these words procopius means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , encaustick painting . 't is certain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs in john chrysostome also , as 't is recorded in the second nicene councill , pag. . and in pope gregorie's letter to germanus bishop of constantinople , at page of the same nicene councill ; where anastasius bibliothecarius renders it , imaginem cerâ perfusam , a picture besmeared with wax . the same term occurs hereafter in our eusebius , at book . chap. , and in the history of nicephorus patriarch of constantinople , about the end . concerning this painting apuleius speaks , in defensione suâ , in these words : enim verò quod luto fictum , vel are infu●um , vel lapide incisum , vel cerâ inustum , vel pigmento illitum . and nazarius in the panegyrick he spoke to constantine , speaking concerning his images thrown down by maxentius , writes thus ; aboleri hic vultus non potest : universorum pectoribus infixu● ▪ est , nec commendatione cera aut pigmentorum fucis reni●e● : sed desiderio efflorescit animorum . paulinus likewise , in his eighth epistle to sulpicius severus ; at which place see fronto ducaeus's notes . there is also an eminent passage of boethius's concerning this matter , in his preface to his books of arithmetick , which he dedicated to symmachus the patricius . at picturae , manibus tabulae commissae fabrorum ; cerae rusticâ observatione decerptae ; colorum suci mercatorum solertia perquisiti ; lintea operosis elaborata textrinis , multiplicem materiam praestant . for so that place is to be corrected from an old manuscript of thuanus's library . lastly , anastasius in his sermon de sabbato , which is recorded in the seventh synod , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the image being nothing else but wood , and colours mixt and tempered with wax . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have taken occasion : and so the reading is in the old sheets of the king's library . s r henry savil had likewise remarked at the margin of his copy , that in his judgment the reading was to be thus . but in moraeus's copy at the margin 't is mended thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; with which reading i am best pleased . vales. * forms , or , figures . † or , soul. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and a little after , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for their information . vales. † pattern , or , instance . * god. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a new and unusuall expression ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of that which others would term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius says , that constantine reigned thirty compleat years , and something more . which is true . for , besides thirty years , he reigned almost ten months . further , at the beginning of this period , the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the time of his reign ; not as the common reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † god. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he made him the conquerour ; as i found it mended in the margin of the mora●● copy ▪ which reading christophorson has followed . the same reading occurs in the old sheets , in the savilian , and in the fuketian manuscripts . vales. * or , god-opposing . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it prope dixerim ▪ i had almost said ; as if it had been written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but eusebius meant another thing . for , being desirous to show how short a time the tyrants 〈◊〉 , he says they were visible a shorter time than is required to speak . 't is the same which graecians term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the twinkling of an eye ▪ a sort of hyperbole familiar with graecians . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the one of these words is redundant ▪ and therefore we have ●eit it our ●n our version . the former of them seems to me to be a scholion : in the fuket . manuscript , the latter is wanting . a little after , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ▪ by his means , as 't is in the kings sheets , and in the savil , and fuket . manuscripts . further , in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the virtues of all . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the hearing , &c ▪ which christophorson perceived not . in the old sheets 't is over written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same hand . also , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian manuscript . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and [ he advanced him to be ] so great an emperour , &c. in the kings sheets this place is supplied at the margin in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , always vanquishing , and continually made joyfull with trophies against his enemies . the fuket . manuscript has no variation , only adds a conjunction in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and always vanquishing . vales. a ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ learned men have attempted to restore this place several ways , as 't is apparent from their emendations , which are set at the margin of the geneva edition , and written in the moraean copy . for some have conjectured it should be written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , others have mended it thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which reading christophorson has followed , as appears from his rendition . but in the moraean copy this place is mended something otherwise , in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. from which imperfections any one would conjecture that this is a reading of some manuscript copy . the latter imperfection is easily supplied , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in regard all these readings abound with faults , nor can any thing that is good be extracted out of them , i had rather expunge these words . indeed , if these words be razed out , the sense is most plain ▪ thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i have followed in my version . the same was done before us , by johannes portesius , who first rendred these books of eusebius concerning the life of constantine into latine . in the kings sheets , after those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the margin these words are added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuketia● manuscript represents this place in the same manner with the copy of moraeus and turnebus . vales. * or , i 〈…〉 so●●● of all manner of nations . † or , riotous banquetting . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not much more , which reading portesius has followed . but christophorson rendred it so as if the reading were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or something more . 't is certain , alexander the great reigned twelve years and above , which make up something more than the third part of two and thirty years , if we go to an accurate computation . but oratours , whose business it is to amplifie things , don't usually speak so exactly . therefore eusebius says well , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not much more . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . every body sees it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the flower of his age , as 't is also remarked in moraus's copy . in the old sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , a little after this it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and at the close of the chapter i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is extolled for such mischiefs as these although the manuscript copies varie not . in the fuketian manuscript i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is truer than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the common editions . vales. * or , cruelly . * or , fortified . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the king 's and fuketian manuscripts , 't is written in two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , righter without question . so he expresses himself hereafter , at chap. . in the king's copy the reading also is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , righter than in the common editions , where 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor is it otherwise in the fuketian manuscript . but on the contrary , a little after this , where the common editions make it ble 〈…〉 , the same fuketian manuscript has it ble●●yae ; not ill , as i have remarqued at amm. marcellin●● , pag. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . portesius referred these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , to the indians : for he has rendred it thus ; indos extremos usque terra undique circumjectos . but i don't suppose this to be eusebius's meaning . for the old geographers never affirmed that the indians inhabited round the circuit of the world. the spaniards indeed , in the memory of our grandfathers , have named a part of the earth newly known to them and found out , west-india ▪ but they did this according to their own arbitrement . therefore , in this place of our eusebius , i think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rather , no alteration to be made . for the meaning is , that constantine preached christ every where to all men , from south to north , and from west to east . vales. * or , whole world. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . many faults are made in th●se books by the transposition of words , as we have formerly shown . at this place such a fault occurs . write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the old sheets this place is thus supplied at the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , and sent him embassies and presents and gifts . and a little after this , in the same sheets , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constantine was known amongst them all . vales. a the kings copy begins a chapter at these words , which we have readily followed . the fuketian manuscript also , which usually prefixes the titles or contents before each chapter , begins the chapter from these words . and i found the same division in the old sheets of the king's library . vales. * or , defrauded . † or , was adorned . ‖ enslaving . * god. † or , an issue of three children . ‖ or , throne of the empire . * viz. in his sons ▪ see chap. . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , recorded , is wanting , which i found written at the margin of the mor●an copy . but in the kings sheets , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conflicts , these words are added in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inscribing them to lasting ages . which words , whether added by conjecture or taken out of some other copy , seem to me in no wise to be rejected . the fuketian copy has the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , w●rthy of . † or , a mortall picture . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings , savilian and fuketian copy , 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this expression seems to be a sol●cisme . for he ought to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he would have spoken correctly . in the old sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written over it . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be transposed , and must be placed lower , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for i should be ashamed , should i not confer the utmost of mine own abilities , &c. a little after this , in the fuketian manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , if you had rather have it so . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on him who with a transcendency , &c. in the old sheets of the kings library , this place is thus supplied in the margin . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on him who hath honoured us all , in respect of his transcendency of piety towards god. which reading i approve of highly . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no time hath seen . vales. a the king 's and fuketian manuscripts , and the king's sheets begin the eleventh chapter at these words . vales. * or , if to any other persons , i● certainly belongs to us . b he means those writers who had recorded the affairs of nero and other tyrants ; concerning whom he had spoken a little before . christophorson therefore renders it well , nam illi , &c. for those , &c. but , portesius translates it , nam alii quidem , &c. for others , which is insufferable . vales. † or , with a pride of elegancy of words . * or , for the greatness of the emphasis of what , &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the other reading , which i found in the old sheets , pleases me better , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , relation . and so the reading is in the fuketian and savilian manuscripts . vales. * or , reading . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the old sheets 't was interli●ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stratagems , which i like not . for eusebius does here oppose constantine's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , imperial actions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to his works that were pious and acceptable to god. and he says , that he does designedly omit his imperial actions : which he divides into two sorts , namely his warlike ones , and those of peace . but , he proposes to himself to set forth only those actions of his , which bear a relation to religion . further , in the kings sheets , after those words , and whatever triumphs he lead , these are added in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , the constitutions made by him , in the times of peace , for the regulation of the publick , and conducive , &c. which words seem to me to be of good note . vales. † or , of the government of his subjects . e he means that passage which occurs at ecclesiasticus . . judge none blessed before his death : for a man shall be known in his children . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ▪ the king 's and fuketian manuscripts write it without an article , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient history relates ; and so it is in the old sheets : which savours more of eusebius's style . a little after , i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil has done well to set this note at the beginning of this chapter , huc usque prooemium , thus far the preface . vales. † or , estranged himself from . b christophorson and portesius have rendred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were to be understood ; thus , from that sort of life . but my sentiment is , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with jam tum , even then , ab ●o tempore , from that very time . and so musculus renders it . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning whom . and so the reading is in the kings sheets and in the savilian manuscripts . in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is no ill reading . vales. * or , whilst four persons pertook of the imperial power over the romans . † constantius . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the donatists used almost the very same words , in the supplicatory libell which they presented to the emperour constantine : a copy whereof is recorded by optatus , in his first book . rogam●● te constantine imp. quoniam de genere justo es ; cujus pater inter caeteros imperatores persecutionem non exercuit : & ab hoc scelere immunis est gallia . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting , or some other such like word . nor is the conjecture of that learned man to be omitted , which i found written at the margin of the moraean copy ; to wit , that in his judgment the reading ought to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but turnebus at the margin of his copy hath mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hath likewise s r henry savil. in the kings sheets , over the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which emendation i prefer before the rest . i write thus therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . in the fuketian manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vales. * or , to those governed by him . * he means diocletian . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this place ; for he has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , statuentes , resolving . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with vota suscipere , to pray , or , desire earnestly . which term eusebius uses in another place , as shall be noted hereafter . portesius therefore has rendred this place righter , in this manner : his auditis , ac si de illâ ipsâ re vota jamdiu suscepissent ut id eveniret , quò se probare possent , &c. further , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , readiness of affection , the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it 's said , must be inserted . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i found it mended in the copy of mor●us , turnebus , s r henry savil , and fuketius . further , i have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the senior augustus . for so diocletian is called in the old panegyricks and in inscriptions . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings sheets these words are added in the margin ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words some learned man hath added by conjecture , as 't is sufficiently apparent . i think there is only one word wanting here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to give . i word it thus therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then he commanded , &c. which sort of expression is usuall with eusebius . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at the margin of mor●us's copy 't is mended thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this emendation is needless . for , amongst the ancients , money was deposited in temples , on account of securing it , and there kept by guards or watches of souldiers , as juvenal's old scholiast remarks , and lipsius in his book de magnitudine romanâ . to these souldiers therefore eusebius alludes . by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the palatini may also be meant here , who guarded the sacred treasurie . in the kings sheets , 't is over written in the same hand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by faithfull ; which displeases not . in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , piety , as i found it mended in the margin of turnebus's copy . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not without reason troubled both the translatours , as may be gathered from their renditions . but they ought to have considered , that palatium , a pallace , is taken in a twofold sense . for , sometimes it imports the court of a prince . in which sense there were at that time only four pallaces , to wit answerable to the number of the emperours . but sometimes , every house wherein an emperour does usually dwell , is termed a pallace . and in this sense there were very many pallaces in the roman empire . for there was scarce a city which had not a pallace . such pallaces , or imperial houses , as these , were under the dispose of certain officers , who were termed curae palatiorum ; concerning whom there is mention in the notitia imperii romani . eusebius therefore means these pallaces . i am of opinion , that the publick or royall villae are likewise meant , which the caesariani look't after . vales. * or , only into constantius entred ● wisedome of thought . a after this word , in the king's sheets , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pious , is elegantly added in the margin , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian , and in moraeus's copy . that is , to all the palatines who bore office under him , and also to the judges themselves who were placed in power . power is a term properly attributed to the greater judges , of which sort were the praefecti praetorio . so eusebius expresses himself hereafter ; and socrates , book . chap. ; where he speak● concerning philippus praefectus praetorio . moreover , in the gesta purgationis caeciliani , agesilaus official to the proconsul aelian says thus , potestas tua , &c. your power , &c. see what i have remarked above , at book . chap. . of euseb. eccles. histor. note ( e. ) vales. c in the king's copy , at the side of these words , is set such a mark as this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have taken notice of such a mark as this some where before : but , that letter ▪ which is set before the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not open on the top here , but closed on all sides . whence i am rather induced to believe , that this mark is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that it signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , attend , consider . for this mark is added at places which have something of difficulty . for instance , the newness of this expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may put the reader to a stand here , unless he knows that these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are to be understood . vales. * or , worthy of . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the king's copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. amongst the chiefest and nearest , &c. those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ought to be made use of , are a redundancy of expression frequent with eusebius . for so he has exprest himself in his books of history , as i well remember . vales. a we have made a division of a new chapter here , from the authority of the kings manuscript ; whereto agrees the fuketian copy , and the old sheets . vales. † or , the nature of affairs . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acknowledging , or some such like word is wanting . in the kings sheets , after these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confessing , or , avowing , is added in the margin . turnebus and s r henry savill add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowing , after the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , that reading which i have produced out of the kings sheets , is better . for the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is elegantly opposed to that which follows immediately , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , condemning . in the fuketian manuscript 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , the polytheisme of the atheists . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r h. savil has noted at the margin of his copy , that perhaps the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is said is to be added . but , that emendation is far better , which i found written in the kings sheets , at the margin ; it is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading we have exprest in our version . the reading in the fuketian manuscript is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d he alludes to that saying of epicurus concerning god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as nemesius relates it , chap. ; cicero , in his first book de natura deorum ; and laertius , pag. . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings sheets , the last word is undermarked with points , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written over , which i like better . further , in the same sheets , before these words , these are added in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and these [ acts of worship ] were performed with him only . they that will , may follow this conjecture of the learned antiquary . to me these words seem not necessary . vales. * or , imperial power . † viz. diocletian , and maximian . a this place is highly remarkable . for , from it this conclusion may be made , that the persecution began on diocletian's eighth , and maximian's seventh consulate ; and not on the foregoing year , as baronius will have it . concerning which matter i have spent many words in my notes on euseb. eccles. history ; see book . chap. . note ( c. ) for , whereas eusebius affirms , that the emperours diocletian and maximian divested themselves of their purple on the year after the persecution was begun ; and whereas 't is manifest , that they did that on the year of christ ; what i have said does necessarily follow , to wit , that diocletian's persecution was begun on the year of christ . vales. * or , siege . † or , adorable . * see eusebius's eccesiastical history book . chap. . note ( ● ; ) and the excerpta of that unknown authour published by valesius at the close of his amm. marcelinus , pag. . † proof , or , try all . b s r henry savil has noted at the margin of his copy , that these four were , galerius maximianus , severus , and maximinus , but the fourth maxentius . as to the three former , i assent to s r henry savil. but , i do affirm , that the fourth was not maxentius , but constantius himself . for maxentius seized not the empire , till after constantius's death . vales. * or , the debt to common nature . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we have exprest in our version . indeed , in moraeus's copy the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written at the margin . turnebus , at the margin of his copy , had mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adorned , as eusebius does usually speak . and so 't is mended in the old sheets , at the margin . in the fuketian manuscript 't is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , filled . a after these words an asterisk ought to be placed . for there are some words wanting , which christophorson hath not rightly supplied . for the emperours diocletian and galerius studied not only to disgrace constantine , but to destroy him utterly . see the excerpta de gestis constantini , which are published at the end of amm. marcellinus , and what we have remarked there . i was indeed of opinion formerly , that those greek words which are written at the margin of the geneva edition , were not taken out of any manuscript copy , but were made from christophorson's latine version . but after i had procured the fukctian manuscript i evidently perceived , that those readings were taken out of manuscript copies . 't is certain , the fuketian manuscript has this place written in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading we have exprest in our version , so i found it written also in the copies of turnebus and s r henry savil. but this reading , though confirmed by the authority of manuscript copies , nevertheless seems not genuine to me ; both for that reason i have produced above , and on account also of the inelegancy of the words . vales. * or , preserved the imitation of , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will , or , testament . for constantius made his will at that very time when his son constantine came to him , as nicephorus relates book . chap. . a little before the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , present , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , engines of treachery . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson rendred this place thus , in medio filiorum & filiarum se statuens , placing himself in the midst of his sons and daughters . portesius has translated it in this manner , simul liberis ex commentario distribuit hereditatem , and also distributed his inheritance to his children out of a commentary , or book of notes . neither of these translatours have hit the sense of this word . eusebius uses the same term at book . chap. ; at which place we will at large declare what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means , as also the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil has expounded this word excellently well at the margin of his copy ▪ thus , valedicens , taking leave , or , bidding farewell . and so athanasius expresses himself in the life of s r antonius , about the end , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having taken leave of those monks in the mountain without . vales. * or , his allotment of the empire . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so eusebius has exprest himself above , at chapter , speaking concerning diocletian and maximian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , when constantius had been carried out to buriall . † or , styled . * or , houses . a after this clause , in the king's sheets these words are added in the margin ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brought forth his father ; and with an infinite multitude of people , and a guard of souldiers . which words ( though s r henry savil and christophorson sound them in their copies , nevertheless ) seem to me very little necessary . yet they occur in the fuketian manuscript . vales. * or , styled . † or , decency . * or , conclusions of life . † or , a composition of the contrary . ‖ or , experience of the works . * or , by himself . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accession . it ought , as i think , to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , promotion , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , advancement . and thus turnebus hath mended it at the margin of his copy , as i afterwards found . vales. * or , for his father's allotment . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so euscbius is wont to term the provinces of the romans , as might easily be proved from many places . eusebius says therefore , that constantine , as soon as his empire was setled , took a progress round all those provinces that had been under the empire of his father . which chistophorson understood not . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to his own mind . which portesius perceived also . but christophorson has rendred this place , and the whole chapter , very unhappily . vales. c concerning this voyage of constantine into britaine , none of the ancients have written any thing . therefore , the memory of this matter we owe to eusebius only ; who at this place does not obscurely intimate the time also ; to wit , a little before constantine undertook his expedition against maxentius . wherefore , this voyage of constantine's into britaine hapned on maximianus's eighth consulate , in the year of christ , as sigonius has rightly remarked in his second book de occidentali imperio . but s r henry savil thought eusebius was mistaken here : for this is his remark at this place ; eusebius ignorasse videtur , &c. eusebius seems to have been ignorant , that the father of constantine dyed at york in britaine . vales. * or , element of the world . † or , imperial . a he means galerius maximianus , and maximinus . for those he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his seniours in time ▪ that is , senior emperours . for although maximinus was scarce declared augustus as yet , nevertheless , because he had been made casar some years before constantine , therefore he may be accounted amongst the emperours that were seni●urs to constantine . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a twofold sense may be brought of these words . for you may either render them with portesius and christophorson , soedum rei eventum nacti sunt , had procured a shamefull event of the affair ; or else , as i have translated them , turpi exitu peri●runt , had perished by an ignominious death . the former has relation to galerius maximianus . the latter interpretation is to be understood of severus caesar : who being sent by galerius with an army against maxentius , when he would have made preparations to lay siege to rome , he was deserted by his own forces , ( whom maxentius had brought off to his own side by the hope of rewards , ) and fled to ravenna : in which city he was besieged by maxentius ; and being soon imposed upon by the fraud and perjuries of maximianus herculius , and carried to rome in the habit of a captive , he was quickly after killed ; as 't is related in the gesta constantini . see the following chapter , where eusebius relates this matter more at large . vales. † or , in the second place . * or , this thought . a in the kings shcets the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , libations , is added here . vales. † or , give them warning of . * or , nature . † or , root . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is very hard to tell what eusebius means by this expression . christophorson renders it thus ; tanquam supervacanea mortis accessio factus est , was made as 't were the superfluous accession of death . and portesius , before him , had rendred it fa●i accessionem , the accession , or , vantage of fate . but i understand not , why severus shoud be stiled the vantage of death , when he only of all his army perished . i had therefore rather render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vilem victimam , a cheap and easie sacrifice . for vile persons are rightly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . also , what ever happens without labour and amidst sport as 't were , is rightly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the death of severus caesar may rightly be stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard he was taken , and slain so easily , as if he had had no souldiers about him . and perhaps it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , gelasius cyzicenus's words ( book . chap. , ) are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; where the translator has rendred it the accession of the war , which i like not . i had rather translate it in gelasius thus , his velut belli proludiis ad bellum ipsum usus , having used these preludes of war as 't were in order to the war itself . so also eusebius expresses himself hereafter at book . chap. . further , at this place there is a figure which graecians term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the overthrow of severus caesar preceded that ignominious ●●ight of galerius . vales. † or , folly. * or , heaven . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , demonstrated . i think the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , received , or , admitted as true ; and so nicephorus seems to have read , book . chap. . so also i found it written in the king's sheets . in the fuk. and savilian manuscripts , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , approved , or , entertained . vales. † or , victor augustus . † or , oaths . * or , time. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ nicephorus ( book . chap. . ) has expounded this place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for being about noon on the march with his army about him , the sun verging towards the west , &c. so also portesius has rendred eusebius's words : sub meridiem ( says he ) inclinante jam die , about noon , the day now declining . but perhaps the whole clause is to be continued in one breath , and the words of eusebius to be construed in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the day was now verging towards noon . which interpretation is favoured by zonaras , who giving an account of this vision in the gesta of constantine , says it appeared 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at mid-day . indeed , in the king 's and fuketian manuscripts , there is no comma after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but only after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a comma is set . and yet in socrates , ( book . chap. . ) who wrote out these words of eusebius , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is set a comma . therefore christophorson at both places renders it thus circiter meridiem , die jam in pomeridianum tempus aliquantulum inclinante , about noon , the day now declining somewhat towards the afternoon . which to me seems foolish , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be said , but when the day declines towards the evening , that is , after the ninth hour of the day , as nicephorus rightly took it . but how can that agree with the preceding words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & c ? for 't is the same as if you should say , about noon towards the evening . some one will perhaps say , that by these last words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eusebius would mean , that that vision was shown to constantine a little after noon . for the sun going from the meridian point , afterwards by degrees verges into the west . but if eusebius thought so , what need was there of so many words ? for he might have exprest himself with more of brevity , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it being now mid-day . besides , eusebius has said it in the plurall number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it might appear , that he meant not the sixth hour , but that whole space of hours which is ascribed to noon , to wit from the fifth hour to the ninth . wherefore , i am induced to be of this opinion , that that vision was presented to constantine about the ninth hour of the day , whilst he was making a journey in company with his army . and this is plainly confirmed by the following words . for eusebius adds that constantine being amazed after the vision , whilst he was musing of many things within his own mind , night came on . whence it appears , that that vision appeared to constantine and his souldiers not long before night . in the eleventh book of the historia miscella . where this passage of eusebius is produced , this rendition of it occurs , circa meridiem , declinante jam sole , about noon , the sun now declining . vales. † or , heaven . * or , sign . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hapned is to be added , which i found written at the margin of moraus's copy . in the kings sheets this place is supplied at the margin in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the emperour himself , god having bestowed that also , vouchsased [ us a sight of it . ] and so s r henry savil and christophorson read . in the fuketian manuscript this place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as above . but , the one of these expressions is superfluous . for , either the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged ; or else those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. must be left out . unless you will read as s r henry savil did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for the emperour himself , god having bestowed that also , vouchsased us a sight of it . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . langus , portesius , and christophorson have rendred it cornu , a horn ; whereas they ought to have translated it antennam , i. e. a cross piece like that whereto a sail is fixed , or , the sailyard . vales. * or , sail. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil in his copy has mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . interwoven . indeed , in the fuketian manuscript i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little after , the same copy and turnebus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by these words eusebius shews , that that flag or sail was square . for an equall measure of length and breadth , does necessarily make a square figure . indeed , in the old coyns of constantine and the following princes , this flag is to be seen in that figure i have mentioned . christophorson therefore has rendred this place ill , in this manner , i stud igitur velamen ad cornu affixum , longitudinis latitudinisque crucis mensuram penitus exaequavit . vales. d the meaning is , that that spear from its basis to the antenna , or cross-piece fixed athwart it , was far longer , than from the antenna to its very top . and this also may be discerned in the coyns . this place may likewise have another meaning , viz. that that spear was of a very great length from its bottome to the top . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , painted or embroidered with a variety of colours . for , that purple flag which hung at the antenna , was adorned with gold and various sorts of stones . but , i can't imagine what christophorson meant , who has rendred these words of eusebius in this manner , ad texturae discurrentis fimbrias : unless he read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written in two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no other . s r henry savil at the margin of his copy hath mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the fuketian manuscript has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place euseblus seems to have made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for there is no doubt but he means the bishops : because a little after he adds these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and having made those prelates of god his assesours , &c. vales. * or , what was the meaning of that sign of the vision which appeared . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the writings of the holy fathers , we have sufficiently noted at book . chap. . of eusebius's ecolcs . history . for , whatever christ as man performed in the flesh , in order to the salvation of men , that is comprehended in the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore christophorson's rendition of this place is not good , who has turned it thus , christi inter homines oeconomiam , the oeconomic of christ amongst men . nor does 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie amongst men , but rather agreeable to men , that is , in an humane manner and fashion . so gregorius nyssenus in his epistle to eustathia and ambrosia ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , the menace of tyrannick fire . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the place is imperfect , as 't is evident ; with christophorson we have perfected it from the fourteenth chapter of the eighth book of his eccles. history . in the kings sheets , this place is supplied at the margin in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the fuketian manuscript 't is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , having parted wives from their husbands , be sent them back to their husbands . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first word must be expunged . but the following words are maimed and corrupted , which 't is hard to make good without the assistance of the manuscript copies . yet it may be read in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was unable to find out a saticty or satisfaction for his own lusts. a little after this , the reading in the fuketian and s r henry savils copy is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for they chose sooner , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , as i think , be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to death . for so our eusebius expresses himself in book , chap. ; where he treats concerning the wickednesses of maximinus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others , haled away to be ravished , were more ready to part with their lives , than yield up their bodies to be defiled . vales. † or , sacrificed . * or , as those of our age do record never to have hapned at rome , or any where else . * or , devices . a in robert stephens's edition there was a whole line wanting here , which we have supplied from the fuketian , savilian , and turnebian copies . but 't was easie to have made up this defect , without manuscript copies , from book . chap. . of eusebius's eccles. history . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in morau●'s copy the last word is expunged , as superfluous . but i am afraid that some words are wanting here . s r henry savil , at the margin of his copy , notes that 't is to be made good thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his aid , or some such like expression . in the copy of hadrian turnebus 't is mended in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that madman ; but this emendation is written in a more modern hand , to wit , the hand of odo turnebus : for hadrianus had expunged the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as superfluous . vales. * psal. . , . * exod. . , , . * or , eyes . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a great picture . in eusebius's panegyrick on constantine's tricennalia , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and with a loud voice ; which in my judgment is to be preferred . further , at these words i began a new chapter , following the authority of the king 's and fuketian manuscripts ; to which agree the old sheets . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading is truer in the panegyrick , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by plainly engraving , &c. a little after this , the fuketian and savilian manuscripts add a word in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he hath demonstrated to be the preservative , &c. vales. ‖ or , true cognizance of valour . * or , partake of a regeneration of a fresh and new life . * or , shown to . ‖ or , edict was . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , veneration and honour . turnebus in the margin of his copy had mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so 't is written in the fuketian manuscript . in the kings sheets the adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is blotted out , and in its place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them is written above . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not the countenance and form , as christophorson thought , but the garb and dress . wherefore i have exprest both in my rendition ; which i afterwards found had been done by portesius also . the garb and dress of prelates was at that time very mean , as amm. marcellinus attests in his th book , where he speaks concerning damasus and ursinus . gregory nazianzen also , in the funerall oration he wrote concerning the praises of basilius , says that he ▪ whilst he was bishop of caesarea , was clad in a mean cloak , which he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings sheets this place is supplied in the margin , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but was pleased to behold god honoured in each person . but the reading is shorter in the fuketian and savil. manuscripts thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but was pleased , or , thought good to look upon god himself . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , for this reason . vales. * or , rich. † or , assistances . ‖ or , chappell 's , or , vestries of the church . a in the king 's and fuketian m. ss . and in the old sheets , the chapter ▪ begins at these words . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the heathens , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the church . and this is confirmed from the following chapter , where his words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such was his behaviour towards all persons in generall . but his , &c. the like expression we meet with in book , at the close of the , and beginning of the chapters . vales. * or , life . † or , wanting father and mother . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it ill , nuptas , married ▪ for , not those that are married , but them who are marrying bring a portion to their husbands . the same christophorson has committed the like mistake , in rendring the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dead , as we have noted at euseb. eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( c. ) vales. d in the king's manuscript , at the side of these words , this mark is set , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which mark seems to me to denote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an elegant expression , or , place . vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words valesius renders thus , ac cum caelesti solis jubare quodammodo exoriens , and rising in a manner with a celestial beam of the sun. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius uses this term to signifie benignity or beneficence . so he has also used this word in the tenth book of his hist. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place eusebius does not term them faithfull , who were true-hearted and well-affected towards the emperour , as the translatours thought ▪ but he styles the christians so . for constantine , in regard he was a most religious emperour , when ever he was present at the councills of bishops , was wont to send off all his guards , and took with him only those of his courtiers , who had been instructed in the mysteries of the christian faith ▪ vales. * that is , the donatists . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exasperated against them . doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against him , as the reading is in the king 's and fuketian manuscripts : which emendation i found written also in moraeus's copy . in the old sheets likewise 't is mended in the same hand . vales. b he means the donatists , of whose boldness and insolence many passages occur in optatus and augustinus . concerning the beginning and progress of which schism throughout africa , we have made many remarks not taken notice of by others , and have designedly placed them at the close of these notes . vales. see valesius's notes on eusebius , pag. , &c. c in the kings sheets , this place is thus supplied in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some wicked devil ( as 't is likely ; ) which is more elegant . vales. d eusebius makes use of too soft a term . for those things which were then done by the donatists in africa , were such , as not to deserve laughter , but anintadversion rather . for , both the sanctity of religion , and the authority likewise of the emperour himself , were most insolently trampled on by those persons . but perhaps eusebius at this place meant only those matters which had a reference to the contempt of the imperial majesty . for constantine could dissemble those things , and might think them worthy of laughter , rather than trouble of mind . but he was resolved most severely to revenge what those donatists did against god and the observancy of the catholick law , and on that design determined to pass over into africk , as he himself writes in his letter to celsus vicar of africa . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before these words is to be set an astorisk . for some words are wanting , which in my judgment may be supplied in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which we have express in our version . christophorson and s r henry savil made good this place otherwise . in the kings sheets this place is thus made up in the margin ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , that he would in no wise inflict punishment on the fury of mad-men . but the words immediately following do reject this conjecture , in the fuketian manuscript this place is written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same also is the reading in turnebus's , and s r henry savils copy . but this reading seems to me to have issued from the conjecture of the transcriber . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made an invulnerable provision for his churches . although this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be fitly made out concerning constantine , whose mind could never be exulcerated and provok't by the madness of the donatists and other hereticks of the same stamp ; yet at this place i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , in my judgment , it cannot well be said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he made an invulnerable provision . but on the contrary , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will be used most elegantly : that is , he made an indefatigable provision , &c. so in book . chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he exercised a sleepless or watchfull care over the publick . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but rather the mildest ; as 't is in the king 's and fuk. manuscripts . vales. a he means maximianus herculius . for he had obtained the d place in the empire ; and when he had framed plots against constantine , being detected , he ended his life with an halter . besides , the following words , wherein eusebius tells us his pictures and statues were thrown down and defaced , do evidently shew , that maximianus herculius is meant here . which if true , eusebius hath committed a most foul mistake here , in relating herculius's death after the victory over maxentius : when as 't is certain , that maximianus herculius ended his life two years before the defeat and destruction of maxentius , on the year of christ . but who can believe , that eusebius , who was contemporary with these times , could have been guilty of so great a mistake ? besides , the title of this chapter gives us the name , not of maximianus , but of maximinus . therefore , i am easily induced to believe , that this place is corrupted , and that it ought to be mended thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second of those persons that were chosen into the empire by those who had resigned the government : that so , maximinus may be meant here , who together with severus was made caesar by diocletian and maximian , at such time as they resigned their purple , as idatius writes in his fasti. and thus the order of the times will proceed right in eusebius . for maximinus ended his life after the overthrow of maxentius , and by a most ignominious sort of death too , as eusebius relates , eccles. hist. book . chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this was the first person ; from book . chap. . of his eccles. history ; where this whole place occurs almost in the same words . further , what eusebius says hapned first of all to maximianus herculius , that his pictures and statues should in all places be thrown down , ought not to seem strange to any one . for we must understand this in the same manner , as where he tells us that constantius chlorus was the first emperour that was deified . he means he was the first of those emperours which he had seen . but if any one had rather understand these words concerning maximinus , he has eusebius to defend his opinion , who in the last chapter of his ninth book attests in express words , that all maximin's statues and pictures were broken after his death . vales. a at these words a chapter is begun in the fuketian manuscript , and in the old sheets . vales. * or , other part . b this place must be made up from chapter . book , of his eccles. history ; whence also the following chapter is to be mended . vales. * or , traiterous . * or , menaces . * or , hold communication . † matters of consideration , or , debates . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . turnebus at the margin of his copy hath mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and this reading i found in moraeus's copy also . but i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in honour to those consecrated persons . for eusebius gives reasons , why the emperour constantine would ever and anon convene synods of bishops . the first reason , says he , was , that he might give honour to gods priests when assembled together . secondly , that he might establish peace and concord amongst them . 't is certain , eusebius does usually term the priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it frequently occurs in these books . but if , with turnebus , we would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the discourse may agree with what follows ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be taken for religion it self ; which is more uncouth , for i had rather express it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in honour to the sacred law. vales , ‖ dissipate , or , tear in sunder . a eusebius in his chronicon , at the fourteenth year of constantine , says thus ; licinius drives the christians from his own pallace . orosius says the same in book . but in a disturbed order of affairs and times , in regard he relates that before the cibalensian war , which war hapned on the eighth year of constantine's empire . for there were two civil wars between constantine and licinius . the first war , wherein licinius was vanquished at cibalis in pannonia , hapned on the year of christ . the reasons of which war are recorded by no other writer , that i know of , but the authour of the excerpta de gestis constantini , which i have long since published at the end of amm. marcellinus ; see pag. . but the latter war was that , wherein licinius was routed near hadrianople , and at length compelled to a surrendry of himself on the year of christ . eusebius has made no mention of the former war ; for this reason perhaps , because licinius as yet had not raised persecution against the christians . for licinius undertook to persecute the christians long after that first war , to wit , on the fourteenth year of constantine's empire , as 't is recorded in scaliger's and miraeus's edition of eusebius's chronicon , that is on the year of christ . the same year occurs in cedrenus's chronicon . but baronius relates , that licinius raised persecution against the christians on the year of christ . but in baronius's annalls , the history of both the wars against licinius is very much confused , and must be amended , partly from idatius's fasti , and partly from the gesta constantini heretofore published by me . 't is certain , sozomen ( book . chap. . ) attests in express words , that licinius undertook to persecute the christians after the cibalensian war. vales. b from these words a new chapter ought to have been begun . for these words belong to licinius's second law. further , the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which occurs in the contents of chap. , seems to be faulty , and put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the church . and yet 't is strange , that both in the king's manuscript , and in the old sheets , the reading is constantly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although in the old sheets 't is mended in the same hand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the fuketian manuscript 't is excellently written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should not meet in the churches together with the men . vales. c or , he despaired of finding the ornament of chastity amongst men . valesius thinks it should be written and pointed thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; he despaired of the nature of men , making use of an ill argument . * or , he himself making use of himself as the brand and reproach of nature . a see what i have noted at chap. . book . of eusebius's eccles . history ; whence these passages are transcribed almost word for word . vales. * see note ( b. ) b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the words are to be construed ; which christophorson perceived not . indeed , in the fuketian manuscript , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is placed a comma . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are offices of magistrates . for each magistrate had his office or attendants . this office was a certain body of officials or souldiers , who attended on the judges , as may be seen in the notitia of the roman empire . these offices the greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have long since remarked at the th book of amm. marcellinus , pag. of my notes . the old glosses therefore are right , in explaining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , officium , apparitio . so john chrysostome in his first homily on the epistle to the corinthians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. don't you see children , how when at play they make a company of apparitours or attendants , and officials , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johannes morinus , a learned person who has rendred these books into french , thought that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , the gentiles or heathens were meant ; as if eusebius had said , what need we make mention of the heathens . see chap. , note ( b. ) but christophorson renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeterea , besides ; as if it 't were the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in which manner eusebius expresses himself at chap. . vales. valesius renders it in the same manner with christophorson . * or , remeasurings . † the punishment allotted him was , as we are told , to starve in the midst of plenty . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words , an asterisk is to be placed . for there is an imperfection ; which nevertheless may be made up from book . chap. . in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , declining from the way of sober reason . in the fuk. turneb . and savil. copies , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b he means galerius maximianus , who was the first authour and ringleader of the christians persecution , as euscbius relates in book . of his eccles. history . cedrenus writes , that on the eighteenth year of diocletian , maximianus had raised a persecution against the christians , by the perswasion of one theotecnus an impostour . who having forged acts of pilate stuft with impiety against christ , galerius made an establishment by an edict , that masters should give them to their schollars to be learned by heart . but any one may perceive , that cedrenus is out here , who attributes that to galerius maximianus , which was performed long after by maximinus . this is an usuall mistake amongst the greeks , to confound maximianus with maximinus . vales. * or , deadly . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the praeposition must be expunged . further , this person termed the latter is maximinus tyrant of the east . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † or , searing-irons . † or , hope . * or , invented . † or , of universall providence . * or , figure . * or , wrote . * see euseb . eccles. hist. book . chap , note ( a. ) † or , adhered to , or , closed with those very actions , or , persons . notes for div a -e * or , rebells against god. † or , by the treachery of his governours in each province . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from book . chap. . of his eccles. history ; where these passages occur almost word for word . further , 't is strange that eusebius should have made no mention , either in his ecclesiastick history , or in these books , of basileus bishop of the amas●ni : which prelate nevertheless , as all greek writers do agree , was slain by licinius's order . but philostorgius , in the first book of his eccles. history , writes in express words , that basileus bishop of amasca in pontus was present at the nicaene councill . further , the nicaene councill , as 't is manifest amongst all men , was convened the year after licinius's deposition . besides , athanasius in his first oration against the arians , ( where he makes mention of the eminent bishops who were either present with him at the nicaene councill , or had approved of his opinion ; ) together with others , names basileus bishop of pontus . nor does he style him martyr , although he there terms hosius confessour . the acts also of basileus , which are extant in metaphrastes , seem to me foolish and fabulous . and most of the passages which occur at the beginning of them , are word for word taken out of eusebius . but that little story concerning the virgin glaphyra was , in my judgment , framed by some idle people . vales. * or , siege . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuk manuscript , and in s r henry savils copy , 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in book . chap. . of his eccles. history 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vales. * constantine . † or , account . ‖ or , defence . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in book . chap. . whence this passage is transcribed , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clemency only ; which seems truer . i had also rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; unless the dative case may be taken for the ablative put absolute . vales. * or , usuall . † or , the signs or marks of his good hope in god by the &c. * or , priests . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he alludes to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , guards of his body . as therefore the emperours had always some souldiers with them to guard their bodies ; so constantine would have some bishops , who were the guards of his soul as 't were , always present with him . further , after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be placed a point , from the king 's and fuketian manuscripts ; which chistophorson perceived not . but , in the fuketian , turneb and savil. copies , 't is truer written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he carried along with him . a little after , in the fuketian manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was informed , that constantine , &c. which is truer in my judgment , vales. the reading in robert stephens is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he himself . although our manuscript copies have no alteration here ; save that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but in the old sheets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rather in one word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom he thought , &c. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , without controversie . in the fuketian , savil. and turneb . copies 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without contradiction . vales. e it must , as it seems , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so this whole place is to be restored . in the fuketian manuscript 't is thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which is the best reading , and we have therefore followed it in our version . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words , these following , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are wanting in the kings manuscript , and are added in the margin in a very modern hand . if i may have leave to conjecture , i think it should be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the interpreters of dreams and aruspices [ or , sacrificers ] affirmed the like was , &c. turnebus in his copy had mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the augures . in the fuketian and savil. copies 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , the interpreters of dreams predicted , &c. vales. † or , sacrifices . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript this place is written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he proceeded forth with great confidence ; pitching his camp as well as 't was possible . which reading and punctation displeases not ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies castrametari , to pitch a camp , or lodge an army . vales. * or , the war. a it was the usage of the heathens to light tapers before the statues of their gods , as may be observed from the book of amm. marcellinus , pag. , of valesius's edition . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a term improperly used by eusebius , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little after , the reading there is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. he comes forth now against us ; but much rather takes up arms against those very gods , &c. which reading is truer , if i mistake not . vales. * or , time. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson omitted the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at present ; in which term lies the whole force of the sentence . for licinius shews , that his gods exceed in number at present ; but in a short time will be superiour in force and power . johannes portesius , otherwise a silly translatour , has not omitted the rendition of this word . for he translates it thus , numero quidem adhuc potiores , as yet do exceed in number . a little before , i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this one god ; as turnebus has mended it at the margin of his copy . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is the same as if he should have said . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is of yesterday or the day before . the impious licinius derides constantine's god , because he was a strange and new god. for amongst the gods , some were accounted patrii , gods of the country , others peregrini , strange gods. the dii patrii were commended for the ancientness of their worship . but the perigrini were new gods , in regard they were lately procured or chosen . cicero's words in his d book de legibus , are these : novos verò deos , & in his colendis nocturnas pervigilationes fic aristophanes facetissimus poeta veteris comoediae vexat , ut apud eum sabazius & alii quidam dii peregrini judicati è civitate ejiciantur ; but the new gods , and the watchings all night long in the worship of them , have in such a manner been disquieted by aristophanes the pleasantest poet of old comedie , that sabazius and some other gods having by him been judged strange , are ejected out of the city . the passage of aristophanes , which cicero means , was extant in his comedie lemniis , as suidas informs us in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was indeed at athens a vast multitude of new and strange gods , whom they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apollophanes the poet had put together their names and series in his cretensibus , as hesychius attests in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . menander rhetor or rather alexander in methodo generis demonstrativi pag. , observes ; that some gods were termed ancienter , others more modern , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but portesius and christopherson who has followed him , have rendred this place ill ; their mistake arose from hence , because they perceived not , that the adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does sometimes signifie the same with nuper , lately , as i have noted at book . of the ecclesiastical history chap. . note ( d. ) these remarks i had made here formerly , having followed the geneva edition ▪ but afterwards i understood , that in robert stephens's edition and in the manuscript copies the reading was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is now a ridicule to us . which reading the translatours have followed , and therefore are in no wise to be blamed . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to us who have been called to this history . in moraeus's copy at the margin 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who compose ; in which manner eusebius expresses himself at chap. . a little before , in the same copy of moraeus 't is well mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to bid a long farwell to those : [ in robert stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] in the fuketian manuscript i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to us who have been called to this history ; which reading is right . vales. a the first battel between constantine and licinius was in pannonia , at cibalae ; which zosimus describes excellently well in his second book , as also the authour of the excerpta de gestis constantini , pag. . this fight hapned when volusianus the second time and annianus were consuls ; on the eight of the ides of october , as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti. to whom agrees sigonius in his third book de occidentali imperio . in eusebius's chronicon the cibalensian battel is ill placed on the seventh year of constantine , in regard that action hapned on the eighth year of his empire . yea , if you compute the matter exactly , it was now the ninth year of constantine's empire . for , his ninth year began on the eighth of the calend● of august , volusianus the second time and annianus being consuls . aurelius victor writes thus concerning the wars between licinius and constantine . ita potestas orbis romani duobus quaesita . qui quamvis per flavii sororem nuptam licinio connexi inter se erant , ob diversos mores tamen anxie triennium congruere quiv●re , &c. thus the power of the roman world was gotten by two . who though by flavius's sister married to licinius they had been joyned together , yet because of their different dispositions , for three years space they could ill agree , &c which passage does manifestly confirm idatius's fasti : otherwise , from the opinion of the eusebian chronicon it ought to be said , biennium , for two years space . a passage in eutropius's tenth book must also be corrected , which is commonly printed thus . as primo eum in pannonia , secundò ingenti apparatu bellum apud cibalas instruentem , repentinus oppressit , &c. doubtless , the word secundò must be expunged , which was added by some unskilfull transcriber . for first , constantine's first battel against licinius was at cibalae , as we have shown above . then , it would be ridiculous to say , that the first battel was in pannonia , the second at cibalae ; in regard cibalae is a city of pannonia . moreover , peanius who rendred eutropius into greek , acknowledges not that word secundò , as appears from his rendition . yet orosius ( as also the authour of the historia miscella , ) hath followed the vulgar reading in eutropius . for his words are these ; constantinus licinium sororis suae virum in pannoniâ primùm vicit , deinde apud cibalas oppressit . vales. b this second fight of constantine against licinius , hapned in thracia , as zosimus informs us . but zosimus mentions not the very place : but the authour of the excerpta de gestis constantini pag. . says 't was fought in the campus mardiensis : which place is equally unknown to us . further , this battel hapned on the same year with that at cibalae , as 't is concluded from the relation of zosimus , and of that unknown authour . which may also be demonstrated by this argument . after this battel a peace being made up between constantine and licinius , on the year following constantine and licinius were made consuls ; and in the west that year is inscribed , constantine the fourth and licinius the fourth time consuls ; but in the eastern parts licinius's name is set first , in this manner , licinius augustus the fourth and constantine the fourth time being coss ; as it occurs in the excerpta de gestis constantini . vales. * or , remedy , or , help . a these guards to whose care constantine committed the labarum in battels , grethserus ( book . de cruce , chap. . ) says are the same with those who in the theodosian code are termed the praepositi laborum , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the greeks termed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was an assistance to the labouring companies , as sozomen attests . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuk. manuscript has opened to us the true writing of this place ; wherein the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for i doubt not but eusebius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he who slipt away . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words are transposed , and are thus to be restored , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as 't is in the fuketian manuscript ; and so we have rendred it . vales. † or , endure . * or , received them all safe . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , blandis & amicis verbis eos compellans , treating them with kind and friendly words . further , what eusebius relates in this chapter , seems to belong to the first battel in the field of cybalae , whereof i have spoken before . and this is confirmed by what follows . vales ‖ or , war. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius uses the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a new sense , to signifie souldiers . indeed , the militia was a kind of temporary servitude . which suidas tells us also , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hence 't is , that the tyrones were marked , like servants , with certain marks in their skin . the missio likewise , or military-discharge answers the manumission or making free of servants . with good reason therefore eusebius terms the roman souldiers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but if any one be displeased herewith he may easily make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his own men . vales. * or , was in safety . † or , in like manner . a hence it appears , that what i have noted at the tenth chapter is true ; viz. that eusebius speaks there concerning the former battel , which was fought at cybalae . vales. † or , dedicated his leasure to his saviour . b concerning this tabernacle which ▪ constantine carried about with him in his expeditions , sozomen writes in book . chap. . vales. ‖ or , made use of a chast and pure diet . * exod. . . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sincerity . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within a very short moment of an hour ; so i found it mended in moraus's copy , and in the fuketian manuscript . a little before , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , till such time as ; in which manner eusebius does usually express himself . vales. ‖ or , should be honoured with , &c. * or , afflicting . † or , vexation of body . ‖ constantine's . * or , deceit in relation to friendships . a the conditions of peace were these , that licinius should continue possest of the east , asia , thracia , moesia , and seythia minor ; but that dardania , macedonia , achaia , pannonia , moetia , and dacia should be added to the dominions of constantine : this information we have from zosimus , sozomen , and the authour of the excerpta de gestis constantini . vales. * or , faith. † or , provision of forces . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incircumspectly , or inconsiderately ; in which manner 't is mended in turnebus's copy at the margin . and so the reading is in the fuketian manuscript . vales. * canstantine . † or , humanity . ‖ or , licinius's army . * or , coat of mail. † or , stop't . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with one shout and in a moment . and so 't is in the fuketian and savil. copies . further , this signal victory of constantine's hapned in crispus's and constantine's third consulate , on the fifth of the nones of july , near hadrianople , as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti. but baronius places this hadrianopolitane battel on the year of christ , whereon licinius the fifth time , and crispus were consuls . whose opinion we overthrow by these arguments and testimonies of the best writers . the first is idatius , who in his fasti writes thus ; crispo iii. & constantino iii. coss. &c. crispus and constantine being consult the third time , the hadrianopolitane battel [ hapned ] on the fifth of the nones of july , and the chalcedonensian battel on the fourteenth of the calends of october . the same words occur in the alexandrian chronicle ; but they are erroneously ascribed to the year following , when paulinus and julianus were consuls . with idatius agrees aurelius victor , who writes thus concerning the fights between constantine and licinius : quo sanè variis proeliis pulso , &c. who having indeed been beaten in many battels ; in regard it would have seemed dangerous wholly to crush him ; on account of affinity ; the children of them both being received into a colleague-ship , and elected to the empire of caesars ; crispus and constantinus begotten by flavius : licinianus by licinius . which [ colleague-ship ] was scarce lasting , nor proved it happy to those who were assumed into it , being published in that same month on a day defiled with an eclipse of the sun. therefore six years after , the peace being broke , licinius , routed amongst the thracians , went to chalcedon . crispus , licinianus , and constantinus had been created casars in the consulate of gallicanus and bassus , on the calends of march , ( as idatius relates in his fasti , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , ) that is , on the year of christ . on the year following there hapned a darkness in the day time , at the ninth hour , as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti. wherefore aurelius victor is mistaken , who places the promotion of the caesars on the same year whereon the eclipse of the sun hapned . for , there hapned indeed an eclipse of the sun on the year of christ . but crispus ( together with licinianus and constantinus , ) had been made caesar on the year of our lords nativity . yet , aurelius victor does rightly compute the intervalls of the times . for , from the eclipse of the sun , which hapned on the year of christ , to the hadrianopolitane battel there are full six years . hereto agrees cedrenus , who on the nineteenth year of constantine's empire , says , that constantine undertook an expedition against licinius . for constantine's nineteenth year falls on crispus's and constantine's third consulate , which was the year of christ . sigonius differs not much from this account , who assigns the hadrianopolitane fight to the year of christ , when severus and rufinus were consuls . there is mention of the same hadrianopolitane fight in lege . cod. theod. de veteranis , where constantine says thus . veteranis qui ex die quintâ nonarum juliarum , &c. to the veteranes , who from the fifth day of the nones of july , when the first victory in thracia shined upon the whole world , and who afterwards deserved a mission [ or , discharge ] at our nicomedia , we have indulged certain priviledges by an edict , &c. for the hadrianopolitane battel was sought on the fifth day of the nones of july , as idatius has recorded in his fasti , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle . but the subscription of this law is faulty . for , 't is said to be published , licinius the fifth time and crispus being consuls that is , on the year of christ . which gave occasion of mistake to baronius . but , who sees not that it should be written , paulinus and julianus being coss ? for when they were consuls , constantine came to nicomedia , after licinius was routed and totally vanquished . but , when licinius the fifth time , and crispus were consuls , nicomedia obeyed licinius , and was the seat of his empire . when they were consuls therefore constantine could not indulge a mission and priviledges to his own veteranes , in the city nicomedia , in regard that city was in no wise subject to his government . whereas therefore in that law constantine does term it our nicomedia , we must of necessity say , that that law was dated in the consulate of paulinus and julianus . vales. * licinius . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little before . unless we should say , that the words are transposed , which frequently occurs in these books . and so christophorson seems to have mended this place ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little after , did in reality discern the god of constantine , what a god he was ; which reading is very good . further , in the fuketian manuscript and in the old sheets , from those words , but when he saw , to these , only god ; 't is but one chapter , not two , as 't is in the geneva edition . vales. * or , taken away . * or , one government of the whole . † or , arriving at . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's copy and the king's sheets 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this most agreeable and proper surname . constantine used the praenomen of victor , as 't is apparent from his constitutions and letters . in the gesta purgationis caeciliani , some of his letters have this inscription , victor constantinus maximus augustus . eusebius says therefore , that this was his proper name as ' t were . for the greeks term a proper name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for thus they were instructed , from the close of the tenth book of his ecclesiastical history , where all these passages occur almost in the same words . a little after , write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and his most modest sons as 't is in the fuketian and savil. manuscripts , and in the kings sheets . vales. in robert stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , son. * or , voices not to be stopt . † or , goods . * or , opened . a in the alexandrian chronicle these words occur concerning constantine's liberality and indulgence towards the provincials ; on the twentieth year of his empire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he took off the burthens of artificers and collators ( that is , those of the provincials who paid tribute . ) vales. * the laws . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this place ; but portesius has rendred it , not unhappily , in this manner ; qui eâdem de causâ translati erant ad curias , who for the same reason had been removed to the curiae . vales. the curia were the offices of corporations , the bearing whereof was generally very chargable and burthensome ; the persons who bore these offices were termed curiales . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders this place ill , thus , ad publica imperii opera obeunda vi compulsi , by force compelled to undergo the publick works of the empire . eusebius terms the mines , publick bake-houses , work-houses wherein they wove , and gynaecia ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : to which works who ever had been condemned by a sentence of the judge , lost their liberty . for this was termed a servitude of punishment . now , 't was usuall to condemn the christians to such works as these , because of their confession of christ's name . and , as to the mines , the matter is notorious . but , of a condemnation to the publick bake-house , we have an instance in the acts of the passion of pope marcellus . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . two words seem to have grown into one , which are , thus to be disjoyned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little after , where the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of recovering their houses ; i think it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of recovering their proper offices . for they had not been despoyled of their houses , but of their employments in the militia . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning the gynaecia there is frequent mention , as well in both the codes , as in the notitia of the roman empire . see brissonius's lexicon . further , persons condemned to the gynaecia , were clothed in a short coat made of linnen , which was a servile habit . we learn this from the passion of romanus the martyr , which is published by mombritius , and occurs in the musciacensian copy . eadem vero die maximianus jussit , &c. but on the same day maximianus commanded , that the christians who were in the pallace should be ungirt . maximianus therefore took notice to himself of many passing by , whilst they were loosing their girdles : and he saw isitius of blessed memory ; and being in a rage , called him to him , and stript him of the garments wherewith he was clothed , and clothed him in a linnen-short-coat , and put him into the gynaeceum to the wool-workers , in order to his reproach . further , the fuketian manuscript has this place written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the truer reading no doubt , and we have followed it in our version . vales. the gynaecium or gynaiceium ( says brissonius in his work de verbo . significat . book . fol. , edit . paris . , ) signifies the weaving-house appointed for making the garments of the emperour . the emperours had slaves of both sexes employed in their gynaecia . they had likewise weaving-houses for linnen garments , termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 linyphia , which we find mentioned in chap. of this second book . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , &c. and from these words the twenty second chapter is to be begun , as 't is in the fuketian manuscript and the old sheets . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i mend it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who having before this : which christophorson saw not . i write also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , received an account of what , &c. vales. * or , thought good to style . † or , shined upon . * god. a eusebius praises the emperour constantine's eloquence . for that is the meaning of these words . but christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the truth of our discourse . it must also be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as turnebus has mended it at the side of his copy ; and the same is the reading in the fuketian and savil. manuscripts . besides , from these words the th chapter is begun , both in the fuketian manuscript , and in the old sheets . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading the geneva-men have taken notice of , as occuring in some copies . but , this way of writing is not to be born with . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number follows . besides , eusebius produces but one constitution of constantine's here ; to wit , that which had been sent by constantine to the provincials . he does indeed attest , that two laws had been issued forth together in favour of the christians ; the one to the catholick church , the other to the provincials . but he annexes the copy but of one of them , namely of that which had been sent to the provincials of palestine . the other , sent to the churches , is omitted by eusebius , either because it had been drawn according to the same copy with that to the provincials ; or for some other reason . vales. * or , right band . † or , record the evidence of the confirmation of our discourse . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean manuscript i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the palestinian provincials . further , from these words i began the th chapter , following the authority of the kings and fuketian manuscripts . vales. * distinction , or , diversity . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the medicaean manuscript make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and such as , &c. and a little after , from the same manuscript it must be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , worship of christianity ; and the same is the reading in the kings sheets and fuketian manuscript . vales. in robert stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean manuscript has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desirous of contemning it ; which reading seems to me much truer . vales. * or , goods . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the medicaean manuscript is far truer . for thus it runs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. even the events , &c. and after the word worship , it has a point , which is the mark of an interrogation . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the medicaean manuscript is far more elegant , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indeed , the things , &c. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in the medicaean manuscript ; nor is it very necessary . presently , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heretofore transacted ; the same manuscript has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at any time transacted . also , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the issue of their attempt : 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their attempts to an — issue ; in which manner i found it written in the kings sheets and fuketian manuscript . vales. b this place is imperfect , and ought thus to be restored from the medicaean manuscript ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading we have exprest in our rendition . vales. * or , publications of goods . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean manuscript 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the king's manuscript also 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a at these words i began the th chapter , from the fuk. manuscript , and the king's sheets . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the medicaean manuscript is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but such as have either dishonourably , &c. 't is much like what he had said above , at chap. , where see note ( b. ) vales. * or , follow. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is truer if i mistake not . a little after , the same copy has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have ended in a most reproachfull overthrow . vales. * or , heavy . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impendent miseries . and a little before , in the same copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. from such [ impieties ] as these , bloudy wars arise . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean copy adds a word , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perished by an unhappy death . a little after , in the same manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , each of them hath found , or met with , &c. which doubtless is truer . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a great salutary cure ; without the conjunction . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy , the simple term occurs instead of the compounded , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which has less of roughness . a little after , the reading in the same copy is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the medicaean manuscript is truer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nor will it in any wise , &c. which emendation sozomen confirms book . chap . where he has epitomized this law of constantine . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for god himself hath required , &c. in the medicaean copy the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting , which to me seems altogether superfluous . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a certain divine power . the two last words are wanting in the medicaean copy , and the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which went before ; in this manner , by a divine necessity , the sun is ordered to set ; and having expelled , &c. vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words , the fuketian , turnebian and savil. copies adde these two , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath wholly taken away . and so christophorson read , as 't is apparent from his version , which at this place is very intricate . but i am of opinion , that those words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. who , having begun from that brittish ocean , &c. ] are spoken concerning constantine himself , and not concerning god , as musculus and christophorson thought . wherefore , there is no need of those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which occur not , either in the medicaean or king's copy , or in the old sheets : especially , in regard it follows in the next chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am come as far as the eastern parts . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; right , if you make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for i could never have been ungratefull . further , these words from for i could , to highest value , must be understood as spoken by a parenthesis . in the fuketian and turnebian copies the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy this whole place is written far truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in regard i firmly believe this most excellent , &c. as we have rendred it . further , with these words the whole period is concluded , which begins from those words of the preceding chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who having begun from that brittish , &c. which the translatours perceived not . nor could i my self ever have found it out , without the assistance of the medicaean copy . vales. * or , are seized with . † or , the celestiall hope . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean manuscript has it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and have peculiarly and firmly placed this queen . the emperour constantine terms the hope of the sons of god , a queen , because it excells all humane things vales. ‖ or , places . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before i had gotten the medicaean copy , i perceived the reading was to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by how much farther they have removed and separated themselves from , which conjecture the medicaean manuscript hath plainly confirmed . in which also the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so much the greater ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is overwritten , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , terrene defects . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to a more resplendent and more blessed scheme or figure . vales. * or , contemn . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little after , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have been enrolled together within , &c. in the king's sheets and fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have been enrolled within . vales. the same with this last is the reading in robert stephens . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is righter , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he now restored both to their , &c. in the king's copy the reading is also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in robert stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , eusebius here calls their paternall lands or estates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for those that were lyable or bound to serve in the curiae , ( into which the richest persons were wont to be enrolled ; ) their farms or lands were enslaved to the curiae ; [ that is , were burthened with such services and offices as belonged to the courts of corporations . ] therefore , although they withdrew themselves by flight , it availed them nothing , in regard the curia seized their farms . constantine therefore appoints by this constitution , that those who had been bound to the curiae on account of the christian faith , ( provided their paternall farms , which the curia had made seizure of , were not of a curial original ; ) should recover those their paternall farms . wherefore christophorson has rendred it ill , thus , patriis sedibus , to their fathers seats . turnebus in his copy hath mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuketian manuscript 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as 't is also in s r henry savil's copy , and in christophorson . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , opprest . in the medicaean copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stricken , which pleases me better . for , 't is a civill-law term. so , feriri mulctâ , to be stricken or smitten with a mulct , occurs frequently in the constitutions of the emperours . vales. * or , loss . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , generations . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , families . and a little after , the reading there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and may they with gladness enjoy . vales. in robert stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and they shall with gladness enjoy . a not without reason he has added the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against their wills ; because of the monks , who lived a solitary life in islands . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the modicaean manuscript gives us a different reading , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to the end that they who at any time have with some difficulty been inclosed , &c. and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may restore themselves . also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that such as for , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , that such , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 detestable filthiness . in the medicaean copy i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which perhaps is truer . the import whereof is cum invidioso quodam squalore , with an hated nastiness . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is written far otherwise in the medicaean copy . for , that manuscript hath a full point after these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and being in future freed from cares . then , it words the following passage thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is ; for , to live with fear under us , who both boast and believe we are the servants of god ; would be a most absurd thing even barely to be heard ; much more , that any one should undergoe either the sore labours [ at the mines , ] or the services in the publick works . which reading , in my sentiment , is purer , and more plain than the common one . vales. * nature , or , disposition . * or , disgrac't in the , &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. * or , the immoderate troubles of their labours . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the medicaean copy make it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is far truer . turnebus in his copy had mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but the reading of the medicaean manuscript is truer , which is confirmed by the fuketian copy . vales. † or , faln from . * or , approved in . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean copy has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in military dignities : and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon this cruell , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they accounted that more valuable then the dignity they had ; let it be according to their will. vales. * or , eligible according to their will. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the medicaean copy it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , leade a free leisure . which reading sozomen confirms book . chap. . where he has epitomized this law of constantine . in the fuketian manuscript i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , live in freedome honourably . but the medicaean copy has it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lead an honourable free leisure . vales. † or , dangers . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean copy has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more-ever , whatever persons , &c. vales. * see chap. . note ( e. ) b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from which , though a corrupt word , i presently smelt out the true and genuine reading of this place . i write therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; an unusuall and miserable labour . for , such servilities in the gynaecea and weaving houses were unusuall to free men . the same copy has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the medicaean copy is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. being of no advantage to them . and a little after , from the same copy i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rejoycing — at , &c. vales. † or , goods . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean copy adds a word , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which is truer , if i mistake not . for the emperour distinguishes two sorts of men : some of which , being nobly born , were enslaved to the gynaecea , or made servants of the fiscall farms , which was a nobler servitude : others of them , whose extraction was meaner , were sold to private men . in the fuketian manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the boldness and immanity of the judge , who had despoiled a free man of his liberty , on account of his confession of the true god. in the kings sheets i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the fuketian copy has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lamenting : in the medicaean copy the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath — lamented . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the medicaean copy 'tis more elegantly exprest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having cast out of his memory . and the same is the reading in the kings sheets and fuketian copy . further , from these words 't is sufficiently apparent , that what i have said is true , viz. that in this latter place constantine speaks of the viler and meaner sort of people , who had been sold by the sentence of the judge . for , concerning the former sort who were eminent for the splendour of their birth , constantine says that they may now recover their pristine dignity . but he sends away these latter to the services and labours usually undergone by freemen . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the medicaean copy make it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof severall , &c. and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which we have rendred accordingly . neither do these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occur in the king's sheets . further , i found the beginning of this period variously written in the old copies . for in the medicaean manuscript 't is read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the king's sheets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. turnebus in his copy had mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the king's copy has also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore , i doubt not but this is the true reading , and do wonder why robert stephens changed it . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , if any men ; which , i doubt not , is truer . for , whereas he had before spoken of the martyrs , he now speaks of the confessours . a little after , from the same copy , write thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( forc't — , because by contemning the faith they would not yield to the persecutors ; ) have — been deprived of their goods ; &c. vales. * or , eternall hope . c christophorson omitted this clause , because it seemed nothing else but a superfluous repetition of what went before . but , in regard these words occur in the medicaean copy also , they are not rashly to be expunged . for , after the emperour had spoken concerning the martyrs , concerning the confessours , and concerning the exiles , who for fear of a capitall sentence pronounc't against them , had left their country ; he now treats of those , who though they had not been condemned by a capitall sentence , had nevertheless been despoyled of their goods . for these were not in the number of martyrs , or confessours ; in regard they had not been brought to a tryall . nor , had they been exiles ; but staying in their own country , had by force been deprived of their possessions . 't is certain , in the title or contents of this chapter , four sorts of persons are reckoned up . but cristophorson omitted the fourth sort . nevertheless , in the following chapter , the emperour recounts three sorts of persons only , these last being wholly omitted . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the successions of persons intestate , the law calls the nearest of the agnati [ or , kindred by the male line ] to the inheritance , if their own heirs be wanting , as gaius informs us in his institutions titulo decimo sexto . hence , the agnati are by the law termed legitimi heredes , lawfull heirs , because the law casts the inheritance upon these only . for , the cognati [ kindred by the female line ] could not be heirs by the civil law , but were called to the inheritance by the jus praetorium only , as lawyers inform us . further , amongst the cognati , he that was nearest took the inheritance , in the same manner as amongst the agnati . but there is a difficulty in this place , who ought to be meant by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the kindred , whether the agnati , or cognati . 't is ceetain , if by the term laws we understand the laws of the twelve tables , it will be necessary that the agnati should be meant . sozomen words it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those nearer of kin. vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and moreover ; which reading i have followed in my version . at first it had been written in that copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because ; and afterwards , in a more modern hand , it was mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 moreover . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the meaning of this place is very obscure . christophorson renders it thus ; et quod ratione etiam oportet eos succedere , qui sint domesticâ consuetudine conjunctiores , constat : praesertim cùm illi ipsi martyres , non criminis ullius convicti , sed suâ inducti voluntate , mortem oppetiverint ; i. e. and that in reason they ought to succeed , who are nearer by a domestick acquaintance , 't is manifest● especially , in regard those very martyrs , not convicted of any crime , but induced by their own will , underwent death . but , there are many things to be found fault with in this rendition . for first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a voluntary death or end , cannot be spoken in reference to the martyrs . secondly , the discourse here is not concerning the martyrs alone , but concerning the confessours also , and those that had fled their country , who had dyed by their own death . therefore , 't is better to render it here , suâ & naturali morte , by their own and a naturall death . for so graecians are wont to express themselves , and particularly our eusebius , if i mistake not . lastly , he has rendred the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 very ill in these words domesticâ consuetudine conjunctiores , nearer by a domestick acquaintance ; whereas the import of that term is persons nearer related . i render therefore this whole place thus , rationi consentaneum est , ut hi ad successionem veniant , qui propinquiores erant futuri , si illi suâ morte obiissent . 't is agreeable to reason , &c. our rendition is confirmed , both by what i have said above , and also from what the emperour says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who would have been the nearer of kin , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who are . now , by the next words , viz. those persons , he means the martyrs . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the medicaean copy make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little before , the reading in the same copy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the confessours ( truer than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) as it is in chap. . also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , grievous . † the church . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to annex , as turnebus and s r henry savil have mended it . and so 't is written in the fuketian manuscript . a little after , the reading in the medicaean copy is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that , if any of the foresaid persons . vales. * or , dominion . * or , fruits . † or , mistake . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the medicaean copy make it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and although , &c. and a little after , the same copy has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have received — profits — ; yet we judge a demand , incomparably well , as i think . for this is the second member of the period . the last member of the period is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nevertheless , &c ▪ which in the common editions is ill divided , and removed to the following chapter . vales. ‖ or , exaction . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may be dissolved . the reading in the medicaean copy is truer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may be cured . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy this place is written far otherwise , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . which reading , as every one sees ▪ is far truer . for those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are altogether superfluous . a little after , in the same copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but , if any men do insist upon such discourses as these , &c. so 't is also in the fuketian manuscript . vales. * or , driven away . † or , persecutions ins●tiable . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , admonitions . i corrected this place by the help of the medicaean copy , in which 't is plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intentions , or , purposes . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean copy has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so that , what things a destructive , &c. and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it will now be dangerous , &c. which i rather approve of . for this period is to be joyned with the foregoing one . presently , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is righter in the medicaean copy , where the last particle is wanting . vales. ‖ or , to receive . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting ; and a little after , in the same copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . which the medicaean manuscript confirms , wherein the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the same copy , after the word churches , is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , some words are wanting . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the medicaean copy is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may rightly appear . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the emendation of this place is due to the medicaean copy , where we found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ to the dominion ; excellently well . for the emperours will is , that all places and farms , which had been taken away from the christians , should truly and sincerely be restored to them together with their rights . in such a manner that , if service was owing to any farm or field , to wit , a drove-way , passage , or high-way , it should be restored to the christians with the same right in no part diminished . therefore , if any one had mortgaged a farm taken from a christian , or had let it out by lease to be planted and improved , or by a sale of it had encumbred it with any burthen or service ; all these things are by constantine's edict rescinded . a little after , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the same copy we have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be restored . yet , the fuketian , turnebian , and savilian copies have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be yielded up ; which is no ill reading . vales. * places , where the reliques of any martyr are . † in the greek 't is , we order . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraus's copy 't is mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which pleases me better , vales. b after these words in the greek ; in the medicaean manuscript follow these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can there be any other ; which words are wanting in the ordinary editions . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spirit . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will , a diligent care be taken about such matters as these . also , in the euk. turneb . and savil. copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. in robert stephens , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to take a diligent , &c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most wicked . vales. a from these words i began a new chapter : i also put the title before it , which was wanting in the geneva-edition ▪ and in that of robert stephens printed a● paris . which defect we made up from the fuketian manuscript and the kings sheets . vales. * or , provision . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the medicaean copy opened to us the true writing of this place ; wherein the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either by a right of emption . indeed , to style this emption just , is contrary to the mind of constantine , who terms these purchases unjust and nefarious presumptions . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had conjectured long since , that the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to be expunged : which conjecture of ours the medicaean copy does plainly confirm . the emperour speaks concerning those men , who had petitioned that these places might be given them by the emperours . which christophorson perceived not . presently , in the same copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truer than in the ordinary editions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuk. and turneb . copies 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the worst reading of all . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if i mistake not , the reading in the medicaean copy is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and we have pointed and rendred it accordingly . it should , i think , also be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the omnipotent god. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in that copy , and likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . all which words were added by those who understood not this oration . the whole place therefore is to be rendred thus . porro cùm certissimis ac evidentissimis , &c. further , whereas it hath , &c. there is nothing clearer than this reading , nothing more certain . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for me , it must in my judgment be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by me , or from me . for constantine meanes his own ministery or service , which he lent god in the effecting of these things . concerning which matter he does , not without reason , boast in the beginning of this edict . vales. * or , meditation . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the article is wanting ; and after these words , are added these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what that grace is . which words cannot be wanting without a great detriment to the whole sentence . for , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports that which he has above termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the power of god : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the benefit conferred upon men by the assistance and ministery of constantine . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean manuscript , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the most flagitious and wickedest . further , it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as 't is in the king's copy , in the fuketian manuscript , and in the sheets . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the medicaean copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most profound . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the melicaean manuscript has it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of affairs . i found the same reading in the kings copy , in the old sheets , and in the fuketian copy . away therefore with robert stephens's emendation . vales. in stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of letters . h in the medicaean copy the close of this edict runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. will in future exhibit a due observancy , and a pious and agreeable honour to this law. let it be published in our eastern parts . and this is the subscription , which ( as eusebius attests , chap. . ) was put to this edict in constantine's own hand . for the emperours were wont , in their own hand to add to the edicts they sent out , proponatur , let it be published ; and to give that in command to the praefecti praetorio , as it appears from the novells of valentinianus and majorianus . indeed , even this one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our , is a sufficient indication , that this subscription was added in constantine's own hand . for 't is the emperour himself that speaks , and who calls the eastern parts his own . for so the emperours were wont to express themselves , then especially , when they spoke of any province lately reduced under their government . so constantine in his letter to elasius , and in that to probianus proconsul of africk , says , african nostram our africa ; and in the first law cod. theod. de veteranis , apud nicomediam nostram , at our nicomedia . so in the only law cod. theod. de his qui sanguinolentos , &c. imperator constantinus italis suis , emperour constantine to his italians . lastly , constantius caesar in his letter to eumenius , which letter eumenius records in his oration pro scholis ; merentur galli nostri , &c. our galli are in service , &c. further , this edict of constantine occurs , in the medicaean copy , after the books of ecclesiastick history , with this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a copy of the constitution of the emperour dear to god , which , ( after he had destroyed the tyrants , ) he wrote in the greek tongue , and transmitted to the provinces under him . vales. a hence it appears , that the writer of this history was a palestinian . which i was therefore willing to remark , because dionysius goto●redus thought , that eusebius caesariensis was not the authour of this work : which nevertheless 't is easie to refute , both by innumerable testimonies of ancient writers , and also from very many passages of this work ; especially from chap. . and , of this book . now , the foresaid law of constantine was issued out to the palestinians in particular , for this reason , because the persecution had raged most sorely there , and there had been many confessours and martyrs in that province . notice likewise is to be taken of what eusebius says , viz. that this first sanction or edict of constantine had been brought to them . for that edict concerning the peace and liberty of the christians , which constantine had sent into the east after his conquest of maxentius , was by maximine's fraud supprest , as eusebius tells us in the beginning of his ninth book . vales. * or , took in hand affairs of the highest consequence . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the vicarii , comites , and proconsuls . for these dignities were far more eminent than those of the presidents , as every one knows . but christophorson , according to his usuall mistake , translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praefects ; than which nothing is more absurd . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it , duae leges in eandem sententiam promulgabantur , two laws were promulged to the same effect , or meaning : wherein he seems to have followed portesius , who had rendred it thus ; duae postea leges emissae non ita dissimili argumento , two laws were afterwards issued out of a subject not unlike . but i thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the same with simul , uno eodemque tempore , together , at one and the same time . for so eusebius does usually express himself . vales. * or , make erections of statues . † or , curiosities . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words of eusebius are to be understood concerning private sacrifices . for constantine the great prohibited by a law , that no one of the heathens should sacrifice privately at home , as the first law in the theodosian code de paganis informs us . therefore , he had prohibited , that the aruspices should be called out to any private house on account of sacrificing . for these persons inspected the entrails of victims . but constantine forbad not the going to the publick temples to sacrifice , and there to make use of the assistance of the aruspices , as the first law in the theodosian code de maleficis , attests . see libanius in his oration pro templis , pag. , and what gotofred has noted there . vales. * desire , or , purpose . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's copy 't is mended thus at the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have been less worthily adorned . there is also another emendation , set at the margin of the geneva edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have been adorned with less of stateliness . any one might guess likewise , that this place should be read and construed thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. or through fear have been made agreeable to the imminent iniquity [ of the times . ] but that reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is truer , and is confirmed by the fuketian copy . vales. in socrates ( book . chap. . eccles. history ; where this letter occurs ) the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. have been adorned with less of stateliness . b i suppose licinius to be meant , whom constantine does thus term , because of his craftiness and age . indeed , these following words , forc't out of the administration of publick affairs , do sufficiently evince this to be spoken of licinius . ▪ whence also it may be conjectured , that this letter was written a little after licinius's deposition . vales. see socrates , book . chap. . note ( o. ) c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the beginning of this letter , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unbelief , he made use of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neglect . by the word fear those christians are meant , who through fear of the persecution had neglected the churches , or renounced the faith : but the word unbelief belongs to the pagans or insidells , who had disturbed the sacred houses , and severall waies molested the christians . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged ; which occurs not in the fuketian copy . vales. see socrat. book . chap. . note ( p. ) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in socrates the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him that is truly god. e see book . chap. . uote ( b. ) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the praefecti praetorio , so termed because they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , over the presidents and governours of provinces . therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the office of the praetorian praefecture , concerning which the notitia of the roman empire is to be consulted . further , the office of the praefectus praetorio was supream to all other offices of all the magistrates . for , as the praefectus praetorio in dignity excelled the rest of the judges as well civill as military , so also his officialls were more honourable than all other apparitors . hence , in the chalcedon councill , action , the office of the praefecti praetorio is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greatest office. these things were not understood by the translatours , whose mistake i had rather pass over in silence , than invidiously refute it . in the fuketian copy i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is also in s r henry savils copy . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it , hisce enim per literas à me significatum est , for they are acquainted herewith by letters from me : he has added the words à me from me , of his own head ; which i like not . for , not the emperour himself , but the praefecti praetorio most commonly wrote these sort of letters . vales. g from these words a new chapter is begun in the king's copy . further , hence it appears , that constantine wrote letters after the same copy to the rest of the bishops of the east . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours have rendred this place extreamly ill , in regard they thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an adjective ; nor could they perceive , that a comma was to be placed after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies nothing else but piety , or an observancy of the deity . in this sense 't is used in chap. . of this book , and in several other places in eusebius . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. an oration against , as i found it mended in the margin of moraeus's copy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports here a speech , oration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy this place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an oration against idolatry and errour . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred this place very ill ; who , as i think , had not seen portesius's version . for portesius has rendred these words right , although he has not hit the sense . vales. † or , eastern provincials . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contemplation ; valesius renders it intelligence . † or , carried to that scope . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . virtue seems here to be taken for perfection , as well that which is in the sight , as that in the intellect . for each power and perfection tends to the same end , to wit , the knowledge of truth . the sense proceeds to the truth of things sensible ; and the understanding to the verity of intelligibles from the truth it self of things sensible : and hence by degrees it ascends to the knowledge of the supream god. also at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be termed the force and virtue of truth . yet , the following words doe assure us , that this place must be taken concerning moral virtue . vales. valesius renders those greek words set at the beginning of this note thus , verae virtutis eodem urgente atque inclinante naturâ , the nature of true virtue verging and inclining to the same end . * or , contrary purposes . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , foolish or absurd . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unusefull , as 't is in the fuketian manuscript , and in moraeus's , and gruter's copy . a little after i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therefore a a crown is proposed to virtue . but these words are very obscure and intricate ; which is partly to be attributed to constantine himself , in regard being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a person that began to learn late , he was more obscure in expressing himself ; and partly to eusebius , or whoever else it was , who of obscure latine words made the greek more obscure . in the fuketian manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. excellently well . vales. † or , disclose a life of perverse madness . ‖ or , make a confession . * or , hopes within my self . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men disinherited . † or , profusely . a he terms the persecutions of the christians , civill wars . for there is nothing liker a civill war , than when the christians were put to flight and murdered in all cities , not by an incursion of enemies and barbarians , but of their own fellow-citizens . vales. † or , the oracles of the tripods were made false . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or , if you will , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading we have followed in our version . portesius also , and morinus understood these words concerning the pythia or priestess of apollo . but , in the excellent fuketian manuscript , this whole place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for this reason he [ apollo ] suffered his mournfull long hair to hang down neglected , &c : whereto agrees s r henry savils copy . presently , in the same copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in what manner of end these things terminated . vales. † or , call upon . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the greek title of this chapter , 't is truer written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a youth . for constantine was not then a child , when , as an hostage , he resided at diocletian's court. for , he was delivered by his father constantius to diocletian , on the year of christ ; after constantius had been made caesar by diocletian . at which time constantine was about years old . for he dyed on the year of christ , in the year of his age . vales. * or , deceived in mind by errour . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuk. and savil. manascripts the reading is truer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and 't is the same in the king's copy . vales. * or , invented . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he alludes to the point of an instrument to write with . constantine expresses himself with much of eloquence , in saying , that those laws concerning the persecution of the christians , were written with the bloudy points of swords . so some of the ancients tell us , that dr●co's laws were written with bloud , not with ink . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to produce . i had rather say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to stretch ; which is an usual expression with eusebius . vales. * or , that gravity of piety . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so above , at book . chap. , eusebius speaking of severus caesar , says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 became a cheap and easie sacrifice of death ; where see what we have noted concerning that expression . for the translatours perceived nothing here . vales. in the greek text of valesius's edition , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is left out ; but it occurs in robert stephens . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little after , in the same copy , and in the kings sheets 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. the reading in robert stephens is the same also . * kept , or , preserved . † or , the rites of their sanctimony . * or , mixt together . * or , greatest . † or , reach forth . ‖ or , power . a he means the catholick church , which in the next chapter he terms the house of truth . in the sacred scriptures 't is called the pillar and ground of truth . a little after , from the fuketian and savil. manuscripts , and from the king's sheets write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which those detestable , &c. vales. * or , by a wickedness of demolishment . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but that is the true reading which i found in the kings sheets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which indeed is far more elegant ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the meaning is , let every one follow what religion he has a mind to . by which words constantine leaves his subjects an entire liberty of worshipping the deity according as every one shall have a mind . for , the most religious prince earnestly desired indeed , that all mortalls should come to the faith of christ : but he never compelled any one to that . he wish't that the heathens were freed from their pristine errour : notwithstanding , he prohibited not the ceremonies and sacrifices of the temples , as he himself attests hereafter , at chap. . vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius renders it , quam nascentibus nobis donasti , which thou gavest us when born . i understand neither the emperour's , nor valesius's meaning . a concerning the originall and antiquity of the christian religion , eusebius writes the same in the beginning of his ecclesiastick history , and in his books de evangelicâ demonstratione . vales. * or , concerning thy self . * charge , or , administration . † or , way . ‖ or , circuit . * or , station . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to a set time ; as christophorson seems to have read . and so the reading is in the fuketian and savilian manuscripts . vales. † or , slides by . ‖ or , usefull advantages . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that is , so manifold a divinity , to wit , of the sun , moon , stars , and elements , concerning which he hath spoken above . for all these , unless they were governed by the beck and power of one god , would likewise be gods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore imports a power subject to no dominion ; which we commonly term an independency , which is proper to god only . vales. c he means the gods of the heathens , as i have said above : to wit , the sun , moon , and the rest of the elements of the world , which antiquity worshipped for gods. presently ▪ from the fuketian copy write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading also is in the kings sheets . vales. * or , studies . † or , the discipline — is confirmed &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and s r ▪ henry savils copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. who are sincerely studious of virtue . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , whosoever suffers not himself to be cured , or freed from the disease of idolatry ; let him impute it to himself , in regard the medicine is ready . christophorson has rendred this place ill , thus , alteri qui sanari vult , non vitio vertat , let him not blame another , who has a mind to be cured . i say nothing concerning portesius , who wanders from the true sense almost every where . but musculus has rendred these words not unhappily . vales. † or , presides over the cure. ‖ or , the common inheritance of that good given us . valesius renders it , the fellowship . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the kings copy 't is over written in the same hand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received . both readings may be born with . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the faith of the truth . that is , the true faith. for 't is the same as if he should have said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the truth of the faith. he expresses himself so again , hereafter . vales. c these words are taken out of s t paul's epist. to the colos. chap. . v. . further , as he here terms gentilism the power of darkness , so lower ( at chap. . ) he calls christianity the power and efficacy of light. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this term does properly signifie conspiracy and rebellion : which is most appositely said concerning the worship of idols . for idolatry is a defection from the true god. vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the common resurrection . it must , as i think , be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emendation or correction . for the common word seems to have been fetcht out of the foregoing line . further , at the end of this edict , this subscription was doubtless placed ( concerning which i have spoken at large above , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let it be published in our eastern parts . for this subscription is properly agreeable to this edict , in regard it was sent to the provincialls of the east . vales. * or , questions . † or , shouted sorth . ‖ or , driving away . * or , were adorned with , &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ it must , as i think , be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and wranglings . further , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at this place is meant the envious devill . for so eusebius does usually speak in many places , vales. † that is , more sublime and hidden doctrines of the christian faith . ‖ or , high place . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i like better . this whole place therefore is thus to be written ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and we have rendred it accordingly . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , underwent a most , &c. a he means the melitians , concerning whose schism epiphanius and baronius are to be consulted . vales. a he means hosius cordubensis , as gelasius cyzicenus relates book ; and after him photius in his bibliotheca , chap. ; and nicephorus . and before all these , socrates and sozomen . vales. * or , modest virtue of faith. * or , make god our witness . † ministery , or , charge . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the affection or mind , or pre-possest opinion . on the contrary , in the beginning of this letter , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon a twofold account , i had rather reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . presently , i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fuketian and savil. copies : or rather , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some words are wanting here , which in moraeus's copy are thus supplied , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as the reading also is in the geneva edition ; and we have rendred it accordingly . i would willingly have made good this place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we were desirous to free [ the body of the whole world ] opprest with some terrible disease of tyranny . but in regard in the excellent fuketian and savilian copies this place is so made good as i have set it above , 't is better to follow that writing . further , in the fuketian manuscript , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whole is wanting . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. when therefore , &c. a little after , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be expunged . he means the donatists , who after the roman synod and that of orleance , after constantine's own determination , were as yet tumultuons in africa . vales. b without doubt he means licinius , as these following words declare , who had opposed his own impious opinion , &c. for licinius had prohibited the synods of the christian prelates , as eusebius attests in book . chap . but christophorson by a great mistake thought , that by the common enemy of the world here was meant the devill . the meaning of this place therefore is this . we had thoughts , says constantine , after our conquest of licinius , of sending some of you eastern bishops into africa , to make up a peace there between the donatists and catholicks . for , when the bishops of italy and of the gallia's could not effect that , we hop't it would at length be done by your help . but , as we perceive , you your selves do now stand in need of peace-makers . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from gruter's and moraeus's copy ; whereto agree the fuketian and savilian manuscripts , and the kings sheets . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you , as 't is mended at the margin of moraeus's copy . nor is the reading otherwise in the fuketian and savilian manuscripts . further , constantine does expressly reckon the egyptians amongst the people of the east , which was not perceived by christophorson . indeed , egypt was then accounted amongst the provinces of the east , from the times of maximine , who having been constituted caesar in the east , had had egypt under him . hence 't is , that amm. marcellinus ( in his fourteenth book where he reckons up the provinces of the east , ) attests , that egypt and mesopotamia were of their number . the place occurs at pag. of our edition . moreover , the comes of the east had egypt and mesopotamia under his dispose in the times of constantine and constantius , as this old inscription informs us : m. maecio memmio furio balburio caeciliano . placido . c. v. comiti orientis aegypti et mesopotamiae . consuli ordinario , &c. further , under the latter emperours , although the egyptick diocese was severed from the oriental , yet 't was always under the praefectus praetorio in the east , as 't is manifest from the notitia of the empire . a little after , i think it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have hastned to find you out . vales. * or , essicacy . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is the same with what he had said in the foregoing chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after we had destroyed the common enemy of the world . constantine means the hadrianopolitane battle , and that at chalcedon . the former of which hapned on the fifth of the nones of july : the latter on the fourteenth of the calends of october , in the year of christ . about the end of which year this letter seems to have been dated . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , we had resolved again to enquire into and determine that dissention of the donatists . in the excellent fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and so 't is mended in turnebus's and moraeus's copy at the margin . some words are doubtless wanting here . but the meaning of the place is wholly the same with what i have said . further , the reading of all copies being compared together , the place seems to be restored thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we resolved upon enquiring what that first thing was , which , &c. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . every one sees it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor is christophorsons conjecture to be condemned , who read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a deadly wound . for so the fuketian and savilian copies , and the kings sheets , do plainly give it us written . vales. in robert stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a deadly thing . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson saw nothing here , nor perceived that this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to be referred to the schism of the donatists , whereof constantine had spoken above . the emperour says therefore , that this schism was for the most part appeased , and that only some small remains of it were left in affrica . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson designedly omitted the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unanimous , because he thought , that alexander and arius could not be termed unanimous ; in regard they disagreed one with another about matters of so great consequence . but constantine does nevertheless term them unanimous , in regard he thought well of them both , and believed that they disagreed in words , rather than in reality and in mind . but the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems but little agreeable to prelates . the emperours do use this term indeed in their letters to governours of provinces . but when they speak to prelates , they do more frequently use sanctity , gravity , or prudence . the old glosses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sol●rtia , experientia , sagacity or prudence , experience . vales. * umpire . † or , dispenser . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be used in the neuter gender . for 't is referred to the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereto by and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answers . in the kings and fuketian copy therefore , after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a distinction is rightly placed . for the sense is not entire . but christophorson , contrary to his own usage , of one period has made two . vales. ‖ or , emendation . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is without doubt to be added from gelasius cyzicenus book . chap. . but nicephorus ( book . . chap. . ) has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thought . by and by , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fuketian and savilian copies have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is truer . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in gelasius is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , opposed or objected . and so epiphanius scholasticus had read , as appears from the th chapter of the tripartite history . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicephorus has expunged the first word as superfluous , which nevertheless all our copies retain , and epiphan . scholasticus also , in his version . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . langus renders it , conventus quidem solemnis quibusdam denegatus , the solemn convention is denied to some . christophorson translates it in this manner , conventus qui in ecclesiâ fieri solet , impeditus , the assemblie which i● wont to be made in the church , is hindred . they took 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore here for synaxis , in which sense 't is used not infrequently . so again in this chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , divulge them in or among publick assemblies . further , epiphan . scholasticus renders it mysteria contemnuntur , the mysteries are contemned . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrates and gelasius cyzicenus and nicephorus have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , affording me your ears and mind . but the common reading , which we have followed , is truer . for so constantine expresses himself below in the next chapter . epiphanius renders it voluntatem praebens . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings , fuk. and savil. copies , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. truer than in the common editions . by and by , from the fuketian and savil. copies i have mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or through the slower understanding of the auditors , &c. vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the king 's , and fuk. copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the preposition ; which reading may be born with , if you referre the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those which follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either of blasphemy , or schism . the one of these two , says he , will beget an occasion either of blasphemy , or schism . but socrates and gelasius and nicephorus have it written here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , this place is very difficult and obscure by reason of the ill syntax . therefore in the kings copy at the side of this line is set this mark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , attend . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . langus and musculus render it communionis tesseram , mark or token of communion ; christophorson , communionis consensum , consent of communion . i had rather render it signum , a sign . for , as in the mysteries of the heathens some signes or symbols were delivered to the persons initiated , whereby the symmystae [ companions of the same discipline ] might know one another : so the christians had a sign of communion , that is , the eucharist , or baptism . indeed , epiphanius scholasticus renders it communionis signum , a sign of communion . vales. valesius has translated it a society of communion . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is wanting in gelasius cyzicenus , nor does it seem very necessary . 't is certain , epiphanius has omitted it in his version . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours understood not what the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was here ; some of them have rendred it opinion , or firm consent in one opinion ; others , a profession of discipline . but , there is not one opinion amongst philosophers , as 't is sufficiently manifest . therefore i had rather render it sect. for all philosophers have some sect to which they are addicted ; some have the sect of the stoicks ; others , that of the peripateticks ▪ now , in every sect there are sometimes controversies concerning some questions between philosophers of the same sect. yet the same persons , on account of the society of their sect , do easily agree one with another . this is the meaning of constantine's words as i think . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we . we must read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that you ; from gelasius , nicephorus , and epiphanius . and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between you , from the same authours ; to whom agree the fuketian and savilian copies , and the kings sheets . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath produced a light. he had better have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath reached forth . a little before i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the common saviour of all ; as 't is in the fuk. and savil. copies . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , this our endeavour and purpose , of establishing concord in the church , and of reducing all men to the worship of one god. concerning which endeavour and design , constantine hath spoken at the beginning of this letter , and does boast of it every where . vales. f for the law enjoyns us nothing else but love ; namely , that we should love god with the entire affection of our hearts , and our neighbour as our selves . in these two consists the whole law , as our lord says in the gospell . christophorson understood not this passage ; he renders it thus ; unumque legis ac disciplinae institutum , &c. and one decree of the law and discipline , which binds the whole body of the church with its parts , in one agreeing concord and purpose of minds . portesius translates it truer , thus ; praeccptumque legis in id omnibus partibus incumvit , ut in unam animam universum concludat , and the commandment of the law in all its parts earnestly endeavours at this , that it may include the whole body in one mind . perhaps also it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both its parts . for there are two parts of this commandmant , the one has a reference to god , the other to our neighbour . vales. * or , the power of the whole . † or , covenant of the deity . ‖ or , faith. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , having put away the darkness of hatred , wherewith the acuteness of your mind was clouded and obscured . for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , be acquainted one with another again , embrace , salute . in which words constantine seems to allude to the usage of the christians of of his own time : amongst whom in their sacred conventions , whilst the people approach't to the participation of the mysteries , the deacon often cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , take acquaintance one of another ; to wit , least any prophane person or jew might creep to the sacred table , as chrysostome informs us in his first oration against the jews , pag. of the first tome . the same word marcion used , when on a time he saw polycarp , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 take acquaintance of us , as eusebius relates out of irenaeus , book . chap. . of his eccles. hist. the latines also use the verb recognoscere in the same sense . so in the passion of fructuosus the bishop : cùm se excalceasset , &c. when he had pulled off his shoes , a fellow-souldier , our brother , by name felix , came to him , and took him by the right hand , recognoscens eum taking acquaintance of him , and beseeching him , that he would be mindfull of him . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the occasion of the enmity . the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 removall , as 't is in gelasius and nicephorus . and so 't is plainly written in the fuk. and savil. copy , and in the kings sheets . vales. * in socrates the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hear , or , be attentive , occurs ; but we meet not with it here . a that is , in mind and thought . for the mind is the greater and the better part of any one . but christophorson thought the meaning was the greater part of his journey ; which is not to be endured . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the news of this letter . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affair , from socrates , gelasius cyzicenus , and nicephorus . a little after i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as t is in nicephorus and s r henry savils copy . vales. * or , wholly subverted . * or , questions . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting , which is not very necessary ▪ nevertheless , 't is my conjecture , that the place it to be read in one breath , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that good and every way pious person , as i have said , made use of his utmost diligence , not only in carrying the letter , but in fulfilling his will , by whom he had been sent . but the affair , &c. he means hosius ; see chap. . vales. † or , wrought these things . notes for div a -e a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in s r henry savil's copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the old sheets both readings are retained , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's copy 't is mended in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but doing , &c. as 't is also in the fuk. and savil. copies . a little before , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of what belonged to him ; both copies and the kings sheets have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of what became him . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he inscribed as his preservative . it seems to be used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he assumed . but if you had rather take the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in its common signification , that may also be born with . for constantine ordered it to be engraven on the base of his statue , which he erected at rome after the victory gotten over maxentius , that by the virtue of this standard rome had been set at liberty by him . vales. * or , applied . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the rule of syntax requires that we should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a little after it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to honour [ bestowed ] by himself ; as the reading is in the fuketian and savil. copies . vales. e in moraeus's copy these words ( which we likewise sound in the fuketian and savil. manuscripts , ) are added in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adorned , or augmented , with a magnisick furniture ; which reading christophorson has followed in his version . indeed , constantine adorned those books which served for ecclesiastick uses with gemms and stones ; as cedrenus tells us in his chronicon , where he speaks concerning metrodorus the philosopher . vales. * or , augmented with . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words valesius renders thus , materiam ipsam donariorum nullis usibus dicatam , the matter it self of the consecrated gifts dedicated to no uses . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a condigne punishment of god. i had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from god ; as eusebius does usually express himself vales. * see book . chap. . † or , distemper . ‖ or , rich and noble bounty . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not the import of this word ; he hath rendred it cives , citizens . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the decuriones , as i have long since remarked at the d book of amm. marcellinus , pag. of my notes . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , were ruled by a paternal power . he says therefore , that constantine's government ▪ by reason of his mildness and clemency , was wholly like the government of a father over his sons : so that , all the people and decuriones , were not kept within the bounds of duty by force and fear like subjects , but obeyed on their own accord , like sons . in the fuketian copy , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by force and necessity . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in mine own judgment , i have rendred this passage very happily , thus , novum saeculum , a new age. so in the coyns of philippus , 't is termed novum saeculum . the old etrusci affirmed , that every age was limited by the gods , by a certain number of years : which number of years being ended , then prodigies were by the gods shown from heaven , or out of the earth ; whereby it might be signified , that a new age was begun . and , that men were born , who would make use of new fashions and customes , and would be more or less dear to the immortal gods. these signes the etrusci had exactly noted in their libri rituales , as plutarch has told us in sulla ; and censorinus chap. . de die natali . vales. * or , out of darkness . * or , are not contained in the hearing of an age . † he means the name of a christian , as 't is manifest from the following words . * or , a dragon was wounded . † or , entry . ‖ or , besieged . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; valesius renders it in praeceps ruentem , falling headlong . * see esai . . . † or , bring forth . ‖ or , having in the adumbration truly ▪ set forth the imitations . a or , the schismatical mischief . he means the schism of the meletians . for egypt at that time was sick of a double disease ; to wit , the arian heresie , and the schism of meletius . vales. * or , were dashed against . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , symplegades ; in which manner turnebus had mended it at the margin of his copy . vales. the symplegades are two islands or rocks in the bosphorus ; which had this name given them , because ( as 't is fabulously reported ) they met one time , and fought . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in my judgment the reading would be truer thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which had indeed a long while infested . vales. * he means easter . † or , the accurate hour of the time was to be , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is corrupted by an ill punctation . i write thus therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. who were estranged from evangelick grace even in this matter also . whereas therefore , &c. eusebius says , that the jews were estranged from the grace of the gospell , both in other things , and also most especially in this ; because they as yet celebrated the pascha agreeable to the mosaick usage , not acording to the verity of the gospell . constantine confirms our emendation in his letter to the churches , the words whereof are recorded below at chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , change. † or , were exercised with . ‖ or , assigned , or dedicated their leisure to a relaxation , or cessation . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . graecians term that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as often as a fight is so maintained , that neither side gets the victory . in the same sense eusebius has here termed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , paribus utrinque momentis libratam controversiam , the controversie was poysed by equall weights on both sides . christophorson therefore has not rendred it well , thus , praesertim cùm controversia dissidentium animos ex aequo exagitaret , especially in regard the controversie equally disquieted the minds of the persons dissenting . vales. * or , other . * or , phalanx . † that is , the invisisible enemy . ‖ or , generall . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is strange that eusebius does here distinguish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the beasts of burden from the cursus publicus ▪ but it may be answered , that by the name of the cursus publicus eusebius understood the waggons or chariots . in which sense nicephorus took it , book . chap. . to some bishops therefore constantine ▪ ordered waggons or chariots should be allowed ; to others , publick horses , whereon they might be conveyed to the councill . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; valesius renders it , and the opportunity of the present peace . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first fruits , or top . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and one sacred , &c. from gelasius cyzicenus , nicephorus , and socrates . vales. p he has s●t the i cythians ●nstead of the goths . for so grecians are wont to term them ; as does libanius , themistius , eunapius , and eusebius himself in book . chap. . de vitâ constant. vales. * or , the spaniards themselves . c gelasius cyzicenus thought that by these words was meant the bishop of constantinople . whom nicetas hath followed in his thesaurus orthodoxae fidei , book . chap. . in these words ; euscbius autem pamphili , &c. but eusebius pamphilus , in his third book of the life of the emperour constantine , writes that the prelate of constantinople was absent from the synod , but he suppresses his name : in whose stead some prosbyters appeared . but 't is manifest from the acts of the synod , that at that time metrophanes was bishop of constantinople , &c. so also epiphanius scholasticus tells us in book . of his tripartite history . but this explication is not to be born with . for constantinople was not as yet dedicated , nor gra●'t with the name of the imperial city , when the synod was convened in the city nicaea . therefore these words of eusebius are necessarily to be understood concerning the bishop of rome . which sozomen confirms , book . chap. . ( into which writer the name of juliu● has corruptly crept , instead of silvester ▪ ) and theodoret book . chap. . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same also is the reading in socrates . but i had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in gelasius and nicephorus . and so epiphan scholasticus read in socrates . but whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 follows , that ought not to trouble any one . for eusebius , hereafter at chap. . puts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together . vales. * see acts . . a in socrates book . chap. . where this place of eusebius is quoted , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three hundred . the ancients are not agreed about the number of the bishops who were present at the nicene synod . eusebius at this place tells us they were two hundred and fifty . but eustathius bishop of antioch ( in his homily concerning those words which occur in the proverbs of solomon , dominus creavit me , ) says they were about ; but tells us , that he had not accurately reckoned up their number . but the more constant report , and which is confirmed by the consent of all the more modern authours , is , that bishops sate in that synod . so amongst the ancients athanasius in his epistle to the african bishops , not far from the beginning , hilarius in his book against constantius , hieronymus in his chronicon , and rufinus . athanasius in his letter concerning the decrees of the nicene synod ▪ says , that the bishops who met at nicaea were three hundred more or less . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from socrates book . chap. . and from gelasius and nicephorus . in the fuketian and savilian copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a midle distinction is set in all our manuscript copies . vales. a at these words i began a new chapter , having followed the authority of the kings and fuketian copy : whereto agree the old sheets . vales. * or , discourse of wisedom . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . severall senses may be given of this passage . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken for modesty and a courteous behaviour ; supposing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be made use of instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be meant concerning them , who were not the ●minentest persons amongst the bishops for learning and sanctity of life ; but did not come much behind them . so the ancients termed those medios principes ac duces , middle princes or commanders , who were neither the best , nor the worst , but were in a middle place between both . lastly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be said of them , who deserved to be praised on both accounts , to wit , for their learning and sanctity . so sozomen has expounded this place of eusebius , in his first book , chap. . in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. some excelled in understanding and eloquence , and were eminent both for their knowledge in the sacred scriptures , and for other learning also : others were famous for their integrity and virtue of life : others were well approved of on both accounts . those whom eusebius terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are by sozomen stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , well approved of on both accounts . epiphanius scholasticus , in the second book of his tripartite history , chapter , renders this place of eusebius thus : ministrorum verò dei , alii sapientiae sermone fulgebant , alii continentiâ vitae & patientiâ coruscabant : alii verò medio modo horum virtutibus ornabantur ; but of the ministers of god , some shined with the discourse of wisdom , others glistered with continency of life and patience ; but othersome were in a middle manner adorned with the virtues of these . vales. † or , course . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every person , as christophorson seems to have read . to whom nevertheless i can't assent , as to his having thought , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i doubt not , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the determination ( which word precedes immediately , ) is to be understood . for 't is ●●●er greek , as i take it , to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and savilian copies 't is plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whoever that person was that composed the greek contents of the chapters , he took these words as meant of the pallace ; and christophorson has followed him in that . sozomen likewise ( book . chap. . ) and theodoret ( book . chap. . ) do write that the nicene synod was held in the pallace , where the emperour constantine ordered seats and benches to be prepared for the bishops . nicephorus also ( book . ) hath written out the words of theodoret. but , with the favour of so many and such great men be it spoken , 't is in no wise likely , that the nicene synod should have been held in the pallace . these persons were deceived , as it seems , by the ambiguous word here made use of by eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for this term is promiscuously used , as well for the pallace of the emperour , as for a church . 't is certain eusebius , in the tenth book of his eccles. history , terms a church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , much would be detracted from the authority of that councill , should we believe it to have been held in the emperour's pallace . besides , eusebius himself does most apparently contradict this opinion . for above at chapter , he writes thus in express words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and one sacred oratory , enlarged as 't were by god himself , included at the same time within its walls , syrians and cilicians , &c. what can be more manifest than these words ? is it not most evidently declared by this passage , that the nicene synod was held in the church ? for eusebius affirms , that all the bishops were contained within the compass of one church . moreover , the words which eusebius subjoyns in this chapter , in my judgment do sufficiently shew this . for he writes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the very middlemost edifice of the pallace , which [ edifice ] in greatness seemed to exceed all others . eusebius says , that that house was the greatest and largest of all houses in any place . but this can't be said of the pallace of the city nicaea . for , although we grant there was a pallace in that city , questionless that could not be the greatest of all the pallaces every where . for the pallaces at rome and millaine were far greater . nor do i doubt but the pallace at nicomedia was far larger and richer than that at nicaea , in regard nicomedia had been the seat and habitation of the emperours from the times of diocletian . some one will perhaps answer , that eusebius does not say , that that middle edifice of the nicene pallace or church , in largeness exceeded all the buildings of the whole world ; but only , that it was greater than the other edifices of that pallace or church . for so eusebius expresses himself hereafter , at book . chap. . where he describes constantine's funeral . indeed , i could willingly grant , that this is the meaning of eusebius's words . but yet it follows not from hence , that the nicene pallace is meant by eusebius . for , as well in churches as in pallaces , the middlemost edifice was the largest and most capacious , as 't is manifest from eusebius , in his description of the church of tyre . all things therefore being accurately weighed , this is my sentiment : that the bishops met first in the church ; and treated there many days concerning the opinion of arius and the rule of faith ; but , that at length , on the day appointed for finishing the business , they came together into the pallace , that they might declare their opinion before the emperour , and might put an end to the contention . and thus all manner of difficulty is taken away . indeed , eusebius does plainly confirm that which i have said . for he says , that the bishops , on the day appointed whereon an end was to be put to the controversies , came all into the pallace . and the emperour going forth immediately to the synod , all things , says he , were established in his presence . from which words it plainly appears , that eusebius does here speak concerning the last day of the councill , or the last session , after the matter had been before discussed and sifted , in many sessions of the bishops . for so many and such great matters , as were negotiated in that synod , could not be examined and determined in one days space . the same also had been done before in the antiochian synod against paul of samosata , as eusebius informs us in the seventh book of his ecclesiastick history . vales. * house , room ▪ or , building . * or , those only of his faithfull friends . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning this signe whereby the emperour 's coming was declared , corìppus speaks in these words ▪ — praenuntius ante signa dedit cursor positâ de more lucernâ . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it per medium consessum intrat , enters through the midst of the assembly sitting together . he might better have rendred it , went thorow the middle space which was between the two ranks of the persons sitting . that 's the import of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to go between two . so below at chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. thorow the midst of whom the men of god without fear passed , &c. vales. * or , fiery . † or , the motion of his walking . † or , meekness , or , modesty . ‖ or , first beginning , or , head . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for he has rendred it thus ; primùm in medio conventu erectus constitit , in the first place he stood upright in the middle of the convention . vales. ‖ or , small . a sozomen attests , book . chap. . that he who had the first place on the right side , and who in the name of the whole councill made a speech to the emperour , was eusebius pamphilus . and so 't is written in the title of this chapter . but theodoret ( book . chap. . of his history , ) says this oration was not made by eusebius but by eustathius bishop of antioch . baronius has followed theodoret's opinion ; whom any one , from his writings , will easily find to have been of a mind full of anger and hatred against our eusebius . but the authour of the tripartite history , ( book . chap. . where he writes out theodoret's words , ) says that after eustathius bishop of antioch , eusebius bishop of caesarea made a speech likewise concerning the praises of the emperour . which nevertheless occurs not now in the greek copies of theodoret ; so that it necessarily follows , either that epiphanius scholasticus had procured more perfect copies of theodoret , or else that he added this of his own head , as 't is sometimes his usage . of this nature is that which we have noted above concerning the bishop of the imperial city , whom socrates from eusebius relates not to have been present at the nicene synod , where epiphanius scholasticus by a notorius mistake has added the name of alexander , when as he ought rather to have said metrophanes . but to return to our business , there are those who write , that that honour was conferred neither on eustathius , nor eusebius , but on alexander bishop of alexandria , that in the name of the councill he should make a speech to the emperour . nicetas in his thesaurus orthodoxae fidei , book . chap. . affirms this in these words : eusebius de vitâ constantini libro . se primum verba in synodo fecisse testatur , &c. eusebius in his third book concerning the life of constantine attests , that be made the first speech in the synod . but if we believe theodoret , eustathius was the first , &c. but as theodorus mopsuestenus writes , that honour was frcely conferred on alexander the pontif of alexandria . but in such a diversity of writers i should more willingly close with that opinion , which affirms that the first course of speaking was by the synod conferred on eusebius . first of all , because without controversie eusebius was the learnedest and most eloquent person amongst them . secondly , he himself does plainly attest this , at the beginning of this work , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we our selves also , by a panegyrick spoken in his vicennalia , have lately venerated the same glorious conquerour environed with a synod of gods sacred ministers . see the preface to the first book , note ( a. ) vales. † the emperour . * or , end. † or , see. ‖ or , ruine our goods . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . portesius , christophorson , and the french translatour have omitted this word ; notwithstanding that therein lyes the whole emphasis and force of the sentence . for to this word the following period is referred . take heed , says he , least after the destruction of their tyranny who brought a war against god , the devill by some other way should again expose our religion to reproaches and calum●ies . by another way therefore is meant intestine dissensions . see the following words . vales. * or , invest — with . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written , as i suppose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i was of opinion that nothing remained to me . and a little after with turnebus and gruterus i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but when — i had received information of your , &c. vales. † or , report . ‖ or , mix● together . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred it ill , à deo impetrare , by request to obtain of god ; when as he ought to have rendred it , praedicare , to preach . for in this sense eusebius is wont to use this word , as 't is apparent from innumerable passages in his eccles. history ; for instance , book . chap. . in the fuketian and savil. copies the reading is bad , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , this whole place is written far otherwise , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. refuse not in future to take away the occasions of dissent amongst you ; dissolve every knot , &c. and so s r henry savil and christophorson found it in their copies . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade with christophorson 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to dissolve . but the common reading may stand , provided after the words saviour of us all , a colon be placed , as s r henry savil hath noted at the margin of his copy : and so 't is poynted in the kings copy . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in socrates , book . chap. . and in nicephorus , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intent . but gelazius cyzizenus , chap. . has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most intent . with socrates agrees the fuketian copy , and the kings sheets . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in socrates , gelasius , and nicephorus , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the kings copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , exposition . a that is , the draught of the creed , the canons , and the synodick letter . for all these were confirmed by the subscriptions of every one of the bishops . they who besides these three , think that the acts of the nicene synod were put into writing , are very much mistaken . for eusebius says in express words that nothing was committed to writing , except those matters which had been decreed by the common consent of the councill ; and he affirms , that those things were confirmed by the subscriptions of all . indeed baronius at the year of christ . chap. . says that the acts were written by the nicene synod , and has affirmed that that is expressly recorded by athanasius in his book de synodis . but baronius was imposed upon by the latine version , which runs thus ; tom. . pag. . quòd si ad hanc rem usus synodi de●ideratur , supersunt acta patrum , nam neque in hâc parte negligentes fuere qui nicaeae convenerunt , sed ita accuratè scripscrunt , &c. but if the use of the synod be wanting to this matter , the acts of the fathers are to be had . for those convened at nicaea were not negligent even in this matter , but wrote so accurately , &c. but in the greek text there is no mention of acts ; for thus it runs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the writings of the fathers are to be bad ; to wit , the creed , the canons , and the synodick letter . there is another passage of athanasius , in his epistle de decretis nicaenae synodi , pag. . whence it may be manifestly gathered , that there were no acts written . for thus he speaks : quandoquidem tua dilectio ca nosse desiderat quae in synodo , &c. in as much as your love desires to know those things which were done in the synod , i have made no delay ; but have forth with signified to you whatever was done there , &c. now , if the acts had been taken in writing by the notaries ▪ athanasius had done enough , had he transmitted those acts to his friend . vales. a these words must be interpreted favourably . for the twentieth year of constantine's empire was not yet compleated , nay scarce begun . for the twentieth year of his reign began on the eight of the calends of august , when paulinus and julianus were consuls , which was the th year of our lords nativity . but the nicene councill was celebrated on the twentieth of the month may , in the same persons consulate , as socrates writes in the thirteenth chapter of his first book , or rather on the th of the calends of july , on the th day of the month desius , which by the romans is termed june , as it occurs in the acts of the chalcedon councill , in the alexandrian chronicle , and in the collectio cresconiana . which i think to be truer . for if we suppose the nicene councill to have been convened on the th day of may , too narrow a space of time will be left for the transacting of those affairs which constantine performed after his conquest of licinius . licinius was vanquished in the last battle at chalcedon , on the year of christ , on the th of the calends of october , as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti , and in the alexandrian chronicle . on the day following licinius , who had betaken himself to nicomedia , surrendred himself to constantine the victour . after this constantine made his entry into nicomedia ; whilst he made his residence in that city , and hastned to take his progress into the eastern parts , he received the news concerning the dissention of the alexandrian church and all egypt , on account of the opinion of arius and the disturbances of the m●letians , as he himself writes in his letter to alexander and arius . and in the first place he sent hosius with his letters to alexandria , who by his authority might compose the tumul●s the●e . but after hosius had staid some time at alexandria , he returned to constantino●●e without having effected any thing . all which businesses could not any wise have been done within less time than three months ▪ further , when constantine saw the mischief increase daily , he resolved upon convening a generall councill of bishops , that thereby he might restore peace to the church . in order thereto he dispatch't away the veredarii ( couriers ) and agentes in rebus ( messengers of the emperour ) thorowout all the provinces , who might call together the bishops to nicaea of bythinia . let us suppose therefore , that the veredarii had brought the emperour's letters to each of the bishops in the month march : 't is scarce credible that the bishops could come into bythinia from the most distant countries as well of the east as west , before the month july ; especially , in regard they were conveyed thither by land , not by sea , as eusebius tells us chap. . the greeks do usually term the seventh sunday after easter , that namely which immediately precedes whitsontide , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sunday of the holy fathers , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the holy divines which were at nicaea ; as we are informed f●om the typick of the monastery of saint saba . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the same manner he joyns them both together a little above , where he speaks of constantine's entrance into the synod . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the hastati , or the protectors who carried spears . themistius in his oration to the emperour jovian , writes that he went an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( a spear-carrier ) against the persian , that is a protector domesticus , as we understand from amm. marcellinus . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the scutati , shield-bearers ; to wit , souldiers who were under the command of the magister militum praesentalis , or master of the milice who lived at court or in the presence of the prince . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together with the emperour , as christophorson seems to have read ; and so 't is plainly written in the fuketian copy . theodoret confirms our emendation ( book . chap. . ) in these words , which do wonderfully explain this passage of eusebius ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having ordered many stibadia to be made ready , he feasted them all in one and the same place ; the more honourable of them he took to his own table , but distributed the rest upon other stibadia . a better scolion could not have been placed at eusebius's words . those which euscbius had termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so 't is to be read from the king 's and the fuketian copy ; ) theodoret calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is stibadia or accubita . nicephorus's translatour renders it toros , which is ill done . nor has theodoret's translatour done better in translating it s●des , seats . suidas interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bed lying on the ground , an accubitum . the words of juvenal's scholiast at the fifth satyr , are these ; apud veteres accubitorum usus non erat , sed in lectulis discumbentes manducabant , amongst the ancients there was no use of the accubita , but they lay down upon little beds and eat . vales. * that was heretofore the usual posture at feasts . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on both sides . than which emendation nothing is more certain ▪ eusebius says that the stibadia were placed on both sides of the imperial hall , whereon the bishops might lie down ; but , that the emperour's stibadium was in the midst , whereon he lay down together with the more honourable bishops . after the same manner in the nic●ne synod , the seats whereon the bishops sate were placed on both sides : but the emperour himself sate in the midst on a golden chair , between the two rows of the sitting prelates . the tribunal of the nineteen accubita at constantinople was some such like thing , made in imitation of this constantinian feast , as i think . vales. see evagr. book . chap. ▪ note ( a. ) * multitudes , or , people . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theodoret and nicephorus the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in order to , &c. vales. † or , to a consent of unity . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words of constantine , athanasius seems to have had a respect to , when ( in his book de synodis arimini & seleuciae , pag. . ) he observes that the fathers of the nicene synod spake one way in their exposition of the faith , another in their defining the day of easter . for in this business they made use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it pleased , or , it was thought good . but in their exposition of the faith they did not in any wise say placuit , it pleased , but ita credit sancta & universalis ecclesia , the holy and universall church believes thus . 't is certain , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which athanasius mentions , is not found in the synodick letter , but in this letter only of constantine's ; which any one might conjecture , was not without reason taken for the synodick letter . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that nation . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usage , with christophorson and gruterus . we have noted the same fault in his eccles. hist. in the kings sheets and s r henry savils copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usage . vales. * or , completion of this observation . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in gelasius and nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a decent law. but socrates and theodoret defend the common reading . vales. d for they who celebrate the lord's pascha with the jews , seem to be conscious of that wickedness which the jews committed against the lord. but christophorson renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , opinion ; with whom i agree not . vales. in socrates , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impure , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hostile or adverse . * or , violence . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrates , theodoret , gelasius , and nicephorus have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which i like not . for 't is rightly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. f whereas the paschal neomenia ( or new-moon ) of the jews began from the fifth day of the moneth march and was ended on the third of april , hence it sometimes hapned , that their pascha began before the aequinox . so they kept a twosold pascha in the same year , ( if you understand the solar or julian year , ) to wit , from the vernall aequinox of this year to the vernall aequinox of the year following . ambrosius says the same in his epistle to the bishops of aemilia , where he writes , that the jews sometimes celebrated the pascha on the twelfth month , that is , according to the latines or orientals . for the jews never celebrated the passover on that month which amongst them was accounted the twelfth , but on the fourteenth day of the first month . further , this repetition or doubling of their passover which constantine objects against the jews , seems to me not at all momentous . for the jews might have retorted against the christians , namely that they celebrated easter twice in the same year , if we understand the year current . for let us suppose , that this year easter was celebrated on the tenth of the calends of may ; on the year following it must necessarily be kept sooner . and so there will occur two easters amongst the christians within the space of one year current . which nevertheless will not happen , if you count the year from the aequinoctial cardo to the vernal aequinox of the other year . see epiphanius in haeres . audian . and petav. animad . p. . to whom add aegidius bucherius de paschali judaeorum cyclo , cap. . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theodoret and nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what reason therefore , &c. so 't is also in socrates and gelasius . from whom the following words must be amended in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your prudence . and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in no likeness . although in those writers i have mentioned , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the likness of any thing . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon no pretence . further , the authour of the apostolick constitutions . ( book . chap. . ) seems to allude to these words . which any one will confess , who compares that place with these words of constantine . vales. h he means the head [ or beginning ] of the fast , which by the quartodecimani was begun at one time ; by the other christians , at another . indeed , the following words concerning the days after easter , do inform us that these words are to be understood concerning the held of the fast. otherwise it would be a superfluous repetition . but if any one had rather understand these words concerning the end of the lent fast , i shall not gainsay him . see chrysostome in his homily against those who fasted the first day of easter , pag. . vales. * in the greek 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nation . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in socrates , theodoret , gelasius and nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for these reasons . but it would be better thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is above . in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on this account , and so 't is in turnebus's copy . vales. b every one sees , that the words are misplac't here . 't is righter therefore in gelasius , thus , the britannia's , egypt , and the libya's . socrates has libya ; which reading i like best . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theodoret and gelasius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which displeases me not , provided 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , diligens supputatio , an exact reckoning ; whence 't is termed computus paschalis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken in another sense , in the synodick letter of the nicene council , where it treats concerning the cause of meletius . for 't is there taken for the rigour of the law , and 't is opposed to equity or a dispensation . vales. see socrates , book chap. . note ( b. ) d the jews are termed persidious and perjured men , who , whenas they acknowledged no king or lord besides god , afterwards denied the same [ lord , ] and attested they had no other king but casar . vales. e after these words , there was a whole line wanting in robert stephens's edition ; which 't was easie to have made good from socrates , theodoret , gelasius , and nicephorus , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein there is no mixture of [ or converse with ] strange errour and impiety . this is what constantine had said above at chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; where see what we have remarked at note ( d. ) for christophorson in no wise understood these words . vales. * or , be perswaded by those things written by the synod . † or , grace . a this opinion of constantine concerning the authority of the determinations of synods , is to be taken notice of . there is another place like to this , in a letter of the same constantine to the bishops after the council of orleance . dico enim ut se veritas habet , &c. for i speak , as the truth is . the judgment [ or , determination ] of the bishops [ or , priests ] ought so to be esteemed , as if the lord himself sate and judged . for they may not think any other thing , or judge any other thing , but what they are taught by the instruction of christ. vales. b from this place it may plainly be gathered , that this letter of constantine's was written to the bishops who had not been present at the synod . indeed , the letter is inscribed to the churches . but , by the name of the churches , the prelates are to be meant . for the church consists in the prelates , as honorius says in the appendix to the theodosian code . vales. c this is an expression peculiar to the christians ; who when they spoke to any one of their brethren , either by word of mouth or letter , were wont to say your charity or your love. nothing occurs more frequently in the epistles of the holy fathers , so that we need not heap together instances . so athanasius expresses himself in his epistle concerning the decrees of the nicene synod , a passage whereof we have quoted a little before . but christophorson renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dispensation ; nor did he understand the meaning of this place . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by your actions . i doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our , as the reading is in socrates , theodoret , gelasius , and nicephorus . 't is certain , constantine in his letters is went to boast , that the divine majesty by his labour had destroyed the tyrants who persecuted the church , and had freed the whole world from the superstitious worship of damons . vales. * or , actions . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this place , as 't is apparent from his version . for he renders it thus ; edictum , quod idem pondus habebat & autoritatem cum hâc epistolâ , imperator in singulas misit provincias : an edict , which had the same weight and authority with this letter , the emperour sent into each province . but eusebius mentions no edict , but only a letter sent to the bishops . christophorson thought that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified an edict , which was a great mistake . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is nothing else but a transcript of a letter ; which graecians do likewise term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we in the vulgar idiome call it copiam , a copy ▪ eusebius says therefore , that constantine sent a copy of this letter into all the provinces , or , ( which is the same thing , ) that he sent this letter written from the same copy to all the provinces . further , the reader is to be advertised , that the title of this chapter was put in a wrong place , in regard it belongs to the conclusion of the foregoing letter , as any one may see . this title therefore must be placed above , before these words since therefore these things , &c. as 't is in the fuketian copy . and there we have set it . vales. * or , concerning concord . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . translatours understood not this expression . for portesius renders it thus , ex composito verba fecit ad episcopos . christophorson in this manner , scrmonem apud episcopos de rebus ordine dispensandis instituit . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports no more than , valedixit , he had farewell , or took his leave of . menander , or rather alexander rhetor , ( in the chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. , ) writes , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was by the sophists termed an oration ▪ wherein the scholastici ( when the course of their studies was compleated , ) departing from athens , and about to return into their own country , attested their grief in reference to their going away : or when any one going from home , resolved upon a journey to athens . the same authour in his chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gives us the method of such orations : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that bids farwell , pretends himself grieved on account of his departure . moreover , throughout the whole chapter he every where uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for valedicere , to bid farwell . and he says , that this sort of oration was first invented by homer , in whom ulysses bids farwell to the phaeaces . but natalis comes who translated menander rhetor into latine , renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adjunctivam orationem , an adjunctive speech , and translates those words i have cited , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. adjungens , &c. adjoyning , &c. than which nothing can be more foolish . but with graecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is valedicere to bid farwell . hesychius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so eusebius uses it in the end of this chapter , and in the first book , chap. . where he speaks concerning the death of constantius chlorus . there is an oration of this sort extant , made by gregory nazianzene in the convention of the bishops ; which oration has this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in this oration gregorius bids sa well to the constantinopolitane church . suidas therefore is right in saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , as to what the same suidas adds , that origen was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that he is much out : for origen was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as epiphanius attests , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † raise , or , advance . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it would be better , were it made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some words seem to be wanting here . indeed these books are imperfect in many places , as we have already noted diverse times . now , this place may not unfitly be made good thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which persons we must take the greatest care , and ought to do all things , in regard , &c. for these words are spoken concerning the pagans , of whom constantine had made mention just before , when he said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those , who are ready to blaspheme the divine law. constantine says therefore to the bishops , that their chiefest care ought to be , least by their dissentions the pagans should be provoked to contemn and deride the christian religion . for , that it behoves us , to take the greatest care imaginable of them , and to do all things , whereby they might be recalled to the true faith and salvation . but , that they might easily be saved , and come to the knowledge of the truth , if our matters might seem blessed and admirable to them . wherefore , that every one of them ought to be allured to our side by various ways and arts . then he makes use of an instance of physitians , who that they may restore health to the sick , devise all things which they believe may be of advantage to them . these words , 't is certain , the translatours understood nor , in whose versions the reader will find all things contrary . to this place is to be referred a passage of eusebius in chap. . of this book , where he says that the emperour constantine gave a great quantity of gold to the churches for the maintenance of the poor , in regard he was desirous , that all men should be invited , even this way also , to embrace the doctrine of the saving faith ; according to the example of the apostle , who in his epistle to the philippians says these words , whether in pretence , or in truth , christ is preached . further , in the fuketian and savilian copies , and in turnebus's book , this whole place is written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which questionless is the true reading . this only i would have mended , that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and afterwards , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the reading be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to partake of the doctrine of the salutary faith ; in which sense 't is taken by s t paul , where he says , that god would have all men to be saved , and come to the knowledge of the truth . this verb is in this sense proper to the christian religion . in which signification nevertheless , the philosophers of the latter age used it , as i remember i have read in the commentaries of proclus on timaeus . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is rather to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by understanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was made use of a little before ; and we have rendred it accordingly . but the fuketian copy has opened to us the true reading , wherein 't is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but i suppose you are not ignorant , that , &c. and so turnebus had mended it at the margin of his book , from a manuscript copy . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a new and unusual word ; instead whereof it ought , as i think , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , allowed . the meaning of this passage is the same with that we have set in our version . for constantine says , that the pagans are wont to be converted to our religion on various accounts and occasions . that some are drawn by the hope of food , namely because of the aims of the christians . others , by the hope of patronage ; to wit , on account of the authority of the bishops , who could do much with the emperour and grandees at court. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies patronage , protection , or favour , as i have noted at amm. marcellinus ; which term john chrysostome makes frequent use of . in the excellent fuketian copy the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting , and this whole place is thus worded ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for some rejoyce as 't were on account of food : others are wont to run under those who are possessed of [ or , have procured ] patronage . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuketian copy and s r henry savil's have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lovers of true discourses . and in the same manner 't is mended in the margin of turnebus's book . but the common reading ( exprest in our version ) pleases me best , by reason of those words which immediately follow , to the end a tautology might be avoided . a little after , the fuketian copy and the kings sheets have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one body ; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the common editions . in the same copy i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for which reason they ought to fit and conform themselves to all men ; not as 't is commonly printed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † or , a friend of truth is rare . * or , brave exploit , viz. the union of the church . * or , in relation to peace . † or , cherished . † or , his own writing . * or , piously . † or , partly . ‖ or , multitudes . a indeed , eusebius did afterwards perform what he here promises ; and in a peculiar volume comprized all the letters and sanctions of the emperour constantine , which bore a reference to the catholick faith. this i am informed of from the medicaean copy ; wherein , at the close of his eccles. hist. constantine's letter to the palestinians is written out , which eusebius hath recorded in the foregoing book , and after the foresaid letter these words occur ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , let these things therefore be here placed by me . but come on now ; let us from another head [ or , beginning ] gather together the laws , and all the letters of our pious and most mild emperour [ written ] in defence of the true religion . vales. ‖ or , body . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first word ought , i think , to be expunged , as being superfluous ; unless it should be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on account of its memorableness . it may also be worded thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . turnebus at the margin of his copy hath made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a i supposed the word their was to be referred to the women which came early to the sepulchre of our lord. but christophorson referred it to those stony and incredulous persons , concerning whom eusebius hath spoken a little before ; which i approve not of . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , from what place soever they could get it . vales. * or , cover . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred this place very ill , in this manner ; tum detestabiles ibi victi●●as super impuras aras immolar● , also to offer detestable victims there upon impure altars . but the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does sufficiently shew , that e●sebius speaks not here concerning victims or beasts killed in sacrifice , but concerning libations ; to wit , wine , milk , and the like , which the heathens offered to their gods. besides , 't is wholly absurd , that victims should be killed upon the altars . for sacrifices were killed by , not upon the altars . this is a known verse of ovid ; rode caper vitem . tamen hinc cùm stabis ad aras , &c. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is imperfect , of which sort very many occur in these books of eusebius . it may , as i think , not unfitly be made good in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the like manner as 't is impossible , &c. indeed , eusebius's following words do most plainly confirm this our emendation . but christophorson has confounded all things here , as 't is apparent from his version . vales. † or , own. * military commanders . † or , matters . * or , daemons . * or , of the holy sepulchre of the holies . † or , instead of ; he means the heap of earth wherewith the heathens had filled that place . ‖ or , evidence . * or , overwhelmed with . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must doubtless be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which christophorson perceived not . the meaning of the place is this , that that restitution of the lord's sepulchre after so many ages , did really confirm the resurrection of our lord. in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in which manner turnebus had likewise mended it at the margin of his book , from a manuscript copy . in the kings sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henry savil had noted at the margin of his book , that perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , the saving doctrine of the faith. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in socrates , theodoret and nicephorus , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which i think to be truer . vales. b constantine here terms licinius the publick enemy ; after whose destruction , he says , the sacred sepulchre of our lord , which before had been concealed , was brought to the light and sight of men . licinius was slain on the year of christ , as 't is recorded in idatius ' fasti. and on that very year , when helena was come to jerusalem , the sepulchre of our lord was found . by the name of publick enemy , the devill might also be meant here , were not this contradicted by the following words . for the devill was not then finally vanquished and overcome , when the sepulchre of the lord was cleared from the filth and rubbish which covered it . besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , slaughter , is more appositely spoken of licinius , than concerning the devill . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rend ed it accordingly . vales. * the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith , authority , or credit , is wanting here ; which we have inserted from socrates booke . chap. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is to be mended from socrates and theodoret. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place must likewise be mended from socrates , theodoret , and nicephorus , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deputy to the most famous the praefecti praetorio . there a●e indeed two laws of constantine extant in the theodosian code , the one in the title de usuris , the other in that de haereticis , written to this dracilianus . the former has this inscription ; imp. constantinus aug. ad dracilianum agentem vices praefectorum praet . it was published at caesarea in palestine on the fifteenth of the calends of may , in the consulate of paulinus and julianus . but the second is said to have been published on the calends of september ▪ at generastum , constantinus augustus the seventh time and constantius caesar being coss. that is , on the year of christ . on which year also constantine wrote this letter to macarius bishop of jerusalem . further , 't is to be noted , that the praefecti praetorio are here termed clarissimi , most famous . for they had not yet received the dignity of the illustrissimate , [ or the title of most illustrious . ] moreover , in other of constantine's laws , the praefecti praetorio are stiled clarissimi , as it occurs in these books . but , as the praefecti praetorio had only the title of clarissimi in constantine's age , so the vicarii [ deputies ] of the praetorian praefecture were stiled only perfectissimi [ most perfect ] in the times of the same constantine ; as a letter to probianus proconsul of africk informs us . see athanasius's apologetick to constantius pag. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the form and delineation of the future work . in which sense 't is taken also in the letter of himerius the rationalis of alexandria to the praefect of mareotis , which athanasius records in his apologie , pag. . for , after he had said , that augustus and the caesars had permitted ischyras to build a church in his own village , he commands the praepositus of that village , forthwith to draw a modell of the future building , and send it to his office . see socrat. book . chap. . note ( x. ) vales. c this whole sentence is wanting here in the greek text of eusebius . it occurs in socrates book . chap. ; in theodoret book . chap. ; and in robert stephen's edition also at the said places of socrates and theodoret : but at this place 't is left out in robert stephens's edition . 't is inserted here in valesius's version ; from whom , and the forementioned authorities , we have put it into our translation . * or , inside of the roof . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the roofs of churches were usually adorned two ways . for they were either beautified with lacunariae , embowed or fretted-roofs , or else wrought with mosaick-work . as to the lacunaria , this place of constantine is an evidence . concerning the mosaick-work , procopius is to be consulted , in his first book de fabrick justiniani , where he describes the church of saint sophia . now the lacunaria were usually adorned two ways . for either they were gilded ; or painted , which pausias was the first inventer of , concerning whom pliny ( book , chap. , ) writes thus : idem & lacunaria primus pingere instituit : nec cameras ante eum taliter adornari mos fuit . isidorus ( book . of his origines , ) writes thus ; laquearia sunt quae camcram subtegunt & ornant ▪ quae & lacunaria dicuntur : quòd lacus quosdam quadratos vel rotundos ligno vel gypso vel coloribus habeant pictos , cum signis intermicantibus . which place of ifidor●● , salmasius does without cause find fault with , in his notes on flavius vopiscus , pag. ; where he denies that lacunaria were ever put under roofs . but pliny in express words affirms that very thing , as also constantine in this letter . the old authour of the questions upon the old and new testament , at question , has these words ; sicut enim ad ornamentum domus pertinet , si camera ejus habeat auro distincta laqucaria , &c. vales. † or , fretted . ‖ or , adorned . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place i followed the punctation of theodoret and nicephorus , who after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gilded with gold , set a point . all the translatours likewise before us did the same , saying musculus . but if any one had rather place the point after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus [ what remains , or , the rest of the building , may be also guilded with gold. ] then it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. besides , your holiness as soon as may be shall inform . as the reading is in the fuketian manuscript and in s r henry savil's ●opy . vales. * or , word . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius uses the same words in his panegyrick concerning constantine's tricennalia , towards the latter end of chap. . nor has christophorson translated it ill in both places , thus , salutare christi monumentum , the salutary monument of christ. indeed , above at chap. , eusebius terms the sepulchre of our lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the martyrium or monument of our saviour's resurrection . moreover , cyril of jerusalem , in his fourteenth catechesis , writes that the place of our lord's passion and resurrection is termed the martyrium . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words of eusebius , socrates has written out at chap. . book . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but the emperour's mother erected in the place of the sepulchre a most magnificent church , called it new-jerusalem , building it opposite to that old deserted [ jerusalem . ] which words of socrates are to be observed with more of attention . in the first place he attributes that to helena , which eusebius says was done by constantine . wherein he has followed the authority of rufinus , who ( book . chap. . of his eccles. history ) writes , that this church was built at jerusalem by helena . now , although it be of small moment , whether helena at the charge of the emperour constantine , or constantine himself by the care and diligence of his mother helena , be said to have built that church : yet 't is better to follow eusebius's opinion ; in regard he was both present at the things themselves , and also produces constantine's letter concerning the building of that church . 't is to be remarked also , that what eusebius had worded thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in or at the martyrium of our saviour ; that is thus expprest by socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the place of the sepulchre . but , what eusebius had expressed in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the new-jerusalem was built ; that socrates words thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. erected — a — church , called it new-jerusalem , building it opposite , &c : where any one may see that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called it , must be expunged . for that church was not termed new-jerusalem , as the translatour thought , and before him nicephorus ; but it was called the martyrium , or the basilica constantiniana , and anastasis . eusebius therefore and socrates do say only this , that constantine or helena , having erected that church which was a great and stately structure , built the new-jerusalem over against that old one , which heretofore had been ruined by the romans . which is most true . for from that time , the city aelia , its true and old name being by degrees abolished , began to be called jerusalem by the christians ; whenas notwithstanding , it really was not jerusalem , in regard it had been erected in another soil , and was built by a roman emperour ( who then was the bitterest enemy to the jews , ) with that design and intent , that the gentiles might inhabit it ; but , that the jews might be driven at the greatest distance from its entrance . further , i doubt not but eusebius alludes to that place which occurs in the revelation , chap. . vers . ; and i — saw the holy city , new-jerusalem coming down from god out of heaven , prepared as a bride adorned for her husband . vales. * or , last . † or , the salutary victory over death . ‖ or , with rich and abundant honours , or glories . * evangelized . * or , distinguished . * floor , or , bottom . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he seems to mean marble , or at least polisht stone like to marble . so in the following chapter eusebius uses these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the same . but christophorson has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eximious stone : portesius translates it excellent stone ; not well , as i think . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the atria ( courts ) of churches consisted usually of four porticus's , placed in form of a quadrangle . in the midst there was an open place , such a one as we now a days see in the cloysters of monks . eusebius informs us hereof , in the description of the church at tyre , which occurs in the tenth book of his eccles. history . but in the church at jerusalem , the frame or composure was different . for there were only three porticus's there , placed at the three sides . but in the fourth side , which was directly opposite to the sepulchre at the rising sun , instead of a porticus there was the church it self , as eusebius informs us in the following chapter . which seems to have been done for this reason , that the church it self might be enlightned with a larger light , no porticus on the outside giving any hindrance to the lights . vales. † or , ran out . * or , of the temple of the church . † or , royal church . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the ancients adorned walls with cut crusts of marble of a different colour , as i have noted at book . of amm. marcellinus , pag. . such crusts of marble as these they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see gregor . nazianz. in orat. ; and in his carmen anacreonticum ad animum suum . vales. * or , at the roofs themselves above . † finished , or fitted . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are , hesychius and the authour of the etymologicon do inform us ; who interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , tabellae , tecta laqueata , tablets , embowed roofs . eusebius uses the same word hereafter at chap. . hence therefore it appears , that the roof of the church was on the inside covered and adorned with a lacunar [ or embowed roof ▪ ] according to constantine's thoughts about it , as he attests in his letter to macarius . for on the outside it was covered with lead , to keep off showers . therefore the roof must necessarily have been framed of stone , which might bear up the lead laid upon it . vales. ‖ or , continued junctures . * bright , or clear . a there were four porticus's in the jerusalem-church ; to wit , two at each side of the church . for that 's the meaning of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides , the following words do manifestly evince this . for , of these porticus's eusebius says some were in the front of the church , that is more outward ; but others more inward . in the same manner there were four porticus's in the church of the apostles which was in the city rome , as prudentius attests in the passion of the apostles ▪ in these verses ; subdidit & parias fulvis laquearibus columnas distinguit illic quas quaternus orod . the same prudentius in the passion of hippolytus , writes thus concerning the church of saint hippolytus : ordo columnarum geminus laqucaria tecti sustin●t , auratis suppositus trabibus . adduntur graciles tecto breviore recessus , qui laterum scriem jugiter exsinuent . the same form may be seen in the greater churches amongst us , where four orders of pillars do make two porticus's on both sides . further , such porticus's as these seem to be termed gemellares in the itinerarium hierosolymitanum . interius verò civitatis sunt piscinae gemellares quinque porticus habentes . in which place nevertheless , 't is doubtfull , whither the pools themselves , or the porticus's are to be termed gemellares . and 't is better to understand the pools to be gemellares . for there were two pools , as jerome relates in his book de locis hebraicis , where he treats of bethesda . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred it xystos , which is ill done . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are by a synecdoche made use of to signifie porticus's . hesychius expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pillars which are set against [ or , turned towards ] a wall . but christophorson referred those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. at both the sides of the double portius's , &c : whereas , after the word sides , a comma is to be placed , as the reading is in the king 's and fuketian manuscript ; and those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the sides of the church are meant here ; which is confirmed from the tenth book of his eccles. history , where he describes the church of tyre in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the cloysters [ or , porticus's ] on both sides of the whole church . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius has treated above concerning the porticus's of the atrium . now he speaks concerning the porticus's of the church . and in the first place he says , that at each side of the church there were two porticus's . then he tells us , that those porticus's were partly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which i so render , as that those porticus's had two roofs ; and that some of them were equal to the floor of the church it self ; but that the other porticus's were placed above them ; such as we see in our churches . porticus's of this sort the ancients termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , double-roof't . gregory nazianzene ( orat. , pag. , where he describes a church built by his own father , ) has these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , rising to an height with the beauties of pillars and double-roof't porticus's . for in that place of gregory it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one word , which billius perceived not . we may also render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under-ground-porticus's . for in temples , porticus's of this sort were wont to be built , which aristides ( in his oration de cyziceno templo ) calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where he also says , that that temple was threefold , partly subterraneous , partly in the open air ; but , that the middle part of it was fitted for daily uses . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the outermost porticus's . so in the th book , speaking of the fountaines that were before the doors of the church at tyre , he says they were opposite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the front of the church . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at the margin of the moraean copy 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same with which is the reading in gruter's book . it might also be mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in regard the fuk. and savil. copies have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that reading is to be preferred . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it postes , posts ; extreamly ill : portesius translates better , pilas , piles . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are , procopius informs us in book . de fabricis justiniani , where he describes the church of saint sophia ; to wit , hills or heaps of stone , which he compares to certain rocks that underprop't the apsis [ bowing of the arch't roof . ] the latter grecians have termed them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as meursius has remarked in his glossary . they were therefore stony piles , so called as i think from their figure , because they were four-corner'd , like pessi or pessuli , bars or bolts . now , the inner porticus's , which were next to the sides of the church , were therefore underprop't with these pessi , because they bore up the roof of the church on each side ▪ which roof in height exceeded all the rest . vales. ‖ or , gates . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so he calls the altar of the church , because it was built in the form of an hemisphaere . hence 't is that he terms it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the whole work. for churches were therefore built , that upon the altar an unbloudy sacrifice might be offered to god. a little above eusebius has termed the sepulchre of our lord the head of the whole work : but now he gives the altar of the church that name ; which two differ widely one from the other . for the sepulchre of our lord is therefore called the head of the whole work , because it was the beginning and entrance [ or , porch ] as 't were of the whole fabrick , and because for the sake of that , constantine built the whole work . but the altar of the church is termed the sum of the whole work , in regard the whole work had a reference to that , and that was the complement of the whole structure , without which the church was imperfect . further , eusebius has improperly stiled it the hemisphaere , instead of the hemicycle , or rather the hemicylinder ; of which form the altar of saint sophia was , as procopius informs us book . de aedificiis . in turnebus's book at the margin 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in a more modern hand . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is the same as if he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the top . the hemisphaere was stretcht from the bottom to the top of the church . and in the bottom there were twelve pillars , placed in a semicircular form . procopius ( book . de aedificiis ) confirms this explication , where he describes the church of saint sophia : whose description it will be pleasant to compare with this narration of eusebius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may also be expounded in the upper end or top of the church , that so the meaning may be , that the altar was not placed in the middle of the church , but at the upper end or top of it . vales. * continued , or prolonged . † or , crowned . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson is grievously out , in rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portas atrienses , the gates of the atrium ; as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were all one . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is area , a court or court-yard . for that which in the contents of this chapter is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the text of the chapter is by eusebius called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he makes use of the same term in his description of the church at tyre , in the tenth book of his history , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the middle space he l●st open ; see book . chap. . note ( u. ) christophorson renders it aream , which is not ill done . portesius and musculus translate it subdivale spatium , a space that is vacant or abroad in the air , which is in my judgment better latine . for the latins called a clean place wherein corn was threshed , aream ; but not those which now a days we term curtes : yet use has prevailed , that area should be called curtes . graecians likewise term curtis ( wherein hens are fed and oxen stalled , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as apollonius informs us in book . argonautic . pag. ; and his greek scholiast , and harpocration in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the areae of churches are mentioned in law cod. theod. de his qui ad ecclesias confugiunt . ut inter templum quod parietum descripsimus cinctu , & januas primas ecclesiae , quicquid fuerit interjacens , five in cellulis , five in domibus , hortulis , balneis , areis atque porticibus , confugas interioris templi vice tueatur . the greek constitution there related runs thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. you see that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred areas . this law of theodosius is related in book . capitular . caroli m. tit. ; where nevertheless , instead of areae , atrium is made use of . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as musculus seems to have read ; and then it must be rendred thus , proceeding from hence to those passages which lie , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson and musculus render it right , atrium . indeed , the old translatour of the gospell , whereever the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs , renders it atrium . besides , in the old glosses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is expounded atrium . victorinus petabionensis on the revelation of saint john , says , aula atrium dicitur , vacua inter parietes area , aula is termed atrium , an empty space between walls . yet isidorus ( book . origin . ) distinguishes aula from atrium : but i agree rather with victorinus . in the itinerarie of antoninus the martyr , there is mention of the atrium of the constantinian church . further , notice is to be taken , that in the contents of this chapter , exhedrae is made use of instead of aula . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words seem to be transposed here ; which i would rather read thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in which place there were first the atrium , then the porticus's on both sides . for to those who went out of the church , first of all occurred the aula , then the porticus's on the right and left hand of the atrium , and after that the porch . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before the greater churches , for the most part there were streets , wherein was kept a market of things vendible , on the festival of that martyr to whom the church was dedicated . which thing the ancients therefore observed , that the sight of the porches might be fairer , and that there should be nothing which might hinder their lights . so at rome , before the church of the apostles there was a street , as prudentius attests . at alexandria also , there was a church at the great street , as athanasius informs us in his epistle ad solitar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be a scholion added to explain the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; unless you had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and then it must be rendred thus , in the very midst of the broad street , being most &c. vales. * or , sight . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the things seen within , as 't is mended at the margin of turnebus's copy . vales. * sacred presents , or , gifts . † or , rich. ‖ or , beauties . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cut . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ennobled , or , honoured ; as the reading is in his panegyrick concerning constantine's tricennalia , chap. ; where the same words are repeated . vales. * or , mystick . † or , honours . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as i found it written in the fuketian copy , and in the kings sheets . vales. b besides eusebius's testimony , there are many things which perswade us to think , that helena the mother of constantine was a woman of a singular prudence . for , whereas she had the emperour constantine always obedient to her , even to the very last day of her life ; this very one thing is an argument of her singular prudence . this also was an evidence of her great wisdome , that she abused not the riches of her son , and the height of the dignity of augusta , to luxury and voluptuousness ; but with her own liberality succoured the provinces , cities , and private persons . and whereas she entirely loved her own grand-children the sons of constantine , she took care of this above all , that no one of constantius's children brethren to constantine , should snatch the empire from them ▪ wherefore , as long as she lived , she always detained them exiles as 't were ; sometimes at toloùse in france , as ausonius writes ; otherwhiles , at corinth , as julianus relates in his letter to the corinthians . a fragment of which letter is extant in libanius , in his oration pro aristophane corinthio , pag. : where libanius terms helena 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a crafty mother-in-law , and attests , that by her advice and step-mother-hatred , constantius father to julian had been conveyed up and down this way and that way . vales. * in the greek 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , commonalty . † see the sept. vers . of psal. . v. . * or , of the birth . † or , of the ascent . ‖ or , god with us . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has not rightly exprest the force of the greek word ; who renders it in terris nasci , to be born — in the earth . for eusebius says more , viz. that the lord for our sake would be born in a cave under-ground . saint jerom's words in his epitaph of paula are these ; bethlehem & in specum salvatoris introi●ns , entring into bethlehem and into the cave of our saviour . and a little after ; orare in speluncâ , in quâ virgo puerp●ra dominum infantem fudit , to pray in the cave , wherein the child-bed-virgin brought forth the infant lord. whence by the by it appears , that where-ever eusebius has made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it ought to be rendred specum or speluncam , a cave . for so the latines term it , not antrum , a den , as christophorson renders it . vales. * or , studies of elegancy . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i approve not of christophorson's translation , who renders it aulaea . for aulaea befit a scene rather than agree with a church . i chose therefore to translate it vela , curtains ; for there were curtains in churches . and they were made use of both in the doors of churches ; ( concerning which see epiphanius in his epistle to john bishop of jerusalem , which letter saint jerome has done into latine ; ) and about the altar also , of which sort some are to be seen even at this time amongst us . further , the curtains which hung before doors , were by grecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word occurs in chosroes's letter recorded in theophilactus simocatta , book ; chap. . — &c. — see evagr. eccles. histor. book . , chap. ▪ note ( f. ) vales. † or , exalted the memory — by statley , &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some thing seems to be wanting here , or at least the words are transposed . therefore i would have the place restored thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , erecting a sacred , &c. but christophorson understood these words so , as if eusebius should say , that helena built two churches in the mount of olives ; one on the top , the other in the cave : which nevertheless i do not think to be true . for the authour of the jerusalem ▪ itinerarie tells us , that one church was built there by constantine . and eusebius in his panegyrick ( chap. . towards the end ; ) speaking of that martyrium which constantine built at jerusalem , expresses himself in the same manner as he does here ; viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. where you see , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are joyned , and used concerning one and the same church . and he terms the basilica , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because people came thither to pray ; but the whole sacred house ( which being inclosed within one circuit , contains within it self the atrium , porticus's , secrelaric , baptistcrie , and the church it self ; ) he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which eusebius does most plainly declare below , at chap. of this book , where he speaks concerning the dominicum aureum which constantine built at antioch . and thus the passage of eusebius in the close of his panegyrick concerning constantine's tricennaliae is to be explained ; as likewise a passage in his tenth book , and another in chap. . of this book ; where he joyns together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is something otherwise in the fifth law cod. theod. de his qui ad ecclesias consugiunt . for there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called the basilica or oratory where the altar is . but the church is termed that whole building within the circumference whereof are contained the atrium , porticus's , cells , baths , and lastly the oratory it self . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the author of the itinerarium hierosolymitanum has these words ; inde ascendis in montem oliveti , ubi dominus discipulos docuit ante passionem , thence you go up to mount olivet , where our lord taught his disciples before his passion . bede ( in his book de locis sanctis , chap. . ) has this passage ; tertia quoque ejusdem montis ad australem bethaniae partem ecclesia est , there is a third church a●so of the same mount at the south part of bethanie , where the lord before his passion spoke to his disciples concerning the day of judgment . he means the place in saint mathew chap. . this sermon therefore eusebius here terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , secret mysteries , because the lord then spake concerning secret things , viz. about the end of the world , concerning christ's coming , and the last judgment . for even the apostles came then to the lord secretly , as saint matthew says ; in regard they were desirous to know mysteries , and the revelation of things future , as jerome on mathew writes . but that which eusebius says ( viz. that our lo●d delivered these mysteries to the apostles in the cave , ) is not expresly recorded in the gospel . yea , the contrary seems possible to be made out from the gospel . for 't is related therein , that the city jerusalem was in sight to the disciples , when our lord preach't these things . they were not therefore in the cave , but in an open place . yet it may be answered , that that cave , had several holes , of which sort there were many caves in palestine , as the itineraries inform us . indeed , whereas saint matthew affirms , that the disciples came to our lord secretly , 't is probable that that discourse in the cave was made by our lord whilst he stayed there . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first word is to be expunged , as being superfluous . eusebius seems to allude to the usage of the gentiles , who performed their mithriaca sacra [ sacrisices in honour of the sun ] in a cave , as porphyry , ( in his book de abstinentia , ) jerome , and others inform us . the fuketian manuscript confirms our conjecture , in which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , companions . † or , the fruit . * or , magnificence of imperial power . † or , right hand . * or , she gave her self to be seen coming , &c. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius renders it sacella , chappell 's . ‖ or , grave , and mean , or , frugal . * or , emperour , monarch , and lord , &c. † or , so great . ‖ or , cherishing her with all , &c. * or , undergoe . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , her soul therefore was reformed , or , new-framed . these words seem to favour of origen's doctrine , to which our eusebius was too much addicted . for the souls of the blessed are not reformed into an angelick substance . indeed , origen believed , that in the resurrection , bodies would be turned into souls , and souls would be changed into angels , as saint jerome says some where . vales. a he means rome . for thither the dead body of helena augusta was carried , and after two years was conveyed to constantinople , as nicephorus tells us , book . chap. . but socrates ( book . chap. . ) transcribing eusebius's words , interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , new-rome . which errour of socrates , baronius does deservedly reprove , in regard by the name of the imperial city eusebius is always wont to mean rome . besides , constantinople was not yet dedicated , and therefore could not be called the imperial city , whenas then it was only old byzantium . nevertheless , cedrenus has followed socrates ; who also adds this , that helena died twelve years before constantine . by this computation helena must have died on the year of christ , or . on which year nevertheless , she is said by eusebius and rufinus to have gone to jerusalem . besides , after the death of crispus caesar and fausta augusta , helena was for some time alive , as zosimus attests , book . further , crispus was slain in the seventh consulate of constantinus augustus which he bore with constantius caesar , on the year of christ ; as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti. the death of helena therefore may rightly be assigned to the year of our lord , as sigonius thinks , book . de imperio occidentali . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 't is referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we have rendred it . and so i found it mended in moraeus's book , at the margin . nor is it otherwise written in the fuk. and savil. copies , and in the kings sheets . vales. * or , these things . † or , worthy of emulation . * churches . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is far more elegant . so indeed it occurs written in the fuketian copy , and in the kings sheets . vales. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the gore of bloud . * image . † or , fountains . † or , symbols . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and t is referred to those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , daniel likewise . but the ordinary reading pleases me better , in regard it occurs both in the kings copy , and in the old sheets . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , representations . so that , it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ the effigies ] of daniel likewise . vales. ‖ or , spangles . * or , made . a he means nicomedia , which was the head-city of bithynia . in which city constantine had compelled licinius , besieged therein to a surrendry . in memory therefore of that victory , constantine built a church at nicomedia . see sozomen , book . chap. . vales. * or , large . † or , out of his own treasures . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . except you had rather read thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading indeed displeases me not . in the kings copy 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. † or , matchless . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in his panegyrick , chap. , whence these words are transcribed , eusebius has termed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have rendred it basilica the cathedral or church it self ; not the sanctuary , as christophorson translates it . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of the same figure was that church , which nonnus father to gregory nazianzene built in the town of nazianzum , as gregory himself attests in his funeral oration concerning the praises of his own father , pag. . these temples were termed octachora . this old inscription occurs in gruter's thesaurus , pag. ; octachorum sanctos templum surrexit in usus . octagonus fons est munere dignus eo . now , that is a templum octachorum , which hath eight sides rising from the bottom to the very top . from the same reason altars are termed trichora , in paulinus's epistle ; that is , trino sinuata recessu , bent or embosomed with a triple recess , as the same paulinus expresses himself , in his natale of saint felix . cedrenus ( at the th year of constantine , ) terms that church which had been built by constantine at antioch , octagonum dominicum , the eight-cornered church . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in eusebius's panegyrick , at the chapter just now cited , the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so eusebius terms them , in his description of the church at tyre , which you have in the tenth book of his ecclesias . history . what an exedra is , valafridus strabo tells us , in his book de rebus ecclesiasticis , chap. : exedra est absida quaedam , seperata modicum quidem a templo vel palatio : dicta inde , quòd extra haereat . graecè autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocatur ; an exedra is a certain outward building , separated a little from the temple or palace : thence so termed , because it sticks without . in greek 't is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strabo is indeed mistaken , because he understood not , that exedra was a greek word : but he is not at all mistaken in the origine of that word . for , 't is truly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exedra , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from its being without the seat . for so more outward houses were termed ▪ which were usually built within the circuit of a church , wherein 't was lawfull to sit , and take rest , as eusebius tells us . concerning these exedrae , saint austin speaks in his book de gestis cum emerito donatista ▪ caesareae in ecclesia majori , &c. at caesarea , in the greater church , when deuterius metropolitane bishop of caesarea , together with alipius , angustinus . possidius , rusticus and the other bishops had gone forth into the exedra , &c. in the concilium namnetense , canon th , there is mention of an exedra . prohibendum etiam secundùm majorum instituta , ut in ecclesia nullatenus scpeliantur , sed in atrio aut porticu , aut in exedris ecclesiae ; it is to be forbidden also , according to the orders of our ancestours , that they should in no wise bury [ or be buried ] in the church , but in the atriu●● ▪ or porticus , or in the exedrae of the church . so the reading is in the manuscript copy belonging to the bibliotheca puteana . see jerome on the th chapter of ezechiel . — further , the fuketian and savilian copies have it written right here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , places . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see what we have noted at chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are houses whereto we go up no stairs ; to which are opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , chambers , or upper rooms . although by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you may here understand cryptae , vaults or rooms under ground . vales. ‖ or , abundance of much gold. g for this reason that church was termed dominicum aureum , the golden church . jerom in the chronicon at the d year of constantine ; antiochiae dominicum quod vocant aureum , aedificari coeptum ; at antioch the dominicum which they term aureum , was begun to be built . it was consecrated in the reign of constantius , on the fifth year after constantine's death . vales. † or , crowned it with the beauties of brass , &c. * or , imperial authority . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a more rational sermon . so also eusebius has before termed constantine's letters , because in those letters constantine seemed in a manner to preach . such is constantine's speech to the convention of the saints , and almost all his letters , which are recorded partly by eusebius , and partly by others . for in all these , constantine , although as yet but a catecbumen , plays the doctour . indeed ▪ it can't be denyed , but constantine was a man full of god , and was sent by god in order to the propagation of the christian faith ; to which single person , next to the apostles , we owe very much . yet in ecclesiastick affaires , he took something more upon himself , than might befit a prince that was a laick ; the bishops permitting him all things , and rejoycing greatly with themselves , because they saw an emperour a christian. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the rendition of this place all the translatours , portesius , musculus and christophorson , have been mistaken ; they rendring it curam & solicitudinem , care and solicitude ; as if the reading had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but constantine speaks of his mother-in-law , to wit , eutropia syra , to whom fausta the wife of constantine was daughter . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in greek a mother-in-law , as the old glosses inform us , wherein 't is thus read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a father-in-law , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mother-in-law . indeed , the following words do plainly confirm our explication . for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by her letters to us she hath made known . he means the letters which his mother in law eutropia had sent to him . wherefore christophorson's emendation is to be rejected , who hath corrected it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to you . moreover , these following words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. do sufficiently shew the very same thing . for who would say concerning care and solicitude , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the foresaid care and solicitude ? that would have been altogether trifling and foolish . but in our version all things are plain and clear . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred our foresaid mother in law ; who by reason of her piety and religion could not hide so great an impiety , but by letter declared it to her son-in-law constantine , that at length he might remedie this mischief . eutropia therefore was a christian , as we learn from this place . her daughter fausta also profest the christian faith , and together with her husband constantine was buried in the church of the apostles . further , i must not omit what i found noted at the margin of the kings copy . for there , over against the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of a scholion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mother was written ; as if constantine meant his own mother helena ; which explication i don't approve of . 't is certain , sozomen says it was the emperour constantine's mother-in-law , who , when she was come to the oak mamre , and had found there the detestable impieties of the heathens , gave constantine an account of that affair . see sozomen , book . chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , favour — towards us . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 towards you ; although the common reading may be born with . further , by a small transposition of the words , i would have the beginning of this letter read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. this was one and the greatest favour , &c. the other reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. a this place was likewise called terebinthus , distant from the city jerusalem about thirty miles , as we are told by the authour of the jerusalem itinerarie , who lived in the times of constantine the great . his words are these . inde terebintho millia . ubi abraham habitavit , &c. thence to terebinthus nine miles ; where abraham dwelt , and dug a well under a turpentine tree , and spake with the angels , and took food . there a church is built by constantine's order , of a wonderfull beauty . then from terebinthus to chebron , two miles ; where there is a monument [ or , memory ] built four-square [ or , by a four-square-figure ] of stones , of a wonderfull beauty , wherein are laid abraham , isaac , jacob , &c. sozomen also , book . chap. , relates that that place was termed terebinthus . now , this place was so called from a turpentine-tree , which was said to be the oldest tree there , and to have stood from the very beginning of the world , as josephus attests in his fifth book of the jewish wars . although others said it was the staff of one of the angels which appeared to abraham , from which staff thrust into the ground sprang up a turpentine-tree . so georgius syncellus tells us in his chronicon . but 't is strange , ( whereas there was an oak there under which abraham had pitcht his tent , as we read gen. . ) why that place should have taken its name from a turpentine-tree , rather than from an oak . vales. in our english bibles , at genesis , there is not the least mention of an oak , but of a tree only , at verse . nor does saint jerom , in his translation , term it an oak . indeed , in the version of the , ( at gen. . . ) we have these words ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the oak mambre : but the expression in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plaines of mamre . the seventy two were belike of opinion , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the determination whereof is left to the learned . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy , the fuk. manuscript , and in the kings sheets , 't is truer written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is ( she says ) — defiled : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mother-in-law , is understood . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you must again understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mother-in-law . our mother-in-law ( says constantine ) has related to us , that there is an altar there , whereon impure sacrifices are offered . vales. d i suppose , that the pictures of the angels are meant , which had appeared there to abraham . for the heathens worshipped these pictures . moreover , the heathens worshipped the turpentine-tree it self , as eusebius informs us in his fifth book demonstr . evangel ; chap. . which place scaliger ( in his animadversions on eusebius , pag. . ) took in a wrong sense . for he thought , that that turpentine-tree had had the highest honour imaginable paid to it by the christians ; and he cites eusebius as the relatour of that thing . but eusebius speaks of the heathens there , not concerning the christians . for after he had said ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherefore , to this present time , this place is adored , as being divine , by those that dwell near it ; and the turpentine-tree is visible , which as yet stands : he adds ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the angells , which were entertained by abraham , are painted in a table there , on each side one ; but he in the middle is made better , and exceeds in honour : he is our forementioned lord himself , our saviour , whom they ignorantly worship . you see eusebius does here plainly speak of the heathens , who were ignorant of christ. for this cannot be spoken of the christians . our opinion is confirmed by sozomen , book . chap ; where he discourses at large concerning that market kept at the terebinthus . for he writes , that every year in summer time , jews , christians , and pagans came thither out of palestine , phoenice , and arabia , partly on account of trade , and partly for religion ; and , that all these celebrated a festival after their own way . for the heathens ( he says ) adored the angells , offering to them sacrifices , and meat and drink-offerings . the pictures therefore of the angells were there , to which the pagans offered victims . saint jerom de locis hebraicis , where he treats concerning arboch , writes in this manner . quercus abraham quae & mambre , the oak of abraham , which is also called mambre , was to be seen there untill the times of the emperour constantine ; and his sepulchre is at present visible . and in regard a church is now built there by us , terebinthus [ the turpentine-tree ] is superstitiously worshipped by all the nations round , because under that abraham heretofore entertained the angells . saint jerom has added many things here of his own head . for eusebius himself , in his book de locis hebraicis , has only these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. arbo . this is chebrom , now a great village , heretofore a metropolis , the ancient habitation of the strange nations [ or , philistines , ] and gyants , and after that the royal city of david . it was in the alotment of the tribe judah , and was one of the cities set out to the levites , one of the cities of refuge also , distant from aelia at the north two and twenty miles . the oak of abraham and his sepulchre are to be seen there , and the terebinthus [ turpentine-tree ] is manifestly worshipped by our enemies , as likewise the angells entertained by abraham . heretofore its name was arbo , afterwards 't was called chebrom , from chebrom one of the sons of caleb , as 't is in the chronicles . a famous passage this ; which totally overthrows scaliger's opinion , and does egregiously confirm our explication . for eusebius says , that the terebinthus and the angells were superstitiously worshipped there by our enemies ; which is the appellation he gives to the heathens and jews . this passage of eusebius is also cited by damascenus , book . de imag. vales. e concerning this altar eustathius speaks in his hexameron , which he says was standing in his time , as also the terebinthus it self . whence it appears , that this work of eustathius's was written before constantine had given order for the demolishment of that altar . in sozomen's age , neither the altar , nor the terebinthus was standing . nevertheless , the superstition of the heathens continued in that place , as jerom attests . so difficult a matter it is wholly to pluck up the roots of superstition ! we must not omit what antoninus the martyr hath written concerning this place , in his itinerarie . de bethleem , says he , usque ad radicam mambre sunt millia viginti quatuor : &c. from bethlehem unto the root of mambre there are twenty four miles : in which place rest the bones of abraham , jsaac , jacob , sarah , and joseph . there is a church built [ per quadrum ] in a four-square-figure , and in the middle an uncovered atrium : and thorow the midst of the rails on one side the christians enter , on the other the jews , carrying in much incense . for , the interment of jacob and david in that ground , is most devoutly celebrated on the first day after our lord's nativity ; in so much that , a multitude meets together from all parts of the land of the jews , carrying incense and lights . and they bestow gifts , and worship there . see jerom in epitaphio paulae . vales. * or , performed . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disagreeable to our times to our empire . christophorson expunged the four first greek words , and they are wanting in the kings , fuketian , and savil. manuscripts . but if the matter were to be determined by me , i would rather blot out the following words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to our empire ; which , in my judgment , are added instead of a scholion , in order to the explaining of the former words . graecians do elegantly term the time of any one's empire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , the emperours were mightily ambitious of this , that the felicky and clemency of their own times might be celebrated . nothing occurs more frequently in the latine historians , and in the laws of the emperours . in philostratus ( book . de vitis sophistarum , where he speaks of heliodorus ; ) this word is corrupted . for when heliodorus had begun his oration in the emperour's presence , philostratus says that the emperour arose on a sudden , and cryed out , such a man , the like to whom i have not yet seon ! the glory and ornament of my times ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for so the reading should be . constantine makes use of this very term in his letter to the hereticks , which occurs at the end of this book . wherefore ▪ i am of opinion , that the common reading is to be retained : and that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are transpos'd , and must be placed after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus ; wherefore , in regard in this our empire , this thing , &c. vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript and the kings sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our friend . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , it shall be capitall for all those , &c. wherefore , there is no need of christophorson's emendation here , viz ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we judge him worthy of punishment , who , &c. nevertheless , there is another reading in the fuk. savil. and turneb . copies ; which 't is better to follow here . a little after , from the fuk. copy make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which place moreover , &c. vales. though valesius preferres the reading in the fuk. savil . and turneb . copies here ; yet he has not shown us what it is . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is fit , as christophorson seems to have read . in the kings sheets i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as i had conjectured . vales. * or , statues . † vanquish , or , overthrow . * or , made naked . † or , images . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sozomen ( book . chap. , where he has in a manner transcribed this whole passage of eusebius ) words it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the streets , and in the cirque , and in the pallace ▪ vales. b themistius ( in his fifth oration to theodosius , ) is a witness , that the statues of the muses were in the curia of constantinople . the same authour , in his oration to the senate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says that these statues were placed on this and that side , in a double number ; so that they were not now nine , but eighteen . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constantine ordered the brazen statues of the gods to be brought to byzantium , that he might beautifie that city with these sort of spoyles . but whatever statues were made of gold or silver , them he ordered to be melted down , and coyned into money , as sozomen relates , book . chap. . who explains this passage of eusebius excellently well . concerning this demolishment of the temples and destruction of the statues , our eusebius has a passage in his second sermon de resurrectione . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things made up so , as to affright the beholders . d after these words [ opened to all men , ] those which follow , as far as [ moreover , this admirable emperour , &c. ] are wanting in the kings copy , and in robert stephens's edition . but they are added by gruter , portesius , christophorson , and others , from eusebius's panegyrick , and from manuscript copies . indeed , we found them in the fuketian copy ; and s r henry savil hath given us notice , that the same words are extant in his copy . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the panegyrick , chap. . whence these words are taken , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made a discovery of ; which reading in my judgment is truer . vales. † or , tried it in the furnace and in the fire . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in eusebius's panegyrick chap. . the reading of this place is fuller , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moreover , this admirable . emperour performed another thing like hereto . in moraus's copy i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ▪ moreover , at that time , &c. in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also 't is in s r henry savils copy , but without the apocope . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. johannes portesius renders it , ad alia perrouit , he proceeded to others . christophorson translates it , reliquas aggressus est statuas , he set upon the other statues . in the same sense namely , with that eusebius had said above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was revenged another way . vales. * walk't up and down in , or , was conversant in . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so themistius does likewise term constantinople , in his th oration , about the close of it ; to wit , on account of the beauty and magnificence of the publick works , which constantine had most gorgeously erected there . for he had spoiled all cities , towns , places , and temples , that he might beautifie that city which bore his own name . therefore jerome has with good reason affirmed in his chronicon , that constantinople had been dedicated by the nakedness of almost all cities . vales. b concerning this temple of venus aphacitis , zosimus is to be consulted in his first book ▪ and the authour of the etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as also suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and m r selden in syntagm . . de diis syris . further , in the fuketian manuscript the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of [ mount ] libanus in aphaca . but in the kings sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in part of the top of libanus which [ top ] is in aphaca . vales. * sloth , or , pleasure . † or , dignity . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; valesius renders it , muliebria patientes . * or , copulations of women . † horrible . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without a governour ▪ as the reading is in his panegyrick , chap. ▪ ● where this whole passage occurs . yet in the fuketian copy ▪ 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deserted , in the panegyrick also . a little before it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the reading is in the panegyrick . vales. * or , instruments . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . neither christophorson no● portesius understood the true import of this word . for this term does not barely signifie to lie down and sleep , but to sleep in a temple . this was an usage of the heathens , to lodge all night in the temple , expecting dreams and cures from their gods. of which thing innumerable instances occur in ancient writers , but especially in aristides , in his orationes saerae . the latines termed it incubare . plautus's words in his curculio are these ; ides fit , quia hic leno agrotus incubat in aesculapii fane . solinus , chap. . epidauro decus est aesculapii sacellum , eui incubantes , &c. see saint jerom on the th chap. of esaiah . vers . . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson was egregiously mistaken in referring these words to aesculapius , whenas they are spoken of the emperour constantine , as i have exprest it in my version . 't is certain , in the fuketian and turnebian copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the emperour behaving , &c. vales. c he means apollonius tyaneus , concerning whom philostratus relates in his first book , that he was a long time resident in the temple of aesculapius at aegae , as the guest of that very god. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the excellent fuketian manuscript , this place is far otherwise exprest . for , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek [ or , souldiers in the english version ] that copy places a full point . then , it has the following passage worded in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because 't was manifest from the facts , that no daemon lay lurking within it ; nor a god ; but a deceiver of souls , who for an exceeding long , &c. the four last words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which are wanting in the ordinary editions , turnebus had likewise added at the margin of . his book , from a manuscript copy . presently , where the reading in the common editions is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. thus therefore he , who promised that he would free others from their illnesses , &c : the fuketian copy has it thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for he who had promised that he would free others from their illnesses and calamity , himself found nothing for his own defence . which reading seems to me fitter and better . in the kings sheets also i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is wanting in the kings copy , and may perhaps be understood . but the other copies acknowledge it . in the close of this chapter , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fuketian copy has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f the story is this , this aesculapius , by the entreaty of diana , restored to life hippolitus who had been torn in pieces by horses ; whereat jupiter being angry , killed him with thunder . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of our country emperour . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the king 's , fuketian , and savilian copies 't is truer written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which word christophorson renders thus , calvae praestigiatorum dolis callidè obtectae , skulls craftily covered by the frauds of conjurers . which translation i approve not of ; and had rather render it subreptae , stoln , or else adornatae & ad malesicia comparatae , trimmed and made ready for mischievous facts . for bones and skulls are the instruments of conjurers , whereof they made use in order to their mischievous acts . vales. * or , inaccessible recesses . b in his panegyrick concerning constantine's tricennalia , chap. , these words are placed otherwise , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no daemon , no god , no utterer of oracles , no prophet : which i do indeed like better . vales. a this whole passage , as far as the heathens who honoured , &c ▪ is wanting in the kings copy and in robert stephens's edition . but it has been added by learned men , from the authority of manuscripts . turnebus and s r henry savil found it in their copies ; and we also saw it written in the fuketian copy , at the margin . but the reading in the fuketian manuscript is larger by one word , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is wanting in the kings copy and stephens's edition . wherefore 't is to be considered , whether we had not better read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the first place . but , whereas the turnebian , savilian , and fuketian manuscripts do defend the writing of the geneva edition , i am of opinion , that it is to be retained . vales. * or , sent. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so eusebius is wont to express himself , as i have remarked above . and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means basilicam , a church ; but by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the whole compass or inclosure of the church , that is , the porch , atrium or court , porticus's , exhedrae , baptisteries , and the other edifices which are wont to be annext to churches . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d any one may , not without reason , wonder , why eusebius should say it was a thing unheard-of by all ages , that a city addicted to the superstitious worship of daemons , should receive a church and a bishop . for that had hapned to other cities also at that time . but perhaps eusebius means , that this was a thing new and unheard-of , that a church of god had been built in that city , wherein as yet there was no christians , but all persons equally adored idols . this church therefore was built by constantine at heliopolis , in hope rather than for necessity ; to wit , that he might invite all the citizens to the profession of the christian religion . a little after , the reading in the fuketian manuscripts is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truer than in the ordinary editions , where 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * philip. . . † or , wearied out with . ‖ or , encompassed . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from socrates book . chap. . but this whole place is thus to be restored from the fuketian , savil. and turnebian copies : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for the people , &c , as we have rendred it . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it ill , milites praesidiarios , the souldiers in garrison . for the milites praesidiarii were in castles , not in cities . i suppose therefore that those souldiers are meant , who had performed their service in the wars ; as likewise the officials of the comes of the east , and of the consularis of syria . vales. c he means eustathius bishop of antioch , as 't is apparent from the contents of this chapter . whom when the eusebians [ that is , the party of eusebius bishop of nicomedia ] had by fraud and calumny ejected out of his own see , a great tumult was raised at antioch . this hapned on the year of christ , ( as may apparently be gathered from philostorgius's second book ; ) or on the year , as theodoret seems to assert , book . chap. . for he writes , that meletius was translated to the see of antioch thirty years after eustathius's deposition . now , 't is manifest that meletius was translated to antioch on the year of christ . wherefore , i can't assent to the most illustrious cardinal baronius , who being always angry with our eusebius , whilst he refuses to follow his account , hath confounded all things . for he says that this tumult hapned at antioch on the year of christ , that is on the very year before the nicene synod , then , when eustathius was created bishop of antioch : whereas socrates , sozomen , and theodoret do attest , that this tumult had hapned at the deposition of this eustathius . but baronius proves by most evident arguments , as he himself supposes , that eustathius was ejected out of the see of antioch , not under the reign of the emperour constantine , but in that of constantius . let us see therefore , with what arguments he endeavours to make this out . in the first place he cites a passage out of athanasius's epistle ad solitarios , about the beginning . fuit , says he , quidam eustathius episcopus antiochiae , &c. there was one eustathius bishop of antioch , a person famous for consession , &c. whom the men of the arian opinion had accused to constantius by a forged calumny in such a manner , as if he had been contumelious towards the emperours mother . but i affirm , that in this passage of athanasius , instead of constantius , constantine is to be written . which emendation is confirmed by those words immediately added concerning the emperour's mother . for he means helena , who about this time had come into the east . for these words can't in any wise be meant of fausia , who had been put to death above twenty years before , if we follow baronius's computation . but the passage of saint jerom , out of his book de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , makes little for baronius , in regard in the old editions , as also in that of lyons which i have , 't is plainly written , sub constantino principe missus est in exilium , was sent into exile under the emperour constantine . wherefore , i had rather follow eusebius here , than baronius . nor do i see , how so great stirs could have been made at the creation of eustathius , ( of which stirs there is mention in the emperour ▪ constantine's letter , ) that to appease them a comes was to be sent , and so many letters written by the emperour . besides , constantine says in his letter , that he had publickly heard him who had been the authour of that whole sedition ; to wit , eustathius , whom he had ordered to come to court , and had banisht him into thracia . and this athanasius in his before-mentioned letter , accounts as the first exploit of the arians ; which thing is to be remarked . for this was done before the synod of tyre , which was convened against athanasius , that is before the year of christ . athanasius therefore does right in beginning the history of the war which the arians brought upon the catholick church , from eustathius's deposition , as from the first exploit of the arians : which having succeeded according to their wish , they thought that all other matters would in future be ready and easie . further , baronius's opinion is refuted as well from what we have said above , as from this , because flaccillus ( who after paulinus and eulalius succeeded eustatbius , ) is mentioned amongst those bishops present at the synod at tyre , by athanasius in his apology to the emperour constantius ▪ as jacobus gothofredus has well observed in his dissertation● on the second book of philostorgius . vales. † or , accused . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as christophorson seems to have read ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. * or , to the prudence and wisedom of the world . † or , by the law. ‖ or , have made use of . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is corrupted ; the meaning of it i have pick't out as well as i could . and in the first place , i think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wonder not therefore . then , a little after write thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to whom one , as the reading is in the excellent fuketian copy , whereto s r henry savil's , and turnebus's book do in part agree . vales. * or , an occasion of salvation . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words scaliger and others have inserted these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i found written also in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 's book . but i can't approve of this their conjecture . for , what should the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be ? i had much rather read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than with a joy , &c. for , constantine says that it does not become christians to grieve at the blessings of others , and to draw away the bishops of neighbouring cities from their own churches , because they may be eminent for knowledge and virtue . for the antiochians would have done that ; who , after they had deposed eustatbius , requested , that eusebius bishop of caesarea might be made their prelate . in the fuketian copy , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is a point set at the top . then the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nor is it otherwise in turnebus's copy . s r henry savil had mended it thus at the margin of his copy ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which reading , whether it proceeded from conjecture , or was taken out of some manuscript copy , i can't approve of . indeed i had rather reade thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that the meaning may be the same with that which i have set above . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson did not rightly understand this place . for constantine means that earnestness or vehemency of their minds , wherewith the antiochians had purposed to procure eusebius to be their bishop . as a little afterwards by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the judgment wherewith they had elected the same person . i read therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and because 't is our desire that your judgment , &c : as the reading is in the fuketian and turneb . copies . vales. † or , a more beautifull direction . ‖ or , discourse . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the old sheets of the king's library the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which pleases me mightily . but the fuk. savil . and turneb . copies give us another reading ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vov , earnestly hastning to . in the fuketian copy i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vov 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it might also be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vov , who am raised . vales. * or , the better . † or , image . ‖ or , sins . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a most elegant sentence , which christophorson understood not . indeed to me , says constantine , he seems to have conquered victory her self , who is earnestly studious of peace . therefore , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ or , endeavour , in our version ] a point must be placed ; as 't is in the kings and fuketian copy , and in the old sheets . vales. * or , more earnestly strives for peace . * or , weakened . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that is , every one should be contented with their own limits . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a boundary or limit of grounds ; whence those writers are termed g●omatici , who have written concerning the boundaries of fields . after the same way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is promiscuously taken amongst graecians , as well for a sentence , as a limit . for as a limit does bound fields , so does a sentence terminate strifes and controversies . further , in my judgment it should be writen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although in the fuketian and turneb ▪ copies the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor enjoy all their domestick , &c. vales. † or , proposed . ‖ eusebius . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; valesius renders it , neither roughness nor violence . † or , are to be accounted of equal price ; so valesius . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to another injury . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the injury of others . 't is not becoming , says constantine , that a deliberation of this nature about the choosing a bishop into eustathius's place , should bring an injury upon others . nor ought ye to spoil other churches . a little after , i am of the same opinion with scaliger and christophorson , who have mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so i found it written in the fuk. and savil. copies , and in the old sheets . vales. in robert stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , whether they be inhabitants of a lesser city , such as is caesarea ; or of a greater city , of which sort is antioch . all , says he , as well the citizens of smaller , as of greater cities , are equal with god. wherefore lesser towns are not to be deprived of their bishops . constantine had said the same a little before ; namely , that ecclesiastick honours are all equal , and are to be accounted of equal value . vales. * decrees † or , law. k these words may be referred to the preceding period . and so after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a full point is to be set , and the place rendred thus : so that some persons ( as to what relates to the common faith , ) are in no wise inferiour to others , if we should plainly speak the truth . wherefore , this is not to detain a man , but to take him away by force , &c. and thus this place is pointed in the old sheets . vales. * or , multitudes . † or , nature . ‖ or , ingenuity . l from these words it may be gathered , that our eusebius had come to antioch together with the rest of the bishops , who in a synod had condemned eustathius bishop of antioch ; and that the antiochians , after eustathius's deposition , had a mind to keep him with them . this is what constantine has said above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this is not a detention , but rather the taking away of a man by violence . theodorei tells us the same , book . chap. . vales. * or , probity . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consider , is to be understood in common . but if any one has a mind to defend the common reading , i shall not much resist him . vales. † or , unjust . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and from the comparing of several persons together . it would doubtless be better to read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , from the collision of many men , sparks and flames are usually raised . the fuketian copy hath at length confirmed our conjecture to us ; wherein i found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * knocking , or , beating together . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders this place thus : ex qu● portu sordibus seditionis praeteritae ejectis , pacato mentis statu concordiam in earum locum inducite : out of which port having ejected the filth of your past sedition , in place thereof do you bring in concord with a calm temper of mind . but in this version , there are many things which i can't approve of . for first , i am not pleased with his making 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mean the filth of sedition . in my judgment constantine seems to hint at that cause , on account whereof eustathius had been deposed ; to wit , the debauching of a certain woman ; concerning which whoredome consult theodoret , book . chap. . the same thing is likewise intimated by constantine a little after this , where he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , for , whatever could any way defile the vessel , is drawn out by the pump as ' t were . at which place nevertheless , christophorson does again render it the filth of sedition . but , how filth can be a term properly used in reference to sedition i can't indeed perceive . but no body can doubt , but it may be very proper'y spoken in reference to that incontinency wherewith eustathius was charged . there is a metaphor here , taken from ports , which are wont to be cleansed , as often as they are stopt up with sand , mud ; or such like filth . now , those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendred adverbially ; and so the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which displeases me not . may i so please god ▪ says constantine , as i love you , and the port of your lenity , after having cast out that filth , you have brought in concord with good morals . indeed , this meaning pleases me much better than the common reading . for now the antiochians were quiet , and the sedition was appeased , at such time as constantine wrote this letter ▪ as 't is apparent from its beginning . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , steering a celestial course to the light it self . i think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a prosperous course . for 't is a metaphor taken from navigation . in sophocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used to signifie a happy voyage by sea ; and a ship which sails with a prosperous gale of wind , is by graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this whole letter is in many places faulty ; but especially this clause does abound with mistakes . for , what is the meaning of these words ? i doubt not but it must be read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , convey on boord , &c. constantine does here make use of a continued metaphor taken from navigation , and compares christians to merchants who make voyages on account of trade . saile on , says he , with a prosperous course to the eternal light , having erected the flag of the cross in your ships , and carry on boord your vessel the incorruptible goods . for now , whatever could have endammaged the ship , is pumpt out . thus , by making a small , and in a manner no alteration , the meaning does now appear elegant and plain . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written in on word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as s r henry savil had mended it in his copy . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the close of this letter is in my judgment thus to be restored ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which reading i have followed in my version ▪ constantine terms ▪ the desire which the antiochians had manifested towards eusebius ▪ when they coveted him to be their bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an inconsiderate desire . the affection of the antiochians towards eustathius may also be meant ; at whose deposition they were vext , and had raised a sedition . in the fuk. sav. and turneb . copies , this place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the reading is plainer which we found in the old sheets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a this title was written by eusebius himself , as 't is apparent . for he himself says concerning himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to us . wherefore , there was no need of any other title . further ▪ hence it may be plainly gathered , that these books were written by eusebius bishop of caesarea . which , notwithstanding it may be proved by innumerable arguments and testimonies ; yet i wonder at james gothofred , who has been so bold as to deny it . in the fuketian copy , which has the contents or titles prefixt before every chapter , these words are wanting . but in the kings sheets they are written at the margin . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . baronius ( at the year of our lord , number , ) expounds these words thus . constantine , says he , terms the care of the antiochian church the bishoprick of the whole church ; because antioch was the metropolis of all the east . but , with the favour of that great person be it spoken , there seems to be another sense of these words . for whereas all cities were desirous of having eusebius their bishop , as constantine attests a little after , eusebius was by the consent of all worthy of the episcopate of the whole world . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy and that of s r henry savil , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i should choose to write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which hath &c. a little before , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fuketian and savilian copies add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is an eminent degree of piety . vales. * or , purity . † or , consultation . a this theodotus was bishop of laodicea in syria ; narcissus was bishop of neronades in cilicia ; aëtius was bishop of lydd● in palestine : all favourers of the arian party . who , when they were come to antioch , together with eusebius bishop of nicomedia , and eusebius caesariensis , deposed eustatbius , as theodoret relates eccles. hist. book . chap. . but aëtius betook himself afterwards to the side of the orthodox , as philostorgius attests , book . chap. ▪ and also athanasius . now , alpheus bishop of apamea in syria , and lastly theodorus prelate of sydon in phoenice are named amongst the bishops who subscribed to the nice●e synod . concerning theodotus , athanasius speaks also , in his book de synodis arimini & seleuciae . vales. b concerning acacius comes of the east , if i mistake not , constantine speaks above in his letter to macarius bishop of jerusalem , chap. . but strategius is he , who by another name was called musonianus ; concerning whom i have made several remarks in my notes on the th book of amm. marcellinus , pag. . he had been sent to antioch by the emperour constantine , to appease the tumult there , as eusebius has said above ; see chap. . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prudence of your desire . i would more willingly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the desire of your prudence . further , from these words ( which are ill understood by christophorson ) it appears , that the bishops who had been convened at antioch , had by their letter requested of constantine , that according to the desire of the antiochian people , and themselves , eusebius might be translated to the see of antioch . therefore those words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are taken out of the letter of the bishops convened at antioch , which they sent to the emperour constantine . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am not displeased with the conjecture of learned men , who have mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , indeed eusebius's &c. the place might likewise have been restored thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. but the former reading is confirmed by the authority of the fuketian and savilian copies . only the postpositive article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be expunged , which occurs not in the fuketian copy . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and s r henry savils copy , the reading of this place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for it hapned that there have come to me euphronius which reading christophorson has followed . but the common reading is far better , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , i have been given to understand , as musculus renders it ; or , it has been told me . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a citizen ; which word christophorson perceived not was to be repeated in common . now , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not only signifie a person born in some city , but rather such a one as has his residence in a city , and is enrolled amongst the citizens ▪ whether he may have been born there , or elsewhere . vales. h athanasius says the same in his book de synodis arimini & seleuciae ; that this george namely , who was afterwards bishop of laodicea , had first been ordained presbyter by alexander bishop of alexandria ; but was afterwards deposed by the same alexander because of his impiety . in his apologetick also against constantius , pag. ; he writes that the same person was deposed by alexander , which very thing is plainly confirmed by the fathers of the sardican council in their synodick letter . the same athanasius , in the same book de synodis pag. , attests that this george resided at antioch . further , from the kings sheets i have pointed this place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom alexander and so musculus points the place . vales. i this place seems to me to be imperfect , which is in my judgment thus to be made good : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading i have followed in my version . by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these men , he means the foresaid euphronius and georgius . of whom , euphronius was afterwards bishop of antioch , and immediate successour to eustathius ; as socrates and sozomen doe relate , and also theodorus mopsuestenus in nicetas's thesaurus orthodox fidei . but this georgius was , as i have said , afterwards bishop of laodicea . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , 't is to be noted , that men who were arians , are here by constantine commended for persons that were orthodox ; either because as yet they concealed their heresie , or else in regard the arians had possest themselves of the emperour's ear and mind . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson perceived nothing here . the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in elections imports thus much , to propose or publickly to produce the name of some person , that it may be inquired whether he be worthy of that office , the debate about which is in agitation . which very thing constantine in his letter to the people of antioch expresses by the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was followed by an examination , then the election , and last of all the ordination or consecration . see socrates's eccles. hist. book . chap. . note ( f. ) vales. * matt. . , . * or , instruction . † or , salvation . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ valesius renders it ▪ he preaches . * or , perfect . † or , vanity amongst you is , &c. ‖ contained in , or , beset with . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian savil ▪ and turneb . copies , i found it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rejoycing in ; according as scaliger , christophorson and others found it in their copies . vales. valesius renders it re●erta , stust ; on what account i know not . * or , mischiefs . † or , activity . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , negligence and forgetfulness . in the fuk. savil. and turneb . copies , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , delay . a little after , from the fuketian copy i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a publick animadversion . vales. in robert stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ vales. * or , disorderly . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first word must be expunged , as superfluous . in the fuketian , savil . and turnebian copies , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : perhaps it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the conventicles — shall wholly be taken away . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson did ill in rendring it diruta ▪ pull'd down . for constantine does not order the churches of hereticks to be pull'd down , but to be taken from them , and given to the catholick church . there are the like constitutions of the emperours in the theodosian code , in the title de h●reticis . further , from this law of constantine the novatianists had before been excepted , as 't is apparent from the second law in the same title . but in this last sanction of constantine , they are included , together with the other hereticks and schismaticks . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the fuketian copy is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the proper term to denote this thing . the latines in one word call it colligere , as may be proved by many instances . whence they term that collecta , which in greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . optatus ( in his second book , where he speaks concerning the bishops of the donatists in the city rome , ) has this passage . sed quia quibusdam asri● urbica placuerat commoratio , & hinc a vobis profecti vide●antur , ipsi petierunt , ut aliquis hinc qui illos colligeret mitteretur . and a little after . non enim grex a●t populus appellandi fuerant pauci , qui intra quadraginta & quod excurrit , basi●icas , locum , ubi colligerent non habebant . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson understood not this word ; it was usually added to the laws and constitutions of princes , and sometimes in their own hand . so in theodosius's novell de reddito jure armorum , it occurs ; et manu divind . proponatur amantissimo nostri populo , rom , and at the side , data . calend. julias romae valentiniano & anatolio coss. see book . chap. . note ( h. ) after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 herefore in the greek , a point is placed in the kings copy , which is well done . in the fuketian copy , the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it properly signifies a company of souldiers hid in any place , in order to their attacking the enemy at unawares . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy , this term is thus explained in the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acting the hypocrites . vales. b therefore besides the above said letter of constantine to the hereticks , there was another law , which ordered the books of hereticks to be found out and burnt ; or else this letter produced by eusebius is not entire . further , the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and because , and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the reading in the fuketian copy , and must be rejected ; though , by what chance i know not , it has crept into our edition . vales. † or , inquisition . * or , feignedly . † or , a pure mind . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , that bishop is properly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who holds a religious assembly . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the laicks who come together into the church . whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports an ecclesiastick assemblie . dionysius alexandrinus's words in his fifth epistle to pope xystus , are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. therefore scaliger , christophorson , and gruterus have mended it ill , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred it adscititios , counterfeit ; which can no wise be born with . in the fuk. and savil. copies , the reading likewise is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , heterodox persons . † or , the doctrine of their opinions . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without care . it must doubtless be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any delay . for he says , that schismaticks were without delay received into the church ; but , that hereticks were admitted after a long penitency . for the church is always wont to give schismaticks a more favourable and kinder reception , than hereticks . of which matter we have an eminent instance in the nicene synod ; which , when it had anathematized the arians , received the mel●tians into communion , after they had been gently chastized . now , what the difference is between hereticks and schismaticks , basilius informs us in his first canonical epistle to amphilochius ; where he distinguishes these three , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nevertheless chrysostome , in his eleventh homily on the ephesians , proves schismaticks to be worse than hereticks . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he has used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 improperly , to signifie a forreign region . which christaphorson not perceiving , rendred it very ill , ex colonia , from a colony . vales. * the church . † or , having been converted into it self . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be blotted out , because it disturbs the sense ; unless you ●ake it to signifie singula● , or eximious . further , christophorson has translated this place otherwise , for thus he rende●s it : cujus praeclari facinoris causam imperator deo acceptam plane re●ulit , the cause of which famous action the emperour , plainly ascribed to god as acceptable to him . nor does musculus render it otherwise . but i have interpreted these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rather , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] concerning constantine himself ; that is , the emperour was the authour of this glorious action . johannes portesius also , the first translatour of these books , renders this place in the same manner . for thus his version runs ; id verò unicum ab orbe condito ●actum , homini dei tutel● praeclaro , tum acceptum etiam relatum est . vales. notes for div a -e * repute , or , commendation . † external , or , temporal . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with consular dignities . doubtless it ought to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with praefectorian dignities , or , with the dignity of the praefectorian praefecture , from the copies of christophorson and s r henry savil : or at least , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as the reading is in the fuketian and turnebian copies . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the praefecti pratorio . they are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they excell the other governours and judges . and they are stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard being placed under the immediate power of the prince , they are above all others . it matters not much therefore , whether you term them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the ordinary reading , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consular , can no wise be born with . for , whereas he speaks afterwards concerning the consular and senatorian dignity , it would have been superfluous to make mention of the consulate here . nor can it be said , that below are meant the consulares who governed provinces . for first , it ought then to be mended there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which term occurs a little before . secondly , under the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the consulares are also comprehended : so that , there can be no necessity of mentioning the consulares by themselves . lastly , in regard all the dignities are here reckoned up , 't is not at all likely , that the praefecti praetorio were omitted , whose number constantine increased , as zosimus attests . now , at that time the praefecti praetorio had only the title of clarissimi , as constantine's letter informs us , which eusebius has recorded above ; see book . chap. ; and what we have noted there . also , under the emperour constantius , the praefecti praetorio were only termed clarissimi , as the protestation of the people of alexandria informs us , which athanasius has recorded at the close of his epistle ad solitarios . vales. b concerning the comites of the first rank , as also of the second and third order , there is frequent mention in old inscriptions , and in the code . some of these were within the pallace ; others in the consistory , who were afterwards termed comites consistoriani ; others were comites domestici . in gruter's thesaurus , pag. , this old inscription occurs ; fl. eugenio v. c. expraefecto praet. consuli ordinario designato . magistro officiorum omnium . comiti domestico ordinis primi , &c. concerning the same comites domestici , there is another old inscription extant in the house of the barbarini , worth the setting down here . m. nummio . albino . v. c. quaestori candidato , praetori . urb. comiti . domestico . ordinis . primi . et consuli . ordinario . iterum nummius . secundus . ejus . this nummius albinus was consul the second time and praefect of the city in the times of gallienus , as 't is manifest from the fasti , and from the old book de praefectis urbi . whence it may be concluded , that this dignity of the comes of the first and second order or rank , was not first instituted by constantine , as cujacius thought in his notes on justinianus's code ; but that it was in use long before constantine's time . vales. * that is , had the honour to be stiled perfectissimi , most perfect . * or , tributes . † or , happen . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the occupiers of the fruits . this expression can't be born with . 't is my sentiment that the words are transposed here ; and that at this place we should read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the occupiers of the grounds : and above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon the owners of the fruits . turnebus at the margin of his copy , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , occupiers , has made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , possessours . or at least it must ( says he ) be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the occupiers of the places or farms . vales. ‖ or , establish't by a law. * equalling , or , making even . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these the latines term peraequatores ; of whom there is mention in the fourteenth book of the theodosian code , in the title de censitoribus , peraequatoribus , & inspectoribus . most commonly senatours were by the prince elected to that office ; it was the business of these officers , to make equal the census in those provinces which complained that they were opprest with the burthen of the tributes . in gruter , pag. , this old inscription occurs : l. aradio val. proculo v. c. praetori tutelari legato pro praetore prov , numidiae peraequatori census prov . galleciae . there is also extant a ninth oration of gregory nazianzene , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to julianus the peraequator . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . every one sees that the words are transposed here ; which is a fault frequently committed in these books . at my peril therefore , write thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the end the party that had , &c. in the fuketian copy the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than him in favour of whom sentence had past , are wanting . but turnebus and s r henry savil place those words after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , might not go away . the said s r henry savil hath noted at the margin of his copy , that perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that the comma after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be blotted out . which when i had read , i was extreamly glad , that my conjecture was confirmed by the judgment of that most learned person . but , whereas s r henry savil adds there , that christophorson seems to have read thus , in this i can't assent to him . for christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and renders it libenter , willingly . further , turnebus does here mend it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which pleases me . vales. * the emperour's . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . than which emendation there is nothing more certain . in the kings sheets the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s r henery savil at the margin of his copy mends it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and turnebian copies , the reading of this place is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b instead of the scythae , socrates ( book . chap. , ) and sozomen ( book . chap. , ) term them the goths . indeed , greek writers do usually term them scythae , whom the latines call goths . so libanius , themistius , eunapius , and many others . further , the goths were vanquished by the roman army in the country of the sarmatae , on the twelfth of the calendr of may , in the consulate of pacatianus and hilarianus , ( as 't is recorded in idatius's fasti , ) that is on the year of christ . vales. c socrates says the same at the place before cited . indeed jordanes ( in his book de rebus geticis , speaking concerning the emperour philippus ▪ ) says the romans paid an annual tribute to the goths . and petrus patricius ( in his excerpta legationum ) attests the same concerning tullus menophilus , where he writes concerning the carpi . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fukctian and turnebian copies , and from the kings sheets . vales. * or , drove — under . † or , took up . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the fuketian copy it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , this conspiracy of the sarmatae against their masters hapned on the year of christ . in those fasti which jacobus sirmondus terms idatius's , these words occur ; optato & paulino . his coss. sarmatae servi universa gens dominos suos in romaniam expulerunt . jerome agrees also in the chronicon , who terms those slaves of the sarmatae , limigantes . and so does amm. marcellinus . see the excerpta de gestis constanti . vales. for a further account of these limigantes , the reader may consult d r howell's history , second part , pag. , and , . ‖ or , all sorts of . * eminent , or , conspicuous . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i found it written in the fuketian manuscript and in the kings sheets . so graecians termed that gate of an house which they who go in , do first of all meet with : and they accounted that to be the limit ; to pass which was lookt upon as a thing indecent in matrons . philo's words in his book de specialibus legibus are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt philo alludes to these verses of menander , which stobaus records , chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these very verses of menander , harpocration does tacitly mean , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b homer's words ( odyss . . near the beginning ) are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which m r hobbs has thus englished ; the blackmoors are the utmost of mankind , as far as east and west asunder stand , so far the blackmoors borders are disjoyn'd . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words seem to be superfluous ; unless eusebius had a mind to express the matter it self more clearly in this manner , in favour to those who had not been present and seen it . for the pictures of the emperours were usually so drawn , as that they might represent the embassadours of the barbarians making them presents , or the provinces paying them gold , as may be seen in the notitia of the roman empire . vales. d he means the barbarick manner of weaving ▪ of which sort is that in virgil , in the first book of his aeneid . et circumtextum croceo velamen acantho . vales. * or , laid in order . e amm ▪ marcellinus says the same in his book , pag. , and of our edition . vales. † or , fell in love with . a the only person that i know of , who speaks concerning this embassie of sapor to constantine , is libanius , in his oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. ▪ where he writes , that sapor king of the persians , when he had resolved upon entring into a war with the romans , and in order to that affair wanted iron , took such measures as were fraudulent and crasty , and dispatcht away embassadours to constantine , who might adore him as his lord , and might request of him a vast quantity of iron ; under a pretence indeed , that with his arms he might revenge himself on some barbarians that were his neighbours : but in reality , that he might make use of that iron against the romans vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the other translatours render these words so , as if they were all spoken concerning constantine , supposing the import of them to be this , that constantine entred into a league with the persian king. but valesius ( whom we have followed ▪ ) takes the former part of this clause as meant concerning the persian king ; and therefore has plac't a semicolon after his rendition of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * or , acknowledge the divine faith. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so the reading is in theodoret , book . chap. . where a more perfect copy of this letter occurs , and therefore we have taken our version of it from thence . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must doubtless be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of safety : although in theodoret , book . chap. , edit . stephen . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting . but epiphanius sholasticus acknowledges that word , as his version informs us in the d book of the tripertite history . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is evident that this place is imperfect : in maraeus's copy i found it supplied in the same manner as 't is in the geneva edition ; namely thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but whoever mended this place thus , was certainly an ill and unskilfull conjecturer . with how much more of ease and safety might this imperfection have been supplied from theodoret , in which writer this letter of constantine to sapor occurs much perfecter , and more correct . nevertheless , the fuketian , and s r henry savil's copy make up this defect in the same manner with the geneva-edition . nor ought it to trouble us , because this expression is barbarous . for this letter of constantine had at first been written in latine by him : then it was done into greek by some unskilfull translatour . the same thing has hapned to constantine's other letters and orations . vales. c all these words , from , having at length , to , this god i profess , are wanting in this copy of constantine's letter to sapor . they occur in theodoret ; from the greek text of which authour we have inserted them into our english version . * or , avenger . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it sacrificiorum flammam , the flame of sacrifices ▪ camerarius , incantationum igniculos , the fires of inchantments ; which is a truer version . for , certain kinds of fires [ were made use of ] in the mysteries of the pagans , and a sort of light shined after darkness . which thing the priests of daemons performed by magick art , and i know not what impostures , to the end they might gain an authority and reverence to their sacred rites . apuleius's words in his th book are these ; access● confinium mortis : & calcato , i approach't the confines of death ; and having trod the path of proserpine , i went back , conveyed through all the elements . at midnight i saw the sun glistering with bright light , &c. concerning this rite there is an elegant passage of themistius , in stobaeus , chap. ; which deserves to be set down here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. this passage of themistius is taken out of his book concerning the immortality of the soul ; wherein themistius asserted that the soul was immortal , as well by several other arguments , as by this , that gr●cians do term death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a mystery . and , as these two terms are exceeding like one to the other , so the things themselves , signified by these terms , have a wonderfull similitude . for , in the mysteries there are first unconstant and restless wandrings , and troublesome circuits , and fearfull passages thorow dark places , and most tedious journeys accompanied with weariness . then , before an arrival at the end , all things are terrible ; horrour , trembling , sweat , and amazement . but at last , a certain admirable light occurs , and pleasant places and meadows , wherein sacred voices are heard , and holy apparitions seen , &c. to the same rite belong these words of origen , in his th book against celsus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which pleases me better . in the same copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many of the nations . vales. * or , parts . † or , drawn . * or , wherein . † or , and in this manner . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading of this place is far otherwise in theodoret , namely in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . incomparably well , in my judgment . nor had constantine written otherwise . all the preceding emperours , says he , who persecuted the faith of christ , have been crush't by such a lamentable end , that now all mankind are wont to imprecate or wish for the calamities of those princes as the sum totall of punishment on them , who shall study to imitate them . what can be plainer and more elegant than this meaning of the words ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore does in this place signifie punishment , in which sense that term is frequently used amongst graecians , as agellius has remarked . further , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an elegant phrase to signifie that which the latines term imprecari , to wish for as a curse . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an usual expression with graecians , as i have noted above . epiphanius scholasticus translates this passage thus ; sed illos omnes finis comprehendit exitiosus , ita ut omne genus hominum post eos exurgens , clades illorum pro maledictionis exemplo proponere videatur ; but so distructive an end has inclosed them all , that all mankind who have lived since them , seem to propose their ruine as the pattern of a curse . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the history of theodoret the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who by his own , &c. he means valerian , who having been taken prisoner by the persians , ended his days amongst them in a dishonourable slaverie , and by his own private disgrace ennobled the triumph of the persians . that is , by his own ignominie he made the victory of the persians over the romans most signal and famous . this is the meaning of this place , which was not hit , either by epiphanius , or any of the other translatours . in the fuketian and turnebian copies it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is no ill reading . vales. * or , famous . * that is , in persia. † or , far and wide . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in theodoret is truer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for these words are referred to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . presently , write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from theodoret and nicephorus . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in theodoret and nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in syrmondus's edition 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which words epiphanius scholasticus renders into latine thus ; tu ergo optimè gubernaveris , si fueris sicut illi , & habueris commune quod illi . joachimus camerarius who ●endred theodoret's history into latine , translates it in this manner : optimè igitur tecum , similiterque cum illis optimè agitur , quia communiter cum utrisque . and langus's version is in a manner the same . but this meaning does not satisfie me . formerly i thought it was to be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that as you to them , so they to you . which reading i had followed in my version . but having now examined the matter more attentively , i am of opinion that the reading of theodoret and nicephorus is to be retained , and thus i render this whole place . opto igitur , ut & tuae res quàm florentissima , & illorum perinde sint florentissimae ; hoc est utriusque vestrûm ex aequo : i wish therefore , &c. thus the sense is most plain , and the following words will agree . only it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the optative mood . 't is certain musculus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for thus he renders it : cedat igitur id tibi optimè & illis similiter : & tibi inquam & illis . in the fuketian copy , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. valesius ( in his notes on theodoret's history , book . chap. , ) tells us , that in leo allatius's copy the reading of this place is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for even they are yours : which he concludes to be the truest reading of all . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the christian religion , as i suppose ; which almost all nations did then embrace ; having rejected the errour of their own superstition . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. unless you had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian , savil. and turneb . copies . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anastasius bibliothecarius in his version of the seventh synod , where-ever the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs in the greek , renders it deificum , which term imports any thing extraordinarily sent , or made by god himself . so the latines termed the books of the sacred scriptures , deificos libros , as it occurs in the gesta purgationis coeciliani . vales. * stretch't out . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , near certain gates . in the fuketian and turnebian copies , and in the kings sheets , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some cities ; which is far the truer reading , as i judge . for eusebius says , that not in all , but in the palaces of some cities , constantine's picture was thus drawn . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whoever was the translatour of this book , he has rendred this place with little of attention , thus ; et precantis formâ manus sursum tollens , and lifting up his hands in the form of one praying ; whereas he ought to have rendred it , manibus expansis , ut precantes solent , with expanded hands as persons praying are wont to do . for the christians were wont , when at prayers , to stretch forth their hands , that by this means they might represent the likeness of a cross. indeed , the christians lifted up their hands , whilst they were praying . but this was not peculiar to the christians , in regard the heathens did the same ; as virgil attests in these words ▪ — et geminas tollens ad sidera palmas . but , that was peculiar to the christians , to expand their hands in the form of a cross. tertullian's words , in his book de oratione chap. , are these : nos verò non attollimus tantum , sed etiam expandimus , & dominicâ passione modulamur ; we do not only lift up [ our hands , ] but do spread them also , and we put our selves into a form agreeable to our lord's passion . he says the same in his apologetick , chap. . vales. * or , images . a but socrates ( book . chap. ; ) relates the contrary , in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and first , he abolished the combats of the gladiatours ; then , he placed his own statues in the temples . but any one might with good reason conjecture , that this place of socrates is corrupted . for , socrates does there reckon up all things , which were invented by constantine in order to the abolition of the superstition of the heathens . amongst which he says , that constantine placed his own pictures and statues in the temples of the gods. but by doing of that , the superstition of the heathens was not extinguished , but rather increased , or changed . for the heathens would adore the emperour in place of a god. wherefore that passage of socrates must be mended from eusebius , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but he forbad , that his own statues should be dedicated in the temples . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the two last words must in my judgment be expunged ; in regard they disturb the sense . for if you blot out them , the sense is plain . vales. † or , adumbration . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sozomen ( book . chap. . ) has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he erected an oratory within the imperial palace . 't is plain that sozomen ( as he usually does , ) borrowed this out of our eusebius . but eusebius does not say , that constantine built a church in the palace . he says only this , that he constituted a kind of a church in the palace . see eusebius's panegyrick on constantine's tricennalia . chap. ; where he does plainly confirm our opinion . vales. * prescribed , or , solemn . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with those that filled the imperial palace , or , the church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an ambiguous expression , which signifies a church , and a palace . and eusebius seems designedly to have play'd with the ambiguity of this phrase , because constantine's palace was like a church . and those whom at this place he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he has termed above in this chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour followed the opinion of sozomen , and supposed a church to have been meant here ; with whom i don't agree . for eusebius himself in his panegyrick , chap. , where this passage occurs word for word , says nothing concerning a church . the meaning therefore of this place is , that constantine committed the care and custody of his whole palace to the ministers and servants of god , and to the prelates : so that , the prelates were certain controllers as 't were of his house , or such officers as the romans termed cura palatii . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must i think , be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acknowledged : and so 't is in the panegyrick at the place now cited . the printed-reading is not to be born with . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the day before the sabbath . and thus , as 't is evident , he read , who composed the contents of these chapters . moreover , sozomen ( book , chap. , ) confirms this very thing in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , he made a law that on that day called sunday , ( which day the jews term the first of the sabbath , but the gentiles give it the name of sunday ; ) and on that day before the sahbath , all persons should cease from doing business in the courts of judicature , and abstain from all other employments , and should worship god with prayers and supplications . in these words of sozomen , something of difficulty occurs , as to what respects fryday . for i can scarce perswade my self , that constantine should have commanded , that on that day people should abstain from doing business in the courts of judicature . 't is certain , eusebius affirms no such thing concerning fryday , but concerning sunday only . there is a law of constantine's extant in the theodosian code , tit. de ferils , in which law sunday only is excepted . therefore sozomen added this of his own . who seeing this observed in his own times at constantinople ( for he was an advocate in that city , together with one aquilinus , as he himself relates in his second book chap. . ) believed constantine to have been the authour of this thing . vales. * or , heatbens . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or at least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. b he terms that a pure field , wherein there were no altars , no sepulchres . vales. * or , meditated on . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , that they ought not to use their spears . in eusebius's panegyrick , chap. , where this passage occurs in the same words ; 't is truer written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they ought not to place , &c : which the translatour perceived not . vales. * goods . a sozomen says the same , book . chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. further ▪ that he might accustome his souldiers to worship god in the same manner with himself , he markt their arms with the symbol of the cross. which words of sozomen , as any one may see , are taken out of eusebius . further , by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arms , i understand the bucklers or shields , whereon constantine ordered the salutary sign of the cross to be painted . in the notitia of the roman empire , such kind of shields as these are to be seen , whereon the sign of the cross is divers ways exprest . moreover , prudentius ( in his book against symmachus ) attests the same in these verses : christus purpureum stellanti pictus in auro signabat labarum : clypeorum insignia christus pinxera● . — vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before the armed cross. i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before his armed forces ; as the translatour seems to have read . the occasion of the mistake seems to have been given by the contracted form of writing . for whereas the librarius [ book-writer ] had written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some unskilfull transcriber thought that the meaning of that abbreviature was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cross. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before these words in the greek , the fuk. and turneb . copies add two words in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and in the following line , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same copies and s r hen. savil's insert the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the common reading , which we have followed , is far better . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have , as i think , very happily mended the title of this chapter , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his fervency and earnestness in praying . for in this chapter eusebius treats concerning that fervency in praying , wherewith constantine was inflamed . the cause of the mistake arose from the usage of the antiquarii [ persons that wrote books fair ; ] who in their writing out the titles of chapters , were wont to omit the first letter , that afterwards at their leisure they might paint it with vermilion . in the kings sheets the first letter of the title is always left out . but in the fuk. copy 't is sometimes added , sometimes omitted . for instance the title of this chapter , both in the fuketian copy and in the kings sheets , is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first letter being omitted ; which the fuketian manuscript , in the body of the book , does make good in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , very ill , and without any sense , as it is apparent . vales. * or , honour . * or , mysteries . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it , divinos sacrorum ritus obibat , he performed the divine rites of things sacred . musculus translates it in this manner ; sacras ceremonias expediebat , he dispatcht the sacred ceremonies . but neither of these two persons perceived that this place was corrupted . i reade therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , performed the office , &c. for he compares constantine to a prelate or pontif : whence he subjoyns these words in the following chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this manner therefore he himself performed the office of a priest to his own god : and in the chapter after that , adds , that , constantine behaved himself as a bishop ; and in presence of the bishops took that appellation upon himself . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with a chearfullness , &c. so above at chap. , his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with diligence and chearfulness himself lead the way to those who assembled within that church . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the christians in the vigil of the feast of easter lighted a vast company of wax tapers . which thing having been done by them , within the church only ; constantine gave order that without the church also tapers should be every where lighted , in honour of so great a festival . and whereas lights were usually kindled in the night , in great cities , as i have remarked at the th book of amm. marcellinus , pag. , of my notes ; constantine would have far more , and larger torches lighted up on that night , to the end he might induce the minds of the heathens to a veneration of the christian religion . further , those pillars of wax , which eusebius makes mention of here , do excellently well denote the paschal-taper which we are wont to light up in the vigil of easter : concerning which taper barnabas brissonius has written a particular book . see gregory nazianzene in his th oration . and in his second oration de pascha , pag. , he says , that then lights were usually kindled both in private and publickly ; in so much that , by reason of the multitude of lights which all ages and degrees of men lighted up , that night was rendred transcendently bright . gaudentius brixiensis therefore does deservedly term that night , noctem splendidissimam , a most splendid night ; as does likewise zeno veronensis in his first sermon ad neophylos . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus took these words in such a sense , as if they were an exposition of the foregoing , words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pillars of wax . but christophorson distinguishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from those pillars of wax ; whom we have also followed . grecians do properly term those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines call tedae , torches ; as pollux informs us book . chap. . in which place of pollux the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is commonly printed . hence a game amongst the greeks was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so called from these torches . grecians do likewise use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie a lamp , in which sense it occurs in the th chap. of saint matthew ; in the same manner that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken both for a torch , and also for a lamp. vales. f this passage of eusebius is to be taken notice of in reference to the easter-alms , which constantine was wont to bestow yearly , in memory of that benefit which christ on those days conferred upon mankind . the ancient christians were heretofore wont on the feast-day of easter to distribute money amongst the poor : which thing was carefully performed not only by lay-persons , but by the clergy also . concerning which matter there is an eminent passage in commodianus's second book of institutions , chap. . c ongruit in pascha , die felicissimo nostro , l ●tentur & illi qui postulant sumpta diurna . e rogetur cis quod sufficit , vinum & esca . r espicite fontem quo memorentur isla pro vobis . i mmodico sumptu deficitis christo donare . c ùm ipsi non faci●is , quomodo suad●re potestis j ustitiam legis talibus ? vel semel in anno . s ic multos urget blasphemia saepe de vobis . commodianus speaks to the clergy , as 't is apparent from the title of the poem , and from the first letters of every verse . and he advises them , that at least on easter-day they should bestow an alms upon the poor . he reproves them also , because , by reason of their living too high , they had nothing left which they might bestow on the poor . for that is the meaning of this verse ; immodico sumptu deficitis christo donare . concerning these very paschal-alms , anastasius ( in the life of pope hadrian ) speaks in these words . simulque & in balneo juxta eandem ecclesiam sito , as likewise in the bath also , which is situate near the same church , where our brethren , the poor of christ , who were wont to meet yearly to receive alms in the paschal festivity , and to bathe ; &c. vales. a these words must be rendred favourably . for 't is manifest , that the sacrifices of the heathens were not expresly and by name forbidden by constantine the great , as libanius in express words informs us in his oration pro templis . indeed , constantine by issuing forth a law prohibited private and domestick sacrifices , as it appears from the theodosian code de maleficis & mathematicis , and from the first law de paganis . but he forbad not the publick and solemn sacrifices , which had been instituted by their ancestours . eusebius repeats the same thing in chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being to be understood ; and we have rendred it accordingly . in robert stephen's edition a point is ill set after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereas it should be placed after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the kings copy , and in the sheets : agreeably whereto we have pointed it . vales. * or , a pious life . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour has rendred it ill , nec oracula curiosè sectarentur , nor should curiously follow oracles . for the damons had long before ceased from giving forth oracles . wherefore constantine's law was superfluous , wherein he had forbidden the searching after oracles . i had rather therefore understand here the diviners , prophets , astrologers , and soothsayers : the consulting of whom was prohibited by constantine , in the first and second law cod. theod. de maleficis & mathematicis . vales. * or , murders . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . amongst the egyptians , androgyni were the priests of the nile , as gregory nazianzen informs us in his second invective against julian ; as also in his poem to n●●e●ius . the same gregorius ( in the oration which he wrote in sancta lumina epiphaniorum , ) does elegantly assert , that by this fact the egyptians reproacht , rather than honoured th● nile . concerning the same rite of the egyptians , there is an eminent passage in libanius's oration pro templis , which , in regard it makes very much for our purpose , and was not understood by the translatour , deserves to be set down here : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor was a permission of sacrificing reserved to rome only , but to the city of sarápis also , that great and populous city , which is possest of a multitude of temples , by the assistance whereof it renders the plenty of egypt common to all men . now this [ plenty ] is the product of the nile . they entertain the nile at a banquet , and [ those sacred rites ] perswade it to rise and overflow the fields ; which [ rites ] not being performed both at the stated and solemn time , and by those persons [ appointed for that purpose , ] the nile would not [ swell and overflow its banks . ] which thing when they well understood , who would very willingly have abolished these [ rites ] also ; nevertheless , on second thoughts they would not abolish them ; but suffered that river to be entertained at a banquet , according to the usage of the ancients , because of the usual reward it paid , [ to wit , a plentifull crop. ] from this place of libanius it plainly appears , that these androgyni the priests of the nile were not abolished by constantine : or if they were abolished by him , they were soon after restored . vales. * persons that were both males and females . † falsified , or , depraved . ‖ or , were not any more . * or , correction . * or , in few words a see sozomen book . . chap. . who , in regard he was a lawyer belonging to the byzantine forum , does explain these knots of the roman laws , more perspicuously than eusebius . consult lipsius also , in his comment at the third book of tacitus's annals ; where he discourses at large de lege papia . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the emperour , and do expunge these four words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which crept out of the margin into the text. further , this constitution of the emperour constantine , is exstant in the th book of the theodosian code , in the title de infirmandis poenis coelibatûs & orbitatis . in the fuketian and savilian copies , intead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and so likewise 't is written in the copies of scaliger , bongarsius , and christophorson , as the geneva printers have told us . but i had rather reade from sozomen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , hath demonstrated many persons to be childless . † or , nature . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words are misplaced here ; but may easily be restored in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this law of constantine , wherein he abolish't the severity of the old law , and the forms of words in making wills , is not ( i think ) now extant . but 't is mentioned in the third law of the theodosian code de testamentis . in the fuk. and savil. manuscripts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting . vales. d there is indeed a law of constantine's extant , ( cod. justin. book . tit. . qui testamenta sacere possint , &c. ) dated from nicomedia , concerning the testaments of souldiers in expedition , or in present service ; by which they are discharged from the obligation of those solemnities which are by the law made necessary in the wills of other persons ; and their wills are made good , if but written on the scabberd of their swords , or on their targets with their bloud , or with their swords in the dust , at such time as they died in battle . a there is a law of constantine's extant in the close of the theodosian code , under the title de episcopali audienti● , wherein the emperour commands that the sentences pronounced by a bishop , even in causis minorum , should obtain the force of a law. the translatour therefore has done ill , at this place to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , regulas , rules or canons . for the discourse here is not concerning the ecclesiastick rules , which are promulged in a synod by the bishops ; but concerning sentences pronounc't between persons at law , as 't is apparent from the words which follow . moreover , sozomen understood these words of eusebius no otherwise . but , that which occasions the difficulty is , what eusebius has said in the following words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those decrees — which were promulged in synods . but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here used to signifie an ecclesiastick session , to wit of a bishop and his presbyters . sozomen has the very same term , in his first book ▪ chap. ; where he speaks concerning this law of constantine . which authour's words i do so much the more willingly produce , as often as the laws are treated of , because he was a person incomparably well skill'd in the roman laws , as 't is evident from his books . his words therefore in the foresaid book and chapter are these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , he permitted litigants to appeal to the judgment of the bishops , if they had a mind to avoid the civil magistrates . and , that their [ the bishops ] sentence should be firm and valid , and of more force than the sentence of the other judges , as if it had been pronounc't by the emperour himself . and , that the governours of provinces , and their officials , should put in execution the sentences pronounc't [ by the bishops . ] and , that the decrees of synods should be unalterable . but , if any one will have the councills of bishops to be meant by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will signifie the sentences pronounc't in a synod against mischievous priests and hereticks ; which sentences the emperours do confirm in the second law , in the same title de episcopali audientia . vales. * or , more approved than any , &c. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , liberal ; valesius renders it civil . * or , certain proportions of bread , or bread-corn . † or , miserable women . ‖ or , dedicated their lives to , &c. * declamations . a least any one should think , that our eusebius does flatter constantine here , the same is also attested by victor , in his epitome , in these words . ipse assiduè legere , scribere , meditari . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not understood by the translatour . for thus he renders it ; frequentes cum suis inibat congressus ; whereas it ought to have been rendred , crebras habebat conciones , he made frequent speeches . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports verba facere , to make a speech ; which graecians do more frequently term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so isocrates terms it in the beginning of his areopagitick ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and also pausanias ( in achaicis ) pag. . edit . aldin ▪ as likewise in the two decreta deliorum , which are ext●nt amongst the marmora arundelliana , pag. and : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words are thus to be rendred : ad senatum quoque & ad populum verba faciendi expletis sacris primi omnium habeant facultatem . polybius ( book . pag. , ) uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same signification : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which place , in regard 't is very faulty , we will by the by restore . write thus therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which emendation is confirmed by polybius's next words , for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. thus much concerning the signification of the word . as to the thing it self ▪ from this deed of constantine seems to have been derived the usage of the byzantine emperours , who made catechetick orations even concerning things sacred , which orations were termed silentia , as you may see in meursius's glossary , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , his whole empire rational . † or , contracted . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and turnebian copies , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seemed to initiate , &c. which in my judgment is the truer reading . vales. * or , judicatory . † or , covetous . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words , in the kings copy and in robert stephen's edition follow these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which occur at the beginning of the th chap. but in the geneva edition , some body , who i know not , hath noted at the margin , that there is a great imperfection here ; which scaliger , bongar●ius , gruterus , and others supply in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but first , those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be expunged . for the imperfection , if there be any in this place , begins before these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the geneva edition appear corruptly repeated . secondly , those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. are altogether void of sense . this imperfection therefore is better made up in moraus's book , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the end of the chapter , as 't is in the geneva edition . in the same copy the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these things he attested continually . s r henry savil in the lower margin of his copy , makes good this place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but , from the footsteps of the written reading which i found in the excellent fuketian copy , i have , as i think , very happily restored this place . the writing therefore of the fuketian manuscript is this : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. what is easier than to make up these imperfections in this manner ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nothing is plainer , nothing more certain . that is , that the empire of the world was delivered to him by the supream god : but , that he , by the example of the deity , had distributed the parts of his empire to be governed by them . vales. * or , vnsatiableness . † or , stature . a for 't is uncertain whether you shall be buried in the ground ; in regard you may either be burnt , or drowned in the sea , or devoured by wild beasts . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is here . vales. * or , predictions . * or , death . * or , volumn , or , discourse . * or , gave the writing of his , &c. † or , our tongue . a under the disposition of the magister officiorum [ master of offices ] were the interpreters of various nations and languages , as the notitia of the roman empire informs us . constantine therefore made use of their assistance in translating his orations and letters out of latine into greek . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders it in ipsa basilica , in the very church , which i like nor . for eusebius notes this as a wonderfull instance of piety in constantine , that the emperour vouchsafed to hear eusebius's oration , in a standing posture within the very palace . questionless , if the emperour had heard the speech standing in the church , that would have been less strange , in regard the place it self requires reverence , and because in the church the emperour himself is one of the number of the faithfull . but , for the emperour to stand in the palace whilst a bishop was speaking , that is a signal instance of religion . see chap. , whence it may be manifestly gathered , that the palace is meant here . further , the christians were heretofore wont in a standing posture to hear the sermon of the priest in the church . for no body sate in the church but the presbyters , as optatus informs us , book . dum peccatorem arguit , & sedentem increpat deus , specialiter ad vos dictum esse constat non ad populum , qui in ecclesia non habet sedendi licentiam . vales. * or , points of divinity . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is truer , if i mistake not . vales. b he seems to mean the book de ratione computi paschalis , which beda ( in his book de ratione temporum , chap. , ) asserts to have been made by eusebius . indeed , the emperour constantine , in his letter to eusebius , does attest , that that work of eusebius's , which is here mentioned , was a laborious work , and that it contained the whole account , original , and perfection of the paschal feast . concerning this book of eusebius , jerome in his piece de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis speaks thus , hippolytus rationem paschae , temporumque canones scripsit , & sedecim annorum circulum reperit , & eusebio qui super eodem pascha canonem decem & novem annorum circuli composuit , occasionem dedit . which words of s t jerome , bede hath transcribed in his book de sex aetatibus mundi ; and in his history , book . chap. . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the controversie of easter . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reason , or cause , as i also found it mended at the margin of moraeu's copy . which emendation is confirmed by the following words . for he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and its institution , &c. 't is certain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be said concerning the original of a controversie . you would do better therefore to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , institution . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports the consummation of the paschal feast , performed by christ , who by the miracle of his own resurrection , instituted a true pascha for christians . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words in the greek , in the kings copy , and in the edition of robert stephens , these words follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , although 't is impossible , that such , &c. but scaliger , bongarsius , and others have made up this place from i know not what copies . the same supplement i likewise found in the fuketian copy , and in moraeus's book , and indeed something more correct than it is in the geneva edition . for , in that the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this so great a confidence , or perswasion . he means his boldness who by constantine's order had translated eusebius's book concerning easter : or rather , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the opinion and judgment of the emperour himself . the translatour understood it as meant concerning the boldness or confidence of eusebius himself , which can in no wise be agreeable here . doubtless , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot here be taken otherwise , than for the judgment and perswasion , as well of constantine himself , as of other men , who highly extolled eusebius's treatise concerning easter , which by constantinc's order had been rendred into latine . this so great an opinion of all men , says he , does sufficiently shew , that you have met with no unworthy a translatour . futher , those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be construed two ways , either with the adjective 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or with the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words , in moraeus's copy there is an empty space left . questionless the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting . the place therefore must be made good in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who can render , or rather , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as eusebius expresses himself above at chap. . indeed , in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .... 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the diocese of the east . so the romans termed a certain number of provinces , which joyntly obeyed a vicarius of the praetorian praefecture . for a praefectus praetorio had several dioceses under his own dispose ; but the vicarii had but one diocese . further , this word began to be used in this sense about constantine's times , as we learn both from constantine's letters recorded above , and also from some laws of the theodosian code . vales. * or , humanity . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders it right , terniones & quaterniones . for parchment copies were usually digested into quaternions , that is , four sheets were made up together , as ternions are three sheets made up together . and the quaternions had sixteen pages the ternions twelve . further , in the last page of the quaternion was set the number of the quaternion , to wit , , , , and so on ; as i have observed in the most ancient copies , as well greek as latine . in a very old copy of gregorius turonensis , which was written above nine hundred years since , in the last page of the quaternion i found this mark , q. . that is , the first quaternion . further , the reader is to be advertized , that in these words of eusebius there is an enallage . for he hath said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas it ought rather to have been worded thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuketian copy this place is read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so i guess it was written in s r henry savil's copy , because s r henry hath under-mark't these three words , namely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with lines . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in the king 's , and fuketian copies , 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one word ; which i rather approve of . for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but it would be better , were it thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders this place thus : nos verò quoniam breviter quae nobis nota fuerunt , literarum monumentis mandavimus ; but because we have in short committed to writing , those things which were known to us . but i render it thus ; postquam ea quae nobis nota sunt breviter exposuerimus , ad extremum ejus vitae tempus sermonem trans●eremus ; after we have briefly declared those things which are known to us , we will turn our discourse to the last time of his life . which rendition is doubtless truer , and more agreeable to the words and meaning of eusebius . for , if eusebius had meant so as the translatour thought he did , he would have said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , last time . * or , periods of years . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words , a whole line was left out in the kings copy , and in 〈◊〉 ▪ stephens's edition ; which i make up thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , wherein his three sons had at different , &c. the repetition of the same word , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the occasion that this whole line was omitted by the over-hasty antiquarius [ transcriber of books . ] in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , excellently well . thus by the addition of one small word , this place is perfected . but s r henry savil supplied this place by adding three 〈◊〉 ●id also scaliger and christophorson , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ an odd expression . † or , a threesold issue of sons . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour has rendred it ill , ●●cimo quoque anno , every tenth year . for constantine did not create his sons caesars , every tenth year of his empire . for he made crispus and constantinus , caesars , in the consulate of gallicanus and bassus , on the calends of march , which was the eleventh year of his empire . but constantius was created caesar , in the third consulate of crispus and constantinus , on the sixth of the ides of november , that is , on the nineteenth year of constantine's empire . lastly , constan ▪ s was proclaimed caesar by his father , in the consulate of dalmatius and zenophilus , on the eighth of the calends of january , when constantine was entred into the twenty eighth year of his empire ▪ as it appears from idatius's fasti. wherefore eusebius's words will be better rendred thus , singulis decenni●s , in each of his ten years . but neither will what eusebius hath said , be true , even this way . for crispus and constantinus junior were not created caesars in constantine's first ten years , but about his first ten years . therefore , these words want a favourable interpretation . which baronius not in the least perceiving , has recorded crispus to have been made caesar on the year of christ ; which is a prochronism of two years . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which i wonder was not perceived by others . in the fuketian copy 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading i like not . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written in one word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like , or , as 't were ; as i found it mended at the margin of moraeus's copy : and a little after , the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some body , who it was i know not , has noted at the margin of the geneva edition , that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i had rather reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before they have entred into a league . nevertheless , in the fuketian and savil. copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has a passive signification . and imports the same with the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which occurs at the close of this letter . and thus christophorson renders it in the first book of theodoret's eccles. hist. chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from theodoret ; and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which follows presently , must be expunged : which word occurs not in the fuketian copy . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; valesius renders it , in omni negotio , in every business . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the reading is in theodoret ; from whose first book , chap. , this place is made good , which in the manuscript copies , and in stephens's edition was impersect . but in moraeus's copy i found another punctation of this place , which in my judgment is righter , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , does chiefly require of us . but , as to what , &c. only i would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from you . nevertheless , the common reading may be born with . in the fuketian , as well as the turnebian copy , and in moraeus's book , 't is written ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; according to our rendition . vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which valesius renders , religionem nostram , our religion . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have sent . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have written , as the translatour seems to have read . yet in theodoret and the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have sent to those , &c. vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . flavius dionysius is termed come● by athanasius in his apologetick to constantius , where he relates a great deal concerning this synod at tyre , which was held in the consulate of constantius and albinus , in the months august and september . this dionysius had before been consularis of phoenice , in the consulate of januarinus and justus , as it appears from the fourth law cod. theod. de famosis libellis . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so indeed the reading is in theodoret. but in the fuketian copy this place is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which reading scaliger , bongarsius , and others found in their copies . a little after i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fuketian copy and theodoret. for there is no small emphasis in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the old sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy there is an imperfection , and the last part of the word only occurs , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore s r henry savil supplied it in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with an order ; and so did scaliger , and the rest . vales. * or , quire of god. b he means alexander bishop of the city thessalonica , who was present at the synod at tyre , as athanasius witnesseth . by the bishops of pannonia and moesia , eusebius means ursacius and valens leading men of the arian faction , who were sent from the synod of tyre into egypt , that they might there enquire concerning the crimes wherewith athanasius had been charged , as athanasius relates in his apologetick . vales. c he means theogonius bishop of nicaea , and theodorus bishop of perinthus , which was otherwise termed heraclea ; which prelates were present at the same synod , as athanasius and theodoret do inform us . besides theogonius , two other bishops out of bithynia were present at the synod of tyre , namely eusebius of nicomedia , and maris of chalcedon . vales. * or , adorned the fullness of the synod . d athanasius in his apologetick to constantius ▪ pag. , speaking concerning this synod , does attest , that constantine sent the palatine souldiers , who were to obey the commands of the bishops : his words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * that is , the approved men sent from the imperial palace . a this was marianus the tribune and notary , as 't is said in the contents of this chapter , and in sozomen . he bore the same dignity under constantius , as athanasius attests in his book de synodis arimini & seleuciae . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is the same errour in the foregoing chapter ; where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which manner 't is written at both places in the fuketian copy . vales. a this whole passage , as far as those words , others interpreted , &c , was wanting in the kings copy and in robert stephens edition : which words learned men have inserted from some manuscript copy , as i judge . for they seem to me to be genuine , and to proceed from eusebius's own stile . they do indeed occur in the excellent fuketian copy ; but in s r henry savil's , they are wanting . for , at this place s r henry hath made this remark . christophorsonus hoc loco , &c. at this place christophorson has from his own copies inserted these following words , which to me seem scarce agreeable to this place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius does , not without reason , term that kindness and benignity which the emperour constantine made use of towards the priests of god , a benignity towards christ himself . for , kindness towards his ministers , redounds to the honour of the lord himself . therefore says christ in the gospel . he that receiveth you , receiveth me : and , that which you have done to one of them , you have done to me . vales. * or , delivered to their hearers theologick , &c. † or , made interpretations of the divine readings . ‖ or , goods . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here the words seem to be transposed , a thing which , as we have told you , is frequently done in these books . above therefore is must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making descriptions ; and here the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , explaining the meanings , &c. but some body will perhaps aske , what those prophetick visions are , which eusebius means here . he means , if i mistake not , that place which occurs in the third chapter of zephaniah , verse ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for cyril of jerusalem also , in his fourth homily , explains this passage of zephaniah concerning the martyrium or church , which constantine erected in the place of our lord's resurrection . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he terms the jerusalem church , and all its members and edifices , symbols . see eusebius's oration in the dedication of the church at tyre , which is recorded in the tenth book of his eccles. history : where he asserts , that every member of the church imported some thing that was mystical . in the fuketian copy , the reading is ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. e ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour has rendred it right , tricesimo imperii anno , in the thirtieth year of his empire . for the dedication-feast of the jerusalem church was celebrated in the year of christ , on the ides of september , constantius and albinus being consuls , in constantine's tricennalia . at which time constantine was in the thirtieth year of his empire . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , does properly signifie tricennalia , that is , a festivity of sports which were performed on account of the thirtieth year of an emperours reign . the authour of the alexandrian chronicle , in the consulate of constantius and albinus , has these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which in idatius's fasti occur rend●ed into latine , in this manner ; his coss. tricennalia edidit constantinus augustus die . cal. august ; in the consulate of these persons , constantinus augustus published his tricennalia , on the eight of the calends of august . yet sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and tricennalia are taken for the thirtieth year . so jerome relates , that dalmatius was created caesar in constantine's tricennalia , that is , on the thirtieth year of his empire . but whereas i have said , that the dedication feast of the jerusalem church was celebrated on the ides of september , of this matter i have nicephorus my authour , in his eight book , chap. . indeed , in saint saba's typicon , and in the greek menology , on the thirteenth day of september are placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also sophronius in his oration de exaltatione sanctae crucis ; and this festivity was observed every year , for the space of eight days . from these authours the alexandrian chronicle must be corrected , wherein there is a mistake , as well in the day as the consulate , in which these things were done . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and how great the emperours attempts of elegancy . a amongst the other donaria [ sacred gifts , ] which constantine gave to the jerusalem church , there was a sacerdotal pall woven with threads of gold , which the bishop made use of in his performing the solemn prayers , as theodoret relates , eccles. hist. book . chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after this present subject . that is , at the close of this work . the translatour rendred it ill ; quod etiam cum videbitur & absoluto opere edemus . but our rendition is confirmed by eusebius himself in chap. . of this book . vales. c for eusebius had before made a speech in the palace , as he himself attests above , at chap. , where see what we have noted . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading i have followed in my version ; nor do i doubt , but eusebius wrote so . further , in this place there is an ambiguity . for the words may be construed thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , this second synod , which we know to be the greatest after that first [ synod ] which he had assembled at the most eminent city of bithynia , the emperour conven●d at jerusalem . which sense christophorson has followed , vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i embrace the emendation of learned men , which i found written in moraeus's copy also ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neve●●heless , i would willingly add another word also , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have rendred it accordingly . further , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be rendred vota , vowes . for eusebius alludes to the usage of the romans , who in such solemnities made vowes for the safety and felicity of the prince , as 't is apparent from plinius's epistle to trajan . moreover , in old coyns we reade such vows as these thus exprest , votis xx. multis xxx . but in other coyns 't is thus , sic x. sic xx. that is , so his decennalia , so his vicennalia . in the fuketian copy 't is plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the letter of the bishops of the jerusalem synod , ( who by constantine's order met in order to the dedication of this church , which letter athanasius records in his apologetick , pag. , ) 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the salutary martyrium . jerome also in his chronicon terms it the martyrium ; as does likewise sozomen book chap. , marcus in the life of porphyrius bishop of gaza , and eucherius in his book de situ urbis hierosolymitan● . see our letter de anastasi , &c , wherein we have at large proved against jacobus gretserus and jacobus sirmondus , that there was only one church erected by constantine , which was termed the martyrium and anastasis . which letter we thought good to make a second publication of , at the close of our notes , pag. , &c. vales. a this whole clause , as far as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek , or , his very face in the english , was wanting in the kings copy , and in robert stephens's edition : learned men had inserted it , whether from some manuscript copies , or from conjecture , i know not . but at length , the fuketian copy has informed us , that these words were on a good account inserted , from the manuscripts . vales. * constantine . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having long before performed , &c. vales. * or , rich distributions of gifts . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the very ocean it self . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to their [ that is , the indian ] ocean it self . further , metrodorus the philosopher seems to have been the chiefest person of this indian embassie ; who from the king of the indians brought to constantine very many gems and pearls : and pretended that he had brought many more , had not the persian king taken them from him in his passage thorow persia. by which lie constantine being prevailed upon , whilst with too much eagerness he pursues what had been taken from metrodorus , raises the persian war , as 't is recorded by cedrenus and amm. marcellinus . but cedrenus relates that in a place wholly foreign and disagreeable , namely in constantine's twenty first year ; whereas he ought to have placed it on the thirty first year of constantine . for in this year the peace between the romans and persians was broken . vales. * leaders , or princes . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but in the old sheets the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i like better . vales. * or , with piety . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instructing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 furnishing them with . eusebius makes use of this word in the same sense again , in the next chapter . vales. * or , furniture ▪ † or , souldiers armed with shields ; spear-men ; guards of their bodies . ‖ or , captaines . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . any body may of himself perceive , that it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but when , &c : which i should not have taken notice of , had i not fear'd least any one should think that it had escap't me . a little after , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be superfluous . vales. * that is , christian● ▪ b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in the foregoing chapter eusebius makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie military companies ; and in many other places . so sozomen book . chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from that time the roman legions , which they now term companies , provided each of them a tabernacle proper to themselves . further , this place seems to me to be imperfect , and must be made good in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . for eusebius says , that both the commanders of the first companies , and those also to whom the care of the republick was committed by constantine , were favourers of the christian religion . by those former persons , he means the tribunes and comites of the scholae : but the latter are the praefecti praetorio , the quaestors of the sacred palace , the masters of the offices , and the others who transacted civil affairs . vales. * viz. christians † or , fortified himself with , &c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i like not the conjecture of the learned , who after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus , well constituted , which addition i found written in moraeus's copy also . but if any thing was to have been added , i would rather have put in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can have no place here , in regard in the following clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs . otherwise it would be an idle repetition , nor would there be more said in the second member of the period , than in the first . nevertheless , in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a this passage of eusebius hath led many persons into a mistake . amongst whom was dionysius petavius , who both in his annotations on epiphanius's book de ponderibus , and also in his eleventh book de doctrinâ temporum , confiding in the authority of eusebius , was of opinion that constantine died in the thirty second year of his reign . most of the ancients have likewise written the same thing : viz. philostorgius , book . . theodorus lector in his collectanea ; epiphanius , and the authour of the alexandrian chronicle : and amongst the latines , aurellus victor . but this opinion seems to me wholly absurd ▪ for they who think thus , must of necessity affirm also , that the same constantine began his empire on the year of christ , constantius the fifth time and maximianus being consuls . and , that on the same year constantius augustus the father of constantine departed this life . but , on the year following which is the year of christ , constantius augustus was consul the sixth time with his colleague maximianus , as all the fasti do constantly affirm . wherefore constantine's reign can be brought but from the year of christ . now therefore , whereas he died in the consulate of felicianus and titianus , that is on the year of christ , on the twenty second of the month may , as 't is agreed on amongst all writers , it is plainly made out , that constantine reigned thirty years , and ten months , three days only excepted . for he had been created caesar on the eighth of the calends of august , as idatius writes in his fasti. eutropius therefore and rufinus are right in their affirming , that constantine ended his life in the thirty first year of his empire . our eusebius also says true in his chronicon , that constantine reigned thirty years and ten months . further , whence it has hapned , that our eusebius here , and most of the ancients have attributed two and thirty years reign to constantine , this , as i think , was the reason . two years before his death , constantine had celebrated his tricennalia , in the consulate of constantius and albinus , as eusebius has related above . they thought therefore , that the thirtieth year of constantine's reign had been compleated when those men were consuls ; which nevertheless is false , as i have noted above . besides , from the beginning of constantine's reign , unto his death , two and thirty pair of consuls are reckoned . whence it might have hapned , that they should believe him to have died in the thirty second year of his empire . further , some chronologers have ascribed the years of his father constantius , because he reigned but a very short time , to constantine . but the reader is to be advertized , that the most learned petavius has at length changed his sentiment , and has embraced the common opinion concerning the years of constantine's reign , and concerning its beginning ; as 't is apparent from the fourth book of the second part of his rationarium temporum . vales. * or , insatiableness , and hypocrifie . † or , goods . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is here added by learned men from the manuscript copies ; which word i likewise found in m r fuket's book . but i had rather place this word before the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so eusebius [ expresses himself ] at the close of his third book concerning the life of constantine . it would indeed be far more elegantly written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i embrace the emendation of learned men , which occurs also in the fuketian copy , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , the judgment of our eusebius is here to be taken notice of , who i●● the reign of constantine , as in some most beautifull countenance , took notice of this blemish , that he chose the worst and most rapacious men to be his friends , and to bear the publick offices : and , that he was circumvented by the fraud and craft of certain persons , who pretended themselves to be christians . aurelius victor reproves almost the same thing , in these words : fiscales molestiae severius pressae . cunctaque divino ritui paria videre●tur , n● parùm dignis ad publica aditum concessisset . quae quanquam saepius accidêre , tamen in summo ingenio , atque optimis reip. moribus , quamvis parva vitia elucent magis . amm. marcellinus also in his sixteenth book , attests the same . nam proximorum ●auces aperuit primus omnium constantinus . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that love and truth which was in his disposition . † maintain , or , keep . ‖ or , goods , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuk. and s r hen savil's copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a i suppose amongst others , ablabius to be meant ; who after constantine's death , in regard 't was believed that he attempted a rebellion , was slain by the order of constantius , as eunapius does at large relate in the lives of the sophistae . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . above , at chap. of this book , eusebius has made use of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ where see what we have noted . you might also reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is written at the margin of the geneva-edition . the translatour persisting in his mistake , renders it here also , congressus cum amicis habere , to hold meetings with his friends ; whereas he ought to have translated it , conciones habere , to make speeches , as 't is plainly confirmed by the words following . victor in his epitome says the same likewise concerning constantine : commodissimus tamen ▪ rebus ▪ multis ●uit : calumnias sedare legibus severissimis : nutrire ar●es bonas , praecipuè fludia literarum : legere ipse scribere , meditare . where meditari has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , declamare , to declaim ▪ vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having continued ; as others have already remarked ▪ vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so eusebius does usually term the heathens , and especially the philosophers , who thought themselves wiser than others . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the third syllable has a line drawn under it . vales. * or , tabernacle . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . those words which follow after these in the geneva-edition , unto the beginning of the th chapter , ( which passage we have inclosed within this mark [ ] , ) were wanting both in the kings copy , and in robert stephen's edition : and they have been added by learned men , from conjecture as i think . for the chapters which follow are too short , and contain nothing more than the very titles of the chapters ; which is a thing altogether disagreeable to eusebius's designe . wherefore 't is credible , that i earned men inserted these words from the titles of the chapters , which occur per●●●t before the fourth book . further , in the geneva-edition , these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which occur after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be expunged . for the imperterction begins before these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we have taken notice of a like mistake above . our conjecture concerning this supplement is plainly confirmed by the fuketian copy which ( though it faithfully shews the other supplements which are publish't by the geneva-men , as we have noted in their places ; yet ) has not the supplement of this place . nor is this fragment written in turnebus's copy , although all the rest occur ▪ written at the margin of his book . vales. b socrates ( book . chap. . ) relates the very same thing , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. moreover , so ardent was the emperours love for the christian religion , that being about to ingage in a war with the persians , he provided a tabernacle made of linen , painted with divers colours , much resembling a church , even as moses did in the wilderness , and this he would have carried about with him , that so in the most desert regions he might have an oratory ready . which words of socrates i have the more willingly produced , because i know that socrates is wont most commonly to make use of the very words of eusebius , in those passages which he borrows out of eusebius . therefore , these words of socrates may supply the place of eusebius's words . for i can very hardly be induced to believe , that those words which occur in this imperfection , are eusebius's . further , before this , in the licinian war namely , constantine had a tabernacle of the cross fixt without the camp , into which he retired to fast and pray , as eusebius attests book . but in his preparation for the persian war , constantine did this further , that he built a tabernacle in form of a church . sozomen relates , that from this practise of constantine it was afterwards derived , that each cohort in the roman army had its tabernacle furnished like a chappel , and peculiar priests and deacons , who might there perform divine worship . vales. a rufus festus writes the same thing in his breviarium . constantinus rerum dominus , &c. constantine supream in the empire , at the latter end of his life prepared an expedition against the persians . for the nations in the whole world being subdued ; and he being rendred more glorious by a fresh victory obtained over the goths , went down against the persians with many troops . at whose approach the kingdoms of babylonia trembled so much , that an humble embassie from the persians met him , and promised they would do what they were commanded . nevertheless , they deserved not to be pardoned for the continual eruptions , which they bad attempted thorowout the east under constantius caesar. but socrates says only this : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but this war went on no farther at that time : for it was immediately extinguished by the fear which the emperour had out the persians into . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you will here observe the barbarism , not of eusebius , but of him who has made up this chapter . for it ought to have been said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor is this likely , that constantine , who had drawn together all the forces of the roman empire against the persians , should have made a peace with them . 't is certain , the contrary is affirmed by rusu● festus , whose words we have produced above ; as also by eutropius , and aurelius victor . but socrates intimates , that a peace , or at least a truce , was made with the persian . vales. a who sees not , that this passage was made by another hand ? for it does not in the least agree with the following chapter . in this chapter constantine is said to have begun to build the church of the apostles , after easter in the year . but in the following chapter , which 't is manifest was written by eusebius , that church appears to be now finished . but from easter to pentecost , on which day constantine died , the ground could scarce be dug up , in order to laying the foundation of the temple . wherefore that church must necessarily have been begun to be built long before ▪ see chap. . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , se●● forth brightnesses to them who , &c. † beating back . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . above , at book . chap. , eusebius terms the outward roof of a church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems here to be the roof of the whole church , or at least of the altar . such roofs built in form of a circle , we french-men do at this day term domat● ▪ further , concerning the magnificence of this church of the apostles , gregory nazianzene , in his poem de insom●io anastasia , writes thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is ▪ and likewise the magnificens temple of christ's disciples , distinguished by four sides in form of a cross. in this form churches were heretofore built , as gretser hath remarqued in his books de cruce , and marcus in the life of s t porphyrius . vales. * or , open court. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imperial , or stately houses . * or , a tombe for his own burial . * or , consecrated . † or , treasur'd up a place there . ‖ or , at the f●● time of his death . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius alludes to that appellation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , equall to an apostle ▪ which was given to constantine after his death , as it occurs in the menaea of the greeks . which appellation i can't tell why scaliger ( in his fifth book de emendatione temporum , ) should so much envy him , as to say that much was detracted from the praise and glory of the apostles , because their name is given to constantine . doubtless , whoever shall accurately look into those things done by constantine , in order to the propagation of the faith of christ , will acknowledge that name to have been deservedly given him. if thecla could deserve that appellation , which woman basilius seleucensis and others do term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how much more justly will it be given to constantine , by whom 't is effected , that we are now all christians ? further , eusebius makes use of the same words again , below at chap. . the authour of the synodicon speaking concerning the nicene synod ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constantine , the apostle among the christian emperours . and so he is termed in the office of the greeks , at the st of may , as it occurs in the typicon of s t saba . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in robert stephens's edit . 't is likewise worded and pointed in the same manner . † chests . in the greek 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b but chrysostome ( homil. . in . epist. to the corinthians , pag. , ) says constantine was buried in the porch of the church of the apostles , as their porter ; and that matter he magnifies according to his usual way . these things therefore must be so reconciled , as that constantine himself would have had his dead body buried in the midst of the apostles : but , that constantius , or some body else , placed it otherwhere . indeed zonaras writes , that constantius deposited his father's corps in the church of the apostles , in a peculiar porticus , which he had built for that very purpose . vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , coffin . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so 't is in robert stephens . † these words within this mark [ ] , from exercises to martyrs , are wanting in robert stephens ; nor has musculus taken any notice of them in his version . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraus's book the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and an asterisk is placed before that word . i reade therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and spent his life herein to the very close of it . farther , this asterisk assures us , that this imperfection was supplied from some manuscript copy . nevertheless , i question much , whither even these words also proceed not from the conjecture of some learned man. for this expression seems to me scarce greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and i had much rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the words which occur at the end of the imperfection , are much more suspicious ; viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a foolish expression , in regard eusebius always says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the neuter gender . then , why has he said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the plural number ? was that church dedicated to many martyrs together ? there was a famous church at helenopolis , dedicated to the martyr lucianus . in this church therefore constantine abode on account of prayer , when he returned from the warm waters . wherefore it ought to have been said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the martyr , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the martyrs . after i had written this note , i procured the fuketian copy , which has retained the true writing of this place . for thus it is ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having made his abode for some considerable time in the oratory of the martyrs . in the same copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without a chasme : also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , baths of warm water , &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he thought . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i suppose it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by the salutary laver. for what can the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be , especially when he had said before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the efficacy of mystick words . in the old sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which plainly confirms our emendation . vales. c this place does chiefly call for the reader 's attentive diligence . for from it , that great question concerning constantine's baptism may easily be determined . eusebius says therefore , that the emperour constantine did then first of all receive imposition of hands with solemn prayer in the church : that is in one word , was then first made a catechumen ▪ for catechumens were made by imposition of the hand by the bishop , as the sixth canon of the council of orleance informs us : de his qu● in infirmitate credere volunt , placuit eis debere manum imponi . the same is established in chap. . of the eliberitane council . gentiles si in infirmitate desideraverint sibi manum imponi , si fuerit eorum ex aliquâ parte vita honesta , placuit cis manum imponi , & fieri christianos . which eliberitane canon ( that i may give notice of that by the by , ) seems to be nothing else but an exposition of the orleance-canon : which may also be seen in other chapters of that council . concerning the same rite there is a famous place in sulpicius severus , dialog . ▪ concerning the miracles of saint martin , chap. . postremò cuncti catervatim ad genua beati viri ruere caeperunt , fideliter postulantes , ut eos faceret christianos . nec cunctatus , in medio , ut erat , campo , cunctos impositâ universis manu catechumenos fecit . the same author , book . nemo ●●rè , says he , eximmani illâ multitudine fuit gentilium , qui non impositione manûs desideratâ , in dominum jesum relicto impietatis errore crediderit . s t augustine also , in book . de peccat●rum remissione , chap. . non uniusmodi est sanctificatio . nam & catechumenos secundùm quendam modum suum per signum crucis & orationem manus impositionis puto sanctificari . petrus chrysologus writes the same likewise in his d sermon . hinc est quod veniens ex gentibus , impositione manus & exorcismis ante â daemone purgatur ; & apertionem aurium percipit , ut fidei capere possit auditum . so also in his ● th sermon ▪ namque ut incurvus peccatis gentilis erigatur ad coelum , prius à gentili por impositionem manuum nequam spiritus effugatur . to these authours , is to be annext symeon metaphrastes , who in the acts of the holy martyrs indes and domna , writes thus concerning cyrillus the bishop . ille autem cùm moderat● divinas ei cecinisset scripturas , & venerandâ christi cruce cam obsignasset , tunc quidem eam facit catechumenam . lastly , marcus in his book concerning the life of porphyrius bishop of gaza : die sequenti parentes mulicris & cognati euntes ad b. porphyrium , prociderunt ad ejus pedes , petentes christi signaculum . beatus verò cùm eos signasset , & ●●cisset catechumenos , dimisit illos in pace , praecipiens eis ut vacarent sanctae ecclesiae . et paulò post cùm cos caechesi instituisset , baptizavit . from these authours it appeares , that catechumens were heretofore made in the church , no otherwise than by an imposition of the hand . whereas therefore constantine is said to have then first received imposition of the hand in the church , 't is plain that as yet he was not a catechumen . but some body will say : who can believe that the emperour constantine was not till this time a catechumen ? whereas he had both been present at the nicene council , and had published so many laws and rescripts in favour of the christians ; had built so many churches ; had all manner of ways incited the heathens to embrace the faith of christ ; and had deprived the hereticks and schismaticks of their churches . indeed , eusebius does attest , that he had performed all the offices of a christian. for he writes , that he had busied himself in fastings and prayers , and had observed sundays , and the feasts of the martyrs ; and also , that he had watcht all night in the vigils of easter . all these things , and many more besides , which might be produced , doe prove constantine , not to have been a heathen ; but they do not evince him to have been a catechumen . 't is certain , in these four books of eusebius , wherein the piety and religion of constantine is celebrated , it no where occurs , that constantine prayed in the church with the rest of the catechumens , or that he partook of the sacrament of the catechumens . and although eusebius does in express words affirm that , of helena augusta the mother of the emperour constantine , that shee stood in the church with the rest of the women ; yet you will never find the same thing said by him concerning constantine . if it be objected , that constantine made his abode at helenopolis in the church of the martyrs , and pour'd forth his prayers to god : in the first place i answer , that this passage occurs not in our copies , as i have observed a little before . secondly , even heathens had a liberty of going into the churches , except only in the time of prayers ; how much more might the emperour do that , who profest himself a christian. whereas therefore eusebius does plainly inform us here , that constantine received imposition of the hand from the prelates first at helenopolis ; it evidently appears , that before that time he was not a catechumen . i know , that athanasius ( in the life of saint anthony , where he speaks concerning the letters written by constantine to anthony , ) and saint augustine ( in epist. , and , ) do give constantine the title of a christian prince . but it may be answered , that they have in this matter followed the vulgar opinion and report of all men ; and , that they publickly termed constantine a christian prince , not because he had as yet been initiated in the sacraments of the christian faith , but in regard he openly profest the worship of the christian religion . also , another far more weighty objection against our opinion , may be brought from chap. , book . the contents of which chapter run thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , that constantine becoming a catechumen , &c. whence it may be concluded , that constantine was made a catechumen soon after that vision of a cross in the heavens . but my answer is , that those contents were not made by eusebius , but by some more modern person , as it is shown above . besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken there for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instructed , or , taught . 't is certain , eusebius does not say any where in that chapter , that constantine was made a catechumen , but only , that the bishops being call'd for by him , opened to him the reason of that celestial vision : and that thence forward he applyed himself to the reading of the sacred volumns . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in the first book of his history chap. , these words occur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , received a blessing by prayer and the laying on of his hands . — saint augustine , book . de remissione peccatorum , chap. , terms it orationem manûs impositionis , the prayer of imposition of the hand . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a very foolish repetition , this ▪ in regard he had said just before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that seal which conferrs immortality . wherefore i doubt not but eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the salutary gift . for so the antients termed baptism also , as , besides others , gregory nazianzene informs us . vales. c least any one should rashly find fault with constantine , because he cove●ed to be baptized there , where the lord had heretofore been baptized by john ; notice is to be taken , that most christians at that time coveted the same thing . our eusebius's words in his book de locis hebraicis , are these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which place jerome renders thus : bethbaara trans jordanem , &c. bethbaara beyond jordane , where john baptized to repentance : whence even to this day many of the brethren , that is of the number of believers , desirous to be born again there , are baptized in the vital stream . jerome takes eusebius's words to be meant concerning catechumens who earnestly desired that they might be baptized in jordan . but the words of eusebius may be understood concerning bare washing . indeed , long after the age of eusebius and jerome , the faithfull were wont to wash in that very place , especially on the festival of the theophania [ that is , either on the first of february , or the sixth of january , as scaliger affirms in his notes on cor. . ] after the baptism of the little children ; as i have learnt from the itinerary of antoninus the martyr , whose words are these . juxta jordanem verò ubi baptizatus est dominus jesus , est tumulus cancell is circundatus . et in loco ub●redundat aqua de alveo suo , posita est crux lignea intus in aquâ , & ex utrâque parte rupes strata marmore . et in vigilia theophan●ae magnus ibi ●it conventus populorum . et quarta aut quinta vice gallo canen●e , siunt vigiliae . completis matu●inis , primo diluculo surgentes procedunt ad sacra ministeria c●lebranda sub divo . et diaconi tenentes sacerdotem , descendit sacerdos in ●lumen . et hor a quâ caepit benedicere aquam , mox jordanis cum magno rugitu post se revertitur ; & stat aqua superior in se usque dum baptismus per●●citur : inferior autem fugit in mare . and a little after : baptismo autem completo , descendunt omnes in flumen pro benedictione , induti sindonibus quas ●ibi ad sepulturam servant . the same thing is likewise related in the hodoeporicon of saint willibald which canisius published . ad jordanem , ubi dominus suit baptizatus , ibi nunc est ecclesia in columnis lapideis sursum elevata : & subtus ecclesiam est nunc arida terra , ubi dominus baptizatus suit . in ipso loco & ibi nunc baptizant . ibi stat crux lignea in medio , & parva derivatio aquae stat illic ; & unus suniculus extensus super jordanem hinc & inde ●irmatur . tunc in solemritate epiphaniae infirmi & aegroti venientes habebant se cum funiculo , & sic demerguntur in aquam . episcopus noster willibaldus balneavit se ibi in jordane . vales. * or , according to our example : so valesius renders it . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the meaning of these words is sufficiently intricate . had constantine a mind to say this ? let all persons now cease from doubting concerning m● , whether i be really a christian ; let no body in future suspect me to have embraced the faith of christ in words only , not from the inmost affection of my heart . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may also be taken at this place for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , let all delay be removed . which sense does indeed agree better with what goes before . for in these words constantine accuses himself , because namely he had too long deferred the salutary laver , and because he had been so long wavering as 't were and doubtfull , neither following the rites and ceremonies of the heathens , nor embracing the worship of the christians . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i had heretofore taken a resolution of doing this ; in which manner i found it written in turnebus's and moraeus's copy . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there may be a two●old meaning given of these words : for either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which sense the translatour of this book has followed . or else with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood , which meaning is in my judgment truer . indeed , in the kings copy , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a middle distinction is placed . besides , that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does plainly shew , that constantine speaks concerning himself . lastly , if these words were to be meant concerning god , constantine would not have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the people of god , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with his people . vales. * or , be worthy of god. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the books of turnebus and moraeus , at the margin 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which pleases me better . this verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is frequently taken in this sense , in the sacred scriptures . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i can't approve of the version of the translatours ▪ who have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , initiatus est , was initiated ; as if the reading ought to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i have chose to render it , consummatus est , was perfected . so s t cyprian in his epist. to jubaianus , pag. ▪ quod nunc quoque apud nos g●ritur , ut qui in ecclesia baptizantur , praepositis ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram orationem ac manus impositionem spiritum sanctum consequantur , & signaculo dominico consummentur . 't is certain , the greek fathers do usually term baptism 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , persection and consummation . so athanasius in his third oration against the arians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and a little after ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . also , a little after he makes use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for baptizari , to be baptized : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the following page he does again term baptism 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in which places p. nannius always renders it initiationem , initiation . moreover , gregory nazianzene in his first oration against julian , gives baptism the same name ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lastly , clemens alexandrinus , book . paedagog . writes , that baptism is called by various names . for , sometimes , he says , 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . then he annexes a reason why it should be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : we term that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says he , whereto nothing is wanting . what is farther wanting to him who knows god , and who possesses the grace of god , and now enjoyes life eternal . whence clemens concludes thus ; that all persons who have believed in christ , and who have been dipt in the sacred laver , are now perfect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . amongst the latines also , they were termed perfecti christiani , perfect christians , who had received baptism , although they had not received imposition of the hand from the bishop . the old authour de haereticis non rebaptizandis , has this passage ; quod hodiernâ quoque die non potest dubitari esse usitatum , & evenire solitum ut plerique post baptisma ●ine impositione manûs episcopi de saeculo ex●ant ; & tamen pro perfectis ●idelibus habentur . and again afterwards , at pag. edit . rigal● ; he uses a perfect christian for a believer ; and , an imperfect one for a catechumen . see the place . — vales h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that which i have already remark'● to have hapned in many places of this work , has , i conjecture , been committed here also ; namely , that the words are transposed . i am of opinion therefore , that it must be read thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rejoyced , and was renewed in spirit . for he alludes to that verse of the known psalm , create a clean heart in me , o god , and renew a right spirit within me . further , from this place of eusebius we may gather , that constantine was not sprinkled in his bed , as the sick were wont to be ; but received baptism in the church . for eusebius says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , was by a regeneration perfected in the martyria of christ. soon after this , from the fuketian copy and the old sheets write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was filled with light . vales. 't is a known thing , that it was heretofore the custom , that neophytes [ i. e. persons newly baptized , ] should be clothed in white garments , which they afterwards laid by , on the eighth day . zeno veronensis in his fifth sermon ad neophytos . primus vos qui in se credentem reprobat nullum , non aries sed agnus excepit : qui vestram nuditatem velleris sui niveo candor● vestivit . s t austin in serm . . de tempore . paschalis solemnitas hodiernâ festivitate concluditur . et ideò bodie neophytorum habitus commutatur : ita tamen , ut candor qui de habitu deponitur , semper in corde teneatur . bede attests the same in his book de officiis . septuage●im● , says he , tendit ad sabbatum ante octavas paschae , quando hi qui in vigilia paschae baptizantur , alba vestimenta deponent . which words occur also in the roman order . in an old pontifical book of the church of senona , written ou● about six hundred years since , there is a solemn prayer extant , which the bishop made over the neophytes , at such time as they laid aside their albes ; which i thought worth while to annex here . benedictio in sabbato quando albas deponunt . deus qui calcat●s in●erni legibus captivitatem nostram resolutâ catenarum compage dignatus est ad libertatis praemia revocare , ipse vobis praestet ita hanc vitam tran●igere , ut in illam perpetuam ipso duce possitis intrare , amen . tantum praebeat vobis ●e●vorem catholicae fi●ei , ut sancti adventus illius sit●● expectatione securi , amen . vt quicunque hic meruer●n● purgare und● baptismi , ibi praesentari valeant p●o judici candidati , amen . farther , the neophytes celebrated those eight days after baptism with all imaginable religion : in so much that , during those days , which were also termed octavae , they lookt upon it as impious , to touch the earth with their naked feet , as s t austin writes in epist. . ad januarium . also , during those days they were wont to go bare-headed , which was a sign of liberty . s t austin serm. . in dominica octavarum paschae . hodi● octavae dicuntur in●antium : revelanda sunt capita eorum quod est indicium libertatis . habet enim libertatem ista spiritalis nativitas , &c. on the contrary , the catechumens went in publick with their heads covered , in regard they were a type of adam expelled out of paradice , as junilius says book . chap. . which i am of opinion is to be understood concerning the competentes only , who covered not only their heads , but their faces also , as cyrill of jerusalem informs us in his first catechisme . but this covering was taken off of them in baptism , or at least on the eighth day after baptism . for this is rather intimated by those words of s t austin , quoted by us a little above . and the same is likewise confirmed by theodorus bishop of canterbury in his liber poenitentialis , in these words . in monachorum ordinatione abbas debet missam cantare , & tres orationes complere super capus ejus ; & septem dies velet caput ejus ▪ septimo die abstollat velamen . sicut in baptismo presbyter septimo die velamen in●antum tollit ▪ ita & abbas debet monacho , quia secundus baptismus est juxta judicium patrum ▪ & omnia peccata dimittuntur sicut in baptismo . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the geneva-printers added the last word from the books of scaliger and bongarsius ; which i likewise found added in moraeus's copy . but 't is wanting in the kings copy , nor does it seem to me to be very necessary . in the fuketian , turnebian , and savil●an copies , the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ therefore , there is a mistake both in moraeus's book , and in the geneva-edition . vales. * or , goods . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it occurs in the kings sheets . farther ▪ from this place 't is apparent , that pentecost is taken , not only for that day which is the fiftieth after easter-day , but also for the seven weeks which follow easter . thus 't is every where used , as well by greek as latine writers , s t jerome in his letter to marcella ; non quo per totum annum exceptâ pentecoste jejunare non liceat . hence , amongst the greeks there is a festival termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the twenty-fifth-day from the feast of easter . besides other writers , john chrysostom makes mention of this feast , in his fifth homily de ann● . vales. * or , an uni● ▪ valesius renders it , unitate . † or , the meridian hours of the sun. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word must be expunged , although it occurs in all our copies . presently , it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fuketian copy . in the kings sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , genuine . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must doubtless be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning the publick mourning of all persons , at the funeral of constantine the great , aurelius victor attests the same , in these words . funus relatum in urbem sui nominis . quod san● populus rom. aegerrimè tulit : quippe cujus armis , legibus , clementi imperio quasi novatam urbem rom. arbitraretur . his dead body was brought into the city that bore his own name . which the people of rome were sorely troubled at : in regard , by his arms , laws , and mild government , they supposed the city rome renewed as ' t were . i know indeed , that these words of aurelius victor may be understood concerning the citizens of rome , who took it ill , because constantine's body had been interred at constantinople rather then at rome . nevertheless i am of opinion , that victor thought otherwise ; to wit , that all the inhabitants of the roman world were most sorely troubled at the death of constantine . which meaning is plainly confirmed by the following words : quippe cujus armis , legibus , clementi imperio , quasi novatam orbem romanum arbitraretur . for so 't is to be read , and not urbem romanam . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the one of these words is useless . the fuketian manuscript has only the latter ; whereto agrees turnebus's book . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon losty benches or seats . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading in the fuketian and turnebian copy is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but it must without doubt be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is above , at book . chap. . vales. * generals , or commanders in chief . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concerning the manner of saluting the roman emperours , consult the learned d r howells history , second part , pag. . this adoration was little more than what is now a days used to princes , namely , a kneeling to them , and bowing the head . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , the honorati . so the latines termed those who bore honours , as i have at large remarked at the th book of amm. marcellinus . whereto add a passage of gaudentius bishop of brixia , in his letter to benevolus . nam sicut honoratorum nostrae urbis , ita etiam dominicae plebis , domino annuente , dignissimum caput es . vales. * or , their own carriage of him . c after constantine's death , there was an interregnum , nor did any augustus reign in the roman world . which interregnum [ i. e. a time when there was no emperour , ] continued not only till constantine's burial , but to the fifth of the ides of september , as idatius attests in his fasti. so , for the space of three months and an half , the roman world was without the empire of an augustus . for during that whole time , which is between the eleventh of the calends of jun● and the fifth of the ides of september , his sons were styled only cae-sars . 't is certain , constantinus junior , in his letter so the alexandrians , which bears date after his fathers death , in the consulate of felicianus and titianus , on the fifteenth of the calends of july , has the title of caesar only . this letter is extant in atbanasius , in his second apologie , near the end . vales. * or , turned into stone . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . * or , well known . † or , greatest symbol of supream empire . * or , of rome . a the same is attested by aurelius victor , in those words of his , which we quoted above , at chap. . noto ( b. ) vales. a constantius caesar , whom his father had made governour of the east , upon hearing of his father's sickness , had in great hast taken a journey , that he might see his father before he died . but the vehemency of his disease frustrated the son's desire . for when he was arrived at nicomedia , he found his father dead ; as julian relates in his first oration concerning the praises of constantius , pag. . with julian , the other writers of history do likewise agree . zonaras is the only authour who relates , that constantius caesar , who was then at antioch , arrived whilst his father was yet living ; and that he honoured him , when dead , with a most magnificent funeral . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word save one is added by the i earned , from conjecture as i think . nevertheless , there seems to be something more wanting : and perhaps eusebius wrote thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the city that bore his own name . hence it appears , that constantine's dead body was kept at nicomedia with all imaginable honour and reverence , till the coming of constantius caesar. who , after he was arrived at nicomedia , conveyed his father's corps to constantinople . wherefore , the author of the alexandrian chronicle is mistaken , who relates , that constantius came directly to constantinople , and there celebrated his father's funeral . vales. * or , the things of a becoming sanctity . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the sacred assemblie . † or , death . a a twofold sense may be given of these words . for , either eusebius means , that constantius caesar , when he had deposited his father's ark or coffin in the church , went presently out of the church with the souldiers ▪ or else this is his meaning only , that constantius having done that , withdrew out of the middle of the church , that he might give place to the priests . which meaning is in my judgment truer . for constantius , although he had not as yet been baptized , was nevertheless a catechumen , as sulpicius severus tells us in the second book of his history . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see gellius , b. . cap. . b translatours thought that these words were spoken of god , who gave the empire to constantine's sons ▪ but after a more attentive examination of the matter , i am of opinion that they are spoken concerning constantine himself , who , even dead ▪ delivered the empire to his sons . and this is confirmed by the following words . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . constantine had wisht , that after his death , he might not , like other princes , be consecrated , and reckoned amongst the divi : but , that being buried with the apostles , he might be a partaker of the prayers , which are wont to be offered to god by the faithfull in honour of them ; as eusebius has said above , at chap. . whence it appears , that here it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not as it is in moraeus's book , and at the margin of the geneva-edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through his own most , &c. nor will this place be perfect , even this way , unless these words be added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which eusebius confirms in the foresaid th chapter . the point must also be blotted out , which is set a little after , as well in the kings copy , as in the common editions ; and it must be read in one breath , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. than which there is nothing more certain ; which makes me admire , that translatours saw not this . in the fuketian copy , the reading of this place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nor is it otherwise in the books of turnebus and s r henry savil ▪ save only that s r henry has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. but in the kings sheets i found this place written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. which reading comes nearer to our emendation . further , those words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are spoken in a parenthesis ; and this is intimated by that punctation in the fuketian copy , which i have shown above . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading the following words do confirm . and so i found it plainly written in the fuketian copy . vales. e such was the inscription , usually perfixt before the laws and letters of constantine , as eusebius does every where attest . victor constantinus maximus augustus . he took the pronomen [ forename ] of victor , after his victory obtained over the tyrants . his sons also , by an hereditary right as 't were , retained that name , as their letters inform us . farther , from this place it appears , that after the death of constantinus maximus , for about three months space , that is during the whole time of the interregnum , all laws and edicts were inscribed with the name of constantine , as if he had been living , in regard there was no other augustus in the roman world , as i have observed above . this place may also be meant concerning the sons of constantine the great , who made use of the same title and name ; and in whom their father seemed to be revived . which sense is confirmed by what follows . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it may answer the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which occurs several lines above . further , in the kings copy , at the margin of this chapter , the greek scholiast had written these words in honour of constantine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same writer does in this work often besprinkle him with praises and good wishes . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sr. henry savil at the margin of his copy remarkes , that the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to whom i agree : yet i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * is in use , or is embraced . * representations were stamps on coyns , or , money . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last word is , in my judgment , to be blotted out ; which in all probability crept out of the margin into the text. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been written in the margin , which might explain the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , that which occurs in the margin of the geneva-edition , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is in my judgment most egregiously foolish . for the propriety of the greek tongue admits not of that expression . besides , in most coyns constantine appears with an helmet on his head. vales. † or , other part . ‖ right hand . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 questionless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is also to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only prince , or at least those words are to be understood . further , eusebius excepts none of the roman emperours , whilst he says , that constantine was the first of them all , who was plainly and openly a christian. which doubtless is most true . for although the emperour philippus is by some reported to have been a christian ; yet he did not openly profess the christian religion , as constantine did . orosius ( book . ) writes in a different sense concerning constantine , in this manner ; primus imperatorum christianus , the first christian of the emperours , except philippus , who in my judgment was made a christian during a very few years , for this reason only , that the thousandth year of rome might be dedicated to christ , rather than to idols . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i had rather reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , how great a difference there was wit● him , or , how great a difference he made . vales. * or , adversary . * preach't . † or , had ▪ overthrown all the errour of , &c. notes for div a -e a after his four books concerning the life and piety of the emperour constantine , eusebius had added two orations ; the one whereof was the emperour constantine's , [ entitled ] to the assemblie of the saints , or to the church of god : the other was written by himself , concerning the fabrick and sacred presents of the jerusalem-martyrium , as eusebius himself does attest in chap. , and of his fourth book . but the latter oration of eusebius is not now extant . and that former one [ namely constantine's ] abounds with so many faults , that it would almost be better , if it were not extant . but whereas this is a singular monument of that religious prince , and an illustrious proof of his studies and disposition , i shall , i think , do what will be worth while , if i shall ●mploy my care and diligence , in mending and explaining it . vales b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in book . chap. , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he entitled , which is in my judgment to be preferred . this therefore was the title of this oration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , victor , maximus , augustus constantinus to the convention of the saints . vales. * or , the word of god. † or , brighter splendour both , &c. ‖ or , joyning together . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book , as likewise in the margin of the geneva-edition , 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which word i doe not remember to have met with any where . but in scaliger's copy 't is corrected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which comes nearer to the reading of the manuscript copies . indeed , in the kings copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : whence i conjectured that it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the foundation . he does elegantly term the resurrection of our lord , the foundation of the promise . nor has christophorson done ill in rendring it pignus promissionis , the pledge of the promise ; which is in a manner the same . for a pledge is given for an assurance ; whence 't is by graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and savilian copies i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i assent not to learned men , who joyn these with the foregoing words , and reade thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for if we read thus , it will be a foolish repetition , in regard constantine had said before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in which words constantine salutes all the catholick people , in such a manner as preachers are wont to do . wherefore those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are the beginning of another period , wherein constantine sets forth the happiness of the catholick people . further , i would more willingly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ye multitudes , &c ▪ that constantine may be made to speak to the people . nevertheless , in the fuketian and savilian copies , this place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , what manner of workmanship is thine ? c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of thy sanctitie . at the margin of the geneva-edition there is a note set , that 't is otherwise written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , substance . but having look't into the matter more accurately , i am of opinion , that the common reading is to be retained . for constantine says ▪ that nature is not the framer of things , in regard she her self was made by god ; nor is he only the origine of nature herself , but of that sanctitie also which is in her. for 't is god who hath adorned nature . for the ornament of nature , is a life according to the law and prescript of god. this is the meaning of this place , which christophorson perceived not . for i say nothing of portesius , whom i have found most unskilfull , in a manner every where . yet , in the fuk. turneb . and savil. copies , and in the kings sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , substance . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a life agreeable to nature . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a life agreeable to god , as 't is apparent from the foregoing note . in one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , religion , is the ornament of nature . but , what sense there can be in the common reading , truly i can't perceive . so our eusebius gave his books concerning the life of the emperour constantine this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings sheets 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. indeed , in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , erroneous . † or , divine inspiration by the prophets ▪ particularly , &c. ‖ or , wicked impiety . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the incon●utableness ( if i may so say ) of darkness . † sudden , or , unthought-on . ‖ motion . * or , their will ; that is , the will of princes . † or , manifold . ‖ or , surrounded . * or , sobriety . † or , cast forth . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in the kings copy , the two last words are wanting , and an empty space is left , capable of one word only . i doubt not but the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in place thereof to introduce its own superstition ; that verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being blotted out , which is wholly superfluous . in the fuketian copy this place is written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but in the kings sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. s r henry savil at the margin of his copy hath mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but it overturned its own superstition . upon a more diligent inspection into the thing . i am of opinion , that this place is thus to be restored ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , the nations , whe● they had resolved to ruine the church of christ , subverted their own felicity . diseases [ hapned ] again , seditions , &c. the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may also be retained , that so the meaning may be this ; the heathens , whilst they persecuted the church , ruined their own religion . for the church of god being attackt by the persecutions of the heathens , vanquished the superstition and worship of false deities . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . turnebus at the margin of his book hath mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morosities . indeed , in the fuketian copy 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the kings sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and then some lines are omitted . and perhaps it should be written in one continued clause , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , ● morose furniture of life . for , unless , we read so , what will be the meaning of those following words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which constantine reckons amongst the ill things ? musculus seems to have read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for he renders it , violenta victûs astructio . presently , the fuketian copy words it thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which having its being in men , as we have rendred it . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book , and in the geneva-edition , it is at the margin mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , excellently well , as those skilled in the greek tongue do know . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wickedness , is understood . the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the fuk ▪ and turneb . copies also . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the correction of this place is due to the fuketian copy ; wherein 't is plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must discourse . than which emendation there is nothing more certain . vales. * or , precaution . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thou pilot , or , master of the ship. so constantine terms a bishop , with no less elegant a metaphor , than when they , are termed pastours . and , whereas the church is usually compared to a ship , the bishops who govern it , are rightly termed the patrons or masters of the ship ; they being also the apostles successours , whom christ , from being fishers , made governours of the church . farther , he terms him one indued with chastity and virginity ; because the prelates of the christians were such , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † ignorant , or , untaught . ‖ or , humanity . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuketian copy , kings sheets , and turnebus's book have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , potion , or , water to be drunk . presently , where the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be ye attentive ; in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , attend therefore . vales. * piety of devotion . * or , words . * or , about my words . † knowledge , or , learning . ‖ or , integrity of my attempt . * greatest , or , most powerfull inspiration . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the influence or , inspiration of the father , must be understood ; as christophorson read . indeed , in the fuketian copy 't is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whilst we are uttering , &c , as 't is rendred . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred both this , and the preceding period , very ill . for he thought , that the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , was delay , or deferring ; whereas at this place , that word signifies a preface . for constantine excuses himself , because he had made use of too long a preface . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly the beginning of a song , which the chorus was wont to sing in the first place . aristophanes in irene page , de dithyrambicis ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : where the scholiast notes , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the beginnings of songs ; and he cites a verse of homer . isocrates's words , in his panathenaïcon , are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this word therefore was afterwards translated from singers to orators ; and they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hesychius does attest . ulpianus on demosthenes's oration de ch●rsoneso ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so aristophanes , in ir●ne , page , has used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sense . farther , from this place it appears , that the preface of this oration reaches as far as these words . vales. † or , perfection . * or , the word , i. e. christ. † exist , or , continue firm . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think we must reade thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god , who is , &c. for , the chiefest good is nothing else but the supream god. so below , at chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and savilian copies , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is an ill reading . vales. * or , off-spring . * organs , or , instruments . † or , manifest . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has rendred it artificialia , such namely as are made by some instrument , but are not begotten by nature : wherein nevertheless , i do not agree with him . for , whereas constantine does philosophize throughout this whole oration ; at this place also he has used natural and organical bodies , in the same sense that philosophers are wont to take them ; namely , for bodies that are endued with organs or instruments fit for operation . so aristotle expresses himself , when he defines the soul thus , the act of an organical body . but , an organical body is more than a natural one . for , there are some natural bodies , which want organs , for instance , stones , and other things of that sort . vales. c he alludes to the division of the world between those three brethren , jupiter , neptune , and pluto ; which division the greek-theologi do talk of . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , would continue to govern . in the fuk. copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , would administer , or , manage . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the negative particle hath been added by the learned , from conjecture , as i think ; as also , the words which follow next , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . all which words occur neither in the kings copy , nor in the old sheets , not yet in robert stephens's edition : neither do they in any wise agree with the preceding words . for constantine does not now treat concerning providence ; but he asserts only this , that there is one beginning of all things ; which he proves thus ; if there were more gods than one , each god would govern his own allotment : but , they would be very little solicitous , that the whole world should always keep it self in one and the same order . but , we see the contrary . therefore , there are not more gods than one . this is constantine's first argument against the theologie of the heathens . i reade therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus the sense is most evident and plain . but , whereas those words which i have set above , are found in the fuk. savil. and turnebian copies ; there is no need of our emendation . vales. * or , generation . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , according to mine own arbitrement . it might also be read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefly , or , most especially . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this passage seems to me very obscure . christophorson renders it thus ; fac respons● nobis per oracula dari : ista tamen fieri non propriâ ac suâ vi sed ad deum aliquem pertinere . but , what the meaning hereof should be , truly i can't see . but , having examined all things with more of attention , at length i found out the true meaning of this place . this therefore is what constantine says . if there be many gods ; when i shall fall into calamity , to which of them shall i address my self , that he may acquaint me with the cause of my misery , and free me from it . let us suppose ( says he , ) that , for instance , apollo has answered me , that 't is not in his power to deliver me , but , that that belongs to another god. what is more plain than this sense ? it must therefore be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but belong to another god. many such oracles as these are extant in the histories of the greeks ; where apollo answers those who consult him , that they must appease bacchus , or saturn , if they have a mind to be delivered from their calamity . vales. * or , the errour in reference to idols . † or , birth . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , after the first word , there is an empty space , capable of one word . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their kind , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as i found it mended at the margin of moraeus's copy . in the fuk. copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the conjunction . vales. * or , rewards . † or , whoredoms and wickednesses . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. a little after , where the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the margin of moraeus's book 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 't is corrected in gruter's copy . vales. * or , in the interim . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is truer in the fuk ▪ copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. vales. * or , coffins . † or , immortal . ‖ or , incorruptible . * or , being partakers of the body . * or , purge . † or , poured . ‖ or , everlasting . * or , invented the creation of man. so valesius renders it . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the three former words have been added by learned men from m. s. copies . nevertheless , they occur not , either in the kings copy , or in the old sheets . but i have set a point after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the authority of the kings , and fuketian copy , and from the old sheets . which christophorson having not perceived , he joyned this with the following period . now , the meaning of this place , is this . i affirm , says he , that as well man , as the other things which are in the world , are his workmanship , who hath constituted all these things in order ; that is , the workmanship of the supream god. it must therefore be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in s r henry savil's book , and as christophorson seems to have read . then i reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and who hath established , than which emendation there is nothing more certain . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an expression which he makes use of hereafter . vales. † that is , our first parents . b here constantine seems to place that paradise , wherein god put adam , without the bounds of the earth . which was the sentiment of very many of the ancients . stephanus gobarus , chap. . had handled this probleme ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that paradise is neither in heaven , nor on earth , but between them . and this was the title of the twelfth chapter , that paradise is the jerusalem above , and is in the third heaven : and , that the trees which are there ▪ are endued with understanding and knowledge : and , that adam , after his transgression , was cast down from thence , into the earth . then [ follows ] a contrary assertion , that paradise is not in the third heaven , but in the earth . 't is certain , tatianus , in his oration contra graecos , does affirm , that that paradise , wherein adam was placed by god , was not in this earth which we inhabit , but in another far better . his words are these , ( which doubtless stephanus gobarus had quoted , in confirmation of that opinion ; ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides , tertullian seems to have thought the same . for thus he writes concerning adam , in his book de patientiâ . innocent erat , & deo de proximo amious , & paradisi colonus . at ubi semel succidit impatientiae , desivit deo sapere ; desivit caelestia sustinere posse , exinde bomo terrae datus , & ab oculis dei dejectus , &c. the same may be made out from his second book against marcion , chap. and ; where he uses the same metaphor with tatianus . — were that book now extant , which tertullian wrote concerning paradise ; it might be more plainly known , that this , which i have mentioned , was his opinion . lastly , clemens alexandrinus ( in excerptis theodoti , or in his books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 page , edit . commelin . ) places the terrestrial paradise , wherein eve was made , in the fourth heaven . but origen had placed paradise , whereof adam was an inhabitant , in the third heaven ; as methodius informs us in his book de resurrectione in epiphanius pag. . and before all these , valentinus placed that paradise , wherein adam dwelt , above the third heaven ; and had affirmed it to be intellectual ; as irenaeus attests , b. . vales. * or , loaden . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the rules of grammar require , that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must , i think , be thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , that all that , &c. it might also be written in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , wherefore , all that healthy place — was inhabited ; and so there needs no alteration . vales. e after these words , learned men have added these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and sciences ; which i found written also at the margin of moraeus's book . nevertheless , they are wanting , not only in the king's copy , and in the sheets , but in the fuketian and savil. copies also . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy ▪ a little before , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in nature and species very different ; i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conditions ; in which manner i also found it written in turnebus's book . vales. * or , differenced . † or , adorned the most perfect complement of the universe . * or , those matters in reference to the creation . † determination , or , prescript . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before these words musculus has set a point . for thus he renders this passage . qui potestatem horum sato tribuunt , ne hoc quidem intelligunt , &c. christophorson has followed musculus . vales. * or , by it self . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or , what shall , &c. in the fuketian and savilian copies 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in the kings sheets i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. further , this place is imperfect , as 't is apparent ; and it would be hard to supplie it without the copies . nevertheless , this seems to be constantine's way of arguing . if , says he , the virtues be from fate , then so are the vices also . but , the vices cannot be from fate . for wickedness is either from nature , or from the will. therefore , 't is not from fate . but , if any one shall say , that virtue indeed and vice are of the will ; but , that the will should do right , or otherwise ▪ this is from fate : in what manner then can justice , which is nothing else but a constant and perpetual desire of giving every one their due , be from fate ? in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but s r henry savil remarks at the margin of his book , that perhaps it should be written ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and presently mends it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. * or , but , either crimes , or , on the other hand , brave performances , which are [ the property ] of a good and right purpose of mind , if they happen sometimes one way , at others , another , according , &c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last word is added by learned men from manuscript copies ; which , nevertheless , i can in no wise approve of , though it does occur in the fuketian copy . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how will all right , &c. the meaning is the same with what i have said above . nevertheless , the written reading may be born with , that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be meant those things which are reckoned up by constantine , to wit , laws , rewards , punishments , exhortations , and the rest of this sort , which contain justice in them . vales. * or even that which is agreeable occurs , on account of mens living in this , or that manner . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accent in the last syllable , as i found it set at the margin of moraeus's copy . i read also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the manuscripts . 't is certain , the fuketian copy gives us this reading ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. in robert stephens 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , that all such , as i found it mended in moraeus's book , at the margin . so indeed 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , good inclinations . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after the first word i found a blank in the fuketian copy , capable of one word . it must , i think , be made up thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word must be blotted out ; in regard 't is not to be found , either in the kings copy or in the sheets , or stephens's edition . the place was rather to have been mended in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is ; although it be certain , and evidenced by many instances , that famine , pestilence , and such sort of calamities , are sent from heaven in order to the punishing of mens wickedness ; yet , that does much more manifestly appear , as often as those calamities happen . for then we come to our selves , and understand the causes of those things . nevertheless , the reading in the fuketian copy is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must , i think , ●e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or , if you had rather , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the end of the period , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excellently well . it must therefore be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as often as , recollecting ourselves . vales. * or , moderate and quiet . † or , mind . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i had rather read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has had a dependence upon , &c. further , in the fuketian and turneb . copies , the reading of this place runs thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , rashly . † or , partakes of some reason . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not man , &c : but christophorson read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not the life of man , which consists of matter ; which reading i condemn not , but the former emendation pleases me best . — nevertheless , the fuketian copy does plainly favour chistophorson's version . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of light . wherefore there is no need of christophersons conjecture ; nor of s r henry savil's , who mends it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dark . vales. * or , by reason of its converse with him at a nearer distance . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god's conception of mind ; valesius renders it intelligentiam . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is mended at the margin of moraeus's book . presently , make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , a little lower , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and thus i found it plainly written in the fuketian copy save that there it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. * or , place . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that learned man had remarked in moraeus's book . and so the reading is in the fuketian copy . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be expung'd here . for at this place 't is more elegantly understood . s r henry savil has mended it at the margin of his book , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , dimensions . † or , divisions . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ; than which , nothing is more certain . in the fuketian and turneb . copies 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , i have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , discidia , following the authority of amm. marcellinus , who somewhere expresses himself so . christophorson has likewise rendred it well , divortia terrarum , the divorcements of the earth . vales. ‖ or , has sufficiently moystened the ground in order to a refreshment . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuketian and turneb . copies this place is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we understand not in what manner of form and shape chance is characterized . vales. ‖ or , without a subsistence . * or , as to things incomprehensible . † or , apprehend their own opinion . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . learned men have mended this place thus ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , whereas the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs neither in the kings copy , nor robert stephens's edition , i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is plainly confirmed by the succeeding words . for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nevertheless , the fuk. sav. and turneb , copies do plainly confirm that emendation of learned men . the same fuketian manuscript sets two points after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right . vales. * or , let all these words be ▪ &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in moraeus's book 't is mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as christophorson read ; and as we have rendred it . and so 't is plainly written in the fuketian copy . vales. † reserved , or treasured up the nature of gold , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the delight of the world , and ▪ for plenty only . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is corrupted ; in the place whereof i would rather put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luxury . yet , the ordinary reading may be born with . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as i found it written in the fuketian copy , after i had long before conjectured , that it was so to be written . moreover , i point the whole place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. vales. a in the very title of the chapter there is a fault . for what can these words mean , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i think the place must be made good in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . also , concerning the opinions of plato . and so 't is plainly written in the fuketian copy . but , both in the fuketian copy , and also in the kings sheets , this chapter is begun from these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how many other works , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuk. and turneb . copies 't is truer written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the kings sheets that word is omitted . i had rather write also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the sacred scriptures this verb is used in such a sense , as to signifie , to exercise his wit ; as jacobus tusanus has long since observed . vales. see psal. . ; where this word occurs . * or , hide . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the sense requires , that these words should be added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the stronger , more weak . this was the device of protagoras , who promised young men , that he would make that reason which was stronger , more weak ; and on the contrary , that which was weaker , more strong ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . against the sophists who promised these things , socrates disputed continually , that he might convince them that they knew nothing ; and he pursued them with their own weapons , that is , arguments of logick . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fuketian copy . — what constantine says ( namely , that pythagoras , after he was come into egypt , and had heard what the prophets had heretofore predicted ; divulged those things afterwards all over italy , as if god had revealed them to him ; ) seems to me scarce probable . indeed , that pythagoras came into egypt , and there received from the priests , the mystick rites and ceremonies of their religion ; this , i say , is attested by porphyrius in his life , and by many others ▪ moreover , we are told by aristobulus , clemens , and eusebius , that pythagoras had many things out of the books of moses . but , that he had learned the prophecies of the jews in egypt , and had afterwards divulged them amongst the italians ; is a thing affirmed by none of the ancients , that i know of . and perhaps this place is to be understood , not concerning the prophecies of the jews , but those of the egyptians . for there were prophets amongst the egyptians , as i have observed in ●y notes on eusebius's eccles. hist. see book . chap. . note ( ● . ) which thing perhaps led constantine into a mistake . who having read , that pythagoras had learned many secrets from the prophets of the egyptians , that is , their priests ; understood that as meant concerning the prophets of the hebrews . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the conjunctive particle is wanting in the fuk. and savil. copy , and in the kings sheets . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and instructing , as s r henry savil read . vales. * or , substance . † or , has its being . * or , remits the cause of the constitution of all things to him. * or ▪ word . g he means plato himself , whose excellent wit , all the ancients , yea the christians also , were admirers of . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the place in plato , which constantine means , occurs in his timaeus pag. . vales. * plato . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before these words , after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the geneva-edition these words are inserted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which assertion ▪ &c : christophorson , scaliger , bongarsius , and gruter put in these words ; as 't is remark't at the margin of that edition . i likewise found the same emendation in mor●us's book , in turnebus's , s r henry savil's , and in the fuketian copy ▪ in which copies also 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have rendred it , navis fractae reliquias , the remains of a shipwrack's vessel ; that is , the tackle or furniture of the ship. for after a shipwrack , these provisions and utensils of the vessel , are tossed up and down in the sea. but christophorson renders it merces , the wares or goods of the merchant ; a rendition that can in no wise be agreeable here . for when a vessel is lost at sea , most commonly the goods sink to the bottome . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only , as the learned man , at the margin of moraeus's book , had conjectured it should be . and thus christophorson read ▪ nor is it otherwise written in the fuketian copy . vales. * that is , the more sublime and hidden doctrines and parts of the christian faith . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it ill , praeconiis celebrant . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here imports nothing else but the fables , wherewith the poets filled the world . so a little lower , speaking of the same poets , he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they divulge the fates of the same [ god 's ] also ; and so in the eleven ●h chapter , where he inveighs against blasphemy or impiety . vales. † or , laws . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when a●●e● by a sanatick fury . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ it must , i suppose , be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which i have followed in my version . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and have rendred it accordingly . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and be conscious to himself ▪ which i admire the learned did not think of . further , from the beginning of this period , that is , from these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the eleventh chapter begins , both in the sheets ▪ and in the fuketian copy . and in this manuscript , wherein the contents are prefixt before each chapter , this is the inscription of this chapter ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning our lord's coming in the flesh , what [ it was ] and for what reasons it has hapned . and concerning those who knew not this mystery ; &c. but in the kings sheets , and in robert stephens's edition , which christophorson has followed , this chapter is divided into two , and , concerning those who knew , &c , is the title of a new chapter . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may attain ; which i wonder neither christophorson , nor scaliger , nor others perceived ; who have mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , 't is not greek to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , against those poysoned d●r●s . where , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a preposition ; which scaliger , bongarsius , curterius , and others saw not . so constantine expresses himself in the fifteenth chapter , near the beginning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet in the fuketian copy , and that of turnebus , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who would not admire , that scaliger , bongarsius , and the rest ( out of whose copies the emendations are taken , and set at the margin of the geneva-edition , ) should not have seen the true emendation of this place ; which , nevertheless , is very obvious and easie . for , the words being parted , which had grown together into one , it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , knowledge , is understood ; which word was made use of a little before . but christophorson renders this place thus ; haec igitur commodè ad eum sermonem qui à me institutus est , delegi . whence it appears , that either he has followed that emendation which occurs in the books of scaliger , bongarsius , and gruter ; ( which amendment i also found in moraeus's book , ) or else that scaliger and the rest , having followed christophorson's version , mended it in this manner : which latter i think truer . but , that amendment can't be born with . for , it departs too far from the footsteps of the vulgar reading , if instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet in the fuketian and savil. copies , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book the learned man had at the margin mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think this whole place is to be read in one breath , thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but , be thou , &c. which amendment the kings copy does confirm ; wherein a point is set before the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from those words therefore the twelfth chapter is to be begun ; although in the kings copy , and in robert stephens's edition , a new chapter is begun from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuketian manuscript does plainly confirm our conjecture ; wherein the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but in the kings sheets i found it written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as christophorson read . in the same sheets a new chapter is begun from those words which follow presently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some inconsiderate , &c. but , there is no need of beginning a new chapter here ; in regard one is begun a little before , at , if therefore there be , &c , both in the sheets , and in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , names and things beautified with a certain delectableness . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but , 't is not in the least strange , as 't is written in the most excellent fuketian copy ; whereto agree s r henry savil's , and christophorson's copy . vales. * or , learnt neither , &c. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the two last words are added from gruter's book ; which do likewise occur written at the margin of moraeus's copy . but , whereas they are not either in the kings , or fuketian copy , or in robert stephen's-edition , there is no reason which may compel us to add them here . and perhaps it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that term being brought hither which occurs in the foregoing line . farther , this disputation of constantine is , in my judgment , designed against porphyrius , or some other graecian philosophers ; who objected this against the christians , because they asserted that christ was crucified , and put to death by men . for thus they argued against the christians . if christ be god , how could force and violence have been made use of against him by men , in regard 't is plain , that men are able to do nothing against god. vales. in this edition of valesius's , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is left out , by a mistake of the press i suppose ; for 't is in stephens . * or , disturbed . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so constantine calls the apostles ; who nevertheless , ' tis-manifest , were illiterate and unskilfull persons . so also lower in this chapter , he terms the same persons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , men endued with an excellent wit. it was indeed constantine's sentiment , that we were to think honourably of the apostles , whom the church had so high a veneration for . but the holy fathers speak far otherwise concerning the apostles , and especially john chrysostome ; who confesses , that the apostles were persons wholly ignorant and unskilfull ; and from thence ●etches a most cogent argument in confirmation of the christian faith ; that illiterate men [ had prevailed upon ] the philosophers ; that the meanest sort of fishermen of judaea had perswaded the romans , who were conquerours of the world , to worship a person that was crucified . constantine repeats the same thing hereafter . vales. † that is , god's clemency . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this term seems to be used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; [ and we have rendred it accordingly . ] the meaning of this place is to be fetcht from a passage which occurs hereafter in this chapter where constantine expresses himself thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , this is the eminentest gift of thy clemency , that thou hast rendred men , indued with a good , &c. for these two places borrow light one from the other . in the fuk. turneb . and savil. copies , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. ‖ or , administring justice . k from these words a new chapter is begun in robert stephen's edition , and in the kings copy ; wherein these words are set at some little distance from the words foregoing . but in the excellent fuketian manuscript , and in the sheets , there is no distinction made here . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write it adverbially , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; [ and have rendred it so . ] and thus i found it plainly written in the fuketian copy . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken in the same sense , wherein manet amongst the latines is sometimes used ; as when 't is said , te manet capitolina palmata , that is , is provided for thee . graecians take the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sense . so in constantius's letter to the alexandrians , which athanasius records in his apologetick to the emperour constantius ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nevertheless , the learned have from their own copies long since mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may expect , or , wait : which emendation i found in the books of turnebus and s r henry savil. the fuketian copy has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , come upon them . vales. * or , modestest . n he means the decree of god concerning the assuming manhood , or concerning the incarnation , by which the life of men was repaired . 't is apparent therefore , that the chapters are well digested by us ; unless any one should have a mind , to make the tenth chapter reach to these words ; which i should willingly yield to . vales. † or , birth . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . robert stephens , in those various readings which he has remarked at the close of his edition , gives notice , that in some copies this place is read thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is dear to him , that is , to god. which doubtless is the true writing . for constantine sayes , that the manner of a natural generation is known to all ; but , that very few know the way of the divine generation ; those namely whom god shall have a peculiar affection for . in the kings copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the sheets 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the fuk. savil. and turneb . copies give the true reading . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the geneva-men did ill , in admitting the two last words into the text , from the conjecture of scaliger , as 't is noted at the margin . but , 't is plain enough , that they are to be rejected . for , they both disturb the whole meaning of this place , and also occur not in the manuscript-copies ▪ vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson saw nothing at this place . but 't was obvious to have been observed , that the reading here ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for here constantine compares the son with preservation , and the father with the preserver . as therefore the father is the cause of the son , but the son , the effect , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so the preserver is the cause of the safety of all things ; but safety is the effect , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the preserver . vales. r the ancient divines , those especially amongst the greeks , affirmed , that one person in the trinity , god the father namely , was the cause ; but , that the other two , to wi● the son and holy spirit , were the causata , i. e. the effects . so athanasius in quaestion . secund. chap. . and . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the son is not the cause , but the causatum . so also johannes damascenus in his first book de imaginibus , not far from the beginning . imago , say ▪ he , dei invisibilis est ipse filius , the image of the invisible god is the son himself , who bears the father in himself , and is in all things the same with him , save in this one , that he is from him , as from the cause . for the natural cause is the father , from which the son proceeds . also , gregory nazianzen , in orat. , which is de dogmate , does in express words assert , that the father is the cause of the son , and of the holy spirit . but , amongst the latines , marius victorinus has exprest himself in the same manner , in his first book against arius . — vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . our copies varie not here . yet i would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , of the lord's advent . vales. * or , approach to a worldly body . † or , birth . ‖ or , sense . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as christophorson read . for constantine alludes to that place of saint paul , wherein christ is termed the brightness of the glory of god the father . see hebr. . . in the fuk. and savil. copies , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy at the margin , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written , which is an explanation of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the emendation therefore of scaliger and the the rest is needless , who read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . farther , this story of constantine's is taken out of the apocryphal books , wherein 't was related , that the holy ghost , under the shape of a dove , descended into the bosom of mary , according a● the angel had foretold to her . and perhaps these things were related in this manner , in the gospel of the hebrews . but christophorson supposes that dove to be meant here , which noah heretofore sent out of the ark : and that that dove was a figure of the holy spirit , which was afterwards to come upon the virgin mary . but i would rather read here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bright dove , &c. thus the sense is plain and elegant . vales. * or , untouch't . w 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after this word , as plac't in the greek text , i have set a point , from the authority of the kings copy : which christophorson having not perceived , corrupted the meaning of this whole place , by adding some words . for thus he read ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nevertheless , the fuketian copy does plainly confirm this reading and punctation of christophorson ; save that it has , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as it is also in turnebus's book . vales. * or , agreeable . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which valesius renders thus , mira denique celeritas in hominum ▪ precibus audiendis , lastly , a wonderfull swiftness in hearing mens prayers . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . philosophers make two sorts of virtues ; the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , practical ; which constantine does here term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , civil ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contemplative , which leade our minds to the contemplation of god. whence , some of pythagoras's disciples were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the old author concerning the life of pythagoras , in photius's bibliotheca chapt . , informs us . farther , in the fuketian copy the reading of this place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the same also is the reading in the books of turnebus and s r henry savil. but i agree with s t henry , who , after he had written this reading at the margin of his own book , blotted it out again , having added this note ; lectio vulgata retineri potest , paucis immutatis ; the common reading may be retained , a small alteration being made . vales. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of soundness . doubtless it is to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blindness . presently , from the kings copy i have mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of a faintness and weakness of body . and so it is in s r henry savil's copy . a little before , i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. in robert stephen's , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * or , in small , &c. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and to have given , &c. in the kings sheets , and in s r henry savil's book , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but the fuketian copy has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † or , disordered confusion . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson does here understand the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in common . which though i condemn not , yet it does not seem necessary . in the fuketian copy , this place is thus read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. without those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , expectation . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after this word in the greek , something seems to be wanting . nor can it be made sense , unless you add these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which writing i have followed in my version . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , would contemplate their own power . i doubt not but it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his own power . which is plainly evidenced from the following words . for constantine gives the reason , why christ , who had come to cure the diseases and vices of men , and to bring news of a blessed and happy life in heaven , would perform so many miracles on earth , by restoring eyes to the blind , health to the sick , life to the dead . this therefore , he says , he did , in favour of those whose understandings are more slow and heavy ; that they might not doubt of his virtue and power , in regard they saw him perform so many miracles . these are they , whom a little after he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ill men . vales. * or , stick to . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have , as i think , restored this place very happily ; although scaliger , bongarsius , and others , whose amendments occur at the margin of the geneva-edition , saw nothing in it . but i have restored this place to its former lustre , and have in a manner made no alteration at all ; thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . there is nothing more certain than this reading . indeed , the fuketian copy agrees with the reading of scaliger and bongarsius . but i have found from many places , that the authority of this copy is sometimes weak . which thing is evident enough , even from this one place . vales. † or , flew away to , &c. * or , blotted out the sun. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . vales. * or , daunce . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was no need of the emendation of the learned , who make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in regard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may also be used adverbially , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet in the fuk. and turneb . copies , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † or , own. a from these words the twelfth chapter is to be begun : concerning those who knew not this mystery ; &c. for hitherto constantine has treated about the coming of our lord , and on what account christ descended to the earth . but now he treats of those persons , who have been ignorant of this mystery . vales. * or , sobriety of the mind is spoyled and defac't . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides , &c. for constantine brings two reasons , why the heathens embraced not the preaching of christ. vales. † pattern , or sample . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is an elegant greek-phrase , this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; spoken concerning those who frame their lives in order to the imitation of every thing that is best . for they who have a mind to make a great progress in virtue , ought to set some person before their eyes , whom they may imitate . thus the emperour julian framed his own actions and morals , in imitation of prince marcus , as amm. marcellinus relates . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a pure mind ; as the reading is in the fuketian copy . wherein likewise it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , excellently well . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the books of scaliger , bongarsius , and gruter , this place is worded thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which writing i likewise found in the fuketian copy . but s r henry savil in his copy has mended it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and so christophorson read . but the common reading , which i found in the kings copy , and in the sheets , is in my judgment far better ; and therefore we have followed it in our version . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , to whom , which i wonder christophorson and the rest perceived not . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and his death , that the sense may be compleat . farther , this place concerning the martyrs , is a most elegant one . vales. * or , nobility . h and this passage is very remarkable , concerning the sacrifice of thanksgiving , which was offered to god in memory and honour of the martyrs . for so these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be explained , which christophorson understood not . for the christians did not offer sacrifice to the martyrs ; but only to god ; giving him thanks , that he had conferr'd on them a crown of martyrdom , as s t augustine writes , book . de civitat . dei , chap. the last . and this is what constantine does here term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sacrifice of thanksgiving . but , because the christians offered to god this unbloudy sacrifice , at the monuments and sepulchres of the martyrs , that they might give him thanks for the rewards of the martyrs , and for their crowns and victories ; therefore constantine says this honour was given to the martyrs . vales. i concerning these banquets and feasts of the christians , which were made at the sepulchres of the martyrs , mention is made by s t austin , at the book and chapter now cited , in these words . quicunque etiam epulas suas eò deferuns , &c. also , whoever carry their banquets thither , which is not indeed done by the better christians , and in many parts of the world there is no such custome : yet , whoever do that , when they have set them [ there , ] they pray , and take them away that they may eat them ; or distribute also of them to the indigent ; they will have them sanctified there , by the merits of the martyrs , in the name of the lord of the martyrs . farther , at first these feasts were sober and moderate . but afterwards , when licentiousness was arrived at a greater height , they were perverted to drunkenness and lasciviousness . and therefore in most places they were wholly abolished , as s t austin attests , epist. . in the fuketian copy , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the the ordinary editions . vales. † or , doctrine . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even in this matter ; as i found it mended in the margin of moraeus's book . and so 't is written in the fuketian copy . vales. * knowledge , or , comprehension . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i suppose , be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the faith of every particular person . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather make it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which we have exprest in our version . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these , there are many words wanting , as 't is apparent from the contents of the chapter . we chose to get out any sense from a corrupt and imperfect place , rather than with christophorson to expunge the whole passage . s r henry savil , in his copy , has also expunged this whole period , as far as those words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. neither is mankind , &c. indeed , in the fuketian copy that whole period is wanting . vales. * or , is made a neighbour to it ; that is , to an uncreated essence , by a life according to virtue . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , begotten ; which reading pleases me best . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am of opinion , that this place is to be corrected thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for , if , &c. that is , if the things which are made , be equal to god , that command whereby he has ordered them to be made , would not be agreeable to him . for , an equal can't have authority and empire over an equal . away therefore with the emendation of learned men , which i found in the fuketian copy , and in moraeus's book ; namely this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for if it be madness to liken these things to him , the command , &c. but if you reade thus , there is no sense ; nor will the following words cohere with the foregoing . christophorson had indeed found it so in his books , as 't is visible from his version . but , the common reading is supported by the authority of the kings copy , and the old sheets . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . musculus seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i am extraordinarily pleased with ; for he renders it ; quomodo autem omnium comparatio non ridicula est , but , how is not the comparing of all things ridiculous , &c. certainly , 't is either thus to be read , or to be understood thus . for constantine terms that equalling of all things , a confusion . vales. * or , covered . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for thus constantine argues . even things celestial , says he , cannot be compared with god. much less things terrestrial ▪ and brutes . this is the meaning of this place . but the manuscript copies of christophorson , s r henry savil , gruter , and m r fuket , word this place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard the dignity of , &c. which reading seems to me better , and more elegant . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he seems to allude to those passages we meet with in the second and third chapter of the revelations ; where god says : vincenti dabo coronam , to him that overcometh i will give a crown , &c. indeed the life of a christian man is wont to be compared to champions , as it frequently occurs in s t paul's epistles . but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is redundant , after the usual manner of graecians , as 't is well known to those skilled in the greek tongue . vales. * or , in place of many goods . † or , both as to dignity , and in a diversity of power . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the kings copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as robert stephens has also remarked in his various readings . i read therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , befitting , or , agreeable to ; with christophorson , scaliger , gruter , and others : or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which comes nearer to the footsteps of the written reading . in the fuketian copy 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the saviour's commands . it should , i think , be made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the precepts of salvation ; as 't is noted in the margin of the geneva-edition . you may also write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , in the father's commands . for the mistake seems to have risen from a contracted way of writing . in the kings , and fuketian copy , and in the sheets , at this place 't is thus written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. christophorson has rendred this place thus : et ex illis qui id temporis hominum vitae adjumento fuerunt , longè optimos advocasse ad 〈◊〉 , and had called to himself , by far the best of those men , who at that time were an assistance to the life of men . but , who ever exprest himself in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the best men of the most usefull ? wherefore , i doubt not , but this place is thus to be mended and pointed ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having called together unto , &c , as we have rendred it . in the fuketian and turnebian copies , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , adverse nature . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in turnebus's , and moraus's book , 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , to allure and deceive , &c. but the fuketian copy has it truer written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in robert stephens's edition it was printed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading is confirmed by the kings and fuketian copy , and by the sheets . but in moraeus's book i found it mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and i don't understand why the geneva-men admitted this emendation into the text. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s t paul calls it sapere ad sobrietatem , to think soberly , or , to sobriety . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is noted in the margin of the geneva-edition . for , 't is our common usage to term such calamities as these , which do sometimes happen to good men , the visitations of god. but christophorson has followed the common reading ; and renders it mandatum , the command . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraus's book the learned man has mended it at the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which displeases not . for there are many platonick expressions in this oration . vales. * or , given place to anger . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in moraeus's book ; wherein 't is also mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not ill . in the fuketian copy 't is likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is thus to be restored from the fuketian and turneb . copies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as to the following clause . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i had rather write thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or should attempt to resist him , &c. vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book , the learned man hath set these words at the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there are indeed many passages in this oration , taken out of plato's philosophy ; which the learned reader will of himself acknowledge . vales. * or , is encompast with . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and turneb . coples , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . scaliger , gruter , and others have mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which emendation i likewise found written in moraeus's book . it might also be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the two last words being left out ; which , as every one sees , are not very necessary here . but the fuketian manuscript agrees with those books of scaliger and gruter . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made use of instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the translatour who rendred this oration of constantine into greek , had but little skill in the greek tongue , and was careless enough , as 't is apparent from many places . constantine gives a reason here , why the worshippers of the supream god would never revenge themselves , nor resist force by force . for , should they do that , saith he , they must fight with their adversary , but they would be uncertain of the victory . but , if they shall in no wise defend themselves , then they have a most certain victory ; for god fights for them . this is the meaning of this place , which ( i admire at it , ) neither christophorson nor musculus understood . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the will of the only god. it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , by the sole &c , as i found it mended in moraeus's book . and a little after i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the same book . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood . in the fuketian copy and old sheets , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * ground-work . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i would rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the nominative case . for that seems to me far more elegant . presently , the reading must doubtless be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood , which is used a little before . in the fuketian copy , and in the sheets , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. when any trial of calamities falls out , &c. vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian manuscript . 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at the margin of the moraean copy 't is mended ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , possesses him , &c. which reading christophorson has followed . and so 't is written in the fuketian manuscript . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides , we have , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken adverbially , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book , at the margin 't is mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading christophorson has exprest in his version . to me this expression seems scarce greek . therefore i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein , &c. yet in the fuketian copy 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , just souls . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . constantine says , that he himself had been a spectatour of the ruine and destruction of those two cities , memphis namely and babylon , which had heretofore been most potent . we must therefore make enquiry , at what time constantine might go to those places . whilst he was but a youth he went into egypt ▪ at such time as he had a military employ in the court of diocletian , by whom he was kept as an hostage . for diocletian waged a war many years in egypt , against achilleu● who had rebelled in egypt , as eutropius relates . out of egypt , constantine went afterwards , in company with diocletian , into syria , and past through the province of palestine , where he was first seen by eusebius , as he himself attests . now diocletian had made a journey into syria , that with his own forces he might assist galerius caesar , who waged a war with the persian . and he made a long stay in syria , in order to his making a peace with the persians , as we are informed from the history of petrus patricius . at that time therefore constantine might take a view of the rubbish and remains of the city babylon . vales. c i am of opinion , that this place is corrupted meerly by the misplacing of the words . for the sense is most apparent , if you restore the words in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; memphis lyes desolate , &c. what is more plain than these words ? the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , is glory , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that boasting , wherewith namely pharaoh pust himself up . away therefore with the conjecture of christophorson , gruter , and others . and this was heretofore our conjecture concerning the reading of this place . but after we had gotten the fuketian copy , we found out the true and genuine reading . for in that manuscript , this passage occurs worded thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and thus 't is plainly read in turnebus's , and gruter's book ; save only , that that punctation we have made use of , is peculiar to the fuketian copy only ; wherein , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a point is set . the translatour therefore of this oration has used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the genitive case , whereas he ought to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . moreover , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this then is the import of this reading ; and was made an eye-witness of memphis the miserablest and most unfortunate of cities . but moses , according to the divine command , has laid wast the country of the then most powerfull pharaoh , &c. farther , according to this reading , constantine affirms , that memphis only was seen by him ; which i do indeed look upon to be truer . for he could never see babylon , in regard he had never gone into assyria . in the kings sheets , the reading of this place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the ordinary editions . but in the kings copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as stephens has publisht it . s r henry savil in his book has mended this place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but , that expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would be foolish and trifling , nor would it agree with the following words . besides , neither has christophorson retained those words in his version . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it , quem insolentiâ elatum perfregit , whom raised with insolency he broke in pieces . whence it appears , that he put in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or some such word . but there is no need of this emendation , in regard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken in the nominative case . indeed , in all our copies , the kings , the fuketian , and the sheets , this word occurs without the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subscript . so he expresses himself below , chap. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must i think be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and compleatly furnished with arms. presently , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a quiet supplication ; i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , humble . in the fuketian copy and the kings sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor does s r henry savil's conjecture displease me , who has mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * the israelites . † or , a disordered people . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a particle seems to be omitted here , which if inserted , the passage would be made far more elegant . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , whether wise men or philosophers . vales. * or , modest. b after he has spoken concerning the egyptians , and concerning the destruction of memphis ; he passes to the assyrians , and to the desolation of babylon . and on occasion of the egyptians , he has inserted the praise of moses . but now treating concerning the assyrians , he prosecutes daniel's praises , who lived a captive amongst the assyrians or babylonians . vales. * pattern , * or , beauty ▪ c at this place these words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] are wanting in the greek text of valesius's edition ; omitted i suppose by the carelessness of the printer ; though valesius has taken no notice of this mistake , in his errata . they occur in robert stephen's edition ; from whom we have inserted them into our version . nor has valesius omitted them in his translation . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ after these words , the antiquarius who transcribed the kings copy , offended at the multitude of faults wherewith the copy abounded , here made an end of writing . and he has attested this in these words set at the bottome of the page : .... 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; .... to the sea of faults of this book , i stopt my hand from writing , because there was nothing sound in the original copy , as the readers may conjecture from what is written . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i can't imagine whence constantine had this , his affirming namely , that the kingdom of the assyrians was destroyed by the casting of thunder ; which i don't remember , to have read any where else . neither do i well understand that . for , men , towers , and cities may be destroyed by thunder-bolts , as the poets have told us concerning the phlegyae . but , truly i can't see , how a kingdom could be ruined by thunder . in the fuketian and turneb . copies , and in the kings sheets , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * magicians , or , wise men . * pattern . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . constantine had in latine termed it virtutes ; which word is in the sacred books usually taken to signifie miracles , as every one knows . the translatour of this oration has done ill , in rendring it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereas he ought rather to have translated it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † or , of works , &c. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , this place is thus pointed ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , calumniated the very prevalency of his prayers , as dangerous : and sorely accused in the kings presence , that great power of the man. vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and [ at length ] they perswaded him ; as 't is mended at the margin of moraus's book . but , this relation contradicts the sacred scripture . for , the magi are not in the sacred volumes said to accuse daniel , but the presidents and princes : nor is he called cambyses , who ordered daniel to be cast to the wild-beasts , but darius the median ; concerning whom the opinions of chronologers are various . for most of them will have him to be cyaxares , son to astiages . but scaliger affirms him to be nabonnidus ; to whose opinion our petavius agrees . the consent of which two persons i value highly . for , whereas they are wont to dissent in most things ; whereever we see them agree , it is the greatest argument of truth . nevertheless , abydenus in his history of the assyrians , seems to contradict their opinion . for he writes , that nabuchodonosor , inspired by god a little before his death , foretold the babylonians , that not long after , their city should be ruined . for , that mulus the persian should come , who should put the yoak of slavery on them . but , that medus , the glory of the assyrians , should be his assistant in the besieging of that city . for so i render these words of abydenus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is certain , the greek words have no other import , than that which i have mentioned . now , if medus was cyrus's companion and assistant in besieging babylon , and in reducing it to slavery ▪ then medus is not nabonnidus . but scaliger , who will have darius medus to be nabonnidus , does thus explain abydenus's words , that by medus's fault that calamity would befal the babylonians . but abydenus has not said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by which term is signified a society and communion of some fact , with another person . so the son of god is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because together with the father he is the authour of all things , 't is therefore plain from abydenus's words , that medus is not nabonnidus . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write it in the nominative case , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , a prayer , &c. the meaning is , so great is the power of prayer , that it tameth the most savage beasts . indeed , in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , attempted . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , and in the sheets 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , ready to , mention , &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuketian copy and kings sheets have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , testimonies ; which is righter . for constantine does not produce only one testimony , but two . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i embrace the amendment of learned men , which i also found in moraeus's copy ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the priestess of apollo . so indeed 't is in the fuketian copy , and in the sheets . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he had better have said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * places in heathen-temples , which no body went into , but the priests . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whatever persons amongst the christian writers , produced the oracles of the sibylls in confirmation of the christian faith ; they were constrained to say the same concerning the sibylls , which constantine does here ; namely , that being inspired by a divine spirit , they uttered predictions concerning christ. so justin in his paraenesis to the graecians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , 't will be easie for us , to learn the true worship of god , in part from the old sibyll , who from some powerfull inspiration , teaches us by oracles , &c. agreeably whereto s t augustine writes , in his de civitate dei b. . chap. ▪ and s t jerome in his first book against jovinianus . for he says , that divination was by god allowed to the sibylls , as a reward of their virginity . and s t austin is not afraid of enrolling them in the city of god. but gregory nazianzene in his poem to nemesius , says that hermes trismegistus and sibylla , whatever they predicted concerning god , did not for●●●●● those things by divine inspiration , but had them out of the sacred books of the hebrews , which they had incidently perused . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , gregory of nazianzum , and those most holy fathers of the church did believe , that those verses were really composed by the sibylls ; whereas notwithstanding , they were made by idle people , and published for the sibyll's verses , about the times of the emperour - hadrian . 't is certain , no writer ancienter than justin , has made mention of them . and celsus , who , as we have shown above , lived in the empire of marcus antoninus , affirms that the christians had forged and inserted many passages into the sibylline verses . origen records his words , in b. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i know indeed , that origen den●es this ▪ for thus he answers celsus ; that he ought to produce ancienter copies of the sibylline verses , wherein those verses , which he said had been inserted by the christians , were not in any wise to be found . it might doubtless have been easie for celsus to do that , and by this argument to have evinced the falsity of those verses . but , there are other arguments , whereby this may be proved . for , if the sibyll's predictions concerning christ had been so clear , why has not s t paul made use of her testimony , in his epistles , and when he spoke to the athenians ; especially , in regard he disdained not to cite aratus , and other heathen ▪ poets . doubtless , if the sibyll had written this acrostick concerning christ , there is no reason , why we should scruple to reckon her amongst the prophets , and even in the first place . for , none of the ancient hebrew-prophets wrote so clearly and distinctly of christ , as are these verses of the sibyll , produced by constantine . and yet , neither origen , nor any of the holy fathers ever allowed this , that the sibylls should be reckoned amongst the prophets : yea , they esteemed those who believed thus , to be hereticks ; and termed them sibyllistae , as ▪ origen informs us in his fifth book against celsus . where he answers celsus , who had objected , that the christians were divided into several sects ; for , that some of them were psychici , others spiritales ; that some of them worshipped the god of the jews , others did not ; that some , were sibyllistae , &c. his words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * i had at first resolved , to have put these greek verses into an english acrostick , that is , to have made every verse begin with one of the letters of these words [ jesus christ , son of god , saviour , cross ] in their due order ; as they do in the original : agreeably whereto valesius , musculus , christophorson , and curterius have done them into latine verse . but , on tryal i found it a thing very difficult ( at least to me ) to be well performed in our language . besides , i judged it a matter of less consequence to omit the acrostick , than to give the reader a lame and imperfect version of the original . which must necessarily have been done , had i been tied up to begin every verse with one of those particular letters . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this verse was omitted ; from moraeus's book , the fuketian copy , the kings sheets , and from that edition of the sibylline verses , which seb. castalio published , it is to be supplied in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the neuter gender . now , that this verse was omitted , we are informed from the old version in saint austin , de civit. dei , b. , chap. ; which runs thus : exuret terras ignis , pontumque polumque inquirens . further , they had expunged this greek verse , for this reason , because the acrostick seemed to be entire without it . nor did they perceive that in the acrostick , the name of christ is written with a diphthong , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the reason of doing which i don't understand . yet the latine acrostick in saint austin has retained it . indeed , the old greeks made the name of christ to consist of eight letters , writing it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a diphthong , as irenaeus informs us , book . chap. . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the reading is in the ordinary edition of the sibylline verses . the old version does likewise confirm this writing ; for thus it runs , volvetur coelum , &c. yet i doubt not but it should be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood , which occurs a little before . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , and the kings sheets , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in castalio's edition this verse is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading the old version in saint austin confirms ; where 't is thus rendred sed tuba tunc sonitum tristem dimittet ab alto orbe , gemens facinus mis●rum variosque labores . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the edition of the sibylline vers●s , the reading is truer , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enlightening believers . in the edition of the sibylline verses the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the call'd ; which i am better pleased with , both because the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made use of a little before , and also in regard it cannot be rightly said of the faithfull , that they are illuminated by baptism . for the faithfull are not enlightned by baptism , but the gentiles rather who are called to the faith. but , after they shall have been illuminated by the sacred laver , then they are termed the faithfull . father , the twelve streams denote , as i suppose , the twelve apostles . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . betuleius has well remarked , that the sibyll does allude here to the second psalm . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thou shalt rule [ or , feed ] them with a rod of iron . whence it appears , that what we have observed above from gregory nazianzene , is true ; namely , that the sibyll , or whoever wrote the sibylline verses , hath borrowed many passages out of the sacred scriptures . therefore , in my opinion 't is plain , that these verses ( as cicero has long since told us , ) were not published by a sibyll possest with a prophetick fury ; but were written with a considerate and composed mind , by some body under the cover of ● sibyll's name . vales. * or , in riddles . a in the fuketian copy , and in the old sheets , this chapter is begun from these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and these things were predicted , after the end of the acrostick . vales. b ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i embrace christophorson's emendation , who read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , the truth it self , &c. vales. * or , our men . c the passage in cicero , which constantine means , is extant in his second book de divinatione , where he makes mention of some verses of the sibyll , and of an acrostick . but , that acrostick spoken of by cicero , can no way be proved to be the very same , with this which constantine produces here . yea , the contrary may be gathered from cicero's words . for , in that acrostick mentioned by cicero , the romans were warned ▪ that they should choose themselves a king , if they would be safe ; as cicero does there attest . therefore , the first letters of those verses shewed , as 't is probable , the name of julius caesar. but in this acrostick produced by constantine , there is no such thing extant . wherefore 't is not to be doubted , but cicero meant an acrostick different from this , though sebastianus castalio thought otherwise , as did likewise several other persons . besides , what constantine adds is false ; namely , that cicero rendred this greek acrostick concerning christ , into latine , and inferted it into his own books . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here also we must acknowledge the unskilfullness of the translatour , who has made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no good expression ; but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. † begun , or , instituted . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuketian copy , and in the sheets , i found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is apparent that it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , place . and so 't is in the fuketian copy , further , neither the fuketian manuscript , nor the old sheets , begin a new chapter here . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 add these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wisht-for king ; of whom mention is made in the fast verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nevertheless , in virgil's verse there is no such expression as this . but constantine , as it may be supposed , had altered virgil's verses a little ; and had designedly expunged saturn's name , that he might serve his own design . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is wanting in the fuketian copy , and in the sheets . but turnebus had noted at the margin of his book , that perhaps it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this verse is in my judgment to be restored thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the verse which precedes this , wants no mending . yet , in the fuketian copy and turnebus's book , 't is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christ's divinity ; these words seem necessary to be added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 't is in s r henry savils book . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , but , least any one , which is an amendment wholly necessary , and 't is strange to me , that neither scaliger , nor any of the other correctors saw it . for whereas these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , went before ; of necessity it must follow here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the sense may be compleat . for constantine says that virgil spoke both plainly , and obscurely . and , that he had obscurely intimated the divinity and advent of our saviour : but , had spoken plainly and openly after the manner of the heathens , and had named altars and temples . the fuketian copy confirms our conjecture ; wherein 't is written exactly so , as i had long before guess'd it should be . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mystery ; as christophorson likewise read . he has made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in moraeus's book , the learned man had mended it at the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it might answer to virgils verse , errantes hederas , wild ▪ ivy. but the greek rendition is looser and less bound up to the original ; and in many places 't is far wide of virgils meaning . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i doubt not but it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which emendation is so necessary , that without it the sense is not plain . in the fuketian and turneb . copies the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. but in the kings sheets 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fuketian copy instead of these words , has these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sheets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with scaliger and bongarsius , i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for it answers to those words of virgil , & fallax herba veneni . but in moraus's book 't is mended at the margin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , if you had rather reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the verse may stand good . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the kings sheets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. * or , amomum . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at my peril write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c : in the fuketian and turneb . copies , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in moraeus's book 't is mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 't is written in the fuketian copy . but in the sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 further , the meaning of this place is very intricate . musculus renders it thus ; ipsis namque dei cunabulis spiri●ûs sancti virtus fragrantes quosdam flores , novam scilicet progeniem dedit . for , to the very cradle of god , the power of the holy spirit hath given some fragrant flowers , to wit a new progeny . but christophorson translates it in this manner ; ipsa enim dei cunabula spirit●û ▪ sancti virtute fragrantes flores novae soboli extulerunt ; for the very cradle of god by the power of the holy spirit , hath brought forth fragrant flowers to a new off-spring . musculus therefore read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but christophorson only read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which i rather approve of . by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the new people of the christians : concerning whom virgil hath spoken above , in this verse ; jam nova progenies coelo demittitur al●o . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i have added a negative particle here ; thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they might not understand ▪ which emendation the following words do mightily confirm . but if any one shall have a mind to defend the ordinary reading , i shall not much gainsay it , in regard both may be maintained . vales. * broken , or , discouraged . † held up , or sustained . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constantine had made use of the term spirit , instead of soul. but the translatour seems to have taken it as meant of the holy spirit ; as if christ had had his divinity in place of a soul , which was the heresie of ●pollinaris . in the fuketian copy , after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separated , a comma is placed . wherefore it is to be considered , whether those words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be joyned with these which follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather to be parted from them by a comma ; that the meaning may be this ; that by the communication of the holy spirit , which christ after his passion poured upon men , the possibility of a resurrection was manifested . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i don't approve of christophersons version , who has rendred this place thus , resurrectionis vis hominibus patefacta est , the power of a resurrection was made known to men . nor has johannes portesius rendred it otherwise . but , i question not , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with that exprest in my version . constantine says therefore ▪ that 't was made known to men after christ's death , that 't was possible for bodies to rise . for before , the faith of a resurrection was dark and obscure , even amongst the jews . which was the reason , that they feared death so much . vales. * or , sealed . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson hath interpolated this place , by blotting out the two former words . s r henry savil also in his book has expunged these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same manner with christophorson . but both those persons are much mistaken . for constantine , whose skill in grammer was but mean , had construed virgils verse in this manner ; occide● assyrium : vulgò nascetur amomum . the assyrian [ stock ] shall fall : amomum shall grow every where . and this is evident , both from this place , and also from the version of the greek translatour , who tenders this verse of virgil thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so this verse is worded in the excellent fuketian copy , and exactly according to constantine's mind . farther , as to this whole eclog of virgil's , the christians always affirmed , that it was translated out of the sibylline verses , and ought to be understood concerning christ's birth . nor can these words be spoken of any body else , but of christ , hoc duce , si qua manent scel●ris vestigia nostri , irrita perpetuâ solvent formidine terras . thus , besides constantine , s t austin understood these words , in his epistle to volusianus , and in his epist. in his epistle to volusianus , he gives this interpretation of the assyrian amomum , namely that thereby is meant the opinion of pherecydes the assyrian , who was the first that asserted the immortality of the soul. but this interpretation of s t austin can't be born with , in regard pherecydes was not an assyrian ; but , a syrian , that is , of the island syros . wherefore , constantine's explanation is to be preferred , who says , that by the name amomum the faithfull or the christians are meant ; because they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is without fault . but , that 't is therefore termed assyrium , because from the assyrians sprang the first beginning of faith. for abraham an assyrian , was the first who believed in god ; whence he had the name of the father of believers . vales. * or , our ladies vose . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i embrace s r henry savils conjecture , who at the margin of his book has noted , that perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , following . † or , enlargement . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the praeposition must be added , which by mistake was omitted in robert stephens's edition ; thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so 't is written in the kings sheets , and in turnebus's , and moraeus's book . but i am better pleased with that reading , which is proposed from the books of scaliger and bongarsius ; which i likewise found in the fuketian copy ; viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a verb proper to the platonick philosophy , out o● which several passages in many places of this oration are taken . hence comes the sensus anagogicus , the mystick sense , which occurs frequently in proclus ; and that saying of plotinus , extolled by synesius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those who on god's , which emendation is most undoubtedly certain . constantine explains that verse of virgil's ; et durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella . he says therefore , that by this verse is meant those who undergo most sore labours for god's cause , or on god's account , shall receive most sweet fruit of their labours . vales. * exercised , or , made use of . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i like portesius's version , ( who renders it poeticae licentiam , ) better than christophorson's , who translates it poeticam facultatem , as musculus had likewise rendred it . for graecians term that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines call poeticam licentiam , poetick licence ; as , i remember , it frequently occurs in themistius . further , the old sheets begin a new chapter here , from these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incomparably well , thou wisest of poets ! which in my judgment is better . here therefore the twentieth chapter is to be placed . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy and t●●nebus's book this place is written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but s r henry savil had mended it in his copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who sees not , that it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the third verse from hence , i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood . vales. * after this verse , there is one of virgils verses left out , in this quotation of constantine's ; this namely ▪ robustus quoque jam tauris juga solvet arator ; that is , nor shall his steers the brawny tiller yoak . besides this , some other verses are left out hereafter , in this quotation . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the sheets . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an elegant phrase . i also write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a word by it self , as 't is in the fuketian copy . a little after , i would rather reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the imperative . for 't is a rendition of this verse of virgil's , aspice convexo nutantem pondere mundum . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book , the learned man hath mended it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , neither is the verse made good this way . wherefore , i should rather reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for these words are spoken in the optative mood . in the following verse write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from moraeus's book . this amendment admits of no doubt . but , concerning the former we must think further . for that place may , i think , be restored with less trouble , if you alter the punctation only , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nothing more certain . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , the reader is to be acquainted , that all these verses of virgil , as well in the fuketian copy , as in the sheets , are not written from the head ; but the first words only of every verse are severed some little space from the preceding . which is therefore done , because these verses are not recited without intermission , but with frequent interlocutions of constantine's . vales. * or , immense . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and have rendred it accordingly . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian and turneb . copies , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for nature , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . robert stephens was the first that published this verse in this manner , from conjecture as i suppose . for in the kings sheets and the fuketian copy , it is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. from which words it was most easie to restore the true reading of this place . thus therefore i mend it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . than which emendation , there is nothing more certain . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . neither constantine , nor the greek translatour apprehended the true meaning of virgil's words . for , he understood them in this manner , as if virgil had said , that the parents had not smiled on the child ; nor , had a god taken him to his table , nor a goddess to her bed. constantine supposed , that that verse of virgil , incipe parve puer cui non risere parentes , &c. was to be read in one breath , without any distinction or stop : whereas nevertheless , after the word puer , a point is to be set ; a thing which even boyes know . christophorson , because he perceived not this , interpolated constantine's following words , by adding a negative , against the mind of the authour , and contrary to the authority of all copies . farther , in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is truer , if i mistake not ▪ indeed , in the sheets 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is apparent to any one , that it ought to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in the fuketian copy 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by the holy spirit constantine seems to mean the divinity , or the divine nature , as we have already remarked in the foregoing chapter . for he explains those words translated out of virgil , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which are spoken of christ , not concerning the holy spirit . therefore , at this place i chose to render it the spirit of god ; rather than the holy spirit , as portesius and christophorson have done . vales. * void of , or , has no part in . † love , or , longing . g from these words it appears , that that mistake , which we have taken notice of above , was not committed by constantine himself , but by the greek translatour , who misunderstood virgils last ▪ verses . for constantine himself took those verses of virgil in their true sense , as 't is visible from hence . for , when he had quoted virgils words ; ( which run thus ; — cui non risere parentes , nec deus hunc mensâ , dea nec dignata cubili est . ) presently , finding fault with the poet as 't were , he adds these words ▪ how , says he , could his parents smile on him , in regard his father is god , who wants both a body , and figure also . besides , how can a bed and a table be any ways agreeable to god , who , 't is manifest , is wholly void of a marriage-bed , nor is he affected with the pleasures of meates . then he adds these words , ( whence what i have said , plainly appears , namely that constantine understood virgil's verses excellently well ; ) verùm illis humanam quandam generationem exponunt , concedamus ut ita loquantur ; but , let us pernsit those , who set forth a certain humane generation , to speak thus . in which words he excuses virgil , in regard he was ignorant of christ's divine generation . but in the greek translation , wherein virgils verses are expounded ill , this period has no coherence with the foregoing words . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i embrace the conjecture of learned men , which i likewise found noted in s r henry savil's book ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and who make it not ▪ &c. vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the rules of grammar enjoyn it to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . further , this is a most elegant definition of the christian religion ; but 't is basely corrupted by an ill punctation . i reade therefore ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the most desireable of all goods , &c. nothing certainer than this reading nothing more elegant . constantine terms religion the school-mistris of a most holy hope , in regard she teaches us to hope for things celestial , and to place all our hope in god , not in earthly and frail goods . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is the same punctation in the sheets . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we stood in need of . it must questionless be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby we were healed . for 't is elegantly said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , healed by thy remedies . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his work , or , workmanship . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . any one might with good reason guess , that it ought to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but whereas the sense is plain without this emendation , i think no alteration is to be made here . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the greeks are wont to call rome , as may be made appear by innumerable instances . thus tatianus terms it , in his oration adversus graecos , where he speaks concerning the worship of jupiter latiaris ▪ as also porphyrius , in his book de abstinentiâ . moreover , eusebius , in his tricennalian oration concerning constantine's praises , terms rome thus , as we shall see there . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , that i might address , &c. vales. * or , chast and good . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before these words there is an asterisk plac't in robers stephens's edition , whereby 't is shown , that some words are wanting here in the manuscript copies . but , the geneva-edition has taken out those asteriscks which had been diligently noted by robert stephens , especially in the end of this book . further , some words are wanting here , which i make good thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; both against thee , &c. for , he speaks to the christian religion . vales. e he means the field , wherein the martyrs underwent their last punishment . for , it was the usage , as well amongst the gracians , as romans , that criminals should have punishments inflicted on them , without the gates ; as i have at large remarked in my notes on amm. marcellinus . whence it was , that offenders led to punishment , were said ad campum duci , to be led to the field . so saint austin in his first book against the epistle of parmenianus , chap. . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , and didst voluntarily deliver up thy self , being supported , &c. constantine alludes to the courage of the martyrs , who voluntarily offered themselves to the judges , and ran to death on their own accord , without compulsion . indeed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not said , but concerning him. who does any thing voluntarily ; as , for instance , concerning christ , who of his own accord delivered himself for the salvation of mankind . christophorson therefore has rendred this place ill , thus , t●ipsum adversariis opposuisti thou hast opposed thy self against the adversaries . our conjecture is confirmed by the fuketian copy , wherein 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cruelty of impious mortals . in mine own judgment i have happily found out the emendation of this place . for , whereas before these words , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs , the two last letters of this word being repeated ; i have restored the place thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. then the cruelty of the impious , &c. nothing more certain . away therefore with gruter's and christophorson's conjecture , who reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. yet the fuketian copy confirms that reading of gruter's . but i have observed before , that many ill corrections are found in that copy . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after these words christophorson , scaliger , and others add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you might have seen ; as i also found it in moraeus's book , and in the fuketian copy . but , there is no need of adding these words here , in regard the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precedes , whereto all these words , ought to be referred . nevertheless , i do acknowledge , that the discourse would be far more perspicuous , if you should add these words . vales. i he speaks to one of the persecutors ; maximinus namely , as 't is in the title of this chapter . for he persecuted the christians with more of cruelty and malice , than the others . vales. * or , perswaded . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading , i think , ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unless there be a fauls in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word must be blotted out , in adding which , christophorson , scaliger , and gruter did ill . i found the same term added likewise , in the fuketian and moraean copies . but it is not at all necessary ; only , after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or polluted with filth , a semicolon must be placed . and thus portesius understood this place ; who has indeed rendred these words more happily than christophorson , in this manner . omnis illa curae tua , omne studium ne sordibus opplerentur . ita magni primariique dii human● se ope sustinebant ; istam diligentiam requirebant . and so musculus also . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a cure. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood , which is made use of a little before . the reading might also be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which perhaps is righter . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it appears from the following words , that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith , it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , love. for love is in the first place towards god , then towards our neighbour . but faith is not but in the one and only god. therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can't in any wise be agreeable here . besides , in regard he treats at this place concerning reprehension ; on that account charity or love is a fitting term . for a kind rebuke begets charity . but , 't is better to read here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i have said already . and so musculus read , as it appears from his version . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what the import of this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , we have observed in the foregoing books of constantine's life ; ( see book . chap. . note ( b. ) and book . chap. . note ( a. ) ) for translatours have in no wise hit the meaning , of this term ; which nevertheless , was easie to have been done here . christophorson renders it thus . qui deum in●enuè confitetur , non contumeliae , non iracandiae sponte succumbit . from which words , there is no body but would extract this sense , that he who confesses god , is not angry , is not contumelious . but , the meaning of the greek words is far different ; namely , that he who confesses the name of christ , before the judge , does not yield to the reproach and fury of the persecutors . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ benevolence ; which i don't approve of . for , no sense can be gotten out of this reading . farther , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendred instrumentum , aid , or , assistance ; as amm. marcellinus expresses himself , book . pag. . caesar dictator aiebat , miserum esse instrumentum senectuti , recordationem crudelitatis . where see what i have long since remarked , at pag. of my notes . i have rendred it viaticum , voyage-provision , or , all things necessary for a journey . nor has musculus rendred it unfitly , in this manner : tolerantiae experientiam compendii vice habet ad consequendam dei benevolentiam , he has his sufferance , in place of an advantage , in order to his obtaining god's favour . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraus's book , the learned man had set these words at the margin ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , a passage of plato's taken out of his common wealth , b. . indeed , in that book , plato disputes concerning those rewards , which are given by god to just men , both in this life , and after death . but the argument whereby constantine proves that , occurs not in plato ; at least , i don't know that it does . vales. * or , the virtue of men . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but it is to be written thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , for , it would be most absurd , that us well persons , &c. in which words , the term reverenced is referred to persons in great power ; and likewise , have kindnesses shown them , has a reference to men of an inferiour rank ; which christophorson perceived not . in the fuketian and turneb . copies , and in s r henry savil's , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading i like not . but musculus read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not ill . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , 't is referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he who is above all , that is , the supream god. whom though he has termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chiefest good it self ; yet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the masculine gender , ought to follow . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson renders it propensam voluntatem , ready will. musculus translates it benevolentiam , benevolence . i chose to render it obedientiam , obedience . for , this is the import of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morem gerere , obsequi voluntati divinae , to follow , to obey the divine will. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore , to render it exactly , is allubescentia , a willingness to please . in which sense 't is taken in saint luke , in that antheme of the angels , after our lord's birth ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this term occurs frequently , in both testaments , as others have already observed . in the fuketian copy , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. a in the very title of the chapter there is a fault , but such a one as may easily be mended . for , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , miserably ; as 't is in the fuketian copy , and the kings sheets ▪ vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at my peril write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what doest thou now doe ; in which manner i also found it mended in moraeus's book , at the margin . nor is it otherwise written in the fuketian copy . but in the sheets 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thy success . † or , geta. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in moraeus's book , 't is well mended , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , concerning the emperour valerian's skin , which was flea'd off by the persians , and ●alted ; other writers do likewise speak . petrus patricius mentions it , in his excerpta legationum , in which authour galerius upbraids the persians , because they detained valerian prisoner , he having been circumvented by fraud , to the last period of his old age ; and because after his death , they most wickedly preserved his skin , and thereby fixt an immortal brand of infamy upon his dead body . vales. * or , flame of , &c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the geneva-men did ill in inserting the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the books of scaliger , bongarsius , and gruter ; as they tell us : which particle i likewise found added in moraeus's copy . but , whereas that conjunction does disturb the sense , and occurs not , either in the kings sheets , or in stephens's edition ; i am of opinion , that 't is to be removed . yet the fuketian copy retains it . vales. a for what reason diocletian resigned the empire , is a thing not agreed on amongst writers . some tells us , that diocletian ( in regard he was a curious searcher into things future , when he had found by the answers of the soothsayers , that most fore calamities hung over the roman state ; ) voluntarily relinquish't the empire . this is attested by aurelius victor . others write , that diocletian being grown old , when he perceived himself to be less fit for the management of the government , both by reason of his age , and on account of his unhealthiness ; took this resolution . thus eutropius , a most faithfull , and most elegant writer . the same is recorded by that unknown authour , in the panegyrick which he spoke to maximianus herculius and constantine . sed tamen , says he , utcunque fas fuerit , eum principem quem a●●● cogerent , & valetudo deficeres , receptui canere . te verò in quo adhue sunt istae integrae solidaeque vires , &c. there are those who write , that diocletian , when he saw the christians could not be overcome by him ; by reason of grief and impatience , resigned the empire ; as we may reade in zonaras . but constantine does affirm in express words here , that diocletian voluntarily removed himself from the empire , on account of the loss of his wits . and who is he , that dares contradict constantine's testimony , in regard he had lived in diocletian's court ; nor could any of these affairs be unknown to him . eusebius relates the same also , in the eighth book of his history . but , there are many things , which may make us doubt concerning this matter . for first , although diocletian survived his resignation of the empire a long while , yet he never gave any indication of a distracted mind . even that very one saying of his , ( which was his answer to herculius and galerius , inviting him to re-assume the empire . ) how much of wisedom is there in it ? utinam salonae possetis visere olera nostris manibus sata , i wish you could come to see the pot-herbs sown with our hands at salona . therefore , in that retirement he was always honoured by all the emperours of that time , who paid a dutifull observance to him , as to a father . hear eumenius in the panegyrick which he spoke to constantine . atenim divinum illum virum , but , that divine person , who was the first that was a partner of and resigned the empire , repents not of his own resolution and deed . happy and truly blessed man , to whom now a private person , your dutifullness , who are so great princes , doth pay an honour ! would diocletian have been so highly honoured by four emperours that were augusti , had his intellectuals been depraved ? or , would eumenius have termed him a divine person , on this account especially , because he was the first that had resigned the empire , if that had been done by him , by reason of his madness and dotage ? lastly , diocletian had taken a resolution of resigning the empire , long before the persecution ; then namely , when he triumphed over the persians and other barbarous nations , at rome . for there , in the temple of jupiter capitolinus , he required an oath of his colleague herculius , that they should both resign the empire on one and the same day . this , eumenius informs us of , in the panegyrick now cited . hunc ergo istum qui , &c. this man therefore was ashamed to imitate that person , who had been made a brother [ in the empire ] by him ; it repented this man , that the other had sworn in the temple of jupiter capitolinus . now , diocletian triumphed at rome , with his colleague herculius , on the eighteenth year of his empire , as jerome relates in the chronicon ; that is , on the year before the persecution was raised against the christians . 't is certain , the authour of the panegyrick spoken to maximianus and constantine does attest , that that resolution was taken by diocletian , and communicated to herculius , long before his resignation : his words are these . tale est imp. quod omnibus nobis incluso gemitu moerentibus facere voluisti ▪ non quidem tu reip ▪ negligenti● , aut laboris fugâ , aut desidiae cupiditate ductus , sed confili● olim , ut res est , inter vos placiti constantiâ , &c. which things being so , how can that which constantine says , stand good , that diocletian ran mad after the persecution of the christians , and for that reason voluntarily removed himself from the empire ? indeed , i might be easily induced to believe , that diocletian was seized with a sickness , after the persecution was begun , and was for some time distracted ; especially , in regard constantine and eusebius do constantly affirm that . for this usually happens to sick people , and specially to melancholick persons ; of which sort diocletian was , as may be guessed from his coyns . but , i deny , that for this reason he resigned the empire . further , in the fuketian and turneb . copies , the reading of this whole place runs thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. b he means the palace of nicomedia , which was consumed by an accidental fire , a little after the persecution against the christians was raised by diocletian . and the emperours themselves , and the rest of the heathens , blamed the christians as the authours of this fire , and therefore raged against them with severer punishments ; as our eusebius relates in the eighth book of his eccles. history , chap. , about the close of the chapter . but constantine attests , that that palace was consumed by fire sent from heaven . whose testimony has so much the more authority , because he himself was present , when these things were done at nicomedia . and diocletian , astonished by this clap of thunder , seems till his death to have continued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , always fearing he should be struck with thunder . 't is certain , this narrative of constantine's seems to intimate this . from hence it appears , how egregiously mistaken christophorson is , in translating the title of this chapter . for he thought , that diocletian's palace had been burnt , after his resignation of the empire : whenas , nevertheless , that hapned whilst diocletian as yet held the empire , and made his residence in the palace of nicomedia . vales. * or , house . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is wanting in the fuketian copy . vales. d either he speaks these words concerning the tyrones , who having been newly enrolled amongst the militia , had never yet engaged with an enemy ; or else concerning those cowardly and faint-hearted souldiers , whose usage it was to flee out of the fight , and had never conquered their enemies . indeed , diocletian's army is said to have done nothing memorable , save only the taking of the achilleum at alexandria , by a long siege . farther , 't is very hard to understand what constantine should mean , when he says , that those souldiers had wounded the breasts of their own citizens , that is , of the christians . 't is probable , that diocletian , in regard he was incensed against the christians , by whom he supposed his palace to have been fired , had given his souldiers order , that whatever christians they could find in the city or in the fields , they should slay . 't is certain , many thousands of christians are related to have been slain at nicomedia , under diocletian , and maximian : the memory of which persons thus murdered , is by the greeks celebrated , on the fourth of september , and on the twenty eighth of december . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this period is removed out of its place . for , it ought to have been placed immediately after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , — who had never seen the backs of their enemies in a fight . 't is certain , the slaughters committed were so numerous , that had they been made [ in battels ] against the barbarians , they might have been sufficient to have procured us a perpetual peace . but at length , divine providence inflicted on them the punishment of such impious facts ; and yet , not without damage to the empire . for , that whole army of the forementioned emperour , &c. what can be clearer than these words , what more plain ? questionless , he must be very obstinate , who shall deny , that these words are thus to be restored . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there may be a double meaning of this place . for , either it may be rendred thus , as portesius has turn'd it . sanè caedis & sanguinis tanta vis fuit , ut si barbarorum esset , ad foedus sempiternum sufficeret . indeed , so great was the abundance of slaughter and bloud , that had it been of the barbarians , it might have sufficed for a perpetual league . or else , with christophorson , it may be translated in this manner . tot planè factae sunt caedes , quot si in barbaros factae fuissent , satis multae ad aeternam pacem constituendam videri potuissent . so many slaughters were committed , that had as many been made against the barbarians , they might have seemed enough to have establisht an eternal peace . and this latter sense pleases me best . lucan's opinion is wholly the same , in the beginning of his pharsalia , when he says ; heu quantum potuit terrae pelagique parari hoc quem civiles hauserunt sanguine dextrae ! yet , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it would be better written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. g he means maxentius , as 't is apparent from the following words . now , how diocletian's army should come under the command of maxentius , is not difficult to guess . after the resignation of diocletian , galerius maximianus received his forces ; part whereof he delivered to severus caesar , for the defence of italy . some little time after , when maxentius had seized the empire of rome , galerius sent severus with his forces against him . but maxentius having corrupted severus's army by fraud , and with promises , brought them over to his own side . after this , when galerius had made an expedition against maxentius with a greater number of forces , he also was deserted by a like revolt of his souldiers . thus diocletian's forces came under the command and power of maxentius . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , and in turnebus's book , this place is read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * manifold , or , fights of all sorts . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . in the fuketian copy 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . constantine does glory , because , having crusht the tyranny of maxentius , he had restored to the romans , liberty and contracts with justice . for , after the slaughter of the tyrant , whatever things had been done , either by him or his judges , were null'd . therefore , if any one had been preferred to a dignity by him , he was reduced to his former condition , and was forc't to bring in the codicills [ or , patent ] of the dignity he had obtained , to the lawfull prince . the sentences also , and decrees , which the judges had made in those times , were taken away out of the publick scrinia and offices of record . lastly , that whole time of the tyranny was accounted for nothing , in the same manner as if it had never been . wherefore , neither was it of advantage for the prescription of a long time . compacts also and bargains , and contracts of what sort soever , which had been made between private persons during that space of time , were in like manner null'd , and that even with the strictest authority and power . but lawfull princes , after they had gotten the victory over tyrants , and had rescinded all their acts ; were wont to confirm bargains , sales , donations , manumissions , and such like acts of private persons , by granting an indulgence of a publick constitution : least , if all these should be made null , the quiet and security of private persons might be disturbed . hereof we have information ; from the emperours laws in the theodosian code , b. ; de infirmandis his quae sub tyrannis gesta sunt . whence we understand , why constantine says , that he had restored contracts to the romans . in the fuketian copy , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to this usage rufinus seems to allude , in the end of his ninth book , when he says . edictis namque frequentibus per omnem locum propositis , non solùm tyrannicas adversus christianos depulerat leges , jusque civile reddiderat , &c. vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and before this word an interrogation is to be set , as christophorson seems to have read . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i can't approve of christophorsons version , who renders it ; manuum ad coelos sublatarum cultum , the worship of hands lift up to heaven . i doubt not , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here has the same import with ministerium , ministery . for constantine says , that men ought to give the ministery or service of their own hands to god ; and that , with a pure and sincere faith. he has made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above , in the same sense . truly , i can't perceive , how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be taken in such a sense , as to signifie hands lift up to heaven , or , prayers . besides , the following words do most apparently refute christophorson's version . for constantine adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , that whatever has been performed for the advantage of men , by prayers and supplications joyned with labour of the hands , hath been happily effected . for , after constantine hath said , that men ought to give the service of their hands to god , he adds , that not only the hands are to be lent to god , but prayers also and supplications are to be used , that the affairs which we have undertaken to perform , may succeed happily . this is what graecians are wont to say in a common proverb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereby they shewed , that together with prayer the hand was to be put to the work . farther , when constantine says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he speaks concerning himself , in the same manner that aeneas does in virgil. — si pergama dextrâ defendi possent , dextrâ bâc defensa fuissent . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written in one word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which i admire scaliger and the rest did not perceive . so 't is certain , the reading is in the fuketian copy . vales. d he means the people of rome , who in regard they were opprest by the tyranny of maxentius , put up their prayers for constantine , against maxentius . and this sense may be born with . but having lookt more narrowly into the thing , i have a suspicion that there is something of a fault here . and perhaps the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bestowed victory on my army . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made use of to signifie praetextum , a pretence or colour ; which term in constantine's latine oration being not understood by the translatour , he rendred it in this manner : but , would have done better , had he made use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson therefore , and portesius have done ill , in rendring it mundum , the world . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , errours , or mistakes ; as i found it mended in moraeus's book . and this the geneva-men have already put us in mind of , from the books of scaliger and bongarsius ; whereto agrees the fuketian copy . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am not of the same mind with scaliger , bongarsius , and gruter , who mend this place thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for our own safety . i had rather reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading i have followed in my version . in the fuketian copy 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but in the sheets 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. notes for div a -e a it was heretofore the usage of the sophists , before their orations to make a kind of a flourish as 't were , in a short preface ; after the manner of harpers , who before the song , sing some thing for tryal-sake , this preface was commonly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in themistius's fifteenth oration , and in libanius's declamations , it often occurs . hence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by theodoret taken to signifie a prologue . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fuketian copy . vales. * or , newer . † or , dance . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the path , or footsteps of men . for 't is a noted halfe-verse of homer's concerning bellerophon , which cicero renders in the very words i have made use of in my version , namely , hominum vestigia vitans . 't is certain , in the fuketian copy 't is plainly written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . farther , eusebius has delignedly besprinkled this prologue , with many pieces of verses taken out of the poets , as with flowers ; that by this kind of elegance he might allure and please the minds of his hearers . so above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a poetick expression . vales. ‖ sophisms , of , subtilties . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but eusebius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whoever namely are fit , &c. the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are , must be understood . but christophorson the translatour of this oration , in regard he perceived not these things , has confounded the whole meaning of this place , in his version . in the fuketian copy , these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are wanting ; excellently well . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also the reading is in the fuketian copy ; yet i had rather reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nevertheless . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a transposition of words usual with eusebius , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . presently , the reading in the fuketian copy ▪ is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it is to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the sacred kites , or mysteries ; which emendation is confirmed by these words which follow presently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having therefore learn't the divine , &c. for eusebius says , that the sacred books , wherein are contained the divine oracles , are our teachers of the sacred mysteries , and are as 't were some hierophanta . vales. * or , both the one and the other order ; that is , the true royalpower ; and the counterfeit , or , false one . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it has the same import with what he has said above , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , learning the divine mysteries . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will import the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the chief-priests of the eleusinia● sacra were , at athens , termed hierophantae , who delivered and consigned the rites of ceres . whom , persons initiated did so highly revere , that they would never call them by their own names . eunapius tells us this , in his life of maximus the philosopher , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , what his name was , who at that time was hierophanta , it is unlawfull for me to declare : for , he had initiated me who write these things ; and had enrolled me amongst the eumolpidae . lucian ( or whoever else is the authour of it ) attests the same in lexiphane ; where one megalonymus an athenian says , that when he had gone out one day to visit the magistrate , he found the daduchus [ torch-bearer , ] and hierophanta , and some other ministers of the sacred rites , who hated one dinias before the magistrate , accusing the man because he had called them by their own names ; whereas it was unlawfull to call them by their own names , after they had been consecrated : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although lucian says more than eunapius . for eunapius has told us , that it was unlawfull only for those who had been consecrated at elcusina , to call that hierophanta by his proper name , from whom they had received initiation . but lucian affirms , that that was forbidden to all persons in general . hence 't is , that amongst libanius's epistles , some occur with this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the hierophanta . and in the fifth book of symmachus's epistles , the first three are inscribed , to the hierophanta . for , in regard both those persons had been initiated at athens , they lookt upon it as a thing unlawfull , to call the hierophanta by his own name . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the geneva-printers had left out a word , which we have supplied from the fuketian manuscript , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we will begin our divine discourses , or , mysteries . vales. chap. i. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words are wanting in the fuketian copy . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; nor can any one , &c. nevertheless , something seems to be wanting here . in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is right . vales. † or , worthily . ‖ or , about him the celestial hosts make their rounds . * or , drawing . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius does elegantly compare the sun and moon to the light-bearers or footmen , who were wont to go before the emperour with torches and lights , as i have noted at amm. marcellinus . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this greatest emperour christ. the last word must be blotted out . for what eusebius has said hitherto , he has spoken not concerning christ , but of god the father ; to whom the antient divines did properly assigne the monarchy . besides , the following words do plainly shew , that these are not spoken concerning christ. nevertheless , if any person be scrupulous of expunging any thing , he must set a distinction after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the meaning may be this ; that god the father , the highest king of all , is celebrated with hymns , both by christ , and by constantine . for our eusebius does a little lower say the same thing concerning christ. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading i have followed in my version . but some words are undoubtedly wanting here , which may be supplied in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , our emperour well knowing , that this greatest king is with hymns celebrated by christ , who himself also is our most invincible king ; he himself likewise extols him with praises and hymns , thereby doing that which is right and well ; for be understands , that he only is the origin of empire to us . thus the sense is most plain ; nor do i think , that eusebius either wrote , or thought otherwise . nevertheless , in the fuketian manuscript 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , he only [ i. e. god ] is the authour of empire to us . † or , goods . e the translatour thought these words were spoken concerning constantine ; which truly i don't condemn . yet , they may also be meant of christ. vales. * or , element f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is corrupted , which nevertheless you might easily mend . at my perll therefore write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , its submission to the command of the deity ; which amendment is most undoubted . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these four words are , in my judgment , to be blotted out , as being superfluous , and but little agreeable to this place . but if any person shall have a mind to retain them , they must be transposed in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although another participle would be substituted . for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no good expression . it would be better , were it made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as eusebius expresses himself lower ; or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word is wanting in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , measured falls . † or , paths . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must i think , be ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those , who can , &c. in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; right . vales. * or , by his course fullfilled so , &c. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders this place thus ; lunam quoque , cujus lumon muit● obscurius est quàm solis ; the moon likewise , whose tight is far more obscure than that of the sun. but i think it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the moon which goes under the light of the sun. vales. * or , goes on . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another verb must be substituted ; viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do extol , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do proclaim . for that verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not at all agreeable here , and has crept in hither by mistake , out of the following period . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do celebrate his manifold wisedom ; without those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his infinite and immense power ; nor do these words occur in the most ancient palatine manuscript . vales. * or , which were before all time. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i don't see how this expression can be made use of , in reference to the word , that that is before all things , and after all things ; unless we mean it concerning the word incarnate . in which sense there is a passage in the revelation ; i am alpha and omega , the first and the last . it may also be meant concerning the word , who , although he was begotten before all ages , is nevertheless continually begotten by the father . and this is what is said in the psalms ; thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee , &c. thus the word is before all things , and after all things , and in all things , not by a succession of time , but by reason of an eternal generation . for , he is the origin and end of all things who begins and terminates all things which are , or which can be . nevertheless , eusebius's words may be understood otherwise , if they be construed with the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so , the meaning will be this ; the word does appease god the father before all persons and after all persons . but the former exposition is truer . for in this manner dionysius alexandrinus , in his epistle to hermammon , speaks concerning the son of god ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither had he regard to the judgment of him who was before all , is in all , and above all . which passage is quoted in the seventh book of the eccles. hist. chap. . novatianus likewise , in his book de trinitate , chap. , says christ is before all things , and after all things ; before all things , as god ; but after all things , as man. vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the translatour has rendred it ill , dignitatis paternae particeps , partaker of his father's dignity ; whereas it ought to have been rendred , devotus ac dicatus cultui patris , devoted , &c. 't is an expression like that inscription , which is commonly extant on the base of statues which they had dedicated to the emperours , devotus numini majestatique ejus . but , these words smell ranck of arianisme . for whoever asserts , that god the word is devoted to the worship of god the father ; doubtless that person speaks too meanly of the word , and seems not only not to equal the word to god the father , but rather to make him subject to the father . of the same stamp is that expression which eusebius adds , that the word makes supplication to the father for the salvation of all men . which , if it be meant concerning god the word , as he is the word , can no wise be born with . but , if it be understood concerning christ , that is , concerning the word after he had assumed the humane nature , it is most true . the same opinion is extant in his second book against marcellus chap. . where eusebius says , that the son doth worship , adore , and glorifie god the father . farther , a little before , the reading in the fuketian manuscript is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , possesses an equal share , &c. i doubt not but eusebius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , holds the second place in his father's kingdom : which expression the publishers being not able to endure , they thought it was to be changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that so the son might be made equal to the father . but , that eusebius wrote as i have said , is apparent , first from the very series of his oration . for , at this place eusebius distinguishes the government and regiment of the universe , from the kingdom of god the father . and in the government of the universe , he does indeed say , that the son holds the principal place : but , that he has the second place in the kingdom of his father : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you see , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , the kingdom of the universe , is opposed to the kingdom of god the father . to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought also to be opposed . seconly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not greek . lastly , eusebius , in his books of demonstrat . evang. does always term the son , the second cause : and , in book . chap. . demonstrat . evang. he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vales. * or , proceeds forth on the outside . chap. ii. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this place is , in my judgment , thus to be restored ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 continues to reign together with his father , from ages which want a beginning , to infinite and endless ages . but , our emperour , dear to him , &c. vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is not clearly enough made out , what this surname of a divine appellation should be , wherewith constantine was honoured and signalized . does eusebius mean the name of victor , which was given to constantine , as we have remark't above ? or rather , the surname of maximus , which is proper to god ? the very name constantine may also be meant , the import whereof is , he that is . now , the sacred scriptures do inform us , that this is the proper name of god. lastly , we may here understand the surname of christianus , christian ; an appellation which constantine loved most entirely . vales. * or , saviour . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i read with the translatour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for his kingdom . vales. * or , stuck upon the , &c. † or , the word . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fuketian copy , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting ; which is the truer reading . vales. * or , quires . † or , churches . * or , three periods of decads . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is corrupted ; in place whereof , what term should be substituted , i don't know . unless the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will please . for he praises constantine , because he would not admit the ethnick oratours to his decennalia . vales. † or , imperial houses . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these words ought to be expunged ; which are not set in their due place here , but must be put in lower , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giving confirmation to his piety , &c. there is nothing more certain than this emendation ; nor did the translatour read otherwise , as 't is apparent from his version . wherefore this seems to be a mistake of the printer . this our emendation was long afterwards confirmed to us by the fuketian copy ; wherein 't was exactly written as i had conjectured ; save only , that 't is there worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and wholly devoting himself , &c. vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before all other , or , first . vales. chap. iii. * see the prologue to this oration , note ( b. ) † or , large . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words , as far as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are wanting in the fuketian copy , and in the most ancient palatine copy , as the geneva-men have told us . vales. valesius takes no notice of this clause ; either in the greek text of his edition , or in his version . in curterius's translation of this oration ( for i have not the geneva-edition by me , ) it is worded thus ; et velut plantae florenti virentique temporum incrementa donata . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the first decade of his imperial period . if we make a more exact enquiry into the thing , it will be found false , that constantine junior was created caesar by his father , in the first decennium [ ten years ] of constantine's empire . for constantine junior was created caesar by his father , in the consulate of gallicanus and bassus , on the calends of march , in the year of christ . this was the eleventh year of constantine's reigne . wherefore , constantine junior was not created caesar within the first decennium , but within the second rather . this place of eusebius must therefore be favourably interpreted , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about , &c. vales. * or , heritage . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the emperour constantine published his tricennalia in the consulate of constantius and albinus , on the eight of the calends of august , which day began the thirtieth year of his empire . from this day therefore , in the foresaid persons consulate , on the year of christ , began the fourth decennalian period of constantine's empire , according to the computation of eusebius : whereas nevertheless , it ought rather to begin from the following year , namely , his thirty first year . but these things are not wont to be so exactly cast up , by orators . vales. † or , society . d he means dalmatius and hanniballianus ; the former of whom was declared caesar , the other king , by constantine , in the thirtieth year of his empire , on the fifteenth of the calends of october , as it occurs in idatius's fasti. saint jerome ( in the chronicon ) tells us , that dalmatius was made caesar , in constantine's tricennalia . where he has made use of the term tricennalia , instead of the thirtieth year of his empire : whereas nevertheless , tricennalia is properly the first day of his thirtieth year . for the roman emperours celebrated their quinquennalia , decennalia , and vicennalia , on the first day of the fifth , tenth , and twentieth year of their empire . for these words signifie nothing else , but the natalis [ birth-day ] of the empire , which was celebrated with the greatest pomp and festivity , every recurring fifth and tenth year . now , this festivity lasted one or two days , in which time the ludi circenses and theatrales were exhibited . therefore , whereas dalmatius was not created caesar on the eighth of the calends of august , which day began the thirtieth year of constantine's empire ; saint jerome has exprest himself improperly , who has told us , that that caesar was created in constantine's tricennalia . our eusebius does here more truly place that , after his tricennalia , the fourth decennalian period of constantine's empire now beginning . for , after the celebration of the tricennalia , they began a new period ; as if the thirtieth year , which was but just begun , had been now finished . and , as lawyers are wont to say , that in dignities , a begun-year is accounted for a compleat one : so also they were wont to do , in the quinquennalia , decennalia , and the other festivals of this sort . thus , the place in amm. marcellinus's fourteenth book is to be understood ; where he speaks concerning constantius's tricennalia in these words . arelate hiemem agens constantius , post theatrales ludos atque circenses ambitioso editos apparatu die . idus octobris , qui imperii ejus annum tricesimum terminabat , &c. for amm. marcellinus has undoubtedly made use of the thirtieth year compleated , instead of the thirtieth year begun , on account of that very reason which i have mentioned . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and , a little after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. this place , which eusebius cites out of the divine prophets , occurs in the seventh chapter of daniel . vales. * or , increases of times , &c. * that is , god. † or , splendours . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means constantius caesar. for he had at first been sent by his father , to govern the gallia's . but afterwards he was removed into the east ; as julian informs us in his first oration de laudibus constantii , and libanius in his basilic . vales. * or , to one yoke of the imperial chariot ; so valesius . g the translatour saw nothing here ; he has rendred this place , thus , porro imperii quadrisariam dispertiti jugum , quasi quatuor equis , id est sibi , & tribus filiis caesaribus fortissimis imponens . but eusebius does expressly name four caesars , whom he compareth to four horses , who being coupled together in one yoke , drew the imperial chariot ; over which constantine presided , as charioteer . now , the four caesars were , constantinus junior , constantius , and constans , sons of the emperour constantine ; and dalmatius the son of dalmatius ; concerning whom we have spoken above . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place tortured me a long while . but at length i have found out the most undoubted emendation of it . i write therefore ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is ; for , this the [ sole ] king over all , &c. eusebius repeats the same hereafter , in chap. : where he reckons up the favours , which mankind hath received from god the word . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but the translatour , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seems at this place to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for thus he renders it . istam enim imperii formam lex , quae rex omnium est , humano generi tribuit . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words are spoken concerning the supream king and god ; who really is the law and rule of royal power . the reading at this place might likewise be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that so the meaning may be this , that god only is possest of the royal power , in regard he alone rules over all , and holds the monarchy . therefore , in the foregoing period , it must , i think , be written in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor do i think , that eusebius wrote otherwise . for the sentence is most plain and elegant , if we read thus . and this period will excellently well cohere with the foregoing one . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , the comma is wanting , excellently well . for the son of god is the word and law of god the father , as eusebius says a little afterwards . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius tenders it , dei sermo , word of god. † or , word . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged , or else the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for one of those words is superfluous . yet i had rather blot out the latter . for so eusebius expresses himself hereafter , in chap. . vales. * or , powers . chap. iv. * or , sense of bodies . † or , the sense of flesh . * or , forms . † or , substance . ‖ out-flowings . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comprehensions . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words valesius renders thus , et nomen philosophiae , & venerandus amor sapientiae , and the name of philosophy , and the venerable love of wisdom . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for so eusebius expresses himself in chap. , where he speaks thus concerning god the word ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the sentence is in both places the same . for , in the one place he speaks concerning the celestial kingdom ; in the other , concerning life eternal : and says , that some assays , proofs , and fore-exercises of each , are granted to men in this life , by the divine word . wherefore i doubt not but eusebius wrote in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and thus the sense is most perspicuous . but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which went before , must be understood . a long while after i had written this note , having at length procured the fuketian copy , i found my conjecture confirmed by its authority , at least in part . for in that manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , begin to meditate upon , and to fore-learn ; incomparably well . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , this whole page of eusebius's is put together very unfitly , by reason of the too great number of verbs , which occur in the imperfect tense . whence 't is , that his discourse becomes irksome and unpleasant . vales. chap. v. * exemplar , or , pattern . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he therefore will most truly be styled , &c. in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he therefore may most , &c ▪ which is far the better reading . vales. * or , hath bound up his mind in , &c. † or , the most filthy irrationality . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as from a bitter potion . the translatour renders it , tanquam ex amard stirpe , as from a bitter root . which doubtless is more elegant . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not in the least sutable one to the other . yet eusebius seems to allude here , to the cup of iniquity ; concerning which 't is said in the psalmes ▪ all the sinners of the earth shall drink out of it , &c. vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 't is an elegant paranomasia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latine tongue can't express . in the fuketian copy , these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are wanting . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he alludes to constantinè's pronomen [ forename . ] for constantine had taken to himself the pronomen of victor , as i have noted at the books concerning constantine's life . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the two last words are wanting in the fuk. copy . vales. * pattern . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is truer . vales. g some body will make an enquiry here , why eusebius should say , that only constantine was cloathed with the imperial purple . for , there were at that time four caesars , who wore the purple . indeed , amm. marcellinus informs us , that the caesars wore the purple ; in his sixteenth book , where he tells , how constantius declared julian , caesar. but it may be answered , that eusebius does not say absolutely , that only constantine was clothed with the purple ; but , that he alone deservedly wore the purple . vales. * or , calls upon him . † or , worthy of . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a moroser sort of cattel ; which i wonder the translatour saw not . for man is the morosest of all creatures , and is governed with the greatest difficulty . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . the translatour understood not this expression ; which we may render into latine ▪ word for word , in this manner : molestiae potius deputat quàm voluptati , he places them to the account of trouble , rather than of pleasure . vales. * the constancy of his morals : so valesius . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the guard of his subjects . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , at this place eusebius means two sorts of subjects ; namely , those in arms , and the provincials ▪ whereof the latter pay money and tributes to the emperour ; which eusebius and themistius do term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a soft word covering the bitterest thing of all . but , the former received money , as their pay. vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must doubtless be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon himself ; which i admire the translatour perceived not . vales. * or , sees . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words are misplac't here , as it is plain to any one . i reade therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he himself ▪ &c. in the fuketian copy , the reading is ill , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by reason of his knowledge of god. vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is the same with what he has said above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , this whole passage is thus to be distinguished and explained ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , nevertheless , although , &c. which is the same as if he should say : he desires not the wealth or riches of his subjects , nor does he envy them their comely garb and dress , as envious and covetous princes are wont to do . such a one was valentinianus the elder , who hated all those that were rich and well-clothed , as amm. marcellinus relates . constantine was not of that mind : for he both valued very little his own habit and dress ; and also was not troubled , at his subjects being gorgeously apparelled . i have therefore spent some words in explaining this passage ; because it was both obscure , and also not understood by the translatour . vales. † or , are astonished at , &c. * or , who are instructed by a good master as ' t were . chap. vi. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he alludes to the golden crowns , which the provincials were wont to present the roman emperours with , not only at their entrance upon the empire , but in their quinquennalia also , and decennalia . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . any one may see , that it should be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for eusebius says , that these feasts of the tricennalia were celebrated , not onely by a numerous confluence of the people , but also by the common joy of the whole world . for some feasts are publick , others private . some are peculiar to cities , others to a whole province . some are feasts of the whole roman world ; as the calends of january , the birth day of the emperours , their quinquennalia , and the like . indeed , in the fuketian copy i found it written as i had conjectured . vales. * or , blessings . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place , in my judgment , is to be restored thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in so much that , he is not satisfied , &c. the mistake arose from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the transcribers changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by an easie mistake . but , if any one has a mind to retain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then it is to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * see note ( k. ) in this chapter . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it is to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the translatour read also , and so we have rendred it . eusebius himself confirms this emendation ; for soon after this , he writes thus concerning the present time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but [ that part of it ] termed its time present , &c. † or , those that are desirous . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders it , nedùm futurum tempus aut praeteritum ; much less time future , or time past . whence ' t●s apparent , that he read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , excellently well . in the fuketian copy 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . for he speaks concerning the time past . a little after i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor is it at all possible , &c. vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in my judgment it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which manner also the translatour read ; and we have rendred it accordingly . eusebius alludes to a passage of saint paul the apostle , who calls god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the king of ages . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the days , months , and years ; and the vicissitudes of seasons , wherewith god hath adorned aevum . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * is extended , or , prolonged . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . proclus ( book . on plato's timaeus pag. ; ) produces the same etymologie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; at which place he discontses at large concerning aevum , according to the opinion of the platonists . see the same authour , in chap. , and , of his platonick institutions . but eusebius does partly follow plato's opinion , and partly recedes from it ▪ for , whereas he says , that aevum does neither grow old , nor dye ; that 't is uniform , and always like it self ; that it wants parts , and distinction or difference ; in that he agrees with plato . but , when he affims , that it goes on and increases ; when he makes past , present , and future time , to be species or , kindes of it ; in this he disagrees , both from plato , and from himself . for , what ever proceeds on and increases , must of necessity have parts . in plato , aevum is nothing else but eternity . for plato makes aevum immoveable ; according to the likeness whereof , he affirms , that god created time , which he gives this definition of , a moveable image of an immoveable aevum , proceeding on in number and order ; as it occurs in his timaeus . chalcidius , on plato's timaeus is right : temporis , says he , proprium progredi : aevi propria mansio , &c : ' t is the property of time to go forward : continuance is the property of aevum , and a perseverance in being always the same . also , there are parts of time , namely days , nights , and years : aevum has no parts . likewise , the species of time are several , past , present , future : the substance of aevum is uniform , in the sole and proper present . but eusebius took aevum for saculum , or rather , for the whole mass and collection of times , as i may so say . for his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is certain , in the sacred scriptures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are taken for time . for time is taken two ways . the one is particular , which is attributed to things single or particular . the other general , which is not more agreeable to this thing , than to that . and this the ancients termed aevum , as censorinus informs us in his book de die natali , chap. . where he defines aevum in this manner ; tempus unum & maximum , one and the greatest time , immense , without beginning , without end , which always was in the same manner , and always will be , nor does it belong more to any one man , than to another . then he adds , that this aevum is divided into three times , past , present , and future . in which he plainly agrees with our eusebius . the same is likewise asserted by marius victorinus on cicero's books de inventione rhetoric . chap. . but gregorie nazianzene , orat. and , takes aevum for eternity ; where see what psellus and elias cretensis have noted . vales. † a straight , or right line . ‖ pieces , or , shreds . * or , a manifold variety of forms . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it should , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting ; excellently well . vales. † or , the elements which are four in number . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; valesius renders it , utilitatem , prosit , or , service . † or , joyned with . ‖ or , found out the nature of , &c. * or , ride . † limited , or circumscribed . ‖ or , blacker . * veil , or hood . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this whole passage is , in my judgement , to be read in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by its help or power had cooled , &c. in which manner the translatour read . and so i found it written in the fuk. copy . vales. n he seems to mean the aerial daemons , concerning whom he hath spoken above , in the beginning of this oration . farther , we may understand here as well the good daemons , as the bad . for the good spirits also , whom we term angels , pass thorow the air ; as 't were some embassadours and interpreters , carrying our desires to god , and bringing to us answers , and favours from god. of which , even the ancient philosophers were not ignorant . but , the translatour thought , that at this place eusebius spake of fishes . concerning the aerial daemons , s t austin ( epist. . ) speaks thus . quanto perniciosius est sacrificare daemoniis , how much more destructive is it to sacrifice to daemon● , that is , to an ill spiritual creature , which dwelling in this ●carest and dark heaven , as in its aerial prison , is predestinated to eternal punishment . — vales. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he speaks elegantly , in saying that the earth is clothed with the ocean , as with a green mantle . so david , psalm . . thou coveredst it with the deep as with a garment : namely the earth , as theodoret explains it , and s t jerom on haggai chap. . farther , those words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must be blotted out , as being superfluous , and wholly disagreeable to this place ; wherefore we have omitted them in our version . they are a piece of a verse of homer's , out of his second iliad . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , rational man. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . something seems to be wanting here , which we may make up in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , upon a more diligent enquiry into the thing , i am of opinion , that nothing is wanting here . i reade therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he delivered it , understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aevum : nor did the translatour reade otherwise . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * that is , aevum ; as appears from the following period . † or , himself . r he terms the son greater , not than the father himself ; but means him to be greater than all others . and perhaps any body would guess , that eusebius ▪ had written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a less . vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is truer written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and after the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a middle distinction is placed . vales. * or , prefaces . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he crowneth different , &c : which writing the following words do manifestly confirm . in the fuketian copy 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first word is wanting in the fuketian copy ; and the want of it is no fault , if i mistake not . but there is also another fault here . wherefore this whole place is , in my opinion , thus to be corrected ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he permits to be celebrated , &c. than which amendment there is nothing more certain . for the festivity of the tricennalia , concerning which eusebius treats , consists of perfect numbers ; to wit , tens trebled , and threes ten times repeated . eusebius's following words , concerning the denary , or number ten , do plainly confirm our emendation . vales. * or , number three . † or , substance . * or , birth . † proportions . ‖ or , number ten. w 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , and fixt boundarie . so he calls the number ten , because 't is the term and meta of numbers . but , by fetching an elegant metaphor from the cirque , he says that unites do run round the number ten , at 't were the meta. wherefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to have been translated tanquam in circo , as 't were in the cirque . hence 't is , that a little after this , he names the carceres also , where his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they return or run back to the first carceres . vales. * goal , or , limit . † place of settingout . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words must , i think , be placed otherwise , and read thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the meta , and the ▪ fixt and stated boundarie . 't is the same with what he says hereafter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the firm and certain limit . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , the limit and the end of unites . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unites ; which i admire the translatour perceived nor , in regard the following words do plainly shew it . farther , that the ancients were wont to measure the lunar moneth by thirty dayes , eusebius has informed us above in this oration ; as also geminus in his isagoge . the fuketian copy does likewise confirm our emendation . vales. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as may be plainly gathered from the following and preceding words . for it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the foregoing words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which expression seems to me rough and unpleasant : and i should choose barely to say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and this emendation is likewise confirmed , by the fuketian copy . vales. * or , promising . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so indeed i found it written in the fuketian copy . vales. † or , soul. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fuketian copy has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pare : perhaps eusebius had written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , invisible . vales. * or , rayes . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , raised a triumph . he had better have said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lead , or celebrated . for ●is not said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may properly be said concerning a trophy . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson seems to have read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and thought that these words were spoken concerning christ. but , after i had lookt more narrowly into the thing , i perceived , that these words are spoken in the second person . for eusebius speaks to the emperour himself . 't is certain , those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over all impious enemies and barbarians , do evince that this is spoken concerning the emperour . vales. chap. vii . * or , natures . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour has done ill in rendring it , pastores , shepherds . i would rather retain the greek word , or else render it vagos , wanderers . for so the latines termed those barbarians , who sitting on their horses , or in waggons , were carried this way and that way , without any house or settled habitation . such persons as these , because , in order to their getting food , they would range about to find places abounding with pasture ; were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little after , in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ destroying as many as they can vales. * or , death ▪ * or , substance . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at my peril write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by it ; understand death . and so the reading is in the fuketian copy . a little before , the geneva ▪ men had left out a word ; which , from the fuketian copy , i have supplied in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † or , flesh. or , bodies . * or , god-opposing errour . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by these words eusebius either means the emperours themselves , who had persecuted the christian religion ; or else all the heathens . for these prevail'd at that time , before the christian religion had obtained throughout the whole world . as therefore the christian religion was afterwards termed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( as i have noted at the books of eusebius's eccles. histor. ) so the gentiles , as long as their superstition flourish't , are rightly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet below , at the beginning of the ninth chapter , he has used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the emperours . vales. * or , virtue . † see pag. ● , note [ * ] d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the eighth book of his eccles . history , chap. , whence this passage is taken almost word for word ▪ the reading is truer , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than expose their bodies to be defiled . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and pious banquet . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impious , with the translatour ; in the fuketian copy , 't is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i should choose to write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doubtless ▪ he can never ▪ &c. so in the following period , i think it should be mended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor ●●n that person ▪ where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i know indeed , that a commander who spares not his own life , may be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but , in regard this is a commendation befitting a souldier , rather than a commander ▪ and because the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wont to be most commonly taken in an illsense ; therefore , at this place i would more willingly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a wary and providen● general . so amm. marcellinus , speaking concerning corbulo the most fam'd commander of the romans , gives him this elogy ; provinciarum fidus defensor & cau●us , a faithfull and wary defender of the provinces . nevertheless , if any one had rather retain the common reading ▪ i will not gain-say it . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the amendment of this place was obvious . for who sees not that it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which manner i found it written in the fuketian copy , and have rendred it accordingly . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with himself ; in which manner eusebius is wont to express himself . a little after , the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , might also become relatours : the fuketian copy confirms both these emendations . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is corrupted ; in my judgment , it must be restored thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , for they were almost innumerable and many in regard they were the friends of many damons and of themselves . i have expunged the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it had crept in hither , from the upper line . and by those innumerable men , against whom god raised one single person , constantine ; eusebius means maxentius , maximianus herculius , maximinus , and licinius ; to whom diocletian and galerius may be added . but , by those many friends , both of the daemons , and of themselves , he means the presidents and governours of provinces , and the commanders of the milice ; who , that they might curry favour with the emperours , molested the christians in all places . it may also be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in another sense ; that is , many as being descended of many daemons , and the friends of those daemons . which sense seems truer . for , it answers to these words which follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , this one emperour [ is ] of one. for eusebius alludes to that passage in the gospel ; ye are of your father the devil , joh. . . in the fuketian copy , the reading of this place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for they were infinite ; and many as being the friends of many daemons . which reading is purer and truer . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius here seems to have imitated dionysius alexandrinus ; who in his paschal letter concerning the tyranny of macrianus , expresses himself in this manner ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. now is not , for he never was : which passage occurs in the seventh book of his eccles. histor. chap. . vales. * see note ( k. ) * or ▪ not to be ignorant of their , &c. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour hath placed a distinction after the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and renders the passage thus ; reipsa coarguit repressitque ; utpote quod jam olim fuisset ab ipso deo superatum , he really confuted and represt it ; in regard it had been long before vanquished by god himself . but i have taken away the distinction ▪ and rendred it thus ; rebus ipsis convincens , jam pridem à deo fuisse superatum , he does really , &c. the reader may make choice of which rendition he pleases . for there is but little difference . how constantine actually demonstrated , that the daemons were vanquished ; eusebius does presently declare ; when he says , that their temples were r●●●ed by constantine , and bestowed on the christians . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † namely , the daemons ; whose temples constantine destroyed , and melted down their images . chap. viii . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ▪ all men ; from the fuketian copy , and from his third book concerning the life of constantine , chap. ; where this passage occurs word for word . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it is to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fully discovered ; and thus it is to be mended in the third book of his life of constantine , chap. ; where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ totally destroyed , in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , tried it in the furnace and in the fire . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged ; the fuketian copy acknowledges not that word . vales. * or , set upon the other images , made of brass . † walk't up and down in , or , was conversant in . ‖ or , copulations of women . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i can't approve of the translatour's version , who has rendred this place thus ; ad bunc modum igitur imperator , tum spectra illa improbitatis & nequitiae , quae hominum animi o●caeca●i fuerant , palam sub omnium oculis subjecit , in this manner therefore the emperour , both exposed to publick view those spectres of improbity and wickedness , wherewith the minds of men had been blinded , &c. but i had rather render it thus ; cùm flagitiorum larvas , quae in daemonis illius populorum seductoris temple visebantur , detraxisset , &c. when therefore the emperour had in this manner pull'd off , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for so the accentuation is to be restored , ) are the integumenta vitiorum , the masks of vices , wherewith the heathens covered their own uncleanness . so above , eusebius speaking of the images of the daemons , says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ▪ then they divested [ those gods ] of their outward dress , and exposed their inward deformity , which lay concealed under a painted shape , to the eyes of all men . farther , this place is thus to be mended from the fuketian copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ thus therefore in a moment . presently , i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the best educatrix [ or breeder . ] of youth ; without the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for eusebius alludes to that verse of he●iod , in his opera ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. chap. ix . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you must understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the daemons ; or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the heathens : for both may be meant : write also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were elaborately founded , or , exquisitely prepared . in the fuketian copy , the beginning of this chapter , and the close of the foregoing one , i● omitted , by the carelessness of the transcriber . vales. * or , crown'd . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this expression seems to me uncouth . for it can't well be said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : nor can the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be well joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore , i would more willingly reade this whole place , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the nations also and people , &c. vales. † worn out . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , could not foresee , or , foreknow . vales. * foreknow . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it may be rendred , of a certain new-born child . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is a term which occurs in sacred scripture ; see kings , chap. , and . the images of d●mons were so termed , because they were commonly worshipped in high places . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless , the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cut ; which christophorson perceived not . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as far as this place , there was a chasme in the fuketian copy ; which manuscript gives us this reading of this place ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am of opinion , that the first word is to be blotted out . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the reading is in his life of constantine , book . chap. ; where this passage occurs . a little after , write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as 't is in his life of constantine , and in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , hang their hopes on , &c. † see his life of constantine , book . chap. . ‖ or , transmit the eyes — to the , &c. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he terms the lord's day , the first ; not only because 't is the first day of the week ; but also , in regard it was the first day of the world . whence it may deservedly be termed the birth-day of the world . farther , the lord's day is not only termed the first day , but the eighth also . s t austin's words ( book . concerning the lord's sermon on th● mount chap. . ) are these : haecoctava sententia quae ad caput redit , &c : this eighth sentence which returns to the head , and declare● the perfect man , is perhaps signified by circumcision also on the eighth day in the old testament ; and by the resurrection of the lord after the sabbath , which as 't is she eighth , so 't is also the first day . before s t austin , hilarius had said the same , in his prologue to his comments on the psalms ; where discoursing concerning the seventh number , his words are these : quem tamen ogdoas , quia dies eadem prima quae octava , &c : which nevertheless , the number eight ( because the first day is the same with the eighth , ) being added in the last sabbath according to the evangelick fulness , doth compleat . see also his following words in that prologue . moreover , theophilus bishop of alexandria , in his discourse when the day of the theophania had fal'n on a sunday , speaks concerning the lord's day in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c : both custome , and also duty doth require us , to honour every sunday , and to observe that day as a festival ; in regard thereon our lord jesus christ procured for u● a resurrection from the dead . wherefore , in the sacred scriptures , this day is both termed the first , as being the beginning of life to us ; and also the eighth , in regard it surpasses the sabbath of the jews . these words of theophilus are cited in the typicon of s t saba , and by balsamon in his collection of canons . to whom add isidorus , and beda in the book de divinis officiis , where they treat concerning sunday . stephanus gobarus writes the same , in his th chapter . to this custom it is perhaps to be referred , that the greeks . most commonly reckon the days of the week , not to the sunday which precedes , but to that which follows . for , after the sunday of the prodigal son , which is the ninth sunday before easter , those dayes which followed immediately , namely the second , third , and fourth feria , and so on , were by the greeks termed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , untill the following sunday , which was termed dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and this week was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ see meursius's glossary , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] but after the dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second feria which followed next , was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so the other days of that whole week , unto the following sunday , which was called by the same name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same may be observed in the other sundays , untill easter-day . for after the dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second feria was termed the second feria of the holy fasts ; and the whole week was called so , untill the following sunday , which had the same name . lastly , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ the great week , or , passion-week ] which we call the holy week , is reckoned to the following sunday , namely easter day , as it appears from the typicon of saint sa●● , chap. . cyrillus also , in his 〈◊〉 sermons , always begins the week of easter , which we now term the holy week , from the second feria ; and closes it with the following sunday , namely easter-day . nor does theophilus do otherwise in his ●asch●l epistles . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is the most ancient name ▪ of sunday , whor●by it was ●alled even from the apostles times . 't is certain , in the revelation of saint john , mention is made of the lord's day ; see chap. . verse . but , what ense●ius says here , and in the life of constantine ; namely , that sunday was consecrated and set apart for prayers and ecclesiastick assemblies ; this in my judgment , was instituted something later . for the first christians , who had embraced the faith immediately after our lords ascent , met every day , always applying themselves to prayers , and all manner of offices of piety ; as s r lu●e writes in the acts of the apostles . but afterwards , when the heathens betook themselves in great numbers to the faith of christ , and the faithfull could not meet every day ; it was appointed by the apostles and their successours , that at least on the lord's day , the faithfull should meet together in the church . concerning which there is an eminent passage , in justin the martyr's second apology , about the close of it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the day termed sunday , all persons as well those who dwell in the country , as them in the city , ●eet together , &c. he has termed it sunday , not the lord's day , because he s●oke to the roman emperours , who were well acquainted with sunday , but knew not the lord's day , which was an appellation proper to christians . justin repeats the same thing a little after , in the same apology . hereto likewise pliny agrees in his epistle to trajan . 〈◊〉 , says he , hanc fuisse summ●m vel c●lpa su● ; vel erroris , &c. they affirmed , that this was the ●otall either of their fault , or errour ▪ that on a stated day they were want to meet together before it was light , and sing an hymn to christ , a● to god. where , by a stated day he means the lord's day . therefore , from this place of pliny it may be gathered , that the christians who then lived in bithynia , met together on the lord's day only . otherwise , pliny , would have said , that they were wont to meet on stated days , not on a stated day . although this is not so much the testimony of pliny himself , as the christians own , who con●e●t that before pliny , as he himself atte●●s . besides the lord's day , epiphanius ( in the epilogue to his books against heresies , ) affirms that an assemblie on the fourth and sixth ●●ri● , and 〈◊〉 ( i● his constitutions ) says , that a meeting together on the sabbath day , was instituted by the apostles . but , as to what belongs to the stations of the fourth and sixth feria , we are informed from tertullian in ●is book de jejuni●● , that they were meerly arbitrary and at will , not determined by any positive law or command . and although it was the eastern● usage to meet together on the sabbath , yet 't is manifest from epiphanius , socrates and others , that in most churches ▪ assemblies were not then held . there is an eminent passage of s t jerom's , on the epist to the galatians , chap. . e● n●inord 〈…〉 gregatio pop●●●●idem minueret in christo , &c. and least a disordered ●ongregation of the people might lessen the faith in christ , word●●●ome days ●re appointed ; that we might all come together . not that that day where●● we ●●et , is ●ore solemn ; but , that on whatever day there is an assembly , a greater joy may arise from the ●ight of one another . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he says , that the lord's day has its name from light , not because it was by the heat●ens termed the day of the s●● , but because 't is the day of the lord , that namely whereon the lord rose , and conferred on us life and light : and because on that day we received the holy spirit , the enlightner of our minds . see clemen● alexandrinus's strom , book . where speaking concerning the sabbath , there occurs a most elegant passage , which for brevities ●ake i here omit . the lord's day therefore is the day of light , both because on that day the light was first ●reated , and also in regard we on that day received the knowledge of the truth by the holy spirit , who fell upon the faithfull under the form of ●ire , and without division was divided , as clemens words it in the forementioned place . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , not satisfied in his instructing others , he himself practises those things which he teacheth , according to the command of the gospel . vales. * or , keepers . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . indeed , in the fuketian copy , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , church , is understood ; as 't is apparent from his third book concerning the life of constantine , chap. . from whence it must be also here corrected , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chiefest [ cities ; ] as the reading likewise is in the fuketian copy . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the third book of his life of constantine , chap. , instead of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made use of . indeed , this is a strange kind of an expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and at first blush it may seem to be an enallage , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which [ city ] the surname of antiochus does grace . yet , if any one shall inspect the matter more narrowly , he will confess , that this was spoken by eusebius ▪ with a designe to greaten the thing . for such was the largness of the city antioch , that it might seem rather to adorn its own builder antiochus , than to be adorned by his name . vales. * or , divine . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , at the very place of our lord's sepulchre . for so eusebius is wont to call the sepulchre of our lord , as 't is apparent from his life of constant. book . chap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie a place where the reliques of martyrs are deposited . the latines have in like mauner termed it confessionem , confession ; which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in latine call'd confessor . thus , in anastasius , we reade the confession of saint peter . below , at chap. , eusebius calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † see life of constant. book . chap. . note ( c. ) p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . farther , in the third book of his life of constant. chap. ; he makes mention but of two caves ; whereas here he reckons up three . his discourse there , was concerning helena , who built churches at bethlehem and on the mount of olives . but here he treats concerning constantine , who erected a most magnificent church in the place of our lord's sepulchre : to whom also eusebius with good reason ascribes those churches built by helena , in regard they had been raised by the emperour's cost . vales. ‖ or , the salutary victories of his whole agony ▪ q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at my peril write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signe . which the translatour having not perceived , made a notorious mistake . the fuketian copy confirms our emendation . a little after , with the translatour i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , and the time of his reigne unless you would rather read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , as we have rendred it ; which to me seems righter . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not so elegant an expression . vales. * or , long ▪ r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his own . after the mention of constantine's children , eusebius has , not superfluously , added his stock or kindred also : on account namely of dalmatius and hanniballianus , who were related to constantine , being the sons of his brother . vales. chap. x. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders it , iis qui se sacrarum literarum professioni consecraverint ; which version i don't approve of ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the persons initiated , who were partakers of the mysteries . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are they who initiate other , and deliver the mysteries to them . vales. * or , was. * or , the creation , visible , &c. † or , amongst all persons . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and have rendred it accordingly : he means the pagan sophistae , who in such like decennalian festivities as these , spoke panegyricks to the emperours . such a one was nazarius's panegyrick , spoken to constantine , in his third quinquennalia , ( or on the fifteenth year of his empire , ) and in the quinquennalia of the caesars . such also was themistius's oration , in valens's quinquennalia . moreover , claudius mamertinus had prepared an oration in the quinquennalia of maximianus hirculius , as he himself attests . in the fuk. copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * see chap. . note ( a. ) † or , concordant songs . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is a most corrupt place , which nevertheless , i have , as i think , with ease amended . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , sublimis supra gubernaculum sedens , sits on high above the rudder . but the translatour dream't i know not what concerning aevum . presently , write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the fuketian copy ▪ for so eusebius expresses himself hereafter . vales. chap. xi . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the greek rhetoricians termed orations concerning the praises of emperours ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which the latines are wont to call panegyricas , panegyricks . the method of these orations is delivered by alexander rhetor , in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chap. ▪ the title of which chapter ought to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this book is extant amongst the greek rhetoricians published by aldus ▪ pag ; but , which is ill done , 't is confounded with menander rhetor's book , which treats concerning the same subject . farther , in the foresaid chapter of alexander , there is cited an oration of the most fam'd sophist gallinicus , with this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , written , if i mistake not , in praise of the emperour philip. which i guess at from hence , because philip was an arabian as well as callinicus , and was of mean birth : which are the qualifications of that emperour , to whom callinicus spoke this oration , as alexander attests . the time suits very well also ; for callinicus lived in the reign of gallienus , as suidas does witness . there is also extant a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of libanius's , written by him in honour of constantius and constans , when he was at nicomedid . eusebius therefore alludes to these orations , and terms this oration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in the foregoing chapter , he has made use of this expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in allusion to the same thing ; which the translatour understood not . moreover , this is to be remark't , namely that this oration is by eusebius termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , an imperial book . for , 't is indeed liker a book , than an oration ; because by its too great length it exceeds the measure of an oration . wherefore i can't perswade my self , that it was recited by eusebius . vales. * or , the mysteries of secret discourses . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by your virtue ▪ and so the translatour read . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it ought , i think , to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the salutary martyrium , as eusebius has exprest himself in the ninth chapter ▪ where see what we have observed , at note ( o. ) it might also be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the salutary monument . for , so it will be an elegant allusion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a monument of an immortal memory . and so eusebius words it in the foresaid chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the monument — which deserves an eternal memory . nevertheless i have observed , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by eusebius simply and absolutely taken to signifie the salutary signe of the cross : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the divine virtue of the salutary signe , as it occurs in the very close of the ninth chapter : where nevertheless , the fuketian copy words it in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i don't doubt but it should be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contain a reason — which is not equally apparent and manifest to all persons . which emendation is confirmed by the words of eusebius that follow presently . all persons , says he , are not acquainted with the reasons of those works , which you have with great magnificence built near the sepulchre of our lord. for , the christians do indeed know them , and on that account do greatly admire you. but the heathens deride such works as those . the reading therefore in the fuketian copy is ill , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , deified . e ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means christ , as the translatour has well noted at the margin . these words are spoken by eusebius , with an intent to personate the heathens , who ( when the christians objected to them , the adulteries , quarrells , slaughters , death , and also sepulchres of their gods and hero's ) answered in this manner . if our gods are to be rejected and despised on account of such humane calamities as these , your god is in like manner to be rejected also ; whom you confess to have been condemned , to have been dead , and buried . vales. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i should choose to write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for this seems to me more elegant . but the ordinary reading has the same sense ; but 't is not so expressive , nor so elegant . nevertheless , he expresses himself so hereafter in this chapter . a little after i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schools and places of instruction ; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doctrines . vales. * matth. . . † matth. . . ‖ matth. . . * or , the martyrium of salutary immortality . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little after ( as the words are plac't in the greek , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and so the translatour seems to have read , who renders it thus : rerum pie & religiosè ab● te gestarum rationes gausasque hoc praesenti sermone explicare constitui . but he has rendred the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ill , which does here signifie fabricks or edifices , which by the latines are termed opera , works . for here eusebius does manifestly treat concerning that church , which constantine had built at jerusalem , in a most magnificent and admirable manner . further , this passage does plainly confirm our emendation at note ( d. ) in this chapter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you must add the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he cloathed himself with the humane nature ▪ which word is ill placed in the foregoing line . this emendation is confirmed by the fuketian copy . vales. * changed , or , transferred . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders it , nisi verbo dei in lucem editae fuissent , unless they had been brought to light by the word of god. but this rendition is not expressive enough of the propriety of the greek term. wherefore , i would rather render it , nisi verbo dei adstitissent , unless they had stood by the word of god. for 't is a metaphor taken from servants , who , when their lord calls , are at hand presently . therefore this verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a fit word to be used concerning the creation of the world. for the lord said , let there be made , and they were made . farther , i have mended this place from the fuketian copy . for whereas the reading before was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have corrected it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. † or , contemning , or , neglecting . * arch●-roofs . † places for exercise , or , schools . ‖ a long garment worn by philosophers . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so also 't is in the fuketian copy ; instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he terms the son's power , a middle power between god the father and things created , not that the virtue and power of the son is different from the virtue and power of the father . for eusebius does plainly call it here , the divine power of the son. but he gives it the name of middle , because the father does nothing by himself , but all things by the son. therefore ancient divines attributed the monarchy to the father ; but the administration or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the son ; as tertullian informs us in his book against praxe●● . see the twelfth chapter ; where he does again term the son , the middle , and a certain bond as 't were , whereby things created are coupled with the unbegotten father . and least any one should think , that eusebius deserves to be reproved here ▪ alexander bishop of alexandria ( in his epistle to alexander bishop of constantinople , ) expresses himself in the very same manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. eusebius ( book . against sabellius ) declares the same thing at large . non quia non sufficiebat pater , ideo genuit filium : &c. not because the father was not sufficient , therefore he begat the son : but because those things which were made were not sufficient to bear the power of him unborn . therefore he speaks by a mediatour . why ? because we could not approach him unborn ▪ nevertheless , athanasius refutes these assertions incomparably well , in his third oration against the arians , pag. . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; we have rendred it accordingly . vales. * or , descended and mixt himself with this , &c. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you will render this passage very clear and perspicuous , if you add a particle , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or , if there be , &c. the meaning is : for , whether the elements have their proper substance , or whether there be one and the same matter in them all , &c. vales. † or , the running together into one of , &c. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c : or at least , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which latter reading we have followed . vales. † or , manner . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade it in one word , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . eusebius makes use of the same word above . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather point it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having made them both , and have rendred it accordingly . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and void of reason . i would rather say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which i have followed in my version . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the two last words must be expunged , which crept in hither from the upper line . it might also be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the generations and corruptions . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which is required by the rules of syntax . vales. ‖ or , a most wise and rational power , or faculty . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they are terms properly belonging to musick ; concerning which , besides other authours , see boëthius de musicâ , book . . chap. , and ; where he treats concerning the synaphe , and the diazeuxis . but the translatour has rendred it , lapides ●ro●tatos , i. e. stones that are smoothed on both sides , and are even with the thickness of the wall , and are seen on both sides . than which rendition , there is nothing more absurd . instead of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it should , i thinke , be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tones , or , notes , i had almost forgot to give notice , that at the beginning of this period the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. concerning the term diatones , see boëthius's forementioned book , chap. ; the title of which chapter is , de generibus cantilenarum . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy , the reading is truer , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , invented . the nature of swimming creatures . vales. † children . w 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour renders it , modo herbarum formis cujusquemodi illustrando , sometimes by illustrating it with all sorts of forms of herbs . which rendition i don't approve of . in my judgment , eusebius does rather mean the various figures of countries . for , europe has one sort of figure , asia another , africa another . now , in these parts of the world , all provinces have their figures , which god the framer of this universe hath given them ; having divided the world , like a most pleasant garden , into various bedds . by this term may also be meant , the different dresses and garbs of the earth . for sometimes the earth is green with grass , at others 't is yellow with corn ; here 't is shady with woods ; there , 't is pleasant with gardens . vales. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , but , why do i presume , &c : which manner of expression is very emphatical ; when the oratour does as 't were stop and chide himself . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , powers . † or , roll'd up . chap. xii . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words seem to be misplaced , and are to be restored in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , the divine doctrine does assert , that &c. vales. b the ancients distinguished the aether , from the heaven ; and by that name of aether , meant the element of fire . so anaxagoras , as aristotle tells us in his third book de ●oelo : whom almost all persons did afterwards follow , except the peripateticks . for the peripateticks termed the substance of heaven , aether ; ( see aristotle de mundo ; ) and affirmed that was a fifth element . the same is asserted by heraclides , in allegoriis homeri . peripatetici , says he , aiunt naturam caelestium corporum aliam esse ab igne , &c. the peripateticks do say ▪ that the nature of the celestial bodies is different from fire , and do term it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( a nature that moves circularly , ) and say that it is a fifth element . for fire , which in greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , does naturally move upwards : but the sun and moon do not . but the stoïcks also themselves called the element of fire , aether ; and thought that it was the principal part , ( or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) of the whole world . censorinus ( or whoever else is the authours ) speakes to this effect , in chap. . de naturali institutione . mundi principale solem quid●m putant , ut cleanthes , &c. some think the sun to be the principal of the world , as cleanthes : and chrysippus , the aether , by whose perpetual motion the things under it are held and administred . and the aether it self suffers nothing . so also eusebius uses it below in this chapter ; and s t austin in his th sermon de tempore . vales. c not that the son is not the true god ▪ but because the name of god doth properly belong to the father , in regard he is the fountain and authour of the deity . but , whereas our eusebius ( in his epistle to euphration ) hath said , that the son is not the true god , ( as athanasius and the fathers of the seventh synod do object against him ; ) that is in no wise to be born with . for , although the father be properly termed god ; so that , whenever god is simply and absolutely spoken , we presently understand the father : nevertheless , the son is no less truly god , than the father ; in regard the divinity of the father and of the son , is one and the same . 't is certain , eusebius ( in his first book against marcellus , de ecclesiasticâ theologiâ , chap. . ) has expressely affirmed that the son is the true god. although in the following chapter , he does a little diminish from what he had said above . the words of christ in s t john's gospel ( chap. . v. . ) are these . this is life eternal , that they might know thee the only true god , and jesus christ whom thou hast sent . vales. 't is the learned petavius's opinion , that the word [ onely ] in that text of s t john , does in no wise exclude the son. for ( as he notes from s t basil , epist. . p. , ) the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are made use of in scripture , only to distinguish and separate the false gods ; that they may be removed , who are not true gods , and therefore are not gods. see petav. dogm . theolog. tom. . de trini . lib. . cap. . sect. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have shown above , that ancient divines attributed the monarchy to god the father ; but to the son , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or disposition . indeed , 't is the father's property to reigne : but the son's property , who is the wisdom of the father , is to dispose or set in order all things . wherefore they affirmed , that rest and beatitude was the father's property : but operation , the son 's . not that the father himself does not work ; but because the father works things unknown and secret ; but the son , things more manifest to us ; as marius victorinus makes it out , in his first book against the arians . and the ancient divines , before the nicene council , termed the son 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but afterwards they avoided these names , as 't is apparent from s t chrysostome in his sermon de sigillis . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is plain that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one word . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a manner inexpressible ; as eusebius says a little lower . vales. * or , wholly overflowing , in order , &c. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word must be expunged ; unless you would ●ather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , living creatures . for at this place he speaks chiefly concerning living creatures . vales. * or , places . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . write it in words disjoyned , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : again , to others [ he appoints , ] &c. vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but eusebius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which manner the translatour seems to have read ▪ and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place the words seem to be transposed ; which i thus set in order ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agreeably to his will and appointment , &c. a little after where the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be blotted out , in regard it occurs presently . vales. * or , onely-begotten god , the word begotten of god. † john . , . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it will be far more elegant , if you add a word , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as being the most excellent , &c. i don't doubt but eusebius wrote thus : for he has often exprest himself so above . vales. * off-spring . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here also the particle is misplac't . write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having infused him as the soul and life ▪ &c. unless you had rather wholly expunge that particle . 't is indeed wanting in the fuketian copy . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour has done ill in rendring it facultates , faculties . for , those which eusebius does here term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the following member of the period he calls gods. it ought therefore ▪ to have been rendred potestates . for so the latines do term daemons , whom the greeks are wont to stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . servius in b. . aeneid . nam potestates , says he , aliae caelestes sunt , &c. for some powers are celestial , others terrene , others mixt . and in b. . nam potestates aut terrenae sunt , &c. for the powers are either terrene , or aerial , or aetherial . chalcidius on plato's timaeus , pag. ; quae potestates , says he , aetherii , aeri●que sunt daemones , &c. which powers are aetherial and acrial daemons , removed from our sight , and our other senses . s t austin uses the same term , in his tenth book de civitate dei , chap. : and in his epistle to volusianus . apuleus in his apology . longinianus in his epistle to augustinus . and amm. marcellinus , book . amongst the greeks , nothing occurs more frequently . s r jerom on the d chapter of joël : a dextris , says he , & à sinistris virtutes & ●ortitudines dei legimus ; quas graeci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant , &c. vales. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at my peril write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which is the same as if he would have said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indeed , those superstitious worshippers of many gods. in the fuketian copy , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . excellently well . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c : nor again , could , &c. presently , after those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be set a point of interrogation ; which the translatour perceived not . vales. q he means s t john the evangelist , whose words he had cited a little before , in the beginning was the word , &c. which words eusebius does now expound by way of paraphrase . vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour construed the words thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for he renders it , qui dicendo exprimi nequit , who can't be exprest in words . which rendition don't please me . i should therefore choose to construe the words another way , so as that it may be said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the origine and authour of the word . 't is certain , eusebius is wont to term god the father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him who is above all . indeed , at this place he compares the word to the father . and he says , that the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before all things : but the father , he says , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beyond , or superiour to all things : every where attributing more to the father . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. doubtless it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; indeed , this sensible world . which is made apparent from the following words . vales. * or , due . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is a particle wanting here ; which i put in thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , as in one body . it may also be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as in one , &c. vales. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , invisibly . for , the word of god in an invisible manner is diffused through all things . but the common reading is not rashly to be rejected . for eusebius means , that the word of god is infused into all things , not as a spirit , which in a wandring motion passes thorow all things , and is carried sometimes this way , another while that way ; but as a soul , which is spread into all the members at once , and wanders not from these , to those . the translatour renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reverà , really . vales. w 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . any one may perceive , that the words are misplac't here also . write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . a little after , i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. again , one sun , but not more ; so that even by the transcendency — he obscures — &c. vales. * or , daunces . † in potters-work . so valesius . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the article must be blotted out ▪ or at least it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . presently , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. ‖ or , runs over ▪ y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or else , as 't is in the fuk. copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by inexpressible or unspeakable powers . a little after , where the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the translatour seems to have read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 moreover . but it would be better , were it written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and on the sun himself , &c. vales. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuk. copy , these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are wanting ; they don't indeed seem very necessary . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written in conjoyned words , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. chap. xiii . * or , mn●nosyne , that is , the mother of the moses . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is to be made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , and moreover , for 't is referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius says , that unchast passions were consecrated by men . for they called their lust by the name of cupid ; and the members wherewith acts of obscenity were performed , priapus ; and that intemperance which spreads it self into filthy pleasures , they termed venus . this is the meaning of this place , which the translatour perceived not . vales. * roll , or , tumble . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a proper term of magick art. artemidorus ( b. . c. . ) joyns 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together . plato ( b. . de legibus , pag. . ) has used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the same . see harpocration in the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the latines call them ligaturas , ligatures . s t austin's words , in his seventh tractate on s t john , are these . usque adeo , fratres mei , &c. in so much , my brethren , that those very persons , who seduce by ligatures , by charms , by the deceits and engines of the enemy , mix the name of christ with their own charms . orosius ( b. . c. . ) calls it obligamentum magicum , a magick bond or tye. vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compulsory ; from the fuk. copy . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tertullian in his book de anima , has termed them in latine paredros spiritus , which he joyns with the catabolick and pythonick spirits , who were put into men by magicians . now , they were called paredri daemones , who assisted men , and kept off diseases and unhappy accidents from them . this we are told by tertullian ▪ ( 〈…〉 his apolog. chap. . ) in these words . si & somnia immittunt , ha●entes simul invitatorum angelorum & daemonum adsistentem sibi potestatem . for magicians had daemons that assisted and obeyed them , who were their paredri , familiars ; by whose help they performed many miracles . besides , they put such spirits into others , that they might either infuse dreames into them , or be always present with them in order to their defence . the former sort of spirits they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , senders or causers of dreames : the latter they call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , assistants or familiars . sometimes also , by magick charms they threw boys against the ground , who being afterwards raised , as 't were from a fit of the falling-sickness , foretold things future to those that consulted them . which thing they performed by catabolick spirits , as heraldus has rightly remark't at tertullian's apology . from hence salmasius's mistake is made apparent , who ( in his notes on spartianus , pag. , ) affirms , that those were termed paredri , who from being men were reckoned amongst the gods , and were made assessors to the gods. which opinion of salmasius's , gothofred has embraced , in his notes on tertullian's second book ad nationes . turnebus ( b. . adversar . ) is much righter ; save that he renders it malos genios , evil genii : whereas notwithstanding , the good genii , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were so termed , as lucian writes concerning hephaestion . lastly , they usualy termed the infernal gods , not the celestial , paredri ; which being not observed by salmasius , was the occasion of his mistake , see demosthenes in orat. funebr . about the close : and diodorus siculus , b. . pag. : and lastly rufinus's eccles. histor. b. . chap. . from which authours 't is plain , that the infernal gods were termed paredri . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; moreover , &c. which though a small fault , yet ought not to have been omitted . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here the words seem to be misplac't . i read therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which way of writing this place , we have followed in our version . in the fuk. copy , this passage is written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which reading i don't approve of . vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , melcantharus . eusebius ( book . de praeparat . chap. : where he sets forth the theology of the phoenicians : ) terms the one of these gods , melicarthus the son of demaron , the grandchild [ or , nephew ] of caelus : the other he calls usous brother to hypsuranius , who was the first that found out the coverings of skins . in the fuketian copy , the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , melcatharus and usorus . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and obòdas . for the arabians worshipped obodas and dusares , as tertullian tells us , book . ad nationes , chap. . concerning obodas see uranius in his fourth book of arabick antiquities . obodas was a most ancient king of the arabians , who was buried amongst the nabathaei , and had divine honours paid him by them ; as stephanus relates in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from him many kings of arabia were afterwards called by the name of obodas ▪ two of whom josephus mentions ; the one in the times of alexander king of the jews ; the other , in the reign of herod . strabo also makes mention of the latter . further , as far as may be conjectured from histories , the arethae and obodae reigned by turns amongst the arabians : so that , after an arethas , succeeded an obodas ▪ and after an obodas , an arethas . and this seems to have continued a long while . the nabathaei worshipped dusares also , by which name they meant bacchus , as isidorus in hesycbius informs us . stephanus in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaks concerning this god also . in the fuketian copy , the reading here is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we have rendred it accordingly . zamolxis is a known god of the getae . presently , the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the cilicians , to mopsus , &c. in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last word was added by the transcriber of this book , to the intent he might thereby shew , that there is an imperfection here . indeed , at this place some words seem to be wanting . unless you have a mind to understand these words in common , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gave the title of gods , which are made use of a little before . in the fuketian copy , that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs not ; but after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a point is set . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the sons of gods. in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * dispositions , or , passions . † or , deaths . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from porphyrius it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the very same ; understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saturn . vales. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from porphyrius's second book de abstinentia ; whom our eusebius has transcrib'd here , almost word for word . and so the reading is in the fuketian copy ; agreeably whereto we have rendred it . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , also , the dumateni ; from porphyrius in the forecited place : although in porphyrius , the ordinary reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dumatii . nor is it otherwise written in eusebius's fourth book de praeparatione , chap. . but dumateni , as i have said , pleases me best . stephanus's words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is : dumatha , a city of arabia : a citizen [ whereof is termed ] dumathenus , as glaucus , [ says ] in the second book of his arabick archaeology . indeed the arabians in their patronymicks , most commonly have this termination . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words are wanting in porphyrius , which our eusebius has added of his own . indeed porphyrius , in regard he treated concerning humane victims , and spake of the athenians , ought not to have omitted this instance . there was heretofore one leus amongst the athenians , the son of orpheus , as suidas says ; who ( when athens was afflicted with famine , and an answer had been given by apollo delphicus , that the city should no otherwise be preserved , unless some one of the citizens would offer their daughters in sacrifice to the gods ; ) delivered up his three daughters , phasithea , theope , and eubule , to be sacrificed for the safety of the city . aelianus book . variae historiae , chap. ▪ ) instead of phasithea , names her praxithea . nothing occurs more frequently amongst the greek oratours , than the mention of these three daughters of leus ; as in aristides's panathenaïcus , in libanius's thirteenth declamation . demosthenes or whoever else is the authour , in the oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reckons this leus amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or founders of the tribes ; from whom the tribe of leon took its name . for these are his words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemens alexandrinus does likewise mention him , in his protrepticon ; and gregory nazianzene in his poem de virtute ; and amongst modern writers , leopardus in his nineteenth book , in the last chapter save one . vales. r erechtheus the son of pandion , had six daughters ; protogenia , pandora , procris , cre●sa , orithia , and chthonia . the two eldest of these , protogenia namely and pandora , when an army of the enemy had made an irruption out of boeotia into attica , voluntarily offer'd themselves to be sacrificed for the safety of their country . on whom the athenians conferred great honours after their deaths , and gave them the name of virgines hyacinthidae , because they had been sacrificed in hyacinthus a village of attica , neer the village of the sphendalenses . thus phanodemus writes in the fifth book of his res atticae , as suidas attests in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whence a passage of cicero's is clear'd , in his oration pro sextio , where his words are these . mortem quam etiam virgines athenis , regis opinor erechthei filiae pro patria contempsisse dicuntur , ego vir consularis , &c. see diodorus siculus , book ; and demosthenes ( or whoever else is the authour , ) in the forementioned oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . others say , that erechtheus had but four daughters , who bound one another in mutual oathes , that if one of them should die , the rest should kill themselves . afterwards , when eumo●pus assistng the eleusinii , had made an irruption into attica with great forces of the thracians ; an answer was given to erechtheus consulting the oracle , that the victory should fall to the athenians , if erechtheus would sacrifice one of his daughters . erechtheus therefore offered his youngest daughter chthonia in sacrifice : which done , the other three daughters , according as they had obliged themselves by oath , killed themselves . thus apollodorus in his bibliotheca , and hyginus in his th and th fable : in whom the name of chthonia is corrupted . these three daughters of erechtheus , sisters to chthonia , euripides ( in his erechtheus ) had termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hesychius attests ; and had feigned , that after their death , they were turn'd into the hyades . theon's words on aratus's phaenomena , are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . farther , as to the virgines hyacintbidae , some have affirmed , that they were not the daughters of erechtheus , but 〈…〉 ne hyacinthus . so harpocration , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and hyginus in his forementioned th fable . vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the great city . the translatours have done ill in rendring it megalopolis . for porphyrius , whose words eusebius makes use of here , gave rome that name , according to the usage of his own age ; as it has been long since remark't by joseph sealiger in his animadversions on eusebius , pag. . 't is certain , libanius in his oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , does so term the city rome . farther , what porphyrius says , ( namely , that at rome , on the festival of jupiter latiaris , still in his age a man was sacrificed ; ) is confirmed by lactantius , book . chap. . siquidem , says he , latiaris jupiter & nunc sanguine colitur humano ; for jupiter latiaris is even at this present worshipt with humane bloud . prudentius's words in his first book against symmachus , are these : funditur humanus latiari in munere sanguis . dion cassius speaks concerning this feast , in his fourty third book , pag. . now , the latiaria were celebrated in december , as i think . for in that month the gladiators show was exhibited , as we are informed from herunaritius's calendarium . in the latiare sacrum the usage was , that the bloud of that gladiator who had been killed in the encounter , should whilst it was warm be offered to jupiter , and as it were flung in his face ; as cyprian relates in his book de spectaculis , and tertullian in his apollogetick , chap. . there is an eminent passage in justin the martyr's apology to the senate , where he speaks concerning this solemnity . his words are these . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — doing the same things that are done by you to an idol you worship . on which is sprinkled not only the bloud of irrational creatures , but humane bloud also , by the eminentest and most noble personage amongst you , who makes this libation of the blood of those slain . from which place we gather , that the praetor of the city performed this sacrifice : and that a man was not sacrificed to jupiter , as porphyrius says ; but only , that the bloud of a gladiator killed in the theater , was offered to jupiter . vales. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour has not hit the meaning of this place ; he renders it thus : et nihilominus trecentos allos sacrificio addidisse ▪ and nevertheless added three hundred more to the sacrifice . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a proper term used concerning those fathers , who deliver up their children to be sacrificed to the gods , as we have seen above concerning leus the athenian . when therefore the nobles in africa had presented three hundred boyes to be sacrificed to the gods , diodorus says , that three hundred other boyes were in like manner presented by other persons ; that they might shew their piety towards the gods , no less evidently than the former had done . but i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two hundred , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three hundred . questionless , it must either be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two hundred , here ; or else above , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two hundred , it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three hundred . vales. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which reading i have followed in my rendition . but our eusebius is mistaken . for dionysius halicarnasseus ( pag. . ) relates , that the gods required that of the pelasgi , not of the aborigines ; and that the men were not slain by them , but banisht out of their country . in the fuketiaa copy the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting . vales. * that is , offered every tenth man of themselves in sacrifice . † or , rebell'd . ‖ or , tillers of the ground . w indeed , about the beginning of diocletian's reign , the boors in gallia , having entred into a combination amongst themselves , took up arms , and infested the high-ways , giving themselves the name of bacaudae ; as we are told by orosius , eutropius , and mamertinus in maximianus's panegyrick . farther , from this passage of eusebius we are informed , that that sort of robbery was practised almost throughout the whole roman world . vales. * rom. . . † or , irrational and fortuitous nature . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the translatour seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his rational flock amongst men . but i had rather read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his own rational flock . for so eusebius is wont to call god the word , namely the pastour of his rational flock . nevertheless in the fuketian manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , written in a contracted manner . vales. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , but when , &c : or else , as 't is in the fuketian copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when therefore , &c. vales. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had long since guess'd , that the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on account therefore of which , when he hastned to the converse of mortals ; or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when he was come ; which conjecture seems to me most certain . for though the same sense might be extracted from the ordinary reading , yet if we should retain that , i don't see whither these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be referred . but at length the fuketian copy hath confirmed our conjecture , wherein the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , chang'd his usual manner , for a newer . chap. xiv . * or , made use of . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this whole place is thus to be mended ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and who any , &c. in the fuk. copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the same manner ; so the reading is in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , rejoyce in a sense , &c. † or , a bodily instrument . ‖ or , power of &c. * or , to the body . * or , when it incorporeally touches a body . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which words valesius renders thus , et quercus suavitate cantûs delinitas immutasse , and that it changed the oakes ravisht with the sweetness of its melody . christophorson and curterius render this clause thus , tum arbores ( quae fagi vocantur ) musicae suavitate delinitae , si●us suos mutare solent , also the trees ( which are termed beeches ) pleased with the sweetness of its musick , are wont to change their sites . perhaps the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius terms the humane nature which christ assumed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in the same manner that the latine fathers are wont to speak concerning christ , that he assumed hominem , man. so eusebius uses it a little above , where his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the instrument of an humane body which he had assumed . it occurs hereafter also . vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these words are wanting in the fuketian copy ; and seem to me to have been added by a scholiast . vales. * or , help . * or , such a divinity . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although this place be faultless , yet i can't omit that reading which i found in the fuketian copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c : which reading i think to be truer . a little after , where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have added a word from the fuk. copy ; where 't is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , where his humane vessel was . vales. * or , destroying . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was dissolved ; as the reading is in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , likely . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and have rendred it accordingly . in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this manner eusebius has exprest himself a little above . vales. * or , affections . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that which follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must in writing be joyned together , as one word , that is , as graecians term it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . farther , in the geneva-edition , this place was confused by the printers fault ; which we have restored thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whatsoever thing he shall have toucht . and so the reading is in the fuketian copy . vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be worded thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . nothing is more certain than this emendation . for the following words do plainly shew , that eusebius speakes here concerning a body . and thus i found it written in the fuk. copy . vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , and moreover , &c. for so graecians are wont to express themselves . and thus 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. chap. xv. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remembrance . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , resurrection , as the translatour seems to have read . presently , the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after an explication , or consideration of which [ particulars ; ] as 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words are misplac't here , a thing which has frequently hapned in these books , as i have already told you . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have rendred it accordingly . in fuket's copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vales. * or , image . † or , lived an humane life . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . one of the two last words must be expunged . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor would he himself , the necessity of which emendation is plainly confirmed by the following words , vales. * or , devils . † or , heard of . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i don't approve of the translatour's rendition , who translates this place thus : nam cum duae rationes ab●undi ex hâc vit â sibi reliquae essent , for whereas two reasons of departing out of this life were remaining to him. as if in the greek the reading were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius's meaning therefore is this ; whereas the one of two things was of necessity to be done by christ in the close of his life , namely , that he should either yield up his body to be wholly consumed by death , or else should declare himself to be superiour to death . &c. you see how different this meaning is , from that of the translatour . for christ had not a twofold reason for departing out of this life , but one only ; namely , death . for , as the poet says , omnes una manet mors , one death awaits all persons . but in death , one of these two things remained to be performed by christ , that he should either wholly submit to death , and deliver up his body to it as some rich spoyles , or else should shew himself to be above death , and should rescue his body , as a prey , out of the jaws of death . besides , eusebius has shown a little before , that death was necessarily to have been undergone by christ. for , had he been minded to withdraw his body privately , and as 't were by stealth , out of this life ; without doubt all persons would have believed him to have been a ghost or apparition , not a true and real man. he produces other reasons also , whereby he may confirm this . which when he had set forth , at length he concludes in this manner . on account of all these reasons , says he , in as much as 't was wholly necessary , that his body should have an end befitting god allotted to it , christ thus dispenc'd his own death . the one of these two things was to be done by him in the end of this his life , as i have said already . and these words hang together excellently well . but the translatour's exposition differs widely from eusebius's meaning , in regard eusebius would demonstrate , that a single , not a double reason for departing out of this life was left remaining to christ. vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i should chuse to write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as of a play , make a most reproachfull catastrophe [ or , calamitous conclusion ] of his whole life . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to darken ; as 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , with the greatest decency . † or , heard . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . something must of necessity be added , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some vessel that can't be burnt . 't is certain , in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which manner christophorson read . a little after , in the fuketian manuscript 't is thus worded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pulling it out of the flames entire and unconsum'd ; not as the reading is in the geneva-edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , gain a belief of the miracle ; so valesius . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be taken by eusebius , for the death or passion of christ. so he has said above in this chapter concerning christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therefore [ i say ] his death is in this manner dispenc't and ordered . see what i have noted at the first book of his eccles. histor. chap. . note ( b. ) 't is certain epiphanius calls the sacrament of the eucharist , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the worship of the lord's passion . — vales. k these words must be helpt by a favourable interpretation . for christ left not his own body during the least moment of time . in regard , as 't is wont commonly to be said , that which he had once assumed , he never parted with . but he suffered his own body to be for some time destitute of the company of his soul. presently , in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i would rather write , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and surrendring up to death that which was mortal . vales. l for christ rising from the dead , plainly declared that eternal life , which he had preacht to all men , to be superiour to every death . and this the translatour understood not ; who , though his version be otherwise elegant enough , yet frequently wanders from the true sense : in so much that in this particular , the version of this panegyrick may seem far meaner than the translation of the ecclesiastick history . vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , it behoved . which reading the translatour seems to have followed . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what eusebius says , namely that christ before he dyed had sprinkled some seeds of the knowledge of god amongst the nations , may be understood two ways . for either he means the seeds which were by nature put into mens minds , whereby they are instructed in the knowledge of god ; or else he means the preaching of christ , who when conversant on earth , had declared the worship of the true god , not only to the jews , but to the gentiles also . vales. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here eusebius has made use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or perswasion ; whereas nevertheless , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wont to be more frequently used to signifie the greater cable of a ship. in the same sense with that here , he has made use of this word in his book concerning the martyrs of palestine , chap. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a firm and most evident instance to perswade me to believe . clemens alexandrinus uses the same word frequently . chrysostome ( in hom. . on the epistle to the ephesians , ) notes , that this is a common but homely term , whereby is meant a certain vehemency and eagerness of will : his words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c , against the errour , &c. a little after i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shewing them the trophies . the fuketian copy confirms both emendations . vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is not a little difficult . for how can what eusebius says be understood , that that life namely which christ has promised , is the first-fruits of a future life with god ? questionless , by the life promised to us by christ , eusebius means the resurrection , which is as 't were the entrance and beginning of that eternal life with god. or rather he means the resurrection of christ's body , which was the first-fruits and pledge as 't were , of our hope and resurrection , as eusebius tells us in the close of this chapter . vales. * or , himself . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see grotius de satisfac . christi . chap. . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . an elegant term , taken from the secretest mysteries of magicians and conjurers , who asserted that men were to be sacrificed , to the end the life of others might be redeemed . so antinous was sacrificed instead of the emperour hadrian , that he might defer his fare ; as 't is related by aurelius victor , and others . this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , life for life , as aristides expresses himself in his fifth sacred oration . farther , 't was necessary , that he who was in this manner sacrificed , should voluntarily offer himself to be slain . which may be gathered both from aristides , and from aurelius victor : in which authour the words are these , cùm voluntarium ad vicem magi poposcissent . moreover , that custom of the romans , who bequeath'd themselves to death for the safety of the emperour , doth clearly shew this very thing . vales. whom the greeks call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines termed vicarii ; so stephens in his latine thesaurus , in the word vicarius . vicarii , says he , etiam interdum sunt , &c. vicarii also are sometime● those , who bequeath themselves to destruction and death , that they may bring those mischiefs on their own beads , which were about to befall others . hence 't is that valesius does here render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vicarium . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i doubt not but eusebius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who , being before bound , &c. for he alludes to the crime of treason , which the greeks are wont to term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is apparent from dion cassius , in several places . vales. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impure ; we have already taken notice of a mistake like this above . 't is certain , in the fuketian copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and a little after , in the same copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the salutary miracle . it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacrifice ; which i wonder christophorson perceived not . so eusebius has said a little above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , after that one victim and eximious sacrifice , &c. vales. * or , bodily instrument . † john . . ‖ see esa. ch . ▪ v. , , , . according to the septuagint version . chap. xvi . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this wholeplace is , in my judgment , thus to be restored ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if indeed the truth , &c. vales. * or , a candid ●ar for our discourse . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was minc't , or cut . in the fuketian copy , the reading of this whole place runs thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i should rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a little after i read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which appeared superiour to all diabolical energy or force ; the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fraud , being expunged as superfluous . unless you would word it , as the fuketian manuscript does , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fraud and force . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questionless 't is to be written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which reading i have followed in my version . thus eusebius has exprest himself a little above , in the close of the foregoing chapter ; where speaking concerning the body of christ rais'd from the dead , his words are these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the trophy of that victory , &c. which place casts no small light on this we have before us . for eusebius says the same thing in both places . for he compares the body of christ , raised from death to life , and taken up into heaven , to a trophy which is erected over enemies vales. † or , republicks ; so valesius . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but , one god was preach't amongst all men ; which is confirmed by the following words . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , irreconcileable and implacable hatred . and so the translatour seems to have read . so eusebius expresses himself a little after this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and at the same time that hatred and s●ri●e , which , &c. i write also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place must , in my judgment , be written in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which reading i have followed in my version . one way of religion and salvation , says he , namely the doctrine of christ , was delivered to men . vales. * or , embraced all things . † or , pious doctrine . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . valesius renders it ex unâ transenna . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie meta , the goal of a race . * that is , by the doctrine of christ which asserted god's monarchy . † or , goods . ‖ fitted or , made up into peace ▪ &c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . without doubt it must be written thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , begotten by one or the same father . the mistake arose from the contracted way of writing . vales. * psal. . ● . † psal. . . ‖ esai . . . * or , spake a word to his confidents . † matth. . . ‖ or , which is by sight . * or , reason . † or , nature of men . ‖ or , the life of that philosophy delivered , &c. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can't have a place here . i write therefore from the fuketian manuscript , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what other person , save only , &c. presently , the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or else , as 't is in the fuketian copy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on which account , — thorowout the whole world . for so eusebius is wont to express himself , as in the end of chap. . vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , discourse concerning god. k valesius in his note at this place tells us , that the geneva-printers designedly left out this clause [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and divine ministrations of intellectual and rational sacrifices ] because , says he , it contained an illustrious testimony concerning the unbloudy sacrifice of the mass. but 't is our senstiment , that valesius had as little ground for this assertion , from there words ; as the geneva-men had reason for that their omission . our church in one of its prayers after the celebration of the eucharist , makes mention of a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving ▪ and i verily believe , eusebius means no other sacrifice than that here ; witness the two epithets he gives these sacrifices , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intellectual and rational . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i don't doubt but eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacrifices — performed by bloud and gore , smoke and fire ▪ as likewise those cruel , &c. than which emendation there is nothing more certain . vales. m eusebius took this passage out of porphyrius's second book de abstinentia , where he writes thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , but pallas , who wrote best of all concerning the mysterious rites of mithra , says that humane victims were almost every where abolished , in the reign of the emperour hadrian . which lactantius does likewise confirm , in the first book of his divine institutes , chap. ▪ in these words . apud cypriot , [ in thysius's edition 't is apud cypri salaminem , at salamine [ a city ] of cyprus . ] humanam hostiam jovi teucer immolavit ; idque sacrificium posteris tradidit : quod est nuper hadriano imperante sublatum . amongst the cypriots , teucer offered an humane sacrifice to jupiter ▪ and delivered that sacrifice down to posterity : which was lately abolished in the reign of hadrian . tertullian in the ninth chapter of his apology relates , that in africa infants were publickly offered in sacrifice to saturn , untill tiberius's proconsulate , who for that reason crucified the priests of saturn . and he adds , that the milice of his own country ( or , as some copies have it written , patris sui , of his own father ▪ ) which executed that very office under tiberius the proconsul , were witnesses of this thing . whence it appears that the memory of this matter was as yet fresh . for why should he cite the souldiers or apparitors of the proconsular office as witnesses , unless some of those had been yet alive , or could have been produced , who had attended upon the proconsul tiberius , at such time as he crucified those priests . wherefore , that proconsulate of tiberius might be fitly placed upon the times of the emperour hadrian ; especially in regard both porphyrius and lactantius do perswade us to think so . further , whereas pallas only says , that they left off sacrificing men almost every where ; eusebius without any exception affirms , that this custom was abolished amongst all nations whatever . which i can scarce be induced to believe . for , both porphyrius and lactantius , in their fore-cited books , do attest , that jupiter latiaris was still in their age worshipped with humane bloud at rome . besides , tertullian witnesseth in his apology , that in his age infants were in secret sacrificed to saturn . vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius alludes to that famous saying of heraclitus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the dead are more despicable than muck ; of which saying strabo makes mention in the end of his sixteenth book , and origen in his fifth book against celsus . from whence came this proverbial expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spoken concerning a man of no value . pollux , book . chap. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more contemptible than dung , if we should speak after the manner of heraclitus . julian , in his oration against heraclius the cynick , pag. , makes use of the same saying of heraclitus , in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but wholly to despise the body ▪ and to account it according to heraclitus , even more contemptible than dung . but with the greatest ease to perfect its cure , as long as god shall order the body to be used as an instrument . which place i have mended and supplied , from suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in the ordinary editions , this passage is corrupt and imperfect . vales. * or , nature . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written with an interrogation , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but , what can he do , who is no body ? and so christophorson seems to have read ▪ indeed , in the fuketian manuscript the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is apparent that the reading should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , judgment is not placed in sense . therefore the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be understood here ; which christophorson apprehended not ; for he hath erroneously joyned these words with the following . there was a great dispute amongst the old philosophers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so they termed the rule whereby the truth of things is judged of by men . the most ancient philosophers did not place that power or faculty in the senses , but in the reason ; as sextus empiricus informs us in his seventh book against the mathematici . farther , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken two ways , either for the faculty it self , whereby truth is discerned ; or else for the instrument of that faculty ▪ potamo the philosopher termed the first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which ; the second , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which ; as lartius tells us , in the proëme of his own work . vales. * consider , or , determine of . † or , inconsistent . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this is the nature of the dead . the words are misplaced here ; a thing which , as i have already advertized , does frequently happen in these books . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for this is the nature of the living ▪ &c. a little before , some words are all repeated , which fault the studious reader will easily mend of himself . vales. chap. xvii . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , be worded thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with an interrogation ; which reading i have followed in my version . vales. * or , numerous d●rts of words . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this place is corrupted with a double fault : nevertheless 't was easie to restore it in this manner : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had governed the empire , &c. eusebius means diocletian and his colleagues , who ( says he ) had governed the republick gloriously and happily , as long as they maintained a peace with god and with the churches . but after they attempted to bring a war upon god , and to persecute his most holy worshippers ; immediately all affairs were altered , and put into a worse posture . eusebius says the same in the end of his eighth book . vales. * champions . † or ▪ splendid consecrations of oratories . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must , i think , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ▪ and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the name . nothing occurs more frequently in ecclesiastick writers , than the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dominic● . nor have only the greeks termed churches thus , but the germans also have borrowed this name from the greeks , as walafrid●s strabo informs us in his book de rebus ecclesiasticis , chap. . vales. hence likewise we have our name for them in english , to wit churches ; and hence 't is that the scots call them kirks . † or , deprived of all hope . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which we follow . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . any one will easily perceive , though i hold my peace , that some words are wanting here . i write therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for thus any one , which words must be included in a parenthesis . indeed christophorson seems to have read so , as it appears from his version . vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson joyned the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i don't approve of . for , by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eusebius means those women , who having been deprived of their husbands , consecrated their widowhood to god ; and he distinguishes these from the quires of virgins . farther , out of the number of widows , deaconnesses and pres●yteresse● were wont to be chosen , as epiphanius attests in the heresie of the c●llyridiani , and in the epilogue of his books against heresies . whence 't is , that at this place eusebius terms them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for those women did in a manner perform the office of priests ; in regard they instructed women that were to be baptized . but the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , also women that were in holy orders ; and so 't is in the fuketian copy . these women , before they could be chosen deaconnesses , were wont to be examined . amongst other things , they were asked , whether they had washed the saints feet ; as origen informs us in his thirty second tome on sain● john's gospel . vales. † or , to make use of the continence and strength of a hard life , with , &c. ‖ or , divine readings . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who sees not that the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is an eye of justice . for the ancients believed , that justice had ● most quick and sharp eye , which inspected all things that were done by men , and would never wi●k : which eye they appealed to as a witness , who had been any wayes injured . nothing occurs more frequently , both amongst the greeks and latines . the old poets words in s●obaeu● are these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have not leisure to produce more authorities ; nor is it at all necessary , in regard the thing is so well known . yet christophorson saw not the emendation of this place . vales. * or , bring forth fruit , not out of &c. † presignified , or , declared . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doubtless the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which manner also christophorson seems to have read ; and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accent ●ast back to the first syllable ; which is done , as often as the preposition is set after the word . presently the reading must be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , correspondent to the affairs themselves . for 't is referred to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , predictions . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * matth. . . † see matt. . . ‖ matt. . . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is a mistake of the printer , i think , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to have brought : so 't is in the fuketian copy . vales. * or , rusticks . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , make the forces of their minds nervose , or sinewie . † or , right-hand . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he means the peace which christ , at his birth , bestowed on the roman world . vales. * or , which by his power reignes over the whole &c. † or , worldly . ‖ emperour . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the fuketian copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and just before , the reading is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vales. * or , every philosopher . † or , pursue heaven . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson has expung'd the last word , which is not ill done . nevertheless it may be read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or man. or else , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much less man. vales. * illustrated . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to fatten their own bodies . i know indeed , that it was the christians usage to feast more plentifully and splendidly on sundays . but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to fatten , or feed fat , is no fitting term to be used concerning christians . wherefore i doubt not but eusebius wrote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that they should not , &c. vales. * or , the beginning to the end . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it appears from his version , which runs thus , ut homo tam egregia facinora ederet , that a man should perform such signal and extraordinary actions . but the fuketian copy hath opened to us the true reading of this place ; which runs thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that such signal blessings , &c. for eusebius means all those blessings , which he has particularly reckoned up above : all which were conferred on men by christ's coming down upon earth . vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some words are wanting here ; which we may supply thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to you o emperour ! but the fuk. copy hath given us the true reading : where 't is thus worded ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have rendred it accordingly . vales. chap. xviii . * searches , or , discoveries . † or , emendations in each particular . ‖ see his life of constant. b. . chap. . note ( c. ) b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am of opinion , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , victor , is to be added after these words ; not for this reason only , because constantine had the surname of victor given him ; but also , in regard this word makes a great elegance here . for eusebius says , that those sacred gifts which constantine gave to the jerusalem-church , ( because they are the monuments of the victory of christ the supream king , ) do incomparably well befit an emperour that is a victor . vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have rendred it regios apices , royal letters or characters . for so eusebius is wont to express himself as i have remark'd otherwhere . he says therefore , that constantine , by that most magnificent fabrick , and those most rich sacred gifts , wherewith he had adorned the sepulchre of christ , ( as 't were by royal letters set up in some publick place , ) had proclaimed christ the victor and triumpher to all people . vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . with these words the fuketian copy does close eusebius's panegyrick . 't is certain , the words which follow , are but little necessary , nor do they seem to me to be eusebius's . vales. the state of christendom, or, a most exact and curious discovery of many secret passages and hidden mysteries of the times written by henry wotten ... wotton, henry, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the state of christendom, or, a most exact and curious discovery of many secret passages and hidden mysteries of the times written by henry wotten ... wotton, henry, sir, - . [ ], , [ ], p. : ill. printed for humphrey moseley ..., london : . table of contents: p. [ ]-[ ] index: p. 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instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christianity -- early works to . church history. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trve effigies of sr henry wotton k t embassadovr in ordinary to the most serene repvbliqve of venice , and late provost of eaton colledg . anno aetat is suae the state of christendom : or , a most exact and curious discovery of many secret passages , and hidden mysteries of the times . written by the renowned sr henry wotton , kt. ambassadour in ordinary to the most serene republique of venice , and late provost of eaton colledg . london , printed for humphrey moseley , and are to be sold at his shop at the prince's arms in st paul's church-yard , . to the judicious reader . the author of these politique and polite discourses , knew the world so well , and the world him , that not to know sr henry wotton , were an ignorance beyond barbarism , in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of state : a knight he was of choice intellectuals , and noble extraction , who may be said to have king'd it abroad half his age in embassies , by representing the person of his soveraign prince in most of the courts of christendom , amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of nations ; for he was thrice sent ambassadour to the republique of venice , from the most serene prince james the first king of great britain ( by whom the order of knighthood was conferred upon him . ) once to the states of the united provinces . twice to charls emanuel duke of savoy . once to the united princes of upper germany in the convention at heylbrun . lastly , he was sent extraordinary ambassadour to the archduke leopold , the duke of wittenberg . imperial cities , strasburgh and ulm , and to the roman emperour himself , ferdinand the second : and however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments , the provost ship of eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit ; yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit , he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition , it seems to have been rather his own choice , then any want of regard , in those times , to a man so highly deserving of the commonwealth ; and consequently , it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation , were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his king and country , then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts ; seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit , which he merited at the hands of a great king , for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement . had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called reliquiae wottonianae , there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer arts. not to insist upon the many elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both native and forraign ; i shall only insert what the most vogu'd poet of this age hath sung of his skill in tongues . he had so many languages in store , that only fame can speak of him in more . it were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses , written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth , but only this , that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign courts , he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of government , and make inspections into those arcana imperii , those mysteries of state , which he communicates here to the world , in many choice and judicious observations , whereby the discerning reader may be will acqnainted with the state of europe , and the interest , dependencies , and power of most princes , together with the occasions and motives of most of the wars that hapned the last century , whereof some came from slight quarrels ; for he tells you that charls the hardy duke of burgundy , made a war for a cart-load of sheep-skins , in which he breath'd his last : with these modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages , both of greeks and romans , which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the reader . the contents of the several discourses . i. the occasion of sir henry wootton 's undertaking this treatise . p. . ii. his opinion both in general and particular concerning princes , their means and designs . iii. that notwithstanding the invasion of the turks , the civil wars among christian princes cease not iv. that princes aiding of rebels is no new thing , but hath been practised in former ages . v. that it was not without just cause that the flemmings rebelled against the king of spain . vi. the several rebellions of the frenchmen against their king , and the causes thereof . vii . the practises of sejanus , pompey , crassus , piso , and curio , with a comparison between the duke of guise and them , and also other great rebels viii . that the salique law of france did not infringe the title of former kings of england to that crown , and the frenchmens objections concerning the same answered ix . that kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons , and given their kingdoms either to strangers , or to their younger sons x. reasons why the kings of england having a right to the crown of france , and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right , do not still continue to presecute their demands , and the causes and means of their losing all france . , . xi . how the kings of spain came to arrive to this height of power which they enjoy at present , from so small a beginning . xii . that the kingdoms of naples and sicily have been fatal to most nations of europe . xiii . by what means the spanish king obtained naples and navar. xiv . the spanish king 's title to the kingdom of portugal xv. the authors opinion concerning the claim of the several competitors to the crown of portugal . xvi . the spanish king's title to the indies . xvii . the spanish kings title to milan . xviii . the spanish kings title to the dukedom of burgundy , and how he retaineth all those states which he possesseth xix . vvhat inconveniences armies have bin subject to , going far from home , with the causes of hannibal's ill fortune . xx. the manner of the king of spain's dealing with the turk . xxi . the manner of the spanish king 's proceeding with the french xxii . the spanish king 's proceeding with the princes of germany . xxiii . vv hat account the spanish king maketh of the princes italy , xxiv . queen elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the spaniard . xxv . divers examples shewing , that what god hath decreed , cannot be prevented by any foresight of man. xxvi . queen elizabeth justified in her attempts against spain and portugal . xxvii . several examples in what manner princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour . xxviii . that princes have oft broken leagues with their confederates upon occasion given , or upon some considerable advantage xxix . that there was just occasion given for the intercepting the spanish money sent into flanders . xxx . that the spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is . xxxi . the nature and condition of the spanish people . xxxii . the false commendations given by divers authors unto spain . xxxiii . that the king of spain 's wars with the low-countries , have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished . xxxiv . that it was no point of policy in the spanish king , not to grant liberty of conscience to his subjects in flanders . xxxv . that it redounded not so much to the spanish kings honour as he imagined , to enter into a league with the princes of italy , the duke of lorrain , and the house of guise against the lutheran princes . xxxvi . that many princes have been less to blame for entring into a league with the turk , then the king of spain for his league with the guisards . xxxvii . that princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths , however their vertues may . xxxviii . the likelyhood of the downfal of the duke of guise his faction . xxxix . that it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of rebels xl. the french king vindicated from divers things laid to his charge . xli . the king of france his killing of the duke of guise justified . xlii . how the kings of france have from time to time raised the revenues of that crown . xliii . the commendations of henry the third of france from divers eminent authors . xliv . to what a vast power and authority the popes of rome are advanced from a small beginning , with their deceits and cruelties . xlv . vvhat losses and injuries princes have sustained by submitting to the pope's authority xlvi . queen elizabeth unjustly accused by the english fugitives , to the king of spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes . xlvii . the spanish king blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the english fugitives . xlviii . certain objections against the queen of englands putting the scottish queen to death , answered . xlix . vvhether it be allowable for subjects to take up arms against , or put their princes to death . l of the proceedings of divers princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour . li. that embassadors violating the laws of nations , or of arms , have oft-times been rigorously dealt with . lii . that neither the death of the scottish queen , nor any other occasion , could warrant the king of spain's invading of england . liii . that it is no easie matter for the king of spain to conquer england , liv. the popes and emperours machinations against the lutherans , make them so much the stronger . lv. the cruelty of princes to their subjects , proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves . lvi . many motives of rebellion and discontent among the k. of spain 's subjects , threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon princes in former ages . lvii . that many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake . lviii . that the k. of spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him , or at least to stand neutral . lix . several emperours of the house of austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions . lx. that there is as just cause to fear france if that kingdom grow too powerful , as spain it self . lxi . that the low-countries joyned together under one form of government , would grow very formidable . lxii . how powerful the switzers are grown since they have incanton'd themselves . lxiii . how expedient a confederacy with the low-countries is , in reference to a falling out either with france or spain . in the supplement . i. iohn de soto secretary to don john de austria removed , and john de escovedo put into his room . p. ii. antonio perez commanded by the k. of spain to poison escovedo iii. several questions discussed concerning escovedo 's murther , and first , whether the k. commanding escovedo to be murthered , may not worthily be accounted a murtherer . iv. the second question , whether antonio perez obeying the kings command , be not guilty of escovedo 's death as well as the king. v. the third question , whether the king being found a murtherer , deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated , better then the k. of france deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the duke of guise . vi. the fourth question , whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other prince . vii . vvhether wilful perjury , and breaking of laws be punishable with deprivation in a prince , and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a prince . viii . that the nobility of aragon have from the beginning bound their kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges . ix . that subjects may seek remedies against such princes as will not do them right and iustice. x. the k. of spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the k. of france hath been charged with . the table . a adrianus the emperour's vast armies and strength in war p. albertin coraza made lord of padua . p. alexander the great , the pattern of a valiant prince p. not superiour to divers of-the roman captains p. alexander king of epirus his opinion concerning alexander the great 's victories p. pope alexander the third's prastises against frederick barbarossa p. alonzo king of aragon adopted by joan queen of naples p. alphinus king of the scots and picts openly beheaded p. other examples of the like nature p. cardinal allen compared with richard shaw , and john petit p. the ambition of the earl of anjou 's wife , set him on to get the kingdom of naples p. amulius his cruelty to his brother numitor and his children . p. anjou quitted by the king of england p. don antonio justifieth his title to portugal by several arguments p. anthony montefeltro made duke of urbin by the emperour lewis appius his severity hurtful to the commonwealth the arch-bishop of toledo rebelleth against the king of aragon , p. and is aided by alonzo k. of portugal . ib. aristides the pattern of a just magistrate armies going far from home , meet with many occasions of destruction p. , artevild , agricola , and besconius , the chief ring-leaders of the gantois rebels , astyages seeketh the destruction of his grand-child cyrus , , attila the scourge of god augustus the pattern of a fortunate king the duke of aumale chosen head of the faction of the guises the house of austria their original from hapsburgh p. their greatness , tyrannie , and oppression p. , the continuance of their greatness the author a voluntary exile in the time of queen elizabeth p. his credit with great men , and experience in forraign affairs b bageus his magnanimity and resolution p. , lords of bearn heretofore of great power in france the duke of bedford refuseth to meet the duke of burgundy bellemarine a saracen marrieth the daughter of peter king of spain , and turneth christian bernard king of italy cruelly used by lewis the meek bernardin mendoza the spanish ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. his practises against queen elizabeth , p. , he is compared to richard shaw , and john petit blemishes of divers great captains p. , brennus maketh war against the romans the britans excuse the breach of their league with the picts the duke of britain refuseth to restore the earl of richmond to edward the fourth , and richard the third the duke of burgundy murthered by the dolphin of france buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up arms against their prince , , c caesar his prodigality in his youth , p. his four great competitors , ibid. his cunning practises to attain his greatness the king of calecut driveth the king of cochin out of his realm caligula 's cruelty caius marius the founder of cities cambyses being jealous of his brother smerdis , murthereth him , p. the pattern of a cruel governour campobasso forsakes the duke of burgundy in the fight against the prince of lorrain duke casimire cometh into flanders with an army , p. a peace concluded between him and the french , ibid. catholiques of england the spaniards chief enemies at the invasion of eighty eight charls the great the son of fortune charls the fifth his policy to keep the kingdom of aragon , p. what forces he had in his chief wars , p. his endeavour to subvert luther , and the protestant princes proves fruitless , p. , his civility to them afterwards p. a deep dissembler , charls the sixth king of france , his intention to invade england , p. the cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the duke of berry , ibid. he is civilly treated by henry the fift charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his father , charls the eighth king of france , his claim unto the kingdom of naples charls prince of tarento crown'd king of sicily by pope clement charls earl of flanders cruelly murthered by rebels charls duke of burgundy slain by the treachery of nicholas campobasso a brief character of the chief princes and states of christendom a character of the spanish monarchy , cinibaldo ordelafi obtaineth the cities of furli and cesena pope clement favoured by the french against pope urban clement the seventh's practises against the emperour henry the fourth cleomenes his trechery toward ptolomy king of egypt the climate not the only proof of vvits , the king of cochin harboureth the king of calecut 's enemies a comparison between the duke of guise , and other great rebels of other countries , , conrade the emperour's law ; the emperours law concerning wicked princes , conradin of suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by charls , brother to the king of france constantinople taken in the time of frederick the third contention about the kingdom between alphonsus of castile , and garcias of navar , p. between artobarzanes and zerxes , ibid. between john baliol and robert bruce of scotland , p. a contention between alonzo de vargas , and julio romero conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in religion , , councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of princes cruel governours the destruction of many brave nations , p. and the occasion of sundry rebellions cruelty of the french where they have the upper hand , cyrus his birth and fortune , p. , , he is stiled the father of common people , p. his humanity to astyages , and to croesus d dagobert leaveth the kingdom of france to his youngest son clouis , p. . he commandeth all those of a different religion to depart the kingdom within a time limitted darius his policy in revenging the injury of oretes signior darrennes his commendation of henry the third of france kings deposed in several nations , the diet at auspurgh a politique pretence of charls the fifth dionysius the pattern of a tyrant disobedience to parents severely punished , p. the disobedience of the spanish souldiers dissentions and troubles easily revived in france , the dolphiny bequeathed to philip de valois dunorix spared by caesar for his brother divitiacus his sake , e edward the third his success in france , p. . he taketh his advantage to invade the scots , notwithstanding the league between them p. he is favoured by the common people of flanders against philip de valois edward the fourth's suspition of henry earl of richmond , p. his politique proceedings to regain the kingdom of england queen elizabeth of england blamed for making a league with france and the united provinces p. the most considerable enemy of the spaniard , p. , her vertues and power extolled , and compared wi●h the mightiest princes of former ages , . the attempts of many against her life , p. her attempts against spain and portugal justified p. , her assisting of don antonio justified , p. and her protection of the low countries , p. , her intercepting the spanish money going into flanders excus'd , p. the english fugitives answer'd , who charge her with the raising of new subsidies and taxes divers emperours have admitted haeretiques in their realms , to preserve quietness among their subjects , , embassadors justly slain upon some occasions enemies not suppressed , but augumented by caligula's cruelty england 's title to france how it came to be neglected p. , , , &c. it s strength and security above other nations , p. the last of the romans conquests english armies coming into france , compared by du haillan to wild geese resorting to the fens in winter , englands possessions in forraign parts ericus king of norway demandeth the kingdom of scotland in right of his daughter duke ernestus the fittest match for the king of spain 's daughter escovedo 's murther censured , p. his credit greater upon the burse of antwerp then the king of spain 's the duke of espernon rendred suspected to the french king p. he discovereth the practises of the guises eude earl of paris made king of france instead of charls the son of lewis eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life the excommunications of the pope invalid the expences of divers princes and states in their wars and buildings , and other occasions . f fabius ambustus the roman ambassadour , the occasion of the war between brennus and the romans fabius maximus the buckler of the commonwealth ferdinand king of spain layeth claim unto the kingdom of naples , p. , he excuseth the breach of the league between france and spain , p. his ingratitude to gonsalvo flanders distressed by plurality of religions flemmings , that they had just cause to rebel against spain , p. , the flemmings and french more boldly then justly accused of rebellion earls of foix heretofore of great power in france , p. the earldom of foix given to the earl of candale by the king of france france divided into many opinions , p. france hath in former times rebelled against their kings , p. . the principal kingdom of europe for antiquity , good laws , &c. p. . not subject to the roman empire , p. , . hath been dispos'd of by will and testament , as well as other nations , p. , anciently divided into four kingdoms , p. cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the pope p. , france and england francis the first of france entreth into a league with the turks francis sforza is won by promises to take part with philip maria duke of milan frederick king of naples entertained by lewis the french king frederick duke of austria unlawfully chosen to the empire the emperours frederick the second and the third oppose the pope , and are excommunicated p. frederick the third freed from the castle of vienna by george king of bohemia the french king's prodigality in spending the revenues of the crown excus'd p. his imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education g galeotto malatesta made lord of armino pescaro and fano , by lewis the emperour . the gantois rebel against lewis the last earl of flanders p. they take bruges , and put the earl to flight gargoris king of crete his several cruelties to his grandchild atis , gaston lord of bearn maketh the earl of foix his sole heir gavel-kind , a law pe●uliar but to some parts of kent germany pestered with sundry religions a german writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of mary queen of scots , geytel de veronio hath la marca given him by lewis the emperour the golden bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four emperours in one house gonsalvo beateth the french out of naples government strangely interchanged amongst several nations the government of the low countries taken upon him by the duke of alenson great , to whom given as an attribute , or sir-name guicciardine as well a lawyer as historian guido earl of flanders denied his liberty by the king of france guido polenti made duke of camerino by lewis the emperour the duke of guise chief head of the leaguers in france , p. his proceedings and policies p. his subtle practices against the french king p. he is murthered in the kings presence the guisards of france condemned of ambition and treason , p. , the probability of their ruine , p. , their rash proceedings after the duke's death , p. , their accusations of the french king refuted , h hannibal the pattern of an expert general , p. . his praise , p. his oversights , ibid. he fights the romans with a very inferiour number harold 's injuries to william duke of normandy the occasion of his invading england , the emperour henry the third restoreth peter king of hungary his enemy to his kingdom henry the second , king of england , his humiliation to the pope for the death of thomas becket henry the third , king of england , sollicited by the pope to aid him against conrade the king of sicily , p. . his complaint against pope innocent to the general councel at lyons henry the fifth , king of england , his title to the crown of france , p. the frenchmens objections answered , p. , , , &c. his success in france henry base brother to peter king of castile , aided by the kings of france and portugal , p. he driveth his brother from the kingdom , henry earl of richmond recovereth the kingdom of england , henry dandolo the venetian ambassadour his eyes plucked out by william king of sicily sr henry cobham 's opinion concerning henry the third king of france , hephestion the pattern of a faithful counsellor hercul●s the chastiser of tyrants , and defender of the weak and helpless hugh capet , by what means he attained the crown of france , p. . his practises imitated by the duke of guise hugh pudley , bishop of durham , his great riches the hugonots subversion endeavoured by the guisards , i ajacobin fryar murthereth king henry the third of france jam●s king of aragon and sicily leav●h his kingdoms to his second son alphonsus james prince of scotland detained prisoner by henry the first king of england jealousie the overthrow of divers great princes imbert leaves the dolphiny to philip de valois the great injuries done by the house of austria to other princes , interviews between princes many times dangerous joan queen of sicily adopteth lewis of anjou john king of england , first an enemy , afterwards reconciled to the pope , p. . he enjoyeth all the benefices , bishopricks , and abbeys of his realm p. he is questioned by the french king for the death of his nephew arthur , p. and forfeits his estates in france for not appearance john balliol 's title to scotland preferred before robert bruce by edw. the first king of england the italian princes hardly able to help the spaniard pope julius cited by the colledge of cardinals to appear at the councel of pisa justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery justinian the emperour his ingratitude to narses k kemitius king of scotland , by what means he prevailed with his nobles to fight against the picts l ladiflaus king of hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the earl of cilia a league with turks more allowable then with the guisards of france , p. , leagues may be broken upon just cause given , p. and are usually broken upon advantages , p. , , the league between the pope , spain , and venetian against the turk the leaguers in france their proceedings and policy lewis the meek his war against bernard king of italy unjust p. his cruel usage of him lewis do-nothing deposed by the nobles of france lewis oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to richard duke of normandy lewis the emperour his humanity to frederick his competitor lewis the eleventh , king of france , payeth a yearly revenue to the king of england and his counsellors , p. he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his nobles , then to hazard a war with his subject lewis king of bohemia brought up by the marquess of brandenburgh in all kind of delights lewis prince of france repuls'd from england with dishonour lewis of anjou adopted by joan queen of sicily lewis sforza duke of milan maketh use of an army of turks lewis adolistz hath the cities of faenza and imola conferr'd upon him by the emperour the low countries a considerable advantage to the king of spain m mahomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a god manlius being in trouble , the romans put on mourning weeds marcus aurelius leaveth the empire to his son commodus unwillingly marcus coriolanus reconciled to the senate of rome by the mediation of his wife and mother , p. his death bewailed ten moneths by the roman dames , p. his reconcilement to his country proposed to the guises for imitation marcus marcellus the sword of the country the marquess of mantua won by promises to take part with the duke of milan the marquess of pescara hardly disswaded from siding with charls the fifth the marquess of villona rebelleth against the king of aragon , and is aided by alonzo of portugal martin scala made lord of verona and vincenza by the pope mary queen of scots , her practises against queen elizabeth , p. several arguments made in her behalf by her friends , p. answered , p. , &c. masistias death greatly bewailed by the persians matthew king of hungary striveth for precedency with ladislaus of bohemia maximinus his great strength the duke of mayne displeased with his brother the duke of guise 's proceedings , p. he and the marquess du pont competitors the country of mayne quitted by the king of england menemus agrippa's discreet oration appeaseth the rage of the common people merouingians , charlemains , and capets , the three races of the french kings monastical lives voluntarily assumed by divers princes the murthering of the duke of guise excused , , , &c. n nations have their several qualities according to the climate they inhabite the nature of the italian and spanish souldiers navar conquered by the king of spain p. a member of the kingdom of france new exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied pope nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the french king's power , mr de la noves opinion concerning the strength of the french king o the obizes and estentes made dukes of ferrara by the pope olaus and eustus kill the ambassadour of malcolm king of scots open enemies less dangerous to princes then deceitful friends othagarius king of bohemia refuseth the empire , p. the electors offer it to rodolph master of his palace , ibid. othagar maketh war against him , and is slain by reason of milotas trechery otho the third the wonder of the world , otho duke of saxony subdueth berengarius , and is made emperour , otho 's law concerning wicked princes , , the oversight of the king of france after the murthering of the duke of guise p the duke of parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in portugal pope paul the third's distaste against the emperour charls the fifth , the persians poll themselves and their beasts for the death of their king masistias the marquess of pescara disswaded from following charls the fifth philip the long bestoweth upon the duke of burgundy the county of burgundy pipin 's politique designs to gain the crown of france pius quintus entreth into a league with philip of spain , and the venetians against the turk poictou quitted by the king of england poland infected with sundry heresies , p. the kingdom of poland after much entreaty accepted by the french king henry the third , p. , the polanders chuse another king in his absence the pope 's power small at the beginning , p. by what means advanced to such a height , p. , , &c. he flies to the king of france for aid against the lombards , p. a perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of christendom , p. a procurer of much bloodshed in france and england , p. , not able to yeild the spaniard any great help portugal , how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of spain , p. . the several competitors for that kingdom , p. the author's opinion concerning this claim a prerogative belonging to princes to sit iudge in their own causes pride of the house of austria by what means it might be pull'd down , the prince of conde , and the king of navar joyn with duke casimir , princes degenerating from their ancestors , may easily be driven from their crowns , p. princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. they ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects , p. princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater the prodigality of divers emperours , publique declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe , q quarrels with neighbour princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken r rebels favoured and maintained by princes of other nations , , rebellions , upon what small occasions they have broke out richard the first ransomed by the clergie and commonalty of england , p. . he is taken prisoner by leopold archduke of austria richard the third's suspicion of henry earl of richmond robert king of france leaveth his kingdom to his second henry robert rudolphy his practises against queen elizabeth at the suggestion of spain and rome , rodolph of hapspurgh bestows the kingdom of austria upon his son albert , p. he obtaineth the empire by cunning , p. divers great competitors at the same time , p. he resigneth the exarchat of italy to the pope romans in enlarging their dominions , what colourable pretences they had , p. courted or feared by all other princes or states , p. , their many and mighty victories , romulus his policy to augment the city of rome s the salique law belonged only to salem a town in germany , where it was made , p. no lawful pretence to exclude edward the third , and henry the fifth from the crown of france , the earl of salisbury 's example a warning to the guisards , sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate prince the saxons and danes conquer england rather by sub●ilty then force scipio the pattern of a chaste captain the scots and picts invade britain in the absence of maximinian sejanus his greatness and authority under the emperour tiberius servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage sigibert eldest son of dagobert contented with the small kingdom of austrasie sir-names given to princes upon several occasions , p. the sir-name and title of a god given to demetrius by the athenians wicked or foolish sons succeed wise and good fathers the soveraignty of the kings of england over scotland , proved by records , p. the scots objections answered spain 's large dominions abroad , how it became united with the house of austria the spaniard 's policy commended and admired , p. the spaniard censured , p. the spaniards and french compared with the romans and carthaginians , p. the designs of the spaniard against the person and state of queen elizabeth , p. by what means his power may be diministed , p. , oftner conquered then any nation of europe , p. the twelve kingdoms of spain united in ferdinand and isabel the spanish king's title to the indies , p. his title to the dukedom of milan , p. his title to the dukedom of burgundy , p. by what means he preserveth his dominions , p. his proceedings with the turk , p. with the french king , p. with the princes of germany , p. with the pope , p. with the venetians , and the rest of the princes of italy , p. . with the queen of england , p. supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is , p. his errours in governing the low-countries , p. his league with the guisards condemned , p. , , , his intention to invade england proved vain and indiscreet , p. , , &c. his light credit to the false reports of english fugitives , p. , the tyranny and cruelty of his government the count of saint paul proclaimed traytor by lewis the eleventh subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their princes subsidies and taxes levied by former king of england , , , succour refus'd to divers princes out of politique interests suchin made vicount of milan by pope benedict the twelfth the earl of surry 's resolute answer to the iudges switzers defrauded of a debt due from france , p. to what height they are grown from a low beginning t teacha queen of slavonia , causeth a roman ambassadour to be slain temporal princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs theodorick the first of france deposed by the states of the realm theseus his policy to augment the city of athens thomas archbishop of canterbury slain by four assassinates , titus , the delight and love of the people towns not well inhabited , a main cause of penury among the inhabitants trajan the pattern of a good emperour , the treason of the duke of bourbon renders him odious to a spanish grandee , p. he is proclaimed traytor by francis the first turain quitted by the king of england the turks aid implored by divers christian princes the turkish monarchy strengthned by the divisions between france and spain , p. and by the sloth and am●bition of princes and states in several ages , v vasoeus his immoderate commendations of spain refuted , the venetians break their league with the spaniards upon the not delivering of brescia j. viennensis , his fa●se relation of scotland , to charls the sixth king of france , the violent proceedings of the catholique princes against the protestants , p. , makes their party so much the stronger , the virgin of orleans , her proceeding in france , pope urban gives the kingdom of sicily , and dukedoms of pulia and calabria , unto charls earl of argiers and provence , p. afterwards to lewis k. of hungary the duke of urbin and andrea doria take part with charls upon hopes of preserment , w wars waged upon very slight occasions , p. , upon injuries offered , to prevent greater mischiefs the earl of warwick 's example , a warning to the guisards , , william k. of sicily plucketh out the eyes of henry dandolo the venetian ambassadour william gonzaga made lord of mantua and rezzo by the pope womens rule and government rare , 〈◊〉 cardinal wolfey 's power with henry the eight , the french king , and the emperour , p. his policy in entertaining henry the eight with all delights z the zeal of the french king to the roman catholique religion , table to the supplement . antonio peres forsaketh spain to live in england p. he writeth a book called . the fragment of history , ibid. he imparteth the transactions between john de austria and the pope , and duke of guise unto the k. of spain , p. he poysoneth escovedo , ibid. aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the country , , &c. the duke of britany commandeth bavilion to murther the constable of france c cardinal de guise his death compared with escovedo 's clisson high constable of france preserved by bavilion craesus spared by cambyses his servants , who were commanded to kill him the prince of conde an enemy to the duke of guise 's party , p. he turneth protestant , and freeth charls the ninth out of prison d the danish king not to make war without consent of the states the pope's delegate in some cases above the popes legate diego de meneses unjustly executed by the spanish king e the emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the pope , escovedo made secretary to don john de austria , in the room of john de soto , p. the duke returning from spain leaves escovedo 〈◊〉 him , where he is poisoned , p. several questions cleared concerning this fact , f the french king deserved to lose his crown for the murther of the guises g ghilmesa freeth antonio peres out of prison the duke of guise his death compared with escovedo 's h harpagus saveth cyrus notwithstanding astyages his command , hector pinto a fryar poysoned by the souldiers of castile henry perera unlawfully executed by the spanish king i iames de moronack beaten to death with souldiers indignities offered by subjects to their princes , no unusual thing the inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques john de soto secretary to john de austria , p. john de escovedo put in his room don john de austria concludeth a great league of friendship with the duke of guise l laws to be observed by princes as well as subjects , m montmorency and chastilian take part with vendosm and conde against the guises , p. montmorency made constable of france ibid. n the names of several plotters against the life of q. elizabeth , de la nuca executed by alonzo de vargas , at the command of the king of spain , o oaths not grounded upon a just cause , bind not p pedro escovedo accuseth antonio perez of his fathers death , perjury excludeth a man from all preferment the polish king not to make war without leave of the states the pope plotteth to make don john of austria king of england , p. next to make him king of tunis , ib. princes deposed or excommunicated for murther , p. , their contracts bind them as much as laws , r remedies of subjects against unjust princes s don sebastian of portugal intendeth to aid muly mahomet king of morocco , against his brother sforza ursino , and the count de terras vedras , and emanuel serradas , unjustly executed by the spanish king the spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the laws of aragon , p. he entreth into a league with muly malucco against his own nephew don sebastian of portugal the swedish king not to make war without leave of the states the state of christendome . after that i had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment , and saw that the most happy and fortunate success , which it pleased the almighty to send unto my gracious soveraign against the malicious and hostile attempts which the spanish monarch , both openly and covertly , practised against her sacred person , and invincible state and kingdom , i began to despair of my long desired return into my native countrey , and to consider with my self , with what price i might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty . sometimes i wished that her majesty had , ( as the italian princes have ) many confined and banished men abroad , upon whose heads there are great fines set , to invite others to kill them , in hope to receive those fines in recompense of their murther : but my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind , and as long as i dwelt in those cogitations , me-thought i did nothing else but build castles in the ayr ; then i applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope , and more probability ; and supposed that to murther some notable traytor , or professed enemy to my prince and countrey , might be a ready way to purchase my desire : but the great difficulty to escape unpunished , the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience , and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody executioners of trayterous murderers , ( for i held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance ) made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action : martius coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man , who , when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries , he had wrought his countrey great despight and annoyance , suffered himself with much difficulty , to be intreated by his wi●e , his mother , and the senate of rome to return home , and to become so great a friend , as he had been a foe unto his country . that day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity , wherein i might have seen a letter from any of my friends , with assurance of my pardon to call me home . but i find my self so much inferiour to coriolanus in good fortune , as i come behind him in manly valour , and other laudible qualities . whilest i lived in this perplexity , i hapned ( by chance ) to meet with an honest and kind english gentleman , who was lately come out of italy , and meant to sojourn a few moneths in france , and then to return into england ; he knew both me and my friends very well : and although his license forbad him to converse with any fugitives , yet hearing ( by common and credible report ) that i was not so malicious as the rest of my countrey-men , but lived only for my conscience abroad , he adventured now and then to use my company , and with me , and in my hearing , to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our nation . whereupon i presumed , that as i was trusted , so i might trust him again ; and as he did conceal nothing from me , so i might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations : i therefore acquainted him with my ea●nest desire to return , and with the great difficulty which i found to procure my return ; and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes , and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought , promised me faithfully to effect my desire , if i would be content to grant his request : i presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful , gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand : he accepted my offer , and uttered his mind in this manner . in my travel i have heard many things which i knew not when i came out of england , and no more then i would , and yet much more then i can be well able to answer when i come home ; if you will be as willing , as i know you are able , to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that i have heard , all the friends which i have in england shall fail me , but that i will purchase your return home with credit and countenance : and because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour ; i will as briefly as i can possible , shew you to what points i shall need , and most desire your answer . i heard princes generally reprehend the flomings , perhaps more boldly then justly , accused of rebellion ; the french men , i know not how truly , burthened with the same crime ; and our sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the french and flemish nations . i heard some men to maintain this strange opinion , that the turk had long before this day been utterly subverted , or sorely weakned , had not her majesty holpen those two nations , which hindred both the french and spanish kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the turk . i heard some men charge us with vain-glory , as men that had learned of the vain-glorious souldier in terence , to brag of our valour and exploits in france , where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived : and others who were better acquainted with our histories , and more affected with our conquests , do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our predecessors got with much effusion of blood , and with great difficulty . i heard the spaniard ( our mortal and professed enemy ) highly commended , for that his predecessors could of a mean earl , make themselves mighty monarchs , and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got : i heard his might magnified , his policy admired , his government extolled , his wisdom commended , his wealth feared , and all his actions justified : i heard contrarywise our portugal voyage condemned , the cause thereof disliked , the success dispraised , the entertainment given unto don antonio disallowed , and her majesty accused to have given the spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment : the death of the late queen of scots ; the intercepting of certain monies sent into the low countries , the proceeding against catholicks , the expulsion of the popes authority out of england , the sending away of the spanish embassadour in some disgrace , and our league and amity with the united provinces , are the principal causes that displeased the spaniard . i heard it imputed unto her majesty as a fault , that her grace continued in league with the late french king , who was charged to be a heretick , a waster of his revenues , a lover of dishonest women , a murderer of the duke and cardinal of guise , and a prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a kingdom as france . i heard the spaniards attempts and enterprises against england justified , because our queen was excommunicated , her people not able nor willing to help and succour her , her subjects overcharged with unaccustomed subsidies , our forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength , and our realm easie to be subdued by forraigners . i heard again some men condemn the spaniard of great folly , for ruling the low countries by strangers ; for not granting liberty of conscience unto his subjects in those countries , for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their religion ; for intending to reduce all protestants to the ancient profession of papistry , for aiding the leaguers in france , and for attempting to make himself monarch of the world . i heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him , others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him , and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him ; i heard the tumults of aragon diversly construed ; the murder of escovedo sundry wayes censured , and the proceedings against antonio perez justified by some , and condemned by others . to be short , i heard many say more then i can well and readily remember ; and yet not so much as i can be content to hear in praise of my countrey , and in disgrace of spain ; in commendation of our princess , and in dispraise of the spaniard ; in allowance and approbation of all her actions , and in reprehension of all , or most part of his enterprises . these things were in substance all that i heard ; some to my comfort , and others to my grief : and if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines , i will warrant your return within a very short while , after that you shall have sent me your treatise . your credit with cardinal allen , your acquaintance with morgan , your friendship with thomas throgmorton , your conversation with charles pagett , and your long experience in forraign affairs , hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands . if you run through them lightly , you shall rather point at them then please me ; if you dwell upon them long , you may fear to be thought too tedious : and yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large , i shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled . such was his speech , and this my short reply . in hope of performance of your promise , i will undertake your task ; not because i take my self able to answer your expectation , but to shew you that i will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear countrey ; and because i trust you will use my labours for your instruction , and not to my discredit ; you may be instructed if you read them advisedly , and i discredited if you make them common . to be short , with assurance of his secrecy , i undertook his task ; if he shall hold his promise , i shall think my labours well bestowed : if they may procure my return , i shall have employed my pains to my contentment . and if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the readers , their satisfaction shall double my joyes , when i shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my nativity . the singular affection which you bear unto me , and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me , have greatly deceived you , in making especial choice of me , as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends , to deliver unto you a sound and sure judgment of the present estate of christendome . you see flanders in trouble ; france in arms ; scotland in division ; and the whole remainder of the universal christian world , either ( as neutrals ) idly looking and gazing on their mise●ries , or ( as men interessed in the same cause ) voluntarily ayding and abetting them , or their enemies : this sight seemeth unto you very strange , because that professing one christ crucified , fighting under one master , and bearing the general name of christians , they give occasion unto the professed enemy of christianity , by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention , to to enlarge his ( already too large ) confines and territories . in truth you have some cause to marvel hereat ; but if it may please you to remember , that things in common are commonly neglected ; that perils which be far off , and not presently imminent , are little regarded ; that dangers which are at hand , and hang dayly over our heads , carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common enormities : and lastly , that this careless negligence or the common adversary , is no new thing , but a matter of great antiquity , and long continuance : you will leave to wonder thereat , and begin to pr●y unto the almighty ( as i do ) to remove the causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 ; to change the minds of our malicious christians ; and to illumina●e the hear●s of our lawful princes ; that they may with the eyes of indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving subjects : consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof ; consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation , put in present practise those remedies , 〈…〉 and singular wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien● : 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly ship-boys in this huge vessel , tossed with the raging waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful seas : we may look upon the masters , behold the pilots , ●nd be ready at the call and command of the other officers , and this is all that we can do ; and who so looketh for more at our hands , erreth as much in your opinion , as you are deceived in your choice : but the interest which you have in me , and the hopes which i conceive of you , make me rather to hazard my poor credit , then to incur your heavy displeasure : you may , and i hope you will , conceal , or excuse my follies ; but i would not , and god forbid i should , deserve the least diminution that may be , of your accustomed favours towards me . in hope therefore of your secresie , i will boldly enter into this tragical discourse ; the chief actors whereof are , the mighty monarch of spain ; the merciful queen of england ; the unfortunate don antonio of portugal ; the valiant king of france ; the imperious prelate of rome ; the sleeping and secure states of germany ; the politique and grave senate of venice ; and the weak , but wise , princes of italy : spain coveteth more then his own ; portugal and france would gladly recover their own : rome and england labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own : germany feareth not the peril that is far off : venice temporizeth wisely ; and the rest of italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest , but inwardly wisheth his weakness , and the good and prosperous success of his adversaries . this is in brief the open and hidden idea of the present estate of christendome , wherein the princes are ( as you see ) many ; their designs ( as you have heard ) too , viz. to conserve , and to increase their own ; and the means to effe●t and accomplish their desires ( as you shall understand ) many in number , and divers in nature . of the princes , their designs , and their means , i will deliver unto you my opinion in general , and in particular . generally : you see , and i consider , that by the competencies , pretensions , titles , quarrels and debates of all these princes , the general estate of christendom is greatly weakned , and the strength of the common adversary daily increased ; that all their realms and dominions are either molested by continual wars , within the very bowels , and poor inward parts of the same ; or grieved with intollerable charges , in sending out men and munition , with other things necessary , unto the said wars ; that their subjects are greatly impoverished , by reason of these charges , and their hearts sorely oppressed with grief and anguish because of these troubles : lastly , that some of these princes fain would , and cannot , others can and will not , redress those enormities . now seeing all this , you cry out with the time against the time ; with the time you accompany their just complaints with your sorrows , who lament the iniquity of the time ; and against the time , both you and they say , that it is more wicked , dangerous , and troublesome then ever it was : you think it impossible to find a magistrate so just as aristides ; an emperor so good as trajan ; a king so fortunate as augustus ; a prince so valiant as alexander ; a captain so chaste as scipie ; a councellor so faithful as hephestion ; a general so expert as hannibal ; a conqueror so merciful as the romans : you see no princes in this our corrupt age , surnamed gods , as was demetrius amongst the athenians ; the delight and love of the people , as was titus amongst the romans ; the wonder of the world , as was otho the third , amongst the germans ; the founder of their cities , as was caius marius amongst the romans ; the father of the common people , as was cyrus amongst the persians ; the son of fortune , as was charles the great amongst the bohemians ; the buckler of the common-wealth , as was fabius maximus ; or the sword of the country , as was marcus marcellus : you rather find that some princes may be called tyrants , as was dionysius ; the scourge of god , as was attila ; epicures and god bacchus , as was antonius ; lords and cruel governors , as was cambises ; covetous and merchants , as was darius ; lecherous and effeminate , as was sardanapalus . you see no honours done unto princes of our time , as was done in times past ; if they be in adversity , their subjects put not on mourning weeds , as the romans did when manlius was in trouble : if they be in prison , the clergy giveth not their treasure , and the commonalty the fourth part of their goods , for their liberty , as the clergy and commonalty of england did for the ransome of r. . if god calleth them to his mercy , neither do the women bewail their deaths ten moneths together , as the roman dames did the death of coriolanus , nor the men poll their heads , their horses and their mules , or fill the air with cries , the rivers with tears , or the fields with continual lamentations , as the persians did for masistias : but contrary wise , some of them are wrongfully driven from their kingdoms , as in don antonio of portugal ; others continually molested with domestical wars , as is henry king of france ; some untimely done to death by their unnatural subjects , as was the late french king ; others unjustly persecuted by their unmerciful enemies , as is the merciful queen of england ; you see the godly called ungodly , as the princes of france and england are commonly termed heretiques ; and those which are far from the catholique faith , called catholiques , as the present king of spain , and a few of his predecessors : you see subjects licensed to rebel against their soveraigns , as in france and england ; you see fathers bear arms against their children , and brethren war against the seed of their mothers womb , as they do in france and flanders . you see fields that were wont to be fruitful , to lye now barren and unfertile : cities that were rich and populous , to be poor and desolate , merchants that lived in wealth and prosperity , to languish in need and penury : gentlemen that neither wanted ease or pleasure , to lack all manner of rest and contentment : and lastly , men , women , and children , that knew not what murther and massacres meant , cruelly murthered , and daily massacred : you see germany pestered with divers religions ; poland infected with sundry heresies ; france divided into many opinions ; flanders distressed by plurality of religions ; and england troubled with genevian puritans , and obstinate barrowists : you see in all or some of these regions , monasteries subverted , religious houses destroyed , ecclesiastical living abused , and benefices unworthily collated : you see justice corruptly administred , laws dissolutely executed , good counsel negligently followed , and dissembling flattery more then diligently embraced : you see new charges daily invented , unaccustomed subsidies yearly imposed , extraordinary grievances hourly practised , and unknown offices unadvisedly established : you see secret wars under the name of peace , hidden enemies under the colour of amity , privy seditions under the pretence of ancient confederacies : you see nobility to degenerate in vertue from their ancestors ; sons to vary in opinion from their fathers ; neighbours to dissent in religion with their next inhabitants ; and judges not to agree in matters of justice , with their fellows in office : you see the puritan ready in outward appearance to dye for his religion ; the anabaptist for his ; the papist for his ; the lutheran for his ; the barrowist for his ; and other sectaries for their several sects and heresies . briefly , you see offices dearly sold , which were wont to be freely given : women impudently bold , which were accustomed to be honestly minded : men transformed into mis-guised atires , and children brought up and misled in unknown vices and impersections . now , seeing all this , you fear that variety of religions may subvert the countries wherein it is suffered , as it did in bohemia and hungary ; that new exactions may chance to cause a rebellion in the regions wherein they are levyed , as it did in france and flanders : that princes degenerating from their antecessors , may be driven from their imperial crowns , as they have been in spain and germany : that towns not inhabited , may cause penury amongst the nobility , want amongst the merchants , and extream poverty amongst the other inhabitants , as they do in france and flanders . and lastly , that all and every one of these mischiefs and miseries , may breed further inconveniencies , as they have done in other countries , in which they have been either in old time , or within our memory , practised . this sight therefore , and this fear , ingendreth in your heart a just and worthy dislike of the present time , and a great desire and delight in the age of your fore-fathers : you condemned the one because it is ( as you think ) very troublesome and vitious ; and you commend the other , because it was ( as you suppose ) very peaceable and vertuous : but if it may like you to confer the one with the other , you shall find them both in like manner reprehensible , and with equal measure laudable : for first you are to remember , that all kingdoms and common-wealths , represent in outward shew and appearance , the figure of a humane body , and have ( as our bodies have ) their times of health , and their times of sickness ; their seasons of prosperity , and their seasons of adversity ; sometimes they flourish with wealth and plenty , other times they languish in want and penury : and as in all ages , as well as in ours , mens bodies have been disquieted , altered , distempered , yea and destroyed with burning agues , pestilent fevers , contagious plagues , and other mortal diseases ; so in other times , as well as at this present , common-wealths and kingdoms , resembling therein ( as i have said ) our natural bodies , have suffered distemperatures , alterations , changes , and subversions , by intolerable exactions , domestical dissentions , forrain wars , and other such like inconveniencies , as trouble the present estate of christendome . cast your eye upon all the same regions which are now under the general name christendom , and see whether in the very age , or immediately after the age of those vertuous and good princes ( of whose glorious titles histories make mention ) they felt not , in like manner as we do , the heavy hand of gods indignation ; who ( either to plague and punish the sins of the fathers in their children ; or to make us know and remember , that our princes , although they are constituted and appointed in higher degree then we , yet they are subject both to his will and pleasure , and to our imperfections and vices , as well as we ) sendeth us most commonly a wicked or foolish son to rule over us , after a good and wise father : so he sent ( as we may read in holy scripture ) roboam after solomon , manasses after hezekias , iehohaz after iosias , iehoram after iehosaphat , ahaz after iotham ; so sent he ( as we read in prosane histories ) nero after augustus , dionisian after vespasian , and commodus after marcus aurelius ; all bad and wicked children to rule and govern after their good and vertuous fathers . so sent he ( as we find in our english chronicles ) king iohn , edward the second , richard the second and third , and henry the sixth ; that their jurisdiction , wickedness , folly and cruelty , might not only succeed , but also illustrate the wisdom , goodness , prudence , and lenity of their predecessors : for as white appeareth more clear and bright , being placed nigh unto black ; so vertue is more commendable when it is conferred with vice ; and the profits arising thereby are more esteemed , when the incommodities which always accompany vice and wickedness , do immediately , or not long after , succeed them . and surely , as god herein sheweth his might and omnipotency , so he maketh us also see hereby his divine wisdom , and heavenly providence ; for , since he hath distinguished region from region ; some by rivers , others by seas ; some by mountains , and others by desarts : and in these regions he hath made the people of divers natures , and of sundry humors ; some inclined to peace , others given to war ; some to be ruled by gentleness , and others not to be governed but by rigor and cruelty : for the conservation of this distinction , and for the preservation of these people , he hath found it good and expedient to set over them princes of divers qualities , and sundry natures ; that agreeing with the subjects in exterior dispositions , the inward affection may not always be perverted by outward inequalities . and because in his unspeakable wisdom he knoweth that if he should give unto every kingdom a continual race of conquering and vertuous princes , neither the rivers nor the seas , the mountains nor the desarts , should contain or restrain their unbridled ambition , from molesting and invading the regions which are nigh or far from them , whereby the distinction which he hath set amongst them , might be utterly subverted ; it hath seldom pleased him to bless any one kingdom with two princes of like minds , or of like vertues ; hence it cometh , that as in rome they had their pompey , in macedon their alexander , in persia their cyrus , in egypt their antiochus , and in france their charles , which for their continual and happy conquests were surnamed the great . so in the same kingdomes , aswell as in others , they have had their princes , who for their pusillanimity , losses , and ill fortune , might worthily be baptized by the surnames of weaklings , and unfortunate . hence it cometh , that the empire of the whole world passed from the chaldeans to the medes , from the medes to the persians , from them to the graecians , from the graecians to the romans , from the romans to the french-men , and from the frenchmen to the germans . hence it cometh , that italy hath triumphed over france , france over italy ; england over scotland , and scotland sometimes ( although very seldom ) over england . hence it cometh ( to be short ) that what the fathers have got , the children have lost ; what the conquerors added to their ancient kingdoms , their successors either cowardly or negligently , voluntarily , or forcibly , suffered to be distracted and dissevered from their kingdomes . and as the empire passed from nation to nation , so their calamities , and the happiness accompanying the empire and the emperours , also went from people to people ; for there was never conquerour that commanded not the conquered to be obedient unto his will and pleasure , nor nation subdued , which did not accomodate himself and his nature unto the disposition and commandment of the subduer . then if the conqueror was weak and gentle , the conquered lived in ease and pleasure ; if severe and cruel , they wanted no manner of rigor or cruelty ; if poor and needy , they supplyed his wants and penury ; if wanton and leacherous , they satisfied his lusts and appetite ; if covetous and an extortioner , they were subject to taxes and subsidies , if unjust and unrighteous , they suffer wrongs and injuries ; briefly , if any way ill given , or ill disposed , they seldom gave themselves to vertue and goodness : such therefore as was the conqueror , such were the conquered ; and whatsoever it pleased him to prescribe , that they were inforced to perform . his manner of attire was their fashion in apparel ; his will served them for lawes , his new ordinances altered their old consututions , his meanest subjects commanded the best of their nobility , and his strange and forraign language , became their natural and mother tongue . it they had lands , his courtiers enjoyed them ; if daughters , his favorites married them ; if wives , his followers deflowred them ; if riches his souldiers shared them ; if servants , his slaves commanded them . since then many nations have been subdued , and men of divers natures have subdued them : since conquests have been from the beginning of the world , and conquerors have always commanded in the world : since force hath ever been an enemy unto justice , and equity never bore sway where arms swayed all things : since might overcometh right , and blood asketh blood ; what man liveth in this age ▪ whose predecessors endured not the torments that he suffereth ? saw not the miseries that he seeleth ? tasted not the bitterness that he swalloweth ? felt not the wrongs that he supporteth ? lost not the blood that he loseth ? the sun shineth now as it hath done , the stars keep the course they were wont to do , the sea ebbeth and floweth as it ever did , and the rivers run the same way which they always ran ; i mean , ( and you may understand how i mean ) that all things proceeding from nature , duly keep and observe their natures : i mean therefore ( and you may perceive how i mean ) that as long as nature hath created , and shall create princes of diverse dispositions , so long their subjects have been and shall be subject unto contrary fortunes ; unto good , if they be good and godly ; and unto bad , if they be naught and wicked . in the good they have enjoyed , and shall enjoy the benefit of peace : in the bad , they have felt , and shall feel the discommodities of war. in the good , they had and shall have all things which they desire : in the bad , they wanted , and shall want nothing that may discontent them : in the good , their estate was and will be such as you commend : in the bad , their condition was and shall be such as you condemn . for as princes retain the prerogatives given and granted unto princes , so subjects maintain still the conditions and qualities incident and proper unto subjects . every prince hath his qualities , and every sort of people hath his conditions : the spaniard varieth from the italian , the italian from the french , the french from the german , the german from the english-man , and the english-man from the scots . and such as all and every one of these nations have been , such they will be as long as they do and shall inhabit the same climate , and receive breath from the same air. and as these nations naturally hate one another , so by nature they desire not to be subject one unto another ; and therefore , if against their nature , one of them chance to have never so little authority over the other , the one commandeth imperiously , and the other obeyeth most unwillingly : and yet it so hapneth oftentimes , that the commander is commanded ; and they that once obeyed , many times command , so did padua command venice , and now venice commandeth padua : so did rome rule spain , and now spain ruleth rome : so did france sway the empire of germany , and now germany precedeth france : so did france command the king of navar , and now navar either doth or should command france : so did portugal hate spain , and now doth spain rule over portugal : so did italy bear sway over most part of christendom , and now some part of christendom is mistris over italy : and when things happen as these do , contrary to nature , contrary to mens expectations , contrary to mens desires , can there be peace , where there are so many occasions of war ? love , where there is such cause of hatred ? upright dealing , where there are so many motives and incitements unto wrong ? is it possible that proud men should agree with the humble and meek ? plain dealers , with common deceivers ? men of peace , with men of war ? simple subjects , with subtile princes ? especially since kings of strange natures or countries never ruled well or long , people varying from them in nature or conditions . whence came it that the danes were driven out of england , the french-men out of naples , the english-men from france , and of late years the spaniards out of flanders ? forsooth , because conquerors are odious ; and why are they odious ? truely because they are most commonly insolent . and wherefore are they insolent ? verily because they think it lawful for them to do what they list . and what moveth them to be of that mind ? the good opinion conceived of themselves , and the bad conceit which they have and hold of the conquered . what think they of themselves ? marry , that they are valiant , happy , victorious and fortunate . and what is their opinion of the conquered ? undoubtedly they hold them for cowards , base minded , vile slaves , and effeminate persons . and what are the effects of these sundry opinions ? certainly that the conquerors heaping cruelty upon cruelty , and the conquered seeking all means possible to free and mancipate themselves from bondage and servitude , they by negligence commit many errors , and these by wary circumspection and providence , take advantage of their follies : whence they lose their conquest , and these recover their liberty . i take oftentimes great delight to read our english chronicles , and especially the reigns of edward the third , and of henry the fifth , because i see therein the continual success which they both had against the frenchmen ; it delighteth me greatly to consider what sway edward the black prince bare through all christendom ; to see how princes courted him ; to read how kings sought unto him ; to behold how he restored kings to their kingdoms , and drave usurpers from their usurpations ; to remember how valiantly he fought at poitiers and cressy , two of the most famous battels that ever were fought in europe ; to record how he took the french king , and most part of the french nobility prisoners ; how he brought the king and them into england ; how reverently he carryed himself towards the captive prince ; how honourably he was received by his father and his subjects ; and how lovingly the two kings entertained one another , and in the end departed one from the other : but my joy is turned into sorrow , and my delight into grief , when i see that the frenchmen naturally hating englishmen ; that the prince forcibly overcharging the conquered with new subsidies , and unaccustomed tributes ; that the gascoins disloyalty forsaking their obedience unto their natural prince , and that the french king unkindly taking hold of the occasions that were offered unto him ; they with him , and he with them , set upon the poor prince when he was unprovided , invaded his country when he thought little of their coming , and drave him into england , who had driven them out of france . the like hapned unto henry the fifth , and his successors , for the one was not so fortunate in conquering , as the other was unfortunate in his losses ; but hereof hereafter : and now more plainly to my purpose , let me confer the miseries of this age , with the calamities of former times . they that inveigh against the present state , wonder at many things ; which i will begin in order , and let you see and understand , that in times past all things were in as evil case , as they are at this present . they first wonder that the common adversary of christendom being in arms , and ready to invade part of austria ; the civil wars in france and flanders cease not , but continue in as great fury , rage and extremity as ever they did ; that the princes of christendom labour not to appease and finish the said wars , but rather nourish and maintain them ; that the popes holiness ( whose principal use and commendation hath been , and is , to set princes at unity , which be at variance ) indeavoureth not to reconcile , but to animate them in their quarrels who have taken unjust , or not very just occasions to war one against another ; and that by this common negligence , the common enemy is not repulsed , but encouraged to increase his over-large confines and territories . to this i will answer before i come unto other points . this negligence ( as i have said before ) is no newthing , nor these troubles in france and flanders a strange president ; nor the causes moving or continuing the same , are such as never hapned in any other age : they therefore who blame our time for this respect , should remember that the turk is grown unto his greatness by the dissention of christian princes only . and that they may the better perceive herein i report a manifest truth , i will prove as much as i have said , by many examples : it is not unknown unto them that be conversant in histories , that the turks first beginning was very base and obscure ; that his power was weak and feeble , and his dominion small and of less moment , which he hath enlarged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of christian princes ; who , when they have been in arms against him for and in the defence of the common cause , have overthrown the common cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves . about the year . baldwin being successor unto his brother godfrey of bulloin , duke of lorrain , in the kingdom of ierusalem , the christians besieged carra in mesopotamia , and having with continual seige and sundry batteries , driven the same unto great extremities , they that were in the city determined to yeild themselves unto the mercy of the christians , amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the city should be , and so they deferred the entring thereof , until that controversie was decided ; in which interim there came such great succor of the turks and moors , that they overcame the christians , and cut all their throats : in like manner the christians laying siege unto damasco , and having equalled the walls thereof with the ground , through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them , they departed without taking the same , and thought it better to leave it unto the infidels , then for one christian to see it in the possession of another . and not long after , the turk , by the departure of conrade the third , emperor of the romans , and of lewis the french king , who returned to their homes by reason of civil wars , begin in germany by gulfin , a rebel of the empire , the christians lost the whole country of edissa , and whatsoever else they held in mesopotamia . furthermore , baldwyne the seventh king of ierusalem , being dead , and leaving behind him one only infant , while guydo lusignian , and raymond , earl of trypoli , brethren in law unto the king , contended who should succeed him , saladyne king of damasco , hearing of their contentions , secretly sent word unto the earl raymond , that if he would circumcise himself , he would help and assist him with all his forces against guido , and make him king of ierusalem ; unto which his offer , although the earl gave not open ear at that time , yet by outward shews he declared his good liking and delight therein , and became saladines great friend and confederate , who seeing the earls inclination , favour , and readiness , assembled presently a great army of moors and turks , and set upon the city tyberiades , belonging unto the earl raymond ( for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them ) thereby to make his brother in law , guydo lusignian to come to succor him , and then either to kill him , or to take him by the earls treachery , as they indeed took him in a certain battel wherein all the christians were slain ; and saladine took ierusalem and all palestina , in the moneth of october , in the year . and raymond in hope that saladine would perform his promise , circumcised himself ; but he failed of his purpose ; for the turk was so far from keeping of his word , that be drave raymond from all that he had in possession , whereupon he dyed suddenly , as some say , and others write that he fell into such a desperation , that he hanged himself . so likewise by the discord of the inhabitants of the city of acon , the moors and turks slew above . christians ; and the tartarians came into hungary and polonia , and destroyed both the one and the other armenia . the emperor frederick , surnamed barbarossa , and philip king of france , together with richard the first , king of england , lamenting the late loss of ierusalem , resolved to combine themselves , and with their untied forces to recover the same ; and being come unto suega , and having obtained divers great and important victories , by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two kings ; the french king not only returned into france , but also made war upon king richard in his absence , for the dukedome of normandy ; which king richard understanding ( although he was then in a readiness to win ierusalem , and did great hurt daily unto the infidels , insomuch that saladine purposed to yeild ierusalem up into his hands ) returned home into his country , leaving the most honourable enterprise which he had begun ; and the turks ( who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght ) through the benefit of his sudden departure , not only recovered that which they had once determined to give over unto the christians as already lost , but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly possessed . it is likewise recorded of frederick the second , that he being excommunicated by gregory the ninth ; and having no other means to purchase his absolution , determined to go unto asia , and to recover ierusalem at his own proper charges : where the almighty so favoured him , that ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition , and he was crowned king thereof upon easter day , in the year of our lord . and because he was also king of sicily , the kings thereof at this day bear the name of kings of ierusalem ; but whilst this emperor was busied in the wars and affairs of the holy land , the pope maligning him for the kingdom of sicily , procured him secret enemies in italy , mighty adversaries in germany , and such rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him , that the good emperor was constrained to return , and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own ; after whose departure , the christians , by the popes counsel , breaking the truce which the emperor had taken with the turk for their advantage , and dividing themselves into factions , by the imitation and example of italy , ( which was divided into guelfians and gibbilines ) made civil wars one against another ; and when the other part was assaulted by the turks and infidels , they did not only not help one another , but of set purpose , the one part assisted the very moors against the other ; by whom they were both destroyed in a very short time , and ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies . i might tell how constantinople , by the discord of the graecians ; how anatolia , by the same cause , and the subtilty of ottamon ; how caria , licaonia , and phrygia , by the like occasion ; how harly and andrynopoly , by the very self same means ; and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt emanuel paleologo , emperor of constantinople , and the king of seruia , and the valachians ; all albania , velona , salona , r●manca , and thracia , were subdued and taken by the turk . i might tell you how that the discord betwixt alphonso king of arragon , and of naples , and the venetians , and betwixt sextus the pope , francis sforza duke of milan , and the floentines , enforced the poor venetians , who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical enemies , to give the turk chalcedonia , a principal city of anatolia , together with the island of stalemina , otherwise called lemnos , and an hundred thousand duckets in ready money , and eight thousand of yearly tribute . i might tell you ( as lewis fuscarin embassadour of venice , in an oration that he made unto pope pius the second , told him ) that the contentions betwixt christian princes have been so many and so obstinate , that the turk by reason of them possesseth two empires , which be constantinople , and trapesonda : four principal kingdomes of persia , arabia , syria , and egypt . twenty great provinces , and two hundred fair cities . i might tell you how barbarossa burnt niza in provence , and carried above forty thousand captives out of the kingdom of naples , pulia , and calabria , taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in italy . i might tell you that the island of rhodes was lost because the christians were not able to succour the same , by reason of the wars of italy , and the insurrection of the commonalty of spain . i might tell you that the kingdom of hungary was lost by the like dissention . and briefly , that in late years the contentions betwixt the french kings , and charles the fifth , and king philip of spain , have greatly hindred the progress , happy success , and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted , and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable turk . but to tell you all this , and the circumstances thereof , were somewhat too tedious : and i hasten unto other points ; and i shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched , and not sufficiently declared in this point , in another place more aptly hereafter . the second point whereat they wonder , is , that princes hating rebels as the enemies of their estates , the impugners of their authority , the adversaries of their absolute power , and the subverters of their kingdoms , do in these dayes not only bear with rebels , but also harbour them ; not receive them alone , but also aide and assist them . so say they , the queen of england maintaineth the rebels of the united provinces , commonly called the states of the united provinces : so say they , the king of spain supporteth , yea and helpeth with money , men , and munition , the rebels of france , commonly called leaguers : so say they , the popes holiness animateth the catholicks of france and england to rebell against their soveraigns . truly to nourish rebels is an action in nature hateful , and in policy dangerous ; for to aid the wicked , is to participate with them in their wickedness : and he that giveth countenance , comfort or succour unto his neighbours domestical enemies , is to look for the like measure , if his subjects at any time , and upon any occasion , chance to rebel against him . but because many things in outward appearance seem good , which indeed are naught , and vitious ; not only in this age , but also in times past , are and have been baptized by the names of vertues : it is now , and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profitable , honourable that are expedient , and lawful that may be justified by examples . is there any thing that maintaineth states , and upholdeth kingdomes better then justice ? and yet lived there not a man , that inwardly professed , and openly said , si violandum est jus regnandi causa ? is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a prince , then to say one thing and do another ? and yet lived there not a prince that wrote for his posie , qui nescit dissimulare , nescit regnare ? is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind , and of ambitious covetousness , then having many kingdomes to covet more kingdomes ? and yet lived there not a king , who having conquered most part of the world , wept , because he heard a philosopher dispute of another world , which he had not as yet subdued ? is there any thing more cruel or barbarous , then an emperor being bound by duty , and commanded by the almighty to conserve and preserve his subjects , to wish and intend the death of all his subjects ? and yet lived there not an emperor who wished that all the people of rome had but one head , that he might cut it off at one blow ? and what moved these princes , kings , and emperors to violate justice ? to dissemble with all men ? to aspire and desire more kingdomes ? and to covet and imagine the death of their subjects , but a colourable shew of honour , or of profit ? the common proverb saith , give a man an inch , and he will take an ell ; and who desireth to do be great , regardeth no parentage , careth for no kindred , nor esteemeth any lawes . the ancient romans , whose fame is notable through all the world , and whose actions are imitated by most of the world , seemed outwardly to be just , and true dealers , never coveting more then their own , but alwayes contented ( in common opinion ) with their own ; and yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied , till all that belonged to others became their own . they first conquered italy , then spain , next france , afterwards germany , and after them scotland and england ; their desires and covetousness rested not there , but as men infected with the dropsie ( the more they drink , the more they desire to drink ) so they , the more they had , the more they desired , and did spread the wings of their ambitious avarice over all africa , and asia , making themselves of lords of one town , monarchs of the universal world ; in all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest equity , pretending for all and every the wars which they undertook , not one but many just causes , which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates , and not to conceal them from their very enemies , unto whom they sent usually an herald of arms , who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them , or reparation of their supposed wrongs : but if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all , or most part of their wars ; he should find that they were but colorable shews ; for what cause had they to war with carthage , but that they envied carthages greatness ? what moved them to subdue england , but because england holpe france in their wars against them ? what pretence had they to conquer scotland , but that scotland succoured england ? why hindred they the switzers going into france . with intention to conquer france , but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves ? what colour used they to overcome the residue of the world , but sometimes a pretence to defend their confederates ? sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their neighbours ? sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of religion , when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend : brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight : and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose religion they seemed to condemn : so to be short , they cunningly enlarged their confines , by seeming to be careless of conquests ; made themselves monarchs , by pretending to suppress tyrants ; and did wrong unto all men , by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man. this cunning in aspiring unto forrain dominions , begun in the infancy of the romans prosperity , continued in the riper years thereof , and practised even until their declining age ; was not only proper unto them , but passed ( as their empire did ) from them unto other rulers ( by what name or title soever they were called ) taking advantage of the time , omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes . though therefore the name of rebels in all ages hath been odious , their cause was never unjust , and the voluntary aid given unto them , never was honourable unto him that aided them ; yet the chronicles not only of our nation , but also of other regions , realms , and dominions , are full of examples of many princes not inferior to the princes of our age , be it in might , in power , in authority , or in goodness ; who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their dominions , then the conservation and maintenance of their honours , did as our princes do now , not only receive their neighbors rebels into their protection , but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their neighbours , by whose decay and downfall they might rise , and aspire unto higher authority . neither hath the league of amity , the bond of kindred and parentage ; the duty of children to their parents ; the affection of one brother to another , moved princes to withdraw their helping hand , succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all , or some of those bands , rebelled against their sovereigns . iames king of scotland , being not only in league with henry the seventh , being king of england , but also by oath and homage bound unto him , as his vassal , did not only favour and receive into his protection a young man , named perkin , who was suborned by margaret , dutchess of burgondy , to call and carry himself for one of the sons of her brother king edward ; but also married the said perkin unto katherine , daughter unto alexander , earl of huntley , and his own neer kins-woman ; and with him , and for him invaded england : here you see the vassal favour and succor the rebels of his sovereign ; and the neer kins-woman conspire against her leige lord and king. richard earl of poictou , because his father henry the second denyed him that honour ( although by the death of the young king henry , he was become his eldest son ) to marry him with the french kings sister alice , , and to declare him immediately for his immediate successor , became the french kings man to serve him against his father . robert , son unto william the conqueror , having tasted the sweetness in commanding others , so far that he loathed to be commanded by others , rebelled against his father , and was aided and succoured in his rebellion by the french king henry , son unto henry surnamed the grosse , because his father was excommunicated by the pope ; and as an excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the empire ; was not only animated by the pope to rebel against his father , but also assisted by him , until he took his father prisoner . here you see the sons rebelling against their own fathers , protected and succoured by them , which either were , or should have been friends and confederates unto their fathers . henry , base brother unto peter king of castile , knowing that his brother for his evil and licentious life , was generally hated of all his subjects , rebelled against him , and with the help of the kings of france and portugal , deprived him of his life and crown . here you see the brother bearing arms against his brother ; ayded by two kings , who should rather have favoured a lawful king then an usurper . the marquess of villona , and the archbishop of toledo , both neer kinsmen unto ferdinando and isabel , king and queen of aragon , and of castile , rebelled against them both , and received aid and succour in their rebellion from alonso king of portugal . here you see the kinsmen rebelling against their own blood , ayded by their sovereigns kinsman and con●ederate . and seeing all this , how can you marvel , that in this age ( against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly ) princes ayd the rebels of other kings , betwixt whom there is no manner of alliance ; or if there be any , the same is long since dissolved , and resolved into hatred and enmity : for albeit the king of spain married the sister of the queen of england , and of the late french king ; by which marriages he was allied unto both in league of friendship and affinity : yet you know , and shall hereafter see , that many occasions besides the deaths of his wives , have changed his love into hatred , and his good will into malice : so that it is no marvel , since every injury asketh a revenge ; every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his adversary ; and every prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his confines , and for the maintenance of his estate , as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him ; if the spaniard , who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the kingdom of france , useth the rebellion of the guyzards for his best means and instruments ; or if the queen of england , who findeth no better ways to keep the spaniard from invading and subduing her realms and dominions , then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending , or in recovering his own , doth succour his pretended subjects of the united provinces ( for indeed they are not his subjects ) and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of men and money as seem most necessary for their defence . the third point whereat they wonder , dependeth somewhat upon this point , which is , why the flemmings , being always reputed a fearful and timerous nation ; and the frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most faithful and loyal subjects of europe ; the one in hatred of the spaniard , rebelleth against the spaniard ; and the other , at the instigation of the spanish king , beareth arms in his behalf , against their natural leige lord and soveraign : but if it may please you , and these wonders , to enter into consideration of the spaniards nature , and of the flemmings qualities ; and to call to mind the levity of the one , and the cruelty of the other ; the weakness of them , and the pride of these ; and how ready they are to take , and these to give occasion of rebellion ; you will leave to wonder at their revolt and distraction from the bondage of the spaniard . read the chronicles of flanders , and you shall find that there was never any nation more mutinous , more easie to be displeased , more prone and ready to rebel , then the flemmings . you shall likewise find , that they are far more fit to be governed by gentleness then by rigor , and by women then by men ; you shall likewise find , that they have seldom lived in long peace and obedience under any of their natural princes , if he did not rule and govern them with all manner of humanity : and finding this , you must needs think that there can be no long agreement betwixt them and the spaniard , whose nature is to command imperiously , to rule proudly , and to govern tyrannically , as it appeareth in all places where he beareth sway or government . the house of austria had their beginning in hasburg in switzerland ; whence ( as you shall read in smiller ) they were driven by the subjects for their extream tyranny : by marriage they are grown from poor earls unto mighty princes , and have spread themselves over divers nations ; over which how they have tyrannized , the very histories of those nations do report and witness : you shall read of their persecutions in the indies ; of their exactions in the kingdom of naples ; of the● extortion in the dutchy of millan ; of their pride and arrogancy in germany ; of their hard and cruel dealing in the county of burgundy ; of their late cruelty in portugal ; and of their intolerable oppression in all places . you shall read that ever since they began to be in authority in the world , they have troubled the tranquility and peace of most part of the world : you shall read , that italy , france and germany , have suffered more injuries , wrongs , and indignities by them only , then by all other princes and royal families of christendom . you shall read that maximilian the emperor , charles the fifth , and this present king of spain , disquieted and troubled the peaceable estates of all other princes that lived , or live in their time . briefly , you shall read , that they have always had high minds , unsatiable desires , ambitious projects , marvelous designs and purposes ; which if it had not pleased the almighty to prevent and cross , by sundry unexpected accidents , they had long before this time made themselves monarchs of the universal world . this is so apparent and well known unto all men that know never so little of the knowledge which is gathered from histories ; that i shall not need to stand upon the proof thereof , and to confirm the same by examples . no marvel then , since the low-countries did all at the first , with one mutual consent , rebel ; and the united provinces do yet bear arms against the spaniard , defending themselves by power and might from his wrongs and violence , who gave them many just occasions to revolt from his obedience ; before they revolted , he ruled them by strangers , being bound to govern them by their own country-men ; he brake dayly their priviledges and customes , being sworn duly to keep and observe them ; he preferred meer strangers , and men of base condition , unto the best and highest offices over them , having protested and undertaken by oath , to constitute no such magistrates overthem , as were not born in their own country ; he altered the state of the clergy without their consent , having promised not to innovate any thing therein without their counsel and permission ; he caused to be done to death the best of their nobilty , without any such form of judgment as their laws and priviledges required ; he charged them with new imposts , and intolerable tributes , without their advice and consent , whose counsel and consent he was to use therein : he called them to consult upon matters of weight and importance , in such places as they might not appear . lastly , he placed such governours over them , as sought and wrought the death of the best maintainers and upholders of their ancient priviledges ; as filled the country with odious and suspected people ; as bandied and combined themselves with forrainers against their states ; as sought and took all occasions possible to sow debate and sedition betwixt their nobles and princes ; as charged their nobility with false and untrue accusations ; as declared the better part of them to be traytors and rebels , because they would not at their commandment make open wars against the prince of orange , the only patron and pillar of their liberties ; as seized and took into their hands the frontire towns and forts ; as builded citadels to bridle , and castles to bridle and keep them in awe : briefly , as turned their peace into war , their wealth into poverty , and their rest and tranqu●●ity into tumults and troubles : can any prince do greater wrongs unto his subjects then these are ? or can any subjects suffer greater injuries then these ? especially such a prince as was no longer prince then he observed their ancient priviledges ; especially such subjects as were no longer bound to their prince then he kept their liberties inviolable ; such a prince as lost his authority over them so soon as he brake the conditions whereupon he was received : and such subjects who were freed from all manner of obedience so soon as these conditions were broken ; such a prince as was requested by all the princes of christendom not to tyrannize over his subjects , and would not hearken to their perswasions and requests ; and such subjects as besought the princes of christendom to be their intercessors to their prince , and could not prevail with him : briefly , such a prince as when he had long vexed and wearied his subjects with intolerable charges , and unsupportable wrongs , might have had infinite wealth of his subjects to receive them into his good grace and favour , and would not accept their offer ; and such subjects as offered to give their prince three millions of gold , to suffer them to live in liberty of conscience , and could not be heard . these subjects therefore had good occasion to forsake and renounce this prince , and the wars which they undertook against him were in my simple opinion most lawful ; not that i approve rebellion , or allow subjects to rebel against their soveraigns , when , or for what occasions they will ; but that i dis-allow and dislike the prince that will govern and rule his subjects in all things as he lists ; there is a mutual bond betwixt the subject and the prince ; there is a reciprocal league , there is on both sides a certain duty , in the one to obey reverently , and in the other not to command over rigorously : the reverence of the subjects conserveth the majesty of a prince ; and the lenity of a prince maintaineth the life and welfare of his subjects ; but when the prince casteth off humanity , and the subjects forget their duty ; when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth , and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed ; when he breaketh laws , and they desire to live under their ancient laws ; when he imposeth new tributes , and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old ; when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the nobility as favour the common people , their ancient lawes , priviledges , and liberties , and they take the wrongs that are done unto their favourers , and patrons , to be done unto themselves and their posterity : then changeth love into hatred , and obedience into contempt ; then hatred breedeth disdain , and disdain ingendereth disloyalty , after which follow secret conspiracies , unlawful assemblies , undutiful consultations , open mutinies , treacherous practises , and manifest rebellions : the chief reasons whereof are , because the common people are without reason , ready to follow evil counsel , easie to be displeased , prone to conceive dislike , not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a prince , when they see their private estates impoverished by him or his officers ; forgetful of many good turns , if they be but once wronged ; more desirous to revenge an injury , then to remember a benefit , quickly weary of a prince , be he never so good , if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands ; easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them , commonly affecting time that is past , better then the present ; briefly , all liking what the most like , all inclining where the greatest part favoureth ; all furthering what the most attempt , and all soon miscarried , if the most be once misled . this natural disposition of the common people , is proved by common experience , observed by wise polititians , and confirmed by many examples , not of one realm , but of many nations ; not of one age , but of many seasons ; not of barbarous people , but of civil realms ; not of kingdoms alone , but of other manner of governments ; briefly , not of subjects living only under tyrants , but also under the best princes that ever were ; for there is no kingdom comparable unto france for antiquity , or for greatness , for strength , or for continual race of good and vertuous kings , for absolute government of rulers , or for dutiful obedience of subjects , for good laws , or for just and wise magistrates ; and yet france that hath this commendation , and these benefits , hath many other times besides this , and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth france to rebel , revolted from her liege lords and soveraigns ; for proof whereof , let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present rebellion , begun in the late kings time , and continued in this kings days . they that write thereof at large , and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others , affirm that this rebellion began upon these occasions . the authors and chief heads thereof saw justice corruptly administred , offices appertaining unto justice , dearly sold , benefices and ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated , new impositions dayly invented and levied , the kings treasures and revenues prodigally consumed , old officers unjustly displaced , and men of base quality unworthily advanced ; they saw the late king carried away with vanities , governed by a woman , entred in league and amity with their enemies , and fully resolved to follow his pleasure , and to leave the administration and government of the whole kingdom unto their mortal enemies : they saw him careless in the maintainance of their religion , unlikely to have any issue to succeed him , not willing to establish any succession of the crown after him , and obstinately minded not to enter into league with them , that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their catholick religion . lastly , they saw that as long as he lived , the king of navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed ; and that as soon as he dyed , the said king was likely to be his successor ; which hapning , they considered the desperate estate of their religion , the sure and certain advancement of the protestants , and of their cause and quarrel , the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes ; and lastly , the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves , and of their families . wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies , and to prevent some of them , and to redress and reform others ; they called a general assembly of the three estates ; implored the help of forreign princes ; levied as great armies as they could possibly gather together ; propounded means of reformation to the king ; and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel , they combined themselves against the protestants , his pretended , and their open enemies ; seized upon greatest part of the kings treasure , took possession of his best holds and towns of strength , removed such officers as disliked them , and in all affairs that concerned the advancement of their cause , imployed men fit for their humours , made for their purpose , brought up in their factions , practised in their quarrels , affectioned in their cause , and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures . and because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late king and his confederates , unless they were also assisted by some forrain princes , they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the grace and favour of strange and mighty potentates , to recommend their cause and quarrel unto their protection , and to joyn their domestical power with their forrain enemies : they consider therefore that the popes holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto protestants : the king of spain , by the greatness of his ambition ; and the duke of lorrain , by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been , and which is betwixt him and the house of bourbon , might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party , and further their attempts and enterprises . the duke of guyse as chief head and patron of these actions , sendeth messengers unto every one of these princes , beseeching them , as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices , so they would now ( that matters were grown to ripeness , and secret conspiracies to open resistance ) vouchsafe him and his confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power : in which suit he findeth happy success ; and with promise of assured and sufficient aid , is animated to proceed with courage , and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy , to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly ; he therefore considering , that for the better accomplishment of his designs , it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the court , and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain , repaireth thither with all diligence ; and knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose , unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence ; he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them to pass : the first of the three was the late kings especial favour : the second an office of great account and dignity : the third , that the rest of the court should be at his will and commandment , either for love towards him , or for fear of his greatness and authority . for the purchasing and assurance of the kings favour , he useth two principal means : the one , to let the king understand that he was now grown to so great power and strength , that it was impossible for his majesty to supplant or suppress the same . the other , to perswade the king , not only by words but also by good carriage of himself , that he would never abuse that his power , but always use it to his highness benefit , and his majesties service ; keeping the king by this means always betwixt love and fear , and increasing the number of his friends and followers , by gratifying some with offices , others with money , and still imploying his purse , his credit , and his countenance , for the strengthning of his party ; and that in such manner as the king could not but perceive it ; yet he dissembleth so cunningly , protesteth so devoutly , and sheweth sometimes so apparent effects of his good will , and dutiful obedience to the king , that his majesty distrusteth not his proceedings : and for the better continuance of the king in that opinion ; he marketh what is done in every province , willeth many things to be done that were acceptable and pleasing to the kings humours ; and still writeth unto his friends and kinsmen , that they should shew their obedience in small things , and in matters of no great moment , that they might the better be trusted in matters of more great weight and profit , to the furtherance of his and their designs . now for the obtaining of such an office as might both countenance him , and prefer his friends , he very subtily insinuateth himself into the queen mothers favour , unto whom the king had committed the administration and charge of the weightiest affairs of his kingdom ; he maketh the kings principal secretary sure unto him ; causeth him to procure his return to the court , when he was once commanded by the king to depart thence in disgrace ; bringeth it to pass by him , that the duke of espernon , his greatest enemy , should be banished the court , and that after his departure the same secretary should continually seek and procure his discredit , and contrariwise further him in all his attempts and endeavours , lest that the king recalling in time the duke despernon , might be induced by him to displace and discountenance them both . and whilst he is in this favour , he sueth to be high constable of france , meaning in time to use the same office ( as charls martel did ) for a step and ladder to climb up to the kingdom ; which office he saith was of such antiquity and necessity , as that as soon as there was a king in france , there was also a high constable ; and that their estate never flourished better , then when the crown was provided of such officers as should and did execute their offices and charges , in as ample manner as their commissions gave them power and authority to do . besides , seeing that the queen mother , either at the first , or at the last , obtained whatsoever it pleased her , of the king ; and that whosoever he was ( were he never so highly in the kings favour ) that displeased her , in time lost the kings good will , and good opinion : he so carried himself towards her , that he seemed to affect nothing more then her good liking , and yet not to be so desirous thereof , as that he would wholly depend thereupon ; knowing that the king although he did always attribute much unto his mother , and was contented that she should be reverenced and respected next unto himself , yet he could not well brook them that sought for her good will more then for his favour ; and thus with cunning , continuing a firm league of love and amity betwixt the mother and the son , he hoped in time to possess them both , in such manner , as before they should be aware thereof , he would assume unto himself the power and authority of them both : and further , perceiving that the kings old secretaries were not in all respects so pliant and ready to follow and fulfil his designs as he wished , he laboured by all means possible to prefer them unto offices of higher dignity , and to place others in their rooms , who would not fail to further his intents and purposes , nor disdain to depend wholly upon his favour , and also to make him privy to whatsoever business or affairs of estate they were commanded to dispatch by the king ; whereby he came to perfect knowledg of all that was purposed or determined by the kings privy councel ; and grew into such favour and credit , that even the principal officers of the crown , either for fear or for love , or by other mens examples , submitted themselves wholly unto his devotion : and he had such interest in the kings court and courtiers , that all or the most part of them , seemed to be at his only disposition , and to affect him more then their king and soveraign . having installed himself in this manner in the court , and distracted the hearts of the principal officers thereof from their duty and love to their king ; he thinketh it not sufficient to be invested in their favours , unless he might also captivate the affections and good wills of the common people ; whom by promise to relieve their necessities , to ease their charges , to supply their wants , and to redress all that was thought or suggested to be amiss ( the common means used in all times , and all ages , by men of his mind , to seduce and mis-lead a multitude ) he easily and quickly perswadeth to favour his party ; and finding the common sort so ready , willing , and desirous to perform and accomplish his pleasure , as that in respect of their obedience towards him , he seemeth to lack nothing but the only name of king to be a king : notwithstanding the great honor and reverence that courtiers shewed unto him ; the love and affection that the commonalty bear to him ; the offices and dignities which he partly affected , and partly attained ; the high attempts and imaginations which he lodged in his heart and conceit ; and the unaccustomed authority which he cunningly had usurped ; yet he was so far from being puffed up with pride or disdain towards his inferiours ( faults commonly incident unto men advanced unto extraordinary favour and preferment ) that for the better continuance of his credit , and the peoples good will towards him ; he would debase , and so much deject himself , as that he thought not scorn to go bare headed from one end of the street unto another , even unto base chrochelers and porters ; with which his demeanor the duke de mayne his brother was many times highly displeased , and could not at any time frame himself to follow and imitate him therein ; which hath appeared more manifestly since his death : the common people in regard of that want , not favouring him so highly as they did the late duke of guise : now where there is a subject of such credit with the king , of such authority in court , of such power in every province , of such alliance in the whole realm , of such favour with forrain princes , of such liking of all sorts of subjects , of such experience in martial affairs , of knowledge in matters of state ; briefly , of such continuance in the love , in the hearts , in the good liking of all men : can it possibly be hard or difficult for him to work his pleasure in any thing that he shall imagine or indeavour ? or can it be that such a man should not be most dangerous unto his country and unto his prince ? especially in france , where there are many provinces ruled by their particular governours , many citadels possessed by several deputies , many holds and towns or strength committed to the custody of certain lievtenants , many bands of men at arms , and of other souldiers , under the charge of choise captains . and all or the most part of these governours , deputies , lievtenants and captains , chosen or appointed out of his parentage , kindred , affinity , alliance , family or followers . look upon men in other states and kingdoms , under other princes and kings , of like mind , and of such ambition as possessed the duke ; and consider what dangers they have brought both unto their countries , and unto their sovereigns . look upon the means and policies which they have used to b●ing their purposes to pass ; and see whether this duke did not imitate , or rather go beyond them all in the course which he took to aspire unto authority and greatness . el●us sejanus ruled all things under tiberius the emperor ; whom he had so cunningly blinded and besotted with love and affection towards him ; that although he was wary enough of all others , and could keep his least secrets from them , yet he could not beware of him , nor conceal the greatest secrets he had from him . this sejanus had many qualities fit and proper for his aspiring mind and purpose : he could endure all kind of labour ; he durst adventure to do any thing whatsoever ; he was very secret ; he used to reprehend and backbite others boldly ; he could flatter cunningly , behave himself , when occasion served , proudly ; again , when he saw cause , his carriage was very modest outwardly , albeit inwardly he boiled with a desire of rule and government : for the better attaining whereof , he used now and then liberality , but more often labour and industry ; points as dangerous ( when they tend to the purchasing of a kingdom ) as ambition and prodigal●ty . this sejan had such interest in the emperor , such power in rome , such sway and authority in all the affairs of the empire ; that after he had perswaded tiberius , either for his health , or for recreation , or to live free from the cares and troubles of estate , to retire himself unto a little island ; he presumed to call himself emperor , and tiberius a poor islander , or prince of one island . this sejan had two obstacles to hinder his purpose , drusus and nero , both heirs unto tiberius , both of divers natures and conditions , and both so desirous to be emperors , that the one could have been content to supplant the other . this sejan to take away these impediments used these means , he poluted livia , drusus his wife with adultery , won her to promise him marriage , promised to make her partner and fellow in the empire , perswaded her to consent to the death of her husband : to put her out of all doubt and jealousie ; he banished his own wife apicata from his house and company ; and when his secret purposes were bewrayed , thinking it time to hasten drusus his death , and to work the same so cunningly that it might not be known or perceived ; he cast a kind of poison , which should so kill him , that it might seem he dyed of some sudden disease : after this he assaulted nero in another way ; he caused his friends and followers to animate him to affect the empire , to tell him that the people of rome were desirous to make him emperor , that the souldiers were of the same mind , and that sejan although he ruled all things , yet he neither durst nor would withstand him . nero gave ear to these perswasions , and could not so dissemble his inward thoughts and cogitations , but that now and then he uttered some words that bewrayed the secrets of his mind , which by such keepers as were set to observe him , his words , and doings , were brought to sejans hearing , and by such accusers as he suborned , carried to tiberius his ears , who vouchsafing nero no indifferent hearing , afforded him no good countenance , but suspected him the more , if he spake any thing in his own defence , and condemned him if he held his peace : and sejan had so provided , that his watching his steps , his sights , and his secrets were told by his wife unto her mother livia , and by livia unto him , who had likewise induced his brother drusus to seek this ruine and subversion of nero , by telling him that when his brother nero was dead , he was next heir unto the empire ; which perswasion easily prevailed with drusus , because he had an aspiring mind , and secretly hated his brother nero ; for that their sister agrippina loved him better then she did drusus : and yet sejan did not so favour drusus , but that he likewise purposed his death and destruction , which he thought he might easily compass , because he knew him to be stout , and over-bold , and easie to be overtaken by his slights and subtilties . you have heard of the treasons of sejan , his policies , and his purposes , you may guess of his success , and read of his end . now you shall hear of iulius caesar , who was more subtile and cunning then he , and had the wit to get more then he , but not the grace to keep it long . caesar , before he bare any office in rome , was in his youth so prodigal , and such a spend-thrift , that he had indebted himself above . crowns ; and although the greatness of his debts might justly have made him fear to be cast in prison , and never to hope or look for such preferment , as he afterwards attained , yet he neither feared his creditors , nor doubted of his future advancement : for the better attaining whereunto , he accommodated his nature to all mens humours , and vouchsafed to flatter , and make much , not only of free-men , but also of such slaves and bond-men as he knew well able to do any thing with their masters ; he thought it no disgrace or discredit to humble himself in the beginning , so that he might live in assured hope to command all men in process of time . besides other subtile devices which he used for the better accomplishment of his desires , he observed most diligently who were in greatest favour with the common people , who were best able to further or hinder his purposes ; who were easily to be won to favour him in his attempts and intentions ; and what means he might use and practise to be assured of their friendship . there lived in his time four men of especial account , pompey , and crassus , piso , and curio : pompey was so valiant and fortunate in armes , that he was worthily surnamed the great . crassus attained to such wealth , that he was commonly called the rich. piso bare such sway with the people , that no man was either feared or loved more then he . and curio was so wise , and so eloquent , that the people loved him greatly , and he so desirous of their favour , and so careless and prodigal of money , that to attain any thing for himself , or for his friend , he would spare no manner of costs or charges . to win these men that were fit for his purpose , and yet of divers humours , caesar thought it convenient to use divers means ; he married his daughter to pompey , he took to wife pyso's sister ; he paid all curio's debts ; and because there was a competency and emulation betwixt pompey and crassus , by reason whereof he thought it very difficult to grow in favour with both of them ; he being absent from ro●e when they were in the heat of their contention , came thither of purpose , not to extinguish the same , but to use it as a means to deceive them both ; and seeing that each of them sought his friendship against the other , he would not follow any of them , but carrying himself as neutral and indifferent betwixt them , he procured all wayes possible to make them friends . and knowing that so long as he declared not himself to be a faithful friend to one of them , both would do for him , whatsoever he should demand of them ; he held them both in suspence , and made them so jealous of him , that for fear to lose him , both laboured to content and please him ; and so much , that first he made himself equal to either of them ; next he brought to pass , that the power and authority which was in their hands only , was divided betwixt him and them : and in the end he alone came to rule all ; for he drave pompey out of rome , and out of italy , and made himself lord and master of both places , opened the roman treasure , and paid his souldiers therewithal . what followed , the histories reporteth ; and i haste unto another of the like mind , but of better fortune ; for caesar lived not long after he came to the empire : and many wise and learned men wonder why the emperours at this day carry still his name , since he was the only ruine and overthrow of his countrey , and of the ancient liberty thereof ; whereas he , of whom i intend to speak , not only enjoyed the crown and scepter many years together , which he usurped cunningly , but also transferred the same unto his posterity , in which it hath remained better then these five hundred years , and caesar his posterity enjoyed not his purchase the twenti●th part of that time . you have heard that the last race of the kings of france descended from hugh capet , who being but master of the kings palace , governed all things under him , and so carried himself in that his government , that he wan the hearts and love of the common people , and also got into such favour with lewis the fifth of france , a prince of small worth , and of no great wit , that as some historographers write , he dying the year . without heirs males , not of his natural death , but by poyson , gave his kingdom unto blanch his wife , and willed her to marry hugh capet , which she did according to her husbands commandment , and so capet became king , albeit the kingdom appertained ●y right unto charles duke of lorrain , brother unto king lotharius , and uncle unto the said lewis . for charles being then in lorrain , and having been called and sent for by some of the nobles of france to be crowned king thereof , came not with such speed as was convenient for him to have used , but gave time and respite unto capet to seize upon the kingdom , pretending himself to have title thereunto , by the late kings will , by reason that he was in some sort by his mothers side of the race of charlemaign , by signifying unto the people , that charles duke of lorrain deserved not to be chosen king , because in all contentions , debates , and differences betwixt the crown of france and the empire , the said charles favoured the emperours more then the french king ; and by suggesting that he being present and alwayes ready to defend the realm , ought to be preferred before charles that was absent , and not willing to come to accept the crown , when he was called thereunto ; by inducing anselm bishop of laon to deliver the said duke his master with his two children into his hands very trayterously ; by committing the duke and his sons to prison in orleance , where they dyed , and by degrading arnolph arch-bishop of rhemes under colour and pretence of bastardy , for fear he proving himself to be lawful and legitimate brother unto charles , might in time deprive him of the kingdom ; but the especial policy that capet used for the obtaining his purpose , was the imitation of pipin of france , of whose practises you shall first hear ; and then as plutarch in the lives of the worthies of greece and rome , compared a graecian and a roman together , that the vertues and excellencies of both may appear the better by that his comparison : so i will compare the devices of the late duke of guise with the practices of sejan , caesar , capet , and pipin , to the end you may see in what points he imitated them fully , and also wherein he failed to follow their foot-steps . pipin being master of the palace under childerick the third king of france , ( who for his unworthiness was deprived of his crown by the pope lachary ) thought that the greatness of his office , and the weakness of his prince and master , might well serve him for a ladder to climb to the kingdom , and knowing that it would not suffice to advance his own credit and commendation , unless he did also dispraise and discredit his king , he suborned men of purpose , not only to spread abroad the kings indignities , to inveigh against his insufficiencies , and to cry out against his evil government ; but also to set forth his own praise , to commend his valour , and to extoll his exploits and services , done as well for his country , as for the see of rome ; to the end that as soon as the people began to contemn and dislike their king , they might also begin to love and affect him , of which affection and love he hoped there might in time proceed such a good liking , that they would vouchsafe to elect , and c●use him for their king ; and because he knew that the french-men were well affected to the pope , and would do any thing at his commandment ; to win the popes favour and assistance , he not only promised ; but went into italy , of purpose to succour his holiness against the lombards , who at that time greatly troubled the universal rest and quiet of italy , besides fearing that the oath which the frenchmen make unto their king , and the love and loyalty which they bear unto him , might hinder his designs and purposes , he sent an express messenger unto the pope , to declare unto him the true sense and meaning of their oath , and to intreat his holiness to make such an interpretation thereof as might serve his turn ; the effect of which interpretation was , that since the promise which the french-men made unto their king was conditional and reciprocal ; and that their king was likewise sworn unto them ; they being his subjects were not bound any longer to their oath , since he being their king had broken his , because he was neither religious valiant , just , or in any respect answerable to those conditions which were inserted and included in his promise to them . in hope of performance of which conditions they had sworn unto him all manner of duty , service , succour , faith , and obedience . this was pipin's policy to supplant childerick , and to set the crown of france upon his own head . now let me compare the duke of guise his practices with these mens devices , his wit with their wisdom , and his aspiring mind with their ambition . sejan and caesar were lowly and humble when they saw occasion , and what was the duke of guise when he went bate-headed unto porters and crochelers ? caesar drave pompey out of italy , and sejan , tiberius out of rome into an island , and what did the duke of guise when he forced the late french king , not to leave , but to fly from paris , caesar suppresseth pompey and crassus ; and sejan indeavoured to destroy drusus and nero ; and what did the duke of guise , when he caused the admiral of france to be massacred , and the duke of espernon to be banished the court ? sejan and caesar spared no money to win men to their service and devotion : what did the duke of guise , when he spent all his own patrimony , and his wives inheritance , and the king of spains yearly pension , and infinite pistolets , to purchase himself friends and favourers ? casar and sejan subverted their enemies by their own friends ; and what did the duke of guise when he sowed sedition betwixt the king and his brother ? caesar and sejan used the marriage of livia , drusus his wife of his own daughter , and of pycos sister for the furtherance of their purpose : and what did the duke of guise , when he caused the massacre of paris to be performed at the marriage of the present king of france with the late kings sister ? caesar and sejan could be proud when occasion was offered ? and what was the duke of guise when he equalled his power and strength with the kings ? caesar could brook no equal ; and what could the duke of guise , when he contended with the kings brother for superiority and precedency ? sejan set variance betwixt drusus and nero , to the end the one should take occasion to destroy the other ? and what did the duke of guise , when he perswaded the french king to send his only brother into flanders , where he devised divers means to endanger his life ? caesar assumed by cunning and pollicy , all the power and authority unto himself , which was sometimes equally divided betwixt him , pompey and crassus ? and what did the duke of guise , when he suffered no man to be in credit at the court but himself ? sejan offered the empire unto drusus , not for favour which he bore him , but to incense and incourage him to seek the ruine of nero : and what did the duke of guise , when he profered the kingdom in the late kings days , unto the king of navar , now king of france , but seek means to breed such a distrust and jealousie betwixt the king and him , that the one might let no occasion slip that might procure the destruction or overthrow of the other ? caesar observed diligently the natures and dispositions of such men as were in special credit with the common people , and to purchase their favour furthered their purposes , when they tended not to his own hinderance : and what did the duke of guise when he fawned upon those whom the king loved , and labored to prefer his secretaries to higher places , to the end that both they and their successors might be always willing and ready to pleasure him ? pipin shewed himself wise in using the kings weakness , and his own credit for a ladder to climb to the kingdom ; and the duke of guise came not much behind him in wisdom , when he weakned the late kings forces , and strengthned himself and his complices , with intention to set the crown of france upon his own head. hugh capet pretended right to the crown , because he was in some sort alley'd to lewes the fifth , by his mothers side : and the duke of guise fortified his right , by pretending alliance unto the duke of larrain , whom hugh capet deprived of the crown . pipin hired men to com●end himself and dispraise childerick : and the duke of guise wanted not his writers and his flatterers , who in books and common table-talk , did daily set forth his praise , and took hold of every small occasion , to enveigh bitterly against the king , pipin again used religion and zeal for a means to win the popes favour , and to procure him to make a friendly interpretation of the french subjects oath to their king : and the duke of guise with a shew of suppressing the protestants of france , drew divers popes to join with him in alliance , and to draw other princes with the same line into the same league , and left not until the pope had excommunicated the late king. hugh capit disabled childerick as a man not sufficient to rule , and therefore caused him to be shut up in a monastery ; and the duke of guise was so bold as to bring forrain power into france , and to tell the king that he had procured their help to suppress the protestants , because his majesty had neither men nor money enough wherewith to overthrow them ; and common fame greatly wrongeth him , if he intended not in time to have shut the king up in some religious house , and to have put a friers weed upon him . briefly , pipin , iulius caesar , and hugh capet , attained their desires by their cunning practises , and their subtile devises ; and the duke of guise by his slights and stratagems had not failed of his purpose , if the king had not by doing him suddenly to death prevented his intended usurpation . by this that hath been said , you may plainly perceive that the frenchmen rebelled against their soveraigns long before this time ; and that they are in a manifest error who commend their loyalty so much , as in their writings to call them the most loyal , loving , and dutiful subjects of europe ; for to omit other rebellions of the children against their own fathers in france , whereof their histories are full and plentiful : it cannot be denyed that both pipin and hugh capet were usurpers ; and that as many as favoured and furthered them against the lawful heirs of the crown , were notable and traitorous rebels , and in no respect inferiour to those who in these days combine themselves against the late french king , and still continue their open revolt , and unlawful disobedience against his right heir and lawful successor : neither can any man deny , that all they that took part with lewis , surnamed the meek , against bernard , king of italy , were also most famous and disloyal traytors ; for lewes being younger brother unto pipin ( who dyed before his father charlemain , and left bernard king of italy his sole heir ) had no right to the crown of france , so long as the said bernard his eldest brothers son lived , for that as well in the succession of crowns and kingdoms , as of private mens lands and inheritances ; the eldest brothers son and heir is always to be preferred before his uncle . and for as much as lewis having taken his nephew bernard in the field prisoner , did not only detain him , and his chief councellors in hard prison , but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death . those subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions ( because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness ) must needs be accounted as wicked as the present subjects of france , who consented unto the cruel massacre of their late king : again , all those french subjects who bore arms against edward the third , in the behalf of philip de valoys were in as high degree of rebellion , as these latter rebels : and so likewise were those who stood with charls the seventh against henry the fifth and sixth of england . for the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these english kings from the succession , as lawful heirs to the crown of france , was the law salique , ( which as they then pretended ) excluded not only women , but also other heirs males descending from the woman , from the inheritance of the crown ; which law was no sufficient bar , because it was undoubtedly a local law , made in salem , a town about the river of rhine in germany ; at what time the french kings were both kings of france , and emperours of germany ; and therefore as all other local laws are , was tyed to the inheritance of that town only , and could not stretch her forces to forrain countries , or to the succession of kingdoms , no more then the law of gavelkind , being peculiar , not to all , but to some part of kent , is of full strength and full force in other places of england : besides , it is confirmed that there was never any such law in france by the testimony of the duke of burgundy ; who when as philip , surnamed the long , was created king , never left to cry out against his creation , and to profess openly , that the kingdom belonged of right unto ioan , daughter unto hutine , sometimes king of france , before that philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the country of burgundy , in dower with his eldest daughter . i could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any salick law in france , were it not that du haillan a french chronicler , in the first volumn of his history , easeth me of that pain , and cleareth that point so plainly , that he being a frenchman , and refuting a law , suggested not only to be a law , but also one of the chief pillars and maintainers of the ancient dignity of the crown of france , cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly : but although i let pass ed. . his title , as the less valuable , because it was impugned and weakned by the only allegation of that law ; yet i must enlarge somewhat more henry , the fifth his right , because the same ( in my simple conceit and opinion ) was far stronger then edward the thirds ; for henry the fifth considering that because his predecessors did always from the time of edward the third , lay continual claim unto the crown of france ; and that therefore the kings , or rather usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto , because they not having bonam fidem ( a point requisite in prescription ) by reason that they knew the right to be in kings of england rather then in themselves , could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said crown , demanded the same by force of arms of charls the sixth , and drave him to such extremities , that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible forces , was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of peace with him : the principal articles of which peace were ; that the said charls the sixth should during his life , continue king ; that he should dis-inherit his son and heir , who was afterwards charles the seventh ; that the king of england should take to wife isabel , daughter unto the french king ; and in regard of that marriage he proclaimed regent of that kingdom during charles his father in laws life , because he was sometimes lunatique , and heir apparent to the crown after his death ; and lastly , that the nobility and peers of france , should not only consent thereunto , but also take a solemn oath ( which was accordingly performed and executed ) to maintain every point of those articles , and uphold and assist henry the fifth , and his lawful heirs and successors , against charles , son unto the french king , the rather because his father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto , dis-inherited the said charles , and by the last will and testament , made when he was in perfect sence and memory , ordained and constituted the said henry , his sole and lawful heir of the crown . but the frenchmen have their objections to all that is said ; the which i cannot lightly pass over , because i know you are desirous to hear their exceptions , and also what may be replied in answer to their allegations ; but i may not dwell long upon every particular point , because my leisure will not serve me , and it is not pertinent to my first purpose . they say first , that their kingdom goeth not by dissent and inheritance , from the father to the son , but by succession , which is grounded not upon law , but upon a custom ; by vertue whereof , the next of the blood royal , be he of the farthest degree that may be of kindred , succeedeth not as a lawful heir , but as a successor by custom , not newly invented , but of long continuance , even from the time of the first king pharamond . which objection i mean briefly to answer , before i will proceed to any others . guicciardine , who wrote an universal history of all things that hapned in his time , not only in italy , but also in all other places of europe ( although he was a very perfect and learned lawyer ) yet when he had occasion to touch any point of law , he handled not the same lawyer-like , but passed it over lightly , setting down his opinion of the case , in as few words as he could possibly , because if he had done otherwise , he knew that he should not observe the laws and bounds whereunto histographers are tyed and bound . in like manner although these questions are meerly civil , and ought to be handled by me as a civilian ; yet because i purpose to write you an historical discourse , i wil touch them lightly ; for that i speak of them obiter , and by digression , and i hold it sufficient to refute the objections that may be made in this cause ; not by law , but by the histories of france . for albeit iohn bodine , a frenchman , and notably well seen and read in histories , discoursing in his book de methodo historie , at large , what rules are to be observed in judging a right of an historographer , and what credit may be given to an history , setteth it down in an opinion not controlable , that in matters touching france or england , you ought not to credit a french or english history ; but rather a stranger writing thereof , with more indifferency and less partiality ; yet , as in causes which cannot be well decided , or perfectly known but by domestical witnesses , their testimony is to be preferred before all others ; so in matters of state , which cannot be so well known unto forrainers , as unto men born and bred within the same state ; better credit ought to be given unto these , then unto them : you shall therefore hear this first objection refuted by their own writers ; and especially by du haillan , who in my opinion is the best historographer that writeth of france ; who refuteth this objection , by reckoning up a bed-roll of kings who did not succeed one another , but were chosen one after another ; pharamond ( saith he , in his third book ) was the first chosen king of france ; after whom daniel , surnamed childerick , was chosen : pipin likewise was chosen , and after him charles and charl●main his sons : and the frenchmen despising the youth of charles , king lewis his son , who was betwixt nine and ten years of age , chose od●n , son to robert the saxon , for their king ; and afterwards being discontented with his government , they deprived him of his kingdom , and set up charles in his place ; who governing them somewhat looslly , was likewise deposed and cast into prison ; and in his place ba●ul , king of burgundy was instituted and created king of france ; and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of election which is made at the consecrating and crowning of the king at beihins , where the peer of france , in the name of the clergy , nobility , and people , chuse the king that is present : here you see an election begun in pharamond , continued in others , and observed at this day ; and yet as many as have been kings since capet's time , have succeeded to their kingdoms , and claimed the same by inheritance , rather then by custom ; and you shall see when we come to another of their objections , that neither this election , nor this custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and observed . the second objection against this agreement is , that although contracts do bind princes as well as subjects , yet such contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate contracts ; as men distracted of their wits , lunatiques , and others not being in perfect sense and memory , do not bind the contrahents , but are held in law as matters of no weight , force , or validity ; and therefore charles the sixth who concluded his peace with the above-mentioned conditions , being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a lunatique , this contract did neither bind him nor his successors . to this it is easily answered , that contracts made by men disabled by law to enter into any such compositions , are of force by two wayes ; the one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by law are deputed to have the government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity : the other , if they themselves having dilucida intervalla , being ( as lunatiques many times are ) in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of contract , the same is of full force and strength ; and therefore charles the sixth being ( as their own histories report ) at the time when this agreement was made , in his right wits and memory : this contract wanted not the force and vertue which law requireth , especially since the chief nobility of the realm were then not only present , but consenting thereunto , and sworn to the performance thereof . the third objection is , that the kings of france cannot alienate the demeans , rights , titles , and interests of the crown without the privity and consent of the three estates , which consent could not possibly be had at this agreement , because a great part of the peers , nobles , and others were then absent , and bore armes with the young prince charles , or at the leastw●se followed him against the king his father . to this i briefly answer , that in matters which go by plurality of voices , it is not alwayes necessary that all be present , but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto , especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present , and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear . for albeit the thing that concerneth all men , must be approved of all men , yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them , and they will not be present to shew their consent or dislike , their absence shall not prejudice the contract that is celebrated , and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence , quia volenti non fit injuria . in this case therefore those that were away , being either voluntarily absent , or trayterously minded to their king ( which appeared in that they followed his son against him , and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and rebellion against his father ) could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract ; for if they were absent of purpose , then there was no injury done unto them ; and if they were traytors ( as undoubtedly they are , who either bear armes against their prince , or assist his enemies with their counsels ) then they had lost the right of their consent and voice ; and so consequently the contract which was celebrated by the more and better part , or by all the nobility , and of the three estates that were present , and true and loyal subjects unto their king , notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence , was by law warrantable , especially being confirmed and fortified by the oath of the king , and his council and nobility . the fourth objection against this agreement is , that when it was concluded , the king of england had almost conquered all france , was there with his power and strength about him , and shut up the french king as it were in prison , and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invincible army , and conquering forces ; and therefore whatsoever he did , being done by fear and compulsion , was of no better force then a contract extorted by violence , or made in prison by a private man , which when he is set at liberty , he is not bound by law to perform except he list . to this point i likewise answer briefly ; that the law that provideth for the remedy of such as by imprisonment , or by violence and just fear , and such as the law ●aith , cadet in fortem virum , have yeilded to any inconveniency , extendeth not ( in my simple conceit ) her force unto the contracts of princes , which are celebrated and concluded after long wars betwixt them ; for if conquerors might not impose what conditions of peace they please upon the conquered , there would never be any end of wars ; and as private men being in troubles may even in cases which admit no giving or taking on any side ( as for ecclesiastical livings betwixt ecclesiastical persons ) redeem their troubles by giving or taking whatsoever shall be agreed upon , and with the best conditions they may ; so in wars , princes who have lost the field , and so weakned their forces , that they are able to make no longer resistance , may lawfully alienate the more part of the revenues of their crown , to purchase their liberty , and their subjects quiet ; who ( if their princes might not capitulate with his and their adversary , in such manner as the conqueror shall demand ) should be deprived of their lives , liberties and livings ; of all which three , every king is sworn to have a special care and regard , and to seek all means possible to preserve them all : and in consideration hereof , it is usual amongst princes rather to lye in durance a long time , then to yeild to the unreasonable demands of their enemies , whilst they are in the heat of their choller and indignation ; because when their wrath is somewhat asswaged , and either time or intercession of other princes ( who commonly in such cases interpose their helping hands , and be mediators of peace ) mitigated and moderated their anger , they are willing to yeild to reasonable conditions . for confirmation hereof , i could alleadg many examples , but i will deal with a frenchman at his own weapon : guicciardine , in his before mentioned history , discoursing at large of the hard measure that was offered unto francis the first , king of france , after he was taken prisoner at pavia , in italy , by the army of the emperour charls the fifth , saith , that there were never but two kings of france taken prisoners in the field , ( to wit ) king iohn , and the said francis ; king iohn was so kindly used in england , ( where he lay above years pri●oner ) that after he was delivered thence , he would needs go thither again to see his good host , for so he termed the king of england , whereas francis the first , albeit he greatly desired to be transported out of italy into spain , being in great hope and confidence that the emperor ( who had seen the change and variety of time , and also the inconstancy of fortune ) would have some princely compassion upon him , found all things contrary to his conceived hope and expectation ; for he was committed to hard prison , kept with a continual and strong guard , not attended upon as a prince of his might and greatness ought to have been , hardly suffered to speak with his sister , who was sent out of france on purpose to comfort him , and never brought unto the emperours sight and presence , until that through grief and melancholy he fell into so dangerous a sickness as made the phisitians almost despair of his recovery ; the emperour not for love ( as guicciaraine affirmeth ) but for fear to lose by his death all that he hoped to get for his ransome , went to visit and comfort him . the reason of this hard usage was , to inforce him by long durance , and want of liberty , to redeem his troubles upon hard conditions ; and although he had oftentimes answered the emperour , that he had rather dye in prison then yeild to his unreasonable demands , which could not be well performed without the great prejudice , yea almost the utter subversion of his kingdom ; and had accordingly written unto his nobility and council in france , that they should make no more account of his life or liberty , because the demands of his ransome were too too unreasonable , yet he was forced at length to subscribe and consent unto such hard conditions and articles , as were agreed upon by charles the fifth , and his council ; which indeed were so hard , that although his sons lay in spain , as hostages for their performance ; yet after he was delivered , he would not see them accomplished , but fell a fresh to wars with the emperor ; and in the end , by the intercession of other princes , made a more reasonable end . but king iohn ( as both the french chronicles and ours do report ) was set at liberty with more equal conditions , and yet the same were not performed ; and the frenchmen in all treaties of peace with us , have either gone so far beyond us with their wits , that they have oftentimes greatly deceived us , or have so fraudulently violated all , or the more part of the articles of their agreement , that our victories being many against them , never yeilded unto us any great commodity or advantage . the consideration whereof moved one of their writers to say , that we never won any thing of them by the dint of sword , but they recovered the same again by the sharpness of their wits . and another historian of theirs mocketh us in his writings , and saith , that when we come to treat with them of peace , we sit down proudly , and with great words extoling our exploits , valour , and good success against them ; in the beginning of our parts we do demand no less then the whole kingdom of france , but in the end of them , we fall from mountains unto molehills . now sithence we by their own confession have been so courteous and reasonable , that we have yeilded them far better favour , and better conditions of peace then they hoped for , and they contrarywise have dealt so craftily , and so deceitfully with us , both in the time of king iohn , and others , before the reign of charles the sixth , that we cannot be blamed for dealing more hardly with them in the said contract , and for using the surest way we could devise for our security and assurance of that which was promised unto us . and certainly as the treaties and conclusions of peace made with king iohn , and king francis , were in the opinion of the best and learnedst lawyers of europe held lawful , although they were not in all points performed ; so the contract made betwixt charles the sixth , and his son-in law henry fifth of england , was undoubtedly agreeable to law and equity ; for otherwise princes should be in worse condition then subjects , who are bound to perform every point of a reasonable contract or agreement which they make . but it was hard to demand and take a whole kingdom . true if conquests were not lawful , we should have dealt so favourably with charles the sixth , as our predecessor did with king iohn ; it might be we would have done so , if king iohn and his successors had not before oftentimes deceived us . princes do not usually take advantage of their enemies when they have the upper hand over them , with all utmost extremities . but if they do , what remedy is there ? or who can gainsay the conqueror ? courtesie is commendable in all men , and especially in princes , who are to extend the same at all times , when it is demanded in good manner , and by men worthy of mercy and compassion . and such was the lamentable estate of charles the sixth , who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of god , as namely , wars within his realm , rebellion of his own son against him , revolt of his subjects , and distraction of his wits ; and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted . indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration , and lunatiques are by all men to be pitied : and in regard hereof , the king of england , whereas he might have destroyed the whole realm of france , burned the cities , wasted the countries , led away the people in captivity , taken their goods to his own use , bestowed the nobilities and gentlemens lands upon his own subjects , altered the lawes of the countrey , changed the government thereof , deprived the most part of them of their lives , and seated his own subjects in their possessions ; he suffered them to live at liberty , to enjoy their ancient possessions , to maintain and use their own priviledges , to dwell in their wonted habitations , and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered . and whereas he might have made the king prisoner , carryed him with him into england , and to have placed another to govern for him , especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself : he was so far from so doing , that he suffered him to enjoy the kingdom whilest he lived , and by taking his daughter to wife , transferred not only the french , but also the english crown unto the issue of her body , a thing to be greatly desired of that father , whose son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him ; a thing practised by all men that have had the like children , a thing far beyond the custom of frenchmen themselves , who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation . for over what enemies had the french-men ever the upper hand , whom they used not most cruelly ? what barbarous cruelty exercised they in italy , and especially at naples , where their tyranny in government , their extremity in polling , their insolency in mis-using the common people was such , that in one night they were all slain ; and in hatred of them and their posterity , the wombs of all neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by french-men , were ripped up , and the children pluckt out , and likewise murdered with their mothers . what cruelty purposed they to have practised in england , at what time lewis the dolphin of france was called into england by the barons who bare armes against king iohn ? intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the realm ? purposed they not to have killed the very barons themselves , who were their friends and confederates ? had they not executed this their purpose , if a noble french-man who was in england had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty , as in commiseration of the poor english nobility , revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions ? to be brief , what severity used king lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others , lewis the m e e k , against bernard his own nephew , and rightful heir to the crown of france , ( as we have shewed in the second point which we handled ) whom he not only deprived of his right , but also held him a long time in prison , and condemned him to lose his eyes , which were accordingly pluckt out of his head ; and his cheif counsellours endured the like punishment : of which both he and they complaining , not without just occasion , were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved , as that a new edictment was framed both against him and them : now with such adversaries , with men of such cruelty , with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith , and broken their promises , what wise prince would ever have used greater lenity , more mercy , or better justice then the king of england shewed them ? especially considering the immortal hatred , deadly malice , and long emulations , competentions , quarrels , and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt england and france . the fifth objection that they make against this contract , is , is , that the kingdom of france cannot be given unto any man by will or testament : which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange , because i find by report of probable histories , that the kingdomes of spain , england , aragon , scotland , poland , and other countries have been given away by will and testament ; and therefore if the french-men will challenge an immunity contrary to the custom of other countries , and repugnant to the law of all nations , they must shew how they came by such a priviledge , and why they should not follow the customes of other kingdomes : for whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the law , must make it appear at what time , for what occasion , and by whom he or his predecessors obtained the same , that the quality of the giver , and the consideration and cause of the grant being duly examined and discreetly considered , the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen . i know that there are many degrees of princes , and that some kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive lawes , and by whom they and their kingdomes are ruled and directed . so hath scotland been ruled by england , so hath denmark acknowledged the empire , so hath sicily obeyed rome ; so hath the pope challenged power and authority over the empire . but all histories agree in this , that although of other kingdomes some be subject to the pope , others unto the emperour , yet the kingdom of france is , and alwayes hath been most absolute , neither depending upon the emperour , nor being in any respect subject unto the pope . that the emperour hath no authority over france , was shewed when as sigismond the emperour would have made the earl of savoy a duke in lyons ; for then the kings officers withstood him therein , and forced him , to his great grief , and in a great fury and anger to depart thence , and out of all the dominion of france , before he could use in that point his imperial power and authority : and that the pope hath no manner of authority , prerogative , or preheminence over france , it appeareth by the confession of all canonists , who have written , and do write of the popes prerogatives : for albeit they make the empire , and almost all the kingdoms of the world , in some sort subject unto the see of rome ; yet they confess the king of france to be so absolute , that he acknowledgeth no superior but god , and that there is no other prince but he , unto whom some pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his estate and kingdom . it must needs therefore follow , that there is no superior out of france , who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon france : and it appeareth by their own histories ; that there hath been nothing done within the realm whereby their kings have been forbidden to dispose their kingdoms by their last wills and testaments : for dagobert , king of france , in the presence of the principal lords and prelates of his realm , made his last will and testament , and therein gave the kingdom of austrasia unto his son sigisbert ; and the kingdom of france unto his son cloius , likewise charlemain by will and testament , divided his kingdom betwixt his three sons ; he gave unto charles the best and greatest part of france and germany ; unto pipin , italy and baivera ; and unto lewis that part of france which confineth and bordereth upon spain and provence ; and caused this his will to be ratified , confirmed and approved by the pope ; and intituled his sons with the names of kings . it is also written by french historiographers , that philip de valois ( who contended with edward the third for the crown of france ) ordained by his last will and testament , that iohn his eldest son should succeed him in the crown ; and that his second son philip should enjoy for his part and portion , the dukedom of orleans , and the earldom of valois . now these three kings being of three races of the french kings , dagobert of the merovingians , charlemain of the charlemains , and philip de valois , although not directly , yet collaterally of the capets , which are the three only races that ever were in france ; and they having disposed of their kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid , it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like , especially since there is no law to be shewed which forbiddeth kings to bequeath their kingdoms by will and testament . the sixth and last objection which is made against this contract is , that charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son , who , by the custome of france was lawful and apparent heir , and could not for any cause whatsoever , be deprived by his father , or by any other , of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient priviledge of france . in this objection there are two things intended ; the one , that the kings of france cannot deprive their sons or next heirs , for any occasion whatsoever , of their right , title , and interest to the royal crown and dignity . the other , that the next of the blood royal , according to the custom before mentioned , must of necessity succeed and enjoy the kingdom . this ob●ection is ( in my simple opinion ) of greatest force , because i read not in all the histories of france , that ever any king thereof , but charls the sixth did dis-inherit his son : true it is that charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited , being plagued by god for his disobedience towards his father , with a son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects , as himself was , sent unto the pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest son , who had divers times rebelled against him , and bestow the kingdom upon his second son , in whom he never found any manner of disobedience ; but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following : for if a kingdom may be given by will and testament ( as is to be presumed ) that it may also be taken away from one , and bestowed upon another , when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto ; why he should be dis-inherited , especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance , as hath hitherto been mentioned ; and in case it be doubtful whether a kingdom may be taken from the right heir , and be bequeathed unto another ; the custom of the country in private mens inheritance is to be considered : because most commonly , such as the law is in part , such it is in the whole ; and for that generally the nobility of every realm ( who regard the conservation of their honour and dignity in their families , no less then princes do the preservation of the royal authority in their posterity ) do follow and imitate the manner , law , and order of their kings , touching the disposition of their kingdoms : and even as they usually dispose of their principalities , so do the other of their baronies , and inferior estates , by what name or title soever they be called : if therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief nobility of france , have at any time dis-inherited their lawful heirs , it may justly be presumed that the kings of france may do the like , when the like occasion is offered unto them : the lords of bearne have time out of mind , been of such power and might in france , that the kings thereof have in all ages made great account and reckoning of them ; and the present king of france is lord thereof ; and by his adversaries the spaniards ( who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a king of france or of navar , because they take him to be lawful king of neither of these kingdoms ) is commonly called in their writings , lord of bearne . the earls also of foix , have beyond the memory of man , been of such worth and estimation , that it is written of them , ( when they were also lords of bearne ) they cared neither for the king of aragon , nor for the kings of navarra , for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at arms at one time , then both those kings could make at two several levies . both these lordships or seigneuries , are now under the kingdom of navar ; and the principal members thereof , and the lords and lawful owners of each of them , dis-inherited their next and lawful heirs , only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them ; for the french histories report , that gaston lord of bea●ne had but two daughters ; the eldest of which he married unto the earl of armignack , and the younger unto the earl of foix , who was nephew unto the king of aragon : it fortuned that the said gaston had wars with the king of spain , wherein he desired help of the earl of armignack , who refused to succour him ; and the earl of foix holp him with such power and force , that he enforced the king to very reasonable conditions of peace ; in recompence of which service , gaston made the earl of foix his sole heir ; and caused the nobles and gentlemen , together with all other his subjects , to confirm and ratifie his grant ; whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two earls . it is also written in the chronicles of france , that in the year . the earl of foix , because his son , by the consent and counsel of the king of navar , went about to have poisoned him , gave his earldom from him , to the king of france , who presently bestowed the same upon the earl of candalles . here you see two heirs dis-inherited by their father , whose act was generally reputed and held lawful . now you shall see the like cause in charles the seventh ; and why should it not be thought lawful for his father to inflict upon him the like punishment ▪ the one of them denyed his father in law such help as he demanded ; the other purposed to have poysoned his own father : the unkindness of both was not in all degrees equal , yet their punishments were in all respects alike . the father of the one incurred no loss by his son in lawes disobedience , and the father of the other lived not a minute of an hour the less , notwithstanding his sons wicked purpose . but charles the ths case was in many respects lamentable , and his sons ingratitude for many causes worthy of greater punishment then the loss of a kingdom ; for the murdered the duke of burgundy , one of the chief peers of france , and when he was summoned by proclamation to shew some cause before his father , and the nobles of france , why he had committed so horrible a murder , did not only not appear at his fathers summons , but also defended his cruelty in killing the duke , and his disobedience in not appearing at his fathers commandment , by force of armes : for which unnatural rebellion , not his father alone , but the whole council and nobility of france , gave judgement that he should be banished the realm , and reputed unworthy to succeed his father , either in the whole kingdom , or in any part or parcel thereof ; which done , and judgment being both begun and ended with all such solemnities as in the like cases are required , must of necessity be held and reputed most just and equal , since both law and mans reason neither hath not can invent any better means to chast●se and correct the unnatural disobedience of rebellious children towards their parents , then by depriving them of their patrimony descending from their parents . and if princes should be debarred of this manner of correction , they should be in far worse condition then their poorest subjects ; for princes children having more occasions to lead them to wickedness , then their subjects children have , if they should not be restrained by dis-inheritance , would undoubtedly go far beyond all others in lewdness and unhappiness ; because princes and noble-men , whether they give themselves unto vertue or unto vice , most commonly excell the meaner sort in both , as it may evidently appear unto such by reading the lives of princes and peers of all realms and kingdoms , shall find such rare presidents of vertues and vices in them , as far exceed mans reason , or will hardly be credited or beleeved of any man. was there ever any private man comparable to nero for cruelty , or to vespasian for mercy ? to solomon for wisdom , or to childerick of france for folly ? to trajan for goodness , or to cambyses for murder ? to tarquin for pride , or to lewis of france for meekness ? to caesar for liberality , or to caligula for avarice ? to marcus aurelius for moderation and temperance , or to commodus for prodigality and dissoluteness ? briefly , to antonius and titus for lenity and clemency , or to dionisius and tiberius for rigor and severity ? for undoubtedly , as long as the provocations to vices , and the allurements to vertues are more and greater in princes then in private men , so long will the one far exceed the other in vertues or in vices ; then since it is behoveful for every common-wealth to be ruled by good princes ; it must also behove good parents to be careful to leave good children to succeed after them , and not to be so affected to the eldest of their children because he is the first of their strength , as to make him , and no other but him , their sole heir and successor , although he alone be wicked and ill given , and the rest wise , discreet , and vertuous ; so he unworthy to govern , and they most fit to rule ; because he would overthrow , and they uphold the whole estate and kingdom . the consideration hereof , moved the good emperour marcus aurelius , who had a good and a bad son , when he was visited with a disease that was mortal , greatly to lament his own death ; not because he was loth and unwilling to dye , knowing as he did , that death was the end of all miseries , and the beginning of everlasting felicity ; but for that he was bound by the custome , generally , and time out of mind received and allowed by his predecessors , contrary to his will and desire , to leave the empire of rome ( which had been ruled a long time by his many years and great experience ) to be governed and ruled by the indiscreet youth and youthful indiscretion of his bad son commodus . the consideration hereof , caused iames king of aragon and sicily , to perswade his eldest son iames ( who was more fit to live sequestred from the company of men , in a monastry , then to sway a monarchy ) to leave the world , and betake himself to a monastical life , suffering his second brother alphonsus , ( upon whom god had bestowed sufficient gifts and qualities capable of a kingdom ) to succeed his father in both kingdoms . the consideration hereof induced robert king of france to make his second son henry his heir and successor in the kingdom , because he knew that god had endowed him with a far better spirit and wit , more fit to command and govern then his eldest son robert had , upon whom he bestowed the dutchy of burgundy . the consideration hereof moved not only lewis surnamed the gross , king of france , but also all the peers and states of the same realm , to make lewis his second son king , because robert his eldest son was by him and them , for want of judgment and understanding , judged unfit and unworthy to bear or sway the crown of france ; and therefore he and they held it sufficient to bestow upon him the earldom of dreux . lastly , the consideration hereof moved dagobert king of france to intreat sigisbert his eldest son , who not being able in his opinion to rule and govern so great a kingdom as france , and yet desirous to have the name of a king , to be contented with the small kingdom of austrasia , and to resign and give over his right and title to the kingdom of france unto his younger brother clouis . considering therefore , that the gifts which are required in a prince are many and very difficult to be attained : that very few have wit and wisdom sufficient to govern a kingdom : that of these few some use their wits to attain to their purpose ; and when they have gotten their desire , leave both to be wise and vertuous , as i could declare by many examples , if it were not to digress from my purpose : ) and lastly , that the vertues of the parents are obscured and blemished by the childrens vices ; and the predecessors conquests are oftentimes either lost or diminished by the successors folly and pusillanimity : it were a shame for the father , a detriment to the common-wealth , a wrong to the kingdom , and an injury to the vertuous child , where there is a good son to succeed a vertuous father , to bind the same father to leave little or nothing to his good children , and a whole kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof ; and if at any time it be lamentatable , yea scant tolerable , to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous ; and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders , who are not able to take up ( much less to bear ) the same , not for a day , but for the whole term of their natural life ; truly it is much more to be lamented , yea , in no respect to be suffered , that such a son should be set over others , to rule and govern them , who could nor would never govern himself well ; to exact and require obedience of his inferiors , who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his superiors ; to manage , husband , and increase the treasure of a whole kingdom , who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private patrimony : lastly , to induce others by his example to live honestly , justly , orderly , and virtuously ( as princes either do or should do ) who never esteemed honesty , cared for justice , respected order , or embraced vertue . iohn bodin in his book de republica , writeth that a disobedient child of france being sued by his mother for using himself unreverently towards her , and especially for easing his body in a mess of broth which she had provided for her self ; was condemned by a competent and wise judge , to make her honourable amends ; from which sentence the wicked son disdaining to ask his mother pardon and forgiveness , appealed unto paris , where it was found bene appellatum , and male judicatum , not that the judges there thought that the appellant had just cause to appeal , because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his mother ; but for that they were of opinion that the judges from whom he had appealed , had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved ; and therefore considering his former disobedience , and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein , indiscreetly shewed , in refusing to make so slender a submission , they altered the former sentence , and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged , which was accordingly executed . this sentence was highly commended by bodin , and worthily allowed and praised by as many frenchmen as did ever read the same in his book . and how can they dislike the judgment given against charles the seventh , not by any inferior judge , but by a king ; not by a parliament of paris ( the judges whereof may so hate an offence , that for the very and sole indignity thereof , they do likewise hate the offender ) but by a father , who had rather conceal then reveal , and pardon then punish his childrens offences ; neither by a father alone , but by the whole peers and nobles of a well ruled kingdom ? not lightly and without advice , but deliberately , and with great discretion and wisdom ; briefly , not in hatred of the offender , but in regard of the whole common-wealth ▪ which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise , unruly , and unnatural prince , in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their country , because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his father , whom nature and other respects bound him to love , honour , and reverence ; for princes as well as private men , and the children of the one , as well as the off-spring of the other , are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey gods laws , and commandments ; and if both in one manner presume to break the same , both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment . but it may be said , laws are made by princes , and not for princes ; and to bind their inferiour subjects , and not themselves or their children ; who for their fathers sake , for the priviledge of their birth , for the worthiness of their place , and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born , may and ought to challenge and enjoy far greater immunity , yea , and somtimes more impunity then other peers , or private men : certainly reason permitteth , and humanity perswadeth to favour a prince much more then a subject . but it was both the will and the law of a worthy prince , that nothing commendeth the majesty of a prince more , then to submit himself to the observance of his own laws : and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their princes laws , then the example of their own princes , not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own statutes and constitutions . was not that king highly commended by his own subjects , praised by his posterity , and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the law deserved to lose both his eyes , should escape unpunished ( which might be offensive unto his subjects ) but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the law , because he was his heir ( which for some considerations is tolerable in princes ) plucked out one of his own eyes , and another of his sons , thereby satisfying , if not the rigour , yet the equity of the law ; and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself , and to obedience to the same law in consideration of his justice . i have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection , and yet have touched but one part thereof ; and therefore i will run over the other part lightly , because in refelling the same , i shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already : for if you remember that not bernard the nephew , but lewis the meek succeeded his brother pipin , eldest son to charlemaigne , and father to bernard ; that pipin , and not the right heir was king after childerick ; that hugh capet , and not charls duke of lorrain enjoyed the crown immediately after lotharius : that dagoberts second son , and not the eldest possessed the royal scepter after him : that henry the younger , and not the elder brother ruled after king robert their father ; and that lewis the second , and not robert the eldest child of king lewis the gross , was called to the royal scepter and crown of france ; and also , if it may please you to call to remembrance that pharamond , with divers others before-mentioned , were chosen kings , you shall easily see and perceive , that there hath been no such custome , or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested , for the next of the blood to succeed always in his own right , and not as heir to hid predecessor . in like manner if you please to understand that theodorick the first king of france of that name , because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure , of small worth , of less value , and of no sufficiency capable of so great a kingdom as france was and is , was by the states of his realm deprived of his royal crown and dignity , and put up in a monastery . that lewis surnamed do nothing , because he had make france tributary unto normandy , was also driven by the states to give over his kingdom , and to lead the residue of his life in a house of religion ; and that the peers of france not regarding the young years of charls the son of lewis their king , deprived him of his right , and made eude earl of paris king of france ; you may think it as lawful for charls the . to deprive his son charles of his inheritance , for the horrible murther committed ( as it hath been said ) on the person of the duke of burgundy , a prince of the blood royall , a peer of france , and a counsellour unto the king his father ; and for the great , manifest , and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his father , as it was for the states of the same realm to deprive theodorick for his insufficiency , lewis for his pusillanimity , and charles for his youth . so you see the last objection refuted by their own examples . and as you see the cause why it is said that the kings of france cannot dis-inherit their children ; so i will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device , thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the kings of france owed them . there was a time ( and so it is still ) when a king of france dyed greatly indebted to the switzers , which debt they challenging of his immediate successor and heir , who dyed in their debt ; it was answered , that although true it was that contracts do bind the contrahents and their heirs , as well private men a princes , yet the kings of france not succeeding as heirs , but as successors by custom , are not within the meaning and sense of that law which speaketh of contracts and their contrahents , and their heirs only . by which cavil the poor switzers were deceived of their due debt , as we english-men have been debarred of our claims , titles and rights , sometimes by the law salique , which was ( as i have said ) no law of france , and sometimes by such exceptions , devices , and subtleties , as i have lately specified . the fourth point whereat they wonder , is , why the kings of england having good right unto the crown of france , and better success when they demanded their right by fire and sword , do not still prosecute their demand , and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their predecessors got in many years . this point consisteth of two several points , the one why we forbear to challenge our right ? the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our kings had conquered , especially henry the fifth , who subdued the greatest part of france ; and although he dyed very young , yet he left his son henry the sixth , being an infant of few years , so mighty at home so be-friended abroad , so accompanied with good souldiers , so well assisted with good counsellours , so followed by cunning and expert captains , and so directed by wise and discreet generals , that when he was but ten years of age , he was crowned at paris king of france by the dukes of bedford and burgundy , and in the presence of the chief peers and nobility of france . this first point is easily answered , because ever since the first time we laid claim to the crown of france , those princes of ours who were martial men , and inclined to wars , demanded their right by open wars ; as both ours and their chronicles do testifie . but it pleased god sometimes to send us ( as he doth unto other kingdomes ) such princes as were rather given to pleasure , and unto peace , rather then unto wars , and martial exploits ; in whose time the frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures ; and when our kings and subjects , following ( as subjects commonly do ) the humours and qualities of their princes , gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes , the french followed the wars ; and either by open invasions , or by subtile devices , recoverd part of their losses . besides it hath sometimes fortuned , that when we had valiant princes , and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their right , our realm hath either been divided within it self , and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute forraign wars : or that our kings coming by their kingdoms by force of armes , have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their heirs , then to make wars abroad . again during the contentions betwixt the houses of lancaster and of york , sometimes the one part , and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship , and alliance of the kings of france ; and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes , by their aid , furtherance and sufferance ; thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their amity ; yea , and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions ; lest that having them for their enemies , they should either invade their realms , or assist their competitors , who most commonly fled unto them for help ; relief , and succour . for as many of our kings as have been driven out of their royal seats and dignities by their domestical adversaries , have been either entertained , or restored to their crowns by the kings of france and scotland , the dukes of burgundy , or the princes of henault ; as were edward the fourth , henry the second , the sixth and the seventh . besides some of the kings of france , as namely , lewis the twelfth , and francis the first , doubting that our kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in forraign wars , corrupted our kings council with bribes , and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them , that they did not only bewray their masters secrets , but also diverted their purposes ; and if at any time they were purposed to molest france , or to joyn with the enemies of france , they changed the kings minds , and perswaded them not only , not to hinder , but also to help and further the french kings in all their enterprises , and against all their enemies . and they were not only contented to ●ee our cheif counsellors , as francis the first ●id cardinal wolsey , who bare such sway with henry the eighth , changed his determination so often , made him friend and enemy to whom he would , and favoured the emperour charles the fifth , and sometimes the french king his common adversary , in such manner , that it was commonly said , that cardinal wolsey ruled the french king , the king of england , and the emperour , but also they purchased our kings favour and furtherance with yearly fees and pensions . for it is written that lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the king of england for his friend , payed him yearly in london crowns , and bestowed yearly other crowns upon his chief counsellors , the lord chancellor and the master of the rolls , and when our king had any occasion to send any embassadour unto him , he received them so honourably , entertained them so friendly , rewarded them so liberally , and dispatched them with so fair words , although their embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him , that they departed alwayes very well contented . and albeit that some of them knew that whatsoever he did , was to win time to work his will and purposes , yet because they got much by their dissimulation , they dissembled their knowledge , and never acquainted our king with his secret intentions . the same lewis , besides this manner of entertaining of our ambassadors , used ( when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him ) to receive all ambassages that were sent unto him , and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other ambassadors after them , who should bring his answers , and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt , that he should have no longer cause to be discontented ; and when it came to the sending of such ambassadors , because he would be still assured to gain time , he sent such personages as never had been in england before ; to the end , that if his former ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed , or begun any treaty that was not finished , the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto , but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their master therewith , and to crave and have his resolution therein . further , you may remember that it hath been already said , that the almighty , to the end that kingdoms should remain still under their natural princes , or being transferred from one nation to another , should at length return unto kings of their own nation , who indeed are more fit to govern them , of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable successor after a warlike prince , in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses , which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in england as well as in other places : for we have had such princes as did as well lose what their predecessors had conquered , or recover what some of them lost . we won in the time of richard the first the kingdom of cyprus , and sold it presently . we enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of vvilliam duke of aquitane , and wife unto henry the . that dukedome better then years , and at the last lost the same by negligence . we possessed the dukedome of normandy years , and lost it in the time of charls the . we subdued scotland in edw. . time , and lost it not long after . we conquered ireland better then four hundred years since , and yet retain it . vve ruled in flanders for a while , and were driven out of flanders after a small while . briefly , it is written by some , that brennus who first took and conquered rome , was an englishman , and that he continued his conquest but a very short time . and as we have had good fortune against others , so others have not wanted good success against us : for the romans conquered us , the saxons subdued us , the danes ruled us , and lastly the normans had the upper hand of us ; of whom our kings are lineally descended , and in whose race they have continued better then years . again it is usual betwixt princes , when they are wearied with long , tedious , chargeable and dangerous wars , to desire peace , and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions ; and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars , of their charges sustained thereby , and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof , to take long times of truce , and surcease from wars , within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility . and this occasion hath also restrained some of our princes for attempting any thing against france , although they had great desire to recover their right in france : moreover it hath now and then hapned , that when we have been determined to prosecute our right , we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other princes , who have been mediators for peace betwixt france and us ; or hindred by the departure of such con●ederates from our part , as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises . or drawn from them to defend our selves at home , by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the scots upon england , at the intreaty and perswasion of the french , which hath been the usual policy of the kings of france , to turn the wars from themselves upon us ; alwaies retaining the scots for their friends and confederates , for no other purpose , but either to help them when we came into france or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our forces thither . again , either by the weakness or by the corruption of our council , we have ( as hath been said ) been so over-reached by the frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them , that when we have won the whole , we have been contented with part , and when as we might have had mountains , we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills ; yea , we have bound our selves to relinquish our right , to renounce our titles , and give over all our interests . so at what time prince edward married isabella daughter of philip sirnamed the fair , we resigned the dutchy of guyenna . so edward sir-named long-hands , acquitted the french king of all the right he had to the crown of france , to the dutchy of normandy , and to the earldoms of anjou , mayne , tourrain , and poictou . so edward . having taken king iohn of france prisoner at poictiou , and retained him four years prisoner in england , took certain towns and countries in france for his ransome , and surrendred the residue of france into his hands , to be held by him and his heirs for ever , and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter . these agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires , and not prosecuted our rights . lastly , when we conquered france , and had continual wars therewith , the realm was not then as it hath been of late years united , void of dissention , free from civil wars , in the hands , and under the government of one king , and not divided , dis-membred , and possessed with divers petty princes , who either for alliance with us , or for some quarrel betwixt them and the french kings , were alwaies ready to aid and assist us . so we had help somtimes of the duke of burgundy , of the earl of anjou , of the duke of britain , of the earls of foix , of flanders , of holland , and of arminack , and somtimes of the kings of navar , and of the emperors of germany ; which helps of late years failing us , and the reasons already mentioned , have occasioned our weak , slender , and slack pursuit of the title and interest which we pretend unto the crown of france . now to the second point of this fourth point , wherein i should spend so much time , and overweary you with too long & impertinent discourse , i● i should relate unto you the time and manner , how and when we lost normandy , aquitania , and every other member of france ; and therefore it shall suffice to shew you , how and when we had conquered almost all france in a few years , we lost again all in a very short time . both ours and the french histories agree in this point , that either in , or immediately after the happy and prosperous reign of henry the fifth , we flourished , and possessed most in france ; and lost all , or most part of all , in the time of his son henry the sixth . the ways how this came to pass were many , i have reduced them unto four and twenty ; the least of every of which was , and hath been enough to lose whole estates and kingdom , not gotten by conquests , which are easily recovered , but descending by inheritance , which are hardly lost . the first cause of our loss of whatsoever king henry the fifth had gotten in france , was the death of king charls the sixth ; for when he was dead , many of the french nobility ( which before either for fear of the english puissance , or for the love which they bore unto king charls , favoured and furthered our part ) revolted from us unto the dolphin , his dis-inherited son ; and it is usual in factions , the head of one side being dead or suppressed , the residue be so weakned or feared , that either all or the most part either fly unto their adversaries , or else make their peace with them , with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly ; as was seen by the death of pompey . whose adherents fled unto caesar , or sought his favour , after their principal ring-leader and guide was slain . the second cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the duke of burgundy , our principal aider and abettor , who was highly discontented with us , because that humphry , duke of glocester , either blinded with ambition , or doting with the love of the lady iaquet , sole heir unto the county of holland , had married her , notwithstanding that her husband iohn , duke of brabant , and brother to the duke of burgundy , was then living . the third cause was , the liberty of iames king of scotland , who being ransomed with courtesie , and having sworn loyalty unto the young king henry the sixth , was no sooner in his own country , then he forgot his oath , and allyed himself with the french king. the fourth was , the revolt and departure of the duke of britany , and his brother , from us unto the french king. the fifth cause was , the dissention betwixt the b●shop of winchester , and the duke of glocester , who governed the young king ; for appeasing whereof the duke of bedford , regent of france , was called home . the sixth , the liberty of the duke of alancon , who being ransomed in the regents absence , did greatly strengthen the dolphins power . the seventh , the death of the earl of salisbury , and of the worthiest and most fortunate captain that ever england bred at orleans ; after whose decease the english good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline . the eighth , was the refusal of the duke of bedford to suffer orleans to yeild to the duke of burgundy ; of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies : the one , that they of orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said duke , because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a frenchman , then unto an english prince , although it were to the behalf and use of the king of england ; and seeing their offer refused , grew ( as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion ) so wilful , obstinate and desperate , that we could never get their town , but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our siege thereat a very long time , and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same , that even until this day ( as i saw of late years my self ) they yearly celebrate this day as festival , to our great dishonour , whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless forces . the other , that the duke of burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his honour too much , who had rather lose a town of such strength and importance as orleans was , then to suffer it to yeild unto him ; although it were ( as i have said ) to our own use and advantage , began by little and little to remove his affection , and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us . the ninth , the often conveying of forces out of england into holland , and in succour of the duke of glocester against the duke of brabant , who as mortal enemies , warred one upon the other , for the cause above mentioned ; and also into bohemia , by the bishop of winchester , for the pope martin , who intended to make a conquest of bohemia . the tenth , the dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a battel . the eleventh , the mistrust and jealousie which the regent had of the parisians ; for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds ( a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject ) the said regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the dolphin , and return to paris . the twelfth , the variance and strife betwixt the duke of bedford , then regent , and the cardinal of winchester , proceeding of this cause especially , for that the cardinal presumed to command the regent to leave off that name during the kings being in france ; affirming , the chief ruler being present , the authority of the substitute to cease , and to be derogate . the thirteenth , the death of the dutchess of bedford , sister unto the duke of burgundy , with whom dyed the true friendship between the two dukes . the fourteenth , the foolish pride of the duke of bedford , who coming from paris of purpose to st omers , a town belonging to the duke of burgundy , and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet , and end all contentions betwixt them both , thought that the duke of burgundy should have come to his lodging to have visited him first , as son , brother , and uncle unto kings ; and the duke of burgundy being lord of that place , would not vouchsafe him that honour , but offered to meet him half way ; which the duke of bedford refusing , they departed the town discontented , and without seeing one another , and never after saw and con●erred together . the fifteenth , the duke of burgundy displeased with this occasio● ▪ and won , partly by the outcries of his own people ( overwearied with wars ) and partly by the general councel held at arras for the according and agreeing of the two kings , joineth with the french king. the sixteenth , the death of the duke of bedfore , who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of france , by reason of his long continuance in the one , and conversation with the other , died the fourteenth year of henry the . his reigne , and presently after many french noblemen , and worthy souldiers who followed the said duke , with-drew themselves from the english faction . the seventeenth , the duke of york his successors so long stay in england , occasioned by the malice of the duke of somerset , that before his coming into france , paris , and many other good towns of france had yeilded unto the dolphin . the eighteenth , the sending over but of hundreds , yea , of scores , where before thousands were sent , to keep holds not comparable to paris , and other such like places . the nineteenth , an unprofitable marriage concluded betwixt our king , and margaret daughter unto rainer king of sicily and ierusalem , by the means of the earl of suffolk , corrupted ( as it was thought ) by money : for the king had nothing with her , but delivered for her the dutchy of anjoyne , the city of mouns , and the county of mayne ; which countries were the very stayes of the dutchy of normandy . the twentieth , the earl of arminack ( with whose kinswoman the king should have married ) by reason of the aforesaid marriage , became the kings enemy , and the chief cause of the loss of the dukedom of aquitain . the one and twentieth , the queen disdaining that the king her husband should be ruled by the duke of glocester , never left till she had brought him to his untimely death . the two and twentieth , the dukes death , which divers french noblemen hearing of , revolted from our king ; whose realm was ( as he knew ) divided within it self , because richard duke of york , allyed by his wife unto the chief peers of the realm , began to contemn the king , who was ruled by his wife , and to lay claim privily unto the crown , whereby mens minds were not attentive unto forreign affairs , but wholly given to prevent and keep off proffered wrongs at home . the three and twentieth , the king himself , who being more given to a purchase of an heavenly , then of an earthly kingdom , regarded not the matter , but suffered the queen to be governed by ill counsel . the four and twentieth , the sudden , and as it were in a manner , the miraculous coming of the virgin of orleans unto the dolphin , who wrought him very strangely to leave those follies whereunto he was vainly given , and to betake himself with more courage and diligence unto the violent pursuit and following of his cause . and because as of a few sparkles somtimes ariseth a great fire , so of very light occasions , now and then come wondrous effects ; i will briefly declare unto you the history of this virgin , and also the means how she being a base and mean maiden , was reputed to be sent from heaven , to work such wonders as i may say in some manner with the dolphin : this maiden was a poor shepherds daughter , and alwaies brought up to attend and keep her fathers sheep , until a gentleman of some accompt and worth , dwelling not far off , thought it expedient , by reason of a bold spirit which was seen and observed to be in her , somwhat exceeding the common courage of women , to use her as an instrument to bring the dolphin , who lay at borghes , besotted with the love of a very fair damsel , and careless of his own estate , and of the honour of his realm , from that wretchless security , unto a better trade of of life , and a more earnest desire of the recovery of his losses : first he made the maiden privie to divers secret qualities of the dolphin , which he being an ancient and continual courtier , had observed from him in his infancy : then by shewing her every day his picture , as truly and lively drawn as might possibly be done , he acquainted her so well with the form and shape of his face , that she might easily know him , although he were never so much disguised amongst a number of other courtiers : and thirdly , he learned her many other things far beyond the reach and capacity of a poor simple maiden , and taught her both to foretel , and to do such things as made her to be taken for a very wise woman in the country . this done , he resorteth to the court , acquainteth divers courtiers with his purpose and intention ; and how that he , considering that many other policies and devices had failed , to make the dolphin to be more careful of the present lamentable estate of france , had with much labour , travel , and study , invented a very ready way to stir him up to diligence and care of his realm and country , and to enforce or perswade him to forsake those pleasures which had not only seduced and mis-led him , but also the most and better part of his nobility , by whose negligence france was already fallen into bondage , servitude , and thraldome . this matter , saith he , must be brought to pass , not by humane policy , but by perswading the dolphin ( as i have found a means how to do it ) that god hath sent a virgin as it were from heaven , to be his guide and leader against his enemies , whom ( as long as he should follow ) he should undoubtedly be accompanied with good and fortunate success . having won divers friends of his to allow of his device , and to consent to the putting of the same in execution , he and they spread a rumour in the dolphin's court , of many strange things which they said had been already done by this virgin , which report came in time to the dolphin's ears ; who being ( as princes , and others commonly are ) very desirous to know the truth of this report , sent for this gentleman ( because it was told him that he dwelt very nigh unto her ) and asked him what wonders she had wrought : he verified the common report , and added further , that she must needs have some secret vertues more then other men or women could commonly have , for that she had told him divers secrets of his own , which he never told unto any man : which seeming somwhat strange unto the dolphin ; he ( to make up the matter ) assured him , that if she were called from her fathers poor cottage to the court , he would not think any thing untrue that was reported of her ; for i dare undertake ( said he ) that she shall tell you your own secrets , and know you , and reverence you as king , although she never saw you in her life , and albeit you disguise your self in the habit of the meanest courtier within your court : and further , i have heard say , that she can and will direct you a course , how you shall ( within a very short time ) drive the englishmen your enemies out of france . the dolphin somwhat astonished with the strangeness of this tale , and very desirous to see the maiden , caused her presently to be sent for , disguised himself in a mean apparel , and willed one of his chief noblemen to be honoured , apparelled , and accompanied as king , upon whom , he amongst the rest attended in proper person . the maiden being brought to court in a strange attire made for the nonce , and apparelleld like a souldier , and instructed in some points of chivalry by the gentleman before she came thither , and especially in the fashions of the court , and other circumstances of the same , so demeaned her self , that it may be said of her , non minuit , sed auget praesentia famam ; she findeth out the dolphin presently in the midst of the thickest th●ong , yeildeth him reverence due and usually shewed unto a king : who ravished with the strangeness thereof ( for that it was certainly known that she was never in the court , nor had at any time seen him ) talketh with her , findeth her wise in her answers , and able to tell ●im m●st part of his secrets ; and to be short , she being seconded by the gentleman , and others ( whom he , and the pity they had of the poor estate of the country , had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the dolphin ) setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him , that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven , to direct him in all his doings ; and by her perswasions , left his love , and followed this maiden to the wars ; who being always accompanied with good captains , and counselled by them what directions she should give to the dolphin to the end she might win credit with him ▪ at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted , and especially in raising our siege at orleans , where i have seen her picture in brass , mounted upon a very large brazen horse , and there is yearly ( as i have said before ) a solemn feast , and procession kept , in remembrance of her , that she drave the englishmen from thence . the dolphin being thus animated by her , and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while , proceeded so manfully , that he never left , until he had recovered all the kingdom of france : so he by her sped not ill , but she for him had no good end ; for being in the end taken by the englishmen , and arraigned at roan , upon divers articles of witchcraft , was found guilty , and there burnt for a witch . a strange metamorphosis , and not so strange as ridiculo●s . but if you consider how many things scipo perswaded a few roman souldiers to do , which were almost impossible to be done by a few , only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a goddess , who counselled him to put those things in execution , and promised him good success in those enterprises ; you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought . it is written of mahomet the god of the turks , that he grew to the credit and reputation of a god , by as mean a device as this ; for he carryed a shew of holiness , was better learned then their teachers were , had the gift of eloquence , secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people , and to perswade them that he had secret conference with god , and that whatsoever he preached unto them , was put into his mouth by the holy ghost ; he had used a tame dove to come and stand upon ●is shoulder , ever when he preached unto them , and to join his beak and head unto his ear , as though it did whisper something into his ear ; whereby he won such credit , that not only his laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the holy ghost , but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a god. it is written again of kemitius king of scotland , that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his nobility to think well of his intended wars against the picts , and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them , he invented a policy never used or heard of before ; he called his council and nobility together to consult of matters of weight , and held them in consultation until night , then he provided a great and costly supper , which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent , insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink , fell all asleep ; then he commanded that into every one of their chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long gown , made of fish skins , with the scales still remaining upon them , who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood , because that it ( as the scales of the fish do ) in the dark , maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like ; and in the other hand a great oxes horn , out of which the man speaking , should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man : these men so apparel'd , entring into the counsellors chambers , spake in a great and grave voice , and said , that they were messengers sent thither from heaven , to tell the scottish nobility , that they ought to hearken to the advice and counsel that kemitius their king gave them , and to aid and assist him to recover his kingdom out of the hands and possession of the picts : when they had thus said , every one of them ( as he was taught ) hid his staff under his gown , and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner , that it seemed unto the beholders , that as the glittering , so they suddenly vanished away . in the morning the nobility met together , and every one of them telleth the king what he had seen and heard that night ; he wondred thereat , as though he had not known thereof , telleth them he had the like vision , but thought not good to acquaint them therewith , lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which god shewed unto them , should by revealing the same , before it was time , unto over many , greatly offend his heavenly majesty ; but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen , when the wars were happily undertaken and ended . the nobility confirmed in the opinion of the miracle by the kings report , yeilded presently unto his counsel , and with all possible speed made great preparation for the wars against the picts . but now from these by-tales again to my purpose , which i might dilate and beautify with examples , confirming every one of these . causes to be sufficient to lose a kingdom ; but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof ; and therefore i will proceed no further in this point ; saving that i have thought good to clear one thing , which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you ; for i think it wil seem strange unto you why i call him by the name of dolphin , whom the french chronicles call charls the seventh ; you know that our kings eldest son , during the life of his father , ever sithence that wales , was first conquered by england , was called the prince of wales ; and so the eldest sons of the kings of france , have bin called dolphins of france , since that imbert and humbert dyed without heir , and gave dolphiny unto philip devalois , king of france , with condition that the eldest son of the kings should be called dolphins ; which name was given unto charls the seventh during his fathers life , when he was dutiful , and retained , after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion ; yea continued by our writers and chroniclers , after his decease : for me thought it not convenient to call him king of france , because our king was then entituled by that name ; but we vouchsafed him still the name of dolphin , even as the spaniards having deprived the present and rightful king of portugal of his kingdom , calling him still by the name of don antonio , as he was called before the kingdom fell unto him by descent ; and the leaguers call the now king of france , not by the name of king of france , but king of navarra ; yea the spaniards ( as i have said before ) considering that their king enjoyeth a great part of that kingdom , and layeth claim to the whole , vouchsafeth him not the honour to call him king of navarra , but in all their writings they call him either the prince of bearn , or more plainly , the bernois . the first point whereat they wonder is , why the king of spain ( whose predecessors not much more then years agoe , were but very poor earls of hapsburg in swizzeland , until that in the year . rodulph earl of hapsburg was chosen emperour ) is grown to be a king of more might , greater wealth , and larger dominions , the either the emperour , or any other christian prince possesseth at this present ; and how he , and some of his predecessors have kept and conserved the same , whereas the emperour hath lost most part of his possessions , and we ( as it hath been said ) and many others besides us , have in a very few years departed , or rather been driven from all that we or they got and conquered in many years . in this point there are these parts to be considered , the increase of the house of austria , and how it came ; the continuance thereof , and whence it proceeded ; the fall and decay of the emperour , and what was the cause thereof ; lastly ours and others losses , and how they hapned . the spaniards increase is rare , but not marvelous ; because few princes have been blessed with the like fortune ; not marvelous , because the causes thereof are ordinary , and not in any respect strange or wonderous , for that very many mean men have enjoyed the like success ; for of the kingdomes , dominions , and seigniories which he now possesseth , he came by some justly , as those which came unto him by succession and inheritance ; others valiantly , as those which his ancestors conquered by force of armes ; some fortunately , as those which his predecessors got by marriages ; others most wrongfully , as those which he or they usurped unjustly . so private men which grow unto excessive wealth , get some thereof with cunning , as that which they attain by deceit and policy , other-some happily , as that which cometh unto them by marriage , some painfully , as that which they purchase by great industry , other some wrongfully , as that which they extort from their neighbours by violence , injury , wrong , or oppression . it is and hath been alwayes usual amongst princes to give their kingdomes and chief dominions unto their eldest sons , and the appendancies unto their younger children ; and those princes who have commonly come by election unto higher dignity then ever they expected , have likewife always accustomed for the increase of their greatness , and the advancement of their house and family , to bestow whatsoever falleth void in the time of their government belonging unto the same , upon their children ; even as bishops , deans , and other prelates of the church , in these dayes , grant all the leases , coppy-holds , farms and tenements which belonging unto their bishoppricks , deaneries , and prebendaries , fall void in their time , upon their children , or their neerest kinsmen . but betwixt princes and prelates there is this difference , that princes give with this condition , that for default of heirs males of their bodies unto whom they give , their gifts should return from whence they came ; and prelates for the most part give for term of life , or for certain years ; and yet those prelates who besides their prelacy challenge to be absolute princes ( of which number i read of none so absolute or liberal in that respect as the pope of rome ) grant many times , not seigniories , but kingdomes and principalities with the like conditions , yea and impose a yearly fee and pension to be paid unto them and their heirs , unto whom they give out of the see of rome , from whence they and their posterity receive the same gifts : so there was a time when benedict , the twelfth pope of rome , gave unto suchin the viscount and government of millan , and of all the towns , and of all castles belonging to the jurisdiction thereof . so there was a time when the same pope bestowed upon divers princes the like gifts , as upon martin of scala , the cities of verona and vicenza , upon william gonzega , mantua and rezzo , upon albertin corazza , padua , and the territories thereof , upon obizes estenses , ferrara and the dukedom thereof : so there was a time when as lewis the emperour , either to be as liberal as the pope , or to have as many friends as the pope , gave unto geleotto malatesta , the regiment of arminio , pescar● , and fano unto anthony mountefeltro the dukedom of urbine , and the country called la marca unto geytel de veronio , the dukedom of chamerino unto guido de polenti , the city of ravenna unto cinbaldo ordelafy , the cities of furly and of cesena unto iohn manfred faenza , and unto lewis adolisti the city of imola : so there was a time when as pope urban gave unto charles earl of argiers and of provence , the kingdom of sicily , and the dukedomes of puglia and calabria , to hold them unto the fourth generation , who promised to pay him yearly seventy thousand crowns for the same kingdom and dukedomes . so briefly , there was a time when as alexander the sixth giving his only daughter in marriage unto the duke of ferrara , confirmed unto him and his heirs the same dukedom , and reduced the yearly pension thereof from fourty thousand crowns unto a thousand ducates , not in imitation , but in the self same manner as those popes and those emperours used : the forementioned emperour rodolph , sometimes earl of hapsburg , having attained the possession of the empire ; contrary to all mens expectations , and perhaps far beyond his own deserts , meaning to increase his own ability , and to benefit his heirs and posterity for ever there by , bestowed the kingdom of austria , which in his own time for want of heirs males reverted unto the empire , upon his son albert , to hold it for ever of the empire ; and from this albert came all the house of austria , until charles the fi●th , who was emperour and father to the present king of spain . there began his house : now shall you see how it came to further advancement . his states , some are within his native country , and some without the same : they within , are the kingdoms of castile , of aragon , and of lyons , &c. twelve in number ; somtimes belonging unto so many several princes , and in process of time united and appropriated unto one . so was france in ancient time divided into three kingdoms ; as the kingdom of mets , with the country adjacent ; of so●sson , with the territory thereunto adjoyning ; and of paris , with the provinces thereunto belonging . and the kings of these several kingdoms bore the names of the place where they kept their courts : so was ●hibault king of mets , childebert king of paris , and clotarius of soissons : so in the year . was added unto these three kingdoms a fourth , namely orleans ; and every one of those kings was commonly called king of france ; and for the better knowledge of them , and difference between them , it was added , the king of france holding his mansion house or royal court at paris , at orleans , at soissons , or at mets. and the soveraignty of basemain of these four kingdoms was due only unto the king of paris , as unto the chief and principal king , until in the year . all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one . so was england divided into many kingdoms , as into the kingdom of kent , of northumberland , &c. so the three sons of brutus , as camber , locrinus , and albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death . and this division continued in france , in england , and in the empire , until their mortal wars , or friendly marriages , voluntary agreement , or forceable violence , greedy ambition , or fatal destiny reduced them unto one monarchy . the union of the twelve kingdoms of spain fell out in ferdinando his time , who being king of aragon , matched with isabella queen of castile , as heir unto her brother henry , and in her right , held himself , and after his decease transferred unto his daughter ioan , begotten upon her body , all the kingdoms of spain ; which daughter married with philip arch-duke of austria , who begate upon her body charls the fifth , who was emperour , and unto him succeeded philip which now reigneth . and thus he came by the states within his own country . the states without the limits of spain , some of them are kingdoms , as of naples , of navarra , of both sicilies , and of portugal , together with the many kingdoms of both the east and the west indies ; some earldoms and dukedoms , as of milan , brabant , and flanders , of burgundy , and briefly of the seventeen united provinces : how he came by all these , it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare . the kingdoms of naples and sicily have been the butchery of most nations of europe ; for the popes challenging to be soveraign lords thereof , and by vertue of that title , to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure , according to the variety of their humours , their affections , their quarrels , and their factions , they have somtimes bestowed them upon frenchmen , other times upon italians , somtimes upon germans , other times upon swetians , somtimes upon spaniards , other times upon hungarians , and once upon the englishmen . so that all these nations , either for the conq●est , or for the de●ence thereof , have lost their blood , hazarded their lives , and spent infinite treasure ; which is shortly proved by these examples following . in the year . pope clement crowned in avignion , charls prince of tarento , king of sicily , who had married the sister of ioan queen of sicily , and of ierusalem ; the which ioan for default of heirs , adopted for her son and heir , lewis duke of anjou , and made him king of naples sicily , and ierusalem , and duke of cambria , and earl of provence . this gift and adoption was ratified by the pope , and furthered by the frenchmen for these respects . clement the pope having a corrival named urban , who was favoured by the king of castile , and of hungary , thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance ▪ of the frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause ( as divers of his predecessors had done before him ) and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said lewis , who was then regent of france , that although the kings above-mentioned had sent their ambassadors unto the french king to entreat his favour and furtherance for pope urban , they could not prevail with him , because the said lewis , who governed the king , and all the realm , was wholly for clement ; insomuch that through his favour clement's cardinals had all the best benefices , and ecclesiastical promotions of france , without any respect being had to their lives , to their learning , to their qualities , or to their religion . the frenchmen aided the said lewis in this quarrel , and in his wars for the obtaining of these kingdoms , most willingly ; because they were desirous to send him far from home , who wearied them at home daylie with new taxes , and unaccustomed grievances . pope urbane , on the contrary side to gratifie his friends , and to be assured of their help , gave these kingdoms unto charls , nephew of the king of hungary , who willingly accepted the same , as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise , as for to revenge the death of his brother , cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said ioan his wife ; wherein he had so good success , as that he took the said ioan prisoner , and caused her to be put to death : here you see frenchmen and hungarians at mortal wars for this kingdom . and before these later contentions , you shall understand that the above mentioned ioan being weary of her husband lewis , and having divers ways so wronged him , that he lived many years indurance , adopted for her heir alonso king of aragon , who drave lewis out of his kingdom ; here you see frenchmen and spaniards at deadly feud for these kingdoms . conradin , duke of suavia , and son to conrade the emperour , being disposed and purposed to retire himself , after the death of his father , into his kingdom of naples , obtained great help of divers german princes , and especially of frederick duke of austria , his very neer and dear kinsman ; but being encountred by charls , brother of the king of france , and betrayed unto him by pope clement the fourth , both he and the aforesaid frederick were taken prisoners , and by the advice of the pope , not long after beheaded : so came the kingdom of naples from the suavian , unto the frenchman ; and the dukedom of suavia ended , and was utterly extinct by the treason and wickedness of pope clement . what contentions have been betwixt divers families of italy , and divers houses of naples it self for those kingdoms , the chronicles of italy report ; and i hasten from this nation to our own country , because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home ; and what quarrel , presence , or title we could lay to a kingdom so remote and far distant from england . by that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the popes have used these kingdoms , and their pretensive right unto them , for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity : and when they began to be weary upon any occasion , of the present king of naples , they incontinently set upon another ; displaced their enemy , and called such a prince as best pleased them , or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions , and to persecute their adversaries , into italy ; and there continued and cherished him for a time , until they likewise grew weary of him , or he could no longer stand them in stead . this is verified by many armies that have been especially brought out of france , and by sundry kings and princes of that country , who spent their time , travel , and treasure , in those wars : but there is not one example that confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our histories report of henry the third , king of england . this king by reason he had reigned many years , saw sundry alterations in divers kingdoms ; and ( as princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto ) he was honoured of all the kings and potentates that lived in his time ; and many of them were glad of his am●ty and friendship ; for as he was mighty , so was he very wise , and therefore able to help them with his strength , and counsel them with his wisdom ; yet neither so strong , nor so wise , but that his power was abated , and his wisdom abused by the popes subtle policies . there was a time when conradus king of sicily , began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the pope , who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs , had suborned divers princes against him ; and when all had either failed him , or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against conrade , he fled for his last refuge unto the said henry the third ; and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive conrade out of his royal seat and dominion , he used divers sinister means , and many subtle devices . first he defamed the said conrade , accused him of heresie , layed murther to his charge , burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own brother , thereby making him odious to the world . then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him ( for that the princes neither then , nor in those days did easily undertake wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them , but in hope of the kingdoms which they enjoyed ) he , to encourage our king the more , gave him the kingdoms of apulia and sicily , and entituled his son by the name of king of both those countries ; and understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service , he dispensed him to take those souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the wars of the holy land , and publishing that his adversary for grief was dead , and forsaken by his friends ; with these devices , and his embassadors subtleties , he induced our king to bind himself , upon pain of loss of his kingdom , to spend and send m marks to those wars ; and this promise was so readily performed , and men by our king so willingly transferred for that service , that the whole realm in very short time felt great want , both of men , and of money . thus you see that naples and sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many nations as i before named ; and yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of spain , nor with what right and title king philip possesseth them at this day . to the end therefore that herein as well as in other points , you may be fully satisfied , i will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those kingdoms . charls the eighth , king of france , challenged the kingdom of naples , because renatus , duke of anjou , his very near kinsman , dying without children , and being made heir of the same kingdom by the last will and testament of ioan , queen of naples , had made and declared in his last will and testament , lewis the eleventh for his heir unto the same kingdom , which lewis was father unto the said charls ; who followed the claim with such speed and expedition , that he got the kingdom by force of arms , in so short a time , that a notable historiographer writing thereof saith , that an embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from france , as the said charls did imploy in conquering thereof . the frenchmen enjoyed not their conquest many years ; for ferdinando , king of spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of naples , because that although alphonsus king of aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon ferdinando his base son ; yet both iohn his brother , and successor in the kingdom of naples ; and also ferdinando himself being son unto the said iohn had just cause of claim and title ther●unto ; because that alphonso having gotten the same both with the forces and with the treasure of the realm of aragon , it should of right belong unto that crown . this claim of ferdinandos was furthered by pope iulio the second , who either being wearied of the insolency of the frenchmen , or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant predecessors , or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his predecessor by charls the eighth , what time he imprisoned him in the castle of s. angelo , and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the castles of civita vecchia , of forracina , and of spoleto , to hold them until he had made full conquest of naples , and also constrained him to invest himself in the said kingdom , besought ferdinan●o king of aragon , to undertake the defence of the church , and of the states and dominions thereof , against all those who persecuted the same , and especially against lewis the . of france ; and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire , he sent him the investure and gift of the same kingdom , with a very small and reasonable yearly tribute for the same . ferdinando thinking his title the better by the popes grant , and his possibility to prevail the greater , because of his assured help and furtherance , prosecuted his claim by open wars upon the frenchmen ; wherein he had so good success , that he drew the french king to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them . this composition ( as all agreements betwixt princes most commonly are ) was kept inviolable , until gonsalvo , general for the aragonian king in those parts ( who was afterwards for his excellency called the great captain , as pompey was amongst the romans ) took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the realm of naples . first he alledged that the division was not equally made , because the dogana of puglia ( which indeed was the best and greatest revenue of that crown ) was wholly allotted unto the frenchmen , and neither any part thereof , nor any th●ng else that might countervail the same in worth , value , and goodness , was assigned unto the spaniards . secondly , there fell such a disease amongst the frenchmen , by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie , and because the waters which they drank ( as it was thought ) were poisoned by the spaniards , that most part , as well of the private souldiers , as of the chief captains , died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the french kings camp. thirdly ▪ that poor and small remainder that was lest , presuming that this composition should be held inviolable , grew so negligent and careless , that they suffered the spaniards to do all that they would , and never distrusted them , until it was too late . lastly , gonsalvo being required to desist from wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the spanish and french kings , in regard whereof the french general had long before surceased all acts of hostility ; answered , that he could not leave off his wars , because he knew not what authority don philip ( who was the mediator of that peace , and should have had the french kings daughter for wife to his son charls ) had from the king and queen of spain to conclude the said peace : and the said king and queen hearing of the good success which their general had daily against the frenchmen , permitted him to proceed as he began , and disclaimed all that was agreed , or yeil●ed unto by the said don philippo , saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement . but don philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question , published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace , then the king and queen had given him full commission to do ; and further before he departed out of spain , he saw them both swear upon the holy evangelists , and upon the image of christ crucified , that they would confirm , ratifie ▪ and observe , whatsoever should be concluded by him . thus naples was gotten deceitfully , although francis the first after that he was unhappily taken prisoner at pavia by charles the fifth , did voluntarily renounce all his right , title , and interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two sons , who were prisoners a long time in spain , as pledges for their father . from naples and sicily , i hasten to the kingdom of navarra , gotten by the spaniards predecessors , and held as unlawfully by him , as the two other kingdomes ; for when as ferdinando , so often before mentioned , had occasion to pass with an army through the kingdom of navarra to succour the pope , he demanded safe passage of the king thereof ; who being so commanded by lewis the french king his soveraign , denied him passage : ferdinando certifying the pope of his denial , the pope excommunicated the king , and depriveth him as a schismatique of his kingdom ; ferdinando hereupon having his army in a readiness , invadeth the kingdom , taketh the king unprovided , and before he could have any help from the french king , depriveth him of his royal seat and dignity ; and his heirs have held the same ever ●ithence by no better title then this . of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion , and then i will come to the kingdom of portugal . as it is most certain that the kings of naples and of scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the pope of rome , the other of the queen of england as of their soveraigns ; so it is undoubtedly true , that the kings of navarra owe homage , faith , fealty , and obedience unto the king of france , as unto their lord and soveraign , for their kingdom ; in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their soveraign , and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels , wars and contentions against any other prince whatsoever , and never to leave him , upon pain of forfeiture of their states and dominions holden of him ; which is so true , that many doctors of law writing upon this case , make this question , whether a vassal ( such as the king of navarra was in respect of the french king ) leaving his lord and soveraign sorely hurt in the field , and forsaking him in that case , doth forfeit his estate or no ? and they all generally conclude , that it his wounds be not mortal , and such as they leave no small hope of life , then the vassal for forsaking him loseth his estate , be it never so great . but i will not stand upon the proof of this point , nor upon the justifying of the king of navarra his denial made unto the aragonian king by commandment of his said lord and soveraign ; for i shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place , whereunto when i come , you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved , that the king of navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the french king , deny or resist his commandment . this then being most manifest , it must needs follow , that the king of aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom ; and so consequently the king of spain withholdeth the same from the present king of navarra , with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands , who never having any just title thereunto , justifieth his tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession ; which giveth no just title ▪ especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof , as without all doubt the kingdom of navar hath been ; for the present king and his predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it ; and had not the civil wars of france hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of arms , he had long before this time warred upon the now king of spain , for the recovery thereof . now to the kingdom of portugal . this kingdom as scotland and navarra are members of the kingdom of england and france , so it is a member of the kingdom of spain ; for alphonsus the sixth , king of spain , had a base daughter nam'd taresia , whom he married unto henry count of lotharinga , and gave him in dower with her the kingdom of portugal , because he had done him very great service against the moors : but his son alphonsus the first , was the first that was named king of portugal , and the first that got the city of lisbone from the said moors ; and having overcome in one battel five of their kings , he left five shields for arms unto his posterity . this kingdom hath had many alterations , and sundry wars , moved by such as layed claim thereunto ; but none considering the small continuance thereof , more lamentable then the late wars betwixt the now king of spain , and him whom the spaniards call don antonio , and no lawful king of portugal ; for besides that the chief of the nobility of that realm were either cruelly murthered in the said war , or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the spaniard , their natural and professed enemy ; the rightful king was most wrongfully driven from his lawful inheritance , to live as you know , in a strange country with the princely , and yet slender releif that her majesty of her royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor train . the spaniard for the better obtaining of his kingdom , imitated in some measure , the policicy of charls the fifth his father , who during the competency betwixt him and francis the first , king of france for the empire ; brought an army of men unto the place where the electors were assembled to make choice of the emperour ; pretending the cause of bringing his army thither , to be his just and princely desire to free the electors from all manner of fear , which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the french king , if they made not choice of him ; whereas in very deed his forces tended to no other purpose then to chuse him : but the king of spains device was not in all respects so cleanly , as you shall hear by the sequel : but you must first understand how many competetors there were for this one crown , and what right every one of them had thereunto . emanuel king of portugal married first isabel , daughter to ferdinando , king of castile , by whom he had but one male child , which died in his infancy : then he took to wife mary the second , daughter of the said ferdinand , by whom he had nine children ; iohn who had issue iohn the third , and he sebastian which was lately slain , not leaving any issue behind him , lodowick , who was lately secretly married , and had issue this don antonio , who now liveth in england . the third child was ferdinando , who married a daughter of the earl of marialva , by whom he had two sons , who dyed before their father . the fourth was alphonsus , who was made cardinal , and departed the world not having any child . the fifth was henry , who was likewise a cardinal , and king after don sebastian , and died also without issue . the sixth was edward , who married theodosia dutchess of burgantia , by whom he had three children , that is to say , mary , who married alexander , prince of parma , katharine , who took to husband the duke of burgantia , and edward who died unmarried . the seventh was anthony , who died in his infancy . the eighth childe was isabel , who was married to charles the emperour , and had issue by him the present king of spain . the last was beatrice , wife to the duke of savoy . these were the issue , now follow the competitors ; they were five . don antonio , lawful son , ( as he proved ) unto lodowick the second heir male of emanuel , the prince of parma as tutor unto his son , begotten upon the eldest daughter of edward , the sixth heir male . the duke of bergantia , begotten on the body of katharine , the second daughter of the said edward . king philip begotten of the body of isabel , eldest daughter unto emanuel . and the duke of savoy , the lawful heir of the youngest daughter of the said emanuel . now of all these competitors , to deliver you first my opinion , i take it ( alwaies salvo meliori judicio ) that none of them all could lawfully claim the crown of portugal : for as many as hold the marriage of henry the eighth king of england , with the lady katharine unlawful , because she was married unto his eldest brother arthur , must needs hold the marriage of emanuel king of portugal far more unlawful , because both king henry and he married unlawfully : for if two brethren cannot successively marry one woman , truly two sisters cannot be married unto one man : and the reason which some use to justifie king henry his marriage , cannot serve for the justification of king emanuel's matrimony ; for all that was said in the defence of the lady katharine , was , that her husband never knew her carnally ; which cannot be truly said for king emanuel , because he had a son by his first wife : wherefore if all these nine children being begotten in unlawful wedlock cannot possibly be reputed legitimate , and therefore are not lawful heirs to their reputed fathers , much less can any of they who descend from any of these nine children be esteemed lawful heirs to the crown of portugal . but grant them to be lawful , and then to each of their titles in order . don antonio hath sufficiently justified his title in his apologie , by many reasons , which i reduce to these three principally . first he proveth his fathers marriage , though it were with his far inferiour , to be lawful , notwithstanding the disparagement , in regard of which it was concealed . then he fortifieth his title by the custome of the people of portugal , who by ancient priviledge challenge a right , in case of controversie for the crown , to make choice of such an one of the competitors as they shall have a special liking and love unto . lastly , he either sheweth , or might shew , that bastards have succeeded in the kingdom of portugal ; and that therefore although bastardy had been fully proved against him , yet being chosen by the common consent of the people , it was no sufficient bar , or lawful exception , to say that he was a bastard , especially being made by such an one as came from a bastard himself , and holdeth his own kingdom by right derived from a bastard , as doth the present king of spain : for the chronicles of spain report , that henry bastard brother unto peter king of spain , taking advantage of the evil opinion which was conceived of his brother , ( by reason of his loose and dissolute life ) by the help of the french king , notwithstanding that edward the third aided the said peter , and once restored him to his crown , drave him the second time from the same ; and having slain him in the field , usurped his royal dignity , and transferred it unto his heirs , of which king philip is lineally descended : for there was a time when as iohn prince of castile , and son to henry of castile , challenged the kingdom of portugal , because he had married beatrice the only daughter and heir of ferdinando late king of portugal ; but the people would not accept him for their king , because they naturally hated the castilians , and therefore they chose a bastard for their king , named denis , saying ; that it was as lawful for them to chuse the said bastard for their king , as it was for the castilians to admit henry the bastard for their king , who had ( as is above said ) deprived most unlawfully and unnaturally the lawful king of his life and scepter . now from don antonio , unto the rest in general , who because they all claim by right of their mothers , are all excluded by an inviolable law of portugal , alledged against the aforesaid iohn prince of castile , in the behalf of the aforementioned bastard denis , whereby it is provided , that no woman shall enjoy the crown of portugal : for whereas there is a law that no woman shall succeed ; the same law ( as it appeareth by the law salique alledged against us in the time of king edward the third ) excludeth also the males descending from the woman . and so these four competitors claim is utterly void , and of none effect . and in case where women may succeed , the females descending from an heir male , are to be preferred before such as come only and directly from the female : and so the prince of parma , and the duke of bergantia descending from the daughters of prince edw. and they in law succeeding their father , as the same person and his undoubted heirs , are not only to be preferred before the king of spain , and the duke of savoy , who came of the daughters of the before-named emanuel , but also before their aunts , the said king philips , and duke of savoy's mothers , because in matter of succession , the elder brothers children are always preferred before the uncles or aunts . those titles , and the means how the kings of spain prevailed before the rest of his competitors , are largely set down in don antonio's apologie , unto which i refer you , although there be ( at the least ) twenty points therein of no small moment , which ( in my opinion ) are not sufficiently cleared , nor substantially handled , yet therein you shall easily perceive how king philip in getting the same kingdom , imitated ( as i said before ) his father . i must likewise refer you to the history of hernan logeres , touching the discovery and conquest of the indies ; for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of spain first ; and how the leaders of those slender armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those countries , did easily overthrow some with the help of the other . there you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers ; there you shall read , that even amongst those barbarous people and princes , there wanted neither deceit nor policy ; there you shall find , that the spaniards being far from their country , and not many , amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies , strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority , which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government , and their natural proneness to mutiny ; although they challenge an especial praise above all other nations for their obedience to their superiours : there you shall see the fruits of division , the effects of tyrannie , the force of terror and fear , and the vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes : there you shall observe , in some of these unchristian princes , more loyalty , friendship , constancy , and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises , then hath lately been found in many christian princes : there ( briefly ) you shall find enough to satisfie you , how the spaniards came to the possession of the indies ; if withal it may please you to understand , that pope alexander the sixth being a spaniard , and chosen arbitrator betwixt the kings of spain and portugal , at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the indies ; the said pope shewed himself too too partial unto the spaniard , and gave him much more then the portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him . now from the indies , and the aforementioned kingdoms , unto the earldoms and dukedoms ; and first to the dutchy of millan ; a state which hath suffered many alterations , of which i may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose ; and because i hasten unto many other points , whereof i intend by gods grace to discourse at large , i may not be over-long in this point . the dutchy of milan was anciently a member of the empire , and none was held lawful lord or duke thereof , which had not received his investure and approbation from the emperour . it would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this dukedom , the sundry pretendants thereunto , and the mighty partakers of these competitors ; whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside , and not troubling you with the titles of the viscounts , with the pretentions of the sforzas , nor with the claims of the predecessors of francis the first king of france , and of charles the fifth emperour ; i will only tell you that the former challenged the same dukedom in right of the lady valentine , wife unto the duke of orleance ; and the later pretend right thereunto , because the contract of marriage betwixt valentine and the said duke was not confirmed by the authority of the emperour , because the emperour had never granted unto the before-named duke the investure of the said dukedom : these reasons indeed are sufficient in law to deprive a vassal of his seigniory , if by voluntary negligence , or wilful obstinacy , he refuse to do homage , or to demand the investure of his hold and tenure of the lord and sovereign . but there are many occasions which may excuse this demand , upon which i shall not need to stand , because they are not pertinent to this purpose , which is only to shew you whether the spanish king came rightly or unrightly unto the dukedom of millan . the which difficulty may be cleared in this manner : let the spaniard shew that his fathers allegation was lawful , then shall it follow that his war for the same , with the french king , was also most lawful ; and so consequently his getting the same by force of arms likewise lawful : let him shew that it was gotten with the forces and expences of the empire ; then it shall follow that it belonged unto the empire : let him shew that his father , having purchased his dukedom in right of the empire , and at the costs , and with the help of the souldiers and captains thereof , had full authority to alienate the same , and to bestow it upon him his lawful son , and that he so did ; then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof : but i fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particulars ; and therefore i dare not deliver it for any sound opinion , that he hath right thereunto , unless he shall plead the renunciation , and resignation made thereof by the said francis , at what time the treaty of peace was concluded betwixt his father , and he the said francis , at cambray ; at which time the said francis for himself and his heirs , renounced , demised , released , and resigned into the hands and possessi●n of the s●id charlo● and of his heirs , all rights , titles , and interests which he or they had or might have unto the dukedom of millan . from which dukedom i will now come to the dutchy of burgundy , and to all the earldoms , and other members implicatively contained therein , and lawfully invested in the duke thereof . for charls last duke of burg●ndy ( who was unfortunately slain by the switzers ) was earl of flanders , and of holland , duke of brabant , and lord of all the united provinces ; by reason whereof , and of those laudible qualities which he possessed , he thought himself inferiour to no prince living in his time , and never had been overthrown as he was , had he not dwelt too much in his opinion , had he not presumed too much of his own strength , had he not thought too basely of his enemies , and had he not made so sl●ght account as he did of the french kings subtle and secret practises against him ; which indeed were so politique , so wise , and so secret , that a french historiographer writeth , that the french king still sitting in his chair at home , and suffering the duke to follow his own humours , and suborning and procuring him daily new adversaries , did him far more much harm , then they who did openly and directly bear arms against him . this duke being slain ( as is above-said ) in an unfortunate time for the house of burgundy , and for a very small occasion ( for the wars wherein he was slain were but for a cart loaden with sheep-skins ) left issue but one daughter , whom maximilian the emperour married , and had by her issue philip arch-duke of austria , who begat charls the emperour , and charls ( as it hath often been said ) this present king of spain . besides francis the first ( who before that time was ( as all his predecessors before him had been ) soveragin of all those estates and countries ) did as well at madrid in spain , whilst he was prisoner there for his own ransome ; as at cambray , after he was set at liberty ; for the deliverance of his two children , renounce all his rights and interests to the soveraignty of all these countries . thus came the spaniard by all that he hath . now shall you see how he hath hitherto conserved all this his own possession , notwithstanding the reasonable pretences which many either do or may make to divers of his dominions . first , as amongst private men , whosoever attaineth unto great wealth , is reverenced amongst his neighbours , honoured by his friends , feared by his adversaries , and so sought unto by all men , that many indeavour to please him , few or none dare to contend with him ; even so amongst princes , he that exceedeth the rest in might , in wealth , in reputation , carrieth such credit with the rest , beareth such sway wheresoever he cometh , winneth such favour in all that he attempteth , and striketh such terrour in the hearts of them who have occasion to quarrel with him , that they had rather sit down losers , then rise up in arms against him ; they suspect his secret attempts , stand in awe of his exceeding power , doubt the aspiring projects of his ambitious mind , and are presently terrified when they enter into consideration of his strength , of his treasure , of his friends and confederates ; provoke him think they , and you heap burning coles upon your own heads ; anger him , and you awake a shrewd sleeping dog ; offend him , and you displease his friends ; contend with him , and you strive against the stream ; and therefore they hold it for extream folly to incur his displeasure , and for singular wisdom to continue in his favour . when the romans were in the highest degree of their prosperity ; what prince was so mighty that feared not their power ? what common-wealth so rich that stood not in fear and awe of their huge armies ? what commanded they that was not obeyed ? or whither went they , where they were not received ? was there any nation so far from them which heard not of their might and magnificence ? was there any region ( were it never so remote ) that heard not of their strength and puissance ; that trembled not at the very name and mention thereof ? came not kings voluntarily to rome from the furthest confines of the world to seek their friendship ? sent not the princes of asia , the monarchs of affrica , and all the kings of europe , their embassadours , to crave their favour and alliance ? what prince presumed so much of his own force , that if he were wise , held himself not greatly honoured if he were so happy as to be one of the number of their alliance ? and if he were unwise , or over-hardy and bold , that found not himself deceived , yea utterly overthrown , if at any time he presumed to contend with them ? lived not carthage in wealth and honour until she took stomach and heart at grass against rome ? mighty pyrrhus , wise mithridates , deceitful hannibal , puissant massinissa , with a number of others of like renown , ruled they not in peace , and raigned in security , until they began to conjure and combine themselves against the romans ? and then failed not their power ? perished not their authority ? decayed not their reputation ? and went not all they had to wrack and ruin ? it is therefore undoubtedly true , that this prejudicate opinion of the spanish kings might and power , hath been one especial means to preserve and keep his many dominions ; for although his might is in many degrees inferiour to the romans power ; yet as they , because they possessed most part of the world , were redoubted and reverenced of all nations in the world ; so he possessing more then any prince of christendom , must needs be had in honour and reverence through the greatest part of christendom . besides , as they , in all places of conquest had their power and forces to hold them in continual awe and obedience ; as in germany eight legions , every legion consisting of . souldiers , and . horse-men ; in spain three legions ; in affrica two ; in seruia and bulgaria two more ; and in salaminia other two ; and about rome in the cities of italy , twelve sundry bands , whereof every one of nine of them , consisted of . foot-men , and . on horseback ; so that they had always in continual pay , twenty five legions , which amounted in all to . foot-men , and unto . horse-men at the least , besides the help and succour of their friends and confederates ; and these forces they kept as well in the time of peace as war , for the more safety and security of their estates and dominions : in the like manner the king of spain hath certain men always in pay in the dutchy of millan , in the kingdom of naples , in the country of burgundy , in the low-countries , in the realm of portugal , and in other places of his dominions , for the better secu●i●y of the same ; and those men lye in continual garrison , as well when he hath peace as when he is at wars . moreover , as the romans destroyed the cities of alba , of numantia , and of carthage , because as long as they stood , they were always rebelling against them ; so the catholique king hath either forceably subverted , or voluntarily impoverished many cities within his several dominions , only to disable them to make head against him : and this pollicy of impoverishing rebellious cities , and their richest inhabitants , is too too general and usual in italy ; where it is held a point of wisdom , and a strengthening , or rather a sure way to uphold and continue their estate , to hold down and depress their most noble and wealthy subjects , for fear that le●t over great riches embolden them to enter into conspiracy against their rulers , or to seek some means to set themselves and their cities at liberty . again , as the romans never entred into league or amity with any prince or nation who did not wholly submit himself , and it self unto their discretion ; so the spaniard never receiveth any king or potentate for his ally and confederate , unless he can and will be content to be wholly at his devotion . plutarch in his book of the lives of the noble romans and graecians , writeth that eumenes understanding that divers satrapes sought all occasions and means to kill him , to stop and prevent their malice against him , feigned that he had great need of a great sum of money , which he borrowed of them which hated him most , to the end that they might give over the seeking of his death , whereby they were assured to lose all their money : in like sort , both the king of spain , and his father before him , doubting that genoa , a very rich , mighty , and populous city in italy , might be either induced by the perswasion of other princes in italy ( who desire nothing more then to see a king of naples and a duke of millan born within italy it self as there was wont to be ) or by the counsel of such citizens as were wont to favour the french faction , to fall from him to the french , and especially for the great traffique which they have at lyons , paris , and other places of france ( which only respect hath moved the florentines to be far more friendly and better affected unto the french king then unto him ) did and doth borrow as much money as he could or can possibly get into his hands , of the best and richest gentlemen and merchants of that city ; to the end that fear of losing their money may always retain them in love and friendship towards him . it is written by the said author , that theseus , to people and augment the city of athens , invited as many as would to come and dwell there , promising and assuring them to enjoy the self-same liberties , priviledges , and immunities , which the very citizens themselves had . in like manner the spaniard to enrich his city of antwerp , and other cities of the low countries , by the access and traffique of our nation with them , and to draw us thither for that purpose more willingly , freed us from divers imposts , which his own natural subjects usually paid . again the same author reporteth , that romulus after he had builded rome , and subdued the sabines , and taken their city , he commanded them to throw down their own houses , and to go to dwell with him at rome , where they should have the same liberties and priviledges , which his own citizens had . and there was nothing that more increased rome , then this joyning and incorporating with her own inhabitants those which she conquered : in imitation hereof , the spaniard when he had subdued the indies , transported as many spaniards as he could possibly thither , giving them great priviledges after they had inhabited there certain years : and in many mens opinions , there is nothing that doth more retain that barbarous people in obedience unto him , then the fear of those natural spaniards , nor any thing that more inricheth his natural subjects ; we go thither very poor , and return thence infinitely rich : and in my simple conceit , the sending of those colonies ( as i may call them ) into the indies , is the best and surest means that the spaniard doth and can use for the peaceable maintenance of those estates : for albeit they tyrannize there far beyond the nature of humane creatures , as well in respect of them that inflict , as of those which endure afflictions and torments in those countries , yet because ( as our chronicles do testifie ) that ( as william the conquerour did after he had conquered our nation ) he hath deprived the inhabitants of all sorts of weapons , whereby they are made unable to undertake any hostile attempt , he liveth and ruleth in peace amongst them , and his few number of spaniards are held invincible , or such as may easily withstand and prevent their secret conspiracies . besides , those whom he placeth as governours , or men of any authority amongst them , do cunningly get into their hands the chief wealth of the country , whereby the inhabitants are greatly impoverished , and they enabled when they return , to do better service unto their prince and country . in consideration whereof , many desire their places as soon as ( or before ) they become void ; and some take the wealth purchased there , for a sufficient recompence of their many and several services done at other times , and in other places . but it may be said , that the spaniards cruelty might long before this time have given occasion to the indians to rebel : true , if they had weapons and arms wherewith to defend themselves , and offend their enemies : why necessity enforceth the old wife to trot , and putteth divers inventions into the heads of malicious and desperate men , to find out fit instruments for the accomplishment and performing of their desires . certainly , and past all doubt , put a few expert souldiers , and well defended castles bid a number of uncunning and ignorant armed men . multitudes most commonly prevail against a few , and sudden rebellions are dangerous and terrible : no man can deny this to be a manifest truth ; but multitudes without an head seldom do any thing worthy their labour , or answerable to their desires , hazards , and perils : and where there is no order , no guide , no governour , there seldome or never followeth good success . the romans after they had conquered capua , willingly yeilded that the town should be still inhabited , haunted , and frequented by all sorts of people , as it was before accustomed , but they would not in any wise permit or agree that there should be any senate , any form of government , any guide , any kinde of magistrates , any common council , as there was wont to be ; because where these things are wanting , there it is impossible for any innovation , conspiracy , or rebellion to have good and fortunate success . the spaniard therefore ruling in the indies by his own nation , they being stronger then the natural inhabitants ; and the people of the country , either for ignorance not being able , or for want of authority , not having sufficient power to govern as they would , it is easie for him to rule as he list , and very difficult for them to change , alter , or subvert the manner of his government , although it be hateful , prejudicial , odious , and hurtful unto them . but albeit that this kind of administration and government may for a small time work the like effect which a far milder sort of rule and commandment most commonly worketh ; yet common experience , and the ready disposition of the indians to revolt from the spaniards , when as sir francis drake was lately amongst them , declare , that they would willingly , if they could securely , be content to shake off the yoke of the spanish government . in like manner , although naples and milan live obediently under his regiment , and factions are not in this age as rife there as in ancient times they were wont to be ; yet the people of both places being far more willing to be governed by their own country-men then by meer strangers , the exactions in both states exceeding by very much the old and ancient tributes , imposts , and contributions , by what name soever it shall please you to call them ; and the spaniards sparing them no more then they do the poor and simple indians : it is to be supposed , that if there were a brutus amongst them , who would vouchsafe to undertake the restoring of his country and countrymen unto their former and ancient liberty , he should not fail or quail in his enterprise , for want of a competent and sufficient number of friends and followers : for the general hatred conceived against the spaniards , the general dislike of their tyranical government , the common desire of the inhabitants uttered in table-talk , in secret conferences , in open assemblies , in private houses , and in all places where they may boldly speak without danger , argue manifestly that they lack ability , and not good will to rebel . but he provideth such governours in both places , as are not only true and faithful unto him , but also so discreet and wise , that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion . these governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching , not only over the subjects committed to their charge , in holding them low , and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence , but also over the princes which confine with the governments , in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their states . these governours are assisted by grave and wise counsel , by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight . these governours are accompanied by many under-officers , who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people ; upon which officers the fault is layed , if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes ; and somtimes the governour upon complaint made unto him ( if no excuse can pacifie the complainants ) mitigateth the rigour of the exactions , or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy ; who if he shall see no other way to content them , or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience , yeildeth somwhat to their petition ; and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time , or the extremity of his expences , or the severity of their officers , dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him , and sendeth the petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied . but i shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place , when i shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age . and therefore reserving the residue of that which i have to say for that place , i will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the spaniard useth for preservation of his estates in peace , in quietness , and in dutiful obedience . it is written that his father charls the fifth , fearing that ferdinando duke of calabria , and the only remainder of ferdinando late king of aragon , might in time find some friends to help him or his issue ( if he should so marry that he might have any ) to the crown and kingdom of aragon , married him unto germana , widow unto the said ferdinando , but barren , and past children ; reaping of this marriage two benefits , and both of great weight and consequence : for whereas the said duke , by refusing the crown when it was offered him by the people , and by perswading them to accept and receive the same charls for their king , had made the emperour somwhat beholden unto him , he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn , by honouring him with the marriage of a queen , but also he assured that kingdom unto himself and his heirs , by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto , and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful issue . the spaniard not by mariage , but by employment of the late duke of parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour , kept him alwaies so busied , that he could never attend to the conquest of portugal , which of right belonged unto his son , rather then unto the king of spain ; and as the emperour rather deprived the above-named ferdinando , by giving him a barren wife , of all possibility to have any lawful issue , and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that kingdom , which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend ; so the spanish king deprived the said dukes son of all hope to recover his right in portugal , by procuring and counselling him to match in such a family , as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right . again it is written of richard the third , and also of edward the fourth , kings of england , that they both fearing lest that henry earl of richmond who lived in exile with the duke of britany , by whom he was only sustained and succoured , might in process of time find some friends at home , or purchase the favour of some forraign prince abroad , to help him to recover the crown of england , whereunto he always laid claim , did seek all means possible to have the said earl delivered unto them by the duke , but they could never prevail , and therefore never lived secure or assured of their estate : and richard the third , according as he doubted , was deprived of his royal dignity by the said earl : in like manner the spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have don antonio delivered unto him , and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his country , and acknowledging him for king , live under his obedience , but he could never prevail ; and god knoweth to what end it hath pleased the almighty to preserve and reserve the said don antonio from many great , and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life : he is not now so low , so poor , so bare , so destitute of all friends , so void of all hope , but that henry earl of richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him . it is an infallible rule in policy , that no usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his estate , as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth ; but the spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him , or unto any of his , by don antonio , or by his children : for as the loss of the battel at canna , deferred the victories , that hannibal might have had against the romans , and his abode at capua ( where his souldiers learned to be eff●minate , and forgot to be right souldiers ) took away all hope to subdue the romans so the overthrow received by d●n antonio , within his own kingdom , when he was possessed thereof , made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same ; and the late repulse taken at lisbona , when he was before the town with the small and weak forces of england , hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose : and yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men , that not with much great strength then he had then from hence , it would be an easie enterprise to recover that kingdom ; which opinion i list not to controll ( for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with souldiers , especially in matters concerning martial affairs ) and yet i fear me , that if any second enterprise should be attempted against portugal , with an english army of greater strength , of better provision , of sounder bod●es , and of more convenient furniture then the last was ; the commanders of such an army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was ; and so long as those incommodities are found in an army , so long the like success ( as hapned unto the first ) will follow the latter . you seldom hear or have read of any army that went far from home , that hath not been subject unto many casualties , unto many accidents , and unto unexpected success and fortune ; they are to day conquerors , and to morrow conquered ; this day strong , to morrow weak ; sometimes in health and prosperity , upon a very sudden in sickness and penury : their triumphs are messengers of evil fortune ; their victories forerunners of overthrows ; their abundance , tokens of penury ; and their conceived hope , an infallible prognostication of future calamity . was there ever a wiser captain then hanniball ? was there ever any army compounded of so many and diverse nations ? was there any souldiers that were better governed ? or any governor that was more carefull of his company ? more politique to win and purchase unto himself the favour and friendship of such people with whom he had any manner of commerce or society , or of whom he stood in any kind of need ? and yet what success had his providence , his prudence , his policy ? decayed not his strength daily ? his souldiers , became they not effeminate ? his fortune , did it not forsake him ? his faithful friends , did they not leave him ? the towns he got , did they not revolt from him ? and briefly , lost he not in a very short space , all that he got in many years ? and yet since hannibal his time , there was never any captain , general , colonel , or leader of any army ( call him by what name or title you list ) that in my simple conceit might compare with hannibal ; either for the governing of his souldiers , or for temporizing with his adversaries , for preventing mischeifs , or for inventing new stratagems ; for putting in execution , with good success and marvelous fortune , of all his attempts and enterprises ; or briefly for furnishing his camp with all things necessary , or keeping his souldiers in awe and obedience ; but hannibal contended with the mightiest adversary of the world : hannibal had secret enemies at home , who were content to suffer him and his to live in want and penury abroad ; hannibal pretermitted many occasions of good fortune , which being taken in time , might have made him a most happy conqueror : hannibal suffered his souldiers to dote in love , when it was no time to dally in lechery ; briefly , h●nnibal would not win when he might have won ; and therefore it was reason that hannibal should lose when he would not have lost . in later times hannibal's follies have made wise men ; hannibal's evil fortune , hath taught others to beware of the like fortune ; hannibal's losses have given his posterity occasion to take heed by his examples , lest following his steps , they chance to fall into his miseries . now princes measure their strength by their adversaries power ; they rate their charges by the distance of places into which they are to convey their armies ; they furnish their company according to the time for which they purpose to use the same ; they cast their accompts before they enter into wars ; they consider the casualties which are accustomed to follow wars ; they note the dispositions and affections of their neighbours ; they mark and observe the provision of their enemies ; they provide for longer time then they intend to spend in wars ; they have their carriage to attend upon their armies , their victuallers to follow them , their confederates to supply their wants , their messengers to bring them word of their necessities , and their officers both at home and abroad to make provision as soon as any thing is found to be defective or wanting in their armies : so if they go far from home , they seem always to be at home ; if they want , their wants are presently supplied ; if they chance to decrease , their number is immediately increased ; and although they may happen to languish , yet they are never suffered to perish : true it is , that other mens harmes have made men both in these dayes , and in former times , to be wise and wary : and the prince is reputed to want the discretion and wisdom requisite in a prince . who undertaketh wars without due consideration of all the circumstances above mentioned ; and yet neither hannibals ill fortune , nor his example , nor common experience , nor fear of inevitable accidents can make men so wary as it behoveth them to be , but in later times they have been and will be subject unto the self same inconveniences which men in former times endured . have armies in times past , going far from home , perished in their journies by reason of the intemperature of the air , the heat of the weather , and the intemperance of the souldiers , who seed too much of noisom and hurtful fruits , or drank too much of hot wines in hot seasons , and in hot countries ; as did the army which marcus antonius led from italy to parthia , whereof better then foot-men , and horsemen perished by such casualties before he came to his journies end ? and do not , or have not some miscarried by the same means in our dayes , or within our memories ? have many christian armies led out of christendom into turky , not lost the grea●est part of their number before they came unto the place whereunto they were sent ? did not the first army that ever the romans sent by sea against the carthiginians perish in the sea ; and almost so dismayed the souldiers , that they were utterly discouraged to commit any more men or ships to the unmerciful tempests of the raging seas ? and did not the like befal unto the navy that charles the fifth sent in his time unto algire , whose lamentable overthrow is pitifully described by a spanish historian in the life of paulus tertius , sometimes pope of rome ? did a plague consume so many of the souldiers of radagasius king of the gothes , that ( as saint augustine reporteth ) one day deprived better then an hundred thousand of their lives ? and did not the like happen unto francis the first his army in his wars for the kingdom of naples ? did better then of that army which iohn duke of lancaster carryed out of england into portugal perish by the way for lack of victual and necessary sustenance : and might not the same misfortune betide the small company which went out of late from england into po●tugal ? was the huge army which darius had against alexander , overthrown for want of water , and other inconveniencies occasioned by their long aboad in a strange and unable country to receive so big an host ? and can it seem strange or marvelous , that charles the fifth's army , brought out of spain to marselles , and passing by the most barren and unfruitful countries of france , felt the like calamities ? plagues , pestilence , famine , tediousness of the way , want of water , tempests by sea , and sudden sickness have always , and will continually lessen the number , weaken the forces , and not spare the mighty multitudes that have been or shall be sent far from home by any prince whatsoever . there is no policy can prevent it , no wisdom that can foresee it , no fore-sight that can withstand it ; they be scourges which it pleaseth the almighty to send , and therefore it behoveth him that hath urgent occasion to send an army into forraign countries , to think well thereon , to consider all casualties , and to provide for them long before they happen , lest that want of fore-sight cause his utter discredit and destruction . the only means is , to send such a number as is neither too great to be conveniently maintained , nor too little to effect and accomplish his purpose ; especially if things be so ordered , that as soon as occasion shall be ministred , fresh supplies may be conveyed over in due time , and by competent and sufficient numbers . for if the supplies be defective in number , or not transported in seasonable time , they are sent ( as experience teacheth ) but as sheep to the shambles . but from these matters ( which are touched but by the way of digression ) back again to the spanish king , and to the narration of other reasons , why possessing many kingdomes , he enjoyeth them all peaceably , or with so little distrurbance as he doth . for the better understanding whereof , you are to consider the state and condition of such princes who have any lands or territories confining or bordering upon his dominions ; and in them you are to mark and observe what power they have to annoy him if they would , or what will if they could . the princes with whom by reason of such neighbourhood he hath any way to deal , are these . the turk , the princes of italy , the princes of germany , the french king , and the queen of england : of which some could be content to annoy him by all means possible , but they want ability answerable to their good will ; others have might enough to prejudice him divers ways , but he carrieth so watchful an eye over them , is so jealous of their greatness , so well acquainted with their counsels , determinations and purposes , that all their intents , indeavours , and enterprises against him , are most commonly so soon prevented by his careful providence , as they are intended through their malice and indignation . but it is not sufficient to declare thus much in general terms ; you shall see his particular proceeding with every one of these princes . the turk he knoweth to be a prince greatly to be feared of all christians , as well in regard of his great power , as in respect of his subtile policy . his power is terrible , because he armeth speedily , and that in such multitudes , as both the number and the expedition terri●ieth all christendom : for when he armeth , he most commonly bruiteth it abroad , that he meaneth to carry his forces to one place , when indeed he conveyeth them to another ; yea , and somtimes he sendeth ambassadors to will them to be assured and out of all doubt , that he will not in any wise molest or trouble them , whom his full intent , purpose , and resolution is to invade upon a sudden . considering therefore his strength , his religion , his natural hatred against christians , together with the continual emulation , quarrels , and contentions that are betwixt christian princes , he holdeth it most convenient and necessary to have alwaies a vigilant eye over such an adversary . for of christian princes , he considereth who they be whom he most envieth , whose states he most longeth for , after whose dominions he most thirsteth , and unto which he hath best access , and easiest possibility to attain them . the house of austria are his nearest kinsmen , and on one side the next adjoyning neighbours unto the turkish territorirs : with them for kinred sake he entertaineth perpetuamit amity , and is loth to offer them any occasion of discontentment , because he knoweth that of late years they have not only possessed the empire , but also been greatly favoured in germany ; with whose invincible power and puissance , they are both able and ready , when occasion shall be offered , to offend and defend the turk : for it is their dominion unto which the turk hath an especial eye , and an unsatiable desire , and by them and their means , christian princes most annoy him ; because by the country of hungary the way lieth open unto these regions , which he lately subdued ; and a christian prince leading an army through that country against the turk , may undoubtedly have good success against his forces , if he shall observe these conditions following . first , if in conducting his army he shall avoid and decline the wide plains , and come not neer unto the river danubius ; of the commodity whereof , the turk by reason of his great courage , standeth alwaies in need . secondly , if he shall not come nigh unto such places where the turk may have convenient use of his horsemen , and innumerable footmen ; with the excessive multitudes of which , he will easily oppress and suppress a christian army , if they should chance to encounter in those plains . thirdly ▪ if the christian prince shall arm this year , and proceeding slowly on his journey , not meet with the turk , but fortifie and strengthen such places as he shall get and conquer ; and the next year , when as the turk neither is wont , nor can arm with the like number and quantity , proceed manfully ; for the prince in thus doing , shall compel him to stand continually upon his guard , and alwaies to entertain great and gross armies , which he should not be able to endure long ; or else enforce him to use such forces as might be more easily conquered , and so consequently drive him to change the accustomed course and custome of his wars , which would be as much as half a victory gotten against him . fourthly , if the christian shall endeavour to draw him into some streight , and there with some war-like stratagem enforce him to a battel , and with a troop of well ordered footmen encounter his janizaries , which he usually reserveth for some extremity , and with valour , and some unknown and unusual exploit , drive them to the worst , or put them out of their array and order ; there is no doubt but with the strangeness thereof he might obtain a notable victory against him ; whose horsemen are most easily overthrown , because they are for the most part unarmed . fifthly , if he shall mark and observe when there is mutiny , sedition , or secret dissention , disturbance , or discontentment betwixt the turk and his subjects , and by all cunning and policy entertain the same , maintain the procurers and heads thereof , and in the very heat of their tumult be ready to invade them . for indeed , the especial means to weaken the turk , is to assault him when he is otherwise busied in wars with the sophi , or with any other enemies , or when his successors are at contention for the crown , or his people divided amongst themselves , or he did lately receive some notable overthrow : for he tyrannizing his subjects in such manner as he doth , the least overthrow that can be must needs endanger his state greatly , because he feareth that his own people will be ready to give entertertainment , aid , and succour unto any , by whom they may have certain hope to wind their necks out of the yoke of that intolerable servitude which they now suffer . this is so true , that it is credibly affirmed by the best warriours of our age ; that if the christians had procceded with their invincible navie , when don iohn de austria gave the turk the famous overthrow ( for which all christendom greatly rejoyced ) they might haply have gotten constantinople , and have recovered most part of the turkish dominion . next unto the house of austria is the state of venice ; which although it be far inferiour unto many christian princes in power and strength by land , yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by sea. with this state the spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and convenient for him to entertain peace and amity : for albeit they have many countries confining and bordering upon the turk ( for the which they pay him yearly tribute ) and that their merchants have continual entercourse of trade and traffique unto turky , and likewise the turks with them ( which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the state ) and that in consideration hereof the turk will not easily offend them , nor they willingly displease him ; yet the venetians knowing him to be a turk , that is , a common enemy of christendom , the devourer of other mens estates , the disturber of the common peace , and a most notable breaker of all league , truce and amity ; as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him , and notwithstanding all leagues , contracts , and confederacies with him , are content to joyn with the spaniard at any time against him , and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him ; as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the spanish king , when as don iohn de austria gave the turk the above-mentioned overthrow . thus being assured of the venetians friendship , entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the house of austria , and having the rest of the princes of italy for his friends , he hath little occasion to fear the turk : and yet for his better security , he seeketh to live in league and amity with him ; and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the turks greatest enemies , hoping to turn them upon him , if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his states and dominions . the french king is the second considerable friend or enemy the spaniard hath , of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account ; for albeit the one hath many more kingdoms , many more people , and much more treasure then the other ; yet because france is of it self , and within it self , a very great kingdom , well inhabited , full of many great cities , replenished with all things necessary , and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful , either for peace or for war : the king thereof is ( in my opinion ) nothing inferior unto the spaniard , and much more able to pleasure or annoy him , then any other prince of christendom . it may be said that the spaniards many dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of souldiers ; that his indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of silver and gold ; and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible ; but if his men by reason they are far off , cannot easily be brought together ; i● because they are of divers nations they will hardly agree long together ; it because they be of contrary natures and conditions , they are not in like measure fit for the wars ; if their discipline shall be found contrary , their humours divers , and their courages in no respects equal or like ; what benefit ? what good success may be expected of an army being compounded of so many diversities ? again , if the wealth of the indies may be ( as it hath been oftentimes ) intercepted ; if his treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences ; if his debts be already more then he is well able to pay ; what booteth his wealth ? or why should france fear his treasure ? or what just occasion hath he , either in regard of his people , or in respect of his gold , to contemn or make small reckoning of the united forces of france ? especially since the countries of france are able to set forth such a sufficient army to encounter with his forces at any time , and the yearly revenues of the crown of fra●ce , will serve to maintain and furnish the same army withal things necessary . appianus alexandrinus , who lived in the time of adrianus the emperour , in his history of the roman wars writeth , that in his time , the emperour adrianus had in pay m. foot●men , and m. men at arms , . carts and waggons for his wars , and m. armors to arm his soul●iers withal ; he had also a navy of . tall ships , and of . gallies , with many other vessels of divers sort , and with an infinite number of all kind of instruments and weapons for sea-fight ; besides . ships with the prores and the poups of gold for a shew or ornamen● of his wars : and lastly , he had in his treasure-house , m. talents in ready coyn : this force , this preparation , this strength and wealth , seemed unto the same author so great , that in the proem of the very same history he saith , that all the forces of alexander the great , of the assirians , of the medians , and of the persians ( which were four mighty emperours ) were never able to attain in . years unto half the power , strength and greatness that the romans had . titus livius had the like opinion of the roman power ; for he saith , that alexander king of epirus , was wont to say , that all the wars which alexander the great ever had , were in comparison of his own wars , with women rather then with men ; and that all the life of alexander the great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only war with the carthaginians , with whom the romans , in the first wars against them , fought twenty four years together . and that the romans had overthrown above . sundry armies , the least of all the which was far greater then the armies of the macedonians , or of alexander the great ; all which may seem to be true , because plutarch in his lives of the roman and greekish worthies , reporteth , that iulius caesar took in his time , one thousand cities by assault ; overcame more then . sundry nations ; took above a million of men prisoners , and slew better then another million of men in divers battels ; for if one general of the romans wrought so many worthy exploits , subdued so many regions , and slew so many enemies ; how infinite , now incredible were the armies and the victories of the romans , ( who had many captains ( as both the scipios , fabius maximus , pompeius magnus , and divers others ) not much inferior to i●lius caesar ? notwithstanding all this that is said , i must needs say that ( as iohn bodin a french authour saith , in his book de republica ) the romans having made tryal of four several estates ; as of a royal , a tyrannical , an aristocratical , and a popular state , never thrived better , nor ever flourished more , then they did under their popular state : and to what end say i thus ? forsooth to this purpose : to shew you that when the romans were most mighty , when their authority was greatest , when they commanded all italy , they might justly stand in fear of such an enemy in italy , as the king of france may be thereunto ; and so consequently , that the present king of spain , whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the romans , hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the french king ; for it is written that hannibal , who was the greatest enemy that ever the romans had , who in my simple conceit , was the most wise , politique , and valiant captain that ever lived , who knew the strength of the romans , and how they might well and conveniently be annoyed by any prince that would undertake wars against them , better then any general of former age , or of our time doth , or can know , being driven after the ruin and destruction of carthage , to fly for succour , and for his last refuge unto king antiochus , delivered unto him , for his sound and setled opinion ; that italy was a country that was able to yeild unto any forrain enemy , both souldiers and victuals against it self ; and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise , either secretly or openly , against italy ; must take the advantage of some conspiracy , tumult , or commotion , to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of italy ; for that if the romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof ; there was never any king , or any nation that might justly and truly compare with the romans . then if italy be such a country ( as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by hannibals testimony ) if it be able to yeild releif to forrainers ; if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it , who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the spaniard is of so great power and authority in italy , that he should not need to fear the french kings might or puissance ? shall he not be feared , because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an army sufficient to encounter with the spanish forces ? why , it is written that alexander the great ( who conquered mightier princes then the present king of spain is ) never had in amy army above . foot-men , and . horse-men . it is writen that the very romans ( whose power was such as you have heard it to be ) never used greater forces against any forrain enemy then an army of . or m. at the most . lastly , it is recorded that the spanish kings father held an opinion , for many reasons him thereunto moving ; that an army of the same number and quality which alexander used , was ( without all doubt and controversie ) sufficient for any prince whatsoever against any enemy , was he never so mighty : again , shall he not be feared because his treasure is not equal unto the spaniards golden mines ? why , it is true that money and gold are the very sinews of war ; it is an infallible maxime ; we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled rule ; but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue nations , never had the poor romans at their first beginning , nor the needy swizzers in their wars against the rich duke of burgundy , nor the beggarly normans , in the infantry of their chivalry , obtained such victories and conquests as they did : but grant that the spaniard needeth not fear any enemy in italy , unless he be as mighty as the romans , both in money and in men ; if the french king shall be found to be such an enemy , will the spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared ? if they should not , you would hold them to be senceless . and if in this point concerning the annoying of the spaniard in italy , i prove him not in some manner equal to the romans , i can be content that my slender reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity . titus livius , and many other authors of the like authority and credit , make true and large mention of the harms , of the indignities , and of the damages which the romans sustained by hannibal ; they report how he passed the alpes with great difficulty , brought in forces into italy with great danger , ruled his souldiers with great dexterity , provided things necessary for them , with singular wisdom and providence ; won divers princes of italy to join with him and them , with great wit and policy ; lastly , proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity , prevailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune , terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the romans , with so many unexpected and notable victories ; that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send scipio to war in affrica , and by besieging carthage to call him home to the releif of carthage . now for the better proof of my purpose , give me leave i pray you , to compare the spaniard and the romans , the french king and hannibal together ; a molehil indeed with a mountain ; an eagle in truth with a fly , but such a molehil , and such a fly , as will declare the greatness of the mountain ; as will illustrate the might and vertues of the eagle . the romans commanded all italy ; the spaniard ruleth most part of italy ; they had no man in hannibals time , that durst oppose himself openly against him ; he hath few or none in our age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him ; they were generally feared ; he is undoubtedly redoubted ; they were assisted by their friends against hannibal ; he would likewise find friends against the french king ; briefly , they stood upon their guard , and he is not without his garrisons . but an hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest period of their pride and prosperity ; and why may not a french king work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence ? shall he not be able to hurt him because the alpes divide france and italy , and maketh the passage hard and difficult ? but hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now ; and how many times have the frenchmen passed them since hannibals time ? shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well experienced in wars , as hannibal was ? but may he not find many captains , who in these days have little less experience then hannibal had ? shall he not be sufficient to war against him in italy , because the country is far better fortified then in hannibals time ? but late experience hath taught us , that those fortifications , holds , and citadels , could not stay the course of charls the eighth king of france , who passed through all italy as a conquerour , until he came to the kingdom of naples , which he also subdued ? briefly , shall he not prevail against him in italy , because the spaniard is in league with most of the princes hereof ? but histories afford us many examples , that the italian princes have oftentimes broken their league with the emperour and other his predecessors , whose greatness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the spaniard at this present . ) and why may not these examples move them to do the like , when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them ? hannibal counselled ( as you have heard ) antiochus to war upon the romans in italy , when they were far stronger then the spaniards is and no man had better experience of the romans or of italy then hannibal had ; the reasons therefore enforcing hannibal to give that counsel to antiochus , may ( as they have many times ) serve to move the french king to follow his counsel ; the rather because experience proved it to be true ; and antiochus failed of his purpose , because he hearkned to hannibal's perswasion . but this difficulty will be better cleared , if i shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best warriors of our age , as well touching the wealth , as the strength of the french king : monsieur de la nove ( who dyed but a few years past , and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best captain of our time ) in his book of military discourses , delivereth that the french king , henry the second , levyed yearly by ordinary means of his subjects , fifteen millions of francks , part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts ; and yet ( saith he ) our king levieth no less at this day . here you see the french kings revenues were in some measure comparable unto the romans : for plutarch in his before mentioned history , writing of the life of pompey ( who was surnamed the great ) reporteth , that the yearly and ordinary revenues of the roman common-wealth , before the conquest obtained by pompey , came but to five millions of crowns , which is fifteen millions of francks ; the just revenue of the french king , until that pompey increased the same , and brought it to eight millions , and m crowns , and brought unto the treasure-house , ten millions of jewels and ready coin : so if you remember , that ( as it hath been shewed ) the romans never flourished more , then they did when they were governed by consuls , and not by kings or by emperours ; yea you shall see that the french king coming not much behind them in yearly revenues , may be thought in some respect equal unto them . the same mounsieur de la nove , in his twentieth military discourse , talking of the might and puissance of the french king , deliver●th , that he may very conveniently set forth an army of . companies of men at arms , of . cornets of light horse-men , and of five companies of harquebusiers on horseback ( which were in all . horse-men ) besides . royters , and . ensigns of french foot-men , and . ensigns of swizzars , and yet he shall leave his frontier towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition , as well to defend as offend the enemy . du haillan , in his th book of the history of france , setteth down , that philip de valois , when as he warred with edward the third king of england , for the crown of france , had an army of m fighting men . the same authour in his sixteenth book writeth , that charls king of france , meaning to go into england against king richard ( as i take it ) the second , brought to the sluce in flanders , a navy of ● . ships , all loaden with men and munition , which i have thought good to let you understand , to the end you may see , that if the alps should be made unpassable by the spaniard for the frenchmen ( which was the emperour charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do , if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass ) yet the french king is not unable or unfurnished of ships to convey and carry ( as his predecessors have done ) a sufficient army by sea into italy . plutarch in the life of iulius caesar recordeth , that the frenchmen came with an army of three hundred thousand fighting men , to raise iulius caesars siege before alexia ; a huge number , and such a number as the romans never used the like against any forrain enemy ; as the same plutarch testifieth in the life of fabius maximus , where he affirmeth , that the greatest power which the romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever , was but eighty eight thousand souldiers : and andreas ficcius in his book de repub. reporteth , that they seldome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand ; a less number then which , charls the fifth , the present king of spain's father , held to be sufficient ( as i have said before ) to encounter with any christian prince ; and i have thought good to repeat , because hearing what you have heard of the french power , you may think the french king well able to annoy any king of christendom : for although i should grant that his power is weakned , and he not able to arm such multitudes as his predecessors have done ( for which i see no reason , if he were freed of his civil wars ) yet it must needs be granted , that he could easily make an army of that number , and therewith greatly prejudice the spaniard in italy , especially since a captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes , nothing fearing their number , with a few well trained and experienced souldiers ; as alexander the great did upon darius his innumerable hoste , and hannibal did upon the romans ; who ( as polibius testifieth in his second book , with scant twenty thousand , feared not to fight with the romans in italy , amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen , and seventy thousand horsemen . thus , as in revenues , so in multitudes of souldiers , at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used , you see the french king is in some measure comparable to the romans , but especially in no respect inferiour unto hannibal for men or money ; and therefore without all doubt and controversie , as likely and able to war with the spanish king within the very bowels of italy , as he was to contend with the romans when they were strongest , as all princes are most commonly within their own realms and dominions , especially if they have ( as the romans had ) the same wholly and entirely to themselves . but although this point touching the king of france his possibility and means to molest and trouble the spanish king in italy , be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said , yet i cannot so leave it ; for i hold it convenient to let you know the opinion of his father concerning the same matter . he therefore considering the variable affections of the princes of italy , the hidden and secret malice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners , the many pretensions which the french king hath unto naples and milan , together with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into italy , counselled the present king of spain , his son , at the time he resigned all his kingdoms unto him ( a very rare and commendable act ) to carry a watchful and wary eye over the french king ; he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness , and to seek all means possible to weaken him ; he adviseth how to war against france , and how by his own examples , and by the remembrance of his own mishaps and evil success , he might fight against the french king with far better advantage then he did at marselles ; he exhorteth him to shut up the french king's passage , as much as in him shall lie , by the way of turin ; he admonisheth him to take heed lest that at any time the frenchmen give him some overthrow in italy ; he assureth him , that if at any time they should haply obtain any victory there against him , his best and most assured friends in italy would not run the same and the like danger and fortune with him , but presently joyn and associate themselves with his adversaries ; briefly , he warneth him above all other things , to look and foresee , that there be no league of amity and alliance concluded betwixt the french king and the venetians , or any other prince of italy ; he addeth to those counsels , divers other wise and considerable advertisements ; as , to inform himself throughly of the contentions and strifes that are or may be betwixt the principal houses and officers of france ; he counselleth him , if there be any , to nourish them ; if none , to procure and set some forward ; he considering that the country of piedmont is easie to be subdued by the french , and of great profit and commodity unto them , either by wars , or by marriage , to keep them from the possession of all , or of any part thereof ; assuring him , that it will not be so beneficial for him to take from the french king a third part of his whole realm towards flanders , as it will be to shut him out of piedmont ; because barring him by that means of an easie access into italy , he shall live in good assurance of his estates there , which are the chiefest parts of his strength , and the most especial pillars of his greatness . this counsel hath been as wisely followed and executed by the son , as it was warily given by the father : for it is better then thirty years ago since he by his instruments ( i mean the princes of the house of guise ) hath maintained and nourished civil dissention in france , whereby the kings thereof in all this time have never been able to make wars upon him in italy . it is likewise many years agone since he favoured the late duke of savoy ( who by the french king was driven out of his estate ) with men and money for the present recovery of the same : and not many years since , for the better assurance of the savoyans friendship , he hath given his second daughter ( a match fit for a better man then he ) in marriage unto the duke of savoy ; and hath holpen him as much as he could possibly , in all his wars against the late french king , by whom ( if god had spared him longer life ) he had long before this time , been driven out of his country . i shall not need to tell you in what terms he standeth with the present king of france ; you , and all the world know , that he only maintaineth his rebels , not for any love towards them , but for his own private gain and security . and therefore from the french king i will now come unto other princes of whom the spaniard maketh any reckoning or account . and first unto the princes of germany , of whom i shall not need to say much , for i shall have occasion to speak of the emperour in another place ; and the other princes either depend on him , or if they be absolute of themselves , set their whole care upon preserving their own estates , and care not to augment and increase the same . hence it cometh , that they live in continual peace , although they differ in religion , and that one of them encroacheth not upon another , albeit they have their estates and territories very neer adjoyning together . hence it cometh , that they live securely , and are not ready to enter into wars for light occasions , or to succour their allies and confederates with such celerity , willingness , and expedition as is required , and thought meet and convenient . hence again it cometh , that they opposed not themselves against the greatness of the spaniard , and are not so forward , as they in reason and policy should be , to yeild aid both of men and money unto those whom he molesteth . briefly , hence it cometh , that there are so many free towns and cities in germany , which had framed unto themselves such governours , and such rulers as it hath best pleased them ; and that these towns and cities being of great wealth , are not made subject unto the next adjoyning princes ; for if that the princes of germany had been so desirous and ready to increase their estates , as the pope , the venetians , the dukes and other potentates of italy have been , who by main force , and the advantage and benefit of times , have usurped the possession of divers cities , whereunto they had no manner of right , germany should have fewer free cities , and far mightier princes then it hath . the spaniard therefore knowing that these princes are peaceable men , and not easily let to enter into wars , and yet , because their country is populous , both able and willing to spare many of their subjects to be imployed in forraign wars , entertaineth as many of them as he can possible , for his friends , and hath lately sought to draw the switzers ( who are part of germany ) from the service of the french king ; wherein he laboureth so earnestly by his embassadours , that what by promising to pay the french kings debts , what by assuring them to increase their monthly pay , he had undoubtedly won them , had not the ancient friends of the crown of france , and the eldest captains and senators stuck hardly unto the late french king , who was compelled for fear of losing their aid and assistance , to borrow as much money as he could possibly , to pay them some part of his d●bts , and to assure unto himself those captains and senatours , without which help , his ancient friends forsaking him , had entred into league and service with the spaniards . thus much , or rather this little briefly of the princes of germany . now to the princes of italy , which are the pope , the dukes of florence , ferrara , mantua , and savoy , and the venetians ; all which have some town or other , neer unto the kingdom of naples or dukedom of mlian . he maketh special account of the pope , not because he is the mightiest ( for the venetians are undoubtedly of far greater strength and power then he ) but because where he inclineth , there the rest most commonly bend their favour , and lend their furtherance ; unto him therefore he carrieth great respect , feeeth his chief counsellors , respecteth his colledg of cardinals , giveth rewards and yearly pensions unto many of them ; and unto those courtiers who are in special favour with him , promiseth and protesteth that he will be always ready to defend and protect them , and their just causes and quar●els against all princes whatsoever . he careth not by what means he procureth his friends to make a pope , whether it be lawful or unlawful , whether he be worthy or unworthy of so high a place and dignity , so that he be well assured of his friendship . and if it so fall out , that those cardinals who are not well affected unto him , by plurality of their voices , make such a pope as is rather his enemy then friend , he presently seeketh all means possible to purchase his favour , he corrupteth his best favourites , bribeth his neerest servants , winneth by yearly fees and pensions his chief cardinals , and so by direct and indirect courses procureth his assured friendship . or if he be past hope to obtain the same , that pope shall be assured not to live long in his pontifical feat and majesty ; for , either he , or some one of his friends or followers for him , will find some way or other to dispatch him , as it hath been very lately seen and verified : so that either love , procured and continued by his benevolence and liberality towards the popes cardinals , or fear , proceeding from the consideration and remembrance of the dangers which later popes have both incurred and endured , because they did not either like him , or were not well liked by him , containeth and continueth the see of rome in peace and amity with him . next unto the pope are the venetians , with whom the spaniard knoweth that he may very easily entertain love and friendship , because they do , or have always put great trust and confidence in the change and alteration of times ; attributing so much thereunto , that it is greatly to be feared their long sufferance will be the cause of their utter ruine and destruction ; for temporizing as they do , they will become in time a prey unto some warlike nation , and namely , unto the turk , with whom , by reason of their continual traffique with him , they stand in such terms , that they lye always open unto him ; and it is to be doubted , that he taking the advantage and benefit of time , will one day when they least suspect him , deprive them of corsu , candia , zant , and other places , as he did suddenly spoil them of the kingdom of cyprus : notwithstanding because the venetians are somewhat jealous of his greatness , and fear to see any man to be of over-great credit and authority within the bowels and heart of italy ; the spaniard hath a watchful and suspitious eye over them , knowing that as nothing can sever or seperate them from the turk , unless they see him not only ready to decline , but also in some manner thrown down ; so they have always , and will still be most ready to withstand the aspiring ambition of any forreigner that should seek to make himself great and mighty in italy . moreover he knoweth that the venetians know not their own power , nor can tell how to use the same ; which they shewed to be most true not many years since , when they took not such occasions of enlarging their dominions as were offered unto them . again he considereth , that they having lived a long time in peace , are grown so out of use of wars , that they have in a manner forgotten all military discipline ; and therefore if they should at any time give him occasion to fall at variance with them , he might undoubtedly with assaulting them upon a sudden , drive them to some great inconvenience , especially if he should enter with his forces into the heart and very center of their dominion , and there compel them to put strong garrisons within all their forts and towns of strength , whereby they should not be able to keep the field ▪ and in so many holds ( as they have ) it cannot be but that in some of them there would quickly be found want , either of victuals , or of munition , or else some means to corrupt the garrison or the captain , or the inhabitants , or such as are factious ; of which quality and humour there are many , in very many of their cities . further he knoweth that if he were but once master of the field , all that is not strong within the seigniory ( which in all states is a great deal more then the strong ) would presently yeild unto his discretion ; or else he should constrain them to come to the field , and there leave the forts and towns without sufficient defence , or else not to be able to continue their garrisons long ; and coming once to the field , they will easily be drawn of necessity unto a battel , wherein they can hope for no great good success ; or at the least they must suffer some great disadvantage , by reason of the want of experience , as well in their souldiers as in their captains : but the greatest care or fear the spaniard hath of the venetians is , lest that the remembrance of their good usage and demeanor towards the neapolitans , and of their mild and gentle government wheresoever they chance to have the upper hand , should make the neapolitans willing and ready to further their attempts , if at any time they should set upon the kingdom of naples : this care maketh him entertain friendship with them , and also putteth him in mind ( if he see the least likelyhood that may be of wars with them ) to seek all the means possible , either by prevention or sudden invasion to divert them from warring against naples . thus liveth he either in peace with them , or warreth against them with great advantage . now from them to the other princes of italy , the which are of such strength that he needeth not greatly to fear them ; only of them he hath this care and this regard ; that he suffereth none of them to augment and increase his estate , no not him that dependeth most upon him ; carrying always this mind , that it behoveth him as well to contain his best friends within a moderate and convenient greatness , as to weaken and depress his enemies : for he assureth himself , that those that love him best in italy , who flatter him now most , who follow him with all favour and furtherance , would quickly forsake him , if his power once began to decline : for the italian lendeth his hand to his enemy to help him up ; that is but up to the chin in water ; and putteth his foot upon his head to drown him that is , fallen in above the chin : and because he knoweth their weakness to be such , as that they cannot possibly annoy him , unless they chance to enter into league and confederacy against him ; he entertaineth their divisions , maintaineth his credit and reputation amongst them , provideth wise and discreet officers to govern his subjects there , useth his own people as gently as he can ; and lastly , foreseeth that they shall not combine themselves against him ; this is all that i shall need to say of the princes of italy . from whom i must come to the queen of england , who ( the times being as they are ) is in my simple opinion the mightiest and most terrible enemy that the spaniard hath : for albeit france ; is far bigger then england ; the turk mightier then france ; and the other princes of whom i have spoken , nearer unto him and his states then we are ; yet france is divided , and therefore not able to molest him ▪ the turk is strong , but either otherways busied , or not so bold to set upon him , for fear of the other princes of christendom , who would be ready to succour him : and the forenamed princes be many , but not equal in forces to our queen ; for he that is mightiest of them , is mighty either by sea only , or by land only ; her majesty is strong both by sea and land , they there●ore not able to trouble him without the help one of another ; and her highness of her self sufficient to cross his enterprises , to withstand his indeavours , to prevent his purposes , and to invade his kingdom . in so much that he may well reckon it for one of the chiefest blessings that god hath bestowed upon him ; that it pleased his divine majesty to make her a woman , and not a man , a lover of peace , and not a friend of war , a princess desireous to maintain her own , and not to conquer other princes kingdoms ; for if ever she had affected higher dominion , if ever she had desired to enlarge her territories , or coveted to enrich her self with his , or other princes losses ; what occasions have been offered unto her ? what advantage hath time it self given her ? what suit have some of her neighbours made unto her ? not to receive them only into her protection ; but also with her aid , help , and assistance , to subjugate other dominions ? scotland may commend her justice and liberality : france hath great occasion to extol her lenity and temperance : flanders is bound to pray for her prosperity : and the spaniard himself shall be unthankful , if he praise not her equity . time hath greatly favoured her by sending divisions amongst her neighbours ; the almighty hath strengthned her , by impairing the strength of her adversaries ; both have set her many degrees above all the princes of christendom , by giving her peace , when they have had wars ; her abundance , when they haue suffered many wants ; her loving and dutiful subjects , when their people have been unkind and rebellious ; briefly , her all the blessings that mans heart can wish , and them most part of the crosses that humane imbecillity can endure . i may not dwell upon her praises , because they are far beyond my capacity ; i cannot set forth her blessings , because they are innumerable . the one require an higher stile , a more eloquent tongue , a better wit , and a greater understanding then the most high hath bestowed upon me : the other are apparent , but not computable ; and whosoever shall undertake to express them , shall faint before he be half entered into them ; and yet i may not thus leave them , lest passing them over in silence , i should seem curious in other states , and ignorant of our own . neither may i adventure to write all that i know : princes actions are open in outward shew , but inwardly obscure ; subject to the view of many men , but exceeding the wisdom and capacity of most men ; soon espied , but never throughly seen ; seeming quickly to be known , but hardly well understood ; in appearance easie , but in effect very difficult ; in some mens opinions reprehensible , but in others judgments praise worthy : to be short , they may be talked of , but not controlled ; admired but not censured ; lightly enquired after , but not narrowly sif●ed and examined ; it sufficeth to hear them , it becometh not any man to seek and search the reasons of them : nature enforceth us to desire the one ; and wisdom warneth us not to be curious of the other . but i have taken upon me to make a full discourse of this time ; and therefore may not omit the principal actions of the only princess of our time , nor obscure her puissance by leaving it untouched , whose power is invincible , because it was never touched : the maiden whose honesty was never attempted , deserveth the name of a true virgin : and the prince whom no man dareth to molest , may well be termed invincible : the fort that never parteth , is seldom taken : and the king whose power never decreaseth , can hardly be subdued . it is written that the frenchmen seeing the innumerable armies that have been sent out of england into france ; and considering that they murthered our men dayly , and in great numbers , and yet we received daily new supplies from home , as though our men never dyed ; compare us unto wild geese , which in the coldest winters come unto the watry grounds every year by great flocks , and albeit most part of them be killed before the winter be fully ended , yet they return the next year in as great quantities as they did the year before ; and so , although they were wearied with killing and slaying our country-men ; yet as soon as one army was defeated , there came a new supply , which took sharp , revenge of the others deaths , and never suffered them to live in peace , ease , or quietness , until they redeemed their vexations and troubles with such conditions as contented our princes . i might here take just occasion to trouble you with a long recital of the forces and armies which divers of our kings have led and carryed , either under their own , or under their lievtenants conduct into france or flanders , into italy or germany , into spain or portugal , into turky or the holy land ; but our histories and other chronicles are full of them , and you carry them so well in mind , that i hold it very superfluous to refresh your memory . i leave the prowess of edward the third undeclared ; the fortunate conquests of richard the first untouched ; the happy victories of henry the fifth unrepeated ; and the strange and marvelous fortunes of many other of our kings , not mentioned : i list not to boast of the black princes valour , of the duke of glocesters boldness , of the bishop of winchesters pride , who being but subjects under our kings , carried out of our realm divers armies comparable to the forces of kings . old histories are reputed for fables ; things beyond memory are not thought worthy of memory ; and what our fathers did , redoundeth not , in some mens opinions , to our praise or commendation , according to the poets saying . et genus & proav●s & quae non fecimus ipsi , vix ea nostra voco . but later years have held many testimonies of our strength , manifold arguments of our valour , infallible proofs of our power ; the spaniard is in the opinion of all men , the terrour of princes , the controller of kings , the monarch of the world , and the most and highest soveraign of all soveraigns ; it is he that maketh italy to tremble ; that holdeth spain in great awe ; that terrifieth the proud and invincible germans ; that molesteth the valiant and variable frenchmen ; that tyranizeth over the effeminate flemmings ; that mastereth the ancient and warlike burgundians ; that captivateth the free and manly switzers ; that miscarrieth the populous and poor scots ; that bridleth the simple and untamed indians ; that ruleth the unruly and obstinate people of portugal ; that overlooketh with an eye of ambition , with a heart of covetousness , with a desire of superiority , with an unsatiable appetite of soveraign authority , the whole face , and the large precincts of christendom . it is he that useth his wit , imployeth his strength , bendeth his power , armeth his people , directeth his council , and dedicateth all that he possesseth to the lawful or unlawful inlarging of his territories . it is he that taketh of his father to be ambitious , that hath learned of his ancestors to be troublesome , that thinketh it a work beseeming a prince , and becoming a king , to vex and molest all kings . it is he that dreameth by night , studieth by day , practiseth at all times how to let no time pass without a line ( as it was anciently said ) without a stratagem , a late invented policy , an unknown practise , and a rare and marvelous enterprise . it is he that increaseth in ambition as well as in years , in covetousness as well as in pride , in rigour as well as in morosity ; briefly , it is he , and i would to god that it were not he , that troubleth the peaceable estate of christendom , that only vexeth the realm of france , that disquieteth flanders , and setteth friends at jarrs , allies at variance , and confederates at dissention ; insomuch that it may well be said of him , phi - malus & lippus , totus malus ergo philippus . now if a woman hath presumed to encounter with this man ; if a queen of one island hath undertaken to bridle a prince of so many nations ; if her sole forces have tamed his invincible power , her only counsel prevented his subtile practises ; her good will , withstood his ill-will , his mischievous practises , and his ambitious desires ; if she alone hath hindred him to be lord of france , ruler of italy , and commander of all the rest of the world ; shall he not err that compareth hercules with her ? or can any man deem him wise , that taketh her in any respect inferiour to iulius caesar , mighty pompey , or alexander the great ? for two of these , with the invincible power of the invincible romans , conquered some part of the rude and unwarlike people of the world ; and the third and fourth are famous , not in true histories , but in old fables , for doing such exploits as are more pleasant then credible , more praised then possible , and much more admired then allowed for true , and not miraculous : but if any man shall deny her to be wise , her peaceable government giveth him the lie ; if her might and power shall be called in question , her actions in flanders and france , testifie the fulness of her strength ; if her justice be not worthily commended , her motherly care over the present king of scotland while he was an infant , her pitiful charity extended to as many as have had need of her help , and her upright and just proceedings in as many matters forraign and domestical as have been referred to her discretion , shall convince him of falshood , or of malice , that shall derogate ought from her innumerable multitudes of her everlasting praises . i wonder when i hear the romans boast of their pompey , the grecians brag of their constantine , the french report wonders of their charlemaigne , and the syrians set forth the praises of their antiochus ( whom every one of these nations baptized with the sirname of great ) because their actions were somwhat extraordinary , exceeding the common success of other princes , and the usual fortune of many and divers kings ; for if a woman hath gone far beyond them all , and that without the aid of any allies , without the help of forrain powers , and without the strength of such as should have employed their whole strength to the furtherance of her endeavours ; are not their praises eclipsed , their honours blemished , and their renown obscured ? they lived in an age of ignorance , in a time of simplicity , in a season of cowardly pusillanimity ; she ruleth in a world full of machiavelists , pestered with deceitful hanibals , plentiful of warlike captains , and rather over-burthened , then not throughly furnished with sufficient counsellors : and yet neither the policy of the wisest , nor the deceit of the craftiest ; not the labour of most warlike , nor the wisdom of the best and most sufficient counsellors , hath ever drawn her into any small inconvenience , but hitherto either wisely or happily , providently or fortunately , warily or worthily she hath not only prevented but escaped , foreseen but overgone , forecast but overcome the most secret , the most subtile , the most divelish , and the most unnatural and inevitable practises , devises , attempts , treasons , and trecheries of her adversaries . for many men and women , learned and unlearned , spiritual and temporal , noble and ignoble , courtiers and counsellors have sought her death , and committed treasons against her : witness the late queen of scots , mrs arding , and her daughter , witness dr storey , dr. parrey , and dr saunders : witness campion , sherwin , and their complices : witness the earls of northumberland , westmerland , and arundel : witness babington , throgmorton , tilney , and their confederates : witness the late duke of norfolk and perrott , both privie counsellors of great account , wealth , credit , and honour , both greatly loved , trusted , and honoured by her majesty , both bound unto her highness for many favours , dignities , and advancements , both ( briefly ) counselled , animated , encouraged , and directed in their treasons by the wise counsellors of the mightiest prince , and the greatest enemy that her grace had in the world : their treason was plotted abroad , and intended at home ; invented in spain , and should have been executed in england ; there it received a beginning , here an approbation : here were executioners , and there counsellors ; here practisers , and there patrons ; here the traytors were blinded with ambition , there the abettors were transported with envie ; here reigned pride , and there revenge ; briefly , here the treasons ended , but their malice continueth , and sendeth forth daylie new conspirators , new devises , and new practises : since therefore her majesties death hath been so often intended , the subversion of her state so many times purposed , and the performance of both so desperately undertaken , her highness for her self , and we for her highness , are greatly bound to pray to the almighty , who hath so many ways , so many times , and so miraculously preserved her . iulius caesar was so fortunate , that being in great danger of drowning and presuming that it was not his creators pleasure that he should perish in the sea ; when the pilot durst not adventure to carry him for fear of the apparent and great danger which threatned his present death , he boldly said to the master of the ship , go thy ways , thou carriest caesar , and caesars fortune ; and yet notwithstanding it was his fortune to be killed with bodkins , and that by his dearest friends , yea in the senate house , where he thought himself as safe as in his own palace , as sure as in a castle , and as free from danger as a prince invironed with a strong guard. pompeius had many commendable qualities , great store of friends , infinite followers , strange fortunes , many signs of gods blessings , sundry tokens of more then ordinary and humane felicity ; and yet he was poysoned or done to death by his professed friends . alexander , who for his prowess , was surnamed the great ; for his fortune was one of the wonders of the world , and for his rare faithful friends and counsellors , went far beyond all the princes that lived either before or after him ; neither by his vertue nor valour , nor by his fortune and good hap , nor by his friends and counsellors , could escape the fatal poison that ended his days , before he attained unto those years which be the forerunners of age : so as in others , so in this point her majesty far exceedeth caesar , pompey , and alexander , the three greatest princes that ever lived : for their death was so soon performed as purposed ; her life hath been often sought ( but god be thanked therefore ) not shortned ; they escaped not the malicious treasons of one or two ; she hath been preserved from the wicked treacheries of very many ; they could not prevent the conspiracies of their friends ; she hath withstood the open and secret attempts of their enemies ; briefly , they dyed before they became old , she hath attained unto sixty years of her age ; and the rare fortune which she hath hitherto had to escape so many and marvelous dangers , putteth me , and all her loving subjects , in good hope , that it will please the almighty to add many more years of bliss and haappiness to her days : neither do i think only that she shall live beyond the ordinary and usual years and age of other princes ; but i am fully perswaded , that her grace is preserved and reserved to great fortune to some marvelous purpose ; her qualities exceeding other princes conditions ; her fortune being more then ordinary , and her dangers escaped , not prudently , but providently , not by humane policy , but by divine prevention ; give me good occasion to presume , that he that disposeth of kings , and all kings actions , lengthneth her days , and hath dedicated her years to some notable accident : for what he hath intended , man cannot prevent : what he purposeth , humane wit cannot change or alter , his resolutions are in heaven , ours on earth ; his eternal , ours changeable ; his immutable , ours subject to alteration ; we purpose , he disposeth ; we intend , he changeth ; we desire , he ruleth , yea so ruleth , that he directeth our thoughts , leadeth our counsels , inclineth our dispositions to his will and pleasure ; he knows our necessities before we ask , our infirmities when we conceal them , our desires , albeit we keep them most close and secret ; he giveth us what is expedient for us , granteth us more then we dare desire , provideth better for us then we can deserve ; and to be short , is so resolute to do us good , that all our wits , capacities , and policies are not able to prevent the meanest of his determinations , so the same tend to our benefit : for although his mercy exceeding our merits , and his clemency yeilding to our contrition , do sometimes divert the evil that we have deserved , and mitigate the punishments which are due to our many offences ; yet if our humility be not dissembled , or his pleasure fully bent to work us any good whatsoever ; so good is he , that our good cannot be attended , nor his intention changed : an example or two will prove this to be manifest ; and therefore i will afford you these examples . astiages dreamed that his daughter mandana made so much water at one time as filled his whole city , and was likely to drown his whole country ; with which dream being greatly terrified , he propoundeth the same to be expounded by his best interpreters of dreams ; they report , that of the said daughter should come such an issue , as should drive him from his kingly seat : he taketh counsel what to do to prevent this intention of the almighty . it is resolved , that the best means is to marry his daughter to a mean man. the counsel is followed , and she married not to a median , worthy of such a wife and princess as she was ; but unto a mean persian , by name called cambises , born of indifferent good parentage , but not likely to carry such a mind as to deprive his father in law of his kingdom . the same year that his daughter was married , he dreamed again . that out of her privities sprang such a vine , as overspread all asia . this dream he likewise communicated with the soothsayers : they delivered , that out of the womb of mandana should proceed such a child as should be lord of all asia ; and so desirous thereof , that he should hardly and very unwillingly attend his grand-fathers death : according to the prophesie , the child is born , his nativity cast , and the disposition of his body , and other outward signs foretel , that the prognostication made before his birth , was likely to prove true . the grand-father minding to prevent a future mischief , giveth him unto one of his faithful counsellors , commanding him to put him to death : the counsellor moved with pitty , commendeth the child to the custody of his shepherd , yet charging him to murther the infant ; the shepherds wife having a child of her own dead the very self same day , not finding in her heart to consent to the death of so pretty and princely a child , beseeched her husband to expose her own dead child instead of cyrus , for so astiages his grand-father was called : the shepherd followed his wives counsel , and yeilded his consent that she should bring up cyrus as her own : he groweth to years , and within a few years is chosen king by other children of all sorts , poor and rich , noble and ignoble ; and being elected king , commanded as a king , and inflicteth punishments upon his far betters , for disobeying his authority . they disdaining to be commanded , much less to be punished ( as they were ) by their far inferiour , complain to their parents , and they to astiages , of the injury offered by poor cyrus . the shepherd is injoyned to bring forth cyrus ; he maketh appearance at the day appointed ; carryeth himself not shepherd like , but princelike , before the king : and being demanded by the king how he durst presume to command his betters to be chastised ; answered boldly and with a spirit far exceeding his years , and not becoming his supposed estate , that since it had pleased the rest of the youth to chuse him for their king , and to subject themselves in general unto him , it was not lawful for any particular , were he never so good , to disobey him ; and in case any one did so far forget himself as to contemn his authority , that then it was as lawful for him , as for king astiages , to punish his or their disobedience . at which answer the king being astonied , looking upon the audacity of the child , considering his wisdom , calling to mind the exposing of cyrus , and conferring his daughters childs age , and his years together , suspected him to be cyrus : sent presently for harpagus ( for so was the counsellors name unto whom he had given him to be destroyed ) compelleth him to tell the truth ; the shepherd is likewise sent for , who declareth the means and manner how cyrus was saved : the king highly offended with harpagus , and fully resolved to depress cyrus , dissembleth his anger with the one , and taketh present order for the base education of the other . cyrus is sent from media into persia : and astiages not long after , carrying a watchful and revengeful mind ; and knowing that harpagus had but one child , and being once rebuked of harpagus , ( more boldly then wisely ) of drunkenness , sendeth for the infant and the father , unto whom he saith , thou toldest me ( of late ) i was drunken ; now to shew thee whether i be , or no , i have here an arrow in my hand , which if i do shoot so rightly , that i do hit thy son at the heart , thou mayest well think i am not drunk ; and if i miss his heart , then will i not be offended at thee for so saying of me : he shooteth the arrow , and striketh the child at the heart : and not content with this severe revenge , commandeth the father to sup with him , and compelleth him at supper to feed on the best and cheifest parts of his only and dearest son , baked in a pie. harpagus endureth the wrong for a while , and maketh astiages to continue his cruelty , consenteth to his marriage with his own sister , bringeth him by secret means , and his own leud demeanor , into the hatred of his subjects ; and when he saw that it was time to begin to work his revenge ; fearing that if he should send a letter to cyrus ( whom he meant to use for the instrument of his revenge ) by ordinary means , the same might be intercepted , and so both he and cyrus endangered ; taketh an hare , openeth his belly , within it encloseth a letter , and giveth the hare to a trusty messenger to carry unto cyrus , willing him to take off the hares skin ; and to the end the matter might be less suspected , he apparelleth the man like a hunter , giveth him nets in his hand , and other instruments belonging unto hunting : the letters contained , that cyrus should dispose the persians to revenge the wrongs that astiages had done unto him and to cyrus : the trust that astiages reposed in harpagus , and that being assured to be made cheif lievtenant of the median forces which should be sent against cyrus , he would presently revolt unto cyrus , who by that means might easily overthrow his grand-father : the plot was thus layed ; cyrus rebelled , astiages put harpagus in trust with all his strength ; he flyeth unto cyrus ; astiages is delivered into the hands of his enemies , and the empire of the medians is by this means translated unto the persians . amulius to rule alone , killed numiter , and made his daughter rhea one of the virgins vestals , that no man-child might proceed from her to revenge the wrong done unto her father , or recover the kingdom due unto her father , rhea living thus sequestred from the company of men , is gotten with child , it is not known whether by mortal man , or by the god mars . she bringing forth two twins , they are called romulus and rhemus , who being brought up ( as some say ) by a wolf , or ( as others ) by a common strumpet called lupa , as they grew in years , so they increased in vertues , valour , and credit , and in time wrought the revenge of their grand-fathers death , and drave amulius from his kingdom . cambyses , son to the afore-named cyrus dreamed that a messenger brought him word that his brother smerdis sitting in his royal seat , touched the heavens with his head ; by occasion of which dream , fearing that he might be deprived of his kingdom by his brother , more speedily then wisely , he commanded smerdis to be done to death : he is no sooner dead , but one smerdis rebelled against cambyses ; with whom cambyses riding to encounter , as he gat upon his horse , his sword fell out of his sheath , and ran him through the thigh , of which wound he dyed . gargoris rex curetum , begat a son upon his own daughter , and being ashamed of so foul a fact , purposed to cause the child to be murthered . first he willed him to be cast to wild beasts : the wild beasts contrary to their kind , nourish him . then he throweth him amongst hungry dogs , and such as he had caused many dayes to be kept of purpose from meat : the dogs likewise spare him . next he exposeth him unto certain hogs , unto which there was no manner of sustenance given in a long time : the hogs likewise do him no kind of harm . then he willeth him to be thrown into the ocean sea , whence he is cast upon the shore , and presently an hart giveth him suck . lastly having lived a long time amongst a number of harts , until he could run as fast as they , he was taken in nets by certain huntsmen , who presented him unto the king ; by whom being known , as well by the proportion of his body , as by certain marks given him as soon as he was born , he is acknowledged and accepted for his nephew , and in regard of so wondrous preservation from so many and different perils and dangers , is also declared only heir of his kingdom , and called atis. these examples although they may seem to be untrue , and incredible , yet because they are strange and wonderful , and reported by such authors whose writings deserve no small credit , they may right well serve to put us in mind , that whatsoever the eternal god hath decreed , it lies not in our power to prevent or alter his determination . astyages could command his daughter to marry with a mean man , he had power to will the fruit of her womb to be destroyed , he might entreat or enforce harpagus to procure the infants death ; but after that he ( moved with compassion ) spared the childe , and committed the same unto the custody and discretion of the shepherd : astyages authority , and harpagus commission expired , the shepherd pitied the poor infant , and it pleased the almighty ( who had resolutely determined his greatness and welfare ) to suffer him to live , to the utter ruine and overthrow of the grandfather . amulius , as a wicked usurper , intended to deprive rhea of her right , according to his purpose slew her father , and dedicated her to such a life , as there was smal hope that from her should succeed any off-spring to spoil and deprive him of his royal scepter : but god had fully resolved that out of rheas womb should proceed the scourge of her fathers iniquity , and the founder of the romans majesty , and accordingly of her came romulus and rhemus , who founded that worthy and famous city . cambyses , dismayed with a dream , and fearing that his brother would shorten his days , and usurp his crown , took the ordinary means that princes use to take in such occasions ; but he had no sooner killed one smerdis , but another arose and rose against him , who did put him besides his royal diadem . briefly , gargoris thought by adjudging the son which he begate upon his own daughter , somtimes to one , and somtimes to another kind of death , to have hidden his own shame , and to have debarred the poor infant from his right : but he that righteth all wrongs , and undertaketh the defence of the innocent , would not have it to be so , would not suffer wickedness to prevail , nor permit the guiltless blood to be destroyed . i may therefore infer by these examples , and by the rare fortune which our gracious queen elizabeth hath hitherto enjoyed , that it lieth not in the ambitious spaniard , nor in the proud prelate of rome , her mortal enemies , her sworn and professed adversaries , to shorten her days , but one day , or one minute : their wishes are on earth , but cannot ascend to heaven ; they may purpose , but not dispose , they have often desired , but could never prevail ; they have suborned many , but never found , nor shall find any that shall be able to accomplish their desire ; the axe may be layed to the root of the tree , but it shall not have power to fell it ; the lyon perhaps may go about to seek his prey , but he shall never find it ; the divel ( as a divel ) may provoke and procure his instruments to be ready to further his attempts , but gods angels attending on her person , having a care of her health , and a special charge of her safety , will not permit divellish ministers to have the least power that may be over her . the rule and government of women is rare ; and omnia rara sunt chara : their sex is weak , and the almighty hath promised to be the protector of the infirm and weak ; their capacity is not answerable to mans policy ; and the lord hath said , that his elect shall not be confounded with humane wisdom ; he hath said , and we may swear , that heaven and earth shall sooner perish , then his word shall fail . why then do the princes rage ? why then do the pope and the king of spain fret and fume against the lords anointed ? against his chsen vessel ? against his dear virgin ? why the cause is the lords , and he will try it , he will end and determine it . is it because she upholdeth and defendeth the spaniards afflicted and oppressed subjects ? why , therefore she was ordained , therefore the lord preserveth her . is it because she liveth in peace , and they in wars ? why , the almighty hath blessed the peace-makers , and hath vowed to be the protector and patron of as many as love peace . is it because her subjects rebel not against her , as theirs do ? why that is an express and manifest sign of their evil , and her good government . is it because she withstandeth their attempts and purposes ? why she medleth not with their doings , but with such as tend to her hinderance ; and those it is both lawful and honourable for her to cross and prevent . briefly , is it because the wisest princes and subjects of the world favour her more then them ? why , that is because their actions are not in any respect equal or comparable unto hers ; for they pretend one thing , and intend another ; her thoughts and pretensions do alwaies agree together : they would seem to love peace , and yet dwell continually in wars ; she seeketh peace and embraceth it : they combine themselves , and employ their strength and forces against christian religion , she useth her power to no mans detriment or destruction : briefly , they do or would usurp more then belongeth unto them , and she requireth no more then is her own . that such is her mind , desire , and purpose is most apparent to all the world , because when she might have had the soveraignty and universal government of flanders , she accepted it not ; when she might have excluded the spaniard out of the possession of his rich and wealthy indies , she deprived him not of them ; and when as her forces are sufficient to disturb his whole realms of portugal and spain , she employeth them not to his disturbance : but in magnis voluisse sat est : she hath assaulted the indies ; attempted the conquest of portugal , and assayed what her forces could do in spain : it cannot be denyed but that her majesty hath done as much , and perhaps more , then is said ; but not before she was provoked thereunto , neither with a mind so much to prejudice the spaniard , as to provide for her own safety ; for when sir francis drake , with such forces as he and his friends with a very slender help from her highness , had provided , happily spoiled part of the indies , and returned thence with no smal prey , if he had gone thitherward somwhat sooner then he did , better furnished then he was , & with a larger commission then he had , al which lay in her majesty to have granted him , undoubtedly either the season of the year , or the number of his ships or the largenes of his authority , would both have encouraged and also enabled him to have done those her highness enemies much more and greater despight then he did . but as wise men going about a great piece of work , and finding when they have begun the same , that their ability will not serve to accomplish it , sit down and study what ways to take , and how to put those ways in execution , for the full perfection of their enterprise : so her highness having so mighty an enemy as the spaniard , whose attempts and purposes it was necessary ( for her own security ) to cross and prevent . and finding that her treasure was not comparable to his wealth , especially seeing he attempted divers ways to annoy her , and purposed to weary her with length of time , and variety of expences , resolved with her self , that it could not be amiss to permit her loving subjects to adventure some part of their wealth , and a small portion of her own treasure , in●hope to bring from the indies much more then they carried thither : the which her resolution being put in practise , found the same event which was expected , and the sequel thereof sufficiently declared ; that a greater navy well furnished with sufficient men , and good store of victuals and munition , might then , and may yet , put her majesty in quiet possession of the richest and best part of the indies : but it sufficeth her highness to try the forces of those countries ; to acquaint her sea men and souldiers with the way thither ; to give them a taste of the indian wealth ; and to make her power known as well unto the inhabitants of those remote countries , as of other nearer regions of the world , who thought too basely of her strength , and carried too good a conceipt of her adversaries might and puissance ; and finally , to fetch from her mortal enemies own dominions some treasure wherewith to withstand the rancor and extremity of his malice . in which action her majesty fully and wisely imitated the example of the florentines , who fearing that ▪ pope iulius the second would war upon them for consenting unto that counsel which divers cardinals , with the consent and furtherance of the french king and other princes , had summoned against him ; and thinking it convenient to defray the charges of wars , moved in defence of church-men , with church goods ; seized upon so much of the clergies goods as they thought would suffice for the maintenance of those wars : even so her highness hearing that the spaniard had a long time prepared to invade her realm , and being well assured , that as soon as he could be well able he would send the same preparation towards england ; held it expedient and necessary to seek all means possible whereby she might happily be enabled to maintain either all , or part of the expences of those wars with his treasure ; and having learned of men of great experience what forces would suffice to effect her desire and purpose , thought it superfluous and needless to send thither greater strength then they ( not unadvisedly ) required ; and albeit neither her majesty nor the lords of her privy council were ignorant that the indians were far stronger then when they were first conquered ; and therefore that such a navy as was first sent thither could not work the like effect there ; yet both her grace and they thought it not meet to employ any more of her own , or of her merchants ships in that service , lest that the spanish fleet ( which was expected in england many years before it came ) coming upon her realm in the absence of sir francis drake , and his consorts , should not have found the same sufficiently provided to make such resistance as was needful : for as it sheweth courage in a prince to give the first on-set upon his enemies within his own dominions ; so it argueth want of discretion and wisdom to assault his adversaries with such force and power , as if the enemy in absence thereof invade his realm , there should not be found at home , an army sufficient to withstand his invasion . now as touching her majesties attempt made against portugal and spain ; the manner thereof is not unknown unto the world , the cause is notorious , and the success is not hidden nor secret : for mr anthony wingfields , and mr dr doylies books ; the one in english , the other in latine , set down the order , motive , and the event of that attempt , so truly , so fully , and so plainly , as i shall not need to say any thing thereof , especially having already touched his right at large , for whose cause , and at whose instance the voyage was undertaken : but because the said books make but a plain and true narration of the journey , and of the cause and success thereof , leaving the justification of the same cause unhandled , and you desire to see the same confirmed and strengthned by some examples declaring the equity thereof : i will in this point somwhat satisfie your desire and pleasure . presupposing therefore don antonion his title to the kingdom of portugal to be just and right ( as his own apology can , and doth testifie ) i think it will not be denyed , but that what help soever was , or shall be hereafter yeilded unto him for the recovery thereof , was , and will be both warrantable by law , and justifiable by many and infinite histories . the law be it of nature or of nations , warranteth any man whatsoever , vim vi repellere , to repel force by force , which is not tyed to this bare sence and meaning only ; that it shall be lawful for him to defend himself only against him that assaulteth his person , or endangereth his life , but it reacheth further , and giveth him leave to use any moderate violence , yea sometimes to kill him ( if he cannot otherwise retain his own ) that goeth about by main force to put him out of possession of his lands and inheritance , or to take away his goods from him . the same proceedeth further with us in england , and in france , and provideth that if a man be assaulted , and others stand by , and help him not , they are held for partakers of the violence that is offered unto him ; and if a man be robbed upon the high-way , and hue and cry be not made presently after the theeves , the town , village , or hamlet , which presently pursueth not the malefactor , shall answer whatsoever is taken from the party that is robbed . the reasons of this law are many . first it is expedient for the common-wealth to conserve the lives and goods of the subjects thereof ; then there should neither be meum nor tuum , if this law did not take place . next , the first and especial cause of assembling societies together , and of making and fortifying villages , towns , and cities , was a desire and care which men had to live together in safety , as well of their goods , as of their persons . lastly , nature detesteth unlawful violence , desireth the conservation of her creatures , tendreth their welfare , and hateth the procurers of her harm and detriment , and therefore provided princes that should minister justice unto all men indifferently , defend the innocent valiantly , maintain their subjects in peace continually , and duly inflict condigne punishment upon the breakers and perturbers of peace and tranquility . now because justice loseth her name and majesty unless a proportionable equity be observed in the administration and exercise thereof , as private mens security is regarded and tendred in justice , so the law must likewise have the indempnity , safety and commodity of superiors , magistrates , and princes in recommendation , otherwise they should be in far worse case then their own subjects are : for , the wrongs that are done unto them , are righted by their magistrates ; and therefore it standeth with good reason , that some provision be made , and some care had for the reformation of such injuries as are offered to the kings and princes . if a subject be thrust out of possession of his proper inheritance , the law provideth that he shall be presently restored thereunto . and if a king be wrongfully driven out of his kingdom , shall not he be allowed to seek a restitution thereof ? he shall , but how ? forsooth at his hands who hath deprived him ; but what if the usurper will not yeild to his petition ? he is then to implore the help of other princes , and they on his behalf are to pray and admonish the usurper to make restitution of all that he detaineth wrongfully ; whereunto i● he shall not hearken after due admonition given unto him , they may ( junctis viribus ) invade his realm , and by main force inforce him to restore whatsoever he with-holdeth unjustly . for this charge lay upon the emperours , as long as they were of sufficient force and authority to command and controll the kings of this world : but now that the imperial majesty is somewhat abated , and kings have freed and emancipated themselves from the emperours power and jurisdiction it remaineth as part of the charge of kings , to see that no violence be offered unto their colleagues , and especially unto their confederates . therefore it is usual amongst princes to enter into alliance together , with express conditions to take the enemies each one of the other for their own enemies , and not only to defend their own estates against all men whatsoever , but also to offend him , whatsoever he be that shall attempt any thing to their prejudice ; and there is nothing more common then to see princes oppressed to fly for aid unto the oppressors adversaries , and to receive help and succour from them . they therefore are highly commended which receive and harbour a distressed prince , and they contrarywise worthy of perpetual shame and infamy , which either refuse to receive such an one , or after his receipt offer him any manner of wrong or violence ; because as to adde affliction unto the afflicted is a point of great inhumanity ; so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular justice and lenity . the commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many princes , that some have received their professed enemies , others have fallen out with their dearest friends , rather then they would restore a poor prince being fled unto them for succour , when he was demanded at their hands ; some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their territories , others have entertained them with large yearly pensions , and presently aided them for the recovery of their kingdomes ; some have given them whole cities to dwell in , others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help , that they have lost their own kingdoms for defending them . it is written in the histories of france , that charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the dolphin of france ( who was his eldest son ) banished him out of his realm , and commanded that none of his subjects or friends should receive him : the duke of burgundy ( who was then vassal unto the french king , and mortal enemy unto the dolphin ) did not only receive him , but also gave him leave to chuse what castle , hold , or city of his soever he would to dwell in : and sent presently embassadours to his father to make his excuse for receiving him . piero mexias , in his book of the lives of the roman emperours , reporteth , that the emperour henry the third , when as peter king of hungary was driven out of his kingdom by his own subjects , who for his evil government had rebelled against him , did not only harbour and entertain him , but also restored him unto his kingdom , although the same peter not long before had favoured the duke of bohemia , who rebelled against the said emperour . the king of cochin , being required by the king of calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour ; answered , that he could not expel them out of his cities , having received them upon his word ; with which answer the king of calicut being highly displeased , wrot him a letter full of great threats , whereat the king of cochin laughed , and willed the messenger to tell him , that he would not do that for fear of all his threats , which he vouchsafed not to do at his request ; whereupon the king of calicut suddenly prepared a great army invaded the king of cochins realm , drave him out of his kingdom , and enforced him to fly unto a certain island of his own which was then in the hands of certain portugals , by whom he not long after was again restored unto his kingdom . our chronicles report , that both edward the fourth , and richard the third , offered great rewards unto the duke of brittan to restore unto them henry , earl of richmond , who lived as a poor banished man within the dukedom , but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire . the same chronicles testifie , that the poor king of scots received henry the sixth , flying from the persecution of edward the fourth , and entertained him with a yearly pension , and aided him for the recovery of his kingdom . david distrusting the protection of god , slyeth unto achich , king of goth , who giveth him siglag to dwell in ; and ierob●am flying unto shishack , king of aegypt , was honourably received of him , and maintained there like a prince , until rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty , and he sent for out of egypt , and made king of israel . frederick , king of naples , being oppressed by his uncle the king of spain , used unto the french king , unto whom he made grievous complaints of the catholique king , because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them , he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the moity of his kingdom . lewis the french king received him with great honour and courtesie , made him duke of anjou , and gave him . ducates of yearly revenue . our chronicles and other histories are full of a number of the like examples , confirming the equity , and commending the clemency and gentleness of such princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours , to their enemies , to their allies , and to meer strangers , being enforced to crave their aid and assistance . but hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you , i will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others . it is commonly said that troubles come in post , and depart by leisure ; and who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it , and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another kings realm and protection , the danger which the receiver may incure , and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the receiver by the received , together with their most unkind and unnaturall ingratitude ; this kinde of charitie , is sometimes termed crueltie ; this pity , peril , this favour extream folly , and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and princely policy . some princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such guests , or the aiding of princes who were expelled or banished from their own dominions , would neither receive them , nor succour them , unless they were well rewarded for their labour ; to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them . alexis , sometimes emperour of greece , being deprived of his empire , could not obtain any manner of aid from the venetians , the marquess of montferrat , and the king of france , until he had faithfully promised to pay the venetians debts , to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the frenchmen had sustained by the emperour emanuel , and to bestow the earldom of candia upon the forenamed marquess . macrinus , having slain the emperour bassianus , enjoyed the empire ; and his son antoninus heliogabalus lived a long time in exile , until his mother messa , by great gifts and extraordinary liberality , won the soulders of macrinus , and his best captains and colonels , to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate heir of the empire ; and in regard thereof , and of the duty of the young child ( whom for his fathers sake they quickly affected ) to deprive macrinus of his usurped diadem , and imperial authority . other princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed princes , when they have once received them , either restore them to their enemies , or detain them as lawful prisoners , or cause them to be secretly murthered . so did alarick , king of the goths , send king siagrius , who fled unto him for succour , back again unto clovis king of france , his mortal enemy . so did toleny cause pompey to be murthered , who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend , from the wrath and indignation of iulius caesar. so did peter king of castile murther rubaeus king of granado , for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite treasure which rubaeus brought into castile with him . so did ptolomy imprison antiochus , who trusting him rather then his brother seleucus ( whom he had many ways and times grievously offended ) fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of king eumenes . so briefly did henry the fifth king of england , detain iames afterward king of scotland , prisoner many years , who flying from the unnatural persecution of his uncle , who had deposed his father , and usurped the crown , was driven by tempest into england . these examples varying much from the former ; and these princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named kings observed , maketh this question very doubtful ; whether it be lawful and commendable in princes to receive and harbour another prince who flyeth unto him for succour : but if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty ; if it be true that the poet saith . turpius ejicitur , quam non admittitur hospes . if princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed ; if god most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief , and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them . briefly , if wiser princes have received them then have rejected them , this doubt is easily dissolved , and this difficulty quickly removed . now that humanity which is incident unto men , is to be preferred before cruelty , which is proper unto bruit beasts , is a thing so apparent to common sense , that i hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof ; and what is he who blameth him not for incivility , who having received his friend into his house , and being very well able to relieve him , excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him : or who is so ignorant , that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of kings , then it is to succour as many as have need of their help : and our chronicles do testifie , that god plagued the posterity of henry the fifth , for his extremity used unto the poor distressed prince of scotland ; and the french histories do declare , that god never prospered lewis sirnamed oultremer , king of france , because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the infant richard duke of normandy , whom he had received into his safe custody and protection : and to be short , the wisdom of those princes who have harboured their neighbours and allies , are commended beyond all measure by the writers who mention them ; whereas their folly is reprehended , and their cruelty blamed , who rejected those of whom i lately made mention , and all histories shall sooner perish , then their infamy be forgotten . but to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples , and to clear the difficulty of this question , i think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition ; for so the controversie will soon be determined : suppose therefore ( for example sake ) that the kings of france and spain being in fast league of friendship together , there ariseth a variance betwixt the kings of france and navarra ; from this variance they fall to wars , of these wars follow the overthrow of the navarrois ; after that overthrow he flyeth unto the king of spain for refuge : may the spanish king in this case receive and harbour him ? to this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer , unless the cause of the wars betwixt france and navarra , and the kind of alliance betwixt france and spain , be well and sufficiently known ; for , the nature and quality of the one and the other , may make the receipt and entertainment of the navarrois lawful or unlawful : if the french king had just occasion to war against the navarrois , because he was wronged by him , or by some of his ; and the league betwixt spain and france bound the kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies , but that the one should hold him for his foe , which was , or is adversary to the other . then doubtless except the king of france of his part had first committed some act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the alliance , whereby the same was broken and violated , the spaniard could not lawfully receive the navarrois : but contrarywise , if the aforenamed wars were unjust , and the league not so streight as alliance , which are both offensive and defensive are , then might the spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the navarrois , especially if the french king had before the receipt violated the conditions of the league ; for as bonds and obligations betwixt private men tye not the obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions ; so leagues betwixt princes , do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the articles of those leagues . besides ( as the world is now adayes ) leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them , and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker , they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past , but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation . you have heard what a strait league was concluded betwixt the french king and ferdinando king of spain touching the kingdom of naples , and also what occasion was taken to break the same , as soon as gonsalvo ( surnamed the great captain ) had the french general at an advantage . but i think i have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof ; the which , because it now cometh fitly to the purpose , i purpose to declare unto you . ferdinando and isabella king and queen of spain , being accused by the french king , that they had unlawfully broken the league of friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt spain and france against all enemies whatsoever , that should attempt any thing against the kingdom of naples , being equally divided ( as you have heard ) betwixt the two crowns , alledged for their excuse , that amongst other articles of their league and agreement this clause was inserted : that they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the see of rome ; and that therefore the pope having required them , as sovereign lord of that kingdom , to succour the distressed kingdom of naples , they could do no less , but yeilded unto his request , and with this cautele , contrary to their former promise made unto the french king , the said king and queen entred into confederacy and league against france , with the pope , with the venetians , and with the duke of milan , and the duke of ferara would not openly enter into this league , but cunningly , and with an italian devise and subtilty , he suffered his son to serve the duke of milan as his lieutenant general with men at armes . a few more examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question , and therefore i will afford you some such examples . edward the third king of england espying a time of great advantage to invade scotland , because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion , publikely protested , that he was not in league with the scot , because the league betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority , and while he being under age , had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same league . the scots and picts being in league with the ancient britanes , and spying a convenient time to molest them , whilest maximinianus the emperour was absent , invaded the realm , and pretended that they were not bound to the league concluded betwixt them and maximinianus if he were once out of the kingdom . the same people notwithstanding their league , invaded the brittanes another time , saying that the league was at an end by the death of placitus the roman lieutenant , who had concluded the same league . the brittans in the time of king arthur , entred into league with lothus king of the picts , and bound themselves to receive aludred a pict , for heir and successour unto king arthur , but when arthur was dead , ( contrary to the convenants of this league ) they made constantius , and not aludred their king , and being accused of the said picts , for breach of the said league , they answered , that the league betwixt lothus and arthur was fastened unto this condition , that as soon as the one or the other dyed , the subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto , adding further , that it stood not with policy to admit a stranger to bear rule and government over them . the examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose , but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of princes to falsifie their faith , and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence , when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every covenant and article of their agreements : now having seen by this that hath been said already , that leagues are lightly broken , it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose , that i declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory , what occasions one allie hath taken to be offended with another , and how upon such occasions offered , of great friends they have become mortal enemies . for hereby you shall see ( that since princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples , insomuch that they hold all things to be well done , which ( not being apparently unjust or dishonest ) are done by example ) that our queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the league that hath been between the crown of england , and the house of burgundy , of which the king of spain pretendeth himself to be lawful heir , may most lawfully fall from the same , and by many and infinite presidents justifie the receipt of the king of portugal , and the aid given unto him . i find many causes in such histories as i have read , which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight league of amity and friendship , to fall at variance , and either to war one upon another , or to associate themselves each one with the foes and adversaries of the other . iulius caesar although the romans were in league with the people which were anciently called lingones , yet he held them , yea and used them as enemies , because they aided the helvetians ( which are now called swizzers ) with corn and other provision . other princes have taken occasion of offence against their allies and confederates , because they have fallen to agreement with their common enemies and adversaries without their consent of privity . so was pope sextus the fourth highly displeased with ferdinando king of naples , because he not making him privy thereunto , had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself , and laurence de medicis , and the city of florence . so did lewis the twelfth of france justly complain of pope iulius the second , because at what time france stood in most need of him , he compounded the differences betwixt the church and their common enemies ; and for this injury offered unto him , published bills and books of greivous complaints against him , saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his popedom . illescas in the life of pope leo the tenth , reporteth , that the venetians being in league with the king of spain against the french king , departed from their alliance with the spaniard , and allied themselves with the french king , for no other occasion but because prospero colona , one of the captains of the spanish army , did not presently give unto them bressia , which he had taken from the french king , and should ( as it seemed ) have been restored unto the venetians as soon as it was taken . sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate : many causes enforced pope leo the tenth to leave the french king , and to join with charls the fifth . first his unsatiable desire to recover parma and placentia . the pity he took of italy , to see what misery it endured under the french. thirdly , the good will he had to gratifie the emperor for the great love which he shewed at the diet holden at wormes , unto the see of rome . fourthly , his indignation and displeasure conceived against monsieur lotreth , governour of milan , because he did not only molest and trouble the poor millanois , with a thousand vexations and grievances , but also gave all the benefices , bishopricks , and other ecclesiastical livings , within the dukedom of milan , without the popes leave and licence ; and further , because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any citation sent from rome , nor should go thither to follow any suit or process begun or moved there . and lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the king of france unto his predecessors , and especially unto peter and laurence de medicis , his father and his brother . here you see the pope ( whom the rest of italy most commonly followeth ) partly moved with a just hatred against the frenchmen ; and partly fearing their overgrowing power in italy ; to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness , leaveth them , and joyneth himself unto their enemies . now you shal see another pope , named clement the seventh , and with him also the venetians , finding that charls the fifth ( with whom leo the tenth allied himself against the french king ) yeildeth not , accordingly as he was bound , the investiture of the dukedom of milan , unto francis sforza , who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand ducates , and to marry with whomsoever it should please him ; and also to hold the dukedom at his devotion ; and further , conjecturing by the on-set which he gave upon france , and by the great power and authority which he had even then in italy , that he went about to make himself lord of the most part of the world ; and seeing that francis the first , king of france , had lately won milan from the said emperour , they entred into league with the french king against charls the fifth , as secretly as they might possible : you have heard before how leo the tenth , taking the kindness shewed unto him by the emperour , at the diet of worms very kindly , was moved thereby to leave the french party , and to become one of the emperours faction . now you shall hear how pope paulus the third , having the cardinal farnesius for his embassadour with the said emperour , and finding that his majesty had proclaimed a diet to be held at wormes , touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of religion , took it in so evil a part : that the emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes , the cognizance whereof belonged unto the pope ; that he commanded the said cardinal to depart from the emperors court without taking leave of his majesty , and to leave the cardinal marcello corvino in his place ; which was an indignity never offered unto any prince , unto whom either the embassadour or his majesty bear any love or affection . this evil conceit of the said paulus tertius towards the same emperour was encreased by three special causes . the first because the emperour to strengthen himself against the above named french king , had lately entred into league and alliance with henry the eighth , king of england , who was then fallen from that obedience which the see of rome looked for at his hands . the second because caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his aunt , lately divorced from the same king. the third because the emperor would neither sell unto him the dukedom of milan , nor make his son pier lewis , duke of parma and placentia . i might proceed in the recital of many other examples like unto these , but from these you may sufficiently gather , that the wisest , both popes , emperors , and kings , that ever lived of late years , have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their leagues for very small occasions , especially if they found that any king or emperour , by reason of their league , presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose , went about to incroach upon other princes , and to make himself lord of the world : you may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the princes of italy , and of their falling from france to spain , and again from spain to france ; how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in italy , how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them ; and how careless , negligent and secure they are now , since they notwithstanding ( not as their predecessors always did before them ) the aspiring ambition of the spaniard . moreover these examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of charls the fifth ; what jealousie and suspition other princes had of him , and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed ; the which having left as an inheritance to his son , with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt ; no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his father . but great marvel it is why the princes of our age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde , the same desire , the same ambition , and the same purposes which were in his father . but the more careless other princes are herein , the more commendations our gracious soveraign deserveth , who for better then these thirty five years hath ( as i have said often , and cannot say too often ) mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her majestie in so honorable an action . neither may it be imputed to her highness as a fault , that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of burgundie and her predecessors , but rather , as he amongst private men , is highly commended , who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes , and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their neighbours , so her gracious majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame , because it hath pleased her highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes , before the iniquity of any league or confederacie , besides , since that the league ( that was betwixt england and burgundy ) was ( as it may be gathered by the chronicles of both nations ) rather with the people subject unto the princes of burgundy , then with the princes themselves , her majestie continuing in amitie with the states and people of the united provinces , and being ready to do the like ( if the like occasion were offered ) with the other of the seventeen provinces , doth not any thing in the prejudice of the antiquitie of that league , but as her predecessors have done before her , ( as namely edward the third , and richard the second ) her majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their soveraign . the which action being most commendable , and such as might be approved by infinite examples ; they do her highness great wrong , who , not considering the indignities , wrongs , and injuries done unto her by the late house of spaine , and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the crowns of england and spain , to have risen from spain , blame her majesty as the first breaker of that ancient league . these men , besides many other things which are already refuted , or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places , more maliciously then wisely object unto her majesty , that about the year . her ships intercepted chests full of ryals of spain , amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand ducats , which were sent unto the duke of alva out of spain to pay his souldiers withal , the which wrong gave ( as they affirm ) the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt spain and england : for by the intercepting of this money the souldiers were disappointed of their pay , and the kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the low countries . but those men neither consider that spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto england , nor remember that when the spaniard complained unto her majesty hereof , that it was wisely and sufficiently answered ; that her majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the spanish kings , which he owed unto divers merchants of genova , who being well able to spare the same , and her highness having urgent occasion to use so much , thought she might be so bold ( as the spaniard had been ) to borrow the said money for a small time , paying them ( as he did ) some yearly consideration for it : which answer might well have contented the king of spain , since the said merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her highness as well as him : nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the duke of alva ; who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money , commanded all our english merchants that were then in antwerp , or elsewhere in brabant and flanders , to be detained as prisoners , seized upon their goods and merchandizes , and willed that the english house should be kept by a guard of high-dutchmen , and presently wrote unto the king his master to detain all our merchants in spain ; and further , knowing that there were divers english ships in zeland , laden with cloth and other merchandize of great worth and value , he caused them likewise to be stayed , and neither they , nor our merchants in brabant , flanders , zeland or spain , were dismissed before the king of spain was fully satisfied , which might easily be done ; the very cloth it self which was transported out of england into those countries , being almost worth the sum that was pretended ( god knoweth how truly ) to be taken away from the sp●niard : for although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her majesty ; yet the order which the duke of alva took for the recovery thereof , was not to be justified : he ought first to have acquainted his master with the taking thereof ; then an embassadour should have been sent from him into england to demand restitution thereof : and lastly , if her grace had denied the restoring of the same , or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it , the course which was taken had not been amiss : but here the cart went before the horse , and judgment was given before the cause was heard . now because our merchants lived quietly in the low countries , as well before as after the taking of this money , because they enjoyed their priviledges as largely as ever they did ; because we had daily traffique with spain , and the kings embassadours remained then and many years after in england ; ( all which are arguments and probable conjectures , that there was peace betwixt us and spain ) the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful , unless it be shewed that the spaniard hath given her majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof . truly it cannot be denied that our merchants had traffique ( as it is said ) in spain , and elsewhere under the spanish dominions ; but not for any love to our prince or nation , but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the king and to his countries , which could not well stand or at the least wise ( as late experience hath shewed ) flourished as they did without them : witness the misery of antwerp at this present ; the poverty of burges , and the calamity of many other towns , both in brabant , and in flanders , which as long as they were haunted and frequented by englishmen , yeilded to few towns and cities of christendom for wealth and prosperity . witness again middleboroug , vlushing , amsterdam and other towns in holland and zeland , which before the departure of our englishmen from those towns which are now under the king of spain , and before their traffique in holland and zeland , had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of merchants thither , which they have at this present ; in so much that many towns in these two provinces are of late years made larger , yea twice as big as they were wont to be . witness lastly , the great wealth , power and strength which the states of the united provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of spanish tyrannical government , entred into strait league with our most gratious queens majesty , and hath had traffique with her loving subjects ; for which the small aid which they have had from us ( small indeed in comparison of their great charges ) and with the yearly revenues which they gather by the resort of merchants thither ; it is seen of late that they are become so mighty , as that for provision of wars , for strength by sea , for munition , for all kind of furniture for wars , both by sea and land , and especially by sea , they may almost compare with the mightiest prince in the world . have they not of late years boarded the spaniard ? did they not when he sent his invincible army into england , stand us in great stead ? have they not won many towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late earl of leicesters being there , when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late ? briefly , have they not , and do they not carry themselves so of late years , that it may not only grieve the spaniard , but also all the princes of christendom , that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength . for , if the chiefest towns of france , which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves , as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing ; if i say , these towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said states and their subjects , and after due examination of their happiness , follow their examples ; and so in time cast off the yoke , servitude , and obedience , which time out of mind they have owed , and most dutifully shewed unto their kings ; would it not be a very ill president , a dangerous imitation , and a most pernicious example ? should not other princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes ? and were it not greatly to be doubted and feared , that other subjects would be as ready , as forward , as desirous as they of liberty , of alteration , and of a new kind of government ? nay , was there not a time , when almost at one time all the subjects of europe , not seeing so much as they may now see , jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto kings and princes , as that all kings and princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them ? the danger therefore of this inconvenience only , being well and wisely considered , all the princes of europe have great occasion to be offended with the spaniard , who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their states and royal principalities . but hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place . now again to my purpose . the subjects of the united provinces travell dayly into spain , they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities , they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of wars . may any man , considering the premises , and seeing how they and the spaniards fight dayly one against another at home , and within their own countries , say truly that there is no war betwixt them ? no verily , it is not the entercourse of merchants , nor the residence of leaguers and embassadours that alwayes proveth peace betwixt princes : the one is permitted and entertained for commodities sake , and for the benefit of the subjects on both parts , yea , for the better maintenance of the wars : and the other is used and practised for his great advantage , whose embassadour can carry himself most wisely and most cunningly . for embassadours are ( as phil. de comines said very well ) but honourable espies , and therefore it is usual to let them remain and reside in princes courts , not only after the rupture and breach of peace , but also sometimes when they are at mortal wars , that they may be mediators of peace . send therefore saith de comines , embassadours unto thine enemies , even when thou art at most deadly feud with them : for , though thy charges in sending be great , and thy adversaries be wary and circumspect in foreseeing they shall do nothing to their prejudice ; yet if those whom thou sendest be wise , they cannot chuse but learn somthing that may be very beneficial unto them , and countervail their expences , the reading of histories hath taught me , that embassadours are sent from one prince to another even in the hottest times of their wars , sometimes to demand a convenient place of parley . so caesar sent unto his enemy ariovistus to require him to appoint some convenient place where they might meet and confer of matters concerning the profit of himself , and of ariovistus ; sometimes to require and offer conditions of peace . so divito was sent embassadour unto caesar to desire peace at his hands : sometimes to spie and sound the affections of subjects . so hannibal when he was coming into italy , sent certain embassadours unto the french king , being then subject unto the romans , to enquire of their affections , and to see how they might be disposed and perswaded o suffer him to pass the alpes quietly , and to behold where he might pass them with least danger . but i shall have occasion to handle this matter more largely hereafter . and therefore from it again to my purpose . the taking of the fore-mentioned money is the matter that is most urged , and therefore must be more sufficiently answered . this is the sore that gauleth , the wound that grieveth , the corro●ive that groweth . to this therefore i will adde another plaister . it shall not suffice that the money intercepted was taken and esteemed not to be the king of spains , but to belong unto certain merchants of genoa ; that allegation shall not go for sufficient and lawful payment ; but it shall be added , yea and proved ( for an embassadour was sent by her majesty into spain of purpose ) that her highness complained unto the king of spain of the great wrong that was done by the duke of alva unto her majesty and unto her subjects upon an unjust occasion of displeasure taken against her grace and them for that money ; which if the king ( although it was certain it appertained unto those merchants ) would needs have it , it was offered unto him by the said embassadour , that it should be restored , so that her highness subjects might enjoy their ancient liberties and priviledges within the spanish dominions , and also a restitution might be made by the duke of alva for all that was wrongfully detained from them : and the same embassadour added further , that it was never her majesties mind to offend the catholick king , nor to provoke him to wrath and anger , whose friendship the knew might be a great help and honour unto her . what might her majesty have said more lovingly ? or what better satisfaction could the king of spain demand ? was he displeased because her majesty gave no better audience unto the duke of alva his secretary , who was sent to admonish her majesty not to meddle with any matter belonging to his master ? why , his cross and rash dealing deserved no favour at her hands , and made his masters subjects fare far worse then otherwise they should have done in england . for her highness hearing that the duke had made stay of her merchants , and of their goods , to be even with him , commanded that all the merchants strangers that then lived in england , and were subjects to the king of spain , should likewise be arrested , and their goods attached ; and strait commandment was given unto our merchants , that they should forbear to traffique into any place subject unto the spanish dominion , until the kings pleasure was fully known what should become of our merchants . here you see that the unordinary and unkind proceeding of the duke of alva , was occasion of greater unkindness then should have proceeded of so small a matter : for , if he had forborn to arrest our merchants , and to attach their goods , until his masters pleasure had been known , his kings embassadours had had better audience , and his subjects had been free from inconveniences and harms , as they suffered by his default . for after he had rashly and unadvisedly layed hands upon our merchants and their merchandizes , her grace could do no less then she did , especially since the lawes of her realm have provided , that her subjects being restrained , in the like manner shall have recourse unto her highness , as unto her chief justice , and there demand , that the subjects of a forraign prince who hath offered wrong or violence unto them and their goods , be presently attached in england , until our merchants and their goods be released and set at liberty by that prince : so the blame in this case must lye upon the duke of alva , who when this occasion of rupture and variance was growing betwixt our queen and his king , should have wisely dissembled the same , and quickly have extinguished the flames of the displeasure and discontentment that was likely to burn betwixt them . for a servant and counsellor may offend as well in being too forward , as in being too ●low in his masters business , as i shall have occasion to shew more at large hereafter ; the which when i shall handle , will give light unto this matter , and fully and throughly cleer the same . now to the proof that the king of spain did before the intercepting of this money , give her majesty just occasion to ●eize upon the same , and to detain it , although it had been much more then it was , for her own use and benefit . it is since the taking of this money some four and twenty years agoe , and therefore if it may be proved that long before that time the spaniard hath dealt more like an enemy then a friend with her majesty ; i think it will follow that she might justly have done him , even then , and before then , far greater despight then ever she did . when the late french king suffered the duke of alencon , his brother to take upon him the title of the duke of brabant , and the defence of those countries , he sent an embassadour into spain to excuse his brothers going thither , and to signifie unto the spanish king that all that was there done was done without his counsel and privity ; the spanish king was highly displeased with this message , and answered the embassadour , that he had rather have the french king a profess'd enemy , then a dissembling friend ; and not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful answer , he sent presently after him another embassadour into france , to tell the king thereof ; that the spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise , as not to see and perceive , that whatsoever the duke of alencon did , was done by permission , counsel , consent , and furtherance of the king his brother . out of this answer , and this embassage , i gather thus much : that it is better for a prince to have an open enemy , then a deceitful friend : and to prove the spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the state of england , i use these demon●trations . first , it is not unknown ( as i have said before ) all the treasons and conspiracies which have been attempted , intended and practised against her majesty , ever since her first coming to the crown , have had their beginning or their comfort , their counsel or their furtherance , their countenance , or their invention from spain ; witness ( to omit others of lesser moment , and yet of most dangerous consequence ) the treasons of the late duke of norfolk , since whose death it is better then twenty years , and more then forty since he first began to be a traytor . is it not more then twenty one years ago that robert rudolphy , a florentine merchant ( who had lived many years in england ) departed out of england , for fear that the duke being committed to prison , should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the king of spain , and of the pope , to draw the duke unto those treasons which he afterwards intended , and had executed , had he not been happily discovered ? did not the same redolphy go from hence to rome ? and there communicated with the pope how the duke was apprehended , and thereby their plot and device broken and prevented ? was he not sent from rome into spain , there to make the same relation , and to consult with the spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said duke , and if that might not be happily wrought and effected , for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to england ? was it not publiquly noised , and certainly beleeved , that the duke of alva should have joined with the said duke , and have done us more wo then i may boldly speak of , and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember ? witness again the most unnatural practises of the late queen of scots ; unnatural , because she was a queen as her majesty was , because she was her neer kinswoman , and her vassal beholding unto her highness for her life , and for the life of her own only child , which unto good and loving parents is always more dear then their own life . lived not this unthankful , ungracious , and unfortunate queen , more then twenty years prisoner in england ? and which of all those years lived her majesty free from some treason or other ? but hereof in another place . now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret messengers , secret help and counsel from spain , as well before as after her imprisonment , to animate , encourage , and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious sovereign , and her realms . is not then the spaniard a deceitful friend unto england ? is he not then , by his own confession , more to be feared , and more to be disliked then an open enemy ? or are not we so wise as the spaniard , to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings ? and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of france ? and to deal so with spain , as he dealt and dealeth with france ? such justice as a magistrate useth unto others , such must he expect himself , saith the emperour iustinian : he that seeketh dayly to increase his own power , purchaseth to himself envy and batred ; so said sabellicus , the prince that desireth cities that are far off , cannot but covet those which are near at hand ; so said leo aretinus ; and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies ; so said dionifius hallicarnesus . if therefore the king of spain hath nourished civil dissention in france ; if he hath been so ready to maintain the rebels thereof against their king , that rather then the realm should be without troubles , he hath relieved and succoured the very protestants of france , and the heads of their faction against their sovereign , and other their professed enemies : and if he hath done all this to the end the french king might not be able to encroach upon him in italy , flanders , or any other of his dominions : why may not our queen , who as a woman is fearful , and timerous , and , as a prince ought to be , careful and provident for the safety of her realm , and of her subjects , relieve the states of the united provinces , being her ancient friends and allies , to the end that he spaniard being busied in those parts , may have no time , leisure , or commodity , to work any manner of open or secret prejudice unto her realm , and her subjects ? dinothus a true historiographer of the civil wars in flanders , reporteth , that when the king of spains embassador said unto the late french king , that it was neither seemly , nor convenient for his majesty to receive the states who were rebels unto his master ; the french king answered him , that he neither received nor harboured them as rebels unto his master but as men wrongfully oppressed ; and that christian princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed : and further that the states had assured him , that they had oftentimes sent many supplications unto their king , therein submiting themselves unto his mercy , and humbly beseeching his majesty to remit their offences , and to receive them into his favour ; yea , and when they might have any commodity , they delivered themselves such supplication unto the kings own hands , but could never have any reasonable answer from him . and that therefore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice ; and to seek aid against him , where they might hope to find the same . if then the king of france , a prince of contrary religion unto the states ; a prince of as neer alliance , and of later affinity , unto the spanish king , then our queen is ; a prince that in his own realm could never endure protestants , because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two religions in one kingdom , held it the part of a christian prince to succour the oppressed , and to be their protector , unto whom justice was openly denyed : why should it be a fault imputed unto our queen , that she releeveth her oppressed neighbours , since she doth it not in malice towards the spaniards , but in mercy towards the afflicted ; not so much to offend him , as to defend them , not to enlarge her dominions , but to preserve her realms and subjects ; for how can she think that the spaniard desireth not her kingdoms , who sheweth many and manifest signs that he affecteth the rule and empire of all the world ? why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power , to the end he may be the better able to annoy her ? and how can she be too wary , too circumspect , too wathful over such a friend ( if he will needs be taken as a friend ) who watcheth and snatcheth , every little and great , secret , and coulourable occasion , to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy ? shall she take him for a friend , that seeketh to murther her person , to estrange her subjects , to destroy her realms ? the first , confirmed by the treasons before mentioned : the second proved by the pernitious and detestable book published by dr allen , wherein he exhorteth , teacheth , and licenseth her subjects to rebel against her , and had for his labour a cardinalship , procured by the spaniard : the last lately verified , and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible navy , gathered together in seven years space , compounded of all nations , and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer ; and yet by our might , and the almighties assistance , happily and speedily conquered . it is truly written , or wisely fained , that hercules ( a man exceeding common mens stature ; a man blessed with more then ordinary good fortune ; a man of rare vertues , and of admirable force and strength ) went up and down the world walking with a mighty club in his hand , and wandring from place to place , only to subdue and chastise tyrants ; and this true history , or wise fiction , tendeth to no other purpose , is reported for no other cause , but to signifie that oppression is hateful , and oppressors hated ; that affliction craveth compassion , and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy ; and that to subvert the one is laudable , and to succour the other is lawful : then if ( as cornelius tacitus saith ) other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable unto them ; but princes are and must be of another condition , because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of fame and renown ; the prince that succoureth the oppressed , and seeketh to supplant the oppressor , worketh a deed of charity , an action of piety , a work of commendation ; and in working thereof , bendeth his counsels , and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame : then ( if as polibus saith ) he that hath not compassion of other mens harms , must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries ; princes , because there is quaedam rerum vic●ssitudo , and fortune was never at all times favourable , although they be in the highest degree of felicity , must not presume too much on their own good fortune , nor condemn those that are in miseries , lest that if they chance to fall , no man will vouchsafe to help them up again : then if ( as thucidides saith ) he is not only a tyrant that enforceth his subjects to live in bondage and servitude , but he also that may withstand another mans violence , and do not withstand the same : princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed , and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them , and in danger to be esteemed and reputed tyrants ; then if ( as zenophon saith ) it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise ; princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed , because they have been and are in league with the oppressor , who hath violated his faith unto them , and unto others , are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity ; then if ( as iosephus saith ) patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions ; the prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof ; then if ( as bartholomeus facius saith ) women-kind , the weaker and more fearful it is , the readier it is to beleive any credible report , her majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed states , unto which the late king of france did ( as you have heard ) give open ear , and would ( as it is credibly reported ) have vouchsafed sufficient relief , had he not been letted by domestical dissentions and wars , nourished and maintained of purpose by the spaniard because he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor . then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own , and unto princes to contend and strive for other mens goods ( as ambitious minds do affirm and desire ) yet must they remember , that the desire of rule passeth all other affections ; yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable , but rather hateful and odious ; as too too great and obstinate severity , and a mind nothing flexible or relenting , at the sight , at the remembrance of another mans misery : then though princes be of power to begin wars , and to oppress their subjects , yet ought they to consider that it is not always expedient to do all that a man may or can do , that a wise man must first try all other means , then use the tryal of armes ; that as it is commendable to be valiant against the enemy , so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent , that they which offend by force , and not of purpose , by constraint and not of free-will , and use armes for their liberty , and not o● malice , deserve pardon , and not hard dealing , favour and not cruelty , life , and liberty , and not death and servitude ; then to be short , if every one of these reasons shall not be available unto the queen of england , and the oppressed flemmings , yet let all avail her and them ; so shall she and they be justified , and the spainiard condemned ; so shall their and her actions be approved , and his doings be reprehended ; so shall no man have just occasion to envie their and her prosperity , and all princes good cause to fear and suspect his over-growing authority ; so briefly shall it appear , that the spaniards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her majesty , and that although she hath hitherto spared him , yet she hath no occasion to favour ●im . and now i will make it appear , that not withstanding his many kingdomes and great power , it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him . for if it had pleased her highness to have sent greater strength in flanders then she did , and of late years to have aided the united provinces with huger armies then she ever sent thither , those countries which are now partly in h●s possession , and partly freed from his bondage , had all before this time rejected him for their lord , and not any of them ever returned to his subjection . but the fear which she had of him and his power at home , the supplies which she sent into france , and the upholding of her friends in scotland , together with the repressing of her rebels in ireland , never gave her leave to bend her whole forces against him in the low countries . true , and that is one of the principal reasons why he hath by all means possible laboured to sow discord , and to maintain factions in all and every one of the countries , thereby disabling them to send out any forces sufficient to annoy him , and diverting her from using the uttermost of her power , to his prejudice ; and yet , to conclude this point , considering the weakness of these his neighbours , by reason of their domestical divisions , and her graces whole strength , because her realm is not divided , it cannot be denied that she hath far better ab●lity then any other christian prince to weaken his power , and to abate his pride ; and truly he that shall well look into his state , such as it is , shall find that it is far different from that which it is supposed to be : for , although he be lord and king of many dominions and kingdomes , although the indies , in some mens opinions , furn●sh him with abundance of treasure , yet in truth neither is his power greatly to be feared , not his wealth far exceeding her majesties and other princes substance . for first , touching his strength , some of his countries are not so populous as france and england ; others that have great store of people , have men of such a mould , and such conditions , that they are unfit and unapt for the wars ; and spain it self from whence his best souldiers come , sendeth forth so many garrisons into the indies , to naples , to milan , to flanders , and to burgundy , that he can hardly , upon an occasion of great and most urgent extremity , bring ten thousand spaniards together : and although the benefit of the camaradoes doth greatly help them , their long and late experience maketh them most expert and cunning ; their military discipline containeth them in a very good order , and their extraordinary rewards and stipends maketh them both serviceable and very adventerous ; yet neither can so small a number perform any matter o● great worth , neither was it ever seen , since the first wars of the low-countries until this day , that being inferiour but by a few , nay being equal unto our men in number , they departed with the honour of the field , neither can it be truly said , that our men being no choice men , but such as our country can spare , and hath least need of , having had no long time of experience , nor fighting for the liberty of their own country , or the right of their prince ( which two things adde and put courage even in men scant having any great stomack at all ) did ever refuse to meet the best trained and long experienced spaniards in the field , and meeting them in equal places , and in like number , they most commonly have driven them to the worst , or made their party good enough with them ; and although the spaniards for these few years ( few i term them because they exceed not the memory of man ) have had the name of great souldiers , yet if we consider with what people they have encountred , and by what policies they have prevailed , they have not received the tenth part of that honour and renown which they seem to challenge of just and due desert ; for the people with whom they have contended in all this time , have been the unexperienced flemmings , the careless germans , the unwarlike italians , and the fierce and quickly fainting french-men . the first sort by long practise are grown equal , and nothing inferior unto them ; the second of late have holpe them to most of their victories ; the third by their own writers are termed infamia militiae ; and the fourth was in iulius caesars time , and are still , in the beginning of a conflict more then men , in the end thereof less then women ; neither may i so much derogate from the italians , or from the frenchmen , but that i must of necessity grant , that many of the captains who have done the spanish king greatest service , have been italians ; and the unprofitable journies which charles the fifth made divers times into france , with full intention and assured hope to conquer the same ; and also the late dishonours received by the prince of parma and other his lieutenants sent into the same realm , with a purpose and resolution to do much more then was effected , do argue that the french-men yeild not greatly unto them in valour or in discipline . then if he cannot make an army of many natural spaniards , and they when they are strongest , be it in number or experience , are easily to be matched , and many times over-matched by men of less experience , practise and exercise then they , why shall his natural strength be feared , which cannot be great , unless he will disfurnish his garisons , which were to overthrow himself , and to lose his best and richest countries ? or why should a prince fear his mercenary souldiers , or hirelings ? who fight no longer then they have money , and when they are ready to go to the battel , either abandon their master for want of pay , or fly to the enemy in hope of reward ; or when they are in the conflict , behave themselves cowardly , faintly , and so indifferently , that if they might be assured of their lives , they would hardly strike one stroke . this is briefly his power . now to his wealth . it cannot be denied that his revenues far exceed the revenues of any christian prince whatsoever . it must likewise be granted , that the indies yeild him yearly great store and abundance of treasure ; and it is supposed that his credit with merchants is able at any time to supply his wants , if he should chance to stand in need : but his states being most of them gotten ( as you have heard ) by conquest ; or distracted ( as you see ) by division ; they must needs ( as all such states do ) put him to so great charges , as the comings in will hardly serve to de●ray his expences . the treasure that cometh from the indies , sometimes part of it perisheth by the sea , part is intercepted by us , and all that is brought home , doth not suffice to maintain his wars . his credit is not in any measure answerable to the conceit and opinion that is had of it . for first , it hath been published in french discourses , printed many years since ; that he oweth more money to the merchants of genoa alone , then ever he shall be able to pay ; and i can shew , whensoever it shall please you to require the fight thereof , a letter written better then sixteen years ago unto him by his secretary escovedo , and intercepted by the states , wherein he signifieth unto him , that his credit would not serve , ( the which don iohn of austria affirmeth by another letter unto his catholique majesty ) to take up any more money upon the bourse at antwerp , because the merchants would first be paid that which then was owing them , before they would lend any more ; and don iohn de austria , addeth in his letter , that had not escovedo his credit ( by reason that the merchants held him for a man of great wealth , and of great care to maintain his credit ) been of greater worth upon the bourse , then the kings , their necessities had not been supplyed ; and therefore in the end of his letter , he beseecheth his majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up , lest that escovedo his credit failing . for want of due payment , they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time . besides , his father , by reason of the great charges which his continual wars put him unto , when he dyed , left him greatly in debt ; and he himself ever since his fathers death , hath been at exceeding great charges , either by building castles and citadels , or by making houses of pleasure , and monastries , or by maintaining continual wars , or by keeping many garrisons , or by buying and building ships to withstand our navy , or by paying part of his fathers debts , or by entertaining our fugitives , or by upholding the rebels of france : now as private men being left in debt by their parents , and living always at great charges , cannot not possibly be rich and wealthy : so princes being not only charged with their fathers debts , but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordinary expenses , cannot have great store of wealth in their treasure-houses ; and alphonsus duke of ferrara ( as paulus iovius reporteth in his life ) held opinion , that the prince was not worthy the name of a prince , and was always likely to be contemned and wronged , who had not in his treasure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need thereof . but , to the end that all which i have said touching this last point , may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability , i take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some princes expences , in their wars ; in their buildings , and in other occasions , by which you may conjecture what the spanish king hath expended of late years voluntarily and necessarily , beyond his usual and ordinary charges . the bishop and town of colen , in their wars against charls duke of burgundy , spent every month an hundred thousand crowns ; as philip de comines avoucheth . the florentines in their wars against the king of france , undertaken by the commandment of pope leo the tenth , spent eight hundred thousand ducates , in the taking of the dukedom of urbin ; in their wars against caesar , six hundred thousand ; and in other occasions depending upon the wars against france , after the said pope leo his death , three hundred thousand ducates ; and the same pope spent in the said wars against the duke of urbin , eight hundred thousand ducates ; as guiccidine reporteth . clement the seventh spent in the wars against tuscany , for the restoring of his family , ten hundred thousands crowns ; as paul iovius reporteth . paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years , in needless wars , above twenty millions of gold ; as illescas in his life affirmeth . the duke of alva for the building of the castle of antwerp , exacted of the citizens thereof , four hundred thousand florins ; as dinothus testifieth . cosmus de medicis , being first a private man , and then duke of florence , spent in private and publique buildings , better then forty millions of crowns , and ten millions in gifts and rewards ; as paulus iovius averreth . edward the third , king of england , spent in an idle journey into france , nine hundred thousand pounds ; as thomas of walsingham reporteth . the frenchmen in the time of richard the second , king of england , spent a thousand marks every day from easter until michlemas , in maintaining but thirty seven gallies , and eight other ships ; as the same authour affirmeth . henry the third spent in a journey which his brother richard made into germany , when he was chosen emperour , above seven hundred thousand pounds ; as mathew paris saith in his chronicles . but to come more neer to our purpose : the king of spain offered unto don iohn duke of austria , three hundred thousand crowns every moneth , to maintain his wars in the low countties , as dinothus setteth down in his history . the same king above sixteen years ago , had spent better then fifty millions of crowns in his wars of flanders ; as marco antonio arrayo testifieth . and the states of the said countries gave unto the duke of alencon , yearly , four and twenty tuns of gold to maintain their wars both by land and sea , against the king of spain ; as david chaytraeus reporteth . now , if mean states in small and short wars ; if petty princes in private and publique buildings ; if the french king in the maintenance of a few ships , but for a few moneths ; if our kings in idle journeys ; if the duke of alva in building one castle ; if the state of the low countries in their wars ; and if the king of spain himself so many years ago , spent so much as is before mentioned ; what have his citadels , his castles , his monasteries , his journeys , his provisions by sea , his ships , and his wars , not in one place , but in many , not against one prince , but against divers , not for short time , but of long continuance cost him ? and as these wonderful expences are arguments that he had much ; so they be witnesses that he now wanteth : and as his long and continual wars in flanders do shew that he is malicious , prone to revenge , and desireous to recover his own ; so they prove that his might , his puissance , and his power , is not so great as it is taken to be . for , he that withal his strength cannot master one poor nation ; that in many years cannot recover his own patrimony ; shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he attempteth ? shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others countries ? common sence and reason teacheth us , that he which is not able to do little things , is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight . titus livius divideth men into three sorts ; some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others ; others be not wise enough to advise themselves , and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them : and the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel : so some princes are able to help themselves and others ; others can defend themselves , but not assist their friends ; and there is a third kind that can neither defend their own states nor others . i know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of spain : the last sort too base for him ; the second not high enough ; and the first in truth scant fit for him ; for he that cannot help himself , how may we judg him sufficient to succour others ? and yet we see that there are no wars where he hath not somewhat to do , where he sendeth not some helps , either of men or money , or of both ; which argueth that he loveth to be always doing , although he do nothing worthy his labour , always troublesome , although his troubles avail him little or nothing ; always desirous to embrace many things , although he holdeth not safe any thing . but of princes i had rather deliver unto you other mens judgments then mine own opinion . you have heard what the spanish kingdoms are , and by that which hath been said you may easily conjecture that his principal force and strength cometh from spain and italy , countries as far different in conditions and qualities , as they are distant in place and scituation : of the force of these two countries you shall therefore hear what a learned writer , and what i ( who am not worthy to write ) hath set down for his resolute opinion . i have told you long since , that guicciardine termeth the footmen of italy , infamia della militia ; and now to the same purpose ( because it falleth out very fit for my purpose ) i may not forbear to tell you , that the same authour in his ninth book of the same history , useth of the infantry of italy , these words following ; all princes that can be served with high dutchmen , spaniards or swizzers , refuse the service of italian footmen , because they are neither acquainted with the customs and orders of other nations , nor accustomed to continue long in the field . the same writer considering that some kingdoms naturally are better able to defend themselves then offend their enemies ; delivereth for his opinion , that the spanish king is far better able to defend his kingdom from any invasion to be made by the king of france , then to offend or annoy the said king ; by which two judgments i may boldly conjecture , and prove my conjecture by nicholaus machiavelli , ( who hath written a whole chapter upon this argument ) that not only the spanish king , but also any other prince whatsoever , being driven ( when he hath occasion to offend or invade an enemy ) to use forrain power , and mercenary souldiers , is not to be esteemed a strong and mighty prince : and that such is the state and condition of the king of spain , is manifestly proved by the places before alledged out of guicciardine . for , if his italians ( the principal forces of an army always consisting of footmen ) be not fit for that service ; and his spaniards are better able to maintain his realm at home , then to molest his enemies abroad ; who can justly esteem him strong , whose chiefest strength dependeth wholy upon these two nations ? and now to leave the italians , as men in this respect not worthy to be had in any great reckoning , and to proceed more largely in the discovery and declaration of the spanish valour . true it is that ( as i have said before ) continual use and daily experience in martial affairs , have made them of late years very famous : it is also most certain and manifest , that they are very patient , and able to endure labour , hunger and thirst ; light of body , sparing in their diet , and therefore satisfied and maintained with a little ; wary and politique , and therefore cunning in using and inventing new stratagems ; briefly , so desireous of wars , that unless they have a forrain enemy , they will easily fall to variance and civil discord at home : but if you call to remembrance how they come to that fame , which now they have attained ; if you consider that they are ( as titus livius testifieth ) of an unquiet and contentious disposition , and always affecting change and alteration ; if you call to mind that ( as paulus iovius reporteth ) they have minds evermore thirsting for rule and government ; whereunto if they once attain , they bend their whole force and thoughts unto the purchasing of further and higher authority ; lastly , if you weigh and remember , that ( as piero mexias , a spanish historiographer saith ) they cannot endure to be governed by a stranger ; you must needs think that the before mentioned vertues may be either obscured or hindred by these later vices : for let them meet with a nation not so timerous as those with whom they had to deal of late ; let them follow their natural disposition , and so fall at variance amongst themselves ; let them still cover and affect authority , and so when they should jointly help one another against their enemies , proudly disdain to be ruled by their own leaders , as they have done of late years : lastly , let them contemn a stranger , as they did the late duke of parma , or not agree with strangers , as they did in flanders ; what fruit may be expected of their service ? or what profit can proceed of their valour ? it is imputed unto the germans for a great fault , that when they are ready to join with their enemies in battel , they oftentimes refuse to strike a stroke before they have their due and monethly pays ; and for this one fault princes make no great account of them ; and yet the spaniards , who are subject to this fault as well as they , are commended for their loyalty and obedience ; in so much that some men write , that they were never discontent for want of their pay : but if you read either the indian history , or the writers of their late wars in flanders , you shall find that they have oftentimes revolted for lack of their pay ; yea they have banded against their captains , and their best souldiers have resisted the commandment of their generals . this i could prove by many examples , but one notable example shall suffice for those many . at what time it was agreed betwixt the king of spain , and the states of the low countries , that all spaniards shall depart thence ; it was thought convenient and necessary by don iohn de austria , who was the general for the king in flanders , to appoint some principal and chief captains to have the leading and conducting of them into italy ; whereupon don iohn gave express commandment unto the kings secretary escovedo , to assemble the counsel of war in the town of antwerp , and there to consult and deliberate what man was meetest for that purpose . this councel assembled , made special choise of don alonso de vargas , who willingly accepted the charge ; but iulian romero , a man of great worth , and no small experience , openly re●u●ed to be commanded by don alonso , alledging for the only reason of his disobedience , that it would be a great dishonour for him to go into italy under such a leader ; because that he being master of the camp , don alonso had been his souldier ; and de vergas as boldly protested , that since he had been thought worthy by the counsel to govern , he would not be governed nor guided by iulian romero . the councel acquainted don iohn with this contention ; he fearing to discontent either romero or vergas , and doubting that if they should be discontented , some great inconvenience might follow thereon ; commanded the councel to chuse a third man , which was the county of mansfield ; whereat don alonso so stormed , that he complained of don iohn de austria , a danderas displagad , with banners displayed , as the same don iohn termeth it in his letters to the king of spain ; yea it seemed that he was so displeased therewith , and so resolute to signifie his grief and discontentment unto the king , that don iohn de austria in his letter unto the king is fain to intreat his majesty that if don alons● , moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him , should so much forget himself as to write , alganalibertag , some unbeseeming speech unto his majesty , como la ha hecho a mi , as he hath done ( ●aith he ) unto me , it might please his majesty not only to dissemble , but also to comfort , favour , and promise him some high reward , assuring his majesty , that whatsoever recompence his grace should bestow upon him , he would take the same as bestowed upon himself ; yea further , beseeching his majesty to let don alonso understand what he had written in his behalf , and that his commendations hath not a little availed him ; to the end ( saith he ) salga de la opinion que ya concedido , he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done . was not this , think you , a point of great disobedience in a base souldier , as don alonso had been ? was it not a bold part of a souldier to rail at his general unto his face ? was it not a fault severely punishable , to refuse to march under a leader chosen by consent of an whole councel at war ? was not that general in an evil case , who was constrained to flatter so mean a souldier ? or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal souldiers , who must of necessity be inforced , not only not to punish , but also to pardon , and not to tolerate alone , but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent captain , for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punishment ? but this was not all , and don alonso alone shewed not himself discontented ; sancho de avila , the colonel mudragon , the captain monteselega , the colonel verdugo , the castellan francisco , hermandes de avila , and many other of the most especial captains of that time , were likewise so displeased , and uttered their discontentments in such manner , as that don iohn was compelled ( as he testifieth in the same letter ) to pacifie them , not only by granting them their whole pays out of wars which they had in wars , but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and offices in the dukedom of milan , as they had in flanders . now whereas the wisest , best , and most serviceable captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage , and intolerable arrogancy ; may the meaner souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence ? or can that nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient souldiers , whose chief officers do so highly forget and neglect their duty ? especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the spaniards out of flanders was at that time unto the king ; but this kind of disobedience is not usual ; and whereas there be good masters , there most commonly be likewise good servants ; so the spanish king being better furnished with notable captains then any other prince in christendom , he must likewise have sufficient and good souldiers ; and because it hath been said , that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of souldiers maketh their kings victorious , it must needs follow as a necessary consequent , that the king of spain , whose captains pass the captains of all other princes , both in number and experience , cannot be without good souldiers , and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any adversary whatsoever : to this argument it is easily answered ; that although the valour of souldiers is better to be regarded then the number , yet that prince who hath valiant souldiers , not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number unto his enemies , especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his subjects in valour and chivalry may undoubtedly be held and reputed a prince of no great strength and pui●sance . if then you remember ( as you cannot forget ) that the christian adversaries with whom the king of spain hath any great contention ; are , the king of france , and the queen of england , ( the subjects of either of which princes are neither inferiour unto the spaniards in number or in valour ) you cannot chuse but perceive and see , that the king is not of might and power sufficient to contend at once with both these princes . this was well known unto his father , who ( as it hath been said before ) so carried himself in all his life time , that when he had england for his enemy , france was his friend ; and when he fell at variance with france , he presently procured the friendship and alliance of england ; besides there is nothing more usual then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past , and to measure the present forces of princes by their own or their predecessors strength and power at other times ; for although a kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others ; yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen , then of that which happeneth very seldom ; he cannot greatly be deceived that measureth a new raigning princes might and power , by his own and his predecessors former puissance : but before i enter into the due consideration hereof , it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the spaniards are lately become so famous as they are : you know that in this our corrupt age , as men are friended , so they are favoured , that they who are highest in authority , are most commonly as high in praise , as they are in preheminence ; that all men covet to win favour with the mighty ; that no man can so securely , as perhaps boldly , derogate the least jot that may be , from their credit and reputation , who in common opinion are held praise worthy . common same is by law a certain kind of proof ; and our common proverb saith ; that it may be an untruth which two or three report ; but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest ; yea such is the force of common same , that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest personages , it carrieth great credit , and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same . since therefore divers authors of great antiquity , of marvellous gravity , of singular learning , and rare wisdom , have attributed in their speeches , in their conferences , in their writings , more praises , and far greater commendations unto spain , then unto any other country ; many for fear to be reputed unwise , if they should not subscribe to their opinion ; some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery ; and others for affection ( which easily deceiveth very wise men ) have of late years either thought it a duty , or a degree and step to preferment , to concur in opinion , both openly and privately , with as many as have dedicated their studies , and devoted themselves and their uttermost endeavours , to the setting forth , maintenance , and augmentation of spain , and of the spanish kings honour and reputation ; thence it cometh to pass , that divers learned men in their writing , striving to yeild more praises to spain then it deserveth ; make mention of such commodities to be as yet in spain , which many years before our great grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein . so doth iohannes vasoeus , in his preface of his history of spain say , that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver mines in one province of spain called anciently boetica , as that divers forain nations , being drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof , did not only lade their ships with gold and silver , but also made anchors for their ships of silver . the same authour addeth further , that when the carthaginians came first into spain , they found in many houses great barrels and hogsheads made of pure silver ; and in some stables the mangers for their horses of silver : in so much that the carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of spain , were made able therewith alone to subdue the sicilians , libians , and romans ; for they found their silver in such great quantity , that one man called bebelo , gave daily unto hannibal , there thousand crowns : the same authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation , affirmeth our of iustin , that spain may compare for fertility of soil , with france , affrica and italy , for that these countries never help spain , but spain oftentimes holpe them with corn , and all other kind of victuals . the same authour hyperbolishing still in one manner , calleth spain the most warlike nation of the world ; the teacher of hannibal to war , the nurse of souldiers , and the province which knew not her self , nor her strength , before she was overcome ; and that she troubled the romans more then any other nation of the whole world . the same authour always continuing one course , preferreth spain for antiquity of true religion , and for faithful obedience to her soveraign kings and governours , before all other nations , attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of christ , unto paul the apostle , and iames the son of zebedeus , and extolling their loyalty , because they have not only been always true unto their own kings , but also to forraign princes and leaders ; as hannibal , pompey , iuba king of numidia , sertorius , a notable roman rebel , reposed greater trust and confidence in spaniards then in their own nations : lastly , the same authour striving to exceed all others in flattery , equalleth spain for learned men and women , with the most learned nations of europe . and sebastianus foxius in his book de institutione historiae , with a spanish brag , speaking by way of a dialogue , more arrogantly then wisely of himself ; giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence , as t●lly the father and founder of eloquence , would or did ever challenge ; and yet tullies verse ( o fortunatam natam me consule romam , argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant . now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice , i will forbear to confute their assertions at large ; and briefly , impugn them , not by mine own , but by other mens testimonies , who shall not be inferiour but equal to vasoeus for learning and sidelity : munster therefore shall tell you , that spain now yeildeth no golden or silver mines , but that all the mines it hath are of lead and tin ; which may perhaps in time turn into gold and silver , if we may beleeve raymundus lullius , and other alchimists of his opinion , which if it should chance at any time as many historiographers as write of england , would tell you that england should not then go behind spain for gold and silver . the same authour shall likewise tell you , how likely it is that spain should excel affrica , france and italy , in fertility of soil , since ( as he saith ) spain lieth barren , waste and desolate in many places ; and late experience sheweth , that denmark , holland and england , have many times supplied spains wants of corn and other victuals : how warlike a nation spain hath been , let not only terapha , a spanish chronocler , and better witness for spain then vasoeus a flemming ; but also reason and daily experience testifie , both which telling us ( as you shall hereafter hear ) that spain hath been conquered by more sundry nations then any other nation in the world do by necessary inference conclude , that spain yeildeth unto all those nations in prowess and chivalty ; and all historians of former times , and of this present age , will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm , that france and england troubled not rome much more then spain did , before they could be conquered , for where was caesar in greater danger then in england ? where was there a prince that durst challenge him to a single combat but in england ? and what hold had he of his conquest after he had conquered england ? no better then vasoeus might have of a wet eel by the tail . but to proceed to the confutation of the rest ; terapha in some manner agreeth with vasoeus touching the antiquity of religion ; for he saith , that during the raign of claudius the emperour , iames the apostle travelled over all spain , and not long after paul came to narbona : but how many won iames to profess the gospel , by travelling over all spain ? forsooth but poor nine disciples , as ter●pha reporteth ; a small number for so great a travel , or for vasoeus to boast and brag of , much less for him to pre●et spain in this respect before all other nations ; for i know not why for antiquity of religion , england should yeild unto spain ; because the same iosephus which buried the body of christ , not alone , as paul and iames came into spain , but with great company arrived into england , and not he alone , but divers of his society , converted not poor nine , but infinite many , and not to profess christ jesus , but to be baptized : and if a spaniard may carry equal credit with a flemming ( which a spaniard will rather die then not do ) our little english island professed christ long before spain . for dr. illescas in his ponti●ical history reporteth , that pope elutherius sent fugacius , and damianus into england to baptize king lucius and all his houshold : and england was the first province in all the world , in common opinion of all other nations , that received and professed christian religion ; and if spain may brag of their isidorus archbishop of sivil , or of eludius , archbishop of toledo , which purged their country of the heresie of the monopoliss ; why may not our island boast of augustinus militus , and that iohn which pope gregory the first sent into england , not to remove errors as their bishops did , but to confirm our countrimen in that christian religion and profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming . neither may it be justified that spain ( as vasoeus saith ) after it had once entertained the doctrine of christ , never fell from the same ; for illescas , in the life of pope pelagius the second , affirmeth , that in the . year of christs incarnation , recaredus , king of the goths , and of spain , was the first king that expelled the arrian heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his subjects to receive and profess christian religion : whereby it appeareth that spain lived from the time of st. iames and st. pauls being there , until recaredus his raign , which is better then four hundred years , in manifest and manifold heresies ; a crime which cannot be proved to have been in england , or in many other nations , after they had once submitted themselves to the doctrine of christ and his disciples . lastly , if spain will still continue to brag and say , that their king ferdinand was entituled by alexander the sixth , by the name of the catholique king , they may leave to boast thereof , when they shall hear that henry the eighth our king , not much after the same time , was surnamed by leo the tenth , pope of rome , defender of the catholique faith ; and that the switzers for their service done unto the same pope leo the tenth , received of him the title of helpers and protectors of the ecclesiastical liberty ; a title in no respect inferiour unto that of spain : and lastly , that clouis king of france , above nine hundred years before their ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the title of the most christian king : a title as for antiquity , so for worthiness better then the other , because the french kings , for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the see of rome , are called prim●geniti ecclesiae , the eldest sons of the church of rome : now from their faith towards god , to their fidelity towards their princes , a matter sufficiently handled , and therefore needless , and not requiring any other confutation , then the advantage that may be taken of vasoeus his own words ; for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange princes , and have submited their necks unto many several nations , it argueth inconstancy , fellow-mate to levity , which is either a mother or a guid unto disloyalty ; because light heads are quickly displeased , and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations . to conclude then this point with their learning , let me oppose a spaniard unto a flemming ; a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own country then a stranger , a man who giveth his testimony of vasoeus , and of the cause of his writing of the spanish history : iohn vasoeus a elemming , seeing the negligence of the spaniards , and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own nation , began of late years to set forth a small chronicle : why then the spaniards are negligent , they are careless of their own commendation ; so thought vasoeus , or else he had not written their history ; so saith sebastianus foxius , the man whom i bring to confute vasoeus ; the man who by attributing ( as you have heard ) more unto himself then any modest man ( unless it were a bragging spaniard ) would do , giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own country : this man therefore in his before mentioned book speaketh thus of the learning of spain : our country men ( saith he ) both in old time and in this age having continually lived in forrain or domestical wars , never gave their minds greatly unto study ; for the rewards of learning in our country are very few , and they proper unto a few paltry pettyfoggers ; and our wits being high and lofty , could never brook the pains that learning requireth , but either we disdaining all kind of study , give our selves presently to the purchase of honours and riches , or else following our studies for a small while , quickly give them over , as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfe●tion of learning , so that very few or none are found amongst us , who may compare for learning with the italians , or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study . you have heard two contrary opinions touching the spaniards learning ; i leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please ; and withal to consider by the way what manner of ecclesiastical discipline and government we should have , if the spanish ignorant and unlearned clergy might , as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured , prescribe laws and orders unto all the churches of christendom . the favourable assertions in the behalf of spain being thus briefly refelled , it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the spanish present forces , by an historical declaration of the power thereof in times past ; and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as spain hath imployed many hundred years ago , in her own defence , or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad , i will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man , and especially unto the raigne of charls the fifth ; for ( as i take it ) spain was never , for this many hundred years , so strong , as when the said charles was both king thereof and emperor . and albeit piero mexias , in the life of gratianus the emperor attributeth so much unto spaniards , as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth ; that the emperor flourished more under spaniards , then under any other nation whatsoever ; and alledgeth for proof of his assertion , the flourishing estate thereof , under the before named charles the fifth . yet i think that the empire being added unto spain , rather beautified spain , then that spain being conjoyned with the empire , did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the empire ; because as little stars give no light or beauty unto the moon , but receive both from the moon ; so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater , addeth no reputation thereunto , but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof , neither redoundeth it much ( in my simple opinion ) unto the honour of spain , or of the empire , that charles the fifth was emperor . spain is not greatly honoured thereby , because charles the fifth was a flemming , and no spaniard ; and spain came unto him ( as i have said ) by marriage with the heire of the kingdoms of arragon and castile ; and the empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said charles , because he being born in gaunt , was not onely a vassal , and natural-born subject unto the king of france , but also unto the see of rome , for all the dominions , lands and seigniories which he had in possession , saving those which he held of france and the empire . but charles the fifth , such an emperor as he was ( and undoubtedly he was a very mighty , wise and politick prince ) never brought into the field against any of his enemies whatsoever , so great forces , and so mighty an army , as might worthily be called invincible ( by which name the proud and bragging spaniards baptized their late army against england ) this emperor being ( as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said ) both ambitious and warlick , had in his life time many wars with divers princes , but none more notable , famous , and worthy of perpetual memory , th●n his wars in france , italy , and germany : for the wars which he had against the turk are not properly to be termed his , because his forces alone were not imployed therein , but the aid and help of the best and most part of christendom . his forces in germany were not above horsemen , and footmen , as lewis guicciardine testifieth in his commentaries : and although he used in these wars all his wit and policy to increase his own power , and to weaken and diminish the strength of the protestants ; performing the one by drawing into league with himself , and unto his aid , the pope , and other princes of his own religion : and effecting the other ( as sleidan writeth ) by great cunning , and policy used in distracting many princes concurring in opinion touching matters of religion with the protestants , from their side and faction ; yet the protestants army , consisting of horsemen , and footmen , was far greater then his in number , and had undoubtedly gotten the day against him when they joyned battel together , had not divers of their confederates left and abandoned them before the battel was fought ; or had not the duke of saxony committed a gross error in joyning battel with him . his armies brought into france were many , but none greater then at laundresy and marcelles : in the first he was aided by our king ; and in the second , by most of the princes of italy , and other his confederates , insomuch that the king of france , who had been first overthrown by him in italy , was constrained to implore the help of the turk against him : for when he came to marselles he had ( as dr. illescas reporteth in the life of paulus tertius ) in his army about almains , spaniards , and ten or twelve thousand italians ; the almains ga●hered within the dominion of the empire , the spaniards within his own realm of spain , and the italians not onely in the kingdom of naples , and the dukedom of milan , but also in the dutchy of savoy , and in other parts of italy , at laundresey , reckoning therein the forces which he had out of england , his whole army came not to above ( as the said guicciardine affirmeth . ) these were the greatest strengths that ever he gathered together ; and these are not so great , but that our queen , without the help of any other allie or confederate , hath oftentimes brought far greater forces into the field , as both our histories , and the french and scotish chronicles do witness . and mr. de la noüe , his opinion before mentioned , sheweth , that the french king of himself is very well able to raise a far greater army , then any of these were , against any of his enemies . i shall not therefore need ( as i might conveniently do in this place ) confer the forces of england or of france with the strength of this emperor , who had never gotten the happy victory , which he obtained against franci● the first , king of france , had not the italian captains , whom the french king put in trust , deceived him by taking pay for many more souldiers then they had in their bands ; ( a fault too much used in our modern wars ) had not the switzers , when there was most need of them , departed to their own homes ; had not the french king given himself too carelesly to pleasures , which caused his forces to decrease and diminish daily ; or had not the said king very unadvisedly attempted in the cold winter to besiege pavia : for the marquess of pescara , understanding that the king of france , being counselled thereunto by captain bonnevet , was gone to besiege pavia , said unto his souldiers ; we that were no better then men already conquered , are now become conquerors ; for our enemy , being therein ill advised , leaveth us in lody , and goeth to fight with the almains at pavia ; where the french-men will not onely lose that fury , with which many times they work wonders , but also will spend their chiefest forces in a long and tedious siege of a town , not easie to be taken , and in fighting with a very valiant and most obstinate nation ; and in the mean while we shall receive fresh supplies out of germany ; and without all doubt , if the war continue long , as it is likely to do , we cannot but hope for a most happy and victorious end thereof . now if this emperor , in these wars , ( the worst of which was far more just , then the best which the king of spain hath lately undertaken ) could with the help and furtherance of all his allies and confederates make no greater forces , then are before mentioned ; nor with his forces should ever have had so good success as he had , if his adversaries had been so wise and wary as they might have been : why shall his son king philip be thought able to bring more men into the field , then were in those armies , or worthy of so good fortune as his father had , since his strength is in no respect comparable unto his , and his actions and his enterprises have not the like colour and shew of wisdom , or of justice , as the emperor had ? that the father excelled the son in strength , all men will confess , saving those wich carry a partial and prejudicate opinion of the present greatness of spain : for albeit the son hath lately added the kingdom of portugal unto those realms and dominions which his father possessed and left unto him ; although the empire hath continued for these many years , and is likely to ●emain still in the house of austria , and his very neer kinsmen ; in regard of whose affinity and kindred he may boldly rest in as great hope and assured confidence of the aid and assistance of the empire , as he might if himself were emperor : yet having so governed in flanders , that by reason of the long and continual civil wars , those countries cannot yeeld him such aid of men and ●oney , as they did unto his father , who in all h●s wars , ( as lewis guicciardin● in the second book of his commentaries affirmeth ) had greater help both of men and money from them alone , th●n from all the rest of his dominions ; he hath greatly impaired his strength , and made it far inferiour unto his fathers , or unto that same which he himself was like to make before , or at the first beginning of his civil wars . for to omit that he can now hardly make such strength as the duke of alva , or don iohn de austria have had in their armies in flanders , whereof the first had at one time horse , and foot , and the other as many footmen , and horsemen more ; the decrease and diminution of his strength doth manifestly appear in this , that the low-countries are now reduced unto that poverty , and to such a penury of men , that he cannot possibly fetch any reasonable great number thence to imploy them in forreign services , but he is fain to bring in strangers to defend his towns against the united provinces . iacobus meyerus in the sixth book of his chronicles of flanders , reporteth that philip king of flanders in the year having wars against the french king , had men in his army : and adrianus barbadus , in the chronicles of the dukes of brabant , recordeth , that the bishop of utritch is able , upon any urgent occasion , to arm men. the first of these reports sheweth what the force of flanders hath been ; and the second giveth me occasion to conjectu●e and think , that the strength of the united provinces cannot but be great , since a bishop of one town could readily and conveniently arm so many men. it is written that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt philip , sirnamed the fair , king of france , and pope boniface the eighth , was , because the said philip would not , at the request and intreaty of the pope , restore guido earl of flanders unto his liberty , that he might accompany and assist the christians in their wars in the holy land , where the said guido's predecessors had done better service then any other prince of christendom ; and the pope held an opinion , that guido's presence would avail the christians much more then the society of all the other princes . what a loss then hath the king of spain by the low countries poverty , as well of money as of men , since the same countries were of late years more populous , far richer , and better inhabited then they were in times past . it is a worlds wonder to see the riches , the beauty , the pride , and the jolity of those citi●s before the late c●vil wars ; and it will make any mans heart bleed ( as we say ) within his body , to behold the poverty , desolation , ruine and calamity of them at this present . neither is the weakness of flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the spaniards , as the obstinate continuance of the united provinc●s in their disobedience against him . for , considering the extremity of his malice against england , it must needs be very grievous unto him , that there is so fast a league of friendship betwixt us and them ; and he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible navy , wh●reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown : but if he should look considerately upon their strength by sea , and the multitude of their mariners and sea-fa●ing m●n , whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever , 〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his desires , or to satisfie his revengefull minde , so long as those p●ovinces shall continue in amity with us . it will seem inc●edible that i have heard reported of the multitude of the natural inhabitants in such a country , where most part of their martial men are imployed in forreign garrisons , and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders ; for that every man that hath an aff●ction and liking to be trained up in armes , desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of armes ; it is an ancient custom amongst princes , if one hath an occasion to passe with an army through anothers country , to take pledges and hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of annoyance : and if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a forreign dominion , how can a prince be too watchfull , provident , and circumspect over an infinite number of forreigners residing within the limits of his kingdom , where although they be not armed , yet they may arm themselves at any time ? although they be dispersed , yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure : although they want guides and governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise ; yet if any army of their own nation should attempt any manner of hostility against the prince within whose dominion they live ▪ they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their countrymen , and so endanger his estate that harboureth them : and sometimes strangers of a few , grow to so great a multitude in other princes dominions , that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the countrey which they inhabit . there was a time when certain wicked rebels cruelly murthered charles earl of flanders ; of which some were according to their desert severely punished , and others were ( both they and their poste●ity ) banished out of all parts of the earldome , and also out of all the dominions of the king of france ; insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness , they wandered up and down the wide world , and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them ; until that edward king of england vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a little island of ireland , called gherma , where in a few years they so multiplied and encreased , that in the year . they presumed to wage war against the said king edward ; but being happily subdued by him , the greatest part of them were slain , and the residue which escaped became sea-rovers , and spared not to pill and poll any nation whatsoever , th●t chanced to fall into their hands . this example may warn all princes to take heed of strangers , and especially of such as have been traytors unto their own princes ; and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof , and of many others like unto it , may boldly presume to say , that the prince , whose country is replenished with strangers , and especially with such as have b●en traytors unto their own princes , hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security , and of his subjects safety . but i speake not this against such strangers as are fled into england , or any other country for their conscience sake , to avoid the tyranny of the spaniards . i know that god ordained cities of refuge , whereunto it was lawful for ●nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed , to fly for safety ; and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful eye , as well to cherish t●em , if living well , and under law , they be wronged by the natural subjects of his country where they live , against the course of law , as to foresee , that neither all , nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed enemies of the state in which they are harboured , to attempt any open hostility , or secret treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them . you have heard what may be said against the present strength of the spanish king ; now it remaineth , that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in civ●l government : for as necessary are justice and prudence for a peaceable regiment , as force and policy in time of wars . to censure his wisdom , will argue small wisdom in me , who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well ( as i have said ) of all princes , and not to examine their actions , nor look into the mysteries of their secret enterprises ; and yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our sovereign , i may boldy presume to commit to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice , especially since i intend not to discover any hidden oversights , but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours . these unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all , would fall out to be very many ; but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four , and of these four i will deliver you my opinion in this manner . i hold it first for a great oversight , that being bound by oath to rule and govern in the low-countries by deputies , and principal officers being born within the limits of brabant and flanders , he contrary to his oath and all good policy , hath ruled the said countries by proud and d●sdainfull spaniards . for although a magistrate loveth vertue , and hateth vice , embraceth justice , and disliketh oppression , possesseth all good qualities , and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition ; yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge , instead of peace and tranquility , he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and diss●nsion : for proof whereof i shall need to alledge no other examples , but the troubles and civil wars , which in these few years have ( as i have said ) turned the prosperity , wealth and riches of flanders into poverty , ruine , and desolation . for whosoever will considerately look into the causes of th●se tro●●les , shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrari●ty of the natu●es and dispositions of the spaniards , and of the flemings , because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meekn●ss and lenity , and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant officers , but have alwayes been far better governed by the courtesie and clemency of women , then by the severity and rigour of men. and truly , although nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence , as the scriptures testifie ; and it hath been , and it is a question disputable , whether it be better that the ministers of kings and princes should be severe and cruel , or gentle and courteous ; yet the wiser sort are of opinion , that humanity and gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary ; especially where the people that is to be governed is milde by nature , gentle in condition , and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty . and certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many chronicles , shall undoubtedly finde in them , that more kingdoms , dominions and seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-officers , then by the severity of the higher powers : for in histories men shall see , that even those people who lived many yeers in peace , without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a town , to the maintaining of a camp , or to the entertaining of any domesticall sedition , have been enforced by the barbarous and cruel tyranny of wicked officers , to prefer wars before peace , and the effusion of blood , before the conservation of their lives . the province of graecia , after that it had sought and gained many battels , subdued sundry nations , and triumphed over infinite enemies , was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their governors . the iniquity and cruelty of appius claudius shewed unto virginius his daughter , changed the state of rome , and was the onely cause that their form and manner of civil government was altered . the ancestors of the same flemmings , which of late years have born arms against king philip of spain , not being able to brook and endure the indignities and injuries of those officers which king philip of france ( sirnamed the fair ) set over them , took out of prison a poor weaver , and made him their head , rebelled against their king , and killed all the frenchmen that were in flanders . the people of sicilie , moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such french governors as tyrannized over them , slew in one night all the frenchmen that were in that kingdom , and opened the bellies of as many women of their own nation as were with childe by frenchmen , onely to destroy the fruit of their womb . how many times have the people of england , the subjects of france , and the inhabitants of spain rebelled for the same occasion ? yea , in the time of the emperor charles the fifth , whose predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in switzerland , for the great tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their lieutenant . and in truth , less grievous and offensive are the injuries which princes themselves do unto their subjects , then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their officers ; and certainly much more dangerous to a princes state are the extortions , cruelties and exactions of inferiour magistrates , then of those unto whom as well the magistrates as the subjects are accomptable . this is first proved by the force and efficacie of reason it self , because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the master then by the servant ; for that the indignitie and base condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an injury sustained . s●condly the common people hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical government of an inferior magistrate , then of the superior powers , think it far better to have a bad prince , who wil be governed and directed by good counsellors , then to live under wicked officers authorised to rule and govern them by a good and vertuous prince . for , say th●y , a wicked prince liveth at ease in his kingly palace , giveth himself unto pleasure , followeth his delights , and rejoyceth in the company of his vain and foolish favorites ; and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth ; but the wicked magistrate studie●h continually , how to commit violence , to invent new exactions , to trouble and torment the common people , to clipp their wings , to de●●owre their children , to dishonest their wives , and to seize upon their goods , to withhold their lands , and to violate and break their priviledges . these are the harmes that proceed from the bad magistrate , the remembrance of which is most greiv●us , the pain excessive , the beginning odious , and the end ex●crable . the consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours , but all other estates and kingdomes most happy , which are governed by such princes as are borne in the same kingdoms which they govern ; and those contrariwise most unfortunate , and subject unto infinite miseries , which are ruled by forain princes : the consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their kings the lawful children of their deceased soveraignes , because they were born in fo●rain countries . the which consideration ( as it seemeth ) had sometimes place in england , because am●ngst other statutes of this realme , there is one to enable and make the child●en of our kings which are born in other countries capable of the crown of england . lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise polititians to be of opinion , that the princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to conquer and subdue forain kingdoms ; for after that they have attained the desired fruits of their desired labour and travaile , what have they gotten worthy of their pain●s and charges ? they have added somewhat to their former reputation , they have increased their yearly revenues of their crown , they have ( as it becometh good husbands ) augmented the talent which god bestowed upon them ; and what is all this , but a thing that glistereth and is no gold ? a shew of reputation , that is no true glory ? and a representation of great profit than can have no long continuance ? for if this happie and glorious conqueror shall leave his natural country , and govern in person his new conquered kingdome , what sorrowes , what inconveniences , what troubles , dangers and vexations will follow thereof ? his natural subjects will complain that they are forsaken , and the ●onquered will not long like of his government ; the former will find fault with his deputies , and the later will desire his room , rather then his presence ; the one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own , and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs , because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the country which they call theirs ; so he becometh a stranger unto his own , and being daily amongst his own , his own will not know him ; and that which is most greivous , if his own chance to rebell , as many have done in their soveraignes absence , he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them ; and if his strange●e happen to revolt , he mu●t either make a butchery of his own , to subdue them , or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years : i shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof , i have cleared that by many examples , in the beginning of this discourse ; and therefore i will now come unto the second error not inferior , but rather greater then the fi●st . it is an usuall policie amongst princes , when they have given their loving subjects just occasion of discontentment , to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be changed ; and their natural affections enforced to return . but the king of spain being neither mindful of his policy , nor careful ( as it should seem ) to maintain and keep his own , having alienated the hearts and estranged the affections of his kinde and tender subjects , by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud officers , is so far from pacifying their wrath , as that he provoketh them unto further anger and discontentment , by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable requ●st , which not they alone by their ambassadors , but also other princes for them make unto him : for after that the low co●ntries by the example of the kingdoms of poland , swedland , denmark , france , scotland , and england ; together with the common-wealth , dukedoms , principalities , counties palatinates , and other dominions and free cities of switzerland , savoy , wittenberge , and other provinces of germany , fell from popery unto the profession of gods true religion , they desired of their king that they have liberty of conscience ; and without danger of a spanish inqu●si●ion profess that religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die ; but the king thinking it not convenient , or beseeming the royall majesty of a prince , to yeild unto any extraordinary petition , were it never so humble or reasonable , of his subjects , refuseth to satisfie this request ; for which his refusing , as many as●favor him , or his cause , alleage these reasons , first that men of two religions can hardly live in peace and quietnes together in one estate . secondly , that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the low-countries . thirdly , that he had faithfully promised the popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present roman religion , within any of his kingdoms or dominions . fou●thly , that such a toleration as was demanded by his subjects , cannot be war●anted by the example of any k●ngs or princes of later or former times : fifthly , that the king of france , and the queen of england having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving subjects , could never be moved to condiscend to their humble petitions . and lastly , that it was not seemly for his majesty to be directed by other princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his subjects , especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that religion which his subjects in spain and in other his dominions do profess . these are in briefe all the reasons that ever i could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal ; and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons , i will briefly confute every one of them in order . true it is that there is no streighter tie , no surer stay , no stronger hold to co●joyn and knit the hearts of subjects together , then is the conformitie and unitie of religion ; and that the readiest way to sever and separate their affections is to set them at strife and variance for religion ; in regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms , to resist the first beginni●g of any heresie whatsoever , and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their subjects ; and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance , to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same . for variety of opinions easily ingendred , findeth meanes to increase without great difficulti● , and having once penetrated , into the interior cogitations of mens hearts , so ravisheth their senses , blindeth their eyes , and obscur●th their judgements , that they can neither see , nor discerne the truth from falshood , nor the light from darkness , but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions , that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies . but if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions , the number of subjects professing a religion contrary to their kings , be once grown to be equall or greater then the multi●ude of those which agree with him in opinion , there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder . the one to command ( as dagabert king of france did ) that all they that profess not the same religion which their king doth , shall by a certain time appointed , depart out of his realme ; and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome , beyond the day prefixed , shall be held as enemies unto the state , and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death . the other , to permit them to continue in their country , and to enjoy liberty of conscience : the which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie , seemeth unto mee best to bee followed : for since mens consciences ought to be free and at libertie , since no man may rightfully be deprived of the benefit and ●ommoditie of his conntry , without some off●nce committed worthy of ban●shment ; since the life and wellfare of their subj●cts is recommended unto princes ; since the fault that is committed by their sufferance cannot be well punished without great prejudice unto their honor and reputation , and briefly since the life may be more beneficial then the death of such subjects unto their kings , it should undoubtedly be great tyranny to deprive them either of their lives or of their country . but we are commanded in the scriptures to r●ject him that is an heretick after one or two admonitions : wee are told , that he that will not be obedient unto the church , must be unto us as an heathen man , or a publican . and we are willed to take heed 〈◊〉 no man deceive us , and that we keep not company with such men ; how then shall the religious converse with the reprobate ? how shall the papist live with the protestant ? and how can a prince maintain both in one kingdome , in one city , in one town , in one house ? this is all that can be alleaged against us out of the word of god , and by these words the protestants are not commanded to shun the papists , nor the papists to avoid the protestan●s ; only we are all in general taught to beware of vain philosophers , of men delighting in many speeches , of such as with vanity of words excuse sins , and mock at at the menaces and judgements of god ; we are forbidden to give any credit to their philosophie , and humane reasons , to put any confidence in their traditions in their fables , to be moved any thing at all with their miracles , to participate with them in their doctrine and ceremonies , and to admit them to conference or communication with us ; this commandement stretcheth not unto men varying somwhat from us in religion ; these words forbid not the true worshippers of god to converse with them that worship god truly , but not in the ●●me manner in all respects as they do ; for if this were a general commandement , then all men not being well instructed or perswaded in religion , should not be admitted into the company of christians . the church of god from the beginning hath withstood and infringed this commandement ; yea our saviour iesus christ should seem to have given contrary commandements ●nto his apostles , unto his disciples : for , when he willed them to go and preach his word unto all nations , as well unto the iewes as unto the gentiles , unto the b●leivers as unto the unbeleiving , is not this commandement contrary unto the former ? or could they as they were commanded , teach the infidels , or instruct the ignorant without conversing with them ? did not he , whose word is a lanthon unto our feet , whose life must be our guide , whose actions must be our imitation , daily converse with publicans , with pharises , with sadduces , with all sorts of people , never having respect of men , nor careing of what profession they were , because the end of his coming was to save the sinner , and to conver● the infidel ? and hath he not said , that two shall be in one bed , whereof the one shall be received , and the other rejected ? and doth not this saying import that the true christians shall converse with the schism●ticks of the world ? did not abell live with cain untill he was murthered by cain ? did not seth and enoch , both beleiving in god , dwell amongst the other children of adam , who lived without religion , without any knowledge of god ? abraham was commanded by god to leave his native country , and to go to seek a new habita●ion amongst men not knowing nor worshiping of god ; isaack swore friendship and alliance with abimelech an infidel , and iacob dwelt with laban an idolator . ●ut these and the prophets of god were men so well instructed in gods word , so affected thereunto , so willing to observe every precept thereof , and so unwilling to give any occasion of offence in what company soever they came , that they lived in peace with all men , they exhorted all men unto peace ; and there was no man so ungodly that could receive any loss , detriment , scandal , or offence by their company : men are not so in these daies ; and therefore the like effects will not follow of their company : and yet in these dai●s the unbeleiving may not onely , but are also commanded to abide with the believers ; and the believers are enjoyned to dwell with the unbelieving ; for the woman that hath an husband that believeth not , if he be content to dwell with her , let her not ( sai●h the scripture ) forsake him ; for the unbelieving husband is sanct●fied by his wife , and the unbelieving wife is sanctified by the husband , becau●e t●e faith of the believer hath more power to sanctifie mariage then the w●ckedness of the other to pollute it : and the scripture goeth further , saying , what knowest thou o wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband ? or what knowest thou o man whether thou shalt save thy wife ? why then there cometh a benefit by suffering the reprobate to converse with the religious ; the faith of the one may sanctifie the other ; and the b●l●ever may chance to save him that believeth not ; and were it not th●n impious , wicked and irreligious to deprive the one of the societie , and of the instructions of the othe● ? but they will not live together in p●ace and quietness . how know you that ? or what shall cause variance betwixt them ? forsooth the varietie of their religion . but may not they be forbidden to argue of matters of religion ? and take away all kinde of dispu●ation and argument ; and do you not therewithall remove all cause of cont●ntion ? know you not that knowledg comet● partly by hearing ? and if they should heare one another with mildness and modestie , would not the faith of the believers be able to confound and confute the infidelitie of them that beli●ve not ? the prayer of a righteous man availeth much , as it was seen by elias , who being a man subject to the like passions as we are , prayed earnestly that it might not raine , and it rained not on the earth for three years and six months , and he prayed againe , and the heaven gave raine and the e●●th brought forth her fruit. the prayer of fai●h shall save the sick , and the lord shall raise him up , and if he have committed any sin it shall be forgiven him . if then by prayer raine is staied , and raine may be procured ; if by prayer he●lth be restored , and sin be forgiven , shall not the prayer of the faithfull availe much ? or shall not the infidel be benefited or saved by their prayer ? faith is the g●ound of things that are hoped for , and ●he evidence of things that are not seen . by faith abell offered unto god a greater sacrifice the caine. by faith enoch was taken away that he should not see death . by faith noah , being warned of go● , of the things that were as yet not seen , moved with reverence , prepared the ark to the saving of his household . by faith abraham obeyed god , when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an inheritance . by faith sarah received strength to co●ceiv● seed , and was delivered of a child when she was past age. by faith moses forsook egypt . by faith he with his people passed through the red sea as on dry land. by faith the walls of iericho fell downe after they we●e compast about seven dayes . and by faith ●he prophets subdued kingdoms , stopped the mouthes of lyons , quenched the violence of fire , escaped the edge of the sword , of weak were m●de strong , waxed valiant in battaile , and turned to flight the armies of the aliens . then since faith is of this force , and efficacy , shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them , by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit ? for if any man hath erred from the truth , saith st iames , and some men hath converted him , know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way , shall save a soul from death , and shall hide a multitude of sins . and is it not a thing commendable before men , acceptable unto god , and worth the l●bours of any good christian to save a soul , and to hide a great multitude of sins ? but to leave these divine arguments , and to come unto humane reasons , because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world , whom ( mee thinketh ) it should suffice for proof that papists and protestants may live in peace and quietness together , because that in poland where there are many religions professed , you seldome heare of any civil contention ; and in switzerland ▪ in many townes thereof , the papists and protestants eate together , lye in bed one with another , marry together , and that which is most strange , in one church you shall have a mass and a sermon , and at one table upon fish dai●s , fish and flesh , the one for papists , the other for protestants . and whosoever shall look upon the present state of spaine , or the present government of italy in this age , in which countries there is but one religion professed , shall finde no greater peace , no more assured friendship , no streighter league of ami●ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of poland , switzerland , and other nations which give friendly entertainment unto pluralitie of religions ; neither can any m●n say with reason , that the protestants of flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their country : for there is no man that reverenceth the magistrate , obeyeth the laws of god and man , or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of bo●h laws more willingly then they , as their supplications , their le●ters , their apologies do testifie . it is not they , but their enemies ; not they but their evill governors ; not the inhabitants of their country , but the strangers sent into the country , and del●ghted wi●h the pleasures and the profits thereof , that have occasioned these troubles . neither is it to be thought that so many princes , as the king of france ▪ the queen of england , the archduke of austria , and the late duke of anjou , being all strangers unto them , would ever have undertaken their defence and p●otection , if they had thought or seen that the principal c●use of sedition might justly be imputed unto them . it was the tyranny of don iohn de austria , the crueltie of the duke of alva , the intolerable pri●e of the spaniards in general , the unreasonable exaction of the hundreth , the twentieth , and the tenth penny of ●v●ry mans substance , together with other causes mentioned in the b●ginning of this discourse , that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull obedience . devotion , service , and observance of their prince . i● the time of philip the fair● king of france , as now in the raigne of philip the second king of spaine ( whereby it may appeare that the name of philip hath been fatall unto this country ) there were the like troubles is flanders as there are now ; and as now , there were some of the country it selfe that favoured spaine more then their owne libertie ; so then there were many liliari that tendred the french kings factions more then the safetie of their owne conn●ry ; and as now , so then those liliari together with the king of ●●ance imputed the cause of the troubles and wars unto the peevish will●ullness of the poor flemings , and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the french king and his councellors . moreover , as now , so then , diverse flourishes and sh●wes of peace were made unto the flemings ; not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them , but to make the world believe that they were desirous of peace ; whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a battel ; when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage , or to forsake it with great dishonour : such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the united provinces ; and such were they that were tendered many years ago , by which the spaniards received alwaies some benefit ; sometimes he got a town , a hold , or a castle ; sometimes he distracted some of the nobility from the prince of oranges faction , and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped . this will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers apologies set out by the prince of orange and the states of the low-countries . and therefore i know not with what conscience , or with what shew of truth , the cause of this civil discord may be ascribed unto the subjects of flanders , and not unto the king of spain and his evil officers . the first and second reasons are sufficiently refuted ; now to the third . he hath promised the popes holiness not to admit any other religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or dominions . how is his promise proved ? what ground hath it ? upon what reasons standeth it ? he is in some manner subject unto the pope ; be it ; he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him : let it be so ; he beareth the title of the catholick king , as an especial gift from him or his predecessors ; it shall not be denied . lastly , it is he whose friendship and amity ●is father willed him to embrace and entertain ; this must also be granted : but what of all this ? he may not break promise with his holiness . true , if the promise be possible ; for no man is bound to things impossible . and is this promise impossible ? it is ; or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon ●mpossibilities ; ●r whatsoever cannot be done by a prince without offence ●o god , without effusion of blood , without ruin of his estate , and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dignity , that may in some respect be esteemed impossible ; and whosoever maketh any such vow or promise , first , it had been very good that he had never made it ; and next ▪ it were very convenient never to put the same in execution ; b●cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone , is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many . this promise therefore , if it were never made , but suggested , requireth no performance ; and if it were once made , it likewise ought not to be performed , because it is impossible , and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood , without hurt unto many , and prejudice unto a whole estate . from this promise therefore unto t●e fourth reason , a reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated . for the emperor constans maintained the corps and colledge of arrianus , not for any affection that he ba●e unto them , but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his subjects . theodosius sirnamed the great , who was always a most mo●tal enemy unto their opinion , did likewise permit them to live in company with his other subject . and valens and valentian , whereof the one w●s an arrian , and the other a catholick , suffered men of both religions to live under their government . the emperor ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of silecia and lituania , which are provinces of bohemia , to change their religion . and not long after him , maximilian the emperor licensed them to build churches after the manner and fashion of protestants . besides the pope himself , the dukes of mantua , ferrara , florence , and baviera , together with the seigniory of venice suffer iewes to live in their country . and the kings of poland and moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of tartarians and mahometists to lead their lives in their countries , imitating therein the example of constantine the great , who after that he had established christian religion in rome , excluded not any pagans and infidels out of rome . in the kingdom of poland , the greek and roman religion was at one time a long whi●e professed ; and now there are many lutherans , catholiques , anabaptists and calvinists . lastly it cannot be denied ( and this methinketh should move the king of spain most of all ) that his father charles the after that he had fought a long while with the princes of germany which profess● . lu●herasme , being aided in the same warrs by the pope and all the princes of italy , granted at the length that peace unto the protestants which is called the pe●ce of aubspurge . considering therefore , that al these popes , emperors , kings , dukes , princes and barons , having no less regard then the king of spain , of their soules health , & hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of heaven did permit & do yet permit the professed and sworn enemies of christ and of his gospell , namely the jewes , to live , nay to be born , and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes , dominions , and principalities ; what shame , d●shonor , or prejudice can it be unto the king of spains catholick majesty , to give leave unto his loving and trustie subjects to adore and worship the same go● , which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire ? i know not what should be the cause that he , who is so desirous in all other things to follow his fathers 〈◊〉 , examples , and counsells , doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this toleration , which will be acceptable unto his subjects , answerable ●nto their desires , agr●e●ble unto gods word , and very pro●itable for the adv●ncement of his own reputation . it is ( to come unto the fift reason ) because the queen of of england and the king of france will not yeeld unto any such toleration in the●r several kingdoms ? ala● ▪ neither the example of the one , nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause . for he hath not the like authority in flanders as they have in france and england : they are free , and he is bound ; they are tied to no conditions , and he is fastened unto many ; and especially unto these , not to break their ancient priviledges , nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the states of the country , by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance . besides there must needs follow farr greater inconv●nience unto him then unto her , by denying liberty of conscience unto their subjects : for , his are so many that require the same , that above departed at ●ne time out of flanders because he refused their humble request ; and the number of traditioners in england is so little , that all that were of any note and name amongst them , were heretofore and are at this present reduced , into one little island , nay into no great house of a little island ; but the late king of france , who was esteemed one of the wis●st princes of europe would not in any wise suffer two religions to be professed in his kingdom ; but because he would plant one onely there , he made wars a great while against his own subjects , destroying their houses , wasting their fields , ruinating their cities , and massacring their persons . but who gave him counsel so to do ? was it not the king of spain , or his pensioners ? and what advantage got he therefore ? truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his country : and what end had he of his war before he died ? forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars : and what continuance had these wars ? certainly they lasted above thirty years , and the protestants are now stronger then ever they were . and what issue is come of these french troubles ? undoubtedly the issue was such , that whereas the realm was divided but into two factions , a little before the kings death there were three ; and of those three the last was most unjust , pernitious , and execrable ; for in the same one papist killed another , the son bore arms against the father , the brother against the seed of his mothers womb , and the subjects ( being in their opinion of a good religion ) against their king , whose religion was as good or better then theirs . it is not then the french kings examples that moveth him ; it beseemeth not his cathol●ck majesty to be directed by other princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects : this is the last , and in effect the best of his reasons . for it is usual amongst princes , and therefore no shame to crave counsel , advice and direction one of another , in matters of great weight and moment ; and happy ha●h that prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as h●s faithfull friends abroad gave him : thence it cometh that princes send ambassadors one unto another , that they crave conference one with another , that they have oftentimes interviews and solemn meetings ; and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously , or meant truly , that the ambassadors sent by the emperor , the queen of england , and other princes of late years to cullen , should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his subjects . again , this was no direction but an admonition , no counsel but a request , and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him : for had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him , not onely to have listened , but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many honourable and princely intercessors ? was it , think you , a dishonour unto alphonsus king of castile , and to garsias king of navarre , that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of henry the second , king of england ? wise princes rather then they will enter into wars , or being at wars continue therein , do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals , and sometimes to their far inferiours ; and although the cause be far greater , and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the spanish king and his subjects was , yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement . the contention betwixt artobazenes and zerzes , was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt prince and prince ; artobazenes challenged the kingdom of the medians , because he was the first begotten son of his father darius ; and zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred , because his father was but a private man when his brother was begotten , and a king whenas he begat him ; and therefore his fathers private patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his brother , but the kingdom was his own inheritance ; the rather because artobazenes came not onely of a private man , but also of a mother and grandfather by the mothers side which were not princes , whereas both his mother and grandfather had kings to their fathers . this contention by mutual consent was referred unto the uncle artipherus , who after due examination of the cause , gave the kingdom unto zerzes ; and this judgement hath ever since remained , and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes . there are few or no historiographers of france , england or scotland , that mention not the notable controversie betwixt iohn ballioll , robert bruse , and iohn hastings , husbands unto the three daughters of david king of scotland , and co-heirs of that kingdom after the death of their brother alexander ; and by common consent of all historians , this rare and strange contention was referred unto edward the first , king of england , who chose forty , or some say eighty , the one half english men , and the other half scotish-men , who having throughly discussed every mans right , gave sentence for iohn balliol , who discended of the eldest daughter of the king of scotland ; which award was confirmed by the king. the chronicles of flanders , and our histories testifie , that henry the second , and philip king of france , and after them philip sirnamed the fair , and the flemings his subjects , after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars , the first two compromitted their difference unto their archbishops , and the later unto men of meanner condition ; and yet both the first and the last stood unto their arbit●ement . i could alledge many other examples to this purpose ; but they would rather dilate th●n discuss my purpose ; and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last reason ; and the rest shall be confuted more conveni●ntly in another place . then to the third error . seeing that his purposes failed him in flanders , that the hollanders were continually secured against him by the queen of england , & that the princes & cities protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority , he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory , honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and protector of the holy league which was intended to be made against all princes , or any other whatsoever professing lutheranism , entred into league with the pope , the princes of italy , the duke of lorrain , and the house of guise , with express condition , that he as head , and they as principal adherents should labour , travel , and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary religion unto theirs . to sound the depth of this alliance , and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious , honest or commendable for him , it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers , qualities , conditions and means of every one of these allies ; for although some , or most of them have been spoken of before , when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him ; yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes : the pope as christs vicar , the holy father of the church , the lawfull successor of st. peter , and the chief protector of the roman and the catholick faith ( for all these are his titles that he challengeth , as proper and peculiar to himself ) will think that his sacred holiness is greatly wronged , if i should not vouchsafe him the first place in this alliance ; for albeit he very seldom entereth into league with princes that are of less might then himself ; yet be his confederates never so great , let their charges never so much exceed his , and their armies ( be they by sea or by land ) far excel his , as well in number as in valour , yet he claimeth a prerogative to be chief patron of the confederacy , and umpier and arbitrator of all con●entions that may arise thereof ; the most famous enterprise that hath been of late years , was the attempt made at lepanto against the turk , by pius quintus , king philip that now is , and the venetians ; for the performance whereof the spanish king and the seigniorie of venice were at far greater charges , imployed more gallies , and greater forces then his holiness ; and yet the reverend father by reason of his usurped prerogative , must needs have the honor of the first place in that league ; and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said league , the same was to be referred unto his holiness , and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine ; for fear therefore of his heavy indignation , i will not presume to defraud him of his honour . the princes of italy shall have the second place , and the peers of france the last . it shall be easie for any man to make conjecture , and give his judgement of the popes power and puissance , that will consider that his city of rome , which is the chief seat , and the greatest part of his strength , retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue ; that she loseth her reputation , prosperity , peace and dignity , as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious ursini and colonesi , two notable families of rome , that a petty duke of ferrara hath presumed to withstand the popes ordinances and commandments , that the florentines warred many years against him , that the venetians make no account of his forces ; that the nigher any prince joyneth unto him , the less he esteemeth him ; and lastly , that a very small army of charles the fifth , sacked , not many years ago , his pont●fical seat , and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering emperor . but his excommunications are more feared then his forces , and he hath much more money then might ; i must needs confess that many princes have been excommun●cated by him ; but because i shall have occasion to shew what sl●nder accompt both kings and meaner potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering excommunications , i will leave them , and come unto his demean , unto his treasure : for the better determination whereof i think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our popes are of late dayes ; some of them are poor inquisitors , of base parentage , brought up in beggery , advanced by corruption and preferred unto that dignity by bribes , rewards aud simony ; and they who have been of best birth amongst them , have been but the younger brothers of dukes of florence , of ferrara , of mantua , or of some like mean prince , and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony , and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their pontifical dignity . besides when they come unto the height of that authority , either they spend their revenues prodigally ( as did paulus tertius , who in less then fifteen years wasted millions of gold ; or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children , as did gregory the th ; so that what with prodigal spending , what with extream covetousness tending to the advancement of their posterity , the popes have not much money otherwise to help their allies and confederates . moreover , who so shal consider that their yearly revenues are mightily decreased , by by reason that bohemia , hungary , denmark , sweden , scotland , holland , england , and most of france , flanders and germany , are fallen from their obedience , and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such tributes , pensions , tenths and other commodities as they were wont to receive from them , must needs understand and confess , that there can arise no great profit from their alliance and confederacy : the terrour of their interdictions , of which some princes , more religious then wise , have in times past made some small accompt ; the regard of their authority , of which when their vertues were more then now they are , greater reckoning was made then is at this present ; & the converting of their crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy wars , into profane uses , are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends . leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows conceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses , which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire , i will descend unto the ●rinces of italy as from a mountain unto a molehill . these princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a king of france , unto an emperor , or to any other prince or potentate pretending some right . title , or interest un●o some dukedom of estate of italy , may perhaps yeeld such help and assistance as happily may further such a princes enterprise : but as for such a league , and such forces as shall be sufficient to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all protestant princes , or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endured by the spanish king , they are far unfit and unable to gather together any such strength ; and he is greatly deceived that ca●rieth such an opinion of their might and power , the best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another , the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them , and the small and slender love which one of them beareth unto another , every one of them not onely enveighing , but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other , be it in wealth or in credit , in power or preheminence : their subjects are not warlike ; their best souldiers are ( as you have heard ) of no great value or estimation ; their courage is soon cooled , their armies are quickly defeated ; there best captains by reason of their long peace , are of mean experience , and their is scant any town , city or country that is not a witness of their cowardise , adversity , bondage and servitude ; you shall hear hereafter what discommodities may arise unto those princes of italy which have unadvisedly entered into this league , and therefore from them unto the peers of france ; these princes are no other then traitors , rebels , and conspirators against their prince and country ; and therefore detestable before god , odious unto the world , and execrable unto their post●rity ; for although princes , according to the common saying , like such treason as any wise is beneficial unto them ; yet all men hate and abhor traitors , especially such as these be , who having received great honour , pleasure , and prefermen of their king , did by all mean● possible endeavour to deprive him of his crown , scepter and life : their taking of many towns , their purpose to seize upon the kings own person , their desire to bring him to paris as a prisoner , their carriage towards him there , and their preparation , army and hostility against him after his departure from thence , do abundantly testifie and declare their treason ; now what honour can it be unto the king of spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world detesteth , all men abhor , and his own spaniards will not onely hate , but also be ashamed to receive them into their company , or to harbour them in their houses ? for i find in the histories of france , italy and spain , that whenas the emperor charles the fifth intending to honour the duke of burbon , who had revolted from his king unto his service , prayed one of the chief and principal dukes of spain to lodge him in his palace ; the duke shewing himself therein a greater enemy to traitors , then a friend to treason , answered the emperor , that both he and his house were at his majesties commandment ; but if that it pleased him to lodge the duke therein , he would set fire thereon as soon as the duke should be out of it , as on a house infected with the treason of burbon . but francis the first king of france used the like help of the turks and infidels to be revenged upon his enemies ; and lewis sforza duke of milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to deprive him of his estate , brought an army of turks into italy ; and it is commonly said , that the queen of england was in the league with the great turk ; why then may not the king of spain implo●e and use the help of his friends in france , of whom because they are christians and catholicks , he may have far better assurance and confidence then of turks and infidells ? truly , i have heard the befo●e mentioned french king greatly blamed for entring into league with the tu●k , and his honour and reputation hath been , and still is so much blemished thereby , that a very wise and grave author of our time , to cover his fault with some honest pretence , hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a christian prince may be at league with the turk ; the causes for which a christian prince may ( as he saith ) enter into league and amity with this common enemy of christians , are either to obtain peace or truce , or to end a conten●io● and qu●rrel for any dominion or seigniory , to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him , or to entreat leave for his subjects to trade & traffick i●to his countries , and not to yeeld him any aid against his enemies : and the same author addeth , that the said francis being continually assaulted by the emperor charles the th and by the king of england within his own realm , and not being able to make his party good against them and other enem●es , who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great & manifest danger to lose his whole estate , was counselled by his wisest friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with sultan solimon , who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which charles th● th took to make himself lord and monarch of all the world . necessity therefore enforced francis the first to enter into this league , without the which he had been in great p●rill and hazard of losing his whole kingdom ; for conservation whereof i read in histories , that a predecessor of the spanish king called peter , confeder●ted himself with the king of bellemarine , a sarizi● , married his daughter and renounced his faith and profession of a christian. considering therefore that necessity hath no law , that commoditie and sweetness of rule and governmen● , maketh many good christians to forget themselves and their duties ; that extreame malice conceived and borne against an enemy , hath constrained many princes to seek to be in league with their very adversaries ; and that a noble and valiant heart deteste●h nothing more then to yeild unto his enemies , and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor ; no man can can justly condemne francis the first , or the duke of milan . now touching the queen of england , her majesty having alwais the feare of god before her eyes , and walking in his waies as much as any prince of christendome , hath alwaies thought no better of the turk then he deserveth , as well because she hath nothing to do with him , as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwix● her and him , she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any o●her prince of europe ; true it is that in regard of the late traffick which some few of her merchants have into turky , to their great benefit and advantage , her majesti● hath suffered them to have their agent there who carrieth not the n●me of ambassador , as the emperors , the french kings , the spanish kings , the venetians and other christian princes ambassadors do , and yet his credit is such , that either with favours or with presents ( w●ereof the turke is very desirous and coveteous ) he might have broken the league of peace and truce which is betwixt spain and h●m , to the spanish kings great hurt & detriment . but he● majestie had ●ather that the h●stories of our tim● should mention her vertues , then declare her policies , and thinketh it far better that as all men of our age commend her beauti● , her bounti● and her goodness , so her after-commers should have occasion to p●aise and ex●oll her constancy and religious affection towards god and the common wealth of christendome . but to returne to the spanish league with the peeres of france , i think no good christian can think b●tter of them then of a turk ; and i am of opinion that the league and am●ty of turkish infidels is more to be este●med then the friendship of these leaguers , more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof , and more assured and firm● unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon ; for since that these rebels have deserved to lose their lands and possessions , have incurred the odious and detestable crime of tre●son , and have worthily merited the name of traytors and conspirators , there can be no other league or amitie with them then is with theeves and felons , the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all ages , and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable ; yea by how much a traitor is more odious and wicked then a thief , by so much his infamy , shame , and dishonour is greater who as●ociateth himself with a conspirator , be i● that he conspireth against his prince , or against his country , or against both . such as a mans companions are , such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions ; and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man. the great and large priviledges which belong unto princes appointed by god to rule and governe his people , make me forbeare to say so much as i might say in this place ; and yet i may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad consciences of those consciousles councellors who have perswaded the king of spain to forget and forgo his honour , his reputation , his blood , and his parentage , to joyne himself with those who may increase the number , but not the forces of his allies . i have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life ; that the elder a man is , the wiser he should be ; that the actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity , are subject to the view , the sight , the censure and judgement of all men ; that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infami● ; and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived . i could with therefore , that either the vertues of the late french king , or the affinitie , conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two crownes , or the conformitie of their religion , or the remembrance of the greatness and power of france might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie monarch of spain from the amitie of those traitors and felons of france , to live in peace , league and amitie with his deare and beloved brother of france : but the detestable vice of ambition , which misleadeth the greatest and wisest princes of the world , with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises , hath turned his love into hatred , and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a cloak of false honor and repu●ation . and it seem●th that the custome of princes is to receive into their protection such subjects as other princes have banished ou● of their realms ( although in truth this kinde of clemency ought to be shewed and extended unto princes only which are constrained by necessity to flie from their kingdoms , and not unto subjects ) for succouring of whom many princes of great friends have become mortall e●emies ; it seemeth ( i say ) that this custome doth somwhat excuse the spanish kings indiscretion in this action : but wise men consider not so much what men do as what they ought to do ; and true glory consisteth in vertue , and not in shew or shadow of vertue ; and as caesar would not have her to wife who was more defamed by suspition then by action , so it becometh the princes of our time to hate those who are vicious , not in deed onely , but in common fame also ; especially whenas it is in question whether the friendship of a kinsman be to be preferred before the amitie of a stranger ; of a king before that of a subject ; of one that is equall in power to the greatest prince of the world , before those who depend wholy upon the power and authoritie of others . and undoubtedly the guisards of france have no other credit , strength or reputation then that which hath been derived and given unto them by the late french king and his predecessors , the which in time will decay and returne unto the place and person from whence it came ; even as rivers returne unto the sea , from whence they have their first original and being . i may therefore boldly say , that the king of spain hath carried himself very indiscreetly in entring into league with these guisards for four principall causes . the first because the shame and dishonour which will arise thereby shal alwaies continue , and never be forgotten through length of tim● , or voluntary silence of the authors and writers of our time . the second , because the profit arising thereby will be of small con●inuance . the third because the quarrel betwixt him and france proceeding thereof will be both dangerous and immortall . the fourth , because the hatred ingendred by this quarrell will rekindle the fire of old dissentions , and revive the memorie of ancient rights , titles and interests which the crown of france pretendeth unto diverse states lately fallen unto the house of spain . for the dishonor which is gotten by wicked waies , cannot so be buried in silence but that it will alwaies be reported by the father unto the child , and by that child unto his posterity , alwaies finding increase and augmentation by the report which is made thereof . and it is and alwaies hath been the nature of man to remember one only error , evill deed or oversight of a prince far better then many of his vertues , valiant exployts , or wise and discreet actions ; witness the common consent and accord of all historiographers as wel of ancient time as of our age , who although in other things they be oftentime● very contrary the one unto the other , yet they agree very well in this point , that they all as it were with one mouth and one voyce , speak ill in their writings of the wisest philosophers ; orators , emperors , kings , princes and captains that ever were in the world . so the author that greatly busied himself in commending alcibiades , a great philosopher saith , that as he did many notable deeds , spake many worthie sayings , and shewed many apparent arguments of his great wit and dexteritie , so he was too delic●●e in his ordinary diet , too dissolute in fond love of foolish women , too inordinate in his daily banquets and too superfluous and effeminate in his usuall attire ; to maintain himself in which things he often times took dishonest rewards and was corrupted with unlawful bribes . so hee that laboured to set forth the praises of marcus cato , a notable sen●tor of rome would not conceale that he had lett out his money at interest , that he became so severe in time that he took a very young damsell descended of base parantage to wife , when he was of such years as required not marriage . so plutarch recounting the valor , magnanimitie , and vertues of titus quintus flaminius and of philopaemon , two notable captains , was so bold as to say , that the one was ambitious , turbulent , and easie to be displeased ; and the other conceited , opinionative , and very hard and difficult to be pleas●d . so cajus marius , by the s●me author , who for his valor was called the son of mars , for his delicacy and effeminate behavior was sirnamed the child of venus so alexander the great who is commended by many authors for the greatest and mightiest conqueror of the world , is reprehended by as many for that he was somwhat hateful for his vain glory , and imitated therein those vain souldiers who are never well but when they are comm●nding themselves ; so cicero who for his excellency deserved to be called the orator , was disgraced in this , that he was fearfull and timerous as well in the field as in his pleadings , and it is written of him that he never beg●n to speak but with great fe●r and ●●●mbling . so pompey sirnamed the great , who had these qualities to make him well beloved , temperance in his life , dexterity in armes , eloquence in his speech , faith and loyaltie in his word , good grace in his behavior , and an amiable carriage towards all men that had to deale with him , was hated , and in the end ruinated , because he would endure no superior . so iulius caesar , who hath this commendation , that he took a thousand cities by assault , subdued more then sundry nations , took above a million of men prisoners , and slew better then an other million in the field ( the least of which things the best captain of our age never was nor will be able to do ) is greatly blamed , not only because he was indebted above crowns before he bore any office in rome , but also for that he could not endure to have any companion in t●e administration of the roman commonwealth : so to be short , and to come to the princes of our age , diverse men spare not to speak very ill of charles the fift ( although he was a most wise , ve●tuous , and valiant prince ) because he took the pope prisoner at rome , and shewed himself very hard and severe unto francis the first of france , when he was his prisoner at madrill ; and whereas some commend his wisdome for resigning his empire unto his brother , and his kingdoms unto his son ; others reprehend his folly and pride therein , because he did it with a hope and full intention , as they say , to be chosen pope , and with a purpose in his popedome to give unto his son all or most of those states which he held in italie of the see of rome , meaning thereby to leave in his house and familie the government , or the meanes to attain and usurpe the regiment and monarchie of all the world ; by these examples it is apparent , that the prince who by any oversight hath made himself odious and contemptible , cannot possibly avoid shame and infamle . and for so much as it becometh not any prince to debauch and estrange the subjects of another prince from their obedi●nce unto their king , the spanish king shall in his life time , or after his death be reprehended , for that he hath perswaded and induced the french men to rebell against their prince and country , the which frenchmen were wont ( as i shewed you long sithence ) to be counted and reputed the most true and loyall subj●cts of the world . is it likely think you , that any man will spare him when he is dead , since during his life we reade in some histories , that his own sonne , his french wife , the prince of orange , the counts of edmond and of h●rne , the late duke of alencon , the admiral of france the prince of condy , the queen of navarre , and the last king of france with many other princes and po●entates have been unnaturally murthered , cruelly poysoned , wrongfully done to death , and horribly massacred by his consent and counsell , commandement or approbation ? it is common in every mans mouth that he maketh no conscience to rid his hands of his enemies by any manner of wickedness , be it never so execrable and impious . his la●e in●ent to poyson our gracious soveraign ( whose life god long preserve ) testifieth thus much ; and as many as shall hear of his purpose of dr. lopes and his complices , cannot but esteem his worthy of everlasting ignominy . but now to declare unto you that this league cannot be of any long continuance , i will use these few demonstrations . first , as many as have read either ancient or modern histories , shall easilie perceive by them , that fortune , or rather the eternal , never gave unto rebels any long continuance of their prosperitie . next , the common people which easilie forsake the heads and chief of their rebellion , depart from them so soon as they perceive that their strength decayeth ; then feare , jealousie , suspition , distrust , and diffidence alwaies attend upon rebels to dismay , daunt and terrifie them . and lastly , these great and archtraytors are beset with so many d●fficulties that it is impossible for them to attain unto their pu●pose . for if there be many that are equall in authoritie , credit and reputation , the one alwais distrusteth the other ; and if there be but one upon whom the rest do depend , he must of necessitie please him that cometh nighest unto him in authoritie , least that he make the way hard and difficult for him to worke his desire and pleasure . he must content the common people , sati●fie the gentlemen , and accommodate himself to the nature , covetousnes and avarice of the common soldiers , matt●rs of gr●at difficultie , hardness and impossibilitie , because the desires of the nobilitie , people and soldiers are most commonly contrary , and tend to diverse purposes , the first seeking for advancement , the second for peace , and tranquillitie , and the third coveting nothing more then the continuance of war. moreover whereas the wisest amongst them begin to consider that they have violated the lawes , offended their kings majestie , born armes against their prince and country , against their neer kinsmen and their own ●amilies , and that instead of one king ( which perhaps fleeced them ) they are now subject unto many princes who fleece them more , instead of ordinary charges , they are now charged with new expences and unsupportable subsidies , instead of cl●mency , justice , and mercie , they are now exposed unto i●justice , crueltie and briberie ; they lose by little and little th●ir indign●tion and fury , and seek by all meanes possible to reenter , into the good grace and favor of their leige lord and soveraign . the chiefe consp●●at●rs therefore fearing to be forsaken and abandoned by their companions and ●ellowes in armes , in the end are constrained to submit themselves unto their princes discretion . and the common people which at their instigation was too pron● and readie to rebell against their soveraign , do sometimes after due consideration of the indignitie of their unnaturall disobedience , become so desirous to recover the kings favor and good likeing , that to the end the way to attain thereunto may be made the more easie , they kill the fi●st authors of their rebellion , or els deliver them into the hands of their prince ; and if ever rebells have been left and forsaken by their partak●rs , these traytors of france may justly st●nd in great fea●e thereof , because the nature of frenchmen is such , tha● if a man do not take present advantage of their unnatural heat and fury , but suffer the same to wax cold and to relent , it is very difficult and almost impossible to revive the same with the best art or counsell that may be used . if therefore they shall begin to want money , of which they canno● chuse but stand in great need quickly , because they are poor , and cannot at all times and on all occasions have present supplies from their allies , or if the parisians ( whose custom it hath been always to be quickly discontented , and ●asily to repent themselves of their folly ) depart suddenly from their league and amitie ; if the king of spain who sh●ll have so much to do on every side , that he shall hardly be able to defend his own countries , do not continually send them fresh relief of men and money . if the king of france chance to be superior to his adversaries in number of soldiers and of all things necessarie for the m●intenance of his wars ; lastly if the princes of the blood shall begin joyntly to put their hel●ing hands to the suppressing of those rebels , i cannot see how they can possibly hold out long . and although fortune should show herself so favorable unto these traytors , as that they might , in process of time , effect and accomplish their desires ; yet considering that the murderers of princes are most commonly murdered , that those who have ascended unto the royall dignity of kings by treason or rebellion , are thrown down againe the sam● way which served them for a ladder to mount and clime up thereunto ; that when the vsurper shall divide the prey and spoile betwixt them ●hat have aided and assisted him , they fall presently unto contentious brawlings and quarrels ; and briefly , that of such controversies oftentimes followeth th● ruin and destruction of him that held himself well assured of his new gotten kingdom ; it is much more to be doubted , then to be hoped , that whosoever shall be declared king amongst them , cannot continue long in his place which is purchased by force and violence , and must needs not only be subject unto the inconstancy and varietie of fortune , but also unto the diversite of humors of men that are inconstant , light , and very ready to change and alter their opinions . i could alleage infinite examples to prove all that i have said , but i forbeare for brevities sake , to trouble you with a superfluous and needless enumeration of such examples , and let you understand that these rebels had long since been suppressed and overthrown , had not the late king committed divers oversights after his resolute murder of the duke of guise . for had he not killed the cardinal of guise , the clergie had not been so highly offended wi●h him , had he not presently called the now king to help and succour him , made him his generall , and declared him his immediate successor , he had not so much displeased the contrary faction as he did , and yet he received no great benefit by his coming unto him ; for he brought not above two thousand men with him , and the nobility which within a few daies after came unto him with their people were about thirty thousand ; againe the delay and surcease of arms for fifteen daies together , after the victory had against the count of egmont , gave time and space unto the parisians to make sufficient provision of all such things as they wanted . secondly the king hindred himself greatly by staying to recreate and solace himself a while at corbeit , making a sure reckoning that he had gotten a final and happie end of his wars , because he had won that town , which is as it were the key of all victuals that pass by that river to paris : thirty , had he been so provident in executing all other peers and noblemen of the duke of guise his mind with the same duke , as they were which committed the massacre of paris , he had quickly been ridd of his enemies . fourthly , had he presently after the same murder shewed himself in the field with those companies that came unto him , and had he not done all things by haifs as he did , ●e had undoubtedly dismayed and terrified all the towns adhering unto the l●ague●s , which were greatly discomfi●ed and amazed with the sudden accident of the duke of guise his death ; but after that he saw his enemy dead , he thought that he had no more enemies in the world ; this confidence made him so careless , that he suffered orleanc● to be lost , which might have been saved by shewing himself only within convenient time in the field , and he gave the duke of maine leave to returne and fortifie himself , and made small account to do any of those things which within a month after hee would gladly have done . the leaguers likewise committed their oversights , of which if the king had taken advantage , he might easily have subdued them . for after that the duke of guise had driven the king from paris , many prognosticated , that either the duke would destroy the king , or that the king would murther the duke ; for there was no hope and less likelyhood , that so foule an indignitie offered unto a king both of great might and notable valor , would bee put up at the dukes hands without a revenge ; and after that day all that the duke did , was begun without providence , continued without justice , and in end , had a bad ●nd ; for when he had mounted almost up to the top of his desi●es , by force and violence , he a thinking that the nobilitie of france would be highly displeased with his audacious insolency , and insolent attempt , seeketh meanes to pacifie the king , and to reenter into his good grace and favor . this poor prince blinded with ambition , and b●so●ted with the love of a kingdom , thought that a prince being so injuriously dealt with all as the king was , would by the goodness of his nature be reconcile● , and he believed that he might easily find the meanes to perswade the k●ng to resign his crown , or to induce the people to inforce him thereunto : but the king was fully resolved to have his revenge ; hee assembled ther●●ore the estates of france thinking to find sufficient credit and ●u●horitie in that assembly to bring the duke to his death by sentence and judgment ; and the duke on the contrary side supposed , that in that assembly he should find friends enough to deprive the king of his scepter ; but the king failed of his purpose , and the duke missed his marke , and yet the king within a small while after effected his desire ; but committed other errors besides the above mentioned , of which the leagu●rs took present hold and advantage ; they thought that the kings negligence and the hatred of the people conce●ved against him for the dukes death , gave them fit opportunity to deprive h●m of t●e crown ; but withall they considered not how unwort●y th● best of them was to weare the same ; and how unable to keep it when it was upon his head . again , when they saw that the dukes death had rather fortified then weakened their partie , they supposed that all was gotten , that nothing remained to be conquered , that they needed to take no more paines , but to give themselves unto delights , and to make partition amongst themselves of the kingdoms and when they came to deliberate who should be their king , they could not agree amongst themselves upon any certain person ; whereas if they had presently resolved to make the duke de mayne , it migh easily have been effecte● ; but the competitors were many , and there began a debate and emulation betwixt the duke and the marquis du pont ; his cosen the duke of aumale wo●ld not give his head for the washing , and the dutchesses of montpensieur and of nemurs put in for their best friends , the later for her son of nemurs , which began to win credit amongst the people , and the first for her brother who began to lose his reputation ; and the duke de mayne foolishly gave over the name and hope of being a king , and accep●ed the title of lieutenant of the crown ; besides , whilst this contention was rife amongst the nobles , and whilest they busied themselves in framing a process against the late king , which process endured some eight or nine monthes , the people perceiving how pleasant a thing it was to be subject unto no man , and the chief cities being glad that they had cast off the yoak of a monarchie , would not endure any speaking of a new king , but to free and emancipate themselves as well from the authoritie of a prince , as of an high cou●t of parliament ; by the imitation of paris , they establ●shed in every city a council of certain persons of mean and base qualitie , into whose hands they pu● all kind of authority , and they presumed to limit the duke of maynes authoritie , and to set certain controllers over them . t●is breedeth a dislike betwixt the nobilitie and the peop●e ; and especially the officers of the crown , as the officers of the privie seale , of the parliament , of the exchequers , the judges , the treasurers , and all the servitur●es of the monarchie were highly displeased therewith , and would not give place to , nor go after the magistrates that were c●e●ted by the people . lastly the king of spain , their chief patron and upholder , dealeth but faintly with them , and is not so readie to help them as they supposed he would be . so they are enforced to threaten him that they would yeild to the king before they could obtain such help as they expected from him . for although he sent the duke of parma and others to relieve them in their necessities , yet he st●ndeth in doubt , that if he should send any great supplies , and god should bless them with any extraordinary fortune , that the duke of mayne should be chosen king ; he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions ; hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help ; and therefore when he hath once succoured them , he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the duke of mayne is constrained to forget that he is lieutenant general of the crown of france , and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for aid of the duke of parma , which carried the ●itle but of a lieutenant unto his master in one province . and truly it is reported that the king of spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of iury , where he received a great overthrow , so grievously , but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie , as that they were enforced to present him a blank , and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand . these faint proceeding of the king , of spain , these apparent coutentions betwixt the leagu●res themselves ; and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the warrs in france , if the now king had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them : but i shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken , in another place ; and therefore to proceed according to my purpose . if you consider that the etolians and arcadians warr●d a long time together for a wild boare ; that the carthaginians held long warrs with the people of piraca for a sea-rovers ship ; that there were mortall w●rrs betwixt the scots and picts for a few doggs which the one nation had taken from the other , and that the wars betwixt charles duke of burgondy and the switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which mr. de romont took from a switzer who passed therewith through his ground : you shall easily perceive and see how ready princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another ; and this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those princes who have valiant hearts , good occasions , and ready means to be revenged on their enemies . it is therefore to be thought that the now king of france , who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon princes , will not suffer the king of spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same . he is valiant and wise , and undoubtedly he will follow the life and actions of his predecessors ; of which pipin made wars with the venetians , because they favoured the party of nicephorus emperor of greece against charles the great his father ; philip sirnamed the fair warred against adolph the emperor , because he had taken money of the king of england to make wars against france ; philip augustus denounced wars against france unto iohn king of england , because he killed his nephew arthur : and clovis , the first of that name , warred with alurick king of the visgots , because he harboured and received the exiles of france , and had suborned certain men to come and kill the french king within his own realm : and hath not the king of spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of france ? since he sendeth aid not to the enemies , but to the subjects of the king of france ; since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him ; since he hath not killed his nephew , but his own son ; since he not onely receveth the exiles of france , but counselleth the good subjects thereof to become bad , and the most obedient to rebel against their king , and hireth not strangers , but his own natural subjects to come and murther the french king in his own palace . but it may be said that the spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the frenchmen out of his kingdom , by sending his forces into theirs , and by nourishing and continning the civ●l wars in france . to this i answer , that the leaguers begin now to lose their credit , that their forces and strength declineth , that their towns and partners leave them ; and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate m. coriolanus , they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the earls of warwick and salisbury in england ; m. coriolanus taking in evil part that the romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them , joyned with their enemies , and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own country ; but being intreated by his wife and his mother , he returned into his country , and recovered whatsoever he or his enemies had taken from rome . by whose example , if the guisards , being now so weakned as they are , will not learn to submit themselves unto their princes mercy , they must fear and be afraid , when they hear that the earls of warwick and salisbury , after that they had deprived one king of his royal seat and scepter , and placed another in the same , were both cruelly murthered in the field , although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common people , and the other by reason of his offices had all the chief forces and strength of england as well by land as by sea , at his disposition and commandment . now if these two earls had no better end but to be slain in the field , although they were the mightiest and best beloved rebels that ever were in the world : what assurance can the gu●sards of france have of their good fortune ? what hope in the multitude of their partners , and their fellows in arms ? what confidence in the favour of fortune which never was , nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy ? their glory therefore cannot continue long , their alliance shall not greatly avail the spanish king , and the remembrance and memory of this their rebellion will alwayes remain fresh , as well in the hearts of our after-comers , as in the mindes of our selves and our children , because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do un●o them , then the benefits they receive from others . how can the frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of naples ? the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto francis the first to make him resign the sovereignity of flanders ? the injury and injustice used by ferdinando king of castile , when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of navarr ? and the unlawfull violence of the spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the dukedom of milan ? and remembring all this , can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of hostility against the spaniards , as soon as it shall please god to send an end of these civil wars ? the occasions are great : and if you remember what hath been said of the strength of france , you will think that the means which the french king may have to be revenged of these wrongs , are far greater ; and so in this respect the spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into league with the guisards ; of whose friendship i pray you let us now consider what hold and good assurance he may have . there are divers kindes of assurances to be taken together ; some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their allies ; others require hostages ; many demand to have some holds and towns of strength in their custody : and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured , unless they unarm their confederates ; but the strongest and best bond is , in the opinion of the wisest , a firm conjunction and binding of the allies together by the way of wedlock . now of all these sorts of alliances , which hath the king of spain taken ? or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet ? may he content himself with the faithfull promise of his allies ? will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their liege lord and sovereign ? hath he taken hostages of them ? will they carefull of other mens lives , who have so small care of their own ? will they give him any strong holds ? with what reason can he detain them , since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands , and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them ? will he unarm them ? take their weapons from them , and what good can they do him ? will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage ? what honour , or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his blood , his honour , and his house with the infamy , dishonour , and ignominy of rebels and traytors ? but of traytors some one of them will become a king : o poor and unadvised prince , who shall spend his money to honour him who deserveth no honour , and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance . but how shall he become a king ? by the forces of spain ? o simple and indiscreet king , who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible kingdom from a stranger , when he is not able to recover a poor country taken from him by his own subjects . but by what means , and by what colour shall he become a king ? by the example and imitation of hugh capet , who ( as you have heard ) was made king by shewing unto the pope and the people of france , that in choosing a king , the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent ; he that governeth in person , before him that ruleth by a deputy ; he that is both carefull and vertuous , before him that is careless and vicious . but what manner of imitation is this , unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate ? for he that was deposed by hugh capet governed by his lieutenant , and the present king of france ruleth by his own person ; he was hated by reason of his great negligence , and this king was beloved for his great pains and diligence : he was insufficient to govern , and this king hath given many experiments of his great wit and sufficiency ; and to be short , this hugh capet , who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the arch-traitor that would make himself king of france , used as his most principle reason this argument to shew that charles duke of lorrain , and uncle unto lewis the fifth , deserved not to be chosen king , because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the empire and the kingdom of france , the said charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the emperor then unto the french king. how blinde then are those guisards , who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their king , the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion ? they will cry out that their king is yet alive , that it is not reason to take the crown from his head , and to put it upon a strangers , or upon one of his inferiour vassals ; that many can witness , that in all contentions betwixt . france and spain , they have alwayes shewed themselves more favourable unto spain , then unto their own country ; and lastly , that the duke of lorrain because he was a prince of the empire , had more reason to favour the emperor then the guisards have to befriend the spanish king , whom they should hate and abhorre , because he loveth not their country . you have seen the spanish kings indiscretion in contracting this league : now give me leave to shew you the league●s great solly in subscribing thereunto . the causes which moved them to enter into this league , were ( as you understand already ) very many : but it appears not how true , or rather how false their pretentions are : this must be discovered , and then their folly cannot be concealed . they lay to their late kings charge , that he was an heretick , a parricide , a wicked and impious despiser of god , a tyrant , and hypocrite , a perjured prince , and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness . they charge him further , that he wasted the revenues of the crown , and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned . to all these , that their malice , falsehood and folly may appear , i will answer briefly ; a full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer , were it not that i seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth . i must therefore run thorow the kings life , and to purge him of the crime of heresie , i think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king , against those whom the leaguers term hereticks . now to omit other matters , testifying his great zeal and affection unto the roman catholicks before he was king of france , i will prove the same by four principal arguments . first , it is apparent unto the world , that he was one of the chief authors of the massacre of paris , which was general through erance , and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the protestants in france : next , it is certain that no prince living could shew greater hatred , stomach , or courage against men of a contrary religion unto himself , then he did at the ●iege of rochel , before which he lay , until he was fetcht thence into poland . thirdly , it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his election unto the kingdom of poland , that there was nothing that more estranged the affections of the electors from him , then his great hatred shewed against the protestants , both in the time of the massacre , and also at the siege to rochel ; insomuch that mr. of valence , who was his ambassador unto the electors , was fa●n to publish a book , wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that m●ssacre from him unto the duke of guise , who took the same in so evil part , that after the king was est●blished in poland , the said duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself , and layed the chief blame upon the late french king . lastly , whenas he had ruled a while in poland and saw the diversities of religions there , he loathed the country , detested their opinions , and could hardly be brought to take the oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of religions in that kingdom . but it may be thought , that as many princes have shewed themselves honest , vertuous and religious before they were kings , to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom ; so he being assured by his mother , and by a vain prophesie , that she should live to see all her sons kings , and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in religion , during the time that he lived as a subject under his brother , repressed his nature , dissembled his manners and disguised his religion , that heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom . in the refuting of this objection , i shall have occasion to confound many of his actions together , which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge . when his bother charles the ninth died , he was in poland , where hearing he news of his death , he took such a course for his departure from thence , as highly commendeth his wisdom , and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native country , with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly , because his adversaries draw from hence their principal arguments to prove his infidelity , and the beginning of his evil government ; for where as he was ( say they ) bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in poland , and to have an especial care of the wealth and welfare of that country , he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him , as may appear by the letter that was sent unto him after his departure , by the principle peers , nobles and senators of that realm . it is not unknown unto any that know the state of france , and are conversant in the writers of the later accidents thereof , that he was very unwilling to go into poland , because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long , and that he dying , in his absence the kingdom , which was alwayes to be preferred before the crown of poland , might be wrongfully tranferred unto his brother , or unto some other whom his brothers young years , or his absence might encourage to affect the same . this consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey , before that his mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence , if his brother should chance to die . and some write , that at his departure , his mother , whether it were to make him the more willing to goe , or that she was resolved to take such order that charles the ninth should not live long , said unto him ; take not his departure ( my son ) grievously , for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne : let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him ; or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion ; he was scant setled in poland when a messenger came unto him , to signifie his brothers death ; this message being delivered , he wisely and providently called together the nobilitie of poland , imparted unto them his brothers death , required their counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his wits , and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them . the first thing that was decreed , was , that the nobles should mourne for him , in the same manner , and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own kings , whereby they signified their great love which they bore him . the next matter that was resolved , was to dispatch a present messenger into france , with letters of credit unto the queen his mother , requiring her for him to take upon her the regency of france , untill his returne . and the third conclusion of their consultation was , to call a general assembly of the states , and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the king to do , whether to returne into france , or to continue and remaine in poland . in this interim , he calling to minde the trubulent estate of france , the young years of his brother , and the ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the french nobility : and li●●wise understanding , that the peers of poland fearing his suddain departure , were about to take some order for preventing the same , determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known , aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the nobilitie ; as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the countries of divers princes that bore him no great good will , if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure , and of the way which he went in returning into france . this resolution thus taken , he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence , and signified unto them , that since the time of their last conference , he had received such intelligence out of france , as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in poste , and not to attend the general assembly of the states of poland ; he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently ; prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the nobilitie ; and for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his letter , he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull counsellor of his , whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them : the nobilitie understanding by his owne letter , and these mens reports ( marke the love they bore him , and the care which they have of him ) sent presently a nobleman in poste after him , to beseech him to returne ; and wrote their letter un●o the emperor to certifie his majestie , that his hastie returne into france proceeded not of any offence given unto the king by them , nor of any evil opinion conceived by the king against them , but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in france : they rested not here ; but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him , they wrote a large letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other p●●nces that were competitors with him ; how honorably they sent for him into france , how royally they received him ; how dutifully they carried themselves towards him ; how carefully they provided for the safety of both his kingdoms , aswell of that which came unto him by discent , as of that which he received from their election ; how greatly he was honoured by their choice , and how dangerously he had forsaken them : they prayed his returne if it might stand with his good liking , if it mig●● be to his benefit ; if not , they humbly besought him to consider in what danger they stood of forreine enemies , what troubles hung over their heads by reason of the hatred and quarrels that were betwixt them and the princes of walachia , scythia , and muscovia , and how needfull and necessary it w●s for them not ●o be long without a king , whose presence might comfort them , whose counsel might advise them , whose experience might direct them , whose authoritie might govern them , and whose credit might countenance them . they forgot not the inconveniences that had hapned unto them since his departure , nor the difficulty and impossibility to provide for their redress , and their owne safetie without his presence ; for that it is an inviolable law in poland , that although the states of the country have decreed wars against an enemy , yet it can neither be denounced nor prosecuted without the consent and suffrage of their king. these necessities being thus expressed , they set him down a peremptory day within which to returne , with a plaine intimation , that if he shall not returne by that day , they will proceed unto the election of an other king ; beseeching him not to thinke that they will choose another for that they are weary of him , or desirous to forsake him ; there is no such conceit lodged in their hearts , no such cogitation entred into their heads ; but they and he must consider that poland is so situated , that barbarous enemies do environ it on every side , and that it is the stay of all christendom , and that therefore it behooveth them to be carefull when others are negligent , and to watch that others might keep in quiet without danger . and lastlie , that these premises well and dulie considered , such a kingdome cannot be long without an head , without a captaine , without a king. he receiveth these letters , and they receiving no such answer from him as might assure them of his returne unto them by the day appointed , proceeded to a new election : and hence his enemies derive their best arguments to condemne him of infideltie , and heresie ; of infidelitie , in that he returned not according to his promise ; and of heresie , in that living there amongst a number of sundry sects , and sectaries , he learned to bear with heretiques . i finde in the histories of poland , that when the states had agreed upon his election , the ambassadors which he had sent into poland about those affairs , were sworne in the name and behalfe of their master , by the archbishop of cracovia , to maintaine , uphold , conserve , and increase the ancient laws , rights , liberties , and immunities of the kingdome of poland , and of the great dukedome of lituania . the which oath being thus taken , the palatine of cracovia , being high marshall of the kingdom of poland , and the great captaine of samogitia , being marshal of the great dukedome of lituania , presently proclame him king of poland , and duke of lituania : here is no promise to abide with them for ever ; here is no oath not to returne againe into france ; here is no bond to tie him to continuall residence : and though he promised to return at his departure , yet you shall understand , that although he could 〈◊〉 would have return'd , yet hee had small occasion to return unto them : for first the kingdom of france is farr better then that of poland ; next few princes have ever left their native countries unto the government and administration of a lieutenant , to rule themselves in a forreign dominion : then hee found his own kingdom at his return , in such broyles and contentions , that hee c●uld not possi●ly appease them to return into poland at his day prefixed : and lastly , they not admitting his lawfull excuses , chose another king before h●e refused to come back unto them . this last cause is sufficient to excuse his not returning into that kingdom : and this is so true , that when i was in italy , i remember that it was a fresh news that the polacks had sent an ambassador unto the pope to excuse their suddain choise of their new king , and to do such ceremonies unto the pope as in such cases is required . this ambassador p●ssed by padua , where i saw him , and hee staied there so long , that he spent all the money that was allowed for his journy to rome and home again , before he went thence . the cause of his long stay , was the protestation that was made by the french ambassador residing then at rome , and requiring the pope not to accept of the said ambassador , as an ambassador sent unto him by the lawfull king of poland , because the french king his master had not resigned his right and title unto that crown : and the validity of this exception was so long in debating , that intimation being given to the poland ambassador not to proceed any further on his journy towards rome , untill the same question was fully decided , he was enforced to continue so long as i have said in padua , to the great hinderance of himself , and of all his company . besides , as our kings still carry the title of kings of france , in remembrance of their right unto that kingdom ; so the late king of france ca●sed himself to be called king of poland untill his dying day , in token that he never had resigned his interest and claime thereunto . this argument brought against his fidelitie is sufficiently refelled . it resteth to refute the exception made against his carriage and government in poland . this shall need no great confutation , because it appeareth by the aforementioned letters of the senato●s unto him , and the emperor after his departure , that there was no d●sl●ke conceived against him ; and the earnest entr●aty which was made unto him to return , testifieth the good opinion , hope , and confidence which they had to be well and wisely ruled by him . now whereas it is said , that he learned to bee favourable unto hereticks in poland : it may be that he conversed with some of them whilst hee was there , because he could not otherwise do ( their generall assemblies and meetings requiring his presence , and consisting of such peeres and nobles as were of diverse religions ) but it appeare●h by his letters written unto his especiall friends of that kingdom when he departed thence , that he had no great confidence or trust in them that were contrary unto him in religion . for , besides the letter that ●e wrote to the generall states of all the country , he wrote unto certain choice men , as unto the bishop of cinavia , unto the palatine of cracovia , ●nto the marshall of eboronius , unto the vice-chancellor wotkins , unto the castellan of meymcimer his vice-chamberlain , and unto the marsh●l of the court of lituania , all which were very zealous and earnest catholicks , and the o●ely men of whom ●e made any ●eckoning , during his short abode in poland . thus i have freed him from suspition either of heresie , or of any favor shewed unto h●reticks whilst he was abroad : now l●t me examine his li●e at home , and see whether untill his dying day he might be justly ●axed or touched with the crime of heresie . he came to lyons about the of september , in the year where the que●n his mother , the duke of alencon , his brother , the king of navarre , charles cardinal of guise , and others met with him : the of september , ( a short space of recr●a●ion and solace after so long a journey ) he falleth to consult with all those before nam●d , what meanes were best to be used to renew wa●rs against those whom they termed hugonetts ; he beseig●th pusania upon the roane , and taketh the same the of october , assaulteth mombrim , laieth seige to lioron , and never left in the dead of winter to warr against the protestants , untill he took a little truce during the solemnitie of his coron●tion : not long after his coronation , there came amb●ssadors unto him from the switzers to intreat libertie of conscience for the protestants of france ; they are heard with small favor , and their petition rejected with so great indignation , that the quee● mother was fain to pac●fie her son in h●s great rage and fury : the protestants require ayde out of germany : duke casimer cometh into france : the prince of conde groweth strong ; the king of navarre flieth from the french court unto him : the catholicks want money , the p●pe sendeth them florins . the duke of guise is sent to meet with casimir , either to repell him with force , or to deceive him with policy ; and becau●e they feared the king of navarre , diverse waies and meanes are practised ●o make him suspected unto the prince of conde ; immediatly after the duke of guise , followeth mounsieur the kings brother with greater troup●s ; but both he and the duke finding themselves not able to encounter with the p●ince of conde and the duke of casimir , mounsieur receiveth the duke with great fri●ndship in burgony and talketh very familiarly with him . to be short , the king and queen , and casimir meete ; a peace is concluded ; all offences are forgiven , and liberty of conscience is granted to be used in all places saving paris . the duke casimir dep●rteth ; and hee is no sooner gone , but the catholicks cry out against this peace ; the citizens of paris tread the articles thereof under their feet . a generall assembly is called at bl●ys . the king of navarre , the prince of conde , and the mashal damule come not to this assembly . the articles of the beforenamed peace are abrogated , and a full resolution is taken to subvert the prot●stants , or to enfo●ce them to receive the counsell of trent . the decrees of this assembly are sent to the prince of conde , and they are required to subscribe unto them ; which they refuse to do . the king is disco●tented , and sweareth not to leave untill he hath u●terly overthrown the protestants . hee writeth unto duke casimir , and unto the lansgrave of hesse , requiring them not to give any more succour unto the prince of conde . the one answereth the king gently , and prayeth him to keep the late concluded peace ; and the other threateneth that if the same be not observed , to return into france with far greater strength then he brought thither the year before . new troubles begin , but are quickly ended by reason of mounsi●urs going into flanders , and taking upon him the defence and patronage of that country . this is the kings behaviour and carriage before the holy league , the which beginneth in the year , . of this league three especial causes are pretended ; the troubles of france , the kings sterility , and the right of succession , which belongeth unto the king of navarr . by the confederates in this league these things are required ; that the catholick religion , and the nobility that professed the same , may be restored unto their ancient dignity ; that a parliament might be called , that tributes may be gathered for the king and the kingdom ; that extraordinary exactions may be mitigated ; that ev●ry third year a parliament may be held . and lastly , that an army of . footmen , and horse may be gathered and maintained with the kings treasure against the hugonets , and the same army to be lead by the kings own person , or by the duke of guise , as his lieutenant general . they set fo●th an apology containing their griefs and these petitions , and end the same with a promise to lay down their weapons , if the king will be content to subscribe to these articles , and to overthrow the protestants . the king of navarr finding himself to be the mark whereat these leaguers shot , published his apology , proveth himself to be no heretick , apostate , persecutor , or rebel ; sheweth that the duke of guise is the onely perturber of the peace and quiet of france , and that he cannot feel the wound thereof because he is a stranger ; and lastly , for the ending of all troubles without more effusion of blood , challengeth the combat . the late king published likewise his answer to every article , and promiseth that all these things shall be done answerable to gods word and the prescript rule of justice ; praying the leaguers , that since both he and the queen are yet young enough to have children , and that children are the gift of god , they will not rashly think him to be without all hope of children . here i might trouble you with the rehearsal of many examples of many rebels like unto these , who when their demands have been so reasonably answered as these were , desisted from wars , or had but an evil issue . but i must restrain my self , and labour to be short , otherwise i shall be both too long and tedious . what could a king , nay the most absolute king of the world , the mightiest king of europe , do more then this king did ? or what would they require more at this kings hands then he performed ? he entered not into this league ; would not be one of their confederates ; hinc nostri fundi calamitas ; but he seemeth to allow the proscription and disinheritance of navarr ; he banisheth all protestants out of the realm ; he answereth the king of denmark , who becometh a sutor for them , that he neither can nor will have peace with them ; he writeth to the prince of germany , who likewise intreated his favour for the protestants , that he knoweth well enough what to do without their counsel , and marvelleth that they have so great leisure as to meddle with other mens matters , and especially with such things wherewith they have nothing to do . this is not enough ; he provideth an army against the protestants , he sendeth to encounter with the forces of germany that were coming into france to succour them ; the duke of guise overthroweth them ; and the kings brother-in-law , the duke of ioyesa is overthrown by the king of navarr , with the loss of his own life , and of . of his souldiers . the duke of guise made proud and insolent with this victory , and having gotten above crowns by the spoiles of the enemies returneth to paris , boasteth of his conquest , preferreth himself before his idle & loytering king , ( as he termeth him discovereth his secret intentions more openly then he did before , and seeketh how he either might make away the king , or thrust him to a monastery . and when he heard that his secret practices were revealed unto the king by the duke of espernon , he is sore troubled , and laboureth to free himself from all manner of suspition ; what way taketh he to bring this to pass ? submitteth he himself unto the king ? cleareth he himself of the accusations laid to his charge ? craveth he pardon of his insolency ? he doth ; but how ? forsooth , in such manner , that even a man with one eye might easily see that he dissembleth . he cometh to paris with a small troop , but so disposeth his army that his intention to carry away the king by force could not be hidden . he craveth conference with the king , is admitted to his presence ; they spend three whole dayes together in conference ; he so playeth his part , that the king leaveth to suspect him , removeth the duke of espernon from the court and his company , who had revealed his secrets , and is angry with the said duke for accusing him wrongfully . what followeth ? god who knoweth the inward thoughts of all men , and hath an especial care of princes ●afety , by a sudden and unexpected accident , layeth open his dissimulation , and bewrayeth the dukes treachery . the king seeing that armed men came into paris in great troopes by night and day , setteth his switzers to watch and ward in every street of paris . it ●ortuned that a switzer by chance was striken by a parisian , with whom he had some private quarrel ; hereof followeth a great slaughter . the duke of guise committeth the switzers to prison , besetteth the lover with a garison of souldiers : the king beginneth to be afraid , he fleeth from paris secretly , taketh his mother thence with him , commende●h the duke of espernon his faith and loyalty , and escapeth the danger of the lion that lay in wait for his life , for that time , but is to die the death within a short time after , not by the sharp and merciless sword of the proud and ambitious duke ( which had been more princelike ) but by a short and poysoned knife of a jacobin fryer , which was too base a death for the greatest monarch of the world. but again to the duke ; who hearing that the king began to sound the depth of his treasons , and to suspect all his proceedings , to remove his many doubts , and to recover his good opinion , sendeth certain ambassadors unto him , ( if they may be termed ambassadors that go from a rebel unto a king ) of his own , and of diverse cities and provinces which he had drawn to his own faction , and had alwayes ready at hand . by the mouth of these ministers ( sufficiently instructed what to say ) he protested that nothing was further from his thoughts then to seize upon the kings person ; for if he had had any such minde , any such intention , he might have wrought his pleasure upon him when he had him in paris . first therefore he desireth , that the duke of espernons malice and untrue accusations might carry no credit , at the least-wise not breed any disgrace and discredit . next , that whatsoever hath been heretofore done , or said , might be buried in oblivion . thirdly , that the duke of espernon , and his brother mr. de valetta might be banished the court disturbers of the common peace . fourthly , that the government of normandy might be given unto the holy league . fifthly , that his brother the duke of mayne might be created great master of the kings pallace , and the cardinal of bourbon made governor of all france . sixthly , that two armies might belevied , and maintained at the kings charges against the hugonets , and one of them to be sent into picardy , under the kings or the duke of guise his conduct , and the other into dolphine , of which the duke of mayne must be general . lastly , that the king of navarr , with all his adherents , and all other hereticks , might be thrust out of the court and utte●ly destroyed , and a parliament presently called , wherein they might consult of matters of greater weight and consequence . the king perceived by these unreasonable demands that their pleasure and purpose was to make him a king of poland in france , that is , such a king as should carry the bare 〈◊〉 and name of a king , and others should rule , thinking it high time to call his wits together , to be in no longer subjection , and to begin to dissemble with them who go about to deceive and subvert him by cunning and dissimulation ; he therefore yeeldeth to all that was demanded , commandeth an assembly of the three estates to be held the next september at bloys , exhortethall his subjects unto a general peace , and devise●h all means possible to supplant the duke of guise . to this parliament came the most and best peers of the realm . the duke of guise absenteth himself , either for fear , because his guilty conscience accuseth him , or of set purpose and cunning , because he seeketh to be intreated . in his absence they began to consult of great matters , in all which the king rule●h not , but is ●uled ; he signifieth unto the nobility th●re assembled , that he taketh himself greatly bound unto them for their good and wholesome counsel , professeth himself to be unable to govern so turbulen● a kingdom any longer , desireth to be eased of s● great a charge , and thinketh it expedient , both for the common-wealth , and for himself , to imitate the example of charles the fifth , and to shut himself ; up as a penitentiary in some monastery ; and therefore he praye●h them to consider to whom he might best surrender his crown . but if his judgement might be of any fo●ce and weight with them , no man should contend for it . for no man was equal , much less to be preferred before the duke of guise ; he is valiant in arms , wise in counsel , zealous in religion , faithfull to h●s country , and wanteth nothing requisite in a king but the name of a king ; he is heard with great attention , beleeved wi●hout any contradiction , and the duke is sent for with all speed possible . it is no need to bid him come , he flyeth , he seemeth to be in heaven ; but falleth as suddenly as lucifer did down to hell . the king calleth him into his private chamber , pretending to have some great occasion to confer with him ; before the rest of the nobility he giveth him into his hands certain letters of his own hand-writing s●nt unto the king of spain , but intercepted , by which he is convinced to have ●ought the kings untimely death , and the unlawfull possession of his crown : he ●alleth down upon his knees , humbly bes●echeth the kings pardon ; and whiles with frivolous protestations , and false oaths he laboureth to clear himself , he is not so cruelly as justly murthered in the king presence . the arch-traytor being thus executed , the queen mother allowed the execution , praiseth her sons wisdom , thanketh god that it hath pleased him to put that counsel into the kings head , and to give him grace to execute the same ; and now ( saith she ) my son playeth the king indeed . the parisians are presently certified of the dukes death ; there is weeping and gnashing of teeth ; the crochilers have lost their countenance , the fac●ious their father , the seditious people their ambitious patron , and the malitious sorbonists their religious protector . what followeth ? sudden accidents must have suddain consultations ; new devises , hasty resolutions , hastie executions , and the new year must begin wi●h new treasons : they chuse the duke of aumale for their head ; they draw the kings picture in the durt through the streets ; they rob and ransack his exchequer , his palace , his store-houses ; and for their last resolution , they conclude that he must be no longer their king . according to this conclusion , after that their city was hardly beset , and they had almost endured as hard a siege as the citizens of ierusalem , they send out a desperate jacobin fryer , as their iudith to behead holofernes , to execute their doom and devillish sentence upon the lords anointed , and their lawfull king . the fryer goeth to the kings camp , which was at st. clovis , feigneth to have letters of great weight to deliver unto the king ; he is brought to his presence , kindly received , ( for the king alwayes loved those fryers too well ) and lovingly willed to declare the cause of his coming ; he delivereth his letters ; the king readeth them seriously , and the jaobin , more like a iudas then a follower of st. iames , seeing the kings doublet loose about him , aiming at a place where he might be sure to dispatch him , whilest he was busied in reading the letters , thrusteth a poysoned knife into his bowels of which wound he died within a few hours after . you have heard his tragedy , his reign , and his end , and what can you finde that savoureth of heresie ? was it heretical to persecute those whom they call hereticks before he reigned , and as long as he reigned ? was it schismatical to proscribe , banish , and massacre them ? was it apostatical to proclaim and make wars against them , whensoever and wheresoever the guisards required him ? was it irreligious and hypocritical for him in a lent time , when men use to be penitent for their sins , to whip themselves while the blood followeth , by his own example to induce the cardinal of lorrain , and others his chiefest counsellors and courtiers to do the like ? was he a despiser of god , who with consent of the popes holiness , to shew his zeal , and to leave an eternal monument thereof , did erect a new order of knighthood of the holy ghost , and took an oath to live and die in defence of the catholick faith ? was it impious , and an act not beseeming a christian prince , to go in person , and accompanied with most of the peers of his realm in procession bare-headed and bare-footed ? if none of these things be heresie , apostacy , and contempt of god , and religion ; then undoubted●y the late french king , having done all these things , was no heretick , no apostate , no schismitick , no despiser of god , but a zealous , a religious , a catholick , and a most christian prince . but the duke of guise his death is the matter that is most urged , is the sore that most grieveth , is the objection that needeth a present and large confutation : he was murthered without any desert , without any rightfull administration of justice , without any manner of proof , that he had committed a crime worthy of death . god said unto cain where is thy brother abel ; he said unto the woman accused or adultery , where are thy accusers ? he said unto his disciples , in the mouth of two or three consisteth a truth ; he said unto the judges of the earth , be ye wise and discreet in your judgements . and why said he all these ? forsooth , to shew that in every capital cause there ought to be an accuser , divers witnesses , and a judge to give sentence according unto law , and unto his conscience . truly the laws of france , and the lawes of all nations require , that a man being held guilty of any crime , be it never so odious , never so horrible , be called unto judgement , and be convinced by his own confession , or some other pregnant and forcible proof , before he can be condemned . but if the crime whereof he is accused be so manifest that all the world knoweth it , that he cannot deny it , and hath nothing to say for his defence ; it is lawfull to condemn him , yea , to execute him without hearing his cause ; especially , if by giving him notice of his arreignment , you give him time and opportunity to escape without punishment : the word of god saith , thou shalt do no murther ; but the laws of nature , the laws of nations , yea , the laws of princes say , that it is better to kill then to be killed : the apostles have taught , that the testimony of two or three witnesses is sufficient in any cause ; but the civil laws require sometimes seven , other times five , and commonly they are contented with two ; and by canonical constitutions according to the degrees of dignities of ecclesiastical persons , the testimony of seventy two , of sixty four , of twenty seven , and of seven is oftentimes requisite and necessary . god hath commanded every man to do according to his conscience ; but the lawes of princes command all judges to give judgement according to the proofs and allegations that are made before them . i may therefore boldly say , that not onely the pope , ( unto whom the canonists onely attribute this power and authority ) but also every lawfull secular prince ( unto whom god hath commanded that every soul should be obedient ) may , upon good occasion , and consideration of some circumstances , qualify , and interpret the lawes of god. he that striketh with the sword , shall perish with the sword , sayeth the holy scripture ; and there is no express commandment given not to suffer malefactors to live . but humane policy hath thought it convenient and equitable , that children because they know not what they do , that mad men because they are deprived of the use of reason and understanding , that any man killeth one another by mischance , because he offendeth through ignorance , and not of malice : and lastly , that an honest man , if he chance to kill a thief by night or by day , in defending his own person or goods , because it is lawfull to repel force by force , shall not be condemned to death , although his crime in it self , in strictness of law be capital . there is nothing more certain then the commandment of god , not to swear , and yet it is lawfull to swear , yea , it is an offence not to swear , if a man be commanded by a magistrate to swear ; and if a truth cannot be known but by an oath , and the oath that a man hath taken must be inviolable , it cannot be broken ; and there is no mans more odious , no crime more detestable then the sin of perjury ; and yet a judge that hath taken an oath to keep the statutes of his country without breaking the same , or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them , may violate them , if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour , or to ask his opinion , or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use . besides if a judge be commanded , yea sworn not to do any thing against the l●wes of god , or nature , or of his country , yet if he be urged by some great occ●sion , or if necessitie enforce him thereunto ; or if some notable danger , scandall , or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those lawe● , he may lawfully violate them . and shall a judge have authority to break lawes , and shal not an absolute prince have the like liberty ? a provost marshal taking a theif in the fact of committing a robberie , may hang him up presently with out any forme of judgement ; and shall not a king cause a notorious traytor to be murthered without a solemn sentence ? the governor of a city taking an homicide , an adulterer , a rav●sh●r of women upon the fact ▪ may chastise and punish them according to the rigor of the law w●thout any forme of law ; and a king taking a traytor be●ng abou● to deprive him of his life , of his crown apd scepter , shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his judges without imploring the helpe of his magistrates , and without imparting his treason unto his counsellors , or unto the friends and allies of the traytors , especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing , when bee is so strong , so backed with friends , so guarded with souldiers , that if he be not executed upon a suddain , the respi●e and leisure which shall be given him , shall g●ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved , but also to put in great hazard the life of his prince , and the weale of his country ; to be short , when either the prince or the traytor must die presently ? it is written of iehu the judge and king of israell , that he fearing the great multitude of baals priests , and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of justice , there would follow some great inconvenience or scandal to himself ; he feigned that hee himself wou●d do sacrifice unto god baal , and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together , and when they were all assembled , hee willed them all to be murthered . who hath heard the historie of ladislaus king of bohemia , commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the earle of cilia , his faithfull and assured friend and vncle , killed almost in his presence , so ●uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death , but also to think that he was lawfully killed , because hee presumed to come armed into the court where all others were unarmed ? the bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained ladislaus humiades the author of this murther , how kindly he used his mother , how wisely hee suffered ladislaus and his brother matthias to bring him into beuda , and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee , he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his vncles person , took it for a manifest argument that he would prove ( as ind●ed hee did ) a very wise , just , and valiant prince , si●ce in his youth he was so subtile , and so resolute , and gave them so notable an example and president of his justice . who hath read the policy which darius king of persia used in revenging the injury of oretes , who was grown to be so mightie , so proud , and so well backed with friends , that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary course of justice , and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce of his gentlemen to undertake his death ? and who commendeth not the mag●animitie and resolution of bageus , who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the that had vowed to haza●d their live ; foe their king , went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise , and within a very short while murthered oretes , who had bea●ded and braved his king many years ? briefly , who readeth and alloweth not the history of david , who when a man c●me to him from saul his camp , and told him that he had kil●ed saul , commanded his s●rvant to kill him presently , and said unto him , thy blood bee upon thine ow● head , for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee ? and yet every man knoweth that saul killed himself , and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of david for bringing him the first news of sauls death . these premiss●s therefore being duly considered , it must follow that the late king had great reason a●d just cause to command the duke of guise to be killed . but his friends say nay ; they have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the peers of france ; one of the greatest of that realme , one of the best beloved subjects of europe , and one that was allied unto great kings and princes : and that therefore the king causing him to be murthered , as he was mig●t well think , and justly feare , that in doing him to death , he should highly offend his best friends , and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death , to revenge the same . as therefore iulius caesar winked at the treason committed by dunorix , and called him not into question for the same , for feare to offend his brother divitiacus , who was an assured and faithful friend unto the people of rome , and a man of great credit and authority in his country ; even so the king should have spared the duke of guise , and not have used such c●ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends ; and as henry the king of england deprived the dukes of anmarle , of exceter and surrey , of the lands and possessions which richard the second gave them , and yet spared their lives ; so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings , and not the life of the duke of guise . truly if h●s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the duke of guise his life , then the commonwealth of rome received by dunorix , the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live : but since that the duke did alwaies aspire unto the crown , and since he desired , sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same , the king played ( as his mother said ) the right part of a king , wh●●● as he resolved and ex●cuted his death with all convenient speed . for ▪ the same caesar which had pit●y and compassion on dunorix , because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his d●signes and purposes , first banished , and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman lucius caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions : and henry the should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named dukes , if the e●rle of rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the king their treason and conspiracy against him , for which afterwards they were worthily executed : pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the majesty of a prince , when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person , or his state , or his kingdom ; but when as he seeth manifestly , that never a province , never a city , never an house of his kingdom , can or will long continue in good estate , in dutifull obedience , in naturall affection towards him , and his crown , unles he do som●●imes use to play the king , to revenge wrongs , and to punish treasons ; hee must needs change his na●ure , make a ver●ue o● neces●i●ie , and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale . france n●v●r had any king that was more gentle , kinde , and curteous then that lewis who for his curtesie and clemency was ●irnamed the meek ; and yet the same lewis ( as you have already heard ) forgot that name , and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto , when it was in question whether he or his nephew bernard should rule and reigne . for then knowing that a prince cannot live in any good assurance of his estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth right and title thereunto ; and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his eyes , kept him in perpetuall prison , and in th● end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders . who can then blame the late k●ng of france , if he chose rather to rule , then to be ruled ; to kill , then to be killed ; to murder the duke of guise , then to endanger his whole estate and kingdom ? the prince that 〈◊〉 not an iniury that is done unto his commonaltie , or to a private person , is in danger somtimes to lose his life , or his kingdom ●as were the romans , and philip king of macedania ; he because he punished not a●tilas at the request of pau sanias ; and they , because they sent not the french men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the citizens of chynsie , forgeting the dutie of ambassadors , were found in the forem●st ranke of their enemies fighting against the french men : and is it necessary that a king shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his country , or unto ● private man ; and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and indignities which are done unto himself ? may he command a ju●g to proceed defacto , without taking full knowledg of the cause , and every circumstance of the subjects cause ; and shall it not be lawfull for him , to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case ? the least and meanest judg , may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions ; and sh●ll it not be lawfull for the king , from whom ▪ he same judg receiveth such power and authoritie , to do the like ? we say and confess that the●e is manifest , when the theif is taken in the fact ; and shall it not be lawfull for a prince to take that treason for notorious which the trayt●r hath committed ▪ if a man finde a stolle ● thing about a theef , he is in danger of death ; and if a man finde a traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous attempts shall he not be reputed a traytor ? the law sayeth , that whatsoever a king doth , it seemeth to be done with great reason : if he comme●deth any thing , every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same . his actions are manifest , but his thoughts are hidden and secret ; it is our dutie to tolerate the one , and not to murmur against the other , nor to enquire or demand the causes , motives , and reasons of his commandements ; his pleasure must be unto us as a law , and his will hath the full force and strength of reason ; and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest , his commandment , although it be done in hast , and without great advisement , yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined , wisely perused , diligently considered , and solemnly pronounced . why then shall the death of the duke of guise be thought unlawfull , since the king commanded the same , not for hatred to the duke , but for securitie of himself , for love of the weal publique ; not without 〈◊〉 justice , but according to law and equitie , ( because a princes pleasure is held for law ) not without example ▪ but with approbation and imitation of many , who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment ; briefly , not to revenge his particular quarrels and jnjuryes , but to preserve his right and his crowne , upon which the wealth , the life , and the wellfare of all his good and loyall subj●cts do depend . he was allied unto many great princes which are displeased with his death , and will not leave it unrevenged ; but if these princes were the kings friends before the dukes death , they will not take the same in evill part ; and if they were his enemies , he needs not to care for them , or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his subjects . he was one of the peers of france : but honor may not be a priviledg un●o any man to embolde● him to offend the laws ; but the more honor a subject receiveth from his king , the more he is bound to love and f●are him . but grant that the king did evill in causing him to be murther●d ; shall the subjects be grieved therewith ? shall they seek revenge thereof ? shall they bear arms therefore against their prince and their country ? may the son arme himself to kill and murther his mother ? and is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his father although he have done him great wro●g ? and is not a king the father of his subjects ? and is not every country the mother of the naturall inhabitants thereof ? or may they war against their prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow , ruine and destruction of their country ? are all alterations dangerous in every well governed state , and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the crowne from the right heire unto an usurper , from the lawfull king to an ambitious subj●ct ? but it is onely said , and no way proved , that the duke of guise had any such int●n●ion as to deprive his sovereigne , and to crown himself ; it may be suspected , but it is not notorious . this must appeare more manifestly then it doth , or else all that is said will be to no purpose . to manifest this therefore i will briefly examine that which hath been already said , and by his own acts and demands convince and prove his intention . it is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head , no more should a subject take upon him to controll the king , or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do : and yet the duke of guise , not once , but many times rebuketh his kings proceedings against she protestants , blameth him of negligence , and telleth him more boldly , then wisely , that hee must not spare them but subvert them . and what was that but to spoile his kingdom ? the counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as office and charge with modesty , that is laid upon him , then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof ; and yet the duke of guise staieth not untill he was moved by the king , but n●med himself for his lieutenant : and what was that but to appoint the kings officers ? wee read of saul , that it grieved him greatly when it was said that david had killed twenty thousand enemies , and saul but ten thousand ; and yet the duke of guise , after that he had overthrown the germans , is termed an other gideon , and he termeth his king a loiterer ; and what was that but to disgrace his soveraign ? it is commonly said , that where there is no offence committed , there needeth no pardon ; and yet the duke of guise would seem not to have offended , although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned , and buried in oblivion : and what was that bu● to betra● a guilry conscience , and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence ? the subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment , when there is no fear of a forreign enemy , or any other in arms within a realm , giveth many presumptions and arguments of a rebellious minde ; and yet the duke of guise doth not onely arm multitudes , but also prote●teth , that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands ; and what was that but to threaten and menace his king ? the count of st. paul , high constable of france , was held a traytor by lewis the eleventh , and so executed , because he betrayed his counsel ▪ and kept certain holds and towns of strength from the king ; and yet the duke of guise must be no traytor , who revealed the kings secrets , and withheld many towns and cities from him , and drave him out of the principal city of his realm . francis the first proclaimed the duke of bourbon to be a rebel and a traytor because he fled to charles the fifth , and bore arms in his quarrel against him ; and yet the duke of guise is no traytor who favoureth the spanish king more then his own prince , and bringeth spaniards into france to murther and massacre the kings loving subjects . he saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the duke of espernon , and therefore he must be banished the court ; he saw that the king of spain prevailed not against england , because he had no towns in france , to harbour his wearied and sea-beaten souldiers ; and therefore at his next coming he must have normandy at his devotion ; for that was his purpose when he demanded that normandy should be given to the holy league . what meant he when he required that his brother should be made great master of the kings pallace , and the cardinal of lorrain governour of all france ? why demanded he no office for himself ? forsoo●h , because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king . france could not brook two kings . the late king must be first deposed ; and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depo●ed and deprived of his crown at the parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled ? that was the matter of great wait , the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult ; an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great armies in readiness ( the one in picardy , and the other in dolphine ) to bridle those who were most likely to withstand h●s coronation , and not to admit and receive him for their king . the hugonets also must be all subverted . they were the orato●s that preserved athens ; they were the ge●se that saved the roman capitol ; they therefore must be taken away , or else he must fail of his purpose . that nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most ch●istian king , may not brook an heretick for their king ; and therefore the king of navarr must be taken away , he must not live any longer ; the prince of conde next heir to the crown after him , was already dispatched by poyson , and his young infant was not fit to rule . but if the king of navarr's death might have contented him , if his overthrow might have set france at liberty , and utterly have subverted the protestants , why was not this king of navarr's offer accepted ? why refused he the combat , whereunto he was challenged ? such a champion as the duke was , should not have refused such a challenge ; such a gideon , that flew so many germans , should not have been afraid to encounter with one man , especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a king to fight with a rebel , as debased himself to contend with a traitor , as if he won the battle , could not but lose some of his honour , because he had encountered with an infamous person , and if he lost the field , lost both his life and scepter . such a father and protector of his country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends , who have been killed since the time of that challenge . but he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin , and he knew how to be king without such a hazard : he had preferred many , and therefore they would and should prefer him . but of him enough . and from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged . it followeth in the accusation , that he prodigally wasted the revenues of the crown , and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness . this wastfull spending of the revenues of the crown , is a fault that exceedeth all other faults ; a fault that offendeth a kings subjects much more then any other vice , because when princes treasures are wasted , they flie to their subjects coffers , and empty their chests to fill their own exchequers . subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband . it was a commendation that tully gave to king demetri●s ; it is a quality that is required in a good steward ; it is a property by so much more requisite in a prince , by how much his charge is greater then other mens ; but a though they desire that their prince should be thrifty , yet they would not have them covetous ; and as they can be contented that they should be liberal , so they like not that they shall be prodigal : thrift maketh them able to live with their own , covetousness enforceth them to prey upon their subjects . liberality procureth them the good will and love of all men , and prodigality bringeth them to poverty , and poverty teacheth them to invent and practice extraordinary wayes to supply their ordinary wants . but i must not stand upon such a king as subjects desire to have : i hasten to the accusation , and in handling thereof i mean not to free the king from all blame , but to lay the greatest blame upon them who are most to blame . true it is , that the revenues of france are now far greater then ever they were , and that they have received their great increase of late years ; yea , that the ancient kings never did nor could impose such subsidies and charges upon their subjects as have been lately levied in france . for charles the seventh was the first king that got and begun this point of imposing charges upon his subjects at his own pleasure , and without the consent of the states of his realm ; and yet this charles never levied more of his subjects then eight hundred thousand franks by the year , a smal sum in regard of that which is now levied . after him succeeded lewis the eleventh his son , who raised the revenues from ten hundred thousand , to forty and seven thousand , and yet he layed up nothing at the years end into his treasure-house ; for he builded more houses , and fortified more cities then all his predecessors did before him ; it is written of charles the eighth that he purposed to have reduced his subsidies unto twelve thousand franks , and to have the same sum by way of ben●volence from his subj●cts , or for the d●fence of his realm , meaning to defray his ordinary charges which the revenues of his demesnes , which together with all customs and impositions came to a million of francks . but sa●th my author philip de comines , the people pay now but two millions and one half , a great increase in so small a time ; and yet no increase in respect of that which followeth for you have heard out of mr. de la nove , that henry the second , the la●e kings father , levied by ordinary means on his subjects fifteen millions o● franck● by the year , which are five millions of crowns : and another of 〈◊〉 time testifieth , that the revenues of the late french king came unto ten or eleven millions of crowns . the book called the treasure of treasures of france , setteth down at large how the revenues are gathered , how they increased ▪ and how they have been , and are either prodigally or unthriftily , superfluo●sly , or extraordinarily wasted . the same book testifieth , that divers complaints have bin exhibited unto the king against the wastfull spenders of his treasures , and that his majesty was often●imes minded to take some present order for the redress of those abuses . but ▪ when he began to think thereon , and purposed to call into question those which were noted to have wasted his treasure , he was presently drawn from that intention by suddain wars , procured ( as it was thought ) by those who were guilty of mispending of his revenues , to the end that he might not have leisure to examine their abuses . it was shewed unto his majesty , that in thirty one years after his grandfather francis the first his death , the receipt of such money as came in those years unto the treasure amounted unto more then millions of crowns , and the expences came but to millions . it was shewed that besides the same sums which entered into the kings coffers in that time , the people had payed to the king use fifteen millions of millions , and millions of crowns , which i● as much money as thousand mules are able to carry . it was shewed that the pope in those few years had out of france better then thirty millions of crowns . it was shewed that this infinite treasure was not wasted by the kings of france , but by their officers ; that there were above two hundred seventy four families , whereof some might dispend an hundred thousand francks by the year , others eighty thousand , some sixty thousand , others forty , thirty , twenty ▪ and fifteen thousand , of which the best could not dispend above nine or ten thousand francks , and some not above two or three hundred before they had the collection of the kings rents and revenues . it was shewed that there were three hundred thirty eight treasurers , of which some were worth ten thousand , others twenty thousand , some thirty thousand , some forty thousand , others sixty and eighty thousand crowns . it was shewed that some began but with three hundred francks a year , whose yearly revenues came now to sixty thousand , or eighty thousand francks , and they were worth b●sides thirty , forty , fifty , sixty , and eighty thousand crowns in ready money , pla●e , and jewels . lastly , it was shewed , that whereas the k●ng might well have had two hundred millions of crowns in the treasury , he was indebted above thirty millions . and that there might be found six and thirty ladies in france , whose heirs , rather then they would be called to an accompt , would willingly pay the twentieth part of the debts of the crown ; and the above mentioned officers might think that they escaped very well if they might be freed from all danger by paying the residue . now considering that the house of guise , or such as depend upon them , ruled not onely the realm , but also managed the treasure of france of late years , during the minority of their kings , considering that the late king would and could not redress the abuses of such officers as received , and were countable for his revenues ; considering that he was charged with greater burthens then his predecessors , as the maintenance of his brother , the dower of his mother , and of the late queen of scots , the marriage of his sisters , and other debts in which he was left by his predecessors , considering that his revenues were increased before his time , or by such as ruled more then he in his time , and that princes do rather augment and encrease , then diminish their yearly rents and demeasns ; and lastly , considering that of thirty three chambers of account which are in france , not above six of them were for the king towards his end , and those of the poorest , and such as scant yeelded him three hundred thousand crowns , his receits being , as it hath been said , almost eleven millions ; no man may justly accuse him of consuming the wealth of his crown and kingdom . it is likewise to be noted , that wars are much more chargeable then they have been , and that he seldom lived out of wars ; not through his own folly , but by their fault who can blame him most ; and it cannot be denied but that he gave away much unto his favourites , and to his minions ; and yet his gifts were nothing comparable to the excessive liberality of his later pred●cessors . for it is written that lewis the . gave to his physitian in five months fifty four thonsand crowns , besides the bishoprick of amiens for his nephew , and divers offices and lands for himself and his friends . bodin in his book de republica reporteth , that charls the ninth king of france his brother , gave away in the year . two millons and seven hundred thousand francks , and the next year two millions and forty four thousand francks , and in the last year of his reign one million five hundred and two thousand francks , besides certain years pentions , which amounted unto one hundred thousaud francks . but grant that he gave much more then he did ; is it not lawful for a prince to reward his servants ? is it not in his liberty to cast his especial favour upon whom it pleaseth him ? and is there any thing that sheweth a kings greatness , procureth him faithful friends , and eternizeth his name , more then his bounty and liberality ? i know that nero was reprehended , because that in fifteen years he gave away above fifty five millions . i confess that caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year sixty seven millions . and i acknowledge that dion reporteth it for no praise and commendation unto claudius that he wasted in three years five miriades of miriades and seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams , or as some report , one thousand seven hundred and eight miriades . i allow no such prodigality , and yet i think it not lawful for subjects to rebel against their princes if they be over-prodigal ; i know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality . i read that the parliament house , in the tenth year of richard the second of england , considering that through the covetousness of the officers by them displaced , the kings treasure had been imbezelled and lewdly spent , chose thirteen lords to have the oversight ( under the king ) of the whole government of the realm . and i finde that divers subjects have revolted from their obedience to their princes , because they having wasted their revenues , they over-charged them with subsidies and impositions . but i see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion . now from the late kings prodigality , briefly in a few words to his other vices ; he is noted to have been somewhat more given to venery then it became a married prince , but i find not that his wantonness was outragious ; and sure i am , that he never had so many concubines as solomon ; nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his wife , as david did to urias ; nor made away with his own wife to have another , as it is said the spanish king did : and yet solomon was the wisest prince that ever lived ; and no king ever pleased god more then david did ; and the leaguers held king philip to be the mirror of the kings in our age . neither did the late king of france delight so greatly in the company of wanton women , but that he could and would have used the same with much more moderation then he did , had not the queen-mother , the duke of guise , and others who ruled all things under him , nourished that humour in him , to the end that he following of his delights , they might the more freely govern the whole kingdom at their own will and pleasure ; a policy borrowed of cardinal wolsey . this wolsey being henry the eighth his chaplain , and brought into credit and favour by the bishop of winchester , made his house a paradise of all kind of pleasure , and oftentimes invited the king thither , and so fed him with vain delights , that his majesty during the greatest time of his younger years , committed the government of the whole kingdom into his hands . it is written of lewis king of bohemia , that if he had had a good governor in his youth , who would not onely have had a care of his health , but also have given him good instructions , he would undoubtedly have made a notable prince ; for he had a very good wit , and a natural disposition to vertue and goodness : but the marquess of brandenburg , who by his father was left to be the teacher and informer of his youth and manners being a very good prince , but more delighting in banquets , dancings , and other such sports and pastimes , then in serious and grave studies befitting a prince , brought the king up in those vanities , wherein he took such pleasure and delight , that he cared not how little he medled with matters of state. good education is a great jewel for all men , but especially for princes , because that such doctrine and disposition as children and young-men receive in their youth , such they retain in their elder years . and the prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years , as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain delights in the days of his indiscretion . the blame therefore of henry the third his wantonness , must light upon them who were the authors of his folly , and abused those good gifts and graces which the almighty had bestowed upon him , which were valour , wisdom , eloquence , and the use of divers languages , qualities not so common as commendable in a prince : his valour is proved by the siege of rechel , where ( as it is written by historiographers of good credit ) it was impossible for a prince ( for such was he at that time ) to shew himself more truly valiant then he did ; and the commendation which sir henry cobham ( a discreet and wise gentleman , and of great judgement and experience ) when he was ambassador for her majesty in france gave him , upon occasion of talk at his table ( coming from such and so able a man as was ) may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qualities : for i well remember that the said sir henry , talking with his nephew mr. maximilian cobham ( who was then lately come out of england into france ) of the late king said , that he had been imploied as ambassador for her majesty unto the emperor , the king of spain , and divers other princes , but among them all , he never heard any forein prince that delivered his mind more eloquently , readily , and wisely then the said king ; and that as often as he had audience of him , he would sometimes speak in french , and sometimes in italian ; and although he answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred , before he departed from him , yet ( like a wise and discreet prince ) he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute answer , untill he had talked with his council ; and at their next meeting , his later answer seldom or never varied from the former ; a manifest argument of his great wisdom , who was able to answer an ambassador upon the sudden , and that not at one conference onely , bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said sir henry had to confer with his majesty , in the space of three or four years , so well and so wisely , that his greatest and gravest councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal answers . this commendation given him by sir henry cobham is confirmed by the siegneur darrennes , one of the ambassadors sent from the prince of condey unto his majesty in the year . to negotiate a general peace betwixt the king and his discontented subjects , as well papists as protestants . this ambassador in the preamble of his speech to the king used these words . we thank god that it hath pleased him so highly to favour us , as to send us a king that both will and can hear himself the wants and complaints of his subjects , and order and redress the same according to his good pleasure , and the laudable course of justice : for if our writers have imployed their labours in writing to blame and reprehend those kings which hear not but by the ears of others , which see not but by the eyes of others , and speak not but by the mouthes of others ; we have most great occasion to think our selves very happy and blessed , unto whom god hath sent a king so gentle , and so loving unto his subjects , as that he will hear all our causes and controversies himself ; and a king of so rare and excellent wisdom , as that he is able to decide and determine our contentions . this commendation given him by seigneur darennes far exceedeth sir henry cobhams , because he was the ambassador of a prince that was in league with the late king , and the siegneur darennes of a prince that not long before had born arms against this king ; and sir henry might speak for favour , but the other spake as he thought ; because it appeareth by the rest of the speeches which he used in the same negotiation , that he neither would or could dissemble : and because this praise and commendation was given by an enemy rather then by a friend , it cannot but be void of all partiality , assertion , or flattery . thus you have heard the french kings vertues and his imperfections ; the leaguers folly , and the spanish kings indiscretion . now it resteth to declare unto you his further error , which although it be the last , yet it is not the least ; and i fear me i shall have occasion to enlarge my self more of it then i did of the other three . it is not unknown unto all or most part of the world , that the king of spain too much crediting the light and false reports of certain english fugitives , did once attempt , and doth still intend to invade and subdue england . this attempt and this intention , although it seemeth to be grounded upon good reasons , and to be allowed by the wisest councellors ; yet i will shew that it was neither begun with wisdom , nor is continued with any great discretion . to shew this , it shall be needful to examine all and every of the causes which moved him to undertake this attempt and purpose . the causes are many , and some of them are already sufficiently declared ; others rest , first to be discovered , and then then to be confuted : it hath already been shewed , that for succouring of france , for aiding of flanders , for intercepting his money , and for favouring and furthering of don antonio his resolution to recover the kingdom of portugal , the spanish king had no just occasion to be offended with the queens majesty . it remaineth to prove that the popes excommunication , that the false and sinister reports of the english fugitives , the death of the late queen of scots , of the sending away of his ambassador with some small disgrace out of england , giveth him no just occasion to trouble her majesties quiet and peaceable government . all this being proved , his indiscretion shall be made appear by three principal reasons . the first , because he took no good course for the accomplishment of his enterprise . the second , because that although his course had been good , yet he neither was , nor is able to subdue england . and the third , because albeit he should chance to conquer our realm , yet he could not hold the same long . the order whereunto i have tied my self , requireth that i begin with the popes excommunication . and for the better clearing of this point , it were necessary to shew what authority he hath to excommunicate . but this is a matter that requireth a whole and large volume ; and therefore i have thought good not to medle therewith , but to refer you for your better instruction unto the large apology which marsilius paturius wrote above years ago in the defence of the emperor lewis of baviera against the pope , that would not admit or allow him for emperor : there you shall see that the pope , although he were christs lawfull and indubitate vicar , ( a point which never was nor will be proved ) yet he hath no more authority then christ himself had . there you shall read , that christ came not into the world to rule , that he took not upon him to command princes , but that both he himself obeyed , and taught his apostles to obey princes . there you shall understand that saint paul the apostle , saint peter , and other of christs disciples obeyed the civil magistrate , and submitted themselves unto temporal government . there briefly , you shall learn that not clergy man ought to meddle with temporal matters ; and that the pope hath no more authority to pardon sins , or excommunicate any man , then other inferior priests and ministers have . all this being true , as in that apology you shall finde it learnedly , substantially and sufficiently proved , not by humane reasons , which may be erroneous , but by sacred scriptures , which cannot be controlled ; your own discretion may sufficiently warrant you , that this excommunication can be of no great force ; and yet because many of our countrimen attribute too much unto the popes authority , and cannot be perswaded but that he came unto the same directly , and holdeth it immediately from christ. i will shew you as briefly as i can , how the pope of rome attained unto that great authority which he now enjoyeth . it appeareth by du haillan in the french chronicle , that in the time of charles the great , the popes of rome had no power or authority in rome it self ; they medled but onely with matters of religion , with ecclesiastical discipline , and with points of divinity . it appeareth also by platina , dr. illescas , and robert barnes , three notable writers of the popes lives ; the first being an italian , the second a spaniard , and the third an englishman , that many years after christs passion , and after st. peters death , they were cruelly massacred and martyred by the emperors of rome . it is also notorious and apparent , by the testimony the same writers , and of many more , that they were wont to be chosen , approved , and confirmed by the roman emperors , insomuch that he was not held for a lawful pope which had not the emperors approbation ; briefly you shall find in the histories and chronicles of france , that three popes being chosen at one time , they came into france ( the kings whereof were then also emperors ) to excuse themselves and their election , because it was made without the consent or privity of the emperor , and to stand to his opinion that then was emperor , which of the three should be pope ; but now there is a great alteration , and a marvellous change . for the servant commandeth the master , the subject his sovereign , the inferior his superior , the vassal his lord , and the elegible the elector ; whereat so many marvel , that it was never more necessary or expedient then it is now , to declare how this came to pass ; you shall therefore understand that there was a time when as the emperor had power and preheminence over all the princes of christendom , as well spirituall as temporal ; and as long as this power and prerogative continued , so long the name of the emperor was honored of all men , his empire was large and ample , his dominions great and excessive , and his credit and authority was marvellous and incredible . about , or not long after this time , not god , but the devil raised up a man , who seeking the preferment of this world , and the advancement of his see , endeavoured by all means possible to attain his purpose . what doth he ? what course taketh he ? what means useth he ? what habit putshe on ? he thinketh it not good to use any violence ; his forces are too weak , his treasury too smal , his arms are not great , and he wanteth a lyons skin , he therefore playeth the fox ; accommodateth himself unto the humors of princes , counterfeiteth an extraordinary kind of holiness , and more then a common and usual kind of zeal , sancti●y and devotion , and entreateth the emperor to make him head of all the churches of the world ; because as rome was his seat that commandeth the world in secular causes ; so the bishop that had his sea at rome , was worthy to govern and rule all other bishops in spiritual affairs . the emperor that then was , had killed his predecessor , had usurped his empire , and had need of one to tolerate and excuse his murder , and to countenance and allow his usurpation ; and therefore taking the pope to be the fittest man that then lived to further his purpose , yeeldeth to his demand ; but the other bishops , which before that time never acknowledged any superiour , refused to receive and acknowledge him for their head , who was wont to be their equal and companion . the bishops contradiction could not make him give over his suit ; he praieth , entreateth , beseecheth , and never leaveth to be importunate untill phocas the emperor granteth his request . he might have contented himself with this , grant , with this favour ; but as covetous men , the more they have , the more they desire ; so this ambitious and proud prelate studieth presently how to get new dignities , how to purchase new honors ; wherein he findeth not only fortune , but the time favourable and friendly unto him . for whenas the empire began to decay , having lost france , england , and germany , the huns conquered italy , the vandals became lords of the greatest part of africa , and the dissolution and loss of the empire began to be so great , that the emperors were fain to give over all the west countries , and to sea● themselves in the east . it happened not long after , that there fell out a great contention betwixt the pope and the emperor touching images ; the one commanded them to be pulled down , and the other to be raised up , and he excommunicated the emperor for withstanding his commandment . and about this time , or not very long after , the lumbards began to make great wars in italy , whose forces the pope ( who was then very weak ) not being able to resist , was forced to flie for aid to the king of france , by whom being defended from the force and violence of his enemies ; were it to be revenged of the emperor of the east , or to recompence the good turn and pleasure which the frenchmen had done him in debasing the pride of the lumbards , or to make the way to encrease his own power and magnificence more ready and easie , considering the weakness of the eastern emperor , whose power began daily to decrease and diminish , through the continual and cruel wars which were between him and the turk , he presumed to declare the king of france , which was then charls the great , for rightful emperor . and so he , which at the beginning was poor aud needy , feared not to deprive him of the emperial diadem , unto whom god commanded all humane creatures should be obedient , and to chuse the roman emperor , whose election belonged in former times to the people or the soldiers of rome . but what were the fruits , what the effects of this choyce ? forsooth , a division of the empire , the which of one was made two ; a dangerous contention , and long wars , the beginning and end whereof was most lamentable ; for the empire having continued a long time in the race of charls the great , the princes and pe●rs of italy began to grieve and grudg thereat ; insomuch , that entring into league and confederacy together , they chose berengarius emperor , and aided and animated him to make wars against the lawful emperor who was then lewis the third . this lewis being hated of his own subjects for his great pride and tyranny , othon duke of saxony went into italy with a great army , and there subdued berengarius , and received of the pope the emperial crown for his guerdon and recompence , lewis the right and lawful emperor being then alive : the pope that then was being gregory the fifth , and this othon , whom he had made emperor , were both germans , and naturally hated all french men ; and therefore began to devise with themselves , how they might take away all possibility for ever from the french-men to recover the empire . the pope shewing himself herein wiser then the emperor , inventeth these means . he thought it convenient for the better countenance of the emperor , that he should be assisted and alwayes accompanied with certain grave and wise personages , as well for learning as for honour : and therefore he ordained that seven princes of germany should have full power and authority to chuse the emperor , whereunto the emperor consented most willingly , as well in regard of the hatred which he bore unto france , as for that there were like to rise quarrels and debates betwixt the germans themselves touching the election . what doth the pope when he hath gained this high point ? seeketh he not for something more ? thought he that it was sufficient honour for his pontifical seat , that three of the seven electors of the emperor were bishops , and all of them sworn to be obedient unto him in all things ? approved he alwayes their election ? beareth he any respect or honour unto them that were chosen by the same elector ? he meaneth no such thing : for he setteth them at naught , seeketh to discredit them , and is not ashamed to command them to swear that they shall alwayes defend , keep and maintain the goods of the church , and the popes , and also their dignities , their priviledges , their laws , and their decrees ; by vertue of which oath he restraineth their wills , abridgeth their power , and enforceth them to be at his devotion . true it is , that the emperors frederick the third and second , and henry the fourth , not vouchsafing to brook their bravadoes , their threats , and their outrages , opposed themselves against all their audacious enterprises ; but they care not for the first , set as little by the second , contemned the third , and excommunicated them all . they rest not satisfied with these honours ; they proceed further , and desire more ; commanding that no secular prince shall take upon him to give any spiritual living , any ecclesiastical dignity ; they excommunicate as well those that give such livings , as those which receive them at their hands ; having obtained this advantage , they covet still more ; and think it not sufficient to be priviledged themselves , but all the clergy must participate and taste of their honours . all priests and ecclesiastical persons must be exempt from all charges , subsidies , and impositions ; no man must be so bold as to meddle with their rents , with their revenues ; the bishops and all the clergy are bound to them for their liberality : in requital therefore of these great priviledges and immunities , it behooveth them to purchase and get the favour , and good liking of all secular princes ; of some , to get as much by them as they can possibly ; of others , to have their help against their enemies , and against those that will not yeeld and condiscend to all their demands and desires . they deal herein so cunningly that they finde some so ready , willing , and desirous to help and succour them , that they vouchsafe to imploy their goods , their subjects , yea , their own lives to do them service . all histories are full of wars , of battels , of victories , begun , fought and obtained at the instance , at the request , and in the behalf of the popes . i shall not need to name the princes , to record the battels , or to mention the victories . our histories , and the histories of all other nations remember them sufficiently . our forefathers declared them unto their posterity , and we may have heard of them of our fathers , of our grandfathers . but to give the more credit unto my speech , and occasion unto the incredulous to beleeve me the better , i will briefly discover unto you the means ; the cunning , and the subtilty which they have used to attain unto their greatness , and height , and to the continuance and perpetuity of their rule and government . there is nothing more profitable or expedient for him that will advance himself in credit , reputation and authority , then to know the deliberations and purposes of his enemies : and because it is very difficult and hard to attain unto this knowledge , he deserveth gret praise & commendation , that can behave himself so cunningly , so politickly , as to learn all his secret adversaries intents , and practices ; and it is not only necessary to understand his determinations , but also it is convenient and fitting sometimes to foresee and prevent them ; yea , it is needfull to be acquainted with his actions , and not onely with those which he intendeth to do presently , and at home , but also with them which he purposeth to do hereafter , and far from home ; for by understanding and knowing these things , a man may quickly either get all that he desireth , or else so temporize and prolong matters until the time fall out fit and favourable for his purpose . all princes therefore , to have a certain and sure knowledge of these things , are accustomed to have their ambassadors in the courts of their friends and confederates , who do not onely send them certain news of the intents and purposes of their friends , but also whatsoever else is done or said in their courts or in their councils . but the pope as he challengeth unto himself a preheminence above all other princes , so he far excelleth them all in this kinde of providence . for besides that he hath his ambassadors in the courts of divers princes , he hath also his espies , his favorites and his sworn men . there are many bishops , abbots , priors , and cardinals which are councellors unto kings , although they have sworn to do nothing in prejudice of the holy church , to condiscend unto nothing that shall weaken or diminish the popes authority ; to learn , espy , understand , prove , attempt , foresee , and practice all things that may any wayes befit or advance his pontifical dignity . moreover , to make his way more ready and easie for his ambassadors to understand all that may stand him in steed , he purchaseth the favour and good opinion of princes favourites , and such as are neerest about them , by rewards , promises , bribes , and corruptions : unto some he giveth a cardinalship , unto others his daughters or kinswomen in marriage ; and not to leave the princes themselves uncorrupted , he sufferth them sometimes to take the tenths of their kingdoms , to make their profit of his croicadoes ; and to procure them to be the more ready to do him pleasure , he feedeth them with fair words , with sweet and sugered speeches , he adorneth them with new titles , with new honours and dignities , that are more gorgeous in shew then in deed ; calling some of them catholick kings , others most christian kings , some protectors of the sea of rome , and others defenders of the faith : and when he hath occasion to change or innovate any thing , then he helpeth himself with a specious shew of a zeal of religion , with the report and remembrance of that authority which he challengeth to have received from god , and with a vain flourish of that honour and reverence , which some princes being more zealous and devout then wise , have shewed unto him , endeavouring to perswade others by their examples to do the like . but if it chance , either by the iniquity of time , or by their incredulity whom he seeketh to make his friends , that they will not give ear unto his perswasions , he hath presently recourse unto the decrees and constitutions of his predecessors , he wresteth the text of the holy scripture to serve his purpose , and forgetteth nothing that hath been either done or devised , and decreed for his advantage . he putteth them therefore in mind , that boniface the eighth made a decree , that as many as would be saved , and have a part in the kingdom of heaven , must of necessity be obedient in all cases and in all places unto the pope : wherein he doth not onely resemble , but make himself equal to , and better then his master christ , because he , while he was upon the earth , did not onely shew obedience , but also taught his apostles ( as i have formerly said ) to be obedient unto inferior magistrates , and such as were in authority ; and the pope will be both honoured and obeyed of the greatest princes and monarchs of the world ; yea , if all the princes of europe , if the sacred and general councils of all the nations of the world should make a law or ordinance , the same shall be of no force , strength , or validity , if he do not approve , ratifie , and confirm the same ; and if any prince being more bold then the rest , presumeth to say there have been many bad and evil popes , it shall be answered him presently that he ought not therefore to contemn or reject their pontifical authority , and that no man upon earth may be so bold as to examine or reprehend , or censure the popes actions . i have acquainted you with many devices , great subtilties , and fine policies , but the finest deceits are yet behind ; for is it possible to have a better means to overthrow and ruinate a princes enemies , then to make them perish without laying hands upon them , without effusion of blood , without spending of money , without imploying his own force and authority ? there is no victory but is honourable , and yet of all victories that is most commendable which is purchased with least effusion of blood or spending of money . the pope therefore aiding himself with this kinde of policy , whenas some prince or other being mightier then he , will not bow under his yoak , against whom he dareth not make open wars , he seeketh by all means possible to bring him into hatred with some other prince ; he slandereth him , spreadeth evil rumors and reports of him , taketh away his good name , scandalizeth his person , and imploreth the aid and assistance of all christian princes against him ; he giveth his kingdom to him that can or will invade the same , he declareth him to be an hereticke , he depriveth him of his scepter , he taketh all his titles from him , he commandeth his subjects not to obey him , he suborneth his own children to rise up in arms against him , he procureth his subjects to seek his overthrow , he causeth another to be crowned in his place , and he excommunicateth both him and his kingdom . and if neither the forces of his enemies , nor the rebellion of his subjects , the confederacy of many princes against him , nor the pollicies whereof we have spoken be able to supplant and suppress him , then he procureth some one or other to kill him , or to deliver him by some treason into the hands of his enemies . truly these are strange policies , cruel devices , and such kind of revenge as a man shall hardly find to have been practised by secular princes ; and therefore that my words may carry the more credit , since they tend to the discredit of the holy father of rome , i will prove by the testimony of authentical histories all that i have said . boniface the eighth , sollicited the king of england to w●rr against philip the faire king of france ; and pope benedict , who cared not wh●t it cost king philip , so that his popedome might bee honoured by the holy warrs , which the said king had promised to make against the turk , defamed him through all the world , calling him disloyall , false and forsworn prince . pope hildibr and sowed great dissentions and immortal warres betwixt the princes of germany and the emperor henry the . and commanded the electors to chuse another emperor in his place ; and when that would not prevaile , he suborned the son to beare armes against the father , and to deprive him of the empire . alexander the third procured the millanois and other cities of italy to rebell against frederick the emperor ; and alexander the sixt took the name and title of most christian king from charles the eighth of france , and gave it unto the king of castile . it is written that innocent the fourth held a councell at lions in france , and with the helpe of the frenchmen thrust fredericke the second from the empire , and caused henry landsgrave of thuring to bee chosen in his place . and we find in diverse true histories , that pope pascall , gregory the . victor the . and vrban the . had great variance and contention with the emperor conrad and henry his son for the collations and installations of bishops ; and when they could not otherwise hu●t them , they excommunicated both the father and the son. but i have to tell you a more strange history , a more wicked action , and such a one as beseemed not a christian , much less the pope , who calleth himself the father of all christians ; and that is an history of alexander the . who was so furious , indiscreet , and frantick in prosecuting the hat●ed which he bore unto the emperor frederick barbarossa , that besides other malitious and wicked meanes by which he sought to have him killed , whiles the good emperor was busied in warring against the turk for the good and benefit of all christendom , he sent word unto the turk , that he should look for no peace at the christians hands so long as the emperor lived , and that therefore it behooved him to look for some meanes to surprise and kill him ; and to the end the emperor should not escape the turks hands , unto whom hee was not known , hee sent him his picture , whereby the turk found a way within a small time after , to t●ke him prisoner . and although the emperor feigned himself to be the emperors chamberlain , yet that could not helpe him . for the sultan conferred him with the picture which the pope had sent him , and thereby knew him . and when the emperor was sett at liberty , not without great charges to himself , and greater detriment to the whole state of christendom , he assembled the princes of germany together , and there shewed them the pop●s letters , and likewise the picture which he had sent to the sultan . there wanted no good will in gregory the . that the emperor henry the . was not killed in hearing mass , by a great stone which hee had caused to bee ●ung so cuningly and artificially right over the place where the emperor should heare mass , that while he was upon his knees , and at his devotion , it should have fallen down upon his head ; but it pleased god to preserve the innocent emperor , and to suffer the store to fall upon the chief workemans head whiles hee was making tryall of his skill and cunning . what shall i speak of his unsatiable desire of revenge , who so much forgat god and the reverence which his best predecessors bore unto the sacrament of the altar , that he caused the same to be poysoned and a good emperor to be poysoned therewith . but what do i trouble you with forreign examples , with old and ancient histories , since we have some of later time , some ●igher unto us , some domesticall testimonies which do sufficiently witness the fury , enmity , hatred , cruelty and tyranny of popes ? can any man desire a better proof of the popes avarice then the history of king iohn ? this king ( as our chronicles testifie ) was somewhat too severe to his clergy , and over-hard to the nobility of his realme , insomuch that bo●h rebelled against h●m , and had their recourse for their better ayd unto the popes holiness , who presently excommunicated him , and commanded all christian princes , and especially the king of france , to invade his country . the french king obeyeth this commandement , and sendeth his son lewis with a great army into england , where he is received with great honor , and aided by the rebellious barons with all the helpe and power that they could make for him . the king perceiving that he was too weak to encouunter with his own subjects , and with the forreign supplies that were sent ●h●m , and thinking that it was best for him to seek for helpe at his hands by whom he was hurt , sent presently ambassadors unto rome to pacifie the pope , by making his kingdom tributary unto him , and by promising to hold the same of him , to take him for his superior , and to bee obedient unto all his commandements . the good old man presently changeth his mind , pacifieth his own wrath ; and of a deadly foe , becometh the kings great friend , insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed ; excommunicateth the king of france for robbing the patrimony of the holy church , and commandeth the english subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their king. is there any man so ignorant within this realme , that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later popes of rome have sent not only secular men , but seminary priests into england to murther our gracious soveraign ? there are some widowes and orphans within this kingdom , who lament even at this day the death of their husbands , and of their parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull queen of her life at the popes instance and instigation . it were to be wished that poor france had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the popes heavie indignation ; it should not have lost within the space of years hundred thous●nd men , not strangers but naturall french men ; it should not have lost in so small a time above . french gentlemen ; it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late king , the first king that ever was murthered by his owne subjects in france ; it should not complaine that the father had killed the son , the child h●s parent , the brother the seed of his mothers wombe , and the kinsman the next of his owne kin ; briefly , it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne country men , as comment and approve of the wicked , horrible , and most odious and detestable murther of their owne leige lord and soverraigne . now seeing that either the approbation of murther , as in the emperor phocas , or the allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in charles the great , or the toleration of wicked rebellions , as in henry the son against the emperor henry the father ; or the maintenance of wrong titles , as in king pipin of france ; or the practise of subtile and devillish devices , as in the before mentioned popes hath caused the advancement of popes : it must needs follow , that they have not lawfully attained unto the authoritie which they now challenge . but to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the succession of popes , against their authoritie , their pride , their abuses , and the iniuries offered unto all nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience : to leave to tell you how many catholick princes they have excommunicated as hereticks , how many seditions , tumults and wars have been raised in the world by them , and in the defence of their causes : to leave to declare unro you , how ●thany religious princes and kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications , & how many had good occasion to commend and bless them ; briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if i should enter into this discourse ; i will onely signifie unto you , the great wrongs , losses , and indignities which our realme alone hath received by receiving the pope and his authoritie ; for , of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit , that when it shall appeare ( as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named marsilius pativius ) that their authoritie is usurped , and that by receiving and acknowledging the same , our realm fele many inconveniences , and many miseries , from which it is now freed , no man should think her majestie to be lawfully excommunicated , whome the pope hath anathematized for not reverening him , and his authoritie , whom her prede●effors long since rejected . there was a time when as our kings , blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possess●th the hearts of those princes which are wholie devoted unto the popes holiness , honored him as those princes now do ; then there was no realme comparable to ours , neither for number , nor for beautie of religious houses ; there was no country that yeilded greater obedience unto the sea of rome , no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the popes legats , to honor and reverence them , and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands . this great zeale and obedience of ours , whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors ( for he that loveth most , ought to be required with most love ) procured us in time great hatred ; for no nation had the like injuries offered unto them , as were proffered unto us . whence this hatred proceeded i shall not need to relate , our h●stori●s ease me of that labour and paine , and the manifold abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same . there is nothing that derogateth more from the majesty of a king then to be ruled by forrein laws , nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their right and suits in law ; the first is odious , because it disgraceth the country whose prince endureth that jndignitie ; and the last is grievous , because it is both troublesome and chargeable . in the time of our superstitions and foolish zeale unto the sea of rome , thomas archbishop of cant. was slaine in his cathedrall church by william tracey , reynold ursin , hugh marvell , and richard britton ; who thinking it no● convenient that a proud prelate should prefer the popes commandment before our kings authoritie , and being grievously offended with the great indignities that were offered unto our king and his kingdom , for his superstitious and contentious bishops sake , came out of normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations , from which they thought that our realme could not be freed so long as he lived . the king when●this murther was committed in england , was in normandy , where hearing the news thereof , he greatly lamented his death . clothed himself in sack-cloth , confessed himself unto almighty god , and protested before his divine majestie , that he neither was guil●ie or privie to the archbishops death , ( unless he might be held for guil●ie which had just occasion not to love him over well ) besides henry the second ( for he was then king ) having for this bishops sake , tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the popes indignation , and fearing that when his death should be known at rome , he should incurr his further displeasure , sent presently certain ambassadors unto rome to excuse him , and to signifie his innocency unto the pope ; but his holiness would not admit them unto his sight , untill that certaine of his cardinals told him , that they had express commission from their king , to signifie unto his holiness , that he would stand to the popes and his cardinals iudgment , and undergo what penance soever it should please him and them to lay and inflict upon him . the pope sendeth two cardinals into england , before whom the king sweareth , that the murther of the archbishop was undertaken and performed without his consent and privitie ; and yet because he confessed that in his wrath and anger he had spoken some words that might perhaps embolden the malefactors to committ the same , he could not be absolved before he promised to give the cardinals so much readie money as would maintaine . soldiers for a year in the holy land , and also that all his subiects should have libertie to appeale from his courts unto rome ; a great punishment for a small offence : for what a trouble and grief was it thinke you unto the subjects of this realme , to have all causes carried unto rome , where they spent their travel and their money many years before they could be ended , and received no indifferent iudgment , because their contentions were for the most par● ( as you shall heare ) with italians , who found better favour , either for money or for love , then our countrimen , which were meer strangers unto the judges . but these griefs are nothing in respect of those which we endured in the time of henry the third , the which were so grievous , that the king together with the clergie and nobility complained thereof unto the generall councell which was held in pope innocent the third his time at lyons . they complained , first that the pope not being contented with his peter-pence , did newly exact new contributions of the english clergy , and still intended to extort more and more from them , contrary to the ancient customes and liberties of england . next , that the patrons of churches , when they fell void , could not present fit clerks unto them , as by grant from the pope they might do , but their churches were collated unto italians , who understood not our mother tongue , and therefore could not instruct their people , whose soules for lack of discipline and good instructions perished . thirdly , they complained that the pope imposed upon their churches more pensions then he had formerly promised to take of them , and leavied divers taxes within this realme , without the kings knowledge or consent . fourthly and lastly , that italians succeeded unto italians in the best benefices and ecclesiastical livings of england . of which followed these inconveniences ; first , there was no hospitality kept for the releif of the poor . next the word of god was not preached to the edifying of mens soules , their divine service was not celebrated to the comfort of mens consciences ; and lastly church●s were not repaired to the benefit of their next incumbents . it was further shewed , that the clergy of england was enforced to maintain and arme , some ten souldiers , others five , and others fifteen , to bee sent with sufficient armor and horses to serve the pope , in what place soever it pleased him . again it was declared , that although there was an ancient priviledg in england , that no legate should come into the realme unless the king required and allowed him ; yet they came continually one after another , and the later still exceeded the former in troubling and overcharging the realme . moreover it was proved , that besides the popes tributes and subsidies , italians held benefices in england to the yeerly value of thousand marks ; and transported out of the kingdom t●e most part of that money , to the great impoverishment of our country . neither were these griefes so lamentable , but that it grieved all estates in our country much more , that our best wits for lack of such preferment as was due unto learning , were fain to leave the universities , and to betake themselves unto mechanical trades , and such occupations as were not fit for men of their gifts and capacities , whereby our realme was almost induced unto a very barbarisme . the ambassadors that made this complaint , were men of great dignity , mature judgment , and of exceeding great learning : but what could they prevaile in a councell where the popes● faction was so strong , that at the very self same time he deposed the emperor frederick , and sent away our ambassadors greatly discontented : for he gave them a charg● streightly to command all bishops in england to set their hands and seales to that detestable charter which king iohn made to the pope for a ye●rly pension to be paid unto the sea of rome ; unto which commandement all the bishops ( more indiscreetly then wisely ) shewed themselves most obedient : but the king protested that although the bishops had bowed their knees unto baal , yet he would stand stoutly in the defence of the liberty of his realme , and would never pay any yearly pension unto rome under the name of a tribute . i might here take occasion to tell you how this tribute grew , but you must remember that i have already touched the same somewhat , in all that may be said in the behalf of the pope ; and for the maintenance of that pension , it hath been lately confuted in a leamed treatise called anti-sanderus ; i might also proceed in declaring other inconveniences which our realme hath endured by our voluntary subjection unto the pope : but these may suffice to commend those our kings for their wisedome , and magnanimitie which cast off that yoke , amongst whom there are none that deserve greater commendation then the queens majesty that now raigneth , and her noble father and godly brother : for some of their predecessors ( indeed ) permitted not the pope to overcharge their subjects ; but they have discharged them of all kind of grievances which he was wont to put them unto , and have both wisely and boldly excluded him and his authority , which he wrongfully usurped . whereat both his fatherly reverence and our romish s●ctaries so much repine , that they cry out with open mouth , that it is against all reason , all divinitie and scriptures that secular princes should have and arrogate unto themselves any manner of authority in ecclesiastical causes . this , and the substraction of such taxes and impositions , as the sea of rome was wont to impose upon the engl●sh clergie , are the true and only causes why the pope thundereth his interdictions and menaces against our gracious sovereigne and her kingdom ; although he pretendeth that her dissent ▪ and diversitie from his religion only moveth him to excommunicate her majesty : you have heard sufficient reasons to just●fie the taking away of those duties and services ; and the same might be warranted by the examples of many forreine examples , who upon the like occasion have done the like : but i may not handle every matter that is worth the handling , in this discourse , which already is grown to be far large then i thought it should have been ; and yet considering the impudency of our adversaries in denying all kind of authority unto temporall princes in spiritual causes , and for satisfying you somewhat in that point , who especially charged me to yield you some satisf●ction therein , i will in few words , and by a few examples fetcht from the holy scriptures , prove unto you that this her majesties proceeding in ecclesiasticall causes is waranted by holy scriptures . ioshua king of iuda commanded heikias the high priest of the second order , and the keepers of the doores to bring out of the temple of the lord , all the vessels that were made for baal , and to do any manner of things mentioned in the . chapter of the second book of kings . david assembled the sons of aaron and the levites to bring the ark of the lord into the house prepared for it , commanding them to sanctifie themselves ; and david had a linnen garment , as all the levites had that bear the ark , and upon david was a linnen ephod : david also blessed the people in the name of the lord , and appointed certain of the levites to be ministers before the ark of the lord : he likewise divided offices to the levites , to their preists , and to their sons . solomon set the courses of the p●iests to their offices , according to the order of david his fath●r , and the levites in their watches , for to praise and minister befo●e the priests every day , and the portersby their course at every gate , for so was the commandment of david the man of god. iehosaphat , in the third year of his raigne sent his princes to teach in the cities of iudah , and with them the levites and priests . and after he had appointed judges in civil causes over all iudah , the set in ierusalem certaine of the levits and of the priests , and of the chiefest of the fam●l●●s of israel for the judgement and cause of the lord ; and made amoriath the priest the chief over them in all matters of the lord. ioash commanded the levites , the preists and iehoiada the cheif preist to gather money of all israel to repair the house of the lord. briefly , hezekias goeth furthen then all these ; for he repaireth the temple of the lord , and commandeth the levites to cleanse themselves , and to sanctifie the house of the lord. he commandeth the preists the sons of aaron to offer his sin offerings upon the altar of the lord. he appointeth the levites in the house of the lord with cymbals , with viols , and with harps ; he willed the levites to praise the lord with the words of david , and of asaph the seer . he set posts through all israel and iudah to command them to come to keep the passover with him , and to turn unto the lord ; he appointed the courses of the priests , and of the levites by their turns , every man according to his office. bri●fly he commanded the people of ierusalem to give a great part to the priests and levites that they might be encouraged in the law of the lord. since therefore the queens majesty intermedleth not in ecclesiastical causes somuch as these princes did , or any thing more then other kings & some of her predecessors have done ; since , when her maj●sty called a parliament to consult of temporal matters , the b●shops and prelates of this re●lme have a meeting also in their congregation house , where whatsoever they decree and order , is ratified by her highness royall assent and approbation ; since not her majesty but her graces father was the first that assumed unto himself ( not without just occasion ) the title of supream head and governor in all causes ecclesiastical within his majesties realms and dominions ; and briefly , since what power soever the pope had over england , was lo●g since taken from him , this sentence of excommunication against her majesty is neither warrantable by law , nor any sufficient cause for the king of spaine to invade our realme . now to the false reports of our english fugitives who ( as all other fugitives have accustomed to do ) fill the king of spains ears with many vain fables , seeking thereby to exasperate him against our realm & to extenuate the forces thereof , to the end he may think the conquest of england to be a matter of no great difficultie ; they calumniate her majesties justice , ●ccuse her government , and blame her proceedings against seminaries and romish priests sent into this realm from rome as out of the trojan horse , to se●uce her majesties loving subjects , and to withdraw t●em from th●ir obedience . these grievous accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned treatise called the execution of justice . but the chiefest point which they reprehend in her highness goverment , is there unanswered , and therefore i have thought good to re●ell it in this place . they signifie unto the spaniard , that her maj●sty had , before the coming of his invincible navie , so overcharged her subj●cts with new subsidies and unaccustomed taxes and impositions , that they nei●her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requisite and necessary to maintain an army by sea , and an other by land ; this accusation is auggravated , because her majesty hath called a parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the crown ; and in some of them h●th not been cont●nted with a single susidie , but hath charged her subj●cts with a double subsidy ; a matter ( as they say ) never heard of in any of her predecessors times , nor then needfull when it was required . for the better answering of this obj●ction , i must run over the whole raignes of some of her maj●sties predecessors , thereby to make it appear that they called parliaments and levied subsidies as often as her highness hath done ; and because it would be tedious to trouble you with many , i have restrained my self unto two only , namely unto ed. . and ed. the . the commons granted a subsidy unto edward the first in the third year of his reign , and another within two years after ; then having no extraordinary expences until the eleventh year of his reign ( which was six years after ) he obtained another subsidy ; and when he had reigned two and twenty years , the clergy gave him the half of their goods , the inhabitants of the cities the sixth part , and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed . and yet within two years after , he levied of all towns-men and citizens the eighth part , and of the country people the twelfth part of their goods ; and because the clergy refused to grant him a subsidy at that time , they were all excluded from his favor and protection ; for the recovery whereof , some by themselves , and others by their friends gave him the fifth part of all that they possessed . neither did the liberality of the laity , nor the bounty of the clergy so free them from further contribution , but that the very next year after , the king having occasion to war against scotland , the common people gave him very willingly the ninth part of their goods ; the clergy subject unto the arch-bishop of canterbury the tenth , and the clergy of york diocess the fifth part , because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the enemy . edward the third had a subsidy of his people the sixth year of his reign , and another the next year after , and within four years after the commons granted him a fifteenth , the burgesses of towns and inhabitants of cities a tenth , and the clergy as much for three years together ; and yet the same year , the city of london was charged with two hundred armed men , canterbury with forty , st. albans with ten , and other towns and cities according to their wealth and ability . two years were not fully ended , but the people were charged again , and so almost every third year during his reign , , until that in the forty fifth year thereof he levied a certain sum of fifty thousand marks of his subjects ; aud within six years after , he charged all persons of his realm , as well men as women that were fourteen years of age , to pay him four pence a peece , except onely such as went a begging from door to door . the like subsidies were levied by richard the second , by henry the fourth , and henry the fifth , and almost by all the rest of our kings ; the which for brevitie sake , i pass over with silence . but to clear her majesty the better of this accusation , and to make it known unto her subjects how greatly they are bound unto her highness , for sparing to use such means for money , as many of her predecessors used in time of their necessity ; it will not be a miss to acquaint you and them with many ways that our princes have practised to releive their wants , of which her majesty , although her occasions to use money were greater , or as great as theirs , never did put any one in practice . in the recital of these practices , i will not name our kings in order as they reigned , but relate their means to make money as they shall come to my memory . edward the first called ( by a writ called quo warranto ) all together that held any lands of him , to shew by what title they held their lands , who recovered much money of the meaner sort , who having no evidences to shew , durst not withstand his demand , untill the earl of surrey , called before the justices to the same effect , answered , that he and his ancestors entering into this realm with william the conqueror won their lands by the sword , and that he would hold his by the sword ; which stout answer made the king surcease his demand . henry the seventh wanting money , caused all penal statutes to be examined , and all forfeitures layed upon his subjects by them , to be strictly and severely exacted . which exaction cost richard empson and edmond dudly their lives . henry the first , in a parliament held in the one and thirtieth year of his reign , put priests to their fines who lived with their wives still in house with them . henry the second , anno . ordained a collect●on on to be made through all his countries and dominions of two pence in the pound of every mans lands and goods ( jewels and apparel onely excepted ) to be paid the same year ; and for the space of four years next ensuing one penny of every pound to be paid yearly ; and those that had not the worth in goods and lands to the value of twenty shillings , and were house-holders , and had any offices , they should pay a penny to this contribution . and those that departed this life within the term that that this collection was current , their debts being paid , were appointed by the same ordinance to pay the tenth part of all the residue of their goods unto this contribution . richard the first , to make money for his voyage against the turks , levied a tax , engaged , sold , and let to farm his lands , his tolls , his customs , and other his revenues , with certain countries and offices ; and understanding that hugh pudley bishop of durham had great store of ready money , he sold to him the mannor of seggesfield , with the wapentake belonging unto the same , and also found means to perswade him to buy his own province , which he did , and was thereupon created an earl by the king for the same , and was intitled both bishop and earl of durham : he had likewise great sums of money of the citizens of london for priviledges granted unto them . besides he had licence of pope innocent to dispence with such as pleased him for their vows , and to go into the holy land , although they had taken the cross on them for that purpose , and of those he took abundantly ; and divers others he compelled to fine . also he feigned that he had lost his seal , wherefore he commanded a new to be made , and willed it to be proclaimed and published in every country , that those to whom he had granted any thing by his deed or charter , meaning to enjoy the same in surety , should not think it much to come and have it confirmed by his new seal , least afterwards the other being lost , their lawful titles might be called in question . lastly , he levied the tenth part of all the moveable goods throughout the realm of england to the aid of the wars ; and this collection passing under the name of an alms , was extended upon the goods of spirituall men as well as temporal . this king was ( as you shall hear hereafter ) taken prisoner in returning from those wars ▪ and for his ransom order was taken that all manner of persons as well spiritual as temporal , should give the fourth part of their whole revenues due to them , for that year toward the kings ransom . the same king after his retu●n sold the offices of sheriffs and divers other offices , and procured a subsidie to be given unto him of two shillings of every ● lough-land , and commanded that every man should make for him the third part of knights service accordingly ▪ as every fee might bear , to furnish him forth into normandy . the same king by vertue of a parliament , called back , and resumed into his hands all patents , annueties , fees , and other grants , before his voyage into the holy land , by him made , or otherwise granted or alienated . and because it should not seem he used a meer extort violence herein ▪ he treated with every one of them in most curteous wise , bearing them in hand that he well knew they meant not to let forth their money unto him upon usury , but would be contented with such reasonable gains and profit as had been raised to their use in the time of his absence , of those things which they held of him by assignation in way of loan , so that now the same might be restored unto him again , since he meant not to sell them , but to let them forth as it were to farm for a time , as all men might well understand , considering that he could not maintain the port of a king without receipt of those profits which he had so set forth ; and hereunto every man yeelded , although no man had received a third part of the principal which they had layed forth . the same king having borrowed a great sum of money of the merchants of the staple , called the monks of osteaux , gat them to pay the same , telling them that he borrowed it of certain merchants beyond the sea , upon confidence of their good benevolence . the same king caused all offices in aurmen , poictou , and mayne to fine with him for their offices . the same king seemed in appearance to be offended with his lord chancellor for concluding the truce with the french king , and therefore took the seal from him , and caused a new to be made , proclaiming through all his dominions , that not any thing sealed with the old seal should stand in force , both for that his councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was conven●ent , and because the same seal was lost when his vice-chancellor was drowned ; wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new seal that would have their charters and writings confirmed . the same king having levied two shillings once before of every hide of land , levied s. of every hide of land for a subsidie , rating every hide to certain hundred acres . lastly , the same king caused turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at arms in f●ats of arms , whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his subjects so to tu●ney ; every earl paid for his license twenty marks , every baron ten marks , and every landed knight four marks , and those that had no land two marks . now from this king unto others ; king iohn in the year levied a subsidie of two marks and an half of every knights fee , belonging as well unto spiritual as unto temporal men ; the which exaction must needs be very great , considering that there were better then forty thousand knights fees in england , and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes , according to the rate which sir thomas smith maketh in his book de republica anglorum . henry the third revoked all lands granted in his minority unto his servants , and called to an accompt all his officers , displaced some , fined others , sold his plate , and borrowed so much money as he could get of the londoners , of priors , abbots , and of the jews , of one of which named aaron , it is written that he had at one time above marks . henry the third again obtained certain authentick seals of the prelates of england , and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments ▪ wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their churches , of these and the merchants of florence and of sienna , whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same instruments , made by him their agent in their names . the pope yeelded his consent unto this shift , because it should go unto the discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the wars , whereof i have made mention in another place against the king of sicilie . the same henry caused a proclamation to be made , that all such as might dispend l. in land should receive the honour of knighthood , and those that would not , should pay their fines ; and five marks were set on every sheriffs head for a fine , because they had not distrained every person that might dispend l. land , to receive the order of knighthood , as was to the same sheriffs commanded . the same henry in the forty fourth year of his reign , had granted him a scutagium or escuage , that is fourteen shillings of every knights fee. the same henry , in the second commotion of the earl of glocester , engaged the shrines of saints , and other jewels and relicks of the church of westminster for great sums of money , wherewith he got aid out of france and scotland . briefly , the same henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all england to be perused and examined , and laid great fines on their heads that were found with false weights and with false measures . edward the second , for his defence against the scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in england , ireland , and wales : and edward the third for the recovery of france , besides other subsidies , took the ninth lamb , fleece , and sheaf of corn through england . ri●hard the second had a mark of the merchants for every sack of their woolls for one year ; and six pence of the buyers for every pound of wares brought in from beyond the seas and here sold. he had likewise towards his charges for the wars of france a noble of every priest , secular or regular , and as much of every nun ; and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence , and forty shillings of every sack of wooll ; of which ten shillings to be imployed at the ●ings pleasure , and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity . in the . year of henry the eighth his reign , when his majesty married with her highness mother , the lady ann bullein , writs were directed to all sheriffs to certifie the names of all m●n of l. lands to receive the honour and order of knighthood , or else to make a fine . it is written by philip de comines , that our kings when they wanted money , were wont to feign that they would go into scotland or into france with an army ; and that to make great sums of money , they would levy men , and pay them for a matter of two or three months , within which space they would again dismiss their armies , although they had taken money of their subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more ; and many times they had money of the king of scotland or of france towards the charges of their wars . it is written by du haillan in the tenth book of his french history , that iohn king of england being in great want of money , enjoyed for six years together all the b●nefices of his realm , and all his bishopricks , abbeys , and monasteries , wherewith he defraied the expences of his house and of his armies ; which he might do very well , because the revenues of such benefices as italian priests enjoyed sometimes in england , came by just computation to above seventy thousand marks by the year . and it was declared in a parliament held in the . year of king henry the fourth his reign , that the king might have of the temporal possessions , lands and revenues which were lewdly consumed by the bishops , abbots and priors of england , so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and maintain earls , knights , esquires , and an hundred hospitals more then were at that time . the same king iohn accused sometimes one , sometimes another nobleman of england , that they lost his towns and cities beyohd the seas by their negligence , and fined them at great sums of money . thus i have with as much brevity as might be , waded through the several reigns of most of the longest-lived kings of our realm , and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities ; of all which , her majesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her highness in thirty six years that her grace hath now reigned , ever used as much as one ; and if it may please those that being fugitives abroad , and most envy and malign her peaceable and quiet government at home , to confer the necessities of her predecessors with the urgent occasions that her grace hath had to use much ready money , they shall finde that her ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her majesty had of late years , yea almost for the whole time of her reign . for albeit her majesty hath not had continual open wars , as some of them had , yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs . for first , wars are now adays ( as i have said ) far more chargeable then they were wont to be . then her grace hath had no other princes to contribute towards her expences as her predecessors had . next her loans to foreign princes , as to the kings of france , of navar , of scotland , to the late duke of alencon , and to the states of the low countries have been very great . and lastly , her charges both by land and sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums , considering how many times her highness hath been constrained to send her navy to the seas , and her land souldiers forth of the realm . besides , her predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary , being undertaken to conquer , and not to defend their realms , to get other princes dominions , and not to conserve their own ; to revenge forein injuries , and not to repulse domestical invasions ; briefly , their wars were for their own profit , and hers for her subjects benefit ; considering therefore , that whatsoever her grace hath levied , not granted unto her by her parliament , without any contradiction , without any accusing her of prodigal●ty , w●thout any such exception taken against her demands , as hath been taken against other her predecessors , without any suspition of h●r evil government , therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others , then unto them who by her majesties appointment have the custody thereof ; it is a manifest argument , that her subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her highness in her princely wisdom and discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her realm . and if these malicious accusers would look upon the governments , upon the exactions , upon the extortions of such princes in whose realms they either live by alms , or wander up and down as vagabonds , their own consciences ( if at least they have any ) would condemn them of malice , of untruth , or of gross ignorance ; for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such subsidies , taxes , impositions and grievances as are levied in france , italy , & spain , of which the hundreth parts are unknown , much less practised in england , and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest , since it cannot be denied that in some dukedoms of italy , the circuit of which is not comparable unto one shire of england , the yearly revenues of the duke far exceed the revenues and rents of the crown of england . moreover , if it may please this viperous generation of fugitives to call to mind the interest that princes have in their subjects goods , and the great power that is given unto kings in the old testament over the lands and possessions of as many as live under their obedience ; and also to remember , that princes , the longer they live , the more absolute , imperious , and self-conceited they are in the execution of their government , and the more experienced in their proof , they must rather commend then condemn her majesty , whom neither continuance of time , nor fulness of authority , nor presumption upon the good wills of her people , nor confidence upon the equity of her cause , nor the consideration of her subjects weal , wholly depending upon her welfare ; nor briefly , the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-government , hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the realm , or over-burthensome unto her subjects . this grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled . now leaving the rest of these fugitives suggestions unto another place , wherein i shall have occasion to handle them more fitly ; i will end this point with condemning the king of spain for being too light in crediting these rebels in two principal points . for first he ought to have considered , that neither the vain pamphlets disspersed by his lying ambassador mendoza , nor the malicious book written by cardinal allen , was able to alter , remove , or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our english subjects ; they were too well acquainted with the ambassadors old and inveterate malice , with his hostile practices , and his desperate intents . they knew the cardinal to be a religious fugitive , to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money , to be like unto richard shaw , that was hired to preach at pauls-cross , and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of richard the third ; to resemble the duke of buckingham , who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the guildhall london ; to imitate iohn petit a preacher of france , who for a far less bribe then a cardinalship , allowed , approved , and commended , in pulpit and in writing , the most horrible murther committed by the duke of burgoigne on the person of the duke of orleans : and lastly to follow his example , who ( without all example ) was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of france , and therein to deduce many reasons , many causes , for and by which he maintained that the said king might be lawfully deposed , and another set up and established in his place . secondly , he might have considered that those fugitives are ( for the most part ) peevish and discontented schollers , fitter to mannage a pen then a lance , to dispute of philosophy , then to discourse of war , to be partial in their own conceits , then to be prodigal in their assurance ; briefly , to be ready to say more then they know , especially when they are either assured , or in good hope , by saying much to obtain much : he might have remembred that iohannes viennensis sent into scotland by charles the sixth of france , although he was a man of great experience , a captain of long continuance , aud one that by his long abode in scotland knew england and her forces far better then our fugitives do , deceived his king at his return out of scotland , in reporting unto him the strength of our nation ; he had fought with many of our armies , had seen footmen , and horsmen of ours in the field , was of opinion that our country was easie to be conquered within the realm , howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad ; and lastly , he both knew and signified unto the king , that the duke of lancaster was absent in portugal with the flower and chief youth of england . these reason ▪ moved the french king to determine to invade england presently , to carry an huge army to sluce in flanders , to assemble all the nobility and peers of his realm for that voyage , and to pro●●se unto himself an assured victory against england . but what event had this journey ? what effect followed of this perswasion ? the king hearing that the duke of lancaster was returned out of portugal , and that in england f●r greater forces were prepared to resist his invasion then iohn of vienna had mentioned , withdrew his forces from sluce unto the places from whence they came ; and as the spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against england by the duke of parma his not joyning with them in convenient time , as it was decreed in spain before they departed out of spain ; so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the duke of berry , who knowing the forces of england ( as undoubtedly the duke of parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report thereof ) came not unto the french king at sluce until the dead of winter , when it it was too late to depart thence to invade england . and as the frenchmen falsly charged the duke of berry that he had received bribes of the king of england to divert his king from his intended enterprise against england ; so the spaniards more indirectly then justly , blame the duke of parma , that in consideration of some reward either received or promised from us , he held not his promise to joyn his power with the spanish strength against us . and lastly , as of the french vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof , there came nothing else into england but certain great tents and lodgings of wood , capable , ( as their authors report ) of all their kings huge army ; so of the span●sh invincible navy , and of their mighty army , nothing was seen in england but the spoil of their strong armado , and the flags of their tallest ships , which were brought to pauls●cross ●cross and there shewed unto the people as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow . now followeth the death of the queen of scots , a queen in whom god had joyned some vertues with many vices ; a happy queen , if she had not been too much affected unto the pope of rome , too much lead and counselled by the spanish king ; a pope and a king that have overthrown more noble families in england , france , flanders , and scotland , then they have true and good noblemen within their realms and dominions . of this queen because she was nobly descended , and the mother of a most noble king , i forbear to set down what buchanan hath written : and yet because her majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully , i cannot but relate what another reporteth of her ; another , that was neither an englishman , nor a scot , but a german : another that writeth of her as cornelius tacitus doth of his emperors , sine ira & studio , without hatred or affection ; for she was unto him as those emperors were to tacitus , neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her , nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him . this queen saith my author ) being weary of her second husband , whose life was often sought , and at length unhappily shortned , not long after his death married james hepborn earl of bothwel , whom during her husbands life she had used most fumiliurly . certain noblemon of scotland , being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed , and desirous to revenge so horrible a parricide , raised an army against the queen , and forced her to resign her kingdom unto her young son ; but they confined her unto a certain island , whence escaping the next year by corrupting her keepers , and the hamiltons forces which fought in her defence , but overthrown by the lord protector of scotland , she meaning to go unto her mothers friends into france , took her journey by england , where she was detained ; and when as certain treasons , intended by the instigation of the pope against the queen of england her state for the delivery of the scottish queen , and establishing her in both kingdoms , were revealed and discovered , she was more straightly kept and lookt unto , until at length because she had used many means to deprive the queen of her life , she was cond●mned to death in the year . by the lords and commons of the parliament house , and executed the same year accordingly . against this sentence , and his execution there are made these exceptions . first , it is said , that the late queen of scotland , being an absolute prince as well as the queen of england , could not be condemned to death by her , because par in parem non habet potestatem . next it is alleadged , that if a prince should so much forget himself , as not onely to pronounce , but also to execute a sentence of death upon his equal , over whom he hath no manner of jurisdiction or authority , other princes will be greatly offended with this sentence , and never endure that it should be put in execution . to these reasons there is added a third , that since there is no law as yet written to punish a prince with death , they think it unlawful to make new laws , new statutes for the punishment of a prince ; and in case it were lawful , it is not known who should make these laws , who should adminster them , who should execute them ; and therefore sithence there is no law against princes , there can be no great punishment inflicted upon princes ; and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against princes lives , it must needs be against all good cust●m to call their behaviour in question , or their lives into danger . the favourers of this cause proceed further , and look upon the malice and wickedness of subjects , who as soon as they begin to hate their prince , unjustly and for no occasion , would quickly by themselves or by other princes , by open violence , or by secret conspiracies , be rid of their princes ; so ( say they ) would it come to pass , that by whom princes ought to be preserved , by them they should perish ; and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others , through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves . the patrons and advocates of this queen bring another reason to confirm their opinion . for ( say they ) if a prince fall willingly into another princes hands , or if it happen that flying from his malicious subjects , or from his foreign enemies , or being driven by tempest , or other casualty into one kingdom , when he meant to go into another , or that being in the field , one prince is detained by another , the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a prince , shall break and violate the laws of arms , of humanity , or of hospitality . lastly , the laws of nations require , that princes ambassadors , even in the hottest broils , and most bloody contentions that are betwixt princes , shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the kingdoms into which they are sent : but if the laws permit , or rather command ambassadors , who do but represent the persons of princes , to be free from all dangers ; what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their lords and masters ? for , it is against all reason , against common pract●ce and experience to spare the servant , and to spoil the master ; not to hurt the subject , and to murder the prince ; to dismiss the messenger , and to detain the sender ; briefly , to honor him who representeth another mans person , and to disgrace the party whose person is represented . these are the most substantial reasons that are made against this sentence ; and to every one of these i will frame a brief answer . par in parem non habet potestatem . and therefore princes who are most commonly equals , cannot exercise any power or authority one against ano●her . true it is , that this is an ancient principle or maxime in law ; but as other rules or maximes have their exceptions , so this position is not without a limitation , without an exception or interpretation . two magistrates ( i grant ) being made and constitu●ed by their superior with equal power and authority , have no power or jurisdiction one over another ; but they are created as it were with this condition , that they shall use the authority which is given them by their princes against their inferiors , and to those that are subject to their several jurisdictions . but sithence this law was made in their behalf onely who do acknowledge a superior , and that in such a time , and in such a state in which there were many magistrates but one king ; many judges but one emperor ; many that were equa●s among themselves , but one that excelled them all in power and and authority ; i take it that the same concerneth absolute princes no more then a privilege granted to ticius alone belongeth unto marius ; for sithence that the charge and alteration of time hath brought forth so many kings instead of one emperor , that almost every country hath now his several king : since the consent and general agreement of people hath given full power and authority unto their kings to make what laws they pleased ; since need and necessity requireth that new laws be made and published almost every day ; and that they being once made , shall not be of force out of those realms within which they are established , it cannot be but both absurd and ridiculous to beleeve and affirm that a law made many hund●ed years ago , by a roman emperor , and that in italy , shall in these days bind those princes over whom the emperor hath no manner of power , and that when a●tient emperors had it long sithence abrogated and abolished . for as many shires and provinces of england , france and other countries , which had their several kings , are now reduced under the obedience of one king ; so contrariwise the emperor , which was wont to command many nations , is now brought to such alow ebb , to so smal and slender an estate , that he can hardly challenge the absolute rule and government over the twentieth part of one nation ; since therefore laws made by our ancestors are so derived to our after-commers , that it may be well said , that they a●e as well successors unto them in their laws , as they are their heirs in their goods ; it is certain that many laws remain still which were made many years ago ; but no prince will admit or allow them any longer then they shall be found to be profitable and expedient for the commonwealth , or then they shall not diminish their royal authority ; hence it cometh that some men hold opinion , ●hat a king cannot make a law which shall prejudice his successors : hence it cometh that former laws may lawfully be abrogated ; and others , although they be quite contrary , made in their stead , so that they be found profitable for the s●ate . hence lastly it cometh that the latter statute repealeth the former , and that which came last to light obtained most force . neither although there be but very few or no princes , ( especially in christendome ) which even in these days of weakness and infirmity of the empire , do not greatly respect and reverence the emperor ; and albeit there be very few lawyers which do not both read and admire the large volumes of the civil laws , compiled , or rather digested into order by iustinian the emperor ; yet is there any king that useth the same laws as iustinian his laws ? or any civilian that joyneth not the knowledge of the statutes and constitutions of his country with the studie of the imperial decrees and ordinance ? in england the civil law hath small force , and lesse use : in france it is in great credit ; but there is a capital punishment laid upon them who in pleading a cause presume to alledge a civill text as a law made by the emperor , but they alledged them as laws approved by the french king. for , when as the king of france perceived that his majesty should be greatly blemished and prejudiced , if he should govern his kingdom by forreigne laws , and yet he saw that it was impossible to have or invent better laws then the civil laws are , he entertained the best of them , being very loth that so good laws should utterly perish , and be forgotten ; but he commanded them to be called his and his successors lawes , least that it might turn to his discredit to governe by other princes laws . what accompt other nations make of the civil laws , it is easie to conjecture by this ; that in germany it self , in which only country the emperor hath imperial authority , there are many provinces which have banished the civil law. considering therefore that laws made in spaine binde not us in england ; and that the frenchmen are not tyed to ours ; who shall be esteemed wise that will affirm , that these kings are subject unto iustinians laws , which are nothing inferior unto iustinian his successor in power and authority ? but grant that the emperors laws have now as great force and strength as ever they had , and that this maxime , principle , or rule in law ( par in parem non habet potestatem ) doe bind all the kings of the world ; yet it shall appear that it cannot any thing at all availe the late scottish queen . for first , as it oftentimes happeneth that men of great authority , lose the same by their own default , or negligence ; so princes going our of their own countries into other kingdoms and dominions , make themselves inferior unto them in whose kingdom they remaine . this is proved by common experience . for , what householder ( be he never so poor will suffer a rich man to rule , or be his better in his own house ? what master of a ship will permit a passenger , b● he of never so great wealth , to guide or governe his ship ? or what captain can or will endure that a young nobleman , be he of never so great birth and parentage shall lead and direct his soldiers ? the sweetness which is in commanders admitteth no companion ; the pope , the emperor , or if there were any greater then they , hath no share , no part or portion therein ; but all , were it never so much , belongeth wholy unto him that ruleth ; and there is such a feeling , such pleasure in this sweetness , that to extenuate the same by words is dangerous , to diminish it by deeds perilous , and to make others partakers of it , foolish in a king , and capital in a subject . eumenes was king but of a poore castle , and yet he would not accknowledge mightie antigonus for his superior ▪ pompey was a subject , and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him . caesar a citizen of rome , and yet he could not brooke an equall : and the late prince of orange a prince of no great power or wealth , and yet he held himself for as absolute a prince as the mightie monarch of spain . this again is proved by a notable example of the emperor charles the . who coming into france in the time of charles the . king of france , to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our king , was mett upon the way by the french king ; which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet , but the emperor as soon as they were mett , would have yeilded the highest place unto the king , and accepted it not without great ceremony ; and it was written that it was given him but of curtesie , a curtesie usuall among princes aswell as amongst private men ; for as private men in their own houses , and at their own tables , will of curte●ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves ; so princes when strange kings come into their country , will preferr them before themselves . it is ce●tain that the emperor precedeth of right , all the princes of christendom . and yet when francis the first king of france , was brought from pavia , where he was taken prisoner , into spain , at their fi●st meeting , the emprror and he embraced one another on horseback , with their capps in their hands , and in covering their heads there pass●d great ceremony betwixt them , each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered , and after that they had talked a while , they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time . and after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand . this again is proved by the emperor sigismond , who when hee would have made the earle of savoy ( as you have heard upon an other occasion ) duke at lyons , hee was commanded by the kings attorney not to attempt any such thing in france , aswell because it was thought , that being in an other kings country , he lost his authority and power to create a duke , as for that it seemed unto the french king that he was not to suffer him to use any royall authority within his dominions . the queen of scotts therefore when shee was in england , was inferior unto the queens majesty , and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal reasons . the one because there is an inequalitie betwixt kings ; one of them being better then an other . the other because she was her majesties vassall ; and the third because she was deposed , and so no longer a queen ; first for the inequality , it is certain that the kings of spain and of france be both resolute princes , and yet france challengeth precedency before spain for five principal causes . the first , because the consent and opinion of the learned is for france , and not for spain . the second , because the french kings have a long time had the honor to be emperors , and not the kings of spain . the third , because the french kings have been called most christian kings these many hundred yeares , and ferdinando the fift was the first ( and that but lately ) that was called the catholick king of spain . the fourth , because at the feast of st. george in england , france even in queen maries time , was preferred before spain . the fift , because the house of france is more ancient then that of spain , which raigned long before the castle of hapsburg was builded . the sixt and last , because the book of ceremonies ( which is kept at rome ) preferreth france before spain . next to france is england , as appeareth by the same book , which putteth england in the second place , and spain in the third . again , those kings are best which are crowned ; and by the same book it is evident , that france , england and spain only have crowned kings . next it seemeth that the meaner sort of kings also strive for precedency , and one of them will be accompted better then another ; for it is written that matthew king of hungary , thinking himself better then ladislaus king of bohemia , when they met once together , matthew went bare-headed , and tyed about the head with a green garland , because hee would not put off his capp unto the bohemian , but have him put off his unto him ; which the king of bohemia perceiving , deceived his expectation , by tying his own capp so fast unto his head , that when they met hee could not put it off ; and so the hungarian being bare-headed , saluted the bohemian , that was covered . but to leave these inequalities , and to come unto the second point , which being proved , it must needs follow , that the scottish queen was farr inferior unto our queen , u●●o whom shee owed honor , homage , and obedience : many of our kings have challenged the soveraignity over scotland , but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then edward the first ; who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good , caused all the monasteri●s of england and wales to bee searched , to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his title . the king found in the chronicles of mariamis scotus , of william of malmesburg , of roger of hoveden , of henry of huntingd●n , and of radolph of ●ucet , that king edward his predecessor in the yeare of our lord nine hundred and ten subdued the kings of scotland and c●mberland , and that the subjects of both these kingdoms , in the nine hundred and eleventh year , chose the said edward for their soveraign lord. he found further that adeslaus king of england subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six scotland and northumberland , and that the people of both countries submitting themselves unto him , swore unto him both fidelity and homage . hee found again that king edgar overcame rinad the son of alphinus king of scots , and that by that victory , he became king of four kingdoms , namely of england , scotland , denmarke , and norway . he found also that st. edward gave the kingdom of scotland , to bee held under him , unto malcolm , son unto the king of cumberland ; and that william the conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said malcolm , and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him . the like did william rufus unto the same malcolm , and unto his two sons , who raigned one after another . besides it appeareth unto the said edward , that alexander king of scotland succ●eded his brother edgar in his kingdome , with the consent of henry the first king of england ; that david king of scots did homage unto king stephen ; and william unto king henry the second , unto henry the third , unto king richard , and unto king iohn . it appeared again by the chronicles of st. albans , that alexander king of scots in the thirty year of king henries raigne , married margaret his daughter at yorke , and then and there did him homage for his kingdom ; lastly it appeared by the popes bulls written into scotland , that the kings of scotland were excommunicated by divers popes because they would not obey the kings of england their lords and soveraignes . bu● against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our title , the scots make three principall objections . the first that their king never did homage unto us but for the countries of northumberland ; cumberland , westmerland and huntingdon ; the which they confess they held of our kings , and by their grant and guift . the second , that edward the third being chosen arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt iohn bali●l and robert bruce for the kingdom , took the two competitors aside , and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him , which when robert ( whose title was , as they thought best ) refused to do , and iohn was content to performe , hee wrongfully pronounced judgement for iohn baliol ; and so extorted this homage by fraud and corruption . the third , that the estates of the realme never acknowledged this homage , but were so farr from yeilding thereunto , that the nobility of scotland deprived iohn baliol of the crown , and gave the same unto robert the first , because he submitted himself and his kingdom unto king ed. the three obj●ctions may not be unanswered ; and therefore unto ●very one of them in order . true it is that a king may hold his kingdom of no superior , and yet owe homage for some member thereof unto another , or some principality that hee holdeth of an other , and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute king : for who will deny king edward the third of england to be either absolute or soveraigne king of england , although he swore homage and fidelity unto king iohn of france for gascoigne and other dominions which he held of him in france ? or who will take the emperor chales the fift not to bee an absolute and soveraign king in spain or other his dominions and kingdomes , because hee sometimes owed fidelity and homage unto the french king for the dukedome of burgondy ? b●t the case is altered in the king of scots , because hee did homage both for these countries and for his kingdom : and this is no good argument . the king of scots did homage unto england for certain english provinces held of england , therefore they did not homage for scotland . but the second objection is of better weight , and yet may bee thus answered ; i might here oppose the credit of an english man against a scots credit , and desire to have holinshed , and th● . walsingham speaking for us , to be as well believed as hector boetius and george buchanan would bee credited when they speake for scotland . but you shall heare this objection confuted by an italian , namely by pelidore virgil , a man of more indifferency , of less partiality , and perhaps of better judgement : against whom if it be be said , that he was either hired to write our history favorably , or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us ; i ●nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition ; and i eftsoones say as i once said before , that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses , there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull . then to refell this objection , i say out of polid. virgil , that k●ng edward pronounced not judgment for iohn balioll because he promised to hold scotland in homage of him , but because he came of the eldest daughter of king david , and robert bruce of the second . i strengthen my saying by these arguments ; first , it is said , that king edward very wisely , when as this great con●ention was referred unto his audience and determination , he called together ( as hector boeti●s himself writeth ) the learnedst men of england and of scotland ; he sent the state of the question into france , whence he received answer , that iohn baliolls title was the better ; and because he might be su●pected if he should examine the matter alone , and give sentence himself , he chose . english men ( as boetius saith ) or . ( as holinshed reporte●h ) and as many scots as english men , whom he made judges of the controversie ; and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors rights , gave judgment for iohn balioll , which award was confirmed by the king. then whenas the king had seen so many evidences and proofs confirming his right and title unto the soveraignity of scotland , as are before mentioned , is it likely that he who had right to that which he demanded , would condition with the competitors in such manner as is objected ? lastly although he had made iohn bali●ll to enter into such a condition , and to binde himselfe thereunto , this cannot help the scots , for that it is lawfull for any man to claime his right at any time , and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his right , that he shall not have his lawfull favor unlesse he will be content . and this is most lawful in a cause of contention betwixt the soveraigne and his vassal , because the soveraigne must require homage at his hands , and the vassal is not ( in some mens opinion ) bound to do him homage unlesse it be required . the third objection is answered with as little difficultie as the rest : for the chief peers of scotland acknowledged obedience and homage unto king edward : they consented unto the delivery which iohn balioll made unto our king of his kingdom ; they required our king to be bound ( as he was ) in an hundred thousand marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths ; and they appointed certain principal noblemen to receive and keep the revenues and profits of the crown to his use , whom king edward should declare to have best right thereunto . againe , iohn balioll was not deprived of his crown by the states and nobility of scotland ( as bucanan reporteth ) but was enforced ( as hector boetius restifieth ) to resigne all his right in the crown unto king edward , and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at ; the same time all the nobility of scotland did swear homage and obed●ence unto our king : and boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence , but that our king enforced them thereunto ; as though it were not lawfull for the superior to constraine his vassals and subjects ( in case fair means cannot prevaile with them ) by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him . but it pleased the almighty to punish the scotish disloyalty , inconstancy and rebellion : they revolted often ; they broke their promise many times ; they thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words , and to deceive us with vaine promises ; but the eternall who hateth deceivers , and deceitfull dealings , so prospered all our attemps against them , that our king for a while left them destitute of a king , caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of his own laws ; made the earl of pembroke ( whose name was odomar valentinian ) governor of scotland ; and to the end they should have no memory , no monument nor testimony of a royal majesty , he transferred a seate of stone ( whereupon their kings were wont to sit at their coronation ) out of scotland into england , and the same remainth at th●s day at westminster . now to leave these and the like testimonies , because they carry the lesse credit , for that they are reported by our own historiographers , i will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own histories . first , it cannot be denyed that god hath blessed us with many famous and notable victories against the scots . then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories . next , it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantage● : and who will think that when we were so often provoked , so many times deceived , so throughly informed of our right , that we would not claime our right ? againe , at the very time of this notable competency betwixt iohn balioll and robert bruce , it is written that ericus king of norway , sent certain ambassadors wi●h letters of commissi●n from him to demand the kingdome of scotland in the right of his daughter margaret , sometimes wife unto the king of scots ; in which letter he acknowledgeth our king to be lord and soveraigne of scotland . and why should there be found bulls of excommunication against the kings of scotland for not obeying our kings ? or why should it be recorded , that two k●ngs of scotland carried , at severall times , the sword before king arthur and king richard at their coronations ? or why is it not probable that scotland should be as well subject unto us , as bohemia and hungaria were unto the empire , naples and sicilie unto rome , burgondy and navarr unto france ; the du●edom of moscovia a●d the marquisate of brandiburge unto pol●n●a , portugall unto spaine , and austria unto bohemia ? or l●stly , why may it not be thought , that as these kingdoms and dominions remaine still in their old subjection and acknowledg their ancient soveraigne , so scotland ought to do the like ? our fortune seldome failed us against them ; they never used us so kindly , nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely , that they resigned their right and title unto scotland , as other princes have done . but now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority , as a frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our nation in england , maketh himself by this contract and bargaine a subject unto our laws ; so any man whatsoever offending within our realm subjecteth himself , by reason of his offence , unto our jurisdiction : and this is so true , that a very mean man being a judge , if a great personage remaining under his jurisdiction ( who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his authority ) shall commit an offence worthie of punishment during his abode there , the same mean and inferior judge may lawfully punish his offence . example will make this matter more cleer . for example sake then , grant that a bishop abideth a while within an archdeacons jurisdiction , and there offendeth in some crime that deserveth punishment ; the question may be , whether the archdacon may punish this delinquent ? for the negative , it may be said , that par in parem non habet protestatem , much lesse an inferior against his superior ; and that an archdeacon is oculus episcopi , and major post episcopum ; and therefore can have no authority over a bishop ; yet it is resolved , that if the bishop be a stranger , and not a bishop of the diocesse , the archdeacon hath sufficient authority and the power to chastise and correct his offence ; but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own bishop ; and the reason of the diversity is , because his own b●shop is as it were the archdeacons spirituall father , and it is not convenient that the son should have any manner of authority over the father . now since it is certaine , that where there is the like reason , there the like law shall be , i may boldly infer by this law ; that the scottish que●n offending within her majesties dominion , may be punished by her grace , although she were her farr better . i might here , before i come unto her voluntary and forcible resignation of the crown , tell you , that she committed many things , both before and after her imprisonment , that made a plaine forfeture of her kingdome ; but although when i t●uched the duties of vassals in some part , i promised to touch the same in this pl●ce more largely ; yet for brevitie sake , i must omit this large discourse , and only tell you , that as the french king called our king iohn in question for the murther commited by him ( at his instigation ) on the person of his nephew arthur , and forfeited his states in france for his not apperance , or insufficient answer unto that crime ; so if the scottish subjects had not deprived their queen for the par●icide la●d to her charge , our queens most excellent majestie might not only have taken notice thereof , but also have punished the same . for , albeit the fact was committed without her highness realm and dominion , yet the person who was murthered being her subject and kinsman , her grace might ex eo capite , in my simple opinion , lawfully have proceeded against the malefactor . and i remember that i saw a man executed at venice because he killed his own wife in turky ; and the reason why they proceeded against him , was the hainousness of the fact , and for that his wife ( although she were not so ) was their naturall subject . and yet i confesse that our common laws regard not offences commited without our realm ; wherein me thinketh they have small reason ; for , sithence that for a bargain made beyond the seas i may have my re●edy here ; why shall not have the benefit of law for my child and kinsman , or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the seas , since the life of a subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods ? and if in a civill action , of which the cause and originall is given beyond the seas , they can 〈◊〉 the bond and obligation to be made at lyons , within some shire in england , when indeed the same lyons which they meane , and where the bond was made , is in france , why may they not lawfully use the like fiction in a criminal cause ? but now the third point that argueth the late scottish queens inferiority unto our queen ; she was deposed , and therefore no longer a queen . this point hath in it two very strange points . it is strange to hear that a man or a woman being borne a prince should be deprived ; and that he which receiveth a kingdom by his birth , should lose the same before his death . but because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate queens execution , i will forbear to speak thereof untill i come to that objection . considering therefore all the premisses , i may boldly conclude , that notwithstanding our often repeated maxime , par in parem non habet potestatem ; her majesties proceeding against the scotish lady was most lawfull . for , although as there is but one sun and one moon in the firmament , so there should be but one king in a kingdome , yet this king may receive another coming into his dominion ( if he will ) gentlie , for that is humanitie ; but let him neither admit him to be his companion , although he earnestly intreat him ; for that were folly ; nor to be affraid to punish him if he offend ; for that would argue foolish pusillanimitie . it is written of lewis the emperor , that he having taken frederick his competitor prisoner in the wars , took his oath that he should never affect the empire any more , nor bear armes against him , and so did set him at libertie ; and he returned into austria , where he lived af●erwards quietly ; and never molested or troub●ed the emperor more . againe , it is reported of cyrus , that he having taken king astiages prisoner , caused him to be kept as a king , and never did him more harm● : and that he likewise shewed the like clemency unto croesus king of part of asia ; now as these kings were commended as well by those who lived in their days , as by their posterity , for their courtesie shewed unto these cap●ives ; so it had greatly rebounded ( say the scotish queens favourers ) unto her majesties commendation , if it had pleased her to have preserved the unfortunate queen ; the spanish king would have thanked her , france would have p●●●sed her , the guisards would have liked it , and the orphan her sonne would have taken very it kindly ; whereas now all these are or justly may be highly offended and displeased with her severily truly , compassion and mercy in a queen towards a queen is commendable , and it becometh the feminine sex ( whose hearts are more tender then mens ) to be kind unto their own kinde ; but if this kindness cannot be shewed without manifest danger unto him that shall shew it , i hold it for crueltie rather then clemency to use it ; for there is quaedam credulis misericordia ; and sometimes to spare a sinner , is as much as to kill a sinner ; and poor pity many times ( saith the proverb ) overthroweth a whole city . cle●menes flying from king antigonus his wrath and violence , had recourse and refuge unto ptolomy king of egypt , by whom he was courteously entertained , and promised ayd● to help him unto his kingdomes . this ayde was deferred from day to day ; and the longer it was delayed , the greater was cleomenes desire to return into his country ; and therefore finding that his courteous host was so given unto wine and drunkennesse that there was small hope to have present helpe from him , he entred into conspiracy with some of his nobles against him , and thought to have extorted by force , what he could not obtaine by intreaty , but he failed of his purpose ; and he that meant to have killed , was killed . but what if ptolomy had understood his treason before it was put in practise , and he punished him according to his deserts , who would or could have justly blamed him for repelling force by force ? who would have been grieved at so unthankfull a guests death ? who would have sought revenge for so ungratefull a person ? who , to be short , would have reproved in an other that which he would have done himself , if the like wrong had been offered unto himself ? i know that many prince cannot abide him that giveth such counsell as liketh them not , although it be never so good . some cannot endure that any man should presume to tell them of their faults , and very few can finde in their hearts to pardon him that would take away their lives : in which opinion the more stiffly they dwell , the more reason i give them , because such lenity would encourage wicked and evil-minded men to intend and procure their final destruction . for if cle●menes had killed ptolomy with impunity , who would not have been animated by his example to have made the like attempt , especially against him whose death might yeeld him any manner of benefit ▪ in regard whereof ptolemy examined cleomenes his treason after his death , and finding him guilty , condemned his memory , and caused his dead carcass to be hanged up to his great dishonour and perpetual infamy . there lived many good and courteous princes in that age ; but none of them reprehended ptolomy his action , because they saw that if they tolerated or allowed cleomenes his ingratitude and treason , being such as no man but a most wicked man ever adventured to attempt none except he had been a very simple fool would have made any conscience or difficulty to have done the like . since therefore the scotish queen , not onely resembled , but exc●lled and exceeded cleomenes ( for she conspired many times , but he but once against his host ) since she was so neer unto her as astiages was to cyrus , nor could not serve her for so faithfull a councellor as was craesus ; nor in sparing her , she was to regard any mans favour or friendship , as lewis the emperor did the love and amity of leopald the duke of austria , when he shewed mercy unto his competitor frederick ; why should her majesty have spared so unthankfull a guest , so merciless a queen ? should she have feared the king of spains displeasure ? it was he that set her on ▪ and animated her in her enterprises ; and therefore it had been as much to fear him , as to be afraid to execute a thief , for fear of his companion . should she have born respect unto the guisards ? why she knew their hatred was so great towards her , that she needed not to fear to increase the same , and she had so provided that they should not be able to annoy her . should she have been afraid of the french kings displeasure ? why she sent her process , her examination , her arraignment unto him , and found that he rested well and throughly satisfied therewith , and he was to reap a great benefit by her death ; for he was discharged of the dower which she had yearly out of france . lastly , should she have stood in fear of her sons displeasure ? why she saw that so long as she lived he could not live in peace , in quiet , in security ; and as for his subjects , they when they deposed her , or rather when they caused her to resigne her diadem , shewed their minde and affection towards her . the rest of the princes of christendom , some might perhaps marvail for a while at her death , because it was a strange president ; others might pitty her , because she was a woman , and a queen , but none will fight for her , because that they which were allied unto her were not able ; and they that had no alliance unto her , had no cause to revenge her death . the second objection is fully answered ; now followeth the third ; a dangerous question to be handled by a subject , and yet too boldly discussed by some learned subjects ; for considering we finde many texts in the holy scripture , whereby we are commanded to obey princes , to be subject unto them , to honour them , to pray for them ; since they are called fathers , and we children ; they shepherds , and we their flocks ; they heads , and we their feet ; it is an hard resolution , and ( in my opinion ) an heavy sentence that children should disobey their parents , a flock to rebel against their shepherd , or the feet to presume to command and direct the head. this question , notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult , is largly discussed by george buchanan in his book de iure regni apud scotes , and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the book that was lately written against the french king . in these two authors you shall finde every point of this third objection sufficiently debated : you shall finde the text alledged out of st. paul in the behalf of princes , and other places of the scripture learnedly answered : you shall finde many examples of profane and ecclesiastical histories , of princes that have been done to death . briefly , you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion . for buchanan argueth in such manner , as i may rather commend his subtilty , then his conscience . and he that writeth against the french king , sheweth himself too partial , too malicious , too injurious to princes : and buchanan giveth too great authority unto subjects , and the other too much power unto the pope . it cannot be denied that princes received their first authority from the consent of the people ; it is likewise certain , that this authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people . and no man will deny that countries can subsist and stand without kings : but shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him ? shall either a rude multitude , or a few contentious rebels judge when a king useth his authority to the benefit of the people ? and because countries have flourished , and may still flourish without a king , shall therefore every country reject their king , when they dislike their king ? it ●eemeth that buchanan is of this opinion , because he approveth the death of king iames the third , and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and nobility of scotland , who were the principal actors in the rebellion against the same king , and the chief authors of his death . the causes which moved those rebels to bear arms against their king , were but two ; the one , that he had made certain base money , and called it not in again at their pleasure . the other that he had advanced certain base personages unto high places of great credit and dignity ; if these two faults might be amended , the rebels offered to submit themselves to their king. the king yeelded not unto these motions ; why ? the history giveth a good reason for the king. they made these demands being in arms. it seemeth that they would not entreat , but inforce their king ; and the king thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness , who presumed to war against him at home , when he and his kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign enemies . there was amongst them , namely the duke of albania , who affected the kingdom , who to further his traiterous purposes , had joyned with the king of england , against his native country , and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands . they considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their king to use that money ; and when they had taken these base persons from the king for which they seemed to rebel , and had hanged them , contrary to all law and equity , they laid not down their weapons , but followed the poor king , and so followed him that at length they flew him . and why ? my author giveth this reason , because they knew that they had so highly offended him , that they feared , that if they should have spared him ( as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done ) he would have been revenged of them . this murther , the states of scotland ( saith buchanan ) allowed , and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same . but what states are these ? those ( saith my author ) that had born arms against him , and for whose sake he was murthered : and they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death . but what will some man of buchanans opinion say unto me ? shall princes do what they list , and no man censure them ? are they not subject unto the laws ? may they not be called to an accompt ? shall the people , from whence they derive their authority , have no manner of authority over them ? and hath it not been always held very dangerous in a state to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him ? truly i allow not that liberty unto princes , that their pleasure shall stand always for a law : i limit their wills unto reason , i tie their commandments unto the word of god ; i fasten their decrees unto the laws of nature , unto equity , and unto the weal of the people . and if these things be not regarded , i take their laws to be unlawful , their commandmen●s unjust , their decrees ●●ique . i know that good princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their laws , that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their laws . and if any of them , by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance , by malice or forgetfulness , begin to contemn their laws . i think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked , but not utterly rejected ; be in a mannerly sort checked , but not violently condemned ; be gently admonished , but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished . is there no way but down with them , depose them , kill them ? must we cry against the lords annointed with the jews ▪ as they did against christ , crucifige , crucifige ; and not rather learn by the jews , that the common people is no competent judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence . i am not such a stranger in the course of histories , but that i know that some princes have been deposed for their insufficiency , as in france , theodorick , and chilperick ; others for their negligence , as again in france , lewis sirnamed do nothing ; some for poysoning the next heir of the crown , as martina empress of constantinople ; others for perjury , and not keeping promise with their enemies , as iustinian the son of constantine the fourth ; some for not tendring the weal , and publick welfare of their subjects , as richard king of england ; others for murthering them which reprehended their vices , as boleslaus king of polonia ; some for usurping things not belonging unto their crown , as sumberlanus king of bohemia ; others for their extream rigor and cruelty , as sigismond king of hungary ; some for their childrens adultery , as tarquine king of rome ; others for tyranny , as archilaus , son to herod ; some for unreasonable exactions , as slaomire king of abredites ; and others for corruption , as adolph the emperor . but if all these depositions were examined and tried by the touchstone of law , i think the most part of them will be found scant lawful . for all these crimes in private men , are not capital , and therefore why should they be so severely punished in princes ? how many judges take bribes , and are not deposed ? how many magistrates are negligent , and are not punished ? how many officers execute not their offices and are not removed ? how many rich men offend in adultery , and are not censured ? briefly , how many noble men commit adultery and murther , and are not condemned ? in poland the gentleman that killeth a yeoman payeth but a certain fine in money ; in france he that killeth another manfully and in the field , is seldom executed . in italy many are vilely murthered , and the murtherers are not always punished . and in all countries grievous crimes are either tolerated or pardoned , sometimes because the malefactors are descended of notable parents , whom princes are loth to offend and discontent . you have heard how dunorix was spared , although he were a traytor , for diviaticus his brothers sake ; and our chronicles report , that henry the third , having taken in the barons wars many schollars of oxford in northampton , who did him more harm then all the rest of his enemies , would have hanged them all , had not his council perswaded him to save them , because in executing them he might displease their friends , who were gentlemen and noblemen of great houses . shall mean personages , vile murtherers , private men escape unpunished , and must the law be executed with all severity upon princes ? they are in higher places , their actions are beheld of all men , and most men are lead by their example . true , but david was not punished as soon as he had killed uriah ; solomon was not deposed although he kept many concubines ; herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of iohn baptist ; and it was long before saul was removed by david . but how then ? may princes offend as often as they will , and never be punished ? no ; must their subjects endure all their cruelties and tyrannies ? no ; may they be troublesom unto their neighbours , untrue unto their confederates , enemies unto the common peace , and never to be reprehended ? no ; what course is then to be taken to bridle their appetites , and restrain their insolency ? truly i finde two notable laws for the punishment of such princes , the one made by conrad the emperor , and the other by otho the third . conrad his law commanded all princes to embrace peace , to maintain law and equity , and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable estate of the empire ; and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points , should suffer death . othon his law was much to the same effect ; but he added , that the prince offending in any of these three points , should besides the loss of life , lose all his states and dominions , and be held for a common enemy ; and that all the princes of christendom should rise in arms against him , as a perturber of christian peace and tranquillity . but in these days princes neither are , nor will be , nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth ; and why should subjects seek for releif abroad , that may be releived and succoured at home ? the course is ordinary , the remedy easie , if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course . every country hath its parliament , every kingdom the assembly of their estates ; there may their griefs be heard , their wrongs red ressed , and their princes repressed : and in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their authority ; for they which attribute most unto the people , take not every confused , rude , and tumultuous multitude for the people , but a choice company of the wisest nobility , and of the most grave , honest , discreet and wise men amongst the commonalty . it must not be such base and busie companions , as was iack straw in england , nicholas rency in rome , iaques artevilla in flanders , george zechius in bohemia , anthony bavadella in spain , and william siler in switzerland , that must presume to controll mighty kings , or to alter well governed states : for such petty companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues , then to consider with discretion , that many things are done in every kingdom which princes know not of , and that divers abuses are committed , which the officers that commit them keep , as long as they can possible , from their princes knowledge ; which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them . these companions consider not , that there is an high court of parliament , unto which princes either can be contented , or be constrained to submit themselves , and wherein subjects may speak unto their king freely , so they speak reverently , any thing that may benefit their country ; i said , reverently , because methinks it is not tolerable , that any subject be he never so great and mighty , should use unreverent speeches unto his king secretly , much less in an open parliament , as did richard earl marshal of england unto king henry the third , who when the king called him in choler ( and perhaps not without occasion ) traytor , gave him the lye in the parliament house , and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured , that as long as he lived in obedience unto the laws of the the realm , he could not hurt him ; and when the king answered , he could intercept his victuals , and suffer no man to bring him any manner of provision , he replyed , that if he sent any to intercept his victuals , he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came . such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie companions as iack straw and iack cade were in england , would make them take the speaker for a demy god , for a patron of his country , for a protector of their liberty , and being carried from them unto others , may draw them like a company of mad-men , to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate cataline , and without ever considering whereabout they go , to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of town and country . but it may be said , that i am like the physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his patient , but telleth him not how he shall come by it ; so i talk much of a parliament , but i conceal how difficult it will be to have a parliament , especially when a prince , without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called , knoweth , or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice . i cannot but acknowledge this difficulty , and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great , it is better to suffer them with patience , th●n to seek to reform them by violence . but if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured , i hold the same for a most unfortunate , unhappy , and servile state , wherein the nobility is either too timerous , or so besotted with the love unto a bad king , that they will not be moved upon the just complaints of the poor and distressed commonalty , to enforce him to call a parliament : and in this kind of violence , i require discretion and judgement in the confederates , lest they mar a good cause with evil handling thereof , as did iulius caesar , who when he had deserved a triumph , took so violent a course in demanding the same , that his sure was rejected , to his endless dishonour , and his countries great detriment . let the subjects be therefore humble petitioners unto the princes to reform such abuses as are notoriously known to be abuses . let them yeeld such measure unto their kings as they would desire for themselves ; let them when neither their humble suits may prevail , nor their gentle connivence or toleration mitigate the wrath , or moderate the affections of their soveraigns , humbly beseech the peers of the realm to be their patrons and protectors of their innocency . then will he that ruleth princes , and hath their hearts in his hand , that can prevent their imaginations , and cross their intentions , raise up some better disposed then others , better minded then the common sort of men are , better able then the commonalty is to judge of wrongs , to redress injuries , and to repress evil-disposed princes . all authority is divided into ecclesiastical and temporal ; of the one the pope , of the other the emperor challengeth superiority ; and yet both these heads , notwithstanding their preheminence , their power and prerogatives , have been reduced to reason , when they have swerved from all reason , by those who by reason were led to challenge power and authority over them . for both the colledge of cardinals and the states of the empire have claimed , and according to their claims have used a certain right both over the pope and over the emperor , when the one or the other of them hath been found negligent in their duties ; and therefore have presumed that the power of the one and the other hath been devolved unto them . even when an inferiour prelate is negligent , the bishop may assume into his hands all his jurisdiction and authority ; or when the bishop is careless in performance of his duty , either the dean and chapter or the arch-bishop may lawfully rebuke his negligence , and reform whatsoever he vouchsafed not to amend ; so although the pope challengeth to be by many degrees higher then all the princes of christendom , yet divers cardinals in the time of pope iulius the second , considering that the church had need of reformation , as well in the head , as others member thereof , implored the aid of the emperor , and of the king of france , and with assurance of their help and assistance caused certain peremptory citations to be set up in modena , bolognia , and other cities of italy , by which they cited the said pope to appear at a general councel to be he●d at pisa , and to answer to such articles as should be layed in against him , touching his simony , negligence , and other abuses not specified in the said citations ; in regard of which faults , and of his negligence , they affirmed that the pope was not sufficient and fit to govern the universal church of christendom , and that the power and authority to call and summon a general councel was lawfully devolved unto them . so although our kings ( as i have said ) are the greatest and most absolute kings of the world , next unto the kings of france ; yet the barons , after the battel of lewis , in the time of henry the third , ordained that two earls and a bishop elected by the commonalty should chose to them nine other persons , whereof three should alwayes remain about the king , and by the whole twelve both the court and the realm should be governed . so in the fourth year of the reign of edward the second , the prelates , earls and barons made ordinances for the state and government of the realm , which because the king would neither confirm , not allow , were confirmed by sentence of excommunication against all them that should go to break the same . so the scotchmen in the time of iohn their king , being moved thereunto by his negligence , chose twelve peers , and four bishops , four earls , and four barons , by whose advice and counsel the king should govern the realm . so to be short , although ( as bodin reporteth ) when a certain advocate pleading a cause in france said , that the kings of france had received their power and authority from the common-people , the kings atturney stepped up and requested the court , that those things might be razed out of his plea ; shewing that the kings thereof never received any power or authority from the common people and required , that both that advocate and all others might be commanded ( as he and they were ) never to use the like words in their pleas : yet before and since that time divers kings of france have been censured by the three estates of their realm , as it may appear by the examples of those kings which were ( as i have said ) deposed in france . thus it appeareth , that if princes offend , they may be chastened according to the nature and quality of their offences ; and it cannot justly or truly be said , that that is against a law or without law which is done by an high court of parliament , from whence all or most laws have their beginning , their foundation , their strength . neither can this manner of correction embolden subjects to conspire against the life of their soveraign . for either the majesty of their prince , or the remembrance of their du●y towards him , or the fear of punishment , or the danger that followeth rebellions , or the hope of reformation by imploying the aid of the peers and nobility will alwayes restrain their insolency , and keep them within the bounds and limits of true obedience . but when subjects are disposed to be rid of their kings , they may ( say the favourers of the scotish queen ) implore the aid of forreign princes to suppress them . whereunto i answer , that if their cause be just and good ▪ i grant it to be lawfull so to do ; but if it shall proceed of malice , and not of justice , of their desire , and not of their princes desert ; of a rash and foolish dislike , and not of manifest tyranny or evil government , there will be no prince so ill advised as to hear them , much less to succour them ; for he that should hear●en to such light complaints , and in regard of them molest another king , would undoubtedly by gods good and just punishment , in time be troubled with the like subjects himself . now whereas it is said , that a prince coming upon what occasion soever into another princes country cannot be put to death without the breach of humanity and hospitality . hereunto i answer briefly , that if such a prince shall so much forget himself , as , although he be detained for never so unjust a cause , to attempt and conspire by himself or others his death that detaineth him ; truly , neither the laws of humanity or hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken , if such a prince be severely punished ; for since he first violateth these laws himself , he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of law , for the shortning of so unthankfull a guests life ; especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously . but it was never seen ( say the scotish queens friends ) that a prince flying from the violence of her subjects , or passing by another princes realm ( as the scotish queen did ) to go into another country , was detained prisoner ; it is a thing never heard of , never practised in any age , or by any prince , were he never so barbarous , never so void of humanity . this is a vehement objection ; but not so vehement as ridiculous : for as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave , so princes may not set their feet on their neighbours territories without asking them leave and license ; and the prince that shall presume to come into another princes country without his leave , is thought too indiscreet and unwise , although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull . it is written of baldwine the emperor of constantinople , that when he being driven from his imperial seat , came into england to demand aid of our king , the cause of his coming was very just and equitable ; but when landed at dover , word was sent him by our king , that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his magnificence and majesty , to adventure to come into our realm without making them privy before hand to his coming ; and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave , it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt . was there ever prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then richard the first king of england did unto the holy land ? was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage ? had ever prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another princes country without danger or detriment then he had ? and yet as he returned , although he was disguised in apparel , to the end he might not be known , and pass safely , he was intercepted by leopald duke of austria and held a long time in prison by him , and afterwards dilivered unto the emperor . and albeit that the pope and other princes , considering that he was unlawfully detained , became mediators and intercessors for his liberty , yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment , and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his ransom . both our chronicles and the scotish histories report , that iames son unto robert king of scotland , ( when his uncle being governor of the kingdom , had murthered his elder brother , and purposed to have made him away also ) was sent by his father into france or into england , with letters of recomenmdation unto both kings , wherein the poor and distressed father besought both kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate , and to receive and entertain his son with all kindeness . the young prince , after that he had been but a small while upon the seas , not brooking them very well , commanded the master of the ship to land him in england ; he is presently brought unto the presence of king henry the first , to whom he shewed his fathers letters ; the king having perused them , called his councel together ; they deliberate what were best to do with the prince ; some think it good to send him into france ; others ( whose opinion was followed ) perswade the king to detain him as prisoner . i might alledge a number of examples like unto these two , but they may suffice to refute this frivolous objection : and the late queen of scots might have learned of either these princes how to have carried her self in the time of her captivity . king richard was a valiant , a mighty , and a notable wise prince . his case was lamented of all the princes of christendom : his subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his detainers to deliver him : his journey was undertaken for the benefit of all christendom ; and therefore it behoved all princes to be offended with his imprisonment . briefly , neither the duke nor the emperor had just occasion to detain him ; and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance , he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison , nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his detainers . the scotish prince doubtless was to be pittied : the cause of his flight was just and honest , and the detaining of him prisoner wa● rather hatefull then honourable ; and yet this poor prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in england , but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into france , where he might have easily escaped from his keepers , or quickly ha●e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty , he continued st●ll a faithfull prisoner ; and was so far ( at all times ) from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment , that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used ; and in requital of that courtesie , when as henry the sixth , son unto the same henry who kept him prisoner , was driven out his kingdom , he not onely ha●boured him , but also helped to restore him to his kingdom . the good carriages of these two princes condemneth the scottish queen ; and the general custom of princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other princes dominions , but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there , confuteth this foolish , this fond , this ridiculous and childish objection . it is written of a king of navarre , that when he had occasion to come into england , in the four and fortieth year of edward the third his reign , not to conspire against us but to intreat a league with us , and to fight for us , he not onely demanded leave , but also durst not adventure to come , before that the king had sent unto his realm certain bishops , earls and barons to remain as hostages and sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in england . and surely princes have great reason to require such assurance , since many kings and princes have been in great danger to be killed , yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of common affairs : so was iulius caesar in danger to have been in conference with ariovis●us ; so was william duke of normandy killed in conference with arnold earl of flanders ; so was the duke of burgundy mu●thered at a meeting with the dolphin of france . and these examples have made princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be , for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such enterviews ; or if they must needs meet , they cause places to be made of purpose before the meeting , in such manner that they may see and hear one another , but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other . but ambassadors are safe in their enemies countries ; why then should princes be in danger in their neighbors dominions ? the answer is very easie , ●ecause ambassadors are not spared either for their own sak●s , or for their masters , but because that without them there would never be an end of hostility , nor any ●eace after wars . neither is the name or person of an ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of war , but that there may be both a convenient time , and a good occasion to pun●sh an ambassador . for to omit that olaus and euetus killed the ambassador of illalcolnius king of scots , as hector boetius recordeth ; that teaca queen of selavonia slew a roman ambassador , as polybius reporteth ; that the athenians caused king darius his ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep well , as herodotus testifieth ; and that william king of sicily plucked out the eyes of henry dandelo , ambassador unto him from the venetians , as illescas writeth ; because these and the like examples are manifest presidents of barbarous cruelty , rather then of justice and equity ; i will shew you by a few examples , that an ambassador hath been , and may as often as the like occasion happeneth , be lawfully punished or sent out of the realm wherein he remaineth as an ambassador . titus livius writeth , that when brennus had found quintus fabius ambustus fighting in the camp of the clusians against him , he sent presently as herald of arms unto rome , to demand him to be delivered into his hands , as a breaker of the laws of arms , because that being sent from the romans as ambassador unto him , he returned not home as soon as he had done his ambassage , but remained still in the clusians camp ; and because the romans did not deliver unto his messenger the said ambustus , he left the siege of clusius , and conveyed his invincible army unto rome , and therewith spoiled and sackt the city . adrian the fourth pope of rome , sent his chancellor rowland , and cardinal bernard unto fredrick the fourth , who used such unreverend speeches unto the emperor , that the county palatine of vitilispatch , not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his master , drew his sword , and had not the emperor staid his hand , he had slain the ambassador in his presence ; and the emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour , that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his court , and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business . the romans when marcus aemilius lepidus and ca●us flaminius were consuls , delivered lucius martinus and lucius manlius into the hands of the carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion , because they had beaten their ambassadors . edward the second , king of england , amongst others sent a french gentleman ambassador into france , whom the french king ( had not the queen purchased his pardon ) had excommunicated as a traytor , because he presumed to serve his enemy for an ambassador unto him . francis the first , king of france , sent caesar fregosus and antony rincone ambassadors unto the great turk ; charls the fifth his soldiers took them upon the river of poe in italy , and presently slew them both : the french king complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered ; the emperor justifieth their death because the one being a genouis , and the other a milanois , and both in some manner his subjects , they feared not to serve the french king his enemy . henry the eighth , king of england , commanded a french ambassador to depart presently out of his realm , for no other occasion but for that h● was the professed enemy of the sea of rome . the seigniory of venice understanding that certain traitors who had revealed their secrets to the turk , were fled to hide themselves to the french ambassadors house at venice , sent certain offices to search the ambassadors house for them , and when the ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those officers to enter into his house , the senate made no more ado , but sent for certain peeces of great ordnance out of their arsenal , whereby they would have beaten down the house , had not the said ambassador as soon as he saw the same ordnance , yeelded the traytors to their mercy and discretion . i might alledge many more histories to this purpose , but i should be over long and tedious ; and yet i may not omit these two following , because they are worthy observation , and make more for my purpose then all the rest . in the year the french king sent certain ambassadors unto charls the fifth to spires , sending an herald of arms before with letters unto the emperor , and unto the princes electors , in which he required a safe conduct for his ambassadors . the herald is staid by the cardinal gavilla and made to deliver him his letters , and to shew the cause of his coming ; further he is commanded to keep his lodging , and that no man should be suffered to speak with him , and within four days he is willed to depart , and take heed that he presume not to come within the emperors dominions another time without his leave ; he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert , because he had broken the laws of arms : and as concerning his letters , it was told him that the king his master had so deserved of the emperor , and all the whole state of christendom , that the emperor neither could nor would receive them . this answer was given unto him written in french , and certain soldiers appointed to bring him to the borders of france . the second example is of a bishop , who in the year being sent ambassador unto the french king from the pope , practised certain treasons in france against the king , whereof he is accused , arraigned in the court of parliament at paris , and being found guilty is committed unto prison . but he is delivered out of prison at the popes request , and both he and the popes nuntio are commanded to avoid the realm . the pope excommunicateth the king for proceeding thus against his ambassador ; and the king to requite him with the like courtesie , commanded that no more money should be carried out of his realm to rome . by these examples i may boldly infer two necessary consequents ; the one , that if ambassadors fail in their duty , or fall into these follies which i have mentioned , they are either punishable , or may be sent away in disgrace . the other that the spanish king hath no just cause to be offended with our queens majesty for the sending away of d●n bernardine mendoza his last ambassador in england . for although he fought not in any camp against her majesty , as did ambustus against brennus , yet he perswaded divers of her subjects to bear arms against her ; although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her majesty as the cardinal bernard did unto the emperor fredrick , yet he did both backbite and slander her unto her subjects and unto other princes ; although he did not beat her ambassadors , as martinus and manlius did the carthaginian ambassadors , yet he did both vilifie and discredit her ambassadors abroad ; spared not to speak evil of her best and wisest councellors at home ; although he was not an ambassador of a professed enemy to the sea of rome , as was the french ambassador residing in england in henry●he ●he eighth his time , yet he was an ambassador of a professed enemy unto her highness , because he was his ambassador who was in league with the sea of rome ; briefly , although he denied not to deliver traitors unto h●r majesty , as the french ambassador did at venice ; yet he not onely received but procured her many traitors , and both counselled and encouraged them to commit sundry treasons against her majesty . the premises being therefore duly considered , why might not her majesty imitate charls the fifth , who hardly admitted the french king lerold to his presence , because his master was his professed enemy ? why might not her grace command the spanish ambassador to depart out of her realm , since he had lived many years in england , not as a mediator , but as a perturber of a peace ; not as a friend to her estate , but as a debaucher and corrupter of her loyal subjects ; not as one that desired her welfare , but endeavoured to procure her overthrow ? why might not her highness send him away in peace , who as long as he lived in her realms , would continually have interrupted her peace ? might the king of france arreign and condemn a bishop for practising treason against his person ? might he commit him to prison , and after his deliverance profess open enmity against the pope his master , against the pope that had , or at lestwise challengeth some authority over him ? and might not her majesty do the like unto a spanish gentleman , a meer lay-man , not so priviledged as a prelate , not so favoured in law as a bishop ; briefly , not so worthy of favour or compassion as was a popes legate , a legate either equal , or as the days were then , and are in some places yet , not inferior to a prince ? it was mendoza that misled the scottish queen ; it was he that drew francis throgmorton into dangerous treasons ; it was he that had secret intelligence with babington and his complices ; it was he that encouraged morgan and paget abroad ; it was he that studied night and day to procure us enemies at home ; briefly it was he that spared no labour , no money , no expences , whereby he might either openly or secretly endanger our state. he lived not many months but years in england without bringing so much as a letter from his majesty unto her majesty , without performing any function belonging to an ambassador : and how lived he ? not in court , but in the city ; not in open view of the world , but in secret corners ; not as an ambassador , but as a spy. and when was he dismissed ? not so soon as he was found to have committed one action of hostility , but after that he was admonished , not once , but many times , to leave off his treachery ; not when he was suspected , but after that many traytors had confessed that he was not only privy but principal unto their treasons . breifly , how was he dismissed ? not with a crimination and threatning , as was the french herald , but with fa●r words and a kindly farewel ; not with a troop of soldiers to conduct him to sea side , but with a company of gentlemen to associate him to the place where he took shipping ; not to pass with danger through the country that hated him for his treasons , but to be conveyed without danger unto the country that loved him for his treachery intended against her majesty : to be short , not slightly sent away in disgrace , but then commanded to depart , when as his master would not vouchsafe audience unto a wise and discreet gentleman sent by her majesty unto him , to signifie his demeanor and his carriage . well , he is gone out of england , and whether ? into france ; and to what place in france ? to paris : and what to do there ? to persevere in his malice against england , to confer with the english traytors personally , with whom he talked before by letters ; to confirm the guisards in their treasons , to dispose the french leaguers to favour and further his majesty against us and our friends : briefly , so to behave himself , that without him , neither whole france , nor rebellious and obstinate paris had held out so long as it did against the late and present french king ; for the people of paris are ( as a spanish writer reporteth of them ) proud , rich , and rebellious , which humor this ambassador nourisheth in them ; and when they were most hardly besieged , there were five things ( as the same author writeth ) that made them hold out ; first , the valour and courage of the duke of nemours governour of the town ; secondly , the presence of the popes legate ; thirdly , the alms and liberality of this embassador ; fourthly , the perswasions of the preachers ; fifthly , the news that were daily sent to the town by the duke of mayne , and published by mendoza and other princes . thus it appeareth that he was a notable instrument of rebellion , and a fit man to be imployed in factious services : for , as god hath deprived him of his sight , and made him blinde ; so he intended to deprive others of their senses , and to blinde their fight and judgement , to the end they might not be abe to see and discern the hidden projects of his conspiracies . but of him enough . now again unto the queen of scots . it appeareth that being culpable , she might be arraigned ; and being found guilty , she might be condemned . but the manner of her arraignment and of her condemnation seemeth very strange unto as many as hear of it ; and ●is repugnant unto the laws and customs of england , observed in the trial of meaner subjects . it seemeth strange that her majesty should be a judge in her own cause , in a matter of treason ; and especially against a princess : and of this strangeness many of the scotish queens favourites take such hold , as they hold it for a matter without example , without any former presidents . but if it might please these her favorers to consider , that although it be a certain rule in law , that no man shall be a judge in his own cause , yet the preheminence , excellency and prerogative of kings and princes , is , and hath alwayes been such , that they may judge and determine in any causes that concern themselves . for tiberi●s caesar sate judge in his own cause , in dividing certain inheritances : with him was substituted one parthenius , caesars servant . marcus antonius the emperor judged that the goods of valerius nepos were lawfully devolved , and as it were confiscated unto the exchequer . and quiltilian testifieth , that he pleaded a cause for queen berenne , whereon she her self sat as principal judge . what scholar hath not read the orations of m. tullius cicero made in defence of quintus ligarius , of deiotarius , of marcus marcellus before iulius caesar , he being the onely judge and arbitrator of his own cause ? and it was the custom of the first kings of rome to hear all causes themselves , as well concerning their subjects as themselves , until that servius tullius , the sixth king , reserved all publick causes for his own audience , and referred his own private matters unto the senate ; there was nothing so great or so small ( saith suetonius tranquillus ) but tiberius , when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs , referred the same unto his senators : and so did marcus antonius , as capitolinus testifieth . but after that princes began to grow absolute , after that their states became hereditary , and they had established a certain order in judgement , then began they to have their judges , who sat as their substitutues , as well in other mens as in their own causes , as choppianus reporteth . and although they appoint such judges , yet they wrong not their subjects therein , because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their laws maintained , and their judges are sworn to judge according unto their laws . but our queens majesty was not judge in the scotish queens cause ; it pleased her to make the high court of parliament judge thereof . what wrong then was there offered unto her , since she had the same trial which many kings of england have had ? as namely , richard the second and third , and henry the fourth and sixth . she had not the favour which was shewed unto subjects or strangers . she should have had a jury of twelve peers to pass on her , whereof the one half should have been englishmen , and the other scots , or other strangers ? this in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of tryal for strangers offending within the queen dominions : but where should such strangers have been had , but that they would have been partial on the one side , or on the other ? what course might have been taken for their coming into england ? and when they were come , if she had made , as she might have done , any manner of exception against them , had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others ? had it not been costly to have defrayed their charges ? and who should have born their charges ? the strangers themselves would not have been at the cost . the scotish queen was not able to maintain them : and there was no reason to put her majesty to such charges . it may be that the spanish king would have been content to have paid their charges . let it be granted ; yea , and those whom he would have sent , would have saved her life , because they durst not displease him , and he must needs have gratified her , because she had ( as she confessed ) sold unto him her pretensive right unto the crown of england . is it likely , that six peers of our realm would have spared her , when six and thirty of the chiefest of our nobility , and of the most discreet judges and lawyers of our realm found her guilty , and the whole parliament condemned her ? in which parliament , by reason of the priviledges and liberties thereof , any man might have spoken more freely , in her defence , then in any other place ? and was it not seen , that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did , to take away our most gratious soveraigns life and scepter , that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the parliament house , and were heard with all favour and indifferency ? and if she had been saved by the spaniards benefit , would he not have used her to our destruction ? and should not we have lived in continual servitude , then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde , nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a prince ? may it be thought that that king , who objected unto our queen , in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner , that he had saved her life , and that her majesty was bound unto him for the same , when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life ? may it be thought ( i say ) that he wou●d not have done the like unto the scotish queen , if she had not been alwayes at his disposition ? but it was strange that a prince should be put to death . it was not strange in scotland , where more kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death ; where alphinus , not onely king of scots , but also heir unto the kingdom of the picts , was openly beheaded . it was not strange in hungary , where queen ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her husband . it was not strange in france , where bernard king of italy , and lawful king of france , was adjudged and done to death . it was not strange in asia , where hercules slew laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty . it was not strange in spain , where henry the bastard executed peter the lawful king. it was not strange in the kingdom of naples , where conrad rightful king thereof was beheaded . briefly , it was not strange in the holy scrip●ures , where we read that ioshuah discomfited five kings , and hung them all upon trees ; that saul was reprehended by samuel for not kiling agag king of the amalakites , whom samuel took and hewed in peeces ; that gideon slew the kings of midian , and that iehu slew iehoram king of israel , and ahaziah king of iudah . there is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the scotish queen , unless it be strange that our queens majesty was careless of her life , when her subject were careful of the same ; that she would not hear of her death , when they desired nothing more then her death : that when the parliament had condemned her , she could not be in treated to subscribe to their judgment . briefly , that when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy councel and others , who were of opinion that vita mariae would be mors elizabethae , as vita conradini was thought by the pope to be mors caroli , to deliver her warrant to one of her secretaries for her death , she imprisoned , and grievously fined that secretaryfor sending that warrant with such speed as he did , whereby it seemed , that had not the warrant been obtained when it was , she would hardly have yeeled to her execution ; and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed , it appeareth that her majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived , but also after she was dead ; and her highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving subjects in the parliament house , do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her majesty was to consent unto her death , although it was there made most apparent unto her grace , that as long as that queen lived , she could not be without continual danger of losing her life . this opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death , because there have no such treasons been either intended or practised against her majesty since , as before that time ; it followeth , that her execution gave the king of spain not just occasion to invade her highness realms . the causes then of this invasion are unjust ; now followeth the course , a course not beseeming a prince of his might , of his years , of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom . for first , his years are fitter for peace then for war ; for rest and quietness , then for troubles and unquietness ; and many wise and mighty princes , either before or as soon as they came to his years , have given over the world , resigned their kingdom , and spent the residue of their time in monastical idleness . i read that sigisbert , etheldred , elured , constantine , and inas king of england ; that charls the fifth , and uladislaus kings of bohemia , constantine king of scotland , and amadeus duke of savoy , before they came to the spanish kings age , renounced the world to live unto god in houses of religion . i record oftentimes the notable exploits , the marvellous victories , and the rare and admirable vertues of pompey , of alexander , of antiochus of theodosius , and of charls king of france ( who were all , as you have heard sirnamed the great ) and i find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of wars , of new conquests , that either all , or the most part of them commended their souls unto god , and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years . i remember all this , and in remembring it , i think that it pleased the almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the world ; thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers , that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon conquests , upon arms , upon wars as occasion shall be presented unto them , but that in their elder age , they ought to have their thoughts , their cogitations , and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms , the wealth of their subjects , and the health of their own souls : for when private men , much more princes , attain unto threescore and odd years , it is high time for them to amend their lives , and to reconcile themselves unto god , because their strength faileth them , their vital spirits decay , and the hour of death approacheth . here you see one great over-sight in his course ; now followeth another . wise and discreet princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long wars , appoint and compose the quarrels and contentions which they have with their neighbors , or with any other princes that are able to cross their enterprises . it is written of iulius caesar , of whose commendations all histories are plentiful , that when he was fully resolved to war with the veyans , he sent a gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people , to contain the inhabitants of the river of rhine in their duty and obedien●e , and to take order that the gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies . the romans being entreated by the spaniardw , with whom they were in league , to succor them against the carthaginians , denied them such aid as they demanded , because that the frenchmen at the sametime warred in italy . richard the first , king of england , being determined to make a voyage into the holy land for relief thereof ; and fearing that either the king of scots or his brother iohn might at the instigation of the french king , trouble and disquiet his realm in his absence , would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of scots and his brother by many gifts and rewards ; and also bound the french king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom , before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of syria . and that victorious king of france●who ●who passed triumphantly from the beginning of italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak ) would not adventure to enter into italy before he had made a very fast ane strong league of amity and friendship with fardinando and isabella king and queen of spain , and before he had purchased through bribes and corruption , the assured friendship of the king of england , and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt france and the emperor maximilian . it seemeth the spanish king either regarded not , or remembred not these examples , because that intending and fully resolving to invade england , he made the french king his enemy rather than his friend ; from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise , then from any other prince in christendom . but the catholick kings councellors perswade him that he and his confederates are well enough able of themselves , not onely to withstand , but also to subdue and subjugate all those princes which are not in league with him ; and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the low countries , was to distress and destroy england first ; which being once happily effected , he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his subjects , and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his religion ; he must therefore bend his whole ●orces against engla●d ; against england that hath highly offended him , and that may easily be subdued , because he shall finde many there , who being weary and discontented with the present government , will be ready to entertain his armies , and immediately will joyn their strength with his forces . but not to stand long upon the confutation hereof , let these grave councellors , or these discontented fugitives , unto whose perswasions both the spanish king , and his wisest councellors give too much credit , tell me whether ever any prince had , or may desire to have a better opportunity , or an easier means to invade and conqu●r england , then lewis son unto the king of france had , who was not onely called into the realm by the barons , with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against king iohn , but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy father of rome could bestow upon him ; and wanted not the many forces , and continual supplies which the mighty kingdom of france was able to afford him : and yet how speeded this valiant lewis ? what success had his ambitious enterprise ? forsooth he prevailed for a time ; won to day , and lost to morrow , and in the end was glad to return from whence he c●me with far greater shame then honour . but what need i speak of matters beyond mans memory , worn out of remembrance , and reported by antient historiographers , when as the success of the late spanish fleet may serve to admo●ish a wise prince , how to trust the vain reports of lying fugitives , and how to make great preparations against a mighty kingdom in hope of assistance within the realm ? was there any man that gave them succour either of men or victuals ? was there ever an haven that was either able or willing to harbour their ships their ships that needed both harbour and reparations ? was there any friend either within the country , or nigh unto the country would bestow a little fresh water upon them , for lack whereof many of their people died ? was there ever a pri●ce or potentate , that would suffer them to repair either broken , wind-shaken , or sea beaten ships within his dominion ? briefl● , was there any man that would furn●sh them with masts , sa●ls , cables ▪ and other things n●cessary , for want whereof most of their navy perished ? i will tell you a thing which may be strange to others , but no news to you , and yet worthy to be told , because it is meet that it should be known unto all men . when the report was certain in england that the spanish fleet and forces were at hand , instead of lamentat●ons , weepings , out-cries ( which things in time of sudden accidents are common , and even used amongst valiant people ) the queens majesties ears were filled with prayers , petitions , and motions , sometimes of one shire , sometimes of another , most humbly beseeching her highness to give the spaniards liberty to land with their forces , and them leave to encounter with them alone . i my self do marvel , and i think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat , that in men of one and the same religion , there should be divers opinions , and different judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their religion ; yet i know , and you shall understand , that the english catholicks which are out of england , and those that live within the same realm , were not all of one opinion , of one minde , when the spaniards were coming for england ; for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity ; and the other prayed to god not to prosper their journey , much less their attempt , and besought the queens majesty to place them in the foremost range and ranck against the spaniards , and where they might endanger themselves most , and do her highness most service ; not because they were weary of their lives , but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their country , and that god would never forsake them in so just a cause . this may serve to shew that the spaniards had , and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within england . and yet to clear this point the better , may it please you to remember , that when the report of the spaniards coming began to be certain , all those which we call papists , and our adversaries term catholicks , at least the better sort of them , were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other , and there kept , not like prisoners , but like gentlemen of their calling , and all the nobility was commanded to repair to the court ; of which commandment their followed two commodities : the one , that the catholicks being under safe custody , there was no man of account to sollicite the subjects to rebellion ; the other , that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell , there was not any man of worth to be their head ; and it hath seldom been seen that rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination ; or adventuring , had at any time good success , without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head . but ireland and scotland may be thought to favour the spanish king , and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve , that in either of those realms he shall finde faithful friends , and such as will adventure their lives to do him service . truly ireland hath been a long time subject to the crown of england , but always divided into two factions ; the one of civil and discreet people , the other of wilde and savage men ; the first sort , true and faithful subjects unto their soveraign , and the other prone and ready to spurn against their superiors , but not able to do any great hurt , no more then the banditti of italy , which may rob a house , spoil a little village , and set fire on a castle , and run away by the light when they have done ; and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from ireland to england , the best part of the nobility of the country was likewise called to the court ; the strongest holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers ; and to hold them in better obedience , there was sent over such a lord deputy as was well acquainted with their customs practised in the country , and very well beloved of the people . as for scotland , although the kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the kings of france , and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of guise ( the house that hath been , as you have heard , the onely upholder and mainta●ner of the spanish fact on in france ) yet because the present king of scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same religion which the queen of england professeth ; and for that he is bound unto her highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity , he is very well affected unto the state of england , and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that country , the health and safety of the queens majesty , and the reign and overthrow of all her enemies ; which desire he signified unto her majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help , offering to come in person to aid her grace against the spainards wi●h the greatest power he was able to make . the venetians brag of the strength of their city , because it is distant five miles from any land , and defended by a little natural bank from the violence of the sea : how may england therefore boast of her strength , since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other nation , not by a little bank , but by a great sea ; especially if ●reland and scotland be under her subjection , and in league with her ; and also if the maritine forces of the united provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies ? it is not the happy success of one battel , nor the mighty or innum●rable forces of one a●my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue england ; but he that will undertake to conquer our realm , must first overthrow our invincible navy , and then encounter with our strengths by land , and not obtain one onely , but many victories against them ; a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible , especially for the king of spain . for besides that fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours , that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness ; this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the forces of england and spain . but the romans first , then the danes , next vvilliam the conqueror ; lastly , divers english princes pretending right unto the crown of england , have with very small difficulty , and with no great armies subdued the same ; and why may not the like fortune happen to the spainard ? truely , if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent , that the country that hath been conquered many times , and by many nations , should always be very easily conquered ; this inference might be far better made and used against spain , then against england . for spain was first governed by tuball the son of iapheth , the son of noe , and by his posterity , who were deprived of the possession and government thereof by the sidonians , and they by the thracians , and they by the rhodians , and they by the phrygians , and they by the phenicians , and they by the cypriots , and they by the aegyptians , and they by the miletians , and they by the phocentians , and they by the chaldeans , and they by the carthaginians , and they by the romans , and they by the gothes , and they by the vice-gothes , and they lastly by the spainards , whom the sa●azens had driven out of their country , had not the frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the sar●zens . england was undoubtedly subdued by the romans , but not before they had conquered all the rest of the world , because they reserved ( as it may be well supposed ) the conquest thereof ( as conquerors most commonly do in great enterprises ) for the last and greatest exploit which they had to do , or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious wars . and it is written that they boasted more of the conquest thereof , then of all the victories which they had obtained in their dayes , because they supposed that england which was divided from the rest of the world by the sea , was no part of the world ; and therefore they made two triumphs thereof ; the one of the main land , and the other of the huge and merciless sea. the danes and saxons likewise subdued england , but they enjoyed their conquest but a very few years ; and how subdued they england ? not by main force ( as spain was always conquered ) but by cunning and deceit ; for vortiger king of england , being continually molested by pirates , and by the scots , was constrained to require aid of the saxons , who sent him a great army under the conduct of two brethren , engistus and orsus ; of which , engistus having cunningly obtained of the king a convenient place for his people to dwell in , fortified the same secretly , got more thereunto covertly , politickly perswaded the king to send for more forces out of saxony ; and lastly , married his daughter unto the king , by whose means he brought his countrymen in great credit with his majesty , made him banish the chief nobility from the court , caused the king by this means to incur the hatred of his subjects ; and when he perceived that our country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing greatness , he suddenly entred into league with the picts , the antient enemies of england , and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof . william the conqueror became master of england in this manner ; edward king of england dying in the year . made by his last will and testament , william duke of normandy his sole and lawful heir , with the consent and counsel of the cheif peers and barons of his realm ; but afterwards , being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his wife , he changed his maid , and adopted harrold his brother for his heir ; whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said vvilliam and harrold ; who having some occasion to go into flanders , was by contrary winds driven into normandy , where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the duke as a prisoner ; before whom , when he came , fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time , nor without a great ransom , unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery ; he said unto the duke ; other princes ( noble duke ) when they have occasion to require helps or any thing else of their neighbours or confederates , use to demand the same by their ambassadors ; but i , contrary to this custom , knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me , then for me to marry your daughter , am come in person to pray your good will , that i may have her for my wife . the duke yeeldeth to his desire ; harrold with his new spouse returneth speedily into england , commandeth all normans upon pain of death to depart out off his realm within three dayes , prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants , cutteth of her nose and her ears , and sendeth her back unto her father in a fisher-mens boat. this injury and indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it ; no marvel then if it so grieved her poor father , that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his friends ; who what for pitty of the distrested princess , what in hope of high rewards , what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the duke , were so many , that the greatest part of the nobility of france , with all the power that they could possibly make , accompanied him in his journey . but from him unto those kings of england , who being driven from their kingdoms , recovered the same with small difficulty . and not to be over tedious , it shall suffice to mention unto you but two princes of that kinde , namely edward the fourth , and henry the seventh . and first to edward , who being deprived by his own subjects of his royal diadem , fled unto the duke of bugundy , of whom obtaining an army but of two thousand men onely , he returned into england , and finding that very few favoured him , so long as he demanded the crown , he caused it to be proclaimed and published , that he required nothing but the dukedom of york , whereunto every man knowing that he had right , many began to favour him , and no man at his first landing in yorkshire would resist him ; and yet he was not received into the city of york , before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the king. this oath being solemnly taken , he goeth forward towards london ; some few of his friends came unto him upon the way . the earl of warwick his brother , who was incamped neer about york to intercept him on the way , either for fear , or through ignorance , suffereth him to proceed on his journey , and so without so much as one stroke he came to london , where he was received by the citizens with great joy and gladness , because divers of the richest sort , doubting that they should never have again such sums of money , as they had lent him whiles he was their king , unless he recovered the kingdom , had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the city ; of which being once master , he increased daily in power and strength ; and his brother the duke of clarence , and others , leaving the earl of warwick and his faction , made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his enemies . thus prevailed he . now from him unto henry the seventh , who living a long time as a banished man in brittany with the duke thereof , could never be sent into his country unto edward the fourth , or richard the third although both of them , knowing that that they could not reign in security so long as he lived , had requested him very earnestly of the duke ; and the last of them ruled still in great fear , but in peace and quietness , untill that isabella , wife of edward the fourth , and margaret the said henries mother , by the help of a physitian came to conferre together , and in the end they concluded of this agreement , that they would cause her son , the said henry to return into england , and to possess the crown thereof , with the help of his aid and their friends , if he would take to wife the daughter of edward the fourth . henry being certified hereof , and also given to undeastand , that richard thomas , a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life , and sir iohn savage would adventure their lives for him , and that the lord bray had provided great sums of money to pay his souldiers withal , easily obtained of the king of france a small army of men , with which arriving in wales , and joyning with the forces of the said thomas , he went towards london ; and upon his way daily received greater strength , even of the souldiers of king richard , his enemy , who by reason of the great cruelty and ●yranny which he used , was forsaken of his own friends ; and his souldiers detesting his proud and cruel government , fought so in his behalf , that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the field ; which fell out according to their desire . by these examples and others like unto these , you may perceive that never any man had any good success against england , who had not both a just cause to invade the same , and a strong faction within the realm . and by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the spaniard wanteth both the one and the other . here might i conveniently ( if i had not sufficiently declared the strength of england , to make the difficulty and impossibility of the spaniards purpose more apparent ) enter into a large discourse of the forces thereof ; but let that suffice that hath been spoken . and yet i may not forget to let you , and as many as doubt of our strength , understand that we have been ( and i know not why we should not still be ) so strong and fortunate , that when the french were so many in the field against us , that they thought the very boyes and lacques in their camp were able to subdue our army ; and when the scots , thinking that because our king was in france with fourscore thousand english , we had none but priests and women left at home to encounter with them , entred with main force into our country , and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same , we neither fearing the multitudes of the french , nor being danted or terrified with the scots suddain and advantagious invasion , subdued both nations , and took both their kings prisoners in the field . but our englishmen cannot live with a little bread and a cup of wine , as the spaniards can do ; they are not accustomed to endure cold , to lie abroad in the field , to stand up to the knees in dirt and water , to watch nights and dayes , and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars . to pleasure our adversaries , let us grant this to be so ( although the the contrary indeed is most true ) who amongst the bravest spaniards , or the greatest souldiers in the world would willingly go to the wars , if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities ? and yet who would not rather endure , and suffer them patiently . then live in servitude or th●aldom , or yeeld unto his mortal enemies ? all histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people , the which having been compelled to fight for their lives , because there was no other way to save or redeem the same , have behaved themselves most manfully , and have enforced their enemies to yeeld unto reasonable conditions of peace , which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement , and have constrained them to become humble sutors , who would not once vouchfa●e to hear their humble petitions ; and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue , that oftentimes they put both heart and courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious . considering therefore that our men shall fight at home , and the spaniard abroad ; that we will be as valiant to defend our selves , as they can be couragious to offend us ; that when they have soiled us by sea , they must fight afresh with us by land ; they being weary ▪ , and we fresh ; they weak , and we strong ; they lame and diseased , and we whole and in perfect health ; briefly , they far from home , and we at home , for our wives , for our houses , for our children , and for our goods ; is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage , with better success then they ? considering again the england is fertile , and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation ; that her majesties councellors are wise and provident ; her people rich and full of money , her subjects loving and well affected to her highness and their country ; can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient army ? considering thirdly , that if any want shall fall out , their cause being general , as the maintenance of the spaniards religion is universal and common to all his confederates ; is it not to be thought that the princes protestants will supply those wants , and fight for england , as well and as willingly , as the papists will for spain ? considering fourthly , that when charles the fifth , a prince ( as i have said ) of greater power and of better experience then the spanish king , warred with the protestants of germany , not onely the princes of the reformed religion , but also the french ( which hated their religion ) aided and assisted them ; can it be supposed that england should not finde the like aid and assistance ? briefly , considering that the spaniard cannot land his army in any place in england , where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men , to finde him work until a greater power come ; what hope can he then have to land without resistance , to proceed without a battel , to fight without loss , and to lose without extream confusion ? our armies therefore being equal to his , and our hope more assured then his , no wise or politick man will doubt , but that our success is likely to be far better then his , and therefore his hope and expectation vain , his purpose and intention ridiculous , as well in regard of his course taken therein , as of his possibility to attain thereunto . but it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his rebellious subjects ; and it is the part of a protector of the catholicks , not to permit his own subjects , or any other aiding or assisting them in the maintenance of their errors and heresies , to profess a contrary religion unto his , especially when he is able to suppress them and their patrons . this supposed ability emboldeneth the spaniard , and his confidence must be shewn to be as foolish , as other of his vain hopes , of his rash conceits . first therefore i will make it appear , that he is not able to enforce any general alteration in religion ; then , that though he could , yet he should not compell his subjects by force and violence to change and alter their opinions . there is nothing ( as i have said ) more common then to judge of things to come by things that are past , and to conjecture what a prince can do , by that which his predecessors did , and were able to do before him : and therefore to clear this question , it shall not be amiss to consider what the span●sh kings fath●r did , and was able to do , during the long time of his reign , against luther and his followers ; and if it shall appear that he with all his might , his friends , his allies , could not suppress the princes protestants at their first beginning , and when neither the number , nor the power was so great as it is now , it must needs follow , as a necessary consequent , that the spaniard with all his adherents shall never be able to enforce a general alteration and change in religion . at what time martin luther began first to discover the abuses , errors , and heresies of papistry , pope leo the tenth of that name , thinking it convenient to withstand an evil at the beginning thereof , and knowing that if luther were suffered , great danger and many inconveniences would follow thereof , he excommunicated his person , condemned his opinions , and intreated the emperor charles the fifth to ratifie his condemnation in a general assembly , held in germany , and to command all his subjects to take him prisoner wheresoever they should finde him : but what was the end and issue of this rigorous sentence ? did the almighty suffer it to be put it in execution ? no , but he so crossed the pope , and the emperor therein , that neither their counsel not their condemnation took effect . about twenty three years after , this sentence was published ; and although that the advancement of luthers doctrine depended onely upon his life , and that it was a matter of no great diffi●ulty to supplant him , and to suppress his discipline ; yet it pleased god ( meaning to shew thereby , that it lieth not in mans power to prevent , much less to cross his resolute intent and purpose not to permit any manner of prejudice to grow unto the reformed religion by the same excommunication : for he presently troubled the emperor , and busied him with a sudden and unexpected occasion of wars ; which gave unto the protestants sufficient time and opportunity to strengthen themselves against their enemies . not long after the emperor , to subvert luther and all that followed him , entred into league with francis the first king of france ; and they agreed not onely to imploy all their own forces , but also to implore the aid and assistance of the pope , and of all others of his profession , against the princes protestants . this undoubtedly was a great conspiracy , not onely intended , but also very like to be executed , by two mighty princes , had not the almighty hindred the accomplishment of their designes and purposes , by breaking the bond of their league and amity , and by sending a suddain occasion of wars betwixt them . but as after rain there follows fair weather , so after those wars succeeded a friendly peace , in the articles whereof the emperour and the said francis covenanted , that they should joyntly , and with all the forces they could possibly make war against the protestants , and use the popes cruciadoes in these wars , even as christian princes were and are wont to do , when they wage war against the turk . besides , the emperor made a proclamation , that all lutherans should either convince and prove their doctrine to be answerable unto the word of god , or else leave and forsake the same within the space of five moneths ; and the pope at the emperors coronation , gave him great charge to see the same proclamamation duely executed . the protestants had never greater occasion to be afraid then they had at that time , when the emperor was so bent , and so many princes joyned with him against them . but whether it were because the protestants , during the time of the war betwixt the emperor and the king of france , grew so strong that their enemies feared them ; or because the lord of hosts ▪ who never f●ileth his people , had undertaken to protect them ; or because that the true and holy religion of the immortal god increaseth daily , notwithstanding the threats and menaces of mortal men ; this alliance and confederacy availed caesar nothing at all ; but it pleased god so to abate his pride and humble him , that when he purposed most of all to hurt and annoy the protestant● , he was constrained to crave their aid against the turk , who with a mighty and terrible army invaded austria , and had undoubtedly endangered the emperor , had not the princes of our religion assisted him , and god so disposed his heart , that to make the protestants more willing to help , he most will●ngly and of himself , without any manner of intercession and intreaty , so mitigated the rigor and extremity of his former proclamation that through his lenity and sufferance our religion began to receive great increase . for , as dogs , although they bark and bite one another ; yet as soon as they see and discover the wolf , they agree presently : and as when fire taketh hold of an house , of which the master and family are at variance , they forget their private contentions , their hatred , and their quarrels , and run with one consent and mind together to extinguish the fire : and as in a great tempest , the master and mariners of a ship , who before the tempest were at mortall feud amongst themselves , become friends , and endeavor by all means possible to save their ship , least they all perish together with their ship : so the protestants , seeing there was no wolfe more cruel , no fire more terrible , no tempest more dangerous then the turk , submitted themselves with all humility unto the emperor , and aided him with all their power against the turk . in regard of which , his majesty used them most courteously , and yeelded much more unto them then they hoped to obtain of him : and because his highness found a rare loyalty , a strange constancy , and a marvellous affection in them , he vouchsafed to afford them all kind of courtesie , until that after that he returned from tunis , where he had got a notable victory , the catholick princes bearing themselves bold in regard of that fortunate , and happy success , began to brave , contemn , and despise the protestants , and to threaten them that the emperor should not keep the peace of norimberge , nor of ratisbone : of which insolency the princes protestants complained unto his majesty , who answered them most lovingly , and assured them that he desired to end and compose all contentions and controversies that were in germany for religion , not by force and violence , but by fair means and gentleness , praying them to have such an opinion of him , and not to be moved with the threats and menaces of their adversaries : this answer was given unto them , when the emperor was leading his forces unto marcelles in france , against the king thereof ; with whom , as soon as he was reconciled , the catholicks thinking that he had but dissembled with the protestants but for a time , hoping that he would bend his whole forces against the lutherans ▪ but he deceived them all , and went into spain ; from whence he sent an honourable ambassage into germany , to let the protestants and all others understand , that he would be very glad that all contentions , debates , and controversies touching religion , should receive a final end and agreement by a general assembly and disputation of learned divines , to the end that the right and true doctrine of jesus christ being by that means laid open and discovered , he might establish and confirm the same with his imperial power and authority . it happened not long after , that the emperor had an occasion to pass through france into flanders ; then the enemies of the reformed religion began to promise to themselves great wonders , and to conceive an ass●red hope of an invincible power to be levied by the emperor and the king of france against the protestants , for , that then the two cheif protectors of their catholick faith , were throughly reconciled , and were equally bent against luther and his followers ; and their conceits proved to be most vain ; and of that journey followed no good success for them : for the emperor , either because he would be still mindful of his promise ; or for that he knew that the protestants strength increased daily , caused a general diet to be assembled ; wherein , although he was daily entreated by the catholicks to declare open wars against the protestants , yet he would never take that violent course , but ordered , that shortly after there should be a general assembly , in which the cause of religion might be freely and lovingly decided by learned divines ; who having lightly discussed some points of controversie , were commanded by his majesty to come to ratis●one ; where when as all contentions could not be fully ended , his majesty was contented to refer the final conclusion unto another general assembly ; of which the success and event was so well known , that i shall not need to acquaint you with the particulars thereof . now considering the reasons , varieties and circumstances of all that hath been said , what may a man judge thereof , but that the almighty prevented , crossed and hindered the determinations , purposes , and enterprises of the emperor , and so guided and directed them , that it lay not in their power to confo●nd the protestants by force of arms ; for , if we shall consider the great strength of the catholick princes , as well in foot as in horse , the number of their souldiers , the multitude of their provisions , the greatness of their treasure , the vehemency of their hatred , the wilfulness of their perseverance therein , their courage , their animating and provoking the emperor against the protestants , and how to win him thereunto , they spared no kind of policy , cunning and deceit that humane wit could invent ; and that notwithstanding all their utmost endeavors , they were then so far from attaining their purpose , that in the very last diet that was held , certain points of doctine were yeelded unto , which before that assemby both the emperor , and his best divines , held to be most erroneous . it must needs be confessed that it was gods pleasure so to dispose and govern the hearts of those princes ; for in that diet many opinions were received and allowed for good and godly , for the maintenance whereof many protestants had lost their goods , their countries , and their lives . the catholicks therefore , seeing that they prevailed not greatly by force and violence , they cast off the lyons skin , and put on the foxes , whom they counterfeited so well , that they brought the protestants into disgrace , by sowing false rumors and accusations against them ▪ and because they had rather lost much , then gotten any thing by disputing with them , they caused it to be bruited abroad that the protestants durst no longer dispute with them , and they gave liberty unto all sorts of people , without any regard of learning or modesty , to raile upon luther , and to write malicious and false invectives against him : a strange course , and too much used in these dayes ! but in my simple opinion , a course not now like to have better success then that course then had : for , as luther , when he saw that it was law 〈◊〉 for every man to exercise the bitterness of his pen against him , conceived such malice against the pope , that he discovered many of his follies , which might have lien hidden unto this day : even so it is greatly to be feared , if men having more zeal then learning , of greater malice then judgement , shall be suffered to preach and write against the foolish impugners of our ecclesiastical discipline , that either their malice or their ignorance will utterly disgrace the same , because preaching by preaching may unhapply be disgraced , and a few turbulent and unqu●et spit●ts may with a small pamphlet , or with a simple sermon do more harm then a number of learned men shall be able to amend or reform with great pains and travel . had not the pope given too great encouragement to such as wrote against luther , had not rude and ignorant men been suffered bitterly to inveigh against his doctrine , had not certain malicious persons laboured to disgrace him with the pope and the emperor , had he not been condemned before he was heard : briefly , had not his books been unjustly adjudged to the fire , he had never appealed from the pope unto a general council ; he had never laboured so much as he did in searching out , and laying open the popes errors ; he had never made so bitter invectives as he wrote against the pope and his bishops ; he had never impugned the pope and his general councils au●hority ; he had never implored the duke of saxony and other princes help and countenance ; he had never procured the popes canons to be burned ; briefly , he had never written a book against the catholicks reformation ; so many things might and should still have remained , as it were buried in obscurity , which are now brought to light , and made known and palpable to very babes and infants . they therefore ( in my simple cenceir ) did not a little hurt and prejudice unto the papists and their cause , who pe●swaded the pope and emperor to make wars against luther and his adherents . for since that time many other nations besides germany are fallen from their obedience to the pope , and from their good liking of his religion , and so many and divers opinions are now crept into mens hearts , that i take it a thing almost impossible to reconcile those diversities . for such is the nature of man that we hardly change our opinons ; and yet when we have changed , we stand stiff and obstinate in our new and late received conceits , and are very hardly removed from them ; insomuch that whatsoever the childe receiveth from his father , or whatsoever the grandfather teacheth the grandchildren , that seemeth to be irremoveable , and subject to no kinde of alteration . a man may therefore boldly say , yea swear , that the spaniard ( let him try all the means he can possible ) shall never inforce a general change in religion . for since his father ( whose power although he should surpass , yet he shall never match him in good fortune ) could not constrain the protestants ( in the very infancy of religion ) to return unto his profession ; is it credible that the son should ever be able to compel far and remote nations , mighty and great princes , manly and warlike people , which of late years have forsaken popery , to reassume their old opinions ? but if any man think him great , sufficient , and mighty enough to effect his disire ; let that man consider , how many , how noble , and how learned men the cruel war of charls the fifth against the protestants in germany , the most barbarous cruelty of francis the first against them in france , the bloody five years persecution of queen mary in england , the spanish kings terrible and horrible inquisition in spain , italy , and flanders ; lastly , the most execrable and hateful massacre of paris , hath sent headlong , and before their times unto another world : and when he hath considered all these , let him likewise remember , that the more these tyrants murthered , the more the protestants ( as though others sprang out of their blood ) encreased daily . if all these shall not content and satisfie him , let him call to mind how many years the wars continued in france and flanders for religion , with far greater obstinacy then with good success and happiness . lastly , let that man weigh with himself how unlikely a thing it is for the spaniard to prevail against so many nations , who in almost thirty years continuance , hath not been able to replant his own religion in a few provinces of one nation : besides the rare success , and the wondrous events that have alwayes followed the pro●estants , make me beleeve that their cause is a good cause ; and whosoever so beleeveth , must likewise beleeve , that were their number smaller , their forces weaker● , their exprience far more slender then it is ; yet god that can win with a few as well as with many , with the weak as well as with the strong , will not onely protect them , but also confound their adversaries . how many examples find we in prophane histories , which record that small sroops have oftentimes subdued great armies , and that mighty kings have been put to flight by weak princes ? how can we then but think , that the protestants who are gods souldiers , who fight in his cause , and are defended by his forces , are able to beard the proud spainard ; yea , to brave and foil all his confederates ? it is no small comfort to have god on our ●ide . it is a geat consolation to sight in a good cause . and who can desire better advantage then to contend with and adversary , that beginneth to decline , that is ready of himself to fall ? and is not the pope and his kingdom in this case ? have not many nations ( as i said said ) long since shaken off the intolerable burthen of his grievous yoke and bondage ? and do not all states , when they begin once to decline , sooner fall from the half way towards the end , and to their utter destruction , then from the beginning of their first declination unto the middest of their downfull ? shall not those then that seek to defend popery , do even as a physitian doth , when he laboureth to preserve a very weak and old man from the danger of death ? hath not st. paul said , that antichrist shall perish as soon as he beginneth to be known ? and if god by the mouth of st. paul , hath pronounced this judgement , this sentence against him ; who either can or will be able to prevent or hinder the execution thereof ? he is now no more able to encounter with henries , othons and fredericks , great and mighty emperors : he hath no more kings of france to fight in his quarrels ; no more kings of england to be defenders of his faith ; no more switzers to be protectors of his church ; all these have forsaken him , and by example of these , many other princes have learned not to set a fig by him . thus the first point is cleared ; now it remaineth to clear the second , and to make it appear that the span●ard , although he could , yet he should not constrain his subjects by force of armes to change their religion . this point , although it hath been already touched in some manner , yet it was not so sufficiently handled , but that it needeth a more ample declaration . for the better understanding therefore of this question , you shall understand that the common people ( which are princes subjects ) never did ; and particular men , although they change their lives , yet they leave most commonly behinde them their posterity and their children , which succeed them not onely in their lands and inheritances , but also in their quarrels and affections ; insomuch that there dieth scant any man so bad , so wicked , so unbeloved , but that he leaveth behinde him , either children , kinsmen , or friends , who will not onely be sorry for his death , but also revenge the same , if he chance to be violently or wrongfully put to death . this appeareth by the wars of france and flanders ; this appeared most evidently , by the bloody and long civil contentions that were betwixt lewis the last earl of flanders ( for after his death the earldom fell to the house of burgondy , as it did after the death of the county charles unto the house of austria ) and the citizens of gaunt ; who after that they had unadvisedly born arms against their said earl , and began to repent themselves of their folly , most humbly intreated the dutchesse of brabant , the bishop of leige , and other noble men to be mediators of a friendly peace betwixt them and their earl. the dutchesse and the rest became humble suitors for the poor gantois ; the earl was obstinate , and would not yeeld to their request , unless the inhabitants of gaunt would be content to meet him at a place appointed , bare-headed , and bare-footed , with halters about their necks , and there ask him pardon and forgiveness , which being done , he would then pardon them if he thought good . the rich citizens hearing these hard conditions , and considering that when they had made this humble submission , it was doubtfull and uncertain whether they should be pardoned or no ; of humble suitors , became most desperate rebels ; and ( as men careless of their lives ) resolved rather to die then to yeeld to so unreasonable conditions ; and with this resolution , before they were constrained to leave their town , not above five thousand of them issued out of the city , and ( as roaving wolves seeking for their prey ) went in a great rage and fury to bruges , where the earl lay with his forces , who with an army of forty thousand at the least , set presently upon them , with a full resolution to kill every mothers son of them ; but god who saved the children of israel from the persecution of pharaoh , unto whom they had humbled themselves , and drowned the persecutors in the red-sea , vouchsafed to be their protector , and gave them such courage , such fortune and good success , that they overthrew the earl , and made him hide himself in a poor cottage under an old womans bed , ransacked his houses , took bruge● , and most of the cities and towns of flanders , and sent their unfortunate and unmercifull earl to beg a●d into france , from whence he returneth with great help , and findeth them more insolent , rebellious , and obst●nate then ever they were . to be short , the earl is driven to offer conditions of peace ▪ a mean and base citizen , named leo , fearing that if a peace were concluded , he should be severly punished , changed their mindes that were inclined to peace . this le● died not of a natural death , but of po●●on , given h●m ( as it was thought ) by the earls means . then was there great hope to mitigate the rage of the common people ; and yet the war ceased not : the cause of the continuance was , that the nobility favoured the earl , and began to malice and menace the common people ; and the magistrates of bruges , in a tumult that was betwixt the gentlemen and the weavers of the town , shewed themselves more favourable unto the gentlemen then unto the weavers ; of this small cause followed so great a war , as continued above seven years , and consumed above two hundred thousand flemings . in those wars , sometimes iames artevild , other times philip artevild ; sometimes basconius , other times francis agricola , all base men , and of no accompt before they began to be rebels , so ruled the people , that they led them whither they would , and how they would . artevild imposed upon them what tributes soever it pleased him . basconius hung up so many of them as but once spake of peace . artevild was served in plate of silver and gold like an earl ; feasted the dames and ladies as an e●rl ; swore his subjects ; and was sworn unto them as an earl ; contracted amity and alliance with the king of england , and used his help as an earl : briefly , lived with far greater magnificence then an earl. agricola wanted not his commendation . he was adored like a god ; preferred before the duke of burgondy ( who for his val●ur was called philip the audacious ) both for valour and wisdom promised to be made duke , and in all respects more honoured then the duke . artevild had one named carpenty , to extol his vertues , to recommend him to the people . and agricola used besconius for his instrument , who so delighted the peoples ears , that they would willingly hear no s●und , no voyce but his . it was he that when artevild was slain brought agricola into favour and credit . it was he that when the people was dismaid and out of courage because of artevilds death , put them in heart , and made them more couragious then ever they were . it was he that perswaded the relenting commons that artevild lost the field and his army by indiscretion and rashness , and that agricola would easily overcome their enemies by valour and wisdom . the like instruments unto these had the duke of mayn at paris , where he had never obtained so much as he did of the people , nor contained them so much in their devotion , had he not used the malici●us help and furtherance of marteau , campan , nally , rowland and bassy the clerk , the ministers of his fury , and misl●aders of the ignorant , rude and seditious commonalty . by this you may see how one mutinous subject begets another . by this you may observe and note , that if princes could be content to yeeld somewhat unto such mutinous subjects , and now and then wink at their follies , pardon their boldness , and pacifie their rage and anger , they might live in quiet , and save the lives of many of their loving subjects : and by this you may perceive , that princes by civil wars incur the hatred and malice of their loving subjects ; which sometimes taketh such deep roo : in their hearts , that it is hard , yea almost impossible to root it out . and lastly , by that which followeth you may understand , that when a multitude of subjects are discontented , it is far better to pacifie and reconcile them with courtesie and gentleness , then to provoke and punish them with rigor and cruelty . for the prince that either openly or secretly practiseth the death of his subjects , and delighteth to see them massacred and murthered , very seldome or never escapeth himselfe unmassacred . the emperor caligula caused many of his subjects to be done to death ; some for his pleasure , and others without any just occasion , especially those that reprehended his actions , or disliked his government . he thought by these murthers to dispatch all those that hated him , and supposed that when they were dead , he might reign and rule at his pleasure ; but he was greatly deceived , for the more he caused to be killed , the more he displeased ; and if he slew one enemy , that one begat him ten far worse adversaries ; insomuch that seeing himself hated of all the people , he wished ( as you have heard ) that all the subjects of rome had but one head , that he might have cut it off at a blow ; and in the end , when it was too late he perceived that the people multiplied daily , and had infinite heads , and he himself but one , of which he was deprived sooner then he thought he should have been . maximinus the emperor , who was so strong of body that with the blow of his fist he could strike out the tooth of an horse , and with his hands break in sunder an horse-shoo , presuming on his strength and the multitude of his souldiers , cared not whom he put to death wrongfully , but after that he had murthered above four thousand gentlemen without any due observance of justice and equity , he himself was murthered by his own soldiers , who hated his barbarous cruelty more then they honoured his imperial majesty . i might trouble you with many examples like unto these , as with the emperors nero , vitellius and gallienus . but i must proceed . briefly to my purpose : as the people therefore live still , and live to revenge the wrongs and injuries done into them ; so contrariwise , princes die , and their quarrels , their designs , and their purposes many times die with them ; for their successors are not alwayes of their minds , nor of their humors , but oftentimes govern themselves otherwise then they did , and taking a quite contrary course unto theirs , most commonly break the laws they have made , distress the persons whom they advance , and exalt them whom they depress ; in regard whereof it is usual amongst wise courtiers not onely to pleasure him that ruleth , but also him that shall succeed the ruler ; and as pompey said unto sylla , more do adore the sun rising then the sun setting , it is wondrous that is reported of alexander the great , how with an army of thirty thousand macedonians onely , he overthrew darius in three sundry battels ; in the first of which darius had three hundred thousand souldiers , which was ten to one ; in the second , six hundred thousand , which was twenty to one ; in the third , a million , which was better then thirty to one. he conquered all darius empire , persia , media , parthia , armenia , babylonia , aegypt , palestina , syria , and all the rest of asia and europe that was then inhabited . but these conquests quickly vanished away ; for he died very young , and left not any valiant successor like unto himself behind him ; whereupon titus livius moveth this question , whether if alexander the great had warred in his time with the romans , he might easily have subdued them as he did darius ? he answereth negatively , and giveth a reason for his negative : alexander was a valiant king , and a very brave and very notable good souldier ; but he was but one man , and when he dealt with darius he medled but with one captain ; whereas if he had encountred with the romans , he should have made trial , not of one , but of many generals the one after the other , as of valerius cervinus , martius rutilius , caius sulpitius , manlius torquatus , publius philo , papirius cursor , fabius maximus , lucius volunius , marius curius , and many others who were most valiant captains , and would haue made alexander know that they understood the manner and stratagems of war as well as he did . besides , alexander was young , and could not have so good counsel given him as those men had who were directed in their actions by a grave and wise senate . tit. livius concluded his speech in this manner . the macedonians had but one alexander , and the romans had many captains which were nothing inferior unto him , every one of which lived and died without any great loss or danger to the common-wealth of rome ; but whenas alexander died , the state and honor of his monarchy perished . the reason of this speech is verified , and the experience thereof seen in the wars hanibal had against the romans . for hanibal was such a captain as you have heard me describe him long since , and he overthrew many captains of rome , as flaminius , paulus emilius , terentius , varro , marcellus and many others ; but in the end he was defeated by claudius nero and fabius maximus , and utterly overthrown by that great scipio who was sirnamed the affrican . by which as he might , so you may perceive that it is no small matter to meddle with a multitude of people , because the death of a few , b●getteth daily a number more ; and he that hath subdued them , hath not presently conquered all ; nay the longer he warreth with them , the harder it shall be to prevaile against them : for continuance of them will make them more hearty and valiant , and their captains more expert and cunning , as experience hath verified both in france and flanders , where the people , bearing armes against their right or pretended soveraignes , have more and better captains then they . but how then , will some men say to me , shall subjects rebell , and shall nor princes punish them themselves ? yes , but not by open warres , if they may pacify them by other meanes . for , few offend at the first , and those few instead of a great multitude who offend not so gri●vously as their counsellors and cor●uptors do , and therefore it is neither reason nor humanity , nor equity to punish them all alike ; and yet in civill warres the innocent suffer together with the malitious , the good with the bad , the ignorant with the wilful , and those that would easily relent , and might quickly be reclaymed , with such are f●rebrands to heat them , schoolemasters to instruct them , captains to guide them , and evil councellors to corrupt them . princes may learne in the dangerous times of popular seditions , how to carry themselves by the an●ient romans who knowing that their subjects were the members , and they the head of one body , and that they were invincible against strangers , but not against their subjects , as often as they chanced to raise any tumults or seditions , presently sought meanes to pacify them by curte●ie and gentleness . the people of rome being once greatly discontented with the rigor and cruelty which was shewed unto them by great usurp●rs , unto whom they were indebted , rose up in armes , and were like to have made a great tumul● . the consuls ca●led the senater together , to know how they might best pacifi● that popular commotion . the senators in order delivered their opinions . appius claudius in a rigorous and cruell senator , was of opinion that the usurpers should be paid all that was due unto them , and that it was not convenient to suffer the common people to breake such contracts , bonds and obligations , which they had made with good advise , and when they had great occasion to borrow . and that if they punished those severely which were most mutinous , and had been the chiefest authors of the mutiny , the rest would be quickly terrified , and taught by their examples never to enter into the like follies again . the consul servilius was of a contrary mind , and thought it best to content the seditious by some gentle meanes , saying , that it was far more easie to bend then to breake the hearts of the common people ; and that gentleness and lenity is a far better meanes then rigor and severity to conserve and preserve any state whatsoever , because if a rigorous course take not good success , presently the people wax insolent , hard to be reconciled , and so peremptory and obstinate , that it will be impossible to reduce them to good order . the senate allowed servilius his opinion ; and order was taken th●t the usurpers should forbeare their money and interest for the same , untill their debtors were more willing and better able to pay them . the same romans can also reach princes , that if they commit any extraordinary kind of violence , and the subjects for a time forbeare to shew their dislike thereof , yet they must not presume upon that forbearance to offend and displease again in the like manner ; because he that winketh at a fault once , will not beare with offences of the like nature alwaies . it hapned that not long after the tumult before mentioned , som● few of the greatest senators of rome had secretly caused a trbiunes of the people to be murthered , because under the colour and pretence of his office , he had ( as they were informed ) done his best endeavor to make a commotion amongst the common people . the tribune thus mu●thered , the people shewed no outward sign of discontentment , because they knew not unto whom they might impute his death , or whom to blame or accuse for the same . the senators were glad to see that his death was so well taken , thinking that they had used a very good course to prevent and withstand the like seditions , and that the other tribunes would be warned by their fellow and colleagues punishment never hereafter to move the common people to rebell . they supposed that by one mans death they had removed all occ●sions of tumultuous disorders ; but experience taught them not long after , that they were greatly deceived . for when they were to levy an army of men to use in their warres , and thinking that the tribunes death was forgotten ; they commanded one volero , one of the common people who had been captain of certain footmen , to have his company in a readiness , he answered them plainly , that he would not obey their commandment whereupon the consuls emilius and virginius , sent certain sergeants unto him to carry him to prison ; he escapeth out of their hands , getteth himself into a press of common people , there he crieth out with open mouth , my masters , let us defend our selves ; we must not think to be any more supported by our tribunes who dare not speak for us , for feare lest they be ki●led , as one hath been already that favoured us in our honest causes . he had no sooner said this , but that the people , although the consuls endeavoured to appease the tumult , ran upon the serjeants , who after that they had been well beaten , and their maces broken about their heads , saved themselves in the palace where the s●n●te was assembled . the senators deliberate presently how they might pacifie this sedition ; many thought it meet to repress force by ●orce ; but the graver sort was of opinion , that it were not good to tame the members of a body by violence , and that they had already too much offended who were authors of the tribunes death , and much more they who intreated volero hardly , for that in popular diseases , the gentler a medicine is , the better it is ; and the more that a magistrate spa●e●h , the better he fareth . the same romans will likewise teach princes , that the eldest counsellors are not alwaies the wisest , and that the most voices are not oftentimes the soundest voices . it chanced another time in rome , that the commonalty was so greatly discontented , that the greater part of the people were purposed to forsake their city , and to inhabit in some place where the nobility should not carry so heavy an hand over them as the senators did ; and with this resolution they left their houses , and were ready to betake themselves to their journey . the senators understanding of this determination , cast their heads together , and advised among themselves what it were best to do to remove this setled opinion , and to hold them still in the city , which was almost past all hope . appius claudius , according to his rigorous nature and old custome , perswaded them to bridle the mutinous by rigor , and severity ; for saith he , the common people , if they be not held in continual awe , wax proud , disdainfull and insolent , not caring what they do , or how often they offend ; and therefore to suffer them in one folly , were to encourage them to commit another . this opinion was presently approved by all the younger senators , whose hands tickled and hearts burned with a desire of revenge for some small indignities offered unto them by the commonalty . menenius agrippa , a senator of few yeares , but greater clemency then appius claudius , contradicted this opinion ; because the commonwealth representeth , saith he , the body of a man ; and a good physitian will not presently cut off a member or joynt that is grieved , but will seeke some gentle meanes to affwage the griefe ; and experience hath taught us , that as a wild beast being gently used waxeth tame , and contrariwise a tame one being rudely handled becom●th wild ; so the most rude and common people relent if you use them gently , and they that are most civill and modest , quickly forget all modesty and civility if you once provoke them too much , if you continue to displease and discontent them too long and too often . menenius his opinion was followed . spurius manlius intreated them to excu●e the younger senators folli● ; they were commended that departed quickly from claudius his opinion ; and agrippa was enjoyn ed to pacifie the people : he therefore followeth this commandement ; calleth the commonalty together , declareth unto them the senators good will towards them ; speaketh so gently unto them that he maketh them all change their resolution and useth this principal reason to enforce this perswasion . the senators ( saith he ) resemble the belly , and you the rest of the members of mans body ; must the other parts of mans body complain that all they can gather and scrape together is little enough for the belly ? is it not the belly that nourisheth all the rest or the body , that maintaineth and sust●ineth every part thereof ? doth the belly when it receiveth any kind of victuals be it never so delicate , never so rare , and exquisite , res●rve all for it self ? doth it not distribute and disperse the same even to the parts that are furthest off from the belly ? even so the senators , do they challenge that for their own use and benefit which they exact of you ? do they not imploy the tributes and subsidies which they levy to the behoofe and commodity of the whole state ? do they not all that they do for your good and safety ? are they not rather nurces to nourish you , then lords to command you ? are they not shepheards to defend you , and not wolves to devoure you ? and do they not shew themselves to be your fathers , rather then your foes ? why then do you complain of them ? why th●eaten you to leave them , who will forget themselves to remember you , and rather die to content you , then live to confou●d you ? thus ended menenius his speech , somewhat abruptly and yet so mildly , that the grave senators most highly commended it , and the common people most willingly followed it . now to apply these examples to the king of spain , and to tell you how he , and any other prince in the wide world , governing as he doth , might have made some use and profit of them , it will be no lost labour , because it will make his oversights more manifest then they are unto the view and judgement of the whole world : had he therefore , at the beginning of the alienation of his subjects hearts and affections from him , harkened unto such counsellors as servillus and not appius claudius ; had he when some one subject like unto volero was displeased , satisfied him , and not provoked him ; had he when his subjects were departing out of their country , not sent a claudius to repress them , bu● a menenius to reconcile them , hee had never found so many agricolas , so many artevills , so many carpentaries , so many basconii , so many leones as he did amongst them . h●d he not disturbed , disgraced , discredited his faithfull subjects , servants , his best officers , as nero did rufus , su●rius , flavius , sulpitius , after , corbulo , and galba , they never would have harboured a thought to deprive him ( as the others did nero ) of the possession of the low countries ; briefly had he considered that when nero began to be a tyrant , first france , then spaine , and at the last other provinces fel from their obedience towards him , he might easily have perceived , that when brabant failed him , flanders , holland and all the rest of his seventeen provinces would likewise fall from him . but it pleased him having two notable examples before his eyes , the one of antien●time , the other of latter years , the first bad , and the other good , to reject the one , and to follow the other . the examples were these ; reh●boam the sonne of wise solomon would impose greater taxes and subsidies upon his subjects then his father had done before him . the people hereupon complained unto him , as the low-country subjects did unto the spanish king , desired him rather to mitigate then to increase his impositions , shewed that they were not able to bear and support so great charges . he called his councellors together ( as undoubtedly the spaniard did ) and craved their advice : the elder counsellors were of opinion that it was good and expedient to yield unto his subjects demands ( as perhaps the better sort of the councell were ) and by easing their charges to assure unto himself their hearts and their affections ; but the younger sort ( and such undoubtedly were the spanish senators , either in wit or years ) advised him to reject their petition , and not to suffer them to prescribe laws unto him ( who were to receive laws from him ) but to let them know that he was their king , and they his subjects , and that it belonged unto them to obey . this counsel what followed : but what followed in following this counsel ? the greatest part of his people rebelled against him : ieroboam was chosen king , and rehoboam raised an army of thousand men to constraine his subjects to return to their former obedience ; but he lost him time and ten parts of his kingdom . lewis the eleventh king of france , a wise and subtile prince , if ever there were any in france , at his first coming to the crown , played his part as rehoboam did , until that the chief of his nobility rebelled against him . this wise king acknowledged his fault , sought all means possible to pacify and reconcile those rebells ; he yielded to their demands , and was so far from punishing their disobedience , as that he received them for his chief councellors , and was always more directed by them , then by any other of his counsell . and when he had escaped the danger , whereinto he was fallen by his folly , he gave great thanks to almighty god , that it had pleased him to give him the grace not to hazard the losse of so great and mighty a kingdome as france was , and is , upon the uncertainty of a battaile and especially of a b●ttaile to be fought against his own subjects ; subj●cts that love their prince as the head of the politique body , their children as the stay and hope of their everlasting families , and their liberty as the most precious jewell of their worldly wealth : and therefore when they see their liberty restrained or impeached , they forget their duty to their prince , remember not their love to their children , and cut off their love and affection to their goods ; nay they are no longer masters of themselves , being void of 〈◊〉 , of reason , of judgment , apprehending no thing else but that which is before their eyes , and following those only who delude their senses , abuse their reason , and deceive their judgment ; so that to strive with them in these passions , is to contend with mad men in their fury ; and it is almost as impossible for a prince to rule them in this rage , as it is impossible for one man to take and tame a number of wild beasts in a wide and great forrest . it is doubtless that the spanish king knew thus much ; but it pleased him to beleeve appius claudius better then servilius ; to persecute and not to pacifie volera ; to reject and not to receive menenius his counsell , and to imitate rehoboam of israel , rather then lewis of france ; no marvel then if rehoboams hard and ill fortu●e , and not lewis his rare and strange felicity be●ideth him . you have seen his bad course ; heard his impossibility to subjugate and subdue england ; it remaineth to shew you , that although he should conquer england , yet he could not continue long in quiet and peaceable possession thereof . it is hard to say what course he would take , and how he would governe if he should chance to prevaile against england ; but i think he would imitate the example of , others who have made conquest of strange and forreigne countries before him ; and he will therefore make all things new , as he himself shall be new ; he will appoint a new government and new governors ; he will establish new laws , new orders , new customes ; build up new citadels , and pluck down old castels ; kill our nobility and place spaniards in their roomes ; change all our officers , and make castles and for●s to keep his subj●cts in awe and in fear ; destroy the coun●y and take away all ancient priviledges ; impoverish the rich , and inrich the poor ; unarme the vanquished , and arms the vanquishers ; plant his religion , and banishours ; impose new tribute● and charge the subjects with strange impositions ; briefly set spies in every city , in every village , in every town , in every hamlett , and in every house , to mark what is done or said , what what is counselled or practised , behold this is all that he can do : this is as much as the danes did : this is the course that william the conqueror took ; briefly this is the manner of government , which the romans practised ; and it is likely that he will doe all this in his own kingdome : but our country men knowing by certaine report , that he will doe all this , will rather die then endure all this ; or if they endure it for a time , will undoubtedly both seek and finde means to free themselves from such servitude in shorttime . the examples of other nations and other people which have killed themselves with their own hands because they would not fall into their enemies hands , will both move and encourage them to imitate and follow their magnanimity ; the rebellions of many princes will animate them to revolt from their obedience ; necessity will put some way or other into their heads how to find weapons , how to choose captains , how to perswade a general revolt , and how to procure an alteration and change of his tyrannical government . for albeit that the spaniards will perhaps for a time governe with all mildness , ●●●anity and justice ; yet as soon as they think themselves well setled and assured to hold and continue their conquests ; as soone as they taste those sweet commodities and pleasant fruit which follow after the great increase of wealth and riches , then will they begin to change their customes and their conditions ; then should you see ( which god forbid you ever see ) the magistrates rob the commonwealth ; base and unworthy persons advanced to places of dignity ; superiors wrong their inferiors ; ●●supportable tributes imposed upon the people ; abominable vices left unpunished ; offices of justice sold for money ; laws little or nothing regarded ; strangers more honored and respected then our own countrymen ; and good manners changed into evil conditions : and when you see this , then you may boldly say , that things are at the worst ; that violent courses cannot long endure ; that a time of a change and alteration is not far off ; and lastly , since those things which philosophers and wise men have noted to be the forerunners of the subversion of states , are hapned , and fallen upon our state , that it will quickly change and perish . all things therefore being well considered , and that especially remembred which was said , when i handled the first oversight of the spanish king ; i may boldly inferr , that conquests are chargeable before they bee gotten , easie to be lost after they be attained , and wholly depending upon the government of such officers as are placed over them ; who if they be good servants , many times make themselves masters ; and if they be bad , put in great hazard all that is committed to their charge ; and since there are not many that endeavor to be such as they should bee , there can be no great good looked for at their hands , so long as they continue such as they appeare to be . besides , the great ingratitude of iustinian the emperor to marcelles , of ferdinando of spain to gonsalvo , breedeth a jealousy and feare in the hearts and heads of as many as are imployed in the like services , that their kings and princes will reward them with the like recompences ; and this jealousie maketh them to seek meanes how to be able to match or rather overcharge their soveraigne in power and authority . was not this jealousie the sole and onely cause , that tiberius had like to have been deprived of his state by sejanus , commodus by pervicius , theodosius the second by eutropius , iustinian by bellizarie , xerxes by artaban , and the merovingians and carolovingians by the great masters of their pallaces ? is not the feare of the like danger the cause that princes change their liuetenants and deputies often , least that growing in too great credit and love with the people , their credit may breed in them ambition , their ambition a disloyalty , and their disloyalty a plain rebellion , and their rebellion a lamentable overthrow of their kingdomes ? is not this yearly or continuall changing of officers the cause that they knowing that their authority is of no long continuance , study more to enrich themselves then to benefit the people , to oppress and overcharge the subjects , then to comfort and relieve them ? and is not their study the cause that the people are discontented , and of●entimes enforced to rebell ? moreover how can it be but all or most part of those inconveniencies of which i have spoken , must needs fall upon the king of spain , whether he live long or die shortly , since many motives and causes of rebellion in subjects and discontentment in noblemen concur together in him ? for hee is old and will leave a very young infant or no old prince to succeed him in all his states , who perhaps will governe by deputies and liuetenants , as his father did before him in those dominions which are far distant from spain , and will participate some small portion of government with his sister , that hath been a long time nourished and nousled up in the sweetness of commanding . of his governors some will be ambitious , and desire to rule ; others of baser minds , but yet greedy of recompenc●es and rewards , for services done to him and his father ; he will be jealous of some , and give too much credit unto othe●s ; his courtiers will engage and indebt themselves in setting themselves fo●th in triumphs and p●stiumes that they will devise to shew him : his captains will ●rave to be always imployed in wars , and to levy those soldiers in those countries which will not be well con●ented with those le●ies : b●iefly then will some potentates and frinces , considering the years and weakness of this young prince , lay claim unto some of his states , and every man will snatch what so ever shall be fitt●●t for his purpose , nighest to his state , and most open to his invasion . the soldiers of rome rebelled against oth● , because h● was old : certain cities of france against the romans , because they were greatly in debt : the people of thraci● against rome , because there were soldiers l●vied in their country against their wills : orgatorix prince of the switzers : because he was desirous to be a king , morgovias and cavedagins against cordi●a their aunt , because she was a woman : the englis●man against edward the fourth , because he dishonored the earle of warwick ; against henry the third , because he would have made new laws ; the duke of buckingham against richard the th●rd because he brake promise with him for the earldom of hertford ; the scots against iames the third , because he gave greater credit unto some of the courtieers then they deserved ; and the spaniards against charls the fifth , because he lived more in flanders then in spain , and governed spain by flemings . lastly , when as alexander the great died , seleucus seised upon the kingdome of syria ; ptolomy usu●ped upon egypt , antigonus made himself king of asia , and cassander reigned in greece and macedonia . so whensoever the king of spaine shall die , his son will enjoy most of his dominions , the duke of savoy will look for part of them ; his other daughters husband will look for a proportionable share , and the princes of italy will perhaps lay in for their part and for their portion . for every kingdom hath a certain period , an end and declination ; and it is seldome seen that any state flourisheth many hundred years : and as those bodies die soonest , that are subject to most diseases ; so those kingdomes perish soonest , whose princes are most inclined to many vices . saul reigned but forty years ; and he and his posterity perished for his infidelity . david ruled other forty , and his kingdom was divided for his adultery . achan was king no longer time , and his kingdome was destroyed for his idolatry . and cyrus enjoyed his crown and scepter not many years , and his race failed in his son cambyses for his cruelty . and how can the spanish kings declining glory last long , since many probable and very learned authors do greatly belye him , if he be not infected with all or most part of those vices which possessed incredulous and unbelieving saul , adulterous and leacherous , david idolatrous and superstitious achan , cruel and incestuous cambyses . i favor and reverence his person because he is a king , hate and detest his vices , because they become not a prince ; have declared and discovered his indiscretion , because he may be no more thought so wise as common fame report●th him to be . and now , because of a dissembling friend , he is become our professed enemy , i may not conceale the means how his courage may be cooled , his pride abated , his purposes prevented , his courses crossed , his ambition restrained , his hopes frustrated , his strength weakned , his alliances dissolved , and briefly , all or part of his kingdom rent and dismembred . to know how all this may be done , you shall need but to look back upon the means that he useth to conserve his states , and to crosse his counsels and intentions in the use of those means . for , doth he continue in credit by the general reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth ? let it be shewed that he is poor and needy . holdeth he his subjects and towns of conquest in awe , by keeping garisons in them ? seeke either to corrupt those garrisons , or to perswade those towns to expel them . borrows he money in his need and necessity of the genowaies and other merchants of italie ? counsel them to call for their old debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid . doth our nation and others inrich his country by resorting thither ? let them repair no more then they needs must to those countries . fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the indies ? let that be intercepted more then it hath been . placeth he wise governors and magistrates in his dominions to containe his subjects in obedience , and his neighbours in fear ? send fire-brands and authors of sedition amongst his subjects as he doth amongst ours , and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty deputies and lieutenants , as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the nobility of france from their king. hath he married the now duke of parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to portugal ? or hath he so weakned don antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his country ? provoke the one to be his enemy in putting him in mind of his fathers untimely death , and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth , and let many princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him , and to strengthen and succor both , rather then the one or the other should not annoy him . is france unable to hurt him because france is divided ? reconcile them that are dissevered , and revive the quarrels and pretentions that france hath against him ? presumeth he that the germans will rather help then hurt him , because he is ally'd to some in conjunction of blood , and to others in league of amity ? dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred . to be short , are the pope , the venetians , and the other princes of italy either for feare or affection his friends ? encourage the timerous and fearfull , and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will. but some man will say , this is sooner said then done , and therefore i have said nothing unless i shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done . there is a generall meanes , and there are diverse special waies to effect all this . i will acquaint you with both , because you shall bee ignorant of neither , and i will be as brief as i may , because i take it high time not to trouble you any longer . it is grown unto a general use of late yeares , and undoubtedly it was usual in times past , when princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other princes whose favor and friendship they desire , to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions ; and in those declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them , or discredit and disgrace their adversaries . the states of the low countries when necessity inforced them to renew wars against the spaniards , published certain books containing the causes which moved them thereunto ; and caused those books to be imprinted in seven several languages , in latine , in french , in their own tongue , in high dutch , in italian , in spanish and in english , to the end that all the nations of the world , hearing the justice and equity of their quarrel , m●ght either as friends help and assist them , or as neutrals , neither aid nor hinder them as their adversaries . the late duke of alenson , because it might seem strange unto some , that he being a catholick pr●nce , would aid men of a contrary religion ; and reprehensible unto others , that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the spanish king , he would accept the title of the duke of brabant , and undertake the defence of the low countries against the spaniards , made it appa●ent unto the world , by the like means , that it was not any ambitious mind , or greedy desire of advancement , but a princely clemency , and commiseration of the distressed state of that country , too much oppressed by the spanish tyranny , that moved him to receive them into his protection and patronage . the like did the county palatine cassimer when as he came into flanders with his forces . and the like have many other princes done , not in just causes only , but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty , then with justice and integrity . that duke of burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the duke of orleance , fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the kings heavy displeasure , and the general harted of all france , suborned a learned and famous divine named iohn petie , not onely to excuse , but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick , sermons , and writ divers letters unto the best towns of france , to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto . henry the fourth of england , whom many h●storiographers hold rather for a wrongful usurper then a lawful king , to make it known by what title he took upon him to be king of england , sent divers ambassadors into spain , germany , and italy , with such instructions , and so forceable reasons , that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable . that pope of rome , which ( as you have heard● betrayed frederick the emperor most leudly unto the great turk , and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment , finding that his unchristian treachery , being happily disclosed , did greatly blemish his name and reputation , to give some shew and colour of justice to a bad cause , caused to be published , that two notable murderers had been taken at rome , who voluntarily confessed that the emperor frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the pope . how the duke of bnckingham , and the more learned , the conscionable dean richard shaw , justified in the guild-hall of london , and at pauls cross , the unlawful and tyrannical usurpation of richard the third , our histories make it so manifest , that i need not to trouble you with the recital thereof . since therefore not mean and lay-men onely , but noblemen and great divines hav● both defended and furthered wrongful causes ; and with their de●ence and furtherance , have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose ; why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of state , and throughly furnished with all good qualities , requisite in a good and worthy writer ( of which sort this realm had rather some want then any great store ) depinct the spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly , that their reasons , their perswasions , and their admonitions may may shake the affections , and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured allyes ? but he is a faint friend that will be won with a word , and he not worthy the name of an ally , whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his confederate . how then ? what other general way is to be practised . where a pen cannot prevail , let a purse be walking . quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum ? let greater advancement be proffered to the spanish governors ; greater preferment to his best friends ; notable rewards unto those that will leave him . iulius coesar , to win the hearts and affections of scipios souldiers , promised them peaceable and quiet possession of their own goods , and to reward them with the self same honor , offices , and dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers ; and by this means he won from scipio many of his dearst friends . francis forza a captain of great worth , and of better credit , served the venetians and the florentines together many years , against philip maria duke of millan ; and they to retain him to their onely service , made him great offers , promised him great preferment ; but the duke hearing hearing thereof , with a faithful promise to give him his onely daughter in marriage , and to make him his sole and onely heir , made him forsake his old friends , and to become his vowed friend and servant . but francis forza was a mean captain , and a man of no great linage , and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement ; whereas men of good account , of honorable parentage and of fufficient lands and possessions ( such as the spaniards cheifest governors commonly are ) will not falsifie their faith , or forsake their king for any reward whatsoever . truly men of great honour , prefer their credit before their gain ; and yet honorable men are men as others be , and suffer themselves to be won as others are . there was a time when the marquess of mantoua ( whose successors are now dukes , and equal to great princes , and he not inferior unto any of his predecessors ) having vouchsafed to serve the venetians as their general against lewis duke of millan , stood not so much upon his honor , but that the said lewis with greater offers , and a larger pention then he had of the venetians , was able to withdraw him from their service and devotion . there was a time when the mighty emperor charls the fift , being desirous to alienate the affection of pope leo the tenth , from francis the first , king of france , obtained his request and purpose , by promising the cardinal iulio de medicis a yearly pension of ten thousand ducats to be paid him out of the arch-bishoprick of toledo , and by giving to alexander de medicis a pension of the like value in the kingdom of naples . there was a time when the said emperor charls , being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt pope clement the seventh , and the duke of urbin , and likewise desirous to distract andrew dorea from the service of the said pope , who then was in league with the french king , prevailed with the one by giving him the city of lova in the kingdom of naples , and gained the assured friendship of the other , by making him duke of malfie , and by encreasing the pay and pension which the pope gave him . to be short , there was time when as philip sirnamed the fair , king of france , did not onely entreat adolph the emperor● by the onely means of great rewards to forsake the amity and alliance of edward king of england , and of guido earle of flanders , but also procured albert duke of austria , by warring upon the emperor at home , to detain him in germany , so that he could not , as he had promised , trouble and molest france . but some men will say , these men had no regard of their honour , whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect , will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his reputation . it cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action , then their families enriched by unlawful corruption : yet it is written , and written by an author worthy to be remembred amongst the best authors of our time , that the marquess of pescara , a prince whose vertues , fame , reputation , credit and honor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous princes that ever lived on earth , had been won by his friend ieremy morony to forsake the emperor charls the fift , if the cardinal acoltera and the marquess of angel● , together with those learned civilians which were sent by the pope and the venetians to perswade him that the emperor was not lawful king of naples , and that the pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him , had used pregnant and sufficient reasons to enforce their perswasions , and to assure him of the kingdom● and undoubtedly the brotherly love of don iohn de austria , and the loyal affection of the late duke of parma , might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature : for since marquesses , dukes , emperors and popes , have been content to be caught with a golden hook ; let no man be afraid to try and sound , or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages , especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards , and against such princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such personages . but now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which i promised to declare unto you , let me , i pray you , with good leave and patience run over the short catalogue of his best friends , and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly , or to stand as neutrals and idle lookers on , whilst others shall annoy him . and because of late years , and since his late dishonour received in england , he hath used all means possible to induce the princes of italy to aid him in a second enterp●ise which he intendeth against england ; i will as briefly as i can set down divers reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance . it may therefore be said unto the italians in general , th●t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers princes ; but who knoweth whether the spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet , and to disquiet their general peace ? who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them , will hereafter take occasion to hate them ? who knoweth , since it is the custom of princes to seek help of others , not for any great need they have thereof , but either to weaken them , or to bring them into the ha●red of others , whether the king of spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength , or the number of their friends ? briefly , who knoweth when their friends are diminished , and their forces impared , whether he will not suddenly denounce open wars against them ? great is the force of ambition , and unsatiab●e are the desires of covetous princes , who having subdued one country , seek presently after ano●her , and when they have conquered that , labour to attain unto new conquests , and never leave to inlarge their over large territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies . but it may be said , the king of spain is old ; but covetousness dieth not , but increaseth in old age . he is already master and lord of many kingdoms and so many countries : but as i have said , the more a man hath , the more a man wanteth ; he being nigh unto deaths door , thinks nothing of his death . but every prince before his death , would be glad to make his name immortal , his dominions infinite . he is a catholick prince , & therfore will hold his words and promises with catholicks as he hath done hitherto : but deceitful men keep touch in small matters , to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence : they may therefore justly fear , that he who coveteth kingdoms that are far from him , is not without a great desire of states that joyn and border upon his dominions ; and they may well think since he is descended ( as you shall hear anon ) of such predecessors , as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever , just or unjust , honest or dishonest , commendable or reprehensible , to enlarge their dominions , that he hath learned of them to have the like desires , and use the like practises . but grant they have no just occasion to distrust him ? what shall they gain by his friendship ? what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him ? he called them to help him : but when forsooth ? when his ships were su●k , bruised and broken ; some lost and never heard of , and those which returned into spain , were so shaken and beaten with weather and gun-shot , that either they will be altogether unprofitable , or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges ; and when his people were either drowned , or so terrified , that they will have a small desire , and less courage to return in england . but why implored he not their helps when he went for england with an assured hope and confidence , of an happy conquest , of an honourable victory ? he was loath to use their help , because he thought himself able to a●tain his purpose , without making them partakers of his glory ; and now that he hath failed of his purpose , he calleth them unto a second voyage , intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey ; and they must go to recover his credit , and to revenge his quarrel , who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves , nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit . and how must they revenge his quarrel ? forsooth , by sending their best soldiers into a strange country , by dis-furnishing themselves of ships and artillery , and by lending him munition and mariners , who might do well to spare his own people , and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of christendom . their ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions , and at a great price ; and they shall go to wars where they have no cause of war. their predecessors when any nation dwelling beyond the alps intended to pass the alps , endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage , and to keep them at home , and they having not felt the forces of such nations these many years , shall for his sake now go about to provoke them . their forefathers lived quietly at home with their own ; and they shall disquiet themselves and other men , and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage . their parents never suffered their ships or their souldiers to depart out of italy , for fear left the great turk in their absence should invade their country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the heavens , against the windes , against the weather and the sea , for so they sight that fight against england . their hearts may tremble to think of it ; and that wh●ch hath happened once may happen again . if whilest their forces shall be imployed in the spanish kings service , the turk shall assail them at home , shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of england ? or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion ? for there is no other way to relieve them , or to repel them . but it may be said that the spaniards credit and reputation will be their buckler ; his greatness will restrain and repress their adve●iaries . tell me , you that think so ; is he stronger then h●s father was ? hath he ever had better success in the wars then he ? and yet in the prime and flower of his years , and even when he thought himself free from all danger , from all trouble and vexation of the turks , the turks came to besiege vienna , which is the emperors chief seat , and a city of as great strength as any other city of europe . they may consider that armies that go far from home have ( as i have said ) seldom good success ; that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand , seldom fall out well ; that men being once deceived of their expe●ation in any thing that they undertake , proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action ; that to hang good souldiers , and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel , is but to tempt god ; and lastly , that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession , then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain . all these being duly considered , they may justly be afraid when they call to minde , that their navy which they shall send into england to help the king of spain , shall pass through many seas , rocks , with many contrary winds , in great tempests , and through manifest and dangerous parils ; and that their souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst , sometimes be sea sick , and in great danger of other diseases ; for where many be shut up close together , there few can be in health long . all this being duly considered , they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the spanish fleet , which went out of spain with an assured hope of victory , returned with great loss and ignommy : and they may be discomforted , when they enter into cogitation that the spanish navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten , and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress , will not onely lose the●r courage themselves , but also discourage their italian souldiers , not being accustomed to sight so far from home , or on so dangerous and troublesome seas , and with so valiant a nation as the english sea and subjects are . they may again be dismayed , when they consider , that although they should conquer england , yet they cannot keep it long , because they have no just cause to fight against england . and lastly , they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance , that the small hope and confidence which they have to prevail in england , cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and country , whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests ; and if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them , some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our fugitives used to induce the spanish king to undertake the conquest of our land , that man whatsoever he be , may well and sufficiently be answered with the same arguments which i used long since to confute their reasons : with these and the like reasons uttered by grave men unto the common people ( who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security ) and used in convenient time and place , of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage , the most discreet and wisest subjects of italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes , and the princes themselves who willingly enter into no action , whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow , will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience , that shall review their memories , and reduce unto their minde the means that their predecessors have used to free themselves from forreign servitude and bondage ; a commodity , far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express . it may therefore be shewed unto them in general , that maximilian the emperor , and the spanish kings great grandfather ( for it were tedious to talk of his former predecessors , and of the wrongs that they did unto italy ) entered oftentimes into league and amity with barbarous nations against the princes of italy , brought them into their country , besieged their cities , cast down their walls , ransacked their houses , changed their mirth into sorrow , and never lest to trouble and molest them , until that his strength , and not his good will to annoy them failed him . charles the fifth his father ( for his grand-father philip died in the prime of his years , and therefore could not greatly trouble them , because he wanted the means ) doth the like ; and many of the italian princes most loving subjects die , some by the sword , others by famine , some through grief , and others by infinite labour and travel , neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness , nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity ; but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery , by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars . he himself wheresoever he ruleth in italy ( and he ruleth there too much ) impose●h new tributes , unaccustomed subsidies , and extraordinary impositions ; and where he hath no authority to rule , there he borroweth money , and payeth his debts with fair words , and sweet promises ; and when he useth them best , with bonds and obligations , which shall be paid when every brother payeth another . when this is said , and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof , it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs ; but they dare not adventure to contend with him ; they will fear him , because he is wealthy ; stand in aw of him , because he is mighty ; and strive amongst themselves , who shall first begin to trouble him , because they distrust one another . his might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently , and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them , and their distrust may be removed by a general league , and perfect imitation of their predecessors . it must therefore first be remembred , that nicholas the third pope of rome , fearing the great wealth of france , under philip the son of lewis sirnamed the godly , used all means possible to abate and diminish the french kings power and reputation . and the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that age , to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent , the like remedies may be applied . then was france to be feared , because there was no civil war in france ; now spain must be suspected , because spain is quiet and at peace within it self ; all the lords and peers of france were then obedient unto their king , and are they not so in spain ? the french king was then in league with england and germany ; and is not the spaniard allied unto many for eign princes ? the king of navar a vassal of france , ruled all things then in spain , because he was tutor unto the young king ; and doth not spain now sway and rule a great part of france , by reason of the league betwixt him and the unnatural reb●s thereof ? siciy was then subject unto charles the french kings uncle ; and now both sicily and naples are under the spaniard . the same charles was of great authority in rome ; he was lieutenant general unto the empire , and under that title either commanded by force , or prevailed by authority through all italy . and hath not the spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then ? the face and countenance of both times are alike ; the remedies therefore should be such now as they were then . then the pope weakened the credit and authority that charles had in rome ; the pope must do like to the spaniard now . then was the title of lieutenant general taken from charles ; now should all helping titles be likewise taken from spain . then was the pope determined to make two kings in italy ; the one in lombardy , and the other in tuskany , and both of the house of ursim , of which he was the chief and principal branch ; and if the like device were now practised , undoubtedly the great duke of florence , and some other potentates of italy , upon whom the most should agree , would accept the title of kings , and be able both for their wealth and their might , to maintain the same with credit and reputation . then was phaleologo emperor of constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the sicilian king ; now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the french king to do the like against the spaniard . then upon suddain were all the frenchmen either slain in sicily or driven thence ; and now might all the spaniards be either murthered ( which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action ) or removed by main force from naples and sicily , which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all italy . but italy of it self is not able to do all this , what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this ? italy must then be strengthened and holpen , lest it fa●l in doing this . but how shall italy be assisted ? forsooth by an imitation of the princes which lived in charles the fifth his time , and envied his greatness . forsooth , when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the empire , and that what with the vigour of his youth , what with the reputation of his might and strength , he was so puffed up with pride , that he intended to make himself monarch of all the world ; all the princes of christendom fearing his over growing greatness , began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition , and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde . but the princes of germany , who had greatest occasion to fear him most , were the fi●st that bended all their thoughts , and all their cogitations to move the rest of the princes and potentates of europe to joyn with them in league and amity against him : then were there sent ambassadors unto the king of england , france and denmark : then were there letters written unto the swi●zers : then were letters dispatched to the duke and seigniory of venice to desire help against the emperor , and to distract the venetians from the league of amity which they had with him , and to intreat both the venetians and the switzers , not to suffer any forces to pass by their dominions which should be sent out of italy unto caesar. then did as many princes as were not in league with the emperor , shew themselves forward in this honourable action ; and those who for their leagues sake could not openly assist the confederates against caesar , exhorted others to joyn with them against him ; and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action , they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them . then , since it behoveth princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may ; since the spaniard before the king of france changed his religion , pretended to war against him for no other cause● but to inforce him thereunto ; and now continueth his wars and ai●ing his rebels , although the french king is of himself become a catholick , which proveth manifestly , that it was not religion , but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those rebels ; since it is apparent to the world , that he onely disturbeth ( as i have said ) the peace and quietness of all the world , and causeth the turk to insult as he doth upon christian princes ; since both othon the third , and conrad the emperors laws injoyn all princes ( as it hath been shewed upon other occasion ) to bend their forces , and to bandy themselves with main might against such a prince , and such a disturber of common peace as the spaniard is , i see no reason why the princes of christendom , as well friends as foes unto him , should not all joyntly , and with one consent , inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits , and to succour and assist him against the common adversary of christian religion , who of late hath given the christians no small overthrow . the popes of rome were wont , when christendom stood in no greater danger of the turk , then it doth at this present , to send their ambassadors from prince to prince , to reconcile them if they were at variance , and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed enemy of christendom . it is written that paulus tertius , a po●e that was ninety years old when he departed this world , not long before he di●d , considering the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon christendom , by reason of the pride and ambition of the great turk , and the unnatural discord and dissention that was betwixt ●rancis the first and charles the fifth , sent his own nephew the cardinal fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them . the like atonement might the present pope make betwixt the french king and the spaniard ; who hath now no other pretence to fight against france , but that the king thereof , although he is become a catholick , yet he remains excommunicate ; a pretence both vain and frivolous , because the kings of france and the peer ; thereof , and also all his officers , cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the pope , as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of france by many popes : as namely , by martin the third and fourth , gregory the eighth , ninth , ten●h and eleventh , alexander the fourth , clement the fourth and fifth , nicholas the third , urban the fifth , and boniface the twelfth ; the which priviledges are to be seen in the treasury where the kings charters are usually kept : and when the pope shall interpose his authority , many other princes shall likewise labour to make them friends , as of late years the king of denmark , was a mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious sovereign . and if when this motion shall be made unto him , he will neither regard the authority of the intercessors , nor respect the manifest eminent danger of christendom , but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course ; then will it be a sit and convenient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him ; then because ●insmen forsake even the next of their own blood , when they will not yeeld unto reason , and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels , and antient injuries ; it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities , offered by the house of austria unto their neighbors , their allies , their kinsmen , their friends , and other princes that now either fear or favour them ; then would it be shewed , that all the emperors and princes of that family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood , or alliance of friendship , nor the wealth of their subjects , nor the bonds of equity and reason ; but have always preferred their private gain before the commonweal , their own interest before their ●●insmens and friends commodity and advantage , their own will and pleasure before all law and justice ; briefly , their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity . then , to begin with the infancy of their family , it would be made known , that when they were but poor counts of hapsparge , they encro●ched upon their neighbours , they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning switzers , over whom they tyrannized so long , that at length by common consent , and by a general revolt against them , both they and their officers were violently driven out of the country . then would it be declared that rodulph the first emperor of their house , obtained the empire by plain deceit and cunning ; and so carried himself therein , that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the empire , and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude . for , whenas the empire had been void almost twenty years , and divers compeitors affected the same , as henry of thyringia , and vvilliam earl of holland , alphons king of castile , and richard , brother unto the king of england ; and all those corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place , and in maintaining themselves therein : the electors being over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedio●s competency , sent conrade archbishop of coruge unto othagarius king of b●hemia , to pray him to accept the empire ; but he thinking himself not sufficient enough to rule his own kingdom , re●u●●d their offer ; and they in disdam of him , presently made choice of this rodulph , who had been the master of his palace , and had learned divers feats of chivalry under him ; in regard of which experience , the electors as some men write , yeelded him their consent : but others report , that after that , for his ingratitude and evil demeanor , he was put out of othagarius his service , he followed the arch-bishop of ments , and attended so diligently upon him in the journey which he made unto rome , that when he returned thence he made him emperor , although he was then of a very mean living , as albertus argentinensis , iohannes vitudaranus , rotridano molespini , giovani villani , and aeneas sylvius ( who was afterwards pope pius the second ) with many others do testifie . and it is written that the same arch bishop , bragging many times with his friends in secret conference , what a great deed he had done to make so mean a man emperor , would say unto them merrily , that he carried an emperor behinde him in his riding hood when he travelled by the way . you have heard how he came to the empire ; now let me tell you how he demeaned himself therein . the first thing he did wisely ; considering his own weakness , he insinuated himself into the favour of the german princes ; and whether it were to please them , who were somewhat offended with othagar king of bohemia , because they thought he disdained to be emperor , or to shew himself grateful where he had received great favour and courtesie , he presently summoned his master othagar to come to do him homage for his kingdom . othagar contemning both the message and the messenger , and taking him for a proud servant , who b●ing unworthily advanced , would begin to shew his pride against his master , refused to appear at his summons ; rodulph presently in regard of this contempt , invaded the dukedom of austria , and forfeited the same unto the empire . othagar being highly offended with the confiscation , denounceth wars against the emperor . by the intercession of friends they met at a place appointed ; and there rodol●ph , dissembling cunningly his pride and insolency , goeth first to salute othagar , calleth him his lord and master , thanking him for vouchsafing to end their contention by a friendly composition , rather then by bloody wars ; maketh a marriage between his daughter and venceslaus the son and heir of othagar ; and then with a fair shew of assured and faithful friendship , prayeth him to vouchsafe , if not openly , because perhaps he would be ashamed to do it , yet secretly and within his royal tent , to do him homage for his kingdom and principalities . the king won with fair words , yeeldeth to his demands , offereth up unto him five several banners , whereof the emperor restoreth unto him on●●y two , and detaineth the other three , one for austria , another for corinthia , and the third for syria ; and pacifieth the king who was greatly offended therewith , by promising faithfully to restore them unto his son venceslaus , as soon as the marriage betwixt him and his daughter shall be solemnized . to this deceit and cunning he addeth a worse despight and contumely ; for having intreated to do him homage secretly , and within a tent , he caused a deceitful tent to be made , the which should fall open as soon as the cords thereof were unloosed . in this tent othagar falleth down on his knees , and suddenly whilst he is doing homage , the tent falleth open ; the germans laugh at his humility ; the bohemians are grieved with his submission ; and he himself is highly displeased with the emperors deceit : and his grief is increased because his wife scorned and mocked him at his return . to be short , he prepareth all the forces that he could possibly make , and reneweth war against the emperor : the emperor that whilst he had been his servant remembred that othagar had given great occasion of discontentment unto the great captain of moizona , called milota , him he putteth in mind of an old injury ; and so prevailed , what with bribes , and what with perswasions , that in the very conflict , he forsaketh his master , and leaveth him to be murthered of two brethren , whose third brother othogar had caused to be executed , for some offence worthy of death . the king being thus slain , he rewardeth both the traitor and the murtherers , and following his victory , burneth a number of monasteries and religious houses that othogar had builded : a rare and strange pesident ; for it is abominable in a servant to betray his master ; more abominable to cause him to be murthered ; and of all abominable things the most abominable to reward the traitors , and recompence the murtherers : but to burn religious houses in despight of the founder , and to spoil gods temple in hatred of a man , is an act the like whereof hath never been found but in such as neither care for god nor regard his service . neither did rodolphs wickedness end in these hainous actions , but he wrongfully warred upon bemera , unjustly invaded bohemia , unlawfully seised upon austria , and most cruelly burnt above threescore very fair and beaut full castles in turingia . rodolph having reigned as emperor nineteen years , and in all this time never vouchsafed to set one foot towards italy , to be crowned there of the pope ( which negligence in those dayes was held for a most hainous offence ) departed the world , and leaveth his son albert duke of austria , who in disdain of the french king , within years after is made emperor , and imitateth his father in his bloody cruelty : for he beginneth his empire with killing adolph his predecessor , continueth the same with the wrongfull molestation and usurpation of mayeme , dishonoureth his reign with a violent and forcible seisure into his hands , and to his sons use , of the kingdom of bohemia , and endeth the same , not by a natural , but by a violent and unnatural death : for it pleased god , that his own nephew , and other earls of the house of austria should by taking him , revenge the wicked and detestable murther which he committed on the sacred person of adolph the emperor . frederick duke of austria was the third emperor of this house ; if he may be called an emperor , who being unlawfully chosen , wrongfully usurped the empire . for the bishop of trevers and ments , and the marquess of brandenburgh , together with iohn king of bohemia , chose lewis of bamera emperor , and frederick had the voices and suffrages of the bishop of colen , of the county palatine , and of the duke of saxony ; whose elect on was of no force , because when the six principal electors cannot agree , but three of them are for one , and three of them are for another , the king of bohemia as umpier , determineth the matter , and he casteth his voice upon the said lewis , and made him lawfull emperor . but frederick according to the ambitious and violent nature of his proud family , pursued his pretensive right by bloody wars , and drew the pope , the kings of france , and of hungary , the county palatine , stratsbourgh , and other imperial cities , to stand stout and obstinate in the defence of his quarrel , wherein many thousands were slain , and many more had been murthered , had not the almighty ( who alwayes favoureth just causes ) vouchsafed to give the emperor lewis grace to take him prisoner in the field ; after which disgrace , he and his family had been for ever been undone , had not the good emperor been so gratious unto him , as after three years imprisonment to set him at liberty , and to restore unto him the dukedom of austria , the which he might have returned with more reason unto the empire , then rodolph had to distract it from the empire . the fourth emperor of this family was albert the second , who married the daughter and heir of the emperor sigismond , and had with her in dower , the kingdoms of bohemia and hungary : this emperor ruled scant two years , and therefore did not any good or bad exploit worthy of memory . the fifth emperor of this family was frederick the third , whose government was such , that his own subjects with the help of his own brother albert , besieged him a long time in the castle of vienna ; where they had taken him prisoner , had not george king of bohemia delivered him by deceit and cunning , rather then by strength and fortitude ; for although he came to vienna with an army of eight thousand good souldiers , yet was not this force able to succour him , but he was fain to play the umpier betwixt him and his citizens , and so under a colour of conference called him , his wife and his son forth of the town , and when he had cunningly set them at liberty , he conveyed them secretly unto a place of security . this emperor to prosecute a bishop which was deposed by the pope , raised such troubles in germany , that the princes thereof were not able to succour the emperor constantine of constantinolpe , whom the great turk mahomet drove from his imperial city , caused him to be slain before the gates thereof , set his head upon a lance , and commanded it to be carried about the city ; his wife , daughters , and many other ladies and gentlewomen , were invited to a banquet , after which they were all deflowred , and then cut into small pieces , as flesh to the pot . and lastly , in despight of christ and all christians , he caused the picture of our saviour to be set up in the town , with this inscription , behold the saviour of the christians that could not save them ! immediately after frederick succeeded maximilian , and after him charles the fifth , his grand-childe ; of which two i have already said enough , and might say much more to make them more hatefull , but i should be too long and over-tedious ; and yet i may not forget three notable arguments of of charles the fi●hs dissembling , and of his turbulent nature and conditions . the first sheweth that he pretended to be a zealous catholick , and was indeed no better then a dissembling hypocrite . the second proveth , that although he shewed an outward desire of peace , yet he cared not what occasions he took to make war. the third declareth , that albeit he would seem to love germany , as the nation from whence all his greatness proceeded , yet he sought the advancement of spain more then of germany , or of his own family or house of austria . the first point is proved , because that having obtained of leo the tenth great sums of money , and ten thousand well appointed souldiers , in regard of his faithfull promise to subvert and utterly overthrow the lutherans of germany , as soon as he had with those men and that money fully revenged himself upon certain princes of germany , w●th whom he was highly offended , and whom he had never subdued , had he not had the popes help , he gave over his wars , and granted both unto them and all others liberty of conscience ; wherewith not only the pope had just occasion to be displeased , but his own confessor took it so grievously , that the next time he came to confession , he denied him absolution . this zealous christian , when he had troubled italy , with long and tedious wars , not meaning ( as it seemed ) to end the same wars without doing some notable action , worthy of eternal memory , took the pope prisoner at rome , and kept him a long time in the castle of st. angelo . and although he would not suffer him to be set at liberty before he had paid a great ransom , yet he dissembled and handled the matter so cunningly , that he caused publick praises and supplications to be made unto god generally throughout all spain for the delivery of this holy father , and protested openly unto the world , that his unruly souldiers , full sore against his will and pleasure , being in great distress of money and other necessary provision , had sacked rome , and imprisoned the popes holiness . the second point shall need no other proof but his great malice , and continual spight , notwithstanding that the princes of france were in some manner the onely and special cause of his greatness : for had not lewis the eleventh with great cunning & policy weakned the last duke of burgondy ; had he not most wisely and providently nourished the wars betwixt him and the switzers ; had he not covetously and carelesly set him at variance with the duke of lorrain ; and lastly , had he not secretly & privily won nicholas campobasso to leave the said duke in the midst of the battel , which he fought with the prince of lorain ( a practice not to be forgotten against the spaniard ) valiant charles of burgundy had never been slain in the field , nor the troublesome maximilian should ever have inherited his dukedom by matching with his daughter . how sought he continually to perturb and disquiet the peace thereof ? which side left he unassaulted ? which way to enter into france untried ? and what cause had he to disquiet france , especially after that he had taken the king thereof prisoner , and made him yeeld unto all unreasonable demands ? it is written that many times entering into a serious cogitation of the great slaughters that had been committed in france by him and his souldiers , of the great wrong that he had done to the good and vertuous kings thereof ; and of the simple and weak causes that moved him thereunto , he was often and greatly troubled in his conscience , and sometimes sought peace of himself ; and yet the wicked spirit overcoming the good inclination that sometimes guided him , he returned presently and without any just occasion unto wars . the last point is proved by a diet and a general assembly of the states of germany , which he held at auspurge , under a colour to reform and order divers abuses in religion ; unto which diet many great princes of germany would not vouchsafe to come , because they knew certainly , that the reformation of religion was but the pretence and colour of keeping that diet ; but the very end and p●rpose thereof was to reverse the order of the election of the emperors , and to tranfer the empire from germany unto spain : the which his intention was afterwards so apparent , that although in regard of his brotherly love , and during the minority of his son , he had caused ferdinando his brother to be elected king of the romans , yet he used all the cunning he could possibly , to perswade him to relinquish and resign that title unto his son philip , now and then king of spain ; and also he sent for maximilian his son in law , and nephew , king of bohemia , to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his fathers resignation ; and the queen of h●ngary , and gravilla the emperors chancellor made many voyages into hungary , to intreat ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion , unto which neither the king of hungary nor maximilian his son would vouchsafe their consents . these three points being thus cleared , it resteth to speak somewhat of charls the fifths successors , as ferdinando , maximilion and rodolph ; but their actions are fresh in memory . and if the law of the emperors creation ( called the golden bull ) which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house , to succeed one after another in the empire , were ( as it should be ) in full force and strength , none of them should be accounted or held lawful emperors . now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree ( i mean the golden bull ) which hath been infringed by making not four , but seven or eight at the least of the house of austria emperors together , shall nothing at all incense and instigate the princes of christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation ; it shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late emperors of the house of austria , unto divers great and mighty princes of germany , and unto the empire it self . it must therefore be shewed unto them , that rodolph the first emperor of this race , to assure unto himself and his heirs the dukedom of austria , and the states of stiria and suevia ( which were united unto the empire for fault of heirs males ) resigned the exerchat of italy unto the pope , and freed as many cities of italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the emperors , as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money . albeit his son when he was emperor , fought many battels and got many towns with the forces and expences of the empire , but reserved all the profit arising by those battels to his proper use ; and to have better and more easie entrance into bilencia , he usurped the state of the marquess of menia . and albert the second enriched himself greatly , although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions . is it not the house of austria that hath wrongfully deprived many princes , and divers electors of the empire of their states and dignities ? is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest princes of germany to flie for succour , and to seek the protection of the french king ? is it not this house that hath unlawfully confiscated the states and digninities of iohn fredrick , duke of sexony ? is it not this house that hath most cruelly razed the walls and destroyed the forts of the most noble and vertuous prince the lantsgrave of hess ? is it not this house that hath violently sacked , destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly dukedom of wittenberge ? is it not this house , that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the duke of cleur his goods , and made him too deer for a wise that brought him dowry ? is it not this house that , to make the princes of germany their servants and slaves , have contrary to the laws of the empire , erected a new councel in the city of spires ? briefly , is it not this house that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most curtesie ? have they ever had greater aid , greater helps of any princes of the empire then of the duke of saxony ? who sought for frederick duke of austria , against lewis duke of bavaria more willingly and valiantly then rodolph duke of saxony ? ernest duke of saxony was the only cause and means that maximilian was chos●n emperor . and iohn duke of saxony went unto the assault of aba in hungary , and never departed thence until he made maximilian lord and master of the whole count●y . frederick of saxony refused the empire when it was offered unto him , and procured it to be given unto charles the fift ; and yet the same charls omitted no art , no cuning , no way , nor means , that he could possibly devise to ●subvert and ●vinate the house of saxony . he set up maurice and agust his brother against iohn frederick ; and maximiliam stirred up the sons of iohn frederick one against another . rodolph count palatine bore armes in the behalf of frederick of austria against his own brother lewis duke of bamera , and frederick count palatine , who was recompenced for this pleasure by frederick the third , who procured all the states and princes of the empire to be his mortall enemies . briefly , who favoured and furthered the election of the last maximilian so much as frederick count palatine ? and yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at auspurghe , that all the princes of the empire reversed the same in his presence . now to speak of the spanish kings abuses towards the princes of germany and others , were infinite labour , and either that which i have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated , or the late apologies of the prince of aurange , of the state of the low countries , of the now king of france , of don antonio and of others , will supply whatsoever i , either for modestie or for br●vitiesake forbear to discover . then to conclude this point , if france might be moved to set on foot for the kingdome of navarre , the dukedom of burgondy , and all or part of the lowcountries : if the pope might be intrea●ed to bestow the kingdom of naples and sicily upon som : prince of worth and estimation ; if the venetians and other princes of italy would be content to divide and share the dukedom of milan betwixt them ; if the states and princes of the empire would be pleased to reconcile the kingdomes of bohemia and hungary , with the dukedom of austria , unto the empire ▪ if the duke of parma or don antonio might be seated in portugall : and lastly england , holland , and other states and p●in●es , that are mighty upon the seas , would either stop the spaniards passage into the indies , or intercept his treasure when it cometh from thence , the proud and insolent house of austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine estate ; and the princes of christendome , when they should have no adversary to fear , but the common enemy of christians , should undoubtedly live in great security , peace and amity : for , then are kingdomes most safe , when their neighbours forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall ; and then should our english island be the strongest and happiest kingdom in christendom . but in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat circumspect , least that the overthrow and downfall of one terrible and mighty adversary raise up another , who may be in all respects as dangerous and as well to be feared as he . for , because france lieth neerer unto us then spaine ( and vis unita is alwaies held to be fortior ) if france should recover burgondy and the low countries , should we not have great and just occasion to fear france ? for neither may our happy victories against france encourage us not to esteem france , since it is no point of wisedom , not to fear the least enemy that may be ; nor the late benefits pleasures , and offices of kindness shewed by us unto the late kings thereof , can assure as that france will never endammage us . i have already shewed the causes of our fortunate success against france ; and if those causes should once begin to fail us , the good fortune which proceeded of them , would soon leave to follow us ; and as well princes as private men receive favours and courtesies readily , look upon their benefactors unwillingly , remember good turns slowly , and requite received benefits faintly . then because the fresh memory of new courtesies cannot extinguish the grievous and unpleasant remembrance of ancient quarr●ls , we must ( as we have said ) still have a very careful and watchful eye over france , and intreat france to be content to joyn with us in placing and preferring some such prince unto the quiet and assured p●ssession of the low countries , as may be well able with the help of us and france to retain the same , and yet unable to hurt us or france . neither must the cross dealings of the late duke of alencon discourage us to attempt any such matter ; for we saw that they whom he had handled somewhat unkindly , might easily have been perswaded to have received him again for their duke . and there may a prince be found that shall be less suspected , and more acceptable unto the flemings then any french-man can be . the duke ernestus who was lately sent to be their governour , in my simple opinion se●meth to be a fit man for that purpose . for whereas the spanish king of late would have bestowed the infanta his daughter upon him , it may easily be thought now that that hope faileth him , because he knoweth now where to find a fitter husband for her then to match her with him , and to give him the low countries for her dowry . but common same reporteth , that there is an intent and purpose to marry her unto the french king , as well because he is now become a catholick , as for that france and spain have often matched together ; and the pope may easily be entreated to dispe●se with the french king to take her for his wife . truly it were hard to permit him to marry so near a kinswoman as is his now living wives own neece . but grant that the popes dispe●sation may salve this sore , that the french king may forget the wrongs and indignities offered unto him by spain ; that this were a good and ready way to reconcile these princes that have lived too long toge●her in contention and variance , and that of this reconciliation there is likely to follow a great and general benefit unto all christendom : yet i can hardly think that the spanish king would ever yeeld his consent unto such a match ; and though he would ever yeeld his consent thereunto , yet it behoveth all the princes of christendom to hinder such a marriage . for if his son should die ( whose life is in gods hands ) should not all the kingdoms and dominions of the spaniard , because there is no law salick in spain , descend unto his daughter ? and would not the desired addition of all those unto the kingdom of france , make the warlike and mighty prince thereof , not onely to think upon , but also to attempt the conquest of all europe ? should he not grow too mighty ? should he not be able to tyrannize over all the world , more then the spaniard doth now ? and then doth it not greatly import all christian princes to withstand this marriage ? besides , grant that his son doth live to have many children , were it not a very unwis● and indiscrect part of the spanish king to give h●s daughter in marriage unto such a one , as what for his old grudge unto spain , what in regard of the title and interest that this wife may give him unto the crown of spain , will undoubtedly be content to take her for wife , were it for no other occasion but to have so good , just , and colourable a cause as her right would give him , to challenge , invade and conquer spain ? for the prince of orange , by noting the spanish kings son of bastardy in his apology , and by animating the french king to defend his neece , right , whensoever god should call her father to his mercy , hath set open such a gap as will give a very easie entrance into the kingdom of spain unto the spanish daughters ambitious nature , or unto his valiant minde ( if there be any valour in him ) who shall have her to wife . the surest and safest way then for the spaniard , is either to match her lowly , as austiages did his daughter , with some mean prince , who shall not be able to hurt or prejudice his son ; or else to bestow her upon the said duke ernestus , who although he be her neer kinsman , and a prince of no great living ; yet because it is a matter very usual in the house of austria to match in their own blood , and for that the spaniard hath kingdoms and dominions enough to bestow upon her in marriage , neither the propinquity in blood , nor the want of living can be an obstacle unto the match ; but it may be said , what shall it avail if she be married to the duke ernestus , and flanders be her dowry ? shall it not be all one ? will he not be at the devotion of his father in-law ? and will it not be a means to make the emperor more fast and assured unto spain , and to carry the less love and affection unto us and our friends ? but i suppose the empire shall be transferred unto some other prince : and although it shall remain still in the house of austria , yet i know he that shall be , or is emperor , can have no great means to annoy us . besides , we may finde many wayes to set a variance and separa●ion betwixt the father and the son , and ( when god shall have wrought his will and pleasure upon the father ) betwixt the brother and the sister . were there ever more hot and bloody wars betwixt us and france , then when the french kings sister was married unto our king ? or when our kings daughters have matched with france ? did not these marriages breed and bring forth the chiefest causes of our most deadly contentions ? and did not our and their profit and gain make us forget blood , affinity and alliance ? but if it shall seem dangerous to hazard our safety upon so weak an hope , it shall not be amiss to use all policy to procure such a match ▪ and to cause her dowry to be either the kingdom of naples or of portugal . for so shall his sons power be weakened ; his daughter further off from us , and from france , and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a title of dutchess ; too base a name for so proud a woman , and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a queen . and we finde that the desire of that char●es his wife ( who of a duke of anio● was made and crowned king of naples ) to be a queen was the chiefe and special cause her husband entered into that quarrel ; for his wife ( who was descended of a king ; and still lived among queens ) would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her queen . there is no doubt but that the princes of italy could be very well content , that the kingdom of naples and sicily were in some such poor princes possession , rather under the subjection of the sole heir of spain , because he being a young prince , and king of so many dominions , will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old father is ; and they would easily finde means to hold such a prince long enough , and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them . for experience hath taught them , that when naples and sicily were governed by a proper king , and he alwayes resident amongst them , they lived not then in such danger , or in such fear as they have been since the french or the spaniards were masters of those kingdoms . duke ernestus being placed thus far from us , the question would be , what government would best content us in flanders ; whether it were best to have a prince there ; and if a prince , what he should be ; or else such a government as is now amongst the united provinces ; and if such a government , whether it were best to unite the rest of flanders unto them that are already united . the questions are full of difficulty ; and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them : and yet because this is my last task , i will ▪ as i have done in the rest , adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy . the pleasant and sweet government under the states of the united provinces , the consideration of their subjects quiet and wel●are , the regard of their wealth , the credit whereunto they are grown , the accompt that their neighbours make of them , the free traffique which they have with forreign nations , the recourse of strangers unto them , the beauty and increase of their cities , lately enlarged and beautified , and their strength being ( as i have once said already ) almost comparable unto the power of mighty princes , might easily induce them to consent to make one common-wealth of all the seventeen provinces . but if they should all joyn in one form of government , it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time , that their might would make them ambitious , and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their neighbours ; who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity , would happily be content to shake off their kings , and live under their wings and protection . was it not the common report of the romans good government that made forreign nations desirous to be subject unto them ? was it not the incorporating of those nations into their own cities , and their permitting of them to enjoy the like priviledges and liberties as the romans enjoyed , that drew other people to follow the example of those nations ? was it not then seen , and may it not be seen again , th●● the less cities iimitated the greater , and whether the first inclined , thither the last repaired ? is it not generally said , that two eyes see more then one ? and do not many councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few ? and is it not true that it is not the clymate or the region that onely maketh men wise ? the spaniard is wiser then the french-man , the florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the venetian ; and yet when the light-headed french-man beginneth once to be staid , he is nothing inferior to the wise spaniard ; and the venetians when they consult upon matters of weight , resolve them not so soon , but better then the flo●entines . the reason whereof is given by bodin ; because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits , dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments , because they proceed from them who are either their enemies , or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they ; whereas the later , distrusting every man his own judgement , and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro & con in any matter whatsoever , after long con●erence and consultation , conclude upon the best and wisest resolution . is it not this proved in the states of the united provinces ; especially in the hollanders , who until of late years were commonly called by the flemings the blockish and hard-headed hollanders , and now they are grown equal to the wisest flemings , italians , french , or spaniards ? court they not princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their island into england and other places ? have they not their agents in princes courts , who in many years would not presume to look upon a court , and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither ? have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into princes favours , and continue themselves therein , who not long ago cared for no princes favour , but ●or one kings good will and countenance ? sent they not their ambassadors unto the christening of the scottish prince ? gave they not their present as well as others , and within it a yearly pension unto the young prince , to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their towns ? have they not discovered a shorter way to the indies ? and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery ? do they not daily encrease their revenews ? do not their subjects that were wont to guide a boat , and govern an oar , now manage a lance , and handle a weapon as well as other nations ? do not the better sort amongst them , who heretofore never medled with matters of state , match the wisest politicians in counsel , and the best statesmen of the world in their writings ? and to be brief , is it not likely , that if they proceed as they have begun , they will in time grow too strong , and exceed the seigniory of venice , the which if it be not assisted by other princes of christendom , standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the turk ? i have once already said it , and cannot say it too often ; god grant that all the princes of christendom , yea the child that is unborn , have not just occasion one day to curse the king of spain for enforcing the states to know and use their strength . let us remember the weakness of the switzers , and call to minde upon what occasion they began to encanton themselves ; how base men they were that were the first authors thereof ; how stansfather gualter first , and arnold melthdiall detesting the unsupportable tyranny of the governor greisleir , drew first divers gentlemen , and then the inhabitants of a few towns to conspire the death of their governour , and the banishment of all the officers set over them by the house of austria ; how they beat down to the ground all their castles ; how they perswaded the towns of sinty , ury , and underwald to free and emancipate themselves from the thraldom and bondage wherein they lived under the house of austria ; how after this association others entred into league with them , and briefly , how after their general confederacy , they lived many years contented with their own , and scant knew what wealth meant : was it not wonderous that after the notable victory which they had at grason against charles duke of burgondy , they knew not the worth or value of the goods that came to their hands ? will any man beleeve that they should tear into a thousand pieces the fairest pavilion that ever was seen in the world ? may it be credited that they sold great dishes and platters of clean silver , thinking that they had been of tin , for six pence a piece ? will it not seem incredible that the fairest diamond that was in those dayes in the world , and had a very great and rich pearl hanging thereat , was sold unto a priest for a florin , and that he sent it unto their chief governor , who gave him but three franks , which is a french crown , for the same ? and to what reputation are these people now grown ? are they not held the best pikemen of the world ? do not the greatest princes of europe seek their amity and alliance ? strive they not who shall first entertain them , and continue longest in league with them ? have they not more liberty in italy then any nation whatsoever ? are not the grisons their confederates , free from the inquisition , a freedom not granted unto any nation but unto them ? was there not a time when a king of france , for calling them base people , was forsaken by them , and made a prey unto his enemies ? did they not in revenge of that disdainfull word , make a road into his country ? and had they not come unto the walls of paris , if they had not been intreated and hired for great rewards to return into their country ? who can desire a more notable and worthy example of valour and fortitude , then they shewed in navar in italy , where they being in a strong citty , and not needing to make any sally out , they came forth upon the french that lay before the town , went proudly and without fear , upon the fearfull and terrible mouthes of their greatest artillery , took the same and bended it upon their enemies , whom with the onely help thereof , they put to a most shamefull flight , and to the edges of their unmercifull swords ? when we remember these men , and enter into cogitation of the premisses , we must justly fear that the hollanders and their adherents may one day have the like mindes and the like fortune ; and if they should chance to grow to the like greatness , be it of minde or of fortune , let us consider what advantage they shall have of princes ; even the same advantage which titus livius mentioneth in the comparison which he maketh betwixt alexander the great and the romans . for they have many alexanders , whereas a kingdom should have but one ; and with this ones death his whole state should be endangered ; whereas the losse of some of their alexanders shall not endanger their state ; and kingdoms enterprises shall perish with their king , and their attempts shall be performed by their surviving alexanders ; briefly , the kings posterity shall not resemble him , and their successors sh●ll rather excel then not imitate them . thus to have all the low-countries governed by a few states , or by one prince , wholly depending upon the king of spain , were in one and the same measure dangerous ; and therefore it were convenient for us in wisdom and policy , to erect and establish such a prince as should neither a●together depend upon france , nor be wholy devoted unto spain ; or else to divide the seventeen provinces into divers several cantons , and to nourish continually a diversity of opinions and religions amongst them ; whereby some of them being led to affect us , and others to favour princes of their religion , they shall be neither holpen nor hurt by them more then we , nor we more then they . besides , experience yeeldeth us this comfort , that as long as we shall entertain a free and loving 〈◊〉 entercourse of trade and traffique with them , whereby their people may be inriched , their cities frequented , and their several artificers maintained and nourished , so long may we be assured of their fast friendship and amity . for if , when as that notable contention and competency for the crown of france was between edward the third , and philip de val●ys , although lewis the earl of flanders favoured the french king , because he was his vassal , yet the common people affected and furthered our kings claim and quarrel , and would not be drawn from us by any manner of whatsoever perswasion ; why may we not hope to fined the like affection in them even against their soveraign , if we should have the like occasion to use their furtherance ? for as then many of their towns standing wholy upon the trade of wooll , with which their diers , fullers , and other such artificers were maintained , they would not leave us to lean to their prince , because if our king should not have sent thither our woolls , they knew not how to live , and for that france was not able to hurt them so much as england could do both by sea and by land ; so now if they should want such commodities any long time , as we send over unto them ; although they be now far stronger by sea then they were then ; yet either the regard of profit , or the fear of discommodity and hurt that might arise unto them by the discord betwixt us and them , would cause them to stand fast and ass●●ed unto us , rather then unto our enemies ; especially if we shall entertain some such faithfull friends unto us amongst the common people , as were the before mentioned artevild , boscanus , agricola , and others . thus spain being weakned , and the low-countries , either all , or the most part thereof well-affected unto us , we shall stand in less danger and fear of france , whose troubles and divisions , although they begin now somewhat to cease ; yet i fear me , that when they are once utterly extinguished , they will be quickly revived again : for as fire being but covered over with ashes , and not throughly put out , is soon kindled again ; so reconciled friends , the causes of their former contentions not being wholly removed , upon very light occasions fall again to strife and variance . the experience thereof was seen in the reign of henry the third of england , and in the time of lewis menervensis earl of flanders , whose nobility and subjects were often reconciled unto them , and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment . and france in my simple opinion , although the king that now raignneth , and his discontented subjects were never so well reconciled , would quickly return again into civil dissentions . for the king being most honest , frank , open-hearted , free-minded , sometimes somewhat hasty , so earnest of that which is laid before him , that he hath less regard of that which is passed , and also unto that which he must follow ; and lastly , so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune , that he can neither conceive , nor careth to prevent far fetched practises ; these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment , even perhaps in his best and his most loving subjects ; every man that hath deserved little , will demand much , when his kingdom is frank and free ; and will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him ? an open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief , nor conceal an injury ; and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs , many injuries offered him ? an hasty man never wanteth wo ; and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty : and then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow , or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him , he that hath but one eye may see that he cannot long continue in peace and amity with such subjects as shall be still encouraged by other forraign potentates to rebel against him ; and that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest , that his subjects shall not want this encouragement . thus have i satisfied your request in every point that it pleased you to give me in charge . in some things i have been somewhat briefer then i would , and in other perhaps longer then i should . the length may be excused , because all things being done for your pleasure , i hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein i was carried away with the great delight that i took in handling the same ; and the brevity is excusable , because when i saw that my treatise was grown to be somewhat long , i thought it convenient to hasten to an end . excuse both , and tender my credit ; and accuse me of unkindness if i be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like task hereafter , when years shall have encreased my sl●nder experience , and experience shall have perfected my simple knowledge . finis . to the reader . a libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a civil or ecclesiastical court , may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto . a witness which after publication is once granted cannot justly be received , may be lawfully examined upon new articles depending upon the former ; and a iudge after the deposition of witnesses are communicated to both parties , may by vertue of his office , and to inform his own conscience , re-examine a witness . if additions and declarations may be allowed in matters of iudgement , and iudicial courts , and especially in the examinations of witnesses , which may easily be corrupted , i hope it shall not be offensible in me , to make a declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent treatise ; especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate , then any way to enlarge my discourse ; and all or the most part of that which i have thought good to add in this place , came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished . farewel , and judge so of my labours , that you discourage me not to labour for you again , in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment . a svpplement to the history of the state of christendom . after that i had thorowly ( as i thought ) finished my task , and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see ; of some briefly , and of divers more at large : i hapned upon a book called podaces de historia ; that is to say , the fragments of an history : the which was lately imprinted and written ( as it is supposed ) by antonio peres , somtimes secretary unto the king of spain , and now residing in london ; not as a rebellious fugitive ( as many of our countrymen live in spain ) but as a gentleman , that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings , then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful king. this book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my treatise , in regard whereof , and for that divers men both speak and think diversly , as well of the maker , as of the matter thereof , i have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book . may it therefore please you to understand , that whereas don iohn was sent by the spanish king to govern the low-countries , he had a secretary appointed him by the king , called iohn de soto , a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible ( as wise and worldly servants most commonly do ) first to know , and then to feed his masters humour , and by feeding thereof , to seek his own profit and preferment : in which his endeavours he proceeded so far , that the spaniard fearing lest that his brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique secretary , might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his kingdoms and dominions , thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master : but because he doubted , that if iohn de soto were removed from don austria's service , and not preferred to some place better then the secretaryship was , it would not only discontent the servant , but also displease the master : for the better contentment and satisfaction of both , he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity ; and with advice of his council , placed in his room iohn escovedo , a man of a milder nature , and in the kings opinion , not so fit at that time as the other was , to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises . this man advertised the king his master of all don iohn de austria his doings , and sought rather to please the king , then the young duke his master . but at length he followed the footsteps of his predecessor , and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his masters humours ; he found quickly that his master loathed the name of duke , and longed to be a king ; that the pope and princes of italy were as desirous as he to make him king ; that the best way to induce the spanish king to yeild his consent thereunto , was to entreat the pope to write unto his brother in his behalf ; and that england was a kingdom for his purpose , and worthy the conquering . a plot is laid how to invade england , and conquer it ; and the pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the spanish king , and don iohn for the execution before , and the possession after the conquest . the pope writeth unto the king in the behalf of his brother ; he fearing that when his brother had obtained england , he would not rest satisfied therewith , but coveted greater matters , and that he should find many christian princes ready to assist him in his endeavours , thanketh the pope for his loving and kindly care of his brothers advancement ; and denieth not his suit , for fear he should offend his brother ; but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter ; for the enterprize ( said he ) is honourable , but hard and difficult ; and my brother a fit man to be employed therein , but his credit must be regarded ; and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour , if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires . this answer runneth for currant , until the plot laid for england was prevented , and broken by the wisdom and policy of the queen , and council of england . then don iohn and his secretary , together with the pope and other italian princes , think upon another kingdom for him , and altogether practise how to make him king of tunis , a place that required a man of his worth , as well to keep it , as to contain the turk within his limits . the pope therefore writeth again unto the spanish king , praying him to bestow the kingdom upon his brother : he entertaineth both the pope and his brother as he did for england ; alwaies forbearing to make don iohn greater and might●er then he was himself . all these practises with the pope were done secretly , and escovedo was the man that was still employed in them : the king was never made privie unto them , until that the popes nuntio talking by chance with antonio peres , revealed all their secret intelligences with the pope , and he presently made report thereof unto the king. the spanish ambassador also advised the said peres , that don iohn de austria by means of escovedo , had great recourse unto the king , with whom his messenger had several privie conferences , and never acquainted him with any ; and after they had been with the king , they went unto the duke of guise , who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between don iohn and the said duke , upon pretence , that the defence of both kingdoms , france and spain , was the cause of this league ▪ antonio peres imparteth the news unto the king , who dissembleth his knowledge thereof , and entertaineth both his brother , and his brothers secretary , with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection . don iohn wearied with continual crosses , and untoward proceedings in flanders , resorted on the sudden into spain , without giving the king any notice of his coming : the king giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment , confer together about his preferment , and dispatcheth him in all haste for flanders , pretending the troubles there to be such , as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his state. don iohn departing , leaves escovedo behind him , to solicite and follow his business in his absence . here endeth escovedo's prosperity , and beginneth antonio peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time : for when the duke don iohn was gone , the king consulteth with him how to proceed against escovedo : then they call to mind all their former intelligences ; they think it dangerous to send him back again into flanders , because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour : then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by order of law , because that was to call his brother in question , and so to offend his brother , thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies : then they resolve that the best and safest course was , to give escovedo a baccado , that is , a morsel to shorten his days ; because that being done secretly , his brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him . this resolution being thus taken , antonio peres is commanded by the king to put the same in execution ; and he performeth the charge so cunningly , that no man but he and the king knew by whom escovedo was poysoned . he being dead , his son pedr● escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him ; and seeking , findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against antonio peres , which is nourished by peres his enemies . escovedo counselled by peres adversaries , and his fathers best friends , presenteth an humble supplication to the king , wherein he accuseth antonio peres of his fathers death , and beseecheth his majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of law and justice against the murtherer . his petition is received and read by the king , that he shall have justice with all favour and expedition : peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house , and order is given for his examination : the king wavereth betwixt hope and fear , as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt ; somtimes he hopeth well , because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and peres , he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter : and somtimes he doubteth that peres may in hope of pardon from him ( by whom he was set on work ) confess the murther , and the cause thereof . these perplexities thus troubling the king , peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions ; somtimes he liveth in hope , because the king comforteth him , and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation ; within a while after he beginneth to fear , because he is committed to harder durance , commanded to confess the fact , and conceal the cause ; willed to compound with his accuser , and so eagerly prosecuted , that he flyeth to aragon ; the people there ( being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him , and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge ) rise up in arms , make ghilmesa their head , and by main force deliver him out of prison ; he being at liberty , flyeth into france , and thence cometh into england . thus you have briefly heard the fact , now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact . the questions are these , . first , whether the king commanding escovedo to be murthered in this manner , may not worthily be accompted and called a murtherer ? . next , whether antonio peres obeying this commandment , hath not committed as great an offence as the king ? . then , whether the king being found a murtherer , deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated for this murther , better then the king of france did deserve to be deprived of his life and crown , for murthering the duke of guise ? . lastly , whether this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other princes , who having committed the like offences , have endured and undergone the like punishment ? to clear the first question , it shall be needful to know whether the king had just occasion offered him by escovedo , to cause him to be murthered ? for though princes have life and death over their subjects , yet he is to be accompted a tyrant that causeth any of his subjects to be done to death , without having deserved to lose his life ; and this authority given them by law , and common consent of their subjects , tendeth to no other purpose , nor respecteth any other end , then that sin may be punished , and malefactors not permitted to live , both to the scandal and detriment of well doers . if therefore escovedo committed no offence worthy of death , the king had no power , no warrant , no authority to take away his life ; his offence therefore must be known , the nature , quality , and circumstances thereof well examined , and duly considered , and according as his crime shall fall out , and prove to be great or small , pardonable or capital , so shall the kings actions seem punishable or excusable . all that antonio peres his book chargeth him withal , is , that he had secret intelligence with the pope , the king of france , and the duke of guise , wherein he was set on by his master don iohn de austria , who was the king's lieutenant general , and by vertue of this office , represented the kings own person , and was armed with his authority , if not in all things , yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission . the question then must be , whether the secretary unto such a lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master , may be taken and condemned for a traytor ? treason hath many branches , and is of divers kinds , and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all : and it shall suffice to declare , whether any of the actions specified in this accusation , be within the compass of treason : he wrote letters ; to whom ? to the pope : why ? he was no enemy , but a friend to the king of spain : what was the tenor and contents of this letter ? nothing else , but that it might please his holiness to recommend one brother unto another : why ? that was an office of kindness , and not of treason : and for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended ? forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against england ; why , that service liked the king , and proceeded first from him , it tended to his benefit , it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs , against his enemy ; and all this is no treason : and for whom wrote he ? for don iohn de austria , his kings brother , the pope's darling , and turks scourge , the princes of italies favourite , the queen of englands terror , and the whole worlds wonder . but he wrote without the king's privity ; how shall he know that ? had he not good cause to think , that all that he did was done with the king's counsel and consent ? had he not eyes to see , and ears to hear , and discretion to consider , that whatsoever was done against england , should be both grateful and acceptable unto the king ? i , but he might think that the king would not be content to have his brother made a king ; why ? he was his lieutenant already , and so next to a king ; he had done him great service , and was to do him more , and so deserved no small recompence ; he had the title of a duke , but no living fit for a duke ; the vertues and valour of a king , but no possibility to be a king but by his brothers favour and furtherance ; briefly , he desired that honour , and escovedo perhaps thought the king meant to prefer him to that honour ; the rather , because the king might be led to advance him to a kingdom in his life time , by his fathers example , who prefers his brother ferdinando to the empire , before he died himself ; why then , be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation , or beguiled with the love of his master , or went further then he had warrant to go , why , lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of ; and as to annoy a princes enemy , so to pleasure his friend was never punishable , or at any time accounted treason . but when the enterprise against england failed , he solicited the pope for the kingdom of tunis ; but how ? not to have it without the kings good leave and liking : and when made he that motion ? even then , when the princes of italy , and the wisest counsellors of europe stood in fear of the common enemy , doubted that tunis might be recovered by the turk , and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a prince there , as was don iohn de austria ; who having the kingdom in his own right , would be the more willing and ready to defend it : and was this desire an offence ? or , could this motion be counted treason ? he might have remembred that don iohn de soto was removed from serving don iohn de austria , because he furthered him in the like enterprizes : but he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity ; which gave him just occasion to think , that the king rather liked then disallowed his actions . thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the pope . now it remaineth to consider , how this dealing in france with the king , or the duke of guise , may be justly esteemed a crime capital . it appeareth that the french king was then in league with the spaniard , whose ambassador was then residing in his court ; and ambassadors are not permitted to remain , but where there is a league of amity betwixt princes . the guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards spain then towards france : and the enterprize of england might seem unto don iohn de austria very difficult , yea impossible , without some favour , without some help from france ; if then to favour this enterprize , he had some secret intelligence with france , is he therefore blame-worthy ? or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his masters desire and purpose ? do princes prescribe unto their lieutenants or ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs ? do they not rather give them a few short instructions , and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions ? is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments ? is not this the cause that when they send young noblemen either to wars , or ambassadors , or to forraign governments , they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise counsellors ? briefly , is it not this that moveth them to command that their young lieutenants , ambassadors , or governours , shall do nothing without their counsellors ? i know that it is very dangerous to be employed in princes affairs ; danger in conceiving a message , and danger in delivering the same , and danger in reporting an answer thereunto : and yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly ; that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do ; and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent ; yet he committeth not a crime worthy of death , unless his princes state be greatly endangered by his fault and folly . let all the ancient and new histories be perused that handle matters of state ; all the large volumns of civilians be read that ever writ of points of treason ; and all the negotiations that have passed betwixt prince and prince be well and duly considered ; and it will appear , that never any princes servant or minister hath lost life for practising with his masters friends and allies , unless it were proved , that through his fault , of friends they were made enemies : for the laws take not any man to be a traytor , by whom his princes state is not weakned or endangered ; or his countries adversaries strengthned or assisted , in deed , or in counsel , by advice , or by action . then since it was not proved that escovedo his practises with the king of france , or with the house of guise , tended to the disadvantage of his prince , to the loss of his realms , the diminution of his friends , but rather to the advantage of the kings brother , the benefit of the low countries , and the continuance of the league and amity betwixt france and spain . for don iohn de austria his league with the duke of guise , was concluded for the benefit and defence of both kingdoms ; i see no reason why escovedo should lose his life for contracting with france openly or secretly , with the kings pleasure , or without his commission ; especially if it were not shewed that he had some express commandment not to deal in any matter of what nature soever with france without his privity . for although it be a fault in a servant to be over-busie in his masters affairs , into which divers servants fall , many times either because they are desirous to be always doing somthing ; or for that they think they cannot be too careful and vigilant in any thing that concerns their masters ; yet it is an offence pardonable : and the fault that proceedeth from temerity and rashness , deserveth rather commiseration then cruelty ; pardon then punishment : especially unless it be such a fault that hath no certain kind of chastisement appointed out by the law. but escovedo was once well affected unto the kings service , and afterwards changed that affection . but how will this be proved ? bartell in his book de guelphis & gibellinis , setteth down four causes , or changes , or signs of a changed affection , and of a mans mind estranged and departed from that faction which he once liked and followed . the first , if he have any sudden occasion of quarrel and contention with a man that is mightier then himself amongst his own faction . the second , if any inheritance or great commodity be fallen unto him , which he cannot enjoy unless he leave his old friends , and lean unto their enemies . the third , if he be lately joyned in affinity with the contrary faction . and the fourth and last , if moved with any of these causes , he departeth from one side unto another . of these four signs , which was found in escovedo ? had he any quarrel with any one about his king that was greater then himself ? it appeareth not ; and don iohn de austria testifieth unto the king , that he was generally well liked and loved of all men . had he any league of kinred or affinity in rome or france ? it was never urged against him , and he never sought any occasion of any such alliance . left he his masters service to serve the pope or the french king ? there was nothing further from his heart . had he any pension of the pope , any fee of the french king , any yearly reward of the house of guise ? the intelligence that was given against him mentioneth no such matter ; and although he had some benefit by all these , yet it maketh him no traytor . for servants and kings counsellors may and do usually receive rewards of their princes enemies , much more of their friends , which are given to the end they should do some good offices about their king ; and what counsellor can be greatly blamed , if he take a reward of an enemy to effect that which he knoweth his master would have effected ? or who can justly think evil of that counsellor , who when an enemy seeketh a peace that will be both honourable and profitable to his prince , receiveth some notable reward to be a mediator of such a peace ? is it not good to ease an indiscreet enemy of his money ? and have you not heard of philip de commines , that divers great officers of england had yearly fees of the french king , and yet were held and taken ( and that not wrongfully ) for good and faithful counsellors unto their own king and country ? it is noted for indiscretion , and a great over-sight in the seignory of venice , that when they send their generals into the field against their enemies , they give them express charge and commandment , not to fight a battel without leave of the senate ; because while they are sending for that leave , they many times lose very good opportunities to overthrow their adversaries : for that oft times it falleth out , that the time , the place , and other circumstances , give him opportunity to do better service then he should be able to do , if he were precisely fastned unto his instructions . and undoubtedly the late duke of parma might have benefitted the spaniard much more then he did in the low countries , had he not been constrained to let slip many good occasions whilst he attended for advice and resolution out of spain . and it is certain that don iohn de austria after his victory at lepant● , might have done great service unto all christendom , had he not refused , when he was requested by the venetians to follow the victory , because he had no warrant out of spain to go further then he did . and the duke of medina might ( as common fame reporteth ) in the late spanish enterprize against england , have annoyed our realm much more then he did , had he not stood so nicely to his commission . if therefore flanders , which in those days was very tumultuous , and subject to divers accidents ; if france , which favoured not england at that time , so much as it doth at this present ; if the pope who wanted not a number of fugitives to incense him against england ; if the house of guise which had their secret friends , and their privie practises in england ; if england it self , which was the mark whereat the pope , the spaniard , and don iohn de austria did shoot ; briefly , if all these together might minister many sudden occasions , speedy resolutions , and better furtherance from france , from rome , then from escovedo's practises were tolerable , and his secret dealings gave the spanish king no just occasion to put him to death . it remaineth to see , whether the cause of his death being unjust , the king had any reasonable excuse to extenuate the murther ; he that cannot escape death but by killing another , shall not be punished by death if he kill another ; because it is lawful to repel force by force . the husband or father that killeth an adulterer in committing the fact with his wife or daughter , is not punished with death by law , because the greatness of his sorrow excuseth the grievousness of his offence ; and a man that being provoked by another by word or deed , killeth the provoker , is not subject to extream rigour of justice ; because whatsoever is done in heat of choler , is rather excusable in mercy , then punishable with extremity . the king of spain's life stood in no danger as long as escovedo lived , he had offered no violence to his wife or daughter , and if he gave him any occasion to be angry or displeased with him , there was time enough betwixt the occasion given , and the hour of his death , to allay the heat , and to asswage his wrath . there is not therefore any one just cause to excuse this murther , but many to aggravate the same . for first , a king commanded it to be committed ; and kings ought to preserve , not murther their subjects . next , an innocent man was murthered ; and it is better to save many offenders , then to condemn one innocent . then the murtherer was as it were a father to the murthered ; kings are called fathers of their subjects . again , escovedo was no stranger , but the kings servant ; and it is much more grievous to kill an houshold servan● , then a stranger . again , escovedo was no base person , but of good worth , and of divers good qualities ; and he offendeth more that killeth an adulterer of good sort , then he that murthereth one of vile and base condition . again , escovedo had deserved well of the king , and had done him many good services ; and ingratitude is a detestable , vice , a fault punishable by law. again escovedo was done to death against law ; and to murther a man without law , is a double breach of law : a breach in the murther , and a breach in not observance of law. again escovedo was poysoned ; and the murther that is done with poyson ( because it is trayterously done ) is much more grievous then that which is performed . therefore lastly , when poyson took no effect , he was killed with a sword ; and the murther that is iterated , is more hainous , it argueth perseverance in wickedness , it sheweth that the offender is obdurate in malice , it betrayeth his cruelty , and declareth that nothing but death will satisfie him ; so it is sin in a prince to think on such a murther , wickedness to command it to be done , cruelty to thirst after innocent blood , ingratitude to render evil for good , treason to take away a mans life by poyson , and of all treasons the greatest , when poyson faileth , to use the sword , and when god hath miraculously preserved an innocent man , to attempt his death again , and never to desist until he was massacred . for princes are armed with authority , but they are to use the sword only against the wicked ; they may be cruel , but with a kind of mercy and compassion ; they may censure all mens actions , but with remembrance of mans imbecility , with grief for their fall , with sorrow for their temptation , with hope of their amendment , and with a desire of their conversion . they must think that ignorance may mislead them , satan seduce them , sin get the upper hand of them , gods good grace abandon them , and that being destitute of his favour , they are no more able to make any resistance against the divel 's temptations ; and when they have thought upon all this , they must look upon themselves , and in themselves consider , that they be angry , but without fin ; they may be moved , but not so much as to forget to do justice ; punish offenders without hatred to their persons , and not before that reason hath mastered their own affections , mercy hath mitigated their rigour , and wisdom hath nullified all the extremity of their inordinate passions . this murder being then in thought , in action , in continuance , and in iteration impious and detestable , it resteth therefore to shew whether antonio peres yeilding his consent , and putting his helping hand thereunto , be not guilty of escovedo his death as well as the king. for the affirmative it may be said , that in cases of felony , murther , and treason , the principals and accessaries are held to offend in one and the same measure ; because they are most commonly subject to one and the same manner of punishment : that servants to private men , and counsellors to princes , must obey god rather then their masters , the almighty in heaven , rather then the mighty on earth : that peres knew in conscience that escovedo had not deserved death : that no man should do any thing against his conscience ; and that counsellors attend upon princes to be disswaders of their follies , and not executioners of their furies . it had therefore been the part of antonio peres , when he saw his king resolute to have escovedo murthered , not to have reprehended his wicked intention presently , but to have attended some convenient time when the kings fury and anger had been past , when he would have hearkned unto reason , and given an attentive ear unto good counsel , and then not to have spared his tongue or his pen , his counsel or his cunning , his wits , or his credit with his master , until he had changed his mind . for wise and discreet officers unto princes , will not presently obey their hasty , furious , and unadvised commandments , but give them time to allay , and pacifie , and to consider with themselves what they have commanded , and what mischiefs and inconveniencies may follow of their commandments : and the prince that hath such , may think himself happy ; and when of a servant to his passions he returneth happily to himself , that is to be a right prince , then will he thank them heartily for their good counsel . it is written of a duke of britany , that when he had taken clission an high constable of france , who had made the french his mortal enemy and caused him to work his countries great harm and annoyance , he delivered him into the hands of iohn bavilion his trusty and faithful servant , and commanded him to be caused to be drowned secretly : bavilion considering what danger might follow of his rash and hasty commandment , preserved the constable ; and within a few days after , when he saw the duke his master very pensive and sorrowful , he presumed to demand the cause of his grief : the duke not being able to conceal any thing from him , although he thought not to have found such comfort as he did by him , acquainteth bavilion with the ●●use of his heavines , which was , that he had caused the constable so unadvisedly to be made away ; bavilion seeing the time fit to declare what he had done , let the duke understand that clisson lived ; and by way of advice told him , that by restoring his prisoner in safety without a ransome unto the french king , he should bind the constable to do him all manner of good offices about the king of france , purchase the kings assured friendship , and procure his own countries safety and quiet : for which good counsel the duke thanked him as much as for saving the constable , and found that by following the same , he and his subjects lived afterwards in great peace and tranquility . had antonio peres imitated this bavilion , the spanish kings honour had not been blemished as now it is , escovedo's children had not troubled him as they did , peres himself and his posterity had not endured the calamities which he and they suffer , and aragon had not tasted the miseries and inconveniences which fell upon aragon . in handling of the negative , i may not altogether excuse antonio peres ; for i know , and so must he , that his reputation should have suffered less indignity , his conscience less troubled , and he should undoubtedly have less to answer for hereafter , if he had imitated bavilion ; but because it is hard in these days to find any prince like unto the duke of britany , few counsellors or ministers dare adventure to follow the footsteps of bavilion . for they remember that hydaspes or harpagus , as before , being commanded by astyages to kill cyrus , saved the harmless innocent , but his son smarted for his fathers offence , and the father could not chuse but smart and sorrow in his sons death . they remember , that cambyses his servant spared croesus , when they were commanded to kill him , but he lived , and his wife was the cause of their death ; and this remembrance maketh them fear the princes displeasure , and this displeasure putteth them in fear of their lives , and this fear causeth them willing to obey and execute their hasty and furious commandments , the rather , because they see that although princes somtimes chance to return to favour those persons whom they willed to be destroyed , yet they always hate those ministers that would not destroy them at their commandment . and peres knew , or might learn that a princes judges may command an ordinary or an inferiour judge to execute his sentence , and he upon whom he layeth this command , is bound to execute the same , although he knoweth that his sentence be unjust ; and if the ordinary or inferiour judge shall refuse to obey his commandment , the delegate may inforce him thereunto by excommunication and ecclesiastical censure . and this is so true , that the popes legate , who is an ordinary , and one of the highest dignities that may be , cannot impeach or hinder a sentence given by the popes delegate ; and the delegate may , if it please him , both command and compel the popes legate to execute his sentence , because that in the cause that is so committed unto him , he is greater then the popes legate . and if a popes legate may be constrained to obey a judge delegate , how much more may an inferiour judge , or a common or a mean ordinary be enforced to yeild him dutiful obedience . the reason why this obedience is required , because he unto whom the execution of sentence is only committed , hath no authority to examine the equity or injustice thereof ; he must think that all is just that such a judge doth , he must look upon the commission and commandment given unto him , without making any further enquiry into the matter , and he must presume that whatsoever might be said against that sentence , hath been already said , and duly considered . now if this obedience must be shewed unto a judge delegate , and for no other reason but for that he representeth the princes person , how much more ought a kings commandment not to be disobeyed , although he should will and command any man to hang one of his subjects , without acquainting him with the cause , or examining the same cause before his commandment ; for the pleasure of a prince is held for a sufficient cause , and he hath no superiour who may presume to examine his will or his actions . and this is so true , that no manner of proof may be admitted against this general and infallible conclusion . again , a judges authority maketh that just which was otherwise unjust ; for although whatsoever is done by a false guardian be not lawful , especially if it be done to his prejudice that is under years ; yet if the civil magistrate shall ratifie such a guardians action , it shall be of full force . shall not a king from whom such authority is derived have the like power , the like prerogative ? again every superiours authority and commandment must be obeyed , and he that obeyeth not must dye the death , and may be lawfully called and chastised as a rebel . now to apply all that hath been said unto ant. peres his case ; the resolution of the second question may be briefly this ; if he knew , either because the king had acquainted him therewithal , or that in conscience he was assured that the king would not command any unjust thing , that escovedo had deserved death , he might boldly see him executed . or , if it were doubtful unto him whether escovedo had given the king just occasion to command his death , he needed not fear to perform his commandment . but if his secret conscience could tell him that the king had not just cause of death against escovedo , then undoubtedly it had been peres his part not to have obeyed . for as the judge who is bound to judge secundum allegata & probata , if any thing be falsly proved before him , and he not know that it is so , shall do better to give over his office , then to pronounce sentence against his own conscience . so antonio peres , although it had been dangerous for him to refuse to obey , and execute his princes command , yet if he knew that the same was repugnant to the word of god , which permitteth no man to be slain without just desert , he should have done better to obey god then his king. for although a king be called god's minister , and his judgements seem to proceed from god's own mouth , yet when he doth wrong , and breaks god's commandments , he is not then god's minister , but the divel 's and then he is no judge , no king , because he leaveth god , and fulfilleth not that charge which the almighty hath laid upon him ; and he that obeyeth not his king in such commandments , obeyeth god ; yea the subject against whom the king taketh such unlawful course , may defend himself against his violence and oppression . betwixt god therefore and antonio peres his conscience be it , whether he proceeded against escovedo in malice or in justice ; and if his conscience shall accuse him , undoubtedly he shall one day finde , that the fear of the princes displeasure will be no sufficient warrant , or lawful excuse , and that it had been better for him to have said unto his king , god commandeth me one thing , and you another ; he biddeth me not to kill , and you command me to murther ; he threatneth me if i obey not him , and you menace me if i disobey you ; but you threaten me with imprisonment , he with hell ; you with short pain , and he with everlasting torment ; you with death , and he with damnation : and therefore good king give me leave to lean to him , and leave you . now followeth the third question , a matter the proof whereof must rest upon the spanish king's conscience , and antonio peres his voluntary confession , which is a slender kind of proof , and especially against a king , for exceptions may be made and taken against it : as that antonio peres bewrayeth his own filthiness , and therefore is not to be heard ; that he is but one witness ; that he is as socius criminis , and therefore his accusation of little force ; and many other like , which for brevity i omit , and will dispute tanquam ex concessis , and have two principal reasons to induce me thereunto . the first , because i presume that no man will be so impudent as to accuse a king , and his own soveraign to his face , and to the view of all the world , of a horrible murther , unless his accusation were true , and tended rather to purge himself , then to defame and discredit his prince . the second cause , i find that the spanish kings friends and favourers have not made any conscience or difficulty to calumniate our princess , her life and actions , upon far more slender presumptions then we have of this murther . the author of that seditious book which was written against the late king of france , delivereth it for his resolute opinion , that the said king deserved to lose his crown , because he not only consented , but also commanded the duke of guise , and the cardinal his brother to be murthered . he aggravateth his murther by three principal reasons and instances . the first , because they were innocent . the second , because they were allied unto the king , and the third , because they were massacred by common murtherers . these reasons have already been sufficiently reproved . their innocency hath been shewed to be horrible treasons , their alliance unto their king not worthy of pardon or commiseration , and their death to be warrantable by law and equity . it resteth to make a brief comparison betwixt them and escovedo ; and the comparison may be this : escovedo practised with friends , they with foes . he for the king's brother , they against the king , his brother , and all his blood . he to the benefit of his prince and country , they to the hurt and ruine of the king and his realm . he with the consent and command of the king's lieutenant , they against the will and pleasure of all the king 's loving and faithful officers . he to reduce the king's subjects to their obedience , they to alienate their princes subjects from their allegiance . he to submit strangers unto his princes dominions , and they to subject their prince and country unto strangers . he to ●oyn other countries with the spanish kings , they to dismember and distract many provinces from the french crown . he was never admonished to desist , they were oft-times required to depart from their unlawful league and confederacy . he was cut off before he came to any open action , they lived after they had committed many notable and notorious treasons . he was accused but of presumption , they were convicted by divers and evident proofs . he perished because it was thought he would or might have done evil , they were not executed before it appeared that they had done too much evil . he living could not endanger his kings life , and they ( if they had not been slain when they were ) would have shortned their king's days , and utterly have subverted his realm and their country . briefly , his death did the spanish king no good , their punishment had freed the french king and his country of many troubles and dangers , had not a factious and wicked fryer ended his life before he could see an end of those troubles . if ergo the king of france deserved to be excommunicated and deposed for murthering them , much more deserveth the king of spain the like punishment for massacring him , although they far excelled him in honour and dignity : and if great crimes are to be punished with great penalties , small offences with small correction , and such as the fault is , such is the chastisement , i shall not need to prove my opinion with more arguments . and if the common and ecclesiastical laws have no greater punishment then degradation and excommunication , and both of them are equal unto deposition , unto death in the civil law ; and if for what faults they may be afflicted by an ecclesiastical judge , deposition and death may be imposed for the same crimes by a civil magistrate : murther being punished with degradation and excommunication in an ecclesiastical court , murther must needs be capital before a temporal judge . but what need i stand any longer upon the proof of my opinion ? the author of the before-named seditious book , easeth me of that pain . ergo , since the law saith , such judgement as a man giveth against another , such must he expect and look for himself ; and he that approveth a witnesses honesty and integrity , when he is produced to testifie in a matter for him , cannot refuse to take exceptions against his person , if he chance to be brought forth afterwards for a witness in another cause against him . the leaguers were the spanish king's friends , who by the mouth of this author have condemned the french king for a murtherer , and have thought him worthy to be deprived for those murthers , must needs allow the same reasons , the same law , the same judgement against the spaniard . thus the third question is cleared . now followeth the fourth , in the handling whereof i shall likewise be eased by the same author ; for the same examples which fortifie his opinion , may serve to confirm my assertion . he mentioneth many princes who were deposed , or excommunicated , or censured by the pope for murther . the princes deposed were ptolomeus phisco king of egypt , tarquinus superbus king of rome , philip king of macedonia , herdanus king of castile , and edward and richard both the second , kings of england . the kings excommunicated by the pope , were peter king of castile , whom pope urban excommunicated , because he killed blanch the daughter of the duke of barbon , and divers peers of his realm . maganus nicholas king of denmark , who was likewise excommunicated for the murther committed by his sons procurement on the person of canutus his nephew . and lastly king iohn of england , who incurred the like punishment for causing his nephew arthur to be murthered , without any desert , without any due observance of law or equity . the same author aggravateth again the french king's murther , because the cardinal was an ecclesiastical man , and a man of great calling and dignity ; and proveth again his opinion by the example of henry the eighth king of england , whom the pope excommunicated , and absolved his subjects from the oath and duty of obedience which they owed unto him , because he cause fisher bishop of rochester to be done to death : and by the example of bolislaus king of poland , whom gregory the seventh not only excommunicated , but also deprived him of his crown and dignity , because he had killed holy stomlaus . but it may be said that the french king killed two , and the spaniard but one ; that escovedo was a man of no such quality as the duke and the cardinal ; that their death alone was not the only crime that was proved against the french king , but many other matters as hainous as their murther ; briefly , that in kings , one fault , be it never so grievous , may be pardonable , a few somwhat tolerable , but many must needs be punishable in the highest degree , and with the greatest extremity . to this i may answer , that i have already sufficiently cleared the french king of all that was ( more wrongfully then truly ) laid to his charge ; and that the spanish king may be charged with many crimes , as many as the late king of france ; but in particular . escovedo his death was an horrible murther , but the proceeding of antonio peres and his friends , made it much more horrible ; for wherein did peres offend the king ? was it an offence against his majesty that he fulfilled his commandment , in causing him to be murthered whose death he desired ? was it a treason not to confess this murther , which could not be revealed without the king's prejudice ? was it a fault to confess the murther , as he was commanded , and to conceal the cause , as he was willed ? was it not a crime punishable to compound with the accuser , and to buy his quiet , as peres did with twenty thousand duckets ? briefly , was it a sin unpardonable to blemish his own reputation , and to impoverish himself , and all to please and content the king ? if all these be no faults , then had the king no just cause to be displeased with peres as he was , somtimes friendly , other times hardly pleased , to day favouring him , to morrow persecuting him ; one while promising him great rewards , another while taking from him his own goods , and his own substance ; and if all these be faults , whose faults be these ? are they not the king 's as well as peres his faults ? nay , came they not from the king , and not from peres , who did nothing but what the king commanded him what he thought fit and convenient to be done , which he not only required him , but also promised him great rewards to do ? but grant that peres offended the king highly , what offence had peres his wife and children committed , that they should be imprisoned , and his son lose his ecclesiastical living ? offended they because they became suitors for his enlargement , for his speedy and just tryal ? had he been a manifest traytor , it was lawful for his wife to sue for his pardon . had she been guilty , and consenting to his treason , she could have endured no more then he did , unless he had been first condemned ; and the law favoureth women , even in cases of treason ; because it presumeth that by reason of the infirmity of their sex , they dare not attempt so much as men : and had his son joyned with his mother for his fathers liberty , that was no sufficient cause to take away his living . for the law which enjoyneth a childe to prosecute and revenge his fathers death , if he chance to be killed , upon pain of loss of his childes part and portion , cannot but permit him , yea either expresly or secretly charge him to do his best and uttermost endeavour to preserve and keep his father from a wrongful and undeserved death . and the cannons which permit not the pope , who is a competent and the highest judge in any ecclesiastical cause , to take away a benefice from any man at his pleasure , suffer not a lay prince , who is no competent judge in ecclesiastical causes , according to those cannons , to make his pleasure a just and sufficient reason to deprive any man of a spiritual living . it is ergo manifest , that there was and is great wrong done unto antonio peres , to his wife and children ; and this wrong ceaseth not in them , but reacheth unto others ; and not unto mean men only , nor in the least kinde of injury : for iohn don de la nuca , a man of no mean authority , a magistrate , the chief justice of all aragon , must not be lightly punished ( which had been somwhat tolerable but unjustly beheaded , which was extream tyrannie ; and for what cause ? if i may not tell you , the king 's own letter shall tell you . this letter written by the king unto don iohn alonso , contained these short but sharp words . assoon as you receive this letter , you shall apprehend don john de la nuca , chief iustice of aragon , and let me assoon be certified of his death , as of his imprisonment ; you shall cause his head straightway to be cut off , and let the cryer say thus : this is the iustice which the king our lord commandeth to be done unto this knight , because he is a gatherer together of the kingdom , and for that he raised a banner against his king , who commandeth his head to be cut off , his goods to be confiscated , and his house and castle to be pluckt down to the ground : whosoever shall presume so to do , let him be assured so to die . you see the cause , he is a traytor : how is that proved ? the king said so . he gathered together the commons : how doth that appear ? by the king's letter . he raised a banner against the king : who is his accuser ? the king ; who the judge ? the king ; what tryal had he ? assoon as he was taken he was executed ; a judgement goeth before an arraignment ; and execution before a judgement ; who was the executioner ? don alonso de vargas ; with what solemnity is the execution done ? whoso is a traytor shall die ; so whoso rai●eth the country shall die ; so whoso raiseth a standard in the field against the king shall die so ; all is treason , and all is death , all upon a sudden , and all without due and lawful proof . for such a justice as don iohn de la nuca was , could have no other judge , no man else to condemn him , but a certain court called contes lateras , the king , and the states of the kingdom ; such a crime as was laid to his charge , cannot be heard and determined in aragon by the king , such a sentence as passed against him , hath no more power or force against a mans person , his goods , or his honour , then a sentence given by the complainant against the defendant ; such a king as the king of spain should be in aragon , is no longer a king if he break the laws of the union , and of those laws there are two especial branches , the one , that whensoever the king breaketh those laws , the subjects may presently chuse another king : the other , that all the states , and rich men of the country may assemble together , and forbid any rents to be paid unto the king , until the vassal whom the king doth wrong be restored unto his right ; and the law which he doth presume to violate , be likewise re-established in full force and strength . moreover , because there is no other law and obligation wherewith to binde a king , then with an oath , an oath is taken of the king at his coronation to keep those laws , and the oath is given him with these words : we who are able to do as much as you , do make you our lord and king , with this condition , that you shall keep our laws and liberties , and if you will not keep them , you are not our king. here you see laws broken , a king forsworn , and subjects authorized to depose such a king , or rather , a king de facto deposed , and not only deprivable if he shall break those laws . and in antonio peres his book , you shall see how often and how violently those laws were broken . now it followeth to shew you briefly , whether voluntary perjury , and wilful breaking of laws , be punishable with deprivation in a prince , and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a prince . these questions , if you look upon the rebellion of the flemmings , and the deposition of the scottish queen , are in some measure lightly resolved , but not so fully discussed but that they need a more ample and large declaration . perjury is a most grievous offence , but much more grievous when it is voluntarily committed ; and then a man committeth perjury willingly , when he doth any thing willingly against an oath taken , not by force , but by free will ; not unadvisedly , but with great consideration ; not to his hurt , but to his advantage ; not to perform a thing impossible or dishonest , but to binde and tye himself to a condition that is both possible and honest . for when a man ( not being forced thereunto by just fear or irresistable necessity ) breaketh such an oath , there can be no colour or pretence to excuse his perjury ; it argueth , it convinceth him of fraud and deceit , and giveth an occasion to think that he regardeth not an oath . the seditious author thought the late french king worthy to be deprived for his offence , and yet he hath no such proof of his perjury as may be had against the spanish king. the civil laws hold perjured men for infamous persons , and the cannons receive no infamous person fit to execute an office of honour and dignity . a perjured man is alwaies repelled from bearing witness in any cause whatsoever , because that being convicted to have forsworn himself in one cause , it is not only a presumption , but a sufficient proof that he will depose falsly in another . and this is so true , that although he hath amended his life , yet he cannot be admitted for a witness , be it either in a civil or criminal cause . again a priest that hath forsworn himself for a benefice , is not only deprived of the benefice for which he committed perjury , but also of all other benefices that he had before ; and the bishop that hath deprived him , cannot bestow another benefice upon him ; for the collation that the bishop maketh unto such a man of such a benefice , is void by law. and although a man may say that such a collation made by the pope is good and valuable in law , yet it may be answered , that the pope making the like collation , seems to dispense with the inability of the person , and so the collation is not of force of it self , but by reason of the popes dispensation , who hath full power to dispense with men in such cases . since ergo perjury is a sin so detestable and odious , that it not only excludeth men from preferment and honour , but also removeth them from their offices and dignities which are advanced ; it must needs be granted that the spanish king who hath violated his oath made unto his subjects at the time of his coronation , and broken the laws which he then swore to observe & keep inviolable , may with more reason and justice be deprived of his crown and dignity then the french king , who neither was nor could be justly convicted of the like perjury . but many things may be said for the spaniards purgation , and especially these . first , that subjects cannot receive an oath of their prince , without the authority of some judge , and that a promise made before no competent , bindeth not any man. next , that princes which are above law , are not bound to the observation of their contracts , which have their full force and strength from law ; that princes may change and alter their own laws at their pleasure . then , that although they should be strictly bound to stand to their contracts , yet if they were induced to make a contract touching any thing wherein they were well informed , or if the contract do contain things too much derogating or diminishing their jurisdiction or authority royal , or if they have made a promise that may be very prejudicial unto them , then in these three cases they may lawfully break and violate their contract . and lastly , that an oath containing a promise not being grounded upon some other good cause , giveth no good action , no good bond and obligation ; and notwithstanding that the bond were good , and the oath of force , yet princes who may dispense with others , may give a sufficient dispensation to themselves , and so revoke their contracts ; that if their own dispensations shall not be available , the pope may absolve them of their oath , and from the due observance thereof ; or that if the pope will not absolve them , they need not care or seek for his absolution , because considering their might , their power , and their authority , there is no law , no judge that can compel them to keep their oath , or to observe their contract . to all these observations i answer briefly ; because i mean but to give light unto others , or to my self , to answer them more fully hereafter . the law that requireth the authority of a judge for the validity of a promise , speaketh of a transaction , and for victuals and sustenance , without the magistrates consent and authority , and holdeth the transaction made for victuals for unlawful , because the composition was too little , and the law in these cases is favourable , and the magistrate charged to interpose his authority , when favourable persons are overmuch prejudiced , especially in favourable cases ; and although princes be numb●ed among favourable persons , yet this law stretcheth not unto princes who do usually at their coronation swear to observe the ancient laws and liberties of their kingdoms . and this oath is held lawful , and lawfully taken , as well because general custom hath the ful force and strength of a law , for that the states and commons of the country being then present , do stand , and are taken by general custome , for sufficient judges to give and receive that oath . and although it may be said that neither all the states , nor all the commons , are or can be present at the taking of such an oath , yet the oath shall avail them that are absent , as much as though they were present . but princes being above law , are not so bound to the laws , but they change and alter them at their pleasure . true , unless they be grounded upon the laws of god , and the laws of nature . the first , they may interpret , the second they cannot alter or abrogate ; the first binde them as well as their subjects , and so doth the latter . the breach of the first maketh them odious unto god ; and the breach of the latter maketh them hateful unto men . in breaking the first they offend their creator in heaven ; in violating the latter , they remember not their maker on earth ; for the people and peers of the realm are their makers next unto god. contracts ergo of subjects having their ground , their foundation , and their strength , not from princes laws , but from the laws of nature , binde king and emperour , prince and prelate , lords spiritual and temporal , be it that they are made between a prince and a private man , or the prince and a city , or the prince and any other . the reasons why they are of such force are these . first , it is not lawful to falsifie a mans faith . then , the laws of nature binde men , and perswade them to keep their contracts , and to hold their promise , even unto their enemies . next , the laws of honesty charge their princes to perform their contracts ; there is nothing becometh them better , nothing that commendeth them more , nothing that men require so much at their hands . lastly , princes contracts are as good as laws , and have the same force as laws , in the same strength and vertue against their successors which they have against themselves ; nay , they are of greater strength then princes laws ; for laws may be repealed , but contracts cannot be revoked : the reason of the diversity , laws may alter according unto the times and the occasions , unto which laws must be accomodated , by which laws are occasioned , from which laws received their beginning ; but contracts are irrevocable , they admit no change , no alteration ; and if they be once perfected , they can neither receive addition or substraction , diminution nor enlargement ; they may not be wrested , but taken according to the true and plain meaning of the contrahents . but why they may they not be changed ? why may not a prince alter them ? the reasons are these . before they are made , they are of free will , and when they are once perfected , they are of necessity ; that the emperour of the world cannot add or detract any thing from his contract without his consent to whom it is made , although he were the meanest man in the world , who may be benefited , but not deceived by a contract ; that is , not defrauded of that which is agreed upon in the contract , although it be lawful in bargaining , before the bargain be concluded , to deceive one another . secondly , if princes might revoke their contracts at their pleasure , there should be no good dealing with them , which would be ridiculous ; no trust to their words , which would be dishonest ; no benefit would be gotten by them , which would be illiberal and unbeseeming the majesty of a prince . thirdly , princes actions must be free from scandal , far from deceipt , and not subject unto malice . fourthly , princes are reasonable creatures , and must submit themselves unto reason , lest they be reputed as b. celestine was , not a man , but a beast , because he revoked in the evening the grants which he made in the morning . lastly , other men may attend to profit , but princes must look to honour , and have an especial regard thereof ; and what can be more dishonourable then to break their word , to falsifie their faith , to violate their contract , especially if their word , faith , and contract be fortified and strengthned with a solemn oath , with an oath that being added to a contract , hath these vertues , these qualities , these operations . it maketh their contracts lawful , and of full strength and force , which without an oath are not of weight before god and man. for a young man under yeers , who by reason of his minority cannot contract without authority , consent , and counsel of his guardian , shall be bound to stand to his contract , if he hath sworn to observe and keep the same , his oath strengthneth his contract , and depriveth him of the benefit of restitution to his former and pristine estate , it maketh the person infamous which breaketh such a contract , it debarreth him of any action against the other contrahent , it enforceth him to restore that he hath received , it disableth him to take the forfeiture that is made unto him , it freeth the observer of the contract from any penalty whereinto he is fallen , it benefiteth the absent as the present , it forfeiteth the contract whether it be interposed , either before or after the contract , or at the instant of the making of her , or at any other time , it urgeth and bindeth the contrahents to a strict and due observance , unless it may endanger their souls health , and keep and observe their contracts ; briefly , it hath many other operations , which shall be more fitly mentioned hereafter . but what availeth it to have said all this , if all may be refelled in a few words ; the king of spain was not well informed when he made this contract , when he took this oath , he prejudiced himself greatly in yeilding thereunto , and he weakned his authority too much in submitting himself to the observance of the laws : and all these being proved , or any one of these three inconveniences falling out to be true , he is not bound to the performance of this contract , or of this oath . but how are all or any of these three inconveniences proved ? how can it be that he should not be well informed when he yeilded to this contract ? could he be ignorant of that which all the world knew , which his predecessors did before him , which strangers unto his laws and country knew many years ago ? for guicciardine ( who wrote his book before he was crowned ) writeth in the sixth book of his history , that the aragonian kings have no absolute and kingly authority in all things , but are subject unto the subjects and constitutions of their country , which derogate much from the power and authority of a king. and bodin ( who wrote not many years ) being a frenchman , and having no other knowledge of the laws of aragon but such as he received from others , used in his book the same words of the kings authority , which are used by the king at his coronation . we that are able to do as much as you , make you our lord and king , upon condition that you shall keep our laws and liberties , and if you will not , you shall not be our king. laws bind the present assoon as they are published in their presence and hearing , and the absent shortly after that they come to their notice and knowledge ; those laws therefore being ( as by all likelyhood it seemeth ) made and established at the institution of the aragonian king , could not be hidden from his knowledge , nor prejudicial to his majesty and authority royal. for what blemish is it to a king to submit himself unto those laws which his predecessors were contented to acknowledge and observe . the emperour that made and authorized almost all the civil laws that are now extant , could set it down as a law , that it should be well and worthily done of a prince , be he never so great and mighty , to be pleased to subject himself to his own laws ; it delighteth a good prince , it liketh his subjects , it honoureth kings , and it greatly rejoyceth their vassals . the ancient kings of france ( who are now grown the most absolute kings of the world ) were wont to do nothing that was of any weight or consequence , without the consent of their best and wisest subjects . the kings of poland , denmark , and sweden , cannot make war against their enemies , which is one of the principal marks of soveraignty , without the consent and leave of the states of their country . crommus in the year . withstood the coronation of their king frederick , until that he had sworn solemnly that he would not condemn any nobleman to death , or confiscate his lands or goods , but suffer him to have his tryal by the senate . that all gentlemen should have power of life and death over their subjects , without appeal , or without giving the king any part or portion of the penalties or forfeitures that shall be raised and levied of gentlemens subjects . and lastly , that the king should not give any office whatsoever , without the counsel and consent of the senate . these are hard conditions , and presumptive arguments that the king of denmark may hardly be called a soveraign , and yet frederick yeilded to these conditions , and his successors have ever since observed them ; he , because he could not otherwise do , and they , because they thought it not convenient to deny that which he had granted ; knowing that if they had refused his conditions , they should not be received and admitted unto his succession ; and yet sithence the nobility encroached herein upon their king , i take it to be lawful for his successors to free themselves as soon as they shall be able , from that bondage , and scant princely servitude , if they be not sworn ( as the spaniard is at his coronation ) to see these conditions inviolably kept and observed ; for if they be sworn , i hold it not lawful for him to break his oath ; for men may not voluntarily commit perjury for any temporal commodity ; and it is far better to endure temporal inconveniences and discommodities , then to offend a mans conscience , and endanger his soul. all histories new and old are full of the like indignities offered unto princes by their subjects , as often as the rebellious people have had any good fortune against their soveraigns ; and all law and reason permitteth such princes to redeem their liberty by any means possible , so it be not done contrary to their oath , or done within a convenient time : for though it be true , that nullum tempus occurrit regi ; yet that is most commonly understood in matters of lands , but jurisdiction may be prescribed , and there is nothing more common and ordinary , then for inferiour officers to prescribe their superiours , when they be negligent and careless of their jurisdiction ; and when an inferiour hath fully prescribed , he hath as good right and interest in his prescribed jurisdiction , as any prince hath in the authority which his predecessors have had time out of mind , or from the institution of their kingdoms . be it therefore for that the nobility of aragon have had the before-named priviledge from the first beginning of that royal monarchy , or that they have used the same so long a time as serveth to induce a prescription , or that a general custome hath put them in full and lawful possession thereof , it is not now lawful for the kings of spain , unto whom the kingdom of aragon descended , with all charges and burthens thereunto belonging , to revoke and disanul the same priviledges ; and since that he is bound to observe them , because his predecessors did so , and custome bindeth him so to do , it is not greatly material whether his oath were well and lawfully taken yea or no ; and because he hath sworn to keep them , he cannot dispense with his oath , or of himself remit the conditions whereunto he yeilded at his coronation . for they that swear to do any thing which they are bound to do , although they were not sworn thereunto , binde themselves in double bonds to do the same : the first of honesty , th' other of necessity . as if a merchant should swear not to falsifie any merchandizes that he uttereth , he is bound to observe his promise in honesty , and of necessity ; in honesty , because no conscionable man will falsifie his word ; and of necessity , because his oath made that necessary which was before but voluntary , and so forfeited and strengthned the former bond . but to come more fitly and properly to our matter , what was the point for which iohn de la nuca suffered , antonio peres suffered , part of aragon revolted , and many ( as well good as bad subjects of the spanish king ) were slain in caragoca ? was it not the just grief , and lawful discontentment conceived for the new course , and extraordinary tryal that inquisitors would and should have used against antonio peres ? did not this inquisition breed a tumult in naples , and in flanders , where it brought more to their untimely deaths , then there are living creatures in all aragon ? did you not know that this inquisition was first invented for heretiques , and now it is used , or rather abused , against all sort of offenders ; all kinds of offences being unjustly and maliciously drawn to the notice and cognisance of the unmerciful and rigorous inquisitors , that serve the pope for his executioners , and the spaniards for their tormentors ? did not don iohn de la nuca , and many others know , that ecclesiastical judges are not to deal in temporal causes , be they meerly civil or criminal , against private men , or for the prince ? did not all the people know , or at least might they not have heard , that clergy men cannot be present at a sentence of death , much less give such a sentence ? and briefly , do not all the world know , that it belongeth to him to judge who examineth a cause , and heareth the merits , proofs , and circumstances thereof ? why then should inquisitors judge , and others examine ; especially when the law prescribeth both the examiners and the judges , and where the party accused desireth the benefit of law , and the supreme judge is bound by solemn oath to vouchsafe and yeild him the benefit and fruition of his desire ? but it was the king's pleasure that antonio peres should die ; and when temporal magistrates would not , ecclesiastical judges should condemn him . if antonio peres his death might have contented and satisfied him , why sought he not some friend to make an end of him , in the same manner that he dispatched escovedo for him ? had it not been less known to the world , less danger to the state ? less prejudice to his laws ? he might have been secre●ly murthered with far less trouble then openly condemned , and his injustice in poysoning him should have been known but to the murtherers ; whereas his iniquity in condemning him could not be but apparent unto the fight and view of all the world ; but his ingratitude unto antonio peres for the pleasure done him , by taking away escovedo his life , made others unwilling and fearful to pleasure and gratifie him with the like vilany . alas poor king , that could not finde one in the whole realm to poison a private man , and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a kingdom of murtherers as procurers , as ma●uel aridrada , xpofero de moco , rodorigo marquess stephano ibacco , and the count fuentes , as many executioners , as dr lopas , ferrara , truoca , williams , and york , and more perswaders , as stanley , holt , frogmorton , ower , gefford , northington , paget , tipping , garret , and naddel ; all of one mind , but of sundry nations ; of one desire , but of divers conditions ; of one conspiracy , but of contrary vocations ; to poison a stranger , a woman , a virgin , a princess ; one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice , of pity , favour , and honour : for who doth not justice to a stranger , as god's word commandeth , pitieth not a woman , as man's law willeth , favoureth not a virgin , as humanity requireth , honoureth not a princess , as god's word , man's law , and humanity prescribe ? this only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn , but i must strive to be short ; and if you call to mind what hath been said already , you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity ; and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections . an oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause , bindeth not a man to any performance ; but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a kingdom ? or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a crown and royal diadem ? the gift is contained in these words , [ we make you our king ] and the forfeiture is expressed in these words [ you shall not be our king unless you keep our laws ] the condition is usual and ordinary , for the emperour as soon as he is chosen , taketh the like oath , when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties , jurisdictions , rights , honours , dignities and priviledges of the electors of the sacred empire , as well ecclesiastical as temporal ; and it seemeth , that as the seven electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the emperour of the world , received this bounty of him , so the nobility of aragon , in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their king , in making choice of him for their king , received the like benefit at his hands , and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath , then the nobility of england should have cause to be sorry , if after a number of good and gracious princes , who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient laws and liberties of our realm , and especially in the trial and arraignment of noblemen , the almighty should plague them with such a prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble kingdom , by an honourable jury of twelve peers , but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions . the promise then is good and better for the oath , but the oath may be broken , and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach . he that offendeth in hope of a pardon , is not thought worthy to be pardoned , and although it be a greater commendation in a prince to be prone to shew mercy , ready to forgive , and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his laws , yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against god. i find that princes may dispence with bastardy , restore infamous persons to their good name and fame , make their own children legitimate , not as their fathers , but as their princes ; not as their children , but as their subjects ; free and emancipate bondmen ; briefly , pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their temporal laws . but the cannons ( of which the spanish king will seem to have more regard then any other prince of that religion ) permit not his catholique majesty to dispense with an oath ; that is a priviledge and prerogative which the pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part , and would not take it in good part , that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority ; and he as a dutiful and loving childe , will be loth to offend so good and loving a father . but the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience , will absolve him of his oath . if his fatherly love should make him forget himself so much , as to dispense at one time , not with one , but many crimes ; the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father , and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors . for the pope cannot dispence with wilful murther , such as was the violent death of escovedo ; nor with any thing done against the laws of nature , such as the breach of this contract should be ; nor with an oath , such as this oath is , without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath . but grant that the pope will dispense with this oath , what would or could all avail , when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue , and the aragonian nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their king to the performance thereof ? truly this absolution should benefit him no more , then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds , unto whom he owed so much upon account ; for such a creditor , when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt , is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt : so the spanish king , when he hath with great difficulty , and perhaps with some expences , made himself beholding to the pope for his dispensation , must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath , and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose , but that it should be the great burthen unto his conscience , if he should violate his contract . but how may the aragonian noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract ? by forfeiting his kingdom , by taking away his rents , and by putting the laws whereunto he was sworn into execution . but he is too mighty , and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force . what remedy shall you then find against him ? the course is ordinary ; for every bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn , to keep and observe his oath , which hath alwaies paratum executionem , and is so true , that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a temporal magistrate , a bishop , or ecclesiastical judge , may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination : and this is the reason why many doctors are of opinion , and especially baldus , that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one court to another . but what prelate in spain dareth be so bold as to call his king into his ecclesiastical court ? if the prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the laws , there is another ordinary way . a subject of the emperour may without going to any other judge , convent the emperour himself before the pope , if he will not maintain his bargain or contract ; and if the emperour may be immediately convented by his own subjects before the pope , with much more reason may the spanish king be called in this case to rome , to answer the contempt of his oath , as well because he is inferiour to the emperour , by many degrees , as for that the peers of his realm , and the whole nobility of aragon , are of better consideration , and more regard then any private subject . i finde that the laws and common consent of all doctors , allow subjects , when their princes will not do them right and justice , there principal remedies against such princes . the first , that subjects may compel their prince by his superiour , if he have a superiour to whom he oweth homage and duty , to try the equity of his cause before that superiour . the second , that a subject may convent his adversary before the common ordinary of the diocess , if his lord and prince chance to be negligent in the administration of justice . the third , that the prince denying to do justice to his subjects , may lawfully be deprived of his power and royal authority over them . the first and second perhaps will not seem fit to be practised against the spanish king ; for that although he be a subject unto the pope for many of his kingdoms , yet he will hardly acknowledge that subjection . the third is more proper , and therein the question may be , whether subjects can lawfully expel their prince out of his country , and from his crown and dignity , if he do oppress them too much ? some men hold hardly for the affirmative ; and st. thomas holdeth an opinion , that they may lawfully kill such a prince , and that it were a work somwhat meritorious ; and this opinion is condemned by others ; and the councel of constance determined the contrary against saint thomas ; and yet all agree in this , that subjects need not obey such a prince . in this contrariety i think ( salvo meliori judicio ) that the best course is , to admonish such a prince of his duty , and to pray him to reform , and reform all that is amiss . but who shall admonish him ? his best subjects , and other princes ; and if after such admonition he shall still remain incorrigible , then may his actions , his cruelties , his tyrannies be made known unto the world ; and after this declaration duly justified , and truly certified to all christian princes , it may be lawful to implore , and employ their help and assistance for the speedy suppressing such a manifest and incorrigible oppressor and tyrant . but the emperour is too weak , and the pope will not be willing to joyn against the spanish king. the emperour will be strong enough , if other princes may be entreated to joyn with him in this honourable action ; and the means to perswade him , and entreat them , hath been declared already . it resteth therefore to shew , that the pope may be brought to enter into this action ; it may be doubted that the pope will be hardly induced to displease and offend so mighty a prince , and so faithful a friend as the spaniard . you have heard that leo the tenth , and clement the seventh crossed his father , who was alwaies mightier then he ; and when they saw him to grow to strength , they sought means to weaken him , by joyning in league against him with divers french kings : but to leave his late predecessor , and to come to himself ; was there not a pope who in the flower of the spanish king's youth , when he had not one foot in the grave , as he hath now , did openly oppose himself against him ? did he not imprison his ambassador garcilase de la vega , when he was sent unto him about matters of great weight , and of greater benefit to all christendom ? did he not cast iohn antonio his postmaster at rome into prison ? did he not command that there should be no more any such officer in rome , which had continued there for a number of years together ? how many times did he stay his ambassadour sent out of spain to other princes , took away their packets , opened their letters , and read them ? did he not oftentimes , when he meant to deceive the spaniard , send him ambassadours , to entertain him with vain hopes ; and when they were half way towards spain , revoke them , and command them to go with the said letters , and the same conditions , unto other princes ? did he not in the decree against asconio caciaco , declare his catholique majesty to be an open and professed enemy unto the see of rome ? what could he do more then all this unto the turk , the common enemy of christendom ? what have the later popes done more then all this against the late french king william , for the spaniards sake they made their professed enemy ? and why may not this pope be induced with the report of all that hath been already said , to as much as all this against the spaniard , now that he declineth , that he is going to the grave ; or against his son that shall be coming into the world , and may be of more terror unto italy , and the rest of christendom , then his grandfather or his father , because he is heir to as many kingdoms as they were , and is likely to succeed his father , when he shall be very young and youthfull . i have said enough to make the spaniard hateful and odious to all the world , but i may not end without adding somwhat more to all that i have said . the seditious author inveigheth most bitterly against the french king for his two murthers ; but i have shewed , that the spaniard hath committed many more then two ; and i must add to these murthers , the unlawful execution of diego de meneses , somtimes vice-roy of the indies , and the governour of guscabs , of henry perera , captain of the same town , of emanuel seradas , of the count de terras vedras , of peter alpeene , and sforza ursino , whom he caused to be poysoned . the same author aggravateth ( as i have said ) the french kings murther , because he killed an ecclesiastical person ; and i promised to shew you that the spaniard hath killed many more then one ; witness fryer iohn , who because he stood for the liberty of his country , was hanged in the isles of madera ; witness fryer hector pinto , who was poysoned by the souldiers of castile ; witness iames de moronake , who was beaten to death with souldiers , although he was brother to the earl of myra ; witness many others , who were either thrown into the seas , or hanged , or poysoned . the same author burthened the late french king to be an author of heretiques , because he did not utterly subvert the protestants in his realm ; but i have cleared him of that accusation at large , and yet forgot to tell you , that he did more against the protestants in his realm , then the spaniard did in his dominions ; and he had done much more then he did , had the spaniard not favoured the protestants against him , and had he not known that it was not religion , but private quarrels , that caused a division in his kingdom ; and this division was , as you have heard , and shall hear , maintained and nourished by the spaniard . for when the troubles began first in france , the princes of vendosme and conde being displeased with the greatness of the house of guise , drew into their faction and side , the houses of montmorency and chastilian , that they might be the better able , with their help , to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late duke of guise , his father , and uncle , who had usurped and gotten into their hands , all the authority , credit , and power of the kingdom , during the minority of francis the second their nephew ; afterwards the same duke of guise and the constable fall into variance , for no other cause , but for that the first was jealour of the other , both of them being in great favour and credit with henry the third . four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes . the first was the office of great master of france , which the king gave unto the duke of guise , when he made the duke of montmorency constable of france , who was great master before , and had a promise of the king that the office should have been reserved for his son . the second occasion of their discontentment was , the earldom of dampmartin , which both of them had bought of sundry persons , pretending right thereunto ; and when they had sued for the same a long time in law , the constable obtained the suit . the third cause of their discontentment was , because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other , the constable procured the duke of guise to be sent into italy , that he might in his absence possess the king wholly and alone , and when he was there , he could not do any thing worth his labour , or worthy of commendation ; because the constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business : but the duke of guise being returned out of italy , and finding that the constable was taken prisoner at st laurence , to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in italy , procured that the constable was held a long time in prison , and used all the policies that he could devise , to delay and defer his deliverance , the which delays occasioned his nephews of chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late king of navarra , and the prince of conde his brother , who had married his neece . the fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was , the competency between the prince of conde , and the duke of iamvile , for the office and charge of colonel of the light horsemen of france . this debate and emulation being begun , and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun , and having continued a long time in this manner , it hapned that the first author thereof being dead , the duke of guise prevailed too much in the french court , the which the lords of chastilian perceiving , to their great sorrow and discontentment , left the court , and in returning from thence ( were it in earnest or in policy ) began to favour the lutherans of france , who at that time began to preach in cellars , and in houses secretly , and became their friends , more to defend themselves from the house of guise , then to seek and procure any alteration or change of religion , until that the king himself at the instigation and instance of the duke of iamvile , took monsieur de andeles at cressy , and sent him prisoner to molin , and imprisoned the videan of chatres , and many others . these imprisonments and years of further mischiefs , caused the friends and followers of the constables , to prepare with great silence and secrecy , a mighty army in germany , with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the house of guise , under a colour to free the king from that bondage , wherein the late dukes of guise and aumale held him , of which followed the great execution of amboise , the rigorous commandment that was given to the king of navarra , and the imprisonment of the prince of conde , at the assembly of states held at orleans , and many other accidents , which had continued with far greater cruelty , then was used against the houses of the constable , and of chastilian , had not the sudden death of the young king prevented the bloody intentions of the house of guise . the unexpected death of the young king , perplexed and dejected the house of guise much , and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation , had not the spanish king revived their hope , and put them in great comfort ; who until he saw them in great extremity , stood in doubt which part to favour most ; and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides , to the end it might at the length burn and consume france , in such manner as it did of late years . it was the spanish king that ( when the king of navarra was made governour of charls the ninth , and the constable restored to his ancient honour and dignity ) supported the duke of guise , and gave him such counsel , that he both won the king of navarra , and the constable to favour him and his enterprises , against their own brothers and nephews , and took the young king and his mother at fountain-bleau , and carried them to melind . the queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the king and her self , was sain to entreat the prince of conde , and the lords of chastilian , to help to set him and her at liberty : and then the said prince and lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the guisards were , especially being aided with the power and authority royal , became protestants in good earnest , and declaring themselves protectors and heads of the huguenots , craved their assistance , wherewith they seized upon many cities of france , not making any mention of their religion , but pretending to free the king and his mother from that captivity wherein the house of guise held them . it was the king of spain , who when the duke of guise was slain at orleans by poltrot , practised with the cardinal his brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in france , not to subvert the lutherans , but to weaken the kingdom ; wherein the cardinal proceeded so cunningly , that he drew the queen-mother from the prince of conde , and the chastilians , by whom she was set at liberty , by perswading that the prince of burbone , the constable , and the chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion , and would never leave until they had sent her into italy , unto her friends there ; for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them , that she caused the one brother to be killed at the battel of iarvack , and the other at the massacre of paris ; it is thought that if the montmorencies had been there at the same time , they had drunk of the same cup. thus you see that the troubles of france grew not for religion , but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the house of guise and the chastilians and montmorency , then those competencies were nourished by the spaniard for his benefit , and not to subvert the protestants , and that the king might and would easily have reduced all his subjects to one religion , had not the spaniard hindred his course ; for even towards his latter days , perceiving that wars were not the right and ready means to subvert the protestants , he took another way , which was , to forbid them to resort to the court , or to enjoy any offices , dignities , governments or benefices , whereby he m●de the old hugonots cold in their religion , and to suffer their children to become catholiques , that they might be admitted as well as others unto honours , and that very few or none that were not protestants before ; fell to the open profession of their religion ; which course if it were taken with both kind of recusants in england , would sooner call them home , then other courses that are taken against them . again , the same author thought the french king worthy of deprivation , because he was in his opinion disloyal , and not trusty unto his old and ancient friends , and favoured not the house of guise so much as they deserved ; the which crime may very well be returned upon the spanish king ; who when he might have pleased one of his best friends , and one of the mightiest kinsmen that he had , refused to pleasure the one or the other ; when the pleasure done unto them , should greatly have benefitted all christendom . for when as pope gregory the thirteenth , purposing with the aid and assistance of certain christian princes , to have undertaken a sudden enterprise against the turk , to the benefit and augmentation of christendom , prayed the spaniard to have some help and succour , he not only refused to send him any manner of help , but also would not lend him any of his gallies , which the pope offered to have entertained , and sent to that enterprize at his own charges . but this unkindness was nothing in respect of the discurtesie and disloyalty which he shewed unto don sebastian late king of portugal , the which unnatural and unkinde practise all christendom hath occasion to lament ; for when as sebastian intending to aid muly mahomet king of fez and morocco , against muly malucco his brother , who had driven him out of his kingdom ; which intention , by reason of the profitable composition which sebastian had made with the said mahomet , had greatly advanced all christendom , required the spaniard ( his uncle to give him help towards this honourable action ; he promised to furnish him with fifty gallies well appointed , and with four thousand fighting souldiers : the which when malucco heard , he offered him presently certain maritime cities if he would not assist his nephew ; the which condition the covetous spaniard accepted , and was not ashamed to forsake his own kinsman , and a christian king , and entred into league with a barbarous infidel : but he was rewarded accordingly ; for when he sent vernegas his ambassadour to take possession of the city zaracha , and of other towns that were promised unto him : the barbarians mocking him for his covetousness and disloyalty , made his ambassador to dislodge with cannon shot . but he forsook his nephew ( as some say ) of purpose ; knowing , that for his honour , and the maintenance of his promise , don sebastian would adventure himself in that enterprize , although he had not help from the spaniard , and so losing his life in defence of so honourable a quarrel , leave him a great possibility to attain unto the kingdom of portugal ; which fell out ( as you have heard ) according to his expectation . lastly , the same author concludeth the french king to deserve to be deprived of his crown , because he was in his opinion a tyrant . but you shall hear the marks whereby a tyrant is known , and then judge whether he or the spaniard may best be called and reputed a tyrant . bartol in his short treatise of tyrannie , setteth ten principal observations to know and discern a tyrant from a good and just king , which he took out of plutarch his book de regimine principum . first , such princes kill the mightiest men in their country , that they may not rebel against them . secondly , they keep their doings hidden and secret from wise men , that they may not reprehend their actions , and provoke the common people to rebellion . thirdly , they suppress learning , and the students and professors thereof , left they should wax wise , and dislike their unlawful proceedings . fourthly , they suffer no great meetings , or general assemblies of their subjects , lest that they should enter into some conspiracy against them . fifthly , they have their spies in every corner and place , to hearken and observe what men say of them ; for knowing that they do not well , they alwaies fear to be ill spoken of , and therefore they entertain those spies very willingly . sixthly , they maintain their subjects in divisions , that the one part standing in continual fear of the other , both may be afraid to rebel . seventhly , they keep their subjects as low and poor as they can possible , that being continually occupied and busied in getting their livings , they may have no time or leisure to conspire against them . eighthly , they nourish wars , and send their souldiers afar off from home , because that by wars their subjects are impoverished , and they provided of sufficient souldiers to defend them in their unjust quarrels . ninthly , they have their guards of strangers , and not of their own subjects , because they stand in great fear of their own . lastly , when their subjects are divided , they favour the one part , that the other may the more easily be destroyed by their help . these be the properties which bartol examineth in this manner ; to kil noblemen , and not to spare his own brethren , is the action of a tyrant , unless the murther be grounded upon a just occasion ; to suppress wise men is likewise tyrannical , except they commit some offence worthy of death ; to hinder learning is not a work beseeming a just prince , unless he doth forbid the study of such sciences as are not lawful and fit to be entertained in a christian commonwealth ; to permit no assemblies of subjects , argueth tyrannical inhumanity , if their assemblies tend not to evil purposes : to entertain spies may be lawful , if it be for the punishment of sin , and not for the suppressing or false accusation , of good and loyal subjects ; to nourish divisions can in no wise be commendable , because a good prince should procure his subjects peace , quiet , and tranquility ; to impoverish subjects is simply most unlawful ; for that the wealth of their subjects is the riches of good princes ; and good kings will rather labour to enrich them , then to impoverish them ; to comfort , then to afflict them ; to succour , then to leave them succourless ; to procure forraign wars for any other cause but to avoid wars at home , is a manifest argument of a notable tyrant ; and especially if his wars be unjust : to have a guard of strangers may be lawful , if a princes subjects may not be trusted , if they have been such as have been lately subdued , if prone and ready to rebel , and if they shewed themselves mutinous and disobedient unto good princes : lastly , to destroy one faction by another , is of all actions the most inhumane of all inhumanity ; because it behoveth a prince to preserve his subjects at home and abroad , in time of peace , and in time of wars , against open adversaries , and secret enemies . now if you look back upon all that hath been said , you shall easily perceive , that all these marks may be found in the spanish king , who hath not spared his son , his brother , his kinsman , his nobility and peers , whose country hath ( by the testimony of their own writers ) no great store of learned men , whose natural subjects are employed in forraign services , whose forraign dominions are maintained by domestical divisions , whose guard consisteth of flemmings , although his spaniards be the most trusty and loyal subjects that he hath , whose spies are infinite , or else his intelligences could not be so great as they are , whose subjects cannot be rich , because he fleeceth so m●ch , whose wars are unlawful , because they are begun without just occasion , continued with iniquity , and performed with barbarous cruelty ; briefly , whose studies , endeavours , and purposes , tend to no other end , but to weaken all christian princes , that he may tyrannize without comptrolment , and make himself or successors monarchs of the whole world without resistance . then to conclude this treatise , which is added only to give some light to the precedent matter . if it be perjury to break an oath willingly , sacriledge to murther , not only one , but many ecclesiastical persons unjustly , hypocrisie to dissemble with friends cunningly , tyrannie to affl●ct subjects wrongfully , impiety to betray christians unto infidels wilfully , and to murther , kill , and massacre subjects unlawfully , i may more justly conclude then the french seditious author did against the late french king , that the spanish monarch may be lawfully excommunicated and deposed , because all these crimes concur in him together , and that no wars of what nature soever , can be held unjust and unlawful , that shall be enterprised and exercised against him , so long as he shall continue to be as he is , the common and only perturber of christian peace and tranquility . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a. co●ley . notes for div a -e carion . plutarch . plutarch . herodorus . de hailon . plutarch . carion . plutarch . herodotus ▪ titus livius . holinshed . polid. virg. plutarch . herodot . don antonius . apology . r●stbergius dubraevius dinothus de bello belgico . plutarch . justinus . carion . du haillan the same author . with pol. virg. and hector boetius . mores gentium . munster . fr●● lean. guido donato . tit. livi. du hailan carion . terapha de vitis reg. hispan . polid. vir. holinshed . guicardin . paradin . dinothus de bello belgico . gio. giov. pontavo della guerra di napoli . nicolle giles annales . de aquitanie . du haillan polid. virg. holinshed . hect. boetius . that the turk is grown great by the dissention of christian princes . mar. arrogo . pietro mexias . illescas . du haillan carions cron. guyl . atchives . di tyro nella historia della guerra hi●rusalemme . an answer to an objection , that princes aid rebels , proving that in times past they did the like terapha holinshed . pol. virg. du haillan that the flemming had just cause to rebel against the king of spain . anales flandriae . marchantius . smillerus de repub helvetior . dinothus de bello belgico . responce , ala declaration de d. jehan de austrice discourse summarie de estates generals . du pags bas. dinothus d. chytraeus : that france hath rebelled against their kings before this time . pedro corn de la lyga q confederation francesa . the causes of the leaguers rebellion , their proceeding & policies . david chytraeus . risembergius . the duke of guise the head of the league ; his proceedings and policies . the duke of guise his imitation of other great rebels , and a comparison betwixt him and them , c. tacitus c : tacitus . plutatch . dion . piero mexias . da haillan a strange interpretation of the oath of allegiance . a comparison betwixt the duke of guise , and s●jan , caesar , pipin , and hugh capet . du haillan du haillan holinshed . du haillan denieth the law salique . the frenchmens first objection , and the answer thereunto . hottomanus de jure successionis the second objection , with the answer . the third objection and answer . guido papnis quest . . . hostiensis extr●de major . et obedientia . c. dilecti filii . alexander cent. . n. . vel . baldus in tit . si defendo fuerit contra in t . dom. in general● n. v. the fourth objection and answer . john bodin . philip de comines , guicciardine g●oviano pontavo della guerra di napoli . du haillan . polid. virg. holinshed . du haillan . froissart . the fifth objection , with the answer . hottomanus . gul ▪ benedictus , inc . raghutius in verb. mortui . n. . terrixubeus tract . . con clus. q. terapha . holinshed . hect. boet. hist. poloniae . du haillan piero mexias vida de carlo magno . du haillan lib. . p. . the sixth objection with the answer . john de terra rubea tract . . conclus . . , , . guliel . benedictus in c. ragnat . in verbum & eodem test . num . . guido papius quest . . nich. gyles froissart . froissart . nich. gyle● du haillan . lib. . vita de marc. aurelio . tarapha illescas lib. . du haillan lib. . du haillan lib. . du haillan lib. . du haillan lib. , , . nic. gyles . idem . idem . smillerus de republica helvetiorum . the reasons why england challengeth not her right in france . du haillan polid. virg. holinshed . da haillan phil. de comines . holinshed polid. virg. hect. boet. vie da francois primier dece nom . phil. de comines . du haillan . polid. virg. holinshed . annales de aquitain . t. walsing . in his neustria . hect. boet. the causes and means how we lost all france . holinshed . polid. virg. du haillan ph. de comines . paulus aemilius . marco arrogo sans occino nel suo governo . hect. boet. hottoman . joh. tilletius . du haillan lib. . pedro corneio de la lyga y confederation francesca ▪ how the king of spain his predecessors grew from mean earls to be mighty kings . historia pontifical . de d. illescas spanish . piero m●xi . vida de ludovico sp. nich. giles . guicciard . vida de don alonso . du hailan . nic gyles . froissart . munsterus . functius . polid. virg. holinshed . terapha guicciard . that the kingdom of naples hath been fatal to many nations . nic. gyles . du haillan functius . d. illescas piero mexias vida de wencelao d. illescas vida de urbano . functius lib. . caxton . du haillan math. paris math. paris paul jovius . lib. . guicciardine . d. illescas vida de fagenio . phil. de comines . guicciard . lib. . guicciard . lib. . d. illescas vida de julio . guicciard . d. illescas vida de clemente . how the spanish king came by naples . guicciard . lib. . . & . sleidon lib. . how the spanish king came by the kingdom of navarra . guicciard . terapha de regibus hisp. the spaniards title to the kingdom of portugal . sleidens commentaries . don antonio his apology . froissart vol. pr. c. . du haillan . lib. . froissart vol. . c. . d. anton. his apol. the spanish king 's right to the indies . the spanish kings title to the dukedom of millan . guicciard . lib. . vie de f●ancois p● guicciardin . the spanish kings title to the dukedom of burgundy . d● com. de com. how the spanish king retaineth all those states which he now possesseth . titus liv ▪ corn. tac. polibius . appianus . alexand. tit. liviu● plut. in the life of eumenes . plut. in the life of theseus . idem in the life of romulus . holinshed . polid. virg. ti●us liv ▪ guicciard . lib. . polid. virg. hect. bo●t . holinshed . appianus . alexand. tit. livius . historia pontifical . de d. illescas neustra . tho de walsingh . justinus . vida de paulo . de d. illescas . the spanish kings opinion & proceeding with the turk . the spanish kings opinion & proceeding with the french king. bodin . tit. livius . lib. . tit. livius . lib. . monsieur de la nove en le , discourse politiques . plutarch . du haillan andreas friccius de repub. polib . l ▪ . the spanish kings opinion & proceeding with the princes of germany . the spanish kings opinion & proceeding with the pope of rome . the spanish kings opinion & proceeding with the venetians , & the rest of the princes of italy . the queen of england is the mightiest enemy that the spanish king hath . da hailan plutarch . man cannot prevent what god intendeth . herodotus lib. . just. lib. . tit. livius . herodotus lib. . just. lib. . the justification of the queens attempts against spain and portugal . guicciard . lib. . machiavel in his discourse upon tit. livius . that it is lawful for a prince to receive & succour another prince flying unto them for refuge and relief . du haillan lib. . vida de h. holinished . du hailan polid. virg. holinshed . bible , in kings . chap. . illescas vid● de alexandro . . biondo lib. . du haillan lib. . piero mexias vide macrino . du haillan . lib. . jul. caesar lib . terapha de regibus hispan . justin. lib. ● . holi●shed . polid. virg. t. walsing ▪ in his neustria . du haillan . that leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them . guicciard . lib. . ● . . polid. virg. lib. . hect. boet. lib. . idem lib. . idem . princes for lawful occasions may , & have bin offended with their confederates and leave them . illeseas vida de sexto . idem vida de julio ▪ . idem vida de leon. idem ibid. paulus jovius . l. . idem vida de clement . . idem de paulo . . holinshed . pol : virg. du haillan . dinothus de bello belgico . czsars commen● 〈◊〉 that the intercepting of the spaniards money sent many years ago into flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against england . dinothus de bello belgico . dinothus de bello belgico the sp●●nia●d is not so strong as men ●●pose him to be . the spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be . paul jovius comines guicciard . paul jovius illescas . dinothus paul jovius tho. wals. idem . math. paris dinothus . m. ant. arrayo . david chyt●aeus . munsteri cosmog . vasoeus . vide de elutherio . functius . lib . nic. gyes● . polid. virg. lib. . rob. barns in vita ponti●icum pag. . guicciard . lib. . . . nic. giles . munsterius vide de marq. de pescara holin . shed . dionthus de bello belgi●o sil●a 〈◊〉 aei . the fi●st 〈◊〉 of the spanish king in governing the low● 〈◊〉 by spaniards . the spaniards● error in not gra●ting liberty of conscience unto his subjects in flanders . memories de france ca●ion . sleidanus herodotus . holinshed pol. virgil . boetius . annales . flandriae . the king of spains third error in entring into league with the guis●rd● . mar ▪ antonio arrogo . that the pope is not able to yeeld the spaniard any great help . de comines . guicciardine . that the princes of italy cannot greatly respect the sp●niards . that the spaniards can neither have pr●fit nor h●nour by the leaguers . du hatllan . finis coronat opus . four causes proving the spaniards indiscretion in entring into league with the ●●isards . fama crescit eundo . plutarch in his life . guicciardine . a● unknown author in italian du hailan . pedro corneiod● la ligay consideration franc●se● . a french discours● written by an unknown author ▪ du haillan carion de comines . du haillan carion . objection answer . h●linshed pol. virg●l . gui●ciardine . that the spaniards can have no good assurance of the leaguers firm friendship . a book written in latine as it is supposed by the arch-bishop of lyons . the same authors accusations refuted . o●jection . answer . declaration del estate de france en temps les roys henry francis & charles . objection . answer . that the french king had just cause to kill the duke of guise . caesar comment . tresor detreso●s . declaration del estate , &c. quosemel est imbui● recens , &c. negotiation de la pax del an . . that the popes excommunications are not to be feared , nor a lawful cause to invade england . the popes means to grow up to authority . the great wrongs losses and ind●gnities which england sustained by acknowleding the popes authority . temporal princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the scriptures the spaniards indiscretion in crediting our english fugitives . the late scotish queens death gave the spaniard no just occasion to invade england . six arguments in the b●half of the scottish q. used by her friends to prov● that she could not lawfully be condemned by our queen . the answer to the first argument . the queen of scots is in●erior to the queens majesty . that the kings of scotland owe homage unto the crown of england for scotland . the answer to the third objection . quo semel est imbu●a recens , &c. sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae . notes for div a -e pidaces . herodotus . pastoralis de officio delegati . gloss & pastoralis felinus in eccl. n. . l. . idem pompon . c. felinus in eccl. n. ● . qui resistit quest . . bald. barroll . lucias f. bald. de fid . mis. abb. & fe. ex parte de test . abb. & fe. fel. glossa . jason n. autent de monarchis in principalibus . fel. in ep. . de prob . n. , , bodin de repub. specul . l. . de actione seu pet . . n. . fel. in cap. pastoralis . speculum l. . de legibus s. . n. , jason in leg . mil. n. . bald : in anth . sacr , puber . in . coll . advertisement de seignior vasc. fign . the state of the church of christ in its militancy upon earth, and the duty of it, with respect to penal laws in a sermon preach'd at the assizes at chelmsford in the county of essex, march / / by richard golty ... golty, richard. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g estc r ocm 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the state of the church of christ in its militancy upon earth, and the duty of it, with respect to penal laws in a sermon preach'd at the assizes at chelmsford in the county of essex, march / / by richard golty ... golty, richard. [ ], p. printed and published by randall taylor ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history. sermons, english -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the state of the church of christ , in its militancy upon earth , and the duty of it , with respect to penal laws , in a sermon preach'd at the assizes at chelmsford in the county of essex , march / . by richard golty m. a. minister of hutton in the county aforesaid . quod tibi non vis , alteri ne feceris . london , printed and published by randall tayler near stationers-hall . . this may be printed . svnderland . p. to the right honourable sir robert wright knight , lord chief justice of england , to the honourable sir john powel knight , one of the justices of his majesties court of kings-bench ; my lords , the judges at the assize holden at chelmsford , &c. and also to the right worshipful sir thomas manby knight , high sheriff of the county aforesaid . this sermon , at the appointment of the high sheriff , was preach'd before ▪ your lordships and the great assembly at the assizes ; and whatever unkind and sinistrous censures in this nice and critical age , may be cast upon me and it , yet it was honestly design'd by me , in service to the peace and vnity of the christian church , to affect that auditory with a sense of their obligation constantly to assert what is necessary to the support and honour of religion among us , and to allay our salt and eager differences and animosities , in what is impertinent thereunto ; to dispose us to a willingness to be rid of those apples of strife , that have been the notorious occasion of discord and contention in this unhappily divided kingdom . i can't but hope that there is such a general sense of our having been too long under those symptomes of gods disp●●asure , which the prophet isaiah . . observes , concerning the jews ( that while ephraim was divided against manasseh , and manasseh against ephraim , and both against judah , gods anger was not turned away , but his hand was stretched out still against them ) as may prepare our hearts to a chearful concurrence in , and compliance with such healing proposals , as are proper for the establishing amongst us a christian amity and brotherly reconciliation . i have humble considence that this , which was my end in preaching , is your lordships and worships , in laying me under such obligation to the publication of it , as i cannot in decency decline ; not doubting but that all such as bear good will to zion , will promote such uniting methods , that all single and narrow interests , may give place to that of common christianity ; that no unchristian heats and contests , may cause such alienation in affection among brethren of the same sacred family , as for trifles to fall out in their way to their fathers house ; but that we may all consent in the pursuit of the divine ends of religion , which are sincere devotion towards god , sound faith in christ , holiness in heart and life , humility , meekness , brother-love and charity towards men ; in service to which , that your honours and worship may be eminent in your respective stations instrumentally , is the most hearty prayer of your most obedient and humble servant ric. golty . s. matthew chap. xiii . the th and the former part of the th . verse . but he said , nay ; lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them ; let both grow up together until the harvest . the shortest preface will be an unseasonable remora to my entry into that spacious field in which my text ingages my travel ; it being by the most divine expositor , with respect to its extent , styl'd the world. i shall therefore observe to you , that in this whole parable of the tares and wheat , our blessed saviour doth first describe the state , and secondly prescribe the duty of his church in its militancy here upon earth . in the first of which 't is evident , that tho christ himself the seedsman , tho he sows only the good seed of pure and divine doctrine , yet when the blade springs up , the tares also appear : tho the church is styl'd here the kingdom of god , in which he in especial governs , yet there are in it too many rebellious and undutiful subjects : tho the apostle tells us , 't is the house of god , in which by his grace and spirit , he particularly resides , yet 't is not void of ungracious and disobedient servants . 't is magna domus dei , but in it there are not only vessels of gold and silver , but of wood and earth ; some to honour and some to dishonour . tho 't is that vine which gods right hand hath planted , yet it hath some dead and infertile branches . that this is the condition of the christian church in this world , is not only the purport of this but of the parable of the fold , consisting both of sheep and goats , of the barn floor , having both wheat and chaffe , and of the net inclosing fishes good and bad . to this purpose st. austine in his first book de civitate dei , saith , perplexae sunt istae duae civitates in hoc seculo invicemque permistae ; the city of god and the city of satan , are so intermix'd in this world , that they are not to be separated till the day of judgment . this from all that make common observation , commands such an universal acknowledgment , that i shall not waste the time in offering further enlargment upon it ; only from it observe the vnacaccountableness of the separation in the donatists of old , and some others , of late , from the visible church , upon pretence of spots and corruptions in it ; notwithstanding which , we are to be firm to that article in our creed , in believing one holy catholick church . denominatio sit a nobiliori ; and 't is one , tho one part is militant here on earth , and the other triumphant in heaven . it must be here in a state of imperfection ; 't is at the great harvest , then , and not till then , it will be perfect , consisting only of the righteous , as st. austine , contra donatistas , tandent ipsam unam & sanctam ecclesiam , nunc habere mixtos malos , tunc non habituram : now the holy church hath a mixture of unholy men in it , which then it will not have . at that great day christ will present it to himself without spot , and blameless . then , only the wheat will be gathered into his barn. but 't is the direction christ gives in this place [ that being the most seasonable and useful at this time ] to which i shall now confine my discourse . when the blade sprung up , the tarcs also appeared , the servants inquiring in this uneasie , and to them unexpected case , wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? in answer to this their demand , he said , nay , &c. where first he enters his denial . . he gives his positive sentence , let them grow up together . the reason of the negative , lest while ye gather up the tares , &c. and of the positive , why suffer'd in their growth ? because at the time of the harvest they could more seasonably , and with greater safety , be separated from the wbeat . then i will say to the reapers , &c. in my procedure upon this , i shall endeavour first to shew you what is meant by tares : . what christ intends in this his answer : and . to accommodate the whole of it to our use . first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the greek word , is mention'd only in this place in the new testament , and it is rarely to be found in other authors , that its obscurity gives the occasion of variety in translations of it ; the frencb render it lolium darnel , and theophrast . saith , that corn doth sometime loliescere , degenerate into darnel . diodate thinks it some particular weed growing amongst corn in that countrey . dr. hammond translates it cockle . others give a more general interpretation of it , as mala herba & planta semini noxia ; we translate it tares : by which may be understood tyne , or a sort of wild fitches , which hath small fibrous roots , and in twisting about the roots of the corn , sucks away its nourishment , and hath claspers in the branches , that fastening upon the stalk , depresses it , and without greatest hazard to it , cannot be separated from it . since in this parable the devil is the sower of them , and the tares are wicked men , in this variety may be meant [ as in our marginal notes ] all noisome weeds whatsoever that are noxious to the corn , and particularly infelix lolium darnel , which naturally disaffects the head , and so may properly de●ote men erring in judgment , or more rank and unsavoury weeds , as carlock , mayweed , &c. which may properly describe men vicious in their lives , such as walk disorderly ; 't is the unhappy fate of the church to be infested with them both . infelix lolium & steriles dominantur avenae . but . what doth christ mean in forbidding his servants to gather these up , and in suffering their growth 'till the harvest , which himself being the expositor , is to the end of the world ? first , negatively , christ is not to be interpreted in this , as if he were at all pleas'd with the growth of these weeds . it would undoubtedly be most grateful to him to have only such pure grain in his field , as is fit to be gathered into his barn , beauxamis in locum , docetur hic non quale sit officium nostrum , sed quae sit futura ecclesiae conditio . we are advised here not so much in the duty of the servants , as in the condition of the field . yet neither . doth christ intend the least prohibition to the magistrates execution of justice in punishing malefactors . the sword of justice is not to be born in vain , magistrates are to be a terrour to evil doers ; in their rooting out them there can be no danger , but altogether safety to the wheat ; if they should be let alone , so as to proceed in impunity till the harvest , the world would be but magnum la ▪ trocinium , or a circean stable ; it would be an unclean stage , where only vice and villany would act its part ; it would be like to that field under the curse of job . . thistles would grow instead of wheat , and cockle instead of barly ; or like solomons field of the sluggard , nothing would appear in it to denominate it a field of corn , but 't would be all over-grown with briars and thorns . 't is observable , christ doth not say , regna hujus mundi , the kingdom of this world , but regnum coeli , the kingdom of heaven ; which is universally interpreted of the church , and tho in our saviours exposition of it , 't is styl'd the world , yet that is in respect to its catholicism and vniversality , as dispers'd over the whole world ; according to the prophesies of it , it extends from sea to sea , and christ sent his disciples to all nations , and the apostle tells us , that their sound is gone into all the world ; 't is properly his kingdom redeem'd by his blood , sanctified and enlightened by his spirit , and will at last be presented to himself without spot and blemish . that this parable is meant not of a civil and political , but of an ecclesiastical body , is generally agreed ; but then still the question returns , whether our saviour enters his noli pros — against ecclesiastical censures ? to this 't is answer'd . negatively , that christ here intends no prohibition to church censures for the punishing of offenders . st. austin puts and determines this case thus , ipse dominus cum servis volentibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 colligere dicit , sinite utraque crescere usque ad messem , premisit causam dicens , ne forte cum vultis colligere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eradicetis & triticum ; ubi satis ostendit , tum metus iste non subest , non dormiat severitas disciplinae . our lord to the servants appearing in readiness to gather the tares , requiring their growth together till the harvest ; he intimates the cause , lest with them ye root up also the wheat : in evidence that when no danger of that , then the severity of discipline is to take place . of which at large in his epistle contra parmen . & contra vincent . christ himself decreed that he that would not hear the church , should be as an heathen or publican , and the apostles by unquestionable authority gave sentence of excommunication upon the incestuous corinthian ; cor. . . and upon hymenus and alexander , tim. . . the church is not to be supposed an undisciplin'd rout , divested of power necessary to its consistence ; which it would be , if it were here or elsewhere , under prohibition of exercising its censures . what then do's our saviour mean in his thus expressing himself in this case to the servants ? to which positively , first in general , he expects patience , lenity , and tender caution , in eradicating those tares , he corrects the intemperate zeal of his disciples , in whom he foresaw a disposition with improper and undue severities to prosecute offenders ; of which they gave an early instance , in demanding fire from heaven to consume the samaritans . the mind of christ in this will be more particularly understood by considering his sentence first , with respect to the question , as put by the servants , wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? and secondly , with respect to his reason , why not ? lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up the wheat also . now in their enquiry , wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? they signifie their intent of a sudden and immediate dispatch of them without the exercise of due patience , and necessary consideration ; thus , chrisost . in matth. interprets the servants intending to prosecute hereticks with fire and sword , and saith , that if by his negative they had not been obliged to alter their resolutions , bloodshed and war must have followed all over the world. the word in the original for gathering up , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and signifies not so much a single collection , as a gathering them up in bundles ; they would at once have swept away these tares by some devouring judgment , like that of fire from heaven ; to this their proposition christ enters his dissent , and tho he well enough approv'd of the thing , yet by no means consented with them in the time and manner they would effect it , but gives check to that devouring zeal that would destroy all opposers ; and doth intend first , that this gathering together , or rooting up , be rather gladio oris then ore gladie ; that no other sword , then the sword of the spirit be used ; that by admonition by the sword of the spirit of meekness they be rather restor'd ; christ determines against their immediate and utter destruction in that way they design'd , lest in gathering them up , they root up the wheat . the sword tho never so well edg'd , is an ill distinguisher between wheat and tares , and war the most improper judge to determine religious controversies : 't is gladius delphicus , and strikes on both sides without difference to men or their doctrines ; it involves the innocent and the guilty in the same calamity ; like those dreadful thunderbolts , minutius faelix tells of , sine delectu tangunt sacra & profana , hominis noxios feriunt & religiosos ; they without distinction , strike places sacred and profane , and personsinnocent and nocent ; but 't is never more fatally devouring , than when in the hands of those in whom glesselius one of the anti-remonstrants in roterdam plac'd it , who defin'd , that if the prince or clergy neglected the reformation of a church , necesse est id facere plebeios licet ad sanguinem usque pro ea pugnent : that the plebeians must reform , tho it be with a resistance unto blood. theophylact makes the more christian comment upon the text , who saith , god would not by war have the tares pull'd up , lest in so doing the righteous suffer with the wicked . theophylact in loc. saith , the servants were so incens'd and inflam'd against these tares upon their appearance in their lords field 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to save the trouble of a dilatory process , were resolved by a rash execution to rid them from the troubles of this miserable and wretched life . this return of our lord to the servants , if it be not a strict prohibition of capital punishments , it is a severe caution , that due care be had in inflicting it , lest the wheat also be rooted up . 't is certain the primitive christians did interpret christ , in saying , he came to save mens lives , not to destroy them ; and here in my text , as entring not barely a caveat , but a prohibition of punishing with death upon the score of religion . they reckon'd such a process foreign to the temper and contradictory to the rules of christianity . it was once st. austin's opinion , neminem ad unitatem christi cogendum esse , that none were to be compelled to become christians : and when the insolence of the donatists made it necessary for him to alter his mind , yet as bellarmin confesses , semper excepit supplicium mortis ; he always excepted punishment with death . if it had been thought lawful to punish heresie with death , the apologies of tertullian and the primitive christians , would have been in a great part insignificant . 't is a modern maxime in christianity , but no where , that i can find , an article of faith , posse haereticos ab ecclesia damnatos temporalibus poenis & etiam morte mulctari : that herericks condemned by the church , were by the civil magistrate to be sentenced to temporal punishment , yea to death it self . it was calvin's opinion , haereticos jure gladii coercendos ; that hereticks were to be restrain'd by the power of the sword : which beza improves in his tract , de haereticis puniendis , where he lays down this thesis , haereticos interdum capitali supplicio a magistratibus coercendos : that hereticks are to suffer capital punishment . this question was better determin'd in the more early and purer times of christianity , as by lactantius lib. . cap. . defendendam esse religionem non occidendo sed moriendo . religion is to be defended rather by the exposing our own , than violating the lives of others . our saviour here forbids their thus being gathered up , lest the wheat be rooted up also ; it being evident if the servants had gone in that method , they had wrong'd the harvest ; for as st. austine saith , multi primo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt & postea triticum fiunt ; fieri potest ut qui noxio dogmate depravatus est cras resipiscat & defendere potest veritatem : as st. austin , once a manichee , afterwards malleus hereticorum . many at first appear tares , which afterwards become wheat ; he that is depraved with error now , may repent too morrow . upon this saith st. jerome , monemur non cito amputare fratrem , not rashly to cut off a brother , for they that are bad now , may be better hereafter ; nisi deus expactaret impium , non haberet unde glorificaret pium ; had not god patiently expected the repentance and conversion of such whom men would destroy , ad laudabilem mutationem non pervenissent , they had never attained to saving repentance . had f●●e at the instance of the disciples consumed the samaritans , they had been prevented in their after receiving the gospel ; had not gods patience given respite to the tares after their first discovery , nec mattheum de publicano evangelistam , nec magdalenam de meretrice penitentem habuisset ; si deus eradicasset paulum persecuentem , non haberet ecclesia paulum praedicantem ; matthew of a publican had never been an evangelist , nor magdalen the harlot become magdalen the penitent ; if saul had been rooted out when he was a persecutor , the church would ever have wanted paul the apostle . the meaning of christ in the text then is , that they might have space for repentance . st. chrysost . affirms , that a heretick , tho he persists with obstinacy in his heresie , yet is not to be punish'd with death , with whom euthimius consents . christ , saith he , in this parable would not suffer the plucking up the tares , lest the wheat should be rooted up with them ; forbidding the execution of hereticks , lest the orthodox suffer with them . it was therefore an unchristian heat in calvin , that sent servetus to the flames , and in the switzers , that commanded the execution of valentine gentilis at bazil ; and in maximilian the emperour in causing the priscillianists to be put to death ; tho sulpitius severus saith of them , that they were homines luce indignissimi ; yet he adds they were pessimo exemplo necati ; tho they were the worst of men , yet their execution was of dangerous consequence . and when alexius of constantinople caused the bongomili to be put to death , who ( if their opinions were candidly represented ) were sufficiently bad , yet the eastern bishops , disallow'd of the fact ; and baronius tells us , it was the ancient usuage of the primitive bishops in moving the secular power against hereticks , so to manage it , vt tamen a capitali supplicio inferendo dehortati sunt . 't is evident that capital punishment had its first rise from the heathen and arrian emperours , and in that it was after return'd by the christians upon their enemies ; it was because the man was too hard for the christian . thirdly , tho it is more generally interpreted , that the servants resolved by the above-mentioned severity , to cut them off from the body of mankind , yet others , that they intended only to cut them from the body of the church ; and lyra and gorran are of opinion , that the servants design to gather them up , was in such a way as was proper to the church , separando eos a communione ecclesiae , by separating them from church communion . christ may probably here intend a caution and lenity in that direful and solemn sentence of exmunication , which is an amputation or a cutting off from the body of christ ; 't is in the name and power of christ , a delivery over unto satan for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord jesus . in comport with the meaning of christ here , it was an old rule , non excommunicandam multitudinem , that a multitude were not to be excommunicated . there was to be no gathering up in bundles in this life : the church did only legere , select one out of many offenders , vt paena ad paucos esset , metus ad omnes ; tormenta paucorum exempla omnium : that the punishment of a few , might be caution to all . dr. taylor in duct . dubitant , tells us , the judgment of the church in this censure is an effective terrible declaration of the judgment of god , and therefore must not be exterminating and final for things of little concernment . the second canon of the council at worms , doth decree , vt nullus sacerdotum , quanquam rectae fidei , homines , pro parvis & levibus causis suspendat : that no priest , tho never so sound in the faith , may suspend men from church communion for a light cause . dr. taylor in his duct . dubitant . asserts , that no man is to be separated from the church , but he that separates himself from god ; and tells us , that he who for a trifling cause cuts off a man from church communion , is like him in the fable , who with an axe beat out his neighbours brains , that he might brush off a fly , which he espied on his fore-head : or like an indiscreet and severe nurse , that to clean the childs head of the dandruff , fleas off his skin . all endeavours ought first to be us'd , that he may be restor'd with the spirit of meekness , that by admonition and reproof , to which the scriptures are profitable , he may be reclaim'd , and till it appears vulnus immedicabile , he is not with that severity to be cut off . fourthly , the meaning of christ may probably be , that in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in religion , such as are mention'd rom. . in which the kingdom of heaven doth not consist , the obligation of christians is to exercise charity , mutual condescension , and forbearance one towards another . the apostle there directs to the alloy of all animosity and discord about such things , and provides that there be no censuring or grieving one another , and to this purpose he allows a liberty to men of either perswasion , informing us , that christ died for both , and that god receiv'd both : the controversie in these indifferent things , lies not between wheat and tares , but between wheat and wheat , and it may be is founded only because one grows in a more fertile soyl , and on a more florid stalk , or is of a brighter complexion than the other . that the true corn should thus go together by the ears , we may be sure is assignable to the hand of an enemy , and if our lord permits the concrescence of tares and wheat , much more that wheat and wheat grow together . 't is as natural and usual for christians to differ in their sentiments in matters of that kind , as 't is for men to be of divers statures and complexions , wherefore ( the apostle telling us ; that he who doubteth is damned if he eat ) by penalties to require a consent in one opinion in things so indifferent , would be as hard as for one to thrust out his neighbours eye , because not so strong and piercing as his own ; and would be a barbarity exceeding that of procrustes the robber , who measured all men by his own bed , and would bring them to that dimension , either by a rack or defalcation , he only torturing the bodies , while the other wounds the consciences , and cruciates the minds of men. 't is observeable in this parable , that the servants entred their complaint against such as appear'd tares , and it was for the rooting up of them they offer'd their service , to which our saviour answer'd as in my text , nay , &c. if they had address'd to their lord with their censures of their fellow servants , and had signified an inclination , because in every trifling punctilio they agreed not with the complainants that therefore they would go and gather them up our lord would have given them another kind of answer . if the pharisees were inexcuseable in their neglect of the great things of the law , through their zeal in the lesser things of it , christians are much more criminal in violating the great gospel law of charity and meekness , upon the score of such things as are not at all required by any divine law. if it were inimicus homo that sow'd those tares that endanger'd the wheat , certainly it is inimicissimus homo that would gather up the vvheat instead of tares . 't is here observeable , that tho the tares appeared to the eys of the servants , yet our saviour did not adventure the well-doing of his field upon their hand , so as to allow their eradication ; if he had given any intimation of the field , being committed to such a conduct , as without possibility of being injurious to the vvheat , the tares might be gathered up , the force of the reason of his prohibition , lest with them ye root up the vvheat , would be enervated . 't is probable our saviour design'd the prevention of this , when he respited them till the harvest , well knowing that they may then appear to be children of the kingdom , which through the passion or inadvertency of his servants , would as tares have been bundled up for the fire . thirdly , in the accommodation of all this to our use , though it may be indecent for me to insist too particularly on the parallel between the state of the field , and the condition of the church of christ amongst us , so as to charge the growth of the tares to the supineness or any other default in the servants , or to suggest , that those concern'd in gathering the tares , have not with the servants of the houshold consulted their lord , nor taken their measures from him : yet i shall adventure to give you the judgments of such as are of great honour and authority upon this subject ; and shall close my discourse with a recommendation of the example of the servants to our imitation . the authorities of such as have given their opinion in this matter : the lord chancellor hide his speech to the parliament , is fill'd up with the expressions of his sense of this case and directions for its cure. the honourable and pious lord chief justice hale , lamenting that the cause of love and piety was hindred by our present constitutions , did declare , that the only means to beal us , was a new act of vniformity , that should neither leave all at liberty , nor impose any thing but what was necessary : and with the assistance of the lord keeper bridgman and bishop wilkins , drew up the form of a bill to be tendred to the parliament to that purpose . the arch-bishop of armagh , for the healing of distractions , and for the return of a wished for peace and vnity , did contrive some prudent accommodation necessary . bishop taylor in his duct . dubitant , expresses himself abundantly in this case , as thus , with respect to our condition he gives it as a rule , that the ecclesiastical laws must be easie and charirable , and when they are not , they oblige not , and that ecclesiastical laws that are meerly such , can't be universal and perpetual . bishop davenant in his letter to dureus saith , that which makes schisms perptual , i st he exercise of a tyrannical power , so as not to acknowledge any for brethren , or admit any to communion with them , who will not receive from them , in any difference of opinion , a law both of believing and speaking . 't is the determination of a learned doctor of our church , that without controversie , the main inlet of all the distractions , confusions , and divisions , of the christian world , is by adding other conditions of church communion , than christ hath done . were it needful , i might fill a volume with quotations of this kind ; but , i shall only instance in these which next to that in my text , ought to be the greatest authority with us . king james the first of pious memory , as causabon in his epistle to cardinal perron , informs us , thought that for concord there is no nearer way than diligently to separate things necessary from the unnecessary , and to bestow all our labour , that we may agree in what is necessary , and that in what is not so , there may be christian liberty allow'd . the royal martyr charles the first of glorious memory , in consideration of the state of the kingdom in , speaks thus , as for differences among our selves for matters in their own nature , that are indifferent concerning religion , we shall willingly comply , with the advice of our parliament , that some law may be made for the exemption of tender consciences from punishment or prosecution for such ceremonies , which by the judgment of most men are held to be matters indifferent , and of some , to be absolutely unlawful . the late king charles the second of blessed memory , in his declaration from breda first , and in his declaration for indulgence to tender consciences afterwards , gave sufficient evidence of his concurrent opinion with his royal progenitors . thus it can't but be acknowledg'd , that some of the wisest and most learned , and the greatest of men in these three last reigns , were affected with a sense of a disease that the church and nation have been labouring under , and it appears that his majesties royal ancestors had it often in their thoughts , and upon their desires , that it might be heal'd . and as for our present gracious soveraign , that now wears the imperial crown , and sways the royal sceptre , whom god preserve ; it appears that what was in the heart of david his father , hath a long time been upon the heart , and now is upon the hand of our solomon his son , and his hand findeth to do it with all his might : he like a tender and prudent physician , experiencing the inefficacy and inconvenience of those corroding and acrimonious applications , that have been too long us'd , thinks it proper , instead of that salt and vinegar , which hath only increas'd and inflam'd our wounds , to recommend the lenitives of oyl and balsam ; most probably hoping , that the warm beams of an indulging sun will prevail to the laying of that viciousness of temper , which the rough and tempestuous wind had occasion'd . our healing soveraign observing the body politick and ecclesiastick , like the man in the gospel that fell among thieves , if not half dead , yet lying sorely wounded , like the good samaritan , is pouring in oyl and wine , and while he is so , let not any of us be like him that passed by on the other side , as all together unconcern'd , or like him that only vouchsaf'd to look , but offer'd nothing to relieve him in that distressed case ; but let us all to our capacities help to the quenching those common flames , and the allaying those threatning heats that have been so fatal to us , and contribute our utmost in this most christian service : some of us by humility and obedience , others of us by compassion and condescension , and all of us by our prayers and tears . lastly , to this we must reckon our selves oblig'd , by considering the example of the servants in the text , in servis habemus tam quod laudemus quam quod imitemur : we have in the servants both what is commendable and imitable . they cleared themselves from a treacherous betraying the trust repos'd in them , of the field , by reporting to their master the unexpected accident of the growth of the tares ; they being inform'd that an enemy had done it , offer'd their service to redress the mischief ; that if the enemy entred the field by their sloth , he might be expell'd by their zeal . st. austin to that inquiry , who is that man that is eaten up with zeal to gods house ? answers , qui omnia quae videt perversa satagit emendare : that if he sees the foundation of it too narrow and strait , will endeavour the inlargement of its basis to its due extent . if he perceives an inconvenience in the fense incompassing the field , will consult such an amendment of it as may neither keep out such as belong to christs fold , nor suffer the wild beast of the field , nor the wild boar of the wood , neither turk nor pagan , to enter in . and that our zeal in this , may not be an ignis fatuus to precipitate us into unsafe and dangerous methods , that it may not be a feavorish heat , that invades the health , and threatens the life of that body that cherishes it , but that it may be a coal kindled at gods altar , let us with the servants in the text , go to our lord. so , first , not to be too much influenc'd by our passions . solomon tells us , wrath is cruel , anger is outragious , and nothing can stand before envy , pro. . . so as , secondly , not to take our measures from the examples of others , to return to them in proportion to those undue severities which at any time have been received from them , the rule of our saviour , is not to do to others as they do , but as we would have them do to our selves . let us therefore receive our directions from christ , and acquiesce in them , referring all to our masters will , and then proceed according to his dictates , whose service consists altogether in the following of his own rules ; for in so doing we shall most promote our masters honour , and be most servicable to his field the church ; and best provide , that when we shall be translated from our stations in his kingdom here , we may be made partakers of his eternal kingdom in heaven ; and in the mean time , god in his infinite mercy , so direct the counsels and influence the hearts of men , that the tares which at the harvest shall be gathered , may not in the mean time be able either to suppress the wheat , or destroy the field ; and that our lord jesus , who loved his church , and gave himself for it , may sanctify and cleanse it , and at last present it to himself a glorious church without spot or blemish . to him , with the father and the holy ghost , be all honour , glory , and praise , both now and for evermore . amen . finis . the kingdom of god among men a tract of the sound state of religion, or that christianity which is described in the holy scriptures and of the things that make for the security and increase thereof in the world, designing its more ample diffusion among the professed christians of all sorts and its surer propagation to future ages : with the point of church-unity and schism discuss'd / by john corbet. corbet, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the kingdom of god among men a tract of the sound state of religion, or that christianity which is described in the holy scriptures and of the things that make for the security and increase thereof in the world, designing its more ample diffusion among the professed christians of all sorts and its surer propagation to future ages : with the point of church-unity and schism discuss'd / by john corbet. corbet, john, - . [ ], , [ ], p. printed for thomas parkhurst, london : . note written in manuscript on the verso of t.p., colophon, and preliminaries to the point of church-unity and schism discuss'd. 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be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . dissenters, religious. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kingdom of god among men ; a tract of the sound state of religion , or that christianity which is described in the holy scriptures ; and of the things that make for the security and increase thereof in the world ; designing its more ample diffusion among professed christians of all sorts , and its surer propagation to future ages . with the point of church-unity and schism discuss'd . by john corbet . london , printed for thomas parkhurst , at the bible and three crowns at the lower end of cheapside . . the preface . a disquisition concerning religion and the state ecclesiastical , wherein several parties are vehemently carried divers ways , whether right or wrong , according to their different interests or apprehensions , is apt to stir up jealousie , and to meet with prejudice in a high degree , and therefore had need be managed as advisedly as sincerely . it is humbly craved , that the present management thereof may find a favourable reception so far as it hath in it self the evidence of its own sincerity and sobriety . this treatise is not framed for a present occasion or any temporary design ; but insists upon those things that concern the church universally and perpetually . it aims at the advancement of meer christianity , and with respect to the common concernments thereof , it leaves the things that are more appropriate to the several parties and persuasions , to stand or fall . it ingageth not in the controversies of these times , touching forms of church government , but in any form such depravations or deficiencies are blamed , as hinder the power , purity , unity , stability , or amplitude of religion . nothing prejudicial to government , to the rights of superiors , and civil pre-eminences , or to decency , unity , and order in the church , is here suggested . sedition and faction are evicted to be a contradiction to this interest , which can hold its own only in those ways that make for the common good , both of rulers and subjects . our design carries no other danger than the more ample diffusion of true christianity , and the power of godliness among men of all degrees , and the surer propagation thereof to future ages . here be some things that are the vitals of christian religion , and cannot be removed ; and here be other things of conscientious or prudent consideration , and let these so far pass , as they are found clear and cogent . i had rather be charged with any defect or weakness than with uncharitableness , and therefore am ready to renounce every line , and every expression in this book , that cannot stand with true christian charity in the utmost extent thereof . let it not be taken amiss , that to obviate suspicion or prejudice i declare my self in the things here following . i am one aged in the ministery , and by reason of age and experience am not eager for any party , but mellowed with charity towards real christians of all parties . i have vehemently desired the union of the more moderate dissenters , with the established order by reasonable accomodation , as for others that remain dissatisfied about such union , yet believe and live as christians , i do as earnestly desire an indulgence for them within such limits as may stand with publick peace and safety . though i am cast into the state of nonconformity , yet i am willing to exercise the ministery under the present ecclesiastical government , if i were made capable thereof by the relaxation of some injunctions . my principle is for a closing with things that are good and laudable in any established government , and for a bearing with things that are tolerable . and the wisdom of the governours of the church will direct them to turn away from such principles , orders or practices , as tend to the ruine or the great indangering of any ecclesiastical polity that retains them , whilest the apostolick doctrine ( as it is now established in the church of england ) is maintained . the contents . chap. i. the nature of christianity and the character of true christians . chap. ii. of things pertaining to the sound state of christian religion , viz. holy doctrine . chap. iii. the ordering of divine worship sutable to the gospel dispensation . chap. iv. the due dispensation of gods word , or publick preaching . chap. v. the due performance of publick prayer . chap. vi. the right administration of ecclesiastical discipline . chap. vii . religious family-government . chap. viii . private mutual exhortations , pious discourse and edifying conversation . chap. ix . the prevalence of true religion , or real godliness in the civil government of a nation . chap. x. christian unity and concord . chap. xi . a good frame of ecclesiastical polity . chap. xii . of the corrupt state of religion , and first externalness and formality . chap. xiii . the sectarian and fanatical degeneration . chap. xiv . of the way of preserving religion uncorrupt . chap. xv. the enmity of the world against real godliness , and the calumnies and reproaches cast upon it considered . chap. xvi . religions main strength next under the power of god lies in its own intrinsick excellency . chap. xvii . religion may be advanced by human prudence ; what ways and methods it cannot admit in order to its advancement . chap. xviii . the interest of true religion lies much in its venerable estimation among men . chap. xix . the most ample diffusion of the light of knowledge , is a sure means of promoting true religion . chap. xx. the advantage of human learning to the same end . chap. xxi . the general civility or common honesty of a nation , makes it more generally receptive of real christianity or godliness . chap. xxii . the increase of religion is promoted by being made as much as may be , passable among men . chap. xxiii . the observing of a due latitude in religion , makes for the security and increase thereof . chap. xxiv . the care and wisdom of the church , in preventing and curing the evil of fanatical and sectarian error . chap. xxv . the advancement of the sound state of religion by making it national , and the settled interest of a nation . chap. xxvi . of submission to things imposed by lawfull authority . chap. xxvii . the surest and safest ways of seeking reformations . chap. xxviii . considerations tending to a due inlargement and unity in church-communion . chap. xxix . whether the purity and power of religion be lessened by amplitude and comprehensiveness . chap. xxx . factious usurpations are destructive to religions interest . chap. xxxi . of leading and following , and of combinations . chap. xxxii . the wisdom of the higher powers in promoting the religionsness of their people . chap. xxxiii . the churches true interest to be pursued by ecclesiastical persons . the conclusion , a book intituled , the interest of england in matter of religion , in two parts , formerly published by the same author . pag. . lin . . read service , pag. . l. . read whereas , pag. . l. . read so , pag. . l. . read is , pag. . l. . read regardable , pag. . l. . read this , ib. l. . read apposite , pag. . l. . read is able to make , pag. . l. . read affect , pag. . l. . read for the , pag. . l. . read face of , pag. . l. . read exercises , pag. . l. . read religions , pag. . l. . read sacraments , pag. . l. . read condescention , pag. . l. . read orall , pag. . l. . read rites , pag. . l. . read abasing , ib. l. . read noting , pag. . l. . read transform it into , pag. . l. . read levities , pag. . l. . read exalt , pag. . l. . read effected , pag. . l. . read smatch , pag. . l. . read exercise , pag. . l. . read vainly , pag. . l. . dele love , pag. . l. . read concerns , pag. . l. . read enemies , ib. l. . read regulation , ib. l. . read and , pag. . l. . read be not , pag. . l. . read and are withall . a tract of the sound state of religion , &c. chap. i. the nature of christianity , and the character of true christians . the names and titles , by which real christians are in holy scripture distinguished from other men , are not mean and common , but high and excellent , as , a chosen generation , a royal priesthood , a holy nation , a peculiar people , the first-fruits of gods creatures , the houshold of god , children of light , children of wisdom , heirs of the heavenly kingdom , and the title of saints , was one of their ordinary appellations . doubtless the true difference between them and others lyes not in mere names , but in some peculiar excellencies of quality and condition thereby signified . and so much is abundantly set forth in the several expressions of christianity , as , the regeneration , the new creation , a transformation in the renewing of the mind , a participation of the divine nature , the life of god , conformity to the image of the son of god , and such like . thus from the scripture stile it is evident , that true christianity is of an other nature then that carnal , formal , and lifeless profession , with which multitudes confidently take up ; and that in its true professors there must needs be found something of a higher strain and nobler kind ; and which indeed makes them meet for that holy and blessed state to come , unto which it leads them . it is indeed an excellent name and nature , the regenerate state and divine life , which is begun in the new birth , wherein the soul retaining the same natural faculties , is changed from a carnal into a spiritual frame , by the sanctifying power of the holy ghost , and the word of truth . in this change the mind is illuminated unto an effectual acknowledgment of the truth which is after godliness , as containing the highest good , and appearing in such evidence as makes earthly things to be seen ( what they are indeed ) but as dross and dung in comparison thereof . the will is drawn by the force of the truth , acknowledged to an absolute conversion and adhesion to god , as the great and ultimate object of the souls love , desire , joy , reverence , observance , acquiescence , zeal , and intire devotion . in this absolute conversion to god , is included the renouncing of all self dependence , and of that perverse self-seeking , which follows the lapsed state , and an unlimited self resignation to god , which is the only true self-seeking and self-love . for god having made our felicity immutably coherent with his glory , but subordinate thereunto , a true convert turning from poor , empty , nothing , self to the infinite god , exchanges insufficiency , poverty , vanity and misery for immensity , almightiness , all-sufficiency and infinite fullness ; and so he loseth self , as it is a sorry thing and a wretched idol , and findeth the blessed god , and self-eternally blessed in him . and forasmuch as all have sinned and fallen away from god , and cannot be brought back to him , but in the hand of a redeemer and reconciler , our religion stands also in the sensible knowledg of sin , and of our deplorable state under the power and guilt thereof , with an humiliation sutable thereunto ; and in a lively faith towards our lord jesus , the eternal son of god made man in the fulness of time , who gave himself for us to redeem us from sin and death to a life of grace and glory . which faith is the worthy receiving of him in the full capacity of a redeemer , the intire and hearty acceptance of the grace of god in him , the souls resignation to him , to be conducted to god by him , and the securing of all that is hoped for in his hands , with an affiance in his all-sufficiency and fidelity . this faith worketh by love towards god and man. for through faith we love god , because he loved us first , and sent his son to be the propitiation for our sins . and through faith we resolve , that if god so loved us , then ought we also to love one another . and this love eminently contains in it all the virtues of moral honesty towards men , as truth , justice , mercy , peaceableness , kindness , faithfulness , humility , meekness , modesty , and towards inferiors moderation , equity , and condescention , and towards superiors reverence , and submission . christianity is a root of true goodness that brings forth its fruit in due season , in the first place the internal and immediate actings of faith , hope and love , which may be called radical duties , as lying next the root ; then the inseparable effects thereof , such as are holy meditation and prayer among the acts of devotion towards god ; and among the acts of charity towards men , justice , fidelity , mercy , which are called the weightier matters of the law. and further , it shoots forth into an universal regard of gods commandments in all particularities , not slighting the lowest or remotest duties , which indeed cannot be slighted without the contempt of that authority , which injoyned the greatest and most important . the spirit of christianity is a spirit of wisdom and prudence , that guides in a perfect way . it sets right the superior governing faculties , and holds the inferior under the command and government of the superior . it awakens reason to attend to the souls great concernments , to mind the danger of temptations , the madness of depraved affections , and the mischief and banefulness of all sin . it is no inconsiderate , licentious , presumptuous , dissolute spirit , but strict , circumspect and self suspitious , solid serious and universally conscientious . it is pure ; grave , sober , shunning every unseemly speech , all foolish and light behaviour , and much more that which hath a filthy savour , and smels rank of impurity and dishonesty . it watcheth the motions of the animal life and sensitive appetite , and curbs them , when they are extravigant , and renounceth whatsoever things tend to vitiate the soul , and work it below its spiritual happiness . it is a spirit of patience , and of true rational courage , and of resolved submission to the will of god. it is above wordly riches and poverty , and glory and ignominy , and fleshly pain and pleasure . but self-conceit , excessive self estimation , asperity towards others , and domineering cruelty over conscience , is no part of the above-mentioned and commended strictness and severity . for as it hates flattery and base compliance with others in prophaness or lukewarmness , so it is ever qualified with meekness , lowliness of mind , peaceableness , patience , that it may gain upon others and win them to its own advisedness , steddiness , purity and soberness . this new nature , while it is lodg'd in the earthly tabernacle , is clogg'd with many adverse things , especially the relicks of the old nature , which cause much vanity of thoughts , indisposedness of mind , motions to evil , and aversations from good , and somtimes more sensible disorders of affections , and eruptions of unruly passion , and aberrations in life and conversation . the same divine principal is in some christians more firm , lively and active than in others , yet it is habitually prevalent in them all ; and it resists and overcomes the contrary principle , even in the case of most beloved sins and strongest temptations , and perseveres in earnest and fearful indeavours of perfecting holiness in the fear of god. and whatsoever degree of sanctity is obtained , it ascribes wholly to the praise of gods grace in christ , and the power of his spirit . christianity being known what it is , it may easily be known what it is not , and so the false disguises of it may easily be detected . forasmuch as it looks far higher than the temporal interests of mankind in the settlings of this life ( though it doth not overlook them ) it cannot be thought to have done its work in making men meerly just-dealers , good neighbours and profitable members of the common-wealth , for such may be some of them that are without christ , without the hope of the gospel , and without god in the world . moreover , it cannot lie so low , as in a bare belief of the gospel , and an observance of its external institutes , accompanied with a civil conversation . as for such as rest in these things , what are they more in the eye of god , than the heathens that know him not ? and wherein do they differ from them , except in a dead faith , and outward form taken up by education , tradition , example , custom of the country , and other such like motives . nor doth it lie in unwritten doctrines , and ordinances of worship devised by men , nor yet in curiosities of opinion or accidental modes of worship , discipline , or church-government ; nor in ones being of this or that sector party , nor in meer orthodoxality , all which being rested in , are but the false coverings of hypocrites . it is not the lax and easie , low and large rule , by which libertines , and formalists , yea some pretended perfectionists do measure their own righteousness , who assert their perfectness by disannulling , or lessening the law of god. in a word , it is not any kind of morality or vertue whatsoever , which is not true holiness , or intire dedication to god ; and therefore much less is it , that loose and jolly religion of the sensual gang , who keep up a superficial devotion in some external forms , but give up themselves to real irreligion and profaneness , and bid defiance to a circumspect walking and serious course of godliness . and now it is too apparent , what multitudes of them , that prophess the faith of christ , are christians in name only and not indeed . their alienation from the life of god , and their enmity against it , and their conformity to the course of this world in the lusts thereof , doth testifie , that they have not received the grace of god in truth . but christians indeed according to the nature of christianity above expressed ( which is now in them though not in the highest , yet in a prevalent degree ) do make it their utmost end to know , love , honour and please god , to be conformable to him , and to have the fruition of him , in the perfection of which conformity and fruition , they place the perfection of their blessedness . in the sence of their native bondage under the guilt and power of sin , they come to the mediator jesus christ , and rest upon him , by the satisfaction and merit of his obedience and suffering , to reconcile and sanctifie them to god , and accordingly they give up themselves to him , as their absolute teacher and ruler & all-sufficient saviour . having received not the spirit of the world , but that which is of god , they are crucified to the honours , profits and pleasures of the world , and have their conversation in heaven , and rejoyce in the hope of glory , and prepare for sufferings in this life and by faith overcome them . the law of god is in their hearts , and it is the directory of their practice from day to day , by the touchstone of gods word they prove their own works , and come to the light thereof , that their deeds may be made manifest to be wrought in god. they draw nigh to god in the acts of religious worship of his appointment , that they may glorifie him , and enjoy spiritual communion with him , and be blessed of him , especially with spiritual blessings in christ : and as god is a spirit , they worship him in spirit and in truth . it is their aim , care and exercise to keep consciences void of offence towards god and towards men , and to render to all their dues both in their publick and private capacities , and to walk in love towards all , not excluding enemies , and to do all the good they can both to the souls and bodies of men ; but those that fear god they more highly prise and favour . the remainder of corruption within themselves they know feelingly , and watch and pray , and strive that they enter not into temptation , and maintain a continual warfare against the devil the world and the flesh , under the conduct of jesus christ their leader , according to the laws of their holy profession , with patience and perseverance . in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation , they indeavour to be blameless and harmless as the sons of god , and to shine as lights in the world , and by the influence of their good conversation to turn others to righteousness . such is the character of those persons upon whose souls the holy doctrine of the gospel is impressed , and in whom the christian religion hath its real being , force and vertue . these are partakers of the heavenly calling , and set apart for god to do him service in the present world , and afterwards to live in glory with him for ever . these are the true church of god ( the church being here taken as mystical , not as visible ) and these are all joyned together by one spirit , in one body under christ their head , in the same new nature , having one rule of their profession , and one hope of their calling . these are a great multitude , which no man can number of all nations and kindreds , and people and tongues , yet hitherto not proportionable to the rest of mankind . and they continue throughout all ages , but in greater or lesser numbers , and more or less refined from superstition or other corruptions , and more or less severed from the external communion of the antichristian state , according to the brightness or darkness of the times and places wherein they live . chap. ii. things pertaining to the sound state of religion . and first holy doctrine . the advancement of the christian life , which hath its beginning in the new birth , being the great end propounded in this discourse , in reference to this end , the things here principally looked after are , the receiving and propagating of holy doctrine , drawn out of the pure fountain of sacred scripture ; the right administration of true gospel worship , by which god is glorified as god , and the worshippers are made more godly ; the due preaching of gods word , and dispensation of other divine ordinances by personslawfully called thereunto , for the conversion of sinners and edification of converts ; holy discipline truly and faithfully administred by the pastors , as the necessity of the church requires , and the state thereof will bear ; religious family government ; private mutual exhortations , pious conferences and profitable conversation ; the predominant influence of religion in the civil government of a nation , yet without usurpation or incroachment upon the civil rights of any , especially of the higher powers ; the unity of christians and their mutual charity conspicuous and illustrious ; and lastly , in order to all these intents a good frame of ecclesiastical polity . holy doctrine is the incorruptible seed of regeneration , by which the new creature is begotten . it is not here intended to represent a perfect scheme thereof , for it sufficeth to signifie that extracts thereof from holy scripture , are drawn out in the ancient catholik creeds , and in the harmonious confessions of the present reformed churches . nevertheless our design requires the observation of some most important things about the doctrine of salvation , as that there be first an earnest and hearty belief of the existence and providence of god , and his government of mankind by laws congruous to their nature , and of the immortallity of human souls , and of a life of retribution in the world to come ; which is the foundation of all religion . ly . right apprehensions of gods nature and attributes , more especially of his holiness comprehending as well his purity and justice , as his mercy and goodness ; that as he is ready to procure his creatures happiness , and refuseth none that come unto him , so that he cannot deny himself , and that he receiveth note but upon terms agreeable to his holiness . ly . an idea of godliness in themind not as shaped by any private conceptions , but as expressed by the holy ghost whose workmanship it is , that christianity in the hearts and lives of men may be the same with christianity in the scriptures . . the receiving of the great mystery of godliness , not as allegorized in the fancies of some enthusiasts , wherein it vanisheth to nothing but as verisied in the truth of the history , wherein it becomes the power of god to salvation ; and so not to sever the internal spirit of the christian religion , from its external frame , the basis whereof is the doctrine of the trinity in the unity of the godhead , and of the incarnation of the eternal word . lastly , soundness of judgment in those great gospel verities , that are written for the exalting of gods grace , and the promoting of true godliness , and the incouraging of the godly , in opposition to ungracious , ungodly , and uncomfortable errours , of which sort are these following truths . that the study and knowledge of the scriptures , is the duty and priviledge of all christians , that according to their several capacities , being skilfull in the word of righteousness , they may discern between truth and falshood , between good and evil , and offer to god a reasonable service according to his revealed will. that internal illumination is necessary to the saving knowledge of god , the holy spirit in that regard not inspiring new revelations , but inabling to discern savingly what is already revealed in nature and scripture . that man was created after the image of god in righteousness and true holyness ; and that in this state he was indued with a self-determining principle called freewill , and thereby made capable of abiding holy and happy , or of falling into sin and misery according to his own choice , and that god left him to the freedom of his own choice having given him whatsoever power or assistance was necessary to his standing . that the first man being set in this capacity fell from god , and it pleased god not to annihilate him , nor to prevent his propagating of an issue in the same fallen state , which would follow upon his fall ; but left the condition of mankind to pass according to the course of nature , being now fallen . that by the sin of adam all men are made sinners , and corrupt in their whole nature , and are under the curse of the law , and liable to eternal condemnation , and being left to the wicked bent of their own wills , are continually adding to their original sin a heap of actual transgressions , and so are of themselves in a miserable and helpless condition . that the lord jesus christ according to his full intention and his fathers commandment , hath made propitiation for the sins of the whole world , so far , as thereby to procure pardon of sin and salvation of soul , to all that do unfeignedly believe and repent . that man being dead in sin cannot be quickned to the divine life , but by the power of gods grace , raising him above the impotency of lapsed nature . that the culpable impotency of lapsed nature to saving good , lies in the fixed full aversation of the will , by a deplorable obstinacy nilling that good to which the natural faculties can reach , and ought to incline as to their due object . that the root of godliness lies in regeneration and inward sanctification . that god calleth some by the help of that special grace which infallibly effecteth their conversion and adhesion to him , without any impeachment of the natural liberty of the will. that whatsoever god doth in time , and in whatsoever order he doth it , he decreed from eternity to do the same , and in the same order ; and so he decreed from eternity to give that special grace to some , and by it to bring them to glory , which decree is eternal election , to which is opposite the pure negative of non-election . as for preordination to everlasting punishment it passeth not upon any , but on the foresight and consideration of their final abode in the state of sin . that the more common convictions , inclinations and endeavours towards god in persons unregenerate are good in their degree , and the ordinary preparative to a saving change , and they are the effects of that divine grace which is called common . that deligent seeking after god by the help of common grace is not in vain , it being the means to some further attainment towards the souls recovery , and it is regarded of god in its degree , and god doth not deny men further degrees of help , till they refuse to follow after him , by not using the help already given them , and by resisting his further aid . that god hath made all men savable , and though he doth not simply and absolutely will the conversion and salvation of all , yet he willeth it so far , and in such manner as is sufficient to encourage the diligent in their endeavours , and to convict the careless of being inexcusable despisers of his grace towards them . that there is an inherent righteousness , by which the faithful are truly named righteous , not only before men , but in the judgment of god himself ; and which can be no more without good works then the sun without light . that this is so perfect , as not to lack any thing necessary to the true nature of righteousness , nor to be maimed in any principal part thereof , though in respect of degrees and some accidental parts , it be imperfect . that the faithful cannot by this inherent righteousness abide the strict tryal of divine justice , but they are acquited from the guilt of sin , and their deserved punishment by the meer grace of god in christ. that christs righteousness is so far bestowed on believers and made theirs , that in the merit and consideration thereof they are freed from the curse of the law , and the condemnation of hell , are justified unto eternal , life and adopted to the inheritance of the heavenly kingdom . and imputed righteousness in this sense cannot be gain-said . that no faith is justifying , but that which works by love , and brings forth the fruit of good works . that the condition of the new covenant for the remission of sins and everlasting life is faith alone , not as excluding repentance and new obedience , but as excluding the works of the law , or legal covenant ; and this is no derogation from the freest grace . that the faithful keep the commandments of god and in some sense may be said to fulfill the law , that is not in the strictness of the covenant of works , but in the observance of duty without reserves , in the sincerity of love towards god and man , as the scripture saith , love is the fulfilling of the law. that obedience every way perfect is required of the faithfull as their duty , but not under the penalty of eternal death , yet under that penalty they are obliged to sincere obedience . that good works have relation to eternal life as the means to the end , in that manner , as the seed to havest , as the race and combat to the prize , as the work to the reward ; not according to equality or condignity , or merit strictly so called , but according to free compact or congruity . that the faithfull may be assured of their own justification by a true fixed persuasion , that excludes hesitation and suspense , and causeth holy security , peace and joy ; and that they ought to labour for such assurance , which ariseth partly from the divine promises , and partly from the sense of their own infeigned faith . that though godliness stands not in absolute perfection , yet it stands in that integrity of heart and life , an indubitable evidence whereof cannot be had without a very carefull and close walking with god , and continued earnest endeavours of perfecting holiness in his fear . that all human actions must have an actual or habitual reference to gods glory , and that all things are to be done in the best manner for that end . that notwithstanding the power of divine grace , which works mightily in gods chosen , whosoever will be saved must watch and pray and strive , and bestow his chiefest care and pains therein , and so continue to the end , and particularly in the constant exercise not of a popish , outside , formal , but a spiritual and real mortification , and self denial in continual dependance on gods grace , who worketh in us to will and to do of his own good pleasure . in the positions aforegoing , all nice , obscure , perplexed and unnecessary notions are avoided , and the plain sense of gospel doctrine is attended . this simplicity and plainess makes the truth much more intelligible , and less controvertible , where a multitude of nice terms and notions are vain and hurtfull superfluities , that muffle the truth , and cloud mens judgments and multiply controversies , and cause much confusion . chap. iii. the due ordering of gospel worship . forasmuch as divine worship , is the first and nearest act of piety , and aims immediately at the glorifying of gods name , and the keeping of the soul devoted to him , the due ordering thereof must needs be one of the highest concernments of true religion . whereupon such an order thereof must needs be most desirable , as hath most tendency to exalt the honour of gods name , and to advance the souls pure devotion . and doubtless that hath most tendency thereunto , which is most according to the nature and will of god. notwithstanding the fetches of mens wit in commending their will-worship , god best knows , what service will please him best , and do us most good . it becomes us , neither to contemn gods authority in the neglect of his institutions , nor to controle his wisdom in the addition of vain inventions . and this will bring us into the way of a reasonable service , most acceptable to god and profitable to our selves . in the fulness of time our lord christ , being to establish a more perfect way , than what had been before , lays this foundation , god is a spirit and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and truth . accordingly he antiquated the old legal form , great in outward furniture and visible spendor , but comparatively small in substance and inward power ; and instituted an other of a far different strain , wherein the rituals and externals are few and plain , but their substance and inward power is great and mighty . and when he abrogated former things , which for their time had the stamp of divine authority , because they suited not with the gospel state , and were in a comparative sense called , carnal ordinances that were not good ; doubtless it was not his mind and will , that men should erect new frames of their own devising after the similitude of those old things , that are passed away . to worship god in the spirit after the simplicity that is in christ , according to the gospel dispensation , as it is most agreeable to the nature of the divine majesty , which is worshipped , and best fitted to glorifie him as god indeed ; so it is also most efficacious to make the worshippers more knowing in religion , more holy and heavenly in spirit and conversation , and every way more perfect in things pertaining to life and godliness . irreverence , rudeness , sordidness , or any kind of negligence in the outward service of god , is not here commended under the simplicity and spirituality of gospel worship . due regard must be had to all those matters of decency , the neglect whereof would render the service undecent ; such as are convenient places of assembling commonly called churches , comely furniture and convenient utensils therein , a grave habit not of special sanctity , but of civil decency for a minister , all which should not be vile and beggarly but gracefull and seemly ; likewise a well composed countenance and reverent gesture , is requisite in all that present themselves before the lord. sitting or lolling or covering the head , or having the hat half-way on in prayer , is among us unseemly , except natural infirmity call for indulgence herein : but laughing , talking , gazing about in our attendance on religious exercises , is no better than profaneness ; and to come into the congregation walking with our hats on our heads , is by custom taken for irreverence and incivility , and therefore to be avoided as offensive . all matters of necessary decency , are in their generals of the law of nature , and in the particulars to be ordered by human prudence . all natural expressions of devotion , as kneeling , and lifting up of the hands and eyes in prayer , are allowed by all sorts . we call them natural because nature it self teacheth to use them , without any positive institution divine or human ; and a rational man by the meer light of nature is directed to use them , yet not without some government and discretion . for herein nature it self is subject to some variety , and is in part determined and limited by the custom of several ages and countries , as for instance , in the prostration of the body in the act of adoration , in the wearing of sackcloth , and renting of clothes in time of great humiliation , which in former ages were sutable , and that according to nature , but not now adays in regard of the variation of custom . and i suppose that in this sense st. paul speaks against wearing of long hair as contrary to nature . but there hath been much controversie about such ceremonies as contribute nothing to the aforesaid necessary decency , and are no natural nor civil and customary expressions of reverence and devotion , but are of human institution and of a mystical and meerly instituted signification , and made visible stated signs of gods honour , and the immediate expressions of our observance of him , and obligation to him , and by some supposed to be not meer circumstances , but parts of divine worship ; and yet more especially if they be designed in their use , for that significancy and moral efficacy that belongs to sacraments , and made no less then the symbals of our christianity . it lies not on me to determine on either side in this controversie ; nevertheless it is easie to apprehend this , that it can be no danger nor dammage to be sparing in those things , which being at least doubtfull and unnecessary , have turned to endless strife and scandal between those that own the same doctrine of faith , and the same church communion . likewise it can do no hurt to reformed christianity , not to insist on that latitude in devised rites of worship , that will acquit the greatest part of the ceremonies used in the church of rome , from the charge of superstition , and which makes way for the oppressing of the churches , and the sinking of religion under a luggage of unprofitable institutions . to make any thing necessary and commanded of god , which he hath not commanded , and to damn any thing as forbidden by him , which he hath left indifferent , and to dread left god should not be pleased , unless we do somethings which we need not do , and lest he should be displeased , when we do somethings not forbidden , is no doubt the crime of superstition ; but it is not the whole extent of that sin . for it is no less superstition to feign god to be pleased with mens vain inventions , yea though they be not injoyned or observed as divine precepts ; and this also is , to teach for doctrines the commandments of men . and who are the greater controlers of gods wisdom , and usurpers upon his authority ? they that fear to do what god hath allowed , supposing it to be forbidden , or they that presume to add their own inventions for the bettering of his service , and make the omission thereof as criminal , as the neglect of divine ordinances ? doubtless it is a more tolerable superstition to be over solicitous and scrupulous , about the commandments of god , than to be over-confident and vehement in the unwarrantable or questionable traditions of men . human devices multiplyed in gods worship , ingender to much vanity and superstition in the zealous observers of them , and are apt to extinguish the inward life of godliness , as rank weeds choak the corn ; and they are commonly made a cloak to real ungodliness . and if some of them were first introduced with pious intention , yet they are commonly maintained and multiplied to serve a carnal interest . and they are the more easily entertained and observed , because it is easie to the flesh to buy out the inward service of god and the subjection of the inward man , by superficial bodily exercise . but the depretiating of these devices , serves to pluck off the mask of hypocrisie , made up of meer formalities , and to invigorate the life and spirit of true religion . to be the ministration of the spirit , is the excelling glory of the gospel ministration , wherewith a grave and sober decency and comely ornament doth well accord ; but excessive gaudiness , pompous and theatrical shews , various gesticulations , and affected postures , are vanities too much detracting from its dignity and spiritual majesty . chap. iv. the due dispensation of gods word . when our lord jesus ascended up on high , he gave gifts unto men , appointing and furnishing spiritual officers for the service of his kingdom , some extraordinary and temporary , as apostles , prophets , evangelists ; others ordinary and successively perpetual , as pastors and teachers . wherefore the interest of christianity lies much in a right gospel ministery , which is sutable and serviceable to our lords design , and the ends of his gospel . and it is a ministery , which is pure and uncorrupt , dispensing the truth as it is in jesus , whereby men are brought to sound faith and true holiness ; which is vigorous and powerful , apt to take hold of the conscience and reach the heart ; which is sollicitous and laborious , travelling in birth till christ be formed in the hearers and the man-child the new creature be born into the world ; which is assiduous and instant in preaching the word , by instruction , reproof and comfort , that as much as in it lies , it may present every man perfect in christ ; which comes with full scripture evidence and cogent reason , with solid matter in stile and language not negligent , much less undecent , yet not too curious and elaborate , but free , vehement , grave , serious and fit for the work in hand , which is not to tickle ear , but to break open the heart ; which is exemplary in faith , purity , charity , self-denial and contempt of the world ; and finally which is not mercenary , but naturally cares for the state of the flock , and accommodates it self thereunto , as its great charge and chief concern . and who is sufficient for these things , saith the great apostle ! doubtless much wisdom and grace is needfull , in an able minister of the new testament , and a workman that needs not to be ashamed . it being pre-supposed that he holds fast the form of sound words , and that he is throughly instructed in the mystery of godliness , which he is to impart to others , in the first place , his prudence will be concerned for the judicious management of the dispensation committed to him . a prudent dispenser of the word , will take care to deliver nothing to others , but what is very intelligible to himself ; and whereof he can make good sense , and render a reason to those that ask it . he doth not trifle with holy things , he shuns vanity and curiosity , and doth not ramble into impertinences , and cares not to utter any thing for ostentation . he hath in his eye the end of his ministry , and the usefulness and importance of what he hath to communicate , that ( as it said of the scripture from whence he takes it ) it may be profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , that it may come home to the hearts and lives of men , and be fit to raise their attention by their own concernment in it . he considers withall what the hearers can best receive , that is , not what the flesh can well digest ( for then the most necessary truths must be forborn ) but that which carries its own evidence , to that it must be owned , or the gain-sayers must be self-condemned . and this is to prepare mens minds , and to make way for such harder sayings and stricter precepts , as must be manifested in due season . moreover the dispensation of the word of god should be , as the word it self is , quick and powerfull , and in all reason that is to be most esteemed such , which is most apt to be effectual to the end , for which god hath ordained it , which is to open mens eyes , and to turn them from darkness to light , and from the power of satan to god , that they may receive forgiveness of sins , and an inheritance among them , that be sanctified through faith in christ. that kind of preaching that hath most tendency to convince , direct and move toward this end , is without controversie the most powerfull . the pressing of doctrines with solid and cogent reason , provided they be made plain and obvious to the capacity of the hearers , appertains to this manner of preaching , and in a chief point therein . strong reason may be so delivered as to be too hard , and strong for plain people to receive and digest it . here condescention is a great duty , and perspicuity a great gift . but the bare evidence of reason doth not all . for to gain the will ( which is the man ) besides the judgment , the fancy and affections had need be gained . we find it the condescention of god himself in his word , to deal very much with these lower faculties , which belonging not to brutes only , but to men also , it is not brutish but human , to be moved by them in subordination to the judgment . even the most learned and prudent men , are found to take no small impression from them ; and therefore the most proper ways of soliciting and exciting them , are not to be neglected , much less contemned . now dry reason though strong enough , is not so fit to take the affections or raise the fancy . wherefore some other helps , among which there are comparatively little things , are herein used , as familiar expressions , apt similitudes , expostulations , lively representations , and such like ; to which may be added a voluble tongue , a moving tone , and taking gesture . and though much noise and action make not a powerfull preacher ; yet earnestness of speech and elevation of the voice , is not of little force , and especially with vulgar hearers , who being the greatest number in most auditories , are very regarnable . and truly the weight of the business requires due fervour . should the matters of life and death eternal be delivered without feeling , as by men half asleep ? and people's drowsiness doth no less require it . yea , possibly the apprehensions and affections of the common people may better be roused up , by a somewhat boysterous way of excitation ; which for this reason should not displease the learned or most judicious sort , who are in this case to consider not what would most affect themselves , but the greater multitude , who stand in greatest need of help , and whose souls are not less precious , nor redeemed with a lesser price , than the souls of the greatest scholars , and sages of this world . indeed much judgment and and circumspection is here called for , that all rudeness and homeliness of expression , all curiosity , levity and loathsom affectation , and all manner of undecency be avoided ; and that what is comely and congruous and apt to convince and move be used , and that nothing be overstrained . and in this matter self-distrust , if not too excessive , will do better than self-confidence and conceitedness . here it should be considered , that very worthy men may have some indecencies in voice and gesture , which they cannot well remedy ; and others , who are very usefull , and whose service in gods church could not be well spared , may be liable to some lesser mistakes and incongruities in expression , which critical hearers may discern , yet they hinder not the efficacy of the word . and withall let it be considered , whose work they do , that aggravate such weaknesses to make sport for themselves , and others to the contempt of gods ordinance . and for them that pour out scorn upon the most pious , serious , solid and profitable kind of preaching , and make ridiculous representations of it to the world , because it suits not their seeming wisdom ; i am rather inclined to lament their folly , then to emulate their wit , or envy their applause with some men . we read that the wise preacher sought out acceptable words , that is words pleasing to edification , that would reach home and were piercing as goads and nails . the preachers inward feeling of what he speaks , hath a secret force to cause his words to be felt by others , and what comes from the heart is aptest to go to the heart , by a sympathy in the spirits of men . and that any should speak of seeing and feeling in some sort , the things that are written in gods word , will not seem strange to them who have tasted that the lord is gracious . the powerfull dispensing of the word depends chiefly on the assistance of the holy spirit , though both natural and acquired parts , and the industrious exercise thereof be likewise necessary . for which cause the spiritual man hath unspeakable advantage of the meerly natural man in this service . the special presence of the spirit with him and the grace of god in him , causeth him to speak in a strain more apposite , and sutable to the forming of the new creature . yea , such illumination and conviction and tast of heavenly things , as proceeds from a more common , or less than regenerating grace , will do more in this business with less abilities of art and nature , than far greater abilities in those kinds can do by themselves alone . the common sense of the faithfull , is a witness to the truth hereof . and it must needs be so , that he who hath some savour of the things of god , should speak more savorily of them , then he can , to whom they are tastless or unsavory . wherefore there is a spiritual kind of preaching not indeed opposite to rational , nor taken so to be by any that talk of it with understanding , though the assertors of it have been abusively personated , as holding such a dotage . they do not say , that the spirit shews any thing about the sense of scripture or divine matters , which is not consonant to right reason , or that whatsoever is darted into their mind , is to be taken for an irradiation from the holy ghost , or that any may presume upon the spirits immediate help , in the neglect of rational search and study . but their meaning is , that as heretofore in extraordinary persons there were extraordinary inspirations ; so there have been , are , and always shall be , the ordinary teachings and inspirations of the spirit ; in regard whereof it is stiled in scripture the spirit of wisdom and revelation , which teaching as all the faithfull stand in need of , so more especially the ministers of the gospel ; and that this divine assistance doth elevate , or heighten the gifts of nature and learning , and guides us to sound reasoning , yea , and sometimes brings things into the mind without previous reasoning , yet rational and found to be so upon due scanning . there is no great evidence in reason , that st. pauls demonstration of the spirit and power , is to be restrained to the miraculous confirmation of his doctrine , or any extraordinary gift ( though that sense be not excluded . ) for the contexture of his discourse in that chapter , sets forth a certain faculty , perceptive and expressive of the things of the spirit of god , belonging unto spiritual men as such . and they are no fanaticks , that to this day own the more common interpretation of the words , namely to preach from the special help of the illuminating and quickning spirit , with a lively perception and feeling of the things that are delivered . but whatsoever the meaning of those words be , verily they are besotted with reason , that in the pride thereof regard not this illumination from above , and scoff at those that look after it . to preach christ is the matter of this dispensation , and to preach moral duties is not extraneous to the preaching of christ , but comprized under it . yet it must be acknowledged , that morality in its best estate ( as it is vulgarly taken for temperance and righteousness towards men , and other vertues of that rank , as proceeding from a meerly natural principle , which an aristotle might describe in his ethicks ) is far below christianity . for it is found in many that are alienated from the life of god , and lead meerly by the spirit of this world . but this name may be given to some higher thing , as first , to the whole observation of gods moral law founded in our creation , and that not only in the outward work after a common manner performable by the unregenerate , but in a duemannerfrom a right principle to a right end , that is from the love of god unto his glory . and in this sense we acknowledge that it is a great part , but not the whole of the christian religion ; nor indeed the whole of morality taken not vulgarly , but theologically , and that in its full extent . for so taken , it is no other then the conformity of our minds and actions to god and his laws , and faith in christ , is a main part thereof . indeed to preach christ , is to preach the whole duty of man , and more especially those duties that are consequent to , and founded in our redemption ; as also to set forth the whole mystery of the gospel , which is the ground and reason of our duty . for god was in christ reconciling the world to himself , and accordingly hath ordained the ministery of reconciliation , by which there is made known the lapsed and lost estate of mankind , the abundant grace of god in christ for their recovery , remission of sins , and free justification through his righteousness , regeneration and inward sanctification , the inhabitation of the spirit in believers , and their mystical union with christ , their living by the faith of him , and deriving of spiritual life and strength from him , and growing up into him , till they be filled with all the fulness of god in him , their spiritual warfare and conflicts between the flesh and spirit within them , their temptations , desertions and renewed consolations , and the earnest and sealing of the holy spirit given unto them . surely these are fit subjects to behand led by a gospel preacher , though the preaching of these matters or of many of them , is by some called canting and phrase divinity ; yet they are the sacred expressions of the holy ghost in scripture . and dare any say they are but a sound of words without matter agreeable to the stile ? no , they are real and deep mysteries , and intelligible to them that obey the truth . it is heartily here asserted and earnestly contended for , that the gospel calls us as much to vertue as to glory , and that its true intent is to reduce us to a holy life : yet withall , the counsel of god therein is to set forth the glory of his free grace , the all-fulness of jesus christ , and the mighty working of his spirit , and the wonderfulness of salvation through him , to the intent that we might glory , not in our selves but in him , who of god is made unto us wisdom , righteousness , sanctification and redemption . and indeed , who do more powerfully and successfully preach christian duty , than they that most insist on this unspeakable grace , and lay open the treasures thereof ? the love of christ is so to be spoken of , as to beget in us a love towards him , not imaginary and conceited , but real and substantial , made good by an intire subjection to him . and therefore the doctrines of free grace and of good works are to be sounding together in our pulpits . what christ hath done for us is not to save us the pains of a continual mortification , and of the agony to be endured therein , and of aspiring to the most perfect state of holiness that is attainable . we are to live as strictly as if we were to be saved by the perfection of our own obedience . and indeed none lead more holy lives than they , that desire to be found in christ , and when they have done all that they can , rely wholly upon the mercy of god in him . it is most true that gospel mysteries do not lie in meer phrases , nor is new matter always brought with new forms of speech , nor are people much the wiser by having their heads filled with them . there are empty sounds and terms unintelligible , swelling words with windy notions , expressions that seem to draw deep , whose meaning is but shallow . there is a sollicitous stating of points with a seeming exactness , that is indeed weak and injudicious , and a niceness in distinguishing , which is but frivolous . many controversies much agitated are but a strife of words , and too great stress is often laid upon little fancies . and a greater mischief there is , that in cloudy language pernicious doctrines take shelter , and dangerous sects are known to hide themselves in this covert . and therefore he that doth his work rightly , will know the true significancy and import of what he utters . he vents not meer words , but sound matter and good substance ; for the souls of men are fed with solid sense and not with phrases . howbeit as touching expressions , there is a certain spiritual strain , which is most agreeable to the things of the spirit of god , and which as coming from life and spirit , is better discerned than described . there is a speaking , not in words which mans wisdom teacheth , but which the holy ghost teacheth . and though this more eminently took place in the apostles , and such other extraordinary persons , yet there is no sufficient reason to restrain it to them alone . st. paul may well be understood to speak of this as a gift received by them , that had received not the spirit of the world , but that which is of god , and as something suted to the perception and taste of all spiritual men . it doth not exclude the use of human wisdom , though the wisdom of the spirit sway in chief . for no doubt , even paul's human learning and prudence was herein serviceable , though in subserviency to the influence and conduct of the spirit . this spirituality of expression , is conformable to that of the spirit of god in scripture , though not confined to the words thereof . surely the mysteries of salvation cannot be better handled ; than in those terms in which they were first delivered , to wit , in scripture expressions , or others consonant thereto , solidly and pertinently used , and to call this canting , savours to much of that spirit , to which holy language is unsavory . without controversie , the strongest reason is of greatest force to gain the wills of men , to imbrace true religion . for that which crosseth sensuality , selfishness and all the depraved appetite of our lapsed nature ( as religion doth ) must needs have its greatest strength , next under the power of divine grace , in the force of right reason . but care and skill is requisite , that it be so prepared , offered , and set home , that it may be sutable to them that should receive it , and that the cogency thereof may so reach unto , and fasten upon their judgments , as to gain their wills . philosophical ratiocinations are too remote not only from low and dull capacities , but also from the greater part of them , that are competently apprehensive and intelligent , and so being too much estranged from them , they do not touch them to the quick . a familiar , natural , plain and obvious way of reasoning comes home to all men , and is most felt at the heart , and that by scholars themselves , though their intellect may be more delighted in more accurate or reserved speculations . scriptural preaching is indeed the most rational , as coming with such reason as is of greatest force with men in matters of salvation . for gods written word is a treasure of divine wisdom , that throughly furnisheth the man of god. besides , the infallible testimony thereof hath more authority , than philosophical reason , though sound and true , can have , upon christian hearers ; and it peirceth deeper and sticks closer . and arguments taken , and words spoken from scripture , wherewith the people converse dayly , are more easily apprehended and retained ; and so are more instructive , and every way more usefull than other reasonings . though numerous citations of sentences out of human authors be an unprofitable kind of ostentation ; yet the sentences of holy writ , which is the evidence of our christian hope , and the testimony of him , who is truth it self , are most effectual to edification . and whosoever is able to speak reason in divine matters , is to make a rational use of scripture : and if any quote it impertinently and absurdly , it is through defect of reason , and they would be as injudicious in their sermons without those quotations . but nice and haughty wits mostly cavil without cause , and charge profitable preachers with injudiciousness , meerly through their own vain curiosity and inconsiderateness . scripture quotations are sometimes used by way of allusion , or for illustration , not for strict proof ; and that which is brought for proof , if it be not full and cogent , yet it may add some weight , and then it is not abused . besides , if a passage be used in a sound and pious , though not in its proper sense , it is pardonable . it is fit indeed that in citing texts , we know their true import , and go more by weight than number , shunning impertinency and superfluity ; yet it is not unfit to note , that all sound and good preachers are not alike judicious , and those that are very solid may be guilty of some oversights : and 't is a bad matter that their ministery , which god hath owned and honoured with good success in his service , should be set at nought for a few mistakes ( perhaps more pretended than real ) about the sense of some scripture , when it is not applyed otherwise than the analogy of faith will bear , and nothing is defended but known truth . i have known a pious but strangely mistaken sense of a scripture sentence cast into the mind , and there fixed to have been the first occasion of seriousness in religion , to one that afterward lived and dyed a godly christian. now that which was causal in this conversion was the godly truth it self , which was written in gods word ; and the mistaking it to lie in such a sentence where it did not , being but accidental , was no hinderance . i do in no wise countenance the irrational use of scripture , but am sensible of the importance of good judgment and due care about the sense thereof : yet i cannot approve the scornful haughtiness of some men , who deride godly persons well instructed in the scripture , as having nothing but words and phrases and senseless notions ; either because they come short of scholar-like exactness , or because they speak of the things of god in a more evangelicall and spiritual strain , than these can well bear . in speaking , the best use of art is to speak to best purpose , and for that end , in divine matters to speak with greatest majesty and authority . and this is done not by ostentation of wit , by puerile and effeminate rhetorications , by a rapsody of flanting words , by starched speech , by cadency of sounds , or any too elaborate politeness , that please the shallow fancy , but by the evidence of reason set forth in a masculine and unaffected eloquence , that hath power over the wills of men , which are tough and knotty peices . perspicuity is a great vertue and felicity in discourse , for hereby what is offered gains attention , and enters the mind , and abides therein : but intricacy and obscurity is a bar to its entrance and entertainment . hereunto an easie and obvious method , evident coherence , and plainness of expression conduceth mainly . wherefore he that minds what he hath to do , is not careful by a more curious artifice to please the fancies of some itching hearers , but hath most regard to that composure , that makes most for a general benefit and edification . and for this cause as he would not multiply words without need , and become tedious ; so he would not be too succinct and close ; and by that means either too dark , or too quick to inform or effect the people . in vulgar auditories a dilating of the matter is most necessary , so that idle tautologies and prolixity be avoided : and it may be spread forth in such fulness and plainess of speech , as will not be unacceptable even to scholars , that are not wise in their own conceit . but the careless and confused speaking of incoherent and undigested matter , rudeness or baldness of expression is no part of this commended plainness , which is orderly , comely and weighty , agreeable to the majesty of gods word . a true preacher of the gospel rightly divides the word of truth , and gives to all their portion . he doth not make distinction , where the rule of faith makes no difference , nor doth he confound things , that ought to be distinguished . he is not partial towards parties for interest or affection . and so he doth not promiscuously justifie or condemn the evil and the good together on any side ; but as he accounts it an odious thing to rail upon one party in the ambiguous terms of false church , false worship , false ministry , idolatry , superstition , formality : so he accounts it no less odious , confusedly to inveigh against those of an other persuasion , under the no less ambiguous terms ( as they are now commonly used ) of hypocrites , pharisees , fanaticks , enthusiasts , separatists , humorists and such like . he is constant in preaching the word , instant in season and out of season . for in preaching frequently , he doth not do the work of the lord negligently , but duely feeds the flock , and that with better prepared food , than they use to bring that preach but seldom upon pretence of greater preparation . he watcheth over the flock with diligence , and naturally cares for their estate ; for he knows the worth of precious souls . he condescends to persons of low degree , and is concerned for the souls of the poor and simple and illiterate , as well as of the noble , rich and learned ; for he knows their redeemer paid alike dear for both . and however the proud and covetous judge , he doth not think it below him to intermeddle , for the reducing of the simple that go astray , and he seeks to recover them with gentleness and patience ; for he prefers the gaining of one soul , before all the preferments of this world . he earnestly looks after that , which some do little regard , to wit the seal of his ministery in the saving efficacy thereof on the hearers , and when he finds it , he makes it the crown of his rejoycing . and this seal he takes not to be their meer owning of sound doctrine , or following an orthodox party , much less their abounding in notions , their talking and outward guarb of profession ; but their new birth or their spiritual growth , the promoting whereof is the scope of his labours , and the dayly travell of his soul. chap. v. the due performance of publick prayer . prayer being a main part of gods worship and chief act of devotion , and such as doth accompany and sanctifie every other religious duty , and the publick management thereof pertaining to the work of the ministry ; its due performance must needs be of no small import to the increase of true piety , and no small part of the ministerial excellency and sufficiency . among spiritual gifts , i doubt not to number the gift of prayer also , and i judge they speak too low of it , that make it only a natural gift , or acquired by practice and imitation . much indeed may lie in natural parts , and observation and exercise , but not all ; for over and above these things , the spirit of christ presiding perpetually over his church sets in , and by a secret influence on men designed of god for this service , indues them with a peculiar aptness of knowledge and utterance , as well in prayer as preaching , for the edifying of the church . and some unsanctified persons being thus gifted , may preach and pray with a notable tendency to the saving of others , when themselves prove cast-aways . private christians also according to their measure , are partakers of this gift in much diversity of degrees , god giving to every man severally as he will. besides this , there is a special and saving gift , the spirit of prayer , and praying in the holy ghost , or by his gracious assistance in a holy manner , according to the will of god , which is indeed lively and powerfull , and apt to kindle a holy fervour in them , that joyn in the service so performed . and why that , which is performed in such a manner , and by such assistance , may not be called a praying by the spirit , i see no reason . they who thankfully acknowledge and bless god for so great a gift of his grace , do not intend thereby a miraculous inspiration , or an absolute infallible guidance of the holy ghost . much less do they think that their prayers are such dictates of the spirit , as would infer that the very matter and word● thereof , being written would become canonical scripture , to which is requisite not only an infallible spirit , but also an attestation thereof by the same spirit , sufficient to convince others . but this they maintain , that the spirit helps them against their indisposedness of mind , and deadness of heart , and manifold infirmities , and strengthens their faculties , and quickens their graces , and enlarges their desires , and elevates their souls , and brings things to their remembrace , specially the divine promises , yea , and in some particulars may guide the heart and tongue by a present immediate suggestion . for why must the spirit of god be thought to do less in exciting to good , then the devill ordinarily doth in prompting to evil ? and yet they are not to depend on the spirits immediate suggestion , for matter , words and method , without taking care or thought before hand . it is an ordinary and not miraculous assistance which they expect , and which is usually given according to mens preparations , and suted to their several capacities . the spirit of prayer is not confined to this , or that exterior frame or order of prayer ; but is ever found there , where the heart hath a due sense of the matter . a particular form , whether stinted or not stinted is not of the essence of prayer , but only its outward shape , and it pertains to it not as it is a sacred thing , but as an action in general ; and for that no action can possibly be performed but in some particular mode , this holy action cannot otherwise be performed . and whereas there are divers modes thereof , they may be used as they are congruous to the substance of the duty according to mens choice and judgment , unless they were ( as indeed they are not ) bound up to one by a divine determination . the lawfulness of set-forms is further evinced from the lords prayer , and other forms in scripture , and as much is owned by the general custom of singing davids psalms . wherefore to turn the back upon the publick prayers of the church , meerly because performed in this manner , is unwarrantable . and there is a● little warrant to restrain all publick prayer to a stinted liturgy , and leave no liberty at all to the ministers godly zeal and prudence . in this particular , the interest of true godliness will be much better advanced by moderation , than by contests and rigor on either hand . for it is very discernable , that the antipathy against either way , is mainly caused by the animosity and mutual opposition , between the parties of different persuasions and inclinations in this matter . they are too weak and ill-advised at least , if not humorous and self-conceited , that reject all sett-forms : and on the other hand to suppress the gift of prayer in our selves or others , is to sin against the grace of god and to hinder much good . the use of a set-form without an imperious restraint of prayer thereto , will obviate the objection of stinting the spirit , which means ( if there be any thing to the purpose in that phrase ) a suppressing or undue restraining of this spiritual gift , against which a caution is here given . in our addresses to the great god it concerns us to look well both to thoughts and words , that in both he may be sanctified by us , and glorified as god indeed . and in our publick addresses to him a more special care must be had , that nothing be uttered before him , that is unmeet to be offered to his dreadfull majesty . rude , clownish , and homely expressions , as also quibling , jingling , and all levity and trifling is very loathsome in preaching , but in prayer much more . affectation of words , curiosity and politeness becomes not the weightiness and awfulness of this duty . yea abruptness , obscurity , and all incongruity of speaking is to be shunned herein , as much as possible : and that only is to be used which is plain , clear , seemly , weighty , savory and affectionate . in like manner all indecency of voice , and gesture is to be watched against , as an offensive thing , and apt to expose the service to the derision of proud scorners . yet a seasonable elevation of the voice , or other apt expression of earnestness is not to be counted rudeness . sometimes a worthy man may not be aware of some uncomeliness in his tone , or in the posture of his countenance , or some other bodily gesture , by reason of the fervour of his spirit , in the duty joyned with inadvertency towards those exterior and lesser things . and sometimes an ill habit or custom is not easily broken off . these inconveniencies are prevented or redressed by a wariness of disposition , and a moderate self-distrust , and the actual observation of what is gracefull or uncomely in others . prayer is a holy converse with god , wherein an humble confidence , and son-like freedom of spirit with him is acceptable ; yet withall it calls for the greatest prostration of soul , and the deepest reverence and subjection . wherefore humbly to expostulate with god , is no sauciness . the whole current of the prayers of saints in scripture doth warrant it , and that not only now and then in extraordinary cases . indeed our ordinary concerns with god , are no less than the safety of our immortal souls , the pardoning of our great and numberless offences , the subduing of inveterate corruptions , our escaping of many deadly dangers , our victory over the adverse world , the powerfull presence of his grace , the light of his countenance ; as also the interests of his glory , and of his church and people , and of the world in general , that poor souls may be delivered from the power of darkness , and translated into the kingdom of his dear son ; all which are of the highest moment , and of themselves exceeding difficult ( though to god all things are possible ) and they all require vehemence and importunity , not as if god needed to be moved or stirred up , but that we may declare our selves duely affected . howbeit even the best things may be over-done , and this over-doing is the marring thereof . if in the expostulations of prayer , men shall utter perverse or frivolous things , or speak absurdly , daringly , or irreverently , they are highly culpable and guilty of abusing the most holy things , and of contemning the most glorious and fearfull name of the lord their god. our freedom of access to god and converse with him , must not be turned into an irreverent and presumptuous familiarity . those that are guilty of this rashness are worthy of great rebuke . but i-know well , that the spirit of luke-warmness and profaness , doth usually cast reproaches and scorns upon that zeal and fervency of spirit , that well becomes the servants of the lord , and labours to make the most accceptable , and profitable kind of prayer to seem ridiculous . it is against reason to think that the ministers of the present age , brought up under such eminent advantage for ministerial abilities , should not be able to speak to god in good and solid sense , in an orderly method , and in affective , grave and seemly language , as becomes the solemnity of gods worship . experience will justifie the sufficiency of serious , pious and painfull preachers in general , though the captious and curious , and such as love to cavil , have found fault , and despised the profitable endeavours of those , whom god hath owned . besides , the offences that are committed in this matter , proceed more from inadvertency and imprudence than from insufficiency , and may be corrected by care and causion , and good advice . and it is no vanity to suppose such a competency of prudence easily attainable by all those , that are competently qualified for this office. indeed it cannot be expected , but that some will be less able and less perfect than others in this performance , and that the same persons may not be alike perfect therein at all times : nevertheless , there is no such want of security , that the churches service will be well performed , if any prayer be used in the church besides a prescribed form. for who can doubt , but that persons of competent ability and prudence , may upon due incouragement be spread throughout a nation , in such an age of learning and knowledge ? and to say otherwise , were to disparage the reformed religion . and there is no just cause of doubt , but that an able minister may make use , either of a precomposed or of an immediately conceived form of words . yet in this matter there is great diversity of judgment and affection , even unto much prejudice and opposition . but the same minds might well be conciliated to both ways , if rightly ordered . the question is here supposed to be of the outward mode , in which two things are mainly to be regarded , to wit , that it be reverend and affective . such , as are best persuaded of a pre-composed form , and find it expedient for them , doubtless may rightly manage it to the edifying of themselves and others . for which end they must needs in some parts thereof make use of occasional variation and inlargement ( though premeditated ) as minding the more particular requiries of several times and occasions . but others by a habit of ready utterance and much exercise , are well prepared to pray by the immediate conceptions of their mind in proper and decent words , and can do it without any straining of invention , and with much freedom of spirit . no more is here spoken , that what impartial men will grant . and why should any forbid them that are thus qualified to use their gift ? but if any should be rash with their mouths , and hasty to utter any thing before god that is unmeet , they are subject to the discipline of the church to be censured for their errour . moreover heightened affections inlarge the heart , and open the mouth , and do not make a man at a stand for want of words . indeed astonishing affection or an extasie of spirit may put one to such a stand , but that rarely takes hold of any in a pubick performance . but a calm admiration and reverence of god , and seriousness and earnestness of address to him , doth not hinder but further ap●expressions . for the use of one constant form , it hath been pleaded that a stranger may thereby the better know how we worship god , and that the people better understand and remember that , to which they are continually used . but on the other hand variety and newness of matter , and words are more apt to quicken the affection , and perfect the understanding also , especially of the attentive , whenas under the constant rehersal of one thing , the faculties grow flat and dull . besides , in the use of this liberty and variety , the prayer being ordinarily the same for substance in the main , the vulgar apprehension and memory is help'd , by the sameness of the main substance and scope , and the affections are raised , and the understanding further edified by that which is new in the frame , and method and particular matter , and the peoples more particular variable concernments , are provided for by a more peculiar accommodation and respect thereto , as occasions vary . and by the received doctrine of faith , a stranger may be sufficiently ascertain'd of the substance of the worship to be celebrated . for a doctrine of a church governs its worship ; and it is well known , that one & the same tenor thereof will pass through the several congregations of a nation , that are not confined to a stinted form , yet combined in the same faith and order . and when all is said , that management and performance of this service is the best , that is most effectual to make the comers thereunto more perfect in knowledge , more devout and zealous towards god , more pious and blameless in their conversation , and every way more perfect in the divine life ; and it will be so acknowledged by them that are discerning and serious in the things of god. but to conciliate the minds of men diversly affected in this matter , and to prevent the inconveniencies , and to obtain the good of either way , a prescribed form and a free prayer will do best together , in reference to the churches peace and edification . chap. vi. the right administration of ecclesiastical discipline . the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god are pastors of the church , and pastoral authority includes both teaching and ruling , and implies the peoples subjection in the lord to their doctrine and discipline . to bereave the church of discipline , is to leave it unfurnished of that means , which is necessary to the preservation of all orderly socities of mankind . it is to turn the garden of the lord , by plucking up the fence thereof into a common or wilderness . the power intrinsecal to this office , is not secular and coercive by temporal penalties , but purely spiritual ; which is in the name of christ , and by authority from him the chief pastor to watch over the flock , to encourage them that live conformably to the gospel by the consolations thereof , and to warn them that walk disorderly , and if any continue obstinate therein , to declare them unworthy of church-communion and christian converse , and to require the faithful to have no fellowship with them , to the intent that they may be humbled and reformed . as the discipline of all societies is to be regulated by their true interest and and chief scope , so is this of the church of god. now the christian church looks mainly to the honour of christ , and the glory of gods grace in him , and to the salvation of men , for which ends it was ordained . and consequently its true interest lies in the conservation and augmentation of true christianity or the power of godliness : but that church interest which is elsewhere fixed , and levelled to an other mark , appertains to a carnal and worldly state set up in the room , and pretence of this spiritual society . the churches true and proper excellency lies not in worldly splendor , opulency and power ; nor in outward rites and formal unity ; nor in the stability and amplitude of a meer external state : but in the inward light and life , in the unfained faith and love , in the purity and spiritual unity of believers , and in the security and advancement of this internal state , and of the external state in order to the internal . wherefore the right end of discipline is not to promote temporal glory , and opinions and formalities thereunto subservient , but the apostolick faith and worship , and the regeneration of the professors thereof , and their sincere devotion , godly unity , sobriety , righteousness , brotherly-kindness , and common charity , and all the vital parts of christianity : and to keep and cast out heresie , superstition , profaness , unrighteousness and all wicked error and practice , that tends to frustrate the designs of christs gospel : as also to prevent and remedy the causless tearing and renting of churches , and those alienations and animosities among christians , that proceed only from the wills and lusts of men . and the management hereof to this right end , is of far greater consequence , than any scrupulosity or preciseness about its external form and order . nay , if an external order could be proved to be primitive and apostolical , and were perverted and abused to inforce corrupt doctrines , scandalous and insnaring inventions and impositions ; and in a ceremonial strictness to indulge real profaness , and discourage true godliness , it were no other then the mystery of a carnal state under a spiritual name , having a form of godliness , but denying and suppressing the power thereof . the right end of discipline being such as hath been declared , it follows that its proper work is to incourage godliness , and to disgrace open sin . accordingly being rightly managed it admonisheth the unruly , casts out the obstinate , and restores the penitent . about these things it is active , watchfull and vigorous . what severity it hath , it exerciseth in correcting real scandals and gross breaches of gods law , and in maintaining the churches peace against those that cause divisions , and offences contrary to the doctrine which we have received , that is the doctrine of christ and his apostles . but it careth little for those matters , wherein the life and power of religion , and the churches peace and edification is unconcerned . much less doth it seek to quench godly zeal , and to hinder the necessary means of the increase of true godliness , or to afflict peaceable and pious christians by any needless rigors . chap. vii . religious family-government . in the time of the law the solemn dedication of houses was in use , the solemnity expressing that holy exercises should be performed in it , and that the houshold should be holy . in the first times of christianity , the scripture makes mention of churches that were in particular houses , teaching that christian families should resemble churches for piety and godly order . by family-godliness religion thrives exceedingly , and decays as much by the neglect thereof . by domestick instruction knowledge is much increased . for this private particular teaching is apt to be more heeded than that which is publick and general ; and persons are hereby prepared to attend with profit upon the publick preaching . good principles are infused , and impressions of good are made upon those that live under such government . and where much may not be wrought at present towards conversion , something may stick upon them , which may afterwards appear , when the grace of god shall visit them more powerfully . moreover national , and church reformation should here begin . nations will be wicked , and churches corrupt , while families remain disordered : but by the reformation of these lesser societies the larger are easily reformed , as the whole street is made clean , where every one will sweep his own door , which is but an easie task . it were most desirable that houses of eminent persons were exemplary in this kind , as it appears king davids was by that profession , i will walk within my house with a perfect heart , i will not know a wicked person , he that walketh in a perfect way shall serve me . but it is lamentable , that in so many families of professed christians of high and low degree , wickedness carries it with a high hand in drunkenness , swearing , cursing , open profanation of the lords day , in hatred of godliness , and contempt of gods ordinances : and that in many others free from debauchedness and open lewdness , there is no face , religion , no divine worship performed , no godly discipline , no instruction in the way of godliness observed . should any professing subjection to god , maintain under his charge and government an open rebellion against god , or at least a totall neglect of him ? should not god rule , where his servant rules ? wherefore it is the proper work of christian housholders in their several houses , to offer prayers and praises to god dayly , both morning and evening as the dayly sacrifice ; to sanctifie the lords day in prayer , singing of psalms , reading the scriptures and other holy books , in repeating sermons , instructing children and servants , and in taking account of their diligence and proficiency under the means of grace ; and this to be done not formally and customarily , but conscienciously in good carnest and to good effect . it is their charge also to hold a prudent hand over children in their minority , and not to indulge them in a course of idleness , sensual pleasure , or any inordinate liberty ; also to make intercession to god for those under their tuition , to allow servants time for secret duty ; lastly to purge their families of sinfull disorders , and to remove scandals , as carefully as the israelites cleansed their houses from leaven , at the time of the passover . as the religious care of superiors , so the submission and teachableness of inferiors is injoyned . children , servants and sojourners in godly families , being come into the lords heritage and portion , and under his special protection , and the dispensation of his grace , should not think it a yoke of bondage to live under such a discipline , and to be held unto such exercies ; but should improve the advantage and be followers of whatsoever is good and praise-worthy . and whatsoever imperfections they find therein , they should not malignantly aggravate the same , but bless god for the good , and consider the defects as the remainders of human weakness . chap. viii . private mutual exhortations , pious discourse and edifying conversation . it is also of great advantage when christian people are inured in the way of religious converse , and discourse for edification . for by this means they propagate the knowledge and love of the truth , and keep themselves in spiritual life and vigor , and daily building up one another on their most holy faith , advance heaven-ward . and it is as comely as advantageous . the royal prophet understood what was seemly and worthy of him in his conversation , and he saith , i will talk of thy commandments before princes and not be ashamed . is it not seemly for those that are risen with christ to speak of the things above , and for fellowtravell rs towards the heavenly kingdom , to mention the affairs of their own country ? it is also sweet and lovely , a partaking of that grace that was poured into christs lips , and it is pleasant to all such as savour the things of god. yea , are not converts bound by all means to seek the conversion of others ? we have received this holy commandment , let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth , but that which is good for the use of edifying , that it may administer grace to the hearers . indeed holy language proceeding from the mouths of scandalous persons or detected hypocrites is disgraced , and loseth its savour . if affectation and vanity appear therein , it hath not so sweet a relish . but this can be no disparagement to gracious words , which holy and humble men of inoffensive lives speak feelingly from the abundance of the heart ; and those that judge them hypocrites , god will judge . moreover , honest minds may be sometimes guilty of imprudence , and thereby occasion some disgust , and make that which is good and wholsom to be unacceptable and ineffectual . nevertheless t is a bad matter for any one from the baseness of some hypocrites , and the weakness of good christians to take occasion of pouring out contempt upon this godly practice . yea , whosoever gives a check to it , upon pretence of its unseasonableness and impertinency at some times , are not well advised for the interest of true religion , because for one that is overforward herein a hundred are too backward , and that among the wise and able , who might reap a harvest of much good , if they were not too shie or sluggish . the most have need rather of the spur than the bridle in this case . wherefore discretion will mind the season in which every thing is beautifull , and not inconsiderately force discourse , and run on therein when it will not be entertained , as in the set times of other mens sports or business : nor will it press any beyond due measure , and what they can well receive , lest that which in it self is precious become nauseous or untastfull . opportunity and leasure will sufficiently offer it self for set and solemn conference ; and besides this , there will be room almost continually to put in by the by , a word that may take effect . how forcible are right words ! it hath sometimes come to pass , that a short saying occasionally let fall upon a prepared mind , hath entred deep , and stuck close . yea , that which takes not much at present , may be remembred , and have its effect after a long time , and then be matter of much blessing and praise . the counsel of the wise preacher looks this way . in the morning sow thy seed , in the evening with-hold not thy hand , for thou knowest not whether shall prosper this or that , or whether they shall be alike good . whatsoever scornfull or careless men conceit hereof , the divine wisdom hath made it praise-worthy and precious . the tongue of the just is as choice silver , and the lips of the righteous feed many . and to good hearts this practice will not be burdensom , for they will recreate their minds herewith , as an holy divertisement and serious pastime , while others spend their leasure in that mirth and laughter which the wise man calls madness . chap. ix . the prevalence of religion or real godliness in the civil government of a nation . in christian states and kingdoms religion being gods interest , ought to have the preeminence in all things . and its preeminence is no incroachment upon the rights of the higher powers , but their establishment . god alone hath an underived and unlimited empire over man his creature . the people are primarily gods subjects , and then are subject to princes , as to his vicegerents , and obedience to him is the grand interest both of prince and people . none can doubt that god hath made his own glory , and mans salvation the supreme ends of government and subjection . and consequently , that is the best policy which gives these ends the highest place , and makes temporal advantages and the wellfare of the outward man subordinate thereunto . and this requires that the constitution give the highest regards to gods laws , and maintain their authority , and that the whole publick administration tend to the promoting of righteousness and true holiness , and to the suppressing of all unrighteous and impious practice . as it is the church's duty and honour to teach and command her children to do whatsoever christ hath commanded : so it is the proper work and chiefest glory of the magistrate , who is gods minister to defend the faith , and uphold the ordinances of the gospel , and to further the most lively and powerfull dispensation of them , and to incourage and command obedience to the divine law written in nature or scripture . in subserviency hereunto his power is to determine such things as are requisit in general , but in particular are left undetermined of god , and therefore called indifferent , and are to be ordered by human prudence according to the general rules of gods word . and for these ends the chief magistrate hath a supremacy in all causes , and over all persons , civil and ecclesiastical . but it is no diminution of his authority to remove from it things unnecessary , unprofitablē , and offensive in their use , and for their doubtfull nature apt to perplex the subjects conscience . and he is the general bishop of his dominions in a political sense , without any incroachment upon that authority , wherewith christ the king of the church hath invested spiritual pastors . as he is such an officer , it is worthy of his chiefest care to provide , and send forth able and faithfull dispensers of the word , that may teach the people the good knowledge of god , after the example of the good king jehoshaphat ; and to see that every one , who hath the cure of souls , be resident with his flock , and constantly instruct them by preaching the word , and catechizing them in the principles of religion ; and not to suffer pluralists to seise upon several congregations as a prey , to fleece but not to feed them ; to incourage laborious ministers , that watch for the peoples souls , as those that must give an account ; and strictly to injoyn the sanctification of the lords day , which was sanctified to the publick worship of god by the apostles of our lord , who were guided by an infallible spirit in setling this , as all other ordinances pertaining to christs kingdom , and was observed by the apostolick churches , and so hath continued in all ages , and in all places of christianity , and is conveyed down to us by as unquestionable tradition as the scripture it self . it is not of little moment to suppress , or at least to bring into disgrace whatsoever customs serve for nought , but to feed inordinate sensuality , and to make those that use them profane , vicious and licentious . there are frequented shews and pastimes well known , that increase unto all ungodliness , and may be called the devils ordinances . those that wish well to piety have an ill part to act , when they take upon them to defend some exercises , from which an extreem abuse is inseperable , and which are made a trade of gain arising from the impurity and profaness of them , and therefore are incorrigible , and can admit no reformation . the piety of any nation is not to be measured by formalities and opinions and uniformity in little things , but by substantial devotion , by solid zeal in the weighty matters of the law , and main concerns of religion , by righteousness of life , by sobriety , purity , modesty , by peace and concord with mutual forbearance in those differences that should not , and need not make breaches among brethren , by dutifulness in all relations , by industry , frugality , and by abounding charity that is full of good works . happy is that state where religious influence is predominant , where the pious and prudent bear sway , not by intrusion , but by lawfull admission ; also where it ariseth to that strength , as to carry along with it the affection and interest of a nation , not by setting up the faction of a few , but by making the generality , or at least the greater number of considerable men , some of them truly regenerate christians , and the rest orderly and well affected . one would think it were out of question , that it were more desirable , that religiousness should be in fashion , than open dissoluteness and profaness . for uncontrolled profaness will run down all religion . but when those that reach not the power of godliness indeed , come so far , as to take up an outward garb thereof , it is a great external advantage to true religion , and shews its prevalent influence on the publick state. if any should demur upon this assertion , by making it a question whether phariseim or profaness be the worser evil , let him know first , that profane and dissolute christians are notorious hypocrites , for professing to know god , when in works they deny him . besides phariseism is not simple insincerity , but a compound hypocrisie , wherein malignity and enmity against the power of godliness is the chief ingredient , it is a kind of strict externalness that seeks to destroy the inward life and spirit of that religion , which it pretends to own . i have no list to say that such malignity is less mischievous than filthy lewdness or debauchery . but the garb of strict profession here mentioned , is of another nature , and serviceable to the churches good , though we must continually and strictly charge all men to beware of resting in it to the ruine of their own souls . chap. x. christian unity and concord . all faithfull christians are members of one mystical body , having all one spirit , one lord and head , one faith , one baptism , and one god and father of them all , one hope of their calling , and one heaven to receive them all . their union and fellowship being chiefly mystical and invisible , their unity is far greater , than what outwardly appears to the world , and sometimes than what themselves can discern among themselves in particular , by reason of many inferior , yet very disquieting differences and discords . nevertheless it behoves them to provide , that it might appear as much as may be , what it is indeed , and that it be conspicuous and illustrious in the sight of men , by their walking in love and peace . unity is the churches strength and beauty , the honour of the faithfull , and an argument for the certainty of their most holy faith. it makes religion lovely , and draws forth blessing & praise from the beholders of it , and wins the world to a love and reverence of that piety , which makes the professors of it to live in brotherly kindness and mutual charity . but division is the church's weakness and deformity , the reproach of christians , and a scandal against christianity , and an objection put into the mouths of infidels against the faith , and an occasion of stumbling unto many . in the present divided state of religion , each party is apt to appropriate godliness to themselves , or at least to carry it towards others , as if they did so . and they , that are loudest in accusing dissenters of uncharitableness in this kind , are themselves as uncharitable as any others . it is true , that god hath a peculiar people , distinguished from all others by a peculiar character , but it is not confined to any party of this or that persuasion or denomination , that is narrower than meer christianity . and all true christians are to receive one an other , as god hath received them . indeed the best christians are to be best esteemed , and their fellowship is most desired . but if they should be severed from the universality and in a strict combination set up as divided party , it tends to the churches ruine : for a kingdom divided against it self cannot stand , and if the nobler parts of the body forsake the rest , the whole must needs die . christian concord doth not signifie an aggregation of things inconsistent , as the fellowship of righteousness with unrighteousness , the communion of light with darkness , the concord of christ with belial . to set up unity against piety , is a conspiracy against christ , who is king of righteousness , and to pretend piety against unity , is to oppose christ the prince of peace , whose kingdom is the reign of love in the soul : holiness and peace must kiss each other , and as inseperable companions walk together . it is the unity of the spirit we are charged to keep in the bond of peace : but concord in any external order without fellowship in the divine life , is not the unity of the spirit , which is to partake of the same new nature , and to walk together in the same holy way . this is far more excellent than the greatest compliance in matters of meer external order , and consequently much more regardable in our estimation and reception of persons . though to meet in one place , be not of so great importance as to be joyned in one spirit , yet it must not be counted a small matter . the unity of faith and love is much concern'd in the unity of church communion : it will be a matter of some difficulty for them to live together in love , whom one church cannot hold . church divisions commonly divide affections , and draw men into parties and divided interests , and make them seek to strengthen their own party , by weakening all others , to the great dammage of true religion in general . for which cause the unchurching of churches and renouncing of communion with them that are sound in the doctrine of faith and sacrament , and in the substance of divine worship , should be dreaded by all sober christians , yea , all unnecessary distances should be avoided , least they lead to greater alienations , and direct enmities and oppositions . those churches that cannot hold local communion one with another , by reason of differences that destroy not the essentials of christianity , should yet maintain a dear and tender christian love one to another , and profess their owning of each other as churches of jesus christ , and should agree together upon certain just and equal rules , for the management of their unavoidable differences , so as may least prejudice charity and common good , and least harden the ungodly and grieve the weak or dishonour god , or hinder the success of common , great and necessary truths upon the souls of men , amicably promoting the common cause of christianity , and every part thereof , in which they are agreed , and opening their disagreements to the people as little as they can . schism is an unwarrantable separation from or division in a church , and without controversie it is a heinous sin , and to be detested both for its exceeding sinfulness , and wofull consequents . but it hath been so disguised , and the odious name hath been so confusedly cast abroad , and so unreasonably and maliciously misapplied , that it is too slightly thought of , where it should be sadly laid to heart : for it is common with the strongest party , be it right or wrong , to call themselves the church , and to have no better name for others than schismaticks ; and so the reproach is but contemned by them that suffer it , and the sin it self is too little feared on all sides . but it is not a temporal law nor secular power , nor any prevalence of strength or interest , that makes a church ; and none of these things will excuse them from schism , that act uncharitably against their brethren , and obstruct the progress of the gospel , and the increase of godliness ; nor are they forthwith to be counted schismaticks , who cannot in all points observe the commandments of men , and cannot neglect to yield their help to the saving of souls , that would otherwise want due means of salvation , when god hath called them to that service , with a woe unto them if they preach not the gospel . for as much as all must dread the guilt of schism truly so called , let it be well considered , that ecclesiastical superiors are as much concerned to take heed of schismatical impositions , as the people are to shun schismatical recusancy and disobedience : as well the pastors wisdom as the peoples due submission , is here importunately called for . when superiors know how to command , and inferiors how to obey , things will go as well as may be hoped for in this our imperfect state here upon earth . as the peace of a corrupt state of religion is best assured by suppressing all conscientious inquiries into its decrees ; so the peace of the true church and of the sound state of religion , is most secured by the most perfect exercise of sound judgment and upright conscience in all its adherents . that church that claims to her self an infallibility , or challenges and obtains from her partakers an implicit faith in her determinations , without further enquiry , needs not fear the breaking of the bond of her peace , if she multiply constitutions and impose any devised doctrines and ordinances sutable to her own estate . on the other hand it is most evident that a rational conscientious and truly pious concord among such christians , as know and care what they believe , can never be procured without avoiding the imposition of things unwritten and unnecessary , in which it is morally impossible for men of sound faith and good conscience generally to agree . but when necessary things only are injoyned , their weight and truth will soon be known , and owned of all honest minds , or at least are most likely so to be ; and much sooner and easier than the weight , and truth of little and doubtfull things ; and by this means they would more easily move with joynt consent in one godly order , the matters of their difference being before hand taken out of the way . this moderate course being held , the union of unseigned faith and love will become a sure foundation of true christian concord with sound judgment and good conscience , and do that for the suppressing of schism in the right state of christianity , which implicit faith and blind obedience doth in false , corrupt and antichristian state. here it is mainly requisite , that those things that most promote or hinder the new birth and spiritual life , be by pastors and people universally most regarded ; and those that make little for or against the same , be looked upon as of little moment . and the truth is , when the greatest and weightiest matters are duely prized and most contended for , contentions about little things will soon expire . and if this course be taken , hypocrites will lose their advantages of seeming religious by zeal for those things , wherein religion doth not consist , and carnal designs and interests that now rend the churches , and trouble all things , would be defeated and abandoned . moreover to maintain peace , they that rule had need consider what mistakes and weaknesses are competible to true believers , and sometimes to the best and choicest of them , that they might not bear too hard upon them . and they that are ruled must consider that the best polity or constitution , so far as it is of mans regulating , hath defects and inconveniences , and affairs will be complicated ; and therefore they must not be too unyielding , but bear with what is tolerable and not easily remediable ( though they may not in any wise do a sinfull act , or omit a duty in the season of it . ) for by want of such forbearance , they may sooner destroy the good part than mend what is amiss . it is not seldom in such cases that men seek remedies , that prove worse than the disease . if the healing of breaches require an yielding or receding from what hath been stood upon , it should be on that part where equity and necessity declares it should be . it is not so easie for every christian to resolve what is right in many opinions and usages , as for those in power to omit the inforcing of them . unnecessary injunctions may easier be parted with , than mens judgments can be altered , or their doubting consciences well setled . this tenderness and forbearance is no lessoning of the church ' s honour and power . and a little diversity i● little things , cannot rationally move derisi●… in the irreligious , nor justly give scandal to any . but there be things of that slightness that an over-precise and importunate unifo● mity in them , may occasion contempt and suspition of hypocrisie or superstitious folly unity of faith and life is the glory of the tr●… church , and uniformity in external order is 〈◊〉 be indeavored with sobriety , and is best effecte● by cutting off superfluous institutions and lay ing no greater burden on the faithfull tha● things necessary . and this pacifick state may b● as well hoped as wished for , if the guides o● the church would seek the things of christ mor● than their own things . but alas , the usurpations and impositions o● proud and selfish men , even in pretence o● suppressing schism , have hindred christia● people from uniting in the true center of unity which is jesus christ , as set forth in the doctrin● of the apostles and prophets , and which 〈◊〉 the same yesterday and to day and for ever . in deed , they that prevail by power to advanc● their own devised ways , and crush disenters may make a desolation and then call it peace an● union ; but it is not the peace of christs kingdo●… divisions are caused by men of corrup● minds , and partly by the weakness of good men ascribing too much to their own apprehen sions and inclinations , and not considering th● condition of others as their own , nor minding the necessity and usefulness of lawfull compliance , or of mutual forbearance and discention . chap. xi . a good frame of ecclesiastical polity . the promoting of true christianity , and all the things before named pertaining to the sound state of religion , depends much upon a good frame of ecclesiastical polity . undoubtedly our lord jesus christ hath appointed spiritual officers to guide and rule his church ; and in the government thereof there be some things of divine right , and unalterable by the will of man ; and there be many things necessary to the support and due managment thereof , that are of humane determination as to the particulars . both kinds are liable to depravation and great abuse . things of divine right may be corruptly managed and perverted to wrong ends ; and things of mans appointment are sometimes not only ill managed , but ill ordained , as being wholly incongruous and perhaps pernicious to the right ends of goverment . now a good polity is the whole compages of things laid together in the fabrick of the church fitted and directed to promote the christian life , or the power of godliness , and to prevent or remedy the decay thereof . and the more notably and powerfully conducible it is to this end , it is by so much the more excellent . according to this rule , it hath most regard for sincere christians , and insists most upon their incouragement and the increase of their number , and it makes all its external orders and interests subservient to the prosperity of the church regenerate . the order wherein it excells , is an orderly management of those things , which are of divine command , in matter of doctrine , worship , discipline and conversation , in such manner as is most effectual for the obtaining of their ends , by such necessary rules of prudence , as are requisite in all human actions . it prefers purity and spirituality before external pomp , though it neglects not those necessary decencies and ornaments that should attend the service of god , according to the awfull regard that is to be had thereto , and the reverend demeanor to be used therein . it provides able ministers of the gospel , and that every pastor be resident with his own flock , and that he duly feed them , and labour in the word and doctrine , and that the people be not left in the hands of a mercenary procured at the cheapest rate . it provides by a liberal maintenance worthy endowments and priviledges , for that meet support and honour of the ministery , which is requisit to preserve the authority and reverend esteem of their persons and office ; yet it regulates the same as much as may be , to prevent ambition , avarice , sensuality , idleness , haughtiness ; that the worst of men may not be incouraged to aspire to its promotions , and that good men may not degenerate , and that the sacred name of the church may be held by a society of men , not carnal but truly spiritual . it is constituted as much as may be , to secure a succession of wise and godly pastors and teachers from age to age , which is the surest means of the church's perpetual good estate . it is not framed to uphold things only serviceable to a carnal interest , but to inforce things acceptable to god and profitable to men ; and to suppress whatsoever tends to defeat the power of the gospell , or disgrace the profession of it ; and to reform abuses impartially and effectually . according to the true end of ecclesiasticall authority ( which is for edification , and not for destruction ) it inlargeth the power of doing good , and restrains the power of hurting , as much as the ends of goverment will permit such restraint ; accordingly its greatest severity takes hold of the worst men , and the best are left most at liberty , and secure from unnecessary molestation . it is directed to the satisfying of the just and reasonable demands of conscience , which is a choice and tender thing , and therefore it is very tender of intangling and perplexing the same unnecessarily . it makes the pastors government truly pastoral , that is , not imperious and violent , but paternal , proceeding by exhortation and doctrine , and gentle instruction and love , and when correction is necessary , by the rod of discipline . it aims at the forming of mens minds , and the governing of their conversations by good and sound principles , and to make them , a●… much as may be , a law to themselves : yet a●… supposing the exceeding pravity of mans nature , and the infirmities of the best of men , i●… leaves not the safety of religion meerly to mens good dispositions and inclinations , bu●… by due restraints curbeth the remainder o●… mans perverseness . it seeks not to debase the people and de press their faculties , that they may be the more easily led captive by politick men at their pleasure ; but to ennoble them , as much as they are capable , and to advance their understandings to the best improvement ; and accordingly it takes care , that they may be throughly instructed in things pertaining to faith and godliness . in a word , it would make even the lowest and meanest of them not brutes bu● men ; and not meer natural men , but christians or spiritual men. the subject here described hath different degrees of excellency , as it is more or less answerable to its rule , and available to its end . but notwithstanding divers defects and errours , if that which is wholsom and good be predominant , it is to be esteemed a good constitution : yet the best is most desirable . of such consequence is the structure of ecclesiastical polity , that if it be naught , it hath a continual evil influence on all church affairs , and perverts the whole course thereof ; and the making of many particular good laws , or rules will not help it ; for in that case they are rendred almost useless . it is notably observed by a person of eminent worth . church government is a fort or castle , if traitors to the kingdom of christ get the possession of it , it were desirable , that the castle were ruin'd , and the christian religion left to support it self by the innate evidence of its own truth , than be forcibly maintain'd for contrary ends , and prove a mystery of ungodliness and tyranny . chap. xii . the corrupt state of religion ; and first externalness and formality . every kind of excellency in the present world hath its counterfit or false resemblance , which in things of a moral nature is the depravation or degeneration thereof . and so the true religion hath its degeneration which is destructive to it ; yet in this corruption of mankind is easily mistaken , and exalted in the room of it . it is a dead image of christianity without the inward life of christ , and the works thereof are dead works being not wrought in god. it is the dominion of the spirit of the world , and of unmortified lust under pretence of the rule of the spirit of god. it is a zeal of some unnecessary opinions and unprofitable observances , received sometimes from a more peculiar and private fancy , sometimes from the general custom and tradition ; or at the best , a zeal of orthodoxality , when that form of sound doctrine is not obeyed from the heart . it is a self-chosen godliness , and not of gods making , taken up to delude the conscience , and lift up the soul with high but ill-grounded hopes , and in the mean while to excuse it from that which is the root of the matter , the renouncing of the carnal life and all worldly lusts , and the obtaining of the spirit of power , love , and of a sound mind . and a life of purity , goodness , and impartial righteousness . the best of it is but a gloss or varnish of superficial religiousness , accompanied with a dead kind of morality , which hath its rise from education , or from complexion ( otherwise called good nature ) but springs not from the root of love towards god , and of a living faith in jesus christ. the several impostures , disguises and false pretences , by which men delude themselves , and abuse the world in this matter , are almost numberless : yet they generally fall into one of these two main currents of religious aberrations , either the political , popular and broad way of externalness and customariness , or the devious path of sectarian dissetledness and extravagancy . the more ample degeneration of christianity is the meerly formal , external and political state thereof , that hath prevailed far and near over the christian world. this externalness is very plausible and specious , but very consistent , and for the most part accompanied with a large indulgence to the flesh , and with much licentiousness of principles and practice , and it casts the mind into a deep forgetfulness of that which is spiritual , and substantial in religion . it is the common rode and broad way , because most obvious and easie to the carnal spirit of all sorts of men , who having some conscience of religion , gladly take up with a form , that with more security and peace they may deny the power thereof ; as also because it seems most servicable to superiors for shaping and swaying the consciences of inferiors to their wills , and to the ends by them designed . accordingly as it gets ground , it erects a frame of things which hath a shew of piety , unity and order , but is really an engine devised to destroy whatsoever may be truly called by those lovely names . when mens false and vain inventions rule instead of gods oracles ; when the truth of the gospel is mingled with such doctrines , institutions , and observances , as corrupt the purity , enervate the power , and frustrate the ends of the gospel ; when the misapprehension or misapplication of true doctrine depraves the mind , and begets a false notion of godliness or christianity ; when regeneration or true conversion is prevented , by being made in effect no more than civility , joyned with a dead conformity to the exterior part of the christian institution ; when religion is placed in an outside pharisaical holiness , in some bodily severity , and it may be in meer forms and empty shews , without internal and real mortification and devotion ; when the exterior ordinances of the gospel are retained , but used after another manner , than what becomes the gospel-church , or sutes the ends of gospel-worship ; when a sapless and fruitless generation of men are nourished in holy orders , who cherish the people in ignorance , profaness or lukewarmness , who shew them a way to heaven , that is smooth , broad and easie to the flesh , who serve , or at least spare the lusts of men , who humour the vulgar sort in rude follies , who give absolution upon formal and loose terms , and therewith a false repose to poor deluded souls ; when the great interest of churchmen is to promote superstition , blind devotion , and implicit faith , and to hold people in the chains of spiritual darkness , and in the pleasing bondage of carnal liberty , their consciences being in the mean time secured by the belief of certain tenents and articles of religion , and the devout observance of certain external ordinances ; when the policy of the church is contrived to maintain fleshly ease and pleasure , worldly pomp and power , and the chiefest glory of the ecclesiastical state lies in outward order , without inward life and spirit in sacred administration ; when the weapons of its warfare are not spiritual but carnal , sutable to an earthly and sensual state ; when submission to the wills of masters upon earth is called obedience , and their peaceable possession of wealth and honor is taken for the churches peace ; when concord in the unprofitable or hurtfull dictates of men is made to pass for the unity of the spirit ; when the constitution it self ( the general corruption of mankind being considered ) is found defective for the true end of government , and le ts loose the rains of depraved appetite , and by carnal allurements alienates the mind from the things of the spirit of god , and turns it after the pomps and vanities of the world , and serves the voluptuosness , covetousness and pride of its adherents , for which cause its yoke is easie to the sensual part of men , but it is scandalous to them that know the truth , and becomes a stepmother to the most serious and conscientious ; when these and the like things prevail , the christian religion is turned into another thing than what it is indeed , by men of corrupt minds , who serve their own lusts , and by the wisdom that descends not from above , but is earthly , sensual , devilish , square out to themselves , and those that live under their influence , a loose form of christianity not after christ , but after the course of this world . but this corruption is more or less enormous in different ages and countries , according to its greater or nearer distance from the times and means of purer knowledge . and a less corrupt state may be severed from that which is more grosly vicious and impure , and yet remain a degeneration in the same kind though in a lower degree . and let this be noted that in a degenerate state , the doctrines and institutions of christ may be so far retained , as to contain things absolutely necessary to christian faith and life , which may beget and preserve the vitals of christianity in them , that do not mingle with the other poisonous ingredients , or at least not in their full extent . yea , the degeneration may happen to be in a lower degree , and less pernicious , and perhaps only as a scab upon some part , and not overspreading the whole body of the church , and great multitudes therein may profess and practice the truth as it is in jesus . thus the judaical church in its corrupt state retained the vitals of true religion , which were a sufficient means of grace to them that escaped the pollutions of those times , and were not seasoned with the leaven of false teachers . chap. xiii . the sectarian and fanatical degeneration . the other deviation lies more out of the common rode of the generality of carnal gospellers , and this is usually stiled sectarian , whereof the particular by paths are numberless . but let this be noted , that whatsoever way swerves from the main ends of religion , and the great design of the gospel , is no other than a sect or faction , yea , though it spread so far and wide , as that they who walk therein , do for their huge multitudes presume to appropriate to themselves alone , the title of the catholick church . wherever the interest of a party bears sway to the detriment of the universal church , and the common cause of godliness , where inventions false or useless are made the necessary symbols of religion , there a sectarian interest bears sway , and the gaining of the secular power will not wipe off the blot of such a party . the name of sectaries may fit proud usurpers as well as blind zealots . this necessary proviso being made , it remains to speak in this place of the more incoherent , unstable , and ungovernable sort of sects . the root of the evil in this kind is commonly a heightened fancy , and complexional zeal bearing rule instead of sober judgment , and a more intellectual , spiritual and pure love . it shall suffice to set down some notable instances , for it were endless to recount them all . some have been so far transported with the hatred of church tyranny , and persecuting pride and cruelty , that they mind not the good of church unity , order and government ; and they run so far from implicit faith in the dictates of proud men , that themselves have proudly slighted the churches directive judgment , and all pastoral authority as a thing of no value , and have fiercely impugned it , as opposite to christian liberty . of the like strain are they , that upon pretence of higher attainments and greater spirituality have rejected external ordinances ; as the dispensation of the word and sacraments , and the publick ministery , and ecclesiastical discipline as low and beggarly rudiments , while they declare themselves hereby to be carnal , and vainly puffed up in their fleshly minds . some through abuse and mistake of divine promises concerning the spirits teaching , have forsaken the sure guidance of gods law , and betaken themselves to the uncertain intimations of providence , and the dangerous impulses of their own spirits , and pretended immediate inspirations , which are for the most part the delusions of an exalted fancy ; and sometimes they have really fallen under satanical impressions . because there is the fleshly wisdom of the carnal mind , that is enmity against god ; some have disclaimed reason it self as corrupt and carnal , and in the mean while follow their own wilfull imagination under the pretence of the light within them , and delight in things irrational and unintelligible , and render themselves uncapable of sound instruction . a fanatick fury hath hurried some under pretence of erecting the fift monarchy , to rend and tear kingdoms and nations , to attempt the dissolving of all government in church and state ; which is indeed the most ready way to subvert gods kingdom by the subversion of christian magistracy and ministery , and to dispossess the gospel of the territories it hath gained . some have proceeded so far in the pretended reign of the spirit , as to abrogate the external frame of the christian religion , and to turn the gospel history into mystical allegories , yet such as might be conceived and shaped in a vulgar fancy , and are low and despicable things in comparison of the great mystery of godliness , according to the historical sense of scripture . and which is yet worse , some have been so gross as to turn into an allegory the great hope of our christian calling , even the resurrection of the dead , and the life of the world to come , and so pervert the mysteries of the gospel into a mysterious infidelity and apostacy from jesus christ. yea , some perverting the high expressions of fellowship with god , and dwelling in god , and being made partakers of the divine nature and the like , have impiously talked of their begodded condition , and blasphemously intituled the most high and holy one , to their abominable extravagancies and impurities . and besides all these , some are perpetual seekers , having no fixed belief in the most important points . persons so far inlightened as not to see the necessity of a higher way than the common dead formality , and having some tast of spiritual things , and thereby raised above the general indifferency , and luke-warmness unto a kind of strictness , seriousness , and fervour of spirit in religion , yet falling short of true conversion , and especially if they be well conceited of their own gifts and parts and seeming graces , are apt to be carried away with a full gale of fancy into the gulf of these delusions . and a tincture of this contagion , though in a lower degree , may sease on some , who stand in the true grace of god , being deceived by a shew of purity and spirituality , and peradventure lying under the disadvantage of some insnaring occasions , which work upon the remainder of pride , levity , curiosity , and other corruptions , which the present imperfect state leaves in the hearts of real christians . and some of these may sooner fall into absurd opinions , than many that receive not the truth in love , who may easily abide among the orthodox , either because they do not concern themselves in religious inquiries , or because they are held by worldly advantages which stand on truths side . the fancy is sooner filled with notions and the affections thereby raised , than the judgment is well informed and the heart established in grace . hence proceed a sickliness in the souls appetite , a satiety of plain saving truths , and of sound wholsom preaching , a desire of novelty , self-conceitedness , pragmatical confidence , rash censures , partiality in hearing the word , a lessening of the pastoral authority , incroachments upon the pastors office , dividing principles and practices , and innumerable , inconveniences . moreover , well meaning people associated in a stricter profession , are apt to be sequacious of some leading persons among them , and some will follow the rest for company . and the high pretensions and heightened confidence of enthusiasts , is a kind of enchantment to bewitch those that unwarrantably approach to near them , especially such as are predisposed by temper or complexion towards enthusiasm . in these things men forsake the law and the testimony to walk by false lights , and to follow blind guides . the holy ghost bids us trie the spirits , and hath given us an infallible rule of tryal , and leaves us not to any unaccountable impulse or impression . the whole tenor of evangelical doctrine shews that the christian spirit is both pure and peaceable , that it doth not divide , break and scatter a christian people , but unites , heals and settles them , that it doth not overturn churches and civil states , nor inflame rulers against subjects , nor subjects against rulers , nor dissolve magistracy and ministery ; but that it turns the hearts of the fathers to the children , and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just ; and conciliates the minds of magistrates , and ministers and people of all degrees in righteousness and peace , which is the right and sure way of erecting gods kingdom . it doth not cancel reason , but maintain its interest in religion , as being under the power of god , and the great prop and proof of the christian faith. it is a spirit of judgment , and soberness , and suppresseth the wild dominion of the unruly imagination . it doth not turn men from humanity and civil behaviour , unto a surly and cynical pride , and fanatick melancholy and austerity ; but it disposeth them to all the duties of human life , and civil converse . but there must be heresies , and it is impossible but that offences should come . where the light of the gospel is broken forth , sectarianism and fanaticism is the devils after-game . so it sprung up in germany upon the birth of protestantism , so it sprung up in the primitive church upon the birth of christianity , in the gnosticks , and such like sectaries , and so it continues in our times . these irregularities and extravagancies are a great dammage , and reproach to a serious , zealous and strict profession , and it is a stone of stumbling before many . nevertheless the greatest and most dangerous degeneration from the sound state of religion lies not this way . the conceptions and motions of fanaticism , having a kind of spiritual strain though in a delusion , take not with the greater number whether of high or low degree , the learned or unlearned sort . and in case it seases on a greater multitude , it may trouble and unsettle a state , but it can never settle it self ; and if it domineer a while , its tyranny cannot hold , because it hath no foundation , and it can never obtain to be a national religion , because it is inconsistent with the stability of civil government . it s greatest mischief to a state is , that it may serve the designs of others to work out a more lasting misery . for which cause , the romish emissaries under a vizor have overacted this wild spirit , that by its confusion and anarchy , they might make way to introduce their own tyranny . but the more extensive , dangerous , and lasting depravation of christianity lies on the same side with popery , which is formidable indeed being founded in power and policy and suted to worldly interests , and to which mens innate propensions do generally more incline them . for that their fancies and affections are inveagled with its outward wealth and glory , and their consciences laid a sleep by its loose principles and lifeless forme of devotion . chap. xiv . the way of preserving religion uncorrupt . the truth and purity of religion lies in its conformity to its rule , which is gods revealed will or law , and its deviation from it , is its depravation . from this rule men are easily drawn aside , being inticed by their own vain imaginations , perverse inclinations , and carnall interests , to false ways and vain inventions . for which cause it behooves the zealous religionist to be carefull even to jealousie , that he be not imposed upon by himself or others , and in this care heartily and intirely to resign , and conform himself to the law of god. by such resignation and conformity he secures his own soul , and what in him lies the sound state of religion . it is here acknowledged , that what is written in nature is gods law , as well as what is written in scripture , and that natural revelation as well as supernatural is divine , and whatsoever is known of god by the light of nature in the matter of religious worship , is to be received as well as that , which is known by the light of scripture ; and the divine goodness is to be owned in both , though in the latter it hath appeared more abundantly , because therein is given us a full instruction in all things pertaining to gods kingdom , which in the other is not given . for the great mysteries of the gospel could not be known by nature ; and in things that could be known thereby , the light is but weak and glimmering , and not easily able to fix the heart therein , not so much for want of evidence in the object , as from the pravity of our mind , reason being laid asleep and all our faculties being sunk into the brutish life . what is the utmost capacity of that light among the heathens , is hard for us to define ; and though it be harsh to determine that they were all utterly and universally forsaken of god ; yet it is evident both by scripture and the lives of the gentiles , that gentilism was a very forlorn state . this is enough to shew the high favour of god toward the church in supernatural revelation , by which he hath not only instructed us in things supernatural , not otherwise to be known in this life ; but also more perfectly in the laws of nature , now transcribed into the books of the old and new testament , so that there is nothing of religion or morality that may not be found therein . besides the law of god written in nature and scripture , what certain and stable rule of doctrine , worship , discipline , and conversation , hath the church to walk by : that there can be no certainty or consent in meer or all tradition , or in the judgment of the ancient fathers , or the ancient practice of the catholick church , is so evident as needs no confirmation : and there can be no acquiescence or accord in the determinations of any visible , universal , supream power . for whereas all christians acknowledge the divine authority of the scripture , they neither do , nor ever did , nor will , unanimously acknowledge that there is such a power in being . and the main body of them that maintain'd such a catholick supremacy , cannot agree in what subject the same resides , whether in the pope , or a general council . and as several popes , so have several councils of equal amplitude and authority , often crossed one another ; and consequently some of both kinds must needs have erred : and it still remains a controversie undeterminable , which councils are to be received , and which to be rejected , unless the whole christian world hitherto disagreeing herein , will be bound up by the resolves of one party , that can bring no better proof than their own pretended infallibility : to all which may be added that an oecumenical council truly so called , or a representative of the universal church , was never yet congregated . wherefore let the faithfull rest upon the old right foundation , the doctrine of the prophets and apostles , whose infallibility is unquestionable . such being the fulness and perfection of holy scripture , which was given by divine inspiration ; and that for this end , that the man of god might be perfect , throughly furnished unto all good works , it must needs be safest in divine matters not to be venturous , without its warrant . they best secure themselves from error , who keep to that rule which is both perfect and infallible , some pretending to lay open the folly of the way which they call puritanism , affirm that the mystery thereof lies in this principle , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is authorized from the word of god : indeed there are those of that denomination , who disallow whatsoever instituted worship is not so authorized ; but they are not so ignorant , as to suppose that all particular circumstances belonging to divine worship , which admit of endless variation , are defined in the word of god ; such as are those natural and civil circumstances without which , actions are not performable but they suppose a wide difference between these matters , ( such as time , place , method , furniture , &c. ) and those ordinances of religion which they take for parts of worship , as being made direct and immediate signs of honour given to god by their use : and all of this kind some do judge or at least suspect to be unlawfull , that are not of gods appointment . my design obligeth me to shun the intangling of this discourse with controversie , and therefore i write not either for or against the lawfulness of such uncommanded worship ; but it is sufficient for me to shew that the purity of religion is more safe by acquiescence in that only which god hath prescribed , than by addition of new ordinances of worship devised by men , who even the best of them may too easily deviate from the truth : and who knows not that too much yielding to mens devised forms and rights , which had a shew of wisdom , made way for the departure of so great a part of christendom , from the primitive christianity . all duties of the law of nature , may be clearly proved from scripture , though the particular instances thereof that are innumerable , and their infinitely variable circumstances cannot be there expressed . as for instituted worship , it is unquestionable that there is no such defect in those parts thereof that are of divine authority , as needs to be made up by the human addition of other new parts . and it is granted on all hands that there are things meerly circumstantial belonging to it , which are necessary in general , but in particular not determined of god , and must be ordered by the light of nature and human prudence , according to the general rules of gods word . none that know what they say in magnifying the written word , will teach the people not to rely upon impartial reason , which no true revelation did ever contradict . but we are so conscious of the weakness of human understanding , that in case of any seeming contrariety between scripture and reason , not to give the scripture the preeminence , we know is most unreasonable . is scripture liable to be perverted ? so is reason . is there obscurity and difficulty in the interpretation of scripture ? so in human ratiocinations much more . whosoever can apprehend right reason , can rationally apprehend gods written word , which is its own interpreter , and whose authentick interpretation of it self , we are inabled to discern by rational inferences and deductions , as well as the sense of any rational discourse whatsoever . and the evidence of gods testimony is much more effectual , than the arguments of human reason to command assent , and quiet mens minds and appease their contests . and if we yield not our controversies to be finally decided by this sacred rule , whither shall we go , or wherein shall we all be bound up ? the truth is , when men seek out vain inventions to please their own fancies , or to serve their own ends ; and find their devised ways condemned by gods word ; then they fall to derogate from its authority and sufficiciency , and talk much of the impertinency , and folly of those , that insist upon it , and cry up tradition , and reason , and that wisdom of man , that is but foolishness with god. when things will not be as well as they should , they must be as they may . there be some usefull truths and practices that may be too dearly bought , if purchased with the breach of the churches peace and unity , and the hazard of its whole estate . howbeit then is the best state of things , when the apostolick doctrine and discipline is the standardmeasure of all , and nothing is retained , but what is plainly agreeable thereunto . and the safety of pure religion lies in as through a reformation according to this rule , as the times will bear . let the severest reason that is impartial , weigh the following words written by one of a catholick spirit , and true to the interest of reformed christianity , touching our departure from rome . we should leave upon us no string or tassel of our ancient captivity , such as whereby they may take hold of us to pull us back again into our former bondage , but look upon our selves as absolutely free from any tye to them , more than in indeavouring their conversion and salvation , which we knowing so experimentally , not to be compassed by needless symbolizings with them in any thing ; i conceive it our best policy , studiously to imitate them in nothing ; but for all indifferent things , to think rather the worse of them for their using them , as no person of honour would willingly go in the known garb of any lewd and infamous persons : whatsoever we court them in , they do but turn to our scorn and contempt , and are more hardened in their own wickedness . wherefore seeing that needless symbolizings with them doth them no good , but hurt , we should account our selves in all things indifferent , perfectly free to please and satisfie in the most universal manner we can , those of our own party , not caring what opinions or customs , or outward formalities the romanists and others have , and may have had from the first degeneracy of the church . as for the word popery , it is not more odious than ambiguous among protestants . on the one hand some , that will speak hard words against it , have drawn it into so extreamly narrow a compass , as to place it in little more than a secular interest of power controverted between the pope , and the princes and prelates of christendom : and others that make it broader , are yet very tender , if not fond of many gross corruptions of the roman church . on the other hand some have extended it so far , as to disparage things good and laudable , and requisite , and ignorantly call by that name whatsoever they fancy not . nevertheless those useless and offensive things taken up by the papal church since the time of their known apostacy , both doctrines and customs , and that are theirs more peculiarly , may justly be called popish , though they were not imposed as apostolick commands , or means of obtaining pardon of sin , or of working grace . why should we be tenacious of their forms , to the scandal of those of our own belief ? how are we obliged or concerned to conform to their usages more than they are to ours ? have they any authority over us , or are they any way a rule unto us ? are not the holy scriptures of right both their rule and ours ? or can they upbraid us for departing from them in these at least unnecessary opinions and customs , unless they upbraid us upon those grounds which we have rejected , together with their usurpation , and and which if we receive again , we must quit protestancy it self ? this striving to come so near them whether tends it , but to reduce us again into that church ? for by all approaches to them , they are not drawn one step towards us , but are the more hardened , and still they rest unmoveable on the rock of their pretended supremacy and infallibility . the impurity of the romish church lies chiefly in its superstition and sensuality . in the grosser part of its superstition is manifold gross idolatry ; and any way of symbolizing with idolatry which is spiritual whoredom , should be dreaded by the chast spouse of chirst , as the retaining of such images as have been , and are apt to be made objects of religious adoration , and the making choice of the peculiar garbs and fashions of idolaters in their worship . moreover where the gross pollutions are avoided , if their pomp and train of ceremonies be retained , they will be apt to take up the heart of such as are busied in them , and to corrupt the worship of god , and make it a dead work and carnal service , and so the spirit and power of godliness will decay and die among the people by this means . sensuality the concomitant of idolatry and all gross superstition is likewise manifested in their devotions . of the israelites idolatry it is written , the people sat down to eat and drink , and rose up to play . sensual sports and pastimes are mingled with the devotions of carnal worshippers , as is notably seen in the popish festivals . and this makes the sensual part of men addicted to such a way . to pray a while , and then to play is the business of their sacred solemnities . but this course alienates the mind from true holiness , and tends to much profaness , and not only the piety , but the civility of a nation will hereby much abate . a church that would maintain the purity of religion , the power of godliness , had need have its solemn days of divine service distinct from the appointed times of carnal sport , mirth and jollity . chap. xv. the enmity of the world against godliness , and the calumnies and reproaches cast upon it considered . the security and increase of true religion is a matter of no small difficulty . the enmity against it is general and perpetual , in the first race of mankind it brake forth even to bloud , and throughout all ages it hath been propagated , & that with great rage , as well within as without the pale of the visible church . the adverse world knows not the new nature what it is , for it knows not god , whose image it is . the world is not only alienated from the life of god , but opposite to it by the antipathy of the carnal life , and so not only wants the true relish , but hath a strong disrelish of the divine and heavenly nature . moreover true christianity is a light , by which all things that are reproved , are made manifest ; and the world that lives in sin and loves darkness , hates the light , by which it is condemned , not only with an hatred of aversation , but of hostile persecution . nevertheless , the unregenerate sort of men in general , cannot and would not abandon all sense of religion , which is so deeply imprinted in human nature , and the form whereof may be acceptable even to corrupt nature . wherefore they own the name , while they hate the thing ; and keep up a shew and form thereof , while they deny the truth and power . and having a false apprehension of christ they adore him , while they trample upon his present members , that really bear his image ; and having a false idea of godliness , they honor the memory of the saints of former ages , while they vilifie those of their own times , in whom godliness really exists , which shews , that if christ and the former saints were now on the earth to appear what they were indeed , they would be no less hated and scorned than the faithfull that are now living . the manifold ways of destruction and misery wherein the wicked walk , though contradictory to each other , do all conspire in this enmity ; and godliness is put to conflict not with one sort of enemies , but with the various corrupt parties of the divided carnal world. yet worldly interests often make their advantages of christianity , and have their designs upon it , and complicate themselves with it in some external and accidential ingagements for a season , and then the enmity is restrained . and not a few , that fall short of regeneration , may be so illuminated and wrought upon , as not only to cease from malignancy and hostility against it , but to promote and strengthen its external interests . but for all this , the serpentine nature hath hitherto been more predominant in this lower world , and gods kingdom hath had far greater opposition , than assistance from the powers thereof . now we are noting the injury and despight that is done to godliness , the calumnies and reproaches , heaped on the serious professors of it to render them hatefull and contemptible , requires some animadversion . their adversaries set them forth as proud , froward , stubborn , false , rash , fierce , petulant , sullen , fanatical , hypocritical , censorious , pragmatical , unruly , schismatical , seditious , unpeaceable , presumptuous , selfish and such like . if we would judge rightly of these imputations , we are to mind many things , viz. the intrusion of hypocrites , the multitude of half converts , the great weakness of grace , and defect of wisdom in the greater part of sincere christians , and the imperfections of the best and chiefest of them . it is further to be considered that faults real or seeming , are more remarkable in strict professors than in any others , as spots in a white garment ; also that the common malignity will aggravate the same above measure ; likewise that the things , they are charged with ( were they truly charged ) are not peculiarly theirs , but the corruptions of the world in general ; and that some degrees thereof are found in all , in whom human weakness is found , and that they are less and in a lower degree in this party of men than in any other . add hereunto that the faults of some are commonly objected against all , and the sins of men not yet made perfect , are cast upon that holy and perfect way , which condemns those sins , and hath broken the dominion of them . moreover , when it is undeniable that this sort of men in general have renounced palpable dishonesty , injustice , filthy lewdness , wantoness , intemperance , luxury and other gross pollutions of the world , they are burdened ( according to the true method of calumniation ) with matter of suspition or evil surmise , as hypocrisie , self-conceitedness , fancicalness and secret pride , things mostly belonging to the hidden man of the heart ; or with spiritual wickedness , as envy , malice , bitterness , vain-glory , ambition , self-admiration and contempt of others , things of more close and covert nature , and as not easily proved , so not easily disproved where they are objected ; or with the ambiguous charge of schism , faction , turbulency , singularity , peevishness , perversness , obstinacy ; which opposite parties are continually casting upon each other , faults and duties , vertues and vices happening to be called by these names . and in this method of of accusation , the innocent are sooner injured than cleared , and slanderers do their work , for the reproaches are boldly cast abroad , and something sticks . but notwithstanding all the obloquie and calumny , the whole world may be challenged to produce an instance of any sort or sect of men , that have exceeded or equal'd the serious professors of the true christianity in things honest , and just , and comely , and usefull , and praise-worthy . it must not be exspected , but that during their imperfect state obliquities & aberrations will be found more or less in them , as they are more or less remote from perfection . but if true honesty and vertue be a reality and not an empty name , and if it be not perished out of the world , it exists and resides in them . howbeit in this way there are inevitable occasions of stumbling , not given but taken , and such fall thereat , as do err in their hearts , and have not known gods ways . the practice of true piety lying out of the common road , is misjudged as a kind of humorous singularity . to speak feelingly of divine things , seems folly or meer fancy to them , who have no knowledge or tast thereof in themselves . to express with zeal or vigor such things as seem to others incredible , though they be most true and excellent , is taken for madness . tenderness of conscience , strictness of life , servour of devotion , mortification and heavenly-mindedness , is by sensualists , formalists , and carnal politicians , judging by their own measure taken for hypocrisie , designing the applause of men , or some eminency and advancement in a party , or some other self-interest . a pious regard to the lesser as well as the greater commands of the law , and a dread of despising the least commandment , is commonly esteemed peevishness and needless preciseness . to distinguish between the holy and profane , the zealous and lukewarm , the carnal and spiritual in the visible church , and to judge of both sorts as they are , is a great offence to the world , for which the religious are thought to be proud , boasters , dispisers of others , uncharitable , censorious ; and formalists are magnified against them for their large charity towards all , which is indeed no charity , but indifferency in religion , not seldom accompanied with bitterness towards the godly . to speak as the scripture doth of a peculiar people , and as christ himself , of the fewness of gods chosen among the many outwardly called , is accounted the confining of godliness to a party , and the fancying of themselves to be the only people of god. now such arrogance is justly charged on those that place religion in narrow opinions , and platforms , and methods of their own chosing , and judge of all men as they are nearer or farther from them : yet nothing is surer than that god hath a peculiar people , who are comparatively a small number distinguished from the world by his own mark , which is no other than his own image in righteousness and true holiness . to discern a laborious , lively , faithfull ministery from that which is lazy , lifeless and deceitfull , and to regard the one and the other accordingly , to note the ignorant , foolish , profane and scandalous of that function , to contemn a vile person , and to honor them that fear the lord , to take notice of the serpentine seed , and to turn away from such , to abhor impiety , and to have no fellowship with the wicked in their evil deeds , provokes an evil generation that are hereby reproved and judged , and they raise an outcry against the godly as factious , unsociable despisers of government , makers of parties , and enemies to peace . to examin the doctrines , precepts , traditions , and customs of men by gods word , to use all just means to discern his will , and to choose to obey god rather than men , when their commands are contrary to his , is reviled for proud perverseness , contempt of ancient customs , and the authority of superiors , disobedience to kings and laws . to be zealous for gods honour , and the purity of religion , to be earnest and active in stopping the course of sin , and promoting piety and the means of salvation , and to be concerned for gods interest in the world more than the common sort are , make the religious to seem pragmatical , turbulent , and unpeaceable . not to run into the common excess of riot , nor to comply with mad mirth and jollity , offensive gallantry , or any extravagancy that is in fashion , is accounted stoical superciliousness and morosity . strictness of profession , seriousness and necessary preciseness of conversation seems to many to be the same thing with phariseism , wherewith the most conscientious are commonly most reproached , and so the hatefull name of christs worst enemies is cast upon his true and faithfull followers . wherefore it is worth the while to note who and what they were . it is evident from the gospel-history , that the pharisees were a strict sect , and in great reputation for seeming-holiness , no separatists from the jewish church , but of chiefest sway therein , and of great esteem among the rulers . they little cared for the ordering and government of the heart , and placed perfection in outward works , and in rituals more than morals , and chiefly in the ceremonies of their own devising , and the traditions of the elders , and in zeal for the corban or the churches treasure , and to these things they made the weightiest duties of the law give place . they wore broad phylacteries , and affected a proud reservedness and formal gravity . those fastings , prayers and alms-deeds , that should have been done in secret , they made a shew of openly to be seen of men. they would be counted rabbies , and owned for absolute teaching masters and leaders of the people , and would have all subject to their dictates . and they were maligners and opposers of the power of godliness , and persecutors of the true israelites to maintain their own institutes and interest . now for our part we have no need , nor mind to vindicate the true off-spring of such forefathers . it concerns all christians , as christ warn'd the disciples to beware of this leaven . but the truth is , something of phariseism may be found among some of all parties , as self-confidence , vain-glory , self-praise , censoriousness , arrogance , partiality , perverseness of conscience , or straining at gnats and swallowing of camels . and peradventure , those that most object it to others , may be most deeply infected with it themselves ; but however , it concerns all sorts to beware of it , and do as much as is possible to purge it out from among them , and every christian should strive to keep himself from any smatch of it , seeing it was so unsavoury to christ. it is thus very discernable from the manifold misapprehensions of the way it self , how godliness falls under the hard thoughts and speeches of the mistaken world. but wisdom is justified of her children . and if godliness it self by misapprehension become a rock of offence , no wonder the world is scandalized at the hypocrisie of false pretenders , and at the real faults and weaknesses of sincere professors . but christ hath said , blessed is he that is not offended in me . undoubtedly the making of an higher profession doth not exempt any from a just conviction and reproof . that hypocrites should be detected , and the scandalous faults even of sincere christians noted , is the interest of true piety . and charity both towards them that give offence , and towards them that take it to their hurt ; requireth such discovery . the godly lay to heart no evils more , than the scandals of professors ; and they know they are most concerned to take heed , lest any root of bitterness bearing gall or wormwood should spring up among them . and those , that sin before all , their discipline is to rebuke before all , that others may fear . but the great mischief is , that some so speak and write of hypocrites and offences , as to reproach godliness it self , and bring the profession of it into disgrace . when they take notice of any thing amiss in men professing godliness , whether the matter of fact be true or false , or the scandal be in reality or appearance only , they presently say these are your professors , they are all such , and the whole pack affords no better . the real or seeming hypocrisie , pride , covetousness , unrighteousness , uncharitableness , selfishness of some is cast upon all . from some instances of aberration they argue against a godly tenor of conversation , and deny sincerity where they see a falling short of perfection . they disparage a serious and circumspect course of life , by pretending it may be but a meer guise or shew , there may be lurking vices , and they who have scaped gross sensuality may be guilty of spiritual sins , as pride and envy ; and so they ground their detraction upon suppositions and surmises of what may be , though not appearing . they inveigh against hypocrisie in that manner , which hardens the vicious in their de●auchery ; and they incourage libertines in ●dleness and excess of vanity , by telling them , that the precisians may do worse . those godly exercises that lie out of the common road ( as to instance in holy conference ) they bring into contempt , by objecting an unseasonable and preposterous use thereof , or the impertinency and weakness of some therein . they censure inordinate transports of zeal , and whimsies in religion more bitterly than lewdnesses , outrages , gross impieties , and daring wickedness of dissolute persons . they will burden the sober-minded , that are zealous for their god , with the inexcusable madness of some intemperate zealots . the failings of the religious they aggravate above measure , and particularly some passionate disorders , that are commonly complexional , and have less of the will , and consequently of sinfull malignity in them , than many sins that make lesser noise , and raise less clamour : and they magnifie the eveness , moderation , mildness and other humanities of loose or lukewarm persons for the true christian spirit . they upbraid the godly with their solemn confessions and aggravations of sin before the lord , and with their acknowledgment and bewailing of such scandals before the world , as have been given by some among them ; as also with their publick testimonies against errors and corruptions , that have risen in their times ; and so they reproach them for their humility , sincerity , and impartiality in abusing themselves and giving glory to god , and condemning sin where ever they find it . they scoff at those that speak of communion with god , spiritual experiences , desertions , and the like matters ; and use in scorn scriptural words and phrases , and other holy expressions used by the religious ; and profane the terms of holy , godly , saint , sanctified , by the use thereof in scandalous ironies , and so they make sport for profane men , and harden them in their irreligion . they would render holy things contemptible by nothing , some little oversight and indecencies ( mostly involuntary ) in those that perform the same , as perhaps in the preachers tone or gesture . and to say the truth , it is one of the easiest things in the world for licentious wits to play upon the most serious and sacred things , and to make the most acceptable service of god and his choicest servants , seem ridiculous . these are some of the many vile and wretched ways of disgracing true religion : and i will add one more , to wit , that madness of opposition , on what side soever it be , which to make a different party odious , will not fear to expose godliness it self to the contempt and scorn of them that scorn all religious parties . surely it is a fearfull thing to be a hater , reviler , and scorner of persons , and things dear to god , and precious in his sight : what is it to provoke the lord to jealousie , if this be not ? wherefore he doth no ill service that detects this perillous folly : and men would easily shun such mistake and prejudice , as makes them misjudge and condemn the pious , if they would but deal fairly , and exercise the same equity and candor towards them , which is due to all sorts , and which towards themselves all do justly challenge . but godliness will be still godliness , let presumptuous wits imploy their tongues and pens to transform into never so ugly shapes , invectives , sarcasms , odious , and ridiculous tales and stories , scenial representations and disguises will not confound it , nor sink its authority and reputation . on the other hand the fairest coverings , and best contrived apologies , the most notable and advantageous policies , will not make corrupt things savoury , nor insipid things relishable , nor little empty things great and weighty , nor uphold the estimation of a degenerate , carnal , outside , lifeless state of religion , where better things are known . the wit of man may adorn or palliate any folly , and deform true wisdom : but in a lucid region , where knowledge is diffused , wisdom will shew it self , and the folly of fools cannot be hid . but let the religious know , that it behoves them to take care that they suffer not so many things in vain ; for these indignities may do them more good , than the vain applause of men : if their enemies give them advantage ( as indeed they do ) for the learning of more wisdom , sobriety , and circumspection , let them receive it ; it is pity they should not make the most of such harsh instructions . what manner of persons should they be in all holy conversation and godliness , that as much as in them lies , there might not be that wo to the world because of offences ; and that with well doing , they might put to silence the ignorance of foolish men ; more especially they should do their uttermost to shun even the appearance of the sins more peculiarly charged upon them , as hypocrisie , pride , wildness of fancy , affected singularity , and self-flattery ; and to be adorned with a conspicuous sincerity , humility , and charity . and whatsoever contumely they indure , let them by no means retaliate in the same kind , remembring their blessed lord , who being reviled , reviled not again , but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously . wickedness cometh from the wicked : scurrility , petulancy , bitterness and all intemperate language , is more agreeable to their adversaries , than to them : and it is observed , that the flinging of witty sarcasms , biting jears and scoffs , and railing words against a party , do vex and gall more than hurt or break them ; and provoke , but not convince them ; and serve indeed to feed a humour , and make sport , and do some present feat , but do not carry the main cause , or prevail in the end , but turn rather to the dammage and blemish of those , for whose service they were designed . chap. xvi . religions main strength next under the power of god , lies in its own intrinisick excellency . the propagating of true christianity , and the sound state of religion , agreeable thereunto against the enmity of the adverse world , is worthy of the utmost indeavours of all pious men ; and to search into the right ways and means thereof , is a necessary and noble speculation . but it must first be known , that its stability and victory in the world depends primarily upon the wisdom , truth , and power of god ingaged for it , and therefore it cannot fall by the power and policy of adversaries , nor sink and lose it self by the weakness or defectibility of its professors ; but it remains firm and sure , and the same for ever . next after the power of god , its main strength is its own intrinsick excellency . it is upheld chiefly by its own principles , which are mans perfection , and place our nature in its due state , and put both persons and societies into the only right frame , and reduce all things into their own place and order . they have nothing in them of iniquity , impurity , vanity or unfitness ; but are perfectly holy , just , and good , and give unto god his due , and unto men theirs , and that upon the most excellent grounds that can be laid ; as the glory of god , our conformity to him , our fellowship with him , our reward from him and in him , and all in and through a mediator , who is god and man in one person , and the head of all the faithfull , who are his body . the godly practice conformable to these principles , is from a cause that faileth not , to wit , the inhabitation and influence of the holy spirit of god. though true christianity be far above the strain and reach of meer nature , yet it is practicable by divine grace ; and notwithstanding the imperfect state of its professors , it faileth not of its end , which is to bring into the possession of the heavenly kingdom , the fruition of god and everlasting glory : yea , it doth effect great and excellent things in the present world . its rules are pure and perfect , its motives are great and high , and of indubitable verity . they that live after it , are a law to themselves and an aw to others . no other institution philosophical or religious , is so powerfull to restrain inordinate affection , and to settle the minds and affairs of men in the greatest peace and order , as far as human imperfection can arrive . it denies all vicious excesses , and sensuall pollutions , yea all offensive levites , and unchristian irregularities , and all fellowship therewith : yet morosity and sowreness of spirit , it by no means approves ; but serenity of disposition , and freeness and sweetness of conversation is both commanded and caused by it . it reacheth the hidden man of the heart , and awes the conscience ; it forbids the inward motions of intemperance and injustice , it condemns and loaths hypocrisie , and makes all external works to be nothing without sincerity . it makes sincere love the principle , and placeth it at the bottom of our whole behaviour towards others , and therefore prompts and powerfully ingages to mutual succour in the time of need . it maintains a charity unknown to the infidel world , and which is a vertue peculiar to it in the greatest vigor and extent . it injoyns the love of enemies . it exalts humility , meekness and mutual forbearance as chief vertues , which were contemned by the pride of moral heathens ; and therefore it makes men just and peaceable : and yet withal it hath the best grounds of true fortitude and magnanimity ; and therefore damns that pusillanimity and foolish softness of disposition , which betrays truth and vertue . self-denial is one of its grand precepts , without which none can live under its discipline and so it over-rules and controles that selfishness which is the arch-rebell against god , and the root of all mischief , and turns the world upside down . it teaches men to live above the honors and riches of the world , and takes off the heart from them . its principles most intirely accord with the true interest of the higher powers , it declare their authority to be from god as they are his vicegerents , and teacheth them to rule in subordination to him according to his laws ; and it awes the consciences of subjects to obdience . if rulers command any thing repugnant to the laws of god , it forbiddeth subjects to perform such-commands , yet withall obligeth to submit with patience to the unjust penalties of non-performance , and to avoid mutinies and rebellions . it also teacheth the people in spiritual matters to receive the churches directive with their own discretive judgment , and so not to derogate from the just authority of ecclesiastical superiors . it is indeed the chiefest strength of all just governments and societies . the truth is , it doth hedge in with thorns the lusts of men , as pride , malice , revenge , covetousness and sensuality ; but it secures and inlarges their wholsome comforts and injoyments , their proprieties , immunities and all just priviledges . it advanceth righteousness , temperance , beneficience and all other duties appertaining to mankind . wherever it roots and spreads , it makes no small part of the prudence , courage , industry and frugality , and by consequence of the wealth and strength of a nation . there is no aggregation of men in the world , wherein appears more of that which is good and profitable to men , than is found where the influence of this profession becomes predominant , whether in a nation or kingdom , or city or family . the spirit of christianity is the spirit of power , of love and of a sound mind , which gives great advantage for prudence , soberness , steddiness of conversation . the seriousness and gravity of this way disposeth not to futil talking , childish credulity , easiness and rashness , but to a considerate freeness , and direct dealing with a generous caution and reservedness in due season . though its followers cannot link themselves to factions , and serve all times and occasions , and go along with the men of this world in their designs throughout : yet they shall not fail of interest in a nation not wholly vitiated ; nor is it hard for them to maintain an influence upon the publick state , if they accommodate themselves to serve it so far as conscience and prudence leads them . considerate men will not contemn them , and they that own them shall know where to find them , and in pursuing good designs shall find them fast friends . religion doth not cast men down into stupidity , pusillanimity , or sluggish neglect of opportunity ; but erects them to a prudent , and temperate vigor of spirit , and regular activity , whereby they become fit for the affairs of human life in a higher or lower sphear , according to their different capacities . chap. xvii . religion may be advanced by human prudence ; what ways and methods it cannot admit in order to its advancement . though true religion stands by an unchangeable law , and depends not upon the mutable things of this world , and varies not according to their variations , nor is to be governed by the common policy of secular kingdoms : nevertheless its affairs may be much advanced by prudence , and disadvantaged by indiscretion . there is a lawfull use of human policy , being refined from hypocrisie and all iniquity . the author of this profession , the holy and just one , in whose mouth was no guile , adviseth his disciples to be wise as serpents , and harmless as doves . st. paul one of his chief ministers was attentive to all the methods of gaining people , and became all things to all men that he might win some ; and he was bold to tell some , that being crafty he caught them with guile : but it was the guile of abounding charity and self-denial , managed with prudence for the service of christ , and the saving of souls . in secular kingdoms the reasons of state are locked up from the common view . but the maxims and methods of this interest may with great advantage be disclosed as well to aliens and enemies , as to friends and fellow-citizens . for by this discovery the powers of the world , who through their own misapprehensions , or others malicious suggestions are sometimes turned against it , may become more propense and indulgent towards it ; and the more sober part of men may be inclined to favour it , and greater numbers both of high and low degree may be brought intirely to close with it , when they shall behold the goodness and usefulness , the innocency and integrity of its principles . as for the enemies counterworking we need not dread it . for the stratagems of this warfare are not carnal , and cannot be counterwrought with carnal stratagems . it remaineth therefore as the business of this inquiry , to consider how we may improve the intrinsical and innate advantages before mentioned ; and to gain all extrinsical and adventitious ones , that may be made , and to make th● most of them all for the designed end . but due care must be had , that the wisdom of this world or human policy have not too great 〈◊〉 stroke . for many are the arts and method●… that serve secular interests , which the sincerity and purity of true religion can by no mean admit . it cannot stablish it self in bloud and cruelty nor murther the innocent for its own security nor hold people in subjection by the horro● of a spanish inquisition , which is not the policy of the city of god , the spiritual jerusalem , but of babylon . it cannot make use of such impostures , as are used to uphold the mystery of iniqui●y , and which is the way of those church politicians that make men stupid and foolish , that they may the better lord it over them as besotted vassals . it cannot invite or ingage any to its side by ●arnal allurements , and provisions made for ●he lusts of men. the making of such provisions would extinguish its life and power , and bring forth a spurious carnal brood , that always with deadly hatred pursues its true pro●essors . it cannot lift up it self by serving the de●●gns and lusts of earthly potentates ; though it ●ives them their due honour to the full , yet it ●empts them not by flattery to think of themselves above what they are , nor doth it pro●itute its sacred rules to patronize any enor●ities in their conversations , or political ad●inistrations . it cannot subdue a people , and hold them un●er by armed violence and usurpation , for his were to subvert it self , and undermine its ●wn foundation , which is truth , meekness and ●●ghteousness . it seeks not by any irregular motions to per●rb a settled state , though adverse and injurious to it . it cannot enter into the recesses 〈◊〉 wicked policy ; its principles will not bear 〈◊〉 out in the cunning and close ways of dishon●… sty . it abhors such ingagements , as draw o●… necessity of proceeding in unrighteous or da●… gerous counsels , and especially such iniqui●… as would not pass away in a transient action but would hold up a lasting usurpation or i●… jury to its perpetual reproach and repugnan●… to it self . it neither hath , nor in human judgment 〈◊〉 like to have the sufficiency of an arm of fles●… or worldly puissance , for its intrinsick and a●… biding strength , untill it comes in a more ex●… tensive power , and more ample victory that hath been yet manifested in the world. th●… mutable advantages of certain times and occa●… sions are but loose and hollow ground , and n●… settled foundation for it to build upon . it is not furthered by a course of subtilties and of intricate and cloudy projects , which be get suspition of evil ; but by an openess an frankness of dealing in all certainty and clearness . for in it self it is clear as the sun , an●… regular and certain as the ordinances of he●… ven , or the motions of the celestial bodies whatsoever degree of obliquity or uncertainty happeneth to it , is only extrinsical proceeding from mens corruptions and frailties , who ne●… ther are , can be here absolutely exact and perfect in it . it rejects the fury of passion , bitterness , clamours , wrath , tumult , and all outrage . in a word , it can admit nothing that is inconsistent with intire honesty . and it is not weakened by this strictness . for truth is great and powerfull ; and by a weak and gentle , yet sound and solid manifestation of it self , it maintains a conquest answerable to its own condition in this present world. chap. xviii . the interest of true religion lies much in its venerable estimation among men. a corrupt state of religion nourishing pride and sensuality , and yielding it self managable to the designs of men after the course of the world , is commonly upheld by an arm of secular power , which by ways of its own it can make sure to it self . but pure religion abhorring base compliances ; and residing in the hitherto lesser number that walk in the narrow way , is not so well suted for a settled and continued potency in that kind . wherefore by how much the more it fails of an assurance of worldly power and greatness , by so much the more it needs the advantage of venerable estimation for its own intrinsick excellence . a desire of vain glory , and an ambitious catching at the praise of men is opposite to this interest , and destroys the ends thereof . but because things that appear not , are of the same reason with things that are not , in regard of influence upon the minds of men , christianity should be made appear to be what it is indeed , that it is not a meer idea in the imagination or intellect , but a wisdom and power that may be practiced : and its glory is displaid in a life of integrity , purity and charity by the brightness of which graces in the primitive times it became illustrious , and was exalted over all the learning , and vertue , and potency of the heathen world , in such an age as had all civil disciplines in their perfection ; and it is never so much indangered , as when the sanctity of its professors is fallen , or exposed to scandal . eminent holiness is after miracles the next great testimony to the truth , and is now in the room of miracles , and its influence is very powerfull . wheresoever it is , it invigorates others of this fellowship that are near it , and it commands aw and reverence from all men. t is a great happiness , when persons indued herewith are in proportionable number fixed like stars of the first magnitude throughout the firmament of the church , when there are men of strong parts , much prudence , active spirits , firm resolution , who are filled with the holy spirit , inflamed with love to god , and devoted to seek the things that are christs , and fitted thereunto by real mortification and self-denial , also when persons of a lower sphere for the perfections of nature or learning , have attained to a large measure of the primitive spirit of faith , love , meekness , brotherly kindness and charity , whereby they are made ready to every good work , and provoke others thereunto . as the eminent piety of some , so the appro●ed piety of the generality of serious professors imports exceedingly to the reputation and reverence of true religion . the spiritual man discerneth the excellency of the divine life , and the beauty of holiness ; and the natural man also can discern humility , chastity , tem●erance , patience , charity , integrity , as things morally good and profitable to men , and by ●…ese things the truth is vindicated and main●…ined . to defile the purity of this professi●… is to stain its glory , and to stain i●s glory , is 〈◊〉 render it weak and despicable . none there●…re may pass for the allowed disciples of this ●ay , but such as keep themselves pure from 〈◊〉 foul sins of sensuality , and from all palpa●… dishonesty . howbeit the lawfull favour ●…d assistance of any others may with due cau●… be admitted in its concernments . a harmless life if barren and unprofitable is of little value in it self , and also of little force to advance any profession . nay a fruitless life is scandalous and unchristian . they are the words of christ , herein is my father glorified that ye bear much fruit , so shall ye be my disciples . the root of such fruitfulness in good works is love out of a pure heart , and good conscience , and faith unfeigned , to which belong those praises , that it is the end of the commandment , and the fulfilling of the law. now because they that walk circumspectly are often censured by the looser sort to be uncharitable , it doth the more concern them really to shew forth the laudible fruits of charity , and to maintain all good works before men , though not to be seen of men , and to hate narrowness of soul and base selfishness . what do ye more than others ? saith the author of our profession . when the religious apparently excell the choicest part of unregenerate men , then is wisdom apparently justified of her children . natural men may have some amiable vertues by which they aim to commend themselves both to god and the world , yet in other matters of no less manifest and necessary concernment they are licentious and remiss . but the true christian make it his business to fulfill all righteousness . and as the principle of true piety causeth an intirene●… in all the parts of good life ; so being duly improved and stirred up , it will cause them that have it , not only to acquit themselves in whatsoever things are acceptable , and praise-worthy among the meerly vertuous part of men , but also to perform those things that are far above them , and both a wonder and a reproof unto them . religion hath a good savour among all men , by the due observance of all relative duties ; and nothing renders it more unsavoury , than the violating of those bonds , and the non-performance of those dues , which arise from natural or civil relations ; for these things are our proper sphere , our dayly walk and constant business , wherein we are most accountable to god , and usefull to men . industry and providence in the affairs of this life , conduceth to reputation ; but idleness and improvidence is very scandalous . upon this account , godliness is sometimes reproached by occasion of some idle pretenders , and others that are pious , but inconsiderate and imprudent . religious exercises must be attended seasonably , and in due order : idle and careless persons , that wander from their callings , how full soever of good words , must be numbred among those that walk disorderly . when the rules of christianity are so agreeable to the temporal well being , and so indulgent to the present necessities of mankind , it is a great shame to expose it to contempt and prejudice , by such perversness or improvidence , as if it were inconsistent with industry and prudence , in the necessary concernment of this world. in like manner a discreet and moderate use of riches , a generous frugality , and frugal liberality , avoiding fordid covetousness on the one hand , and vain ostentation and deliciousness on the other , is of good report and gains esteem ; but to live either too narrowly , or too profusely , taints a mans reputation , and derogates from the honour of his profession . to be constant or always the same , is a noble property , and is had in much honour . and hereunto true christianity gives the greatest adnantage . it s main principles are evident and unchangable ; with the allowance of prudential accommodations according to time and place in things indifferent . it is a chief point of wisdom to bring our might and main to the great & weighty things of the law , and to watch with jealousie against every devise of man that would undermine them ; but to be more cautious and sparing in points of less importance , yet the occasions of much contest among them that own the same doctrine of faith . we are ill advised if we lay our main stock where our main interest is not touched . several matters touching religion have been carried in a vicissitude according to the change of times , and yet the substance of religion not altered . it is not safe to fix a necessity upon such things , from which the urgency of after-times may inforce us to drawback , unless we will desert our stations , before we have a discharge from our master in heaven . the espousing of some controverted forms and doctrines may end in a divorce , dishonourable enough , although it be conscientious : and the reproach hereof may be aggravated by the pretended constancy of others in erroneous ways , when it is indeed no other than the pertinacy of a selfish mind , or an adhering to a worldly interest . when there is a liberty some forms may be safely chosen , as most advantageous , and yet not asserted to be the only necessary ; and again ; some others may be laid aside , as inconvenient : and yet not damned as impious , or simply evil . the parent of true constancy is godly wisdom , having the sure foundation of evident and unchangable truths , with a just latitude in things not determined by the positive laws of god. and so there may ordinarily happen to the same man some diversity of practice at different times , that deserves not the brand of time serving , which is often too rashly objected . for the same fixed principle of knowledge and integrity will direct to this way or method of a sacred action at one time , and at another time to that which is far different ; yea , and ( when it cannot be avoided ) to a submitting to what hath sometime been rejected , i mean rejected not as in it self unlawfull , but as inconvenient or less profitable . when we are at liberty , we are obliged to take the best way ; but when confined , we must do as well as we may in that state . and the submission signifies an acknowledgment of the simple lawfulness , but not of the comparative goodness or desirableness of the thing imposed . since our blessed saviour hath given his church a legacy of peace in him , with tribulation in the world , to suffer with reputation , is not of little moment . it sometimes comes to pass , and that inevitably , that the godly suffer much in such cases which the looser sort account niceties , and needless scruples ; in which cases , their sufferings are precious in the sight of god , who highly values the jots and tittles of his law : but they are not so honourable in the sight of men . but when their cause is so unquestionable , that all sober spirits of orthodox belief must needs regard it , their suffering hath much more glory , and all the faithfull will be more constant and uniform in adhering to such a cause . howbeit if they suffer for conscience sake in such things as the world accounts niceties ; yet an upright and prudent walking with a peaceable spirit , submissive in things clearly indifferent , and bearing with others intolerable differences , will be an ample defence unto them , and gain respect , and peradventure mollifie those that do the injury . furthermore let it be here noted , that to the sufferer it is no less honourable , to suffer for the life and power of christianity , in opposition to the immorality , malignity , and hypocrisie of carnal christians , than in the defence of the christian faith , or any article thereof , in opposition to infidels , hereticks , or blasphemers . for the christian life and practice is the end of the christian faith and doctrine , and therefore cannot be of less regard . yet this kind of suffering is more dishonourable to christ , in respect of the persecutors , who are his professed servants , and therefore in this respect , it is more grievous to the persecuted , than if they suffered from those that disown his name , or are his more avowed enemies . chap. xix . the most ample diffusion of the light of knowledge , is a sure means of promoting true religion . false and corrupt ways bear sway by a peoples ignorance ; but religion in its right and sound state as a jewel that hath its greatest lustre by the brightest light , is maintain'd by the clearest knowledge . in bright times , the impostures and carnal designs of devised doctrines , and superstitious vanities will be made manifest ; and the hypocrisie being detected , the merchandize thereof will be quite marr'd . in such times even the vulgar sort will expect from those in sacred functions , at least the appearance of a sober , righteous and godly conversation , with diligence in holy administrations . then the enemies of real sanctity are put to hard shifts , and forc'd to appear either in some colours of truth , or in the shame of their own nakedness . for this cause the followers of truth make it their special interest , as throughly to promote the most ample diffusion , and universal increase of knowledge among all ranks and sorts of men , as the adverse partly seek to oppose and debase it . we do not hereby mean an intermedling in difficult matters , a smattering in controversies , and certain curiosities of opinions , a store of unnecessary notions , and of meer words and phrases , which things are commonly erroneous , and at the best but injudicious , and puff up the half-witted and self-conceited , and make them troublesom to themselves and others . but that which is here commended for an universal increase and propagation , is to understand the principles of the essential truths of christianity , to see their evidence , to judge rightly of their weight and worth , and to view their coherence ; and besides these , to know so much of other truths as the different capacities of men will inable them , for the bettering of their knowledge in the essentials . the means of diffusing this light are well known , as the constant preaching of the word , and the opening of the principles of religion in a due form of cathechism , the strict observation of the lords day , repetition of sermons , ●…ious conferences , reading the word , and prayer in families , profitable communication among neighbour-christians in their daily converse , the spreading of practical books written by men of sound judgment , and ministers private applications to those of their own charges with prudence and meekness . for the same end that main principle of protestanism , the judgment of discretion , as ●elonging to all christians , is to be asserted and ●…indicated against that popish and brutish do●…trine of implicit faith , in the church's de●…rminations . this is not to subject matters of ●aith to a private spirit ; but to refer them to ●…e divine authority of the holy scriptures , to ●…e apprehended in the due and right use of ●eason , which is a publick and evident thing , ●…d lies open to the tryal and judgment of all men. and to men of sober minds , serious for the saving of their own souls , the analogy of faith in the current of scripture is easily discernable . moreover , the general increase of knowledge lies much in the ingenuous education and condition of the common people , in opposition to sordidness , slavery and brutish rudeness . though some look upon the vulgar sort with contempt , and seem to value them no more than brute animals , and think it enough that their governors understand and consider for them , and not they for themselves : yet christ hath shed his blood as much for the redemption of that sort , as of the noble and mighty , and prudent ; and he hath made no difference between the one and the other in the conditions of salvation , and in the priviledges and ordinances of his kingdom . as for the receiving of the grace of god , the scripture casts the advantage on the poorer and meaner side . not many wise men after the flesh , not many mighty , not many noble are called , was the observation of st. paul , and st. james witnesseth , that god hath chosen the poor of this world , rich in faith , and heirs of his kingdom . and those whom god hath chosen , must needs be instructed in his will. that reasonable service that he requires , none can perform without knowledge . ignorance is opposite to the nature and being of true christian piety , which is not at all where it is not received with understanding . this general increase of knowledge hath fallen under a great suspicion of evil , and it may be under the jealousie of rulers , as disposing men to sedition , rebellion , herisie and schism . but how great a reproach is hereby cast upon human nature , or political government , or both , that the more rationally apprehensive the body of a people are , they are so much the more ungovernable , as if government could not stand with the proper dignity and felicity of human nature ? what manner of civil state is that , which degrades the subjects from men to beasts , for a more absolute dominion over them ? what manner of christian church is that , which to prevent heresie and schism , takes order that its members be no christians ? it is an unchristian , inhuman policy in church or state , the foundation whereof is laid in the peoples ignorance . as for the true interest of rulers , it is not weakened , but strengthened by their peoples knowledge , which in its right and proper tendency makes them more conscientious , and however , more circumspect and considerate , and consequently more easily manageable by a just and prudent government . but gross ignorance tends to make them barbarous and belluine , and in their mutinies and discontents uncounsellable and untameable , and therefore very incongruous to a state governed by the principles of christianity or humanity . chap. xx. the advantage of human learning to the same end . though religion rests not on human learning , as its main support ; yet it seeks and claims the necessary help thereof . those whom god designs for eminent service , he indues with eminent gifts either by means or miracle ; and he gives every intrusted servant a measure answerable to his degree . the apostles who laid the foundation were wise master-builders : and surely it was not the mind of christ that wisdom should die with them , when he settled his church to indure throughout all ages , and promised to be with it to the end of the world. it is said indeed , that the foolishness of god is wiser than men , and the weakness of god is stronger than men. but that which is so called , is not foolishness and weakness indeed , but only so accounted by the pride of carnal wisdom . in this learned age the antichristian state in christendom is forced to advance learning in its own defence . and now without learning either divinely inspired or acquired by means , we cannot defend our selves against it . wherefore to destroy the supports of learning , is the way to subvert religion . yea , though we were not ingaged by such strength of the adversary to provide for our own defence ; yet solid human learning doth of it self notably advance divine truth . the learning that was spread over the world in the primitive times of christianity , apparently made way for that sudden and ample spreading of the gospel . and the reviving thereof after an universal decay , no less apparently made way for the breaking forth of this clearer light of the gospel after the long night of popery . unlearned and barbarous times are noted among the causes of depraving religion with multiplied superstitious absurdities and deformities . indeed that great mystery of iniquity , the romish synagogue is favoured by many wise and learned ones ; but the interest of great power and wealth , and other carnal al●urements ingage them to uphold that babel , and so to detain the truth of god in their own ●nrighteousness . the papal kingdom of darkness hath amply provided for an eminent measure of learning in their superior clergy , and certain religious orders designed for theological controversies , and the propagation of the roman ●aith , being necessitated thereunto by the learnedness of the present age. but for the vulgar priests , who dayly converse with the common people , that are ignorant and unlearned , it matters not how little knowledge they have ; and the grandees care not that they should be conversant in learned books , no not in their own bellarmine . as for the laity , t is a principle in that church , that ignorance is the mother of devotion . a corrupt ecclesiastical state , upheld for worldly ends , hath no reason to desire the advancement of learning any further , than is requisite to defend it sel● against learned adversaries , and to hold the vulgar in admiration of it . it would hav● the people wholly to trust their teachers , and it is not well relished , when learned gentle men of the laity are exact , and studious i● theological inquiries . the supports and rewards of learning may be so inordinately apportioned and confe●… red , as to exalt boundless ambition and avari●… in some , and to nourish a dronish idleness and epicurism in others , and to cast the residue●… and those the greatest number into ignoranc● beggary , baseness and superfluity of naught●… ness . such a disposition of things , besides th●… ruine of religion would in the ruines there●… bury learning it self ( as it hath done in for mer ages ) if the industry of some were n●… kept waking by the increase of knowledge a●… mong another sort of men. but whatsoeve● abuse corrupts that which in it self is excellent , the supports of learning are always necessary in the true church ; and to settle a way for a perpetual succession of wise and learned guides of the flock in this intire and sound state of religion , is to build the same on a rock . the spirit of this profession being sober , solid and serious , is happy in disposing towards the attainment of much perfection in all profitable science , and especially towards that which is most excellent and usefull in human affairs , to wit solid and deep judgement . in this respect the children of true wisdom stand upon the vantage ground ; and the scope of their business directs them to excell in the more substantial part of learning , which perfects reason and falls in with practice , and makes them able effectually to converse with men both in religious and civil matters . these do not spend their days in a cloyster living to themselves alone , but are seasonably called forth to sacred or civil functions , and so by study in conjunction with practice and experience , they become more perfect in science . the same ●ntents and purposes direct them to understand the end and use of their acquisitions , and to have their learning at command , and ma●ageable for present business . chap. xxi . the general civility or common honesty of a nation makes it more generally receptive of real christianity or godliness . religion having considerateness and soberness in its nature , hath great advantage by the sober and serious temper of a nation , city or country , where its advancement and propagation is designed . civility is a good preparative to piety , and experience witnesseth , that among the serious & temperate sort of people , and in the most civilized places religion takes best ; and that it takes least in those places where debauchery and sensuality raign in those of the higher rank , and a heathen-like rudeness and stupidity seiseth the common multitude . wherefore that sort of men , whose spirit or interest leads them to uphold a corrupt and carnal church-state , seek to gratifie the most sensual and vicious part of a nation , because they cannot so easily gain the considerate and soberminded , who are more inquisitive into the principles and practices of different parties , and look more than others into the inside of mens devotions . a nation may be generally brought to civil conversation and the external part of religion . for the restraining of filthy lewdness , gross excesses and rudeness best comports with the health of the body , the security of the estate , and the quietness of the mind . therefore when it is in use , it is no burden but an ease even to unregenerate nature , and so may pass generally among a people . likewise natural men being convinced and awakened , will easily observe religious duties so far as the peace of the natural conscience doth require . the conversation of the pious is exemplary and of great authority , especially when their strictness and seriousness is tempered with the amiable vertues of meekness and moderation . by this they may do much towards the civilizing of those that live about them , and to conciliate the minds of men towards them , and bring them to good thoughts of religion . but the harshness of some rigid honest men may exasperate and beget hatred in some , whom condescension and sweetness of conversation might have gained , or at least mol●ified . likewise by a discreet and seasonable use of christian liberty in the temperate injoyments of outward comforts in harmless recreations , and sober cheerfulness in honest company , the religious may bring over others to a friendly converse with them , and may be a means to keep them from the more gross and scandalous pollutions of the world . yet as they ought to shun an excessive reservedness and austerity , so they must take heed of too great compliance with others in carnal liberty , upon pretence of a friendly converse with them . they may not spend their time in recreations , fruitless visits , merry meetings and the like exercises , wherein there is enough of idleness and vanity , even when there is nothing of dissoluteness or gross immorallity . for by such a trade of life they would lose themselves in a sober kind of epicurism , or sensuality under a form of godliness ; and they would harden others in their loose walking , or make them think that professors are but as other men , except in a name and outward form. wherefore they may be sociable no otherwise , than that it may appear they make religion their business , and walk circumspectly and redeem their time from vanity , for the serious duties of their general and particular callings . it may be further noted , that whatsoever promoteth knowledge among the meaner sort , promotes civility . likewise where a people are generally settled in a way of industry and frugality , and those of higher extract or education are bent unto exercises truly noble and worthy , that nation will be disposed to a more considerate and apprehensive habit of mind , and to a more sober and regular course of life ; but the state of things is corrupt and tends to general debauchedness , when those of higher rank and quality live in idleness and sensual excesses , and have a proportionable number of the meaner sort waiting upon them in much idleness , for the service of those lusts and vanities . this course would vitiate the whole mass of a people , did not some powerfull opposite means preserve some parts more intire and sound in morals . now an order and frame of things settled for frugality is not unworthy of a generous nation . it is a noble thing for persons of higher birth and breeding to improve their parts , and wealth , and leasure in usefull and liberal studies and exercises , whereby something may be added either to their own fortunes , or to the common stock and treasure of mankind . where this considerate and sober disposition of a people is affected , it should be esteemed a great happiness , and worthy of the best improvement for the advancement of religion . discreet and well minded persons are in no wise to be discouraged or disobliged . if they cannot be raised to a higher pitch , it is better to keep them where they are , than by any matter of disgust to occasion them to fall back first to disrelish , then to loath and oppose a strict profession . chap. xxii . the increase of religion is promoted by being made , as much as may be , passable among men . such is the course of this world , that a necessity of being singular lies upon those that imbrace the power of godliness . and because all singularity is obnoxious to disgust and censure , it concerns them to make it evident , that theirs is not humorous and affected , but necessary and conscientious ; and so to shun all affectation of odd conceits and practises , or any unnecessary reservedness . the meer departing from evil and the impartial discharge of duty will set them too much alone and aloof off from too too many . and truly it is the grief of sincere and humble minds , that they can have no more company in the way that is called holy . but the humour of needless singularity , hath a snatch of pharisaical leaven in it . to be affable and of easie access , and free in harmless compliances avails much to remove or lessen prejudice . it is not of little moment to discern and keep the right path in the matter of conformity to the decent civilities of this world . to be sollicitous and exact about idle and tedious curiosities of habit , gesture and complemental converse , to run with the formost after new garbs and fashions , is inconsistent with the purity , gravity and moderate severity of true religion . on the other hand , to neglect the decencies of the age is taken to proceed from a sordid or a peevish humour . a mediocrity in such things is most acceptable and advantageous . the truth is , the extravagancy of our times hath tempted some to strain christian liberty beyond the bounds of soberness , and there is need that some check be given to this excess of vanity . nevertheless the other extreem will gain no honour . morosity truly so called is very offensive , and is indeed but a severe and serious folly . it is not to be expected that all should be of the same strain , guarb or humour in these indifferent matters pertaining to human life , wherein is found so great diversity among vertuous and worthy persons . the more free , gentile and chearfull may not despise them that be more shie , reserved and solemn in their behaviour , nor may these judge the other . for godliness stands on neither side , but is indifferent towards both . and importunate zeal , and strictness about things of indifferent or doubtfull interpretation doth oft-times great disservice to religion , and hinders that reception that was ready to be given to it . when too great a stir is made about little matters , men of loose principles will suggest against all godly care and strictness , as needless scrupulosity and preciseness . and the urging of some hard things , as indispensable duties upon weak and uncertain grounds , hath alienated the minds of some from that course of life , which was necessary to their salvation . it is most true , that the faithfull in christ have their conversation in heaven , as being redeemed from this present evil world , and having jerusalem which is above the mother of them all . nevertheless as yet they dwell upon earth , and converse with natural men , and therefore may not speak and act in such a strain , as if they were taken out of the world . provided they deny no principle of faith , it behoves them to shew themselves in nothing estranged from the principles of human reason , and moral prudence according to men upon earth , and in that regard to act as citizens of this world ; though in regard of their heavenly spirit and conversation , which is their life indeed , they must walk as fellow citizens with the saints now in glory . i urge this the rather because they are by scornfull men numbred among fanaticks . upon the same ground in all publick affairs , they must consider what the kingdoms of this world with bear ; they must be discreet and temperate in their incounters with peoples vanities , especially inveterate customs ; and in all things they should approve themselves fit and able for the service of human society . this will make them appear considerable , and befool and shame those that slight them . there is no difference in christ , between bond and free , high and low , rich and poor ; but they are all one in him : wherefore the scripture saith , let the brother of low degree rejoyce in that he is exalted , but the rich man that he is made low . and accordingly it testifies against the having of the faith of our lord jesus christ , with respect of persons . howbeit this indistinction of persons respecteth priviledges that are meerly spiritual , to which there is no inequality of right upon any civil pre-eminence : but in all civil priviledges , christianity maintains the different rights of the several ranks of men , and injoyns us to render honour to whom honour is due . and there is more in it than a meer gracefulness of behaviour , or pleasingness of humane conversation ; for it is necessary to maintain government , and to keep the world in order . religion therefore doth not countenance a levelling humour , nor any insolence and irreverence towards superiors , but condemns their pride and folly , that presume to ●arry it in that sort , upon the account of an equality in christ , or a conceit of their own pre-eminence in him above others . the profession of godliness cannot be more prejudiced , than by such a spirit and behaviour discerned in those that pretend to it . the mighty , the noble , and the wealthy , will not indure to be confronted by mean persons ; but are tempted to hate and crush that profession , which they think makes men forget those distances and due observances , which civility calls for . but religion is made more passable and acceptable , especially with those at the upper end of the world , by the discretion and modesty of its professors , in upholding civil distinctions and degrees of honour among men , and in rendring to all their dues according to those degrees . chap. xxiii . the observing of a due latitude in religion , makes for the security and increase thereof . christianity is not to be extended to such a latitude , as to take in hereticks , 〈◊〉 idolaters , or real infidels , because they ar●… named christians ; nor is it shut up in severe●… parties distinguished by certain doctrin●… rites and platforms , which the tyranny 〈◊〉 ancient tradition , national custom , politic●… interest , or passionate zeal hath exalted : but it incompasseth all those that hold christ the head in the unity of faith and life . wherefore the constitution of the church must be set as much as may be for the incompassing of all true christians , which indeed makes for its most fixed and ample state . and the taking of a narrower compass , is a fundamental error ●n its policy , and will always hinder its stability and increase . the true state of the church ( as of any other society ) lies in the universality , or the ●hole body , and not in any divided or sub●ivided parts thereof . accordingly , its true ●nterest leads not to the things that make for the exalting of this or that party , but to those common and great concernments that uphold and increase the whole body . and it is but just and equal to accomodate the publick order , to the satisfaction of all parties , not in what their several designs and humors crave , ( which is impossible ) but in what they all may justly challenge by their christian liberty , and which is possible ; namely , that their consciencies may not be perplexed and ●…rdened with things unnecessary , how high●… soever magnified by some one party . they that seek worldly wealth and glory 〈◊〉 a church state , think it as good to yield 〈◊〉 all , as to relinguish any thing of their ●…nstitutions . for although they know that moderation might make for a general peace , and for the lasting good of a christian people , yet they foresee that by removing offences , and reforming abuses , they should open a door to men of such principles , as may subvert the foundations of their building . therefore they think it safer to immure themselves by institutions sutable to their own estate , and to adhere to them unalterably . according to this reason in the council of trent , the pope gave his legates instruction so to proceed , that the lutherans might despair o● peace , without a total submission . for h● regarded not their return upon such term● as would diminish the authority and revenue of his court , or weaken any of th● foundations of papal power . such a party value all men , whether they draw nearer t● them , or keep further from them , as they stand affected to the interest which they maintain . but true religion stands upon another bottom , and pursues other ends , to wit , holiness and peace , and that without partiality and without hypocrisie . it hath no privat● carnal interest to uphold , and therefore need not such carnal devices for its own securit● and advantage . by comprehensiveness loseth nothing , because it seeks not gre●… things upon earth , nor serves the designs of an● faction ; and as it loseth nothing hereby , s● it gaineth much , both in amplitude and st● bility . in church affairs , those things are to be held fast which christ our lawgiver hath by his unalterable rule determined , and made necessary to the building up of his church , such as are the spiritual ordinances and officers of his institution . but things of meer human determination are not unalterable , and the alteration thereof in a season that requires it , doth no whit weaken religion , or darken the glory of it . and doubtless they ought not to be more regarded , than integrity of life , and ministerial ability and industry , for the churches edification in faith and holiness . the exercises of christian meekness and charity in such things , is far more glorious to the church , than a forc'd uniformity ; and that constraining rigor which doth but debase mens judgments into servility , and teaching them to strain their consciences , ●ends to make them less conscientious and religious . besides , the said moderation in those matters , wherein uniformity of apprehensions is unnecessary and imposible , will keep the church in a better consistency , and deliver it from those contests and breaches wich may end ●n its dissipation . but what glory or safety ●s there in a publick order that is , and ever will be made the subject of controversie , more than the rule of unity ? the hinderance of the most important things of christs kingdom , is a mischief that always follows the promoting of narrow principles , and partial interests in religion , whereof these instances among many others may be noted , the obstructing of the liberty of publick ministerial service , to be given to ministers that lie under restraint , lest some that accept it not should be weakened in their severed interest ; also the opposing of a publick order of catechizing the people in the uncontroverted principles of religion , lest the petty liberties of a party in their severed way should be impaired . but the concerns of any particular party are set behind the common interest of christianity , by a true catholick spirit which is ready to joyn hand in hand with any that seek the increase of faith and godliness , in the unquestionable means thereof . and no detriment can accrew by concurring even with men of adverse principles , in setting on foot those things received in common , that have a sure tendency to advance true religion : of which sort , are all good means of introducing knowledge and civil conversation among a people rude and ignorant . the fixing of divine right upon matters of meer prudence , and the damning of things indifferent for unlawfull , is an error of evil consequence . it causlesly breaks a people into parties , and excites them to subvert their opposites , and the opposition seems unchangeable . hereby publick affairs are discomposed , the cause of religion is imbroiled , and the propagation thereof obstructed ; and perhaps at length , after tedious contests , either both parties being weary of endless strife , sit down in silence ; or the weaker being vanquished , is crush'd , or yields with shame and loss . into the snare of this error , men are brought by narrowness of judgment , or strength of fancy , or hurry of prejudice , driving from one extream to another , to which may be added the private interests of leading men . wherefore we should take care that we lay no bonds upon our selves , in those things wherein neither the law of nature , nor any positive law of god hath bound us up . furthermore , it doth not stand with the settlement or inlargement of any church interest , to enter into such religious bonds , as must needs conflict , not only with the opposition of perpetual adversaries , but also with the dissentings and dissatisfactions of friends considerable for number and quality ; in as much as they are too narrow for the common interest , and biass too strongly to a party of one persuasion . for which cause their pre●alence is not lasting , but by usual and easie changes , their weakness is discovered . to tie a people to certain little rules and methods in church discipline , that are ge●erally displeasing ; as the necessary terms of ●hurch priviledges , when the ends of discipline may be as well obtained without them , is at the best but the vanity of a needless trouble , in doing that with much ado , which might be done with less ; and it may occasion an incurable breach , and the rejection of the whole form of government . narrow and uncertain boundaries of church communion , and arbitrary and rigid rules of admission , are contrary to that ample and fixed church state , which is necessary to uphold and propagate true religion . the faith of christ hath been propagated and perpetuated in large kingdoms and nations , by incompassing under its external rule and order , the multitude that made profession , though they might fa●… short of the new birth , and those things tha● accompany salvation : and it doth not roo● or spread in any sort considerable in a region , where the order of admission is set by the rigid and narrow principles of a small party , and the general multitude lies open as wa●… ground for any to invade or occupy . the strength and security of the protestant reformation , came by the taking in of kingdom● and whole dominions within its compas● . the external kingdom of god must needs be much wider than the internal . it is like the draw net that gathered fishes good and bad , and like a corn field , wherein whea●… and tares grow together till the harvest . moreover , the increase of professed christian makes way for the increase of regenerate christians and converts to the power of godliness , are generally made out of the mass of people , of an orthodox profession : and few of them are turned immediately from infidelity , popery , or any heresie . chap. xxiv . the care and wisdom of the church in preventing , and curing the evil of fanatical and sectarian error . among the wiles of satan , whereby he depraveth the spiritual excellency of pure religion , and mightily hinders its advance in the kingdoms of this world , fanatical and sectarian aberrations , are not the least . if these follies were but heeded by those that are most in danger , before they are ingaged and drunken with errour , it were in great part an antidote against this mischief . for the well minded that are but weak , and of easie impression , are lead aside chiefly for lack of attention and observation . many are children in understanding , and many are passionate and inconsiderate , and an innate levity , and inconstancy of mind is very common . it behoves the guides of the flock to possess the minds of the people with sober principles ; and to have a watchfull eye upon the first rising of any pragmatick fancies that feed on notions and novelties , under a shew of a more discerning spirit in gospel mysteries , than others have . such being vanity puff'd up , will be starting questions and multiplying slight exceptions against the received truth , and will please the itching ears , and slight spirits of some pretenders to godliness , who will become their hasty proselytes , and join with them to unravel one thing after another , in the texture of holy doctrine . and by the repute of their good parts and seeming piety , may stagger others of good intentions , but weaker judgments . and of this sort , none are more dangerous than vain-glorious teachers : ambitious of leading parties , and by plausible indowments furnished for such designs . these to raise their own fame , and make to themselves a devoted people , will become absolute sect-masters ; and those that close with them , they hold with pleasing devices , and serve their humours , that they may serve themselves of them . there is also in some persons a right sectarian leaven , which is evermore to follow peculiar opinions , and some separated party in religion , and they speak security to their own souls , by being of such an opinion or of such a party . against the sectarian and fanatick spirit , it concerns the church to keep a continual watch and ward ; but not so as to imprison the truth , to lock up the key of knowledge , to stifle godly zeal , to detain a people in dead and dull principles , that will not reach to the new birth and divine life . for this were all one as to prevent or cure a frenzy by causing a lethargy , or some other such like stupidity . moreover , a superstitious formal love , and sensual way of religion , will in no wise be able to prevent or suppress this evil , but will give occasion to its rise and growth , except in times of profound ignorance and silence , as in the depth of popish darkness . but whensoever the light breaks forth , and the people see with their own eyes , and the ecclesiastical governours will not admit a true reformation , but persecute those that seek it , then are many in danger of falling into this opposite extream . for they are cast upon it , both by the hatred of the present corruptions , and by the weakness of their own judgment , being not throughly instructed in the solid truth . and so they ●un hastily from superstition and externalness into delusion and wild fancies ; from the common dissoluteness and remisness of those that call themselves orthodox , into a vain boasting of perfection ; from the usurpations of proud men incroaching upon christs prerogative and their false constrained unity , into anarchy and confusion ; and from a wrathfull zeal and persecuting cruelty , into a disorderly promiscuous and familistical love , or indulgence towards all . on the contrary , a church state that is agreeable to the spiritual ministration of the gospel , and truly apostolical , is the surest remedy against sectarianism and phanaticism , truly so called . when the church abandons romish tyranny and superstition , and yet is settled in a regular and stable polity ; when the publick order throughly promotes the means of sound knowledge , and incourageth real godliness , it satisfie the minds of them who justly expect in a gospel church and ministry , more than an outward form , even the manifestation of truth and spiritual light , and life and power ; an● it prevents their wandring to seek after it i● the devious paths of sectaries . it is of great moment , that of the mo●… learned , able , and judicious persons of orthodox profession , there be many eminently pious , whose authority and reputation may b●… able to hold in those , whose affection an●… fancy is apt to outrun their judgment ; likewise that the pastors of the church , who a●… called the light of the world , do so walk i●… the light , as that there be no occasion o●… stumbling in them through notorious prid●… covetousness , self-seeking , inordinate sensuality , or the vehement appearance of any gross evil . for the weaker sort is commonly undone by offences . and because seducers are very active and spare no cost nor travel , but as they have done of old , do compass sea and land to gain proselites , it behoves the pastors carefully to keep their people , and the people carefully to keep themselves out of the hands of these hucksters . the common remisness in this matter is deplorable . sometimes the manner of opposition against seducers , is unadvised and prejudicial . to contend for truth by wrath , and clamour , and contumelious language and usage , inhanceth the price of error , and adds to its reputation . but the surest way is to converse much with our plain hearted people , and to season them with right principles , and to detect the subtile methods of deceitfull workers , and the dangerous issues of their allurements , and by honest and inoffensive applications to prepossess those holds , of which deceivers seek to possess themselves . and here it is of chief importance , that the influence of the pastors and other prudent and able persons , upon the common multitude of professors , be more prevailing , than the influence of the common multitude upon the pastors and other prudent leaders . servile temporizing with vulgar fancies , degrades the authority and wisdom of prudent guides , and lifts up a vulgar spirit , and will bring it to that pass , that the weakest and most inconsiderate shall sway the churches interest . let persons of approved worth be more faithful and noble , than by such servility and treachery , to raise to themselves a power in the hearts of the weaker sort . let them rather commend themselves by their known integrity , wisdom and goodness , and by being ready also in all condescention , to serve and please them to their edification . and such faithfulness is the surest means to gain them love and honour . let the religious beware of seeking to be admired and magnified among one another , or of overprizing each others esteem . this latter seems to be the cause that drew peter to a fit of dissimulation and separation from the believing gentiles , while he sought too much to please them that were of the circumcision . sometimes we know not our own spirits . it is good to beware of provocations like to be given or taken . upon a supposed affront or injury , men of parts have been hurried into dangerous contests , and to make head against petty passionate opposition , they have run beyond their own thoughts , and wrought strange confusion . discretion and charity seeks to convince and satisfie , and not to exasperate an offended brother . it is well observed , that no turbulent opinion or party doth usually arise in the church , but by the church's neglect of some truth or duty . wherefore if an evil spirit seek an occasion of mischief , reform the abuse , and so prevent his working upon the simple . and forasmuch as some of upright hearts being deceived with a fancy of a more sublime and perfect way , may pass into the tents of sectaries so far as conce●ns church order and external worship , a compassionate regard must be had of such as walk honestly , and retain those fundamental truths , that may be a ground-work for saving faith and godly life . now towards such , the greatest charity is exercised in labouring to remove the stumbling-block of their error , and to make it plain before them , that the faithfull whose communion they forsake , contend for the perfection of holy scripture , and the explicit knowledge of the doctrine of salvation , and the reasonable service of god according to his word , and spiritual worship sutable to the gospel dispensation , and the lively use of holy ordinances , in opposition to unwritten traditions , mens inventions , implicit faith , ignorant devotion and meer formality ; that they declare by word and deed against the iniquity and impiety of this evil world , and therefore the world hates them ; that they insist upon no forms or usages in religion , but what are commanded by the positive laws of christ , or are necessary in their general reason by the law of nature ; that they seek no worldly advantages or advancements in the church , but what are necessary for the support of the truth , according to gods ordinary providence ; and lastly , that human infirmities must not be thought strange in them , that have not obtained angelical perfection . these and the like things should be laid open before honest people that have been seduced into sectarian error . chap. xxv . the advancement of the sound state of religion by making it national , and the settled interest of nation . christs little flock cannot go out of the world , nor retire within themselves alone from the nations of the earth ; but they must needs remain a part of kingdoms & commonwealths with the world in general . they must take themselves to be concerned in the civil powers , for the powers that are will take themselves to be concerned in them , and their ways . for which cause their aims and actions ( as far as their sacred rule allows ) must be fitted to the capacity of the civil government , and directed unto the generall peace and quietness of the nation , whereof they are , & in which they enjoy their civil rights . by this means religions interest may incorporate with the general interest of a nation , & run in the same channel . that pure religion may take root , and spread and prosper , it is necessary to bring its external frame to the consistency of a national settlement . the just ●a●aude hereof is laid in the doctrine of faith , and substantials of divine worship , and things necessary to church unity and order , but it goes not beyond these . and being fixed in this extent , it is in a way to gain besides the support and power of the law , the nations unstrained compliance and approbation . as on the one hand ecclesiastical tyranny is a root of bitterness always bearing gall and wormwood : so on the other hand unfixedness , and unlimited liberty consists not with that stability , wherein all prudent governors would settle their own affairs , as also with that general tranquillity and repose which is the health of any people . if one were raised to empire by a meer fanatick party , he cannot settle himself , nor stand upon firm ground , till he wind his interest out of their hands , and turn himself to the way of general satisfaction . to the same intent and purpose it is of great importance so to fix the terms of church communion , as not to set a perpetual bar against the main body of the people . a church state so barr'd , though it were asserted with , a veterane army , and could inclose all preferments both of honor and profit within it self to be at its disposal , yet it is hard to see how it could ever obtain a firm establishment . for a christian nation in general being shut out of the church , or barr'd of such privileges , as are supposed to belong to them as christians , are inraged , and likely to be ingaged as one man to oppose that which they take for intolerable oppression . or if they care not to be admitted , they will turn to a contrary interest and party in religion , or to infidelity , barbarism , atheism , or some destructive way or other . now the intention here propounded may take effect , if the constitution shut out none from sacred and spiritual priviledges , but such as make not profession of true christianity , or be destitute of that knowledge which is absolutely necessary to true faith in christ , or to the profitable use of those ordinances whereof they would partake ; or by publick tryal can be evicted in their deeds to deny christ , to whom they profess subjection ; or be guilty of such scandalous enormity or disobedience , as is reproachfull to the christian name . it is likewise to be considered , that discipline is a work of time , and that people are to be brought on by degrees , when they have lain long undisciplined . for a nation is not born in a day . right ecclesiastical discipline grates hard upon mens corruptions , and stirs up many nemies . likewise the civil powers are often jealous of it , lest it should move excentrick to their motions . therefore being a tender point , it requires so much caution as nothing more . cogent reason persuades those that are herein concern'd , most willingly to put themselves under the regulation of the civil magistrate , and to contain themselves within all tolerable limitations prescribed by him , ( i mean such as defeat not the ends of discipline ) and by clear and moderate actings within their own sphere to render their office less invidious . chap. xxvi . of submission to things imposed by lawfull authority . whosoever duly prizeth the publick peace of his own liberty for publick service , will consider the utmost lawfull boundary of submission to things imposed by lawfull authority , that nothing possible to be done , be left undone . but what is sinfull , ●…s in a moral sense impossible . we may not ●…ie for god. nothing erroneous may be asser●ed , nothing simply evil may be admitted in our own practice . but in an established church not infected with heresie or idolatry , nor defective in any vital part of religion , it is duty to bear with much , that we conceive to be amiss in others practice , to which we make not our selves accessary by neglecting any means of redress within our power and calling . yea , being constrained by others rigor we may stoop to the use of some things , which profit little , if they be not simply evil , nor by an evil consequent destructive to the main service , to which they are superadded . the yoke of such subjection may cause grief of heart , but doth not wound the conscience . indifferent things are not made unlawfull meerly by being injoyned ; and it is necessary that some things indifferent in specie should be determined for orders sake . but forasmuch as things not in themselves unlawfull , may some times be so pernicious in their consequents , a● by a vehement appearance of evil to draw others into sin , and by a strong tendency to evil , to lead and settle them in a way that is not good , i dare not say that the latitude of conformity to things in their own nature indifferent , is unlimited . rulers have received their power of injoyning , and subjects their liberty of conforming for edification and not for destruction . in a case of this nature we are led on to consider , whether the scandal of compliance with things indifferent in themselves but of harmfull consequence , be not of lesser moment than the scandal and misery that may follow upon non-compliance . though of things simply evil neither may be chosen : yet of things evil only in their consequents , either the one or the other inevitably coming upon us , that must be chosen , upon which the lesser evil follows . peradventure the scandal of submission may be overballanced by the apparent consequence of a more important good , by which also it may in time be quite removed . the wisdom of the prudent must herein direct their way . though the ruler be judge of what rules he is to prescribe ; yet the conscience of every subject is to judge with a judgment of discretion , whether those rules be agreeable to the word of god or not , and so whether his conformity thereto be lawfull or unlawfull . otherwise he must act upon blind obedience , and might be excused in doing things either simply evil , or pernicious in their consequents . a general certainty , that rulers must be obeyed in lawfull things , is no security to the conscience for obedience to this or that injunction , when we doubt of the lawfulness of the thing injoyned . for we cannot be sure that obedience in this case is a duty and not a sin , because we are sure it is a sin to obey in things unlawfull , and such the thing now in question is or may be , for ought that we discern , and our ignorance cannot change gods law. therefore the doubtfulness of the thing it self , makes the obligation to obedience likewise doubtfull . and perhaps the danger may be greater on the part of obeying than refusing . for possibly , the injunction of an heinous sin may be the matter of the uncertainty ; and in this strait we apprehend it more unsafe and less excusable to choose the greater before the lesser sin , on which side soever it be , though indeed it be lawfull to choose neither . indeed it is much easier for rulers to relax the strictness of many injunctions about matters of supposed convenience , than for subjects to be inlarged from the strictness of their judgment . and blessed are they that consider conscience , and load it not with needless burdens , but seek to relieve it i● its distresses . and as this forbearance and tenderness i● superiors is the praise of their government , and advanceth peace and concord ; so doth moderation and a submissive disposition commend inferiors , and much advantage their godly zeal . for it stops the mouths of clamourous men , it obviates the ensnaring designs of adversaries , and it gives greater boldness in contending for weightier matters . howbeit sometimes that submission , which all circumstances considered , both prudenc● and upright conscience declareth necessary , may be liable to a reproach as a matter of temporizing . the truth is , a ministers reputation is of great moment to the ends of his ministery ; and he is not to be blamed , that is loth it should suffer shipwrack ; and an appearance or suspition of time-serving doth greatly indanger it . if a man should forbear some compliances , which he clearly foresees will bring him into a vehement suspition thereof , in charity it should be taken not for an undue valuation of his own credit , but for a tender regard to the honor of the gospel . when an exalted party shall set themselves to profligate the credit of those that are brought under , by constraining them to such compliances , they have more regard to their own particular triumph than to the honor of the common faith , and all true religion , which is by this means exposed to the contempt of the irriligious , as if it were meer hypocrisie and matter of interest on all sides . as for inferiors , in this case they are in a strait between ●wo , and which way can they turn themselves ●o avoid-all inconveniences . for the same ●ersons that reproach them as temporizing , would in case of non-submission clamour against them as humorous and factious . herein i shall offer the aptest remedy i know , ●amely , neither in word nor deed to abandon or disown the truth , and in these burdensom yet not unlawfull compliances not to run with the foremost , but to proceed in such manner and so far , as the standing in necessary libertie● may require , and as the more considerate pa●… of men will justifie to be discreet and honest , but above all to indeavour by a godly and blameless life to make it manifest , that conscience hath been duly satisfied and not trifle● with . in doubtfull matters and difficult times , th● all good men should keep the same latitud● of judgment and practice in all wisdom , for th● true interest of religion , may be wished b●… not expected . for some will be more , other less inlarged by the diversity of their apprehensions . also some by their natural dispositio● are more timerous or more complying : other again are more hardy and less flexible , or mor● reserved and resolute in their opinions . many are injudicious , and the best have their passion● and some lie under disadvantages that may biass the judgment this or that way , where th● matter is somewhat disputable : others ma● have weightier reasons , either for assent or di●… sent though not obvious , and perhaps not 〈◊〉 expedient to be declared . mens cases bein● so exceeding various , they must needs vary●… practice . some inconvenience , but no d● structive mischief will follow this diversity , it do not ( as one would think it should not disunite affections . for then these several pa●…ties , or persuasions rather , are one in their main cause , and may with one spirit , though walking in several paths , carry on the great concernments of it . if religion were but the bond of a faction , or the strength of a worldly interest , the asserters thereof might lose or lessen it by taking such several ways ; but it depends not upon parties , and their designs , nor is obnoxious to such ingagements , but in it self perfectly free from them . therefore it is advanced in any way that gives it liberty and opportunity , to display it self to the world in the evidence of its own truth and goodness . chap. xxvii . the surest and safest ways of seeking reformations . when a corrupt state of religion is inveterate or deeply rooted in a nation , ●he work of pious men , is convincingly to re●rove that corruption by the light of holy doctrine , and of holy walking ; and to pro●agate and press home with zeal , the great and ●nquestionable truths of christianity : but to ●e more silent and sparing in matters more con●overted and of less importance , the vehement ●rging whereof will not convince the world , nor silence the adversary . likewise by humble addresses to the higher powers in a fit season , they may seek the redress of such enormities , as are evidently scandalous , absurd and odious , and yet perhaps the chief props of that corrupt state. for this may be done without scandal or hazard , and much is done if it take effect . clamorous contests about doubtfull forms and customs , and in comparison but by matters , do serve to animate the opposite party , and afford them matter to work upon : but the vigorous maintenance of the vital parts of religion , and the detecting of gross abuses , bears them down . it is time that ripens all things , and every thing in its season is beautifull and successfull . then the redress of evils will run in its prepared channel , and a plain path will be found through passages formerly inaccessable . and then rulers themselves may see what one of deep judgment observes , that when time of course alters things to the worse , wisdom and counsell had need alter them to the better ; they may find the necessity and utility of reformation , and by their authority make it warrantable . if the friends of truth walk in sober counsels , and sure ways , and follow the truth in peace and love , and be serviceable to the common good , they retain their innocence and maintain their honour , which is their surest interest , and shall be found though the fewer number to have a considerable influence upon the publick state. both religious and civil affairs are apt to be carried in extreams , for which cause reformations commonly are suspected , and their credit is much impaired . in avoiding superstition , some have run into rudeness and undecency . in divine worship the natural expressions ofreverence and devout affection , and things necessary to decency and order , should be observed carefully by those that turn away from superstitious vanities , that it may appear that a well informed conscience , and the spirit of a sound mind doth guide and rule them , and that their principles are no way defective ; but sufficient and ample unto all regular devotion . these necessary decencies and natural expressions of devotion , are plain and obvious to all intelligent persons ; and the modes of civil reverence and seriousness in use among us , do much guide herein . a compliance with sober and grave solemnities affected by a nation in general , helps to procure a good esteem , and to get ground among them ; whereas opposition and singularity may beget a general dislike . men do but mispend their zeal in opposing prevalent customs , that have nothing in them contrary to sound doctrine and good life . among other things i may instance in religious performances at funerals , which may well be ordered without superstition or any other abuse , and improved to the peoples benefit , who are then met together in the house of mourning . some churches being in the midst of false worshippers to prevent all superstition , have forbidden the making of prayers or sermons at the interment of the dead . but in things of this nature , several churches may have their peculiar reasons , and accordingly their different orders . as concerning heathenish pastimes , and vanities sometimes affected by the rude vulgar , and perhaps countenanced by some of higher degree for ends well known , they tend indeed unto much profaness , and may trouble the minds and stir the zeal of good men . nevertheless , when the power of reforming is beyond their line , it sufficeth that the weighty and unquestionable matters of true religion , be constantly inculcated upon the people , and the spreading of sound knowledge indeavoured , both by publick doctrine and by private instruction . and those humorous fooleries , which opposition often heighteneth , would soonest fall to the ground by contempt and silence . in a happy season , when the power of religion hath a potent influence upon a nation , the laying of a good foundation for time to come , is mainly to be regarded . an opportunity in this kind may be lost , not only by a sluggish neglect , but also by an impetuous overstraining of it . it is overstrained , when things are carried forth beyond what a nation will ever bear . it may be more advisable to stop at moderate reformations , than to proceed to such extream alterations , as must needs stand in opposion ( if so be they can so stand ) to a contrary fixed inclination generally prevailing . the consequents of such proceeding , need not to be here discoursed . besides , the more healthfull state of religion may stand not in a total change of things long in use , but in reforming the abuse thereof . and it should be minded that sometimes in curing a lesser evil , there is a real hazard of a greater mischief ; and in hasty attempts of changes , things may be carried on beyond the commendable end designed , even to its utter ruin . for commonly men are not masters of what they get in such precipitate ways . chap. xxviii . considerations tending to a due inlargement and unity in church-communion . an unhappy kind of controversies about forms of divine worship , ecclesiastical government , and qualification of church members , hath been the calamity of our times . the differences in these points have made a sad breach upon church unity , and divided brethren of the same reformed profession , both in affection and interest , and have been the occasion of much misery . in regard whereof , some things that make for an amicable condescention among brethren , and for humble submission to superiors , are here propounded for consideration , but not as peremptory resolves . though many or most of them seem to me to carry their own evidence ; yet it becomes one who is sensible of human weakness , and of his own meaness , to write modestly in these points about which there is so great a variety of apprehensions . the communion of saints , is the communion of the catholick church , and of particular christians , and churches one with another as members thereof ; and therefore we may not restrain our fellowship to any particular church or churches , so as to with-hold it from the rest of the catholick church . our communion with the catholick church , is as well in religious worship , as in christian faith and life . as there is one faith , so one baptism , and one communion of the body and blood of christ , and we being many , are one bread and one body . though we cannot at once locally communicate with the whole church in external worship , because it cannot possibly meet in one place ; yet according to our capacity and opportunity , we are so to communicate with the several parts thereof , and not unwarrantably withdraw from any , and this is a vertual communicating with the whole . church discipline and government , as to the particular form thereof , hath much more obscurity than the doctrine of christian faith and life , and is much more controverted among the godly learned . and in more dark and doubtfull points , humility , charity , and good discretion , teacheth mutual forbearance . in ecclesiastical regiment , all church members are not so concern'd , as church guides and pastors are . christ hath not left the affairs of his kingdom in so loose a posture , as to give a liberty of leaving or chusing the communion of a church according to our own affections , without regard to order . a particular visible church being a body politick , cannot subsist without rules of stable policy . her censures and judgments ought to be clear , certain and uniform , or of the same tenor ; and therefore may not proceed upon such a kind of evidence , as at the most is but conjectural , and of variable apprehension . our arbitrary conjecture of an others regeneration , is but an uncertain way of admission to sacred priviledges , wherein no uniform judgment can be held between several churches , nor the several members of the same church , nor by the same person with himself at several times . for mens apprehensions about the spiritual estate of others , are exceeding different and inconstant . but whether a person make a credible profession , or be competently knowing , or grosly ignorant ; whether he be scandalous or walk orderly , is capable of certain evidence , and of constant regular proceeding thereupon . let it be considered whether of these two , either to proceed with men according to our private hopes and fears about their internal state , or according to stated rules and certain evidence , be the surer way to preserve the church in peace , and to propagate true piety . also , whether persons passable by such publick rules , can in ecclesiastical tryal be judged to be ungodly , or to make a false profession , whatsoever our private fears are concerning them . and if their profession be not proved false , whether it be not to pass for credible in that tryal . human laws and publick judgments presume them to be good , that are not evicted to be bad . private familiarity is at every ones choice : but our church-communion being a publick matter , must be governed by publick and common rules , and not by private will. if a church impose such laws of her communion , as infer a necessity of doing that which is unlawfull , there is a necessity of abstaining from her communion , so far as those unlawfull terms extend . churches mentioned in scripture , had their corruptions in doctrine , worship , and manners ; yet the godly did not separate from them for those corruptions , nor were commanded so to do . indeed they are commanded to come out of babylon , which is no other than to separate from idolatrous , heretical , antichristian societies . yet in suggesting this , i do not encourage to a stated communion in such churches as have no other ministers placed in them , than such as are altogether unfit to have the charge of souls commited to them , that is , who are unable to teach , or teach corruptly ; either teaching pernicious doctrine , or abusing , mishandling , and misapplying sound doctrine , to encourage the ungodly , and discourage the godly . for the scripture bids us beware of blind guides and false prophets . by continuing in church-communion , we partake not of the sins of others , which we have no power to redress , nor are we made guilty by their leaven , if it doth not infect us ; and profane persons are no more countenanced by our presence , than those lewd priests the sons of eli were by the peoples coming to sacrifice . in communicating in holy things , we have internal communion only with the faithfull , and as for the meer external communion , it is with those that have as yet an outward standing in christ , till they are cut off by the hand of god , or due order of discipline . when a minister hath done his part to keep off the unworthy , in the dspensing of the sacrament to such , he is in a moral sense meerly passive ; so that their unworthy participation cannot be imputed to him . nor in such an administration is a practical lie or any falshood uttered . for the sacrament seals the mercy of the covenant not irrespectively , but conditionally , and the words of the application must be so understood . if we have not power to separate an obstinate scandalous offender from the church , yet the withdrawing of our selves from him , is an excommunication in some degree , and the effect thereof is hereby in part obtained . when ministers and people do their duties in their places , without usurpation of further power than they have warrant for , then all will be , though not so well as it might , yet as it can be at present . of several modes and methods of publick action , prudence makes choice not always of what is simply best , but of that which is most passable , if it be not so disorderly as to marr the substance , or frustrate the end of an administration . in sacred adminstrations we may yield without sin to others sinfull weaknesses . and though we may not please them in doing that which is evil ; yet we may in that which is lawfull , but less edifying ; and so we may let go some good in the manner of performance , rather than omit the whole service . here is indeed a sinfull defect , yet not on our part , but on theirs who urge the way that is less edifying , and refuse the better . the exercise of church discipline being a means and not the end , must be govern'd by rules of prudence , among which this is a chief one , that the means must not be asserted so stifly as to indanger or destroy the end . the exercise of spiritual authority is necessarily more regulated by the determination of the civil magistrate , in a state that maintains the true religion , than in a state that either persecutes or disregards it . if it were supposed , that spiritual power is radically the same in all ministers of the gospel , let it be considered , whether the exercise of that power may not be more restrained in some , and let forth to a larger extent in others , upon prudential grounds ; provided it be not inlarged in some to an exorbitancy , and streightened in others to an extream deficiency . likewise if there be a dissent or doubting about a superiority or pre-eminence of spiritual power in some distinct ecclesiastical office , let it be considered how far submission may be yielded to a power objectively ecclesiastical , but formally political , derived from the civil magistrate , and seated in ecclesiastical persons by temporal laws . lastly in reference to things imposed , there is a wide difference between a quiet submission , and an approving free choice . it may be the duty of subjects to do that , which may be the sin of governors to command . for in the same things wherein governors refuse the better way , subjects may do their parts and choose the best way they can . if these considerations or others of the like catholick tendency be found allowable , and will pass among brethren of different judgments , they may prevent and heal many breaches , and unite dissenters in the bond of peace and love , and afford unto such as have been intangled , a more free scope and large capacity for publick aims and actions . chap. xxix . whether the purity and power of religion be lessened by amplitude and comprehensiveness . a doubt may arise in this place , whether it ben ot safer to make the church-doors narrow , and to keep a strict guard upon the entrance into it , and to insist upon the exactest purity , that religion may continue uncorrupt , and that the church be not defiled , nor its interest ravished by strangers . in resolving this doubt , i forget not that the way is narrow and the gate is straight that leadeth unto life . but self-denial and real mortification and a conversation in heaven , and not strictness of opinion in church order , is this narrow way and straight gate ; and our salvation lies upon purity of heart and life , and not upon church purity . besides , god hath made the gate of the visible church , much wider than the gate of heaven ; and church discipline cannot be set in that strictness , in which the doctrine of salvation is to be preached . for doctrine directly judgeth the heart ; and requireth truth in the inward parts ; but discipline judgeth only the exterior conversation , and must be satisfied in the credibility of profession . in walking by rigid rules of discipline , though with an aim to advance purity , we may easily shut out those whom christ hath taken in . true piety may be found in many , who retain such things as some godly christians judge erroneous or superstitious ; and godly sincerity may be found in many , whom some of greater zeal , but too censorious , may judge to be but formalists . it is not good to neglect sober and serious people , though in a lower degree of profession , who conform to gods ordinances , and regard a sound ministery , and shew themselves teachable , lest we reject those that would help to uphold and honour religion , more than many who will put themselves forward among the strictest sort , but indeed are either carnal projecters or busie bodies , or froward and fickle persons , and a stain to the profession in which they seem to glory . this narrowness of church-communion , and other reservedness of some strict professors , tends neither to the increase nor stability of pure religion . zealous christians are a kind of good leaven , like that in the gospel parable , which if kept alone , is of no efficacy , but being diffused will season the whole lump . if they sever themselves into distinct visible societies from the body of a nation , professing the true religion , their vertue cannot spread far ; but they leaven the whole mass of people by being diffused throughout the whole . and then they gain reverence and reputation , and by their example profane and dissolute persons may be convinced and much reformed , and among those that walk orderly , many may be carried on from common to saving grace . hereunto may be added this inestimable benefit ; to wit , the apparent hope of the propagation of true religion to the generations to come , which otherwise being unfixed , might in time wear away and fail in such a nation . furthermore , sincere christians are comparatively but a little flock , and of that little flock , the greater number are of low capacities and very defective in political prudence ; and if they were wholly left to govern themselves in separated societies , they might easily be insnared into parties and breaches , and manifold inconveniencies . indeed those of them that are best able to govern themselves , are most convinced of the need of publick government . wherefore it is the security of the faithfull to live under a publick and fixed rule and order , and consequently to be imbodied with a nation , if it may be , in one way of communion . chap. xxx . factious usurpations are destructive to religions interest . religion is by the maligners of it too often called faction . but the name is not more reproachfull , than the thing it self is hurtfull to it . and the prudent promoters of it , will avoid factious usurpations and all such ways , as would turn to a general greivance . but if any number of men in a higher degree of profession , should seek the ingrossing of profits and preferments within themselves , upon the account of their being religious , and the assuming of such power as cannot be maintained , but by injury or disregard really , or in appearance offered to all others , and should so act in civil affairs , as if they only were the people , and think to do this for the advancement of religion , they would much mistake their way . for besides the iniquity of this practice , the vanity and weakness of it is manifest . the intrinsick and permanent strength of strict religion must be well considered . for that which is adventitious , is very mutable and may be soon turn'd against it . occasional advantages may suddenly raise it up to reputation and power among men , and as suddenly leave it to sink and fall again . wherefore its friends and followers may well reckon that they have made the most of their advantages , when they can secure its interests in the common interest of a nation . a firm liberty and security founded in a national interest , is more agreeable to the condition of regenerate christians , than an intire potency to themselves alone . for they would scarce well comport with so great a weight of power . hypocrites for carnal ends would addict themselves to their party and overact them . the sincere would prove but men , corruptions would appear , and miscarriages would marr their reputation , which is not their least support . hereunto may be added many incongruities that would happen to them . the gallantry and splendor of the world will be no help to that humble and contrite frame of spirit , and real mortification , and holy walking , and heavenly mindedness which is the power of christianity . the various and versatile ways of worldly policy turning to innumerable occasions , are not very passable to truly tender consciences . besides , if the power were inclosed within these narrow limits , many of low birth and breeding must needs be lifted up , both to the envy of the excluded party , and the disesteem of magistracy . and persons of low condition being raised above their own sphere upon the account of religion , may be easily tempted to think more highly of themselves than they ought to think , and to grow busie , peevish and rigid in needless matters , which will provoke a people and fire their spirits , and though the rage be pent up for a season within their breasts , it will at length break out into a flame . the power of christianity , as to human strength , is best established and extended , by leaning upon some common interest with which it falls in , as the vine is born up , and spreads abroad by the support of a wall or frame . it is therefore most sutable to the terms upon which it stands in this world , to be in a complex state with some other just , large and stable interest , such as is the common peace and safety both of prince and people . and being a holy and wise profession , it leads its followers in safe and right paths , and teacheth them to wait therein with patience . the nature of its interest will bear such patient waiting . for it is not carnal consisting of the great things of this world , which may call for an eager and quick pursuit , and daring interprizes . but it is the upholding of such a cause as needs not fear a sinking , if it catch not hold of every sudden offer , that is not clear in regard of conscience or prudence , but by an unchangable reason it indures throughout all ages , and if it fall it shall rise again . it needs not the making of parties , and drawing people to its side by a pragmatical importunity , nor to enter into any suspected ways ; but wheresoever it is managed like it self in righteous and prudent counsels , it makes the fairest progress and of longest continuance . the reasons aforegoing , do hold in due proportion against the ingrossing of privileges , in particular in corporate societies , and the making of parties to interrupt the settled order of promotions and to keep back persons legally intitled , that the religious alone might be promoted . such practises make sad breaches , and upon change of affairs will turn to the great detriment if not the depression of the party so advanced . chap. xxxi . of leading and following , and of combinations . gods providence useth to dispose into all quarters , some men not only of known integrity , but eminent for wisdom and reputation , who see more than the ordinary sort of good men , and are able and meet to give advice like those children of issachar , men that had understanding of the times to know what israel ought to do . these are much the stay of this profession , and by their influence keep things right , and preserve the weaker sort from manifold aberrations . it is supposed that they seek not their own glory in being made heads of parties ; but that in sincerity and self-denial they follow truth and peace , and use their authority and ability , to promote a catholick interest , and true concord among all christians . nevertheless sometimes the understanding of the prudent fails , and counsel is hidden from them . it pleaseth the only wise god , sometimes to permit strange resolves to proceed from good and wise men , that our main stress of hope might rest upon him alone , and on his infallible word ; and that we might not become the absolute disciples of any masters upon earth . one or two eminent men in a country , though wise and faithfull , may not be followed as it were by implicit faith , which may lead into great mistakes . it is to be supposed , that there be many discreet persons , though not of eminent ability , whom it may become to hear and reverence their eminent men , yet to see with their own eyes , that is , to judge by their own reason . in this matter there be two extreams , either to be too morose or too sequacious , the one being the effect of a sullen pride and self-conceit ; the other of pusillanimity , temerity , and such like weakness , and both tending to make breaches and lead into parties . we may have the persons of worthy men in due veneration , but not in excessive admiration . avoid precipitate leaders , for though the service of hot spirits may be sometimes prosperous ; yet in this temperate cause their conduct is pernicious . and there is as much reason to avoid such leaders as care not , or at least consider not , what they do against the common interest of christianity , to advance a particular form or party . but above all beware of such persons , whose apparent worldly interests lead them to adhere to some divided party , & to cherish faction . if much be committed into such hands , we shall be lead into a wrong course , or disabled to follow the right , though we see it plain before us . yea , the cause of religion will be inthralled to the service of a faction , and be left with disgrace enough when men have serv'd their turns of it . a people of honest zeal may easily be over-credulous of great and powerfull men that pretend to favour religion , and take it into their patronage . yet the more discerning sort will look to it , that , while grandees retain them with such favour and friendship , they overact them not to the dishonor and dammage of this profession , which is more worthy than to be held in vassalage , and made to lackey after corrupt designs ; and more noble than to bear such indignity . it is good for the younger sort of professors to reverence the ancient and more experienced ; and for all sorts in their choice of guides and patterns , to prefer solid judgment with integrity of life and conversation before taking parts , heat of zeal and high affections . amidst diversities of parties and persuasions , it is safe to hold communion with the generality of serious and pious christians , and yet to receive with love the several disagreeing parties , who for the main walk in the truth , and to have communion with them all , as far as catholick principles will give leave . in pursuing the ends of this interest , there is no need of private or unauthorized persons entring into such stated combinations and correspondences , as the jesuits and other orders under the papacy , have setled in their societies throughout the world. for all pious christians are taught of god , and have one spirit touching the main of this design , and are inclined to pursue the same with one accord . and indeed so it is , that only the sincere friends of truth , men of upright hearts , and humble spirits , and honest lives , will observe and follow the rules of this interest . and it sufficeth , if they keep close to their common rule of faith and life , and follow after the things that make for peace , and know the present state of gods israel , and acquaint themselves with each other , as opportunity of converse offers it self , and so govern themselves , and carry on the advancement of religion by such honest and harmless means , as need not shun the light , but may stand before the face of all opposers . chap. xxxii . the wisdom of the higher powers in promoting the religiousness of their people . the advancement of true religion is the interest of the higher powers , if to maintain gods honour and mans chief good be their interest , and if the defying of god and the utter undoing of men be against it . yea , if the tranquility and peace of governours and the stability of government be regarded , human wisdom will direct to promote that way which is no other than the exercise of a conscience void of offence towards god and towards man. godliness includes prudence , justice , temperance , fortitude , and all goodness . it is an internal law effectually subduing them that have it to all external laws that are just and good , and the example of it goes far to the bettering of many others in things pertaining to humanity . it is regular and harmonious in every part , it leads to order , peace and unity , and there is nothing in it inconsistent with right policy . it is the way of true wisdom , and apt to take most among the serious and well advised part of the people , and when it hath taken hold of them , it makes them wise and serious more abundantly . it corrects rash , rugged , wrathfull , and fierce natures , and to say the least , whatsoever turbulency may afterwards remain in such , it makes them of far more sedate and castigate spirits than otherwise they would be . and though it doth not forthwith exterminate , yet it so debilitates all complexional distempers , that they cannot break forth into a course of mischief ; and ordinarily it works an evident notable change . of so great force is an attentive and active conscience over all human passions . and doubtless it is the strongest bond to hold subjects in obedience to their governours . for the conscientious are held in by the terrour of the lord and the dread of the wrath to come , besides the sense of mans wrath , which they have in common with all considerate persons . wherefore it is clearly the princes interest that his subj●cts universally ( if it can be ) should be religious , and consequently it is the wisdom of his government to indeavour it as far as it is attainable . and if he would bring them to such a state , he is to take care to exalt gods immediate soveraignty over their consciencies , and under that soveraignty to hold them in subjection to himself . for where conscience is not preserved in its awfull regard to gods law as its supream rule , true religion is extinguished . and they are the patrons of irreligion , who propagate such principles as tend to alienate the conscience from its true soveraign and proprietor , and either to make it servile to those who have no just dominion over it , or to debauch it into searedness or dead security . one way most needfull and advantagious for preserving gods authority over conscience , is most effectually to bind gods laws upon the people ; and to order what things else are necessary for the due observation thereof , and to lay no other yoke upon them in things pertaining to god. and as this way imports much to the sincerity and reality of religion , so it doth no less to the keeping of religious minds in unity . for in what center will the judiciously conscientious unite , if not in the revealed mind and will of god , as it is apprehended by them ? will the injunctions of the civil magistrate , or the authority of ecclesiastical superiors better resolve the doubts of such men , or silence their disputes ? this is not urged to prove that superiors can injoyn nothing in religion , but what is particularly before enjoyned of god ; or that the consciences of inferiors are not bound by their commands in subordination to gods commands : but only that they take the best course for the unfeigned piety and truly christian concord of their people , that by their injunctions , seek mainly to promote obedience to the divine laws , and add no more of their own than what is clearly necessary thereunto . and what more just and prudent course than to forbear things that are unnecessary , and unserviceable to the promoting of truth and peace ; yet with a perplexity and a stumbling block , an easie inlet to all dissolute or ductile spirits , and a bar against many of known sincerity : and to use that moderation in the publick rule and standard , which takes away or exceedingly lessens , dissents , and consequently the occasions of dissention . the spirit of christianity forbids christian magistrates to destroy sincere christians , for their little differences and narrow principles in forms of church order . and no reason of state will oblige them to that severity , how importunately soever some interessed men may urge it . judicious charity or a prudent indulgence towards such , cannot undermine religion or the civil state. and a sound ecclesiastical polity set for the increase of true godliness , will receive no dammage by it , but it will rather gain upon those dissenters , and if their scruples be not removed , it shall abide firm and stable , and grow in strength by the reputation of its own goodness and sufficiency , in that it is not hazarded or impaired by this charity and forbearance . the higher powers by granting some limited liberty do more universally protect the faithfull , and having no interest in competition with the advancement of christs kingdom , are able and wise enough to provide against any dangerous inconveniencies . the bounds and rules of this indulgence are not so undiscoverable as to make it a vain proposal : yet , it is but an idle demand of those that require an enumeration of all particulars , than which , nothing more or less may be tolerated in any case . all particularities in any human affairs are not easie nor necessary to be known at one view , nor are they so fixed , but they may admit considerable variations according to the different state of things . there be general rules of prudence that are a sufficient indication of what ought to be done at any time , as the present case requires . as the wisdom of a housholder will direct him how far to bear with faults and weaknesses in his family ; so the magistrate by wisdom will discern what may be born with in his common-wealth , so far as is sufficient to the true and just ends of government . chap. xxxiii . the churche's true interest to be pursued by ecclesiastical persons . nothing is more precious , and among christians nothing should be more valued , than the good of gods church , for it is christs and gods great interest in the world : but the misery is , that the churches name is abused , and its interest mistaken most perversly . for none have more pretended for the church than they , whose business is to get and keep worldly pomp , and power with carnal ease and pleasure ; and to make laws and rules serviceable to these ends ; and to corrupt the minds and debauch the lives of men , that they may bring them into blind obedience to such laws , and maintain their worldly dominion over christs heritage , and who value all men howsoever qualified , as they stand affected to their estate , and accordingly stick not to reject the eminently good , and to receive the notoriously bad . in the romish church all this is palpable . now let these be called the church , by them that list to give that name , to a state of pride and luxury , of tyranny and oppression , of carnal and devilish policy , under which the souls of people are betray'd to everlasting perdition . wherefore those in the ministery that are sollicitous of the churches welfare , should state the interest thereof aright , which indeed is not for the service of the flesh or the carnal mind ; but for the promoting of the divine life in men , and the increase of the mystical society of regenerate persons , united in christ their head by his spirit dwelling in them ; and in order thereunto , for the increase of the visible society of persons externally owning such an internal state. and therefore it is to promote and propagate the sound knowledge of god in christ , and to make the people of their charge really good , and to advance them what they can in grace and wisdom according to their several capacities , and to deal with them in meekness and love , and to walk before them as examples of all purity and goodness , and to be more sensible and sollicitous about the corruptions and sinfull disorders , than the sufferings of the church , and to be more zealous for gods honour and the good of souls , than for their own honour , wealth or power , and in a word to seek the things of christ more than their own things . the ministers that discharge their office well , are in scripture declared worthy of double honour . and that they be indowed with honorable settled maintenance , is necessary for the support of a religion , that for its excellency requires to be supported by the help of excellent gifts , as learning , eloquence and prudence , not now to be obtained by miracles , but in the ordinary use of means with much cost and labour . and questionless the withdrawing of these supports tends to the churches ruine , nevertheless an inordinate and licentious collation , and accumulation of preferments making for the service of covetousness , ambition and depraved appetite , and for the decay of sobriety , vigilancy and industry in the pastors , is no less dangerous . this exorbitancy after the roman empire became christian , allured and brought in the men of this world , who have their portion in this life , and gave them advantage by carnal arts , to possess themselves of the chief seats of power in the church , by which means religion degenerated into externalness and carnality , and that which was then named the church was at length turned into a worldly state , which grew more and more corrupt till the mystery of iniquity was fulfilled in it . where christianity hath recovered it self out of the degeneracy of the later times , and knowledge is generally diffused among the people , the sufficiency , industry and faithfulness of ecclesiastical persons will be inquired after , negligence in their administrations and irregularities in their lives will not pass without noting , the ignorant , idle and scandalous will fall into contempt , outward formalities will be no covering , as in darker times they were , distinctive habits and reverend titles alone will not procure veneration , the ecclesiastical authority will sink and fall without remedy , if real worth doth not uphold it . in such times men will not be to learn that an arm of flesh doth not constitute a christian church , and that the aid of the secular power is not enough to prove one party to be orthodox , and the rest heretical or schismatical . external violence , which is the common support of false religions , will in this case do little good , but it will render them that call for it the more odious , and more discover the weakness of their cause . wherefore the clergy must resolve to do worthily and fulfill their ministery , or they must extinguish the light of the gospel , or the light of the gospel will extinguish them . but if as faithfull shepherds they watch over the flock , and tender the state thereof , if they labour in the word and doctrine , and teach with meekness and patience if they pitty and succour the weak , and heal that which is lame , that it may not be turned out of the way , if they use the rod of discipline with judgment and paternal affection , if they discard and lay by mens unprofitable institutes , and maintain all divine ordinances in their due honour , and chiefly urge the observance of the indispensable commands of god , and turn men from externalness , and make it their chief aim that christ by his word and spirit may reign in the hearts of professed christians ; then shall they magnifie their office and establish their authority , and hold their flocks in an unfeigned reverence and submission , as feeling the force of the ministerial warfare in their consciences . and the inferior differences shall not be able to cause disgust or aversation , or break those strong bonds of the peoples sincere regard toward their pastors : but they would rather be swallowed up in love , which is the bond of perfectness . the conclusion . no greater thing can fall under the consideration of mankind , than the security and increase of true religion . the glory of god among men and their eternal salvation depends upon it . t is as far above the concernments of the kingdoms of this world , and their politick administrations , all secular affairs , and philosophical speculations , as the heavens are high above the earth . an inquiry into the sound state and true interest thereof , is a contemplation worthy of the greatest minds , and the advancement of it is the chiefest honour of the highest powers . t is the royal interest of that potentate , who is king of kings and lord of lords , and of that blessed society which are incorporated under him their lord and head. and who that in any degree hath truly known the felicity of this kingdom , and hopes for a lot of inheritance in the glory of it , doth not value the concerns thereof above all his chief joys that are but of this world ? a zeal for the common faith , and a constraning love to all the faithfull , hath excited a very mean and weak one to do what he was able on this important subject , impartially searching after their common good . let the prince of this society , one of whose names is counsellour deliver his flock from all dangerous and disadvantageous error , and from wandring in broken parties by unstable and divided counsels , and shew them graciously the right way of maintaining a consistency among themselves , and of gaining upon the reconcilable part of men . and forasmuch as this prince and leader is the lamb of god whose banner is love , let his people every where be acted by the spirit of love , and shew forth the meekness of wisdom in all good conversation , with humility , patience and long-suffering , having this principle deeply imprinted in them , the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of god. the point of church-unity and schism discuss'd . chap. i. of the church and its polity . the church is a spiritual common-wealth , which according to its primary and invisible state is a society of regenerate persons , who are joyned to the lord christ their head , and one to another as fellow members by a mystical union through the holy spirit , and are justified , sanctified , and adopted to the inheritance of eternal life ; but according to its secondary and visible state , it is a society of persons professing christianity or regeration , and externally joyned to christ , and to one another by the symbals of that profession , and made partakers of the external priviledges thereunto belonging . there is one catholick church , which according to the invisible form , is the whole company of true believers throughout the world ; and according to its visible form , is the whole company of visible believers throughout the world , or believers according to human judgment . this church hath one head and supream lord , even christ , and one charter and system of laws ; the word of god and members , that are free denizons of the whole society , and one form of admission or solemn initiation for its members , and one kind of ministery and ecclesiastical power . this church hath not the power of its own fundamental constitution , or of the laws , and officers , and administrations intrinsecally belonging to it , but hath received all these from christ its head , king and lawgiver , and is limited by him in them all . nevertheless , it hath according to the capacity of its acting , that is , according to its several parts a power of making secondary laws or canons , either to impress the laws of christ upon its members , or to regulate circumstantials and accidentals in religion , by determining things necessary in genere , not determined of christ in specie . as the scripture sets forth one catholick church , so also many particular churches , as so many political societies distinct from each other , yet all compacted together as parts of that one ample society , the catholick church . each of these particular churches have their proper elder or elders , pastor or pastors , having authority of teaching and ruling them in christs name . an ecclesiastical order of presbyters or elders , that are not bishops , is not found in holy scripture . for all presbyters or elders , being of a sacred order in the gospel church that are any where mentioned in scripture , are therein set forth as bishops truly and properly so called , and are no where set forth as less than bishops . these elders or bishops are personally to superintend all their flock , and there is no grant from christ to discharge the same by delegates or substitutes . a distinction between bishops and presbyters , and a superiority of the former over the latter , was after the scripture times anciently and generally received in the christian church . yet it was not a diversity of orders or offices essentially different , but of degrees in the same office , the essential nature whereof is in both . the bishop of the first ages was a bishop not of a multitude of churches , but of one stated ecclesiastical society or single church , whereof he was an immediate pastor ; and he performed the work of a bishop , or immediate pastor towards them all in his own person , and not by delegates and substitutes ; and he governed not alone , but in conjunction with the presbyters of his church , he being the president . though several cities in the same kingdom have their different municipal laws and priviledges according to the diversity of their charters , yet particular churches have no divine laws and priviledges diverse from each other , but the same in common to them all , because they have all the same charter in specie from christ. therefore each of them have the same power of government within themselves . and the qualifications requisite to make men members or ministers of the universal church , do according to christs law sufficiently qualifie them to be members or ministers of any particular church , to which they have a due and orderly call . local , presential communion in gods ordinances , being a main end of erecting particular churches , they should in all reason consist of persons , who by their cohabitation in a vicinity are capable of such communion , and there may not be a greater local distance of the persons than can stand with it . a bishops church was anciently made up of the christians of a city or town , and the adjacent villages , who might and did personally meet together , both for worship and discipline . all christians of the same local precinct are most conveniently brought into one and the same stated church , that there might be the greatest union among them , and that the occasion of straggling and running into several parties might be avoided . yet this local partition of churches is not of absolute necessity and invariable , but if there be some insuperable impediment thereof , the partition must be made as the state of things will admit . no bishop or pastor can by divine right or warrant , claim any assigned circuit of ground as his propriety for ecclesiastical government , as a prince claims certain territories as his propriety for civil government ; so that no other bishop or pastor may without his licence , do the work of the ministery , in any case whatsoever within that circuit . it is not the conjunction of a bishop or pastor with the generallity or the greater number of the people , that of it self declares the only rightfull pastor or true church within this or that circuit . for many causes may require and justifie the being of other churches therein . seeing particular churches are so many integral parts of the catholick church , and stand in need of each others help in things that concern them joyntly and severally , and they have all an influence on each other , the law of nature leads them to associations or combinations greater and lesser , according to their capacities . and the orderly state that is requisite in all associations , doth naturally require some regular subordination in the several parts thereof , either in way of proper authority or of mutual agreement . and the associated churches and particular members therein , are naturally bound to maintain the orderly state of the whole association , and to comply with the rules thereof , when they are not repugnant to the word of god. a bishop or pastor and the people adhering to him , are not declared to be the only true church and pastor within such a precinct , by their conjunction with the largest combination of bishops or pastors and their churches . for the greater number of bishops may in such manner err in their constitutions , as to make rightly informed persons uncapable of their combination . a national church is not a particular church properly so called , but a combination or coagmentation of particular churches , united under one civil supream , either personal as in a monarchy , or collective as in a republick . and the true notion thereof lies not in any combination purely ecclesiastical and intrinsecal , but civil and extrinsecal , as of so many churches that are collected under one that hath the civil supremacy over them . the national church of england truly denotes all the churches in england united under one supream civil church-governour , the kings majesty . civil magistrates as such , are no constitutive parts of the church . the christian church stood for several centuries without the support of their authority . but supream magistrates have a civil supremacy in all ecclesiastical matters , and a political , extrinsecal episcopacy over all the pastors of the churches in their dominions , and may compell them to the performance of their duties , and punish them for negligence and mal-administration ; and they may reform the churches , when they stand in need of reformation . the possession of the tithes and temples doth not of it self declare the true pastor and church , nor doth the privation thereof declare no pastor and no church . for these are disposed of by the secular power , which of it self can neither make , nor make void a pastor or church . a diocess is a collective body of many parishes under the government of one diocesan . if the several parishes be so many particular churces , and if their proper and immediate presbyters be of the same order with those which in scripture are mentioned by that name , and were no other than bishops or pastors ; then a diocess is not a particular church , but a combination of churches , and the diocesan is a bishop of bishops , or a governour over many churches and their immediate bishops . if the parishes be not acknowledged to be churches , nor their presbyters to be realy bishops or pastors , but the diocess be held to be the lowest political church , and the diocesan to be a bishop of the lowest rank , and the sole bishop or pastor of all the included parishes ; i confess , i have no knowledge of the divine right of such a church or bishop , or of any precept or precedent thereof in scripture . for every particular church mentioned in scripture was but one distinct stated society , having its own proper and immediate bishop or bishops , elder or elders , pastor or pastors , who did personally and immediately superintend over the whole flock , which ordinarily held either at once together , or by turns personal , present communion with each other in gods worship . but a diocess consists of several stated societies , to wit , the parishes which are constituted severally of a proper and immediate presbyter or elder having cure of souls , and commonly called a rector , and the people which are his proper and ●…rge or cure . and the people of th●… not live under the personal and in●…rsight of their diocesan , but under ●…legates and substitutes . nor do they o●…ly hold personal present communion with each other in gods worship , either at once together or by turns . nevertheless , which way soever a diocess be considered , i have nothing to object against submission to the government of the diocesan , as an ecclesiastical officer established by the law of the land under the kings supremacy . there is nothing in the nature of the office of presbyterate ( which according to the scripture is a pastoral office ) that shewe it ought to be exercised no otherwise than in subordination to a diocesan bishop . christ , who is the author and only proper giver of all spiritual authority in the church , hath not so limited the said office , and men cannot by any act of theirs enlarge or lessen it as to its nature or essential state , or define it otherwise than it is stated of christ in his word . no power ecclesiastical or civil can discharge any minister of christ from the exercise of his ministery in those circumstances , wherein christ commands him to exercise it , nor any christians from those duties of religion , to which the command of christ obligeth them . as the magistrate is to judge what laws touching religion are fit for him to enact and execute , so the ministers of christ are to use a judgment of discretion about their own pastoral acts ; and all christians are to do the same about their own acts of church-communion . the too common abuse of the judgment of discretion cannot abrogate the right use thereof , it being so necessary that without it men cannot act as men , nor offer to god a reasonable service . chap. ii. of true church-unity . when the names of unity and schism are by partiality and selfishness commonly and grosly abused and misapplied , the nature of the things to which those names do of right belong , ought to be diligently inquired into , and clearly and distinctly laid open . for a groundwork in this inquiry i fix upon two very noted texts of scripture . the one is eph. . . indeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . the other is rom. . . mark them that cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine that ye have learned , and avoid them . the former guides us to the knowledge of true church-unity , and the latter shews us the true nature of schism . by the former of these texts , all christians are obliged to maintain that spiritual unity , which they have one with another under christ their head , by the holy ghost in all due acts of holy communion in peace and concord . several important things are here to be taken notice of . . there is a spiritual unity between all christians in the form of one mystical body , as there is a natural unity between all the members of the natural body . the members being many are one body and members one of another . . this unity is under christ as the head of it . what the head is to the natural body , that is christ and much more to his mystical body the church . . this unity of christians one with another under christ , is by the holy ghost , and therefore called the unity of the spirit . the spirit of christ the head , doth seize upon and reside in all the faithfull , by which they become christs mystical body , and are joyned one to another as fellow-members . . this unity of the spirit among christians is witnessed , maintained , and strengthened by their holy communion of love and peace one with another , but is darkened , weakened , and lessened by their uncharitable dissentions . hence it is evident that the unity here commended , is primarily that of the church in its internal and invisible state , or the union and communion of saints , having in themselves the spirit , and life , and power of christianity . t is the unity of the spirit we are charged to keep in the bond of peace . but concord in any external order with a vital union with christ and holy souls , his living members , is not the unity of the spirit , which is to partake of the same new nature and divine life . secondarily , it is the unity of the church in its external and visible state , which is consequent and subservient to the internal , and stands in the profession and appearance of it , in the professed observation of the duties arising from it . where there is not a credible profession of faith unfeigned and true holiness , there is not so much as the external and visible unity of the spirit . therefore a sensual earthly generation of men , who are apparently lead by the spirit of the world , and not by the spirit that is of god , have little cause to glory in their adhering to an external church order , whatsoever it be . holy love , which is unselfed and impartial , is the life and soul of this unity , without which it is but a dead thing , as the body without the soul is dead . and this love is the bond of perfectness , that cement , that holds altogether in this mystical society . for this being seated in the several members , disposeth them to look , not to their own things , but also to the things of others , and not to the undue advancement of a party , but to the common good of the whole body . whosoever wants this love , hath no vital union with christ and the church , and no part in the communion of saints . the church is much more ennobled , strengthened , and every way blessed by the communion of holy love among all its living members , or real christians , than by an outside uniformity in the minute circumstances , or accidental modes of religion . by this love it is more beautifull and lovely in the eyes of all intelligent beholders , than by outward pomp and ornament , or any worldly splendor . the unity of the church as visible , whether catholick or particular , may be considered in a three-fold respect , or in three very different points . the first and chief point thereof , is in the essentials and all weighty matters of christian faith and life . the second and next in account is in the essentials and integrals of church state , that is , in the christian church-worship , ministery and discipline , considered as of christs institution , and abstracted from all things superadded by men . the third and lowest point is in those extrinsecal and accidental forms and orders of religion , which are necessary in genere , but left in specie to human determination . of these several points of unity , there is to be a different valuation according to their different value . our first and chief regard is due to the first and chief point , which respects christian faith and life ; the next regard is due to that which is next in value , that which respects the very constitution or frame of a church ; and regard is to be had of that also which respects the accidentals of religion , yet in its due place and not before things of greater weight and worth . things are of a very different nature and importance to the churches good estate ; and a greater or lesser stress must be laid upon unity in them , as the things themselves are of greater or lesser moment . the rule or law of church unity is not the will of man , but the will of god. whosoever keeps that unity which hath gods word for its rule , keeps the unity of the spirit ; and whosoever boasts of a unity that is not squared by this rule , his boasting is but vain . an hypothesis that nothing in the service of god is lawfull , but what is expresly prescribed in scripture , is by some falsly ascribed to a sort of men who earnestly contend for the scriptures sufficiency , and perfection for the regulating of divine worship , and the whole state of religion . god in his word hath prescribed all those parts of his worship , that are necessary to be performed to him . he hath likewise therein instituted those officers that are to be the administrators of his publick worship in church assemblies , and hath defined the authority and duty of those officers , and all the essentials and integrals of church state . as for the circumstantials and accidentals belonging to all the things aforesaid , he hath laid down general rules for the regulation thereof , the particulars being both needless and impossible to be enumerated and defined . in this point god hath declared his mind , deut. . . ye shall not add unto the word which i command you , neither shall ye diminish ought from it . deut. . . what soever thing i command you , observe to do it , thou shalt not add thereto nor diminish from it . the prohibition is not meerly of altering the rule , gods written word by addition or diminution , but of doing more or less than the rule required , as the precept is not of preserving the rule , but of observing what is commanded in it . such human institutions in divine worship , as be in meer subserviency to divine institutions , for the necessary and convenient modifying and ordering thereof , are not properly additions to gods commandments . for they are of things which are not of the same nature , end and use with the things which god hath commanded , but of meer circumstantials and accidentals belonging to those things . and these circumstantials are in genere necessary to the performance of divine institutions , and are generally commanded in the word , though not in particular , but are to be determined in specie by those to whom the power of such determination belongs . they that assert and stand to this only rule , provide best for the unity of religion , and the peace of the church . for they are ready to reject whatsoever they find contrary to this rule , they are more easily kept within the bounds of acceptable worship , and all warrantable obedience , they lay the greatest weight on things of the greatest worth and moment , they carefully regard all divine institutions and whatsoever god hath commanded , and they maintain love , and peace , and mutual forbearance towards one another in the more inconsiderable diversities of opinion and practice . those things that are left to human determination , the pastors , bishops or elders , did anciently determine for their own particular churches . and indeed it is very reasonable and naturally convenient , that they who are the administrators of divine institutions , and have the conduct of the people in divine worship , and know best what is most expedient for their own society , should be intrusted with the determination of necessary circumstances within their own sphere . but forasmuch as the supream magistrate is intrusted of god with the care of religion within his dominions , and hath a civil supremacy in eclesiastical affairs , and a great concern in the orderly management of publick assemblies , he is authorized of god to oversee the determinations and actings of ecclesiastical persons , and may assume to himself the determination of the aforesaid circumstantials for the honour of god , the churches edification and the publick peace , keeping within the general rules prescribed in gods word . for the maintaining of church-unity , that is according to gods word , it is the part of subjects to submit to what their governours have determined , so far as their submission is allowable by the said rule ; and it is the part of governours to consider well the warrantableness of their determinations . more especially their wisdom and care is much required in settling the right bounds of unity . in this regard the terms of admission to the communion and ministery of the church must be no other , than what the declared will of god hath made the terms of those priviledges , and which will shut out none , whom god hath qualified for and called to the same . the setting of other boundaries , besides the iniquity thereof , will inevitably cause divisions . the apostles , elders and brethren assembled at jerusalem , acts . . writing to the blieving gentiles declare , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us to lay upon you no greater burden than these necessary things . from which it is evidently inferred that the burden of things unnecessary ought not to be laid on the churches . the things injoyned by that assembly were antecedently to their decree , either necessary in themselves or in their consequents according to the state of things in those times and places . and whatsoever is made the matter of a strict injunction , especially a condition of church communion and priviledges , ought to have some kind of necessity in it antecedent to its imposition . symbolical rites or ceremonies instituted by man to signifie grace or duty , are none of those things , which being necessary in general , are left to human determination for this or that kind thereof . they have no necessary subserviency to divine institutions , they are no parts of that necessary decency and order in divine worship , without which the service would be undecent . and indeed they are not necessary to be instituted or rigidly urged in any time or place whatsoever . the being and well being of any rightly constituted church of christ , may stand without them . st. paul resolves upon the cases of using or refusing of meats , and the observance or non-observance of days , which god had neither commanded nor forbidden , and of eating of those meats which had been offered in sacrifice to idols , rom. . and cor. . that no man put a stumbling block , or an occasion to fall in his brothers way . the command here given , extends to pastors and governours as well as to other christians , and is to be observed in acts of governments as well as in other acts . st. paul was a church governour and of high authority , yet he would not use his own liberty in eating flesh , much less would he impose in things unnecessary to make his brother to offend . in the cases aforementioned , there was a greater appearance of reason for despising , censuring or offending others , than there can be for some impositions now in question among us , viz. on the one side a fear of partaking in idolatry , or of eating meats that god had forbidden , or of neglecting days that god had commanded , as they thought ; on the other side a fear of being driven from the christian liberty , and of restoring the ceremonial law. nevertheless , the apostle gives a severe charge against censuring , despising or offending others of different persuasions in those cases . and if it were a sin to censure or despise one another , much more is it a sin to shut out of the communion or ministery of the church for such matters . the word of god , which is the rule of church-unity , evidently shews that the unity of external order must always be subservient to faith and holiness , and may be required no further than is consistent with the churches peace and edification . the churches true interest lies in the increase of regenerate christians , who are her true and living members , and in their mutual love , peace and concord , in receiving one another upon those terms which christ hath made the bond of this union . the true church unity is comprized by the apostle in these following unities ; one body , one spirit , one hope , one lord , one faith , one baptism , one god. but there is nothing said of one ritual or set form of sacred offices , one policy or model of rules and orders , that are but circumstantial and accidental in a church state and very various and alterable , while the church abides the same . chap. iii. of schism truly so called . here i lay down general positions about schism without making application thereof ; whether these positions be right or wrong gods word will shew ; and who are , or are not concerned in them , the state of things will shew . schism is a violation of the unity of the spirit , or of that church-unity which is of gods making or approving . this definition i ground on the afore-cited text , mark them that cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine that ye have learned . separation and schism are not of equal extent . there may be a separation or secession where there is no schism . for schism is always a sin , but separation may be a duty , as the separation of the protestants from the church of rome . moreover , there may be schism where there is no separation . the violation of unity or the causing of divisions may be not only by withdrawing , but by any causing of others to withdraw from the communion of the church , or by the undue casting or keeping of others out of the church , or by making of any breaches in religion contrary to the unity of the spirit . by looking back to the nature , and rule , and requisites of true church-unity , we shall understand the true nature and the several kinds and degrees of schism . as holy love is the life and soul of church-unity , so that aversation and opposition which is contrary to love , is that which animates the sin of schism , and is as it were the heart root of it . whosoever maintains love , and makes no breach therein , and whose dissenting or withdrawing from a church is no other than what may stand with love in its extent , is no schismatick . the unity of the spirit being primarily that of the church as mystically , the breach thereof lies primarily in being destitute of the spirit and life spiritual , much more in being opposite thereunto , under the shew of christianity ; also in the languishing or lessening of spiritual life , especially of the acts of holy love . the unity of the spirit being secondarily , that of the church as visible in its external state , and the first and chiefest point thereof being in the essentials and weighty matters of christian faith and life ; the highest violation thereof and the chiefest point of schism , lies in denying or enormously violating the said essentials or weighty matters . and it is directly a violation of the unity of the catholick church , and not of particular churches only . not only particular persons , but churches , yea a large combination of churches bearing the christian name , may in their doctrine , worship and other avowed practice , greatly violate the essentials , or very weighty matters of christian faith and life , and be found guilty of the most enormous breach of unity . it is no schism to withdraw or depart from any the largest combination or collective body of churches , ( though for their amplitude they presume to stile their combination the catholick church ) that maintain and avow any doctrine or practice , which directly , or by near and palpable consequence overthrows the said essentials . the next point of external unity being about the essentials and integrals of church state , the sacraments and other publick worship , the ministery and discipline of the church considered as of christs institution , the next chief point of schism is the breach hereof . and this may be either against the catholick , or a particular church . of such schism against the state of the catholick church , there are these instances . . when any one part of professed christians how numerous soever , combined by any other terms of catholick unity , than what christ hath made , account themselves the only catholick church , excluding all persons and churches that are not of their combination . . when a false catholick unity is devised or contended for , viz. a devised unity of government for the catholick church under one terrene head , personal or collective , assuming a proper governing power over all christians upon the face of the whole earth . . when there is an utter disowning of most of the true visible churches in the world , as having no true church state , no not the essentials thereof , and an utter breaking off from communion with them accordingly . of schism against a particular church in point of its church state , there be these instances . . the renouncing of a true church as no church , although it be much corrupted , much more if it be a purer church , though somewhat faulty . . an utter refusing of all acts of communion with a true church when we may have communion with it , either in whole or in part , without our personal sin of commission or omission . . the causing of any divisions or distempers in the state or frame of a true church contrary to the unity of the spirit . but it is no schism to disown a corrupt frame of polity , supervenient to the essentials and integrals of church state in any particular church or combination of churches , like a leprosie in the body , that doth grosly deprave them , and in great part frustrate the ends of their constitution . the last and lowest point of external unity lying in the accidental modes of religion , and matters of meer order , extrinsick to the essentials and integrals of church-state , the violation thereof is the least and lowest point of schism , i mean in it self considered , and not in such aggravating circumstances as it may be in . those accidental forms and orders of religion , which are necessary in genere but left in specie to human determination , are allowed of god , when they are determined according to prudence , and charity for peace and edification , and accordingly they are to be submitted to . consequently it is one point of schism to make a division from or in a church upon the accountal of accident forms and orders so determined according to gods allowance . but if any of the accidentals be unlawfull , and the maintaining or practicing thereof be imposed upon us as the terms of our communion , it is no schism but duty to abstain from communion in that case . for explicitly and personally to own errors and corruptions even in smaller points is evil in it self , which must not be committed that good may come . in this case not he that withdraws , but he that imposes causeth the division . and this holds of things sinfull either in themselves , or by just consequence . and herein he that is to act , is to discern and judge for his own practice , whether the things imposed be such . for gods law supposeth us rational creatures able to discern its meaning , and to apply it for the regulating of our own actions ; else the law were given us in vain . submission and reverence towards superiors obligeth no man to resign his understanding to their determinations , or in compliance with them to violate his own conscience . persons meek , humble , peaceable and throughly conscientious and of competent judgment , may not be able by their diligent and impartial search to see the lawfulness of things injoyned , and t is a hard case if they should thereupon be declared contumacious . seeing there be several points of unity , the valuation whereof is to be made according to their different value , mens judgment and estimation of unity and schism , is very preposterous , who lay the greatest stress on those points that are of least moment , and raise things of the lowest rank to the highest in their valuation , and set light by things of the greatest moment and highest value ; as indeed they do , who set light by soundness of faith and holiness of life , and consciencious observance of divine institutions , where there is not also unanimity and uniformity in unscriptural doctrines and human ceremonies . and they that make such an estimate of things , and deal with ministers accordingly , do therein little advance the unity of the spirit , or indeavour to keep it in the bond of peace . seeing the word of god is the rule of church unity , a breach is made upon it , when other bounds thereof are set than this rule allows . an instance hereof is the devising of other terms of church-communion , and ministerial liberty , than god hath commanded , or allowed in his word to be made the terms thereof ; also any casting or keeping out of the church or ministery such as gods word doth not exclude from either , but signifies to be qualified and called thereunto . god doth not allow on the part of the imposer such tearms of church communion or ministerial station , as are neither scriptural nor necessary to peace and edification , nor are any part of that necessary order and decency , without which the service of god would be undecent , nor are in any regard so necessary , but that they may be dispensed with for a greater benefit , and the avoiding of a greater mischief . and they are found guilty of schism that urge such unscriptural and unnecessary things unto a breach in the church . such imposers are not only an occasion of the breach that follows , but a culpable cause thereof , because they impose without and against christs warrant , who will not have his church to be burdened , nor the consciences of his servants intangled with things unnecessary . nevertheless , such unscriptural or unnecessary things , if they be not in themselves unlawfull nor of mischievous consequence , may be of gods allowing as to the submitters . thereupon they are guilty of schism , who meerly for the sake of those unnecessary things yet lawfull as to their use , though wrongfully urged upon them , forsake the communion of the church or their ministerial station , where things are well settled as to the substantials of religion , and the ends of church order , and when they themselves are not required to justifie the imposing of such unnecessaries . here i speak of contumacious refusers , who will rather make a breach than yield . but refusers out of conscience believing , or with appearance of reason suspecting the said lawfull things to be unlawfull , are either accquitted from schism , or guilty but in a low degree , and much less culpable than the imposers , who might well forbear to impose . be it here noted that when superiors sin in commanding a thing exempt from their authority , it may be the subjects duty to observe the thing commanded . in this case the said observance is not an act of obedience , for that can arise only from the rulers authority to command . but it is an act of prudence , equity and charity , and it is good and necessary for the ends sake , and in that regard t is an act of obedience , though not to the earthly ruler , yet to god who commands us to follow peace and maintain unity in all lawfull ways and means . in the judgment of the apostle it is no slight matter to act against conscience rationally doubting , or suspecting a breach of gods law , rom. . . let every man be fully persuaded in his mind , v. . to him that esteemeth any thing to be unclean , to him it is unclean , ver . . he that doubteth , is damned if he eat , because he eateth not of faith , for whatsoever is not of faith is sin . the command of rulers is no good security for acting against a rational doubting conscience . when i am in doubt touching the lawfulness of the thing injoyned , i have no certainty of being on the safer side , by complying with rulers . for though in general obedience to rulers be a certain duty , yet in the particular doubted case , i cannot be certain that my compliance is right and warrantable obedience , and not a breach of gods law. is it plain that i ought to obey the commands of rulers in things that have gods allowance ? so t is as plain that i ought not to obey their commands in things which god hath forbidden . moreover , it is as plain that i ought not to act against my own conscience , which as being the discerner of the will of god concerning me , is of right the immediate director of my actions . indeed my conscience cannot alter gods law , or make that which god hath made my duty to be not my duty , yet it will not suffer me to act in disconformity to its directions . seeing the unity of the spirit is always in conjunction with faith and holiness , to which the unity of external order is always to be subservient , it follows that when unity of external order doth not tend to advance but hinder sound faith and true holiness , then a false unity is set up , and the true unity is abandoned , and divisions and offences are caused . and it is no schism but a duty not to adhere to a unity of external order so set and urged , as that it tends to the destruction or notable detriment of faith and holiness , which are the end of all church order . the means are good in reference to their end , and must never be used in a way destructive to it . of the hinderance of the said ends , there be these following instances . here laid down in general , without intendment of particular application to any churches now in being , which are left to be tryed and judged by that rule by which all must stand or fall . . when a church or churches , a congregation or congregations have an establishment of external polity , and an ordained ministery , and a form of divine worship , but are destitute of such ministers as are qualified to feed the flock , and are burdened with such as are altogether unfit to have the charge of souls committed to them , who are either unable to teach , or teach corruptly , either teaching corrupt doctrine , or abusing , mishandling and misapplying sound doctrine , to encourage the ungodly and discourage the godly . . where there are some ministers able and apt to teach and duly qualified ; but their number is in no wise proportionable to the number of the people , and there be multitudes that cannot have the benefit of their ministery , so that if they have no more placed among them than those few , they have in effect none . . where sincere christians , or credible professors of christianity are cast out of an established church by wrong sentence , or are debarred from its communion by unlawfull terms injoyned them , or unnecessary terms which are to them unlawfull by real doubts of conscience , and which christ hath not authorized rulers to injoyn as terms of church communion . . when ministers , whom christ hath furnished and called , are driven out of their publick station by unlawfull terms injoyned , or by terms unnecessary and to them unlawfull by real doubts of conscience , and which christ hath not authorized rulers to injoyn as terms of the publick ministery . upon the cases here mentioned , i inquire whether the said ministers and people may not draw together into new congregations . let it be considered whether the determinations of men may be a perpetual bar to true visible christians , ( it may be to multitudes of them ) against the injoyment of those most important priviledges , to which god hath given them right . yea , suppose their consciences were culpably weak in scrupling things imposed , yet they may suffer wrong by such an excess of punishment , as so great a deprivation . and christ doth not reject them for such weaknesses . let it be also considered , whether such injured as christians are wrongfully excluded from gods ordinances , and such neglected souls as are left destitute of the necessary means of salvation , may lawfully be deserted by christs ministers . should not the stewards of the mysteries of god indeavour to supply what is lacking to such by reason of the rigourousness or negligence of others ? if it be said , we may not do evil that good may come , nor break the laws of unity for such respects , the answer is , that this is not to do evil , but a good work and a necessary duty , and here is no breach of unity that is of gods making or allowing . the necessary means of saving souls are incomparably more pretious than uniformity in external , accidental order , especially when t is unwarrantably injoyned , and attended with such evil consequents . if within any local bounds assigned for the pastoral charge of any ecclesiastick , the people be left destitude of competent provision for their souls , it is no intrusion or breach of unity if an other pastor perform the work of the ministery within those bounds . subjects may not by coercive power reform the publick state and change the laws , which is the work of the supream magistrate . but let it be considered whether they may not have their voluntary assemblies for gods worship , when they are driven from the communion of the legal churches by the imposition of unlawfull terms , or unnecessary terms apprehended by them to be unlawfull . for in this case they are forced either to hold such assemblies , or to abide perpetually without those spiritual priviledges which are their due , and the ordinary means of their salvation . there is a great difference between inimical separation , like sedition in a common-wealth , and secregation upon necessary causes without breach of charity . and among the necessary causes this may be one , that all sober christians , who for conscience sake cannot submit to the way of the established churches , may be relieved ; and that none may be exposed for lack of that relief to be lead aside into the error of the wicked , as heresie , infidelity , or any other course of impiety . indeed here is some variation from the ordinarily regular bounding of churches . but the partition of one church from another by local bounds , is not of absolute necessity and invariable , but naturally eligible from the convenience thereof , when it may be had . but the state of some christians may be such , as to compel them to vary from it . the scope hereof is not to set up churches against churches , but either occasional and temporary assemblies , or at the most but divers churches distinguished by their several places of assembling , or by diversity of external order , as the allowed congregations of foreigners in london , are distinguished from the parish churches . if any object the inconveniencies that may follow the permitting of church assemblies besides those of the established order , the answer is , that the wisdom and clemency of rulers in any nation where this case may be supposed can provide , that as few as may be should stand in need of that permission , by fixing the terms of church communion and ministerial liberty to such a latitude , as may comprehend all the more moderate dissenters . and after such comprehension , christian charity will plead , that all tolerable dissenters ( that is , all who believe and live as christians ) may be tolerated within such limits , as may stand with publick peace and safety . that which is here proposed , may make for the relief of many thousand serious christians without breach of the external order , which is necessary to be maintained , and is not set up to the hinderance of things more necessary . it is to be noted that the offenders expresly marked out by the apostle in the text , rom. . . were ungodly men that opposed or perverted the christian doctrine , and being sensualists and deceivers disturbed and polluted the christian societies , and seduced the simple into destructive error and practice . wherefore the text is ill applied to the rigorous condemnation of honest and peaceable men , that dissent only in some accidental or inferior points of religion , for which the apostle forbids christians to despise or judge one another . yet not only false teachers , but all schismaticks are here condemned under this description , viz. those that cause divisions and offences . and though they be not direct opposers of sound doctrine , yet being dividers or disturbers , they practice contrary to the doctrine of christ , which teacheth unity , love and peace . but still it must be observed that the reality of schism lies not in being divided or disordered , but in causing the division or disturbance , or in a voluntary violation of or departing from true church-unity . they that cause divisions are not excused from schism by the support of secular power , nor are others convicted of it meerly by the want of that support . the magistrates power in sacred things is accumulative , not destructive or diminitive to the rights of christs ministers and people . it takes not from them any thing that christ hath granted them , but gives them a better capacity to make use thereof . chap. iv. of the schisms that were in the more ancient times of the church ; and the different case of the nonconformists in these times . of those parties which were anciently reputed schismaticks , as violating the unity of the church , yet not hereticks , as denying any fundamental point of the christian faith , the novatians and donatists are of the chiefest note . forasmuch as both these are looked upon as the greatest instances of schism , it may be requisite for me to consider the true state of their separation from the main body of the christian church , passing by accidental matters , and insisting on the merits of their cause according to their main principles and practices . as concerning the donatists , the breach made by them had this rise . donatus with his complices vehemently opposed cecilianus , who had been chosen bishop of carthage , in design to thrust him out of his bishoprick . they accuse him of being ordained by one that had been a proditor , and of having admitted into ecclesiastical office one that was guilty of the like fault . this cause was by the emperor constantine's appointment heard before several councils and many judges . the accusers still fail in their proofs of the things objected , cecilianus is acquitted and confirmed in his office. the party of donatus failing in their design , were carried in a boundless rage of opposition to a total , and irreclaimable separation from all the churches that were not of their faction , and became very numerous upon a pretence of shunning the contagion of the wicked in the communion of the sacraments . their principles were , that the church of christ was no where to be found but among themselves in a corner of africa ; also that true baptism was not administred but in their sect. likewise they proceeded to great tumult , and violence , and rapine . and a sort of them called circumcelliones gloried in a furious kind of martyrdom , partly by forcing others to kill them , and partly by killing themselves . the novatians took their name and beginning from novatus a presbyter , first at carthage , afterwards at rome , who held that they who lapsed in times of persecution unto the denying of christ , were not to be readmitted unto the communion of the church , though they repented and submitted to the ecclesiastical discipline of pennance . he separated from the roman church , and was made a bishop by bishops of his own judgment , in opposition to cornelius bishop of rome . cyprian gives a very bad character of him , as a turbulent , arrogant and avaritious person . but of what spirit soever he was , his judgment and canon was received among many that were of stricter lives ; and he himself is reported to have suffered death in the persecution under valerian . at the council of nice , acesius bishop of the novatians being asked by constantine , whether he assented to the same faith with the council , and to the observation of easter as was there derceed , answered that he fully assented to both . then being again asked by the emperor , why he separated from the communion , he recited for himself things done in the reign of decius , and the exquisite observation of a certain severe canon , that they who after baptism had fallen into that kind of sin , which the scripture calls a sin unto death , ought not to be partakers of the divine mysteries ; but to be exhorted to repentance , and to expect the hope of remission not from the priest but from god , who hath power to forgive . by this it appears that the novatians did not deny the salvability of the lapsed , or others that had fallen into a sin unto death , but only refused to admit them to sacerdotal absolution and church-communion . and thus they made a very unwarrantable separation , grounded upon an unjust rigor of very bad consequence . nevertheless their error was no other , than what holy and good men might be ensnared in by the appearance of a greater detestation of sin , and its tendency to prevent the lapse of christians into idolatry , and to make them more resolved for martyrdom . and by as credible history as any we have of the ancient times , they are reported to have had among them men eminently pious , and some famous for miracles . they unmovably adhered to the homousian faith , and for the maintenance of it together with the orthodox , suffered dreadfull persecutions . they had some bishops remarkable for wisdom and godliness , and such as were consulted with by some of the chief of the catholick bishops , and that with good success for support of the common faith against the arrians and such like hereticks . under a certain persecution , wherein they were companions of the self same suffering , it is said that the catholicks and novatians had prayers together in the novations churches , and that in those times they were almost united , if the novations had not utterly refused that they might keep up their old institutes ; yet they bare such good will one to another , that they would die one for another . these and many other things of like nature are reported of them by socrates , whom some indeed suspect to have been addicted to them , yet upon no other ground , but because he gives them their due upon evident proof . and besides what he hath reported , sosomen thus testifies of them , l. . c. . that when other sects expired , the novatians because they had good men for the leaders of their way , and because they defended the same doctrine with the catholick church , were very numerous from the beginning , and so continued , and suffered not much dammage by constantines law for suppressing of sects ; and acesius their bishop being much favoured by the emperor , for the integrity of his life greatly advantaged his church . also l. . c. . he reports the great amity that was between them and the catholicks in a time of common persecution . whether the case of the dissenters from the uniformity now required , be in point of schism of the same or like reason with the above mentioned , or any other anciently reputed schismaticks , is now to be considered . and it is the case of those that dissent not in the substance of religion , but only in things pertaining to the ecclesiastical polity or external order in the church , that is here taken into consideration . of these , some being persuaded of the necessity of their own church-order , desire to remain as they are in their severed societies ; yet they do not nullify the legal churches or ministery , or the dispensation of the word , sacraments and prayer therein performed . others being satisfied in the constitution of parochial churches , and in the substance of the established form of worship , would gladly embrace a freedom of communicating and administring therein , upon the removal of some bars that lie against them , and which they think may well be removed . thereupon they seek an accommodation and union by a sufficient comprehensiveness in the publick constitution ; and withall a reasonable indulgence towards those brethren , who for the straightness of their judgments cannot be comprehended . neither party of the dissenters here described can be charged with any thing like the donatistical fury before expressed . if austin sought the suppression of that sect by the secular power , in regard of the horrible outrages committed by them , it cannot reasonably be urged for a precedent ( as it hath been by some ) for the suppression of men sober and peaceable , and sound in the main points of christian faith and life . nor can either party of us be charged with that intolerable presumption and arrogance of the donatists , in confining the flock of christ to their own party , or the disannulling and utter denouncing of all churches besides their own . nor is the ground of our dissatisfaction like theirs , which began in a quarrel against a particular bishop , and was maintained by animosity against those that would not condemn him . it is well known that another manner of account is to be given of our dissents . if it be objected , that those dissenters whose principles bind them up to persevere in their severed societies , seem in this respect to be as the novatians , who would not admit a re-union with the other churches ; it may be answered for them , that reasons have been offered in the foregoing parts of this discourse for indulgence to conscientious people , who are intangled by the narrowness of their principles touching church-order . besides , they do not stand off upon so harsh and rigorous a point as the novatians did , viz. the utter repelling of the lapsed , though penitent from the communion of the church . and they have ordinarily communion in the word and prayer with congregations that are not of their church way , and occasionally in the sacrament with those congregations , where they apprehend a care of the exercise of discipline . nor may they be judged so irreconcilable to the established order , but that the holy lives of those in the publick ministery , and their lively preaching , and a greater care of true and real church-discipline , might do much to their recovery . in the mean time , why may not these be upon as good terms under the present government , as the novatians were under the government of their times ? church history reports that they were cruelly persecuted by the arrian emperours and bishops , and that they had great indulgence under orthodox emperours , and with many catholick bishops and patriarchs , whose prudent and moderate government did best provide for the peace of their churches . but those orthodox bishops , who took from them their churches and estates , were chiefly either such as took to themselves a secular power , and ruled imperiously and with violence , or such as with their zeal had more of wrath and rashness than of meekness and prudence . this can be easily proved in the particular instances , if need were . but this is not the case of all nonconformists . for part of them ( and upon good experiment made , they may be found the greater part ) do not seek to abide in a severed state , but desire a union . it is well known they are as sensible of the evil of schism , and as studious of the churches peace and concord , as any others . and though they have not the same latitude of judgment with others in some points , yet they have a right catholick spirit to promote the common interest of religion , and more especially the protestant reformation , and dread the weakning and shattering of it by needless divisions , and are ready to go as far as conscience will allow in compliance with the injunctions of rulers . but they are cast and kept out of the established order by the injunction of some terms , which in regard of their present judgment , they can not comply with , but under the guilt of so great a sin as dissembling in the matter of religion . touching church-government , they admit the episcopacy that was of ancient ecclesiastical custom in the time of ignatius , yea , or of cyprian . bishop usher's model of government by bishops and arch-bishops with their presbyters , was by some of them presented to the kings majesty for a ground-work of accommodation . they acknowledge the kings ecclesiastical supremacy according to the oath in that case required . his majesty in his gracious declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs , gives a testimony concerning the ministers that attended him in holland , in these words , viz. to our great satisfaction and comfort , we found them persons full of affection to us , and of zeal to the peace of church and state , and neither enemies ( as they had been given out to be ) to episcopacy or liturgy , but modestly to desire such alterations in either , as without shaking foundations might best allay the present distempers . they are ready to engage that they will not disturb the peace of the church , nor indeavour any point of alteration in its government by rebellious seditions , or any unlawfull ways . those points of conformity wherein they are dissatisfied , are but some accidentals of religion and external modes , and the declarations and subscriptions importing an allowance of all and every thing contained in the liturgy . and they think that these points are not so necessary in themselves or in their consequents , but they are very dispensable as the wisdom of governours shall see cause . if it be objected , that if any thing should be yielded to them , there would be no end of their cravings , that which i have to say is , that reasonable men will be satisfied with reasonable concessions ; and if subjects know not what is fit for them to ask , governours know what is fit for them to give . by granting the desired relaxation , the church would not ( as some alledge ) be self-condemned , as confessing the unlawfulness of her injunctions , or as justifying the opinions of the dissenters . for it can signifie from her no more than either her indulgence to the weak , or her moderation in things less necessary and more controverted , which would not turn to her reproach , but to her greater justification . i have here nothing to say to them that object against any relaxation after that manner , as if they desired not our conformity but our perpetual exclusion . such may be answered in due season . and i have here nothing to do with those that argue against us from politick considerations , respecting a particular interest too narrow for an adequate foundation of church-peace and christian-concord . but my scope is to consider what may be done by the higher powers and church guides for the healing of breaches , according to the wisdom which is from above , which is first pure , then peaceable , gentle and easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality and without hypocrisie . i have made particular observation of those too most remarkable parties , which have been looked upon as the chief instances of schism in the more ancient times . the other schisms that i find of any remark in those times were raised , sometimes by persons cast out of the church for their crimes , and thereupon drawing disciples after them , as was that of meletius a bishop in egypt , who was desposed for having sacrificed to idols . sometimes by offence unjustly taken at some supposed faultiness in a bishop , as was that of an orthodox party in antioch , against another meletius , an orthodox and right worthy bishop of that city , only because he was at first brought in by the arrians ; sometimes by the exasperations of the people for injuries done to them or their pastors , and outrages committed by their opposites , as was that of the johannites at constantinople upon the banishment of chrysostom ; and somtimes by meer animosity and humor of discontentment , as was that of lucifer a bishop in sardinia , who separated from eusebius bishop of vertellis and others , because they disliked his rash act of ordaining paulinus to be bishop of antioch , as tending to perpetuate the schism there begun . touching all the said parties , it may be observed that they did not plead that any opinions or forms were imposed on them , to which their consciences did reluctate , nor did they desire others forbearance towards them in such things as might bear too hard upon them ; but they themselves would not bear with others in that which they supposed faulty , but did nither choose wholly to abandon the communion of the churches , and did not seek nor care for accomodation with them . but this is not the case of at least a great part of the dissenters of these times . for they importune an accommodation with the churches of the established order , and for peace sake , are willing to bear with the practice of others in that which themselves dislike or doubt of ; but they cannot obtain a dispensation from others , in some things which are very dispensable points according to their judgment , but are forced to abide in a severed state , unless they will profess what they believe not , or practice what they allow not . now because the judgment and practice of antiquity is much insisted on , i pray that it may be considered , whether in the primitive , or ancient times of christianity , men , yea , many hundreds of men duly qualified for the ministery by sound faith and good life , as also by their learning and industry , and offering all reasonable security for their submissive and peaceable demeanure , were or would have been cast and kept out of the church for their nonconformity to some opinions , forms and ceremonies , which at the best are but the accidentals of religion , and of the truth or lawfulness whereof , the dissenters were wholly dissatisfied , and which the imposers judged to be but things in themselves indifferent . and i further pray that it may be considered , whether it be easier for the nonconformists to be self-condemned in conforming to some injunctions against their consciences , and in deserting the ministery to which they are dedicated , than for superiours either by some relaxation to make them capable of conforming , or to bear with their peaceable exercise of the ministery in a state of nonconformity , while some of their injunctions confine them to that state . chap. v. of making a right estimate of the guilt of schism , and something more of taking the right way to unity . the confused noise about schism , and the unjust imputation thereof , that is commonly made , hath greatly disordered the minds of many . some have been thereby swaid to an absolute compliance with the most numerous or the most prevailing parties . others discerning the abuse of this name , but forgetting that there is something truly so called , have made light of the thing it self , which is indeed of a heinous nature . i have been engaged in this disquisition by a deep sense of the evil of schism , and an earnest care of keeping my self from the real guilt thereof , and what is here written , i willingly submit to a grave and just examination . errare possum , haereticus , schismaticus esse nolo . i am liable to errour as others are , but i am sure i am no wilfull schismatick . it is commonly given to men to pass a severe judgment upon every dissent from their own opinions and orders . whereupon , as that hath had the character of schism stamped upon it , which is not such indeed ; so that which is schism in a low and tolerable degree , hath been aggravated to the highest , and prosecuted against all rules of prudence and charity . to make an equal judgment of the guilt of schism in persons or parties , the degree of the schism is duly to be considered . our saviour teacheth that reviling language , contemptuous words and rash anger , are breaches of the sixth commandment , yet in degree of guilt , they are vastly different from the act of wilfull murther . and indeed in the kind of delinquency here treated of , there are as great differences of degrees as of any other kind . the case of those that are necessitated to a non-compliance in some lawfull things by them held unlawfull , yet seeking union would gladly embrace a reasonable accomodation , is much different from theirs , who upon choice and wilfully sever themselves , because they love to be severed . in like manner the case of those who desire and seek the conformity of others , and would gladly have fellowship with them , yet through misguided zeal , are approvers of such unnecessary impositions as hinder the conforming of many , is much different from theirs , who designing the extrusion of others , contrive the intangling of them by needless rigors . many other instances might be given to express the great disparity of cases in point of schism , all which may teach us in the estimate that we are to make thereof , to put a difference between honest minds , that by mistake are drawn into division , and those that out of their corrupt minds and evill designs do wilfully cause division . in many things we offend all , and therefore it behoves us to consider one another , as subject to the like errours and passions . we should not judge too severely , as we would not be so judged . there be many examples of schismatical animosities and perversnesses , into which in the ancient times such persons have fallen , as were otherwise worthily esteemed in the church . cyril with the greater number of bishops in the ephesine council , too rashly deposed john of antioch , and his party of bishops upon a quarrel that arose between them . and john with his adherents returning to antioch , did more rashly depose cyril and his party , and yet both parties were orthodox , and in the issue joyned in the condemnation of nestorius . but the most remarkable instance in this kind , is the disorderly and injurious proceeding of so venerable a person as epiphanius , against so worthy a person as chrysostom , to which he was stirred up by the instigation of that incendiary theophilus of alexandria . the said epiphanius goes to constantinople , and in the church without the city held a sacred communion , and ordained a deacon ; and when he had entred the city , in a publick church he read the decree made by himself and some others in the condemnation of origens books , and excommunicated dioscurus and his brethren called the long monks , worthy and orthodox men persecuted by the anthromorphites . and all this he did without and against the consent of chrysostom the bishop of the place , and in contempt of him . i may further instance in the long continued division between paulinus and meletius , with their parties at antioch , though both of them were of the nicene faith ; likewise in the long continued separation made from the church of constantinople , by the followers of chrysostom after his banishment , because they were exasperated by the injuries done to their worthy patriarch . these weaknesses in good men of old times , i observe not to dishonour them , but that we may be thereby warned to be more charitable and less censorious towards one another , in case of the like weaknesses and disorders , and to be sollicitous to maintain peace , and to prevent discord among all those that are united in the substantials of christian faith and practice , and for this end to be more carefull in avoiding unreasonable oppositions , unwarrantable impositions , and all causless exasperations . true holiness is the basis of true unity . for by it the faithfull cleave to god , and one to another in him and for him , and are inclined to receive one another on those terms , on which god hath received them all . and by it they are turned from that dividing selfishness , which draws men into several or opposite ways according to their several or opposite ends . let not a carnal wordly interest in a church state , be set up against holiness and unity . let the increase and peace of the church visible , be sought in order to the increase and peace of the mystical . let no one party be lifted up against the common peace of sound believers ; and let not any part of the legitimate children of christs family be ejected or harassed upon the instigation of others , but let the stewards in the family carry it equally , and so gratifie one part in their desired orders , that the other part be not oppressed . let not them be still vexed , who would be glad of tolerable terms with their brethren . in church-governours let the power of doing good be enlarged , and the power of doing hurt restrained , as much as will stand with the necessary ends of government . let the discipline of the church commend it self to the consciences of men . let the edge of it be turned the right way and its vigor be put forth , not about little formalities but the great and weighty matters of religion . zeal in substantials and charitable forbearance in circumstantials , is the way to gain upon the hearts of those that understand the true ends of church-government , and what it is to be religious indeed . let the occasions of stumbling and snares of division be taken out of the way , and let controverted unnecessaries be left at liberty . discord will be inevitable , where the terms of concord remain a difficulty insuperable . the conscientious that are willing to bid high for peace ; cannot resign their consciences to the wills of men , and humility and soberness doth not oblige them to act contrary to their own judgments out of reverence to their superiors ; they cannot help themselves , but their superiors may . t is the spirit of antichrist that is fierce and violent ; but the spirit of christ is dovelike , meek and harmless , and that spirit inclines to deal tenderly with the consciences of inferiours . tenderness of conscience is not to be despised or exposed to scorn , because some may falsly pretend to it . the head of the church and saviour of the body is compassionate towards his members , and he hath said , whoso shall offend one of these little ones , that believe in me , it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea. as the way of unity lies much in the wisdom , equity and charity of superiours , so in the humility and due submission of inferiours , in their ready closing with what is commendable in the publick constitutions , in their bearing with what is tolerable , in making the best improvement of what is therein improvable for their own and others edification , in a word , in denying no compliance , which piety towards god and charity towards men doth not forbid . matters of publick injunction , which inferiors stick at , may be considered by them either as in themselves unlawfull , or as inexpedient . now it is not only or chiefly the inexpediency of things commanded , but the supposed unlawfulness of divers of those things that the nonconformists generally stick at , whereof they are ready to render a particular account , when it will be admitted . howbeit a question may arise about the warrantableness of submission to things not in themselves unlawfull but inexpedient , especially in respect of scandal , the solution whereof may be requisite for the clearing of our way in such things . upon this question it may be noted , that in those cases , wherein there is no right of commanding , there is no due of obedience . nevertheless , things unwarrantably commanded are sometimes warrantably observed , though not in obedience , yet in prudence , as to procure peace , and to shew a readiness to all possible compliance with superiors . moreover , rulers have no authority to command that , which in it self is not unlawfull , when christian charity forbids to do it in the present circumstances by reason of evil consequents . for all authority is given for edification and not for destruction . likewise our christian liberty includes no licence to do that act at the command of rulers , the doing of which in regard of circumstances , is uncharitable . but here it must be considered , how far the law of charity doth extend in this case , and when it doth , or doth not forbid my observance of what the ruler hath unwarrantably , because uncharitably commanded . true charity doth not wholly destroy christian liberty , though it regulates the use thereof ; and it doth not extend it so far one way as to destroy it self another way . if i am bound up from doing every indifferent thing , at which weak consciences will take offence , my liberty is turned into bondage , and i am left in thraldom to other mens endless scrupulosities . this is i think a yoke which christians are not fit nor able to bear . this bondage is greater and the burden lies heavier upon me , if by reason of others weakness , i must be bound up from observing an indifferent thing at the command of rulers , and by them made the condition of my liberty for publick service in the church , when my conscience is fully satisfied that it is lawfull , and otherwise expedient for me to do it . as for the warrantableness of enjoyning , the ruler must look to that . are some displeased and grieved that i do it ? as many or more may be displeased and grieved if i do it not . do some take occasion by my necessary use of a just liberty , to embolden themselves to sin ? my forbearing of it may be an occasion of sin to others , as their persisting in some troublesom errour to their own and others spiritual dammage , and in unwarrantable non-compliance with their governours . and the loss of my liberty for publick service consequent to such forbearance , must also be laid in the ballance . when both the using and forbearing of my liberty is clogged with evil consequents , i know no safer way than duly to consider of what moment the consequents are on either side , and to incline to that which hath the lesser evil . herein the wisdom of the prudent is to direct his way upon the impartial view of all circumstances which come under his prospect . and if good conscience and right reason , guided by the general rules of gods word , lead me to make use of my christian liberty in compliance with my superiors , i must humbly and charitably apply my self to remove the offence , that some take , by clearing the lawfulness and expediency of my act to their judgments . but if that cannot be discerned by them , i am by my christian good behaviour to make it evident to their consciences , what in me lies , that what i do , i do sincerely and faithfully , and that i am no temporizer , man-pleaser and self-seeker . i humbly conceive that that high saying of the apostle , if meat make my brother to offend , i will eat no flesh while the world standeth , doth admit such equitable interpretation , as the circumstances of time , place , person , and the whole state of things declares to be most reasonable . a humble representation of my own case touching the exercise of the ministery . i have been in the ministery near fourty years , having been ordained presbyter according to the form of ordination used in the church of england . and being called to this sacred order , i hold my self indispensibly obliged to the work thereof , as god enables me and gives me opportunity . the nature of the office is signified in the form of words , by which i was solemnly set apart thereunto . viz. [ receive the holy ghost , whose sins thou dost forgive , they are forgiven , and whose sins thou dost retain , they are retained : and be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of god and of his holy sacraments , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , amen . ] the former part of these words being used by our saviour to his apostles , in conferring upon them the pastoral authority , fully proves that the office of a presbyter is pastoral , and of the same nature with that which was ordinary in the apostles , and in which they had successours . likewise , this church did then appoint that at the ordering of priests or presbyters , certain portions of scripture should be read , as belonging to their office to instruct them in the nature of it , viz. that portion of act. . which relates st. pauls sending to ephesus , and calling for the elders of the congregation with his exhortation to them , to take heed to themselves and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost had made them overseers , to rule the congregation of god. or else tim. . which sets forth the office and due qualification of a bishop . and afterwards the bishop spake to them that were to receive the office of priesthood , in this form of words , ( ye have heard , brethren , as well in your private examination , and in the exhortation and holy lessons taken out of the gospels and writings of the apostles , of what dignity , and how great importance this office is whereto ye are called , that is to say the messengers , the watchmen , the pastors and stewards of the lord , to teach , to premonish , to feed , to provide for the lords family . i mention my ordination according to the episcopal form , because it is of greatest esteem with them , to whom this representation is more especially tendred . nevertheless , i own the validity of presbyterial ordination , and judge that ministers so ordained , may make the same defence for exercising the ministery , in the same case that is here represented . christ is the author and the only proper giver of this office ; and though he give it by the mediation of men , yet not by them as giving the office , but as instruments of the designation , or of the solemn investiture of the person to whom he gives it . as the king is the immediate giver of the power of a mayor in a town corporate , when he gives it by the mediation of electors and certain officers , only as instruments of the designation , or of the solemn investiture of the person . i am not conscious of disabling my self to the sacred ministrations , that belong to the office of a presbyter , by any opinion or practice , that may render me unfit for the same . touching which matter , i humbly offer my self to the tryal of my superiors to be made according to gods word . nothing necessary to authorize me to those ministrations is wanting that i know of . i am christs commissioned officer ; and i do not find that he hath revoked the authority which i have received from him ; and without the warrant of his law no man can take it from me . nor do i find , that the nature of this office , or the declared will of christ requires , that it be exercised no otherwise than in subordination to a disocesan bishop . that i do not exercise the ministery under the regulation of the bishop of the diocess , and in other circumstances according to the present established order , the cause is not in me , who am ready to submit thereunto ; but a bar is laid against me by the injunction of some terms in the lawfulness whereof i am not satisfied , whereof i am ready to give an account when it is required . i do not understand that i am under any oath or promise to exercise the ministery , no otherwise than in subordination to the bishop , or the ordinary of the place . the promise made at my ordination to obey my ordinary and other chief ministers , to whom the government and charge over me is committed , concerns me only as a presbyter , standing in relation to the bishop or ordinary , as one of the clergy of the diocess , or other peculiar jurisdiction , in which relation i do not now stand , being cast out and made uncapable thereof . moreover , in whatsoever capacity i now stand , the said promise must be understood either limitedly or without limitation . if limitedly , as in things lawfull and honest , ( as i conceive it ought to be understood ) then i am not bound by it in the present case . for it is not lawfull nor honest for me to comply with the now injoyned conformity against my conscience , or in case of such necessitated non-compliance , to desist from the ministery that i have received in the lord. if it be understood without limitation , it is a sinfull promise in the matter thereof , and thereupon void . absolute and unlimited obedience to man may not be promised . let it be considered also that the objected promise could not bind me to more than the conformity then required . but since my ordination and promise then made , the state of conformity hath been much altered by the injunction of more , and to me harder terms than formerly were injoyned . when i was ordained , i thought that the terms then required were such as might be lawfully submitted to . but young men ( such as i then was ) may be easily drawn to subscribe to things publickly injoyned , and so become engaged , before they have well considered . the ordainer or ordainers , who designed me to this office of christs donation , and not theirs , could not by any act of theirs lessen it as to its nature or essential state . nor can they derogate from christs authority over me , and the obligation which he hath laid upon me , to discharge the office with which he hath intrusted me . that a necessity is laid upon me in my present state to preach the gospel , i am fully perswaded , in regard of the necessities of souls , which cry aloud for all the help that can posibly be given by christs ministers , whether conformists or nonconformists . the necessary means of their salvation is more valuable , than meer external order or uniformity in things accidental . i receive the whole doctrine of faith and sacraments , according to the articles of the church of england , and am ready to subscribe the same . i have joyned , and still am ready to joyn with the legally established churches in their publick worship . the matter of my sacred ministrations hath been always consonant to the doctrine of the reformed churches , and particularly of the church of england . i meddle not with our present differences , but insist on the great and necessary points of christian religion . i design not the promoting of a severed party , but of meer christianity or godliness . i am willing to comply with the will of my superiors as far as is possible with a safe conscience , and to return to my ministerial station in the established churches , may i be but dispensed with in the injunctions , with which my conscience , till i be otherwise informed , forbids me to comply . in the whole of my dissent from the said injunctions , i can not be charged with denying any thing essential to christian faith and life , or to the constitution of a church , or any of the weightier matters of religion , or with being in any thing inconsistent with good order and government . my case , as i have sincerely set it forth , i humbly represent to the clemency of my governours , and to the charity , equity and ●●●●●r of all christs ministers and people . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e i design to follow after the things which make for peace ; and i hope i am not mistaken in the way to it . i. c. finis . books lately printed for tho. parkhurst at the bible and three crowns in cheapside . one hundred of select sermons upon several occasions , by tho. horton , d. d. sermons on the th . psal. . psal. . and . psal. by tho. horton , d. d. a compleat martyrology , both of foraign and english martyrs , with the lives of modern divines , by sam. clark. a discourse of actual providence , by john collings , d. d. an exposition on the first chapters of the revelation of jesus christ , by charles phelpes . a discourse of grace and temptation , by tho. froysall . the revival of grace . sacramental reflections on the death of christ as testator . a sacrifice and curse , by john hurst . a glimps of eternity to awaken sinners and comfort saints , by ab. coley . which is the church , or an answer to the question , where was your church before luther ? by rich. baxter . the husbandmans companion , or meditations sutable for farmers , in order to spiritualize their employment , by edward bury . mr. adams exposition of the assemb . catechism , showing its harmony with the articles and homilies of the church of england . the present state of new-england , with the history of their wars with the indies . popery an enemy to truth and civil government , by jo. sheldeck . spelling book for children , by tho. lye. principals of christian religion , with practical applications to each head , by tho. gouge . almost christian , by matth. mead. godly mans ark , by edmund calamy . heaven and hell on earth in a good or bad conscience , by nath. vincent . little catechism for children , with short histories , which may both please and profit them , by nath. vincent . ark of the covenant , with an epistle prefixed by john owen , d. d. this author hath lately published this book intituled , the kingdom of god among men . a tract of the sound state of religion , or that christianity which is described in the holy scriptures , and of things that make for the security and increase thereof in the world , designing its more ample diffusion among professed christians of all sorts , and its surer propagation to future ages . printed for tho. parkhurst . primitive christianity, or, the religion of the ancient christians in the first ages of the gospel in three parts / by william cave. cave, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) primitive christianity, or, the religion of the ancient christians in the first ages of the gospel in three parts / by william cave. cave, william, - . the second edition. [ ], , , [ ] p. printed by j.m. for richard chiswell ..., london : . has added engraved t.p. "chronological index of authors" at end of work. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur sam. parker reverendissimo in christo patri ac domino , domino gilberto archiep. cantuar. à sac . dom . ex aedibus lambeth . septemb. . . primitive christianity . in parts learn of me math. . . london printed for r. chiswell at the rose & crown in st pauls churchyard primitive christianity : or , the religion of the ancient christians in the first ages of the gospel . in three parts . by william cave , d d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . just . mart. paraenes . ad graec. p. . nos non habitu sapientiam , sed mente praeferimus : non eloquimur magna , sed vivimus . minuc . foel . dial . pag. . the second edition . london , printed by j. m. for richard chiswell at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard . . to the right reverend father in god nathanael , lord bishop of oxford , and clerk of the closet to his majesty . my lord , when i first designed that these papers should take sanctuary at your lordships patronage , the hebrew proverb presently came into my mind , keep close to a great man , and men will reverence thee . i knew no better way ( next to the innocency , and , if it may be , usefulness of the subject i have undertaken ) to secure my self from the censures of envy and ill nature , than by putting my self under your protection , whose known 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sweetness and obligingness of whose temper is able to render malice it self candid and favourable . encouraged also by this consideration , i hardned my self into the confidence of this address , which i had not otherwise attempted , but that your lordships kindness and generous compassion , and the mighty condescention wherewith you were always pleased to treat me ( while i had the happiness of your lordships neighbourhood , did at once invite and oblige me to it . i say no more , lest i should affront that modesty that is so innate to your temper , or come within the least suspicion of flattery , so repugnant to my own . one thing only there is , which i cannot but remark , the great honour which your lordship has done , not to the episcopal only , but to the whole ministerial order , that a person of your rank and education would stoop to an employment , so little valued and regarded in this unthankful and degenerate age. and herein your lordship has been a happy precedent ; your example being already followed by some , and will shortly by more persons of noble descent and pedigree : a thing for which the church of england was never more renowned , since the reformation , than it is at this day . my lord , there was a time within the compass of our memmory , when the bishops amongst other things were accused ( by one of the house of peers , though one that had not the most reason to bring in a charge of that nature ) to be in respect of their parentage de faece populi , of the very dregs and refuse of the people ( malice will play at small games , rather than not at all . ) a charge as false as it was spiteful : though had it been true , it had been impertinent ; seeing the very order is enough to derive honour upon the person , even when he cannot as your lordship , bring it along with him . and indeed so honourable an order has episcopacy ever been accounted , even when there have been no visible advantages , either of riches or grandeur to attend it , as there were not in the more early ages of christianity , that persons of the greatest birth and fortunes have not thought it below them to exchange the civil tribunal for the bishops throne , and to lay down the publick rods and axes , to take up the crosier and the pedum pastorale . if we may credit that catalogue of the bishops of constantinople recorded by nicephorus , we find dometius , brother to the emperour probus , and after him his two sons , probus and metrophanes , successively sitting in that chair : as afterwards nectarius , s. chrysostoms predecessor , was of a senator made bishop of that see. thalassius became bishop of caesarea , when he was a senator , the praefectus praetorio ( or the emperours lieutenant , one of the highest places both of trust and honour in the roman empire ) of illyricum , and rising to greater dignities , being designed by the emperour for the government of the east . s. ambrose ( whose father was an illustrious person , the praefect of france ) was made governour of liguria and aemilia , and sent thither with consular power and dignity , during which employment he was made bishop of milain . petronius bishop of bononia is said to have been first a praefectus praetorio , and to descend of the family of constantine the great . sidonius apollinaris descended for many generations of noble and illustrious parents , his father the praefectus praetorio of gaul , himself son-in-law to avitus ) a person of extraordinary honour and employment , and afterwards consul and emperour ) and yet in the midst of this disdained not to become bishop of clermont in france . more such instances i could give , not to speak of multitudes that were in the middle and later ages of the church , especially in our own nation . but i return . my lord , i beheld religion generally laid waste , and christianity ready to draw its last breath , stifled and oppressed with the vices and impieties of a debauched and profligate age. to contribute towards the recovery whereof , and the reducing things ( if possible ) to the ancient standard , is the design of the book that is here offered to you . the subject i assure my self is not unsuitable either to your lordships order , temper , or course of life ; if my ill managery of it has not rendred it unworthy of your patronage . however such as it is , it 's humbly presented by him who is ▪ your lordships faithfully devoted servant william cave . the preface to the reader . i know not whether it may be any satisfaction to the curiosity of the reader , to understand the birth and original of these papers ; if it be , let him take this account . no sooner did i arrive at years capable of discerning , but i began to enquire into the grounds of that religion , into which i had been baptized : which i soon found to be so noble and excellent , in all its laws so just and rational , in all its designs so divine and heavenly , so perfective of the principles , so conducive to the happiness of humane nature ; a religion so worthy of god , so advantageous to man , built upon such firm and uncontroulable evidence , back'd with such proper and powerful arguments that i was presently convinc'd of the divinity that resided in it , and concluded with my self ( and i thought i had reason so to do ) that surely the disciples of this religion must needs be the most excellent persons in the world . but alas a few years experience of the world let me see , that this was the conclusion of one that had convers'd only with books , and the reasonings of his own mind . i had not been long an observer of the manners of men , but i found them generally so debauched and vitious , so corrupt and contrary to the rules of this holy religion , that if a modest and honest heathen was to estimate christianity by the lives of its professors , he would certainly proscribe it as the vilest religion in the world . being offended hereat , i resolved to stand in the ways and see , and enquire for the good old way , the paths wherein the ancient christians walk'd : for i could not think that this had always been the unhappy fate and portion of christianity ; and that if the footsteps of true christian piety and simplicity were any where to be found , it must be in those times , when ( as s. hierom notes ) the blood of christ was yet warm in the breasts of christians , and the faith and spirit of religion more brisk and vigorous . in pursuance of this design , i set my self to a more close and diligent reading of the first fathers and ancient monuments of the church than ever i had done before , especially for the three or four first centures , for much lower i did not intend to go , because the life and spirit of christianity did then visibly decline apace ; noting as i went along whatever contributed to my satisfaction in this affair . had i consulted my own ease and quiet , i might have gone a nearer way to work , and have taken up with what i could have pick'd up of this nature in baronius , the centuries , &c. but i could not satisfie my self ( and i presume it would as little have satisfied the reader ) with shreds , with things taken upon trust , and borrowed at the second hand . for the same reason i made little use of the lives of the saints , ( especially in such instances whereof there was the least cause to doubt ) and the spurious and suppositious writings of the fathers , seldom making use of any but such as are of unquestionable credit and authority . and because the testimony of an enemy is ever accounted of great moment and regard , i have been careful to add the testimonies that have been given to christians and to their religion by the known and professed adversaries of the christian faith ; such as pliny , lucian , porphyry , julian , &c. more whereof we might have been furnished with , had those writings of theirs against the christian religion been extant , which the zeal of the first christian princes industriously banished out of the world . what other authors of later date i have borrowed any light from in this discourse , i have faithfully produced in the margent . two books indeed i met with , which at first sight i well hoped would have wholly saved me the labour of this search ; the one written by a person of our own nation ; the other by a florentine of great name and note : but my hopes were very much frustrated in both . for the first , i no sooner looked into it , but found my self wretchedly imposed upon by the title , his elder times and christians ( not to say any thing of his intermixtures of things nothing to his purpose ) seldom reaching any higher than the middle-ages of the church , little or nothing being remark'd of the first ages of christianity , the only thing i aimed at . for the other ( which i met not with till i had almost finished this search ) i found it miserably thin and empty , containing little else but short glosses upon some few passages out of tertullian , from whence i did not enrich my self with any one observation , which i had not made before . there is indeed an epistle of fronto's the learned chancellor of the vniversity of paris concerning this affair ; but it contains only some general intimations , and seems to have been designed by him ( as appears from that , and some other of his epistles ) as the ground-work of a larger and more particular discourse . but his death happening some few years after the date of that epistle , cut off all hopes of prosecuting so excellent a design . these are all that i know of , who have attempted any thing in this subject , none whereof coming up to the curiosity of my design , i was forced to resume the task i had undertaken , and to go on with it through those ancient writers of the church ; the result of which search is laid together in this book . whether i have discharged my self herein to the satisfaction of the reander , i know not ; sure i am , i have endeavoured what i propounded to my self , viz. a specimen of primitive christianity , in some of the most considerable branches and instances of religion . here he will find a piety active and zealous , shining through the blackest clouds of malice and cruelty ; afflicted innocence triumphant , notwithstanding all the powerful or politick attempts of men or devils ; a patience unconquerable under the biggest persecutions ; a charity truly catholick and unlimited ; a simplicity and upright carriage in all transactions ; a sobriety and temperance remarkable to the admiration of their enemies ; and in short , he will here see the divine and holy precepts of the christian religion drawn down into action , and the most excellent genius and spirit of the gospel breathing in the hearts and lives of these good old christians . here he will find a real and evident confutation of that senseless and absurd calumny , that was fastned upon christianity , as if it required no more than an easie and credulous temper of mind ; as if under a pretence of kindness and indulgence to sinners ; it ministred to all vice and wickedness . celsus confidently begins the charge . there be some amongst the christians ( says he ) that will neither give nor receive a reason of their faith , who are wont to cry out , don't examine , but believe ; and , thy faith will save thee ; the wisdom of this world is evil , but foolishness good and useful . julian carries on the charge somewhat higher , as if the christian religion were not only content with a naked and an empty faith , but gave encouragement to sin , by assuring its most desperate proselytes of an easie pardon . in the conclusion of his caesars , after he had assigned the roman emperours their particular tutelar deities , he delivers over constantine the great , the first christian emperour , to the goddess of pleasure , who having effeminately trick'd and dress'd him up , brought him to the goddess asotia or intemperance , where he finds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his son , constantius probably ( for the passage is a little disturbed and obscure , for which reason probably the translator passed it by , and took no notice of it ) making this universal proclamation , whoever is an adulterer , or a murderer , whoever is an impure profligate wretch , let him come boldly , for i declare that being washed in this water [ baptism ] he shall immediatly be cleansed : nay , although he again commit those sins , let him but knock his breast , and beat his head , and i will make him clean . much to the same purpose zosimus ( as good a friend to christianity as either of the former ) spitefully charges it upon constantine the great , that being haunted with the conscience of his prodigeous villanies , and having no hopes given him by the gentile priests of the expiation of his crimes , embraced christianity , being told , that in the christian religion there was a promise of cleansing from all fin , and that as soon as ever any closed with it , pardon would be granted to the most profligate offenders . as if christianity had been nothing else but a receptacle and sanctuary for rogues and villains , where the worst of men might be wicked under hopes of pardon . but how false and groundless ( especially as urged and intended by them ) this impious charge was , appears from the whole design and tenour of the gospel , and that more than ordinary vein of piety and strictness that was conspicuous in the lives of its first professors , whereof we have in this treatise given abundant evidence . to this representation of their lives and manners , i have added some account concerning the ancient rites and usages of the church ; wherein if any one shall meet with something that does not jump with his own humour , he will i doubt not have more discretion than to quarrel with me for setting down things as i found them . but in this part i have said the less , partly because this was not the thing i primarily designed , partly because it has been done by others in just discourses . in some few instances i have remarked the corruption and degeneracy of the church of rome , from the purity and simplicity of the ancient church ; and more i could easily have added , but that i studiously avoided controversies , it being no part of my design to enquire , what was the judgment of the fathers in disputable cases , especially the more abstruse and intricate speculations of theology , but what was their practice , and by what rules and measures they did govern and conduct their lives . the truth is , their creed in the first ages was short and simple , their faith lying then ( as erasmus observes ) not so much in nice and numerous articles , as in a good and an holy life . at the end of the book i have added a chronological index of the authors , according to the times wherein they are supposed to have lived , with an account of the editions of their works made use of in this treatise . which i did , not that i had a mind to tell the world , either what , or how many books i had ; a piece of vanity of which had i been guilty , it had been no hard matter to have furnish'd out a much larger catalogue . but i did it , partly to gratifie the request of the bookseller , partly because i conceived it might not be altogether unuseful to the reader ; the index , to give some light to the quotations , by knowing when the author lived , especially when he speaks of things done in or near his own time , and which must otherwise have been done at every turn in the body of the book . and because there are some writings frequently made use of in this book , the authors whereof in this index could be reduced to no certain date , especially those called the apostolical canons and constitutions , it may not be amiss here briefly to take notice of them . and first for the canons ; as i am far from their opinion who ascribe them to the apostles , so i think their great antagonist mr. daillé bends the stick as much too far the other way , not allowing them a being in the world till the year or a little before . the truth doubtless lies between these two : 't is evident both from the histories of the church , and many passages in tertullian , cyprian , and others , that there were in the most early ages of christianity frequent synods and councils for setling the doctrine and discipline of the church , though their determinations under that notion be not extant at this day . part of these synodical decrees , so many of them as concern'd the rites and discipline of the church , we may conceive some person of learning and judgment gathered together , probably about the beginning of the third century , and put them ( especially the first fifty , for i look not upon the whole eighty five as of equal value and authority ) if not into the same , into some such form and method , wherein we now have them ; stiling them ecclesiastical or apostolical canons , not as if they had been composed by the apostles , but either because containing things consonant to the doctrines and rules delivered by the apostles , or because made up of usages and traditions supposed to be derived from them , or lastly because made by ancient and apostolic men . that many , if not all , of these canons were some considerable time extant before the first nicene council , we have great reason to believe from two or three passages amongst many others . s. basil giving rules about discipline , appoint a deacon guilty of fornication to be deposed , and thrust down into the rank of laicks , and that in that capacity he might receive the communion , there being , says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an ancient canon , that they that are deposed should only fall under this kind of punishment ; the ancients , as i suppose , following herein that command , thou shalt not punish twice for the same fault : this balsamon joins with the twenty fifth canon of the apostles , which treats of the very same affair and indeed it cannot in probability be meant of any other , partly because there was no ancient canon ( that we know of ) in s. basils time about this business but that , partly because the same sentence is applied as the reason both in the apostolical and s. basils canon , thou shalt not punish twice for the same fault ; which clearly shews whence basil had it , and what he understands by his ancient canon . theodoret records a letter of alexander bishop of alexandria , to another of the same name bishop of constantinople ( this letter was written a little before the council of nice ) where speaking of some bishops , who had received the arians whom he had excommunicated into communion , he tells him , that herein they had done what the apostolical canon did not allow ; evidently referring to the twelfth and thirteenth canon of the apostles , which state the case about one bishops receiving those into communion , who had been excommunicated by another . to this let me add , that constantine in a letter to eusebius , commends him for refusing to leave his own bishoprick to go over to that of antioch , to which he was chosen , especially because herein he had exactly observed the rule of ecclesiastical discipline , and had kept the commands of god , and the apostolical and ecclesiastical canon , meaning doubtless the fourteenth apostolick canon , which treats about such removes . nay learned men both formerly and of late have observed divers passages in the nicene canons themselves , which plainly respect these canons , as might be made appear ( notwithstanding what daillé has excepted against it ) were this a proper place to discourse of it . this for the canons . for the constitutions , they are said to have been composed by s. clemens , at the instance and by the direction of the apostles . and this wild and extravagant opinion has not wanted its patrons and defenders , turrianus , bovius , &c. but herein deserted by the more modest and moderate of their own party ; besides that their apostolicalness ( in this sense ) is by the learned daillé everlastingly shattered and broken . but then he sets them at too wide a distance , assigning them to the latter end of the fifth century : when 't is as clear as the sun that they were extant , and in credit with many before the times of epihanius ( though somewhat altered now from what they were in his time ) compiled probably out of many lesser 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , books containing the doctrines and rites that had been delivered and practised by ancient and apostolical persons , or at least vented under their names ; but whether , as some conjecture , composed by clemens alexandrinus ( and thence by an easie mistake ascribed to clemens romanus ) i am not at leisure to consider . in this class of writers i may reckon dionysius the areopagite , absurdly enough asserted by many to be genuine , by daillé thrust down to the beginning of the sixth century : but most probably thought to have been written about the middle of the fourth age , as a person amongst us deservedly of great name and note has shewn in his late vindication of ignatius epistles . these are the principal of those authors , who could not be fix'd upon any certain year : the rest have in the index their particular and respective times . to which i have added the account of the editions for the more ready finding ( if occasion be ) of any passage quoted out of them . one thing indeed there is which i cannot but take notice of , it looks so like a piece of vanity and ostentation , that the margent is charged with so many quotations : but whoever considers the nature of my design , will quickly see that it was absolutely necessary , and that it concerned me not to deliver any thing without good authority ; the reason why i have , where i could , brought them in speaking their own words : though to avoid as much of the charge as was possible , i omitted the citing authors in their own languages , and only set them down in english , faithfully representing the authors sense , though not always tying my self to a strict and precise translation . how pertinent my quotations are , the reader must judge ; i hope he will find them exact , being immediately fetched from the fountain-head ; here being very few ( if any ) that have not been examined more than once . for the method into which the book is cast , i chose that which to me seemed most apt and proper , following s. pauls distribution of religion into piety towards god , sobriety towards our selves , and righteousness towards others ; and accordingly divided the discourse into three parts , respecting those three great branches of religion ; though the first is much larger than either of the other , by reason of some preliminary chapters , containing a vindication of the christians from those crimes that were charged upon them , that so the rubbish being cleared and thrown out of the way , we might have a fairer prospect of their religion afterwards . the book i confess is swell'd into a greater bulk , than i either thought of , or desired ; but by reason of somewhat a confused copy never design'd for the press , no certain measures could be taken of it . and now if after all this , it shall be enquired , why these papers are made publick , as i can give no very good reason , so i will not trouble my self to invent a bad one . it may suffice to intimate , that this discourse ( long since drawn up at leisure hours ) lay then by me , when a tedious and uncomfortable distemper ( whereby i have been taken off from all publick service , and the prosecution of severer studies ) gave me too much opportunity to look over my papers , and this especially , which peradventure otherwise had never seen the light . indeed i must confess i was somewhat the easilier prevailed with to let this discourse pass abroad , that it might appear , that when i could not do what i ought , i was at least willing to do what i could . if he that reads it , shall reap any delight and satisfaction by it , or be in any measure induced to imitate these primitive virtues , i shall think my pains well bestowed : if not , i am not the first , and probably shall not be the last , that has written a book to no purpose . the contents . part i. chap. i. things charged upon the primitive christians , respecting their religion . chap. ii. of the novelty that was charged upon christianity . chap. iii. things charged upon the christians , respecting their outward condition . chap. iv. the charges brought against them , respecting their life and manners . chap. v. of the positive parts of their religion : and first , of their piety towards god. chap. vi. of churches , and places of publick worship in the primitive times . chap. vii . of the lords-day and the fasts and festivals of the ancient church . chap. viii . of the persons constituting the body of the church , both people and ministers . chap. ix . of their usual worship , both private and publick . chap. x. of baptism , and the administration of it in the primitive church . chap. xi . of the lords supper , and the administration of it in the ancient church . part ii. the religion of the primitive christians as to those virtues that respect themselves . chap. i. of their humility . chap. ii. of their heavenly-mindedness , and contempt of the world. chap. iii. of their sobriety , in respect of their garb and apparel . chap. iv. of their great temperance and abstinence . chap. v. of their singular continence and chastity . chap. vi. of their readiness and constancy in professing their religion . chap. vii . of their patience and exemplary carriage under sufferings . part iii. of their religion as respecting other men . chap. i. of their justice and honesty . chap. ii. of their admirable love and charity . chap. iii. of their vnity and peaceableness . chap. iv. of their obedience and subjection to civil government . chap. v. of their penance , and the discipline of the ancient church . primitive christianity ; or , the religion of the ancient christians in the first ages of the gospel . part i. chap. i. things charged upon the primitive christians , respecting their religion . christian religion likely to meet with opposition at its first setting out . chiefly undermined by calumnies and reproaches . three things by the heathens charged upon the christians ; some things respecting their religion ; some their outward condition ; others their moral carriage , and the matters of their worship . their religion charged with two things , impiety and novelty . the charge of atheism considered , and answered out of the fathers . the heathens excepted against , as incompetent judges of the affairs of christianity . in what sense christians confessed themselves atheists . the wretched and absurd deities that were amongst the heathens , and the impure manner of their worship . atheism , properly such , disowned and denied by christians . the account they gave of their religion , and the god whom they worshipped . no sooner did the son of god appear in the world , to establish the most excellent religion that ever was communicated to mankind , but he met with the most fierce and vigorous opposition : persecuted and devoted to death assoon as he was born , followed all his life with fresh assaults of malice and cruelty , his credit traduced and slandered , his doctrine despised and slighted , and himself at last put to death with the most exquisite arts of torture & disgrace . and if they thus served the master of the house , how much more them of the houshold ; the disciple not being above his master , nor the servant above his lord. therefore when he gave commission to his apostles , to publish this religion to the world , he told them beforehand , what hard and unkind reception they must look to meet with , that he sent them forth as sheep in the midst of wolves , that they should be delivered up to the councils , and scourged in the synagogues , and be brought before kings and governours , and be hated of all men for his names sake ; nay so high should the quarrel arise upon the account of religion , that men should violate some of the nearest laws of nature , betray their friends and kinsfolk ; the brother delivering up the brother to death , and the father the child , the children rising up against their parents , and causing them to be put to death . this he well foresaw ( and the event truly answered it ) would be the fate of its first appearing in the world : and indeed , considering the present state and circumstances of the world at that time , it could not reasonably be expected , that the christian religion should meet with a better entertainment ; for the genius and nature of its doctrine was such , as was almost impossible to escape the frowns and displeasure of men : a doctrine it was , that call'd men off from lusts and pleasures , and offered violence to their native inclinations , that required the greatest strictness and severity of life , obliged men to deny themselves , to take up their cross , and to follow the steps of a poor crucified saviour , and that upon little other encouragement at present , than the invisible rewards of another world . it introduced new rites and ceremonies , unknown to those of former ages , and such as did undermine the received and established principles of that religion , that for so many generations had governed the world ; it revealed and brought to light such truths , as were not only contrary to the principles of mens education , but many of them above the reach of natural comprehension , too deep for the line of humane reason to fathom or find out . upon these , and such like accounts , christianity was sure to encounter with mighty prejudices and potent opposition ; and to it did ; for no sooner did it peep abroad in the world , but it was every where spoken against : princes and potentates , and the greatest powers and policies of the world , did for some ages confederate and combine together , to extirpate and banish it out of the world : and certainly , if arms and armies , if strength and subtilty , if malice and cruelty could have stifled it , it had been smothered in its infancy and first delivery into the world . but notwithstanding all these oppositions , it still lifted up his head in triumph , and outbrav'd the fiercest storms of persecution ; and as tertullian told their enemies , by every exquisite act of cruelty , they did but tempt others to come over to the party , the oftner they were mowed down , the faster they sprang up again , the blood of christians making the churches soil more fat and fertile . hereupon the great enemy of mankind , betook himself to other counsels , and sought to undermine , what he saw he could not carry by open assault and battery ; he studied to leaven the minds of men with false and unjust prejudices against christianity , and to burden it with whole loads of reproaches and defamations , knowing no speedier way to hinder its reception , than to blast its reputation . for this purpose all the arts of spite and malice were mustred up , and christians confidently charged with all those crimes that could render them and their religion vile and infamous : now the things that were charged upon the christians , were either such as respected their religion , or such as concern'd their outward state and condition , or such as related to their moral carriage and behaviour , with some things relating to the matter or manner of their worship ; we shall consider them in order , and how the christians of those times vindicated themselves from these imputations . the christian religion at its first coming abroad into the world , was mainly charged with these two things , impiety and novelty : for the first , 't was commonly cryed out against , as a grand piece of atheism and impiety , as an affront to their religion , and an undermining the very being and existence of their gods ; this is the sum of the charge , as we find it in the ancient apologists ; more particularly caecilius the heathen , in minucius felix accuses the christians for a desperate undone and unlawful faction , who by way of contempt did snuff and spit at the mention of their gods , deride their worship , sooff at their priests , and despise their temples , as no better than charnel-houses , and heaps of bones and ashes of the dead ; for these , and such like reasons , the christians were every where accounted a pack of atheists , and their religion the atheism ; and seldom it is that julian the emperor calls christianity by any other name . thus lucian bringing in alexander the impostor setting up for an oracle-monger , ranks the christians with atheists and epicureans , as those that were especially to be banished from his mysterious rites . in answer to this charge , the christians pleaded especially these three things . first , that the gentiles were for the most part incompetent judges of such cases as these , as being almost wholly ignorant of the true state of the christian doctrine , and therefore unfit to pronounce sentence against it . thus when crescens the philosopher had traduced the christians , as atheistical and irreligious , justin martyr answers , that he talked about things which he did not understand , feigning things of his own head , only to comply with the humour of his seduc'd disciples and followers ; that in reproaching the doctrine of christ , when he did not understand it , he discovered a most wicked and malignant temper , and shewed himself far worse than the most simple and unlearned , who are not wont rashly to bear witness and determine in things not sufficiently known to them . or if he did understand its greatness and excellency , then he shewed himself much more base and dis-ingenuous , in charging upon it what he knew to be false , and concealing his inward sentiments and convictions , for fear , lest he should be suspected to be a christian . but justin well knew , that he was miserably unskilful in matters of christianity , having formerly had conferences and disputations with him about these things ; and therefore offer'd the senate of rome ( to whom he then presented his apology ) if they had not heard the sum of it , to hold another conference with him , even before the senate it self : which he thought would be a work worthy of so wise and grave a council : or if they had heard it , then he did not doubt , but they clearly apprehended how little he understood these things ; or , that if he did understand them , he knowingly dissembled it to his auditors , not daring to own the truth , as socrates did in the face of danger : an evident argument that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not a philosopher , but a slave to popular applause and glory . secondly , they did in some sort confess the charge , that according to the vulgar notion which the heathens had of their deities , they were atheists , i.e. strangers and enemies to them ; that the gods of the gentiles were at best but daemons , impure and unclean spirits , who had long imposed upon mankind , and by their villanies , sophistries , and arts of terrour , had so affrighted the common people , who knew not really what they were , and who judge of things more by appearance than by reason , that they call'd them gods , and gave to every one of them that name , which the daemon was willing to take to himself , and that they really were nothing but devils , fallen and apostate spirits , the christians evidently manifested at every turn , forcing them to the confessing it , while by prayer and invocating the name of the true god , they drove them out of possessed persons , and therefore they trembled to encounter with a christian , as octavius triumphingly tells caecilius ; that they entertained the most absurd and fabulous notions of their gods , and usually ascrib'd such things to them , as would be accounted an horrible shame and dishonour to any wise and good man , the worship and mysterious rites of many of them being so brutish and filthy , that the honester and severer romans were asham'd on 't , and therefore overturn'd their altars , and banished them out of the roll of their deities , though their degenerate posterity took them in again , as tertullian observes ; their gods themselves so impure and beastly , their worship so obscene and detestable , that julius firmicus advises them to turn their temples into theatres , where the secrets of their religion may be delivered in scenes , and to make their players priests , and that the common rout might sing the amours , the sports and pastimes , the wantonnesses and impieties of their gods , no places being so fit for such a religion as they . besides the attributing to them humane bodies , with many blemishes and imperfections , and subjection to the miseries of humane life , and to the laws of mortality , they could not deny them to have been guilty of the most horrid and prodigious villanies and enormities , revenge and murther , incest and luxury , drunkenness and intemperance , theft and unnatural rebellion against their parents , and such like , of which their own writings were full almost in every page , which served only to corrupt and debauch the minds and manners of youth , as octavius tells his adversary , where he pursues this argument at large , with great eloquence and reason . nay , those among them that were most inquisitive and serious , and that entertained more abstract and refin'd apprehensions of things than the common people , yet could not agree in any fit and rational notion of a deity , some ridiculously affirming one thing and some another , till they were divided into a hundred different opinions , and all of them farther distant from the truth , than they were from one another ; the vulgar in the mean while making gods of the most brutish objects , such as dogs , cats , wolves , goats , hawks , dragons , beetles , crocodiles , &c. this origen against celsus particularly charges upon the egyptians , when you approach ( says he ) their sacred places , they have glorious groves and chappels , temples with goodly gates , and stately portico's , and many mysterious and religious ceremonies ; but when once you are entred , and got within their temples , you shall see nothing but a cat or an ape , or a crocodile , or a goat , or a dog worshipp'd with the most solemn veneration . nay they deified senseless and inanimate things , that had no life or power to help themselves , much less their worshippers , herbs , roots , and plants ; nay unmanly and degenerate passions , fear , paleness , &c. fell down before stumps and statues , which owed all their divinity to the cost and folly of their votaries ; despised and trampled on by the sorriest creatures , mice , swallows , &c. who were wont to build nests in the very mouth of their gods , and spiders to periwig their heads with cobwebs : being forc'd first to make them , and then make them clean , and to defend and protect them , that they might fear and worship them , as he in minutius wittily derides them ; in whose worship there are ( says he ) many things that justly deserve to be laught at , and others that call for pity and compassion . and what wonder now , if the christians were not in the least ashamed to be called atheists , with respect to such deities , and such a religion as this was ? thirdly , in the strict and proper notion of atheism , they no less truly than confidently denied the charge , and appealed to their severest adversaries , whether those who owned such principles as they did , could reasonably be stiled atheists ; none ever pleaded better and more irrefragable arguments for the existence of a supream infinite being , who made and governs all things by infinite wisdom and almighty power , none ever more ready to produce a most clear and candid confession of their faith , as to this grand article of religion , than they : although we profess our selves atheists , with respect to those whom you esteem and repute to be gods ( so their apologist tells the senate ) yet not in respect of the true god , the parent and fountain of wisdom and righteousness , and all other excellencies and perfections , who is infinitely free from the least contagion or spot of evil : him , and his only begotten son ( who instructed us and the whole society of good angels in these divine mysteries ) and the spirit of prophecie , we worship and adore , honouring them in truth , and with the highest reason , and ready to communicate these things to any one that 's willing to learn them , as we our selves have received them . can we then be atheists , who worship the great creator of this world , not with blood , incense , and offerings ( which we are sufficiently taught he stands no need of ) but exalt him according to our power with prayers and praises , in all the addresses we make to him : believing this to be the only honour that 's worthy of him , not to consume the creatures which he has given us for our use , and the comfort of those that want , in the fire by sacrifice ; but to approve our selves thankful to him , and to sing and celebrate rational hymns and sacrifices , pouring out our prayers to him as a grateful return for those many good things which we have received , and do yet expect from him , according to the faith and trust that we have in him . to the same purpose athenagoras , in his return to this charge ; diagoras indeed was guilty of the deepest atheism and impiety ; but we who separate god from all material being , and affirm him to be eternal and unbegotten , but all matter to be made and corruptible , how unjustly are we branded with impiety ? it 's true , did we side with diagoras in denying a divinity , when there are so many and such powerful arguments from the creation and government of the world , to convince us of the existence of god and religion , then both the guilt and punishment of atheism might deservedly be put upon us . but when our religion acknowledges one god , the maker of the universe , who being uncreate himself , created all things by his word , we are manifestly wrong'd both in word and deed ; both in being charged with it , and in being punished for it . we are accused ( says arnobius ) for introducing prophane rites and an impious religion ; but tell me , o ye men of reason , how dare you make so rash a charge ? to adore the mighty god , the soveraign of the whole creation , the governour of the highest powers , to pray to him with the most obsequious reverence ; under an afflicted state to lay hold of him with all our powers , to love him , and look up to him , is this a dismal and detestable religion , a religion full of sacriledge and impiety , destroying and defiling all ancient rites ? is this that bold and prodigious crime , for which your gods are so angry with us ? and for which you your selves do so rage against us , confiscating our estates , banishing our persons , burning , tearing , and racking us to death with such exquisite tortures ? we christians are nothing else but the worshippers of the supream king and governour of the world , according as we are taught by christ our master : search , and you 'll find nothing else in our religion : this is the sum of the whole affair ; this the end and design of our divine offices ; before him it is that we are wont to prostrate and bow our selves , him we worship with common and conjoin'd devotions , from him we beg those things which are just and honest , and such as are not unworthy of him to hear and grant . so little reason had the enemies of christianity , to brand it with the note of atheism and irreligion . chap. ii. of the novelty that was charged upon christianity . christianity excepted and cried out against as a late novel doctrine . this a common charge : continued , when christianity had been some hundreds of years in the world . christianity greatly prejudiced by this charge . men loth to forsake the religion of their ancestors . what the christians answered to it . christian religion the same in substance and effect with that of the ancient jews : in that respect by far the oldest religion in the world ; prov'd and urg'd by tertullian , cl. alexander , eusebius , &c. it s lateness and novelty no real prejudice to rational and unbiass'd men . the folly and vanity of adhering to absurd and unreasouable customs and principles , because ancient , and of refusing to change opinions for the better . an objection , if christ and christianity were so great blessings to mankind , why was it so long before god revealed them ; answered out of arnobius . this artifice proving weak and ineffectual , the next charge was its lateness and novelty , that it was an upstart sect , and but of yesterdays standing , not known in the world many years before , whereas the religion of the gentiles had uncontroulably and almost universally obtained from ages and generations ; a doctrine newly sprung up , and come as 't were from a far country , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is in theophilus antiochenus : a divorce , or rending themselves from the institutions of their ancestors , as tertullian has it . this charge begun betimes , when s. paul preached at athens , we find this the first thing charged upon him , that he was a setter forth of strange gods , because he preached to them jesus and the resurrection ; and it was followed with a loud cry in succeeding times : you are wont to object to us ( says arnobius ) that our religion is novel , start up not many days ago , and that you ought not to desert your ancient way , and the religion of your country , to espouse barbarous and foreign rites . and eusebius tells us , the heathens were wont to reason thus : what strange profession of religion is this ? what new way of life ? wherein we can neither discern the rites amongst us us'd in greece , nor amongst any sect of the barbarians ; who can deny them to be impious , who have forsaken the customs of their fathers , observed before in all cities and countries , revolting from a way of worship , which had been universally received from all ages both by greeks and barbarians , entertained both in cities and villages , countenanced and approved by the common vote and consent of all kings , law-makers , philosophers , and the greatest persons whatsoever . nay we may observe , that after christianity had been setled for some hundreds of years in the world , and was become the prevailing religion , and had in a manner banished all others out of doors , and driven them into corners , yet this charge still continued ; thus julian the emperour writing to the people of alexandria , concerning the galilaeans ( so he was wont in scorn to call the christians ) that he wondered that any of them durst dwell amongst them , or that they would suffer these despisers of the religion of their country to be in any place amongst them , calls christianity the new doctrine that had been preached to the world : the very same title which lucian had also long since bestowed upon it , where speaking of our saviour , he calls him the great man that was crucified in palestine , who introduced that new religion into the world . so symmachus some years after julian ( a man no less eminent for his parts and eloquence , than for his power and authority , being chief priest and prefect of rome ) confidently owns to the emperours themselves ( though they were christians ) that he did endeavour to defend the institutions of their ancestors , the setled rights and laws of the country ( he means them of religion ) that he design'd to settle that state of religion , which for so many ages had been profitable to the common-wealth ; and therefore begs of them , that what they had received when they were children , now they were old they might leave to their posterity ; that they were to be true to the trust that had from so many ages been devolved upon them , and were to follow their parents , as they had happily done their ancestors that had gone before them . so he ; pleading the cause of paganism from its antiquity● and prescription , obliquely reflecting upon the novellism of christianity , for more he durst not speak , the emperours ( to whom he made his address ) being themselves christians . this indeed must needs be a mighty prejudice against the christian religion , at its first coming into the world , for all men as they have a natural reverence for religion , so they have a great veneration for antiquity , the customs and traditions of their fathers , which they entertain as a most inestimable depositum , and for which they look upon themselves as obliged to contend , as for that which is most solemn and sacred . what more excellent and venerable ( says the heathen in minucius faelix ) than to entertain the discipline of our forefathers , to solemnize that religion that has been delivered to us , to worship those gods , the knowledge of whom has been infus'd into us by our parents , not boldly to determine concerning the deities , but to believe those who have been before us . to the same purpose lactantius speaking of the heathens , they go on ( says he ) most pertinaciously , to maintain and defend the religion derived down to them from their ancestors , not so much considering what they are , as concluding them to be right and good , because the ancients conveyed them to them ; nay , so great the power and authority of antiquity , that it 's accounted a kind of impiety to question it , or enquire into it . upon these accounts the gentiles bore so hard upon christianity , beholding it as a mushroom-sect , sprung up of a sudden , and as an incroaching inmate , undermining the established religions of the world . now we find two pleas especially , which the christians made to this indictment . first , that the charge was not wholly and universally true , for besides that many principles of christianity were the same with those of the law of nature , the christian religion was for substance the same with that of the ancient jewes ; whose religion claim'd the precedenncy of all others in the word . that the religion was in substance and effect the same , is expresly asserted and proved by eusebius ; the ancient patriarchs were the christians of the old world , who had the same faith , religion , and worship common with us , nay the same name too , as he endeavours to prove , from that , touch not mine anointed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my christs or christians : and how far superiour in age they were to any thing that 's recorded of the most ancient gentiles , to their oldest writers , orpheus , homer , hesiord , nay to their very gods themselves , is sufficiently made good by many of the ancient fathers ; there being at the easiest computation between moses and homer , above years ; nay cadmus the first inventer of letters among the graecians was some ages junior unto moses . therefore origen tells celsus , that moses and the prophets were not only more ancient than plato , but than homer himself , yea than the very invention of letters amongst the graecians who yet were as proud of their antiquity , as any other nation in the world. nay whatever useful and excellent notions the great masters of religion amongst the heathens had amongst them , 't is plain they borrowed , or more truly stole them from the writings of the ancients , jews , as is abundantly demonstrated by eusebius at large ; as before him it had been done by clemens of alexandria , and by tertullian before them both , who shews that all their poets and philosophers had drunk deep of the fountain of the prophets , and had forced their best doctrines and opinions from thence , though subtilly altering and disguising them , to make them look more like their own : so that upon this consideration , the accusation was unjust and false , and christianity appears the oldest religion in the world . secondly , admit the christian religion , in a more limited and restrained sense , to be of a far later standing than the religion of the gentiles , yet they pleaded , that 't was infinitely reasonable , that they should change for the better , whenever it offered it self to them ; that novel truth was better than ancient errour , and that they ought not to be eternally bound up in old inveterate customs and principles , when those which were abundantly more reasonable and satisfactory were presented to them . you tell us ( says clemens alex. ) that you may not subvert the customs received from your ancestors : but if so , why then are we not content without any other food than our mothers milk , to which we were accustomed , when we first came into the world : why do we encrease or impair our estates , and not rather keep them at the same pitch , just as we received them from our fathers : why have we left off those toys and sports , to which we were wonted while infants and children , but only because years and discretion ( although we had no other tutor ) would make us quit those childish and trifling vanities . that old age ( says s. ambrose ) has true cause to blush , that is asham'd to reform ; 't is not multitude of years , but the goodness of manners that makes gray hairs worthy of praise and honour ; no age is too late to learn , nor is it shame to grow better . what wilt thou do ( says lactantius to the heathen ) wilt thou follow reason or thy ancestors ? if reason , then thou must needs relinquish the authority and institutions of thy forefathers , because that way only can be right , that is warranted and prescribed by reason : but if piety towards thine ancestors sway with thee to follow them , thou must confess , both that they were fools in devoting themselves to a religion contrary to reason , and that thou thy self art unwise and simple , in worshipping what thou art convinced to be false : besides , that they had little reason to boast of those goodly ancestors , to whom they adhered so close , and upon whose authority they did so much depend , as he goes on to demonstrate in the remaining part of that chapter . that you object to us the novelty of our religion ( so arnobius ) may we not charge some such fault upon the first and most ancient ages of the world , who at first liv'd in a very poor and mean state ; but by little and little chang'd it into a more liberal and splendid course of life ? was it any crime that they changed their beasts skins into more comely and ● convenient garments , or that they were no longer fond of their thatcht cottages , or chose to dwell like wild beasts in rocks and caverns , when they had learnt to build better habitations ? 't is natural to all mankind to prefer better before what is worse , profitable before what is useless , and to seek after what we are assur'd is more grateful and excellent : therefore when you charge us with apostasie from the religion of the ancients , you should rather consider the cause than the action , and not so much upbraid us with what we have left , as examine what it is we have entertain'd . for if meerly to change our opinion , and to pass from ancient institutions to what 's more late and new , be a fault and crime ; then none so guilty of the charge as your selves , who have so oft changed your manners and course of life , and by embracing new rites and customs , have condemned those that went before : which he there makes good by particular instances : and the same answer st. ambrose gives to symmachus , if nothing but ancient rites will please you , how comes it to pass , that there has been a succession of new and foreign rites even in rome it self ; of which he gives him many particular examples : in short , arnobius wittily argues thus , our way of religion ( you say ) is new , and yours ancient : and what does this either hurt our cause , or help yours ? if ours be new , 't will in time become old ; is yours old , there was a time when it was new : the goodness and authority of religion is not to be valued by length of time , but by the excellency of its worship , nor does it become us to consider so much when it begun , as what it is we worship . it may not be impertinent in this place to take notice of what the heathens objected as a branch of this charge : that if god's sending christ into the world , was so great a blessing , why did this saviour of mankind come no sooner , to reveal this religion , to lead men into the truth , to tell the world who this true god was , and to reduce us to the adoration of him ; if so , why did god suffer him to stay so long , and to be born ( as 't were ) but a few hours before , in comparison of the preceding ages of the world ? to this arnobius answers , with a great deal of modesty and reason , that he could not tell ; that 't were easie to retort the same captious question upon them ; if 't were so much to the benefit of the world , that hercules , aesculapius , mercury , &c. should be gods , why were they born and deified no sooner , that not only posterity but antiquity might have reap'd advantage by them ? if there was reason in one case , then there was also in the other ; but to assign proper and particular reasons was not possible ; it not being within the power of such a short-sighted creature as man is , to fathom the depth of the divine councils , or to discover by what ways or methods he disposes his affairs ; these things being known only to him who is the grand parent , the soveraign lord and governour of all things : that although we are not able to assign the cause why a thing comes to pass in this or that particular manner , yet this concludes never a whit the more , that the thing is not so , or that it is less credible , when it has otherwise the most clear and unquestionable evidence and demonstration . more particularly he answers , that our saviour cannot be said to have been lately sent in respect of god , because in respect of eternity there is nothing late ; where there is neither beginning nor end , there can be nothing too soon , nothing too late : time indeed is transacted by parts and terms , but these have no place in a perpetual and uninterrupted series of eternal ages : what if that state of things , to which he came to bring relief , required that season of time to come in ? what if the condition of ancient and modern times were in this case not alike ? or call'd for somewhat different methods of cure ? it may be the great god then chose to send christ , when the state of mankind was more broken and shatter'd , and humane nature become more weak and unable to help it self : this we are sure of , that if what so lately came to pass had been necessary to have been done some thousands of years ago , the supream creator would have done it , or had it been necessary to have been done thousands of years hence , nothing could have forc'd god to have anticipated the setled periods of time one moment ; for all his actions are managed by fix'd and eternal reasons , and what he has once determined , cannot be frustrated by any change or alteration . and thus we see how easily , and yet how satisfactorily , the primitive christians wip'd off that double imputation of impiety and novelty , which the gentiles had so undeservedly cast upon their religion . chap. iii. things charged upon the christians , respecting their outward condition . the christians look'd upon and despis'd by the heathens , as a company of rude and illiterate persons , mechanicks , silly women and children . this charge considered and largly answered by origen . christianity provides for the truest and best knowledge : it excludes none learned or unlearned . christians not shy of communicating the knowledge of their mysteries to men sober and inquisitive . the efficacy of christianity in prevailing upon men of the acutest parts and greatest learning . the christians accused for being poor and mean. this charge ( universally ) false . christianity entertain'd by persons of all sorts , of the highest as well as the lowest rank . several instances of such : fl. clemens and fl. domitilla ( domitian's near kindred ) christians ; another domitilla domitian's neece , acil. glabrio the consul , apollonius the senator , and others . philip the emperour proved to be no christian : the rise of the story whence . though christianity had had no such persons under its profession , this had been no just reasonable prejudice . external pomp and grandeur not necessary to religion . the advantages christians reaped from their meanness and contempt of the world . of their being charged as a people useless and unserviceable to the publick . this disowned . the opinion that it was not lawful for christians to bear arms , or offices , particular only to some persons and in some cases , and why . how much the world was beholden to christians , for reclaiming men from vice and wickedness . the gospel greatly instrumental that way ; its general influence upon those whom it did not convert : the writings of philosophers generally better after christianity appeared , and why . the excellent prayer of simplicius . christians very useful by frequent working beneficial miracles , curing diseases , raising the dead , dispossessing devils , &c. this miraculous power continued for several ages in the church . christians further traduced as pernicious to the world , as the cause of all publick evils and calamities . this objected at every turn . the occasion of s. augustine's and orosius his writing a vindication of it . this charge justly retorted upon the heathens , and they sent to seek the cause of publick calamities nearer home . some few hinted by tertullian . christians unjustly charged with it , because the world was pestered with such evils before christianity appeared in it . the publick state better and more prosperous , since christianity than before . it s prosperity ebb'd or increas'd , according to the entertainment christianity found in the world . the second sort of arts which the enemies of christianity made use of , to render christians vile and despicable , related to the circumstances of their external state and condition in the world , where two things were laid to their charge , that they generally were a very mean and inconsiderable sort of men , and that they were an useless and unserviceable people , nay pernicious and mischievous to the world . they were looked upon as the lowest and meanest rank of men , persons neither considerable for their parts and learning , nor for their estates and quality . inconsiderable they were accounted in respect of parts and learning ; you scorn and spit us out as rude and simple , and think that the treasury of all divine and excellent knowledge is open only to your selves , as arnobius tells them . thus celsus objected , that amongst the christians no wise and learned men were admitted to the mysteries of their religion ; let no man come that is learned , wise , and prudent ( for these things , says he , they account evil and unlawful ) but if any be unlearned , an infant or an ideot , let him come and welcome ; openly declaring , that none but fools , and such as are devoid of sense and reason , slaves , silly women , and little children are fit disciples for the god they worship . we may observe ( says he ) these trifling and mountebank impostors , bragging great things to the vulgar , not in the presence and company of wise men ( for that they dare not ) but where-ever they espye a flock of boys , slaves , and weak simple people , there they presently crowd in , and boast themselves ; you shall see ( as he goes on in this charge ) weavers , taylors , fullers , and the most rustick and illiterate fellowes , at home when before their elders and betters as mute as fishes ; but when they can get a few children and silly women by themselves , then who so wise and learned , who so full of talk , and so able to teach and instruct as they ? much to the same purpose cecilius discourses in minucius faelix , that the christians were men of a desperate and unlawful faction , who gathering a company out of the very dregs and refuse of the people , of silly , easie , credulous women , who by reason of the weakness of their sex are easily imposed and wrought upon , combine them into a wicked confederation , a people mute in publick , but in corners talkative and full of prattle . now to this part of the accusation origen answers , that 't is for the main false , and proceeds from the spirit of malice and reproach : the sum of his answer as he delivers it to the several parts of the charge , take thus : that the christian doctrine invites and calls men to wisdom , as appears both from the writings of the jews of old , and the scriptures of the new testament , wherein we find many singularly eminent for wisdom and learning , moses , solomon , daniel , and such like of old , and the blessed jesus made choice of such disciples as whom he judged fittest to communicate the secrets of his religion to , and privately opened and explained to them , what he only delivered in parables and similitudes unto others ; that he promised to send forth prophets , wise men , and scribes , for the divulging and propagating of his doctrine ; that s. paul reckons wisdom and knowledge in the first rank of the gifts of god , and that if he any where seem to reflect severely upon wisdom or humane learning ( which probably may be the first rise of this charge ) he only censures the abuse , never intending to blame the thing it self ; that when he prescribes the properties of a true bishop , or governour of the church , he requires this as one necessary qualification , that he be apt to teach , and able by sound doctrine both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers : that we are so far from prohibiting any , that come who will , wise , learned , and prudent , provided the rude , simple , and unlearned be not excluded , for to them also the gospel does promise and provide a remedy , making them meet for god ; that , no man but must confess that 't is an excellent thing to study the best arts and discipline , and that learning , the study of arts , and prudence are so far from being an● hinderance to the knowledge of god , that they mightily help it and advance it : that , it 's a great calumny to compare us to wandring impostors , who by our reading and expounding the divine oracles , do only exhort the people to piety toward the great god , and to the rest of those virtues which are its individual companions ; endeavouring to rescue men from a contempt of the deity , and all brutish ▪ and irregular passions ; a thing which the very best philosophers of them all could wish for : that christians are so far from admitting any , hand over head , that they first pre-examine the minds of those that desire to become their auditors ; and having privately had tryal of them , before they receive them into the congregation , when they perceive them fully resolved to lead a pious and religious life , then they admit them in their distinct orders , some that are newly admitted , but not yet baptized , others that have given some evidence and demonstration of their purpose to live as becomes christians ; amongst whom there are governours appointed to inspect and enquire into the life and manners of those who have been admitted , that they may expel and turn off those candidates of religion who answer not their profession ; and heartily entertain those that do , and by dayly converses build them up and make them better : that , it 's false to say that we apply our selves only to women and children , and that in corners , when we endeavour what we can by all means to fill our societies with wise and prudent persons , and to such we open the more sublime and recondite principles of religion , otherwise accommodating our discourses to the capacities of meaner persons , who stand more in need of milk than strong meat : that , we desire that all men may be trained up in the word of god , and that servants and children may have such instructions given them , as are sutable and convenient no them , the ministers of our religion professing themselves to be debtors both to the greeks and barbarians , both to the wise and to the unwise , that as much as may be they may outgrow their ignorance , and attain to the best kind of wisdom : and whereas we are accused to seduce and circumvent silly women and little children , and to draw them away from more weighty and serious counsels ; let him produce any such , and enquire of them whether ever they heard better masters than ours , or if they did , why they would leave so grave a discipline , and suffer themselves to be seduced into a worse ▪ but he 'll find no such thing to fasten upon us ; but that on the contrary we reclaim women from immodesty , from falling out with their husbands , and parting from them , from the wild extravagancies of the sports and theaters , and from all superstition whatsoever : the youth who are prone to vice and luxury , we restrain , by telling them not only how base and degenerous a thing it is to indulge their lust , but into how much danger they precipitate their souls , and what punishments the divine vengeance lays up for such profligate offenders : we openly , not in corners , promise eternal happiness to those who live according to the rules of the divine law , who set god always before their eyes , and whatever they do , endeavour to approve themselves to him : and is this the discipline , these the doctrines of weavers , taylors , fullers , and the most rustick and illiterate persons ? surely no : if at any time , we refuse to produce our instructions and counsels before masters of families , or the doctors of philosophy : know , that if they be studious of virtue , enemies to vice , and such as breath after the best things , before such we are most willing and ready to instruct our youth , being well assur'd we shall find them favourable judges : but if they be enemies to goodness and virtue , and opposers of sound wholsom doctrine , then if we hold our peace , no fault can justly be laid upon us : for in such circumstances the philosophers themselves would not discover the dictates and mysteries of their philosophy . this is the substance of the several answers , which origen pursues more at large through several pages : which though very rational and satisfactory , yet we find something pleaded more direct and positive to the charge ; viz. that although amongst the christians ( as 't is in any society of men ) the vulgar and more common sort , might not be men of the sharpest understanding , or vers'd in the more polite arts of learning , yet wanted they not ( and those no small number ) great scholars , men of acute parts and raised abilities , such as had run through the whole circle of the sciences , who daily came over to them : so arnobius , urging the triumphant power and efficacy which the christian faith had over the minds of men , who ( says he ) would not believe it , when he sees in how short a time it has conquered so great a part of the world ; when men of so great wit and parts , orators , grammarians , rhetoricians , lawyers , physicians , and philosophers , have thrown up those former sentimets ; of which but a little before they were so tenacious , and have embraced the doctrines of the gospel . so fast did the christian church fill with the most eminent professors of all parts of learning , that were then known to the world . nor were the christians of those times more despised upon the account of their weakness and ignorance , than they were for their meanness and poverty ; they were looked upon as de ultima faece , as the scum and refuse of the people , scarce a considerable man to be found amongst them . see ( says the heathen in minucius faelix ) the most and best of all your party are a poor , beggerly , hungerstarv'd generation , that have neither riches , nor reputation to bear them out . this charge ( however impertinent , seeing the goodness of any religion depends not upon the greatness of its professors ) was yet as untrue as 't was unreasonable , the christians having amongst them persons of the chiefest place and quality , and after some years the princes and potentates of the world , and even the emperors themselves struck sail to the scepter of christ . when scapula the president of carthage threatned the christians with severe and cruel usage , tertullian bids him bethink himself ; what wilt thou do ( says he ) with so many thousands of men and women of every sex , age , and dignity , as will freely offer themselves ? what fires , what swords wilt thou stand in need of ? what is carthage it self like to suffer , if decimated by thee ; when every one shall find there his near kindred and neighbours , and shall see there matrons , and men perhaps of thy own rank and order , and the most principal persons , and either the kindred or friends of those who are thy own nearest friends . spare them therefore for your own sake , if not for ours . and if there were persons of such quality in afric ( so remote , and in a manner so barbarous a province ) what may we suppose there were in rome it self , and other parts of the roman empire . and in his apologie , speaking of the vast spreading of the party , though ( says he ) we be men of quite another way , yet have we fill'd all places among you , your cities , islands , castles , corporations , councils , nay your armies themselves , your tribes , companies , yea the palace , the senate , and the courts of justice ; only your temples we have left you free . sure i am pliny in his letter to the emperor , tells him , that christianity had not only over-run city and country , but that it had infected many of every sex , age , and order of men . and indeed it were no hard matter out of the ancient histories and martyrologies of the church , nay from the heathen writers themselves , to prove that persons of the highest rank and quality , even in those times , embraced christianity , and seal'd it with their blood . of which it may suffice to give an account only of some few . not to insist upon the saints which s. paul tells us were in nero's palace , we find many considerable persons , and some of them near a kin to the emperour under the reign of domitian ( that cruel prince and persecutor of christians ) entertaining the profession of the gospel . and first let us hear the account which dion cassius the famous historian gives us . he tells us that about the latter end of domitian's reign he condemned many ( some whereof were slain , others stript of their estates ) and amongst the rest flavius clemens the consul , his own cousin-german , and his wife flavia domitilla , near akin also to the emperour , upon pretence of atheism ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and for that they had embrac'd the rites and religion of the jews . his nephew clemens he put to death , his wife domitilla he banished into the island pandateria . upon the same account also he put to death acilius glabrio , who , together with trajan had been consul the year before . that the persons here describ'd were christians , is plain , partly from the charge of atheism here fastned upon them ( the common and familiar accusation , and the title given to christianity by the heathens , as we observ'd before ) and partly because they are said to have passed over to the rites and customs of the jews ; nothing being more ordinary in the historians of those times , than to mistake christians for jews , and to call them so , because both proceeding out of the same country , christ himself and his apostles being jews born , and his religion first published and planted there . and that which may give some more countenance to this , is , that suetonius speaking of domitian's condemning this fl. clemens , represents him as a man contemtissimae inertiae , as a most contemptibly dull and sluggish person , which we know was generally charged upon the christians , that they were an useless and unactive people , as we shall have occasion by and by more particularly to remark . besides this fl. domitilla , the wife of clemens , there was another of the same name , his neece by the sister's side ( unless dion cassius mistook , and put down wife for neece , which there 's no reason to suppose , seeing both may very well consist together ) who ( as eusebius informs us ) was with many more banished by domitian in the fifteenth year of his reign , into the island pontia , and there put to death for the profession of christianity ; whose persecutions and martyrdoms ( says he ) are recorded by heathen-writers themselves . amongst whom , i suppose , he principally intends brettius or brutius the historian , whom he cites elsewhere , and out of whom he there quotes this very passage , that under domitian many of the christians suffered martyrdom , amongst whom was fl. domitilla , sister's side to fl. clemens the consul , who for being a christian was banished into the island pontia . she is said after a great deal of hard and tedious usage to have been burnt , together with the house wherein she was ; her memory celebrated in the roman kalendar upon the seventh of may. besides these , we find that christianity getting ground under the quiet reign of the emperour commodus , many of the greatest birth and fortunes in rome , together with their whole families flock'd over to the christian faith. amongst whom was apollonius , a man famous for philosophy , and all polite humane literature , who so gallantly pleaded his cause before the senate , and was himself a senatour , as s. hierom informs us . i shall but mention one instance more , and that is of philip the emperour ; whom eusebius expresly affirms to have been a christian , and the first of the emperours that was so ; followed herein by a whole troop both of ancient and modern writers . nay we are told by some a formal story , that this philip and his son were converted by the preaching of pontius the martyr , and baptized by fabiam bishop of rome . but notwithstanding the smoothness of the story , and the number of authorities , i must confess it seems to me scarcely probable , that a person of so bad a life , guilty of such enormous villanies , as that emperour was , should either be , or be thought a christian ; or if he was , that the whole world should not presently ring of it . certain i am , that all historians of that time are wholly silent in the case , nor is there the least intimation of any such thing in any writer , either heathen or christian before eusebius . nay origen who wrote his book in defence of christianity under the reign of this very emperour , and about this very time ( nay and two epistles , one to philip , the other to his wife severa , if we may believe eusebius ) yet not only makes no mention of it , when it would have made greatly for his purpose , but tacitely implies there was no such thing . for celsus reproving the boldness and petulancy of the christians , as if they should give out , that if they could but bring over the present emperours to their religion , all other men would quickly be brought over : origen point blanck denies the charge , and tells him there 's no need of any answer , for that none of the christians ever said so . an answer which surely he would not have given , had the emperour at that time been a christian ; not to insist upon many other intimations which might be produc'd out of that book against it . besides , eutropius reports , that philip and his son being slain by the souldiers , were yet inter divos relati , deified , or advanced into the number of their gods. an honour which 't is certain the senate would not have done them , had they either been , or but suspected to have been christians . to all which i may add , that eusebius himself ( in whom the first footsteps of this story appear ) builds it upon no better a foundation , than a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bare tradition and report . that which seems to have given both birth and colour to the story is this . one philippus an illustrious person under the emperour severus , was a long time governour of egypt ; he by the means of his daughter eugenia was converted to christianity , under whose shelter the christians there enjoyed great peace and favour ( nay the story adds , though certainly without any ground , that he was created bishop of alexandria ) till the emperour being acquainted with his being a christian , presently remov'd him , and by the help of his successor terentius caus'd him to be secretly murdered and made away . this ( if any thing ) was the rise of the story ; and that which makes it more probable , is , the honour and excellency of that employment , the greatest of all the offices in the roman empire , the command and state little less than regal ; and therefore the emperours in their letter to this philip ( wherein they reproach him for ingratitude and apostasie ) tell him that in a manner he was made a king , when he was chosen president of egypt . accordingly the title of the governour of egypt ( as appears from the historians , but especially the notitia imperii ) was praefectus augustalis ; and how easie was it to mistake philippus augustus for philippus augustalis ? but enough of this , as also the falseness of that charge , that the christians were such a sorry inconsiderable people . but however , let us suppose them to have been as mean and poor , as the malice and cruelty of their adversaries did endeavour to make them , yet this was no real prejudice to their cause , nor any great hurt to them . that the most part of us are accused to be poor ( says octavius in answer to caecilius his charge ) 't is not our dishonour , but our glory ; the mind as 't is dissolv'd by plenty and luxury , so 't is strengthened and girt close by indigence and frugality ; and yet how can that man be poor , who wants not , who is not greedy of what 's another mans , who is rich in and towards god ? that man is rather poor , who when he has a great deal desires more : the truth is , no man can be so poor , as he was when he was born ; the birds live without any patrimony entail'd upon them , and the beasts find pastures every day ; and yet these are born for our use , all which we fully enjoy , when we do not covet them : much lighter and happier does he go to heaven , who is not burdened by the way with an unnecessary load of riches : and yet did we think estates so useful to us , we could beg them of god , who being lord of all , might well afford a little to us ; but we had rather despise them than enjoy them , and rather chuse innocency and patience , desiring more to be good than to be great and prodigal . if we endure outward sufferings and tortures , 't is not so much pain as 't is a warfare ; our courage is encreased by infirmities , and calamity is very oft the discipline of virtue ; the nerves both of body and mind without exercise would grow loose and faint ; and therefore god is neither unable to help us , not yet negligent of us , as being the governour of the world , and the father of his children ; but trys and examines every ones temper in an adverse state , as gold is tryed in the fire . besides it must needs be a sight very pleasing to god , to behold a christian conflicting with grief and misery , preparing himself to encounter threatenings and torments , pressing in upon the very noise of death , and the horrour of the executioner , maintaining his liberty against kings and princes , and only yielding to god , whose he wholly is , coming off from all the attempts of adversity with victory and triumph . so argues that excellent person ( and who ever reads him in his native language must confess it ) with equal strength of eloquence and reason , where he also briefly touches that objection so common amongst the heathens , that if christians were so dear to god , why then did he suffer them to be oppressed with so many miseries ▪ and troubles , and not come in to vindicate and relieve them : an argument fully cleared by arnobius , lactantius , and other ancient apologists for the christian faith. but this was not all , they were charged as a very useless and unserviceable people , that contributed nothing to the happiness of the common-wealth ; nay as destructive and pernicious to humane society , and as the procuring cause of all those mischiefs and calamities that befel the world . in answer to the first , their being useless as to the common good , hear what tertullian says in the case ; how can this be ( says he ) when we live amongst you , have the same diet , habit , manner , and way of life ? we are no brachmans or indian gymnosophists , who live in woods , and banish themselves from all civil life : we are not unmindful of what we owe to our great creator , and therefore despise none of his creatures , though careful to use them with temperance and sobriety ; wherefore we live not in the world without the use of your markets , shambles , bathes , taverns , shops , stables , your marts , and other ways of humane commerce : we go to sea with you , bear arms , till and improve the ground , use merchandize , we undergo trades amongst you , and expose our works to your use ; and how then we can seem unserviceable to your affairs , with which and by which we live , i see not . certainly ( says he ) if any have cause truly to complain of our being unprofitable , they are bawds , panders , pimps , hectors and ruffians , sellers of poyson , magicians , southsayers , wizards , and astrologers : and to be unserviceable to these , is the greatest serviceableness . but besides this , they pleaded for themselves , that their religion was highly beneficial to the world , and in its own nature contributed to the peace and happiness of mankind ; it cannot be denied but that some of the primitive christians were shie of engaging in wars , and not very forward to undergo publick places of authority and power ; but ( besides that this was only the opinion of some private persons , and not the common and current practice or determination of the church ) it arose partly from some mistaken passages in the gospel , turning evangelical counsels into positive precepts ; but principally because such offices and employments were usally clogg'd with such circumstances and conditions , as obliged them to some things repugnant to the christian law : otherwise where they could do it without offering violence to their religion and their conscience , they shunn'd it not , but frequently bore arms , and discharged such publick offices as were committed to them , as cannot be unknown to any that are never so little vers'd in the history of the first ages of the church : never were there better , more faithful and resolute souldiers , more obedient to the orders of their commanders , more ready to attempt the most hazardous enterprises , never boggling at any thing which they could do without sin : of which , amongst many others i shall instance only in that of the thebaean legion , who being commanded upon a bloody and unlawful butchery , to destroy and cut off the christians their brethren , meekly returned this answer to the heathen emperour maximianus , under whom they served ; we offer our hands against any enemy , but count it unlawful to embrue them in the blood of the innocent : our swords know how to strike a rebel or an enemy , but not to wound those who are citizens and guiltless ; we remember that we took up arms for , not against friends and fellow citizens : we have always fought for justice and piety , and for the safety of the innocent ; these have been hitherto the price of those dangers that we have run upon ; we have fought for fidelity , which how shall we be able to keep to you , if we do not first keep it to our god. so far were the christians of those times from refusing to engage in the service of their prince . nay those of them who were so bound up by their private sentiments , as not to think it lawful , yet reckoned they otherways made equivalent compensation : thus when celsus press'd the christians to undergo publick offices , and to help the emperours in their wars ; origen answers , that they did so , though by a divine not humane help , by praying for their persons , and their prosperity and success ; above all men ( says he ) we fight for the emperour , while we train our selves in exercises of piety , and contend by prayers for him . but besides these there were several other instances which the christians pleaded to vindicate themselves , from being unserviceable to the good of mankind , amongst which i shall at present take notice only of these two . first , that they really sought to reclaim men from vice and sin , to a good and a virtuous life ; by which means ( besides that they provided for mens highest and nearest interest , the interest of their souls , and their eternal happiness in another life ) they greatly consulted the peace and welfare of the places where they lived ; for vicious and wicked men are the pests and plagues of humane society , that taint and infect others by their bad examples or perswasions , and entail vengeance upon the places of their residence ; whilst good men engage the favour and blessing of heaven , and both by their counsels and examples bring over others to sobriety and virtue , whereby they establish and strengthen the foundations of government , and the happiness of civil life , and none so eminent for this as the christians of old ; this is the great triumphant argument wherewith origen at every turn exalts the honour of christianity ; this ( says he ) we find in the multitudes of those that believe , who are delivered from that sink of vices , wherein before they were wont to wallow : enquire into the lives of some of us , compare our former and our present course , and you 'll find in what filthiness and impieties they tumbled , before they entertained the christian doctrine ; but since the time that they entred into it , how gentle and moderate , how grave and constant are they become , and some so inflam'd with the love of purity , that they forbear even what lawfully they might enjoy ; how largely are the churches of god , founded by christ , spread over all nations , consisting of such as are converted from innumerable evil ways to a better mind : and elsewhere vindicating the doctrine of christ , from the mischievous cavils of his adversary , he tells us how 't was impossible that could be pestilent and hurtful , which had converted so many from their vices and debaucheries , to a course most agreeable to nature and reason , and to a life of temperance and all other virtues : and the same he urges frequently in other places , and what greater kindness and benefit could be done to men ? does celsus call upon us ( says he ) to bear offices for the good of our country ; let him know that the country is much more beholden to christians than to the rest of men , while they teach men piety towards god , the tutelar guardian of the country , and shew them the way to that heavenly city that is above , which they that live well may attain to , though here they dwell in the smallest city in the world . nor do the christians thus employ themselves , because they shun the publick offices of the civil life ; but only reserve themselves for the more divine and ncessary services of the church , in order to the good and happiness of men ; for this they think very just and reasonable , that they should take care of all men , of them of their own party , that they may every day make them better ; of others , that they may draw them to the belief and practice of piety and religion ; that so worshipping god in truth , and doing what they can to instruct others , they may be united to the great god , and to his blessed son , who is the wisdom , truth , and righteousness , and by whom it is that every one is converted to a pious and religious life . theodoret discoursing against the gentiles , of the excellency of the laws of christ , above any that were given by the best philosophers or wisest men amongst the heathens , gives them instances of whole nations whom christianity had brought off from the most brutish and savage manners , he tells them of the persians who by the laws given them by zarada lived in incestuous mixtures with their own mothers , sisters , and daughters , looking upon it as a lawful and warrantable practice ; till entertaining christianity , they threw off those abominable laws , and submitted to that temperance and chastity which the gospel requires of us . and whereas before they were wont to cast out the bodies of their dead , to be devoured by beasts and birds of prey , since they embraced the christian religion , they abstained from that piece of inhumanity , and decently committed them to the earth ; from which they could not be restrained , either by the laws of their country , or the bitterness of those torments which they underwent . the massagetes who thought it the most miserable thing in the world to dye any other than a violent death , and therefore made a law that all persons arrived to old age should be offered in sacrifice and eaten , no sooner submitted to christianity , but abhorred those barbarous and abominable customs . the tibarens , who used to throw aged persons down the steepest rocks , left it off upon their embracing of the gospel . upon the same account the hyrcani and the caspians reformed their manners , who were formerly wont to keep dogs on purpose to devour the bodies of the dead . nor did the scythians any longer together with their dead bury those alive who had been their nearest friends and kindred . so great a change ( says my author ) did the laws of christ make in the manners of men , and so easily were the most barbarous nations perswaded to entertain them , a thing which plato , though the best of all philosophers , could never effect amongst the athenians , his own fellow citizens , who could never induce them to govern the common-wealth , according to those laws and institutions which he had prescribed them . nay where the gospel did not produce this effect to reclaim men from their vices and vanities , and to bring them over to the religion of the crucified saviour ; yet had it this excellent influence upon the world , that it generally taught them better lessons , refin'd their understandings , and filled their minds with more useful and practical notions about religion than they had before . to which purpose it 's mainly observable , that those philosophers who lived in the time of christianity , after the gospel publickly appeared in the world , wrote in a much more divine strain , entertained more honourable and worthy sentiments about god and religion , and the duties of men in their several capacities , than those of their sect that went before them . of which i conceive no account can be given so satisfactory as this , that the genius and spirit of the gospel began then to fly abroad , and to breathe in a freer air , and so could not but leave some tincture and savour upon the spirits of men , though its most inveterate enemies . besides that many of them did more nearly converse with the writings of christianity , which they read either out of curiosity , or with a design to confute and answer them . this doubtless sharpned the edge of their understandings , and furnished them with better notions , more useful precepts and rules of life , than are to be met with in any of the old philosophers : witness those excellent and uncommon strains of piety that run through the writings of seneca , epictetus , antoninus , arrian , plutarch , hierocles , plotinus , and the rest that lived in those first ages of the gospel : of which i could give considerable instances , were it necessary to my purpose . i shall only as a specimen , set down that prayer wherewith simplicius ( enemy enough to christianity ) concludes his comment upon epictetus : and thus he makes his address to god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i beseech thee , o lord , thou that art the father and guide of our rational powers , grant that we may be mindful of those noble and generous natures with which thou hast invested us ; and assist us , that as persons endued with self-moving principles , we may cleanse our selves from all bodily and brutish passions , that we may subdue and govern them , and in a due and decent manner use them only as organs and instruments . help us through the light of the truth , accurately to correct our reason , and to unite it to those things that have a real existence . and in the third place , i beseech my saviour , that he would perfectly dispel the mist that is before the eyes of our minds , that according to that of the poet , we may rightly understand what belongs either to god or man. besides the matter of this prayer , which is very sublime and spiritual , the manner of its composure is considerable , consisting of three parts , and those addressed as it were to three persons , answerable to those in the blessed trinity , the lord ( or father ) the saviour ( or christ ) and the light of truth ( which even in scripture is a common periphrasis of the holy spirit : ) whether he intended this , i will not say , sure i am it looks very like it . but enough of this . secondly , that they ordinarily wrought such miracles as were incomparably beneficial to the world , in curing diseases , raising the dead , and rescuing possessed persons from the merciless rage and cruelty of the devil : we may observe , that in those primitive times there were innumerable multitudes of possessed persons , beyond what were in the ages either before or since ; the divine providence doubtless permitting it to be so , that by this means there might be a fairer occasion of commending christianity to the world ; and there is nothing which we more commonly meet with in the writings of the ancient fathers , than testimonies concerning their triumphant power over evil spirits : justin martyr discoursing of the end of christ's coming into the world , for the salvation of men , and the subversion of devils , tells the senate , that these things are so , you may know by what is done before your eyes ; for many that were possessed by devils , throughout the whole world , and even in this city of yours , whom all your inchanters , sorcerers , and conjurers were not able to cure , many of us christians adjuring them by the name of jesus christ , who was crucified under pontius pilate , have perfectly cured , and do still cure , disarming and driving out of men those daemons that had seized upon them ; and the same he affirms more than once and again in his discourse with trypho the jew . ironaeus arguing against the hereticks , tells us , that the true disciples of christ did in his name many strange things for the good of others , according as every one had received his gift , some so signally expelling devils , that those out of whom they were cast came over to the faith ; others foretelling future events : others curing men of the most grievous distempers , by putting their hands upon them , and restoring them to their former health : many that have been raised from the dead , and afterwards lived many years amongst us : and indeed innumerable ( says he ) are the gifts which god has every where bestowed upon his church , whereby in the name of the crucified jesus , many and great miracles are daily done to the great advantage of the world . tertullian appeals to the heathens , as a thing commonly known amongst them , that they daily restrained the power of devils , and cast them out of men ; and he tells scapula the president , that he might be satisfied of this from his own records , and those very advocates who had themselves reaped this benefit from christians ; as for instance , a certain notary , and the kinsman and child of another ; besides divers other persons of note and quality ( not to speak of the meaner sort ) who had been recovered either from devils or from desperate diseases : nay severus the father of antoninus having been cured by being anointed with oyl by proculus a christian , he kept him in his palace till his death ; whom antoninus knew well , having been himself nursed by a christian : and in his apologie he challenges the heathens to produce any possessed person before the publick tribunals , and the evil spirit being commanded by any christian shall then as truly confess himself to be a devil , as at other times he falsely boasts himself to be a god . and elsewhere putting the case that the christians should agree to retire out of the roman empire , he asks them what protection they would then have left against the secret and invisible attempts of devils , who made such havock both of their souls and bodies , whom the christians so freely expelled and drove out ; that it would be a sufficient piece of revenge , that hereby they should leave them open to the uncontrouled possession of those evil spirits . 't were endless to produce all the testimonies of this nature , that might be fetch'd from origen , minucius faelix , cyprian , arnobius , lactantius , eusebius , and all the old apologists for the christian religion , ( some whereof i have briefly noted in the margin ) who constantly pleaded this as a mighty and uncontroulable argument of the truth and divinity of their religion , and of their great usefulness to mankind ; nay this miraculous power continued in the church some considerable time after constantine and the world was become christian , as appears from s. basil , nazianzen , and others ; and though i do not give heed to all the miracles which are reported by s. hierom , in the lives of hilarion , paulus , and some others ; or by palladius in his historia lausiaca ; yet doubtless many of them were very true and real ; god withdrawing this extraordinary power , as christianity gained faster footing in the world , and leaving the church to those standing methods by which it was to be managed and governed to the end of the world . and yet notwithstanding the case was thus plain and evident , how much the world was beholden to christians , yet were they looked upon as the pests of humane society , counted and called the common enemies of mankind , as tertullian complains ; that , they were the causes of all publick calamities , and that for their sakes it was , that vengeance did so often remarkably haunt the roman empire . this was the common out-cry ; if the city be besieged ( says tertullian ) if any thing happen ill in the fields , in the garrisons , in the islands , presently they cry out , ' t is because of the christians : they conspire the ruine of good men , and thirst after the blood of the innocent , patronizing their hatred with this vain pretence , that the christians are the cause of all publick misfortunes and calamities ; if tiber overflow the walls , if the nile do not ( as 't is wont ) overflow the fields , if the heaven do not keep its accustomed course , if an earthquake happen , if a famine , or a plague , presently the cry is , away with the christians to the lions . thus demetrian the proconsul of afric objected to s. cyprian , that they might thank the christians , that wars did oftener arise , that plagues and famines did rage so much , and that immoderate and excessive rains hindred the kindly seasons of the year . the same , arnobius tells us , the heathens were wont to object at every turn , and to conclude it as sure as if it had been dictated by an oracle , that since the christians appeared in the world , the world had been well-nigh undone , mankind has been over-run with infinite kinds of evil ; and the very gods themselves had withdrawn that solemn care and providence , wherewith they were wont to superintend humane affairs . nay so hot and common was this charge amongst the pagans , that when the goths and vandals broke in upon the roman empire , s. augustine was forced to write those excellent books de civit. dei , purposely to stop the mouth of this objection , as upon the same account and at his request orosius wrote his seven books of history against the pagans . omitting some of the answers given by the fathers ( as being probably less solid , and not so proper in this case ; such as , that 't was no wonder if miseries happened , and things grew worse in this old age of time , the world daily growing more feeble and decrepit ; and that these things had been foretold by god , and therefore must necessarily come to pass ; two arguments largely and strongly pleaded by s. cyprian : that those evils were properly resolvable into natural causes ; and that every thing is not presently evil , because it crosses our ease and interest as arnobius answers : passing by these ) i shall take notice only of two things which the christians pleaded in this case . first , that the gentiles should do very well to seek the true causes of these things nearer home , and to enquire whether 't was not for their own sakes , that the divine providence was thus offended with them ; there being very just reasons to think so . tertullian points them to such causes as these . first , their horrible affronting their natural notions of god , that when they knew god , they glorified him not as god , neither were thankful , but became vain in their imaginations , and their foolish heart was darkned , and they changed the glory of the uncorruptible god into an image made like to corruptible man , and to birds , and four footed beasts , and creeping things , as s. paul had told them long before : and that therefore 't was reasonable to suppose , that god was more angry with them , who instead of him worshipped pieces of wood and statues , or at best genii and devils , than with those who sincerely paid their adorations to him alone . secondly , passing by god the great master of all goodness and innocence , and the severe revenger of all impiety , they tumbled themselves in all manner of vice and wickedness ; and what wonder if the divine justice followed close at their heels . you are angry ( says cyprian ) that god is angry , as if in living ill you deserved well , and as if all that has happened to you were not less and lighter than your sins : and thou , demetrian , who art a judge of others , but in this a judge of thy self , inspect the retirements of thy conscience , and behold thy self now , who shalt one day be seen naked by all ; and thou wilt find thy self enslav'd and led captive by some sins or other ; and why then shouldst thou wonder that the flames of the divine anger should rise higher , when the sins of men do daily administer more fuel to it : an answer which he there prosecutes to very excellent purpose . thirdly , their prodigious unthankfulness to god for all the former blessings they had received from him : so far as they were ingrateful , they were highly guilty , and god could not but punish them ; had they sought him , whom in part they could not but know , and been observant of him , they would in this case have found him a much more propitious , than an angry deity , as tertullian tells them . upon these and such like accounts , they might well conclude it was , that the vengeance of god did press so hard upon them , and that therefore they had no true reason to lay the fault at any other door but their own . secondly , as to the thing it self , as 't was charged upon them , they point blank denied it to be true , and that for two reasons especially . first , because the world had been sadly and frequently pestered with such evils and miseries long before the christian religion appeared in it : i pray ( says tertullian ) what miseries did overwhelm all the world , and even rome it self , before the times of tiberius , i. e. before the coming of christ ; have we not read of hierapolis , and the islands of delos , and rhodes , and cos destroyed with many thousands of men ? does not plato speak of the greatest part of asia and afric swallowed up by the atlantic sea ? an earthquake drank up the corinthan sea , and the force of the ocean rent off sicilia from italy : not to ask where were the christians , the great contemners of your gods ? but where were your gods themselves , when the flood over-ran the world ? palestine had not yet received the jewish nation out of egypt , much less had the christians sat down there , when sodom and gomorrah and the adjacent parts were burnt up by a shower of fire and brimstone ; of which the country smells to this day . nor could tuscia and campania complain of the christians , when a fire from heaven destroyed the vulsinii and the pompeii . none as yet worshipped the true god at rome , when hannibal at cannae made such a slaughter of the romans , that the very rings that he took ( which were the honourable badges of none but roman knights ) were measured by the bushel : they were all your gods that then had the general worship , when the gauls took the capitol it self . so smartly does that grave man retort their own arguments upon themselves . arnobius fully and elegantly pursues this , that in this respect the former times were no better than these , which they so much complained of , and bids them run over the annals and records that were written in all languages , and they would find that all nations had frequently had their common miseries and devastations : the clearing of which was likewise the great design orosius proposed to himself , in drawing down the history of the world through all the ages and generations of it . secondly , because since the coming of christianity , the world had been in a better and more prosperous state than it was before , especially when ever the christian religion met with any favour and encouragement ; the reason of it tertullian gives : although we should compare present with former miseries , yet they are much lighter now , since god sent christians into the world ; for since then , innocency has ballanced the iniquities of the age , and there have been many who have interceded with heaven . the author of the questions and answers in justin martyr ( for that it was not justin himself , i think no man can doubt , that reads him , the man betraying himself openly enough to have liv'd in the times of prevailing christianity ) putting this question , whether paganism was not the better religion , forasmuch as under it there was great prosperity and abundance , whereas 't was quite otherwise since christianity came in fashion ; he answers , among other things , that ( besides that plenty was no argument of the goodness of any religion , christians being to be judged of rather by the holiness than the prosperity of their religion ) there was so much the more abundance in these times of christianity , by how much there were fewer wars , than was while paganism governed the world . never were wars more succesfully managed , never was prosperity more triumphant , than when christians met with kind entertainment . melito ▪ bishop of sardis , in an oration which he presented to the emperour m. antoninus in behalf of the christians ( part whereof is yet extant in eusebius ) tells him that christianity commencing under the reign of augustus was a good 〈◊〉 of the prosperity of the empire , and that ever since , the majesty of the roman empire had encreased : of whom he being the heir and successor , he could not better assure it to himself and his son , than by protecting that religion that had been born and bred up together with the empire , and for which his ancestors amongst other religions had had an esteem and honour : that there could be no better argument , that this religion contributed to the happiness of the empire ( with which it began and had grown up ) than that since the reign of augustus no misfortune , but on the contrary , according to all mens wishes every thing had hapned to be magnificent and prosperous . hence eusebius notes once and again , that the affairs of the empire commonly flourished , while christianity was protected , but when that was persecuted , things began to go to rack , and their ancient peace and prosperity could not be retrieved , till peace and tranquillity was restored to the christians : therefore cyprian tells the proconsul , that their cruelty to the christians was one of those crying sins that had provoked god to inflict so many heavy miseries upon them , not only refusing to worship god themselves , but unjustly persecuting those innocent persons that did , with all the methods of rage and fierceness . so little hand had the christians in entailing vengeance upon the world , that their enemies rather wilfully pull'd it down upon their own heads . chap. iv. the charges brought against them , respecting their life and manners . the primitive christians accused of the grossest sins , sacriledge , sedition , treason , incest , murder , &c. the particular consideration of these referred to their proper places . what they offered in the general for their vindication considered . they openly asserted their innocency , and appealed to the known piety of their lives . none accounted christians , however eminent in profession , unless their lives answerable . their abstaining from appearance of evil , or doing any thing that symbolized with the idolatrous rites of the heathens . their being willing to be brought to the strictest tryal , and to be severely punished , if found guilty of those crimes . their complaints of being ( generally ) condemned , meerly for bearing the name of christians . they greatly gloried in that title . this name prohibited by julian , and christians commanded in scorn to be called galilaeans . the christians appealed for their vindication to the consciences of their impartial enemies , and by them acquitted . the testimonies of pliny , ser. grannianus , antoninus pius , m. antoninus , trypho the jew , and apollo's oracle to this purpose . the excellency of christians if compared with the best of heathens . all such disowned for christians , as did not exactly conform to the rule and discipline of christianity . all the attempts that had been hitherto made against the honour and reputation of christians , seemed but like the first skirmishings of an army , in respect of the main battalia that was yet behind , the charge that was made against their moral carriage and behaviour ; and here they were accused at every turn of no less than sacriledge , sedition , and high-treason , of incest and promiscuous mixtures , of murder , and eating the flesh of infants at their sacramental feasts : these were sad and horrid crimes , and had they been true , would justly have made christianity stink in the nostrils of all sober and considering men : but they were as false as they were black and hellish : the particular answers to these charges ( together with some things relating to matters of worship ) shall be considered hereafter , according as they fall in in their more proper places ; i shall only at present take notice of the general vindication which the christians made of themselves , from these indictments that were brought in against them ; and the sum of what they pleaded lyes especially in these three things . first , they did openly assert and maintain their innocency , and shew by their lives as well as their apologies , that they were men of quite another make and temper , than their enemies did generally represent them : their religion and way of life was admired by all : who ( says s. clement to the corinthians ) did ever dwell amongst you , that did not approve of your excellent and unshaken faith ; that did not wonder at your sober and moderate piety in christ ? you were forward to every good work , adorned with a most virtuous and venerable conversation , doing all things in the fear of god , and having his laws and commands written upon the tables of your hearts . they placed religion then not in talking finely , but in living well . amongst us ( says athenagoras ) the meanest and most mechanick persons , and old women , although not able to discourse and dispute for the usefulness of their profession , do yet demonstrate it in their lives and actions ; they don't indeed critically weigh their words , and recite elegant orations , but they manifest honest and virtuous actions ; while being buffeted they strike not again , nor sue them at law that spoil and plunder them ; liberally give to them that ask , and love their neighbours as themselves . and this we do , because we are assured that there is a god that superintends humane affairs , who made both us and the whole world , and because we must give to him an account of all the transactions of our lives , therefore we chuse the most moderate , humane , and benign , and , to many , the most contemptible course of life , for we reckon that no evil in this life can be so great , though we should be called to lay down our lives , which ought not to be esteemed little and of no value , in comparison of that happiness which we hereafter look for from the great judge of the world , promised to those who are of an humble , benign , and moderate conversation . clemens of alexandria gives us this short account of them ; as the fairest possession we give up our selves to god , entirely loving him , and reckoning this the great business of our lives : no man is with us a christian , or accounted truly rich , temperate , and generous , but he that is pious and religious , nor does any farther bear the image of god , than he speaks and believes what is just and holy : so that this in short is the state of us who follow god ; such as are our desires , such are our discourses ; such as are our discourses , such are our actions ; such as are our actions , such is our life ; so universally good is the whole life of christians . certainly none were ever greater enemies to a naked profession , and the covering a bad life under the title of christianity . do any live otherwise than christ hath commanded , 't is a most certain argument they are no christians , though with their tongues they never so smoothly profess the christian doctrine ; for 't is not meer professors , but those who live according to their profession , that shall be saved , as justin martyr declares before the emperours . let no man ( says basil ) impose upon himself with inconsiderate words , saying , though i be a sinner , yet i am a christian , and i hope that title will be my shelter ; but hearken sinner , all wicked men shall be bundled up together , and in the great day of the divine vengeance shall be indifferently thrown into those merciless and devouring flames . nay so careful were they to avoid all sin , that they stood at a wide distance from any thing , that though lawful in it self , yet seemed to carry an ill colour with it ; this origen tells celsus was the reason why they refused to do any honour to an image , lest thereby they should give occasion to others to think that they ascribed divinity to them : for this reason they shunn'd all community with the rites and customs of the heathens , abstaining from things strangled , or that had been offered to idols , from frequenting the publick bathes , or going to the sights and shows , because they seemed to owe their original to idolatry , and were the occasion of many gross enormities ; they refused to wear crowns of laurel , lest they should seem to patronize the custom of the gentiles , who were wont to do so in their sacred and solemn rites , as appeared eminently in the solemnities of the emperours severus and caracalla , when the tribune delivering the donative to the souldiers , and all came to receive it with crowns upon their heads , one of them brought his in his hand , and being demanded the reason , answered that he was a christian , and could not do it ; which was the occasion of tertullian's book de corona militis , wherein he sets himself to defend it . secondly , they were willing to put themselves upon the strictest trial , and to undergo the severest penalties , if found guilty of those crimes that were charged upon them : so their apologist bespeaks the emperours ; we beseech you ( says he ) that those things that are charged upon the christians may be enquired into , and if they be found to be so , let them have their deserved punishment , nay let them be more severely punished than other men : but if not guilty , then 't is not reasonable , that innocent persons should suffer meerly upon report and clamour . and speaking of those that only took sanctuary at the name of christians , he adds , that those who lived not according to the laws of christ , and were only called by his name , they begg'd of them that such might be punished . to the same purpose athenagoras in his embassy , taking notice how their enemies laid wait for their lives and fortunes , loaded them with heaps of reproaches , charging them with things that never so much as entred into their minds , and of which their accusers themselves were most guilty , he makes this offer ; let but any of us be convict of any crime either small or great , and we refuse not to be punished , nay are ready to undergo the most cruel and heavy penalty : but if we be only accused for our name ( and to this day all our accusations are but the sigments of obscure and uncertain fame , no christian having ever been convict of any fault ) then we hope it will become such wise , gracious , and mighty princes as you are , to make such laws as may secure us from those wrongs and injuries . but alas , so clear was their innocency , that their bitterest adversaries durst not suffer them to come to a fair open tryal ; if you be so certain that we are guilty ( says tertullian to the heathens ) why then are we not treated in the same nature with all malefactors ; who have leave both by themselves and their advocates to defend their innocency , to answer and put in pleas , it being unlawful to condemn any before they be heard , and have liberty to defend themselves ; whereas christians only are not permitted to speak any thing that might clear their cause , maintain the truth , and make the judge able to pronounce righteous sentence : 't is enough to justifie the publick odium , if we do but confess our selves christians , without ever examining of the crime ; contrary to the manner of procedure against all other delinquents , whom 't is not enough barely to charge to be murderers , sacrilegious , or incestuous , or enemies to the publick ( the titles you are pleased to bestow upon us ) unless they also take the quality of the fact , the place , manner , time , partners and accessories under examination . but no such favour is shewn to us , but we are condemned without any inquisition passed upon us . and good reason there was , that they should take this course , seeing they could really find nothing to condemn them for , but for being christians . this one would think strange , especially amongst a people so renowned for justice and equity as the romans were , and yet in these times nothing more ordinary ; therefore when vrbicius the prefect of rome had condemned ptolomeus meerly upon his confessing himself a christian , one lucius that stood by cryed out , what strange course is this , what infamous misdemeanour is this man guilty of ; that when he 's no adulterer , fornicator , no murtherer , no thief , or robber , thou shouldst punish him only because he calls himself a christian ? certainly , urbicius , such justice as this does not become the piety of the emperour , or the philosophy of caesar his son , or the sacred and venerable senate . and tertullian tells us , 't was the common accusation they had in their mouths , such or such a one is a goodman , only he is a christian ; or , i wonder at such a one , a wise man , but lately turned christian . so cyprian , i remember , reduces his adversary to this unavoidable dilemma ; chuse one of these two things , to be a christian , either is a fault , or 't is not ; if it be a fault , why dost thou not kill every one that confesses it ? if it be not , why dost thou persecute them that are innocent ? hence we find nothing more common in the old apologists , than complaints concerning the unreasonableness of being accused , condemned , and punished , meerly for their name , this being the first and great cause of all that hatred and cruelty that was exercised towards them , 't was the innocent name that was hated in them , all the quarrel was about this title , and when a christian was guilty of nothing else , 't was this made him guilty , as tertullian complains at every turn . the truth is , they mightily gloried in this title , and were ambitious to own it in the face of the greatest danger ; therefore when attalus the famous french martyr was led about the amphitheatre , that he might be exposed to the hatred and derision of the people , he triumphed in this , that a tablet was carried before him with this inscription , this is attalus the christian . and sanctus another of them being oft asked by the president , what his name was , what his city and country , and whether he was a free-man or a servant , answered nothing more to any of them , than that he was a christian , professing this name to be country , kindred , and all things to him . nay so great was the honour and value which they had for this name , that julian the emperour ( whom we commonly call the apostate ) endeavoured by all ways to suppress it , that when he could not drive the thing , he might at least banish the name out of the world ; and therefore did not only himself constantly call christians galilaeans , but made a law , that they should be called only by that name . but to return , the sum is this , the christians were so buoy'd up with the conscience of their innocency , that they cared not who saw them , were willing and desirous to be scann'd and searched to the bottom , and to lye open to the view of all ; and therefore desired no other favour , than that that apologie which justin martyr presented to them , might be set out with the decree of the senate , that so people might come to the true knowledge of their case , and they be delivered from false suspicions , and these accusations , for which they had been undeservedly exposed to so many punishments . thirdly , they appealed for their vindication to the judgment and consciences of their more sober and impartial enemies , and were accordingly acquitted by them , as guiltless of any hainous crimes . pliny the younger being commanded by the emperour trajan , to give him an account of the christians , tells him , that after the best estimate that he could take , and the strictest inquisition that he could make by tortures , he found no worse of them than this , that they were wont to meet early for the performance of their solemn devotions , and to bind themselves under the most sacred obligations ; to commit no vice or wickedness , and that their religion was nothing else but an untoward and immoderate superstition . this is the testimony which that great man , ( who being proconsul of bithynia was capable to satisfy himself , and who was no less diligent to search into the matter ) gives concerning them . next after him ser●●us granianus the proconsul of asia , writes to the emperour adrian ( trajans successor ) to represent to him how unjust it was to put christians to death , when no crime was duly laid to their charge , meerly to gratifie the tumultuous clamours of the people , to whom the emperour answers , that they should not be unjustly troubled , that if any thing was truly prov'd against them , he should punish them according to the nature of the fault ; but if done out of malice or spite , he should then accordingly punish the accuser as a calumniator . next to adrian , antoninus pius ( if he be not mistaken for his successor marcus ) in his epistle to the commons of asia , tells them , that they had traduced the christians , and had objected those crimes to them , which they could not prove ; that they were more firm and undaunted in their profession than themselves , and had a greater freedom with and confidence towards god ; and that therefore he resolved to ratifie and follow the determination of his father . after him comes m. antoninus , who having obtained that famous and signal victory against the quades in germany , confesses in his letter to the senate ( which letter , though i know 't is questioned by some learned men , as now extant , whether true and genuine , yet that there was such a letter is evident enough from tertullian , who himself lived within a few years of that time , and appeals to it ) that it was clearly gotten by the prayers of the christian legion which he had in his army , and therefore commands that none be molested for being christians , and that if any accuse a christian for being such , without a sufficient crime proved against him , he shall be burnt alive for his accusation , that a christian confessing himself to be one shall be safe and secure , and that the governour of the province shall not drive him to renounce his profession , and this he commands to be confirmed by the decree of the senate . so clear did the christians appear to their greatest enemies , especially in their more calm and sober intervals . nay trypho the jew ( and that very notion speaks him enemy enough , yet ) confesses them clear of those foul aspersions ; for when the martyr had asked him , whether he disliked the christians manners and way of life , and whether he really believed that they ate mens flesh , and putting out the candles ran together in promiscuous mixtures ? the jew answered , that those things whereof they were accused by many were unworthy of belief , as being so extreamly abhorrent to humane nature ; and that the precepts which are commanded in their gospel ( which his curiosity had prompted him to read ) were so great and admirable , that he supposed no man could be able to keep and obey them . and to instance in no more , the heathen oracle it self pronounced in favour of the christians ; for apollo giving forth his oracles , not as he was wont by humane voice , but out of a dark and dismal cavern , confessed it was because of just men that lived upon the earth ; and when dioclesian enquired who those just men were , one of the heathen priests that stood by answered , that they were the christians . this constantine the great tells he himself heard , being then a young man , and in company at that time with the emperour dioclesian , and he there solemnly calls god to witness for the truth of the story . from all which it appears how innocent the christians were of those things which the gentiles charged upon them , how infinitely strict and unblameable in their lives , and therefore triumphed over the heathens in the purity and innocency of their conversations . origen tells celsus , that the churches of god which had taken upon them the discipline of christ , if compared to the common societies of men , were amongst them like lights in the world . for who ( says he ) is there , but he must needs confess that the worser part of our church is much better than the popular assemblies ; as for instance , the church of god at athens is meek and quiet , as endeavouring to approve it self to the great god ; whereas now the popular assembly of athens is seditious and tumultuous , and no ways to be compared with the church of god in that city ; and the same may be said of the churches of god , and the vulgar assemblies which are at corinth , or alexandria . so minucius foelix , should we christians be compared with you , although our discipline may seem somewhat inferiour , yet we should be found infinitely to transcend you : you forbid adultely , and then practise it ; we keep entirery to our own wives ; you punish wickedness when committed , with us even a wicked thought is sin ; you stand in awe of those who are conscious of your crimes , we of nothing but our consciences , without which we cannot be ; and last of all 't is with your party that the prison is filled and crowded , no christian is there , unless such a one as is either a shame to his religion , or an apostate from it : and a little after he tells his adversary , how much they exceeded the best philosophers , who were filthy and tyrannical , and only eloquent to declaime against those vices of which themselves were most guilty : that we christians do not measure wisdom by mens habits , but by their minds and tempers , and do not speak great things , but live them , having this to boast of , that we really attain to those things which they earnestly sought , but could not find . thus lactantius having excellently discoursed of the prodigious debaucheries and wickednesses of the heathens ; but which of these things ( says he ) can be objected to our people , whose whole religion is to live without spot or blemish ? from whence they might easily gather , had they any understanding , that piety is on our side , and that they themselves are vile and impious . and eusebius tells us , that in his time the christian faith had by gravity , sincerity , modesty , and holiness of life , so conquered all opposition , that none durst bespatter it , or charge it with any of those calumnies , which the ancient enemies of our religion used to fasten upon it . what religion ( says arnobius ) can be truer , more useful , powerful , just than this ? which ( as he elsewhere notes ) renders men meek , speakers of truth , modest , chaste , charitable , kind and helpful to all , as if most nearly related to us ; and indeed this is the genuine and natural tendency of the christian doctrine , and which it cannot but effect , where-ever 't is kindly embraced and entertained . so true is that which athenagoras told the emperours , that no christian could be a bad man , unless he were an hypocrite ; and tertullian openly declares , that when men depart from the discipline of the gospel , they so far cease amongst us to be accounted christians : and therefore when the heathens objected , that some that went under that name were guilty of great enormities , and enquired how comes such a one to be a cheat , if the christians be so righteous ; how so cruel , if they be merciful ? he answers , that by this very thing they bore witness , that they who were real christians were not such ; that there 's a vast difference between the crime and the name , the opinion and the truth ; that they are not presently christians that are called so , but cheat others by the pretence of a name ; that they shunn'd the company of such , and did not meet or partake with them in the offices of religion ; that they did not admit those whom meer force and cruelty had driven to deny christianity , much less such as voluntarily transgressed the christian discipline ; and that therefore the heathens did very ill to call them christians , whom the christians themselves did disown , who yet were not wont to deny their own party . chap. v. of the positive parts of their religion : and first of their piety towards god. the religion of the ancient christians considered , with respect to god , themselves , and other men . their piety seen in two things , their detestation of idolatry , and great care about the matters of divine worship . what notion they had of idolatry ; their abhorrency of it . their refusing to give divine honour to angels and created spirits ; this condemned by the laodicean council . their denying any thing of divine honour to martyrs and departed saints . the famous instance of the church of smyrna concerning s. polycarp . s. augustine's testimonies to this purpose . their mighty abhorrence of the heathen idolatry . the very making an idol accounted unlawful . hatred of idolatry one of the first principles instilled into new converts . their affectionate bewailing any that lapsed into this sin . several severe penalties imposed by the ancient council of illiberis upon persons guilty of idolatry . they were willing to hazard any thing rather than sacrifice to the gods. constantius his plot to try the integrity of his courtiers . a double instance of the christian souldiers in julian's army . their active zeal in breaking the images of the heathen gods , and assaulting persons while doing sacrifice to them ; this whether justifiable . notwithstanding all this , the christians accused by the heathens of idolatry ; of worshipping the sun : whence that charge arose . of adoring a cross . of worshipping an asses head . christians called asinarii . the absurd and monstrous picture of christ mentioned by tertullian . the occasion of this ridiculous fiction whence . having thus seen with how much clearness the ancient christians vindicated themselves from those unjust aspersions , which their spightful and malicious adversaries had cast upon them ; we come now to take a more direct and positive view of their religion ; which according to s. pauls division , we shall consider as to their piety towards god ; those virtues which more immediately concern'd themselves , and those which respected their behaviour and carriage towards others . their piety towards god appeared in those two main instances of it , a serious and hearty detestation of idolatry , and a religious care about the concerns of divine worship . idolatry in those times was the prevailing sin of the world ; the principal crime of mankind , the great guilt of the age , and the almost sole cause of mens being brought into judgment , as what in a manner contains all sins under it , as tertullian begins his book upon that subject ; a crime of the first rank , and one of the highest sorts of wickedness , as 't is called by the most ancient council in spain . they looked upon it as a sin that undermined the very being of the deity , and ravished the honour of his crown . before we proceed any further , we shall first enquire what was the notion they generally had of idolatry ; and they then accounted that a man was guilty of idolatry , when he gave divine adoration to any thing that was not god , not only when he worshipped a material idol , but when he vested any creature with that religious respect and veneration that was only due to god : idolatry ( says tertullian ) robs god , denying him those honours that are due to him , and conferring them upon others , so that at the same time it does both defraud him and reproach him : and a little after he expresly affirms , that whatever is exalted above the standard of civil worship , in imitation of the divine excellency , is directly made an idol : thus s. gregory , for his solid and excellent learning call'd the divine ( a title never given to any besides him but to st. john the apostle ) defines idolatry ( which , says he , is the greatest evil in the world ) to be the translation of that worship that is due to the creator upon the creature . accordingly we find them infinitely zealous to assert divine adoration , as the proper and incommunicable prerogative of god alone , and absolutely refusing to impart religious worship to any though the best of creatures ; surely if any , one would think angels , the first rank of created beings , creatures of such sublime excellencies and perfections , might have challenged it at their hands ; but hear what origen says to this ; we adore ( says he ) our lord god , and serve him alone , following the example of christ , who when tempted by the devil to fall down and worship him , answered , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve ; which is the reason why we refuse to give honours to those spirits that preside over humane affairs , because we cannot serve two masters , to wit , god and mammon : as for these daemons , we know that they have no administration of the conveniencies of mans life : yea , though we know that they are not daemons , but angels , that have the government of fruits and seasons , and the productions of animals committed to them ; we indeed speak well of them , and think them happy , that they are intrusted by god to manage the conveniencies of mans life ; but yet do not give them that honour that is only due to god ; for this neither does god allow of , neither do they desire it ; but equally love and regard us when we do not , as if we did sacrifice to them . and when celsus a little before had smartly pressed him to do honour to daemons , he rejects the motion with great contempt , away ( says he ) with this counsel of celsus , who in this is not in the least to be hearkned to ; for the great god only is to be adored , and prayers to be delivered up to none but his only begotten son , the first born of every creature , that as our high-priest he may carry them to his father and to our father , to his god and to our god. 't is true that the worship of angels did ( and that very early , as appears from the apostles caveat against it in his epistle to the colossians ) creep into some parts of the christian church , but was always disowned and cryed out against , and at last publickly and solemnly condemned by the whole laodicean council : it is not lawful ( says the thirty fifth canon of that council ) for christians to leave the church of god , and to go and invocate angels , and to make prohibited assemblies : if therefore any one shall be found devoting himself to this private idolatry , let him be accursed ; forasmuch as he has forsaken the lord jesus christ , the son of god , and has delivered up himself to idolatry . from which nothing can be more clear , than that it was the sense of these fathers , that the worshipping of angels was not only down-right idolatry , but a plain apostasie from the christian faith. nor were they more peremptory in denying divine honour to angels , than they were to martyrs and departed saints : for though they had a mighty honour and respect for martyrs ( as we shall take notice afterwards ) as those that had maintained the truth of their religion , and seal'd it with their blood , and therefore did what they could to do praise and honour to their memories , yet were they far from placing any thing of religion or divine adoration in it ; whereof 't will be enough to quote one famous instance . the church of smyrna writing to the churches of pontus , to give them an account of the martyrdom of polycarpus their bishop , tells them , that after he was dead , many of the christians were desirous to have gotten the remains of his body ( possibly to have given them decent and honourable burial ) but were prevented in it by some jews , who importun'd the proconsul to the contrary , suggesting that the christians leaving their crucified master , might henceforth worship polycarpus , whereupon they add , that this suggestion must needs proceed from ignorance of the true state of christians ; this they did ( say they ) not considering how impossible 't is that ever we should either forsake christ , who died for the salvation of mankind , or that we should worship any other . we adore him as the son of god ; but the martyrs , as the disciples and followes of our lord , we deservedly love for their eminent kindness to their own prince and master ; whose companions and fellow-disciples we also by all means desire to be . this instance is so much the more valuable in this case , not only because so plain and pertinent but because so ancient , and from persons of so great authority in the church : for this is not the testimony of any one private person , but of the whole church of smyrna , according as it had been trained up under the doctrine and discipline of polycarpus , the immediate disciple of s. john. this was the doctrine and practice of christians then , and it held so for some ages after , even down to the times of s. augustine , when yet in many other things the simplicity of the christian religion began to decline apace : we set apart ( says he ) no temples , nor priests , nor divine services , nor sacrifices to martyrs ; because they are not god , but the same who is theirs , is our god : indeed we honour their memories , as of holy men , who have stood for the truth , even unto death , that so the true religion might appear , and those which are false be convinc'd to be so : but who ever heard a priest standing at the altar , built for the honour and worship of god over the body of the holy martyr , to say in his prayers , i offer sacrifice to thee peter , or paul , or cyprian ; for in such commemorations we offer to that god , who made them both men and martyrs , and has made them partners with holy angels in the heavenly glory ; and by these solemnities we both give thanks to the true god for the victories which they have gain'd , and also stir up our selves by begging his assistance , to contend for such crowns and rewards as they are possessed of ; so that whatever offices religious men perform in the places of the martyrs , they are only ornaments to their memories , not sacrifices or divine services done to the departed , as if they were deities . more to the same purpose we may find in that place , as also in infinite other places of his works , where ( were it worth the while ) i could easily shew that he does no less frequently than expresly assert , that though the honour of love , respect , and imitation , yet no religious adoration is due either to angels , martyrs , or departed saints . but the great instance , wherein the primitive christians manifested their detestation of idolatry was in respect of the idolatrous worship of the heathen world , the denying and abhorring any thing of divine honour that was done to their gods . they looked upon the very making of idols ( though with no intention to worship them ) as an unlawful trade , and as inconsistent with christianity : how have we renounced the devil and his angels ( says tertullian , meaning their solemn renunciation in baptism ) if we make idols , nor is it enough to say , though i make them , i do not worship them ; there being the same cause not to make them , that there is not to worship them ; viz. the offence that in both is done to god : yet thou dost so far worship them , as thou makest them that others may worship them : and therefore he roundly pronounces , that no art , no profession , no service whatsoever that is employed either in making or ministring to idols , can come short of idolatry . they startled at any thing that had but the least shadow of symbolizing with them in their idolatry ; therefore the ancyran council condemned them to a two years supension from the sacrament , who sat down with their heathen friends upon their solemn festivals in their idol-temples , although they brought their own provisions along with them , and touched not one bit of what had been offered to the idol . their first care in instructing new converts , was to leaven them with the hatred of idolatry : those that are to be initiated into our religion ( says origen ) we do before all things instil into them a dislike and contempt of all idols and images , and lift up their minds from worshipping creatures instead of god , to him who is the great creator of the world . if any through weakness chanced at any time to lapse into this sin , how pathetically did they bewail it ? so celerinus in his epistle to lucian , giving him an account of a woman that to avoid persecution had done sacrifice , and thereby fallen from christ , he bewails her as dead , tells him that it stuck so close to him , that though in the time of easter , a time of festivity and rejoicing , yet he wept night and day , and kept company with sackcloth and ashes , and resolved to do so , till by the help of christ and the prayers of good men , she shouled by repentance be raised up again . the better to prevent this sin ( wherein weaker christians were sometimes ensnared in those times of cruelty and persecution ) the discipline of the ancient church was very severe against it , of which we can have no better evidence , than to take a little view of the determinations relating to this case of that ancient council of illiberis , held some years before the time of constantine ; there we find , that if any christian after baptism took upon him the flamin-ship or priesthood of the gentiles ( an office ordinarily devolved upon the better sort , and which christians sometimes either made suit for , to gain more favour with the people , or had it forc'd upon them by the laws of the country , so that they must either undergo it , or flye and forfeit their estates ) such a one no not at the hour of death was to be received into the communion of the church . the reason of which severity was , because who ever underwent that office must do sacrifice to the gods , and entertain the people with several kinds of sights , plays , and sports , which could not be managed without murders , and the exercise of all lust and filthiness , whereby they did double and treble their sin , as that council speaks . if a christian in that office did but allow the charges to maintain those sports and sights ( although he did not actually sacrifice , which he might avoid , by substituting a gentile priest in his room ) he was indeed to be taken into communion at last , but was to undergo a very severe penance for it all his life . nay although he did neither of the former , yet if he did but wear a crown ( a thing usually done by the heathen priests ) he was to be excluded from communion for two years together . if a christian went up to the capitol ( probably out of curiosity ) only to see the sacrifices of the gentiles , and did not see them , yet he should be as guilty as if he had seen them , his intention and will being the same , as the learned albaspine ( and i think truly ) understands the canon ; and in such a case , if the person was one of the faithful , he was not to be received till after ten years repentance . every master of a family was commanded to suffer no little idols or images to be kept in his house , to be worshipped by his children or servants ; but if this could not be done without danger of being betrayed and accused by his servants ( a thing not unusual in those times ) that then at least he himself should abstain from them ; otherwise to be thrown out of the church . being imbued with such principles , and train'd up under such a discipline as this , 't is no wonder if they would do or suffer any thing rather than comply with the least symptom of idolatry ; they willingly underwent banishment and confiscation , amongst several of which sort caldonius tells cyprian of one bona , who being violently drawn by her husband to sacrifice , they by force guiding her hand to do it , cryed out and protested against it , that 't was not she but they that did it , and was thereupon sent into banishment . they freely laid down their greatest honours and dignities , rather than by any idolatrous act to offer violence to their consciences . whereof constantius , the father of constantine , made this wise experiment , he gave out that all the officers and great men of the court should either do sacrifice to the gods , or immediately quit his service , and the offices and preferments which they held under him ; whereupon many turned about , while others remained firm and unshaken ; upon this the prudent and excellent prince discovered his plot , embraced , commended , and advanced to greater honours those who were faithful to their religion and their conscience ; reproaching and turning off those who were so ready to quit and forfeit them . thus jovianus a man of considerable note and quality , and an officer of great place in julian's army , when the emperour sent out his edict , that all the souldiers should either sacrifice , or lay down their arms , presently threw away his belt , rather than obey that impious command ; though the emperour at that time , for reasons of state would not suffer him to depart . and after the death of julian , when by the unanimous vote of the whole army he was chosen emperour , he utterly refused it , 'till the army had renounced their pagan idolatry and superstition . and though 't is true , that life is dearest to men of all things in this world ; yet how chearfully did they chuse rather to shed their blood , than to defile their consciences with idolatry ; of which eusebius gives us many instances , and indeed this was the common test in those times , either sacrifice or die . phileas bishop of thmuis in a letter to his people , giving them an account of the martyrdoms that hapned at alexandria , tells them , that many after having endured strange and unheard of torments , were put to their choice , whether they would sacrifice and be set at liberty , or refuse and lose their heads ; whereupon all of them without any hesitation readily went to embrace death ; knowing well how the scripture is , that whoever sacrifices to strange gods shall be cut off ; and again , thou shalt have no other gods but me . and in the next chapter eusebius tells us of a whole city of christians in phrygia , which together with all the men , women and children was burnt to ashes , for no other reason , but because they universally confessed themselves to be christians , and refused to obey those that commanded them to worship idols : instances of which kind there are enough to be met with in the histories of the church . and so fix'd and unmoveable were they in this , that no promises or hopes of reward , no fears or threatnings could either tempt or startle them ; memorable a passage or two that we meet withal to this purpose : it was a custom amongst the romans to show some respect and honour not only to the emperours themselves , but even to their statues and images , by bowing the body , or some other act of external veneration . now julian the emperour ( whose great design was to reduce all men , but especially his army back to paganism and idolatry ) made use of this crafty project ; he placed the pictures of jupiter , and other heathen gods , so close to his own statues , that they could not bow to the one , but they must also to the other ; politickly reducing them to this strait , that either they must refuse to pay civil honour to their prince ( which had been a sufficient crime against them ) or seem at least to do honour to the gods ; with this device the less wary and cautelous were entrapped ; but others that were more pious and purdent chose rather to deny the prince that civil homage , and fall into the arms of martyrdom , than by such an ambiguous adoration to seem to patronize idolatry . at another time he fell upon this stratagem : upon a solemn day , when the emperours were wont to bestow largesses upon the souldiers , he caused the army to be called before him , sitting then in great pomp and splendour , and a large donative of gold to be laid on the one side , and a heap of frankincense with fire by it on the other , proclamation being made , that they that would sacrifice the one , should have the other . by this means many of the christian souldiers were ensnared , performed the sacrifice , received the donative , and went home jolly and secure . but being at dinner with their companions , and drinking to each other ( as the custom was ) with their eyes lift up , and calling upon christ , and making the sign of the cross , as oft as they took the cup into their hands ; one at the table told them , he wondred how they could call upon christ , whom they had so lately abjur'd . amazed at this , and asking how they had abjured him , they were told , that they had sacrificed , which was all one as to deny christ . whereupon starting up from the table , they ran up and down the market-place in a furious and frantick manner , crying out , we are christians , we are christians in heart and truth ; and let all the world take notice , that there is but one god , to whom we live , and for whom we 'll dye ; we have not broken the faith which we swore to thee , o blessed saviour , nor renounced our profession ; if our hands be guilty , our hearts are innocent , 't is not the gold that has corrupted us , but the emperours craftiness that deceived us : and with that running to the emperour , they threw down their gold before him , with this address , we have not , sir , received a donative , but are condemned to dye ; instead of being honoured we are vilified and disgraced ; take this largess and give it to your souldiers ; as for us , kill us and sacrifice us to christ , whom alone we owne as our highest prince ; return us fire for fire , and for the ashes of the sacrifice , reduce us to ashes . cut off those hands , which we so wickedly stretched out ; those feet that carried us to so great a mischief ; give others the gold , who may have no cause to repent on 't ; for our part christ is enough for us , whom we value instead of all things . with this noble and generous resolution though the emperour was highly enraged , yet because he envied them the honour of martyrdom , he would not put them to death , but banished them , and inflicted other penalties which might sufficiently evidence his rage against them . nay with so warm a zeal were they acted against idolatry , that many of them could not contain themselves from falling foul upon it , where-ever they met it , though with the immediate hazard of their lives . so romanus deacon and exorcist of the church of caesaria seeing great multitudes of people at antioch flocking to the temples , and doing sacrifice to the gods , came to them , and began very severely to reprove and reproach them ; for which being apprehended , after many strange and cruel usages he was put to death , with all imaginable pain and torture . thus apphianus a young man , when the cryers by proclamation summoned all the inhabitants of caesaria to sacrifice to the gods , the tribunes particularly reciting every mans name out of a book , to the great terrour of all that were christians , privately and unknown to us ( says eusebius , who lived at that time in the same house with him ) stole out , and getting near vrbanus the president ( who was then compassed about with a guard of souldiers ) just as he was about to offer sacrifice , caught hold of his right hand , which he grasped so fast , that he forced him to let fall the sacrifice , gravely admonishing him to desist from such errours and vanities : clearly shewing ( says the historian ) that true christians are so far from being drawn from the worship of the true god , that by threatnings and torments they are rather heightened into a greater and more ingenuous freedom and boldness in the profession of the truth . for this fact the young man was almost torn in pieces by the souldiers , whose rage and fierceness could scarce suffer him to be repriev'd for acuter tortures , which were exerised towards him with all possible cruelty ; and when all could do no good upon him , he was thrown half dead into the sea. the like we read of three famous christians at merum a city in phrygia , where when the governour of the province under julian the apostate had commanded the heathen temple to be opened , they got by night into the temple , and broke to pieces all the statues and images of the gods . whereupon when a general persecution was like to arise against all the christians of the city , that the ignorant and innocent might not suffer , the authors of the fact came of their own accord to the judge , and confessed it ; who offered them pardon if they would sacrifice , which they rejected with disdain , and told him they were much readier to endure any torments and death it self , than to be defiled with sacrificing : and accordingly were first treated with all sorts of torments , and then burnt upon an iron grate ; retaining their courage to the last , and took their leave of the governour with this sarcasm , if thou hast a mind , amachius , to eat rost meat , turn us on the other side , lest we be but half rosted , and so prove ungrateful to thy taste . so mightily did a restless passion for the divine honour possess the minds of those primitive christians . and though 't is true such transports of zeal are not ordinarily warrantable ( for which reason the council of illiberis justly prohibited those who were killed in the defacing and demolishing idols , to be reckoned in the number of martyrs ) yet do they sufficiently shew what a spirit of eagerness and activity ruled in those times against the false religions of the world . by all this we may see how unjustly the christians were traduced and accused for idolaters ; three things were commonly charged upon them , that they worshipped the sun , the cross , and an asses head . for the first , their worshipping the sun , tertullian answers , that the mistake arose from a double cause , partly that the christians of those times did generally pray towards the east and the sun-rising , which the heathens themselves also did , though upon different grounds : and partly because they performed the solemnities of their religion upon the day that was dedicated to the sun , which made the gentiles suspect that they worshipped the sun it self . they were next charged with worshipping crosses ; a charge directly false ; as for crosses ( says octavius ) we neither desire , nor worship them , 't is you who consecrate wooden gods , that perhaps adore wooden crosses as parts of them ; for what else are your ensigns , banners , and colours , with which you go out to war , but golden and painted crosses ; the very trophies of your victory do not only resemble the fashion of a simple cross , but of a man that 's fastned to it ; the very same answer which tertullian also returns to this charge . the occasion of it no doubt was , the christians talking of , and magnifying so much their crucified master , and their almost constant use of the sign of the cross , which ( as we shall see afterwards ) they made use of even in the most common actions of their lives ; but for paying any adoration to a material cross , was a thing to which those times were the greatest strangers ; otherwise understanding the cross for him that hung upon it , they were not ashamed with the great apostle , to glory in the cross of our lord jesus christ , and to count it the matter of their highest joy and triumph . but the absurdest part of the charge was , that they worshipped the head of an ass . i hear ( says the heathen in minucius faelix ) that being seduced by i know not what fond perswasion they worship the consecrated head of an ass , one of the filthiest creatures ; a religion fitly calculated for persons of such a dull and stupid disposition . hence tertullian tells us , that christians were called ▪ asinarii , assworshippers , and that christ was painted , and publickly exposed by the bold wicked hand of an apostate jew , with asses ears , one of his feet hoof'd , holding a book in his hand , and having a gown over him , with this inscription devs christianorvm ononychites the asse-hoof'd god of the christians . a most ridiculous representation , and the issue of the most foolish spite and malice : when i saw it ( says he ) i laughed both at the title and the fashion . this octavius tells his adversary was the result and spawn of lying same , begot and nourished by the father of lyes : for who ( says he ) can be so silly as to worship this ? or who can be so much more silly as to believe that it should be worshipped ? unless it be that you your selves do consecrate whole asses in the stable with your goddess epona , and religiously adorn them in the solemnities of isis , and both sacrifice and adore the heads of rams and oxen : you make gods of a mixture of a goat and a man , and dedicate them with the faces of dogs and lions . more he has there to the same purpose , as tertullian also had answered the same thing before him . the true ground of this ridiculous charge , as tertullian observes , was a fabulous report that had been a long time common amongst the heathens , that the jews when wandring in the wilderness , and almost ready to die of thirst , were conducted by wild asses to a fountain of water , for which great kindness they formed the shape of an ass , and ever after worshipped it with divine honours . this is confidently reported both by tacitus and plutarch , as it had been many years before by appio the alexandrian in his books against the jews , and by this means the heathens , who did frequently confound the jews and christians , came to form and fasten this charge upon them ; when it was equally false in respect of both : for as tertullian observes , the same tacitus who reports this , tells us in another place , that when pompey at the taking of jerusalem presumptuously broke into the holy of holies , whither none but the high-priest might enter , out of a curiosity to pry into the most hidden secrets and arcana's of their religion , he found no image at all there ; whereas ( says tertullian ) had they worshipped any such thing , there had been no likelier place to have met with it , and therefore brands him with the charge of the most lying historian in the world . and thus we see how the ancient christians manifested and maintained their love and piety towards god , by a most vigorous and hearty opposition of that idolatry that reigned so uncontroulably in the heathen world . chap. vi. of churches , and places of publick worship in the primitive times . place a circumstance necessary to every action . the piety of christians in founding places for the solemnities of religion . they had distinct and separate places for their publick assemblies , even in the apostles times . prov'd out of the new testament , as also in the succeeding ages , from the testimonies of the fathers , and heathen writers . the common objection of the gentiles , that christians had no temples , considered and answered . churches encreased as christianity met with favourable entertainment : restored and repaired by dioclesian , maximinus , constantine . the fashion of theri churches oblong ; built towards the east : the form of their churches described . the vestibulum or porch : the narthex , and what in it . the nave or body of the church ; the ambo or reading-pew , the station of the faithful . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or chancel ; the altarium or lords table . the bishops throne and seats of the presbyters . the diaconicon , what : the prothesis . christians then beautified their churches . whether they had altars in them . decent tables for the celebration of the divine offices ; those frequently by the fathers stiled altars , and in what sense . they had no such gaudy altars as the heathens had in their temples , and the papists now in their churches . altars when begun to be fixed and made of stone . made asylum's and places of refuge , and invested with many priviledges by christian emperours . no images in their churches for above four hundred years , prov'd out of the fathers . pictures in churches condemned by the council of illiberis . an account of epiphanius his tearing the picture of christ in the church of anablatha ; and the great force of the argumemt thence against image-worship . christian churches when first formally consecrated : the encoenia of the ancient church . our wakes or feasts in memory of the dedication of particular churches . what incomes or revenues they had in the first ages . particular churches had some standing revenues even under the heathen emperours . these much increased by the piety of constantine and the first christian princes , their laws noted to that purpose . the reverence shewed at their going in t churches , and during their stay there , even by the emperours themselves . the primitive christians were not more heartily zealous against the idolatrous worship of the heathen-gods , than they were religiously observant of whatever concerned the honour and worship of the true , as to all the material parts and circumstances of it ; as will easily appear , if we consider what care they had about the place , time , persons , and both the matter and manner of that worship that they performed to god , under each of which we shall take notice of what is most considerable , and does most properly relate to it , so far as the records of those times give us an account of it . place is an inseparable circumstance of religious worship ; for every body by the natural necessity of its being requires some determinate place either for rest or motion : now the worship of god being in a great part an external action , especially when performed by the joint concurrence of several persons , does not only necessarily require a place , but a place conveniently capacious of all that join together in the same publick actions of religion . this reason put all nations even by the light of nature upon erecting publick places for the honour of their gods , and for their own conveniency in meeting together to pay their religious services and devotions . but my present enquiry reaches no farther than the primitive christians , not whether they met together for the discharge of their common duties ; ( which i suppose none can doubt of ) but whether they had churches , fixed and appropriate places for the joint performance of their publick offices . and that they had even in those early times , will i think be beyond all dispute , if we take but a short survey of those first ages of christianity : in the sacred story we find some more than probable footsteps of some determinate places for their solemn conventions , and peculiar only to that use . of this nature was that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ or vpper room into which the apostles and disciples , after their return from the ascension of our saviour , went up , as into a place commonly known and separate to that use , there by fasting and prayer to make choice of a new apostle ; and this supposed by a very ancient tradition to have been the same room wherein our saviour the night before his death celebrated the passover with his disciples , and instituted the lords supper . such a one , if not ( which i rather think ) the same , was that one place , wherein they were all assembled with one accord upon the day of pentecost , when the holy ghost visibly came down upon them ; and this the rather because the multitude ( and they too strangers of every nation under heaven ) came so readily to the place upon the first rumour of so strange an accident , which could hardly have been , had it not been commonly known to be the place where the christians used to meet together : and this very learned men take to be the meaning of that act. . . they continued daily with one accord in the temple , and breaking bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not as we render it , from house to house , but at home , as 't is in the margin , or in the house , they ate their meat with gladness and singleness of heart , i.e. when they had performed their daily devotions at the temple at the accustomed hours of prayer , they used to return home to this vpper room , there to celebrate the holy eucharist , and then go to their ordinary meals : this seems to be a clear and unforc'd interpretation ; and to me the more probable , because it immediately follows upon their assembling together in that one place at the day of pentecost , which room is also called by the same name of house , at the second verse of that chapter ; and 't is no ways unlikely ( as m. mede conjectures ) but that when the first believers sold their houses and lands , and laid the money at the apostles feet to supply the necessities of the church , some of them might give their houses ( at least some eminent room in them ) for the church to meet , and perform their sacred duties : which also may be the reason why the apostles writing to particular christians , speaks so often of the church that was in their house ; which seems clearly to intimate not so much the particular persons of any private family living together under the same band of christian discipline , as that in such or such a house ( and more especially in this or that room of it ) there was the constant and solemn convention of the christians of that place , for their joynt celebration of divine worship . and this will be farther cleared by that famous passage of s. paul , where taxing the corinthians , for their irreverence and abuse of the lords supper , one greedily eating before another , and some of them to great excess , what ( says he ) have you not houses to eat and to drink in , or despise ye the church of god. where that by church is not meant the assembly meeting , but the place in which they used to assemble , is evident partly from what went before , for their coming together in the church , verse . is expounded by their coming together into one place , verse . plainly arguing that the apostle meant not the persons but the place ; partly from the opposition which he makes between the church and their own private houses ; if they must have such irregular banquets , they had houses of their own , where 't was much fitter to do it , and to have their ordinary repast , than in that place which was set apart for the common exercises of religion , and therefore ought not to be dishonoured by such extravagant and intemperate feastings ; for which cause he enjoins them in the close of that chapter , that if any man hunger he should eat at home . and that this place was always thus understood by the fathers of old , were no hard matter to make out , as also by most learned men of later times , of which it shall suffice to intimate two of our own , men of great name and learning , who have done it to great satisfaction . thus stood the case during the apostles times ; for the ages after them we find that the christians had their fixed and definite places of worship ; especially in the second century , as had we no other evidence , might be made good from the testimony of the authour of that dialogue in lucian ( if not lucian himself , of which i see no great cause to doubt ) who lived under the reign of trajan , and who expresly mentions that house or room wherein the christians were wont to assemble together . and clemens in his famous epistle to the corinthians assures us , that christ did not only appoint the times when , the persons by whom , but the places where he would be solemnly served and worshipped : and justin martyr expresly affirms , that upon sunday all christians whether in town or country , used to assemble together in one place , which could hardly be done , had not that place been fixed and setled : the same we find afterwards in several places of tertullian , who speaks of their coming into the church and the house of god , which he elsewhere calls the house of our dove , i.e. our innocent and dove-like religion , and there describes the very form and fashion of it ; and in another place speaking of their going into the water to be baptized , he tells us they were wont first to go into the church to make their solemn renunciation before the bishop . about this time in the reign of alexander severus the emperour ( who began his reign about the year . ) the heathen historian tells us , that when there was a contest between the christians and the vintners about a certain publick place , which the christians had seiz'd and challenged for theirs , the emperour gave the cause for the christians against the vintners , saying ' t was much better that god should be worshipped there any ways , than that the vintners should possess it . if it shall be said that the heathens of those times generally accused the christians for having no temples , and charged it upon them as a piece of atheism and impiety , and that the christian apologists did not deny it , as will appear to any that will take the pains to examine the places alledged in the margin ; to this the answer in short depends upon the notion which they had of a temple , by which the gentiles understood the places devoted to their gods , and wherein their deities were inclosed and shut up , places adorned with statues and images , with fine altars and ornaments ; and for such temples as these they freely confessed they had none , no nor ought to have , for that the true god did not ( as the heathens supposed theirs ) dwell in temples made with hands , nor either needed nor could possibly be honoured by them : and therefore they purposely abstained from the word temple , and i do not remember that 't is used by any christian writer for the place of the christian assemblies , for the best part of the first three hundred years : and yet those very writers who deny christians to have had any temples , do at the same time acknowledge , that they had their meeting places for divine worship , their conventicula as arnobius calls them , and complains they were furiously demolished by their enemies . if any desire to know more concerning this , as also that christians had appropriate places of worship for the greatest part of the three first centuries , let him read a discourse purposely written upon this subject , by a most learned man of our own nation , nor indeed should i have said so much as i have about it , but that i had noted most of these things , before i read his discourse upon that subject . afterwards their churches began to rise apace , according as they met with more quiet and favourable times ; especially under valerian , gallienus , claudius , aurelian , and some other emperours : of which times eusebius tells us , that the bishops met with the highest respect and kindness both from people and governours ; and adds , but who shall be able to reckon up the innumerable multitudes that daily flocked to the faith of christ , the number of congregations in every city , those famous meetings of theirs in their oratories or sacred places , so great , that not being content with those old buildings which they had before , they erected from the very foundations more fair and spacious churches in every city . this was several years before the times of constantine , and yet even then they had their churches of ancient date . this indeed was a very serene and sun-shiny season , but alas it begun to darken again , and the clouds returned after rain ; for in the very next chapter he tells us that in the reign of dioclesian , there came out imperial edicts , commanding all christians to be persecuted , the bishops to be imprisoned , the holy bible to be burnt , and their churches to be demolished and laid level with the ground : which how many they were , may be guessed at by this , that ( as optatus tells us ) there were about this time above forty basilicae or churches in rome only . upon constantines coming into a partnership of the empire , the clouds began to dispense and scatter , and maximi●us ( who then govern'd the eastern parts of the empire ) a bitter enemy to christians , was yet forced by a publick edict to give christians the free liberty of their religion , and leave to repair and rebuild 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their churches ; which shortly after they every where set upon , raising their churches from the ground to a vast height , and to a far greater splendour and glory than those which they had before , the emperours giving all possible encouragement to it by frequent laws and constitutions : the christians also themselves contributing towards it with the greatest chearfulness and liberality , even to a magnificence , comparable to that of the jewish princes towards the building of solomons temple , as eusebius tells them in his oration at the dedication of the famous church at tyre . and no sooner was the whole empire devolved upon constantine , but he published two laws , one to prohibite pagan worship , the other commanding churches to be built of a nobler size and capacity than before ; to which purpose he directed his letters to eusebius and the rest of the bishops to see it done within their several jurisdictions , charging also the governours of provinces to be assisting to them , and to furnish them with whatever was necessary and convenient : insomuch that in a short time the world was beautified with churches and sacred oratories , both in cities and villages , and in the most barbarous and desart places , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says the historian ( from whence our kirk and church ) the lords houses , because erected not to men , but to the honour of our lord and saviour . 't were needless to insist any longer upon the piety of christians in building churches in and after the times of constantine , the instances being so vastly numerous ; only i cannot omit what nazianzen reports of his own father , who though bishop of a very small ▪ and inconsiderable diocess , yet built a famous church almost wholly at his own charge . thus we have seen that from the very infancy of the gospel , the christians always had their setled and determinate places of divine worship ; for the form and fashion of their churches it was for the most part oblong , to keep ( say some ) the better correspondence with the fashion of a ship , the common notion and metaphor by which the church was wont to be represented , and to put us in mind that we are tossed up and down in the world , as upon a stormy and tempestuous sea , and that out of the church there 's no safe passage to heaven , the country we all hope to arrive at . they were generally built towards the east ( towards which also they performed the more solemn parts of their worship , the reasons whereof we shall see afterwards in its due place ) following herein the custom of the gentiles , though upon far other grounds than they did , and this seems to have obtained from the first ages of christianity ; sure i am 't was so in tertullian's time , who opposing the plain and simple way of the orthodox assemblies to the skulking and clancular conventicles of the hereticks , who serpent-like crept about in holes and corners ; says he , the house of our dove-like religion is simple , built on high and in open view , and respects the light as the figure of the holy spirit , and the east as the representation of christ . it cannot be thought that in the first ages , while the flames of persecution raged about their ears , the christian churches should be very stately and magnificent , but such as the condition of those times would bear , their splendour encreasing according to the entertainment that christianity met withal in the world , till the empire becoming christian , their temples rose up into grandeur and gallantry , as amongst others may appear by the particular description which eusebius makes of the church at tyre , mentioned before , and that which constantine built at constantinople in honour of the apostles , both which were incomparably sumptuous and magnificent . i shall not undertake to describe at large the exact form , and the several parts and dimensions of their churches ( which varied somewhat according to different times and ages ) but briefly reflect upon such as were most common and remarkable : at the entrance of their churches ( especially after they began to arrive at more perfection ) was the vestibulum ( called also atrium and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the porch , in greater churches of somewhat larger capacity , adorned many times with goodly cloysters , marble columns , fountains , and cisterns of water , and covered over for the conveniency of those that stood or walked there . here stood the lowest order of penitents , beging the prayers of the faithful as they went in . for the church it self , it usually consisted of three parts ; the first was the narthex ( which we have no proper word to render by ) it was that part of the church that lay next to the great door by which they entred in : in the first part of it stood the catechumens , or first learners of christianity , in the middle the euergumeni , or those who were possessed by satan , and in this part also stood the font , or place of baptismal initiation ; and towards the upper end was the place of the hearers , who were one of the ranks of penitents . the second part contained the middle , or main body of the church ( called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the latins navis , from whence our term the nave of the church comes ) where the faithful assembled for the celebration of divine service , where the men and the women had their distinct apartments , lest at such times unchast and irregular appetites should be kindled by a promiscuous interfering with one another ; of which pious and excellent contrivance mention is made in an ancient funeral inscription found in the vatican coemetery at rome ; such a one buried , sinistra parte virorum , on that side of the church where the men sat . in this part of the church next to the entring into it stood the class of the penitents , who were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because at their going out they fell down upon their knees before the bishop , who laid his hands upon them . next to them was the ambo , the pulpit or rather reading-desk , whence the scriptures were read and preached to the people . above that were the faithful , the highest rank and order of the people , and who alone communicated at the lords table . the third part was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separated from the rest of the church by neat rails , called cancelli , whence our english word chancel , to denote the part of the church to this day : into this part none might come but such as were in holy orders , unless it were the greek emperours , who were allowed to come up to the table to make their offerings , and so back again ; within this division the most considerable thing was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the altar ( as they metaphorically called it , because there they offered the commemorative sacrifice of christs body and blood ) o● the communion-table ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is frequently styled by the greek fathers ) behind which at the very upper end of the chancel was the chair or throne of the bishop ( for so was it almost constantly called ) on both sides whereof were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the seats of the presbyters ( for the deacons might not here sit down : ) the bishops throne was raised up somewhat higher from the ground , and from hence i suppose it was that he usually delivered his sermons to the people : therefore socrates seems to note it as a new thing in chrysostoms , that when he preached , he went to sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the pulpit ( he means that in the body of the church , for so sozomon tells us that he sat in the reading desk in the middle of the church ) that by reason of his low voice he might be better heard of the people . adjoining to the chancel on the north-side , probably , was the diaconicon , mentioned both in the laodicean council ( though i know both zonaras and balsamon , and after them the learned leo allatius will have another thing to be meant in that place ) as also in a law of arcadius and honorius against hereticks ; and probably so called either because peculiarly committed to the deacon of the place , or as the great commentator upon that law will have it , because set apart 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to some sacred services . it was in the nature of our modern vestries , the sacristy , wherein the plate , vessels , and vestments belonging to the church , and other things dedicated to holy uses , were laid up , and where in after times reliques and such like fopperies were treasured up with great care and diligence . on the other side of the chancel was the prothesis ; or place where things were prepared in order to the sacrament , where the offerings were laid , and what remained of the sacramental elements , till they were decently disposed of . and this may serve for a short view of the churches of those first times , after they began to grow up into some beauty and perfection . but though the christians of those times spared no convenient cost in founding and adorning publick places for the worship of god , yet were they careful to keep a decent mean between a sordid slovenliness , and a too curious and over nice superstition . in the more early times , even while the fury and fierceness of their enemies kept them low and mean , yet they beautified their oratories and places of worship ; especially if we may believe the authour of the dialogue in lucian ( whom we mentioned before , and who lived within the first age ) who bringing in one critias that was perswaded by the christians , to go to the place of their assembly ( which by his description seems to have been an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or vpper-room ) tells us that after they had gone up several stairs , they came at last into an house or room that was overlaid with gold , where he beheld nothing but a company of persons with their bodies bow'd down , and pale faces . i know the design of that dialogue in part is to abuse and deride the christians , but there 's no reason to suppose he feigned those circumstances which made nothing to his purpose . as the times grew better , they added more and greater ornaments to them ; concerning two whereof there has been some contest in the christian world , altars and images . as for altars , the first christians had no other in their churches than decent tables of wood , upon which they celebrated the holy eucharist ; these 't is true in allusion to those in the jewish temple , the fathers generally called altars , and truly enough might do so , by reason of those sacrifices they offered upon them , viz. the commemoration of christs sacrifice in the blessed sacrament , the sacrifice of prayer and thanksgiving , and the oblation of alms and charity for the poor ( usually laid upon those tables ) which the apostle expresly styles a sacrifice . these were the only sacrifices ( for no other had the christian world for many hundreds of years ) which they then offered upon their altars , which were much of the same kind with our communion-tables at this day ▪ for that they had not any such fixed and gaudy altars ( as the heathens then had in their temples , and papists still have in their churches ) is most evident , because the heathens at every turn did charge and reproach them for having none , and the fathers in their answers did freely and openly acknowledge and avow it ; asserting and pleading that the only true sacred altar was a pure and a holy mind , and that the best and most acceptable sacrifice to god was a pious heart , and an innocent and religious life . haec nostra sacrificia , haec dei sacra sunt , these ( say they ) are our oblations , these the sacrifices we give to god. this was the state of altars in the christian churches for near upon the first three hundred years ; till constantine coming in , and with him peace and plenty , the churches began to excel in costliness and bravery every day , and then their wooden and moveable altars began to be turned into fixed altars of stone or marble , though used to no other purpose than before , and yet this too did not so universally obtain ( though severely urged by sylvester bishop of rome ) but that in very many places tables or moveable altars of wood continued in use a long time after , as might easily be made appear from several passages in athanasius and others , yea even to s. augustine's time , and probably much later , were it proper to my business to search after it . no sooner were altars made fixed and immoveable , but they were compassed in with rails to fence off rudeness and irreverence , and persons began to regard them with mighty observance and respect ; which soon grew so high , that they became asylums and refuges to protect innocent persons and unwitting offenders from immediate violence and oppression ; an instance whereof nazianzen gives us in a christian widow a woman of great place and quality , who flying from the importunities of the president , who would have forced her to marry him , had no other way but to take sanctuary at the holy table in s. basils church at caesarea ; she was demanded with many fierce and terrible threatnings , but the holy man stoutly refused , although the president was his mortal enemy , and sought only a pretence to ruine him . many such cases may be met with in the history of the church : nor was this a priviledge meerly founded upon custom , but setled and ratified by the laws of christian emperours , concerning the particular cases whereof , together with the extent and limitation of these immunities , there are no less than six several laws of the emperours theodosius , arcadius , and theodosius junior , yet extant in the theodosian code . but how far those asyla's and sanctuaries were good and useful , and to what evil and pernicious purposes they were improv'd in after-times , is without the limits of my present task to enquire . but if in those times there was so little ground for altars ( as us'd in the present sense of the church of rome ) there was yet far less for images ; and certainly might things be carried by a fair and impartial tryal of antiquity , the dispute would soon be at an end ; there not being any one just and good authority to prove that images were either worshipped , or us'd in churches , for near upon four hundred years after christ ; and i doubt not but it might be carried much farther , but that my business lyes mainly within those first ages of christianity . nothing can be more clear than that the christians were frequently challenged by the heathens , as for having no altars and temples , so that they had no images or statues in them , and that the christian apologists never denied it , but industriously defended themselves against the charge , and rejected the very thoughts of any such thing with contempt and scorn , as might be abundantly made good from tertullian , clem. alexandrinus , origen , minucius faelix , arnobius and lactantius , many of whose testimonies have been formerly pointed to . amongst other things origen plainly tells his adversary ( who had objected this to the christians ) that the images that were to be dedicated to god were not to be careed by the hand of artists ; but to be formed and fashioned in us by the word of god , viz. the virtues of justice and temperance , of wisdom and piety , &c. that conform us to the image of his only son : these ( says he ) are the only statues formed in our minds , and by which alone we are perswaded 't is fit to do honour to him who is the image of the invisible god , the prototype and architypal pattern of all such images . had christians then given adoration to them , or but set them up in their places of worship , with what face can we suppose they should have told the world , that they so much slighted and abhorred them ; and indeed what a hearty detestation they universally shew'd to any thing that had but the least shadow of idolatry , has been before prov'd at large . the council of illiberis that was held in spain some time before constantine expresly provided against it , decreeing that no pictures ought to be in the church , nor that any thing that is worshipped and adored should be painted upon the walls : words so clear and positive , as not to be evaded by all the little shifts and glosses which the expositors of that canon would put upon it . the first use of statues and pictures in publick churches was meerly historical , or to add some beauty and ornament to the place , which after ages improved into superstition and idolatry . the first that we meet with upon good authority ( for all the instances brought for the first ages are either false and spurious , or impertinent and to no purpose ) is no elder than the times of epiphanius , and then too met with no very welcome entertainment , as may appear from epiphanius his own epistle translated by s. hierom ; where the story in short is this . coming ( says he ) to anablatha a village in palestine , and going into a church to pray , i espied a curtain hanging over the door , whereon was painted the image of christ or of some saint ; which when i looked upon , and saw the image of a man hanging up in the church , contrary to the authority of the holy scriptures , i presently rent it , and advis'd the guardians of the church rather to make usd of it as a winding-sheet for some poor mans burying : whereat when they were a little troubled , and said 't was but just , that since i had rent that curtain , i should change it , and give them another ; i promis'd them i would , and have now sent the best i could get , and pray' entreat them to accept it , and give command that for the time to come no such curtains , being contrary to our religion , may be hung up in the church of christ ; it more becoming your place solicitously to remove whatever is offensive to , and unworthy of the church of christ , and the people committed to your charge . this was written to john bishop of jerusalem , in whose diocess the thing had been done ; and the case is so much the more pressing and weighty , by how the greater esteem and value epiphanius ( then bishop of salamine in cyprus ) for his great age and excellent learning , had in the church of god. this instance is so home and pregnant , that the patrons of image-worship are at a mighty loss what to say to it , and after all are forced to cry out against it as supposititious . bellarmine brings no less than nine arguments ( if such they may be called ) to make it seem probable : but had he been ingenuous , he might have given one reason more true and satisfactory than all the rest , why that part of the epistle should be thought forged and spurious , viz. because it makes so much against them . more might be produced to this purpose , but by this i hope 't is clear enough , that the honest christians of those times , as they thought it sufficient to pray to god without making their addresses to saints and angels , so they accounted their churches fine enough without pictures and images to adorn them . their churches being built and beautified ( so far as consisted with the ability and simplicity of those days ) they sought to derive a greater value and esteem upon them by some peculiar consecration ; for the wisdom and piety of those times thought it not enough barely to devote them to the publick services of religion , unless they also set them apart with solemn rites of a formal dedication . this had been an ancient custom both amongst jews and gentiles , as old as solomons temple , nay as moses and the tabernacle . when 't was first taken up by christians is not easie to determine ; only i do not remember to have met with the footsteps of any such thing in any approved writer ( for the decretal epistles every one knows what their faith is ) till the reign of constantine : in his time christianity being become more prosperous and successful , churches were every where erected and repaired , and no sooner were so , but ( as eusebius tells us ) they were solemnly consecrated , and the dedications celebrated with great festivity and rejoycing ; an instance whereof he there gives of the famous church of tyre , at the dedication whereof he himself made that excellent oration inserted into the body of his history . about the thirtieth year of his reign he built a stately church at jerusalem over the sepulchre of our saviour , which was dedicated with singular magnificence and veneration , and for the greater honour , by his imperial letters he summoned the bishops , who from all parts of the east were then met in council at tyre , to be present and assisting at the solemnity . the rites and ceremonies used at these dedications , as we find in eusebius , were a great confluence of bishops and strangers from all parts , the performance of divine offices , singing of hymns and psalms , reading and expounding of the scriptures , sermons and orations , receiving the holy sacrament , prayers , and thanksgivings , ●iberal alms bestowed on the poor , and great gifts given to the church , and in short , mighty expressions of mutual love and kindness , and universal rejoycing with one another . what other particular ceremonies were introduced afterwards , concerns not me to enquire , only let me note , that under some of the christian emperours , when paganism lay gasping for life , and their temples were purged and converted into christian churches , they were usually consecrated only by placing a cross in them , as the venerable ensign of the christian religion , as appears by the law of theodosius the younger to that purpose . the memory of the dedication of that church at jerusalem was constantly continued and kept alive in that church , and once a year , to wit , on the . of september , on which day it had been dedicated , was solemnized with great pomp and much confluence of people from all parts , the solemnity usually lasting eight days together , which doubtless gave birth to that custom of keeping anniversary days of commemoration of the dedication of churches , which from this time forwards we frequently meet with in the histories of the church , and much prevailed in after ages , some shadow whereof still remains amongst us at this day , in the wakes observed in several counties , which in correspondence with the encoenia of the ancient church , are annual festivals kept in country villages , in memory of the dedication of their particular churches . and because it was a custom in some ages of the church , that no church should be consecrated till it was endowed , it may give us occasion to enquire what revenues churches had in those first ages of christianity . 't is more than probable that for a great while they had no other publick incomes , than either what arose out of those common contributions which they made at their usual assemblies , every one giving or offering according to his ability or devotion , which was put into a common stock or treasury , or what proceeded from the offerings which they made out of the improvement of their lands , the apostolick canons providing that their first-fruits should be partly offered at the church , partly sent home to the bishops and presbyters : the care of all which was committed to the president or bishop of the church , ( for who says the authour of the fore-cited canons , is fitter to be trusted with the riches and revenues of the church , than he who is intrusted with the precious souls of men ) and by him disposed of for the maintenance of the clergie , the relief of the poor , or whatever necessities of the church . as christianity encreased , and times grew better , they obtained more proper and fixed revenues , houses and lands being setled upon them ; for such 't is certain they had even during the times of persecution ; for so we find in a law of constantine and licinius , where giving liberty of religion to christians , and restoring them freely to the churches which had been taken from them , and disposed of by former emperours ; they further add ; and because ( say they ) the same christians had not only places wherein they were wont to assemble , but are also known to have had other possessions , which were not the propriety of any single person , but belonged to the whole body and community ; all these by this law we command to be immediately restored to those christians , to every society and community of them what belonged to them . and in a rescript to anulinus the proconsul about the same matter , they particularly specifie , whether they be gardens or houses , or whatever else belonged to the right and propriety of those churches , that with all speed they be universally restored to them ; the same which maximinus also ( though no good friend to christians , yet either out of fear of constantine , or from the conviction of his conscience awakened by a terrible sickness ) had ordained for his parts of the empire . afterwards constantine set himself by all ways to advance the honour and interests of the church ; out of the tributes of every city which were yearly paid into his exchequer , he assigned a portion to the church and clergy of that place , and setled it by a law , which ( excepting the short reign of julian who revoked it ) was as the historian assures us , in force in his time . where any of the martyrs or confessors had died without kindred , or been banished their native country , and left no heirs behind them , he ordained that their estates and inheritance should be given to the church of that place , and that whoever had seized upon them , or had bought them of the exchequer should restore them , and refer themselves to him for what recompence should be made them . he took away the restraint which former emperours had laid upon the bounty of pious and charitable men , and gave every man liberty to leave what he would to the church : he gave salaries out of the publick corn , which though taken away by julian , was restored by his successor jovianus , and ratified as a perpetual donation by the law of valentinian and marcianus . after his time the revenues of churches encreased every day , pious and devout persons thinking they could never enough testifie their piety to god , by expressing their bounty and liberality to the church . i shall conclude this discourse , by observing what respect and reverence they were wont in those days to shew in the church , as the solemn place of worship , and where god did more peculiarly manifest his presence : and this certainly was very great . they came into the church , as into the palace of the great king ( as chrysostom calls it ) with fear and trembling , upon which account he there presses the highest modesty and gravity upon them : before their going into the church they used to wash at least their hands , as tertullian probably intimates , and chrysostom expresly tells us ; carrying themselves while there with the most profound silence and devotion ; nay so great was the reverence which they bore to the church , that the emperours themselves who otherwise never went without their guard about them , yet when they came to go into the church used to lay down their arms , to leave their guard behind them , and to put off their crowns , reckoning that the less ostentation they made of power and greatness there , the more firmly the imperial majesty would be entailed upon them , as we find it in the law of theodosius and valentinian , inserted at large into the last edition of the theodosian code . but of this we may probably speak more , when we come to treat of the manner of their publick adoration . chap. vii . of the lords-day and the fasts and festivals of the ancient church . time as necessary to religious actions as place . fixed times of publick worship observed by all nations . the lords day chiefly observed by christians : stiled sunday , and why . peculiarly consecrated to the memory of christs resurrection . all kneeling at prayer on this day forbidden , and why . their publick assemblies constantly held upon this day . forced to assemble before day in times of persecution ; thence jeered by the heathens as latebrosa & lucifugax natio . the lords day ever kept as a day of rejoycing ; all fasting upon it forbidden . the great care of constantine , and the first christian emperours , for the honour and observance of this day . their laws to that purpose . their constant and conscientious attendance upon publick worship on the lords day . canons of ancient councils about absenting from publick worship . sabbatum , or saturday , kept in the east as a religious day , with all the publick solemnities of divine worship : how it came to be so . otherwise in the western churches , observed by them as a fast , and why . this not universal . s. ambrose his practice at milain , and counsel to s. augustine in the case . their solemn ▪ fasts either weekly or annual ; weekly on wednesdays and fridays , held till three in the afternoon . annual fast that of lent , how ancient . vpon what account called quadragesima . observed with great strictness . the hebdomada magna , or the holy week , kept with singular austerity , and the reason of it . festivals observed by the primitive christians . that of easter as ancient as the times of the apostles . an account of the famous controversie between the eastern and western churches , about the keeping of easter . the intemperate spirit of pope victor . irenaeus his moderate interposal . the case sinally determined by the council of nice . the vigils of this feast observed with great expressions of rejoycing . the bounty of christian emperours upon easter-day ▪ the feast of pentecost how ancient . why stiled whitsunday . dominica in albis , why so called . the whole space between easter and whitsuntide kept festival . the acts of the apostles why publickly read during that time . the feast of epiphany anciently what . christmas-day , the ancient observation of it . epiphany in a strict sense what , and why so called . the memoriae martyrum what . when probably first begun . the great reverence they had for martyrs . their passions stiled their birth-day , and why . these anniversary solemnities kept at the tombs of martyrs . over these magnificent churches erected afterwards . what religious exercises performed at those meetings . the first rise of martyrologies . oblations for martyrs , how understood in the ancient writers of the church . these festivals kept with great rejoycing , mutual love and charity ; their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or common feasts . markets held for that purpose in those places . the ill use which after-times made of these memorials . time is a circumstance no less inseparable from religious actions than place , for man consisting of a soul and body cannot always be actually engaged in the service of god , that 's the priviledge of angels , and souls freed from the fetters of mortality ; so long as we are here , we must worship god with respect to our present state , and consequently of necessity have some definite and particular time to do it in . now that man might not be left to a floating uncertainty in a matter of so great importance , in all ages and nations men have been guided by the very dictates of nature to pitch upon some certain seasons , wherein to assemble and meet together to perform the publick offices of religion . what and how many were the publick festivals instituted and observed either amongst jews or gentiles , i am not concerned to take notice of . for the ancient christians , they ever had their peculiar seasons , their solemn and stated times of meeting together to perform the common duties of divine worship ; of which because the lords-day challenges the precedency of all the rest , we shall begin first with that . and being unconcern'd in all the controversies which in the late times were raised about it ; i shall only note some instances of the piety of christians in reference to this day , which i have observed in passing through the writers of those times . for the name of this day of publick worship , it is sometimes , especially by justin martyr and tertullian , called sunday , because it hapned upon that day of the week , which by the heathens was dedicated to the sun , and therefore as being best known to them , the fathers commonly made use of it in their apologies to the heathen governours . this title continued after the world became christian , and seldom it is that it passes under any other name in the imperial edicts of the first christian emperours . but the more proper and prevailing name was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or dies dominica , the lords-day , as 't is called by s. john himself , as being that day of the week whereon our lord made his triumphant return from the dead ; this justin martyr assures us was the true original of the title ; upon sunday . ( says he ) we all assemble and meet together , as being the first day wherein god , parting the darkness from the rude chaos , created the world , and the same day whereon jesus christ our saviour rose again from the dead ; for he was crucified the day before saturday , and the day after ( which is sunday ) he appeared to his apostles and disciples : by this means observing a kind of analogy and proportion with the jewish sabbath which had been instituted by god himself . for as that day was kept as a commemoration of gods sabbath , or resting from the work of creation , so was this set apart to religious uses , as the solemn memorial of christs resting from the work of our redemption in this world , compleated upon the day of his resurrection . which brings into my mind that custom of theirs so universally common in those days , that whereas at other times they kneeled at prayers , on the lords day they always prayed standing , as is expresly affirmed both by justin martyr and tertullian ; the reason of which we find in the authour of the questions and answers in j. martyr : it is ( says he ) that by this means we may be put in mind both of our fall by sin , & our resurrection or restitution by the grace of christ ; that for six days we pray upon our knees , is in token of our fall by sin ; but that on the lords day we do not bow the knee , does symbolically represent our resurrection , by which through the grace of christ we are delivered from our sins , and the powers of death : this he there tells us was a custom deriv'd from the very times of the apostles , for which he cites irenaeus in his book concerning easter . and this custom was maintained with so much vigour , that when some began to neglect it , the great council of nice took notice of it , and ordained that there should be a constant uniformity in this case , and that on the lords day ( and at such other times as were usual ) men should stand , when they made their prayers to god. so fit and reasonable did they think it to do all possible honour to that day , on which christ rose from the dead . therefore we may observe all along in the sacred story , that after christs resurrection the apostles and primitive christians did especially assemble upon the first day of the week : and whatever they might do at other times , yet there are many passages that intimate , that the first day of the week was their more solemn time of meeting ; on this day it was that they were met together , when our saviour first appeared to them , and so again the next week after : on this day they were assembled when the holy ghost so visibly came down upon them , when peter preached that excellent sermon , converted and baptized three thousand souls . thus when s. paul was taking his leave at troas , upon the first day of the week , when the disciples came together to break bread , i.e. as almost all agree , to celebrate the holy sacrament , he preached to them , sufficiently intimating that upon that day 't was their usual custom to meet in that manner ; and elsewhere giving directions to the church of corinth ( as he had done in the like case to other churches ) concerning their contributions to the poor suffering brethren , he bids them lay it aside upon the first day of the week , which seems plainly to respect their religious assemblies upon that day , for then it was that every one according to his ability deposited something for the relief of the poor , and the uses of the church . after the apostles , the christians constantly observed this day , meeting together for prayer , expounding and hearing of the scriptures , celebration of the sacraments , and other publick duties of religion . vpon the day called sunday ( says j. martyr ) all of us that live either in city or country meet together in one place ; and what they then did , he there describes , of which afterwards . this doubtless pliny meant , when giving trajan an account of the christians , he tells him that they were wont to meet together to worship christ stato die , upon a set certain day , by which he can be reasonably understood to design no other but the lords day ; for though they probably met at other times , yet he takes notice of this only , either because the christians , whom he had examin'd , had not told him of their meeting at other times , or because this was their most publick and solemn convention , and which in a manner swallowed up the rest . by the violent persecutions of those times the christians were forced to meet together before day , so pliny in the same place tells the emperour , that they assembled before day-light , to sing their morning hymns to christ . whence it is that tertullian so often mentions their nocturnal convocations ; for putting the case that his wife after his decease should marry with a gentile-husband , amongst other inconveniencies he asks her , whether she thought he would be willing to let her rise from his bed to go to their night-meetings ; and in the case of persecution he tells fabius , that if they could not celebrate dominica solennia , their lords-day solemnities in the day time , they had the night sufficiently clear with the light of christ . this gave occasion to their spightful adversaries to calumniate and asperse them : the heathen in minucius charges them with their night-congregations , upon which account they are there scornfully called latebrosa & lucifugax natio an obscure and skulking generation ; and the very first thing that celsus objects is , that the christians had private and clancular assemblies , or combinations ; to which origen answers , that if it were so , they might thank them for it who would not suffer them to exercise it more openly ; that the christian doctrine was sufficiently evident and obvious , and better known through the world , than the opinion and sentiments of their best philosophers ; and that if there were some mysteries in the christian religion which were not communicated to every one , 't was no other thing than what was common in the several sects of their own philosophy . but to return . they looked upon the lords-day as a time to be celebrated with great expressions of joy , as being the happy memory of christs resurrection , and accordingly restrained whatever might savour of sorrow and sadness ; fasting on that day they prohibited with the greatest severity , accounting it utterly unlawful , as tertullian informs us . it was a very bitter censure that of ignatius ( or whoseever that epistle was , for certainly it was not his ) that who ever fasts on a lords-day is a murderer of christ ; however 't is certain , that they never fasted on those days , no not in the time of lent it self ; nay the montanists , though otherwise great pretenders to fasting and mortification , did yet abstain from it on the lords-day . and as they accounted it a joyful and good day , so they did what ever they thought might contribute to the honour of it . no sooner was constantine come over to the church , but his principal care was about the lords-day , he commanded it to be solemnly observed , and that by all persons whatsoever , he made it to all a day of rest ; that men might have nothing to do but to worship god , and be better instructed in the christian faith , and spend their whole time without any thing to hinder them in prayer and devotion , according to the custom and discipline of the church : and for those in his army who yet remained in their paganism and infidelity , he commanded them upon lords-days to go out into the fields , and there pour out their souls in hearty prayers to god ; and that none might pretend their own inability to the duty , he himself composed and gave them a short form of prayer , which he enjoin'd them to make use of every lords-day : so careful was he that this day should not be dishonoured or mis-imployed , even by those who were yet strangers and enemies to christianity . he moreover ordained , that there should be no courts of judicature open upon this day , no suits or tryals at law , but that for any works of mercy , such as the emancipating and setting free of slaves or servants , this might be done . that there should be no suits nor demanding debts upon this day , was confirmed by several laws of succeeding emperours , and that no arbitrators who had the umpirage of any business lying before them , should at that time have power to determine or take up litigious causes , penalties being entail'd upon any that transgressed herein . theodosius the great , anno . by a second law ratified one which he had passed long before , wherein he expresly prohibited all publick shews upon the lords-day , that the worship of god might not be confounded with those prophane solemnities . this law the younger theodosius some few years after confirmed and enlarged , enacting , that on the lords day ( and some other festivals there mentioned ) not only christians , but even jews and heathens should be restrained from the pleasure of all sights and spectacles , and the theatres be shut up in every place ; and whereas it might so happen that the birth-day or inauguration of the emperour might fall upon that day , therefore to let the people know how infinitely he preferred the honour of god , before the concerns of his own majesty and greatness , he commanded that if it should so happen , that then the imperial solemnity should be put off , and deferred till another day . i shall take notice but of one instance more of their great observance of this day , and that was their constant attendance upon the solemnities of publick worship ; they did not think it enough to read and pray , and praise god at home , but made conscience of appearing in the publick assemblies , from which nothing but sickness and absolute necessity did detain them : and if sick , or in prison , or under banishment , nothing troubled them more , than that they could not come to church , and join their devotions to the common services . if persecution at any time forced them to keep a little close , yet no sooner was there the least mitigation , but they presently returned to their open duty , and publickly met all together . no trivial pretences , no light excuses were then admitted for any ones absence from the congregation , but according to the merit of the cause severe censures were passed upon them . the synod of illiberis provided , that if any man dwelling in a city ( where usually churches were nearest hand ) should for three lords days absent himself from the church , he should for some time be suspended the communion , that he might appear to be corrected for his fault . they allowed no separate assemblies , no congregations but what met in the publick church ; if any man took upon him to make a breach , and to draw people into corners , he was presently condemned , and a sutable penalty put upon him . when eustathius bishop of sebastia ( a man petending to great strictness and austerity of life ) began to cast off the discipline of the church , and to introduce many odd observations of his own , amongst others , to contemn priests that were married , to fast on the lords day , and to keep meetings in private houses , drawing away many , but especially women , ( as the historian observes ) who leaving their husbands were led away with errour , and from that into great filthiness and impurity . no sooner did the bishops of those parts discover it , but meeting in council at gangra the metropolis of paphlagonia about the year . they condemned and cast them out of the church , passing these two canons among the rest : if any one shall teach that the house of god is to be despised , and the assemblies that are held in it , let him be accursed : if any shall take upon him out of the church , privately to preach at home , and making light of the church shall do those things that belong only to the church , without the presence of the priest , and the leave and allowance of the bishop , let him be accursed . correspondent to which , the canons called apostolical , and the council of antioch , ordain , that if any presbyter setting light by his own bishop , shall withdraw and set up separate meetings , and erect another altar ( i. e. says zonaras , keep unlawful conventicles , preach privately , and administer the sacrament ) that in such a case he shall be deposed , as ambitious and tyrannical , and the people communicating with him be excommunicate , as being factious and schismatical ; only this not to be done , till after the third admonition . after all that has been said , i might further show what esteem and value the first christians had of the lords day , by those great and honourable things they have spoken concerning it ; of which i 'll produce but two passages ; the one is that in the epistle ad magnesios , which if not ignatius , must yet be acknowledged an ancient authour : let every one ( says he ) that loves christ keep the lords day festival , the resurrection day , the queen and empress of all days , in which our life was raised again , and death conquered by our lord and saviour . the other that of theophilus bishop of alexandria , who speaks thus , that both custom and reason challenge from us , that we should honour the lords day , and keep it festival , seeing on that day it was that our lord jesus christ compleated his resurrection from the dead . next to the lords day , the sabbath , or saturday ( for so the word sabbatum is constantly used in the writings of the fathers , when speaking of it as it relates to christians ) was held by them in great veneration , and especially in the eastern parts honoured with all the publick solemnities of religion . for which we are to know , that the gospel in those parts mainly prevailing amongst the jews , they being generally the first converts to the christian faith , they still retained a mighty reverence for the mosaick institutions , and especially for the sabbath , as that which had been appointed by god himself ( as the memorial of his rest from the work of creation ) setled by their great master moses , and celebrated by their ancestors for so many ages , as the solemn day of their publick worship , and were therefore very loth that it should be wholly antiquated and laid aside . for this reason it seemed good to the prudence of those times ( as in others of the jewish rites , so in this ) to indulge the humour of that people , and to keep the sabbath as a day for religious offices . hence they usually had most parts of divine service performed upon that day , they met together for publick prayers , for reading the scriptures , celebration of the sacraments , and such like duties . this is plain not only from some passages in ignatius and clemens his constitutions , but from writers of more unquestionable credit and authority . athanasius bishop of alexandria tells us , that they assembled on saturdays , not that they were infected with judaism , but only to worship jesus christ the lord of the sabbath : and socrates speaking of the usual times of their publick meeting , calls the sabbath and the lords day the weekly festivals , on which the congregation was wont to meet in the church , for the performance of divine services . therefore the council of laodicea amongst other things decreed , that upon saturdays the gospels and other scriptures should be read , that in lent the eucharist should not be celebrated but upon saturday and the lords day , and upon those days only in the time of lent it should be lawful to commemorate and rehearse the names of martyrs . upon this day also aswel as upon sunday all fasts were severely prohibited ( an infallible argument they counted it a festival day ) one saturday in the year only excepted , viz. that before easter-day , which was always observed as a solemn fast . things so commonly known as to need no proof . but though the church thought fit thus far to correspond with jewish converts , as solemnly to observe the sabbath ; yet to take away all offence , and to vindicate themselves from compliance with judaism , they openly declared that they did it only in a christian way , and kept it not as a jewish sabbath , as is expresly affirmed by athanasius , nazianzen , and others ; and the forementioned laodicean synod has a canon to this purpose , that christians should not judaize , and rest from all labour on the sabbath , but follow their ordinary works ( i. e. so far as consisted with their attendance upon the publick assemblies ) and should not entertain such thoughts of it , but that still they should prefer the lords day before it ; and on that day rest as christians ; but if any were found to judaize they should be accursed . thus stood the case in the eastern church ; in those of the west we find it somewhat different , amongst them it was not observed as a religious festival , but kept as a constant fast , the reason whereof ( as 't is given by pope innonocent , in an epistle to the bishop of eugubium , where he treats of this very case ) seems most probable ; if ( says he ) we commemorate christs resurrection not only at easter , but every lords day , and fast upon friday because 't was the day of his passion , we ought not to pass by saturday , which is the middle-time between the days of grief and joy ; the apostles themselves spending those two days ( viz. friday and the sabbath ) in great sorrow and heaviness : and he thinks no doubt ought to be made but that the apostles fasted upon those two days , whence the church had a tradition , that the sacraments were not to be administred on those days , and therefore concludes , that every saturday or sabbath ought to be kept a fast . to the same purpose the council of illiberis ordained , that a saturday festival was an errour that ought to be reformed , and that men ought to fast upon every sabbath . but though this seems to have been the general practice , yet it did not obtain in all places of the west alike . in italy it self , 't was otherwise at milain ; where saturday was a festival ; and 't is said in the life of s. ambrose , who was bishop of that see , that he constantly dined as well upon saturday as the lords day , ( it being his custom to dine upon no other days but those , and the memorials of the martyrs ) and used also upon that day to preach to the people ; though so great was the prudence and moderation of that good man , that he bound not up himself in these indifferent things , but when he was at millain he dined upon saturdays , and when he was at rome , he fasted as they did upon those days : this s. augustine assures us he had from his own mouth ; for when his mother monica came after him to millain ( where he then resided ) she was greatly troubled to find the saturday fast not kept there , as she had found it in other places ; for her satisfaction he immediately went to consult s. ambrose , then bishop of that place , who told him he could give him no better advice in the cause , that to do as he did : when i come to rome ( said he ) i fast on the saturday as they do at rome , when i am here i do not fast . so likewise you , to whatsoever church you come , observe the custom of that place , if you mean not either to give or take offence . with this answer he satisfied his mother , and ever after when he thought of it , looked upon it as an oracle sent from heaven . so that even in italy the saturday fast was not universally observed . nay a very learned man ( and a bishop of the roman church ) thinks it highly probable , that for the first ages especially , saturday was no more kept as a fast at rome , than in the churches of the east : though the great argument whereby he would establish it ( viz. because some latine churches , who must needs follow the pattern of the church of rome , did not keep it so ) is very infirm and weak ; and needs no more than that very instance of the church of millain to refute it , which though under the popes nose , did not yet keep that day as a fast , although this was many years after it had been so established and observed at rome . and now that i am got into this business , i shall once for all dispatch the matter about their fasts , before i proceed to their other festivals . 't is certain the ancient christians had two sorts of solemn fasts , weekly and annual . their weekly fasts ( called jejunia quartae & sextae seriae ) were kept upon wednesdays and fridays , appointed so , as we are told , for this reason , because on wednesday our lord was betrayed by judas , on friday he was crucified by the jews . this custom epiphanius ( how truly i know not ) refers to the apostles , and elsewhere tells us that those days were observed as fasts through the whole world . these fasts they called their stations ( not because they stood all the while , but by an allusion to the military stations and keeping their guards , as tertullian observes , they kept close at it ) and they usually lasted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as epiphanius informs us , till the ninth hour , i. e. till three of the clock in the afternoon , at which time having ended their fast devotions , they received the eucharist , and then broke up the station , and went home ; whence it is that tertullian calls them stationum semijejunia , the half fasts of stations : and he seems to censure the practice of some who having privately resolved upon an entire fast of the whole day , refused to receive the eucharist at the publick stationary fasts , because they thought that by eating and drinking the sacramental elements , they put a period to their fasting : for it was usual in those times with many , after the stationary fasts were ended , to continue and hold on the fast until the evening . the historian tells us that it had been a very ancient custom in the church of alexandria , upon these days to have the scriptures read and expounded , and all other parts of divine service , except the celebration of the sacrament , and that it was chiefly in those days that origen was wont to teach the people : whether the omitting of the sacrament then might be a peculiar custom to that church , i know not , certain i am 't was upon those days administred in other places . so s. basil enumerating the times how oft they received it every week , expresly puts wednesday and friday into the number . the remains of these primitive stations are yet observed in our church at this day , which by her . canon has ordained , that though wednesdays and fridays be not holy days , yet that weekly upon those times minister and people shall resort to church at the accustomed hours of prayer . their annual fast was that of lent , by way of preparation to the feast of our saviours resurrection , this ( though not in the modern use of it ) was very ancient , though far from being an● apostolical canon , as a learned prelate of our church has fully proved . from the very first age of the christian church 't was customary to fast before easter ; but for how long , it was variously observed according to different times and places ; some fasting so many days , others so many weeks , and some so many days on each week ; and 't is most probably thought , that it was at first stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or quadragesima , not because 't was a fast of forty days , but of forty hours , begun about twelve on friday ( the time of our saviours falling under the power of death ) and continued till sunday morning , the time of his rising from the dead . afterwards it was enlarged to a longer time , drawn out into more days , and then weeks , till it came to three , and at last to six or seven weeks . but concerning the different observations of it in several places , let them who desire to know more consult socrates and sozomen , who both speak enough about it . this quadragesimal fast was kept in those times with great piety and religion , people generally applying themselves with all seriousness to acts of penance and mortification , whence chrysostom calls lent the remedy and physick of our souls ; and to the end that the observation of it might be more grave and solemn , theodosins m. and his colleague emperours passed two laws , that during the time of lent all process and enquiry into criminal actions should be suspended , and no corporal punishments inflicted upon any ; it being unfit ( as the second of those laws expresses it ) that in the holy time of lent the body should suffer punishment , while the soul is expecting absolution . but with what care soever they kept the preceeding parts , 't is certain they kept the close of it with a mighty strictness and austerity , i mean the last week of it , that which immediately preceded the feast of easter ; this they consecrated to more peculiar acts of prayer , abstinence , and devotion ; and whereas in the other parts of lent they ended their fast in the evening , in this they extended it to the cock-crowing , or first glimpse of the morning ; to be sure they ended it not before midnight , for to break up the fast before that time was accounted a piece of great prophaneness and intemperance , as dionysius bishop of alexandria determines in a letter to basilides , wherein he largely and learnedly states the case . this was the hebdomada magna , the great ( or holy ) week ; so called ( says chrysostom ) not that it has either more hours or days in it than other weeks , but because this is the week in which truly great and ineffable good things were purchased for us ; within this time death was conquered , the curse destroyed , the devils tyranny dissolved , his instruments broken , heaven opened , angels rejoyced , the partition-wall broken down , and god and man reconciled . for this cause we call it the great week , for this cause men fast , and watch , and do alms , to do the greater honour to it : the emperours themselves , to shew what veneration they have for this time , commanding all suits and processes at law to cease , tribunal-doors to be shut up , and prisoners to be set free , imitating herein their great lord and master , who by his death at this time delivered us from the prison and the chains of sin ; meaning herein those laws of theodosius , gratian , and valentinian , which we lately mentioned . we proceed now to enquire what other festivals there were in those first ages of the church , which i find to be chiefly these ; easter , whitsuntide , and epiphany , which comprehended two , christmass and epiphany properly so called . i reckon them not in their proper order , but as i suppose them to have taken place in the church . of these easter challenges the precedence both for its antiquity , and the great stir about it ; that in and from the very times of the apostles ( besides the weekly returns of the lords day ) there has been always observed an anniversary festival in memory of christs resurrection , no man can doubt , that has any insight into the affairs of the ancient church ; all the dispute was about the particular time when it was to be kept , which became a matter of as famous a controversie as any that in those ages exercised the christian world . the state of the case was briefly this ; the churches of asia the less kept their easter upon the same day , whereon the jews celebrated their passover , viz. upon the . day of the first month ( which always began with the appearance of the moon ) mostly answering to our march , and this they did , upon what day of the week soever it fell , and hence were stiled quartodecimans , because keeping easter quarta decima luna , upon the . day after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or appearance of the moon . the other churches , and especially those of the west did not follow this custom , but kept easter upon the lords day following the day of the jewish passover , partly the more to honour the day , and partly to distinguish between jews and christians : the asiaticks pleaded for themselves the practice of the apostles ; polycarpus bishop of smyrna , who had lived and conversed with them , having kept it upon that day , together with s. john and the rest of the apostles , as irenaeus ( who himself knew polycarpus , and doubtless had it from his own mouth ) speaks in a letter about this very thing though himself was of the other side . and polycrates in a letter to the same purpose , instances not only in s. john , but s. philip the apostle ▪ who himself and his whole family used so to keep it , from whom it had been conveyed down in a constant and uninterrupted observance through all the bishops of those places , some whereof he there enumerates , and tells us that seven bishops of that place in a constant succession had been his kinsmen , and himself the eighth , and that it had never been kept by them upon any other day ; this we are not so to understand , as if s. john and the apostles had instituted this festival , and commanded it to be observed upon that day , but rather that they did it by way of condescension , accommodating their practice in a matter indifferent to the humour of the jewish converts ( whose number in those parts was very great ) as they had done before in several other cases , and particularly in observing the sabbath or saturday . the other churches also ( says eusebius ) had for their patronage an apostolical tradition , or at least pretended it : and were the much more numerous party . this difference was the spring of great bustles in the church ; for the bishops of rome stickled hard to impose their custom upon the eastern churches , whereupon polycarpus comes over to rome to confer with anicetus who was then bishop about it ; and though they could not agree the matter , yet they parted fairly . after this pope victor renewed the quarrel , and was so fierce and peremptory in the case , that he either actually did , or ( as a learned man inclines rather to think , probably to mollifie the odium of the fact ) severely threatned to excommunicate those eastern churches for standing out against it : this rash and bold attempt was ill resented by the sober and moderate men of his own party , who writ to him about it ; and particularly irenaeus ( a man , as eusebius notes , truly answering his name , both in his temper and his life , quiet and peaceable ) who gravely reproved him for renting the peace of the church , and troubling so many famous churches for observing the customs derived to them from their ancestors , with much more to the same purpose . but the asian bishops little regarded what was either said or done at rome , and still went on in their old course , though by the diligent practices of the other party they lost ground , but yet still made shift to keep the cause on foot till the time of constantine , who finding this controversie amongst others much to disquiet the peace of the church , did for this and some other reasons summon the great council of nice , by whom this question was solemnly determined , easter ordained to be kept upon one and the same day throughout the world , not according to the custom of the jews , but upon the lords day , and this decree ratified and published by the imperial letters to all the churches . the eve of vigils or this festival were wont to be celebrated with more than ordinary pomp , with solemn watchings , with multitudes of lighted torches both in the churches and their own private houses , so as to turn the night it self into day , and with the general resort and confluence of all ranks of men , both magistrates and people . this custom of lights at that time was , if not begun , at least much augmented by constantine , who set up lamps and torches in all places as well within the churches as without ; that through the whole city the night seemed to outvye the sun at noonday . and this they did ( as nazianzen intimates ) as a prodromus or forerunner of that great light , even the sun of righteousness , which the next day arose upon the world . for the feast it self , the same father calls it the holy and famous passover , a day which is the queen of days , the festival of festivals , and which as far excels all other , even of those which are instituted to the honour of christ , as the sun goes beyond the other stars . a time it was famous for works of mercy and charity , every one both of clergy and laity striving to contribute liberally to the poor : a duty ( as one of the ancients observes ) very congruous and sutable to that happy season , for what more fit , than that such as beg relief should be enabled to rejoice at that time , when we remember the common fountain of our mercies ? therefore no sooner did the morning of this day appear , but constantine used to arise , and in imitation of the love and kindness of our blessed saviour , to bestow the richest and most noble gifts , and to diffuse the influences of his bounty over all parts of his empire . and his example herein it seems was followed by most of his successors , who used upon this solemnity by their imperial orders to release all prisoners , unless such as were in for more heavy and notorious crimes , high treason , murders , rapes , incest , and the like . and chrysostom tells us of a letter of theodosius the great sent at this time throughout the empire , wherein he did not only command , that all prisoners should be released and pardoned , but wished he was able to recal those that were already executed , and to restore them to life again . and because by the negligence and remissness of messengers , or any accident those imperial letters might sometimes happen to come too late , therefore valentinian the younger provided by a standing law , that whether order came or not , the judges should dispence the accustomed indulgence , and upon easter day in the morning cause all prisons to be open , the chains to be knock'd off , and the persons set at liberty . the next feast considerable in those primitive times , was that of whitsunday or pentecost , a feast of great eminency amongst the jews , in memory of the law delivered at mount sinai at that time , and for the gathering and bringing in of their harvest ; and of no less note amongst christians for the holy ghosts descending upon the apostles and other christians , in the visible appearance of fiery cloven tongues , which hapned upon that day , and those miraculous powers then conferred upon them . it was observed with the same respect to easter , that the jews did with respect to their passover , viz. ( as the word imports ) just fifty days after it , reckoning from the second day of that festival : it seems to some to have commenced from the first rise of christianity , not only because the apostles and the church were assembled upon that day , but because s. paul made so much haste to be at jerusalem the day of pentecost , which they understand of his great desire to keep it there as a christian feast . but the argument seems to me no way conclusive , for the apostle might desire to be there at that time , both because he was sure to meet with a great number of the brethren , and because he should have a fitter opportunity to preach the gospel to the jews , who from all parts flock'd thither to the feast , as our saviour himself for the same reason used to go up to jerusalem at all their great and solemn feasts . but however this was , 't is certain the observation of it is ancient , 't was mentioned by irenaeus in a book which he wrote concerning easter , as the author of the questions and responses in j. martyr tells us ; by tertullian , and after him by origen more than once . this feast is by us stiled whitsunday , partly because of those vast diffusions of light and knowledge which upon this day were shed upon the apostles , in order to the enlightning of the world ; but principally because this ( as also easter ) being the stated time for baptism in the ancient church , those who were baptized put on white garments , in token of that pure and innocent course of life they had now engaged in ( of which more in its proper place : ) this white garment they wore till the next sunday after , and then laid it aside ; whence the octave or sunday after easter came to be stiled dominica in albis , the sunday in white , it being then that the new-baptized put off their white garments . we may observe that in the writers of those times the whole space of fifty days between easter and whitsunday goes often under the name of pentecost , and was in a manner accounted festival , as tertullian informs us , and the forty third canon of the illiberitan council seems to intimate . during this whole time baptism was conferred , all fasts were suspended and counted unlawful , they prayed standing as they did every lords day ; and at this time read over the acts of the apostles , wherein their sufferings and miracles are recorded , as we learn from a law of the younger theodosius , wherein this custom is mentioned , and more plainly from s. chrysostom , who treats of it in an homily on purpose , where he gives this reason why that book which contained those actions of the apostles which were done after pentecost ; should yet be read before it , when as at all other times those parts of the gospel were read , which were proper to the season , because the apostles miracles being the grand confirmation of the truth of christs resurrection , and those miracles recorded in that book , it was therefore most proper to be read next to the feast of the resurrection . epiphany succeeds ; this word was of old promiscuously used either for the feast of christs nativity , or for that which we now properly call by that name : afterwards the titles became distinct ; that of christs birth ( or as we now term it christmas-day ) was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the nativity , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the appearance of god in the flesh ; two names importing the same thing as nazianzen notes . for the antiquity of it , the first footsteps i find of it are in the second century , though i doubt not but it might be celebrated before , mentioned by theophilus bishop of caesaria , about the time of the emperour commodus : but if any credit might be given to the decretal epistles , it was somewhat elder than that , pope telesphorus , who lived under antoninus pius , ordaining divine service to be celebrated , and an angelical hymn to be sung the night before the nativity of our saviour . however that it was kept before the times of constantine , we have this sad instance . that when the persecution raged under dioclesian , who then kept his court at nicomedia , amongst other acts of barbarous cruelty done there , finding multitudes of christians young and old met together in the temple , upon the day of christs nativity , to celebrate that festival , he commanded the church doors to be shut up , and fire to be put to it , which in a short time reduced them and the church to ashes . i shall not dispute , whether it was always observed upon the same day that we keep it now , the twenty fifth of december ; it seems probable , that for a long time in the east it was kept in january , under the name , and at the general time of the epiphania , till receiving more light in the case from the churches of the west , they changed it to this day ; sure i am s. chrysostom in an homily on purpose about this very thing affirms , that it was not above ten years since in that church ( i. e. antioch ) it began first to be observed upon that day , and there offers several reasons to prove that to be the true day of christs nativity . the feast of epiphany , properly so called , was kept on the sixth of january , and had that name from a threefold apparition or manifestation commemorated upon that day , which all hapned , though not in the same year , yet upon the same day of the year . the first was the appearance of the star , which guided the wise men to christ . the second was the famous appearance at the baptism of christ , when all the persons in the holy trinity did sensibly manifest themselves , the father in the voice from heaven , the son in the river jordan , and the holy ghost in the visible shape of a dove . this was ever accounted a famous festival , and as s. chrysostom tells us , was properly called epiphany , because he came in a manner into the world incognito ; but at his baptism openly appeared to be the son of god , and was so declared before the world . at this time it was that by his going into the river jordan he did sanctifie water to the mystical washing away of sin ( as our church expresses it ) in memory whereof , chrysostom tells us , they used in this solemnity at midnight to draw water , which they looked upon as consecrated this day , and carrying it home to lay it up , where it would remain pure and uncorrupt for a whole year , sometimes two or three years together , the truth whereof must rest upon the credit of that good man. the third manifestation commemorated at this time , was that of christs divinity , which appeared in the first miracle that he wrought in turning water into wine ; therefore 't was called bethphania , because it was done in the house at that famous marriage in cana of galilee , which our saviour honoured with his own presence . all these three appearances contributed to the solemnity of this festival . but beside these , there was another sort of festivals in the primitive church , kept in commemoration of martyrs : for the understanding of which we are to know , that in those sad and bloody times when the christian religion triumphed over persecution , and gained upon the world by nothing more than the constant and resolute sufferings of its professors , whom no threatnings or torments could baffle out of it ; the people generally had a vast reverence for those who suffered thus deep in the cause of christianity , and laid down their lives for the confirmation of it . they looked upon confessors and martyrs as the great champions of their religion , who resisted unto blood , and dyed upon the spot to make good its ground , and to maintain its honour and reputation ; and therefore thought it very reasonable to do all possible honour to their memories , partly that others might be encouraged to the like patience and fortitude , and partly that virtue even in this world might not lose its reward . hence they were wont once a year to meet at the graves of martyrs , there solemnly to recite their sufferings and their triumphs , to praise their virtues , and to bless god for their pious examples , for their holy lives and their happy deaths , for their palms and crowns . these anniversary solemnities were called memoriae martyrum , the memories of the martyrs , a title mentioned by cyprian , but certainly much older than his time ; and indeed when they were first taken up in the church is i think not so exactly known : the first that i remember to have met with , is that of polycarp ( whose martyrdom is placed by eusebius anno . under the third persecution ) concerning whose death and sufferings the church of smyrna ( of which he was bishop ) giving an account to the church of philomelium , and especially of the place where they had honourably entomb'd his bones , they do profess that ( so far as the malice of their enemies would permit them , and they prayed god nothing might hinder it ) they would assemble in that place , and celebrate the birth-day of his martyrdom with joy and gladness : where we may especially observe , that this solemnity is stiled his birth-day , and indeed so the primitive christians used to call the days of their death and passion ( quite contrary to the manner of the gentiles , who kept the natalitials of their famous men ) looking upon these as the true days of their nativity , wherein they were freed from this valley of tears , these regions of death , and born again unto the joys and happiness of an endless life . the same account origen gives ( if that book be his , a very ancient authour however ) we keep ( says he ) the memories of the saints , of our ancestors , and friends that dye in the faith , both rejoycing in that rest which they have obtained , and begging for our selves a pious consummation in the faith : and we celebrate not the day of their nativity , as being the inlet to sorrow and temptation , but of their death , as the period of their miseries , and that which sets them beyond the reach of temptations . and this we do , both clergie and people meeting together , inviting the poor and needy , and refreshing the widows and the orphans ; that so our festival may be both in respect of them , whom we commemorate , the memorial of that happy rest which their departed souls do enjoy ; and in respect of us the odour of a sweet smell in the sight of god. under constantine these days were commanded to be observed with great care and strictness , enjoining all his lieutenants and governours of provinces to see the memorials of the martyrs duly honoured ; and so sacred were they accounted in those days , that it was thought a piece of prophaneness to be absent from them ; therefore s. basil thought he could not use a more solemn argument , to perswade a certain bishop to come over to him upon this occasion , than to adjure him by the respect he bore to the memories of the martyrs , that if he would not do it for his , yet he should for their sakes , towards whom it was unfit he should shew the least disregard . hence it is that libanius sometimes takes notice of the christians under no other character than this , enemies to the gods , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that haunt and frequent tombs and sepulchers . for the time of these assemblies it was commonly once a year , viz. upon the day of their martyrdom , for which end they took particular care to keep registers of the days of the martyrs passions . so cyprian expresly charges his clergie to note down the days of their decease , that there might be a commemoration of them amongst the memories of the martyrs . theodoret tells us , that in his time they did not thus assemble once or twice , or five times in a year , but kept frequent memorials , oftentimes every day celebrating the memorials of martyrs , with hymns and praises unto god. but i suppose he means it of days appointed to the memory of particular martyrs , which being then very numerous , their memorials were distinctly fixed upon their proper days , the festival of s. peter , or s. paul , thomas , sergius , marcellus , &c. as he there enumerates them . for the places , these solemnities were kept at first at the tombs where the martyrs had been buried , which usually were in the coemeteria or church-yard , distinct in those times from their places of publick worship , and at a great distance from them , as being commonly without the cities . here their burying places where in large cryptae or grots under ground , where they celebrated these memorials , and whither they used to retire for their common devotions in times of great persecution , when their churches were destroyed or taken from them . and therefore when aemilian the governour of egypt under the reign of valerian would screw up the persecution against christians , he forbad their meetings , and that they should not so much as assemble in the places which they called their church-yards ; the same priviledge which maximinus also had taken from them . by reason of the darkness of these places , and their frequent assembling there in the night , to avoid the fury of their enemies , they were forced to use lights and lamps in their publick meetings , but they who make this an argument to patronize their burning of lamps and wax-candles in their churches at noon-day ( as 't is in all the great churches of the roman communion ) talk at a strange rate of wild inconsequence . i am sure s. hierom when charged with it , denied that they used any in the day time , and never but at night when they rose up to their night-devotions . he confesses indeed 't was otherwise in the eastern churches , where when the gospel was to be read , they set up lights , as a token of their rejoycing for those happy and glad tidings that were contained in it , light having been ever used as a symbol and representation of joy and gladness : a custom probably not much elder than his time . afterwards when christianity prevailed in the world , the devotion of christians erected churches in those places ; the temples of the martyrs ( says theodoret ) being spacious and beautiful , richly and curiously adorned , and shining with great lustre and brightness . these solemnities , as the same author informs us , were kept not like the heathen festivals with luxury and obsceneness , but with devotion and sobriety , with divine hymns and religious sermons , with fervent prayers to god , mixed many times with sighs and tears . here they heard sermons and orations , joined in publick prayers and praises , received the holy sacrament , offered gifts and charities for the poor , recited the names of the martyrs then commemorated with their due elogies and commendations , and their virtues propounded to the imitation of the hearers . for which purpose they had their set notaries who took the acts , sayings , and sufferings of martyrs , which were after compiled into particular treatises , and were recited in these annual meetings , and this was the first original of martyrologies in the christian church . from this custom of offering up prayers , praises , and alms at those times , it is that the fathers speak so often of oblations and sacrifices at the martyrs festivals . tertullian often , upon an anniversary day ( says he ) we make oblations for them that are departed , in memory of their natalitia or birth days , and to the same purpose elsewhere . as oft ( says cyprian ) as by an anniversary commemoration we celebrate the passion days of the martyrs , we always offer sacrifices for them ; and the same phrases oft occur in many others of the fathers . by which 't is evident , they meant no more than their publick prayers , and offering up praises to god for the piety and constancy , and the excellent examples of their martyrs , their celebrating the eucharist at these times , as the commemoration of christs sacrifice , their oblation of alms and charity for the poor , every one of which truly may , and often is stiled a sacrifice or oblation ; and are so understood by some of the more moderate , even of the romish church : and with good reason , for that they did not make any real and formal sacrifices and oblations to martyrs , but only honour them as holy men , and friends to god , who for his and our saviours honour , and the truth of religion , chose to lay down their lives , i find expresly affirmed by theodoret. these festivals being times of mirth and gladness were celebrated with great expressions of love and charity to the poor , and mutual rejoycings with one another . here they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or feasts , every one bringing something to the common banquet , out of which the poor also had their share . these feasts at first were very sober and temperate , and such as became the modesty and simplicity of christians , as we heard before out of theodoret , and is affirmed before him by constantine in his oration to the saints . but degenerating afterwards into excess and intemperance , they were every where declaimed against by the fathers , till they were wholly laid aside . upon the account of these feasts , and for the better making provisions for them , we may conceive it was that markets came to be kept at these times and places , for of such s. basil speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , markets held at the memorials and tombs of martyrs ; these he condemns as highly unsuitable to those solemnities , which were only instituted for prayer , and a commemoration of the virtues of good men , for our incouragement and imitation , and that they ought to remember the severity of our otherwise meek and humble saviour , who whipt the buyers and sellers out of the temple , when by their marketings they had turned the house of prayer into a den of thieves . and the truth is these anniversary commemorations , though in their primitive institution they are highly reasonable and commendable , yet through the folly and dotage of men they were after made to minister to great superstition and idolatry ; so plain is it that the best and usefullest things may be corrupted to bad purposes . for hence sprung the doctrine and practice of prayer and invocation of saints , and their intercession with god , the worshipping of reliques , pilgrimages , and visiting churches , and offering at the shrines of such and such saints , and such like superstitious practices , which in after ages over-run so great a part of the christian church ; things utterly unknown to the simplicity of those purer and better times . chap. viii . of the persons constituting the body of the church , both people and ministers . the people distinguished into several ranks . catechumens of two sorts . gradually instructed in the principles of the christian faith. accounted only christians at large . the more recondite mysteries of christianity concealed from persons till after baptism . three reasons assigned of it . how long they remained in the state of catechumens . the several classes of penitents , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the faithful . their particular stations in the church . their great reverence for the lords supper . the clergie why called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of two sorts : the highest bishops , presbyters , and deacons . bishops as superiour to presbyters how ancient by the most learned opposers of episcopacy . their office and priviledge , what . chorepiscopi , who . their power and priviledge above presbyters . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or visiters in every diocess . of metropolitans , what their power and authority above ordinary bishops ; their antiquity . of patriarchs , and in what respects superiour to metropolitans and archbishops . an account of conforming the external jurisdiction of the church to the civil government of the roman empire . presbyters their place and duty . whether they preached in the presence of the bishop . deacons , their institution , office , number . the arch-deacon . of inferiour orders . the subdeacon . the acolythus . the exorcist . the reader . the door-keeper . what the nature of their several places . ordination to these offices how managed . the people present at and consenting to the ordination . sacerdotes praedicarii , what . the christian discipline in this case imitated by the emperour severus , in appointing civil officers . great tryals and testimonials to be had of persons to be ordained . clergie-men to rise by degrees . the age usually required in those , that were to be promoted to the several orders . of deaconesses , their antiquity , age , and office . the great honour and respect shewed to bishops and ministers . looked upon as common parents . nothing of moment done without their leave . their welcome , and the honour done them where-ever they came : this made good by several instances . bishops invested with power to determine civil controversies . the plentiful provision made for them . the great priviledges and immunities granted by constantine , and his successors to the bishops and clergie , noted out of the theodosian code . from the consideration of time and place , we proceed to consider the persons that constituted and made up their religious assemblies ; and they were either the body of the people , or those who were peculiarly consecrated and set apart for the publick ministrations of religion . for the body of the people , we may observe that as christianity at first generally gain'd admission in great towns and cities , so all the believers of that place usually assembled and met together : the christians also of the neighbour-villages resorting thither at times of publick worship . but religion encreasing apace , the publick assembly especially in the greater cities quickly began to be too vast and numerous , to be managed with any order and conveniency , and therefore they were forced to divide the body into particular congregations , who had their pastors and spiritual guides set over them , but still were under the superintendency and care of him that was the president or bishop of the place . and according as the church could form and establish its discipline , the people either according to their seniority and improvement , or according to the quality of the present condition they were under , began to be distinguished into several ranks and classes , which had their distinct places in the church , and their gradual admission to the several parts of the publick worship . the first were the catechumens , and of these there were two sorts , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or more perfect , such as had been catechumens of some considerable standing , and were even ripe for baptism ; these might stay not only the reading of the scriptures , but to the very last part of the first service . the others were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the more rude and imperfect , who stood only amongst the hearers , and were to depart the congregation , as soon as the lessons were read : these were as yet accounted heathens , who applied themselves to the christian faith , and were catechized and instructed in the more plain grounds and rudiments of religion . these principles were gradually delivered to them , according as they became capable to receive them ; first the more plain , and then the more difficult . indeed they were very shye of imparting the knowledge of the more recondite doctrines of christianity to any till after baptism . so s. cyril expresly assures us , where speaking to the illuminate or baptized : if during the chatechetical exercise , says he , a catechumen shall ask thee , what that means which the preachers say , tell him not , for he is yet without ; and these mysteries are delivered to thee only . the weak understanding of a catechumen being no more able to bear such sublime mysteries , than a sick mans head can large and immoderate draughts of wine . and at the end of his preface he has this note , these catechetical discourses may be read by those that are to be baptized , or the faithful already baptized : but to catechumens or such as are no christians thou mayst not impart them ; for if thou dost , expect to give an account to god. s. basil discoursing of the rites and institutions of christianity , divides them into two parts , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were those parts of religion which might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be familiarly preached and expounded to the people : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the more sublime and hidden doctrines and parts of the christian faith ; and these were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things not rashly and commonly to be divulged , but to be lock'd up in silence . of this nature were the doctrines of the trinity and hypostatick vnion , and such like , especially of the two sacraments , baptism and the lords supper . for though they acquainted their young hearers with so much of them as was necessary to stir up their desires , yet as to the main of the things themselves , the sacramental symbols , the manner of their celebration , the modus of the divine presence at the holy eucharist , the meaning of all those mystical rites and ceremonies that were used about them , these were carefully concealed both from strangers and catechumens , and communicated only to those who were solemnly initiated and baptized . hence that ancient form so common in the sermons and writings of the fathers , whereby when accidentally discoursing before the people of any of these mysterious parts of religion , they used to fetch themselves off with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that are initiated know what is said . this was so usual , that this phrase occurs at least fifty times in the writings of s. chrysostom only , as casaubon hath observed : who has likewise noted three reasons out of the fathers , why they so studiously concealed these parts of their religion . first , the nature of the things themselves , so sublime and remote from vulgar apprehensions , that they would signifie little to pagans or catechumens not yet fully instructed and confirmed in the faith , and would either be lost upon them , or in danger to be derided by them . secondly , that hereby the catechumens and younger christians might be inflamed with a greater eagerness of desire to partake of the mysteries and priviledges of the faithful ; humane nature being desirous of nothing more , than the knowledge of what is kept and conceal'd from us . to help them forwards in this , s. augustine tells us , that in their publick prayers they were wont to beg of god to inspire the catechumens with a desire of baptismal regeneration . the same account chrysostom gives us , this being part of the form used in their publick service , let us pray that the most gracious and merciful god would hear the prayers of the catechumens ; and what it was they prayed for , he presently add , viz. that they might no longer remain in that state . upon these accounts initiation by baptism , but especially admission to the lords supper , is amongst other titles in the writers of those times called desiderata , because so earnestly desired and sought for by those that were not yet taken in . the truth is , till persons arrived at this state , they were not accounted christians ( or but in a large sense as candidates that stood in order to it ) and therefore could not satisfie themselves either to live or dye in that condition , wherein they wanted the great seals and pledges of their christianity . thirdly , to beget in mens minds the higher esteem and veneration for these religious mysteries , nothing producing a greater contempt even in sacred things , than too much openness and familiarity . so that a little obscurity and concealment might seem necessary to vindicate them from contempt , and secure the majesty and reverence that was due to them . this made the fathers & seniors of the church ( says s. basil ) in prescribing rites and laws , leave many things in the dark , behind the vail and curtain , that they might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preserve the sacredness and dignity that was due to the mysteries of religion . for a thing ( says he ) cannot properly be said to be a mystery , when 't is once expos'd to every vulgar and common ear . but of this enough , if not too much . and as they were careful to keep the higher parts of christianity within the cognizance of the faithful , so they were not less careful to teach and instruct the catechumens in all those principles they were capable of being taught . this at their first coming over was done privately and at home , by persons deputed on purpose to that office by the bishop , ( as balsamon clearly intimates ) till they were sufficiently instructed in the first and more intelligible principles of the faith . then they were admitted into the congregation , and suffered to be present at some parts of the divine service , especially the sermons , which were made for the building them up unto higher measures of knowledge ; which being ended , they were commanded to depart the church , not being suffered to be present at the more solemn rites , especially the celebration of the lords supper : and in this manner they were trained up , till they were initiated by baptism , and taken into the highest form of christians . how long persons remained in the state of the catechumens is difficult to determine , it not being always nor in all places alike , but longer in some and shorter in others , and probably according to the capacity of the persons . the apostolick constitutions appoint three years for the catechumen to be instructed ; but provide withal that if any one be diligent and virtuous , and have a ripeness of understanding for the thing , he may be admitted to baptism sooner : for ( say they ) not the space of time , but the fitness and manners of men , are to be regarded in this matter . the next sort were the penitents , such as for some misdemeanours were under the censures and severity of the church , and were gradually to obtain absolution from it . of these there were several degrees , five especially mentioned by s. gregory of neo-caesarea , who liv'd about the year . the first were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as wept ▪ and lamented , and were rather candidates to be received into the order of penitents , than penitents properly so called . these usually stood in a squalid and mournful habit at the church-porch , with tears and great importunity begging of the faithful as they went in , to pray for them . the second were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the hearers , who were admitted to hear the holy scriptures read and expounded to the people . their station was at the upper end of the narthex , or first part of the church , and were to depart the congregation at the same time with the catechumens . the third class of penitents was that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prostrate , because service being ended , they fell down before the bishop , who together with the congregation falling down and making confession in their behalf , after rais'd them up , and laid his hands upon them . these stood within the body of the church next the pulpit or reading-pew , and were to depart together with the catechumens . the fourth were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the consistentes , such as stayed with the rest of the congregation , and did not depart with the catechumens , but after they and the other penitents were gone out , stayed and joined in prayer and singing ( but not in receiving the sacrament ) with the faithful . these after some time were advanced into the fifth and last order of the communicantes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s. gregory calls it ) and were admitted to the participation of the holy sacrament . this was the state of the penitents in the primitive church . persons having fully passed through the state of the catechumenate , became then immediate candidates of baptism , presented their names to the bishop , and humbly prostrating themselves begged that they might be entred into the church . these were called competentes , because they did competere gratiam christi , sue for the grace of christ conferred in baptism . the last rank was that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the faithful , who having been baptized and confirmed , and having approved themselves by the long train and course of a strict pious life , were then admitted to the participation of the lords supper ; which being the highest and most venerable mystery of the christian religion , was not then rashly given to any , but to such only as had run through all other degrees , and by a course of piety evidenced themselves to be such real and faithful christians , as that the highest mysteries and most solemn parts of religion might be committed to them . this was the highest order , and looked upon with great regard , and for any of this rank to lapse and be overtaken with a fault , cost them severer penances , than were imposed upon the inferiour forms of christians . this in short was the state of the people . but because 't is not possible any body or community of men should be regularly managed without some particular persons to superintend , direct , and govern the affairs of the whole society , therefore we are next to enquire what persons there were in the primitive church , that were peculiarly set apart to steer its affairs , and to attend upon the publick offices and ministrations of it . that god always had a peculiar people , whom he selected for himself out of the rest of mankind , is too evident to need any proof . such were the patriarchs , and the holy seed of old : such the jews , chosen by him above all other nations in the world . this was his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his particular lot and portion , comprehending the body of the people in general . but afterwards this title was confin'd to narrower bounds , and became appropriate to that tribe , which god had made choice of to stand before him , to wait at his altar , and to minister in the services of his worship . and after the expiration of their oeconomy , was accordingly used to denote the ministry of the gospel , the persons peculiarly consecrated and devoted to the service of god in the christian church : the clergie being those , qui divino cultui ministeria religionis impendunt ( as they are defin'd in a law of the emperour constantine ) who are set apart for the ministeries of religion , in matters relating to the divine worship . now the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as 't is often called in the apostles canons ) the roll of the clergie ▪ of the ancient church ( taking it within the compass of its first four hundred years ) consisted of two sorts of persons ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who were peculiarly consecrated to the more proper and immediate acts of the worship of god : and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as were set apart only for the more mean and common services of the church . of the first sort were these three , bishops , presbyters , and deacons . the first and principal officer of the church was the president or bishop , usually chosen out of the presbyters . i shall not here concern my self in the disputes , whether episcopacy as a superior order to presbytery , was of divine institution ( a controversie sufficiently ventilated in the late times ) it being enough to my purpose , what is acknowledged both by blondel and salmasius , the most learned defenders of presbytery , that bishops were distinct from , and superior to presbyters in the second century , or the next age to the apostles . the main work and office of a bishop was to teach and instruct the people , to administer the sacraments , to absolve penitents , to eject and excommunicate obstinate and incorrigible offenders , to preside in the assemblies of the clergy , to ordain inferiour officers in the church , to call them to account and to suspend or deal with them according to the nature of the offence , to urge the observance of ecclesiastical laws , and to appoint and institute such indifferent rites , as were for the decent and orderly administration of his church . in short , according to the notation of his name he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a watchman and sentinal , and therefore oblig'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , diligently and carefully to inspect and observe , to superintend and provide for those that were under his charge . this zonaras tells us was implied in the bishops throne , being placed on high in the most eminent part of the church , to denote how much 't was his duty from thence to overlook , and very diligently to observe the people that were under him . these and many more were the unquestionable rights and duties of the episcopal office ; which because it was very difficult and troublesom for one man to discharge , especially where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or diocess ( as we now call it ) was any thing large , therefore upon the multiplying of country churches , it was thought fit to take in a subordinate sort of bishops called chorepiscopi , country or ( as amongst us they have been called ) suffragan bishops , whose business it was to superintend and inspect the churches in the country , that lay more remote from the city , where the episcopal see was , and which the bishop could not always inspect and oversee in his own person . these were the vicarii episcoporum ( as they are called in isidores version of the thirteenth canon , both of the ancyran and neocaesarean council ) the bishops deputies , chosen out of the fittest and gravest persons . in the canon of the last mentioned council they are said to be chosen in imitation of the seventy , not the seventy elders which moses took in to bear part of the government , ( as some have glossed the words of that canon ) but of the seventy disciples whom our lord made choice of , to send up and down the countries to preach the gospel , as both zonaras and balsamon understand it : and thereupon by reason of their great care and pains are commanded to be esteemed very honourable . their authority was much greater than that of presbyters , and yet much inferior to the bishop . bishops really they were , though their power confin'd within narrow limits ; they were not allowed to ordain either presbyters or deacons , ( unless peculiarly licens'd to it by the bishop of the diocess ) though they might ordain sub-deacons , readers and any inferiour officers under them . they were to be assistant to the bishop , might be present at synods and councils ( to many whereof we find their subscriptions ) and had power to give letters of peace , i. e. such letters , whereby the bishop of one diocess was wont to recommend any of his clergy to the bishop of another , that so a fair understanding and correspondence might be maintained between them ; a priviledge expresly denied to any presbyter whatsoever . but lest this wandring employment of the chorepiscopi should reflect any dishonour upon the episcopal office , there were certain presbyters appointed in their room ( called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or visiters , often mentioned in the ancient canons and acts of councils ) who being tied to no certain place were to go up and down the country , to observe and correct what was amiss . and these doubtless were those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( spoken of in the thirteenth canon of the neocaesarean council ) those rural presbyters , who are there forbid to consecrate the eucharist in the city church , in the presence of the bishop or the presbyters of the city . as christianity encreased and overspread all parts , and especially the cities of the empire , it was found necessary yet farther to enlarge the episcopal office , and as there was commonly a bishop in every great city , so in the metropolis ( as the romans called it ) the mother city of every province ( wherein they had courts of civil judicature ) there was an archbishop or a metropolitan , who had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over all the churches within that province . he was superior to all the bishops within those limits ; to him it belonged either to ordain , or to ratifie the elections and ordinations of all the bishops within his province , insomuch that without his confirmation they were looked upon as null and void . once at least every year he was to summon the bishops under him to a synod , to enquire into and direct the ecclesiastical affairs within that province ; to inspect the lives and manners , the opinions and principles of his bishops , to admonish , reprove , and suspend them that were disorderly and irregular ; if any controversies or contentions happened between any of them , he was to have the hearing and determination of them ; and indeed no matter of moment was done within the whole province without first consulting him in the case . besides this metropolitan there was many times another in the same province , who enjoyed nothing but that name and title , his episcopal see being by the emperours pragmatic erected into the dignity of a metropolis . he was only an honorary metropolitan , without any real power and jurisdiction , and had no other priviledge , but that he took place above other ordinary bishops , in all things else equally subject with them to the metropolitan of the province , as the council of chalcedon determines in this case . when this office of metropolitan first began , i find not , only this we are sure of , that the council of nice setling the just rights and priviledges of metropolitan bishops speaks of them as a thing of ancient date , ushering in the canon with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let ancient customs still take place . the original of the institution seems to have been partly to comply with peoples occasions , who oft resorted to the metropolis for dispatch of their affairs , and so might fitly discharge their civil and ecclesiastical concerns both at once ; and partly because of the great confluence of people to that city , that the bishop of it might have preheminence above the rest , and the honour of the church bear some proportion to that of the state. after this sprang up another branch of the episcopal office , as much superiour to that of metropolitans , as theirs was to ordinary bishops , these were called primates and patriarchs , and had jurisdiction over many provinces . for the understanding of this it 's necessary to know , that when christianity came to be fully setled in the world , they contrived to model the external government of the church , as near as might be to the civil government of the roman empire ; the parallel most exactly drawn by an ingenious person of our own nation : the sum of it is this . the whole empire of rome was divided into thirteen dioceces ( so they called those divisions ) these contained about one hundred and twenty provinses , and every province several cities . now as in every city there was a temporal magistrate for the executing of justice , and keeping peace both for that city , and the towns round about it , so was there also a bishop for spiritual order and government , whose jurisdiction was of like extent and latitude . in every province there was a proconsul or president , whose seat was usually at the metropolis or chief city of the province ; and hither all inferiour cities came for judgment in matters of importance . and in proportion to this there was in the same city an archbishop or metropolitan for matters of ecclesiastical concernment . lastly , in every diocess the emperours had their vicarii or lieutenants , who dwelt in the principal city of the diocess , where all imperial edicts were published , and from whence they were sent abroad into the several provinces , and where was the chief tribunal , where all causes not determinable elsewhere were decided . and to answer this , there was in the same city a primate , to whom the last determination of all appeals from all the provinces in differences of the clergie , and the soveraign care of all the diocess for sundry points of spiritual government did belong . this in short is the sum of the account which that learned man gives of this matter . so that the patriarch as superiour to metropolitans , was to have under his jurisdiction not any one single province , but a whole diocess ( in the old roman notion of that word ) consisting of many provinces . to him belonged the ordination of all the metropolitans that were under him , as also the summoning them to councils , the correcting and reforming the misdemeanours they were guilty of , and from his judgment and sentence in things properly within his cognizance there lay no appeal . to this i shall only add what salmasius has noted , that as the diocess that was governed by the vicarius had many provinces under it , so the praefectus praetorio had several diocesses under him : and in proportion to this probably it was , that patriarchs were first brought in , who if not superiour to primates in jurisdiction and power , were yet in honour , by reason of the dignity of those cities where their sees were fixed , as at rome , constantinople , alexandria , antioch , and jerusalem , a title and dignity which they retain to this day . the next office to bishops was that of presbyters , to whom it belonged to preach to the people , to administer baptism , consecrate the eucharist , and to be assistent to the bishop both in publick ministrations , and in dispatching the affairs of the church . the truth is , the presbyters of every great city were a kind of ecclesiastical senate , under the care and presidency of the bishop , whose counsel and assistance he made use of in ruling those societies of christians that were under his charge and government , and were accordingly reckoned next in place and power to him : thus described by s. gregory in his iambics . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the venerable senate of presbyters , that preside over the people , and possess the second throne , i. e. the place next to the bishop : they are called clerici superioris loci , and otherwhiles ( unless we understand it of the chorepiscopi ) antistites in secundo ordine ; and accordingly in churches had seats of eminency placed for them next to the bishops throne . whereby was implied ( says zonaras ) that they ought to use a proportionable care and providence towards the people , to inform and teach them , to direct and guide them , being appointed as fellow-labourers with , and assistants to the bishop . but though presbyters by their ordination had a power conferred upon them to administer holy things , yet after that the church was setled upon foundations of order and regularity , they did not usually exercise this power within any diocess , without leave and authority from the bishop , much less take upon them to preach in his presence . this custom ( however it might be otherwise in the eastern church ) we are sure was constantly observed in the churches of afric till the time of valerius , s. augustine's predecessor in the see of hippo. who being a greek , and by reason of his little skill in the latine tongue , unable to preach to the edification of the people , admitted s. augustine ( whom he had lately ordained presbyter ) to preach before him . which though at first 't was ill resented by some bishops in those parts , yet quickly became a president for other churches to follow after . after these came deacons : what the duty of their place was appears from their primitive election , the apostles setting them apart to serve or minister to the tables , i.e. to attend upon and take charge of those daily provisions that were made for poor indigent christians ; but certainly it implies also their being destinated to a peculiar attendance at the service of the lords table . and both these may be very well meant in that place , it being the custom of christians then to meet every day at the lords table , where they made their offerings for the poor , and when poor and rich had their meales together . and hence it was ever accounted part of the deacons office , as to take care of the poor , and to distribute the monies given for their relief and maintenance , so to wait upon the celebration of the eucharist , which being consecrated by the bishop or presbyter , the deacon delivered the sacramental elements to the people . besides this they were wont also to preach and to baptize , and were employed in many parts of the publick service , especially in guiding and directing of the people . the number of them in any one place was usually restrained to seven , this being the number originally instituted by the apostles , and which might not be altered , although the city was never so great and numerous , as 't is in the last canon of the neocaesarean council . as the presbyters were to the bishop , so the deacons were to the presbyters , to be assistent to them , and to give them all due respect and reverence . and therefore when some of them began to take too much upon them to distribute the sacrament before the bishop or presbyter , and to take place amongst the presbyters , the council of nice took notice of it as a piece of bold and saucy usurpation , severely commanded them to know their place , and to contain themselves within their own bounds and measures , and neither to meddle with the sacrament but in their order , nor to sit down before the presbyters , unless it be by their leave and command , as 't is expressed by the laodicean synod . accordingly the first council of arles forbids the deacons to do any thing of themselves , but to reserve the honour to the presbyters . out of the body of these deacons there was usually one chosen to overlook the rest , the arch-deacon ; an office supposed to have been of good antiquity in the church , and of great authority , especially in after times , being generally styled the eye of the bishop , to inspect all parts and places of his diocess . this was he that in the church of rome was called the cardinal deacon , who ( as onuphrius tell us ) was at first but one , though the number encreased afterwards . while churches were little , and the services not many , the deacons themselves were able to discharge them , but as these encreased so did their labours , and therefore 't was thought fit to take in some inferiour officers under them . this gave being to subdeacons , who were to be assistent to the deacon , as the deacon to the presbyter , and he to the bishop . one great part of his work was to wait at the church-doors in the time of publick worship , to usher in , and to bring out the several orders of the catechumens and penitents , that none might mistake their proper stations , and that no confusion or disorder might arise to the disturbance of the congregation . when he was first taken in , i cannot find , but he is mentioned in an epistle of the roman clergie to them of carthage about s. cyprians retirement , and elsewhere very often in cyprian's epistles . where he also speaks of the acolythus ; what his proper business was , is not so certain ; by some his office is said to have been this , to follow ( as the world implies ) or to go along with the bishop in the quality of an honourable attendant , to be ready at hand to minister to him , and to be a companion and witness of his honest and unblameable conversation , in case any evil fame should arise , that might endeavour to blast his reputation . but by others he is said to have been a taper-bearer to carry the lights , which were set up at the reading of the gospel . and this seems to be clear from the fourth council of carthage , where at his ordination he is appointed to receive at the archdeacons hand a candlestick with a taper , that he may know 't is the duty of his place , to light up the lights in the church . this might very well be in those times , but 't is certain the office of acolythus was in use long before that custom of setting up lights at the reading of the gospel was brought into the church . by cyprian also is mentioned the office of the exorcist , whose business was to attend the catechumens and the energumeni , or such as were possessed of the devil . for after the miraculous power of casting out devils began to cease , or at least not to be so common as it was , these possessed persons used to come to the out-parts of the church , where a person was appointed to exorcise them , i.e. to pray over them in such prayers as were peculiarly composed for those occasions , and this he did in the publick name of the whole church , the people also at the same time praying within ; by which means the possessed person was delivered from the tyranny of the evil spirit ; without any such charms and conjurations , and other unchristian forms and rites , which by degrees crept into this office , and are at this day in use in the church of rome . besides , to the exorcists office it belonged to instruct the catechumens , and to train them up in the first principles of the christian faith : in which sense the exorcist is by harmenopulus explained by catechist , and to exorcise ( says balsamon ) is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to instruct unbelievers . next to the exorcist was the lector or reader ( mentioned frequently by s. cyprian ) whose business was to stand near the ambo or pulpit , and to read those portions of holy scripture which were appointed to be read as principal parts of the divine service . this office julian ( who was afterwards emperour ) when a young student at nicomedia took upon him , and became a reader in that church , which he did only to blind his cousin constantius , who began to suspect him as inclining to paganism , to which he openly revolted afterwards , and became a bitter and virulent enemy to christians , making an ill use of those scriptures , which he had once privately studied and publickly read to the people . i know not whether it may be worth the while to take notice of the ostiarii or door-keepers , answerable to the nethinims in the jewish church , who were to attend the church doors at times of publick meetings , to keep out notorious hereticks , jewes , and gentiles from entring into the christian assemblies : it doubtless took its rise in the times of persecutions , christians then being forc'd to keep their meetings as private and clancular as they could , and to guard their assemblies with all possible diligence , lest some jew or infidel stealing in , should have gone and accused them before the magistrate . what other officers there were ( or whether any at all ) in those times in and about the church , will not be worth our labour to enquire . to these offices they were set apart by solemn rites of prayer and imposition of hands ; a ceremony ( so far as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is strictly taken for lifting up the hand in suffrage ) commonly used at athens , and some of the states of greece in the designing and electing persons to be publick magistrates . but more particularly in use amongst the jews , and from them doubtless ( as many other of the synagogue-rites ) transferred into the christian church , and there constantly used both as to the lifting up and laying on the hands , as the rite of conferring ordination upon the ministers of christ. only it is here to be remembred , that there was a double imposition of hands , in setting apart ecclesiastical officers : the one was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or by way of consecration , and this was the proper way of ordaining the first rank of officers , bishops , presbyters , and deacons : the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by way of blessing , hands being laid upon them only as in the absolution of penitents by way of solemn benediction , and thus the inferiour officers , subdeacons , readers , &c. and deaconesses were set apart : all orders under bishops were ordained by the bishop , the bishop himself by all the bishops of that province , who used to meet together for that purpose , if nearness of place and other conveniencies would allow ; otherwise three ( and in cases of necessity two ) might do it ; the rest testifying their consent in writing , and the person thus ordained was to be confirmed by the metropolitan of that province . and whereas the council of antioch provides , that no bishop shall be ordained without the metropolitan being present , it is to be understood ( as balsamon tells us ) of his leave and permission , or his appointing it to be so . for the ordination of the rest of the clergy , priests , deacons , &c. the act and presence of one bishop might suffice : and as no more than one was required , so one at least was necessary , the power of conferring order , being even by those who otherwise have had no mighty kindness for episcopacy , acknowledged an unquestionable right of the episcopal office. insomuch that in the case of athanasius it was a just exception against ischyras , that he had been ordained by colythus , who was no higher than a presbyter , and consequently his ordination by the council was adjudged null and void . at all ordinations , especially of superiour officers , the people of the place were always present , and ratified the action with their approbation and consent . and indeed it cannot be denied but that the people in some places especially , were very much considered in this affair , it being seldom or never done without their presence and suffrage . to this end the bishop was wont before every ordination to propound and publish the names of those who were to have holy orders conferred upon them , that so the people who best knew their lives and conversations , might interpose , if they had any thing material to object against it . by which means the unworthy were discovered and rejected , the deserving honoured and admitted , the ordination became legitimate and satisfactory , having past the common vote and suffrage , without any exception made against it , as cyprian speaks . hence the clergie of what order soever were said praedicari , to be propounded or published : and this way seemed so fit and reasonable , that severus the emperour ( a wise and prudent prince ) in imitation of the christians established it in the disposal of civil offices . for when he had a mind to send out any governours of provinces , or to appoint receivers of his revenues , he propounded the names of those he intended , desiring the people to except against the persons , if they knew them guilty of any crimes which they were able to make good against them : affirming it to be unfit ( says his own historian ) that when the christians and jews did it in publishing those who were to be ordained their priests and ministers , the same should not be observed in the election of governours of provinces , who had the lives and fortunes of men committed to them . when the case so hapned that the ordination was more remote or private , they were then required to bring sufficient testimonials ; thus cyprian when ordaining saturus and optatus to be readers , we examined , says he , whether the testimonials agreed to them , which they ought to have , who are admitted into the clergy . and indeed they proceeded in this affair with all imaginable care and prudence ; they examined mens fitness for the place to which they were set apart , enquired severely what had been the course and manner of their life , how they had carried themselves in their youth , and whether they had governed it by the strict rules of piety . this ancient custom ( as s. basil calls it ) was ratified by the nicene council , declaring that none should be ordained presbyter without previous examination , especially a strict enquiry into his life and manners . for the apostolick church ( says joseph the egyptian in his arabick paraphrase of that canon ) admits none in this case , but him that is of great innocency and an unspotted life , free from those crimes and enormities , which he there particularly reckons up . they suffered not men in those days to leap into ecclesiastical orders , but by the usual steps , and staying the appointed times . cyprian commends cornelius bishop of rome , that he did not skip into the chair , but passed through all the ecclesiastical offices , ascending through all the degrees of religion , till he came ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium , to the top of the highest order . a thing expresly provided for by the synod of sardis , that no man though never so rich , though furnished with never so good a knack of speech and oratory , should yet be made bishop before he had passed through the preceding orders of reader , subdeacon , deacon , and presbyter , that having been found fit in each of these , he might step by step ascend up to the episcopal chair : and that he should spend some considerable time in each of these degrees , that so his faith , and the innocency and excellency of his life , his constancy and moderation might be made known to all , and his fitness for that sacred function being made apparent might procure him the greater honour and reverence from others . men were then forced to stay their full time before they could be promoted to any higher order ; they did not commence divines and bishops in a day ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as nazianzen elegantly calls them ) like some he complains of in his time , who were not polished by time and study , but fitted and made bishops all at once ; whom therefore he wittily compares to the dragons teeth , which the fable tells us cadmus sowed at thebes , which immediately sprung up giants out of the earth , arm'd cap-a-pe , perfect men and perfect warriours in one day : and just such , says he , were some prelates , consecrated , made wise and learned in one day , who yet understood nothing before , nor brought any thing to the order , but only a good will to be there . for the age of the persons that were to be ordained , they usually observed the apostolick canon , not to chuse a novice , but of an age competent to that office , that he was chosen to ; though it varied according to times and persons , and the occasions of the church . for that of bishops , i find not any certain age positively set down . photius in his nomo-canon speaks of an imperial constitution that requires a bishop not to be under thirty five : but the apostolical constitutions allow not a man to be made a bishop under fifty years of age , as having then passed all juvenile petulancies and disorders . 't is certain they were not generally ( some extraordinary instances alter not the case ) promoted to that office , till they were of a considerable age , and thence frequently stiled majores natu in the writings of the church . presbyters were commonly made at thirty ; yea the council of neocaesarea decreed , that no man though otherwise of never so unquestionable a conversation , should be ordained presbyter before that age ; the reason whereof they give , because christ himself was not baptized , nor began to preach till the thirtieth year of his age . the council of agde requires the same age , but assigns another reason , not before thirty years of age , because then , say they , he comes to the age of a perfect man. deacons were made at twenty five , and the like distance and proportion observed for the inferiour officers under them . i take no notice in this place of monks , hermits , &c. partly because , although they were under a kind of ecclesiastical relation , by reason of their more than ordinarily strict and severe profession of religion , yet were they not usually in holy orders ; and partly because monachism was of no very early standing in the church , begining probably about the times of the later persecutions ; and even then too monks were quite another thing , both in profession , habit , and way of life , from what they are at this day , as will abundantly appear to him that will take the pains to compare the account which s. hierom , augustine , palladius , cassian , and others give of those primitive monks , with the several orders in the church of rome at this day . i shall only add , that out of the monks persons were usually made choice of to be advanced into the clergie , as is evident not only from multitudes of instances in the writers of the fourth , and following centuries , but from an express law of the emperour arcadius to that purpose : the strictness of their lives , and the purity of their manners more immediately qualifying them for those holy offices ; insomuch that many times they were advanced unto the episcopal chair , without going through the usual intermediate orders of the church : several instances whereof ( serapion , apollonius , agatho , aristo , and some others ) athanasius reckons up in his epistle to dracontius , who being a monk refused a bishoprick to which he was chosen . but because we meet in the ancient writings of the church with very frequent mention of persons of another sex , deaconesses , who were employed in many offices of religion , it may not be amiss in this place to give some short account of them . their original was very early , and of equal standing with the infancy of the church ; such was phebe in the church of cenchris , mentioned by s. paul ; such were those two servant-maids spoken of by pliny in his letter to the emperour , whom he examined upon the rack ; such was the famous olympias in the church of constantinople , not to mention any more particular instances . they were either widows , and then not to be taken into the service of the church under threescore years of age , according to s. paul's direction ; or else virgins , who having been educated in order to it , and given testimony of a chast and sober conversation , were set apart at forty : what the proper place and ministry of these deaconesses was in the ancient church , though matthew blastares seems to render a little doubtful , yet certainly it principally consisted in such offices as these ; to attend upon the women at times of publick ▪ worship , especially in the administration of baptism , that when they were to be divested in order to their immersion , they might overshadow them , so as nothing of indecency and uncomeliness might appear ; sometimes they were employed in instructing the more rude and ignorant sort of women , in the plain and easie principles of christianity , and in preparing them for baptism ; otherwhiles in visiting and attending upon women that were sick , in conveying messages , counsels , consolations , relief ( especially in times of persecution , when it was dangerous for the officers of the church ) to the martyrs and them that were in prison ; and of these women no doubt it was that libanius speaks of amongst the christians , who were so very ready to be employed in these offices of humanity . but to return . persons being thus set apart for holy offices , the christians of those days discovered no less piety in that mighty respect and reverence which they paid to them ; that the ministers of religion should be peculiarly honoured and regarded , seems to have been accounted a piece of natural justice by the common sentiments of mankind ; the most barbarous and unpolished nations that ever had a value for any thing of religion , have always had a proportionable regard to them , to whom the care and administration of it did belong . julian the emperour expresly pleads for it as the most reasonable thing in the world , that priests should be honoured , yea in some respects above civil magistrates , as being the immediate attendants and domestick servants of god , our intercessors with heaven , and the means of deriving down great blessings from god upon us . but never was this clearlier demonstrated than in the practice of the primitive christians , who carried themselves towards their bishops and ministers , with all that kindness and veneration which they were capable to express towards them . s. paul bears record to the galatians , that he was accounted so dear to them , that if the plucking out their eyes would have done him any good , they were ready to have done it for his sake ; and s. clement testifies of the corinthians , that they walked in the laws of god , being subject to them that had the rule over them ; yielding also due honour to the seniors or elder persons that were amongst them . that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place he should mean civil magistrates ( as some have told us ) i can hardly be perswaded , both because 't is the same word that 's used by the author to the hebrews obey 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves ( and indeed both eusebius and s. hierom of old observed such a mighty affinity in the phrase between this and the epistle to the hebrews , as certainly to conclude s. clemens to have been , if not the author , at least the translator of that epistle ) and also because the sole occasion of s. clements writing this epistle was a mutiny which they had made against their spiritual guides and governours , and therefore according to the right art of orators , he first commends them for their eminent subjection to them , that he might with the more advantage reprove and censure them for their schism afterwards , which he does severely in the latter part of the epistle , and towards the end of it exhorts those who had laid the foundation of the sedition , to become subject to their presbyters ; and being instructed to repentance , to bow the knees of their hearts , to lay aside the arrogant and insolent boldness of their tongues , and to learn to subject and submit themselves . the truth is bishops and ministers were then looked upon as the common parents of christians , whom as such they honoured and obeyed , and to whom they repaired for counsel and direction in all important cases . 't is plain from several passages in tertullian , that none could lawfully marry till they had first advised with the bishop and clergy of the church , and had asked and obtained their leave ; which probably they did to secure the person from marrying with a gentile , or any of them that were without , and from the inconveniencies that might ensue upon such a match . no respect , no submission was thought great enough , whereby they might do honour to them , they were wont to kiss their hands , to embrace their feet , and at their going from , or returning home , or indeed their coming unto any place , to wait upon them , and either to receive or dismiss them with the universal confluence of the people . happy they thought themselves if they could but entertain them in their houses , and bless their roofs with such welcome guests . amongst the various ways of kindness which constantine the great shewed to the clergie , the writer of his life tells us , that he used to treat them at his own table , though in the meanest and most despicable habit , and never went a journey , but he took some of them along with him , reckoning that thereby he made himself surer of the propitious and favourable influence of the divine presence . what honours he did them at the council of nice , where he refused to sit down , till they had given him intimation , with what magnificent gifts and entertainments he treated them afterwards , the same author relates at large . the truth is , the piety of that devout and excellent prince thought nothing too good for those who were the messengers of god , and ministers of holy things , and so infinitely tender was he of their honour , as to profess , that if at any time he should spye a bishop overtaken in an immodest and uncomely action , he would cover him with his own imperial robe , rather than others should take notice of it , to the scandal of his place and person . and because their spiritual authority and relation might not be sufficient to secure them from the contempt of rude and prophane persons , therefore the first christian emperours invested them with power even in civil cases , as the way to beget them respect and authority amongst the people . thus constantine , ( as sozomon tells us , and he sets it down as a great argument of that princes reverence for religion ) ordained , that persons contending in law , might if they pleased remove their cause out of the civil courts , and appeal to the judgment of the bishops , whose sentence should be firm , and take place before that of any other judges , as if it had been immediately passed by the emperour himself ; and cases thus judged by bishops , all governours of provinces and their officers were presently to put into execution ; which was afterwards ratified by two laws , one of arcadius , another of honorius to that purpose . this power the bishops sometimes delegated to their inferior clergy , making them judges in these cases , as appears from what socrates reports of silvanus bishop of troas , that finding a male-administration of this power , he took it out of the hands of his clergie , and devolved the hearing and determining causes over to the laity . and to name no more , s. augustine more than once and again tells us , how much he was crowded and even oppressed in deciding the contests and causes of secular persons . it seems they thought themselves happy in those days , if they could have their causes heard and determined by bishops . a pious bishop , and a faithful minister was in those days dearer to them than the most valuable blessings upon earth , and they could want any thing rather than be without them ; when chrysostom was driven by the empress into banishment , the people as he went along burst into tears , and cryed out , ' t was better the sun should not shine , than that john chrysostom should not preach ; and when through the importunity of the people he was recalled from his former banishment and diverted into the suburbs till he might have an opportunity to make a publick vindication of his innocency , the people not enduring such delays , the emperour was forced to send for him into the city ; the people universally meeting him , and conducting him to his church , with all expressions of reverence and veneration . nay while he was yet presbyter of the church of antioch , so highly was he loved and honoured by the people of that place , that though he was chosen to the see of constantinople , and sent for by the emperours letters , though their bishop made an oration on purpose to perswade them to it , yet would they by no means be brought to part with him ; and when the messengers by force attempted to bring him away , he was forced to prevent a tumult , to withdraw and hide himself ; the people keeping a guard about him , lest he should be taken from them : nor could the emperour or his agents with all their arts effect it , till he used this wile , he secretly wrote to the governour of antioch , who pretending to chrysostom , that he had concerns of moment to impart to him , invited him to a private place without the city , where seizing upon him , by mules which he had in readiness , he conveyed him to constantinople ; where that his welcome might be the more magnificent , the emperour commanded that all persons of eminency , both ecclesiastical and civil , should with all possible pomp and state go six miles to meet him . of nazianzen ( who sat in the same chair of constantinople before him ) i find , that when he would have left that bishoprick by reason of the stirs that were about it , and delivered up himself to solitude and a private life , as a thing much more suitable to his humour and genius , many of the people came about him , with tears beseeching him not to forsake his flock , which he had hitherto fed with so much sweat and labour . they could not then lose their spiritual guides , but they looked upon themselves as widows and orphans , resenting their death with a general sorrow and lamentation , as if they had lost a common father . nazianzen reports , that when his father ( who was bishop of but a little diocess ) lay very sick , and all other remedies proved unsuccessful , the people generally flocked to church ( and though it was then the joyful time of easter ) broke out into mournful and passionate complaints , and with the most earnest prayers and tears besought god for his life . and of basil bishop of caesarea he tell us , that when he lay a dying , the whole ▪ city came about him , not able to bear his departure from them , praying as if they would have laid hands upon his soul , and by force detained it in his body ; they were ( says he ) even distracted with the thoughts of so great a loss , nor was there any who would not have been willing to have been deprived of part of his own life , might it have added unto his . his funeral was solemnized with all possible testimonies of love and honourable attendance , and with the abundant tears not only of christians , but of jews and heathens ; the confluence so vast , that many were pressed to death in the crowd , and sent to bear him company to his long home . and that we may see that their respect did not lye meerly in a few kind words , or external protestations , they made it good in more real and evident demonstrations , by providing liberal maintenance for them , parting at first with their own estates to supply the uses of the church , and after that making no less large than frequent contributions , which could not but amount to very considerable sums , the piety of christians daily adding to their liberality ; of which we may make some estimate , by what the heathen historian with a little kind of envy relates only of the church of rome ( and doubtless it was so in some proportion in other places ) that the profits of the clergie arising from oblations chiefly was so great , as to enable them to live in a prince-like state and plenty . and not long after it became the object not only of admiration but envy , insomuch that chrysostom was forced to make one whole sermon against those that envied the wealth of the clergie . it was also the great care of those times , to free them from what might be either scandalous or burthensom to their calling . constantine decreed , that the orthodox clergy should be exempt from all civil offices , or whatever might hinder their attendance upon the services of the church : his son constantius , that bishops in many cases should not be chargeable in the secular courts , but be tryed in an assembly of bishops , which privilege was extended by honorius to all the clergie , that they should be tryed before their bishops ; before whom also he ordained , that all causes properly belonging to religion should be brought , and be determined by them ; and by another constitution , that for the veneration that is due to the church , all ecclesiastical causes should be decided with all possible speed . and to name no more , that the persons of ministers might be secured from foreign attempts , he and his colleague arcadius made a law , that whosoever did offer any violence to them , should upon conviction or confession of the fact be punished with death ; and that the ministers of civil justice should not stay till the bishop complained of the injury that was done ( it being probable that he would rather incline to mercy and forgiveness ) but that every one in this case should be admitted and encouraged to prefer and prosecute the charge : and in case the rude multitude should by arms or otherwise obstruct execution , and that the powers of that place could not see it done , that then they should call in the assistance of the governour of the province , to see justice put into execution . and because next to his person nothing is so dear to a clergie-man as his credit and reputation , therefore the emperour honorius took care by a law , that whosoever ( be he a person of the highest rank ) should charge any clergie-man with crimes which he was not able to make good , he himself should be publickly accounted vile and infamous , it being but just and equal ( says the law ) that as guilt should be punished , and offenders reckoned as spots and blemishes to the church , so that injured innocency should be righted and maintained . how infinitely tender the first general council of constantinople was in this case , to secure the honour and good name of bishops and clergie-men , against the malicious insinuations and charges of false accusers , may appear by the large provision which they make about it in the sixth canon of that council ; and because it sometimes so happens , that a mans enemies are those of his own house , therefore the apostolical canons ordain , that if any clergy-man reproach and defame a bishop , he shall be deposed from his ministry , for thou mayest not ( says the canon ) speak evil of the ruler of thy people ; but if it be a presbyter or deacon , whom he thus reproaches , he shall be suspended from the execution of his office . so sacred and venerable did they then account the persons and concernments of those who ministred in the affairs of divine worship . chap. ix . of their usual worship , both private and publick . the christians worship of god in their families discovered . their usual times of prayer . praying before and after meals . singing of psalms , and reading the scriptures at the same time . frequency in prayer noted in divers instances . their great reverence for the holy scriptures , in reading , expounding , committing them to memory . several instances of it . their care in instructing their families in divine things . singing of psalms mixed with their usual labours . an account of their publick worship . the order of the service in their assemblies . prayer : reading the scriptures : two lessons out of each testament . clemens his epistle , and the writings of other pious men read in the church . singing a part of the publick service . how ancient : what those hymns were . the sermon or discourse , upon what subject usually . such discourses called tractatus ; and why . more sermons than one at the same time . sermons preached in the afternoon as well as in the morning . the mighty concourse and confluence of people to these publick solemnities . the departure of the catechumens , penitents , &c. the missa catechumenorum , what . the missa fidelium . the word missa or masse , whence , and how used in the writers of those times . the singular reverence they shewed in these duties . great modesty and humility . praying with hands lift up in the form of a cross , why . they prayed either kneeling or standing . sitting in prayer noted as a posture of great irreverence . praying towards the east . the universality of this custom . the reasons of it enquired into . their reverence in hearing gods word . the people generally stood . standing up at the gospels . the remarkable piety and devotion of constantine the great . no departing the congregation till the blessing was given . thus far we have discovered the piety of those ancient times , as to those necessary circumstances that relate to the worship of god , we are next to see wherein their worship it self did consist , which we shall consider both as private and publick , that which they performed at home , and that which was done in their solemn and church-assemblies , only let it be remembred , that under the notion of worship i here comprehend all those duties of piety that refer to god : the duties of their private worship were of two sorts , either such as were more solemn and stated , and concerned the whole family , or such as persons discharged alone , or at least did not tye up themselves to usual times : for the first , which are properly family duties , they were usually performed in this order ; at their first rising in the morning , they were wont to meet together , and to betake themselves to prayer ( as is plainly implied in chrysostoms exhortation ) to praise god for the protection and refreshment of the night , and to beg his grace and blessing for the following day : this was done by the master of the house , unless some minister of religion were present : 't is probable that at this time they recited the creed , or some confession of their faith , by which they professed themselves christians , and as 't were armed themselves against the assaults of dangers and temptations ; however i question not , but that now they read some parts of scripture , which they were most ready to do at all times , and therefore certainly would not omit it now . that they had their set hours for prayer , the third , sixth and ninth hour , is plain both from cyprian , clem. alexandrinus , and others : this they borrowed from the jews , who divided the day into four greater hours , the first , third , sixth , and ninth hour , three last whereof were stated hours of prayer ; the first hour began at six in the morning , and held till nine ; the third from nine till twelve ; and at this hour it was that the apostles and christians were met together , when the holy ghost descended upon them ; the sixth hour was from twelve till three in the afternoon , and at this time peter went up to the house top to pray ; the ninth was from three till six at night , and now it was that peter and john went up to the temple , it being the ninth hour of prayer ; this division was observed by the christians of succeeding times , though whether punctually kept to in their family devotions i am not able to affirm . about noon before their going to dinner some portions of scripture were read , and the meat being set upon the table , a blessing was solemnly begged of god , as the fountain of all blessings ( and so religious herein was the good emperour theodosius junior , that he would never taste any meat , no not so much as a fig , or any other fruit , before he had first given thanks to the great soveraign creator ) and both meat and drink set apart with the sign of the cross ( a custom they used in the most common actions of life ) as is expresly affirmed both by tertullian and origen , where he also gives a form of such prayers as they were wont to use before meals , viz. that lifting up their eyes to heaven , they prayed thus , thou that givest food to all flesh , grant that we may receive this food with thy blessing ; thou lord hast said , that if we drink any thing that is deadly , if we call upon thy name it shall not hurt us , thou therefore who art lord of all power and glory , turn away all evil and malignant quality from our food , and what ever pernicious influence it may have upon us ; when they were at dinner , they sung hymns and psalms ; a practice which clem. alexandrinus commends as very suitable to christians , as a modest and decent way of praising god , while we are partaking of his creatures . chrysostom greatly pleads for it , that men should be careful to teach them their wives and children , and which they should use even at their ordinary works , but especially at meals , such divine songs being an excellent antidote against temptations ; for ( says he ) as the devil is never more ready to ensnare us than at meals , either by intemperance , ease , or immoderate mirth , therefore both before and at meals we should fortifie our selves with psalms , nay and when we rise from the table with our wives and children , we should again sing hymns to god. they used also to have the scriptures read , and as i have elsewhere noted out of nazianzen , every time they took the cup to drink , made the sign of the cross and called upon christ . dinner being ended , they concluded with prayer , giving thanks to god for their present refreshment , and begging his continued provision of those good things which he had promised to them . so great a place had religion in those days even in mens common and natural actions , and so careful were they not to starve the soul , while they were feeding of the body : much after the same rate they spent the rest of the day , till the night approached , when before their going to rest , the family was again called to prayer , after which they went to bed ; about midnight they were generally wont to rise to pray and to sing hymns to god ; this custom was very ancient , and doubtless took its original from the first times of persecution , when not daring to meet together in the day , they were forced to keep their religious assemblies in the night ; and though this was afterwards antiquated , as being found inconvenient for the generality of christians , yet did it still continue in the nocturnal hours of monasteries and religious orders . but besides these stated and ordinary devotions , performed by a joint concurrence of the family , the christians of those days were careful to spend all the time they could even when alone in actions of peity and religion : they were most frequent in prayer ; eusebius reports of s. james the just , that he was wont every day to go alone into the church , and there kneeling upon the pavement so long to pour out his prayers to god , till his knees became as hard and brawny as a camels ; the same which nazianzen also tells us of his good sister gorgonia , that by often praying her knees were become hard , and did as 't were stick to the ground . constantine the great though burdened with the cares of so vast an empire , did yet every day at his wonted hours withdraw from all the company of the court , retire into his closet , and upon his knees offer up his prayers to god ; and to let the world know how much he was devoted to this duty , he caused his image in all his gold coins , in his pictures and statues to be represented in the posture of a person praying , with his hands spread abroad , and his eyes lift up to heaven . their next care was diligently and seriously to read the scripture , to be mighty in the divine oracles , as indeed they had an invaluable esteem of and reverence for the word of god , as the book which they infinitely prized beyond all others ; upon which account nazianzen very severely chides his dear friend gregory nyssen , that having laid aside the holy scriptures ( the most excellent writings in the world ) which he was wont to read both privately to himself , and publickly to the people , he had given up himself to the study of foreign and prophane authors , desirous rather to be accounted an orator than a christian . s. austine tells us , that after his conversion ( how meanly soever he had before thought of them ) the scriptures were become the matter of his most pure and chaste delight , in respect whereof all other books ( even those of cicero himself , which once he had so much doted on ) became dry and unsavoury to him . in the study of this book it was that christians then mainly exercised themselves , as thinking they could never fully enough understand it , or deeply enough imprint it upon their hearts and memories . of the younger theodosius they tell us , that rising early every morning , he together with his sisters interchangeably sung psalms of praise to god ; the holy scriptures he could exactly repeat in any part of them , and was wont to discourse out of them with the bishops that were at court , as readily as if he had been an old bishop himself . we read of origen , though then but a child , that when his father commanded him to commit some places of scripture to memory , he most willingly set himself to it , and not content with the bare reading , he began to enquire into the more profound and recondite meaning of it , often asking his father ( to his no less joy than admiration ) what the sense of this or that place of scripture was ; and this thirst after divine knowledge still continued and encreased in him all his life , s. hierom reporting it out of a letter of one that was his great companion and benefactor , that he never went to meals without some part of scripture read , never to sleep , till some about him had read them to him , and that both by night and day no sooner had he done praying but he betook himself to reading , and after reading returned again to prayer . valens deacon of the church of jerusalem , a venerable old man , had so entirely given up himself to the study of the scriptures , that it was all one to him to read , or to repeat whole pages together . the like we find of john an egyptian confessor ( whom eusebius saw and heard ) that though both his eyes were put out , and his body mangled with unheard of cruelty , yet he was able at any time to repeat any places or passages either out of the old or new testament ; which when i first heard him do in the publick congregation , i supposed him ( say he ) to have been reading in a book , till coming near , and finding how it was , i was struck with great admiration at it . certainly christians then had no mean esteem of , took no small delight in these sacred volumes : for the sake of this book ( which he had chosen to be the companion and counsellor of his life ) nazianzen professes he had willingly undervalued and relinquished all other things ; this was the mine where they enriched themselves with divine treasures , a book where they furnished themselves with a true stock of knowledge ; as s. hierom speaks of nepotian , that by daily reading and meditation he had made his soul a library of christ ; and he tells us of blesilla a devout widow , that though she was so far over-run with weakness and sickness , that her foot would scarce bear her body , or her neck sustain the burden of her head , yet she was never found without a bible in her hand . nor did they covetously hoard up , and reserve this excellent knowledge to themselves , but freely communicated it to others , especially were careful to catechise and instruct their children and servants in the principles of religion . s. clemens praises the corinthians that they took care to admonish their young men to follow those things that were modest and comely , and accordingly exhorts them to instruct the younger in the knowledge of the fear of god , to make their children partakers of the discipline of christ , to teach them how much humility and a chast love do prevail with god , that the fear of him is good and useful , and preserves all those who with pure thoughts lead a holy life according to his will. the historian observes of constantine , that his first and greatest care towards his sons , was to secure the happiness of their souls , by sowing the seeds of piety in their minds , which he did partly himself , instructing them in the knowledge of divine things , and partly by appointing such tutors as were most approved for religion : and when he had taken them into a partnership of the government , and either by private admonitions , or by letters gave them counsels for the steering themselves , this was always the first and chief , that they should prefer the knowledge and worship of god , the great king of the world , before all other advantages , yea before the empire it self . for this nazianzen peculiarly commends his mother , that not only she her self was consecrated to god , and brought up under a pious education , but that she conveyed it down as a necessary inheritance to her children ; and it seems her daughter gorgonia was so well seasoned with these holy principles , that she religiously walked in the steps of so good a pattern , and did not only reclaim her husband , but educated her children and nephews in the ways of religion , giving them an excellent example while she lived , and leaving this as her last charge and request when she died . this was the discipline under which christians were brought up in those times , religion was instilled into them betimes , which grew up and mixed it self with their ordinary labours and recreations , insomuch that the most rude and illiterate persons instead of prophane wanton songs , which vitiate and corrupt the minds of men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as chrysostom calls them , ( songs of the devils composure ) used nothing but spiritual and divine hymns , so that ( as hierom relates of the place where he lived ) you could not go into the field , but you might hear the plowman at his hallelujahs , the mower at his hymns , and the vine-dresser singing davids psalms . thus they carried themselves at home , what they did in publick in their church-assemblies , on the lords-day especially , is next to be considered ; the manner whereof i shall briefly represent , as it generally and for the most part obtained in those ages , for it could not but vary something according to time and place . and here i should save my self the trouble of any further search , by setting down the account which justin martyr and tertullian give of their publick worship in their apologies for the christians , but that i am satisfied they did not design to give a perfect and punctual account of what was done at their religious assemblies , as might sufficiently appear from this one thing , that the first of them in those places speaks not any thing of their hymns and psalms , which yet that they were ( even in the times wherein they lived ) a constant part of the divine service , no man that is not wholly a stranger in church-antiquity can be ignorant of . i shall therefore out of them and others pick up and put together what seems to have constituted the main body of their publick duties , and represent them in that order wherein they were performed , which usually was in this manner . at their first coming together into the congregation , they began with prayer , as tertullian at least probably intimates ( for i do not find it in any besides him ) we come together ( says he ) unto god , that being banded as 't were into an army we may besiege him with our prayers and petitions ; a violence which is very pleasing and grateful to him ; i do not from hence positively conclude that prayer was the first duty they began with , though it seems fairly to look that way , especially if tertullian meant to represent the order as well as the substance of their devotions . after this followed the reading of the scriptures both of the old and new testament , both the commentaries of the apostles and the writings of the prophets , as j. martyr informs us . how much of each was read at one meeting , in the first time , is not known , it being then unfixed and arbitrary ; because their meetings , by the sudden interruption of the heathens , were oft disturbed and broken up , and therefore both justin and tertullian confess that they only read as much as occasion served , and the condition of the present times did require : but afterwards there were set portions assigned , both out of the old and new testament , two lessons out of each , as we find it in the author of the apostolical constitutions . nay not only the canonical scriptures , but many of the writings of apostolical men ( such as were eminent for place and piety ) were in those days publickly read in the church , such was the famous epistle of s. clemens to the corinthians ; of which and of the custom in like cases dionysius bishop of corinth , who lived about the year . gives soter bishop of rome this account : to day ( says he ) we kept holy the lords-day , wherein we read your epistle , which we shall constantly read for our instruction , as we also do the first epistle which clemens wrote to us . the like eusebius reports of hermas his pastor ( a book so called ) and s. hierom of the writings of s. ephrem the famous deacon of edessa , that in some churches they were publickly read , after the reading of the holy scriptures . about this part of the service it was that they sung hymns and psalms , a considerable part of the divine worship ( as it had ever been accounted both amongst jews and gentiles ) and more immediately serviceable for celebrating the honour of god , and lifting up the minds of men to divine and heavenly raptures . 't was in use in the very infancy of the christian church , spoken of largely by s. paul , and continued in all ages after , insomuch that pliny reports it as the main part of the christians worship , that they met together before day to join in singing hymns to christ as god : these hymns were either extemporary raptures , so long as immediate inspiration lasted , or set compositions , either taken out of the holy scriptures , or of their own composing , as tertullian tells us : for it was usual then for any persons to compose divine songs to the honour of christ , and to sing them in the publick assemblies , till the council of laodicea ordered , that no psalms composed by private persons should be recited in the church ; where though by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the two greek scholiasts will have certain psalms ascribed to solomon and others to be understood , yet it 's much more reasonable to understand it of private constitutions , usual a long time in the church , and here for good reason prohibited . by this council it was likewise appointed , that the psalms should not be one entire continued service , but that a lesson should be interposed in the midst after every psalm ; which was done ( as balsamon and alexius aristenus tell us ) to take off the weariness of the people , whose minds might be apt to tire in passing through those prolix offices all together , especially the lessons being so large and many . in this duty the whole congregation bore a part , joining all together in a common celebration of the praises of god ; afterwards the custom was to sing alternatim course by course , answering one another , first brought in ( as we are told ) by flavianus and diodorus in the church of antioch in the reign of constantine ; but if we may believe socrates , some hundreds of years before that , by ignatius who was bishop of that church , who having in a vision heard the angels praising the holy trinity with alternate hymns , thereupon introduced the use of it in that church , which from thence spread it self into all other churches ; and whether pliny ( who lived about that time ) might not mean some such thing by his secum invicem canere , that the christians sung hymns one with another , or in their courses , may be considered by those who think it worth their labour to enquire . in the mean time we proceed ; the reader having done ( they are the words of justin the martyr ) the president of the assembly makes a sermon by way of instruction and exhortation , to the imitation and practice of those excellent things that they had heard . and indeed sermons in those times were nothing else but the expositions of some part of the scriptures which had been read before , and exhortations to the people to obey the doctrines contained in them , and commonly were upon the lesson which was last read , because that being freshest in the peoples memory , was most proper to be treated of , as s. augustine both avers the custom , and gives the reason . hence , in the writers of the church , preachers came to be called tractatores , and their sermons tractatus , because they handled or treated of such places of scripture as had been a little before read unto the people . according as occasion was these sermons were more or fewer , sometimes two or three at the same assembly , the presbyters first and then the bishop , as is expresly affirmed in the apostolical constitutions , then ( i.e. after the reading of the gospel ) let the presbyters exhort the people one by one , not all at once , and after all the bishop , as it is fitting for the master to do . and thus gregory nyssen excuses himself for not introducing his sermons with a tedious preface , because he would not be burdensom to the people , who had already taken pains to hear those admirable discourses that had been made before him . this course they held not in the morning only , but likewise in the afternoon ( at some times at least ) when they had their publick prayers and sermons to the people . this chrysostom assures us of in an homily upon this very subject , in commendation of those who came to church after dinner , and that as he tells them , in greater numbers than before ; who instead of sleeping after dinner , came to hear the divine laws expounded to them ; instead of walking upon the exchange , and entertaining themselves with idle and unprofitable chat , came and stood amongst their brethren , to converse with the discourses of the prophets . and this he tells them he put them in mind of , not that it was a reproach to eat and to drink , but that having done so , it was a shame to stay at home , and deprive themse●ves of those religious solemnities . the same 't were easie to make good from several passages in s. basil , s. augustine , and others , who frequently refer to those sermons which they had preached in the morning . but how many soever the discourses were , the people were ready enough to entertain them , flocking to them as to their spiritual meals and banquets . we meet together ( says tertullian ) to hear the holy scriptures rehearsed to us , that so according to the quality of the times we may be either forewarned or corrected by them : for certainly with these holy words we nourish our faith , erect our hope , seal our confidence , and by these inculcations are the better established in obedience to the divine commands . nazianzen tells us what vast numbers used to meet in his church at constantinople , of all sexes , of all sorts and ranks of persons , rich and poor , honourable and ignoble , learned and simple , governours and people , souldiers and tradesmen , all here unanimously conspiring together , and greedily desirous to learn the knowledge of divine things . the like chrysostom reports of the church at antioch , that they would set aside all affairs at home , to come and hear sermons at church ; he tells them 't was the great honour of the city , not so much that it had large suburbs and vast numbers of people , or brave houses with gilded dining-rooms , as that it had a diligent and attentive people . and elsewhere , that 't was the great encouragement of his ministry , to see such a famous and chearful concourse , a people so well ordered and desirous to hear ; that 't was this advanced their city above the honour of a senate , or the office of consul , or the variety of statues or ornaments , or the plenty of its merchandise , or the commodiousness of its scituation ; in that its people were so earnest to hear and learn , its churches so thronged and crowded , and all persons inflamed with such an insatiable desire of the word that was preached to them ; yea that this it was that adorned the city even above rome it self . and indeed the commendation is the greater , in that commonness did not breed contempt , it being usual in that church ( as chrysostom often intimates ) for a good part of the year to have sermons every day . well , sermon being ended , prayers were made with and for the catechumens , penitents , possessed , and the like , according to their respective capacities and qualifications , the persons that were in every rank departing as soon as the prayer that particularly concerned them was done : first the catechumens , and then the penitents , as is prescribed in the nineteenth canon of the laodicean council : for no sooner was the service thus far performed , but all that were under baptism , or under the discipline of penance , i. e. all that might not communicate at the lords table , were commanded to depart , the deacon crying aloud , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that are catechumens go out ; in the latine church the form was ite , missa est , depart , there is a dismission of you , missa being the same with missio , as remissa oft used in some writers for remissio ( and so the word missa is used by cassian even in his time , for the dismission of the congregation . ) hence it was that the whole service from the beginning of it till the time that the hearers were dismissed came to be called missa catechumenorum , the mass or service of the catechumens , as that which was performed afterwards at the celebration of the eucharist was called missa fidelium , the mass or service of the faithful , because none but they were present at it ; and in these notions and no other the word is often to be met with in tertullian , and other ancient writers of the church ; 't is true , that in process of time , as the discipline of the catechumens wore out , so that title which belonged to the first part of the service was forgotten , and the name missa was appropriated to the service of the lords supper , and accordingly was made use of by the church of rome , to denote that which they peculiarly call the mass or the propitiatory sacrifice of the altar at this day : and the more plausibly to impose this delusion upon the people , they do with a great deal of confidence muster up all those places of the fathers where the word missa is to be found , and apply it to their mass ; though it would puzle them to produce but one place , where the word is used in the same sense as they use it now , out of any genuine and approved writer of the church for at least the first four hundred years . but to return , the catechumens , &c. being departed , and the church doors shut , they proceeded to the lords supper , at which the faithful only might be present , wherein they prayed for all states and ranks of men , gave the the kiss of charity , prayed for consecration of the eucharist , then received the sacramental elements , made their offerings , and such like ; of which i do not now speak particularly , because i intend to treat distinctly of the sacraments afterwards : for the same reason i say nothing concerning their admonitions , church-censures , absolutions , &c. because these will come under consideration in another place , as also because though managed at their publick assemblies , were yet only accidental to them , and no setled parts of the divine service . this in short was the general form of publick worship in those ancient times , which although it might vary somewhat according to times and places , did yet for the main and the substance of it hold in all . that which remains , is a little to remarque how the christians carried themselves in the discharge of these solemn duties , which certainly was with singular reverence and devotion , such gestures and actions as they conceived might express the greatest piety and humility . let both men and women ( says clemens of alexandria ) come to church in comely apparel , with a grave pace , with a modest silence , with a love unfeigned , chast both in body and mind , and so as they may be fit to put up prayers to god. let our speech in prayer ( says cyprian ) be under discipline , observing a decorous calmness and modesty ; we are to remember that we are under the eye of god , whom we are not to offend either in the habit of our body , or the manner of our speech ; for as 't is the fashion of those that are impudent to clamour and make a noise , so on the contrary it becomes a sober man to pray with a modest voice : when therefore we come together with our brethren into the assembly , to celebrate the divine sacrifices with the minister of god , we ought to be mindful of order and a reverent regard , and not to throw about our prayers with a wild and confused voice , or with a disorderly prattling to cast forth those petitions , which ought with the greatest modesty to be put up to god. the men prayed with their heads bare , as not ashamed to look up to heaven for what they begged of god ; the women covered , as a sign of the modesty of that sex , and therefore tertullian severely checks the practice of some women in his time , who in time of worship had no covering on their heads , or what was as good as none ; what reproof ( says he ) do they deserve , that continue unvailed in singing psalms , or in any mention of god ; or do they think it 's enough to lay some thin and slight thing over their heads in prayer , and then think themselves covered . where he manifestly refers to those rules which the apostle prescribes in this case , and concludes at last , that they should at all times and in all places be mindful of the rule , being ready and provided against all mention of the name of god , who if he be in womens hearts , will be known on their heads , viz. by a modest carriage and covering of them in their addresses to him . their hands they did not only lift up to heaven ( a posture in prayer common both among jews and gentiles ) but they did expan and spread them abroad , that so by this means they might shadow out an image of the cross , or rather a resemblance of him that hung upon it , as tertullian more than once and again informs us : prayer ( says another ) is a conversing with god , and the way to heaven , and to stretch out our hands is to form the resemblance of christ crucified ; which whoever prays should do , not only as to the form and figure , but in reality and affection ; for as he that is fastned to the cross surely dyes , so he that prays should crucifie the desires of the flesh , and every inordinate lust and passion . in the performing of this duty , they either kneeled , which was most usual , or stood , which they always did upon the lords day , for a reason which we have spoken of before ; fitting was ever held a posture of great rudeness and irreverence ; nay tertullian falls heavy upon some that used presently to clap themselves down upon their seats , as soon as ever prayer was done , and down-right charges it as against scripture ; if it be an irreverent thing ( as he argues ) to sit down before , or over against a person for whom thou hast a mighty reverence and veneration ; how much more does it savour of irreligion to do so in the presence of the living god , while the angel is yet standing by thee to carry up the prayer to heaven , unless we have a mind to reproach god to his face , and tell him that we are weary of the duty . another custom which they had in prayer was , that they constantly prayed towards the east ; this was so universally common , that there 's scarce any ancient ecclesiastical writer but speaks of it ; though not many of them agree in assigning the reason of it ; the custom doubtless begun very early , and is generally ascribed to the apostles ; so the author of the questions and answers assures us , and tells us it was because the east was accounted the most excellent part of the creation , and seeing in prayer we must turn our faces towards some quarter , 't was fittest it should be towards the east : just ( says he ) as in making the sign of the cross in the name of christ , we use the right hand , because 't is better than the left , not in its own nature , but only in its positure and fitness for our use . s. basil likewise reckons it amongst the traditions that had been derived from the apostles , but tells us the mystery of it was , that hereby they respected paradise , which god planted in the east , begging of him that they might be restored to that ancient country from whence they had been cast out . this might probably be with those who dwelt in the western parts of the world , but how it could be done by those who lived east of the garden of eden ( suppose in any parts of india ) i am not able to imagine . clemens alex. tells us that herein they had respect to christ , for as the east is the birth and womb of the natural day , from whence the sun ( the fountain of all sensible light ) does arise and spring ; so christ the true sun of righteousness , who arose upon the world with the light of truth , when it sat in the darkness of errour and ignorance , is in scripture stiled the east , and therefore our prayers are directed thither . for which reason tertullian calls the east , the figure or the type of christ : but whatever the true reason was , i 'm sure 't is a sober account which athanasius gives of it ; we do not ( says he ) worship towards the east , as if we thought god any ways shut up in those parts of the world , but because god is in himself , and is so stiled in scripture , the true light ; in turning therefore towards that created light , we do not worship it , but the great . creator of it ; taking occasion from that most excellent element , to adore that god who was before all elements and ages of the world . this was their carriage for prayer ; nor were they less humble and reverent in other parts of worship , they heard the scriptures read and preached with all possible gravity and attention , which that they might the better do , they were wont to stand all the while the sermon continued , none sitting then but the bishop and presbyters that were about him ; so optatus expresly tells us , that the people had no priviledge to sit down in the church : though whether the custom was universally so in all places , i much doubt ; nay s. augustine tells us , that in some transmarine ( i suppose he means the western ) churches it was otherwise , the people having seats placed for them as well as the ministers . but generally the people stood , partly to express the reverence , partly to keep their attentions awake and lively . hence it was part of the deacons office ( as chrysostom tells us , and the same we find in the ancient greek liturgies ) to call upon the people with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let us duly stand upright , respecting the decent posture of their bodies , though withal principally intending the elevation of their minds , the lifting up their thoughts from low sordid objects to those spiritual and divine things , they were then conversant about . but what ever they did in other parts of the publick service , they constantly stood up at the reading of the gospel ; a custom generally embraced in all parts of the christian world . therefore sozomen discoursing of the various rights observed in several churches , notes it as an unusual thing in the bishop of alexandria , that he did not rise up when the gospels were read ; a thing ( says he ) which i never saw nor heard of in any other place : and philostorgius tells us of theophilus the indian bishop , that amongst several irregularities which he corrected in those churches , he particularly reformed this , that the people were wont to sit while the lessons out of the gospel were read to them . nor did the greatest personages think themselves too high to express this piece of reverence in their attendance upon the king of kings . 't is very memorable what we read concerning the great constantine , that when upon occasion eusebius was to make a panegyrick concerning the sepulchre of our saviour , though it was not in the church , but in the palace , yet he refused to sit all the time , and when eusebius beseeched him to sit down in his throne , that was hard by him , he would not , but attentively heard , judged , and approved those things that were spoken : and when after a good while , the sermon having been prolix , eusebius out of compliance would have broken off and done , he called to him to go on till he came to the full end of his discourse ; whereupon he was again sollicited to sit down , but refused , affirming it to be unfit to attend upon any discourse concerning god , and much more at this time , with ease and softness ; and that it was very consonant to piety and religion that discourses about divine things should be heard standing . so great a reverence had that excellent prince for the solemnities of divine worship . in the discharge of these holy exercises as they carried themselves with all seriousness and gravity , so they continued in them till they were compleatly finished ; there was then no such airiness and levity as now possesses the minds of men , no snatching at some pieces of the worship , tanquam canis ad nilum , and gone again , no rude disorderly departing the congregation , till the whole worship and service of god was over . and therefore when this warmth and vigour of the first ages was a little abated , the council of orleans thought good to re-establish the primitive devotion by this canon , that when the people came together for the celebration of divine service , they should not depart till the whole solemnity was over , and the bishop or presbyter had given the blessing . chap. x. of baptism , and the administration of it in the primitive church . four circumstances considered . baptism by whom administred . by none usually without the leave of the bishop . the great controversie about re-baptizing those that had been baptized by hereticks . an account of it out of cyprian . laymen how suffered to baptize . the opinion of the absolute necessity of baptism . the case of athanasius his baptizing when but a child . women never permitted to baptize . persons to be baptized , who . infants . sufficient evidence for infant-baptism in the ancient writers of the church . some passages out of cyprian noted . the baptized most-what adult persons . the stated times of baptism , easter and whitsuntide , and why . especially upon easter eve , and why . in cases of necessity at any other time . clinici , who . clinic-baptism accounted less perfect , why . vsual to defer baptism till a death-bed : and the reason of it : noted in constantine and others . being baptized for the dead , what ( probably . ) the usual place of baptism in or near the church ; always before the congregation . the baptisterium or font where it stood , and how large . it s distinct apartments for men and women . a curiosity in many in those times of being baptized in jordan , and why . the manner of the administration . the person baptized looked towards the west , and why . their answering as to the profession of their faith . their solemn abrenunciation made twice ; and the form of it . sureties in baptism . persons baptized exorcised ; what meant by it . vnction upon what account used ; several reasons of it assigned by the fathers . the sign of the cross made in baptism , evident out of the ancient fathers . of immersion , or putting the person under water : what it shadowed out . generally in use in those countries , not absolutely necessary in others . trine immersion : different reasons of it assigned by the fathers . it obtained not in spain , and why . a second vnction . persons after baptism clothed in white garments , and why . these kept in the church as a testimony of their solemn engagement : a memorable instance out of victor uticensis . a brief account of confirmation : the neglect of it bewailed . our lord having instituted baptism and the lords supper as the two great sacraments of the christian law , they have accordingly been ever accounted principal parts of publick worship in the christian church ; we shall treat first of baptism , as being the door by which persons enter in , the great and solemn rite of our initiation into the faith of christ ; concerning which , four circumstances are chiefly to be enquired into ; the persons by and upon whom ; the time when , the place where , the manner how this sacrament was administred in the ancient church . for the persons by whom this sacrament was administred , they were the ministers of the gospel , the stewards of the mysteries of christ , baptizing and preaching the gospel being joined together by our saviour in the same commission ; usually 't was done by the bishop , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in j. martyr , the antistes in tertullian , the president or chief minister of the congregation , the summus sacerdos , qui est episcopus , as he calls him , without whose leave and authority neither presbyters nor deacons might take upon them to baptize , as not only ignatius but tertullian expresly tells us , and if they did , it was only in case of necessity , as is affirmed by an ancient author who lived in or near the time of cyprian : the same s. hierom assures us was the custom in his time , though otherwhiles we find the bishop to begin the action , and the presbyters to carry it on and finish it . but as christianity encreased , this became a more familiar part of the presbyters and the deacons office , and doubtless had been more or less executed by them from the beginning , though out of reverence to the bishop , and to preserve the honour of the church ( as tertullian gives the reason ) they did it not without his leave and deputation , and 't is certain that philip baptized the eunuch , who yet was of no higher order than that of deacon . nor was it accounted enough by some in those times , that baptism was conferred by a person called to the ministry , unless he was also orthodox in the faith. this became matter of great bustle in the church ; hence sprang that famous controversie between cyprian and stephen bishop of rome , concerning the re-baptizing those that had been baptized by hereticks ( of which there is so much in cyprians writings ) cyprian asserting that they ought to be re-baptized , the other as stifly maintaining it to be both against the doctrine and practice of the church . this begot great heats and feuds between those good men , and engaged a great part of the whole christian church in the quarrel , cyprian endeavouring to strengthen his cause not only by arguments from scripture , but by calling a council at carthage of eighty seven african bishops , who all concluded for his opinion . how truly cyprian maintained this , i am not concerned to enquire ; only i take notice of two things which he and his followers pleaded by way of abatement to the rigour of their opinion . first that hereby they did not assert re-baptization to be lawful , this they expresly deny to receive any patronage from their practice , for they looked upon that baptism that had been conferred by hereticks as null and invalid ( seeing hereticks being out of the church could not give what they had not ) and therefore when any returned to the union of the church they could not properly be said to be re-baptized , seeing they did but receive what ( lawfully ) they had not before . secondly , that they did not promiscuously baptize all that came over from heretical churches , for where any had been lawfully baptized by orthodox ministers before their going over to them , these they received at their return without any other ceremony than imposition of hands ; baptizing those only who never had any other baptism than that which hereticks had conferred upon them . cyprian being thus severe against baptism dispensed by heretical ministers , we may wonder what he thought of that which was administred by meer lay-unordained persons , which yet was not uncommon in those times : for that lay-men ( provided they were christians and baptized themselves ) might and did baptize others in cases of necessity , is so positively asserted by tertullian , hierom , and others , that no man can doubt of it . a custom ratified by the fathers of the illiberine council , with this proviso , that if the persons so baptized lived , they should receive confirmation from the bishop . this without question arose from an opinion they had of the absolute and indispensable necessity of baptism , without which they scarce thought a mans future condition could be safe , and that therefore 't was better it should be had from any , than to depart this life without it ; for excepting the case of martyrs ( whom they thought sufficiently qualified for heaven by being baptized in their own blood , insisting upon a twofold baptism , one of water in time of peace , another of blood in the time of persecution , answerable to the water and blood that flowed out of our saviours side : excepting these ) they reckoned no man could be saved without being baptized , and cared not much in cases of necessity , so they had it , how they came by it . as for that act of athanasius ( mentioned by the author of his life in photius , and more largely related by sozomen ) when a boy playing with the rest of his companions , they formed themselves into a kind of church-society ; athanasius was chosen bishop , and others personated the catechumens ready to be baptized , and were accordingly with all the usual formalities baptized by athanasius . this juvenile ceremony being ended , they were brought before alexander the then bishop of alexandria ( who had himself beheld the whole scene ) who enquiring into the reasons and circumstances of the action , and having consulted with his clergy that were about him , concluded that those children ought not to be rebaptized , and therefore only added his confirmation to them . but this being only a particular case , and the like not mentioned that i remember by any writer of those times , i only relate it as i find it . but though this power in cases of necessity was allowed to men ( who were capable of having the ministerial office conferred upon them ) yet was it ever denied to women , whom the apostle has so expresly forbidden to exercise any ministry in the church of god , and accordingly censured in the apostolical constitutions , to be not only dangerous , but unlawful and impious . indeed in the churches of the hereticks women even in those times took upon them to baptize , but it was universally condemned and cried out against by the orthodox , and constantly affixed as a note of dishonour and reproach upon the heretical parties of those times , as abundantly appears from tertullian , epiphanius , and others , who records the heretical doctrines and practices of those first ages of the church ; however afterwards it crept in in some places , and is allowed and practised in the church of rome at this day : where in cases of necessity they give leave that it may be administred by any , and in any language , whether the person administring be a clergie or a lay-man ( yea though under excommunication ) whether he be a believer or an infidel , a catholick or an heretick , a man or a woman ; only taking care , that if it may be , a priest be preferred before a deacon , a deacon before a subdeacon , a clergie man before a laic , and a man before a woman ; together with some other cases which are there wisely provided for . from the persons ministring we proceed to the persons upon whom it was conferred , and they were of two sorts , infants and adult persons : how far the baptizing of infants is included in our saviours institution is not my work to dispute ; but certainly if in controverted cases the constant practice of the church , and those who immediately succeeded the apostles be ( as no man can deny it is ) the best interpreter of the laws of christ , the dispute one would think should be at an end : for that it always was the custom to receive the children of christian parents into the church by baptism , we have sufficient evidence from the greatest part of the most early writers , irenaeus , tertullian , origen , cyprian , &c. whose testimonies i do not produce , because i find them collected by others , and the argument thence so forcible and conclusive , that the most zealous opposers of infant baptism know not how to evade it ; the testimonies being so clear , and not the least shadow that i know of in those times of any thing to make against it . there was indeed in cyprians time a controversie about the baptizing of infants , not whether they ought to be baptized ( for of that there was no doubt ) but concerning the time when it was to be administred , whether on the second or third , or whether as circumcision of old to be deferred till the eighth day : for the determining of which , cyprian sitting in council with sixty six bishops , writes a synodical epistle to fidus , to let him know , that it was not necessary to be deferred so long , and that it was their universal judgment and resolution that the mercy and grace of god was not to be denied to any , though as soon as he was born : concluding , that it was the sentence of the council , that none ought to be forbidden baptism and the grace of god ; which as it was to be observed and reteined towards all men , so much more towards infants and new-born children ; and that this sentence of theirs was no novel doctrine s. augustine assures us , where speaking concerning this synodical determination , he tells us , that in this cyprian did not make any new decree , but kept the faith of the church most firm and sure . i shall only taken notice of one place more out of cyprian , which methinks evidently makes for this purpose , where describing the great wickedness and miserable condition of the lapsed , such as to avoid persecution had done sacrifice to the idols , he urges this as one of the last and highest aggravations , that by their apostasie their infants and children were exposed to ruine , and had lost that which they had obtained at their first coming into the world ( which whether he means it of their right to baptism , or their having been actually baptized , and losing the fruit and benefit of their baptism , is all one to my purpose ) and therefore he brings them in thus elegantly pleading against their parents at the great day . ' t was no fault of ours , we did not of our selves forsake the sacraments of our lord , and run over to join with prophane impieties ; the unfaithfulness of others has undone us , we have found our parents to be murderers ; they denied us god for our father , and the church for our mother ; for while we alas were little , unable to take any care of our selves , and ignorant of so great a wickedness , we were ensnared by the treachery of others , and by them betrayed into a partnership of their impieties . this was the case of infants , but those who made up the main body of the baptized in those days , were adult persons , who flocking over daily in great numbers to the faith of christ , were received in at this door : usually they were for some considerable time catechized , and trained up in the principles of the christian faith , till having given testimony of their proficiency in knowledge ( to the bishop or presbyter , who were appointed to take their examination , and to whom they were to give an account once a week of what they had learnt ) and of a sober and regular conversation , they then became candidates for baptism , and were accordingly taken in , which brings me to the next circumstance considerable concerning the time when baptism was wont to be administred : at first all times were alike , and persons were baptized as opportunity and occasion served ; but the discipline of the church being a little setled , it began to be restrained to two solemn and stated times of the year , viz. easter and whitsontide . at easter in memory of christs death and resurrection , correspondent unto which are the two parts of the christian life represented and shadowed out in baptism , dying unto sin , and rising again unto newness of life , in order to which the parties to be baptized were to prepare themselves by a strict observation of lent , disposing and fitring themselves for baptism by fasting and prayer . in some places , particularly the churches of thessaly , easter was the only time for baptism ( as socrates tells us ) which was the reason why many amongst them died unbaptized : but this was an usage peculiar to them alone . the ancient custom of the church ( as zonaras tells us ) was for persons to be baptized especially upon the saturday before easter-day , the reason whereof was , that this being the great or holy sabbath , and the mid-time between the day whereon christ was buried , and that whereon he rose again , did fitliest correspond with the mystery of baptism , as it is the type and representation both of our lords burial and resurrection . at whitsontide ; in memory of the holy ghosts being shed upon the apostles , the same being in some measure represented and conveyed in baptism . when i say that these were the two fixed times of baptism , i do not strictly mean it of the precise days of easter and whitsontide , but also of the whole intermediate space of fifty days that is between them , which was in a manner accounted festival , and baptism administred during the whole time , as i have formerly noted . besides these , nazianzen reckons the feasts of epiphany as an annual time of baptism , probably in memory either of the birth or baptism of our saviour , both which anciently went under that title : this might be the custom in some places , but i question whether it was universal , besides that afterwards it was prohibited and laid aside . but though persons in health , and the space that was requisite for the instruction of the catechumens might well enough comport with these annual returns , yet if there was a necessity ( as in case of sickness and danger of death ) they might be baptized at any other time : for finding themselves at any time surprized with a dangerous or a mortal sickness , and not daring to pass into another world without this badge of their initiation into christ , they presently signified their earnest desire to be baptized , which was accordingly done as well as the circumstances of a sick bed would permit . these were called clinici ( of whom there is frequent mention in the ancient writers of the church ) because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , baptized as they lay along in their beds . this was accounted a less solemn and perfect kind of baptism , partly because 't was done not by immersion , but by sprinkling ; partly because persons were supposed at such a time to desire it , chiefly out of a fear of death , and many times when not throughly masters of their understandings . for which reason persons so baptized ( if they recovered ) are by the fathers of the neocaesarean council rendred ordinarily incapable of being admitted to the degree of presbyters in the church . indeed 't was very usual in those times ( notwithstanding that the fathers did solemnly and smartly declaim against it ) for persons to defer their being baptized till they were near their death , out of a kind of novation principle , that if they fell into sin after baptism , there would be no place for repentance , mistaking that place of the apostle , where 't is said that if they who have been once enlightened ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the ancients generally understand of baptism ) fall away , 't is impossible to renew them again unto repentance . for some such reason we may suppose it was that constantine the great deferred his baptism till he lay a dying ; the same which socrates relates of his son constantius , baptized a little before his death : and the like he reports of the emperour theodosius , who apprehending himself to be arrested with a mortal sickness , presently caused himself to be baptized , though he recovered afterwards . to this custom of clinic baptism some not improbably think the apostle has reference in that famous place , where he speaks of those that are baptized for the dead , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they expound with reference to the state of the dead , and that 't is meant of such who in danger of death would be baptized , that it might fare well with them after death . this epiphanius thinks the truest interpretation , that it 's meant of catechumens ; who being suddenly surprised with death , would be baptized that so their sins being remitted in baptism , they might go hence under the hope of that eternal life which awaits good men after death , and testifie their belief and expectation of their future happy resurrection . others think it may refer to the place of baptism , those who are baptized 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over the graves or sepulchres of the dead , it being an ancient and general custom to have their religious meetings , and to perform their publick exercises at the tombs of martyrs ; there being numerous instances in the acts of the martyrs , of such as were baptized in the coemeteria , over the monuments of the dead . which soever of these is most sutable , yet certainly either of them is far more probable than that which many talk so much of , as if the apostle meant it of a custom common in those primitive times amongst the cerinthians , and other hereticks , where when any died without baptism , they used to place another under his bed , who was baptized for him in his stead , whence tertullian calls it a vicarious baptism ; it being highly improbable , that the great apostle would fetch an argument to confirm so solemn and fundamental a principle of the christian faith as the doctrine of the resurrection is , from such an absurd and ridiculous rite used only by the worst of hereticks . but this only by the way . for the place where this solemn action was performed it was at first unlimited , any place where there was water , as justin martyr tells us , in ponds , or lakes , at springs , or rivers , as tertullian speaks ; but always as near as might be to the place of their publick assemblies , for it was seldom done without the presence of the congregation , and that for very good reason , both as 't is a principal act of religious worship , and as 't is the initiating of persons into the church , which therefore ought to be as publick as it could , that so the whole congregation might be spectators and witnesses of that profession and engagement which the person baptized then took upon him ; and this they so zealously kept to , that the trullan council allows not baptism to be administred in a private chappel , but only in the publick churches , punishing the persons offending , if clergy with deposition , if laity with excommunication ; which yet ( as both zonaras and balsamon expound the canon ) is to be understood , unless it be done with the leave and approbation of the bishop of the diocess ; for this reason they had afterwards their baptisteria , or as we call them fonts , built at first near the church , then in the church-porch , to represent baptisms being the entrance into the mystical church ; afterwards they were placed in the church it self : they were usually very large and capacious , not only that they might comport with the general custom of those times of persons baptized , being immersed or put under water , but because the stated times of baptism returning so seldom , great multitudes were usually baptized at the same time . in the middle of the font there was a partition , the one part for men , the other for women , that to avoid offence and scandal they might be baptized asunder . here it was that this great rite was commonly performed , though in cases of necessity they dispensed with private baptism , as in the case of those that were sick , or shut up in prison , of which there were frequent instances in times of persecution . many there were in those days ( such especially as lived in the parts near to it ) whom nothing would serve , unless they might be baptized in jordan , out of a reverence to that place where our saviour himself had been baptized ; this constantine tells us he had a long time resolved upon , to be baptized in jordan , though god cut him short of his desire : and eusebius elsewhere relates , that at bethabara beyond jordan where john baptized , there was a place whither very many even in his time used to resort , earnestly desiring to obtain their baptism in that place . this doubtless proceeded from a very devout and pious mind , though otherwise one place can contribute nothing more than another , nothing being truer than what tertullian has observed in this case , that it 's no matter whether we be haptized amongst those whom john baptized in jordan , or whom peter baptized in tyber . the last circumstance i propounded concerns the manner of the celebration of this sacrament , and for this we may observe , that in the apostles age baptism was administred with great nakedness and simplicity , probably without any more formality than a short prayer , and repeating the words of institution , and indeed it could not well be otherwise , considering the vast numbers that many times were then baptized at once . but after-ages added many rites , differing very often according to time and place ; i shall not undertake to give an account of all , but only of the most remarkable , and such as did generally obtain in those times , keeping as near as i can to the order which they observed in the administration , which usually was thus . persons having past through the state of the catech●mens , and being now ripe for baptism , made it their request to the bishop that they might be baptized , whereupon at the solemn times they were brought to the entrance of the baptistery or font , and standing with their faces towards the west ( which being directly opposite to the east , the place of light , did symbolically represent the prince of darkness whom they were to renounce and defie ) were commanded to stretch out their hand , as it were in defiance of him : in this posture they were interrogated by the bishop , concerning their breaking of all their former leagues and commerce with sin , and the powers of hell , the bishop asking , dost thou renounce the devil and all his works , powers , and service ? to which the party answered , i do renounce them : dost thou renounce the world and all its pomps and pleasures ? answer , i do renounce them . this renunciation was made twice , once before the congregation ( probably at their obtaining leave to be baptized ) and presently after at the font or place of baptism , as tertullian witnesses . next they made an open confession of their faith , the bishop asking dost thou believe in god the father almighty , &c. in jesus christ his only son , who , &c. dost thou believe in the holy ghost ; the holy catholick church , and in one baptism of repentance for the remission of sins , and life everlasting ? to all which the person answered , i do believe . this form of interrogation seems to have been very ancient in the church , and the apostle is justly thought to refer to it , when he stiles baptism the answer of a good conscience towards god , which can reasonably refer to nothing so well as that common custom of answering in baptism . these answers and actions in the adult were done by the persons themselves , in children by their sponsores , as tertullian calls them , their sureties and undertakers ; for that both infants and adult persons had those that undertook for them at their baptism , is so notoriously known , that it were impertinent to insist upon it . after this there was a kind of exorcism , and an insufflation or breathing in the face of the person baptized ( which s. austine calls a most ancient tradition of the church ) by which they signified the expelling of the evil spirit , and the breathing in the good spirit of god : not that they thought that every one before baptism was possessed by the devil , but only that we are by nature children of wrath , enemies to god , and slaves to satan . nor did they lay any stress upon the bare usage of those symbolick rites , but wholly upon the churches prayers , which at the same time were made , that god would deliver those persons from the power of satan , and by his spirit unite them to the church . this being done , they were brought to the font , and were first stript of their garments ( intimating thereby their putting off the old man which is corrupt with his deceitful lusts ) and that all occasions of scandal and immodesty might be prevented in so sacred an action , the men and women ( as i observed before ) were baptized in their distinct apartments , the women having deaconesses to attend them , to undress and dress them , to stand about and overshadow them , that nothing of indecency might appear ; then followed the vnction , a ceremony of early date , by which ( says s. cyril ) they signified that they were now cut off from the wild olive , and were ingraffed into christ , the true olive-tree , and made partakers of his fruits and benefits , or else to shew that now they were become champions for christ , and had entred upon a state of conflict , wherein they must strive and contend with all the snares and allurements of the world , as the athletae of old were anointed against their solemn games , that they might be more expedite , and that their antagonists might take less hold upon them : or rather , probably , to denote their being admitted to the great priviledges of christianity , a chosen generation , royal priesthood , an noly nation ( as the apostle stiles christians ) offices of which anointing was an ancient symbol , both of being designed to them , and invested in them ; and this account tertullian favours , where speaking of this unction in baptism , he tells us 't is derived from the ancient , i. e. jewish discipline , where the priests were wont to be anointed for the priesthood : for some such purpose they thought it fit that a christian ( who carries unction in his very name ) should be anointed as a spiritual king and priest , and that no time was more proper for it , than at his baptism , when the name of christian was conferred upon him . together with this we may suppose it was , that the sign of the cross was made upon the forehead of the party baptized ; when this ceremony first began to be used in baptism , i find not ; s. basil reckons it ( and he puts it too in the first place ) amongst those ancient customs of the church that had been derived from the times of the apostles : that it was generally in use in the times of tertullian and cyprian , we have sufficient evidence from their writings , and indeed cannot reasonably suppose they should omit it in this solemn action ( where it is so proper ) when they used it in the commonest actions of their lives , tertullian expresly assuring us , that upon every motion , at their going out and coming in , at their going to bath , or to bed , or to meals , or whatever their employment or occasions called them to , they were wont frontem signaculo terere , to make the sign of the cross upon their forehead ; and this they did ( as he there tells us ) not that it was imposed upon them by any law of christ , but brought in by a pious custom , as that which did very much tend to strengthen and increase their faith . by this they shewed , that they were not ashamed of the cross of christ , nor unwilling to ingage in the service of a crucified master , which yet was so great a scandal to the heathen-world , and therefore so often triumphed in this symbol and representation of it . thus s. hierom , though he lived in a time when christianity had almost quite prevailed over all other religions in the world , yet counted this the great matter of his glory , that i am ( says he ) a christian , that i was born of christian parents , and do carry in my forehead the banner of the cross . and indeed so great a respect did they bear to this representation of our saviours death , that ( though they did not worship the cross , yet ) they took care that it should not be put to any mean and trivial uses , be painted or made upon the ground , or engraven upon marble pavements , or any thing where it might be trampled upon , as is expresly provided by a law of theodosius and valentinian . the action having proceeded thus far , the party to be baptized was wholly immerged or put under water , which was the almost constant and universal custom of those times , whereby they did more notably and significantly express the three great ends and effects of baptism ; for as in immersion there are in a manner three several acts , the putting the person into water , his abiding there for a little time , and his rising up again ; so by these were represented christs death , burial , and resurrection , and in conformity thereunto our dying unto sin , the destruction of its power , and our resurrection to a new course of life ; by the persons being put into water was lively represented the putting off the body of the sins of the flesh , and being washed from the filth and pollution of them : by his abode under it , which was a kind of burial in the water , his entring into a state of death or mortification , like as christ remained for some time under the state or power of death , therefore as many as are baptized into christ , are said to be baptized into his death , and to be buried with him by baptism into death , that the old man being crucified with him , the body of sin might be destroyed , that henceforth he might not serve sin , for that he that is dead is freed from sin , as the apostle clearly explains the meaning of this rite : and then by his emersion , or rising up out of the water , was signified his entring upon a new course of life , differing from that which he lived before , that like as christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the father , even so we also should walk in newness of life . but though by reason of the more eminent significancy of these things , immersion was the common practice in those days , and therefore they earnestly urged it and pleaded for it , yet did they not hold sprinkling to be unlawful , especially in cases of necessity , as of weakness , danger of death , or where conveniency of immerging could not be had , in these and such like cases cyprian does not only allow , but plead for it , and that in a discourse on purpose , when the question concerning it was put to him . upon this account it is that immersion is now generally disused in these parts of the world , and sprinkling succeeded in its room , because the tender bodies of most infants ( the only persons now baptized ) could not be put under water in these cold northern climates without apparent prejudice to their health , if not their lives ; and therefore in this as in other cases , god requires mercy rather than sacrifice , especially considering that the main ends of baptism are attained this way , and the mystical effects of it as truly , though not so plainly and significantly represented , by sprinkling , as by putting the body under water . this immersion was performed thrice , the person baptized being three several times put under water , a custom which basil and sozomon will have derived from the apostles ; 't is certain that it was very early in the church , being twice mentioned by tertullian as the common practice . by this trine immersion they signified ( say some ) their distinct adoring the three persons in the blessed trinity , and therefore the custom was , in repeating the words of institution , at the naming of every person , the father , the son , and the holy ghost , to plunge the party under water , as tertullian tells us , and s. ambrose more expresly . 't was done ( say others ) to represent the death , burial , and resurrection of our saviour , together with his three days continuance in the grave ; s. augustine joins both these together as the double mystery of this ancient rite , as he is cited by gratian to this purpose . it cannot be denied but that the ceremony is very significant and expressive , and accordingly the ancients laid great weight upon it , insomuch that the canons that go under the name of apostolical command him , whether bishop or presbyter , that baptizes any without the trine immersion , to be deposed from his ministry . but though this custom was in a manner universal , yet in some places ( in after times especially ) it was otherwise , particularly in spain , where they used it but once , lest they should gratifie the arrians , who made use of the trine immersion to denote the persons in the trinity to be three distinct substances , and gloried that the catholicks did , and held the same with them . upon this account they were content to immerge but once ; and when differences and controversies did still remain about it , the fourth council of toledo out of a letter of gregory the great thus determined the case , that they should still use their single immersion , and that this would sufficiently express the mysteries of baptism , the diving under water would denote christs death and descending into hell , the coming out his resurrection : the single immersion would express the unity of the godhead ; while the trinity of persons would be sufficiently denoted by the persons being baptized in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the person baptized being come out of the water was anointed a second time , as s. cyril tells us ; and indeed whatever becomes of the unction that was before , 't is certain that that which tertullian speaks of as a part of the ancient discipline , was after the person was baptized ; which being done , he had a white garment put upon him , to denote his having put off the lusts of the flesh , his being washed from the filth and defilement of his former sins , and his resolution to maintain a life of unspotted innocence and purity , according to that solemn and strict engagement which in baptism he had taken upon him . in this they alluded to that of the apostle , that as many as are baptized into christ , have put on christ , i. e. have engaged in that strict and holy course of life , which he both by his doctrine and example has left to the world : accordingly persons baptized are both by the apostle , and by the greek fathers frequently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the enlightned , because they now professed that they were become the children of the light and of the day , and would not return to works of darkness any more ; and this as they expected mercy from christ at the great day ; therefore the white garment was wont to be delivered to them with such a charge as this , receive the white and immaculate garment , and bring it forth without spot before the tribunal of our lord jesus christ , that thou mayst have eternal life . amen . from the wearing of these white vestments ( as we have observed before ) pentecost ( which was one of the two annual times for baptism ) came to be called whitesunday , as also the sunday after easter ( which was the other time ) dominica in albis , because then they laid this white robe aside ; for it was the custom for persons baptized to wear this garment for a whole week after they were baptized , and then to put it off , and lay it up in the church , that it might be kept as an evidence against them , if they violated or denied that faith which they had owned in baptism ; whereof we have a memorable instance under the arrian persecution in africk . elpidophorus a citizen of carthage had lived a long time in the communion of the church , but apostatizing afterwards to the arrians , became a most bitter and implacable persecutor of the orthodox party : amongst others whom he summoned to be put to the rack , was one miritas a venerable old deacon ( who had been the vndertaker for him at his baptism ) who being ready to be put upon the rack , plucked out the white vestment wherewith elpidophorus had been clothed at his baptism , and with tears in his eyes thus openly bespake him before all the people : these , elpidophorus , thou minister of error , these are the garments that shall accuse thee , when thou shalt appear before the majesty of the great judge ; these i will diligently keep as a testimony of that ruine , that shall depress thee down into the lake the burns with fire and brimstone ; these are they that were girt upon thee , when thou camest pure out of the holy font ; and these are they that shall bitterly pursue thee when thou shalt be cast into the place of flames ; because thou hast clothed thy self with cursing , as with a garment , and hast cast off the sacred obligation of thy baptism , and the true faith which thou didst then profess and take upon thee . thesese were the main and most considerable circumstances wherewith baptism was administred in the primitive church ; some whereof were by degrees antiquated and disused , other rites there were that belonged only to particular churches , and which , as they were suddenly taken up , so were as quickly laid aside ; others were added in after-times , till they encreased so fast , that the usage and the number of them became absurd and burdensom , as may appear by the office for baptism in the romish ritual at this day . as a conclusion to this chapter , i had once thought to have treated concerning confirmation , which ever was a constant appendage to baptism , and had noted some things to that purpose ; but shall supersede that labour , finding it so often , and so fully done by others in just discourses , that nothing considerable can be added to them ; only i shall give this brief and general account of it : all persons baptized in the ancient church ( according to their age and capacity , persons adult , some little time after baptism , children , when arrived to years of competent ripeness and maturity ) were brought to the bishop , there further to confirm and ratifie that compact which they had made with god in baptism , and by some solemn acts of his ministry to be themselves confirmed and strengthned , by having the grace and blessing of god conferred upon them , to enable them to discharge that great promise and engagement which they had made to god. this was usually performed with the ceremony of vnction , the person confirmed being anointed by the bishop , or in his absence by an inferiour minister ; and indeed unction was an ancient rite used in the jewish church to denote the conferring of gifts or graces upon persons , and thence probably amongst other reasons ( as many other usages were ) might be derived into the christian church ; though a learned man is of opinion , that unction was never used in confirmation , but where the person being in case of necessity baptized by some of the inferior clergy had not been before anointed ; otherwise those who had received compleat baptism , were not afterwards anointed at their confirmation , for which the council of orange is most express and clear . and indeed that confirmation was often administred without this unction , no man can doubt that knows the state of those times , being done only by solemn imposition of the bishops hands , and by devout and pious prayers , that the persons confirmed might grow in grace and the knowledge of christ , and be enabled to perform those vows and purposes , and that profession of faith which they had before embraced in baptism , and then again owned before the whole congregation . till this was done , they were not accounted compleat christians , nor admitted to the holy communion , nor could challenge any actual right to those great priviledges of christianity , whence it is that the ancients so often speak of confirmation as that which did perfect and consummate christians , as being a means to confer greater measures of that grace that was but begun in baptism ; upon all which accounts , and almost exactly according to the primitive usage , it is still retained and practised in our own church at this day : and happy were it for us , were it kept up in its due power and vigour ; sure i am , 't is too plain that many of our unhappy breaches and controversies in religion do ( if not wholly , in a great measure ) owe their birth and rise to the neglect and contempt of this excellent usage of the church . chap. xi . of the lords supper , and the administration of it in the ancient church . the persons dispensing this ordinance , who . the persons communicating , the baptized or the faithful : suspension from this ordinance according to the nature of the offence . the eucharist sent home to them that could not be present . the case of serapion . a custom in some places to give the sacrament to persons when dead , if they dyed before they could receive it , and why . the eucharist kept by persons at home . sent abroad . this laid aside , and in its stead eulogiae or pieces of consecrated bread sent from one church to another , as tokens of communion . the time of its administration : sometimes in the morning , sometimes at night : varied according to the peace they enjoyed . how oft they received the eucharist . at first every day . this continued in cyprian's time . four times a week . afterwards less frequented . the usual place of receiving , the church : ordinarily , not lawful to consecrate it elsewhere . oblations made by persons before their communicating . their agapae or love-feasts what . whether before or after the sacrament . how long continued in the church . the manner of celebrating this sacrament , collected out of the most ancient authors . the holy kiss . the general prayer for the church , and the whole world . the consecration of the sacrament : the form of it out of s. ambrose . the bread common bread. the sacramental wine mixed with water . this no necessary part of the institution . why probably used in those countries . the posture of receiving not always the same . singing psalms during the time of celebration . followed with prayer and thanksgiving . the whole action concluded with the kiss of peace . the holy eucharist or supper of our lord being a rite so solemnly instituted , and of such great importance in the christian religion had place accordingly amongst the ancients in their publick offices and devotions . in speaking to which i shall much what observe the same method i did in treating concerning baptism , considering the persons , the time , the place , and the manner of its celebration . the persons administring were the ordinary pastors and governours of the church , those who were set apart for the ministration of holy offices ; the institution was begun by our lord himself , and the administration of it by him committed to his apostles and to their ordinary successors , to the end of the world . we find in tertullian , that they never received it from any but the hand of the president ; which must either be meant of the particular custom of that church where he lived , or of consecration only ; for otherwise the custom was when the bishop or president had by solemn prayers and blessings consecrated the sacramental elements , for the deacons to distribute them to the people , as well to those that were absent as to them that were present , as justin martyr expresly affirms , and as the custom generally was afterwards . for the persons communicating at this sacrament , at first the whole church , or body of christians , within such a space , that had embraced the doctrine of the gospel , and been baptized into the faith of christ , used constantly to meet together at the lords table . as christians multiplied , and a more exact discipline became necessary , none were admitted to this ordinance till they had arrived at the degree of the faithful , for who ever were in the state of the catechumens , i. e. under instruction in order to their baptism , or by reason of any hainous crime under the censures and suspension of the church , and not yet passed through the several stages of the penitents , might not communicate , and were therefore commanded to depart the church , when the rest went to the celebration of the sacrament : for looking upon the lords supper as the highest and most solemn act of religion , they thought they could never take care enough in the dispensing of it ; accordingly who ever was found guilty of any scandalous fault , was according to the nature of the offence debarred the communion a shorter or a longer time , and sometimes all their life , not to be reconciled and taken into the communion of the church , till they had continued their repentance to their death-bed . as for those persons that could not be present , either through distance of place , sickness , or any other just cause , the eucharist was wont to be sent home to them , some little pieces of the consecrated bread dipt in the sacramental cup , which were usually carried by the deacon or some inferior officer of the church , or in cases of necessity by any other person ; as in the case of serapion , of whom dionysius of alexandria relates , that having been all his life a good man , at last lapsed in a time of persecution , and though he oft desired reconciliation , yet none would communicate with him ; not long after he was seized upon by a mortal sickness , depriv'd of the use of his speech and senses , but coming to himself after four days , he sends his nephew a little boy late at night for one of the presbyters to come to him ; the minister was at that time sick , but considering the exigence of the case , gives the boy a little piece of the eucharist , bids him to moisten it with a little water , and so give it him in his mouth , which he did , and immediately the old man chearfully departed this life . for the better understanding of which , we are to observe , that those who had lapsed into idolatry , were to undergo a very long time of penance , and were not many times admitted to the communion , till they were near their death ; and because it sometimes hapned that they were overtaken with sudden death , before the sacrament could be administred to them , thence a custom sprung up to give it them after they were dead , which they did doubtless upon this ground , that they might give some kind of evidence , that those persons died in the peace and communion of the church , though this usage was afterwards by many councils abrogated and laid aside . i take no notice in this place of their giving the eucharist to new-baptized infants , the case being so commonly known and obvious . in those early times nothing was more common than for christians either to carry , or to have sent to them some parts of the eucharist , which they kept in some decent place in their houses against all emergent occasions , especially to fortifie and strengthen their faith in times of persecution , and to encrease kindness and amity with one another ; whence one that was well versed in church-antiquities , conjectures that when ever they entertained friends or strangers , they used before every meal first to give them some parts of the holy eucharist , as being the greatest badge , the strongest band of true love and friendship in the world . besides these parcels of the sacramental elements , there were wont at the celebration of the communion to be pieces of bread ( which remained of the offerings of the people ) which being solemnly blessed by the bishop , might be given to those who had no right to be at the lords table , as to the catechumens , and such like , and were to them instead of the sacrament : these pieces were properly called eulogiae , because set apart by solemn benediction , and were sent up and down the towns and villages round about , to testifie and represent their mutual union and fellowship with one another ; nay and sometimes from churches in one country to those that were in another ; which was also done by the eucharist it self : for so irenaeus in a letter to pope victor tells us , that the ministers of churches , though differing in some little circumstances , did yet use to send the eucharist to one another . which custom is also taken notice of by zonaras ; but because the carrying the sacramental elements up and down the world , was thought not so well to consist with the reverence and veneration that is due to this solemn ordinance , therefore it was abolished by the laodicean synod , and these eulogiae or pieces of bread appointed at easter to be sent up and down in their room . for the time , the next circumstance , when they met together for this solemn action , it was in general at their publick assemblies , on the lords day always or the first day of the week , as we find it in the history of the apostles acts , besides other days , and especially saturday , on which day all the churches in the world ( those of rome only and alexandria excepted ) used to celebrate this sacrament , as the historian informs us . what time of the day they took to do it , is not altogether so certain ; our blessed saviour and his apostles celebrated it at night at the time of the jewish passover ; but whether the apostles and their immediate successors punctually observed this circumstance may be doubted ; 't is probable that the holy eucharist which s. paul speaks of in the church of corinth was solemnized in the morning , the apostles calling it a supper ( as chrysostom thinks ) not because 't was done in the evening , but the more effectually to put them in mind of the time when our lord did institute those holy mysteries . tertullian assures us in his time 't was done in tempore victus , about supper-time ( as all understand him ) and very often in the morning before day , when they held their religious assemblies , of which pliny also takes notice in his letter to the emperour : for in those times of persecution , when they were hunted out by the inquisitive malice of their enemies , they were glad of the remotest corners , the most unseasonable hours when they could meet to perform the joynt offices of religion . but this communicating at evening or at night either lasted only during the extreme heats of persecution , or at least wore off apace ; for cyprian expresly pleads against it , affirming that it ought to be in the morning , and so indeed in a short time it prevailed over most parts of the world , except in some places of egypt , near alexandria , of which socrates tells us , that after they had sufficiently feasted themselves in the evening , they were wont to receive the sacrament . under this circumstance of time we may take occasion to consider , how oft in those days they usually met at this table . and at first ( while the spirit of christianity was yet warm and vigorous , and the hearts of men passionately inflamed with the love of christ ) 't is more than probable they communicated every day ; or as oft as they came together for publick worship , insomuch that the canons apostolical and the synod of antioch threaten every one of the faithful with excommunication , who came to church to hear the holy scriptures , but stay not to participate of the lords supper : the eye of their minds was then almost wholly fixed upon the memory of their crucified saviour , and the oftner they fed at his table , the stronger and healthier they found themselves , and the more able to encounter with those fierce oppositions that were made against them . this custom of receiving the sacrament every day continued some considerable time in the church , though in some places longer than in others , especially in the western churches ; from cyprian we are fully assured 't was so in his time , we receive the eucharist every day ( says he ) as the food that nourishes us to salvation . the like s. ambrose seems to intimate of milan , whereof he was bishop , nay and after him s. hierom tells us , 't was the custom of the church of rome , and s. augustine seems pretty clearly to intimate , that it was not unusual in his time . in the churches of the east this custom wore off sooner , though more or less according as the primitive zeal did abate and decay ; s. basil telling us that in his time they communicated four times a week , on the lords-day , wednesday , friday , and saturday , yea and upon other days too , if the memory or festival of any martyr fell upon them . afterwards as the power of religion began more sensibly to decline , and the commonness of the thing begat some contempt ( manna it self was slighted , after once it was rained down every day ) this sacrament was more rarely frequented , and from once a day it came to once or twice a week , and then fell to once a month , and after for the most part to thrice a year at the three great solemnities , of christmas , easter , and whitsontide ; to so great a coldness and indifferency did the piety and devotion of christians grow , after once the true primitive temper and spirit of the gospel had left the world. concerning the third circumstance , the place where this holy supper was kept , much need not be said , it being a main part of their publick worship always performed in the place of their religious assemblies . 't was instituted by our saviour in a private house , because of its analogie to the jewish passover , and because the necessity of that time would not otherwise admit ; by the apostles and christians with them 't was celebrated in the houses of believers , generally in an upper room , set apart by the bounty of some christian for the uses of the church , and which ( as i have formerly proved ) was the constant separate place of religious worship for all the christians that dwelt thereabouts . under the severities of great persecutions they were forced to fly to the mountains , or to their cryptae or vaults under ground , and to celebrate this sacrament at the tombs of martyrs , and over the ashes of the dead . churches growing up into some beauty and regularity , several parts of the divine offices began to have several places assigned to them , the communion-service being removed to the upper or east end of the church , and there performed upon a table of wood , which afterwards was changed into one of stone , and both of them not uncommonly , though metaphorically , by the fathers styled altars , and the eucharist it self , in later times especially , the sacrament of the altar . this place was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and was fenced in with rails , within which the clergie received the sacrament , as the laity did without . here it was that they all used to meet at this heavenly banquet , for out of this place they allowed not the celebration of the sacrament ( a thing expresly forbidden by the laodicean council ) unless in cases of great necessity ; and therefore 't was one of the principal articles for which the synod of gangra deposed eustathius from his bishoprick , that he kept private meetings , perswading some that were averse to the publick assemblies of the church , that they might communicate and receive the sacrament at home . we come last of all to consider the manner how the eucharist was celebrated in the ancient church ; but before we describe that , we are to take notice , that after the service of the catechumens , and before the beginning of that of the faithful , at which the eucharist was administred , the custom was to present their offerings , every one according to his ability bringing some gift as the first-fruits of his increase , which was by the minister laid upon the altar or communion-table , none of them then thinking it fit to appear before the lord empty , and therefore s. cyprian severely chides a rich widow of his time , who came without giving any thing to the poor mans box , and did partake of their offerings , without bringing any offering of her own . these obleations were designed to the uses of the church , for the maintenance of the ministry , and the relief of the poor , especially out of them were taken the bread and the wine for the sacramental elements , the bread being no other than common bread , such as served for their ordinary uses , there being then no notice taken of what has for so many hundred years , and still is to this day fiercely disputed between the greek and the latine church , whether it ought to be leavened or unleavened bread . out of these oblations also 't is probable they took ( at least sent provisions extraordinary ) to furnish the common feast , which in those days they constantly had at the celebration of the sacrament , where the rich and the poor feasted together at the same table . these were called agapae or love-feasts ( mentioned by s. jude , and plainly enough intimated by s. paul ) because hereat they testified and confirmed their mutual love and kindness , a thing never more proper than at the celebration of the lords supper ; which is not only a seal of our peace with god , but a sign and a pledge of our communion and fellowship with one another . whether this banquet was before or after the celebration of the eucharist , is not easie to determine ; 't is probable , that in the apostles time , and the age after them , it was before it , in imitation of our saviours institution , who celebrated the sacrament after supper , and s. paul taxing the abuses of the church of corinth reproves them , that when they came together for the lords supper , they did not one tarry for another , but every one took his own supper , i. e. that provision which he had brought from home for the common feast ▪ which was devoured with great irregularity and excess , some eating and drinking all they brought , others ( the poor especially that came late ) having nothing left , one being hungry and another drunken ; all this , 't is plain , was done before the celebration of the eucharist , which was never administred till the wole church met together . that therefore which the apostle reproves and corrects , is their indecency and intemperance , commanding both rich and poor to wait for one another , and to eat this common meal together , that they might the more orderly and unanimously pass to the celebration of the lords supper . in after ages this feast was not till the communion was over , when the congregation feasted together , and so departed , and so chrysostom expresly tells us 't was in his days ; besides , nothing is more obvious , than that it was customary in those times for persons to fast , till they had received the communion . i know a very learned man is of opinion , that these love-feasts were not kept at the same time with the celebration of the eucharist ; but besides that his arguments are not conclusive , the whole stream of learned writers runs full against him . these feasts continued for some ages , till great inconveniences being found in them they were prohibited to be kept in churches by the laodicean synod , and after that by the council of carthage ; which though but provincial or national councils , yet the decrees were afterwards ratified by the sixth trullan council , and the custom in a short time dwindled into nothing . these things being premised , the sacramental elements prepared , and all things ready , they proceeded to the action it self , which ( following for the main the account that is given us by s. cyril of jerusalem , and taking in what we find in others ) was usually managed after this manner : first the deacon brought water to the bishop and the presbyters that stood round about the table to wash their hands , signifying the purity that ought to be in those that draw nigh to god , according to that of the psalmist , i will wash my hands in innocency , and so will i compass thine altar , o lord ; then the deacon cryed out aloud , mutually embrace and kiss one another ; this holy kiss was very ancient , commonly used in the apostles times , and in the succeeding ages of the church , but especially at the sacrament , as a sign of the unfeigned reconciliation of their minds , and that all injuries and offences were blotted out , according to our lords command , when thou bringest thy gift to the altar , and remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee , leave thy gift before the altar , and go thy way , first be reconciled to thy brother , and then come and offer thy gift ; this being done , they fell to prayer , the whole congregation praying together with the minister ( which therefore justin martyr calls the common prayer , the form whereof in the apostolical constitutions is described at large ) for the universal peace and welfare of the church , for the tranquillity and quietness of the world , for the prosperity of the age , for wholesom weather and fruitful seasons , for all sorts of persons , for kings and emperours , and all in authority , for souldiers and armies , for believers and unbelievers , for friends and companions , for the sick and distressed , and in short for all that stood in need of help . this general prayer is frequently mentioned by the ancient fathers ; as that which was at the beginning of the communion service , though s. cyrill place it a little later , as doubtless it was in his time . after this followed the mutual salutation of the minister and people , the minister saying the lord be with you , to whom the people answered , and with thy spirit ; the minister cryed , lift up your hearts ( nothing being more sutable says s. cyrill at this time , than that we should shake off all worldly cares , and exalt our hearts to god in heaven ) the people truly assenting and yielding to it , answered , we lift them up unto the lord ; the minister proceeded , let us give thanks unto the lord ( for what more fit than thankfulness to god , and a high resentment of such favours and blessings ) to this the people returned , it is meet and just so to do : whereupon the minister proceeded to the prayer of consecration ( the form whereof we have in the apostolical constitutions ) wherein he express'd huge thankfulness to god for the death , resurrection , and ascension of his son , for the shedding of his blood for us , and the celebration of it in this sacrament ; for condescending to admit them to such mighty benefits , and praying for a closer unity to one another in the same mystical body , concluding usually with the lords prayer , and the hearty and universal acclamation of amen , by all that were present : this done , the minister cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy things belong to holy persons ; the people answering , there is one holy , one lord jesus christ ; then he exhorted them to a due participation of the holy mysteries , which cyrill tells us was done by way of a divine hymn , singing , come taste and see that the lord is good . after this the bishop or presbyter took the sacramental elements , sanctified then by a solemn benediction : the form of consecration we have in s. ambrose ; lord , make this oblation now prepared for us , to become a reasonable and acceptable sacrifice ; this , which is the figure of the body and blood of our lord jesus christ ; who the day before he suffered took the bread in his sacred hands , looked up to heaven , giving thanks to thee , o holy father , almighty and everlasting god ; blessed it , and having broken it gave it to his apostles and disciples , saying , take , eat all of it , for this is my body which is broken for many : likewise also after supper he took the cup , that very day before he suffered , looked up to heaven , giving thanks to thee , holy father , almighty and everlasting god ; and having blessed it , gave it to his apostles and disciples , saying , take and drink ye all of it , for this is my blood . after this he first brake the bread , and delivering it to the deacon , he distributed it to the communicants ; and after that the cup , which was likewise delivered to them , for the custom of communicating under one kind only , as is used in the church of rome , was then unknown to the world , nay and for above a thousand years after christ. in some cases 't is true they dipt the bread in the wine , as in the case of baptized infants , to whom they administred the eucharist in those primitive times , and to very weak dying persons , who would not otherwise have swallowed the bread ; and that by this means they might keep the sacrament at home against all emergent occasions ; and this probably might in time make the way easier for introducing the sacrament under the kind of bread only . their sacramental wine was generally diluted and mixed with water , as is evident from justin martyr , irenaeus , cyprian , and others ; cyprian in a long epistle expresly pleads for it , as the only true and warrantable tradition , derived from christ and his apostles , and endeavours to find out many mystical significations intended by it , and seems to intimate as if he had been peculiarly warned of god to observe it according to that manner ; an argument which that good man often produces as his warrant to knock down a controversie , when other arguments were too weak to do it . but although it should be granted that our saviour did so use it in the institution of the supper ( the wines of those eastern countries being very strong and generous , and that our saviour , as all sober and temperate persons , might probably abate its strength with water , of which nevertheless the history of the gospel is wholly silent ) yet this being a thing in it self indifferent and accidental , and no way necessary to the sacrament , could not be obligatory to the church , but might either be done or let alone . the posture wherein they received it was not always the same ; the apostles at the institution of it by our saviour received it ( according to the custom of the jews at meals at that time ) lying along on their sides upon beds round about the table ; how long this way of receiving lasted , i find not ; in the time of dionysius alexandrinus the custom was to stand at the lords table , as he intimates in a letter to pope xystus ; other gestures being taken in as the prudence and piety of the governours of the church judged most decent and comely for such a solemn action ; the bread and wine were delivered into the hands of those that communicated , and not as the superstition of after-ages brought in , injected or thrown into their mouths . cyrill tells us that in his time they used to stretch out their right hand , putting their left hand under it , either to prevent any of the sacramental bread from falling down , or as some would have it , hereby to shadow out a kind of figure of a cross . during the time of administration , which in populous congregations was no little time , they sung hymns and psalms ( the compiler of the apostolical constitutions particularly mentions the . psalm ) which being done , the whole action was solemnly concluded with prayer and thanksgiving , ( the form whereof is likewise set down by the author of the apostolical constitutions ) that god had thought them worthy to participate of such sacred mysteries , and the people being blessed by the bishop or the minister of the assembly , and having again saluted each other with a kiss of peace , as a testimony of their hearty love and kindness ( whence tertullian calls this kiss signaculum orationis , the seal of prayer ) the assembly broke up , and they returned to their own houses . this for the main was the order wherein the first christians celebrated this holy sacrament ; for though i do not pretend to set down every thing in that precise and punctual order wherein they were always done ( and how should i , when they often varied according to time and place ? ) yet i doubt not but who ever examines the usages of those times , will find that 't is done as near as the nature of the thing would bear . the end of the first part. primitive christianity ; or , the religion of the ancient christians in the first ages of the gospel . part ii. the religion of the primitive christians as to those vertues that respect themselves . chap. i. of their humility . this second branch of religion comprehended under the notion of sobriety , and discovered in some great instances of it . the proper tendency of the christian religion to beget humility . this divine temper eminently visible in the first christians : made good out of their writings . the great humility and self-denial of cyprian . what nazianzen reports to this purpose of his own father . their modest declining that just commendation that was due to them . many who suffered , refus'd the honourable title of martyrs . nazianzen's vindication of them against the suggestions of julian the apostate . the singular meekness and condescension of nebridius amidst all his honours and relations at court. their stooping to the vilest offices , and for the meanest persons : dressing and ministring to the sick , washing the saints feet , kissing the martyrs chains . the remarkable humility of placilla the empress , and the lady paula . an excellent discourse of nyssen's against pride . next to piety towards god , succeeds that part of religion that immediately respects our selves , expressed by the apostle under the general name of sobriety , or the keeping our selves within those bounds and measures which god has set us , vertues , for which the primitive christians were no less renowned than for the other : amongst them i shall take notice of their humility , their contempt of the world , their temperance and sobriety , their courage and constancy , and their exemplary patience under sufferings . to begin with the first . humility is a vertue that seems more proper to the gospel ; for though philosophers now and then spake a few good words concerning it ; yet it found no real entertainment in their lives , being generally animalia gloriae , creatures pufft up with wind and emptiness , and that sacrific'd only to their own praise and honour : whereas the doctrines of the gospel immediately tend to level all proud and swelling apprehensions , to plant the world with mildness and modesty , and to cloath men with humility , and the ornament of a meek and a quiet spirit : by these we are taught to dwell at home , and to converse more familiarly with our selves , to be acquainted with our own deficiencies and imperfections , and rather to admire others than to advance our selves : for the proper notion of humility lies in a low and mean estimation of our selves , and an answerable carriage towards others , not thinking of our selves more highly than we ought to think , nor being unwilling that other men should value us at the same rate . now that this was the excellent spirit of primitive christianity will appear , if we consider how earnestly they protested against all ambitious and vain-glorious designs , how chearfully they condescended to the meanest offices and imployments , how studiously they declin'd all advantages of applause and credit , how ready they were rather to give praise to others than to take it to themselves , in honour preferring one another . s. clemens highly commends his corinthians , that all of them were of an humble temper , in nothing given to vain-glory , subject unto others rather than subjecting others to themselves , ready to give rather than receive . accordingly , he exhorts them ( especially after they were fallen into a little faction and disorder ) still to be humble-minded , to lay aside all haughtiness and pride , foolishness and anger ; and not to glory in wisdom , strength or riches , but let him that glories , glory in the lord ; and to follow the example of our lord the scepter of the majesty of god ; who came not in the vain-boasting of arrogancy and pride , although able to do whatsoever he pleased , but in great meekness and humility of mind , appearing in the world without any form or comeliness , or any beauty that he should be desired , suffering himself to be despised and rejected of men , who esteemed him not , and hid as it were their faces from him ; who counted himself a worm and no man , and was accordingly made a reproach of men , and the derision of the people ; all they that saw him , laughing him to scorn , shooting out the lip and shaking the head at him . now if our lord himself was so humble-minded , what should we be , who are come under the yoke of his grace ? this and much more to the same purpose , has that venerable and apostolical man in that admirable epistle , wherein he does lively describe and recommend the meek and excellent spirit of the gospel . justin the martyr treads in the very same steps ; he tells us that we are to shun all sinister suspicions of others , and to be very careful what opinion we entertain of them : that we are to be of a meek and unpassionate mind , not envying the good esteem and respect which others have , nor ambitiously affecting , or putting our selves forwards upon any service or imployment : that we are humbly to submit our selves , not in words only , but in all our actions , so as that we may appear to be not impostors and distemblers , but mild and undesigning persons ; for whoever would govern his life aright must be modest and unpragmatical , not angry and contentious , but silently consider with himself what is best and fittest to be done : that we are to account others wise and prudent , and not to think our selves the only discreet and understanding persons : that we must not despise their admonitions , but hearken to their counsels , when ever they are just and true . when some in st. cyprian's time had made a noble and resolute confession of christ in the face of the greatest danger , lest they should be exalted above measure in their own thoughts , he bids them remember , according to the discipline of the gospel , to be humble , and modest and quiet , that they might preserve the honour of their name , and be as glorious in their actions as they had been in their words and confessions of christ : that they should imitate their lord , who was not more proud , but more humble at the time of his passion , washing his apostles feet : and follow the counsel and pattern of st. paul , who in his greatest sufferings continued meek and humble , and did not arrogate any thing to himself , no not after he had been honoured with a translation into paradise and the third heavens . and great reason he had to press this with all possible vehemency at that time , lest christians by their turbulent and unquiet carriage should provoke the heathen magistrate to greater severity against them : and indeed who could better do it than he , who was himself so eminent for humility ? for though some schismatical persons ( whose wildness and insolence he sought to restrain ) endeavoured to insinuate that he was not so humble as became a man of his rank and order , and as were our lord and his apostles ; yet observe how he vindicates himself in a letter to pupianus the head of the party ; as for my humility ( says he ) 't is sufficiently known not only to the brethren , but the gentiles themselves do see and respect it , and thou thy self didst know and honour it , whilst thou wast yet in the church , and didst communicate with me : but which of us i pray is farthest from humility ? i , who daily serve the brethren , and receive those who come unto the church with all joy and kindness ; or thou , who makest thy self a bishop over thy bishop ; and pretendest to be a judge appointed by god over him who is thy judge ? and indeed how far the good man was from any designs of greatness and domination appear'd in this , that when the people had universally chosen him to be bishop , he privately withdrew and retir'd himself , reckoning himself unworthy of so great and honourable an office , and giving way to others , whose age and experience rendred them ( as he thought ) much fitter for it : but the importunity of the people being heightned into a greater impatiency , and having found where he was , they beset the house , and blocked up all passages of escape , till they had found him , and forc'd it upon him . and with no less humility did he behave himself in the discharge of it : when consulted by some of his clergy what they should do in the case of the lapsed , he answers , that being now alone he could say nothing to it , for that he had determin'd from his first entring upon his bishoprick not to adjudge any thing by his own private order without the counsel of the clergy , and the consent of the people . so meanly did that wise and excellent man think of himself , and so much did he attribute to the judgement and concurrence of those that were below him . nazianzen reports of his father ( a bishop too ) that amongst other vertues he was peculiarly remarkable for humility ; which he did not express philosopher-like in little arts of external modes and carriage , putting on a feign'd behaviour , like women who having no natural beauty of their own , fly to the additionals of dresses and paintings , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , becoming more deformed by their ascititious beauty . his humility consisted not in his dress , but in the constancy of his mind ; not in the hanging down of his head , or the softness of his tone , or the demureness of his look , or the gravity of his beard , or the shaving of his head [ the cropping of his hair ] or the manner of his gate ; but in the frame and temper of his soul , being as humble in his mind , as he was sublime and excellent in his life ; and when no man could arrive at the perfection of his vertues , yet every one was admitted to a freedom of converse with him . both in his garb and diet he equally avoided pomp and sor●●dness ; and though a great restrainer 〈…〉 ●ppetite , would yet seem not to do it , ●est he should be thought plainly to design glory to himself by being needlesly singular above other men . how industriously do we find them many times disowning that deserved praise and commendation that was due to them ? how modestly does justin martyr decline his adversaries commendation of the acuteness and elegancy of his reasonings ? resolving all into the grace of god , that enabled him to understand and expound the scriptures , of which grace he there perswades all men freely and fully to become partakers with him . of the confessors in the time of the persecution under m. aurelius , eusebius out of the relation which the churches of vienna and lyons in france sent to the churches in asia , tells us , that although they had often born witness to the truth at the dearest rate of any thing on this side death , though they had been frequently thrown to wild beasts , expos'd to the fire , and the remains of wounds and violence were visible in all parts of their bodies ; yet in imitation of the great humility of the son of god , they would not after all this ( which yet was not uncommon in those times ) either call themselves martyrs , or suffer others to call them so : but if any of the brethren either by letter or discourse had saluted them by that title , they would severely reprove and check them for it ; acknowledging themselves at best but vile and despicable confessors , and with tears begging of the brethren to be instant with god by prayer , that they might perfect all by a reall martyrdom . hence it was , that when julian the apostate refus'd to proceed against the christians by open persecution , as his predecessors had done , because he envied them the honour of being martyrs ; nazianzen answers , that he was greatly mistaken if he suppos'd they suffered all this , rather out of a desire of glory , than a love of truth : such a foolish and vain-glorious humour might indeed be found amongst his philosophers , and the best of his party , many of whom have put themselves upon strange attempts meerly to gain the honour of a name , and the reputation of divinity : but for christians , they had rather dye in the cause of religion , although no man should ever know of it , than to live and flourish amongst others with the greatest honour and esteem ; it being our great sollicitude not to please men , but only to obtain honour from god : nay , some of us ( says he ) arrive to that horoick pitch , as to desire an intimate vnion unto god , meerly for himself , and not for the honours and rewards that are laid up for us in the other world . memorable the humility of the great constantine , that when all mens mouths were filled with the honourable mention of his vertues , and one took upon him to praise him to his face , telling him how happy he was whom god had thought worthy of so great an empire in this world , and for whom he reserv'd a much better kingdom in the next ; he was highly offended with the address , and advis'd the man that he should not presume to talk so any more ; but rather turn his praises of him , into prayers to god for him , that both here and hereafter he might be thought worthy to be numbred amongst the servants of god. i cannot but take notice of what st. hierome reports of nebridius , a young roman gentleman , cousin-german to the empress , by whom he was brought up in the palace , play-fellow and companion to the young emperours ( to whom he was very dear ) train'd up with them in the same studies , and arts of education ; that notwithstanding all this , and that he was then in the prime and vigour of his youth , yet he was neither debauched by intemperance amidst the delicacies and pleasures of the court , nor swell'd with pride , reflecting upon others with a surly look ; but rendred himself amiable unto all : the princes he lov'd as brethren , and rever'd as lords : their attendants and ministers , and all the orders of the palace he had so endear'd by kindness and condescension , that they who were so much below him , did in a manner think themselves equal to him . i shall give but one instance more of the humility of those times , and that is their ready condescending to any office or imployment , though never so mean , about the poorest christian● they thought it not below them to cook and provide victuals for them , to visit the imprison'd , to kiss their chains , to dress their wounds , to wash their feet . and in this our lord himself went before them , when a little before his death he rose from table , girt himself , wash'd and wip'd his disciples feet , and then told them what influence this ought to have upon them , that if their lord and master had wash'd their feet , they ought also to wash one anothers feet , for that he had given them an example , that they should do as he had done to them ; and good reason , the servant not being greater than his lord , neither he that is sent , greater than he that sent him . accordingly we find this particular act of christian condescension frequently us'd in the primitive church . st. paul expresly requires it as a qualification in a widow that was to be taken in as a deaconess into the church , that she be one that has us'd to lodge strangers , and to wash the saints feet . tertullian assures us 't was usually done by christians in his time , to go into the prisons to kiss and embrace the martyrs chains , to harbour and provide for indigent brethren , and to bring water to wash the saints feet : no office so low , which they were not content to stoop to . when placilla the empress was check'd by some of the court for her mighty condescension in visiting the hospitals , and curing the lame and the sick with her own hands , preparing and giving them their provisions , as a thing too much below her state and grandeur : she answered , that to distribute gold became the emperour ; but for her part she thought her self oblig'd to do this for god , who had advanc'd her to that honour and dignity : often instilling this pious counsel into her husband ; it becomes you , sir , always to remember , what you once were , and what you now are : by which means you will shew your self not to be ingrateful to your great benefactor , and will govern the empire committed to you justly and lawfully , and to the honour of him that gave it . st. hierom reckoning up the vertues of paula , a lady of the greatest descent and nobility in rome , but devoting her self afterwards to the solitudes of a religious life , tells us of her , that for humility ( the prime and chief vertue of christians ) she carried her self with so much lowliness , that whoever had seen and not known her , could not but have mistaken her for the meanest of the maids that waited on her . when ever she appeared in the midst of those devout and pious virgins that dwelt with her , she always seem'd both in cloaths , and voice , and garb , and gate the least and most contemptible of all the rest . so studious was the piety of those dayes to keep the lustre of their own perfections from sparkling in their eyes , and not fondly to admire the glimmerings of their own light ; being so far from falsly arrogating to themselves those excellencies which they had not , that they industriously conceal'd those excellent perfections which they had . i cannot better conclude this chapter , than with the excellent reasonings of st. gregory of nyssa against priding a mans self in any external ornaments or advantages , where he thus entertains the proud man : he that looks to himself , and not to the things that are about him , will see little reason to be proud : for what is man ? say the best of him , and that which may add the greatest honour and veneration to him , that he 's born of nobles , and yet he that adorns his descent , and speaks highliest of the splendour and nobility of his house , does but derive his pedigree from the dirt : and to enquire more narrowly into the manner of his being born into the world , common with other men , were to uncover what shame and modesty require should be conceal'd in the profoundest silence . and dost thou not blush , thou statue of earth , who art shortly to be crumbled into dust , who bubble-like containest within thee a short-liv'd humour ; dost thou not blush to swell with pride and arrogance , and to have thy mind stuffed with vain idle thoughts ? hast thou no regard to the double term of mans life , how it begun , and where it will end ? thou pridest thy self in thy juvenile age , and flatterest thy self in the flower , the beauty and sprightliness of thy youth , that thy hands are ready for action , and thy feet apt to dance nimble measures ; that thy locks are wav'd by the wanton motions of the wind , and a soft down overgrows thy cheeks , that thy purple-robes put the very roses to the blush , and thy silken vestures are variegated with rich embroidery of of battels , huntings , or pieces of ancient history ; or brought down to the feet , artificially set off with black , and curiously made fast with strings and buttons . these are the things thou look'st at , without any regard to thy self . but let me a little as in a glass shew thee thy own face , who and what thou art : hast thou not seen in a publick charnel-house the unvailed mysteries of humane nature ; bones rudely thrown upon heaps ; naked skulls with hollow eye-holes , yielding a dreadful and deformed spectacle ? hast thou not beheld their grinning mouths , and gastly looks , and the rest of their members carelesly dispersed and scattered ? if thou hast beheld such sights as these , in them thou hast seen thy self . where then will be the signes of thy present beauty , that good complexion that adorns thy cheeks , and the colour of thy lips , that frightful majesty , and supercilious loftiness that once resided in thine eyes , or thy nose that once beautifully grac'd thy cheeks ? where are thy locks that were wont to reach thy shoulders , the curles that used to adorn thy temples ? what are become of those arms that used to draw the bow , those leggs that used to bestride thy horses ? where 's the purple , the silken garments , the long robe , the belt , the spurs , the horse , the race , the noise and pransings ; and all the rest of those things that now add fuel to thy pride ? tell me , where then will those things be , upon the account whereof thou dost now so much boast and bear up thy self ? was there ever any dream so fond and inconstant , any thing more phantastick that ever appeared to a man asleep ? what shadow was ever so thin , so incapable of being grasp'd within the hollow of the hand , as this dream of youth , which at once appears , and immediately vanishes away . thus the holy man treats the young vapouring gallant , and levels his pride with the sober considerations of mortality : in his following discourse he deals with persons of riper years , and such as are in places of authority and power , and shews how absurd and uncomely pride is in them : which it might not be impertinent to represent , but fearing to be tedious , i forbear . chap. ii. of their heavenly-mindedness , and contempt of the world. the soul rightly constituted naturally tends upwards , especially when assisted with the aids of religion . the first christians much above the world. not wrought upon by temptations of advantage . they accounted it the greatest honour to be christians . contented with a very mean portion of outward things . the story of some of our saviours kindred brought before domitian . the sect of the apostolici and apotactici , the fathers of the mendicant orders in the church of rome . the little care which christians then had of rich furniture and costly provisions . their denying to go to publick feasts and sports made for the pleasure of the people . this charged upon them by the heathens . the case of the woman that was seiz'd upon by an evil spirit while she was at the theatre . their chearful parting with any worldly comforts , estate , relations , &c. a strange heroick speech of melania at the loss of her husband and two sons , mentioned by st. hierom. eager for martyrdom , as what would presently send them to heaven . their frequent supporting themselves under suffering●s with discourses of the kingdom above . thence accus'd as treasonable affectors of the empire . their contempt of the world much promoted by the opinion that the day of judgement was near at hand . christians in the world like sojourners in a strange country . the soul of man being heaven-born cannot but partake of the nature and disposition of that country , and have a native inclination to that place from whence it borrows its original : and though 't is true , in this corrupt and degenerate state it is deeply sunk into matter , clogg'd and overborn with the earthly and sensual propensions of the lower appetites , the desires and designs of men creeping up and down like shadows upon the surface of the earth ; yet does it often , especially when assisted with the aids of religion , attempt its own rescue and release . the mind of a good man is acted by manly and generous impulses , it dwells in the contemplations of the upper region , tramples upon those little projects of profit or pleasure which ensnare and enslave other men , and makes all its designs subservient to the interests of a better country . a temper of mind never more triumphant in any than in the christians of old , whose conversations were in heaven , and whose spirits breath'd in too free an air to be caught with the charms of the best enjoyments this world could afford : they looked upon the delights and advantages of this life as things not worthy to arrest their affections in their journey to a better . justin martyr discoursing with trypho the jew , tells him , that they were careful with all fear to converse with men according to the scriptures , not greedily desiring to gain riches , or glory , or pleasure to themselves , concerning any of which no man could lay any thing to their charge ; and that they did not live like the great men of his people , of whom god himself has left this reproachful character , that their princes were companions of thieves , every one loving gifts , and following after rewards . nay , trypho himself bears them this testimony , though doubtless he intended it as a reproach to them , that having from a vain report chosen christ to be their master , they did for his sake foolishly undervalue and throw away all the enjoyments and advantages of this world . amongst us ( says tatian ) there is no affectation of vain-glory , no diversity of sentiments and opinions , but separating our selves from all vulgar and earthly thoughts and discourses , and having given up our selves to the commands of god to be govern'd by his law , we abandon whatever seems but a-kin to humane glory . they never met with opportunities to have advantaged and enriched themselves , but they declined and turned them off with a noble scorn . when abgarus the toparch of edessa offered thaddaeus ( one of the seventy disciples ) great summs of gold and silver for the pains he had taken , and the great things he had done amongst them , he refused them with this answer , to what purpose should we receive good things from others , who have freely forsaken and renounced our own ? as indeed in those times friends and relations , houses and lands were chearfully parted with , when they stood in competition with christ ; they could content themselves with the most naked poverty , so it might but consist with the profession of the gospel . when quintianus the president under decius the emperour asked agatha the virgin-martyr , why being descended of such rich and illustrious parents , she would stoop to such low and mean offices as she took upon her ; she presently answered him , our glory and nobility lies in this , that we are the servants of christ . to the same purpose was the answer of quintinus the martyr under the dio●lesian persecution , when the president asked him how it came about , that he being a roman citizen , and the son of a senator would truckle under such a superstition , and worship him for a god , whom the jews had crucified ; the martyr told him , that it was the highest honour and nobility to know and serve god : that the christian religion , which he call'd superstition , ought not to be traduc'd with so base a name , seeing it immediately guided its followers to the highest degrees of happiness ; for herein in it is that the omnipotent god is revealed , the great creator of heaven and earth , and his son jesus christ our lord , by whom all things were made , and who is in all things equal to his father . the simplicity of christians then kept them from aspiring after honour and greatness , and if at any time advanced to it , their great care was to keep themselves unspotted from the world ; as nazianzen reports of his brother caesarius , chief physician to the emperour constantius , that though he was very dear to him ( as he was to the whole court ) and advanced by him every day to greater honours and dignities , yet this ( says he ) was the chief of all , that he suffered not the nobility of his soul to be corrupted by that glory , and those delights that were round about him : but accounted this his chiefest honour that he was a christian ; in comparison of which all things else were to him but as a sport and pageantry ; he looked upon other things but as comick scenes , soon up and as soon over ; but upon piety as the most safe and permanent good , and which we can properly call our own , regarding that piety especially which is most inward and unseen to the world . the like he relates of his sister gorgonia , as the perfection of her excellent temper , that she did not more seem to be good , than she did really strive to be so ; peculiarly conversant in those secret acts of piety , which are visible only to him , who sees what is hidden and secret ; to the prince of this world she left nothing , transferring all into those safe and coelestial treasuries that are above ; she left nothing to the earth but her body , changing all things for the hopes of a better life ; bequeathing no other riches to her children but an excellent pattern , and a desire to follow her example . the truth is , as to estate , they were not concern'd for more than what would supply the necessities of nature , or the wants of others , not solicitous to get or possess such revenues as might make them the objects either of mens envy or their fear ; as may appear amongst others by this instance . domi●ian the emperour being inform'd that there were yet remaining some of christs kindred according to the flesh ( the nephews of judas the brother of our lord , of the race and posterity of david , which the emperour sought utterly to extirpate ) he sent for them , enquired of them whether they were of the line of david , they answered they were ; he ask'd what possessions and estate they had , they told him they had between them thirty nine acres of land ( to the value of about nine thousand pence ) out of the fruits whereof they both paid him tribute , and maintained themselves with their own hard labour , whereto the hardness and callousness of their hands ( which they then shew'd him ) bore witness : he then ask'd them concerning christ and the state of his kingdome ; to which they answered , that his empire was not of this world , but heavenly and angelical , and which should finally take place in the end of the world , when he should come with glory to judge both the quick and the dead , and to reward men according to their works : which when he heard , despising the men upon the account of their meanness , he let them go without any severity against them . of origen we read , that he was so great a despiser of the world , that when he might have liv'd upon the maintenance of others , he would not , but parted with his library of books to one that was to allow him only four oboli a day ; the day he spent in laborious tasks and exercises , and the greatest part of the night in study ; he always remembred that precept of our saviour , not to have two coats , not to wear shooes , not anxiously to take care for to morrow , nor would he accept the kindness of others , when they would freely have given him some part of their estate to live on . not that the christians of those times thought it unlawful to possess estates , or to use the blessings of divine providence ; for though in those times of persecution they were often forc'd to quit their estates and habitations , yet did they preserve their proprieties intire , and industriously mind the necessary conveniencies of this life , so far as was consistent with their care of a better . there were indeed a sort of christians call'd apostolici , who in a fond imitation of the apostles left all they had , and gave up themselves to a voluntary poverty , holding it not lawful to possess any thing : hence they were also call'd apotactici , or renouncers , because they quitted and renounc'd whatsoever they had ; but they were ever accounted infamous hereticks : they were , as epiphanius tells us , the descendants of tatian , part of the old cathari and encratitae : together with whom they are put in a law of the emperour theodosius , and reckon'd amongst the vilest of the manichaean hereticks : mentioned also by julian the apostate as a branch of the galilaeans , as he calls the christians , by him compar'd to the cynic philosophers amongst the heathens , for the neglecting of their countrey , the abandoning of their estates and goods , and their loose and rambling course of life ; only herein different , that they did not as those galilaean apotactistae run up and down under a pretence of poverty to beg alms . the truth is , by the account which both he and epiphanius give of them , they seem to have been the very patriarchs and primitive founders of those mendicant orders , and professors of vowed poverty which swarm so much in the church of rome at this day . but to return ; the christians of those dayes did not study those arts of splendor and gallantry which have since over-run the world , stately palaces , costly furniture , rich hangings , fine tables , curious beds , vessels of gold and silver , the very possession of which ( as clemens alexandrinus speaks ) creates envy ; they are rare to get , hard to keep , and it may be not so accommodate to use . will not a knife cut as well ( says he ) though it have not an ivory-haft , or be not garnished with silver ? or an earthen bason serve to wash the hands ? will not the table hold our provisions , unless its feet be made of ivory ? or the lamp give its light though made by a potter , as well as if 't were the work of the goldsmith ? may not a man sleep as well upon a mean couch , as upon a bed of ivory ? upon a goats skin , as well as upon a purple or phoenician carpet ? our lord ate his meat out of a common dish , & made his followers sit upon the grass , and washed his disciples feet , without ever fetching down a silver bowle from heaven ; he took the water which the samaritaness had drawn in an earthen pitcher , not requiring one of gold , shewing how easie it was to quench his thirst ; for he respected the use , not the vain and superfluous state of things . this and much more he there urges to this excellent purpose , to let us see how little a christian need be beholden to the world , if he be content with what 's enough for the necessary uses of humane life . to this let me annex some part of that discourse which gregory nyssen has upon this subject : the fluid and transitory condition of mans life ( says he ) calls for a daily reparation of the decays of nature : he therefore that looks no further than to minister to the desires of nature , and troubles not himself with vain anxious thoughts for more than 's necessary , lives little less than the life of angels , whilst by a mind content with little he imitates their want of nothing . for this cause we are commanded to seek only what 's enough to keep the body in its due state and temper , and thus to address our prayers to god , give us our daily bread : give us bread , not delicacies or riches , not splendid and purple vestures , or rich golden ornaments , not pearls and jewels , silver vessels , large fields and great possessions , not the government of armies , the conduct of wars , and disposal of nations , not numerous flocks and herds of cattle , or multitudes of slaves and servants , not splendor and gallantry in publick , not marble pillars , or brazen statues , or silken carpets , or quires of musick , or any of those things by which the soul is diverted and drawn from more noble and divine thoughts and cares : but only bread , which indeed is the true and common staff of mans life . nor were they more studious of pleasures and recreations abroad , than they were of fineness and bravery at home : they went not to publick feasts , nor frequented the shews that were made for the disport and entertainment of the people : and this was so notorious , that the heathens charg'd it upon them as part of their crime . observe how he in minutius foelix draws it up ; the romans ( says he ) govern and enjoy the world , while you in the mean time are careful and mopish , abstaining even from lawful pleasures ; you visit not the shews , nor are present at the pomps , nor frequent the publick feasts ; you abhor the holy games , the sacrificial meats and drinks , crown not your heads with garlands , nor perfume your bodies with sweet odours ; a ghastly , fearful and miserable people ! which by that time that octavius the christian comes to answer , he grants it all to be true , and tells him there was very good reason why they should abstain from their shews , pomps and divertisements , at which they could not be present without great sin and shame , without affronting their modesty , and offering a distast and horrour to their minds ; and indeed they reckon'd themselves particularly oblig'd to this by what they had vow'd and undertaken at their baptism , when they solemnly engaged to renounce the devil and all his works , pomps and pleasures , i. e. ( says st. cyril ) the sights and sports of the theatre , and such like vanities . the truth is , they look'd upon the publick sports and pastimes of those dayes as the scenes not only of folly and lewdness , but of great impiety and idolatry ; as places where the devil eminently rul'd , and reckon'd all his votaries that came thither . accordingly tertullian tells us of a christian woman who going to the theatre , was there possessed by the devil ; and when the evil spirit at his casting out was ask'd , how he durst set upon a christian ; he presently answered , i did but what was fit and just , for i found her upon my own ground . being thus affected towards the world , they could very willingly part with any thing that was dearest to them , friends , estate , liberty , or life it self . we are not mov'd ( says one of their apologists ) with the loss of our estates which our enemies wrest from us , nor with the violence that 's offer'd to our credit and reputation , or if there be any thing of greater concernment than these ; for although these things are mightily priz'd and valued amongst men , yet can we despise and sleight them : nay , we cannot only when beaten , refrain from striking again , and make no resistance against those that invade and spoil us ; but to them that smite one cheek , we can turn the other , and to them that take away the coat , we can let them take the cloak also . and i remember nazianzen tells us , that of those excellencies and endowments which god had given him , health , wealth , esteem , and eloquence , he reaped this only benefit , that he had something which he could contemn , and by which he could shew that he infinitely valued christ before them . the greatest endearment of this life is relations , and yet these too they could quietly resign when god called for them : memorable it is what st. hierom reports of melania ( a lady of great piety in his time , in whose commendation paulinus bishop of nola spends a very large epistle , especially commending her for her generous and heroick mind , tam viriliter christiana , that she was something above a woman , and had the masculine spirit of a christian : of this lady st. hierom tells us ) that her husband lying dead by her , she lost two of her sons at the same time ; and when every one expected that she should break out into a violent passion , tear her hair , rent her garments , and burst into tears ; she stood still , and at last falling down as 't were at the feet of christ , broke out into this pious and christian resentment , lord , i shall serve thee more nimbly and readily , by being eased of the weight thou hast taken from me . nay , so little kindness had they for this world , that they cared not how little they stayed in it , and therefore readily offered themselves to martyrdom at every turn . tertullian tells his adversaries , that all those plagues which god sent upon the world , what damage soever they might do their enemies , could not hurt them , because they had no other concernment in this world , than as soon as they could to get out of it . this he elsewhere tells us , the very gentiles assign'd as one reason , why the christians were train'd up in a defiance of all the sports and pleasures of this life , that they might be more willing to dye ; and that the cords being cut by which they were tedder'd to this world , they might be more nimble and expedite for their passage hence . their main designs were intent upon the happiness of another world , and therefore they regarded not what they went thorough to come sooner to it . being inflamed ( sayes justin martyr ) with the desire of a pure and an eternal l●fe , we breath after an intimate converse with god the great parent and creator of the world , and make hast to seal our confession with our blood ; being certainly perswaded that they shall attain to this state , who by their actions study to approve themselves to god that they follow after him , and are heartily desirous of communion with him in that life , where no malice or wickedness shall take place . this was the mighty support they lean'd upon , the great cordial with which they kept up their spirits in those sad times of suffering and persecution , the firm belief and expectation which they had of enjoying god in a better life . they knew , that the more hast their enemies made to break open the cage of their bodies , the sooner their souls would be at liberty to fly to the regions of blessedness and immortality . and indeed so much were their thoughts fixed upon this , so oft did they use to comfort one another by discoursing of that kingdom which they expected hereafter , that some of their enemies over-hearing and mistaking them , accused them as treasonable affectors of the empire : when alas ! ( as justin martyr assures the emperours ) they meant nothing less ; which they might know by this , that being brought to tryal , they freely confessed themselves to be christians , though they certainly knew they must dye for it : whereas ( says he ) did we expect an humane kingdome , we would dissemble and deny it , to avoid death , and so expect a more convenient season to accomplish our designs ; but since our hopes are not placed in any thing in this world , we regard not those that take away our lives , well knowing they take nothing from us , but what we must needs lay down our selves . it was their care then continually to keep company with dying thoughts , and to dwell within the prospect of eternity ; it being generally true of all what st. hierom particularly reports of marcella , that she lived so , as alwayes believing that she should immediately dye , and never put on her garments , but it put her in mind of her grave , and of the sheet that should wrap her up in the house of silence . but besides the influence which the expectation of their particular dissolutions had upon them , there was one thing which i doubt not did mightily contribute to their being wean'd from the world , and did strongly animate them to a quick and speedy diligence about the affairs of the other life , and that was , the opinion they generally had of the day of judgment being near at hand : an opinion started early , as appears by that caution which st. paul gives the thessalonians about it ; and it lasted for some ages after , as is evident from several passages in tertullian , who always improves it to this purpose , that men should not unnecessarily encounter themselves with the affairs of this life , but carry themselves as those that were immediately passing hence . i conclude with that of justin martyr ; christians ( says he ) dwell in their own countries , but as inmates and forreigners ; they have all things common with other men as fellow-citizens , and yet suffer all things as strangers and forreigners : every forreign region is their country , and every country is forreign to them : they marry like other men , and beget children , but do not expose or neglect their off-spring ; they feast in common , but do not exceed like other men ; they are in the flesh , but do not live after the flesh ; dwell upon earth , but their conversation is in heaven . therefore he compares christians in this world to the soul in the body , as for other reasons , so especially for this , that as the soul lives in the body , but is not of the body , so christians dwell in the world , but are not of the world ; an immortal spirit dwells in a mortal tabernacle , and christians , while they sojourn in these corruptible mansions , expect and look for an incorruptible state in heaven . chap. iii. of their sobriety , in respect of their garb and apparel . much of the temper of the mind shewn in the outward garb . the great ends of clothes , for honesty , necessity , distinction . the primitive christians accommodated themselves to these . carefull to avoid both singularity and excess . generally conformable to the sober fashions of the places where they liv'd . whether when they turn'd christian they left off the roman gown , and took up the pallium or cloak ; à toga ad pallium : the occasion of tertullians writings his excellent book on that subject . the pallium principally worn by those that entred upon a life of more than ordinary strictness . their great care to keep a medium between costliness and sordidness . this accounted part of that pomp and vanity which they renounc'd in baptism . the vanity of excessive garbs and finery complain'd of by the fathers in some of those times . especially invective against methods of artificial beauty ; what pleaded in defence of it by some persons in those dayes , considered and answered out of the fathers . that they were rich , no sufficient argument to patronize the doing of it . better ways of imploying their estates . nor that they could do it without violating their chastity . the inconveniencies of it with respect to others . that they did it to please their husbands , answered : this needless ; every wise and good man content without it . such arts savour'd too much of lewd wanton prostitutes . painting , and such arts injurious to god , and disparagement of his workmanship . this largely prosecuted out of tertullian and cyprian . a memorable story which theodoret relates of his own mother . true beauty accounted to lye in a holy and vertuous mind , and a pure and pious life . gay and phantastick persons fitly represented by the aegyptian temples . nazianzen's description of his good sister gorgonia . the primitive christians being thus eminent for their contempt of the world , 't is easy to imagine that they were very temperate and abstemious in the use of all the pleasures and conveniences of humane life , which we shall more particularly consider in these three instances , their sobriety in respect of garb and apparel , their temperance in regard of food and diet , and their continence or chastity . for the first , the care about our garb and dress , it is one of those instances of sobriety which are to be conducted by the rules of religion and reason , and which very much discover a vertuous or a vicious temper : there are three things ( as the son of syrach well observes ) that shew a man what he is , his attire , excessive laughter , and his gate : there is not certainly a more open evidence of a vain mind , than a vain garb and habit . st. basil discoursing what habit does best beseem a christian , tells us in general , that it ought to be such as most lively expresses the meekness and humility of the mind , that good men of old were so attired , and that we are commanded , having food and raiment to be therewith content ; not studying variety , and which most commonly follows it , softness and elegancy , which are but instruments to minister to excess and luxury , introduced into humane life through the idle and unnecessary arts of loosness and effeminacy . 't is not enough ( says tertullian ) that a christian be chast and modest , but he must appear to be so ; a vertue , of which he should have so great a store and treasure , that it should flow from his mind upon his habit , and break from the retirements of his conscience into the superficies of his life , as he there expresses it . more particularly st. basil tells us , that the habit of a christian ought to be suitable to the two great ends of cloathing instituted by god , viz. honesty and necessity ; honesty to hide the less comly parts of the body , and to cover that shame which sin has brought upon mankind : in paradise innocency was mans only robe , 't was sin brought in the fig-leav'd coat , and what should more induce us to be modest in our apparel , than to remember , that our clothes are monitors of our apostasie , and that there 's little reason we should pride our selves in that which is only a cover for our shame ? necessity , and so clothes were designed to keep the body in convenient warmth , and to defend it from those injuries and extremities of the air and wether , which would otherwise soon rot down this house of clay . now to both these ends ( he tells us ) we ought to accommodate our garments , not striving for variety , having some for uses at home , others for oftentation when we go abroad , but that whatever attains these ends is enough . but besides these , there is a third vse and end of clothes , noted by clemens alexandrinus , and that is for distinction , not only of sexes , but of different ranks and degrees of men , such as agree best to mens age , persons , shape , nature , or their several states and employments ; in these respects men may use different and distinguishing habits : nay , he grants that in some cases men may recede from the strict rule and discipline of this affair , and that such women as cannot otherwise gain upon their husbands , may ( if they require it ) go a little more trim and neat , provided ( as he there limits it ) it be done only to please and gain upon their husbands , and that they do not practise any artifices of unlawful beauty . now that the ancient christians govern'd themselves by these rules in this affair is plain , in that they avoided both singularity on the one hand , and excess on the other , generally conforming themselves to the decent and orderly customes and fashions of the times and places where they liv'd . justin martyr giving his friend an account of the christians , tells him , that they differ'd not from other men either in their country , or speech , or the usages of the civil life ; they dwell in their own cities , use the same language with other men , nor have they any singular and extraordinary way of life ; they are not in any thing affected or phantastick ; but inhabiting partly amongst greeks , partly in barbarous cities , as every ones lot is fallen , they follow the customes of their countrey ; and both in clothes and diet , and all other affairs of outward life , shew the excellent and admirable constitution of their discipline and conversation . i am not ignorant of what some learned men would have us to believe , that in those times when any turn'd from paganism to christianity they were wont to change their habit , to leave off the toga or gown ( the common habit almost in all parts of the roman empire ) and to take up the pallium or cloak : and this they think sufficiently countenanc'd by the instance of tertullian , who laying aside the gown , and putting on the cloak , was accused of lightness and inconstancy by the people of carthage , and bitterly persecuted with the common sarcasm , à toga ad pallium , as one that had want only skipp'd from the gown to the cloak , i. e. from one profession to another ; insomuch that he was forc'd to write an apology for himself , which he did in his book de pallio , where with a great deal of satyrical and sarcastick wit he retorts upon them , and vindicates himself from their charge and cavils . but that there was any such change of habit at persons first ▪ coming over to christianity i can see no reason to believe ; and for the case of tertullian it makes nothing to the purpose , unless it could be prov'd that he left off the gown at his first entrance upon the christian religion , which will be hard to make out ; for i am clearly of the mind of the learned salmasius , that he altered his habit , and assumed the cloak not when he first became christian , but when he was made presbyter of the church of carthage ; whence it is called by him according to his dialect sacerdos habitus ( for so it is in all ancient manuscripts , and in the first edition of b. rhenanus , and not sacer habitus , as later editions have it ) the priests habit ; because the christian priests usually wore it after their entrance upon holy orders . for the better understanding of which , we are to consider a little , that amongst the greeks the pallium or cloak was not commonly worn , but was the proper habit of philosophers , who profess'd a more severe and accurate course of life . acordingly amongst the christians those who professed themselves to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the more strict and exact observers of the christian discipline , whether they were laity or clergy , assumed this habit to themselves ; and because the clergy in those times generally took upon them this austere and philosophick way of life , this garb was most peculiar to them ; and this probably they did the rather , not only because this was the most plain and simple garment in it self , but because they supposed the apostles ( whom they strove to imitate ) wrote this habit , as is plain they did as from other passages in the new testament so from st. pauls sending for the cloak which he left at troas : therefore the author of the apostolical history , who shelters himself under the name of abdios babylonius , certainly forgot himself , when describing the habit of st. bartholomew the apostle , he made it so trim and fine . vestitus ( says he ) colore ( doubtless it should be colobio ) albo , &c. he was clothed in a white coat , beset with studs of purple , over which he had a white cloak , having purple gems at each corner of it ; a piece of gallantry unknown to the plainness of those times , and unsuitable to the profession of that holy man. indeed , as plenty and prosperity began to flow in upon the church , this simple and modest garment was laid aside , and the clergy took upon them a more rich and splendid garb ; insomuch that when eustathius bishop of sebastia took upon him to wear the philosophick cloak , and perswaded his followers also to use it ; he was for this very reason deposed by his own father eulalius bishop of caesarea , because wearing a habit unsuitable to the ministerial order , which sentence was not long after ratified by the synod of gangra , and a canon made against it . from what has been said it may appear , that although the clergy , and such as entred upon a more strict and ascetick course of life had a habit peculiar to themselves , yet the generality of christians differed not from the common garb . they were indeed exceeding careful to avoid all such as savoured of costliness and finery , choosing such as expressed the greatest lowliness and innocency . the garment that we should wear ( says clemens of alexandria ) ought to be mean and frugal , not curiously wrought with divers colours ( the emblem of craftiness and deceit ) but white , to denote our embracing and professing simplicity and truth ; our outward clothing is an indication of the temper of our manners ▪ that 's true simplicity of habit , which takes away what 's vain and superfluous ; that the best and most solid garment , which is furthest from art and curiosity , and most apt to preserve and keep warm the body . s. cyprian ever observ'd a due decorum in his garb as well as his countenance ; his aspect was grave and yet chearful ; neither a frowning severity , nor an over-pleasant merriness , but such a happy mixture of both , that it was hard to say , whether he was more to be fear'd or lov'd , but that he equally deserv'd both : and just such was his garb , sober and moderate , keeping a just distance both from slovenliness and superfluity ; it neither argued him to be swell'd with pride , nor infected with a miserable and sordid mind . chrysostome amongst other things especially commends olympias ( a woman of great birth and estate , and of no less piety ) for the incredible modesty and meanness of her attire , not much better than that of the poorest beggar ; having nothing in her garb or gate that was feigned or gaudy , nothing elaborate or artificial ; which things ( says he ) were the colours , the bright and beautiful representations of her vertue , whereby that wisdom and divine philosophy that lay hidden in her mind , was externally painted and shadowed out . so far were they then from the vanity and affectation of pomp and bravery , of dazling the eye with rich costly ornaments , that they thought they could never seem mean enough , and this they look'd upon themselves as especially bound to by the promise which they had made at baptism , when they renounc'd the devil , and his whole pomp and service , as the same father elsewhere informs us . it cannot be denied , but that the fathers frequently complain of , and smartly declaim against the vanity and folly of some in those times ( women especially , by the weakness of their sex more propense to the excesses of pride and superfluity ) who gave up themselves to all the arts of fineness and gallantry ; and out of an emulation to the ladies amongst the heathens amongst whom they liv'd , they affected all manner of pomp and elegancy , striving to be as rich and gaudy , not as they ought , but as they could make themselves ; whose excessive prodigality tertullian does thus no less elegantly than sarcastically describe ; a great estate ( says he ) is drawn out of a little pocket ; it 's nothing to expend * many thousand pounds upon one string of pearls , a weak tender neck can make a shift to carry about whole woods and lordships ; vast summs of money borrowed of the banker , and noted in his account book to be repay'd every month with interest , are weighed at the beam of a thin slender ear ; so great is the strength of pride and ambition , that even the weak feeble body of one woman shall be able to carry the weight and substance of so many pounds taken up at vsury . this was look'd upon as a very great sin . clemens alexandrinus censures it very deep ; that though gluttony and intemperance be great vices , yet not to be compar'd with a nice over-curious study of fineness and bravery : i suppose he means in respect of its insatiable and unbounded nature . for so he adds ; a well-furnish'd table , and cups that go round may quickly stop the mouth of a hungry stomach : but where there is a nice affectation of bravery , of gold , purple , or jewels , there not the treasures of the creation , not what 's above , or under ground , not the spoyles of the tyrian sea , not the fraights from india , or ethiopia , no nor pactolus with his golden streams would suffice . nay , such persons though as rich as midas , would not yet think themselves rich or fine enough . but that which the fathers do most severely censure and cry out against , is not only the expence and costliness of their cloths and jewels , but the arts which they used to add greater beauty and handsomness to themselves , than god and nature had bestowed upon them . this it seems the pride and folly of some christian women had arriv'd to , which the zeal and piety of those times did vehemently condemn and protest against . it may not be amiss to consider , what the gallants of those times pleaded for themselves , and what was returned in answer to them . sometimes they pleaded that they were rich , and had great estates , and ought therefore to live like themselves , and to make use of the estates that god had given them . to this cyprian answers , that they only are truly rich , that are rich in and towards god ; that the world ought to be despised , the pomps and delights whereof we then renounc'd , when we happily turn'd to god , with the love of whom all that is in the world , the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eye , and the pride of life is not consistent ; that the use of riches in this case is to be governed by just and moderate measures : the apostle commanding all women how rich soever , to adorn themselves in modest apparel , with shamefastness and sobriety , not with broidred hair , or gold or pearls or costly array ; but ( which becomes women professing godliness ) with good works . s. peter also requiring of them not the outward adorning of gold or fine apparel , but the hidden ornament of the heart ; that though they were rich , yet they were to consult the honour and modesty of their profession , and might not go to the utmost bounds of what was lawful , some things being lawful , which were not expedient , especially when by their wanton and lascivious dress they might be a means to kindle in the breasts of others the flames of an unchast and unlawful passion , and so prove the occasion of their ruine ; that if they thought themselves bound to use the estate that god had given them , god had shewn them a more excellent way , to relieve the hungry , and feed the poor members of christ , that this was the best art of improving riches , and the way to lay them up in safe and unfailing treasuries , where we may be sure to reap the fruit of them another day , and not to throw them away upon arts of beauty , upon vain and phantastick dresses . this is the sum of that good man's reasonings in the case . sometimes they pleaded , that they might beautifie and honour the body without any danger of violating their chastity , or setting open the casement for luxury to fly in upon them . tertullian answers , let them that had a mind to 't glory in the flesh , that for us we have no designs of glory , partly as being highly unsuitable to us , who by the law of god are under the profession of humility ; partly because all glory ( to us especially ) is vain and swelling , how much more that which arises from the flesh ; if we must glory , 't is much fitter for us who follow spiritual things to please our selves in the excellencies of the spirit than in those of the flesh ; let us rejoyce in those things , about which we are employed , and seek glory from those things , from which we hope for salvation . a christian may indeed glory in the flesh , but it is when for the sake of christ it is torn in pieces , that the spirit may be crowned , not that it may prove a snare to attract the eyes and sights of young mens ungovernable passions after it ; then , when 't is tormented for confessing the christian name , when a woman is found stronger than the men that torment her , when she suffers fires , or crosses , or swords , or wild-beasts , that she may receive the crown ; these ( says cyprian ) are the precious jewels of the flesh , these the much better ornaments of the body . so that ( as tertullian goes on ) beauty being altogether so unuseful to us , ought to be despised by them that want it , and to be neglected by them that have it : a good woman that 's content with her own native beauty , has not that occasion to betray her to lust and folly ; and if she had , it would become her not to promote , but hinder it . sometimes again they pretended , they did it only to please their husbands , and that they might appear more lovely and acceptable to them : to which plea , as being most specious and plausible , i observe especially three things return'd by way of answer . first , that to design the pleasing of their husbands by such arts as these , was altogether needless , seeing every wise and good man cannot but like his wife best without them . no wife ( says tertullian ) can seem deformed to her own husband , who doubtless was well enough pleased with her , either for her temper , or her beauty when he first made choice of her : let none fear their husbands will more distast and dislike them for abstaining from artificial compositions , for every husband is a rigid exacter of his wifes chastity ; and consequently they can be of no advantage to this end , whether he be a believing or an unbelieving husband , a gentile or a christian : if a christian , then he will not require any such foreign beauty , as not being taken with those accomplishments , which the gentiles do account so ; if a gentile , then according to that vile opinion which they have of us christians , let her do what she can , he will suspect her to be naught : for whose sake therefore should she so curiously dress , so delicately nurse and nourish up her beauty ; for a believing husband ? he requires it not ; for an infidel ? hee 'l never believe it to be true ; why then should she so much desire to please either one that suspects it , or one that does not desire it ? secondly , that these loose delicate arts came too near the practice of lewd wanton prostitutes , who made use of these wayes and tricks for no other end but to enveagle men into their embraces : the bravery of ornaments and apparel , and the additional enticements of beauty are chiefly used ( as cyprian tells them ) by prostitutes and unchast women ; and that no womens garb is more rich and gaudy , than theirs , whose modesty is most vile and cheap . and this he tells us the scripture shadows out by the woman that was arrayed in purple and scarlet-colour , and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls , having a golden cup in her hand , full of abominations and filthiness of her fornication : but chast and modest virgins shun the dresses of the defiled , the habit of the shameless , the badges of the stewes , the ornaments of light wanton women . whereas all other creatures ( says clemens alexandrinus ) birds and beasts are content with their own natural beauty and colours ; woman only as if she were inferiour to the beasts , thinks her self so deform'd as that there 's need to repair the defect by external bought and borrowed beauty : for while by infinite arts of curious and costly dresses ( some whereof he there particularly mentions ) they seek to ensnare them , who children-like are apt to admire every thing that 's strange and gaudy , they shew themselves to be women that have put off shame and modesty ; and whoever ( says he ) calls them so , shall do them no wrong , as carrying the signs and representations of it in their very faces . thirdly , they mainly insisted upon this , that these arts were injurious to god , and a disparagement to his workman-ship . we are not ( says tertullian ) to seek after neatness and finery beyond what is simple and sufficient , and what pleases god ; against whom they offend , who are not satisfied with his workman-ship : an argument which he there prosecutes with great severity . s. cyprian treads in his masters steps and prosecutes the same argument with a great deal of zeal and sharpness ; amongst other things he tells us , that these additional arts are a bold and sacrilegious attempt , and an high contempt of god , that it is to reform what god has form'd , to alter and change his work , and as much as they can to dis-figure that person , which god has made after his own image and likeness : that such a one has cause to fear , lest when the day of resurrection comes , he that made them should not know them , nor receive them when they come for the promised rewards . accordingly he brings in the great censor and judge of the world thus speaking to such a person : this is none of my workman-ship , nor is this our image and likeness ; thou hast defil'd thy skin with false compositions , chang'd thy hair into an adulterous colour , thy face counterfeit , thy shape corrupt , thy countenance quite another thing , thou canst not behold god , thine eyes not being the same which god created , but which the evil spirit has infected ; thou hast imitated the fiery , sparkling and glittering eyes of the serpent : of thine enemy hast thou learnt to be over-trim and neat , and with him like to receive thy portion . and are not these ( says he ) things fit to be thought of by the servants of god , and to be the daily objects of their care and fear ? i cannot but in this place set down a passage which theodoret reports of his own mother , that in her younger years having a distemper in one of her eyes , which had baffled all the arts of physick , she was at length perswaded to make her address to one peter , famous for the gift of miracles ; who liv'd near antioch , a very severe and ascetick course of life : and to render her self ( as she thought ) the more considerable in his eye , she put on all her bravery , her richest robes , her pendants , and chains of pearl , and whatever could render her fine and splendid . no sooner was she come to him , but the severe and uncomplemental man at first sight bluntly entertained her with this discourse : tell me , daughter ; suppose an excellent artist having drawn a picture according to all the laws and rules of art , should expose and hang it forth to view , and another rude and unskilful bungler coming by should find fault with this excellent piece , and attempt to amend it , draw the eye-brows to a greater length , make the complexion whiter , or add more colour to the cheeks ; would not the true author be justly angry , that his art was disparaged and undervalued , and needless additions made to the piece by an unskilful hand ? and so 't is here ; can we think that the great artificer of the world , the maker and former of our nature , is not , and that justly , angry , when you accuse his incomprehensible wisdom and perfection , of unskilfulness , and want of knowledge ? for you would not add your reds , whites , or blacks , did you not think your bodies needed these additions ; and while you think so , you condemn your creator for weakness and ignorance : but know , that he has power answerable to his will , and as the psalmist tells us , the lord has done all things as he pleased : and he that takes care of what is good for all , would not give what is evil and hurtful unto any . corrupt not therefore the image of god , nor attempt to add , what he in his infinite wisdom thought not fit to give : study not to invent this adulterate beauty , which even to chast persons oft proves a cause of ruine , by becoming a snare to them that look upon it . the holy man said no more , and the young lady presently found her self wounded with the force of his reasonings , but would not leave him till she had obtained the end of her errand , which he granted not without great importunity , and an humble and modest referring all to the grace of god , and so sent her home with a double cure , her body cured of its distemper , and her mind of its pride and vanity ; and she ever after led a most humble , sober and pious life . but it were to transcribe whole books , to tell you what the fathers ( these three that i have so oft mention'd especially ) have said in this case , the cause being not more copiously than elegantly managed by them ; and thither i refer the capable reader , who has any further curiosity for these things . the true beauty of a christian in those dayes lay not in external and adventitious ornaments , but in the goodness and purity of the mind : the beauty of the body ( says clemens of alexandria ) consists in a good complexion , and in apt symmetry , and proportion of its parts ; but the greatest beauty in the world is that of the soul , when t is adorn'd with the holy spirit , and the excellent graces of it , justice , prudence , fortitude , temperance , the love of goodness , and modesty , which is the brightest and most lovely ornament that the eye of man can behold : it is not ( sayes he ) the exteriour aspect of the man that is to be regarded , but the mind that is to be furnished and adorned with goodness and vertue ; and therefore he wittily compares those women that curiously trick and trim up the body , but neglect how 't is with the soul within , to the egyptian temples ; look upon their out-side , and they are most splendid and magnificent , encompassed with delicate groves , built with large entries , and stately portico's , surrounded with several rowes of pillars , the walls both within and without set off with stones of several countries , curiously wrought and carv'd , the temples themselves garnish'd with gold , silver , amber , and all the glittering and precious stones that india or ethiopia can afford ; but enter within them and enquire for the deity that is there worshipped , and you shall be gravely shewed behind a curtain a cat , or a crocodile , or a serpent of that country , or some such ill-favoured beast , which is the residentiary or tutelar deity of that place . and just such ( sayes he ) do those women seem to me , who trim themselves with gold , and are taken up in curling their hair , painting their faces , blacking their eyes , colouring their locks , and other undue arts of softness and luxury , beautifying the outward rayle and fence ; but if a man look within the veil and covering of the temple , what is under all this gayness and finery , he shall be so far from meeting with what is truly beautiful , that it will excite his horrour and aversation ; for he shall not find the image of god dwelling there , as might reasonably be expected ; but instead thereof some filthy and treacherous beast that possesses the most inward recesses of the soul , a lustful ape , or that crafty serpent that devours the understanding of a man , and turns his soul into a nest or den , full of most deadly venom , and the poyson of his errour and deceit . i conclude this with the account which s. gregory gives of his sister gorgonia , that she used no gold to make her fine , no yellow hair , ordered into knots and curles , nor any other tricks to make her head a scene and pageantry , no loose and transparent garments , no lustre of stones and jewels , enlightning the air round about , and reflecting splendour upon them that wear them , no devices and arts of painting , no affectation of beauty that may be easily bought , no counter-working gods creation , dishonouring , reproaching , covering his workman-ship with false and deceitful colours , suffering a spurious & supposititious beauty to steal away that natural image , which ought to be kept intire to god and the future state : all this was far from her ; and though she very well understood the several modes and garbs of bravery amongst women , yet she thought none so honorable as the manner of her life , and that inward brightness that was lodg'd in her mind : the only redness that pleased her , was that which was the fruit of blushing and modesty ; no other whiteness but what came through fasting and abstinence ; leaving fucus's and paintings , and living pictures , and fading beauty to those that belong to playes and theatres , and to such , for whom to blush and be ashamed is a shame and a disgrace . to which i add that of tertullian , who after he had smartly condemned and confuted the arts of unlawful beauty , the vanity of going in too curious , costly and excessive dresses , concludes with this counsel to the women of his time , to cloth themselves with the silks of honesty , the fine vestures of piety , the purple of modesty ; and being thus beautified and adorn'd ( says he ) god himself will be your lover . chap. iv. of their great temperance and abstinence . a vicious curiosity about meats and drinks a great temptation . severely forbidden by the christian law. the ancient christians curious only of such diet as ministred to health . they gratified not ease and delicacy . the great inconveniencies of intemperance either in meats or drinks . their chief care about spiritual food . for other things content with any provisions , manifested in several instances . an over-nice and superstitious abstinence from some kinds of food , condemned . the instance of alcibiades the martyr out of eusebius . christians unjustly accused by the heathens of excess and prodigality in their feastings . thyestean suppers laid to their charge . the charge in both parts of it denied , and fully refuted by tertullian , and other christian apologists . amongst the many temptations that besiege the life of man , there is scarce any into which we are more easily betrayed , than into a vicious curiosity about meats and drinks , and the excesses of an unruly appetite ; therefore it is that the christian religion does so frequently inculcate upon us the precepts of sobriety and temperance ; to be temperate in all things , to watch and be sober , to cast off the works of darkness , to walk honestly as in the day , not in rioting and drunkenness , not in chambering and wantonness , not in excess of wine , revellings , and banquetings ; to take heed that our hearts be not at any time over-charged with surfeiting and drunkenness , and that we be not as the men of the old world , brutishly taken up with eating and drinking when the flood came and swept all away . the law of christ commands us to fast often , to keep under the body , and to make no provision for the flesh ; if nature regularly governed be content with little , religion will teach us to be content with less . these rules the first christians exactly transcribed into their lives , being the greatest instances of real abstinence and mortification , which they both practised themselves , and pressed upon others : they knew very well that god had given men a charter of freedom indifferently to use the creatures , and to enjoy them in some degree , not only for necessity but delight ; but yet were afraid to go so far as they might , or to do any thing that might look towards excess , or argue an irregular and unsober mind ; they contented themselves with such provisions as were conducive to health and strength , without any studied seeking after those that were more luscious and delightful . 't is very true what s. basil observes , that by reason of mens different ages and course of life , their different tempers and constitutions of body , and other circumstances , no one fixed and certain rule can be prescribed in this case : but yet our food and diet ought for the main to be regulated by the general end of it , which is not wantonly to please the palate , but to minister to health , and to repair the weakness and decays of nature . many ( says clemens alexandrinus ) like brute beasts live only that they may eat ; but for us we are commanded to eat that we may live ; for food and pleasure is not the work and design for which we live in the world , our residence here being in order to an incorruptible life ; and therefore our nourishment ought to be easie and simple , and such as is subservient to the two main ends of life , health and strength . we ought to chuse such food ( as justin martyr tells his friends ) not as may gratifie our ease and delicacy , but make our lives useful and serviceable ; and if at any time overtaken with want , we should quietly acquiesce in that state : and therefore a little after he smartly declaims against all excess . wine ( says he ) is neither to be drunk daily to excess , nor to be used as commonly as water : both indeed are gods creatures ; but water necessary , wine given only to help and relieve the body ; which [ immoderately taken ] chains up the tongue , sparkles fire out of the eyes , makes the leggs tremble , and the understanding being gone , readily takes off its cup of deadly poyson ; contrary to gods ordination it turns the peaceful instruments of husbandry into swords and spears . it may indeed be necessary sparingly to drink wine both winter and summer ; but he that drinks it to excess , as a man that takes over-much of a medicine , like a dog or a swine betrayes his own shame . but above all men in the world it least becomes us [ christians ] as if we were votaries to luxury , to abuse the creatures of god , and to make use of thirst as a pretence to drunkenness , seeing we ought to drink no more than what will serve to quench our thirst ; not like those who swallowing down wine , as men do drink in a burning feaver , quickly make an end of themselves through their intemperance . nor are we less to take heed of gluttony , contenting our selves with a spare diet , and such only as is necessary ; not giving way to the infinite and unsatisfied cravings of a nice and intemperate appetite , which will have a thousand pretences to defend it self ; but ruling our selves according to the wise sentence of him who said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we are to eat only to satisfie our hunger . thus that ancient father . to this purpose also clemens alexandrinus discourses at large , representing the great evils and inconveniencies of gluttony and excess , that it wasts the estate , ruines the body by impairing its health , debauching the stomach , deflouring its tast , begetting an ill habitude and temper , and sowing it with the seeds of all diseases ; it dulls the mind , and renders it inept and sluggish , and prepares it for the entertainment of any vice or wickedness ; that although we are not absolutely bound to abstain from variety of meats , yet we are not to make them our desire or study , especially such as savour of niceness and delicacy , and are apt to pamper and excite lust and wantonness ; for though 't is true all things were especially made for mans sake , yet is it not convenient to make use of all , and at some times less than at others ; to the advantageous use of a thing , respect being to be had , not only to the thing it self , but to the time , occasion , and manner of it : that therefore our meals for the main should be light and easie , not mixed with variety of dainties , but such as may prepare for fasting , and the exercises of religion . upon this account s. cyprian in an epistle , wherein he gives directions about prayer , advises them ( and to make the counsel more effectual , tells them , that he was warn'd of it by immediate revelation from god ) to eat and drink soberly and sparingly , that outward snares might not enfeeble that heavenly vigour and sprightliness that was in their breasts , lest their minds being over-charged with too plentiful meals might be less watchful unto prayer . the same counsel s. hierom gives to laeta about the education of her daughter , that her diet should be thin and mean , and that she should never eat more , than she might arise with some appetite , so as that after meals she might be presently fit either to read or sing psalms . when at any time invited to publick solemnities , as marriages , and the like , the prudence of the church thought fit to lay restraints upon them , and to forbid them light and ludicrous actions , as leaping or dancing , but that they shoud dine and sup gravely and modestly as becomes christians . the chief care of christians then was to become partakers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as clemens alexandrinus styles it , of that divine food that is from above , and that only is capable to give real satisfaction , little regarding what provisions they had ( so they had but any ) for that part that dwelt here below . when julian the emperour to raise money for his wars began to squeeze and oppress the christians , he sent amongst others to s. basil ( who had formerly been his fellow-student at athens ) for one thousand pounds ; the answer he sends him was , that it could not be expected there , where he had not so much provision before-hand as would serve for one day ; that there were no arts of cookery at his house , nor knives stain'd with the blood of slaughtered provisions ; that his greatest dainties were a few pot-herbs , a piece of bread , and a little soure vapid wine : no such exceedings as to stupifie his senses with fumes arising from a loaded stomach , and to render them incapable to discharge their functions through intemperance and excess . chrysostom commends olympias not more for the modesty of her garb , than the meanness and sobriety of her diet , to which she had so us'd her self that she had got the perfect mastery over all undue appetites and inclinations , and had not only bridled the horse , but tamed and reduced him into an intire subjection , and taught her stomach to receive only so much meat and drink as was enough to keep her alive and in health . this indeed was the great end of their signal abstinence in those days , that by subduing the flesh they might keep the stricter hand over the inordinate motions of corrupt nature . when celsus accused the jews , and in them obliquely the christians for needlessly abstaining from swines flesh , and some other sorts of food , affirming this to be no such great matter , when the pythagoreans wholly abstain'd from eating any living creature , who yet were never thought the better , or the more dear to god for it ; origen answers , that what-ever reason the jews did it for ( god having appointed the difference ) this concern'd not christians , that 't is not what enters in at the mouth that defiles the man , nor does meat commend us to god , nor do we think this abstinence any such great matter ; nor yet do we so indulge the belly , as to affect or pursue such delights ; that there 's a vast difference between us and the pythagoreans in this affair : they indeed abstain upon the account of their absurd and fabulous doctrine of the souls transmigration , or passing out of one body into another , and so forbear to kill or eat any living creature , lest haply they may destroy and devour their own friends or children : but we in all our abstinence do it only to keep under the body and to bring it into subjection , endeavouring to mortifie the deeds of the body , to expel and extinguish our members that are upon the earth , fornication , uncleanness , inordinate affection , and every evil concupiscence and desire : where he fully vindicates the christians in their abstemiousness and temperance from doing it out of any vain and foolish affectation , any nice and singular opinion , any base and sordid , morose or unsociable temper ; they were careful to keep the mean , and to avoid sordidness as well as luxury ; nor did they profess themselves enemies to the provisions of humane life any further , than as they were inconsistent with the ends of sobriety and religion . as may appear from a memorable passage related by eusebius out of the letter of the churches of lyons and vien in france to those in asia . alcibiades ( one of those who shortly after suffer'd martyrdom ) had accustom'd himself to a very rigid and sordid kind of life , rejecting all other sorts of food , except only bread and water : and this he did both before and after he was in prison ; which it seems had an ill influence upon others ; whereupon attalus one of the most eminent of those famous martyrs , the day after his first being exposed in the amphitheatre had it reveal'd to him ( for as yet , says the historian , the divine grace had not withdrawn it self , but they had the holy spirit as their immediate councellour to instruct them ; which by the way may give countenance to those frequent visions and divine condescentions which cyprian speaks of in his epistles : to this attalus it was reveal'd ) that alcidades did amiss in refusing to use the creatures of god , and in thereby giving a scandal and an offence to others : upon which he laid aside his singularity , and with all thankfulness to god promiscuously ate any kind of food . from the whole of what has been said it 's very evident , what little reason the heathens had to accuse the christians ( in their agapae or love-feasts especially ) of excess and prodigality ; for that they did tertullian expresly affirms ; our little suppers ( says he ) besides as being guilty of other wickedness they traduce as prodigal , saying of us as diogenes did of the people of megara , that they supp'd as if they meant to dye to morrow . nay , what were infinitely horrid and barbarous , they commonly charg'd them with thyestean suppers , and eating mans flesh . to the first part of the charge , concerning their prodigality , tertullian answers , that they could easilier see a mote in anothers eye , than a beam in their own ; if they look'd home they would find that 't was their own tribes and precincts , wherein the very air was corrupted with the unsavoury fumes of their loaded tables , and over-charged stomachs ; and yet all this was passed by , and only the poor christians triclinium call'd in question ; that if they had any feast it was a love-feast , and what-ever cost was laid out upon it , was expended not for vain-glory , but upon the accounts of piety and religion ; not to nourish parasites and flatterers , but to refresh the poor : that the order of the feast was as sober and regular as the cause was honest , going no further than modesty would admit ; they prayed to god before they ventur'd upon his creatures , ate but what suffic'd hunger , drank no more than consisted with sober and modest men ; and fed so , as remembring they were to rise at night to worship god : when they had done , they sung psalms , either of their own composure , or out of the holy volumes , and as they begun , so they ended the feast with prayer , and then departed with the same care to preserve their modesty and chastity ; so that they appear'd not so much to have feasted at supper , as to have fed upon discipline and order . so he . for the other part of the charge , their feeding upon mans flesh at this common supper , 't was a suggestion so savage and barbarous , as could have found belief with nothing but the very spirit of malice ; we shall again meet with this objection in another place , and shall therefore here only note out of their apologist , that it was charge never offer'd to be made good against them , nor prov'd in any of those many thousand tryals which the christians had had in all parts of the empire ; that it was very unlikely they should be guilty of eating humane flesh , who did not think it lawful to be present at the gladiatory-sports where men were slain , or so much as to tast any blood at all . so biblias the martyr told her enemies , when being reproached with this in the midst of her torments , she cryed out , how is it poss●be that we should devour infants , as you charge us , who think it not lawful so much as to tast the blood of any creature . for even till then , and a long time after they observ'd that canon of the first apostolick council , to abstain from things strangled and from blood . so far were they from being either barbarous or luxurious . no , our feasts ( as he says in minutius foelix ) are not only chast , but sober , we indulge not our selves in banquets nor make our feasts with wine , but temper our chearfulness with gravity and seriousness . and indeed their often watchings and fastings , and their constant observance of the strictest parts of devotion sufficiently shewed how little they pamper'd or indulg'd the flesh , the signs whereof they every where carried in their very faces ; and this was so notorious , that their very enemies reproached them with their trembling joynts , and their pale ghastly looks . and lucian giving an account of the christian assembly into which he tells us critias was brought to be made a proselyte , describes them to be a company of persons with their heads hanging down , and pale faces , which certainly did not arise from their fear of suffering ( for no men in the world were ever so willing , nay so desirous of laying down their lives as they ) but from their frequent abstinence and fasting . to which purpose s. basils comment is most apposite ; where commending temperance , or as he calls it continence , using the word in its largest sense ; other vertues ( says he ) being mainly exercised in secret , are not altogether so visible to the eyes of men ; whereas continence where-ever it is , will at first sight betray it self : for as a good complexion , and an excellent constitution of body peculiarly design a man to be an athletes or champion ; so leanness of body , and that paleness which is the fruit of continence , evidence a christian to be a real champion for the commands of christ , vanquishing his enemy in the weakness of his body , and shews how able he is to contend in the cause of piety and vertue : the very sight of such a man must needs be of great advantage to affect us , to behold him sparingly and moderately using even those things that are necessary , not paying nature its tribute without some regret , begrutching the little time that he spends about it , and therefore making hast to get from the table to return to his better exercises and imployments . chap. v. of their singular continence and chastity . their admirable continence discovered in several particulars . their abstinence from marriage . their marrying only to comply with the end of the institution . seldom married more than once . their continence admired by heathens . the fathers generally severe against second marriages . the moderate judgement of clemens alexandrinus in the case . the canons of several councils concerning it . three sorts of digamy , or second marriages . their shunning all occasions and appearances of lightness and immodesty : abstaining from publick meetings , feasts , plays , &c. constantine's law that no widow should be forced to appear at publick tribunals . another of theodosius , that none should marry within twelve compleat months after her husbands decease . the promiscuous use of baths , forbidden both by canon and civil laws . vnmarried persons , especially of ecclesiastick relation , not familiarly to converse together . mulieres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who . how brought in : condemned by the council of antioch , and that of nice . clandestine marriages dis-allowed . their abhorring all immodest pictures and discourses . the great modesty of gorgonia . their valuing chastity above life : submitting to any kind of death rather than violate it : many chusing to kill themselves rather than be deflour'd . several instances of it . impurity in christians bewail'd as a great scandal : punished by the church with very severe penalties . several passages out of the fathers and councils noted to that purpose . christians accused by the heathens of incest and adultery . the summe of the charge . their answer . the heathens very unfit to bring in this charge , being themselves so notoriously guilty : whole nations , their wisest philosophers , their very gods themselves : this fully proved against them . the very gentiles tacitly confessed the christians innocent , by condemning them to be forcibly prostituted . a part of their religion not to give way to wanton looks or unchast desires . the eminent prevalency of christianity in converting persons from uncleanness and debauchery , pleaded and asserted . the original of the accusation enquired into . found to arise from the beastly practices of the gnosticks , &c. who though guilty of the most notorious villanies , and of these in particular , yet shrowded themselves under the general name of christians . some forced through fear to confess the christians guilty of these crimes . a third considerable instance of that sobriety and moderation for which the christians were so renowned of old , was their continence , and abstaining , from all manner of uncleanness , which is that vertue that we properly call chastity ; a vertue for which how eminent they were ( notwithstanding what their enemies heavily charged upon them to the contrary , of which afterwards ) we shall take notice of in some few particulars . first , the christians of those times were so far from breaking in upon any vnchast embraces , that they frequently abstained even from lawful pleasures , and kept themselves even from the honourable and undefiled bed , never marrying all their life . we are ( says octavius ) chast in our speech , and chaster in our bodies , and very many of us , though we do not boast on 't , do inviolably preserve a perpetual virginity ; and are so far from any extravagant desires after incestuous mixtures , that many stand at a distance from the most chast and modest embraces . thus justin martyr tells the emperours , that amongst the christians there were a great many of either sex , who had from their child-hood been educated in the christian discipline , who for sixty or seventy years had kept themselves single and uncorrupt , and he wished the like could be shewn in all other sorts of men . to the same purpose another apologist ; 't is very easie ( says he ) to find many amongst us , both men and women , who remain unmarried even in old age , conceiving that in this state they shall have fitter opportunities of drawing near to god. not that they who persever'd in this course of celibate did combine themselves into distinct societies , and bind themselves under an oath of perpetual virginity ( as the humour was in after ages ) for of this not the least shadow appears in any of the writings of those times , they lived promiscuosly ( till towards the end of the third century ) applyed themselves to the business of their place and station , and only lived single , that in those troublesome and hazardous times of persecution , they might be less ensnared with the entanglements of the world , and be more free for the exercises of religion . secondly , when they did marry , they generally profess'd they did it only to comply with the great end of the institution , viz. the propagation of mankind ; not to gratifie wanton and brutish desires , but to answer the great end of nature , that humane society might not fail ; either ( say they ) we marry not at all , but keep our selves always continent ; or if we do marry , it is for no other end but the bringing forth and the bringing up of children ; who ever amongst us takes a wife , according to the laws prescribed us , he reckons he does it only for the begetting of children ; within this his desires are bounded and limited ; as the husbandman concerns himself no further in tilling his ground and sowing of his corn , than to bring forth the crop at harvest . hence it was that they seldom married more than once : we willingly contain our selves ( as he speaks in m. foelix ) within the bound of single marriage , and either know but one woman ( and that meerly out of a desire of children ) or none . the first knot being loosed by death , they very rarely tied a second : which gained great honour and reputation both to them and to their religion with the gentiles amongst whom they lived . chrysostom tells us that a discourse hapning on a time between him and his master , who was a gentile , concerning his mother , being told that she was a widow , and after enquiry concerning her age , being answered that she was forty years old , and that she had liv'd twenty years of the time a widow , the man was surpris'd with a strange admiration ; and cried out before all the company , behold ( saith he ) what brave women there are amongst the christians . the truth is , such was the heavenly zeal and temper of the first ages of christianity , that they would have no more to do with the world , than they needs must , but industriously shun'd all its burdens and encumbrances , amongst which they especially reckoned marriage , a state not rashly to be engag'd in ; for once it was allowable , but for a second time inexcusable . and indeed it cannot be denied but that many of the ancient fathers , tertullian , cyprian , hierom , and others did inveigh against s●cond marriages with too much bitterness and severity , violently pressing many passages in scripture to serve the cause , straining the string many times till it crack'd again ; and not sticking to censure and condemn second marriages as little better than adultery . hear what one of the apologists says to it : amongst us every man either remains as he was born , or engages himself in one only marriage ; for as for second marriages , they are but a more plausible and decorous kind of adultery ; our lord assuring us , that who-ever puts away his wife and takes another , commits adultery ; which place , as also another of like importance , how perversly he interprets , and impertinently applies to his purpose , i am not willing to remember . clemens alexandrinus speaks in the case with much more modesty and moderation ; as for those to whom god has given the gift of absolute continence , we think them happy : we admire the gravity and stayedness of those that content themselves with a single marriage : but yet say withall that compassion ought to be had of others , and that we should bear one anothers burdens , lest he who seems to stand fair , do fall himself : and as for second marriages that of the apostle is to take place , if they cannot contain , they should marry , for it is better to marry than to burn . however 't is certain the fathers of old generally did what they could to discourage second marriages . the antient canons ( as zonaras tells us ) suspended such persons from the communion for a whole year ; and the council of laodicea though it determine not the time , yet it requires that they should spend some small time at least in penance , in fasting and prayer , before they be received to the communion . by the canons that are call'd apostolical , who ever after baptism has engag'd in a second marriage is rendred incapable of any degree in the ministry : accordingly epiphanius reports of one joseph , who he knew , a converted jew , and advanced to the dignity of a count by constantine the great , that when the arrians would have laid hands upon him to have made him bishop , he got off by this wile , by pretending himself to have been twice married . but though the fathers and antient councils were thus severe in this case , yet the rigour of their censure will be much abated , if what some tell us be true , that many of their passages are not levell'd against successive marriages , but against having two wives at the same time : for as a learned man has observed , there were three sorts of digamy ; the first a mans having two wives at once , this was condemn'd by the roman laws : the second , when the former wife being dead the man married a second time : a third , when for any slight cause a man put away his wife by a bill of divorce , and married another , which though then frequently practis'd , and conniv'd at ( if not allow'd ) by the laws of those times , was yet prohibited by the decrees of the church , and of this last sort ( says he ) many of the antient canons are to be understood . thirdly , they were infinitely careful to shun all occasions and appearances of lightness and immodesty , what-ever might tend to inveagle their senses , and to debauch their mind and manners , nay what-ever might but give a suspicion of wantonness and incontinence : they declin'd as much as might be going to all publique meetings , such as feasts , plays , shews , &c. therefore cyprian severely chides with some virgins for being present at weddings , where they laughed freely , could not but hear loose discourses , see uncomely carriages , feed upon luxurious dishes , all which must needs not only kindle , but add fuel to the fire , and fill their minds with indecent thoughts and desires . s. hierom on the other hand does as much commend some whom he knew , who always kept at home on festival days to avoid the crowd and gazes of the people , and would never go abroad at those times , when they could not venture into the publick without the greatest care and custody over themselves . for this reason constantine made a law that matrons should not be forc'd upon the account of debt to come out of their own houses to appear before the publick tribunals , but that the business should be decided in such way , as might not betray the modesty of that sex ; and when afterwards the fervour of christianity began to abate apace , and persons had in a great measure lost that huge reverence which former times had for continence and chastity ; theodosius to restrain them a little within the bounds of decency , provided by a law that no woman of what quality or rank soever should marry again within a year at least ( i.e. within twelve full months , whereas under the old roman laws , the time of mourning was but ten , as a learned interpreter of that law observes ) after her husbands death , and this he ratified by a double penalty , a note of perpetual infamy to be set upon the offending person , and the loss of her whole dower and what-ever estate her husband had bequeathed her , which was to go to the children she had by him , or if none , to his next of kin . by the laodicean council not only clergy-men , and such as have entred upon a state of continency , but all christian men whatsoever are forbidden to use the same common baths with women . and for very good reason ; it being a thing ( as zonaras observes ) both shameful and uncomely in it self , and pernicious in its consequence : for how easily does an unlawful flame kindle from such a spark ? and when humane nature is of it self so ready to boyl over , who would pour oyl upon the fire ? a thing ever look'd upon as repugnant to all the laws of modesty , yea even by them that are without ; this being ( says the council ) one of the chiefest things which the very heathens condemn , and for which they censure and reproach us . parallel to this , photius and his commentator balsamon tell us of a law of the emperour justinian , making it a sufficient cause of divorce , and losing her dowry , for a woman either to feast or bath in the company of other men without the leave and consent of her husband . indeed in the first and purer times they took all imaginable care , that unmarried persons , especially such as were of ecclesiastical cognizance , or had devoted themselves to a severer course of piety , should not commonly converse together . cyprian writing to pomponius about the virgins that had taken profession of continence upon them , but lived too familiarly with some persons that belonged to the church , charges him that men and virgins should not only not sleep near one another , but not dwell together in the same house , lest the infirmity of their sex , and the slipperiness of their youth should betray them into the snare of the devil . wherefore he commends pomponius for having suspended the deacon and the rest that had kept such familiar correspondence with those virgins ; and ordered that they should not be absolved , till they had sufficiently testified their repentance , and made it appear by satisfactory evidence that no unlawful familiarity had passed between them , and that if ever they returned to the like co-habitation , greater penalties should be inflicted upon them . the foundation of which ill custom doubtless sprung , or at least took encouragement from hence ; in those first times of christianity it was usual for clergy-men , such especially as were sent up and down to preach the gospel , to have some grave and sober woman along with them , who might be helpful and assisting to them , and who was neither wife nor concubine , but taken in either upon the account of necessary attendance , or the pretence of piety . these women in the writings of the church ( wherein there is frequent mention of them ) are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as were brought in , taken into the house as domestick assistants to ecclesiastick persons . but this proving matter of scandal and inconvenience , was not only cried out against by private fathers , but by publick synods ; the council of antioch held in the reign of aurelian the emperour , anno two hundred seventy and two , in a synodical epistle wherein they censure the doctrines and practices of paulus samosatenus , condemn this among the rest , that he and his presbyters and deacons kept these introduced women , whereby horrible inconveniencies did arise , for besides the snare and temptation of it , although they should keep themselves innocent , yet they could not avoid the suspicion and scandal that would arise , and the danger of drawing in others by their bad example . for which reason s. basil writes to an old presbyter in his diocess , to abstain from the company of a woman with whom he was wont to cohabit ; not so much to avoid temptation to incontinence ( the man being then seventy years of age ) as that he might not lay a stumbling stone , and occasion of offence in his brothers way . the same was universally forbidden by the great council of nice , and no man within the clergy allowed to have any woman near him , unless his mother , his sister , or his aunt , or such only of whom there could be no suspicion , as we find it in the third canon of that council : in the antient version whereof these mulieres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are styl'd extraneae , strangers ; by which name they are also call'd in a law of the emperour honorius , prohibiting any clergy-man whatsoever to keep company with these strange-women , limiting their converse and cohabitation within the very same relations , to which they are restrain'd by the nicene canon , which 't is not to be doubted that emperour had in his eye when he made that constitution . and because bishops were the highest order in the church , therefore that their honour might be especially secured , care was taken that no bishop under penalty of being deposed should entertain or cohabit with any woman whatsoever , either relation or stranger , that so all pretence either of temptation or scandal might be cut off . for the same reason it was that they disallowed all clandestine marriages , which were not openly made in the face of the church , accounting them no better than a state of adultery or fornication . and as they were careful not to give offence to others , so they were not willing themselves to come within the shadow of a temptation , they stood at a distance from whatever was offensive either to their eys or ears ; their ears they stopt against all loose idle songs , all filthy and obscene discourses , their eys they shut against all uncomely objects , all wanton and lascivious pictures , as clemens alexandrinus expresly tells us ; not doing any thing that seemed but to carry an ill colour with it . nazianzen tells us of his sister gorgonia , a vertuous woman whose example we have often quoted , that for modesty and sobriety she went beyond all other women ; that she reconcil'd the two opposite states of humane life , celibate and marriage ; the one more sublime and divine , but more dangerous and troublesome , the other more humble , but withal more safe ; that she avoided the inconveniencies of each , and chose what was most excellent out of hoth , the sublimity of the one , and the security of the other ; shewing that neither of these states in it self did wholly tie us up either to god or the world , nor yet wholly separate us from them , so that the one should be absolutely rejected , or the other absolutely commended and embrac'd ; but that it is the mind that admirably presides both over marriage and virginity : and withal further adds concerning her , that so great was her bashfulness and modesty , that when she lay under a most acute and dangerous distemper , yet she refused to have any physician come near her , as blushing that any man should either see or touch her . fourthly , they valued their innocency and their honour above their lives , and therefore chose to undergo the greatest dangers , to dye , yea , to kill themselves rather than any violence should be offered to their chastity . as the fairest promises could not tempt them , so neither could the fiercest torments affright them into any unchast compliance . when maximinus the emperour governed in the eastern parts , amongst other effects of his wild and bruitish fury and extravagance , he fill'd all places whre he came with adulteries and ravishments , abusing women , and deflouring virgins ; which succeeded well enough ( says the historian ) with all others , except only christians , who generously despising death , made light of the rage and fury of the tyrant : the men underwent all sorts of punishments which cruelty could invent ; the women bore up with a courage no less manly and unconquerable , and when any were drawn out to be abused , they rather submitted their lives to death , than their bodies to dishonour . of these he tells us of one especially at alexandria , a woman of great birth and fortunes , but much more famous for her vertues , especially her modesty and chastity , which she stoutly defended , and preferred before her nobility o her riches , her excellent parts , or any accomplishments whatsoever . the emperour had oft attempted her by all arts of sollicitation , but all in vain ; till at last , not being able to prevail , his affection somewhat attempering his fierceness and cruelty , he would not put her to death , which she was most ready to have undergone , but spoyl'd her of her estate , and then sent her into banishment ; there being many hundreds of others at the same time , who not able to bear the violation of their chastity wherewith the governours and commanders threatned them , willingly subjected themselves to all kinds of racks and tortures , and the worst capital punishments which their enemies could inflict upon them . nay , when the case so happen'd that they were set upon , and all their resoluteness could not provoke the cruel kindness of their enemies to dispatch them , they would rather dispatch themselves , than fall into the rude hands of lust and wantonness . thus did that famous woman and her two daughters , ( mention'd by the same author , whose names as chrysostome in an oration on purpose in their commendation tells us , were domnina the mother , bernice and prosdoce the daughters ) eminent as well for the outward beauty and features of their bodies , as for the inward vertues of their minds , being sought for as a prey to lust under the dioclesian persecution , they fled for it ; but being found out by the souldiers that were sent to search for them , and knowing there was no other way to escape , in their return they beg'd leave of the souldiers , that for some private occasions they might step a little out of the rode ; which being granted , fitting themselves for what they had before-hand agreed on , as well as the time would give them leave , they unanimously threw themselves into the river , and there perished in the waters . the like he relates of a noble woman at rome , wife to the prefect or chief governour of the city , ( but a christian ) that maxentius the emperour being passionately enflamed with the love of her , sent officers to fetch her , who breaking into the house , to the great terrour of her husband , would violently have seiz'd on her ; of whom she beg'd only so much time , as that she might a little dress and adorn her self ; under which pretence , retiring into her chamber , she caught up a sword , and by a fatal stroke left the messengers nothing but a dismal spectacle of amazement and horrour . these instances ( both of them highly applauded by chrysostome and eusebious ) i quote not to justifie a mans violent laying hands upon himself , as either lawful or laudable ; whether in some such cases persons might not be acted by more divine motions , extraordinary and heroick impulses ( the case of sampson , &c. ) as s. augustine inclines to believe , it is not very pertinent for me to enquire ; it being enough to my purpose to observe , that they were great evidences how highly they priz'd chastity and integrity , which they were willing to secure at so dear a rate . and in those cases wherein life was not concern'd , they gave the greatest testimony how much they abhorred all uncleanness . none were ever more hearty enemies to idolatry , and yet origen at athens , when put to this unhappy choice , either to sacrifice or defile himself , chose rather to commit idolatry than fornication . though even that too was rather his enemies act than his own , they thrusting the frankincense into his hand , and haling him up to the altar . fifthly , when ever any was found guilty of the least uncleanness , it was look'd upon and bewail'd as a very heinous sin , and a great dishonour to the christian name : what is it that i hear ( says cyprian ) how detestable should it be to you , what with the greatest grief and affliction of my mind i have understood , that there are some amongst you , who have defil'd their bodies , the temples of god , even after they were sanctified by confession , and cleans'd by baptism , with filthy and infamous embraces , promiscuously using the beds and lodgings of the women : when although they should be free from actual adultery , yet even in this 't would be a fault of a mighty aggravation , that by their scandalous example others might be seduced into ruine . s. basil writing to a monk , who had been overtaken with this fault , elegantly bewailes the greatness of his sin , as a dishonour to the strictness of his former profession ; a reproach to those lips which had kiss'd the mouths of so many saints ; to those hands which so many devout persons had embrac'd as pure and undefiled ; to those knees before which so many servants of god had fallen down ; as a being caught in the snare of a crafty devil , a perfidious violation of his promises , a being become a sport and scorn to jews and gentiles , a confuting ( what in him lay ) that triumphant speech of christ , that he had overcome the world , filling even to the place where he liv'd a cup of infamy and reproach . in the next epistle he deals with the woman , and treats her with the same elegant severity , though in both he so aggravates the case , as to excite them to repentance , and to a speedy recovery of themselves out of the snare of the devil . but because good words and perswasions were not cords strong enough to restrain some mens irregular lusts and passions , they twisted with them the discipline of the church : and therefore . sixthly , they were wont to punish the breach of chastity by inflicting severe penalties upon incontinent persons : amongst all the sins that were most sharply punished in the ancient church , adultery was one of the chief ; who-ever was convicted of it was immediately cast out of the church , and dis-owned as a rotten member ; this tertullian tells us , first made marcion turn heretick , for being found guilty of lying with a virgin , and for that thrown out of the communion of the church , he betook himself to one cerdon a master heretick , and espoused his doctrines and opinions . the truth is , in those first times the punishment of adultery was very great , perpetual penance all a mans life , and scarce being admitted into communion at the very hour of death ; till pope zephyrinus about the year two hundred and sixteen , considering the great inconveniencies of so much severity , persons hereby being oft driven into despair , and others discouraged from coming over to the christian faith , ordered that penance in this case should be limited to a shorter time , which being ended , such persons might be received again into the bosom of the church . this decree gave great offence to the african churches , most whereof stood up for the strictness of the ancient discipline ; tertullian more especially inveighs against it with much bitterness and animosity , as a thing unfit in it self , and an innovation in the church . the same , cyprian also plainly intimates , though he himself was for the more mild opinion . by the ancyran council , held anno three hundred and fifteen , it was decreed , that whoever was guilty of adultery , should be punish'd with a seven years penance before they were admitted to the communion . by the synod of illiberis , if a man after having done his penance for the first fault , fell afterwards into the same sin again , he was not to be taken into communion , no not at the hour of death . the same punishment they inflicted upon bawds and such persons as for gain prostituted the bodies of their children , by selling them ( or themselves rather , of whom their children were a part ) to lust and ruine . s. basil writing to amphilochius rules for the conduct of discipline , and the measures of repentance , sets adultery at fifteen years penance , fornication at seven , and then to be admitted to the holy sacrament . his brother gregory bishop of nyssa treating about the same affairs , appoints fornication to be punished with no less than nine years penance and suspension from the sacrament , and adultery , and all other species of uncleanness with double that time ; though allowing a liberty to the spiritual guide to contract this time , as the circumstances of the case or person might require . but both these last mention'd being but private bishops , their canons could be no further obligatory than to those particular diocesses , that were under their charge . and indeed the censures of the church in this case did much vary according to time and place , in some more rigid and severe , in others more laxe and favourable , though in all , such as did abundantly shew what hearty enemies they were to all filthiness and impurity whatsoever . what has been hitherto said of the modesty , the chast and sober carriage of the primitive christians , will receive further light , if we consider how clearly they vindicated themselves from that malicious charge of incest and adultery , which the heathens commonly charg'd upon them ; so commonly , that we scarce find any of the ancient apologists but takes notice of it and confutes it . the sum of the charge , as 't is more formally drawn up by the heathen in m. foelix , take thus : that the christians knew one another by certain privy marks and signs , and were wont to be in love with , almost before they knew one another ; that they exercised lust and filthiness under a pretence of religion , promiscuously calling themselves brothers and sisters , that by the help of so sacred a name their common adulteries might become incestuous ; that upon a solemn day they meet together at a feast [ he means their love-feasts ] with their wives , children , sisters , mothers , persons of every age and sex , where after they have well eaten and drunk , and begun to be warm and merry , heated with the excess of wine , a piece of meat is thrown for the dogs , who being tied to the candlesticks , begin to leap and frisk about till they have run away with , and put out the lights , and then nothing being left but darkness , the fit cover and shadow for impudence and villany , they promiscuously run amongst one another into filthy and incestuous embraces ; and if they be not all alike guilty of incest , 't is not the faults of their will , but the good fortune of their chance , seeing what actually happens to one , is intentionally the lot of all . this is the tale ; which however absurd and incredible , yet strangely found belief , or at least was pretended to be believ'd amongst the enemies of christianity . now , though it be sufficiently refuted by what has been already said , yet we may observe the christians of those times further pleading these four things in their own vindication . first , that if the charge had been true , yet the heathens had little reason to object it to the christians , being themselves so notoriously guilty in this kind . for adultery nothing more common amongst them , and for incest 't was a general indictment of whole nations , the persians usually lying with their own mothers ; the macedonians and egyptians marrying with their own sisters , and this done even at athens it self ; their histories full of them , their plays and tragedies which they frequented every day with great applause , represented them as lawful and commendable . socrates himself , the great glory of the heathen world , was condemned at athens amongst other things for sodomy , and the corrupting of youth ; and some of plato's school have perished in the very act of adultery . nay their very gods themselves whom they worshipp'd and ador'd were highly gulty in this kind ; they feign those things of us ( says athenagoras ) which they themselves report of their own gods ; whose lusts and wantonnesses 't is no wonder if they style mysteries ; were they such hearty enemies to shameful and promiscuous mixtures , they must abhor their great god jupiter , who begot children both of rhea the mother , and proserpina the daughter , and married with his own sister . and who was ( unless orpheus their great poet lies ) more wicked and vile in this kind than thyestes himself ? clemens alexandrinus tells them , that as they had ordered the matter , by the marriages , begeting children , adulteries , and banquets of their gods , ( which they set out in their plays and poems ) they had turn'd heaven into a comick scene , and made the deity a piece of dramatick sport , and by a satyrick wit had jested religion , and whatever was most sacred into scorn and laughter . nothing more usual amongst them ( as he there observes ) than to hang their rooms with the pictures of their gods drawn in the most lascivious and propudious postures , engaged in the most filthy and dishonest actions , enough to shame intemperance it self . these ( says he ) are the original patterns of your soft effeminacy ; this your beastly and shameful divinity ; these the doctrines of your gods , co-partners with you in your uncleanness and adultery . and whereas they might pretend , that these stories of their gods were only the extravagant inventions of their poets , who took a liberty to say any thing to gratifie the people ; athanasius answers , that hereby they shook the very foundation of their gods , having no other authority for their existence , than what account their poets gave them ; so that if they feign'd their actions , they might with equal reason be supposed to feign their very names and persons , there being the same ground of belief for the one as for the other ; and that there was as much reason to believe they spake truth in this , as in the relation of any other matters of fact , concerning achilles , vlysses , nestor , hector , or any of the rest ; all depending upon the same warrant and authority . this propagated loosness and uncleanness to them under the notion and shadow of religion ; such as the gods are , such warrantably may be their worshippers . where-ever you are ( says tertullian ) at home or abroad , of beyond the seas , lust is your companion , which often stumbles upon incest ; whereas chastity diligently and faithfully preserv'd keeps us from any such event , and we are as far from incest , as we are from whoredom , or any excess in a married state ; yea , many prevent all possibility of this charge by containing themselves within perpetual virginity . and yet though we are thus ( says another apologist ) yet there want not those who object these things to us , and as 't is in the proverb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the strumpet reproaches the honest woman ; for though they merchandize for lust , and keep open shop for all manner of uncleanness , not abstaining from the violation and abuse of youth , males with males committing that which is unseemly ; though themselves are guilty of these villanies , which they report also of their gods , and do themselves boast of them as brave atchievements , yet have they the face to accuse us of them . adulterers and sodomites as they are , they charge us who are either always continent , or never marry more than once ; themselves in the mean while living like fishes , where the great ones subdue and swallow up the less . such infamous filthinesses are done amongst you , which we do not care to hear , and may much less defend ; you laying things to the charge of chast and modest men , which we could not believe that there should be such things done in the world , were not you your selves instances of them . thus consideration made justin martyr this freely and passionately bespeak the senate ; it were to be wished that some body getting up into a high place , should with a loud voice cry out , be afraid , be afraid to charge those things , of which you your selves are openly guilty , upon the innocent and undeserving ; to attribute what belongs only to your selves and to your gods , to those , with whom there is not so much as the shadow of any such thing to be found : learn to be more wise and sober , and repent of such injustice . secondly , that the heathens themselves did tacitly confess christians to be innocent in this case , when their great care was how they might debauch them ; 't was a part of their severest punishment to be prostituted , and exposed to rudeness and violence ; a penalty which they would never have inflicted upon them , had they really been such lewd profligate persons as their enemies endeavoured to represent them . this plea tertullian urges in the close of his apology ; condemn , ( sayes he ) crucifie , and torment us ; your cruelty and injustice is the evidence of our innocency , and therefore god suffers it to come upon us : for while you chuse rather to condemn a woman that is a christian to the stews than to the lions , you plainly confess that the violation of chastity is accounted by us a heavier penalty than any punishment or kind of death which you can inflict upon us . an eminent instance hereof ( though of the other sex ) s. hierom relates to this purpose : in the time of the decian persecution a young man a christian , then in the flower and beauty of his age , whose constancy had been oft attempted by other means to no purpose , was at last set upon in this manner : he was carried into a pleasant garden , and into a part of it beset with lillies and roses , hard by the banks of a crystal river , whose soft murmurs , together with the musick made by the leaves of the trees wav'd by the gentle motions of the wind , conspir'd to render it a place for pleasure and delight : here upon a bed of down the young man was laid , and that he might not be able to help himself or shift his posture , was tied down with silken cords : the company withdrawing , a beautiful strumpet was sent in to him , who began to caresse him with kisses and embraces , treating him with all the arts of wantonness , not consistent with modesty to name . how to relieve himself in this case the poor man knew not ; but finding the temptation beginning to prevail , he presently bit off his tongue and spit it in her face as she attempted to kiss him , by the greatness of his pain extinguishing those sensual titillations which her wicked artifices began to kindle in him . thirdly , they confidently assured them that amongst christians it was not only unlawful to be actually unclean , but to look after a woman with wanton and unchaste desires ; our lord ( says justin martyr ) has told us that whosoever looks after a woman to lust after her , has already committed adultery with her in his heart ; and that if our right eye offend us we must pluck it out ; as therefore humane laws condemn two wives , so by the laws of our master they are sinners , who look upon a woman with unfit desires after her ; for not only he that really commits adultery is rejected by him , but even he that has a mind to it ; not only our actions , but our very thoughts being open unto god. so athenagoras ; so far are we from any promiscuous embraces , that we are not permitted the freedom of an unchaste look ; for whoever ( says our lord ) looks after a woman to desire her , has play'd the adulterer with her in his heart : we are not therefore allowed to use our eyes to any other purposes , than those for which god created them , viz. to be lights to the body : to abuse them to wantonness , is to be guilty of adultery , for as much as they know they were made for other ends , and cannot but be conscious to themselves of their own thoughts ; and how is it possible for men under such limitations to be otherwise than chaste and sober ? for we have not to deal with humane laws , under which a man may be wicked , and yet escape ; but our discipline was delivered by god himself ; we have a law which makes our selves the rule and measure of righteousness towards others ; according therefore to the difference of age we account some as sons and daughters , others as brethren and sisters ; the more aged we honour in the place of parents ; those therefore whom we account as sisters , or as allied to us in any other relation , we reckon it a matter of great concernment that they should be chaste and incorrupt . fourthly , they pleaded , that this objection would easily vanish , if they would but consider what a strange change and alteration was in this very case wrought upon persons at their first conversion to christianity ; immediately becoming quite of another spirit and temper from what they were before . we who before time ( says justin martyr , speaking of the converting power of the christian doctrine ) did please our selves in fornications and uncleanness , do now solely embrace temperance and chastity ; what an innumerable company could i name of those who have left their luxury and intemperance , and come over to this kind of life ; for christ came not to call the chaste and righteous [ they needed it not ] but the wicked , the incontinent , and the unrighteous to repentance . and in his other apology he gives an instance of a woman , who having together with her husband lived a very vicious and debauched course of life , after her conversion to christianity became strictly chaste and sober ; and not content with this , she urged her husband also to do the like laying before him the doctrines of christianity , and perswading him both by the rewards and punishments of another world : but he obstinately refusing , it begot a quarrel between them , which still ripen'd into a wider breach , till it became matter of publick cognizance , and was an occasion for justin martyr to write that excellent apology for the christians . upon this account tertullian justly condemns the madness of the heathens , and their unreasonable prejudice against christianity , that they would hate their nearest relations meerly for being christians , though they saw how much they were every ways bettered by it in their lives and manners : the father dis-inheriting his son , of whom now he had no cause left to complain , but that he was a christian : the master imprisoning his servant , though now he had found him useful and necessary to him . but ( what 's more especially to the purpose ) he tells us of some husbands he knew , who though before so infinitely jealous of their wives ( and possibly not without reason ) that a mouse could not stir in the room but it must be a gallant creeping to their bed , yet when upon their turning christians they became so eminently reserved , chaste and modest , that there was not the least foundation for suspicion , their jealousy was converted into hatred , and they vow'd they had rather their wives should be strumpets than christians . so obstinately ( sayes he ) do men stand in their own light , and contend against those advantages which they might reap by christianity . this argument from the powerful and successful influence of the christian faith , origen frequently makes use of ; they must needs ( says he ) confess the excellency and divinity of christs doctrine , who-ever do but look into the lives of those that adhere to it , comparing their former course of life with that which they now lead , and considering in what impurities , lusts and wickednesses every one of them wallowed before they embraced this doctrine ; but since that they entertained it , how much more grave , moderate and constant are they become , insomuch that some of them out of a desire of a more transcendent purity , and that they may worship god with a chaster mind , deny themselves even the pleasures of a lawful bed : the same he affirms elsewhere , that those whom the gentiles scorn'd as the most rude and sottish persons , being once initiated into the faith and discipline of the holy jesus , were so far from lasciviousness , filthiness , and all manner of uncleanness , that like priests wholly devoted to god , they altogether abstain even from allowed embraces ; that there was no need for them ( as some of the best among the gentiles have done ) to use arts and medicines to keep them chaste ; nor guardians set over them to preserve their virginity ; the word of god being sufficient to expel and drive out all irregular appetites and desires . this also tertullian observes as the incomparable excellency of the christian doctrine above that of the best philosophers , that whenas democritus was forc'd to put out his eys , because not able to defend himself from the charms of beauty ; a christian could look upon a woman with chaste unseduced eyes , being at the same time inwardly blind as to any temptation from his lust ; with such a mighty force did the gospel come , and captivate mens hearts into the obedience of the truth . thence lactantius makes this triumphant challenge , where discoursing of the prevalency which the commands of god had upon the minds of men , as daily experience did demonstrate ; give me ( says he ) a man that 's angry , furious , and passionate ; and with a few words from god , i 'le render him as meek and quiet as a lamb : give me one that 's lustful , filthy and vicious , and you shall see him sober , chaste and continent : the same he instances in most other vices . so great ( says he ) is the power of the divine wisdom , that being infused into the breast of a man , it will soon expel that folly which is the grand parent of all vice and wickedness . the innocency of christians standing thus clear from this wicked imputation , it may not be amiss before we conclude to enquire a little into the rise and original of this absurd and malicious charge . origen fathers it upon the jews , as if they had falsly and spitefully invented it ( as they did other things ) to disgrace and prejudice christianity , and he tells us that in some measure it succeeded accordingly , keeping many at a distance from the christian religion ; and that even in his time there were some who for this very reason would have no discourse or commerce with a christian . but though both jew and gentile had malice and spite enough against the christians , yet i can hardly think that it was a purely invented falshood , but that it had some ground of pretence , though ill applied ; and so we shall find it had ; for which we are to know that in the most early times of christianity there were several sorts of hereticks ( who though they had their particular names , yet all call'd themselves christians , accounting that hereby they grac'd and honour'd their party as epiphanius tells us ) the followers of simon magus , menander , marcion , marcus , basilides , &c. who all went under the general name of gnosticks , and were under the pretence of religion guilty of the most prodigious villanies , and particularly those we are speaking of . irenaeus reports of them that they gave up themselves to all filthiness and bestiality , not only privately corrupting the women whom they had inveagled into their sect ( as some of them returning after to the church confessed with shame and sorrow ) but openly and with bare face marrying the women whom they had seduced from their husbands ; committing the most execrable wickednesses , and laughing at the pious and orthodox christians , whom the fear of god restrained from sin either in word or thought , as a company of ignorant and silly fellows ; magnifying themselves , styling themselves perfect and the seeds of election : and much more in other places to the same purpose ; where he gives account of the prophane and hellish rites of their assemblies . of the carpocratians , another gang of those bruitish hereticks , clemens alexandrinus relates the same both as to their doctrines and practices , reporting the matter almost in the very same circumstances wherein it is charg'd upon the christians by the heathen in min. foelix , viz. that both men and women used to meet at supper ( which they had in imitation of the true christian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or love-feast ) where after they had loaded themselves with a plentiful meal , to prevent all shame , if they had any remain'd , they put out the lights , and then promiscuously mix'd in filthiness with one another , or else each sorting as they pleas'd . and of the gnosticks epiphanius tells us , that they had their wives in common , and if any stranger of their party came to them , both men and women had this mark and sign to know one another by ; stretching out their hands by way of salutation , they used to tickle each other in the ball of the hand , by which they were satisfied , that the stranger really was of their gang and party : amongst their brethren the carpocratians they were wont to mark their disciples and proselytes unde the right ear with a brand , a slit , or a hole , that they might the more readily discern them ; ( this agrees exactly with the charge of the heathens , that they knew one another at the first sight by privy marks and signs ) and having thus own'd and received each other , they went to their luxurious feasts , and to those horrid brutishnesses that followed after . now this being the case with these abominable wretches , who yet had the face to call themselves christians , it is no wonder if jews and gentiles , who were greedy of any occasion to bespatter and reproach christians , and rather than not find an occasion would make one , charg'd it upon all christians , either not knowing it to be otherwise , or if they did , not willing to distinguish between true and false . and that this was the true and only rise and ground of the charge , besides some intimations of it in justin martyr , we have it expresly asserted by eusebius , as that which gave being to that absurd and impious opinion , which spred so fast amongst the heathens , of the christians being guilty of promiscuous mixtures , to the great reproach and infamy of the christian name . i do not deny but this malicious report might receive strength and encouragement from the servants of some christians , who being rack'd by the heathens might confess what they put into their mouths , and this charge amongst the rest . this the same historian relates out of the letters of the churches in france ; certain gentiles who were servants to some christians , being apprehended , and having seen the exquisite torments which the christians were put to , for fear of the like , did at the instance of the souldiers who urg'd them to it , confess , that the christians had amongst them incestuous mixtures , and suppers furnish'd with mans flesh , laying such things to their charge as they held unlawful to speak or think of , or could believe were ever done by men : which being once divulg'd , they every where fell upon the christians with the greatest rage and fierceness . so in the persecution under maximinus , one of the commanders that then resided at damascus , laid hold of a few light inconsiderable women in the market , and threatning them with the rack , forc'd the wretches publickly to confess that they had formerly been christians , and that they knew all their villanies , that in their religious meetings they committed the most beastly actions ; and indeed , what ever else he would have them say that might disgrace christianity . this confession of theirs he caus'd to be entred into the publick records , and then transmitted it to the emperour , by whose command it was immediately published in all cities and places of the empire . so industriously did the malice of men and devils bend all the nerves of their power and subtilty ( though in vain ) either wholly to suppress , or at least to dis-hearten and ba●●le out the christians : which brings me to the consideration of another vertue no less remarkable in the christians of those times . chap. vi. of their readiness and constancy in professing their religion . their courage and undauntedness in professing the truth though reproach'd and persecuted . their open and resolute owning it to the face of their enemies , and in defiance of the greatest dangers . the story of victorinus the rhetorician converted by simplician . the free and impartial answers of maris to julian , of basil to the arrian governour . polycarp's refusing to fly when officers were sent to apprehend him . his resolute carriage before the proconsul . the like of cyprian . no torments could make them deny christ . women unconquerable . the excellent instance of blandina and others . divers voluntarily offering themselves . others offering to plead the cause of the christans , though with the immediate hazard of their lives . this boldness and resolution noted as an argument of the excellency of their religion , and the goodness of their cause above that of the best philosophers . aristoteles flying for fear of suffering for his opinions . the cowardly silence of iamblichus his scholars . this resolution of theirs confessed by heathens , apollo's oracle in the case of porphyrie's wife , galen . the constancy of christians to their religion proverbial . when our blessed saviour sent out his disciples to preach the gospel , he acquainted them with the difficulties that were like to attend their message , but withall bad them arm themselves with constancy and resolution , and not to regard the scoffs and reproaches , the miseries and sufferings that might fall upon them , not to fear them that could only kill the body , but to make a free and bold confession of his name before the world , and chearfully to take up their cross and follow him : and s. paul , though himself then in chains at rome , exhorts the christians to stand fast in one spirit , with one mind striving together for the faith of the gospel , being in nothing terrified by their adversaries , it being given them on the behalf of christ , not only to believe on him , but also to suffer for his sake ; which made it very necessary for them to have their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace . and certainly , if ever true courage and greatness of mind appear'd in any persons in the world , it was in the christians of those times , who with such a generous and unterrified mind defied dangers and torments , own'd and gloried in the profession of christianity against all the threats , reproaches , and persecutions which the worst of their adversaries could make against them . we shall first see what account their apologists give of it even before their enemies , and then how they made it good in their lives and actions . justin martyr speaking of the successful propagation of the gospel , immediately upon christs resurrection and asc●nsion into heaven , the apostles of christ ( says he ) going forth from jerusalem , preach'd the powerful word in every place ; although it were capital either to preach or to profess the name of christ , which yet we do every-where embrace and teach : which if you , as enemies , still go on to obstruct , the worst you can do , is but to kill us , whereby you will do us no great harm , but will purchase to your selves , and to all those that unjustly persecute us , and persist impenitent in their proceedings , the vengeance of eternal flames . and when trypho the jew had charg'd christianity for an idle story , and the christians for no better than fools to quit all the conveniences of this life upon the account of it ; the martyr answers , that this proceeded from his ignorance , and an implicit assent to the absurd and malicious insinuations of their rabbins , who understood very little of the scriptures ; that would he but admit the true reasons of christianity , he would quickly understand how far they were from being in an errour , and how little reason they had to quit their profession , although men did sufficiently scorn and reproach them for it , and the powers of the world endeavour to force them to renounce and forsake it : notwithstanding all which , they chose rather to dye , and chearfully underwent it ; being fully assur'd , that what god had promised through christ he would infallibly make good to them . and discoursing afterwards of the same matter , as for us ( says he ) that have entertain'd the religion of the holy jesus , your selves know very well , that there 's none throughout the world that 's able to subdue or affright us out of our profession ; nothing being plainer , than that though our heads be exposed to swords and axes , our bodies fastned to the cross , though thrown to wild beasts , harrassed out with chains , fire , and all other instruments of torment , yet do we not start from our profession ; nay , the more these things happen to us , the faster others flock over to the name of jesus , and become pious and devout followers of christ ; it being with us in this case , as with a vine , which being prun'd and trim'd , and its luxurious excrescences par'd off , brings forth more fruitful and flourishing branches . how little he valued any danger in competition with the truth , he tells his adversary he might know by this , that he would not stifle and conceal it , although they should immediately tear him in pieces for it ; and therefore when he saw his countrymen the samaritans seduc'd by the impostures of simon magus , whom they held to be a god above all principality and power , he could not but by an address make his complaint to caesar , not regarding the hazards and troubles that might ensue upon it . tertullian giving the heathens an account of that christ whom they worship'd , tells them they might well believe it to be true , for that no man might lye for his religion , to dissemble in this case being to deny ; a thing which could not be charg'd upon the christians , who own'd and stood to it with their last drop of blood . we speak it ( says he ) and we speak it openly , are●earing ●earing our flesh , and shedding our blood , we cry aloud , that we worship god through christ . so fully were they satisfied in the truth of their religion , as to be ready rather a thousand times to dye than to deny it . nor were these meerly big words with which the christians vapour'd in the sight of their enemies , we shall find that they made them good by acting suitable to these professions and protestations . they did not then think it enough to espouse the faith of christ , unless they publickly testified it to the world ; whereof this instance amongst others : victorinus a rhetorician of rome , a man of so great note and fame , that he had obtain'd the honour of a publick statue , but a zealous defender of paganism and idolatry , had read the holy scriptures , by which being convinc'd , he came to simplician , and privately told him that he was a christian ; which the other refus'd to believe unless he saw him testifie it in the publick church ; to which victorinus return'd with a little scorn , what , are they then the walls that make a christian ? this answer he as oft return'd as the other urg'd a publick confession , for he was not willing to disoblige his great friends , who he knew would fall foul upon him : till by reading and meditation he gathered courage , and fearing that christ would deny him before the holy angels , if he should refuse to confess him before men , he became sensible of his fault , and was asham'd of his vanity and folly , and calling to simplician , let us go ( said he ) into the church , i will now become a christian ; which when he had done , and had been thorowly instructed in the faith of christ , he offer'd himself to baptism ; and being to make the accustomed confession of his faith , the ministers of the church offer'd him the liberty of doing it in a more private way ( as they were wont to do for those who were of a fearful and bashful temper ) which he utterly refused , and openly made it before all the people ; affirming it to be unreasonable that he should be ashamed to confess his hopes of salvation before the people , who while he taught rhetorick ( wherein he hoped for no such reward ) had publickly professed it every day . an action that begat great wonder in rome , as it was no less matter of rejoycing to the church . no dangers could then sway good men from doing of their duty . cyprian highly commends cornelius for taking the bishoprick of rome upon him in so dangerous a time ; for the greatness of his mind , and the unshaken firmness of his faith , and the undaunted managery of his place , at a time when decius the tyrant threatn'd such heavy severities to the ministers of christianity , and would sooner endure a corrival in the empire , than a bishop to sit at rome . how freely , how impartially did they speak their minds , even to the face of their bitterest enemies ? when maris bishop of chalcedon , a man blind with age , met julian the emperour , he boldly charged him with his atheism and apostasie from the christian faith ; julian reproach'd him with his blindness , and told him his galilean god would never cure him ; to which the good old man presently answered , i thank my god , who has taken away my sight , that i might not behold the face of one that has laps'd into so great impiety . were they at any time attempted by arts of flattery and enticement , the charms would not take place upon them . so when julian both by himself and the officers of his army set upon the souldiers , and by fair promises of preferments and rewards sought to fetch them off from christianity , though he prevail'd upon some few weak and instable minds , yet the far greatest part stood off ; yea , by many even of the meanest and most inconsiderable quality his temptations were as resolutely beaten back , as the blow of an engine is by a wall of marble . nor were they any more shaken by storms and threatnings . when modestus the governour under valens the arrian emperour could not by any means bring over s. basil to the party , he threatned him with severity ; dost thou not fear this power that i have ? why should i fear said basil , what canst thou do , or what can i suffer ? the other answered , the loss of thy estate , banishnent , torment , and death ; but threaten us with something else if thou canst ( said basil ) for none of these things can reach us ; confiscation of estate cannot hurt him , that has nothing to lose , unless thou wantest these tatter'd and thread-bare garments , and a few books wherein all my estate lies ; nor can i be properly banished , who am not tied to any place , where-ever i am 't will be my country , the whole earth is gods , in which i am but a pilgrim and a stranger : i fear no torments , my body not being able to hold out beyond the first stroke ; and for death , 't will be a kindness to me , for 't will but so much the sooner send me unto god , for whose sake i live , and am indeed in a great measure already dead , towards which i have been a long time hastning . and there 's no reason to wonder at this freedom of speech ; in other things we are meek and yielding ; but when the cause of god and religion is concerned , over-looking all other things , we direct our thoughts only unto him ; and then fire and sword , wild beasts and engines to tear off our flesh , are so far from being a terrour , that they are rather a pleasure and recreation to us : reproach and threaten , and use your power to the utmost , yet let the emperour know , that you shall never be able to make us assent to your wicked doctrine , no , though you should threaten ten thousand times worse than all this . the governour was strangely surpriz'd with the spirit and resolution of the man , and went and told the emperour , that one poor bishop was too hard for them all . and indeed so big were their spirits with a desire to assert and propagate their religion , that they would not hide their heads to decline the greatest dangers . when the officers were sent to apprehend s. polycarp , and had with great industry and cruelty found out the place where he was , though he had timely notice to have escaped by going into another house , yet he refus'd , saying , the will of the lord be done ; and coming down out of his chamber , saluted the officers with a chearful and a pleasant countenance : as they were carrying him back , two persons of eminency and authority met him in the way , took him up into their chariot , labour'd by all means to perswade him to do sacrifice ; which when he absolutely refus'd after all their importunities , they turn'd their kindness into reproaches , and tumbled him with so much violence out of the chariot , that he was sorely bruised with the fall ; but nothing daunted , as if he had received no harm , he chearfully went on his way , a voice being heard as he went along , as it were from heaven , polycarp , be strong , and quit thy self like a man. when he came before the tribunal , the proconsul asked him whether he was polycarp , which he presently confessed ; then he attempted by all arts of perswasion to urge him to deny christ , or to do but something that might look like it , but all in vain ; these fourscore and six years ( says he ) have i served christ , and he never did me any harm , and how then can i blaspheme my master and my saviour ? being urg'd to swear by the emperours genius , he replyed , forasmuch as thou pressest me to do this , pretending thou knowest not who i am , know , i am a christian ; then the proconsul told him he would throw him to the wild beasts , unless he alter'd his opinion : call for them ( answered polycarp ) for we have no mind to change from better to worse ; as counting that change only to be honest and laudable , which is from vice to vertue : but if thou makest so light of wild beasts ( added the proconsul ) i 'le have a fire that shall tame thee ; to which the good old man return'd , you threaten , sir , a fire that will burn for an hour , and presently be extinguish'd ; but know not that there is a fire of eternal damnation in the judgement to come , reserv'd for the punishment of all wicked men : but why delay you ? execute what ever you have a mind to . this and much more to the same purpose he discoursed of , to the great admiration of the proconsul ; being so far from being terrified with what was said to him , that he was filled with joy and chearfulness , and a certain grace and loveliness over-spread his face . so likewise when cyprian was brought before the proconsul ; thou art ( said he ) thascius cyprian , who hast been a ringleader to men of a wicked mind ; the emperours command thee to do sacrifice , and therefore consult thy welfare : to which he answered , i am cyprian , i am a christian , and i cannot sacrifice to your gods ; do therefore what you are commanded ; as for me , in so just a cause there needs no consultation ; and when the sentence was pronounced against him , he cried out , i heartily thank almighty god , who is pleased to free me from the chains of this earthly carcass . had torments and the very extremities of cruelty been able to sink their courage , it had soon been trodden under foot ; but it was triumphant in the midst of torments , and lift up its head higher , the greater the loads that were layd upon it ; whereof there are instances enough in the histories of the church ; nay in this triumph even the weaker sex bore no inconsiderable part . eusebius tells us ( among others that suffered in the french persecution under m. aurelius ) of one blandina , a good woman , but of whom the church was afraid how she would hold out to make a resolute confession , by reason of the weakness of her body , and the tenderness of her education , that when she came to 't , she bore up with such invincible magnanimity , that her tormentors though they took their turns from morning to night , and plied her with all kinds of racks and tortures , were yet forced to give over , and confess themselves overcome ; and wondring that a body so broken and mangled should yet be able to draw its breath . but this noble athleta gain'd strength by suffering , she eased and refreshed her self , and mitigated the sense of present pain by repeating these words , i am a christian ; and , no evil is done by us . nor did they only generously bear these things for the sake of their religion , when they were layd upon them , but many times freely offered themselves , confessing themselves to be christians when they knew that their confession would cost their lives . so did those noble martyrs whom eusebius saw at thebais , multitudes having been executed every day with all imaginable cruelties ; sentence was no sooner pass'd against one party of them , but others presented themselves before the tribunal , and confessed that they were christians , receiving the fatal sentence with all possible expressions of chearfulness and rejoycing : the same which he also reports of six young men that suffered in palestine , spontaneously addressing themselves to the governour of the province , owning that they were christians , and ready to undergo the severest punishments . in the acts of s. cyprian's passion we are told , that the president having caus'd a mighty furnace to be filled with burning lime , and fire with heaps of frankincense round about the brim of it , gave the christians this choice , either to burn the frankincense in sacrifice to jupiter , or to be thrown into the furnace : whereupon three hundred men being arm'd with an unconquerable faith , and confessing christ to be the son of god , leaped into the midst of the fiery furnace , with whose fumes and vapours they were immediately suffocated and swallowed up . there wanted not some who in the hottest persecutions durst venture to undertake the cause of christians , and to plead it before the face of their bitterest enemies ; thus did vettius epagathus a man full of zeal and piety , who seeing his fellow-christians unjustly dragged before the judgment-seat , required leave of the president that he might plead his brethrens cause , and openly shew that they were not guilty of the least wickedness and impiety : but not daring to grant him so reasonable a request , the judge took the advantage of asking him whether he was a christian , which he publickly owning , was adjudged to the same martyrdom with the rest . of origen we read that though then but eighteen years of age , yet he was wont not only to wait upon the martyrs in prison , but to attend upon them at their tryals , and the times of their execution , kissing and embracing them , and boldly preaching and professing the faith of christ , insomuch that had he not been many times miraculously preserved , the gentiles had pelted him to death with stones , for they mortally hated him for his industrious and undaunted propagation of the faith : nay , when but a boy , and his father leontius was seized upon , he wrote to his father , most earnestly pressing him to persevere unto martyrdom , and not to concern himself what might become of his wife and children , nor for their sakes to decline that excellent cause he was ingaged in . by this free and chearful undergoing the greatest miseries rather than deny or prejudice their religion , christians evidently ▪ demonstrated the goodness of their principles , and shewed they were no such persons as their enemies commonly look'd upon them ; that a christian ( as ignatius observes ) is not the child of fancy and perswasion , but of true gallantry and greatness of spirit , having so much hatred of the world to graple and contend with . those who are malefactors ( as tertullian argues ) desire to be concealed , and shun to appear ; being apprehended , they tremble ; being accused , they deny ; being racked do not easily nor always confess the truth ; however being condemn'd , they are sad , search into and censure themselves , are unwilling to acknowledge their wickednesses to be their own , and accordingly impute them either to their fate or stars . but what is there like this to be found in christians ? amongst them no man is asham'd , none repents him of being a christian , unless it be that he was no sooner so ; if marked out , he glories ; if accused , he stands not to defend himself ; being interrogated , he confesses of his own accord ; being condemn'd , he gives thanks : what evil then can there be in this , which is so far from having any shadow of evil , any fear , shame , tergiversation , repentance , deplorableness to attend it ? what evil can that be , of which he that is guilty rejoyces ? of which to be accused , is their vote and desire ; and for which to be punished is their happiness and felicity ? this likewise arnobius lays down as a grand evidence of the divinity of the christian faith , that in so short a time it had conquered so much of the world , subdued men of the greatest parts and learning , made them willing to quit their belov'd opinions , to forfeit their estates , to part with their ease and pleasures , and to submit to torments rather than violate the faith of christ , or start from the station they had entred upon . by this excellent temper and carriage they admirably triumphed over the best men amongst the gentiles , none of whom durst engage so deep for the defence of their dearest sentiments as the christians did for theirs ; witness plato who set up the academy , and brought in an obscure and ambiguous way of delivering his opinions , lest by speaking out he should fall under the sentence and the fate of socrates . thus origen puts celsus in mind of aristotle , who understanding that the athenians intended to call him to account for some of his ( as they thought them ) un-orthodox opinions , immediately remov'd his school , saying to his friends , let 's be gone from athens , lest we give them an occasion of being guilty of a second wickedness , like to that which they committed against socrates , and lest they again offend against the majesty of philosophy : it being alas ! not kindness to the athenians , but cowardise and fear of punishment made him so hastily pack up and be gon , and leave his opinions behind him to shift for themselves as well as they could . nay , eunapius himself confesses that in the time of constantine , when paganism began to go down the wind , and christianity to be advanced and honoured , their best philosophers , the great scholars of iamblichus took sanctuary at a mysterious secrecy , and wisely kept their dogmata and opinions to themselves , sealed up under a profound and religious silence . no , they were the christians only , the very meanest of whom durst stand by and defend naked truth in the face of danger and death it self ; this being ( as eusebius notes ) one of the most wonderful things in christian religion , that they who embrace it , are not only ready to profess it in words , but entertain it with such a mighty affection and sincerity of soul , as willingly to prefer the bearing testimony to it even before life it self . and indeed this piece of right is done them by pliny himself , where speaking of some , who having been accused for christians , to shew how far they were from it , readily blasphemed christ and sacrificed to the gods ; he adds , none of which it 's said that they who are truly christians can by any means be compelled to do . nay thus much is confessed by the oracle it self , for when porphyry the great philosopher , and acute enemy of the christians , enquired of apollo's oracle , what god he should make his address to for the recovery of his wife back from christianity , the oracle returned him this answer , ( as himself reported it in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is corruptly in s. augustin ; a book frequently cited both by eusebius and theodoret ; where by the way in the latin version of theodoret 't is by a strange mistake rendred de electorum philosophia , as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in this book concerning the philosophy draw from oracles , he tells us he received this answer ) that he might as well , and to better purpose attempt to write upon the surface of the water , or to fly like a bird in the air , than to reduce his wife from those wicked sentiments she had taken in . and this was so common and notorious that it became in a manner proverbial ; whence that of galen , when he would express how pertinaciously the philosophers adhered to those sentiments they had once drunk in , and how very hard and almost impossible it was to convince them , sooner , says he , may a man undeceive a jew or a christian , and make them renounce the doctrines of moses or of christ , than philosophers and physicians that are once addicted to their several sects . chap. vii . of their exemplary patience under sufferings . christianity likely to engage its followers in suffering , and why . continual edicts put forth against christians . the form of those imperial orders exemplified out of the acts of the martyrs . the fierce opposition of the roman emperours , and their probable hopes of having destroyed christianity evidenced from several inscriptions to that purpose found in spain . the greatness of the torments christians endured ; some of the ordinary kinds of them describ'd . the cross ; the pain and ignominy of it ; persons crucified with their heads downwards . the rack , what . catasta : ad pulpitum post catastam . ungulae : one of these kept and ador'd as a relique at rome . the wheel . burning . throwing to wild beasts . being condemned to mines ; their treatment there and the case of such persons . some of the extraordinary ways of punishment used towards christians . torn asunder by branches of trees : burnt in pitch'd coats : boyl'd in pots of oyl or lead , &c. their carriage under these sufferings sedate and calm ; meek and patient . their refusing to make use of opportunities to avoid suffering . whether they might fly and withdraw in times of persecution : allow'd and practis'd in some cases ; two instanc'd in . where persons were of more than ordinary use and eminency . where they were weak for the present , and not like to hold out . prov'd by particular instances . their chearful offering themselves to the rage and fury of their enemies , confessed by the relation of their judges and bitterest adversaries , tiberianus , arrius antoninus , lucian . the earnest desire of martyrdom in ignatius , laurentius , origen and others . when unjustly condemned , their judges thanked for condemning them . their glorying in suffering and being crucified . babylas the martyr's chains buried with him . no signs of an impatient mind under their bitterest torments . an account of their chearful suffering out of cyprian . their patience wondred at by their enemies . their grand support under suffering ; the hopes and assurance of a reward in heaven . the case of the forty martyrs in s. basil . psalms sung at the funeral of christians , and lights carried before the corps , and why . christianity vastly increased by the patience and constancy of christians . martyr's account of his conversion by this means . julian generally refused to put christians to death , and why . the testimonies of several heathens corcerning the christians conrage and patience under sufferings . that the christian religion at its first appearing in the world was likely to engage its followers in miseries and sufferings , could not be unknown to any that considered the nature of its doctrine , and the tendency of its design . the severity of its precepts so directly opposite to the corrupt and vicious inclinations of men ; the purity of its worship so flatly contrary to the loose and obscene rites and solemnities of the heathens ; its absolute inconsistency with those religions which had obtained for so many ages , which then had such firm possessions of the minds of men , and all the powers and policies of the world to secure and back them , could not prophesie to it any kind or welcome entertainment . this sect ( for so they call'd it ) was every where not only spoken , but fought against ; for since men have a natural veneration for antiquity , and especially in matters of religion , they thought themselves concerned to defend that way , that had been convey'd to them from their ancestours , and to set themselves with might and main against whatever might oppose it : especially the great ones of those times and the roman emperours made it their master-design to oppress and stifle this infant religion , and to banish it out of the world. hence those imperial orders that were dayly sent abroad into all parts of the empire , to command and impower their governours to ruine and destroy the christians ; of which that we may the better apprehend the form of them , it may not be amiss to set down one or two of them out of the acts of the martyrs . this following was agreed upon both by the emperours and the whole senate of rome . decius and valerian emperours , triumphers , conquerours , august , pious , together with the whole senate , have by common consent decreed thus . whereas we have received the gifts and blessings of the gods , by whom we enjoy victory over our enemies , as also temperate seasons and fruits in great plenty and abundance ; since we have found them our great benefactors , and to supply us with those things that are universally beneficial to all : we therefore unanimously decree , that all orders of men , as well children as servants , souldiers as private persons shall offer sacrifices to the gods , doing reverence and supplication to them . and if any shall dare to violate our divine order thus unanimously agreed upon , we command , that he be cast into prison , and afterwards exposed to several kinds of torments ; if by this means he be reclaimed , he may expect no mean honours from us . but if he shall persist contumacious , after many tortures let him be beheaded , or thrown into the sea , or cast out to be devoured by dogs and birds of prey . but especially if there be any found of the religion of the christians . as for those that obey our decrees , they shall receive great honours and rewards from us . so happily fare ye well . to this we may add that short rescript of valerian . valerian the emperour to the ministers and governours of provinces . we understand that the precepts of the laws are violated by those who in these days call themselves christians . wherefore we will , that apprehending them , unless they sacrifice to our gods , you expose them to divers kinds of punishments ; that so both justice may have place without delay , and vengeance in cutting off impieties having attain'd its end , may proceed no further . this course they prosecuted with so much vigour and fierceness , that some of them boasted , that they had absolutely effected their design . witness those trophies and triumphal arches that were every where erected to perpetuate the memory of their conquest over christianity : whereof these two inscriptions found at clunia in spain are a sufficient evidence . diocletianus . jovius . et . maximian . herculeus . caes. augg. amplificato . per. orien tem . et . occidentem . imp. rom . et nomine . christianorum . deleto . qui . remp. ever tebant . the other , diocletian . caes. aug . galerio . in. ori ente . adopt . supers titione . christ — ubiq . deleta . et . cul tu . deor. propagato . the meaning of both which is to shew , that diocletian and his colleague maximianus had every were extinguished the wicked superstition of christ , so pernicious to the common-wealth , and had restor'd paganism and the worship of the gods . but long before them we find nero ( the first emperour that raised persecution against the christians , as tertullian notes ) so active in the business , as to glory ( or some flatterers in his behalf ) that he had done the work . witness an inscription found also in spain . neroni . cl. cais . aug . pont . max. ob. provinc . latronib . et . his . qui . novam . generi . hum . super stition . inculcab . purgatam . this inscription was set up in memory of his having purged the country of robbers , and such as had introduc'd and obtruded a new superstition upon mankind . the christians it's true are not particularly nam'd in it ( probably the gentiles so much detested the very name of christian , that especially in publick monuments they would not mention it ) yet can it be meant of no other . for besides that this character of inculeating their superstition admirably agrees to christians , who sought by all means to instill their principles into the minds of men ; besides that superstition was the common title by which the gentiles were wont to denote christianity ; besides this , there was not ( as baronius observes ) any other new religion at that time , or long before or after , that appeared in the world ; to be sure none that could be the object of nero's persecution . and how he entertain'd this , tertullian sufficiently intimates , bidding them search their own records , and they would find . and from this very inscription alone it 's evident , they thought , that ( at least in that part of the world ) they had wholly extirpated and rooted it out . by all which we may guess , what hot service the christians had on 't under those primitive persecutions . indeed their sufferings were beyond all imagination great , which yet did but so much the more exercise and advance their patience , the bitterness of their sufferings making their patience more eminent and illustrious . of which that we may take the truer measures , 't will be necessary to consider these two things , the greatness of those torments and sufferings which the christians generally underwent ; and then the manner of their carriage under them . for the first , the greatness of those torments and sufferings which they underwent , they were as bad as the wit and malice of either men or devils could invent ; in the consideration whereof we shall first take a view of those punishments which were more standing and ordinary , familiarly used amongst the greeks and romans , and then of such as were extraordinarily made use of towards the christians : amongst their ordinary methods of execution , these six were most eminent , the cross , the rack , the wheel , burning , wild beasts , condemning to mines . i. the cross deserves the first place in our account , not only as having been one of the most ancient and universal ways of punishment amongst the gentiles , and from them brought in amongst the jews , but as being the instrument by which our blessed saviour himself was put to death . omitting the various and different forms and kinds of it , which were all used towards the primitive christians , i intend here only that that was most common , a straight piece of wood fixed in the ground , having a transverse beam fastned near the top of it , not unlike the letter t , though probably it had also a piece of wood arising above the top of it , and there were two things in this way of punishment , which rendred it very severe , the pain and ignominy of it . painful it must needs be , because the party suffering was fastned to it with nayles driven through his hands and feet , which being the parts where the nerves and sinews terminate and meet together , must needs be most acutely sensible of wounds and violence : and because they were pierced only in these parts so far distant from the vitals , this made their death very lingring and tedious , doubled and trebled every pain upon them : insomuch that some out of a generous compassion have caused malefactors first to be strangled before they were crucified , as julius caesar did towards the pirates whom he had sworn to execute upon the cross . but no such favour was shewed to christians ; they were suffered to remain in the midst of all those exquisite pangs , till meer hunger starved them , or the mercy of wild beasts or birds of prey dispatch'd them . thus s. andrew the apostle continued two whole days upon the cross , teaching the people all the while ; timotheus and his wife maura after many other torments hung upon the cross nine days together before they compleated their martyrdom . nor was the shame of this way of suffering less than the pain of it , crucifixion being the peculiar punishment of slaves , traytors , and the vilest malefactors , insomuch , that for a freemen to dye thus , was accounted the highest accent of ignominy and reproach ; therefore the roman historian calls it servile supplicium , a punishment proper to slaves . sometimes they were crucified with their heads downwards ; thus s. peter is said to have been crucified ; thus those egyptian martyrs , who hung in this posture , till they were starv'd out of the world . but this punishment of the cross soon after the world was become christian , constantine took away out of reverence to our saviour , not being willing that that should be the punishment of the vilest malefactors , which had been the instrument whereupon the son of god had purchased salvation for mankind . ii. the rack , called in latin equuleus , either from the scituation of the offenders body upon the engin , resembling a man on horseback , or rather from the horsing or holding of him up to it by ropes and screws . the first design of it was to torment the guilty , or the suspected person to make him confess the truth ; what the particular form of it was is not agreed amongst learned men ; but this we may probably conceive , that it was an engine fram'd of several pieces of timber joyned together , upon the top whereof upon a long board the suffering person being laid along upon his back and fastned to it by his hands and feet , the engine was so contriv'd with screws and pullies , that all his members were distended with the utmost violence , even to a luxation of all the parts , and this more or less according to the tormentors pleasures . sometimes they were hung by the hands and feet under the top-board of the engine , and tormented in that posture ; this rack was a punishment which the christians were very frequently put to . much of the same nature was that which they call'd the catasta , being a piece of wood raised up like a little scaffold , upon which christians were set , that their torments might be more conspicuous ; thence that proverb in cyprian , ad pulpitum post catastam venire , speaking of aurelius a confessor , who having been publickly tormented upon this engine was after ordain'd a reader in the church , and promoted to read the scriptures out of the pulpit , as he had lately confessed christ upon the scaffold : in this , as in that of the rack , there were certain additional torments made by instruments called vngulae , which were a kind of iron pinsers , made with sharp teeth , with which the flesh was by piece-meal pull'd and torn off their backs . in the time of pope paul the third , one of these vngulae , as the authour of the roma subterranea tells us , was amongst other things found in the vatican coemetery amongst the monuments of the martyrs , and laid up amongst the other reliques of that church as an inestimable treasure , and a worthy object of religious worship ; being there kept to be seen and ador'd by all christian people . and another of their writers being about to describe it , tells us that though altogether unworthy of such a favour , yet he was blessed with the sight of it , and that as became him , he kissed and embrac'd it with great veneration . which by the way seems to me a little strange , that it should be accounted an honour and a kindness done to the martyrs , to adore that which was the instrument of their torment : might they not by the same reason as well worship their executioners , and pay a religious respect to the ashes of those , who drag'd them to the stake , tore off their flesh , and put them to death with all imaginable pain and torture . iii. the wheel . this was a round engine , to which the body of the condemned person being bound , was not only extreamly distended , but whirl'd about with the most violent distortion ; the pain whereof was unconceivable , especially as used towards the primitive christians , the wheel to which they were bound naked being sometimes full of iron pricks , sometimes a board full of sharp-pointed iron pricks being plac'd under it , so that every time the body of the martyr came to it , they rak'd off the flesh with inexpressible torment . thus were serv'd those three martyrs , foelix the presbyter , fortunatus and achilleus the deacons at valentia in france , and hundreds more in other places . iv. burning . this was done sometimes by staking them down to a pile of wood , and setting it on fire ; thus suffered julianus and others in the persecution at alexandria ; sometimes by laying them to rost at a slow gentle fire , that they might dye with the greater torment ; otherwhiles they were hung up either by the neck , hands or feet , and a fire made under them , either to burn or choak them ; or burning torches held to several parts of their naked bodies ; sometimes they were placed in an iron chair , or laid upon an iron grate , which was either made red hot , or had a fire continually burning under it : of all which ways of execution , and some other near akin to them , were it not too tedious i could easily give abundant instances . this was accounted one of the prince ways of capital punishments , and none were adjudged to it but the greatest villains , the meanest and vilest persons . v. throwing to wild beasts . this was a punishment very common amongst the romans , to condemn a man to fight for his life with the most savage beasts , bears , leopards , lions , &c. and was usually the portion of the vilest and most despicable offenders ; under which notion the gentiles looking upon the christians did most commonly condemn them to this kind of death ; a thing so familiar , that it became in a manner proverbal , christianos ad leones , away with the christians to the lions : and that they might be devoured with the more ease , they were many times tied down to a stake ; sometimes cloath'd in beasts-skins , the more eagerly to provoke the rage and fury of the wild beasts against them . vi. condemning to the mines . to this the romans adjudg'd their slaves , and the most infamous malefactors ; and to this too the christians were often sent : what their treatment was in those places , besides their continual toyle and drudgery , cyprian lets us know in a letter to nemesian and the rest that labour'd in the mines , viz. that they were cruelly beaten with clubs , bound with chains , forc'd to lye upon the hard , cold , damp ground , conflicted with hunger , nakedness , the deformity of their heads half shaved , after the manner of slaves , and forc'd to live in the midst of filth and nastiness ; besides which they were wont to be mark'd and branded in the face , to have their right eye pull'd out , and their left foot disabled by cutting the nerves and sinews of it ; not to say , that being once under this condemnation , all their estate was forfeit to the publick treasury , and themselves for ever reduc'd into the condition of slaves . these were some of the more usual ways of punishment amongst the romans , though exercis'd towards the christians in their utmost rigour and severity . i omit to speak of christians being scourg'd and whip'd even to the tiring of their executioners , especially with rods called plumbatae ( whereof there is frequent mention in the theodosian code ) which were scourges made of cords or thongs with leaden bullets at the end of them ; of their being ston'd to death , their being beheaded , their being thrust into stinking and nasty prisons , where they were set in a kind of stocks with five holes , their legs being stretch'd asunder to reach from one end to the other . we shall now consider some few of those unusal torments and punishments which were inflicted only upon christians , or if upon any others , only in extraordinary cases : such was their being tied to arms of trees bent by great force and strength by certain engines , and being suddainly let go , did in a moment tear the martyr in pieces , in which way many were put to death in the persecution at thebais . sometimes they were clad with coats of paper , linnen , or such like , dawb'd in the inside with pitch and brimstone , which being set on fire , they were burnt alive . otherwhiles they were shut into the belly of a brazen bull , and a fire being kindled under it , were consumed with a torment beyond imagination . sometimes they were put into a great pot or caldron full of boyling pitch , oyl , lead , or wax mixed together ; or had these fatal liquors by holes made on purpose poured into their bowels . some of them were hung up by one or both hands , with stones of great weight tied to their feet to augment their sufferings ; others were anointed all over their bodies with honey , and at mid-day fastned to the top of a pole , that they might be a prey to flies , wasps , and such little cattle as might by degrees sting and torment them to death ; thus besides many others it was with marcus bishop of arethusa , a venerable old man who suffered under julian the apostate ; after infinite other tortures they dawb'd him over with honey and jellies , and in a basket fastned to the top of a pole , expos'd him to the hottest beams of the sun , and to the fury of such little insects as would be sure to prey upon him . sometimes they were put into a rotten ship , which being turn'd out to sea was set on fire ; thus they serv'd an orthodox presbyter under valens the arrian emperour ; the same which socrates reports of fourscore pious and devout men , who by the same emperours command were thrust into a ship , which being brought into open sea , was presently fir'd , that so by this means they might also want the honour of a burial . and indeed the rage and cruelty of the gentiles did not only reach the christians while alive , but extend to them after death , denying them ( what has been otherwise granted amongst the most barbarous people ) the conveniency of burial , exposing them to the ravage and fierceness of dogs and beasts of prey , a thing which we are told the primitive christians reckon'd as not the least aggravation of their sufferings . nay , where they had been quietly buried , they were not suffered many times ( as tertullian complains ) to enjoy the asylum of the grave , but were plucked out , rent and torn in pieces . but to what purpose is it any longer to insist upon these things ; sooner may a man tell the stars , than reckon up all those methods of misery and suffering which the christians endured . eusebius , who himself was a sad spectatour of some of the later persecutions , professes to give over the account , as a thing beyond all possibility of expression ; the manner of their sufferings , and the persons that suffered being hard , nay impossible to be reckoned up . the truth is ( as he there observes , and cyprian plainly tells demetrian of it ) their enemies did little else but set their wits upon the tenters to find out the most exquisite methods of torture and punishment ; they were not content with those old ways of torment which their forefathers had brought in , but by an ingenious cruelty daily invented new , striving to excel one another in this piece of hellish art , and accounting those the wittiest persons that could invent the bitterest and most barbarous engins of execution ; and in this they improved so much , that vlpian , master of records to alexander severus the emperour , and the great oracle of those times for law , writing several books de officio proconsulis ( many parcels whereof are yet extant in the body of the civil law ) in the seventh book collected together the several bloody edicts which the emperours had put out against the christians , that he might shew by what ways and methods they ought to be punished and destroyed , as lactantius tells us . but this book as to what concern'd christians is not now extant , the zeal and piety of the first christian emperours having banished all books of that nature out of the world , as appears by a law of the emperour theodosius , where he commands the writings of porphyry , and all others that had written against the christian religion to be burned : the reason why we have no more books of the heathens concerning the christians extant at this day . having given this brief specimen of some few of those grievous torments to which the primitive christians were exposed ( they that would have more , must read the martyrologies of the church , or such as have purposely witten on this subject ) we come next to consider what was their behaviour and carriage under them ; this we shall find to have been most sedate and calm , most constant and resolute ; they neither fainted nor fretted , neither railed at their enemies , nor sunk under their hands , but bore up under the heaviest torments , under the bitterest reproaches with a meekness and patience that was invincible , and such as every way became the mild and yet generous spirit of the gospel . so justin martyr tells the jew ; we patiently bear ( says he ) all the mischiefs which are brought upon us either by men or devils , even to the extremities of death and torments , praying for those that thus treat us , that they may find mercy , not desiring to hurt or revenge our selves upon any that injures us , according as our great law-giver has commanded us . thus eusebius reporting the hard usage which the christians met with during the times of persecution , tells us that they were betrayed and butchered by their own friends and brethren ; but they as couragious champions of the true religion , accustomed to prefer an honourable death in defence of the truth before life it self , little regarded the cruel usage they met with in it : but rather as became true souldiers of god , armed with patience , they laughed at all methods of execution ; fire and sword , and the piercings of nails , wild beasts , and the bottom of the sea , cutting and burning of limbs , putting out eyes , and mutilation of the whole body , hunger , and digging in mines , chains and fetters ; all which for the great love that they had to their lord and master they accounted sweeter than any happiness or pleasure whatsoever . nay the very women in this case were as couragious as the men , many of whom undergoing the same conflicts , reaped the same rewards of their constancy and vertue . but this will more distinctly appear in a few particular cases . first , when ever they were sought for in order to their being condemned and executed , they cared not to make use of opportunities to escape . polycarp at his apprehension refused to fly , though going but into the next house might have sav'd his life . cyprian writing to the confessors , commends them , that when they were oft desired ( i suppose he means by their gentile-friends and relations ) to go out of prison , they chose rather to abide there still , than to make their own escape ; telling them they had made as many confessions , as they had had opportunities to be gone , and had rejected them . though 't is true he himself withdrew from carthage when the officers were sent to take him and carry him to vtica , yet he did it ( as he tells his people ) by the advice of some friends , but for this reason , that when he did suffer , he might suffer at carthage whereof he was bishop , and that those truths which he had preach'd to them in his life , he might seal before them with his blood ; a thing he earnestly and daily begg'd of god , and which was granted to him afterwards . and if they did not run away from suffering much less did they oppose it , and make tumults and parties to defend themselves ; no , they were led as lambs to the slaughter , and as sheep before the shearers are dumb ; so opened not they their mouth ; but committed their cause to him that judges righteously , and who has said , vengeance is mine , and i will repay it . none of us ( says cyprian to the governour ) when apprehended makes resistance , nor ( though our party be large and numerous ) revenges himself for that unjust violence , that you offer to us : we patiently acquiesce in the assurance of a future vengeance ; the innocent truckle under the unrighteous ; the guiltless quietly submit to pains and tortures ; knowing for certain that what-ever we now suffer shall not remain unpunished , and that the greater the injury that is done us in these persecutions we endure , the more just and heavy will be that vengeance that will follow it : never was any wicked attempt made against christians , but a divine vengeance was soon at the heels of it . but though they thus resolutely stood to 't , when the honour of their religon lay at stake , yet it must not be denied that in some cases they held it lawful and convenient to fly in times of persecution . tertullian indeed in a book purposely written on this subject maintains it to be simply and absolutely unlawful for christians to fly at such a time ; an assertion which with all the subtilties of his wit , and the flourishes of his african eloquence he endeavours to render fair and pausible . but besides the strictness and rigid severity of the man at all times , this book was composed after his complying with the sect of the montanists , whose peculiar humour it was to out-do the orthodox by overstraining the austerities of religion , as appears not only in this , but in the case of marriages , fasts , pennances , and such like . otherwise before his espousing those opinions he seems elsewhere to speak more favourably of shunning persecution . but whatever he thought in the case , 't is certain the generality of the fathers were of another mind , that christians might and ought to use prudence in this affair , and at some times withdraw to avoid the storm when it was a coming , especially in these two cases . i. when persons were of more than ordinary use and eminency , the saving of whom might be of great advantage to the church . thus s. paul was let down the wall in a basket , when the governour of damascus sought his life . thus cyprian withdrew from carthage , and lay hid for two years together , during which time he gave secret orders for governing of the church . thus athanasius , when syrianus and his souldiers broke into the church to apprehend him , was by the universal cry both of clergy and people perswaded and in a manner forced to retire and save himself , in which retirement he continued so long , that the arrians charg'd him with fear and cowardise , insomuch that for his own vindication he was forced to write an apology for himself , wherein he learnedly and eloquently discourses the whole affair , justifying himself from the instances of the old testament of jacob , moses , david , elias ; from the example of christ himself and his apostles in the new , from the plain and positive allowance of the gospel , when they persecute you in one city , flee into another , and that when they should see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place ( i. e. the miseries that were to come upon jerusalem by the roman army ) they should fly unto the mountians , and if upon the house top , or in the field , not turn back to fetch any thing that was left behind ; that 't was necessary for the apostles to shun the storm , because they were the instruments immediately deputed to propagate and convey the gospel to the world ; that they were herein imitated by the primitive saints and martyrs , who wandred about in deserts and mountains and in dens and caves of the earth , being equally careful to avoid the two extreams of rashness and cowardise , they would neither thrust themselves upon danger , nor basely run from death , when call'd to it , like wise physicians reserving themselves for the use of those that needed their assistance . all which and a great deal more he rationally urges in that apology . ii. another case wherein they accounted it lawful for persons to retire under persecutions was , when being but new converts and as yet weak in the faith , they look'd upon them as not likely to bear the shock and brunt of the persecution ; in this case they thought it better for them to withdraw for the present , than to put them under a temptaion of being drawn back to paganism and idolatry . thus when gregory bishop of neocaesarea saw the decian persecution grow extream hot and violent , considering the frailty and infirmity of humane nature , and how few would be able to bear up under those fierce conflicts that must be undergone for the sake of religion , perswaded his church a little to decline that dreadful and terrible storm , telling them 't was a great deal better to save their souls by flying , than by abiding those furious trials to run the hazard of falling from the faith : and that his counsel might make the deeper impression upon them , and he might convince them that in thus doing there was no danger or prejudice to their souls , he resolved to shew them the way by his own example , and himself first retiring out of the reach of danger , retreated to the mountainous parts there-abouts that were freest from the rage and malice of the enemy . nor was this any impeachment of their zeal and readiness for suffering , but only a prudent gaining a little respite for a time , that they might suffer with greater advantage afterwards . they did not desire to save their heads , when the honour of their religion call'd for it , nor ever by indirect means screw'd themselves out of danger , when once engaged in it , though they did sometimes prudently prevent it , reserving themselves for a more convenient season . thus cyprian withdrew a little , not out of fear of suffering , but a desire to prevent his being put to death in an obscure place ( which his enemies had designed ) being desirous his martyrdom should happen in that place , where he so long liv'd , and so publickly preached the christian faith . secondly , they were so far from declining suffering , and being terrified with those miseries which they saw others undergo , that they freely and in great multitudes offered themselves to the rage and fury of their enemies ; embracing death as the greatest honour that could be done them ; they strove ( as sulpitius severus observes , speaking of the ninth persecution ) which should rush first upon those glorious conflicts ; men in those days ( as he adds ) much more greedily seeking martyrdom in the cause of christ , than in after-times they did for bishopricks and the preferments of the church . lucian who certainly had very little love to christians , yet gives this account of them : the miserable wretches ( says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) do verily perswade them , i. e. those of their own party , that they shall surely be immortal and live for ever ; upon which account they despise death , and many of them voluntarily offer themselves to it . indeed they did ambitiously contend who should be first crown'd with martyrdom , and that in such multitudes , that their enemies knew not what to do with them , their very persecutors grew weary of their bloody offices . tiberianus the president of palestine in his relation to the emperour trajan , ( recorded by joannes matela , mentioned also by suidas ) gives this account of his proceedings against them ; i am quite tir'd out in punishing and destroying the galileans ( call'd here by the name of christians ) according to your commands ; and yet they cease not to offer themselves to be slain : nay , though i have laboured both by fair means and threatnings to make them conceal themselves from being known to be christians , yet can i not stave them off from persecution . so little regard had they to sufferings , nay so impatient were they till they were in the midst of flames . this made arrius antoninus the proconsul of asia , when at first he severely persecuted the christians , whereupon all the christians in that city like an army voluntarily presented themselves before his tribunal , to be surpriz'd with wonder , and causing only some few of them to be executed , he cried out to the rest , o unhappy people , if you have a mind to die , have you not halters , and precipices enough to end your lives with , but you must come hither for an execution ? so fast did they flock to the place of torment , faster than droves of beasts that are driven to the shambles . they even long'd to be in the arms of suffering . ignatius though then in his journey to rome in order to his execution , yet by the way as he went could not but vent his passionate desire of it : o that i might come to those wild beasts , that are prepar'd for me ; i heartily wish that i may presently meet with them ; i would invite and encourage them speedily to devour me , and not be afraid to set upon me as they have been to others ; nay should they refuse it , i would even force them to it : i am concern'd for nothing either seen or unseen more than to enjoy jesus christ : let fire and the cross , and the rage of wild beasts ; the breaking of bones , distortion of members , bruising of the whole body , yea all the punishments which the devil can invent , come upon me , so as i may but enjoy christ . they even envied the martyrdom of others , and mourned that any went before , while they were left behind . when laurentius the deacon espied sixtus the bishop of rome going to his martyrdom , he burst into tears , and passionately call'd out , whither o my father art thou going without thy son ? whither so fast o holy bishop without thy deacon ? never didst thou use to offer spiritual sacrifice without thy minister to attend thee ; what have i done that might displease thee ? hast thou found me degenerous and fearful ? make trial at least , whether thou hast chosen a fit minister to wait upon thee . to this and more to the same import , the good bishop replied , mistake not my son , i do not leave thee nor forsake thee : greater tryals belong to thee ; i like a weak old man receive only the first skirmishes of the battle , but thou being youthful and valiant hast a more glorious triumph over the enemy reserv'd for thee : cease to weep , thy turn will be presently , for within three days thou shalt follow me . so pious a contention was there between these ●ood men , which of them should first suffer for the name of christ . 't is memorable what we find concerning origen though then but a youth , that when a great persecution was raised at alexandria , wherein many suffered , he was so eagerly inflamed with a desire of martyrdom ( especially after his father had been seized upon and cast into prison ) that he expos'd himself to all dangers , and courted torments to come upon him ; and had certainly suffered , if his mother after all other intreaties and perswasion to no purpose , had not stoln away his clothes by night , and for meer shame forced him to stay at home . to these i shall add but one example of the weker sex. when valens the arrian emperour ( who persecuted the orthodox with as much fury and bitterness as any of the heathen emperours ) came to edessa , and found there great numbers of them daily meeting in their publick assemblies , he severely check'd the governour , and commanded him by all means to rout and ruine them . the governour though of another perswasion , yet out of common compassion gave them private notice of the emperours commands , hoping they would forbear . but they not at all terrified with the news , met the next morning in greater numbers , which the governour understanding went to the place of their assembly ; as he was going , a woman in a careless dress leading a little child in her hand rush'd through the governours guard , who commanding her to be brought before him , asked her why she made so much hast ? that i may the sooner come ( said she ) to the place where the people of the catholick church are met together ; knowst thou not ( said he ) that the governour will be there to day , and kill all whom he finds there ? i know it well ( answered the woman ) and therefore make so much hast , lest i come too late , and be depriv'd of the crown of martyrdom . and being asked , why she carried her little son along with her , she answered , that he also may partake of the common sufferings , and share in the same rewards . the governour admiring the courage of the woman , turn'd back to the palace , and disswaded the emperour from his cruel resolution , as what was neither honourable in it self , nor would conduce to his purposes and designs . thirdly , when they were condemned , though it was by a most unjust sentence , and to a most horrid death , they were so far from raging or repining , that instead of bitter and tart reflections , they gave thanks to their enemies for condemning them . a christian being condemn'd ( says tertullian ) thanks his judges , he takes it for a favour to dye for so good a cause . that they persecute us ( says clemens of alexandria ) it is not because they find us to be wicked , but because they think we wrong the world by being christians , and by teaching and perswading others to be so ; as for us , they do us no harm , death does but the sooner send us to god ; if therefore we be wise , we shall thank them that are the occasion of our more speedy passage thither . and elsewhere he tells us of s. peter , that seeing his wife going towards martyrdom , he exceedingly rejoyced that she was called to so great an honour , and that she was now returning home ; encouraging and exhorting of her , and calling her by her name , bad her to be mindful of our lord : such ( says he ) was the wedlock of that blessed couple , and their perfect disposition and agreement in those things that were dearest to them . when lucius one of the primitive martyrs was charged by vrbicius the roman prefect for being a christian , only because he offer'd to speak in behalf of one that had very hard measure , he immediately confess'd it , and being forthwith condemned , he heartily thanked his judge for it , that by this means he should be deliver'd from such unrighteous governours and be sooner sent home to his heavenly father . no joyfuller message could be told them , than that they must dye for the sake of christ : though we contend with all your rage and cruelty ( as tertullian tells the president scapula ) yet we freely offer our selves , and rejoyce more when we are condemned , than when we are absolved and released by you . in despite of all the malice of their enemies they accounted the instruments of their torment , the ensigns of their honour and their happiness : when the heathens reproached them for dying such an infamous death as that of the cross , and in derision styled them sarmenticil and semaxii for being burnt upon a little stake to which they were bound with twigs ; tertullian answers for them , this is the habit of our victory , this the embroidered garment of our conquest , this the triumphant chariot wherein we ride to heaven . when in prison , they looked upon their chains as their ornaments , as adding a beauty and a lustre to them , with which they were adorn'd against the time of their sufferings , as the bride is with fringes of gold and variegated ornaments against the day of her espousals . for this reason babylas the martyr commanded that the chains which he had worn in prison should be buried with him , to shew that those things which seem most ignominious , are for the sake of christ most splendid and honourable ; imitating therein the great apostle , who was so far from being ashamed of , that he took pleasure in bonds , chains , reproaches , persecutions , distresses for christs sake , professing to glory in nothing but the cross of christ. fourthly , when ever they were actually under the bitterest torments , they never discovered the least sign of a furious or impatient mind , but bore up with a quietness and composure which no sufferings could overcome . cyprian exhorting the martyrs to courage and constancy , tells them this of those that had gone before them , that in the hottest conflict they never stirred , but maintained their ground with a free confession , an unshaken mind , a divine courage , destitute indeed of external weapons , but armed with the shield of faith ; in torments they stood stronger than their tormentors ; their bruised and mangled limbs proved too hard for the instruments wherewith their flesh was rack'd and pull'd from them ; the blows though never so oft repeated could not conquer their impregnable faith , although they did not only slice and teare off the flesh , but rake into their very bowels ; and let out blood enough to extinguish the flames of persecution , and to allay the heats of the everlasting fire . and in another place speaking of the persecution under decius at rome , he tells us that the adversary did with an horrible violence break in upon the camp of christ , but was repulsed with a strength as great as that wherewith he came upon them : that then he craftily attempted the more rude and weak , and subtilly endeavoured to set upon them singly , hoping the easilier to circumvent them ; but that he found them like a well-compacted army , sober and vigilant , and prepared for battel ; that they could dye , but could not be overcome ; yea therefore unconquerable because not afraid to dye ; that they did not resist those that rose up against them , being ready not to kill them that assaulted them , but to lay down their own lives and to lose their blood , that they might make the more haste to get out of a cruel and malicious world . indeed so admirable was their patience and readiness to dye , that their very enemies stood amaz'd at it . when simeon the second bishop of jerusalem , and of our saviours kindred according to the flesh , had by the command of atticus the governour of syria been tortur'd with all the arts of cruelty for many days together , he bore it with such courage , that the proconsul himself , and all that were present greatly wondred that a man of an hundred and twenty years of age should be able to undergo so many miseries and torments . of the martyrs that suffered together with s. polycarp , the church of smyrna gives this account , that all that were present were astonished when they saw them whipp'd till the cords made way to the inmost veins and arteries , till the bowels and the most hidden parts of the body appeared . they were rak'd with shells of fishes , laid all along upon sharp-pointed stakes driven into the ground , exercised with all sorts of torments , and at last thrown to be devoured of wild beasts ; all which they bore with a mighty patience and constancy . nay , as we find it in the first part of that epistle ( contracted by eusebius , but published at large by bishop vsher ) so great was their patience and magnanimity , that in all these sufferings not any of them gave a sigh or a groan : the holy martyrs of christ ( says the epistle ) evidently shewing us , that during this sad hour of suffering they were strangers to their own bodies , or rather that our lord himself stood by them and familiarly conversed with them , and that being partaker of his grace they made light of these temporal torments , and by one short hour delivered themselves from eternal miseries : the fire which their tormentors put to them seemed to them but cool and little , while they had it in their thoughts to avoid the everlasting and unextinguishable flames of another world ; their eyes being fixed upon those rewards which are prepared for them that endure to the end , such as neither ear hath heard , nor eye hath seen , nor hath it entred into the heart of man , but which were shewn to them by our lord , as being now ready to go off from mortality , and to enter upon the state of angels . thus reason'd those forty martyrs in s. basil , that suffered at sebastia in armenia in the reign of licinius , when the governour to contrive a new method of torment , had commanded them to stand naked all night in cold frosty weather ( which in those more northerly countries is extream sharp and bitter , it being then the depth of winter , and the north wind blowing very fierce ) in a pond of water ; they first gave thanks to god that they put off their cloaths and their sins together , and then comforted one another by balancing their present hardships with their future hopes ; is the weather sharp ? ( said they ) but paradise is comfortable and delightful ; is the frost cold and bitter ? the rest that remains is sweet and pleasant ; let us but hold out a little , and abrahams bosome will refresh us ; we shall change this one night for an eternal age of happiness ; let our feet glow with very cold , so as they may for ever rejoyce and triumph with angels ; let our hands sink down , so as we may have liberty to lift them up to god. how many of our fellow-souldiers have lost their lives to keep faith to their temporal prince ? and should we be unfaithful to the true king of heaven ? how many have justly died for their crimes and villanies ? and shall we refuse it in the cause of righteousness and religion ? 't is but the flesh that suffers , let us not spare it ; since we must die , let us die that we may live : thus generously did they bear up under this uncomfortable state ; their ardent desires of heaven from within , extinguishing all sense of cold and hardship from without . nay , when a little before their commander had set upon them both with threatnings and promises , assuring them , that if they would but deny christ , they should make their own terms for riches and honour ; they told him , that he laid his snares at a wrong door ; that he could not give them , what he endeavoured to take from them ; nor could they close with his offers , without being infinitely losers by the bargain ; that 't was to no purpose to profer a little of the world to them , who despised the whole of it ; that all these visible advantages were nothing to what they had in hope and expectation ; all the beauty and glory of heaven and earth not being comparable to that state of blessedness which is the portion of the righteous ; the one being short-liv'd and transitory , the other permanent and perpetual ; that they were ambitious of no gift , but the crown of righteousness , nor sought after any other glory but what was heavenly ; that they feared no torments but those of hell , and that fire that was truly terrible ; as for those punishments they inflicted , they accounted them but as the blows of children ; and the ill usage that their bodies met with , the longer 't was endured , the more way it made for a brighter crown . such was the temper , such the support of these christian souldiers , these true champions of the christian faith. indeed this consideration was one of the greatest cordials that kept up their spirits under the saddest sufferings , that they were assured of a reward in heaven : amongst us ( says cyprian ) there flourishes strength of hope , firmness of faith , a mind erect amongst the ruines of a tottering age , an immoveable vertue , a patience serene and chearful , and a soul always secure and certain of its god. as for want or danger , what are these to christians , to the servants of god , whom paradise invites , and the favour and plenty of the heavenly kingdom expects and waits for ? they are always glad , and rejoyce in god , and resolutely bear the evils and miseries of the world , while they look for the rewards and prosperities of another life . the great philosophers ( as eusebius observes ) as much as they talk'd of immortality , yet by their carriage they shewed that they looked upon it but as a trifling and childish fable ; whereas ( says he ) amongst us even girles and children , the most unlearned and ( measured by the eye ) the meanest and most despicable persons , being assisted by the help and strength of our blessed saviour , do rather by their actions than their words demonstrate and make good this doctrine of the immortality of the soul. this julian confesses of the christians , though according to his custome he gives them bad words , calls them atheists and irreligious persons , that being acted by some evil spirits they perswade themselves that death is by all means to be desired , and that they shall immediately fly to heaven , assoon as their souls are freed from the fetters of the body . hence it was , that in those times christians were wont to sing hymns and psalms at the funerals of the dead , to signifie that they had attain'd their rest , the end of their labours , the retribution of their troubles , the reward and the crown of their conflicts and sufferings , as chrysostome tells us ; part of which psalms he elsewhere tells us were , return unto thy rest o my soul , for the lord hath dealt bountifully with thee ; and , i will fear no evil , because thou art with me ; and again , thou art my refuge from the trouble that compasses me about . for the same reason , as being a sign of joy and chearfulness , he there tells us that they carried lights burning before the corps : by all which he tells us they signified , that they carried forth christians as champions to the grave , glorifying god , and giving thanks to him that he had crowned the deceased person , that he had delivered him from his labours , that he had taken him to himself , and set him beyond the reach of storms and fears . but to return ; there was scarce any one instance of religion wherein primitive christianity did more openly approve it self to the world , and more evidently insult over paganism , than the generous courage and patience of its professors . by this they commended both the truth and excellency of their religion , and conquer'd their very enemies into an embracing of it . hear how lactantius pleads the argument and triumphs in the goodness of his cause : by reason ( says he ) of our strange and wonderful courage and strength new additions are made to us ; for when the people see men torn in pieces with infinite variety of torments , and yet maintain a patience unconquerable , and able to tire out its tormentors ; they begin to think ( what the truth is ) that the consent of so many , and the perseverance of dying persons cannot be in vain ; nor that patience it self , were it not from god , could hold out under such racks and tortures : thieves , and men of a robust body are not able to bear such tearing in pieces ; they groan and cry out , and are overcome with pain , because not endued with a divine patience ; but our very children and women ( to say nothing of our men ) do with silence conquer their tormentors , nor can the hottest fire force the least groan from them . let the romans go now and boast of their mutius and regulus , of the one for delivering himself up to his enemy to be put to death , because he was ashamed to live a prisoner ; of the other for burning his hand at the command of the enemy to save his life . behold ▪ with us the ●●●ker sex , and the most tender age can suffer all parts of their body to be torn and burnt , not out of necessity , because they might not escape if they would , but out of choice , because they believe in god. this is that true vertue , which philosophers indeed vainly boast of , but never really possessed . this and more to the same purpose that eloquent apologist there urges to the great honour of his religion . by the force of such arguments justine martyr confesses that he was brought over from being a pla●onick philosopher to be a christian : for when he saw the christians whom he had so often heard accused and traduced , undauntedly going to dye , and embracing the most terrible executions that were prepared for them ; i thought with my self ( says he ) that it was not possible such persons should wallow in vice and luxury ; it being the interest of all wicked and voluptuous persons to shun death , to dissemble with princes and magistrates , and to do any thing to save their lives . this certainly could not but be a huge satisfaction to all prudent and confiderate men that the christians were guided by better principles than ordinary , and that they were fully assured that theirs was the true religion , and that they taught nothing but what they firmly believed to be true . for to maintain such patience and constancy even unto death ( says origen , speaking of the apostles propagating the doctrine of christ ) is not the fashion of those who feign things of their own heads ; but is a manifest argument to all candid and ingenuous readers , that they knew what they writ to be true , when they so chearfully endured so many and such grievous things only for the sake of the son of god , in whom they had believed . no dangers could affright them , no threatnings or torments could baffle them out of their profession : therefore when celsus accused the christians for a fearful sort of men , and such as lov'd their carcasses well ; origen answers , no such matter , we can as chearfully lay down our bodies to suffer for religion , as the hardiest philosopher of you all can put off his coat . and indeed the gospel did mightily prosper and triumph in the midst of these dreadful sufferings ; men rationally concluding that there must be something more than humane in that doctrine , for which so many thus deeply ventur'd . so tertullian tells scapula in the conclusion of his book ; it 's to no purpose to think this sect will fail , which you will see to be the more built up , the faster 't is pull'd down ; for who is there , that beholding such eminent patience , cannot but have some scruples started in his mind , and be desirous to enquire into the cause of it , and when he once knows the truth , he himself moved to close with it and embrace it . therefore julian the apostate out of a cursed policy refused many times openly to put christians to death , partly because he envied them the honour of being martyrs , partly because he saw that they were like new mown grass , the oftner it was cut down , the thicker it sprang up again . i shall add no more concerning this subject , but the testimony which the very enemies of christians gave them in this case . julian the emperour ( whom we so lately mention'd , and who fought against christians with their own weapons , making use of those scriptures which he had studied while he was amongst them ) when the christians complained to him of those oppressions and injuries which the governours of provinces laid upon them , made light of it , and dismissed them with this virulent sarcasm , your christ ( says he ) has given you a law , that when you suffer unjustly , you should bear it resolutely , and when oppressed and injured should not answer again . and so certainly they did , undergoing all kinds of miseries , and death it self with so unconcerned a mind , that elsewhere he censures them for this very reason to be acted by the spirit of the devil . hence porphyry in a book that he wrote against the christians , calls their religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a piece of barbarous boldness ; barbarous , because so different from the way of worship amongst the greeks , with whom every thing was barbarous that agreed not with their principles and institutions : boldness , because the christians shewed such an undaunted courage in bearing miseries and torments , chusing to die a thousand times rather than to deny christ , and sacrifice to the gods . for this reason the heathen in m. foelix styles the christians men of an undone , furious , and desperate party ; respecting their fearless and resolute carriage under sufferings , for so he explains himself presently after ; is it not a strange folly , and an incredible boldness ? they despise torments that are present , and yet fear those that are future and uncertain ; and while they fear to die after death , in the mean time they are not afraid to die : so sillily do they flatter themselves , and cajole their fears by a deceitful hope of some unknown comforts that shall arise to them . this arrian in his collection of epictetus his dissertations confesses to be true of those , whom according to julians style he calls the galileans , that they underwent torments and death with a mighty courage , but which he makes to be the effect only of use and a customary bearing sufferings . the emperour m. autoninus confesses also the matter of fact , that the christians did thus readily and resolutely die , but ascribes it not to judgment and a rational consideration , but to meer stubbornness and obstinacy . and in an epistle ( if that epistle as now extant be his ) that he wrote to the common council of asia in favour of the christians , whom his officers there did grievously vex and oppress , gives them this testimony , that they could have no greater kindness done them than to be called in question , and that they had much rather be put to death for their religion , than to have their lives spared to them : by which means they became conquerours , chosing rather to part with their lives , than to do what you impose upon them . let me advise you ( says he ) who are ready to despond with every earth-quake that happens to you , to compare your selves with them ; they in all their dangers are securely confident in their god ; while you at such a time neglect the gods , and have little or no regard , either to other rites , or to the worship of that immortal deity , but banish the christians that worship him , and persecute them unto death . so forcibly did the majesty of truth extort a confession from its greatest enemies . the end of the second part. primitive christianity ; or , the religion of the ancient christians in the first ages of the gospel . part iii. of their religion as respecting other men . chap. i. of their justice and honesty . christian religion admirably provides for moral righteousness . do as you would be done by , the great law of christ : this rule highly priz'd by severus the emperour . the first christians accounted honesty and an upright carriage a main part of their religion . their candor and simplicity in their words : abhorring lies and mental reservations , though it might save their lives . their veracity such , as no need to be put to thir oaths . some few of the fathers against all swearing : allowed by the greatest part in weighty cases : that they took oaths proved from athanasius , and their taking the sacramentum militare : the form of the oath out of vegetius : the same expresly affirmed of the more antient christians by tertullian . why refusing to swear by the emperours genius . oaths wont to be taken at the holy sacrament , upon the communion table , or the holy gospels . some against all oaths only to prevent a possibility of perjury . bearing false witness condemned and strictly punished by the antient church . a famous instance of divine vengeance pursuing three false accusers . christians careful in the conduct of their actions . their integrity in matters of distributive justice : in commutative justice avoiding all fraud and over-reaching . s. augustin's instance . nicostratus forced to fly to avoid the punishment of cheating and sacriledge . the christians unjustly accused of sacriledge by the heathens : the occasion of it . pliny's testimony of the honesty of christians . theft and rapine severely condemned . christians for doing all the good they could . their care to right and relieve the oppressed . the gentiles charged christians with murder and eating mans-flesh . a brief representation of the several answers returned to it by the christian apologists . the true rise of the charge found to spring from the barbarous and inhumane practices of the gnosticks mentioned by irenaeus and epiphanius . having given some account of the religion of the antient christians , both as it respected their piety towards god , and their sober and vertuous carriage towards themselves ; we come in the last place to consider it in reference to their carriage towards others , which the apostle describes under the title of righteousness , under which he comprehends all that duty and respect wherein we stand obliged to others ; whereof we shall consider these following instances : their justice and integrity in matters of commerce and traffick ; their mutual love and charity to one another ; their unity and peaceableness ; and their submission and subjection to civil government . i begin with the first , their just and upright carriage in their outward dealings ; one great design of the christian law is to establish and ratifie that great principle which is one of the prime and fundamental laws of nature , to hurt no man , and to render to every one his due , to teach us to carry our selves as becomes us in our relations towards men . next to our duty towards god , the gospel obliges us to be righteous to men , sincere and upright in all our dealings , not going beyond , nor defrauding one another in any matter , to put away lying , and to speak truth to each other as fellow-members of the same christian brother-hood and society . it settles that golden rule as the fundamental law of all just and equitable commerce , that all things whatsoever we would that men should do to us , we should even do so to them , this being the sum of the law and the prophets ; than which as no rule could have been more equitable in it self , so none could possibly have been contrived more short and plain , and more accommodate to the common cases of humane life . upon the account of these , and such like excellent precepts , alexander severus the roman emperour had so great an honour for our saviour , that he was resolved to build a temple to him , and to receive him into the number of their gods ; and though he was over-rul'd in this by some who having consulted the oracle , told him , that if it were done , all men would become christians , and the temples of the gods would be left naked and empty ; yet in his most private chappel he had the image of christ amongst those of many noble heroes and deified persons , to whom he pay'd religious adoration every morning ; and particularly for this precept , that what we would not have done to our selves ; we should not do to others ( which his own historian confesses he learnt either from the jews or christians , but most certainly from the christians , in whose mouths it so often was , and in whose gospel it was so plainly written ) he so highly valued it , that in all publick punishments he caused it to be proclaim'd by a common crier ; nay , was so hugely fond on 't , that he caused it to be written upon the walls of his palace , and upon all his publick buildings , that if possible , every room in his court , and every place in the city might be a silent chancery and court of equity . so vast a reverence had the very enemies of christianity for the gospel upon this account , that it so admirably provides for the advance of civil righteousness and justice amongst men ; which however it has been sleighted by some even amongst christians under the notion of moral principles , yet without it all other religion is but vain , it being a strange piece of folly for any to dream of being godly without being honest , or to think of being a disciple of the first , while a man is an enemy to the second table . sure i am , the christians of old look'd upon honesty and an upright carriage as a considerable part of their religion ; and , that to speak truth , to keep their words , to perform oaths and promises , to act sincerely in all their dealings , was as sacred and as dear to them as their lives and beings . speech being the great instrument of mutual commerce and traffick , shall be the first instance of their integrity ; they ever used the greatest candor and simplicity in expressing their mind to one another , not pretending what was false , nor concealing what was true ; yea , yea , and nay , nay , was the usual measure of their transactions ; a lie they abhorr'd as bad in all , as monstrous in a christian , as directly opposite to that truth , to which they had consigned and delivered up themselves in baptism , and therefore would not tell one , though it were to save their lives . when the heathens charged them with folly and madness that they would so resolutely suffer , when a parcel of fair words might make way for them to escape , telling them 't was but doing or saying as they were bid ; and that they might secure their consciences by mental reservations ; tertullian lets them know that they rejected the motion with the highest scorn , as the plain artifice and invention of the devil . when we are most severely examined ( says justin martyr ) we never deny our selves , counting it impious in any thing to dissemble or deny the truth , as we know the contrary is acceptable unto god : and though we could ( as they told the emperours ) when questioned , evade or deny it , yet we scorn to live upon any terms , by which we must be forced to maintain our lives by lies and falshood . this honest and ingenuous simplicity they practised to that exactness and accuracy , that for a christian to be put to his oath was accounted a disparagement to his fidelity and truth . so clemens alexandrinus tells us ; he that approves himself and is tried ( says he ) in this [ i.e. the christian ] way of piety and religion , is far from being forward either to lie or swear : for an oath is a determinative assertion , with a calling god to witness for the truth of it : but how shall any one that is faithful , so far render himself unfaithful or unworthy of belief , as to need an oath , and not rather make the course of his life a testimony to him as firm and positive as an oath , and demonstrate the truth of his assertion by the constant and immutable tenor of his words and actions . it 's enough therefore ( as he presently after adds ) for every good man either by way of affirmation or denyal to give this assurance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i speak truly , to satisfie any that apprehend not the certainty of what he says ; for towards those that are without he ought to have such a conversation as is most worthy of belief , so as no oath should be required of him ; and towards himself and those of his party to preserve such an even and equitable temper of mind , as is a piece of voluntary justice . this and much more he discourses to the same purpose . for this and some other reasons , but especially from some mis-taken places of scripture , where 't is said , swear not at all ; some of the antient fathers held all taking of an oath unlawful ; but besides that those few that did , were not herein constant to themselves , the far greatest part were of another mind , and understood the prohibition either of swearing by creatures ( which was the case of the jews , and which our saviour and s. james principally aim at ) or of light , rash , and false swearing . for otherwise that the primitive christians did not think it unlawful to take an oath in serious and necessary cases , is most evident . athanasius speaking of his accusers , whom he desired might be put to their oath , tells us , that the best way to attest the truth of what is spoken is to call god to witness ; and this ( says he ) is the form of swearing which we christians are wont to use . and indeed though we had no other argument , it would be plain enough from hence , that they served in the wars , and frequently bore arms even under the heathen emperours , which 't is evident they could not do without first taking a military oath to be true to their general , and to die rather than desert their station . and this , vegetius an heathen authour , though living in the time of the younger valentinian , expresly reports of them , that when their names were entred upon the muster-roll , they were wont to take an oath , the particular form whereof he there sets down , viz. that they swore by god , christ , and the holy spirit , and the majesty of the emperour , which next to god is to be lov'd and honour'd by mankind : this agrees very well with that account which tertullian had long before given of the christians , when being accus'd by their enemies of high treason , amongst other reasons , because they refused to swear by their emperours ; he answers , that though they would not swear by the emperours genius , their genii or tutelar deities being nothing else but devils , yet they did swear by the emperours safety , a thing more august and venerable than all the genii in the world : in the emperours they own god's institution and authority & would therefore have that to be safe , which he had appointed , and accordingly accounted it the matter of a lawful oath ; but for the daemons or genii ( says he ) we use adjurare , to adjure them , so as to cast them out of men ; non dejerare , not to swear by them , and thereby confer the honour of divinity upon them . for the same reason they denied to swear by the fortune of the emperour , because amongst the heathens she was accounted a deity , and honour'd with religious worship . thus we see that they refused not to ensure and ratifie their faith by the formality of an oath , to which that they might add the greater reverence and solemnity , they were wont many times to take it at the receiving of the holy sacrament , as we find in the case of novatus and his followers ; for taking their hands wherein they held the sacramental elements within his own , he caused them to swear by the body and blood of our lord jesus christ that they would not desert him . but because this may be thought to have been only the artifice of an heretick to bind his followers the faster to his party ; s. chrysostom ( though himself no good friend to taking oaths ) sufficiently assures us 't was customary to come into the church and to swear upon the communion table , taking the book of the holy gospels into their hands . the same appears from the case proposed to gregory nazianzen by theodore bishop of tyana , and by the instance of evagrius , nazianzen's arch-deacon at constantinople , who had it reveal'd to him in a vision that some persons lay in wait for him , and that therefore he must presently be gone ; the person that revealed it assuring him he would knock off those fetters that were upon him , if he would swear to him upon the holy gospels that he would immediately depart , which was accordingly done . and as their caution was great in taking of an oath , so their care was no less in making of it good ; they knew that in this solemn transaction they did in a more peculiar manner call in god as a witness of what they said , and a revenger in case of falshood and the violation of it ; this made them greatly afraid of perjury , which they looked upon as a sin of a deeper and more than ordinary dye ; and one reason i conceive why some of the antients were against all swearing ( and clemens alexandrinus confirms me in it ) was , because they would not come so much as within the danger or possibility of perjury . such as have sworn rashly , or in unlawful cases , s. basil earnestly exhorts to repentance , and that they would not persist in an obstinate defence of their impiety ; and for such as are guilty of perjury he appointed that they should be suspended and banished the communion for eleven years together . the like severity , though not altogether so great , they used in case of bearing false witness : if any christian falsly accused another before the church ( for in those days they allowed no appeals to heathen tribunals ) he was to be punished , i.e. suspended the communion , the only punishment the church in those days could inflict , according to the nature of the crime which he charged upon the other , according to the decree of the illiberine council ; if he made good his charge , yet if he had concealed it a considerable time before he revealed it , he was to be suspended for two years ; the reason probably being , because by this delay the criminal person had had opportunity to infect others , by propagating his vitious example to them . but that they might not set the door open and give encouragement to busie and malicious tempers , they ordain'd , that although the person should be really guilty of the crimes he was charged with , yet if the accuser did not sufficiently prove it in conventu clericorum before the ecclesiastical senate , he should be punished with a five years suspension ; and because then they had an honour and veneration for ministers above all other men , they ordain'd , that whosoever should falsly accuse a clergy-man , a bishop , presbyter , or deacon with any crime , which he could not make good , should not be received into communion even at the hour of death . the truth is , they were exceeding tender of any mans reputation , readier to add to it , than to detract from it , or to fasten any undue imputation upon him . s. basil commending gregory thaumaturgus , has this of him amongst the rest ; out of regard ( says he ) to the threatning of our lord he durst never call his brother fool : no anger , wrath or bitterness proceeded out of his mouth : slandering he hated as a quality greatly opposite to a state of salvation : pride and envy were strangers to that innocent and guileless soul : he never approached the altar , till first reconciled to his brother : all false and artificial speeches , and such as are cunningly contrived for the slander and detraction of others , he greatly abominated ; well knowing , that every lie is the spawn and issue of the devil , and that god has threatned to destroy all those that speak lies . and so indeed he oftentimes does even in this world , not respiting such persons to the tribunals of the other world ; whereof we meet with this memorable example . narcissus bishop of jerusalem , a man of admirable piety and holiness of life , shined with so glorious a lustre in the place where he lived , that the brightness of his conversation offended the sore eyes of other men : three more especially not able to bear the eminent strictness of his life , and being themselves guilty of very great enormities , thought to escape themselves by accusing him . whereupon they laid a very hainous crime to his charge , and to beget the greater credit with them that heard it , solemnly ratified it with their oaths : the first imprecating upon himself that he might be burnt , if it were not true ; the second , that his body might be consumed by some noysom and pestilent disease ; the third , that he might lose his sight . the good man though notwithstanding all this he stood right in the thoughts of all true christians , who knew his life to be too clear and unblameable to be sullied with the breath of such vile fellows , yet not being able to bear it , withdrew himself to an eremits life in the wilderness . but the restless eye of the divine vengeance quickly overtook these perjured wretches , and caught them in their own snares ; the first by a little spark that casually , and whereof no account could be given , happened in his house , was in the night himself , family , and house universally burnt to ashes ; the second was from head to foot over-run and consumed by such a disease as he had wished upon himself ; the third that saw all this , and feared the righteous and inevitable vengeance of god upon himself , confessed the whole plot and combination , and testified his repentance with so deep a sorrow , that with the multitude of his tears he lost his sight . we have seen how exact the christians were about their words , that they should be harmless and inoffensive , and the true conveyances of their minds ; nor were they less careful about the conduct of their actions , whether of distributive or commutative justice . for matters of distributive justice , so far as it concerns a fair hearing , and impartial determining of tryals and causes , rewarding the good , and punishing the bad , they had little opportunity to shew themselves ; christians in the first ages being seldom invested with any external authority and power , till the empire submitted to christianity , and then we find them executing their places with the most unbyassed uprightness and integrity . s. basil speaking of an excellent person ( though he names him not ) who was sent to be governour of neocaesarea where he was bishop , but presently undermin'd and outed by the accusations of some that could not bear his free and impartial carriage , and his temper so extreamly opposite to flattery , says this of him , that he was a most rigid observer of justice , courteous and easie of access to them that were oppressed , but his presence severe and terrible to the injurious and transgressours of the law : he was the same to rich and poor , equally at leisure for both ; of all men he exceedingly abhorr'd taking bribes , never favouring any beyond the equity of his cause ; and which was above all , he was one that designed to reduce christianity to its antient dignity and perfection . the same nazianzen reports of his own father , and reckons it one of the excellent properties for which he accounted him a christian even before he embrac'd christianity , that he so exactly observed justice himself , and so impartially administred it to others ; that though he went through very great offices in the state , yet he made not one farthing's addition to his own revenue , though he saw some before his eyes , who with briareus his hands laid hold upon the publick treasures , and therewith filled , their own coffers . in matters of commutative justice , and ordinary transaction between man and man they observed the rule , to deal with others , as they would be dealt with themselves ; they took no advantage of any mans ignorance or unskilfulness , so as to grasp that commodity at a far under-rate , of which they knew the seller did not understand the true price and value , and that if he did , he would not part with it at such a price . to this purpose s. augustine tells us he knew a man ( probably he means himself , though out of modesty he conceals it ) who having a book offered him to be sold by one that understood not the price of it , at a very small under-rate , took the book , but gave him the full price according to its just rate and value , which was a great deal more than the seller asked for it . and the truth is , in such cases advantage cannot honestly be taken of mens weakness or mistake , because no man if he understood the true worth and value of his commodity , can be supposed willing to part with it at a too-under rate . and if they were thus far from craftily over-reaching , much more from secretly or openly invading of what was anothers right and property ; no cheating or couzenage , no acts of dishonesty and deceit were allowed or practised amongst them ; or if any such were discovered they were immediately protested against by the whole society of christians . cornelius bishop of rome , giving cyprian an account of novatus the heretick and his companions , tells him of one nicostratus , that not only cheated his lady and patroness , whose estate and revenues he managed , but carried away a great part of the treasures of the church ( whereof he was chief deacon ) the portion and maintenance of poor widows and orphans ( a crime , says he , reserved for perpetual punishment , i.e. for the judgement of god in the other world , being too great for any in this ) whereupon he was forced to fly from rome into africk to avoid the shame and prosecution of his rapine and sacriledge ; though when he came there , they did not only refuse to admit him into communion , but openly exposed the wickedness of him and his confederates to the abhorrency of all men . by which may appear the falsity of that charge of sacriledge which the gentiles brought against the christians ; to which , though certainly it primarily respected their declared enmity against the idolatrous temples and worship of the heathens ; yet tertullian answers ; you look upon us ( says he ) as sacrilegious persons ▪ and yet never found any of us guilty of wrong or injury , of any rapine and violence , much less of sacriledge and impiety : no , they are your own party that swear by , and worship your gods , and yet rob their temples ; that are no christians , and yet are found to be sacrilegious : and afterwards , he adds this further vindication of them ; as for us ( says he ) we deny not any pledge that 's left with us , we adulterate no mans marriage-bed , we piously educate and train up orphans , and relieve the necessities of the indigent , and render no man evil for evil : if there be any that dissemble our religion , let them look to 't , we disown them for being of our party ; why should we be worse thought of for others faults ? or why should a christian answer for any thing but what concerns his own religion , which no man in so long a time has prov'd to be cruel or incestuous ? nay , when we are burnt , and most severely dealt with , 't is for the greatest innocency , honesty , justice , modesty , for our truth and faithfulness , and our piety to the living god. and that these were not a parcel of good words which the christians spoke in their own behalf , will appear , if we consider the testimony which pliny ( who was far from being partial to them ) gives of them ; for being commanded by the emperour trajan to give him an account of the christians , he tells him , that after the strictest examination which he could make even of those that had renounc'd christianity , he found this to be the greatest fault that they were guilty of , that they used harmlesly to meet to worship christ , and at those meetings to bind themselves by a sacrament [ or an oath ] that they would not do any wickedness , that thy might be firmlier obliged not to commit thefts , robberies , adulteries , not to falsify their words , or to deny any thing wherewith they were intrusted , when 't was required of them . gregory bishop of neocaesarea in a canonical epistle , which he wrote to rectifie several disorders and irregularities which had happened amongst the christians of those parts by reason of the inroads and devastations which the goths and other barbarous nations had made amongst them , does amongst other things especially take notice , how uncomely in it self , how unsuitable to christians it is to covet , and to grasp what is another mans ; how inhumane , to spoyle the oppressed , and to enrich our selves by the blood and ruines of our miserable brethren : and whereas some might be apt to plead , they did not steal , but only take up what they found ; he tells them , this excuse would not serve the turn , that whatever they had found of their neighbours , nay though it were their enemies , they were bound to restore it , much more to their brethren , who were fellow-sufferers with them in the same condition . others thought it warrant enough , to keep what they found , though belonging to others , having been such deep losers themselves : but this he tells them is to justifie one wickedness with another , and because the goths had been enemies to them , they would become goths and barbarians unto others . nor did they only keep themselves from doing injuries to others , they were ready to do them all the right , all the kindness that lay in their power , especially to vindicate the poor and helpless from the power and violence of those that were too mighty for them . therefore when the fathers of the synod of sardis took notice that some bishops used to go to court upon by-errands and private designs of their own , they ordain'd , that no bishop should go to court , unless either immediately summoned by the emperours letters , or that their assistance was required to help the oppressed , to right widows and orphans , and to rescue them from the unjust grasps of potent and merciless oppressors ; and that in these cases they should be ready ( either by themselves , or some deputed by them ) to present their petitions , to plead their cause , and to lend them all the assistance they were able to afford . i should not in this place have taken any notice how far the ancient christians were from murder , and offering violence to any mans life , but that it was a common charge brought against them by the gentiles , that they used to kill and devour an infant at their christian meetings , especially when any was first to be initiated into their assemblies ; the story is thus dressed up by the acute heathen in m. foelix ; an infant being covered all over with meal , ( the better to deceive the unwary ) is set before him that is to be initiated and taken in ; he ignorant of what it really is , is appointed to cut it up , which he effectually does by many secret and mortal wounds ; whereupon they greedily lick up the blood , and ravenously tear off and snatch away the several parts of it ; and with this sacrifice their confederacy and combination is made , and by the conscience of so great a villany they are mutually obliged to silence : such sacred rites as these being more horrid and barbarous , than the highest sacriledges in the world . to this monstrous and horrid charge , the christians returned these answers ; that they appeal'd to the common faith of mankind , whether they could really believe them to be guilty of these things , so abhorrent to all the principles of humane nature , and to the christians known principles and practices in all other things ; that they should measure the christians by themselves , and if they themselves could not be guilty of such things , they should not suspect it by the christians , who were endued with the same principles of humanity with other men ; that they were so far from being friends to murder or man-slaughter , that they held it unlawful to be present at the gladiatory sports , where mens lives were so want only sacrificed to the pleasure and curiosity of the people ; that they accounted it murder for any woman by evil arts to procure abortion , to stifle the embryo , to kill a child in a manner before it be alive , it being much at one to hinder life , as to take it away , to kill a man , or destroy what would be one , seeing he truly destroys the fruit that kills it in the seed ; that it was not likely they should delight in mans blood , who never tasted any blood at all , abstaining from things strangled and from blood : and that the very heathens themselves confessed this , when amongst the several arts they used to discover whether men were christians , they used to offer them bladders full of blood , knowing that they held it unlawful to taste any ; and therefore it was mightily improbable they should thirst after humane blood , who abhorred even the blood of beasts : that they heartily believed the resurrection of the dead , and therefore would not make themselves the sepulchers of those bodies which were to rise again , and feed upon them , as they did upon other bodies which were to have no resurrection : that the truth was , if this charge was true of any , it was true only of the gentiles themselves , amongst whom these things were daily allowed and practised : that saturn one of their chief deities did not only expose , but eat his own children ; to him infants in africk were offered in sacrifice by their own parents , a custome that openly continued till the proconsul-ship of tiberius , which though he abolished it , yet it continued still in corners in tertullians days : to his son jupiter they offered humane sacrifices even in rome it self , and that even to the time of m. foelix as he himself testifies ; which is no more than what porphyry himself ( after he had reckoned up in how many parts of the world humane sacrifices were in use ) confesses was done at rome in the feast of jupiter latialis even in his time . many other instances of such barbarous practices are there produced by those two apologists , which they urge with great advantage upon their adversaries , whom they challenged to make any such thing good against them . and no sooner did discipline begin to be regularly setled , but their principles herein were every where confirmed by the canons of the church , either private or publick ; the woman that industriously made her self miscarry was adjudged to be guilty of murder , and condemn'd to the same punishment , a ten years penance ; which was adjudg'd to be the case of any that brought forth upon the way , and exposed her infant . by the law of the state , made by the emperour valentinian , whosoever , whether man or woman , kill'd an infant , was to be subject to the same capital punishment , as if he had kill'd an adult person , which may very well be understood even of infants kill'd in the womb , the punishment whereof was formerly for the most part no more than banishment . he that was guilty of wilful murder was by s. basil's rule to undergo a twenty years penance before he was admitted to the sacrament ; though by several passages in tertullian it appears that homicides in his time were more severely treated by the church , for they were not only bound to a perpetual penance , but were not absolv'd at death . but this severity shortly after began to relax , and such persons though obliged to acts of repentance all their life , yet at death were absolved , and admitted to communion , as is expresly provided by the decree of the ancyran council . thus clear did the christians all along stand from any just suspicion of that gross piece of inhumanity which their enemies so confidently charged upon them . as for the rise and occasion of this malicious charge , it was doubtless of the same growth with that of their incestuous mixtures ( spoken of before ) both springing from the abominable practices of some filthy hereticks , who sheltred themselves under the name of christians , epiphanius particularly reporting of the gnosticks , what the heathens generally charged upon the christians ; for he tells us of them , that at their meetings they were wont to take an infant begotten in their promiscuous mixtures , and beating it in a mortar , to season it with honey and pepper , and some other spices and perfumes , to make it palatable , and then like swine or dogs to devour it ; and then to conclude all with prayer ; and this they accounted their perfect pass-over . i am not ignorant that a learned man will by no means believe that any of the ancient hereticks did ever arrive to so much barbarousness and immanity , as to be guilty of such things , and conceives them to have been feigned meerly out of hatred to those pestilent hereticks ; but there 's little reason to suspect the truth of it , epiphanius assuring us , that he had the account that he gives , from the mouths of the gnosticks themselves ; and that many of the women who were deceiv'd into those abominable errours did not only discover these things to him , but that he himself in his younger years while he was in egypt had been assaulted by them , and by all the arts of flattery and perswasion , of wantonness and immdesty had been set upon to joyn himself to them . and certainly 't is not imaginable that a person so venerable for learning and piety as epiphanius was , should impose upon us by feigning so gross and notorious a falshood . besides , whoever reads irenaeus , in whose time these heresies were most ri●e and predominant , and considers the account that he gives of them , which he mainly received from persons of their own party after they were returned back to the church , will see little reason either to think any wickedness too great for them to boggle at , or to doubt of the truth of what he reports concerning them . chap. ii. of their admirable love and charity . the excellent temper of the christian religion . the gospel principally enjoyns kindness and charity . the primitive christians eminently of this spirit . they accounted all brethren , but christians more especially . their mutual love noted and recorded by their enemies . their mighty zeal and charity for the souls of men , to recover them from vice and errour to truth and vertue . this the matter of their daily prayer , and most serious endeavours , even towards their greatest enemies . pamphilus his charity in bestowing bibles freely upon the poor . preachers maintained for converting the gentile phenicians to christianity . the famous story of john's hazarding himself for the regaining a young man debauched by bad companions . monica's care and sollicitude about s. augustin . some that have sold themselves for slaves , that they might convert their heathen or heretical masters . christians not shy of communicating the knowledge of their religion . their charity as it respected the necessities of the outward life . this noted in several instances of charity . their liberal providing for the poor . the bounty of particular persons . divers instances of it . the immense charity of epiphanius : exemplary vengeance upon some that abused it . the poor accounted the treasure and ornaments of the church : represented in the case of laurentius the deacon , and a story related by palladius . their visiting and assisting the sick in their own persons : eminently noted in the empress placilla , and the lady fabiola . the christians care of their brethren in a great plague at alexandria . persons appointed on purpose to cure and attend the sick . the parabolani , who . their office and number . redemption of captives . great sums contributed by cyprian and his people for it . church-plate sold to redeem christians , nay , captiv'd enemies . christians embondaging themselves to redeem others . the strange charity of paulinus bishop of nola , making himself a slave to ransom a poor widows son . their care about the bodies of the dead . decent burial very fit and desirable . a piece of piety remarkable in the christians of those times . their abstaining from the common custome of burning the dead as barbarous . the great cost they laid out upon their funerals , in embalming , intombing , &c. the copiatae , who : what their office and order . the decani or deans in the church of constantinople ; their number , and duty . their providing fit places of sepulture . their coemeteria or burying-places in the fields . burying in cities and churches when brought in , and to whom first granted . their coemeteria under ground . what kind of places they were . the great number and vast capacities of them . a particular account of one out of baronius , discovered in his time . how the christians were enabled to all these acts of charity . at first all in common : after , by usual contributions . the standing stock or treasury of the church . this charity of christians largely attested by julian and lucian . their love and charity universal . doing good to enemies . an excellency proper to christians . this manifested in several remakable instances . plainly acknowledged by julian himself . the whole sum'd up in an elegant discourse of lactantius concerning mercy and charity . that the christian religion was immediately designed to improve and perfect the principles of humane nature , appears as from many other instances of it , so especially from this , that it so strictly enjoyns , cherishes and promotes that natural kindness and compassion , which is one of the prime and essential inclinations of mankind ; wherever the gospel is cordially complied with , it begets such a sweet and gracious temper of mind as makes us humble , affable , courteous and charitable , ready and disposed to every good work , prompt to all offices of humanity and kindness , it files off the ruggedness of mens natures , banishes a rude , churlish and pharisaical temper , and infuses a more calm and treatable disposition . it commands us to live and love as brethren , to love without hypocrisie , to have fervent charity amongst our selves , and to be kindly affectioned one towards another : it lays the sum of our duty toward others in this , to love our neighbour as our selves . this our saviour seems to own as his proper and peculiar law , and has ratified it with his own solemn sanction , a new commandment i give unto you , that you love one another , as i have loved you , that you also love one another ; and then makes this the great visible badge of all those who are truly christians , by this shall all men know that you are my disciples , if you have love one to another . and so indeed it was in those first and best ages of religion , for no sooner did the gospel fly abroad into the world , but the love and charity of christians became notorious even to a proverb , the heathens taking notice of the christians of those times with this particular remark , see how these christians love one another . they were then united in the most happy fraternity ( a word much used by christians in those days , and objected against them by the heathens ) they liv'd as brethren , and accounted themselves such , not only as being sprung from one common parent ▪ ( for in this respect that they had nature for their common mother , they acknowledged the very heathens to be brethren , though otherwise little deserving the name of men ) but upon much higher accounts , viz. that they had one and the same god for their father , drank all of the same spirit of holiness , were brought out of the same womb of darkness and ignorance into the same light of truth , that they were partakers of the same faith , and co-heirs of the same hope . this lucian himself confesses of them , and that it was one of the great principles that their master instilled into them , that they should all become brethren , after once they had thrown off the religion of the gentiles , and had embraced the worship of their great crucified master , and given up themselves to live according to his laws . the truth is , so ready , intire , and constant was their kindness and familiarity , that the heathens accused them for having privy marks upon their bodies , whereby they fell in love with each other at first sight . indeed they never met , but they embraced one another with all the demonstrations of a hearty and sincere affection , saluting each other with a● holy kiss , not only in their own houses , but at their religious assemblies , as a badge and bond of that christian fellowship and communion that was maintained amongst them . but the love and kindness of those christians of old did not lie only in a smooth complemental carriage , or in a parcel of good words , depart in peace , be you warm'd or fill'd , but in the real exercises of charity and mercy . now because the two great objects of charity are , the good of mens souls , and their outward and bodily welfare and happiness , we shall find that the primitive christians were highly eminent and exemplary for both these . the soul being of a much higher and nobler nature , and consequently infinitely more precious and valuable than the body , they were accordingly infinitely careful and solicitous to save mens souls , to recover them out of the snare of the devil , and the paths of ruine , by making them christians , and bringing them over to the knowledge of the truth ; for this they pray'd daily and earnestly . we christians ( says cyprian to the proconsul ) serve the one and true cod that made heaven and earth , and pray to him night and day , not only for our selves , but for all men , and for the safety of the emperours themselves . from this no injuries or unkindnesses could discourage them . justin martyr tells the jew , that they pray'd for them , and all others that unjustly were their enemies , that repenting of their wickednesses , and ceasing to blaspheme christ jesus , who by the greatness of his works , the uncontroulableness of the miracles performed in his name , the excellency of his doctrines , and the clearness of the prophecies fulfilled in him , appeared to be altogether innocent and unblameable , and that rather believing in him , they might together with christians be saved by him at his second glorious coming , and not be condemned by him to everlasting flames . we pray for you ( says he ) that christ would have mercy upon you , for he has taught us to pray for our enemies , to love them and be merciful to them . and afterwards , when he had reckoned up all those wicked and malicious artifices which the jews had used both against christ and christians , yet notwithstanding all this ( says he ) we are so far from hating either you , or those who at your suggestion believe these things of us , that we pray that all of you may repent , and obtain mercy from god , the gracious and compassionate parent of the world . the gnosticks were the greatest scandal that ever was to christianity , and the occasion of many of those persecutions , and most of those horrible calumnies which the heathens brought upon the christians , and yet see how irenaeus treats them ; we pray for them ( says he ) and beg of them not to continue in the pit which they have digged to themselves ▪ but to depart from their sottish and idle vanities , to turn to the church of god , that christ may be formed in them , and that they may know the only true god , the creatour of the world : this we beg of them , loving them to better purpose , than they think they love themselves : for our love is true and wholesome ( if they will receive it ) like a sharp plaister indeed , but it will eat away the proud flesh , take down the swelling and vanity of their minds , for which cause we will not cease by all means to apply it to them . the same origen tells celsus , that though both jews and gentiles turn'd their backs upon the doctrine of christ , and charged them for being impostors and deceivers , yet they would not give over thus honestly to deceive men , to make them of loose persons to become sober and temperate , or to bring them on towards it ; of dishonest to make them righteous , of unwise to make them prudent , at least to bring them into the way to these things ; of fearful and timorous to render them hearty and couragious , especially as oft as they are to contend for their religion and piety towards god. how earnestly and passionately does cyprian beg of the proconsul demetrian and the gentiles to provide for their happiness and safety , to accept of the counsels and assistance which the christians offered , who loved them not the worse for all the torments and sufferings they laid upon them ; that they returned kindness for hatred , and by the miseries they endured shewed to them the way to heaven ; that now was the time to make their peace with god , and to secure salvation ; that there was no place for repentance on t'other side the grave , the stations of the other world being fix'd and unchangeable ; that therefore they should believe and live , that so they might eternally rejoyce with them , whom they did now so afflict and persecute . in pursuance of this design they spared neither pains nor cost , that they might instruct men in the way to heaven . 't is said of pamphilus the martyr , that amongst other instances of his charity , he used freely and readily to bestow bibles upon all that were willing to read ; for which purpose he had alwayes great numbers of those holy volumes by him , that as occasion serv'd , he might distribute and bestow them : by this means mercifully furnishing those with these divine treasures , whose purses could not otherwise reach to the price of the scriptures , far dearer in those dayes , than they are since printing came into the world . we find s. chrysostome so zealous for converting the gentiles to christianity , that for this very end he maintained many presbyters and monks in phoenicia partly at his own charge , and partly by the assistance of pious and well-disposed persons , whose only work it was to catechise and instruct the heathens in the principles of the christian faith ; and that the business might succeed more effectually , he procured a law from the emperor arcadius ( yet extant in the theodosian code ) directed to eutychian , prefect of the east , that the pagan temples should be orderly taken down , that so they being destroyed , the whole matter of the gentile superstition might be abolished . upon the executing of which law great mutinies were raised by the country people , many of the monks wounded , and some slain , and the rest wholly disheartned to proceed in the business , ( these doubtless being those very monks against whom libanius so severely declaims for so mercilesly destroying the pagan temples : ) whereupon chrysostome ( who who then in banishment ) writes to them to bear up with a christian and invincible patience , encourages them resolutely to go on in so good a work ; tells them that god would not be wanting to stand by them , and to reward them in this and the other life , and promises them ( though his incomes at this time were very small ) that their former pensions should be paid them , and all things necessary provided for them . and indeed with how much care and solicitude the good mans mind was filled about this business , he sufficiently intimates in a letter written to another person whom he had employed about this affair . nor did they in those times regard case or fafety any more than they did ▪ cost and charges in this matter , exposing themselves to any dangers that they might do good to the souls of men . i might easily shew that this consideration had a great influence upon the sufferings of the primitive martyrs , willingly running any hazards , chearfully enduring any miseries , that they might gain others to the faith , and prevent their eternal ruine . but that famous story of s. john the apostle shall serve instead of many , the sum of which is this ; coming to a place near ephesus in his visitation of the churches , he espied a youth of a comely shape and pregnant parts , and taking hold of him delivered him to the bishop of the place with this charge ( which he repeated once and again ) i commend this person to thee to be looked to with all care and diligence , and that in the presence of christ and the church . the bishop undertook the charge , received the young man into his house , instructed him , and at last baptized him . which being done , he thought he might remit a little of the strictness of his care ; but the young man making an ill use of his liberty , fell into bad company , by whose arts and snares he was seduced into ways of riot and wickedness ; till despairing of all hope of pardon from god , he let loose the reins to all manner of exorbitancy , and agreeing with his confederates , they combin'd themselves into a society of highway-men , and made him their captain , who quickly became as far beyond the rest in fierceness and cruelty , as he was in power and authority . s. john upon occasion returning some while after to the same place , after he had dispatched his other business , required from the bishop th● pledge he had left with him ; who wondring and not knowing what he meant ; i mean ( said s. john ) the young man , 't is the soul of my brother that i require . the old man with a dejected look and tears in his eyes , answered , he 's dead ; and being demanded by what kind of death , answered , he 's dead to god ; for alas ! he 's become a villain , and instead of the church is fled with his companions to the mountains to be a thief and a robber . the apostle renting his cloaths , and bewailing that he had so ill betrusted his brother's soul , immediately call'd for a horse and a guide , and made haste to the mountains ; where being taken by those that stood sentinel , he beg'd to be brought before their captain , who stood ready arm'd some way off ; but assoon as he perceived 't was s. john that was coming towards him , he began to be ashamed & to run as fast as he could . the apostle not regarding his own age and weakness followed after with all his might ; and when his legs could not overtake him , he sent these passionate exclamations after him ; why , o my son , dost thou fly from thy aged and unarmed father ? take pity of me , and fear not , there is yet hope of salvation for thee . i will undertake with christ for thee ; if need be , i will freely undergo death for thee , as our lord did for us , and lay down my own life to ransom thine ; only stay and believe me , for i am sent by christ . with that he stay'd , and with a dejected look throwing away his arms , he trembled , and dissolved into tears ; he embraced the aged apostle with all possible expressions of sorrow and lamentation , as if again baptized with his own tears . s. john assured him he had obtain'd his pardon of christ , and having fasted and prayed with him and for him , and with all the arts of consolation refreshed his shattered and disconsolate mind , brought him into , and restored him to the church . this story though somewhat long , i was the willinger to produce , both because so remarkable in it self , and so great a testimony of that mighty tenderness and compassion which they had for the souls of men ; for whose sake they thought they could never do , never venture far enough . s. augustine tells us what infinite pains his mother monica took about the conversion of her husband patricius , how unweariedly she sought to endear her self to him , by all the arts of a meek , prudent and sober carriage , how submissively she complied with his rigorous and untoward humours , how diligently she watched the aptest times of insinuation , never leaving till at last she gained him over to the faith . nor was her care and solicitude less for her son augustine , who being hurried away with the lewdnesses of youth , and intangled with the impieties of the manichean heresie , was the hourly subject of her prayers and tears ; she plyed him with daily counsels and intreaties , implored the help and assistances of good men , and importuned heaven for the success of all ; not being able to gain any quiet to her mind , till s. ambrose ( with whom she had oft advised about it ) sent her away with this assurance , that it was not possible that a child of so many tears should perish . no sooner was his conversion wrought , but her spirit was at ease , and she now desired no more . himself tells us , that discoursing with her alone some few days before her death concerning the state of the blessed and the joys of heaven , she at last broke off with this farewel : for my part , son , i have now no further hopes or pleasures in this world ; there was but one thing for which i desired to live , that i might see thee a catholick christian before i died : this my good god has abundantly blessed me with , having let me see thee despising the selicities of this life , and entred into his family and service ; so that what do i make any longer here ? nay , so great a zeal had they for the good of souls in those days , that many did not stick to engage themselves in temporal slavery for no other end but to deliver others from spiritual bondage . thus serapion called sindonites ( because he never wore more than one poor linnen garment ) one of the primitive asceticks , sold himself to a gentile-player that served the theatre ; with whom he liv'd & underwent the meanest offices , till he had converted him , his wife and whole family to christianity , who upon their baptism restored him to his liberty , whereupon he freely returned them back the mony which he had receiv'd as the price of his servitude , which by mutual consent was given to the poor . coming afterwards to lacedaemon and hearing that a principal person of the city , a very good man otherwise , was infected with the manichean heresie ; one of the first things he did , was to insinuate himself into his family , selling himself to be his slave ; in which condition he remained for two years together , till he had brought his master and his whole family off from that pernicious heresie , and restored them to the church ; who did not only bless god for it , but treated him not as a servant , but with that kindness and reverence that is due to a brother and a father . this was the good spirit and genius of those days , they intirely studied and designed the happiness of men , were willing and desirous freely to impart the treasuries of the gospel , and wished that in that respect all mankind were as rich and happy as themselves . so far were they from that malicious imputation which celsus fastned upon them , that if all men would become christians , they would not admit it ; to which origen flatly returns the lie ; and tells him the falseness of it might appear from this , that christians as much as in them lay were not backward to propagate their doctrine through the whole world ; and that some of them had peculiarly undertaken to go up and down not only in cities , but in towns and villages , to bring over others to the true religion : and that they did not this out of any designs of gain or interest to themselves was plain , because they often refus'd to receive necessary accommodations from others ; or if they did , they were such only as were barely and absolutely necessary for the present turn , when as far greater liberalities have been offered to them . nay , some of the antient canons expresly require , that no man , who has either hereticks or infidels in his family , shall be admitted to the order either of bishop , presbyter or deacon , who has not first converted those persons to the true christian faith . having seen what kindness and charity they expressed to mens souls , we come next to that which respected their bodies , and the necessities of the outward life ; this they shewed in several instances , we shall consider some of the most material . in the first place they took special care to provide for the poor , and such as were unable to help themselves ; this cyprian in his retirement gave especially in charge to the presbyters and deacons of his church , that by all means they should mind the poor , and furnish them with whatever was necessary for them . dionysius bishop of corinth testifies of the church of rome that they did not only eminently provide for their own poor , but with great liberality administer to the necessities of other churches , plentifully relieving whatever indigent brethren came to them , or where-ever they were , though at the greatest distance from them . and of the church of antioch chrysostom tells us , that in his time , though the revenues of it were but small , yet besides its clergy , besides strangers , lepers , and such as were in bonds , it daily maintain'd above three thousand widows and maids . indeed the bounty of those times was almost incredible . s. cyprian upon his turning christian sold his estate to relieve the wants of others . and could not be restrained from it either by the perswasions of others , or the considerations of what he might be reduced to himself . after his entrance upon the ministry his doors were open to all that came , from whom no widow ever returned empty ; to any that were blind , he would be their guide to direct them ; them that were lame , he was ready to lend his assistance to support them ; none were oppressed by might , but he was ready to defend them . caesarius , s. basil's brother , made only this short will when he died , i will that all my estate be given to the poor . nazianzen reports of his father , that he was so kind to the poor , that he did not only bestow the surplusage of his estate upon them , but even part of what was reserv'd for necessary uses ; of his mother , that an ocean of wealth would not have filled her unsatisfied desire of doing good , and that he had often heard her say , that if it were lawful , she could willingly have sold her self and children , to have expended the price upon the uses of the poor ; and of his sister gorgonia , that she was immensely liberal , job-like her gate was open to every stranger , she was eyes to the blind , feet to the lame , and a mother to orphans ; her estate was as common to the poor , and as much at their need , as every ones is to himself , dispersing and scattering abroad , and according to the counsel of our saviour , laying up her treasure in heaven . they gave not only according to , but beyond their ability ; trusting to the goodness and fidelity of heaven to supply what wanted , which many times made the return with overplus by ways uncommon and extraordinary . sozomen relates of epiphanius bishop of salamine in cyprus , that having spent all his own estate in pious and charitable uses , in relieving the needy , and such as were by shipwrack and the mercy of the sea cast upon the coast , he freely dispensed and distributed the goods and treasures of his church ( which by the bounty of charitable persons from all parts , who thought they could not better lodge their estates than in the hands of so good a man , was very rich and wealthy ) and that with so liberal a hand , that the steward or guardian of the church finding its stock begin to grow very low , with some resentment told him of it , charging him as too profuse and open-handed ; all which notwithstanding he remitted nothing of his accustomed bounty to the poor . at length all being spent , a stranger on a suddain comes into the stewards lodgings , and delivers into his hand a great purse of gold , without any discovery either who 't was that brought it , or who 't was that sent it . and indeed so vast and universal was the charity of this good man , that it sometimes made him liable to be imposed upon by crafty and designing persons , whereof the historian in the same place gives this remarkable instance . a couple of beggars meeting epiphanius , and knowing the charitableness of his temper , to draw the greater alms from him , agreed to put this trick upon him . one of them lies along upon the ground , feigning himself to be dead , the other standing by him passionately bewailed the death of his companion , and his own poverty , not able to give him burial . epiphanius pitied the man , perswaded him to bear his loss patiently , and not to expect that his companion should in this world rise any more , bid him take care for his burial , and withal gave him what was sufficient for it . no sooner was he gone out of sight , but the beggar comes to his companion , jogs him with his foot , and commends him for so ingeniously acting the cheat : rise ( said he ) and with what we have got let 's be merry and jolly to day . but alas ! the comedy was turned into a tragick scene ; the man was really dead , and could not be recovered by all his cries or stirring ; which his companion no sooner perceived , but with all hast makes after the bishop , cries and tears his hair , confesses the cheat , and begs that his companion might be restored to life ; but all in vain : the bishop bids him be content , and tells him that god would not undo what he had done . leaving a fair warning to men ( says the historian ) that the great god who sees and hears all things , reckons those ●●●●keries that are put upon his servants as if done to himself . but this only upon occasion of that great charity which they then upon all occasions extended to the poor . the truth is , they then looked upon the poor as the treasure and ornament of the church , by whom as by bills of exchange they returned their estates into the other world . when decius the emperour demanded of laurentius the deacon of the church of rome the churches treasures , he promised after three days to produce them ; in which time having gathered together the blind and the lame , the infirm and the maim , at the time appointed he brought them into the palace , and when the emperour asked for the treasures he had promised to bring with him , he shews him his company , behold ( said he ) these are the treasures of the church , those eternal treasures , which are never diminished , but increase ; which are dispersed to every one , and yet found in all . this passage brings to my mind ( though it more properly belongs to the next instance of charity ) what palladius relates of macarius , a presbyter and governour of the hospital at alexandria ; there was a virgin in that city very rich , but infinitely covetous and uncharitable : she had been oft attempted and set upon by the perswasions of good men , but in vain ; at last he caught her by this piece of pious policy . he comes to her , and tells her that a parcel of jewels , emraulds and jacinths , of inestimable value , were lodg'd at his house , but which the owner was willing to part with for five hundred pieces of mony , and advises her to buy them : she catching at the offer , as hoping to gain considerably by the bargain , delivered him the mony , and intreated him to buy them for her , knowing him to be a person of great piety and integrity . but hearing nothing from him a long time after , till meeting him in the church , she asked him what were become of the jewels : he told her he had laid out the mony upon them ( for he had expended it upon the uses of the hospital ) and desired her to come and see them , and if the purchase did not please her , she might refuse it . she readily came along with him to the hospital , in the upper rooms whereof the women were lodged ; in the lower the men . he asked her which she would see first , the jacinths , or the emraulds ; which she leaving to him , he brought her first into the upper part , where the lame , blind , and cripple-women were disposed , and see , said he , the jacinths that i spoke of : then carrying her down into the lower rooms he shewed her the men in the like condition , and told her , these are the emraulds that i promised , and jewels more precious than these i think are not to be found ; and now , said he , if you like not your bargain , take your mony back again . the woman blushed , and was troubled to think , she should be hal'd to that , which she ought to have done freely for the love of god. afterwards she heartily thanked macarius , and betook her self to a more charitable and christian course of life . next to this , their charity appeared in visiting and assisting of the sick ; contributing to their necessities , refreshing their tired bodies , curing their wounds or sores with their own hands . the sick ( says the antient authour of the epistle in justin martyr , if it be not justin himself ) are not to be neglected ; nor is it enough for any to say , i have never learnt to serve and give attendance : for he that shall make his delicacy or tenderness unaccustomed to any hardness to be an excuse in this case , let him know it may soon be his own ; and then he 'l quickly discern the unreasonableness of his own judgment , when the same shall happen to him , that he himself has done to others . but there were no such nice and squeamish stomachs in the good christians of those times . s. hierom tells us of fabiola a roman lady , a woman of considerable birth and fortunes , that she sold her estate , and dedicated the mony to the uses of the poor ; she built an hospital ( and was the first that did so ) wherein she maintained and cured the infirm and miserable , or any sick that she met withal in the streets ; here was a whole randezvouz of cripples , hundreds of diseases and destempers here met together , and her self at hand to attend them : sometimes carrying the diseased in her arms , or bearing them on her shoulders ; sometimes washing and dressing those filthy and noysome sores , from which another woud have turned his eyes with contempt and horrour ; otherwiles preparing them food , or giving them physick with her own hand . the like we read of placilla the empress , wife to the younger theodos●us , that she was wont to take all possible care of the lame or wounded , to go home to their houses , carry them all necessary conveniencies , and to attend , and assist them not by the ministery of her servants and followers , but with her own hands . she constantly visited the common hospitals , attended at sick beds for their cure and recovery , tasted their broths , prepared their bread , reached them their provisions , washed their cups with her own hands , and underwent all other offices which the very meanest of the servants were to undergo . thus also the historian reports of deogratias the aged bishop of carthage under the vandalic persecution , that having sold all the plate belonging to the church to ransom the captive christans , and wanting places conveniently to bestow them , he lodged them in two large churches , provided for the needy , took care of the sick , himself every hour visiting them both by day and night , with physicians attending him to superintend their cure , and diet suitable to their several cases , going from bed to bed to know what every one stood in need of . nay , how often did they venture to relieve their brethren when labouring under such distempers as seemed immediately to breath death in their faces ? thus in that sad and terrible plague at alexandria , which though it principally raged amongst the gentiles , yet seiz'd also upon the christians , many of the bretheren ( says the historian ) out of the excessive abundance of their kindness and charity , without any regard to their own health and life , boldly ventured into the thickest dangers , daily visiting , attending , instructing , and comforting their sick and infected brethren , till themselves expired and died with them : nay , many of them whom they thus attended recovered and lived , while they who had looked to them died themselves ; as if by a strange and prodigious charity they had willingly taken their diseases upon them , and died themselves to save them from death . thus 't was with the christians , while the gentiles in the mean time put off all sense of humanity , when any began to fall sick amongst them , they presently cast them out , shun'd their dearest friends and relations , left them half-dead in the high-ways , and took no care of them either alive or dead . and that this work of charity might be the better managed amongst christians , they had in many places ( and particularly in this of alexandria ) certain persons whose proper office it was to attend and administer to the sick : they were called parabolani , ( because especially in pestilential and infectious distempers they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cast themselves into an immediate hazard of their lives ) and were peculiarly deputed ad curanda debilium aegra corpora , ( as the law of the younger theodosius expresses it ) to attend and cure the bodies of the infirm and sick . their numbers it seems were very great , insomuch that upon any tumultuary occasions they became formidable even to the courts of civil judicature ; upon complaint whereof made to the emperour , theodosius reduced their number to five hundred ; which being found too little , by a second constitution he enlarged it to six hundred . the truth is , these parabolani were a kind of clergy-physicians , for that they were under an ecclesiastical cognizance is plain , being reckon'd up with the clergy , and accordingly by the latter constitution of theodosius are appointed to be chosen by , and to be immediately subject to the bishop of the place . a third instance of their love and charity ( and which s. ambrose calls the highest piece of liberality ) was their care of those that were in captivity , groaning under the merciless tyranny and oppression of their enemies , to relieve them under , to redeem them out of their bondage and slavery . cyprian in a letter to the bishops of numidia about this very thing , the redemption of those christians amongst them that had been taken captive by the barbarians , elegantly bewails their misery , and earnestly presses their redemption , and as a help towards it sent them sestertium centum millia nummûm ; which rigaltius computes to twenty five thousand pounds french , though others more truly reduce it to a much lower sum , viz. seven thousand five hundred , or two thousand five hundred crowns ; which he and his people had liberally contributed to it . of acacius bishop of amida we read in socrates , that when the roman army had taken seven thousand persians captive , and would neither release them without a ransom , nor yet give them food to keep them alive ; this good bishop , with the consent of the clergy of his church , caused all the gold and silver plate and vessels that belonged to their church to be melted down , ransom'd the wretches , fed them , and then freely sent them home to their own prince : with which generous charity the king of persia ( as he well might ) was strangely amaz'd , finding that the romans knew how to conquer an enemy by kindness , no less than by force of arms . the like s. ambrose relates of himself , that he caused the communion plate of his church to be broke in pieces to redeem christians taken captive by the enemy ; for which though he was blam'd by the arrian party , yet he elegantly defends the fact , as not only a justifiable , but a proper and eminent act of charity . and indeed 't is the only case wherein the imperial constitutions make it lawful to sell or pawn the plate and gifts belonging to the church , it being otherwise made sacriledge to receive them , and the things absolutely forfeited by those that bought them . this was very great , but yet we meet with a stranger charity than this in the primitive church , some that have parted with their own liberty to purchase freedome unto others ; so s. clemens assures us in his famous epistle to the corinthians , we have known many amongst our selves ( says he ) who have delivered themselves into bonds and slavery , that they might restore others to their liberty ; many who have hir'd out themselves servants unto others , that by their wages they might feed and sustain them that wanted . of which this one strange instance shall suffice . under the vandalic persecution many christians were carried slaves out of italy into africk , for whose redemption paulinus then bishop of nola had expended his whole estate ; at last a widow comes to him , intreats him to give her as much as would ransome her only son then slave to the king of the vandals son-in-law ; he told her he had not one penny left , nothing but his own person , and that he would freely give her to make her best of , and to procure her sons ransome ; this the woman look'd upon from a person of his quality as rather a deriding her calamity , than a pittying of her case : but he assur'd her he was in earnest , and at last induced her to believe him ; whereupon they both took shipping for africk , whither they were no sooner come , but the good bishop addressed himself to the prince , beg'd the release of the widows son , and offer'd himself in his room . the issue was , the woman had her son restor'd her , and paulinus became the princes slave , who imployed him in the dressing and keeping of his garden . how he afterwards ingratiated himself into the favour of his master , and came to be discovered to him who he was , how the prince set him at liberty , and gave him leave to ask what he would , which he made no further use of than to beg the release of all his country men then in bondage , which was accordingly granted , and all joyfully sent home with their ships laden with corn and provisions , i omit as not pertinent to my purpose ; they that are desirous to know more of it may read it in the dialogues of s. gregory , from whence i have borrowed the story . this certainly was charity with a witness , an act that will find more to admire and commend it , than to imitate and follow it . a fourth instance of primitive charity , was the great care they took about the bodies of the dead , in giving them decent , and where they could , honourable burial ; all men naturally have a kindness for their bodies , and therefore desire , that what has so long been the mansion of an immortal tenant , may upon its dis-lodging be orderly taken down , and the ruins of it laid up with honour and safety . mans body besides that 't is the cabinet of an invaluable jewel , is a curious piece of artifice , fearfully and wonderfully made , the excellent contrivance of the divine omniscience , and in that respect challenges not to be carelesly thrown aside , or rudely trampled in the dirt . this seems to be the common sence of mankind , it being the care and practice of almost all nations in the world religiously to enshrine the remains of their deceased friends in tombs and sepulchres ; thinking it but reasonable to testifie so much kindness to their departed friends , as to honour their memories , and to secure from rude barbarous violence what they left behind them when they put off mortality . sure i am this was eminently the care of christians , no dangers or threatnings could affright them from doing this last office to their deceased brethren , especially such as had been martyrs and champions for the truth . the roman clergy in an epistle to them of carthage reckons it as one of the greatest instances of charity , above that of relieving the poor , ministring to the sick , or the rest which they there enumerate and reckon up ; tells them that it could not be neglected without great danger , and that fidelity in this matter would be highly acceptable to god , and rewarded by him . dionysius bishop of alexandria speaking of the plague that raged there ( which we mentioned but now ) commends the christians for assisting their sick dying brethren , that they closed their eyes , laid them out , washed their bodies , dressed and adorned them up for burial , and carried them out upon their own shoulders , which they chearfully did , notwithstanding the imminent danger that attended it , and that it was not long before others were called to do the same offices for them . their bodies they decently committed to the ground , for they abhorred the custom so common amongst the gentiles of burning the bodies of the dead ; which they did , not ( as the heathens objected ) because they thought that their bodies once burnt to ashes would be difficultly brought to a resurrection ( a doctrine which they strenuously asserted , and held fast as the main pillar of their comfort and confidence ) but because they looked upon it as inhumane and barbarous , and contrary to the more ancient and better usage of mankind in this matter . tertullian calls this way of burial by inhumation a piece of piety , and tells us they abstained from burning the corps , not as some did , because they thought that some part of the soul remained in the body after death , but because it savour'd of savageness and cruelty . therefore their enemies to do them the greater spite , did not only put them to death , but very often burn their dead bodies , and sprinkle their ashes into the sea , partly to hinder them from a decent burial , and partly ( as in that tumult at alexandria under julian ) that nothing might be left of them to be honour'd as the remains of martyrs . as christianity got ground , this more civil way of inhumation did not only take place , but rooted out the contrary custome even amongst the gentiles themselves . for though the emperour theodosius the great gives some intimation of it as remaining in his time , yet not long after it wholly ceased , as is expresly acknowledged by macrobius , who liv'd in the time of the younger theodosius . nor did they ordinarily content themselves with a bare interrment , but prepared the body for its funeral with costly spices , and rich odours and perfumes , not sparing the best drugs and ointments which the sabeans could afford , as tertullian plainly testifies . they who while alive generally abstained from whatever was curious and costly , when dead were embalm'd and entombed with great art and curiosity . whence eunapius ( much such a friend to christianity as julian or porphyry ) derides the monks and christians of egypt for honouring the season'd and embalm'd bones and heads of martyrs , such ( says he ) as the courts of justice had condemned , and put to death for their innumerable villanies . this cost the christians doubtless bestowed upon the bodies of their dead , because they looked upon death as the entrance into a better life , and laid up the body as the candidate and expectant of a joyful and happy resurrection . besides , hereby they gave some encouragement to suffering , when men saw how much care was taken to honour and secure the reliques of their mortality , and that their bodies should not be persecuted after death . this their enemies knew very well , and therefore many times denied them the civility and humanity of burial , to strike the greater dread into them . thus maximus the president threatned tharacus the martyr , that although he bore up his head so high upon the confidence , that after his death his body should be wound up and embalm'd with ointments and odoriferous spices , yet he would defeat his hopes by causing his body to be burnt , and sprinkling his ashes before the wind . thus after they had put polycarp to death , they burnt his body out of spite to the christians who had beg'd it of the proconsul , only to give it a solemn interrment ; whereupon gathering his bones which the mercy of the fire had spared , they decently committed them to the earth , and there used to meet to celebrate the memory of that pious and holy man. during those times of persecution they were very careful to bury the bodies of the martyrs , some making it their particular business by stealth to interr those in the night , who had suffered in the day ; this they did with great hazard and danger , many of them ( as appears from the ancient martyrologies ) suffering martyrdom upon this very account . afterwards when the church was setled , there was a particular order of men call'd copiatae , ( either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the pains they took , or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they committed the bodies of the dead to the grave the place of ease and rest ) appointed for this purpose , about the time of constantine , or to be sure his son constantius , in two of whose laws they are expresly mentioned , and in the latter said to be lately instituted . their office ( as epiphanius tells ) was to wrap up and bury the bodies of the dead , to prepare their graves , and to interr them : and because inhumation and giving burial to the dead was ever accounted in a more peculiar manner , a work of piety and religion ; therefore these persons were reckoned if not strictly clergy-men , at least in a clergy-relation , being in both laws of constantius enumerated with , and invested in the same immunities with the clergy . by the authour in s. hierom they are styled fossarii , grave-maker , and by him plac'd in the first and lowest order of the clerici , and exhorted to be like good old tobit in faith , holiness , knowledge and vertue . in the great church of constantinople they were called decani , or deans ( but quite distinct from the palatin deans spoken of in the theodosian code , and freequently elsewhere ; who were a military order , and chiefly belonged to the emperours palace ) they were one of the collegia or corporations of the city . their number was very great ; constantine is said to have appointed no less than m. c. of them : but by a law of honorius and theodosius they were reduc'd to dccccl ; till afterwards anastasius brought them back to their former number , which was also ratified and confirmed by justinian , their particular duties and offices both as relating to the dead , and all other things are largely described in two novell constitutions of his to that purpose . nor did they only take care that the body might be prepared for its funeral , but to provide it of a decent and convenient sepulchre , wherein it might be honourably and securely laid up ; a thing which had been always practised by the more sober and civiliz'd part of mankind . their burying-places ( called polyandria , cryptae , arenaria , but most commonly coemeteria or dormitories , because according to the notion which the scripture gives us of the death of the righteous , christians are not so properly said to dye as to sleep in the lord , and their bodies to rest in the grave in expectation of a joyful resurrection ) were generally in the fields or gardens , it being prohibited by the roman laws , and especially an ancient law of the xii tables to bury within the city walls . this held for some centuries after christianity appeared in the world , and longer it was before they buried within churches ; within the out-parts whereof to be interred , was a priviledge at first granted only to princes and persons of the greatest rank and quality . chrysostome assures us that constantius the emperour reckoned he did his father constantine the great a peculiar honour , when he obtained to have him buried in the porch of the church which he had built at constantinople to the memory of the apostles , and wherein he had earnestly desired to be buried , as eusebius tells us ; and in the same many of his successors were interred ; it not being in use then , nor some hundreds of years after for persons to be buried in the body of the church , as appears from the capitula of charles the great , where burying in the church , which then it seems had crept into some places , is strictly forbidden . during the first ages of christianity , while the malice of their enemies persecuted them both alive and dead , their coemeteria were ordinarily under ground , imitating herein the custome of the jews , whose sepulchres were in caverns and holes of rocks , though doubtless the christians did it to avoid the rage and fury of their enemies ; not so much upon the account of secrecy ; for their frequent retiring to those places was so notorious , as could not escape the observation of their enemies , and therefore we sometimes find the emperours officers readily coming thither ; but it was upon the account of that sacredness and religion that was reckon'd to be due to places of this nature , it being accounted by all nations a piece of great impiety , manes temerare sepultos , to disturb and violate the ashes of the dead . they were large vaults dug in dry sandy places , and arched over , and separated into many little apartments , wherein on either side the bodies of the martyrs lay in distinct cells , each having an inscription upon marble , whereon his name , quality , and probably the time and manner of his death were engraven : though in the heats of persecution they were forced to bury great numbers together in one common grave ( lx prudentius tells us he observ'd ) and then not the names , but only the number of the interred was written upon the tomb. indeed the multitudes of martyrs that then suffered required very large conveniencies of interrment . and so they had , insomuch that the last publisher of the roma subterranea assures us , that though those coemeteria were under-ground , yet were they many times double and sometimes treble , two or three stories one still under another . by reason hereof they must needs be very dark , having no light from without , but what peep'd in from a few little cranies , which filled the place with a kind of sacred horror , as s. hierom informs us , who while a youth , when he went to school at rome , us'd upon the lords day to visit these solemn places . built they were by pious and charitable persons , ( thence called after their names ) for the interrment of martyrs , and other uses of the church ; for in these places christians in times of persecution were wont to hide themselves , and to hold their religious assemblies , when banished from their publick churches , as i have formerly noted . of these about rome only baronius out of the records in the vatican reckons up xliii , and others to the number of threescore . we may take an estimate of the rest by the account which baronius gives of one , called the cemeterie of priscilla , discovered in his time , an. , in the via salaria about three miles from rome , which he often viewed and searched : it is ( says he ) strange to report , the place by reason of its vastness and variety of apartments appearing like a city under ground . at the entrance into it there was a principal way or street much larger than the rest , which on either hand opened into diverse other wayes , and those again divided into many lesser ways and turnings , like lanes and allies within one another . and as in cities there are void open places for the markets ; so here there were some larger spaces for the holding ( as occasion was ) of their religious meetings , wherein were placed the effigies and representations of martyrs , with places in the top to let in light , long since stopt up . the discovery of this place caused great wonder in rome , being the most exact and perfect cemeterie that had been yet found out . thus much i thought good to add upon occasion of that singular care , which christians then took about the bodies of their dead . if any desire to know more of these venerable antiquities , they may consult onuphrius de coemeteriis , and especially the latin edition of the roma subterranea , where their largest curiosity may be fully satisfied in these things . many other instances of their charity might be mentioned , their ready entertaining strangers , providing for those that laboured in the mines , marrying poor virgins , and the like , of which to treat particularly would be too vast and tedious . to enable them to do these charitable offices , they had not only the extraordinary contributions of particular persons , but a common stock and treasury of the church . at the first going abroad of the gospel into the world , so great was the piety and charity of the christians , that the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and of one soul , neither said any of them , that ought of the things which he possessed was his own , but they had all things common ; neither was there any among them that lacked ; for as many as were possessors of lands or houses , sold them , and brought the prices of the things that were sold , and laid them down at the apostles feet , and distribution was made unto every man according as he had need . but this community of goods lasted not long in the church ; we find s. paul giving order to the churches of galatia and corinth for weekly offerings for the saints , that upon the first day of week ( when they never fail'd to receive the sacrament ) they should every one of them lay by him in store according as god had prospered him . this custome justin martyr assures us still continued in his time ; for describing the manner of their assemblies on the lords day , he tells us that those who were able and willing contributed what they saw good ; and the collection was lodg'd in the hands of the bishop or president , and by him distributed for the relief of widows and orphans , the sick or indigent , the imprison'd or strangers , or any that were in need . in the next age they were reduced to monthly offerings , as appears from tertullian , who gives us this account of them in his time , that at their religious assemblies upon a monthly day ( or oftner if a man will , and be able ) every one according to his ability laid by somewhat for charitable uses ( they put it into a kind of poor mans box call'd arca , that stood in the church ) this they did freely , no man being forced or compelled to it ; leaving it behind them as a stock to maintain piety and religion ; for 't is not spent ( says he ) upon feasts or drinking-bouts , or to gratifie gluttony and intemperance , but laid out in relieving the needy , burying the dead , providing for orphans , supporting the aged , recruiting the spoyled , supplying the imprisoned , and those that were in mines , bonds , or slavery for the profession of christianity . this was the fruit of primitive devotion . palladius tell us of two brother , paesius and esaias , sons of a wealthy merchant , that their father being dead , and resolving upon a more strict and religious course of life , they could not agree upon setling their estates in the same way ; at last dividing their estates , they disposed them thus . the one gave away his whole estate at once , setling it upon monasteries , churches , and prisons for the relief of such as were in bonds , and betaking himself to a trade for a small maintenance for himself , gave himself up to prayer and the severer exercises of religion . the other kept his estate in his own possession , but built a monastery , and taking a few companions to dwell with him , entertain'd all strangers that came that way , took care of the sick , entertained the aged , gave to those that needed , and every saturday and lords day caused two or three tables to be spread for the refreshment and entertainment of the poor ; and in this excellent way spent their life . now that this account that we have given of the admirable bounty and charity of the antient christians is not precarious , and meerly what the christians tell us of themselves , we have the testimony of two open enemies of christianity , julian and lucian , both bitter enemies to christians , and the fiercer , because both , as 't is supposed , apostates from them , and their testimony is considerable upon a double account , partly because having lived amongst the christians they exactly knew their ways and manners ; and partly because being enemies to them they would be sure to speak no more in their commendation than what was true . julian speaking of the galileans , tells us that by their charity to the poor they begot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greatest admiration of their religion in the minds of men . and in an epistle to the high-priests of galatia , bewailing the desolate state of the heathen-world , the ruine of their temples , and the great declension of paganisme at that time , notwitstanding all his endeavours to make it succeed under the influences of his government ; he advises the high-priest to promote the gentile-interest by the same method , which the wicked religion of the christians did thrive by , i. e. by their bounty to strangers , their care in burying of the dead , and their holiness of life ; and elsewhere , the poor ( says he ) having no care taken of them , the wicked galileans know very well how to make their advantage of it , for they give themselves up to humanity and charity , and by these plausible and insinuative ways strengthen and encrease their wicked and pernicious party ; just as men cheat little children with a cake , by two or three of which they tempt them to go along with them , till having got them from home , they clap them under hatches , transport and sell them , and so for a little seeming pleasure they are condemned to bitterness all their life ; and no otherwise ( says he ) ' t is with them , they first inveagle honest minded men with what they call their feasts of love , banquets , ministry and attendance upon tables , and then seduce them into their wickedness and impiety . this as at once it shews his venom and malice according to the humour of the man , so it openly bears witness out of the mouth of an emeny to the most excellent and generous spirit of the gospel . the other testimony is that of lucian , ( who if not a christian himself , for suidas his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does no way intimate him to have been a christian preacher , notwithstanding what the generality of writers have inferred thence ; was yet however intimately acquainted with the affairs of christians ) who bringing in his philosopher peregrinus amongst other sects joyning himself to the christians , tells us what care they took of him , when cast into prison they improved all their interest to have him released : but when this could not be granted , they officiously used all possible service and respect towards him ; in the morning old women , widows , and children flock'd early to the prison-doors ; and the better sort got leave of the keepers to sleep with him in the prison all night ; then they had several sorts of banquets , and their sacred discourses : nay , some were sent in the name of the rest even from the cities of asia to assist , and encourage him ; who brought him great sums of mony under pretence of his imprisonment ; it being incredible what readiness they shew , when any such matter is once noys'd abroad , and how little they spare any cost in it . after which he tells us of them in general , that they equally contemn all the advantages of this life , and account them common , foolishly taking up their principles about these things without any accurate search into them ; insomuch that if any subtle and crafty fellow , that knows how to improve his advantage , come amongst them , he grows very rich in a little time , by making a prey of that simple and credulous people . there 's one circumstance yet behind concerning the love and charity of those times very worthy to be taken notice of , and that is the universal extent of it , they did good to all , though more especially to them of the houshold of faith , i.e. to christians ; they did not confine their bounty meerly within the narrow limits of a party , this or that sect of men , but embraced an object of love and pitty where-ever they met it . they were kind to all men , yea to their bitterest enemies , and that with a charity as large as the circles of the sun that visits all parts of the world , and shines as well upon a stinking dung-hil , as upon a pleasant garden . 't is certainly the strange and supernatural doctrine of our saviour , you have heard that it hath been said , thou shalt love thy neighbour , and hate thine enemy : but i say unto you , love your enemies , bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you . this indeed is the proper goodness and excellency of christianity , as tertullian observes , it being common to all men to love their friends , but peculiar only to christians to love their enemies . and athenagoras i remember principally makes use of this argument to prove the divinity of the christian religion , and challenges all the great masters of reason and learning amongst the heathens to produce any , either of themselves or their disciples , of so pure and refin'd a temper , as could instead of hating , love their enemies , bear curses and revilings with an undisturbed mind , and instead of reviling again , to bless and speak well of them , and to pray for them who lay in wait to take away their lives . and yet this did christians , they embraced their enemies , pardoned and prayed for them , according to the apostles rule , when their enemy hungred they fed him , when he thirsted they gave him drink , and would not be overcome of evil , but overcame evil with good . when nazianzen ( then bishop of constantinople ) lay sick , a young man came to his beds feet , and taking hold of his feet , with tears and great lamentation passionately begg'd pardon of him for his wickedness ; the bishop asking what he meant by it , he was told that this was the person that had been suborned by a wicked party to have murdered him , and now being stricken with the conscience of so great a wickedness , came to bewail his sin : the good man immediately prayed to christ to forgive him , desiring no other satisfaction from him than that henceforth he would forsake that heretical party , and sincerely serve god as became a christian . thus when paul the martyr was hastening to his execution , he only begg'd so much respite , till he might pray ( which accordingly he did ) not only for the peace and happiness of christians , but for the conversion of jews and samaritans , for the gentiles that they might be brought out of errour and ignorance to the knowledge of god and the true religion ; he prayed for the people that attended his execution ; nay , ( such his vast goodness and charity ) for the very judge that condemned him ; for the emperours , and the very executioner that stood ready to cut off his head , earnestly begging of god not to lay that great wickedness to their charge . nay , they did not think it enough not to return evil for evil , or barely to forgive their enemies , unless they did them all the kindness that lay in their power . polycarp plentifully feasted the very officers , that were sent to apprehend him ; the same which s. mamas the martyr is also said to have done , treating the souldiers with the best supper he had , when sent by alexander the cruel president of cappadocia to seize upon him . and we read of one pachomius an heathen souldier in the first times of constantine , that the army being well near starv'd for want of necessary provisions , and coming to a city that was most inhabited by christians , they freely and speedily gave them what-ever they wanted for the accommodation of the army . amazed with this strange and unwonted charity , and being told that the people that had done it were christians whom they generally prey'd upon , and whose profession it was to hurt no man , and to do good to every man , he threw away his arms , became an anchoret , and gave up himself to the strictest severities of religion . this also julian the emperour plainly confesses ; for urging arsacius the chief priest of galatia , to take care of the poor , and to build hospitals in every city for the entertaining of poor strangers and travellers , both of their own and other religions ; he adds , for it 's a shame ( says he ) that when the jews suffer none of theirs to beg , and the wicked galileans relieve not only their own , but also those of our party , that we only should be wanting in so necessary a duty : so prevalent is truth as to extort a confession from its most bitter and virulent opposers . of this i shall only add one instance or two more , proper enough to be inserted here . eusebius speaking of that dreadful plague and famine that happened in the eastern parts under the emperour maximinus , wherein so many whole families miserably perished , and were swept away at once ; he adds , that at this time the care and piety of the christians towards all evidently approved it self to all the gentiles that were about them ; they being the only persons that during this sad and calamitous state of things performed the real offices of mercy and humanity ; partly in ordering and burying of the dead ( thousands dying every day , of whom no care was taken ) partly in gathering together all the poor that were ready to starve , and distributing bread to every one of them . the fame whereof fill'd the ears and mouths of all men who extolled the god of the christians , and confessed that they had shewed themselves to be the only truly pious and religious persons . and indeed the charity was the more remarkable , in that the christians at this very time were under a most heavy persecution . thus in the terrible plague that in the times of gallus and volusian raged so much through the whole world ( and that more or less for fifteen years to gether ) especially at carthage , when innumerable multitudes were swept away every day , and the streets filled with the carcases of the dead , which seemed to implore the help of the living , and to challenge it as their right by the common laws of humane nature ; but all in vain , every one trembling , flying , and shifting for themselves , deserting their nearest friends and kindred , none staying unless it was to make a prey . in this sad and miserable case cyprian then bishop of the place , calls the christians together , instructs them in the duties of mercy and charity , puts them in mind , that it was no great wonder if their charity extended to their own party ; the way to be perfect , was to do something more than heathens and publicans , to overcome evil with good , to imitate the divine benignity , to love our enemies , and according to our lords advice to pray for the happiness of them that persecute us ; that god continually made his sun to rise , and his rain to fall not only for the advantage of his own children , but for all other mens ; and that therefore they should imitate the example of such a father , who professed themselves to be his children . immediately upon this they unanimously agreed to assist their common enemies , every one lending help according to his rank and quality . those who by reason of their poverity could contribute nothing to the charge , did what was more , they personally wrought and laboured , an assistance beyond all other contributions : by which large and abundant charity great advantage redounded not to themselves only of the houshold of faith , but universally unto all . i shall sum up what hath been said upon this argument in that elegant discourse which lactantius has concerning works of mercy and charity . since humane nature ( says he ) is weaker than that of other creatures , who come into the world armed with offensive and defensive powers , therefore our wise creatour has given us a tender and merciful disposition , that we might place the safeguard of our lives in the mutual assistances of one another . for being all created by one god , and sprung from one common parent , we should reckon our selves a-kin , and obliged to love all mankind ; and ( that our innocency may be perfect ) not only not to do an injury to another , but not to revenge one when done to our selves ; for which reason also we are commanded to pray for our very enemies . we ought therefore to be kind and sociable , that we may help and assist each other . for being our selves obnoxious to misery , we may the more comfortably hope for that help , in case we need it , which our selves have given unto others . and what can more effectually induce us to relieve the indigent , than to put our selves into their stead , who beg help from us ? if any be hungry , let us feed him ; is he naked , let us cloath him ; if wronged by a powerful oppressour , let us rescue and receive him . let our doors be open to strangers , and such who have not where to lay their head . let not our assistance be wanting to widows and orphans : and ( which is a mighty instance of charity ) let us redeem the captiv'd , visit and assist the sick , who are able to take no care of themselves ; and for strangers and the poor ( in case they die ) let us not suffer them to want the conveniency of a grave . these are the offices and the works of mercy , which who-ever does , offers up a true and grateful sacrifice to god ; who is not pleased with the blood of beasts , but the charity of men ; whom therefore he treats upon their own terms , has mercy on them whom he sees merciful , and is inexorable to those who shut up their bowels against them that ask them . in order therefore to our thus pleasing god , let us make light of mony , and transmit it into the heavenly treasures , where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt , nor thieves break through and steal , nor tyrants are able to seize and take it from us , but where it shall be kept to our eternal advantage under the custody of god himself . chap. iii. of their unity and peaceableness . the laws of christ tend to beget a peaceable disposition . this seen in our saviour himself , in his apostles and the whole body of christians . the account justin martyr gives of them . the world over-run with quarrels before christ's coming : the happy alteration that succeeded upon his appearance in it . this particularly urged by eusebius . how much christians contributed to the peace and quietness of the world . their unity among themselves . canonical epistles ; the several sorts of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ what their nature and tendency . differences presently endeavoured to be healed . the great care and sollicitude of constantine that way . an eminent instance of condescention and self-denial in gregory nazianzen for the peace of the church . difference in rituals and lesser matters no hinderance of peace and christian communion ; manifested in the case of polycarp and anicetus bishop of rome . christians not provoked by every trifling quarrel . the difference in this respect between them , and the best philosophers . the primitive christians being of such a meek , compassionate and benevolent temper as we have represented them , it cannot be thought but that they were of a very quiet disposition and peaceable conversation ; and the having been so large in that , will excuse me for being shorter in this . when our blessed saviour came to establish his religion in the world , he gave a law suitable to his nature , and to the design of his coming into the world , and to the exercise of his government as he is prince of peace , a law of mildness and gentleness , of submission and forbearance towards one another ; we are commanded to follow peace with all men , to follow after the things that make for peace , as much as in us lies to live peaceably with all men ; we are forbidden all feuds and quarrels , enjoyned not to revenge our selves , but to give place unto wrath , to let all bitterness , and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking be put away from us , with all malice , to be kind one to another , tender hearted , forgiving one another , even as god for christ's sake forgives us . these are the laws of christianity , which whenever they are duly entertained produce the most gentle and good natur'd principles , the most innocent and quiet carriage . this eminently appeared in the life of our blessed saviour , who was the most incomparable instance of kindness and civility , of peace and quietness ; we never find him all his life treating any with sharpness and severity but the scribes and pharisees , who were a pack of surly , malicious , ill-natur'd fellows , and could be wrought upon by no other methods ; otherwise his mildness and humility , the affablity and obligingness of his conversation , and his remarkable kindness to his greatest enemies were sufficiently obvious both in his life and death ; and such was the temper of his disciples and followers , this excellent spirit like leaven spreading it self over the whole mass of christians , turning the brier into a myrtle-●ree , and the vultur into a dove . see the account which justin the martyr gives of them . we who formerly valued our mony and estates before all things else , do now put them into a common stock , and distribute them to those that are in need : we who once hated each other and delighted in mutal quarrels and slaughters , and according to the custom refused to sit at the same fire with those who were not of our own tribe and party ; now since the appearance of christ in the world live familiarly with them , pray for our enemies , and endeavour to perswade those that unjustly hate us to order their live according to the excellent precepts of christ , that so they may have good hope to obtain the same rewards with us from the great lord and judge of all things . but for the better understanding of this it may be useful to observe , what a remarkable alteration in this respect the christian religion made in the world . before christ's coming the word was generally over-run with feuds and quarrels , mighty and almost implacable animosities and divisions reigning amongst jews and gentiles ; the jews looked upon the gentiles , as dogs and out-casts , refus'd all dealings with them , even to the denial of courtesies of common charity and civility , such as to tell a man the way or to give him a draught of water ; they reproached them as the vilest and most profligate part of mankind , sinners of the gentiles , as the apostle calls them according to the usual style and title . nor did the gentiles less scorn and deride the jews , as a pitiful and contemptible generation , stopping their noses , and abhorring the very sight of them if by chance they met them ; they looked upon them as an unsociable people , as enemies of all nations , that did not so much as wish well to any ; nay , as haters even of mankind , as tacitus and their enemies in josephus represent them . the effect of all which was , that they oppressed and persecuted them in every place , trod them as dirt under their feet , till at last the romans came and finally took away both their place and nation . thus stood the case between them till the arrival of the prince of peace ; who partly by his death , whereby he broke down the partition-wall between jew and gentile , partly by the healing nature and tendency of his doctrine , partly by the quiet and peaceable carriage of his followers , did quickly extirpate and remove those mutual feuds and animosities , and silence those passionate and quarrelsome divisions , that were amongst men . this argument eusebius particularly prosecutes , and shewes that while the nations were under paganism and idolatry , they were filled with wars and troubles , and all the effects of barbarous rage and fury ; but that after the divine and peaceable doctrine of our saviour came abroad , those differences and calamities began to cease , according to the predictions that were of him , that there should be righteousness and abundance of peace in his days ; that men should beat their swords into plow-shares , and their spears into pruning-hooks ; that nation should not lift up sword against nation , nor learn war any more ; that this must needs be in some measure the effect of his appearance , his doctrine being so fitly calculated to soften the rough and brutish manners of men , and to train them up in milder and more humane institutions . and a little after he makes it an uncontroulable argument of the truth and excellency of the christian doctrine , that it teaches men to bear the reproaches and provocations of enemies with a generous and unshaken mind , and to be able not to revenge our selves , by falling foul upon them with the like indignities and affronts ; to be above anger and passion , and every inordinate and unruly appetite ; to administer to the wants and necessities of the helpless , and to embrace every man as our kindred and countrey-man , and though reputed a stranger to us , yet to own him as if by the law of nature he were our nearest friend and brother . how much their religion contributed to the publick tranquillity by forbiding pride , passion , covetousness and such sins as are the great springs of confusion and disturbance , justin martyr tells the emperours , as for peace ( says he ) we above all men in the world promote and further it , forasmuch as we teach that no wicked man , no covetous or treacherous person , no good or vertuous man can lye hid from the eye of god , but that every man is travelling either towards an eternal happiness or misery according to the desert and nature of his works : and did all men know and believe this , no man would dare for a few moments to deliver up himself to vice and wickedness , knowing 't would lead him on to the condemnation of everlasting fire ; but would rather by all means restrain himself , and keep within the bounds of vertue , that he might obtain the rewards that are dispens'd by god , and avoid the punishments that are inflicted by him . the truth is , our blessed lord came not to inspire men with principles of revenge and passion , to teach them to return evil for evil , but to encourage love and gentleness , to teach men to overcome by suffering , and to obtain the reward by meekness and patience . isidore the pelusiote treating of that place , to him that smites thee on the right cheek turn the other also , has this short discourse upon it . the great king of heaven came down from above , to deliver to the world the laws of an heavenly conversation ; which he has proposed in a way of conflict and striving , quite contrary to that of the olympick games . there he that fights and gets the better receives the crown ; here he that is stricken and bears it meekly , has the honour and applause : there he that returns blow for blow , here he that turns the other cheek , is celebrated in the theatre of angels ; for the victory is measured not by revenge , but by a wise and generous patience : this is the new law of crowns , this the new way of conflicts and contentions . such was the temper , such the carriage of christians towards their enemies , and them that were without ; within themselves they maintained the most admirable peace and harmony , and were in a manner of one heart and soul . they liv'd in the strictest amity , and abhorr'd all division as a plague and fire-brand . but because mens understandings not being all of one size , nor all truths alike plain and evident , differences in mens judgments and opinions must needs arise ; no schism ever arose in the church about any of the more considerable principles of religion , but it was presently bewailed with the universal resentment of all pious and good men , and the breach endeavoured to be made up ; no ways left unattempted , no methods of perswasion omitted that might contribute to it . when novatus , [ or rather novatian ] had made some disturbance in the church of rome concerning the receiving the lapsed into communion , dionysius the good bishop of alexandria writes to him to extinguish the schism , tells him 't is better to suffer any thing than that the church of god should be rent in pieces ; that it 's no less glorious , and probably more illustrious to suffer martyrdom to keep division out of the church , than to dye for not sacrificing to idols ; for in the one case a man suffers martyrdom only upon his own account , but in the other he suffers for the advantage and benefit of the whole church . and cyprian positively asserts ( according to the apostles resolution of the case ) that without this unity and charity a man cannot enter into heaven ; and that although he should deliver up himself to the flames , or cast his body to wild beasts , yet this would not be the crown of his faith , but the punishment of his falshood , not the glorious exit of a religious vertue , but the issue of despair ; such a one may be killed , but he cannot be crowned . — he that rents the unity of the church , destroys the faith , disturbs the peace , dissolves charity , and profanes the holy sacrament . how severely they branded all schism & division in the church , how industriously they laboured to take up all controversies amongst christians , and to reconcile dissenting brethren , to maintain concord and agreement amongst themselves , and to prevent all occasions of quarrel & dissention , might be easily made to appear out of the writers of those times . hence those canonical epistles ( as they called them ) wherewith persons were wont to be furnish'd when going from one place to another ; of which there were especially three sorts . first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or commendatory epistles , mentioned by s. paul , and were in use amongst the heathens . they were granted to clergy-men going into another diocess by the bishop that ordained them , testifying their ordination , their soundness and orthodoxy in the faith , the innocency and unblameableness of their lives : to those that had been under , or had been suspected of excommunication , declaring their absolution , and recommending them to be received in the number of the faithful : lastly , they were granted to all , whether clergy or laity , that were to travel , as tickets of hospitality , that whereever they came , upon the producing these letters they might be known to be catholick and orthodox , and as such received and entertained by them . a piece of prudence which julian the apostate admired in the christian constitution , the like whereto he endeavoured to establish in his pagan reformation . the second sort were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , letters dimissory , whereby leave was given to persons going into another diocess , either to be ordained by the bishop of that place , or if ordain'd already , to be admitted and incorporated into the clergy of that church . upon which account the ancient councils every where provide that no stranger shall either receive ordination at the hands of another bishop , or exercise any ministerial act in another diocess , without the consent and dimissory letters of the bishop of that place from whence he comes . the third were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , letters of peace , granted by the bishop to the poor that were oppressed , and such as fled to the church for its protection and assistance : but esp ; ecially to such of the clergy as were to go out of one diocess into another , it being directed to the bishop of that diocess , that he would receive him , that so he might take no offence , but that peaceable concord and agreement might be maintained between them . by these arts the prudence of those times sought to secure the peace of the church , and as much as might be , prevent all dissentions that might arise . and where matters of any greater moment fell out , how quickly did they flock together to compose and heal them ? hence those many synods and councils that were conven'd to umpire differences , to explain or define articles of faith , to condemn and suppress the disturbers of the church , and innovators in religion . what infinite care did the good emperour constantine take for composing the arrian controversies which then began first to infect and over-run the world ? how much his heart was set upon it , his sollicitous thoughts taken up about it , how many troublesome days and restless nights it cost him , with what strong and nervous arguments , what affectionate intreaties he presses it , may be seen in that excellent letter ( yet extant in his life ) which he wrote to the authors of those impious and unhappy controversies . but when this would not do , he summon'd the great council of nice , consisting of three hundred and eighteen bishops , and in his speech at the opening of that council conjur'd them by all that was dear and sacred to agree , and to compose those dissentions which were risen in the church , which he seriously protested he looked upon as more grievous and dangerous than any war whatsoever , and that they created greater trouble and inquietude to his mind , than all the other affairs of his empire . and when several of the bishops then in council had preferred libells and accusations one against another , without ever reading them , he bundled and seal'd them all up together , and having reconciled and made them friends , produc'd the papers , and immediately threw them into the fire before their faces . so passionately desirous was that good prince to extinguish the flames , and to redeem the peace of the church at any rate . were any ejected and thrown out of the church , of which there might be a suspicion of private grudges or designs , the nicene council wisely provided , that in every province a synod should be held twice a year , where all the bishops meeting together might discuss the case , and compose the difference . or , as joseph the egyptian in his arabick version of that canon tells us , an arbitrator was to be appointed between the differing parties , to take up the quarrel , that it might not be a scandal to religion . nor did there want meek and peaceable-minded men who valued the publick welfare before any private and personal advantage , and could make their own particular concerns strike sail , when the peace and interest of the church called for it . when great contests and confusions were raised by some perverse and unquiet persons about the see of constantinople ( then possest by gregory nazianzen ) he himself stood up in the midst of the assembly and told the bishops , how unfit it was that they who were preachers of peace to others , should fall out amongst themselves , beg'd of them even by the sacred trinity to manage their affairs calmly and peaceably ; and if i ( says he ) be the jonas that raises the storm , throw me into the sea , and let these storm and tempests cease . i am willing to undergo what ever you have a mind to ; and though innocent and unblameable , yet for your peace and quiet sake , am content to be banished the throne , and to be cast out of the city ; only according to the prophets counsel , be careful to love truth and peace : and therewith freely resigned his bishoprick , though legally setled in it by the express command and warrant of the emperour , and the universal desires and acclamations of the people . the same excellent temper ruled in s. chrysostome one of his successours in that see ; when having elegantly pressed the unity of the church , and refuted those petty cavils which his adversaries had against himself ; but if you ( says he to his people ) suspect these things of us , we are ready to deliver up our place and power to whomsoever you will ; only let the church be preserved in peace and unity . this was the brave and noble disposition of mind , to which s. clemens sought to reduce the corinthians , after they had fallen into a little schism and disorder : who is there among you ( says he ) of that generous temper , that compassionate and charitable disposition ? let him say , if this sedition , these schisms and contentions have arisen through my means , or upon my account , i 'le depart and be gone whithersoever you please , and will do what the people shall command ; only let christs sheep-fold together with the elders that are placed over it , be kept in peace . nay , when good men were most zealous about the main and foundation-articles of faith , so as sometimes rather to hazard peace , than to betray the truth , yet in matters of indifferency , and such as only concern'd the rituals of religion , they mutually bore with one another , without any violation of that charity which is the great law of christianity . thus in that famous controversie about the keeping of easter , so much agitated between the eastern and western churches , irenaeus in a letter to pope victor ( who of all that ever sat in that chair had raised the greatest stirs about it ) tells him that bishops in former times , however they differed about the observation of it , yet alwayes maintain'd an intire concord and fellowship with one another , the churches being careful to maintain a peaceable communion , though differing in some particular rites and ceremonies , yea even when their rites and customs seemed to clash by meeting together at the same place . thus when polycarp came to rome from the churches of the east to treat with pope anicetus about this and some other affairs , though they could not satisfie each other to yield the controversie , yet they kissed and embraced one another with mutual endearments , received the holy communion together ; and anicetus to do the greater honour to polycarp gave him leave to celebrate and consecrate the eucharist in his church , and at last they parted in great peace and friendship ; the difference of the observotion not at all hindering the agreement and harmony of the churches , it being agreed amongst them by common consent ( says sozomen speaking of this passage ) that in keeping this festival they should each follow their own custom , but by no means break the peace and communion that was between them ; for they reckoned it ( says he ) a very foolish and unreasonable thing , that they should fall out for a few rites and customs , who agreed in the main principles of religion . the christians of those times had too deeply imbibed that precept of our saviour , love one another , as i have loved you , to fall out about every nice and trifling circumstance ; no , when highliest provoked and affronted they could forbear and forgive their enemies , much more their brethren , and were not like the waspish philosophers amongst the heathens , who were ready to fall foul upon one another for every petty and inconsiderable difference of opinion that was amongst them . so origen tells celsus , both amongst your philosophers and physicians ( say he ) there are sects that have perpetual feuds and quarrels with each other , whereas we who have entertained the laws of the blessed jesus , and have learnt both to speak and to do accordding to his doctrine , bless them that revile us , being persecuted , we suffer it ; being defamed , we entreat ; nor do we speak dire and dreadful things against those that differ from us in opinion , and do not presently embrace those things , which we have entertain'd : but as much as in us lies we leave nothing unattempted that may perswade them to change for the better , and to give up themselves only to the service of the great creatour , and to do all things as those that must give an account of their actions . in short , christians were careful not to offend either god or men , but to keep and maintain peace with both ; thence that excellent saying of ephraem syrus the famous deacon of edessae when he came to die ; in my whole life ( said he ) i never reproached my lord and master , nor suffered any foolish talk to come out of my lips , nor did i ever curse or revile any man , or maintain the least difference or controversie with any christian in all my life . chap. iv. of their obedience and subjection to civil government . magistracy the great hand of publick peace . this highly secured by christianity . the laws of christ that way express and positive . made good in his own practice , and the practice of his apostles . the same spirit in succeeding ages , manifested out of justin martyr , polycarp , tertullian and origen . praying for rulers and emperours a solemn part of their publick worship . their ready payment of all customs and tributes , and their faithfulness in doing it . christians such , even under the heaviest oppressions and persecutions , and that when they had power to have righted and reveng'd themselves . an excellent passage in tertullian to that purpose . the temper of the christian souldiers in julian's army . the famous story of mauricius , and the thebaean legion under maximinianus reported at large out of eucherius lugdunensis . the injustice of the charge brought against them by the heathens , of being enemies to civil government . accused of treason . of their refusing to swear by the emperours genius . their denying to sacrifice for the emperours safety , and why they did so . their refusing to own the emperours for gods , and why . their not observing the solemn festivals of the emperours , and the reasons of it . accused of sedition and holding unlawful combinations . an account of the collegia and societies in the roman empire . christianity forbidden upon that account . the christian assemblies no unlawful conventions . a vast difference between them and the unlawful factions forbidden by the roman laws . their confident challenging their enemies to make good one charge of disturbance or rebellion against them . their laws and principles quite contrary . the heathens them selves guilty of rebellions and factions , not the christians . the testimony given them by julian the emperour . a reflection upon the church of rome for corrupting the doctrine and practice of christianity in this affair . their principles and policies in this matter . bellarmin's position , that 't is lawful to depose infidel and heretical princes , and that the primitive christians did it not to nero , dioclesian , &c. only because they wanted power , censured and refuted . this contrary to the avow'd principles of honest heathens . how much christian religion transcribed into the lives of its professors contributes to the happiness of men not only in their single and private capacities , but as to the publick welfare of humane societies , and to the common interests and conveniences of mankind , we have already discovered in several instances ; now because magistracy and civil government is the great support and instrument of external peace and happiness , we shall in the last place consider how eminent the first christians were for their submission and subjection to civil government . and certainly there 's scarce any particular instance wherein primitive christianity did more triumph in the world , than in their exemplary obedience to the powers and magistrates , under which they lived ; honouring their persons , revering their power , paying their tribute , obeying their laws , where they were not evidently contrary to the laws of christ , and where they were , submitting to the most cruel penalties they laid upon them with the greatest calmness and serenity of soul . the truth is , one great design of the christian law is to secure the interests of civil authority ; our saviour has expresly taught us , that we are to give unto caesar the things that are caesars , as well as unto god the things that are gods : and his apostles spoke as plainly as words could speak it ; let every soul be subject to the higher powers ; for there is no power but of god , the powers that be are ordain'd of god : whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation : wherefore you must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake ; for , for this cause pay you tribute also , for they are gods ministers , attending continually upon this very thing : render therefore to all their dues , tribute to whom tribute is due , custom to whom custom , fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour : where we may take notice both of the strictness and universality of the charge , and ( what is mainly material to observe ) this charge given the romans at that time when nero was their emperour , who was not only an heathen magistrate , but the first persecutor of christians , a man so prodigiously brutish and tyrannical , that the world scarce ever brought forth such another monster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the orator truly stiles him , a beast in the shape of a man. the same apostle amongst other directions given to titus for the discharge of his office , bids him put the people in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates . s. peter delivers the same doctrine to a tittle , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supreme , or unto governers as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well ; for so is the will of god , that with well-doing you may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men . such are the commands ; and such was the practice of christ and his apostles . when a tax was demanded of him , though he was the son of god , he refused not to pay tribute unto caesar , even when it put him to the expence and charges of a miracle : when arraigned for his life at pilat's bar , he freely owned his authority , and chearfully submitted to that wicked and unrighteous sentence , though able to command more than twelve legions of angels for his rescue and deliverance . the apostles though unjustly scourged before the council , yet made no tart reflections , but went away rejoycing . when herod had cut off s. james his head , and consigned peter in prison to the same butchery and execution , what arms did the christians use , rise up and put him out of the throne , scatter libels , raise tumults or factions in the city ? oh no , the churches weapons were prayers and tears , their only refuge in those evil times . nor did this excellent spirit die with the apostles ; we find the same temper ruling in the succeeding ages of christianity : the christians ( says one of the antients ) obey the laws that are made , and by the exactness of their lives go beyond that accuracy which the law requires of them ; they love all men , though all men study to afflict and persecute them . are there any ( as athenagoras concludes his address to the emperours ) more devoted to you than we ? who pray for the happiness of your government , that according to right and equity the son may succeed his father in the empire , that your dominions may be enlarged , and that all things may prosper that you take in hand ; and this we do , as that which turns both to yours and our own advantage , that so under you leading a quiet and peaceable life , we may chearfuly obey all those commands which you lay upon us . s. polycarp a little before his martyrdom wrote to the christians at philippi , earnestly exhorting them all to obey their rulers , and to exercise all patience and long-suffering towards them ; and when he stood before the proconsul , he told him , that this was the great law of christianity , that we are commanded by god to give all due honour and obedience to princes and potentates , such as is not prejudicial to us i.e. ( for so doubtless he means ) such as is not contrary to the principles of our religion . tertullian tells us 't was a solemn part of the church-service in his time to pray for the happiness and prosperity of the princes under whom they lived : we pray ( says he ) for the emperours , for the grandees and ministers of state , for the prosperity of the age , for the quietness of affairs , for the continuance of their lives and government ; that god would give them a long life , a secure reign , and undisturbed house , powerful armies , faithful senators , honest subjects , a quiet people , and indeed what-ever they can wish for , either as men or emperours . they that think ( says he ) that we are not sollicitous about the safety of princes , let them look into the commands of god recorded in our scriptures , which we freely expose to the view of all ; there they 'l find that we are enjoyn'd to pray for the happiness of our very enemies and persecutors ; and who are so much such as they ? and yet we are plainly and particularly commanded to pray for kings , for princes , and all that are in authority , that the state of things may be quiet and peaceable ; a christian being an enemy to no man , is much less so to his prince . thus when celsus seemed to object as if the christians refused to help the emperours in their wars , origen answers that they did really assist and help him , and that rather with divine than humane weapons , according to the command of the apostle , i exhort that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men , for kings and all that are in authority : and he tells him that the more eminent any man is for piety and religion , he will be able to afford greater assistance to his prince , than a great many armed souldiers , that stand ready to fight for him , and to destroy his enemies . for all customs and tributes none ever paid them more freely than they . for your taxes and tributes ( says justin martyr to the emperours ) we are above all other men every where ready to bring them in to your collectors and officers , being taught so to do by our great master , who bad those that asked the question whether they might pay tribute unto caesar , to give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods : for which reason we worship none but god ; and as for you in all other things we chearfully serve you , acknowledging you to be emperours and governours of men , and praying , that together with your imperial power you may have a wise and discerning judgement and understanding . if the emperour command me to pay tribute ( says another of their apologists ) i am ready to do it ; if my lord command me to serve and obey him , i confess my obligation to it : man is to be serv'd with that respect that is due to man : but god only who is invisible and incomprehensible is to be religiously fear'd and honour'd : if commanded to deny him , i must dis-obey , and die rather than be found perfidions and ingrateful to him . so tertullian tells them , that although they refused to pay the taxes rated upon them for maintenance of the heathen-temples , yet for all other tributes they had cause to give the christians thanks for so faithfully paying what was due , it being their principle to abstain from defrauding of others ; insomuch , that should they examine their accounts how much of the assessments was lost by the fraud and couzenage of them of their own party , they would easily find that the christians denial to pay that one tax was abundantly compensated and made up in their honest payment of all the rest . the truth is , they were admirably exact and conscientious as in all their actions , so especially in those that related to the publick , and concern'd their duty and obedience to their rulers and governours . nor were they thus only in prosperous times but under the heaviest persecutions , as indeed the rod was seldome off their backs : the last mentioned apologist bids their judges go on to butcher them , and tells them they did but force those souls out of their bodies , which were praying to god for the emperours happiness , even while their officers were doing of it . and cyprian tells the proconsul , that as badly as they were used , yet they ceased not to pray for the overthrow and expulsion of the common enemies , for seasonable showers , and either for the removing or mitigating publick evils , begging of god day and night with the greatest instance and importunity for the peace and safety of their persecutors , endeavouring to pacifie and propitiate god who was angry with the iniquities of the age . nor were they thus kind and good natur'd , thus submissive and patient for want of power , and because they knew not how to help it : tertullian answers in this case , that if they thought it lawful to return evil for evil , they could in one night with a few firebrands plentifully revenge themselves ; that they were no small and inconsiderable party , and that they needed not betake themselves to the little arts of skulking revenges , being able to appear in the capacity of open enemies ; that though but of yesterdays standing , yet they had filled all places , all offices of the empire ; and what wars were not they able to manage , who could so willingly give up themselves to be slain ? did not the law of christianity oblige them to be killed rather than to kill ; nay , that they need not take up arms and rebel , for their party was so numerous , that should they but agree together to leave the roman empire , and to go into some remote corner of the world , the loss of so many members would utterly ruine it , and they would stand amaz'd and affrighted at that solitude and desolation that would ensue upon it , and have more enemies than loyal subjects left amongst them ; whereas now they had the fewer enemies for having so many christians . the christians then opposed not their enemies with the points of their swords , but with solid arguments , and mild intreaties . thus when julian the emperour urg'd his army , which was almost wholly made up of christians , to wicked counsels , and the practices of idolatry , they withstood him only with prayers and tears , accounting this ( says my author ) to be the only remedy against persecution . so far were they from resisting or rebelling , that they could quietly dye at the emperours command , even when they had power lying at their foot . i cannot in this place omit the memorable instance of the thebaean legion , being so exceedingly apposite and pertinent to my purpose , and so remarkable as no age can furnish out such another instance ; i shall set down the story intirely out of the author himself , the account of their martyrdome written by eucherius bishop of lyons , who assures us he received the relation from very credible hands ; and it is thus : maximianus caesar ( whom dioclesian had lately taken to be his colleague in the empire ) a bad man , and a bitter persecutor of the christians , was sent into france to suppress a mutiny and rebellion risen there ; to strengthen his army there was added to it a band of christians called the thebaean legion , consisting according to the manner of the romans of six thousand six hundred sixty six faithful , expert and resolute souldiers . coming to octodurus ( a place in savoy ) and being ready to offer sacrifice to the gods , he causes his army to come together , and commands them under a great penalty to swear by the altars of their gods , that they would unanimously fight against their enemies , and persecute the christians as enemies to the gods ; which the thebaean legion no sooner understood , but they presently withdrew to agaunum ( a place eight miles off , call'd at this day s. mauritzs , from mauricius the commander of the legion ; a place equally pleasant and strong , being encompassed about with craggy and inaccessible rocks ) to avoid if it might be the wicked and sacrilegious command , and to refresh themselves , tyred with so long a march ; but the emperour taking notice of the army as they came to swear , quickly miss'd the legion , and being angry , sent officers to them to require them forthwith to do it ; who enquiring what it was that they were commanded to do , were told by the messengers , that all the souldiers had offered sacrifices , and had taken the forementioned oath , and that caesar commanded them to return presently and do the like : to whom the heads of the legion mildly answered , that for this reason they left octodurus , because they had heard they should be forced to sacrifice , that being christians , and that they might not be defiled with the altars of devils , they thought themselves oblig'd to worship the living god , and to keep that religion which they had entertain'd in the east , to the last hour of their life : that as they were a legion they were ready to any service of the war ; but to return to him to commit sacriledge as he commanded , they could not yield . with this answer the messengers returned , and told the emperour , that they were resolved not to obey his commands , who being transported with anger , began thus to vent his passion : do my souldiers think thus to sleight my royal orders , and the holy rites of my religion ? had they only despised the imperial majesty it would have call'd for publick vengeance , but together with the contempt of me , an affront is offered to heaven , and the roman religion is as much despised as i am . let the obstinate souldiers know , that i am not only able to vindicate my self , but to revenge the quarrel of my gods . let my faithful servants make haste , and dispatch every tenth man according as the fatal lot shall fall upon him : by this equal death let those whose lot it shall be to die first , know , how able maximian is severely to revenge both himself and his gods . with that the command is given , the executioners sent , the emperours pleasure made known , and every tenth man is put to death ; who chearfully offer'd their necks to the executioners , and the only contention amongst them was , who should first undergo that glorious death . this done , the legion is commanded to return to the rest of the army . whereupon mauritius the general of the legion , calling it a little aside , thus bespake them ; i congratulate ( most excellent fellow-souldiers ) your courage and valour , that for the love of religion , the command of caesar has made no impression upon you ; you have seen your fellow-souldiers , with minds full of joy , undergoing a glorious death : how much afraid was i , lest being arm'd ( and how easie is it for such to do so ) you should under a pretence of defending them have endeavour'd to hinder their happy funerals : — see , i am encompassed round with the bodies of my fellow-souldiers , whom the dismal executioner has torn from my side ; i am besprinkled with the blood of the saints , my clothes died with the reliques of their sacred blood ; and shall i doubt to follow their death , whose example i so much congratulate and admire ? shall i concern my self to think what the emperour commands , who is equally subject to the same law of mortality with my self ? — i remember we once took this military oath , that with the utmost hazard of our lives we would defend the common-wealth ; this we then engaged to the emperours , though no heavenly kingdom was promised to us ; and if we could promise this out of devotion to a military service , what then is to be done , when christ promises so much to them that engage with him ? let us willingly expose our lives to this most precious death ; let us shew a masculine courage , and an unviolated faith . methinks i see those blessed souls standing before christs tribunal , whom the emperours officer just now banished out of their bodies : that 's the true glory which will recompence the shortness of this life with a blessed eternity : let us by the messengers unanimously return this answer to the emperour ; we acknowledge , caesar , that we are your souldiers , and took up arms for defence of the empire ; nor did we ever basely betray our trust , or forsake our station , or deser'd that the brand either of fear or cowardise should be set upon us ; nor should we stick now to obey your commands , did not the laws of christianity , wherein we have been instructed , forbid us to worship devils , and to approach the polluted altars of the gods . we understand you are resolved either to defile us with sacrilegious worship , or to terrifie us with a decimation : spare any further search concerning us , know we are all christians , our bodies we yield subject to your power , but our souls we reserve intire for christ the author and the saviour of them . this was no sooner spoken , and universally agreed to by the legion , but it was carried to the emperour , who exasperated with such a generous resolution , commanded a second decimation , which was immediately executed , and the rest as before commanded to return to octodurus ; hereupon exuperius the ensign catching up his colours , thus address'd himself to them ; you see me , most excellent fellow-souldiers , holding these ensigns of secular warfare ; but these are not the arms that i call you to , these are not the wars to which i excite your courage and valour ; 't is another kind of fighting that we are to chuse ; they are not these swords that must make our way into the heavenly kingdom ; we stand in need of an undaunted mind , an invincible defence , a maintaining the faith which we have given to god , to the very last . — let the dismal executioner go and carry this message to his bloody master , and tell him thus : we are , o emperour , your souldiers , but withall ( which we freely confess ) the servants of god ; to you we owe military service , to him innocency ; from you we have received wages for our labours , from him we had our very lives and beings : we cannot herein obey the emperour , so as to deny god , the author of our lives , yea and of yours too , whether you will or no. nor is it , sir , any despair ( which is always stoutest in greatest straits ) that makes us thus resolute against you ; we have , you see , armes , and yet make no resistance , chusing rather to dye than to overcome , and desirous rather to perish innocent , than to live rebellious and revengeful : if you have a mind to appoint us to any greater and severer torments , we are ready for them . christians we are , and therefore cannot persecute those that are so . you must needs acknowledge the unconquerable courage of this legion ; we throw down our arms , your officer will find our right hands naked , but our breast arm'd with a true catholick faith : kill us , and trample on us , we undauntedly yield our necks to the executioners sword ; these things are the more pleasant to us , while setting light by your sacrilegious attempts , we hasten apace to the heavenly crown . maximianus being told this , and despairing now to break their constancy , commands his whole army to fall upon them and cut them off , which they did accordingly without any difference of age or person , mangling their bodies , and then taking the spoyles , the emperour having so appointed , that whoever kill'd any of the legion , should have the spoyles of him whom he killed . and thus they died with their swords in their hands , when they might have preserved their lives ( especially in a place so advantagious ) by force of arms , or to be sure have sold them at the dearest rate . this story i have been willing to set down the more at large , because so remarkable in all its circumstances , and containing the most unparallel'd instance of christian piety and submission ( next to that of our blessed saviour ) that i think was ever known to the world . this is the account of those noble martyrs ; only to prevent mistakes we are to take notice , that there was another mauritius commander of a legion in the east ( mentioned in the greek menologies ) who together with seventy of his souldiers were condemned by , and suffered under his self same emperour maximianus , for refusing to do sacrifice ; their martyrdom being recorded by simeon metaphrastes ; but the account quite different both as to persons and things from that which is here related . by what has been said we may see the injustice of that charge which the heathens sometimes laid upon the christians , that they were disturbers of the peace , and enemies to civil government ; an indictment so purely false , and without any shadow of a real pretence to cover it , that the ingenious heathen in minutius foelix ( though raking up all the calumnies he could find , and putting the deepest dy upon every charge which wit and eloquence could put upon it , yet ) had not the face so much as once to mention it . but however , as groundless as it was , they were frequently charg'd with it . sometimes they were accused of dis-loyalty and treason , either because they would not swear by the emperous genius , or not sacrifice for his safety , or not worship the emperours as divi , or gods , or not celebrate their festivals in the same way with others . for the first , their refusing to swear by the emperours genius , we have heard before what tertullian answers to it , that it was in effect to give divine honour to devils . to the second , their not sacrificing for the emperours safety , the answers , that none sacrificed to so good purpose as they , for that they offered up prayers to the true , living and eternal god for the safety of the emperours , that god whom the emperours themselves did above all others desire should be propitious and favourable to them , as from whom they knew they deriv'd their government . for the third , their refusing to own the emperours for gods , he tells them , they could not do it , partly because they would not lye in saying so , partly because they durst not by doing it mock and deride the emperour , nay , that he himself would not be willing to be styled god , if he remembred that he was a man , it being mans interest to yield to god ; that the title of emperour was great enough , and that he could not be call'd god , without being denied to be emperour ; that he was therefore great , because less than heaven ; and that if he would needs be a deity , he must first conquer heaven , lead god in triumph , set guards in heaven , and impose tribute upon that place . for the last , their not observing the solemn festivals of the emperours , for which they were accounted enemies to the publick , they pleaded that their religion and their conscience could not comply with that vanity , that luxury , and debauchery , and all manner of excess and wickedness that was committed at those times ; that the publick joy was expressed by that which was a publick disgrace , and those things accounted honourable upon the solemn days of emperours , which were unfit and uncomely to be done upon any days ; and that there was little reason they should be accused for not observing that , where looseness of manners 〈◊〉 accounted loyalty , and the occasion of luxury a part of religion . otherwhiles they were accused of sedition , and holding unlawful combinations , which arose upon the account of their religious assemblies , which their enemies beheld as societies erected contrary to the roman laws . that we may the better apprehend what these societies were ( in the number whereof they reckoned the christian meetings ) and how condemned by the roman laws , we are to know , that in the infancy of the roman common-wealth , numa pompilius , to take away the difference between the sabines and the romans , divided the people into colledges and little corporations ( answerable to which are our city-companies ) according to their several trades and occupations , goldsmiths , dyers , potters , curriers , &c. which together with the city encreased to a great number ; ( panciroll out of both codes gives us an account of thirty six ) to these he assigned their several halls , times of meeting , and sacred rites , and such immunities as were most proper for them . but besides these appointed by law , several colledges in imitation of them were erected in most parts of the empire , partly for the more convenient dispatch of business , but principally for the maintenance of mutual love and friendship . all these societies had their solemn meetings , and customary feasts , which in time degenerated into great excess and luxury , insomuch that verra in his time complained that the excess and prodigality of their suppers made provisions dear ; and much more reason had * tertullian to complain of it in his time . answerable to these colledges amongst the romans , were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or societies amongst the grecians , who also had their stated and common feasts , such were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the cretians , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at lacedaemon , and so in other states of greece . but these meetings ( those of them especially that were not setled either by the decree of the senate , or the constitution of the prince ) partly by reason of their number , and the great confluence to them , partly by reason of their luxurious feasting , began to be looked upon by the state with a jealous eye , especially after that the commonwealth was turned into a monarchy , the emperours beholding them as fit nurseries to plant and breed up treasonable and rebellious designs , and therefore frequently forbad them under very severe penalties . thus julius caesar , who first laid the foundation of the empire , reduced these colledges to the antient standard , putting down all that were supernumerary and illegal ; wherein he was also followed by his successour augustus ; and the succeeding emperours very often put out strict edicts against them , prohibiting them as dangerous and unlawful combinations . under the notions of these societies , it was , that the christian congregations came to be forbidden ; several persons confederated into a combination , and constantly meeting at a common feast rendring them suspicious to their enemies . hence pliny giving the emperour an account of the christians , and especially of their assembling at their solemn feasts of love , tells him , that they had forborn ever since according to his command , he had published an edict to forbid the hetaeriae or societies . and indeed the christian assemblies , whereat they usually had the lords supper and their love-feasts , looking somewhat like those illegal meetings ( especially as beheld with the eye of an enemy ) it was the less wonder , if the heathens accused them of hatching treason , and the magistrates proceeded against them as contemners and violaters of the law. but to this the christians answered , that their meetings could not be accounted amongst the unlawful factions , having nothing common with them ; that indeed the wisdom and providence of the state had justly prohibited such factions to prevent seditions , which might thence easily over-run and disquiet all councils , courts , pleadings , and all meetings whatsoever . but no such thing could be suspected of the christian assemblies , who were frozen as to any ambitious designs of honour or dignity , strangers to nothing more than publick affairs , and had renounced all pretences to external pomps and pleasures : that if the christian assemblies were like others , there would be some reason to condemn them under the notion of factions ; but to whose prejudice ( say they ) did we ever meet together ? we are the same when together , that we are when asunder ; the same united , as is every single person , hurting no man , grieving no man ; and therefore that when such honest , good , pious , and chaste men met together , it was rather to be called a council than a faction . to which origen adds , that seeing in all their meetings they sought nothing but truth , they could not be said to conspire against the laws , seeing they designed nothing but to get from under the power and tyranny of the devil ; who had procured those laws only to establish his empire faster in the world . for elsewhere he bids celsus or any of his party shew any thing that was seditious amongst the christians : that their religion arose not at first ( as he falsly charg'd it ) out of sedition , might appear in that their legislator had so severely forbidden killing and murder , and that the christians would never have entertained such mild laws , as gave their enemies opportunity to kill them like sheep delivered to the slaughter without making the least resistance . thus arnobius confidently challenges the heathens whether they could reject christianity upon the account of its raising wars , tumults , and seditions in the world . no , those were things which they might find nearer home : you defame us ( says tertullian ) with treason against the emperour , and yet never could any albinians , nigrians , or cassians [ persons that had mutinied and rebelled against the emperours ] be found amongst the christians ; they are those that swear by the emperours genii , that have offered sacrifices for their safety , that have often condemned christians , these are the men that are found traitors to the emperours : a christian is no man's enemy , much less his princes ; knowing him to be constituted by god , he cannot but love , revere , and honour him , and desire that he and the whole roman empire may be safe , as long as the world lasts . we worship the emperour as much as is either lawful or expedient , as one that is next to god ; we sacrifice for his safety , but 't is to his and our god ; and so as he has commanded , only by holy prayer ; for the great god needs no blood or sweet perfumes , these are the banquets and repast of devils , which we do not only reject , but expel at every turn . but to say more concerning this , were to light a candle to the sun. julian the emperour though no good friend to christians , yet thus far does them right , that if they see any one mutinying against his prince , they presently punish him with great severities . and here we may with just reason reflect upon the iniquity of the church of rome , which in this instance of religion has so abominably debauched the purity and simplicity of the christian faith : for they not only exempt the clergy where they can , from the authority and judgment of the secular powers , whereby horrible enormities do arise , but generally teach , that a prince once excommunicate , his subjects are absolv'd from all fealty and allegiance , and he may with impunity be deposed or made away . how shall such a prince be thundred against with curses and deprivations , every bold and treacherous priest be authorized to brand his sacred person with the odious names of infidel , heretick and apostate , and be apostolically licensed to slander and belibel him , and furnished with commissions to free his subjects from their duty and allegiance , and to allure them to take up arms against him ? and if these courses fail , and men still continue loyal , they have disciples ready by secret or suddain arts to send him out of the world . and if any man's conscience be so nice as to boggle at it , his scruples shall be removed , at worst it shall pass for a venial crime , and the pope perhaps ( with the help of a limitation that it be done for the interest of the catholick cause ) by his omnipotence shall create it meritorious . cardinal bellarmine ( whose wit and learning were imployed to uphold a tottering cause ) maintains it stiffly , and in express terms , that if a king be an heretick or an infidel ( and we know what they mean by that , nay he particularly names the reformed princes of england amongst his instances ) and seeks to draw his dominions unto his sect ; it is not only lawful , but necessary to deprive him of his kingdom . and although he knew that the whole course of antiquity would fly in the face of so bold an assertion , yet he goes on to assert , that the reason why the primitive christians did not attempt this upon nero , dioclesian , julian the apostate and the like , was not out of conscience , or that they boggled out of a sense of duty , but because they wanted means and power to effect it . a bold piece of falshood this , and how contrary to the plain and positive laws of christ , to the meek and primitive spirit of the gospel ! but by the cardinals leave it could not be for want of power , for if , as seneca observes , he may be master of any man's life that undervalues his own , it was then as easie for a christian to have slain nero or dioclesian , as it was of later times for gerard to pistol the prince of orange , or ravillac to stab the king of france . nay , take one of his own instances , julian the apostate , a prince bad enough , and that left no method unattempted to seduce his subjects to paganism and idolatry , yet though the greatest part of his army were christians , they never so much as whispered a treasonable design against him , using no other arms ( as we noted out of nazianzen ) but prayers and tears . had s. paul been of their mind , he would have told the christian romans quite another story , and instead of bidding them be subject to nero not only for wrath , but for conscience sake , would have instructed them to take all opportunities to have murdered or deposed him . but i shall not reckon up the villanies they have been guilty of in this kind , nor pursue the odious and pernicious consequences of their doctrine and practice ; thus much i could not but take notice of , being so immediately opposite to the whole tenor of the gospel , and so great a scandal to christianity . and i verily believe that had the primitive christians been no better subjects , than their emperours were princes , had they practised on them those bloody artifices which have been common amongst those that call themselves the only catholicks , that barbarous dealing would have been a greater curb to the flourishing of the gospel , than all the ten persecutions . for how could an impartial heathen ever have believed their doctrine to have been of god , had their actions been so contrary to all principles of natural divinity . sure i am pagan rome was in this case more orthodox , and their pontifices far better doctors of divinity : their lex julia ( as vlpian their great lawyer tells us ) allotted the same penalty to sacriledge and treason ; placing the one the very next step to the other ; thereby teaching us that they looked upon treason against the prince as an affront next to that which was immediately done against the majesty of heaven . and marcellus the great statesman in tacitus lays it down for a maxim , that subjects may wish for good princes , but ought to bear with any . and shame it is that any should call themselves christians , and yet be found worse than they , their principles and practices more opposite to the known laws of god and nature , more destructive to the peace and welfare of mankind . chap. v. of their penance , and the discipline of the antient church . this why last treated of . the church as a society founded by christ has its distinct laws and priviledges . what the usual offences that came under the churches discipline . all immorality open , or confessed . lapsing into idolatry the great sin of those times . how many ways usually committed . the traditores who , what their crime . what penalties inflicted upon delinquent persons . delivering over to satan , what : this extraordinary coercive power why vested in the church . the common and standing penalty by excommunication . this practised amongst the antient gauls : an account of it out of caesar . in use amongst the jews . thence derived to the christians . this punishment how expressed by church-writers : managed according to the nature of the fault . the rigour of it sometimes mitigated . delinquent clergy-men degraded , and never admitted but to lay-communion ; instances of it . an account of the rise of novatianism , and the severity of its principles ; styl'd cathari ; condemn'd by the synod at rome . offenders in what manner dealt with . the procedure of the action described by tertullian . penitents how behaving themselves during their suspension . the greatest not spar'd ; the case of philippus and theodosius . this severity why used . penances called satisfactions , and why . the use of the word , satisfaction , in the antient fathers . penitents how absolved . after what time . in the power of bishops to extend or shorten these penitentiary humiliations . four particular cases observed wherein the time of penance might be shortned . in what sence communion is denied by some antient canons to penitents at the hour of death . this discipline administred primarily by bishops . by his leave presbyters and ( in necessity ) deacons might absolve . the publick penitentiary when and why instituted ; when and why laid aside . penitents taken into communion by martyrs and confessors . this power abused to excess . cyprian's complaint of the excessive numbers of libells of peace granted by the martyrs to the lapsed , without the knowledge of the bishop . the form of these pacifick libells exemplified out of cyprian ; other sorts of libells . the libellatici who . thurificati . several sorts of libellatici . the libellatici properly so called . their manner of address to the heathen magistrate to procure their exemption from sacrificing . that they did not privately deny christ , proved against baronius . the piety and purity of the primitive church matter of just admiration . having travelled through the several stages of the subject i had undertaken ; i should here have ended my journey , but that there one thing remains , which was not properly reducible under any particular head , being of a general relation to the whole ; and that is to consider what discipline was used towards offenders in the antient church ; only premising this , that the christian church being founded and established by christ as a society and corporation distinct from that of the common-wealth , is by the very nature of its constitution ( besides what positive ground and warrant there may be for it in scripture ) invested with an inherent power ( besides what is borrowed from the civil magistrate ) of censuring and punishing its members that offend against the laws of it , and this in order to the maintaining its peace and purity . for without such a fundamental power as this , 't is impossible that as a society it should be able to subsist , the very nature of a community necessarily implying such a right inherent in it . now for the better understanding what this power was , and how exercised in the first ages of the church , we shall consider these four things : what were the usual crimes that came under the discipline of the antient church ; what penalties were inflicted upon delinquent persons ; in what manner offenders were dealt with ; and by whom this discipline was administred . first , what the usual crimes and offences were which came under the discipline of the antient church ; in the general they were any offences against the christian law , any vice or immorality that was either publick in it self , or made known and made good to the church . for the holy and good christians of those times were infinitely careful to keep the honour of their religion unspotted , to stifle every sin in its birth , and by bringing offenders to publick shame and penalty to keep them from propagating the malignant influence of a bad example . for this reason they watched over one another , told them privately of their faults and failures , and when that would not do , brought them before the cognizance of the church . 't is needless to reckon up particular crimes , when none were spar'd . only because in those days by reason of the violent heats of persecution the great temptation which the weaker and more unsettled christians were exposed to , was to deny their profession , and to offer sacrifice to the heathen-gods , therefore lapsing into idolatry was the most common sin that came before them , and of this they had very frequent instances , it being that which for some ages mainly exercised the discipline of the church . this sin of idolatry or denying christ in those times was usually committed these three ways : sometimes by exposing the scriptures to the rage and malice of their enemies , which was accounted a virtual renouncing christianity : this was especially remarkable under the diocletian persecution in the african churches . for diocletian had put forth an edict that christians should deliver up their scriptures and the writings of the church to be burnt . this command was prosecuted with great rigour and fierceness , and many christians to avoid the storm delivered up their bibles to the scorn and fury of their enemies . hence they were styled traditores ( of whom there is frequent mention in optatus and s. augustin ) with whom the orthodox refusing to joyn after the persecution was over , the difference broke out into schism and faction , and gave birth to that unhappy sect of the donatists which so much exercised the christian church . otherwhiles christians became guilty of idolatry by actual sacrificing , or worshipping idols ; these were called thurificati , from their burning incense upon the altars of the heathen deities , and were the grossest and vilest sort of idolaters . others again fell into this sin by basely corrupting the heathen magistrate , and purchasing a warrant of security from him to exempt them from the penalty of the law , and the necessity of sacrificing and denying christ : these were called libellatici , of whom we shall speak more afterwards . secondly , what penalties and punishments were inflicted upon delinquent persons , and they could be no other than such as were agreeable to the nature and constitution of the church , which as it transacts only in spiritual matters , so it could inflict no other than spiritual censures and chastisements . 't is true indeed that in the first age especially , the apostles had a power to inflict bodily punishments upon offenders , which they sometimes made use of upon great occasions , as s. peter did towards ananias and saphira , striking them dead upon the place for their notorious couzenage and gross hypocrisie : and s. paul punished elymas with blindness for his perverse and malicious opposition of the gospel ; and this doubtless he primarily intends by his delivering over persons unto satan , for no sooner were they excommunicated and cut off from the body of the faithful , but satan as the common serjeant and jaylor seized upon them , and either by actual possessing , or some other sign upon their bodies made it appear that they were delivered over into his power . this could not but strike a mighty terrour into men , and make them stand in awe of the censures of the church ; and questionless the main design of the divine providence in affording this extraordinary gift was to supply the defect of civil and coercive power , of which the church was then wholly destitute , and therefore needed some more than ordinary assistance especially at its first constitution , some visible and sensible punishments to keep its sentence and determinations from being sleighted by bold and contumacious offenders . how long this miraculous power lasted in the church , i know not , or whether at all beyond the apostles age . the common and standing penalty they made use of was excommunication or suspension from communion with the church ; the cutting off and casting out an offending person as a rotten and infected member , till by repentance and wholesome discipline he was cured and restored , and then he was re-admitted into church-society , and to a participation of the ordinances and priviledges of christianity . this way of punishing by excommunication was not originally instituted by our lord or his apostles , but had been antiently practised both amongst jews and gentiles . 't was commonly practised by the druids ( as caesar who lived amongst them informs us ) who , when any of the people became irregular and disorderly , presently suspended them from their sacrifices . and the persons thus suspended were accounted in the number of the most impious and exercrable persons : all men stood off from them , shun'd their company and converse as an infection and a plague : they had no benefit of law , nor any honour or respect shewn to them ; and of all punishments this they accounted most extreme and severe . so far he ; giving an account of this discipline amongst the antient gauls . in the jewish church nothing was more familiar ; their three famous degrees of excommunication 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 niddui , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cherem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shammatha , are so commonly known , that 't were impertinent to insist upon them . from the usage of the jewish it was amongst other rites adopted into the christian church , practised by the apostles , and the churches founded by them ( whereof we have instances in the new testament ) but brought to greater perfection in succeeding times . 't is variously expressed by the antient writers , though much to the same purpose . such persons are said abstineri , to be kept back , a word much used by cyprian , and the synod of illiberis ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be separated , or be separated from the body of christ , as s. augustin oft expresses it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be wholly cut off from communion , as 't is in the apostolick canons . sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the laodicean synod calls it , to be thrown out of the church ; to be anathematiz'd , and without the communion and pale of the church , as the fathers of the council of gaugra have it . this suspension and the penance that accompanied it was greater or less , longer or shorter according to the nature of the crime , sometimes two , three , ten , fifteen , twenty or thirty years , and sometimes for the whole life ; nay , in some cases it was not taken off at death , but persons were left to the judgment of god , without any testimony of their reconciliation to the church . though herein the severity was mitigated , not only by private bishops , but by the great council of nice , which ordain'd that penitent persons should not be denied the communion at the hour of death : of all which cases , or the most material of them , we have in the foregoing discourse produc'd particular instances in their proper places . if the person offending hapned to be in orders , he forfeited his ministry ; and though upon his repentance he was restored to communion , yet it was only as a lay-person , never recovering the honour and dignity of his office . thus cornelius bishop of rome giving fabius of antioch an account of the clancular and schismatical ordination of novatian , tells him , that one of the bishops that ordain'd him return'd after to the church , with tears bewailing his offence , whom at the instance of the people he receiv'd unto lay-communion . the same cyprian writing about this very case relates of trophimus ( who was either the very bishop mentioned by cornelius , or one of his colleagues ) that returning to the church with great demonstrations of repentance , he was re-admitted , but no otherwise than in the capacity of a lay-man : and speaking elsewhere of basilides his repentance , he tells us he had no thoughts of retaining his bishoprick , making account he was very well dealt with , if upon his repentance he might but communicate as a laick , and be received amongst the number of the faithful . this s. basil tells us was an ancient canon and practice of the church , and accordingly ordains , that a deacon guilty of fornication should be deposed from his office , and being thrust down into the rank of the laity , should in that quality be admitted to communion . indeed they strove by all ways imaginable to discourage sin , never thinking the curb strong enough , so they might but keep persons within the bounds of order and regularity ; insomuch that by some the string was stretched too far , and all pardon denied to them that had sin'd . this uncomfortable doctrine was if not first coin'd , yet mainly vended by the novatian party . for novatus s. cyprians presbyter being suspended by him for his vile enormities fled over to rome , and there joyn'd himself to novatian a presbyter of that church ( these two names are frequently confounded by the greek writers ) who ambitiously sought to make himself bishop , and to thrust out cornelius newly elected into that see ; but not being able to compass his design , between them they started this amongst other heretical opinions , that the lapsed who through fear of suffering had fallen in the time of persecution were not to be admitted to repentance , and that though they should never so oft confess their sins , and never so sincerely forsake them , yet there was no hope of salvation for them , at least-wise ( for so i incline to understand them ) that it was not in the power of the church to absolve or give them any hopes of pardon , leaving them to the judgment of god ; styling themselves ( and not only as balsamon affirms , ironically styl'd by others ) by the name of cathari , the pure and undefiled party . but they were herein presently condemned by a synod of sixty bishops , and more than as many presbyters and deacons gathered at rome ( and the decree consented to and published by the rest of the bishops in their several provinces ) concluding that novatus and his party , and all that had subscribed to his most inhumane and merciless opinion , should be cast out of the church ; and that the brethren who in that sad calamity had fallen from their profession , should be healed and restored by the arts and methods of repentance . which brings us to consider , 〈…〉 thirdly , how and in what manner offenders were dealt with , both as to their suspension and penance , and as to their absolution . this affair was usually managed after this order ; at their publick assemblies ( as we find in tertullian ) amongst other parts of their holy exercises , there were exhortations , reproofs , and a divine censure ; for the judgment is given with great weight , as amongst those that are sure that god beholds what they do ; and this is one of the highest praeludiums and forerunners of the judgment to come , when the delinquent person is banished from the communion of prayers , assemblies , and all holy commerce . by this passage we clearly see , that the first thing in this solemn action was to make reproofs and exhortations , thereby to bring the offender to the sight and acknowledgement of his faults ; then the sentence or censure was passed upon him , whereby he was suspended , not only from the communion of the holy eucharist , but from all holy commerce in any ( especially publick ) duty of religion . we cannot imagine , that in every person that stood under this capacity , a formal sentence was always denounced against him , it being many times sufficient that the fact he had done was evident and notorious , as in the case of the lapsed that had offered sacrifice , for in this case the offender was look'd upon as ipso facto excommunicate , and all religious commerce forborn towards him . 't is true , that in some cases the martyrs ( as we shall see more anon ) finding such lapsed persons truly penitent did receive them into private communion , so did those martyrs dionysius alexandrinus speaks of in his letter to fabius bishop of antioch , they took the penitents that had fallen into idolatry into their company , and communicated with them both at prayers and meals ; but to publick communion they were never admitted till they had exactly fulfilled the discipline of the church , which principally consisted in many severe acts of repentance and mortification , more or less according to the nature of the offence . during this space of penance they appeared in all the formalities of sorrow and mourning , in a sordid and squalid habit , with a sad countenance , and a head hung down , with tears in their eyes , standing without at the church doors , ( for they were not suffered to enter in ) falling down upon their knees to the ministers as they went in , and begging the prayers of all good christians for themselves , with all the expressions and demonstrations of a sorrowful and dejected mind ; reckoning the lower they lay in repentance , the higher it would exalt them ; the more sordid they appeared , the more they should be cleansed and purified ; the less they spared themselves , the more god would spare them : at these times also they made open confession of their faults , this being accounted the very spring of repentance , and without which they concluded it could not be real , out of confession ( says tertullian ) is born repentance , and by repentance god is pacified ; and therefore without this neither riches nor honour would procure any admission into the church . thus eusebius reports , that when philippus the emperour would have gone in with the rest of the christians upon easter-eve to have partaked of the prayers of the church , the bishop of the place would by no means suffer it , unless he first made confession of his sins , and passed through the order of the penitents , being guilty of very great and enormous sins ; which 't is said he very willingly submitted to , testifying by his actions his real and religious fear of the divine majesty . this story , though as to the main of it , it might be true , yet as fastened upon philip the emperour , i have formerly shewed it to be false , and that it 's rather meant of one philippus who was governour in egypt , and professed himself a christian ; but however this was , 't is certain that a person as great as he , theodosius the great , for his bloody and barbarous slaughter of the thessalonians was by s. ambrose bishop of millain suspended , brought to publick confession , and forced to undergo a severe course of penance for eight months together ; when after great demonstrations of a hearty sorrow , and sincere repentance , not more rigidly imposed upon him , than readily and willingly received by him , after his usual prostrations in the church ( as if unworthy either to stand or kneel ) crying out in the words of david , my soul cleaveth unto the dust , quicken thou me according to thy word , after having oft torn his hair , beat his forehead , water'd his cheeks with tears , and humbly beg'd peace and pardon , he was absolved , and restored to communion with the church ; of which passage they who would know more , may find the story largely related by theodoret. this severity was used towards offenders , partly to make them more sensible of their sins , partly to affright and deterr others , but principally to give satisfaction both to god and his church concerning the reality and sincerity of their repentance . hence it is that these penances , in the writings of those times are so often called satisfactions ; for whenever those fathers use the word , 't is either with respect to men or god ; if to men , then the meaning is , that by these external acts of sorrow and mortification they satisfie the church of their repentance , and make reparation for those offences and scandals which they had given by their sins : if to god , then 't is taken for the acknowledgement of a mans fault , and the begging of pardon and remission : thus cyprian speaking of the state of impenitent sinners , aggravates it by this , that they do peccare , nec satisfacere , sin , but make no satisfaction , i.e. ( as in the very next words he explains it ) they do not peccata deflere , confess and bewail their sins ; and before , discoursing about gods being the only object of tears and sorrow for sin , which is to be addressed to god and not man , he tells us 't is god that is to be appeased by satisfaction , that he being greatly offended is to be intreated by a long and full repentance , as being alone able to pardon those sins that are committed against him . so that the satisfaction which they reckon'd they made to god consisted in seeking to avert his displeasure , and to regain his forfeited favour by a deep contrition and sorrow for sin , by a real acknowledgement and forsaking of their faults , and by an humble giving to god the glory both of his mercy and his justice . thence confession is called by tertullian the counsel or intendment of satisfaction : and a little after he describes it thus ; confession ( says he ) is that whereby we acknowledge our offence to god , not as if he were ignorant of it , but inasmuch as by confession satisfaction is forwarded , by confession repentance is produced , and by repentance god is appeased . the same both he , cyprian and others , frequently use in the same sence ; which i note the rather , because of that absurd and impious doctrine , so currant amongst the papists , and which they pretend to derive from these very fathers , that by works of penance compensation is made to god for the debt of punishment that was contracted , whereby at least the temporal penalties due to sin are meritoriously expiated and done away . but this besides that it is flatly repugnant to the doctrine of antiquity , how much 't is derogatory to the honour of divine grace , and the infinite satisfaction of the son of god , i shall not now stand to dispute . to return therefore ; this term of penance was usually exacted with great rigour , and seldom dispensed with , no indulgence or admission being granted till the full time was compleated . therefore cyprian smartly chides with some presbyters who had taken upon them to absolve the lapsed before their time , and that whereas in lesser offences men were obliged to the just time of penance , and to observe the order of discipline , they in a crime of so heinous a nature had hand over head admitted them to communion before they had gone through their penance and confession , and fulfilled the regular customs and orders of the church . the time of penance being ended , they addressed themselves to the governours of the church for absolution , hereupon their repentance was taken into examination , and being found to be sincere and real , they were openly re-admitted into the church by the imposition of the hands of the clergy , the party to be absolv'd kneeling down between the knees of the bishop , or in his absence of the presbyter , who laying his hand upon his head solemnly blessed and absolved him , whence doubtless sprang that absurd and senceless calumny which the heathens laid upon the christians , that they were wont sacerdotis colere genitalia ; so forward were they to catch at any reproach which the most crooked and malicious invention could insinuate and suggest : the penitent being absolved , was received with the universal joy and acclamation of the people , as one returned from the state of the dead ( for such 't is plain they accounted them while under a state of guilt , especially the lapsed , as cyprian positively affirms them to be ) being embraced by his brethren , who blessed god for his return , and many times wept for the joy of his recovery , who upon his absolution was now restored to a participation of the lords supper , and to all other acts of church-communion , which by his crimes he had forfeited , and from which he had been suspended , till he had given satisfactory evidence of his repentance , and purpose to persevere under the exact discipline of christianity . this was the ordinary way wherein they treated criminals in the primitive church ; but in cases of necessity ( such as that of danger of death ) they did not rigidly exact the set time of penance , but absolved the person , that so he might dye in the peace and communion of the church . the story of serapion at alexandria we have formerly mentioned , who being suddainly surpriz'd with death while he was under the state of penance , and not being able to dye till he had received absolution , sent for the presbyter to testifie his repentance and absolve him ; but he being also at that time sick , sent him a part of the consecrated elements , which he had by him , upon the receiving whereof he breathed out his soul with great comfort and satisfaction that he now died in communion with the church . the truth is , the time of these penitentiary humiliations often varied according to the circumstances of the case , it being much in the power of the bishops and governours of the church to shorten the time , and sooner to absolve and take them into communion , the medicinal vertue of repentance lying not in the duration , but the manner of it , as s. basil speaks in this very case . a learned man has observed to my hand four particular cases wherein they were wont to anticipate the usual time of absolution : the first was ( what i observed but now ) when persons were in danger of death ; this was agreed to by cyprian , and the martyrs , and the roman clergy , and the letters ( as he tells us ) sent through the whole world to all the churches ; this also was provided for by the great council of nice , that as for those that were at the point of death , the ancient and canonical rule should be observed still , that when any were at the point of death they should by no means be deprived of the last and necessary viaticum , i.e. the holy sacrament , which was their great symbol of communion . and here for the better understanding some passages it may not be unuseful once for all to add this note , that whereas many of the ancient canons ( of the illiberine council especially ) positively deny communion to some sorts of penitents even at the hour of death , they are not to be understood , as if the church mercilesly denied all indulgence and absolution to any penitent at such a time , but only that it was thought fit to deny them the use of the eucharist , which was the great pledge and testimony of their communion with the church . the second case was in time of eminent persecution , conceiving it but fit at such times to dispense with the rigour of the discipline , that so penitents being received to the grace of christ , and to the communion of the church , might be the better armed and enabled to contend earnestly for the faith. this was resolved and agreed upon by cyprian , and a whole council of african bishops , whereof they give an account to cornelius bishop of rome , that in regard persecution was drawing on , they held it convenient and necessary , that communion and reconciliation should be granted to the lapsed , not only to those that were a dying , but even to the living , that they might not be left naked and unarmed in the time of battel , but be able to defend themselves with the shield of christs body and blood . for how ( say they ) shall we teach and perswade them to shed their blood in the cause of christ , if we deny them the benefit of his blood ? how shall we make them fit to drink the cup of martyrdom , unless we first admit them in the church to a right of communication to drink of the cup of the blood of christ ? a third case wherein they relaxed the severity of this discipline was , when great multitudes were concerned , or such persons as were likely to draw great numbers after them ; in this case they thought it prudent and reasonable to deal with persons by somewhat milder and gentler methods , lest by holding them to terms of rigour and austerity , they should provoke them to fly off either to heathens or to hereticks . this course cyprian tells us he took , he complied with the necessity of the times , and like a wise physician yielded a little to the humour of the patient , to provide for his health , and to cure his wounds ; and quotes herein the example of cornelius of rome , who dealt just so with trophimus and his party ; and elsewhere , that out of an earnest desire to regain and resettle the brethren , he was ready to connive at many things , and to forgive any thing , and did not examine and exact the greatest crimes with that full power and severity that he might , insomuch that he thought he did almost offend himself in an over-liberal remitting other mens offences . lastly , in absolving penitents , and mitigating the rigours of their repentance , they used to have respect to the person of the penitent , to his dignity , or age , or infirmity , or the course of his past life ; sometimes to the greatness of his humility , and the impression which his present condition made upon him . thus the ancyran council impowers bishops to examine the manner of mens conversion and repentance , and accordingly either to moderate , or enlarge their time of penance , but especially that regard be had to their conversation both before and since their offence , that so clemency and indulgence may be extended to them . so for the case of persons of more than ordinary rank and dignity , or of a more tender and delicate constitution , chrysostome determines , that in chastising and punishing their offences they be dealt withal in a more peculiar manner than other men , lest by holding them under over-rigorous penalties they should be tempted to fly out into despair , and so throwing off the reins of modesty , and the care of their own happiness and salvation , should run headlong into all manner of vice and wickedness . so wisely did the prudence and piety of those times deal with offenders , neither letting the reins so loose as to patronize presumption , or encourage any man to sin , nor yet holding them so strait , as to drive men into despair . the fourth and last circumstance concerns the persons by whom this discipline was administred ; now though 't is true that this affair was managed in the publick congregation , and seldom or never done without the consent and approbation of the people ( as cyprian more than once and again expresly tells us ) yet was it ever accounted a ministerial act , and properly belonged to them . tertullian speaking of church censures , adds , that the elders that are approv'd , and have attain'd that honour , not by purchase but testimony , preside therein ; and firmilian bishop of caesarea cappadocia in a letter to s. cyprian speaking of the majores natu , the seniors that preside in the church , tells us , that to them belongs the power of baptizing , imposing hands , ( viz. in penance ) and ordination . by the bishop it was primarily and usually administred , the determining the time and manner of repentance , and the conferring pardon upon the penitent sinner , being acts of the highest power and jurisdiction , and therefore reckoned to appertain to the highest order in the church . therefore 't is provided by the illiberine council , that penance shall be prescribed by none but the bishop ; only in case of necessity , such as sickness , and danger of death , by leave and command from the bishop , the presbyter or deacon might impose penance and absolve . accordingly we find cyprian amongst other directions to his clergy how to carry themselves towards the lapsed , giving them this , that if any were over-taken with sickness , or present danger , they should not stay for his coming , but the sick person should make confession of his sins to the next presbyter , or , if a presbyter could not be met with , to a deacon , that so laying hands upon him he might depart in the peace of the church . but though while the number of christians was small , and the bounds of particular churches little , bishops were able to manage these and other parts of their office in their own persons , yet soon after the task began to grow too great for them ; and therefore about the time of the decian persecution , when christians were very much multiplyed , and the number of the lapsed great , it seem'd good to the prudence of the church partly for the ease of the bishop , and partly to provide for the modesty of persons in being brought before the whole church to confess every crime , to appoint a publick penitentiary ( some holy , grave , and prudent presbyter ) whose office it was to take the confession of those sins which persons had committed after baptism , and by prayers , fastings , and other exercises of mortification to prepare them for absolution . he was a kind of censor morum , to enquire into the lives of christians , to take an account of their failures , and to direct and dispose them to repentance . this office continued for some hundreds of years , till it was abrogated by nectarius ( s. chrysostomes predecessor in the see of constantinople ) upon the occasion of a notorious scandal that arose about it . a woman of good rank and quality had been with the penitentiary , and confessed all her sins committed since baptism ; he enjoyn'd her to give up her self to fasting and prayer ; but not long after she came to him , and confessed , that while she was conversant in the church to attend upon those holy exercises , she had been tempted to commit folly and leudness with a deacon of the church , whereupon the deacon was immediately cast out ; but the people being excedingly troubled at the scandal , and the holy order hereby exposed to the scorn and derision of the gentiles , nectarius by the advice of eudaemon a presbyter of that church wholly took away the office of the publick penitentiary , leaving every one to the care and liberty of his own conscience to prepare himself for the holy sacrament . this account socrates assures us he had from eudaemon's own mouth ; and sozomen adds , that almost all bishops follow'd nectarius his example in abrogating this office. but besides the ordinary and standing office of the clergy , we find even some of the laity , the martyrs and confessors , that had a considerable hand in absolving penitents , and restoring them to the communion of the church . for the understanding of which we are to know , that as the christians of those times had a mighty reverence for martyrs and confessors as the great champions of religion , so the martyrs took upon them to dispense in extraordinary cases ; for it was very customary in times of persecution for those who through fear of suffering had lapsed into idolatry to make their address to the martyrs in prison , and to beg peace of them , that they might be restored to the church ; who considering their petitions , and weighing the circumstances of their case did frequently grant their requests , mitigate their penance , and by a note signed under their hands signifie what they had done to the bishop , who taking an account of their condition , absolved and admitted them to communion . of these libelli , or books granted by the martyrs to the lapsed , there is mention in cyprian at every turn , who complains they were come to that excessive number , that thousands were granted almost every day ; this many of them took upon them to do with great smartness and authority , and without that respect that was due to the bishops , as appears from the note written to cyprian by lucian in the name of the confessors ; which because 't is but short , and withall shews the form and manners of those pacifick libells , it may not be amiss to set it down ; and thus it runs ; all the confessors to cyprian the bishop , greeting : know that we have granted peace to all those , of whom you have had an account what they have done , how they have behaved themselves since the commission of their crimes ; and we would that these presents should by you be imparted to the rest of the bishops : we wish you to maintain peace with the holy martyrs : written by lucian ; of the clergy , the exorcist and reader being present . this was looked upon as very peremptory and magisterial , and therefore of this confidence and presumption , and carelesness in promiscuously granting these letters of peace , cyprian not without reason complains in an epistle to the clergy of rome . besides these libells granted by the martyrs , there were other libelli granted by heathen-magistrates ( of which it may not be impertinent to speak a little ) whence the lapsed that had had them were commonly called libellatici , and they were of several sorts ; some writing their names in libellis in books , and professing themselves to worship jupiter , mars , and the rest of the heathen gods , presented them to the magistrate ; and these did really sacrifice , and pollute not their souls only but their hands and their lips with unlawful sacrifices , as the clergy of rome expresses it in a letter to s. cyprian ; these were called thurificati , and sacrificati , from their having offered incense and sacrifices . somewhat of this nature was that libell that pliny speaks of in his epistle to the emperour trajan , presented to him while he was proconsul of bithynia , containing a catalogue of the names of many , some whereof had been accused to be christians and denied it , others confessed they had been so some years since but had renounc'd it ; all of them adoring the images of the gods , and the emperours statue , offering sacrifice , and blaspheming christ ; and were accordingly dismissed and released by him . others there were who did not themselves sign or present any such libells , but some heathen-friends for them ( and sometimes out of kindness they were encouraged to it by the magistrates themselves ) and were hereupon released out of prison , and had the favour not to be urged to sacrifice . nay , dionysius of alexandria speaks of some masters , who to escape themselves compelled their servants to do sacrifice for them , to whom he appoints a three years penance for that sinful compliance and dissimulation . a third sort there was , who finding the edge and keenness of their judges was to be taken off with a sum of money , freely confessed to them that they were christians and could not sacrifice , pray'd them to give them a libell of dismission , for which they would give them a suitable reward : these were most properly called libellatici and libellati . cyprian acquaints us with the manner of their address to the heathen magistrate , bringing in such a person thus speaking for himself : i had both read and learnt from the sermons of the bishop , that the servant of god is not to sacrifice to idols , nor to worship images ; wherefore that i might not do what was unlawful , having an opportunity of getting a libell offered , ( which yet i would not have accepted had it not offered it self ) i went to the magistrate , or caused another to go in my name and tell him , that i was a christian , and that it was not lawful for me to sacrifice , nor to approach the altars of the devils , that therefore i would give him a reward to excuse me , that i might not be urged to what was unlawful . these though not altogether so bad as the sacrificati , yet cyprian charges as guilty of implicit idolatry , having defiled their consciences with the purchase of these books , and done that by consent , which others had actually done . i know baronius will needs have it ( and boasts that all that had written before him were mistaken in the case ) that these libellatici were not exempted from denying christ , nor gave mony to that end ; that they only requested of the magistrate , that they might not be compelled to offer sacrifice , that they were ready to deny christ , and were willing to give him a reward to dispence with them only so far , and to furnish them with a libell of security , and that they did really deny him before they obtained their libell . but nothing can be more plain both from this and several other passages in cyprian , than that they did not either publickly or privately sacrifice to idols , or actually deny christ ; and therefore bribed the magistrate , that they might not be forced to do what was unlawful . and hence cyprian argues them as guilty by their wills and consent , and that they had implicitly denied christ , how ? by actually doing it ? no , but by pretending they had done what others were really guilty of . certainly the cardinals mistake arose from a not right understanding the several sorts of the libellatici , the first whereof of ( as we have shewn ) did actually sacrifice and deny christ . and now having taken this view of the severity of discipline in the antient church , nothing remains but to admire and imitate their piety and integrity , their infinite hatred of sin , their care and zeal to keep up that strictness and purity of manners that had rendred their religion so renowned and triumphant in the world : a discipline ; which how happy were it for the christian world , were it again resetled in its due power and vigour , which particularly is the judgment and desire of our own church concerning the solemn quadragesimal penances and humiliations ; in the primitive church ( say the preface to the commination ) there was a godly discipline , that at the beginning of lent , such persons as stood convicted of notorious sin were put to open penance , and punished in this world , that their souls might be saved in the day of the lord ; and that others admonished by their example , might be the more afraid to offend : which said discipline it is much to be wished might be restored again . finis . a chronological index of the authours cited in this book , according to the vulgar computation ; with an account of the editions of their works . christian or ecclesiastical writers flourish'd an. dom. books editions apostolorū canones     par. apostolorū constitutiones       clemens romanus epist . ad cor. oxon. dionysius areopagita   opera . antw. ignatius antiochenus epistolae . amster .     append. usher . lond. polycarpus epistol . apud euseb . abdias babylonius   histor . apostol . par. justinus martyr opera . par. smyrnensi , ecclesia epistol . apud euseb . melito sardensis orat. apolog. apud euseb . athenagoras legat. pro christ . par. dionysius corinth . episc . epistolae . apud euseb . theophilus antioch . lib. . ad autolyc . par. tatianus orat. ad graecos . ibid. hegesippus commentar . apud euseb . irenaeus adv . haereses . par. polycrates ephes . episc . epistol . apud euseb . tertullianus opera . par. clemens alexandrinus opera . par. minutius foelix octavius . par. origenes opera lat. par.     contr. cels . cantab. gregorius neocaesar . opera . mogun . cyprianus opera . par. cornelius papa epist . apud cypri . 〈◊〉 epist . apud cypri . 〈◊〉 diaconus vit. cyprian . apud cypri . dionysius alexandrinus epist . apud euseb . arnobius adv . gentes . par. lactantius ● opera . l. bat. commodianus instructiones . par. constantinus m. orat. ad ss . apud euseb . eusebius caesariensis ( de praep . evang. par. eusebius caesariensis histor . eccles . par. eusebius caesariensis de locis hebrai . par. eusebius caesariensis chronic. amster . athanasius opera . heidel . julius firmicus de error . prof . rel. par. . optatus milevitanus de schism . donat. lond. ephraem syrus     ambrosius opera . basil . basilius m. opera . par. gregorius nazianzenus opera . par. gregorius nyssenus opera . par. epiphanius opera edit . graec. basil . palladius histor . lausiac . par. theophilus alexandr . edict de theophan . apud balsam . jo. chrysostomus opera par.     in n. t. heidelb . hieronymus opera . bas . asterius amasenus homil. apud phot. prudentlus hymni . am● . augustinus opera . bas . innocentius papa epist . decret . par. paulinus nolanus epistol . inter orthod . paulinus presbyter vit. ambros . apud ambros . severus sulpitius histor . sacr. l. bat. maximus taurinensis homil. lugd. philostorgius hist . eccles . genev. orosius adv . paganos . col. possidius vit. augustin . apud august . isidorus pelusiota epistolae . heidelb . jo. cassianus de instit . monach. lugd. socrates histor . eccles . par. sozomenus histor . eccles . par. theodoretus hist . eccles . genev. theodoretus hist . religios . par. theodoretus de cur. graec. aff. heidelb . eucherius lugdunensis martyr . theb. leg. apud sur. sidonius apollinaris epistolae . hanov. victor uticensis de persec . vand. par. jo. malela chronic. apud usser . gregorius m. dialogi . col. photius bibliothec. rothom . photius nomocan . par. ado viennensis martyrolog . apud sur. suidas lexic . gen. gregorius presbyter vit. nazianzeni . apud nazian . simeon metaphrastes vitae sanctorum . apud sur. jo. zonaras schol. in can. par. const . harmenopulus epitom . can. ap . jus . gr. ro. alexius aristenus schol. in can. in synodic . theodorus balsamon schol. in can. in synodic . nicephorus callistus histor . eccles . par. mathaeus blastares nomocan . alphab . oxon. josephus aegyptius paraphras . arab. oxon.     conciliorum . oxon. josephus the jew antiquit. jud. gevev . . heathen writers flourish'd an. chr. books editions m. varro . ante chr. n.     m. t. cicero . ante chr. n.     jul. caesar . ante chr. n.     c. tacitus   amst . plinius secundus epistol . l. bat. suetonius vitae caesar . l. bat. brutius , chronograph .     apud euseb . plutarchus opera . par. celsus epicureus serm. verus . apud orig. lucianus opera . salm. galenus oper. edit . graec. ven. arrianus in epictet . cant. m. antoninus imp. de rebus suis . cant. . dion . cassius hist . rom. hanov. ulpianus j. c. de offic. procon . in digest . porphyrius de abstinent . cant. lampridius vit. alex. sev. hist . august . vulcatius gallicanus vit. avid . coss . l. bat. julianus imper. opera . par. eutropius hist . rom. inter script . h.       aug. eunapius de vit. philosoph . gen. libanius orationes . par. amianus marcellinus hist . rom. inter h. august .       script . vegetius de re milit . wesel . symmachus epistolae . lugd. zosimus histor nov. ad calc . herod .       lugd. macrobius saturnal . l. bat. simplicius com. in epict. l. bat. councils holden a. d.     concilium .       africanum sub cypriano   constantinopolitanū gen. ii. contra novatum carthaginense . aliud sub cypriano de haeret.   carthaginense . . baptiz . carthaginense . . aliud sub cypriano carthaginense . . antiochenū cont . paul. sā . ephesinum . gener. iii. illiberinum arausicanum neocaesariense chalcedonense . gen. iv. ancyranum aurelianense nicaenum generale i. agathense arelatense . toletanum . gangrense sextum in trulla . antiochenum martyrologium romanum . sardicense rituale . romanum . laodicenum maenologium graecorum .     euchologium graecorum . roman emperours whose laws and edicts are cited in this book .   began their reigns ant. chr. nero trajan adrian antoninus pius m. antonius alexander severus decius valerianus diocletianus maximianus constantius chlorus galerius maximinus licinius constantinus m. constantius julianus jovinian valentinianus valens gratianus theodosius m. arcadius honorius theodosius jun. anastasius justinianus carolus magnus late writers . r. bellarminus . caes . baronius . ant. galonius . gabr. albaspinus . jan. gruterus . is . casaubonus . nic fuller . jos . mede . nic rigaltius onuphrius panvinius . desid . heraldus . edw. breerwood . joan. gronovius . cl. salmasius . j. g. vossius . jac. gothofredus . leo allatius . paulus aringhius . joan fronto . joan frobes . arch-b . usher b. taylor . dr. hammond . herb. thorndike . mr. daillé . finis . books to be sold by richard chiswel , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard , . folio's . cosins tabulae politiae ecclesiae anglicanae , s. buxtorfii concordant . heb. l. s. kircheri china illustrata cum figuris . morini astrologia gallica , . l. cotgrave's french and english dictionary corrected and enlarged , . s. twiss de scientia media , s. riccioli almagestum novum , vol. scapulae lexicon , graeco-latinum , l. s. dr. heylin's cosmography , l. s. bishop sanderson's sermons , s. the life of arch-bishop laud ; by dr. heylin , s. schroders compleat chymical dispensatory , in english , . s. lord cook 's four institutes of the laws of england , viz. — . his comment on littleton , l. — . his comment on magna charta , the largest paper , s. — . pleas of the crown , s. — . jurisdiction of courts , s. lord dyer's reports , with three tables , . s. blunt ' s law-dictionary , s. mr. farindon's sermons in vol. s. doctor frank's course of sermons , . s. lord bacon's natural history , s. god's revenge against murder , s. the works of dr. thomas jackson , in three volumes , with many additions , and a large table , . l. s. cambridge concordance ( second edition ) . s. house of mourning , being a collection of funeral sermons , s. mr. joseph mede ' s works , l. s. bp jeremy taylor ' s sermons , l. the jesuits morals , s. bartholinus's anatomy , english , with figures , s. cressey ' s church-history of britain , . l. s. dr. allestree's sermons , s. speed's exact geography of the kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland , with the shires , hundreds , cities and shire towns therein divided and described , to which is added his prospect of the most famous kingdoms and ports of the world ; all in one intire volume . the particular maps of the world , or of any of the four quarters thereof , or any of the said kingdoms , or of any shire and county in the kingdoms of great brittain , and ireland , may be had by themselves without the description . price of each , d. boccalin's advertisements from parnassus , s. ld. bacons advancement of learning , s. sir richard bakers chronicle of england , . s. the book of fortune , s. illustrious bassa , s. isaac ambroses works , . s. chillingworths protestant religion a safe way to salvation , to which is added his apostolical institution of episcopacy , and nine sermons , the fourth edition , . s. judge jones his reports , . s. quarto's . malpighii dissertatio epistolica de bombyce , s. gual . char●toni onomasticon zoicon , & mantissa anatomica , s. prideaux fasciculus controversiarum , s. d. hobbs's leviathan , lat. s. duport gnomologicon homericum , s. seneca de vita beata , & de brevitate vitae , s. d. chimentellii marmor pisanum de honore bisellii , de veterum sellis , & re donastica antiquorum . buxtorfii lexicon chaldaicum & syriacum . davissoni comment . in severini dani ideam medicinae philosophicae . doctor mainwaringe his method of cure , d. caryl on job compleat , twelve parts , pounds . description and history of the future state of europe , s. the jesuites intrigues , s. burrough ' s jewel of contentment , s. d. the works of john gregory of christs church oxon , s. dr. thomas pierces sermons , s. — sinner impleaded in his own court , s. — correct copy of some notes concerning gods decrees , s. — all his other controversies . fowlers defence of the design of christianity against john bunyan , s. the converted presbyterian . goldmans dictionary with large additions , s. bp. jer. taylor 's disswasive from popery , first part , s. lyford's discovery of errors and heresies of the times , s. dr. barwick's life of bp. morton , and sermon at his funeral , s. dr. sherlock's visitation sermon at warrington , . d . dr. wests assize-sermon at dorchester , . d. mr. dobson's sermon at lady● farmors funeral , . d. directions for improvement of barren land , d. culverwel's discourse of the light of nature , s. d . dr. meric casaubons letter to dr. du moulin , about experimental philosophy , d. doctor thomas jacomb ' s sermons on rom. . . s. lord hollis's relation of the unjust accusation of certain french gentlemen charged with a robbery , . d. the magistrates authority asserted , in a sermon preached at the cathedral in norwich , . by ja. paston , m. a. d. french ' s art of distillation , s. d. octavo's . gval . needham de formato foetu , s. d. nomenclatura brevis , grae. lat. angl. d. morisoni praeludia botanica , s. gregorii etymologicon parvum . eugalenus de scorbuto . hottingeri cippi hebraici . pasoris lexicon grae. novi testamenti , s. — gammatica grae. novi testamenti , s. lower de corde , editio secunda , s. syntaxis erasmiana constrictior , d. lucae de linda descriptio orbis , . ross gnomologicon poeticum , d. comenii vestibuli linguarum auctuarium , lat. eng. d. dionysius de situ orbis , graece , d. vossii elementa rhetorica , d. markham ' s perfect horsman enlarged by thetford , s. d. gouge's word to saints and sinners , with his prayers and catechism , s. dr. simsons chymical anatomy of the york-shire spaws ; with a discourse of the original of hot-springs and other fountains ; and a vindication of chymical physick , s. — his hydrological essayes ; with an account of the allom-works at whitby , and some observations about the jaundice , s. d. doctor cox's discourse of the interest of the patient , in reference to physick and physitians , and detection of the abuses practised by the apothecaries , s. d. organon salutis : or , an instrument to cleanse the stomach ; with divers new experiments of the virtue of tabacco and coffee : to which is prefixed a preface of sir henry blunt , shilling . the english rogue , all parts , s. aristotle's problems , d. bound . young clerks tutor , s. d. doctor cave's primitive christianity , in parts , the second edition , s. dr. brian's interest and duty of believers , in sermons , s. d. a discourse of the nature , ends , and difference of the two covenants , . . s. powel's concordance to the bible , s. d. dr. mainwaring's compleat physitian , s. the assemblies confession of faith and catechisms , lat. s. — the shorter catechism , grae. lat. by harmar . s. shelton ' s short-hand , s. sir thomas overbury ' s characters , s. leyborn's carpenters rule , s. barton's sermon before the lord mayor , d. langley ' s rhetorick , d. lord hollis judicature of the house of peers asserted , s. sir hen. wottons remains , s. fuller's sermons of peace and holiness , . s. d. lipsius ' s discourse of constancy , s. d. dr. worthington's scripture-catechism . d. dr. sherlocks exposition of the church-catechism . d. wiseman's cure of wounds . bp. taylor 's holy living and dying , s. dr. hammonds practical catechism , s. willis anglicisms latiniz'd , s. d. walkers english and latin proverbs , d. — whole duty of man , welsh , s. buckler of state and justice , against france's design of universal monarchy , . s. d. a free conference touching the present state of england at home and abroad in order to the designs of france , . s. bp. taylor of confirmation , s. d. the parsons law , s. mystery of jesuitism , d and th part. s. d. lord berkly ' s historical applications , s. d. sandersons judicium academ . oxoniens . de solenni liga . d. friendly debate betwixt a conformist and a nonconformist , first and second parts , s. d. dr. samways unreasonableness of the romanists , s. d. — his vindication of the liturgy . record of urines , s. blinmans defence of infant baptism against danvers , . s. d. hodges apolgy for nonconformists , s. d. rolls answer to the friendly debate , s. d. new light of alchymy , . s. crows catalogue of english writers on the old and new testament , s. hardcastles christian geography and arithmetick , s. d. speeds epitome of his geographical description of england , scotland and ireland , and forreign countries , s. duporti versio psalmorum davidis , grae. lat. in usum seholarum s. — eadem graeca , separatim , s. aesops fables paraphrased in verse , adorned with sculptures , and illustrated with annotations , by john ogilby esq in two vol. . s. duodecimo's . reusneri symbola . s. d. burgersdicii ethica , s. d. pemble de origine formarum , s. johnstoni thaumatographia ▪ redii experimenta de insectorum generatione , . molinaei characteres ethicì , s. d. oweni epigrammata , s. powel's concordance to the bible , s. dyer ' s works , s. hool ' s vocabulary , d. lambard's duty of constables , s. meriton ' s duty of constables , s. d. drexelius of eternity , s. new help to discourse , s. d. abbot's young mans warning-piece , pence . bp. cosen's devotions , s. lord hatton's psalter , s. bp. taylor 's guide to infant devotion , s. d. — discourse of friendship , s. d. wits commonwealth , s. d. bp. hackets christian consolations , s. d. dr. sherlocks practical christian , s. dr. patrick's christian sacrifice . — devout dhristian . brugis vade-mecum or companion for a surgeon , s. d. meriton of wills and testaments , s. d. and . lvcius florus , french , s. luc. florus , lat. s. pharmacopoeia londinensis , s. quintus curtius , lat. s. d. suetonius , lat. s. d. plauti comoediae , s. d. bicaissii manuale medicorum , s. d. clark ' s companion , s. crums of comfort , s. valentines devotions , . s. warwick's spare minutes , d. crimston's christian new-years-gift , d. childs-book and youths-book , d. bp. mortons devotions , d. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beresch . rab. cap. . ap . drus . adag . ebraic . decur . . adag . . church-hist . lib. . p. . h. eccles . lib. . c. . p. . notes for div a -e quando domini nostri adhuc calebat cruor , & fervebat recens in credentibus fides . hieron . ad demetr . p. . tom . . a modest discourse of the piety , charity , and policy of elder times and christians , &c. by edw. waterhouse , esq lond. . paganin . gaudentius de vita christianorum ante tempora constantini . florent . . quarto . de vita & moribus christianorum , &c. par. . quart . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . orig. adv . cels . lib. . p. . vid. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . julian caesares . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . zosim . hist . lib. . p. . praefat. in hilar. oper . epist . canon . ad amphil. can. . h. eccles . lib. . c. . p. . de vit . constant . lib. . c. . p. . de pseudepigr . ap. lib. . c. . p. . notes for div a -e part . apol. c. ult . p. . j. martyr . ap. . p. . athenag . legat. p arnob l. . p. . min. fael . p. . pseudomant . pa. . tom . . just . martyr . loc . laud. j. mart. ap. . ( sen verius . ) p. . & p. . pag. . apol. c. . p. . de err . prof . relig. p. . min. fael . p. . vid. arnob. adv . gent. l. . p. . vid. min. fael . p. ▪ . adv. cels . l. p. . vid. athanas . orat . contr . gent. min. fael . p. . j. martyr . ap. . p. . ib. p. . athen. leg . pro christian . p. . lib. . p. . lib. . p. ▪ b. ad nation . lib. . c. . p. . act. . . lib. . p. praepar . evang . lib. . c. . p. . ep. . oper . jul. part . . p. . de mort . peregrin . tom ▪ . p. . symmach . ep. lib. . ep. . ad valent. theod arcad . a. a. a. p. . pag. . pag. . min. fael . ● p. . lactan● . l. ▪ c. . p. . prapar . evang . l ▪ ● . c. . p. . &c. vid. athen. leg . pro ▪ christianis . p. . clem. alex strom . lib. adv. cels . l. . p. . praepara● . evang. lib. . tot . clem. alex. strom . l. . p. . tert. ap. c. . vid. theod. de curand . grec assect . serm. . de princip . admonit . ad gent. p. . ambros . ep. contr . symmach . inter ep. symmach . p. . lactant. loco supra laudato . adv. gent. l. . p. , . ib. p. . id. ib. p. . vid. greg. nyss ▪ orat. catechet . c ▪ . tom . . p. . adv. gent. l. p. . orig. contr . cels . l. . p. . ib. p. . pag. . min. fael . p. . pag. . & seq . matth. . . cor. . . tit. . . adv. gent. l. . p. . pag. . ad scap. c. . p. . cap. . p. . lib. . epist . . lib. . in domit ▪ p. . i● domitian . c. . p. . hist . eccl. l. . c. . p. . can. chron. ad an. chr. . p. . & chron. p. . edit . graec. martyr . rom. ad . maii. euseb . l. . c. . p. ▪ de script . eccles . in apoll. li. ▪ c. . p. . act. pont. apud . sur. ad . maii. tom . . adv. cels . l. . p. ● ▪ hist. ro● l. . non longe ab init . ib. . c. ▪ martyr . eugen. apud sur. ad . decemb . tom . . arnob adv . gent. l. . prop. fin . lactant. l ▪ . de justit . c. ● . ap. c. . p. . ib c. . martyrol . adonis ad x. kalend. octob. adv. cels . l. . p. , . adv. cels . lib. . p. . ib. p. . ib. p. . lib. . p. lib. . p. . ib. p. . de curand . graec. affectib . serm. . de leg. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. de cur. graec. ass . serm. . de princip . p. . pag. . apol. . p. . adv haeres . lib. . c. . p. . ad scap. c. p . ib. c. . p. . apol. c. . p . o●ig contr . c. lib. . p. . . l. p. . l. . p. . . cypr. ep. ad donat. p. . ad demetrian . p. . . min fael . p. arnob. adv . gent. l. . p. . lactant. de or. error . l. . c. . p. . euseb . demonstrat . evang. l. . p. . naz. or. . apol. p. . aug. de c. d. l. . c. . p. . greg. nyss . or. in suam ordinat . tom . . p . athanas . de incarn . verb. p. . edit . lat. ap. c. . p. . ib. c. . p. . ibid. c. . p. . cypr. ad demetr . p. . arnob. adv . gent. lib. . p. . aid . retractat . l. . c. . tom . . p. . p. oros . praef ad lib. hist . ad d. aug. ad dem●trian . p. , . arnob. ut supra p. . ap. c. . p. . rom. . , , . ap. c. . vid. arnob. l. . p. , . vt supra . p. . ap. c. . p. . lib. . p. , . praefat. ut supra . p. . apol. c. . p. . quest . p. . euseb . eccles . hist . lib. . c. . p. . vid. ib. l. . c. . l. . c. . de martyr . palest . c. . p. . ad demet. p. . clem. ep. ad corinth . p. . . leg. pro christ . p. . adm●nit . ad gent. p. . ap. . p. . comment . in cap. . esai . tom . . p. . lib. . p. . just . martyr . ap. . p. . leg pro christian p. . ap●● c. . p. . just . mart. ap. . p. . ap. c. . p. . ad demetrian . pag. . vid. tertul. ap. c. , , . j. mart. ap. ▪ p . , . athenag . leg pro christian . p. , . euseb . hist . eccles . l. . c. . p. . ib. p. . naz invect . in julian . . p. . ap. . p. . epist . l. . ep. . euseb . hist . eccles . l. . c. . . p. . j. martyr . ap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. p. , . ap. c. . p. . & ad scap. c. p. . . j. mart. dial cum tryph. p. . euseb . de vit . constant . l. . c. . . p. . lib. . p. , . pag. . pag. . de justit . l. ▪ c. . p. . hist . eccles . l. . c. . p. . vid. constant . or. ad caetum . s. s. c. . p. . adv. gent. lib. ● . . leg. pro christian . p. . apol. c. . p. . ad nation . l. . c. . p. . tit. . . de idololat c. . p. . conc. illiberit . can. . vt supra c. . ib. c. . p. . greg. naz : orat. paneg . in nativit . ch●isti or. . p. . contr. cels . l. . p. . . pag. . euseb hist . eccles . l . c. . p. ▪ aug. de civ . dei. l. . c. . p. . vid. l. . c ▪ . col . . de idololat . c. . p. . cap. . p. . vid. c. . . can. . adv. cels . l. . p. . inter epist . cypr. ep. . p. . concil illiber . can. . vid. not . albaspin . p. . & de rit . eccles . obs . . vid. can. . p. . can. . p. . can. . p. . can. . p. . ep. . p. euseb . de vit . constant . l. . c. . p. . socr. hist . eccles . l. . c. . p. euseb . hist . eccles . l. . c. . p. naz orat. invect . . in julian . or. . p. . vid. sozom . hist . eccles . l. . c. . naz. ib. p. . euseb . de mart . pal. c. . p. . ib. c. . p. . socrat. h. eccles . l. . c. . p. . 〈…〉 can. . p. . apol. c. . p. . minu. fael . p. . loc. supra citat . pag. . ibid. vid. ad nation l. . c. . p. . ononychites . ] de variis hujus vocis lectionib . vid. rigalt . in loc . & voss . de idol . l. . c. . p. . pag. . vid. etiam ad nation . l. . c. . p. . tacit. hist . l. . c. . plut. sympos . lib. . quest . . p. . apol. c. . act. . . act. . . cor. . . nic. full. miscell . s. l. . c. . mr. m●de p ▪ . philopatr . tom . . p. . pag. . ap. . p. . de idolola . c. . p. . adv. valentin . c. . p. . . de coron . mil. c. . p. . lamprid. in vit . alex . sever ▪ c. . p. . min. fael . p. . — . arnob. adv . gent. l. . p. . lact. de o●ig . error . l. . c. . p. . lib. . p. . mr. jos . mede discourse concerning churches oper . part . . lib. . hist . eccl. l. . c. . p. . de schismat . donat. l. . p. . euseb . l. . c. . p. . id. lib. . c. . p. . ib ▪ c ▪ . p. . devit constant . l. . c. , . p. . orat. de laud. const . c. . p. . or. funebr . in laud patr. or. . p. . constit . apost . l. . c. p. . adv. valentin . p. . de vit . const . l. . c. , . p. . const . apost l . c. . p. . roma subterran l. . c. . num. . p. . hist . eccl. l. . c. . p. . lib. . c. . p. . can. . de templ . graec. num. . p. . c. th. lib. . tit. . l. . ubi vid. jac. gothofr . com. vid. clem. alex. stromat . l. . p. . orig. adv . cels . lib. . p. 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. de bapt. c. . de cor. mil. c. . vid max. t●●rin homil . de s. pentecost ▪ p. . c. th. lib. . tit. . l ▪ ▪ serm . cur. act. app legantur in pentec . tom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , orat. . p . decret . telesph . sect . nocte vero . niceph. h. eccles . l. . c. . p. . forsan ex sim. metaphrast . qui eadem habet in martyr ind. & domn . apud sur. ad . decemb . tom . . serm. . tom. . p. . hom. . de baptismo christi . tom . p. . ibid. epist . . p. . euseb . chron. ad an. . euseb . hist . eccl. l. . c. . p. . expose . in job . l. . fol. . tom . . de vit . const . l. . c. p . epist . tom . . p. . apologet. pro doctr . sua p. . loco supra annot . de cur. graec. assect . serm. . de martyrib . p. . euseb . hist . lib. . c. . p. . l. . c. . p. . adv. vigilant . tom . . p. . ibid. vid. constit . app. l. . c. . p. . vid. epiphan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . de cor. mil. c. . p. . de exhort . castil . p. . de monog . p. . epist . . p. . & ep. . rigalt . obs . ad cypr. h. vales . annot . ad euseb . hist . annot . p. . picharell . de missa . p. . - . loco supra cit . p. . cap. . p. . reg. fus . disput . interrogat . . tom . . . p. . balsam . zo●ar . aristen . in ●an . . conc. neo-caesar . praef. ad catech. illum . p. . ibid. p. . de spirit . s. c. . p. . tom . . vid. dionys . areop . de eccl. hier●rch . c. . p. . chrys . hom. . in genes . p. . tom. . & alibi saepiss isid . pelus . l. . epist . . p. . aliique . exercit. . ad annal . bar. s. . p. . ad v●●l . epist . . col . . hom. . in cap. . ad cor p. . vid. chrys . ibid. loc. supr . laud. in can. . conc. laodie . lib . c. . p. . epist . canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . p. . sozom. h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . c. th. lib. . tit. . de episc . eccl. & cler. l. . in can. apost . can. . conc. antioch . can. . ibid. can. . conc. laod. can. . can. . can. . vid. conc. antioch . can. . edward breerwood patriarch . governm . of the ancient church . quest . . de primat . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . corm . . p. . tom. . c. theod. leg. . tit. . de fid . test . lib. . sidon . apoll . lib. . epist . . p. . in can. . apost . possid in vit . aug. c. . col tom. . act. . can. . can. . can. . de episc . tit & diacon . cardin . p. . conc. laodic . can. ubi vid. zon & balsam . inter epist . cypr. epist . . p. . epist . . p. . can. . epist . . p. . & . epist . can. ss . . tit. . jur. graec. rom. p. . in can. . conc. laod. socrat. h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . conc. nicen . can. . can. . athan. apol. . de fug . sua . p. . tom. . vid. constit . app. lib . c. . p. . cypr. epist . p. . . lamprid. in vit . alex . sev. c. . p. . epist . . p. . basil . epist . p tm. . can. . ad antonian . epist . . p. . ca● . orat. . de theol. p. & in laud. bas . or. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . lib. . c. . p. . can. . conc. aga. can. . cod. theod. lib. . tit. . de epis . copis , &c. 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . syntagm . c. . lit . t. p. . epiph haeres . . p. . cl. alex. strom . lib . p. . concil . carthag . can. . orat. de vinctis . p. . julian . fragm . oper. p. . 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col . . de lapsis p. . conc. laodic . can ▪ . tert. de baptism . 〈◊〉 p. cyrill . praefa● ca●●●h . ad ill●minat . p. . 〈◊〉 . eccles . lib. ● . c. . p . ● . can . conc. laod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . orat . . p. . can. . euseb . de vit . const. lib. . c. , . p. . hist . eccl. l. . c. . p. . lib. . c. . p. . vid. voss . thes de baptism . p. . & de resur . thes ▪ . haeres . . p. . vid. matth. blast . syntag . c. . lit . b. p. . vid. prudent . peristeph . hymn . . p. . vid. epiphan . haeres . . contra cerinth p. . de resur . carn . c. . apol. . p. . de baptism . c. . can. . de vit . const . l. . c. . euseb . de loc . hebr. in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . de baptism . c. . p. . cyrill . hieros . catech. myst . . p. & seq . vid. dion . areop . de eccl. hierarch . c. . p. . ambros . de sacram. lib. . c. . tom . . p. . de coron . mil. c. . p. . de spect. c. . p. . vid. constit . apost . lib. . c. . p. . de baptism . c. . p. . de nupt . & concup . lib. . c. . tom . . col . . constit . apost . 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epist . ad zen. & seren p. . ibid. p. , . epist . . presb. & diacon . p. . epist . . p. . ●ontius diac. in vit . cyprian . p. . ep. . p. , . orat. . in laud. patr. p. . dialog . cum tryph. p. . hist . eccl. lib. . ● . . p. . orat. . in julian . . p. . de vit. constant . lib. . cap. . p. . ad salvinam nebridii viduam , de viduit . servand . p. . tom . . tim. . . ad vxor . l. . c. . p. . theodoret h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . epitaph . paulae ad eustoch . filiam . tom. . p. . de beatitudinib . orat. . tom. . p. . dial. cum tryph. p. . ibid. p. . orat. cont . gra. p. . euseb . hist . eccl. lib. . c. . p. . martyr . ejus apud sur. ad diem . feb. tom . . ex . metaph. apud sur. ad . octo. com . . in laud. caesar . frat . orat . p. . in laud. gorg●● . o●a● . . p. . euseb . lib. ● , 〈…〉 . p. . id. lib. . c. . p. . cnot . apostolic . haeres . . pag. . cod. theod. lib. . tit. . de haeretici● l. . de cynic . sect. orat. . p. . paedag. lib. . c. . p. , . de orat. domin . orat . p. . tom . . vid. ●ypri ▪ de orat. dom. p. . minut. f. p. . vid. constit . apostol . lib. . c. . p. . pag. . catech. myst . . p. . de spect. c. . p. . athen. leg . pro christ . p. . orat. . p. . ad paul. tom . . p. . epist lib. . epist . . apol c. . p. . de spect. c. . p. . apol. . p. . ibid. p. . epitaph . marcell . ad princip . p. . thes . , , . vid. de cult . foemin . lib. . c. . ad uxor . lib. . c. . epist . ad diognet . p. . reg. fus . disput . interrog . . p. . tom . ● . de cultu foemin . lib. . c. . p. . ibid. p. . vid. cyril . ad illuminat . catec . . p. . paedag. lib. . c. . p. ● . epist . ad diogn . p. . praefat. in comment . tertul. de pallio . tertul. de pall. c. . vid. tertul. ex edit . b. rhenani , p. . vid. etiam salm. in loc . lib. . fol. . p. . socrat. hist . eccl. lib. . c . p. . vid. concil . gangr . can. . ib. ubi supr ▪ p. ▪ pont. diac . in vit . cypr● p. . ad olymp. ep. . tom . . p. , & . hom. . ad pop . antioch . nom ▪ . p. . de cult . foem ▪ lib. . c. . p. . * in the lat. decies sestertiûm ; which in our money is seventy eight thousand one hundred and twelve pound ten shillings . paedog . lib. . c. . p. . de discipl . & habit . virgin . p. . vid. constit . apost lib ▪ . c. . p. . de cult . foemin . lib. ▪ c. . p. . vt supr . p. . tert. ibid. c. . id. ibid. vbi supr . p ▪ . vid. tert. de culi . foemin . lib. . c. . paedag. lib. . c. . p. . de cult . foemin lib. . c. . p. ● . vid. constit . app. lib. . c. . p ▪ . cl. alex. paedag. lib. . c. . p. . de discipl . & hab . virg. p. . histor. religios . c. . in vit petr. p. . paedag. lib. . c. . p. . ibid. c. . p. . nazian . in laud. gor. or. . p. . ●e cult . foemin . lib. . c. . ad fin . reg. fus . disput . interrog . . tom . . p. . paedag. l. . c. . p. . epist . ad z●n . & seren . p. . ibid. p. ▪ vt supr . capp . , . per tot . ad presbyt . 〈◊〉 dia● . ep. . p. . ad laet. tom . . p. . conc. laod. can. . ib. p. . basil . ep. . tom . . p. . confer socrat . lib. . c. . p. . ep. . ad olymp . tom . . p. . orig. cont . cels . lib. . p. . . hist . eccl. lib. . c. . p. . apol. c. . p. . athenag . legat pro. christian . p. . ibid. athenag . ibid. p. . euseb . hist . eccl. ubi supr . p. . cap. . min. foel . p. . pallidi , trepidi , apud eundem p . ●h●lopatr . tom . p. . reg. fuf . disput . 〈…〉 . p. . minut. foel . p. . apol. . p. . athenag . leg . pro christian . p. . justin martyr ibid . p. . athenag . ibid. vbi supr . ad vid. junior . tom . p. . athenag . ut supr . stromat . lib. . p. . vid. epiphan . haeres . . p. . cyrill . ad illum . catech . . p. . in can. . concil . neocaesar . can. . can. . haeres . . p. . justell . not . in can . . conc. load . de discipl . & hab . virgin . p. . de virg. servand p. . tom . . cod. theod. lib. . tit. . l. . ibid. lib. . tit. . l. . vid gothofred . in loc . can. . vid. conc. in t●ull . can. . nomocan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . epist . . p. . vid si● conc. . carthag . can. , . euseb . hist . eccl. l. . c. . p. . epist . ad . paregor . presbyt . epist . . p. . can. . ubi vid. zonar . c. th. lib. tit. . de episc . ● . . synops . basil . lib. . tit. c. . p. . tertull. de pudi●it . c. . p. . admonit . ad graec. p. . vid. con● . . in t●ull can. . orat. . p. . ibid. p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib . c. . p. ib. c. p. . hom. . de s. s. domn . ber. prosd . tom . . p. . ibid c. . p. . de civ . d. lib. ● . c. . col ● . ubi de hac ●psa ●e agit . epiphan . haeres . . p. . ad rogat . & confess . ep. . p . ad monac . laps ●om . . p. . vid. tert. de pudicit . c. . p. . de haeres . p. . lib. de pudicit . c. . p. . ad antonian . ep. . p. , . can. . can . p. can. . p. . epist . can. , . tom . . pag. . ep. canon . ad letoi . can. . tom . . p. . pag. , . tert. apol. c. . p. . c. . p . min. foel . p. . tert. ib. c. . p. . legat. pro christian. p. . admonit . ad graec p. , . videsis jul. firm. de err. pros . relig. p. . orat contr . gent. p. . tom . . ibid. c. . p. . athenag . ut supr . p . m. foel . p. . b. apol. . p. . c. ult . p. . ad lenonem quàm ad leonem . vit. paul. eremit . tom . . p. . apol. p. , . vt supr . p. . apol. . p. , . apol. p. . ad nation . lib. . c. . p. . ad cels . lib. . p. . lib. . p. . apol c. : p. . lib. . de fals . sapient . c. . p. . contr. cels . lib. . p. , . haeres . . p. . adv. haeres . lib. . c. . p. . vid etiam c. . p . &c. . p. . stromat . lib. . p. . haeres . . p. . ib. haeres . . p. . apol. . p. ▪ . hist . eccl. lib. . c. . p. . lib. c. . p. . id. lib. . c. . p. . apol. . p. . dial. cu● ▪ tryph. p. ● . ib. p ▪ ●● . d. ibid. p. ibid. p. apol. . p. . august . confes . lib. . c. . tom . . col . , . ad antonian . epist . . p. . socr. hist . eccl. lib. . c. . p. nazian . orat. in jul. . p. id. in laud. basil . orat. . p. , . eus . hist . eccl. lib. . c. . p. . act. p 〈◊〉 on cyp●●● vit . e 〈◊〉 . hist . eccl. lib. : c. . p . lib. c. . p. . de martyr . palaest . c. . p. . vbi sup . p. . euseb . lib. c. . . p. . ib. lib. . c. . p. . ib. cap. . p. . epist . ad roman . p. . apol. c. . p. . adv gent. lib. . p. . cont. cels . lib. . p. . in vit . ●●desii . p. . hist . lib. . c. . p. . epist . . lib. . apud august . de civ . dei lib. . c. . col . . de praepar . evang . lib. ▪ de curand . graec. affect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . galen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. . fol. . ● . . tom. . metraphrast . in martyr . s. mercur. apud sur. ad . novemb . tom. . act. symphor . apud sur. ad . aug. tom. . gruter . inscript . p. . num. . ibid. num . . ibid. pag. . num . . ad ann. chr. . apol. c. . p. . sueton. in vit . caes . c. . p. . vid. euseb . h. eccl. lib. c. . p. . martyrol . rom. ad diem . novembr . p. . ib. ad diem . maii. p. . vul. gallic . in avid . caes . c. . p. . vid. lact. de ver . sap . c. . p. ▪ euseb . lib. c. . et lib. . ubi supr . sozom. lib. . c. . p. . cicer. pro deiotar . p. . tom . . vid. gallon de cruciat . martyr . c ▪ . epist . . p. . haec ungul● in sacrarum sanctuario reliquiarum ejusde● basilicae , religioso cultu , tanquam res omni pretiosior auro , dignissimè asservatur ; & christianorū populo videnda ac veneranda proponitur . rom. subter . lib. . c. . num . . pag. . gallon . ib. c. . p. . martyr . rom. ad diem april . . p. . euseb . h. eccl lib. . c. . p. . l. . praefat . & sect ff . de poenis . leg. . sect . ff . lib. . tit. . ad leg . corn. de sicar . & ven . tert. apol. c. . epist . . p. . vid. leg. . sect . ff . qui test . fac . possunt . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . nazianz , orat. 〈◊〉 jul. p. 〈◊〉 . id. orat. . p ▪ . lib. . c. . p. . euseb . hist . eccl. lib. . c. . . & de martyr . pal. c. . p. . apolc . . p. . lib. . c. ▪ p. . cypr. ad demetr . p. . de justit . lib. . c. . p. . l. . c. de sum. trinit . sect . . dial. cum . t●●ph . p. . orat. de laudib . constant . c. . p. . epist . ad mosen & max. ep. . p. . epist . . p. . ad demetrian . p. . lib. de fug . in persecut . de patient . c. . p. . athan. apol . de fug . sua tom. . p . nesson . orat . de vit . greg. tha●mat . p. . tom . . sac. hist . lib. . p. . de mort . peregr . tom. . p. . apud vsser . appen . ignat. p . ex jo. malel . chron. lib. . vid. annot. in ep. ad philad . not . . in voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tertual . ad scap. c. . ● . . euseb . h. e. lib. . c. ▪ p. . ambr. offic . lib. . c. . tom. . p. . euseb . h. eccl lib. . c. . p . sozom. h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . apol. c. . p. . strom. lib. . p. . lib. . p. . just . martyr . apol. . p. . ad scap c. . p. . apol. c. . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c . p. . c. chrysost . l. de s babyl . tom . . p. . epist . . p. . ad cornel. epist . . p. . euseb . lib. . c. . p. . ib. lib. c. . p. . append. ignatian . part. . p. . encom . in martyr . append ad oper . greg. thaum . p. . ibid. p. . ad dem●trian p. . praeparat . evang. lib. . c. . p. . fragm . ep. oper. part. . p. . hom. . de ss . bern. & prosd . tom . . p. . hom. . ad hebr. p. . psal . . psal . . . ib. p. . de justit . lib. . c. . p. . apol. . p. . adv. cels . lib. . p. . lib. . p. . c. . p. . naz. in jul. invect . . p. . niceph. eccl. hist. lib. . c. . tom . . p. . frag. epist . loc . supr . laudat . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . m. foel . p. . lib c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . sect. . p. . apud ▪ eus . hist . eccl. lib. . c. . p. . notes for div a -e part . lamprid. in vit . alex . sev. c. . p. . ibid c. . p. . ibid. c. 〈◊〉 . p. . tertul apol. c. . p. . apol. . p. . ib. apol. . p. . stromat . lib. . p. . apolog. ad 〈…〉 . . p. ● . de re mili●ar l●b . . c. ▪ p. . apol. c. . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . ad pop. antioch . hom. . tom. . p. , . epist . p. . sozom. h ▪ eccl. lib. . c. . p. . vid. annot hen. vales . p. . co● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . loc . supr . laudat . epist . canon . ad amphil. can . . p. . tom . . can. . p. . conc. illiber . can. . p. . ubi vid. not . albasp . ibid. can. . p. . ad cleric . eccles . neocaesar . ep. . p. . tom . . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . ad saphron . magist . epist . . p. . in laud. patr. orat. . p. . de trinit . lib. . c. . tom . . col . . epist ▪ . p. . vid. resp . cyprian . ep. sequent . ad scap. . p. . ibid. c. . p. . lib. . ep. . p. . can , , , . p. , . can. , . min. foel . p. . vid. tertull. apol. c . p. . tert. apol. c ▪ . p. . m. foel ▪ p. ● . athenag . l●g . pro christian . p ● . b ▪ m ▪ foel . ibid. athenag . ib. m. foel . ib. tert ib. p. . m ▪ foel . p. . tertull. ibid. p. . athenag . ibid. ibid. ibid. de 〈…〉 . sect. p. . basil . ep. can con. . p. . ib can . p. ● . cod. theod lib. . t it ● . l. . can. . p. . can. . haeres . . p. . vid. de phryg . seu quintilian . haeres . . p. . de montanistis zon. & balsam . in can. . conc. constant . desid . herald . not. ad min. foel . p. . ibid. p. . tertul. ap. c. . p. . id. ibid ▪ m. foel . p. . de m●r● . peregrin . p. . tom . . m. foel . ib. & p. . passio cyprian . vit . ejus annexa p. . dial cum tryph. p. . ib. p. . ib. p. . adv. haeres lib. . c. . p. . lib. . p. . ad demetrian . p. . hier. adv . ruffin tom . . p. . ex euseb . theodoret. h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. ● . lib. tit , . de pag. sacrif & ▪ temp. l. ● . orat. de templis . p. . epist . tom . . p. . ad ruffin . presbyt . ep. . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib . c. ▪ p ● . confess . lib. ▪ c. . p. . tom . . ibid. cap. . pallad . histor . laus . c. . in vit . serap . p. . orig. cont . cels . lib. . p. . concil . carth. . can. . epist . . p. . euseb . h. ecc. lib. . c. . p. . homil. . in matth. p. . vit. ejus per paul. diac. p. , . basil . ad sophron. ep. . p. . tom . . orat. . p. . ibid. p. . h. eccl. lib. . c p. . 〈…〉 . tom. . hist . laus . c. p. . epist . ad zen. & se●en . p. . epitaph . fabiolae ad ocean . p. . tom . . theodor. h. eccl. lib . c. p. ▪ vict. vtic. de persecu . vandal lib. . fol. . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . cod. theod. lib. . tit. . de episcopis &c. 〈◊〉 . , . offic. lib. . c. ▪ p ▪ . epist . p. . rigalt . in loc . gronov. de pecun . vet . lib. . c. . p. . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . ibid. c. . p. . phot. nomocan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . pag. . greg. mag. dial . lib. . c. . p. . edit . col. . epist . . inter ep. cyp. p. . ibid. ubi supr . min. foel . p. . — . de anim. c. . p. . amm. marcellin . lib. . p. . c. theod. l. . tit. . de sep. viol . lib. . saturnal . lib. . c. . pag. . apol. l. . p. . de vit . philos in vit . aedes . p. . act. ss . tharac . prob & andron . apud baron . ad an. . tom . . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. ▪ cod theod. lib. ▪ tit. . de lustr . conl . l. . lib. . tit. . de episc . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. ● . de sept. ordin . ecc. tom . . p. . lib. . tit. de decanis . l. . lib. . c. tit . . de ss . eccles . l. . novel . justin . ▪ p. . & . p. . apud cicer. de leg . lib. ● . p. ● . vol. . hom. . in cap . ▪ ad cor. p. . de vit. const lib. . c. ▪ p. ▪ lib. . cap. . fol. . p. . prudent . peri steph. pass hippol . mart. hym. . p. ● . lib. . c. . num . . p. . comment . in c. . ezekiel . tom . . p. . ad an : . tom . . ad an . vid. ad an ▪ . tom . . num . . edit . à paul. aringhio ▪ rom. & col. . cor. . , . apol. . p. , . apol. c. . p. . histor . lausiac . c. . p. . misapog . p. . epist. . ad arsac . oper . par . . p. . fragm . epist . par . . p. . in voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de mort : peregrin . p. , . tom . . ibid. p. . ad scap. c. . p. . legat. pro christian . p. . vit. ejus per greg. presbyt . euseb . de martyr . palestin . c. . p. . euseb . lib. . c. . p. . martyr . ejus apud sur. ad . aug. tom. . ex . s. metraph . metaphrast in vit . pachomii apud sur. ad diem . maii tom . . vbi prius . h. ecclesiast . lib. . c. . p. . pont. in vit . cyprian p. . lact. epitom . c. . p. . apol. . p. . joh. . . juvenal . satyr . . p. . gal. . . histor . lib. ▪ c. ▪ . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jos . antiquit . judaica● lib. . c. . vid. esther . . . vid. cicpro flac. p. ● . tom. . praeparat . evangel . lib. . c. . p. , . vid. athanas . de verb. in●arnat . p. . tom . . apol. . p ▪ . epist. . lib. . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . de vnit. eccl. p. ▪ 〈…〉 sozom , h. eccl ▪ lib. . c. ▪ p ▪ , naz. in jul. . p. . de vit. constant . lib. . c. . & seqq . p. . ibid. lib. . c. . p. . theod. h. eccl. lib. ▪ c. . p. . can. ● . vit. greg. naz. per gregor . presbyt . homil. . in ep. ad ephes . p. . epist . ad cor. p. . euseb . ● eccl. lib. . c. . p. . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . lib. . p. . vit. ephraem syrper gregor . nyss . tom . . p. . themist . orat . . p. . j. mart. epist . ad diogn . p. . leg. pro christian . p. . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . ibid. lib. . c. . p. . apol. c. . p. . ibid. c. . lib . p. . apol. . p. . tatian . orat. contr . graec. p. . apol. c. . p . cap. . p. . ad. demetrian . p. . apol. c. . p. . nag . invect . . in julian . p. . martyr . ss . mauricii & socior . ab eucher . lugdunens . conscript . apud suriumad diem . sept. p. &c. edit . colon . . menol. graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sub lit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud sur. ad diem jul. tom . . apol. c. . p. . ibid. c. . p. vid. theopb . antioch . lib. . p. . ibid. c. . ibid. c. . p. . ●●ut . in vit . num. p. . append. ad notit . imper . fol. . collegiorum coenae immutabiles intendunt annonam . var. apud jac. goth●fr . in 〈◊〉 . th. lib. ● . tit. . l. . * apol. c. . p. . vid lib . ff . t it . de colleg. & corporib . sueton. in vit . jul. caes . c. . p. . in august . c. . p. . lib. . epist . tertull. apol . c. . p. . ibid. c. . p. . contr. cels . lib. . p. . lib. . p. . adv. gent. lib. . p. . ad scap c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . julian . fragm . epist . oper. p. . p. . de rom. pontif. lib. . c. . col. . epist . . pag. . lib. . de offic . procons . in l. . ff . ad leg . jul. maj . histor . lib. . c. . p. . de bell. gall. lib. . p. . can. . can. . epist . ad armen . episc . praefix . conc. gaugr . apud euseb . h. ecc. lib . c. . p. . epist ▪ . p. . epist . . p. . epist . can. ad amphil. can. . p. . vid zonar . & balsam . in can. . conc. nicen . euseb . ubi supr . p. . epiphan . haeres . . contr . catharos , p. . in can. . conc. nicen . apol. c. . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . tert. de poenitent . c. . p. . vid. euseb . lib. . c. . p. . ibid. ibid. lib. . c. . p. . h. eccl. lib. . c. . aug. euchirid . c. . tom . . de laps ▪ p. . ibid ▪ p. ▪ tert. de poenitent . c. . p. , ▪ epist . . p. . cypr. epist . . p. . id. epist . . p. . vid. epist . . p. . euseb . h. eccl. lib. . c. . p. . can. . ad amphil. forbes . instruct . hist . th. lib. . c ▪ . p. . epist . . ad antonian . p. . can. . epist . . p. . epist . . ubi prius . epist . . p. . can. . vid. conc. nicen . can. . de sacerdot . lib. . c. . p. . tom. . apol. c. . inter epist . cyprian . p. . can. . p. . epist. . p. . vid. conc. . carthag . can. . socrat. h. eccl. lib ▪ . c. . p. . confer . sozom. lib. . c. . p. . epist . . , . & alibi . epist . . p. . epist . . p. . epist . . p. . epist . . p. . ad antonian . epist . . p. , . epist . . lib. . epist. . p. . can. . synodic . tom. . pa. . p. . annal. eccl . ad ann. ccliii num. xx. & seqq . tom . . de lapsis , p. . the exceptions of mr. edwards in his causes of atheism against the reasonableness of christianity, as deliver'd in the scriptures, examin'd and found unreasonable, unscriptural, and injurious also it's clearly proved by many testimonies of holy scripture, that the god and father of our lord jesus christ is the only god and father of christians. nye, stephen, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing n b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) the exceptions of mr. edwards in his causes of atheism against the reasonableness of christianity, as deliver'd in the scriptures, examin'd and found unreasonable, unscriptural, and injurious also it's clearly proved by many testimonies of holy scripture, that the god and father of our lord jesus christ is the only god and father of christians. nye, stephen, ?- . iv, - p. [s.n.], london : printed in the year mdcxcv [ ] this work appears at reel : as wing e (number cancelled in wing nd ed.), and at reel : as wing ( nd ed.) n b. erroneously attributed to john locke, despite the fact that it is dedicated to him, i.e., "to the author of the reasonableness of christianity." also appears as pt. of a third collection of tracts. . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng edwards, john, - . -- some thoughts concerning the several causes and occasions of atheism. locke, john, - . -- reasonableness of christianity. antitrinitarianism. church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . theology, doctrinal -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the exceptions of mr. edwards , in his causes of atheism , against the reasonableness of christianity , as deliver'd in the scriptures , examin'd ; and found unreasonable , unscriptural , and injurious . also it 's clearly proved by many testimonies of holy scripture , that the god and father of our lord jesus christ , is the only god and father of christians . london , printed in the year mdcxcv . to the author of the reasonableness of christianity as delivered in the scriptures . sir , in reading your book of that title , i readily perceived your design , intimated in your preface , to be therein most industriously and piously pursued : so that you have , with full evidence of scripture and reason , shewed , against the manifold obscure and tedious systems , that the fundamentals of christian faith , necessary to constitute a man a true member of christ's church , are all comprehended or implied in this plain proposition , that jesus is the messiah : whereby you have happily provided for the quiet and satisfaction of the minds of the honest multitude or bulk of mankind , floating in doubts and fears , because either they cannot understand , or can find no clear evidence in holy scripture , of those intricate points requir'd to be explicitly believ'd upon pain of eternal damnation . you have also argued clearly the reasonableness and vsefulness of the christian revelation against atheists and deists . these things consider'd , 't was no marvel , that the systematical men , who gain both their honour and profit by the obscurity and multitude of their fundamental articles , should raise an outcry against you , like that of the ephesians magnifying their diana . they have more cause for it than demetrius had . but that they should traduce your work as tending to atheism or deism , is as strange from reason , as many of their articles are from scripture . and that mr. edwards has done it , and forc'd it in among his tendencies to atheism , is , i think , to be imputed to the co-incidence of your book 's being publish'd , and striking strongly upon his inventive faculty , just when it was in hot pursuit of the causes of atheism , rather than to any the least colour or inclination that way , which mr. edwards can spy in it in his cool thoughts : for i am much perswaded on the contrary , that there is no atheist or deist in england , but , if he were ask'd the question , would tell mr. edwards , that their obscure and contradictious fundamentals were one cause or inducement to his casting off and disbelief of christianity . in this mind i have undertaken to vindicate your doctrine from the exceptions of mr. edwards against it . but whether i have done it as it ought to have been done , i cannot be a competent judg. if i have mistaken your sense , or us'd weak reasonings in your defence , i crave your pardon : but my design in this writing was not to please you , ( whom i know not ) nor any man whatsoever , but only to honour the one god , and vindicate his most useful truths . i am , sir , your very humble servant . mr. edwards 's exceptions against the reasonableness of christianity , examined , &c. it seems to me , that mr. edwards , printing his causes of atheism , whilst the reasonableness of christianity was newly publish'd , was put upon it by his bookseller , to add some exceptions against that treatise so much noted for its heterodoxy ; that so the sale of his own tract might be the more promoted : whence it comes to pass , that his notes being writ in haste , are not so well digested as might be expected from a person of his learning and ingenuity . in pag. . he takes notice of a plausible conceit , which hath been growing up a considerable time , &c. but tells not his reader what that conceit was , till he hath charged it upon a very learned and famous author , whom he is pleased to call a wavering prelate , and another of the same order , and a third of a lower degree ; but more particularly , fully and distinctly , upon the late publisher of the reasonableness of christianity , &c. here at length in his next page , he tells us , that this author gives it us over and over again , in these formal words , viz. that nothing is required to be believed by any christian man but this , that jesvs is the messiah . i think if he had not been in haste , he would have cited at least two or three of those pages , wherein we might find those formal words , but he has not one , and i do not remember where they are to be found ; for i am almost in as much haste as mr. edwards , and will not seek for them . it 's true , he says , that all that was to be believed for justification , or to make a man a christian , by him that did already believe in , and worship one true god , maker of heaven and earth , was no more than this single proposition , that jesus of nazareth was the christ or the messiah . but then he takes to be included in this proposition , . all synonimous expressions , such as , the son of god ; the king of israel ; the sent of god ; he that should come , he of whom moses and the prophets did write ; the teacher come from god , &c. . all such expressions as shew the manner of his being the christ , messiah , or son of god , such as his being conceived by the holy ghost and power of the most high ; his being anointed with the holy ghost and power ; his being sanctified and sent into the world ; his being raised from the dead , and exalted to be a prince and saviour after the time he was so , &c. . such expressions as import the great benefits of his being the messiah ; as having the words of eternal life ; his having power from the father to remit sins , to raise the dead , to judg the world ; to give eternal life ; to send the h. spirit upon the apostles whereby they might work miracles , and preach the light of life to jews and gentiles , and the like . for all those quotations of scripture which the author ( as mr. edwards observes ) has amassed together out of the gospels , and the acts of the apostles , which take up about three quarters of his book , for the proof of his proposition , are indeed expository of the meaning of that proposition , and are included in it . not that it was necessary that every one , who believed the proposition , should understand and have an explicite faith of all those particulars : for neither the believers during the life of christ , nor the apostles themselves understood many of them , no nor presently after his death and resurrection ; for they had still divers erroneous opinions concerning the nature of his kingdom , and the preaching to the gentiles , and other things . and in the beginning of christ's preaching , though philip believ'd that jesus was the messiah , the son of god , the king of israel ; yet he seems to be ignorant of his being born of a virgin , for he calls him the son of joseph , john . . but as he that believes that william the d is the true king of england , &c. believes enough to make him a good subject , though he understands not all the grounds of his title , much less all his power and prerogatives that belong to him as king : so he that believes upon good grounds that jesus is the messiah , and understands so much of this proposition as makes him , or may make him a good subject of christ's kingdom , though he be ignorant of many things included in that proposition , he has all the faith necessary to salvation , as our author has abundantly proved . but mr. edwards says , this gentleman forgot , or rather wilfully omitted a plain and obvious passage , in one of the evangelists , go teach all nations , &c. mat. . . from which it is plain ( says he ) that all that are adult members of the christian church , must be taught as well as baptiz'd into the faith of the holy trinity , father , son and holy ghost , and then they must believe it : and consequently more is required to be believed by christian men , than that jesus is the messiah . he infers from this , you see it is part of the evangelical faith , and such as is necessary , absolutely necessary to make one a member of the christian church , to believe a trinity in vnity in the god-head ; or , in plainer terms , that though god is one as to his essence and nature , yet there are three persons in that divine essence , and that these three are really the one god. i must confess , that if mr. edwards's reasoning be good , the author is totally confuted , three quarters of his book at least are writ in vain , and the old systems must stand good ; and the bulk of mankind will certainly be damned , or it will be a wonder if any of them be faved . but give me leave to tell him i do not see , what he says we do see : that text will well enough consist with our author's proposition . for i would ask him , whether the apostles follow'd this commission or not : if they obey'd it , then in baptizing in the name of jesus the messiah , and exhorting those to whom they preached , to be baptiz'd in the name of the messiah , after their preaching the messiah to them , they did in effect baptize in the name of the father , son and holy ghost , otherwise they did not pursue their commission ; for we never find them baptizing in those express terms , but always in the name of jesus the messiah , or the lord jesus , or the lord , and the like . so that mr. edwards must either charge the holy apostles with ignorance of , or disobedience to their lord's command , or acknowledg that they did really baptize in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , when they did but expresly baptize in the name of the son or messiah ; forasmuch as all that were so baptiz'd , did believe in the father of that son of god , as implied in the son , and in the holy ghost , as the anointing of the son , and which also was given to those that were so baptiz'd . but as for his inference , viz. that it 's absolutely necessary to believe a trinity in vnity in the godhead ; or that god is one as to his essence and nature , yet there are three persons in that divine essence , and that these three persons are really the one god : this will condemn not only the unitarians , and the bulk of mankind , but the greater part of trinitarians , the learned as well as the vulgar . for all the real trinitarians do not believe one essence , but three numerical essences . here dr. sherlock , dr. cudworth , the bishop of gl. the late arch-bishop , mr. h — w , and all that hold as the council of nice did , with that council it self , and the whole church ( except some hereticks ) for many centuries , are by mr. edwards expung'd out of the catalogue of christian believers , and consequently condemn'd to the horrible portion of infidels or hereticks . the mystery-men , or ignoramus trinitarians , they are condemn'd too ; for they admit not any explication , and therefore not mr. edwards's . there remains only dr. south , and dr. wallis , and the philosopher hobbs , who ( mr. edwards says ) is the great master and lawgiver of the profess'd atheists , pag. . and that party which have the absolutely necessary faith of three persons in one essence . but if you ask these men what they mean by three persons : do they mean according to the common sense of mankind , and especially of the english nation , three singular intellectual beings ? no , by no means , that is tritheism , they mean three modes in the one god , which may be resembled to three postures in one man ; or three external relations , as creator , redeemer , sanctifier ; as one man may be three persons , a husband , a father and a master . this is that opinion of faith , which the antients made heresy , and sabellius the head of it . thus it is absolutely necessary to make a man a christian , that he be a sabellian heretick . but perhaps mr. edwards may be of mr. h — w's mind , for he says , these three persons are really the one god ; but then , no one of them singly is so , but every one a third of god : if so , mr. edwards is indeed a unitarian , for he gives us one god only ; but then he is no trinitarian , for he has put down the father himself from being god singly , and so the son and holy ghost . as to what he says of being baptized into the faith and worship of none but the only true god , that has been answer'd a hundred times . he cannot look into any of the unitarian books , but he will find a sufficient answer to that inference . were the israelites baptiz'd into the worship of moses ? but they were baptized into moses , cor. . . or when the apostle paul supposes he might have baptized in his own name ; did he mean that he should have baptized into the worship of himself as the most high god ? then mr. edwards minds his reader , that the author had left out also that famous testimony in joh. . . in the beginning was the word [ jesus christ ] and the word was with god , and the word was god. whence ( saith he ) we are obliged to yield assent to this article , that christ the word is god. here mr. edwards must mean that this is a fundamental article , and necessary to salvation ; otherwise he says nothing against his author , who has prevented his urging any other text , not containing a fundamental , in his answer to the objection from the epistles and other scriptures . for ( saith he ) pag. . they are objects of faith — they are truths , whereof none that is once known to be such may be disbelieved . but yet a great many of them , every one does , and must confess a man may be ignorant of ; nay disbelieve , without danger to his salvation : as is evident in those who allowing the authority , differ in the interpretation and meaning of several texts . — vnless divine revelation can mean contrary to it self . the whole paragraph ought to be read , which i have abridged . and if this text of john . . be not one of those , that by reason of its difficulty and variety of senses , may not be disbeliev'd in mr. edwards's sense , then i will be bold to say , there 's no such text in the whole bible . to it i say , . he dares not trust his reader with the clear text , but thrusts in his own sense , in the beginning was the word ( jesus christ : ) and then . makes his fundamental article not from the text , but from what he has inserted into the text thus , christ the word is god. but will mr. edw. stick to that ? is he of socinus's mind , that by the word is meant the man jesus christ , born of the blessed virgin , and anointed with the holy ghost ? i think he is not . or does he mean that christ was the first-born of every creature , as he is called , col. . . the beginning of the creation of god , rev. . . by whom god made the worlds , and is therefore a god ? i think mr. edw. might be call'd an arian , if that were his sense . what then does he mean ? he does not mean that either the body or soul , or both united to constitute a man , or the anointing of the holy ghost added to that man , was the word ; though by reason of those he had the name of jesus , and by reason of this he had the name of christ . he means by the word , a second person or mode of god. now how fairly he calls this second person a mode of god , jesus christ , when it was neither jesus nor christ , nor any part of him , let his reader judg . in the beginning was the word ] that is , ( according to him ) before the beginning , and therefore from eternity , god in a second mode or person did exist : and the word was with god ] i. e. god in the second mode was present with god , even himself in the first mode or person : and the word was god ] i. e. god in his second mode was himself ; or otherwise , was the father himself and the holy ghost ; for he tells us before , that the three persons [ or modes ] are really the one god : but if the word is really the one god , as mr. edw. understands the term god in this text , then the word is the three persons , or else he is not really the one god , which the three persons only are . now if this be a clear text to build an article necessary to salvation , and the worship of another almighty and only wise person upon , besides the god and father of our lord jesus christ ; let all that have any reverence for god or his gospel judg ! besides , can he alledg one text out of all the old testament , or out of the three former gospels , where ever by the word or logos ( as they love to speak ) is meant any such preexistent eternal person ? if there be none such , it seems to be no little defect in the holy scriptures , that the world should be years old , before any part of it heard any thing of a second personal god , equal to the first , and who had therefore as much right to be known and worshipped as the first : nay , and that that person , the word , should have no mention made of him in the gospels or sermons of christ or the apostles till above threescore years after the ascension ; for it for it was so long ( as ecclesiastical historians tell us ) before the gospel of the apostle john was written , all the churches and believers we read of in scripture , having been gather'd and converted before . next mr. edw. tells us ( p. . ) there is added in verse . another indispensable point of faith , viz. that the word was made flesh , i. e. that god was incarnate , the same with tim. . . god manifest in the flesh . one would have expected that mr. edw. undertaking in short to confute a proposition , that the author had spent three quarters of his book ( which consists of pages ) in proving ; and for which he had alledg'd perhaps an hundred clear texts of holy scripture , should have produc'd some clear texts against him , and not such as need explanations ; and when he has explain'd them , leaves them far more difficult than before . we have spoken already of the word that was said to be god in the first verse of that chapter ; and now in the th the word must signify god : but , . are not the same words and terms taken in different senses in the same context , and that too , when they come nearer together than at thirteen verses distance ? thus the word light in ver . . signifies an impersonal thing ; but in the , , and th verses , it denotes a person , which john was not , but jesus was , to wit , the revealer of the word or gospel . . the father was god too , and if god was incarnate , how will it be avoided that the father was incarnate ? and if it cannot , then mr. edw. will be a patripassian heretick . . it must be acknowledged , that mr. edw. has given a wonderful learned explanation of the phrase — was made flesh ; far more learned than that of the old justice — invasion is invasion . the vulgar and unlearned may understand something , when it is said that one thing is made another thing , as when water was made wine : but i doubt they will stare and know nothing , when one tells 'em that a person was incarnate ; much more when they read mr. edw. saying , that god was incarnate , will they not gladly return from the explanation to the text ? and then it will run thus , god was made flesh . but was god indeed turn'd into flesh , and ceased to be god , as the water turn'd into wine ceased to be water ? i 'm sure mr. edw. never intends to make that an indispensable point of faith , as he calls this , that god was incarnate . but this is a very hard case , that the generality of the world ( which god so loved , that he gave his only begotten son , that whosoever believeth in him should not perish , but have everlasting life ) their salvation or damnation should still depend on the belief of , not only obscure texts , but of much more obscure interpretations of those texts . whether shall we go for the sense of god was incarnate ? he sends us to tim. . . god manifest in the flesh . but he might know that that reading of the word god in that text is a corruption , and that instead of god was read which in the council of nice , as the accurate examination against mr. milbourn has fully prov'd ; however allowing that reading , has given a rational sense of it . thus we are sent for the sense of an obscurer interpretation of an obscure text , to a corrupt one. whither shall we go next ? it 's very like that mr. edw. may next time send us to the athanasian creed , when the scriptures fail him ; that creed saith , it is necessary to everlasting salvation , that one believe rightly the incarnation of our lord jesus christ , — that he is god and man — perfect god and perfect man — one christ , not by conversion of the godhead into flesh , but by taking of the manhood into god : so then the sense of the word was made flesh , will be this , god was incarnate , that is , not by being made flesh or man , but by taking man into god ; that is , god is now perfect god and man. well , but since god is a person , and man another person ; perfect god and perfect man must unavoidably be two persons : but this is the heresy of nestorius arch-bishop of constantinople , an. dom. . but how shall we help it ? for to believe god and man not to be two persons , we directly contradict our belief of god's being perfect god and perfect man. if we say with apollinarius , an. dom. . that god and man are not two persons but one , because the man had no human soul or understanding , then we contradict god's being a perfect man , and are condemn'd to eternal damnation , as apollinarian hereticks . and if for solving these difficulties , we should think good to hold , that indeed there were two natures in christ when god was made flesh , but upon the union the human was swallowed up of the divine , and so there was one nature made of two ; then we incur the anathema of the eutichian hereticks . and it follows ( saith mr. edw. ) in the same verse of this first chapter of st. john , that this word is the only begotten of the father ; whence we are bound to believe the eternal , tho ineffable , generation of the son of god. answ . could mr. edw. be so weak as to think any body but one deeply prejudiced , would approve of either of his inferences from that clause ? either the eternal generation , or that we are bound to believe it as an article necessary to salvation ? does he not know that jesus is the only son of god , by reason of that generation which befel him in time ? does he read of any other son that god generated of a virgin but jesus ? see luke . . did god ever sanctify and send into the world in such a measure and manner , any that were called gods or sons of god , as he did jesus our lord ? see john. . , , , . and chap. . . did he ever give such testimony to any other ? did god ever beget any other son by raising him from the dead to an immortal life ( acts . . ) by anointing him with the oil of gladness above his fellows , heb. . . by setting him on his right-hand , making him to inherit a more excellent name than angels , even that of son in a more excellent sense , heb. . , , . by glorifying christ , making him an high-priest , saying unto him , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee ? is not isaac call'd the only begotten son of abraham , though abraham had other sons ? but for mr. edw's eternal generation , there is not one tittle either in this text , or in all the bible ; and yet he has the confidence to bind the belief of it upon mankind , upon pain of damnation : i wish he would not be so rash , but more reverent in so tremendous a point . next , he finds our author faulty in not taking notice , that we are commanded to believe the father and the son , john . , . and that the son is in the father , and the father in the son , which expresses their vnity . wonderful ! did our author indeed take no notice that we are commanded to believe the father and the son ? when he all along in his treatise makes the messiah , christ , son of god , terms synonimous , and that signify the same thing ; and cites abundance of texts to that purpose ; so that the belief of the father & the son , is required by him in the whole three quarters of his book , which mr. edw. takes notice he spent in proving his proposition . did mr. edw. write these remarks ? or did some body else add them to his book of the causes of atheism ? as for the vnity of the father and son , exprest he says by these words , the son is in the father , and the father in the son ; does he think his reader never read that text in john . . that they [ believers ] all may be one , as thou father art in me , and i in thee , that they also may be one in us , with ver . . or that other text , john . . he that dwelleth in love , dwelleth in god , and god in him ? but for the word vnity , which he uses , if he means by it any more than a close union , it implies a contradiction , that two should be one ; that a duality should be an unity . this ( saith he ) is made an article of faith by our saviour's particular and express command . he must mean , that mr. edwards's own sense of that text is commanded as necessary to salvation , else he says no more of that than the author allows concerning both that and other scriptures . if he means his own sense , then i think he 's an inconsiderate and rash man ; for i have shew'd that his sense is contradictious . here mr. edw. calls in question the sincerity of our author , and , pag. . says , it is most evident to any thinking and considerate person , that he purposely omits the epistolary writings of the apostles , because they are fraught with other fundamental doctrines , besides that one which he mentions . i will not question mr. edwards's sincerity in what he writes , but i question much his due considering what he writes against . does not our author make in effect the same objection against himself , pag. . and answer it in fourteen pages , even to the end of his book ? but mr. edw. takes notice of very little of it . and the most of that he does take notice of , he answers with a little raillery upon the bulk of mankind , the unlearned multitude , the mob , and our author . his note upon these phrases , is , surely this gentleman is afraid of captain tom , and is going to make a religion for his myrmidons . — we are come to a fine pass indeed ; the venerable mob must be ask'd what we must believe . thus he ridicules the doctrine of faith , on which the salvation or damnation of the multitude depends , and the grounds of our author's design ; who finding in holy scripture , that god would have all men to be saved , and come to the knowledg of the truth ; the gospel was preach'd to the poor , and the common people heard christ gladly ; that god hath chosen the poor in this world , rich in faith ; he concluded ( when he had overcome the prejudices of education , and the contempt of the learned , and those that think themselves so ) that the gospel must be a very intelligible and plain doctrine , suted to vulgar capacities , and the state of mankind in this world destin'd to labour and travel ; not such as the writers and wranglers in religion have made it . to this mr. edw. answers ( besides what i have noted above ) and is forced to agree , that all men ought to understand their religion : but then asks ( as of a positive thing not to be doubted ) if men may not understand those articles of faith which he had mention'd a little before , pretended to be found in the epistolary writings , [ which are generally form'd not in scripture-terms , and about which there is such endless contentions ] when they be explain'd to them , as well as our author's article , jesus is the messiah ? nay he is confident that there is no more difficulty in understanding this proposition [ the father , son and holy ghost , are one god or divine nature ] than in that other of our author ( see pag. . ) when yet the world knows to its cost , that this article has exercis'd all the greatest wits of the church these fourteen or fifteen hundred years to understand the terms , and take away the contradictions : and at this day the english trinitarians have most fierce contentions among themselves about the meaning of it . the nominal trinitarians agree with the unitarians , that the realists , that hold three real persons , are tritheists ; and the realists agree with the unitarians , that the nominals or modalists destroy the reality of the eternal son and holy ghost , and are patripassians or sabellians . besides , mr. edw. knows that each of these parties are at vast difference among themselves ; they easily find inconsistences or contradictions in one anothers explications ; so that supposing there be but ten different trinitarian hypotheses , ( i think there are more ) every one has mine against him , all which he looks upon as faulty ; and they on the other hand do all reject his . they reject them i say , not , as the bishop of sarum , in his letter to d. w. pag. . would paliate matter , as having the same acts of piety and adoration , though different ways of explaining , either the vnity of the essence , or the trinity of the persons ; but as having different acts , except we can have the same idea's when we worship three gods , as when we worship one only ; or when we worship one all-perfect person , as when we worship three such ; or when we worship one real person , and two nominal ones , as when we worship three equals ; or when we worship one self-existent god , and two dependent gods not self-existent , as when we worship three self-existents , and the like . again , mr. edw's proposition is never once found in holy writ ; but our author 's often expresly . he uses terms in such a sense as they are never us'd in scripture , for divine nature is never put there for god ; nor does the word god , or one god , ever signify father , son and h. ghost , but always one singular person ; and throughout the holy scriptures from the beginning to the end , god is spoken of , and spoken to , as one only person , and by terms and pronouns that signify singularly , and never otherwise . god indeed does twice or thrice speak of himself plurally , as persons of dignity and dominion do often . but our author both his words in form , and his explications are all taken out of scripture ; and in the days of our saviour and his apostles , there was no difficulty in understanding them . the most illiterate fishermen and shepherds , and women , knew what was meant by jesvs , and what by messiah : the only question was , whether the proposition jesus is the messiah , was to be affirm'd , or denied . but notwithstanding all this , mr. edw. says , truly if there be any difficulty , it is in our author's proposition ; why pray ? for here is an hebrew word first to be explain'd before the mob can understand the proposition : but by his favour , the word messiah is by our translators adopted into the english tongue , and the common people , the rabble ( as mr. edw. is pleas'd to call them ) understand it as well as they do the christ or the anointed , and also the explications of those terms , provided they use to read either themselves , or hear others read the holy scriptures . but the word messiah was in our saviour and the apostles time most common among the jews : therefore our author designing to represent the preaching and faith of that time , chose to use it more frequently than any other term , see pag. . but i presume mr. edw. brought in this objection , only as a diversion . if he really think as he says , it 's a sharp reflection upon all the learned trinitarian controvertists upon this point ; except they take it more candidly for an invitation to their reverences and right reverences , to come to the most learned mr. edw. to inform their understandings , and solve all the difficulties that make them at so great odds one with another : and it 's to be hoped he will give such a clear explication of the trinity , as will satisfy the mystery-men or ignoramus-trinitarians , that at length they may understand what they now profess to believe without understanding . but to return , for all this will seem a digression except the reader please to remember it is for a vindication of our author from mr. edw's hard charge , of purposely omitting the epistolary writings , because fraught with other fundamental doctrines besides that one which he mentions : among those , mr. edw. reckons chiefly and more especially — the doctrine of the ever to be adored trinity , eminently attested in those epistles . this doctrine he has given us in his proposition above discoursed , and has attempted to show ( against matter of fact in all ages , and especially in this present time ) that this fundamental ought not to have been omitted because of its difficulty or unintelligibleness ; for it is ( he saith ) less difficult than that of our author , jesus is the messiah ; but how successfully i leave to consideration . but if it be unintelligible , or contradictious , at least to the bulk of mankind , then it 's impossible it should be a fundamental article ; and therefore our author needed not purposely to omit the epistolary writings of the apostles , for fear of finding it there , since mr. edw. himself cannot find it there , nor in the bible . but what says he to our author 's full answer to the question , about the usefulness of the epistles , though the belief of many doctrines contained in them be not necessary to salvation ? our author answers , . that he that will read the epistles as he ought , must observe what 't is in them is principally aim'd at ; — for that is the truth which is to be receiv'd and believ'd , and not scatter'd sentences in scripture-language , accommodated to our notions and prejudices . what says mr. edw. to that ? . [ for i abridg ] there be many truths in the bible , which a good christian may be wholly ignorant of , and so not believe ; which perhaps some lay great stress on , and call fundamental articles , because they are the distinguishing points of their communion . what says mr. edw. to this ? . the epistles were writ to those who were in the faith , and true christians already ; and so could not be design'd to teach them the fundamental articles and points necessary to salvation . this he shows from the address of all the epistles , or something noted in them . . their resolving doubts and reforming mistakes , are of great advantage to our knowledg and practice . . the great doctrines of the christian faith are dropt here and there , [ he has cited some such passages in the proof of his proposition ] . — we shall find those necessary points best in the preaching of our saviour and the apostles . . the epistles , besides the main argument of each of them , do in many places explain the fundamentals , and that wisely , by proper accommodations to the apprehensions of those they were writ to . which he shows particularly in the epistle to the romans , and that to the hebrews ; also in the general epistles . at length , these holy writers ( saith he ) inspir'd from above writ nothing but truth ; and in most places very weighty truths to us now ; — but yet every sentence of theirs , must not be taken up and look'd upon as a fundamental necessary to salvation , without an explicite belief , whereof no body could be a member of christ's church , &c. for ( saith he , pag. . ) 't is plain , the contending parties on one side or t'other , are ignorant of , nay , disbelieve the truths deliver'd in holy writ , as i noted before . this little i have transcribed out of our author for the sake of those , who perhaps have not his book , but have mr. edwards's , and that it may appear how unfairly ( to say no worse ) mr. edw. deals with our author , saying , pag. . he passes by these inspired writings with some contempt ; also he suggests his insincerity to the reader . but i have seen a letter from a gentleman of no ordinary judgment , who says , — mr. edwards has not only mistook mr. lock , but abus'd and belied him : for he says , mr. lock cites only the gospels and acts , but declares ( or insinuates ) his contempt of the epistles , as if they were not of like authority with the acts or gospels ; but mr. lock has no where intimated any such opinion . his book ( saith he ) shows , he has read the scriptures with very great observation , as well as judgment ; he suffers nothing to escape him , that belongs to the subject he manages . he names our author mr. lock , which i am assured he does by common fame and conjecture ; he has no other grounds for it , as neither have i , no more than mr. edwards . whether we are mistaken or not in his name i know not , but i think i have proved that mr. edw. is much mistaken in his judgment concerning his book , or has perversly censur'd him and it . he is so far from contemning the epistles , ( as mr. edw. accuses him ) that whoever will take the pains to reckon , he will find he has quoted them , and refer'd to them near fourscore times . and mr. edw. is no less injurious in his censures upon other writers : in the very socinian doctrine it self ( saith he ) there seems to be an atheistical tang. for proof , he cites the considerations on the explications of doct. of trin. pag. . where ( saith he ) the self-existence of god , which is the primary , fundamental , and essential property — of the deity , is peremptorily pronounc'd by them to be a contradiction . it 's strange a man of mr. edwards's undertaking , should give forth such a calumny . his ldp. of worcester says , if god was from eternity , he must be from himself . that author answers , that that is an espousing the cause of the atheists , and he gives this reason ; if god is from eternity , he must be of none ; neither of ( or from ) himself , nor from any other ; not from himself , for then he must be before he was ; and neither from himself , nor from any other , because all origination of what kind soever is inconsistent with an eternal being . is this now peremptorily to pronounce , that the self-existence of god is a contradiction ? or is it not to vindicate the self-existence of god from a false notion of it , occasion'd by the bishop's words ? but what will mr. edw. say to the author of the xxviii propositions , &c. ( who , they say , is the bishop of glouc. ) who peremptorily denies , nay says , it is a flat contradiction , to say that the second and third persons ( of the trinity ) are self-existent ? ( prop. . ) consequently neither of them is god : because ( as mr. edw. says ) self-existence is the primary , fundamental , and essential property of god , which yet neither the son nor the h. ghost have . i wish mr. edw. would either reconcile himself to the bishop , or the bishop to him , before he charges an atheistical tang upon the socinian doctrine , upon account of the denial of god's self-existence , which he may see strongly affirm'd in the reflections on the said propositions , &c. as for socinus's denying the praescience of contingencies , i am not , nor is our author concern'd in it ; but which is more dishonourable to god , to be the author of all the sin and wickedness that ever was , or ever will be in the world ; or to deny his fore-knowledge of the certainty of that which is not certain . socinus and crellius have denied such an immensity of god , which makes him to be essentially and wholly in every point of space ; because such immensity would take away all distinction between god and creature , and has indeed an atheistical tang ; for the greater part of atheists hold the universe to be god ; hence lucan , jupiter est quodcunque vides , quocunque moveris . which opinion , some of the antient fathers have wrote against ; as clemens alexandrinus , and others . mr. edw. may charge them all with a tang of atheism if he please . as for god's spirituality , modest divines confess it easier to say , what it is not , than what it is . mr. edw. perhaps has attain'd to such a perfection of knowledg in that matter , as may make him able to teach them what they are now ignorant of : but socinus nor crellius , nor any other of them ever denied , contrary to most express , and often repeated scriptures , and common reason , the most glorious attribute of god's vnity , which gives excellency to all his other attributes : for were self-existence , omniscience , immensity and spirituality , and all other attributes common to more than one ; where would the excellency and majesty of god's name be ? how should we love and adore him with all our hearts and strength , when there are others that require it and have as equal right to it as he ? but mr. edw. will count himself highly injur'd , if i charge him with denying god's unity : but hold a little , be not angry ; if you be , take heed it be not more for your own sake , than for god's sake : do you not say , that the infinite nature of god is communicable to three distinct persons ? pag. . and pag. . that the father , son and holy ghost are one god , or divine nature ? are not these terms convertible ? namely , that one god is father , son and h. ghost , that is , three persons ? and what are three almighty and only wise persons , but three gods ? the father is one god , the son is one god distinct from the father , and the holy ghost is one god distinct from the father and son. thus your proposition amounts to this , that one god is three gods , that the unity of god is a trinity of gods. that vnity or oneness is no longer an attribute of god , but trinity or threeness . but we cannot be heard , let us make out your contradictions never so clearly : nay , you impute it to us as a heinous crime , that we make it an argument against the belief of your trinity , that it cannot be understood without contradiction . you impute to us most injuriously , that we are to admit of nothing but what is exactly adjusted to nature's and reason's light , pag. . that therefore the trinity is a doctrine that can't be born , because it can't be understood , pag. . and that the english vnitarians declare they cannot believe it , because reason does not teach it , pag. . this is a topick the trinitarians do always inlarge upon , and urge with a great deal of pomp in themselves , and ignominy in the unitarians , as persons that prefer their own reasonings before divine revelation how clear soever . and though this calumny has been answer'd and wip'd away , and retorted upon them a hundred times , yet mr. edw. will still confidently charge it . he cites the letter of resolution for proof of it , and therefore has read it , but passes by the answer to this imputation , which is to be found in the very first page of it , where thus ; first , 't is not true , that we prefer reason before revelation ; on the contrary , revelation being what god himself hath said , either immediately , or by inspired persons ; 't is to be preferr'd before the clearest demonstration of our reason . and in the consider . on explic. on serm. and a sermon of the bishop of worcester , the author says : he utterly mistakes in thinking that we deny the articles of the new christianity , or athanasian religion , because they are mysteries , or because we do not comprehend them ; we have a clear and distinct perception , that they are not mysteries but contradictions , impossibilities , and pure non-sense . but now that the trinitarians do most expresly prefer their reasoning , consequences and wire-drawn deductions before holy scripture ; besides that it has been done in the notes upon the athanasian creed , and other tracts , i shall shew further from mr. edwards's fundamental doctrine , but now recited ; if at least the trinitarians will acknowledg him for their orthodox champion . . it 's manifest he means by the one god , not one divine almighty person , but three such ; but nothing is more evident in holy scripture , than that god is one person only . for proof of it , i have referr'd my reader to the scriptures from beginning to end , in more than twenty thousand texts , even as often as god is spoken of , or to , or speaks of himself ( except as i have said ) . but mr. edw. says expresly , that his god is three distinct divine persons , to wit , the father of the son , the son of the father , and the h. ghost which proceedeth from the father and the son. . he says , that these three distinct divine persons , [ each of which is god in the most perfect sense ] is the only true god , or the one god , or divine nature . the proposition which he advances , as necessary to salvation , and more easy to be understood than that jesus is the messiah , is , that the father , son and holy ghost are one god , or divine nature . whereby it 's manifest , that by one god he means not one person , but one divine nature ; and by one divine nature he means such a divine nature as is communicable to three distinct persons , see pag. . so that his three persons which are one god , are so one god as they communicate in one divine nature ; in like manner as peter , james and john are one man , because they communicate in one human nature , as do also all the men in the world. now i shall cite some texts of h. scripture , which do expresly declare that god is one ; and that cannot otherwise be understood than that he is one person , or singular intellectual nature , essence or substance . here let me premise first , how equivocally mr. edw. and the trinitarians express themselves in this great and necessary point , on which depends our eternal salvation ; and whereby the bulk of mankind ( for i think that 's a far more decent phrase than mr. edw's rabble , or captain tom and his myrmadons , or the venerable mob ) cannot escape being deluded . he and they confess also , that there is but one god , though three persons in that one god ; but by one god they do not mean ( as i have shewed from mr. edw. ) one singular intellectual nature , essence , or substance compleat , for that is a person ; and if they did , the contradiction would presently appear to every capacity , to wit , that three divine persons are one divine person ; but they ( as mr. edw. ) say , the father , son and holy ghost , or the three divine persons , are one god , or divine nature , essence or substance . hereby they conceal from their poor honest reader , thirsting after truth , that god is one intellectual perfect nature , essence or substance , and make him believe by that concealment , that though there are three divine intellectual perfect natures , yet there is but one divine nature or god. i am also willing to premise , that the grecism of a solitary adjective masculine , or article without a substantive ( where the discourse is of intellectual beings ) doth frequently , if not always connote person ; and our english translators have in many texts render'd it person , as the clear sense of the greek text , not as a word supplied in another character to explain the text , but in the same character as a verbal translation . instances of this rendring are these among many others ; mat. . . of this just [ person ] luke . . ninety nine just [ persons ] acts . . — the devout [ persons ] eph. . . — unclean [ person ] pet. . . what manner of [ persons . ] in these places there is nothing in the greek to answer the word person , but what is implied in the adjective . to come now to the texts that assert the vnity or oneness of god , against mr. edw's trinity or threeness ; or that god is one intellectual nature , or one person , against mr. edws's one divine nature , or three persons : see jam. . . according to the greek , thou believest that god is one , thou dost well . gal. . . but god is one . mark . . the lord our god , the lord is one , saith our saviour out of the law , to the scribe that asked him , which is the first commandment of all ? and jesus answer'd him , the first of all the commandments is , hear , o israel , the lord our god , the lord is one . and thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , &c. and in the d ver . the scribe said unto him , well master , thou hast said the truth , for god is one , and there is none other but he . and ver . . — jesus saw that he answer'd discreetly . our bibles refer us to deut. . , . whence our lord takes this his answer , and where we find the same words , which by ainsworth are also render'd , the lord our god , the lord is one . now in these scriptures the numeral adjective masculine , being without a substantive and singular , it forces us to understand in every place person . so that we nothing doubt but the translators would have render'd every where god is one person , if they had not been prepossessed with the opinion of god's being three persons ; the like to which they have done in many other places . but in that answer of the holy jesus to him that called him good master , mat. . . it 's not possible to avoid it ; . that god is a person ; . that he is but one person ; and . that he is good in an eminent sense above all other persons whatsoever . for thus he says , why callest thou me good ? none [ or no person ] is good but one [ person ] the god. how strangely perverse would it be to understand this text in the trinitarian sense , viz. none , or no person is good but one , the father , son and holy ghost ? or thus , none , or no person is good but one , i. e. the divine nature ? again , . consider we these texts , and see what sense we can make of them , if god be not one person only , mal. . . hath not one god created us ? must we say with mr. edw. hath not one father , son and holy ghost [ or one divine nature that is not a person ] created us ? rom. . . there is one god who justifies , &c. trin. there is one father , son and h. ghost that justifies , zech. . . hebr. in that day the lord shall be one , and his name one . how should the lord be one and his name one , if the lord be three distinct persons , and his name father , son and holy ghost ? isa . . . o lord of hosts , god of israel , thou dwellest between the cherubims , thou art the god , even thou alone , of all the kingdoms of the earth ; thou hast made heaven and earth ; psal . . . thou art great and dost wondrous works , thou art god alone . king. . . — that all the kingdoms of the earth may know that thou art the lord god , even thou only . isa . . . &c. i am the lord that maketh all things , that stretcheth forth the heavens alone , that spreadeth abroad the earth by my self . nehem. . , &c. thou even thou art lord alone , thou hast made heaven — the host of heaven worshippeth thee . isa . . . — that all the kingdoms of the earth may know , that thou art the lord , even thou only . king. . . jude . — denying the only lord god , and our lord jesus christ . tim. . . there is one god , and one mediator between god and men , the man christ jesus . ephes . . . one god and father of all , who is above all and through all , and in you all . isa . . . for i am god , and there is none else ; i am god , and there is none like me . king. . . lord god of israel , there is no god like thee in heaven above , or in earth beneath . — ver. . that all the people of the earth may know that the lord is god , and that there is none else . isa . . . i am the first , and i am the last , and besides me there is no god. ver. . is there a god besides me ? yea , there is no god , i know not any . isa . . . i am the lord there is none else , there is no god besides me . verse . — there is none besides me , i am the lord and there is none else . ver. . — saying , surely god is in thee , and there is none else , there is no god. ver. . — have not i the lord ? and there is no god else beside me , a just god and a saviour , there is none beside me . ver. . look unto me , and be ye saved all the ends of the earth , for i am god , and there is none else . deut. . . unto thee it was shewed , that thou mightest know that the lord he is god , and there is none else beside him . chron. . . o lord there is none like thee , neither is there any god besides thee . exod. . . for thou shalt worship no other god , for the lord whose name is jealous , is a jealous god. deut. . . see now that i , even i am he , and there is no god with me . king. . . behold , now i know that there is no god in all the earth , but in israel . sam. . . for who is god save the lord ? see the same words in psal . . . cor. . . — there is none other god but one . i conclude with the first and chiefest of the ten commandments given from mount sinai , exod. . . thou shalt have no other gods before me — i the lord thy god am a jealous god : and that of the lord jesus , when himself was tempted , matth. . . thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve . the meaning plainly is , i am a jew , and subject to the law of the jews , i am commanded therein to worship the lord my god , and to serve him only . these scriptures do so clearly prove , that god is a person , or a perfect intellectual nature or substance , and that he is only one such ; that to deny either of these propositions , is to me to deny the truth of holy scripture , not only in some obscure and doubtful text , but in the current of it , and in the chief fundamental of all religion . and mr. edw. in asserting there are three such persons in one divine nature , renders in effect the whole bible void and useless for the proof of any proposition whatsoever it be . if this , that god is an absolutely perfect being , and therefore a person , ( for persons are the most perfect of beings or substances ) and but one such , cannot be plainly and undeniably prov'd from scripture , it 's utterly in vain to attempt to prove any thing . for it 's manifest that to assert this , is the chief aim and design of all the holy writers , and that they are most zealous and vehement in it . and herein lies the controversy between the trinitarians and the unitarians ; we assert with the greatest plainness , and fulness , and clearness of holy scripture , as ever any thing was or can be exprest , that god is one in the most perfect sense of oneness , ( which is by all men that understand the word ) in a personal sense . but the trinitarians do on the contrary contend , that god is not one , but three in that personal sense , and one in a less perfect sense ; which is not personal , but common to many : which is a sense that dethrones god , and makes him either a third of the one god , or one of the three , that created and governs the world , and is to be ador'd by men and angels . for they cannot deny but that in worshipping the father our god , we worship one god ; but they rage against us , because we do not worship besides him , and distinct from him , the son as perfectly god as he ; as different from him as a real son is from a real father , and another person as really god as either the father , or the son , and as really different from the father and son , as he that is sent is from him that sent him . and this is so evidently true , that ( as i have observ'd ) almost one half of the trinitarians consent with the unitarians , in condemning the other party of trinitarians as confessors of three gods. but that i may give yet fuller evidence of this fundamental truth of the unity of the person of god against the trinity of persons in him , i shall in the third place produce some texts that ascribe some perfections to the person of god singularly , and with exclusion of all other persons in that sense and degree . such are those , where the holy jesus says , none [ or no person ] is good but one , the god , which i have urged before : and that in john . . where the blessed son in his prayer to god , ( wherein it were absurd to say that he pray'd to himself ) calls him father , and the only true god ; and that in distinction from himself , whom he describes by the names of jesus christ , him whom the father hath sent . this particle only , imports some excellency in the attribute of true , which is here given to god his father , above and with exclusion of all others , or it signifies nothing . rom. . . to god only wise be glory through jesus christ for ever . amen . here again the attribute of only wise is ascrib'd to the person of god in distinction from jesus christ as the medium of the glory which is given to the only wise god. tim. . , . god is called , the blessed and only potentate , the king of kings , and lord of lords ; who only hath immortality , &c. which are all personal titles , from which all other persons are excluded by the exclusive particle only : for there can be but one potentate who is king of kings in the highest sense , and much more when only is added . when christ is called king of kings , and lord of lords , ( rev. . . and . . ) it 's manifest it 's to be understood in a derivative sense , because all power in heaven and earth was given to him as the lamb that had been slain ; and therefore he is represented as clothed with a vesture dipt in blood , in that chap. ver . . who only hath immortality : that is , ( as dr. hammond says ) god is immortal in himself , ( not in three selfs ) and all immortality of others is derived from him . in the same sense is the lord god almighty called , in rev. . . only holy , because he only is holy of himself ; and as it is understood , sam. . . there is none holy as the lord. now in these and such-like passages of holy scripture , the trinitarians and mr. edw. must understand by god three persons ; by father , the father , son and holy ghost ; by thou , ye ; by him , them ; by himself , themselves ; and those words the scripture hath in the singular number , must be understood by them plurally . it 's no marvel then that they call their doctrine a mystery , and that there is so much dissension among themselves concerning it , since it cannot be understood in any sense , which is not either contradictious in it self , or so to the full current of holy scripture . in like manner , thly , all those texts ( which are not a few ) in which god is named the most high , the most high god , the lord the most high , god most high , the highest ; whether these titles be subject or attribute , must all be understood , not of one person , or a singular knowing and willing substance , but either of a substance that is not a person , or else of three equal persons : and all this by virtue of that scholastic and unreasonable distinction between person and essence ; or as mr. edw. words it , the infinite nature of god communicable to three distinct persons , ( pag. . ) which distinction being absurd in it self when understood , they obtrude upon the world under the name of mystery and incomprehensible . thly . besides , that the holy scriptures are so abundant in those texts that clearly shew him to be one person only , as i have fully manifested ; yet i may still urge from the same texts and others , that the father only , whom the trinitarians acknowledg to be but one person , is that god , that god alone , that one god , that god who is one , the most high god , and no person else besides him . i produced before the text in john . . to prove that the perfection of being the only true god , is ascrib'd to him as being one person only . now i urge from the same text , that that person is the father of the son , in express distinction from the son and all others . next , that text in cor. . , . though there be that are called gods , whether in heaven or in earth , ( as there be gods many , and lords many ) ; but to us there is but one god , the father , of whom were all things , and one lord jesus christ , by whom are all things , and we by him . which words do plainly assert , that that person who is the one god of christians in exclusion of all those that are called gods , ( and in some sense may be so ) is none but the father ; and in distinction from the lord jesus , who was made lord and christ in a most excellent manner , after his resurrection . this text must be understood by the trinitarians thus ; there is none other god but three almighty persons : — there are gods many , and lords many , but unto us [ christians ] there is but one god or divine nature , the father , son and holy ghost ; each of which is the one god of christians , and not the father only . see next ephes . . , , . there is one spirit — one lord — one god and father of all . where the one god and father of all is clearly differenced from the one spirit and the one lord. now see mat. . . but of that day and hour knoweth none [ or no person ] ( for of necessity it must be so understood ) no not the angels of heaven , but my father only . st. mark hath it — neither the son , but the father . these parallel texts prove , . that the person of the father is the person of god ; for none but that person could then know the day and hour of judgment : and , . that the father only is that person of god in exclusion of all other persons , both angels and men , and of the son himself . what shall we say of them , who in flat contradiction to this scripture , and the son himself , assert , that the son knew the day and hour of judgment as well as the father ? let us next compare that passage in tim. . . ( which i cited before ) with john . . the former saith , there is one god , and one mediator between god and men , the man christ jesus . the latter says , if any man sin , we have an advocate with the father , jesus christ the righteous . by which consider'd together , it appears that the one god and the father are the same person , for only a person is capable of being interceded to , and the mediator and advocate the same : so that the father is the person of god , as well as the advocate is the person of the mediator . but if the reader desire to see this point ( viz. that the father only is the most high god ) fully and learnedly argued and defended , let him read crellius's two books of one god the father , out of which i have transcribed much . in what a many places of scripture is christ called the son of god , and the holy spirit the spirit of god ? in every of which either god must be taken for the father only , or christ must be the son of himself , and the holy spirit the spirit of himself , both which are absurd . again , how many places of holy scripture are there , where some prerogative is given to the father above christ , as john . . my father is greater than i ? how asham'd are the more ingenuous trinitarians of that answer , to this objection against the deity of the son , which says , the son was less according to his human nature ? john . . my father is greater than all . it 's manifest from the context , that the son himself is included in that word all. cor. . . the head of christ is god. christ is not the head of himself , therefore the father only is god. how often do christ and the divine writers call the father his god ? john . . i ascend to my father and your father , to my god and your god. in rev. . . he calls the father my god four times . mat. . . and mark . . he cries out , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ! his god was only the person of the father , and not god the divine nature , which according to mr. edw. is common to three persons . ephes . . . — the god of our lord jesus christ , the father of glory . heb. . . where christ is called a god , he is also said to have a god , who anointed him . was he his own god , and the god that anointed him ? or was the father only ? john . . this commandment have i received of my father . he only is god who gives commandments to the son. john . . the father that sent me , he gave me a commandment what i should say , and what i should speak . john . . as the father hath given me commandment , so i do . john . . as i have kept my father's commandment , and abide in his love. see chap. . . and . . and . , . and . . and . . add those places wherein it 's clearly taught that christ obey'd god , rom. . . phil. . . heb. . . god calleth christ his servant , isa . . . mat. . . isa . . , . with acts . . isa . , . . and . . ezek. . , . and . , . he is called — a minister of the sanctuary , heb. . . all these texts , and a hundred more ( say the trinitarians ) are answered by the distinction of a divine and human nature in one person , or the second person of god his having a human nature : so you are to understand that this person of god , who is here said to be a servant , to receive commands and obey them , &c. is yet as perfectly great as he , from whom he receiv'd those commands , who has no prerogative above him . the servant is as great as his lord , and he that obey'd as he that commanded , and he that is sent as he that sent him ; yea , the same god is servant and lord , the obeyer and commander , the sent and the sender . when all these prerogatives of the father above the son , and consequently above the holy spirit , will not prove the father only to be the most high god ; of what use can the holy scriptures be to us ? what shall be the difference between holy scriptures and profane writings ? may not all the greek fables of their gods , be justified by the same , or such like distinctions ? o father of mercies , enlighten their understandings , and remove their prejudices , that they may no longer , deny thee the glory due to thee above all ! neither is it to be passed by , that to the father only is ascrib'd in holy scripture , the creation of heaven and earth , to christ never ; though in a certain way of speaking , common to the sacred writers , many things , or all pertaining to the new covenant or gospel , are said to be created ( that is , medelled or put into a new and better state ) by him . so in that antient confession of faith , call'd , the apostles creed , the creation of heaven and earth is appropriated to the father ; and both in those apostolical times , and to this day , prayers and praises are offer'd to the father through-christ , and the gift of the holy spirit is begg'd of him ; which clearly shews the prerogative of the father above the son and holy spirit ; and consequently that he only is that person , whom we ought to understand by the name of god. in fine , the god of abraham , of isaac , and of jacob , the god of the fathers , and the father of christ , are descriptions of one and the same person : so acts . . — the god of our fathers hath glorified his son jesus : and heb. . . god who — spake in times past to the fathers by the prophets , hath — spoken to us by his son. so that they who make the son to be the god of the fathers , make him to be his own god and father . but because i think it may give farther light and evidence to this great point , wherein the glory of god , even the father , is so much concern'd ; i will yet further show from many plain texts , set so as they may give light one to another ; that the god of the fathers , and the god and father of christians ; or our god and father , and the god and father of our lord christ ; our heavenly father and his heavenly father ; his god and our god , is one and the same person . i present them by couples , the first speaking of christ , the second of us . see rom. . . that ye may glorify god , even the father of our lord jesus christ . phil. . . now unto god our father , be glory for ever and ever . cor. . . blessed be god , even the father of our lord jesus christ , the father of mercies . rom. . . grace be to you , and peace from god our father , and the lord jesus christ . col. . . we give thanks to god , and the father of our lord jesus christ . eph. . . grace to you , and peace from god our father , and from the lord jesus christ . cor. . . the god and father of our lord jesus christ knoweth that i lie not . thes . . . grace be to you , and peace from god our father , and the lord jesus christ . heb. . . unto the son he saith , thy throne , o god , is for ever and ever . thou hast loved righteousness , and hated iniquity , therefore god even thy god hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows . phil. . . grace be unto you , and peace from god our father , and the lord jesus christ . ephes . . . blessed be the god and father of our lord jesus christ . tim. . . grace , mercy and peace from god our father , and jesus christ our lord. eph. . . that the god of our lord jesus christ , the father of glory , may give unto you the spirit , &c. col. . . grace be unto you , and peace from god our father , and the lord jesus christ . pet. . . blessed be the god and father of our lord jesus christ . thess . . . now the lord jesus himself , and god even our father , &c. john . . jesus saith to mary , i ascend to my father and your father , and to my god and to your god. gal. . . who gave himself for our sins — according to the will of god and our father . mat. . . jesus cried — saying , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? philem. . grace be to you , and peace from god our father , and the lord jesus christ . rev. . . him that overcometh , will i make a pillar in the temple of my god , and write upon him the name of my god , &c. thess . . . — unto the church of the thessalonians in god our father , and the lord jesus christ . john . . — jesus lift up his eyes to heaven , and said — father , glorify thy son. mat. . . one is your father which is in heaven . psal . . . our god is in the heavens . thus we see there is one god and father of all ( ephes . . . ) both of christ , and believers the children of god ; the same person is the god and father of both . it 's absurd to say , that christ the son is his own father , or his own god ; so it 's plainly contrary to scripture to say , that any other person is our god or our father ( in the highest sense ) but the same who is christ's god and father . that it is so , i appeal to the serious thoughts of every man and woman that reads the scriptures attentively , without the prejudice of scholastick and confus'd distinctions . now i shall further produce you many couples of scriptures , which prove expresly , that the name of god ( when taken by way of excellency ) and the name of father ( in christ's gospel ) do signify the same singular person . so that no one is or can be god , who is not also the father ; which term is acknowledged to signify but one person . this appears from the scripture , attributing the sending of christ , or the son , sometimes to god , sometimes to the father , and both frequently . john . . he whom god hath sent , speaketh the words of god ; for god giveth not the spirit by measure unto him . chap. . . the word which ye hear is not mine , but the father's who sent me . acts . . the word which god sent to the children of israel , preaching peace by jesus christ . john . . i seek not mine own will , but the will of the father which hath sent me . acts . . god having raised up his son jesus , sent him to bless you . john . . the father which sent me , he gave me a commandment what i should say , and what i should speak . john . . not that we loved god , but that he loved us , and sent his son to be the propitiation for our sins . chap. . . and we have seen and do testify , that the father sent the son to be the saviour of the world. gal. . . god sent forth his son made of a woman . john . . and this is the father's will that hath sent me . see ver . . john . . in this was manifested the love of god toward us , because god sent his only begotten son into the world , &c. john . . he that heareth my word , and believeth on the father that hath sent me . rom. . . god sending his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh . john . . then said jesus , as my father sent me , even so send i you . joh. . . god sent not his son to condemn the world. chap. . . he that honoureth not the son , honoureth not the father which sent him . joh. . . jesus answered , this is the work of god , that ye believe on him whom he hath sent . chap. . . o father , these have known that thou hast sent me . john . . this is life eternal , that they might know thee ( father ) the only true god , and jesus christ whom thou hast sent . chap. . . say ye of him whom the father hath sanctified and sent into the world , thou blasphemest , because i said , i am the son of god ? john . . the father himself loveth you , because ye have — believed that i came out from god. ver. . i came forth from the father , and am come into the world ; again , i leave the world , and go to the father . ver. . by this we believe that thou camest forth from god. john . . god so loved the world , that he gave his only begotten son — . chap. . . i am one that bear witness of my self ; and the father that sent me beareth witness of me . john . . for i proceeded forth and came from god ; neither came i of my self , but he sent me . chap. . . the works that i do , bear witness that the father hath sent me . hence it appears most evidently , not only that god and the father are the same person , and that the same is as plainly distinguisht from our lord christ , as the sender is distinct from him that is sent ; but that the son is no more the same god that sent him , than he is the same father that sent him . if christians will still suffer themselves to be impos'd upon , under the notion of mystery , to believe that the son of god is the same numerical god as his father , who sent him to do his will , ( not his own ) and to be the propitiation ( or mercy-seat , heb. . . ) for our sins ; that the only begotten or well-beloved son , whom the father ( first ) sanctified and ( then ) sent into the world , is the same god who sanctified and sent him , that the miraculous works which the son did , did bear witness , not that the father even god had sent him , but that the son was that god , &c. they should no longer pretend , that their faith concerning god and his son christ jesus , in what is necessary to eternal life , is clearly and plainly reveal'd in holy scripture , but that they have learnt it by tradition from their teachers , which yet they can no more conceive the meaning of , without contradiction to scripture and reason , than the papists can their transubstantiation , which they also believe under the notion of mystery . let none say there is a wide difference between the faith of protestants and papists in these cases , because transubstantiation is contradicted by sense , the trinity only by reason ; for i appeal to any man of sense , whether we may not be as certain that one person is not three persons , nor three persons one person , as that bread is not flesh . if protestants think themselves excusable in that , let them not for shame blame the papists in this . and if both protestants and papists are faultless in these points , i see not but the heathen polytheists will be capable of the same charity . the new testament scriptures are so full of those clear distinctions , and opposite relations , and works of god , from the son of god , that a man must in a manner transcribe the whole volume to present them all . i have given my reader a great number of texts already ; i will yet point him to some more , which he may read at his leisure . see then john . ver . to . pet. . . rom. . . john . . john . , . as the father hath life in himself , so hath he given to the son to have life in himself , and hath given him authority to execute judgment also , because he is the son of man. the son of god had not this life in himself , till it was given him by the living god his father , not because he was god , but because he was the son of man. but what ears can hear , that life and authority were given by the same god the father , to the very same god the son ? or that any life and authority could be given to him that was god , who had always from all eternity , all life and authority in himself , and could never be without it ? but i am pointing you to some texts of scripture . read also rom. . . chap. . , , . chap. . . ephes . . . john . , . chap. . , . chap. . . gal. . . col. . , . cor. . . john . . whosoever shall confess that jesus is the son of god [ not that he is that god whose son he is ] god dwelleth in him and he in god. john . , , . heb. . , . john . , . acts . . thess . . , . john . . john ver . . gal. . . acts . . these texts do undeniably prove , that god is one person only , to wit , the father of the son ; and as the son cannot be his own father , so neither that god who is his father . but i proceed , see mat. . . and . . luke . . mark . . john . . and . . these are written that ye may believe that jesus is the christ the son of god , and that believing ye might have life through his name . the apostle john did not write his gospel ( as some pretend ) to prove that jesus was god , who was his father , but that he was the christ , or a man anointed with the holy ghost and power , the son of that god who anointed him ; and that so believing we might have life through him . mark . . mat. . . luke . . mark . . luke . . heb. . . john . . mat. . . luke . . john . . and . , . and . . and . . and . . against all these scriptures , and many more that might be alledged , it 's urged that the son is somewhere called god [ or rather a god ] in scripture . to which i answer , that both angels and men are called god , and gods , and sons of god in scripture ; see exod. . . — i have made thee [ moses ] a god to pharaoh . exod. . . compar'd with chap. . , . an angel is called jehovah and elohim ; in english , the lord and god. psal . . . thou hast made him [ man ] a little lower than the angels ; in hebrew , than the gods. and judg. . . manoah said — we shall surely die , because we have seen god ; so he calls the angel that appeared to him . but the word god taken by way of eminency for the father of all , signifies also the god of gods , deut. . . joshua . . psal . . , &c. the most high god , gen. . . heb. . . and the lord jesus being stoned and charged with blasphemy by the jews , for saying , that he and his father were one , as we read john . , , &c. he vindicates himself by the authority of that text , in psal . . . where it's divinely written , i said ye are gods , speaking of the judges and princes , who receiv'd their authority and power from god ; and all of you sons of the most high : and argues from it thus , say ye of him , whom the father hath sanctified and sent into the world , thou blasphemest , because i said , i am the son of god ? which is in effect to say , i may with far greater right than they , be called a god , or the son of god , who have received from god far greater authority and power ; being sanctified to such a degree , and sent among men to preach such a doctrine and work , such miraculous works , as plainly shew , that the father is in me , and i in him ; that is , there is such a close union between us , as if the father dwelt in me , and did the works which i do , ( dwelling as it were in him ) and which cannot be done by any other power . whence i argue , that if in any text of scripture , jesus is said to be god or a god , ( tho he himself never said he was god ; nunquam seipse deum dixit , as saith lactantius ) it is to be understood of that godlike power , authority and glory , which god his father has conferr'd upon him ; for which he is to be honoured as the father who sent him , who anointed him , who raised him from the dead , and set him at his own right hand . so in heb. . , . where in the words spoken of solomon , psal . . he is called god , he is said to have a god above him , who anointed him . let them consider who say , the son is god in the same sense as the father , how they can clear themselves of blasphemy . such persons look upon the unitarians with amazement and horrour , because they will not take the term god in that sense as themselves do : what! deny christ to be god , so expresly spoken of him in holy scripture ! in the mean time , they do not reflect upon themselves , who make to themselves ( by understanding scripture in another sense than christ understood it in ) another god besides the father , who only is the true god. the unitarians acknowledg and celebrate one god the father , the trinitarians do so too , but they also acknowledg and celebrate two other persons , each of which is god in the same sense as the father , neither of which is the father . which of us are safer , and in less danger of being blasphemers , and worshippers of more gods than one ? there 's nothing more manifest in holy scripture , than that the only true god hath given to the son both his being , and all whatsoever that he enjoys ; he has exalted him to his right hand , given him all power in heaven and in earth , as pharaoh exalted joseph in egypt ; only in the throne ( saith he ) will i be greater than thou . but the trinitarians will not suffer the father to enjoy that privilege ; they are asham'd of that son of god ( and his words ) who is not as great as his father ; though he said , my father is greater than i. they are asham'd of his words , who said , of that day and hour — knoweth none , not the son , but the father only : and say in contradiction to him , the son did know that day and hour as well as the father , and not the father only . they are asham'd of his words who said , i can do nothing of my self ; i came not to do my own will , but the will of him that sent me ; my doctrine is not mine , but his that sent me ; i — do nothing of my self , but as the father hath taught me i speak these things ; i have not spoken of my self , but the father that sent me , he gave me a commandment what i should say , and what i should speak ; the word that i speak , i speak not of my self , but the father that abideth in me he doth the works . these and many other words and sayings of the same kind , they seem to be asham'd of , and say , and contend for it , that he could do all things of himself , that he came to do his own will , that his doctrine was his own , that he had no need of the father's teaching , &c. they are ashamed of those words of christ's ; mat. . . why dost thou call me good ? none is good but one , the god ; and say none is good but three , god and god and god , or father , son and holy ghost . here let me observe to the reader ( as i have hinted above ) that there is a considerable difference between that particle one in this text , and the same particle one in that supposititious text , joh. . . these three are one ; for here one is of the neuter gender , as is manifest both in the greek and latin , and fignifies as the same word does in cor. . . he that planteth and he that watereth are one : but in the text above , one is of the masculine gender , and must be understood of one person ( or intelligent being ) who is good , and none but he , to wit , the god. if they were not hinder'd by strong preiudices , they might easily see , that whatsoever they attribute to the son , be it eternal necessary existence , almightiness , or omniscience , &c. they take away from the father thereby , not only the glory of enjoying those divine excellencies alone , but also the glory of his free goodness , and the son 's , and our thankfulness for such unspeakable benefits both to him and us , as he has been graciously pleas'd to give unto the son , either in begetting him , or raising him up in time , or in rewarding him both for his and our good. nay , they make the son uncapable of receiving those great and glorious rewards , of all power in heaven and earth given to him , of an everlasting kingdom , of a name above every name , of exaltation to the right hand of god , and the like , which the scriptures are full of : for how could any of these blessings be given to him that was god always , even from eternity ? could god sit at the right hand of god in any sense whatever ? these are the absurd doctrines , which make the trinitarians contend so fiercely one with another , and with us . god will judg the world , and between them and us , by that man whom he has ordained to be judg of the dead and living . but to return to the consideration of those texts that are alledg'd for the son 's being called god ; that in john . . i have spoken of already , as also that in tim. . . that in rom. . . is read without the word god in the syriac , and in the writings of st. cyprian , hilary and chrysostom ; whereby it 's probable it was not originally in that text. but erasmus acknowledges that for a good reading , which points the clause so as to render it a thanksgiving to the father thus , the god over all be blessed for ever , to wit , for his benefits in raising up christ of the fathers , &c. and it seems to have been so read by some of the antients , for they reckon it among the heresies to say , that christ was god over all , as origen contr . cels . and others . in john . . the word god is not found but in very few greek copies ; and if it be read there , admits of a good sense , without making god to die , who only hath immortality . as also doth that text in acts . . which may be render'd , feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with the blood of his own son ; but the truer reading according to the syriac , the armenian , and most antient greek bibles , is , christ instead of god. most of the antient fathers read christ or lord. those words in john . . this is the true god , which some refer to the son , are plainly to be refer'd to the father , signified by him that is true , through his son jesus . this [ he that is true ] ( whose son christ is ) is the true god. lastly , they urge that in john . . where thomas being convinced by the clear testimony of his senses , that christ was risen from the dead , answered and said unto him , my lord and my god : which words , whether they are words of admiration , respecting god that raised him from the dead , or him that was raised to be a prince and saviour ( acts . , . ) a lord and a god ; the term god cannot signify in this latter sense , any other than a god or christ , made so by resurrection . 't is a clear case , that the evangelist could not intend by these words , to teach us that jesus was god , when he tells in the last verse , that they and his whole book were written , that we might believe that jesus is the christ the son of god , and that believing we might have life through his name . i have insisted long upon this point of the oneness of god , partly because it is a matter of the highest moment in religion ; partly to shew , that if our author had a design ( as mr. edw. says he had ) to exclude the belies of the trinity ( or threeness of god ) from being a point necessary to salvation , it was a pious and christian design ; and that mr. edw. has been so far from offering any thing to prove that faith to be so necessary , that he has not proved it a true doctrine ; but on the contrary , i have proved it to be false , and highly dishonourable to the ever-blessed god and father of christ , contrary to the clear and full current of scripture , obscuring the true glory of christ , and very injurious to the peace and hope of christians . but after all , whether our author is of my mind in this matter ; or whether he believes that the doctrine of three coequal almighty persons is a truth , but not fundamental , i cannot determine : but methinks mr. edwards's concluding him all over socinianiz'd in this point , is done upon such grounds , as will argue the holy evangelists to be also socinians : for he says , this writer interprets the son of god to be no more than the messiah : and i am much perswaded , that whoever shall read the gospels with any attention , will find the holy writers to be of the same mind ; and our author has fully prov'd it in his book , but more particularly from pag. . to . and pag. . yea the comparing the evangelists in the relation of one and the same story alone may do it ; for what in matthew is exprest by , thou art the messiah the son of the living god , chap. . . the same is in mark , chap. . . thou art the messiah ; and in luke . . the messiah of god. and if you compare john . . with ver . , . you will easily see the christ or messiah , and the son of god , are terms of the same import . besides , the very word messiah or christ signifying anointed , and so interpreted in the margin of our bibles , john . . is in the th verse , understood by nathanael to be the son of god , the king of israel . for the kings of israel in the letter and type , were constituted kings by anointing ; hence god is said to anoint david king over israel , sam. . . and psal . . . he is called the lord 's anointed ; but in verse . upon that very account , the lord said , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . now as the first and second verses of this psalm , are by the apostles and believers , applied to god's holy child [ or son ] jesus , who as david is called the lord's christ , acts . , , . so upon god's raising again of jesus to be a prince and a saviour , the apostle paul does expresly apply to him that glorious proclamation in the th verse , saying , as it is also written in the second psalm , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee , acts . . and the author to the hebrews , chap. . , . speaking of the son 's being made better than the angels , proves it from this , that god said not at any time to any of them , as he did unto jesus , [ in his type david ] thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee ; and in his type solomon , i will be to him a father , and he shall be to me a son , sam. . . moreover we have seen before , that our lord vindicates to himself the name of the son of god , by a text out of the d psalm , where the mighty judges and princes are called gods , and sons of the most high , john . these things consider'd , will i think justify our author in interpreting the son of god to be no more than the messiah , or will condemn the divine writers ( if not the messiah himself ) in the same crime . another evidence of our author's being socinian , is ( according to mr. edw. ) that he expounds joh. . , &c. after the antitrinitarian mode , whereas generally divines understand some part of those words concerning the divinity of our saviour . he says , — generally divines , &c. by this mark those divines that do not so interpret , must be socinians : the socinians owe mr. edw. their thanks , for adding to their number many learned and able divines ; but i doubt those divines will not thank him for it . but mr. edw. has courage enough to call a most learned and right reverend father , wavering prelate , and to bring in his doctrine about fundamentals , as favouring the causes of atheism , if he and those other divines agree not with him in their sentiments . another mark of socinianism is , that our author makes christ and adam , to be the sons of god — by their birth , as the racovians generally do . that they both make christ to be the son of god by his birth , and that truly according to that text of luke . . cannot i think be denied by any that duly considers the place ; but that either the one or the other make adam , who was never born to be so , in like manner by his birth , is mr. edwards's blunder , and not their assertion . i have not taken notice of the other fundamentals which mr. edw. reckons in his system , ( divers of which are not found in holy scripture , either name or thing , expresly , or by consequence ) because he insists chiefly on the doctrine of the trinity ; which however it is believed by learned men , to be in some sense or other ( they cannot agree in what sense ) a truth ; yet some of the most learned of them do not believe it a fundamental and necessary truth , particularly mr. limborch ( than whom this present learned age does not afford a more learned and able divine ) could not defend christian religion , in his most famous and weighty disputations against the jews , without waving that point ; one of which we have in his amica collatio cum erudito judaeo , &c. the ablest jew ( i presume ) that ever wrote in defence of judaism against christianity . another conference i am informed we may hope shortly to see , in his reduction of an eminent person , who was upon the point of forsaking the christian religion , and embracing for it that of the jews at amsterdam , when first the ablest systemers had tried their utmost skill and could not effect it . perhaps mr. edw. means him for one , when he says , our author 's plausible conceit found reception ( if it had not its birth ) among some foreign authors besides socinians , pag. . indeed he had cause enough , for mr. limborch tells the jew expresly ( in the book i named , chap. . pag. . ) quando exigitur fides in jesum christum , nusquam in toto novo testamento exigi ut credamus jesum esse ipsum deum , sed jesum esse christum , seu messiam olim promissum , vel quod idem est , esse filium dei ; quoniam appellationes christi & filii dei inter se permutantur . when we are requir'd to believe in jesus christ , we are no where in all the new testament requir'd to believe that jesus is the very god , but that jesus is the christ or the messiah , that was of old promised , or which is the same , that he is the son of god ; because those appellations of christ and of son of god are put one for another . so that in company of mr. limborch and other eminent divines , as well as our english bishops and doctors , our author may still believe the doctrine of the trinity to be a truth , though not necessary , absolutely necessary to make one a christian , as mr. edwards contends . but why does he make mention of only the right reverend fathers , one reverend doctor , and the foreign divines and socinians , as favourers of this plausible conceit , of making nothing necessary and fundamental , but what is evidently contain'd in holy scripture as such ; and so is accommodated to the apprehension of the poor , that hear and read the scriptures , making them also capable of being saved , though they are either ignorant of , or do not believe aright those truths , which , though deliver'd in scripture , are yet either hard to be understood , or difficultly infer'd , or have no mark of fundamental , either in themselves , or in divine revelation ; and for those reasons cannot be made evident to the despised common people , which the lord jesus came to save as well as the learned ? he might also have charg'd the sixth article of the church of england with this plausible coneeit , which has so much evil and mischief in it , tending to reduce the catholick faith to nothing , pag. . for that article saith thus ; holy scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation , so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man , that it should be believed as an article of faith. observe here , that every necessary article must be read expresly , or at least proved thereby , and to whom is this proof to be made ? even to the weakest noddles of those that are requir'd to believe it . absolutely there is not one man or woman of the venerable mob , that ( according to mr. edw. ) can be saved , because they cannot possibly have the article of the three persons that are one prov'd to them from scripture ; for it 's evident the learned , even of the clergy , cannot prove it to one another , much less to vulgar understandings . and mr. chillingworth ( the ablest defender of the religion of protestants , that the church ever had ) says ( and ingeminates it ) — the bible , the bible , i say the bible only is the religion of protestants ; whatsoever else they believe besides it , and the plain irrefragable and indvbitable consequences of it , well may they hold it as a matter of opinion , but not as a matter of faith or religion ; neither can they with consistence to their own grounds believe it themselves , nor require the belief of it from others , without most high and most schismatical presumption , ch. . n. . will mr. edwards say , his fundamentals are such irrefragable and indubitable truths , about which there are among protestants such hot and irreconcileable contentions ? again , that most judicious author lays this as the unmoveable foundation of his whole discourse against the papists , viz. that all things necessary to salvation are evidently contain'd in scripture ; as the church of england does , ( see pref. n. . ) and he shows in the following paragraphs , to n. . that all the jesuits arguments against protestants are confuted by it . but that 's not all , the same author after dr. potter affirms , that the apostles creed contains all those points of belief , which were by god's command of necessity to be preached to all , and believed by all : and yet he says in the same paragraph , that all points in the creed are not thus necessary ; see chap. . n. . now what more or less hath our author asserted in his whole book ? for i have shewed out of him , and it 's evident to the impartial ; that his proposition , that jesus is the messiah or christ , does comprehend or clearly imply all the articles of necessary christian faith in the creed . for , though it was sufficient to constitute a believer during the life of christ , to believe him to be the christ , although they had no explicite belief of his death and resurrection to come ; yet afterwards those articles were necessary , being undoubted evidences of his being the messiah , as our author pag. . and therefore mr. edw. is very injurious to him , in representing his proposition , as if it were only the believing the man called jesus to be the messiah , an hebrew word , that signifies in english anointed , without understanding what is meant by that term , see pag. . but why should i expect that mr. edw. should have any regard to mr. chillingworth's judgment , and all those , the vice chancellour , the divinity-professors , and others that licensed and approved his book , when he has none for the pious and learned bishop jer. taylor , and those others ? nay , when those numerous plain testimonies , which our author has quoted out of the holy scriptures themselves , do but provoke his opposition and contempt ; though the divine writers add these sanctions to the belief of our author's proposition , or of those words and sentences that are of the same import , and comprehended in it , viz. he that believeth shall be saved , or shall never thirst , or shall have eternal life , and the like : on the contrary , he that believeth not shall be condemned , or shall die in his sin , or perish , and the like . however i doubt not but my impartial reader will consider both what my author , and what my self have said in this point . having thus made it appear , that the reducing of the fundamentals of christian faith to a few , or even to one plain article deliver'd in scripture expresly , and often repeated there , and in divers equipollent phrases , easy to be understood by the poor , and strongly enforcing the obedience of the messiah , ( as is our author's proposition ) is far from having any tendency to atheism or deism ; i shall now retort this charge upon mr. edw. and show that on the contrary , the multiplying of speculative and mysterious articles as necessary , which are neither contain'd in scripture expresly , nor drawn thence by any clear and evident consequence , but are hard to be understood , especially by the common people , having no rational tendency to promote a good life , but directly to the high dishonour of the one god , the god and father of our lord jesus christ , and the subversion of the hope and peace of christians , as i have manifested in one and the chief of mr. edw's fundamentals , and of other systemers : this i say has been , and is one great cause , or chief occasion of that atheism and deism that is in the world. . mr. edw. himself tells us , that undue apprehensions of a deity join'd with superstition , are the high road to atheism , pag. . — therefore imposing of false doctrines , concerning the attributes of god , is very pernicious , for they are destructive of his very being and nature . but i have shew'd that the imposing of the doctrine of three almighty persons , or personal gods , is a false doctrine , and destroys one of the chief attributes of god , therefore is ( according to mr. edw. ) destructive of his very being and nature , pag. . again , another of mr. edw's fundamentals is , that full satisfaction is made by the death of christ to the divine justice ; which doctrine does clearly destroy the attribute of the divine mercy : for every one may readily perceive , that full satisfaction to justice by punishment , cannot consist with pardoning mercy ; when a judg punishes according to full justice , he does not at all forgive or shew mercy . but that they may not be seen to destroy altogether the mercy of god , they make him to inflict that punishment upon himself in a human body and soul. will not these false conceptions of the deity expunge at last the belief of the true one ? mr. edw. says false ones will. ly . another occasion , mr. edw. says , atheists take from our divisions , broils and animosities , from the many parties and squadrons of sects that are in the world , to bid defiance to all religion . and is it not manifest that those divisions , &c. arise chiefly from those doctrines that are mr. edw's fundamentals ? i have intimated already , there are many divisions of trinitarians , and how hotly they contend with one another , and upon unitarian principles . and whoever shall but peep into ecclesiastical history , may soon see that their trinity has been such a bone of contention as has exercis'd the wits and pens of church-men these years ; for so long it is , and longer since christians departed from the simplicity of the faith , as it was preached by our lord christ and his apostles . and now when the unitarians and our author would bring christians back to that simplicity , in which the gospel was preached to the poor , and they understood it and receiv'd it ; this pious design is ridicul'd , and the salvation of the bulk of mankind is set at nought ; mr. edw. may well conclude that this conduct gives occasion to atheistical persons . ly . he says , pag. . when persons observe that the very divinity of our blessed lord and saviour is toss'd and torn by rude pens — what can they think of the other great verities of christianity ? but mr. edw. mistakes , it 's not the opposition that is made to the supreme divinity of the son of god , but the asserting it , that inclines men to disbelieve christianity . had many that are now deists , been sooner acquainted with the doctrine of one god even the father , and of one man the mediator between god and men , it 's very probable they would have continued christians ; for there are some that of deists have been reconcil'd to the christian faith by the unitarian books , and have profess'd much satisfaction therein . but i must confess it 's a very handsome rebuke mr. edw. gives to his own party , when he blames the antitrinitarians , that they have provok'd some of them to an undecent sort of language concerning these holy mysteries : so that some of these latter have hurt the cause , it may be almost as much by their defending it , as the others have by their opposing it . i must lay up this for a curious figure in rhetorick : he cuts some dignified persons through the unitarians sides ; and so whoever is in fault , they must bear the blame . but if the unitarians have truth , and necessary truth on their side , then they are not faulty , even as christ and the apostles were not faulty , though they preach'd the gospel which set the son against the father , &c. and produc'd not peace but a sword : and the reformers were not faulty in vigorously opposing the popish faith , even unto blood. but whoever will attentively consider it , may see it 's the nature of the trinitarian doctrine , that it cannot be defended without being exposed , so that when the most learned of the party labour to defend it , they necessarily run into one absurdity or other ; which being perceived by the next learned man , he exposes him : and a third sees the weakness of each of them : and a fourth man spies flaws in every of them . this produces various hypotheses , and makes them a scorn to atheists , and enclines others to deism . for the obscuring of a contradiction will not take it away . contradictions are stubborn things , and will never yield to any reconciliation whatsoever . god will never be more than one real person , and one person will never be three real persons . and if trinitarians will ( as they do ) make that a fundamental of religion , which contradicts the best reasonings of mankind , whereby they prove the existence of god and his unity , viz. that he is that being which is necessarily and by himself , and so consider'd not in kind , but in act ; wherefore if you suppose more gods , then you will necessarily find nothing in each of them why any of them should be . grotius de verit . chr. relig. in initio . and if the trinitarians cannot explain their doctrine to one another , so as to clear it from introducing more gods than one , no marvel then that loose men ( who yet reason as the incomparable grotius , and other learned men do ) do thence deny there is any god at all . the learned allow there is not necessarily any god , if you suppose more than one : the trinitarians say he is more than one ; men who think it their interest there should be no god , conclude thence , it 's equal in reason to believe there is no god as three . and mr. norris joins them with his suffrage in the point ; i think it ( saith he ) a greater absurdity , that there should be more gods than one , than that there should be none at all . reason and relig. p. . and if some men take occasion from such reasonings as these to turn atheists it may easily be conceiv'd , that men that are more sober , and find strong and irresistible reasons for the existence and unity of god , but see clearly that christians worship three , and besides that , hold divers other absurd doctrines for fundamentals ; such men ( i say ) must of necessity forsake christianity ; and turn deists . thus it 's most manifest , that the unitarians take the direct course to prevent atheism and deism , by letting the world see , that those fundamentals are no doctrines of christ ; but that the necessary faith of christ is a plain and short doctrine , easy to be understood by the poor , and clearly exprest in scripture , most reasonable in it self , and most agreeable to the unity and goodness of god , and other the divine attributes . i shall now in the th place shew how the obscurity , numerousness , and difficulty of understanding systematical fundamentals promotes deism , and subverts the christian faith , and that in a notorious instance . it 's matter of fact , and evident to the whole world , that the quakers are a very numerous people , and form'd into a compact body , in which they exercise strict discipline , as to what concerns their party . they will not own any other denomination of christians or others for the people of god , but themselves only ; all others are of the world. they utterly disown the scriptures as the rule of faith ; they decry it as letter , carnal , dust , &c. their principle is , that their religion is taught them by inspiration or revelation of a light within , whereof every man has a measure , but they only hearken to it , and obey it ; they give the scripture the place of bearing witness to their inward light , as the woman of samaria to christ . they turn the gospel into an allegory , and consequently make use of the words and phrases of the scripture ; as that christ is the word , the light , the teacher , the word in the mouth and heart ; that christ died , and rose , and ascended , and is in heaven , and the like ; but all in a mystical or spiritual sense , as they call it . by all which things , and indeed by the whole tenour of their books , preachings and professions , they appear to be deists and not christians . george fox's book ; titled , the great mystery , will give full satisfaction in this point . and they have all along been charg'd by other denominations to be no christians , and that quakerism is no christianity . however retaining still the words wherein the christian faith is exprest , though in an equivocal sense ; and having some among them ( as george keith and others ) who still believ'd the gospel in the proper sense , they made a shift to be reputed generally christians . and indeed this conduct of theirs deceived even many of their own party , which is manifest in william rogers of bristol , francis bugg , thomas crispe , john pennyman , and especially in george keith ; who having been a quaker about years , yet did not till within these three or four years discover the infidelity of the primitive and true quakers , who are deservedly call'd foxonians , because holding the principles of george fox their author . but g. keith living in pensylvania , ( where the quakers were governours , and might be free to open their minds plainly ) did then perceive they did not believe the doctrine of the apostles creed , the summary of christian faith , which made him preach it and contend for it more earnestly . this provok'd the foxonians so far , that it came to a breach and separation , and at length to impeachment , fines and imprisonment . then g. keich returns to london , where the matters in contest between him and the foxonians of pensylvania , was taken into consideration , and had divers hearings by the general annual meeting of quakers , , who gave a kind of a judgment in the case , but no clearer determination of the principal matter concerning christ within , and christ without , and the other articles of christian faith , than their former equivocal expressions . the next year , at the like general meeting , they absolutely excommunicate g. keith , and make this the ground of it , viz. that he had not given due observance to their former order , and was troublesome to them in his declarations , &c. for he had still continued to preach frequently christianity as before . see a late book , titled , gross error and hypocrisy detected , &c. the reader i hope will excuse it , that i have detain'd him in this long story , because it was necessary for me first , to prove the quakers are deists , and then to proceed and shew , secondly , that the obscurity , ambiguity , and numerousness of systematical fundamentals , is that which is the chief cause of their being so : for not being able to satisfy themselves in understanding and determining the truth and certainty of those fundamentals , for the proof of which scriptures were alledg'd ; but those of so doubtful a sense , and variously interpreted by opposite parties , that they readily embrac'd george fox's only fundamental of the light in every man ; that is in reality the natural light , whereby we distinguish between good and evil in ordinary ; whence it is that ( as saith the apostle paul ) we ( as the gentiles ) are a law to our selves , and our thoughts accuse or excuse , rom. . , . which is in truth an excellent doctrine , and has great certainty and clearness in it . but g. fox preaches this , not as a natural principle , but . as a supernatural revelation : and . christ being call'd in scripture , the light that lighteth every man , and the light of the world , because be brought the light of the gospel into the world ; george fox applies these terms and phrases , and almost every thing that is spoken of christ , to the light in every man , and so turns the plain sense of the gospel into a parabolical or mystical sense , and makes the christian scripture to speak nothing but deism . . g. fox adds certain observances of giving no respect in word or gesture , or title , nor speaking as others speak , nor saluting as others salute , nor paying tithes , nor using the sword , nor swearing in common form , &c. and all as inspired dictates , that so the only people of god might be separated from all the world , and they serve admirably for that purpose . now if you consider the experimented certainty of their principle , the light within , that accuses and excuses , and their perswasion that it was a divine inspiration , which also was confirm'd to them by their giving obedience to those ceremonies which were so contrary and offensive to the world , and expos'd them to much suffering ; [ all suffering for religion , especially for a clear revelation from god , confirming the sufferers in their perswasion : ] you may clearly perceive it was the uncertainty , obscurity , and intricacy of their former principles , which induced them to embrace g. fox's religion , which is all dictated by the spirit of god in every man. whence it is , they upbraid other professors with doubtfulness and fallibility ; and every one of them counts himself as infallible as the papists do the pope . how can ye but delude people ( says g. fox ) that are not infallible ? myst . p. . lastly , the obscurity , uncertainty , and multiplicity of fundamentals , is that which has given an argument to popish priests and jesuits , wherewith to seduce protestants to popery . for evidence of this , i shall mind you of a paper written by a jesuit , in the late king james's time , titled , an address presented to the reverend and learned ministers of the church of england , &c. the purport of which is , that all things necessary to salvation are not clearly contained in scripture , as protestants hold ; because the belief of a trinity , one god and three persons , is necessary to salvation , but not clearly contain'd in scripture . then he goes about to shew , that the scriptures commonly alledged for the trinity , admit of another sense . he goes the same way in the article of the incarnation . thus supposing these articles to be necessary to salvation ( as protestants hold ) and not clearly contain'd in scripture ; it follows that the undoubted certainty of them must be found in the determinations of the church ; and then that church which professes infallibility is the only refuge ; and i believe as the church believes , supplies all other articles . no certainty any where else ; but certainty must be had in these points . here the making of those articles fundamental , which cannot be clearly prov'd from scripture , subverts the sufficiency and clearness of scripture , and sends poor protestants to rome , for the certainty and infallibility of the christian faith. they did so glory in the strength of this argument , that the jesuit-preacher in limestreet , read their paper , and made the same challenge in his pulpit , where he had a great number of protestants that went out of curiosity to hear him . having thus ( as i presume ) vindicated our author , and shewn the mischiefs of mr. edw's fundamentals , i may now take my leave of my reader . only i am first willing to let mr. edw. know , that i have not undertaken this defence out of any ambitious humour of contending with so learned a man as he is ; nor would i have made opposition to him in any other point of learning or divinity : but fundamentals every man is concern'd in , and ought to know , and to be assured that he holds them all . eternal salvation is a greater thing by far than any empire , and will therefore justify and exact our utmost care and endeavour for the obtaining it . so that in these considerations of mr. edw's exceptions — i have done my duty to my self ; and that i have publish'd them , i am perswaded i have therein done a great charity to my neighbours , the poor and bulk of mankind , for whose salvation ( i hope ) i should not think it too much to lay down my life , however mr. edw. speaks so scoffingly of them , even where their eternal happiness or misery is deeply concern'd . the end . errata . pag. . col. l. . for a read or . p. . col . . l. . r. perfect man. p. . col . . l. . f. mine r. nine ; l. . r. palliate the. a generall martyrologie containing a collection of all the greatest persecutions which have befallen the church of christ from the creation to our present times, both in england and other nations : whereunto are added two and twenty lives of english modern divines ... : as also the life of the heroical admiral of france slain in the partisan massacre and of joane queen of navar poisoned a little before / by sa. clarke. clarke, samuel, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a generall martyrologie containing a collection of all the greatest persecutions which have befallen the church of christ from the creation to our present times, both in england and other nations : whereunto are added two and twenty lives of english modern divines ... : as also the life of the heroical admiral of france slain in the partisan massacre and of joane queen of navar poisoned a little before / by sa. clarke. clarke, samuel, - . the second edition, corrected and enlarged, having the two late persecutions inserted, the one in piemont, the other in poland. [ ], , [ ] p. : port. printed by tho. ratcliffe for thomas underhill and john rothwell, london : . errata: p. 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works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng martyrs. persecution. church history. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the skilfull'st physiognomers , who scan each line and wrinkle in the face of man , can tell no more what soules dwell there , then wee by seing stars can tell what angels be . then ask not at the door who 't is : if so , this shadow cannot tell thee . read and know . a generall martyrologie , containing a collection of all the greatest persecutions which have befallen the church of christ from the creation to our present times , both in england and all other nations . whereunto are added two and twenty lives of english modern divines , famous in their generations for learning and piety , and most of them great sufferers in the cause of christ . as also the life of the heroical admiral of france , slain in the parisian massacre , and of joane queen of navar , poisoned a little before . by sa. clarke , pastor in bennet fink , london . the second edition , corrected and enlarged ; having the two late persecutions inserted : the one in piemont : the other in poland . psal. . . for thy sake are we ki●●led all the day long , we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter . nihil crus se●tit in nervo , cum animus est in caelo , tertul. printed by tho. ratcliffe , for 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 in saint pauls church-yard , near the little north-door . mdclx . to the christian reader ; especially to the suffering saints in these three nations . christian reader . thou hast here presented to thy view that strange sight which so much astonished moses , exod. . . a bush burning with fire , and not consumed : a lively emblem of the church , oft times all on a light flame with the fire of persecution , and yet so far from being consumed , that the bloud of the martyrs proves the seed of the church : and indeed she is the only , and true salamander , that can live in the fire : yet this , not by any strength of her own , but because the angel of the covenant , even the lord jesus christ is in the bush , either to slack the fire , or to strengthen the bush , and make it incombustible . in this book thou maiest see , as in a mirrour , what hath been the lot and portion of the church and people of god from the creation hitherto , viz. through many tribulations to enter into the kingdom of heaven . here thou hast a certaine and infallible mark of the true church of christ , viz. to be hated and persecuted by the devil and his instruments . here thou maiest see what is the constant concommitant of the gospel , when it is received in the love and power of it , viz. persecution , according to that of the apostle , ye became followers of us , and of the lord , having received the word in much affliction , &c. neither yet is god an hard master in dealing thus with his faithfull servants . he knows that heavy afflictions are the best benefactors to heavenly affections : and that grace is hid in nature here , as sweet water in rose leaves , which must have the fire of affliction put under to distill it out . he knows that when afflictions hang heaviest , corrupt affections hang loosest upon his children . yet doth not the lord afflict willingly , nor grieve the children of men , to crush under his feet all the prisoners of the earth : but he will hereby try who are his indeed and in truth , not in name and profession only : for as the eagle tries her young ones by turning their faces to the sun beams , so those christians that can outface the sun of persecution , are sincere indeed . one thing is very remarkable in this history , that usually before any great persecution befell the church , the holy men of those times observed that there was some great decay of zeal , and of the power of godliness , or some mutuall contentions and quarrels amongst the people of god , or some such sin or other that provoked god against them ; and then , as the shepherd sets his dog upon his sheep , when they go astray to bring them in , and then rates him off again : so god le ts loose wicked persecutors upon his own children , but it 's only to bring them in unto him ; and then , he not only restrains their rage , but casts the rod into the fire . if judgement begin at the house of god , what shall the end be of them that obey not the gospel of god ? much excellent use may be made of this history : as , teaching us , that whosoever will take christ truly , must take his crosse as well as his crown , his sufferings as well as his salvation . that persecution is the bellows of the gospel , blowing every spark into a flame ; and that martyrs ashes are the best compost to manure the church , their bloud to water it , and make it fertill . that gods children are like starres , that shine brightest in the darkest night : like torches that are the better for beating : like grapes that come not to the proof , till they come to the presse : likes spices , that smell sweetest , when pounded : like young trees , that root the faster for shaking : like vines , that are the better for bleeding : like gold , that looks the brighter for scouring . like glow worms , that shine best in the dark : like juniper that smels sweetest in the fire : like the pomander , which becomes more fragrant for chafing : like the palm tree , which proves the better for pressing : like the camomile , which the more you tread it , the more you spread it . yea god knoweth that we are best , when we are worst , and live holiest , when we die fastest ; and therefore he frames his dealing to our disposition , seeking rather to profit , then to please us . that when god exposeth us to persecution , he expects our speedy and thorow reformation , if we desire the affliction to be removed . for as it were to no purpose for the finer to put his gold into the fire , except it lie there till it be refined : so were it to small purpose for god to lay afflictions on us , if so soon as we whine and groan under his hand , he should remove them , before we be bettered thereby . whereas afflictions , like lots angels , will soon away , when they have done their errand . like plaisters , when the sore is once whole , they will fall off of their own acco●d . that we should with patience submit to the afflicting hand of the all wise god , and our mercifull father , saying with the church , i will bear the indignation of the lord , because i have sinned against him ▪ considering also that impatience under affliction , makes it much more grievous . as a man in a feaver , that by tossing and tumbling , exasperates the disease , and encreaseth his own grief . that all that will live godly in christ jesus must suffer persecution . it hath been the portion of all the saints , from the creation hitherto . what son is there whom the father chasteneth not ? one son indeed god had without sin , but not without sorrow ; for though christ his naturall son , was sine corruptione , without corruption , yet not sine correctione , without correction ; though he was sine flagitio , with out crime , yet not sine flagello , without a scourge . and if they did these things to the green tree , what shall be done to the dry ? and behold the wonderfull wisdom of god herein ? who by these afflictions separates the sinne that hates , from the son that he loves , and keeps him by these thorns from breaking over into satans pleasant pastures , that would fat him indeed , but to the slaughter . in an appendix to this book , i have added the lives of sundry of our modern divines , which i conceive not to be heterogeniall to the rest of the work ; for though they were not martyrs , yet may they well be stiled confessors , in regard of the great persecution and sufferings , which most of them met withall whilest they lived here . and if any ask the reason why i have added no more ? it is because my intelligence comes in so slowely ; and if such as are able , will take the pains to inform me , i shall ( if god spares life ) adde more to the end of the next impression of my lives of the fathers , and modern divines . i hope that these my weak and poor endeavours will not prove ungratefull , nor be judged unseasonable , considering the times wherein we live : for if the same sins abound amongst us in these daies , which have been the forerunners of persecutions formerly ; we have cause to fear the worst , and to prepare for it ; forewarnd , forearmed . the reading of this history will manifest what wonderfull constancy and patience the saints have shewed in their greatest sufferings : what hath been the power of almighty god in their support : and what miserable ends many of their persecutors have come to . my hearty desire is , that by reading of this book , god may have the glory , and thy soul the comfort , and i shall be well appaied for my pains , who am , thine in the lord sa . clarke . from my study in thridneedle-street , octob. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thomas dugard . a. m. rector barfordiae . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tho. dugard . to the reverend , the author of the book , called a generall martyrologie , &c. what ? yet more books ? what spirit now inspires your pen to write of torments , warres and fires ? what ? will that pen that drew to th' life before , change stile , draw death , and speak of life no more ? what blustering boreas rais'd these stormy windes , which blew down churches , shook the steddiest mindes , sure hell 's broke loose , and devils in the flesh are come out thence to try their wits afresh . who ever heard troy's story with his ears , and could restrain his eies from shedding tears ? i quake to hear what saints in former daies ne're shook to feel , so they might win the baies . they conquer'd all ; their patient disposition , o're came both pope , and spanish inquisition . they conquer'd kings , and won the crown at last ; prest towards the prize , forgetting what was past . the story 's sad ; 't is true , yet the authors skill hath made that pleasant which in 't self is ill . away long-winded volumes , times disease ; this author doth our phansies better please . large books are endlesse ; but 't is his design t' enclose great volumes in his single line . eli. awn : to the reverend mr. sa. clarke , on his martyrologie . oh , welcome home , divine drake , welcome home , first girdle of the world of martyrdome . who seeks for more , can no new thing descry , y' have left no room for new discovery . these maps and charts you bring , nay every letter makes you the worlds great patron , it your debtor . to call 't a map doth but a part imply , 't is the whole globe of martyrologie . each picture is a map , each figure breaths a little hist'ry of the martyrs deaths . pisgah's too farre to see the holy-land , stand here on calvary , and view 't at hand . let others brag at large , whose fancy 't is to say a saint by a periphrasis . who doth this book of yours with theirs confer , findes saint and martyr in one character . though ( some there be ) that differ from the rest in judgement , and account short-writting best : those i am sure will praise you when they eye your skill in tachyhagiography . th' are many words make volumes , do but look and you shall see 't is matter makes a book . all volumes of this subject here are set as 't were contracted in an alphabet . in characters , for brevity , 't is good that vowels be by cons'nants understood . the least is best , if no essentiall be wanting to make 't a perfect entitie . man 's but the world epitomiz'd , but this compendium of saints and martyrs is . it s commendation is it self , 't is best though 't were without this my probatum est . j. c. a table of the names of all those martyrs that are mentioned in this book . a abel pag. aber achaz achilleus j. addis aegidio agathonica agapetus agatha agathon agnes agricol● aimeri alcibiades alexander , algerius aloisius ammonarion andas anthimus andoclus andrew g.j. annick anthea apollonia apollonius areth arias arnald antemìus armand asclepiades asyrius athanasia athanasius attalus a. audebert austin b babilas pag. j. baker barbara barlaam bartholomew , baudison isa. beard de beck benjamin bergerius m. bertino bertrand d. berto betkin biblides de bile blandina blondel j. de boisons b. bor j. de boscane f. de bossu bovellus a. du bourg f. bribard p. bruly s. brunes w. burgate w. burges ib. n. burton c cacalla calepodius ja. calvin campbel a. canus de cadurco . g. carpenter . carpus . jo. castellane . cecilia . cheremon . p. chapot . charlin . chober . j. clarke . claudius . , n. clivet . j. cobard . v. cockan . concordus . c. conink . constantino . martha constantine j. coomans . b. copin . j. cornon . p. coulogue . j. cowder . h. cowell . cronion . cyprian . cyrillus . d m. dimonet . dionysius . dionysia . , dominicus . domitius . p. domo . dorotheus . p. dorzeky . e r. ecklin . eleazer . elutherius . emilianus . encenas . j. english. enraudus . epimachus . j. eseh . eulalia . eusebius . , eustachius . eustratius . f j faber . c. fabri . fabian . faninus . faustinus . felicitas . , ferdinando . h. forrest . t. forret . mr. fournier . mis. frankland . fructuosus . m. fruen . g f. gamba . e. garcino . w. gardiner . c. gauderin . p. gaudet . ● george . germanicus . gervasius . glee . c. girard . girauda . gisbitzky . godfrid . j. gonsalvo . m. gonin . gordius . gorgonius . n. gourlay . granvelle . h p. hamilton p. hamlin . l. harant . b. hector . hermes . hermogines . herwin . an. hill. hipolitus . w. hooker . hormisda . m. hostialek . hostius . mis. howard . hubert . de hues . j. huglin . j. husse . w. husson . i iacob . st. james . james justus . n. of jenvile . jerome of prague jessenius . j. insperg . jobita . john bap. john. irenaeus . isaiah . ischirion . judas mac. , judas brother of james . julius . julianus . julitta . juliano . justin martyr . , k c. kaplitz . a. kennedy . l. keyser . j. kutnaur . l s. laloe . la-moth . laurence . de lavoy . leonides . j. leon. lin. lollard . m. loquis . c. losada . will. loverden . lucianus lucius . ludomilla . m macer maccabeus machir malchus mappalicus marchus arethusius marcella mark marinus maris marlorat martin , . martina mr. jo. mason p. masson tho. mason mathew mathias ib. maturus mauritius j. maxwell , menas mercuria t. messino metra metrodorus l. meulin g. de meyer m. michelot midleton w. mill p. moice montgemery j. mollius n n. naile nemesion nereus nicanor nicholas nicholson o l. of obiers oguire l. hen. otto p pamachius pamphilus pampinian j. panane papilus paul , , peregrinus perpetua persival pescinus peter , , , , philip , phocas photinus m. pierrone m. pilot pionies pistorius de la place plutarch . j. pointer s. polliot polycarp j. pontio potentianus potichus potamiena priscus procopion protasius ptolemaeus pusices q quinta quirinus , r p. ramus sara rastignole de reux revocatus rhais ricetto p. roch rochus j. rogres f. romane romanus , rogues l. of rugenice j. russel s salamona sanctus satyrus g. scherter schlick scoblant w. scuch sebastian sega secundianus secundulus serena serenus serapion , p. serre j. shultes simon , p. simon simon zelotes silvanus , , sixtus p. spengler f. spinola starky stemback . steven . t. steffeck . jo. stone . d. straton . suenes . sulpitius . h. sutphen . s. sussikey . symphorissa . syrus . t tailor . tertullia . theodora . theodorus . , thiessen . thomas . , tiburtius . g. tilleman . ● timothy . tiranion . j. de tour. g. trecius . v valerianus . de valougnes . f. venote . uetius epagethus . vincentius . , vitalis . h. voes . urbanus . , usthazares . w a. wallace . watson . wendelmutha . wenceslaus . , william of nassaw . g. wiseheart . n. wodniansky . z zechariah . zenon . zenobius . zepherinus . d. zervius . the contents of the chapters , containing the several persecutions , together with the lives of such persons as are mentioned in this book . the persecutions mentioned in the old testament pag. the persecutions from nehemiah to antiochus his time the persecutions under antiochus epiphanes the life of judas maccabeus the martyrdom of the maccabees the persecutions mentioned in the new testament the first primitive persecution under the heathen roman emperors the second primitive persecution the third primitive persecution the fourth primitive persecution the fifth primitive persecution the sixth primitive persecution the seventh primitive persecution the eight primitive persecution the ninth primitive persecution pag. the tenth primitive persecution the persecution of the christians in persia the persecution of the church under julian the apostate the persecvtion of the church under the arrian hereticks the persecution by the donatists the persecution under the arrian vandals in africk the persecution of the waldenses the persecution of the waldenses in calabria the persecution of the waldenses in provence the persecution of the albingenses the persecution of the church in bohemiah the persecution under ferdinand the persecution of the church in spain the original , progress , and practice of the spanish inquisition the life of dr. aegido the life of dr. constantino the martyrdom of nic. burton in spain the persecution of the church in italy the life of mr. john mollius the life of william gardiner the martyrdom of a christian jew the persecution of the church in germany the martyrdom of a minister in hungary the persecution of the church in the low-countries the persecution under the d. de alva the martyrdom of w. of nassaw the modern persecution of germany the persecution of the church in france the persecution in the civil wars in france the history of the massacre of paris the siege of sancerre the siege of rochel the persecution of the church in the valtoline the persecution of the church in scotland the life of mr. george wiseheart the persecution of the church in ireland a continuation of the history of the waldenses from the year . to our time the marquisat of saluces described , with its several troubles and persecutions the artifices and wicked practices used to consume and destroy the faithfull in the valleys of piemont the motives of the late persecution in the valleys of piemont a narrative of the bloody cruelties lately exercised there a narrative of the war between the papists and protestants there who interceded to the d. of savoy in the behalf of the protestants a description of piemont , and the valleys thereof the late persecution of the church of christ in poland the destruction of lesna the cause of religion as it stands now in germany the persecutions mentioned in the old testament . chap. i. the persecution of the church in the first ages of the world , and so forward till the incarnation of christ. the first murtherer and persecutor that was in the world , was the devil , and the first method and means that he made use of to carry on this persecution , was by subtilty and large promises , that by eating the forbidden fruit , they should have their eyes opened , and should be as gods knowing good and evil : and hereby he drew our first parents from their obedience unto god , and cheated them of that blessed and happy estate which god had created them in . since which time his enmity against the church and children of god hath never ceased : but by his effectual working in the children of disobedience , he hath provoked and stirred up one man to be the persecutor and devourer of another : thus he provoked cain to rise up against , and to slay his brother abel , and though the scripture be silent how the wicked cainites , the sons of men , behaved themselves towards the sons of god ; yet doubtless they persecuted them with the tongue , if they proceeded no further . can we imagine that noah , that was a preacher of righteousness in the midst of a perverse generation , could escape without hatred , scorn and contempt ? how many jeers ( think ye ) had he whilest he was building the ark , as doting and dreaming ( not of a dry summer , but ) of a wet winter ? the earth in his days was said to be corrupt and filled with violence , which violence certainly was principally exercised against the church of god : and afterwards when the world was reduced to a very small number , yet then satan had his cursed ham that persecuted and mocked his own father , the righteous noah . was not lot also persecuted and scoffed at in sodom ? gen. . . isaac in abrahams house mocked by ismael ? gen. . . was not jacob hated and persecuted by his brother esau ? gen. . . joseph by his brethren ? gen. . . and that because he brought unto his father their evil report , verse . was he not afterwards cast into a pit by them ? ver . . then sold to the ishmaelitish merchants , who carried him into egypt , ver . . there he was persecuted by his whorish mistriss , gen. . , . cast into prison , where his feet were hurt with fetters , and he was laid in irons , psal. . . but these were but small persecutions in comparison of those which followed . for when the children of israel were multiplied in egypt , pharaoh king of egypt set over them task-masters to afflict them with their burdens , exod. . ▪ thinking thereby to eat up , and wear them out ; and when that prevailed not , they made them serve with rigour , and they made their lives bitter with the hard bondage in mortar , and in brick , and in all manner of service in the field ; all the service wherein they made them serve , was with rigour , ver . , . and when this prevailed not , the king commanded the midwives , siphrah and puah , when they did the office of a midwife to the hebrew women , and saw them upon the stools , if they were delivered of a son , they should presently kill him , ver . , . and when these midwives neglected his commands , he charged all his people that every son that was born to the israelites , should be cast into the river nilus , v. . moses was persecuted by pharaoh , who sought to slay him ; which caused him to fly into the land of midian , exodus . . and when god sent him back into egypt to deliver his people from the house of bondage , how did pharaoh persevere and proceed in his persecuting the people of god : he caused straw to be taken from them , and yet the number of bricks to be continued ; and when the task was not done , the officers of the children of israel were cruelly beaten , ver . . and when god had brought out his people with an high hand from under the tyranny of the egyptians , and carried them into the wilderness , how did satan stir up some sons of belial against moses and aaron , even korah , and his complicies , two hundred and fifty princes , who cried out against them , ye take too much upon you , seeing all the congregation are holy , even every one of them , numb . . . afterwards when the children of israel were setled in the land of canaan , they were often grievously oppressed , and persecuted by the wicked and idolatrous nations that lived amongst them , and round about them ; as first by chushan-rishathaim , king of mesopotamia , who tyrannized over them eight years judg. . . then by eglon king of moab , who slew many of them , and oppressed them eighteen years , v. , . then by the philistines , v. . then were they mightily oppressed for twenty years together , by jabin , king of canaan , judg. . , . then did the midianites persecute them with so much cruelty , that they were forced to forsake their houses , and to make them dens and caves in the mountains , to shelter and hide themselves from them , judg. . . yea for seven years together they tyrannized over them ; and when the israelits had sowen their land , they came up in such multitudes , that they destroyed the increase of the earth , and left no sustenance for israel , neither sheep , nor oxe , nor asse , ver . , . then the philistines again , and the ammonites lorded it over israel , and brought them into great distresse for eighteen years , judg. . ● . after that the philistines yet againe oppressed them for forty years together , judg. . . and afterwards they slew of them in two battels thirty four thousand , and carried away the ark of god also , sam. . , , . then in sauls time , these philistines so distressed israel , that the people were forced to hide themselves in caves and thickets , and in rocks , and in high places , and in pits ; yea some of them forsook their own country , and fled beyond jordan , sam. . , . and the land was so enslaved to them , that there was not a smith to be found in israel , but the philistines either slew them , or carried them away captives , so that the israelites were fain to go to the philistines to have their instruments of husbandry set in order , ver . , . how david was persecuted by saul all his time , the scripture doth amply set forth , sam . &c. and was not he persecuted grievously , when cursed and railed upon by shimei , sam. . , , &c. the church of god was afterward persecuted under rehoboams reign , by shishak king of egypt , who took jerusalem , and carried away the treasures of the lords house , and of the kings house into egypt . and again under asa , by baasha king of israel , king. . . and by zerah the ethiopian , who came against judah with an army of a thousand thousand men , and three hundred chariots , chron. . . yea so malicious and subtile is satan that he sometimes stirs up one saint to persecute another ; as he stirred up good king asa to persecute the prophet of the lord who dealt plainly and faithfully with him , by casting him into prison , chron. . . michaiah also was persecuted and imprisoned by ahab , chron. . , . under jehosaphat the church of god was persecuted by the moabites , ammonites and edomites , whom god destroyed by setting of them one against another , chron. . . elijah was persecuted by ahab and jesabel , king. . . and . . the prophets of the lord were slain by jesabel , king. . . elisha was hated and persecuted by jehoram . king. . . in the reign of this jehoram , the philistines and arabians mightily oppressed judah , chro. . , . then athaliah by murthering the kings seed , usurpeth the kingdom , and tyrannizeth five years , chro. . . joash in his reign slayeth zechariah for reproving him , chron. . . the church was oppressed at the same time by the syrians , ver . . and afterwards also in the reign of ahaz , chron. . . and about the same time the king of israel slew of judah a hundred and twenty thousand , and carried away captive two hundred thousand men , women and children . judah was also oppressed by the edomites , ver . . and by the philistines , ver . . and by the king of assyria , ver . . and chap. . . manasses persecuted the prophet isaiah for reproving him , and caused him to be sawn a sunder with a wooden saw . josephus . afterwards pharaoh necho tyrannized over judah , chron. . . and after him nebuchad●ezzar ▪ v ; &c. and so the sins of judah being come to the full , the good figgs were carried away captive to babylon , and the land afterwards was wholly laid waste and destroyed : which being foretold by the prophet jeremiah , the wicked jews , first persecuted him with the tongue , jer. . . then was he smitten , and put into the stocks , jer. . . then was he indanger of death by the preists and false prophets , jer. . . then was he imprisoned by zedekiah , jer. . , . then he is beaten , and again put into prison , jer. . . and after that cast into a dungeon , where he stuck in the mire , jer. . then by the wicked captains he was carried into egypt , jer. . , . what grievous afflictions the church and people of god endured about this time , see it set forth to the life in the book of the lamentations . in the time of the captivity , the three children were persecuted by nebuchadnezzar , and thrown into the fiery fornace , for refusing to worship his golden image , dan. . . daniel was persecuted by darius his courtiers , and cast into the lions den , dan. . . mordecai was hated and persecuted by haman , and a decree procured for the murthering of all the people of god in one day , esth. . . after the return of the jews from captivity , the people of the land laboured to weaken the hands of the men of judah , and troubled them in the building of the temple , and hired counsellors against them to accuse them to cyrus , and ahasuerus : they wrote also against them to artaxerxes , that they were a rebellious people , and that if they should be suffered to build jerusalem , they would neither pay toll , tribute , nor custom to the king , ezra . . , &c. and having by this malicious suggestion gotten authority , they came upon the poor people of god , and enforced them to give over th●ir worke . yea ▪ and afterwards , when by the command of the lord , the jews had again set upon the building , tatnai and shether-bosnai came up to discourage and discharge them from it ; and when this prevailed not , they wrote against them to king darius . again , when nehemiah came to jerusalem , and began to build the wall of the city , how were they scorned and jeered by sanballat , tobiah and geshem ? and when the work prospered in their hands , and jeers would not prevaile to stop it , they then conspired to fight against jerusalem , and so to hinder it ; but neither that prevailing , by reason of the prudent carriage of nehemiah , they then sought to entrap him , and by destroying him , to hinder the work , nehe. . . then they accused the people of god of treason and rebellion , ver . , &c. then they hired a false prophet to terrefie nehemiah , ver . , . then they corrupted , and held intelligence with some of the nobles of judah to betray him ; notwithstanding all which designes , god preserveth nehemiah , and the building of jerusalem is finished . and thus farre the sacred scriptures of the old testament have given us a certain register of the persecutions , martyrdomes and sufferings of the church and children of god for the space of about three thousand five hundred years ; from the creation of the world , to the restauration of the jewish polity under nehemiah . chap. ii. the persecution of the church from nehemiah to antiochus his time . after the death of eliashib the high-priest , judas his sonne succeeded , and after him john his sonne , which john had a brother called jesus , who was much favoured by bagoses , generall of artaxerxes , who promised him the priesthood , which made him take occasion to quarrel with his brother john , who thereby was so much provoked against him , that he slew him in the temple ; bagoses being informed hereof , came with his army to jerusalem , and kept the jews in bondage seven years , making them tributaries , so that before they could offer their daily sacrifice , they were compelled to pay for every lamb , fifty drachmes . after the death of john , jaddus his sonne succeeded in the priesthood , in whose time alexander the great passed over the hellespont , and having overcome the lieutenant of darius , he conquered many countries in asia minor , intending suddenly to come upon jerusalem . jaddus being informed of his intention , was sore afraid ; he therefore offered sacrifice , and commanded the people to make their prayers unto god , for direction and protection in this common danger : and when he heard that alexander approached , he caused the priests and people to put on white garments , and himself , attired in his priestly robes , went before them ; when alexander espied them , he himself marched before the rest of his company , and coming to the high-priest , he fell down on his face before him : then did all the jews circle him in round about , and with one voice saluted him . alexanders chief commanders were wonderfully astonished at this deportment of the king , and thought he was out of his wits : and parmenio stepping to him , asked him what he meant thus to adore the high-priest of the jews , when as all other men adored him ; alexander answered , i doe not adore him , but that god whom the high-priest worshipeth ; for in my sleep i saw him in such an habit when i was in macedonia , consulting with my self how i might conquer asia ; and he bad me to make no delay , assuring me that he would both guide me and my army , and would deliver the empire of the persians into my hands : then gave he the high-priest his hand , and went with him to the city , and comming to the temple , he offered sacrifice according to the direction of the high-priest ; then did jaddus shew him daniels prophecy , wherein his victories over the persians , and his monarchy were foretold , which much rejoyced alexander : then did he command the jews to ask some favours at his hands ; the high-priest requested onely that they might live after the ordinances of their forefathers , and that every seventh year they might be exempted from taxes and tributes , which he fully granted : they besought him likewise that the jews which were in media and babilon , might be permitted to live after their own laws , which he willingly promised , and so departed : this was about the year of the world . and before christs nativity . after the death of alexander , his kingdom was divided amongst his captains , amongst whom ptolemy the son of lagus held egypt , who falling out with antigonus that held asia minor , there grew great wars between them , wherein ptolemy won from him all syria , and going to jerusalem on a sabbath day under pretence to offer sacrifice , the jews suspecting nothing , he surprised the city , carrying away many of the jews into captivity into egypt : but after his death , his son ptolemy philadelphus at his owne cost redeemed an hundred and twenty thousand of them , paying twelve crowns apeece for each of them , and sent them back into their owne countrey : he sent also by them fifty talents of gold for the temple , and obtained of eleazer the high priest , the law of the jews , and interpreters ( out of every tribe some ) who translated it into greek in daies : and having finished their work , ptolemy returned them with great rewards for themselves , and with many rich presents to eleazer . antiochus and ptolemy being at war each against other , the jews suffered much by them , mach. . collected out of josephus . chap. iii. the persecution of the church of god under antiochus epiphanes , before the nativity of christ about years . afterwards the jews being divided amongst themselves , one part of them went to antiochus , telling him that their purpose was to forsake the religion and ordinances of their forefathers , and to follow that of the kings , and to live after the manner of the greeks , entreating him to license them to live in jerusalem ; which antiochus assenting to , they went to jerusalem , where they behaved themselves very wickedly , but finding opposition from the other party of the jews , they sent for antiochus , who led his army against jerusalem , and encamped before it , and by his faction within , had the gates opened , and the city betraied to him , about the year of the world . and before the nativity of christ . being entred jerusalem he slew many of the faithfull jews , and having taken great spoils , he returned back to antioch . two years after he came to jerusalem again , and having seen what quantity of gold was in the temple , and what a huge number of presents and precious ornaments were in the same , he was so overcome with covetousness , that he violated all conventions and conditions formerly made , equally raging against his own and the adverse party , sparing neither friend nor foe : then he spoiled the temple , and carried away the vessels dedicated unto god , the golden table , the golden candlestick , the censers , &c. leaving nothing behind him of any value ; yea , he inhibited the godly jews from offering their usual and dailie sacrifices to god ; and having spoiled the whole city , he slew many of the inhabitants , and carried the rest away into captivity , with their wives and children , to the number of ten thousand : he also burned the fairest buildings of the city , and brake down the wals , and raised a fortress in the lower city , and having inclosed it with high wals , he planted a garison of macedonians therein , with whom remained the scum of the apostate jews . he also caused an altar to be erected in the temple , on which he commanded swine to be offered in sacrifice , contrary to the law. he constrained the jews to forsake god , and adore those idols which himself vvorshiped ; he forbad them to circumcise their children ▪ and appointed over-seers to constrain them to fulfill his commandments , so that many for fear of punishment conformed themselves to his will ; but such as were of upright hearts , and valiant minds , little respected his menaces ; whereupon they were beaten , and exposed to cruel punishment many days together , in the midst of which they yielded up the ghost ; for after they were whipt , and maimed in their bodies , they were tortured and crucified ; the women vvere strangled , and the circumcised children vvere hung up about the necks of their parents ; and vvhere any books of the sacred scriptures vvere found , they defaced , and burnt them , and such with vvhom they vvere found , vvere put to most cruel deaths . at this time there dvvelt at modin ( a village of jury ) one vvhose name was matthias , a priest of the rank of joarib , that had five sons , john called gaddis , simon called matthes , judas called maccabeus , eleazer called aaron , and jonathan called apphas . this matthias often complained to his sons of the miserable state of their countrey , of the sacking of their city , the profanation of the temple , and the miseries of the people , telling them , that it was better for them to die for the law , then to live in ignominy . when therefore the kings commisaries came unto modin , and commanded the people to sacrifice according to the kings edict ; they first applied themselves to matthias as to the most honourable person amongst them , requiring him first to offer sacrifice , that others might follow his example , promising that the king vvould much honour him for it . matthias ansvvered that he vvould by no means commit that idolatry , assuring them , that though all other nations , either for love or fear , should obey the edicts of antiochus , yet that he , nor his children could be induced to forsake the religion of their fathers : as soon as he had thus spoken , a certain jew stepped forth to offer sacrifice according to the command of the king , wherewith matthias , inflamed with zeal , was so displeased , that he and his sons fell upon him , and with their swords hewed him to pieces ; he also slew apelles the kings captain , and some other souldiers , who would have withstood him . then he overthrew the altar and with a loud voice , he said , if any one be affected to the laws of their fathers , and to the service of god , let him follow me ? and so he retired into the deserts with his sons ; the like did the rest , with their wives and children , hiding themselves in caves and dens . the kings captains having intelligence hereof , with the garison that was in the citadel at jerusalem , they pursued them into the desert , and having overtaken them , they first endeavoured by perswasions to draw them to idolatry ; but the jews absolutely refusing to yield to their wicked wils , resolved rather to die then to submit to them , and to commit such impiety ; whereupon these bloody persecutors assailed them on the sabbath day , and burned them in their caves , who neither resisted their enemies , nor closed up the mouths of their caves , supposing it to be a violation of the sabbath , if they should fight or work upon that day ; some thousands of men , women and children were there stifled ; yet divers escaped , who joined themselves with matthias , and chose him for their captain . then did he inform them , that they ought to fight on the sabbath day , if they were assailed by their enemies , and prevailed with them not to be guilty of their own death , by their neglect to defend themselves ; and so having assembled a sufficient number , he destroyed the altars , and slew those that had forsaken their religion : commanding others to circumcise their children , and driving those from every place , whom antiochus had set to see his laws executed . but when he had thus governed one year , he fell sick , and perceiving his end to approach , he called his sons , and exhorted them to follow his steps in maintaining the law of god , and fighting for their countrey , telling them , that then they should have god for their assister , who will not forsake those that love and fear him , but taking pleasure in their vertues , will once more grant them favour to recover their former peace and liberty ; and saith he , god will establish you in the possession of your ancient laws ; and though our bodies be mortal , and subject unto death , yet the memory of our virtuous actions is enfranchised by immortality ; make therefore no difficulty to hazard your lives in so good a cause : but above all things i exhort you unto concord , and in whatsoever any one of you shall be found more naturally apt and fitted then another , let him prosecute the same without any contradiction from the rest : i charge you to obey your brother simon ( who is a politick and valiant man ) in whatsoever he shall counsel you : but make judas your captain , who is both valiant and strong , for he shall revenge the injuries and out-rages which have been done to our nation , and shall put our enemies to flight ; second him therefore with men of valour , and such as fear god , and by this means you shall be sure to prevail . chap. iv. the life of judas maccabeus . after matthias his death , judas took upon him the government of the wars , and by the help of his brethren , and other jews , he drave the enemies out of the countrey , purg●ng the land of all the uncleaness that had been brought into it . but when apollonius , who was antiochus his generall in samaria , heard of it , he gathered his army together , and invaded judea , against whom maccabeus went forth , and after a terrible battel , overthrew him , slew apollonius and many of his souldiers ; took his camp , and therein a very rich booty ; and judas gat apollonius his sword for his part in the spoil . then seron governor of caelosyria gathered all his forces together , and hired many apostate jews to joyn with him , and so marched against judas as far as bethoron : judas also advanced towards him , but when he perceived that his souldiers were unwilling to fight , by reason of the inequality of their numbers , and for that they had eaten no meat , but had fasted for a long time , he encouraged them , saying , that the means to obtain the victory , consisted not in the greatness of their number , but in their devotion towards god ; whereof they had evident examples in their forefathers , who with a small number , had often defeated many thousands of their enemies , &c. hereby he so prevailed with his souldiers , that , dreadless of the number of their enemies , they all together ran upon seron , and after a cruel fight , routed his army , and slew him together with eight hundred of the syrians ; the rest escaped by flight . antiochus hearing of these things , was highly displeased , and therefore he assembled all his forces , and hired many mercenaries , but having mustered his army , he found that his treasure failed him to pay so great a multitude ; whereupon he resolved , first to go into persia , to gather up his tributes : and in the meane time he made lysias his vicegerent , a man of greate esteem with him , and one that governed all the countries from euphrates to the borders of egypt : with him he also left some elephants , and part of his army , commanding him expresly , that when he had conquered judaea he should make the inhabitants thereof his slaves , and sell them to those that would give most for them , and that he should destroy jerusalem , and utterly abolish that race . lysias having received this commandment , sent ptolemy , nicanor , and gorgias ( men of great authority about the king ) with an army of forty thousand foot , and seven thousand horsemen ; to invade jury ; who marching as far as the city emmaus , encamped in the field ; and increased their army with many syrians , and apostate jews . there came also divers merchants a long with them to buy the prisoners that should be taken , bringing gieues along with them to manacle the prisoners withall . judas having viewed the camp , and number of his enemies , encouraged his souldiers , exhorting them to repose their confidence and hope of victory in god : he also appointed a f●st , that they might humble themselves , and call upon god , by supplications and prayers , for success in such an extreame danger . then he told them that god would have compassion upon them , and give them strength to stand against their enemies , and to put them to shame . the next day he marshalled his army by thousands , and by hundreds , and sent away all that were newly married , or that had lately bought pess●ssions , according to the law. and t●en he said unto the rest : my countrymen and companions , we never yet had any occasion more necessary , wherein we ought to express our courages , and contemn dangers , then at this present ; for now if you fight valiantly , you may recover your liberties , which ought the more to be prised , because thereby you may win opportunity to ser●e god , and so live an happy life : but if ye prove cowards in the fight , you shall be branded with perpetuall infamy , and hazard the utter extirpation of our nation . think therefore , that if you fight not , you must die : and on the contrary , assure your selves , that in fighting for your religion , laws and liberty , you shall obtain immortall glory : be ready therefore , that to morrow morning you may bid your enemies battel . immediately news was brought him , that gorgias with five thousand foot , and a thousand horsemen , was sent forth under the conduct of some fugitives , by night to fall upon him ; whereupon he resolved the same night to break into the enemies army whilest they were thus divided . having therefore refreshed himself and army , leaving many fires in his camp thereby to deceive the enemy , he marched all night to seek them out . gorgias finding that the jews had forsaken their camp , conceited that for fear they were fled into the mountains , and therefore he resolved to search them out diligently . but in the morning , ●udas accompanied only with three thousand men and those but ill armed because of their poverty , shewed himself to the enemies that were at emmaus , and having viewed their warlike discipline , and mighty number , and how well they were incamped , he encouraged his followers to fight v●liantly , telling them , that god would deliver their enemies into their hands , and thereupon causing his trumpets to sound , he rushed in upon his enemies with such fury and resolution , as altogether affrighted and discouraged them ; and having slaine such as resisted , he pursued the rest as farre as the plains of idumaea , &c. in this fight ●bout three thousand of the enemies were slain ; yet would he not suffer his souldiers to take the spoil , telling them , that as yet they were to fight with gorgias and his army , but so soon as they had ( through gods mercy ) with the lik● val●ur beaten them , they might then securely enrich themselves by the prey of all their enemies . gorgias with his army being upon an hill , and discovering the flight of their friends , and the jews readinesse to give them battell , were so affrighted , that they also fled ; whereupon judas with his men returned to gather the pillage , and having found great store of gold , silver , scarlet and purple , he returned to his dwelling with joy , praising god for their happy success . lysias hearing of this overthrow was much enraged , and presently assembled another army of neer sixthy thousand chosen foot , and five thousand horsemen , wherewith he went to invade judaea and encamped in bethsura : judas hearing of it , came forth against him with ten thousand men , and seeing the number of his enemies so farre to exceed his , he earnestly cried unto god , that it would please him to fight with , and for him ; and then charged the vanguard of the enemy with so great force , that he discomfited , and slew about five thousand of them , lysias perceiving hereby the resolution of the jews , who would rather die then lose their liberty , he returned with the rest of his army unto antioch , where he continued , and entertained many mercenaries , to make a greater army for the conquest of the jews : in the meane time judas assembled the people , and told them , that having obtained so many victories , through the mercy of god , they ought now to go up to jerusalem , and purifie the temple that was desolate , and to offer unto god the sacrifices that were ordained by the law. then going up with a great multitude of people he found the temple desolate , the gates burned , and grass growing within the same : grieving therefore at so sad a spectacle , he began to weep , and all the people that were with him , and having chosen out some of his best souldiers , he commanded them to force the garisons which were in the fortresses , whilest himself purged the temple . then he caused to be made a table , a candlestick , and altar for incense , all of gold ; he put up a rail also , and set gates to the temple : and having thrown down the altar of burnt-offerings that was profaned by antiochus , he built a new one of stones neither hewed nor hammered : then on the twenty fifth of chasleu [ september ] were lights set in the candlestick , perfumes laid upon the altar , loaves set upon the table , and sacrifices offered upon the new altar , which was the same day three years wherein before the sacred service was changed into profane and hatefull impiety . then did judas with his country-men celebrate a feast unto the lord for eight daies , praising god with hymns and psalms . he enclosed the city also with a wall , and built high towers thereon , in which he planted garisons against the incursions of the enemies . he fortified also the city of betsura , that it might serve as a fort against the enemy . but the nations round about them , being greatly displeased with this prosperity of the jews , oppressed divers whom they surprised by ambushes and treachery ; whereupon judas warred against them to hinder their incursions : he slew many of the idumaeans , and brought away a great prey out of their country , and shut up the sonnes of baan ▪ their prince , who lay in waite for the jews , and after a siege , he overcame them , setting fire on their towers , and killing all the men that where therein . after this he made warre upon the ammonites , who had a mighty army under the conduct of timotheus : with these he fought and overcame them , and took their city of jazor , and burned it , leading their wives and children into captivity , and so returned into judaea : but the neighbouring nations hearing of his departure , assembled themselves together against the jews in galaad , who retiring into the sort of dathema , sent to judas , requesting him to come and relieve them ; and whilest he was reading their letters , other messengers came out of galile , informing him that they were assaulted by the inhabitants of ptolomais , tyre , and sidon , and others there abouts . hereupon judas commanded his brother simon to take three thousand chosen men , and with them to relieve those jews that were assailed in galile : and himself with his brother jonathan , accompanied with eight thousand fighting men , marched into galaad , leaving the rest of his forces under two other captains , whom he commanded to have a watchfull eye over judaea , yet not to joyn battell with any enemy till his returne . simeon in galile fought against his enemies , discomfited them , pursued them to the gates of ptolemais , and slew about three thousand ; and having gathered their spoils , he released many jews that were prisoners , restored their goods to them , and so returned home . but judas having passed jordan , and marched three daies journey , he met the na●athians , who told him that his brethren were besieged in their castles and cities , and some of them were already brought into great exrteamity and penury : hereupon he first assailed the inhabitants of bosra , tooke their city , set it on fire , and killed all the men that were able to bea● arms : then marching all night , he came early in the morning to the castle , where the jews were besieged by tymothies army . the enemies were just then raising their ladders to scale the walls , and applying their engins for battery : then did he incourage his men to fight valiantly for their brethren that were in danger , and causing his trumpets to sound , he distributed his forces into three battalions , wherewith he assaulted the enemies , but they , hearing that it was mac●abaeus , were struck with so great a fear , that immediately they fled : judas with his men pursuing them , slew about eight thousand , and then marching to malla [ a city of the enemies ] he surprised it , slew all the men therein , and burnt it with fire ; after which he destroyed chaspomo , bosor , and divers other places . shortly after timothy leavied another great army , hired many of the syrians , and drew forth all his allies to his assistance ; with these he marched to jordan exhorting them valiantly to oppose the jews and to hinder their passage over the river , telling them that if the jews gat over , they were sure to be put to the worst : judas hearing hereof , marched hastily against his enemies , and having passed the river , he presently set upon them , killing some , and grievously affrighting the rest , who casting away their arms , immediately fled ; some of them to save themselves fled into a temple called carnain , but judas having taken the city and temple , slew them and burnt the same . then did he lead away with him all the jews that lived in galaad , together with their wives , children and substance , and brought them into judaea . when he drew near to the town of ephron , they had baricadoed up his way that he could not pass : then did he send ambassadors to them , to desire them to open his passage ; which when they refused , he besieged the city , took it by assault , burned it down , and slew all the men that were therein . after having passed over jordan , they came into judaea with great joy and gladnesse , praising god , and offering sacrifices of thanksgiving to him , for the safe return of his army ; for that in all those battels and encounters , he had not lost one jew . but whilest judas and simon were gone upon these expeditions , the two captains which he had left to command the garisons of judaea , being desirous to obtain the reputation of valiant men , tooke their forces , and went towards jamnia ; against whom gorgias , governor of that place , issued out , and slew two thousand of them ; the rest fled to judaea . afterwards judas and his brethren warred against the idumaeans , took divers of their cities , and with a great booty returned home with great joy . antiochus in the meane time being in persia , heard of a wealthy city called elymais , in which was a rich temple of diana , &c. thither he went , and besieged it , but the inhabitants sallied out , and with great losse drave him from thence , whereupon he returned to babylon : there also news was brought unto him of the overthrow of his captains in judaea , and that the jews were grown strong ; which together with his former defeat , so wrought upon him , that he fell sick , and finding no hope of recovery , he called his most familiar friends to him , and told them that his sicknesse was violent and desperate , and that he was plagued with this grevous affliction , for that he had tormented the people of the jews , destroyed their temple , committed horrible sacriledge , and contemned the reverence of god ; but now he vowed , that if it would please the lord to restore him , he would become a jew , and do many great things for the people of god ; as also that he would goe through all the known world to declare the power of god. notwithstanding which , the lord knowing his hypocrisie continued to plague him after a terrible manner : he had a remedilesse pain in his bowels , and intollerable torments in all his inward parts : his body bred abundance of worms , which continually crawled out of the same : yea , he so rotted above ground , that by reason of the intollerable stink , no man could endure to come near him , neither could he himselfe indure the same : and thus this vile person who had formerly in a proud and insolent manner protested that he would make jerusalem a common burying place , and the streets thereof to run with the bloud of gods people ; by gods just judgement ended his life in extream misery : but before his death , he called philip one of his chief captains , and made him governour of his kingdom , requiring him to be very carefull of his son antiochus . then was antiochus proclaimed king , and sirnamed eupator : about which time the garisons , and apostates that were in the fortress at jerusalem , did much mischief to the jews ; for setting unawares upon those that came to the temple to worship , and to offer their sacrifices , they slew them : hereupon judas resolved to cut off these garisons , and to that end he assembled all the people , and besieged them , and having made certain engins , and raised divers rams , he earnestly prosecuted the siege : but divers of those apostates escaping by night , went to antiochus , desiring him not to suffer them to perish , who for his fathers sake , had forsaken their religion , &c. then did antiochus send for his captains , commanding them to raise a mighty army , which accordingly they did , gathering together a hundred thousand footmen , and twenty thousand horsemen , and thirty two elephants ; with these forces he departed out of antioch , and made lysias generall of his army : then did he besiege bethsura , a strong city , but the inhabitants valiantly resisted him , and sallying out , burned his engines which he had prepared for battery . the king continuing the siege for a longe time , judas hearing of it , raised his siege from before the castle of jerusalem , and marched towards antiochus his army , and when he came neer to the enemies camp , he lodged his army in certain streights , called beth-zacharia . the king hearing thereof , raised his siege from bethsura , and marched to wards the streight where judas with his army was ; the king first caused his elephants to march thorow the streight ; about each elephant were a thousand footmen , and a hundred horsemen for his guard , each elephant carried a tower on his back , furnished with archers : the rest of his forces he caused to march two waies by the mountaines , commanding them with huge shouts and cries to assail their enemies , and to uncover their golden and brazen bucklers , that the reflection thereof might dazle the eies of the jews ; yet was not judas at all amated , but entertained the army with a noble courage , slaying about six hnundred of the forlorn hope : but eleazer , judas brother , seeing a huge elephant armed with royall trappings , supposing that the king was upon him , he ran against him with a noble courage , and having slain divers that were about the elephant , he thrust his sword into the belly of the beast , so that the elephant falling upon him , slew him with his weight . judas seeing the great strength of his enemies , retired back to jerusalem ; and antiochus sent back part of his army against bethsura , and with the rest , he marched on towards jerusalem . the bethsurites despairing of relief , and their provisions failing them , surrendred their city , having the kings oath that no out-rage should be offered to them , yet he thrust them out of the city and placed a garison in it . he spent also along time in besieging the temple at jerusalem , they within defending it gallantly ; for against every engine that the king erected , they set up a contrary engine : their only want was of victuals , because ( it being the seventh year ) the land had not been tilled ; whereupon divers of them fled away secretly , so that very few remained for the defence of the temple . but behold the good providence of god! just then came tidings to antiochus , that philip coming out of persia , intended to make himself lord and master of the country , antiochus concluded to give over the siege and to march against philip ; but first he sent an herauld to judas , promising them peace , and liberty to live according to their religion , which conditions judas accepting of , took an oath from the king for performance , and so surrendred up the temple . whereupon antiochus entred the same , and seeing it so impregnable a pl●ce , contrary to his oah he commanded his army to levell the wall that environed it , and then he returned to antioch , leading away with him onias , surnamed m●nalaus , the high-priest , whom , by the counsell of lysias , he put to death , because he had advised his father to enforce the jews to forsake their religion : a just reward for so wicked a fact . antiochus finding that philip had already conquered much of his country , went straite against him , fought with him , and slew him . presently after demetrius the son of seleucus took possession of tripolis in syria , and setting the diadem upon his own head , he leavied an army , and invaded the kingdom of antiochus . the people generally submitted themselves to him , and laying hold of antiochus and lysias , they brought them both to demetrius , who caused them to be slain . to this new king , divers jews ( banished for their impiety ) together with alcimus their high-priest , resorted , a●cusing their nation , and in particular judas and his brethren for killing their friends , and banishing such as were friends to demetrius . demetrius was much moved with these reports , and therefore he sent a greate army under bacchides , a valiant and experienced captain , with commission to kill judas and his confederates . bacchides with his army marched into judea , sending an herauld to judas and his brethren , pretending peace , when he intended to surprize them by subtilty and treachery . but judas seeing that he came with so great an army , found out his drift , and would not trust him : yet many of the people were deceived with his proclamation of peace , and therefore submitted to live under his government , first having received an oath from him , that neither they , nor any of their followers should be endamaged : but when they had committed themselves to him , he falsified his oath , and slew sixty of them . then removing his army from jerusalem , he came to the village of bethzeth , where , apprehending many of the jews , he slew them all , and commanded the rest in the country to obey alcimus , with whom he left a part of his army , and so returned to antioch unto demetrius . alcimus by his feigned and familiar deportment , drew many more of the wicked jews to joyn with him , and then he went with his army thorow the country , and slew all that took part with judas . judas perceiving that hereby many upright men , and such as feared god were slain ; he also with his army went thorow the land , and slew all the apostates that were of alcimus his faction . whereupon alcimus repaired to demetrius , and made greivous complaints against judas ; who fearing that if judas prospered , it would be prejudiciall to his estate , he sent nicanor to make warre against him , and having furnished him with a sufficient army , he commanded him that he should not spare any one of that nation . nicanor coming to jerusalem ; offered no act of hostility , endeavouring to entrap judas by subtilty , sending him a peaceable message , wherein he protested that he would do him no injury , and that he came only to express the good affections of demetrius to the nation of the jews . judas and his brethren being deceived with this glozing message entertained him and his army . nicanor then saluted judas , but whilest he was conferring with him , he gave a sign to his souldiers to lay hands on him ; but judas discovering the treason , brake from him , and escaped to his army . then did nicanor resolve to make open war upon him , and bad him battel near to a burrough called capar-salama , where he obtained the victory , and constrained judas to retreat into the fortress at jerusalem ; there did nicanor besiege him for a while , and then retired ; at which time certain of the priests and elders met him , and having done their reverence , they shewed him those sacrifices which they intended to offer to god for the kings prosperity ; but he blaspheming , threatned them , that if they did not deliver judas into his hands , he would destroy the temple at his return . hereupon the priests wept abundantly , praying unto god to defend the temple , together with those which called on his name therein , from the outrage of their enemies . nicanor coming neer to bethoron , received a greate supply of souldiers out of syria . judas also was about thirty furlongs distant from him not having above a thousand men , yet he exhorted them not to fear the multitude of their enemies , but to set couragiously upon them , expecting help from god ; and so encountering with nicanor , there was a very doubtfull conflict , yet judas had the upper hand , and slew a great number of the enemies . nicanor himselfe also fighting valiantly , was slain ; whereupon his army fled : but judas speedily pursuing , made a great slaughter , and by sound of trumpet , giving notice to the neighbouring places , the inhabitants thereof betook themselves to their weapons , and meeting those that fled , they slew them , so that no one escaped from this battel , though they were at least nine thousand men . then ensued a little peace to the jews . shortly after alcimus the high-priest , intending to beat down an old wall of the sanctuary , was suddenly striken by god , became speechless , and fell to the ground , and having endured many grievous torments for many dayes , he died miserably . then did the people by a generall consent give his place to judas : who hearing of the great power and victories of the romans , sent two of his intimate friends to rome , to intreate the romans to be their allies and confederates , and to write to demetrius to give over his wars against the jews . the embassadors coming to rome , were intertained by the senate , and friendship concluded betwixt them , upon these conditions ; that none under the romans should war against the jews , nor furnish their enemies with victuals , ships or silver : that if any enemies should assail the jevvs , the romans should succour them to the uttermost of their povver ; that if any made vvar upon the romans , the jevvs should succour them ; that if the jevvs vvould add or diminish any thing from this association , it should be done vvith the common advice of the romans ; and that vvhat should so be ordained , should remain irrevocable . nicanors death , and the discomfiture of his army being reported to demetrius , he sent another army under bacchides , vvho coming into judaea , and hearing that judas vvas encamped at bethzeth , he marched against him vvith tvventy thousand footmen , and tvvo thousand horsemen . judas had not in all above tvvo thousand men , vvho seeing the multitude of bacchides army , vvere afraid , so that some , forsaking the camp , fled avvay , insomuch as there then remained vvith judas but eight hundred men . his enemies also pressed so upon him , that he had no time to re-assemble his forces , yet he resolved to fight vvith those eight hundred men , vvhom he exhorted to be of good courage , and to fight valiantly : but they answered , that they were not able to make head against so great an army , and therefore they adviced him to retire , and stand on his guard , till he had gathered more forces : judas replied , god forbid that the sun should see me turn my back upon the enemies ; though i die , and spend my last blood in this battle , yet will i never soil my former worthy actions by an ignominious flight . and so having encouraged his souldiers , he commanded them without apprehension of danger , to bend themselves altogether against the enemy . bacchides drew out his army , arranged them in battle , placing his horse-men in the wings , his archers , and light-armed men in the front , and then the macedonian phalanx , and so causing his trumpets to sound , and his souldiers to shout , he charged his enemies . judas did the like , and encountred bacchides , so that there was a most cruel conflict , which continued till sun-set . judas perceiving that bacchides , and the flower of his army fought in the right wing , he chose out the most resolute of his souldiers , and drew them towards that quarter , and set upon them , brake their squadron , and thrusting into the midst of them , he forced them to flie , and pursued them as far as to the mount aza ; but the left wing followed judas , and so enclosed him on the back part . he seeing himself thus enclosed , resolved with his followers to fight it out to the last . he slew a great number of his enemies , till at last he was so wearied , that ●he fell to the ground , and was there slain : his souldiers seeing him dead , betook themselves to flight . simon and jonathan his brothers , by intreaty recovered his body , carried it to modim , where they interred it , all the people weeping divers days for him ; and jonathan his brother succeeded him in the government . chap. v. the martyrdom of the maccabees . whilst antiochus epiphanes was living , he thrust out onias the high-priest from his office , and put into his room jason his brother , whereupon jason promised to pay him yearly three thousand six hundred and sixty talents of silver . this wicked jason presently forced all the people to forsake their religion , and to build baths : he hindered the defence and building of the temple . hereat god was very wroth , and stirred up antiochus to go to jerusalem , where he was gallantly entertained by the jews . then did he presently make an edict , that whosoever of the jews refused to offer sacrifice to the gods , he should presently be broken to pieces on the wheel . but those that were godly did little esteem that edict . antiochus perceiving that the rigour of his edict prevailed little , and that many chose rather to die , then to forsake their religion , he sitting in an eminent place , and calling all the jews together , caused swines-flesh to be sacrificed on the altar , and to be offered to every hebrew to eat . amongst the multitude thus assembled , there was one eleazer , a priest a man that feared god , and one who was very aged , of a reverend countenance , and famous for his vertue ; to him antiochus said , be advised by me , holy old man , to avoid those torments which are prepared for the obstinate ; preserve thy reverend age , and contemn not the benefit of life ; take the sacrifice , and eat of the swines-flesh , for no wise man will credit the jews opinion to refuse that meat which nature hath ordained for mans use , as well as any other : why should this beast be more abominable then others ? &c. or , suppose your laws are to be observed , yet will they excuse thee , seeing thou sinnest not voluntarily , but by compulsion ? to whom eleazer answered ; we , o antiochus , follow not vanity , but the verity of religion , and fear of torments cannot make us embrace another : but suppose that the religion left us by our fore-fathers had no firm ground , yet should not torments make me forsake it . do not esteem it a small matter to eat forbidden meat , and to taste of that which is sacrificed to idols ; for it is a profane thing to touch things that are prophane , and we are taught by our law to suffer with patience whatsoever , for gods cause , is inflicted upon us , &c. and therefore i refuse this profane meat , well knowing what i ought to eat , as warranted by gods law , which i have learned to obey , &c. and herein will i persist , though with tyrannous hand thou pluck out mine eyes , or with a sharp knife rip up my entrails . think not that because i am old , my body is feeble : if i must be sacrificed for gods sake , thou shalt find me as lusty , and constant as a young man , and most joyfull in torments . prepare an extraordinary fire , or what else thou pleasest , thou shalt find me more constant in the midst of all torments , then i am now before they come , &c. the chaste , and pure company of fathers shall receive me into their number , where i shall not fear ( o impious king ) thy threats , &c. whilst eleazer spake thus boldly , the souldiers haled him to be tortured , and stripping him naked , they hanged him up , and whipped him : and whilst on either side he was thus beaten , one cryed , obey the kings pleasure and command . but this worthy man was not overcome by torment , but suffered as though he had been in a sleep : and fixing his venerable eyes upon heaven , he knew in whom he believed , and to whom he sacrificed his life , and beholding the flesh on each side of his body rent and torn with stripes , and the bloud issuing out abundantly , he admired his own patience , and thanked god the author of it : at last finding his own frailty , scarce able to endure such torments , he fell upon his face , which with stripes was all rent , and torne , still glorifying god , as he did before : then a souldier , to gratifie the king like a mad man , did spurn , and tread upon him , to encrease his sufferings : but eleazer , strong in body and minde , like a champion of the true god , did never shrink at those pains , but by patience overcame the cruelty of his tormentors ; so that his torturers admired that he should be able to bear them : then the kinges officers said , how long wilt thou forbear to obey the king ? eat swines flesh and free thy self from all that thou endurest . eleazer , though hitherto he had been silent in all his torments , yet could he not hear such profane counsel without answering , whereupon he cryed out ; we hebrews are not so effeminate as to forsake the way of salvation wherein we walk to our old-age , neither are we taught for feare of contumely , which will not long endure , to give others an occasion , and example to sin , &c. wilt thou , o tyrant , esteem of us if we should yield unto thee ? nay , thou mightst justly reprove our inconstancy : then did the souldiers , by the kings command , cast him into the fire , and poured stinking , and loathsome liquors into his nostrils , all which he patiently suffered , till he was consumed in the flames : yet when nature began to fail , lifting up his dazled eyes to heaven , he said , thou , o god , art he from whom life , and salvation proceedeth : behold i die for observing thy laws : be mercifull to this thy nation , and forsake not them whom hitherto thou hast protected in thy bosom , and under the shadow of thy wings , let my death end all misery , &c. and so he joyfully yielded up the ghost . antiochus was but more incensed hereby , and therefore he caused seven children of the hebrews to be brought to antioch , who being young , and therefore , as he thought , weak , and unable to endure torments , he presumed that either by perswasion , or fear , he should enforce them to forsake their religion . then he commanded these seven , together with their mother salamona now aged , to be brought before him : they were of excellent beauty , and worthy children of so vertuous a mother . the tyrant beholding them , with a merry countenance , craftily spake unto them : i wish your good , o admirable young men , do not therefore like mad men resist my commands : avoid not only torments , but death also : i desire not only to exalt you to honour , but to encrease your riches , and possessions : contemn therefore your own superstition , and embrace our religion : if you refuse this ( as i hope you will not ) i will devise all torments , that by a lingring , and painfull death , i may consume you : and to terrifie them the more , he caused all sorts of instruments for torment to be brought forth before them , as wheels , rods , hooks , racks , cauldrons , cages , gridirons , &c. with engines to torment the fingers , and hands , as gauntlets , auls , bellows , brazen-pots , and frying-pans , &c. then said he , obey me , o prudent young men , for if i command that which is a sin , yet do not you offend , being compelled to it . but these holy young men , inflamed with a divine spirit , contemned these torments , and despised both threats and flateries , denying to eat of the sacrificed swines flesh , and saying : wherefore , o tyrant , dost thou persecute us that are innocent ? we desire to die , and will , till death expels life , firmly keep that which god commanded and moses taught us : and therefore seek not , o tyrant to seduce us by protesting thy unfeigned love : thou lover of in justice , master of cruelty , deviser of iniquity , the pardon thou proferrest is more painfull to us then punishments : we contemn death , and esteem not thy words , our master eleazer having taught us to despise them . why dost thou expect such pusillanimity in us young men , when of late thou foundest such courage in an old man ? thou canst not know our minds except by tearing our bodies thou searchest them out : we will willingly for our god suffer any thing , and expect heaven , whilst thou for thy cruelty to innocents , shalt be reserved to eternal fire . the tyrant greatly moved herewith , caused them to be beaten with buls-pizels : first commanding maccabeus the eldest to be stripped , and stretched out upon a rack , and his hands to be bound , and so to be most cruelly beaten , who so wearied his tormentors by sufferring , that they rather desired to give over , then he requested it : then was he put upon a wheel , and a weight hanged at his feet , and so stretched round about it , that his sinews and entrails brake , yet all this while he called upon god : and then said to the tyrant : o bloudy tyrant , who persecutest the majesty of god ; i whom thou thus tormentest , am no witch , nor murtherer , but one who dies for observing gods law : and when the tormentors , overcome with compassion , willed him to submit to the kinges pleasure , he said ; o ye wicked ministers of tyranny ! your wheels are not so sharp and cruel , that i thereby will be forced to forsake heaven , whereon my minde is fixed : tear my flesh , yea if you please , rost it at the fire : torture each parcel of my body with severall cruelties , yet you shall not be able to force us young men to impiety . as he thus spake , a fire was kindled , & he thus racked on the wheel , was thrown into it , and by flames was so burned that his bowels appeared , yet was his minde unmoved , and in the midst of his torments he cryed thus to his brethren ; o beloved brethren , make me your example ; despise the alluring baits of this world ; obey god rather then this tyrant , who can if he please humble the proud and mighty , and exalt the dejected : then was he taken from the fire ; and slain alive ; his tongue was pulled out of his head , and he put into a frying pan , and so he departed out of this life , to the admiration of his enemies , and the joy of his mother , and brethren . then was the second brother , called aber , haled by the souldiers ; and the tyrant shewed him all those instruments of torment , and asked him if he would eat of the sacrifice ? which he , denying to do , his hands were bound with iron chains , and being hanged up thereby , the skin of his body was slain from the crown of his head to his knees , so that the entrails in his brest were seen : then was he cast to a cruel libard , greedily thirsting after blood , but the beast smelling at him , forgat his cruelty , and went from him , without doing him any harm : this increased the tyrants rage , and aber by his torments grew more constant , crying aloud , o how pleasant is that death to me , which is caused by all sorts of torments for gods sake ! yea , the more pleasant , because i know i shall be rewarded in heaven ; let these torments , o tyrant , satisfie thy cruelty , for my pain is not increased by them , but my pleasure , as thou shalt find by my patience in these sufferings ; i am more willing to suffer , then thou to punish , yet my pain is less in suffering , then thine by inflicting : i am tormented for keeping the law , thou by gods justice shalt be banished from thy regal seat , yea , eternal torments are prepared for thee , which neither thy prophane mind is able to endure , nor thy power to decline , &c. and so shortly after he yielded up his soul to god. then machir the third son was brought , whom all pitied , and exhorted by his brothers examples to forsake his opinion , and so decline the punishment ; but he being angry at such counsel , replied , one father begat us , one mother bore us , one master instructed us , &c. therefore no longer prolong the time in vain ; i came to suffer , not to speak , use all the tyranny that possibly you can against my body yet have you no power over my soul. this so moved the tyrant , that he devised new torments beyond the reach of humane wit ; and commanding a globe to be brought , he caused him to be tied about it in such sort , that all his bones were put out of joint , hanging one from another in a most pitifull manner ; yet was the holy martyr nothing dismaid ; then the skin of his head and face was pulled off , and then was he put upon the wheel , but he could be racked no worse , for all his bones were dislocated before ; the blood issuing from him abundantly , he said , we , o tyrant , endure this torment for the love of god , and thou the author of such cruelty , shalt be punished with everlasting pain ; then was his tongue cut out , and he being put into a fiery frying pan , resigned his spirit unto god. next followed judas the fourth brother , whom all the people perswaded to obey the king : but he said , your fire shall not separate me from the law of god , nor from my brethren ; to thee , o tyrant , i denounce destruction , but to such as believe , salvation : try me thou cruel wretch , and see if god will not stand by me , as he did by my three brethren now in glory , &c. the cruel tyrant hearing this , was so inraged , that he leaped down from his chaire to torment this martyr himselfe ; he commanded also his tongue to be cut out , to whom judas said , thy cruelty will nothing avail thee , our god needs not by voice to be awaked , &c. he heareth such as call upon him with their hearts , and know's our thoughts afar off , &c. cut out my tongue if thou please , would thou wouldst so sanctifie all the parts of my body , &c. and think not that thou shalt long escape unpunished : then was his tongue cut out , and he bound to a stake , was beaten with ropes ends , which torments he bore with admirable patience : after which he was put upon the wheel , where he ended his life , and went to the rest of his brethren . then spake achas the fift brother , behold , o tyrant , i come to be punished before thou commandest me , therefore hope not to alter his minde that desireth to be tormented : the bloud of my innocent brethren hath condemned thee to hell , i shall make up the fift , that by it thy torments may be increased : what offence have we committed that thou thus ragest against us ? &c. all that thou canst alledge against us is , that we honour god and live in obedience to his laws , and therefore we esteem not punishment , which is an honour to us ; though no part of us be left untormented , yet we shall be the more rewarded by god. then at the command of the kings the executioner cast him into a brazen pot , where he was prest down with his head to his feet , and afterwards he sufferred all the torments inflicted on his brethren , but he was so far from being discouraged , that suddenly starting up , he said , cruel tyrant , how great benefits dost thou ( though against thy will ) bestow upon us ! yea the more thou ragest , the more acceptable to god shalt thou make us ; therefore i shall be sorry if thou shewest me any mercy : by this temporall death , i shall go to everlasting life . and having thus finished his sufferings , he died . then was areth the sixt brother brought , to whom the tyrant proferred the choise of honour , or punishment ; but he being grieved at this profer , said , o tyrant , though i be younger in years then my brethren , yet the constancy of my minde is not inferiour ; as we have lived , so we will die together in the fear of god : hasten therefore thy torments , and what time thou wouldest spend in exhorting me , spend it in devising torments for me . whereupon antiochus in a rage , commanded him to be tied to a pillar with his head downwards : then caused he a fire to be made at such a distance , as might not burn , but rost him : then he made them prick him with awles , that the heat might pierce the sorer : in these torments much bloud , like froth , gathered about his head and face ; yet said he , o noble fight ! o valiant warre ! o strife between piety and impiety ! my brethren have past through their agonies , whose crown of martyrdom is the punishment of their persecutors . i willingly follow them , that as by blood i am conjoyned to them , so by death i may not be separated from them . devise , o tyrant , some new torment , for i have overcome these already : o master of cruelty , enemy of piety , and persecutor of justice ! we young men have conquered thy power , thy fire is cold , and heateth not : thy weapons are bended , and blunted in our bodies ; our god giveth us more courage to suffer , then thou hast to punish , &c. as he thus spake , they pulled out his tongue with an hot pair of tongs , and lastly frying him in a frying pan , he gave up the ghost . there being now only the youngest brother left , called jacob , he , presenting himself before the tyrant , moved him to some compassion , wherefore he called the child to him , and taking him aside by the hand , he said , by the example of thy brethren thou seest what to expect if thou disobeyest me ; therefore deliver thy self from these torments , and i will give thee what honour my kingdom can afford : thou shalt be a ruler , generall of my army , my counceller &c. but when this prevailed not , he called his mother , who coming , and standing by her son , the tyrant said to her , o worthy woman , where now are all thy children ? yet thou hast one remaining ; advise him therefore not to ruine himself , and to leave thee childless by his obstinacy , &c. the mother bowing her self to the king , said to her child in hebrew , that she might not be understood of others , pity and comfort thy sorrowfull mother , o my son , who bare thee nine moneths in my womb , gave thee suck with my brests three years , and with great care have brought thee up hitherto . i pray thee , dear son , consider the heavens and earth , and remember that god created them all of nothing , &c , fear not therefore these pains and torments , but imitate thy brethren , and contemn death , that in the day of mercy i may receive thee with thy brethren again in heaven . then did he desire to be unbound , which being granted , he immediately ran to the torments , and coming where was a frying pan red hot , he said to the king ; cruel tyrant , i now know thee , not only to have been cruel to my brethren , but even cruelty it self . wretch that thou art , who gave thee these purple robes ? who exalted thee to thy kingdom ? even he whom thou in us dost persecute , whose servants thou tormentest and killest , for which thy self shalt suffer eternal torments ; though thou art above others , yet he that made other men , made thee also of the same nature , for all are born , and must die alike . he that kils another , sheweth that he himself may be killed ; thou tearest and tormentest thine own image all in vain ? in thy fury thou killest him , whom god created like thy self , &c. thou pullest out our tongues , tearest our bodies with flesh-hooks , and consumest us with fire ; but they that have already suffered , have received everlasting joyes , and everlasting punishments attend thee . think not that i expect any favour , i will follow my brethren , and remain constant in keeping gods law. the tyrant herewith inraged , caused him to be tormented ; but his mother comforted him , and with her kind hands held his head , when through violence of the torturers , the blood issued out of his mouth , nose , and privy parts ; the tormentors not ceasing till his life was almost spent ; but then giving over , god gave him strength to recover , and to endure more then any of his brethren had done . at last his hands and arms being cut off , with his eyes lift up to heaven , he cryed , o * adonai . be mercifull unto me , and receive me into the company of my brethren . &c. then was his tongue pulled out , and he of his own accord going into the fiery frying pan , to the great admirarion of antiochus , died . the mother seeing all her children dead , was inflamed with a holy zeal to suffer martyrdom also ; and despising the tyrants threats , she offered her motherly brest to those torments which her children had suffered before her . indeed herein she excelled them all , in that she had suffered seven painfull deaths , before she came to suffer in her own person , and feared in every one of them , lest she should have been overcome . she alone with dry eyes did look upon them whilst they were torn in pieces , yea , she exhorted them thereunto , rejoycing to see one torn with flesh-hooks , another racked upon the wheel , a third bound and beaten , a fourth burned , and yet she exhorted the rest not to be terrified thereby ; and though her grief in beholding their torments was greater then that which she had in child-birth , yet did she frame a chearfull countenance , as if it had been one triumphing , wishing rather the torments of their bodies then of their souls ; for she knew that nothing was more frail then our lives , which are often taken away by agues , fluxes , and a thousand other ways . therefore when they were first apprehended , she thus exhorted them in the hebrew tongue , o my most dear and loving children , let us hasten to that agony which may credit our profession , and be rewarded by god with eternal life . let us fearlesly present our bodies to those torments which aged eleazer endured . let us call to mind our father abraham , who having but one only son ▪ willingly sacrificed him at gods command , and feared not to bring him to the altar , whom with many prayers he had obtained in his old age . remember daniel , the three children , &c. antiochus being enraged against her , caused her to be stripped naked , hanged up by the hands , and cruelly whipt : then were her dugs and paps pulled off , and her self put into the red hot frying pan ; where lifting up her eyes and hands to heaven , in the midst of her prayers she yielded up her chast soul unto god. but god suffered not the cruel tyrant to escape unpunished , for in his wars against the persians , the lord struck him with madness , his intrals were devoured with worms , and stinking like a carrion , in the extremity of his torments he gave up the ghost . concerning this antiochus , daniel , chap. . , . &c. saw in the vision , that there came forth a little horn , which waxed exceeding great towards the south , and towards the east , and towards the pleasant land , and it waxeth great even towards the host of heaven , and it cast down some of the host , and of the stars to the ground , and stamped upon them : yea , he magnified himself even to the prince of the host , and by him the daily sacrifice was taken away , and the place of the sanctuary was cast down . and an host was given him against the daily sacrifice by reason of transgression , and it cast down the truth to the ground , and it practised and prospered . which afterwards is thus interpreted by the angel unto daniel , verse . &c. in the latter time of their kingdom , when the transgressors are come to the full , a king of fiery countenance , and understanding dark sentences shall stand up , and his power shall be mighty , but not by his own power , and he shall destroy wonderfully , and shall prosper , and practise , and shall destroy the mighty and holy people : and through his policy also he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand , and he shall magnifie himself in his heart , and by peace shall destroy many : he shall also stand up against the prince of princes , but he shall he broken without hand . collected out of josephus , and the books of the maccabees . here place the first figure . chap. vi. the persecution of the church from christs time to our present age ; and first of those mentioned in the new testament herod the great , hearing by the wise men of one that was born king of the jews , and being informed by the chief priests and the scribes , that the place of his birth should be bethlehem of judah , he sent forth souldiers , and slew all the children that were in bethlehem , and in all the coasts thereof , from two years old and under , hoping thereby to have destroyed christ : for which cruel fact the lord gave him over to such a spirit of phrensie , that he slew his own wife , his children , and nearest kins-folks , and familiar friends . and shortly after gods heavy judgement fell upon him by a grievous sickness , which was a slow and slack fire in his inward parts ; and withal , he had a greedy appetite after food , and yet nothing sufficed him ; he had also a rotting in his bowels , and a greivous flux in his fundament ; a moist and running humour about his feet , and the like malady vexed him about his bladder ; his privy members putrified , engendring abundance of worms which continually swarmed out . he had a short and stinking breath , with a great pain in breathing ; and through all the parts of his body such a violent cramp , as humane strength was not able to endure . yet longing after life , he sent for physitians from all parts , by whose advice he went to the hot bathes of calliroe ; but finding no ease thereby , his torments still encreasing , he sought to lay violent hands upon himself , if he had not been prevented by his friends , and so in extream misery , he ended his wretched life . then herod the less having married the daughter of aretas , king of arabia , put her away , and took herodias , who had forsaken her husband philip , brother to herod ; for which incestuous and adulterous marriage , john baptist plainly reproved him ; whereupon at the instigation of herodias , herod first imprisoned him , and afterwards cut off his head : but the lord left not this murther long unpunished , for aretas raising an army against herod , for that ignominious dealing with his daughter , in a pitched battel wholly overthrew him , and cut off all his hoast , not longe after herod falling into disgrace with the roman emperour , he , with his incestuous herodias were banished to vienna in france , where they ended their wretched lives with much shame and misery . after the ascension of our lord jesus christ , peter and john , having cured a man that was born lame , and preaching jesus to the people , upon that occasion they were apprehended , and cast into prison by the priests and captain of the temple , who the next day , having examined them , threatned to punish them , if they spake any more in that name , and so dismissed them . yet afterwards the high-priests and the sadduces again laid hands on the apostles , and cast them into the common prison ; but in the night time the angel of the lord opened the prison doors , and released them , ast. . , . the next day , as they were preaching to the people , they were again apprehended , and carried before the counsel , ver . , . at whose command they were beaten , and so dismissed , ver , . then were false witnesses suborned against steven , who accused him for speaking blasphemous words against moses , and against god , act. . . for which being apprehended and brought before the councel , he was there condemned , led out of the city , and stoned to death , chap. . . after this there was a general persecution raised up against the church of christ in jerusalem , whereby all the faithfull were scattered abroad throughout the regions of judea and samaria , except the apostles , chap. . . saul also made great havock of the church , entring into every house , haling both men and women , and committing them to prison , verse . then saul , after his conversion , preaching christ boldly , the enraged jews took counsel , and lay in wait to kill him , watching the gates of damascus , where he then was , both day and night ; but the disciples took him by night , and let him down over the wall in a basket , whereby he escaped , act. . , &c. then rose up a third herod , called also agrippa , who , not taking warning by his predecessors calamities , fell to persecuting the church of christ , and sending for james , the brother of john , before him , he condemned him to be beheaded : concerning whom clemens reports , that he which drew james before the tribunal seat , when he saw him so cheerfully embracing the sentence of death , was exceedingly moved therewith , and voluntarily confessed himself to be a christian , and so was condemned to be beheaded with him : as they went in the way to execution , he requested the apostle james to pardon him , who after a little pause , turning to him , said , peace be unto thee ; and kissed him , and so they were beheaded both together . herod seeing that the death of james pleased the jews , he took peter also , and delivered him to four quaternions of souldiers to keep him in prison , intending after the passover to put him to death ; but the night before he should suffer , as he was sleeping , bound with two chains to tvvo souldiers , and the keepers watching before the prison doors , an angel came and awaked him , causing his chains to fall off , and so going before him , he led him out of prison , causing the iron gate to open to them , and having brought him out of danger , left him . but this cruel persecuting herod scaped no better then his predecessors had done , for being arraied in glistering and royal apparel , and sitting upon his throne , he made an oration to his people , who like flattering court parasites , gave a shout , saying , it is the voice of a god , and not of a man : whereupon the angel of the lord immediately smote him , and he was eaten of worms , and gave up the ghost , verse , &c. in the fifty fourth year of his age , and the seventh of his reign , and under claudius caesar. then the wicked jews stirred up the gentiles against paul and barnabas at iconium , so that being in danger to be stoned to death , they fled into lycaonia , act. . , ▪ . again at ly●tra they stirred up the gentiles against them , whereupon paul was stoned and drawn out of the city , and left for dead , but it pleased god that he revived , and so escaped to derbe , ver . . . afterwards paul and silas , for casting a spirit of divination out of a damosel at philippi , were dragged before the rulers , who caused them to be whipt , and cast into prison . but the magistrates afterwards hearing that they were romans , were much afraid , as having done more then they could answer , and therefore they came to them , released them out of prison , and besought them to depart out of their city , act. . ● , . presently after at thessalonica , the jews again stirred up the people against paul and silas , and raising up an uproar , they sought for them in the house of jason , and not meeting with them there , they drew forth jason himself , and some brethren before the rulers , who giving security for their forth-coming , were dismissed . yet these wretched jews followed paul to berea also , and there stirred up a persecution against him , whereby he was forced to depart . at corinth also they made an insurrection , caught paul , and brought him before gallio , deputy of achaia , and when he would be a judge of no such matters , they took sosthenes the chief ruler of the synagogue , and beat him before the judgement seat , acts . , . afterwards at ephesus , demetrius that made silver shrines for diana , raised an uproar , and having caught caius and aristarchus , pauls companions , they with them rushed into the theatre ; but this tumult being allayed by the wisdom of the town-clark , paul hasted away into macedonia , cap. . , &c. paul at last returning to jerusalem , the asian jews finding him in the temple , stirred up all the people , and laid hands on him ; but as they were about to kill him , he was rescued by the chief captain of the romans , chap. . , . then being brought forth before the counsel of the jews , he was first smitten by the command of the high-priest , chap. . . and afterwards being in danger of being pulled to pieces , he was again rescued by the captain , ver . . then above forty of those desperate jevvs , bound themselves under a curse , that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed him , ver . , . hereupon he is sent to faelix at caesarea , who kept him in prison till his accusers came , ver . , . then being accused by tertullus , he clears himself ; yet because he vvould not bribe faelix , he is kept prisoner still . festus succeeding faelix , the jews importune him also for sentence against paul , or that he might be sent for to jerusalem , laying wait in the way to kill him , chap. . . but when that was denied them , they went to cesarea to accuse him there , whereupon he is forced to appeal to caesar , ver . . then he was sent to rome , and there committed prisoner to the captain of the guard , chap. . . where he continued prisoner at large for two years , and then being released , he visited the churches of greece and asia . afterwads he preached in spain and france , and at last returning into italy , he was again apprehended , and imprisoned at rome , where also he suffered martyrdom , as afterwards you shall hear . the jews being much displeased that they could not reak their teen upon paul , turn themselves against james the brother of christ : him therefore they bring , and set them in the midst of them , requiring him publickly to renounce the faith of christ : but he on the contrary made a bold and open confession of jesus to be the son of god , and the saviour of the world . then did they set him upon a pinacle of the temple , again requiring him in the audience of all the people , to tell them which is the way of jesus crucified ; to whom he answered , why ask you me of jesus the son of man , when as he sits at the right hand of god in heaven , and shall again come in the clouds of the air ? this so enraged the scribes and pharisees , that they threw him down head-long ; but he not being dead with the fall , gat upon his knees , and said , father , forgive them , for they know not what they do : then one taking a fullers club , struck him on the head , and brained him . this james was sirnamed justus , of whom aegesippus writes , that his knees were as hard as camels knees , by reason of his continual kneeling in prayer . but shortly after his death , vespasian came into judea , and subdued the jews : and his son titus destroyed jerusalem , and the temple . andrew the brother of peter , preached the gospel to the scythians , sogdians , and aethiopians , and was at last crucified by aegeas , king of edessa . philip preached the gospel in phrygia , and at last was crucified at hierapolis . bartholemew preached to the indians , and ( as some say ) was beaten with cudgels to death : or as others , he was flaid alive , and then beheaded . thomas preached unto the parthians , medes and persians , &c , and in indian he was slain with a dart . mathew preached to the aethiopians , and at last by the command of the king , was ran thorow with a sword . simon zelotes preached in mauritania and africk , and at length was crucified under traian , being above years old . judas the brother of james preached to the edesseans , and at last was slain by the command of the king. matthias preached first in macedonia , and afterwards coming into judea , he was by the jews first stoned , and then beheaded . mark the evangelist preached in alexandria , and the neighbouring regions , and afterwards was burnt by the furious idolaters . nicanor , one of the deacons , was martyred , together with two thousand other faithful christians . collected out of the new testament , and dorotheus . the persecution of the church under the heathen roman emperors . chap. vii . the first primitive persecution which began an. christi , . this first persecution was begun by domitius nero , the sixt emperour , anno . or thereabouts : the occasion whereof was this ; nero having passed over the first five years of his reign somewhat plausibly , he then began to fall to all manner of prodigious impieties : and amongst other wicked designs , he had a great desire to consume the stately imperial city of rome with fire ; pronouncing king priamus an happy man , because he beheld the end of his kingdom and countrey together ; yea , said he , let not all be ruined when i am dead , but whilst i am yet alive : and for the effecting of this villany , he sent divers to kindle the fire in sundry places ; yea , some of his own bed-chamber were seen to carry flax , toe , torches , &c. to further it : and when any attempted to quench it , they were threatned for it ; others openly hurled firebrands , crying , they knew what they did , there was one would bear them out . this fire first began amongst the oyl-men and drugsters ; the night-watch and praetorian guards did openly cherish it ; and when it was throughly kindled , nero went up to the top of maecenas tower , which over-looked the whole city , where he fed himself with the sight of infinite burnings , and sang to his harp , the burning of troy. amongst other stately buildings that were burned down , the circus , or race-yard was one , being about half a mile in length , of an oval form , with rows of seats one above another , capable to receive at least a hundred and fifty thousand spectators without uncivil shouldrings : but the particulars were innumerable , the damage inestimable ; besides which , many thousands of people perished ; the flame and smoak smothered some , the weight of ruins crusht others , the fire consumed others ; others threw themselves into the fire out of sorrow and despair , and villains slew many . but nero finding that this fire , which continued burning nine dayes , brought a great odium upon him ; to excuse himself , he transferred the fault upon the christians , as if out of malice they had done it , and thereupon he raised this first persecution against them . for there was at this present a flourishing church of christians in rome , even before st. paul's arrival there , and nero's own court was secretly garnished and enriched with some of those diamons , whose salutations the apostle remembers in his epistle to the philippians . but whilst nero with their blood , sought to quench and cover his own infamy , he procured to himself new envy ; whilst many that abhorred christians for their religion , commiserated their sufferings as undeserved . some he caused to be sewed up in the skins of wild beasts , and then worried them to death with dogs : some he crucified , others he burnt in publick , to furnish his evening sports with bonefires . many he caused to be packed up in paper stiffened in molten wax , with a coat of sear-cloth about their bodies , bound upright to axletrees , many of which were pitcht in the ground , and so set on fire at the bottom , to maintain light for nero's night-sports in his gardens . some of them were gored in length upon stakes , the one end fastened in the earth , the other thrust into their fundaments , and coming out at their mouths . nor did this persecution rage in rome alone , but it was extended generally over the whole empire , insomuch that a man might then have seen cities lie full of mens bodies , the old lying there together with the young , and the dead bodies of women cast out naked in the open streets , without all reverence of their sex . yea his rage and malice was so great , that he endeavoured to have rooted out the very name of christians in all places . whereupon tertullian said , that it could be no ordinary goodness which nero condemned ; and , saith he , we glory on the behalf of our sufferings , that they had such a dedicator as he : but this great persecution , like a blast , did spread the religion that it blew , and having continued four years from the first rising , is expired in two most shining blazes , viz. in the martyrdom of the two great apostles peter and paul : peter was crucified with his head down-wards , which manner of death himself made choice of , and whilst he thus hung upon the cross , he saw his wife going to her martyrdom , whereupon he much rejoyced ; and calling her by her name , he bad her remember the lord jesus christ. at the same time , also paul , before nero , made a confession of his faith , and of the doctrine which he taught ; whereupon he was condemned to be beheaded , and the emperor sent two of his esquires , ferega and parthemius , to bring him word of his death : they coming to paul , heard him instruct the people , and thereupon desired him to pray for them that they might believe ; who told them , that shortly after they should believe and be baptized : then the souldiers led him out of the city to the place of execution , where he prayed , and then gave his neck to the sword , and so was beheaded . this was done in the fourteenth , which was the last year of nero. collected out of the life of nero caesar , eusebius , and the book of martyrs . chap. viii . the second primitive persecution , which began anno . after the death of nero , there succeeded , first vespasian , and then his son titus in the empire , under both whom the church had rest , but titus associating to himself his brother flavius domitian in the government of the empire ; this wicked monster , first slew his brother , and then raised the second persecution against the church of christ. his pride was so great , that he commanded himself to be worshiped as god ; and that ima●es of gold and silver should be set up for his honour in the capitoll . his cruelty was unmeasurable . the chiefest nobles of the roman senators , either upon envy , or for their goods , he caused to be put to death . having also heard some rumors of christs kingdom , he was afraid , as herod had been before him ; and thereupon commanded all of the linage of david to be sought out and slain ; at last two poor christians that came of judas , the brother of christ according to the flesh , were brought before domitian , and accused to be of the tribe of juda , and of the line of david : then did the emperour demand of them what stock of money and possessions they had ; to whom they answered , that they two had not above thirty nine acres of land , out of which they payed tribute , and relieved themselves by their labour and industry , withal shewing him their hard and brawny hands , by reason of their labour . then did he ask them of christ , and of his kingdom ; to whom they answered , that christs kingdom was not of this world , but spiritual and celestial ; and that he would come at the last day to judge the quick and the dead . hereupon he despised them as simple and contemptible persons , and so dismissed them . he punished an infinite company of christians that were famous in the church , with exile , and loss of their substance . under this persecution it was that st. john , the beloved disciple , was first put into a vessel of boiling oyl , and coming safe without hurt , out of the same , he was then banished into the isle of patmos , anno . where he continued till after the death of domitian , but was released under pertinax : at which time he returned to ephesus , where he lived till he was a hundred and twenty years old . during his abode there , he was requested to repaire to some place not farre off , to order their ecclesiasticall affairs ; and being in a certain city , he beheld in the congregation a young man , mighty of body , of a beautifull countenance , and fervent minde ; whereupon calling the chief bishop unto him , he said , i commend this man unto thee with great diligence , in the witness here of christ and of the church . the bishop having received this charge , and promised his faithfull diligence therein , john spake the like words to him the second time also , after which he returned unto ephesus . the bishop having received this young man thus committed to his charge , brought him home , kept , nourished , instructed and baptized him ; and the young man so profited under him , that at last he was made the pastor of a congregation . but having by this means more liberty then before , some of his old companions began to resort unto him ; who first drew him forth to sumptuous and riotous banquets ; then inticed him to go abroad with them in the nights to rob and steal , and to much other wickedness . and he being of a good wit , and stout courage , ran like an unbridled horse to all manner of disorders and outrage : and associating to himself many loose and dissolute companions , he became their head and captain , in committing all kindes of murther and felonies . not long after , upon some urgent occasions , st john was again sent for into those parts , where having decided those controversies , and dispatched those businesses for which he came , meeting with the afore-mentioned bishop , he required of him the pledge , which before christ and the congregation he had committed to his custody . the bishop herewith amazed , supposing that he meant it of some money committed to him , which yet he had not received , not daring to contradict the apostle , he thereupon stood mute : then john perceiving that he was not understood , said , the young man , and the soul of our brother committed to your custody , i do require . whereupon the bishop with many tears said , he is dead : to whom john replyed , how , and by what death ? the bishop answered , he is dead to god , for he is become a wicked and vicious man , and a thief , and now he doth frequent these mountains , with a company of thieves and villains like himself , &c. the apostle , rending his garments with a great lamentation , said , i left a good keeper of my brothers soul ; get me an horse and guide presently ; which being done , he went strait to the mountains , and was no sooner come thither , but he was taken by the thieves that watched for their prey , to whom he said , i came hither for this cause , lead me to your captain : and so being brought before him , the captain all armed , looked fiercely upon him , and soon coming to the knowledge of him , he was striken with such shame and confusion , that he began to flie , but the old man followed him as fast as he could , crying , my son why dost thou flie from thy father ? an armed man from one naked ? a young man from an old man ? have pity upon me my son : and feare not , there is yet hope of salvation , i will answer for thee to christ , i will die for thee if need be , as christ died for us , i will give my life for thee ; believe me , christ hath sent me . he hearing these things , first as in a maze , stood still , lost his courage , cast down his weapons , then trembled , and vvept bitterly , and coming to the old man , he embraced him with many tears , only his right hand he kept hid and covered . then the apostle , after he had promised and assured him that he should obtain pardon of our saviour , falling upon his knees , he prayed for him , kissing his murthering right hand , vvhich for shame he durst not shevv before , and then brought him back to the congregation , where he fasted and prayed continually for him , comforted and confirmed him with many scripture-promises , and left him not , till he had restored him to his former office , and made him a great example of gods mercy to repentant sinners . in this persecution simeon bishop of jerusalem , after many torments , was crucified to death : and an innumerable company of martyrs suffered for the like testimony of the lord jesus , amongst whom vvas flavia , the daughter of flavius clemens , a roman senator and consul , vvho amongst many others vvas banished into the isle of pontia . this lavv also vvas made by the roman senate , non debere demitti christianos , qui semel ad tribunal venissent , nisi propositum mutent , that christians should not be let go , that vvere once brought before the tribunal seat , except they renounced their religion . yea , that vvhich stirred up the emperor more to persecute the christians , vvere those abominable lies , and malicious slanders raised against them by the heathen idolaters , as that they were a people that lived in incest , that in their nightly meetings , putting out the candles , they ran together in all filthy manner ; that they killed their ovvn children , and used to eat mans flesh : that they vvere seditious and rebellious , and refused to svvear by the fortune of caesar ; and vvould not adore his image in the market place , and in brief , that they were pernicious to the roman empire : yea , whensoever any thing happened amiss to the city of rome , or to her provinces , either by famine , pestilence , earth-quakes , wars , unseasonable weather , &c. it vvas presently imputed to the christians . besides , also there vvere a number of vvicked promoters and accusers , that for lucre's sake , to have the possessions of the christians , accused and persecuted them to the death . also vvhen the christians vvere brought before the magistrates , they gave them an oath , requiring them to declare the truth , vvhether they vvere christians or no , and if they confessed ; then by the lavv , sentence of death vvas passed against them . yet vvere not these tyrants content by death to destroy their bodies , but the kinds of death vvere divers and horrible ; vvhatsoever the cruelty of mans vvitty and vvicked invention could devise for the punishment of mans body , vvas practised against the poor saints of god ; imprisonments , stripes , scourgings , rackings , tearings , stoning ▪ plates of iron burning hot , laid to the tenderest parts of their bodies , deep dungeons , strangling in prisons , the teeth of wild beasts , gridirons , gibbits and gallows , tossings upon the horns of bulls , &c. and when they were thus killed , their bodies were laid on heaps , and dogs left to keep them , that none might come to bury them ; neither could any prayer or entreaty obtain leave that they might be interred . notwithstanding all which horrible punishments , the church of christ daily increased , being deeply rooted in the doctrine of the apostles and apostolical men , and watered plenteously with the blood of the saints . also in this persecution , protasius and gervasius were martyred at millaine . timothy was stoned to death at ephesus , by the worshippers of diana . dionysius areopagita was slain with the sword at paris , &c. chap. ix . the third primitive persecution , which began anno christi , . domitian being slain by some of his own servants , nerva succeeded him , who was a good and mercifull man , stayed the persecution against the christians , called them home from banishment , so that the church enjoyed peace in his time , but he reigning only thirteen moneths , trajan a spaniard succeeded him , who in the tenth year of his reign , raised the third persecution against the church , which was far more cruel then either of the former ; inasmuch as plinius secundus , an heathen philosopher , seeing the lamentabte slaughter of the christians , moved with pity , he wrote to trajan concerning the same ; that whereas there were many thousands of them daily put to death , there were none of them which did any thing contrary to the roman laws worthy of persecution , saving that they used to gather together in the morning before day , and sing hymns to a certain god that they vvorshipped , called christ ; in other things they were godly and honest ; and for proof hereof , saith he , i caused two maidens to be laid on the rack , and with torments to be examined about the same ; but finding nothing in them but only lewd and immoderate superstition , i resolved to surcease further enquiry , till i received further instructions from you about this matter . &c. trajan having read this epistle ; returned answer , that it was his mind , that the christians should not be sought after , but if they were brought and convicted , that then they should suffer execution : whereof tertullian , speaking , saith , o confused sentence ! he would not have them sought for as men innocent , and yet would have them punished as men guilty : now though upon this act , the rage of the persecution was somewhat abated , yet many evil disposed men , and cruel officers there were , vvhich ceased not to afflict the christians in divers provinces : especially if any commotion was raised in any of them , then presently were the christians blamed for it . trajan sent a command to jerusalem , that whosoever could be found out of the stock of david , should be enquired for , and put to death ; hereupon some sectaries of the jewish nation , accused simeon the son of cleophas , to come of davids line , and that he was a christian : of which accusers it happened , that some of them were taken to be of the stock of david , and so most righteously were executed themselves who sought the destruction of others . in this persecution suffered phocas bishop of pontus , whom trajan , because he would not sacrifice to neptune , caused to be cast into a hot lime-kilne , and afterwards to be put into a scalding bath , where he ended his life in the cause of christ : as also sulpitius servilianus , and nereus , and achilleus suffered martyrdom in rome , sagaris in asia ; then also ignatius bishop of antioch was apprehended and sent to rome , where he was devoured of wild beasts , and besides these , many thousand others . after the death of trajan , succeeded hadrian , who continued this third persecution against the chrstians ; at which time , alexander bishop of rome , with his two deacons , as also hermes and quirinus with their families suffered martyrdom . also about this time , zenon a noble man of rome , with above ten thousand more were slain for christs sake . also in mount ararath were ten thousand christians crucified , crowned with thorns , and thrust into the side with sharp darts , after the example of the lords passion . eustachius , a noble captain , who trajan had sent out to war against the barbarians ; after ( through gods mercy ) he had valiantly subdued his enemies , was returning home with victory : hadrian for joy , went to meet him , and to bring him home with triumph : but by the way , he would needs sacrifice to apollo , for the victory obtained , willing eustachius to do the same with him ; but when by no means he could be perswaded thereto , coming to rome , he with his wife and children suffered martyrdom ; by the command of the ingratefull emperour . also faustinus and jobita , citizen of brixia , were martyred with many torments ; which caused one calocerius , beholding their admirable patience in the midst of their cruel torments , to cry out , vere magnus est deus christianorum , verily great is the god of the christians ; whereupon being apprehended , he was made partaker of their martyrdom . also eleutherius bishop in apulia , was beheaded , together with his mother anthea . also symphorissa , a godly matron , was often cruelly scourged , afterwards hanged up by the hairs of her head : at last had a huge stone fastened to her , and so thrown into the river ; after which her seven children in like manner , with sundry and divers kinds of torments were all of them martyred by the tyrant . these seven children of symphorissa , were fastened to seven stakes , then racked up with a pully , & afterwards thrust thorow ; crescens in the neck , julianus in the breast , nemesius in the heart , primitivus in the navil , justinus was cut in every joint of his body , statteus run thorow with spears , and eugenius cut asunder from the breast to the lower parts , and then all of them were cast into a deep pit ; adrian being at athens , sacrificed to the idols after the manner of the grecians , and gave free leave to whomsoever vvould , to persecute the christians , which should refuse it : whereupon quadratus bishop of athens , a man of admirable zeal , and famous for learning , exhibited to the emperour a learned and excellent apology in defence of the christian religion : the like also did aristides , an excellent philosopher in athens . there was also one serenus granius , a man of great nobility , who writ pithy and grave letters to hadrian ; shewing that it was neither agreeable to right nor reason , that the blood of innocents should be given up to the rage and fury of the people , and be condemned for no other fault but for their opinions ; hereupon the emperour became more favourable to them , writing also in their behalf to minutius fundanus , proconsul of asia , that if they had no other crime objected against them , but their religion , they should not be put to death . yet notwithstanding all this , the rage of the heathen multitude did not disquiet and persecute the people of god ; imputing to them whatsoever mischief and judgements befell them ; yea , they invented against them all manner of contumelies , and false crimes to accuse them of , whereby many in sundry places vvere molested and put death . after hadrian , succeeded antoninus pius , vvho being informed of the cruel sufferings of the christians , vvrote this letter to his commons of asia , forbidding them to persecute the christians any further , which epistle he thus concludes , if any hereafter shall offer any vexation and trouble to christians , having no other cause , but because they are such , let him that is appeached , be released , and freely discharged , and let his accuser sustain the punishment , &c. by this means then the tempest of persecution began in those days to be appeased , through the mercifull providence of god ; who would not have his church to be utterly overthrown and rooted up thereby : the rod of the wicked shall not always rest upon the lot of the righteous , psalm . . here place the second figure . chap. x. the fourth primitive persecution , which began anno christi , . after the death of that quiet and mild prince antoninus pius , his son m. antoninus verus succeeded in the empire , a stern and severe man by nature , who raised the fourth persecution against the christians ; wherein a great number of them , who truly professed christ , suffered most cruel punishments and torments especially in asia and france , amongst whom was polycarp bishop of smyrna , who was burnt at a stake at smyrna , together with twelve others that came from philadelphia . also germanicus a young man , did most constantly persevere in the doctrine of christ , whom when the proconsul of asia desired to remember his age , and to favour himself , he would by no flatteries be with-drawn from his stedfastness , but remaining constant , was thrown to the wild beasts , whom he allured and provoked to come upon him , and devour him , that he might be the more speedily delivered out of this wretched life . also in this persecution suffered metrodorus , a minister , who was consumned by fire ; and pionius who after much boldness of speech , with his apologies exhibited , and his sermons made to the people in defence of the christian faith , and after much relieving and comforting such as were in prisons and distress , at last was put to cruel torments , and then burned in the fire , also at pargamopolis in asia , suffered carpus , papilus , and agathonica , a woman , who after their most constant and worthy confessions , were put to death . at rome , felicitas with her seven children were martyred , whereof her eldest son , after he vvas whipt and grievously scourged with rods , vvas prest to death with leaden weights : the two next had their brains beaten out with mawls : the fourth was thrown down head-long from an high place , and brake his neck : the three youngest were beheaded ; and lastly , the mother was slain with the svvord . also justin martyr , a man that excelled in learning and philosophy , and a great defender of the christian religion , who had delivered to the emperor and senate , an apology in defence of the christians , suffered martyrdom in this persecution . there was in egypt a certain woman married to a husband that was given much unto laciviousness , whereunto she her self also had been formerly addicted ; but being instructed in the christian religion , she became a chast and godly matron , and endeavoured to perswade her husband also thereunto : but he continuing in his filthy life , she resolved to be divorced from him ; yet at the request of her friends : she forbore , to try if by any means he would be reclaimed : but he going to alexandria , and living more licenciously then before , she sued out a bill of divorce , and so was separated from him ; then did this malicious wretch accuse her to be a christian , which was no lesse then death , whereupon she being in great perill , delivered up a supplication to the emperour , craving but so much favour , that she might go and set her family in order , and then she would be ready to answer to all such crimes as should be objected against her : this petition the emperour granted ; her husband perceiving that he was frustrated of his expectation , went and accused ptolemaeus ( who was her instructer in the faith of christ ) that he was a christian. ptolemaeus loving the truth , and not thinking it good to hide his profession , confessed it : therefore being brought before vrbicius the judge , he was by him condemned to die ; whereupon one lucius a christian , standing by , said to the judge , what reason , i pray you , or equity is this , that this man , who is neither adulterer , fornicator , murtherer , nor felon , nor guilty of any other crime , should he condemned for his name , and profession of christianity ? these manner of judgements ( o urbicius ) are neither honourable for the emperor , nor for the estate of the senate of rome : then said vrbicius , methinks thou also art a christian , which lucius confessing , the judge without any further delay , commanded him also to be had away to the place of execution ; to whom he answered , i thank you with all my heart , that hereby you release me from most wicked governors , and send me to my good and loving father , who is god of gods , and king of kings . also a third man coming to the judge , and using the like liberty of speech , had the like sentence of death , and was crowned with the same crown of martyrdom . also one concordus , a minister of the city of spoleto , because he refused to sacrifice to jupiter , and did spit in the face of the idol , after divers cruel torments sustained , was beheaded with the sword . many others also suffered martyrdom at the same time , because they sharply reprehended idolatry , and refused at the emperors command , to offer sacrifice to idols , for which they were beheaded . many christians also suffered in france , the history of whom was written , and set forth by their own churches , and directed to the brethren of asia and phrygia ; wherein they write , that satans instruments were so maliciously active against them , that they could not be safe any where , neither in the markets , shops , nor their own houses . yea , they were forbidden to come into any publick places : but god in mercy took out of the tyrants hands , such as were weak amongst the christians , and sets up others , as pillars , who are able to abide all sufferings , and valiantly to withstand the enemy , notwithstanding all the opprobrious punishments they could devise ; yea , by their admirable patience they shewed that all the sufferings of this present time were not to be compared with the glory which they expected to be revealed in them . first they suffered whatsoever the frantick multitude could inflict upon them , by railings , scourgings , drawings and halings , flinging of stones , imprisonment , &c. then were they led to the market-place , vvhere the captain and other city-officers , commanded them to prison , after they had made confessions of their faith publickly , till the return of the chief governor : who being come back , he used all extremity that possibly he could against them . at which time a noble young man , called vetius epagathus , being replenished with fervent zeal and love , both to god and the brethren , could not suffer the wicked judgement which vvas given against the brethren : whereupon he desired the governor to hear vvhat he had to say in their behalf , in whom vvas no impiety found : but the people cryed out against him , and the justice denied his lawfull request , withal , asking him vvhether he himself vvere not a christian ? unto which , vvith a loud and bold voice he answered , i am a christian ; and thus was he received into the fellowship of the martyrs ▪ by this worthy example the rest of the brethren were more animated to suffer martyrdom : yet some there were as yet weak , and not so well prepared for sufferings , of vvhom there vvere ten that fainted , vvhich filled the rest vvith great heaviness . their example also caused such as vvere not yet apprehended to be less forward in adventuring themselves ; yet every day were some apprehended , which were worthy to fill up the number of them which vvere fallen . against the christians vvere their heathen servants examined , and being threatned vvith extream torments , they vvere enforced to confess against their masters , that at their meetings they kept the feasts of thiestes , and incest of oedipus , and many other such like crimes , not fit to be named , which things being bruted abroad , every one began to exercise their cruelty against the people of god ; yea , their familiar friends disdained and vvaxed mad against them . then vvas all manner of cruelty used against them , especially against sanctus , deacon of the church of viena , and maturus , but a little before baptized , but yet a worthy souldier of christ. also against attalus and blandina , concerning whom vve vvere all afraid , especially her mistress , lest through vveakness she should not stand to her profession ; but , through gods grace , she vvas so admirably replenished vvith strength and boldness , that they vvhich had the tormenting of her by course from morning till night , for very vveariness gave over , and fell dovvn , confessing that they could do no more against her , marvelling that she yet lived , having her body so torn and rent as it vvas : professing that any one of those torments alone had been sufficient to bereave her of life . but this blessed virgin became stronger and stronger in her sufferings , and as often as she spake these vvords , i am a christian , and have not committed any evil , she was vvonderfully comforted . sanctus also , who in his torments had endured more pains then the nature of man vvas able to stand under , when the wicked ▪ thought to have heard him utter some blasphemous vvords , through the intollerableness of his pains , abode notwithstanding so constant in mind , that they could neither extort out of him ▪ vvhat countryman he vvas , where brought up , what his name was , vvhether a bond-man , or a free , but to every question he answered , i am a christian : when therefore they had used all other kinds of torments , they clapped plates of brass red hot to the tenderest parts of his body , wherewith , though he was grievouslly scorched , yet shrunk he not for the matter ; yea though his body was all drawn together with the scorching fire , so that he retained not the proper shape of a man , yet did he draw comfort from christ , so as to rejoyce in these tribulations . after a while they brought him again to new torments , hoping thereby to enforce him to a recantation ; at which time his body was so sore and swoln , that he could not suffer a man to touch him : but contrary to their expectation , his body in these latter torments was so suppled and restored , that he recovered the former shape and use of his members , so that these second torments , through the grace of christ , proved a soveraign medicine to him . satan also now thinking that he was sure of biblides , who was one of those that had denied christ , and hoping to prevail with her , a weak and feeble woman in the faith , to damn her soul by blaspheming god , brought her to the place of execution ; but she in the midst of her torments returning to her self , and by those pains remembring the torments of hell , said to her tormentors , how should we christians eat our own children ( as you report of us ) when we eat not the blood of any beast ? and so confessing her self to be a christian , she was martyred with the rest . yet here did not the rage of the enemies cease ; for when the christians were cast into prison , they were shut up in dark and ugly dungeons , and drawn by the feet in a rack , even unto the fifth hole : some of them were strangled and killed in the prisons ; others remaining in prison , destitute of all humane help , were so strengthned by the lord , both in body and mind , that they were a great comfort to the rest : the younger sort , whose bodies had not yet felt the lash of the whip , were not able to endure the sharpness of their imprisonment , but died under the same . photinus , deacon to the bishop of lyons , about eighty nine years old , weak and feeble , by reason of age and sickness , yet of a lively spirit and courage , by reason of the great desire which he had of martyrdom , being brought to the judgement seat , and being there demanded of the chief ruler , what was the christian-mans god ? he answered , if thou beest worthy to know , thou shalt know : the ruler being enraged herewith , caused him to be extreamly beaten : also such as stood next him , did him all the despight they could , beating and kicking him without any regard to his reverend gray hairs ; others that were further off , threw at him vvhatsoever came next hand ; and thus whilst he vvas gasping after life , they threw him into prison , where after tvvo days he died . they also vvhich in the first pesecution had denied christ , vvere apprehended , cast into prison , and made partakers of the others afflictions ; yea , they had twice so much punishment as the other had : and whereas they which had been constant , were refreshed with the joy of martyrdom , with the hope of gods promises , and with the love of christ , and his holy spirit ; the other apostates being full of guilt , went out to death , with dejected and ill-favoured countenances , and were filled with shame , so that the very gentiles reviled them as degenerous persons , and worthy to suffer as evil-doers : whereas in the mean time , they which had remained constant , went to their martyrdom with cheerfull countenances , adorned with glory and grace : yea , their very bonds wherewith they were tyed , set them out as brides when they are decked in gorgious aray : and withal they had such a redolent smell , as if they had been anointed with some sweet balm : by which sights the rest were confirmed , and being apprehended , confessed christ without any staggering . the martyrdom of the saints was of divers kinds , as the offering to god a garland decked with sundry kinds of colours and flowers . maturus , attalus , and blandina , were again brought forth to the publick scaffold , where maturus and sanctus suffered again all manner of torments , as if they had suffered nothing before : they were scourged , torn of wild beasts , set in red hot iron chairs , in which their bodies were dried as on a grid-iron , and their tormentors raged more and more against them , labouring to overcome the patience of the saints : yet could they get nothing out of sanctus's mouth , but that he was a christian : these holy men having been thus made a spectacle all the day to the people , were at last slain . then blandina being fastened to a stake , was cast to the wild beasts , but they , as being more mercifull then men , would not come near her : then they cast her again into prison , where she , though a weak woman , yet armed with invincible courage by christ , mightily encouraged her brethren . then was attalus brought forth with this inscription , this is attalus the christian , against whom the people were much enraged , but the governour understanding that he was a roman , remanded him to prison till ●he understood the emperors pleasure : many that had before denied christ , through gods grace , recovered themselves again , and tasted the sweetness of him that desired not the death of a sinner , &c. and of their own accord came to the judgement seat to be examined ; then did the judge , when a great concourse of people was met together , s●nd for all the christian prisoners , and as many as were free-men of rome he beheaded , the residue he gave to be devoured of wild beasts , amongst whom also they which had before denied christ , joyfully suffered martyrdom . whilst the christians were examining at the bar , one alexander , a physitian , by signs , and becks , perswaded those which were examined , boldly to confess christ , which the people taking notice of , accused him to the judge : who asking him what religion he was of , he answered , i am a christian : whereupon he was immediatly adjudged to be devoured of the beasts . the next day was attalus and this alexander brought forth to the sca●fold , where they had all manner of torments inflicted upon them , and having endured the greatest agony that possibly they could be put to , they were at the last slain : alexander never so much as sighed , but prayed to , and praised god all the while he was tormented : attalus , when he was set in the iron chair , and the frying savour of his burning body began to smell , said to the people , behold ! this which you do is to eat mans flesh : for we neither eat men , nor commit any other wickedness : and being demanded what was the name of their god , he said , our god hath no such name as men have ; then said they , let us see whether your god can help you , and take you out of our hands . then was blandina again brought forth , and with her one ponticus , a youth of fifteen years old , who defying their idols , and constantly cleaving to christ , were put to all the torments their enraged enemies could devise : the youth having suffered all kinds of torments , at last gave up the ghost : blandina was first pitifully whipped , then thrown to the wild beasts , then tormented upon the grid-iron , then put into a net , and thrown to the wild bull , and when she was tossed , gored , and wounded with his horns , she was at last slain , but was so filled with ravishing joyes of the h. ghost , that she felt no pain during all her torments . such as were strangled in prisons , were afterwards thrown to dogs , and had keepers both day and night set to watch them , lest their bones and members should be buried . in the mean time the gentiles extolled their idols , mocking and flouting the christians , saying , where is your god that you so much boast of ? and what helpeth this your religion for which you give your lives ? the bodies of the martyrs were thus made a gazing-stock for six days in the open streets , and then were burned , and their ashes thrown into the river . also in this persecution justin martyr , through the malice of crescens the philosopher , suffered martyrdom . also one alcibiades a man of a strict life , eating only bread and water , was cast into the prison where attalus , and other christians lay ; and alcibiades continued the same strict diet in prison : but it was from god revealed to attalus , that he did not well in refusing the other good creatures of god , and that it was scandalous to his brethren : whereupon he reformed , and ate of all things boldly with thanksgiving . about this time clandius apolinaris , bishop of hieropolis , and melito bishop of sardis , eloquent and learned men , delivered to the emperour excellent apologies written by them in defence of the christian religion , whereby they prevailed with him somewhat to stay the rage of his persecution : which also was furthered upon this occasion : marcus aurelius , and marcus antonius the emperors , going to war against the quades , vandals , sarmates and germans ; their army , by the multitude of their enemies , was coopt up in some strait , dry and hot places , where the souldiers having been destitute of water for five days together , were all like to perish . hereupon a legion of christian souldiers being in the army , with-drew apart from the rest , and falling prostrate upon the earth , by ardent prayer , obtained of god a double relief : for the lord sent the romans such showers , as satisfied their necessities , and flashed such lightnings against their enemies , that thereby they were discomfited and put to flight . this miracle so pleased the emperor , that ever after he used the christians gentler , writing also to divers rulers , commanding them to give thanks to the christians , as for their victory , so for the preservation of himself , and his army . his letters was to this purpose , that whereas himself and army , were invironed with nine hundred seventy five thousand fighting men , and were like to perish for want of water , the christians praying to a god , that he knew not , obtained relief for him , and by hail and lightning , destruction to his enemies ; whereby he perceived their god to be a mighty god. hereupon he decreed that none should be punished for the christian profession , being guilty of no other crime , and that the accusers of the christians should be burned alive : which degree he commanded to be recorded in the senate-house , proclaimed publickly in the court of trajan , and sent diligently into all his provinces , that all might take notice of the same . yet not long after , apollonius a noble senator of rome , was accused by his own servant before the judge , for being a christian ; the accuser , according to the the decree , had his legs broken , and was put to death . but apollonius having rendred an accocnt of his faith before the senate , was condemned to be beheaded , notwithstanding the decree , because there was an old law , that any that was arraigned for professing christ , without a recantation , could not be released . commodus the emperor upon his birth-day , calling the people of rome together , in a great royalty , clothed in his lions skin , sacrificed to hercules causing it to be proclaimed , that hercules was the patron of the city : whereupon vincentius , eusebius , peregrinus and pontentianus , learned men , and pastors of the congregations , being stirred up with zeal , went about from place to place , converting the gentiles to the faith of christ , and hearing of the madness of the emperor and people , they reproved that idolatrous blindness , exhorting them to believe in the true and living god , and that forsaking the worshipping of devils , they should honour god alone . the emperor hearing thereof , caused them to be apprehended , and required them to sacrifice to hercules , which they refusing to do , he caused them to be grievously tormented , and at last to be pressed to death with weights of lead . julius a roman senator , having been converted by the preaching of these men , afterwards sent for ruffinus a minister , by whom himself and all his family were baptized , and burning with holy zeal , he made an open profession of the faith of christ , praying that he might not only believe , but that he might have the honour to suffer for his name . the emperor hearing that he was become a christian , sent for him , to whom he said , o julius , what madness possesseth thee thus to forsake the religion of thy fore-fathers , to embrace a new and fond kind of religion of the christians ? hereupon julius made before him a free and open profession of his faith , affirming that the roman gods were false gods , and that they that worshipped them , should be punished with everlasting damnation . the emperor hearing that he despised his gods , was much enraged , and committed him to vitellius , a cruel and fierce man , to compell him , either to sacrifice to hercules , or to slay him : but julius nothing discouraged , and perswading vitellius to acknowledge , and serve the true god , was at his command with cudgels beaten to death . chap. xi . the fifth primitive persecution which began an. christi , . commodus being dead , pertinax succeeded in the empire , under whom the church enjoyed peace , and flourished exceedingly , so that many of the nobles of rome embraced the true faith , together with their whole housholds . pertinax being dead , severus succeeded , and in the first ten years of his reign he was very mild and gentle to the christians : but afterwards , through sinister suggestions , and malicious accusations ; he was so incensed , that by his proclamations he commanded that no christians should any more be suffered to live . hereby great pe●secution was stirred up on every side , and an infinite number of martyrs were slain . the crimes objected against the christians were sedition , rebellion against the emperor , sacriledge , murthering of infants , incestuous pollutions , eating raw flesh , worshipping the head of an asse , &c. but especially that they would not worship their idols . the places where this persecution most raged , were africa , capadocia , alexandria and carthage . the number of them that suffered , was innumerable , amongst whom was leonides the father of origen ; with whom origen his son , being but seventeen years old , would have suffered , ( such a fervent desire he had of martyrdom ) had not his mother privily in the night conveyed away his shirt and cloths , whereupon , more for shame to be seen , then for fear to die , he was constrained to remain at home . origen was afterwards a professor of divinity at alexandria , and out of his school , one plutarch suffered martyrdom , as also serenus his brother , who was burned , and another serenus who was beheaded . potamiena also , who was tormented with boiling pitch poured upon her , and afterwards with her mother marcella , and rhais burned in the fire . this potamiena being a beautifull virgin , was committed to captain basilides to see execution done upon her , and as he led her to the place of execution , he repressed the rage of the multitude , who followed her with many railings and revilings , whereupon , to requite his kindness , she prayed to the lord for his conversion to the true faith , and so with admirable patience she suffered martyrdom . shortly after basilides being required to give an oath in the behalf of his fellow-souldiers , he denied the same , plainly affirming that he vvas a christian , and therefore he could not swear by the idols , &c. they vvhich heard him , thought that he jested at first , but when he had constantly affirmed it , they had him before the judge , vvho committed him to vvard : the christians vvondring at it , vvent to him , and enquiring the cause of his conversion , he told them that potamiena had prayed for him , and so he savv a crovvn put upon his head , adding that it should not be long before he received it , and accordingly the next day he was beheaded . as many suffered death in this persecution , so others there were , who through gods providence , suffered great torments ; and yet escaped vvith life , of whom there vvas one alexander , vvho for his constant confession , and torments suffered , vvas afterwards made bishop of jerusalem . also narcissus , against vvhom three vvicked persons conspired to accuse him , binding their accusations vvith oaths and curses , one vvishing to be destroyed vvith fire , if it vvere not true ; another to be consumed vvith a grievous disease ; the other to lose both his eyes ; narcissus being unable to vvith-stand so vvicked an accusation , retired himself into a desert : in the mean time gods vengeance follovved these perjured wretches : for the first , by a small spark of fire , vvas himself vvith all his family , and goods burned : the second vvas taken vvith a grievous sickness vvhich tormented him from the top to the toe , whereof he died : the third , being vvarned by these judgements , confessed his fault , but by reason of his abundant sorrovv and vveeping , he lost both his eyes : narcissus being hereby cleared from their false accusation , returned home , and vvas received into his congregation again . also one andoclus vvas sent by polycarp into france , vvho because he spread there the doctrine of christ , vvas apprehended by the command of severus , and first beaten vvith staves and bats , and aftervvards beheaded . asclepiades also , aftervvards bishop of antioch , suffered much in this persecution . then did irenaeus , and many others vvith him suffer martyrdom ; and shortly after tertullian also . perpetua and felicitas , tvvo godly vvomen , vvith revocatus their brother , and satyrus , vvere throvvn to the vvild beasts , and devoured by them . saturninus vvas beheaded : secundulus cast into prison , where he died : all these suffered martyrdom at carthage . also zepherinus , and after him urbanus , both bishops of rome , vvere martyred in this persecution : this urbanus by preaching and holiness of life , converted many heathens unto christ ; amongst vvhom vvere tiburtius and valerianus , tvvo noble men of rome , vvho both suffered martyrdom : also cecilia a virgin , vvho vvas espoused to valerian ▪ vvas apprehended & carried to the idols to offer sacrifice , vvhich she refusing to do , should have been carried to the judge to receive the sentence of condemnation ; but the serjeants and officers beholding her excellent beauty and prudent behaviour , began vvith many persvvasions to solicit her to favour her self , &c. but she so replied vvith wisedom and godly exhortations , that by the grace of almighty god , their hearts began to relent , and at length to yield to that religion which before they persecuted ; which she perceiving , desired leave to go home ; and sending for urbanus the bishop to her house , he so grounded and established them in the faith of christ , that about four hundred persons believed , and were baptized ; amongst whom was gordianus a noble man. afterwards this blessed martyr was brought before the judge , by whom she was condemned ; then she was enclosed in an hot bath for twenty four hours , yet remaining alive , she was there beheaded . at preneste in italy was one agapetus of fifteen years old apprehended , and because he refused to sacrifice to idols , he was first scourged with whips , then hanged up by the feet , and had scalding water poured on him , then he was cast to the wild beasts ; but because they would not hurt him , he was lastly beheaded . antiochus that executed these torments on him , suddenly fell down from his judicial seat , crying out that all his bowels burned within him , and so he died miserably . calepodius , a minister of christ in rome , was first dragged thorow the streets , and after cast into tyber . pamachius , a senator of rome , with his wife and children , and other men and women , to the number of forty two , vvere all beheaded in one day , together with another noble man , all whose heads vvere hung up over the gates of the city ▪ to deter others from the profession of christianity . also martina , a christian virgin , having suffered many other bitter torments , vvas at last slain vvith the sword . chap. xii . the sixth primitive persecution , which began anno christi , . the emperor maximinus raised the sixth persecution against the christians , especially against the teachers and leaders of the church , thinking that if these captains were removed out of the way , he should the easilier prevail against the rest . in the time of this persecution , origen vvrote his book de martyrio , vvhich being lost , the names of most that suffered martyrdom in those times , are buried in oblivion , yet were they very many : amongst whom urbanus bishop of rome , and philippus , one of his ministers were banished into sardinia , where they both died . about this time one natalius that had formerly suffered great persecution for the cause of christ , was seduced by asclepiodotus and theodorus , two sectaries , to be the bishop of their sect , promising to pay him a hundred and fifty crowns of silver every moneth , and so he joined himself to them ; but the lord in mercy not intending to lose him that had suffered so much for his sake , admonished him by a vision to adjoin himself to the true church again , which the good man for the present , blinded with lucre and honour , did not regard as he ought to have done : the night after he was scourged by angels , whereupon in the morning , purting on sack-cloth , with much weeping and lamentation , he went to the christian congregation , praying them for the tender mercies of christ , that he might be received into their communion again ; which request was accordingly granted unto him . hippolitus was drawn thorow the fields with wild horses till he died ; many others were martyred and buried by sixty in a pit . chap. xiii . the seventh primitive persecution , which began anno christi , . decius the emperor raised this seventh terrible persecution against the christians , which was first occasioned by reason of the treasures of the emperor , which were committed to fabian the bishop of rome , who thereupon , by the command of decius , was put to death , and moreover his proclamations were sent into all quarters , that all which professed the name of christ , should be slain . in the time of this persecution origen suffered many and great torments for the cause of christ , by rackings , dungeons , &c. nicephorus , who writeth of this persecution under decius , declareth the horribleness of it to be so great , and that so many martyrs suffered , that , saith , he , it is as easie to number the sands of the sea , as to set down the names of all those whom this persecution did devour . alexander , bishop of jerusalem , who was very aged , having governed the church forty years , was from thence carried to caesarea , where after a bold and constant confession of his faith , made before the judge , he was cast into prison , and there died . babilas bishop of antioch also died in prison , and forty virgins were martyred there about that time . and one peter in the country of phrygia , being apprehended by the proconsul , suffered most bitter torments for the name of christ , the like did divers others in troada . from babylon divers christians were led away by decius into spain , and there exceuted ; the like sufferings had many in caesarea , dionysius alexandrinus , writing of the martyrs that suffered in alexandria , saith thus , this persecution began about a year before the emperors proclamation came forth , by reason of a wicked south-sayer , who coming to the city , stirred up the multitude of heathens against the christians , perswading them to uphold their idolatrous services ; wherewith the people being inflamed , obtained full power to prosecute their wicked purposes , conceiving all religion to consist in the destruction of the christians . and first of all they fell upon a minister , called metra , whom they would have enforced to blaspheme christ ; which when he refused , they laid upon him with staves and clubs , and with sharp reeds they pricked his face and eyes ; and then , bringing him to the suburbs , they stoned him to death . then they took an holy woman , called quinta , and bringing her to the idol-temple , would compell her to worship there ; which she constantly refusing , they bound her feet , and drew her thorow all the streets upon the hard-stones , whipt her with whips , dashed her against mil-stones , and lastly stoned her to death . then the enraged multitude breaking into the christians houses , plundred them of all they had ; the rest of the lumber they carried into the market-place , and burned it : the saints in the mean time taking patiently and joyfully the spoiling of their goods , knowing that they had a more enduring substance in heaven . then they took an ancient virgin , called apollinia , whom they brought forth ▪ and dashing all the teeth out of her head , they made a great fire , threatning to cast her into it , unless she would blaspheme and deny christ ; whereupon she , after a little pause , leaped into the fire , and so was burned . then they took serapion out of his house , whom they assailed with all kind of torments , broke almost all the joynts of his body : and lastly throwing him down from an high loft , killed him . the poor christians could no where shelter themselves , nor rest day nor night , the multitude crying out , that unless they would blaspheme christ , they should all be burned . but , through gods mercy , the miserable wretches at last fell out amongst themselves , turning their cruelty , formerly exercised against the christians , upon their own heads , whereby the church had a little breathing time . shortly after came forth the cruel edict of the emperor , which so terrified the christians , that some , especially the rich , partly through fear , and partly by the perswasion of their neighbours , came to those impure and idolatrous sacrifices : others came boldly to the altars , declaring publickly , that they were not of that religion : of the rest some ran away , others were taken , enduring bands and torments constantly : others again , after long imprisonment , and sundry torments , renounced their faith , whilst others more strong in the faith , valiantly endured martyrdom : amongst whom was julianus , a man diseased with the gout , and not able to go , and cronion , who were laid upon camels , and there scourged , and at last thrown into the fire , where , with much constancy , they were consumed . as julianus went to martyrdom , a certain souldier took his part against those which railed upon him ; whereupon the people crying out against him , he was apprehended , and being constant in his profession , was presently beheaded . also macar a christian lybian was burned alive . epimachus and alexander , having been long imprisoned , after innumerable pains and torments , with rasors and scourges , were vvith four women , consumed with fire : ammonarion a virgin , mercuria an aged matron , and dionysia , a mother of many children , whom yet she loved not above the lord , these , vvhen they could not be overcome by any torments inflicted on them by the cruel judge , but rather were unsensible of them all , vvere at last slain vvith the svvord . also three egyptians , and a youth of fifteen years old , vvere brought before the judge , who first began vvith the child , by fair words , seeking to entice him , then by torments to constrain him , which not prevailing , when he had tormented the other also he condemned them all to the fire ; but the judge wondring at the wise answers , and grave constancy of the child , dismissed him . nemesion also an egyptian , vvas first accused to be a companion of thieves , but being purged from that , he vvas accused of christianity , tormented and scourged extreamly , and then amongst other thieves , burnt to death . a certain christian being examined before the judge , and through fear being ready to shrink back , there were by , certain souldiers of the degree of knights , and an aged man named theophilus , who were ready to burst for grief , making signs to him , by their hands and gestures , to be constant ; vvhich being observed by the by-standers , they vvere ready to lay hold of them , but they of their own accord , pressing up to the judge , professed themselves to be christians , which much imboldened the weak christian that vvas before the tribunal , and terrified the judge . this being done they departed away , rejoycing for the testimony that they had given of their faith . in other cities many christians were torn in pieces by the heathen . ischirion , a servant to a noble man , vvas commanded by his master to sacrifice to the idols , vvhich vvhen he refused , and vvould by no means be perswaded to , his master took a pike , and ran him thorovv . multitudes of christians vvandring in deserts and mountains , vvere devoured by hunger , thirst , cold , sickness , thieves and vvild beasts , amongst vvhom vvas cheremon , bishop of the city of nilus , and his vvife , vvho flying into the mountains of arabia , vvere never heard of more . dionysius also saith of himself , i speak the truth before god , and lie not , i having no regard of my own life , and not without the motion of gods spirit , did flie , and avoid the danger of this persecutian : yea , and before that , when one was sent from the governor te seek me , i remained three days at home to tarry for him ; the messenger in the mean time narrowly sought for me by all ways , fields , floods and corners , where he thought i might hide my self , god striking him with such blindness , that he could not find my house . after these three days , the lord god willing and commanding me to flie , and marvellously opening to me the way , i with my children , and many other brethren , vvent out together , and so escaped . also agatha , a godly virgin of sicilie , suffered divers and bitter torments of imprisonment , with beatings , famine , racking , as also rolling naked upon sharp shels , and hot coals , and having her breasts cut off her body . also forty other virgins , by sundry kinds of torments , were put to death about the same time . decius erecting a temple at ephesus , compelled all in the city to offer sacrifice to idols , but there were seven christian souldiers of his own retinue , who refused , neither could the emperor , by perswasions or threats , induce them to it , yet he gave them respite till his return from the wars ; in the mean time they hid themselves in a cave in the mountain celius . at the emperors return he made great inquisition for them , and at last hearing where they were , he caused the mouth of the cave so to be closed up , that they could not get out , and so they were famished there . there was also one nicetas , a christian souldier , whom when the praetor could not by any torments remove from his stedfastness , he took another course with him , for he brought him into a most fragrant garden , flowing with all manner of pleasures and delights , where he laid him upon a bed of down , softly enwrapped in a net of silk , among the lillies and roses , the delicious murmure of the streams , and the sweet whistling of the leaves moved with a gentle wind , and so departed : presently in comes a beautifull strumpet , and useth all the abominable tricks of her impure art , and whorish villanies , to draw him to commit wickedness with her ; whereupon the young man fearing that he should now be conquered by folly , who was conqueror over fury , bites off a piece of his tongue with his own teeth , and spits it into the face of the whore , and so prevented the hurt of sin by the smart of his wound . at antioch , theodora , a godly virgin , refusing to sacrifice to the idols , was condemned by the judge to the stews , which sentence being executed , there were many wanton young men ready at the door to press into the house where she was , but one of the brethren , called didymus , putting on a souldiers habit , would have the first admittance , and coming in , he perswaded her to change garments with him , and so she , in the souldiers habit , escaped away , and didymus was left to the rage , and wondring of the people , when he was found a man : hereupon he was presented to the president , to whom he presently confessed the whole matter , professing himself to be a christian , and so was condemned ; which theodora hearing of , thinking to excuse him , she came , and presented her self to the judge , as the guilty party , desiring that she might be condemned , and the other excused : but the cruell judge , neither considering the vertue of the persons , nor the innocency of the cause , most inhumanely condemned them both , first to be beheaded , and then burnt , which was accordingly executed . agathon , a man at arms in alexandria , rebuking some lewd persons who scornfully used the dead bodies of the christians , was accused to the judge , and lost his head . in troada , two christians being delivered by the proconsul to the people , were first scourged , then drawn out of the city , and there troden to death . two ministers with a deacon were martyred in rome , and two noble men were brought and accused to decius for burying the dead bodies of the christians , and being by him commanded to sacrifice to the idols , and they refusing , he caused them to be cast to the wild beasts , but when they would not touch them , they were beheaded with the sword . also secundianus was accused to be a christian , which he affirming , was commanded to prison ; by the way two christians cryed to the souldiers , asking them , whether they carried the innocent man , whereupon being apprehended and examined , they confessed themselves to be christians , and were condemned ; first they were beaten with cudgels , then hung up , and tormented with the gibbet , having fire set to their sides , & lastly were beheaded : but some of their tormentors were taken with evil spirits ; others of them fell down suddenly , and died . but the number of martyrs of all ranks that suffered in this persecution was so great , that it is impossible to set them down all ; bishops , ministers , deacons , &c. young , old , men , women , &c. yet amongst this great number , some there were that fell away , as serapion an old man , that for a long time had lived a sincere and godly life , who afterwards repenting of his apostacy , desired to be re-admitted into the church , but that was not granted : shortly after he fell sick , and in it having remained dumb , and bereaved of his senses for twenty four hours , the day after , he began a little to recover , and calling his nephew to him , he said , how long , how long do you detain me here ? make haste that i may be absolved : call me hither some of the ministers , &c. and so being absolved , he presently after died . in troada , nicomachus being grievously tormented , cryed out , i am no christian ; and so being let down from the engine , he had no sooner sacrificed to the idols , but being possessed by the devil , he was thrown on the ground , where he bit off his own tongue , and immediately after died ; many others which shewed the like cowardise , were taken and tormented with wicked spirits : one was struck dumb : a maid taken with a wicked spirit , tore out her own tongue , and died with grievous torments in her belly , and inward parts : but though some did thus fall away , yet others there were , whom neither fear , nor pain could remove from their stedfastness , but they continued glorious martyrs to the end . cyprian relates a story of one of his fellow-ministers , who in the midst of his torments began to faint , being greatly afraid of death , and desired to be released : at which time there appeared to him a young man of admirable beauty , and so bright , that mans mortal eye could scarce endure to behold him , who angerly said to him , pati timetis , exire non vultis , quid faciam vobis ? to suffer you dare not , to go out you will not , what would you have me do unto you ? in this persecution there sprung up the novatian schism , which made a great disturbance in the church . this novatus being a minister under cyprian in carthage , by stirring up discord and factions , bred much trouble to the church , seeking to withdraw certain of the brethren from the bishop : and afterwards novatus going to rome , set up himself as a bishop , against cornelius , the then bishop of rome ; and to further his design , he by subtilty allured to him three or four holy men that had been confessors ; then he entised three weak bishops that lived in italy , to come to rome , and there perswaded them by imposing hands upon him , to make him bishop ; for which fact , two of them afterwards were suspended , and the third upon his repentance vvas re-admitted . novatus being thus made a bishop , grew proud , and sought by all means to with-draw the people from cornelius to himself ; yea , he made many of them to swear that they would not leave him to go to cornelius . but the holy confessors before mentioned , vvhen they perceived the crafty subtilty of novatus , left him , and much grieving for their sin , were reconciled to cornelius again . novatus held this opinion , that they which once renounced the faith , and for fear of torments had offered incense to the idols , although they repented , yet could never be re-admitted into the church of christ again . to suppress this error , there was a synod called at rome of sixty bishops , anno . who condemned it . cyprian also relates of aurelius , a godly and valiant young man , who for his constancy in the cause of christ , suffered great and many torments , and afterwards was banished . and of mappalicus , who the day before he suffered , in the midst of his torments told the proconsul ▪ videbis cras agonem , to morrow you shall see the running for a wager , and accordingly the next day being brought forth to his martyrdom , he with no less constancy then patience , endured faithfull unto the death . but decius the author of this persecution , escaped not the revenging hand of god , for warring against the goths , and being overcome by them , lest he should fall into their hands , he leaped vvith his horse into a whirlpit , where he was drowned , and his body was never found after . yea , god avenged the blood of his saints upon the whole roman empire , by sending a general plague of pestilence upon it , which continued ten years together ; and dionysius saith , that in alexandria , vvhere he vvas bishop , there vvas scarce any house clear ; and though some christians died in this plague , yet it fell most heavy upon the gentiles . the christians also in this plague shewed much brotherly love each to other , by visiting , comforting , and relieving one another . whereas the idolaters , being stricken with extream fear of the plague , none considered his neighbour , but every man shifted for himself , and of those that were infected , some they cast out of doors half dead , to be devoured of dogs and wild beasts , some they let die in their houses without all succour ; others they suffered to lie unburied , and durst not come near them , notwithstanding vvhich , the pestilence followed them whithersoever they vvent , and miserably consumed them ; so that the most part of the inhabitants were consumed by it in every country , especially in those provinces , where had been the greatest persecutions raised against the christians . after the death of decius , there succeeded gallus and volusianus in the empire , anno christi . who continued this persecution against the christians ; which fell most heavy upon the pastors and ministers of the congregations : for about this time cyprian , and many other ministers were banished : others were put into the mettal mines , to whom cyprian wrote an epistle consolatory , wherein he writes thus , wounds and scars are an ornament to a christians brest , such as bring not shame , but honoureth them before the lord ; and though in the mynes there be no beds for their bodies to rest on , yet they have rest in christ ; and though their weary bones lie on the cold ground , yet it 's no pain to lie with christ. their feet are fettered with chains , but he is bound of man , whom the lord christ doth loose ; he lies tied in the stocks , whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven ; neither can any man tie a christian so fast , but he runs so much the faster for his garland of life . they have no garments to save them from cold , but he that puts on christ is sufficiently clothed . doth bread fail to their hungry bodies ? man lives not by bread alone , but by every word that proceeds out of the mouth of god. your deformity shall be turned to honour , your mourning to joy , your pain to pleasure , and felicity infinite . and if this grieve you , that you cannot serve god in your places as formerly , yet your daily sacrifice ceaseth not , which is a contrite and humble heart ; and though your travel be great , yet shall your reward be greater ; for god beholding them which confess his name , approveth their willing minds , in their strivings helpeth them , in their victory crowneth them , rewarding that in us which he hath performed , and crowning that which he hath in us perfected . again he tells them that they are now in a joyfull journey , hasting apace to the mansions of the martyrs , there to enjoy , after darkness , durable light , and comfort above all their sufferings , &c. about the same time also , lucius bishop of rome was banished . after the death of gallus and volusianus , there succeeded valerianus , who ceased the persecution , and carried himself exceeding friendly to the christians ; so that his whole court was replenished with holy saints and servants of christ , whereby his house seemed a church of god. but the devil envying the peace of the church , by the means of an egyptian enchanter , ( who was hindred from doing his feats , by the presence of the christians ) stirred up the emperor against them , who grew to such impiety himself , that he sacrificed young infants to his idols , quartered their bodies , divided the entrails of young children new born , &c. as hereafter follows . chap. xiv . the eighth primitive persecution which began an. christi , . valerianus being seduced by the egyptian inchanter , as is before related , stirred up the eighth persecution against the church of christ ; concerning which cyprian writeth thus ; we must confess that this great calamity which hath wasted for the most part all our churches , and still dayly consumes us , ariseth chiefly from our own wickedness , while we walk not in the way of the lord , nor observe his precepts as we ought , whilst we are full of lucre , pride , emulation , dissention , void of simplicity and faithfull dealing , renouncing the world in word , but not in deed , every man pleasing himself , and displeasing others ; and therefore we are thus worthily scourged : for what stripes do we not deserve , when the confessors themselves do keep no discipline ; &c. concluding , non venissent fratribus haec mala , si in unum fraternitas fuisset animata ; these evils had not happened to the brethren , if they had joyned together in brotherly unanimity . a little before this persecution began , god by a vision revealed it to cyprian , saying to him , be quiet and of good comfort , for peace will come ; albeit a little stay there is for a while , for that some remain yet to be proved and tried , &c. the crimes and accusations that were laid to the charge of the christians , by the persecutors , were , that they refused to worship idols , and the emperors ; and that they professed the name of christ : yet besides , all the calamities and evils that happened in the world , as wars , famine , pestilence , &c. were imputed only to the christians : but cyprian and tertullian confuting those slanders , proved that the special cause of all those miseries which befell the empire , proceeded from the cruel shedding of the innocent blood of the christians . in this persecution , cyprian was at last condemned to have his head cut off , who patiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroak of the sword . also about this time , sixtus bishop of rome , with his six deacons , were accused for being christians , whereupon being brought to the place of execution , they were all beheaded . laurence also another of his deacons , following sixtus as he went to his execution , complained that he might not suffer with him , but that he was secluded , as the son from the father : to whom the bishop answered , that within three days he should follow him , bidding him in the mean time to go home , and if he had any treasures , to distribute them amongst the poor : the judge hearing mention of treasures , supposing that laurence had great store in his custody , commanded him to bring the same to him : laurence craved three days respite , promising then to declare where the treasure might be had : in the mean time he caused a good number of poor christians to be gathered together , and when the day of his answer was come , the persecutor strictly charged him to make good his promise ; then valiant laurence stretching out his arms over the poor , said , these are the precious treasures of the church , these are the treasure indeed in whom christ hath his mansion , , &c. but oh ! what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of the tyrants heart ! how he stamped , stared , ramped , and fared like one out of his wits : his eyes glowed like fire , his mouth foamed like a boar , like a hell-hound he grinded his teeth : then he cryed , kindle the fire , make no spare of wood : hath this villain deluded the emperor ? away with him , whip him with scourges , jerk him with rods , buffet him with fists , brain him with clubs : jesteth the traitor with the emperor ? pinch him with fiery tongs , gird him with burning plates , bring out the strongest chains and fire-forks , and the grate of iron , set it on the fire , bind the rebell hand and foot , and when the grate is red hot , on with him , rost him , broil him , toss him , turn him upon pain of our high displeasure , do every man his office , o ye tormentors . immediately his command was obeyed , and after many cruel handlings , this meek lamb was laid , i will not say upon a bed of fiery iron , but on a soft down-bed ; so mightily god wrought for his servant , so miraculosly did he temper this element of fire , that it was not a bed of consuming pain , but of nourishing rest unto laurence . not laurence , but the emperor seemed to be tormented , the one broiling in the flesh , the other burning in his heart : when this triumphant martyr had been pressed down with fire-forks for a great space , in the mighty spirit of god he spake to the tyrant thus ; this side is now rosted enough , turn up ▪ o tyrant great , assay , whether rosted or raw thou think'st the better meat ? by the constant confession of this worthy and valiant deacon , a roman souldier was converted to the same faith , and desired to be baptized , whereupon he was called before the judge , scourged , and afterwards beheaded . about the same time dionysius bishop of alexandria , with his three deacons , were brought before emilianus , who told them of the clemency of the emperor , and therefore required them to sacrifice to his gods , &c. to whom dionysius answered , divers men worship divers gods , but we , only that one god who is the creator of all things , making our prayers to him uncessantly for the health of the emperor , &c. then said the president , why can you not worship your own god and ours also ? dionysius replied . we worship only one god , as we have said ; the president said , i see you are ingratefull persons , and regard not the emperors clemency , therefore i banish you to cephro in lybia , and charge you that you convent no more your assemblies , nor be found out of that place at your peril , and though dionysius was sick , yet would he not grant him one days respite before his departrue . in cephro he had a great congregation , as well of those that followed him in his banishment , as of others that resorted to him out of egypt ; yea , though at first he was persecuted there , and stoned , yet afterwards a great number of the inhabitants forsook their idols , and were converted unto god by his ministry ; and having accomplished his ministry there , the lord removed him to another place . for ( saith dionysius ) emilianus translated us from thence to a sharper place of lybia , commanding us to meet all together at the city mareota ; intending to separate us into several villages , or rather to take us by the way ; when we came thither , i was commanded to colluthion , a place which i had never heard of ; yet was it some solace to me that the brethren told me it was near to the city paretonium : for as my being at cephro gat me the acquaintance of many brethren of egypt , so i hoped that the vicinity of that place to the city , might procure me the concourse of certain loving brethren from it , as it came also to pass , &c. he writeth moreover that the number of those which suffered martyrdom about that time was great , men , women , young men , maidens , old wives , souldiers , and men of all sorts and ages ; of whom some with scourgings , and fire , and some with the sword , obtained the victory , and gat the crown . neither ( saith he ) to this day doth the president cease cruelly murthering such as be brought before him , tearing some with torments , imprisoning others , and commanding that no man should come to them : yet god with the daily resort of the brethren doth comfort the afflicted . in palestine , priscus , malchus , and alexander , three godly men , seeing the valiant courage of the christians so boldly to venture , constantly to stand , and patiently to suffer in this persecution , as grieved with themselves , began to accuse their own sluggishness and cowardise , to see others so zealovs and valiant , and themselves so cold and faint-hearted , in labouring for the crown of martyrdom : whereupon , agreeing amongst themselves , they came to caesarea , and stepping to the judge , they declared themselves to be christians , and so they were sentenced , and given to the wild beasts . a certain woman also in the same place , formerly a marcionist , being brought before the president , obtained the same martyrdom . in carthage three hundred christians being brought before the president , were put to their choice , either to offer sacrifice , or to go into a lime-kiln : whereupon by mutual consent , they all chose the lime-kiln , in which , with the smoak of the lime , they were smothered . in another part of africk , three godly virgins had first vinegar and gall given them to drink , then were they scourged , then tormented upon the gibbet , and rubbed with lime , then were they scorched upon the fiery grid-iron , then cast to the wild beasts , which would not touch them , therefore lastly they were beheaded . in italy a godly man was first tormented with the rack , then cast to the wild beasts , which not hurting him , he was burned in the fire . fructuosus a bishop in spain , with his two deacons , having witnessed a good confession , were all of them burned in the fire . but this cruel emperor valerian , who thus persecuted the saints of god , shortly after felt the revenging hand of god : for in an expedition that he made against the persians , he was taken prisoner by sapores the king , who made a foot-stool of him , every time that he gat upon his horse ; and at last by the command of the king he was flaied alive , powdered with salt , and so ended his wretched life . also claudius , a president and minister of his persecutions , was possessed by the devil , and biting off his tongue in small pieces , he ended his wretched life . also there were great & terrible earth-quakes , and many commotions and rebellions in sundry parts of the empire , insomuch as galienus , the son of valerian , and his fellow emperor , began to relent towards the christians , and set forth some edicts in their favour : notwithstanding which , some there were that suffered in sundry places ; amongst whom was one marinus , a noble man , and valiant captain in caesarea , who stood for an honourable office which of right fell to him , but his competitor to prevent him , accused him to the judge to be a christian. hereupon the judge examined him of his faith , and finding that indeed he was a christian , he gave him three hours to advise and deliberate with himself ; then the bishop of the place finding that he stood doubtfull in himself what to do , took him by the hand , and led him into the church , and laid before him a sword and a new testament , bidding him take his free choice , which of them he would have . marinus immediately ran to the new testament , and chose that , and so being animated by the bishop , he presented himself boldly before the judge , by whose sentence he was beheaded . about the same time there was in caesarea , asyrius , a noble senator of rome and a christian , and whereas the gentiles in that place used to offer sacrifice by a fountain side , which sacrifice by the working of the devil , used suddenly to vanish out of their sight , to the great admiration of the deluded multitude ; asyrius pitying their miserable ignorance , came amongst them , and lifting up his eyes to heaven , prayed to god in the name of christ , that the people might no longer be thus seduced by the devil , whereupon the sacrifice was seen to swin upon the fountain , and ever after that false miracle ceased . after the death of galienus there succeeded claudius , a quiet emperor ; and after him quintilianus his brother , both which reigning nineteen years , the church enjoyed peace in their time . here place the third figure . chap. xv. the ninth primitive persecution which began an. christi , . after the death of quintillian , succeeded aurelian in the empire , who was by nature severe and rigorous , and a strict punisher of dissolute manners , so that it grew into a proverb , that he was a good physitian , saving that he gave too bitter medicines . in the beginning of his reign , he was a moderate and discreet prince , and no great disturber of the christians , whom he neither molested in their religion , nor in their councels . but afterwards , through sinister suggestions of those which were about him , his nature being before inclinable to severity , he was altered to plain tyranny , which he first shewed in the death of his own sisters son , and afterwards he raised the ninth persecution against the church of christ ; but when he was about to sign a proclamation or edict for that persecution , it pleased god that a thunderbolt fell so near him , that all men thought he had been slain , and the emperor was so terrified thereby , that he gave over his tyrannical purpose , so that he rather intended , then moved persecution . having reigned about six years , he was slain . after whose death divers other emperors succeeded , in whose time the church had peace for about the space of forty four years . during which time it did mightily increase and flourish : yea , the more the christians had suffered , the more they were honoured ; insomuch as some of the emperors did singularly favour them , preferred and made them governors of provinces . dorotheus , with his wife , children , and whole family , were accepted , and highly advanced in the emperors court. yea , gorgonius , and divers others , for their doctrine and learning , were with their princes in great estimation . the bishops were also in great favour with the rulers and presidents where they lived ; so that innumerable multitudes and congregations assembled together in every city , and there were great concourses of such as daily flocked to the publick places of prayer . but through this great prosperity , the christians , by reason of the corruption of their natures , and the temptations of satan , began to degenerate , and to grow idle and delicate , striving and contending amongst themselves , upon every occasion , with railing words bespattering one another in a despitefull manner ; bishops against bishops , and people against people , moving hatred and sedition each against other : besides , cursed hypocrisie and dissimulation increased more and more ; by reason whereof gods judgements brake forth against them , which began first to fall upon those christians which were souldiers ; but that touched the other very little , neither did they seek to appease gods wrath , nor to call for mercy , but thinking that they should escape well enough , they heaped iniquities daily more and more , one upon another . the pastors being inflamed with mutual contention each against other ; then did the lord raise up adversaries against his people , that rased their churches to the ground , burnt the sacred scriptures in the open market places , made the pastors of the church to hide themselves , and some with great shame were taken prisoners , and were mocked of their enemies , and put to open reproach . chap. xvi . the tenth primitive persecution , which began anno christi , . dioclesian and maximian having many wars , associated to themselves two caesars , galerius , who was sent into the east against the persians ; and constantius , who was sent into britain , where he married helena , the daughter of king coel ; a maiden excelling in beauty , and no less famous for her studies and learning , by whom he had constantine the great . these two emperors having obtained many victories , were so puffed up with pride , that they ordained a solemn triumph at rome . after which , dioclesian would needs be worshipped as god , saying , that he was brother to the sun and moon , and adoring his shoes with gold and precious stones , he commanded the people to kiss his feet . then also did he raise a great and grievous persecution against the church of god : and the feast of easter drawing nigh , he commanded all the churches of the christians to be spoiled , and cast down , and the books of the holy scriptures to be burnt , which was executed with all rigour and contempt that might be . then he sent forth his edicts for the displacing of all christian magistrates , and put all others out of their offices , imprisoning such of the common people as would not abjure christianity , and subscribe to the heathen idolatries . then were cruel edicts sent abroad for the imprisoning of the elders and bishops , and constraining them by sundry kinds of torments to sacrifice to the idols ; whereupon insued a great persecution against the governors of the church , amongst whom many of them manfully passed through exceeding bitter torments : some were scourged all over their bodies with whips : some with racks and tearings of their flesh , were exceedingly cruciated : some one way , others another way were put to death . some were violently drawn to the impure sacrifices , and as though they had sacrificed , when indeed they did not , were let go . others neither coming to their altars ; nor touching any piece of their sacrifice , yet were born in hand by those which stood by , that they had sacrificed ; and so being defamed by their adversaries , were let go . others as dead men were carried out , and cast away , being but half dead . some were cast down on the pavement , and trailed a great space by the legs , and the people made to believe that they had sacrificed ; others with-stood them , stoutly affirming with a loud voice , that they had not sacrificed ; withal saying , that they were christians , and glorying in the profession of that name . some cryed that they neither had , nor ever would be partakers of that idolatry , who were buffetted on the face and mouth by the souldiers , that they might hold their peace . but if the saints seemed never so little to do what their enemies would have them , they were made much of ; yet none of these devices prevailed against the constant servants of jesus christ ; but of the weaker sort , through frailty , many fell at the first brunt . when these edicts were first set up at nicomedia , a christian , a noble man born , moved with an holy zeal , ran , and took them down , and tare them in pieces , though the emperors were present in the city ; for which he was put to a most bitter death , which with great constancy and patience , he endured to the last . these furious tyrants , dioclesian in the west , and maximian in the east , raged exceedingly against the poor saints of christ. but dioclesian proceeded more subtilly , first beginning with the souldiers in his camp : to whom the marshal of the field proposed that they should either offer sacrifice , or leave their places and offices , and lay down their arms ; whereunto the christians resolutely answered , that they were not only ready to lay down their weapons , but to suffer death , if it was imposed upon them , rather then so to sin against god. in the beginning of this persecution , few were tormented , but afterwards the emperor grew to greater cruelty . it cannot be expressed what number of martyrs suffered ; what blood was shed through all cities and regions for the name of christ. in tyre certain christians were given to the most cruel wild beasts , which would not hurt them ; and the lions , bears and leopards , which were kept hungry for the purpose , would not touch them : yet did they vehemently rage against those that brought the christians into the stage , who though they stood , as they thought , without their reach , yet were they caught , and devoured by them . afterwards these martyrs were slain with the sword , and cast into the sea . silvanus , bishop of gazenses , with thirty nine more , were slain in the mettal-mynes . pamphilus of caesarea , dyed a glorious martyr . in syria , all the chief pastors were first cast into prison , together with the bishops , elders and deacons : tiranion was throwen into the sea . zenobius a physitian was slain with brickbats . at antioch two young maidens were thrown into the sea . also an aged matron , and her two beautifull daughters , being sought after , and at last found , rather then they would be drawn to do sacrifice , threw themselves head-long into a river . sylvanus bishop of emissa , with some others were thrown to the wild beasts . the christians in mesopotamia were tormented divers ways : some of them were hanged up by the feet , and with the smoak of a small fire strangled . so out-ragious was the emperor in the beginning of this persecution , that in nicomedia he slew the chiefest princes of his court , whom a little before he prized as his own children . also one peter was hoisted up naked , and so beaten , and torn with whips , that his bones might be seen ; then they poured upon him salt and vinegar , and lastly rosted him with a soft fire . dorotheus and gorgonius , men of great authority under the emperor , after divers torments were strangled with an halter . anthimus , bishop of nicomedia , with divers others , having made a good confession , were beheaded . yea , serena , the wife of dioclesian the emperor , was martyred for her religion . some others were bound hand and foot to a post , and so burnt . also many christians of all ages and sorts , being met together in a church , to celebrate the memorial of christs nativity , maximian the emperor sent some to fire the church , and burn them all ; but first they commanded a cryer to proclaim , that whosoever would have life , should come out , and sacrifice to jupiter , otherwise they should be all burnt ; then one stepping up boldly , in the name of all the rest , said , we are all christians , and believe that christ is our only god and king , and we will sacrifice to none but him ; hereupon the fire was kindled , and some thousands of men , women and children were burnt in that place . in arabia many martyrs were slain with axes . in phrygia , the emperor sent his edicts to a city , commanding them to sacrifice to the idols : but the major , and all the citizens professed themselves to be christians , whereupon the emperor made his army environ the city , and set it on fire , whereby all the inhabitants were burnt together in it . eustratius an armenian , and skilfull in the greek tongue , highly honoured and advanced by the emperor , who also had executed many christians ; beholding the marvellous constancy of the martyrs , privately learned the christian religion , burned exceedingly with a desire of martyrdom , and not staying for accusers , professed himself to be a christian , openly execrating the vanity and madness of the heathens ; being therefore apprehended , he was tied up , and bitterly beaten ; afterwards he was parched with fire put to his bowels , then basted with salt and vinegar , then scraped and bemangled with sharp cutting shels , that his whole body seemed to be but one wound , yet afterwards , through gods goodness , it was restored again whole . and lastly was he burned . in alexandria , peter the bishop , and his deacons constantly suffered martyrdom : as also many other bishops in egypt , together with many famous and excellent men , suffered about the same time . a whole legion of christian souldiers , that lay at thebes in egypt , under their christian col ▪ mauritius , because they refused to sacrifice to idols , were first tithed over by the emperours command , once , and again and afterwards , by the exhortation of mauritius , they died all together constant martyrs . the persecution raged not only in asia and africa , but also in italy , france , spain , &c. in all which countries an innumerable company of christians were martyred by sundry kindes of death . in trevers were so many christians slain , that their bloud ran like small brooks , and discoloured great rivers ; yet this sufficed not the tyrant , but he sent abroad his horsemen to command all those which had apprehended any christians , immediately to put them to death . at collen also , and in rhetia many were martyred : yea , this persecution extended into our britan , where all the christians were put to death . besides the kindes of death , the punishments were so great and horrible as no tongue is able to express : as whippings , scourgings , rackings , horrible scrapings , sword , fire , shipboats , whereinto many were put and sunk into the sea : also hanging upon crosses , binding some to the bodies of trees with their heads hanging downward , hanging others by the middle upon gallowses till they died of hunger : throwing others alive to lions , bears , leopards , wilde buls , &c. pricking others with bodkins and talons of beasts till they were almost dead . in thebaide , they hanged up women naked by one of their feet , the rest of their body hanging downwards , with many other sorts of punishments most cruell to be thought of : some were bound to the boughs of trees , and had their members torn asunder , others were mangled with axes , some choaked with smoak over a slow fire , some had their hands , ears , and feet cut off , others were scorched and broiled upon coals , yet not to death , but had the torment renued every day . in pontus the martyrs had other horible torments inflicted on them , some had their fingers-ends under the nails thrust in with bodkins : some were sprinkled all over with boiling lead , having their necessary members cut from them , others suffred most filthy and intolerable torments in their bowels , and privy members : what the outrage of this persecution was in alexandria , phileas a bishop thus writeth , because ( saith he ) every man might torment the holy martyrs as he listed , some beat them with cudgels , some with rods , some with whips , some with thonges , some with cords , some having there hands bound behind them were lifted upon timber-logs , and with certaine instruments had their members and joints stretched out , where their bodies hanging , were subjected to the will of the tormentors , who were commanded to afflict them with all manner of torments : on their sides , bellies , thighs , legges , they scratched them with the claws of wilde beasts : some were hanged but by on hand one the engine , that they might feel the more grievous pulling out of the rest of their members : some were bound to pillars , having no stay under their feet , that w●th the weight of their bodies being drawn out , they might feel the greater torment : and these torments endured all day long ; the judge commanding that they should not be let down , till either by the extremity of torment , or by the cold , they were near death ; and then they were let down , and haled upon the ground . they devised also another greater torment , for when the christians were lamentably beaten , they had a new kinde of rack , wherein they lying upright , were stretched by both the feet above the fourth hole , with sharp shels strawed under them . others were cast down upon the pavement , where they had so many torments inflicted upon them , that their sufferings cannot be imagined what they were : in the midst of which torments some died , their enemies being confounded with their singular patience . some half dead were thrust into prisons , where , with their wounds and pain they ended their lives : others being cured of their wounds , were again put to their choice ; whether they would sacrifice to the idols , and have their liberty , or have the sentence of death pass upon them , who did willingly chuse death for christs sake , rather then to sin against him . in nicomedia , a christian pulling down , and tearing the emperors edict , was stript and beaten till the bones appeared , and then washed in salt and vinegar , under which torments he died . yet notwithstanding the horribleness of these tortures , the christian martyrs were so farre from being dismaied , that they were confirmed and strengthned thereby , merrily and joyfully undergoing whatsoever was inflicted upon them . eusebius saith , that himself saw the cruel persecution in thebade , where the swords of the persecutors were blunted with the great slaughter of the christians , and they sat down with weariness to rest them , whilest others took their places . yet still the christians shewed their willingness , and with courage , joy and smiling , received their sent●nce of death from the judge , and to the last gasp , sang psalms and hymns of praise to god. in alexandria the holy martyrs led with the love of better rewards , did not only bear the menaces of the cruel souldiers , wherewith they threatned them , but also whatsoever torments they could devise for their destruction : yea saith sulpitius ; then the christians with more greedy desire pressed and sought for maryrdom , then now they do for bishopricks . yet some through infirmity in this persecution fell back , for which they were excommunicated by the church . damasus and others witness , that there were slain in thirty daies , seventeen thousand persons , besides a great number that were condemned to the metall-mines and quarries , with the like cruelty . in alexandria were slain with axes three hundred : at collen three hundred . mauritius with his christian legion , six thousand six hundred sixty six , whose story , deserving perpetually to be remembred , is this : maximian sent for his mauritius with his legion of thebane souldiers , under a pretence of imploying them against his enemies : when they came to rome , marcellus , the blessed bishop , laboured to confirm them in the truth , to whom they promised perseverance in the faith unto the death . then they followed they imperial army into france , and when they were cowe thither , maximian offered sacrifice to the devils , and called all his souldiers to the same , strictly charging them to fight against his enemies , and against the christians which were enemies to his gods . these christian thebans resolved rather to die ▪ then to sacrifice , or to bear arms against the christians , wherewith the tyrant being enraged , commanded every tenth man of the legion to be put to the sword , hereupon they strove who should submit their necks to the stroke . mauritius encouraged them greatly hereunto , and being called before the emperour , he said ; wee , o emperour , your souldiers , and yet the servants of god , owe thee service of war , but to him innocency ; of thee we receive wages , but of him life ; therefore we cannot obey thee to deny god our lord and yours also , will ye nil ye : we are ready to obey you , if you enforce us not to disobey him : otherwise we will rather obey him then you : we offer here our hands against any other enemies , but to defile our hands with the bloud of innocents , we may not : these hands of ours have ●kil to fight against wicked enemies , but not to murther godly friends , &c. we have engaged our faith to god , we cannot be true to you , if we break covenant with him , &c. we see our brethren and fellows in arms , cruelly put to the sword , which we rejoyce in , that they have been counted worthy to suffer for christs sake , &c. behold here we cast down our weapons , and had rather to be killed , then to kill , and to die guiltlesse then to live guilty : we are ready to suffer what more you shall appoint , yea b●th fire , sword , or any other torments . we confesse our selves , to be christians , wee cannot persecute christians , nor sacrifice to your devillish idols . the emperour being highly incensed with this answer commanded the second time the tenth man to be slain , which being accomplished , when the christian souldiers would not yet condescend to his minde , he set upon them with his whole host , both of foot and horse , charging them to kill them all ; the christians made no resistance , but throwing down their arms , offered their naked necks to the persecutors , and so were all slain . at that time , one victor , an old souldier , that for his age was dismissed , coming to the army , as they were banquetting and making merry with the spoils of the martyrs , was bidden to sit down with them , but he asked them what was the cause of there mirth , and understanding the trut● , he detested them , and refused to eat with them ; and being thereupon demanded whether he were a christian ? he answered that he was and ever would be . then they rushed upon him ; and made him partaker , of the lik martyrdom and honour . when dioclesian and maximian , notwithstanding all the slaughter which they made , saw the number of christians rather increased then diminished , so that they were out of all hope of utter rooting them out , and having now even their fill of blood , they ceased at last of their own accord from putting any more christians to death : yet of a great multitude , they thrust out their right eies , and maimed their right legs at the ham , with a searing iron , condemning them to the metal-mynes , not so much for their labour , as desirous to afflict them thereby : and so having raigned together about one and twenty years , dioclesian divested himself of the imperial dignity , and lived a private life , and the like did maximian also , resigning the empire to galerius maximinus , and constantius . maximinus was of a cruel nature , a great enchanter , vicious in his life , and a great enemy to the christians , and therefore continued the persecution of them , yet at length was revoked from his cruelty by the just judgement of god upon him ; for he was suddenly taken with an horrible and filthy disease , which first began outwardly in his flesh : and then proceeded more inwardly : his privy members putrified with a botchy corrupt boil , and a fistula consuming , and eating up his entrails , whence swarmed forth an innumerable company of lice , with such a pestiferous stink , that no man could abide him ; he being also very gross , his fat putrified , and stank intollerably ; and because his physitians could not abide the stink , he commanded them to be slain : others of them , because they could not cure his incurable disease , he put them to cruel deaths . at last being told that his disease came from god , he began to bethink himself of all the cruelty which he had shewed to the saints , confessed his offences to god , and gave command that the persecution against the christians should cease ; requiring his officers likewise to re-edifie their temples , and requesting them to pray to their god for him . this edict much comforted and refreshed the christians , who thereupon gathered together in every city , called their synods and councels ; yea , the infidels themselves extolled and magnified the true god of the christians . but this tyrant maximinus scarce suffered this peace to continue six moneths together , but again he forbad the christians to meet , and privately stirred up the athenians to petition him that none of them might be suffered to live in their city : also a conjurer in athens made an image of jupiter , which uttered these words , jupiter commandeth the christians to be banished out of this city and suburbs , because they are enemies to him . also certain harlots were suborned to say , that they formerly were christians , and privy to the wicked and lascivious acts which they exercised amongst themselves , upon sabbath daies , &c. and thereupon the emperor commanded that they should put them to death by all means possible . then did the persecution grow as great as ever it was , and the governors of every province fell upon the christians ▪ banishing some , and putting others to death . silvanus bishop of emissa , a very old man , and three others with him , were condemned to death . so was lucianus , an elder at antioch . at alexandria , peter the bishop was beheaded . quirinus bishop of scescanus had an hand-mill tied about his neck , and was thrown head-long into a river : where yet he floted a great while , exhorting the lookers on not to be dismaid with his punishment , and so with much ado , was at last drowned . at rome , many bishops , ministers and elders were put to death . in sundry other places very many others suffered martyrdom with fire , wild beasts , drowning in the sea , &c. some were crucified , some were slain with the sword ; some endured the cutting and burning of their members ; some had their eyes thrust out ; some were starved in prisons , and whatsoever other cruelty the magistrates could devise ; all which the people of god endured , rather then they would offer sacrifice to the idols . the like miseries did the women also endure , for being inticed to the filthy use of their bodies , some rather chose banishment , and others to prevent it , killed themselves . neither could christians live safely in the wilderness , but even from thence they were drawn to torments and death . and whereas the tyrant in his edict had boasted of the plenty and prosperity of all things in the time of his persecuting of the saints , god to confute him , presently sent great drought , famine and pestilence , besides the wars with the armenians ; by which calamities , the people were miserably wasted ; corn was sold at an unreasonable rate , so that exceeding great multitudes died of hunger in the cities , but far more in the villages ; most part of the husband-men dying of famine and the pestilence . divers brought out their best treasure , and gave it for any kind of sustenance , though never so little . others having sold their possessions for food , fell into extream misery : some did eat grass , others fed upon unwholsom herbs , whereby they hurt and poisoned their bodies : many women were driven to leave the cities , and beg up and down through the countrey : some through faintness fell down in the streets , and holding up their hands , cryed miserably for some scraps or fragments of bread , being ready to give up the ghost ; and being able to say no more , they cryed , hungry , hungry . some of the richer sort being tired with serving such multitudes of beggers , began to grow hard-hearted , fearing lest themselves should fall into the like misery : by reason whereof the market-places , streets , and lanes , lay full of dead corpses , and naked bodies were cast out unburied , many of which were devoured by dogs , whereupon they which lived , fell to killing of the dogs , lest running mad , they should fall upon them , and kill them . the pestilence also scattering through all houses , killed very many , especially those of the richer sort , which escaped the famine , whereby innumerable magistrates , princes and presidents were quickly dispatched , so that all places were filled with mourning , and nothing was seen or heard but weeping and wailing every where . death so reigned in every family , that two or three dead bodies were carried out of one house together . but notwithstanding that these miscreants had been so cruel to them , yet the christians were very diligent and charitable to them in all their extremities , travelling every day , some in curing the sick ; some in burying of their dead ; others called the multitude together , which were ready to famish , and distributed bread unto them , whereby they occasioned them to glorifie the god of the christians , and con●essed them to be the true worshippers of god , as appeared by their works : and hereby the lord wrought wonderfully for the peace of his church , for after he had corrected them , he again shewed th●m mercy . constantine succeeding his father , overcame maxentius the tyrant in rome , and he together with licinius set forth edicts in favour of the christians : see constantines life in my second part of lives . yet maximinus continued his persecution in the east , whereupon constantine and licinius wrote to him to favour the christians , and he finding that he was too weak to encounter with them , sent forth his edicts to stop the persecution : yet afterwards he picked new quarrels with them , and began to persecute them again : whereupon licinius went against him , and overthrew him in a battell : then did maximinus kill many of his enchanters and conjurers that had encouraged him , and promised him victory . shortly after the lord striking him with a grievous disease , he glorified the god of the christians , and made a law for the safety and preservation of them : yet not long after by the vehemency of his disease , he ended his life . licinius , that for a long time had pretended to the christian religion , and lived in great familiarity with constantine , who had given him his sister constantia to be his wife , began afterwards to discover his hypocrisie , and the wickednesse of his nature , secretly conspiring the death of constantine : but the lord discovering and preventing his conspiracies , he then fell out with him , and manifested his hatred of the christian religion , being puffed up with the victory that he had got against maximinus . he quarrelled with the christians , because as he said , they praied not for him , but for constantine : and thereupon he first banished them all from his court : then he deprived all the knights of their honourable order , except they would sacrifice to devils : then he commanded that the bishops should have no meetings to consult about their ecclesiastical affairs : nor that any christians should come to the churches , or hold any assemblies : then that men and women should not meet together to pray , that women should not hear the bishops , but chuse out women to instruct them : then that none should help or succour those that were in prison , nor should bestow any alms upon them , though they should die for hunger , and that they which shewed any compassion to those which were condemned to death , should suffer the like punishment themselves ; then he persecuted the bishops , and slew those which were the most eminent of them : the flattering officers also which were about him , thinking to please him thereby , slew many bishops without any cause : yea many of their bodies they cut into gobbets , and threw them in to the sea to feed fishes : some were banished , others had their goods confiscated ; many noblemen and gentlemen were privily made away : and licinius gave their unmarried daughters to wicked varlets to be defloured , himself also violated many women , both wives and maidens . this cruelty made many godly persons voluntarily to forsake their houses , and to live in woods , mountains , and desarts : he caused theodorus to be hanged upon a crosse , to have nails thrust into his arm-pits , and afterwards to be beheaded : divers other bishops had their hands cut off with a fearing iron . in sebastia fourty christian souldiers in the vehement cold winter were cast into an horse-pond , where they ended their lives : the wives of these fourty men were carried to heraclea , where , together with a deacon of that place , after they had suffered innumerable torments , they were slain with the sword . constantine being informed of all this wickednesse , raised an army , went against him , overcame him twice , and at last caused him to be put to death , as you may see in constantines life in my second part : whereby the church obtained a generall peace . yet in this tenth persecution many other eminent christians suffered martryrdom , besides those before-named . galerius in his time invaded antioch , intending to force all christians to renounce christ , at what time they were assembled together , whereupon one romanus ran to them , declaring that the wolves were at hand , which would devour them , yet he exhorted them not to fear by reason of the perill ; and , through gods grace , the christians were greatly encouraged by him , so that old men and matrons , fathers , mothers , young men and maidens were all of one minde , being willing to shed their bloud in defence of their profession : a band of armed men were sent against them , which were not able to wrest the staff of faith out of their hands : hereupon they sent word to their captain , that they could not inforce the christians to deny their faith , by reason of romanus who did so mightily encourage them : then did the captain command that he should be brought before him , which was done accordingly ; what ( saith the captain ) art thou the author of this sedition ? art thou the cause that so many lose there lives ? by the gods i swear thou shalt answer for them all , and shalt suffer those torments that thou encouragest them to undergo ; romanus answered , thy sentence , o emperour , i willingly embrace , i refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren , and that by as cruel torments as thou canst invent . &c. the captain being much enraged with this his stout answer , commanded him to be trussed up , and his bowels drawn out , whereupon the executioners said , not so sir , this man is of noble parentage , and therefore he may not be put to so ignoble a death : scourge him then ( quoth the captain ) with whips with knobs of lead at the ends : but romanus sang psalms all the time of his whipping , requiring them not to favour him for nobilities sake ; not the bloud of progenitors , ( saith he ) but the christian profession makes me noble : then did he earnestly inveigh against the captain , and derided their idoll gods , &c. but this further enraged the tyrant , so that he commanded his sides to be lanced with knives , till the bones were laid open : yet still did the holy martyr preach the living god , and the lord jesus christ to him : then did the tyrant command them to strike out his teeth , that his speech might be hindered ; also his face was buffeted , his eye-lids torn with their nails , his cheeks gashed with knives , the skin of his beard pulled off by litle and little , &c. yet the meek martyr said , i thank thee o captain , that thou hast opened to me so many mouths as wounds , whereby i may preach my lord and saviour jesus christ : look how many wounds i have , so many mouths i have , lauding and praising god : the captain astonished at his constancy , bad them give over tormenting him : yet he threatned to burn him , reviled him , and blasphemed god , saying , thy crucified christ is but a yesterdaies god , the gods of the gentiles are of greatest antiquity : but romanus taking occasion from hence , declared to him the eternity of christ , &c. withall saying , give me a child of seven years old , and thou shalt hear what he will say ; hereupon a pretty boy was called out of the multitude , to whom romanus said , tell me my pretty babe , whether thou think it reason that we worship christ , and in christ one father , or else that we worship infinite gods ? the child answered , that certainly what we affirm to be god must needs be one , which with one , is one and the same ; and inasmuch as this one is christ , of necessity christ must be the true god : for that there be many gods , we children cannot beleeve : the captain amazed at this , said , thou young villain and traitor , where , and of whom learnedst thou this lesson ? of my mother , said he , with whose milk i sucked in this lesson , that i must believe in christ : the mother was called , and she gladly appeared : the tyrant commanded the child to be horsed up , and scourged : the standers by beholding this mercilesse act , could not refrain from tears ; the joyfull and glad mother alone stood by with dry cheeks , yea , she rebuked her sweet babe , for desiring a cup of cold water , charging him to thirst after the cup that the babes of bethlem once drunk of ; she willed him to remember little isaac , who willingly proferred his neck to the ●int of his fathers sword , &c. then did the cruell tormentor pull off the skin , hair and all from the crown of the childes head : the mother crying , suffer my child , anon thou shalt passe to him that will adorn thy head with a crown of eternall glory : thus the mother councelleth and encourageth , the childe is encouraged , and receiveth the stripes with a smiling countenance . the captain seeing the childe invincible , and himself vanquished , commands him to be cast into the stinking prison , whilest the torments of romanus were renewed and encreased : then was romanus brought forth again , to receive new stripes upon his old sores , the flesh being torn , and the bare bones appearing : yet the cruell tyrant raging like a mad man , quarelling with the tormentors for dealing so mildely with him , commanding them to cut , prick , and pounce him : and then he passed sentence upon him , together with the childe to be burned to death : to whom romanus said , i appeal from this unjust sentence of thine to the righteous throne of christ , that upright judge , not because i fear thy cruell torments , and mercilesse handling , but that thy judgements may be known to be cruell and bloudy . when they came to the place of execution , the tormentors required the childe of his mother , for she had carried it in her arms from the prison ; she kissing it , delivered it to them , and as the executioner was striking off his head , she said , farewell my sweet childe : all laud and praise , with heart and voice , o lord we yeeld to thee : to whome the death of all thy saints , we know most dear to be . the childes head being cut off , the mother wrapt it in her garment , laid it to her brest , and so departed . then was romanus cast into a mighty fire , which being quenched with a great storm , the tyrant commanded his tongue to be cut out , and afterwards caused him to be strangled in the prison . gordius , a centurion in caesarea , in the heat of this persecution , left his charge , living a solitary life in a wilderness for a long time : at last when a solemn feast was celebrated to mars in that city , and multitudes of people were assembled in the theatre ▪ to see the games , he came , and gat up into a conspicuous place , and with a loud voice said , behold , i am found of those which sought me not , &c. the multitude hereupon looked about to see who it was that spake this , and gordius being known , he was immediatly brought before the sheriff , and being asked who , and what he was , and why he came thither ? he told him the whole truth , professing that he believed in christ , valued not their threatnings , and chose this as a fit time to manifest his profession in : then did the sheriff call for scourges , gibbets , and all manner of torments : to whom gordius answered , that it would be a losse and damage to him , if he did not suffer divers torments and punishments for christ and his cause : the sheriff more incensed hereby , commanded all those torments to be inflicted on him : with which gordius could not be overcome , but sang , the lord is my helper , i will not fear what man can do unto me : and i will fear no evill , because thou lord art with me , &c. then did he blame the tormentors for favouring him ; provoking them to do their uttermost : then the sheriff not prevaling that way , sought by flattery to seduce him , promising him preferment , riches , treasures , honour , &c. if he would deny christ : but gordius derided his foolish madness , saying , that he looked for greater preferment in heaven , then he could give him here upon earth : then was he condemned , and had out of the city to be burnt : multitudes followed him , and some kissing him , with tears entreated him to pity himself , to whom he answered , weep not i pray you for me , but for the enemies of god , which fight against the christians ; weep i say for them which prepare a fire for us , purchasing hell-fire thereby for themselves in the day of vengeance : and cease i pray you thus to molest my quiet and setled mind : for truly for the name of christ i am ready to suffer a thousand deaths , &c. others perswaded him to deny christ with his mouth , and to keep his conscience to himself ▪ my tongue ( saith he ) which by gods goodnesse i have , cannot be brought to deny the author and giver of the same ; for with the heart we beleeve unto righteousnesse , and with the tongue we confesse unto salvation : and thus perswading and encouraging the people to be willing to die in the like cause , with an unappalled countenance , he willingly gave himself to be burnt . also menas an egyptian , and a souldier by profession , in this persecution , forsook all , and went into a desart , where he gave himself to fasting , prayer , meditation , and reading of the scriptures : at last returning into the city of cotis , when the people were at their pastimes , he with a loud voice proclaimed himself to be a christian , and thereupon was carried before the president , and being demanded of his faith , he said , convenient it is that i confesse god in whom is light , and no darknesse ; for with the heart we beleeve to righteousnesse , and with the mouth confession is made to salvation : then was he pinched and excruciated with sundry torments : but ( said he ) there is nothing in my minde that can be compared to the kingdom of heaven , neither is all the world , if it were weighed in a balance , comparable to the price of one soul ; and further said , who can separate us from the love of christ ? can tribulation , or anguish ? &c. and again , i have learned of my lord christ not to feare them that can kill the body , and have no power to kill the soul , &c. having endured manifold torments , he received the sentence of death , and at the place of execution , he said , i give thee thanks , my lord god , which hast accepted me to be a partaker of thy precious death , and hast not suffered me to be devoured of my fierce enemies , but hast made me constant in thy true faith unto the end : and so he lost hi● head , but found a crown . basil relates a story , that the emperours officer brought the edict against the christians to a place to be published , and then privily suborned some to detect and accuse the christians : then he caused the sword , gibbet , wheel , and whips to be brought forth , at the sight whereof the hearts of all the beholders did shake and tremble : some for fear fled , others stood in doubt what to do : some again for fear denied their faith , others suffered cruell torments , but at last vanquished by the intollerable pain , they made shipwrack of their consciences , and lost the glory of their confession . amongst others , fourty young gentlemen that were souldiers , freely and boldly confessed themselves to be christians , declaring to the marshall their names , who amazed at this their boldnesse , stood in doubt what to do : then he assaied with fair words and flatteries to win them , perswading them to consider their youth , and not to change a pleasant life for a painfull and untimely death , promising them honour , money , &c. but they boldly answered , that they neither desired , money , honour , nor life , but only the celestiall kingdom of christ , for the love of which they were ready to endure the wheel , crosse , fire , &c. the marshall being much offended herewith , devised a new torment ; for spying a pond in the street that did lie open to the northen winde , it being in the cold winter time , he caused them to be put into it all night ; but they being merry , comforted one another as they put off their clothes , saying , we put not off now our cloths , but our old man , corrupt with the deceit of concupiscence , for which we blesse and praise god : for by meanes of the serpent we once put on the old man , but by the means of jesus christ we now put him off : and being brought naked to the place , where they felt the vehement cold , they were put into the pond , so that all their members were stark and stiffe with it : and as soon as it was day , they hauing breath yet remaining in them , were brought to the fire , wherein they were consumed into ashes , which ashes were thrown into the floud . it happened that one of the company being more lively , and not so near death as the rest , the executioners pitied him , and delivered him to his mother who stood by , to save his life : but she led him to the piles of wood where the other starved creatures lay ready to be burnt , admonishing him to accomplish the blessed journey he had taken in hand , which accordingly he did , and was burnt with his companions . syrus a physician of alexandria , in this persecution fled into syria , where he lived a private life , unto whom one john a souldier adjoined himlelf : but not long after one athanasia with her three daughters , being virgins , were cast into prison at canope in egypt for the profession of their faith : cyrus being of their acquaintance , fearing lest through infirmity they should fall , he together with his partner john went thither to the prison to comfort and confirm them , for which he was accused to the president , who thereupon condemned them all , and so they were beheaded . sebastian also borne in france , and captain of the avaunt-guard of the emperour , encouraged many martyrs by his exhortations unto constancy , and kept them in the faith , for which being accused to the emperour , he caused him to be brought forth into the open field , where by his own souldiers he was thrust through with arrows . basil also maketh mention of one barlaam , who having endured all sorts of tortures to the point of death , was then by the tormentors laid upon the altar , and they put fire and frankincense in his right hand , hoping that the burning of the fire would have forced him to scatter the incense upon the altar , and so to have sacrificed : but his hand , enduring the fire , remained steady , the martyr in the mean time singing , blessed be the lord my god which teacheth my hands to fight , &c. ambrose mentioneth one agricola and vitalis his servant , who agreed betwixt themselves , to give their lives , with other martyrs , for the name of christ ; vitalis first offering himself to martyrdom , the persecutors laboured by all means to draw him to deny christ , but not prevailing , they exercised upon him all sorts of torments , so that he had no whole skin left on all his body : vitalis in the midst of his sufferings , having by prayer commended himself to god , gave up the ghost . then was agricola set upon by the tormentors , whose vertuous life and gentle conditions , had won him such respect , that they delayed tormenting of him , but he provoking them to make quicker speed , they fastened him to the crosse , where he finished his martyrdom . augustine writes of one vincentius a spaniard , who by dacianus the president was first laid upon the rack , till all the joints of his body crackt , then were all his members slasht and indented with deadly wounds ; then they miserably scratched all his body with iron combs , filed very sharp ; then they laid his body , being all out of joint , upon an iron grate , opened it with iron hooks , seared it with fiery plates , and then besprinkled it with hot burning salt : lastly they drew him , and cast him into a vile dungeon , the floore whereof was thick-spread with the sharpest shels , his feet were fast locked in the stocks , and so left him without all wordly comfort ; but the lord his god was with him , the holy spirit of god , whose office it is to comfort the afflicted , filled his heart with joy unspeakable ; so that he there ended his life with much comfort . also procopius in palestine , after his conversion , brake his images of gold and silver , and distributed them amongst the poor ; whereupon he had all sorts of torments inflicted on him , racking , cording , tearing of his flesh , firing , goring , stabbing , and lastly had his head cut off . george , a young man of cappadocia , stoutly inveighing against the impious idolatry of the emperor , was apprehended , torn with hooked irons , burnt with hot lime , stretched out with cords , after had his hands and feet cut off , and lastly was beheaded . hermogenes the president of athens , being converted by beholding the patience and constancy of two martyrs in their torments , suffered himself for the same faith . in portugall a noble virgin named eulalia , not much above twelve years old , had profers of great marriages made unto her , but she seeing the f●rious rage of this persecution , had a great minde to join her self to the number of the martyrs , for which end she poured out her heart in prayer to god for strength and faith to enable her thereunto : but her godly parents fearing that her ready minde to die for christs cause , might make her guilty of her own death , they kept her close at their country-house , a great way from the city ; there she lived quietly for a while ; but at last , detesting to make such dealy , she stole out of her fathers house in the night , and travelled all alone through by-waies , with much difficulty and wearinesse towards the city , whither she came in the morning , and going before the judge ▪ she with a loud voice said , i pray you , what a shame is it for you thus wickedly to kill mens souls , and to breake their bodies in pieces , to compell them to deny the omnipotent god ? would you know what i am ? i am a christian , and an enemy to your devilish sacrifices , i spurn your idols under my feet , i confesse god omnipotent with my heart and mouth , &c. go to therefore thou hangman , burne , cut and mangle these my earthly members ; thou maist easily break a brittle substance , but thou canst not hurt my inward minde by any thing thou canst doe . the judge enraged herewith , said to the hangman , take her and pull her out by the hair of her head to torments , let her feel the power of our gods , and know what we can do : but yet , o sturdy girl , i would fain have thee , before thou diest , to revoke thy wickednesse : remember the honourable house of which thou art come , and thy friends tears ; wilt thou kill thy self in the flower of thy youth , so near honourable marriages ? doth not the glistering pomp of the bride-bed move thee &c. behold here the engines prepared for thy death ; either thou shalt be beheaded with the sword , or torn with wilde beasts , or consumed with fire to ashes , &c. yet this thou maiest escape if thou wilt ; what greate matter is it for thee , with thy fingers to put a little incense into the censers ? yet thereby thou shalt be delivered . to this eulalia answered not , being in a great passion , but spit in the tyrants face , and spurned abroad the heap of inc●nse . whereupon without further delay , the hangmen with both their strengths pulled out her joints , scratched her with the talons of wilde beasts to the hard bones , she singing and praising god in the mean time ; saying , beh●ld o lord , i will not forget thee : what a pleasure is it for them , o christ , that remember thy triumphant victories , to ataine to these high dignities ! &c. yea , when as out of a warm fountain , her fair and white skin was discoloured with the purple bloud that flowed from her torn members , she wept not , but chearfully sang praises unto god ; then they gored her mangled body with the iron grate , terribly harrowed her flesh , and burned her brest with flaming torches , then setting fire to her long hair , which covered her naked body , when it came to her face , she opened her mouth , and sucked in the flame , and so peaceably slept in the lord. also agnes a young virgin being accused for a christian , was brought before the judge , who first laboured by flatteries , then by threatning her with cruell torments , to draw her to the deniall of her faith ; but she being strengthened by christ , told him that she feared not his torments , which she was willing to undergo , yea and death it self for christs sake ; then said the judge , if it be so easie with thee to undergo torments , yet i know that thou prizest thy virginity therefore it is fully determined , that except thou sacrificest to the gods , thou shalt be put into the common stews . then did many youths flock together , craving that agnes might be exposed as a prey to there filthy lusts , to whom she said , christ is not forgetfull of those that are his , neither will he leave me destitute of his help , nor suffer my unspotted chastity to be defiled by you , &c. you shall willingly bathe your swords in my blood , but you shall not defile my body with filthy lust for any thing that you can do . then the judge commanded that she should be ●et naked at the corner of a street ; whereupon the multitude sorrowed , and were ashamed to see so shamelesse a sight , turning away their face , and so departing , but one amongst the rest looking upon her in a shamelesse manner , behold a flame of fire , like a flash of lightining struck out both his eies , and he falling down wallowed in the kennell dirt , whereupon agnes sang praises unto god. then the cruel tyrant enraged hereby , commanded the executioner to draw out his sword , and dispatch her : she seeing a sturdy souldier coming towards her with a naked sword , rejoyced saying , this , o this is he that i love , i will make hast to meet him ; and no longer protract my longing desires ; i well willingly receive the length of his sword into my breast : o eternall father , vouchsafe to open the gates of heaven to my soul that seeketh thee ; and so kneeling down , and praying unto christ , the executioner with his bloudy hand , finished her hope . basil in one of his orations , relates a story of one jullitta , from whom one of the emperours officers tooke all her goods , lands and servants , contrary to all equity ; whereupon she complained to the judges , and a day of hearing was appointed , where the spoiled woman lamentably declared her cause : but the wicked villain that had robbed her , said that her action was of no force , for she was an outlaw , for not observing the emperours gods , and that she was a christian : his allegation was allowed , incense was prepared for her to offer to the gods , which if she refused , she should neither have protection nor benefit of the emperours laws , nor continue her life . she hearing this , in the mighty strength of god , said , farewell riches , welcome pouerty , farewell life , welcome death ▪ all that i have were it a thousand times more , would i lose , rather then speak one wicked word against god my creator . i yield thee most hearty thanks , o my god , for this gift of grace , that i can contemn and despise this frail and transitory world , esteeming the profession of christ above all treasures : and thenceforth when any question was proposed to her , her answer was , i am the servant of jesus christ. her kindred and friends earnestly sollicited her to change her minde , but she constantly refused , with detestation of their idolatry . then did the cruel judge condemn her to be burnt , which sentence she embraced joyfully , as a thing most sweet and delectable ; and so she addressed her self to the flames , in countenance , gesture and words , declaring the joy of her heart , coupled with singular constancy , and so embracing the fire , she sweetly slept in the lotd . barbara a noble woman in thuscia , after miserable imprisonment , sharp cords , and burning flames put to her sides , was as last beheaded , together with many others . here place the fourth figure . chap. xvii . the persecution of the christians in persia , under sapores , about the same time . the idolatrous magicians in persia , taking counsell together against the christians , accused them to sapores for keeping correspondence with , and favoring the roman emperour , which was constantine the great . the king being much moved herewith , took occasion to oppress them with taxes and tributes , to their utter undoing , and killed there ministers with the sword . then he called before him simeon their bishop , who remaining constant and valiant , he commanded him to be led forth to torment , yet did he neither shrink for fear , nor make any humble suit for pardon , which the king being offended at , required him either to worship him after the countrey manner , or else he would destroy him and all other christians in his land : but simeon , neither allured with promises , nor terrified with threatnings , could be induced to the idolatrous worship , for which cause he was sent away to prison , and as he was going , there was sitting at the court-gate an eunuch , an old tutor of the kings , named usthazares , once a christian , but now fallen from his profession , who seeing simeon led by , rose up and did him reverence ; simeon on the contrary , rebuked him , crying out against him for revolting from his profession : whereupon , the eunuch burst forth into tears , layd aside his costly apparell , and put on black mourning weeds , and sitting at the court-gate weeping , he said to himself , wo is me , with what face hereafter shall i look upon god , seeing simeon disdaineth with one gentle word to salute me ? this being carried to the kings ears , he was exceeding angry , and sending for him , he first with gentle words and large promises , spake him fair , and asked him why he mourned ? whether there was any thing in his house that was denied him ? &c. whereunto usthazares answered , that there was nothing in that earthly house that was detained from him : yea ▪ said he , o king , would god any other grief or calamity in the world had happened to me , rather then this for which i justly sorrow : for this is my grief , that i am alive this day , who should have died long since , and that i see this sun , which dissemblingly , to pleasure you , i have seemed to worship , for which i have deserved a double death : first for dissembling with you ; secondly for that thereby i have denied christ : withall vowing that he would never hereafter forsake the creator to worship the creature , &c. sapores was much astonished hereat , and doubted whether to use him gently or with rigour , but at last in his mood ; he commanded him to be beheaded : but as he was going to execution , he requested an eunuch that attended on the king , to desire him for all the old and faithfull service that he had done to his father and him , that he would cause it to be proclaimed openly at his death , that he was beheaded , not for any treachery against the king or realm , but for that he was a christian , and would not deny his god ; this the king yielded to , and so it was performed ; and this he desired , because by his former apostacy he dad discouraged many christians , and therefore he sought by his profession and example to encourage them to the like sufferings . simeon in prison hearing of his death , much rejoyced and praised god for it , and the very next day , he , with above an hundred more christians were beheaded likewise . there was present at their martyrdom one pusices an officer to the king , who beholding an aged minister to tremble when he saw the others beheaded before him , said unto him , o father ! shut thine eys for a little moment , and be strong , and shortly thou shallt see god in glory . hereupon pusices was apprehended , and carried before the king , in whose presence he made a bold confession of his faith , for which cause they made a hole in his neck , and pulled out his tongue backward , and so he was put to death , together with one of his daughters that was a virgin . the year after , when the christians were met together to celebrate the memoriall of christs passion , sapores sent forth a cruel edict , that all they should be put to death that professed the name of christ ; and this he did at the instigation of the wi●ked magicians , whereupon an innumerable company of christians , both in cities and towns were slain by the sword , some being sought for , others offering themselves willingly least they should seem to deny christ : in this persecution many of the kings own court and houshold-servants suffered martyrdom ; amongst whom was azades , an eunuch , whom the king entirely loved , insomuch as hearing that he was slain , he was so offended and grieved , that he commanded that thenceforth no more christians should be slain , but only the doctors and teachers of the church . about this time the queen fell very sick , upon which occasion the wicked jews and magicians accused two of simeons sisters , which were godly virgins , that by charms and enchantments they had procured her sickness to revenge the death of simeon : this accusation being beleived , they were both condemned , and with a saw cut in sunder by the middle , whose quarters were hung upon stakes , the queen going betwixt them , thinking thereby to be freed of her sickness . then ensued a great persecution against the bishops and ministers , who were daily dragged forth to the slaughter ; but first they cruelly scourged them , and put them to other great torments , because they would not worship the sun. miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters under this sapores , of bishops , ministers , deacons , and other religious men and holy virgins , so that the persians themselves reckon up above sixteen thousand men and women that suffered martyrdom . the report of the miserable condition of the christians coming to the ears of constantine the great , put the good emperour into great heaviness , who studying how to relieve them , it so fell out , that about that time there came ambassadors to him to rome , from sapores , whom he entertained courteously , and granted all their requests , and then by them wrote his letters to sapores in the behalf of the christians , whereby he did something mitigate the heat of the persian persecution : yet afterwards it was renewed again : at which time suffered andas the bishop , and hormisda a noble mans son of great reputation amongst the persians , whom when the king understood to be a christian , and resolute in his profession , he condemned him to keep his elephants naked : afterwards the king looking out , and seeing him all swart , and tanned with the sun , he commanded that a shirt should be put upon him , and that he should be brought before him ; then did the king ask him if he would yet deny christ ? hormisda hearing this , tare off his shirt , and cast it from him , saying ▪ if you think that i will deny my faith for a shirt , have here your gift again . &c. whereupon he was banished the countrey . also suenes , a noble man that had under him one hundred servants , because he would not deny his christian profession , was so hated by the king , that he made the worst of his servants lord over him , and over all that he had , and coupled his wife to him , and made suenes himself to serve him . also benjamin a deacon was thrust into prison , where he was kept two years , but at the length , at the request of the roman ambassadors , he was released , yet afterwards , when contrary to the kings commandment , he preached and taught every where the gospel of christ , he was again apprehended , and miserably tormented , having twenty sharp reeds thrust under the nails of his fingers and toes , but he laughing at it , had a sharper reed thrust into his yard , with horrible pain , and lastly , and a long ragged thorny stalk thrust through his fundament into his bowels , whereof he died . these primitive persecutions are collected out of eusebius , socrates scholast . evagrius , nicepho . theod. the imperial history , and the magd. history . chap. xviii . the persecution of the church under julian the apostata , · iulian was nephew to constantius the son of constantine , and was by him made caesar , and sent against the germans , where after some smaller victories having overcome his enemies in a great and bloody battel , he was by his army made augustus , and after constantius his death , succeeded in the whole empire , both of the east and west . he was brought up in the christian religion , and was endowed with excellent parts ; but when be came to the empire , he apostatized from his former profession , and turned heathen , and became a deadly enemy to the church of christ , and a great persecutor of it . the first thing that he did , was to open the idol temples ; shut up by his predecessors , and to suffer the gentiles to commit their superstitious idolatries , and publickly to adore their idols : then his next design was to supplant the true christian religion , being induced thereto by the devil and his own wickedness : and the better to effect the same , he practised a means never before used by any , which was to shew himself pitifull , and not cruel ; perceiving that by means of the torments inflicted on the martyrs , the holy christian faith was greatly increased ; and therefore he took a contrary course , and sought by gifts , favours , flatteries , and by bestowing offices and dignities , to draw them to renounce the christian faith , and to sacrifice to false gods , and by this means there were not a few , who being covetous and ambitious , desiring to be rich and honoured , fell from their christian profession . then did he make laws and general decrees , that no christian should be master of any arts or sciences , neither should study in any schools , that so through the desire of learning they might turn idolaters , or else they should remain ignorant and illiterate , and so be insufficient to preach the christian faith . he also ordained that no christian should have any charge , or hold any office of justice , neither should be a captain in the wars , nor enjoy any other dignity . thus he used all the inventions that possibly he could devise , to make war against jesus christ , without shedding any christian blood , that so he might take the crown from the holy martyrs , which they formerly obtained by the persecution of the sword : and indeed this was the greatest and most dangerous persecution that ever the church endured . amongst other of his subtill devises to bring christianity into contempt , this was one ; he entertained about him many witty , but wicked persons , who made it their business to scoff at , and deride the christians with all manner of base jears ; and those which excelled most in this wicked practise ▪ he most loved and honoured , advancing them to offices , both in his court and army . during his short reign , though himself put none to death , as is before specified ; yet the heathen idolaters , in sundry places , proceeded far otherwise ; especially in palestine , where they burnt many christians alive , others they stripped naked , and tying cords to their feet , dragged them up and down the paved streets , till their flesh was torn from their bones ; upon others they poured scalding water : some they stoned , or beat out their brains with clubs : and having thus murthered them , they burnt their bodies , and then took their bones , and mingled them with the bones of camels and asses , that they might not be known for mens bones . the christians in alexandria were most cruelly used by the ethnicks , or pagans : some were slain with the sword , some were fastned to the cross , some brained , some stoned ; and such was their rage against christianity , that one brother spared not another , nor parents their children , nor children their parents . emilianus was burned in thracia . domitius was slain in his cave . theodorus for singing a psalm at the removing of the body of babilas , being apprehended , was examined with exquisite torments , and so cruelly excruciated from morning till almost noon , that hardly he escaped with life , and being afterwards asked by his friends how he could endure such extream torments , he said , that at first he felt some pain , but afterwards there stood by him a young man , who as he was sweating with the pain , wiped away his sweat , and oft-times so refreshed him with cold water , wherewith he was so delighted , that when he was let down from the engine , it grieved him more then before . artemius also , a captain of the egyptian souldiers , was beheaded for his religion , though other causes were pretended . two christian brethren were dragged through the streets , and murthered by the idolatrous people of gaza . but the cruelty of the wicked arethusians exceeded against the christian ministers and virgins , whom they set forth naked before the multitude to be scorned by them . then did they cover them with hogs-meat , and ripping up their bellies , put barly into them , and so caused their bowels and flesh to be devoured by their hungry swine . their cruelty most raged against marcus arethusius , the christian bishop of that city , who formerly , by the command of constantine , had pulled down their idol-temple , and set up a church for the christians in the room thereof ; the arethusians knowing how julian hated him , accused him as a traitor and enemy to the emperour : whereupon at first he prepared himself to fly , but when he perceived that some of his friends were apprehended in his stead , he returned , and of his own accord offered himself to those that thirsted for his blood : whom when they had gotten , neither pitying his old age , nor reverencing his holy and blameless conversation , they stript him naked , and pitifully beat him ; then they cast him into a foul , filthy sink : then they caused boies to thrust him in with sharp sticks to augment his pain : lastly , they put him into a basket ▪ anointed him with hony and broth , and so hung him abroad in the heat of the sun , to be meat for wasps and flies to feed upon ; and this they did to enforce him , either to build up their idol-temple again , or to give them money to pay for the doing of it , but he stoutly refusing both ; they profered to forgive one half , if he would pay the other ; which he still refusing , and contemning all their torments , they at last demanded of him but a small sum of money , but he answered , it is as great wickedness to confer one half-penny in case of impiety , as if a man should give the whole . whereupon , despairing to prevail , they left him , and went their ways . also cyrillus , a deacon in hieropolis , who in constantines time had broken in pieces the images of the gentiles , they took him , ript up his belly , drew the liver out of his body , which with barbarous inhumanity they chawed with their teeth : but the lord suffered not this brutishness to go unpunished , for their teeth shortly after fell out of their jaw-bones , and their tongues rotted in their mouths , and they fell stark blind . julian when he came to constantinople , offered sacrifice in the cathedral church to the goddess fortune ; about which time maris , bishop of chalcedon in bythinia , being blind , caused himself to be led to the emperour , whom he rebuked sharply , calling him an impious person , an apostate , and an atheist ; he on the contrary called the bishop , blind fool , saying further , thy god of galilee will not restore thee thy sight again ! maris replied , i thank god which made me blind , lest that ever i should set mine eies upon so ungracious a face as thine is . in the market-places of the cities , julian set up his own image , amongst the images of the heathen gods , to the end that whosoever should do civil reverence to his image , might also seem to worship the gods of the gentiles ; and that they who would not bow to the idols , might seem to refuse due reverence to the emperour . when he distributed gold to his captains and souldiers , he erected an altar near to his throne , with coals burning upon it , and incense on a table by , & none might receive the gold before he had cast incense on the coals upon the altar , by which subtilty he circumvented many , who discerned not his purpose to intangle them with the rites of idolatrous services . all about antioch he dedicated all the fountains to the goddesses of the gentiles , and caused all the victuals that were sold in the market to be sprinkled with heathenish holy water : yet did the christians without scruple drink of the water , and eat of the meat according to that rule , whatsoever is sold in the shambles , that eat , and ask no question for conscience sake , &c. juventius and maxentius , two brave captains , used much boldness and liberty in reproving him for his heathenish superstition , which so enraged him , that he caused them to be put to death . in caesarea , the inhabitants being most christians , had formerly overthrown the temples of jupiter and apollo ; and now in julians time , they overthrew the temple of fortune , which so enraged him , that he disfranchised them , exacted of them three hundred pounds weight of gold , and compelled their clergy to serve in war-fare , threatning further to put to death all the inhabitants thereof at his return , but it pleased god that his own death prevented it . about this time , julian going to enquire of the oracle of apollo at delphos , there came down fire from heaven , and destroyed the temple , and beat the image of apollo in pieces , like to the smallest powder or dust . when he came to antioch , there was a noble woman , called publia , who had the education and government of divers young virgins , these she caused , as julian passed by her house , to sing with a loud voice , the idols of the heathen are silver and gold , the works of mens hands , &c. this so angred the emperour , that he sent them a command to sing no more as he went that way ; but publia was so far from fearing him , that the next time he came , she made them sing the same verse , and to add to it , let god arise , and his enemies shall be scattered , &c. this so incensed julian , that he sent for her to him , scoffed at her , and caused her to be clapt on the cheeks in a disgracefull manner ; but she looked upon it as a great honour thus to suffer reproach for christs sake ; and coming home , she caused her maids still to sing psalms of the emperours fury and madness . afterwards the emperour intending to war against the persians , set a great fine upon every ones head that would not sacrifice to the idols , whereby he much enriched himself by the spoil of the christians . then were false accusations forged against athanasius , so that he was forced to flie ; yet he thus comforted himself and friends , nubecula est , cito pertransibit , this persecution is but a little cloud , and will soon pass away . in his flight , he took a ship upon the river nilus to fly to thebais , but julian sent an earl after him , to bring him back again , who pursuing him with sails and ores , had almost overtaken his ship , whereupon the marriners would have run her ashore , and fled into a wilderness that was hard by , to whom athanasius said , quid turbamini filii ? quin in occursum eamus persecutori nostro , ut intelligat , quia longe major est qui nos defendit , quam qui persequitur : my sons , why are you thus affrighted ? let us rather turn and meet our pursuer , that he may know , that he is greater which defends us , then he that follows to apprehend us . hereupon the marriners turned back again , and the earl supposing nothing less then that athanasius was in the ship that came towards him , he only called to them , and enquired whether they had not heard of athanasius ? they answered , that they had seen athanasius a little before ; whereupon he hastned forward to overtake him , and athanasius in his ship returned back privately into alexandria , where he lay hid till that persecution was over . julians officers in exacting the fines of the christians , demanded more then they were assessed at , and sometimes tormented their bodies also , of which wrongs when they complained to the emperour ▪ he scoffingly answered them , it s your part , when you are injured , to take it patiently , for so your god commandeth you . at meris in phrygia , the governor commanded the idol-temple to be set open and cleansed , and began himself to worship the idols : whereupon some christians , inflamed with zeal , in the night time , brake into the temple , threw down the idols , and stamped them to powder . the governour being wonderfully incensed herewith , purposed to execute some christian citizens which were innocent and guiltless ; whereupon the authors of their own accord , presented themselves before him , chusing rather to die for the truth , then that others should suffer for their sakes ; thereupon the governor commanded them to sacrifice to the idols , or else he would severely punish them ; but they , setting at nought his threats , prepared themselves to suffer what he could inflict ; then did he assay them with all kinds of torments , and at last laid them on the grid-iron , and broiled them to death , to whom they said , if thou long , o tyrant , for broiled meat , turn up the other side , lest in eating , the blood run about thy teeth . when julian went against the persians , of very malice and hatred against the christians , whom scornfully he called galilaeans , he made a vow , that if he obtained the victory , he would sacrifice to his gods the blood of those christians which would not sacrifice to the idols : but what the issue of that exepdition was , see in my second part , in the life of jovianus . collected out of the imperial history , and socrates scholasticus , theodor. and the magd. hist. cent. . chap. xix . the persecution of the church under the arrian hereticks , which began , an. christi , . constantine the great , dying , divided his empire amongst his three sons , constantius , constans and constantine . constantius that governed the east , was seduced by an arrian presbyter , who had been in his fathers court , with his aunt constantia ; so pernicious a thing it is to have deceitfull hereticks lurking in princes courts , and ladies chambers . this presbyter complained to constantius that the return of athanasius from banishment was very dangerous to the peace of the common-wealth : yea , he so far incensed the emperour against him , that he sent a captain with five thousand armed men to slay him ; but the lord delivered him miraculously out of their hands , for the armed souldiers being placed round about the church where he was , he went safely through the midst of them undiscerned , though many arrians were present on purpose to point him out to the souldiers , as a sheep ordained for the slaughter . but neither in banishment could he enjoy peace and safety , for this arrian emperour sent to all the officers in his army to search him out , wheresoever he was , proposing a great reward to those that could bring athanasius to him , either alive or dead ; whereupon he was forced to hide himself in a deep pit , where he lay six years never so much as seeing the light of the sun , till at last a maid that used to carry him his food , was corrupted by those which sought for him , to betray him to them ; but it pleased god by his spirit to reveal to him his danger , whereby he escaped a little before they came to apprehend him . afterwards constans forced his brother constantius , though much against his will , to restore athanasius to his church at alexandria : but after the death of that good emperour constans , constantius drave him into banishment again ; yet the lord stirred up a godly woman to hide him in her house , till the death of constantius . in alexandria in the room of athanasius , was george an arrian bishop placed , who also was furnished with armed souldiers to assist him in his devillish devices . thereupon he caused a great fire to be made , took many christian virgins , caused them to be stripped naked , requiring them to renounce their faith , or else they should be burned : but when the sight of the fire could not terrifie them , he caused their faces to be so dashed with strokes , that their countenances were disfigured ; yet like patient souldiers of christ they endured all kind of rebuke for his names sake . thirty bishops , of egypt and lybia , were slain in the fury of this arrian persecution . fourteen bishops were banished , whereof some of them died in the way , the rest in exile . forty orthodox christians in alexandria were scourged with rods , because they would not communicate with the arrian bishop george , and so pitiously handled , that some pieces of the rods were so deeply fixed in their flesh , that they could not be drawn out , and many through excessive pain of their wounded bodies , died . the like cruelty did the arrians exercise in constantinople . paul the good bishop was banished to cucusus , where he was strangled by the arrians . macedonius a notable heretick was placed in his room , who used no less cruelty in forcing men to communicate with him , then was used formerly to force them to sacrifice to idols . these hereticks used also great diligence in procuring councels to establish their errors . but not long after the emperor died , sorrowing much that he had changed the form of the nicene faith . after the death of jovian , valentinian succeeded in the empire , who associated to himself his brother valens , and made him emperor of the east . this valens was an arrian , and raised up a cruel persecution against the orthodox : concerning which greg. nazianzen in his oration of the praise of basil , thus writeth , insurrexit repente nebula grandine plena , & perniciose stridens , quae omnes ecclesias in quas incidit , cont●ivit , & postravit , christi cultor , pariter & os●r , qui post persecutorem persecutor fuit , & post apostatam , non quidem apostata , sed nihilo tamen meliorem se christianis praebens : christi nomen prae se ferens , christum mentiebatur . miletius bishop of antioch he banished to armenia . eusebius bishop of samosata , to thrace . pelagius bishop of laodicea , to arabia . he was exceedingly filled with wrath against the bishops assembled in the counsel of lampsacum , because they adhered to the nicene faith . in constantinople he banished all the orthodox . in edissa , he commanded them all to be slain as they were assembled together in the church . the lieutenant that had received this charge from him , being more mercifull then his master , gave private notice to the christians , that they should not assemble at that time ; but they , neither regarding his advice , nor fearing his threats , flocked to the church in great companies : and whilst the lieutenant , with many armed souldiers , hasted thitherward to fulfill the emperors command , a woman leading a child in her hand , all in haste , brake the ranks , and thrust into the armed troops ; the lieutenant being moved therewith , called the woman before him , saying , thou fond and unfortunate woman , whither runnest thou so rashly ? thither ( said she ) whither others hasten ; hast thou not heard ( said he ) that the lieutenant will slay as many as he finds there ? i heard it ( said she ) and therefore i make the more haste to the place . but whether ( said he ) leadest thou this child ? that he also ( said she ) may be accounted in the number of martyrs . hereupon the lieutenant returned back to the emperor , and told him that all the christians from the highest to the lowest prepared themselves to die in the defence of their faith , and withal he shewed him what a rash thing it was to murder so great a multitude , &c. and so with his reasons perswaded the emperour , that he appeased his wrath , and prevented the mischief at that time . in constantinople the arrians , favoured by the emperor , crowed insolently over the christians , they scourged , reviled , imprisoned , amerced , and laid upon them all the intollerable burthens they could devise . hereupon eighty godly ministers , in the name of all the rest , addressed themselves to the emperour , complaning of the out-rages that were done to them , craving some relief : but this cruel tyrant commanded modestus the general of his army , to embark them all in a ship , as if he would have sent them into banishment , but secretly he gave direction to the marriners , to set the ship on fire , and to retire themselves into a boat , and so these holy martyrs glorified the name of christ , by patient suffering of a double death , burning and drowning . in all the eastern parts he tormented many with sundry sorts of grievous torments , put many to death , drowned many in the sea , and in rivers . about this time he consulted with necromancers , to know who should succeed him in the empire : the devil answered ambiguously , that his name should begin with th. whereupon he put to death as many as were called theodorus , theodotus , theadosius or theodulus . athanasius being dead at alexandria , there succeeded him a godly and holy man , named peter , but the emperour presently sent souldiers , which clapt him in prison , and the rest of the ministers were banished , some to one place , some to another . after this he sent forth an edict for the persecuting of all the orthodox in egypt : whereupon many were stript of their raiment , scourged , fettered in prisons , crushed in pieces with stones , beheaded , driven into deserts , where they wandred in sheeps-skins and goats-skins , destitute of aid and succour ; many hid themselves in mountains , in dens , caves and hollow rocks . terentins and trajan , two worthy captains , used some liberty in admonishing the emperour to abstain from persecuting of the innocent ; but the lord was minded to destroy him , and therefore he could receive no wholesome admonition ; for many of the goths , whom he entertained as souldiers to assist him against his enemies , turned against himself , so that he fled , and was overtaken in a village , which the goths set on fire , whereby he died miserably , leaving none to succeed him , and his name a curse and execration to all ages . collected out of magd. hist. socrates and theod. the persecution by the donatists . about the year of our lord . there sprang up in africk the donatists and circumcellions , who first made a great schism in the church , and afterwards raised up a great persecution against the orthodox : concerning which , st austine complains in sundry places ; and in his . epistle to earl boniface , he thus writes of it , in hoc labore multi catholici , & maxime episcopi , & clerici horrenda & dura perpessi sunt , quae commemorare longum e●t , &c. in this disturbance , the orthodox , especially the bishops and ministers , suffered hard and horrible things , the particulars whereof are long to recite ; for some of them had their eies put out : some bishops had their hands and tongues cut off , and some were slain out-right . to speak nothing of the cruel slaughter of others that were sound and sincere : of the plundering of their houses , of the out-ragious burning , not only of their private habitations , but of their churches also ; yea , so vile and violent were they , that they sticked not to burn the sacred scriptures . optatus in his second book tells us , that when julian the apostate came to the empire , the donatists preferred a petition to him , wherein they desired leave to return to their places in africk , from whence formerly they had been banished . julian knowing what furious and turbulent spirits they were of , and how prejudicial their return would be to the catholick church , easily assented to their petition , and so they returned full fraught with malice and revenge , and presently imployed all their abilities , partly by subtilty to seduce the common people , partly by violence to oppress the orthodox bishops and ministers , of whom , some they thrust out of their churches , others they slew . some of their chief bishops , taking armed souldiers with them , went to the castle of lemella , where finding the church shut against them , they commanded their attendance to get upon it , to uncover the roof , and so having broken into it , they set upon some deacons , whom they found there , wounded some , and slew two of them outright . in all places where they came , they profaned all holy things ; the sacramentall bread they threw to their dogs ; but behold the just judgement of god against these profane schismaticks ; those very dogs shortly after running mad , fell upon their own masters , and tore them in pieces . virgins they defloured , and wives they defiled . so usual a thing it is for those which adulterate the holy truths of god , to be given over to corporal uncleanness . these furious persons dispersed themselves all over africk , and would not suffer the orthodox to preach the truth against their errors : by their violent assaults , thieveries , rapines , burnings and murthers , they destroyed many , and afrighted all , &c. chap. xx. the persecution of the church in africk , by the arrian vandals , which began anno christi , . the cruel vandals , passing out of spain into africk , under genserick their captain , finding the province peaceable and quiet , set upon the flourishingest part of the land , wasting and destroying all before them with fire and sword , not sparing so much as the shrubs and bushes which bare fruit , lest they should minister relief to those poor christians which hid themselves in dens , in mountains , and steep cliffs : but especially they raged against the churches and temples of the saints , burning all them to the ground , and where they found any of them shut they brake them open with their maces . the bishops and ministers they destroyed especially , with many kinds of torments , seeking by tortures to force them to deliver up whatsoever gold and silver they had of their own , or belonging to the church ; and where they gat any , they still tormented them afresh , to inforce them to confess more . the mouths of some they wrested open with iron , thrusting into them stinking mire and dirt : some they tormented by wresting their fore-heads and legs with bow-strings , till they crackt again ; into the mouths of others they poured sea-water , vinegar , with the dreg● of oyl and grease ; and neither weakness of sex , nor respect of nobility , nor reverence of their ministry , mitigated their cruel minds ; yea , their fury most abounded where there appeared any dignity or worthiness . many of the ministers and nobles they loaded with mighty burthens , as if they had been camels or horses , and made them carry them after them ; and if they went slowly , they hasted them with iron pricks and goads , so that some of them under their burthens , gave up the ghost . reverend gray hairs found no priviledge of mercy ; guiltless infants felt their barbarous rage , whom they dashed against the ground , violently pulling little ones from their mothers breasts to brain them ; of others , by wide stretching of their tender legs , they tore them in pieces , from the fundament ; the stately buildings they burnt down , and levelled with the earth : the chief churches in carthage they imployed to their own heretical worship . where any strong castles were held against them , they brought multitudes of christians , slew them , and left their bodies lying about the castles , that by the stench thereof they might force them to surrender . who can express the number of ministers that were by them tortured ! pampinian the bishop of mansuetus was tortured with burning plates of iron all over his body . the bishop of urice was burnt to death . then did they also besiege the city of hippo , where st. augustine was , who before that time had compiled two hundred thirty two books , epistles innumerable besides his expositions on the psalms and gospels , and his homilies to the people . see more of this in my first part of lives in the life of st. austine . when they had taken the regal city of carthage , they enslaved the citizens and senators , publishing a decree that they should presently bring forth whatsoever gold , silver , precious stones , or rich apparel they possessed , and thereby dispoiled them of all in one day ; then did they take the bishop and all the ministers of that city , and thrust them naked into weather broken-ships , and so banished them , whom yet the lord of his great mercy directed , and brought in safety to the city of naples . the senators and nobles they first banished from the city ▪ and then drave them beyond-sea . the dead bodies of the christians they would not suffer to be buried but in the night , and without any solemnity . the bishops and ministers through all the province , being dispoiled of all their substance , and turned out of their churches , assembled together , and presented a petition to genserick , that they might , at least in private , be suffered to instruct their people to whom he proudly answered , i have decreed that none of your profession shall remain in the countrey , how then dare you prefer such a request ? and withal , he would at that instant have drowned them all in the sea , but that the importunity of some about him , stopt him . there was also a noble earl , called sebastian , a man of great wisdom and courage , whom genserick much feared , and therefore sought occasion to put him to death : which that he might the better effect , he moved him to be re-baptized by one of his priests , and to turn arrian : the earl therefore requested him to call for a fine manchet , which being done , he said , this loaf , that it might be fine and white , hath been boulted from the bran , moistened with liquor , and baked : but if you now cause it to be broken in pieces , steeped in water , kneaded and baked again , if it come out better , i will do as you would have me . genserick understanding his meaning , could not tell what to answer for the present , yet afterwards he caused him to be put to death . if any minister in his sermon occasionally did but mention pharaoh , nebuchadrezzer , herod , &c , presently it was laid to his charge that he meant it by the king , and thereupon he was banished . yet notwithstanding all this cruelty , the people of god stood fast in their holy profession , and rather increased then otherwise . afterwards at the request of valentinian the emperour , genserick suffered the orthodox in carthage to choose them a bishop , which they did ; and not long after genserick with his vandals took the famous city of rome , carrying away with him , not only all the treasure that of a long time had been stored up there , but many of the people also ; who , when they were brought into africk , were shared between the vandals and the moors , so that husbands were separated from their wives , parents from their children ; which this godly bishop hearing of , he caused all the gold and silver vessels belonging to the church , to be sold for their redemption , that so married persons , and parents , and children might enjoy the comfort of their relations : then also did he provide food and lodging for them , and night and day went amongst them himself , to see how they did , to minister to their wants , and comfort them ; but this procured him such hatred amongst the arrians , that they sought to slay him ; but the lord about this time took him to himself , whereby he escaped their malice . one of the gensericks colonels , having some christian slaves , and a beautifull and a godly virgin amongst them , he took occasion to vex them with fetters and torments , thereby to force them to re-baptization , which they constantly refusing , he caused them to be stripped , and beaten with ragged cudgels till their flesh was torn in pieces , &c. at last they were banished to capsur , an heathen kingdom of the moors , where it pleased god so to bless their labours , that many of them were converted , and sending for an orthodox minister , were baptized . this coming to gensericks ears , he commanded these servants of god to be drawn at a chariots tail thorow thickets of thorns , till they were torn in pieces , and these newly converted moors , he caused their naked bodies to be haled backwards and forwards , thorow bushes and brambles , and others of them to be tied to wild beasts , and so to be rent in sunder ; the poor christians saying thus each to other , o brother pray for me , god hath fulfilled our desire , o this is the way to the kingdom of heaven . genserick further raging against the orthodox , sent one proculus into the zeugian province , to dispoil all the churches of their ornaments , and the ministers of their books , that thereby they might be disabled to holy services ; which command was executed with all rigour : and whereas the bishop of habensa refused to deliver them up , he was expelled the city , and all men at great penalty were forbidden to harbour him , so that , being above eighty years old , he lay naked for a long time , under the open skie . about easter , when the christians were met together in a church , to celebrate the remembrance of christs resurrection , the arrians with a great power of armed men , set upon this innocent company , who with their naked swords slew many : the minister that was preaching , they shot through the throat with an arrow : and such of them as escaped death , were by the command of the king , executed by sundry kinds of torments . in other places , when the christians were administring the sacrament , the hereticks rushed in amongst them , taking the bread and wine , and trampling them under their profane feet . then did genserick command , that none but arrians should bear any office , either about himself or his children : and a bishop called armogastes , they took , and first nipped his fore-head and legs with bow-strings ; then did they hang him up by one foot , with his head downward , yet did he seem to all men as if he slept in a feather-bed , which so enraged theoderick the kings son , that he commanded him to be beheaded , but some about him disswaded him from it , because said they , he will be accounted a martyr . then was he banished to dig in mynes ; yet afterwards he was sent for again , and made a cow-heard near to carthage , that he might be a continual object of scorn . there was also one saturus , a noble man , eminent for holiness , whom the tyrant much laboured to draw to the arrian profession , but he refusing , the king told him , that if he presently consented not , he should forfeit his house and goods , that his children and slaves should be sould , and his wife should be given to the camel-driver : yet no menaces could shake his faith . his wife hearing of her doom , went to her husband as he was praying , with her garments rent , her hair disheveled , her children at her heels , and a sucking infant in her hands , whom she cast at her husbands feet , and took him about the knees , saying , have compassion ( o my sweetest ) of me thy poor wife ; and of these thy children ; look upon them , let them not be made slaves ; let not me be yoaked to a base marriage , &c. that which thou art required to do , thou dost it not willingly , but by constraint , and therefore it will not be laid to thy charge : he gave her an answer in the words of job , thou speakest like a foolish woman : thou actest the devils part ; if thou lovest thy husband , thou wouldst never seek to draw him to sin , which will procure the second death . i am resolved therefore as my lord commands me , to forsake wife , children , lands , house , &c. that i may be his disciple ; and accordingly he was dispoiled of all , and turned out a begging , yet all were forbidden to harbour him . genserick having reigned thirty seven years and three moneths , died . genserick being dead , his son hunrick succeeded him , who at first was more moderate to the christians , insomuch as they began to hold their meetings as before time . the manichaean hereticks he sought out , and though most of them were of his own religion , yet he burnt some , and banished others . at the request of the emperour zeno and placidia his wife , he suffered the church of carthage to chuse their own bishop , having been destitute of one for twenty four years . then they chose eugenius , an humble , holy and charitable man , whose fame increasing , the arrian bishops much envied him , and put into the kings head to forbid him to preach , and not to suffer any to enter into the church , that were attired after the manner of the vandals ; to which command eugenius thus answered , the house of god is free for all : those which enter , no man may drive forth . the king being incensed with this answer , placed tortures at the church door , who when they espied any man or woman in a vandals habit , about to go into the church , clapping flesh-hooks on their heads , and twisting them in their hair , with a strong twitch they pulled off hair , scalp and all , whereby some lost their eies , and some their lives . the women , besides these torments , they carried thorow the streets , to be made a publick laughing-stock , yet could they not force them to altar their religion . then did hunrick ordain , that none of his countries which dissented from his religion , should receive their ordinary pensions and salaries . then did he send many of them who had been delicately brought up , to utica , in the parching heat of the sun , to dig the land for corn ; yet they went cheerfully , and comforted themselves in the lord. then did he command that no man should be a knight , or bear any publick office except he turned arrian : whereupon very many with invincible courage , forsook their honours and offices , rather then their faith . many virgins he caused to be proved by the midwives in a most shamefull manner ; hanging them up from the ground with mighty weights at their feet , and putting to their sides ; breasts , back and bellies , red hot plates of iron , to compell them to confess that their bishops and ministers lay with them , that so he might from thence have an occasion to persecute them . many of these died under the pain , and others remained lame and crooked all their lives after , yet would they not confess any such thing . then did he banish into the wilderness , of bishops , ministers , deacons , and other members of christ , four thousand nine hundred seventy six ; some of them being lame with the gout , others blind with age : amongst whom also was foelix bishop of abiris , possessed with a dead palsie , and therefore unable , either to go or ride ; which the cruel king being informed of , and requested that he might be suffered to stay ; he answered , if he be not able to ride , let wild bulls be coupled to drag him to the place appointed : so that they were fain to carry him on a mules back across , as if he had been a sack . then were all these holy confessors , brought to the city of sicca , where the moors were to receive them , and transport them thence to the wilderness . thither came two arrian earls , and with great subtilty sought to withdraw them from their stedfastness , saying , what mean you to be so obstinate , as not to obey the kings laws , whereas by complying with him , you may be preferred to honour ? then did they all cry out , we be christians , we be catholicks , we believe , and confess the trinity in unity . hereupon were they shut up in a grievous prison . many mothers also voluntarily followed their little children , much rejoycing that they had born martyrs : others sought to draw them to rebaptization by the hereticks but , through gods grace , they could not prevail . as they passed on the way travelling more by night then by day , because of the excessive heat , a woman hasted after them , leading in her hand a little child , encouraging him , saying , run sirra , seest thou all the saints how merrily they go forwards , and hasten to their crown ? one of the company rebuked her , and asked her whether she went ? to whom she answered , pray for me , i go with this little boy , my nephew , to the place of banishment ▪ least the enemies finding him alone , should seduce him from the way of truth into the way of error . the enemies being more enraged because of their constancy , when they came to their lodgings , penned them up in narrow places . then was denied to them all the comfort of access of their friends , for permitting whereof formerly , their keepers had been beaten with staves . these blessed saints were tumbled one upon another , as grains of corn , neither could they have means of stepping aside to ease nature , so that the stink of their excrements exceeded their other pain . then were they brought forth , their garments , heads and faces besmeared with dirt in a pitifull manner , and by the clamorous moors they were hastened forward in their journey ; yet they went singing with great joy unto the lord , loe , this honour have all his saints . then came to them the blessed bishop cyprian , who to their singular consolation , comforted every one of them with fatherly affection , and with streams of tears was ready to lay down his life for the brethren , and would fain have accompanied them , if he might have been suffered : he bestowed all that he had amongst them , for which he afterwards suffered imprisonment and much hard-ship , and at last had his hearts desire in being banished . there came great multitudes from sundry countries and cities , to behold these servants of god , and many casting their children at their feet ; cryed thus , to whom will you leave us wretches whilest you go forward to your crown ? who shall baptize our infants ? instruct and administer the sacraments to us ? our hearts serve us well to go with you if we might . but now none were suffered any more to go with them for their comfort , but they were pressed forwards , and made to run . when any of the aged , or tender children fainted , they were first punched forwards with staves : then were the moors commanded to tie ropes to the feet of such as were unable to go , and to hail them thorow the rough places , so that first their garments were rent , then their flesh , and their heads were dashed against the sharp edges of rocks , whereby very many of them died . the rest that were stronger came at last to the wilderness , where , like beasts , they had barly given them for their food ; there were also abundance of venemous serpents and scorpions in that place , whose sting was deadly , yet , thorow gods great providence , none of these servants of christ gat any hurt thereby . hunrick in the seventh year of his reign , directed his mandate to eugenius bishop of carthage , and told all other bishops in africk , that they should by such a day meet at carthage to defend by disputation their faith against the arrian bishops ; but withal , by the tenour of the decree , they perceived that he would not suffer any of them to live within his dominions , which caused great heaviness amongst them . eugenius returned answer , that since it was the common cause of all the christian churches , it was but equal that bishops out of other countries should be requested to be there present also ; and this he did , not because they suspected their own abilities to defend the truth , but because he knew that strangers might use more liberty of speech then they could , and that other bishops might be witnesses of their sufferings , but this request did but more enrage this unreasonable tyrant . the appointed day approaching , many bishops resorted to carthage , worn out with afflictions and sorrows , yet for many days after their coming , there was no mention of disputing , till in the mean time the king had singled out the learnedest and skilfullest of them , that by sundry calumniations he might make them away : amongst whom was laetus , a stout and learned man , whom he first imprisoned , and then burnt him in the fire , that so he might strike a fear into the rest . at last the disputation began , and the orthodox , to avoid tumult , chose out some to answer for all the rest . the arrians placed themselves upon lofty thrones , whilest the orthodox stood below upon their feet ; whereupon they said , conference is to be taken in hand , not where proud superiority of power bears sway , but where , by common consent , the disputants upon equal tearms debate the controversies , that truth may come to light , &c. then were all the catholicks commanded to have an hundred stroaks a piece with a cudgel , given them for this speech : whereupon eugenius said , the lord from heaven behold the violence which we suffer , and consider the tribulation which we sustain from our persecutors . then did the orthodox bishops desire the arrians to propound what they intended ; but the arrian bishops seeing them ready to dispute with them , sought out tergiversations , and declined the dispute . hereupon the orthodox drew forth a declaration of their faith , excellently well penned , and exhibited it with this protestation , if you be desirous to know our belief , the faith which we hold is herein comprised . the arrians stormed exceedingly at this , giving them outragious language , and presently by false calumnies they accused them to the king , and so incensed him , that by an edict in one day he caused all the christians churches through africk to be shut up , giving to the arrians all the goods and churches of the orthodox . then did he command that all those godly bishops that were met together at carthage , should be spoiled of all that they had in their lodgings , and so driven out of the city-gates ; having neither servant , nor beast , nor garment to s●ift them in , left unto them ; and all men were forbidden either to harbour them , or give them any sustenance , the king threatning to burn him and all his family that should relieve them . the bishops being thus turned out , lay in the open fields round about the wals : and when the tyrant went forth to the fish-ponds , they met him , saying , why are we so afflicted ? what evil have we done ? if we be called to dispute , why are we spoiled of all we have ? why are we slandred ? why are we forced to remain here amongst the dung-hills , afflicted with hunger and nakedness , far from our churches and houses ? herewith the tyrant was so enraged , that he commanded his horsemen to ride over them , whereby many of them were sore bruised and wounded , especially the aged and weak men : then did he command them to meet him at the temple of memory : and when they came thither , they had this writing delivered to them ; our lord king hunrick , lamenting your obstinacy in refusing to obey his will , and to embrace his religion , yet intends to deal graciously with you , and if you will take this oath , he will send you back to your churches and houses : then they all said with one consent , we are all christians , and bishops , and hold the apostolical and only true faith ; and thereupon they made a brief confession of their faith ; but the kings commissioners urged them without any further delay to take the oath contained in that paper ; whereupon they answered , do you think us bruit beasts , that we should so easily swear to a writing , wherein we know not what is contained ? then was the oath read unto them , which was this , you shall swear that after the death of the lord our king , his son hilderick shall succeed him in the kingdom , and that none of you shall send letters beyond the seas . if you take this oath , he will restore you to your churches . they that were plain-meaning men amongst them , were willing to take it ; but others that saw further into the subtilty of it , refused it . then were those which would take it , commanded to separate themselves from the other , which being done , a notary presently took their names , and of what cities they were : he did the like also by the refusers ; and so both parties were committed to ward , and shortly after the king sent them word ; first to those that would have taken the oath : because that you , contrary to the rule of the gospel , which saith , thou shalt not swear at all , would have sworn : the kings will is , that you shall never see your churches more , but shall be banished into the wilderness , and never perform any ministerial office again ; and there you shall till the ground : but to the refusers of the oath , he said , because you desire not the reign of our lords son , you shall therefore be immediately sent away to the isle of corse , there to hew timber for the ships . he also sent abroad through all africk , his cruel tormentors : so that no place , no house remained free from lamentation , screeching and out-cryes . they spared neither age nor sex , but only such as yielded to their will. some they cudgelled with staves ; some they hung up , others they burned . women , and especially gentlewomen , they openly tortured stark naked without all shame : amongst whom was dionysia , whom when they saw bolder , and more beautifull then the rest , they first commanded her to be stript naked , and made ready for the cudgels , who spake boldly to them , saying , i am assured of the love of my god , v●x me how you will , only my woman-hood disclose you not ; but they , with greater rage , set her naked upon an high place for a publick spectacle : then did they whip her till the streams of blood flowed all over her body : whereupon she boldly said , ye ministers of satan , that which you do for my reproach , is to me an honour . and beholding her only son , that was young and tender , and seemed fearfull of torments , checking him with a motherly authority , she so encouraged him , that he became much more constant then before . to whom in the midst of his terrible torments , she said , remember , o my child , that we were baptized in the name of the holy trinity : let us not lose the garment of our salvation , least it be said , cast them into outer darkness , where is weeping ▪ and wailing and gnashing of teeth : for that pain is to be dreaded , that never endeth ; and that life to be desired , that alwayes lasteth : the youth was so encouraged hereby , that he persevered patient in all his sufferings , till , in the midst of his torments , he gave up the ghost . many by her exhortations and example were gained to god , and animated in their sufferings . not long after , cyrillas the arrian bishop at carthage , stirred up the tyrant against the christians , telling him , that he could never expect to enjoy his kingdom in peace , so long as he suffered any of them to live , hereupon he sent for seven eminent christians from capsa to carthage , whom he first assaulted with flattery and large promises of honour , riches , &c. if so be they would imbrace his faith : but these servants of christ rejected all those profers ▪ crying out , one lord , one faith , one baptism ; saying also , do with our bodies what you please , torment them at your will , it s better for us to suffer these momentary pains , then to endure everlasting torments . hereupon they were sent to prison , loaded with great iron chains , and thrust into a stinking dungeon : but god stirred up the hearts of many godly persons ( by great bribes to the jayler ) to procure daily access to them , and by their exhortations , they were so corroborated in the faith , that they much desired to suffer the like things for christ with these men , and would willingly have laid down their necks to the persecutors swords . the tyrant hearing of it , was exceedingly enraged , caused them to be kept closer , loaden with more chains , and to be put to great torments . then did he cause a ship to be filled with combustible matter , commanding that these holy martyrs should be put into it , and fast bound in the same , and fire to be set to the ship in the sea , that they might be burned to death . when they were brought out of the prison , the multitude of gods people accompanied them to the ship , who as innocent lambs were led to be sacrificed , looking upon their weighty irons , as rare jewels and ornaments . with chearfulness and alacrity they went towards the place of execution , as if they had gone to a banket , singing with one voice unto the lord , as they went along the street , saying , this is our desired day , more festival then any fe●●ivity : behold , now is the accepted time , behold , now is the day of salvation ! when for the faith of our lord god , we endure death , that we may not loose the garment of obtained faith . the people also with one voice cried ; fear not , o servants of god , neither dread the threats of your enemies : die for christ , who died for us , that he might redeem us with the price of his saving blood . amongst these was a pretty boy , to whom a subtil seducer said , why hastest thou , my pretty boy , unto death : let them go , they are mad ; take my counsel , and thou shalt not only have life , but great advancement in the kings court : to whom the lad answered , you shall not get me from the fellowship of these holy men , who bred me up , with whom i lived in the fear of god , and with whom i desire to die ; and with whom i trust , i shall obtain the glory to come . and so being all put into the ship , they were burned together . after the death of hunrick , gundabund succeeded in the kingdom , who continuing in the steps of his cruel predecessors , afflicted the christians grievously by sundry kinds of persecution , during the space of twelve years , at the end whereof he died , and thrasamund succeeded him , a man that excelled all his predecessors in magnanimity and courage . his manner was by perswasions , flatteries , promises and rewards , to seek to draw the christians to his arrian heresie ; but they which would not be prevailed with hereby , he no way punished or molested them . in his time there were great wars between the moors and vandals , the moors had one cabaon for their general , who commanded all his souldiers to use abstinence in their diet , and to abstain from women , and from all injury and wrong-doing . the women he enclosed within trenches by themselves , commanding that under pain of death no man should have access to them . then did he send forth a certain company of moors , commanding them privately to follow the camp o● the vandals , and that wheresoever the vandals profaned any church of the christians , presently after their departure , they should follow and purge the same ; for ( saith he ) if the christians god be a good god , then will he assist them that are devoted to him , and punish the blasphemers . these men in counterfeit base attire , followed the vandals camp ; and whereas the vandals where ever they came , took up the christians churches for their horses and beasts of burthen , carrying themselves very insolently against god and his house : beating and abusing the ministers and church-officers , making them to attend upon them as their slaves . after their departure the moors on the contrary , cleansed the churches , carried out the dung ▪ kneeled down to , and reverenced the ministers , and distributed money to the poor , and thus they did continually . then did cabaon prepare to give his enemies battel ; and whereas the vandals were all horse-men , and very well mounted , their horses were so afrighted at the sight of the moors camels , that they were presently put into disorder , and the moors with darts and arrows did so pelt them , that they put them to flight , and slew many of them , whereupon thrasamund shortly after died of grief . then did ilderick the son of hunrick succeed in the kingdom , who was equally mild and gentle , both to the vandals and christians , and one that kept very fair correspondence with the emperour justinian . but gilimer , a cunning and ambitious man , deposed him , and usurped the kingdom to himself . whereupon justinian sent against him that brave and gallant general billisarius , who overcame him in several battels , took him prisoner , freed the christians from persecution , and subverted the empire of the vandals in africk , after they had reigned there for the space of ninety years , wherein for the most part they had been cruel persecutors of the true church of god. salvian , who was bishop of masilia , and lived at the same season , complaineth , that before these brutish vandals came into africk , the church of god there was much degenerated from its ancient purity , and the power of godliness was much decaid ; insomuch as they which lived exactly according to the rule of gods word , were hissed at as they went in the streets , as if they had been monsters : whereupon , saith he , the passage of the vandals into africk , was not to be imputed to gods rigour , but to the africans wickedness , &c. collected out of a book written by victor bishop of utica , who lived at the same time , and was himself a sufferer under this persecution . here place the fifth figure . the persecution of the church under the papacy . chap. xxi . the persecutions of the waldenses , which began anno christi , . when the darkness of popery had overspread the christian world , so that kings and princes imploied their authority to establish the romish idolatry , appointing to slaughter such as denied transubstantiation , adoration of the host , bowing the knees before it , &c. this occasioned many christians to detest this superstition as unknown to the apostles and primitive church . and first of all god raised up berengarius , presently after the year one thousand , who boldly and faithfully preached the truth , and against the romish errors , continuing his ministry , till about the time that william the conqueror came into england , whereupon the gospellers were called berengarians , till about the year . at which time common notice being taken of their separation from the church of rome , and their disagreeing from so many of their tenents , they were branded with the odious name of hereticks , and twenty years after , when they were grown into a very great multitude , they had one peter bruis for their most famous preacher , who taught long , and publickly at tholouse , under the protection and favour of a noble earl , called hildephonsus , whereupon in those parts they were called petro-brusians . for peter bruis , anno christi , . published their tenents in a book called anti-christ , wherein he declared both the ground of their doctrine , and the causes of their separation from the romish church . twenty years after this , they were grown into a mighty multitude about anno christi , . whereupon the popes of rome now began to lay about them for their extirpation : for which end he stirred up his most learned followers to write against them ; and warned princes to take heed of them , and to banish them out of their territories . anno christi , . they had henry of tholouse for their most eminent preacher , whereupon they began to be called henericians ; and because they were well red in the scriptures , especially in the epistles of st. paul , whom by way of eminency they called the apostle , alleadging texts out of him , nnd would admit of no testimonies for the proof of religion , but only out of scripture , they were called apostolicks . and shortly after god raised up peter valdo a citizen of lions in france , who shewed himself most couragious in opposing the popish inventions , withal taxing divers other innovations which were crept into the church of rome , and he was the more eagerly hearkened unto , because he was in high esteem for his learning and piety , and his liberality to the poor ; for besides the nourishing of their bodies , he did also feed their souls , by exhorting them to seek jesus christ , and salvation by him . the arch-bishop of lions being informed that valdo used thus to instruct the people , boldly taxing the vice , luxury , and pride of the pope , and his clergy , forbad him the same upon pain of excommunication , and proceeded against him as an heretick ; valdo replied , that he could not be silent in a cause of so great importance , as the salvation of mens souls , wherein he must obey god rather then man : then did the arch-bishop seek to have him apprehended , but could not effect it , valdo having many great friends , and being generally beloved , whereby he continued ( though closely ) in lions three years . pope alexander the third being informed that divers persons in lions questioned his soveraign authority over the whole church , cursed valdo , and his adherents , commanding the arch-bishop to proceed against them by ecclesiastical censures to their utter extirpation ; whereupon they were wholly chased out of lions . valdo and his followers were called waldenses , which afterwards spread themselves into divers countries and companies . the opinions of these waldenses for which they were so declaimed against , and cruelty persecuted by the romanists , were these . . that holy oyl is not to be mingled in baptism . . that all such prayers are superstitious and vain which are made over the oyl , salt , wax , incense , boughs of olives and palms , ecclesiastical garments , calices , church-yards , and such like things . . that time is spent in vain in ecclesiastical singings , and saying the canonical hours . . that flesh and eggs may be eaten in lent , and that there is no merit in abstinence at such times . . that when necessity requires , all sorts of persons may marry , ministers as well as others . . that auricular confession is not necessary . . that confirmation is not a sacrament . . that obedience is not to be performed to the pope . . that ministers should live upon tithes and offerings . . that there is no difference between a bishop and a minister . . that it is not the dignity , but deserts of a presbyter that makes him a better man. . that they administer the sacrament without the accustomed form of the roman church . . they say that images are to be taken out of churches , and that to adore them was idolatry . . they contemned the popes indulgences , and say , that they were of no vertue . . they refused to take any oath whereby they should be enforced to accuse themselves , or their friends . . they maintained their ministers out of their own purses , thinking it unreasonable that such should be diverted from their studies , whilst they were forced to get their livings with their own hands . . they held that the miracles done in the church of rome , were false miracles . . that the religion of the frier mendicants was invented by the devil . . that the pope of rome was not to be obeyed . . that whoredom and stews were not to be permitted under pretense of avoiding adultery and rapes . . that there is no purgatory wherein the souls of the deceased are to be purged before they be admitted into heaven . . that a presbyter , falling into scandalous sin , ought to be suspended from his office till he had sufficiently testified his repentance . . that the saints deceased are not to be worshiped , and prayed unto . . that it matters not for the place of their burial , whether it were holy or no. . they admitted no extream unction amongst the sacraments of the church . . they say , that masses , indulgences , and prayers do not profit the dead . . they admitted no prayers , but such as did correspond with the lords prayer , which they made the rule of all their prayers . . lastly , though their adversaries charged them with holding , that every lay-man might freely preach to the people , yet they had bishops , and orders amongst themselves ; as the order of bulgarie , the order of druguria , ; and they who were their ministers were ordained thereunto , though they were not of the romish institution , as nicolus viguierius , and others report of them . valdo himself went into dauphiney , conversing in the mountains of the same province with certain rude persons , yet capable of receiving his belief : his disciples also spread into picardy , whence they were called picards : against whom afterwards k. philip ( enforced by the ecclesiastical persons ) took arms , and overthrew three hundred gentlemens houses that followed their part , and destroied some walled towns , pursuing them into flanders , whether they fled , and causing many of them there to be burnt to death . this persecution caused many of them to flie into germany , and alsatia , where they spread their doctrine ; and shortly after the bishops of mayence and strasburg , raised up a great persecution against them , causing five and thirty burgesses of mayence to be burnt in one fire , and eighteen in another ▪ who with great constancy suffered death . at strasburg eighty were burnt , at the instance of the bishop ; yet multitudes of people received such edification by the exhortations , constancy , and patience of the martyrs , that anno . in the county of passau , and about bohemia , there were above eighty thousand persons that made profession of the same faith . anno christi . some of them came into england , and at oxford were punished in the most barbarous and cruel manner as ever were any christians for religion-sake before the time , as you may see in my english martyrologie . and three years after in the council of turon , or towers in france : viz. . pope alexander the third , made a decree , that these gospellers , and all their favourers should be excommunicated , and that none should sell them any thing , or buy any thing of them , according as it was fore-prophesied , rev. . . but notwithstanding all these devises they had goodly churches in bulgary , croatia , dalmatia , and hungary . the popish monks to make them odious , and to have the better occasion to persecute them , raised up many foul slanders of them , as they were sorcerers , buggerers , &c. that they assembled themselves in the night time , and that the pastors commanded the lights to be put out , saying , qui potest capere , capiat , catch who catch can , whereupon they committed abominable incest , the son with the mother , the brother with the sister , the father with his daughter , &c. they charged them also with many foul and false opinions : from which accusations they by a publick apology and vindication cleared themselves , which they published both in french and their own language . rainerus the monk saith of them , that amongst all those which have risen up against the church of rome , the waldenses were the most dangerous , in regard of their long continuance , for some say , that it hath continued from the time of pope silvester ; and some say , from the apostles time ; and because this sect ( saith he ) is more general , and there is scarce any countrey in which it hath not taken footing : and because it hath a great appearance of piety , for they carry themselves uprightly before men , and believe rightly touching god in all things , holding all the articles of the creed , only they hate and revile the church of rome , and therein ( saith he ) they are easily believed of the people . cesarius saith , that this heresie so encreased , that in a short time it infected usque ad mille civitates , a thousand cities . parsons saith , that they had an army of seventy thousand men to fight for them ; yea , they were so spread in germany , that they could travel from collen to milan in italy , and every night lodge with hosts of their own profession . hereupon the pope hath always used all his art for their utter extirpation , by his thunder-bolts , curses , canons , constitutions , decrees , and whatsoever else might make them odious to kings , princes , and people , giving them over to satan , interdicting them all communion and society with others , making them incapable of any charges , honours , profits , to inherit lands , to make wills to be buried in church-yards , yea , confiscating their goods , dis-inheriting their heirs , and where they could apprehend any of them , they condemned them to be delivered to the secular power , their houses to be razed , their lands and goods to be confiscated , commanding kings , princes , magistrates , consuls , and people , to make an exact inquisition , to shut the city-gates , to ring the toll-bell , to arm themselves , to apprehend , kill , or use any other violence to them , giving to their accusers a third part of their estates , condemning all favorers of them to the same punishment . anno christ , . came some of these godly persons to collen in germany out of the parts of flanders , where they secretly remained for a time in a barn near the city : but the diligence of the popish clergy found them out by their not coming to their church , and so caused , them , to be apprehended , and brought before them ; and after examination because they constantly adhered to the truth , and would by no means be brought to recant the same , they condemned them , and delivered them to the secular power : who carrying them out of the city , ( being four men , and one young woman ) they first bound the four men to a stake , and set fire to them : the people much pitied the young woman , and would fain have saved her , hoping that the burning of her companions would have wrought her to a recantation ; but she perceiving their drift , strugled out of the hands of those that held her , and voluntarily leaped into the fire , whereby she was burned with them . godfridus monachus . anno christi , . aldephonsus king of arragon ( probably by the instigation of pope celestine , and mis-information of his clergy ) published this evil edict against them . aldephonsus by the grace of god king of arragon , &c. to all arch-bishops , bishops , and the rest of the prelates of the church in his kingdom , to earls , vicounts , knights , and all the people of his kingdom , and to all that are in authority , health , &c. because god would have us to be over his people , it is a worthy and just thing that we take continual care as far as in us lies of the salvation , and defence of them : wherefore being imitators of our predecessors , and in obedience to the canons , we judge that all hereticks cast out of the sight of god and of all catholicks , are to be condemned , and persecuted every where , namely the waldenses , or poor men of lyons , whereof there is no number , who being cursed by his holy church : we also command to depart , and flie from all our kingdoms , and places within our power , as enemies to the cross of christ , our selves , and this kingdom . therefore from this day forward shall presume to receive the foresaid waldenses into their houses , or to hear their doleful preaching , or to give them meat , or any other relief , let him know , that he hath incurred the indignation of god , and of us , and that he shall be punished as a traitor , and all his goods shall be confiscated without remedy or appeal . and this our edict we command to be published upon sundays by bishops , and all rectors of churches , &c. through all our dominions . and we command that the foresaid punishments be inflicted upon all transgressors of it by our bailyffs , justices , &c. and if any of the foresaid naughty , people whether noble , or ignoble , shall presume to stay three days after the publication hereof , and not hast their removal , we will , and command all men to bring upon them all mischief , disgrace , and agrievance ( except death , or cutting off their members ) which shall be gratefull and acceptable to us , neither shall they fear any punishment for the same , &c. but this same aldephonsus that made this cruel edict by the just retribution of god , the very next year lost part of his kingdom to the moors , and his son having also fifty thousand of his men slain in one battel . hoveden . the popelings exercising such cruelty against the gospellers , they began to defend themselves by arms , repelling force with force : and when , being overpowred by multitude , they could defend themselves no longer , they left their places , and became souldiers abroad , and many of them became very helpfull to our king henry the second in his wars , when he was molested about arch-bishop beckets death : also our king richard the first at his return out of the holy land , ( as they called it ) made good use of them ( who though they were cursed by the pope , yet were they blessed by god ) for the recovery of his right , and for the defence of his people . valdo notwithstanding all the curses of the pope , continued to publish , that the pope was anti-christ , the mass an abomination , the host an idol , and purgatory a fable : whereupon pope innocent the third , anno , , seeing that the other remedies were not sufficient to suppress these hereticks , as he called them , authorized certain monks inquisitors , who by process should apprehend and deliver them to the secular power , by a far shorter , but much more cruel way then was used formerly ; for by this means the people were delivered by thousands into the magistrates hands , and by them to the executioners , whereby in a few years all christendom was moved with compassion , to see all those burnt and hanged , that did trust only in christ for salvation . the pope seeing that this suppressed not , but rather increased the number of his enemies , sent certain bishops and monks to preach in those places of the waldenses , but their preaching converted not any of them from their former opinions . amongst those monks was dominick , who was a zealous persecutor of these saints of god both in word and deed , who seeing himself to be in authority ▪ instituted an order of begging monks , called after his name dominicans , which order was confirmed by the pope , for their zealous assisting of him against the waldenses , and this dominick laboured in the inquisition with such contentment to the popes , that from that time forward the monks of his order have always been imploied in the inquisition . the power of these inquisitors was without limitation , they could assemble the people by the sound of a bell when they pleased , proceed against the bishops themselves , they could imprison and release without controul : any accusation was sufficient with them : a sorcerer ▪ a whore was a sufficient witness in the case of pretended heresie : it mattered not who accused , or whether by word of mouth , or ticket thrown in before the inquisitors : for process was thereby framed without party , without witness , or without other law , then the pleasure of the inquisitors . to be rich was a crime near to heresie , and he that had any thing to lose , was in the way to be undone , either as an heretick , or as a favourer of them : yea , bare suspition stopped the mouths of parents , kinsfolk , and friends , that they durst not intercede each for other . if any did but convey a cup of cold water , or a pad of straw to the poor saints that lay in stinking dungeons , he was condemned as a favourer of the hereticks , and brought to the same or worse extremities . no advocate durst undertake the defence of his nearest kinsman , or friends : no notary durst receive any act in his favour ; yea , death it self made not an end of their punishment , for sometimes they passed sentence against the bones of the dead , to dis-inter and burn them , it may be thirty years after the death of the party accused . such as were heirs had nothing certain , for if their fathers or kindred were accused they durst not undertake the defence of their own right , possess their own inheritance , without the crime or suspition of heresie . the greatest and richest amongst the people were constrained even to adore these monks inquisitors , and to give them great sums for the building of their convents & houses , for fear to be accused of heresie . and the better to keep the people in aw , these inquisitors would sometimes lead in triumph their prisoners in their processions , enjoyning some of them to whip themselves , others to go in their shirts bare-foot and bare-headed , having a with about their necks ; and a torch in their hands for the greater terrour to the beholders , seeing persons of all estates and sexes in so miserable a condition . some of these accused persons were sent into the holy land , or enrolled for some other expedition against the turks and infidels , where they were to serve for a certain time at their own charge : in the mean time these fathers inquisitors took possession of their houses and goods , and when they returned home , they must not so much as enquire whether these monks had in their absence lain with their wives , lest they would be condemned as back-sliders , and unworthy of favour . anno christi , . a gallant knight that was one of these waldenses , called enraudus , whom henry , earl of nivers had made gonour of his land , was accused of heresie , and brought before the popes legat , who called a common council at paris against him , consisting of the arch-bishop , bishops , and ministers of paris , who after examination of witnesses , condemned him for an heretick , and so delivered him to the secular power , by whom he was burned in the flames . chron. rol. altissiodorensis . in octo. anno christi , . in the town of mont-royal near carcasson in the earldom of tholouse , there was held a famous disputation between didacus bishop of oxon , a spaniard : frier dominick ; peter of the new castle , the popes legat , and raph his colleague on the one party , and arnold hot , pastor of the albingenses , with some other of his fellow-labourers on the other party : the arbitrators were two noble men , viz , bernard de villa nova , and pernail of arras ; and two plebians , viz. raimond godius , and arnold riberia , the questions disputed upon were these : first , that the church of rome is not the spouse of christ , nor an holy church , but an impure one , and instructed by the doctrine of satan . secondly , that their ecclesiastical polity is not good , nor holy , nor established by jesus christ. thirdly , that the mass , as it is celebrated therein , was not instituted by christ , or his apostles . the bishop undertook to prove the contrary : but after three days disputation , he desired fifteen days to commit his arguments to writing ; and arnold hot required eight days to put in his answer . at the day appointed the bishop brought in a very long writing ; and hot desired to answer by word of mouth , intreating his auditors that he might not seem troublesom to them , if he were long in answering so long a discourse ; and it was granted that he should be heard with patience without interruption , and so he discoursed for divers hours four days together , to the great admiration of all that heard him , and so ready was he therein , that all the bishops , abbats , monks , and priests , wished themselves elsewhere : for he framed his answer to each point in order , as it was set down in the writing , and that with such plainness and perspicuity , that he gave all that were present to understand , that this bishop , though he had writen much , yet had he concluded nothing that might truly turn to the advantage of the church of rome against his assertions : then did arnold request , that forasmuch as the bishops , and himself in the beginning of the conference , were bound to prove whatsoever they affirmed by the word of god only , it might now be imposed upon the bishops , and priests to make good their mass as they sing it , part by part , to have been instituted by the son of god , and so used by the apostles , &c. but the bishops were not able to prove that the mass , or any part of it was so ordained or used , whereupon they were much discontented , and ashamed . arnold proceeded to prove that it was not instituted by christ or his apostles . for ( said he ) if the mass were the holy supper instituted by our saviour , there would remain after the consecration , that which was in the supper of our lord , viz. bread : but in the mass there is no bread ; for by transubstantiation the bread is vanished , therefore the mass is not the holy supper of the lord : &c. the bishops , legats , monks , and priests having nothing to answer to these things , retired themselves : not being willing to here any more : and fearing least these gospellers should work such an impression on the hearts of those that were present , as might shake their beliefe touching the masse , they dessolved the assembly . nich vignerius . between the years . which was the time when this inquisition was first erected , to the year . there was so great a havock made of poor christians , that the arch-bishops of aix , arles , and narbonne , being assembled at the request of the said inquisitors , to conferre with them about divers difficulties in the execution of their offices , had compassion of the great number that were accused & cast into prison , saying , we hear that you have apprehended such a multitude of the waldenses , that it is not only impossible to defray the charge of their food , but to provide lime and stone to build prisons for them , we therefore advise you to forbear this rigour till the pope be advertised , and direct what he will have done in this case , &c. yet notwithstanding all this cruelty , there was in the year . according to the report of george morrel in his memorials , p. . above eight hundred thousand persons that made profession of the faith of the waldenses . besides the churches that they had in valentinois , where their faith was propagated from the father to the son , their religion spread also beyond the alps into the valley of pragela , within the jurisdiction of the arch-bishop of turin , from whence were peopled the waldensian valleys of piedmont , la perouse , s. martain , angrogne , &c. this valley of pargela was one of the safest retiring places that the waldenses had , being environed on all sides with mountains almost inaccessible , into the caves whereof they retired themselves in the times of persecution : and though they were weakned on all sides , environed with enemies , and in danger of being apprehended if they looked but forth of their doors ; yet was there never any wordly respect that had power to alter their holy resolution from the father to the sonne , to serve god , taking his word for the rule of their faith , & his law for the rule of their obedience : yea , no sooner were the infants weaned from their mothers breasts , but their parents took a singular delight to instruct them in the christian faith . there pastors also did not only preach to them on the sabbath daies , but went in the week daies to instruct them in the villages and hamlets , not sparing themselves for the roughnesse of the rocks , the coldnesse of the ayr , and the cragginesse of the country , where they were fain to climbe up high mountains to visit their flocks . there was also holy discipline exercised amongst them : the people praied with fervency at night when they went to their rest , and in the morning before the went about their labour : they had schools wherein their children were taught and nurtured . b●t whilest they thus busily sought the advancement of gods glory and their own salvation , the devil raised up a persecution against them . anno . by a monk inquisitor , called francis boralli , who had a commission to enquire after the waldenses in aix , arles , ambrun , viene , geneva , aubone , savoy , the venetian county , the principality of orenge , the city of avignion , &c. which commission he received from pope clement the seventh . this monk cited to appeare before him at ambrun , all the inhabitants of frassiniere , argentire , and of the valley pute upon pain of excommunication : but they appeared not , whereupon they were condemned of contumacy , and excommunicated : and for the space of thirteen years , as he caught any of them , he delivered them up to the secular power to be burnt at grenoble , the number of whom was an hundred and fifty men , divers women , with many of their sons and daughters ; besides about eighty persons of argentire . the inquisitors also adjudged to themselves two par●s of all their goods ▪ and the third part to the temporal powers : they forbad all their bordering neighbours also to assist , receive , visit , or defend them or to converse with them in any sort upon pain of being attainted , and punished as favourers of hereticks , &c. the waldenses of the valley of pragela , anno . were assaulted by their enemies on the side of susa in piedmont : but most of their assaults proved in vain , because these waldenses retired into the high mountains , hiding themselves in the caves and hollow places thereof , from whence they much endamaged those that came to assail them . their enemies seing this , came upon them in the depth of winter , when those poor people never suspected it , all the mountains being covered over with snow : and thereupon they retired into the highest mountain of all the alps , together with their wives and children , the mothers carrying some in their cradles , and leading others by the hand : yet the enemy followed them till night , and slew many before they could recover the mountain : and they which were so slain had the better bargain : for night coming on , these poor people being in the snow , without any meanes to make a fire for their infants , many of them were benummed , and in the morning above eighty of them were frozen to death in their cradles , and most of their mothers died also , and divrese others were giving up the last gasp : the enemies lay all night in these peoples houses , which they ransacked and pillaged , and so returned to susa , but by the way , meeting with a poor waldensian woman , they hanged her upon a tree , and so departed . the vvaldenses of the valley of frassiniere , were greatly persecuted by the arch-bishop of ambrun , anno . who made a monk called john vayleti his commissioner against them , which monk proceeded with such diligence and violence , that scarce any person could escape his hands , but that he was either apprehended for an heretick , or a favourer of them , whereby many papists suffered amongst the rest , which caused them to petition king lewis the eleventh of france , by his authority to stay the course of that persecution : and thereupon the king wrote his letter to the governour of dauphine , signifying , that whereas the inquisitors had daily sent forth their processe against many poor people in those parts without reasonable cause , putting some to the rack , and condemning them for matters whereof they were never guilty , and which they could not prove by any witnesse : and of others they had exacted great sums of money , and divers waies had unjustly vexed , and molested them : he therefore decreed that for the time to come all such processe should be void , and of none effect , nor any wrong done to them in body , goods , or good name , except there were any that obstinately maintained and affirmed any thing against the holy catholicke faith. but the arch-bishop was so far from ceasing the persecution upon this edict , that he grew more violent by reason of the last clause , pretending that he did not any thing contrary to the kings precept , seeing they which were cited , appeared not to justifie themselves , &c. he also suborned many priests , which were his own officers , to depose , that all they which had petitioned the king were vvaldenses : he also hired one john pelegrin to accuse them for assembling themselves in dark places to commit whoredom , &c. and then he sent to the court to justifie himself from the complaint made to the king against him , that he had persecuted the waldenses rather out of covteousness to get their goods , then out of zeal to the catholick faith : but this single witness prevailed but litle , seeing there were many other who deposed , that they had never seen any such villany amongst the waldenses , nor any the least appearance of the same . yet did not the archbishop cease to prosecute them to the uttermost of his power , so that he caused most of them to flie away , only one james pateneri stood to it , averring before the court that he was unjustly vexed , contrary to the kings letters , demanding a copy of the proceedings , that he might right himself by law : ●hereupon the archbishop left him , and fell upon those that wanted the like courage , citing the consuls of frassiniere to answer for themselves , and all the inhabitants of their valley : but they refused , saying , that they had nothing to say before the archbishop , seeing their cause was now depending before the king and his council , protesting against the archbishops power , and demanding a copy of the kings letter : but the archbishop , notwithstanding this protestation , sent them to the fire , without any other indictment . yet the lord left not this cruelty long unrevenged , for shortly after the archbishop died by the stroak of gods justice , and so ended his persecution ▪ anno christi . one villany of the inquisitor valeti may not be forgoten , which was this : when he examined any of the waldenses , whether he beleeved that the bread in the sacrament , after the consecration , was changed into the reall and naturall body of christ which hung upon the crosse ? if the waldenses answered , no ; he set down his answer thus , that he beleeved not in god. when he asked , whether we ought not to pray to saints ? if they answred , no ; he set down , that the railed upon , and spake evil of the saints . when he enquired , whether we ought not to pray to the virgin mary in our necessities ? if they answered no ; he set down , that they spake blasphemy against the virgin mary , &c. and by gods providence these records were kept in the arch-bishop of ambruns house , till the city and their records fell into the hands of the protestants an hundred years after , and so god brought all their knavery to light . anno . pope innocent the eight sent albert de capitaneis , arch-deacon of cremona against these waldenses , who craved aid of the kings lieutenant of dauphine , against them . this lieutenant for his service levied troops of men , and at the arch-deacons request , led them against the waldenses in the valley of loyse , and to colour his proceedings with a pretence of justice , he took a counsellour of the court along with him . but when they came to the valley , they found no inhabitants , for they were all retired into their caves in the high mountains , having carried their little children , and all their provision of food with them . then did this cruel lieutenant cause much wood to be laid to the mouths of the caves , and set it on fire , so that some were choaked with smoak , others burnt with the fire , others cast themselves headlong from the rocks , and were broken in pieces ; and if any stirred out , they were presently slain by the souldiers . in this persecution , there were found within the caves four hundred infants stif●ed in their cradles , or in the arms of their dead mothers : and in all , there perished above three thousand men and women at that time , so that there were no inhabitants left in all that valley : and to prevent the coming of any more of them thither , the lieutenant gave all their goods and possessions to whom he pleased . then did he march against the waldenses of pragela , and frassaniere , but they , providing for their own safety , attended him at the passages and narrow straits of their vallies , so that he was forced to retire . after a while albert de capitaneis , being called to another place , he substituted a franciscan named francis ploieri , who anno . began anew to informe against the waldenses of fressaniere , citing them to appeare before him at ambrun , and for non-appearing , he excommunicated them , and condemned them for hereticks , to be delivered to the secular power , and there goods to be confiscated ; and in this judgement , their assisted one ponce , a certain counsellour of dauphine . these men afterwards caught two of their pastors [ francis gerondin , and peter james ] who being asked why the waldenses increased so fast , and spread so far ; they answered , because the popish priests live so dissolutly , and because the cardinals are so covetous , proud and luxurious , it being commonly known that there is neither pope , cardinall , nor bishop , but keeps his whores , and few or none but had their youths for sodomy besides ; and therefore it is easie for the waldensian pastors to perswade the people , that their religion could not be good , whose fruits were so bad , &c this persecution grew exceeding hot , the inquisitor and councellor sending as many as they could catch to the fire without admitting any appeal : and if any interceded for them , though the father for the childe , or the child for the father , he was presently committed to prison , and indicted as a favourer of hereticks . anno . anthoni fabri , and christopher de salience had comissions sent them from the pope , to commence suit against the waldenses in dauphine , who apprehending the widow of one peter berand , they imprisoned , and oft examined her , and thereby drew from her whatever she knew of the assemblies of the waldenses , of the persons that frequented them , and of the places and times of their meeting , which afterwards brought great trouble to the said churches of christ , and of gain to the inquisitors . king lewis the twelfth succeeding king francis , anno . the inhabitants of frassaniere petitioned him to take some order for the restitution of their goods , which by the inquisitors were deteined from them . the king referred it to his chancelor , who procured a commissary from the poppe , and commissioner from the king , to be sent down to examine the businesse ; these accordingly , having examined divers witnesses against the waldenses , and finding their innocency , did at last absolve them ; the kings commissioner publickely professing , that he desired to be but as good a christian as the worst of those of frassaniere were : and returning to the king , they made report to him of that which they had done : the king thereupon ordered that the goods of the waldenses should be restored ▪ when the kings order came to ambrun , it was the opinion of most men , that seeing most of these goods were in the possession of the arch-bishop , that therefore he should give a good example in begining to restore them , but the arch-bishop answered , that the goods which he held were annexed to his arch-bishoprick , and incorporated to his church and , therefore it was out of the kings jurisdiction , and he did not beleeve that the king would meddle therein : yet being willing to please the king , he profered to restore them their vineyards , provided that the lords of dauphine would restore the goods which they had ; but there was not one that would restore what they had so unjustly gotten , so that the poor people where wholly frustrated of their expectation . then did the summon the arch-bishop and those refusers before the king , but these great ones having more friends and favour at court , then the poor people had , their excuse was admitted , which was , that they could not restore the goods , before the pope had absolved those of frassaniere from the sentence of excommunication . anno . the president of provence made a speech to the assembly of estates to root out these waldenses : whereupon they raised an army for the effecting of it ; but as soon as the men were in arms , it pleased god , by the death of king francis , to put an end to that design , whereby the waldensian churches in dauphine enjoyed peace , and were well furnished with godly pastors , who held them in the exercise of religion , though they were in continuall danger of being persecuted to the death for the same . the waldenses in dauphine , many years before being multiplyed , so that the countrey could not feed them , dispersed themselves abroad into divers parts , whereof some went into piedmont , who lived in great love with those of da●phine , and though they were alwaies oppressed with troubles , yet with hearty love and charity , they ever-succoured one another , not sparing their lives and goods for their mutuall conservation . the first persecution in piedmont were occasioned by the preists , who complained to the arch-bishop of turin , that these people lived not according to the manner and belief of the church of rome ; that they offered not for the dead , cared not for masses , absolutions , or to get any of theirs out of the pains of purgatory , &c. hereupon the arch-bishop persecuted them , complaining of them to their princes to make them odious : but the prince enquiring of their neighbours , heard that they were of a good conversation , fearing god , without deceit or malice , loving plain dealing , alwaies ready to serve their prince with alacrity , &c. he therefore purposed not to molest them : but the priests and monks gaining nothing by their belief , charged them with an infinite number of calumnies , and ever and anon catching one or other of them , they delivered them to the inquisitors , and the inquisitors to the executioners , so that there was scarce a town or city in piedmont , wherein some of them had not been put to death . at turin one of them had his bowels torn out of his belly , and put into a bason before his face , and then was he cruelly martyred , at revel in the marquisat of saluces , one catelin girard being on the block whereon he should be burnt , requested his executioner to give him two stones , which he refused to do , fearing least he would throw them at some body , but he protesting the contrary , at last they gave him two stones , which he held in his hands , and said , when i shall have eaten these stones , then shall you see an end of our religion , for ●hich you now put me to death , and so he threw them on the ground , and died cheerfully . thus they burnt many of them in the fire , till anno . and then they resolved to assault them by open force , because they saw that otherwise they should never be able to extirpate them : besides , their constant sufferings converted many to the faith . hereupon they levied an army of eighteen thousand men , besides many inhabitants of piedmont , who ran to the pillage from all parts . these marched all at once to angrogne , l●cerne , la perouse , &c. they raised also forces in dauphine , where with they over-ran the valley of pragela , so that they being put to defend themselves , could not assist their friends in piedmont . but the enemy by this division of his forces , being weakned , was every where beaten , especially in the valley of angrogne , where the vvaldensians having been informed of the levies of their enemies against them , prepared themselves to receive and resist them , keeping the strait passages , where few men might defend themselves against many . they defended themselves with long targets of wood , whereby they covered themselves from the hurt of their enemies arrows . whilst they were thus bickering with their enemies , the women and children upon their knees cried out , o god help us . the enemies made themselves merry with this fight , and amongst them , one capt. saquet , who as he was imitating the woman , was slain , and tumbled down into a very deep valley . another captain , crying out to the women in derision , was killed with the shot of an arrow in the throat . hereupon the souldiers betook themselves all to their heels , and the greatest part slew themselves , by tumbling down from the rocks . another providence of god was this , that the enemies approaching to the stongest entrance by nature , might their have fortified themselves , and so made themselves masters of that valley : but god sent so thick a cloud , and dark a fog , that they could scarce see one another , whereby they wanted opportunity to discover their advantage , and therefore departed : which the vvaldenses seeing , couragiously pursued them , and by that means the enemy being dispersed , and not seeing which waies they went , the greatest part fell headlong down the mountains , quitting their arms and booty which they had gotten at their first entrance into the valley , by which means the waldenses recovered it again , then it pleased god to move the princes heart ( which was philip the seventh , duke of savoy ; and lord of piedmont ) with pity towards these poor people , saying , that he would not have that people which had been alwaies true , faithfull and obedient to him , to be unjustly destroyed by arms ; being content that twelve of the principall should come to him to pignerol to crave pardon for all the rest , for taking arms in their own defence , without his authority : these he entertained lovingly , forgiving all that was past , during the warre . and having been informed that all their children were born with black throats , with foure rows of teeth , and all hairy , he caused some of them to be brought to him , and seeing them fair and perfect creatures , he was much displeased with himself for beleeving so easily the reports which were brought to him against them , giving command that none should hereafter molest them , but that they should enjoy all the priviledges which they rest of his subjects in piedmont did . notwithstanding which , the monks inquisitors daily sent out processe against them , lay in wait for them , and as they could aprehend any of them , delievered them over to the secular power . this persecution lasted to anno. . at which time the waldenses ordered that there exercises of religion should be performed no more in covert , as formerly they had been , but in publick , that every one might know them , and that their pastors should preach the gospell openly , not fearing any persecution that might happen unto them . the prince being advertised hereof , was highly offended with them , and thereupon caused one of his commanders to hast with his troops into the said vallies , which was performed with such diligence , that he was entred with five hundred horse and foot , before they were aware , ransacking , plundering and wasting all before them . then did the waldenses leave their ploughs , putting themselves into passes , and with their slings charged their enemies with such multitudes of stones , that they were constraned to flie , and to abandon their prey , many remaining dead upon the ground . this news was presently carried to the prince , and withall he was told , that these people were not to be subdued with arms , they knowing bettter the straits of their country , then the assailants , and that the skin of one of the waldenses would cost him the lives of a dozen of his other subjects : where upon he vsed arms no more against them , but as any of them was caught in piedmont , he put them to death , if they changed not their belief . notwithstanding with rigour , they persisted in their resolution , and that things might be carried on in the better order , they assembled out of all their vallies to angrogne , anno . viz. the heads of all their families , with their pastors , where they heard that their brethren of provence , and dauphine had sent two of their pastors , george morrell , and peter masson into germany , to confere with oecolampadius bucer , and others , about their relief , which they had held from father to son , time out of minde . where also the germane divines acknowledged that god had been very mercifull and gracious to them , in preserving them undefiled , in the midst of so many superstitions which had defiled all christendom under the tyranny of antichrist ; encouraging and exhorting them not to bury those talents which god had given them : onely they blamed them for delaying so long to make a publick profession of their adhering to the gospel ▪ and causing it to be preached publickly , leaving the success to god , &c. then were the letters of oecolampadius and bucer , which they sent to them , openly read , together with the propositions and articles of religion which they had agreed upon , which were all approved , signed and sworn to by all the assistants with one consent , to perform , observe , beleeve and retain amongst them inviolably , as being conformable to the doctrine which they had been taught from their fore-fathers for many hundred years , and all taken out of the word of god . when this agreement came abroad to the ears of the priests , they were much astonished , despairing to see these people reclaimed and brought back to the church of rome ; whereupon they retired from amongst them without speaking a word . the waldenses , because they had only the new testament and some books of the old , amongst them in the waldensian tongue , resolved speedily to send the whole bible to the press , all their books hitherto being but manuscripts , and those but a few . they sent therefore some to newcastle in suitzerland , where they gave . crowns in gold to a printer , who brought to light the first impression of the fre●ch bible that was seen in france . they sent also to geneva to make a large supply of books fit for the instruction of the people ; but their messenger , as he passed over the hill de gap , was apprehended for a spy by the lord of champelion , and as soon as they knew him to be a waldensian , they sent him to grenople , where he was first imprisoned ; and then in the night drowned in the river , least he should speak of his belief before the people . shortly after there happened warres between king francis the first , and the princes of piedmont , which , through gods grace , turned to the great peace and quiet of these poor people ; which peace continued till pope paul the third sollicited the parliament of turin to persecute them as pernicious hereticks : whereupon the parliament caused a great number of them to be burnt at turin . then these waldenses petitioned the king that they might not be persecuted for their religion , in which they and their ancestors had lived for many hundred years . but the king reiected their petition , commanding them to live according to the laws of the roman church , upon pain of being punished as hereticks : adding , that he did not burn the lutherans through his whole kingdom of france , to let them amongst the alps escape . hereupon the parliament of turin commanded them presently to send away all their ministers , and receive the priests to sing masse . &c. to which they answered , that they could not receive any such commandment , it being contrary to gods word , whom they would rather obey then men . but through gods mercy , the king had other imploiments elsewhere ; whereby they wanted leasure to prosecute these servants of christ , and therefore they only proceeded by the inquisition , receiving such as the monks condemned to the fire . anno . they increased the persecution , condemning to the fire bartholmew hector a stationer , to be executed at turin , who died with admirable constancy , and so edifying the spectators , that they wept and compassionated him , justifying him in their speeches , and praying for him . hereupon the parliament resolved wholly to extirpate them , and for that end sent two men with authority , either to reform , or root them out . these persons went first to perouse , where by proclamation in the kings name , they command all to go to masse upon pain of loosing their lives . then they went to pignorol , where they cited many to appear before them : and amongst others , a poor simple labouring man appeared , whom the president commanded to have his childe re-bapzed by a priest : the man requested respite to pray to god before he answered him , which with great laughter was granted : then falling down on his knees , he prayed unto god , and when he had done , he said to the president ; i will cause my child to be rebaptised , upon condition that you will give me a bill , signed with your own hand , that you will discharge me of the sin which i shall commit hereby , and bear one day before god the punishment and condemnation which should befall me for the same , taking this iniquity upon you and yours : the president hearing this , commanded him out of his presence , and pressed him no further . the president framed diverse indictments against sundry persons in the vallies , and collected whatsoever he thought might hurt them : and going to one of their churches , he caused a monk , that he brought along with him , to preach in the presence of the people ; and when he had ended , the people desired that some one of their pastors there present might answer his discourse , but that was denied by the president , whereupon there was such a murmur amongst the people , that the president , without any more speech , gat him away to turin , where he reported all to the parliament , and withall told them , that if they sought by violence to reclaime this people , they were resolued to defend themselves ; and that the places of their abode , were of such strength , that it was a work for a king of france to root them out . thereupon , this report and the indictments were sent to the king , who having other occasions , returned no answer that year : only the inquisitors proceeded as they could catch any , to deliver them to the secular power . at the years end , the king commanded the parliament to cause them to do that by force , which they would not by words be brought to . then did the parliament send the president again to angrogne , where he commanded them in the name of the king , to go to masse upon pain of forfeiting their lives and goods ; but they answered , that they could not obey such commands against the command of god. then he commanded that twelve of the principal of them , together with all their ministers and schoolmasters , should presently yeeld up their bodies to the prisons of turin , &c. they answered , that they could not obey that command or appear at turin , because they should thereby endanger their lives . the parliament was so incensed at this answer , that as many as they could apprehend , they burnt , amongst whom was jeffery varnegle minister of angrogne , anno . by whose death the people that were present were much edified , seeing his constancy of invocating god to the last . the protestant princes of germany hearing of this great persecution , interceded in their behalf to king henry the second of france . who promised to have regard to this request of theirs , and indeed they enjoyed peace afterwards , till the peace was concluded betwixt the kings of france and spain , and that the duke of savoy was restored to his estate , which was anno . the year after , the popes nuntio reproved the duke , for that with all his power he had not persecuted the waldenses , and that if he did not now endeavour to reduce them to the romish church , or to root them out , his holinesse should have cause to suspect that he was a favourer of them . hereupon the duke presently commanded them to go to mass , upon the pain of their lives : but the not obeying him he set upon them by open force , and yet at the same time , he caused them to be pursued by the monks inquisitors also : so that a great persecution was raised against the poor christians : some were taken and burnt , who shewed invincible constancy in all their torments and death . to recite all the outrages , cruelties and villanies practised against them , would be too tedious : many fled , and their houses and goods were ransacked and spoiled : one of their ministers was apprehended , and put to a shamefull and cruell death , but he shewed such admirable patience therein , as astonished his very adversaries . some also were taken and sent to be gally-slaves : yet some , through weakness , yeelded to the adversaries , and were more cruelly handled then those that remained constant in the truth . three of the most cruel persecutors of these faithfull servants of jesus christ , were , first thomas jacomel a monk , an apostate , that had renounced the known truth , and persecuted mortally and maliciously the poor christians against his own conscience : he was a whoremonger , and given over to all villanies , and filthy living , a sodomite , &c. his delight was to spoil , rob , and torment the captives of these waldenses . the second was a collaterall , called corbis , who in the examination of the prisoners was very rigorous , and burnt many of them : but in the end feeling a remorse in his conscience , he protested that he would meddle with them no more : the third was the provest of justice , who lay in wait in the high waies to apprehend them when they went abroad in the morning , or as they went to the market . the monks also of pignorol vexed the churches near about them grievously , some they took prisoners , and kept them in their abbies : then they assembled a company of ruffians , sending them to spoil the churches , and to take prisoners , men , women , and childen ; of whom some by torments they forced to abjure , others they sent to the galleys others they burnt . the gentlemen of the valley of s. martin vexed their tenants grievously : spoiling some of their goods , imprisoning others , and vexing them by all means : two of those gentlemen getting some ruffians to them in the night time , set upon a village called renclaret , which the inhabitants perceiving , fled into the mountains covered with snow , naked , and without victuals : in the morning these villains took a minister of that valley , who was coming to visit these people of renclaret , and burnt him : but three nights after they of pragela , pitying their friends of renclaret , sent four hundred men against the ruffians , who fought with them , and without the losse of one man , put them to flight , and restored their friends to their houses . a year after , one of these gentlemen called truchet , with a company of ruffians , arrested the minister of renclaret , as he was at his sermon : but the people were so moved at his outragious dealing , especially the women , that they had almost strangled truchet , and so canvased the rest of his company , that they had no minde to come any more . shortly after they took another minister as he was going to preach in a parish a mile from his house , but the people hearing of it , speedily pursued them , and recovered their minister again ; but when the villains saw that they were like to lose their prey , they so wounded him , that they left him for dead . the monks of pignerol sent some ruffians by night to the ministers house of s. germain , who were conducted by a traitor that knew the house , and formerly had frequented it ; this fellow knocking at the door , and the minister knowing his voice , opened the door , but perceiving himself to be betrayed , he fled at a back-door , yet was quickly taken , and sorely wounded , notwithstanding which , they pricked him with halberds to hasten his pace , as they carried him away : they also slew and hurt many others : the minister , after sore imprisonment , endured a cruel death with much constancy : at his death the inquisitors caused two poor women that they kept in prison , to carry faggots to burn him , and to say to him their pastor , take this , thou wicked heretick ▪ in recompence of that naughty doctrine that thou hast taught us : to whom he replied , a● good women , i have taught you well , but you have learned ill . in brief , they so persecuted these poor people , that they forced them to forsake their houses , and to fly into the mountains , loosing all their estates , so that many that had lived well , and relieved others , were now fain to crave relief and succour of others . the monks with their troops of ruffians continued thus to molest and persecute these poor people , they asked of their ministers , whether it were not lawfull for them to defend themselves against such violence ? the ministers answered , that it was , only they advised them to avoid blood-shed as much as might be . this question being resolved , they of luserne and angrogne sent some to aid their friends of st. germain against the monks . in june , divers of these waldenses went out into the country to reap their harvest , and in sundry places were all taken prisoners , not knowing of each others calamity , but god so wrought , that miraculously they all escaped out of prison , to the great astonishment of their adversaries . at the same time also , others who had been long in prison , and longed for nothing but death , through gods providence , were delivered after a wonderful sort . in july , they of angrogne being at their harvest on the hill side of st. germaine , perceived a company of souldiers that were spoiling the inhabitants of st. germain ; whereupon they made an out-cry , upon which the people of angrogne ran presently thither-ward , some by the valley , others over the mountain : they which went by the valley being above fifty men , met with the spoilers , who were a hundred and twenty men well appointed , with whom they fought , and gave them a great overthrow ; some were hurt , others drowned , and but few hardly escaped ; not one of angrogne being hurt in the fight . the monks were so affrighted with this defeat , that they ran away from their abbey to pignerol , to save their reliques and images , which they carried thither ; and if the ministers would have suffered their people to have attempted it , they might easily have freed their brethren which were imprisoned in the abbey . after this these monks , being assisted by a captain , took many of the inhabitants of the valley of luserne prisoners , spoiling their goods , driving away their cattel ; and in the end ransomed them for great summs of money . about this time a gentleman of campillan promised his neighbours that if they would give him thirty crowns , he would secure them against trouble ; but when he had got the money , he caused some souldiers to come to his house , and in the night sending for the poor men which suspected no danger , he trayterously endeavoured to deliver them into the hands of their mortal enemies : but god , who succours his in their greatest necessity , discovered to one of them the danger they were in , whereby they all fled , and escaped . then were strict commands sent through all the country to banish all the waldenses , together with the gospel , out of the mountains and vallies of piedmount ; but the people still desired that they might have leave to serve god purely according to the rules of the word . in the end of october , a rumour was spread abroad , that an army was raising wholly to destroy them : yea , and such malefactors as were in prisons or banished , were pardoned , upon condition that they should take arms to destroy the waldenses : hereupon the ministers met together to consult what was to be done in so great an extremity . and first they enjoyed a general and publick fast to seek unto god for direction , and in the end concluded that they should not defend themselves by arms , but that forsaking their houses , and taking their best movables with them , they should retire unto the high mountains , but if their enemies pursued them thither , that then they should take such advise as god should please to give them . this counsel all the people submitted to , and for eight days space , were as busie as ants in summer , to remove their goods and provisions , which though they did in great danger , yet with great courage and alacrity , praising god and singing psalms , every one cheering up another . but other ministers hearing of this resolution , wrote to them that they thought it strange that in such an extream necessity , they should not rather resolve to defend themselves against violence , proving that it was lawfull for them so to do , to defend the true religion , and the lives of themselves , wives and children , knowing thar it was not the duke , but the pope that thus stirred him up against them . during this time , their adversaries cryed nothing , but to the fire with them , to the fire with them , and presently by proclamations set up every where , angrogne was exposed to the fire and sword : the army also approached to their borders , and the people retired into the mountains : but when they saw some horse-men not only spoiling their goods , but taking some of their brethren prisoners , they came back , and set upon them , in which bickering some of the enemies were slain , and the rest retired to their camp ; not one of the waldenses was slain or hurt . but two of these horsemen that fled , galloping away before the rest , when they came neer to the army , cryed out , they come , they come : whereupon the whole army was so astonished , that every man fled away , none pursuing , and the captain could not all that day get them into order again . the next day the army under the lord of trinity , was mustered in a meddow , near to angrogne ; they of the town had sent some to stop the passages that the army should not enter , and in the mean time they retired into the meddow of toure , not expecting the army so soon , so that there were but few that kept the passages , but when those few perceived their enemies preparing themselves to fight , they all fell down upon their knees , praying earnestly unto god to pity them , and not to look on their sins , but on the cause that they maintained , to turn the hearts of their enemies , and so to worke that there might be no effusion of bloud , but if it were his will to take them , their wives and infants out of this world , that it would please him mercifully to receive them into his kingdome . their prayers being ended , they perceived their enemies to come through the vines to win the top of the mountain : whereupon the combat began in divers places , and continued untill night : the poor waldenses being but few , and only armed with slings and cross-bows , were much oppressed by the multitudes of their enemies , so that at last they retired to the top of the mountain , where they defended themselves till night . but having found a place where they might withstand their enemies , they turned again and slew divers of them . at even the enemies began to encamp themselves , which the waldenses perceiving , they fell to prayer , desiring god to assist and succour them , for which the enemies flouted and laughed them to scorn . the poor people devised to send a drum into a valley hard by ; and as they were at prayer , the drum beat up in the valley ; whereupon the lord of trinity caused his souldiers to retreat , which was a great advantage to the waldenses , who were weary , thirsty , and in great perill if god by this meanes had not given them some rest : of the waldenses there were but three slain , but many of their enemies , and more hurt , of whom few recovered . this combat much encouraged the waldenses , and as much terrified their enemies , who in their retreat , burnt many houses , and destroyed the wines that were in the presse . then did the lord of trinity encamp in the vally of luserne , by a village , the people whereof had alwaies hated the waldenses , and much rejoyced at this hurt that was now done to them , but they were paid back in their own coyn , being all destroyed by the army . then did the lord of trinity place four garisons in four severall fortresses , so that the poor waldenses found themselves in a sea of troubles : whereupon they first betook themselves to prayer , then sent to their friends for aid , who sent them all that they could make . then did the lord of trinity send his army to villars and tailleret : the lesser part went towards villars ; the people seeing their enemies approaching , called upon god with fervent prayer , then set upon their enemies , slew some , hurt others , and the rest fled . the other company going towards tailleret , they of that place were but few in number , yet making their prayers to god , and commending their cause to him , they set valiantly upon their enemies ; during which bickering , they of villars , encouraged by their late success , came to help their friends , and set so lustily upon their enemies , that they put them to flight : but in the pursuit of them they fell into an ambush , and were environed by their enemies , yet , through gods mercy , they all escaped without the losse of one man ; on the enemies side there were so many slain , that they were laid together by whole cart-loads . another party of the enemies going to spoil a rich mans house , some of his neighbours , not being above seventy , set upon them , put them to flight , took away their drum , and recovered their booty from them . then did the lord of trinity send to them , telling them how much the duke and his dutchesse favoured them , and promised himselfe to mediate for them that they might live in peace : but whilest by these pretences , he sought to make them secure , he sent part of his army to get the hill of tailleret , and another part had already gotten the way that led to the meddow of tour , whereby the angrognians might have been easily enclosed ; but they perceiving it , immediatly sent some to encounter with their enemies , who gat the victory , pursued them to their camp , and slew very many of them , without the losse of one man. the lord of trinity cunningly excused this attempt , and sent to them to draw up a supplication to the duke , which was accordingly done , wherein they promised to render all honour and reverence unto god , according to his word , and all due obedience to the duk , &c. but in the mean time trinity grievously vexed them of tailleret , upon pretence that they had not presented themselves to treat of this agreement , taking their arms from them , and causing them to ask pardon on their knees . but presently after news was brought them , that the enemies had gotten to the top of the mountaine , and had taken all the passages , whereat they were sore amazed , and ran with all speed to defend their wives and children : some they saved , but the most of their goods were already in the enemies hands , who at this time did them much mischiefe . yet after this , the lord of trinity sent word again to them that were fled , that if they would return , he would receive them to mercy : the poor people most of them trusting to his promise , returned , but the next morning the enemies came to apprehend them and their ministers , besetting the place on every side : then they that were swift of foot , escaped , all the rest were taken ; yet god miraculously delivered them : for an old man that could not run so fast as the other , was espied by a souldier , who ran with a naked sword to have slain him , the old man seeing the iminent danger , caught him by the legs , overthrew him , and drew him by the heels down the hill ; the souldier cryed , help , help , this villain will kill me ; hereupon his fellows ran to his rescue ; but in the mean time the old man escaped ; and the rest seeing what the old man had done , though they had lost their weapons , yet took heart of grass , and with stones and slings , drave away their enemies , and thereby they all escaped . the next day the souldiers went again to tailleret , robbing , spoiling , and carrying away all that they could find , but most of the people were retired towards villars ; then did the souldiers range all about , and took divers prisoners , whom they used cruelly , and one souldier bit off one of their ears , saying , i will carry the flesh of this wicked heretick with me into my country : they found also two women , the mother and the daughter , in a cave , whom they wounded to death : and in another cave , an old man of an hundred years old , with his grand-daughter of eighteen years old that fed him ; the man they slew , the maid they would have ravished , who flying from them , tumbled down the mountains , and died . about the same time there was one john martin that made his boasts every where , that if he could meet with the minister of angrogne . he would slit his nose ; but shortly after a wolf met him , and setting upon him , bit off his nose , whereupon he ran mad , and died miserably . a certain souldier promised the lord of trinity to bring to him the minister of tailleret , and accordingly never ceased till he found him , but as he was pursuing of him , some out of the mountains rescued the minister , and slew the souldier with stones . these souldiers were so extream abusive to women , that many papists that lived by , sent their daughters into the mountains to the waldenses to preserve their chastity . then did the lord of trinity promise , that if they would pay him eight thousand crowns , he would with-draw his army , and be gone ; they being desirous of peace , sold their cattel to raise the money , but when he had received it , he continued his army there still . then did the lord of trinity require them to send away their ministers till the matter were determined before the duke , or else by his army he would force them to it ; whereupon by mutual consent they agreed , that the ministers should with-draw for the present , till the army was retired , which was not done without great sighs , and lamentations and tears . at that time there fell an extraordinary snow , so that the people with great difficulty , were fain to make way for their ministers to pass . but the army hearing that the ministers were gathered together , they sent out a company of harquebushers to apprehend them , who came but one hour too late to have taken them : then did they search every cave , house and chest , to seek them ; whereby they robbed the poor people of all their best things . then did they beset the ministers house of angrogne , to whom the lord of trinity had promised safety , but it pleased god that he escaped ; the souldiers pursued him into the mountains , but could not overtake him ; whereupon they plundred his house , burnt his books and writings , and so returned . the next morning command was given to the rulers of angrogne within twenty four hours to deliver up their minister , or else angrogne should be put to fire and sword ; they answered that they knew not where he was , for the souldiers had driven him over the mountains . then did the souldiers burn houses , break the mils , spoil the people , and do all the mischief they could , and so departed . the lord of trinity left garisons in the fortresses , and caused the poor waldenses to maintain them , who , not content with their wages , pillaged and robbed all about them ; and having taken fourteen men , they bound them , and were leading them away prisoners , but their wives and children pursued them so fiercely with stones , that they were glad to let their prisoners go , and had much ado to save themselves . two others that they caught , they hung up by the heels and hands , and having tormented them almost to death , at last released them for a great sum of money . another garison in the night went to tailleret , brake in at the windows and tops of houses , spoiling all , and took also fourteen prisoners , whom they bound two and two together , and were carrying them to the fortress , but two of them getting loose , so valiantly assaulted the souldiers , and beat them with stones , that they forced them to let go their other prisoners . yet two others they took , and carried them to the fort ; one was but a child , whom the captain strangled with his own hands ; the other was sixty years old , whom they bound , and took a crature that lives in horse-dung , and put into his navel , covering them with a dish , which in a short space did eat into his belly , and killed him . the waldenses were in great perplexity , by reason of these garisons , but especially for the want of their ministers : whereupon they resolved to call them back , yet to have preaching only in private , because they would not imbitter the souldiers , till their messengers returned from the duke . these messengers were cruelly handled at the court , and at last sent back with a command that they should entertain priests to say mass , &c. when this report was made to their brethren that sent them , there was wonderfull lamentation , weeping and mourning . then did they send two of their ministers to the church of pragela , to shew them of the pitifull condition of the churches in piedmont , and to ask their advice , how to prevent the danger : and in the next place they all fell to prayer , and having long called upon god for counsel and direction in so great a strait ; they resolved upon debate , that the people in piedmont and dauphine should joyn in a league together , wherein they promised , through gods grace and assistance , to maintain the pure preaching of the gospel , and administring the holy sacraments , to yeeld obedience to their superior , so farre as they were commanded by the word of god , and one to be aiding and assisting to the other ; that none should conclude any thing touching the estate of religion , without the consent of the rest of the vallies . during this treaty , all the housholders were required to be present at masse , and such as would do it , should live in peace , but such as refused should be condemned to be burnt , or sent to the gallies , so that the people were constrained to fly , die , or renounce the gospel : the first they would have chosen , but could not do it by reason of the great snow ; whereupon they exhorted one another saying , we shall be all called for to morrow , to renounce god , and to return to idolatry , let us therefore make a solemn protestation , that we will live and die in the confession of gods holy word ; let us in the morning hear a sermon , and then cast down to the ground , all the idols and altars : and to this all agreed . in the morning they put their resolutions into execution , beating down the images , and casting down the altars : then they went to villars to do the like there ; but by the way they encountred with a band of souldiers , who where going to spoil a village , and to fetch away the inhabitants prisoners : these souldiers seeing them so ill provided , mocked them , and discharged their guns at them ; but they taking courage , with stones beat the souldiers , pursuing them to the fortresse . then did they go to villars , and having destroyed the idols and altars there , they returned to besiege the fortresse , demanding the prisoners that were therein . the judge , with many gentlemen , came that day to enroll their names that would go to masse , but se●ing the resolution of the people , they fled into the castle , where they were besieged for ten daies : then did the captain of to●r go with a company of souldiers , thinking to raise the siege ; but by those which kept the passages , some of them were slain , the rest were driven back again : then came they back with three bands , which caused a furious fight , wherein many of the souldiers were slain and hurt , and not one of the besiegers was hurt . the waldenses attempted often to have taken the fortresse ; but without ordinance it was impossible : also the lord of trinity was come back with his army , and the next day would have raised the siege : but it pleased god that very night that the souldiers in the castle , desired leave to depart , with bag and baggage , which was easily granted to them : and the souldiers whi●h before had so cruelly persecu - the ministers , were now fain to request them to protect their lives , and to conduct them to a place of safty , which the ministers did willingly , and the souldiers were very thankfull for it : that night the fort was razed to the ground . the next day the lord of trinity cunningly sent to them of angrogne , that if they would not aid the other , they should be gently dealt with , but they knowing his fraud , agreed with the rest to defend their religion with their lives , and that no one should make an agreement with out the consent of the rest . then did the lord of trinity assay with his army to enter into the borders of angrogne by certaine streights , but the people having raised up some breast-works , valiantly defended themselves and offended their enemies . trinities souldiers being weary , fresh ones were brought in their stead , so that the fight endured untill night , wherein many of the enemies were slain , more hurt , and but two of the waldenses ; and so the battell ceased for the present . the next day the army marched towards angrogne five severall waies , and there were none to resist , but only a few that kept the watch , who valiantly fought for a space , but seeing themselves in danger to be inclosed , they retreated to an high place , where the combate was renued with greater fiercenesse then before : the lord of trinity seeing the losse of many of his men , sounded a retreat , and went to angrogne , but the people were fled into the medow of tour ; therefore he burned and spoiled all before him : he also oft set fire upon the two churches , where the word used to be preached , but could not burne them , and so he did to the ministers house , and yet it remained whole . amongst them of angrogne , there were but two that were enemies to the word of god , and they were both slain that day . then did the lord of trinity send some to burn rosa ; but the souldiers were driven back four daies together , by them that kept the passages ; whereupon he sent his whole army , yet they valiantly withstood them from morning till night ; at last a party gat behinde them , over a mountaine , so that the poor people seeing themselves environed , saved themselves by running through the midst of their enemies , and others of them gat into the rocks . the enemies being entred rosa destroyed all with fire and sword : the people fled by secret waies toward luserne , wandring all night upon the mountains full of snow , laden with their stuff , carrying their infants in their arms , and leading others by the hand with great pain and travell : they of luserne seeing them , ran to them , praising god for their deliverance ; and they all were very chearfull , notwithstanding their extremities . shortly after the lord of trinity went to luserne by three waies ; they which kept the passages resisted their enemies valiantly , but when they saw themselves assaulted on every side , they fled into the mountains . then did the souldiers sack and burn the houses , staying all they could finde : when they which were fled to the mountains saw their houses on fire , they praised god , and gave him thanks , that thus accounted them worthy to suffer for his name : then did the souldiers pursue them to the mountains , but after they had called upon god , a few of them beat back their enemies , whereupon the army retired . they in the meddow of tour , perceiving a company of souldiers burning the rest of the houses in angrogne , they sent six harque-bushiers against them , who from the higher ground , discharging all their guns together , the souldiers ran all away , when none pursued them . shortly after , as the watch was hearing a sermon , they spied a company of souldeirs marching up the hill , whereupon they ran to encounter them , and easily discomfited them : but whilest they pursued the chase , some cried to them , that another company was entred into the meddow , whereupon they left the chase : or else not one of their enemies had escaped . presently other companies came other waies , which the ministers and people seeing , were much discouraged , and therefore they fell to prayer , and ardently called upon god , with sighs and teares untill night . and whereas seven spies were sent before the souldiers , there went out five of the waldenses against them , and took some , and chased the rest : then went out eight more against the whole company , and pursued them with an undaunted courage from rock to rock , and from hill to hill , and then went out twelve more , who joining with the other , made a great slaughter of their enemies . another company from luserne , having a minister with them , as they used alwaies to have ; after they had made their prayers to god , set upon another company of souldiers , whose hearts were so taken from them , that they presently fled : one of the waldenses , a very young man , carried a greate staff in his hand , with which he laid so lustily at his enemies , that he brake his staff , and slew many of them , he also brake four of their own swords , in pursuing of them : also , a boy of eighteen years old , slew the lord of monteil , master of the camp , which much dismaid the enemies : another threw down charles truchet , and then leaped upon him , and slew him with his own sword ; upon which all the rest fled , and were pursued till night hindred . the minister seeing the great effusion of bloud , and the enemies flying , cried to the people that it was enough , and so exhorted them to praise god : they that heard him obeyed , and fell to prayer . in this battell they gat much armour , which was a great advantage to them afterwards . thanks were returned unto god in every place , every one saying , who sees not evidently that god fighteth for us . presently after , the lord of trinity returned to burn the villages , but especially to pursue the poor people in the mountains . and one company with many horsemen ascended the mountain of comb by an unsuspected way , where were no warders ; but they which were next , seeing them , called upon god for aid , and though they were but thirty in number , yet they valiantly beat them back twice ; many of the enemies were slain , and not one of the waldenses . trinity seeing his men thus beaten back , sent out most of his army to assist them , which were about one thousand five hundred men : and there came about a hundred to help the warders : the combat was very cruel ; at last the poor men were fain to retreat with the losse of two of their men ; at this the enemies exceedingly rejoyced , blowing their trumpets and triumphing : but the people crying all together to the lord , returned again , with greater violence , assaulting them with their slings ; so that the enemies being weary , rested themselves , and the while the waldenses betook themselves to prayer , which more affrighted their enemies then any thing else . then did the souldiers charge again furiously , but by the hands of a few they were driven back ; yea little children , fervently calling upon god , threw stones at their enemies , as also did the women : such as were unfit for war kneeled on the ground with their faces towards heaven , crying , lord help us . then came one running that brought word , that the angrognians were coming to help them , which the enemies hearing , presently retreated . another party of the army of an hundred and fourty , went another way ; but by seven men they were strongly resisted and driven back : a third party was met by the angrognians and driven back . the lord of trinity intending to be revenged upon them in the meddow of tour , assembled all the gentlemen of the country , and an army of about seven thousand : and when the poor people saw them coming , glittering in their harnesse , and so many in number , they were at first astonished , but pouring out their prayers unto god to succour them , and to have regard to the glory of his name , &c. they marched to encounter with their enemies , and seasonably by the way , they met with some aid that was coming to them from luserne , so that uniting themselves , they soon discomfited their enemies . the captain of the enemies had in the morning promised to do great matters that day , but in the evening he was carried back , weak and wounded , and not like to live : whereupon a papist said to him , monsieur , there religion is beter then ours . another part of the army set upon an house in a passe , wherein were but five men , yet they lustily defended it , drave out their enemies that had entred , and kept the place , till some of their friends came to relieve them . another half of the army , assaulted another bulwork on the side of the mountaine ; and they within suffered them to come very near , but then with slings and guns , they slew many of them , others rouled down great stones , which killed divers , so that when they had attempted all waies to take it , they were forced to retire ; the lord of trinity weeping to see his men slain so fast , and at last , having lost very many of his men , he was forced to retreate ; many of the army crying out , god fighteth for them , and we do them wrong . in all that conflict there were but two of the waldenses slain , and two hurt ; whereas they never shot at their enemies but they killed some , and sometimes two at one shot : the souldiers confessed that they were so astonished that they could not fight : others said , that the ministers by their prayers , conjured and bewitched them . it was a wonderfull work of god , that shepherds and cowherds should encounter with so mighty a power of strong and brave souldiers ▪ well furnished with ammunition , and themselves having nothing but slings , stones , and a few harquebushes , and yet should beat them , and in all those fights , they lost not above fourteen men . shortly after a company of souldiers went to angrogne to destroy the vines , &c. and mocking the waldenses , they said , that they were valiant men behinde their bulworks , but if they came into the plain , how they would beat them : then came thirty of the waldenses , and set upon them in the plain , and fought with them a long time , hand to hand , slew many of them , and at last forced them to run away , and that with the losse of one only man of their own . the night after , some thought that it would have been an easie matter to take the lord of trinity , and to have spoiled his whole army , but the waldenses would not do it , least they should offend god , and passe the bounds of their vocation , intending only to defend themselves . then did trinity betake himself to his old shifts of entertaining a treaty for agreement ; but in the interim , he sent a company of spaniards one way , and other companies other waies , to surprise the meddow of tour. the spaniards were entred the meddow , before they were perceived : but when the people spied them , they betook themselves to prayer , then winded their horns , and so prepared for resistance : the first that opposed themselves were but twelve men , who yet stoped them in a passe , and others rolled down stones from the mountains upon them , whereby many of the spaniards were slain , the rest were forced to retreat . shortly after the ministers and chief rulers of the waldenses , requested the lord of raconis to deliver a petition , which they had drawn up to the dutches of savoy , wherein they declared the equity of their cause , protesting all due obedience , &c. ▪ and at last , through gods mercy , they came to a good agreement , and according to the promise of god , all things turned to the best to those that feared him , that were called according to his purpose . after the death of the duke and dutchesse of savoy , charles emmanuel their son succeeded , who maintained them in peace according to the treaty formerly made : yet the inquisitors were alwaies watchfull to apprehend one or other of them : and amongst others , one bartholmew copin of luserne , being at ast in piedmont , with his merchandize , and at evening supping with some other company , one began to speak much to the disgrace of the waldenses for their religion . copin thought that he was bound not to be silent when he heard such blasphemies : whereupon he began to argue in their defence . are you then a waldensian , said the other to him ? he answered , yea. and do you not beleeve that god is in the host ? no , said copin ▪ fie upon you , said the other , what a false religion is yours ? my religion , said copin , is as true , as it 's true that god is god , &c. the next morning copin was called before the bishop of ast , who told him , that he must either recant the opinions he held over night , or be punished : copin said , he had been provoked to that discourse ; yet he said nothing but what he would maintaine with his life : adding that he had some goods , and a wife and children , yet he had lost the affections that he bare unto those things , neither were they dear to him , to the prejudice of his conscience . yet said , that behaving himself honestly , he ought not to be molested ▪ when he came about his merchandize , the turks and jews being permit●ed to come to fairs without molestation . notwithstanding which the bishop presently sent him to prison . the next day the bishops secretary went to him , professing great love , and telling him , that except he acknowledged his fault , he was in great danger of his life : copin answered , that his life was in the hands of god , and he desired not to preserve it to the prejudice of his glory ; and having but a few paces to walk in his journey to heaven , his hearty prayer to god was , to give him grace not to turn back . some few daies after he was examined by an inquisitor in the presence of the bishop , who exceedingly tormented him with sweet and gentle perswasions , by fair words seeking to draw him to an abjuration : but copin alwaies convinced him by the word of god : alleadging that if he should be ashamed of , or deny christ before men , christ would be ashamed of , and deny him before his heavenly father . then said the monk , go thy waies thou cursed heretick to all the devils in hell , and when thou shalt be there tormented by them , thou wilt remember this good and holy counsel that we have given thee , &c. after many violent encounters , they caused his wife and son to come to him , promising if he would confesse his fault , he should have liberty to depart with them ; they suffered them also to sup together , which time he spent in exhorting them to patience , telling them that god would be more then a husband and father to them : for his own part he was not bounde to love wife or childe more then christ ; and that they should esteem it their happiness , that god was pleased to do him the honour to be a witnesse to his truth , with the losse of his life , &c. he enjoyned his wife to bring up his children in the fear of god : his son he commanded to obey his mother , he desired them to pray for him , that god would strengthen him against all tentations , and so taking leave of his wife , and blessing his son , he dismissed them , his wife and son shedding fountains of tears , and crying out in so lamentable a manner as would have moved the hardest hart to compassion . the bishop knew not well what to do with him : if he let him go , he feared a scandall , and that many would be encouraged by his impunity : if he punished him , he offended against the agreement betwixt the duke and the waldenses . and thereupon he sent his indictment to the pope , to know his pleasure . shortly after copin was found dead in prison , it appearing manifestly that he was strangled : and after his death , he was condemned to be burnt , which was accordingly executed . chap. xxii . the persecution , of the vvaldenses in calabria . anno christi . the waldenses of pragela and dauphine grew so numerous , that they sent their younger people to seek some other country to inhabit . in their travell , they found in calabria , some wast and untilled lands : yet seeming very fertil , fit for corn wine , oyl and chestnuts , and that the hils were fit for cattel , and to furnish them with fuell and timber ; they came therefore to the lords of those places to treate with them touching their abode there . the lords received them lovingly , agreed to orders much for the advantage of these new inhabitants ; agreed about rents , tenths , tolls , penalties , &c. and so assigned to them certain parts of the countrey . then did they return to their parents , shewing how it fared with them , and so receive what they pleased to bestow upon them , and many of them marrying , they returned into calabria , where they built some towns and cities , as st xist , la garde , &c. the lords of those countries thought themselves happy in that they had met with such good subjects as peopled their waste lands , and made them to abound with all manner of fruits ; but principally because they were honest men , and of good conscience , yeelding all those duties and honours which they could expect from good subjects . only the priests complained of them , that they lived not after their religion , made not their children priests and nuns ; loved not tapers , masses , &c. that they adorned not their churches with images , went not on pilgrimage , &c. hereupon the lords feared , that if the pope should take notice , that so near his seat , there were people that contemned his laws , they might chance to lose their subiects : they therefore perswaded the priest to be silent , since in other things they shewed themselves honest men , inriched the country , yea and the priests themselves , by their tithes . these lords also stopped the mouths of their neighbours , who exceedingly murmured , because by no means they could draw them into alliance with them , and because all that they had , prospered exceedingly : they were wise and temperate , not given to drinking , dancing , swearing , &c. and living in a country , where the inhabitants were given to all manner of wickednesse , they were as precious stones in a common sink . thus they were preserved in peace by their lords , till anno . at which time these waldenses resolving to make a publick profession of their religion ; sent for two ministers from geneva , who did much establish the exercise of religion amongst them . pope pius the fourth hearing of this , presently concluded their utter ruine and extirpation , giving the same in charge to cardinal alexandrino , a violent man , who chose two monks inquisitors of his own humour , and sent them , first to begin with the inhabitants of st. xist ; there they assembled the people , gave them good words , promising that they should receive no violence , if they would accept of such teachers as the bishops should appoint , which if they refused , they would lose their lives , goods and honors , and would be condemned for hereticks : and further to prove them , they appointed a mass to be sung : but the people with their wives and children , presently quit their houses , and fled into the woods . from thence the monks went to la garde , where they caused the town-gates to be locked , and the people to be assembled , telling them that they of st. xist had adjured their religion , and went to mass , &c. promising that if they would do the like , no man should injure them . these poor people , believing what was told them , were content to do what they would have them ; but when they heard that their friends of st. xist refused to go to mass , and were fled into the woods , they were exceedingly grieved at their own revolt , and resolved with their wives and children , to go to their brethren . in the meane time the monks sent two companies of souldiers after them of st. xist , who ran after them as after wilde beasts , crying , kill , kill , and so slew divers : but such as could get to the top of the mountain , called to the souldiers , beseeched them to have pity on them , their wives and children , telling them that they had been inoffensive in their conversations , &c. yet if they would not suffer them to continue in their habitations , that at least they would license them to depart , either by sea or land , that they might retire themselves whether the lord should be pleased to conduct them , beseeching them also , for gods sake , not to force them to defend themselves - but this more enraged the souldiers , who presently violently assaulted them : then did they so defend themselves , that by gods assistance , they slew the greatest part of the souldiers , and put the rest to flight . hereupon the inquisitors wrote to the viceroy of naples , speedily to send some companies of souldiers to apprehend the hereticks of st. xist and la garde , whereby he should do a work very pleasing to the pope , and meritorious for himself . then did the viceroy come himself with his troops , in the mean time the waldensian women came home to seek for food for their husbands and children that were in the woods - the viceroy proclaimed through all naples , that all such banished persons as would come to fight against the hereticks of st. xist , should be pardoned all their offences : whereupon great numbers resorted to him , and were conducted to the woods , where they chased these poor people , slaying some , wounding others , the rest fled into caves , where most of them died of famine . then were they of la garde cited before the inquisitor , and many fair promises were made unto them if they would appeare ; but contrary thereunto , thirty of them were apprehended , and put to the rack . one charlin was racked with such violence , that his bowels brake out of his belly , and all to extort from him a confession , that in the night , the candles being put out , they committed whoredome , and abominable incest , yet would he never confesse any such wickednesse . another with extreame pain upon the rack , promised to go to masse , the inquisitor seeing that he had shewed such weaknesse , urged him to confesse the forementioned wickednesse , which , because he refused , he left him eight hours together upon the rack , yet could he not get from his mouth so foul a slander . another was stripped stark naked , whipt with rods of iron , drawn through the streets , and burnt with firebrands : one of his sons was killed with knives : another thrown down from an high tower , because he would not kisse a crucifix : another was condemned to be burnt alive , and as he went to the fire , he threw to the ground a crucifix , which the executioner had fastened to his hands , whereupon they covered him all over with pitch , and so burnt him . the inquisitor panza cut the throats of eighty , as butchers do their sheep's ; then causing them to be divided into four quarters , he set up stakes for the space of thirty miles , and appointed a quarter to be fastned to every stake . four of the principall men of la gard he caused to be hanged . another young man , because he would not confesse himself to a priest , was thrown from an high tower . the vice-roy passing by before he was dead , and hearing him implore gods mercy , kickt him on the head , saying , is this dog yet living ? take him and cast him to the hogs . sixtly women were racked so violently , that the cords pierced into their arms and legs , and being then cast into prison , they died there , only nine of the handsomest being delievered to the fathers of the inquisition , were never heard off after . many others were delivered to the secular power to be burnt , and if any interceded for them , he was presently put on the rack as a favourer of hereticks . pope pius the fourth sent the marquesse of butiane , promising that if he would wholly cleare calabria of these waldenses , he would make his son a cardinall : but he was put to no great pains to do it , for the inquisitors and the vice-roy of naples had by sundry deaths killed all the men , women and children that they could light of . one of their ministers was famished in prison : another was carried to rome , where he was condemned to be burnt ; the pope and his cardinals would needs see that pleasing spectacle : but the minister spake so many things out of gods word , against the pope , that the pope gnashed his teeth for anger , wishing that he had been some where else . and thus were these godly people wholly rooted out of calabria . chap. xxiii . the persecutions of the waldenses in provence . these came from piedmont , when their vallies were over-peopled . the country of provence , at their first arrival , was a desert , but within few years , by gods blessing upon their labours , it-abounded with corn , wine , oil , chesnuts , and other fruites . there habitations being near to avignion ( many times the popes seat ) they were exposed to sundry persecutions , as anno . and at other times : but the greatest of all began about the year . in the time of king lewis the twelfth ; who being informed that in provence was a certain kind of people that lived not according to the laws of the church of rome , but were an accursed people , committing all kindes of wickednesse and villanies : he gave commission to his parliament in provence to take cognizance of it , and to punish them according to their demerits . the court prosecuting this order with rigour ; and the king hearing that diverse innocent persons were put to death , he sent his master of requests , and confessor into provence , to finde out what kinde of persons these were , who at their return , certified him that all the former suggestions were untrue , that they were neither socerers , nor whoremongers , but lived honestly , did hurt to none ; caused their children , to be baptized , taught them their belief , and the ten commandments and that they carefully kept the lords day , and had the word of god purely expounded to them : whereupon the king swore an oath , that they were honester then himself , and his catholik subjects . upon this information he sent and sta●ed the persecution . then did the waldenses send two of their ministers [ george morrell and peter masson ] to oecolampadius , capito , b●cer and haller , to confer with them about matters of religion , and to have there advice in many things . in their return , masson was apprehended at dijon ; where he was condemned and put to death for a lutheran . morrell escaped with his letters and papers , and came safe to provence , where he much comforted and confirmed the churches . yet all this while did the parliament of aix apprehend one or other of them , condemning some to the fire , others to the gibbet ; they which scaped best , returned with marks in their forheads . anno christi . the inhabitants of merindoll were summoned , and some of the chief appearing for the rest , they were all condemned to be burned alive , their children and families to be outlawed , and that the place of their habitation should be laid waste , the woods cut down two hundred paces round about , and so left desolate . the king being informed of the rigour of this edict , and of the innocency of the people , countermanded the execution of it : but his letters were suppressed , and the cardinall of tournon obtained for a great some of money , the revocation of them . anno . the president of opede proclaimed war against them both at aix and marseilles : divers companies of souldiers were listed , and five bands of the old souldiers of piedmont were joyned with them , and presently they began to set fire on the villages of cabrieres , pepin , &c. the poor people without any resistance were slain , women and their daughters ravished , some great with child murthered ; the breasts of many women were cut off , after whose death their poor infants died of famine . opede also proclaimed , that on pain of death no man should give any relief or sustenance to them . all their habitations were pillaged , sacked and burnt , and none of their persons spared , but such as were reserved for the gallies . opede comming to merindol , found none there but one simple lad , who had yielded himselfe prisoner to a souldier , and promised two crowns for his ransom ; but opede paid the money to the souldier , and caused the lad to be shot to death ; then he utterly razed the town , and laid it levell with the ground . then did he march against cabrieres , and with the cannon battered the wals : there was within only about sixty poor sick pesants , who sent him word that he needed not to spend powder to batter the wals , for they were ready to open the gates , and quit the country , if they might but have leave with their wives and children to go to geneva , or germany ▪ and to leave all their goods behinde them ▪ opede entring the town , caused all the men to be brought into a field , and to be cut in pieces , the souldiers striving who should shew the best manhood in cutting off heads , arms and legs : the women he caused to be locked in a barn with much straw , and so put fire to it , where many women great with childe were burnt : one souldier moved with pity , opening a hole in the wall , that some of them might come out ; but opede made them to be beaten back againe into the fire with pikes and halberts . some of them that came forth he slew with his own hands , ripping open their bellies , so that their children came forth , whom he trod under his feet : many were fled into cellers and caves , whom he caused to be dragged out , had into the field , stripped stark naked , and then slain . others were bound by two and two together , and slain by the captains , who rejoyced in their bloudy butchery . then did this tyrant ( worse then herod ) command one of his captaines to go into church , into which many women , children and infants were fled ; and to kill them all , which the captain at first refused , saying , that it was a cruelty unbeseeming men of warre : whereat miniers being displeased , charged him upon pain of rebellion against the king to do it . the captain fearing what might be the issue , entred with his souldiers and destroyed them all , sparing neither young nor old . other souldiers that ransacked the houses , found many poor persons who had hid themselves in secret places , whom they flew upon , crying , kill , kill , the souldiers without the town killed all they could meet with , so that above a thousand men , women and children were slain in this place . many persons which were escaped into the mountains , sent by some that had most interest in miniers , to desire him to give them leave to go whither the lord should please to leade them , with their wives and children , though they had nothing but the shirts on their backs : to whom he answered , tha● he knew what he had to do , he would send them to dwell in hell amongst the devils . then did he send part of his army unto costa , which they overcame , and committed there great slaughter : many of the inhabitants fled into an orchard , where the souldiers ravished many women and maidens , and having kept them there a day and a night , they used them so beastly , that the women with childe , and younger maidens died presently after . many of these merindolians hid themselves in rocks and dark caves , where some were famished , others were choaked with fire and smoak set to their caves mouths . many more were the outrages and cruelties which this wicked opede committed : but the lord found him out at last , striking him with a strang kinde of bleeding at the lower parts , neither was he able to void any urine , so that by degrees his guts rotted within him : no remedy could be found for this terrible disease , worms bred in his bowels , which continually gnawed him . then did he send to arles for a famous chyrurgion , who cured him of his difficulty to make water , after which , desiring all to depart the room , the chyrurgion in private exhorted him to repent of his former cruelty and bloud-shed , telling him that this his strange bleeding was gods just hand upon him for shedding so much innocent bloud : but these words pierced the impure conscience of this wicked wretch , and more troubled him then the torments of his disease , so that he cryed out to lay hands on the chirurgion as an heretick : whereupon he conveyed himself away , and returned to arles . yet not long after he was sent for again , and great promises were made for his security : but when he came back , he found miniers past cure , raging and casting out most horrible & blasphemous words , feeling a fire within him which burnt him from the navel upwards , which was accompanied with extream stink of his lower parts , and so he ended his wretched life . in the beginning of this persecution , there was one john de rom● , a monk , who gat a commission to examine those whom he suspected to be hereticks ; whereupon he afflicted the faithfull with all kindes of cruelty : amongst other horrible torments that he used , this was one ; he filled boots with boiling grease , and put them upon their legs , tying them backwards over a form , and their legs hanging down over a soft fire : thus he tormented very many , and in the end most cruelly put them to death . francis the french king being informed of the hellish cruelty of this wicked monk , sent to his parliament at provence that they should apprehend and condemn him : but he being informed of it , fled to avignion , where he hoped to enjoy all that wealth which so mercilesly and unjustly he had extorted from the poor christians : but shortly after he was robbed of all that he had , by his own servants ; and then he fell sick of a most horrible and strange disease unknown to the physitians : he was intollerably tormented with pains all over his body , so that no means could give him ease for one minute of an hour ; neither was their any man that could tarry near him , no not of his nearest friends ; so great was the stink that came from him : then was he removed to an hospital : but the stink and infection so encreased , that no man durst come near him no ; nor he himself was able to abide the horrible stink of his own body , full of ulcers and sores , and smarwing with vermine , and so rotten , that the flesh fell from the bones by piece-meal . in these torments he often cried out in great rage . o who will deliver me ? vvho will kill and rid me out of these intollerable paines , which i know i suffer for the oppressions which i did to the poor men ? oft-times he himself endeavoured to destroy himself ; but he had not the power . in this horrible anguish , and fearful despair he miserably ended his accursed life . when he was dead no man would come near to bury him ; till at last a young novice caught hold of his stinking carcase with an iron hook , and so dragged him into an hole that was made for him . in the time of this persecution the bishop of aix , with some other bishops and their courtizans , walking along the streets of avignion , saw a man selling baudy images and pictures , with filthy rimes and ballades annexed to them : all these goodly pictures the bishops bought up . when they had gon a little further , there was a book-seller that had set to sale certain bibles in french ▪ which the prelates were greatly moved at , saying to him , dar'st thou be so bold as to sell such merchandise in this town ? the book-seller replied , is not the holy bible as good as these goodly pictures that you have bought for these gentle-women ? then said the bishop of aix , i renounce my part in paradise , if this fellow be not a lutheran , take him away to prison . then did his attendants cry out , a lutheran , a lutheran , to the fire with him , to the fire with him ; and one gave him a blow with his fist , another pulled him by the hair , another by the beard , so that the poor man was all imbrued in bloud , before he came to prison . the next day he was brought before the judge , where , by the instigation of the bishops , he was condemned to be burned the same day , and so was carried to the fire with two bibles about his neck , one before , and another behinde , where he made a most christian end . the waldenses were dispersed also into several other countries , as bohemia , austria ▪ germany , flanders , england , poland , italy , spain , dalmatia , croatia , sclavonia , grecia , philadelphia , livonia , sarmatia , bulgaria , &c. in all which places at one time or other they suffered persecutions ; concerning which there is not much left upon record , and something will be spoken again of it in other places of this book , and therefore this may suffice for the present . chap. xxiv . the persecution of the albingenses . these were the same with the waldenses , differing only in name from their habitation in the country of albi. divers of waldo's disciples going into this country , and amongst them one arnold ( from whom they were called arnoldists ) laboured with so good successe , that in a short time there was scarce any found that would go to masse . pope alexander the third was much moved to anger , when he saw many great provinces to shake off his antichristan yoak , and therefore he condemned them for hereticks in the councel of lateran : yet did they so multiply , that anno . they possessed many and great cities ; yea , they had many great lords that took part with them , as earl remund of tholouse , remund earl of foix , the vicount of bezieres , &c. pope innocent the third pretended a great desire to reclaime them by preaching and conference ; and thereupon there was a famous disputation at montreall , wherein the popish doctors were shamefully baffled by arnold : but the popes pollicy was thus to rock them asleep whilest he raised armies against them to destroy them : the pretended occasion whereof was this ; there was one frier peter that was slain in the dominions of the earl of tholouse ; whereupon the pope sent preachers abroad through all europe to assemble men together to take vengeance on the hereticks , for the innocent bloud of friar peter , slain amongst them ; promising paradise to all that would come to this warre , and bear arms for fourty daies . this he called the holy warre , and gave the same pardons and indulgences to those that came to this war , as to those which went into the holy land against the saracens . then did he thunder against earl remund , charging all arch-bishops and bishops through their diocesse to pronounce him accursed and excommunicated , and that with the sound of a bell , and extinction of candles every sabbath and festivall day , for murthering of a good servant of god ▪ he also absolved all his subjects from their oaths of allegiance to him ; commanding every good catholike to pursue his person , and to take and possesse his land , &c. he also wrote to all christian princes to stirre them up to get this pardon , rather by fighting against these albingenses , then by going against the turks . earl remund hearing of all these preparations against him , sent to the pope , humbly beseeching him not to condemn him before he was heard , assuring him that he was no way guilty of the death of frier peter , but that he was slain by a gentleman , who immediatly fled out of his country , otherwise he would have severely punished him for it . but all was in vain , for presently came armies of crossed souldiers to pour down their vengeance on him and his lands . amongst these were many noble men , and ecclesiasticall persons , arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , &c. to all which the pope promised paradise , but gave them not a peny . the earl of tholouse perceived that he must either prepare for defence , or submit ; the latter he thought the safer , and therefore he went presently to the popes legate at valance ; to whom he began to say , that he thought it strange that so many armed men should be brought against him , who used no other arms for his defence but his own innocency : and that concerning the death of the frier , they should first have enquired the truth of the fact , before they thus moved heaven and earth against him ; yea , if he had been guilty , yet there was an ordinary course of justice to be used against him , and not to wreak their anger on his innocent subjects : and therefore sir ( said he ) since i come voluntarily to you , armed only with the testimony of a good conscience , what further use is there of these armed pilgrims ? pray you therefore counte●mand these souldiers before they go to make any further spoil in my territories : for my own person may serve for a sufficient pledge , &c. the legate answered , that he had done well in coming to him , yet could he not send back the souldiers , except he would put seven of his best castles into his hands , which should serve for a hostage ; now did the earl when it was too late see his own folly in putting himself into the legates hands , and thereby making himself a prisoner , but there was no remedy , now he must take laws from him that had him in his power , and therefore be told him that both his person and possessions were at his disposall , beseeching him that his subjects might receive no more damage by the souldiers . the legate presently sent to put garisons in those seven castles , commanding all the consuls of every city presently to appear before him : and when they were come , he told them that earl remund had delivered up his castles to the pope , and therefore they were to take notice of it , that so they might acknowledge themselves lawfull subjects to his holinesse , in case the earl should falsifie his oath to the pope . the consuls were much astonished thus to see their lord devested of all his possessions : but that which most afflicted them was , to see him led to s. giles to be reconciled to the church , where the legate commanded the earl to strip himself stark naked all but his linnen drawers : then did he put a cord about his neck , whereby he led him nine times about the grave of frier peter , scourging him with rods all the while : the earl demanded satisfaction for so sharp a penance seeing he was not guilty of the fact : the legate answered , that he must submit if he would be reconciled to the pope , yea , he must be thus scourged before the earls , barons , marquesses , prelates , and all the people : he made him also to swear to be obedient all his life to the pope and church of rome : and to make irreconcileable warre against the albingenses , &c , then did the legate make him general of the crossed souldiers for the seige of beziers : the earl knew not what to do : for to conduct an army to fight against the albingenses , was to sin against his conscience , and if he should fly away , it would furnis● them with new matter of persecution against him and his subjects . in this extremity he stayed in the army a few daies , and then went towards rome to reconcile himself to the pope . then did the army come before the city of beziers , and provided all manner of engines for battery , reared up ladders for a general escalado : this the earl of beziers beholding , and judging it impossible to defend the city , he went out : and cast himself down at the legates feet , beseeching him not to punish the innocent with the nocent , which must needs be , if the town were taken by storm : he told him , that there were in the city great numbers of good catholicks , which would be subject to the same ruine with the albingenses : he desired him also to commiserate him now in his minority that was a most obedient servant to the pope , and had been brought up in the romish church , in which he would live and die : the legate told him that all his excuses prevailed nothing , and that he must do as he may : the earl returned into the city , assembled the people , and told them that he could obtain no mercy from the legat , except all the albingenses would come and abjure their religion , and promise to live according to the laws of the church of rome : the popish party requested the albingenses to yield to this , but the albingenses answered , that they would not forsake their religion for the base price of their frail life : that god was able , if he pleased , to defend them , but if he would be glorified by the confession of their faith ▪ it should be a great honour to them to die for his sake : that they had rather displease the pope , who could but kill their bodies , then god , who could cast both body and soul into hell , &c. then did the popish party send their bishop to the legate , beseeching him not to include them in the chastisement of the albingenses : and that the best way to win the others was by gentle means , not by rigour : the legate grew into great choler at this , swearing that if all the city di● not acknowledg their fault , they should all taste of one cup without distinction of religion , sex or age : and accordingly he summoned the city presently to yield to his discretion , which they refusing , he caused that his engines should play , and that a generall assault should be given . it was impossible for them within the city to resist so great violence , being assaulted by above an hundred thousand pilgrims : so that the enemies entred , and slew a great multitude , and set the city on fire , and burnt it to ashes : when the city was first taken , the priests and monks came forth of the great church with banners and crosses , singing , te deum laudamus ; but the souldiers , who were commanded by the legate to kill all , ran upon them , made their heads and arms to fly about the streets , so that they were all cut in pieces . in this city of beziers they slew sixty thousand persons , the popes legate saying to the captains and souldiers , caedite eos omnes , novit enim dominus qui sunt ejus , kill them all ] catholicks and hereticks ] for the lord knoweth who are his . then were these pilgrims presently conducted to carcasson before the fourty daies of service , which they had vowed to the church of rome , were expired . the earl of beziers when he saw that he could obtain no favour of the legate , before the city was taken , left his charge to the bishop , and went to carcasson , endeavouring to prepare and furnish it for a long siege : but the legates army followed him presently , unto which there came a new supply of crossed souldiers out of sundry countries , so that his army now consisted of three hundred thousand fighting men . near to the city of carcasson was a town of the same name : the city was seated on an hill , and fenced with a double wall ; yet the pilgrims thought to take it at the first sight , and therefore ran with great violence upon the first rampier , filling the ditch with fagots , but they were beaten back with such courage , that the ground was covered with their dead bodies : the young earl of beziers won much honor in this first encounter , encouraging his men , and telling them , that it was better to die fighting , then to fal into the hands of such cruel and merciless enemies , &c. the albingenses much encouraged hereby , swore to him that they would spend their lives for the preservation of the city . the next morning the legate commanded a general assault to be made upon the town of carcasson which was two miles from the city : & the people valiantly defended themselves , but being oppressed with multitudes , the souldiers entred the town , putting all to the sword and fire , as they had done at beziers . then came the king of arragon to the camp , and told the legate that he understood that his kinsman the earl of beziers was in the city , and that with his leave , he would go to him , not doubting but that he should prevail with him to do his duty to the pope and church : the legate gave him leave , and the king approaching to the rampier , called for the earl , who came to him : then said the king , that he desired to know of him what moved him to shut up himself in that city against so great an army of pilgrims ? the earl answered , that it was to defend his life , goods and subjects : that he knew well that the pope , under the pretence of religion , resolved to destroy his uncle remund , and himselfe : that he saw the cruelty which they had used at beziers even against the priests themselves : adding also what they had done to the town of carcasson , and that they must look for no mercy from the legate or his army : and that therefore he rather chose to die , defending himself with his subjects , then to fall into the hands of so inexorable an enemy as the legate was : that though he had in his city some that were of another religion , yet they were such as had wronged none , and were come to his succour in his greatest extremity , and for their good service he was resolved not to abandon them , and that his trust was in god the defender of the oppressed , that he would assist them against that world of ill advised men , who forsook their own houses to burn , sack , and ransack , and kill in their houses other men without reason , judgement , or mercy . the king returning to the legate , told him , that his cozen was much discontented with his former dealings against his subjects of beziers & carcasson , that he believed , seeing they spared not the romish priests , their war was not for religion , but a kinde of theevery : that he would not yield himselfe to the descretion of such mercilesse men , &c. the legate , after some debate , told the king , that for his sake he would receive the earl of beziers to mercy , and that with him , twelve more might come out with bag and baggage , but for the rest he would have them wholly at his discretion , and that they should all come forth stark naked , men , women , maids , and children , without shirts , smocks , or other covering , and that then they might hope well of his mercy , he being the popes legate , &c. the king much distasted this propositions , yet reported it to the earl of beziers , who returned answer , that he would not come forth upon such unreasonable and unjust propositions , but would defend himself and his subjects , as god should enable him . then did the legate cause all his engines to play , commanding , that they should take the city by storm , but he was little pleased when he saw the losse of a great number of his pilgrims : for they in the city threw down stones , fire , pitch , brimstone , and boiling water , wherewith they so galled the assailants , that the earth●●s covered , and the ditches filled with their deads bodies , which 〈◊〉 a wondrous noysom stink both in the city an camp. this overthrow caused divers of the crossed souldiers , having accomplished their fourty daies service , and thereby gained paradise , to refuse to conquer more after so faire a purchase , and therefore they returned home . the legate being much troubled to see his army so decreased , thought of this stratagem , he sent for a gentleman , telling him that he might do a piece of service , whereby he might not only merit heaven , but gain a great reward here : which was by going to the earl of bezires , endeavouring to put him into great fears , and then to perswade him to have recourse to the legates mercy , and withall that he should perswade him with great oaths and execrations ( whereof he could absolve him at his pleasure ) to come with him to the legate , with assurance that he should be dismissed safe and sound . this gentleman plaied his part so well , that he brought the young earl with him : the legate presently told him , that he was now his prisoner till carcasson was taken , and till his subjects had better learned their duty : the earl astonished hereat , cried out that he was betraied , and that faith was violated with him , &c. but this nothing prevailed , for he was presently committed to the guard and custody of the duke of burgonne . the inhabitants of carcasson understanding this , brake forth into tears , and were so astonished , that they now thought of nothing but how by flight to escape the danger , but that seemed impossible , being environed with such an army : at last one told them , that he heard some old men say , that there was a certain vault under ground , great and large , which went to the castle of cameret three leagues off : then were all the citizens imploied to search for this vault , and having at last found it , they began their flight in the evening , with their wives and children , carrying with them only some victuals for a few daies . this departure was accompanied with much sorrow thus to leave all their worldly enjoyments : the next morning they came to the castle , and from thence dispersed themselves , some to arragon , others to catalonia , others to tholouse , whether it pleased god to conduct them . in the morning the pilgrims were strangely astonished , hearing no noise nor seeing any man stirring in the city , yet they approached the wals with much fear , lest it should be but a stratagem to endanger them , but finding no opposition , they mounted the wals , crying out , that the albingenses were fled , and thus was the city with all the spoils taken , and the earl of beziers committed to prison in one of the strongest towers of carcasson . then did the legate call all the prelates , and great lords of his army together , telling them , that though it was requisite that there should be alwaies a legate in the army , yet it was likewise necessary that there should be a secular general , wise and valiant , to command in all their affairs , &c. this charge was first proffered to the duke of burgonne , then to the earl of ennevers , and to the earl of s. paul : but they all refused it : lastly , it was proffered to earl simon of montfort , who after some excuses , accepted of it . the earl being made general , settled himself at carcasson with four thousand pilgrims , all the remainders of that huge army . after this earl remund of tholouse , went to the french king for his letters of commendation to the pope , to be by him fully cleared from the death of frier peter , and the pope thereupon received him courteously , gave him full remission and absolution , and thereby declared him sufficiently justified . shortly after the earl of beziers died in prison , and earl simon was put into possession of his lands , whereupon all that bordered upon him began to fear him , for that he gave it out that the spring following he would have a great army of pilgrims , wherewith he would chastise those that had not acknowledged his authority given him by the church . upon this occasion castris sent unto him the keys of their city ; the castle of pinies yielded to him , and so did all round about carcasson : but the king of arragon secretly encouraged the gentlemen of the vicounty of beziers , telling them that his pilgrims would be uncertain , and would not stay long with him , and that if in the mean time they would but keep themselves in their garisons , when he was weak by the departure of his pilgrims , they might then set upon him , and reduce him to reason . these messages gave such encouragement to the gentry , that the earl simon being gone to montpelliar , they took arms to shake off his yoak , besieging some of his souldiers in a tower near to carcasson : the earl hearing of it presently returned to succor them , but the tower was taken before he came , which affront brought him into some contempt : then captain boucard belonging to earl simon , attempted to surprise the strong castle of cabe●et , making his approach thereto as secretly as he could : captain roger commanding therein for earl remund , was come forth with eighty horse to forrage : boucard on the sudden charged him : but roger doubled the charge in so furious a manner , that he overcame boucards party , and brought him prisoner into that castle that he came to surprise . gerad of pepios took part with the albingenses , so that the warre grew hot : but all the men that earl simon took , he caused a great fire to be made , and cast them into it : neither did his men escape scot-free , when they fell into their enemies hands . the city of carcasson was hereupon stricken with great fear , having little hope to defend themselves , but by flight , being environed on all sides by their enemies . about this time earl simon wrote to all the prelates through europe , that if in the spring following they did not send him good store of pilgrims , he could hold out no longer against his enemies , having since the last departure of his pilgrims , lost above fourty towns and castles ; and whilest that he waited for these new succours , he surprised the castle of beron , where he pulled out the eyes of above a hundred albingenses , and cut off their noses , leaving only one with one eye to guide the rest to cabaret . anno . earl simon being shut up in carcasson for want of souldiers , heard that his wife was comming from france with many pilgrims , whereupon he went out to meet her : these pilgrims he imployed against the castle of menerbe , which at last was yielded up to him for want of water . this castle was defended by remund , lord of termes , and was scituated in narbonne : one argument which earl simon used to stirre up his crossed souldiers to fight manfully against it , was , for ( that saith he , ) there hath been no masse sung in it since the yeare . which is now thirty years , upon the surrender of the castle they laboured to draw this noble lord to recant his religion , and turne papist ; but finding him immovable , they shut him up in a straight prison , where shortly after he died : they also took his wife , sister , and daughter , who was a maid , and other noble women , with whom they laboured to withdraw them from the truth both by flattery and frowns , by faire speeches , and cruell threats , but when they saw that nothing would prevaile , they made an huge fire , casting them into the same , and burning them : god fridi annales . also after his taking of the said castle , he caused a frier to preach to the people , and to exhort them to acknowledge the pope and church of rome : but they not staying till he had done ▪ cried out , we will not forsake our faith , you labour but in vain , for neither life nor death shall make us abandon our beliefe . then did the earl and legate cause a great fire to be made , and cast into it a hundred and fourscore men and women , who went in with joy , giving god thanks for that he was pleased so to honour them , as to die for his names sake : they also told earl simon that he would one day pay dear for his cruelties . all that saw their valour , and constancy were much amazed at it . then did the earl besiege the castle of termes , which also at last was taken for want of water ; yet they within the castle , when they perceived that they could hold out no longer , one night quit the place and passed away undiscovered . the castle de la vaur , was also besieged , in which there were many godly people : thither came many pilgrims to the legate , from all countries ; and amongst others , six thousand germanes , of whose coming the earl of foix hearing , he laid an ambush for them , overthrew and slew them all , not one escaping but an earl that carried the news to earl simon . after six moneths siege the castle of vaur was taken by assault , where all the souldiers were put to the sword save eighty gentlemen , whom earl simon caused to be hanged , and the lord aimeri on a gibbet higher then all the rest , the lady his sister was called girauda , was cast into a ditch , and there covered with stones . and for the rest of the people a very great fire was made , and they were put to their choise , whether they would forsake their opinions , or perish by the flames : there were scarce any of them found that would doe the first , but exhorting one another , they went into the kindled fire of their own accord , saith altisiodore , but more probably they were forced into the same , where joyfully they resigned up their spirits unto god : some say that they were about foure hundred persons that thus perished by fire . after the return of the earl remund from the pope , the legate still fought to entrap him , but the earl would not come againe within his reach . then did the legate send the bishop of tholouse to him , who pretended a great deal of love and friendship to the earl , and by his subtilty at last prevailed with him to profer his strong castle of narbonnes to them to lodge in as they passed that way : but as soon as the legate and his company were entred , they seised upon it , and put into it a garison , which was a continuall vexation to all his subjects . then did the legate resolve upon the utter extirpation of earl remund , and all his house , as the head of the albingenses ; but presently after this legate dying , earl simon was frustrated of this hope . about this time the english who now possessed guienne , which bordereth upon the earldom of tholouse began to help the albingenses , being stirred up thereto by reinard lollard , a godly , and learned man , who by his powerfull preaching converted many to the truth , and defended the faith of the albingenses ; for which they were so eagerly pursued , and constantly suffered martyrdom : and this they did the rather , not only for their neighbour-hoods sake , or for that simon earl of lecester was a rebell , and traitour to their king , but because this remund earl of tholouse , whom they so cruelly whipped , and other wise abused , and had now also excommunicated , was brother in law to king john. for his former wife was joane sometimes queene of sicilie , which joane was k●ng johns sister , and bare to the earl of tholouse , remund , who succeeded his father both in the earldome , and in his troubles . john le maier much commendeth this lollard , saying that he foretold many things by divine revelation , which ( saith he ) came to passe in my time , and therefore he putteth him into the rank of holy prophets : and for his learning it is evident by his comment upon the revelation , where he setteth forth many things that are spoken of the roman antichrist . this worthy man was afterwards apprehended in germany ; and being delivered to the secular power , was burnt at collen . anno . a new legate called theodosius was appointed to succeed who excommunicated earl remund , and the bishop of tholouse thereupon sent the earl word that he must depart out of the city , for that he could not say masse whilest an excommunicated person was in the city : the earl returned this answer , being netled at his insolency , that he ( the bishop ) should presently depart out of his territories , and that upon pain of his life : accordingly the bishop departed , and took with him the canons of the cathedrall church , with the crosse , banner , and host , and all of them barefooted in procession : coming thus to the legates army , they were received as persecuted martyrs , with the teares of the pilgrims , and generall applause of all . then the legate thought that he had suffici●nt cause to prosecute earl remund , as a relapsed and impenitent man ; but first he sought by craft to get him into his power , and with his fair flatering letters , he at last drew him once again to arles : the earl had requested the king of arragon to meet him there . when they were both come , the legate commanded them upon the pain of his high indignation , that they should not depart , but with his leave : whilest they were there , the earl was privately shewed by a friend , the articles of the legate to which he would enforce him to subscrib , which were these . . that the earl of tholouse should presently dismiss , and cashiere all his men at armes , not restraining one . . that he shall be obedient , and subject to the church : and repaire all the costs , and damages which the church hath been at . . that in his lands , no man should eat of more then two sorts of flesh . . that he shall expell out of his territories all the hereticks , and their allies . . that he shall deliver into the hands of the legate , and of earl simon , all those persons that shall be named unto him . . that no man in his lands whether noble , or ignoble , shall were any costly apparell , but black course clokes . . that all his castles of defence shall be razed to the ground . . that no gentlemen of his shall live in any city , or castle , but in country houses , or villages only . . that he shall not levie in his land any taxes , or tolls , but such as in old time were accustomed . . that every master of a family shall pay yearly four tholousian pence to the legate . . that when earl simon shall passe through his countries , he shall beare their charges . . that after his performances of these things , he shall go into the holy land to fight against the turke , and never return againe into his owne country , but by the leave of the pope , or his legate . remund having read over these articles shewed them to the king , who advised him presently to mount on horseback , least seising upon him , they might the better become masters of all his estate which accordingly he did . the legate was much troubled that he had thus lost his prey , and despairing to do any more by subtilty , he resolved to set upon him by force : and thereupon he besieged the castle of montferrand , where baldwin , the brother of the earl of tholouse was governour : baldwin , at least pretending inability to defend the place , yielded it up , and abjuring his opinions turned papist . the earl of tholouse seeing himselfe thus betrayed by his brother , lamented exceedingly : but a greater mischiefe soone after befell him : for the legate , and earl simon wonne from him by their subtilty , the king of arragon , his only prop under god : and that by this meanes they agreed that the king of arragons daughter should be married to earl simon 's eldest son , in consideration whereof the king of arragon invested simon in the earldom of beziers : and now they intend jointly to besieg tholouse : for which end the bishop of tholouse was sent to levy souldiers in france , and at his returne hasted to tholouse : which earl remund hearing of , sallyed out of the city with five hundred horse , and some foot , marching to the bridg which goeth over the river of garenne not far from tholouse , hoping either to gaine it , or to breake it down : but being overpowered by multitude , he was forced to make a retreat , and the enemie pursued him to the very gates of tholouse : but earl remund seeing their insolency , sallyed out againe with a greater strength , and charged them so gallantly , that he beat them back to the bridge , which being but narrow , he slew almost all of them there : and took prisoner amongst them , aimery the son of earl simon . earl simon hearing of this loss , hasted with all his army to the city , and gave a furious assault to it , but the ditches were soone filled with the dead bodies of the enemie beaten from their scaling laddars : and the earl himselfe was beaten from his horse . in the middest of this assault , came the earl of campeigne soon enough to be well beaten for his welcome , earl simon finding such stout resistance from the citizens , caused his pilgrimes to spoil the orchards , gardens , and vineyards about the city , which being perceived ; the president of argeves issued out of the city suddenly , and slew a number of the pilgrims , and on another part , the earl of foix slew as many as he could meet with . the earl of bar seeing the disorder of the popish army cried out a bar , a bar , but the citizens of tholouse charged him so bravely , that being discomfited , he was faigne to fly amongst the rest . after this victory earl remund returning to tholouse caused publike , and solemne thanks to be returned unto god , for the same . earl simon after this lead his army into the country of the earl of foix , who was now sick , where he took some townes : also the legat with another part of the army went to roquemaur , and in his way took the tower of cassas ; and caused above an hundred men that were found therein most cruelly to be burned alive , and levelled the tower to the earth . earl remund being much afflicted for the loss , and alienation of his ancient friend the king of arragon , studied how he might regaine him , and for that end propounded a match betweene his only son , and heire , and the king of arragons daughter , which motion the king readily imbraced , and so their amity was againe revived . not long after the king of arragon sent a letter of defiance to earl simon , who sent the same all over christendom to stir up pilgrims to assist him for the destruction of the king who ( as he said ) was now become the captaine of the albingenses : and in the meane time the popes legate raising an army in france , went speedily into the earldome of foix , and took some towns , putting all to the sword without distinction of sex or age , and taking also st. anthonies , he caused thirty of the principall men to be hanged in cold blood , after he had granted them their lives . anno christi . peter king of arragon with a great army of arragonois , and tholousians besieged muret , a strong towne scituated upon the river garronne near unto tholouse : there was in his army the earls of tholouse : comminges , and of foix ; but the night following , the popish bishops sent two friers to him , desiring him to take pitty on the church : and not to undertake the defence of the hereticks , but they laboured in vaine , for the king would not desert them , whereupon they prepared the next day to give him battle , and whilest simon montfort was encouraging his souldiers , the bishop of tholouse carryed a crucifix in his hand , whereupon the captains a lighting , adored it with and humble kiss . then the bishop of comminges , getting upon an high place took the crosse in his hand , and blessed the army with it , promising forgivenesse of all sins to all that dyed in that quarrell : hereupon simon divided his army into three battalia's in the name of the trinity , and so joyning battle , they fought very gallantly on both sides ▪ till at length the king of arragon was slaine , and so god ( who doth not alwayes prosper the best cause ) gave the victory to the popelings , and they were slaine in the fight , and pursute about two millions of the albingenses , as their enemies reported . the albingenses attributed this loss to gods judgement upon the humane confidence of the king , who trusted too much in his great numbers , and was feasting whilest his enemies were plotting , after this victory the popes agents sent abroad their letters into divers countries for a new supply of pilgrims utterly to root out the hereticks . with this victory earl simon was so puffed up , that he summoned the earls of tholouse , foix and comminges , and the prince of bearn , to deliver to him the keyes of those cities and castles which they possessed : they returned no answer , but each of them betooke himself to his own territories , to provide the best they could for their affairs . earl remund retired to m●ntalbon , writing to them at tholo●se , that understanding that the bishop of arras was coming with a great army of pilgrims against them , and that he was altogether disabled to defend their city , he had advised them therefore that they should make the best terms they could for themselves with earl simon , yet desired them to reserve their hearts for him , till god should give him meanes to free them from those miseries . in the interim , the earls of foix , comminges , and the prince of bearn did what they could to infest the enemies armies . upon the former advice the citizens of tholouse sent some deputies to earl simon , to profer him the keyes of their city , whom he received honourably , and presently wrote to lewis son of king philip , that the city of tholouse was offered to him , but his desire was that he should come and have the honour of taking it : the prince went thither immediately , and had tholouse delivered to him : yet the legate resolved that the pillage of it should be given to his pilgrims , and the city dismantled , which was presently executed , though contrary to the promise made to the citizens , that no wrong should be done to the city . then came there a new legate of the popes called bonaventure with those that had taken on them the crosse. viz. the earle of saint paul , the earle of savoy , the earle of alenzon , the vicount of melun , mathew de montmorency , and other great lords . the legate seeing so many pilgrims , feared least prince lewis should take upon him to dispose of divers places held by the albingenses , to the prejudice of the church : whereupon he presently sent to all those places absolution and protection , so that when the prince came against them , they shewed that they were under the protection of the church : yea the legate told the prince , that since he had taken upon him the crosse , he was to be subject to his commands ; because he presented the person of the pope , whose pardons ( saith he ) you come to obtaine by obeying the church , and not by commanding as the son of a king. the prince dissembled his displeasure at this audaciousnesse ; and the poore albingenses were so oppressed by new armies of pilgrims , that they sunk under the burthen of it . the prince , when his fourty daies service were expired , retired himself , being much discontented to see so much tyranny exercised against the albingenses . then did earl simon besieg the castle of foix , but having lain ten dayes before it , he found to his cost that the place was not to be won by him : for where as earl simons brother quartered at varilles , the earl of foix dislodged him , and slew him with his launce , putting to flight all his men . news hereof being brought to earl simon he swore that he would drive the earl of foix behinde the pyrenaean mountaines : but presently he had intelligence that a great army of the arrogonois , and catalunians were come into the earldom of beziers , threatning to be revenged on him for the death of their good king , where upon he levied his siege in hast , and marched thitherwards : but the earle of foix , who knew the passages better then he , lay in ambush for him in a place fit for his turne , and suddenly setting upon his pilgrims , slew a great number of them : only earl simon with a few others escaped , and went to carcasson : but before he came thither , the arrogonois were gone , else might they easily have discomfited him , yet shortly after they returned again , and earle simon was foundly beaten by them , so that he was forced ▪ to shut himself up in carcasson till he had a new supply of pilgrims . shortly after came remund the son of earl remund out of england , where he had been bred under his uncle king john , with an army , and quickly made himself master of the city of beaucaire , and almost famished them that held the castle , so that they yeelded it up to depart with their baggage . there earl simon lost a hundred gentlemen that he had laid in ambush neer unto the city , whom young remund in a sally cut in pieces . anno . the legate called a councel at montpelier , for renuing of the army of the church , and to confirm the authority of earle simon ; where they declared him to be prince of all the countries conquered from the albingenses , which title was confirmed to him by the pope also . who stiled him the active and dexterous soldier of jesus christ , and the invincible defender of the catholick faith. but whilest earl simon was in the council receiving this his new honour , a great rumour was heard in the city , and a messenger brought word that the people , hearing that earl simon was there , betook themselves to their arms , purposing to kill him ; whereupon he stole away by the walls of the city on foot , without any company , and so escaped ; so that in one houre he saw himself honoured as a god , and flying disguised , hiding himself like a base scoundrell , for feare of the rascall multitude . anno christi . their was a councill held by the pope at lateran , where they gave the inquisitors such power against the gospellers , that poor people were every where horribly tortured that were but suspected for heresie , and ( as tritemius saith ) frier conradus of marpurg , the popes inquisitor , if he but suspected any as guilty of heresie , vsed to trie them by the judgment of red hot irons , and such as were burned by the irons he delivered as hereticks , to the secular power , to be burned in the flames : whereupon most of those that were accused were by him condemned to be burnt , few escaping the hot irons : in so much as noble , ignoble , clerks , monks , nuns , burgesses , citizens , and countrymen were under the name of heresie ( by too headlong a sentence of the inquisitor on the same day where on they were accused ) cast into the cruell flames , no refuge of appeale or defence doing them any good ▪ by the same lateran councill , earle simon had the forementioned lands of the albingenses confirmed to him , and thereupon he hastened to the king of france to receive investiture , and as he went ( saith the monk of sernay ) in every city and towne the popish clergy , and people met him , crying , blessed is he that commeth to us in the name of the lord , and every man thought himself happy that could but touch the hem of his garment . when he had recived his investiture from the king of france , being attended with an hundred bishops that had preached the crosse in their diocess , and with an exceding great army of pilgrims he hasted to make himself lord of all those countries , which the pope had given him . so that all men trembled at his reproach , and with this great army of pilgrims he took in divers places , using great cruelty , putting men women and children to the sword . then was he marching to tholouse , purposing to pillage and raze it to the ground : but by the way his wife sent him word that he must speedily come to her relief , being besieged in the castle of narbonnes , by the earl of tholouse ; but by this time many of his pilgrims were returned into france . yet earl simon hasted to the relief of his wife , and being come before tholouse , the people by their frequent sallies made that place too hot for his abode . the legate perceiving that he was much astonished at it , said unto him ; fear nothing , we shall quickly recover the city , and then we will destroy all the inhabitants ; and if any of our pilgrims are in the fight , they shall , as martyrs , immediately passe to paradise . hereupon one of earl simons great captains said , monsieur cardinall , you talke with great assurance , but if the earl believe you , it will be little for his profit , for you , and other prelates have been the causers of all this evil , and will be of more , if he believe you . then was it resolved that the city should be besieged on the side of gascon , but the citizens made such a blunt salley , that they put their enemies to flight ; and presently the earl of foix coming with new supplies , fell upon earl simon ▪ chased him to the river garonne , where many of his pilgrims were drowned , and the earle with his horse fell into the river , and hardly escaped . the earl remund caused publick thanksgiving to god for this happy victory . earl simon being in great perplexity , a bishop bid him be of good comfort , for that the cardinal had sent messengers throughout the world to raise him succours , and so he was inforced to wait , with much impatiency , the coming of these new supplies , anno . there came to him a hundred thousand pilgrims , and he was resolved that they should earn their pardons , knowing that at the end of fourty daies they would vanish : whereupon the next morning they were ordered to give a generall assault to tholouse : but earl remund perceiving in the night that they were very secure , because of their great multitude , he sallied out upon them , and that with so good successe , that ere morning all the field was covered with their dead bodies , and the earl with his men being weary with killing , returned into the city to give thanks unto god for his assistance . then did earl simon enter into the castle of narbonnes to see if he could discerne any way to enter into the city , but finding none , it much troubled him , whereupon two lords gave him counsell to come to some honourable agreement : yet the cardinal betrand told him that there was no need for him so to do ; to whom one of them answered , monsieur cardinal , pray you where finde you that you should take from earl remund , and his son that which belongs unto them : if i had known as much as i know now , i had never taken upon me this business . after nine moneths siege the citizens of tholouse made another sally , killing as many of the crossed souldiers as they encountered with ; and earl simon coming in to the reliefe of his men , had his horse shot in the head with an arrow , which caused him to run away with him , which one of the albingenses seeing , with his cross-bow he shot him thorow the thigh ; simon perceiving that he lost much bloud , was labouring to get out of the presse , but just at that present , a woman discharging an engine from the walls of tholouse , a stone parted his head from his shoulders ; and thus by gods just judgement , he that had been the deflourer and murtherer of many women , was himselfe slaine by a woman . upon his death , the legate and all the bishops fled , never staying till they came to carcasson , the pilgrims disbanded and returned to their homes , and earl remund caused a publick thanksgiving to be returned to almighty god for this so signall a deliverance . afterwatds , at the instigation of the pope , prince lewis of france went , and besieged tholouse , but finding the business too hot for him , he returned without doing any thing of note : yet in this iourney he tooke the towne of miromand , wherein he cruelly put to the sword men , women , and children to the number of five thousand . upon his returne the legat bertrand being weary of these warres , wrote to pope honorius the . desiring to be recalled because of his age : yet with all , he signified a necessity of continuing these warrs otherwise ( saith he ) not only the lands of the albingenses wil be lost , but the church of rome itself will be ruined , the doctrin of the albingenses shaking the authority of the popes themselves : and ( saith he ) this war hath cost us very deare , for within less then fifteene years there hath dyed above three hundred thousand crossed soldiers : and therefore all wil be lost , except these hereticks be utterly destroyed . this occasioned the pope to send a new legat [ conradus bishop of portua ] also he granted to all crossed soldiers that fought against the albingenses the same in dulgences as to those that went to fight against the saracens in the holy land : moreover he tooke king , philip of france into his protection , and made peace betwixt him , and young king henry the third of england : so that philip wholly bent himself to roote out the gospellers . anno christi . earl guido of monfort , son , and heire to earl simon went against the albingenses , but was soone after slaine by the e. of sant giles as he besieged a castle in tholouse : then did his brother almerick besieg the same castle , and swore that he would never depart from it till he had taken it : but after a while , his hoped-for aides failing him , he was faigne to leave the siege and depart . after whose departure the albingenses recovered many places . anno christi . the young emperor frederick , by the instigation of the pope , published a cruell , and bloody edict against the gospellers with in his dominions , where in he damned them with perpetuall ignominy , and declared them publick enemies : commanding their goods to be confiscated , without redemption ; and their sons to be disinherited . as also that all of them that were apprehended by the inquisitors or others , should be kept in prison , till they were killed with an abomminable death : the like punishment he commanded to be inflicted on all such as should aide , or assist them . also he tooke away all benefit of appeale from such as were receivers , or favourers of them . and further he commanded that their houses , and the houses of such as should receive , defend , or favour them , either where they have taught , or where they have laid on hands , should be plucked downe , and never more repaired . also the same yeare some of these albingenses going into bosina and dalmatia drew many of the people to imbrace their faith , whereupon the bishop of collen was sent thither by pope honorius as his legate , and required to force them to returne to the catholick faith ( as they called it ) either by perswasion , or by the arms of the crossed souldiers , but where neither prevailed , he being a weary of the work , left it to the frier predicants to see if by arguments they could convince and convert them , columminus the king assisting them : and ( saith mine author ) when they had got footing , they burnt with fires those that were obstinate in their heresies , and purged the churches which were defiled by them : leander de viris illust . ordinis praedicatorum . anno christi . bartholmew , the bishop of the albingenses of tholouse , ordeined a bishop for bulgary , croatia , and dalmatia , where their faith spread so fast , that bishops themselves were drawn to be of their opinion , whereupon conradius bishop of portua , the popes legate wrote to the arch-bishop of roan , and his suffragan bishops , to meet , with others bishops at a councill to be held at sens against the said bartholmew : who ( saith the legate ) in his letters , stiles himself servant of the servants of god : and runs about , creating bishops , and endeavoring perfidiously to gather churches . mathew paris . anno christi . ( saith the same author ) the crosse was preached all over france by romanus the popes legate , against the albingenses , where in he commanded all that were able to beare arms to signe them selves with the signe of the crosse against the earl of tholouse , and his people : and at his preaching , a great multitude of prelates , and lay men tooke upon them the signe of the crosse , yet more for fear of the king of france , and for favour of the legate , then induced by the justness of the cause . but the king of france being signed with the crosse , would not take upon him the expedition , unlesse the pope would forbid the king of england under paine of excommunication to move war against him for any land that he possessed at that present , either iustly or unjustly : which accordingly the pope did , and our king henry the third upon receipt of the popes letters assembled his nobles to consult with them what he should do upon this inhibition , at which time their was present one mr william perepund , skilfull in astronomy , who constantly affirmed before the king ; that if the king of france took upon him this expedition , he should either never returne alive , or else should meet with as greate confusion as might be , both of his person , estate , and followers . the king of france having thus settled his affaires at home , he together with the legate , appointed a peremptory day for the crossed-souldiers to come to a rendevous with their horses , and arms at lyons , from which at the time appointed he began his expidition with an huge army which was accounted invincible , whom the legate followed with arch-bishops ; bishops &c. in the army there were reckoned to be fifty thousand knights , and men at arms on horsback , besides an innumerable company of footmen ; and then did the legate publickly excommunicate the earl of tholouse , putting all his favourers , and lands under interdict . the king thus marching with his glittering arms ; and terrible army on whitson-eve came to avignion , the first city in tholouse , purposing to destroy the whole land of the earl , from one end to the other , and utterly to root out the inhabitants thereof : yet very cunningly the king and the legate sent to the citizens , only desiring passage through the city , that they might follow their iourney the neerest way ; the citizens consulting together , returned answer , that they suspected fraud , neither would they admit them into the city , where upon the king in a great rage , swore that he would not depart thence till he had taken the city . the citizens valiantly defended themselves so that the sieg lasted long , and the earl of tholouse being a skilfull warrior , before the comming of the french army , had withdrawne all kind of victualls together with the women , children , and cattell into places of safety : hereupon the kings army fell into great wants , so that multitudes perished by famine : their horses and beasts also were starved ; for the earl had caused all the meddowes to be plowed up in the whole country so that they had no fodder but what was brought out of france : and their wants daily increasing , many legions went out of the kings camp to seek for food , and fodder , but the earl of tholouse with a flying army , many times lay in ambush for them , and cut off multitudes of them . they also that lay in the siege before the city were miserably wasted by darts , and stones shot in ingines from the walls by the citizens valiantly defending themselves ; and a generall famine overspread all , but it raged most amongst the poorer sort , who had neither food nor money : also out of the dead carkasses of men , and beasts their bred certaine great , and blackflies , which comming into there tents by swarms with an horible humming , infected their meat , and drink , and when they were not able to drive them from their cupps , and dishes , many of the pilgrims perished suddenly by their meanes . but the king and legate were especially troubled , and confounded to think what reproach it would be to them , and to the church of rome , that so gallant , and numerous an army should vndertake such an expedition , and be able to effect nothing : then the chiefe princes , and captains being weary of the long siege amongst so many deaths , sollicit that a generall storme might be given to the city , hoping by their multitudes to oppresse the citizens , which being resolved upon , such a great multitude of armed men thronged upon the bridge that goes over the river of rhodanus , that the bridge breaking under them , three thousand of them were drowned in that swift river . presently after as the french were one day at dinner the citizens discovering there carlesness , suddenly sallied forth , & violently setting upon them , suddenly slew twenty thousand of them with out any losse to themselves , and so retired : and the king of france commanded the dead bodies to be throwne into the river affording them no other buriall : then did he also remove his sieg to afarther distance , and to prevent the like attempts , caused a great ditch to be cast up between the city and his camp : and the legate with his prelates not knowing how otherwise to reveng themselves , anathematized the earl of tholouse , and all the subjects : but whom they cursed , the lord blessed : for shortly after he sent a very great plague into the french campe , so that king lewis , to escape the same , retired himself into the neighbouring abbey of monpensier , where he resolved to remain till the city should be taken unto whom came henry , earl of compaigne , desiring to be dismissed , having now sereved his fourty daies : but the king denyed his request . to whom the earl said , that having performead what was injoyned , he neither might nor would be staid any longer : the king being very angry hereat , swore that if he departed , he would wast his whole land with fire , and sword : yet the earl , according to his former resolution , went his waies : and shortly after the lord struck the king with sickness whereof he dyed : the legate , and great captaines concealed his death for a month together , and in the interim sent messengers laboring to draw the citizens to a composition , and commissioners , being sent to the camp , the legate perswaded them to resigne up their city to him upon promise , that they should injoy their lives estates , and liberties in a better manner then they had formerly : but they answered , that they would not live under the power of the frenchmen , whose pride , and insolency they had often tryed . after along parlee the legate desired that himself and the praelates , might be admitted into the city , swearing with a great oath that he had continued the sieg so long only that he might seek the salvation of their souls . the citizens giving credit to his promise , not suspecting his treachery , after mutuall oaths given on either side , admitted him with the praelates , and their followers into the city : but contrary to their oaths the frenchmen followed , violently rushing into the city when the gates were open , and seizing upon the citizens they bound them , plundered their houses , and slew many ; and having thus by treachery made themselves masters of the city , they brake downe the walls , and the strong towers of that noble city . during this sieg their perished more then . of the pilgrims , by famine , sword , pestilence , and other waies : and so the rest returned to their owne homes . anno christi . the pope [ now gregory ] being implacably bent to rout out the albingenses , stirred up the young king of france against them , who sent a great army into provence vtterly to destroy them , which army hearing that the earle of tholouse was in the castle called saracen , they purposed to besieg him as being there shut up : but the earl having notice of their intent , with strong troopes he lay in ambush in a wood through which they were to passe : & when they were come to the place , he gallantly assaulted them & after a bloudy fight , slew many , took two hundred knights , & about two thousand men at arms : the knights he imprisoned : but of the other he caused some of their eyes to be pulled out , others to have their noses cut off and so dismissed them . that summer the king of france sent three armies against them , all which were either put to flight or taken , and imprisoned by the said earl. mathew paris . yet the same yeare , imbert of beavim went against them with a great army of crossed souldiers , amongst whom were three arch-bishops , every one with the pilgrimes of his jurisdiction : and the earl of tholouse ( being as it s●emes unprovided ) was faigne to shut up himselfe within the wals of tholouse , where he was strongly besieged by the pilgrimes , who also wasted , and spoiled his country , and harvest , far and nere on every side : and the siege continuing , the citizens suffered great famine , and when they were brought to this extremity the abbat of grandsylue went from the popes legate to offer peace to earl remund , and the tholousians : some of the earls captains disswaded him from it , knowing the perfidiousnesse of the papists , but the cries of the hunger starved multitude prevailed , so that a truce was agreed upon for certaine daies , and earl remund upon the day appointed went to the place where the peace should be concluded . but when he came thither , the abbat perswaded him that it was necessary that the agreement should be perfected in the presence of the queen mothers , who was regent of france , and pawned his faith to him , that if he would go to her , she should go ; and returne in safety . the earl overcome by these promises assented , and meaux was the place chosen by the queen for their meeting . but as soone as earl remund came thither , contrary to all oaths , and engagements , he was made a prisoner , and had a guard set upon him that he might not start aside ; and instead of a treaty , he must submit to whatsoever should be enjoyned ▪ it was a lamentable thing ( saith the historiographer of languedock ) to see so brave a man , that for so long a time was able to resist the whole power of france , to come in his shirt , and linnen breeches barefoot , and bare-leged to the altar in the presence of the cardinals , and their to accept of such hard , and unreasonable conditions as they were pleased to impose upon him : amongst which these were some : that he should abjure the heresie which hitherto he had defended ; that for the future he should be subject to the church of rome . that he should cast all the hereticks out of his dominions : that he should give his only daughter joane in marriage to one of the king of france his brethren : that he should pay a yearly stipend to six popish professors of the liberall arts , and to two grammarians at tholouse : that he should take upon him the crosse , and for five years wage warre against the saracens , and other enemies of the faith , and church : and lastly , that he should levell with the ground the walls of the city of tholouse , and the walls of . other cities , and castles at the appointment of the legate , and fill up their ditches , and so remaine a prisoner in the louver at paris , till his daughter joane was discovered to the kings messengers at carcasson . anno christi . . diverse councils were held against the albingenses : one at tholouse , the acts whereof were proclaimed in that city by romanus , the popes legate , another at narbonne , where more , and more cruell decrees were made against them . a third at beziers exceeding in rigour both the former : and amongst the rest an oath of abjuration , whereby all persons , males at fourteen yeares old , females at twelve yeares old , were to abjure all heresie as they called it , and to swear that they would keep the faith , and defend the catholike church , and persecute all the opposers of the same : and that all that took not this oath within fifteen daeis , should be held suspected of heresie , and proceeded against accordingly : also another article was in these words : item we forbid the use of the old , and new testament to the lay people : forbidding expressely that they have not the said books turned into the vulgar tongue . also the same yeare on munday , thursday , pope gregory proclaimed ecclesastical censures against them , and sent the prime inquisitors of dominicks order into france to put the same in execution , he wrote also to lewis king of france to cast all those hereticks out of france , and to cause the earl of tholouse to do the like in his dominions , and to place new counsellors about him that might instruct him in the catholike faith , and manners , and to cast all such from about him as might corrupt him . and whereas the kingdom of arragon was infected with heresie , pope gregory gave the arch-bishop thereof , and his suffragans power to erect an inquisition against them . anno christi . . died fulco arch-bishop of tholouse , who had labored twenty six years in extinguishing the gospellers whom , remund of fulgaerio succeeded , and so manfully behaved himself , that in his first year he caused nineteen of the albingenses to be apprehended and put to cruell deaths within his diocess . anno christi . . queen blanch , and the popes legate , so over awed the earl of tholouse , that they caused him to make cruell edicts against his owne subjects of the albingensian religion : that they should be persecuted , searched out , and taken : that whosoever could apprehend any one of them , should have a mark for each of them so taken : that all that were suspected to be of their religion should be excluded from office bearing , that all houses should be pulled downe , wherein any of them should be found , that all their goods and inheritances should be confiiscated : that the like should be done to all that should aid or abett them , or that should hinder , or not assist the inquisitors in the execution of their office : that whosoever should be suspected of their heresie , should have an oath given him to keep the peace , and the catholike faith : that the houses of such as should be detected of heresie after their death should be pulled downe . that whosoever should refuse to weare the cross should have his goods seized on . &c. the same year the inquisitors were informed that in the territories of brixia there had lately lived one guido de lacha , who was much honoured for his austerity , and integrity of life , but that he dyed out of the communion of the church of rome , having been infected with heresie , whereupon they ordered his bones to be digged up , and burned . the earl of foix , and comminges , and the prince of bearne yet remained to be conquered : and the popes legate thought that the earl of tholouse was the fittest person to deale with them , whereupon he caused him to write to them to perswade them to embrace the catholike faith , &c. but the earl of foix returned answer ; that he could not forsake his faith in such a time wherein men might think that he did it rather out of feare then from any good grounds , and that it was fitter for them to convince him of the truth of their way then to allure him by promises , or force him thereto by armes : and that if they brought that world of pilgrims against him which they threatned , he trusted in god that he should make them know the justice of his cause , and repent of the rashnesse of their vow . but the earls subjects fearing that their lord , being aged , and without wife and children , should leave them to the mercy of the first conqueror , intreated him to come to a composition with the legat , whereupon he began to treat , and at last yielded up diverse castles into the hands of the king of france , upon promise that he would rule with justice and equity . anno christi . . the opinions of the albingenses were much spread abroad in the parts of spai●● , and other adjacent countries : and they had bishops among them who boldly preached against the romish errors , and especially against transubstantiation : whereupon a croisado was preached against them , and a very great army of pilgrims being assembled together were by pope gregory sent against them , who slew them all with their bishops , seized of their city and plundered them , whereby ( saith mathew paris ) they returned rich , and joyfully into their own countries . also about the same time another army of these pilgrims went against others of them on the borders of germany , who retiring into a fenny place for there security , were their all slaine . but the same yeare the lord raised up trancavel , the natural son of the earl of beziers deceased , who was encouraged , and assisted by a number of valiant captaines , as oliver de fumes , bertrand hugon de serrelong , bertrand de villenense , & jordaine de satiat , who told him that they would assist him to revenge the outrages done to his father , who was deprived of his land , betrayed , imprisoned , and poisoned , whereupon he resolved to recover by the sword what was so unjustly taken from him : and before the enemies had notice of his designe , he took in diverse strong castles , so that the popes legate , and bishop of tholouse were much astonished to see these men stand up for the albingenses , whom they supposed to have been utterly suppressed . then did the popes agents cause the cross to be preached , and the bishop of narbonne animated the people of his diocess to go against them , and to make an end of the poor remainder of the albingenses . an army being raised , the popes legate led it to tholouse , and when the citizens appeared upon their ramparts , he told them that he was come thither for their preservation : they thanked him , but withall told him , that if he did not instantly retire himselfe , they would give him the chase . and presently came trancavell , who so bravely , and valiantly set upon the legates troops , that he quickly overthrew them , and chased them to the very gates of carcasson , and the legate had much adoe to save himselfe , but that which most angered the legate was , that trancavell found intertainement in some part of carcasson , so that the pilgrims durst hardly peep out of the city gates : and when he heard of any more pilgrims comming to the legate , he used to meet them , to lay ambushes for them , so that usually overthrowing them , their designes were marred . this man kept the field till the year . and still prevailed against all the crossed souldiers that came against him , whereupon ameline the popes legate wrote to the pope , that if he caused not the cross to be preached in many parts of europe , the church was like to sustain much damage by this enemy : for ( saith he ) he is more cruell , and subtile , then any before him . but a little before the bishop of tholouse was informed of a certain matron , who having her children , brethren , and friends about her , was dying an heretick , whereupon he ran to her , and found it even so by the confession of the woman her selfe : who desired to die in the faith of the albingenses , and doubted not to be saved : then did the bishop condemne her , and delivered her to the secular power , who presently carried her forth in the bed wherein she lay sick , and burned her . anno christi . . earl remund getting from paris , returned into his owne country , and forbad the citizens of tholouse to company with the friers predicant , and shortly after expelled them the city : and the monastery of narbonne belonging to the same order of friers was pulled down by the albingenses . and in june following pope gregory the ninth made new inquisitors against the albingenses in arragon , and france . anno christi . . king lewis of france wrote to the pope that earl remund had violated the covenants which he had made with the church : and had cast the bishops clergy , and friers out of tholouse , and brought hereticks into their roomes , whereupon he desired that he might be reduced into order &c. and indeed by the power of the pope , and king , he was forced to recall the popish clergy , and to banish the albingenses , and to take upon him the signe of the cross for the aid of the holy land , by way of penance for his former deeds . the same year many imbracing the faith of the albingenses be-beyond the alps , inquisitors were sent against them ; especially one frier robert , who caused many of both sexes to be apprehended , and when they continued constant in the true faith , and would not renounce the same , in the space of two or three moneths , he caused fifty of them ( saith mathew paris ) either to be burnt , or burned alive . anno christi . the king of france having garisoned divers castles within the country of albingenses who greatly oppressed them , they betook themselves to armes , besieging those garisons , whereupon they sent to the king of france , craving that present aid might be sent to them . then did the king of france send the lord iohn of bellemont , with a great army to aid them , who , comming into that country , besieged the strong castle of mont-reall , and at last took it , together with divers others belonging to the albingenses , whereby the were suppressed for that ●ime . but the year after the earl of tholouse took armes againe , and assaulted the earl of provence , who presently sent to the french king for aid : and the french that were about avignion hasted to the reliefe of the earl of provence , which the earl of tholouse hearing of , he lay in ambush in their way , and suddenly setting upon them , slew many , and dispersed the rest , and the war so prospered in his hand , that in a short space he recovered to his former dominion above . castles from the french , and earl of provence , and sharply punished his rebels . about the same time the citizens of millan , being provoked thereunto by the pope , and emperor : burnt many of the albingenses , who were their fellow-citizens . anno christi . the earl of tholouse continuing his warrs against the earl of provence , almost beat him out of his country , so that the earl of provence was feigne to send to the kings of england and france ( who had married his second daughters ) to mediate for him , and they writing to the earl of tholouse , obtained peace for their father in law . anno christi . . the bishops of narbonne , and albium , and the seneschall of carcasson apprehended two hundred of the albingenses in a certaine castle of tholouse , who had bernard martine of cathavell , and raimund agulbuerus , for their pastors , and ministers : all these upon examination , adhering constantly to the true faith without wavering , were cruelly burnt in the flames . vignier , hist. eccles. and the year following there were . more of them burnt likewise . shortly after , it pleased god , that great contentions arose between the pope , and emperor , whereby the gospellers enjoyed some breathing time from their former miseries : yet , anno christi . . pope vrban hearing that through that peace their doctrine was spread exceedingly , he made a decree in this tenour . albeit we be bound by our office alwaies to endeavour the rooting out the deadly poison of hereticall pravity from all parts in the christian world , yet now in a speciall manner this duty is incumbent upon us , when we perceive this plague to be growne up in our neighborhood through the iniquity of the times to the detriment of the catho-faith . that therefore the office of the inquisition may be the more effectually executed against the hereticks in the province of lombardy : and parts adjacent , we enjoyne you , upon remission of your sins , that you doe your uttermost endeavours for the extirpation of it , and that you see that all papall and imperiall lawes be executed against them : and for my owne part i will implore the aid of christian kings , and princes , that heaven , and earth may be moved against them . anno christi petrus cadarita , and gulielmus calonicus , were sent as inquisitors from the pope into the kingdom of arragon , severely to punish those that had imbraced the faith of the albingenses , and amongst others they condemned arnaldus castlebonius the viscount , and his daughter ermesenda , countess of foix : they also decreed their memory to be detestable , commanding their bones to be digged out of their graves , and to be burned : they also called roger the nephew of ermesenda , into judgement for the same crime . anno christi . . there was a great persecution raised against the gospellers in the country of albi , by one william de gurdon , captain and president of carcasson under phillip the french king , who by a proclamation commanded all the albingenses to be extirpated , and searched out of their dens and lurking holes , and all such as favoured them to be utterly rooted out , as also that the innumerable company of their children , which would not be reduced to the catholike faith , and unity of the church of rome , should not be admitted unto the city of realmont , or the territory thereof , nor to the place of any honour or office : that such likewise as favoured or concealed any of them , should be banished forever from the city of realmont , and their goods wholly confiscated , and their children be excluded from all honours and dignities . yet notwithstanding the severity of this edict , god hid and preserved many of them even in realmont it selfe , as diamonds in dunghils , though many of them fled into arragon , and sicily , where they might enjoy more freedom of conscience . anno christi . . gareldus and segarellus of parma , and dulcinus of noudria , preached and spread the doctrine of the albingenses in parma , and in many cities of lumbardy ; whereupon pope honorius by a publick edict condemned their doctrine , and commanded them to be rooted out . bzorius . anno christi . . pope boniface commanded guido , the inquisitor , to dig up the bodie of hermanus ( one of the albingenses ) and to condemne and burn it in ferrara twenty yeares after his death . anno christi the friers inquisitors raised a great persecution against the gospellers in passaw in austria , and burned many of them ; who continued very constant in the faith , & took their death very cherefully : amongst the rest one of them that was burnt at vienna , confessed that their were eighty thousand of them in bohemia , and austria at that time , their cheifest ministers were bartholomew faustus , iames iustus , bononatus , william , and gilbert : of whom james was murthered between two walls by the mercilesse inquisitors ; bononatus was burned alive , and william , gilbert , and bartholomew were condemned after their death , the house where they used to preach was pulled to the ground , and all that adhered to them were anathematized . anno christi . . lollard walterus ( from whom our english professors were called lollards ) was taken at collen , where he had privately preached , and through gods blessings drawne many from ignorance and errors to imbrace the truth , & persisting constantly in his opinions , he was condemned , and burned alive . yet notwithstanding all cruelties used against them , their enemies could never prevail to a totall extirpation of them , but they still lay hid like sparkles under the ashes , desiring and longing to see that , wich now through gods grace their posterity do injoy , viz. the liberty to call upon god in purity of conscience , without being inforced to any superstition and idolatry : and so instructing their children in the service of god , the lord was pleased to preserve a church amongst them , in the middest of the romish corruptions , as a diamond in a dunghil , as wheat amongst chaff , as gold in the fire , till it pleased god to disperse the gospell in a more generall and publick way , by the ministry of luther , and his associates and fellow-labourers in the lord , at which time these albingenses received with greediness the doctrine of the gospel , and so became more eminent in their profession of piety then they were formerly . laus deo. collected out of a book called luthers forerunners , and out of cades justification of the church of england , and diverse other authors . here place the sixth figure . chap. xxv . the persecution of the church of god in bohemia , which began anno christi . the bohemians were heathens and idolaters , till their duke or captain borivoius going into moravia , anno cristi . by a strange providence of god was converted to the knowledge and faith of christ , whereupon he together with thirty other palatines was baptized ; at his return into bohemia , he took along with him methudius bishop of moravia , by whose ministry , ludomilla the dukes wife was converted and baptized . borivoius , busying himself in erecting divers schooles and churches , it pleased god that in a short time a great harvest was gathered , many of the nobility and commons being daily converted and baptized : but satan envying the progresse of the gospel , presently raised up persecution against the professors of it : for first of all borivoius was banished by the wicked faction of the idolaters , and then compelled to resign his dominion to his eldest son , who being dead , his younger son boratislaus succeeded , who was a very holy man yet was drawn to marry drahomira , famous for nobility and beauty , but a heathen : yet she promised , after instruction , to be baptized , and during her husbands life she cunningly concealed her hatred against christians , but he being dead , the grandmother ludomilla educated the elder son wenceslaus , and drahomira took the younger , bolislaus , and usurped the government , commanding the christian churches to be shut up , the exercises of their worship to cease , prohibiting ministers from instructing the people , and schoolemasters from teaching youth : such as disobeyed were imprisoned , banished , and put to death . at prague , the magistrates were changed , and cruell idolaters substituted in the rooms of christians , by whose incitements the poor christians were secretly , openly , and unworthily murthered and abused : whilest the murtherers went away with impunity : but if any christian killed a heathen though in his own defence , ten christians were massacred for that one . yet the insatiable cruelty of drahomira was not satisfied herewith , but that she might destroy all the christians , she dealt with one balloius , a cruell wretch , whom she had set over the city of prague , earnestly entreating him by fraud or force to effect it , promising him a great reward if he did it . he thereupon arms six hundred conspirators at his own house , with whom he hastens to those that were designed for slaughter : but the plot , through gods mercy , being discovered to the christians , four hundred of them met to defend their own lives : the issue of the fight was victory to the christians , the streets being polluted with the bloud of eight hundred that were slain . then did drahomira pretend that she was much displeased with the tumult , commanding that the arms of both parties should be brought in to the city magazine , severely forbidding any man to walk with dart or sword : the christians , though suspecting her fraud , yet that they might not seem disobedient , brought their arms to the magazine , the enemies pretending also to do the like . this being done , drahomira imploies her cut-throats in the night to set upon the unarmed christians , whereby above three hundred of them were slain in one night ; this drahomira much rejoyceth at , but yet not satisfied , she commands the major of prague to destroy all the christians : whereupon he besets all the streets , and passages , and slaies all that he meets withall : till the christians gathering themselves together , encounter with him , put him to flight , and in the pursuit slew this wicked person . this so enraged drahomira , that she commanded the two churches to be burnt down , in one of which her husband was interred . whilest she thus raged against the christians , wenceslaus now grown to years , by the advice of his grand-mother , and the christian nobility , took upon him the government , and the better to establish peace , he assigned the city of bolislavia , and the adjacent parts to his mother , and younger brother . drahomira yet laid not aside her hatred and bloudy designs against the christians , which she first shewed against holy ludumella , substituting two wicked villains in the night to murther her , these fellows finding her at her prayers in her oratory , strangled her : some there were that much provoked wenceslaus to revenge that wicked act , which he refused , because he judged it contrary to that duty which he owed to a mother , and to the modesty and patience of a christian. but he was shortly after ill requited by this unnaturall monster , who affecting domination , began to defame wenceslaus as sluggish and unfit for government , but when she perceived that his subjects loved him exceedingly , she waited a fitter opportunity , which thus fell out . bolislaus having a son , she invited wenceslaus to the baptising of this his nephew at bolislavia , he going thither , she entertained him with much dissembled love : but in the night as he was making his prayers to god : his brother bolislaus assaults him , and beeing assisted with some other cut-throats slew him , anno . bolislaus having by this fratricide obtained the government , threatned imprisonment and death to all the ministers and christians if they did not presently depart bohemia : his mother added , that their dead bodies should not be buried : hereupon many fled , others were seized on , and tormented to death diverse waies ▪ but god suffered not drahomira to escape his revenging hand , for in that place , where the ministers bones lay unburied , the earth opened of it self , and swallowed her up alive with her chariot , and all that were in it , which place is to be seen before the castle of prague to this day . others also who were her instruments in massacring the innocent christians , some of them ran mad , and threw themselves down from high places , others slew themselves with their own swords , wherewith they had murthered the innocent men , and the place where wenceslaus blood was shed , could never be washed off , but remained as a perpetuall witnesse of that villany . these things so affrighted bolislaus , that he became more milde to the chistians . anno. . woytich the second bishop of prague , labouring seriously in converting the reliques of the gentiles , and reforming their wicked lives : they raised so great a sedition against him , as enforced woytich to a voluntary banishment : then did the pagans rise up against his brethren , and murthered five of them , and then conspired against their prince , but were overcome in battel , &c. not long after the pope having usurped domination over other churches , sought to obtrude his superstitions upon the bohemians also : but especially he commanded that all their sacred service should be in the latine tongue and that they should not have the cup in the sacrament : the bohemians sent two ministers , and four others to rome , anno . to the pope , desiring to be eased of these grievances , and at last obtained their request . yet afterwards they were againe inhibited the use of their own language in holy services , whereupon urateslaus duke of bohemia ( who shortly after for his valiant service to the roman empire , was created king ) sent embassadors to rome , requesting a confirmation of the liberties formerly granted to them ; but the pope [ hildebrand ] absolutely refused it . anno . pope celestine sent a cardinall into bohemia , to inhibit ministers marriage , and to divorce such as were married , but the bishop and ministers almost stoned him to death . also when afterwards the cup was taken away in the sacrament , there were many that opposed that sacriledg , and amongst the rest john melicius of a noble family and fervent spirit , much honoured for his rare learning and holinesse of life ; in his ministry he earnestly exhorted his auditors to a frequent communicating in both kindes : at last he was much moved in spirit to go to rome , and there to testifie that the great antichrist was come , and did then reign . he prayed unto god , with fasting and teares , desiring that unlesse these thoughts came from gods spirit , he might be delivered from them : but when yet he could finde no inward quiet , he went to rome , and wrote upon the cardinals doors , antichrist is come , and sitteth in the church . he also in his conferences with many , asserted the same : for this the pope imprisoned him , and excommunicated both him , and his auditors . mr. mathias of prague also , was a zealous defender of the communion in both kindes . anno . he with some other learned men went to king charles that then raigned , requested him to call a oecumenicall counsel , for the reformation of the church . charles sending to the pope about it , he was so incensed at the message , that he commanded the king to punish those rash and hereticall men : whereupon mathias was banished the kingdom ; and then was the use of the sacrament in both kindes prohibited through all bohemia : so that the godly could not administer and receive it but in private houses , in woods and caves , and yet neither so , but with the hazard of their lives : for they were set upon in the high-waies , plundred , beaten , and drowned in rivers , so that at last they were necessitated to go together in companies , and armed : and this continued to the daies of john husse . concerning the persecution of john husse , and jerome of prague , see in my first part their lives : but when these holy men of god were so unjustly burned at constance : the adversaries were not satisfied with their bloud , but took further counsell for the destruction of the whole nation : for when fifty eight of the chief nobles of bohemia , in the name of all the commons , anno . had sent letters from prague to the council , complaining that their pastor , an innocent and holy man , and faithful teacher of the truth was unjustly condemned : the council instead of answering them , wrote their letters to some violent papists who were in authority , to assist their legate in oppressing the hereticks . thus the bohemians were incited more and more to mutuall contentions : the priests daily from the pulpits divulged their excomunications and execrations against the hussites , and to stir up the greater hatred against them , they used lying signs ; for , putting dirt about the wicks of their tapers , when the flame had burned the wax to the dirt , the taper went out : then cried they out , that god by miracles declared his hatred of those wicked hereticks , who were unworthy to enjoy the light : and thereupon they persecuted them all manner of waies , and they used such violence , as raised a tumult at prague anno . wherein the enraged multitude threw twelve senators of prague with the maior , out of the windows of the senate-house , who fell upon the points of spears . after this the pope publikely excommunicated the bohemians at florence , exciting the emperour , kings , princes , dukes , &c. to take up arms against them , entreating them by the wounds of christ , and their own salvation , unanimously to fall upon them , utterly to extirpate that cursed generation , promising universal remission of sins to the most wicked person , if he did but kill one bohemian : hereupon great wars were raised against them but it pleased god still to give them the victory under that brave captain zisca : whereof see more in my second part , in zisca's life . yet still as the popish party prevailed at any time , they exercised all manner of cruelty upon the poor servants of christ , insomuch that at cuttenburg , where were deep mettall-mines , anno . they threw into one of them a thousand and seven hundred persons , and into another a thousand thirty eight , and into a third a thousand three hundred thirty four persons . also a merchant of prague coming to preslaw in silesia , the emperour and popes legate being their , was in his inne drawn into discourse , where pleading for husse , and the sacrament in both kindes , he was cast into prison , the next day a student of prague was cast into the same prison : the merchant exceedingly encouraged him , saying , oh my brother ! what an honour is it , that we are called thus to bear witness to the lord jesus ? let us undergo the trouble with cheerfullnesse ; the fight is but short , the reward is eternall : let us remember the lord , what a cruel death he under went for us , and with what guiltlesse bloud we are redeemed , and what torments the martyrs have patiently endured , &c. but when they were brought to execution , and the ropes by which the horses were to drag them through the streets , were fastened to their feet ; the student affrighted with the terrors of death , and allured by the fair promises of the legate , recanted : but the merchant , like an unshaken rock , told them , that their hopes of any recantation from him were but vain ; i am ready to die ( saith he ) for the gospell of the lord jesus : and so being drawne slowly through the streets , he was brought to the place of execution , and there burnt , anno . pichel the chief magistrate of the city of litomeritia , having taken twenty four of the chief citizens , and amongst them his son in law , put them in an high tower , and at last he brought them out , half dead with hunger and cold , and adjudged them to be drowned . when they came to the river albis , their wives , children , and friends greatly mourning ; the majors own daughter came wringing her hands , and falling at her fathers feet , beseeched him to save her husbands life ; but he , harder then a rock , bad her give over , saying , what ? can you not have a worthier husband then this ? to whom she answered seeing his inexorablenesse , you shall never more espouse me to any ; and so beating her breast , and tearing her hair , she followed amongst the rest . when the martyrs came to the river , whilest ferries were preparing , they with loude voices call heaven and earth to witnesse their innocency , and so taking their leave of their wives , children and friends , exhorting them to constancy and zeal for the truth : they were carried and cast into the middest of the river , with their hands and feet bound together and so drowned ; and if any were driven to the banks , they were stabbed with iron forks and pikes . the majors daughter seeing her husband thrown into the river , leaped in to him , caught him about the middle , but being unable to draw him forth , they were both drowned ; the next day they were found embracing one another , and were both buried in one grave , anno . about the same time a company of souldiers going towards prague , seized upon a godly minister , and four other men , and four boys , the eldest not being aboue eleven years old , for administring , and receiving the sacarament in both kindes , and carried them to their colonel , the colonel sent them to the bishop who required , them to abjure , or else he would burn them ; the minister stoutly answered , but the gospel teacheth otherwise , so that you must either approve what we do , or blot it out of your bible . hereupon one of the troopers smote him so violently on the face with his gantlet , that the bloud ran out of his mouth and nose . the bishop made this minister the subject of his mirth and scorn all that night , and the next day being the sabbath , he burned them all in one fire ; and when the bishop would have perswaded them to abjure the cup in the sacrament , the minister answered , that he would rather suffer a thousand deaths , then deny a truth so clearly revealed in the gospel . another captain violently entring into a church where many godly people were met together , he killed some , and took others prisoners ; and going to the communion table , he took the cup , being full of wine , and drunk to his horse , who having pledged him , he said , his horse was now one of the communicants in both kindes . about the same time also a godly tayler was burned at prague . also one martin loquis should have suffered the like death , but his life was begged by the thaborites . afterwards , taking another associate with him , he was travelling towards moravia , but by the way , they were taken by a captain , who manacling them with irons , examined them about the sacrament : martin answered , the body of christ is in heaven , and he hath but one , not many bodies : hereupon the captain gave him a box on the ear , as not enduring such blasphemy , and would have had him presently burned . then did a priest beg him to see if he could convert him : but when that succeeded not , he thrust them into a dark , stinking dungeon for two moneths : then did he torment them with fire , till their bowels came forth , to extort from them who were their companions : afterwards they were both shut up in a tub , and so burned anno . a godly and eloquent preacher in prague , was , together with twelve more , apprehended by a captain , carried into the common-hall , and there privately beheaded , but their bloud running out , caused a great tumult in the city , wherein some of the senators were slain , and others saved themselves by flight . not long after there sprung up a schism amongst those that were called hussites , for some of them began in other things to comply with the pope , only they insisted upon the cup in the sacrament , whence they were called calixtines : others of them stuck close to husse his doctrine , and cried down all superstition : and this contention was cunningly fomented and increased by some that sought thereby the advancement of the pope and emperour : and to make the professors of the pure doctrine odious , they branded them with the hatefull name of piccards , by which name the waldenses in piccardy were called . yet both these parties , when they were assaulted by the emperour , joyned together in opposing him , and obtained many great victories against him : yet anno . the thaborites were utterly oppressed by fraud and force . anno . there were divers godly people in bohemia , ministers , nobles and commons , who being much pressed in conscience about the superstitions in the church of rome , obtained of their king [ george pogiebracius , ] a place in the hilly countrey near to silesia to inhabit , where throwing off all superstious practices , they applied themselves to the form of the primitive simplicity , calling themselves brethren and sisters . the beginning of this church displeased the devil , and therefore he raised a sudden and violent tempest to overthrow it : for the same of it being spread abroad , the priests in every pulpit stirred up the hatred of the people against them , crying out , blow out these sparks , blow them out before they grow into a flame . anno . one of their ministers with some others of them coming to prague , to visit their friends , were betrayed , and some officers coming to apprehend them , said to them , all that will live godly in christ jesus must suffer persecution , therefore come forth , and follow us to prison , which they did . the king believing the slanders that were raised against them , as that they were attempting some sedition , &c. he commanded the aged minister to be tortured , but he falling into an extasie , felt no pain at all ; the tormentors supposing him to be dead , took him down from the rack , but after some hours , he came to himselfe , and by the intercession of a friend , was dismissed . presently after their came forth from the king an edict , forbidding all pastors to administer holy services without ceremonies : and withall , threatning death to those that should administer to the brethren , called now by the hateful name of piccards . the brethren hereupon were brought into great extremity , being like sheep destitute of shepherds . yet presently came forth a new edict that none of them should be suffered to live either in bohemia , or moravia . hereupon they were dispersed amongst the woods and mountains , dwelling in caves ; where yet they were scarce safe , so that they were forced to make no fire , nor dresse any meat , but in the night time , least the smoak should betray them . in the cold winter nights , sitting by the fire , they applied themselves to the reading of the bible , and holy discourses . when in the snow they went ab●●ad to provide them necessaries , they went close together , and lest their foot-steps should betray them , the hindermost of them did draw after him a great bough , to cover the prints which their feet had made . these brethren chose by suffrage , certain elders , to whom they promised obedience : and by the advice of these elders , the chiefest of the brethen in bohemia and moravia , were called together in a synod , in the mountaines to ordain ecclesiastical laws , whereby they should be governed ; they appointed also sundry daies of fasting and prayer for themselves , and their dispersed friends ; taking counsell from gods word , concerning those things which were required to the fuller reformation , both of life and doctrine . that which most afflicted them was for want of pastors , not knowing where they should have new ones , after those were dead , who then lived with them ; but after debate , they resolved , that christ had given this authority to his church , that such as were ordained themselves , might ordain others : yet some scruple arose , whether such as were but presbyters , might ordaine without a bishop : for which cause they met together , and with fasting , prayers and teares , they sought unto god to reveal his will to them in this difficulty ; and afterwards making a scrutiny by lot , the lord answered them , that it was lawfull for presbyters to ordain presbyters , which occasioned great joy unto them . then did these brethren deliberate among themselves , whether they should joyn with the waldenses in moravia and austria ; and so be one people with them , and one church : the purity of their doctrine and christian conversation did much please ; but again , it much displeased them , that they concealed the truth , not openly professing it as they ought , but to avoid persecution , they frequented the churches of the papists , and so communicated with idolaters . therefore they concluded to admonish them of this evil ; and for this end they sent some able men to them , to acquaint them with it : the waldenses answered , that to be in unity with them was very gratefull , and for the evils objected against them , they were not ignorant of them , nor would defend them , but rather would labour to amend them : concluding that they desired to have a sixt day of meeting with the brethren , in which they would take some further order about this businesse . but before the time came , the papists having some intelligence of it , raged so violently against the waldenses , that they burnt one of the chiefest of them at vienna , and so persecuted the rest , that they were fain to provide for their own safety by flight . anno . there came out a new decree against these brethren , requiring all the nobles of bohemia , within their severall jurisdictions , to apprehend as many as they could , and to proceed against them . many therefore were apprehended and put into prison , where they were kept for a long time : but thr●●gh the wonderfull working of god , the more the enemies laboured to put out this spark , the more it brake forth into a great flame , for many of their peers submitted to the discipline of the brethren , building churches for them in their towns and villages , so that anno . they had in bohemia , and moravia about two hundred churches . after the death of pogiebracius , uladislaus , a polonian succeeded in the kingdom , to whom the brethren wrote an apology , by reason of many foul accusations that were carried to him against them : this so exasperated their enemies , that they endeavoured by a most impudent invention , to stir up the hatred of all men against them . the way they used was this . they suborned a wicked villain , to say that he came from amongst them , and that he had been an elder , but had therefore forsaken them , because in their meetings they used to blaspheme god , the virgin mary , and the saints , to traduce the sacraments , to mingle themselves incestuously , after the manner of the adamites , to commit murther ▪ and practise witchcraft , &c. this man they led through the townes and cities as a spectacle ; they brought him to their church , where he must abjure his errors , and beseech the people to pray for him , a most miserable sinner , and to take heed , by his example , of the wicked piccards . they also published his confession in writing , being confirmed with the seals and subscrip●ons of some deans and priests , causing them to be read in the churches to the people . but the devil was befooled herein , for the brethren , by publick writings did confute these lies ; and the villain trembling so often to forswear himself in the sight of the people , confessed at last that he was suborned to do what he did , and that he knew not any of the piccards : yet thus far it made for good , that some to make experience of so great villanies , began privately and disguised , to frequent the assemblies of the brethren , and finding it to be farre other wise then it was reported , did associate themselves with them , as with true christians . anno . mathias king of hungary , banished the brethren from moravia , which caused some hundreds of them , taking a minister along with them , to go into moldavia ; whereupon the brethren in bohemia sent one of their elders to them , to exhort them unto patience under this persecution , which was for the truth . shortly after the restless enemies of god and his church , raised another persecution against the brethren in bohemia ; for some bishops consulting together , suborned the queen , great with childe , so that they conceived that the king would deny her nothing in that state , to request of him , that he would severely punish the piccards : the king displeased at her request , only nodded his head , but gave no answer at all : yet the bishops , in his presence , began to draw up the edict . the king going into his chamber , fell down on his knees , and with tears besought god to forgive the guilt of those bloudy counsels , and to grant no successe to them : and god heard his prayers , and shewed some examples of his severe judgements on the authors of this conspiracy . the queen who proposed to her fancy , what gratefull spectacles she should have in seeing the piccards brought to prague , and there , some burnt , some beheaded , and others drowned in the water , presently fell in travell , and when she was not able to bring forth , the physitians advised that the childe should be cut out of the mothers womb , which was accordingly done , whereby the childe lived , but the mother died . two years after , the bishops by their importunity prevailed with the king that sharp remedies should be used against those growing evils , as they were pleased to call them ; whereupon an edict was sent forth that all the piccards , without distinction of sex , age or quality , should be slain . this mandate was brought to the assembly of states at prague , by two bishops , but divers of the chiefest nobles opposed it , so that eighteen moneths were spent in debate , before any thing was done ; but at last , by the cunning artifice of the chancellor , and his bloudy associates , it was confirmed by the greatest part of the nobility , in the presence of the king ; and a mutuall confederacy was entred into , that it should be prosecuted with an armed power , but god following some of the chiefe contrivers of it with sundry judgements , it almost came to nothing . yet in these troubles most of the ministers were turned out of their places , so that they durst not preach nor pray , but in private . and a certaine noble man , having apprehended six of the brethren , cast them into prison , and when they were brought forth to be burnt , they went chearfully to the fire ; and when the chief officer , taking affection to one of them , offered him his life , if he would recant his error , profering him withall to give him a years time to consider of it ; he pawsed a while , but by and by answered , it is too much by such a delay , to lose my brethrens company , and so going along with them , they were burned together . shortly after the chancellor that had procured the passing of the edict against the brethren , as he returned from the parliament , visiting a certaine noble man by the way , he with great pleasure reported to him what was agreed upon against the brethren : the noble man having a servant by , that was much edicted to the discipline of the brethren , asked him how he liked it ; the servant answered , that all were not agreed : the chancellor suspecting some new conspiracy , asked him who durst oppose the states of the kingdom , & c ? the servant said , in heaven there is one , who if he were not present at your counsels , you have consulted in vain : the chancellor replied , thou knave , thou shalt finde that as well as the rest : and rising up in fury , immediately a carbuncle rose upon his foot , which turned to a disease , called ignis sacer , whereof he died miserably . another of the great sticklers in this businesse , returning homewards , as he was a lighting out of his chariot to make water , he struck his member on a sharp nail that was in the boot , whereby he drew out his entrails with him , and not long after he gave up the ghost . also d· augustine , who by slanderous libels had endeavoured to stirre up the king against the brethren , died suddenly as he was at supper . another noble man of these persecutors , as he was hunting , his horse threw him , and his arrow ran into his thigh , and came out at his loins , whereby he died a most paineful death . many others of them felt the like judgements of god ; so that it grew into a proverbe amongst them : if you be weary of your life , attempt something against the piccards , and you shall not escape a year to an end . about this time god stirred up in germany , undaunted luther , the thunderbolt against the pope , which occasioned many of the calixtines to resolve to embrace the purer doctrine of the gospel , and to seek for the ordination of their ministers from wittenberg , rather then from rome . but amongst these there was one zahere , an apostate , who to ingratiate himselfe with the king and pope , would enforce the pastors and citizens of prague to subscribe to sundry articles , or else they must be proscribed . and first of all six pastors were banished , then sixty five of the chiefest citizens : then to colour greater cruelty , a rumour was spread abroad of a conspiracy made by the brethren against the calixtines ; and to extort a confession hereof , three citizens were brought to the rack , who rather chose to suffer all torments , then falsly to accuse the innocent : yet divers were persecuted : amongst others , a cutler that had found an orthodox book about the sacraments , was whipped openly in the market-place , and banished : another was branded in the forehead ; a third was thrust into prison , and there murthered . then in the assembly of estates it was decreed , that the mandate of the king should be put in execution against the piccards : whereupon a new persecution was raised against the brethren , their churches being shut up , and their exercises forbidden . anno . a godly and learned man , together with his hostesse with whom he lodged , a widow of sixty years old , were both burnt in the fire for picardism , together with the books that were found about them . another godly woman being brought before the magistrate , made a hold profession of her faith , and then being required to prepare her garments to be burnt in , she answered , they are ready , leade me away when you please . the crier declaring openly that she had bla●ph●med , she with a loud voice denied it , saying , it is false , i am condemned because i deny the reall presence of christ in the sacrament ; give no credit to these priests , they are dissembling hyp●crites , adulterers , sodomites , epicures , &c. being commanded to pray to the crucifix , she turned her back to it , and lifting up her eyes to heaven she said , there is our god , thither we must look , and so chearfully mounting the pile , she was burned , anno christi . the year after two german tradesmen were caught at prague , accused by the monks of lutheranism , and condemned to be burnt : as they went to execution , such gracious words proceeded out of their mouths , as drew tears from the spectators eyes : when they came to the pile , they exceedingly encouraged one another ; on● of them saying , since our lord christ hath suffered such grievous things for us , let us chearfully suffer for him , and rejoyce that we have found so much favour with him , that we are counted worthy to die for the law of god : the other said , i in the day of my marriage found not so much inward joy as i do now . when fire was put to them , with a loud voice they said , lord jesus , thou in thy sufferings prayedst for thine enemies , therefore we also do the like . forgive the king , the men of prague , and the clergy , for they know not what they do , and their hands are full of bloud ; and so they slept in the lord. but one of their chief persecutors , who wished that all the piccards were hanged , beheaded or burnt by his own hands , had all these befall himself by gods just judgement : for being much in debt , he hanged himself , and when his friends had privately buried him ; the common people hearing of it , digged up his carcasse , and cast it away , which by the magistrates command was ordered to be burnt ; but when the woodstack was consumed , and the carcasse only scorched , his head was stricken off . zahera the apostate , when under colour of an inquisition against the piccards , he raised up civil commotions , was by the king banished , where he died miserably : the like befell another of those cruel persecutors . anno . ferdinand the first succeeding in the kingdom , the popish party cunningly stirred up the calixtines to persecute the brethren : whereupon , they suffering many grievous things sent a petition , together with a confession of their faith to ferdinand at vienna , subscribed by twelve barons and thirty three knights , complaining how unjustly they were accused by their enemies , and that the priests ordinarily cried out that the piccards might be slain without controul , and that a lesse sin was thereby committed , than if one killed a dog , ferdinand returned answer , that he had not leisure to consider of their papers , yet promised that nothing should be done either against law or equity , till he had further knowledge of the cause . in the mean time the brethren being much encouraged by letters from luther , bucer and capito , went on constantly , and through gods mercy , a great nummber was added to the church , till that fatal year . at which time charles the fifth putting in execution the decrees of the counsell of trent , raised warres against the protestant princes in germany : at which time his brother ferdinand sollicited the bohemians for aid , but they refused it in regard of their ancient league with the house of saxony . but the german protestants being overcome in warre , ferdinand entred bohemia with an army , seizeth on prague , imprisoneth the principall nobles , barons , and citizens , some he scourged , some he beheaded , and upon others he laid grievous fines , and of others he sequestred all their estates : also he disarmed the city of prague , took away their privileges , banishing some , whilst others went into voluntary exile . then did the devil raise up some to lay all the blame upon the brethren , to which malicious suggestions the king giving heed , first by open proclamation commanded all their churches to be shut up , and then he took away their peers , and banished them all out of his realms . when this thunderbolt came abroad , the brethren agreed amongst themselves that they would be more faithfull to god and their consciences then they had been : and so by common consent , dividing themselves into three companies , they went into poland : and all of them had experience of an admirable divine protection in their journey : escaping some that might , and would have robbed them , but that they were restrained by god : as also in most places where they came , they found christian commiseration and liberality of men towards them , and courteous entertainment in poland , though most of them were papists ▪ yet not long after the bishop of that part where they were , got a mandate from the king to drive them away : then were they forced to goe into the farthest parts of prusia , whereby d. albert brandenburg they had a place of habitation alloted to them , and one paul speratus , a protestant bishop , having conferred with them about their faith , was very courteous and charitable to them . the next edict that ferdinand set forth against the brethren , was for the apprehending of all their ministers , whereupon some of them retired into moravia , others , that they might be near their flocks , hid themselves in private places , & in the night-time they visited the faithfull , which continued for some years , but at last three of them fell into their enemies hands : yet one of them , through the admirable providence of god , escaped out of a deep dungeon in the castle of prague , and fled to his brethren in borussia , and he sometimes passing through polonia , and preaching the gospel , through gods mercy , many of the nobility , and others were converted by his ministry : so that in a few years he erected twenty churches in poland . the enemies having imprisoned john augusta , they much rejoyced at it , because he was a chief minister amongst the brethren , and as luther in germany against the pope , so he , both by his ministry and writings had mightily confuted the calixtines , and thereupon they laid to his charge his refusall to raise forces for the assistance of ferdinand , and intentions of bringing in john frederick , elector of saxony to be king in bohemia , and for the discovery of this pretended conspiracy he was cruelly racked three times , but when they could draw nothing from him , they yet kept him in prison seventeen years . anno . ferdinand published another decree for the extirpating both of the brethren , and lutherans : and the ministers that had received ordination in germany , or that were married , were banished out of the kingdom to the number of about two hundred . also the baron of schanow , a man of much experience and learning , being apprehended under the pretence of some conspiracy against ferdinand , was imprisoned , examined , and then laid on the rack : he with an heroical indignation cut out his tongue , and cast it away , and being asked why he did it , he wrote on the wall , i did it because i would not by any tortures be brought to say any thing falsly against my selfe or others . he also in a writing taxed the tyrannical proceedings against himselfe and other innocents , citing the king and his counsellors to appear and answer it before the tribunall of god , and so shortly after died . about that time ferdinand brought jesuites into prague , and built a stately college for them , who sought by all means to overthrow the church of christ , and added fuell to the fire of persecution . after the death of ferdinand maximilian succeeded anno . who being of a peaceable disposition could by no means be induced that any should suffer for their faith . after him rodulphus succeeded , anno . who treading in his father steps , the church of christ enjoyed peace under him , yea , pure religion so flourished through the whole kingdom , that there was scarce one amongst an hundred that did not professe the reformed religion : but alas ! with liberty of religion , by little and little men began to be licentious in their lives , and carnal security so encreased , that some began to presage that an horrible tempest should again overwhelm them . after the death of rodulphus succeeded mathias , who comming into bohemia , anno . he called an assembly of the states , but it being harvest time , few appeared : to them that did appear , mathias , complained , that since he had no issue he would adopt ferdinand for his son , commendeth his vertues , and desires that he may be crowned : the orders assembled , affirmed , that a matter of that consequence could not be done in the absence of the united provinces : caesar urged , that what bohemia should do would be confirmed by all the rest , that he grew faint , and it could not be deferred till another time . in brief , the oorders protested , that the term of receiving him king , was new , that he ought first to be chosen , and then received : and some perceiving that there was no place for a free voice , departed : others , partly allured by promises , and partly deterred by threats , staid , and were present at the cronation of ferdinand , after which he presently went into moravia , silesia , and lusatia , requesting to be received for their king. the persecution of the church in bohemia , which began anno christi , . ferdinand the second emperour of germany , being thus obtruded upon the bohemians for their king , contrary to the ancient constitutions and customes of the kingdom , and not lawfully elected thereunto , as he ought to have been , retired presently into germany : and thereupon the enemies of the truth began to crow , and openly to threaten the protestants : and it appeared sufficiently that ferdinand sware to the orders with his mouth , but in his heart to the pope , and presently after his departure , the popish bishops , clergy , and nobles , began to vex his subjects for religion , contrary to that assurance which the king had given to them : they attempted also the like in prague , the jesuites daily threatning that their liberty in religion should not last long . then did they strictly prohibit the protestants from printing any thing unlesse licensed by the chancellor of the kingdom , themselves in the mean time divulging their own slanderous pamphlets and dangerous writings against the protestants . then instructions were given to the captains and judges that they should suffer no meetings in churches except themselves were present , and except they had a popish priest to administer only in one kinde . then the burgrave , who had the custody of the crown , and priviledges of the kingdom , was apprehended ; because in the late parliament he had stood for the free election of a king , and delivered prisoner to one of the bitterest enemies of the protestants . in other places they destroyed the churches of the protestants . in the begining of the year the governors of the university and consistory met together , having formerly had power given them so to do , and choosing six persons , two barons , two knights , and two citizens : to consult what was best to be done in this time of their enemies insolency ; there presently came an injunction in caesars name to inhibit them to call any together , and that if any man was called , he should not dare to appear upon the pain of high treason . notwithstanding which , the major part of the states met , and when as new prohibitions and threats were spread abroad , and the states were informed that those thunderbolts came not from the king , but from the castle of prague , their abused patience was turned into severity , and being guarded with a great troop , they went to the castle , and apprehended two of the chief authors of these troubles , and threw them headlong out of the castle windows , together with their secretary that was privy to all their designs : but god intending to preserve them to be the bohemians scourges , they caught no hurt in the fall , falling upon the grasse , and greate store of papers . hereupon a great tumult was raised in prague , but the states appeassed it ; & the first thing they did was to banish the jesuits out of bohemia , as the chief contrivers of these mischiefs : then did they write to caesar , that they had no intention against his royall majesty , but only to bring to punishment the disturbers of the publick peace , being authorized thereto by his majesties letter , and bound by their protestation : yet he resolved to revenge this treason ( as he called it ) by force of arms , and the bohemians on the other side resolved to defend themselves , and for that end they chose thirty directors , and the moravians and silesians resolved to joyn with them , when they perceived religion to be the cause of the quarrell . and indeed this was that which the enemies aimed at , and therefore they provoked the bohemians by all waies , that so they might make a conquest of bohemia , and for this end an imperial army presently entred the kingdom under dampier , and a spanish army under bucquoy . in the mean time the states resolved not to admit ferdinand to be their king , who was so open an enemy both to their religion and liberties , and who was obtruded upon them without a due election : they sent also embassadors to franckford , where the electors were met together to choose a new emperour , desiring that ferdinand might not be admitted amongst them as king of bohemia , notwithstanding which , he was admitted and chosen emperour : the bohemians in the mean time choosing frederick elector palatine , for their king ; this more enraged their enemies , so that , they sent another army under maximilian of bavarie , which took two protestant towns by storm , and put all to the sword , and every where made great slaughter of the protestants : then the imperiall armies came to prague , which being struck with a pannick fear , the protestant army being overthrown in a set battell under the wals , and their new king fled , they delivered up the city to them , the conqueror promising to keep articles agreed upon , but performing nothing lesse . for they did more mischief to the church of christ by their subtile and slow proceedings , then lately by their outragious fury , when the sword fire , and wheel were the instruments of their rage against the faithfull . for a little before , when it was debated at rome how they should deal with the bohemians , and germans after the conquest ; it was agreed , that seeing their former strong purges which they had used to expell hereticall humours , had not proved effectuall : they therefore resolved not to put them to death wherein they did glory as in martyrdom , but rather to weary them and to change the hatefull name of inquisition into the milder name of reformation . and whereas there was a debate amongst the imperialists at prague , whether all the protestants should be presently banished , the negative was resolved on , because they would then carry much away with them , and so spoil the province , and indure their banishment with greater ease , & therefore they concluded that they must first be squeezed , and deprived of their goods : and for this end the souldiers at prague were authorrized to plunder the houses of noblemen and citizens , yet this was done at several seasons , and mostly in the night , by which meanes , as the enemies boasted , they took from the protestants some millions of gold : for indeed hither were all their riches brought in the time of war , as to a place of the greatest security : but as this fell to the commanders shares , so the neighbouring places were exposed to the fury of the rest , the common souldiers robbing and spoyling villages , towns , and churches , burning and killing without any restraint : the souldiers that were placed in garrisons would not only have free-quarter , but extorted mony from their landlords every day . then were comissions sent abroad , promising security to those noblemen , knights , corporations , and ministers , that would bring in a good sum of money to pay the army , which yet they would not receive as a free gift , but only desired to borrow it . caesars protection was also promised to those that were liberall , the rest were threatned to be plundred by the souldiers . they set down also what sums they expected from every one within such a time : they promised also that when that was paid , the souldiers should be removed , which made every one to bring in their plate , money , and jewels the more willingly . then were commissioners sent to require certain cities , that belonged to the protestant noblemen , to mantaine the standing forces of the kingdome , and to contribute corn for their publicke granaries : but whilest they were fed with a vaine hope of lessening and removing the souldiers , there were more listed , which raised the taxes so high as was impossible for the people to pay : and where as some were allured to deny the truth that they might be eased of taxes , and quarterings of souldiers , this was not performed , whereupon they complained that promise was broken with them , but the jesuits answered them , that they had no cause to complain , for they had provided for their souls , and therefore they ought cheerfully to help the king by contributions and quarterings of souldiers , and that hereticks must be dealt with , as mad men and children , from whom ●f you desire to get a knife , you must shew them something else , though you never intend to give it them . thus the kingdom being emptied of gold and silver , counterfeit and adulterate money was coined in great abundance , that so the common people might rejoyce in their plenty ; but in the mean time the souldiers would rec●ive none but good money . gold and silver also was raised to ten times the price of it , and on a sudden the emperour diminished the value ; making every piece of money to be worth but the tenth part : whereby the bohemians were more impoverished suddenly , then if they had lain under the burden of an army ten years . then was it ordered that the creditor should lose all the money that he had lent in the time of the rebellion , as they called it , and thus they were first impoverished , after which the enemies insulted over them by infamous books , insolent pictures , and proud words . then did they send abroad their commissioners of reformation , who in every town and village endeavored to bring protestantism into disgrace , and highly to magnifie and set abroad their owne cause : the most eminent men for honour and estates are invited to apostasie , the inferiour sort are either fooled by their examples , or compelled by thre●tnings . then was there an high-court of reformers set up , from which there was no appeal in the next place the souldiers exercised barbarous tyranny against the ministers of jesus christ. one aged minister lying sick in his bed , they shot him to death as he lay : the next day they robbed and murthered another ; another as he was preaching to his people , they came into the church ; and shot him to death . another nobleman , and a minister hearing of souldiers that were coming that way , conveighed themselves away into a place of safety the souldiers when they came , caught a schoolmaster , and binding him in cords , examined him where the lord of that place , and the minister were , and where they had hid their treasure ; he professed , that he knew neither the one nor the other , whereupon they beat him , first with their fists , then with cudgels , then stripping him naked , they so extreamly singed him with fire , that at last he promised to bring them where the treasure was , shewing them a ditch full of stones , which for greediness of gold they emptied , but finding nothing , they beat him afresh , and when he professed that he knew of no treasure , though through pain he had said so much , they cudgelled him , and with clods beat him into the ditch , and buried him under the stones . presently after they lighted on another godly minister , whom they so miserably tortured that he ●ied within five daies , shamefully abusing his daughters also whom they led away with them . another godly minister for a moneth together they excruciated with new invented mockeries : they spit in his face , buffeted him with their fists , exposed him to be beaten by every vile rascall : they with a knot●y cord twisten about his forehead , with a stick so strained his head , that his very eyes were ready to start out : then they let loose a wilde horse upon him , which yet leaped quite over him , and did him no harm : at last , with much adoe he redeemed himself with five hundred florences . another pastor they lighted on , and because he had a better estate then the former , they tormented him more , sometimes covering him over with hot burning coals , sometimes with ice , till they had forced him to pay a thousand five hundred florences for his ransome , though shortly after through extremity of the pain , he died . another minister they fetched from his house , and miserably tortured him by twisting a cord about his head , then tied they his hands behinde him , and his legs with a small cord , intending the next morning to torture him with fire , but in the night time as he was earnest at his prayers , repeating those words , in thee o lord is my trust , he perceived his hands and feet miraculously to be loosned , whereupon getting up , he went to the gate , where were three watchmen , one of them standing with his hand on his sword , yet he passed by them undiscovered : when he came to the town-gate , he was known by the souldier that stood sentinell , but he , being a bohemian , was overcome by entreaty , and let him passe over the bridge , whereby he escaped . another minister together with his wife they cruelly burnt : another was hanged upon a crosse-beam , and making a fire under him , they broiled him to death : another they cut into small peeces : another minister they sought for , but he being escaped , they took a young man in his house , laid him on his back , filled his mouth with gunpowder , which setting fire to , they miserably tore his jaws in pieces , and then killed him . when some souldiers came to the house of another , he entertained them courteously , and made good provision for them , but when they knew he was a minister , they first beat him cruelly , then killed him , stripped , and plundered his house ; they also burnt his library , and would not suffer his body to be buried for seven weeks , during their abode there . another aged minister and his wife , were so sorely burned by a souldier that demanded money of them , that presently after they died . another was hung up by the privy members , being seventy years old , and his own books burnt under him , and at last was shot through , and slain . another was first assessed at seven hundred florences , then had his house plundred , and lastly himself was murthered . another they caught and wounded , cutting his neck half through : but being afterwards carried by some friends to a chirurgion , he lived about two years , but in much pain and torment . another being above seventy years old , they carried into the market-place , where laying him upon a fire , they burnt him to death : another was beaten so , that he died three daies after . the jesuites laid wait for one pescinus , a man eminent for learning and piety , at last they suborned an apostate to betray him , who discovering him as he rode in a coach with a nobleman , fourty horsemen came suddenly , and took him away : but by the importunity of some noblemen , he was ransomed for four thousand florences , and ended his life in banishment . another being bound to a tree , was made a mark for the musquetiers to shoot at , and though they did not hit him , yet by reason of the affrightment he died within three daies . another being met by a notable papist , was ran thorow with a spear : but all this was done through military licentiousnesse ; now we come to what was acted by processe of law. anno . six articles were exhibited to the protestant congregations in prague . . that they should lend some thousands of pounds to caesar for the paiment of his army . . that they should publickly renounce the coming in of frederick . . that they should bring into the church the popish rites and ceremonies . . that their ministers should be ordained anew . . that the ministers should leave their wives , or get a dispensation from the archbishop . . that such as would renounce their ecclesiasticall functions , should have publick promotions , and the favour of caesar. but they answered unanimously , that they would doe nothing against their consciences . then came forth an edict , wherein the blame of all the former rebellion ( as they called it ) was laid upon the ministers of prague , because they had stired up , by their seditious and lying sermons ( as they pleased to stile them ) and by their writings , not only the common people , but the nobles also against caesar ; and that they were the authors of the choice of frederick , and that they still laboured to stirre up in the people an hatred against caesar. thereupon all the ministers within prague , were required within three daies to depart out of prague , and within eight daies to depart out of all the kingdom , and the provinces belonging thereto , and never to return again ; and if any under what pretence soever , should stay or returne again , or if any should presume to harbour or conceal any of them , that both the one and the other should suffer death : this was anno . then were their churches in prague given to the jesuits . it can not be expressed what lamentations and mournings there were amongst the people , when thus they must leave their pastors , and that for ever . yet the german ministers , whereof there were two , were suffered to continue in favour to the duke of saxony . then did as many as understood dutch , flock to their congregations , which so vexed the jesuits , that they obtained , not a banishment , but a gracious dismission of them as they would have it called . multitudes of people followed them , with great lamentations and tears , and in the field they heard their farewell sermon . the next design was , to remove the ministers out of other free cities , and the commissioners of reformation were imployed herein : one of them with a troop of horse coming to slana , and going to church , the minister ( a godly and learned man ) was reading the gospel : the commissioner sent a souldiers to him to bid him give over , but the minister still going on , himself went to him with his sword drawn , crying out , thou foolish preacher , leave off thy babling , and withall he dashed the bible out of his hand with his sword : the minister with eies , hands , and voice lift up to heaven , repeated often , woe , woe unto you , you enter not into heaven your selves , and forbid them that would ; woe , woe , woe unto you . but they mocking at these words , presently laid hands on him , justling him to and fro , whereupon he said , i for the name of my lord jesus christ am ready to suffer all this , and what else you shall impose . the people were much affrighted , but the chief magistrates and many good women interceding for him , he was at last dismissed , provided that he should depart the city within three daies ; and thus was this faithfull shepherd , not without the greate lamentations of his people , banished , where , about three years after he died . in a neighbouring city , the minister for fear of these barbarous proceedings , went a way of himself , yet the commissioners extorted a great summe of money from his church , and banished him in his absence . in another place they commanded the minister to depart from his parish within three daies , and from the city within eight daies ; he modestly asking the reason of his banishment , they told him caesar by conquest was master of all the churches , and that therefore he would put into them whom he pleased . but , into the rooms of these godly preachers , were put in unclean men , wicked , blasphemers , and men illiterate , and of no worth ; and yet they could not provide for all places : so that one of their hirelings supplied divers churches , and in stead of the wholesome food of gods word , he fed them with poison . then brought the ignorant monks out of poland , unprofitable burthens to the earth , yet fit enough to be scourges to unprofitable and common gospellers . then a commissioner , with some troops of horse , entring into ctutenburg , a place famous for maintaining the orthodox faith , cals before him the ministers , casts them out of their places , and puts jesuits into their churches : and these jesuits urging it , the ministers were commanded to depart out of the city gates before break of day , and out of the kingdom within eight daies : hereby were twenty one ministers driven away , many citizens accompanying them : one of them at the parting , preached upon that text , they shall cast you out of the synagogues ; exhorting them to perseverance . all the multitude much bewailed their losse , and with great lamentations , wailing and kissing each other , they recommended themselves to the blessing and protection of the almighty . in every place the ministers were cast out of their livings , some imprisonned , and after a while dismissed , and all commanded to depart the kingdom , upon pain of death . some were stifled with stink whilest they lay in prison . at last , anno . an other decree came forth from the king , whereby all the ministers of the gospel were commanded to depart the kingdom , by a peremptory day prefixed , because , as was alledged , they were seditious men , and seducers of the people : yet herein they used this artifice , that in most places this edict was concealed , till the time was almost or altogether elapsed , so that by this means the ministers not having time to communicate their counsels together , went into severall provinces , and some were faigne to hide themselves in caves & dens , and those either returned privately , and visited their auditors , or comforted such as came to them in the mountains and woods , preaching and administring the sacraments to them . but as soon as the enemies understood it , they presently published a new decree , wherein a punishment was preposed to those that should conceal the ministers , and a rewarde to such as should betray them : whereupon some of the ministers were taken and cast into prison : then by the jesuits were they by all waies sollicited to apostacy ; and fear of death , hunger , cold , the stink of the prison &c. prevailed with some to renounce their ministery : but most bore up couragiously against all storms , and at last some by paying great fines , others by giving it under their hands , that they would never returne into bohemia , were dismissed . one godly minister was examined by tortures , when , where , and to whom he had administred the sacraments of baptism or the lords supper , &c. he answered , that he had neither laide down , nor slacked his ministry , which he received from christ , and not from caesar : being profferred life if he would change his religion he answered , this body of mine is subject to corruption , and now it begins to decay already , why would you have me hinder it ? being brought forth to execution , the crier with a loud voice proclaimed that he was guilty of sedition : but he with a loud voice said , i suffer for the truth of christ. none of the citizens were suffered to accompany him , yea they were threatned to be shot , if they did but look out at their windows : and that his voice might not be heard , the drums and trumpets sounded continually . as he was passing on , he chearfully said : this day shall my soul be with christ : the captain said , with the devil in hell : the martyr replied , but you with your impious crew will run headlong thither , except ye repent . then was his right hand cut off , wherewith he gave the cup in the sacrament : then was his head cut off , his bowels taken forth , and wrapped in his shirt , his quarters set upon four stakes , and his head upon the fifth . then did the commissioners go into moravia , to a noble baron called charles de zerotina , a man for wisdom and vertue famous through all europe , a constant professor of religion , and one who maintained twenty four ministers of the brethren within his jurisdiction : they told him that they had an express command from cardinall ditrichsteine to expell all those ministers out of the country : he answered , that in matters of religion he ought not to be subject to the cardinall ▪ and therefore from him he appeals to caesar. then did they grant him fourteen daies to prosecute his appeale , but the baron being not in health ; could not go in that time to caesar , then they came again to him , an told him that it should be in his choice whether he would send them a way himself , or suffer them to do it ; the baron answered , that he could not banish those whom he knew to be the servants of jesus christ , nor could consent that they should do it : yet that night they sent abroad their citations to require all the inhabitants of that village to appear before them the next morning , at which time the minister and people came ; then did they read to them caesars edict , asking them if they would submit to it ; they answered that they wholly relied upon the will of god , whom they served in the gospell of his son , and therefore they were resolued to undergo what punishment they should inflict , seeing they suffered only for the name of jesus christ , and not for any ill deeds : then they demanded of them , whether the would forsake their heresie , and returne to the catholick church ; which they unanimously denied . the commissioners would have given them time to consider of it , but they all answered , that in so religious a cause as this , they needed no deliberations ; hereupon in caesars name they banished them , commanding them to depart within eight daies : these godly persons obeyed , and by the baron , at his own charge they were conveyed into hungary . the like they did in other places , so that the ministers of the gospel through all bohemia and moravia , were thrust out , and ignorant and illiterate persons set in their rooms . the next design of the enemies was against the nobles : the crime was for taking up arms for frederick their lawfull king , against an usurper : for though hope of pardon was granted , if laying down arms they would submit to caesars mercy , yet divers of them were apprehended : and first they seized upon some that were of the rank of defenders of the kingdoms liberties , and then all those whom they knew to have done any thing for the common good of religion and liberty ; or feared that they might be able to do for the time to come , and all such as feared to break their faith given to frederick . these were about the number of fifty men , famous for learning , skill in military affairs , and prudence in government , who were the light , delight and safeguard of their countrey . all of these in one night , and at one hour , were apprehended in their houses , when they suspected no danger , and by the captains were commanded to get up into wagons , and so some of them were carried to the castle of prague , others to the majors house . the next day proclamation were issued out , requiring all those that had hid themselves , or departed the kingdom , to appear within six weeks ; but they not appearing , sentence was pronounced , that all such as were guilty of treason , should forfeit goods , honours and lives , and then their names were set upon the gallows : the next day sentence was pronounced against their heirs , that all their goods should be confiscate to the king. then did they proceed to the triall of the noble men whom they had taken : two appostate civilians were appointed to examine them , with some of the nobility , who tired them out with a thousand impertinent questions , labouring to extort that from them whereof they were never guilty : which one of them not able to endure , renting his garments , and opening his breasts , said , tear into a thousand pieces this body , and search into my heart , and you shall finde nothing there but what is expressed in my apology . the love of religion and liberty made us unsheath our swords ; but seeing god would have caesar prevail , and hath delivered us into your hand , his will be done . others of them also stoutly maintained that their cause was not the worse , because of the successe . after some time when none of these noble men would yeild , or acknowledge themselves in an errour , or sue unto them for mercy , they proceed to execution ; their judgements were committed to such as were sworn enemies to the gospel . after sentence was passed , it was sent to caesar to consider of it : and he was so troubled , that he slept not that night , and the next morning calling his confessor , he said to him , i adjure thee upon thy conscience to tell me whether i may with a safe conscience pardon these that are condemned , or whether i should suffer execution to passe on them ? the confessor answered , o caesar , both are in thy power . then did he with his pen pardon some , and left others to execution , with a great addition of shame and ignominy . presently after they were brought out singly to hear their sentence , wherein some were condemned to death , others to perpetuall imprisonment , others to banishment , and some were reserved to caesars further pleasure . then were each sort of prisoners carried to their severall prisons ; the noble men into the inward prison of the castle , the citizens to the majors house ; and as they went , some villains were suborned to insult over them , saying , why doe they not now sing , the lord reigneth ? then did the wives , children and kinsfolk of the condemned persons , humbly petition for their lives ; but answer was made , that all the favour which could now be granted to them , was , that they should have leave to bury the corps of their friends . in the evening , the condemned men , which were twenty seven in number , had notice given them of the day wherein they were to suffer ; and therefor● they were advised to send for jesuits , or capuchins , or a minister of the augustine confession , for the good of their souls ; but they must expect no minister of the brethren , for that would not be granted to them . the jesuits and capuchins not staying till they were called for , flocked to them , using many perswasions , promising life , &c. if they would turn ; but god so strengthened them , that all those endeavours of satans imps were in vaine . then were some ministers of the augustine confession sent for , who spent that time which remained in religious exercises , conferences , prayer , and singing of psalms , and lastly by administring the sacrament to them . they which were of the brethren , willingly admitted these ministers , protesting that they acknowledged them for brethren , though they differed from them in some things ; only two of them did not partake of the sacrament for fear of some false accusation , comforting themselves with that saying , beleeve , and thou hast eaten . they which were prisoners in the majors house , being called to supper , the night before they were to suffer , comforted themselves , saying , that this was their last supper on earth , but to morrow they should feast with christ in his kingdom ; whereupon a great papist flouted , saying , hath christ cooks for you in heaven ? when it was told them that the noble men were coming to the scaffold in the market place , where they were to suffer , they hasted to the windows , and entertained their fellow martyrs , with singing the . psalm . the night after they spent in psalms , prayer , godly discourse , and mutuall exhortations , that since it pleased god to call them before others , to this honour of martyrdom , they hoped by their constancy to confound the world , to glorifie christ , and to leave a good example to others ; and singing the . psalm , where in david praies to god , to shew some token of good upon him ; one of them said , shew therefore some token of good upon us o god , whereby we thy servants may be strengthened by thy goodnes●e , and our enemies confounded : and being full of faith , he said further , be of good chear , for even in this god hath hard your voice , and to morrow he will shew some wonderfull signe , whereby he will witnesse that we suffer for his cause . early in the morning they washed their faces , and put on clean clothes , as if they had been going to a wedding ; and cut off the collars of their dublets , that when they came to the scaffold , there should need no new making ready . then did they earnestly pray to god , that he would be pleased to confirm and strengthen both themselves and the people concerning their innocency . presently after the sun rising , a beautifull bow appeared , and compassed the heavens , the ministers , souldiers , and many others looking upon it : the martyrs looked out at the window , and saw a rainbow of an unusuall colour , the heavens being very clear , and no rain of two daies before , whereupon falling upon their knees , they lifted up their voices and hands , praising god for this sign that he shewed from heaven . then presently was a gun discharged , which was a warning for their bringing forth to execution ; whereupon those champions of christ encouraged one another , praying that each of them might be strengthened , &c. then troops of horse and foot came to fetch them , the streets , market-place and houses , being filled with multitudes of spectators . the martyrs being called forth one by one , went to their death with and undaunted courage , hasting as if they had been going to a banquet : when one was called for , he thus took his leave of the rest , farwell most loving friends , god give you the comforts of his spirit , patience and courage , that what formerly with your mouths you have professed , you may confirm by your glorious death : behold i go before , that i may see the glory of my lord jesus christ ; you will follow me that we may together see the face of our heavenly father . at this houre all sorrow departs from me , and joyfull eternity shall succeed it . then did the rest answer , god above to whom you are going , prosper your journey , and grant that you may passe happily from this vale of misery , unto that heavenly country ; the lord jesus send his angeles to meet you : go , dear brother , into thine and our fathers house , and we will follow after , presently we shall meet in the heavenly glory , and this we are confident of through him in whom we have beleeved . the first was the lord schlik , a man of admirable parts , about fifty years old : when he was condemned to be quartered , and his parts to be scattered here and there ; he said , the loss of a sepulchre is easie : being exhorted by a minister to courage , he said , i have gods favour so ; that no fear of death doth trouble me ; i have formerly dared to oppose antichrist , and i dare now die for christ. the jesuites troubling him when he came to the scaffold , he shaked them off , and seeing the sun shining bright , he said , christ thou son of righteousness , grant that through the darknesse of death , i may passe into eternall light ; and so having ended his prayers he constantly received the stroak : his right hand and head were hung on the high tower upon the bridge . the lord wenceslaus was next , about seventy years old , famous for learning , religion , and his travels through divers countries : his house was formerly plundered , even to his wearing apparell , he only saying , the lord hath given , and the lord hath taken away . being asked why he would engage himselfe in fredericks cause , he said , my conscience pressed me to do what i did ; i am here , my god , dispose of me thy servant as seems good in thine eyes ; i am full of years , take me out of this life , that i may not see that evill that is coming on my country . afterwards holding forth his bible , he said , behold my paradise , it never yeelded me so much nectar and ambrosia as now . when he was sentenced , he said to the judges , you have a long time thirsted after my bloud , but know withall , you will finde god a revenger of innocent bloud , for whose cause we suffer . a frier saying to him , you are deceived in your opinion , he answered , i rely not on opinion , but on the infallible truth of god , for i have no other way but him who said , i am the way , the truth , and the life . on the scaffold , stroaking his long beard , he said , my gray hairs , behold what honour remains for you , that you should be crowned with martyrdom : and so praying for the church , his country , his enemies , and commending his soul to christ , his head was cut off , and set on the tower. the next was the lord harant , a man that had gained much experience by his travels in asia , africa , and europe ; his crime was that he had taken an oath to be true to frederick , and durst not violate it . as he was going to suffer , he called the minister to him , and told him that he much feared his wives inconstancy in religion , and therefore desired him to exhort her to constancy , and not to suffer her self to be drawn from her religion by any allurements , assuring her that it is the infallible way to salvation . then to exhort her to use more clemency to his subjects , rather easing then over-charging them with burthens . lastly to require her to have a care of his children , and to bring them up in the pure religion , &c. being called to execution , he said , i have travelled through many countries , through many barbarous nations , escaped many perils by sea and land , and now suffer innocently in my own countrey , and by them for whose sake i , and my forefathers have spent our estates and lives ; father forgive them . then he said , in thee o lord have i hoped , let me not be confounded . on the scaffold he said , into thy hands o lord i commend my spirit : in the o lord have i trusted from my youth ; i am confident that i shall be accepted by that ignominious death of my saviour ; and falling upon his knees , he said , to thee o lord i commend my spirit , for thou o god , just and true , hast redeemed me : and so he received the fatall stroke with the sword . the next was casper kaplitz a knight , of eighty six years old : when the minister came to him after his condemnation , he said , see me a miserable old man , who have often intreated my god that he would have mercy upon me , and take me out of this miserable life , but have not obtained it , for god hath reserved me to be a spectacle to the world , and a sacrifice to himselfe , gods will be done : my death indeed is disgracefull in the eyes of men , but glorious in the sight of god ; for god will account that death precious in his sight , which i suffer for his glory and truth : and when it was told him that he might have his life , if he would ask pardon ; he answered , that he would ask pardon of him against whom he had committed many sins all his life , but he never offended the prince , and therefore would not give occasion to suspect that he had committed some crime , for which he had deserved death , &c. god forbid therefore , said he , that i should be separated from this holy company of martyrs . as he was going to the scaffold , being feeble with age , he said , oh my god strengthen me , lest i fall down , and become matter of scorn to the enemies . being crooked with age , and hanging down his head , the executioner could not well come at his neck , whereupon the minister said to him , my noble lord , as you ha●e commended your soul to christ , so now offer up your heavy head chearfully to god , and lift up your sel●e towards heaven . then lifting up his head as well as he could , he said , lord jesus into thy hand i commend my spirit , and so is head was cut off . the next was procopius dorzecki , who after his condemnation said to the minister , i ha●e had a great contention all night with old adam , so that it made me sweat againe ; but thanks be to my god , by whom my soul hath overcome all tentations : saying further , o almighty god , strengthen thy servant that i may not be made a derision to mine enemies by any fear of death ; and as thou wa●● wont to encourage thy holy martyrs , so i ●trongly belee●e thou wilt comfort me . when he was called forth to execution , he said , thanks be to my god , who doth now call me to himselfe , to him i have lived , and for him i will die ; for my saviour hath therefore died and risen again , that he might be lord both of the living and the dead : i know that my soul shall li●e , and my body shall be raised like to his glorious body . upon the scaffold he said to the imperi●ll judges , tell caesar that we are now under his ●udgement , bu● he shall undergoe a more grievous , yet just judgement of god : and seeing a gold medal hanging about his neck , wherein was ingraven the coronation of frederick , he delivered it to one that stood by , saying , i require ●hee , that when my dear king frederick shall recover the throne of this kingdom , thou deliver him this , and tell him , that for his sake i wore it till my death , and that now i lay down my life willingly , for god and my king , and so presently after he lost his head . the next was the l. frederick de bile , who suffered death likewise patiently and piously . the next was the l. hen. otto . a man of great judgment , who having received the sentence of condemn●tion , said , o caesar , do you indeed establish your throne by our bloud ? but what account will you make to god of it in the day of judgement ? &c. kill my body disp●●se my members whither you please : yet d● i belee●e ●hat my saviour will gather them together againe , and clothe 〈…〉 so that with th●s● eyes i shall see h●m , with these ears i shall hear him , with ●his to●gue i shall praise him , and rejoyce with this heart f●re●er . afterwards when the minister came to him , amongst other 〈◊〉 he sai● , i was ●roubled , but now i feel a wonderfull refreshing in m● heart , adding , with his hands lift up to heaven , i give thee thanks o most mercifull saviour , who hast be●n pleased to fill me with so much 〈◊〉 now i fear death no longer , i will die with joy : as he was going to the ●ca●fold he said to the minist●r , i am sure that christ jesus will meet my soul with his angels , that he may bring it to an everlasting marriage , where i shall drink of a new cup , a cup of joy for ever : this death i know shall not separate me from him : upon the scaffold lifting up his eyes to heaven , he said , behold i see the heavens open , pointing with his hand to the place , where others also observed a certain brightnesse which dazled their eyes : after he had prayed silently , he said , into thy hands o lord god i commend my spirit , have pitty on me through jesus christ , and receive me that i may see thy glory : and so he received the stroak of the sword . the next was dionysius zervius formerly a papist , but being told of the promises made to the people of god concerning the pardon of sins , and assurance of salvation to those that believe in christ , he struck his breast , and with tears in his eyes , cried out , this is my faith , and in this i die , i rest in the grace of christ , and i trust in my god , that he will graciously accept my contrite spirit : when upon the scaffold the jesuites exhorted him , he listned not to them , but turned from the crucifix , and falling down on his knees he prayed softly : then looking up towards heaven , he cried , they can take away the body , but they cannot take away the soul : o lord jesus i commend that unto thee : and so he ended his life being fifty six years old . the next was an aged man about seventy years old , that had been long lame : his crime was that he had assisted frederick with his counsel and wealth : at the time of his death , he said , o lord jesus , who being innocent didst undergo death , grant that i may die the death of the righteous , and receive my soul into thy hands . the next was the lord of rugenia , a man of excellent parts , and full of zeal for god ; when he was iudged to die , he said , that it was more welcome to him then if the emperour had given him life , and restored him to his estate with addition of more : afterwards he said to the minister : god is our witnesse , that we fought for nothing but the liberty of religion : and in that we are overcome and condemned to die , we acknowledge , and finde that god will not have his truth defended by our swords , but by our bloud , &c. when he saw divers called out before him , he said , what is the matter my god ? thou knowest that i resign my self wholly unto thee : ah do not despise thy servant , but make haste to take me away : and when the sheriff came for him , he rejoyced , and said , praised be my god , that i shall now be taken out of the world , that i may be with christ : and so he went to meet him : on the scaffold he comforted himself with that promise , father , i will , that where i am , my servants may also be , to behold that glory which thou gavest me : therefore ( said he ) i make haste to die that i may be with christ , and see his glory , and so he suffered martyrdom couragiously . the next was valentine cockan of about sixty years old : during his imprisonment , he was full of heavenly discourse , and at the scaffold he said , grant me o god to passe through this valley of death , that i may presently see thee , for thou knowest my god that i have loved thy word , bring me o god through the paths of life , that i may see fulnesse of joy in thy presence : and kneeling down , he said , into thy hands o lord i commend my spirit , and so holily ended his life . the next was toby steffick a man of a composed temper , and sincere in religion : he spent most of the time of his imprisonment in silent sighs and tears : before his execution he said , i have received many good things of the lord all my life long , shall i not therefore receive this cup of affliction ? i imbrace the will of god , who by this ignominious death makes me conformable to his son , and by a narrow way brings me to his heavenly kingdom : i praise god who hath joyned me undeservedly to these excellent men , that i might receive with them the crown of martyrdom : when he was called to die , he said : my saviour being about to die , said , father , not as i will , but as thou wilt : thy will be done . shall i therefore who am but a worm , yea , dust , and a shadow contradict his will ? far be it from me : yea , i come willingly my god , only have mercy on me , and cleanse me from my sins , that no spot or rinckle may appear in me , but that i may appear pure in thy sight , and so he lifted up himself full of sighs , yet full of hope , and as he was praying he rendered up his spirit unto god. then was jessenius , a doctor of phisick , called forth , a man famous for piety and learning all over europe : having hard his sentence , he said , you use us too cruelly and disgracefully : but know , that our heads shall be buried , which you ignominiously expose for a spectacle : which afterwards came to passe , anno . when the king of sweden with his army took prague , and caused the martyrs heads to be taken from the tower , and solemnly and honourably buried . when the hangman required his tongue to cut it off , he willingly put it out , and falling upon his knees , as he was praying , his head was cut off , his body quartered and set upon four stakes . the next was christopher chober who much encouraged his fellow-martyrs , and then cited the words of ignatius , i am gods corn , and shall be ground with the teeth of wilde beasts : so we ( saith he ) are gods corn , sown in the field of the church , and that we may be for our masters use , we are now to be torn by beasts : but be of good chear , the church is founded in bloud , and hath ever encreased by bloud : god is able to raise up a thousand worshippers of himself out of every drop of our bloud : for though truth now suffers violence , yet christ reigns , and no man shall throw him from his throne : being called to execution , he said , i come in the name of my god , neither am i ashamed to suffer these things for his glory , for i know whom i have beleeved : i have fought the good fight of faith , and finished my course , &c. then praying , into thy hands lord i commend my spirit , he received the crown of martyrdom . john shultis was next , who on the scaffold , said , why art thou so sad o my soul ? hope thou in god for thou shalt yet praise him : &c. the righteous seem to die in the eyes of fools , but indeed they go to their rest : lord jesus thou hast promised that whoso comes to thee , thou willt not cast off : behold i now come , look on me , pity me , pardon my sins , and receive my soul , to thy self : then kneeling down , he said , come come , lord jesus , and doe not tarry , and so he was he headed . the next was maximillian hostialick , a learned , and pious man : after his condemnation he was sadder then the rest , and being asked by the minister the reason of it , he said , the sins of my youth doe now come into my minde : for though i know that nothing remains to condemn them which are in christ jesus : yet i know that god exerciseth justice as well as mercy towards his own : being called to death , he said , look upon me o lord my god , and lighten mine eyes , lest i sleep the sleep of death ; and lest mine enemies say , we have prevailed . afterward repeating the words of simeon , now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace , for mine eyes have seen thy salvation , he was beheaded . the next was john kutnaur , who when the jesuites began to speak to them , said , pray you trouble not our consciences ; we are sufficiently furnished against the fear of death , we need none of your help : and when they would have proceeded , he said , why do you create unprofitable labour to your selves , and trouble to us ? then said they one to another , they are hard rocks , and will not suffer themselves to be removed : to whom he answered , you sa● true , christ is an hard rock , and we are firmly fixed on him . afterwards he said to his fellow-martyrs , i understand that i must be hanged , but whether by the neck , middle or feet , i know not , nor ca●e not ; this only is my grief , that my bloud may not be mingled with yours , that we might be made one sacrifice to god : when he was called forth to execution , he was besprinckled with the tears of his friends , to whom he said , play the men , brethren , and refrain fron weeping , i go before , but it is but a short time and we shall meet in the heavenly glory ; when he was upon the ladder , he said , i have plotted no treason , committed no murder , i have done nothing worthy of death ; but i die because i have been faithfull to the gospel , and my country ? o god pardon my enemies , for they know not what they do : but thou o christ have pity on me , for i commit my soul unto thee , and so he slept in the lord. the next was simeon sussickey , who when he saw the jesuites comming , he said to his companions : these birds of prey are flying hither , but they shall not feed on these carcasses , but return hungry ; for god hath promised to perserve his own as the apple of his eye , and therefore he will not suffer us to be seduced . the last night he had a great conflict with the flesh , because the scripture saith , cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree : but when the minister told him that that curse was taken away by the death of christ , he was well satisfied : he went to his death praying and singing , and being hanged next to kutnaur which was his son in law , after he was dead , he turned towards him , and so near that their mouths touched each other : so that their enemies said , these were such obstinate rebels that they cease not to plot after death . the next was nathaneel wodnianskey , who when the jesuites sollicited him to apostacy , he said to them : you take away our lives under pretence of rebellion , and not content with that , you seek to destroy our souls ? glut your selues with sight of our bloud , and be satisfied with that , but we shall leave a sting in your consciences : afterwards his own son saying to him , my father , if hope of life should be proffered you , upon condition of apostacy , i pray you be mindefull of keeping your faith to christ : he answered , it is very acceptable to me my son , to be exhorted to constancy by you , but what makes you to suspect me ? i rather advise and exhort you to follow your fathers steps , and to exhort your brethren , sisters , and children , to that constancy whereof i shall leave you an example : and so he patiently ended his life upon the gallows . the next was wenceslaus gisbitzky , to whom were given great hopes of life : but the minister fearing satans stratagems , advised him to take heed of security , and to prepare himself for the encounter of death : upon the scaffold , seeing his hopes frustrate , he fell on his knees , and said : we are prostrate before thee , o eternal father , do not forsake us , have pity on us through jesus christ : we would say more , but we are not able to expresse it : into thy hands doe we commend our souls , perfect that which thou hast begun to work in us . render to us our inheritance that we may sing holy , holy , holy , &c. and so in the midst of his prayers he ended his life . there was also one martin fruin , an eminent citizen of p●ague , who being taken in his own house , was scoffed at by the souldiers , beaten with their fists , and afterward cruelly tortured , and so burnt in the privy parts , that for six moneths he was troubled with most grievous pain : he was shut up in prison from all company , and at last was found dead in the castle ditch under the tower. presently after the execution of these holy martyrs , all their goods were confiscated , as also of those that were driven into banishment . then was a proclamation published , wherein a generall pardon of all crimes was offered to all the inhabitants of the kingdom , only their goods were confiscated , either in whole or in part , which must be brought into his majesties treasury , to pay his debts which were contracted by this necessary war : besides which , they were to make a confession of their faults in a form prescribed before cardinall lichtenstein , who was caesars viceroy , and if any did not appear , he should lose this favour . hence it was that the enemies publikely boasted that none were punished but such as were convicted by their own confession . then by edict all were forbidden to diminish , or waste their goods , by selling them , or conveying them over to others : and if any man should send away his goods to another place , all should be lost : and whosoever received such goods , should pay so much of his own to the emperour . yet the merry judges turned all this to a jest , saying to divers that pleaded their innocency from having any hand in bringing in frederick , that though they had not actuall sins , yet they were infected with the original sin of heresie and wealth , and therefore could not be exempted from punishment . then did they proceed to take from the protestants all their castles , towns , and villages , whereby they were deprived of their livelihoods , and driven into strange places : some were forced to cast themselves upon their popish friends , others to become servants to their own destroyers . afterwards all their personall estates were sequestred , scarce leaving so much as a garment for them wherewith to cover their nakedness : and lest any man should should have money at use , they commanded all to bring in all their bonds , upon pain of losing all their debts , if they concealed the least : and when any considerable sum was brought in , the kings treasurers were at hand , who protesting that the emperour had need of it to defray his charges of war , took it away , giving to the party a note that so much was due to him from the emperour , which yet was never repaied . and thus the protestants being commanded to depart the kingdom , the popish party divided their confiscated goods and lands amongst themselves : and as it lay commodious for any of them , they added this or that village , town , castle , or lordship to their own , but the greatest part fell to strangers shares , spaniards , italians , or germans which were commanders in the imperiall army , instead of their pay . if any widows or orphans had lands or goods not taken away , their popish neighbours would either circumvent them by craft , or weary them ▪ out by quartering souldiers upon them , and so enforced them to sell them their lands , at what prices themselves listed to make thereof , and yet afterwards not paying that neither . then did the emperour call for the ancient charters of the kingdom , which he immediately rent , and threw into the fire . the ministers being all banished , the noble lord charles de zerotine did yet not onely retain his houshold-chaplaine ; but he sustained also many others privately in their caves with bread and water ; and not fearing man , he did not only give liberty to his own subjects , but to divers others in neighbouring places to resort to the holy exercises which were performed in his castle . then did the enemies by a new edict publish , that all such barons , noblemen , and citizens , as kept any protestant tutor for their children , should presently dismisse him : otherwise he should be taken and punished . then by another edict all the protestants were cast out of protection of the laws , and were to have no benefit by them . the enemies being every day puffed up with their successes and victories , made a decree that all the protestant noblemen should presently depart out of the kingdom , and the emperour published a proclamation , that to prevent all divisions which were dangerous to the kingdom and magistrates , therefore he was resolved no longer to tollerate any of the inferiour , much lesse of the superiour estates of either sex , who was infected with hereticall errours : and withall he granted to the superiour states the term of six moneths , to learn the holy roman catholick faith : and for that end he appointed commissioners of reformation to instruct them requiring them , to be obedient to his will , and to be diligently instructed by them , otherwise they should not be suffered to stay in the kingdom , much less to possesse their goods : and therefore he required all those which at the end of that term of six moneths did not turn catholicks , immediately to depart the kingdom and never to returne again . hereupon they which loved religion at their hearts , did presently separate themselves by banishment : others sollicited caesar by petitions , either to change the decree , or to grant them a longer time : others there were that thinking to deceive the emperour and pope , did buy false testimonies of the priests , that they had been at confession , and communicated in one kind , and so made shew of a dissembled apostacy , thereby to avoid banishment . then was the fore-named act extended unto widows , and the protestants children were commanded to be delivered to the care and instruction of chatholicks , or else to be shut up in monasteries : and this caused extream grief and groanes , when noble-mens sons , and daughters , even maids that were marriageable , were pulled from their parents , and friends , and thrust into jesuites colleges , or monks cels : their goods being taken also from them , and committed to papists . the cunning craftinesse of those seducing reformers , deceived many unwary persons , whilest they told them that they might hold their former opinions ; only for order sake they must acknowledge the roman bishop to be the visible head of the church : hereby the simpler sort , thinking that they were not constrained to any other faith , but what they had formerly learned , thought that they might with a safe conscience promise that outward obedience . and if these seducers saw any one of more nobility then ordinary , they presently suggested to them how much it grieved caesar that those ancient families which had formerly been the ornaments and props of the kingdom , should cast themselves out into banishment through there unadvisedness , when they might remaine and flourish under the favour both of god and caesar : and this ruined many of the protestants nobility , who preferred their earthly , before the heavenly country . yet above a hundred families , leaving their inheritances , and all their possessions , went away : amongst these was the lord de zerotine , who might have lived in his countrey if he would have deprived himself of the worship of god , by the losse of his minister , or if he would have used it covertly , yet he rather chose to suffer affliction with the people of god , then to continue the enjoyments of his earthly possessions . and whereas many of these protestants were gone into silesia , and lusatia , the emperour set forth a proclamation , wherein he protested , that it was not his intention to remove them out of bohemia and moravia , and to suffer them in the incorporated provinces , and therefore he commanded them to depart from thence also , or else they should be brought to punishment : requiring them also to send back their children which they had carried with them , upon penalty of losing all the goods which any of them could demand in his countrey . presently after he published another edict wherein he required all the protestant wives of the catholicks , either to reform , or to go into banishment : but when many of the chief officers of the kingdom had protestant wives , and they would not indure that they should be thus divorced from them , he set forth another edict , whereby they were tolerated till the death of their husbands , and then they should be excluded from their inheritances , and sent into banishment : and required that in the mean time they should absent themselves from all festivall and nuptiall solemnities , or else should take the lowest places after the catholicks . and whereas some of the protestants did privately teturn , or stay to make the best of that little that did remain unto them : proclamation was sent out that all such should be apprehended and imprisoned : and to warn all such as had harboured any of them , upon their allegiance , to appear before the chief officers in the castle of prague : requiring that if any knew where any of them lay hid , they should secretly and suddenly attach them , and bring them to prison . then did the emperour repeal , and disannull diverse of the ancient statutes of the kingdom , that made most for the peoples liberties , as concerning their free election of a king , &c. that he might the better every where oppresse them . then in all the free cities men of base and mean quality were appointed to determine a●l businesse , and to be the chief officers , and to these were added some of the chief of the souldiery , the better to procure subjection . these cities also they impoverished by taxes and contributions , which continued divers years , and were extorted by the souldiers power . then masse-priests were put into the places of godly ministers , and people were compelled to frequent the masse : marriages were forbidden , except amongst the catholicks : such as turned apostates were promoted to all places of magistracy in the cities , though men of no judgement , nor experience . then were these articles given to the captains of distresses . . that whosoever is not of the kings religion , all traffick and commerce shall be debarred him . . whosoever shall suffer private preaching , baptism , or matrimony in his house , shall pay a great fine , or suffer six moneths imprisonment : but if he harbour a preacher , he shall lose goods and life . . if any shall work upon catholick holidaies , he shall be imprisoned , and pay ten florences . . it shall not be lawfull for any non - catholick to make a will : if he do , it shall be null . . no youth shall be bound apprentice , or learn any art or trade , unlesse he learn the catholick religion . . the poor people in hospitals , except they be converted by such a day , shall be turned out , &c. after the taking of the city of prague , papists were examined upon oath to declare what they knew or heard that the protestants had spoken or done against caesar. then was an act published to the rest of the citizens , that though they had forfeited their whole estates , yet they should not be wholly sequestred , but every one should contribute part of his estate to support the army : all men also were required upon oath to discover what their estates were : according to which they were injoyned to pay a ransome to obtain a pardon : yea all trading inhibited to such as were not catholicks . in the city of kutterberg were abundance of silver mines , and the inhabitants generally were zealous professors : hereupon so soon as they began to be molested for religion , the kings revenue began to diminish , most of the workmen giving over the work : the king seeing this , he farms his revenues to the citizens for ten years , promising that in the interim they should not be troubled with souldiers , nor for their religion : and hereto he set his hand and seal : but satan envying their place and liberties , stirs up the jesuits , to move the king to break his covenant within four mouths after : and the souldiers were sent thither again , and they began again to be questioned about their religion : the citizens astonished at this manifest breach of covenant , humbly petition that no violence might be offered to them , which would overthrow the mettall-works : but instead of answer , the major and chief aldermen had twenty musquetiers apiece put into their houses upon free quarter , till they had shriven themselves to a priest : the souldiers domineered exceedingly , wasting these mens estates by their profuseness , and abusing them divers other waies at their pleasure : yet the patience of the one , overcame the tyranicall behaviour of the other : these godly men so long as they had it , provided for the souldiers , but when all was gone , some of them withdrew themselves from danger by flight ; others resigned their houses and goods to these domineering villains : delivering the keys to them , and so departing . when yet this prevailed not , the task of reforming that city was committed to don martin , who accompanied with a troop of curiassiers , and himself brandishing a naked sword , entred into the city , the citizens trembling at his coming , hearing of the cruelty which he had exercised in other places , whereupon that very night multitudes of them betook themselves to flight , thinking to hide themselves in neighbouring villages , this caused don martin to get an edict that none should harbour exiles upon a great penalty . the year after a senate at kutterberg was elected out of the apostates : the major being a base and illiterate person , so that all the citizens being still oppressed with the souldiers , either fled with their wives and children , leaving all behinde them , or else were fain to submit their necks to the antichristian yoke . the next city whither these reformers went , was bolislavia , where the orthodox religion had continued for two hundred years , and it was the principall seat of the brethren . the ministers being ejected , they placed in their rooms two crafty friers , that by all means sought to pervert the people , but when this prevailed not , they brought in three companies of souldiers to quarter upon them . then were some of the citizens banished , others cast into prison , and three of the principal was sequestered to strike a terror into the rest ; the cause pretended was , because they said , as was alledged , that none had power to command their consciences , &c. but when yet the citizens remained constant , they were all warned to appear in the court , and being come , they were shut up in severall rooms , and called out and examined one by one . the first was the town-clerk , a weak and timorous man , and therefore they had set a ruffian in a corner , with a sword in his hand , whom the fearfull man seeing , was so terrified , that he promised to turn catholick ; they so rejoyced at this beginning , that they dismissed all the rest , bad them consider of it , and do as the town-clerk had set them an example . amongst these there were two burgomasters , learned men , who exhorted their fellow citizens not to be affrighted with these imaginary terrors . afterwards one of them being called for , was partly with threats , & partly with flatteries so wearied out , that at last he tooke time to consider of it : the other being called for , & an old man proposing the others example to him , he spit in his face , saying , traytor is this your constancy ? and so both he , and the rest of the citizens remained as unmoveable as a rock . the first burgomaster considering what he had done , and being ashamed of it , came and gave them such a positive answer , as that with the rest he was sent to prison . one bartholomew lang told them to their faces , that he had rather die by the sword , then deny his faith ; whereupon with divers others he was thrust into a stinking dungeon , where they kept them prisoners for seventeen weeks , their houses in the meane time being possessed by the barbarous souldiers . one of these godly persons died in prison : and about that time bethlem gabor warring with the emperour , and count mansfield entring silesia , with the king of denmarks army , these tyrants were struck with such a terrour , that presently proclamations came forth , that it was not his majesties pleasure that any man should be forced to the faith , by violent meanes ; by which proclamation the inhabitans of bolislavia had some respit . but the year after , when gabor was retired , and the king of denmark beaten out of silesia , their tyranny againe revived and a new proclamation came forth to inhibit the protestants all trade and commerce ▪ and to command them to abjure their heresies under pain of the severest and inevitable punishment . hereupon some were banished , others voluntarily went into exile , others were denied traffique , the friers taking away such commodities as they set to sale , so that the citizens which stayed , were forced to take the mark of the beast , that they might buy and sell. in the city of litomericia , anno . there was an unanimous agreement amongst the citizens , that none should be made free amongst them , but such as professed the reformed religion : and that whosoever should move for the nulling of this act should be disfranchised ; this continued inviolate for a hundred years till two jesuites sued to be made free men of the city , which being denied , they entred their complaint in the chancery , whether some of the principall aldermen were summoned , and kept for nine weeks space , till by threats they had obtained from them to make these two men free . five moneths after one of them is made an alderman , that so they might have their spies in every place ; there were also cunning seducers sent thither to withdraw the people from their religion . but when this prevailed not , anno . they took the names of every citizen , commanding them constantly to come to the masse , and every one to s●ew his name to the sexton , that they might know that all were there present , or else for every omission they should forfeit five pound . then bringing in more souldiers , they commanded all the inhabitants to be present at their idolatrous procession , and because the recorder came not , they sent a whole company of souldiers to plunder his house , who also abused and threatned his wife . the year after they brought more in souldiers , quartering them in the principall mens houses , in some ten , in some twenty , and in others thirty , who abused them fearefully , but , through gods assistance , they bore it with such admirable patience that the enemies were weary with plaguing them , and began to be more moderate ; yet they published an order , that whosoever would not turn catholick , should , with their wives and children , depart the city & kingdom by a certain day , wherevpon many of them removed into misnia . at the city of radecium they drave away the ministers , and placed there a merry archdeacon , who protested that all violent means were displeasing to him , and therefore he entertained the citizens with jests and merry speeches , and would draw them to taverns and gameing houses : but when after four years triall , he found that he had not converted any one of them by these means , he brought in souldiers for his help : then did he assemble the people , requiring them to go in procession with him , but when none would follow , the souldiers rushed in amongst them with their drawn swords ; whereupon the people ran , some one way , some another , others were forced to follow the procession whether they would or no , and some for refusing were slain . then was a whole regiment of souldiers sent thither , with expresse charge not to depart , till the city was reformed . the archdeacon taking some of these , went to a physitian that had been lame for some years , and asketh him whether he would become a catholick ? which he stoutly refused , saying , that he had rather his half rotten carkasse should be drawn through the fields , and torn in pieces , then to do any thing against his conscience . then were all the inhabitants called together : the city gates shut , and the people grievously threatned if they would not turn , and such as refused , were thrust into prisons , and souldiers were sent to their houses , who raged and domineered over their wives and children ; wherupon they ran to their husbands with tears and intreaties , and prevailed with many of them to desire time to be given them to learn the romish religion , only twenty eight of them , together with their wives and children forsook their earthly estate , and went into banishment to preserve their consciences clear . don martin went also to bidsove , ten-miles from prague , attended with his souldiers , and assembling the citizens , he made an oration to them to turn catholicks , they answered , that they could not unlearn that in an hour , which they had been learning all their life , this so enraged martin , that he assaulted the man that answered for all the rest , with a club , beating him extreamly , and then he commanded the chief officer to carry him out of the city , not suffering him so much as to visit his house before his departure : this so terrified the rest , that they promised to be taught within a certaine time ; and whereas some of them thought to save themselves by flight , sending their wives and some of their goods privately before , with whom went also some godly widows ; martin having intelligence of it , sent some souldiers after them , that stript them of their goods , and brought them back and cast them into fetters , refusing to release them , till both they and their husbands turned catholicks . at zaticum , another city , famous for religion , the minister being banished , friers were put into his place , who being assisted with souldiers used to cane those that would not bow to the host , and because the major and some of the aldermen were absent at a solemn procession , they sined them . then came thither don martin , and proclaimed , that whosoever had any bibles , or other evangelicall bookes ; if they brought them not in 〈◊〉 , they should be fined at a hundred florences , or suffer five weeks imprisonment . as also whosoever refused to come to masse , should pay five florences , and three pounds of wax : all the books that were so brought , he burnt them without the wals ; and for such as still stood out , he quartered troopers upon them , which extorted mony from them day by day : hereupon many forsook their houses , and betook themselves to the hardship of a banished life . then did he proclaim that without his leave none should go out of the gates upon pain of death : the next day he arrested the major , and would not release him , but upon the promise of apostacy . two of the aldermen he bound with iron chains for refusing to adore the host , and for fourteen daies together tormented them grievously , till he had forced their consent to the like apostacy . then assembling the whole senate , he commands them presently to submit to caesars will , to go to auricular confession , and to communicate in one kinde , promising that such as obeyed should be eased of souldiers , that the others should have their burthens doubled , requiring every one in order to answer for himselfe , whether he would promise to perform this within three weeks : one of them modestly pleading to be excused , in regard of his conscience : the furious beast fell upon him , beat him about the head , and abused him with cursed words , saying , thou art an unworthy knave to be in this place , i will have thee bound hand and foot , and cast into a deep dungeon , and when thou hast vomited out thy wicked soul , i will deliver thee to the hangman to be buried , &c. then he cals to his souldiers for chains and fetters , with which they bound his hands and feet , and put an iron coller about his neck , with a thick chaine , and so brought him to the dungeon , where he was tormented for three weeks , neither wife nor children being suffered to come to him , and fed with bread and water ; the jesuites also were daily molesting him : then was he sentenced to death , which he chose before apostacy . then said one of the jesuites , he is possessed with the devil , & therefore he commanded him to be bound more straitely , whereby at last he was forced to go to auricular confession , but by that means getting out of the prison , he fled into misnia to escape their tyranny . all the best citizens did desire banishment , but the city gates were kept strictly , least any should get out , or carry out their housholdstuff ; whereupon many escaped by the mines of the wall , and among these , a lords wife , leaving all her rich housholdstuff behinde her , crept out at the common sewer , to follow her husband into banishment . many of the exiles in misnia , having spent all that little which they carried with them , were forced to seek alms in bohemia , where being betrayed , they were cast into prison , and so tormented , till some of them were almost distracted , and then they were sent away to other places ; some of these were persons of good quality . at tusta a chief officer of the kingdome sollicited the citizens to turn catholicks , which they refusing to do , he complained of it to the jesuites at prague , whereupon don martin is sent thither , who entring the city , sends his souldiers into the senators houses , licensing them to abuse them at their pleasure , so that in a short time many were forced to apostasie . then did that other officer set a great fine upon the city , because they turned catholicks for another mans sake , and would not do it for his : and thus the poor protestants were abused on every hand to satisfie the lusts of these tyrants . then did another noble man , with a band of souldiers , go to the city of rokizan , and tyrannically abuse them for their religion , forbearing no kinde of insolency that they could think of : amongst other projects this was one ; he caused all the citizens to write their names in three books : in the first such as were already catholicks ( which were but six late apostates ) in the second the names of such as would become apostates within a fortnight , which were very few : in the third such as absolutely refused , and so were opposite to god and caesar , and in this were almost all the names , which so enraged him , that he resolved to use all manner of cruelties , saying , that they deserved the crosse , the wheel , yea and hell it self . then did he command all the citizens to come to the church the next day , to receive the sacrament in one kinde ; but when , coming himself to church , he found few or none there , he runs through the streets , and into the houses , driving all that he met with to the church with his stick . when he came thither again , he espied one john foelix , a chief citizen , but a calvinist , he therefore fell upon him with a knotty club , beating him about the head , shoulders and hands , till he was all gore bloud , and then he said to him , get thee hence thou beast , with thy cursed calvin-bloud . then did he rage against the other citizens cursing them , beating some , and spitted in the faces of others : and from one of the grave citizens he pulled off his beard , and strewed it on the floor . after this he again sent word to foelix , that except he changed his minde by the morrow , he would act a new tragedy with him , but that night he escaped , leaving behinde him his dear wife and children , and an aged mother of eighty years old . then did the earl imprison his wife , and sequestred his estate , and enforced the rest of the citizens to subscribe that they did freely , and with all readinesse of minde , imbrace the catholick religion . one martinitz was appointed to reforme the city of slana , who substituted one hansbursky , an apostate , to see this work done . this man that he might ingratiate himself with the jesuites , appointed a solemn procession , and either by fraud or force , brought to it most of the citizens : amongst others , he required one john blyssa to accompany him , but he refused , saying , as oft as i have received the lords supper , so oft have i obliged my self to god , and against these abominations : then said the other , thou shalt not resist the emperours pleasure : but said he , in those things which belong to caesar , i will not , but here gods business is in hand : then said the other , thou shalt be forced to it : god , replied he , seeks willing , not forced worshippers ; whereupon he was presently committed to prison , for nine weeks and so was another godly citizen , and fined , and then together with his wife , driven out of the city . afterwards also was blyssa and his wife banished , for procuring his childe to be baptized by a protestant minister privately , and his estate was sequestred , having nothing left him to support him in his banishment . then by divers kindes of torments he compelled some to a forced obedience ; as he did fifty men whom he shut up in a narrow room , where they could neither stand , sit , nor lie , nor have leave to go forth to ease nature : so that after three daies enduring of this pain and stink , they were forced to promise to learn the roman religion . the like dealing he used to divers women in his own chamber : but so soon as they could , most of them went into voluntary banishment . the city of prachatice they entred by force , and slew the major , who was bringing to them the keys , together with a thousand six hundred men , women and children , sparing none but such as fled , or hid themselves in secret places : the karcasses they left unburied for divers daies , all dirty , and shamefully naked . afterwards when the city began again to be inhabited , the commissioners of reformation came thither , promising them that if they would turn catholicks , they should have their liberties restored to them , but if they refused , they should be restrained from all trading , and when this prevailed not , they thrust men and women , young and old into prisons , where they miserably afflicted them for four whole moneths . the like cruely they used to all other cities , where they shewed and used all manner of impostures , deceits , tyrannies and impudent practices , till they had rooted out the reformed religion , and set up their idolatrous and superstitious worship in the stead of it . the godly ministers being generally removed , the next design of the enemies was to take all bibles , and other profitable books out of the peoples hands , that so the heat of religion might in time grow cold : the friers also which were placed in the churches : did not presently thunder , but dealt fairly , beseeching and confirming the truth of their religion with oaths , and dreadfull cursing of themselves , promising also the emperours favour , and easing of their burthens ; yea they sought by works of charity to oblige the poorer sort to them . one frier promised a bushell of wheat to every one that would come to confession ; but when his garners began to waste , he gave but half the measure , whereupon one flang away in anger , saying , what , is my soul viler then the rest ? but when they perceived that they gained but few by their fox-like subtilty , they returned to their wolvish cruelty , compelling men to come to masse , and taking the names of all such as absented themselves ; and if any went to private religious meetings , they were fined , imprisoned and whipt . some godly persons being met together with a minister , in a private chappel , two colonels , with some troops came upon them , encompassed the church , rusht in with their drawn swords , took the minister from the communion-table , stript off his cloaths , and sent him away to prison , then they cast the bread upon the earth , poured out the wine , and trampled upon it : then they fell upon the people , stripping men and women naked , it being f●●st and snow , so that many of them died ; some were wounded , others so affrighted that they fell into diseases : modestly forbids to tell how they used the women , even in the church . then came out an edict that whosever refused to turn papist , whether men or women , young or old ; bond or free , their names should be returned to the council of state , who would give instructions what should be done with their persons and estates . marriage , buriall and baptism were forbidden to the protestants , and if any did it privately , they were imprisoned , and not dismissed without apostasie , or a great fine . then was all trading inhibited , or means of getting their living , and at last buying of food , so that the poor people being oppressed with hunger and want , were either forced to fly , or to apostatize . the countrymen they fetched out of their houses , yea out of their beds , by troopes of souldiers , driving them like beasts before them in the sharpest cold , and filled the common prisons , towers , cellers , stables , yea and hogsties with them , where they were killed with hunger , cold and thirst . a godly chirurgion , with others , was cast into a place full of snakes . another company was thrust into a stable , and all the windows stopt up , that the were almost stifled for want of breath . in some places they shut them up in privies , that they might be poisoned with the stink . in some places they mad holes , and knockt them full of iron spikes , wherein those that were shut , could neither sit nor stand , but bending and crooked : it was not possible that any man could endure this posture above two or three hours , their sinews in the mean time trembling and their members quivering , and their ▪ hearts ready to faint with anguish ; so that some were forced to promise to turn catholiks , others that refused were brought back to torture . then the devised a prison upon the water , very narow , and not above a cubit and an half in length , wherein the prisoner could by no meanes lay himself at length , and if he turned himself unawares , he must fall into the water . another design was , first to assault men of greatest authority , to make them an example to the rest . in the town of minion the commissioner demanded of the people a positive answer , whether they would turn catholicks : and one of them in the name of the rest saying , that conscience neither would nor could be forced , he was presently laid upon the ground and beaten , and still denying to turn catholick , when he could hardly speak , he was torn in pieces ; the rest affrighted at this terrible spectacle promised obedience if time were given them . in another place the senator refusing to turn apostates , the cheifest of them was made to ride the wooden horse , in the market-place , for six hours space , though he was very ancient , so that he was lame and half dead , when he was taken off . when any desired to die , ra●her then to forsake their religion , it was answered : that the emperour did not thirst after their bloud , but rather after the welfare of their souls : to others they said , oh , you affect the glory of martyrdom , but you are base knaves , and are unworthy to have any thing to glory in . there were many who would have died in the maintenance of their christian faith , but there were none that would inflict death upon them ; for these cruel tyrants brought up in the devils school , would not kill the body but the soul , and therefore they sought by lingring and continual punishments to bring them first to stagger , and then to deny the truth . when any man desired to be convinced by scripture , they answered with scoffs and jears , accusing the scripture of imperfection , of obscurity , of ambiguity , saying that it was the fountain of heresie , the sanctuary of hereticks , and that laymen had nothing to do with it : they called the bible wiblia , which in the bohemian language , signifies vomit . they took away all orthodox books from the people , that thereby they might be the more easily led into error . in some places they shut up the people in the church and forced them to receive in one kinde ; and if they would not fall down to the host , they used to beat their legs with clubs , till they fell down : some they imprisoned and racked severall times to force them to auricular confession . of others they set open their mouths with gags , and thrust the host down their throates . in other places they forced the people , not only to abjure the cup , but to throw it down , and to spit upon it , and tread it under ●oot . if any to avoid this tyranny fled into the woods and secret places hunger drave them out again , whereby they became a prey to their , adversaries ; if they went to neighbouring places , some or other would betray them . edicts also were published , forbidding all to entertain such as fled upon pain of forfeiting a hundred pieces of silver for every nights entertainment . yet these miserable people could not go out of the kingdom , not being acquainted with any other language : besides , they were told that ere long the like tragedy should be acted every where four men of kossenberg continuing constant after long imprisonment , they were first exposed to cold for five weeks together in the depth of winter : then for nine daies they were pined with hunger , they having only a small portion of bread that kept life and soul together , and drinking their own urine , and when they were threatned harder usage , if they turned not , they answered , we willingly imbrace all afflictions of famin , hanging , burning , or any thing , rather then we would sin against god. thereupon , only twice a week there was given them a mouthfull of bread , and a draught of water . then were they parted asunder , one thrust into the sink of the prison , another into a furnace ; and none permited to visit them ; and when nothing would prevail , they set a fine upon them , and banished them . others were kept in prisons and bonds till they died . one was kept in a filthy prison till his feet rotted off , and yet he passed away the time with singing of psalms , as if he injoyed all manner of deligths . another man being tired out with imprisonement , promised to turn catholick , and was released , but presently ( as himself wrote afterwards ) god chastened him for this his fault , holding his conscience captive for an whole year together , so that he could have no hope in gods mercy : yet he recalled to minde former sinners , who upon their repentance obtained mercy of god : thereupon he cried unto god a whole year together , night and day watering his bed with his tears , because he thought himself damned ; but at last god ( saith he ) sent his angel to me , and i saw this glory brighter then the sun , and i had gods spirit bestowed upon me , &c. after which he was apprehended , beheaded and quartered . the pictures of john husse and jerom of prague they defaced ; all the bibles that they could meet with , they burned ; the graves of the ministers they opened , took out their bones and burnt them . the statutes of king frederick they beat in pieces , and trampled them under their feet . one man they fined at five hundred dollars , for giving his son the name of frederick , before these calamities befell the bohemians , god gave them warning by sundry prodigies . in severall places divers suns were seen together . at prague the sun seemed to dart out bals of fire : also a flying dragon , flaming horribly , was seen throughout all bohemia and silesia . also a spring flowed with bloud for an whole moneth together . in another place a fish-pond was wholly turned into bloud for the space of three daies . a great flock of crows and daws , fought together for a whole daies space , whereby multitudes of them were slain . at prague it rained brimstone , and the image of the crucifix being set up , was struck down with a thunderbolt . the gates of some cities opened of their own accord . many bibles being thrown into a great fire , were untouched , only the margin a little scorched . many apostates tormented by the sting of conscience , cried out , they were damned . some to avoid these terrors hanged themselves ; others drowned themselves . some died in fearfull despaire , others died suddenly ▪ one as he was about to abjure , was stricken dumb , and being carried home was possessed with a great trembling all over , and gnawing his own tongue , he died miserably . dr knapper a great persecutor was slain by the appointment of his wife an adultresse , for which she was afterwards hanged . another vomited out his ungodly soul with bloud . another ran mad , and cast him self down from the top of his house , and so roaring fearfully he breathed his last . another shot himself to death with his own pistoll . another ran mad , fell into such a disease , that none could come near him for stink , and at last was choaked with vomiting up abundance of bloud . another being taken with a sudden disease , waxed as black as a cole , uttered his speech like the barking of a dog , and within three daies died with terrible pains . another , by the breaking of a great gun , was torn all to pieces . another had a terrible disease in his throat , his tongue rotted , many holes were eaten in his throat , whereout his food and medicines came , so that he died myserably . collected out of a book called historia persecutionum ecclesiae bohem. written by some bohemian exiles . having thus given you a brief narrative of the persecutions of the church in bohemia , from the first planting of the gospel amongst them , to our present times : before i proceed any further , let us a little look back to see how god fought for them , against their popish adversaries , and thereby after a wonderfull manner plagued their persecutors . much may be read hereof in my second part , in the life of zisca ; but after his death , there was a great fear , and sorrow seized on his army , and the souldiers being divided amongst themselves , one part of them chose for their captain procopius magnus , who still retained the name of thaborites . the other part , thinking none worthy to succeed zisca , named themselves the orphanes , by reason of the losse of their captain ; yet whensoever their popish adversaries came against them , they both joyned together to defend themselves , and the liberty of the gospel in bohemia . about this time pope martin perceiving the gospel and the professors of it to increase daily in bohemia , he sent the cardinall of winchester an english man , into germany , to stirre up the emperour and german princes to make war against the bohemians . hereupon three armies were levied , one under the duke of saxony ; the second under the marquesse of brandenburg , the third under otho archbishop of trevers : these three armies entred bohemia three waies , and at last joyning all into one , besieged the city of misna , which but the night before was won from the papists by one prichicho , a learned and zealous protestant , and therefore the popish armies resolved to take that place before they marched any further : but so soon as news came that the protestants had raised an army , and were hasting to the relief of misna , they speedily fled before they ever saw an enemy , leaving all their engines of warre , and a great booty behinde them . the cardinall meeting them in their flight , used all the arguments that possibly he could to the nobles and captains , to turn them back again , magnifying their number and prowesse , and vilifying their enemies , but when nothing would prevail , himselfe was fain to accompany them in the flight . presently the bohemians pursuing , fell upon their rereward , which made their flight much more fearfull and disordered then it was before , neither did they leave flying till the bohemians left pursuing of them . the emperour hearing of this shamefull flight , went to noremberg and by the assistance of the cardinall , a new army was raised under the command of frederick marquesse of brandenburg , which entred bohemia one way , and another great army under albert arch-duke of austria , which entred another way . in these two armies were all the chiefest nobles and bishops in germany , being above fourty thousand horsemen , besides foot . the bohemians as soon as they heard of their enemies approach , gathered their host with all speed to encounter them : but god marvellously fought for them , for before the bohemians came near them , the popish army was struck with such a marvellous sudden fear , that they began most shamefully to run away ; the cardinall wondering at it , went up and down to the captains , exhorting and encouraging of them , telling them that they were to fight for their lives , honour , religion , and the salvation of souls , &c. but notwithstanding all that he could say and do , the ensignes were suddenly snatched up , and every man ran headlong away , so that the cardinall was forced to do the like : the protestants encouraged hereby , speedily pursued them , and obtained a very great booty . this so astonished both the pope and emperour , that afterwards they sought rather by subtilty to entrap them , then by force to compell them to forsake their religion , as we have seen in the foregoing story . chap. xxvi . the persecution of the church in spaine , which began anno christi , . anno . there was one francis romane , sent by the spanish merchants of antwerp , to breme to take up some money that was due to them ; where , being at a sermon ( through the marvelous working of gods spirit ) he was so effectually wrought upon , that after the sermon he went to the preacher , and repeated the contents of his whole sermon to him , and then betaking himself to the searching of the scriptures , and conferring with learned men , in a short space he had attained to a great measure of knowledge in the word of life ; which the minister observing , and withal finding him of a fervent spirit , he directed and exhorted him to circumspection in his carriage , more and more instructing him in the knowledge of the gospel , which he so greedily received as one that could never be satisfied . this made him give over seeking after temporal treasure , and instead thereof he bought good books , by reading of which , and conference with the minister , he much improved his knowledge in all the chief articles of religion . then did he write letters to his countrey-men at antwerp , wherein he first gave thanks to god for revealing his truth to him ; then did he bewaile the grosse ignorance of his countrey-men , beseeching god to open their eyes to understand the word of salvation , and so promised shortly to returne to them to conferre with them about the grace of god , which he had received ; and lastly he declared his purpose of going into spaine to acquaint his parents and friends with that wholesome doctrine which god had communicated to him . then wrote he other letters also to the emperour charles the fifth , opening to him the miserable state of christs church , desiring him to tender the good thereof ; especially to reforme the grosse corruptions of the church of spaine ; he wrote also a catechisme , and some other treatises in the spanish tongue . the merchants at antwerp having received his letters , sent for him , pretending much good will , but secretly practising his destruction : for against his coming , they suborned some friers , who so soon as he was alighted from his horse , seized upon him , rifled his books , and carrying him into a merchants house , examined him ; but he mightily confuting them , they bound him hand and foot , calling him lutheran ; they also burnt his books before his face , threatning to burn him likewise . then was he sent prisoner to a tower six miles from antwerp , and cast into a deep dungeon , where he endured much misery for eight moneths , at the end whereof , the merchants , supposing that he would be better advised for the time to come , released him . then did he go to lovain , where he had much conference with driander , who advised him to continue in his calling of a merchant , wherein he might have many opportunities of doing good ; and for religion , that he should do nothing for favour of men , whereby the glory of god should be diminished . he advised him also to take heed of inconsiderate zeal , lest he should do as some , who going beyond the bounds of their vocation , thinking to do good , and to edifie , they destroy and do harme . for said he , it is god that takes care of his church , and will raise up faithful ministers for the same : neither doth he approve such as rashly intrude themselves into that function without any calling thereto . this advice francis willingly hearkned unto , promising to follow the same . not long after going to ratisbone , where the emperial diet was held , having opportunity , he boldly stept to the emperour , beseeching him to deliver his countrey and subjects of spaine from false religion , and to restore them to the sincerity of christs doctrine , protesting that the protestants of germany were in the truth ; and that the religion of spaine was greatly dissonant to the word of god , &c. the emperour all this while heard him gently , promising him to consider of the matter , and so to do therein as he trusted should be for the best . francis being encouraged with this answer , went again to the emperour a second and third time , and still received a quiet answer as before ; yet not satisfied herewith , he went a fourth time , but was repulsed by some spaniards about the emperour , who were so incensed against him , that immediately they would have thrown him headlong into the river danubius , if the emperour had not restrained them , willing that he should be judged by the lawes of the empire : then was he cast into prison , till the emperours voyage into africk , at which time he , with some other captives , was carried into spaine , and there delivered unto the inquisitors , who cast him into a dark prison under ground ; he was oft examined , loaden with many reproaches and contumelies , yet ever remained firme and unmovable , so that at last they condemned him to be burnt for an heretick . as he was led to the place of execution , they put upon him a miter of paper , painted all over with ugly devils ; as he passed by a woodden crosse , they required him to worship it , to which he answered , that the manner of christians was not to worship wood : being laid upon the pile of wood , when he first felt the fire , he lifted up his head towards heaven ; whereupon the inquisitors thinking that he would recant , caused him to be taken down , but when they found his constancy , they threw him on again , where he slept in the lord. then did the inquisitors proclaime that he was damned , and that none should pray for him , and that they were hereticks whosoever doubted of his damnation . there was also dwelling at saint luca● in spaine one rochus , a skilful graver of images : but the lord pleasing to enlighten him with the saving knowledge of his truth , he gave over making of idolatrous images , and imployed himself in making of seals : only he kept standing on his stall an image of the virgin mary , artificially graven for a signe of his occupation . an inquisitor passing by , and liking the image , asked the price of it : rochus set him a price , but was not willing to sell it : the inquisitor bade him half so much : the other answered that he could not afford it so , and that he had rather break it than sell it ; yea , said the inquisitor , let me see that if thou darest ? with that rochus with a chisel cut off the nose of the image ; whereupon the inquisitor presently commanded him to prison , and within three dayes he was condemned to be burnt . at the place of execution he poured out his fervent prayers to almighty god , and so made a blessed end , anno . divers other godly persons being by the inquisitors cast into loathsome dungeons , ended their lives there . anno . at validolid , the inquisitors brought forth thirty prisoners together , of high and low estate , as also the coffin of a certain noble woman with her picture lying upon it , she being dead long before , to eceive judgement and sentence : for the solemnities whereof they had erected three great stages ; the first for the kings sister , the lady jane , and his eldest sonne prince philip , with other states : the second for the fathers inquisitors : and the third for the prisoners . multitudes of people being assembled together , these dear servants of jesus christ , clothed with sambito's , a yellow cloth hanging down before and behind , powdred with red crosses , and having burning tapers in their hands , and miters upon their heads painted with devils , were placed in their rankes : then was a sermon preached , after which an oath was administred to the princes and nobles by the inquisitors , that they should favour the holy inquisition , and consent to the same , and that they should employ their uttermost endeavour to see all them executed which should swerve from the church of rome , and adhere to the lutherans , without respect of persons , of what degree , quality , or condition soever ; and that they should compel their subjects to submit to the church of rome , and to obey all its lawes , &c. then was doctor cacalla called forth , a man of excellent learning , who had often preached before the emperour whilst he was a friar ; but being now accounted to be the standard-bearer to the lutherans , he was called forth to hear his sentence , which was , that he should be degraded , and presently burnt , and his goods confiscated . the like sentence of condemnation was pronounced upon his brother francis , a preacher also , who having spoken boldly against the inquisition , they so stopt his mouth that he could not speak a word . then blanch their sister received the like sentence , and so did most of the other , only some few of them were condemned to some years imprisonment , and to wear their sambito's all their life time , &c. then was the coffin of the dead lady with her picture it upon condemned likewise to be burnt . this good woman , whilst she lived , was a worthy maintainer of the gospel , of great integrity of life , and one that had divers assemblies in her house for the true preaching of the word of god ; wherefore her house was also sentenced to be razed down , and a pillar to be set up in the place thereof , with an inscription shewing the cause . then were all these that were sentenced to death , together with the coffin , delivered to the secular magistrate , and so every one of them being set upon an asse with their faces towards his taile , they were guarded by many souldiers to the place of execution : at which place there was for each of them a stake set up , to which every of them were bound , and so they were first strangled , and then burnt to ashes ; only one of them , who had been most vehement against them , was burnt alive , and his mouth stopped that he should not speak to the people . all men marvelled at their constancy and quiet end . at the same time also there were in prison at validolid thirty seven others , which were reserved for another tragedy and spectacle of the bloody inquisition . but seeing much mention is made of the spanish inquisition , and of the cruelty exercised thereby against the poor servants of jesus christ , i shall here set down the first original , and progresse thereof , as hereafter followeth . chap. xxvii . the original , progresse , and practice of the spanish inquisition . when king ferdinand and isabel had expelled the turks out of the city and territories of granata , and other places of spaine , who had lived there seven hundred , seventy , and eight years , they set upon the reformation of religion ; and granted the conquered moors liberty to stay , & to enjoy all their goods , provided that they would turn christians ; and whereas also there were very many jews , who had continued there since titus conquered jerusalem , they gave them leave to stay upon the same condition ; but all such as refused , were commanded presently to depart out of spaine . yet afterwards , finding that those persons were only christians in name , and had submitted only to save their estates , instead of providing godly ministers with meeknesse to instruct them , and to draw them from their errours ; ( by the advice of the dominican friers ) they erected the inquisition ; wherein the poor wretches in stead of instructions , were robbed of all their estates , and either put to most cruel deaths , or else suffered most intolerable torments by whipping , &c. and leading the rest of their lives in ignominy and poverty ; neither was this only inflicted upon such as blasphemed christ , but for the observation of the least jewish , or moorish ceremony , or the smallest errour in the christian religion . but this inquisition at first erected against jews and moors , was afterwards turned against the faithful servants of jesus christ , and for the suppressing of the gospel , and the profession of it ; and thus briefly you have the original of it ; let us now see what their practice and exercise is . as soone as information is given in against any one , though but for a very small matter , they do not presently cite the person to appear before them , but they suborn one of their officers , called a familiar , to insinuate himself into his company , who taking occasion to meet the pa●ty accused , uses thus to greet him ; sir , i was yesterday by accident at my lords inquisitors , who said that they had occasion to speak with you about certain of their affairs , and therefore they commanded me to summon you to appear before them to morrow at such an hour : the party not daring to refuse , goes to the place , sends in word that he is come to attend them , and so when he is called in , they ask him what suit he hath to them ? and when he answers , that he comes upon summons , they enquire his name . for , say they , we know not whether you be the same man or not : but since you are come , if you have any thing to inform this court of , either concerning your self or any other , you may let us hear it , for the discharge of your own conscience ; the parties safest way is constantly to deny that he hath any thing to declare to them . but if through simplicity he doth accuse himself , or any other they rejoyce , as having attained their desires , and so presently commit him to prison . if nothing be confessed , they dismisse him , pretending that for the present they know not whether he be the party or no : after his departure they let him alone for some space , and then send for him again , exhorting him that if he know , or hath heard any thing that concerns their holy court , to disclose it to them ; for ( say they ) we know that you have had dealing with some persons suspected in religion , and therefore remember your self well ; if you confesse you shall fare the better , and you shall but do therein as a good christian ought to do . if still he refuse , they threaten , and so dismisse him . yet they have alwayes one or other to keep him company , to creep into his bosome , and grope his conscience : who under the colour of friendship shall visit him daily , and have an eye to all his dealings , observe what company he keepeth , with whom he conferres , &c. so that without gods special assistance , it is not possible to escape their snares ; the inquisitors also if they meet him , speak courteously to him , promise to befriend him , &c. and all to make him more carelesse of himself , that they may undo him before he be aware . but if the party be a stranger , or one that is like to make an escape ; or that they hope to gain any thing by his confession , they presently clap him up in prison : in which prison great numbers die , either starved with hunger , or by extremity of racking of them , &c. if any one that is accused chance to make an escape , they have many devices to finde and fetch him again . they have store of searchers , to whom besides the common signes , they give his lively picture , whereby they may easily know him : an italian at rome having wounded an apparator , fled to sivil : the familiars were sent to seek him , and when they had found him , though they had his counterfeit , yet by reason that he had altered his habit , they were doubtful whether it was he or no , the rather because he had changed his name , whereupon they followed him only upon suspicion : but one day as he was walking , and earnestly talking with some gentlemen , two of these familiars suddenly called him by his old name : the party earnest in talk , and not minding it , looked behinde him , and made answer , whereupon they presently apprehended him , clapt him in irons for a long time , then whipt him , and condemned him to the gallies during his life . so soone as any is arrested by the familiars , they take from him all the keyes of his locks or chests whatsoever , and then they take an inventory of all his goods , leaving them with some man that will undertake to be accountable for them : but in the sequestring and rifling the houses , if they have any gold , silver , or jewels , these familiars , which usually are bawds , theeves , shifters , and the vilest of people , will be sure to filch some of it ; and the reason of this sequestration is , that if the party be condemned , the holy inquisition may enjoy his whole estate . as soone as the prisoner is entred within the first gate of the prison , the jailor asketh him if he have a knife about him , or money , or ring , or jewels ; and if a woman , whether she hath knives , rings , chains , bracelets , or other ornaments , and all these the jailor strips them of as his fee : and this is done that the poor prisoners may have nothing to relieve themselves with , during their imprisonment ; they search them also to see whether they have any writing or book about them , which likewise they take from them : then they shut them up in a cabin , like to a little-ease , where they have little room for cleanlinesse , and but little light . some are thus kept all alone for two or three moneths , some as long as they live , others have company , as the lords inquisitors please . when the party hath been in prison a week or two , the jailor perswades him to petition for a day of hearing , telling him the sooner the better , and that it will much further his cause , and bring it to some good effect , &c. whereas it were farre better for him to stay till he be called for ; for then he hath nothing to do but to answer their objections : but the poor prisoner , not knowing this mystery , is usually ruled by his keeper , intreating him to stand his friend to procure him a day of hearing , whose suit is easily heard , and the prisoner is brought into the consistory . then do the inquisitors ask him , what is his request ? the prisoner answereth , that he would gladly have his matter heard ; then they labour by threatning him with worse usage if he conceal the truth , to cause him to confesse the thing whereof he is accused , and if they can but draw him to this , they have their desires ; for usually they draw more from him than they could have proved against him : then they advise him to let it come from himself , promising that if he acknowledge his faults , he shall presently be released , and sent home : if yet he stand mute , they then charge him to disburthen his conscience , and in the mean time to return to his prison , till he hath better bethought himself , and then he may sue for a new day of hearing , and so they dismisse him . then after some dayes they call for him again , asking him he be ye● determined to confesse ought ? but whether he plead his innocency , or confesse some little , they still urge him to disburthen his conscience , perswading him that they advise him for the best , and in love and compassion to him ; but if he now refuse the favour proffered , he shall finde them afterwards sharp justices , &c. and so send him back again to prison . the third time he is called for , they use the like subtilty to draw him to confession , telling him that if he refuse , they must use extremity , and do what they can by law ; by which word they mean extream tormenting and mangling of him ; then if the party confesse any thing ; nay , say they , we are not yet satisfied , we have not all you can say , you keep back something on purpose , and so they remand him to prison . having thus excruciated him day by day , if they can yet get nothing out of him , they then require an oath of him , and hold a crucifix o● crosse before him , whereby the poor christian must at last neeeds shew himself : for knowing that he ought to swear by god alone , who hath reserved his honour to himself , he must refuse the oath ; which if he do , then they read a large enditement against him , wherein they lay to his charge things that never no man accused him of , and which it may be , himself never thought of ; and this they do to amaze him , and so to try if he will confesse any of these misdemeanours , or if they can trip him in his answers , and so catch him in their net . then they put him to answer to every article particularly ex tempore , without any time of deliberation : then they give him pen , ink , and paper , requi●●ng him to set down his answer in writing , to see if they can find any difference betwixt his former answer and this : and if the partie chance to confesse ought , then th●y enquire of whom he learned it , and whether he hath spoken of it before others , and who they are , and hereby many are brought into trouble ; for whether they liked it or not , they are sure to be questioned , because they did not come and declare it to the fathers inquisitors . then pretending to shew him favour , they appoint him an advocate to blind the peoples eyes , as if they proceeded according to the rules of justice ; but this advocate dares not tell his client any point of law , that may do him good , for fear of angring the inquisitors ; neither may he speak privately with his client , but either before an inquisitor , or a notary . two or three dayes after the party hath had the copy of his accusation , he is called into the court , where his advocate is , as if he intended to defend his cause ; but indeed he dare say nothing to the purpose for fear of angring the inquisitors ; only he chears up his client , and bids him tell the truth in any case , as the only way to prevail in that court , and then is the prisoner sent back again who hopes that now his cause will be heard , and his businesse dispatched , whereas usually these good fathers let him lie , two , three , or four years in prison , without ever calling for him again ; and if through loathsomnesse and intolerablenesse of the prison any sue to come to hearing , it may be with much ado he obtains it , but usually that favour is denied him : yet at length when they please , they call for him to hear the depositions of the witnesses against him : which yet is not done till the poor prisoner by his grievous imprisonment is brought so low , as that they think he will rather choose death than such a life , and therefore will be willing to tell all , that so he may be rid out of his misery . then between rebuking and a gentle admonition , they tell him , that though he hath stood out so long , yet at length they would have him wiser to confesse the truth ; but if he yet refuse to be his own accuser , then the fiscal produceth the depositions , which are delivered to the prisoner , but they are drawn up so intricately and ambiguously , that he knows not what to make of them ; and this they do to conceal the witnesses , lest he should except against them , and to set him on guessing , that so if he chance to reckon up any others to whom he spake any thing about any of those matters , they may thereby get more grists to their mill . for they presently out-law such persons as favourers of hereticks , for suffering an heretick to sow such pestilent seeds amongst them , without complaining thereof to the inquisitors . the keeper of the prison also is examined what he hath seen and observed of him in the prison , and his testimony is as good as two witnesses to take away the prisoners life . they have also promoters to bring in accusations , who are admitted , though frantick bedlams , or the veriest varlets that be : and in their informations , if they chance to want words of weight , the inquisitors will help them out , and prompt them word by word . then after three or four dayes the prisoner is called again to put in his answer to the depositions ; but in the interim his advocate never comes at him to assist or direct him , but he is left to himself without all help , save of god alone . his answer being viewed , he is remanded to prison again with this item , that if he confesse not the truth , they will extort it out of him by extremity . after two or three moneths more , he is called for once again , and required to speak what he hath for himself , or else they must draw to an end : and if he still shrinks not , but stands firme in his own justification , they proceed to other dealings , in comparison of which all their former proceedings are not only sufferable , but seeme very reasonable and full of gentlenesse . for their future actions farre exceed all barbarousnesse , the devil himself being not able to go beyond them in their monstrous tyranny : for not long after the prisoner is called in before the inquisitors , who tell him that they have deeply considered his whole case , and found out that he doth not declare the whole truth , and therefore they are resolved that he shall be racked , that by force they may draw from him what by fair means he will not acknowledge : and therefore they advise him rather to do it voluntarily , and thereby to avoid ▪ the paine and peril that yet attends him ▪ yet whether he confesse or not confesse , all is one , for to the rack he must go ; then is he led into the place where the rack standeth , which is a deep and dark dungeon under ground , with many a door to passe through ere a man come to it , because the shreekes and cries of the tormented should not be heard : then the inquisitors set themselves upon a scaffold hard by the rack , and the torches being lighted , the executioner comes in , all araied from top to toe in a sute of black canvas , his head is covered with a long black hood that covereth all his face , having only two peep-holes for his eyes : which sight doth more affright the poor soul , to see one in the likenesse of the devil to be his tormentor . the lords being set in their places , they begin again to exhort him to speak the truth freely and voluntarily : then with sharp words they command him to be stripped stark naked , yea though the modestest maid , or chasest matron in the city : whose grief in regard of the rack is not half so great as to be seene naked in the presence of such manner of persons : for these wicked villains without any regard of honesty , will not by any prayers of godly matrons , or chast maidens forbear one jot of that barbarous impudence : as if a shirt or smock could hinder the violence of the rack from sufficiently tormenting them . the party being thus stripped , the inquisitors signifie to the tormentor ▪ how they would have him or her ordered . the first kind of torment is the jeobit , or pully ; but first one comes behind him , and binds his hands with a cord eight or ten times about , the inquisitors calling upon him to strain each harder than other ; they cause also his thumbs to be bound extream hard with a small line , and so both hands and thumbs are fastened to a pully , which hangs on the jeobit : then they put great and heavy bolts on his heels , and hang upon those bolts , between his feet certain weights of iron , and so hoise him , or her up from the ground ; and whilst the poor wretch ▪ hangs in this plight , they begin to exhort him again to accuse himself , and as many others as he knows of ; then they command him to be hoised up higher to the very beam till his head touch the pully . having hung thus a good while , they command him to be let down , and twice so much weight to be fastened to his heels , and so hoised up again , and one inch higher if it may be : then they command the hangman to let him up and down , that the weights of the iron hanging at his heels may rent every joynt in his body asunder . with which intolerable pains if the party shreek or cry out , they roare out as loud to him to confesse the truth , or else he shall come down with a vengeance . then they bid the hangman suddenly to slip the rope , that he may fall down with a sway , and in the mid-way to stop ; then give him the strappado , which being as soon done , it rends all his body out of joynt , armes , shoulders , back , legs , &c. by reason of the sudden jerk , and the weights hanging at his legs . if he yet remain constant , they adde more weight to his heels the third time , and the poor wretch already half dead is hoisted up the third time , and to encrease his misery , they raile upon him , calling him dog , and heretick , telling him that he is like there to make his end . and if the poore creature in his pangs call upon christ , intreating that he would vouchsafe to aid and assist him , thus miserably tormented for his sake ; then they fall to mocking and deriding him , saying , why callest thou on jesus christ ? let jesus christ alone and tell us the truth ; what a crying out upon christ makest thou ? &c. but if the party desire to be let down , promising to tell somewhat , that 's the ●eady way to make him to be worse used , for now they think that he begins only to broach the matter : for when he hath done they command him to be haled up again , and to be let down as before : so that usually these torments ▪ are exercised upon him for three hours together . then they ask the jailor if his other torments are ready , to affright the poor soul ; the jailor answereth that they are ready , but he hath not brought them with him : then the inquisitors bid him to bring them against the morrow ; for say they , we will try other ways to get the truth out of this fellow : and so turning to him that lies in miserable pain , having all his joynts out ; how now , sirra , say they , how like you this gear ? have you enough of it yet ? well , see that you call your wits to you against to morrow , or look to die then ; for what you have yet felt is but a flea-biting in comparison of what is behind ; and so they depart . then the jailor plays the bone-setter so well as he can , setting his joynts , and so carries him back to prison , or drags him by the armes or legs most pitifully ; if they mean to rack him no more , after two or three dayes they send for him again , and cause him to be brought by the rack , where the hangman stands in the likenesse of a devil as before , the more to affright him . when he comes before the inquisitors , they fall a perswading him to confesse the truth at last : and if he confesse any thing , he may chance to go to the rack again , whereby they hope to extort more ; and when indeed they intend to rack the party again , then at three dayes end , when the ach in his joynts is most grievous and painful to him , they send for him , requiring him to declare all his heresies , and to peach all such as he hath had conference with , about them , and all such as he knows to be of that minde : or else he must prepare himself for the rack ; and if he continue constant , he is again stripped of his cloths , and hoisted up with weights at his heels as before , besides which , as he hangs at the pully , they bind his thighs together , and legs about the calf with a small strong cord , and with a short piece of wood they twist the cord till it be shrunk so deep in the flesh that its past sight , which is an extream and terrible torment , worse than any that he hath yet endured , and in this plight they let the poor soul lie two or three hours : the inquisitors in the mean time not ceasing to exhort , perswade , threaten and scoffe at him . yea sometimes they proceed to another kind of torture called the aselli , which is after this manner ; there is a piece of timber somewhat hollowed on the top like a trough , about the middle whereof there is a sharp barre going a crosse , whereon a mans back resteth that it cannot go to the bottom : it s also placed so that his heels shall lie higher than his head : then is the naked party laid thereon : his armes , thighs and legs bound with strong small cords , and wrested with short truncheons , till the cords pierce almost to the very bone . then they take a thick fine lawn cloth , laying it over the parties mouth as he lies upright on his back , so that it may stop his nostrils also ; then taking a quantity of water , they pour it in a long stream like a threed , which falling from on high , drives the cloth down into his throat , which puts the poor wretch into as great an agony as any endure in the pains of death , for in this torture he hath not liberty to draw his breath , the water stopping his mouth , and the cloth his nostrils , so that when the cloth is drawn out of the bottome of his throat , it draws forth blood with it , and a man would think that it tore out his very bowels . this is iterated as oft as the inquisitors please , and yet they threaten him with worse torments if he confesse not ; and so he is returned to his prison again . yet many times after he hath lain there a moneth or two , he is brought again to the rack and used as before , yea sometimes five or six times , even as oft as they please , for their lust is a law . and yet they have another torment with fire , which is no whit inferiour to the former ; they take a pan of burning charcole , and set it just over against the soles of the parties feet , just before he goes to the rack , and that the fire may have the more force upon them , they bast them with lard or bacon . but if all the extremity of torments wil not force him to confesse what they desire , nor to deny the truth , they use other means by subtil interrogatories , and frequent questionings to draw him into some snare or other : yea , if yet they cannot prevaile , then some one of the inquisitors comes to him in private , and shews himself much affected with his misery , weeps with him , comforts him , gives him advice , seems to impart such a secret to him as he would scarce impart to his father , or dearest friend alive : and this they use most with women , whereas they are but faire baits upon deadly hooks , whereby they seek to destroy them ; whereof we have this example . at sivil there were apprehended , a godly matron , two of her daughters , and her neece , who all of them underwent the forementioned torments with manly courage and christian constancie , because they would not betray each other , nor other godly persons in that city . then one of the inquisitors sent for the youngest maid oft to his chamber , pretended much compassion towards her , spake much to comfort her , told her what a grief it was to him to see her torments ; then used familiar and pleasant communication to her , then told her that he would advise her the best way to free her self , mother and sister from these troubles : that he would undertake the ordering of their businesse ; and then perswaded her to disclose the whole truth to him , and he bound himself with an oath that he would stop all further proceedings against them , and procure their dismission . having thus outwitted the poor maid , who gave too much credit to him , she told him of some points of religion which they had wont to confer of amongst themselves , and so when he had gotten out of her what possibly he could , like a perfidious villain , contrary to his vows , promises , and oath , he caused her to be racked again to get more out of her , yea they put her also to the intolerable pain of the trough , and through extremity of pangs and torments they at last extorted from her a betraying of her own mother , sisters , and divers others , which were immediately apprehended , tortured , and at last burnt with fire . but when they were brought in great pomp upon the scaffold , and had the sentence of death passed upon them , this maid went to her aunt , who had instructed her in the principles of religion , and boldly without change of countenance , gave her hearty thanks for that great benefit which she had received by her means ▪ intreating her to pardon her for what she had offended her at any time , for that she was now to depart out of this life . her aunt comforted her stoutly , bid her be of good cheere , for that now ere long they should be with christ. this woman was openly whipt , and kept in prison during her life ; the rest were all presently burned . another device that they have is this : when they think that prisoners which are together do talk together of religion , exhorting and comforting one another as they have occasion or opportunity , the inquisitors commit to prison under a colour , a crafty knave whom they call a flie : who after two or three dayes will cunningly insinuate himself into the bosoms of the other prisoners , and then pretending a great deal of zeal to religion , he will proffer discourse to them , and by degrees get out of their mouths something whereof he may accuse them . then doth he move for a day of hearing , and so getting to the inquisitors , he peaches the prisoners , who shall be sure afterwards to hear of it to their smart . yea these flies , as soone as they are out of one prison , for the hope of gain , will be content presently to be put into another , and then into a third , where they will lie in chains , as the other prisoners do , enduring hunger , cold , stink , and the loathsomnesse of prison , and all to betray others . and this mans accusation is as strong and valid as the testimony of any other witnesse whatsoever . other flies also there be that serve the holy inquisition abroad , slily insinuating themselves into the companies of the common people , who are suspected to be lutherans , and when they can pump any thing out of them , they presently betray them . they have yet this other device , when they can catch any man that is noted for religion , or a minister that hath instructed others , after he hath been in prison awhile , they give it out that upon the rack he hath discovered all his disciples , and acquaintance , and they suborn others to averr that they heard it , and this they do to draw the simple people to come of their own accord , and to confesse their faults to the inquisitors , and to crave pardon , whereupon they promise them favour . the inquisitors and their officers use to call their prisoners dogs and hereticks : and indeed they use them much worse than most men do their dogs . for first , the place where usually each of them is laid , by reason of the straitnesse , ill air , and dampnesse of the earth , is liker a grave than a prison : and if it be a loft , in the hot weather , it is like a hot oven or fornace : and in each of these holes usually two or three are thronged together , so that they have no more room than to lie down in ; in one corner is a stool of easement , and a pitcher of water to quench their thirsts . in these cels they have no light , but what comes in at the key-hole , or some small crany : other some there are much worse , not being long enough for a man to lie in , so that such as are put into them , never likely come out till they be half rotted away ▪ or die of a consumption . their diet is answerable to their lodging : the rich pay large fees to the holy house , and every prisoner is rated as the inquisitors please : but such as are poor , the king allows them three pence a day , out of which the steward , landresse , and some other necessary charges are deducted , so that one half of it comes not to the prisoners share ; and if any be moved with compassion to relieve them , it is counted such an hainous offence , that it will cost him a scourging till blood come at least . it once happened that there was a keeper appointed for their prison , in the castle of triana in sivil , that was of a courteous disposition by nature , who used the prisoners well , and closely , for fear of the inquisitors , shewed them some favour : at which time there was a godly matron and her two daughters committed to prison , which being put into several rooms , had a great desire to see each other for their mutual comfort in their distresses ; whereupon they besought the keeper to suffer them to come together , if it were but for one quarter of an hour : the keepe yielded , and so they were together about half an hour , and then returned to their former prisons . within a few dayes after , these women being racked in a terrible manner , the keeper fearing lest they would confesse that little favour which he had shewed them , of his own accord went to the inquisitors , confessed his fact , and craved pardon ; but they deemed this so hainous an offence , that they presently commanded him to be haled to prison , where by reason of the extremity shewed him , he fell mad . yet this procured him no favour : for after he had been a whole year in a vile prison , they brought him upon their triumphing stage , with a sambenito upon him , and a rope about his neck , and there they censured him to be whipt about the city , and to have two hundred stripes , and then to serve in the gallies for six years . the next day one of his mad fits coming upon him , as he was set on an asses back to be scourged , he threw himself off , snatched a sword out of the officers hand , and had slain him , if the people had not immediately laid hold on him ; whereupon he was bound faster on the asses back , had his two hundred stripes , and was for this offence condemned four years longer to the gallies . another keeper at another time had a maid , who seeing how miserably the prisoners were used , pitying their distressed condition , who were hunger-starved , and almost pined , she would sometimes speak to them at the grate , exhort and comfort them as well as she could , and sometimes would help them to some good and wholsome food : yea , by her means the prisoners came to understand one anothers condition , which was a great comfort to them . but this at last coming to the inquisitors ears , they enjoyned her to wear the sambenito , to be whipped about the streets , to receive two hundred stripes , and to be banished the city for ten years , with this writing on her head , a favourer , and aider of hereticks . and whereas all other sort of persons in prison and bondage are allowed to recreate and refresh themselves with singing at their pleasure , these poor souls are forbidden this small solace in their great misery : for if any of them sing a psalm , or openly recite any portion of scripture , the inquisitors take it very hainously , and presently send to them , requiring them to be silent , upon the pain of excommunication : and if the prisoner make light of this warning , he shall have a bit set on his tongue to teach him obedience : and this they do , both to deprive the poor souls of all kind of solace , and to keep other prisoners from knowing how their friends do : so that it often falls out that a man and his friend , the father and sonne , yea the husband and wife shall be in one prison-house two or three years together , and not know of each others being there till they meet upon the scaffold upon the great day of triumph . by reason of this cruel usage many of the prisoners die , some , of their torments , others , of the stink of the prison , and others , of diseases contracted by hunger , cold , ill diet , &c. they have also an hospital , unto which they remove such as fall sick in their prisons , where yet they are not dealt more gently with in any thing , save that they have physick allowed them for their healths sake : but none are suffered to come to them but the physician , and the servants of the hospital : and as soon as the patient is on the mending hand , he is carried back to the place whence he came . if the prisoner be half naked , or want something to lie on , and thereupon pray the inquisitor that his necessity may be considered ▪ the answer which he receives is this , well , now the weather is warm , you may live full well without either cloaths or couch ; and if it be winter time , his answer is : true , it hath been a great frost of late , but now the cold is come down again , and it will be more seasonable weather . care you for the garments wherewithal you should cloath your soul , which consisteth in uttering the truth , and discharging your conscien●e before this holy house : and if the prisoner desire to have some good book , or the holy bible to enable him to passe that troublesome and careful time to some profit ; the inquisitor answers him , that the true book is to speak the truth , and to discharge his conscience to that holy court , and that he ought to be occupied in laying open his wounds to their lordships , who are ready to give him a plaister : whereby it appears that all their care and desire is , that the poor prisoner may have nothing to look on or think on but his present miserable state , that the grief thereof grating upon him , may force him to satisfie their requests . the last act of the tragedy remaineth , wherein both parties are pleased and have their desire ; the inquisitors in obtaining their prey , the prisoners in finding some end of their miserable usage ; but two or three dayes before the solemnity , they use severally to call before them , all such whose estates are confiscated , examining them what lands or goods they have , where they lie , charging them upon great penalties not to conceal one jot , telling them , that if any thing be afterwards found , felony shall be laid to their charge , and he with whom it is found , shall pay foundly for it , and when all is confessed , they are returned to prison again . the night before the festival , they cause all the prisoners to be brought into a large roome , where they are informed of the several kinds of pennances that they are to do the next day : the next morning very early , the familiars come and attire the prisoners in their several habits , in which they are to appear before the people : some in sambenito's , which is a long garment painted all over with ugly devils : on his head he hath an high-crown'd hat whereon a man is painted burning in the fire , with many devils about him , plying him with fire and fagots . besides , their tongues have a cleft piece of wood put upon them , which nips , and pincheth them that they cannot speak ; they have about their necks , cords , and their hands fast bound behind them . on this sort come these constant martyrs disguised , first to the stage , and then to the stake ; and in the like sort do all the rest come forth , arraied as the other , and set forth with the like notes of infamy , either more or lesse , as the inquisitors please to disgrace them in the sight of the people . on each hand of every prisoner goeth a familiar , all armed , to guard him : as also two friars with every one that is to die , who perswade him tooth and nail to deny that doctrine that formerly he hath professed , now at their going out of this world ; which wicked importunity is a great grief to the poor servants of jesus christ. the inquisitors also passe in great pomp from the castle of triana to their scaffold : and when all are set in their places , a sermon begins , framed on purpose in commendations of the holy house , and in confutation of such heriticks as are presently to suffer : but the greatest part is spent in slanderous reproaches , wherewith they vilifie and disgrace the truth , and the professors of it . the sermon being ended , the sentences against the prisoners are read ; first , against such as have easiest punishments , and so in order to the greater ; which sentences are commonly these , death without mercy ; whipping in such extremity that the persons seldome escape with their lives ; condemnation to the gally ; forfeiture of all their estates , &c. then doth the chief inquisitor absolve all such as have forsaken christ , and are come home to the church of rome , from all the errours for which they shewed themselves penitent ; but though hereby they are absolved from the fault , yet not from the punishment ; for notwithstanding their recantation , they must abide the punishment without mercy . and whereas multitudes of people resort to this spectacle , some coming twenty leagues to see it ; the inquisitors have this trick to uphold their kingdome , they cause all the people present , to take an oath to live and die in the service of the church of rome , hazarding both life and goods against any that shall oppose it ; as also to their power , to uphold and maintain the holy inquisition , and to defend all the officers thereof , &c. then if there be any amongst the prisoners to be degraded , they proceed after this manner . first , they apparel him in his massing robes ▪ then they despoil him again of every part thereof ; then are his hands , lips , and the crown of his head scraped with a piece of glasse , or a sharp knife till they bleed again , to scrape off the holy oyle , wherewith he was anointed at his ordination . in the end of their sentence which is pronounced upon such as are to be burned , they use this abominable hypocrisie : they bequeath him to the secular power , with this humble request to them , to shew the prisoner as much favour as may be , and neither to break any bone , nor pierce the skin of his body : this shews their great impudence , that having already given sentence on him to be burned , they yet should pretend such mercy and clemency towards him , whom all along themselves have used with such extream cruelty . they use also this trick further , that in reading the crimes for which he is condemned , they do not only misreport such things as he confessed upon his examination , but they devilishly father upon him such things as he never spake , or thought of in all his life : and this they do to disgrace him , and to make him and his opinions more abhorred of all men , and to encrease their own estimation and credit , as being necessary officers to rid the world of such pestilent persons ; and all this while the prisoners tongue hath a cleft piece of wood upon it to his intolerable pain and grief , that he cannot answer for himself , nor gainsay that they charge him with . all these things being finished , the magistrate takes them into his hand , and conveys them presently to the place of execution , with divers instruments of satan about them , calling and crying to them to forsake the truth ; and when they cannot prevail , after the prisoner is tied to the stake , they break his neck in a trice , and then they report amongst the common people that they recanted their heresies at the last houre , and so came home to the church of rome , and therefore they felt no pain in the fire at all , which made them take it so patiently . such as are not condemned to die , are carried back to prison , and the next day brought out to be whipt , after which some of them are sent to the gallies , others kept in prison all their life time : but all have this special charge given them , that they never speak of any thing that they have heard , seen , or felt , during their imprisonment in the inquisition ; for if the contrary be ever proved against them , and that they utter any of their secrets , they shall be taken for persons relapsed , and be punished with greatest severity , their judgement being death without redemption ; and hereby they keep in all their knavery and tyranny close and secret to themselves : and if any of them be released because their faults were but small , they are yet so careful lest their cruelty should come to light , that they inhibit them the company or conference with any other , than such as they shall appoint and allow them ; neither will they suffer them to write to any friend , except they first have the perusing of their letters . sometimes also , after they have imprisoned men in such a miserable state , for a year or two , and can extort nothing out of them by their torments , nor prove any thing against them by witnesse , so that they must necessarily dismisse them , they then call them into the court , and begin to flatter them , and tell them what a good opinion they have of them , and that they are resolved to send them home , for the which fatherly favour extended towards them in saving their lives & goods , they are to account themselves much beholding to their lordships , &c. and so at last they dismisse him with special charge of silence : and when he is gone , they have special spies abroad to see how he takes the matter ; and if they find that he complains of his punishments , or discloses their secrets , they presently commence a new suit against him . on a time the inquisitors at sivill apprehended a noble lady ; the cause was , for that a sister of hers , a very vertuous virgin , who was afterwards burned for religion , had confessed in the extremity of her torments , that she had sometimes had conference with this her sister about matters of religion : this lady when she was first apprehended , was gone with child about six months , in respect whereof they did not shut her up so close at first , nor deal so severely with her as they did with others ; but within foure dayes after she was brought to bed , they took the child from her ; and the seventh day ●fter , they shut her up in close prison , and used her in all things as they did other prisoners ; the only worldly comfort that she had in her misery , was , that they lodged her with a vertuous maiden that was her fellow-prisoner for a time , but afterwards burned at the stake : this maid whilst they were together , was carried to the rack , and so sore strained and torn thereon , that she was almost pulled in pieces , then was she brought back and thrown upon a bed of flags , that served them both to lie on ; the good lady was not able to help her , yet shewed singular tokens of love and compassion towards her . the maid was scarce recovered when the lady was carried out to be served with the same sauce , and was so terribly tormented in the trough , that by reason of the strait straining of the strings , piercing to the very bones of her armes , thighs and shins , she was brought back half dead to her prison , the blood gushing out of her mouth abundantly , which shewed that something was broken within her : but after eight dayes the lord delivered her from these cruel tygers by taking her mercifully to himself . upon one of their dayes of triumph there was brought out one john pontio , of a noble family , a zealous professor of the truth , and one of an holy and blamelesse life , and well learned ; he was eminent also in works of charity , in which he had spent a great part of his estate : being apprehended for the profession of the gospel , he was cast into prison , where he manfully maintained the truth in the midst of all their cruel dealings with him ; at last they cast into prison to him one of their flyes , who by his subtilty and craft , so wrought upon him that he drew from him a promise to yield obedience to the romish church . but though god suffered him to fall a while to shew him his frailty , yet afterwards in much mercy he raised him up again with double strength to that which he had before , and before his execution he manfully defended the truth against a subtil friar . the things which he was condemned for , were these ; that he should say , that from his heart he abhorred the idolatry which was committed in worshipping the host : that he removed his houshold from place to place , that he might shun coming to the masse : that the justification of a christian resteth only in the merits of jesus christ apprehended by faith , &c. that there was no purgatory : that the popes pardons were of no value , &c. and for my self , ( saith he ) i am not only willing but desirous to die , and ready to suffer any punishment for the truth which i have professed : i esteem not of this world nor the treasures of it more than for my necessary uses , and the rest to bestow in the propagation and maintenance of the gospel : and i beseech god daily upon my knees for my wife and children , that they may all continue in this quarrel even to the death . and when he came to his execution , he patiently and comfortably slept in the lord. at the same time there was also brought forth one john gonsalvo , formerly a priest , but by his diligent study of the scripture it pleased god to reveal his truth to him , so that he became a zealous preacher of it , labouring in all his sermons to beat into mens minds the true way , and means of our justification to consist in christ alone , and in stedfast faith in him : for which he was apprehended and cast into prison , where he endured all their cruely with a christian courage ; at last with two of his sisters he was condemned : his mother and one of his brothers were also imprisoned with him for the truth , and executed shortly after : when he with his sisters went out at the castle gate , having his tongue at liberty , he began to sing the . psalm before all the people , who had oft heard him make many godly sermons : he also condemned all hypocrites as the worst sort of people : whereupon they stocked his tongue : upon the stage he never changed countenance , nor was at all daunted . when they all came to the stake , they had their tongues loosed , and were commanded to say their creed , which they did chearfully : when they came to those words , the holy catholick church , they were commanded to adde , of rome , but that they all refused : whereupon their necks were broken in a trice : and then 't was noised abroad that they had added those words , and died , confessing the church of rome to be the true catholick church . there was in sivil a private congregation of gods people , most of which the inquisitors consumed in the fire , as they could discover any of them ; amongst others that were apprehended , they took four women , famous above the rest for their holy and godly conversation , but especially the youngest of them , who was not above one and twenty years old , who by her diligent and frequent reading of the scriptures , and by conference with godly and learned men , had attained to a very great measure of knowledge : so that whilst she was in prison , she non-plus'd and put to shame many of those friars that came to seduce her . another of these women was a grave matron , whose house was a school of vertue , and a place where the saints used to meet , & serve god day and night ; but the time being come wherein they were ripe for god , they , together with other of their neighbours , were apprehended and cast into prison , where they were kept in dark dungeons , and forced to endure all the cruel and extream torments which are before mentioned : at last they were condemned , and brought forth to the scaffold amongst other prisoners : the young maid especially came with a merry and cheerful countenance , as it were triumphing over the inquisitors , and having her tongue at liberty , she began to sing psalms to god , whereupon the inquisitors caused her tongue to be nipped by setting a barnacle upon it : after sentence read , they were carried to the place of execution , where with much constancy and courage they ended their lives : yet the inquisitors not satisfied herewith , caused the house of the matron where the church used to meet , to be pulled down , and the ground to be laid waste , and a pillar to be erected upon it with an inscription shewing the cause . there was also apprehended another worthy member of the same congregation called ferdinando ; he was of a fervent spirit , and very zealous in doing good : a young man , but for integrity of life very famous : he had spent eight years in educating of youth , and had endeavoured to sow the seeds of piety in the hearts of his scholars , as much as lay in him to do in a time of so great persecution and tyranny ; being at the last apprehended for a lutheran , he was cast into prison , and terribly tormented upon the jeobit , and in the trough , whereby he was so shaken in every joynt , that when he was taken down , he was not able to move any part of his body ; yet did those cruel tormentors draw him by the heels into his prison , as if he had been a dead dog : but notwithstanding all his torments , he answered the inquisitors very stoutly , and would not yield to them one jot . during his imprisonment god used him as an instrument to recal and confirme a monk , who had been cast into prison for confessing the gospel openly : but by means of the inquisitors flatteries and fair promises he had somewhat relented : gods providence so ordering it , that ferdinando was cast into the same prison , and finding the monk wavering , he rebuked him sharply ; and afterwards having drawn him to a sight of , and sorrow for his sinne , he at last strengthned him in the promises of free grace and mercy ; hereupon the monk desired a day of hearing , where , before the inquisitors , he solemnly renounced his recantation , desiring that his former confession might stand , whereupon the sentence of death passed against them both : after which the inquisitors asked ferdinando whether he would revoke his former heresies ; to which he answered , that he had professed nothing but what was agreeable to the pure and perfect word of god , and ought to be the profession of every christian man , and therefore he would stick to it to the death : then did they clap a barnacle upon his tongue , and so they were burned together . there was also one juliano , called , the little , because he was of a small and weak body , who going into germany , was there conversant with divers learned and godly men , by which means he attained to the knowledge of the truth , and became a zealous professor of it , and earnestly longing after the salvation of his countreymen , he undertook a very dangerous work , which was to convey two great dry fat 's full of bibles printed in spanish , into his own countrey : in this attempt he had much cause of fear , the inquisitors had so stopped every port , and kept such strict watch , to prevent the coming in of all such commodities ; but through gods mighty protection , he brought his burden safely thither , and , which was almost miraculous , he conveyed them safe into sivil , notwithstanding the busie searchers and catch-poles that watched in every corner . these bibles being dispersed , were most joyfully and thankfully received , and through gods blessing wrought wonderfully amongst gods people to ripen them against the time of harvest . but at last the matter broke out by the means of a false brother , who going to the inquisitors played the judas , and betrayed the whole church to them . so that there were taken at sivil at one time , eight hundred christians , whereof twenty of them were afterwards roasted at one fire . amongst these , this juliano was one of the first that was apprehended and sent to prison , where he lay without any company laden with irons above three years ; yet was his constancy so great and wonderful , that the tormentors themselves were sooner wearied in inflicting , than he in suffering torments ; and notwithstanding his weak and wearyish body , yet he remained undaunted in mind in undergoing all their tyrannies , so that he never departed from the rack more dejected than he came to it ; neither threatnings , nor pains , nor torments made him shrink or yield one jot to them : but when he was drawn back to his prison , he would tell his fellows how he had conquered and confounded his enemies , saying , they depart vanquished , they depart vanquished ; the wolves flie with shame , they flie with shame . in the day of their triumph , when he was brought out to be apparelled ( with his other fellow prisoners ) in all their shameful habits , he exhorted them with a cheerful countenance , saying : my brethren , be of good cheere , this is the houre wherein we must be faithful witnesses unto god and his truth before men , as becomes the true servants and souldiers of christ , and ere long we shall have him to witnesse with us again : and within a few houres we shall triumph with him in heaven for ever ; but hereupon they presently clap't a barnacle upon his tongue that he should speak no more , and so he was led to his execution ; but though he could not speak , yet by his countenance and gestures he shewed his cheerful and quiet minde : then kneeling down , he kissed the step whereon he stood , and being tyed to the stake , he endeavoured by his looks and gestures to encourage his fellow martyrs in their sufferings , and so they quietly and patiently resigned up their spirits unto god. there was also john leon , a tailor by trade , who out of a blinde devotion to serve god , resolved to enter into a monastery , but by gods providence it so fell out that he entred into a cloister at sivil , wherein most of the monks were well affected to the true religion , amongst whom in two or three years space , he was so grounded in the principles of religion , that he resolved to leave that kinde of life , which accordingly he did , and went into the countrey , yet after a time he had a great mind to conferre with his former schoolmasters : but when he came back to the cloister , he found that they were all fled in●o germany ; hereupon he resolved to follow them , and through many dangers and perils , it pleased god at last after a long and tedious journey , to bring him safe to franckfurt , where he met with some of his old acquaintance , and with them he travelled to geneva : about which time queen mary suddenly dying , and queen elizabeth of blessed memory succeeding her , the english exiles that lived in those parts were called home : whereupon divers spaniards that sojourned at geneva , thinking england a fitter place for their congregation , resolved to accompany the english men ▪ and for this end they dispersed themselves into several companies that they might travel with the more safety : the inquisitors took the departure of these monks so ill , that not sparing any cost , they sent their flies abroad to apprehend them , who way-laid them , especially at collen , franckfurt , antwerp , and in all the ways that led from geneva . this john leon had got him a companion , with whom he travelled towards england , who being discovered at argentine , were dogged into zealand , and as they were ready to take ship , they were apprehended . john leon took his arrest very composedly , never changing countenance at it : they were presently carried back into the town , where they were miserably ●acked to discover their fellows , and not long after were shipped for spain , having great irons , wrought like a net , that covered both head and face , within which also was another piece of iron made like a tongue , which being thrust into their mouths took away their speech ; they were also loaden with other engins and fetters of iron , wherewith they were bound hand and foot , and in these continual pains and torments they lay a shipboard till they came into spain , and then john leon was sent to sivil , and his companion to validolid , where afterwards in defence of the truth he suffered martyrdome : but john remained long in prison , where he tasted of the inquisitors tyranny , suffering both hunger and cold , and enduring all their torments one after another , and at last was brought out in their solemn shew , arrayed after their usual manner ; it was a sad sight to see such a ghost as he was , his hair so grown , his body so lean , that he had nothing but skin and bones left on him , and his pain much encreased by having a barnacle upon his tongue : after sentence of death pronounced upon him , they set his tongue at liberty hoping that he would have recanted , but he made a stout and godly confession of his faith , and so quietly ended his life in the flames . there was also burned at the same time a godly virgin , that had formerly been a nun , but being , through gods grace , converted , she left her cloister , and joyned her self to the church of christ : being apprehended by the inquisitors she was intreated as others had been before her : and at last was brought out to the scaffold , where with a manly courage she put the inquisitors to a foul foil , not only constantly affirming the truth , but sharply rebuking those fathers , calling them dumb dogs , a generation of vipers , &c. being brought to the stake , with a cheerful countenance she underwent the pains of death , and so quietly slept in the lord. there was also one christopher losada , a physician , a learned man and very well studied in the scriptures , as also of a very holy conversation , insomuch as he was chosen super-intendent of the church of christ in sivil , which at this time was very great , though dispersed into corners : at last he was apprehended by the inquisitors , before whom he made a good confession of his faith , for which he endured ha●d and sharp imprisonment , with most cruel torments , and the open infamy of their solemn shew , and lastly was adjudged to the fire : as he stood at the stake , the barnacle being taken from his tongue , he disputed notably with some monks that came to seduce him ; and when they spake latin that the common people might not understand them , losada also began to speak in latin so copiously and eloquently , as was strange to hear that he should have his wits so fresh when he was ready to be burned : after which he patiently resigned up his spirit unto god in the fire . there was also in sivil one arias , a man of a sharp wit and well-studied in divinity , but withal of a crafty wit and inconstant nature ; which vices he yet covered with a cloke of religion , whereby he deceived many : about this time there were also in that city two sorts of preachers , and both had a great number of auditors : the one taught school-divinity , and were continually calling upon their hearers to often fastings , mortification , self-denial , frequency of prayer , humility , &c. but themselves practised nothing lesse than these things : and indeed all their religion consisted in works and bodily exercises , as running to masses , hallowed places , shrift , &c. the other sort dealt more sincerely with the holy scriptures : out of which they declared what was true righteousnesse , and perfect holinesse : by means whereof that city above all others in spain , bore the name for just and true dealing ; and it pleased god that the brightnesse of this light did discover all the counterfeit holinesse , and pharasaical devotion of the other party ; the chief labourers in this harvest were constantino , aegidius , and varquius , all doctors , and sober , wise , and learned men ; who by this kind of preaching procured to themselves many enemies ; but above all others , arias was the most spiteful and malicious ; yet he carried it so cunningly , that he still kept up his reputation with these men ; but it was not long before he discovered himself : and that upon this occasion ; there was one ruzius , a learned man , questioned before the inquisitors , for something that he had delivered in a sermon about the controversies in religion ; the inquisitors appointed him a day of hearing ; and two or three days before , arias met him , saluted him courteously , and discoursed familiarly with him ; then did he pump out of him , all those arguments wherewith he intended to defend himself before the inquisitors : when the day came , and ruzius appeared , arias went on that side where his opponents were , which much amated ruzius , and in the disputation , arias being prepared , did so wittily enervate all his arguments , that ruzius had nothing to say for himself , and so was fain to yield the cause , and arias went away with the honour of the field , though he got it by treachery . yet did this arias , being of saint isidores monastery , preach so practically , that a great light began to dawn in that dark place ; for the whole scope of his sermons was to overthrow all their profession ; he taught them that singing and saying of their prayers day and night was no service of god , that the holy scriptures were to be read and studied with diligence , whence alone the true service of god could be drawn , and which alone teach us the true obedience to his will , to the obtaining whereof we must use prayer as a means , proceeding as well from a sense and feeling of our own infirmities , as grounded upon a perfect trust and confidence in god. by laying these foundations , through gods blessing , he began to make them out of love with their monkish superstition , and much provoked them to the study of the holy scriptures . besides also his sermons , he read daily a lecture upon solomons proverbs very learnedly , and made application thereof with good judgement and discretion ; also in his private conference he did much good . the lord also so ordered it in his wisdome , that he met with schollers that were very tractable , such as were not greatly wedded to their superstitions . and such was the force and might of gods election , that these few good seeds so fructified , that in the end they brought forth a great encrease of godlinesse . for divers of the monks , that hereby had their consciences awakened and cleared to see their former hypocrisie and idolatry , sought out for further instructions , and , through gods mercy , they light upon those preachers which taught the truth with more sincerity : of whom they learned the principles of pure and perfect religion , so that by degrees they left that evil opinion which they had formerly conceived against the lutherans , and were desirous to read their books : and god miraculously provided for them , that they had all sorts of books brought them that were extant at that time , either in geneva or germany : whereby it came to passe that there were very few in all that cloister but they had some taste of true religion and godlinesse , so that instead of mumbling their mattens , they brought in divinity-lectures , &c. vain fasting was turned into christian sobriety , neither were any taught to be monkish , but to be sincerely and truly religious . but considering that when this should be once known they could not live in any safety , they resolved amongst themselves to forsake their nest , and to flie into germany , where they might enjoy more safety of their lives , and freedome of their consciences ; but how to get thither was all the difficulty ; if one or two should go first , the rest would be exposed to danger : if many should go together , a thousand to one but they would be taken again , being to travel from the furthest part of spaine into germany : yet upon debate they concluded , that they must all either speedily depart , or shortly be apprehended by the inquisitors , who now had got some inkling of the matter ; and god seeing them in this distresse , shewed them a means how , under an honest pretence , a dozen of them might depart together within a month , and each betake himself a several way towards geneva , where they appointed , by gods assistance , all to meet within a twelve month ; the rest which were but young novices were left behind , who yet not long after were so strengthned by god , that they endured the brunt of persecution when it came , three of them being burned , and divers others diversly punished . the aforementioned servants of jesus christ forsook that place where they lived in honour , ease and plenty , and by undertaking , for christs sake , a voluntary exile , exposed themselves to shame , ignominy , wants , yea and were in continual danger of their lives also : and under god , arias was a great means of this , who , by his ministry , had first inlightned them with the knowledge of the truth : for which he was often complained of to the inquisitors , and was convented before them , where he so cunningly answered the matter , that he was still discharged ; but his last apprehension , through the mercy of god , brought forth in him the fruits of true repentance ; for he did so deeply and unfainedly bewail , and repent of his former with-holding of the truth in unrighteousnesse , that whereas he used to be exceeding fearful of the rack , he being brought to it and upon it , with a marvellous constancy withstood the enemies of gods truth , and took up the inquisitors roundly : withal telling them that he was heartily sorry , and did most earnestly repent him , for that he had wittingly and willingly in their presence impugned the truth against the godly defenders of the same : many other sharp rebukes he gave to the inquisitors so often as he came to his answer : but at last he was brought forth arraied in their accustomed manner upon their day of triumph , at which time he also made a notable profession of his faith , and so was led from the stage to the stake with a merry and chearful countenance , where , by the notable example of his repentance at his death , he made satisfaction to the church of christ for all his former unfaithful and hypocritical dealing with them , and so quietly slept in the lord. the life of doctor aegidio . dr . aegidio , who is before mentioned , was brought up in the university of alcala , where he took all his degrees , and was a hard student in school-divinity : but the study of the holy scriptures was there so neglected and contemned , that if any one read it , he was in contempt and scorn called a good bibler ; afterwards being publick reader of divinity in that university , he grew famous all over christendome , and was sent for to sivil to be divinity-reader in the cathedral church , where he was so highly esteemed , that soon after he was chosen sub-deane , yet did he not attempt to preach openly , nor had once so much as opened the bible to read and study the scriptures : and therefore the first time that he came into the pulpit , contrary to all mens expectations , he was found so unfit for such a function , that he grew out of conceit with himself , and was contemned by others , insomuch as they fell to repent themselves , the one for admitting him so unadvisedly , the other for taking upon him that office so arrogantly : but having passed over some time , it so fell out that he met with a plain man , which gave him such instructions , that after a few hours conference he learned by him what the office and duty of a preacher was , and by what means he might attain thereto ; and , through gods blessing , his advice was so effectual , that now dr. aegidio was quite altered and become a new man , thinking all his former life and labour ill spent , and therefore he resolved to steer another course ; he also fell into acquaintance with doctor constantino , a man excellently well learned , by whose conference and advice he profited marvellously in his studies , fell to the reading of good authors , and grew to profound knowledge in the holy scriptures : so that after a time , he began to preach as learnedly , godly , and zealously , as he had before done coldly , foolishly , and unskilfully : then did his hearers finde the marvellous force of that doctrine , which was taught them by these three worthy men , aegidio , constantino , and varquia , so that the more they crept out of their former ignorance and grew in knowledge , the more they esteemed and honoured them . hereupon there were daily complaints made against them to the inquisitors , especially against doctor aegidio , who did more openly than the rest inveigh against the adversaries of the truth . but it so fell out by gods providence , that just at the same time the emperour charles the fifth , in respect of his singular learning and integrity of life , elected him to the bishoprick of dortois : then did those hypocritical inquisitors bestir themselves on all hands , citing him to come before them , where articles were exhibited against him , and thereupon they cast him into prison , and examined him . but the emperour , who had elected him to the bishoprick , and the whole chapter of the cathedral church in sivil , became very earnest sutors to the inquisitors in his behalf . it fell out also that just at the same time , whilst aegidio was in prison , three of his greatest adversaries amongst the inquisitors , and the prime enemies against the truth , sickned , and died shortly one after another , whereby he was released , and lived foure or five years after ; at the end whereof he was sent upon an embassie , in which journey he visited the brethren that professed the truth in validolid , and much comforted and confirmed them ; but in his return home , his aged body being sore shaken in that long journey , having not been used to travel of a long while before , he sickned , and within a few days departed out of this troublesome life to everlasting rest . but within three years after , the new inquisitors thinking that the former had dealt too gently with him , digged him out of his grave , and buried in his place a puppet of straw ; then they brought his corps upon the scaffold , and used it in the same sort as they would have used himself if he had been alive . the life of doctor constantino . doctor constantino of whom mention hath been made before , was a most famous divine , and endued by god with such rare abilities as the like were hardly found in that age ; he was a man of a very pleasant wit , and wondrous facetious , which he especially used against the hypocritical monks and friars ; and though he lived in a barbarous age , wherein all good learning was almost lost , yet by his wit and industry he attained to a great deal of skill both in latin , greek , and hebrew , and was also an excellent oratour : and studied the scriptures so hard , that he grew very exquisite therein ; he was also so eloquent in his own language , that all his auditors were brought into a great admiration of him ; he was very discreet in all his doings : which parts he attained to , both by his study and long practice and experience , but especially by profound knowledge in the holy scriptures . whensoever he preached , there was so great a resort to his sermons , that three or foure houres before he began , there was scarce a place in the church to be gotten . he was farre from covetousnesse and ambition , insomuch as having a good canonship in the church of toledo proffered him , he refused it , together with divers other preferments . in his ministry in sivil he did so plainly set forth , and so sharply rebuke those hucksters that sold indulgences , pardons , &c. that they were much incensed against him , fearing that he would prove a plague to the whole generation of them , so that they hated him deadly , yet could finde nothing whereof to accuse him , but what would redound to their own shame . but for all this he neglected not to preach the truth faithfully , though he knew that they lay at catch , waiting for an opportunity to ensnare him ; and it was the singular providence of god that that city should enjoy such preaching , when there were so many powerful and malicious enemies to oppose it . for at this time varquio read upon the gospel according to matthew , and upon the psalmes : aegidio preached daily ; and constantine , though not so often , yet to as great fruit and edification , thus continuing till god sent storms to try each mans faith ; in the midst of which tempest varquio dyed , and constantine was sent for by the emperour to be his houshold chaplain : only aegidio was left alone , like a lamb amongst wolves , to be the object of their fury , of whose end we have heard before ; after whose death constantine left the emperours court , and returned to sivil , where he preached the gospel with as much zeale as ever he did before : then was he chosen to preach every other day in the cathedral , which he refused , because of a great fit of sicknesse which had made him very weak , but he was forced to undertake it , though he was so weak a creature , that sometimes he was fain to be carried to church , and by reason of his faintnesse was necessitated once or twice in a sermon to drink a draught of wine to refresh himself . about this time there was one scobario , a man famous for life and learning , chosen by the magistrates of the city to the government of the colledge of children , who out of his zeal to promote the gospel converted his stipend , to the erecting of a divinity-lecture in the cathedral church ; and constantine , having recovered his health , was chosen to read it ; who performed it excellently well , beginning with the proverbs , ecclesiastes , and the canticles ; which having passed through very learnedly , he began upon the book of job , and proceeded to expound more than half of it . but some evil spirit envying the progresse of the gospel in that city , under a pretence of fervent zeal , caused him to forsake this course , and encombred him so many ways , that he was never clear of those troubles to his dying day . for not long after he was brought before the inquisitors , and had many things laid to his charge ; yet by his quick and ready answers he easily avoided them , and they could not by any means bring him to make an open protestation of his faith , by which all their hope was to circumvent him ; and so he might have escaped , had not god , by a special providence , compelled him as it were briefly and plainly to confesse his faith ; the occasion was this . there was one isabel martin apprehended , in whose house constantine had hid some special books for fear of the inquisitors : this womans goods being sequestred , her son conveyed divers chests of her best goods away to another place . this coming to the inquisitors ears by means of an unfaithful servant , they sent their officer immediately to demand those chests : the womans sonne supposing that the officer came for constantines books , said unto him , i know what you come for , and therefore if you will promise me upon your honest word to depart quietly , i will bring you to them : the officer supposing that he meant the chests , promised him so to do : then did he carry him into a secret place , and plucking forth a stone or two in the wall , shewed him constantines jewels ; of paper indeed ; but farre more precious than gold or pearle ; the officer astonished to finde that which he looked not for , told him that he came for no such thing , but for certain chests of his mothers goods , which he had purloined from the sequestrators ; and that notwithstanding his promise , he must carry both him and his books to the inquisitors : thus came constantines writings into the inquisitors hands , out of which they quickly found matter enough against him . then did they send for him before them , and demanded if he knew his own hand ; he shifted it off at the first , but afterwards perceiving that it was the will of god that he should bear witnesse to the truth , he confessed it to be his own writing , protesting openly that all things therein contained were full of truth and sincerity ; therefore , said he , trouble your selves no further in seeking witnesses against me , seeing you have so plain and apert a confession of my judgment and faith , but deal with me as you shall please ; then was he cast into prison , and kept there two whole years , where partly by occasion of his corrupt dyet , but chiefly of grief to see such havock made of the poor church of christ , which himself and his brethren had with so great pains and care planted and watered , he began first to be crazy , and then not being able to endure the extream heat of the sunne , which made his prison like an hot house , he was forced to strip himself to his very shirt , wherein he lay day and night , by occasion whereof he fell into the bloody flux , and within fifteen days died in the stinking prison , rendring up his soul to christ , for promoting of whose glory he had oft times manfully adventured it . he never indeed felt those cruel torments which the inquisitors used to inflict upon others , but it was not because they regarded such a man of eminency as he was , but because they intended to delay his punishment by keeping him long in prison , not expecting that he should so suddenly have been taken out of their hands . yet did these imps of satan spread abroad a report , that before his death upon the rack he had confessed to them who were his disciples ; and this they did to make men come in and accuse themselves , upon hope to finde the more favour with the inquisitors ; they reported also that he opened one of his veins with a broken glasse whereof he died , that so he might avoid the shame and punishment of his heresies . and against the day of their solemn triumph , his corps was taken out of his grave , and set in a pulpit , with one hand resting on the desk , and holding up the other , just as he used to do when he preached : then they passed sentence upon him , and so afterwards caused him to be burned . thus we have seen in some few examples the rage of these bloody inquisitors against the poor saints and servants of jesus christ , whereof a great number were cruelly murthered in a few years space in that one city of sivil , whereby we may partly guesse how great numbers have suffered in all other places , since the light of the glorious gospel of jesus christ brake forth , untill this day under their cruel and bloody tyranny . collected out of a book called , the discovery of the spanish inquisition , &c. first written in latin by reynold gonsalvius montanus , and afterwards translated into english. the persecution of nicholas burton englishman ▪ by the inquisitors in spain , anno . this burton was a citizen of london , who being about his merchandise at cadiz in spain , there came to his lodging one of the familiars , desiring to take lading to london in the ship which burton had fraited ; and this he did , that he might learn where his goods were ; presently after came a serjeant who apprehended bur●ton , and carried him away to the inquisitors , who , though they could charge him with nothing spoken or written against them since he came to spain , yet they sent him to the filthy common prison , where he remained in irons fourteen dayes amongst thieves : in which time he so instructed the poor prisoners in the word of god , that in short space he had well reclaimed many of those ignorant and superstitious souls : which being known to the inquisitors , they presently removed him , laden with irons , from thence to sivil , and put him into the more cruel prison in the castle of triana , where the inquisitors proceeded against him after their accustomed cruel manner , by racking , &c. neither could he get leave to write to , or speak with any of his countreymen : afterwards they brought him forth with many other godly persons upon their publick day of triumph , in his sambito painted all over with ugly devils tormenting a soul in flames of fire , and with a barnacle upon his tongue , where he received sentence of death , and so with the rest was carried to the place of execution to be burnt ; and he endured the flames with so much patience and cheerfulnesse of countenance , that his popish adversaries said , that the devil had his soul before he came to the fire , whereby his sense of feeling was taken away : they also sequestred all his goods , which could never be recovered out of their hands , though great means were used for the same . this was in queen maries days . there was burned with him at the same time another englishman : and not long after two more , called john baker and william burgate : and about the same time william burges , master of an english ship was burned there also : and william hooker , a youth of about sixteen , was there stoned to death for the bold profession of his faith . here place the seventh figure . chap. xxviii . the persecution of the church of christ in italy , which began , anno christi , . anno christi , . adrian the fourth , an english man , being pope , there was one arnald of brixia , who coming to rome , preached boldly against the corruptions which were crept into the church , and found great favour amongst the senators , and people , insomuch as when the pope commanded this arnald to be driven away as an heretick , they resisted his command , and defended arnald , till at last the pope interdicting the whole city , at the importunity of the clergy , the senators and citizens were forced to send him away : and shortly after he was apprehended by the popes legat , cardinal of st. nicholas , out of whose hands he was rescued by the vicounts of campany , with whom he remained , and to whom he preached the gospel of christ , and was had in such esteem that he was accounted a prophet . shortly after , frederick barbarossa the emperour , coming unto italy to be crowned , the pope sent some cardinals to him , requesting that he would deliver arnald of brixia into their hands , whom the vicounts of campania had taken from his legat at otriculi , whom they held for a prophet in their countrey , and greatly honoured him . the emperour receiving these commands from the pope , presently sent forth his apparitors , and took one of the vicounts prisoner , wherewith the other were so terrified , that they delivered up arnald to the cardinals ; and this the emperour did to gratifie the pope that was to set the imperial crown upon his head . not long after the pope being in his ruff , marching with a brave army into apulia , commanded his prefect at rome to do execution upon arnald , who accordingly most cruelly , first hanged , and then burned him for an arch-heretick at the appointment of the pope . this arnald was born in italy , and was trained up under peter abailardus in france : his heresies were , that he preached against the pride and covetousnesse of the clergy and monks : that he inveighed against the corruptions which were crept into the sacraments , &c. he first preached in brixia , and expounded to the people the sacred scriptures , who earnestly embraced his doctrine ; whereupon the bishops and monks of that city complained of him to the council that was held at rome by pope innocent , who ( to prevent the spreading of his doctrine ) injoyned him silence , and banished him italy . then did he go beyond the alps into a town of germany called turengum , where , for a time he preached the truth , and did much good , till he heard of the death of pope innocent his old adversary : at which time he returned into italy , and went to rome , where what his successe was we heard before : after his body was burnt , they gathered up his ashes , and threw them into the river tybur . otho frising . anno christi , . there was one encenas , or driander , a spaniard , born in bruges , who in his youth was sent by his superstitious parents to be educated in rome , where in process of time , through god mercy , he came to the knowledge of the truth , and thereupon manifesting his dislikes of the impure doctrine of the church of rome , he was betrayed by some of his own countrymen and houshold friends , and by them carried before the cardinals , who committed him to strait prison : and afterwards , being called forth to declare his judgement in matters of religion , he gave a notable testimony to the truth before the cardinals and the popes whole retinue , whereupon they cried out upon him that he should be burned ; yet the cardinals proffered him life , if he would wear the sambito : but he constantly refused to wear any other badge , save the badge of our lord jesus christ , which was , to seal his profession with his blood : hereupon he was condemned to the fire , and suffered martyrdome with great patience and constancy . his brother francis encenas , a very learned and godly man as any was in spain , being in the emperours court at bruxels , offered to charles the fifth the new testament translated into spanish , for which he was cast into prison , 〈…〉 remained in great misery for the space of fifteen months , looking for nothing but present death : but at last , through the marvellous providence of god , at eight a clock at night he found the prison doors standing wide open , and a secret motion in his minde to make an escape , whereupon going out of prison with a leasurely pace , he went without interruption , and so from thence went strait into germany . anno . there was at ferrara one faninus , who by reading of good books , was through gods grace , converted to the knowledge of the truth , wherein he found such sweetnesse , that by constant reading , meditation and prayer , he grew so expert in the scriptures , that he was able to instruct others : and though he durst not go out of the bounds of his calling to preach openly , yet by conference and private exhortations he did good to many : this coming to the knowledge of the popes clients , they apprehended and committed him to prison , where by the earnest solicitations of his wife and children , and other friends , he was so overcome , that he renounced the truth , and so was dismissed out of prison . but it was not long before the lord met with him : so that falling into horrible torture of conscience , he was near unto utter despair for his apostacy , and for preferring the love of his kindred and friends before the service of jesus christ , neither could he possibly by any means be free from these terrours , before he had fully resolved to adventure his life more faithfully in the service of the lord. wherefore being thus inflamed with an holy zeal , he went about all the countrey , doing much good wheresoever he came , whereupon he was again apprehended , and cast into prison , and condemned to be burnt : but he told his judges that his time was not yet come , and so it fell out ; for shortly after he was removed to ferrara , where he continued in prison two years ; then was he again condemned by the popes inquisitors ; and yet his time being not come , he remained a good while after in prison : in which time many godly people came to visit him , which caused the pope to comm●●d him to be kept more strictly : then was he kept close prisoner for eighteen moneths , wherein he endured many and great torments : after this , he was brought into another prison , where were many nobles , great lords and captains for stirring up sedition , who when they first heard him speak , set him at naught and derided him : and some of the gravest of them , supposing it to be but a melancholy humour , exhorted him to leave his opinion , &c. faninus gave them thanks for their friendly good will , but withal , modestly and plainly he declared to them , that the doctrine which he professed was no humour nor opinion of mans braine , but the pure truth of god held forth in his word , which truth he was fully resolved never to deny , &c. with which instructions they were , through the mercy of god , clean altered in their carriage and judgement , highly admiring and honouring him now , whom a little before they derided and contemned ; then did he proceed still to impart the word of grace to them , declaring , that though he knew himself to be a miserable sinner , yet through faith in jesus christ and his grace , he was fully perswaded that his sins were forgiven ; assuring them likewise that if they did repent and believe on our lord jesus christ , they also should have their sinnes remitted unto them . there were in that prison also some that having formerly lived very delicately , could not now endure the hardship of prison , to whom he administred much comfort in this their distresse , insomuch as they rejoyced in ●hese their sufferings , by which they had learned a better kind of liberty than ever they had before . his kinsfolk hearing of his imprisonment , his wife and sister came to him , pitifully weeping and intreating him to consider and remember his poor family , &c. to whom he answered , that his lord and master had commanded him not to deny his truth for his families sake : and that it was too much that once for their sakes he had fallen into that cowardise , which they knew of : therefore he desired them to leave him , and not to solicit him any further in that kind , for he knew that his end now drew near , and so he commended them to the lord. presently after , the pope sent a command that faninus should be executed , whereof when an officer brought him word , he much rejoyced at it , thanking the messenger : then did he begin to make a long exhortation to his fellow-prisoners about the felicity of the life to come . he had life proffered him if he would recant , and he was put in mind what a sad condition he would leave his wife and children in ; whereupon he answered that he had committed them to an overseer that would sufficiently care for them ; and being asked who that was ? he answered , even the lord jesus christ , a faithful keeper of all that are committed to him ; the next day he was removed into the common prison , and delivered to the secular magistrate . in all his words , gestures and countenance , he shewed such modesty , constancy , and tranquillity of mind , that they which before extreamly hated him , and thought that he had a devil , began now favourably to hearken to him , and to commend him : yea with such grace and sweetnesse he spake of the word of god , that many of the magistrates wives which heard him , could not abstain from weeping : yea the executioner himself wept . as he was going to execution , one that saw him so merry and chearful , asked him what was the reason of it , whereas christ before his death sweat blood and water ? to whom he answered , that christ sustained all the sorrows and conflicts with hell and death that were due to us , that by his sufferings we might be freed from the sorrow and fear of them all . at the place of execution , after he had made his most earnest prayers to the lord , he meekly and patiently went to the stake , where he was first strangled , and afterwards burned ; and during the time of his burning there came a most fragrant and oderiferous smell to the spectators , the sweetnesse whereof did so delight and refresh their senses , as his words would have done , if they had heard him speak . there was also one dominicus , sometimes a souldier under charles the fifth in germany , where he received the first taste of the gospel of jesus christ , after which by his conf●rence with learned men he much increased in knowledge , insomuch as he was able to instruct others ; whereupon he returned into italy , and in the city of naples , he taught the word of god to many , anno . from thence he went to placentia , where he instructed the people also in many of the fundamentals of religion , promising that he would next speak to them of antichrist , whom he would paint out in his colours ; but when he came the next day , he was apprehended by the magistrate , whom he readily obeyed , saying , that he wondered the devil had let him alone so long : and being asked whether he would renounce his doctrine , he answered , that he maintained no doctrine of his own , but the doctrine of christ , which also he was ready to seal with his blood , giving hearty thanks to god for accounting him worthy to suffer for his name . then was he committed to a filthy and stinking prison , where he remained some moneths , and was often solicited to revoke his opinions , or else he must suffer death : but , through gods mercy , nothing could remove him from his constancy : being therefore condemned to death , he was brought forth into the market-place , where he most heartily prayed for his enemies , instructed the people , and then was hanged , resting in peace in the lord. in saint angelo , there was an house of augustine friars , to whom there often resorted a friar from the city of pavia , who was a man very expert in the scriptures , and of godly conversation , by whose labours not only divers of the friars , but other townsmen were brought to the knowledge and love of gods word ; and amongst the rest , one galeacius trecius , a gentleman of good quality , very wealthy and bountiful to the poor , was wrought upon to embrace the truth , and was afterward much confirmed and strengthened by caelius secundus , who being persecuted from pavia , came to this place . after some time galeacius having much profited in knowledge , was inflamed with a godly zeal to promote and propagate the knowledge of the truth unto others ; but a light shining in such darknesse could not be long hid : insomuch as anno . he was apprehended and carried before the bishop , by whom he was kept in bands , having only a pad of straw to lie on ; and though his wife sent him a good bed and sheets , yet did the bishops officers keep them from him , dividing it as a booty amongst themselves . thrice he was brought before the commissioners , where he boldly rendred a reason of his faith , answering all their interrogatories with such evidence of scripture and constancy of mind as astonished all that heard him : yet afterwards at the importunity of his friends and kindred , he was by much perswasion brought to assent to certain popish points . but , through the mercy of god , he was after a while , brought to such repentance and bewailing of this fact , that afterwards he became more valiant in the defence of christs quarrel ; neither did he desire any thing more than to have occasion to recover again by confession that which he had lost by denial : affirming that as he never had felt more joy of heart then when he constantly professed the truth , so he never tasted more sorrow in all his life , then when he turned from the same by dissimulation : professing to his christian friends , that death was much more sweet to him with testimony to the truth , then life with the least denial of it , and violation of a good conscience thereby . so that afterwards , through gods mercy , he was so full of comfort , that divers which talked with him , continued all day without meat or drink , and if they might , would have stayed all night too , they were so delighted with him . galeacius thus waiting for some occasion to manifest his recovery , it so fell out that the inquisitors came into the prison to him , supposing that now he would have confirmed what before he had granted unto them , requiring him so to do ; but galeacius on the contrary retracted that , and boldly asserted the truth with more courage than he did before : and hereby his mind was greatly refreshed , and his adversaries went away ashamed : yet did they condemn and deliver him to the secular judge to be burned ; then was he brought forth in the morning to the market-place , and bound to a stake , where he was left till noon to be a gazing stock to all the people : during which time many came to see him , exhorting him to recant , and not so wilfully to cast away himself , and thereby to undo his loving wife and young children , &c. but nothing could alter the firme mind of this constant martyr , and therefore at length fire was put to him , and so he quietly slept in the lord. a little before his execution , he hearing that there was a controversie between the bishop and major of the city , which of them should be at cost to buy wood for his burning , he sent to them to end that quarrel , for that he himself would be at the cost of it , out of his own goods . the life of john mollius . there was at rome one john mollius , who at twelve years old was placed by his parents in the house of the gray-friars , where being of an excellent wit , in a short time he so profited both in the knowledge of the arts and tongues , that at eighteen years old he was made a priest : then was he sent to study at ferrara , where he so profited in six years time , that he was made doctor and reader of divinity in that university , and by his sophistry shewed himself an utter enemy to the gospel . from thence he went to brixia , and the year following to millaine , where he read openly ; then by francis sforce he was brought to the university of papia , to be the philosophy professor , where he remained four years ; then was he called to the university of bononia : about which time it pleased god so to inlighten him with the knowledge of his truth , that he began secretly to expound the epistle of paul to the romanes to a few , but presently his auditors increased so fast , that he was compelled to read openly in the church , where the number of his auditors daily increased , and withal , they shewed such fervency of mind , that most of them came with pen and ink to write what they heard , taking great care to come so early that they might have room to hear him . this was anno . hereupon cardinal campeius set up one cornelius , an arrogant babler , to expound the same epistle , who cried up the pope and his traditions ; as john on the contrary commended and extolled christ and his merits to the people : but cornelius his auditors quickly decreased , and the others increased exceedingly : this angred cornelius , insomuch as by cardinal campeius his advice , they came to an open disputation , and when they could not agree , as john was returning home in a narrow place where his friends could not come to his rescue , he was apprehended and clapt up in prison ; but this caused such stir in the city , that cornelius was faine to hide himself ; then did the bishop send word to john in prison , that he must either recant or be burnt : to the first he answered that he would by no means condescend ; only it grieved him that he should be condemned , and his cause not heard ; yet by the mediation of a friend he was released out of prison , upon condition that within three moneths he should appear at rome : some of his friends disswaded him from going to rome , advising him rather to go into germany , and they would give him mony to bear his charges ; but he refused , saying , that he must preach the gospel at rome also . when he came thither , he requested of the pope that he might have a publick hearing , but that was denied him , and he was commanded to write his opinion : which accordingly he did , about original sin , justification by faith only , free-will , purgatory , &c. all which he confirmed by the authority of scripture and fathers , and so exhibited it to the pope , who referred it to some cardinals : and they disputed with him three dayes upon those points , but could not confute them ; then was he answered , that it was truth which he said , yet not meet for the times ; and therefore he was commanded to abstain from preaching , and to returne to bonony to be the philosophy professour . when he came back , all men longed to hear how he had sped , and in the pulpit he openly declared the whole proceedings to them , giving god thanks for his safe return . but this so offended the cardinal , that by order from the pope , he was removed from bononia to naples : there also his doctrine was so distasted by the viceroy , that he laid wait to take away his life ; yet , through gods mercy , he escaped , and wandred up and down italy , preaching the gospel of christ wheresoever he came : at last he was called back to bonony , where privately he expounded pauls epistles , which could not be long concealed ; whereupon he was apprehended and carried to faventia , where he was cast into a filthy stinking prison , and lay there foure years , no man being suffered to come to him : yet at last by the mediation of some friends he was again released , and went to ravenna , where he preached the gospel of christ with such affections , that he never spake of jesus christ , but tears dropped from his eyes . after a short time he was again cast into prison ; but foure persons of quality proffering to be his bail , through gods mercy , he was released ; after which so many flocked to him , that his adversaries consulted to kill him , lest his doctrine should spread further : and apprehending him , they sent him bound to rome , where again he was cast into prison for eighteen moneths , in which time he was often assaulted , sometimes with flatteries and faire promises , sometimes with terrible threats : but his constancy could not be shaken by either ; whereupon he , with some others , were brought forth to receive the sentence of condemnation , at which time with great earnestnesse , he confirmed his former doctrine , affirmed the pope to be antichrist , &c. citing them to appear before the tribunal of christ. being condemned and carried to the place of execution , he exhorted the people to have no saviours but christ alone , the only mediatour betwixt god and man , and so he was first hanged , and then burned . this was anno christi , . the year after , francis gamba , born in lombardy , having , through gods grace , received the knowledge of the gospel , went to geneva , where he was much confirmed in the truth , and received the sacrament with them ; then returning into his own country he was apprehended and cast into prison , whither many nobles , doctors and priests resorted to him , labouring by all means to disswade him from his opinions ; but he disputing with them , constantly affirmed that what he held was consonant to the word of god , and the evident doctrine of jesus christ , and necessary for all men to believe if they would be saved ; assuring them that rather than he would be found false to christ and his word , he was there ready to shed his blood : he was long assailed by the intreaties of his friends and threatenings of his enemies , but could by no means be discouraged , yea he gave thanks to god for accounting him worthy to suffer rebukes and death for the testimony of jesus christ : and so by order of the senate of millain he was had forth to execution . he went with a great deal of chearfulnesse ; and when a crosse was brought him by a friar , he said , that his mind was so replenished with joy and comfort in christ , that he needed neither his crosse nor him : then , because he declared many comfortable things to the people , his tongue was bored through , and he was first strangled , and then burnt , undergoing death with admirable patience and constancy . anno . there was one algerius , a student in padua , a young man of excellent learning , who having attained to the knowledge of the truth , ceased not by instruction and example to inform others that he might bring them to the saving knowledge of christ ; for this he was accused of heresie to the pope ; by whose command he was apprehended and cast into prison at venice , where he lay long ; during which time he wrote an excellent letter to the afflicted saints , wherein , amongst many other excellent expressions , he thus writeth ; i cannot but impart unto you some portion of my delectations and joyes which i feel and find : i have found hony in the intrals of a lion ; who will believe that in the dark dungeon i should find a paradise of pleasure ? in a place of sorrow and death , dwells tranquillity and hope of life· in an infernal cave , i have joy of soul : where others weep , i rejoyce : where others shake and tremble , there is strength and boldnesse , &c. all these things the sweet hand of the lord doth minister to me . behold , he that was once far from me , is now present with me : whom i could scarce feel before , now i see more apparently : whom once i saw afarre off , i now behold near at hand : whom once i hungred for , he now approaches and reaches his hand to me : he doth comfort me , and fills me with gladness : he drives away all sorrow , strengthens , encourageth , heals , refresheth and advanceth me : o how good is the lord , who suffers not his servants to be tempted above their strength ! oh how easie and sweet is his yoke , &c. learn therefore how amiable and merciful the lord is , who visiteth his servants in tentations , and disdains not to keep them company in such vile and stinking dungeons , &c. and in conclusion he subscribes his letter , from the delectable orchard of the leonine prison , &c. after this the pope sent for him to rome , where , by manifold perswasions and allurements , he was tempted to desert and deny the truth , which not prevailing , he was adjudged to be burnt alive , which death he most constantly endured to the great admiration of all that beheld him . anno . john aloysius , being sent from geneva to be a pastor in calabria , was thence sent for by the pope to rome , where he suffered martyrdome . also james bovellus ; a godly minister in the same place , and at the same time was sent for by the pope , by whom he was sent to messina , and there martyred . pope pius the fourth raised an hot persecution against the people of god in all the territories of the church of rome , whereby many constant christians suffered martyrdome . yea , this persecution was so hot in the kingdome of naples , that many noblemen with their wives , and divers others , were there slain ; anno . a papist writing to a noble lord about the cruelty shewed to some christians , hath these expressions : when i think upon it , i verily quake and tremble : for their manner of putting to death may fitly be resembled to the slaughter of calves and sheep ; for eighty eight of them being thrust up together in one house as in a sheepfold , the executioner cometh in , taketh one and blindfoldeth him , and so leads him forth to a larger place adjoyning , where commanding him to kneel down , he cuts his throat : and leaving him half dead , he takes his butchers knife and muffler , all gore blood ; and goeth back to the rest , and so leading one after another , he dispatches them all : how sad this spectacle was , i leave to your lordship to judge ; for my own part i cannot but weep to think of it ; neither was there any of the spectators which seeing one to dye , could endure to behold another : but truly so humbly and patiently they went to their death , as is almost incredible to believe : all the aged persons went to death more cheerfully , the younger were something more timerous : i tremble and shake to remember how the executioner held his bloody knife between his teeth , with the bloody muffler in his hand , and his armes all gore blood up to the elbows , going to the fold , and taking every one of them one after another by the hand , and so dispatching them all , no otherwise than as a butcher doth kill his calves and sheep . this was in calab●ia , anno christi , . persecution raised by the pope in venice . the city of venice was a long while from the cruel inquisition , whereby the face of a church was discerned there , from the year . to the year . yea , and multitudes of good christians flocked thither from other parts , which so provoked the divel to envy , that he stirred up the pope to send inquisitors , which erected an inquisition in that city , and for divers years the pope sent them money to distribute amongst their flies , and such persons as would betray the faithful to them : by this means many of the worthy servants of jesus christ were apprehended , imprisoned , and after a while sent to rome to be there butchered . then was a new-found manner of death inflicted upon divers others , never till then heard of , whereby they were drowned in the bottome of the sea ; the manner of it was thus ; after any of them had received the sentence of death by the inquisitors , an iron chain was fastned about their middle , with a very heavy stone tyed thereto , then were they laid upon a plank between two boats , and so rowed to an appointed place in the sea , where the boats parting asudder , the martyrs presently sunk into the bottome of the sea and were drowned . yet notwithstanding this cruelty , many godly persons ceased not to assemble together in a place appointed for that purpose , where they talked and discoursed of heavenly matters for their spiritual edification , and made collections for the relief of the poor amongst them . and anno . they called to them a minister of the gospel , and constituted a church , where they enjoyed all the ordinances with much comfort : but some false brethren creeping in amongst them , after a while betrayed them ; then were many apprehended , cast into the sea and drowned : others were sent to rome , where they were cast into prison till they rotted and dyed there . amongst others that were condemned to be drowned at venice , was one mr. anthony ricetto : to whom after his condemnation , his sonne , a youth about twelve years old , came , beseeching him with tears to yield , that his life might be saved , and himself not left fatherlesse : to whom he answered , a good christian is bound to forgoe children , goods , yea , and life it self for the maintenance of gods honour and glory : for which cause ( said he ) i am now resolved to lay down my life , the lord assisting me . the lords of venice offered to restore to him his patrimony , which was partly morgaged , and partly sold , if he would submit to the church of rome ; but he resolutely refused that condition . not long after came a captain to him , and told him of one francis sega , his prison-fellow , that wa● resolved to recant : to whom he answered , what tell you me of sega ? i am resolved to performe my vows to the lord my god : then was he carried forth bound to the boats , and by the way a priest presented him with a wooden crosse , exhorting him to recant , &c. but he on the contrary perswaded him and others to come out of the snares of the divel , and to cleave to jesus christ , and to live , not according to the flesh , but according to the spirit ; for , said he , otherwise your unbelief will bring you into the lake of fire that never shall be quenched . when he came to the place where he was to suffer , the captain lastned the chain and stone to him , whereupon , lifting his eyes to heaven , he said , father forgive them , they know not what they do . lord jesus , into thy hands do i commend my spirit ; and so in the sea he ended his life . a few dayes after one mr. francis spinola was apprehended and committed to prison , and when he was brought forth before the inquisitors , they shewed him a treatise about the lords supper , demanding whether he was the author of it , which he acknowledged , avouching that the doctrine that was contained therein was agreeable to the holy scriptures . then was he return'd to his prison , where the aforementioned sega was , who waiting for his coming , as he passed by , saluted him by his name ; after which they conferred together about the doctrine of the gospel ; and sega having heard that spinola had stood stoutly in the confession of the truth , he was much comforted , saying , that god had reserved him for such a time as this to make him partaker of so great consolation . shortly after the jailor told sega that he was to die one hour within night , at the hearing whereof he entreated spinola to pray with him , and after prayer he said , that his soul was heavy unto death . spinola answered , fear not , for it will not be long before your soul shall partake of those joyes which shall endure for ever . at the appointed time he was fetched out of the dungeon , where he took his leave of spinola and the other prisoners : as he went into the boat , a friar perswaded him to return to the church of rome ; sega answered , that he was already in the way to our lord jesus christ , and so passing on , he called upon the name of god : he seemed to be a little amazed at the fastning of the chaine and stone to his body , yet presently recollecting his spirits , he took it patiently , and so commending his soul into the hands of god , he quietly slept in the lord. spinola being again called before the inquisitors , he boldly reproved the popes legate , and the other judges , for that contrary to their consciences they persecuted the truth of god , calling them the off-spring of the pharisees , &c. the third time that he was called before them , they asked him if he would not recant his errours ? he answered , that the doctrine which he maintained was not erroneous , but the same truth which christ and his holy apostles taught , and for which all the martyrs , both in former and later times , did willingly lay down their lives , and endured the pains of death . yet after all this , spinola by the crafty perswasions of some seeming friends , began to strike saile and to faint ; but , through gods goodnesse , he soon recovered again , and being called before the judges , he openly confirmed the truth , and so had sentence passed upon him that he should be drowned as an heretick . to which he answered , i am no heretick , but the servant of jesus christ ; at which words the popes legate commanded him silence , and told him that he lyed ; the night after he was conveyed into the sea , and there drowned , praising and blessing god with invincible constancy . anno . there was at rome a young englishman , who going into a church , and seeing their grosse idolatry , was so inflamed with zeal that he could not endure the sight of those horrible impieties , and therefore he went out into the church porch , and as the procession passed by him , he waited till the bishop came that did bear the host , and then stepping forwards , he plucked it out of his hands , threw it to the ground , saying aloud , ye wretched idolaters , do ye fall down to a morsel of bread ? this so provoked the people that they had almost torn him in pieces , and yet they spared him and sent him to prison . complaint being made to pope clement the eighth , he was so incensed that he appointed him to be burnt the same day ; but some of the cardinals advised that he should rather be kept in prison , and examined by exquisite torments to find out his abettors and setters on . this accordingly was put in practice , yet could they draw nothing from him but these words , such was the will of god. then was he adjudged to be led from the capitol , naked to his middle , and to wear on his head the form of a devil , his breeches to be painted over with flames of fire , and so to be carried all about the city , and then to be burnt alive . when he heard this sentence , he lift up his eyes to heaven , and implored the help of almighty god. as he passed through the streets he was mocked and derided of all the people , but he continued his fervent prayers to god ; at last he spake something against the filthy lives of the cardinals , which so enraged them , that they caused him to be gagged , which cruelty he patiently endured . when he came before the church where he cast down the idol , the hangman cut off his right hand , and set it on a pole in the cart to which he was tied ; then did two tormentors with flaming torches scorch and burn his flesh all the way as he went through the city of rome , all which he bore with admirable patience ; by that he came to the place where he was to be executed , his body was all over scorched , blistred and bloody , having no part free but his head ; then was he taken from the cart , and seeing the post to which he should be tied , he went of himself to it , and kneeling down , kissed the chains which should bind him to it ; the friars urged him to worship an idol which they presented to him , but he turning away his face shewed his detestation of it , holding on his christian course unto the end : and when the flames of fire seized on him , he bowed his head , and quietly yielded up his soul to god. the same year there was an old godly man that had long lain in the inquisitors dungeons , who was at last brought forth and condemned ; after which the friars brought to him a crucifix , importuning him to kisse and adore it ; he seeing their impudence , said unto them ; if you take not this idol out of my sight , ye will constrain me to spit upon it ; the friars hearing this , sent him away immediately to the fire , where with great courage and constancy he resigned up his spirit unto god. chap. xxix . the life and martyrdom of william gardiner in portugal , anno christi , . william gardiner was born at bristol , and well educated , and when he was grown up , was placed with one master paget , a merchant , by whom when he was twenty six years old , he was sent into portugal to lisbone , the regal city , to be a factor : there he learned the countrey language , and became a profitable servant both to his master and others . he was careful to keep close to god , and to avoid the superstitions of that countrey , and there being divers good men in that city , he associated himself with them , used good conference , and often bewailed to them his own weaknesse , as being neither sufficiently humbled for his sins , nor yet enflamed with a love of godlinesse as he ought : he had also good books which privately he made much use of . now whilst he was here abiding , it so fell out that a great marriage was to be solemnized betwixt the king of portugals sonne , and the king of spains daughter . great preparations were made for it , and a great concourse there was of persons of all ranks that came to it ; and upon the wedding day they went to church in great pomp ; and amongst multitudes of spectators , william gardiner made one , rather for the novelty of the businesse , than for any desire that he had to see their ceremonies , and going to church early in the morning , he got a convenient place to hear and see in . when all were come to church , a cardinal began to say masse : the people standing with great silence and devotion : the fight of these superstitions did wonderfully grieve the mind of william gardiner , not so much to see the folly of the common people , as to see that the king himself , and so many sage nobles should be led away with such abominable idolatry ; wherewith he was so exceedingly moved in his spirit , that he had much ado to refrain himself from doing something whereby he might manifest his dislike ; but the great throng that he was in , hindred him , that he could not come neere to the altar . when all was ended he returned home very sad , seeking out solitary places , where falling down prostrate before god , with many tears he bewailed the neglect of his duty , and studied how he might revoke that people from their impiety and superstition . at length his mind was fully setlet not to defer the matter any longer , whereupon he renounced the world , exactly made up all his accounts , both what he owed , and what was owing to him to a farthing . then did he continue night and day in prayer unto god , and in continual meditation of the holy scriptures , so that he would scarce take any meat by day , or sleep by night , as one pendigrace his bed-fellow testified . the sabbath following masse was to be celebrated with the like solemnity ; whereupon william gardiner went early in the morning handsomely apparalled to church , setting himself neer to the altar ; after a while the king and states came ; gardiner with a new testament in his hand , stood near the altar , privately reading it all the while . a cardinal began the masse , consecrated the host , lifted it up an high , shewed his god to the people , they adored it : yet gardiner contained himself all this while . then the cardinal took the host , tossed it to and fro about the chalice , made divers circles , &c. with that gardiner stept to him , took the host out of his hand , and trampled it under his feet , and with his other hand overthrew the chalice . at first all that were present stood amazed ; then arose a great tumult , and one drawing his dagger wounded gardiner in the shoulder , and as he was about to have slain him , the king commanded him to forbear , whereby his life was saved for the present ; the tumult being ceased , the king demanded of him what countryman he was ? he answered , most noble king , i am not ashamed of my countrey , i am an englishmam by birth and religion , and came hither as a merchant , and seeing so great idolatry committed in this famous assembly , i neither ought , nor could any longer suffer it : neither could i forbear doing what you have seen : which thing , most noble prince , was not done in contempt of your presence , god is my witness , but to seek the salvation of this people . the king hearing that he was an englishman , and considering what alteration of religion king edward had made , presently conceited that he was suborned by some body to do this in scorn to their religion ; wherefore he asked him who was the authour and procurer of this act ? gardiner answered that he was not moved thereunto by any man , but only by his own conscience ; for , saith he , there is no man under heaven , for whose sake i would put my self into such manifest danger , but that i owed this service first to god , and then to your salvation : and if i have done any thing which is dispeasing to you , you ought to impute it to no man , but to your self , who so i●reverently use the holy sacrament of the lords supper to so great idolatry , &c. whilst he thus stoutly spake to the king , by reason of the losse of much blood by his wound , he was ready to faint . whereupon chirurgions were sent for to cure him , that he might be reserved for further torments . then were all other englishmen in the city clapped up in prison , especially his bed-fellow , who was grievously tormented and examined more then all the rest , and scarcely delivered after two years imprisonment ; the rest got off sooner . they searched also all his writings and letters , to see if they could find out any confederates ; then they went to him seeking by torments to extort the author of this fact . they also invented a new kind of torment , exceeding phalaris his brazen bull ; which was this : they made a ball of linnen cloth , which with violence they thrust down his throat to the bottom of his stomack , and with a string fastned to it , they pulled it up again ; and this they did divers times , which caused as bitter pains as the pains of death ; but when by this means they could get no confession from him , they asked him if he did not repent of his wicked fact ? whereto he answered , that he was so far from repenting , that if it were to do again he should do it : yet was he somewhat sorry that it was done in the kings presence , to his disturbance , but they were not to blame him for it , but the king was rather to be blamed , who having power , would not prohibit so great idolatry . when they had used all kinds of torments , and that he was so weakned thereby , that he was not like to live long , they first cut off his right hand , then carried him into the market-place , where they cut off his other hand also : then fastning a rope about his middle , with a pully they hoisted him up an high , and making a great fire under him , they let him down , so that his feet only felt the fire , and so often pulling him up and down , they burned him by degrees : and yet in all these great torments he remained constant , and the more terribly that he burnt , the more earnestly he prayed ; when his feet were consumed , they asked him whether he yet did not repent him of his deed ? exhorting him to call upon our lady and the saints . he answered that what torments soever they used , the truth was the same : that which he had confessed in his life , he would not deny at his death ; and that when christ ceased to be our advocate he would pray to our lady , &c. and when they laboured to stop his p●aying to , and praising of god , he with a loud voice reheased the . psalm : which being almost ended , the rope was burned in sunder , so that his body fell down into the fire , where he changed his momentany pains for eternal rest . but the lord suffered not this cruelty to go altogether unpunished in this life ; for a spark of the fire wherewith he was burned , was driven by the wind into the haven , where it set on fire one of the kings great ships , and consumed it : the new-married prince also died within half a year , and the king himself not long after . the martyrdom of a christian jew in constantinople , anno christi , . this jew dwelling ar constantinople , through gods grace , was there converted , baptized , and became a good christian ; which the turks understanding , were vehemently exasperated against him for it , fearing lest his conversion should prove very prejudicial to their mahumetan religion , and therefore they apprehended and cruelly murthered him , and for his greater infamy they cast out his dead body into the open streets , forbidding all strictly to bury it . thus his dead body lay in the streets nine dayes ; yet , through the power of god , it corrupted not at all , yea there proceeded from it a certain delectable sent or odour , which much astonished the turks , so that at last they took it up , and carried it out of the city , and buried it . chap. xxx . the persecution of the church in germany , which began , anno christi , . the gospel being spread abroad in germany , by the means and ministry of luther , and his fellow-labourers , the pope having tried all other means for the suppressing of it , and finding them ineffectual , he at last provokes the emperour charles the fifth by war to destroy the protestants , and for that end gives him two hundred thousand crowns in money for the maintenance of these wars , and ties himself at his own cost to maintain twelve thousand foot and five hundred horse for six moneths ; yea out of his zeale for the cause , he allows the emperour the one half of the revenues of the clergy , and gives him leave to sell off abby-lands to the value of five hundred thousand crowns , whereupon great preparation was made for this war both in germany , spain , and italy , the consideration wherereof caused the confederate protestant princes to raise a great army also for their own defence ; upon which occasion they were proclaimed guilty of high treason by the emperour . the two armies lay near together , and the protestants offered battel to the emperour , but he refused , assuring himself that they could not long continue together : the army of the protestants was commanded by the duke of saxony , and the lantgrave of hessen , who did not concur very well in their counsels ; besides they wanted both victuals and money , so as they were forced to dislodge and retire further off : the emperour following , forced the elector to fight with disadvantage ; and god who doth not alwaies prosper the better cause , gave the victory to the emperour , the duke of saxony and the lantgrave being taken prisoners , anno . presently after ensued a great persecution in many places : authority armed with laws and rigour , striving against simple verity : it was lamentable to hear how many poor men were troubled , both ministers and christians ; some tossed from place to place ; others exiled out of their own countryes ; some driven into woods , and forced to dwell in caves ; some tormented upon the rack , and some burned with fire and faggot ; amongst others , two young men were burnt at bruxels , viz. henry voes and john esch , formerly augustine-friars ; when they came before the inquisitors they were examined what they did believe ? they answered , the books of the old and new testament , wherein were contained the articles of the creed . then were they asked whether they did not believe the decrees of the councels and fathers : they answered such as were agreeing to the scriptures , they believed , &c. when they were condemned , they gave thanks to god their heavenly father , which of his great goodnesse had delivered them from that false and abominable religion , making them priests to himself , and receiving them to himself as a sacrifice of a sweet odour ; they went joyfully to the place of execution , protesting that they died for the glory of god and the doctrine of the gospel as true christians , and that it was the day which they had long desired ; they joyfully embraced the stake , and endured patiently the torments of the fire , singing psalmes , and rehearsing the creed in testimony of their faith ; whereupon one said to them , that they should take heed of glorifying themselves so foolishly ; but of them answered , god fobid that we should glory in any thing but in the crosse of our lord jesus christ ; when the fire was kindled at their feet , one of them said , methinks you do strow roses under my feet ; presently after they quietly slept in the lord. henry being before demanded if luther had seduced him : he answered , even so as christ seduced his apostles . the year after there was one henry sutphen , who , having been with luther , came to antwerp , from which he was driven for his religion ; then did he go to breme , where he was requested by some godly citizens to preach to them , and the citizens hearing him preach the gospel so sin●rely , they were so in love with his doctrine , that they requested him to tarry amongst them to be their minister ; but the popish clergy presently complained of him to the magistrates , accusing him of heresie , and desiring that he might be banished the town ; but not prevailing there , they complained to the archbishop , and sent their chaplains daily to his sermons to entrap him in his words : but it pleased god so to work upon them by his ministery , that most of them were converted , and did openly witness that he taught nothing but the truth of god. not long after he was set for to meldorp , to preach the gospel to them also ; wherefore he thought good to try what god would work by him there ; but the citizens of breme were very unwilling to part with him , because the gospel had not as yet took much deep root amongst them , and because the persecution was very great , &c. yet sutphen alledged , that in diethmarch there was more need of his labours , the people being as sheep amongst wolves , and that with a safe conscience he could not deny their request , and that he did not intend utterly to forsake breme , but only for a moneth or two , after which he would return to them again . so having made all things ready , he went into diethmarch to meldorp , were he was joyfully received . but before he began to preach , the divel and his instruments began to fret and fume , and consulting together , they resolved to hinder him from preaching , fearing that if the people once heard his doctrine , it would be too late to stop it ; hereupon they grievously complained to the magistrates , telling them that if they suffered this heretick to preach , he would infect all the country as he had done at breme , and that it would be a most gratefull service if they would put him to death . this so far prevailed with these ignorant men , that they resolved that he should be put to death unseen and unheard : they wrote also to forbid him to preach , whereunto , he answered , that since he was come at the request of the whole parish to preach , he resolved to answer that call , and rather to obey god than man , and that if god had determined that there he should lose his life , there was as near a way to heaven from thence as from any other place ; assuring himself that sooner or later he must die for the gospels sake : and accordingly the next day he preached , and the people so liked him , that they resolved to have him for their preacher , and to defend him to their power ; in the afternoon he preached again ; afterwards also he preached a third time with such a spirit and grace , that all men admired him , praying god earnestly that they might long enjoy such a preacher ; but his enemies were not all this while idle : for going to the rulers of the country , they procured some of them to joyn with them , and privately raised five hundred men , with whom they went in the night time to meldorp , brake into the house where sutphen lay , pulled him out of his bed naked , and in their rage had almost pulled him to pieces : they then bound him , and asked him for what cause he came into diethmarch ? he gently declared it to them , yet they led him away barefoot : so that his feet being pitifully cut with the ice , he desired a horse to ride on , for which they jeared him , saying , must we provide an horse for an heretick ? thou shalt go on foot whether thou wilt or no : afterwards they bound him with chains , and set him in the stocks : then was he removed to another place and shut up in a cupboard ; the next day binding him , hands , feet and neck , they carried him forth to be burned . then a certain woman came to them , and proffered her self to suffer two thousand stripes , and to give them a great summe of mony if they would but respite his life till he had a publick hearing , but they threw her underfoot and trod upon her ; they also fell upon sutphen , cutting and mangling of him in several parts : the fire was often kindled , yet would not burn ; then they fell upon him again , cutting and slashing him , and at last bound him to a ladder , and threw him into the fire , and when he began to pray , one of them him struck , saying , thou shalt first be burnt , and then pray and prate thy fill ; another trode upon his breast , and another endeavoured to strangle him : another ran him through with an halberd : another struck him on the breast with a mace till he died : and lastly they rosted him upon the coals , and so he finished his martyrdom . about the same time many other godly persons were thrown into the river of rhene and drowned , and in the town of diethmarch another faithful servant of god suffered martyrdom . in hala a godly preacher was slain by a company of cut-throats , set on by the friars . and not long after the town of miltenburg was taken , sacked , many slain , and others imprisoned for maintaining caralostadius to be their preacher : two other godly persons were burned at vienna . also a godly minister for reproving sin in his prince sharply , was condemned to be hanged , and a cruel gentleman with a troop were sent to apprehend and hang him : the gentleman when he came to his house saluted him friendly ; pretending that he came to make good cheer with him , for he was a good house-keeper , and the gentlemen of the country used oft to resort to him ; the minister in a short time prepared ▪ a sumptuous banquet for them , whereof they ate freely . dinner being ended , the gentleman said to his men , take this priest our host and hang him without delay : his servants astonished hereat , abhorred to do the deed , saying , god forbid that we should commit such a crime , as to hang a man that hath used us so courteously , it s a wicked act thus to render evil for good , &c. but the gentleman still provoked them to accomplish his command : then did the minister say , i beseech you shew not such cruelty upon me , rather lead me to purge my self to my prince , before whom i doubt not to purge my self from any thing wherewith i shall be charged , neither so violate ye the lawes of hospitality which i have shewed to you and to other noble men , which used to resort to my house ; besides consider what a sting this act will leave in your consciences : for i have faithfully and truly taught the doctrine of the gospel , and that 's the principal cause that my prince bears me this ill will , &c. but whatsoever this good man could say in his own behalf , the wicked gentleman continued resolute , provoking his servants to accomplish that which he commanded them , withal saying to the minister , you shall gain nothing by your preaching in this sort , for i am fully determined that the princes will shall be fulfilled . at last the servants took the minister , and with great lamentation and mourning , hanged him upon a beam in his own house , the gentleman standing by and looking on . also about the same time there was a godly learned minister , called master peter spengler in a town called schlat , who faithfully discharged the duty of his place , and was much beloved for his affable and courteous carriage : he was also a great peace-maker , and very prudent in composing differences , well studied in the scriptures , whereby he saw that persecution was at hand , the enemies of the truth beginning now to rage , and proudly to lift up their heads ; yea shortly after he saw many bodies of the saints cruelly tormented , beaten , exiled , drowned and burned ; and to the end that he might not defile himself with fornication , he married his maid , who was one that feared god , and by whom afterwards he had many children . about this time there was a great commotion of the boores , who went to abbies and monasteries , robbing , plundering , and spoiling what they could not carry away ; one company of them came to his house , whom he entertained kindly , yet they ransacked and robbed him of all , even to his very apparel , not leaving him so much as a pair of stockings , though he laboured to convince them of their wickednesse ; as they were going out of his house he fell a weeping , and said to them , i tell you that this your wickednesse will in the end bring much mischief upon your selves ; you pretend the gospel , but walk contrary to the rules of it , &c. but for his good counsel they requited him with scoffs and jeers . it pleased god not long after , that this faithful pastor in the night-time was taken by a company of popish souldiers , who bound him hands and feet with a great rope , and so carried him away to friburg : it would have grieved any heart to hear the barbarous and despightful taunts and scoffs that they gave him ; from thence they carried him to another place , where they cast him into prison , cruelly tormented him in his privy members , and other parts of his body , and at last adjudged him to death ; as he was going to execution , he said , i shall be an acceptable sacrifice to my saviour jesus christ , who hath given me a quiet conscience , as knowing my self innocent from the crimes objected against me : for my death , it is all one whether i die thus or no ; for if you had let me alone , i must shortly have forsaken this skin , which already scarcely hangs to my bones . i know that i am a mortal and corruptible worme , i have long desired my last day , and have oft prayed that i might be delivered out of this mortal body , to be joyned with my saviour jesus christ , &c. then was he cast headlong into the river : which afterwards for a certain space was as red as blood . another godly man there was , who ( after the commotion raised by the anabaptists was quieted ) was apprehended under pretence that he was one of them , and cast into prison , in which he was long detained , and at last they hoisted him up with a cord , with a great stone fastned to his feet , where they kept him six hours , so that the sweat that dropped from his body , through pain and anguish , was almost blood : at last his strength ●ailing , they let him down with great violence : where he lay as a stock almost dead , only they perceived him to breath ; then did they use means to recover him , and gave him some food , after which they let him down into a deep dungeon : there he continued eighteen dayes , in the end whereof they took him forth , and examined him of divers things , which he denied : then did they devise sundry kinds of torments to force him to accuse himself falsly , yet he constantly denied it : afterwards they hired an hangman who left no kind of cruelty unpractised upon him : yet at length he was constrained to give over his cruelty , and pronounce the man innocent , in that he had constantly endured so many and grievous torments : then did they again cast him into the dungeon , and in the mean time suborned two false witnesses against him , whereupon they condemned him unheard , and having let down a cord , they drew him up out of the dungeon to his execution ; as he was going to it , a friar perswaded him to confesse his sins in his eare , and he would absolve him , and so he should go to heaven : to whom he answered , thou wicked friar , get thee from me , i have long since bewailed my sins to god , and obtained absolution at the hands of my saviour jesus christ , and therefore i have no need of thy absolution , &c. at the place of execution , after he had made his prayer to god , and vindicated his own innocency , his head was cut off . these were written by oecolampadius . wolfgang scuch coming to hippolitus in lorrain , was chosen to be their pastor , where through gods blessing upon his ministry , he mightily prevailed with the people to bring them from darknesse to light , so that they forsook their former idolatry , and abolished the masse , and other superstitious practices from amonst them , which much enraged their popish neighbours about them , so that they complained to the duke that they had not only fallen from the pope , but went about to cast off their obedience to him , and to shake off his authority : this so provoked the indignation of the duke , that he threatned utterly to destroy the town with fire and sword ; wolfgang being informed hereof , wrote to the duke in most humble wise , defending his ministry and the doctrine which he taught , and the whole cause of the gospel ; he also excused the people as innocent and guiltlesse , confuted the slanders of their malicious adversaries , and professed their ready and willing subjection to that authority which god had placed over them ; but this epistle prevailed nothing by reason of the virulent accusations of their enemies ; whereupon to save the town from ruine , he went of his own accord to the duke to render an account of his doctrine , thereby deriving all the odium and danger upon himself . as soon as he came thither he was apprehended and cast into a straight and stinking prison ▪ where he was most cruelly handled by the churlish jailor : in this plight he remained a whole year , and yet would not shrink from his constancy , though besides his hard usage , he had a wife and five or six small children to care for : then was he called to justifie his faith , which he did wittily and learnedly confuting all that did oppose him : and though they called him heretick , judas , divel , &c. yet he regarded it not , but went on confirming his doctrine by the scriptures : but when his adversaries could not make their part good against him , they took his bible and burned it , and proceeded to condemn him to be burned ; which sentence when he heard pronounced against him , he sang the . psalm . when he came to the place of his martyrdom , they asked him if he would have his pain shortned , he answered no : for saith he , god that hath been with me hitherto , i trust will not now leave me when i have most need of him . when faggots were heaped about him , he sang the . psalm , and so continued singing till the flame and smoak took away his voice and life . shortly after the commendator that sate as chief judg upon him , died suddenly : also his fellow judge hearing the sudden noise of some guns that went off at the coming of the king of denmak into the town , was so overcome with fear , that he suddenly fell down and died . one john huglin , a minister , was burned at mersperg for religion , anno christi . at munchen in bavaria , one george carpenter was apprehended and cast into prison for his religion , and at last was brought forth before the judges , where he stoultly defended the truth , refusing to recant ; then came a schoolmaster to him , saying , my friend , dost thou not feare death ? wouldst thou not fain return to thy wife and children ? to whom he answered , were i at liberty , whether should i go but to my dear wife and children ? then said the schoolmaster , recant your errours and you shall be set at liberty : george answered , my wife and my children are so dear to me , that they cannot be bought from me with all the riches and possessions of the duke of bavaria : but for the love of my lord god i willingly forsake them all . when he went to execution , being again perswaded to recant , he said , i will confesse christ this day before the whole world , for he is my saviour , and in him do i believe . when he was bound to the ladder , some christian brethren desired him , that as soon as he was cast into the fire , he would give them some sign of the truth of his faith ; to whom he said , this shall be my signe , that so long as my tongue can wag i will not cease to call upon the name of jesus . he never changed his countenance , but chearfully went to the fire , and crying continually jesus , jesus , he joyfully yielded up his spirit unto god. also one leonard keyser , a bavarian , being a student at wittenburg , was sent for to come home , his father lying upon his death-bed ; but so soon as he was come , he was apprehended at the command of the bishop ; and though the duke of saxony , and his own friends solicited very earnestly to the bishop for his life , yet he proceeded to condemn him , and delivered him over to the secular magistrate . as he was led to the place of execution , he said , o lord jesus , remain with me , sustain and help me , and give me strength ; when the fire was ready to be kindled , he cryed out with a loud voyce , o jesus , i am thine , have mercy upon me , and save me , and so he quietly slept in the lord. the martyrdome of a godly minister in hungary . a cruel bishop in hungary took a godly minister for preaching the truth ; and caused hares , geese , and hens to be tied round about his naked body , and then set dogs upon him , that cruelly rent and tore whatsoever they could catch , so that he died thereof ; but god left not this cruelty unrevenged ; for shortly after the bishop fell mad , and raving , died miserably . chap. xxxi . the persecutions of the church in the low-countries , in holland there was a grave widow called wendelmuta , to whom it pleased god to reveal his truth , and she became a zealous professour of it , for which she was apprehended and cast into prison , and afterwards brought forth at the sessions , where many monks perswaded her to recant , but could not prevail . many also of her kindred and other women were suffered to perswade with her , amongst which was a noble matron , who coming to her , said , my wendelmuta , why dost thou not keep those things which thou believest secret in thy heart , that thou mayest prolong thy life ? to whom she answered , truly you know not what you say ; for with the heart man beleeves to righteousnesse , but with the tongue confession is made to salvation . then was she condemned to be burnt to ashes , and her goods to be confiscated , which sentence she took patiently and quietly . at the place of her execution a monk brought her a crosse , and bade her to kisse and worship her god , to whom she said , i worship no woodden god , but only that god which is in heaven ; and so with a merry and joyful countenance she went to the stake , desiring the executioner to knock it in fast that it might not fall ; being bound to it , she ardently commended her soul into the hands of god ; when she was to be strangled she modestly closed her eyes , and bowed down her head as one that went to sleep ; after which she was burned to ashes . anno . there were two godly and learned men apprehended in colen , and cast into prison , where they were kept a year and an half , and the sweating sicknesse raging exceedingly at that time in germany , the popish clergy preached that the way to pacifie gods wrath , and to remove the plague , was to cut off hereticks , whereupon these two godly men were brought out , and condemned , and presently after burned . also one nicholas , a godly man , was apprehended at antwerp , bound up in a sack , cast into the river and drowned . also pistorius , a learned and godly preacher , coming from wittenburg into holland , preached against the masse , popish pardons , &c. whereupon he was cast into prison amongst . malefactors , whom he instructed , and much comforted in their distressed condition ; and one of them being half naked , he gave him his gown ; his father visiting him in prison , encouraged him to constancy : at last he was condemned and carried forth to execution with a fools coat on his back ; when he was tied to the stake , he said , o death , where is thy victory ? and so he was first strangled , and then burned . another for speaking against the masse and reliques , was hanged in suevia . another godly minister being commanded to go to sixteen men that were to be beheaded , to counsel and comfort them at their death : when they were executed , was himself bidden to kneel down , and so they cut off his head . also george scherter , a godly minister , that took great pains in instructing his people in the knowledge of the gospel in a town near salizburg , was apprehended and cast into prison , where he wrote a confession of his faith , and afterwards was condemned , first to be beheaded , and then burned . as he went to the execution he said to the spectators , that you may know that i die a true christian , i will give you a signe : and accordingly when his head had been cut off , so long as whilst a man might eat an egge , his body all the while lying upon the belly , it turned it self upon the back , crossing the right foot over the left , and the right hand over the left : by which miracle many were induced to believe the gospel . another godly man was burned at dornick . anno . a godly minister not far from basil , was murthered in his own house by a popish priest , whom he had kindly entertained ; many other ministers about that time , were , some drowned , some beheaded . anno . notice was taken that there were divers godly persons in lovain , whereupon an inquisitor came from bruxels thither , and having gotten a company of souldiers , in the night time he brake into their houses , plucking men and women out of their beds from their children , and casting them into prison : thither the doctors of lovain came , thinking either to convert them or confound them ; but the spirit of god assisting his saints , the doctors went away confounded themselves : then did they cruelly torment every one of them by themselves ; amongst these an aged minister of about sixty years old was condemned to perpetual imprisonment in a dark and stinking dungeon , where he could neither read nor write , nor might any man come to him , and he was fed onely with bread and water . two were burnt alive in the fire ; an aged man was beheaded : two aged women were buried quick : others for refusing to do pennance , were burned also ; all which took their death very patiently and cheerfully . the year after in the same university of lovain , was one master persival , a very learned and godly man , cast into prison , and because he could by no means be brought to recant , he was adjudged to perpetual imprisonment , and there to be fed only with bread and water : neither would they suffer the citizens to send any relief to him : shortly after he was made away in prison . also one justus insberg in the same city , for having a new testament and some of luthers sermons found in his house , was cast into prison , and command given that none should speak with him . at the same time there were prisoners , in a room under him , aegidius and encenas metioned before , whose door being left open accidentally , they went to this poor man ▪ and much confirmed and strengthned him in the faith , insomuch as when the lovain doctors came to perswade him to recant , he before them all made a bold confession of his faith , from which he would not be disswaded , whereupon he was condemned and beheaded . about the same time there was one giles tilleman , a cutler at bruxels , who by diligent reading of the scriptures , through gods grace , was converted , and became very zealous for the truth ; he was also very humble , mild , and merciful ; whatsoever he could spare from his own necessity , he gave it to the poor , living by his trade himself ; some he refreshed with meat , others with cloathing ; to others he gave shooes , to others houshold-stuffe ; to others he ministred godly exhortations for their edification . one poor woman being delivered of a child , and wanting a bed to lye on , he sent her his bed ; and himself was content to lie on the straw ; at last he was discovered and cast into prison ; where much pains was taken to bring him back to popery , but alwayes his adversaries went away with shame ; after eight months imprisonment he was sent to bruxels to be judged , in which place he comforted many that he found in prison there , exhorting them to constancy that they might attain the crown ; most of his food he divided amongst them , contenting himself with some few scraps : he was so ardent in prayer , kneeling by himself in some secret place , that often he forgat himself ; and being many times called to his meat , he neither heard , nor saw them that stood by him till he was lifted up by the armes . divers friars coming to reduce him , he would still request them to go their wayes , for he was at a point ; and when they reviled him , he would not answer them again , insomuch as they reported abroad that he had a dumb devil in him . but when they spake of matters of religion , he answered them freely , mightily confuting them by the scriptures ; often he might have escaped , the prison doors being set open , but he would not , that he might not bring his keeper into trouble ; afterwards he was removed to another prison , where they sought by torments to enforce him to recant : and when all would not prevail , he was condemned to the fire ; which when he heard of , he gave hearty thanks to god for that the hour was come wherein he might glorifie his name . seeing a great pile of wood prepared for his burning , he desired that most of it might be taken away and given to the poor ; for a little , said he , will serve to burn me : and seeing a poor man by that lacked shoos , he gave him his : being tied to the stake the hangman would have strangled him , but he refused , saying , it needs not , i fear not the fire , and so in the midst of the flames he gave up the ghost . anno . and . there was a great persecution all over flanders , so that there was neither town nor city in all the countrey , wherein some were not banished , beheaded , or condemned to perpetual imprisonment : neither was there any respect either of age or sex : but especially at gaunt , many of the chief men were burned for religion . also at the emperours going to bruxels , there was a terrible persecution and slaughter made of gods people in brabant , artois , &c. so that two hundred men and women were apprehended at one time , whereof some were drowned , some buried quick , some privily made away : others sent to perpetual prison ; yea so many others were put to death , that the hands of the hangman were tired with slaying of men . anno . there was one martin , at gaunt , a fishmonger , who lived very dissolutely to his old age ; but it pleased god by a sermon that he heard , to bring him to the knowledge of the truth and to repentance for his former sins , whereupon he left gaunt , and sought out the company of godly christians , who used much reading of the scriptures , by whom he was further instructed and grounded in the truth ; then after three moneths he returned to the city again , where he visited the captives in prison , comforted them in persecution , and confirmed them in the truth which were led to the fire . the friars seeing this , though formerly he had been very bountiful to them , yet now they conspired against him , whereby he was laid in bands , and by sharp and cruel torments they would have enforced him to recant , but not prevailing , he was condemned , and his goods confiscated ; as he stood at the stake , a friar said to him , martin , except thou dost turn , thou shalt go from this temporal to everlasting fire , to whom he answered , it is not for you to judge me ; and so he quietly slept in the lord. the next day after two other men were burned , and a woman buried alive for the same cause , who joyfully and cheerfully suffered martyrdome . at delden two virgins of a noble stock , who frequently and diligently attended sermons , being apprehended and examined , couragiously confessed and maintained the truth , whereupon they were condemned , and the younger was first burned ; in the fire she prayed so ardently for her enemies , that the judges greatly marvelled at it ; then did they exhort the elder , that if she would not recant , yet at least that she would petition to have her punishment changed into beheading instead of burning , whereupon she answered , that she held no errour of which she had cause to repent , but the truth which was consonant to the scriptures , in which she trusted to persevere unto the end : and for the kind of her punishment she feared not the fire , but would rather follow the example of her dear sister , and so being put into the fire she quietly slept in the lord. but this was marvellous , that after their death , the bodies of them both remained white , and unhurt by the fire , whereupon some christians privily in the night buried them . anno christi , . there was in mechlin one andrew thiessen , who had three sonnes and a daughter , whom he carefully brought up in the knowledge of the truth ; after which he went into england , and there died ; two of his sonnes went into germany to study there , and after a time returned home again , instructing their mother , brother , and sister in the right knowledge of christ , which being taken notice of , they were all carried before the magistrate , and exhorted to returne to the church of rome again ; the younger brother and sister , being not so throughly grounded in the truth by reason of their yeares , yielded something and so were sent home again : the mother , who remained constant , was adjudged to perpetual imprisonment : the two elder brethren defended the truth stoutly against the friars ; disputation not prevailing , they proceeded to torments , endeavouring to know of them who was their master , and what fellows they had ? they answered that their master was christ , who bare his crosse before them ; and for fellows they had innumerable , dispersed in all places . at last they were condemned to the fire ; and at the place of execution , they began to exhort the people , whereupon bals were put into their mouths ; which through vehemency in desiring to speak , they thrust out again , intreating them for the lords sake that they might have leave to speak ; and so singing with a loud voice , they were fastened to the stake , where they prayed for their persecutors , exhorted one another , and endured the fire patiently : one of them feeling the violence of the flame , said , o what a small pain is this compared with the glory to come ! and so , committing their spirits into the hands of god , they finished their race . anno . there was a great persecution in dornick ; and amongst others there was one adrian tailor and his wife apprehended , and upon their examination , the man being somewhat timorous , relented something , and so was beheaded : but the woman , being more constant was put into an iron grate and so buried alive . there was also one master peter bruly about the same time , sometimes a preacher in strasburg , but now at the request of the faithful in dornick , a diligent preacher there ; he used to preach in houses , the door standing open ; the magistrate hearing of it , laid wait for him , shutting up the city gates , and searching three days for him ; but the brethren in the night time let him down in a basket over the wall ▪ and when he was down , one of them leaning over the wall to bid him farewel , unawares threw down a loose stone , which falling upon his leg , brake it in pieces ; he complaining of his hurt , the watchmen heard him and apprehended him . then did he give thanks to almighty god , who by that providence staid him there to bear witnesse to his truth : whilst he was in prison , he ceased not to instruct and confirm all them that came to him in the word of grace : after four moneths imprisonment he was condemned to be burnt , and his ashes to be cast into the river ; the friars took care that he should have but a small fire , that his pain might be the more increased , yet he constantly and chearfully suffered martyrdom . god made the ministry of this good man very powerful to many ; amongst others there was one peter mioce , who had lived long in all manner of wickedness and licenciousness ; but being , through gods grace , converted , he excelled all the rest of the brethren in zeale and holinesse ; at last he was apprehended , and being asked whether he was one of peter brulies disciples : he said that he was , and that he had received much benefit by his doctrine : withall professing that his doctrine was consonant to the holy scriptures ; whereupon he was let down into a deep dungeon full of toads and other vermine : afterwards he was brought forth before the senate , who had provided some friars to convert him : to whom he said , when i lived an ungodly life in all manner of vice and wickedness , you never said word to me ; but now for savouring and favouring the word of god , you seek my blood . then did they examine him about sundry articles of religion , to which whilst he was making a full answer , they cut him off , bidding him answer in two words , yea , or no ; whereupon he said , if you will not give me leave to answer fully to things of such importance , send me again to my dungeon amongst the toads and frogs , who will not interrupt me whilst i talk with my lord my god : shortly after he was condemned to be burned : and having a bag of powder hung about his neck , when the fire came to it , it gave a crack : whereupon the friars told the people , that the divel came out of him and carried away his soul to hell . a tyrannous prince in germany apprehended a godly minister , and for his constancy in the truth , put out both his eyes , and kept him a long time in prison , afflicting him with divers kinds of torments ; then did he cause him to be degraded , shaving the skin off his head , and rubbing it with salt till the blood ran down his shoulders , and paring off the ends of his fingers ; so that four days after he patiently yielded up the ghost . not long after there was a godly minister in antwerp , called christopher fabri , that was betrayed by a woman , who pretended a great zeal to religion , and was cast into prison , where he lay for a long time , and endured much misery : at last he was brought forth and condemned to be burnt alive . and when the margrave brought him forth to execution , the people having first sung psalmes , fell to casting of stones against the executioner , so as the poor prisoner being bound , and fire set to him , the margrave durst stay no longer but ran away , and so did the executioner ; but before he fled , by the command of the margrave , he took a hammer and beat out fabrie's brains , and stabbed him into the back with a dagger , so that the people running to save him from the fire found him dead : after which by the command of the margrave , he had a great stone tied about his neck , and was thrown into the river . anno . one nicholas and barbara his wife , and one austin and marrian his wife , germans by birth , went to geneva , where they lived for a space ; then returning through germany they intended to go into england , but having passed through dornick , they were discovered to the lieutenant thereof , who speedily pursuing them , overtook them ; yet at that time god delivered austin out of their hands : but nicholas and the two women were apprehended and carried back by the souldiers ; coming to an inne by the way , at table nicholas gave thanks : whereat the wicked captain swearing grievously , said , let us see , thou lewd heretick , if thy god can deliver thee out of my hand ; nicholas replyed , hath christ ever offended you that by your blasphemous swearing you thus tear him in pieces ? pray you if you have any thing against christ , rather wreak your anger upon this poor body of mine , and let the lord alone ; then did he bind them hands and feet , and carried them to burges , and cast them into the dungeon . divers friers coming to them , nicholas in disputing with them so confounded them , that they went away ashamed , saying , that he had a divel , crying , to the fire with the lutherane . afterwards the magistrate sought to pump out of nicholas what acquaintance he had in that city : but not prevailing with him , he went to his wife , and by flattering speeches and fair promises , he wrought so upon her weaknesse , that he gat out all that she knew , whereupon ensued a great persecution . shortly after nicholas was condemned to be burned , at the hearing of which sentence , he blessed the lord who had counted him worthy to be a witnesse in the cause of his dear and wel-beloved son jesus christ ; at the place of execution hew a commanded not to speak to the people , for if he did , he should have a woodden ball thrust into his mouth ; yet as he was binding to the stake , forgetting the command , he cryed out , o charles , charles , how long shall thy heart be hardned ? with that one of the souldiers gave him a great blow : then he said , ah miserable people , who are not worthy that the word should be preached to you ; the friars crying out that he had a divel , he answered them in the words of david , depart from me all ye wicked , for the lord hath heard the voice of my weeping ; and so commending his spirit into the hands of god , he ended his life in the midst of the flames . marrian was condemned to be buried quick ; and when some earth was thrown upon her , the hangman stamped upon her with his feet till she died . afterwards austin that had before escaped , was apprehended , and being examined , though by nature he was a very timorous and weak man , yet did he stand to the defence of the truth valiantly , and answered his adversaries very boldly . being condemned to be burnt , as he was going to execution , a gentleman drank to him in a cup of wine , exhorting him to pity himself , at least not to destroy his soule : austin thanked him , saying , what care i have of my soule you may see by this , in that i had rather give my body to be burned , then to sin against my conscience . being tyed to the stake and fire set to him , he heartily prayed to the lord , and so patiently departed . anno . the emperour chales the fifth , having obtruded the interim upon germany , many godly ministers were persecuted and driven from their places for opposing the same , as may be seen in my first part of lives . the city of magdenburg also for refusing it , had an army sent against it , which besieged it for a whole year together , whereby many of the godly citizens lost their lives , and others endured great miseries . but at last , gods providence so ordering of it , warre arose betwixt the emperour and the king of france , whereupon peace was granted unto magdenburg upon good terms , and the inhabitants enjoyed their former religion quietly . anno . there was one hostius born at gaunt , who for some time was a member of the french church here in london in king edwards days : but in the beginning of queen maries reign , he went vvith his family to norden in frizeland : and aftervvards having some businesse to gaunt , he went thither , where he instructed many of his friends in the truth ; and hearing that a friar used to preach good doctrine , he went to hear him ; but the friar that day defended transubstantiation , which so grieved him , that he could scarce refrain from speaking till the sermon was ended . when the friar was come down from the pulpit , he charged him for preaching false doctrine , perswading the people by the scripture , that the bread was but the sacrament of the lords body ; but the people making a tumult , carried him out of the church in a croud ; and he had not gone far before he was apprehended by an officer , and carried to prison ; then came divers friars to reason with him ; and he stood to the trial of the scriptures only , which they refused . during his imprisonment he wrote a consolatory letter to his wife , exhorting her to bring up his children in the fear of god. being condemned , he was commanded not to speak to the people ; being bound to the stake , he prayed for his enemies , and was first strangled , and then burnt . the same year there was at dornick one bertrand , who to enjoy the freedome of his conscience went to wesell ; but being desirous to draw his wife and children thither , he went thrice to dornick to perswade her to go with him ; yet could he by no means prevail with her ; then did he set his house in order , desiring her to pray that god would establish him in the work that he went about ; and on christmas day he went to the great church at dornick ; and the priest being at masse , when he was about to elevate the host , bertrand took the cake out of his hand and trampled it under his feet , saying , that he did it to shew the glory of that god that they worshipped , or rather what little power he had ; labouring to perswade them that the cake was not their saviour ; at first the people stood amazed , but presently they raised such a tumult that bertrand hardly escaped with life . the governour hearing of it , was exceedingly enraged , and sent for bertrand into the castle , asking him whether he was sorry for his fact , and whether he would do it if it were to do again ? bertrand answered , that he would , and if he had a hundred lives to lose , he would lose them all in that quarrel ; then was he thrice put to the rack and tormented cruelly to draw from him who were his setters on ; yet could they get nothing from him : then was he condemned , and drawn from the castle to the market-place with a ball of iron in his mouth : there he was set upon a stage , and had his right hand wherewith he did the fact , crushed between two hot irons with sharp edges , till the form of his hand was quite changed ; then did they bring other red hot irons for his right foot , which they used as they had done his hand , which he with marvellous patience and constancy underwent , putting out his foot of his own accord to them ; then taking the ball of iron out of his mouth , they cut out his tongue : notwithstanding which , he continually called and cryed unto god , which caused them to thrust in the ball of iron again ; then was he let down in an iron chaine upon the fire and pulled up again , and so they continued pulling up and letting him down till he was burnt to ashes , which ashes they threw into the river . from locrane in helvetia the ministers were banished , but were entertained by the tigurines . two other good men born in dornick , went into divers reform●d churches , where they increased much in knowledge and godlinesse , and at last resolved to return to dornick , to do what good they could in their own country ; and it so fell out that on a day when many good people were gone to a wood to hear the word of god preached to them by a minister of jesus christ , their adversaries having intelligence of it , followed them thither , and took about thirty of them , amongst whom were these two men , who fell to singing of psalms , supposing that they should be presently burned ; but afterwards they were condemned to be beheaded ; and so they comfortably ended their lives . also divers godly men and women suffered martyrdome at valence , amongst whom was james faber , an old man , who , when they argued with him about his religion , said , though i cannot satisfie you by reasoning , yet i can constantly abide and suffer for the truth of the gospel . also one godfride , being condemned at dornick for an heretick ; nay said he , not an heretick , but an unprofitable servant of jesus christ. when the hangman would have strangled him to ease his pain in burning , he refused , saying , that he would abide the sentence of death which was passed upon him . besides these , there were both in the upper and lower germany many others secretly made away ; some drowned : some bured quick ; some murthered in prison , &c. a godly minister was also poisoned by a priest at erford for preaching the truth of christ ; besides many others . in the city of lile the gospel was secretly preached for three years together , sometimes in houses , then in woods , fields , and caves of the earth , not without hazard of their dearest lives if they had been discovered ; yet did not dangers cool the zeal of gods people ; but what was preached , was accordingly practised amongst them ; works of mercy and charity were their exercise , not only towards those of the houshold of faith , but towards those which were without also ; so as many by means hereof were drawn and brought to the knovvledge of christ. this so enraged satan and his instruments , that anno , the time being come wherein god had given them power to try and exercise the faith of his people , they neglected not to shew their cruelty upon them : and for that end one night about ten of the clock , the provost of the city with his armed sergeants made search to see if they could find any met together ; but , by gods providence , there was no meeting of gods people at that time ; then went they to the house of one robert oguire , which was a little church ; for all in it , both small and great , were familiarly instructed in the knowledge and fear of god. being violently entred into the house , seeking up and down for their prey , they found certain books which they took away with them : but baudizon the son of robert , whom they principally sought after , was not then at home , being gone abroad to confer of the word with some of the brethren . before the provost was departed , baudizon came home , and knocked at the door . martin his younger brother , who watched for his coming , bade him presently to be gone : but he thinking that he had mistaken him for some other , continued knocking , saying , it is , i open the door . then came the sergeants and opened the door , and laying hold on him , said , ah sir , you are well met , and with that the provost arrested him in the emperours name , withall causing the father , mother , and two sons to be bound , and so carried them away towards the prison ; as they went through the streets , baudizon said aloud : oh lord , assist us by thy grace , not only to be prisoners for thy names sake , but to confess thy holy truth in all purity before men , so far as to seal the same with our blood , for the edification of thy poor church ; they were all cast into several prisons , yet remained chearfull , praising god for accounting them worthy to suffer for his truth ; and after a few dayes they were all brought forth before the magistrates , who speaking to robert oguire said ; we hear that you never come to masse ; that you disswade others from it ; that you keep conventicles in your house , where erroneous doctrine is preached , &c. robert answered , i indeed refuse to go to mass , because the death and precious blood of christ is utterly abolished there , and troden under foot , &c. and i cannot deny but there have met together in my house honest people , fearing god ; not with intention to harm any , i assure you , but for the advancement of gods glory , and the good of many , &c. then one demanded what they did when they met together ; to which baudizon ansvvered , when vve meet together in the name of our lord jesus christ to hear the word of god , vve first , falling on our knees before god , in the humility of our spirits , do make confession of our sins before his divine majesty : then we pray that the word of god may be rightly divided , and purely preached ; then we pray for our soveraign lord the emperour , that the common-wealth may be peaceably governed to the glory of god ; yea we forget not you whom we acknowledge our superiours , intreating our good god that you may maintain this city in tranquillity , &c. thus you hear what we do in our assemblies : and if you will not be offended to hear the summe of our prayers , i am ready to recite the same unto you . one of the magistrates wished him to go on , whereupon kneeling down , he prayed before them all with such fervency of affection , and ardency of zeal , that it forced the magistrates to break forth into tears ; baudizon rising up , said , your masterships may hereby take a scantling how we are imployed in our meetings . being further examined , every one of them made an open confession of his faith , and so were returned to prison again ; and not long after they were tortured upon the rack to make them confesse who they were that met at their house : but they would discover none but such as they knew were at that time out of their reach . four or five dayes after , the men were again convented before the magistrates , who asked them if they would submit themselves to the will of the magistrates : robert and baudizon said they would ; but martin the younger sonne said , he would not submit thereto , but would accompany his mother , and so he was sent back to prison ; and the father with his eldest son were presently adjudged to be burnt alive . sentence being pronounced , one of the judges said , this day shall you go to dwell with all the divels in hell fire ; then were they returned to prison , praising god , and by their patience and constancy , conquerred the rage and fury of their enemies ; in prison there came some friars to them , telling them that the hour was come wherein they must finish their dayes : they answered ; blessed be the lord our god , who now delivering our bodies out of this vile prison , will receive our souls into his glorious and heavenly kingdom . then said one of the friars , father robert , thou art an old man , i intreat thee in this thy last hour think of saving thy soule ; and if thou wilt give ear to me , i le warrant thee thou shalt do well ; robert answered , poor man , how darest thou assume that to thy self which belongs to god alone , and so rob him of his honour ? &c. another wishing him to pity his soul , he said , dost thou not see what pity i have on it , when for the name of christ i am willing to give my body to the fire , hoping to day to be with him in paradise , &c. then said a friar , out dog , thou art not worthy the name of a christian : thou and thy sonne are resolved to damne your soules with all the divels in hell . then would they have severed the father from his son , which baudizon perceiving , said , pray you let my father alone , he is an old man , hinder him not from receiving the crown of martyrdome . another friar said , away varlet , thou art the cause of thy fathers perdition . whilst baudizon was stripping and fitting himself to be sacrificed , some of the friars had fastned a crucifix in the old mans hands , perswading him that it would please the people , and that for all that , he might lift up his heart to god , &c. but so soon as baudizon saw it , he said , alasse father , what do you now ? will you play the idolater at your last hour ? and so pulling the idol out of his hand , he threw it away . at the place of execution they were set upon a scaffold , and baudizon desired leave to make a confession of his faith : answer was made , that he might confess himself to a friar if he would , which he refusing , was readily haled to the stake , where he began to sing the . psalm ; then said a friar , do you not hear what wicked errors these hereticks sing , to beguile the people withall ? baudizon hearing him , replyed : thou simple idiot , callest thou the psalms of david errours ? but no marvel , for thus are ye wont to blaspheme against the spirit of god. then seeing them about to chain his father to the stake , he said to him , be of good courage father , the worst will be past by and by . then did he often breath forth : oh god , father everlasting , accept the sacrifice of our bodies for thy well-beloved son jesus christ his sake . a friar cryed , out heretick thou liest ; god is none of thy father ; the divel is thy father . baudizon fixing his eys upon heaven , said to his father , behold , i see the heavens open , and millions of angels ready to receive us , and rejoycing to see us thus bearing witness to the truth in the view of the world . father , let us rejoyce and be glad , for the joys of heaven are opened to us . then said a friar , i see hell open , and millions of divels are ready to carry you thither . a poor man in the croud cryed out , be of good comfort baudizon , stand to it , thou fightest in a good quarrel , i am on thy side ; which words so soon as he had spoken , he departed , and so hastened himself from danger . the fire being kindled , baudizon oft said to his father , yet a very little while and we shall enter into the heavenly mansions ; the fire encreasing , the last words which they spake , were , jesus christ thou sonne of god , into thy hands we commend our spirits , and so they sweetly slept in the lord. after the death of these worthy champions of christ , many of the popish rabble were sent , if possible , to seduce the mother and son remaining in prison ; and coming to them , the first subtilty they used was to separate them asunder ; then they set upon the woman as the weaker vessel , and so wrought upon her that she began to waver and let go her first faith ; this the adversaries much rejoyced in ; and the poor flock of christ in that place hearing of it , were as much afflicted with the news ; but god left them not in this mournful condition long : for a monk one day going to her , perswaded her to draw her sonne martin to the same recantation with her self , which she promised to do ; but when they came together , martin perceiving the grievous apostacy of his mother , bewailed it with many tears , saying to her , oh mother , what have you done ? have you denied him that redeemed you ? alas what injury hath he done you that you should requite him with so great an injury and dishonour ? now am i plunged into that woe which i most feared ; ah good god that i should live to see this , which pierceth me to the very heart ? his mother hearing his pittiful complaints , and seeing him drowned in tears for her sake , began again to renew her strength in the lord , and with tears cryed out , oh father of mercies , be merciful to me miserable sinner , and cover my transgression under the righteousnesse of thy blessed son : lord enable me with strength from above to stand to my first confession , and make me to abide stedfast therein even to my last breath . presently in came the seducers , hoping to finde her in the same minde that they left her ; but she no sooner saw them , but cryed , avoid satan , get thee behind me , for henceforth thou hast nether part nor portion in me ; i will by the help of god stand to my first confession , and if i may not sign it with ink , i will seal it with my blood : and so after this time , through gods gracious assistance , she grew stronger and stronger ; then were they both condemned to be burnt alive , and their ashes to be sprinkled in the aire . when the sentence was passed , as they returned to prison , they said ; now blessed be god who causeth us thus to triumph over our enemies . this is the wished hour , our gladsome day is come ; let us not therefore forget to be thankfull for that honour that god doth us in thus conforming us to the image of his sonne . let us remember those that have troden this path before us ; for this is the high-way to the kingdom of heaven , &c. hereupon some of the friars , being ready to burst for anger , said unto martin that was most valiant , we see now heretick that thou art wholly possest body and soul with a divel , as were thy father and brother , who are now in hell . martin answered , as for your railings and cursings , god will this day turn them into blessings in the sight of himself and all his holy angels . when they came into prison , there came to them two persons of great quality , of whom one of them said to martin , young man , i have compassion on thee ; if thou wilt be ruled by me , and return to the church of rome , thou shalt not only be freed from this shameful death , but i will also give thee an hundred pounds ; martin presently replyed , sir , you present before me many temporal commodities : but alas ! do you think me so simple , as to forsake an eternal kingdome for the enjoyment of a short temporal life ? no sir , it s now too late to speak to me of worldly commodities ; i will hearken to no other speech but of those spiritual commodities which i shall enjoy this day in gods kingdome , &c. soon after martin and his mother were carried to the place of their martyrdome , and being bound to the stake , the woman said : we are christians , and that which we now suffer , is not for murther nor theft , but because we will believe no more than the word of god teacheth us . the fire being kindled , the heat of it did nothing abate the fervency of their seal , but they continued crying , lord jesus into thy hands we commend our spirits , and so they blessedly slept in the lord. a friar at gaunt called charles coninck , being through gods mercy converted to the truth , left his friars weed , and joyned himself to the brethren ; for which he was apprehended ; and remaining constant , was condemned : then came a special friend perswading him to recant , and he would procure him a cannonship : to whom charles answered , sir , i thank you for your good will and kind offer , but i cannot accept them without offending god ; and that rest is no true rest and quietnesse , which is obtained against the peace of a good conscience : shortly after his death , one of his adversaries which had the greatest hand in procuring of it ; fell into grievous terrour and horrour of conscience , whereof within a few dayes he died . the persecution of the duke de alva in the netherlands . when the light of the gospel was much spread abroad in the netherlands : king philip of spaine sent the duke de alva with a great army to root out the professors of it , who exercised unparalell'd cruelty against all sorts of persons , both of the nobility and commons , permitting his souldiers to ravish honest matrons and virgins , many times causing their husbands and parents to stand by and behold it . this duke on a time boasted at his own table that he had been diligent to root out heresie : for that beside those which he had slain in war , in the space of six years he had put into the hands of the common hangman above eighteen thousand persons . his sonne also don frederick being sent by him to zutphen , was re-received by the bourgers without any opposition , yet was he no sooner entred , but he fell to murther , hang and drown a number of the inhabitants , with infinite cruelties shewed upon wives and virgins ; yea , not sparing the very infants . from thence marching to naerden in holland , the inhabitants made an agreement with him , and he entred the town peaceably ; but never did turks or scythians , or the most barbarous and inhumane nations in the world , commit more abominable cruelties than don frederick did in this town ; for when the bourgers had given the best entertainment that they could to him and his souldiers , he caused it to be proclaimed , that they should all assemble themselves together in the chappel of the hospital , where they should be made acquainted with such laws , according to which they should hereafter govern themselves ; but when these poor people were thus assembled , he commanded his souldiers to murther them all , without sparing any one ; the men were massacred , the women were first ravished , and then murthered most cruelly , the children and infants had their throats cut , and in some houses they tied the inhabitants to posts , and then set fire on the houses , and burnt them alive ; so that in the whole town , neither man , wife , maid , nor child , old nor young were spared ; and then the town was wholly razed to the ground without pity or mercy . after this don frederick besieged harlem , which held out against him for a long time , but at last , their provision being spent , they made bread of linseed of turnups , and lived upon the flesh of horses , dogs , cats , and such like : and this also in the end failing them , they were enforced to surrender the town upon composition , by which they were to pay two hundred and fourty thousand florins to redeem themselves and town from spoil . don frederick having thus got the town into his hands , commanded that at the tolling of the great bell , all the bourgers and souldiers should bring their armes into the state-house , that the townsmen should go into the cloister of zyel , the women into the cathedral church , and the souldiers into another church , this done , all the ensigne-bearers were singled out and imprisoned , and whilst the poor bourgers were guarded in the church , the perfidious spaniards plundered their houses ; the next day this bloody don frederick caused three hundred walloons to be hanged and headed : the next day captain riperda and his lieutenant were beheaded , and a godly minister called stembach , was hanged , and two hundred fourty seven souldiers were drowned in the sea of harlem ; the next day a great number were executed , and the day following three hundred more souldiers and bourgers lost their heads , and with them a godly minister called simon simonson : presently after three of the principal men lost their heads , and shortly after all the english and scots were beheaded , and to fill up this sea of blood , all the wounded and sick were beheaded before the hospital door . in the mean time a party of souldiers that lay without in a sconce , were all starved to death . not long before , the strong town of valenciennes in henault , having set up the free exercise of the reformed religion amongst them , were presently besieged by an army under the signior of noircarmes ; the siege lasted about three months , and the citizens having no hope of relief , at last treated and surrendred the city upon good conditions ; but noircarmes being entred , he kept the city gates shut for divers dayes , and most perfidiously and barbarously hanged up all the french souldiers , with all the ministers and protestant merchants , and confiscated their goods . but besides these generals , let us also view some particulars . anno . there was in flanders one john herwin , a souldier of a very dissolute life : but god having a purpose to shew him mercy , put it into his heart to go into england , and accordingly he came to london in the beginning of queen elizabeths reigne , and by gods good providence was entertained in a brewers family , where both master and servants feared god : his master caused him often to go to the dutch church , where , by the ministry of the word he first began to tast , and afterwards more and more to increase in the saving knowledge of christ. after a while he returned back into flanders , and at furne he was presently laid wait for by the popish bailiffe ; this occasioned his removal to honscot ; and yet there also the bailiffe being informed of him , went in the night with his sergeants , and apprehended him ; by the way they met some drunkards in the streets ; whereupon the bailiffe said , we have , as they say , many gospellers in this town , but it little appears by these disorders . herwin hearing him , said , is drunkennesse a sin master bailiffe ? the bailiffe answered , what of that ? herwin replyed , why then do you not commit these men to prison , seeing it is your office to punish vice , and to protect them that fear god ? to this the bailiffe answered not . in the prison herwin behaved himself so vertuously , that every one admired him . being somewhat long before he was called before the magistrate , he was much troubled at it , his heart being inflamed with an holy zeal to confesse jesus christ before his judges . yet many of the brethren were very fearful of him , considering what his former life had been , and what a novice he as yet was in the profession of the gospel . at last he had his hearts desire , being brought before the sheriffe ; there a priest was provided to dispute with him , to whose questions herwin answered with such soundnesse of judgement and modesty , that it easily appeared that he had profited well in christs school . being asked of christs real presence in the sacrament , he answered , that the highest dwelleth not in temples made with hands , &c. whereupon he admonished his judges to examine the doctrine of the church of rome by the true touchstone of gods word , whereby they might easily see how contrary it is to the scriptures , &c. and having made a free profession of his faith , he craved justice one way or other ; but they still urged him to recant , to which he answered , my faith is not built upon mans opinion , but the lord hath taught me to eschew evil , and to do good ▪ then was he returned to prison again . during his imprisonment he was dangerously assaulted by some subtile and cunning friars , who alledged the sayings of diverse of the fathers , to prove their transubstantiation ; but he , through gods mercy , holding close to the word of christ , overcame them . in prison he used to recreate himself by singing of psalms , and the people used to flock together to the prison door to hear him ; this so angred the popish clergy , that they sought to hinder him from singing , and for this end they caused two desperate malefactors to be put into the same room with him ; but within a few dayes , these villains brake prison and escaped , leaving opportunity to herwin to escape also ; but he , fearing that his flight might be prejudicial to other godly persons in the city , upon whom it would be charged , resolved rather to remain there , than to flie : presently after news was brought him that sentence of death was passed upon him , whereupon he thanked god for advancing him to so high an honour as to be accounted worthy to suffer for his name : testifying the inward joy which he felt in his soul by a letter that he wrote to the brethren , wherein he exhorted them to constancy and perseverance in the doctrine of the truth which they had received from god : within a few dayes after he was carried forth to hear his sentence , at which time the magistrate by earnest intreaties and large promises sought to bring him to a recantation , and to worship their breaden god , promising that thereupon he should be presently released : but herwin refusing their offer of life upon those termes , was bound and carried into a chappel where they celebrated the masse ; at which time , to shew his detestation of their idolatry , he turned his back , winked with his eyes , and stopped his eares . at the elevation of the host one asked him if jesus christ was not now between the priests hands ? to which he answered , no , he is in heaven at the right hand of his father : then was the sentence of death read against him . as he was going to execution , he said to the people , see here how this wicked world rewards the poor servants of jesus christ : whilst i was a drunkard , a player at cards and dice , living in all dissolutenesse and ungodly behaviour , i was never in danger of these bonds ; yea , i was then counted a good fellow , and at that time , who but i ? but no sooner began i , through gods grace , to seek after a godly life , but presently the world made war upon me , and became mine enemy , &c. yet this discourageth me not ; for the servant is not better than his lord ; seeing they persecuted him , no question but they will persecute us . at the place of execution , one gave him his hand , and comforted him : then began he to sing the . psalm , whereupon a friar interrupted him , saying , oh john turn , there is yet time and space ; the martyr disregarding his words , turned his back upon him ; and some of the company said to the friar , turn thou , thou hypocrite ; and so herwin quietly finished his psalm ; many joyning with him in singing of it ; then said the friar , be not offended good people to hear this heretick to sing of god ; the people answered , hold thy peace thou balaamite , here is no body offended . there were present at least four hundred that encouraged the martyr to continue to the end , as he had well begun ; to whom he answered brethren , i fight under the standard , and in the quarrel of my great lord and captain jesus christ. then he prayed , and so went into his cabin made with fagots , saying to the people , i am now going to be sacrificed ; follow you me when god of his goodnesse shall call you to it : and so he was first strangled , and then burnt to ashes . anno . there was apprehended in antwerp one john de boscane , who for his constancy in religion was condemned to death : but the magistrate fearing an uproare if he should put him to death publickly , knowing that he was a man free of speech , and beloved of the people , he resolved for this cause secretly to drown him in the prison ; and for this end a tub with water was provided , and an executioner sent to drown him ; but the water was so shallow , and the martyr so tall , that he could not possibly be drowned therein ; whereupon the executioner gave him many wounds and stabs with a dagger , and so this holy martyr ended his life . about the same time another servant of jesus christ , having made a bold profession of his faith , was in the same city sentenced to death ; and because they du●st not execute him publickly , they privately sent and beheaded him in prison ; his name was john de buisons . the godly in this city of antwerp , being desirous to take all opportunities to meet together in the fear of god , on a day when the popish party was met to behold great triumphs , they withdrew themselves out of the city , and went into a wood , where their minister preached the word of god to them ; the drosart of marksem being advertised hereof , took his officers and went thitherward ▪ by the way he met with some poor boyes that were cowherds ; to whom he promised new cloaths if if they would bring him to the place in the wood where their assembly was ; which they undertaking , he sent some of his officers along with them into the wood , who coming to the place like wolves , the sheep of christ began to flie : the minister seeing their fear , admonished them not to stir ; the persecutors were not above five or six , and the persecuted four or five hundred , so that they might easily have resisted them , but they would not . the officers chiefly aimed to apprehend the minister , and having caught one of the assembly , they thought him to be the man , crying one to another , hold the priest fast , striking him with their pistols and staves , and so carried him to the drosart ; they caught also two or three more , which afterwards made an escape : the man only that remained with the drosart whose name was bartholomew , was often set upon to be turned aside from his holy profession ; why , say they , cannot such a young man as thou art content thy self with our religion and glorious church , adorned with gold , silver , precious stones , in which there is such melodious musick , both of voices and instruments , but thou must needs joyn thy self to that church that is hated , despised , and exposed to all manner of contempt ? bartholomew overcame all these tentations by the power of the almighty , saying , that which is greatly esteemed amongst men , is altogether abominable in the sight of god ; then was he condemned and beheaded ; by which death he glorified god. anno . there were apprehended in antwerp , one scoblant , john de hues , and joris coomans , who being cast into prison were very oyful , confessing that nothing befell them but by gods divine providence , as they acknowledge in a letter which they wrote to the brethren , wherein they thus write , seeing it is the will of god that we should suffer for his name , and in the quarrel of his gospel , we certifie you , dear brethren , that we are joyful ; and however the flesh continually rebels against the spirit , counselling ever and anon according to the advice of the old serpent : yet we are well assured that christ , who hath bruised , will still bruise the serpents head , and not leave us comfortlesse ; we are indeed sometimes pricked in the heele , yet we are not discouraged , but keep our faith close to the promises of god , &c. be not therefore dismayed for our bands and imprisonment ; for it is the good will of god towards us , and therefore we pray that he will give us grace to persevere constantly unto the end . shortly after scoblant was brought to his trial , where he made a good confession of his faith , and so was condemned . returning to prison , he earnestly requested the jailor that he would not suffer the friars to come and trouble him ; for , said he , they can do me no good , seeing the lord hath already sealed up the assurance of my salvation in my heart , by his holy spirit . i am now going to my spouse , and putting off this earthly mantle , to enter into his celestial glory , where i shall be freed from all superstitions . would to god that i might be the last that these tyrants should put to death , and that their thirst might be so quenched with my blood , that the poor church of christ might henceforth enjoy rest and quiet . when he was to go forth to execution , he sung the fourtieth psalme with his fellow prisoners , then said the lords prayer , and so kissing each other , they commended one another unto god with many teares . being tied to the stake , he was burned alive , calling upon the name of the lord. john hues died in prison , whereupon joris wrote thus to his friends ; brethren , i am now left alone , whereas we were three in number . john hues is now dead in the lord ; and yet i am not altogether alone , seeing the god of abraham , isaac and jacob is with me ; he is my exceeding great reward , and will not fail to reward me so soon as i shall have laid down this earthly tabernacle . pray unto god that he will strengthen me to the end ; for every hour i expect the dissolution of this house of clay . when he was brought forth before the judges , and examined of his faith , he answered freely , and proved what he said by the holy scriptures ; and being asked whether he was resolved to die for the faith which he professed ? he answered , i will not only venture to give my body , but my soul also for the confirmation of it ; and so being condemned , he was shortly after burned , dying with much comfort . the persecution growing hot in flanders , one giles annik , and john his sonne removed to emden ; but by reason of their sudden departure they could not take their wives with them ; whereupon in the year . they returned back to fetch their wives , who were at renay ; yet in regard of the danger , they durst not go into the town openly , but took up their lodging in the evening , at an honest mans house called lewis meulin . now it so fell out that that very night the enemies had appointed to make a secret search after such as professed the gospel , and so passing by this house , and seeing the light of a candle in it , expecting their prey , they forced open the door , and took these two , together with their host prisoners , god having appointed them to bear witnesse to his truth : after they had been in prison awhile , they were all three condemned for hereticks ; and presently after giles , the father , was burned . john , the son , being fetched to execution , when he saw the man that first apprehended him , he called him to him , saying , i forgive thee my death , and so he , with lewis meulin , were both beheaded . about the same time there was also a godly widow apprehended and cast into prison , her crime was , for that about two years before she had suffered a minister to preach in an out-house on the backside of her dwelling . she was very charitable in relieving the poor , and every way shewed forth the fruits of a true saving faith : after seven moneths imprisonment she was condemned to die , and a priest coming to her , to hear confession , she spake to him with such a divine grace , and with a spirit so replenished with zeal , that he went from her with teares trickling down his cheeks , saying , i came to comfort you , but i have more need to be comforted of you : when she was carried forth to execution , she went with much boldnesse and joy of heart , and having her head cut off , she sweetly slept in the lord. there was also one christopher gauderin , that at first was brought up under the abbat of hename ; but the abbat dying , he betook himself to the weaving of linnen , and quickly grew expert in his trade ; but having been trained up in a bad schoole , when the sabbath came , he spent riotously what he had gotten all the week by his labour : now , through gods mercy , it so fell out that a godly man working with him , would often tell him of the danger of his present condition , exhorting him rather to distribute his gettings to the poor , assuring him that if he spent his money so wastfully , god would call him to an account for it : these with the like exhortations so wrought upon him through the grace of god , that he began to change his course , and in stead of frequenting taverns , he became a diligent hearer of sermons , and gave himself much to reading of the holy scriptures ; so that not long after he was called by the church to the office of a deacon , which he discharged carefully and faithfully . shortly after having occasion to go to a place called audenard , to distribute some almes to the poor there , he was apprehended ; and the bailiffe that had formerly seene him in the abbats house , asked him how he came to turn heretick ? nay , said he , i am no heretick , but a right believing christian , and what i learned of him i am now ashamed to remember . in prison he had many disputes about his faith , which he so maintained and defended by the word of god , that he silenced all his adversaries . some told him that he would cast away himsef in his youth , being but thirty years old , to whom he answered , that mans life consisted but of two dayes , viz. the day of his birth , and the day of his death , and therefore he must needs die once , and for my part , said he , i am now willing by death to passe into eternal life . when news was brought him in the evening that he must die the next day , he retired himself , and poured out his soul in prayer unto god till ten a clock ; and after his rest , the like he did the next morning : having ended his prayer , he put on a clean shirt and washed himself ; saying to his fellow-prisoners , brethren , i am now going to be married , i hope ere noon to drink of the wine of the kingdome of heaven ; when he came down he found three other prisoners that were to suffer with him . these four exhorted and encouraged one another to suffer patiently and constantly ; then came a friar , saying , that he came to convert them , to whom christopher said , away from us thou seducer of souls , for we have nothing to do with thee ; the hangman coming to put gagges into their mouths ; one of them said , what ? shall we not have liberty at this our last hour to praise god with our tongues ? christopher answered , let not this discourage us , the more wrong our enemies do to us , the more assistance we shall finde from god ; and so ceased not to comfort them till himself was gagged also ; their sentence was that they should be hanged for hearing sermons : and so with admirable constancy they yielded up their souls to god ; one of them being a woman was condemned to be beheaded , because she had sung psalms , and exhorted her neighbours out of the word of god , at a womans upsitting : her body was grown very feeble , so that she was caused to sit on a stool , where she received three blows with a sword overthwart her teeth : yet did she constantly sit still till she received the crown of martyrdom , anno . about the same time there was in a town a mile distant from gand , a minister whom it pleased the lord to illuminate with the saving knowledge of his gospel , whereupon he became a diligent and faithful preacher of it , both in his life and doctrine ; yea , he went from house to house exhorting and comforting every one as he had occasion out of the word of god ; and above all , labouring with them to beware of the abominable superstitions of the papacy . the popish clergy of gand having intelligence hereof , fearing lest by this means , their doctrine and authority would come into contempt , caused him to be apprehended and cast into a deep and dark hole , where he remained bearing his affliction patiently , and calling upon god night and day , praising him for accounting him worthy to suffer for his names sake . whilst he lay there , many good people came to visit him , receiving such instructions and consolation from him , that they could not be drawn to leave him till necessity enforced , neither then could they depart without abundance of tears . the priests and friars sought by all means to draw him to a recantation , but to no purpose , for he still kept himself close to the word of god , which so vexed them , that at last they procured his condemnation to be hanged . the spanish souldiers which carried him to execution , would needs have him burned , binding and straining him exceedingly with cords , and in the way abused him shamefully with mocks and scoffs , thrusting him forwards and striking him ; the captain also gave him a blow on the face with his gantlet , which much disfigured him ; yea they used him worse then a dog , being the more enraged against him , because of his patient and meek carriage ; at last they thrust him into a little cabin piled with fagots , and so burnt him , continually calling upon god till he resigned up his spirit to him . anno . there was a goldsmith dwelling in breda , who had long been a deacon of the church in that place , his name was peter coulogue : in his house the church often met for the service of god ; the popish adversaries being much enraged hereby , cast him into prison , which the faithful much grieved at , and endeavoured to visit and comfort him : this the enemies taking notice of removed him into the castle ; during his abode there , though all others were excluded from him , yet his maid-servant brought him his food daily , never ceasing to confirm and comfort him out of the word of god , as well as she was able , for which at length they imprisoned her also : this she was right glad of , thinking her self happy to suffer for righteousness sake . not long after peter was put to the torment , which he endured patiently ; then did they fetch betkin also to it , whereupon she said , my masters , wherefore will you put me to this torture , seeing i have no way offended you ? if it be for my faiths sake , you need not torment me , fos as i was never ashamed to make a confession thereof , no more will i now be at this present before you , but will , if you please , freely shew you my mind therein ; yet for all this they would have her to the rack , whereupon she again said , if i must needs suffer this pain , i pray you give me leave to call upon my god first : this they consented to : and whilst she was fervently pouring out her prayers unto god , one of the commissioners was surprised with such a fear and terrour , that he fell into a swoon , and could not be recovered again , by which means the poor maid escaped racking . shortly after , these two innocent persons were condemned to be burned , and as they were led to execution , there was much lamentation amongst the people . peter and betkin prayed earnestly unto god to strengthen them , and perfect the good work that he had begun in them , and to assist them till they had finished their course . the courage and constancy of the maid did so work upon many of the people , godly men and women , that not considering the danger , they brake through the multitude , embracing the prisoners , and praising god for their constancy , saying to them , fight manfully , for the crown is prepared for you : at the place of execution betkin with a chearful and amiable countenance spake thus to the people : dear brethren and sisters , be alwayes obedient to the word of god , and fear not them that can kill the body , but have no power over the soul : as for me , i am now going to meet my glorious spouse the lord jesus christ ; then falling upon their knees they prayed to the lord with great devotion ; and the executioner fastening them to the stake , strangled peter , betkin encouraging him till he yielded up the ghost , and till the fire had taken hold of her self ; and in the flames she was heard to magnifie the lord , till she yielded up her spirit into his hands . about this time multitudes of persons were murthered in flanders by the bloody inquisition , whose dead bodies were cast out to be gazed upon in every place ; and multitudes of believers , both men and women were cast into prisons , where they languished till many of them died . in the city of valence there were executed fifty seven persons , most of them burgesses , only because they clave to the true faith of jesus christ. the martyrdom of william of nassaw , prince of orange . the estates of the united provinces , having declared the king of spaine to be fallen from the government of of those countries , they chose william of nassaw , prince of orange , to be their captain general , whereupon he was proscribed by the king of spain , and a great summe of mony promised to him that should slay him ; not long after a desperate villain called joanville was suborned to do the feat ; for which end he was directed to charge his pistol with two bullets , and to shoot him behind in the head ; the day appointed for this execution was march . . upon which day the prince was to be at a great feast at the duke of anjous court ; but the presse being great there , joanville chose rather to do it at the prince of oranges own house as he was at dinner ; the villain being thus desperately resolved , a jacobin friar came to confess him , fortifying him in his resolution with many sweet words , perswading him that he should go invisible , for which end he gave him some characters in paper , and little frogs bones , and other conjurations . being thus assured , he drunk a cup or two of malmsey , and so accomxanied with his ghostly father , he went to the princes court ; at the stair-foot the friar gave him his blessing , encouraged him , and so left him ; the prince of orange was set at dinner , with the earles of laval , hohenlo , and many other noblemen ; joanville came into the dining-room , attired like a frenchman , so that he was taken for a servant to some of those french noblemen ; he thrust forward twice or thrice to come behind the prince to shoot him in the head , as he was directed , but was still repulsed by the princes gentlemen that stood about him ; dinner being done , the prince was going to his retiring chamber , whereupon this villain gat before a window in the hall , close by the door of that room into which the prince was to go ; as the prince passed towards it , he was shewing the earle of laval the cruelties that the spaniards had exercised in the low-countries , which were wrought in the hangings ; and having his face turned , this murtherer discharged his pistol at him ; but the prince , as god would have it , turning at the same instant , the bullet entred in at his throat under the right chap , being so near that the fire entred with the bullet into the wound , burning his ruffe and beard ; it brake out one of his teeth , pierced the jugular vein , but hurt not his toungue , and so came out at his left cheek hard by his nose ; the blow being given , one with an halberd could not contain himself , but thrust the villain through , and slew him . the chirurgions being sent for , found that the fire which entred the wound , had cauterized the jugular vein , and had done him much good , so that the wound was not mortal . the friar was afterwards apprehended and executed . anno . the spaniards thinking they had no greater enemy in the world than the prince of orange , and that if he were dead they should quickly attain their desires in the netherlands ; they suborned one baltazar gerard , an high burguignon , to murther him , who bought a good paire of pistols , and on the tenth of july watched when the prince should go down into the hall to dinner at delpht in holland , and as he passed by , he demanded a pasport of him ; the princesse observing that he spake with an hollow and unsetled voice , she asked her husband who he was ? saying that she did not like his countenance ; the prince answered that he demanded a pasport , which he should presently have : after dinner the prince going out of the hall , the murtherer stood behind a pillar in the gallery , and as the prince passed by , suddenly shot him from the left side to the right , through the stomack and the vital parts , who said no more , but o my god , take pity of my soul , i am sore wounded ; my god , take pity of my soul and of this poor people ; and presently after he gave up the ghost . collected out of sleidens commentaries , and the history of the netherlands , &c. chap. xxxii . the modern persecutions of the church in germany , since the year , . the swedes being possessed of a town called pasewalck , the imperialists took it by storm , beat , killed , and drave out the swedes , and not content therewith , they fell to torturing of the townsmen , ravishing women and gilrs in the open streets and church-yards , yea women in child-bed ; then they killed the men , fired their houses , and burnt many in them ; thrust straw into cellars where children were hidden , and so burnt and smothered them ; then they burnt the churches , and massacred the ministers , and at last burn down the whole town . the like cruelty was used against the city of magdenburg , famous for religion , which being taken by tilly and pappenheim , anno . was in twelve hours space wholly turned into cindars , except one hundred thirty nine houses , by which fire six godly churches were burnt down ; no mercy was shewed to any age , sex , or condition ; above twenty thousand persons were slain , burnt , and smothered to death ; six thousand were drowned in the river elve ; ladies and gentlewomen , like beasts were yoked together all about the country , and driven into woods to be ravished ; and such as resisted were stript stark naked , whipt , had their ears cropt , and so were turned up . anno . the popish army having taken the town of hoxter , they spared neither man , woman nor child , most inhumanely butchering and hewing in pieces all , without respect of age , sexe , or condition ; and what the sword could not spoile , they caused the fire to consume , and the dead corpses they cast into the weser . at griphenburg they kept the senators shut up in a chamber , macecrating and tormenting them so long with hunger and smoak , that divers of them died . in heidleberg they shut up divers reverend ministers and bourgers in prison , allowing them nothing to eat but bread and water . frankendall being surrendred upon articles , contrary to covenants , the grave counsellors and other electoral ministers , were forced to endure such conditions , as were fitter for dogs than men : some were cast into prison , and so abused that they died there ; others were forced to redeem themselves with unreasonable ransoms ; the goods of such as were fled were confiscated ; and though the inhabitants were willing to have left their houses , and all their goods , yet were they detained in the city , and their destruction most cruelly plotted . their rage was so great against the professors of the gospel , that neither turks nor heathens did ever exceed them . princes sacred person were not exempted from their fury ; the old lantgrave of hessen , and the old dutchesse dowager of wittenburgh were taken prisoners , reviled , and abused . in saxoni tillies souldiers tortured the protestants by half strangling them , and pressing their thumbs with wheels . in pomeren they , forced the people to eat their own excrements , and if they refused , they thrust them down their throat , whereby some of them were choaked ; if they suspected that any had hidden their gold or silver , they used exquisite torments to make them to confesse it ; they wound and tied about the heads of some , strong matches or cords , and with short truncheons twisted them till blood came out of their eyes , ears , and noses , yea sometimes till their eyes started out of their heads ; to others they tied burning matches between their fingers , yea to their eyes , ears , noses , tongues , cheeks , breasts , leggs , and secret parts ; yea , such parts that nature hideth , they either stuffed with gunpowder , or hung bags of powder to them , and so giving fire to it , in an horrible manner they burst their bellies , and killed them . with bodkins they made holes , or with knives they cut the skin and flesh of many . they drew strings and cords through the fleshie parts of some , and through the muscles of their thighs , leggs , armes , &c. or through their noses , ears , lips , &c. some they hung up in the smoak , drying them with small fires , and sometimes refreshing them with small drink , or water , taking care lest in their torments they should die too soon . some they put into hot ovens , roasting or smothering them there . some they roasted with fires of straw . some they stifled , strangled , or hanged , and this was a great favour so soon to rid them out of their pain . of many they bound their hands and feet so hard , that the blood spirted out their fingers and toes ends . of some they tied their hands and feet backwards together , stopping their mouths with clouts to hinder them from praying . some they hung up with ropes fastened to their privy parts , and hearing their cries , strove by their roarings to drown their cries , as in sport . where they found poor creatures troubled with ruptures , they enlarged them by villanous means , filling them with gunpowder , and blowing them up as a mine by giving fire thereto . many they drew up on high , hanging great weights at their feet to pull their bodies out of joynt . of some they plained their faces with chisels . some men they openly gelded in the presence of their wives and children . the mouths of some they set wide open with gags , and then poured down their throats stinking water , urine , and other liquid things till they grew sick , and their bellies swelled like tuns , whereby they died leasurely with greater torment . down the throats of some they violently thrust knotted clouts , and then with a string pulled them up again , whereby they displaced their bowels , and put them to miserable torment , insomuch as some were made dumb , others deaf , others blind , and others lame . if the husband intreated for his wife , or the wife for the husband , they would take the intercessour and torture him in the same manner before the others eyes ; and when any of these poor creatures in their torments or agonies of death called and cryed unto god for mercy , they would command , and seek to force them to pray and cry unto the devil . yea their divellishnesse proceeded so far , that they studied to find out new and unheard of torments . some they bound , hung up , and sawed off their leggs : of others they rubbed off the flesh off their leggs to the very bones : of others they tied the armes backwards , and so hanged them up by those distorted parts . many they drew through the streets of the cities stark naked , then brake and wounded them with axes and hammers , and generally used them with such barbarous cruelty , that many begged to be shot or slain instantly , rather than to live and be partakers of such miseries . in most places they took away all the corn and provision of victuals , leaving the places so bare , that many of the best rank for the space of divers dayes after saw not one bit of bread , but were glad to live with roots and water . in other places they spoiled the inhabitants of their garments , exposing them to that nakednesse , that neither man , woman , nor child had clothes to put on . hereby fruitful countries were totally ruinated : cities , towns , and villages , were spoiled and turned into pillars of fire and smoake ; churches lay desolate , the woods were cut down , the ground lay wast and untilled . one reverend aged divine they stripped , bound him backwards upon a table , and set a big cat upon his naked belley , beating and pricking the cat to make her fix her teeth and claws therein . so that both man and cat , with hunger , pain and anguish breathed their last . the crabats laboured much to teach their horses , not only to kill men , but to eat humane flesh ; and consulted how to find out more new and exquisite torments than ever were before used . at the taking of magdenburg , a godly minister of great esteem was found in one of the churches , whom they dragged out to his own house , where they ravished his wife and daughters before his face ; his tender infant they snatched from the mothers breast , and stuck it upon the top of a lance ; and when his eyes and heart were glutted with this so cruel a spectacle , they brought him forth bound into the street , and there burned him with his own books . rapes and ravishings were committed beyond all humane modesty ; maids and matrons , wives and widdows , they forced and violated without distinction , yea , and that in the presence of their parents , husbands and neighbours ; yea , women great with child , and others in child-bed : their beastliness was such that no pen can write it , no faith can believe it ; chappels and churches were not freed from their filthy pollutions ; yea , hospitals , and bedlam-houses were not spared . in hessen land they took divers poor women , some mad , some dumb , some lame , and tying up their coats about their ears so used them , as a modest pen cannot expresse . in pomeren they took the fairest maids , and ravished them before their parents faces , making them sing psalms the while . one beautiful maid being hid by her parents in a dunghil , they found her out , had their pleasure of her , then cut her in pieces , and hung up her quarters in the church . yea very girles of ten years old and under , they ravished till some of them died ; vertuous and chast women , they would threaten to kill , to throw their children into the fire , if they would not yield to their lusts . divers maids and women to avoid the lusts of these hell-born furies , have leaped into rivers and wells , and some have otherwise killed themselves ; and that which was never before heard of , they did not only violate sickly and weak maids and women till they died , but committed the like filthinesse with the dead corpses . the merchants of basil returning from strasburg mart , were set upon by the imperialists in their lodging ; and though they craved their lives upon their knees , yet they killed ten of them , saying , they must die for that they were hereticks ; the rest leaving their goods and garments , escaped by flight stark-naked in the night . two noble countesses with their faire daughters were rifled in their coaches of all that they had , nor sparing the very garments that covered them . neer friburg these bloody miscreants cut in piecs a reverend minister , a man of rare learning and piety ; after whose death the dogs would not lick his blood nor touch his flesh . for the common people , they made not so much account of them as of dogs , murthering them upon every trifling occasion , neither pitying old nor young , men , women , nor innocent babes , whom sometimes most barbarously they used to eat , even when other meat might be had : yea such inhumane cruelty they used , that in some places they scarce left any remaining alive to relate the sufferings of the dead . many times they cut off the noses and ears of the living , carrying them about in bravery . collected out of a booke composed by doctor vincent a divine , who was an eye-witnesse of many of these things . before this great persecution befell the church of god in germany , god gave his people warning of it by many and strange prodigies . for october the . anno christi . there appeared a terrible comet with a great blazing tayle , at first of a red , afterwards of a pale-red colour , which continued for the space of twenty seven dayes , and in some places it was seen longer . this fearfull and ominous link or torch the lord sent to those who had long despised and sleighted his voice in his sacred word preached by his vigilant and faithful ministers , to awaken them from their dead sleep of sin , and by repentance to bring them to the reformation of their lives , or otherwise to assure them that he would come suddenly upon them , and plague them with all those evils and miseries which he had denounced against them by his messengers , and whereof he gave them warning by this dreadfull sign . anno . at groningen in the dukedome of brunswick was seen a great blazing star , and two armies , one in the east , and another in the north , fighting together till one of them was defeated and slain . at wien in austria , the water in a dith was seen to be like blood for the space of eight dayes ; and shortly after three suns appeared in the heavens . in the beginning of april , anno . and anno . in march in the same country of austria , were two armies seen in the heavens by clear day-light , fighting furiously together with great thundering of ordnance and canons . in the same country , anno . in the moneth of january , just over the city of lintz , two swords were seen one over against the other , and two great armies fighting a pitched battel together , which caused great terrour to the beholders . at heidleberg in february , anno . were seen three suns , and three rainbows . shortly after which , that city was besieged by the inperialists , and at last taken , where a grear slaughter was made of the imhabitants , and in neckergemund three miles off , all the inhabitants , men , women , and children were put to the sword . in april , anno . in the country of darmstad , were trees whose leaves drop't blood ; and the year after in the same country in divers towns and villages , were seen bloody signes on houses and stone-walls . about meyenfield and malants , as men were reaping their corne , their hands and sickles were all bloody . in july , anno . in the dukedome of wittemburgh , it rained so much blood , that it fell upon the hands and cloaths of people in the fields , and was seen upon trees , stones , and other places . may the twelfth , anno . in the dukedome of anhalt there appeared a strange prodigie in the heavens , which continued from six till eight a clock at night : first there came out of the clouds an ancient-bearer ; after him came forth a grave man in the same habit ; then came forth a chariot drawn with two particouloured horses : then another chariot with four armed horses : then suddenly there brake out of the clouds an infinite number of people like a swarm of bees : after them followed a man sitting on horseback with a long robe , putting the people before him ; a quarter of an houre after came forth another army consisting of many horse and foot , &c. the two armies fought till one of them was routed , and presently after all vanished away . anno . in may a strange tempest happened at ratisbone ; the weather being very calme , with little raine , two dark clouds met together , which suddenly belched out a great wind mingled with fire , which raised such a tempest , that near to the city it tore up trees by the roots , and in a moment drave them into divers places , and thence extending it self to the city , it overturned above two hundred houses in the towne and suburbs , not leaving a chimney standing , nor a roof to cover an house . the church of emerans , besides the shattered windows , had one of the steeples laid flat to the ground , and the other broke off in the middle ; two other of the chiefest steeples in the city were also broken down . this tempest lasted not above a quarter of an hour , nor extended beyond the city , neither were there above four men slain by it . anno . near troppash a great multitude of jack-dawes met in the aire , where they fought a great battel , and that with so great eagernesse , that many of them fell down dead , so that the countrey-men gathered up whole sackfuls of them . anno . in pomerland the heavens seemed to open , and an army came forth of the northern part , the avauntguard consisting of pioneres & musqueteres ; then followed great peeces of ordnance , and in the reare came the cavalry . another army came forth on the other side , and betwixt them there became a cruel battel : the victory inclining to the northern army ; and at last a fiery beame followed upon the northern conquerour , which continued for the space of some hours . anno . at hall in saxony the water was turned into blood to the great astonishment of the inhabitants . during the siege of magdenburg , a captains wife being in travel , when she could not be delivered , and was near death , she desired that when she was dead , her body might be opened ; which being done , there was found in her womb , a boy almost as big as one of three years old with an head-piece and breastplate upon him , great boots after the french fashion , and a bag by his side with twoo things in it like musket bullets . june the nineteenth , anno . in the lower saxony two great armies appeared in the aire , one in the north , the other in the south , which fought a great battel together ; after long fighting the northern army obtained the victory . after the battel was ended , there appeared a man in a long coat , bearing a bow , with which he shot at , and overthrew the commander of the southern army . in the same countrey a woman having bought a loafe of bread , when she came home was dividing it , and in the cutting of it there came forth blood . anno. . in the countrey of altenburgh , a fish-pond was turned into blood , which stank so extreamly , that if any passengers did but touch it , they could not wash off the stink thereof in three days space . anno . at berlin in brandenburg , it rained blood and brimstone . anno . in hessen there met two armies of strange birds , which fought a set battel ; and not far off , about that same time a multitude of dogs had their randevouz , which fought so eagerly , that they would not be reconciled ; and when the governour of a neighbour garrison sent out four companies of musqueteers against them ; they seeing a common enemy , joyned together , and in despight of their guns , beat them away , and devoured nine of them . here place the eighth figure . chap. xxxiii . the persecution of the church in france , which began , anno christi , . anno christi , . there were certain learned men in france , disciples of one almericus at paris , whose names were , master william a sub-deacon of poictiers , well studied in the arts , and divinity : bernard another sub-deacon : william goldsmith , steven , a priest : steven of the seller , and one john , a priest , who upon examination held , that god was no otherwise present in the sacramental bread , than in any other bread : that it was idolatry to build altars to saints , or to cense their images . they mocked those that kissed the reliques : they said that the pope was antichrist , and rome babylon : that god was not seene in himself , but by his creatures : for which ( when they could not be drawn to recant ) they were condemned to be burnt at paris , which accordingly was executed : bzorius out of caesarius . and almenneus who had been their master , had his body digged up in the church-yard , and was buried in the field . and all french books of divinity were for ever condemned , and burned . anno christi , . at melden in france there was one john clark , who set up a bill upon the church-door against the popes pardons , lately come thither , wherein he called the pope antichrist ; for which , being apprehended , he was adjudged three several days to be whipt , then to have a mark burned in his forehead as a note of infamy ; his mother a good woman , when she saw her son so pitiously scourged & branded , encouraged him , crying with a loud voice , blessed be christ , and welcome be these marks for his sake . afterwards he removed from thence , and went to metz in lorrain , where for a time he followed his calling of a woolcarder . but the people of the city used once a year all of them to go forth into the suburbs to worship some idols there ; whereupon john clark , inflamed with an holy zeal , went the night before and brake down all those images ; the next morning when all the clergy and people came to the place to worship them , they found all their idols broken upon the ground ; this set all in a tumult ; and great searching there was after the author of this deed ; and quickly was john clark suspected and apprehended ▪ he presently confessed the fact , and told them the reasons why he did it . the people hereupon cried out against him in a great rage : before the judges he professed the pure doctrine of the sonne of god ; and thereupon was condemned to a cruel death , which he sustained with admirable patience and constancy . first his right hand was cut off ; then was his nose with sharp pincers pulled violently from his face : then were his armes and breasts pulled off with the same instrument : yet he , through gods grace , endured all with great quietnesse , pronouncing the while that of psalm . their idols are silver and gold the works of mens hands ; lastly , he was cast into the fire , and there consumed . not long after master john castellane , doctor in divinity , borne at tourney , being through gods mercy called to the knowledge of the truth , became a zealous , fervent , and faithful preacher of it in divers places , and at last he was taken prisoner by the cardinal of lorrains servants , by whom he was carried to the castle of nommenie , where he endured much cruel usage , yet still he persevered in confessing the true doctrine of the sonne of god ; then was he carried to the castle of vik , and after a time was condemned , degraded , and delivered over to the secular power , with this hypocritical speech ; my lord judge , we pray you as heartily as we can for the love of god , and the contemplation of tender pity and mercy , and for respect to our prayers , that you will not in any point do any thing that shall be hurtful to this miserable man , or tending to his death , or the maiming of his body ; then was he burnt alive , which death he underwent with much patience and comfort . at paris one james panane a schoolmaster was burnt for the truth . also at melda , dennis de reux was burned , for saying that the masse was a plain denial of the death and passion of christ : he used often to meditate of , and to repeat those words of christ ; he that denies me before men , him will i deny also before my father ; he was burnt in a slow fire , and so abode much torment . john de cadurco , preaching to his countrymen of limosine , was apprehended and degraded : the friar that was to preace at his degradation , took that text , tim. . the spirit speaks expresly , that in the latter dayes men shall depart from the faith , giving heed to lying spirits and doctrines of errors ; then did john call to him to read on , but the friar stood dumb , and could not speak a word more ; then did john read on , teaching false doctrine in hypocrisie , having their consciences seared with an hot iron , forbidding to marry and to eat meats created by god to be received with thanksgiving , &c. presently after he was burned . about the same time , five men for scattering about certain papers against the masse , and other popish superstitions , were apprehended and burnt at paris . one of them for speaking freely , had his tongue burned through , and with a wire tied fast to one of his cheeks . alexander canus , a godly minister , for preaching and confessing the truth of christ , was burned at paris with a small fire , whereby he endured great paine . also john pointer a chirurgeon , had his tongue first cut out , and then was burnt about the same time . peter gaudet living at geneva , was by a popish uncle trained into france , apprehended , condemned , and after many and long torments sustained in prison , was burned . divers others were apprehended , condemned , and burned at arras . a godly virgin was burned at fountains , anno . as also one john cornon , an husbandman , but one endowed with such wisdome by god , that all his judges were amazed at it ; yet was he condemned and burned . martin gonin was cast into the river and drowned . anno . one claudius endeavouring to convert his friends and kinsfolk in paris , was by them betrayed , adjudged to have his tongue cut out , and then burned . stephen brune at rutiers , being for the constant profession of his faith condemned to be burned ; when the fire was kindled a great winde so drave away the flame from him , that he stood for ean hours space , exhorting and instructing the people ; then did they bring oile vessels , and more fagots , yet still was the flame driven from him : whereupon the hangman took a staffe , and struck him on the head , to whom he said , i am condemned to be burned , and do you strike me with staves like a dog ? with that the hangman with a pike thrust him through the belly , and threw him down into the fire , and afterwards scattered his ashes in the wind . at roan four christians were condemned to be burned , and being carried to the stake in a dung-cart , they said , blessed be god , we are here reputed as the excrements of this world , but yet our death is a sweet savour unto god. john de beck a godly minister , being condemned for the doctrine of the gospel , constantly endured the torment of the fire at troyes . aymond de lavoy , a godly minister , preaching the truths of god faithfully , was complained of by the popish clergy to the magistrates of bourdeaux , who sent to apprehend him ; hereupon some of his friends perswaded him to flie ; but he refused , saying , that thereby he might cause the people to think that he had fed them with dreames and fables , and not with the pure word of god ; whereas he feared not to yield up both soul and body in the quarrel of the truth which he had taught , saying , that with paul , he was ready not onely to be bound for the testimony of christ in the city of bourdeaux , but to die also . after the sumner came , he stayed three dayes and preached three sermons ; and whereas the people would have rescued him out of the sumners hand , he desired them not to stop his martyrdome ; for said he , since it is the will of god that i shall suffer for him , i will not resist his will. at bourdeaux many witnesses came in against him , against whom he made many exceptions , but they would not be admitted . nine moneths he remained in prison , suffering great misery , much bewailing his former course of life , though yet it had been such as none could charge him with any crime ; then the judges proceeded to his condemnation , and he had greater fetters put upon him ; he was also examined with torments , which he endured two or three hours , though but of a weakly body , comforting himself thus : this body must once die , but the spirit shall live , the kingdome of god abideth for ever ; during his torments he swowned , and when he came to himself again , he said , o lord , lord , why hast thou forsaken me ? nay said the president , wicked lutheran , thou hast forsaken god : aymund replied , alas good masters , why do you thus miserably torment me ? o lord , i beseech thee forgive them , for they know not what they do ; see said the president , this caitiffe how he prayeth for us ? shortly after he was condemned ; and when the friars came to confesse him , he bade them depart from him , for he would confesse his sins to the lord. he went to the place of execution with much joy , exhorting the people all the way ; at the place of execution they tumbled him out of the cart , and when he was upon the stage he said , o lord , make haste to help me , tarry not , despise not the work of thy hands : and seeing some scholars , he said to them , my brethren , i exhort you to study and learn the gospel , for the word of god abideth for ever : labour to know the will of god , and fear not them that kill the body , but have no power over your souls . afterwards he said , my flesh doth wonderfully resist the spirit , but presently i shall cast it away . at the stake he often repeated , oh lord my god , into thy hands i commend my soul ; and so he was first strangled by the hangman , and then burned . francis bribard , secretary to the cardinal of bellay , being convicted for adhering to the truth , had first his tongue cut out , and then was burnt . anno . about the same time , william husson , an apothecary , came from bloys to roan ; and in the palace where the counsel sate , he scattered sundry books concerning christian doctrine , and against mens traditions ; and presently taking horse rode away : the books being found , the counsel made diligent search for the author , and at last heard that probably this husson had scattered them there ; whereupon posts were sent out every way to apprehend him , and by some of them he was taken , riding towards deep , and brought back to roan ; who being examined , professed his faith boldly , and that he had scattered those books , and that he was going to deep to do the like there . for this he was condemned to be burnt alive ; and as he was carried to execution , because he refused to worship an image , his tongue was cut out ; afterwards his hands and feet beeing bound behind him , he was pulled up with a pully , and so let down into the fire , in which he with a chearful countenance held up his head , and fixed his eyes upon heaven , till he yielded up his spirit unto god. anno . james cobard , a schoolmaster in the city of saint michael , declared and proved that the masse neither profited the quick nor dead , &c. for which he was burned , also at melda fourteen godly persons were cast into prison , where they were cruelly racked to make them confesse their fellows , which they stoutly refused to do , and at last were condemned to the fire ; seven of them had their tongues cut out , and so all of them were burned together , their wives being compelled to stand by to see their torments ; many others were scourged and banished . anno . there was one peter chapot , who having been a while at geneva , out of a zeal to do good to the church of christ , carried divers bibles into france , and dispersed them amongst the faithful ; at last he was apprehended and carried to paris ; there he readily rendred an account of his faith , exhorting the judges to do their office uprightly . three doctors of sorbone were appointed to dispute with him , but he made them all to go away ashamed : then was he condemned to be burnt . at the stake , one of the doctors pressed him sorely to pray to our lady , which he refused , crying only , o jesus sonne of david have mercy on me ; the doctor bade him say only jesus maria , and he should not be burnt alive , but he for a while refused , yet at last through his importunity , he said jesus maria , but presently checking himself ; he said , oh god what have i done ? pardon me o lord ; for against thee only have i sinned ; and so he was presently strangled and then burned ; but upon the complaint of the doctor , the court made a decree , that all which were to be burned , unlesse they recanted at the stake , should have their tongues cut out , which was diligently afterwards observed . there was living at meaux a lame creeple , to whom god was pleased to reveal his truth , and after a time he was apprehended , and examined , at which time he confessed more than they desired to hear ; then did they ask him whether he would stand to that which he had said ? to whom he answered ; and i ask you again , dare you be so bold as to deny that which is so plain and evident in the holy scriptures ? being advised to take care of his life , he said to the judges , for gods sake take care of your own lives and souls , and consider how much innocent blood you spill daily in fighting against jesus christ and his gospel ; at last he was carried to paris , where he endured many sorts of torments , and lastly was burned . at fera , one stephen polliot was apprehended , carried to paris , and there cast into a foul and dark dungeon , where he lay long in bonds and fetters ; at last he was brought forth and condemned to have his tongue cut out , and to be burned with his sachel of books hanging about his neck , which was accordingly executed . anno . there was one john english condemned by the court of paris for confessing the truths of god ; and so sent to sens in burgundy , where he was burned . also michael michelote , being apprehended for professing the gospel , was put to his choise either to recant and be beheaded , or to persevere and be burned ; he answered , that he trusted that he which had given him grace not to deny the truth , would also give him patience to abide the fire , and so he was burned . another being betrayed by false brethren , was burned at bar in burgundy . five men and two women were condemned to the fire at langres , for adhering to the truth : one of the women being the youngest , was reserved to be burned at last ; and in the mean time she much encouraged them all , saying , this day we shall be married to the lord jesus to live with him for ever , and so they all quietly slept in the lord. four others about the same time were condemned , and cruelly burnt at paris for the same cause . anno . there was one blondel , a merchant of precious stones , that frequented many great fairs in france , and was well-known both in court and countrey ; he was a man of singular integrity , and a favourer of gods word ; being at an inne in lions , he freely reproved the filthy talk and superstitious behaviour which he there heard and saw ; hereupon the host complained of him to an officer ; withal , informing him of his rich coller of jewels ; these two suborned one to borrow money of him , which because blondel refused to lend , the fellow caused him to be apprehended for heresie , thinking thereby to attach his goods , but blondels friends prevented it , privily conveying them away . blondel being examined of his faith , gave a plain and full confession of it ; whereupon he was sent to prison , in which he did much good amongst the prisoners , paying the debts of some and so loosing them , feeding others , cloathing others , &c. at length through the importunity of his parents and friends , he changed his confession ; yet was he sent to the high court at paris , where being examined again concerning his faith , he adhered to his first confession , much bewailing his former fall ; then was he condemned to be burnt , and great haste was made for his execution , left his friends at court should save his life . anno . one hubert , a young man of nineteen years old , was so constant in the faith , that neither the perswasions of his parents , nor the threats of his adversaries could remove him from his stedfastnesse , for which he was burned at dyion . the same year there was a godly minister , called florent venote , cast into prison at paris , where he lay above four years , in which time there was no kind of torment , which he did not endure and overcome : amongst others he was put in to so narrow a place , that he could neither stand nor lie● , in which he remained seven weeks , whereas there was never any malefactor that could endure it fifteen dayes , but he either grew mad or died . at last when a great shew was made at the kings coming into the city , and divers other martyrs in sundry places of it were put to death , florent also having his tongue cut out , was brought forth to see their execution , and lastly was himselfe burnt . about the same time one anne audebert , as she was going to geneva , was apprehended and brought to paris , where she was adjudged to be sent to orleance and burned there : when she was had forth to execution , a rope being put about her , she called it her wedding girdle , wherewith she should be married to christ ; and being to be burried upon a saturday , she said , on a saturday i was first married , and on a saturday i shall be married again : she much rejoyced when she was put into the dung-cart , and shewed such patience and constancy in the fire , as made all the spectators to wonder at it . not long after the coronation of henry the second , king of france , at whose coming into the city of paris divers godly martyrs were burned , there was a poor tailor , that dwelt not farre from the kings palace , apprehended for working upon an holy day : being by the officer asked why he wrought upon that day ? he answered that he was a poor man living only upon his labour , and that he knew no day but the sabbath whereupon he might not work , his necessity requiring it ; then was he clapt up in prison ; this being noised in the court , some would needs have the tailor sent for , that the king might have the hearing of him . then was the tailor brought thither , and the king sitting in his chair of state , commanded the bishop of mascon to question with him : the tailor being nothing amated at the kings presence , after he had done reverence to his prince , gave thanks to god for honouring him so greatly , being such a wretch , as to bring him where he might bear witnesse to his truth before so great a prince : the bishop questioned with him about the greatest matters of religion , and he with an undaunted spirit so answered for the sincere truth , and with such pregnant proofs of scripture , as was wonderfull ; and though the nobles that were present jeered and taunted at him , yet could they not dash him out of countenance , but that still with much liberty and freedome of speech he defended the truth of christ , neither flattering their persons , nor fearing their threats . the king seeming to muse much within himself , that so mean and simple a person should shew such audacity in such a presence , the bishop and popish lords taking notice of , cryed out that he was an obstinate and impudent heretick , and therefore remanded him back to prison : and within a few dayes after he was condemned to be burnt alive ; and left the king should be affected with what he heard from the tailor , the bishops often suggested that the lutherans were such as carried a vaine smoake in their mouthes , which being put to the fire would soon vanish ; they also would needs have the king present at his execution : but it pleased god to give such strength and courage to the tailor at his execution , as much more astonished the king than all his former carriage ; for having espied the king in the window where he sate , he beheld him with so stedfast a countenance , that his eyes were never off him ; yea , when the fire was kindled about him , he still kept his eyes so fixed upon the king , that the king was constrained to leave the window , and to withdraw himself , and was so wrought upon thereby , that he confessed that he thought the shadow of the tailor followed him whithersoever he went , and for many nights after he was so terrified with the apparition thereof , that he protested with an oath , that he would never see nor hear any more of those lutherans , though afterwards he brake his oath , as it follows in the story of anne du bourg . about the same time one claudius a godly man , was apprehended as he came from geneva , and burned at orleance . anno . one thomas , a young man of about eighteen years old , coming from geneva to paris , rebuked one for swearing , whereupon he was apprehended for a lutherane , and carried before the high court ; by them he was committed to prison , and cruelly racked to confesse his companions , which he still refused to do , whereupon they continued to rack him , till one of the bloody inquisitors turned his back and wept , and till the hangman was a weary ; then was he carried to be burned , and was let down with a pully into the fire ; and after a while being pulled up again , they asked him if he would yet turn , to whom he said , that he was in his way to god , and therefore he desired them to let him go , and so he quietly slept in the lord. anno . there was apprehended at lions one peter bergerius who for his bold and constant confession was cast into prison , and put into a dungeon , where was a thief that had lain there seven or eight moneths , who being in great pain and torment , cryed out of god , and cursed his parents that begat him , being almost eaten up with lice , and fed with such bread as dogs and horses had refused to eat ; but it pleased almighty god of his goodness , through the instructions and prayers of bergerius , that he was converted and brought to the knowledge of the truth , after which , the very next day , his lice which before extreamly abounded , so went away , that he had not one remaining ; and god so stirred up the hearts of good men , that he was fed plentifully , and that with white bread , so that with much patience and joyfulness he bore his imprisonment , and had great comfort afterwards in his soule . about the same time three godly men were apprehended at lions , and being condemned for the truth , when they were to be led forth to execution , two of them had ropes put about their necks ; the third , having served the king in his wars , was favoured to have none ; whereupon he said to the lieutenant , that he also desired to have one of those precious chains about his neck in honour of his lord the which being granted , they all went singing to the fire , where with much patience they yielded up their spirits unto god. not long after in the same place was apprehended one matthew dimonet , who formerly had lived a most wicked life , full of all filthiness and abominations ; he had been also a searcher out of the professors of the gospel , and a great persecutor of them ; yet at last it pleased god to shew him mercy , and he was converted to the knowledge of the truth : after which , being apprehended and examined , he made a stout profession of his faith ; and during his imprisonment he had great conflicts with the infirmity of his own flesh , but especially with the temptations of his parents , kindred , and friends ; yet the lord did so strengthen him that he endured constant to the end ; at his burning he spake much to the people , and was hearkned to with great attention . simon laloe coming upon some occasions from geneva into france , was apprehended by the bayliffe of dyon , by whom he was imprisoned and racked to force him to confesse what fellows he had ; but that not prevailing , he was condemned to be burned . at his death the executioner , seeing his great faith , patience , and constancy , was so wrought upon therereby , that he fell into great terrors of conscience , so that he was neer to utter despair , and all the promises of the gospel could scarce comfort him ; yet at last , through gods mercy , receiving comfort , he with all his family removed to the church of geneva , where he afterwards lived till his death . nicholas naile , carrying some good books to paris , was there apprehended , and made a bold confession of the faith , for which he was cruelly tormented sundry wise , and racked all his joynts asunder , and lastly being condemned , when he was carried to the stake , they put a gag into his mouth , vvhich they tied in so hard vvith a rope about his head , that blood gushed out of his mouth : they also besmeared all his body vvith oyle and brimstone , so that at the first taking of fire , all his skin vvas shrivelled together , vvhilst his invvard parts vvere untouched ; the cord being burnt in sunder , and the gag falling out of his mouth , he praised god in the midst of the fire , till he yielded up his spirit unto god. peter serre vvas at first a priest , but god of his mercy revealing his truth to him , he vvent to geneva , and there learned the shoomakers craft , vvhereby he maintained himself ; and having a brother at tholouse , out of a singular love to his soule , he vvent thither to instruct him ; his brothers vvife being not vvell pleased herevvith , revealed it to one of her gossips , vvho informed the officiall against him ; hereupon he vvas apprehended and carried before the inquisitor , to vvhom he made an excellent declaration of his faith , and so vvas delivered to the judge , vvho asked him of vvhat occupation he vvas ? he said , that of late he was a shoomaker ; then did the judge ask him of vvhat occupation he had formerly been ? he said , he had been of another formerly , but he was ashamed to utter it or to remember it , being the worst and vilest science of all others in the world ; the judge and people supposing that he had been some cutpurse or thief , were more importunate to knovv vvhat it vvas but shame and sorrovv so stopped his mouth that he could not declare it ; at last through their importunate clamour , he told them he had been a popish priest : this so incensed the judge , that he presently condemned him to be degraded , to have his tongue cut out , and to be burned ; vvhich vvas accordingly executed : in the fire he stood so quiet , looking up stedfastly to heaven at the time of his burning , as if he felt no pain at all , which caused wondeful admiration in the people ; and one of the parliament said , that it was not the best way to bring the lutherans to the fire , for it would do more hurt then good . anno . there were two godly men , with one of their sons and daughter going towards geneva , whom a lieutenant overtaking by the way , like a judas , he insinuated himself into their company , pretended great favour to them and to that religion , which he said , he supposed them to be of ; and so with fair words he circumvented them , and drew out of them that they were protestants , and their wives at geneva , whither they were now travelling ; then did he apprehend them and carry them to the castle of niverne ; during their imprisonment they were examined of many articles , to which they made a full and clear answer according to their faith ; after this they were racked extreamly for three houres together to force them to recant , which they bore with admirable patience ; being therefore condemned , as they went to execution , the officer bound a woodden crosse between their hands , but they pulled it out with their teeth , and threw it away , whereupon their tongues were cut out , notwithstanding which god gave them utterance , so that they spake plain , saying , we bid sin , the flesh , the world , and the devil farewel for ever , with whom we shall never have more to do hereafter , and much more to the like purpose . when the officer came to besmear them with brimstone and gunpowder , they said , go to , salt on , salt on the stinking and rotten flesh ; and so persisting constant in the flames they finished their martyrdome . anno . philbert hamlin , a priest , was through gods grace brought to the knowledge of the truth , whereupon he went to geneva , where he exercised printing , and sent books abroad . afterwards he was made a minister , and preached at the town of alenart , in which and in some other places he did much good ; at last he with his host , a priest , whom he had instructed in the knowledge of the gospel , were apprehended and cast into prison at bourdeaux ; and whilst they lay there , in came a priest with his furniture to say masse ; but philbert inflamed with a holy zeal , went and plucked the garments from his back , and overthrew the chalice and candlesticks , saying , is it not enough for you to blaspheme god in the churches , but you must also pollute the prison with your idolatry ? the jailor seeing this , fell upon him , and beat him with his staffe , and also removed him into a dungeon , loading him with irons which made his legs to swell : there he lay eight dayes . the priest his host , terrified with the prison and fear of death , renounced christ and his word , and was set at liberty ; whereupon philbert said to him , o unhappy and more then miserable man ! is it possible that you should be so foolish , as for to save your life a few dayes , you should so start away from and deny the truth ? know you therefore that although hereby you have avoided the corporal fire , yet your life shall be never the longer ; for you shall dye before me , and yet shall not have the honour to die for the cause of god : and you shall be an example to all apostates . having ended his speech , and the priest going out of prison , he was presently slain by two gentlemen , who formerly had a quarrel to him . philbert hearing of it , professed that he knew of no such thing before , but spake as it pleased god to guide his tongue . philbert being condemned , and had to execution , they laboured to drown his voice by sounding of trumpets , and so in the midst of the flames , praying and exhorting the people , he rendred up his soul unto god. anno . nicholas of jenvile , a young man that had lived at geneva , coming into france to get up some mony that was owing to him , was betrayed by a lady , apprehended and condemned , and being carried in a cart to execution , his father met him and would have beaten him with a staffe , but the officers not suffering it , were about to have stricken the old man ; the son seeing it cryed to them to let his father alone , saying , that he had power over him to do to him what he would . at the place of execution he had an iron ball put into his mouth , and so he patiently took his martyrdom at jenvile . about the same time a company of the faithful of about three or four hundred were met together at an house in paris , in the beginning of the night , to receive the sacrament of the lords supper ; some priests getting intelligence of it , gathered many of that faction together , and came , and beset the house , making an outcry that the watch might come and apprehend them , so that in a short time most of the city of paris was up in armes , supposing that there had been some conspiracy : the people following the noise , and perceiving that they were lutherans , they grew into a great rage , seeking to murther them , and thereupon stopped the streets and lanes with carts , and made fires that none might escape them ; but , through gods mercy , before this tumult began , the faithful had finished their administration and prayers , with as much quiet as ever they had done ; and now seeing this sudden danger , they were somewhat amazed ; whereupon the pastors of the congregation exhorted them and fell to prayer ; after which , considering the cowardliness of the multitude , it was resolved that such as had weapons should adventure through the press ; which being put in practice , the admirable power of god appeared , in that notwithstanding the fires , and stopping of the passages , yet they all escaped safe , only one was beaten down with stones and slain : the rest , which wanted weapons , being about one hundred and twenty , stayed in the house with the women and children , some of which leaped into gardens , where they remained till the magistrates came ; the women , which were all persons of good quality , save six or seven , perceiving their danger by reason of the fury of the people , went up into the windows , shewed their innocency , and desired that they might be tryed in an ordinary way of justice ; yet there they were inclosed by the rabble for six or seven houres ; at last came the kings atturney with many serjeants and officers , who with much ado appeasing the people , entred into the house , and their seeing the quality of the persons , and their innocency , the atturney much pitied them , yet carried them to prison in the little castle ; but as they went , the furious multitude plucked and haled the gentlewomen , tore their garments , pulled their hoods from their heads , and all besmeared their faces with dust and dirt . in the prison they were used no better ; for the villains and thieves being let out of their holes , and stinking caves , these lambs of christ were put into their rooms . then followed the cruel and slanderous reports of the friars , who in their sermons railed upon them , told the people that they were assembled to make a banquet in the night , after which , putting out the candles , they went together jack with jill , after a filthy and beastly manner ; they charged them also with sedition , as if they conspired against the king , &c. and these cursed defamations were no sooner vented , but they were spread abroad farre and wide , yea in the court itself , and the cardinal of lorraine procured a certain judge to come to the king , who testified that he found in the house divers couches , upon which they intended to commit their whoredomes and adulteries , which much enflamed the king against them . these things made the enemies to triumph exceedingly , and on the contrary , the brethren which escaped , were full of perplexity , and lamentations , sorrowing not so much for themselves , as for the imprisonment of their friends ; yet they much comforted themselves in the consideration of ther own wonderful deliverance . they upon debate also resolved , first , that all of them should humble themselves before god in their own families . secondly , that they might stop the false rumours , to write two apologies , one to the king , and another to the people . thirdly to write consolatory letters to their friends in prison . the apology to the king was written and conveyed privily into his chamber , where it was met with and read openly before the king and his nobles ; yet this prevailed little ; for their adversaries suggested to him that all was false , and a pretence to hide their wickedness : but that to the people did very much good , and so did their consolatory letter to their friends in prison . the adversaries all this while did bestir themselves to bring them that were in prison to execution , and procured a commission from the king to certain judges to hasten their trial . but it fell out by gods providence , that at this time the protestant princes of germany were met at a colloquy at wormes , to whom divers learned men resorted from geneva , requesting them to send their ambassadors to the french king , in the behalf of these poor christians thus imprisoned ; by whose mediation , and the kings other business , who was now in war with the king of spain , many of them were delivered , yet some of them were executed before the coming of the ambassodors . amongst them were nicholas clivet , and one granvelle , both of them elders of the congregation , who stoutly defended the truth against the sorbone doctors , and afterwards patiently resigned up their soules to god in the cruel flames . also a young gentlewoman of about twenty three years old , which came from gascoigne to joyn her self to the church at paris , was brought forth with the former , and endured many conflicts with the judges and sorbonists ; who when she was urged to recant , said , that she had learned her faith from the word of god , and therefore therein she would live and die : her neighbours testified against her that there was much singing of psalms in her house , and that sometimes they had seen abundance of people come out of it , and that at the death of her husband no priest was called for , &c. but presently after , two of these witnesses fell out , and one slew the other with a knife . the cardinal of sens much hastened this gentlewomans death , that he might have her estate . when she was condemned , she had her tongue cut , as the two former also were served . going to execution , she dressed her self like a bride , being that day to be married to her spouse jesus christ ; she went to the fire without ever changing countenance , and so quietly yielded up her spirit to god. divers others of this congregation suffered in the like sort : the rest at the mediation of the prince elector palatine , and the protestant switzers were released . in other parts of france also sundry faithful christians were imprisoned , cruelly racked , had their tongues cut out , and finally were burned , concerning whom because i find nothing extraordinary , i have forborn to mention them . anno . the king of france , henry the second , coming into the the parliament in paris , there was one anne du bourg , a noble counsellour , a man of singular understanding and knowledge , bred and nursed up in the bosome of the church of christ , who made a bold speech before him , wherein he rendred thanks to almighty god , for moving the kings heart to be present at the decision of so weighty a cause as that of religion was , humbly intreating him to consider well thereof , being the cause of christ himself , which of good right ought to be maintained by princes , &c. but the king instead of hearkening to his good advice , was so far incensed against him , that he caused him to be apprehended by the county of montgomery , constable of france , and to be carried to prison , protesting to him in these words , these eyes of mine shall see thee burnt ; and presently after he sent a commission to the judges to make his processe . during his imprisonment there was a godly woman , who was prisoner also in a chamber just over against his , who at her window , sometimes by words , other sometimes by signes , did much encourage him to persevere constantly in the truth , whereby he was so comforted , that when some of his friends perswaded him to recant , he said , god forbid , for a woman hath taught me my lesson , how i ought to carry my self in this business ; he was often examined about sundry points of religion , and being once asked whether he had conferred with any one about them , he answered that he had conferred with his books , especially with the holy scriptures . having drawn up a confession of his faith , he intended to present it to the parliament ; but some advocates that belonged to that court , who pretended great love to him , laboured to draw him to make another confession , not contrary to the truth , but in such ambiguous terms as might satisfie his judges , who would not stand strictly to examine it ; du bourg long resisted , but at last was prevailed with to draw up such a confession , supposing it sufficient that himself knew his own meaning ; so soon as this his confession came into the hands of his judges , great hopes were conceived of his enlargement ; but when the christian congregation had gotten a copy of it , they were much grieved ; whereupon they ordered master augustine marlorate , a learned and godly minister , to write a large discourse concerning the duty of such as were called to bear witnesse to the truth of god before magistrates , wherein he set down gods threatnings and judgements against such , as either directy or indirecty deny the truth , exhorting him more highly to prize the glory of god then his own liberty ; the truth of his gospel then a short and transitory life ; shewing that he ought not now to give over , having made so happy a beginning and progresse in his christian course : that the same of his constancy was spread , not only through france , but all christendom over : that he had been a means to confirm many weak ones , and caused others to enquire after the means of salvation : that all mens eyes were fixed on him to enquire by what means he gat out of prison , so that , if through fear and faint-heartedness , he should enterprize ought that should contradict his first profession , he would give much scandal and offence , and therefore he exhorted him to give glory to god , to edifie his church ; telling him that then he might assure himself that god would neither leave nor forsake him . these letters brought du bourg to a sight of his sin , for which asking pardon of god , without any further delay he wrote to the judges , retracting his last , and protesting to stand to his first confession ; so that shortly after he was condemned . in the mean time great feasts were preparing in the court , for joy of the marriages that should be of the kings daughter and sister ; the day whereof being come , the king imployed all the morning in examining the president , and other counsellors of the parliament against du bourg , and other his companions that were charged with the same doctrine , intending to glut his eys in seeing their execution , and then went to dinner . after dinner the king being one of the defendants at the tilting , which was near the prison where du bourg and his fellows lay , entred the lists , and behaved himself valiantly , breaking many spears against count montgomery and others , whereupon he was highly commended of the spectators , and all thinking that he had done enough , desired him to give over with praise ; but he being puffed up with their commendations , would needs run another course with montgomery , who kneeling on his knees craved pardon , refusing to run against him ; the king being eagerly set on , commanded him upon his allegiance to run , and put the spear into his hands ; montgomery thus enforced , addressed himself to the course , and the king and he meeting together , brake their spears , and the kings he●met falling down at the same instant , one of the splinters of montgomeries spear entred just into his right eye , and so pierced his head that the brains were perished ; which wound , despising all means of cure , killed him within a eleven dayes , whereby his hope of seeing du bourg burned was frustrated , and thereupon du bourg his execution was deferred for six moneths longer ; at the end whereof , he having constantly persevered in the confession of his faith , was first degraded , and the next day carried out to execution ; the judges appointed six or seven hundred horse and foot well armed , to guard him ; he was first hanged , and then his body was burnt to ashes . presently after , divers others were burnt in paris , and in many other places for their religion : many also were massacred as they passed along the streets for not doing reverence to the images , which were then newly set up in the corner of every street ; such also as refused to contribute money to buy wax candles to burn before them , it cost them their lives . notwithstanding which cruelties , those of the religion increased daily , both in zeal and number in all parts of the realm . this much incensed the duke de guise in his government of dauphine , whereupon he sent mangiron , a cruel man , and great enemy to the protestants , with charge wholly to root them out ; this mangiron first played his part very subtilly ; but at last he fell upon valence , lacking the houses of the protestants , as if he had taken the town by assault ; and the more to strengthen him in his mischief , he had many troops of horse , and some lanciers sent him : truchon also , president of grenoble , cast sixty of the chiefest of the protestants into prison at valence , whilst mangiron pillaged those of montelimart , to whom he had promised and sworn to do no wrong . truchon caused two ministers at valence to be hehaded , and three of the principal citizens to be hanged ; the rest he punished with great fines , whippings , and banishments . at roan he hanged two men , whipt one , and afterwards sent him to the gallies . anno . in provence , a godly gentleman was traiterously massacred for his profession of religion . those of the religion , seeing themselves destitute of all humane aid , resolved in all their dangers instead of seeking to man for help , to pray to god , to hear his word , to continue in true obedience unto it , living in great love and concord one with another , whereby abundance of papists were so edified , that by whole troopes they left the masse , and made open profession of the protestant religion . anno . there happened a great mutiny in the city of paris , raised by some priests , which rang a bell while those of the religion were hearing a sermon : from which proceeded wounds , murthers , and imprisonments ; foure of the protestants were hanged to please the people , and the rest paid a fine . chap. xxxiv . the persecution in the time of the civil wars . anno . the duke de guise passing towards paris , and coming near to vassy , understanding that the bell rang to a sermon , which was to be preached in a barn , in which place there were assembled about twelve hundred men , women , and children , he presently went vvith all his troops to the barn , and entring into it , they cryed out death of god , kill , kill these huguenots ; then did some of them shoot at those vvhich vvere in the galleries , others cut in pieces such as they met with . some had their heads cleft in twain , others had their armes and hands cut off , so that the walls and galleries of the barne were died with the blood of the slain ; the duke with his sword drawn stood amongst them , charging his men to kill without sparing , especially the young men : some of these godly persons getting upon the roof , hid themselves there : but at length some of this bloody crew spying them , shot at them with long pieces , whereby many of them were slain , falling down from the roof like pigeons . then they fell to murthering of them all without distinction ; the poor saints of god made no resistance , only praying unto god : and every one running to save himself , as it pleased god to direct him , many men and women were slain ; others being sore wounded , escaped , which died shortly after ; the poor mans box was taken and emptied . the minister in the beginning of the massacre ceased not to preach still , till one discharged his peece against the pulpit ; then falling upon his knees , he intreated the lord to have mercy upon him , and upon his poor persecuted flock ; and so coming down from the pulpit , attempted to escape , but by the way he received divers wounds , whereupon finding himself as he thought , mortally hurt , he cryed , lord into thy hand i commend my spirit , for thou hast redeemed me o lord god of truth ; yet before he was slain , some took him and carried him before the duke , who said to him , who made thee so bold thus to seduce the people ? sir , said the minister , i am no seducer , but have faithfully preached the gospel of jesus christ to them . then did the duke curse and swear , saying , death of god , doth the gospel teach sedition ? and calling the provost , he said , take this varlet and hang him upon a gibbet ; then was the minister delivered to two pages , who basely abused him ; the popish women also threw dirt at him , and could scarce be restrained from tearing him to pieces . he was kept close prisoner , none being suffered to bring him necessaries ; and he was oft threatned to be sown up in a sack and drowned ; yet at last , through gods mercy , he was released , at the earnest request of the prince of portion . the pulpit was broken down , the slain stript stark naked , and so the duke departed with his bloody troops , sounding his trumpets as if he had obtained a great victory . when he came to paris , he with the constable and marshal of saint andrews , seized upon the king , defaced and overthrew the places where they of the religion used to assemble , which so encouraged the popish party , that in every place they so abused those of the religion , as the most cruel barbarians would have been ashamed to do the like . this caused a civil war , wherein the duke of guise , having taken roan , sacked it for three dayes space , and executed many of the citizens . not long after he went to orleance , boasting that within twenty four houres he would win the town ; and neither spare man , woman , nor child in it , and that he would so destroy the town that the memory of it should be extinct for ever ; but mans purposes ; and god disposes ; for the same night there was a young gentleman named john poltrot , who watching his opportunity , shot him with his pistol laden with three bullets , whereof he shortly after died ; and poltrot declared at his death , that he did it to deliver france , and especially the city of orleance from the violence of the duke of guise ; after whose death peace was shortly after concluded between the queen-mother and the protestants . but before this peace took place , those of the religion suffered much in sundry parts of the realm . in paris they were persecuted cruelly , the popish people being wholly set upon blood , and the parliament there sparing neither great nor small that fell into their hands , either of that city , or such as were brought thither upon appeal , or summons . at senlis many godly christians suffered much , some were beheaded , some murthered in a popular tumult , some were whipt , some imprisoned , some fined , and others sent to the gallies , not sparing the simple women . yet through gods mercy , some escaped , amongst whom was one iohn gardens and his wife , who living with his wife and child in the fileds , at length determined to go back into the city , casting themselves upon gods providence ; but when they came into the suburbs , they met some who bade the souldiers to put them to the sword . the woman kneeling down , begged of the souldiers , that if they must needs dye , they would kill her child first , saying that so she should die with the more comfort ; which speech of hers so wrought upon the souldiers , that they spared all their lives . in chaalons there was a godly minister , called fournier , apprehended and spoiled of all that he had : they stripped him also of his apparel , instead whereof they put on him a thredbare cloak , and so carried him away in a cart , by reason of an hurt that he had gotten in one of his feet ; by the way they did nothing but jeere and scoffe at him , and every moment he was in danger of his life ; the rude people also had almost pulled him in pieces ; but it pleased god that he was preserved by those which had designed him to death . when he came to munchon he was cast into prison , and after a while there came a captain to him with many souldiers , who mixing mocks and threatnings together , sware that within three houres he should be hewen in pieces . after them came in some of the judges , commanding the jailor to load him with irons , saying to him , you are no better i am sure then saint peter , whom they laid in irons : but if you have as much faith as he , god will then deliver you as he did him , by sending an angel to you . i will not , said fournier , compare my self with saint peter ; yet it is not twelve years ago , since for preaching the same doctrine that peter did , i was imprisoned at tholouse , and there was admirably delivered . and though peter was delivered out of prison , yet in the end he glorified god by his death : and if i should be counted worthy with him to suffer for the truth , may it not be said that i have the like precious faith with saint peter ? when they were gone , the jailor forbore putting bolts upon him , because of his sore legg , yet did he put him into a straiter prison . afterwars the duke of guise being made governour in that place , he was put to the torture , where first they strained his thumbs so hard with a small cord that blood came forth : then turning his armes behind his back , they hoisted him up with a rope put between his thumbs , twitching him up and letting him down five or six times ; they tied also great stones to both his great toes , and let him hang till his spirits failed : then they let him fall with such violence upon his face , that he was grievously hurt thereby . then was he thrown into prison , and they would not suffer him to have a chirurgion to cure him of the gashes which the cords had made in his flesh even to the bare bones : so that his torment and anguish was very great , neither could he lift his hands to his mouth , which he was likely to lose the use of . but it so fell out by gods providence , that after he was condemned , news coming of the duke of guise his death , his enemies began to tremble , and some of his judges coming to him in prison , asked him if he did not bear them ill will ? he answered , that men of his profession and religion ought not to bear malice to any , being enjoyned by god to love and pray for those that persecuted them ; shewing also that whatsoever troubles had befallen him , were none other but such as god had fore-ordained for the setting forth of his own glory , for which he esteemed himself most happy ; yet he warned them to lay to heart the wrong that they had done him , lest the vengeance of god did sooner or later overtake them for it . the next day bussi , one of his persecutors , having received letters from the constable of france to release him , swore that he should be delivered indeed , but into the hands of the multitude . but it pleased god that just at that time there came by the prince of portion with his germane souldiers , which were for the protestants , who sent word that they would not leave so much as a house standing except they would deliver fournier ; this so affrighted his enemies that they released him out of prison , protected him from the violence of the multitude , and conveyed him in safety to the prince ; there he was kindly welcomed and entertained , all grieving for the miseries which he had endured , and two dayes after he preached before the prince and his followers , and the day after , at the instant request of the protestants of vitri , he went to them to preach and baptize their children , and shortly after was called to ver , where he gathered a congregation , and spent some time amongst them with wonderful fruit ; but by reason he was so extreamly weakned by his strait imprisonment and tortures , being above fifty years old , he soon after finished his course , and quietly resigned up his soul unto god. at amiens , all bibles , new testaments , and psalm-books were sought for and openly burnt , as also the ministers pulpit : then did the guisians proceed to killing of the christians , and casting them into the river , some they shot to death , and others they hanged . at abbevilli they slew the lord of haucourt , with divers others ; one beliart they dragged along the streets with his face downwards , and then drowned him in the river . at meaux the protestants were the stronger party , and therefore continued the free exercise of their religion for a while ; but the parliament of paris gave judgment against them , and exposed them to the spoil of such as would undertake it ; then a company of souldiers entring the town , disarmed the citizens , and slew about foure hundred of the religion ; then mounsieur de boisy entring with more souldiers committed a thousand villanies : women and maids were ravished in the open market-place and streets ; some were beaten and hailed to masse ; children were re-baptized : others married again ; houses were pillaged and plundred : some that fled into the field died with hunger and cold . many men , women and children , were massacred and drowned ; infants were dashed against the walls ; and some others were hanged . the executioners running into divers places , committed a world of mischief ; and divers priests amongst them slew some of the protestants with their own hands . at troys , bibles and divinity-books were rent and torn in pieces ; they of the religion were murthered , and their houses sacked ; eighteen men were hanged ; women were dragged through the streets , and cast into the river ; and infants were pulled from their mothers breasts , and re-baptized . at bar the popish enemies entring the town , committed such cruelties as never were seen , especially against women and little children ; some of their breasts they cut open , pulled out their hearts and gnawed them with their teeth , rejoycing that they had tasted of an huguenots heart ; a young counsellor they hanged at the request of his own father ; with most horrible blasphemies they ravished women and girls . mounsieur de st. esteen with his two brothers were cruelly stabbed by their own cousin germane , their wives were spoiled of all they had , and led away prisoners . the pesants in some places committed infinine murthers and mischiefs against those of the religion ; monsieur de vigney with his wife and servants they massacred in his own house , which afterward they pillaged and spoiled . in crant , the pesants entring the town , murthered many ; one young child together with his father they burnt . in sens one hundred protestants were cruelly murthered , and their naked bodies thrown into the river ; one hundred houses were plundered , the church where they preached was defaced . at auxerre one cosson was barbarously massacred ; a faire young gentlewoman was stabbed and cast into the river ; many other outrages and robberies were committed . at nevers the ministers were cast into prison , whereof one perished miserably there ; another miraculously escaped ; children were re-baptized , marriages reiterated , and many houses plundred . the popish party entring chastillon , left no kind of cruelty un-exercised , neither upon women nor children , old nor young ; yea not sparing the women with childe that were ready to be delivered . at guyen they used all the cruelty that possibly could be invented : and some italians , in hatred of the religion , cut an infant in two pieces , and eat his liver . at montargis , there lived the lady rene , dutchesse dowager of ferrara , and daughter to king lewis the twelfth ; the duke of guise sent thither one malicorn a knight of the order , who entring the town , murthered some of the religion , and committed other outrages ; then he proceeded so far as to threaten the lady to batter her castle with canon-shot , if she would not deliver up those of the religion which were with her ; to whom the princesse bravely answered , i charge you , look what you enterprize ; for no man in the realm can command me but the king only : and if you proceed to your battery , i will stand in the breach , to try whether you dare kill the daughter of a king ; neither do i want means or power to be revenged on your boldnesse , even to the infants of your rebellious race : this stout answer made malicorne to pull in his hornes and depart . at monlius , monsieur de montare used all extremity against the protestants ; and without any form of law he hanged up two artificers , drave others out , and plundred their houses , and murthered many . at mans two hundred persons were put to death , men , women , and children , the houses of the protestants were pillaged ; such as were fled , were executed by their pictures , their goods confiscated , and their children made uncapable of their offices and estates , yea of inheriting their lands . some they beheaded ; others they hung up ; others they massacred , and being half dead , threw them into the river : above one hundred and twenty men , women , and children were murthered in the neighbouring villages . one captain threw above fifty persons into his fishpond to feed his pikes , and above as many more were thrown into ditches . one godly man , a weaver , had his throat cut , and his moutastuffed with leaves of a new testament which they found bouth him . at anger 's they murthered a godly minister , cast many into prison , robbed the houses of others , and slew such as they found therein : in a merchants house , finding many books of the holy scriptures , they openly burnt them in the middle of the town ; one fair guilt bible they hung upon an halberd , and carried it in procession , saying , behold truth hanged , the truth of the huguenots , the truth of all the divels ; behold the mighty god , behold the everlasting god will speak ; and when they came to the bridge , they threw it into the river , crying louder , behold the truth of all the divels drowned . above eighty other persons were executed . an aged gentlewoman of the age of seventy years was beaten to death with their pistols , then drawn through the dirty streets , and thrown into the river , terming her the mother of the divel that preached to the huguonets . a counsellors wife that lay bed-rid was murthered ; women and maids were ravished : two young maids were ravished before their fathers face , who was forced to look on the while : all that were but suspected to be of the religion , were massacred , and their houses pillaged . a valiant captain , contrary to their faith given to him , they broke upon a crosse , and so they left him hanging in great misery till he died . anno . a decree was made by the parliament of paris , commanding all catholicks presently to rise in armes , to sound the bells in every place , to destroy all those of the religion without respect of quality , sex , or age , to spoyle their houses , and utterly to root them out . this encouraged all sorts of rascals to rise up in armes , forsaking their vocations , and to march against the protestants . in ligueul they hanged up some , put out the ministers eyes , and then burnt him in a small fire : in other places they committed infinite villanies ; one young man they flayed alive ; the village of aze they burnt down , and massacred thirty persons therein . a godly minister was drowned called john de tour , at seventy five years old . at tours , one hundred and forty were murdered and cast into the river ; divers others were drowned , sparing neither man , woman , nor child . the president being suspected to favour them of the religion , was beaten with staves , stript to his shirt , hanged up by one foot , his head in the water up to the breast , and whilst he was yet living , they ript up his belly , pluck't out his guts , and threw them into the river ; and sticking his heart upon the point of a lance , they carried it about , saying , it was the heart of the president of the huguenots . shortly after came thither the duke de monpensier , who caused gibbets , wheels and stakes to be set up , whereupon many more , especially of the richer sort , were murthered to the number of some hundreds : when they put any man or woman to death , they entred their houses , murthered their children , and took all their goods . a poor woman , whose husband was a little before drowned , having a young infant sucking at her breasts , and a beautiful daughter of about sixteen years old in her hand ; these bloody villains drew them to the river : there the woman on her knees prayed ardently unto god : then took her infant , and shifting it in the sun , laid it upon the grasse : in the mean while this hellish rabble endeavoured , partly by threats , partly by fair promises to seduce the young maid ; and one of them finer then the rest , promised to marry her if she would do it , so that the poor wench stood in a disway , which her mother perceiving , who was now ready to be thrown into the river , she earnestly exhorted her daughter to persist in the truth ; the daughter hereupon cryed out , i will live and die with my mother , whom i know to be a vertuous woman : as for your threats and promises i regard them not , do with me what you please . the mother was not yet dead when they threw in the daughter after her , where making towards her mother , they mutually embraced each other , and so yielded up their souls into the hands of god. also in the same city there was a godly matron called glee , who was carried before the captain , where she gave a reason of her faith , and confirmed it by evident testimonies of scripture : she dispuited also with some friars , whom she so silenced that they had nothing to say , but that she was in a damnable condition . it seems so indeed , saith she , being in your hands ; but i have a god that will not faile nor forsake me , &c. then was she committed to prison , where she was much sollicited to recant , but all in vain ; for she spake her mind freely , and comforted the prisoners which were in the same prison for religion . news being brought her that she was condemned to be hanged , when the rope was put about her neck , she kneeled down , praising and magnifying the name of god , in that he shewed her such mercy as by this death to deliver her out of the troubles of this wretched world , as also for that it pleased the lord to honor her so far as to die for his truth , and to wear his livery , meaning the halter ; then she brake her fast with the rest of the company , and giving thanks to god , she exhorted them to be of good courage , and to trust to the end in his free mercy , &c. as she went to execution , a kinswoman met her with her little children , perswading her to recant , telling her that thereby she might preserve her life , and see those her babes provided for ; this meeting wrought so upon her motherly affection , as made her shed plenty of tears ; but presently taking new courage , she said , i love my children dearly , yet neither for love to them , nor for any thing else in the world , will i renounce my god or his truth . god will be a father to these my children , and will provide better for them then i could have done , and therefore to his providence and protection i commend and leave them , at the place of execution having prayed to , and praised god with a chearful heart and voice , she quietly resigned up her spirit unto god. the duke de aumale in normandy , took pontea de mer by subtilty , where he used all kinds of cruelty , especially against the minister , master brione ; shortly after , roan was besieged , and two forts taken , wherein they put all to the sword , the queen-mother in an impudent manner leading the king , who was but twelve years old , to shew him the naked bodies of the women weltring in their own blood ; after divers assaults the city of roan was taken , wherein the kings souldiers used all kinds of monstrous cruelty , massacring all they met : many english and scots souldiers were hanged ; the sick and wounded were cast into the river : divers ministers were retreated into a strong tower , which they yielded upon promise of safety , but contrary therereto they were cast into prison ; augustine marlorat with three counsellors were condemned to be hanged , which was presently executed , with many opprobrious speeches against marlorat ; the sackage of this town lasted foure moneths together , in which space divers were executed . in valougnes divers persons of good quality were massacred , and the houses of the protestants were filled with souldiers that did what they listed therein . amongst other outrages they slew a godly minister , called monsieur de valougnes , whose body ▪ they stripped naked , dragd it up and down his house with many scorns and jears ; at last bringing it into the chamber where he used to preach to his people , they spurned his corpse , saying , now pray to god ▪ and preach if thou canst ; the priests that were present stuffed his mouth and wounds with the leaves of his bible , saying to him , preach the truth of thy god , and call upon him now to help thee . in vire as they came from a sermon , some were slain , some stoned , and a while after many were put to the sword . in , and about agen , monluc killed and massacred many , two young children were roasted . in the castle of reime , monluc used great cruelty against those of the religion , sparing none , but murthering young children in their mothers armes , and then killing the mothers : some other women they reserved for their lust , which they so abused , that ( saith mine author ) i abhorre to write it . above five hundred men were hanged upon gibbets , amongst whom was a grave counsellor in his long gown and square cap. one poor man they cut and mangled in several parts of his body , filling all his wounds with salt . in the city of blois there was a godly woman called nichola , at whose house some holy people used to meet to pray , and confer together for their mutual edification and comfort . the murtherers hearing of it , came rushing in , thinking to have found a minister preaching , but being disappointed in their expectations , they dragged these good women out by the haire of the head , loaded them with many stripes , and then threw them into the river ; but behold a singular providence ! god so endowed them with strength and skill , that they swam safely to an island : yet after a while some watermen finding them there , they stript them stark naked , and threw them again into the river , yet they still sought to save themselves by swimming , and coming at last to the suburbs of vienne , they were there most cruelly knocked on the head by the bloody papists . monluc having defeated a party of the protestants under monsieur duras , he took divers prisoners , most of which he hanged , especially the ministers . amongst the prisoners was a captain called la-mothe , whom monluc meeting with , gave him divers stabs with a dagger , and thrust him through with a rapier , saying , villain , thou shalt die in despite of god ; but he proved a lyar ; for the man being carried away , though he had many mortal wounds , yet he was wonderfully cured and lived after . in guillac , the murthers committed upon the protestants were many and horrible ; and amongst other this was one of their practices ; there was by the city , the abbey of st. michael , built upon a very high rock , under which ran a swift and deep river called tar. many of the protestants they forced to go up to the top of this rock , whom they threw headlong down into the river ; by the way there was another rock , upon which most of the bodies falling , were dashed and broken all to pieces , and if any escaped with life into the river , they had their cut-throats waiting upon the river in boats to knock them on the head ; amongst others there was one peter domo , an apothecaries servant , who seeing them bent to murther him , requested that he might have leave to cast himself down from the top of the abbey , provided that if god should preserve him in the fall , they would suffer him to escape with life ; this they promised ; whereupon having made his prayers to god , he fetched his leap from the top of the abby , and flew so far , that missing the rocks under him , he fell safely into the river , and endeavoured to swim out with life ; but these perfidious villains , contrary to their promise made , knocked him on the head and slew him . in souraize , there was one captain durre , who with his souldiers going into the house of a godly widow , called castille roques , he caused her to be bound with cords , and a rope to be put about her neck , by which he haled her up and down , almost strangling her ; then he asked her how oft she had played the whore with those of her religion ? she answered , that in their christian meetings they had no such villanies committed . durre fretting and fuming at this answer , took her by both the cheeks , and oft dashed her head with such violence against the wall , that he had almost beaten out her brains ; then he required her to give him the seven hundred pieces of gold which she had hidden ; she told him that she was a poor woman , and had onely one french penny ; this more enraged him ; whereupon he drew her again about by the neck , and applyed burning hot egges to her arm-pits , till they were all blistred , bidding her in derision to cry to her father which was in heaven . she answered , i will not cry aloud for thee , and yet my god can hear me well enough , and when his pleasure is , he will deliver me out of thy hand . this made him so to blaspheme , that the poor woman was more afflicted to hear his blasphemies than with all her pains . then did he call her huguenote whore , telling her that these were but the beginnings of her sorrows , except she fetched him out her gold , which if she refused , he would draw her cheeks and breasts with lard , and so roast her quick , and afterwards throw her headlong from the highest steeple in the town . well , said she , if you throw my body never so low , that shall not hinder my soul from ascending into heaven : this her courage and constancy did still further enrage him ; then did he open her mouth with his dagger , and crammed lime down her throat ; after which he made her drink a glasse of urine which himself had made before her , withal throwing the glasse with the remainer into her face . after this he carried her to his quarters , where with strange cruelties he intended to have slain her : but some of the neighbours pitying her sad condition , redeemed her from him with ten crowns , and so conveyed her to her house , where shortly after she finished her dayes . some other of these hell-hounds meeting with one peter roch , constrained him to dig his own grave , and then to try how it fitted him ; which whilst he was doing , they buried him alive . in saint martins in castillon , they took the wife of one andrew renaud , stripped her stark naked , and would have violated her chastity , which she resisting , they whipt her most cruelly , wounded her with their swords , crowned her with thorns , and lastly shot her to death . they took also one ianetta calvin , whom they carried into the city of brignole , stripped her , whipt her cruelly , crowned her with thorns , and first stoned , and afterwards burned her . in mont de marsan , six of the principal men had their heads stricken off , otheres were executed divers wayes ; one was buried quick ; and a young woman being pursued to be ravished , threw her self out of a window and died . in tholouse the papists fell upon the protestants , hurt many , killed some outright , divers they threw into a well ; then did some counsellors proclaim , that they should not spare to kill and spoil all them of the religion , for that they were licensed by the king and pope . this soon ran through all the villages , and the papists rang their bells ; in tholouse were about thirty thousand protestants , so that there began one of the most horrible massacres that was in those parts . the prisons were presently filled , and many were knocked on the head at the prison-doors , because they could hold no more ; the river in a short space was covered with dead bodies ; many were thrown into the streets out at the windows : if any sought to escape out of the water , they were presently slain with swords or stones . some of the protestants gat into the town-house , where they stood upon their guard , and at last it was agreed , that leaving their arms , they should depart in safety ; and so after they had received the sacrament , commended themselves to god with prayers and tears , they came forth ; but contrary to the faith and promise made to them , the popish party seised upon as many as they could , whom they cast into prison ; of such as gat out of the city , some escaped to montaubon , others in the way were spoiled and killed by the souldiers and pesants . at carcasson those of the religion being gone out of the town to hear a sermon , when they returned , the gates were shut , and the papists shot at them , who afterwards issuing out against them , slew some , and hurt others : one they beat down , cutting off his nose and ears , and pulling out his eyes : some they took prisoners , whom they hanged ; one they beheaded , and put others to great ransomes . one they took , blacked his face , hands and feet , and gave it out that he had a divel within him , then hanged him , and threw his body to the dogs ; others they banished , or condemned to the gallies . in limoux the papists used all manner of cruelty , deflouring women and very girls in a most detestable manner ; the minister was slain , two gentlemen , and sixty others were hanged . a widdow of great account redeemed the virginity of her only daughter with a great summe of mony ; but the villain that promised to defend her , ravished her in her mothers presence , and then killed them both . yea after peace was proclaimed , fourteen of the religion coming thither were all slain . in nonnay , monsieur chaumont having surprised the town , murthered many protestants , spitting out infinite and horrible blasphemies against god himself : a locksmith being commanded to despite and blaspheme god , because he refused to do it , was presently hewen in pieces ; for the same cause another was brained with the butt end of a musket ; a naylor , because he would not give himself to the divel , was drawn about his shop by the ears ; then being laid on his anvile , they beat his head in pieces with hammers ; yea all manner of cruelty was used that could be devised ; three of the principal in the town were thrown down from an high tower ; many other were thrown down to make sport : some were burnt in their houses , others thrown out at windows : others stabbed in the streets : women and maids were most shamefully handled ; a young woman that was found hid in an house with her husband , was first ravished before her husbands face , then forced to hold a rapier ; wherewith one thrusting her arme , made her kill her own husband . in foix , many protestants were cast into prison , of whom some had their armes and legs cut off , and then were beheaded ; some burnt , some hanged , and others sent to the gallies . in aurange they killed the protestants without distinction of age , sex , or quality : some they stabbed , others they threw upon the points of halberds ; some they hanged , others they burnt in the churches ; of some they cut off their privy members , sparing neither old nor bedrid , nor the diseased in the hospitals . women and maids were killed , others hanged out at windows were harquebushed , sucking children massacred at their mothers breasts ; girls of five or six years old ravished and spoiled ; the wounds of the dead were filled with leaves torne out of bibles . those in the castle yielding upon oath and promise of safety , were all stabbed , or thrown over the wals , being one hundred and ninety of them . in grenoble , they slew many of the religion , and others they cast from the bridge into the river . in cisterno , the men that were of the religion being fled , the popish party fell upon the women and children , whereof they slew three or foure hundred : some women with child were rip 't up , many were buried quick ; some had their throats cut like sheep , others were drawn through the streets , and beaten to death with clubs . in beaune , they were bereaved of the exercise of religion , their three ministers imprisoned ; many were driven out of the town to the number of eight hundred persons with women and children : their houses were filled with souldiers who made spoile of all ; such as were found in their houses , were vilely abused , and some were slain . in mascon the bloody persecutors having apprehended a godly and learned minister called bonnet bor who was of a very unblameable life , having served twenty years in the ministry , and in that time had been put to his ransome three times ; they carried him along the streets with a thousand scoffs and scorns , smiting him with their fists , thrusting him up and down , and then made a proclamation , that whosoever would hear this holy man preach , should come to the slaughter-house ; at which place they again buffeted and mocked him two hours together : hereupon he requested them that before his death they would permit him to pray to god : then one stepping to him cut off half his nose , and one of his ears , saying , now pray as long as thou wilt , and then we will send thee to all the divels ; and so this holy man kneeling down , prayed with such fervency of spirit that drew sighs from some of the murtherers : and aftervvards directing his speech to him that had cut off his nose , he said , friend , i am now ready to suffer what thou hast further to inflict upon me ; but i intreat thee and thy companions to bethink you well of the outrages committed by you against this poor city ; for there is a god in heaven , before whose tribunal you must shortly give an account of these your cruelties . a captain passing by , cryed , send that wretched man to the divel ; which one of them hearing , took him by the hand , pretending to have him to the river to wash off his blood , but when he came thither he threw him into it , battering him with stones till he was drowned . chap. xxxv . the history of the massacre at paris anno . after the end of the third civil war in france , great means was used to draw the chief of the protestants to paris , under pretence of a marriage between the prince of navar and the lady margaret , sister to the king of france ; but in the mean time the papists in roan murthered divers protestants as they came from a sermon , and grievously beat others ; this seemed much to displease the king , and three or four were executed for the mutiny ; then were the articles of marriage agreed upon ; the place for it , paris : and the admiral sent to by the king to be present at the wedding , and to prevent all jealousies , those of the house of guise were sent away , whereat they seemed much discontented . the admiral was allowed to bring with him fifty gentlemen armed for his greater security . when he came to paris , he was honourably received and conducted to the king , who calls him his father , protesting that in all his life he had not seen any day more agreeable to his mind than that , wherein he assured himself to see the end of all troubles , and the beginning of firm peace and quietness in his realm : the queen-mother and the rest of the great courtiers received him with greater favour than he expected : then did the king send him one hundred thousand franks out of his treasury for the losses which he had received in the wars , &c. the admiral had divers advertisements of the intended treachery ; yet god so blinded him at that time , though a very prudent man , that he gave little heed to them . yea such a general stupidity seized upon the protestants , that their minds were very wavering , and few there were that shewed themselves zealously bent to religion ; but all both great and small , thinking deeply upon worldly matters , built them goodly castles in the aire . then was the queen of navar sent for by the king of france to paris , to prepare all things against the wedding : but presently after her coming she fell sick of a feavor , made her will in a most christian manner , had much inward joy and comfort , and at five dayes end died , not without suspition of poison from certain perfumes given to her : and after her death the chirurgions were not suffered to open her head , where the mischief lay , whereby it was the better concealed . the admiral was again advertised of his danger ; but he resting upon the testimony of a good conscience , and the providence of god , misinterpreted those advices , as if they proceeded from men desirous of new troubles . many lords and gentlemen of the religion , accompanied the king of navar , and the prince of conde to paris . the king of france , the better to delude the protestants , spake openly , that he gave not his sister to the king of navar only , but as it were to the whole church of the protestants to joyn with them in an indissoluble union , and as a tie to their peace and safety . august . anno . the king of navar and the lady margaret were married by the cardinal of bourborn , upon a scaffold in the sight of all the people , and that day was spent in banquets , dances , and masks , with a strange mixture of protestants and papists together ; but in the mean time the queen mother with her privadoes , as also the duke of anjou with the guises , consulted about killing the admiral , and dividing the protestants . five dayes after , as the admiral came from the court , accompanied with about fifteen gentlemen , reading a petition as he went , one shot at him with a caliver ; the bullet taking away his right fore-finger , hurt him in the left arm : he that shot had a spanish jennet at the back-door of his lodging , upon which he immediately mounted and escaped : the door being burst open , it was found that the caliver left behind , was brought to the house the day before by one chally , steward of the kings house , and a great dealer for the duke of guise ; the admiral being conveyed to his lodging , shewed most admirable piety , patience , and constancy . the king complained of the mischief , swearing and promising to execute such justice upon the offendor , that the admiral and all his friends should thinke themselves well satisfied . he caused also all the gates of paris to be shut , swearing and blaspheming , that he would not that they which had done the fact should escape ; he also appointed many lords and gentlemen of the protestants to lodge in the admirals quarter , the better , as he pretended , to secure themselves against any danger . after noon the king went to visit the admiral , and there , with many oaths and protestations , assured him of his love to him , care over him and them of the religion , and that he would severely punish the authors of his present hurt . presently after the vidame of chartres [ john de ferriers ] advised the king of navar , the prince of conde , the admiral , and other chief lords of the religion , presently to depart out of paris , assuring them that that blow was but the beginning of the tragedy which was soon to ensue , but they trusting to the kings word , rested secure . that day also the king wrote to the ambassadors of forrein princes , and to the governours of all his provinces how much he was offended at the admirals hurt , how severely he would punish it , yea he desired that all the world might know how much he was offended at it ; and the queen-mother wrote the like . in the mean time the dukes of anjou and guise employed some to go from house to house to take the names of all the protestants , and to return the catalogue to them , so that presently after they of the religion began to discover that some bloody intentions were hatching against the admiral and his friend . for the king set a guard of fifty harquebushires at the admirals gate . great store of armes were carried into the loure , and about evening all the people were in armes . the chief of the protestants hereupon assembled again in the admirals lodging , where the vidame of chartres advised as before , that they should essay presently to carry the admiral out of paris , and that the rest should presently dislodge ; yet all the rest refused this counsel , resolving to relie upon the kings word , who had promised them justice . in the evening some protestant gentlemen proffered to watch with the admiral , but he would not suffer them : at night the duke of guise sent for the captain of the switzers ▪ shewing him his commission to kill the admiral and all his partakers , exhorting him and his men to be couragious in shedding of blood . at midnight the provost , sheriffs , and captains of every ward had the same shewed them , with assurance that through the whole realm the like should be done to all the protestants , and that the watchword for the general massacre should be the tolling of the bell in the palace to be rung at the break of day , and the badge of the executioners should be a white handkerchif tied on their armes , and a white crosse in their hats : the duke of guise and his associates were to begin at the admirals lodging : some of the protestants being awakened with the noise in the streets of men running up and down in armes , and with torches , gat up to enquire what was the matter ; but presently the bell rung , and the duke of guise with his cutthroats hasted to , and knocked at the admirals gates : he that opened them was presently stabbed ; the admiral hearing the noise , gat out of bed , and joyned with his minister [ master merlin ] in fervent prayer , commending his soul into the hands of god ; then said he , it is long since i disposed my self to die ; save you your selves if it be possible , for you cannot save my life ; i commit my soul into the hands and mercy of god ; then did merlin his minister , and the rest get up to the top of the house , and crept out of windows into the gutters to hide themselves ; yet most of them were slain in the next house : then seven or eight men brake into the admirals chamber , and one of them went to him with his naked sword offering him the point , to whom he said ; young man , thou oughtest to respect any age and infirmity , yet shalt thou not shorten my life ; with that he thrust him into the body , and all the rest laid at him , so that he fell to the ground , where he lay gasping : the duke of guise below called to them to throw his body out at window , which they did : his face being all bloody , the duke of guise wiped it , and looking on it , said , now i know him , it is he , and so kicked him on the face with his foot , whom all the murtherers in france feared so much when he was alive . then went he out into the streets , crying , courage my fellows , we have here made a good beginning , let us now fall upon the rest , the king commands it ▪ it is his expresse pleasure , he commands it . the admirals head was sent to the king and queen-mother , and by them sent to the pope and cardinal of lorrain as a grateful present . the pope when he heard the newes , set apart a day of publick thanksgiving to god , in the church of st. lewis , and published a bull of extraordinary indulgences to such as should pray for the heavenly assistance to the king and kingdome of france . strada . the common people cut off the admirals hands and privy members , drawing his body about the streets three days , and then hung it by the feet upon the gallows . all the attendants of the king of navar and prince of conde which lay in the kings palace were massacred ; the like was done to the lords and gentlemen that lay about the admirals lodging , and then through all the city were the protestants murthered , so that that night and the two next days there were slain in paris about ten thousand persons of all ranks , ages , and sexes , yea they spared not children in the cradle , nor infants in their mothers wombs . but to colour this their villany , they gave it out , that the huguenots had conspired to kill the king ; they boasted also that they had in one day done that , which processes , sentences of justice , and open warre could not do in twelve years . the lords and gentlemen were most inhumanely mu●thered , some in their beds , others on the roofs of their houses , and in all other places wheresoever they were found . there were at this time in paris about sixty thousand men with pistols , pikes , curtelaces , poinards , knives , and such other bloody instruments , that ran up and down swearing and blaspheming the sacred majesty of god , cruelly massacring all that they met with : the streets were covered with mangled bodies , gates and doors defiled with blood ; shoutings & howlings of the murtherers , mixed with the cries and groans of the dying ; the breaking open of doors and windows , with the noise of guns and pistols , all which made an hellish noise ; multitudes of dead bodies were thrown into the seine , which was died red with their blood . the king certified the king of navar and the prince of conde of all that was done , saying , that he saved their lives upon condition that they should renounce their religion , and turn papists . the king of navar desired him not to force his conscience , but to remember the alliance so lately contracted betwixt them : the prince of conde with more zeal told him , that his body and estate were in his power to do with them what he pleased ; but for his religion he was fully purposed not to forsake it , but to remain constant therein to the losse of his life ; he put the king in minde also that he had given his faith to him , and to those of the religion , and therefore he hoped he would not falsifie his oath , &c. this so enraged the king that he called him rebel , and the sonne of a rebellious person , with horrible threatnings that he should lose his head if within three days he altered not his mind . the king and his confidents perceiving that this massacre would not quench the fire , but rather stirre up the protestants in other parts of the kingdome to defend themselves ; they presently dispatched away letters to the governours of towns , with expresse commands to masscacre all the protestants : yet at the same time the king wrote other letters , wherein he laid the fault of the murther of the admiral upon the duke of guise : pretending that he had quieted all things in paris , and intended that his edicts of pacification ▪ should hold inviolably . upon the receipt of the first letters , the papists fell upon the protestants at meaux , trois , orleance , and other places , and murthered them without all pity , besides such as were massacred in villages and fields , where they thought to save themselves , so that in a few weeks there were above thirty thousand persons massacred in france . but besides this general account , some particulars deserve remembrance , which are these that follow . monsieur de la place , president of the court of requests , had a captain armed that came into his house , telling him that the duke of guise , had slain the admiral at the kings appointment , with many other huguenots , and that he was come to protect him in that common destruction , only he desired a sight of the gold and silver that was in his house : the l. de la place amazed at his audaciousnesse , asked him whether he thought that there was a king or no ? the captain blaspheming , willed him to go with him to know the kings pleasure ; hereupon the lord went from him to secure himself ; then did the captain rifle his house , taking above one thousand crowns : the lord would have secured himself in three several houses , all which refused to entertain him , which caused him to go back to his own house again , where he found his wife very heavy , whom he rebuked , discoursed to her of the promises , told her that we must through many afflictions enter into the kingdome of god , &c. which much comforted her : then calling his family together , he made an exhortation to them , went to prayer , and began to read a chapter in job with calvins exposition upon it . then went he to prayer again , resolving to suffer all torments or death , rather than to do any thing that might be dishonorable to god : then came the provost-marshal with many archers to his house , pretending to secure him , and safely to convey him to the king , who would speak with him ; de la place told him that he was most willing to do it , but saw it impossible ( in regard of the horrible massacres committed every where ) without apparent danger of his life ; in brief , presently after came the provost of merchants , who would needs also have him to the king , yet he would have excused it as before , but the provost would have no nay , wherefore resolving upon death , which he saw he could not avoid , he embraced his wife , wishing her above all things , to continue in the fear of god , and so went on his way boldly ; but in the street some murtherers that attended there for his coming , with their daggers stabbed him , and then pillaged him , carrying his body into a stable , and covering his face over with dung , and the next day they threw him into the river . peter ramus also , the kings professor in logick was not forgotten ; the murtherers breaking into the colledge of priests where he was , massacred him , then cast him out of the chamber-window , so that his bowels issued out on the stones : then was his body trailed through the streets and whipt by certain young scholars , who were set on by their popish tutors to do it . a godly young man going early abroad on the sabbath morning , and hearing of the death of the admiral , and seeing the insurrection , out of a singular child-like affection to his mother , he hasted home , informed her of the danger , secured her in a place of great secresie ; after which he shut himself up in his study , by prayer to fit himself for death , into which the murtherers breaking with battleaxes and staves , so loaded him with blows on the head , that he received his blood into his own hands ; and when they had killed him , they threw him into the river . two ministers belonging to the king of navar were also murthered , and thrown into the river : god miraculously preserving all the other ministers in the city . a jeweller being in bed with his wife , who at that time had the midwife with her , being near the time of her delivery , these bloody villains came knocking at the door , and in the kings name demanded entrance ; the woman as ill was she was , opened the door , whereupon rushing in , they stabbed her husband in his bed ; the midwife seeing that they were bent to murther the woman also , earnestly entreated them to tarry at least so long till the infant ( which would be the twentieth child that god had given her ) was born ; but notwithstanding her request , they took the woman , and thrust a dagger into her fundament up to the hilts ; the woman finding her self mortally wounded , yet desirous to bring forth her fruit , fled into a corn-loft , whither these tygers persuing her , gave her another stob into the belly , and so cast her out of the window into the street , and upon the fall , the childe came forth of her body , the head formost , gaping and yauning in a pitiful manner . one of these murtherers snatching up a little childe in his armes , the poor babe began to play with his beard , and to smile upon him ; but instead of being moved to compassion , this villain , whose heart was harder than the rocks , wounded it with his dagger , and cast it all gore blood into the river . the kings letters being come to meaux upon the same sabbath , to cosset the kings atturny there , upon the sight of them , he presently went about to his cutthroats , warning them to come to him armed at seven a clock at night , withal causing the gates of the city to be shut up ; the hour being come , he with his partizans went up and down , cruelly murthering the innocent servants of jesus christ , in which bloody employment they spent all that night ; the next day they pillaged their houses , and took above two hundred protestants more , and shut them up in prison : the next day towards evening , cosset with his companions went to the prison , where having a catalogue of the prisoners names , cosset called them out one by one , and then they murthered them till they were aweary : then they went to supper , that so they might breath and refresh themselves ; and then filling themselves with wine , they went back to glut themselves with blood also ; they took with them butchers axes that they might dispatch them the more easily , with which as they called them forth , they knocked them down and murthered them ; amongst those that were thus butchered , was an elder of the reformed church , who praying for his enemies , they laughed him to scorn , and because he had a buffe-coat on , which they were loth to spoil , they opened it before , and stabbed him into the breast . another was an ancient man , that had been sheriffe of the city ; him they were not content to kill out-right , but first cut off his nose , ears , and privy members , then they gave him several small thrusts into the body , tossing him up and down , till through losse of blood he fell down , calling upon the name of the lord , and so with many wounds he was slain . the kings letters being come to troys , the protestants were all shut up in prison ; then did the bailiffe send for the common hangman to murther them ; but he refused , saying , that his office was only to execute such as were legally condemned , and so went his way : then was the keeper of the prison sent for , who being sick , he sent one martin to know what the businesse was , to whom the bailiffe imparted the matter , wishing him to murther all the prisoners ; and that their blood might not run out into the street , he bade him to make a great trench in the midst of the prison , and to cause certain vessels to be set into it to receive the blood ; this martin going back with abhorrency of the fact , concealed it from the jailor : the next day the bailiffe came to the prison , and smiling , asked the jailor if it was done ? but he , being ignorant of his meaning , asked him what should be done ? hereupon the bailiffe was so enraged , that he was ready to strike him with his dagger , till he promised to perform his will ; then did the jailor go to the prisoners who were in the court recreating themselves , and shut them up one by one in their several cels , which made them suspect that they were destinated to slaughter , and therefore they betook themselves to prayer ; the jailor called his companions about him , acquainted them what was given him in charge , and caused them to swear to execute it ; but when they approached to the prisoners , they were so surprized with feare , that they stood gazing one upon another , having not hearts to act so horrid a deed ; whereupon they returned to the jailors lodge , and sent for eight quarts of the strongest wine , with other things , to intoxicate their brains ; then they took a catalogue of all their prisoners , and gave it to one martin to call them forth in order : the first prisoner being called for , presented himself with a cheerful countenance , calling upon the name of the lord , then opened his breast to them , receiving the mortal stroke , whereof he died . another being called forth , one of them thrust at him several times with the point of his halbard , wounding , but not killing him , whereupon the prisoner took the point of the halbard , and set it against his heart , saying with a stedfast voice , here souldier , here , right at the heart , right at the heart , and so finished his life . the rest were all murthered in the like manner , after which the murtherers made a great pit in the back-side of the prison , into which they cast the bodies one upon another , some of them yet breathing : yea one of them raised up himself above his fellows , whereupon they threw in earth and so smothered him : but the bailiffs order of making a trench being not observed , the blood of the slain ran so abundantly out of the prison door , that thence , through the channel , it ran into the river , and turned it into the colour of blood , which bred an horror in the very papists themselves which saw it . at orleance the kings edict for observing the treaty of peace was solemnly published , which made those of the religion very secure , whereupon above three hundred of them , men , women and children met together at a sermon ; but the same night came the kings letters for the massacring of them all ; then did the major and sheriffs raise the companies in armes to put it in execution . one of these murtherers with some of his companions went to a noble counsellors house , bidding themselves to supper ; the counsellor ignorant of their intents , made them good cheere ; but when supper was ended , with horrible blasphemies they murthered him , and then plundred his house . about the ramparts of the wall inhabited many of the religion , amongst whom all night was heard nothing but shooting of guns and pistols , breaking open of doors , fearful out-cries of the men , women and children that were massacred , trampling of horses , rumbling of carts that carried the dead bodies away , and the cryings out of the murtherers that went up and down , howling out , kill , kill them all , and then take the spoile . this massacre continued all the week long , the bloody beasts crying out to those whom they murthered , where is now your god ? what is become of all your prayers and psalms now ? let your god whom you call'd upon , save you if he can . others sang in scorn to them the . psalm , judge and revenge my cause o lord. others , have mercy on me , o god , &c. yet notwithstanding all these taunts , the faithful died couragiously . in this massacre the papists boasted that they had slain above twelve thousand men , besides women and children ; some of them said eighteen thousand . on tuesday night some of these murtherers came and knocked at the door of a doctor of the civil law , and when he opened it to them , they told him that he must die , whereupon he fell to prayer with such ardency and affection , that they being amazed and over-ruled by a divine power , only robbed him and went away ; the next day came some scholars to his house desiring to see his library , which he shewed them ; then they asked , some one book , some another , which he gave them ; yet they told him they were not satisfied , but they must kill him ; whereupon betaking himself to prayer , when he had done , he desired them to kill him there , which they refused , forcing him out into the streets , leading him by the schools , and there he again desired them to kill him in that place , where he had taught so long ; but they still refused ; and when they had led him a little farther , they knockt him on the head . others meeting with an apothecary who had brought physick to a patient , cut off one of his armes , and then had him forth into the market-place , where they murthered him . a cook that had hid himself three dayes , was at last through hunger forced to come forth , and so was slain . and to fulfil the measure of their cruelty , such protestants as through fear revolted to them , they placed them in the fore-front of their companies , putting weapons in their hands , compelling them to give the first onset , crying , smite them , smite them , are they not your holy brethren and sisters ? and if any refused , they presently slew him . in lyons , mandolet governour thereof , hearing of the massacre at paris , presently caused the city gates to be shut , raised forces , commanding them , that if any of the protestants came out of their houses , though but with swords , they should presently kill them ; but the protestants seeing a storme coming , which they knew could not arise without the special providence of god , set themselves to bear it with invincible patience . the day following if any of them did but go abroad about their necessary occasions , they were presently clapt up in prison , and when night came , the murtherers entred their houses , which they rifled and plundred , and pretending to carry the protestants to prison , some they stabbed in the streets , others they threw into the river , whereof some were carried down the stream half a mile below the city , by which means they escaped ; the day after , proclamation was made by sound of trumpet , that all of the religion should appear at such a place to know the kings pleasure concerning them ; many went , but so soon as they came , they were sent to several prisons , and the night following every corner and part of the city was full of lamentable cries and shreekings , partly of such as were massacred in their houses , partly of such as were but half murthered , and so haled to be thrown into the river ; and from that time there were such horrible murthers committed in the city , as if the divels in the likenesse of men ran roaring about to do mischief ; the sabbath morning following those that had hitherto escaped massacring , were then dispatched . in the arch-bishops house there were three hunded and fifty prisoners shut up , and a bloody crue of cutthroats were appointed to murther them , to whom the keyes were delivered , and they rushing into the great court , gave notice to the prisoners with a loud voice that they must die ; then having first taken all the prisoners purses , they fell upon them with barbarous cruelty , hacking and hewing them in a furious manner , so that within an hour and an half , they were every one cut in pieces ; the prisoners were all slain , with their eyes and hands lift up to heaven , whilst their hands and fingers were cut off . there was a merchant called francis de bossu that had two sonnes ; the father seeing the horrible massacres , said to his sons , children , we are not now to learn that it hath alwayes been the portion of believers to be hated , persecuted , and devoured by unbelievers , as christs sheep of ravening wolves ; if we suffer with christ , we shall also reign with him : let not therefore these drawn swords terrifie us , they will be but as a bridge whereby we shall passe to eternal life : we have lived long enough amonst the wicked , let us now go and live with our god , let us joyfully go after this great company that is gone before us , &c. when he saw the murtherers come , he clasped his armes about his two sons , and they theirs about him , as if they strove mutually to ward off the blows each from other , who were afterwards found dead in these mutual imbraces . the murtherers went up and down the city boasting that they had died their white doublets red in the blood of the huguenots ; one bragging that he had killed an hundred , and some more , and some lesse : when the people went into the arch-bishops house , and saw the slaughter that had been made there , though they were papists , yet they said that surely they were not men , but devils in the habit of men that had done this . the dead corpses were carried out , and lay spread like dung upon the face of the earth , and when they were about to throw them into the river , an apothecary told them that much money might be made of their grease , whereupon all the fat bodies were sought out , ripped up , and their grease sold for three shillings a pound ; which being done , after many jears bestowed upon the dead carcasses , some were tumbled into a great pit , others thrown into the river . the countries which lay below upon the river were amazed to see such multitudes of dead bodies to come down the streame , some with their eyes pulled out , others their noses , eares , and hands cut off ; stabbed into every part of their bodies , so that some had no part of humane shape remaining . shortly after the popes legat came thither , and as he came out of the great church from masse , all the chief massacrers kneeled down for to have his absolution , and when he was told who they were , and why they kneeled there , he absolved them all by making the signe of the crosse. a gentleman of paris , as soone as the massacre was ended there , went to angiers , and coming to the house of a reverend , godly , and learned minister called master john mason , meeting his wife at the door , he saluted her , asking where her husband was ? she said that he was walking in his garden , directing him the way to him ; when he came to him , he lovingly embraced him , and then said , do you know wherefore i am come to you ? the king hath commanded me presently to kill you , and therewithal he presented a pistol to his breast ; the minister replyed that he knew not wherein he had offended the king ; but seeing , said he , you will have my life , pray you give me leave to pray to god , and to begge mercy at his hands ; which being granted , he made a short prayer , and then willingly presented his body to the murtherer , who pistolled him , and so departed . presently after the king sent one pugilliard , who drowned nine or ten more in that place , and amongst the rest , the wife of this mr. mason , who shewed an admirable constancy of faith , even to her last breath . in roan in a few dayes they murthered above six thousand men besides women , upon whom they exercised no lesse cruelty than upon the men ; their dead bodies they carried out in tumbrels , and threw them by heaps into great pits digged for that purpose . the news of the massacre of paris coming to tholouse , the great gates of the city were presently shut up ; but it pleased god , that that morning most of the protestants were gone out of the city to hear a sermon ; the report of the shutting up of the gates coming to them , some thought it not fit to return , others would needs go back to take order abour their affairs : these were suffered to enter peaceably , leaving their swords at the gates , the rather to draw in the rest , amongst whom were divers counsellors ; and great meanes were used to entrap them , and indeed some of them were enticed to come back ; but when they saw they could get in no more , the wednesday morning following souldiers were sent to break into all the houses of those of the religion , and to carry them to sundry prisons ; and the gates were watched that none should escape : command also was given that none should conceale any of the protestants : amongst the prisoners were five or six counsellors , who much comforted and encouraged the rest . then were all the prisoners brought together into one place , and letters procured from the king to massacre them all : and accordingly some leud persons , armed with axes and butchers knives , were sent to effect it , who calling them out one by one , murthered them all , not permitting them so much as to speak , much lesse to pray . the number of the slain was above three hundred , who were all stript stark naked , and their bodies left to the common view of all for two dayes together : then were they , thus naked , thrown into pits one upon another , only the counsellors were hung up in their long gowns upon an elme in the palace-yard ; all their houses vvere also sacked and plundred . at bourdeaux when the news of the massacre of paris came thither , the protestants were taking boats to go into a meadow to hear a sermon , but the governour sent and stayed them , yet under preience of securing them against the multitude ; then were the gates guarded that none might escape , yet it pleased god that the ministers were conveyed away , who aftervvards took ship and came into england . there vvas a jesuite that dayly preached in that city , to stir up the governour and people to massacre the protestants , proposing the example of the persians to them . the governour could not vvell tell vvhat to do , but the lord of monpessat assured him that it was the kings minde that they should all be murthered , and that he could not do a more acceptable service to him ; whereupon he , gathering the scum of the citizens together , commanded them to kill all the protestants without sparing one , and to give them an example , himself went to the lord of obiers house , and murthered him in his own court ; then did they murther a countrey minister also that was come thither for shelter , together with the rest of the protestants , and afterwards pillaged their houses : an old man that was a deacon of the reformed church , being at this time sick in bed , they dragged him forth into the streets , asking him whether he would go to masse , to whom he answered ; i hope i shall not so far forget the eternal salvation of my soul , as for fear of death to prolong my life for a few dayes ; for thereby i should buy a short time of life at too dear a rate ; whereupon they instantly murthered him . it was lamentable to see the poor protestants wandring up and down , not knowing where to hide themselves ; some were rejected of their own parents and kinsfolk , who would not open their doors to them ; others were betrayed by their friends , and delivered into the hands of their murtherers ; yet some were hidden by their very enemies , whose hearts abhorred such detestable outrages . chap. xxxvi . the siege of sancerre , anno christi , . yet in the midst of these massacres and dangers god provided some pella's [ places of refuge ] for his people , as rochel , montalbon , nismes , sancerre , privas , &c. anno . sancerre was besieged by the lord of chastre , with an army , who planting his cannons , played incessantly upon the town , so that the stones of the wall , the pavement in the streets , and the shivers of timber flew about continually , yet the mighty power and providence of god herein appeared , that none within the city were slain , but onely one maid that was slain with the breath of a cannon-bullet : yet were the stocks of musquets sometimes broken in the hands and on the shoulders of the townsmen , and themselves not hurt ; yea some had their coats , breeches and hats shot through , and their bodies not hurt ; yea some stones that were beaten off the wall , flew violently between a ministers legs , and hurt him not . many were the assaults given to this town , yet still the assailants were beaten back with great losse . the siege continuing long , the townsmen began to be in want , so that they were forced to eat their horses , asses , and mules , which food lasted but a moneth , then they did eate all the dogs , cats , rats , mice , and moles that they could get : and those also being spent , they lived upon hides of beasts , calves and sheep-skins : then did they eate parchment , horse and beasts hoofs , hornes , lanthorns , halters , and furniture for horses , girdles o● leather , herbs and wild-roots ; and these being all spent , and no bread left in the city , such as could get linseed , or any other seed , ground it , or beat it in a morter , and made bread thereof , as also of herbs mixed with bran if they could get it : this being spent they eate bread made of straw-meal , powder of nutshels , yea of slates ; suet , old ointments , and other old grease served to make pottage , and with it also they fried the excrements of horses and men , which they did eate , yea the filth in the streetes was not spared . in this extremity a poor labourer and his wife were taken and executed for eating the head , intrals and brains of their daughter of three years old , that died of famine ; they had dressed also the rest of her body to eat at other times ; and that which aggravated their fault was , that it was proved that that day there was given to them a little pottage made with herbs and wine , which might have satisfied them in that necessity : such as went forth of the walls to seek relief , were either slaine by the enemy , or lived upon sprigs of vines , black-berries , red snailes , and herbs ; amongst other sad and lamentable spectacles , one was of a labourer and his wife found dead amongst the vines , and two of their children crying by them , the lesser being but sixe weekes old , which a charitable widow took home to her house and sustained : many dyed in this famine , some in their houses , others fell down in the streets , and gave up the ghost ; most of the children under twelve yeares old died : lamentable it was to heare the poor fathers and mothers mourning and weeping to see their misery and yet they could not relieve them ; neverthelesse most of them did wonderfully encourage themselves with the assurance of the grace of god , whereof there is this notable example . a boy of five years old , languishing divers weeks , ran along the streets , till nature failing him , he fell down in the presence of his father and mother , who wept and lamented over him ; and feeling upon his armes and legs , they were as dry as a stick ; whereupon the child said ; why do you thus weep to see me die of hunger ? i ask you no bread , mother , for i know you have none ; but seeing it is the will of god that i should die in this sort , i must take it thankfully : had not the holy man lazarus hunger ? have not i read it in my bible ? and saying so , he yielded up his spirit unto god. that which preserved all from being famished , was this ; there were yet sixe kine kept to give milke for some infants , and certaine horses of service which were reserved for an extremity ; these were killed , and their flesh sold to comfort those that lived . also some little corne was brought into the towne by stealth , which was sold for two shillings sixe pence a pound . the war killed but eighty four persons , but the famine killed above five hundred , besides those which were brought so low that they hardly recovered . during these miseries , divers souldiers , and some townsmen gat out , chusing rather to die by the sword of the enemy , than by famine , of whom some were slain , others imprisoned , and executed . so all hope of being saved in mans judgement failed to those of sancerre : for the king had sworne that he would make them devoure each other . but mans misery is gods opportunity ; the king of kings found out a strange meanes to deliver his people that put their trust in him ; just at this time , by the sollicitations of the bishop of valence , the polonians had chosen the duke of anjou , brother to the french king , king of poland , and ambassadors were come to fetch him into that countrey , who hearing of this siege , sollicited the bishop of valence to perform the promise , which he had sworn to them in the name of his master , viz. to fet at liberty all the towns of france that were molested for religion : by this means the poor sancerreans , halfe dead for hunger , were delivered at the request of these good men who came from a farre countrey to be their deliverers , though their enemies had oft-times threatned them with a general massacre ; they were suffered to depart with their armes and goods , and such as would stay , not to be questioned for any thing past ; they had a promise also that the honour of women and maids should be preserved ; and such ministers and others , as had fled thither for safety , had pasports given them , and they were suffered peaceably to depart . the siege of rochel , anno . about the beginning of the same year rochel was also besieged ; the townsmen often sallied out , and there were very hot skirmishes betwixt them and the besiegers ; in one of which there came a young gentleman , who with horrible blasphemy boasted that he was one of the admirals murtherers , shewing his courtelace , which he said , he brought from that conflict , with it threatning to slash the rochellers ; yet , when it came to trial , his heart failed , and he ran away ; but one of the city souldiers pursuing him , slew him , stript him , and left his naked body in the field , the dogs tearing his face before next morning . in one moneths space the enemy discharged above thirteene thousand cannon shot against the rochellers , and made many assaults , wherein they still went away with the worst . then came the duke of anjou to the army to be the general ▪ the siege having continued some moneths , the rochellers began to want victuals , which famine , after awhile , much encreased upon them , but behold the admirable providence of god! when all other provision failed them , there came an infinite number of small fishes never before seene in that haven , as it were yielding themselves to the mercy of the poor people , which gathered them every day so long as the siege lasted , but presently after the publishing of the edict for peace , they went away , and were never seen afterwards . during this siege came the ambassadors from poland to fetch their new king ; by whose means a truce was granted to the rochellers , and lastly articles of peace were agreed upon , whereby the army was withdrawn , and rochel enjoyed her priviledges ; yet this is further very remarkable , that all the chief persons that were imployed in the massacre of paris and other places , were drawn forth to this siege , by god , there to receive the reward of all their impieties , some of them being slain , and others receiving there those wounds whereof they shortly after died ; amongst whom were the duke de aumale , and cosseins , marshal of the field , that first entred the admirals lodging ; three masters of the camp ; divers great lords and gentlemen ; above sixty captains ; as many lieutenants and ensignes , and above twenty thousand common souldies . anno . king charles himself , that was at least the countenancer of all these horrible massacres , being in the prime of his youth , about twenty four years old , fell sick of a languishing disease ; his physicians let him blood and purged him , but to no purpose ; for by degrees he so faded away , as caused great astonishment to many . he long strugled against his disease , but at last was faine to betake himself to his bed , and the two last weeks of his sicknesse , much blood issued from divers parts of his body , and once he rolled himself in his own blood , and a little before he died , he desired his mother to pursue his enemies to the uttermost , with great vehemency reiterating his speeches ; saying , madam , i pray you heartily to do it , and so he breathed forth his soul , may the thirtieth , anno christi , . i shall here adde a few words also of the great miseries which the people of god endured in rochel , anno christi , . expecting help from england , which proved but a staffe of reed , which whilst they leaned upon , it ran into their hands ; the city being besieged by the king of france his army , the inhabitants were brought to such extremity , that for want of other meat , the citizens and souldiers , having eaten up all the horses , dogs , cats , rats and mice , lived two moneths with nothing but cow-hides and goats-skins boiled ; then did they eat up all the old gloves , and whatsoever was made of leather : yea , the poor people cut off the buttocks of the dead , and did eat them . young maids of fourteen or sixteen years old , did look like old women of one hundred years old . all the english that came out , after the surrender of the city , looked like anatomies ; the prizes of things were as followeth ; a bushel of wheat twenty pounds ; a pound of bread twenty shillings ; a quarter of mutton above sixe pounds ; a pound of butter thirty shillings ; an egge eight shillings ; an ounce of sugar two shillings and six pence ; a dried fish twenty shillings ; a pint of french wine twenty shillings ; a pint of milk thirty shillings ; a pound of grapes three shillings , &c. anno . there was one margaret pierron of the town of sansay in france , who by her maid-servant was accused to the jesuites , for not going to masse , and for keeping a bible in her house , in reading whereof was her whole delight ; the jesuites , complaining hereof to the magistrate , caused her to be apprehended , yet had she some notice of it before-hand from her friends that advised her to flie from the danger ; but god had a purpose that she should bear witness to his truth , so that she was taken and cast into prison ; after a while the judges sent for her , saying , margaret , are you not willing to returne home to your house , and there to enjoy your husband and children ? yes , said she , if it may stand with the good will of god ; then , said they , if thou wilt do but a small matter thou shalt be set at liberty ; if , said she , it be not contrary to gods glory and mine own salvation , you shall hear what i will say to you . no such thing , said they , for all that we require is but this , that a scaffold being set up in the chief part of the city , you shall there crave pardon for offending the law , and a fire being by , you shall burne your bible in it without speaking a word . i pray you my masters , said she , tell me , is my bible a good book or no ? yea , said they , we confesse it is : why then , said she , would you have me cast it into the fire ? only said they , to give the jesuites content : imagine it to be but paper , and then you may burne it , and you may buy you another bible at any time , and hereby you may save your life . thus they spent above two hours in perswading her , that thereby she might do a lesse evil , and a greater good would come of it : but she confidently answered , that by the help of god she would never do it : what will the people say ( said she ) will they not say , yonder is a wrethed woman indeed , that burns the bible wherein all the articles of christian religion are contained ? i will certainly burne my body rather than my bible . then did they commit her close prisoner , fed her only with bread and water , and her friends were debarred from coming to her : but when nothing could remove her from her constancy , she was condemned to be set upon a scaffold ; to have her bible burnt before her face ; her self to be strangled , and her body to be dragged through the streets to a dunghil , which sentence she underwent cheerfully , and so slept in the lord. collected out of the history of the tragical massacres of france under henry the second , francis the second , charles the ninth , henry the third , and henry the fourth . translated out of french. here place the ninth figure . chap. xxxvii . the persecution of the church of christ in the valtoline , anno christi , . the grison lords , who were the soveraign magistrates of this countrey , had by sundry decrees granted liberty to the protestants to exercise their religion freely : but when as the minister of tell , with his congregation , were met together about the service of god , the bloody papists rising in arms , set upon them , slew one , and beate others so cruelly with staves , that they were forced to desist from their purpose : shortly after they murthered some others , and conspiring with some other bloody villaines , they set guards upon all the passages of the valley , that so none of the protestants should escape them ; then ringing their bells , they raised all the countrey , and if any protestants stirred out of their houses , they murthered them in the streets : they also brake into the houses of others , drew them out of their beds , and murthered them . some of the protestants retired to the houses of papists that were neer of kin , or otherwise engaged to them , to secure themselves , but there they were betrayed and murthered : some they strangled ; some they shot ; of some they beate out their brains , and others they drowned in the river alba. a noble gentleman that had hid himself in the river , was found by them , who requested them to spare his life , for his dear childrens sake : but they told him that this was no time for pity , except he would abjure his faith , and swear by the popes bull : nay said he , god forbid , that to save this temporal life , i should deny my lord jesus christ , who with his precious blood upon the crosse redeemed me at so dear a rate ; and having through his grace so long freely and publikely professed him , that i should now hazard the losse of eternal life , to which i was elected before the foundation of the world ; i say god forbid . hereupon in a barbarous and savage manner they murthered him . they brake also into the palace of the governour , and murthered him ; women and maidens they defloured ; and of all the protestants in that part of the countrey , there were onely three that escaped over the horrid and vast mountains of the alps into rhetia . these wicked villaines having thus dispatched the protestants in this place , they marched to another , coming just at the time when the protestants were at church hearing a sermon : they were guided to the place by two friers ; the protestants seeing them coming , shut the church doors , barricadoing them up with benches : these villaines laboured to break open the door , but when they could not readily do it , they clambred up into the windows , through which they shot with their musquets at the people , whereby they wounded and killed many : the minister bei●g ▪ a man rarely endued with learning and piety , according to the shortnesse of time , exhorted them with lively reasons to persevere in the truth notwithstanding all the danger ; but in the mean time these barbarous papists had forced open the door , where they fell to murthering of all without respect of quality , sex , or age : some lords and gentlemen were here slaine , the minister was shot to death ; divers ladies and children gate into the belfree to save themselves ; but these hell-hounds set fire to the place , and miserably burnt them all . these savage wretches having thus glutted themselves with innocent blood in this place , they marched to sondresse : the papists in that place hearing of their coming , went to the justice , protesting that they would guard him from danger , and that they would not suffer such villanies to be committed amongst them : then did they beat their drums , ring their bells , and arme themselves under pretence of securing the protestants , who trusting to their promises , mixed themselves amongst them to stand for their own defence ; these popelings concealing their mischievous intent , killed now one , then another , as if it had been by accident , so that though divers of them were slain , yet they found not out the mystery of the practice : yet some , both men and gentlewomen sought to escape , but all passages being shut up , they were met with and cruelly murthered . then did they more openly discover their malice , killing the protestants where ever they met them : hereupon some eighteen of the protestants , together with some ladies and young children gat together ; and the men being well armed , they marched close together , repulsing their enemies , and at last came to a church in the mountain of sondresse , unto which place a minister , and some others , in all , about seventy three men were gathered together , and after their prayers made unto god , they passed the valley of malaneo , which was beset by the enemy on two sides ; but such as kept the passages , were by gods special providence , so astonished that they fled away ; and the protestants , though they were pursued to the tops of the mountains , yet did miraculously escape with safety . then did the pesants joyne with these villaines to rob and plunder the houses of the protestants , and amongst them , divers noblemens houses richly furnished with great abundance ; they ran up and down also through fields , woods and mountains , searching every bush for the protestants ; and as they found any of them , they presently murthered them . there was an honorable lady that not long before came out of italy to enjoy her liberty of conscience , whom they exhorted to change her religion , which she refusing , they advised her that yet at least she would ▪ do it out of a care of her young infant which she held in her armes , which otherwise , together with her self should presently be slain : but she with an undaunted courage answered : i have not departed out of italy , my native countrey , nor forsaken all the estate that i had there , to renounce now the faith which i had wrought in me by the lord jesus christ ; yea i will rather suffer , if it were possible , a thousand deaths ; and how shall i have regard in this case to my infant , since god my heavenly father spared not his own sonne my lord jesus christ , but delivered him up to death for his love to me , and such sinners as i am ? and so giving her childe to one , she said , behold my child , the lord god , who hath care of the birds of the aire , is much more able to save this poore creature , although by you it should be left to these wild mountains : then unlacing her gown , she opened her breast , saying , here is the body which you have power to kill ; but my soul , on which you have no power to lay your hands , that i commend to my god ; and so she was presently slain , and hewed in pieces ; the infant being a lovely and sweet child , they spared , and delivered it to a popish nurse to be brought up . these miscreants finding such sweetnesse by the plunder of the protestants ; they spared none , plundering their houses twice or thrice over : some noble matrons had their rings pul'd off their fingers ; and if they refused presently to draw them off , they would cut off either their hands or fingers from them . some women with their children were dragged to the tops of high mountains , and threatned to be thrown down headlong with their children if they would not promise to go to masse ; and though one amongst them was found , that through terrour , promised them to do it , yet did they throw her down with the rest without all pity . one dominico berto of sixteen years old , they set upon an asse with his face to the tayle , and the tayle in his hands for the bridle , and thus with many jears they led him to the market-place ; then they cut off his nose , ears , and cheeks , then burned many holes in several parts of his body with hot irons , continuing these torments till in that barbarous manner they had killed him . yet through the wonderful goodnesse of god , some ministers with their wives and children , by great travel , dangers , and difficulties amongst the craggy and high mountains , were delivered out of the hands of these bloody persecutors . theophilus messino was shot with a musket , but being not slain , they set open his mouth with a gag , filled it with gunpowder , and giving fire to it , tore his head miserably ; his son was slain with many wounds . another being wounded and stripped naked , was carried out and thrown into the woods ; yet afterwards he gat up and went home to his own house , where he had mountains of gold profered him if he would turn papist , yet , through gods mercy , he continued faithful to the death . a young gentleman , too much addicted to the vanities of the world ▪ being earnestly sollicited to forsake the protestant religion , stoutly refused , whereupon they shot him with a musket , and having layn a while , and then raising himself up , he besought them to dispatch him , that he might render his soul to his creator . divers men and women were thrown down from bridges into the river adda , and drowned for their constancy in the truth . some had their mouthes s●i● up to their ears , others had the flesh cut from their faces ; others were slashed in other parts of their body till they dyed ; and others were often put to the strappado , and then hewen in pieces . a noble virgin that was come to sondres for religion sake , these villains took and carried her through the streets with the greatest shame and disgrace that could be : they put a mitre of paper on her head , besmeared her face with dirt , buffeted her on the cheeks , then exhorted her to call upon the saints ; but she smiling thereat , said , my trust and my salvation is only in my saviour jesus christ , and upon him only will i rest ; as for the virgin mary , though she be blessed above all women , yet is she not omniscient , and therefore knows not our requests : yea she her self had need of the merits of her own son , without which she could not have been saved , &c. they still continuing to scorn and deride her , she manfully said , i willingly endure all this as it becomes me to do , desiring no better usage , seeing the same was done to my lord and saviour jesus christ , and to his apostles , and to thousands of the holy martyrs . then was she carried away and murthered in the fields . some ministers and many other godly christians , men and women , noble and ignoble were murthered sundry wayes . many hid themselves in holes , and caves , and woods , out of which they durst not come , but by night only to get them food ; yet were they so watched that many times they were murthered : others in those places were famished for want of food ; others living upon roots , herbs , grasse , &c. contracted diseases whereof they dyed , so that the mountains and woods lay scattered with dead carcasses everywhere . then came there a letter to these blood-suckers from a governour , that they should with all their power , murther , strangle , and massacre without all pity and mercy all the lutherans wheresoever they were ; whereupon these murtherers having slain all in tyrane , bruse , tell , sondres , and malen●● , they went to berbenno , where they presently murthered sundry persons of good rank and quality , and that with great cruelty , contrary to their faith and promise given them ; the like they did in caspano and trahen , and divers other places , shewing neither pity nor favour to any : in one house they slew a man and his wife ; and seeing an infant of three years old lying in a cradle , the child being a girle of a sweet and amiable countenance , and seeming to smile upon them , they took her by the heeles , and dashed out her braines . then did these villains march to bra●e , where also they murthered many ; shooting some , drowning others , stoning others , burning others , and grinding their very bones to powder : amongst others , finding an aged matron of eighty years old , they much sollicited her to hear masse , wishing her to have respect to her age ; to whom she answered with a noble resolution ; god forbid that i , who now of a long time have had one foot in the grave , should forsake my lord jesus christ , who hath so long time preserved me in the knowledge & profession of his truth , & to put my trust in creatures , and instead of his holy word to receive the traditions of men , whereupon they instantly slew her . chap. xxxviii . the persecution of the church in scotland , which began anno christi , . master patrick hamilton of an ancient and honourable family , called abbot of fern , as one hating the world , and the vanity thereof , left scotland , and went into germany , and the fame of the university of wittenberg being greatly divulged , thither he went , and became familiar with those great lights and notable servants of jesus christ , martin luther , and phil. melancthon , whereby he greatly encreased in godly knowledge and learning ; from thence he went to the university of marpurg , which was then newly erected by philip lantgrave of hessen , where he was intimate with other learned men , especially with francis lambert , by whose instigation he was the first that there publickly set up conclusions to be disputed of concerning faith and good works ; by reason of his learning and integrity of life he was had in admiration by many ; but the zeal of gods glory did so eat him up , that he could not rest till he returned into his own countrey , where the bright beams of the true light , which by gods grace was planted in his heart , began most abundantly to break forth , as well in publike as in secret . in processe of time the fame of his doctrine troubled the clergy , and came to the ears of james beton , arch-bishop of saint andrews , who grew impatient that by this means the kingdom of darkness was disturbed ; and therefore he so laboured with patrick hamilton , that he gat him to saint andrews , where after divers dayes conference he had his freedom and liberty , the bishop seeming to approve his doctrine , acknowledging that in many things there needed a reformation in the church ; but withall , fearing that their kingdom should be endamaged , they laboured with the king , who was then young and much led by them , to go on pilgrimage to saint dothesse in rosse , that so by reason of his absence no intercession might be made to him , for the saving the life of this innocent servant of jesus christ , who not suspecting the malice that lodged in their hearts , remained as a lambe amongst wolves . the king being gone , upon a night master hamilton was seised upon by the bishops officers and carried to the castle , and the morrow after he was brought forth unto judgement , and was condemned to be burnt for the testimony of gods truth ; the articles for which he suffered , were about pilgrimages , purgatory , prayer to saints , and for the dead , &c. and that his condemnation might have the greater authority , they caused it to be subscribed by all those of esteem that were the●e present , and to make their number great , they took the subscription of very children if they were of the nobility . immediately after dinner the fire was prepared , and he was led to execution ; yet most men thought that it was only to terrifie him , and to cause him to recant . but god , for his own glory , the good of his servants , and for the manifestation of their beastly tyranny , had otherwise decreed : for he so strengthned him , that neither the love of life , nor fear of that cruel death could once move him to swerve from the truth which he had professed . at the place of execution he gave to his servant that had long attended him , his gown , coat , cap , and his other garments , saying , these will not profit in the fire , they will profit thee ; after this of me thou canst receive no commodity except the example of my death , which i pray thee to beat in minde ; for though it be bitter to the flesh , and fearful before men , yet it is the entrance into eternal life , which none shall possesse which denies christ jesus before this wicked generation ; and so being tyed to the stake in the midst of coals and timber , they gave fire to some powder , which with the blast scorched his left hand and the side of his face , but neither killed him nor kindled the wood and coals ; till they ran to the castle for more powder , and more combustible matter , which being at last kindled , with a loud voice he cryed : lord jesus receive my spirit ; how long shall darknesse overwhelme this realme ? and how long wilt thou suffer the tyranny of these men ? the fire was slow , and therefore put him to the greater torment ; but that which most grieved him was the clamour of some wicked men set on by the friars , who continually cryed , turn thou heretick ; call upon our lady ; say salve regina , &c. to whom he answered , depart from me and trouble me not thou messenger of satan ; and speaking to one campbel , a friar that was the ringleader , who still roared on him with great vehemency , he said to him ; wicked man , thou knowest the contrary , and hast confessed the contrary to me ; i appeale thee before the tribunal seat of jesus christ ; after which words he resigned up his spirit unto god , anno christi , . and within few dayes after the said friar died in a phrensie , and as one that despaired . anno . the said arch-bishop of saint andrews , convented before him david straton a gentleman , and master norman gourlay ; the first of these having a fisher-boat that went to sea , the bishop of murray demanded tithe fish of him , to whom he answered , that if they would have tithe of that which his servants caught in the sea , they should take it in the place where it was caught , and so caused his servants to throw the tenth fish into the sea again ; all this while he had nothing in him for religion . but when hereupon he was summoned to answer for her●sie , it troubled him exceedingly , and then he began to frequent the company of such as were godly , and there appeared a wonderful change in him , so that whereas before he despised the word of god , now all his delight was in hearing of it read to him , and he was a vehement exhorter of all men to peace and concord , and contempt of the world . he much frequented the company of the laird of dun areskin , whom god in those dayes had marvellously illuminated : hearing the text read , ( for he could not read himself ) he that denieth me before men , or is ashamed of me in the midst of this wicked generation , i will deny him before my father and his holy angels ; at those words being suddenly as one revived , he fell upon his knees , and stedfastly lifting up his eyes and hands to heaven , at length he burst forth into these words ; o lord , i have been wicked , and justly mayst thou withdraw thy grace from me ; but , lord , for thy mercy sake , let me never deny thee nor thy truth for fear of death or any corporal paine . being afterwards together with master norman brought to judgement in holy rood-house , the king himself being present , much means was used to draw this david straton to make a recantation ; but he persevered in his constancy , still denying that he had offended , and so they were both condemned to the fire , and after dinner anno . they were both first hanged , and afterwards burnt . not long after the burning of these two holy men ; there was one deane thomas forret , who used to preach every lords day to his parishoners , out of the epistles and gospels as they fell in order : this was counted a great novelty , for none used to preach but the friars , and therefore they envying him , accused him to the bishop of dunkelden for an heretick , and one that shewed the mysteries of scripture to the vulgar people . the bishop instigated by the complaint of the friars , called the said deane thomas before him , to whom he said , my joy deane thomas , i love you well , and therefore i must give you counsel how to govern your self ; the deane thanked him ; and then he proceeded , my joy deane thomas , i am informed that you preach the epistle and gospel every sunday to your people , and that you take not your dues from them , which is very prejudicial to the churchmen ; and therefore my joy deane thomas , i would have you take your dues , or else it s too much to preach every sunday ; for by so doing , you make the people think that we should do so also ; it s enough for you when you find a good epistle or gospel , to set forth and preach the liberty of holy church , and let the rest alone . thomas answered , my lord , i presume none of my parishoners complaine for my not taking my dues ; and whereas you say it s too much to preach every sunday , i think it is too little , and wish that your lordship would do the like . nay , nay , deane thomas , said the bishop ; let that be , for we 〈◊〉 not ordained to preach ; then said thomas , whereas you bid me preach when i meet with a good epistle and gospel ; i have read them all over , and i know 〈◊〉 ●ad ones amongst them , but when your lordship shews me such , i will passe by them . then said the bishop , i thank god i never knew what the old and new testament was ; and deane thomas , i will know nothing but my portuise and pontifical . go your wayes and let all these fancies be ; for if you persevere herein , you will repent you when t is too late . i trust , said thomas , my cause is good and just in the presence of god , and therefore i care not what follows thereupon ; and so he went his way ; but shortly after he was summoned to appear before the cardinal , by whom he was condemned and burned for a chief heretick and teacher of heresies . but notwithstanding all their bloody tyranny , the knowledge of god did wonderfully encrease in that kingdom , partly by reading , partly by brotherly conference , which in those dangerous days was much used to the comfort of many , which so enraged the popish party , that anno . there were burned in one fire foure persons of good quality . the year after there were apprehended jerome russel , a man of a meek and quiet natur● ▪ and alexander kennedy of about eighteen years old ; these two poor servants of jesus christ being brought before the arch-bishop and his associates to judgement , kennedy at first was faint , and would faine have recanted , but when all place of repentance was denied him , the spirit of god ( which seasonably comes in with comfort , ) began to refresh him , yea the inward comfort began to burst forth , as well in his visage , as in tongue and words ; for with a chearful countenance and joyful voice , falling on his knees , he said , o eternal god , how wonderful is that love and mercy that thou bearest unto mankind , and to me a vile caitiffe and miserable wretch above all others ! for even now when i would have denied thee , and thy sonne our lord jesus christ , my only saviour , and so have cast my self into everlasting damnation , thou by thine own hand hast pulled me from the very bottome of hell , and made me to feele that heavenly comfort which takes from me that ungodly feare wherewith before i was oppressed . now i defie death , do with me what you please , i praise god i am ready ; then did they raile upon him and jerome , who also said unto them , this is your hour and power of darkness ; now sit ye as judges , and we stand wrongfully accused , and more wrongfully to be condemned ; but the day will come when our innocency will appear , and ye shall see your own blindnesse , to your everlasting confusion . go forward and fulfil the measure of your iniquity . shortly after they were condemned to die , and as they went to execution , jerome comforted kennedy , saying to him ; brother , fear not ; greater is he that is in us , than he that is in the world ; the pain that we are to suffer is short , and shall be light , but our joy and consolation shall never have an end . let us therefore strive to enter into our master and saviours joy , by the same straight way which he hath taken before us . death cannot hurt us , for it is already destroyed by him for whose sake we now suffer . and thus passing chearfully on , they constantly triumphed over death and satan , in the midst of the flaming fire where they gave up their spirits to god. anno . cardinal beton coming to edenburgh , caused many godly persons to be called before him , and when he could prove nothing else against them , he caused four men to be hanged upon suspition that they had eaten a goose upon a friday : and a woman with her child sucking on her breast , to be drowned for refusing to pray to the virgin mary . many others he caused to be banished , others to be imprisoned at saint johnstons , amongst whom was one john rogers a godly and learned man , that had fruitfully preached christ jesus to the comfort of many in angus and meannes , whom he caused to be murthered in prison , and then thrown over the walls , giving it out that by attempting to escape , he had broken his neck . chap. xxxix . the life of master george wiseheart , or wischard , who died , anno christi , . george wiseheart was born in scotland , and brought up first at school , from whence he went to the university ; after which he travelled into several countries , and at last came to cambridge , where he was admitted into bennet colledge ; he was tall of stature , and of a melancholy constitution ; he had black haire , a long beard , comely of personage , and well-spoken , courteous , lowly , lovely , willing to teach , desirous to learn ; for his habit , he wore a frize gowne , a black fuftian doublet , plaine hose , course canvas for his shirts , falling bands , &c. all which apparel he gave to the poor , some weekly , some monethly , some quarterly ; saving a french cap that he wore , which he kept a twelvemoneth . he was modest , temperate , fearing god , hating covetousnesse . his charity was extraordinary , he forbore his food one meale in three , one day in foure , that he might the better relieve the poor . his lodging was upon stravv , and he had course nevv canvas sheets , vvhich vvhen once foule , he gave avvay ; he had by his bed-side a tub of vvater , in vvhich in the dark night he bathed himself ; he taught vvith great modesty and gravity , so that some about him thought him severe , and vvould have slain him , but the lord vvas his deliverer ; and he ; after due correction for their malice , by good exhortation amended them ; his learning vvas no lesse sufficient than his desire of it ; he vvas alvvayes ready to do good to his ability ; both in his private chamber and publick schools , he read divers authors , yea he alvvayes studied hovv to do good to all . anno . some of the nobility of scotland , coming to treat with king henry the eighth , about the marriage between his sonne prince edward , and their young queen mary , at their return , master wischard went with them into scotland , being a man of admirable graces , and singularly learned both in divine and humane sciences ; he first preached in rosse , and then in dundee , where with great admiration of all that heard him , he went over the epistlle to the romans , till at the instigation of the cardinal , one robert misle , a principal man there , and formerly a professor of religion , inhibited him from preaching , requiring him that he should trouble their town no more , for he would not suffer it ; and this was spoken to him in the publick place ; whereupon he mused a space , with his eyes bent unto heaven , and afterwards looking sorrowfully upon the speaker and people , he said , god is witnesse that i never minded your trouble , but your comfort ; yea your trouble is more dolorous to me then it is to your selves : but i am assured that to refuse gods word , and to chase from you his messenger , shall not preserve you from trouble , but shall bring you into it : for god shall send you ministers that shall neither feare burning nor banishment . i have offered you the word of salvation ; with the hazard of my life i have remained amongst you : now ye your selves refuse me , and i must leave my innocency to be declared by my god ; if it be long prosperous with you , i am not led by the spirit of truth : but if unlookt for trouble come upon you , acknowledge the cause , and turn to god who is gracious and mercifull ; but if you turn not at the first warning , he will visit you with fire and sword ; and so he came down from the pulpit . some noble men being present , would have perswaded him to stay , or to have gone with them into the countrey , but by no means would he stay till he had past the river tay. then went he into the west-countrey , where he made offers of gods word , which was gladly received by many , till the bishop of glasgow , by the instigation of the cardinal , came with his traine to the town of ayre to resist wischard ; the earl of glencarne and some other gentlemen hearing of it , came thither also with their retinue , and when they were all come together , the bishop would needs have the church himself to preach in . some opposed , but wischard said , let him alone , his sermon will not do much hurt , let us go to the market-crosse , and so they did , where he made so notable a sermon , that his very enemies themselves were confounded . wischard remained with the gentlemen in kyle , preaching sometime in one place , sometimes in another , but coming to machlene , he was perforce kept out of the church ; some would have broken in , but he said to one of them , brother , jesus christ is as mighty in the fields as in the church , and himself often preached in the desert , at the sea-side and , other places . it s the word of peace god sends by me : the blood of none shall be shed this day for the preaching of it ; and so going into the fields , he stood upon a bank , were he continued in preaching to the people above three houres ; and god wought so wonderfully by that sermon , that one of the wickedst men in all the country , the laird of sheld was converted by it , and his eyes ran down with such abundance of tears , that all men wondred at it . presently news was brought to wischard that the plague was broke out in dundee , which began within four dayes after he was prohibited preaching there , and raged so extreamly , that it s almost beyond credit how many died in twenty foure houres space ; this being related to him , notwithstanding the importunity of his friends , he would needs go thither , saying , they are now in trouble , and need comfort ; perhaps this hand of god will make them now to magnifie and reverence that word of god , which before they lightly esteemed . coming to dundee , the joy of the faithful was exceeding great , and without delay he signified that the next day he would preach ; and because most of the inhabitants were either sick , or imployed about the sick , he chose the east-gate for the place of his preaching , so that the whole were within , and the sick without the gate ; his text was psal. . he sent his word and healed them , &c. wherein he comfortably intreated of the profit and comfort of gods word , the punishment that comes by the contempt of it , the readinesse of gods mercy to such as truly turn to him , and the happinesse of those whom god takes from this misery , &c. by which sermon he so raised up the hearts of those that heard him , that they regarded no death , but judged them more happy that should then depart , rather than such as should remain behind ; considering that they knew not whether they should have such a comforter with them . he spared not to visit them that lay in the greatest extremity , and to comfort them . he provided all things necessary for such as could take food , the town being very bountiful to them , through his instigation . but whilst he was thus busying himself for the comfort of the afflicted , the devil stirred up the cardinal , who corrupted a desperate popish priest , called john weighton , to slay him . and on a day the sermon being ended , and the people departed , suspecting no danger , the priest stood waiting at the bottome of the stairs with a naked dagger in his hand , under his gown , but master vvischard being of a sharp piercing eye , seeing the priest as he came down , said to him , my friend what would you have ? and withal clapping his hand upon the dagger , took it from him ; the priest herewith being terrified , fell down upon his knees , confessed his intention , and craved pardon ; a noise being hereupon raised , and it coming to the ears of those which were sick , they cryed , deliver the traytor to us , or we will take him by force , and so they burst in at the gate , but vvischard taking him in his armes , said , vvhosoever hurts him shall hurt me , for he hath done me no mischief , but much good , by teaching me more heedfulnesse for the time to come ; and so he appeased them , and saved the priests life . when the plague was almost quite ceased , he took his leave of them , saying , that god had almost put an end to the battel , and that he was now called to another place ; for the gentlemen of the west had written to him to meet them in edinburgh , where he should dispute with the bishops , and should be publickly heard , which he willingly assented to : but first he went to montrosse , to salute the church there , where he sometimes preached , but spent most of his time in private meditation , in which he was so earnest , that night and day he continued in it ; during which time , the cardinal again conspired his death , causing a letter to be sent to him , as if it been from his familiar friend , the laird of kinnur , desiring him with all possible speed to come to him , for that he was taken with a sudden sicknesse ; in the mean time he had provided sixty men armed to lie in wait within a mile and na hall of montrosse to murther him as he passed by that way , the letter coming to his hands by a boy , who also brought him an horse to ride on ; accompanied with some honest men his friends , he set forwards ; but suddenly stopping and musing a space , he returned back again , which they wondring at , asked him the cause ; to whom he said ; i will not go , i am forbidden of god , i am assured there is treason : let some of you go to yonder place and tell me what you finde ; which they doing , found out the treason , and hastily returning back , they told master wischard of it , whereupon he said ; i know that i shall end my life by that blood-thirsty mans hands ▪ but it will not be on this manner . the time approaching wherein he should meet the gentlemen at edinburgh , he took his leave and departed ; by the way he lodged with a faithful brother called james watson of inner gowry ; in the night time he gat up and went into a yard ; which two men hearing , privily followed him ; there he walked in an alley for some space , breathing forth many sobs and deep grones , then he fell upon his knees , and his grones increased ; then he fell upon his face ; those that watched him , hearing him weeping and praying , in which posture he continued near an hour ; then getting up he came to his bed again ; those which attended him , making as though they were ignorant of all , came and asked him where he had been ? but he would not answer them ; the next day they importuned him again , saying , be plain with us , for we heard your mourning , and saw your gestures ; then he with a dejected countenance , said , i had rather you had been in your beds ; but they still pressing upon him to know something ; he said , i will tell you ; i am assured that my warfare is near at an end , and therefore pray to god with me that now i shrink not when the battel waxeth most hot ; when they heard this , they fell a weeping , saying , this is small comfort to us ; then said he , god shall send you comfort after me . this realme shall be illuminated with the light of christs gospel as clearly as any realme since the dayes of the apostles ; the house of god shall be built in it , yea it shall not lack , in despite of all enemies , the top-stone ; neither will it be long before this be accomplished ; many shall not suffer after me , till the glory of god shall appear and triumph in despight of satan : but alasse ! if the people shall afterwards prove unthankful , then fearful and terrible shall the plagues be that shall follow . then went he forward on his journey , and came to leith , but hearing nothing of those gentlemen that were to meet him , he kept himself private a day or two : then did he grow very pensive , and being asked the reason of it ; he said , what do i differ from a dead man , but that i eat and drink ? hitherto god hath used my labours for the instruction of others , and to the disclosing of darknesse , and now i lurk as a man ashamed that dare not shew his face : hereby they perceived that his desire was to preach , whereupon they said to him , it 's most comfortable to us to hear ●ou , but because we know the danger wherein you stand , we dare not desire it ; but said he , if you dare hear , let god provide for me as best pleaseth him ; and so it was concluded that the next day he should preach in leith ; his text was of the parable of the sower , mat. . the sermon ended , the gentlemen of louth●●● , who were earnest professors of jesus christ , would not suffer him to stay at leith , because the governour and cardinal were shortly to come to edinburgh , but took him along with them , and so he preached at brunstone , languedine , and ormstone ; then was he requested to preach at eneresk neer muscelbrugh , where he had a great confluence of people , and amongst them sir george dowglas , who after sermon , said publickly , i know that the governour and cardinal will hear that i have been at this sermon : but let them know that i will avow it , and will maintain both the doctrine , and the preacher to the uttermost of my power ; this much rejoyced those that were present . amongst others that came to hear him preach , there were two gray-friars , who , standing at the church door , whispered to such as came in : which wischard observing , said to the people , i pray you make roome for these two men , it may be they come to learn ; and turning to them , he said , come neer , for i assure you , you shall hear the word of truth , which this day shall seale up to you either your salvation or damnation ; and so he proceeded in his sermon , supposing that they would be quiet ; but when he perceived that they still continued to disturb all the people that stood near them , he said to them the second time with an angry countenance ; o ministers of satan , and deceivers of the souls of men ; will ye neither hear gods truth your selves , nor suffer others to hear it ? depart and take this for your portion ; god shall shortly confound and disclose your hypocrisie within this kingdom ; ye shall be abominable to men , and your places and habitations shall be desolate . this he spake with much vehemency , and turning to the people , he said , these men have provoked the spirit of god to anger ; and then he proceeded to the end of his sermon . afterwards he preached in divers other places , the people much flocking after him ; in all his sermons foretelling the shortnesse of time that he had to travel , and the near approaching of his death . coming to haddington , his auditory began much to decrease ; the cause , as it was conceived , was this , the earle bothwell , who had great observance in those parts , by the instigation of the cardinal , had inhibited both those of the town and countrey from hearing him . presently after , as he was going to church , he received a letter from the west-countrey gentlemen , and having read it , he called john knox , who had diligently waited upon him since he came into lothaine , to whom he said that he was a weary of the world , because he saw that men began to be weary of god ; for saith he , the gentlemen of the west have sent me word , that they cannot keep their meeting at edinburgh ; john knox wondring that he should enter into conference about these things so immediately before his sermon , contrary to ●his custome , said to him ; sir , sermon-time approaches , i will leave you for the present to your meditations . then did master wischard walk up 〈◊〉 down about half an hour , his sad countenance declaring the grief of his mind : at last he went into the pulpit , and his auditory being very small , he began on this manner : o lord , how long shall it be that thy holie word shall be despised , and men shall not regard their own salvation ? i have heard of thee , o haddington , that in thee there used to be two or three thousand persons at a vain and wicked play : and now to hear the messenger of the eternal god , of all the parish can scarce be numbred one hundred present . sore and fearful shall be the plagues that shall ensue upon this thy contempt ; with fire and sword shalt thou be plagued ; yea thou haddington in special , strangers shall possesse thee ; and you the present inhabitants shall either in bondage serve your enemies , or else you shall be chased from your own habitations , and that because ye have not known , nor will know the time of your visitation . this prophesie was accomplished not long after , when the english took haddington , made it a garrison , enforced many of the inhabitants to flie : oppressed others ; and after awhile , a great plague breaking forth in the town , whereof multitudes died , the english were at last forced to quit it , who at their departure burnt and spoiled great part of it , leaving it to be possessed by such as could first seize upon it , which were the french that came as auxiliaries to scotland , with a few of the ancient inhabitants , so that haddington to this day never recovered her former beauty , nor yet men of such wisdome and ability as did formerly inhabit it . that night was master wiseheart apprehended in the house of ormeston , by the earle bothwel , suborned thereunto by the cardinal . the manner was thus ; after sermon he took his last farewel of all his friends in haddington ; john knox would faine have gone with him ; but he said , return to your children , and god blesse you ; one is sufficient for one sacrifice ; then went he the laird of ormestons with some others that accompanied him . after supper he held a comfortable discourse of gods love to his children , then he appointed the . psalm to be sung , and so retired to his chamber . before midnight the house was beset : and the earle bothwell called for the laird of the house , and told him that it was in vain to resist , for the governour and cardinal were within a mile with a great power ; but if he would deliver master wischard to him , he would promise upon his honour that he should be safe , and that the cardinal should not hurt him ; master wischard said , open the gates , the will of god be done ; and bothwell coming in , wischard said to him , i praise my god that so honourable a man as you , my lord , receive me this night ; for i am perswaded that for your honours sake you will suffer nothing to be done to me but by order of law ? i lesse feare to die openly , than secretly to be murthered : then said bothwel , i will not only preserve your body from all violence that shall be intended against you without order of law , but i also promise in the presence of these gentlemen , that neither the governour , nor cardinal shall have their will of you , but i will keep you in mine own house , till i either set you free , or restore you to the same place where i receive you ; then said the lairds , my lord , if you make good your promise , which we presume you will , we our selves will not only serve you , but we will procure all the professors in lothain to do the same , &c. these promises being made in the presence of god , and hands being stricken by both parties , the earle took master wischard and so departed . master wischard was carried to edenburgh ; but gold and women easily corrupt fleshly men ; for the cardinal gave bothwel gold ; and the queen , that was too familiar with him , promised him her favour , if he would deliver master wischard into edenburgh castle , which he did ; and shortly after he was delivered to the blood-thirsty cardinal : who , seeing that it was forbidden by their cannon law for a priest to sit as a judge upon life and death ; he sent to the governour , requesting him to appoint some lay-judge to passe sentence of death upon master wischard . the governour would easily have yielded to his request , but that david hamilton , a godly man told him , that he could expect no better an end than saul , if he persecuted the truth which formerly he had professed , &c. hereupon the governour sent the cardinal word , that he would have no hand in shedding the blood of that good man ; the cardinal being angry , returned this answer , that he had sent to him of meer civility , and that he would proceed without him , and so to the great grief of the godly , the cardinal carried master wiseheart to saint andrews , and put him into the tower there ; and without any long delay he caused all the bishops , and other great clergy-men to be called together to saint andrews . feb. ult . . master wischard was sent for to appear before them , to give an account of his seditious and heretical doctrine , as they called it ; the cardinal caused all his retinue to come armed to the place of their sitting , which was the abby-church , whither when master wischard was brought , there was a poor man lying at the door , that asked his almes , to whom he flung his purse ; when he came before the cardinal , there was a dean appointed to preach ; whose sermon being ended , wischard was put up into the pulpit to hear his charge : and one lawder , a priest , stood over against him , and read a scrowle full of bitter accusations and curses , so that the ignorant people thought that the earth would have opened and swallowed up wischard quick : but he stood with great patience without moving , or once changing his countenance ; the priest having ended his curses , spat at master wischards face , saying , vvhat answerest thou ? thou runnagate , traytor , thief , &c. then did master vvischard fall upon his knees , making his prayer unto god ; after which he said , many and horrible sayings unto me a christian man , many words abominable for to hear , have ye spoken here this day , which not onely to teach , but even to think , i ever thought it a great abomination , &c. then did he give them an account of his doctrine . answering every article as farre as they would give him leave to speak . but they without having any regard to his sober and godly answers , presently condemned him to be burnt . after which sentence he falling upon his knees , said , o immortal god , how long wilt thou suffer the rage , and great cruelty of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon thy servants , which do further thy word in this world , whereas they on the contrary seek to destroy the truth , whereby thou hast revealed thy self to the world , &c. o lord , we know certainly that thy true servants must needs suffer for thy names sake persecutions , afflictions , and troubles in this present world ; yet we desire that thou wouldest preserve and defend thy church which thou hast chosen before the foundations of the world , and give thy people grace to hear thy word , and to be thy true servants in this present life . then were the common people put out , the bishops not desiring that they should hear the innocent man speak , and so they sent him again to the castle , till the fire should be made ready ; in the castle came two friars to him , requiring him to make his confession to them , to whom he said , i will make no confession to you , but fetch me that man who preached even now , and i will speak with him ; then was the sub-prior with whom he conferred a pretty while , till the sub-prior wept , who going to the cardinal , told him that he came not to intercede for master wischards life , but to make known his innocency to all men ; at which words the cardinal was very angry , saying : we knew long ago what you were . the captain of the castle with some friends coming to master wischard , asked him if he would break his fast with them : yea , said he , very willingly , for i know you be honest men ; in the mean time he desired them to hear him a little ; and so he discoursed to them about the lords supper , his sufferings and death for us , exhorting them to love one another , laying aside all rancor and malice as becomes the members of jesus christ , who continually intercedes for us to his father . afterwards he gave thanks , and blessing the bread and wine , he took the bread and brake it , giving it to every one , saying , eate this , remember that christ died for us , and feed on it spiritually ; so taking the cup , he bade them remember that christs blood was shed for them , &c. then he gave thanks and prayed for them , and so retired into his chamber . presently came two executioners to him from the cardinal , one put on him a black linnen coat , the other brought him bags of powder , which they tied about several parts of his body , and so they brought him forth to the place of execution ; over against which place , the castle windows were hung with rich hangings , and velvet cushions laid for the cardinal and prelates , who from thence fed their eyes with the torments of this innocent man ; the cardinal fearing lest wiseheart should be rescued by his friends , caused all the ordnance in the castle to be bent against the place of his execution , and commanded his gunners to stand ready all the time of his burning ; then were his hands bound behind his back , & so he was carried forth ; in the way some beggars met him , asking his alms for gods sake : to whom he said , my hands are bound wherewith i was wont to give you almes : but the merciful lord , who of his bounty and abundant grace feeds all men , vouchsafe to give you necessaries both for your bodies and souls . then two friars met him , perswading him to pray to our lady to mediate for him ; to whom he meekly said , cease , tempt me not , i entreat you : and so with a rope about his neck , and a chaine about his middle , he was led to the fire : then falling upon his knees , he thrice repeated ; o thou saviour of the world have mercy upon me ; father of heaven , i commend my spirit into thy holy hands : then turning to the people , he said : christian brethren and sisters , i beseech you be not offended at the word of god for the torments which you see prepared for me ; but i exhort you that ye love the word of god for your salvation , and suffer patiently , and with a comfortable heart for the words sake , which is your undoubted salvation and everlasting comfort ; i pray you also shew my brethren and sisters which have often heard me , that they cease not to learne the word of god which i taught them , according to the measure of grace given to me , for no persecution or trouble in this world whatsoever ; and shew them that the doctrine was no old wives fables , but the truth of god ; for if i had taught mens doctrine , i had had greater thanks from men : but for the word of gods sake i now suffer , not sorrowfully , but with a glad heart and minde : for this cause i was sent that i should suffer this fire for christs sake ; behold my face , you shall not see me change my countenance : i feare not the fire ; and if persecution come to you for the words sake , i pray you fear not them that can kill the body , and have no power to hurt the soul , &c. then he prayed for them which accused him , saying , i beseech thee father of heaven , forgive them that have of ignorance , or of an evil mind , forged lies of me : i forgive them with all my heart ; i beseech christ to forgive them that have condemned me this day ignorantly : then turning to the people again , he said , i beseech you brethren , exhort your prelates to learn the word of god , that they may be ashamed to do evil , and learn to do good , or else there shall shortly come upon them the wrath of god which they shall not eschew ; then the executioner upon his knees , said , sir , i pray you forgive me , for i am not the cause of your death ; and he calling him to him , kissed his cheeks , saying , lo here is a token that i forgive thee ; my heart , do thine office ; and so he was tied to the stake , and the fire kindled . the captain of the castle coming near him , bade him be of good courage , and to beg for him the pardon of his sin ; to whom master wischard said , this fire torments my body , but no whit abates my spirits ; then looking towards the cardinal , he said , he who in such state from that high place , feeds his eyes with my torments , within few dayes shall be hanged out at the same window to be seen with as much ignominie as he now leans there with pride ; and so his breath being stopped , he was consumed by the fire . this prophesie was fulfilled , when after the cardinal was slain , the provost raising the town , came to the castle gates , crying , what have you done with my lord cardinal ? where is my lord cardinal ? to whom they within answered , return to your houses , for he hath received his reward , and will trouble the world no more : but they still cryed , we will never depart till we see him ; then did the leslies hang him out at that window to shew that he was dead , and so the people departed . but god left not the death of this holy man long unrevenged : for the people did generally cry out of the cruelty used against him , especially john lesley , brother to the earle of rothes , and norman lesley his cousin , fell foul upon the cardinal for it : but he thought himself strong enough for all scotland , saying , tush , a fig for the fools , and a button for the bragging of hereticks . is not the lord governour mine , witnesse his eldest sonne for a pledge at my table ? have i not the queen at my devotion ? is not france my friend ? why should i fear any danger ? yet he had laid a designe to cut off such as he feared and hated , which was discovered after his death by letters and memorials found about him . he kept himself for his greater security in his castle ; and on a friday night there came to the town of saint andrews , norman lesley , william kircaldy , john leslley , and some others ; and on the saturday morning they met together not far from the castle , waiting till the gate was opened , and the draw-bridge let down , for the receiving in some lime and sand , to repair some decays about the castle , which being done , kircaldy , with six more , went to the porter , falling into discourse with him , till the leslies came also with some other company : the porter seeing them , would have drawn up the bridge , but he was prevented , and whilst he endeavoured to keep them out at the gate , his head was broken , and the keys taken from him ; the cardinal was asleep in bed , for all night he had for his bedfellow , mistris mary ogleby , who was a little before gone from him out at the postern gate , and therefore the cardinal was gone to his rest . there were about one hundred workmen in the castle , which seeing what was done , cried out , but , without hurt , they were turned out at the wicket gate ; then vvilliam kircaldy went to secure the postern lest the cardinal should make an escape that way : the rest going to the gentlemens chambers , who were above fifty , without hurting them , they turned them all out at the gate ; they which undertook this enterprise were but eighteen men . the cardinal being awaked with the noise , asked out at the window what was the matter ? answer was made , that norman lesley had taken his castle : then did he attempt to have escaped by the posterne , but finding that to be kept , he returned to his chamber : and with the help of his chamberlain fell to barrica-doing up the door with chests , and such things : then came up john lesley and bids open the door : the cardinal asked , who was there ? he answered john lesley : the cardinal said , i will have norman , for he is my friend : content your self , said the other , with those that are here : and so they fell to breaking open the door ; in the mean time the cardinal hid a box of gold under some coales in a secret corner . then he said to them , will ye save my life ? john lesley answered , it may be that we will. nay , said the cardinal , sweare unto me by gods wounds that you will , and then i will open the door ; then said john , that which was said , is unsaid , and so he called for fire to burn down the door , whereupon the door was opened , and the cardinal sate him down in his chair , crying , i am a priest , i am a priest , ye will not slay me ? then john lesley and another struck him once or twice ; but master james melvin , a man that had been very familiar with wischard , and of a modest and gentle nature , perceiving them both to be in choler , plucked them back , saying , this work and judgement of god although it be secret , ought to be done with great gravity : and so presenting him the point of his sword , he said , repent thee of thy former wicked life , but especially of sheding the blood of that notable instrument of god , master george wisheart , who though he was consumed by the fire before men , yet cries it for vengeance upon thee , and we from god are sent to revenge it ; for here , before my god i protest , that neither the hatred of thy person , the love of thy riches , nor the feare of any hurt thou couldst have done me , moveth me to strike thee ; but onely because thou hast been , and still remainest an obstinate enemie against jesus christ and his holy gospel ; and so he thrust him through the body , who falling down , spake never a word , but i am a priest , i am a priest : fie , fie , all is gone . the death of this tyrant was grievous to the queen mother , with whom he had two much familiarity , as with many other women ; as also to the romanists , though the people of god were freed from their fears in a great measure thereby . anno . there was one adam wallace , a man that had no great learning , but was zealous in godlinesse , and of an upright life ; him the bishop of saint andrews caused to be apprehended , and carried to edenburgh , where after a while he was brought to judgement before duke hamilton , huntly , and divers others ; the bishops and their instruments accused him : first , that he took upon him to preach ; to which he answered , that he never judged himself worthy of so excellent a vocation , and therefore never took on him to preach ; yet he denyed not , that in private places he used to read the word , and out of it to exhort such as were willing to hear him . knave , quoth one , what have you to do to meddle with the scriptures ? i think , said he , it s every ones duty to labour to know the will of god , and to get assurance of his salvation , which is to be found in the old and new testament . what then , said another , shall we leave to the church-men to do ? to whom he answered , their work is publickly to preach the gospel of jesus christ , and to feed the flock which he hath redeemed with his own blood , as all true pastors are commanded to do , &c. the bishops being angry hereat , caused his charge further to be read ; as that he denyed purgatory , praying to saints , and for the dead , &c. to which he answered , that he had oft read over the bible , and yet found no mention of purgatory , nor command to pray to the saints , or for the dead ; therefore i believe , said he , they are but meer inventions of men , devised for covetousnesse sake . then did they ask him what he thought of the masse ? he answered , i say as my lord jesus christ said , that which is greatly esteemed before men , is abomination before god ; then cryed they all out , heresie , heresie , and so and so adjudged him to the fire , which he patiently underwent the same day upon the castle-hill . anno . henry forrest was accused of heresie , but when they brought him to trial , nothing could be proved against him , whereupon they sent him to friar langius to be confessed . the friar amongst other questions , asked him what he thought of patrick hamilton , who had been formerly burned for religion ? he answered , that he was a good man , and that his articles were to be maintained . this wicked friar discovered his confession , which was taken as a sufficient proof against the poor man , who thereupon was condemned to be burnt . as he went to the place of execution , he complained of the friar who had betrayed him , saying , let no man trust the false friars after me ; they are despisers of god , and deceivers of men ; and so in the flames he resigned up his spirit unto god. anno . andrew oliphant accused one walter mill , formerly a priest ; who being at prayer , oliphant said to him , rise up sir vvalter ; but when he had ended his prayers , he said , my name is vvalter : i have been too long one of the popes knights . then said oliphant , thou keepest my lords too long here , therefore make an end . he answered , i must obey god rather than men : when he was brought forth to judgement , they asked him concerning priests marriage : he answered , it is gods ordinance , that they which cannot abstain , should marry . but you abhor it , vowing chastity , which you cannot keep , but take other mens wives and daughters ; then they asked him if there were not seven sacraments ? he answered , give me two , and take you the rest ; after other questions they asked him if he would recant ? he answered , i am corn and not chaffe , i will not recant the truth : then they commanded him to go to the stake ; but he said , by the law of god i am forbidden to lay hands on my own self , therefore do you put me into the fire , and you shall see my resolution . having made his prayer to god , he said to the people ; although i have been a great sinner , yet it is not for that , but for gods truth contained in his vvord of the old and new testament that i now suffer ; and god out of his abundant mercy doth honour me so farre , as to make me amongst other of his servants , seale his truth with my blood ; dear friends , as you would escape eternal death , be no more seduced with lyes of archbishop , bishops , abbots , priors , &c. but only trust in god , and so he quietly slept in the lord ; and was the last man that died for religion in scotland . collected out of the history of the reformation in scotland . chap. xl. the persecution of the church in ireland , anno christi , . though the barbarous cruelty used by the irish against the english , go usually under the name of rebellion , yet i rather look upon it as , and chuse to call it a persecution , because their cruelties were exercised upon protestants only , so farre as ever i could hear ; neither were the english papists murthered , yea they joyned with the irish in murthering of their brethren . besides , the jesuites , priests , and friars were the chief instigators to these murthers , stirring up continually all sorts , both of the gentry and communalty , to shew the utmost of their zeal therein ; and when their designe was so surely laid , that they thought it impossible to be prevented , they did in their publick devotions recommend by their prayers the good successe of a great designe , tending much to the advancement of the catholick cause ; and that they might stir up the people with the greater animosity and cruelty to put it in execution , they everywhere declaimed loudly against the protestants , saying , that they were hereticks , not to be suffered any longer to live amongst them ; that it was no more sin to kill one of them , than to kill a dog ; and that it was a mortal and unpardonable sin to relieve or protect any of them . they also with much acrimony represented the severe courses taken by the parliament of england to suppresse the romish religion , and utterly to extirpate the professors of it : they told them that in england they had caused the queens priests to be hanged before her face , and that they held herself under a most severe discipline ; and that the like cruel laws should be made against popery in ireland , &c. when their plots were ripe for execution , we finde their first proceedings against the english very various ; some of the irish only stripping and expelling them ; others murthering man , woman , and childe without mercy ; yet all resolving universally to root out all the protestants out of ireland ; yea , so deeply malicious were they against the english protestants , that they would not endure the very sound of that language , but would have all such punished as spake english ; and the names of all english places they would have changed into old irish. in many places they killed the english cowes and sheep , meerly because they were english : sometimes they cut off their legs , or cut out a piece of their buttock , and so left them to live in pain : yea in some places , what they could not devoure , they killed , and left in great multitudes stinking in the fields . the priests gave the sacrament unto divers of the irish , upon condition that they should neither spare man , woman nor childe of the protestants , saying , that it did them a great deale of good to wash their hands in their blood . one halligan a priest , read an excommunication against all those , that from thenceforth should relieve or harbour any english , scotch , or vvelch man , or give them almes at their doores , whereby many were famished to death . the friars with tears exhorted them not to spare any of the english ; they boasted , that when they had destroyed them in ireland , they would go over into england , and not leave the memorial of an english man under heaven . they openly professed , that they held it as lawful to kill a protestant , as to kill a sheep or a dog . one of their priests said , that it was no more pity or conscience to take their lives or estates from them , than to take a bone out of a dogs mouth . the day before this massacre was to begin , the priests gave the people a dismisse at masse , with free liberty to go out and take possession of all their lands , which they pretended to be unjustly detained from them by the english. as also to strip , rob , and despoil them of all their goods and cattel ; the protestants being as they told them , worse than dogs , for they were divels , and served the divel , and therefore the killing of such was a meritorious act , and a rare preservative against the pains of purgatory ; for that the bodies of such of them as died in this quarrel should not be cold , before their soules should ascend up into heaven , so that they should not need to feare the paines of purgatory ; and this caused some of these murtherous cains to boast , after they had slain many of the english , that they knew that if they should dye presently they should go strait to heaven . the chief gentlemen of the irish , when this persecution first began , perswaded many of their protestant neighbours , that if they would bring their goods and cattel to them , they would secure them from the rage of the common people ; and hereby they got abundance peaceably into their hands , whereof they cheated the protestants , refusing to restore them again ; yet so confident were the protestants at first of their good dealing in regard of former familiarity , that they gave them inventories of all they had ; nay digged up such of their best things as they had hidden in the ground , and deposited them in their custody . they also gat much into their hands by fair promises , and deep oaths and engagements , that if they would deliver them their goods , they would suffer them with their wives and children quietly to depart the country ; yet having got what they could , they afterwards murthered them . having thus seised upon all their goods and cattel , ransack't their houses , and gotten their persons under their power , the next work was to strip man , woman , and childe stark-naked , and so to turn them out of doors , not suffering them so much as to shelter themselves under bushes , or in the woods , strictly prohibiting all the irish , under great penalties , not to give them any relief as they passed in the high wayes ; and their great designe herein was , that they on whom they would not lay their hands and cruelly murther in cold blood , might miserably perish through cold , nakednesse , and want ; and therefore if any of them gat any old rags to cover their nakednesse with , they stripped them again and again , sometimes twice or thrice over , the irish women being very active herein , yea they taught their very children to do the like ; yea they would not leave to the women so much as a smock or an hairlace : so that many of them being starved , fell down dead in the high wayes : others that gat to any english town , by reason of famine , and cold suffered by the way , died so soon as they came thither . in the town of colerain , of these miserable people , that fled thither for succour , many thousands died in two dayes , so that the living being not able to bury them , laid the carkasses of those dead persons in great ranks in waste and wide holes , piling them so close and thick as if they had packed up herings together . one magdalen redman deposed that she , and divers others protestants , amongst whom were twenty two widows , were first robbed , and then stripped stark-naked , and when they had in an house covered themselves with straw , the bloody papists threw burning straw in amongst them on purpose to burn them ; then did they drive them so naked in to the wilde woods in frost and snow , so that the snow covered their skins , where a long time it lay unmelted , and some of their children died in their armes with the extremity of the cold ; and whereas some of these poor soules went towards the burre for shelter , the cruel irish turned them back again , saying , they should go to dublin ; and when they went towards dublin , they beat them back , saying , they should go to the burre , and so tossed them to and fro , that some of them died ; those which through many difficulties gat to the burre , many of them died there ; and those that survived , lived miserably by reason of their many wants . yet though these bloody villaines exercised such inhumane cruelties towards the poor protestants , they would commonly boast , that these were but the beginnings of their sorrows ; and indeed they made it good ; for having disarmed the english , robbed them of their goods , and cattel , stript them of their cloathes , and having their persons in their power , they furiously broke out into all manner of abominable cruelties , horrid massacres , and execrable murthers , so that it would make any christians eare to tingle , and his heart to ake to hear the mention of them . for there were multitudes murthered in cold blood , some whilst they were at plough , others as they sate peaceably in their houses , others travelling upon the high wayes ; all without any manner of provocation given by them , were suddenly destroyed . in the castle of lisgool were about one hundred and fifty men , women , and children consumed with fire . at the castle of moneah were one hundred slain altogether . at the castle of tullah , which was delivered to mac guire upon composition , and faithful promises of faire quarter , as soon as he and his entred the court , they began to strip the people , and most cruelly put them to the sword , murthering them all without mercy . at lissenskeah they hanged and killed above one hundred of the scottish protestants , shewing them no more favour than they did to the english . yea the county thereabouts being well planted and peopled , was in a most horrible manner quite destroyed . in the counties of armagh and tyrone , where the protestants were more numerous , their murthers were more multiplied , and with greater cruelty , if it were possible , than in other places . mac guire coming to the castle of lissenskeah , desired in a friendly manner to speak with master middleton , who admitting him in , as soon as he was entred , he first burned the records of the county which were kept there ; then he demanded one thousand pounds which was in his custody of sir william bal●ores , which as soon as he had , he caused master middleton to hear masse , and to swear that he would never alter from it , and then immediately caused him , his wife and children to be hanged up : hanging and murthering above one hundred persons besides in that place . at portendown bridge there were one thousand men , women , and children carried in several companies , and all unmercifully drowned in the river , the bridge being broken down in the midst , and the people driven and forced on till they tumbled down into the water . yea in that country there were four thousand persons drowned in several places , the barbarous papists driving on the poore soules , when they had miserably stripped them , unto the places of their sufferings like swine ; and if any were slack in their pace , they pricked them forward with their swords and pikes ; yea to terrifie the rest , they killed and wounded some ; and when they were cast into the river , if any assayed to swimme to the shore , the rebels stood and shot at them . in one place one hundred and fourty english were taken and driven like cattel for many miles together . other companies they carried out under pretence of safe conduct , thereby causing them to march chearfully till they had got them to some place fit for execution , and then murthered them there . one hundred and fifteen men , women , and children they sent with sir philem onenles passe , till they had brought them to the bridge of portendowne , and then forced them all into the water , and such as by swimming , or other means sought to escape , they either knocked them on the head , and after drwowned them , or else shot them to death in the water . one mistris campbel being forced by them to the river , and finding no meanes to escape their furie , suddenly clasped one of the chief of them in her armes , and so both tumbling into the river , they were drowned together . at another time one hundred and fourty protestants being thrown in at the same place , as any of them swam to the shore , the bloody villaines with the butt-ends of their muskets knockt out their brains . at armagh , o cane gat together all the protestants thereabouts , pretending to conduct them to coleraine ; but before they were gone a dayes journey , they were all murthered , and so were many others , though they had protections from sir phileme o neale . the aged people in armagh were carried to charlemount , and there murthered . presently after , the town of armagh was burnt , and five hundred persons of all sorts were there murthered and drowned . in killoman were fourty eight families murthered . in one house twenty two protestants were burned ; in kilmore all the inhabitants were stript and massacred , being two hundred families : some they set in the stocks till they confessed where their monie was , and then massacred them ; the whole county was a common butchery , where many thousands perished in a shor time , by sword , famine , fire , water , and all other cruel manner of deaths that rage and malice could invent . to many , these bloody villains shewed so much favour as to dispatch them presently , by no means allowing them so much time as to pray . others they imprisoned in filthy dungeons full of dirt and mire , and there clapping bolts on their legs , suffered them to perish at leasure . one told john cowder that they would kill him , but first bid him say his prayers , and when he kneeled down to pray , they presently cut off his head . when some others upon their knees begged but leave to pray before they were slain , they would bid them bequeath their soules to the divel ; others would ask them , why do you desire to pray ? your soules are already with the divel ; and so would immediately slaughter them . at casel they put all the protestants into a loathsome dungeon , where they kept them twelve weekes in great misery . some they barbarously mangled and left them langushing upon the high wayes , crying out but for so much mercy as to be dispatched out of their paine ; some they hanged up twice or thrice : others they buried alive . some when they were half-hanged , they cast into pits , covering them with a little earth , where they sent out most lamentable groanes for a good while after . in queenes county , an english man , his wife , five children , and a maid , were all hanged together , then put into a hole ; the youngest child being not dead , put up the hand and cried mammie , mammie , and yet without mercy they buried it alive . thomas mason in laugal was extreamly beaten and wounded , yet his wife and some others carried him away , whereupon these villaines cruelly hacked , slashed and wounded them , and then dragged the said mason into an hole , and there threw stones on him with the weight whereof they kept him under : there he lay languishing and groaning till his own wife , to put him out of paine , stopped his breath with her handkerchief . at clownes seventeen men were buried alive , yet so as their pitiful cryes were heard afar off . some were deadly wounded , and so hanged upon tenter-hooks . some with ropes about their necks were drawn through the water . some with ropes about their middles were drawn through woods and bogs . in castle cumber one of these cut-throats took two boyes , wounded them , and hung them upon a butchers tenters . some were hanged up , and taken down several times to make them confess their monie , which when they had done , they presently murthered them . some were hung up by the armes , and then with their swords they made experiment how many blowes an english protestant would endure ere he died . some had their bellies ript up , and so were left with their guts running about their heels . an ancient woman coming towards dublin , was stript seven times in one day , and they bade her go and look for her god , and bid him give her cloaths again . in kilkenny they cruelly beat an english woman , till they forced her into a ditch , where she died ; then they took her child , a girle of about six years old , ript her belly , and let out her guts . one they forced to go to masse with them , yet afterwards wounded him , ript his belly , took out his guts , and so left him alive . a scottish man they stripped and knocked on the head , who afterwards coming to himself , went into the town naked ; then did they again take him and hewed him all to pieces ; they also ript up his wives belly , so that a child dropped out of her womb . many other women great with childe they hung up , then ript their bellies , and let the infants fall out . sometimes they gave their children to be devoured of swine and dogs . one john stone with his son , two sons in law , and their wives , they took and hung them all up ; and one of the young women being great with child , they ript her belly , took forth her child , and used such beastly barbarous actions to her as are not fit to be mentioned . at the newry they ript up a womans belly that was great with two children , throwing them to be devoured of swine . also another woman being delivered of a childe in the fields , they which had formerly killed her father and husband , killed her also with two of her children , and gave the new-born infant to be devoured of dogs . in the county of armagh they robbed , stripped , and murthered abundance of protestants , whereof some they burned , some they slew with the sword , some they hanged , and some they starved to death ; and meeting mistris howard , and mistris frankland with six of their children , and themselves both great with child , with their pikes they killed and murthered them all , ript open the gentlewomens bellies , took out their children , and threw them into a ditch . a young scottish womans child they took by the heeles , and dashed the braines out against a tree ; the like they did to many other children . anne hill going with a young child on her back , and four more by her side , these cruel persecutors pulled the child off her back , trod ▪ on it till it died , stripped her self and the other four children starke naked , whereby they died of cold . some others they met with , hanged them up upon a windmill , and before they were half dead , cut them in pieces with their skeins . many other protestants , especially women and children they pricked and stabbed with their skeins , forks and swords , slashing , cutting and mangling them in their heads , faces , breasts , armes and other parts , yet killed them not , but left them wallowing in their blood , to languish , starve and pine to death , and when they desired them to kill them out of their paine , they refused ; yet sometimes after a day or two , they would dash out their braines with stones or clubs , which they accounted as a great favour . one goodwife harvey at kilkenny was forced to go to masse , yet afterwards , together with her children was stripped , and one of her daughters had her belly ripped that her intrails fell out ; and her self was so beaten and wounded , that she hardly escaped with life . the castle of lisgoole being set on fire by these mercilesse papists , a woman leaped out at a window to save her self from burning , but they presently murthered her ; the next morning her child was found sucking at her breast , which they murthered also . and whereas many protestants with their wives and children fled into vauls and cellars to hide themselves , they were all murthered there . one jane addis they stabbed , and then putting her child of a quarter old to her breast , bid it suck english bastard , and so left it to perish there . one mary barlow had her husband hanged before her face , and her self with six children were all stript stark naked in frost and snow , after which , sheltring themselves in a cave , they had nothing to eat for three weeks , but two old calves skins , which they beat with stones , and so eat them hair and all , her children crying to her rather to go out and be killed than to famish there . in the cold weather many thousands of protestants of all ranks , ages , and sexes , being turned out stark naked , perished of cold and hunger , thousands of others were drowned , cast into ditches , bogs , and turf-pits . multitudes were inclosed in houses , which being set on fire they were burnt miserably . some that lay sick of feavors they drew out of their beds and hanged them . some men , women , and children they drove into boggie pits ; and if any of them endeavoured to get out , they knockt them on the heads . some aged men and women , these barbarians enforced their own children to carry them to the river where they were drowned : yea some children were compelled unnaturally to be the executioners of their own parents : wives were forced to help to hang their own husbands , and mothers to cast their own children into the water , after all which themselves were murthered . in sligo they forced a young man to kill his own father , and then hanged him up : in another place they forced a woman to kill her husband , then caused her son to kill her , and then immediatly hanged the son ; and this they did that they might destroy both soul and body . yea such was their detestable malice against the english protestants , that they taught their children to kill english children ; one of these villains wives was very angry with their souldiers , because they did not bring the grease of a fat gentlewoman , whom they had slaine , with them for her to make candles of . the irish women that followed the camp , egged on the men to cruelty , always crying out , kill them all , spare neither , man , woman , nor child . they took the child of one tkomas straton , being about twelve years old , and boiled him to death in a cauldron . one goodwife lin and her daughter were carried into a wood , where they first hanged the mother , and then the daughter in the hair of the mothers head . some women and children of the irish , meeting an english woman great with child , stript her to her smock , then pulled off her smock , and so rent and abused her , that the poor woman falling into labour , both she and her child died under their hands . in some places they plucked out the eyes , and cut off the hands of the protestants , and so turned them out into the fields to wander up and down till they perished . the very women in some places stoned the english women to death , together with their children . one man they shot through both his thighs ; then digging a hole in the ground , they set him in it upright upon his feet , and then filled up the hole , leaving out only his head , where they left him till he pined and languished to death . of another man they held his feet in the fire till he was burned to death . in munster they hanged up many ministers in a most barbarous manner . one minister they stripped stark naked , and drove him through the town , pricking him forwards with darts and rapiers , and so pursued him till he fell down dead . neither did all the malice that they bore to these poor christians , end with their lives when they had slain them , but extended after death to the denying burial to their carcasses , casting some into ditches , leaving others to be devoured of ravenous beasts and fouls ; yea some that had been formerly buried they digged up , and left them as dung upon the face of the earth . these barbarous villains vowed that if any parents digged graves to bury their children in , they should be buried therein themselves . they stripped one william loverden naked , then killed him before his wife and children , cut off his head , and held it up for them to gaze at ; and when his wife had buried hin in his garden , they digged him up , and threw him into a ditch . divers ministers bones that had been buried some years before , they digged up , because they were , as they said , patrons of heresie . poor children that went out into the fields to eate weeds and grasse , they killed without all pity . and a poor woman , whose husband was taken by them , went to them with two children at her feet , and one at her breast , hoping to beg her husband , but they slew her and her sucking infant ; brake the neck of another , and the third hardly escaped : and which was a great aggravation of their wickednesse , they exercised all this cruelty upon the english protestants who never provoked them thereto , yea that had alwayes lived peaceably with them , administring help and comfort to them in distresse , putting no difference betwixt them and those of their own nation , and cherished them as friends and loving neighbours . notwithstanding all which courtesies , they now shewed them no favour or pity . alas , who can comprehend the fears , terrours , anguish , bitternesse , and perplexity that seized upon the hearts of the poor protestants , finding themselves so suddenly surprized without remedy , and inextricably wrapt up in all kind of outward miseries , which could possibly by man be inflicted upon humane creatures ! what sighs and groans , trembling and astonishment , what shrikes , cries , and bitter lamentations of wives , children , servants and friends , howling and weeping , finding themselves without all hope of deliverance from their present miseries ! how inexorable were their barbarous tormentors that compassed them in on every side , without all bowels of compassion , or the least commiseration and pity ! one ellen millington they put into an hole , fastning her in with stones , and left her there to languish to death , bragging how many of them went to see her kick and tosse in the hole . yea they boasted upon their successe , that the day was their own , and that ere long they would not leave one protestant rogue living , but would uttery destroy every one that had but a drop of english blood in them ; their women crying out , slay them all , the english are fit meat for dogs , and their children are bastards . yea so implacable was their malice , that they vowed that they would not have an english beast alive , nor any of the breed of them . how grievous was it to any christian heart to hear a base villain boast , that his hands were so weary with killing and knocking down protestants into a bog , that he could not lift up his armes to his head ! another boasted that he had been abroad and had killed sixteen of the rogues . others boasted that they had killed so many , that the grease and fat which stuck upon their swords , might well make an irish candle . yea two boyes boasted , thar at several times they had murthered and drowned thirty six women and children . these mercilesse papists having set a castle on fire , wherein were many protestants , they rejoycingly said amongst themselves , o how sweetly do they fry ! at kilkenny when they had committed many cruel murthers , they brought seven protestants heads , amongst which one was the head of a reverend minister , all which they set upon the market-crosse , on a market day , triumphing , slashing , and mangling them ; and putting a gag into the ministers mouth , they slit up his cheeks to his ears , and laying a leaf of a bible before it , they bid him preach , for his mouth was wide enough ; it cannot be imagined with what scorn and derision they acted these things , and with what joy and exultation their eyes beheld the sad spectacle of the protestants miseries ; what greedy delight they took in their bloody executions . an english woman , whom they had stripped stark naked , gat a little straw , which she tied about her middle to cover her nakednesse ; but these impudent villaines set fire to it , boasting what brave sport they had , to see how the fire made the english jade dance . at kilmore they put many protestants , men , women , and children together into a thatched house , and then set fire on it , boasting of the lamentations and out-cries that they made whilest they were in burning , and how the children gaped when the fire began to burne them ; taking pride , and glorying in imitating those cries . they took one mistris maxwel being in labour , and threw her into a river , boasting that the childs arme appeared , and that it was half-born when the mother was drowned . these bloody persecutors took great pleasure and delight in their cruelty , and to encrease their misery , when they butchered them , they used to say , thy soul to the devil . one of them coming into an house with his hands and cloaths all bloody , made his boasts , that it was english blood , and that his skeine had p●●cked the cleane white skins of many of them , even to the hilt thereof . when any of them had killed a protestant , many of them would come one after another , each of them stabbing , wounding , and cutting his body in a most despiteful manner , and then leave it naked to be devoured of dogs , beasts , and fouls ; and when they had slain any number of them , they would boast that they had made the devil beholding to them , in sending so many souls to hell . but it s no wonder that they carried themselves so towards these innocent christians , when they spared not to belch out their execrable blasphemies against god and his holy word . in one place they burnt two protestant bibles , and then said it was hell-fire they burnt . other bibles they took , cut in pieces , and then burnt them , saying , that they would do the like to all puritane bibles . in the church at powerscourt they burnt the pulpit , pues , chests and bibles belonging to it . others of them took the protestants bibles , and wetting them in dirty water , did several times dash them on the faces of the protestants , saying , i know you love a good lesson , here is an excellent one for you , come to morrow and you shall have as good a sermon as this . others they dragged by the hair of the head into the church , there stripped and whipped them in a most cruel manner , saying , if you come to morrow you shall heare the like sermon . they took the bible of a minister called master e●ward slack , and opening it , they laid it in a puddle of water , and then stamped upon it , saying , a plague on it , this bible hath bred all the quarrel , and that they hoped within a few weeks all the bibles in ireland should be used as that was , or worse . they did most despitefully upbraid the profession of the truth to those blessed souls , whom neither by threats nor terrours , pains nor torments they could draw to forsake their religion . and though some by extreme torments were drawn to professe the change of their religion , yet did they finde no more favour with these hell-hounds , who with great scorn used to say , that it was fit to send them out of the world whilst they were in a good mood . at claslow , a priest with some others , drew about forty or fifty english and scottish protestants to be reconciled to the church of rome , and then he told them that they were in a good faith , and for fear they should fall from it and turn hereticks , he with his companions presently cut all their throats . john nicholson and anne his wife , being received into the protection of one fitz patrick , he laboured to perswade them to go to masse , and to joyn in the present massacre ; but they professed , that rather than they would forsake their religion they would die upon the swords point ; then he would have had the woman burn her bible ; but she told him , rather than she would burn her bible , she would die the death ; whereupon the sabbath morning after they were both of them cruelly murthered ; but he that acted the villany was so tormented in conscience , and dogged with apparitions of them , as he conceived , that with inward horror he pined away . in the county of tipperary near the silver works , some of these barbarous papists met with eleven english men , protestants , ten women , and some children , whom they first stripped off their cloaths , and then with stones , poleaxes , skeins , swords , &c. they most barbarously massacred them all ; this was done on a sabbath evening , the day having been very fair and clear ; but just at that time god sent a fearful storme of thunder , lightning , wind , haile and rain , so that the murtherers themselves confessed , that it was a signe of gods anger against them for this cruelty , yet they persisted in their bloody act , hacking , hewing , flashing and stabbing them , so that most of them were cut in pieces then tying wit hs about their necks , they threw them into an hole which they made for the purpose ; yet it pleased god , that one scottish and an english man , though they had many grievouous wounds , and were left for dead , after a while revived , and with much difficulty escaped with their lives ; but as god shewed his great mercy in preserving them , so he shewed his just judgment upon hugh kennedy , the chief of those murtherers , who presently fell into a most desperate madnesse and distraction , neither resting day nor night , till about eight days after he drowned himself . in the county of mayo , about sixty protestants , whereof fifteen were ministers , were upon covenant to be safely conveyed to galway by one edmund burk and his souldiers ; but by the way this burk drew his sword , teaching thereby the rest of his company to do the like ; and so they began to massacre these poor protestants , some they shot to death ; some they stabbed with their skeins , some they thrust through with their pikes ; some they cast into the water and drowned , the women they stript stark naked , who lying upon their husbands to save them , were run through with pikes , so that very few of them escaped with life . in the town of sligo fourty protestants wete stript and locked up in a cellar ; and about midnight a butcher , provided for the purpose , was sent in amongst them , who with his axe knocked them all on the heads . in tirawly , thirty or fourty english , who had formerly yielded to go to masse , were put to their choyce whether they would die by the sword , or be drowned ? they chose the latter , and so being driven to the sea-side , these barbarous villaines with their naked swords forced them into the sea ; the mothers with their children in their armes wading to the chin , were afterwards overcome by the waves , where they all perished . but present death was counted too great a favour , and therefore of some they twisted wit hs about their foreheads till the blood sprang out at the crown of their heads : others they hanged , and let down several times , &c. the sonne of master montgomery , a minister , aged about fifteen years , met with one of these blood-suckers , who formerly had been his schoolmaster , who drew his skein at him , whereupon the boy said , good master , whip me as much as you will , but do not kill me ; yet this mercilesse tyger , barbarously murthered him without all pitie . a scottish man was first wounded , and then buried alive in a ditch . in the towne of sligo , all the protestants were first stript , and robbed of all their estates ; afterwards they were summoned to go into the goale , and such as refused , were carried in ; and then about midnight they all were stripped stark naked , and there most cruelly and barbarously murthered with swords , axes , skeins , &c. some of them being women great with child , their infants thrust out their armes and legs at their wounds ; after which execrable murthers , they laid the dead naked bodies of the men upon the naked bodies of the women in a most immodest posture , where they left them till the next day to be looked upon by the irish , who beheld it with great delight ; also isabel beard , great with childe , hearing the lamentable cries of those that were murthered , ran forth into the streets , where she was barbarously murthered , and was found the next day with the childs feet coming out of the wounds in her sides : many others were murthered in the houses and streets : but by gods just judgment the river of sligo , which was before very full of fish , whereby many were nourished , for a long time after it afforded no fish at all . a prior also that had a hand in the murther of isabel beard , and of casting her into the river , presently after fell mad . about dungannon were three hundred and sixteen protestants in the like barbarous manner murthered : about charlemount above four hun●dred ; about tyrone two hundred and six . one mac crew murthered thirty one in one morning : two young villains murthered one hundred and fourty poor women and children that could make no resistance : an irish woman with her own hands murthered forty five . at portendowne bridge were drowned above three hundred . at lawgh were drowned above two hundred : in another place three hundred were drowned in one day . in the parish of killamen there were murthered one thousand and two hundred protestants . many young children they cut into quarters and gobbets : eighteen scottish infants they hanged upon a clothiers tenterhooks . one fat man they murthered , and made candles of his grease ; of another scottish man they ript up his belly , took one end of his small guts , tied it to a tree , and forced him round about it till he had drawn them all out of his body , saying , that they would try whether a dogs or a scotchmans guts were the longer . by the command of sir philem o neale , master james maxwell was drawn out of his bed , being fick of a feavor ▪ and murthered ; and his wife being in child-birth , the child half borne , they stript her stark naked , drove her about a flights shoot , and drowned her in the blackwater ; the like , or worse they did to another english woman in the same town . they took one master watson , and cutting two collops out of his buttocks they roasted him alive . of a scottish woman great with child , they ript up her belly , cut the child out of her womb , and so left it crawling on her body . master starkey , schoolmaster at armagh , being above one hundred years old , they stripped stark naked ; then took two of his daughters being virgins , whom they stripped stark naked also , and then forced them to lead their aged father under the armes a quarter of a mile to a turspit , where they drowned them all three , feeding the lusts of their eyes , and cruelty of their hearts with the same object at the same time . in some places they shewed the like cruelty to the english beasts , which they would not kill out-right , but used to cut collops out of them , delighting to hear their roaring , and so the poor cattel would sometimes live two or three dayes in that torment . to one henry cowel , a gallant gentleman , they profered his life , if he would marry one of their base truls , or go to masse , but he chose death rather than to consent to either . also to one robe●t ecklin , a child about eleven years old , they profered his life if he would go to masse , but he refused , saying , that he saw nothing in their religion for which he would change his own . many of the protestants they buried alive , solacing themselves in hearing them speak to them , whilst they were digging down old ditches upon them . they used also to send their children abroad in troops armed with long wattles and whips , wherewith they used to beat dead mens bodies about their privy members , till they beat them off , and then would return very joyful to their parents , who received them , as it were in triumph for their good actions . if any women were found dead , lying with their faces downwards , these bruitish persons used to turn them on their ●acks , viewing and censuring every part of them , especially those parts that are not fit to be named , which also they abused so many ways , and so filthily , as chast ears would not endure the naming rhereof . they brake the back-bone of a young youth , and so left him in the fields , and some dayes after he was found , having , like a beast , eaten all the grasse round about him ; yet neither then would they kill him out-right , but removed him to a place of better pasture , wherein was fulfilled that saying , the tender mercies of the wicked are cruelty . in the county of antrim they murthered nine hundred fifty four protestants in one morning , and afterwards about twelve hundred more in that county . near lisnegarvy they forced above twenty four protestants into an house , and then setting fire on it , they burned them all , counterfeiting their out-cries in derision to others . sir philem o neal boasted that he had slain above six hundred at garvagh : and that he had left neither man , woman , nor child alive in the baronry of munterlong . in other places he murthered above two thousand persons in their houses , so that many houses were filled with dead bodies . above twelve thousand were slain in the high ways as they fled towards down . many died of famine , many were starved to death for want of clothes , being stript of all in a cold season ; some thousands were drowned . so that in the very province of ulster there were about one hundred and fifty thousand murthered by sundry kinds of torments and deaths . these bloody persecutors themselves confessed that the ghosts of divers of the protestants which they had drowned at portendown bridge , were daily and nightly seen to walk upon the river , sometimes singing of psalms , sometimes brandishing naked swords , sometimes screeching in a most hideous and fearful manner ; so that many of the popish irish which dwelt near thereabouts ; being affrighted herewith , were forced to remove their habitations further off into the countrey . the popish english were no whit inferiour , yea rather exceeded the natural irish in their cruelty against the protestants that lived amongst them , within the pale , being never satisfied with their blood till they had seen the last drop thereof . anne kinnard testified that fifteen protestants being imprisoned , and their feet in the stocks , a popish boy being not above fourteen years old , slew them all in one night with his skeine . another not above twelve years old , killed two women in another place . an english papist woman killed seven men and women of her neighbours in one morning . and it was usual for the papists children to murder the protestants children , and sometimes with their woodden swords , sharp and heavy , they would venture upon people of riper years . an english woman , who was newly delivered of two children , some of these villains violently compelled her in her great pain and sicknesse to rise from her bed , and took one of the infants that was living , and dashed his brains against the stones , and then threw him into the river of the barrow ; the like they did by many other infants . many others they hanged without all pity . the lord mont garret caused divers english souldiers that he had taken about kilkenny to be hanged , hardly suffering them to pray before their death ; they dyed very patiently , and resolutely in the defence of the protestant faith ; and one of them , being an irish man , had his life offered if he would turn papist , but he rather chose to dye , and so was executed with the rest . some of these persecutors meeting a poor young girle that was going to see her friends , they first half-hanged her , and then buried her quick . one fitz patrick enticed a rich merchant that was a protestant , to bring all his goods into his house , promising safely to keep them , and to redeliver them to him . but when he had thus gotten them into his possession , he took the merchant and his wife , and hanged them both : the like he did by divers others . some english mens heads that they had cut off , they carried to kilkenny , and on the market day set them on the crosse , where many , especially the women , stab'd , cut , and slashed them , every one accounting themselves happy that could but get a blow at them . one of the heads being a ministers , a woman struck so hard with her fist , that the same night her hand grew black and blew , and so rankled , that she was lame of it a quarter of a year after : another woman that looked on those heads with much rejoycing , presently after fell so distracted , that neither night not day she could rest , but cryed out continually that she saw those heads before her eyes . one english ▪ protestant , saying , that he would believe the divel as soon as the pope , they presently hanged him up in an apple tree till he dyed . a poor protestant woman with her two children going to kilkenny upon businesse , these bloody miscreants baited them with dogs , stabbed them with skeins , and pulled out the guts of one of the children , whereby they dyed ; and not far off , they took divers men , women , and children , and hanged them up ; and one of the women being great with child , they ripped up her belly as she hanged , so that the child fell out in the cawle alive . some after they were hanged , they drew up and down till their bowels were torn out . how many thousands of protestants were thus inhumanely murthered by sundry kinds of deaths in that one province of ulster we have heard before ; what the number of the slain was in the three other provinces , i find not upon record ; but certainly it was very great ; for i finde these passages in a general remonstrance of the distressed protestants in the province of munster . we may ( say they ) compare our woe to the saddest parallel of any story ; our churches are demolished , or which is worse , profaned by sacrifices to idols : our habitations are become ruinous heaps : no quality , age , or sex priviledged from massacres , and lingring deaths , by being robbed , stript naked , and so exposed to cold and famine . the famished infants of murdered parents swarme in our streets , and for want of food perish before our faces , &c. and all this cruelty that is exercised upon us , we know not for what cause , offence , or seeming provocation its inflicted on us , ( sin excepted saving that we were protestants , &c. we can make it manifest that the depopulations in this province of munster , do well near equal those of the whole kingdome , &c. and thus in part we have heard of the mercilesse cruelties which the bloody papists exercised towards the protestants ; let us now consider at least some of gods judgements upon the irish , whereby he hath not left the innocent blood of his servants to be altogether unrevenged . some particular instances have been mentioned before : as also the apparitions at portendown bridge which affrighted them from their habitations , concerning which it is further testified , that by their own confession , the blood of those that were knocked on the head , and then thrown into the river at that bridge , remained for a long time upon the stones , and could not be washed away ; as also that ofttimes they saw apparitions sometimes of men , sometimes of women rising breast-high above the water , which did most extreamly screech and cry out for vengeance against the irish that had murdered them there . catherine coke testified upon oath , that when the irish had barbarously drowned one hundred and eighty protestants , men , women , and children at portendown bridge , about nine days after she saw the apparition of a man bolt upright in the river , standing breast-high , with his hands lift up to heaven , and continued in that posture from december to the end of lent , at which time some of the english army passing that way saw it also , after which it vanished away . elizabeth price testified upon oath that she and other women whose husbands and children were drowned in that place , hearing of these apparitions , went thither one evening , at which time they saw one like a woman rise out of the river breast-high , her haire hanging down , which , with her skin , was as white as snow , often crying out , revenge , revenge , revenge , which so affrighted them that they went their way . divers protestants were thrown into the river of belterbert , and when any of them offered to swim to the land , they were knocked on the head with poles , after which their bodies were not seen of six weeks : but after the end thereof , the murtherers coming again that way , the bodies came floating up to the very bridge where they were . sir con mac gennis with his company slew master turge , minister of the newry , with divers other protestants , after which the said mac gennis was so affrighted with the apprehension of the said master turge his being continually in his presence , that he commanded his souldiers not to slay any more of them , but such as should be slain in battel . a young woman being stript almost naked , there came a rogue to her , bidding her give him her money , or he would run her through with his sword. her answer was , you cannot kill me except god give you leave , whereupon he ran three times at her naked body with his drawn sword , and yet never pierced her skin , whereat he being confounded , went his way and left her ; this was attested by divers women that were present and saw it . but besides these forementioned judgements of god which befel them for their inhumane cruelties ; we may observe how the hand of god hath been out against them ever since , and that in a special manner , by emasculating and debasing of their spirits ; whereby it hath come to passe that ordinarily a few english souldiers have chased multitudes of them , and generally in all the battels and fights that have been betwixt them , they have always been beaten , though the ods was great of their side ; and as they made themselves formerly drunk with the innocent blood of the unresisting protestants ; so now god hath given them their fill of blood in jealousie and fury . many thousands of them have perished by the sword of war ; and how heavy hath the hand of god lain further upon them this present year , . in that terrible and universal plague that hath been scattered all over the nation , whereby many thousands more of them have perished , and god is still fighting against , and probably will continue their destruction , till they either shall truly be humbled for their horrid sins , or be utterly consumed from the face of the earth ! amen ; even so come lord jesus , come quickly . these particulars were attested upon oath by sundry persons before commissioners appointed to take their examinations . here place the tenth figure . chap. xli . a continuation of the history of the waldenses from the year . ending with the late persecution in the valleys in piemont . anno christi . the duke of savoy published an edict in favour of the evangelical churches in the vallies of piemont , wherein he granted an indemnitie to the people of the vallies of angrognia , bobio , villaro , valguicchiardo , rora , tagliaretto , and la rica di boneti at the end of la torre , saint martino , perosa , roccapiatta , and saint barthelemo , from all former actings , and restoring them into his favor , as if they had never acted any thing against his highness ; receiving them into his safegard and protection : he granted them also to have preaching assemblies , and other ministerial offices according to their religion in their wonted places , &c. but in the year . another edict was published at the instigation of the popish party , whereby all men who lived in the duke of savoy's dominions , and would not conform to the romish religion , were enjoyned to come and declare the same to their respective magistrates within ten dayes after the publication thereof , and two moneths after to leave the country , having one years time given them to dispose of their goods movable , and unmovable , during which time they should enjoy the revenue thereof , &c. the tidings of this cruelty so wrought upon the hearts of the protestant princes of germany , that they sent an embassie to the duke of savoy to intercede in their behalf : amongst whom the prince elector palatine was exceeding zealous , sending one of his counsellours of state , a person of singular worth , to the duke of savoy , to mediate in their behalf ; at whose return the prince being informed by him of the unworthy dealing of that court , and finding that notwithstanding all their faire promises , they did not at all cease from persecuting these poor people , he wrote a very smart and pathetical letter to the said duke , challenging him for breach of promise to himself and the other germane princes , in that he suffered his ministers still to persecute and banish those poore innocent people , meerely upon the account of religion , concluding that such severity was neither pleasing to god nor man ; neither ( saith he ) is it the way to bring men to the true knowledge of god , which should be done by perswasions , and scripture-proofs , not by persecutions , &c. wherefore i pray your highnesse that you will give us an evidence of that which you have for us , by delivering those poor people who are now in the gallies , and by recalling those who have been lately banished , as you promised by your letters . have compassion upon so many poore wandring exiles , deprived of all their goods and estates : call them home , and restore them to their habitations ; and grant them , and the other inhabitants of your highness countries the publick exercise of their religion , which they prefer before their necessary food : free them from their false accusations , that they may live in peace under your highnesse government , &c. if your highness will grant me this request , i doubt not but you shall experimentally finde the favour and blessing of god , and you shall oblige us to you in all things : if otherwise , you will both provoke god to lift up his hand against you , and estrange from you the affections of those who desire to do you pleasure and service , &c. dated . now that you may see upon what occasion the prince wrote this letter , you are to understand that castrocaro ( one of their popish governours ) being extreamly troubled that the prince electors ambassador had obtained several promises at the court for the poor peoples advantage , did immediately after the said ambassadors departure , publish through the valley of lucerna , two ordinances : by the one he commanded all the inhabitants throughout his government , that were not natives , to depart within a day after the publication thereof , upon paine of death , and confiscation of their goods : by the other , he prohibited upon the same penalty those of the reformed religion , inhabiting lucerna , bubbiana , campiglione , and fenile , to hear sermons at saint giovanni ; and for their not submitting , he imprisoned and tormented a great number of them in the castle of la torre , which dealing made the poor people to make their addresse to the dutchess of savoy , who pittying their condition , wrote to the said castrocaro in their behalf , commanding him in the dukes name to set at liberty the imprisoned , and to cease to molest them in the enjoyment of their ancient habitations and priviledges . this letter stopped the fury of castrocaro for the present : but it was far from working any change of affections in him , as was evident by his after-actings : for in the year . he did so incense the governour of bobio against the poor inhabitants of the valley , that he did not only grievously molest them upon all occasions as they came under his clutches , but also wrote bitter letters to the duke against them , improving the uttermost of his parts and power for their ruine and extirpation : and certainly castrocaro had then effected his designe , had not the dutches upon the joynt supplications of the evangelical churches , very effectually interposed for them , and procured the continuation of their just and undoubted priviledges . anno . many of the poor protestants of the valleyes were grievously molested under pretext that in the former war of france against those of the religion , they had joyned themselves to the protestant troops . but king charles the th being moved with compassion towards them , wrote a letter to the duke of savoy in their behalf , requesting him to receive them with gentleness into his grace and favour , and to re-establish them in their estates , &c. the subject of which letter was not only satisfactory to those for whom it interceded , but also to all other faithfull ones of the valleyes , out of the great hopes they had of future tranquillity . but it endured no longer than till their enemies had an opportunity of molesting them , which they greedily embraced upon the news of the horrible massacres in france . for castrocaro did thereupon so threaten the poor protestants , that they retired themselves , with their families , and movables , to the tops of the neighbouring mountains , and into all other places where they hoped for safety : but the duke of savoy not approving the cruelties exercised against the protestants in france , sent to those his subjects , who were thus withdrawn , commanding them to return to their houses , and habitations , promising that they should suffer no prejudice , nor incur the least danger thereby . neither indeed were their sufferings great afterwards , so long as madam the dutchess was living , who was a refuge to them upon all occasions . after the death of this princess which happened octob. . . the popish party came forth like lions , improving the uttermost of their endeavours to devoure and destroy this poor people upon all occasions ; but the goodness of god was so great towards them , that they always found some considerable friends about the duke , who inclined his heart to gentleness and moderation : but after the death of this 〈◊〉 emanuel , who died aug. . . charles emanuel his son , having invaded the marquisate of saluces , monsieur l' esdiguier●s by way of retaliation , seized upon the valleys of piemont : but the french army was no sooner gone home , than there was a rumour spread throughout the valleys , that the duke was resolved to take this occasion to extirpate all the protestant churches , because they had taken an oath of fidelity to the french king , neither was it groundless : for the thing was really propounded in the dukes councel , but it pleased god so to order affairs , that the leading men amongst them did not at all approve of the business , yea the duke himself did extreamly mislike it : and after he had retaken mirebuc , he did not a little revive the spirits of the representatives of the protestants of lucerna , who met with him at villaro on purpose to assure his highness of their fidelity , and to beg the continuance of his grace and favour , to whom ( in the presence of a great number of his lords ) he returned this answer : be but faithfull unto me , and i will be sure to be a good princ● , nay a father unto 〈◊〉 ▪ and as to the liberty of your conscience , and the exercises of your religion , i shall be so far from innovating any thing against those liberties in which you have lived unto this present , that if any offer to molest you , have recourse to me , and i shall effectually relieve and protect you . these words being spoken in such a presence , and in so obliging a manner , were very advantagious to the poor peoples interest , for some time after , they served to counterballance the threats of their fiercest enemies : yet were there some amongst the popish party that thought it an unpardonable sinne to suffer them to live one year in peace , and on the contrary an acceptable service to molest them , either by secret stratagems , or by open force and violence . such was the condition of this poor people from the year . to the year . at which time all the masters of families in the valley of lucerna , professing the protestant religion , were cited to appear before count charles of lucerna , the governour ponte , the arch bishop broglia , and others , and were by them commanded in the dukes name , either to go to masse , or to quit lucerna , and all their pretensions thereto , without the least hopes of ever obtaining favour to return , or in case of disobedience , to prepare themselves for inevitable mischiefs and calamities : which threats were pressed with so much violence , that it caused many of the poor creatures to submit , at least seemingly , to the change of their religion , though many others of them were the deeplier rooted by these shakings . from lucerna the aforenamed lords removed their seat to bubiana where they found the reformed so stiff in their principles , that they could not remove them an hairs bredth from the same , wherefore they caused the chief of them to be summoned to appear at turin , thinking that the dukes presence might prevaile more with them than all their threatning speeches : the persons thus summoned were master valentine , and mr. boules , his brother , with one peter morese , and samuel falc , who were brought one after another before hi hisghnesse : mr. valentine was the first , whom the duke perswaded to embrace the roman catholick religion , and to draw others to do the like , promising him great rewards and preferments if he obeyed , &c. to this mr. valentine answered , that next to the service of god , he had no greater desire then to obey , and please his highness , in whose service he would willingly adventure his person and estate , when ever there should be occasion : but as for his religion which he knew to be true , and confirmed by the word of god , he could not abandon it without disobeying god , and wounding his own conscience , so as never to enjoy any comfort in his soul afterwards : and therefore he humbly intreated his highness to be satisfied with what he could do with a good conscience : and to leave him to the liberty of his religion which he valued above his life : the duke replyed , that he also doubted not of the truth of that religion which he professed , and that such as embraced it , should find how much they had gratified him in so doing , yet would he not force the conscience of any man , and so he gave them leave to depart . chap. xlii . the marquisate of saluces described , with its several troubles and persecutions . the marquisate of saluces is on the south side of the valleys of predmont , containing in it several cities , and considerable valleys , very fruitfull in all sorts of fruits . it s most northerly valley is that of po , where the famous river po hath its rise , and source ; one onely mountain separates this from the valley of lucerna on the north side : in this valley were those ancient churches , viz. pravillem , biolets , and bietone , who retained the purity of christian religion for several hundreds of years , and lived in great union with their neighbouring churches . anno christi . the church of dronier , which was one of the most flourishing , understanding that the publick exercise of the reformed religion was permitted in france , obtained letters from the kings council to sieur lovis of birague , governour of that country in the duke of nevers absence , whereby he was ordered to provide for the petitioners a convenient place for the publick exercise of their religion : but not long after their adversaries , by their importunity , prevailed so far that the said letters were revoked : this occasioned the said church to send monsieur francis galatee , their minister , into france , with some others , to recover ( if it were possible ) their former priviledges . but this falling out in the time of their troubles in france , all that they could obtaine , was only bare promises . in the mean time they received many hortatory and consolatory letters from the chief ministers in the churches of france , and amongst others from those of grenoble , lions , &c. to perswade them to patience , and perseverance in that truth which they had embraced : which accordingly they did , notwithstanding all the malice and subtilty of their adversaries : so that their churches were continued and upheld , convenient order being had for the preaching of the word , administration of the sacraments , exercise of their discipline , &c. only there wanted in some places liberty of having general assemblies , and publick sermons . for the better safety of their ministers in the places that were most dangerous , one pastor had the charge of the faithful in several cities and communalties , which rendred their residence and exercises less visible to their adversaries : hereby the gospel ( through gods mercy ) made a very considerable progress at dronier , verzo , and some other places of mo●e no●e . the church of aceil in the valley de mairi was extraordinarily peopled , and enjoyed more liberty than the others , by reason of the scituation of the place : but satan the enemy of christs church and kingdom , perceiving such a growth of the reformed religion in those places , ceased not to imploy all his power and policy to hinder the same ; and therein he made use of instruments for the effecting of it : viz. first the anticodemites , whose ringleader was baronius , who lived at valgrane and thereabouts , accommodating himself to the times : for when the church had rest and ease , he wrote strange things , and cryed out of the abuses in popery : but in times of persecution he usually played the hypocrite , and laboured to draw others to do the same , by which means he had a multitude of followers , and amongst them the lord of valgrane , and maximilian de saluces , who set his name to baronius to add luster to his writings against the ministers , reproaching them for that they would not give way to any dissimulation in their disciples , whereby they exposed them to great extremities . this lord had some learning and knowledge of the truth ; but to avoid the bearing of the cross , he thought it convenient to dissemble , and condemned those who any way gain said the papists . yet monsieur gelido , minister of aceil , opposed them both , very learnedly in several letters that he wrote unto them : so did monsieur truchi , minister of dronier , together with other pastors of the neighbouring places , demonstrating both by scripture testimonies , and by the example of the primitive church , that they had done nothing but what they ought to do , and what every faithful christian was bound to , and consequently that the opinion of baronius and his followers was pernicious to the church in times of persecution . the other instruments that satan made use of to the prejudice of the church , were the roman clergy , with their passionate proselites , who would faine have done to these godly christians , as their brethren in iniquity had done to their neighbours in the dukedom of savoy : viz. banish , imprison , kill , and confiscate the goods of the protestants : but ( through gods mercy ) they were hindred by the kings edicts , confirming to those his subjects of saluces a peaceable habitation , without being molested for their conscience and religion , or questioned for any thing they did in their private houses ( provided they abstained from the publick exercise of it ) by which means their ministers had opportunitie of assembling in small companies , baptizing , marrying , comforting the sick , and instructing every one in particular ; which provoked their adversaries to bend themselves chiefly against the ministers , thinking that if they could find out any meanes to extirpate them , they should easily prevaile upon the common people , having none to animate and instruct them . accordingly they published an edict of octob. . . in the name of the duke of nevers , governour for the king on this side the mountains , injoyning all of the religion there inhabiting or abiding , that were not the kings natural subjects , to depart , together with their families within the space of three dayes , and never to return thither to inhabit , pass , or otherwise to abide without a special safe conduct , upon pain of life , and confiscation of their goods . now the greatest part of the ministers not being natural subjects to the king , by this edict were to quit the marquisate , o● to obtain a safe conduct , or lastly to incur the penalty : a safe conduct they could not obtain , and yet they thought themselves bound in conscience not to abandon their people ; wherefore continuing with their congregations , two of them were apprehended and imprisoned : viz. monsieur francis truchi , and monsieur francis soulf , where they were detained four years , four moneths , and odd dayes , the poor people being not able by any means to obtain their deliverance , though they continually sollicited de berague their governour , and others that had undertaken the management of these affairs : yet the lord was so pleased to restrain the power of their enemies that they could not take away their lives : yea by degrees they obtained for them a more spacious and convenient prison than that whereunto they were at first confined . to procure their full deliverance the churches of the marquisate sent their supplications to the king by the aforesaid minister galat●e , and another ; who set out july . . and went as far as rochel to implore the intercession of the queen of navar , as also to intreat the assistance of divers others in several places : and the great patrons of the reformed religion disputed their case before the king , and in the end obtained letters under the kings own hand for their enlargement , octob. . . which was accordingly effected ; but it was four moneths after before it could be done . when sieur galatee returned , he was overjoyed , as well for the prosperous successe of his negotiations , as for the great hopes of a profound peace , founded upon the smooth promises of his maj●sty , and upon the alliance which he had made by the marriage of his sister to the king of navar , who professed the reformed religion . but this joy lasted but from the moneth of may . to the beginning of septemb. at which time there arived the lamentable news of the massacre of many noble persons , and multitudes of others who were most inhumanely murthered in divers places of france , to the great astonishment of all the faithful in those parts . about the same time there arived letters from the king to the governour birague , by which he was required to have an eye , that , at the arival of the news of what happened at paris , they of the religion should make no combustion ; remitting the rest of his pleasure to those instructions which he had sent him by the bearer , the contents whereof were , that he should put to death all the chief of the protestants within his jurisdiction , whose names he should find in the roll that should be presented to him . birague having received this command , together with the roll aforementioned , was much troubled , and immediately called his council together , whom he acquainted with the kings orders : whereupon some were of opinion that they should be immediately executed : but others , seeing the king in his late patents , not many moneths before , had enlarged the ministers that were imprisoned , and had ordered that those of the reformed religion should not be any wayes molested for their conscience sake : as also upon consideration that nothing had occurred since that time worthy such a change , they therefore thought it sufficient to secure the persons of such as were enrolled , and to defer execution for a while , and in the mean time to inform the king that they were persons of honour , faithful to his majesty , living peaceably with their neighbours , and inoffensive in their lives : adding that in case his majesty was resolved that they should be put to death , there was yet time enough to execute his pleasure therein . this advice birague approved of , and accordingly apprehended some , but others escaped , and concealed themselves : and in the mean time he dispatched a messenger to the king , to inform him as abovesaid , and to know his further pleasure . this messenger met another at lions , where the king had sent to birague to advertise him , that in case his former order was not already executed , he should desist from it , and only have a special care that those of the religion should make no insurrection , nor have any publick exercises . but they of the reformed religion in the marquisate were not a little troubled when they heard of the cruel massacre of their brethren in france without distinction of age , sex , or quality , insomuch as divers of them fled ; many papists also secretly caused the families of their kind●ed and friends of the religion to retire their families and themselves till such time as birague had published the kings pleasure , after which they returned by little and little : and though their publick exercises were prohibited , yet they were well satisfied with the assurance of their lives , and estates , besides that they had the liberty of private exercises in their families . this was the condition of the protestant churches in saluces during the time that it was under the dominion of the king of france , which continued to the year . at which time the duke of savoy took the possession , who , for a while suffered them to enjoy their priviledges in general : but in particular , some of the chief members of the church of dromier , being cited to turin , were so befooled with subtile artifices , that one part of them promised to go to masse , which gave a considerable blow to the said church , yet it lost not its courage in general , although the great failings of the former encouraged their adversaries to attempt the like upon others by both words and letters . anno christi . the duke of savoy wrote his letter to them , wherein he told them how desirous he was that all his subjects in the marquisat of saluces should embrace the romish religion , and finding that his exhortations had prevailed with some , he hoped that they would have the same effect upon the rest , desiring that laying aside their heretical obstinacie , they would embrace the true religion out of respect to gods glory , and their own good , making large promises to such as should submit , and telling them that it should return to their great advantage . the churches of the marquisat having received this letter , they answered , first , that they returned his highness many thanks for that he had suffered them to enjoy their religion hitherto as he had found them in the year . when he took possession of the marquisat . secondly they humbly intreated him to continue to them the said benefit , as also to grant them his protection , seeing that they knew that their religion was founded upon the holy scriptures , according to which they ordered their lives and conversations , so as none had any just occasion of offence : and considering that even the jews and other enemies of christ were suffered to live in peace , and to enjoy their religion , they hoped that those which were found christians , faithful to god , and loyal to their prince , should not be denyed the same priviledge . after this a●swer they lived a while in peace , and the duke took a voyage into 〈◊〉 , after which followed a war , so that they continued as aforetime but after the exchange of the marquisat was established upon him , his soft letters were turned into sharp edicts , wherein he commanded all those of the religion within the marquisat , that every one should go , and declare to his ordinary magistrate within the space of fifteen dayes whether he would renounce his religion , or go to mass or no ; which if they would do , they should not only enjoy their habitations , and estates , but many other favours also : but if they resolved to persist in their religion , they were enjoyned to depart out of his highness dominions within the space of two moneths , and never to return without expresse permission , and that upon pain of death , and confiscation of all their goods : yet they were permitted within the said term of two months to transport their goods as they should think meet . this unexpected edict being published through the marquisate , july . much troubled those of the reformed religion , who immediately sent deputies to his highness to obtain a revocation , or at least a moderation of it : and indeed they had some hopes given them by divers persons of quality , so that many of the poor people resting upon this broken reed , let slip much of the said prefixed time without preparing for their departure , whereby they were the more amazed when they understood , not many dayes before the time was expired ; that all hope of favour was now wholly taken away : yet most of them prepared for their departure ; some recommending their goods to their kindred and friends who remained in the country , others leaving all they had at random , except what they could carry with them to serve for their present necessities . in these two moneths space they who were resolved to depart , were continually set upon by their friends and kindred , with all manner of perswasions to divert them from their purposes , especially when they presented themselves to the magistrate to give in their answer in writing : for then they were caused to stand in a certain pew in publick view , where the magistrates had either monks , or other ecclesiasticks , who ceased not to urge them by all possible arguments and motives thereby to shake their faith and constancy : amongst others , a certain capuchin friar called philip ribo ▪ who a little before had been imployed in the same manner in the valley of perosa , being now imployed in this place , ran up and down , using all subtilties imaginable , especially among those who through feebleness of age , weakness of sex , or want of estates , might probably make them more easie to be seduced : they caused them also to be brought before the magistrate one by one , that so the constancy of some might not encourage others : yea hardly were husbands permitted to declare for their wives and children ; and they ▪ so sifted the tender ones that it was hard for them to escape without making shipwrack of their faith and religion ; and to promote their design they prohibited all upon pain of death , not to disswade others from revolting . yet through gods mercy , they were so fortified in their spirits ▪ that most of them withstood the tentations , and went forth as providence guided them ▪ not knowing whither they went. some steered their course beyond the alps to france , geneva , and other places : others retired themselves into the valleys of piedmont , and remained there without trouble , though the edict required that they should depart out of his highnesses dominions . in the beginning of this persecution , the adversaries fearing some resolute union amongst these poor persecuted souls , to prevent any combustion , they gave it out in the churches of the mountains , that though the edict was general , yet the intention thereof was only to unlodg those in the lower plains , in the great villages , and other publick places : and that such as inhabited amongst the mountains might be sure to live in peace and quiet : this indeed was a cause that at the first there was not such an universal union amongst those of the reformed religion that were destinated for slaughter , as they could have desired : but this fraud at length appearing occasioned a more close union amongst them : neither was it without cause : for at last they spared those in the mountains no more then those of the plains : only that they made no enquiry after the church of pravillelm , and the quarters thereabouts , who thereupon trusting to the ancientness of their possession , troubled not themselves to make any declaration to the magistrate , or to prepare themselves for their departure , as if the edict had not at all concerned them : neither indeed were they disturbed till all the rest were departed out of the province , and scattered in several places : but at length they were given to understand , that seeing they had not yeilded obedience to the edict , they were liable to the punishment therein appointed : and therefore some warned them to have a care of themselves both in general , and each particular : hereupon they repaired to the syndicks of the communalty , requesting them to intercede for them , shewing the reasons why they conceived not themselves concerned by the edict , and therefore they had not offended out of any malicious intention . the syndicks accordingly made many journeys about this business , but brought back nothing but sad and uncomfortable messages ; so that at last they were forced to flie . one part of them ( the men having ordered their families which they left in their houses ) retired into the western mountains : those who were fit to bear arms ( being about two hundred ) with their arms retired into the castell●nie of casteau dauphine which was near at hand : but those of dauphine , and who were lesse disposed , retired themselves into their highest forrests . yet before their departure they declared to their popish neighbours , that being forced to retire themselves by reason of the threats which were given against them for their religion ; and being unable to take their families along with them , they intreated them to take care of them ; withall telling them , that they would make a sudden return , either of the good or evil that should be done to their relations , either by themselves , or by their permission . this so prevailed with the papists , that either out of fear , or for some other reasons , they so far sollicited , and prevailed with their superiours , that the others had liberty of returning to their ancient habitations withour being molested , and that for many years together . chap. xliii . the artifices and wicked practices used to consume and destroy the faithful in the valleys of piedmont . the popish clergy have several persons under pay , whose business it is to kindle strifes and quarrels amongst the protestants , and to engage them in suits of law one against another : and when they see them reduced to poverty and despair , they secretly offer them all the favour imaginable , provided that they will either openly revolt , or remain as spies amongst their brethren to betray them : and the better to dispose them hereto , they assure them that they shall get a full victory over their enemies , in case they will imploy some churchmen to recommend their affairs to the judges , who in all publick imployments are preferred before the protestants , and made their superiours , that so they may over-rule them as they list . the popish clergy also knowing that young men are apt to be in love , which captivates reason , they propound to them by their emissaries , a match with some papist , whose portion and other advantages they amplifie by officious lyes , and so they inveigle some poor souls , sometimes without , and sometimes against the consent of their parents , and friends : and if any amongst the protestants be so wicked as not to regard the admonitions of their ministers and elders , so that they are forced to excommunicate them , these monks and priests perswade them to embrace the romish religion , where they shall be protected against such as pursue them for their crimes : yea they promise that they shall be set over them in all publick offices , by which means they may have power in their hands to be revenged of them . this was the practice of the monks in the year , , &c. even towards some who were manifestly convicted of witchcraft , who , revolting to popery , had their lives spared , and were set at liberty : yea they have often rewarded them with money , merchandizes and other things ; withall exempting them from all manner of taxes : and when the protestants complained hereof , the duke of savoy indeed gave them a favourable answer by his edict , dated in june . but they could never obtain the putting of it in execution . but of all the means used for these last sixty years to root out , and ruine the protestant churches in the valleys of piedmont , there hath been none like that of the missionaries established by pope clement the th , anno christi . for the monasteries of these firebrands have ever been as so many citadels in the valleys , wherein very many wicked instruments have been harbored , who never ceased to contrive mischief by their lyes , calumnies and slanders wherewith they have filled the ears of the magistrates and princes , who have alwayes given more credit to them , than to the true complaints of these poor people in their own just defence , whereupon they have published many bloody edicts against them : and though the protestants reiterated their humble supplications to his highness , and therein declared their own innocency , and the boldness of those missionaries , which was grown to such a heighth as was altogether intolerable , yet have they prevailed nothing : and that which makes these monks the more confident , is , that they know they are not to be punished by any magistrate for whatsoever they say or do against the protestants ; no not when they steale away their children from them : whereas the protestants are put to death if they speak but the least word against these missionary priests , or but go about to disswade any , though of their own families from turning papist . yea by the dukes edict any one witness is sufficient against a protestant , and a reward of an hundred crowns is promised to any that will come and witness against them , whereby all those are encouraged , who either out of revenge , envy , or covetousness , shall report such false things against them as by the romish friars they shall be directed to . by vertue of this edict the monks have made bold upon all occasions both in the streets , yea in the very curches , and that in the sermon time to set upon the protestant ministers , with all the most base , vile , and unsufferable speeches they could possibly devise , knowing that no man durst either censure their zeale , or witness against them for what they said or did against the protestants , for fear of the severe penalties ordained against the favourers of hereticks . nay , if their abusive carriage could but draw any word out of the ministers , or out of any other mans mouth that did not please them , they had their hired witnesse in a readinesse to bring the minister , or other protestant to the stake , and that without redemption . these men got an edict from madam royal , of jan. . . having made her believe that the papists were compelled to contribute towards the maintenance of the protestant ministers , with some other such like fictions ; upon which they obtained an order for the officers called castellani , to give the missionaries all the writings they should demand of them ; by means whereof they usurped power over the said castellani , and so over the poor protestants , compelling the castellani to make most unjust ordinances against these poor people : as for example ; when the question is concerning their habitation , the missioners do perswade them that come to witnesse the truth , that so to do is to favour the hereticks , whereby they will fall irrevocably under the censure of excommunication ; whereas its a meritorious work to witnesse against them by such officious lies as are suggested to them by the popish clergy : nay , the judges themselves durst not passe a righteous sentence , when it reflected in the least upon the catholick party . and that they may have the opportunity of negotiating with the protestants , they procure of his highnesse every year , the assignations of grain , and other impositions , that so they of the reformed religion , being obliged to make their payments to these publicans , they may have the advantage to shew favour , and give ample rewards to such as will comply with their superstitious idolatry , and to lay heavy burdens upon the backs of those that are true to their principles . mention might here be made of their frequent falling into the said valleys with troops of armed men , under pretence of quartering them there ; whereby they have miserably surprized , and made a prey of them : as likewise the cunning stratagems which they have used in all their treaties , which have been as full of jesuitical equivocations , as of lines and sentences , following therein their old maxime , that faith is not to be kept with hereticks . to this may be added their diligent search , and strict enquiry after all protestant books and writings , which they commit to the fire with much devotion , lest they should discover their rotten principles , and the wickednesse of their actions to the world . another stratagem they have to allure men to revolt , wherein are proffers of great rewards made , and published in the princes name ; as may be seen in the dukes own letter , wherein are these words . to encourage the hereticks to turn catholicks , it is our pleasure , and we do hereby expresly command , that all such as shall embrace the holy romane faith , shall enjoy an exemption from all , and every tax for the space of five years commencing from the day of their conversion , &c. which term of five years he hath sometimes lengthned out to ten or fifteen years ; whereas indeed the burden that they took off from these revolters , they laid upon the backs of those that persevered in their religion , the better to break and destroy them . but as if all this were too little to compass their ends , the duke erected a congregation for extirpating the hereticks , who were to judge concerning the rights of the protestants . their meeting place was in the arch-bishops house , the bishop himself being president , together with the dukes confessor , and divers others , every one of them hired by the court of rome , to undermine the liberties of the protestant churches , by robbing them of their ancient priviledges under sundry pretences , and upon false informations . and the better to disguise their proceedings , they usually incense the duke by grievous accusations , and so procure grievous edicts from him against the poor protestants . these were they who procured from charles emanuel , anno christi . an edict , wherein he enjoyns the protestants upon pain of death to banish from amongst them all manner of schools both publick and private , ( as julian the apostate had formerly done to extirpate the christian religion ) and by another edict of decemb. . . he forbade them to receive any strangers amongst them that should be either ministers or schoolmasters , as also from sending their youth into forreign schools suspected of heresie . he also debarred all manner of protestants from publick offices , either great or small . in another edict , all protestants were commanded either to go to masse , or to depart within two moneths after the publication thereof : and by another edict the same was commanded , and but fifteen dayes given them . another order was given out , novemb. . . enjoyning the protestants of campiglione , to leave that place within twenty foure houres , and that upon pain of death , which was executed without mercy . the same was done anno christi . by gastaldo , who gave no longer than twenty foure houres to those of the valleys of saint martino and perosa , to depart upon pain of death ; and to those that lived beyond pelice , but three days . many times when these missionary fathers could not possibly perswade his royal highnesse to an open persecution against the generality of the protestants , then they usually tormented them one by one upon sundry false pretences , whom they delivered up to the inquisitors , who contrary to all forms of justice , forthwith condemned them , without so much as hearing them , or letting them know their accusers . anno christi . they took one mr. sebastian basan , and after the inquisitors had cruelly tempted and tormented him for the space of fifteen months , they burned him alive at turin , novemb. . . where he dyed , singing the praises of god in the midst of the flames . anno . these missionary fathers stole away very many of the protestants children in the time of the massacre ; whom they would not afterwards restore , though his highness had promised it by his patent ; which practice is the most execrable of all the turkish tyrannies : yet there is this difference , that the turks do so only to their own subjects , whereas the popes ministers do it to those over whom they have no right at all . two instances may be given ( amongst many others ) of the subtile insinuations of the jesuites to withdraw men from the truth ; there were two ministers , the one mr. peter gros , the other mr. francis aguit , with whom they had thus prevailed : but the lord in mercy shewing them the greatnesse of their sin , they made a publick recantation in a full congregation , august . . & . . at pinache in the valley of perouse , wherein they testified their extream sorrow for their defection through infirmity , from the true religion , during the time of their imprisonment at turin , together with their abjuration of popery , which they conclude thus . do not think us unworthy your holy communion , although we have been an occasion of offence : suffer us to poure into your bosomes a torrent of tears to deplore our condition , and to assure you in the anguish of our souls , that our grief is greater than we can expresse : help us by your holy prayers to the lord , and publish our repentance in all places where you conceive our sin hath been , or shall bee known , that so it may be evident to all the world , that from the very bottome of our souls we grieve , and sorrow for it , and that in the presence of god , and of his holy angels , and in the sight of those who have been witnesses of our conversion , we do abjure , and detest the masse , the authority of the pope , and in general , all sorts of beliefs , and worships dependent upon them ; we recant whatsoever we may have pronounced to the prejudice of the evangelical truth , and promise for the future , through the grace of god , to persevere in the profession of the reformed religion to the last moment of our life , and rather to suffer death , and torments than to renounce that holy doctrine that is taught in our church according unto the word of god : even as we swear , and promise , with our bended knees upon the earth , and our hands lifted up to the eternal , our almighty god and father , sonne , and holy spirit . as we desire his assistance to do this , even so help us god. amen . the motives of the late persecution in the valleys of piemont , anno christi . with the publication of that bloody order of gastaldo , and the flight of the protestants in the middest of winter . the chief officers , and gentry of savoy are moved to endeavour the extirpation of the reformed party , chiefly for these causes : . that by evil entreating the reformed churches , they may conserve the papal authority , of which they have oft-times so much need , to cover and cloke their incestuous marriages contracted by dispensations from the pope : and thus they become engaged to maintaine popery , for fear of being declared guilty of incest . . because the courtiers for persecuting the reformed party are rewarded with prebendaries , bishopricks , abbies , and priories , especially such as are members of the council for extirpating of hereticks . . under this pretext , the poor people of the valleys become a prey to the said courtiers , who daily rob , and spoil them , extorting the best part of their livelishood by sundry subtile devices . . the gentry of lucerna ( who are very poor ) promote this work all they can by perpetual calumnies against them , rendring themselves by such good offices capable of meriting , and receiving those pensions which are assigned them by the court of rome for the same purpose . . for this end of late they have made the gentlemen of the respective valleys subordinate to the monks , and masse-priests , who teach and appoint them what to do , as to the bearing of false-witnesse against their neighbours , sowing discord amongst them , murthering of some , procuring the assasination of others , stealing , and carrying away their children , &c. without the performance whereof they refuse to pay them their yearly pensions . . but the chief ground of all why the court of savoy strives so much to extirpate this poor people , is , the designe that they have to wrest pignorolio out of the hands of the king of france , to which the habitation , and liberty of those people are a great hindrance : for they , inhabiting the neighbouring parts of pignorolio , both in the plaine and mountains , cannot , upon the account of conscience , be brought to make any agreement with the spanish party for assaulting , and surprizing that place : hence the court of savoy seeks all manner of occasions to root them out , especially those of lucerne , fenile , bobio , campiglione , bricheras , and saint secondo , which are near pignorolio , and to deprive it thereby of all sorts of commodities which it receives from the valleys , which alone doth furnish it with more than all the neighbouring valleys which belong to the duke . now if these people were extirpated , and others put in their places , men forward to execute their designes , they might easily seize on malange , a narrow passage above pignorolio , on that side which looks towards france , where a very few persons would be able to hinder the french armies from relieving pignorolio . upon these , and the like grounds the court of savoy hath sought their destruction , though its true , that in all the persecutions which they have raised against them , especially in this last , . those ravening wolves approached in sheeps cloathing , the better to deceive , and destroy the innocent lambs of christ. for these evangelical churches had , long before that fatal year , cleared themselves of all those calumnies which the council for the extirpation of hereticks , to the end that they might enjoy their promised pensions , had cast upon them . yea , his royal highnesse had now given an ample testimony of his being fully satisfied in this point , and by an authentick decree published anno christi . had confirmed all former confessions ; which confirmation was again renewed anno . confirming the grants made to them in the years . and . without any addition , or diminution , amplification , or restriction whatsoever . now as these poor people sought for an interination of these grants , his royal highness , knowing that the delay thereof proceeded not from any negligence of their part , but was occasioned by the multitude of troops that were then quartered upon them , whereby they could not possibly have the convenience of assembling , &c. out of his goodness towards them , he declared by an edict , of may . . that his intention was that they should enjoy the concessions as effectually as if they had been again interinated , upon condition that they did procure the interination thereof within three moneths following . so that till this time of may . . none can say that those of the reformed religion had committed any thing whereby to be deprived of the benefit of their concessions ; yet contrary to all their expectations , shortly after , viz. january . . this infamous order was published by andrew gastaldo , doctor of the civil law , mr. auditor ordinary , &c. that every head of a family , with its members of the reformed religion , of what rank , degree or condition soever , none excepted , inhabiting and possessing estates in the places of lucerna , lucernetta , st. giovanni , la torre , bubbiana , and fenile , campiglione , bricherassio , and s. secondo , within three days after the publication therof should withdraw and depart , and to be with their families withdrawn out of the said places , and translated into the places and limits tolerated by his highness , during his pleasure , as namely bobbio , villaro , angrogna , rorata , and the country of bonetti , under pain of death , and confiscation of houses and goods , situated or being out of the said limits ; provided , if they make it not appear to us within twenty days following that they are turned catholicks , or that they have sold their goods to the catholicks . and that it was not the mind of his royal highness by any act whatsoever to enlarge the said limits : but on the contrary , he declares by these presents , that the said acts are meer usurpations , contrary to the intention as well of his orders , as of his magistrates , published to that end ; and that therefore the transgressors have incurred the punishment therein contained : besides , in the aforesaid places favorably tolerated , he wills that in every one of them shall be celebrated the holy mass , forbidding those of the pretended reformed religion any ways to molest , either by deed or word , the missionary fathers , or their attendants , much less to disswade any that would turn catholicks , under the same pain of death , giving it in charge particularly to the ministers of the said pretended religion , inviolably to observe the same , upon pain of answering it in their proper names , &c. it 's easie to conjecture the miserable inconveniencies of a flight in the midst of winter , especially to such a people amongst whom were many aged and decrepit , many sick and diseased , besides a multitude of women big with childe , or newly brought to bed , together with a number of tender infants , yet all forced to flye , and none being in capacity to succor another . yet did these bloody beasts in the most violent and rigorous winter-season chase and drive out of their houses all on a sudden those poor people , who scarce had clothes to cover their nakedness , much less were they provided to resist the extremities of cold , and hunger ; thinking hereby either to force them to change their religion , or to cause them to dye in the craggy rocks and snowy mountains ; yea , they were so subtilly malicious as to chuse those very days , when by reason of the multitude of violent waters in the plain , and of snow upon the mountains , they judged it impossible for those silly sheep ever to escape . but these poor people considering that the apostacy propounded was the way to eternal damnation , chose rather to follow christ in bearing his cross , and to hazard their temporary lives , rather than to lose their souls for ever ; yet that they might leave no lawful means unattempted , they presently dispatched their deputies to the governor , to represent to him the strangeness of this command , to force them with their families to abandon their antient habitations ; as also that it was impossible for so many souls as there were in number to subsist in the said place , to which by the edict they were confined , they being scarce sufficient to supply in any sort those that inhabited them : as likewise , that this command was contrary to all their former concessions , upon which account they protested and appealed to his royal highness . but the governor knowing well the intention of the council for the extirpating of hereticks , would neither admit of the one or of the other . hereupon the poor people , seeing they could obtain nothing of him , entreated him to grant them at least some time to have recourse to the duke by humble supplications ; but this also was denied , unless they would draw up their petition by a model which he should prescribe , which indeed was prejudicial both to their just rights and consciences . these poor people ( i say ) seeing this , to the end that they might remove all pretext for accusing them of rebellion , under that colour to ruine and destroy them ; hoping also that at last they might finde some means to lay their griefs at the feet of his royal highness , and that his clemency and justice would in the end re-establish them in their ancient habitations , they chose rather to suffer this violence ; and therefore recalling their protestation , thereby to testifie their profound respect to their prince , they quitted their houses , and goods , and retired with their familes , their wives and children , great and small , young and old , whole and sick ; yea , halt , lame and blind ; draging after them such as were infirm by sickness or age through rain , snow , ice , waters , and a thousand difficulties . oh think with your selves , what bitter tears , what wringing of hands , what smitting upon the breasts , what mournings , sighings , and lamentations there were in the families of these miserable and distressed creatures , who were now reduced to the utmost of extremities ; before them were a multitude of violent and roaring waters , on each hand most barbarous and snowy mountains ; behinde them , men sevenfold worse than the egyptians , ready to butcher and destroy them ; yet recommending themselves , souls and bodies to gods protection , they are resolved to undergo the worst of temporary miseries , rather than by denying their religion , to damn their souls . this their constancy and resolution was no small comfort to other churches , and a matter of great astonishment to their persecutors ; the rather considering the great advantages they might have purchased by quitting their religion ; as pardon for all crimes , liberty if in prisons , exemption from all manner of taxes , &c. they were no sooner departed from their houses , but a number of thieves and robbers entred them , spoiling and pillaging whatever the people had left behinde them , pulling down their houses , cuting down all their trees , and turning their habitation into a desolate wilderness ; of which violence the poor people complained to the duke , and received from him such an answer , that they apprehended his intentions were not that they should wholly quit their houses till their cause might be heard and judged ; in confidence hereof , they sometimes returned to their houses to guard them from these robbers , and to husband their ground , that so they might have wherewithal to pay their taxes ; yet for this they were branded with rebellion , though they had neither taken up arms , nor acted any other hostility , every one living peaceably without giving any cause of offence . gastaldo having thus driven these poor people from their antient inheritance , without legal citing them , hearing their plea , or giving them the least time to provide for so sad a flight ; their last refuge was to have recourse to the lord by fervent prayers , and to their prince by humble supplications ; which was done not only by those that were driven from their houses , but by the other churches of the reforned religion , the cause being common to them all . but alas ! they found both his and all other his ministers ears stopped to their wosull crys ; neither could they obtain so much as admittance into the presence of his royal highness . amongst other cunning artifices used by their malicious adversaries to imbitter the spirits of his highness , and the dutchess his mother against these poor protestants , this was one ; john ressan , president of the province of pignorolio , having for many years born a deadly spleen against the popish priest of fenile , hired one to assassinate him ; and then by his secretary , he spread it abroad all over the country that the protestants were the authors of the murther , who yet five days before were driven out of fenile , which report flew far and near , being entertained as an undoubted truth by those papists who lived far off , encreasing also with carriage , though upon the place the author of this murther was well known , so that by all their reports they were not able to fasten any blemish in the minds of the dead priests friends and kindred , nor to hinder them from apprehending both the master and his secretary ; by which means the innocency of the reformed party was so cleared to the world , that the marquess of pionessa , in his letters , wherein he sought all the devices he could to lay something to their charge , never mentions this for fear of blemishing the credit of all the rest . shortly after one berru basely murdered peter rovier consul of mean ; and then fled to pignorolio , where he was met by the aforesaid rissan , who was lately returned from turin , where he had been imprisoned for the former murther , and now had his liberty no otherwise than upon good security , because the said berru and some others had taken their oathes against his secretary [ d. agot ] and himself , for being guilty of the aforementioned assassination ; but after some private conferences had between them rissan , so wrought upon that wretched berru , by gifts and promises , that he was perswaded to return back with him to turin , and there not only to retract his former oath , but to swear that he had been sollicited thereto by the two pastors leger and mechelin , as also by antonio , and francis danna , chief elders of the church of s. giovanni ; by means of this devilish retractation and calumnie , rissan and his secretary were discharged in the very heat of the war between the papists and protestants , so that they had the opportunity of forging what lies they pleased against the protestants , both at lucerna and turin , without the least contradiction , which accordingly they did to the purpose ; for at lucerna there were published at the same time two personal citations against the said leger , mechelin , and danna ; and as for berru , he was also at the same time , as a recompence for his perjury , discharged , and set at liberty , though he had been convicted of two murders , the one the afore-mentioned , and the other at s. giovanni , upon one giovanni bertot , a protestant . after this base action , he came to the said leger , and many other pastors of the valleys , and chief men , and leaning upon his staff , and bemoaning his condition , he protested to them that he could scarce stand upright , by reason of the many blows which he had received from the papists to force him to forswear himself against the said leger and the rest ; but as he could not in conscience do so wicked an act , so he had withstood them to the utmost ; telling them plainly , who so urged him , that he would rather be torn with wilde horses than do it ; and that they thereupon seeing his constancy , had beaten him most unmercifully , and then cast him out into the open streets , where he had miserably perished , had not a certain jew pitied him , and took him up , as he was grovelling on the ground , and ready to give up the ghost . in the mean time the treaty of peace being concluded at pignerolio , aug. . mr. leger and the rest against whom the process had been made , as against criminals , staying a while at pignorolio , chanced to hear of it , and thereupon went presently to the prefect rissan , entreating him to tell them if it were true that berru had thus accused them ; rissan made them such a doubtful answer , that they judged it high time to have immediate recourse to the senator prerrastino , beseeching him to declare to them the truth of the whole matter , and to appoint them a set time and place to make their justification : hereupon he told them plainly that berru had accused them for suborning him to swear falsly against de agot ; and his master ; and withal he shewed them a copy of the citation against the said leger , and the rest of his complices , which was to banish them out of the dukes dominions , if they did not appear personally at turin to answer to such interrogatories as should be proposed to them about that business . upon this sieur leger , by the assistance of david leger , a minister , handled the matter so , that the said berru was shortly after apprehended , as he was lurking in the highways , with a purpose to murther the said leger upon the first opportunity . this wretch being thus apprehended , used all the devices imaginable to have got out of their hands ; though they assured him , that all that they intended was only to make him verifie what he had already confessed before a full assembly of their ministers and others . leger being assured that berru was in safe custody , went and declared the whole matter to the senator perichvini , and to referendano tarquin , yea and to rissan himself , who was on a sudden not a little surprised at it ; afterwards he told it to the french ambassador , and to the ambassadors of the evangelical cantons , and with much ado he got leave to bring the said perjured person to pignorolio ; where he hoped to obtain leave of coming face to face against him in open justice , importuning all the dukes ministers of justice , and the french and switzers ambassadors for their intercession , the last whereof openly protested , that in case of refusal , they would complain that justice was denied them ; yet could they prevail no further , but that there should be a letter written to turin about it : from whence after a while they had an answer , that nothing could be done in it ; and so leger was fain to content himself , that he and the rest that had been accused were declared as persons altogether innocent , and clearly acquitted from the accusation that berru had made against them . upon this and the like feigned accusations , the deputies of these poor people and their supplications were miserably rejected at the court of savoy : for when they instantly beseeched the chief ministers of state at turin , that they might be admitted into the dukes presence , there to cast themselves at his feet , the council for extirpating of hereticks would not suffer them to have audience of his highness , and contrary to all equity they usurped the cognisance of this business , which belonged not to them , they being of the adverse party ; nay , they were not suffered to come in personally before them to plead their own cause , but were forced to send in their procurator gibellino , a papist , who , knowing that excommunication is the certain punishment of all those that any way favored the hereticks , durst not speak a word till he had fallen down on his knees and begged leave of the archbishop , who was president of that council ; and the conclusion was , that those of the valleys were commanded to make no more requests to his royal highness , unless they would send deputies with procuration , and power to accept and promise all that should be ordered them ; yet they ( like the importunate widow ) sent again their deputies to turin , with their requests , and with order to endeavor to get audience of his royal highness ; they also , beside other intercessions , instantly requested madam royal to have pity on them , and to procure the same for them ; they wrote also other letters to divers princes of the blood to mediate for them about the same ; but all in vain , for they could get no answer from any of them ; and the marquess of pionessa slighted their supplications , thirsting violently after the blood of these poor creatures ; yet that he might not openly discover the black design of the council for extirpating of hereticks , before the hour of its execution , he disguised his answers to them in such doubtful terms , that though he gave them but cold comfort , yet he left them not without some glimmering hopes at least of a day of audience for the hearing of their complaints , that so during this interval of time all things might be in a better readiness for the day of slaughter , as you shall hear in the next chapter . chap. xliv . a narrative of the bloody cruelties which were exercised against the protestants of the valleys of piemont during the heat of the late massacre in april , anno . upon saturday april , . whilst the deputies of the protestants were by the subtilties of pionessa , detained at turin , as you heard before , there arrived a great army at st. giovanni , which was now , with la torre , and all the lower parts unpeopled , and in a sad and lamentable condition ; this army continued there for some hours , and in the dusk of the evening fell into la torre , where they met with none of the protestants , only about eight or ten persons , not thinking of an enemy , were seeking up and down for something to satisfie their hunger ; but so soon as they came near to the convent they were saluted with a volley of shot , which killed giovanni combe , and hurt peter rostain , whereupon the rest , seeing the danger fled for their lives . the next day being the sabbath , the enemy ranged about through the communalties of la torre , and st. giovanni , plundering and pillaging all before them ; and the day after , heir number being encreased , to about fifteen thousand , they set upon the protestants in several quarters amongst the little hills of st. giovanni , and la torre . but the poor people , being prompted thereto by the law of nature , stood upon their own defence , and the enemy was vigorously opposed on every side ; in one place by captain jahier , and in other places by the officers of st. giovanni , angrognia , roccapiatta ; and their troops . tuesday april . the popish army made three several attempts to take away the bell of st. giovanni , and to burn the church ; but those of the poor people in arms did so couragiously resist them , that they were driven to a shameful retreat , with the loss of about fifty of their men ; and had not their cavalry defended the plain , they had been utterly routed : but of the protestants party there were onely two slain , upon whose dead bodies they basely revenged themselves . wednesday the . which was the fatal day to the protestants , the marquess of pianessa held the deputies of the valley of lucerna in parley till noon , and then entertained them with a large dinner , and sent them away with many fair promises , that there should be no hurt done to any except those of st. giovanni and la torre , as being the places specified in the order of gastaldo ; but for the rest , if they would but quarter a few troops as a token of their obedience , and that but for a short time , they might be fearless of the least inconvenience . hereupon the agents of angrogna bestired themselves to perswade their own party from making the least resistance ; the same did the agents of villaro and bobio : but no sooner were those troops entred , but they put all to fire and sword , slaying all they met with that had but the likeness of mankind , and that in the most barbarous manner they could possibly devise : as you may see by this extract of a letter written by some of those poor protestants , wherein they thus write ; the army having gotten footing , became very numerous by the addition of a multitude of the neighboring inhabitants , who hearing that we were given for a prey to the plunderers , fell upon us with an impetuous fury : to these were added a great number of out-laws , prisoners , and other offenders , who thought hereby to have saved their souls , and filled their purses : we were forced also to receive five or six regiments of the french army , besides some irish ( to whom as it was said , our country was promised ) and several other troops of highway-men , and vagabonds , under a pretence of coming into the valleys only for fresh quarters . the multitude being licensed by pianessa , encouraged by the monks , and led by our wicked neighbors , fell upon us with such violence on every side , and in so treacherous a manner , especially in angrognia , villaro and bobio ( to whom pianessa had plighted his troth , that if they would but quarter one regiment , they should be secure from all harm ) that in a moment of time all was turned into a confused heap , and the inhabitants constrained after skirmishes that they made in the way , to fiye for their lives , together with their wives and little children ; and that not onely the inhabitants of the plains , but of the mountains also , who had otherwise been certainly betrayed and surprised . yet was not all their diligence sufficient to preserve very many of them from destruction ; for in many places they were hemmed in on every side , that there was no way left for their flight , but they were most inhumanl● massacred . in one place they cruelly tormented one hundred and fity women and children , and afterwards chopped off the heads of some , and dashed out the brains of others against the rocks : multitudes of prisoners they took ; and such of them from fifteen years of age and upward who refused to go to mass , they hanged up some , and nailed the feet of others to trees , with their heads hanging downwards , all which they constantly endured . mr. gross , one of the pastors , with some of his family they sent to turin : they made such havock of all , that there were neither any cattel or other provision left in the valley of lucerna ; yea , in the communalties of st. giovanni , la torre , &c. a franciscan friar and another priest set fire on houses and churches that they left not one of them unburnt . in these desolations the mother was bereaved of her sweet childe , the husband of his dear wife . those which were richest amongst us are forced to beg their bread ; yea , they are weltring in their own blood , and deprived of all outward comforts ; and whereas there were some churches in st. martino , that were always formerly as a sanctuary to the persecuted , they are now commanded to quit their dwellings , and every soul of them presently to depart without any respite , and that under pain of death . the pretence of these strange massacres and cruelties are , that we are rebels to the duke's commands in not p●●forming a pure impossibility by immediate departing from our habitations in bubiana , lucerna , fenile , bricheras , la torre , st. giovanni , and st. secondo . as also for our frequent petitioning his royal highness to take pity upon us . to conclude , our beautiful and flourishing churches are left desolate , and that without remedy , unless the lord work miraculously for us , &c. the truth is , the cruelties which were there excuted would exceed the belief of any man , were they not so fully proved , by the formal attestations of eye witnesses , by the wofull crys of so many desolate and poor wretches who have been miserably robb'd of their relations , houses , lands , and all other comforts ; yea , by the formall oath of one of the chief commanders of the army that acted these cruelties , signed with his own hand in the presence of two authentick witnesses , and the voluntary confession of one of the soldiers , who told some of his comrades that many times , during the heat of the massacre , he had surfetted with eating the boiled brains of the protestants . the declaration of monsieur du petit bourg , first captain of the regiment of gransey , subscribed with his own hand at pignerol , nov. . . in the presence of two other commanders . i sieur du petit bourg being commanded by prince thomas to go , and joyne my self with the marquesse of pianessa , who was then at la torre ; upon my departure i was requested by the ambassador to speak to the marquesse , and to use my endeavour to accommodate the troubles which were amongst those of the religion in the valleys of piemont , which accordingly i did , entreating him with much earnestnesse that he would give way thereunto , and i doubted not but i should be able to effect it : but he refused this my request , and that divers times , notwithstanding all the endeavours i could possibly use to perswade him thereto ; and instead of the least mitigation , i was witnesse to many great violences , and extreme cruelties exercised by the bandets , and souldiers of piemont upon all sorts , of every age , sex , and condition , whom i saw massacred , dismembred , hanged up , burnt , and ravished , together with many horrid confusions , which i beheld with horror and regret : and without any distinction of those that resisted , and such as resisted not , they were used with all sorts of inhumanity , their houses burnt , their goods plundered ; and when prisoners were brought before the said marquesse , i saw him give order to give them no quarter at all , saying , his highnesse was resolved to have none of the religion within his dominions . and whereas in his declaration he protests that there was no hurt done to any but during the fight , nor the least outrage committed upon any persons that were not fit to beare armes : i will maintaine that it is not so , having seene with my eyes many persons killed in cold blood : as also women , aged persons , and young children , miserably murdered , &c. the attestation of divers persons of honour , and integrity , who were for the most part eye , and eare witnesses of the ensuing barbarous cruelties which were exercised upon diverse members of the evangelical churches in the valleys of piemont in the late massacre . sarah rastignole des vignes , about sixty years of age , being overtaken by divers souldiers , was commanded to say her prayers , and when she had done they bade her say jesus maria , which the poor woman refusing , one of the souldiers thrust a sickle into the lower part of her belly , and ript her up to the navel , and then dragged the poor creature upon the ground , being half dead , till another came and cut off her head ; the daughter in law of this poor woman who hid her self in the snow for two dayes after without any succour , was an eye-witnesse hereof . martha constantine of giovanni , after that she had seene several others most cruelly put to death , was her self , first ravished , and afterwards had her breasts cut off , and part of her privities by some of the souldiers , who fried them , and set them before some of their comrades , making them believe they were tripes , but when they had eaten a good part , they told them what they were , which caused a quarrel amongst them ; and they that had eaten them were so sick , that some of them died soon after . this was certified by a papist to one andrea javel of einachia . a man of thrassaniere being taken prisoner , received divers stabs in the soles of his feet , and in his eares by two of the souldiers , who afterwards cut off his privie members , and then applied a burning candle to the wound , frying it with the flame thereof , that so the blood might be stopped , and the torments of that miserable creature prolonged . then tore they his nailes off with burning pincers to force him to renounce his religion : but when nothing would do , they tyed one of his legs to a mule , and dragged him thorow the streets till he was almost dead , and then binding a ●ord about his head , they twisted it with a staffe till his eyes and braines dropped out , and then cast his carcasse into the river . peter simond of angrogna about eighty years of age , was tyed neck and heeles together , and so violently thrown down a fearful precipice , but by the way , falling upon a cragged branch of a tree , he there hung in a most languishing condition for divers days together ( a most lamentable spectacle to behold ) being neither able to help himself , nor capable of receiving help from others , the precipice being inaccessible . esay garcino of angrogna , of ninety years old , had first his body cut , and hacked in small pieces , and then his head chopped off . the wife of daniel armand of la torre , had her body torne and cut in pieces , and the parts of it strawed along the high-way , and hung upon the hedges . captain pola of plancalier took two poor women of la torre , and with his fauchin ript up their bellies , and left them grovling upon the snow in this sad and lamentable condition till they died . the souldiers of bagnols cut off , first the nose , then the fingers , and lastly the hands of a very old , and decrepid woman , and so left her languishing in this woful condition , not having so much as an hand to feed her self with , till she died . they took also many little children , and tender infants , and flung them down the steep rocks , whereby they were dashed to pieces . magdalen bertino of la torre they stripped stark-naked , tied her head between her legs , and threw her down one of the precipices . mary reymonde● of la torre , a lame woman , was found in a cave with all her flesh sliced off from the bones , and chopt as small as herbs to the pot . magdalen pilot of villaro being exceeding decrepit , and blinde with old age , was cut in pieces in a cave near castelus . anna daughter to giovanni charboniere of la torre had a long stake thrust into her privities by some of the souldiers , who each man in his turne carried her upon their shoulders till they were weary , and then stuck the end of the stake into the ground , and so left her hanging in the aire : a terrible spectacle to every one that passed by . giovanni andrea michialin of la torre being taken prisoner , escaped miraculously , having first seen three of his children torn in pieces limb from limb before his eyes , and the fourth , being about six weeks old , snatched out of the mothers arms , stripped of its swadling cloaths , and its brains dashed out against the rocks . jacob perrin , an elder of the church of villaro , and david his brother being taken prisoners in their beds , were carried to lucerna , and cast into the marquesses prison , where they were most barbarously and cruelly handled , the bloody souldiers stripping off the skin on their arms and legs , in long slices like leathern points , till the flesh was left quite bare : after which they were miserably starved to death in the same prison , and their carcasses left to rot there . giovanni pelanchion , a young man about twenty five years old , having been taken prisoner , made an escape ; but being taken again by the souldiers , they tyed one of his legs to the taile of a mule , and so dragged him through all the streets of lucerna ; and because the poor wretch sometimes lifted up his hands and head , through pain and anguish that he suffered by the grating of his body against the ragged flints , the bloody and mercilesse villains batter●d and bruised his body with stones and brick-bats , crying , that he was possessed with the divel which kept him from dying . after which they cut off his privy members , and crammed them violently down the poor creatures mouth , and down his throat to stop his breath , and at last chop 't off his head , and so drawing him to the rivers bank , they left him there unburied . magdalen the daughter of peter fontana , a beautiful girle about ten years old , being taken by some of these lecherous brutes , because her body was uncapable of being forced in an ordinary way , they tore her in so inhumane a manner , that afterwards she was found half dead , wallowing in her own blood . a poor woman apprehending her danger , having a sucking child in the cradle , took the child and cradle upon her head , and fled : some of the souldiers seeing her , pursued ; and she perceiving that she was like to be overtaken , left her cradle in the way , supposing that those butchers could not have such hearts of adamant as to hurt her innocent babe , and so hid her self in the cleft of a rock not far off : but these hell-hounds finding the infant in the cradle , took it out , and tore it in pieces , and afterwards finding the mother , they first ravished her , and then cut off her head , and left her dead body upon the snow . at villa nova the daughter of moses long , about ten years old , as she was slying upon the snow , some souldiers of piemont took her , broached her upon a pike , and roasted her alive with a fire made upon a broad stone : and after a while they cut off a slice of her flesh , intending to have eated it ; but finding it not well roasted , their stomacks would not serve them to eat it . jacopo michelino , one of the chief elders of the church of bobio , being taken prisoner , had his two hands tyed to his privy members , and so hung upon a gate in a shameful posture ; but the shame was nothing to the torments , the whole weight of his body hanging upon so tender a part , which caused most exquisite and almost incredible pain : and this they did to force him to renounce his religion ; but when this prevailed not , they took him down , and carried him away amongst other prisoners : and afterwards having with incredible constancy endured a world of other cruelties , he at last exchanged this life for a better . peter gros , during the time of his imprisonment , saw two of these poor protestants of la sarcena , hanging in a most hideous manner , meerly by their privy members , and their hands tyed behind them , till their very bowels were almost torn out , and so at last they dyed with horrible pain and anguish . giovanni rostagnal of bobio , being eighty years old , had his nose , ears , and other parts of his body cut off , and so he was left languishing upon the snow for a long time , till at last he gave up the ghost . daniel salvagio and his wife ; giovanni durant , daniel revel , lodwick and bartholomew durant , all brothers , and paolo reynaud , being taken by the souldiers , had their mouths and throats stuffed with gunpowder , and then setting fire to it , their heads were torn all to pieces . jacob di rone , a schoolmaster of roras , being stript stark naked , after they had torn off his nails with pincers , and made a thousand holes in his hands with a daggers point , they dragged him by a cord fastened about his middle through the bourge of lucerna , and at every step he took , one souldier on one side cut off a piece of his flesh with a fauchin , and another on the other side gave him a great blow with a staffe , crying , what sayst thou now barbet ? wilt thou go to masse ? to which the poor creature with admirable constancy , as long as he was able to speak , answered , much rather death than the masse ; dispatch me quickly for the love of god. a while after came a notorious cut-throat , who as soon as he saw him , cryed out , lo , here is the minister of roras , withal giving him a deadly blow athwart the head with a back-sword : from thence they dragged him to the bridge , and cutting off his head , they threw him into the river of pelis . paolo garnier of roras being taken by these murderers , they first violently pulled out his eyes , then cut off his privy members , thrusting his yard into his mouth , and in this posture they exposed him to publick scorn for several days together ; afterwards in a most inhumane manner they flead him alive , and then cutting his skin in four parts , they hung it in the windows of foure of the principal houses of lucerna . daniel cardon of roccappiata being taken by some of the souldiers , they cut off his head , took out his brains , and frying them in a pan , eat them up ; they cut open his breast also , and were taking out his heart to fry and eat that , but that they were frighted by some of the poor peoples troops that were coming that way . margaret revel of la cartere , aged eighty five years ; mary di pravillerm , aged ninety years , and blind , both of s. giovanni , were taken , and in a most barbarous manner were both burned alive . madona lena , aged eighty years , and blind , and jeanna batzan , aged ninety years , both of la torre , were used in the like cruel manner , and burned a widow of la torre , who had lain very sick for three years together , was taken by some of these bloody villains , together with one of her daughters , and were drawn upon a carr through the streets of la torre , and as they passed along , some of these blood-hounds stabbed their bodies with pitchforks , others bruised them with flints and stones , and then they threw them into the river of angrogna , where they threw stones and bats at them till they dyed . paolo giles of la torre , as he fled for his life , was shot into the neck by one of them , after which they slit his face through the chin and nose , and when they had slain him , they left his carcasse to be eaten by the dogs . some of these murderers having taken eleven men at garcigliana , heated a great furnace red hot , forced these poor creatures to throw one another into it , and when it came to the last man , they themselves threw him in also . these sons of blood pursued , and hunted out multitudes of these poor protestants amongst the rocks and mountains , by the traces of their bleeding legs and feet , which were cut and mangled with the ice , and flints which they met with in the way , and having found them , basely murdered them . michel gonet of lucernetta , aged ninety years at least , was burnt alive by the mountains of bobio , whither he had fled to hide himself . bartholomew frasche of fenile , was taken by the souldiers , and after they had slashed and mangled his legs , they thrust a poysoned knife through his heels , and in this woful plight they dragged , and threw him into the common prison at turin , where he lay in continual torment till he dyed . giovanni baptista oudri , an old man , was cruelly murthered at la sarcena , after he had been barbarously abused by them . magdalena la peire , a woman of about thirty five years of age , being pursued by these villains , and knowing what measure she should meet with if she fell into their hands , chose rather to throw herself down a dreadfuly precipice , whereby she dyed . margeret revella , aged about eighty five years , together with marie di pravillerm , about ninety years old , and blind , were both burnt alive . mary davi was basely murdered by them . michel bellino , with anna di pol bochiardino , and a servant of theirs , were beheaded . the daughter of peter mallonat , a councellor of saint giovanni , together with her brother , an infant of eight months old in her arms , were rolled down a steep hill , and two days after they were found dead upon the snow . one giovanni , with his wife and child , were hurled down a mighty rock , the mother holding the child in her arms , and three days after they were found dead ; only the child was alive , and clasped so fast in the dead mothers arms , that they had much ado to get it out . joseph chiairet , having received a wound in the flight , was flayed alive , and his grease taken out of his body : the like was done to paolo carniero . mattheo turin was massacred at lucernetta , and his body devoured by dogs . margeret saretta was stoned to death , and her dead body cast into the river . cypriano bastia was cruelly starved to death , and his body cast to the dogs . antonio bertino , had first his nose , paps , and privities cut off , and then his head cleft in twain . two children were first murdered , and then burnt to ashes . joseph pont was first wounded in his back , and then had his body cut off in the middle . daniel de maria being found in a place where he had hid himself , and lay sick , had first two of his children murdered before his eyes , and then himself barbarously slain . judith , a widow of eighty years old , was dragged up and down upon the ground , and at last had her head cut off . three infants of peter fine were stifled in the snow . a maid that was an innocent , was first stripped stark naked , and then had a long stake driven through her belly , whereof she dyed . luce the wife of peter besson , being near the time of her lying down , as she fled for her life , was so affrighted with the shreeks of some that were massacred , that she fell in travel upon the mountains where she was , and afterwards was found dead with the new born infant , and two other sucking children lying by her . francis , the son of mr. gros a minister , being taken , had his body cut into small gobbets , whilst he was alive , and that in the presence of his wife ; and then they took two of his small children , and most inhumanely murdered them . the sieur thomas margher being forced to flye from his house , being an elder of la torre , was miserably starved to death with hunger and cold . judith ravelin , with her seven children , were all barbarously murdered in their beds . anna , a widow of about seventy five years old , was cut in pieces by the souldiers . the wife of gaspar fayol , being taken , was forced to labour hard for them by cutting down the corne , and at last as she was so at work , they came behind her , and cut off her head . jacob rosseno refusing to say jesus maria , was first cruelly beaten with cudgels , and clubs ; and having received several shots in his body , they at last clave his head . two children , both of them dumb , were most unmercifully murthered . susanna , the daughter of p●olo giacquin , resisting a souldier that would have ravished her , and by chance pushing him down a rock , was hewed in pieces by others of them . giovanni pullius , a poor pesant of la torre , being taken by the souldiers , after all manner of reproaches , and scorns cast upon him by the friers , and others , in words , and actions , was by the command of the marquesse of pionessa dragged by the hangman to a place near the convent , where the marquesse commanded the hangman to place the ladder against a tree , and to prepare for his execution , at which time the monks , and priests ceased not to use all the arguments which the devil and their own wicked wits could possibly furnish them with , to shake the faith , and constancie of this poor creature ; yet could they not prevaile ; yea by all his gestures , and expressions he shewed the inward joy of his soul that he was counted worthy to suffer for the name of christ : and though they oft pressed him to remember the sad estate that he should leave his children and family in , yet he alwayes answered that it was his hearty prayer to almighty god that his children might follow their fathers steps , and die like himself : whereupon the priests seeing all their labour lost , assisted the hangman to end this poor mans life , and hasted to turn him off the ladder . sieur paolo clement , an elder of the church of rossana , was shortly after brought by the monks and priests to this same place , and shewed the dead body of the other , thinking thereby to scare him from his principles , and profession : but he answered them with undaunted courage , that they might kill the body , but could never be able to prejudice the soul of a true believer . he told them also that god would assuredly avenge the innocent blood that they had spilt : and so having by some ejaculations prepared to resigne up his soul unto god , he desired the hangman to do his work : three or four dayes after the marquesse of pianessa coming that way , one of the souldiers discharged a musquet at his dead body , whereupon there gushed out a streame of fresh blood , which the marquesse observing , said to some about him , this blood cries for vengeance : afterwards they took both these dead bodies , and hung them up naked by one foot neer to la torre , and when any prisoner of the protestants passed that way , they forced him or her to go and kisse their privities , that they might put alike scorne both upon the living and dead : but by reason of the multitude of bullets that were shot thorow them by the souldiers , they at last fell to pieces . daniel rambaut of villaro , having a numerous family , was taken , ●nd carried to paysana with divers others of his neighbours , where he was cast into prison , and after awhile was importunatly set upon by the monks , and masse priests , both with promises , and threats , to pronounce jesus maria ; and when they could not prevail , the tormentors first cut off his fingers one by one , and then his hands , and lastly gave him a deadly wound in the stomack , and then they dragged his carcasse to the rivers side , and left it to be devoured by dogs , and wilde beasts . peter chabriolo being taken by the souldiers , they hung a great quantity of gunpowder about his body , and then giving fire to it , tore him all to pieces . antony the sonne of samuel calieris , a dumb , and innocent creature , was inhumanly butchered as he was sitting by the fire side . peter moninat , and his wife , lying both of them extreme sick , were murthered by the souldiers , who finding in the same house one of their children a poor infant , lame and impotent , they cut off its legs , and so left it in that miserable plight : they had also another poor girle , who had been dumb from her cradle , which not long after was found starved to death for want of sustenance . daniel benech of villaro was taken by the souldiers , who cut off his nose , eares , and other parts of his body , till they had slain him , and then they left the mangled pieces upon the hedges , and bushes in the same place . two of his children were also stifled in the snow . mary the widow of daniel pelanchion of villaro , being taken by the souldiers , after they had basely abused her , they almost shot her to death , and then threw her into the river : but this poor woman being not quite dead , with much pains , and hard shifts , got out of the river again , hoping to be somewhat revived by the warme sunne which she laid her down in : but some of these bloody villains spying her , they fastened a rope to her feet , and dragged her to the bridge , where they hung her up by the legs , and so shot her to death , afterwards leaving her stark naked upon the rock . mary the wife of daniel monino was taken by the souldiers , who having broken her jawes in pieces , they gave her a deep cut in the neck , so that her head was halfe off , and so they left her in that languishing condition , till after extreme torments endured for divers dayes together , she at last yielded up the ghost . mary the widow of david nigrino ( a poor beggar of villaro ) together with her daughter who was an innocent , were both inhumanly massacred in the village of bozza , and their dead bodies were thrown into the woods . susanna the widow of samuel bals of villaro , was by the souldiers basely abused at their pleasure , and afterwards they shut her up between two stone walls , where she was miserably pined to death . susanna the wife of jacob calvio being sorely wounded by the souldiers , after which flying into a barne to hide her self , the souldiers perceiving it , set fire on the barne , and burnt her to ashes . a child of daniel bertino , who had been dumb , and an innocent from the womb , was burnt in a barne at balmedaut . paolo armand , being extreme sick and weak , was by these barbarians hacked in pieces . andrea bertino , a very old , and lame man , had his breasts first cut off , and then was cruelly murthered by these bloody villains , who to testifie their malice against him for his constancie in religion , after he was dead they cut out his bowels , and with their halberds hacked his body in pieces . daniel the sonne of david michialino , being taken by the souldiers , after much other cruel usage , had his tongue pulled out with great violence and torments . constantia bellione had her body hacked , and mangled in most parts thereof , and then was shot to death with several bullets in her bowels : and after she was dead they cleft her head with a hanger . judith mondon was beaten to death in a savage manner with clubs and staves . david paglias , and paolo genre endeavouring to fly , each of them having a little infant in his armes , being at last tired , and out of breath , were overtaken by the souldiers , and both men and infants inhumanly murthered . micheli genre , a young man of bobio , was thrown off the bridge of la torre , where , as he was praying with his hands lifted up to heaven , he was partly stoned , and partly drowned . david armand was knocked , and beaten about the head with an hamer till he died . jacob baridono , being taken prisoner at villaro , and from thence carried to la torre , after the tormentors had sufficiently , and cruelly afflicted him with burning matches between his fingers , his lips , and other parts of his body , till with intolerable paine he died , they caused his dead corps to be carried out by two of his fellow-prisoners , and by them to be thrown into the river pelice : but thinking that too honorable a burying-place for an heretick , they forced them to fetch it out again , and to lay it on the rivers brink , where , after they had exposed the same to all manner of ignominies , it was at last eaten up by dogs . margeret the wife of joseph garniero , having received a shot in one of her brest , as she was giving suck to her little child with the other , was yet so couragious that with many pathetical expressions she exhorted her husband to endure the crosse with patience , and to hold out to the end ; neither did she desire any favour of the murtherers , but onely that they would spare the life of her innocent babe : which accordingly they did : but withal gave the mother another shot in her body whereof she died , and afterwards the infant being found alive in the dead mothers armes , was miraculously preserved . isaiah mondon having a long time hid himself in the cleft of a rock , where for many dayes together he had nothing but a few leaves of unwholsome herbs to eat , was at last found out by the souldiers , and most unmercifully handled by them : and from thence they drave him towards the town of lucerna , being almost half dead : at last when the poor creature could march no further , he fell down upon his knees , and beseeched them to dispatch him speedily , which accordingly they did ; for partly with their swords , and partly with their pistols , they put an end to his miserable life , crying out in a scoffing manner , kill the barbet , kill the barbet , who refuseth to become a christian. giovanni barrolino and his wife were cast alive into a poole , and often plunged , and thrust under the water with staves , and pitchforks , and at last were dispatched with stones and brickbats . mary revel receiving a shot in her body , fell down in a manner dead , yet afterwards she recovered so much strength as to get upon her knees , and as she was praying to god , the bloody enemy dispatched her . giovanni salvagiot as he was returning from bagnol , after the peace was concluded , as he passed by a chappel , because he put not off his hat , and made obeysance thereto , was murthered , and his body left unburied . giovanni gayo , and divers other men , women , and children hid themselves in a cave , where for a time they continued in safety : but at last were discovered by some of these bloodhounds ; whereupon they fell upon their knees , and begged their lives of them , most of the murtherers having been their neighbours , and familiar acquaintance , and such as had pretended great friendship to them : but the mercy of these men proved extreme cruelty : for the kindest salute they could afford their old acquaintance was with swords , musquets , and pistols : which the poor people perceiving , and not desiring to behold the lamentable misery each of other , they kneeled down in a ring , and thrust their heads into ferne , and such like stuffe as they had prepared to lie upon , in which posture they were all miserably shot to death , and their dead bodies afterwards horribly mangled , and cut in pieces . jacob barral and his wife having been taken prisoners by the earle of saint secondo , were three or four dayes after carried forth : and having first cut off the womans breasts , they shot them to death . antony guiguo went to periero with a purpose to change his religion ; but it pleased god so to touch his heart , that he repented of the resolution , and sought to make an escape : but as he was flying , some troops of the marquesse of galeas caught him , and used him most cruelly because he would not yield to go to masse : and as they carried him prisoner towards praly , passing by a precipice , the poor man to avoid his tormentors , leaped down from the rock , and so was dashed in pieces . very many others there were which might here have been inserted , whereof some were drowned , some burnt , some slaine with the sword , some shot to death , some starved , some smothered in the snow , some pined , some killed with staves , some cut in pieces : but i am weary with reckoning up their names , and i suppose the reader also is tired with these cruelties : yet are their names written in red letters in the kalender of heaven , though their popish adversaries would have them written in the dust : and whosoever desires to see more , may finde a larger catalogue in master moorlands history of the peresecutions in the valleys of piemont . chap. xlv . a true narrative of the war in the valleys of piemont between the popish , and protestant party upon the occasion of the massacre . in the former chapter you have a faithful narration of what cruelties were exercised against the reformed party in the valleys of piemont from the first arrival of , the marquesse of pianessa's forces at st. giovanni , which was april . . to the . of the same : by which time they had made such havock of the poor people , that there was now onely the little communalty of roras which was left entire , and untouched : but that they also might in all things be made like unto their suffering brethren of the other churches , and that it might appear that the destruction was designed to be universal , the earle of christophle upon that very day , being april . sent three hundred souldiers secretly by the way of villaro , to surprize them of roras , and to put them all to the sword : this party being got upon a little hill called rumer , belonging to roras , it pleased god that they were met with by some souldiers belonging to captaine joshua gianavel ( whom god raised up at that time as a choice instrument for the preservation of the poor scattered remnant of his people ) . these souldiers being but seven or eight of them , yet having been beforehand placed in ambuscado at a convenient post to prevent the inrode of the enemy , they fired upon them , and plyed them so hard , that many of them were killed upon the place , and the rest , supposing by the great number of bullets that flew about their eares , that the men in ambuscado were sixe times more in number than indeed they were , they fled back in great disorder , and confusion : which the others perceiving , they fell upon their rear , and chased them at least three quarters of a league amongst the rocks , and woods , doing notable execution upon them in their flight . the members of this little church of roras , to take away all occasions of exceptions , presented their complaints to the marquesse of pianessa , who , that he might have the better opportunity to deceive , and surprize them , answered , that those of his souldiers that went to roras , were but thieves , robbers , and out-lawes , that herein had wholly disobeyed his orders ; adding that they had done him a singular favour in driving them out of their countrey ; and that he would take a course to prevent their being disturbed for the future : and hereupon he published an order whereby he straightly charged his souldiers , not to give them any further causes of complaints , nor to molest them in any kind hereafter . yet perfidiously , the very next day he sent a party of five hundred chosen men to put his first bloody designe in execution . as these men were passing over a little hill of roras , they were so saluted by eleven musqueteers of the protestants , and six men with slings under the conduct of captaine gianavel , who had divided them into three squadrons , that the enemy was soone put to flight : and this poor handful of despicable men pursued them for an whole league , slaying a very great number of them , without the losse or hurt of any one of themseves , which shews the admirable providence of god in preserving , and prospering those that fight his battels . the marquesse of pianessa , though he had failed this second , yet was resolved to make a third attempt ; and still to deceive them , he made new promises , and protestations that no injury in the world should be offered them , and that in regard of the intercession of the earle of christophle , their lord and patron , he would protect , and defend them ; yet the very morrow after he sent a party of seven hundred men , who first seized upon , and secured all the passes , that none might escape their bloody hands , and then most barbarously burnt , and destroyed whatsoever they met with thorow all the communalty of roras . hereupon seventeen housekeepers , whose hearts god had marvelously strengthened , and encouraged for their poor brethrens preservation , seeing what they must expect , and that nothing but death , and destruction waited for them , unlesse some admirable providence prevented it : as also calling to mind those signal deliverances which god had vouchsafed to his ancient people of the jewes in their greatest straits : they unanimously resolved to cast themselves with their lives , and estates into the hands of the same god , resting upon his gracious promises , and freely submitting to his good will and pleasure for the issue of their undertaking . the captaine of this valiant party was the aforesaid gianavel , who marching up with this little band , suddenly surprized , and dexterously carried away their court of guard with their centinel from off a little hill where they were placed : at which bold attempt , the enemy being not a little amazed , withdrew from the place where they were , resolving to march thorow a little meadow , and so to get to villaro or la torre : but being not nimble enough , the others met with them at piampra , and there slew many of them , without the losse of any one of their own , and took from them all the cattel , and other things which they had plundered from the neighbouring places . pianessa seeing all his designes thus frustrated , and that his specious promises were but as so many watchwords to bid these poor people to stand upon their guard ; he speedily sent to all those of lucerna , bubbiana , barges , bagnol , famolas , cavors , and the adjacent places , who wete able to bear arms , to come and joyn with a good part of his own army , to environ these poor people on every side . but god , who infatuates mens counsels as he pleaseth , though the time of their rendezvouse was punctually assigned them , yet they came two hours too late ; all except the troop of bagnol , which was conducted by one mario , a notorious persecutor , and an inveterate enemy to the reformed churches : this mario with his ragged regiment of theives , outlaws , and a great number of irish rebels , assaulted this poor people on the upper and lower part of the canton of rumer , who were not about seventeen in number ; yet the lord was pleased so to encourage them , that they presently gat upon the top of the mountain , and there after a long skirmish forced their enemies , though full of fury and malice , yet to give back , and to flie as far as the cliff called pairo capello ; in which fight and pursuit they killed above sixty of them , and wounded many more , and many of them being laden with plunder , as they fled amongst the precipices of the rocks , fell down , and were dashed in pieces . those of them that were lighter , and nimbler , gat safe to pairo capello ; but when they came there they found greater difficulties to contest with than before ; for being closly pursued and compassed in on every side , they were forced to take the ropes wherewith they had bund up their plunder , and tying them to shrubs , to slide down the rocks by them , and to fall into the river that ran below ; but by reason of the violence of the torrent , and the great confusion that was amonst them , one falling on the neck of another , and such as could not swim , catching hold of them that could , the greatest part of them were there drowned . captain mario also amongst the rest threw himself into the river , and had not several of the souldiers that could swim excellent well , ventured their lives to fetch him out , he had gone with the rest to receive present pay from the devil . this captain mario , having thus escaped , was carried to lucerna in his shirt , without either hat or shoos , as a man at his wits end ; and shortly after he fell into a desperate disease , whereof he died : but before his death he oft cried out in a most despairing manner , that he felt a grievous burning in his bowels , as a just judgement upon him for having burnt so many innocent persons , and their habitations . the protestants after this gallant action , being somewhat weary with their hard service , as they were marching back to refresh themselves , they spied another company of murtherers coming from villaro , whereupon forgetting their weariness , they placed themselves in ambuscado : when the enemy drew near the place , they perceived some of them ; but not being able by their colours to discern of what party they were , they called to them for the word ; the protestants answered not , but beckned to them to come nearer , which they did in a careless posture , supposing them to be friends , and when they came near , the others suddenly discharged upon them , and slew many of them upon the place , and the rest they pursued near to la torre , and villaro . after which signal victory , captain gianavel rallied his men upon an high ground not far off , and in the very sight of his enemies , he caused them to kneel down , and with a loud voyce to give thanks unto the lord for this very great mercy in their deliverance . three days after , the marquess of pianessa , being highly incensed by this success of the protestants , sent to the people of roras , expresly charging them to change their religion , within the space of twenty four hours , and that upon pain of death , and of having their houses burnt to the ground : to which they answered , that they would much rather chuse death , than to obey any such order . the marquess vexed at their resolute answer , presently dispatched away eight thousand men , besides the militia forces of the neighboring commonalties ; who according to his order were divided into three squadrons , the one to set upon the poor people on the side of villaro , the other upon the mountains of bagnol , and the third on that part which looks toward lucerna ; which accordingly they did , not only murthering man , woman and childe , but exercising all manner of cruelties upon them , taking much pleasure ( like bloody villains ) in torturing those poor creatures , and in tossing their little infants from off their pikes and halberts , and dashing their brains against the rocks , whose cryes would have melted an heart of adamant , but theirs were harder ; the number thus taken and slain was about one hundred twenty six , the rest almost miraculously escaped their bloody hands . having thus shewn their valour upon naked men , women and infants , and being glutted with the prey that they found in the country , they turned their houses into ashes ; and such as survived they sent prisoners to turin , amongst whom was the wife and children of captain gianavel , and so they marched back to lucerna with great joy and acclamations . shortly after pianessa wrote to captain gianavel promising him great preferment if he would change his religion ; otherwise , threatning that his wife and children should be burnt : he also promised a great sum of money to any that should bring him the said gianavel either alive or dead . to this captain gianavel presently answered , that there was no torment so violent , nor death so cruel , that he did not much prefer before the abjuration of his religion ; and that all these promises and threats did but the more fortifie him and strengthen his faith : and for his wife and children , he told the marquess that though he had gotten them into his power , yet he could but kill their bodies ; and as for their souls , he recommended them , together with his own into the hands of god , in case it so happened that he should fall into his power . this captain gianavel having gotten together a small party of men upon part of the alps called la pellas des jamies , may . went out in the evening to a place about three leagues off , not far from bubiana , where he first sought god by prayer , and afterwards being informed of the number and strength of the enemy , finding them too many to be attachqued by such a handful of men , he turned towards lucernetta , where he was furiously assaulted by the garison of lucerna , but he couragiously encountred them without the loss of any one man , only himself was shot into the leg , by a souldier that had hid himself behinde a tree , with a purpose to have slain him ; but the captain perceiving whence the shot came , lame as he was , he made to the place , where he quickly dispatched him for his pains . whilst these things were acting , the irish rebels in the marquesses army , thinking to make themselves masters of babbiana , under a pretence of protecting them against the barbets , the peasants of the place perceiving their drift , took occasion to quarrel with them , and after drove them out , killing a great number of them . may the . . captain gianavel wrote to captain jahier and the rest that were retired into val lucerna , to meet at a rendezvouz at angrognia , which accordingly they did , and the day after they marched together to a place in the plain called garcigliana , thinking to have entred the town ; but they met with a great party of horse and foot , yet they disputed it with them a long time , but being overpowred , they were forced to retreat ; though they got six yoke of oxen , and many other small cattel , and some prisoners , and that with the loss of one only man in the retreat . may . they marched to st. secondo , where , having first kneeled down , and prayed for a blessing upon their undertaking , encouraging one another , they attaqued the place with incredible valor ; and the better to secure themselves against their enemies , who had lodged and fortified themselves in houses , they got planks , barrels , and such other things as they met with to keep off the bullets , which were poured out upon them out of those houses , and so quickly made themselves masters of the doors of those houses , to which immediately they set fire , and so forced their entrance , putting all the souldiers they found to the sword ; and no marvel ; for they had been extreamly provoked to this rigour by the others cruel usage of their wives and children : besides every room of those houses was filled with the plundered goods of the protestants ; yet did they not meddle either with women or children . then did they set fire on the town , and plundred the churches , which they found full of their own goods and cattel , and carried away seven of their mass-bells . at this time they slew about four hundred and fifty of their enemies , and amongst others a whole company of irish rebels , who chose rather to be burnt than to crave quarter . of the protestants there were only seven slaine , and six or seven more slightly wounded , whereof they soon recovered . munday june the fourth , the captaines jahier , laurentio , gianavel , genolat , benet , and other officers of the protestants went to angrognia , and having called a councel of warre , they concluded the next day to alarum the enemy at briqueras , and saint giovanni : and accordingly the captaines laurentio and jahier went by the way of reccapiatta , that by the help of the thick woods wherein they shrouded themselves , they might the better approach briqueras , and having gotten upon a little hill near the town , captaine laurentio made there a stand to hinder any relief that might be sent them from saint secondo , and captaine jahier marching down , set fire on several houses and barnes . at the sight of this fire , they of briqueras gave notice to those of cavors , fenile , bubiana , campiglione , and other neighbouring places , whereupon the enemy quickly advanced towards them , and were as soone beaten back again : in the mean time there came a party of about twenty horse and stood at saint secondo , lest the reformed party should salley out that way , really believing that they had a designe upon briqueras : but captaine jahier marched with his company by the way of saint giovanni , and captaine laurentio went an higher way , yet both met at the place appointed , where captaine gianavel was engaged with the enemies from lucerna , and la torre , against whom he had defended himself very stoutly : then did captaine jahier charge them on the flanck , and captaine laurentio on the front , seasonably interposing his company in that place where the enemy had thought to have surrounded captaine gianavel , so that the popish party was soone routed , leanving one hundred men behinde them , besides many that were wounded , the reformed party having but one slaine upon the place . june the second , three hundred of the enemies went from la torre to fetch a convoy into the fort of mirebuc , situate between the frontires of dauphine , and piemont : but captaine gianavel being at malbec , though he had but nine souldiers with him , fell upon them , and fought a great while with them to the great astonishment of his enemies : but at last was forced to retreat without the losse of a man , only four were slightly wounded . afterwards captaine gianavel with a small party marched to la palle des guienets , from whence he sent to some that were retired into villora , requiring that all those of the reformed religion should within twenty four hours come out of the said place where masse was celebrated , and that upon the paine of being dealt with as enemies , and that such as through weaknesse had abjured , and would persist in their abjuration , should depart thence upon the same penalty . hereupon all the papists fled presently out of villaro , and the protestants came in to captaine gianavel , and such of them as were able to bear armes followed him chearfully : the rest contributed according to their abilities towards the maintenance of him , and his troops . those which through frailty had abjured their religion went over the mountain into the valley of queires ; yet not long after they returned like so many wandring sheep to the true shepherd of their souls , and testifying their repentance , were again received into the bosome of the church . after those of lucerna were retreated , the captaines jahier , and gianavel , with some other officers called a councel of warre , wherein they resolved to sally out , and if it were possible , to surprise those of la torre , most of which were irish. but the enemie having timely notice , was so prepared , that they killed some who had passed the bridge at angrognia , which so encouraged them that they thought to have enclosed all the small body of protestants , and to have cut them all off : but after many assaults to no purpose , they were forced to retreat to la torre with the losse of very many of their souldiers , besides many others that were dangerously wounded . the next day the captains , jahier , and gianavel went before la torre , against whom many of the souldiers came out ; but not sallying forth in a full body , they were all slain upon the place , which their captains seeing , they thought fit to send out no more : whereupon the protestants retreated towards angrognia , to a place called la verne , where a few houses were yet left unburnt . the next day was spent in the review of their army , and holding a councel of warre , where they resolved to send a party against the communalty of crusol , the inhabitants whereof had made incursions upon them , and committed many outrages in the beginning of the massacre : and accordingly they marched all night , being four hundred ninety and five men , and passing by la torre undiscovered , a little after midnight they arrived at crusol , where they took four hundred head of cattel , six hundred sheep and goats , with much other booty , and that without the least resistance : for the inhabitants of crusol , being terribly affrighted , had cast themselves into the mouth of a most fearful rock , whence they could not be gotten out : and so the protestants returned over one of the alps of villaro , where arriving the next day towards evening , they divided the spoil amongst the souldiers . presently after their departure the enemy from lucerna , cavors , briqueras , and other places to the number of eight hundred , having heard of their designe against crusol , marched to their relief : but finding that they were gone too farre to be overtaken , they resolved not to lose their labours , and so fell a plundering the poor people ( though their friends ) much worse than the protestants had done , and afterwards falling out amongst themselves about dividing the spoil , they destroyed one another instead of doing hurt to the reformed party . the very same day that this enterprize was against crusol , the enemy at saint secondo advanced to burn the rest of the houses at roccapiatta , and being advanced as farre as to the little hill of angrognia , they thought to have surprized the rest of the forces left under the command of captaine laurentio , and captaine jahiers brother : but they having timely intelligence of it , marched presently to the top of the mountain with one half of the souldery , leaving the other halfe under the command of captaine bennet of saint germano , who also with all possible expedition , took his post upon the said little hill with seventeen of his men , and placed the rest in ambuscado . but the enemies hearts misgiving them , they shamefully retreated , at which time they took one giovanni pietro ragio as he was coming from pinachia , and binding his head with a cord , they strained it with such violence , that they made it sink into his brains , and so they sent him to turin , where he ended his dayes shortly after by a languishing , and miserable death . eight dayes after , captaine gianavel , having waited three whole dayes at angrognia for the coming of captaine jahier , that with joint forces they might assault the town of lucerna , when he came not , he resolved to assault it himself , and so marching all night , he arrived at lucerna by break of day . his first work was to cut off the pipes that conveyed water into the town , and brak down the bridge that no relief might come to them from bubiana , barges , and bagnol : then did he assault the town , and quickly defeated two of the out-guards : but the regiment of monsieur de merolles , and divers others being got into the town the night before , he was constrained to give over the enterprize , and to retreat , whereas if captaine jahier had come in time , and joyned with him , probably they had carried the place , june the eighth , captaine gianavel being left alone at angrognia only with his own company , and some few others , was assaulted early in the morning by the souldiers of la torre and others , one part of them getting upon the top of the mountain , and the other part going the lower passage to possess themselves of the gate of angrognia by the way of saint bartholomew , intending suddenly to fall upon captaine gianavel and his small company , having already devoured them in their hopes : but it pleased god that at the sound of the trumpet , when all should have fallen on , captaine gianavel soone awaked , and having first sought unto god by prayer , he fell upon the enemy , and gat the advantage of the place from them , and after a short dispute , forced them to turne their backs , though there were at least two thousand five hundred of them , and all the captaines company was not above three hundred , yet did that handful of men pursue them as farre as to the descent of angrognia , into the woods , and steep places of the rocks , where they slew a very great number of them . captaine gianavel seeing it impossible to think of any further attempt for the present , entreated captaine jahier to give over for that day , and to refresh himself and his souldiers : but he being at that time more passionate than prudent , refused his good counsel , and picking out one hundred and fifty choice men , sweetly took his leave of captain gianavel ( little thinking that it should be his last ) and so marched down into the plaine , where he burnt several of their houses who had formerly burnt , and destroyed so many of the protestants , bringing away with him a good booty of cattel , and other goods . this valiant captaine who hitherto had been so successeful in all his attempts , thinking in the close of the day to crowne all his former undertakings , as he was now near the execution of his designe , lo a squadron of horse surrounded him and his fourty five men ( for at this time he had no more with him ) at a countrey house , not farre from ossac : and though he and his men did all that could possibly be expected from them , killing three captains , with the commander in chief of that squadron , besides many others , yet he at last and thirty five of his followers , all lost their lives ; and the enemies in great triumph , cut off captaine jahiers head , and the heads of his sons , and carried them to turin , presenting them to the duke and his mother , who rewarded them with six hundred ducatoons for their good service therein . captaine jahier deserves to be renowned , especially for his great piety , and zeale for the service and honour of god , and the preservation of his poor afflicted church and members . he was of so undaunted a spirit , that the terrors of death , and the most cruel torments could never affright him . he was bold as a lion in his enterprizes , but meek , and humble as a lamb in the middest of his victories , alwayes lifting up his hands towards heaven , from whence he acknowledged all his help to come , and alwayes recited fit and comfortable passages out of the scriptures ( wherein he was admirably versed ) for the encouragement of all his followers , and the strenthening of their faith upon all occasions . as to his outward parts , and accomplishments , he was a man of a sound understanding , and good judgement , and above all , of a wonderful active spirit , which had he but used with moderation , he had been hardly to have been paralleld . the death of so brave a commander , and the wound of captaine gianavel , in that juncture of time did not a little startle the protestants : but necessity often puts inconsiderable men upon bold enterprizes : for these poor men did not despond , nor lose their courage , but assembling shortly after in a mountaine of angrognia , they descended into the plaine , where twice they were assaulted with violence , the last of which was by a dangeros ambuscado , where the enemies were at least six thousand , and they not above one hundred : but god of his infinite goodnesse so encouraged their hearts , and guided their hands , that they slew very many of their enemies , and amongst them many principal officers , whereas the reformed party lost onely one michael bertino , a serjeant of angrognia , and had but one common souldier wounded . the sonne of the said bertino seeing his father fall dead at his feet , was so farre from being discouraged , that he immediately stepped into his fathers place with these words , though my father be dead , yet be of good courage my fellow souldiers , for god is a father to us all . munday following they had a very sharp dispute at la torre , and about tagliaretto , where they killed and wounded a great number of their enemies , without the losse of any of their own men . indeed in this time the enemies reaped their corne in the plaines of saint giovanni , but they could not carry it away but with the losse of many of their lives . about the same time there came to them one monsieur andrion , a major of a regiment of horse , with two other gentlemen that were strangers , who were followed with some volunteers , whose friendly visit of their poor afflicted brethren , and their good advice in such a juncture of time , was taken ( as it deserved ) very kindly : and god made it a singular means to uphold the fainting spirits of some weak brethren , who seeing others come in to the help of the lord against the mighty , went on with a great deale more chearfulnesse , and alacrity : and these staid with them till the peace was concluded at pigner●l . july the eleventh . sieur john leger , pastor of the church at saint giovanni , who deserves to be remembred for the great paines , and many services performed by him in the behalf of the churches of the valleys , having notice that the enemies were of opinion that he was come back from his journey with armes and money , and ammunition , and thereupon presuming that they would suddenly make some notable attempt to prevent what they so much feared , he went to colonel andrion , and pressed him to put his designe in execution . the poor people had as yet no standing army : but the bands of each commonalty were quartered at a great distance the one from the other ; and certainly they had been cut off every man of them within a few dayes , had not their centinels been very watchful ; and above all , if captaine charforan had not on the one side timely discovered the enemy , an the poor people on the other side been exceedingly heartned to the battel by the great valour , and singular conduct of the sieurs andrion , michelin , and leger . the enemy was very numerous , having been lately reinforced with many troops . they encamped themselves within half a league of the reformed party , and early in the morning they divided themselves into four brigades , three whereof fell upon the protestants with a marvelous resolution in three several places at once : the fourth stood still , ready to succour their friends if there were need . the fight continued at least four hours without intermission , and was the sharpest that ever was fought in the open field : and that which made the enemies more fierce , was , their hopes to have beaten back the protestants from their post called the castelas , which if they could have effected , they had been certainly masters of the valleys perosa , saint martino , and lucerna : but the poor people having lifted up their hearts by earnest supplications to the lord of hosts ( as they used to do upon all such occasions ) major andrion , and the two other captaines which he had brought with him , gave forth such orders as were necessary , encouraging their men exceedingly , so that without budging a foot , they kept their ground , all save a few who were either quite tired , or faint for want of food , or that wanted powder , or flints in their fire-locks : but these , the sieurs mechelin and leger imployed in rolling down great stones upon their enemies heads as they came to attacque them , which proved very successeful , doing much execution upon the enemy , and causing them to abate much of their fury ; and whereas in the beginning of the fight they cryed alwayes , advance , advance , ye relicts of jahier : the protestants now began to cry as fast , advance , advance , ye relicts of saint secondo , and withal they ran upon those murtherers as so many lions , and caused them to turn back , and flie towards la torre and lucerna as fast as they were able , leaving behinde them fifty five upon the place , and about fourty that were killed in the flight , besides many others who were carried either dead , or dangerously wounded , to lucerna . themselves confessed that in this encounter they lost at least three hundred men , amongst which were many officers of a bavarian regiment . when such multitudes of dead , wounded , and dying men were brought into lucerna , the syndick , who was indeed a papist , but not so superstitious as many others , said to some , hitherto the wolves devoured the barbets : but now the barbets devour the wolves ; which words being reported to monsieur marolles , the commander in chief in lucerna , he threatened to imprison him , and to give him the strappado for them , which so terrified the poor man , that he presently sickened , and within a few dayes died . two dayes after this great fight , the enemy being much enraged for their great losse , spread themselves all over angrognia , and began to set the corne on fire , which being seene by the company of la torre , who at that time were upon the mountaine of tagliaretto , they speedily gave notice to those of saint giovanni , and angrognia , who hasted thither , and charged them so fiercely , that they forced them to flie , and to leave most of their ammunition behinde them : and in the meane time captaine belin assaulted the towne of la torre , killed the centinel , and souldiers upon the works , and gave the towne such an hot alarum , that most of them fled towards the river of pellice ; and probably if he had had a few more men with him , he had at that time made himself master of la torre . july the eighteenth , the general of the protestants gave order to fall upon the towne of la torre , which accordingly was put in execution . captaine belin gave the first onset , who being followed with many other officers , and souldiers , they quickly made a considerable breach in the garden-wall next to the convent , which so encouraged the rest , that they fell on with an invincible resolution , and in a short space burnt both the convent , and most of the towne down to the ground . those in the fort finding themselves hardly beset , began to parley about surrendring of it upon honorable termes : but some horse coming seasonably to their relief from lucerna , which the protestants might have prevented if they had been so careful as they should have been , they were frustrated of attaining their desires . besides these , there were divers other battel 's fought in divers places where the reformed party had considerable advantages against their enemies , but for brevity sake they are here omitted . chap. xlvi . a brief account of the intercessors to the duke of savoy in the behalf of these poor people , and the successe therof . upon the first supplication of that terrible order of gastaldo , which was a forerunner of the massacre , the protestant cantons of switzerland , being their near neighbours , and therefore could soonest take notice of it , wrote their letters to the duke of savoy in the poor peoples behalf . to which the duke of savoy shortly after gave a complemental , but cold answer , which was little better than a plaine denial of their request , and mediation . april the . being the lords day , newes of the horrible massacre was brought to the council of zurick , who immediately gave order for a publick day of humiliation through all their territories , as also for making a collection for their relief : resolving to give notice of this doleful newes to their protestant friends ; and amongst others , they wrote to the states general of the united provinces , acquainting them with the sad condition of this poor people , intreating them to consider of some expedient for the accommodating their affairs . may the fifth they sent monsieur gabriel weis , captaine general of berne as their deputy to the duke of savoy , who in very respectful termes requested him to re-establish those who had survived the massacre in their ancient priviledges , the free exercise of their religion , and for the enlargement of their prisoners , delivering him a letter to the same purpose . the answer which the duke ( or rather his mother ) gave , was , that though they were not obliged to give an account of their actions to any prince in the world , yet out of respect to the amity which they had compacted with his masters the cantons , they had given order to the marquesse of pianessa to acquaint them with the truth of those affairs : and shortly after when major weis spake with the marquesse , he laboured to justifie all his proceedings , and to lay the load upon the backs of the poor people , protesting that he never intended to force their consciences , and that all the reports about such strange cruelties exercised towards them were meer forgeries , &c. major weis replyed that the massacre was so notorious , that it could not be denied , and that their right of habitation in those places was founded upon justice , being granted to them by the dukes predecessors , and purchased by them of the present duke for six thousand ducatoons . the marquesse answered that all those grants were upon condition that the romish religion should be freely exercised amongst them , which yet they would never suffer . master weis still pressing their sad condition , and the necessity of finding an expedient for accommodation , &c. the marquesse desired him to apply himself to the poor people , and to cause them to desist from hostility , which would be the way to obtaine favour from the duke : and no marvel though he moved this : for about this time ( through gods mighty assistance ) these poor people began so to prevaile , that their enemies began to fear what the successe might be , and therefore the marquess laboured to get the sword out of their hands by such a stratagem as this . major weis went to perosa , propounding these things to the poor people : who returned humble thanks to the cantons for what they had already done in their behalf ; and said , that if the six evangelical cantons would engage that the treaty should be carried on upon honest and honorable termes , they were ready to hearken to it ; otherwise they were resolved never to trust those who had so oft deceived them , and whose principle was , that faith is not to be kept with hereticks . with this answer master weis returned , and sued for the enlargement of the prisoners , or that at least he might be suffered to speak with them : but neither the one nor other would be granted ; whereupon he returned to his masters , and upon his report to them , being discouraged from any farther proceedings , they resolved to expect what would be done by other princes , and states . may . letters were brought to oliver lord protector of enland of this doleful newes , whereupon he invited all the people of england to seek the lord by humiliation , and prayer , and withal , moved them to a liberal contribution for the succour of these poor souls . he sent also master samuel morland as his envoy to the king of france , and duke of savoy to meditate on their behalf . he wrote also to the king of denmark , to the states of the united provinces , and to the evangelical cantons of the switzers , requesting all their mediations in the behalf of these poor people . may the twenty sixth , master morland set out on his journy , and june the first he came to the king of france at la fere , to whom he delivered the lord protectors letters , wherein he solicited his majesty to improve his power , and interest with the duke , that the cruel order of gastaldo might be recalled , and the poor people restored to their ancient liberties , and habitations . the king of france three dayes after returned an answer to the lord protectors letter , and master morland proceeded in his journey to the court of savoy , and arrived at rivole , where the court was , june the . and demanded audience as the lord protectors envoy , which accordingly was granted : and at his appearing he made a speech in the behalf of the poor people , and delivered the lord protectors letter . madam royal , the dukes mother answered , that she could not but extremely applaud the singular charity of his highnesse the lord protector towards their subjects , whose condition had been presented to him so exceeding sad , and l●mentable , as she perceived by master morl●nds discourse it was ; yet withal she could not but extremely admire that malice should proceed so far as to clothe their fatherlike chastisements of their rebellious subjects with so black a character , thereby to render them odious to all their neighbouring princes , and states with whom they desired to keep a good understanding , especially with so great and powerful a prince as the lord protector . adding that she doubted not but when the truth of all passages should be made known to him , he would rest satisfied with the dukes proceedings . yet for his highnesse sake they would pardon their rebellious subjects , and grant them such priviledges , and graces , as should shew to the lord protector how great a respect they bore both to his person , and mediation : and withall master morland was requested to go to turin , where by the dukes order he was entertained with all outward demonstrations of civility , and respect imaginable during his abode there . master morland after a while pressed for his dispatch , and had it , and so according to the lord protectors order he went to geneva . there was collected in england , and wales towards the relief of these poor souls the full summe of thirty eight thousand , ninety seven pounds , seven shillings , and three pence , the greatest part whereof was at several times transmitted to them ; and what remained , being about nine thousands pounds , was put out to interest , that so both the principal , and the improvement might be disposed of for their best advantage : and further to shew what effects the lord protectors intercession had , i finde that presently after , the king of sweden , the king of denmark , the states of the united provinces , the prince elector palatine , the elector of brandenberg , the duke of wittenberg , and many other protestant princes and states did either by their letters to the duke of savoy , or otherwise , declare their deep resentment of the bloody massacre , especially the lantgrave of hessen wrote most zealously in their behalf . they had also many consolatory letters written to them from sundry particular churches , viz. from franckfort , zurick , hanaw , flushing , middleburgh , &c. and large contributions according to their respective abilities . divers commissioners also were sent from england , and holland to joyne with those of the evangelical cantons for the procuring a well-grounded peace for those poor people : but before they came , the switzer ambassador had concluded a treaty with the french ambassador ; and betwixt them , they had hudled up a peace , the woful effects whereof these poor people were quickly sensible of ; and to this day they labour under heavy burdens laid upon their shoulders by their popish taskmasters : they forbid them all manner of traffique for their sustenance : they rob them of their goods , and estates ; they drive them from their ancient habitations , and force them to sell their birth-right for a messe of pottage : they banish their ministers , that the shepherds being gone , they may the more easily devour them : they ravish their young women , and maidens , they murther the innocent as they passe along the high-wayes upon their occasions : they continually mock and revile them , and threaten another massacre , sevenfold more bloody than the former : through the malice and subtilty of their popish adversaries their valleys are no other than a dungeon , to which the fort of la torre serves as a door , whereby at their pleasure they may let in a troop of murtherers utterly to destroy and extirpate those innocent people : and notwithstanding all those large supplies that have been sent them from england , and other states , yet so great are the necessities of those poor hungry creatures , and so grievous are the oppressions of their popish adversaries , who lie in wait to bereave them of whatsoever is given them , that some of them are yet ready ever and anon to eate their own flesh for want of bread : their miseries are more sad , and grievous than can be expressed ; they are dying , even whilst they live : when that which was collected for them is once spent , they must inevitably perish , unlesse the lord in whose hand are the hearts of princes , shall incline the heart of their prince to pity these his poor , harmlesse , and faithful subjects , who are so farre from thoughts of rebellion , that could they but enjoy the freedom of their consciences in peace , they would be the first that would be ready to sacrifice their lives for the good , and safety of his royal highnesse . how long lord , holy , just , and true , &c. rev. . . if any desire to see a fuller account of these things , together with the letters and transactions about them , they may finde them fully and faithfully set down by master samuel morland in his history of the evangelical churches in the valleys of piemont . here place the eleventh figure . chap. xlvii . a brief description of piemont , and the valleys thereof . piemont is so called , because it is situated à pede montium , or at the feet of the alps which separate italy from france : it 's but a little spot of earth , yet very pleasant , and of incredible fruitfulnesse . it 's bounded on the east with millan , montferrat , and the common-wealth of genoa : on the south is the mediterranean sea : on the west , and north part it hath the alps for a bulwark , by which it is separated on the vvest side from provence , and dauphine , and on the north from savoy , and the countrey of valley . it 's almost all covered with high mountains , and watred with four great rivers , viz. po , tanaro , stura , and dora , besides which there are about twenty eight rivers more , great and small , which render it exceeding fruitful in cattel , wine , corne , hay , nuts , and many other fruits in great abundance . the principal valleys are , on the north part those two , aosta , and susa ; on the south side stura and some others : and in the midland , lucerna , angrogni● roccapiatta , pramol , perosa , and saint martino . the valley of 〈…〉 ▪ been , and still is a part of dauphine as farre as la capella , which is situated at the lower end thereof , and divides it from perosa : which was the ordinary passage of the french armies into italy . these valleys , especially that of angrognia , pramol , and saint martino are strongly fortified by nature , by reason of their many difficult passages through rocks and mountains : as if from the beginning it had been designed by the all-wise god to be as a cabinet , wherein he would keep some rare jewel . those valleys of piemont which have been for some hundreds of years inhabited by the waldenses , are lucerna , perosa , and saint martino ▪ lucerna contains fifteen miles in length : the highest communalties thereof , viz. bobio , villaro , and la torre are for the greatest part mountains : but lucerna , saint giovanni , fenile , campiglione , and garcigliana , though they have both on the north and south side a little of the mountains , yet they extend themselves into a very fair plaine . angrognia is but a little valley on the north side of lucerna , as also rorata , and vallon , which are on the south side of lucerna wholly within the mountains : so is also roccapiatta , and pramol , which are enclosed between the valleys of lucerna and perosa . the communalty of la torre took its name from an high tower which stood upon a little hill near bourg : but francis the first , king of france , considering how prejudicial it might be to the affairs and interest of france , and the safety of pignorole , he caused it to be demolished . but the duke of savoy rebuilt it , anno . which afterward served as a slaughter-house of many poor innocent souls . bricheras , which is joyned to the valley of lucerna , is on the east of angrognia , and saint giovanni , and on the south of roccapiatta , almost all in the plain . perosa , and saint martino are on the north of lucerna , angrognia , and roccapiatta , situated in such sort that the valley of perosa is at the lower end , and on the east are the valleys of saint martino , and pragela . the valley of perosa is about six miles long : and it s distributed , part in the mountains , and part in the plains , and very fruitful hills . at the lower end of it are the communalties of porte , saint germano , and villaro : in the middle , pinachia , and in the higher part that of perosa , where is the city and citadel of perosa , whence the valley takes its name . the valley of saint martino is eighth miles in length , on the west of the valley of perosa , included between the valleys of lucerna , and clusone , in the highest part of the alps , which border upon the valley of queyras , containing eleven communalties : viz. rioclaret , faet , rodoreto , salsa , macel , maneglia , chabrans , traverses , bovile , and saint martino , which gives the name to this valley . this indeed is the poorest , yet the strongest of all by reason of its situtation . in these valleys before the late horrid massac●●● . there were fourteen churches of the protestants which co●●●●●ed two classes , or colloques , and those two classes , one synod for their ecclesiastical government . the one was the colloque of lucerna consisting of the churches of saint giovanni , la torre , villaro , bobi , rorata , and angrognia , to which was annexed that of roccapiatta , which is between the valley of lucerna , and perosa , situated upon those little hills which separate the two valleys . the other was the colloque of the valley of perosa , and saint martino , containg four churches in the valley of perosa , viz. villaro , saint germano , which made but one church , pinachia , la cappella , and pramoh ▪ in the valley of saint martino , were three churches , viz. villa secca , maneglius , prasi . the church of saint giovanni contains within it a very fair plain , and little hills , very fruitful , and abounding with corn , vines , chestnuts , figgs , olives , and other fruits , but it wants pastures , and woods , so that they have not many cattel , but only some oxen to till the ground , and to carry their wine to turin , and other places to sell. this church hath annexed unto it lucerna , lucernetta , the vineyards of lucerna , fenile , bubiana , and bricheras . in the city of lucerna the third part of the inhabitants were protestants . in lucernetta , and the vineyard of lucerna , almost all the inhabitants professed the reformed religion time out of mind . fenile is lower on the other side of the river pelice towards the south , being a more fatt and fertile soil than any place in st. giovanni , in all sorts of fruit and grain . bubiana , as to the plain , is like to fenile , and neerly adjoyning to it : but the protestants have often been driven out of it , so that what they possessed was mostly in the hills , where they have little corn , & wine ; but abundance of chestnuts : so that the inhabitants , which were about fifty families , were generally poor , living by their hard labour , and by their profit which they made of wood , which they carried to sell to the towns of babiana , and lucerna . the hills of bricheras , where there have been alwayes protestant families , are like those of saint giovanni . the church of la torre is the same for situation and quality with that of saint giovanni , containing one plain , where is the town of la torre , and hills adorned with the same kind of fruits as those of saint giovanni . the church of villaro adjoyns to that of la torre , but is a little higher towards dauphine , containing a little plain where is the town , and the hills adorned with vines , and chestnuts . the church of bobio is near to that of villaro , being a little higher towards the mountain on the west , but as fertile as that of villaro : and being environed with many mountains , and having fat pastures , the inhabitants had many oxen , kine , and smaller cattel , together with milk , and wool in abundance , as also they had many chestnuts , which being cleansed , and dried , they sold , or exchanged for other commodities . the church of rorata is a little valley , situated on the other side of the river pelice , on the west of lucerna , being bounded by the mountains of villaro . it abounds in pastures , and is very fruitful ▪ especially in chestnuts . the church of angrogna is north-west to that of st. giovanni , towards perosa , in a mountainous count●y , but fruitfull in chestnuts , corn , and pastures , environed with fruitfull mountains , which yielded good pastures in the summer season . the church of roccapiatta contains four parcels , viz. that of roccapiatta , st. bartholomeo , perustine , and la inverso delle porte . in these three latter there grow abundance of rich wines , chestnuts , and other good fruits . in roccapiatta they have corn , pasture , and fruits , but no wine . the church of villaro , and st. germano is situated in the lowest part of perosa , about a mile from pignorolio : the west and north part of villaro on this side the river clusone , belong to the king of france , and st. germano to the duke of savoy on the other side of the said river , which running through the whole length of the said valley , separates the kings territories from those of the dukes . these two places of villaro , and st. germano contain a little p●ain on both sides the river , the rest is in hills , yielding corn , wine , and fruits . the church of pinachia is within the french dominions , adjoyning on the vvest part to that of villaro , and contains a fair , and beautifull plain , on the north-side fenced with pleasant hills : on the vvest is the town , and fort of perosa ; on the south , the river clusone , and some hills , but scarce any plain at all . it abounds with corn , wine , nuts , grass , and other fruits . the church of la capella is on the vvest of that of pinachia in the upper end of the valley of perosa ; on the west it joyns to the valley of pragela ( which belongs to the king of france ) on the east to the citadel of perosa : it hath several very fruitfull hills in it : it hath annexed to it pomare , and inverso del perosa , and some other small villages , called le mean , making a little communalty at the foot of the valley of pragela . the church of pramol is situated on a mountain between the valleys of lucerna , and perosa , at the feet whereof grow a few 〈◊〉 , and good fruits : in the highest part is corn , and much wood , and pasture ground . the church of villa secca is at the lowest part of the valley of st. martino , where there is almost no plaine but where the river germanasco takes its course ; the hills which lie south from the said river are very cold , so that there grow no vines : but those on the north which lie open to the south-sun are hot , and so have many vines . in general , it s tolerably fruitful in corne , fruits , and pasture . the church of maneglia which is on the west part of villa secca , comprehends three little communalties , viz. maneglia , machel , and salsa : all are in a mountainous place , but exceeding fruitful in corne , pasture , &c. except only in the highest parts thereof . the church of prali is situated in the uppermost part of the valley of saint martino , and contains two communalties , viz. prali , and rodoret , bounded on the south with the alps , and the valley of lucerna ; on the west by the valley queyras in dauphine ; and on the north by the valley of pragela : here is nothing but hay and grasse . generally in all these churches ( except on the tops of the mountains ) there are plenty of fruits , especially of chestnuts , and in some places there are vast spaces of ground yielding almost nothing else : as in the little hills of bubiana , and all along the valley of lucerna , and in the south parts of the valley of perosa : so that the inhabitants in those places dry , and clense great quantities of them , part whereof they keep for their own use , and the rest they sell , or exchange for corne , and that , quantity for quantity , with the inhabitants of the plaine , it being a great part of their food in piemont . they also dry these nuts in an oven , or on a kilne , and make thereof an excellent sort of bisquet , which they first string as they do their beades , and so hang them up in a moist place the better to preserve them . these they frequently make use of instead of maqueroons , and such sweetmeats . of the late persecution of the church of christ in poland , anno christi . the all-wise , and holy god , whose wayes of providence are alwayes righteous , though often secret , and unsearchable , hath made it the constant lot , and portion of his people in this world to follow his sonne in bearing his crosse , and suffering persecutions . for they that are borne after the flesh , do alwayes persecute them that are borne after the spirit . but scarcely have any sort of the churches enemies more clearly followed the pernicious way of caine herein , than hath that antichristian faction of rome , that mother of harlots and abominations , whose garments are died red with the blood of saints , which they have alwayes cruelly shed , and made themselves drunk with . and amongst those chosen and faithful witnesses , the lord seemeth very signally to have raised up those christians , who ( though dispersed in divers countreys ) have been commonly known by the name of waldenses , who for some centuries of years have lived amongst their enemies as lambs amongst wolves , to bear their testimonies to the truths of christ , against the apostasies , and blasphemies of rome ; for which they have been killed all the day long , and accounted as sheep for the slaughter . one part of this little flock , and remnant which the lord hath left , & reserved , are scattered partly in the valleys of piemont , of whose tragical sufferings you have had a faithful account in the precedent chapter : the other part of this poor , but precious remnant , have been dispersed in the kingdomes of bohemia , and poland , whose sufferings , together with the lords signal providences about them , are now to be spoken of , as they have been related to the lord protector o.c. and the state here by two godly persons delegated by those persecuted churches , which are now the sad monuments of their enemies rage , and of the lords sparing mercy . these sometime flourishing churches were by degrees worne out by the constant underminings , and open outrages of the antichristian party ; being first driven out of bohemia into poland : and then after their taking root , and spreading in poland into a numerous company , they were forced out of their chiefest cities there , and at last by the jesuited , and enraged popish army , were persecuted in their few hiding places with fire and sword . their ministers were tortured to death by most exquisite , and unheard of barbarisme , by cutting out of the tongues of some , pulling out the eyes , and cruelly mangling the bodies of others . yet did not their rage , and brutish cruelty reach only to the ministers , but to private persons also ; yea , even to women , and to young children , whose heads they cut off , and laid them at their dead mothers breasts . nay their rage brake out , not only against the living ( not one of whom they spared that fell into their hands ) but also against the dead , plucking the bodies of honorable persons , and others out of their graves , tearing them to pieces , and exposing them to publick scorne . but the chiefest eye-sore , and object of their fury was the city of lesna , which after plundering and murthering of all whom they found therein , they burned to ashes , and laid it in the rubbish . only the lord in mercy having alarm'd the city by the report of their enemies approach , the greatest part of the inhabitants ( being three famous churches ) saved themselves by flight , and are now wandring up and down in silesia , the marquisate of brandenburg , lusatia , and hungary , poor , destitute , afflicted , and naked , the relation whereof you have in this ensuing narrative written in latin by some of themselves , and called lesnae excidium . the history of the destruction of lesna faithfully related . lesna a city of great poland , almost thirty years ago began to be famous both far and near ; but now being suddenly and utterly razed hath nothing left beside the name and fame thereof . for the fuller discovery of this businesse from the beginning , we must briefly relate the original and progresse of this town . when above seven hundred years ago , mieczislaus , then duke of poland , took to wife the daughter of boleslaus duke of bohemia , and together with her received the christian faith , it happened that among those of the bohemian nobility that accompanied him , there was one peter de bernstein , whom , because he was a person endowed with many vertues , mieczislaus was willing to detain him in poland , and to that end bestowed upon him rich possessions , the chief whereof was a village called lezsyna , ( i. e. a grove of hasle-trees ) upon the very confines of the lower silesia , being situate twelve miles from wratislavia , five from glogaw , and ten from posnania . from this place therefore of his residence , peter de bernstein taking the rise of his denomination , according to the custome of the nation , he and all his posterity were called lezscynii , and were afterwards admitted to all sorts of dignities in the realm ; so that of this family there were never wanting some or other that were captains , governours of castles , palatines , marshals , chancellours , bishops , or archbishops , even to this day : and besides this , for their noble management of affairs in several embassyes to the roman emperour , they were adorned with the title of earles of the empire , which they still enjoy . but leszcyna it self begun by little and little to change its name , and by contraction was called lessna , and their neighbour germans called it lissa ▪ this village , something above one hundred of years ago had the dignity and title of a market town granted to it by the famous king sigismund , and tradesmen were invited hither out of the neighbouring silesia , and so the use of the german tongue was brought in together with them . as for religion , it was reformed in lesna about the same time , by the most illustrious count andrew , palatine of bernstien , according to the rites of the bohemian confession , which it hath retained to this day , and became as it were the metropolis of the churches of that confession , throughout all the greater poland . and when , after the year . a very sharp persecution was raised against the professors of the gospel in bohemia ; and not long after the ministers and nobility were banished , they were fain to seek refuge in poland , whom that most pious noble man , the lord raphael de lesna , palatine of belse , received under his protection , appointing lesna , wlodava , & baranovia for their places of refuge . but for as much as the greater part did seat themselves at lesna because of the neernesse thereof , and not long after , a far greater company flocked thither out of silesia ( for there also the butchery of souls grew wonderful fierce , in the years . and . ) it came to passe that lesna , by the addition of many streets , grew into a large city , having three market places , four churches , a large school , above twenty streets , one thousand six hundred houses , two thousand freemen of the city , and abundance of other company . there was built also a very fair church for the service of god according to the rites of the augustane confession , which had over it three pastors , learned men ; and a school for the mother tongue with some schoolmasters , beside the free-schoole , which had a learned man of the forementioned confession appointed over it , by the title of prorector . the citizens also having ordered themselves according to the best policy they could , there were found out handsome wayes for a publick revenue that made no noise , and were little felt , and without any mans dammage or burden , so that they were able for some years to maintaine workmen for the compassing of the city about with a bulwark and trench , and for the building of gates with walls and faire turrets : and lastly , there was built a very fair court-house in the middle of the market-place of the old city ; there was scarce the like in all great poland , except at posnania . in a word , civility , trading , merchandize ( for all things were here bought and sold ) and religion did so flourish here , that this city did not come behinde any city in poland for its admirable pleasantnesse . all this was matter of joy , not only to those pious christians that were scattered out of several places for the gospels sake , and here gathered together under the protection of god , but to others also that came hither from all parts , as strangers : but it galled the enemies of the gospel extremely , so that it made them leave no designe unassayed for the overthrow of this city of refuge for the godly . at the first ( annis , & . ) they made use of several accusations and slanders to king sigismund the third , suggesting to him that it was a confluence of all sorts of men that were enemies and traytors to his majesty ; that it was good to nip them in the bud , &c. but through the prudence of that great senator , the lord of the place , whose wisdome went beyond their envy , and who knew well enough how to counter-work all malicious projects of that kinde , all those their battering-rams were at that time used in vain . but , anno . after that the swedes were broken by the emperours army in germany , and were driven out of silesia , new plots were hatched at glogaw to send out one or two of the emperours regiments , who should suddenly invade lesna , sack the town , and put the inhabitants to the sword , or at least scatter them . but it pleased god so to order it , that this plot was discovered by some of themselves two days before the appointed time , and so vanished into smoak , though the smoak of their devices did not yet cease to rise . for after the death of the most illustrious prince palatine of belse , when his estate was divided amongst his sons and heirs , and the county of lesna fell to the illustrious lord boguslaus , his third son , then newly returned from travelling , the plotters were not wanting so to lie in wait to insnare this candidate of great wisdome and vertue , that after they had wearied him for some years with the promises of honours ( unto which there was no door of entrance but by entertaining the roman-catholick religion ) at last they enticed him to professe popery . but however they heaped many honours upon him , procuring him some captainships , afterwards the generalship of great poland , and lastly the arch-treasurership of the realme , yet could they not procure his hatred of the professors of the gospel , and the dissipation of his subjects , which was the thing they hoped for , but he still preserved intire to his lesna those priviledges both civil and religious , which his father , of blessed memory , had promised , offered , or confirmed to them . they attempted therefore this other device : the bishop of posnania ventured to redemand the old parish-church , because it was of ancient foundation , and pretended that it might not any longer be left to the use of hereticks . the lord treasurer answered , that his grandfather ( andrew palatine of brenstien ) had built another church for the catholicks ( whose number was very small in the town , scarce ever above three or four citizens ) to exercise their religion in , and endowed it with revenues to that purpose , that the greater number of citizens might enjoy the greater church . but all was in vain , though he doubled the maintenance of the roman parish-priest : for anno . they brought the lord count before the tribunal of the realme , where the cause must needs go against him , the very same persons being accusers , witnesses and judges ; yet he obtained that this church should not suddenly be taken away from his subjects the inhabitants of old lesna until they had built themselves a new one . this building they presently set about with the help of forrein churches : ( according as they were in a capacity to help , things being every where in confusion ) but when the adversaries saw that it went on apace , and that this was like to be bigger than the other ( for so great now was the multitude of citizens of this confession , that the old church was not able to contain them ) they began again to mutter and threaten , that this might not be endured , that the hereticks should have a bigger church than the catholicks ; that they did but build this also for the catholicks , &c. at length the irruption of the swedes into poland ( anno . gave them the long wished for occasion of oppressing and rooting out not only the lesnians , but also all the professors of the gospel ( or as they were wont to be called , the dissenters from the roman religion ) throughout poland . for although the papists themselves had transacted with the swedes at their coming out of pomerania ( in the agreement of uscia ) and had delivered to them expressely and by name the chief cities , posnania , kalisch , fraustat , meseritz , and lesna , and the rest , after some weak resistance , had yielded themselves up to the swedes , yet while the king of sweden was slowly , and as it proved , dangerously busied in prusia , they took counsel together for the resuming of their armes , to fight for the liberty of their countrey , and the catholick religion ( as they call it ) to drive the swedes out of the countrey , and to root out all the dissenters in grosse . that this their purpose might make the quicker progresse , and be set on the more strongly , there were jesuites and monks sent out every way , to intimate these things to the multitude , and to encourage them to so glorious an undertaking , compelling those that were slow with the thunderbolt of excommunication , and promising the relaxation of the pains of purgatory , and eternal rewards to them that were forward . to this end king casamire being recalled out of silesia , they commanded the nobility to flock to him , and to give the king of sweden a meeting in his return out of borussia . the commonalty also they stirred up against the professors of the gospel , making themselves their furious leaders ; and such was their successe , that in lower poland a great number of families ( it is not yet known how many , because the furious tumult still continues ) almost within the compasse of a moneth ( in february and march ) were miserably butchered , men and women , young and old being murthered without distinction , all , save such as could escape into the neighbouring parts of hungary , and so save their lives by flight . but the nobility of the greater poland , most of them having retired themselves into silesia , began there to gather themselves into small companies , in the beginning of april , and to break forth ; by whose coming the rest being encouraged , made a great slaughter of the swedes that were garrison'd in the small towns , so that general muller was fain to go forth with an army of swedes to restrain them . as for lesna , the hereditary lord thereof , the treasurer of the kingdome , was gone into borussia to salute the king of sweden some way to take care for the safety of his countrey : but about the beginning of april he returned to lesna without seeing him , the king then being full of action , and ranging up and down . this businesse procured much more envy both to himself and the city , as if he had plotted with the swedes against his countrey , having never been true and faithful either to the church or his countrey : therefore they breathed out flames , and belched out threats so much the more fiercely both against him and his city . however there were not wanting such as by private messages gave him hope of pardon , if he would but withdraw himself from them , as afterwards he did . but the enemies prepared themselves to destroy that so populous a city by force ( if they could ) or else by flames , furnishing themselves with many sorts of weapons for that purpose . of this doing although the inhabitants of lesna had notice by several messengers , yet a fatal security prevailed with them to think that there was no fear of such an enemy as was not furnished either with infantry or artilery for such a designe . upon easter day a 〈◊〉 of poles broke into some territories ( belonging to an eminent professor of the gospel ) neer lesna : for whom they made diligent search , but finding that he was from home ( for he had retired himself to lesna for religion sake ) they plundered all his movable goods , and took his ●ervant ( martin multz , a bohemian ) and hanging a great stone about his neck , threw him into the river that ran by , and so drowned him . on the third holy-day in easter the report was very hot that the swedes had lost all , and that the king was slain : upon which account when the lord treasurer did betake himself to wratislavia in sil●sia , the citizens of lesna were something afraid , although the commanders of the swedes that were there in garrison ( being three co●ours of horse ) did encourage them ; as did also the administrator of the city and county of lesna , who requiring anew the oath of fidelity from the citizens , did promise them to stay with them , and bid them be of good courage . being lifted up with this hope , and drawn on with the promises of new auxiliary forces to come very suddenly to them , they promised themselves all manner of security , so that no man took any care to get out of the way , or to carry any thing of his goods to a safer place : yet they kept strong guards night and day , sometimes the third part of the citizens , and sometimes half being upon duty . the swedish horse also ever and anon made excursions to see what the enemy was a doing , and whether they were neer . but they never brought back any other news , but that there were no footsteps or signes of any enemy appearing : yea , even that very day in which the poles came in the afternoon , the swedes returned with good booty , but not a word of the enemy . but about three dayes after upon thursday , april the . an army of the polonian nobility , mixed with a rout of peasants , shewed themselves unexpectedly out of the woods , and anon they drew forth into the open field , and so set themselves within sight of the city , about five or six furlongs from the suburbs . when this was perceived , the alarm was given , and the citizens hasten to their armes , and place themselves on the walls ; yet not knowing who they were , and with what intent they came , and wondring much , why , according to the custome they did not send forth a trumpeter . ( for that which they did bruit abroad afterwards , and many perhaps beleeved , that the lesnians gave the occasion of hostility by killing their trumpeter , is just nothing : heaven and earth will bear witnesse that this was devised meerly to colour over the hainousness of the fact : ) at length they begin their work with firing a brick-kiln , that stood not far from the suburbs . then the swedish troopers ( about one hundred and fifty in number ) which were already mounted & gone out of the city , going a little farther , encountered with the enemy in light skirmishes , for the space of two hours ; in which many of the poles , and some of the swedes were slain . but while the swedes were earnest with the citizens for some help , as it were to defend the suburbs from further burning , some were drawn forth ( about seventy of the younger citizens ) who mixed themselves rashly and confusedly among the horse-men ; which when the poles saw , they feighned a flight , returning towards the wood : but as soon as they perceived that they had drawn them far enough from the walls , they wheeled about , some fetching a compass to come behind the lesnians , and so to get between them and home , and the rest returning straight upon them , fell on in a full body . the swedish horse when they saw this , turned their backs , leaving the foot to the mercy of the enemy ; but the poles followed them so close at heels , that two colours ( about four hundred men ) passed through the suburbs to the very gate , and wanted but little of entering the city it self with them , had not some good confident fellow , ventured to step in between , and bar the gate against them , while others of the citizens sent a showr of bullets among them , and so beat them back : so the poles being glad to stop , yea , and retire ( just at sun-set ) set fire on the outward parts of the suburbs , and burnt some granaries and wind-mills , thereby making the whole night light to us ; while themselves returned through the wood to oseczno , which the germans call storoknest . the city being thus filled with fear , spent the whole night without sleep ; the men in watching upon the walls , and the women in gathering themselves together in the market-places and church-yards , and other open places , and there wearying heaven with psalms and prayers to god. when the morning came , and no enemy appeared , the citizens went forth and fetched in the slain to bury them ; among whom were found about forty citizens , but above a hundred of the poles , and among them their chief commander himself , cresky , who formerly had taken pay under the swedish general banier , and was accounted more expert then the rest : in the mean time it was hotly reported that the administrator of the county and many of his retinue were wanting and gone ; whereupon the courage of the citizens began to fail , and they went to the senate , to desire leave to send away their wives & children , that if the enemy should come again they might be the more couragious in defending themselves , not being daunted with the out-cryes and tears of the women . some disswaded them with good reasons , saying , that those that should be sent forth under pretence of convoying the rest in safety , would not return again , and so the rest of the citizens should be left in greater fears ; that the spartans of old were wont to take their wives & children to the war , with them , that having them in their eyes , they might fight the more stoutly for their safety . but all was in vain , though the swedish commanders also endeavoured to hinder the flight of the richer sort , which they could not do , being overcome with the cryes of the multitude . there were some ecclesiasticks also who desired leave to depart for a few dayes , because that the antichristian fury was bent chiefly against them : but the senate left it to their consciences , whether in such a case they could leave the people then when they would most need instruction and comfort ; especially if wounded and dying . but the others persisted in their importunity , and there went out before noon about three hundred waggons , which were all that could be got in the city . after this there followed some quietness , with hopes that the enemy would return no more , having found by experience how well able the lesnians were to defend themselves and theirs ; and perhaps they had never returned indeed ( as it was know afterwards ) had they not been encouraged by that hight of the citizens : for two dayes after the twenty eight of april , there was a letter delivered to the consul from the commanders of the polish forces , in which they demanded the surrender of the city , and gave them hope of good usage ; but if they would not embrace that offer , they then threatned to destroy them with fire and sword , having now such an addition of foot souldiers , that they were able to take the city by storm . they added moreover that they had received a letter from the lord treasurer , wherein he intreated them to spare his lesna upon their submission , saying , that he had already given them a command to set open their gates . if ever there were indeed any such command , it must needs have been suppressed by some one ; so that the citizens never knew of it ; otherwise they would have provided a little better for the safety of themselves and their goods . but so it must needs be , that our sins ( through others treachery ) should be brought to punishment . this message of the poles to the senate did wonderfully daunt the citizens ; for these things were not kept secret , but before the consul could call together the senate and the commanders of the souldiery , the report thereof had run through the whole city , as also that there was very little gun-powder left , and they had not wherewithal to defend themselves ; so that the citizens being taken with a pannick fear , cast away their weapons and courage together , and betook themselves to flight ; especially when presently after , they who were on the guard , discovered the body of the enemies coming the same way they came before ; for they forsaking every man his station , hasted home , advising their wives , children , and neighbours to flye , themselves leaving their weapons upon the walls , or at the gates ; or afterwards casting them away in the fields , that they might not be a burden to them . when the swedish souldiers saw the citizens thus in amaze and running away , they also soon mounted , not to meet the enemy ( as before ) but to run away too from the face of the enemy . then followed the senate in such a trembling fit of fear , that every one run out at the gate that was next him , or over the very forts and ditches ; so that in one hours space , a most populous city was left destitute of inhabitants : save a company of sick and aged people , and a few others that could not so suddenly get away , or for some other cause were necessitated to await the issue . but all hastened to those moorish woods , by which poland is parted from silesia , in such confusion , that when the nearest passes ( towards thorlang and krosken ) were not wide enough , they tumbled by troops to other passes ( strizwik , prybisch , and hundsloch ) that were more remote . the swedish troops went to fraustad , and from thence , taking the garrison along with them , towards meseritz : but the passage through the moors was very difficult , in regard that the company crouding one upon another , as if the enemy were just at their heels , did not onely many of them stick in the deep mud ( in vain crying out for help to those that passed by , every one being solicitous only for his own preservation ) but were also mired and lost ! here children lost their parents , and parents their children , wives their husbands , and one friend another ; so that they could scarce find one another again ; in two , three , and four days time . the enemy by a trumpeter , who was sent to posnania gate enquired what the citizens meant to do ; to whom john kolechen , a learned citizen , and well acquainted with many of the nobility ( in confidence whereof , having sent away his wife he adventured to stay ) came forth and answered , that the gates stood open , the swedish enemies were gone , and the rest of the citizens stood to their courtesie , and desired their favour . a little after that , came the illustrious grzymaltowsky with many of the nobility to the same gate , and when the aforesaid kolechen , with another in his company , had gone out to them and scarcely perswaded them that the city was forsaken , and that there was no treachery ; they went in , and when they were disposed into the next fair houses , they were entertained with a noble supper ( which was prepared to sweeten them a little , if it might be ) and had plenty of wine out of dlugosses cellar , who was a rich senator . at last when they were half drunk , they set upon kolechen with threats , and would have made him their prisoner , but that he escaped wonderfully out of their hands , and saved himself by flight . but they durst not stay all night in the city , for fear the swedes and citizens should set upon them unawares out of some ambuscado ; and so they returned to their own company , and in the morning with many hundred waggons they came back , killing all they met , and setting themselves to plunder the city . here then you might have seen strange examples of barbarous cruelty on the one side , and blockish folly on the other . for though no man made resistance , yet like mad dogs they flew upon all that either came out or were drawn out of the holes wherein they had hid themselves . of some they pulled out their eyes ; of some they cut off their noses and tongues ; of others they cut off their hands and feet ; others they stabbed and slashed , and so butchered them with innumerable wounds , that it could not be known who they were : and ( which was more ) they spared not his highness , prince frederick , landgrave of hassia , though dead , whom they had slain half a year before at costena , and who was decently embalmed by the lessians , and kept laid up in the chappel of the new-church upon a scaffold , till he might be transported to his own country : they first rifled his coffin , which was handsomely adorned , taking away his silver and guilt keyes , and all the silk that was about it ; then they set upon the princes corps , and took away his silk robe , lined with ermines , and so left him once again naked , and lying on the ground . but ( after the burning of the city , his body being found in the same place , untouched by the fire ) he was cloathed again by the ancient lesnians , and put up in his coffin , and buried in a certain place , where he is still honourably kept . but that mad rabble shewed abundance of folly in this , that whereas they might have made lesna their nest ( the swedes having garrisoned themselves in the strongest places of the province ) or at least might have gathered together the richest of the plunder ; ( for there was such abundance of victuals , wares , housholdstuff of all sorts , and treasure that was brought hither from other places , as to a place of safety , that a thousand waggons could scarce have carried it away in many dayes ) yet such was their over-eager desire of their destroying this hated city , that the very same day ; yea before noon , they set fire to the city and suburbs in every street , ( for the waggons which they brought with them were not empty , but loaded with torches , pitch , straw , and such other combustible matter ) and so cruelly destroyed that most pleasant city , together with all that abundance of all sorts of things that was in it . this fire lasted three whole dayes , and there were those that took care that nothing should scape it ; for when the new-buildings of the new-churches , did not easily take fire , they brought straw , pitch , and dry wood ; and put under the roofs and the in-side of the steeples , and so forced them to take fire : and they came again upon the third day ( . may ) and whatsoever was left they set fire to again . they burnt also the very wind-mills , whereof there were seventy about the city ; and a very pleasant park of the countesses , which lay close by the castle ; that every place might be filled with spectacles of cruelty , and at length it might come to be said , en cineres ubi lesna fuit ! where fairest lesna stood of old , now nought but ashes we behold ! the citizens sadly beholding these flames some miles off , ran thither next day by troops ; whether out of a desire of quenching the fire ( if it were possible ) or else to save something out of the flames ; ( for most through fear had gone away empty handed ) but the enemy came upon them ; and although they stoutly defended themselves , and slew many of their enemies , yet many of themselves were slain ; and many others also on the dayes following , when some villages that belonged to the county of lesna , and were inhabited by professors of the gospel , were in like manner burnt down . there perished in these flames many aged and sick people , that could not get away ; besides such abundance of houses , houshold-stuff of all sorts , precious wares , corn ( many thousand bushels whereof were brought hither ) libraries and other things , that the loss would amount to many tuns of gold ; and many thousands were thereby reduced to meer beggery . but that which was saddest of all , was , that the church of the faithful , that was here gathered together out of divers places and countryes , to enjoy the pure worship of god , was so utterly overthrown , that it cannot but cry out with sion of old , when it was rased by the babylonians , lament . . and . o all ye that pass by , behold and see , if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger ! for he hath sent a fire into my bones , and it prevaileth against me ; he hath made me a desolation , so that i am not able to rise up ; my children are desolate , because the enemy prevailed . sion spreadeth forth her hands , and there is none to comfort her . i called for my lovers , but they deceived me . mine enemies chased me sore , like a bird , without cause . they have cut off my life in the dungeon . thou drewest near in the day that i called upon thee : thou saidst , fear not ; it is of the lords mercies that we are not consumed , because his compassions fail not . it must not be concealed what wonder hapned the first day of the burning of the city about evening , at czirna ( which is the first town of silesia , next to lesna , about two miles distant ) some of the lesnians went out to look upon the sad smoke of their country ; and as they were looking , there fell from the clouds which carried the smoke over silesia , together with the soot , a leaf of burnt paper , which when they took up , they found to be a leaf of the bohemian bible , containing the th . and part of the th . chapters of matthew ; where those words of christ came first to sight , with what measure ye meet , it shall be measured to you again ; with many other of christs exhortations to trust in the fatherly providence of god. this leaf was presented to the lord of the place ; and a lesnian physitian , who was there by chance , that read and interpreted it , and divers others , can bear witness to the truth hereof ; and the lord of the place laid it up among his rarities ! what now should sion do , but cry out under the cruel oppression of the enemy , render unto them a recompence , o lord , according to the works of their hands , lament . . . and indeed god began to revenge his peoples wrongs the fourth day after , when they furiously assaulted costena , a town four miles from lesna , where they were often repulsed stoutly by the swedish garrison ; and having suffered a great slaughter ( about five hundred of them being wanting ) they were forced to retire in great confusion . the like also they met withall at kalissia , and other places , being slain and put to flight by the swedes . herein it hapned unto them much after the same manner , as it did to tilly formerly when he had ruined magdeburg , the god of vengeance manifesting himself the avenger of his people : and now they begin to acknowledge and upbraid one another with their folly ; the nobles , in that they have spoiled their mart and treasury ; and the clergy , in that it is hapned otherwise than they intended . for their purpose was , utterly to ruine the hereticks ( as they term them ) with their nest ; but now that they see the nest spoiled , and the birds saved , it is much more matter of grief and vexation than of joy to them . for here god performed what he promised of old to baruch , i will give thee ( in the midst of thy countryes ruines ) thy life for a prey , jer. . . so god gave to thousands of his worshippers , who were snatched out of the midst of those ruines , their life for a prey , having set bounds to the fury of the devil , which he could not pass ; as he did of old , when he gave job into his hands , as to all that he had , but so , that he should spare his life . blessed be the name of the lord. truly we have cause to say with david ( psalm . ) if it had not been the lord who was on our side , when men rose up against us , then they had swallowed us up quick , when their wrath was kindled against us , then the waters had overwhelmed us , the stream had gone over our soul ; then the proud waters had gone over our soul : blessed be the lord , who hath not given us a prey to their teeth : our soul is escaped , as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers ; the snare is broken , and we are escaped ; our help is in the name of the lord , who made heaven and earth . oh the wonderfull providence of our god! which then saves when he seems to have forsaken , and then makes alive where he seems to have killed . we had been undone , if we had not been undone : we had been undone in our lives , those furies gathering together soon after , in far greater troops , if we had not been undone in our estates , which were left to them for a prey by our flight ( which the fatherly providence of god , fore-seeing greater evils , procured , by sending that fright among us . ) blessed be the name of the lord again and again : we notwithstanding , with other afflicted ones , in what nation soever , whom that proudest babylonian flood of waters seeks to swallow up , will not cease to cry , how long , o lord , wilt thou be angry with thy people ? how long shall thy jealousie burn like fire ? o remember not against us former iniquities ; let thy tender mercies speedily prevent us , &c. psalm . and with the souls of those that were slain for the word of god , that lie under the altar of christs merits , for whose faith we are killed , how long ( o lord ) holy and true , dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth ! rev. . , . the delegates of these poor persecuted protestant churches coming over into england to move for a contribution towards the relief of their distressed brethren , published this ensuing narrative . the utmost fury of antichrist against the protestants or reformed church of the bohemian confession in poland , set down in a brief ( but faithful ) narrative , and according to the truth of the matter . the spouse of jesus christ , she who in the cradle was besprinkled with the blood of a protomartyr , hath alwayes brought forth into the world men like abel or stephen , that so there might never be wanting to cry from the earth unto god , and that the wounds of that rose which lies among the thorns of persecution might not be concealed . every age , and every year in each age , and every moneth and day in each year , hath produced new inundations of blood unto this day ; and yet the little flock of the lord hath alwayes encreased under persecutions , one while here , another there , shifting their seats and habitations . while it pleased god by the means of wicklef to kindle the light of the gospel in great britain , john huss asserted the truth of jesus christ in the midst of thick darknesse of popery in bohemia , many thousands being stirred up by god to receive it , who despising all the cruelty of tyrants , received it with joy , untill by gods assistance they took rooting in the kingdom , and grew up into flourishing churches . in a short time after , antichrist breathing out his fury , the truth was banished out of bohemia , and the confessors being driven out , transplanted the gospel into poland ; where being favourably entertained by king sigismond , they in a short time encreased to so great a number , that being little inferiour to the papists , they were able to boast of an equal authority and priviledges with them . hence it came to passe that the kings at their coronations were wont , not only to promise , but solemnly to swear protection to such as disagreed from the roman religion , and therefore they proceeded not to open persecutions , save only in those cities where the jesuits had seated themselves in power ( to wit ) cracovia , posen , lublin , vilna , &c. where , by their disciples , and by stirring up the common people to fury , the churches of the reformed professors were a good while ago demolished , and divers ministers cruelly massacred . neverthelesse the malice of the enemies being no whit allayed , they were many ways afflicted , first indirectly , afterwards by pretences under colour of law , until those churches being worn out by degrees , and overthrown , were not many years ago reduced to a very inconsiderable number , especially when as in the reign of the late king , the enemies being confident they might do any thing , brought things to this passe at length , that there were no more than twenty one congregations remaining in the greater poland , and those also ready to perish . but among these twenty one remaining churches , the chief , and as it were the mother of them all , was that of lesna , which was divided into three congregations , the bohemian , the polonian and the german ; each of which had their own pastors , but the communicants joyntly were about two thousand : therefore it was that this church was in the first place exposed to the enemies malice , and of late designed to the slaughter , as well by reason of its being very much frequented and grown famous , as also because of the synod there usually celebrated , as likewise a famous university and printing-house , and books frequently published to the world . when therefore in the year . the swedish army out of pomerania drew near to the borders of poland , and the nobility were summoned to arms , according to the custome of the countrey , it came to passe that the papists brake forth into many furious expressions , crying out , that the hereticks had invited the enemy , and therefore they were first of all to be put to the sword and extirpated ; which reports , though most falsly scattered abroad ( for the searcher of the heart and the reins knoweth , that we never so much as dreamt of it ) yet they easily found credit among the sworn enemies of the gospel , who sought nothing more than our ruine . hereupon they who first consulted to agree with the swedish army , being terrified by its power , concluded about the surrender of all great poland into the kings protection , and namely , the royal cities of posen , calissen , meserick , &c. to which also lesna was expressely added : in a little time after they endeavoured to cast off the swedish yoke , and turned their arms not against the swedes , but first against our evangelical professors , as conspiring with the swedes upon the account of religion , and none of them scrupled to take revenge upon them . they first of all set upon those of lesna , with resolution of putting all to the sword , and destroying that heretical city by fire , and they had effected both , unlesse god had by sending some persons before , who by signifying the coming of the enemy , and with what intent they came , had possest the citizens with a panick fear , so that leaving all their estates , they every man fled ; and thus within the space of one hour , a most populous city abounding with all manner of wealth , was left without inhabitants , who in a miserable condition wandered then into the neighbouring woods and marishes into silesia . but the polish nobility with their army entring the city , did what they pleased , slaying a number of decrepit old people , and sick persons that were not able to save themselves by flight ; then the city it self was first plundred , and afterwards so destroyed by fire for three dayes together , that no part of it remained beside rubbish and ashes . in what manner they would have handled the citizens , especially their pastors , they shewed by their heroick actions performed in other places , by the most savage slaughtering of divers ministers of the church , and other faithful members of christ , of both sexes ; for of all that they laid hold on , they gave not one man quarter , but very cruelly put them to death with most exquisite tortures . they endeavoured to force master samuel cardus , pastor of the church of czuertzinen , to renounce his religion , after they had taken him , and miserably handled him with all manner of cruelty ; but he stoutly resisting , they first put out his eyes , and led him about for a spectacle , then they pulled off his fingers-ends with pincers ; but he not yet condescending to their mad fury , they found out a new kinde of torment , poured molten lead into his mouth , and at length while he was yet half alive , they clapt his neck between folding doors , and violently pulling them together , severed his head from his body . they took john jacobides , pastor of the church of dembnick , and alexander wartens his colleague , and another that was in company with them , as they passed through the toun of lubin , and hurrying them up and down for divers hours , and grievously handling them after the manner of tyrants , then last of all cutting their throats with a razor , threw them headlong , while they were yet breathing , into a great pit , which had been before-hand prepared for their martyrs , and stifled them by casting down dung and dirt upon them . they a great while pursued andrew oxlitius a young man designed for the ministery , whom after long seeking , they at last found in the open field , and in the end having taken him , they cut off his head with a sithe , chopping it into smal pieces , and the dead carcase also they slasht in a barbarous manner . the same fate befell adam milta , a citizen of lesna ; but they more grievously handled an old man of above seventy , whose name was simon priten , and many others , whose names it were too tedious to relate . of that barbarous execution which they did upon the weaker sex , there were besides other examples , horrid trophies of cruelty erected in the said city of lesna : a pious matron there , who was the mother of three children , not being able quick enough to leave the city , and being slain in the open street , they cut off her hands , & feet , & cutting off her childrens heads , they laid two of them at her breasts , and the third by her side . in like manner , another woman having her hands and feet cut off , and her tongue cut out , being inclosed and bound in a sack , lived the space of two dayes , making most miserable lamentation . grief forbids us to adde more ; for they behaved themselves so furiously towards us , that there remains not an example of any one man saved of all those that happened to fall into their hands . it is notoriously known how that fury of theirs tyrannized also over the dead ; some they dragg'd out of their graves , and cut in pieces , as at zichlin ; others they exposed naked for a publick spectacle , as at lesna ; of which outragious action we had an example , even in the dead body of the most serene landgrave of hassia , which was drawn out of the grave , who was heretofore slain in a most barbarous and tyrannical manner at koscian , but buried by our friends at lesna . the like was acted also upon the body of the most noble arciszevius , heretofore the valiant admiral of the hollanders in brazile , which was likewise dragg'd out of the grave , and being stript of the grave-clothes , was found after the firing of lesna . there are divers other examples , which the christian reader may finde in the book , entituled , lesnae excidium , faithfully written , and lately set forth in print ; but they are such examples onely as are commonly known ; for who is able to relate all things in particular ? as burning men alive , drowning others with stones tied about their necks , &c. now lesna being destroyed , the fury of the enemy proceeded to the persecutions of others ; they in a short time utterly demolished all our congegations , not onely driving away the pastors , but also either burning or leaving most of the temples desolate , as at karmin , dembnick , skochy , czriuczin , &c , yea and the auditories themselves were either slain ( as in the town of skochy , where there was a very flourishing church of the bohemian exiles ; sixty persons , both men and women were cruelly put to death ) or else they were scattered abroad , so that there remained not one place wherein the worship of god may be celebrated . lo , this is the most miserable state and condition of our churches ; moreover our countrey-men , to the number of five thousand , besides youths and children , being dispersed in banishment ( which hath now befallen most of us the second time ) especially throughout silesia , as also through the marck , lusatia , hungary , &c. find no comfort , but much misery , and are there exposed to the hatred and envy of men . we that are pastors dare not openly minister to our auditories with the word and sacraments , but onely in private meetings , or in woods among fenny places , god onely seeing us , who is witnesse of these calamities , and our comfort in extremities . indeed being thus destitute of all things , we lead a wretched life in banishment , being afflicted with hunger and nakednesse , and are become next to the most miserable waldenses , the greatest spectacle of calamity to the christian world ; for so it hath seemed good to that soveraign wisdome that governs all things , that we should be inheritors of the crosse and persecution of those men from whom we have derived the original of our doctrine and external succession : for truly we are the remaining progeny even of the waldenses , with whom being raised from the ashes of blessed huss , and with whom combining into the same holy fellowship of the faith and afflictions of christ , we have for two whole ages and more , been perpetually subject to the like storms of calamities , until at length we fell into this calamity , greater than ever was known in the memory of our fathers , and which threatens us with utter destruction , unlesse god prevent it . the truth is , this businesse constrains us to amazement and tears , greater than can be exprest in words , to set forth our affliction and sorrow : if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies , we desire that this affliction of joseph may be recommended , especially to all that are of the houshold of faith. let them not suffer those to perish whom the same faith , and the same spirit of christ hath joyned with them in so near a relation ; we beseech them in the name of christ , that they would rather make haste to relieve those who are ready to perish , we being assured that we suffer this persecution upon no other account , than for the confession of the truth , from those enemies who have acted such things as these are against us in times past , and are now at length by gods permission , pouring out their fury upon us . signed in the name of the said distressed churches , by their delegates and now exiles for the cause of christ ; adam samuel hartman , pastor of the church of lesna in poland , and rector of the famous university there . paul cyril a late member of the university of lesna . a brief representation of the protestant cause in germany . in what case it hath been , since the peace of munster ; and how it stood in the year . and how it is now this present year . the justice of the late civil warres in germany , which were composed at the peace concluded in munster and osnaburgge in the year . was grounded upon this ; that the protestants were necessitated to enter into a league or mutual union together , for the maintaining of their rights and priviledges in the empire , against the infections thereof , and manifold disturbances of their profession , which contrary to former agreements at imperial dyets , did befal unto them in many places by the popish and jesuites practices , whereof they could obtain no redresse by any peaceable treaties : therefore finding that there was a design formed in the conclave , and by the house of austria , to be put in execution , tending by little and little to wear out and deprive them of their liberties ; they formed an union among themselves , to stand upon the defence of their rights , and to oppose the power of the house of austria , by whose means , both in germany and in bohemia , the jesuites did drive the design of rooting out protestants . the head of this union ( who by his place was bound to appear in it ) was the elector palatine : but he being a soft man , of no experience in war , and beset in his counsels and enterprises with such as did betray him , the cause was soon overthrown ; and by his overthrow , the intended persecution against protestants to root them out , what by power , and what by policie , was openly carried on by the house of austria ; which moved the king of denmark christian the iv. and after him the king of sweden , to come upon the stage : the dane was soon overthrown , but god gave such successe unto the swedes , to the landgrave of hessen their associate , and to the french ; ( who joyned with them to ballance the power of austria , after the elector of saxony had made his peace at prague with the emperour , and deserted the protestant interest ) : that from the death of king gustavus , they continued the war with various successes till the year . at which time the swedish being masters in bohemia , and the emperour brought so low , that he saw little hopes to recover his strength without a peace , he yielded to the conditions which the protestants and the french stood upon . the swedish stood upon their satisfaction , and to keep a foot in the empire , to be able upon all occasions to secure or help the protestant party ; and the protestant princes they stood upon the setling of all things and of themselves in their former rights and possessions , as before the war ; and chiefly upon this point the reformed party and the landgrave of hessen , who headed them , stood , that thence forward the reformed protestants ( alias called calvinists ) should have equal freedom and liberty of conscience , for the exercise of their profession in the empire , with the papists and lutherans . this condition being obtained , and a way determined to give the agrieved parties in point of dammage further satisfaction , armies were dismissed , a new convention of states was held at nurenberg , to settle the remaining matters within the empire , which at munster and osnabrugge could not well be handled , by reason of the treatie with forreigne states , and afterward a dyet was called at ratisbon , to confirme all what formerly had been treated on and concluded , and to put the remainder of grievances in a way to be rectified : to which effect at the dissolution or rather adjournment of the imperial dyet at ratisbon , a committee of deputies from all the states of the empire , of equal number of both parties , ( that is , so many of the protestants as of the popish partie ) were named to meet at franckford , and prepare ( by way of disquiry of rights ) the matters then remaining undecided , that at the next session of the dyet , there might be a full decision and determination of them ; but before these delegates did meet , the elector of mentz did broach a new quarrel with the elector palatine , tending to abridge him of much of his right , and to make him inconsiderable to the protestant party ; but the king of sweden his cousin ( for he is a younger brothers son of the house palatine ) and the landgrave of hessen his brother in law , did appear for him so farre , that the emperor and the elector of mentz fearing a new breach on his behalf , did leave him unmolested . soon after the composure of this quarrel , the committee of imperial deputies , met according to the appointment of the last dyet at ratisbon , and they have continued at franckford , debating and disputing one with another concerning their respective rights , in the several cases which remained undetermined . this meeting of deputies hath agitated matters in the years — — . till these new affairs were come into consideration , which the king of sweden his war with poland hath occasioned : for from that time that he went into poland and prospered there , the deputies although they did not dissolve their meeting , yet did in a manner alter the course of their treating one with another , as looking much upon the event of that war , till the death of the late emperour hath altered the scene , and a dyet for the election of a new emperour hath been called . the king of swedens war with poland , did alarm the popish party in germany , and the house of austria extremely : and did terrifie the states of the low-countreys , lest if he should be master of the baltick sea , their trade should be thenceforward under his power , with whom they had no friendly correspondence , by reason of some reciprocally conceived injuries , for which they could not trust him . this moved those of holland who are the chief traders in those seas , to stir up enemies against him , and openly to appear for , and correspond with dantzick to oppose him : and it is known to the swedish , that they have dealt underhand with the muscovite , with the polish king , with the austrians , and above-board with the king of denmark , to combine against him ; by which means after that he had conquered poland , his forces were distracted , first to oppose the muscovite in livonia , who besieged riga ; and afterward to put himself in a defensive posture against the austrians , who came to the assistance of the king of poland ; and lastly , to retire from poland into germany , to oppose the danish forces , who had invaded his territories of bremen . being come into germany upon this design , he did conquer from the king of denmark the last summer all hostein and jutland , and although by these conquests he was able to live in his quarters in the winter : yet his enemies being round about him on all hands , and he having neither money , nor convenient places to recruit his army , it was expected , that in the spring the combination of his enemies who compassed him about , would have swallowed him up : but god was pleased to appear for him , and direct him in a way to escape and overcome these difficulties : for in january last , he formed his design to assault the other territories of the danish king ; namely the islands which lie between germany and the continent of sweden , and to that effect had prepared his men to march over into fuenen , either by a bridge of ships if the sea were not frozen so as to bear : or over the ice , if it should be strong enough : having then notice gotten , that towards the latter end of january the ice did bear , he took of horse and foot not above six or seven thousand , and therewith did march over the sea into funen , where the danish king had placed his chief forces to defend the place . and although some dangetous and dreadfull accidents did befal him in that his march over the sea , yet he went on and fought the danish forces more in number than he had with him , which on firm land stood in a readinesse to receive him , and beat them , took the chief commanders prisoners , and the spoil of the island , which is one of the richest that belongs to that kingdom . having made himself master of that island , he went forward to the next island , over the sea , called langland , where he found a body of five hundred men to resist him , but being charged , they were instantly defeated ; so he went from thence to the next called laland , and from thence to falster , and from falster to zeland , the frost still continuing to make a bridge for him in all these marches . and from the time he came into funen , till he entred zeland , he spent onely five or six dayes . in zeland ( where the king of denmark was at coppenhagen ) m. medows , the publick minister of the state , sent from thence to reside with the king of denmark , came to him and desired him to admit the king of denmark to a treaty ; this he condescended unto , and by the interposition of m. medows and of the french ambassadour ( for he would not admit the hollands ambassadour to be a mediator ) the place was concluded about the twentieth of february , after twelve dayes treaty . the conditions are , that he restore to the king of denmark all what he had taken from him in germany , namely holstein , and jutland , and the islands of fuenen , langland , laland , falster , and zealand ; and in lieu thereof the king of denmark quits unto him all his rights in the provinces of haland and schonen , and of blieken , which are the continent of sweden , on the north side of the sound ; and doth moreover surrender unto him the island of bornholm , and the lordships of bahusen , and of drunthen in norway , which lie most convenient to cause the trade of sweden to flourish . some other conditions there are , but lesse considerable . the peace being concluded and ratified by both kings , the king of denmark feasted the king of sweden for certaine dayes , and at several times both kings were together alone , for the space of two or three hours at a time , whereby it is conceived that they have contracted a nearer and stricter alliance together , than the publick treatise can mention . this being done , the king of sweden went into his own countrey ; and hath convocated the states of his kingdom at gottenburg , to dispose of his affairs with their advice , and to take up further resolutions in time to come . this unexpected and miraculous successe of the swedish kings enterprise , hath disappointed all the counsels and plots of his adversaries against him , for which he is obliged to none but unto god alone : and from hence his friends have just cause to gather , that god hath raised him out of his straits , and redoubled his strength to make further use of him towards the advancement of the common cause of protestants , in whose behalf he concluded the peace at munster , and which he thinks himself in conscience and honour obliged to see maintained for the protestant interest ; tanquam altera pars paciscens , as in a letter of his to the emperour he did expresse himself . so that it seems the protestant cause in germany will finde in him a protector of so much courage and resolution , and conduct , as any that could be expected or desired : and it is known to all that know him , that he is earnestly bent to take away the differences , and advance the reconcilement of protestants within themselves : and that he makes no difference between lutherans ( as they are called ) and calvinists , but makes use of both alike , according to their abilities , as he findes them fitted for employment to forreign affairs : for within the kingdom of sweden , no forreigners , and none but lutherans , are to be admitted to the civil charges of trust ; others are employed in military charges , both there and elsewhere , according to their deserts . but presently after the elector of brandenburg was by subtile artifices withdrawn from the king of sweden , and joyned with the emperour , and the king of poland against him : the king of denmark was prevailed with to break his late-made league , and the states of the united provinces have joyned with the dane against him ; and god having taken away his great friend oliver lord protector , he hath conflicted with many and great difficulties , and yet hitherto god hath upholden him from sinking under them . what the issue will be , time must discover . finis . a table of all the principal things contained in this general martyrologie . a anabaptists wickedness pag. anger implacable apostacy dangerous , , , , , , , , , , apostates wickedness , , b bibles , & sacred scriptures burnt , , , , , , , bibles in french first printed blasphemy , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ▪ c charity of christians , , , , , , , , , , , chastity eminent children martyred , , , , , , , , , children encouraged by their parents to sufferings , , , , , , christ preferred above all , , , christians slandred as the authors and causes of mischief , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , christians murthered in churches , , , christians reproached , comfort at death , , , , , , , , conscience evil constancy of gods children , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , conversions strange , , , , , , , . . , courage and constancy of gods children , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , cruelty of heathens to gods people , , , , , , , , , , . cruelty of heriticks to them , , , , , , , . cruelty of papists to them , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , &c. , , , , &c. , , , &c. , &c. , &c. . d devils subtilty dissimulation , , , , , , , . e edicts good edicts , and lawes cruel ▪ , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . envie examples prevalent f faith of gods children . , , , , , , , , false witnesses famines terrible , , , , , . fasting , and prayer fidelity flattery , flight in time of persecution flight refused , , h hereticks profane , hereticks proud heretickes subtile , hereticks impudent heroical acts , humane frailty , , , , , , , , , , , , humility husbands malice against his wife hypocrisie , , , , i idolatry gross idolatry reformed jewes murthered refusing to fight on the sabbath ignorance , , jmage of apollo broken with lightning ingratitude , , , inquisition , begun , . joy unspeakable , , ● joy in tribulation , , , , , , , , . judgments of god . , , . l life refused love of christians . m meekness of christians ministers m●rtyred . , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ministers sheltred in times of persecution miracles . miracles of mercy , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . . n nobility true o ordination of ministers p patience of gods children in sufferings , , , , , , , , , , , , perfidiousness . . see popish perfidiousness . persecution spreads the gospel , , , , , . persecutors plagued by god , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , persecutors converted . . plagues terrible . . popish malice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . popish prrfidiousnesse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . popish subtilty . . . . . . . . . . &c. . . . . . . . . . . . . &c. popish uncleanness . . . . . . . . prayer in times of danger ● . . . . . prayer powerfull and prevalent . ● . . . . predictions and prophesies . . . . . . . pride . . profanness . . . . . . ●. providences special . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . prudence of chris●ians . . r recovery after falls . . . . . , . . . . . riches are snares s scismaticks plagued by god scismaticks bloody scismaticks profane scismaticks subtile scisme comes from pride , scriptures , see bible sectaries dangerous sin the forerunner of persecution . . . . son dutifull and loving southsayers wickedness , , , speeches excellent . , . . . . . . stories excellent . . . . . subtilty of the churches enemies . . . . . . success no sign of a good cause . sympathy synods t tentations resisted . . . . . ; , , , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . thanksgiving for mercies . thanksgiving for sufferings ▪ trechery rewarded . . v visions . w waldenses their opinions wife loving to her husband wisdom of christians see prudence witnesses false , plagued by god womens courage . z zeal . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . ● . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . finis . this book being printed most of it by the printed copy , i looked not over the proofes , and so through the carelesness of the correctors and compositors many faults have escaped , which i pray thee to amend with thy pen before thou readest the book errata in the general martyrologie . page line read him for them . l r india for indian . p l r whom for who . p l. . put in , cease to . l put in , to . p l r were for was . l r decree for degree . p l r adorning for adoreing . p l r this for his . l r com for cow . l r they for the. p l r that for the p l r stake for stalk . p l r also for all . p l r torturers for tortures . l r courtiers for countries . p l ult . put in , whosoever . p l r they for the. p l r was for were . l r prince for princes . p l r which for with . l r belief for relief . p l r edified for edifying . p l r they for the p. p l put in , whereupon . p l r enjoyned for enjoyed . p l r slaying for staying . p l r children for child . p l r receiving for receive . p l r sixty for sixtly . p l r opened for opening . p l put out , was . p l r retaining for restraining . p. l r their for they . p l r represented for presented . p l r approach for reproach . p l r die for are . l r bertrand for b●trand . p l r bosnia for bosina . l r when for where p. l r root for rout . p l ult . r delivered for discovered . p l r maundy for munday . p l r upon for of , cities for city . p l r buried for burnt . l r they for the. l r two for second . p l r catholick for cathe . p l r they for the. p l r breast for breasts . l r was for were . p l r hoary for heavy . p l put out should . p l r were for was . p l r this for his . l r for never no man , r no man ever . p l put in , free . p l put in , one . l r sent for set . p l r zeal for seal . p l put in , her . p l put in , took . p l r girls for gilts . l r burnt for burn . l r goodly for godly . l r macerating for macecrating . p l put in , of . p l r mouth for mouta . p l ult . r parisians for persians . p l put in , brought p l put out , and so . p l r short for shot . p l r leave for have . p l r whom for where . p l for infections r infractions . other literal faults are easily amended . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae . act. . . thes. . . lam. . , isa. . . pet. . . micha . . tim. . heb. . . luk. . . praemonitus praemunitus . notes for div a -e gen. . . gen. . . abel . noah . gen. . . gen. . . lot. isaac . jacob. joseph . th● israelites in egypt . moses . moses and aaron . israel in the time of the judges . jsrael in saul's time . david . king. . , . judah under the kings . asa persecutes a prophet . michaiah . gods judgement on persecutors . elijah . elisha . zechariah . chron. . . isaiah . jer. . , &c. jeremiah . the children . daniel . mordecai . israel after the captivity . nehe. . . and ● . ▪ . nehemiah . the jews persecuted by bagoses . prayer in times of danger . apostates . antiochus entred jerusalem . antiochus robs the temple . forbideth the daily sacrifice . his cruelty . christian courage . the scriptures burnt . matthias his zeal . a noble resolution . zeal . the jews murthered , refusing to fight on the sabbath day . matthias his sickness . his counsel to his sons . his death . apollonius slain . judas encouraged his souldiers . seron slain . antiochus his ●rpel command . fasting and prayer before the battel . his exhortation to his army a wonderfull v●ctory . gorgias flies . thanksgiving . prayer . lysias beaten . the temple cleansed . the service of god restored . the edomites overcome . the ammonites overcome . simons victories in galile . judas taketh bozra . overcometh timothy , timothy again overcome . ephron destroyed . thanksgiving for victory . a miracle of mercy . vain-glory punished . the idumaeans overcome . antiochus his horrible death . gods judgemente on persecator● . antiochus eupa●tor . bethsura besieged . eleazer slew , and is slain by an elephent . bethsura surrendred . the temple besieged . a speciall providence . perfidiousness . a just judgement . antiochus slain by demetrius the wickednes of apostates . bacchides sent against judas . perjury . perfidiousness . alcimus his subtilty and cruelty . nicanor sent against judas his subtility . judas in danger . judas forced to retreat . nicanors blasphemy . a terrible battel . nicanor slain . a just judgement . judas sends to the romans . a league between the jews and romans . bacchides sent ●gainst judas twenty thousand . judas his resolution . a terrible battel . judas slain . antiochus his cruel edict . constancy . subtilty . courage . eleazer cruelly beaten . his admirable patience . his zeal . his prayer at death . antiochus his subtilty . the seven brethrens courage maccabeus his torments . his resolute speech . his martyrdom . his speech at death . abers torments . or leopard . h●s speech at death . machir brought forth . his courage . his torments . his speech at death . judas his courage . his torments . his speech at death . achas his courage . his torments . his speech at death . areth his courage . his torments . his speech at death . jacob brought forth . antiochus his subtilty . his mother encourageth him . his noble courage . his torments . * lord. his last words . salamona's zeal . her speech to her children . her torments and death . see more of this before . mat. . , , . gods judgement on persecutors . herods miserable death . john baptist behe●ded . mat. . . gods judgements on herod for it . caius caligula . act. . , . the apostles beaten . steven stoned . paul persecuted . act. . , . a persecutor converted . james beheaded . peter escapeth death . gods judgement on herod paul and barnabas persecuted . paul stoned . paul and silas whipt . paul and silas again persecuted . act. . , , . sosthenes beaten . paul in danger acts . . pauls martyrdom . the martyrdom of james . his constancy in prayer . andrews martyrdom . philips martyrdom . bartholemew . thomas . matthew . simon zel. judas . matthias . mark. nicanor . notes for div a -e quinquennium neronis . nero sets rome on fire . the circus burnt down . nero charged it upon the christians . raiseth the first persecution . several kinds of torments . beastly cruelty . tertullians speech . peter and paul martyred . domitians character . he destroyes davids seed . st. john put into boiling oyl . banished into patmos . an excellent story ●f a young man. sim●on crucified . flavia banished . a cruel death . christians slandered . charged with sedition and rebellion ; and the causers of all publick calamities . christianos ad leones . the oath ex officio . variety of torments . burial denied them . protasius . gervasius . timothy and dionysius martyred . trajans persecution . pliny writes in the christians behalf . christianity accounted superstition . tertullians speech . the stock of david sought for . a just reward . phocus martyr . sulpitius , nereus and achilleus martyrs . adrian emp. alexander , herenes and quiri●us martyrs . zenon . ten thousand crucified . eustachius martyr . monstrous ingratitude . faustinus and jobita martyrs . more . eleutherius , anthea , and symphorissa martyrs . with her seven sons . quadratus his apology for the christians , and aristides , and serenus . christians falsly accused . an. pi. emp. shews them ●avour . an excellent law. polycarp martyr . germanacus . constancy . metrodorus . pionus apollggy and martyrdom . carpus , papilus and agathonica . felicitas and her seven children . justin ma●tyas apology and martyrdom . malice . ptolemaus . lucius . note . concordus . persecutions in france . gods providence . patience . divers torments ▪ vetius epagathus his zeal . humane frailty . christians slandered . sanctus . maturus . attalus . blandina . a miracle of mercy . tormentors , wearied . note . admirable constancy . a miracle of mercy . biblides . photinus . danger of apostacy . recovery after fals . alexander . note . blasphemy ▪ ponticus a boy of fifteen years old . joy unspeakable . blasphemy . justin martyr . alcibiades . clau. apolinaris and melito apologize for the christians . the thundring legion . a good edict . apollonius . a just reward of treachery . vincentius , eusebius , peregrinus and potentianus . zeal , julius . zeal . severus emperour . christians charged with sedition and rebellion , &c. leonides father of origen . zeal . plutarch . serenus . potamiena . marcella and rhais . b●silides his strange conversion . narcissus . false witnesses plagued by god. andoclus . asclepiades . irenaeus . tertullian . perpetua . felicitas . revocatus . satyrus . secundulus . zepherinus . urbanus . tiburtius . valerianus . cecilia . a great conversion . agape●us a boy of fifteen years old . gods judgement on a persecutor . calepodius . pamachius . martina . maximinus emperor . urbanus and philip. sectaries dangerous . note . probably it was by the terrors of his own conscience . decius emp. fabian martyr . a cruel edict . alexander martyr . babilus . peter . a south-sayer stirs up a persecution . metra martyr . quinta . the christian houses plundred . apollinia leaps into the fire . serapion . persecutors divided amongst themselves . the danger of riches . zeal . apostacy . julianus martyr , and cronion . macar . epim●chus . alexander . ammonarion . mercuria . dio●ysia . a boy of fifteen years old . nemesion . humane frailty . zeal . courage . ischirion . the miseries of christians . cheremon . dionys●us . a miracle of mercy . flight in persecution . courage of seven souldiers . nicetas his ra●e chastity . theodora condemned to the stews . her strange deliverance . cruelty . agathon . two ministers . secundianus . zeal . gods judgement on persecutors . serapions apostacy , and recovery . danger of apostacy . constancy . a vision . the beginning of the novatian schism . pride the cause of schism . a synod against novatus . aurelius . mappalicus . gods judgement on persecutors . a terrible plague . the brotherly love of christians . a special providence . cyprians consolatory letter . persecution stirred up by a sorcerer . sin the forerunner of persecution . a vision . christians charged as the causes of all plagues . confuted by cyprian and tertullian . cyprian martyr . sixtus and his deacons . the courage and constancy of laurence . the rage of tyrants . in all these things we are more then conquerors . dionysia . banished . the power of the word of god. gods providence . the cruel torments of the christians . priscus , malchus , alexander zeal . three hundred christians put into a lime-kiln . three virgins cruelly tormented . fructuosus . valerian em●peror . gods judgement on persecutors . marinus . asyrius . satans subtilty power of prayer . peace in the church . a special providence . p●ace causeth the church to flourish . sin the forerunner of persecution . contention amongst christians . p●ide . bibles burnt . cruel edicts . horrible torments . false accusations of christians . courage . humane infirmity . zeal . subtilty . constancy . a miracle of mercy . silvanus . pamphilus . tiranion . zenobius . sylvanus . peter . dorotheus . gorgonius . anthimus . dioclesian's wife . christians burnt in a church . a christian city burnt . eustratius , a persecutor converted and martyred . peter . a legion of christians martyred . inhumane c●uelty . cruel torments . hellish cruelty . admirable patience . courage and constancy . tormentors wearied . humane infirmity . the story of mauritius and his legion . a most christian speech . christian courage . the mercies of the wicked are cruelty . gods judgements on persecutors . hypocrisie . silvanus . lucianus . peter . quirinus . cruel torments gods judgements on persecutors . a terrible famine . pestilence . charity of christians ▪ gods judgements on persecutors . hypocrisie . wicked laws . cru●lty . theodorius . romanus's noble courage . true nobility . note . blasphemy . a child tormented . an appeal to christ. the childes martyrdom . gordius . courage . flattery . constancy . menas note . humane infirmity . fourty young gentlemen . tenta●ion of flattery . a mother encourageth her son to die . cyrius . john. athanasia . sebastian barlaam : vitalis ▪ constancy . agricola . vincentius . horrible cruelty . joy unspeakable . procopius . georg. zeal . hermogenes . eulalia . zeal . tentation . eulalia . horrible cruelty . agnes . tentation . courage . faith. a remarkable judgement . faith. julitta an excellent story . strength of faith. tentation . constancy . barbara . magit●a●s st●r up persecution . simeon . the persion king requ●●ed divine worsh●p . usthazares . zeal . recovery after fall . tentation . repentance . his martyrdom . simeon beheaded . pusices . his martyrdom . magicians authors of persecution . simeon sisters . slanders . b●shops and min●ste●s persecuted . andas . hormisda . constancy . suenes . benjamin . his apostacy . devilish subtilty . christians might not study . they may be in no offices . the most dangerous persecution . christ●ans made the object of scorn . barbarous cruelty . emilianus . domitius . theodorus . a miracle of mercy . artemius . two brethren martyrs . barbarous cruelty . marcus ar●thusius . courage . barbarous cruelty . cyrillus god's judgement on persecutors . maris●oldly ●oldly reproveth julian . blasphemy . devilish subtilty . christian wisdom . juventius and maxentius . christian courage . apollo's image broken with lightning . christians fined . athanasius driven away . courage . a special providence . blasphemy . zeal . courage . note . athanas●us accused of sedition . his miraculous deliverance . his banishment and danger . his miraculous deliverance . he is restored for a time , and again banished . christian virgins shamefully abused . the arrians cruelty . b. paul banished . subtilty . an. christi persecution raised by valens . he succeeded julian . miletius . eusebius . pelagius . an admirable story . courage . gods providence . eighty godly ministers burned . cruelty of hereticks . peter . cruelty . the emperour refused admonition . gods judgement ●n persecutors . bloody schismaticks . profane schismaticks . turbulent schismaticks . profane schismaticks . gods judgement on them . impure schismaticks . profane hereticks . cruelty of hereticks . prodigious ministers loaden with burthens . cruelty to infants . pampinian . hippo besieged . a special providence . pride . a noble earl martyred . an evil conscience . constancy . rome sacked . charity . gods providence . a special providence . moors converted . cruelty of hereticks . the bishop of habensa . christians murthered at a sermon . horrible profaness . armogastes tormented . a special providence . saturu's noble courage . tentation . resisted . gensericks death . manichaeans punished . eugenius chosen bishop . envy . cruelty of hereticks . constancy . constancy . barbarous cruelty . multitudes banished . foelix . tentation . constancy . an excellent story . cruelty of hereticks . cyprians sympathy . charity . barbarous cruelty . a special providence . subtilty of hereticks . pride of hereticks . unjust cruelty . a confession of ●aith . a wicked edict . cru●lty of hereticks . devillish subtilty . a wicked sentence . dionysia . impudence of hereticks . courage . she encourageth her son . the benefit of good examples . slanders . tentation . courage and constancy . gods mercy . many burned in a ship . admirable courage and comfort . tentation . constancy of a boy . an excellent example of an heathen . profaness of hereticks . the destruction of the persecuting vandals . sin the forerunner of persecution . notes for div a -e the f●●st reformers ▪ peter valdo . charity . popish malice . christian courage . pope alexander raiseth persecution . god● providence . persecution spreads the gospel . king of france persecutes them . many burnt . the spreading of the gospel . malicious slanders . vindication . the greate enc●ease of the waldenses . popish rage and malice . five burnt at collen . a bloody edict against the waldenses . they defend themselves by arms. valdo's zeal and courage . sang●i● martyrum , semen ecclesia . dominicans instituted . inquisitors begun , an. chri. · injustice . prodigious cruelty . a knight burned . a disputation between the popelings and the waldenses . the popelings bafled . horrible cruelty . the number of the waldenses . their godly lives . good pastors . persecution raised . popish cruelty ▪ in pragela . popish malice . infants starved to death . popish cruelty . frassiniere ▪ popish cruelty . the king forbids the persecution . yet the arch-bishop continues it . popish malice . slanders . ja pateneri the arch-bishops cruelty . gods judgement on persecutors . popish lies . gods providence . popish subtilty barbarous crueltie .. a girevous persecution . the lieutenant repulsed . plain dealing . popish uncleannesse . in dauphine . the weaknesse of a woman . the innocency of the waldenses . popish subtilty and injustice . a speciall providence . in piedmont . love. popish malice . slanders . persecution in piedmont . cruelty . cat. girard . popish malice . prayer . profanenesse . a just judgement . a specall prouidence . gods judgement on persecutors gods mercy . slanders . zeole and courageth . persecution renued . constancy . the antiquity of the faith. unity . zeal . the first french bibles printed . one of them drowned . a speciall providence . the pope stirs up persecution . courage . a special providence . bar. hector . persecution . renewed . profanenesse . prudence . popish malice . the german prince interceds for them . popish malice . a great persecution . humane infirmity . popish malice . a speciall providence . treachery . prodigious villany . a miracle of mercy . a special providence . popish subtilty . popish dissimulation and perfidiousness . fasting and prayer . a special providence . power of prayer . profaneness . a special providence ▪ a just reward . prayer . a speciall providence . popish subtilty perfidiousness , papist trechery a notable story . a speciall providence . barbarous cruelty . gods judgement on persecutors . uncleannesse . popish perfidiousness . their ministers sent away . cruelty . barbarous cruelty . prayer in danger . a league . a good resolution . images demolished . a speciall providence . popish subtilty . a special providence . gods providence . joy in tribulations . prayer in danger . speciall providences . thanksgiving ▪ a speciall providence . prayer . the enemies every where beaten . prayer in danger . a speciall providence . scorners punished . subtilty . per●idiousnesse . the spaniards●epulsed ●epulsed . peace obtained bar. copin zeal . christ best of all . tentation . constancy . his exhortation to his wife and children copin murthered gods providence . their holy lives . their godly conversation ▪ the pope persecutes them . popish lies . humane frailty popish cruelty . a speciall providence . barbarous cruelty . prodigious wickednesse . zeal . horrible cruelties . their totall extirpation . devilish slanders . note . p. masson martyred . a cruel decree . k. francis the first . called mi●●irs barbarous cruelty . prodigious cruelty . a bloody speech . gods judgement on persecutors . miniers his horrible death . gods judgement on persecutors . popish uncleannesse . profanenesse . a godly book-seller burnt . popish subtlity popes rage against earl remund . he goes to the popes legate . the earl whipt naked . beziers besieged . faith and courage . beziers stormed . barbarous cruelty . carcasson besieged . popish cruelty . a brave speech popish cruelty , and unleannesse . carcasson stormed . the pilgrims repulsed with great losse . popish profaanenesse and perfidiousness . the earl made a prisoner . a speciall providence . carcasson taken simon of montfort made generall . eearl of beziers dieth . the king of arragon encourageth the albingenses . earl simons pride abated . prodigious cruelty . menerbe taken . courage and constancy . the castle of termes taken . six thousand pilgrims slain . horrible cruelty . popish subtilty the legate dies . the english help the albingenses . popish pride popish hypocrisie . articles against earl remund . earl remund in danger . his brother betrays him . tholouse besieged . the pilgrims beaten . the siege raised . popish perfidiousness● , and cruelty . popish perfidiousnesse . subtilty prince lewis retires . earl simon beaten . young remunds successe . earl simon honoured . and disgraced . a council against the albingenses . popish cruelty a new army of pilgrims . cruelty . a popish brag . e. s●mon bea●en thanksgiving . many pilgrims slaine . e. simon slain by a woman . prince lewis his cruelty . earl guido slaine . the emperours cruell edict against them the gospellers dispersed persecuted . the gospellers encrease . the king of france against them . avignion besieged . a famine in the kings army . a dreadfull judgement many of them drowned . the french beaten . the k●ng removes further from the city . a plague in the french cam● the king of france dyeth . av●gnion taken by treachery . the young ●ing of france persecuts them . his armies bea●en . tholouse besieged . a great famine popish treachery . unreasonable terms put upon the earl of tholouse . pope gregories counsells against them . persecution continued . a cruell edict against them . the bones of one of them burnt . a brave answer albingenses in spaine . persecuted and destroyed . trancavell and others defend them . he prevailes exceedingly . a dying woman burnt . earl remund escapes . he is forced to submit . persecution in italy . . earl remund prospers . persecution in millan . earl of provence beaten a great persecution . pope urban persecutes them ▪ another persecution . a cruel edict . they increase , and are persecuted . lollard . christianity brought into bohemia . persecution begun . tyranny . persecution in prague . a speciall providence . the christians prevaile . subtilty . . christians slain . gods judgement on persecutors . wenceslaus reigns ludomilla murthered . wenceslaus murthered . gods judgement on persecutors . woytich banished . the pope usurps over the bohemians . john melicius . the pope antichrist . melicius imprisoned . m. mathias mathias banished . john husse , jerome 〈◊〉 prague . popish malice , and subtilty . the pope excommunicates the bohemians . multitudes martyred . encouragment . apostacy . constancy . unnaturall cruelty . many drowned a loving wife . cruelty . a minister and others burned . profanenesse and blasphemy . martin loquis . prodigious cruelty . some beheaded . schism . calixtines . popish subtilty . thaborites destroyed . reformation begun . popish malice . a minister racked . a wicked edict . popish cruelty . elders chosen . a synod . ordination of ministers . the waldenses· admonition . the waldenses persecuted . the church increaseth . popish subtilty . slanders . confession . the brethren banished . persecution . popish malice . gods judgement on persecutors . anno . a cruel edict . devillish wickednesse . tentation resisted . gods judgement on persecu●ors . anno. . luther zahere an apostate . popish lies and slanderous . persecution . two burnt . a godly woman burnt . two godly men burnt . comfort in death . gods judgement on persecutors . a new persecution . popish malice . charles the fifth warres against the protestants . a great persecution . persecution causeth reformation . a speciall providence . popish malice . ministers persecuted . a speciall providence . conversion . john augusta . popish lies and slanders . a wicked edict . two hundred ministers banished . the baron of schanow . jesuites first brought into prague . maximilian emperour . rodulphus emperour . sin the forerunner of persecution . mathias emperour . ferdinand forcibly made king of bohemia . ferdinand a usurper . popish malice . the first artifice . the second artifice . the third artifice . the fourth artifice . the states inhibited their meeting . the jesuites banished by the states . an army raised against the bohemians . frederick chosen king of bohemia . anno . novemb. ▪ prague taken . anno ● . popish subtilty the fifth artifice . the sixth artifice . the seventh artifice . plundering . the eight artifice . the ninth artifice . the tenth artifice . apostacy rewarded . popish perfidiousness . the eleventh artifice . the twelfth . artifice . the thirteenth artifice . the fourteenth artifice . the fifteenth artifice . the sixteenth artifice . ministers persecuted . barbarous cruelty . gods providence . a speciall providence . cruelty to ministers . prodigious cruelty . ingratitude . anno . pescinus ▪ the seventeenth artifice ministers charged with treason . ministers banished . the eighteenth artifice . the german ministers banished . blasp●emy . illiterate persons put into the places of christs ministers . twenty one ministers banished . ministers charged with sedition . tentation . constancy . a minister martyred . popish cruelty . the vice-roy . courage and constancy . cou●age , and constancy . the nineteenth artifice . summa papavera . the chiefest nobles imprisoned . the nobles examined . a brave speech success no sign of a good cause their condemnation . profane blasphemy . tenta●●t●n resisted . crede quod habes & habes . blasphemy . joy in tribulation . faith. prayer . courage . the martyrs mutual farwell . the l. schlik . his faith and courage . his martyrdom . the l. wenceslaus . his patience . psal. . . his martyrdom . the l. harant his message to his wife . his martyrdom . sir casper kaplitz . his courage and constancy . his martyr●●m . ●ro●●p●us dorzecki . his prayer and 〈◊〉 . his fi●elity to h●s p●ince . his martyrdom . l frederick de bile . l. hen. otto . his ●aith . joy unspeakable . his martyrdom . dion . zervius . his martyrdom . an aged man. his martyrdom . the lord of rugenia his excellent speech . his martyrdom . val. cockan . his martyrdom . toby steffick . his prayer . his martyrdom . d. jessenius . a prophecy . his martyrdom . christ● ▪ chober . his excellent speech . his martyrdom . john shultis . his martyrdom . maxim. hostialic● ▪ his martyrdom . john kutnaur . h●s speech to the jesuits . his speech at death . his martyrdom . sim. sussickey . tentation . his martyrdom . nath. wodnianskey . his speech to the j●su●●es . his counsel to his son . his martyrdom . wen. gesbitzky his prayer . his martyrdom . martin fruin . he is murthered . their goods con●●scated . recantation prescribed . the twentieth artifice . the protestants beggered . their debts and money seized on . the s●uldiers get most . the one and twentieth artifice . charles de zerotine . another obedi●● . the two and twentieth artifice . protestant tutors banished successe makes the enemies proud . the protestants all bani●●ed . false testimonies bought . protestants chi●dren taken from them . popish subtilty tentation . many seduced . lord de zerotine goeth into exile . a cruel ed●ct . protestants wives b●nished from their husbands . the exiles sought after . the three and twentieth artifice . laws repealed the four and twentieth artifice . apostates pro●moted . the five and twentieth artifice . the protestants in the silve● mines had a promise of favour . popish perfidiousness . souldiers quartered upon them . don martins cruelty . the bolislavians persecuted . constancy . apostacy . constancy . recovery . bethlem gabor . gods providence . a new persecution . in litomeric . popish subtilty patience in persecution . in radecium . tentation resisted . popish cruelty ▪ constancy . humane infirmity . constancy . at bidsove . popish cruelty . at zaticum . bibles burnt . don martins cruelty . exile denied to the protestants . at tusta . apostacy . at rokizan . popish subtilty constancy . john foelix . barbarous cruelty . foelix escapes . at slana . john blyssa . banished . at prachatice . prodigious cruelties . the twenty sixth artifice . popish subtilty popish profanenesse . christians stript . popish uncleannesse . the twenty seventh artifice . prodigious cruelties . the twenty eighth artifice . at minion . popish malice . death denied them . prodigious ▪ wickednesse . blasphemy . prodigious wickedness . constancy . comfort in ●fflictions . danger of apostacy . bibles burnt . prodiges . gods judgment on apostates . gods judgement on persecutors . the pope stirs up persecution . gods judgements on persecutors . the popish army flies . a new army raised . they fly when none pursues . f. romanes conversion . zeale . subtilty . treachery . good counsel . note . he goeth to the emperour . is imprisoned . carried into spaine . condemned by the inquisitors . burned . rochus . condemned . thi●ty christians condemned . a wicked oath . cacalla condemned . popish malice . malice . many burnt together . the spanish inquisition . invented by dominicans . subtilty . their dealing with strangers . their familiars . sequestration . stript of all in prison . subtil●y . how inquisitors deal with the prisoners . they proceed to the rack . their privy parts a●e only covered with linnen . the jeobit . inhumane cruelty . rail●ngs . scoffs . threats . another cruel tormen● . the trough . divellish cruelty . torment with fire . subtilty . a woman , and her tow daughters , and neece . a judas . perjury . flie. their cruel prisons . all pity denied them . a maid whipt for shewing them favour . the prisoners denied leave to sing psalmes . their hospital cruel mercy . their condemnation . their habits . a wicked oath degradation . hypocrisie . abominable lyes . their cruelty concealed . flattery . a lady imprisoned . their cr●el usage o● her . they torment her in the trough . she dyed . john pontio . humane frailty . recovery . his speech at death . john gonsalvo . tormented in prison , with a cleft stick . a church in sivil . some of them cast into prison a cleft stick . their death ▪ malice . ferdinando . his torments . a special providence . humane infirmity . recovery . execution . juliano . zeale . a special providence . a false brother . twenty burnt . juliano's torments and constancy . his death . john leon. leon goeth towa●ds england . is apprehended . sent to spaine . tormented . martyred . a ma●ds sufferings , and martyrdom ▪ christopher losada . his constancy . death . arias . he turns persecutor . a special providence . arias his re●covery . his courage . his martyrdome . scriptures contemned . grosse ignorance . ministers honoured . aegidio chosen bishop . he is persecuted . imprisoned . gods judgement on persecutors . released . his excellent vertues . zeale . he goes to the emperour . his return to sivil . his weaknesse . chosen divinity-lecturer . a strange providence . courage . imprisoned . his death . his corps burned . nicholas burton . god● providence . he is sent to sivil . condemned . john baker . will. burgate . will. burges . will. hooker . encenas . treachery . courage . constancy . francis encenas . a special providence . faninus . humane infirmity ▪ danger of apostacy . recovery after his fall . a prophesie . a special providence . tentation resisted . proffer of life refused . faith. comfort in death . note . a special providence . dominicus . apprehended . constancy . thanks for sufferings . galeacius trecius . cruelty . humane infirmity ▪ recovery . note . joy unspeakable . tentation resisted . note . his education . his enmity to the truth . conversion . zeale . his apprehension . constancy . h●s release . courage . his appe●ring at rome . note . h●s return to bonony . a special providence . he is again apprehended . his release . love to christ man●fold afflictions . constancy . his martyrd●me . francis gamba . constancy . tentations ●esisted . comfort at death . algerus . joy in afflictions . note . tentation resisted . john aloysius . iames bovellus . persecution raised by the pope . horrible cruelty . patience of the saints . anthony ricetto . tentation re●sisted . constancy . francis spinola sega . sega's martyrdome . humane infirmity . recovery . spinola's martyrdome . an english man at rome . an heroical act his cruel torments . patience . his martyrdome . idolatry detested . his going to lisbone . humility . zeal . prayer . grosse idolatry an heroical act his danger . his speech to to the king. courage . he is tortured . his cru●l martyrdome . constancy . gods judgment on persecutors . a special providence . the pope stirs up the emperor to persecute the p●otestants . duke of saxony and the lantgrave taken prisoners . a cruel persecution . henry voes , john esch. comfort and joy in death . a miracle of mercy . henry sutphen . popish malice . some that came to catch were converted . popish subtilty and malice . courage . implacable malice . he is condemned unheard . popish cruelty his martyrdome . many drowned . miltenburg sacked . a minister condemned to be hanged . ingratitude . he is hanged . peter spengler . the rising of the anabaptists . he is robbed by them . his good counsel . popish cruelty a christian speech at his death . a miracle . popish cruelty false witnesses . his constant death . wolfgang scuch idolatry reformed . popist rage . he goeth to the duke and is imprisoned . he is reviled . his bible burnt . his faith . his martyrdome . gods judgements on persecutors . john huglin burned ▪ george carpenter . christ preferred before wife and children . his signe ▪ his martyrdome . leonard keyser . popish malice . his martyrdome . a minister worried . gods judgements on persecutors . tentation . ignorance . her martyrdome . popish malice . two godly men burnt . nicholas drowned . pistorius . charity . his martyrdome . one hanged . a minister beheaded . george scherter . a miracle . ministers martyrs . popish cruelty vincit ●eritas . mr. persival . cruelty . justus insberg . a special providence . giles tilleman . conversion . charity . constancy . earnest prayer meekn●sse . f●●ght refused ▪ constancy . note . his martyrdome . a great persecution . martin converted in his old age . he is condemned . his martyrdome . two godly virgins . burnt . constancy and courage . a miracle . andrew thiessen . constancy . popish cruelty joy and comfort at death . adrian tailor and his wife . master peter bruly . a special providence . popish malice and cruel●y . peter mioce . his conversion put into a dungeon amongst toads . note . zeale . popish lies . a godly mininister martyrred . christopher fabri . a traytor . the people drive away the executioner . his martyrdom . two men and their wives . blasphemy . zeal . vincit veritas . popish subtilty . courage . meaning the emperour . n●te . austins courage . tentation . zeal . magdenburg besieged ; and delivered . hostius . zeal . his letter to his wife . his martyrdome . bertrand . an heroical act . courage . cruelty . barbarous cruelty . admirable patience . a special providence . zurich . thirty taken at a sermon . james faber his excellent answer . o● ●urnay godfride . courage . a minister poisoned . in lile . christian charity . robert oguire and his 〈◊〉 carried to prison . baudizon . joy in tribulation . they are examined . an holy practice . fervent prayer they are tortured . robert and baudizon condemned . popish malice note . zeal . blasphemy . faith and courage . their martyrdome . martin and his mother . popish subtilty . humane frailty . recovery . joy in tribulation . faith and patience . tentation . resisted . their martyrdome . charles coninck tentation resisted . ●ods judgement on a persecutor . barbarous cruelty . don fredericks cruelty to zutphen . at naerden . treachery . the siege of harlem . a famine . the town surrendred . popish perfidiousnesse . a minister hanged . another beheaded . barbarous cruelties . valenciennes besieged . popish perfidiousnesse and cruelty . john herwin . a special providence . his conversion herwin imprisoned . zeale . courage . constancy . vincit veritas . popish malice ▪ and subtilty . flight refused . thanks for sufferings . tentation resisted . zeale . whence persecution ariseth . his martyrdome . john de boscane ▪ his cruel martyrdome . john de buisons beheaded in prison . the church of antwerp persecu●ed . bartholomews constancy . the church of rome a glorious strumpet . scoblant , john hues , joris coomans . joy in tribulation . faith ▪ his excellent speech . scoblants martyrdome . john hues died in prison . courage . joris his martyrdome . giles , and john annik . a special providence . their martyrdome . lewis meulin . a widow charity . her martyrdome . christopher gauderin . his conversion . his imprison●ent . vincit veritas . mans life but two days . prayer . his zeale . his faith . martyrdome . admirable constancy . giles de meyer his imprisonment . his constancy . popish malice and cruelty . his martyrdome . peter coulogue and betkin his maid . their torments . prayer . gods judgement on a persecutor . their martyrdome . a great persecution . the prince proscribed . joanville suborned to kill him . popish subtilty . a special providence . beltazar gerard suborned to kill him . the prince his death . abominable villanies . magdenburg burnt . cruelties used there . cruelties at hoxter . griphenburg . heidleberg . frankendal . saxony . pomeren . horrible cruelties . blasphemy . a minister killed with a cat. magdenburg . rapes and ravishings . bazil merchan●s murthered . a minister murthered . the crabbats eat infants . a comet . a blazing star . and two armies . water turned to blood . three suns . two armies . two swords , and two armies . three suns and th●ee rainbows . trees dropt blood . blood on houses and stone-walls , and sickles . it rained blood . two armies . a strange tempest . a fight of jackdaws . two armies . water turned into blood . a monstrous c●●ld . two armies . bloody bread . a fish-pond turn'd to blood it rain'd blood & brimstone . a battel of birds & dogs john clark. a mother encourageth her sonne . zeale . his torments . his martyrdome . mr. castellane . popish hypocrisie . his martyrdome . james panane . dennis de reux john de cadurco a special providence . five burnt at paris . alexand. canus john pointer . peter gaudet . popish treachery . john cornor . martin gonin . claudius . popish treachery . stephen brune . a special providence . note . an excellent speech . john de beck . aymund de lavoy . flight refused . courage . his torments . prayes for his enemies . his martyrdome . francis bribard william husson . his martyrdome . james cobard . fourteene martyred . peter chapot . zeale . vincit veritas . humane infi●mity . a cruel law . a● creeple martyred . zeale . his martyrdome . stephen polliot . john english. michael michelote . faith , and courage . treachery . seven martyrs . four martyrs . blondel . popish malice . courage . charity . humane infirmity . recovery . hubert . florent venote . cruelty . a miracle of mercy . henry the second . his martyrdome . anne audebert courage and comfort at death . a tailor . admirable courage . popish pride . popish subtilty gods judgements on persecutors . claudius . thomas . zeale . cruelty . an excellent spirit . peter bergerius an admirable example . three godly men . note . matthew dimonet a persecutor converted . tentation resisted . simon laloe . an hangman converted . nicholas naile . popish cruelty . peter serre . charity . treachery . note . admirable patience . note . a judas . courage . cruelty . zeale . a miracle . philber hamlin . zeale . apostacy . a prophesie . gods judgemen● on an apostate . nicholas of jenvile . popish treachery . blind zeal . popish malice . a special providence . popish rage and cruelty . popish lyes and slanders . satans subtilty . christian wisdom . gods merciful providence . nicholas clivet and one granvelle . popish malice . gods judgement on persecutors . courage . a christian speech . popish malice . gods mercy . tentation resisted . tentation . hum●ne infirmity . good counsel . recovery after a fall . a special providence . gods judgement on persecutors . du bourg executed . popish cruelty the church prospers under persecution . a great persecution in dauphine . popish cruelty two ministers beheaded . ar●● ecclesiae . a great conversion . popish malice . christians murthered at a sermon . slanders . a special providence . barbarous cruelty . gods judgement on persecutors . persecution in paris . at senlis . a special providence . at chaalons . mr. fournier . faith. popish cruelty a special providence . a special providence . his delivery . his death . at amiens bibles burnt . at abbevilly . at meaux . abominable villanies . at troys bibles burnt . at bar. popish cruelty at crant . at sens. at auxerre . at nevers . at chastillon . at guyen . at montargis . a brave answer of the lady rene. at monlius . at mans. at anger 's . bibles burnt . horrible blasphemies . popish perfidiousnesse . a bloody edict . in ligueul . john de tour. at tours . barbarous cruelties . popish subtilty the mother and her daughter drowned . glee . vincit verit●● . joy in tribulation . tentation resisted . faith. her martyrdome . ponteou de mer impudence . marliorat hanged . at valougnes . monsieur valougnes . popish profaneness and blasphemy . at vire . at agen. at reime . at bl●is . blasphemy . a miracle . in guillac . horrid cruelties . peter domo . popish perfidiousnesse . in souraize . prodigious villanies . blasphemy . faith and patience . faith. a special providence . peter roch buried quick . two crowned with thorns . janetta calvin . at mont de marson . in tholouse . horrible cruelties . popish perfidiousness . carcasson . popish lies . at limox . abominable villany . at nonnay . blasphemy . barbarous cruelties . at foix. at aurange . horrible cruelties . perfidiousness . at grenoble . at cisterno . at beaune . at mascon . bonnet bor a godly minister barbarous cruelty . courage and constancy . his martyrdome . see this more fully in the life of the admiral at the end of this book . divellish dissimulation . sin the forerunner of persecution . the queen of navar dieth . dissimulation . the k. of navar married . the admiral shot . dissimulation . good counsel neglected . deep dissimulation . the massacre suspected . the kings commission shewed for it . the massacre begins . of merlins miraculous escape , see in my book of examples . the admiral slain . his head imbalmed , and sent to the pope . popish cruelty ten thousand slain in paris . popish lies . the river died red with blood prince of conde's zeal , and courage . divellish dissimulation . above thirty thousand massacred in three moneths the lord de la place h●s holy zeal . the lord de la place murthered . peter ramus murthered . a dutiful and loving son . two ministers murthered . hellish cruelty . an infant murthered . at meaux . two hundred protestants murthered . at troys . gods providence . prodigious wickednesse and cruelty . courage and constancy of gods people . the massacre at orleance . a noble counsellor . monstrous ingratitude . blasphemy . a doctor of the law. an apothecary . a cook. the reward of apostates . the patience of the saints . gods providence . popish malice and cruelty . three hundred and fifty murthered . francis de bossu and his two sons . the father encourageth his sons to die . prodigious cruelty . their grease is sold. the murtherers absolved . at angiers . hypocrisie . a minister murthered . a godly minister pistolled . and his wife murthered . at roan six thousand murthered . at tholouse . popish subtilty and cruelty . three hundred murthered . at bourdeaux . a special providence . a bloody jesuite . the lord of obiers murthered , and a minister . an holy speech gods providence . gods care of his people . a special providence . a terrible famine . two executed for eating part of their own daughter . a remarkable story . a wicked oath an admirable providence . gods judgement on a bloody persecutor . a famine . an extraordinary providence . rochel delivered . gods judgements on persecutors . gods judgement on the duke of a●jou see in my book of examples . the kings sicknesse and death . anger implacable . rochel besieged . anno a terible famine . margaret pierrone . tentation . she chooses to be burnt rather than to burne her bible . popish treachery . cruelty . a noble gentleman murthered . christ preferred before all . protestants murthered at church . at sondres . popish treachery . a special providence . a noble lady . courage , and constancy . faith. a special providence . horrible cruelties . dominico berto ▪ barbarous cruelty . a special providence . theophilus messino . constancy . tentation resisted . prodigious cruelties . a noble virgin . an excellent speech . a wicked edict . popish perfidiousnesse . courage and constancy . patrick hamilton . zeale . popish subtilty . his condemnation . constancy . his martyrdome . gods judgement on a persecutor . david straton , norman gourlay . stratons conversion . his prayer . tentation resisted . thomas forret . grosse ignorance . his martyrdom . jerome russel , alexander kennedy . humane infirmity . joy in tribulation . their condemnation and martyrdome . popish cruelty . john rogers . his character . his charity . a special providence . popis● malice . a prophesie . he goeth into the west . he is opposed by the bishop . the power of the word . his prohesie accomplished . his second ▪ coming to dundee . charity . he is in danger of being murthered . gods providence . he preserves the murtherer . he goes to montrosse . meditation . popish malice ▪ a prophesie . his fervent prayer in the night . a prophesie . he comes to leith . faith , and courage . hi● departvre from leith . popish malice . a prophesie . he goes to haddington . john knox : see his li●e in my first part . a prophesie . his apprehension by bothwell . bothwels promise . he is carried to edenburgh . bothwel falsifies his promise he is carried to st. andrews . his accusation ▪ his patience . his prayer . popish subtilty he administreth the sacrament . the cardinals feare . his prayer at death . his exhortation to the people . he prayes for his persecutors a prophesie . the cardinals pride , and carnal confidence . the castle surprized . popish uncleannesse . the cardinal slain . adam wallace . his accusation . the ministers work . his martyrdome . henry forrest . popish perfidiousnesse . his martyrdome . walter mill. popish uncleanness . his speech at death . his martyrdome . popish malice . popish lyes . the malice against the english . popish malice and cruelty . popish perfidiousnesse . prodigious ▪ cruelties many starved and strip● . horrible murthers . popish perfidiousness . an irish monster . multitudes drowned . popish treachery . a just reward . prodigious cruelties . they deny them liberty to pray . some buried alive . some were hung upon tenter-hooks . blasphemy . many had their bellies ript . children had their brains dashed out . many burned . some perish by famine . unnatural cruelties . children kill english children . some boiled in cauldrons . some had their eyes pulled out prodigious cruelties . bibles burnt . blasphemies . aposttaes murthered . constancy , and courage . gods judgements on persecutors . popish perfidousnesse . many knocked on the head a boy murthered by his master . berbarous cruelty , and impudence . many drowned . they made candles of their grease . prodigious cruelties . popish uncleannesse . their cruelty to the cattel . henry cowel . constancy . robert ecklin . a childs constancy . childrens beastly cruelty popish uncleannesse . monstrous c●ue●ty to a boy . many burnt . one hundred and fifty thousand murthe●red in ulster . gods judgements on persecutors . boys and women murderers . souldiers hanged . constancy . popish perfidiousnesse . gods judgements on persecutors . some worried with dogs . the munster remonstrance . gods judgements on persecutors . apparitions at portendown b●idge . a miracle . an edict in favour of the protestants . a cruel edict . the elector palatine intercedes for them . they are cruel●y dealt with gods providence for them king of france intercede ; for them . popish malice . gods mercy . the duke favours them . satans malic● popish subtilty prevented . courage and constancy . they are favoured , but again molested . they are encouraged . their prudence . satans policy . dissembling hypocrites . they are confuted . popish policy . persecution renewed . gods providence . gods mercy . the massacre of paris . a special providence . the dukes letter to draw them to popery . their answer . a cruel edict popish subt●●ty . courage , and constancy . they are banished . popish subtilty they are forced to flie . they are forced to flie . popish subtilty . popish subtilty . humane frailty . repentance . reason ▪ why they persecuted the protestants . a bloody order . popish cruelty they go into banishment . constancy . popish cruelty popish dissimulation . popish injustice . popish subtilty . popish cruelty the protestants defend themselves . popish subtilty . barbarous cruelty . women tipt up . base cruelty . horrid cruelty . courage and constancy . popish subtilty and perfidiousnesse . a special providence . gods judgements on persecutors . many irish slaine . a special providence . his charactea a special providence . speech of the right reverend father in god, anthony lord bishop of meath, when the clergy waited on his majesty at his camp nigh dublin, july , : together with his majesty's most gracious answer. dopping, anthony, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) speech of the right reverend father in god, anthony lord bishop of meath, when the clergy waited on his majesty at his camp nigh dublin, july , : together with his majesty's most gracious answer. dopping, anthony, - . william iii, king of england, - . broadside. printed for b. took, and sold by randal taylor ..., london : . reproduction of original in chetham's library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- modern period, - great britain -- history -- william and mary, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion speech of the right reverend father in god anthony lord bishop of meath , when the clergy waited on his majesty at his camp nigh dublin , july . . together with his majesty's most gracious answer . may it please your majesty , we are some of the remains of the clergy that have ventur'd to stay behind our brethren in perillous times , and under great discouragements , for the discharge of our duty to god and the people . two of us are bishops , who , together with five more in the kingdom , thought our selves obliged to continue here , to preserve the succession of the clergy , by the ordination of priests and deacons , and the seminary of the church by confirmation . the rest of our members are the clergy of this city , and the rural clergy . the former of these have staid upon their charge , under great wants and discouragements , having not only been deprived of all their maintenance , but exposed to daily dangers , in and for the discharge of their duties : and the latter are persons driven from their cures , and forced to seek relief and sanctuary in this city . we may possibly be censured by those , who understand not the grounds and reasons of our continuance in this kingdom , as trimmers , or favourers of popery : from the first we are able to acquit our selves , having been guilty of no compliances , but such as were the effects of prudence and self preservation , such as were at once both innocent and necessary , and fit to be observed to a power , that was able to crush us far worse than it did : and we are so far from being guilty of the latter , that we humbly conceive , that we could not more effectually oppose the growth and inundation of popery , than by keeping up the publick assemblies , by sticking to our flocks , and preventing their seduction by the romish emissaries . we do not come to crave your majesties protection for our persons , our churches , our religion , or our properties , which have been all in some measure invaded . our persons have been imprison'd , our churches taken from us , our properties destroyed by a late act of parliament that took away our tithes ; and the free exercise of our religion for some time interrupted . a request of this nature might perhaps look like a distrust of your majesties care of us , and seem to contradict the glorious design of your coming into this kingdom . we are sensible that the generous end of your majesties presence is to rescue us from the oppressions and tyranny of popery ; and are well assured , that the same paternal affection , that moved your majesty to pity our distress , will still protect us now we are deliver'd . we come rather to bless god as the author of our deliverance , and your majesty as the happy instrument raised up by his providence for the effecting it ; to express our gratitude and duty to your majesty , who has a double title to our services , not only as our king , but as our gracious benefactor and deliverer : to pray for the success of your majesty's forces , for the consummation of that good work that you have with so much personal hazard undertaken : that you may carry your victorious arms into other countries , where the cries and the groans , and the oppressions of the afflicted protestants , are as great as they have been here ; that god would be an helmet of salvation to you in the day of battle , and deal with you as he did with nebuchadnezzar , when he promis'd him the kingdom of egypt for his hard service against tyrus : may he likewise recompense your hard labour in this kingdom , with the addition of another that is far more valuable : and may you prove as happy and successful an instrument in the succouring of others , as you have been of the poor afflicted people of this kingdom . his majesty's answer . i am come hither to deliver you from the tyranny of popery and slavery , to protect the protestant religion , and restore you to your liberties and properties ; and you may depend upon it . licensed july . . london , printed for b. took ; and sold by randal taylor near stationers hall. . an explanation or enlarging of the ten articles in the supplication of doctor iames, lately exhibited to the clergy of england. or a manifest proofe that they are both reasonable and faisible within the time mentioned. james, thomas, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an explanation or enlarging of the ten articles in the supplication of doctor iames, lately exhibited to the clergy of england. or a manifest proofe that they are both reasonable and faisible within the time mentioned. james, thomas, ?- . james, thomas, ?- . humble and earnest request for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion. aut [ ], p. printed by iohn lichfield and william turner, printers to the famous vniuersity, oxford : anno dom. . by thomas james, reprinting and explaining his: the humble and earnest request for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james, thomas, ?- . -- humble and earnest request for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion -- early works to . criticism, textual -- early works to . church history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an explanation or enlar●ing of the ten articles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supplication 〈◊〉 doctor iam●s , lately exhibited to the clergy of england . or a manifest proofe that they are both reasonable and faisible within the time mentioned . our law condemneth no man before hee bee heard . oxford , printed by iohn lichfield and william tvrner , printers to the famous vniuersity . anno dom. . first concerning the first point of the latine fathers . the first point that the latine fathers works , ( whereof diuers are already done ) the books of councels , and the body of the canon law , may be diligently reviewed , and compared with the best manuscripts ; and the collections and needfull obseruations thence-from arising , printed ; together with the pieces and fragments of the fathers workes ( if any shall be found . ) explained . that all these ten points are necessary and fi● to be enquired into , i take as granted by the confession of all : that they are doubted by some , and plainely affirmed by others , whether within the time mentioned they may be performed , i know : and therefore i as much in me lieth ) endeuour to satisfie the one , and take away all manner of doubting from the other , with breuity and perspicuity ; grounding my selfe vpon good experience for some , and very probable reasons for the rest ; following the order prescribed . concerning the latine fathers therefore ( the greeke fathers being reasonably well done already , ignatius by a vedelius , b chrysostome by that learned and iudicious knight , c athanasius by some , and d clemens alexandrinus , &c. by others ) which doe in a maner implore our best helpe , and as the controuersies are mooued in relion , doe inforce our labour . there is not onely profession made by e lanfranke of old , but by diuerse of late ; gregory of the rome print , and augustine of paris , doe fullie proue the same ; that sundry things are purposely changed , whether for the better or the worse ? who knoweth not that we haue iust cause giuen vs to suspect the worst ? i will instance only in one place , & that a principall one , concerning transubstantiation , a chiefe pillar of the popish doctrine . the place is in f ambrose de sacramentis , the words , vt sint quae erant , & in aliud mutentur : this corruption is aboue yeares old : but yet not receiued till of late into the g roman edition , and from thence deriued into the paris , and it may be in the lye-on edition , and others : and yet these words now suppressed and dashed cleane out of the text , are plainly to be found in all our mss. of what library , frō what monastery soeuer . adde hereunto , what sh●ffling and cutting there is betweene the master of the sacred palace , and the printer ; both hired to reforme say they , ( no doubt ) i to deforme and corrupt the fathers workes . i know it , and can prooue it by k manutius cyprian , and l dominicus basaes gregory , and ambrose of h rome . i can make an ocular demonstration of the manifold and manifest corruptions of these authors : we may easily ghesse at the rest , for all their m glorious pretence of two hundred copies , vsed in ●h●●ollation of saint augustine , and many in gregory and ambrose , i know not how many ; nor doe i , nor any man liuing wor , how many copies , or from whence taken , they haue vsed in this their double diligence . as for the councels , i can ( i suppose ) produce , or there may be produced twenty seuerall editions , all differing from themselues , and from the truth : and ( if there be any one true ) i doe ghesse it is that , whereof i doe heare tidings in a booke of the acts of the councell of trent , printed by arnold brickman , . this was of likelihood a good ●dition . one celaunus had trauailed farre and neere , to gather all that could be gotten : but either this was neuer printed , or being printed , was purposely suppressed by them . for the canon law the sinke of all poperie , and fountaine , or puddle rather , of all kinde of popish corruption , to found the primaci● , and by necessarie consequence , all points of popery , out of blinde councels , and bastard , false , or falsified fathers : yet as bad as it is , neither text nor glosse is so bad as they haue made it . i speake vpon knowledge , semeca hath not in the old mss. statuimus , id est , abrogamus ; or dic romano , id est , constantinopolitano : these fooleries are of a later stampe , & stamped or printed they are , but i suppose hardly to be found in the written copies ; for gratian , questionlesse they haue vsed him ( nec enim lex iustior vlla est ) as he is knowne to haue vsed others ; they haue chopped and changed , curtailed and clipped his words , and workes ; notwithstanding gregorie the thirteenths pretence , of i know not how many copies , besides the labours of faber and acontius : i will instance onely in their palea . they haue first plaied with the word , making it a cardinall , or a man for chaffe , and long for short ; else should it be palaea , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not pal●a : they haue herein done vs a double wrong ; they haue made that palea which is not so , because it maketh against them : and on the contrary side , they haue omitted to put the true stampe of paleaes vpon that , which maketh for them , though they be inuisible and innominable in the old mss. we haue examples store , in both kindes : the right of emperors in making lawes , and commandements for the church , is casheered because it liketh them not : nor that of their married popes , dist . . cap. . osius papa , item decret . part. . cap. . q. . c. . against priests marriage . of the second sort are these : for drawing causes to rome . causa . q. . c. . neminem exhiberi , nisi praelatus sit qui accusetur , is forged , and came in not the right way , to proue appeales to rome . causa . q. . cap. . rogamus vos fratres : we reade these words for to estabblish the supremacy : nulla est ( sedes ) quae cius ( i. romanae ) non sit subiecta ditioni . againe , quanto magis non potest ( faemina ) imperare , as it were to strengthen the salicke law , causa . quaest . . cap. . mulierem constat , was thrust into the text by some french man. the solemne swearing vpon the gospell , and by the reliques of the saints , causa . quaest . . cap. . are found in some blind charnel house , or reliquiarie , not in the written gratian. in de consecrat . dist . . cap. . in sacramentorum oblationibus , for assuring of their impossible doctrine of transubstantiation ; we vse it ( say the papists ) vt a patribus accepimus , & ipsa ratio docet , which they haue thrust into the text violently : habemus confitentes reos . i could be large in this point , but i must but point at , and not treat de industria of their wilfull corruptions , and make whole iliads , or chiliads of them : but that which is expected of me now i haue prooued , that there is good reason , and high time to imploy some to perfit that worke , which was happily begun , and left off ( which i shame to speake of ) for want of paiment . i was , and am willing to be imploied in the painfull reuision of the rest ; but how shall i be able to imbarque others in that businesse ? but. non si male nunc & olu●sic erit : we had then , and i trust shall haue now in some proportion , men as willing and as able to doe the worke ; and i am sure that the world will beare me witnesse , that my labour was treble to any ones : and yet in a yeere and little more , we suruaied all gregorie , and cyprian , and all ambrose of the rome print : noting both the differences in the margent , whether materiall , or immateriall ; what copy each man vsed , when we began , and when we ended , and how farre we proceeded euery day ; neuer ceasing our sixe houres a day , ( sundaies and holy daies excepted ) god giuing me a body able , and a minde willing to fit it out : and that i may be thankfull to the diuine maiesty , my body , as if it had a dispensation for the time , was free from any knowne disease , that did , or might impeach the worke . my body ( i must confesse ) is much impaired since , by much sicknesse ; but on the contrary , my willingnesse and experience in these businesses , are much increased : and therefore i am perswaded , that if ambrose , gregorie , and cyprian , may be , and haue beene done within a yeare and something more : augustine may be done in another , and hierome in a third , and all the rest of the fathers in lesse then a yeare , and the councels and gratian in a fift ; whereof one , as i haue said , is happily passed already : i doe purpose to imploy onely sixe persons , foure to the mss , one to the last of the protestants , the sixt to the last of the papists edition ; which both shall be noted in the margent , and i will take vpon me as before , to be both notarie , and actuarie to the company , concluding ( as bellarmine doth ) if he be as true as his word : si semel inueniar mentitus in uita , omnem mihi in posterum fidem derogent . the second point that the latine translation of the greeke fathers may be collationed by able and fit persons , by reason of diuerse christophorsons and iesuits , that haue too-too much abused the ignorant of the tongue . explained . touching the second point , for the comparing of the latine translation of the greeke fathers : i purpose not ( vnlesse it shall be thought fit by my superiours ) to compare it with mss. copies in greek : we are left destitute of copies , especially now we are wholly bereft of all hope of helpe from the great palatine library : but ( as i haue said ) vedelius , and that worthy and thrise honoured knight and others , haue partly preuented , and partly supplied vs herein : that which i intend , is onely to suruay the translations in places controuerted onely , whether they be fitting and proper . a worke that may well be done , being diuided amongst our sages of the greek , whether in , or out of the vniuersitie , within a yeare : though if they list to follow vedelius in noting the corrupt translations , sundring the bastard treatises from the true a part by themselues , & answering the places obiected out of the fathers , with criticall obseruations , they shall deserue well of the fathers ; it may , and shall be done for the latine fathers : as vve may follow vedelius in the greeke , so if no other will vndertake the worke in the latine fathers , i will doe the like in them , as master crompton hath done before in saint augustine . the third point that the jndices expurgatory may be likewise perused , all of them , as many as can be gotten , the places forbidden to be transcribed , of which labour is a third part at the least already taken by me , or my procurement . explained . the third point concerneth the indices expurgatory , which no doubt are many , but all are not to be gotten , and of those we cannot get the editions mentioned in their bookes , without the which it cannot be done . neuerthelesse , to facilitate this worke , i haue in a readinesse an alphabeticall note of all the editions that are forbidden 〈◊〉 corrigantur : that those that haue them may send them vnto vs. i say onely that i , by my selfe , and others , haue already done a third part of the whole , perhaps it will amount to a second of all the bookes and editions that be found , and that men may know how farre i haue proceeded already , these authors following , with their seuerall bookes , are reseued out of the papists hands , and restored by me . abulensis or thostatus p. aerodius . leo bapt. alb●rti . amatus lusitanus . lud. ariosto . the annotations vpon s. aug. albertus argentinensis . iac. philippi berg●mensis . laurentius beyerlincke . biblia rob. stephani . biblia cum duplici translatione . bibliotheca ss . patrum . io. bodinus . p. de boll● . henr. breulaus . guil. budeus . ambros . calepinus . barth . cassnaus . greg. cappacinu● . io. campensis . index in ioh. chrysostomum . nic. cle●ardus . isid . clarius . p. crinitus cyprianus mon●●hus cistere . notae marginales index & textus cyrilli alex. dante 's . i mondi del doni . fr. duarenus . andr. eborensis . notae in engelbertum . enchiridion christianae institutionis . erasmi opera , almost . claud. espencaeus . eucherius . iac. faber stapulensis . barth . ferrariensis . io. ferus . barth . fumus . gilb. genebrardus . germanicarum rerum scriptores . tomis varijs . lilius greg. gyraldus . ant de gueuara . claud. guilliaudus . adamus kel●erus . albertus krantzius . iustus lipsius . iosephus luqui●● . andr. masius . christ . maffaeus . iac. à s. mearia . ianotius de ma●●●tis . lucius marineus siculu● ▪ marcus marull●● . iac. menochius . papyrius massonius . ben. arias montanus . tho. marus , miles . ioh. n●viza●us . annot. in nicephorum . hieron . ab oleastre . p. opm●erus . claud. paradinus . fr. petrarcha . fr. polygranus . io. iou. pontanus . procopius gazaeus . ant. de rampengolis . guil. ranchinus . p. rebuffus . eman. rodericus . alph. salmeron . eman. sa. io. de salas. iac. shoepperus . iul. caesar scalig●r . dimas serpe . laur. schraderus . raynerus suoygoudanus . rob. stephanus . did. stella . fr. suuertius . ale●● tartagni . iac. aug. thuanus . beniamin tudelensis . tuccius t●ccius . fr. vallesius . laur. valla. dan venatorius . diego de la vega. polyd. virgilius . alphonsus viu●ldus . lud. viues . geo. wicelius . theodorus zuingerus . all these forenamed authors , ( vnlesse it be zuinger and erasmus workes ) are ( if i may say ) repurged and restored vnto their former integritie , the rest that remaine may be well transcribed in halfe a yeere : for i can set at one time a hundred seuerall persons on worke ; it it is a businesse of labour , et quis ad haec non id●neus . i intend not ( vnlesse it be by commandement of my superiours ) to meddle with the expurgation of our protestant writers , which they haue vainely attempted ; nor of the thalmud of the iewes , or rabbinicall writers : but popish writers of what sect , sort , language , nation , or facultie whatsoeuer , tag and rag , are the subiectum ad●quatum of this businesse : and so i come vnto the fourth point , of collation of bookes . the fourth point that lyra and the glosse , the great bibliotheca sanctorum patrum , platina , caietan , alphonsusde castro , and sundry others of all sorts of authors , may be compared with former editions , and manuscripts ( if need be to meet with their secret jndices expurgatorii , which are the more dangerous , because they print , and leaue our what they list , at pleasure , and yet make no words of it , neither haue any commission knowne for to doe it . explained . touching this fourth point , herein giue me leaue to explaine my selfe out of my owne and others obseruations , especially of the learned bishop of meth : lyra and the gl●sse were reviewed and reuised by dadr●n● , cucilly , and fewardentius : and now lately by three benedictines : if their former did their best , what needed the second edition ? if they did not , why doe they pretend such exactnesse , so great paines ? but the truth is , lyra is somewhat touchy against them , and the glosse doth thwart their expositions : and therefore though closely , the three d●wists doe make profession , that they haue mended diuers things , wherein the former edition was wanting , according to the prescript of the mss , and some things they say , they haue thought good to expunge in thoringis about lyra : where he is thought delirare from their trent faith , or common tenets : a great labour , vndertaken , i am afraid , rather to suppresse the truth , than to expresse any good meaning . epicharmus precept will here serue , as doctor rainold sheweth vs , to distrust their workes of what kinde soeuer ; especially if the iesuites haue a finger in the setting forth of them : as you may see their notes infarced almost in euery tome of the bibliotheca probabilium patrum , which hath beene reprinted foure times within these few yeres , and twice within these two or three yeres : thinke yon that it was for nothing ? was not the romane correction sufficient to purge it , according vnto whose correction it was printed carefully at pa●is ? if the master of the sacred palace be not wise enough to mead it , we are like to haue it well amended . but who knoweth what harme is done in the middle aged writers ? bacon or ba●onthorpius , ( i am perswaded ) is corrupted in the late editions , aquinas , and scotus , blesensis and others ; doubt lesse , by that little that i haue seene , they carry the marke of the beast , and the print of their fingers : but if i may haue my will , no booke of note or worth shall goe vncompared : the worke is very easie , the parties are very many that may well be imploid in this worke , if they haue corrupted them vnder colour of correcting them . there hath beene reprinted of late , a phonsus de castro , onuphrius , sixtus se●ensis , and last of all , m●●cus de guadalaiara in spanish , of the liues of the latter popes , with the occurrences of those times : touching the former , the learned haue spoken enough to stirre vs vp to the diligent reuising and comparing of them . for alphonsus de castro , i leaue you to consider of that which hath beene strucke out of him in latter editions , in verbo papa , concerning the popes infallible authoritie , which true castro doth deny to be so great as it is made ; or that his person is inerrable , he thinketh no parasite of the popes , or flatterer of the world , wil dare to auouch . for onuphrius & others , i know what the learned iudgment is of that author & others , & i know and all the world shall know how this guadalaiara is vsed , or rather abused by the papists , and forced to say , & vnsay , for seruile feare of the spanish sandouall , both against his wil , & the truth : it is the latest , clearest instance of their cunning dealing , to their no small aduantage , to settle a wrong opinion in mens mindes about the powder treason . in the former edition , which is but an addition vnto illes●●● of the popes liues , hee hath truely reported the story of the gunpowder treason , out of gothardus arthus , and others : laying ( as we say ) the saddle vpon the right horse , the fault vpon certaine popish male-contents ; but it seemeth in a latter edition , now extant in the publique library , they haue mis-reported the treason , and put it as d. b. clermond had done before vpon the puritanes ; casting foule aspersions vpon our state , as if they had plotted that which the papists had acted out of a ragionamento del stato , or trigo del estado , or as cleremond saith , to get their goods and lands confisked vnto the exchequer , to inrich the kings cofers . that which i inferre out of these premises , are the iniury done vnto the estate of bookes , and sometimes vnto books of estate , inuoluing our king and counsellers within their secret censures . this booke is reprinted as i say , within few yeeres , composed by a man of great note , dedicated to philip the third , printed at the first with license and priuiledge , approued by diuers kindes of religious persons , no mention is made of any alterations in the second edition : and it is turned cleane cham . the fact is notorious , the fault inexcusable , say what can be obiected in his defence . he is perhaps liuing , and liuing men ▪ as they may alter their willes , so they may change their words . i admit it , so doe our masters of trent : but conditionally , so it be in matters of faith , and not of fact ▪ or if it be in matter of faith , so the author be conuinced , and his errour shewed : but in questions of fact , volat irreuocabile verbum , the rule must hold , quod scripsi scrips● , all the world cannot helpe it , it cannot be , as aeneas syluius sometimes said . but to come to guad●laia●a was that true that he had written in his former edition , why is it altered in this latter ? if it be not , why is not the contrary shewed ? howsoeuer it be , they should haue told vs so much in the frontisp●ce or first page , that vpon better aduise , and ●ruer rela●ions , leuys de bauia , hath altered some things : but i doe verily beleeue , it was not done by him , but mandato superiorum , by those that do ●yranni●e ouer m●●s books , and lod● it ouer mens consciences : this latter booke is now in the hands of a friend of mine ad facti fidem asserendam , and cannot possibly be denyed , doe they what they can , or el●e i am much deceiued . you see by that which hath bin spoke ▪ how needfull it is that all sorts of bookes as well of estate , as religion , should be diligently cōpared with former editions : it is to be presumed that all sorts of bookes are depraued by them , especially that come forth with glorious titles , faire paper , and chiefly with iesuiticall annotations : although they come not forth iuxta mandatum indicis expurgatory , or s. inquisitionis , whether of spaine or of rome , multa latent , quae non patent ; the truth of this will easily appeare by our labour , the labour will be farre more easie then the former , and if i haue causelesly suspected them , i will cry them mercy , and subscribe vnto the truth ; we may set not a hundred , but a thousand on worke ( if need require ) but i hast vnto the fift article . the fift point that the authors of the middle age , that wrote in the defence of that religion , which is now ( thankes be to god ) publikely established in the church of england , for the substance thereof , may bee faithfully transcribed , diligently collated , & distributed into volumes , whereof many may bee made of orthodoxe writers ; if not so many as of their bibliotheca patrum probabilium : adding hereunto such writers , as being bred and brought vp in the bosome of the roman church saw the disorders , discouered their abuses both in doctrine and manners , and wished almost for the same reformation , that was afterward most happily wrought and brought to passe by martin luther and his companions : of the first sort are wickliffe , peacocke , gu●de s. amore , jo. p. minorita , normannus anon , nic. orem and sundry others : of the later kinde , wesselus , wicelius , p. de alliaco , faber , gerson , cusanus , and such like . explained . the fift article concerneth the transcribing authors of the middle age , a point wherein ( if in any ) wee may seeme to be defectiue . but quaedam videntur & non sunt , store is no sore ; we haue ( thanked be god ) store of these writers , that haue witnessed the truth of our religion , both in their worthy and solide writings , and by their glorious deathes . if they failed in any point ( as seldome they doe ) it was the fault and darkene se of those times , the fault & number of those bastardly and beggarly treatises , which euer since vincentius lirine●isis time corrupted the lumpe and body of the true writers : here was no erasmus then liuing to hold the candle vnto them , no cookes or riuets liuing , to vnmaske or vnuaile them . hence it is that our magdeburg writers haue found so many naeuos and errours in the fathers : but all of them of whom they spake and so sharpely inueigh against are not fathers , nor true sonnes , but bastard impes , it were well they were well rooted out all , both branch and bowgh , as spuria vitulamina non dabunt radices altas . would it not trow we bee a glorious sight , to see wicleph and peacocke reuiued againe out of the dust of their graues , and our libraries , and to write in defence an apologie of our religion , as valiantly and pertinently as iuel or morton haue done , both bishops and glorious lamps and ornaments of this church of england ; and for want of others , we will be bold to craue aide of the papists , they haue giuen vs a good hent in their seuerall bookes of prohibition , and expurgation , and so directed vs , that we need not farre to seeke for witnesses : they though papists will beare witnesse vnto the protestant faith and orthodoxe doctrine , or else i do much mistake their writings , or our owne tenets ; and let wicelius or wesselus answere for vs. wicelius workes are printed , but i suppose his workes are in the hands of few : wesselus are extant and to be read of all . wicelius ( as shall be shewed ere long ) was almost wholly ours ; it will not serue their turns to say as harding doth , that he was first of our religion , or as gretser ( that neuer told lie in his life ) sometimes a lutheran preacher . i doe not absolutely deny it , it may be so , there is little written of , much by him : but in all his writings that i haue seen till of late , there cā be nothing gathered wheron they may ground this improbable cōceit . but what the ? as for wesselus , he was not vnworthily called lux mundi , not blasphemously , as certain of their parasites haue said of some popes ; papa lux venit in mundum , &c. but i will call him as the scripture calleth the righteous , as bright a starre as any shined in their horizon . whose workes are set sorth and published as well by their owne men , as ours , and his death greatly lamented of all . but why dwell i so long vpon this point ? the worke is as easie and faisible as the two last . we may imploy as many hands as we please , and authority shall thinke fit . two dutchmen of the palatinate haue tra●elled for me in this businesse , and are able and willing to write out a quire of paper in a weeke , which would come to an hundred quire in the yeare , able to set two presses or worke . their hand is legible , though not faire . i haue paid them xx s. for a quire ( their ingenuitie being schollars , craueth no lesse at my hands . ) some things i haue of wicleph both in english and latine ready for the presse : especially i haue imploide them in writing out his de verit ●te scripturae , or his aletheia ( as zuinger calleth it ) and i haue begun the rather with this booke , because it was his master-piece , and ( as was saide ) a good meanes of con●erting the bobemian nation , next vnder god. i haue likewise ready done the great and famous worke of guil. de s. amore : not that which is printed , but that which exceedet that farre , both in greatnesse and goodnesse : it is or shall be ready for the presse , and i will account no booke ready till it haue a good concordance in the margent , a table of the auctors cited , and matter contained therein , after he most exactest manner of an alphabet . the sixt point that the catalogus testium veritatis , compiled by illyricus , may be rectified out of the originals , quoting booke , chapter , and edition ; and supplyed out of the vnprinted manuscripts . explained : touching illyricus , the books printed , whose authorities are vouched , may be reuiewed by many ; but for the manuscrips ( as i would wish that all that are in oxford and cambridge , or else-where , may be viewed , qu●ad hoc ) i haue much in this kinde gathered to the hand , much more hath an industrious kinsman of mine : if i had no other imployment but this , wee two would vndertake that businesse , and to doe it as it should bee done , to no small profit of the church , and increase of illyricus catalogue of witnesses of the truth . the seuenth point that out of all these an anticoccius may be framed out of fathers , and middle-aged writers , that were in their times esteemed of the church of rome , and out of them onely : nothing doubting but we shall be able to match , if not exceed , his two large volumes , both in greatnesse and goodnesse ; quoting as before , precisely , our editions , and doing all fide optima & antiqua , religiously and vnpartially , as becommeth diuines . explained . for the anticoccius , it is already performed in a maner : i haue all the testimonies before luther , and before or since of papists , that prooued each point materiall of our religion , disposed after a double method : the first of time , descending downewardes from christ and his apostles : the second alphabeticall , that i may know and supplie what is wanting , there wants : but comparing of the testimonies with the originall : though i mis-doubt them not , being all taken out of the worthies amongst our writers : namely , bilson , and morton , and abbot , bishops ; field , and francis white , deanes ; iohn white , and beard , doctors of diuinity : as also iewell and mornay , and who dares suspect ? i know some haue challenged them , but the best is , they haue made their owne apologies . the eighth point that the supposititious and bastard workes of the fathers , noted by doctor rivet , or master cooke , or any other , may be re-examined ; their exceptions scanned or weighed with indifferency , and other reasons added to their challenge , if any shal be found . explained . concerning the eighth point of the bastard fathers : some are challenged by protestants , some by papists , some by both ; by whom , & the places where , i haue a reasonable good direction : the places may be seene , their reasons weighed , and accordingly on gods name let iudgement be giuen . i know some that are tainted of corruption , which will appeare vpon better iudgement , to be truly their proper workes ; i spare to speake my minde , or to instance and exemplifie in this point , for that it concerneth some greater & wiser men then my selfe : but thought is free , vincat melior sententia , & let that which is spoken by me , be spoken with due submission , & vnder correction , donec predeant censurae aliorum . the worke doubtlesse is of good moment , the doing of it will be no great labour , nor vnpleasant worke : so much i say before hand , for their and mine owne incouragement . the ninth point that the suspected places may be viewed in the true fathers , which are iustly challenged of corruption , either by our own men , or the aduersary ; with the like indifferencie of mindes , and vnpartialitie of iudgements ▪ being compared with the touchstone of the old manuscripts , and printed bookes , which are quasi manuscripts . explained . as concerning the ninth point , a matter as worthy as any of our best considerations ; there are a thousand places challenged of corruption , ( i speake within compasse ) most by protestants , mostly in the question of the supremacie , and iudge of controuersies , the carrying question : all which may be once well decided , either iudiciously out of the mss , or coniecturally out of the strength of wit or reason , and there is no third way allowed vs by the criticks , all that i haue seene , and some of the best , it hath been gods prouidence that i haue seene in my time , which may appeare by that , which here followeth ; gathered together and disposed into theses , for the better guiding of me and others , that shall busie themselues in examining or re examining these . places , or more ; suspected or corrupted in the true fathers . theses or rules concerning the art criticke . a criticke is a man naturally inclined to those kinde of studies , of a sincere iudgement , approued honesty , versed in all kinde of good literature , as a man would a say , a most exquisite and absolute grammarian . . the art criticke , is an art of inquiring into the truth , b and faith of such as haue written and put foorth bookes , according to certaine rules , examining and reading all maner of bookes , in what faculty soeuer : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , critically , c vpon coniecture , or vpon iudgement . . our coniectures are vncertaine , for the most part grounded onely vpon circumstances : iudgement proceeds from the mss , and is for the most part solide and certaine . . there are certaine rules and precepts to be obserued in both . . our coniectures must be made sparingly , discreetly , and warily , d and fortified with as many reasons as may be well brought together . . and this is a most certaine rule , that we e must neuer change a reading vpon a bare coniecture onely , against the constant and receiued reading of all the mss. f . in defect and want of mss ▪ ( which happeneth too often , god knoweth , and the criticks know it to their griefe ) the next and best helpe we haue , is from coniecture , it hath the second roome ; but the g first place doth by droict du canon in the iudgement of our most approued criticks , beginne , proceed , and end with the mss , more or lesse . h . it is a rule in criticisme , that caeteris paribus , the older the copy is , the better it is . i . there is another rule , that if the copie be old , it hath seldome its explicit , or time noted wherein it was written . . neuerthelesse , there are meanes and wayes left vnto vs , to difference and discerne old copies from new , former from latter , by the character . . bookes written in the longobard character , k are esteemed to be of great antiquity , and so are bookes written with a bigger letter , or ( as our antiquaries call it ) lirera formata , w●th a set hand , and both these as it hath beene iudiciously obserued , l haue few or no abbreuiations . . bookes that haue beene transcribed within these or yeares , haue come into our hands very corrupt and false , as rightly obserued lud. viues , and others : the corruptions came in , partly by the vnskilfulnesse and multiplied abbreuiations of those that vsually copied out bookes ; partly by the boldnesse and presumption of certaine scioli ; or lastly by the carelesnesse of writers . . all which must be vnderstood with this one exception , vnlesse the said bookes were diligently copied out and collated with the old and best mss ; for so being carefully done , they may be well nigh of as good credit , and stand vs in as good stead as the old mss. themselues , whereout they were transcribed . . this is to be knowne by these few markes : first , you haue it in some bookes in expresse tearmes , explicit such or such a booke , copied out such a yeare , and collationed the same yeare , or another . secondly , you shall finde it blotted and blu●red in certaine places , where the wrong wordes are put forth , and the right set downe , most commonly in the margent , or written ouer head . thirdly and lastly , by certaine prickes or points vnder so many letters or words as are to be expunged : a quaint deuise to preserue the beauty of their bookes , but very subiect to errour and mis-interpretation . . bookes that were printed long since , or at the first , when printing came in ( such as cyprian . or . ) are sometime in stead , and aequalled with some mss. . in collationing and comparing of old bookes with new , printed with the mss , ( a worke onely of industry , and properly belonging to our criticks ) as the antiquitie of the bookes must be regarded , so the number of the copies is to be well considered , and weighed in the libration of bookes . . as it is a sure and receiued rule , that there m lieth a kinde of impossibility to mend a booke without any mss : so to attempt to doe the same , without the aide of two copies at the least , may perchance proue but a fruitlesse , or bootlesse labour . . as the elder copies are to be preferred before the latter , so are the more to be regarded before the fewer . . if we finde a currant and constant reading in all the mss , without any varying , no man may be so bold as to change the same , be it neuer so contrary to sense , or repugnant to reason : all that we can doe in such a case , i● to glosse or expound it in the side of the booke , or in the end of the same , by way of annotation . . in variety of mss , n the reader is left free to choose what copy or reading liketh him best ; no one mans iudgement must preiudice another mans opinion , because neither one man alone , nor all iointly together , doe know all things . . there is o no assurance or infallibility in the art criticke : who dares absolutely to take vpon him to mend a booke , so as there shall be no fault or wrinckle in him ? we cannot , we dare not say it : it is sufficient for a criticke , to doe all that he may , or can , according vnto the rules of his art , and to vse his best industry , that is to say , if he haue good mss , to vse them ; if he haue them not ( because they also doe faile vs sometimes ) to vse the best that can be gotten , and when they cannot be gotten , to follow the thred of coniectures and likelihoods , which sometimes , and in some cases , ( though seldome ) are p as good as some mss. . the readings in the mss , q whether right or wrong , sound or vnsound , must be needfully , and heedfully preserued , and obserued . . sometimes the r inuersion or peruersion of a letter , the mis-pointing , false colon , or comma in a sentence , may ouerthrow the true meaning thereof , and draw it to a cleane contrary sense . . there is no fault so small , but must be mended , if it may , but noted it must be howsoeuer : these are but seeming trifles i must confesse , ſ yet such as with draw men from the true reading , and draw great consequences with them . . therefore our criticke must approue his honest and faithfull dealing vnto the world , dealing with the mss , as the mss dealt with him ; making choise of some good readings rather then other , t but noting both vnto the reader ; for a false reading many times , hath some footsteps of a truer lection , and what one cannot , another may obserue : these are the rules which wee intend to follow , till wee know any cause to the contrary . and for the practise of them , i will exemplifie them in two places , taken from one of the profoundest schollers , and of deepest iudgement that euer england yeelded . the first consisteth vpon iudgement , the other vpon coniecture , the two legs whereupon the art criticke standeth : my author is the famous bilson bishop of winton , whose learning was too great , and himselfe too good , ( as foolishly norrice said of him ) to be a protestant , and therefore hee praied for his conuersion after the time of his dissolution , i know not how he will answere this , he is not wont to be so charitable to others . my place ( as i said ) the one out of aug. de gen. ad lit . lib. . cap. . the other taken out of chrysostomes ep. ad innocent . the papists proue tradition out of the one , and norrice following bellarmine , the supremacy out of the other , but the papists faile in both : the bishops coniectures in neither , and my confirmations ( if any be needfull , or possible after him ) are partly out of the mss , and partly out of coniecture . touching the first place , thus we reade , consuetudo matris ecclesiae in baptizandis parvulis non credenda , nisi ecclesiae traditio esset : whereupon the iudicious bishop hath these wordes following , they being obiected to him in the person of the papists by his philander . the meaning of the speaker in this place , and the likenesse of the same speech in other places , makes me thinke that a letter too much is crept into these words , as through the iniurie of times , and variety of scribes , many thousand deprauations , and diuers le●tions were , and yet are in the works of saint-augustine and other fathers , not only by the iudgment of the learned , but by the very sight of the mangines : nifi apostolica traditio esset for esse , is a scape in writing soone committed , but a matter of some moment in altering of the sense . i take not vpon me to correct it , but leaue it to the indifferent reader . see here an euident argument of the learned bishops iudgement , and modestie : iudgement , or rather coniecture in ghessing it to be corrupted , modestie in not presuming to alter the reading vpon his owne coniecture , without furthet warrant from the mss : for then he is bold to say , as he doth else where ; know ye that there are sixe mss. in the new college that reade thus . this place was ( that i may ingeniously professe a truth ) it that drew my studies to the contemplations of the mss , and made me take a wearisome iourney to cambridge , and elsewhere , to compile my ecloga : this fiue and twenty yeeres at the least , i haue beene conuersant more or lesse in these kinde of studies , and some small proficient i haue beene , nothing repenting me of my paines bestowed , if they may profit my selfe and others , to the purpose . answerable to the bishops coniectures are most , if not all of our english mss : quos catholici maiores nostri reliquerunt , ( saith posseuine ) & thought to be as good as any are in the world besides . the second place suspected by the bishop of corruption , is taken out of chrysostomes ep. ad innocentium , in these words : the word is printed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obscre vt scribas , which the wordes precedent and consequent import should bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obscro vt scribatis , and so the other part of the sentence doth plainely conuince where he saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i fore is easily ouer-seene , and yet in the matter the difference is much , though not so much , that it should either helpe them , or hurt vs. and else-where obsecro vt scribas , the print or copie distrusted , the whole lettter goeth on with verbes of the plurall number — the whole petition made to them all . now whether obsecro ut scribas , can stand with these wordes , libris vestris ▪ firms concedite , or rather obsecro vt scribatis . a verbe of the singular number thrust in amongst verbes of the plurall to claw the bishop of rome . this selfe-same place i sent vnto a friend of mine , a batchelor learned in diuinity , to be farther considered of mee , who returned me this note thereupon . bell. de rom. pontif l. . c. . § septimo bellarmines obseruation out of these words is this . chrysostome was vniuslly deposed by theophilus antiochenus , and hereupon writeth to the bishop of rome , that he would be pleased by his authoritie to nullifie theophilus sentence , & to proceed both against him and his fellowes . therefore ( saith he ) chrysostome did acknowledge the bishop of rome to be chiefe iudge of controuersies amongst the graecians . thus farre he baronious is ready to daunce for ioy , that he hath found so pregnant a place for the popes supremacie , and is of opinion , that god in his diuine prouidence suffered this breach to happen betweene these two famous bishops , because there should a constat as it were remaine vpon record whether we ought to go vpon the like occasions : but by their leaues , both our cardinals , haue committed many fraudulent deportements in the carrying of this busisinesse . first s. chysostome wrote not to innnocentius alone , but ioyntly to him and to his collegues : this is proued by the tenour of the whole epistle , which neuer speakes but in the plurall number . domini maxime , venerandi & pij quam haec ita se habere didiceritis , studium vestrū ad hibete , quo retundatur haec impietas ] againe , in the very same place aboue mentioned , obsecro vt scribatis , non vt scribas ] this reading is also well warranted by binius , in both his editions of the councels , as well of anno ● . as the other of the yeare . and in the greeke text set forth by sir henry sauill , not without deserued thankes and commendations of papists . to . . p. . we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) although some printed copies , read corruptly scribas , and some greeke ( if the iesuite deale with vs fide optima & romana ) which the learned knight doth not dissemble , and once more still in the plurall number literis vestris frui concedite ] i was haled and pulled & carried away by maine force , the reason was because forsooth i had appealed vnto the synode ] vnto the synode , not vnto the bishop of rome . he desireth the charity and fauour of the easterne bishops almost in euery place , and wisheth that he might haue the happinesse to come to their goodnesses , and enioy the benefit thereof : ] we haue therefore no acknowledgement of the popes power of omnipotency . if it shall be lawfull for euery one to breake or rush into another mans diocesse , though from parts neuer so farre distant , & to determine what they list of their owne authorities , in short time all things will come to nothing ] he doth plainly allude vnto the canon of the councell of nice , wherein each patriarch ( the roman and all ) haue certaine bounds and limits , which all men were bound expresly to keepe . therefore without all peraduenture innocents authority alone ( which he well knew ) reached no further then his owne diocesse : further he could not goe extra regiones suburbicarias : that was not the thing sought after , but the aide of an oecumenicall vniuersall synode , to determine this controuersie . besides , innocentius himselfe else-where doth plainly shew , and as it were demonstrate vnto vs a way for the composing of such like controuersies , in his epistle to the cleargie of constantinople , as we may read it in sozomen , l. . cap. . necessaria est inquit , &c. ] it is not onely expedient but necessary , that the bishops should meet in a synode , about the determining of these controuersies — , for these stormes cannot be quieted , nor these tempests allaide , but onely by a sober and temperate meeting of bishops in a synode ] by a synode onely , and not onely by the sea of rome . in his . ep. to innocent , thus writeth s. chrysostome else where , — i must needs acknowledge , that your fatherhood hath piously , ( as much as in you lay ) composed all differences , and remoued all scandals . — but they notwithstanding cease not to goe on in their obstinate and wicked courses . ] therefore theophilus and his complices or copesmates , nothing cared for innocentius attempts in this very controuersie : but obstinately went on , and fomented this schisme ; nathlesse hee did intercede and mediate to the contrary . the most and the vtmost indeed that innocent could doe , was ( which was common to him with other bishops according to the ancient custome of that age ) to deny all manner of communion and fellowship with theophilus or his theophilines : this was not to pronounce him banished from the catholike church , or to inualidate , or make his acts of none effect by his bare authority and onely command . so here you haue a small taste of that fruit in both kindes of criticisme , which the world is to expect at our hands , if god giue grace and the bishops leaue : and i should not thinke it much amisse or farre out of the way , if we did presently goe in hand with this eighth and ninth articles : of all others they are the most important , else in comparing the fathers workes , wee may happily mistake one for the other , or sonnes for fathers : and againe , who knoweth not but the worke of comparing the latine fathers works , the greekes translation , are in some sort inuolued and included in one of these two points , and these ( to my seeming ) may be well acted and peracted by , or not long after michaelmas , only with the helpe of these twelue and some few voluntaries : prouided that we begin before the next , easter as motus est in instanti , but i submit and pray . the tenth point tenthly and lastly , the perpetuall visibility of the church , more or lesse , and the history of the same religion that we professe for the substance thereof throughout all ages , may be shewed to the eye , noting whē those nouelismes and superadditaments of the church of rome , came in as neare as may be guessed , the time when , and parties by whom they vvere opposed . all vvhich propositions , ( needfull and important as they are ) i doe vvillingly commend vnto my deare mother the church of england , and from her to the cleargie and gentry of this land , to bee proceeded in , as they shall see it most expedient for the common good ; promising nothing but my paines to bee commanded in these publique seruices . and i make no doubt ( if god vvill ) but that all this may be effected , vvithin some few yeares , if the almighty giue grace , the rich whom god hath blessed with this worldly substance , incouragement ; and the rest their prayers . of the likelihood hereof i am the rather perswaded , because already by my ovvne meanes , and small endeauours , there is almost a fourth part of the worke done in all these articles . if one alone may do so much vvithin such a time , vvhat may a dozen able scholers ( such as i knovv and could name ) doe vvithin , , , or yeares , vvhich is the vtmost in my conjecture ? the approbation of the worke. i approue of the things here proiected , & wish with all my heart they may take good effect . io. prideavx vicecanc . s.t.d. prof. reg. theol. rod. kettell praeses coll. s. trinit . leon . hvtten aedis christi praebend . gvil . langton coll. magd. praeses . sebastianvs benefield lecturae margareticae professor . io. ravvlinson principalis aulae s. edmundi . io. parkehvrst magister coll. ball. io. wilkinson aul. magd. praep. gvil . peirs decanus petriburgensis . richardvs corbet aedis christi decanus . sam . fell aedis christi praebend . tho. iles aulae cervinae principalis . ric. asteley custos coll. omnium animarum . rob. pinck novi coll. custos . gv. smyth coll. wadham . guard. io. tolson coll. oriel . praepositus . pavlvs hood coll. lincoln . rector . gvil . ivxon coll. d. io. preses . i am now at length , happily ( as i trust ) arriued at the tenth point , which i will call the cape of good hope , because i conceiue very good hope that if the former were done , this with some labour formerly taken by me will suddenly follow of it selfe : it is almost done already ( thankes be to god ) and good mr. fisher he shall haue his buttery-booke ere long , ex malis moribus bonae leges , his iests may perhaps turne to earnests : we will out-catalogue his fellow dr. norrice , who is so mighty a goliah amongst our philistius , that he hath defied all the hoste of israel : as for field , or bilson , or abbots , or raynolds , they are but dwarfes in his hands , he maketh but a push at their writtings , and seemeth to be able to set them to schoole againe , if generall norrice had beene no better at his sword , then he is at his penne , the low-countries had been low enough by this time . i say no more but brag is a good dogge : and though i would not willingly fall into the same crime which i finde fault with in another , yet in this place in the vpshot and conclusion of all , i trust i shall finde pardon with the ingenious and discreet reader , if i speake somewhat of my selfe , and for to excuse my forwardnesse in pressing this worke . as when men shall vnderstand that i was borne of honest and religious parents , that are ( i hope ) now blessed saints in heauen , sometimes glorious confessors here vpon earth , and exiles for religion , that i haue studied this point more then yeares , and petitioned , as i doe now , the bishops in the last parliament of the late queene , that i haue liued euer since in a place of some eminency for bookes ; where though i could not well study them my selfe , but carried and sometimes broke the bread like silenus asse , for others more then for my selfe , yet as one that standeth vpon an high tower , to discry the enemy , may doe good seruice , though hee bee not in the camp ; so i standing vpon this pharos of learning , haue seen somewhat that it greeueth me to see , that books in time wil decay if the estate of the church or common-wealth , doe not preuent our papists mischieuous plots & complots , to pull kings out of their thrones , and the king of kings out of heauen , if they may haue their wils , they are cunning marchants , close workers , all is in the darke , and in the vaut ; i feare more their secret , then their open indices : the truth is , i feare all , and beleeue none of them , i am so taught by d. raynold , d. raynold by epicharmus : they sow that now , which they meane to reape perhaps or yeares hence . i would gladly redeeme truth out of their hands , which is there not to be vsed , but suppressed , and to preserue religion entire , as it hath bin left vnto vs , & to preserue it frō the iniuries of times and men , & who knoweth whether the great city of rome be not to be assaulted and battered with these rams ? & the man of sin , that antichrist that exalteth himselfe aboue god , or all that is called god , be not to be ouerthrowne and cast downe to the ground , by this weake paper-shot of ours : i haue in gods name begun the battell in a good time , my bellum papale hath made a great and wide breach in their walls , my booke of corruptions hath touched them to the quicke , and drawne blood : but i shall re-enforce the battell ere it be long ; experience hath taught me to vse stronger weapons . i would haue them in print , that the aduersary should take no exception against them ; or rather that hee may iustly obiect what he can , and when it is done , what great mastery is it to conquer a poore feeble man , whom age hath made old , and not sickenesse , and god with the meanes of a learned physition hath made strong , contrary to all humane expectation . i must die when the appointed time shall come , it is good not to be found idle , or abroad out of my vocation . non omnes possunt esse maximi . sure i am i haue beene oftentimes buried in the mouthes of some ambitious men . i haue written , spoken , and done somewhat , when i might haue taken my pleasure of the world , ( as too many of my coat doe ) i haue ( thanked be god ) no cure of soules , and yet am not secure or willing to say to my soule , take thy rest : yet if my eyes may be so happy as to see the epilogue and catastrophe of this great businesse , i shall sing my nunc dimittis with great contentednesse of mind , though i haue neuer a penny for my labour : they deserue not ( to my seeming ) a reward for their labours , which labour for a reward . i shall finde some respect amongst my fellow protestants , and if it be but for my constant and vnfeined zeale : of the papists , i looke for nothing but contempt and disgrace : i haue tasted of this cup which my blessed sauiour began vnto me , it is very bitter , saue that the wood of his crosse hath sweetned it ; i neuer offended any of them willingly : all my reading is in their owne authors , are they offended for this ? the proofes of my religion , truth and antiquity are taken from them , is this that offendeth them ? nay i am contented , and fully resolued to stand to the determination of the materiall controuersies by their owne rules , and iudges of their owne making , or some of their owne appointment . my bookes are yet vnanswered , those that seemed to be answered ; here a sentence and there a sentence , i haue replied and reioyned vnto them : i am neither idle drone , nor wine bibber , or tipler , nor cutter and mangler , forger or counterfeiter of mss , i will leaue that to the papists , hardings , and posseuines of those times , i will not offer to take their trade out of their hands . they thinke not so meanly of my selfe , as my selfe doe , yet as iewell once said to harding , by the grace of god i am that i am , and that grace is sufficient for me : if i should depend vpon the praise of 〈◊〉 i were not the true seruant of god , it p●ffeth 〈…〉 vp , that i haue receiued priuate let●ers , and open testimonies from beyond the seas , to incourage me to goe on cheerefully in the course of my studies , and these from papists as well as protestants , some men of eminent learning , as well as nobility , from the greatest bishops within this land , as well as men of fame and name beyond the seas : all this ( as i say ) puffeth not me vp , and maketh not me neither idle , nor high minded , i thanke them for their good wils , and am thankfull to the almighty , if any thing be praise worthy in me , or bneficiall to others : but i account all this as nothing , and my selfe lesse then nothing , if i doe not religiously pay my vowes , which i haue solemnly made to god and the church in this kinde : and for a conclusion of all , to winde vp all , as it were into one clew . if the first point may be well accomplished in three or foure yeares , the second in one yeare , the third and fourth in halfe a yeare , the fift in a yeare or two , the . by two in two yeares , the . in a manner in a quarter of a yeare , the eighth and ninth in halfe a yere , the last within lesse then a twelue moneth : when all is done , quid stamus hic tota die otiosi . once againe i am ready my selfe , and so are twelue more as willing in some sort , more able then my selfe , to enter the lists , and vpon the worke : if wee shall bee thereunto required by our superiours , if our sister vniuersity will ioine hand in hand with vs , we shall march the more confidently , they reuising our labours , and we interchangeably theirs , the worke will the sooner and better be done , within halfe the time , by the rule of proportion . thus i haue laboured in this apology to satisfie others ( for if i should not do so much as in me lieth , i should not satisfie my self ) satisfie all i cannot , my superiours i hope i shal ; if by no other , yet by this , that in the end i may iustly sing my io poean , all honour , praise , and glory vnto god , not diuiding my praise as most papists doe , and bellarmine is said to diuide his soule betwixt god and the virgine mary , fowly and shamefully : contradicting his former position , supping vp as it were his owne words . tutissimum est , &c. the safest way of all is to relie on gods mercy . fjnjs . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a geneua . b chrysos● opera g● . cu●n annot . etonae . c ath●na●ij opera graec. & lat. . d clem. alexandrini opera graece cum annot . . e lanfrancus manuscri●ta ss . patrum secundum orthodoxam fidem correx●t , & immutauit , boston . in catalogo & io. anglicus in hist aurea . obserued by master rich. iames , of c. c. c. a kinsman of mine . f s. ambros . l . de sacram ● . . see paraeus in cor. lyd. in annal . p. . hospin . de sacrament . l. . p. . juel . in defens p. . g ambr. opera romae . . i i refer t●e reader to my vindicia g●e●orianae ▪ ●ow printing at geneua . k romae . l s. gregorij operu romae to● . . veterum exem lari●m collatione ( no copie named , no● whence taken ) & pristino suo spendori restituta , aucta & illustrata . in praef . to . . h there are six or seuen copies in my ecloga , i appeale to them all . m accipietis aug. nostratiu● opera , hoc est ge●manorum theol. studio illustratū , ad ●imā & incudem reuocatum : nec solum infinitis p●ope numero erroribus liberati● , sed etiam magna rerum accessione exornatum ep. thom. gozaeu● apostolicus ac regius lib. censor per belgium ope●am nauanit in restit . aug. ex varijs bibliothecis : exemplaria plusqua . mss. conquisierat . concilia edita per iac. meclinum . per p. crabb . & . col. & ib. . & ib. . per surium . ven. . per zllettum . per b●n●um et . & pauli . auctoritate . & postremo par. . see one or two mss. in the new college . vide indicem librorum , qui varij : ex locis sunt habiti . vide ea●de qui●●● ie●torem , in principio 〈◊〉 est ●●●onere . §. de nomine paleae corpus iuris canon ▪ rome . gratian corrupted about taking away kingly right . about priests marriage . about appeales to rome . about the supremacy . about worshipping of reliques . about transubstantiation , besides infinite other deprauations . locuple tatum est caput hoc , ex orig●nali & caeteris collectoribas , prater anselmū qui habet vt antea gratianus habebat in annot. see my answer against a. c. and a. b. &c. when it shall come forth . my lord of canterbury promised & gaue l. my lord of yorke l. my lord of winchester bilson l. the bishop of durham , doctor iames , l. and sundry others did willingly promise and pay : others did willingly promise , but failed in payment , whose names i conceale . all the bookes that were hitherto vsed in our collation , were either at , or according to the rome print . see hereafter amongst the criticall thes . thes . . at that time was ( troubled , i cannot say , ) but subiect to the stone : since that , i haue beene afflicted both with the stone and the palsie , but recouered by doctor c●aitons meanes , my worthy friend , and learned brother , master of pembroke college , and our publike professour of physicke , and reader of the anatomie lecture . for a need i can giue them the places to be considered of , that are any wayes controuerted : almost all of thē before hand . the first , index exporgatrious that we haue , is the knowne one of junius , printed according to that of antwerp , lug● . . the second , of madrill , . the third , called greg. cappuccini e●chiridion ecclesiasticum ven. . the fourth , by ge● . dalme●da , lat. & portugal●●cè , olyss . . the fift , per io. m●riam bruschelle●s . . tom. . the sixt and last , by bern. de sando●al . madr. . the reprinting of that which they commanded to be left out , and in some bookes de facto left out , will keepe one presse going a yeere . as master casaubon and master d●usius workes , and sir adolphus m●●kerch● book are done already : but for the rest i think we may saue our labours . qui lyrani ope nt ●um glossa ordinaria , &c lugd. . ab infinitis mēdis p●●gata , &c. per. fr. fewardentium ●rd . minorum , job . dadraeum , & iac. de cucilly , theol. doctores . the booke dedicated to sixtus s. patrum interpre●at . ad ipsos fontes reuocatis , ipsis per doctum lyra●um pestilli● d. lyrani ad ipsum autographum , exconuentis canobij vermoliensi diligenter collat●s . biblia ss cum glossa ordinaria , &c. to . . compre●●usa duaci , . quid in hac edit . prestitum fit vltra omnes alias editiones ▪ etiam illam quam parisienses . theologi exbibuerum quam multa correcta , restituta , sup●leta , quam multa vtiliter ad ecta , opera & studio theologorum duace●sum , diligenter eme●data . they confesse they haue put forth the testimonies of the rabb●u●s & others . posseuine excuseth the former edition by haste of the printer , and ciuil wars . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . col ▪ agr. . to . ▪ and bibliotheca vet . patrum sen . edit . paris . . to . . ex prescripto indicis expurgatorij romae vulgati emendata . if we compar● io. baconthorpes workes in sent . cremona , . with the former mad. blesensis of m●gunce . put forth by busaeus , with the ●ormer , and t●e ms● . whereof we haue store in the library . aquinas of rome . o● antwerp . with fomer editions and mss. scotu● works , ven. . with that of nurembergi . . as also bed●s history i know to be ver● corruptly printed , being a leading author to all ou● late historians . alph de castro aduersu● haer●ses , is farre different from the latter editions about the popes authority , we haue all his editions . o●●phrius the old doth infinitely disagree with the latter , especially in iulius the third his life . see●ilson ●ilson de obed . p. . in lib. de haeres . inscript . paris . ●n fol●o à iod. bad. excus● anno . l●el . lat . part . . p. . quarta pa●te de la historia p●ntifical gen● al●y catholica compuesta 〈◊〉 ordenada por fr. marco de guadalaiara 〈◊〉 xauier de la re●igion obseruante de nuestra sennora del carmen de aragon , d●rigida al m●y alto y poderoso monarca de espanna filip●● tertero rey y se●●or nuestro , anno . con ●cencia y priuilegio j●●gr●ssa en carago● . por iuan de lanai● y quartane● . conforme a●● que be●eydo en gotardo dantiscano y otros auctores , vna troycion intentada contra el rey iacobo , sus huo● y muger , y contra todos les nobles y estado , del ●●yno : y descubierta mibagrosamente per lo que dios sabe , part. a. lib. cap. . this booke is called vando y l●yes del rey iacobo contra la fe catholica , consu respuesta , y aduertentia al letor para la auerigu●cion è intellige● i● de●te caso prouecho●a para el mismo rey y para ●odos por el d. b. de cleremond : a booke in the ha●ds of master boswell parson of saint laurence in london , they haue craftily concealed the time and yeere wherein it is printed . the very same booke is reprinted thus as if it had been comp●sed by dr. lewys de bauia capell●● del rey ● . s. en ●● real capilla de gra●● da con priuilegio de madrid , po● luy● sanchez impressor del rey nuestro senior . anno de . both editions dedicated to the king , made and published within one yeare , the first approued by maestro pedro geronymo cassiu●n . e , iuan perez de artieda offi●y reg●●te del vicari●do , padre fray esteuā de th●us prouincial de los carnelitas &c. f. miguel ripol 〈…〉 , ●uan munnoz . t●e latter is published , 〈…〉 del rey nuestro senior : su●scribed iorge de toua● , supe●uise● p●● pedro de valentia miguel vazquez de 〈…〉 granaca , & fra● pedro de granada . what a change is there here ? 〈…〉 as it were by a m●te● psychos●s changed into leuys de bauia , and fiue censors turned into foure , as it were foure kings warring against fiue . por el mandad● del rey , as is said . they know euery p●ny diuine would shun such editions that haue this skar-crow title in the forefront of the booke . of wi●liffes workes and peacocks , we ha●e th●se mss in oxford and cambridge . io. w●clishes triangle transcribed . his exposition vpon the epistles and gospels . of the seuen commendaments . of the ruines of the church . of the church , and the members thereof . of the liues of the priests , and his confession of the sacrament . against the friars minors . his com. on the psalmes ▪ and diuers other works . in latine these ▪ de v●ritate scri●turae almost transcribed . de ●o mandatis . ded●mini● ciuili contra vnum m●n . in defence of kingly power , prouing the vnlawfulnesse of k. iohns donation ( if any such were ) see the rest in my ecloga . of peacocke his donate of christian life , and repressor of ouer much blaming the cleargy , mss. gro. wicelius works are printed in diuers yeares , from ● . to he wrote almost as much as s. aug & would , if he had liued , haue reduced thē into tomes . wesselus works are printed at fas . and reprinted lately at marpurg . . mr. harding would faine perswade mr i●ell to recant and apostate from the faith , because one staphylus , baldwinus , and wicelius , had done the like . iu●ll in his answere to m. hardings conclusion . ia● gretserus in excerptis de vita & moribus lutheranorum ex geo. wicelij libello qui inscribitur . retectio lutherismi , &c lips . . haec wicelius olim lutherus praedicans . papa lux venit in mundum : fed dilexerunt homines tenebras magis quam lucem : omnis qui male agit , odit lucem ; et non venit adlucem vt non arguantur o● era eius i. quia mala sunt , oratio cornelij episcopi bipontini in conc. trid. sub paulo . p. . conc. trid. lovan . . the vniuersity of oxford in an epistle to io. p. . about prouisions , haue the very same words in effect , as if cor. musse had there read them cut of a mss. of mr. allens before turgots booke of the bishops of duresine . it is not that which is printed . de periculi● nouissim●um temporum , which it seemeth mr. fox had seene , where are . signes , but a booke with this title , collecti● catholicae & canonicae scripturae , dinstructionē & praeparationē simplicium fidelium christi , contra pericula inuminetia ecclesiae generali per hypocritas , pseudo praedicatores , & penetrantes domes , & otiosos & curios●s & gy●●vagos , which is ready for the presse vpon a weekes warning . of c.c.c. see iewels defence and replie against harding , and mornayes resp . à l' euesque d' eureux sal●●● . . in my ●nchi i●●ion theologicū mss. apud me , taken out of the most eminent amongst the popish or protestant writers , with quotations of booke , and chapters . i haue most of the places gathered together in numerate . a non. steph. l. . dissert . de criticis p. . b ib. p. . c h. steph. dissert . de criticis p. . d parc● prudenter , pudenter . e mar. victor . annot. in hieron . ep. p. . f lucas fruterus lib. verisi●● l. p. ● . g h. steph l . dissert de criti●● p. . h lucas brugen . nouantiq . lect . p. . i fr. luc. brug . nouantiq . lect p. . k mar. victor . annot. in com. p. . l angel. posit . p. . m goulart . annot . in cypr. p. . fr. brug . nouant . lect . p. n mer victor . annot in com. p. . o hen. steph. lib. schediasm . p. . p lu●as fruteru●verisimilium , l. . p. . q luc. fruter . verisimil . p. . r h. steph. dissert . de ca●i● . p. : & . ſ h. steph. dissert . de criticis p , . luc. fruter veris . l. . p. . . t angel. poli● . p. . bilson of obedience p. . whereupon d or . norrice giueth vs this wise note . master bilson and master field in append . §. ● . haue no other shift to trauerse the euidence of this place , then by accusing it of some secret corruption . d.n. p. . how truly , the reader may iudge by that which followeth . cited by him about the place deu. . where the papists in their vulgar bible read ex for et . my ecolga oxonio-cantabrig . printed at london to the benefit of most protestant writers , and some papists , as poss●uin and pitsius , that haue partly mangled & curtalled my booke . i wonder how they durst keepe it being vtterly forbidden by io. maria master of the sacred palace . so costerius & others . see bilson . de o●●d . p. . iun. to . . p. . by pitsius . reasons why we should vndertake the th . or th . articles first . shall i here pose mr. bilson , shall i pose m. raynolds s.n. p. . & p. . . & . my father , m , richard iames was in the house when marsh was taken , and himselfe forced with his wife and children to liue all q. mar●es time beyond the seas . my petition is printed , and to be seene , that i preferred at that time vnto the bishops in convoc●tion . as shall be fully shewed ere long in a booke now in the presse , to be printed , if god will. from io. zamoscius the chancellor of poland , and generall of his army sent vnto me . yeares agoe from my lo. mornay from amandus polanus , iunius , gruterus , sch l. tetus , keckermanus , vossius , riuet , goulartius , and others , from beyond the seas . my small paines haue been approued and in some sort cōmended by my now lord of canterbury , dr : sutliffe , dr. bull●eley , dr. prideaux , dr. hakewill , dr. beard , master perkins and others . the siege of troy is said to haue lasted yeeres at the vtmost . i wold not aske longer time to impugne and expugne this new troy , or troynouant , i haue it vnder their hands , i haue made the best choice of the best and most able schollers that neuer sued to me : i wil beare them witnesse , but i will attempt nothing but permissu superiorum . a most excellent and pathetical oration, or, declamation of gregory nazianzen's stigmatizing, and condemning the emperor julian for his apostatising from the truth and containing, by way of history, the persecution of the christians during his reign, the confutation of pagan abominations and the obscenity, as well as absurdity, both of the substance and ceremonies of their pretended religion, with respect unto its doctrine and the ... ceremonies approved of among the primitive christians. gregory, of nazianzus, saint. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a most excellent and pathetical oration, or, declamation of gregory nazianzen's stigmatizing, and condemning the emperor julian for his apostatising from the truth and containing, by way of history, the persecution of the christians during his reign, the confutation of pagan abominations and the obscenity, as well as absurdity, both of the substance and ceremonies of their pretended religion, with respect unto its doctrine and the ... ceremonies approved of among the primitive christians. gregory, of nazianzus, saint. [ ], p. printed by w. godbid for h. herringman ..., london : . reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng julian, -- emperor of rome, - . church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . persecution. christian martyrs. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a most excellent and , and 〈◊〉 oration , or declamation of gregory nazianzen's stigmatizing , and condemning the emperor julian for his apostatising from the truth , and ●ontaining , by way of history , the persecution of the christians during his reign , the confutation of pagan abominations , and the obscenity , as well as absurdity , both of the substance , and ceremonies of their pretended religion , with respect unto it's doctrine , and the more , or lesse , consequential ceremonies , approved of among the primitive christians . london , printed by w. godbid , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the blew-anchor , at the lower walk of the new-exchange , m. dc . lxii . gregory nazianzen the divine . his upbraiding the emperour julian for his apostacy . hear this , all ye people , give ear unto me , every inhabitant of the earth ; for with a strong loud trum●et , and as mounted on a high ●ower , looking on all sides , every way , i call , to assemble you toge●her : hearken , countries , na●●ons , and languages , all sorts of men and ages , every one that ●ow is , or hereafter shall be : yea , ( to make my summons the more universal ) listen , i say , all ye powers of heaven , and angels altogether , by whose irresistable means a great tyrant was destroyed ; a great one , and not such a one as sihon king of the amorites , or ogge the king of bashan , petty potentates , and destructive to the israelites onely , a small portion of the universe , but the apostate dragon , the great wit , the all-daring assyrian , and common enemy of the whole world ; who not onely threatned ruine and destruction to all the earth , but also hatcht despiteful imaginations , and belched out most abominable blasphemies against the almighty . hear , o heavens , and give ear , o earth , ( for the times require i should use the loftiest terms of the most seraphical prophet , who spake the highest of all the rest ) neither is it to small purpose , he calling and invoking them for witnesses against a cast-down people of israel that had sinned against god , if i appeal unto the self-●ame creatures , against a dragon , a tyrant , who had as highly trans●ressed against the same god , to ●is own irrecoverable downfall , ●nd , as a just reward for that his ●●tragious wickedness . hear also , if thou hast any sense , ●ou soul of that great constance , 〈◊〉 the cristian souls of empe●ours that were before him : thou ●●ul , more especially , of constance , ●ho having attain'd the inheritance 〈◊〉 jesus christ , hast advanced his ●orship upon earth , and so well ●●ablished his authority with the ●●esent age , that , of all the emperors that ever were , mad'st thy self the most venerable , and commendable for the same . but , o dire misfortune ! the like whereof was never heard , that thou couldst not foresee an unlucky mishap , unworthy altogether , and incompatible with the merits of thine other illustrious acts , namely , thy making way for that man's rise unto empire and rule amongst christians , who , of all other , became the greatest enemy and persecutour of the christians . in which one act , to ill purpose , thou mis-imployed'st thy clemency and courtesie , by unfortunately preserving him to life , who was the death of so many , that far excelled him in all manner of vertue and piety , while they lived . nevertheless , that the soul of thou , the aforesaid constance , now receivest great solace , i verily assure my self , as well in perceiving that his wickedness long since extinguished , and christianity reduced to its pristine integrity , as in this my discourse , which , at present , i offer to god , as a more acceptable sacrifice , purer , and better , i suppose , than those of beasts , or other vain and detestable immolations of meats and drinks , the magnificence and greatness of which sacrifices declared more ●learly unto all the world their im●iousness , and ( as i may so term 〈◊〉 ) foolish wisdome in so doing . ●or the custome and practice of ●●esh and blood , siding with dark●ess , abandoned the light of truth , ●hich , while but glimmering upon ●●rrupt natures , the fruit thereof 〈◊〉 came dry , and in an instant withe●●d , together with the abomina●●e stock , that , for a time , sustain●● them . the rooting out of ●hich unfortunate wretches , be●●g men , sometimes of greater ●●rldly wealth than other worthi●●ss , hath rendred them equally 〈◊〉 famous , as well for their pre●●pitate downfal , as prophane 〈◊〉 worthiness , to all succeeding 〈◊〉 . as for my self , who offer unto god a sacrifice of thanksgiving , and pay my vows to the most high , who is he that can set up a theater of thankfulness , equal in any sort to the least grace we have received ? or , what voice thunder out thanksgiving in that manner as is most fit , for such ineffable benefits , as i would have it ? what auditors , with me , will entertain the words i am now a framing ? the retribution i am , at present , about to render unto the divine word through discourse in words , though not so agreeable perhaps to the efficacy of that gracious appellation the word , wherewith h● is so pleased ( among many other titles assumed by him ) to accep● of ? again , the sting of infamy b● reproach in words , as a deserve● and due punishment to him , wh● made it a crime unto christians i● the greek tongue to make use o● words ? in which regard , out of 〈◊〉 pernicious envy , and hatred towards us , he forbad all christian● the use and exercise of speaking that , which ought to be common to all men . in which his so doing , ●s if to him alone the propriety ●herein wholly belonged , thinking thereby to have more reason then ●ll other , he shewed himself thereby the most foolish and unreasona● of all men , and that for two rea●ons ; first , because thereby he ●eclared himself to be of opinion , ●hat the greek tongue was to be ●ade use of onely for the service ●f religious matters , and not like●ise as indifferently for all other ●urposes , according to the usual ●anner of uttering whatsoever no●●ons of the mind in that self-same ●ialect : just as if under the name ●nd notion of trading , he should ●orbid , at the same time , the use of ●ll manner of trades practised ●mong that nation . secondly , because he thought we were so dull , ●s not to perceive the things he ●id , to be done on set purpose , ●hereby greatly to deprive us of so ●onsequential a benefit : we making some account of the excellency of that language , and he fearing thereby his impiety , might the more easily be convinced . as if arguments had their force in the elegancy onely , and appropriating of greek words to the same purpose , and not in the knowledge rather of simple and sincere truth . besides , having a tongue , it 's less possible to hinder us from setting forth the truth therewith , than from otherwise adorning the same with eloquence in that language . so that , being inhibited by julian's ordinance to learn greek , he might hinder us onely to speak as the athenians did , that is to say , more elegantly , perhaps , and properly : but never the more , for all that , retain , or stop the currant of truth it self . whereby he made his weakness appear sufficiently , and yet never the more with-held himself from being reproved , and confuted , having over and above acknowledged , that in that he had nothing to doe to meddle , or to trouble his head with such matters . the truth is , it was not for a man who had no great assurance , either in the truth of his own re●igion , or in his own ability of ●eaking well , to go about to hin●er us from speaking ; no more ●han if he should think himself the ●aliantest champion in the world , ●nd thereupon forbid all gallant ●hen , either to fight , or to enter ●●to the lists with him . no , so to ●o would be thought rather a sign ●f a fearful coward , than valiant captain , seeing the prise is won of ●hose that fight , and not of them ●●at sit still ; of those that have ●●eir full strength allowed them , ●nd not of the maimed , or that are ●●ated in any part of their vigour 〈◊〉 try mastery with . if there●ore thou beest in fault , for hin●ering on thy part the means of ●ombating , and wilt not suffer 〈◊〉 to fight , therein thou shew●●t thy self overcome , and thence ●all i carry the victory against ●ee without contending , because thou permittest me not to fight . see then the fine doings of this wise emperor , and law-giver , who , that there might be nothing free , whatsoever , from his tyranny , hath published his own folly , by being , in the beginning of his reign , desirous , and undertaking after to exercise that his tyranny on words , and on the art of eloquent speaking . it will be a most fitting thing for me notwithstanding , to render all possible thanks to almighty god , with the words of my mouth , for recovering so to do through his providence to offer up unto him all kind of honorable sacrifice , not sparing any thing therein , either of goods , or other inheritance possessed by me ; who , having run the hazzard both of the times , and of his tyranny , have been preserved however , by the onely providence of god , for that purpose , whom , before all things , we are bound nevertheless , both with our words and deeds , to glorifie after that man●er . as out of an abundant harvest , ●herefore , common to all partakers ●ith me of such his grace , i 'l fi●●sh the intended discourse i have 〈◊〉 say of words , fearing , if i stretch 〈◊〉 speech farther , i be longer ●han is requisite , and somewhat ex●●avagant beyond the due bounds ●● that subject , for which i came ●ther to dilate of . and now , me-thinks , i perceive ●y discourse well-nigh approach●h , and advanceth it self , in a ge●●ral congratulation , to all that i ●●hold at present . and therefore , ●call unto a spiritual dance , and ●efreshment all you , who in fast●●g , weeping , and praying , pass ●●ys and nights to obtain deli●erance from oppressing evils , ●●ounding a most assured remedy ●●ereof on hope , that never fail●h . i call , in like manner , those , ●ho have suffered infinite pains , ●avels , and vexations , through ●●eat and d●verse torments of the times , been made a spectacle to men and angels , ( as the apostle speaks ) their bodies abased , but their souls remaining invincible , doing all things through christ that strengthneth , and comforteth them . and you , after the same sort , who , undervaluing ( the object of mortals malice ) wordly honors , have taken in good part the spoiling of your temporary goods , have , for a time , been injuriously separated from your husbands , wives , fathers , mothers , children , or any other , in whatever degree of blood , affinity or friendship , allyed unto you , were willing to participate with your saviour , in the fruit of his blood-shedding , and otherwise suffering for his name-sake , being now able to say and sing with the prophet unto god , thou hast caused men to ride over our heads , we went through fire and water , but thou broughtest us out into a place of safety . i call , on the other side also , to this famous banquet , all those , who , acknowledging god above all things , have hitherto re●●ined an assured faith , notwith●●anding the mysteries of provi●●nce , which , oftentimes out 〈◊〉 contrary accidents , draw un●oked for events , and by vertue ●●ereof , win us as evincingly to ●epentance , our reason being for●erly carried away with perverse ●●petuosity , which should have ●●en held out , or renewed it self , 〈◊〉 not being so envious at the fool●sh , ( as the psalmist hath it ) when 〈◊〉 saw the prosperity of the wick●● ; but rather conforming our ●●lves to the will of god , and con●●uing constant to the end , by put●ng little repose in what we saw ●resent before our eyes ; which ●eing brought to pass nevertheless 〈◊〉 we would have it , should con●●rm and further fortifie us in the ●●uth . i call , also , you , who have ●our minds wholly fixed on the ●ca●fold , and great theater of this ●orld . in doing whereof , i will 〈◊〉 the words of esdras , saying , ●ome hither , women , who come to see the plays , and stop the eyes of your minds , keeping them from errors and deceits , know , it 's the same god that 's exalted among the nations , exalted in all the earth : in all times , and things , he hath wonderfully and extraordinarily made himself known , but never so manifestly never so evidently , as at this time . moreover , would to god there were even in this good company , in this numerous troop , which heretofore chanted with us , not a feigned and unsavoury song , and whereunto we gave honorable way , have opinion they 'l one day render themselves worthy of reproof . but i wonder wherefore they are so retired apart from us , and marvel how , in so solemn a rejoycing , they are not present with us , and that contrarily they have made a particular dance , which falls not at all in any good cadence . they 'l pardon me though i speak after this manner , and that zeal encites me to declare and manifest things as they are . notwithstanding i will ●●eviate the stinging of my tongue , 〈◊〉 the honor of the hope and pre●●rvation of my brethren , having ●●w more respect to the antient ●●●endship , then to the neglect i 〈◊〉 . but yet because hereafter i ●●all be more patient , i will be ●ore vehement at present in chid●●g and reproving . i exclude then 〈◊〉 of this assembly with grief and ●●me trouble , a sort of men , la●enting at that they understand 〈◊〉 , grieving at that they feel for there lies the pity of their ●il ) however i reject it . these 〈◊〉 they who have not sowed on 〈◊〉 and firm ground , but their 〈◊〉 fell upon stony places , where ●●ey had not much earth ; the ●●me are they that hear the word , ●nd for a while with joy receive it , 〈◊〉 have they not root in themselves , ●nd therefore dure but for a time ; ●●r when tribulation or persecution ●riseth because of the word , by and 〈◊〉 they are offended . i will banish from this company yet further off those that are worse who departing from him that ha● purchased , and conducted them t● a place of greater safety , and magnificence , have given no manner o● resistance to the times , or to thos● that cousen'd them into a miserabl● and slavish captivity : but rather with obstinate alacrity , shewe themselves perverse , and of no reputation , being scandalized at th● good word of god , and suffere● themselves to be carried awa● without any affliction , or tentatio● at all assaulting them . nay rather , ( like inconsiderate wretches 〈◊〉 they are ) either to gain some littl● temporary estate , or retain other evil gotten goods , have sold their eternal salvation in exchange forsuch transitory trash , such riches ( falsly so called ) of short continuance . and now , seeing we have cut off from this noble assembly , that which is superfluous , let us take courage , and purifying our bodies and souls as much as is possible for us , all agreeing in one spirit , with one voice , sing the triumphant and ●●torious ditty that israel rejoy●●● in , at the time when the 〈◊〉 were swallowed up in the 〈◊〉 , ( meriam leading and be●●ning the tune , as followeth ) i 〈◊〉 sing unto the lord , for he hath 〈◊〉 gloriously , the horse 〈◊〉 his rider hath he thrown into 〈◊〉 sea. ( i change that of the 〈◊〉 ) but where it hath pleased 〈◊〉 , and as he thought fit and just , 〈◊〉 that doth , and disposeth all 〈◊〉 , even he that turneth the 〈◊〉 into the morning ( as the ●●●phet amos hath it ) and maketh 〈◊〉 day dark with night : — 〈◊〉 strengthneth the spoiled a●●●nst the strong : — he rules 〈◊〉 governs , as in a circle , all this ●●rld , that which agitated and t●●ubled , and which is not : all our 〈◊〉 that are subject to variation 〈◊〉 change , and that are carried ●●●etimes on this manner , and ●●●etimes on that , for our sakes , 〈◊〉 are immoveable , fix'd , and 〈◊〉 firm in the divine providence , however they seem to go ●● proceed contrarily . that whi●● is known to the world , ( viz. ●● divine wisdom of his father ) 〈◊〉 us is covered and hid : he hat● put down the mighty from th●● seats , and exalted them of low degree . also , ( which i have take from another text of scripture ▪ the arms of the wicked shall 〈◊〉 broken , but the lord upholdeth 〈◊〉 righteous . in like manner fro● another place , as my memo●● serves me , ( having abundance 〈◊〉 texts wherewith to compose th●● song , and which offer themselve● to this thanksgiving ) it 's he 〈◊〉 raisethg up the wicked above the 〈◊〉 , then putteth him down agai● that he appears no more : if we tak● heed to turn away readily , and 〈◊〉 the evil pass . who is he among them th●● treats of divine matters , that 〈◊〉 sufficiently sing , and make relatio● of these things ? who , that ca● worthily represent the power o● god , and make all his praises understood ? what voice or power of ●●●quence equal this miracle ? who 〈◊〉 that divided the sea by his 〈◊〉 , that brake the head of the 〈◊〉 in the waters , that brake 〈◊〉 head of the leviathan in pieces , 〈◊〉 gave him to be meat to the 〈◊〉 inhabiting the wilderness ? 〈◊〉 who hath shut up the sea with 〈◊〉 , when it brake forth , as if it 〈◊〉 issued out of the womb ? when 〈◊〉 the cloud the garment 〈◊〉 and thick darkness a 〈…〉 for it , and brake up for it my 〈◊〉 place , and set bars and 〈◊〉 , and said , hitherto shalt thou 〈◊〉 , and no further , and here shall 〈◊〉 proud waves be stayed ? truly 〈◊〉 hath appeased them , they not 〈◊〉 been long time furious and 〈◊〉 up . who is it that hath 〈◊〉 us the favour to go upon the 〈◊〉 of serpents and scorpions , 〈◊〉 laying not our selves in wait to 〈◊〉 their heels , that , at the same 〈◊〉 , assailed us publickly , and 〈◊〉 up their heads against us , 〈◊〉 also he ordained we should tread under our feet ? who is that hath done justice and judg●ment when it was not looked for who , that hath not for ever reac●ed out the rod of sinners upon 〈◊〉 righteous ? ( i say , upon the right●ous , if righteous any may be said be , while remaining upon eart● and no otherwise ) or ( to spe●● more humbly ) upon those 〈◊〉 knew god ? for the truth is , 〈◊〉 have not been afflicted as righteous for , as none simply are so , so , fo● being so none are afflicted but fo● their good , and to the end ( lik● brave champions ) they should pu● shame and confusion upon their afflicters . but , as sinners rather , w● had the punishment of sin through afflictions imposed upon us ; after which , the lord , in mercy , hath been pleased to shew his fatherly care and affection towards us , by his so having chastned us , that we might become wise , and ( as far as he thought needful ) to make us the more advised in our after return unto him . for , he hath not rebuked us in his anger , nor chastned 〈◊〉 in his heavy displeasure ; but 〈◊〉 shewed his mercy in the one , 〈◊〉 in the other , viz. in his chastise●●nt and pardon . who is it that 〈◊〉 done vengeance among the ●●●tions ? chid and rebuked his 〈◊〉 ? the lord strong and 〈◊〉 , the lord mighty in battel . 〈◊〉 a voice , a verse , that hath 〈◊〉 to the great graces we now 〈◊〉 , which isaiah uttered to 〈◊〉 ages , and is very agreeable 〈◊〉 this season , and sutable to the 〈◊〉 of benefits , at present , 〈◊〉 by us : sing , o heavens , be joyful , o earth , and break 〈◊〉 into singing , o mountains : god hath comforted his people , will have mercy upon his afflict●●● ▪ for all creatures , all 〈…〉 have knowledge , as i 〈◊〉 , of these things . for the 〈◊〉 was made subject to 〈◊〉 not willingly , but by reason of 〈◊〉 who hath subjected the same 〈◊〉 . because the creature it 〈◊〉 also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption , into th● glorious liberty of the children 〈◊〉 god. for we know , that the wh● creation groaneth and travelleth 〈◊〉 pain together untill now . the apostle also enters further into the sam● celebration , and rejoycing , to 〈◊〉 god's children have the enjoyin● of this contentment and delight now then , sing , o barren , ( for cannot pass by the alledging 〈◊〉 scripture ) thou that didst not bear● break forth into singing , and 〈◊〉 alond , thou that didst not travel wit● child , for more are the children 〈◊〉 the desolate , than the children of th● married wife . rejoyce also all you , who hav● been wrapt up in this unpleasan● and irksome winter of adversity for god hath had pity of his people , and hath not forsaken his inheritance : he hath done wonderful things , his antient determination and purpose is true , which 〈◊〉 to satisfie those that fear him , tha● hope in his mercy . for he hat● broken the gates of brass , and 〈◊〉 th● bars of iron in sunder . ●t's true , because of our 〈◊〉 he hath humbled us ; but 〈◊〉 ●ave been comforted , and the 〈◊〉 being broke , we have been 〈◊〉 by the grace of god , which 〈◊〉 called us , and which comforts 〈◊〉 that are lowly of heart . see 〈◊〉 i compose this hymn with 〈◊〉 words , and divine 〈◊〉 ▪ and truly , i know not how to 〈◊〉 merry , and recreate my soul 〈◊〉 any other , being transported 〈◊〉 my self ( as it were ) with ●●●lowing content . so that i 〈◊〉 no esteem of low and 〈◊〉 things , fitting and alledging 〈◊〉 many matters , which are 〈◊〉 unto me by the holy 〈◊〉 . ●ell then , there have been 〈◊〉 ( in the first place ) the 〈◊〉 of god's providence in 〈◊〉 translation of enoch , and 〈◊〉 of elias ; in noah that 〈◊〉 , and , with him , a 〈◊〉 of all things , in a little 〈◊〉 of wood , containing the whole world , from the deluge the universe , to the intent 〈◊〉 the earth after might be f●nished with more righteous in●●bitants . again , in old abraha● that was called , and gratifi'd in latter days with an off-spring , make faith of an other seed , 〈◊〉 promised posterity : who willing presenting , according to go● command , his onely son , that 〈◊〉 free-born , in sacrifice , in stead him found a ram in a bush , god's appointment , to offer 〈◊〉 unto the lord. the ruine 〈◊〉 of the wicked sodomites , 〈◊〉 were swallowed up with fire 〈◊〉 brimstone , was wonderful , wh● at the same time , righteous 〈◊〉 and his family were onely save● and , which is yet more wonder● the pillar of salt into which 〈◊〉 wife , for looking back , was tu●ed , remaining after , to represe● unto all faithless people , what fearful thing it is , when on called of god , to return 〈◊〉 unto the acting of what ever thi● expresly forbidden by him . we ●ead likewise of joseph , who was ●old into egypt , and being filled with the wisdom of god , was after made governor next under pha●aoh of that whole land , to make ●he better provision in a time of ●earth and scarcity , for his father ●acob , and all his houshold . moses ●ad the honor to see god , received , ●nd gave the law to the israe●●tes , and , being appointed by god 〈◊〉 to do , was their conductor out ●f egypt to the land of promise . the ten plagues of the egyptians , ●nd the deliverance of the israe●ites , at the same time inhabiting in ●he midst of them , was very won●erful . so was the sea its turning ●ack with a rod , and going toge●her again upon a word spoken by moses , at what time the israe●●tes had passage through the same , 〈◊〉 on dry ground , and the egypti●ns were drowned , and utterly ●ver-whelmed with the waters ●hereof to their final destruction . what can be spoken enough of those two canopies ( as i may 〈◊〉 speak ) carried over the heads 〈◊〉 the israelites by god himself , in their passage unto the land of canaan through the wilderness the pillar of the clowd which l●● them by day , and the pillar of fire which gave them light by night ? of manna , rained among●… them in their camps , as they went , from the lord out of heaven , and quails sent them from the same hand of providence enough to glut six hundred thousand persons in the wilderness ▪ of the just quantity of that heavenly manna measured out 〈◊〉 them by god , whereof they ha●… never the more to store up , th●● gathered more at a time then wa● commanded them , nor they 〈◊〉 less , to suffice nature , that gathered not so much ? of waters some drawn out of a stony rock others , of bitter made sweet ? of amaleck's being fought against b● prayers , in a mystical and hidde● manner ? the sun its standi●● still , and the moon staying her ●ourse ? jordan divided , and the walls of jericho falling upon the ●ound of trumpets made of rams ●orns , after compass'd about seven ●ays ? the earth , and the fleece 〈◊〉 wool , interchangeably wet ●nd dry ? strength in samson's long ●air , equal in power to a whole ●rmy ? a little company that ●ap'd water carrying away the ●ictory , and with as small a num●er vanquishing , beyond their ●nemies expectation , many thou●●nds of their adversaries ? i need ●ot , i perswade my self , recite so ●any wonders as followed upon ●he incamation , and happy comming of jesus christ into the ●orld by birth , or that which the ●oly apostles after did in his ●ame . many books and histo●●es there are , that plentifully bear ●itness of those matters . but of 〈◊〉 which is come to pass in these ●●mes , i shall again further make 〈◊〉 manifest unto you . hearken then , and i will relate the same to all you that fear god , to the intent that the generation that is next to come , and the succession of generations after that , may know the wonderful power of god. in which regard , because it s not so easie a matter to declare these things , without representing the greatness and quality of the peril wherein we were formerly plunged , and that cannot be done without discoursing of the evil complexion of his nature , and of what principles and seed of malice he came , who was the author thereof , to such outrages ( having by little and little encreased his impiety , even as poison that comes from cruel beasts , and venomous serpents ) referring the larger and more ample discourse of those acts , to those that have a purpose to compose tragical books and histories , ( for having not the leisure to dilate much of things too far from our present subject ) i shall , in reciting part among many others , leave something printed and engraven on your memory , as on a pillar , to be communicated to them that shall come after us , and betake me to his more principal and apparent actions . he then ( viz. julian ) having been first preserved by great constance , succeeding in the empire of his father , when the troops were armed against their chiefs , making some stirs , and ●he imperial house governed by ●ew captains : then , i say , ●eing saved with his brother by ●ncredible and extraordinary means , ●e gave not thanks either to god ●or his preservation , or to the emperor , by whose means he was preserved ; but persisting ungrateful both to the one and to the ●ther , shewed himself an apo●tate to god , and rebellious to constance his foster-father . now you must know , there was ● palace wherein these two bro●hers , who alone remained of the ●lood of the emperors , were , by ●he commandment of that most gracious prince , brought up , and there served according to the fashion of emperors . that he ( viz. constance ) did , to justifie himself in part , that the disasters , happening in the beginning of his reign , came not from him . then ▪ to shew the freedom and magnanimity of his courage , in calling them to the association with him in the empire . finally , for the better , and more firmly establishing of his estate . in which , notwithstanding , there fell out more goodness than prudence , with respect unto himself . they then , being at rest and tranquillity from all business , becaus● they had not yet the imperial dignity , but by destination , and i● hope , their age not permitting tha● they should be employed i● places of command ; received by the care of the emperor , who wa● their uncle , perfect instruction i● all sorts of sciences . certainly they gave themselves the more to philosophy , not onely that which treats of reasons and ●iscourses , but also moral , and which concerns piety , frequent●●g and conversing with persons ●ccomplish'd , and who made their ●ertues appear in their honest and ●●olish'd actions : so that they made ●hemselves to be enrolled in the ●rder of church-men , so far , ●hat they read the gospel to the ●eople , not thinking it any de●aing , or disparaging themselves ●n point of honor , so to do : but ●n the contrary , supposing there could not be in a prince or potentate a more excellent ornament , than to be actively employed in their own persons about offices touching religion . so that ●n them a great affection to moral philosophy , and christian doctrine , appeared , building for the saints and martyrs magnificent tombs , giving great gifts to churches , and being conversant about such like acts , which were evident tokens , and shined in both of them , for a time , as lively characters of christian philosophy , and the fear of god. one of them indeed was trul● and vertuously inclined to piety for , though of a stirring and troublesome nature , yet , for matte● of faith , he was constant and firm ▪ but the other dissembling , an● gaining time , hid under the appearance or shew of simplicity ▪ an evil intention of mind , ( a● one may guess at the matter . ) to which purpose i cannot conceal 〈◊〉 miracle that then hapned , a goo● one , and such as may serve for instruction to many , that are not so sincere as they should be in the truth of religion , of which openly they seem to make much profession . these two brothers being employed in beautifying the monuments of martyrs , and a jealousie between them who should bestow most magnificence and liberality in building a chappel they set up with great costs and charges ; as they did not proceed with the like design , so the masons wo●k thereabout did not go on with the 〈◊〉 success of dispatch to the one ●●rty , as to the other : for where●● what the eldest set workmen out , proceeded on to some tol●●able perfection , god being ●●eas'd to accept the same , as ●●metimes he did the sacrifice of 〈◊〉 , that , as an offering of the ●●rst-born , with a pure and sincere ●art , was presented unto him . ●he other's work , viz. of the ●●ungest , ( see , alack , the lord 's ●●ghting of the wicked in things ●●nder'd by them unto his ser●●ce , who by small discovereth ●●eater matters ) his work , i say , 〈◊〉 the sacrifice of cain , was ab●●minated by the martyrs . the ●artyrs indeed he made to smile at ●hat he did , but the ground , ne●●rtheless , sunk under that part 〈◊〉 the fabrick which was built by 〈◊〉 . which , so soon as perceived 〈◊〉 him , made him bestir himself 〈◊〉 taking pains to erect the same ●●ain out of hand ; but , after all 〈◊〉 labour and pains-taking , it disdained , for all that , to receiv● foundation from a person so d●famed , so blasted in his reput●tion ; as if thereby proclaiming 〈◊〉 the world the after-ruine whic● necessarily should befall it for 〈◊〉 own unworthiness ; or , as if in 〈◊〉 hapning , it would honor the ma●tyrs , by the neglect and litt●● esteem it seem'd to make of 〈◊〉 detestable a person . which ce●tainly was an undoubted presa●● of his folly and arrogance , as 〈◊〉 of the contempt he should 〈◊〉 afterwards towards holy ma●tyrs , together with many othe● outrages purposed by him to 〈◊〉 put in practise against the church● of the christians , and other th● like places destinated by the●unto sacred uses . with respe●● whereunto the almighty , aft●● this sort , ( though for the prese●● it was not known apparently 〈◊〉 any , yet ) at a distance seemed 〈◊〉 persecute , as it were , the persec●tor , and well nigh declared the reward and recompence of those 〈◊〉 impious doings . o the subtle nature of corrupt ●ypocrisie to do evil ! which , not●ithstanding , could not avoid the ●…ain that was set to catch him , ●nd into which he fell afterwards ! o how admirable is the lord , in manifesting what was to happen , ●y cutting down wickedness , and ●aking further declaration of his ●●acious providences ; a miracle ●…uly paradoxal , yet true . o the ●●eat fore-sight and heroick mind ●f the martyrs ! that for the pre●●nt , would not receive honor●…●rom him , who , for the future , ●hould disparage them , that re●used monuments and gifts from ●im , who should make many a ●rave champions faith , against ●is will , illustrious , and envy ●hem , at the same time , in their ●ombats and victories , for so fight●ng ! to say truth , they would not , ●y any means , permit themselves ●…lone should receive scandal , and ●e injuriously dealt withal ; viz. that their monuments should be ●uilt by so wicked hands , and other churches served with more holy , neither give occasion after to the author thereof thereby to boast in such his profaneness , 〈◊〉 setting up with the one hand 〈◊〉 some , and pulling down with the other to the rest , certain chapels dedicated to holy martyrs , some of them reproached , and other in outward shew reverenced and respected by him ; vailing , under a counterfeit appearance , ever , the true neglect and contempt he usually made of all things . wherein , nevertheless , 〈◊〉 found no great matter to glory of , though never so well advised in deceiving men , god almighty , at the same time , being undeceived , who understandeth all things , and confoundeth , in their ow● subtlety , the most crafty , though never so cunningly masking themselves under the colour of what ever appearances otherwise . for , although the lord with-held not , for a se●son , this indignity done to the martyrs , neither the forecast and hidden malice wherewith the 〈◊〉 was put in practice , nor stop●●d the current of such wicked in●●ence from falling upon them , 〈◊〉 causes ever just , and best ●●own unto himself , according to his inscrutable wisdome , 〈◊〉 secret disposal of all things , even as 't was his will to have 〈◊〉 iniquity of the amorites come ●its full , before their destruction ) ●et requisite it was nevertheless the story , that this malignant ●●ture should be detested of all 〈◊〉 , and the honour done by him the martyrs , as unworthy of 〈◊〉 , be utterly rejected . a thing , heeded , which may serve well 〈◊〉 the edification of many , there●● to discern the equity and justice god in his all-wise acceptance all things , in what manner so 〈◊〉 offered , and presented unto 〈◊〉 . for it is he that saith to israel ●hen they had sinned : bring no ●ore vain oblations , incense is an ●bomination unto me , the new moons , and the sabbaths , the calling of assemblies i cannot 〈◊〉 with ; it is iniquity , even the s●lemn meeting . neither doth 〈◊〉 that is sincere and down-right towards god , need any thing depe●ding upon men to take delight i● that 's unworthily presented unt● him , the lord no less abhorri●● him that killeth an oxe , then th●● slayeth a man ; that sacrificeth 〈◊〉 lamb , then that cutteth off a dog neck : casting out of his temp●● the hire of a whore , receiving 〈◊〉 holding suitable to his acceptan●● the sacrifice that is presented un●● him with pure and innocent hands with a mind lifted up to heave● and clean from taking pleasure 〈◊〉 whatsoever sin committed by hi● no marvail then , if he refused th● honour that julian after offered 〈◊〉 to him , seeing wickedly , and from 〈◊〉 malignant heart , he presented th● same unto god ; who regards 〈◊〉 as man , neither casteth he his 〈◊〉 upon the outward appearance , b● penetrateth even into the bottom of the heart and thoughts , whenc● virtue and vice fetch their appro●●l , and receive either recom●ence of reward , or punishment ●ccordingly , from the almighty . ●hus fared it with julian in this ●atter . if any difficulty of be●●ef therein remains , so that the ●●uth thereof may be called into ●●estion , there are witnesses yet ●●ving to be produced that saw the ●●me , who related , and represented 〈◊〉 miracle unto us , and who have 〈◊〉 purpose also to communicate a ●ore ample and full description ●●ereof unto posterity . well then , after become men , ●●ey should have entred into the ●recepts of philosophy ( would to god such their entrance had never ●een , or that they had attained ●nto the perfection thereof ; which , 〈◊〉 them that are well born , serves as 〈◊〉 weapon of true virtue , to defend ●hem from the impostery of all ●anner of contrary inconveni●●nces , though , to the perverse and ●●ase minded , it becomes sometimes 〈◊〉 spur , to set them forward in their untowardness , ( as in julian , wh● to give the devil his due , was we●● vers'd in the study of whatev●● profane literature . ) it 's true , 〈◊〉 was a great philosopher , and ye● for all that , 't was not possible 〈◊〉 him to conceal his disease , to kee● close in his mind the deceit of impiety that therein lurked . for , 〈◊〉 fire in wood , though the flame appears not , is known by the smo●● and sparkles that ascend from 〈◊〉 or , as water that runs in hollo● places , in time of great wind● having no way to expatiate it sel● nor issue free , but is oftner troubled , and mingled with earth , an● other filth , renders a sad noise fro● within , being prest with the violence of the wind , and kept bad by the force of other accident● meeting together with it : so thi● man , though he concealed much o● his profound wickedness by reaso● of the time , and instruction of th● emperour , it not being for a whil● either lawful , or safe to make known his irreligion openly , ye● discovered he nevertheless , some●●●●g then of the inwards of his ●●…ghts to men of more under●●●●ding and subtle in paganisme , 〈◊〉 in the true religion , and do●●●●… of jesus christ : also , in the 〈◊〉 which he had with his bro●●●● , wherein he maintained the ●●●…eks ( that is , the gentiles ) ●●●…ing then befitted him , under pre●●●…e of disputing to uphold the ●●●…ker side : but it was , indeed , a ●●…ourse , or exercise meerly a●●●●…st the true religion , and which 〈◊〉 much contented them who 〈◊〉 the character of a more impi●●● religion imprinted in their ●●●…ts . ●ut so soon as the emperour had ●●…ared his brother gallus king 〈◊〉 ●he romans , giving him , with 〈◊〉 government , a great part of 〈◊〉 land ; and that to julian also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 permitted full power , and 〈◊〉 , to keep company with the ●…ctors and freely to hear the dis●●●rse of the gentiles : and also , 〈◊〉 asia was as a school to him of the false religion , whose in●●bitants , the most part of them , 〈◊〉 conversant and much verst in ast●●logy , and prognostication ; that 〈◊〉 can fore-tell things to come , 〈◊〉 likewise in sorcery , and in incha●●ments , ( a science ordinarily f●●lowing the other ) there remain no thing but one , viz. that 〈◊〉 and authority were joyned to i●piety . now , it was long befo●● that the great iniquity of some ●●quired this for him to our 〈◊〉 : as who say , the health , ● good constitution of the christi●● body being arrived to the 〈◊〉 of its perfection ; power , hono●● and plenty of all things brough● change . for , the truth is , it● harder matter to keep , then to ●●tain unto what is desired , an eas●● thing by care , and pains-taking , call back , and cause lost felicity return again , then to conserve after gotten : seeing , when in p●session of this world's goods 〈◊〉 any great aboundance , we are 〈◊〉 to wax proud , and a man's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wise man tells us ) shall 〈◊〉 him low : but honour shall 〈◊〉 the humble in spirit . 〈◊〉 , being humbled after afflicted 〈◊〉 our pride , ( for after pride , hu●●lity often follows , as after hu●●lity , honour ; god resisting the 〈◊〉 , and giving grace unto the 〈◊〉 , ) we are thereby the more ●●nestly enforced to seek after 〈◊〉 lost condition till we obtain 〈◊〉 same : which , after found , we 〈◊〉 not so heedful in preserving till 〈◊〉 made more wise by having the 〈◊〉 in the whole , or , at least in 〈◊〉 taken away from us . in this 〈◊〉 ( as it should seem ) it befel 〈◊〉 christians at that time , god , 〈◊〉 weigheth all things equally , ●●asureth all things justly , being ●●eas'd to oppose , after this man●●r , one contrary to , or with an 〈◊〉 . which , that holy man after ●od's own heart , david having 〈◊〉 much experience of in his life●●me , puts usually in the number of 〈◊〉 gracious mercies the lord 〈◊〉 done for him by abasing him , and then restoring him , not bei●● unmindful , upon any occasion , 〈◊〉 thankulness to acknowledge 〈◊〉 good he thereby received fr●● him . to which purpose , what 〈◊〉 he ? before i was afflicted , i 〈◊〉 astray : but now have ▪ i kept 〈◊〉 word : putting by this method ●●mility between sin and repe●tance , as if it were engendred 〈◊〉 the one , and likewise did engen●●●● the other . which , if ye mar●● is most true ; sin , for the 〈◊〉 part , being the mother of hu●●lity , and humility of repentan●● so we , after humble , have 〈◊〉 lifted up , and whereas heretof●●● being by little and little , thro●●● the good conduct of god brou●●● to such an estate , and measure 〈◊〉 happiness , as we are now in 〈◊〉 ( as i may so say ) at such his m●●cies , it seemed good unto god 〈◊〉 cast us down . among many other sad thin● that then befell us christians , ' tw●● none of the least , that the kin●dome , and life of caesar ( viz. 〈◊〉 gallus ) came to an end . how 〈◊〉 fell out , or by what means , i 〈◊〉 forbear to tell you , as being ●illing to offend either the 〈◊〉 thereof , or him that suffered it , that respect i owe unto the pie●● of them both . nevertheless , 〈◊〉 approving of them in their ●●●knesses , but considering them ●hey were men , they could 〈◊〉 of them be exempted from 〈◊〉 faulty , and in that regard both enough to be reprehended , were not possible that the reasons 〈◊〉 we shall use to accuse the 〈◊〉 , might be the justification of 〈◊〉 other . this man then ( julian i mean ) 〈◊〉 the appointment of constance , 〈◊〉 presently heir , not of the 〈◊〉 but of the kingdome of his ●ther gallus , and soon after was 〈◊〉 also with him , who gave him 〈◊〉 estate , being forced to pay the ●●mmon tributeof all men , as over●●me , and carried away by death , 〈◊〉 the loss , and destruction of all 〈◊〉 survived him . and now , what shall we touching this most divine , this 〈◊〉 christian emperour ? i care 〈◊〉 for addressing my complaint 〈◊〉 any but to thee , o thou 〈◊〉 soul , as if thou sawest , and he●est me , while , at present , dire●●ing my speech unto thee ! 〈◊〉 know , that it can offend thee in 〈◊〉 thing , who art now resident 〈◊〉 god , who inheritests his 〈◊〉 who art gone from us here 〈◊〉 to exchange thy earthless 〈◊〉 for a better , and more durabl●● heaven . tell me , neverthele●● who was it that suggested 〈◊〉 counsel unto thee of leaving 〈◊〉 thy successour ? who gave to 〈◊〉 that advice , which comes so 〈◊〉 short of that sublime subtlety ; 〈◊〉 great judgement , wherewith 〈◊〉 wa' st indued ; not onely above 〈◊〉 the princes of thine own 〈◊〉 but above them all , in like 〈◊〉 that ever were before thee ? th●● who hast purged our horizon 〈◊〉 barbarisme , and subdued do●●stick tyrants , the one by reas●● 〈◊〉 other by force , but with such ●●●terity both , that the one did no 〈◊〉 , was no let , or hinderance 〈◊〉 other : and whose trophees ●●●eived by armes and battles , 〈◊〉 fair , and great ; but those 〈◊〉 without effusion of blood , 〈◊〉 yet more excellent , and ap●●●red more glorious to all the 〈◊〉 . thou , to whom from all 〈◊〉 of the universe● embassa●●● , and deputies were sent : 〈◊〉 , to whom all nations yield●●● obedience , or , at least , were 〈◊〉 the point of obeying , so that 〈◊〉 , who were not yet 〈◊〉 , carried themselves in that 〈◊〉 , as if already they had been ●●●rcome : thou that wa'st led by 〈◊〉 hand of god in all thy delibe●●●ons and actions : thou whose ●●●gment seemed to surmount all 〈◊〉 force ; and thy force , on ●●other side , to surmount all ●●●gement : but the glory , or fame 〈◊〉 piety , bore the bell away , 〈◊〉 from the one , and the other . 〈◊〉 then , in this onely act of thine shewedst thou thy self 〈◊〉 , and hast been surprised ? 〈◊〉 what purpose , i beseech thee , 〈◊〉 that easie propension of this 〈◊〉 inhumane goodness ? which of 〈◊〉 infernal spirits was it that 〈◊〉 the same into thy mind ? 〈◊〉 was it possible that thou shoul● deliver , in an instant , to a 〈◊〉 villain , to a common murdere● ▪ 〈◊〉 fair an inheritance , so 〈◊〉 an ornament ? ( i mean the c●●●stians under thy dominion , in 〈◊〉 life time . ) the flock 〈◊〉 through the out-spreading 〈◊〉 of that bright morning-star , good sheepheard jesus christ shining upon them , is so 〈◊〉 in all the world ? the royal pr●●●●hood of god multiplied , 〈◊〉 spread abroad with so much 〈◊〉 and travail here on earth . it may be ( my brethren ) i 〈◊〉 seem unto you to have shewed 〈◊〉 self partial and malicious in 〈◊〉 discourse , in that , among the 〈◊〉 sons of my accusation , i do 〈◊〉 readily adde what is true . but , if observe what i have declared , ●●u'l find by the same arguments 〈◊〉 my complaint , i have suffici●●tly justified what i said , and ●●●ewise that the absolution is fix●● to the accusation . for , when i ●●oke , and used this term good●●ss , i thereby declared his inno●●nce . and now , who is he , among ●●em who have known him but ●●eanly , who knowes not that be●●use of his zeal to religion , and ●●fection to us-ward , wishing all ●●od , and prosperity to the chri●●●ans , he made so great account 〈◊〉 julian ? as also , that he made 〈◊〉 so much reckoning of the ho●●ur of his race , or of the increase 〈◊〉 the empire , as of us ? but , on 〈◊〉 contrary , would have given all ●●ings , the empire , life , and all ●hereof any thing is dear , and ●●ecious , for our assurance , and ●●eservation ? there having been ever man living , that desired a ●●ing more to heart , then he the ●●gmentation of christianity , and to see it attain to the height of glory , and power in his days . for certainly , neither the su●duing of nations , nor the goo● policy of his empire , nor 〈◊〉 abundance of his wealth , nor 〈◊〉 hieght of his honour , nor the co●templation that , in name , and e●fect , he was king of kings , 〈◊〉 any other things , in which 〈◊〉 ground their felicity in this wor●● ever brought him so much conte●● as that we by his means , and he 〈◊〉 , prospered both with go●● and men , and thereby ( as in a mi●rour ) saw the authority of 〈◊〉 church established indissolubly 〈◊〉 ever : raising thereon his consid●rations higher , and more royal● then many others , in clearly di●cerning that the roman estate ●●thered its greatness , and increas● with that of the christians . an● in consideration ( it seems ) th● untill the coming of christ in 〈◊〉 flesh , they attained not unto 〈◊〉 highest point of rising into an ●●solute empire of monarchy , 〈◊〉 perfection of government , which 〈◊〉 , and not before , could ever ●rought to pass , or accomplish●● : he remembred our cause , ( as 〈◊〉 reason he had to do so ) with 〈◊〉 much zeal , good will , and all ●●rty affection . so that , if it ●●pened at any time , that it was 〈◊〉 somewhat harsh to us , it 〈◊〉 not that he the less esteemed 〈◊〉 or would do us a dispeasure , or ●●●tifie others to our prejudice : 〈◊〉 his seeming severity tended 〈◊〉 to reduce us to one and the ●wor● belief , and not otherwise to ●●ide , and separate us by schismes . 〈◊〉 for all this , he was but little ●●tchful ( as we have formerly 〈◊〉 ) on his own guard through his ●●●plicity , as also , in his clemency 〈◊〉 appeared a kind of weakness : 〈◊〉 he that is without malice thinks 〈◊〉 of malice , and therefore he 〈◊〉 not of that which was to 〈◊〉 , by his not knowing what it 〈◊〉 to dissemble . by such means as these impiety 〈◊〉 in by little and little , two contrary affections meeting togethe● the one in a good people , the ●ther in the wickedest and 〈◊〉 atheistical man of the who●● world : who fretting without ca●● against the christians , had nothi●● to say against our doctrine : 〈◊〉 having no considerable precepts 〈◊〉 the gentiles school , that could 〈◊〉 maintained by reason , without e●ample , sought by his impiety 〈◊〉 render himself renowned and ●●mous , beginning , in a new ma●ner , a war with him , who ma●● him emperour . but when 〈◊〉 knew he could not carry it 〈◊〉 vertue , and lawful means , he 〈◊〉 do it by the contrary , namely 〈◊〉 the same affection , that he broug●● about his other mischeif and wic●edness . behold then the apolo●● made to christians in the 〈◊〉 half of constance : which 〈◊〉 not but seem just and equitable 〈◊〉 men of judgement . howev●● there are some who finding themselves satisfied in this matter , 〈◊〉 not yet be satisfied therewith , but ●●cuse him of simplicity , and small ●●resight in imparting the empire , 〈◊〉 thereby putting the authori●● , and forces into his hands , who ●as his enemy , and whose brother 〈◊〉 had formerly put to death . hereupon , it is necessary for us little to discourse upon this , though 〈◊〉 be but to shew that this act of 〈◊〉 was not wholly against reason , 〈◊〉 humanity both , no , nor yet un●ecoming altogether the grave ●●ovidence , and good judgement 〈◊〉 the emperour . for , it would 〈◊〉 a shame to us , having received 〈◊〉 much honour from him , and ●●owing him to be so accomplish●●d , and excellent in piety , not to ●●eak further in his just defence : 〈◊〉 especially , seeing he is dead , 〈◊〉 hath now left us . in which ●●gard we cannot justly be re●●oached for using flattery , having 〈◊〉 liberty to speak freely , with●ut any suspition , in proposing law●●l onely , and true grounded argu●ents on his behalf . to which purpose , who wou●● not have thought the honours co●ferr'd upon him should have re●dred him more mild , and peac●able ? as also , the confiden●● wherewith too assured of hi● more ingenious , and just ? lik●wise , in that the two brothers ha●… by a royal judgement , and sentence , the one received punishment , the other advancemen● there was no possibility of believing , that he , who had adorned j●lian's youth with dignities and honours greater then could ever b● hoped for by him , would ever punish the eldest without a just ●nd lawful cause . so that , for resolution of the thing in question so f●●… it may be answered , the one 〈◊〉 constance his acts ought to be attributed to the temerity of gal●● who was punished , and the oth●● to the good nature of himself , wh●… gave those honours unto julian or , to say truth , constance had no● so much assurance in julian's fait● and oath , as in the power that wa● then remaining in his own hand . some thinke , under the same ●elief alexander the great gave ●orus , not his life onely ( who ●ravely on the other side , fought ●or the crown ) but also the king●ome of the indies . neither ●ould he make his magnanimity ●etter appear , then by such an act ●f his , who being alexander , ●hought there went more of him 〈◊〉 overcoming , then by armes ; ●eeing 't was in his own power ( as 〈◊〉 conceived ) if the other , viz. ●orus , had shewed himself un●rateful , and rebellious thereupon , ●o have overcome and utterly vanquished him afresh . so his great ●ssurance , great constance his confidence , i mean , in his own strength , was the cause of his so liberally ●estowing those great honours , that ●ut of a magnanimous mind , and heroick spirit , he so profusely conferred upon julian . but what need i debate so much of this , seeing its easie for me , although i let go this reason , to gain my cause ? for if he that truste● another man , doth ill , how muc● more he that is trusted , if he fa●● in such his trust ? and if it b● blameable , not possibly to fore ▪ see an evil inclination ; in wh●● degree of blame and baseness sha●● we put that perverse nature , tha● so foully deceived him , who so fairly , and ingeniously trusted thereunto ? but certainly it 's a thing , whereof we cannot soon beware , unles● we be as malicious in our selves . besides , let us do what we can , it 's a hard matter to make a wicke● man good . for reason would , that this man should have shewed himself faithful to constance : an● if there had been any sparke of ill-will towards him , to have utterly extinguished the same . but , on the contrary , in recompense of so many benefits , he conceived against him an evil affection , became ● malefactor towards him his benefactor , making it his design to do evil unto that gracious emperour , who had no other design , then to do ●ood unto him . behold , good people , the do●trine that the platonists , the ●hrysipsians and the famous peripa●●ticks , the stoicks , and other , who ●orme their pallats to speak so ●rettily , have taught him ! take ●otice of the geometrical pro●ortion , the discourse of justice , ●nd of those patient philosophers , that maintain , it 's better to take , ●hen to do wrong . see also what ●rave preceptors , what great coun●ellors of state , what grave law-makers he took to him in the quar●ours , and drew out of taverns ; and of whom he was wont to say that [ he approoved not their manner of living , but rather admired their eloquence : ] nor it neither , but , possibly , rather their impiety . these alone were the men , whom he thought good to advise with , and to ask counsel of , in whatever to be done , or , otherwise , left undone by him . and , are we not well advised ( think ye , ) to admire this kind 〈◊〉 people , who forme idea's of co●mon-wealths in their discourse , th●● can never be reduced into act who sooth up cruell tyrants 〈◊〉 their oppression , with fair speechs and present to the gods a half pen●● with a grave look of the forehead ? of this sort , some believ● there is no god at all ; others n● p●ovidence , but that all thing● come to us by hap-hazzard , ●● chance : some , that we are governed by the stars , and figures ●● fatal necessity ; ( i know not where they have it , nor from whom ) others , that all things tend to voluptuousness , and therein the quintessence of humane life consists ; but , as for virtue , they give it a fine name onely , and extend its relation no further then the limits of this life , positively putting it down for granted , that [ the faults we commit in this life dyes with us , and no further account to be made for them after death . ] the ablest of all their wise men are endued ( it seems ) with no bette●●nowledge , but being wrapt up in ●he muddy and obscure darkness of ●rrour , and ignorance , never lifted ●p the understanding to discern ●ver so little the beams of saving ●ruth , but rather troubling them●elves with things here below , and that fall under the cognisance of the senses , never comprehended ●ny thing about the nature of devils ( as most reasonable it is that god , the creator of them , should be ) if there were any one among them , that had dived never so little further into the abstruse secrets of nature , being destitute , at the same time , of the grace of god , he rested upon that which to him seemed easier to understand , and brought the vulgar multitude to conforme themselves thereunto . is it then any great wonder , that he , who was endued with such precepts , and taught by such masters , should prove a traytor to him that trusted him ? a felon , and rebell to him that raised him up ? if there be yet any other question of defending , by accusing him , he could not ( i should think ) be much troubled in mind for the death of his brother , who was his brother's enemy by reason of his religion , and so much displeased to see christianity flourish . no , but being transported with rage rather against true piety , he the sooner troubled the state , to establish and give liberty to his false , and foolish opinions : it being requisite , according to their reasons , to annexe the empire to philosophy , and ( as it fell out after ) rather to complete , then to cause the evils of the common-wealth to cease . now the first act of his rebellion , and temerity was , to make himself be crowned , and to procure , or rather assume to himself the sublime title of emperour ; which , in times past , was wont to be obtained , not as a rape , or prey of fortune but by succession , or by the will of the emperour , or else ( as anciently practised ) by order from the senate . but he would 〈◊〉 acknowledge , as author of his ●●nour , him , who was the true ●●rd of the monarchy . then ●●ving forged in his mind a foolish ●●cessity of taking up armes , which 〈◊〉 was so rash , and un-advisedly ●●ld to undertake , ( see but what 〈◊〉 contrived , and to what point he ●●duced his oversight and folly , o 〈◊〉 extreme fury of this man ! ) 〈◊〉 went armed with great forces ●gainst his prince , and part of the ●est , under the colour and covert 〈◊〉 excusing himself for taking up●● him the crown . i say under 〈◊〉 colour , &c. because , as yet he ●●ssembled , and endeavoured to ●ver his disloyalty , and madness 〈◊〉 a time , when indeed , his whole ●ope , and full intention was to ●●tablish himself in the empire , ●nd by his ingratitude render him●●lf notable to all the world . wherein his hope ( as it fell out ●fter ) did not deceive him , was ●ot in vain . with respect where●nto , i would not that they should be ravish't with admiration , 〈◊〉 mind not the incomprehensib●● height of god's providence governing all things , and ascribe litt●● or nothing to him in the all-wise di●posing , and regulating of state● who , whatever they imagine to th● contrary , as sweetly , as secretly ordains whatever he will hav● brought to pass , in its due seaso● and the same for the better alway● though silly men sometimes mislike thereof , and are not , perhaps , satisfied in their understanding wherefore he doth so . no● this divine providence ( you mu●● know ) induced not this man 〈◊〉 do evil : for , god is not the author of evil , but of all goo● things , sin proceeding never from him , but from the party alone tha● makes choice thereof . as for this wicked impe of satan , ( i mean julian ) he stayed no● his restless motion , but readil● running to those companies thi● were of his government , and unto a part of the marches of the barbarians , whereof , rather by craft , ●hen by open war , he became ma●ter , approached the imperial court ( as instructed so to do , say ●ome of his party , by prognosti●ation , and the advertisement of devils , who promis'd him an hap●y adventure , and a change of ●hem that then governed the af●airs : ) or , according to the saying ●f those who know truth , he the ●ooner advanced , thereby to arrive , ●t a day prefixt , to effect horrible ●nd secret wickedness , as hasting to ●e at the murder , whereof himself was the author , covering the con●piracy then by means of one of ●is domesticks . so that , it was ●ot divining , but knowing certain●y , and the act it self a work of wickedness , and not a benefit the devils had granted him : who by ●hat which fell out in persia , have ●ade the power they had well ap●ear of luckily conducting his af●airs . let them be quiet then , who attribute to devils his celeri●y , or quick dispatchin that matter , however , we cannot deny but th●● the foul act of his consulting with d●vils was damnable . nevertheles● had not the disease of the emperour prevented the incursion of th●● tyrant , and the secret war bee● stronger then the disclosed army the villain had soon felt , that 〈◊〉 hasted to his ruine , and that , before he was chastised by the astonishment he was put into by 〈◊〉 persians , he had carried the punishment of his deserts to the r●man territory , where he , befo●● that , had contrived his wicked conspiracy , which was likely enough because as then he discovered no● himself , although enclosed with th● army of the most valiant emperor , that he might have no way of escaping : as it was easie to judge by that which happened afterwards , there being but little expectatio● of cutting off the means of retreat to him that had already th● empire in his hand . but , as th● emperour marched vertuously against perfidiousness and impiety ( good god what a mischeif do i 〈◊〉 make mention of ! ) he dyed 〈◊〉 the middest of the way , repen●●●g himself to god , and men , 〈◊〉 he had been so kind unto julian , 〈◊〉 , as much as it was then 〈◊〉 for him to do , shewed the af●●●tion he bore to the true religion . years , at present , mixt with joy 〈◊〉 down my cheeks , and , as the 〈◊〉 and floods , strive together , 〈◊〉 , in their meeting , mingle , and ●●●uble one an other , while i am ●●●covering what happened after . 〈◊〉 the end and issue was pleasant 〈◊〉 agreeable to us , as the begin●●ng had been sad and heavy , not ●●ely in regard of the christians , 〈◊〉 their afflictions , which pro●●eded , either by the instinct of 〈◊〉 evil spirit through the will of ●od , who knows the cause there●● ; or ( it may be ) from our ar●●gance , which had need of being ●●strained , and purged : but also 〈◊〉 the regret of that wicked soul , 〈◊〉 of those , carried together with 〈◊〉 ▪ to perdition . there are some , who bewail onely the last plagu● and torments they endure here below , as having no respect at al● but to this present life , and , 〈◊〉 their mind , regard not the futur● nor believe any chastisement sh●●● be imposed upon , or recompe●●● done them for the things commi●ted by them in this world , leadi●● the lives of beasts , and mindi●● nothing but the present time onely placing their soveraign good in h●mane tranquillity , and , contrarily attributing misfortune , and infelicity to adversity , and to thing that happen crosse to their desires ▪ but , as for my self , i deplore mo●● the torments they shall receive i● the other world , and the which 〈◊〉 surely , though secretly prepare● for the wicked ( to say nothing 〈◊〉 that which is more grievous , viz. to be deprived , to be banished from the presence of god for evermore . alas what sore punishmen● will that be ! ) but how can i refrain bewailing of this miserable man ? how otherwise chuse but more lament ●●ose , who , of their own accord , 〈◊〉 self-motion have retired them●●lves to his false worship , then ●●ose that compelled thereunto by ●●rsecution ? and how can i hinder 〈◊〉 lamenting yet more him , that ●●rried others , then those who vo●●ntarily rendred themselves , and 〈◊〉 part , or sided with the wicked 〈◊〉 their profaneness ? contrarily , it 's a thing neither ●rievous , nor irksome to christians 〈◊〉 suffer for the name of christ , ●ut a happy contentment , not one●y in consideration of the heavenly ●●fe , but also of the constancy and ●lory he hath made way for them to ●ttain unto here below among pe●ils . whereas to the followers of ju●ian , the evil that 's already befallen ●hem is beginning of future torments that are threatned , and destined for them hereafter . so that , it had been much better , they had been longer punished here , then to be reserved to that high seat of justice in heaven . but i will not in●● hereon further , that i may 〈◊〉 the law , that forbids rejoycing 〈◊〉 the fall of an enemy , when he 〈◊〉 cast down ; and that rather , bei●● our selves in better condition , 〈◊〉 should shew our compassion towards him in his greatest nece●sity . i will resume therefore the chi●● scope of my discourse , and spea● of him from whom proceeded 〈◊〉 unlimited a desire after vice , 〈◊〉 immense a zeal to all manner 〈◊〉 wickedness . how came it to pa●● that he ran so fast to mischief● from whence was that his enmity to jesus christ ? he entre● and entituled himself his disciple he had the knowledge , by conference , touching many subtle discourses of truth , proposed by himself , and heard , from others , fin● precepts of saving health , or eternal salvation . and behold , no sooner came he to be emperour , but he made open profession of paganisme , as if he had been ashamed of being formerly a chri●●●an , and for that reason would ●ischief the christians , because ●●mself had been a christian in the ●●ginning . but here was the ori●●nal of his audaciousness , ( as they 〈◊〉 , who boast of their being of his 〈◊〉 counsel ) having washed 〈◊〉 ground with filthy and dete●●●able blood , ( see , into what foul ●●rms i am constrained to fall ! ) 〈◊〉 had a purpose to have establish●d abominable ceremonies in op●osition unto ours , being himself ●according to the proverb ) as the ●ow that wallows in the mire . he ●rofaned his hands thinking to wash ●nd purge them with that , that ●●uched the sacrifice , which is done ●ithout effusion of blood , by means ●hereof we participate with god ●n his passion , and in his divine nature . the royal palace was ●mployed in dissections and sacrifices , serving himself in his wicked reign with wicked coun●ellers . and now , while making mention on of dissections , and of the foolis● or rather damnable affection he bore to them , i know not , whethe● i should put in writing , a common and triviall miracle , or give credi● unto what is said of it . for , the truth is , my mind hangs , as in 〈◊〉 ballance , not knowing which way to incline , there being some thing● worthy to be beleived , others not ▪ neverthelesse , it being no new thing , but oftentimes happening that upon the change of grea● estates , by means of such vai● dissections of beasts , &c. som● prodigious things have been presignified ( though , in this manner to fall out after , is that which seem● worthy of admiration , both to me , and to all them , who are willing , and have a desire that holy thing● should be declared , and handled holily ) i shall take the boldnesse to make further relation of what 's reported . behold then what happened . one day as he sacrificed , the standers by saw in the entrails of the beast [ a crosse crowned in a circle ] which ●●ought astonishment , and troubled ●●me of his own party , as if there●●… had been signified that we ●…ould carry away the victory : ●…t the prince of impiety being ●ore couragious , replyed that it ●●pressed rather we should be shut 〈◊〉 , and enclosed . behold then 〈◊〉 miracle that i spoke of ! if it 〈◊〉 false , the wind will blow it ●●ay , if true , it 's balaam prophe●●…ng ; and samuel coming again , ●●d appearing unto the witch of ●●ndor , and saul ; the devils con●●●sing christ , whether they will 〈◊〉 no , and the truth , to procure ●●lief , proved by its enemies . it ●…ay further be that this was done , 〈◊〉 ordained , to reduce this man ●●om his impiety . for god , who 〈◊〉 prone to mercy , can , and doth ●●ten use many extraordinary waies 〈◊〉 lead men unto salvation , through 〈◊〉 knowledge of the truth . see an other thing ( reported of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any , and credible ) one day , ●●…ing into a hideous , and almost inaccessible cave ( would to 〈◊〉 from thence he had fallen i● hell , rather then gone on furth●● to such mischiefs ) and having man in his company worthy of 〈◊〉 hells , who took himself to be great master in this science , 〈◊〉 rather sophistry ( for among th●● they have a fashion to devine 〈◊〉 conferring of future things 〈◊〉 devils in obscure places , wheth●● it be they love darknesse , beca●●● they are darknesse it self , and exc●lent work-men in the darkn●●● of sin , or , be it they avoid meeti●● with good people on the face of 〈◊〉 earth , least such , after seen them , might take any power fro● them in their devining ) he 〈◊〉 struck into a great fear . now , astonishment had seised on 〈◊〉 villanous man at his first entra●●● into the cave , before spoken 〈◊〉 and increased more and more aft●● ( for it 's said such dealers with 〈◊〉 devil have strange and inward b●ings , and representments ) and 〈◊〉 there appeared unto him ph●tasmes of fire , with ( i know not ●hat ) other follies , and raving ●●ymeras ; being surprized there●ith ( for he was a novice in this ●●ctrine ) he had recourse to the ●●rosse of christ , and call'd to his 〈◊〉 him against whom he then re●●●ted . ( that which followes is ●●ore notable . ) the crosse of ●hrist had the better of it : for the ●evils were overcome thereupon , 〈◊〉 the frights vanished ; but what 〈◊〉 out afterwards ? mischief took ●●eath again , he again grew hardy , 〈◊〉 begins , as formerly to play his ●●anks afresh ; whereupon the ●●me frights , in an instant , repre●●nt themselves . what then ? he ●as fain to addresse himself , once ●ore to the crosse of christ ; im●ediately after the devils are qui●●ed : whereat , the novice being in a great perplexity , the master 〈◊〉 the sacrifice , that was near 〈◊〉 perceiving the matter , pervert●● both the truth , and him , told 〈◊〉 the devils were not affraid of 〈◊〉 crosse of christ , but had both 〈◊〉 and christ in abomination . 〈◊〉 evill speech of that leud man c●●ried him away quite : for as he sai● so he immediately perswaded hi● and thereby drew this untowa●● disciple of his into the gulfe 〈◊〉 utter destruction . wherein th●● was nothing strange , for a vicio●● nature will sooner follow the co●●sell of a wicked man , then retire 〈◊〉 the advice of a good . what he 〈◊〉 and what he said more in the cave and what illusions he was cheat●● with before he came up , they 〈◊〉 learned the same , and since instr●cted others therein , know very we●● he came up i am sure , much tro●bled in mind , making the sa●● appear more evidently in his ou●ward gestures , and in the gastlyn●● of his looks , as also by those mean● further manifested , who they we●● whom he adored , continuing on 〈◊〉 that time more especially 〈◊〉 he was alwayes full of 〈◊〉 ) to commit all manner of ●●●kednesse . i say , from that time , ●●●ause then he shewed , and made 〈◊〉 be more seen . insomuch ( as i ●●●eive ) he gave it out to be taken 〈◊〉 of , that he had not lost his 〈◊〉 in descending , and having fel●●wship with devils , calling the ●●aviour , in that his being inspired , ●●ball , and appropriating there●●th to himself fair , and honourable 〈◊〉 . these were his beginnings . but 〈◊〉 that which he hatched was ●●●closed , and the mind that he had 〈◊〉 persecute us appear'd , he thought 〈◊〉 an other device worthy of a man ●●rowly flush't , and perfect in ●●ckednesse , or else , that had 〈◊〉 the same of those , who had 〈◊〉 exercised in such doctrine . for 〈◊〉 it was a thing too bold , and gross , 〈◊〉 declare war openly , and consti●●te himself captain of paganisme , ●hich had brought some difficulty to that whereat he aimed : so w● had made our selves more couragious , if they had not taken us b● force , and had opposed to tyrann● the great affection which we ha● to the true religion : it being th● disposition of generous courages t● be bent against those , who woul● carry things by force : even 〈◊〉 the flame , that 's excited by th● wind increaseth so much the more as the wind is more vehement grounding his judgment therein , no● onely by the reasons he had to● comprehend it , but also by precedent persecutions of the christians which had brought to christianity more glory , then diminution , in tha● christians had setled their minds i● piety , and , as hot iron in water , hardned them against perills . bu● he thought that making war wit● subtlety , and adding force with perswasion , also mingling a mild manner of dealing with his tyrannical power ( which was nothing else , but to cover the fire with abait , ) he thought ( i say ) that this manner of proceeding was ground●d on reason , and would carry the ●atter . for , above all things , he ●●vyed them , who were champi●ns of martyrdome , and therefore ●rove , with all his might , to force , ●nd constrain people to return to ●aganisme , and proceeded so sub●ely in it , that none perceived it : ●nd contrarily we endured punish●ents without having the honour ●f martyrdome . but , it was ●reat-simplicity in him , for all that , 〈◊〉 to do . first , because he per●waded himself , we knew not the ●ause why we were in trouble , ●nd that by this sophistry , and ca●illation , he thought to cover the ●ruth , not seeing that the more he ●aboured to take away these honors , ●o much the more he made us ap●ear greater , and fairer . secondly , ●or that he perswaded himself , that what we did , was for the desire of ●ain-glory , and not for the zeal of truth . as on their part , for the ●ame cause , they were wont to make use of empedocleans , of aristeans , of empedotineans of t●●phonians , and a troop of such li●● wicked juglers . one of whi●● casting himself into the gulphs 〈◊〉 sicily , to make men beleive 〈◊〉 should become a god , and be ●●ken from them , to change this 〈◊〉 for a better , was discovered 〈◊〉 his chamlet cloak , which the flam● cast out , to be dead , and cons●quently no god , but a lover on●● of vain glory , and an ignorant , 〈◊〉 silly asse . others , secretly retiring in pl●ces under ground , sick of the sam● disease of vain-glory , and love 〈◊〉 themselves , being discovered after got not so much renown by the●● secret retreats , as reproach for suc● their impostures . but , as for christians , its thei● only joy , to suffer for gods cause for the true religion of christ : i● comparison whereof , we ma●● little account of pleasing men have no other aim , but to be accepted of the almighty . besides which consideration , they ●●at are truly wise , and lovers of ●eavenly , and divine matters , 〈◊〉 to be joyned with christ alone , 〈◊〉 christs sake , without any other ●●ward : they that do good works ●ith intention of receiving recom●ence for the same , being in the ●econd degree of vertuous people : ●nd they that abstain from evil do●ng for fear of punishment , in the ●hird . thus is it with us , that are ●rue beleiving christians , and the proof that we are so minded indeed , ●s easie for them to find , that will undertake it . but , iulian desirous to deprive us that are christians of the chief honours , ( for many judge by their own affections , the affections of others ) above all , set upon our fame and reputation . wherein he proceeded not openly , as former persecutors , but tyrannically invented alwayes something against us , that it might be to him a chief crime , to force the people of the habitable earth and to tyrannize over the most perfect , and accomplish't doctrine that ever was . but certainly , he made war wit● us , and persecuted piety in th● cowardliest , and basest manner tha● might be , in regard , among th● persecutions wherewith he astlicte● us , he caused frauds , and decei● to interveene in troubling us . for , whereas power branche●● it self into two considerations , th● one consisting in perswasion , th● the other in force , and violence ▪ he made use of that part of his power which was the hardest and most inhumane , namely force ; ( reflecting for the most part unto tyranny , through the unrulinesse of the common people both in city and country , whose audaciousnesse is otherwise intollerable , being carried inconsiderately unto all attempts sometimes , without either wit , or discretion ) this force he put in practice against the christi●ns without any expresse edict , or ordinance , for what he would have them do , but onely that he would establish an unwritten law , by ●hich he forbad any one of them ●ould be sought after for his good ●ill , and affection to religion . the ●●ntlier part of his power , which ●as perswasion , he reserved to him●●lf , although he kept not the same ●●violately . for , as nature cannot ●ermit , that the leopard should ●uit his spots , or , the moore his ●lacknesse , or fire its heat , or ●he devil the hatred he bears to ●han ( who from the beginning was 〈◊〉 murderer ) so it could not suffer ●hat this man should abandon his ●ruelty , wherewith he was fully ●ncensed against us . but ( as they 〈◊〉 ) the cameleon changeth her self ●iversly , and can take all colours , ●ut while i leave there this fabu●ous sophister , proteus the egyptian iulian did the same to the christians , bearing towards them all affections of the soul , except mildnesse , his very mercies to them being cruell , and his perswasion mixt with much violence ; covering , under the outside of equal dealing , all manner of injustice , and oppre●sion . which the more easily 〈◊〉 be guessed at , by those subtle me●● usually put in practice by him , 〈◊〉 draw us to his lure : his perswasio● to this purpose being alwaies bri●● but his violence , which follow●● after , if not yeilded unto in wh●● he would have , lasting long . in 〈◊〉 word , his accustomed manner 〈◊〉 dealing with us , was after the fashion of hunters seeking to catch thei● game , viz. either with snares 〈◊〉 of fair words to take us , 〈◊〉 with other weapons of violence 〈◊〉 make after us , untill reduced unde● him as his prey . having resolved in his mind , and made good this division of hi● power into seeming mildnesse , an● force , he betook himself to another stratagem ( which only was resolved upon , though otherwise very inconstant , and extreamly variable in all his proposals ) and t' was this , to begin the execution of his wickednesse upon those of his own house , and guard ( a way practiced by all persecutours ) there being no hope ●f invading those that are further ●ff , if those nearer hand be not ●●rst looked after . even as an ar●y cannot fight its enemies , if , at ●he same time , it be revolted ●gainst it's chief . for this reason , ●e changed all the officers of the ●mperial house , putting some away , ●thers to death , neither , for that wanting in their several respects ●articularly to this great emperour , ●ut because they then shewed it most of all , and at the highest . for which two considerations they ●ecame ( it should seem ) unprofita●le and might not be suffered to serve him . he gained the souldiery afterwards , partly by himself , partly by means of their commanders : and esteeming it easier to perswade , he won some by offices and dignities , others , ( who knew no other law but the will of their prince ) by their simplicity : and ( to say more ) he drew to him a great part of the army , viz. as many as he found weak , and inclinable , and who then , and before , were servants of the times . having gained some , and in hope to gain others , he was not nevertheles● master of all , neither could he th●● persecuted us , procure to himself such a multitude by his ministry , but that yet there remained more then seven thousand , who bowed not the knee to the baal of his power , who worship't not the image of his gold , and who , though bitten perhaps with his serpentine words , by looking after on the brazen one , or on one that was a type of christ on the crosse , received no hurt by him . of which number there were not a few , that had honours and dignities , whom , a man would have judged in appearance , might have suffered themselves to be wrought upon , either by fear , or hope . there were also very many of low condition , of no great esteem , but for their number , unto whom having given the assault , he was by them repulsed : even as a great , and thick wall by a thin and ●●eak engine . moreover , he angred not him●●lf any more , because those that ●ot from him had courage , and ●onquered : for he was so much out ●f his senses , that those , whom he ●oped to overcome , seemed to him ●s all won already . yea , he had ●he boldness to undertake against ●he great standard , which being ●oftily displayed , with the cro●s woven therein , conducted , and magnificently guided the army , that had the vertue ( as the latine word bears the name ) of comforting , and lessening labours and trawails , and which ( as a man may say ) is the king of standards , as well of them adorned , and enobled with the pictures of emperours , enrich't with devises by embroderies of diverse colours , as of those carried at the end of a lance , and flying in the air , with faces of horrible dragons , and jaws gaping , casting flaming lights , and embroidered with ranks of shels represented to the life in cloath of gold , & thereby affording both applause , and pleasures to the beholders . after then that with content he had ordered his house , and thought he was on the top of all his businesse and out of whatever fear and danger , he attempted that which followes . what was that ? to suppresse the truth of god , by labouring , tooth and nayl , ( as we say in the proverb ) utterly to subvert , and root out , not onely the christians , but also christianity it self , from off the earth . o foolish , wicked , and ill taught man in things out of thy reach , and of highest concernment ! dared'st thou thus obstinately to undertake so silly , and unlikely an enterprise against that fair portion of gods inheritance , and manna of the habitable earth , which had penetrated throughout all extremities by means of the profit , and facility of preaching of the gospel , ( that thou childishly calledst folly , and yet had subdued the wise , withstood devils , and resisted time ) as being old , and new together , accordingly , as those of thy party , the heathens have composed one of thy gods ? the first , viz. the truth of the old testament , declared but to a few , the last , viz. that of the new to very many : the former , as the draught or discription of a shadow , the latter as the accomplishment of the same mystery folded up , and reserved for a certain time onely , and to be revealed after . again , who , and from whence art thou , that thou daredst to set upon so rich an inheritance of christ ? so rich , and great , i say , both , and which shall never perish , although there were never so many more furious , and more out-ragious then thou wast : but shall advance itself , and grow more and more famous for ever ? in regard i beleive the prophesies of old , and those things in like manner which are manifest at present before our eyes , things that as god he hath created , and as man inherited , which the law hath set forth , but grace accomplished , the prophets fore-told , the apostles confirmed , and the evangelists consummated , or made good and perfect from the beginning unto all ages . hast thou been so bold as to approach near the holy sacrifice of jesus christ with thy abominations ? and to come with the blood of thy beasts in opposition to his divine blood , that hath washt and purged all the world ? diddest thou dare to make war against peace ? to lift up thy loose hand against him that was fastned both for thee , and by thee upon the tree ? hast thou set , or composed thy tast against gall ? wouldest thou set up a trophee in defiance of the crosse of christ ? erect against his death a destruction ? against his resurrection a rebellion ? against the truest martyr that ever was ( if a martyr we may call him ) those that were no martyrs ? persecutor as herod , traytor 〈◊〉 judas , but that thou never shew●d'st thy repentance in an halter as ●e did ! thou who hast crucified ●esus christ in like manner as pi●ate ! enemy of god's as the iews ! who , to thine own inevitable , ●hough future destruction , wast ●eserved , for a time , to be author ●f so much mischeif ! dost thou ●othing respect those that have ●een sacrificed for the name of je●us christ ? hast thou no regard to ●hat great st. iohn baptist ? to st. pe●er , st. paul , st. iames , st. steven , ●nd a world of other valiant cham●ions , that both before , and since ●heir time , have miraculously main●ained gods truth in peril of their ●ives and goods ? manfully fought ●gainst fire and sword ? powerfully ●ubdued beasts and tyrants by pre●ent torments , and denounced condemnations , as if they had only borrowed their bodies , or , indeed , had no bodies sensible at all of what they suffered for gods cause ? now wherefore all this ? that with their mouth , at last , they should renounce the true religion ? so belike or , otherwise , thou wouldst never have caused honour● to be ordained for them , together with praises , and feasts . but so far off was this devil iulian from bringing this to passe , that the christians in his reign , for the most part , not onely still perfisted in their former profession , and defence of gods truth , but also by them devils were cast out , diseases cured , apparitions and prophesies followed , their humane bodies upon touching , or repairing unto , had vertue and power given them a● well as their sanctified souls , to work miraculous effects : yea further , drops onely of their blood , or , the like little remains of their martyrdome , had the same efficacy and power , &c. what sayest thou ▪ wilt thou still slight , and not yet have a reverent esteem of such like persons ? thou , who admirest the burning of hercules , caused upon a disaster of having offended women ? and the dismembring of pelops , either for the love of strangers , or gods ? with respect whereunto the pelopides rendred themselves noble and remarkable both by the shoulders , and by the ivory : who admirest the gelding of the phrygian preists , that receive their shame with the sweetnesse of musical instruments , wherewith appeased after ? the torments and cruelties used in the mysteries of mythra , and his burnings , as well just , as mystical ? that murdering of strangers kil'd by bull 's the sacrifice of that kings daughter , because of the city of troy ? and the blood of meniceus which was shed for the thebans ? then that of the daughters of scedasus at euctres ? thou that makest so great account of those young laconicks , who whipt one another till the blood followed , and besprinkled the altar for the delight of that chast goddesse , and virgin ? who makest so great esteem of the hemlocke of socrates ? of the thigh of epictetes ? of the belly of anaxarchus ? whose patience was more by necessity then of good will : who commendest also the precipices of cleombrotus , moved to cast himself from thence by the reading of the discourse of the soul ? the dispute of pythagoras touching his beanes ? the content of death by theanes ? or of i know not what other of his school , and sect ? neverthelesse , thou most wise and generous , if thou wilt not admire the things i have said came to passe heretofore because of our religion : at least contemplate on that which is present , and consider the patience of our scipioes , and epam●nonda's : seeing thou marchest with thy army , and causest thy self be served with meats common , and not delicate to eat : that approvest very much of those emperors , who make war , and conduct their armies themselves : that savourest of i know what generosity , and discretion in honouring the virtue of thine enemies , and makest more esteem of the valour ●f thine adversaries , then of the ●owardlinesse , and idlenesse of whosoever of thine own party : ●eest thou not many among us , ●aving in their possession neither ●ouses nor goods , stript likewise ●f their flesh and blood , and yet ●hrough such their sufferings approaching near unto god ? who ●ye on the bare earth , their feet ●as homer speaks of a certain devil that desired to honour him ) all ●irty ! who are humble , and yet ●levated above all here below ? who are on earth here with men , ●nd yet , at the same time , in heaven above with god ? who are bound , and yet free ? forced , and yet invincible ? who possesse nothing in the world , and yet injoy all things that are in the world ? who consist of two sorts of lives , the one which they make no reckoning of , the other , whereof they esteem very much ? who dye to live ? who through the dissolution of body and soul , are re-united unto god ? who live exempt from all inordinate affections , and yet filled with the holy and true love of god ? to whom appertains the fountain of light , whose beams already penetrate their souls : who are spiritually nourished , as it were , with angelicall singing of psalms ? and kept turns , whole nights , together in praising god ? who have thei● minds already in heaven , by a divine rapture , before they dye ? to whom appertains cleannesse and purity ? who know its all one to depart from this world , and to be with god ? to whom belongs rocks , and also paradise ? to be cast down upon the earth and yet to be set upon thrones in heaven ? to be naked in their bodies , and yet cloathed with incorruption in their souls ? to be here in deserts , but yet in heaven with good company ? who neglecting and repressing the sensualities of the body , injoy , for all that , a perpetual , and un expressible content of the soul ? whose tears are the deluge ●f sin , and restauration of the ●orld ? whose extended hands put ●ut fire , tame the raving of wild ●easts , dull the edge of the sword , ●ake whole troops fly away ? and ●now thou also , that , at length , ●hey shall withstand , and triumph ●ver thy impiety , although , for a 〈◊〉 , thou bravest it , and , with thy ●evils , dancest ( as i may so say ) 〈◊〉 the delights of thine own hearts ●●sts , and heathenish devices . nevertheless , o impudent fel●ow as thou art ! how can it be ●hat , in the mean time , thou better ●onsiderest not of these things ? ●hou , who art as liable to death , as ●ny other worldling ? how can'st ●hou find in thine heart to make no ●reater esteem of those before ●poken saints of god , neither to ●everence them as thou oughtest ? ●re not the gifts and graces , where●ith those clear lights of heaven ●hine so bright , far to be preferred ●efore the unsatiable covetousness ●f solon that wise man , whom craesus made tryal of with his lydian gold ? or the philocaly of s●crates , that is , an affection in doating upon fine things ? for i am ashamed to think of , much less b● in love with his foul sin ( of sod●my , i mean ) although , with ver● much artifice , heathen men hav● strove to cover it , and are commended for their so doing . o● the licourishness plato shewed i● sicily ? which brought him to suc● a condition , that he was sold without being redeemed by any of hi● own disciples , or other of th● greek nation ? or , the glutton● of xenocrates ? the cinicalne●● of diogenes ? who made a tun hi● house , wherein he more accounte● of beggars , then of princes ; o● barly-loaves , then of fine manche●● ( as the tragedy hath it . ) or , th● philosophy of epicurus ? who kne● no other soveraign good , then th● pleasure he took to please hi● senses . you , make great account o● crates . certes , 't was an exploi● worthy a brave philosopher , vo●untarily to quit himself of his ●reat revenues : and , that they not ●inder him in his study of philo●ophy , to cast away much riches ●ormerly possessed by him in great ●ontempt , but the manner of his ●penly making known the same , ●y boastingly publishing the know●edge thereof to posterity , is a ●●gn he was ambitious of popular ●pplause : a mark whereby we dis●ern him to be affected as well with ●he tumour of vain-glory , as with ●he humour of being a philosopher . ●ou admire him , who being at ●ea , and commanding all his goods , 〈◊〉 a tempest , to be cast over●oard , thanked fortune that she had ●educed him to a sultan , or to a ●hilosophers cloak . also anthiste●es , who , as a quarreller , having all ●is face broken , made no more ac●ount of it , then the writing on his ●prehead , as on a table the name ●f him that had beaten him ; to ●he end , peradventure , he might make his complaint more hainous against him , when time should serve . thou highly prizest 〈◊〉 other , that lived not long since who making his oraisons to th● sun , stood upon his feet as long a● the day lasted , observing , it ma● be , to begin then when it came nea● the earth , that such his prayer● might be the breifer , and finishing them when the sun set . thou als● makest great account of him , who in winter , being on the guard , too his charge so to heart , that he passe● the whole night , which froze hard in contemplation , and had hi● mind so intent thereon , that he fel● not the cold at all . thou praises● also the curiosity of homer's desir● to know the riddle of arcadia● and aristotle , who stayed sometim● on the bank of euripus , to understand the cause of its ebbing an● flowing ; neither of which bein● perfectly understood by either o● them , was the cause of the one an● of the others death . thou esteemest also of the wells of cleander of the girdle of anaxagoras , an● of the weeping of heraclitus . now tell me , how many hast thou of these ? and how long have they ●asted ? and wonderest thou not at so ●any thousand of ours , that have ●ollowed the like philosophy , and ●ar more admirable , all their lives ? ●eest thou not how , in all parts of ●he world , as well men , as women ●f our religion , have striven one ●ith an other , even unto admira●ion on all sides , who should be ●ost renowned for vertuous living , ●orgetting even the laws of nature , ●hen endeavouring to appease god 〈◊〉 their chast conversation and pa●ence , not onely the meaner sort ●f people that are wont to live of ●odily labour , but the great and fa●ous also for their ancestry and ●ignities ? who changed their for●erly accustomed delicious man●er of living in all plentifulness 〈◊〉 variety of delights , for the ●rder discipline of a more severe 〈◊〉 , to follow christ : who , though 〈◊〉 attaining to the grace of eloquent speaking , ( true piety not consisting in rhetorical straines , and in the fruit of wisdome proceeding from the lips ( according to the opinion of one of your own poets ) and being of little value , ) yet most excellent they were , notwithstanding , in the sweet disposition of their souls , in the sincere and exact government of their lives and actions , to the will of god. but this man , shutting his eyes to all this , and aiming onely to please devils , ( which already many times , justly overwhelmed him ) before he made any ordinances for common affairs , rush'● upon the christians : and , althoug● he had two things which gave hi● trouble , viz. the galileans ( for 〈◊〉 he was pleased injuriously to ca●● us ) and the persians , who , bearin● troubles patiently , continuall● made war against him : so it was he had a business came so near him that the persian war seemed 〈◊〉 him but as a play and fable : where of , though he made no shew , yet he was so transported with fury , that every one took notice of him : but this so prudent person , so good a common-wealths-man , considered not , that in the first persecutions , there happened but a little confusion and trouble , because our doctrine was not then spread among so many people , the knowledge of the truth as then made manifest but to few that had need of more light , but now that the word of our saviour is so far spread , and so well establish'd among us , to strive to pull it up , and to shake christianity , it 's no other thing , then to overthrow the roman empire , to expose to all manner of danger and ●azzard the whole state of the republick : which is the worst that our greatest enemies can wish to us , namely to see us receive these evils from our selves , and by the means of this new and admirable philosophy and policy , by which we become so happy , and return to the first age , and golden condition of the world that was without trouble , without all kind of dissention , or warring one with another . but they 'l tell me , the people are gently governed , taxes remitted , magistrates worthily chosen , theeves punished , and such like things , with respect unto temporary felicities , and make it good . for it must needs be we should have our ears tingle with such manner of applauding him in his government . but the divisions , neverthelesse , and commotions of towns and countryes , the destruction of families , the quarrels of private houses , the separation of married folks , that were likely to follow such a mischief , and , as the truth is indeed , have followed the same , brought they any augmentation to his glory , or commodity and benefit otherwise to the common-wealth ? who is he , that is such a partizan of paganisme , so void of common sense as to avow the same ? for , even as in a mans body , when a member or two are out of order , the other cease not to do their office , and to conserve the welfare of the rest that are in health , and the greater number , by means whereof , even those that were ill affected , ●ut of frame often come again to their naturall constitution : but when too many parts are ill affected , there 's scarce any remedy , but ●hat the whole body becomes in danger to be overthrown : so in ●tates and republiques , particular defects may sometimes be made ●p , when , at the same time , it fares well with the generall : but when ●he greater part is weak , without doubt the general is in much haz●ard to be destroyed . a case so obvious and trivial to every common understanding that the grossest enemies we have cannot possibly ●ut soon foresee the same , especi●lly at this time that the christians ●re so increased . but the malice of this man hath ●o blinded his reason , that hand over head he ceaseth not to molest ●ll manner of christians , little and great : yea , so tainted he is with all kind of wilfull hatred against us , not onely unworthy of a judiciou● emperour , but also of a far meane● man in understanding and place that , as if , with our name , h● could take from us the beleif whic● we repose in christ , he hath commanded our name should b● changed , and that we should be no longer called christians : yea , 〈◊〉 make us ashamed , as if thereby w● were accused of some great crime● he made a new edict touching th● same , calling us therein , and o●daining we should be called galileans , in stead of christians ; she●ing indeed thereby that the name o● christian is a glorious and honourable title , otherwise , certainly , 〈◊〉 would never have taken it from us ▪ and , in lieu thereof , given us a● other lesse famous , and not of the like reputation . or , whether fearing some vertue to lye hid under tha● name , which might cause those o● his party tremble , so oft as spoken in their hearing [ in like manner as those devils in the gospel are reported to have trembled at the name of christ ] took away the occasion of their being so troubled , by forbidding us to be called after that name . as for us , we desire not to change those names whereby he is called , knowing nothing more ridiculous , then those appellations of phales , isiphales , venerable pan , &c. wherewith he takes a pride to be stiled : being names not onely infamous , and shamelesse , but such , as upon consideration of the reasons wherefore at first they were taken up , cannot otherwise then give offence unto modest ears that take notice thereof , neither envy we his title of caball , whereof he boasts so much in his follies , or that other epethice of hercules kill-cowe , &c. worshiped as a god , because , in his thirteenth labour , he begot with child in one night fifty daughters of thyestes . if endeavour to find out new names , wherewith to reproach him for his fouler , and more villanous actions , we are not ignorant how to fit him with a great many more to the purpose , then those , whereby to vilifie us , he hath invented against the christians . the history of his unworthy acts is not so altogether unknown to us , but that it 's an easie task , thereout to furnish our selves with names more then a good many , whereunto to intitle him , as due to his deserts , though much unbeseeming the man he would be taken for , being not content to be stiled by the title of emperour of the romans onely , but also would be called emperour of the whole world . for so he perswaded himself , he should be before his death , as being bewitched into such a beliefe by those devils , and magicians that thereinto infatuated him . as for our being call'd galileans , that are ch●istians , we are no whit ashamed thereof , seeing christ our blessed redeemer was so called . yea further , seeing he that is lord , creatour , and governour of the universe , son , and word of god the father , sitteth on the same throne , with him , mediatour , and high priest , and , for the love of us , ( that despised , and cast his image in the dust , as ignorant , perhaps , a great many of us , of that high mistery of his deities conjunction with our flesh ) took upon him the forme of a servant , and ●ore our sins in his own body on the ●ree , that they might dye with him : if he , i say , suffered himself to be called a samaritan , and ( which is worse ) a devil : ( to whom it was an easie matter with an hoast of angels , yea , a word speaking only to vindicate himself , and repulse a whole world of wicked men ) and was neither offended thereat , nor made complaint against them that did him that injury , but sent them gently away , ( shedding tears to obtain pardon from god his father for them that crucified him ) shall we , that are vile worms , however christned in his name , hold it an unseemly thing , think it much to be defamed , after that sort , or troubled therewith , when , in the same manner , reproached for his sake ? god forbid . nay rather , — being reviled , we blesse : being persecuted , we suffer it , esteeming more of such injuries , and other scoffings , wherewith reproachfully thou tauntest us , then to be otherwise made rich by thee , for a time , with the muck of this worlds goods , then to be advanced by thee to fleeting honours , and offices , and whatever other earthly preferment that 's in thy power , and choice to confer upon us . yea , moreover , whereas it 's thy whole delight , thi●● hearts content is solely fixed on such matters , we stick not to make open profession unto thee , and unto all the world besides , in the words of the apostle , that we determine not to know , ( much lesse to be affected , and hunt after ) any thing among you , save jesus christ , and him crucified . he had one quality more in him , an unworthy and dishonest one both , and that was , he accustomed himself , when covertly ayming to gain us to his party , at the same time to put on the fox his skin upon that of the lions , or , ( as i cannot better express the same ) to cloth , under the mask of minos his justice , his own cruelty , and oppression . to abridge my discourse , the rest of his abominable actions i 'le leave further to be dilated , unto those hereafter that shall be pleas'd more largely to pen the whole history thereof , not doubting , but many will strive to make posterity acquainted with things of such consequence , and whether tragedy , or comedy , ( call them as you list ) deserve not to be concealed . as for my part , i 'le reduce unto those passages before spoken of , one , or two of his most signal acts , to let them who admire his deeds , and count him praise-worthy for the same , know , a man cannot invent charges enough , is not able to find faults so many , or reproaches so great and shameful , as he deserved . it 's a maxime among emperours , ( i know not whether it be practised with other monarchs , but among the romans it 's exactly observed ) viz. that , in honouring them , they set up for the reigning emperours , publick statues ; for , as for crowns , and diademes , they suffice not ( it should seem ) no , nor scarlet , nor solemne ordinances , nor taxes , and tributes , nor great number of people to applaud them at their first entrance into supreme authority : but it 's their pleasure , over and above , like gods , to be adored , that thereby they may be held for more majestical and sublime . they will also have the same adoration done , in like manner , even to their very pictures , and images , that thereby their eminency may be set forth more absolutely , and completely . among these images , and representations , each emperour chuseth severally unto himself certain of them : e. g. some , setting forth to the life great cities making presents : others , a famous victory crowned with triumph : some , magistrates on their knees , with devises expressing their charges and offices : others , cruell beasts kill'd with arrows , directly shot through again ; others certain vanquished barbarians laid prostrate at their feet , or otherwise kill'd in diverse manners . for they desire not onely the truth of things , whereof they assume the glory to themseves , but also , to have representations , and pictures thereof . see now how this man plotted , what craft by him was used against the christians . as those , who in drinks sometimes mingle poison , so he infused , upon a time , abomination among his imperial ceremonies , confounding together the adoration of idols with the ordinance of the romans . for which purpose , among the effigies of emperours , and other usual pictures , he caused to be interposed the resemblances of devils , and that done , exposed them to the people , cities , and principle governours of provinces . these images , or pictures were after that manner contrived , that who so adored the emperour , the mischief could not be avoided , but , at the same time , he must , of necessity , adore therewith devils , the effigies , or pictures of devils , being so cunningly interweaved with those of the emperour . now who so adored not those representations , the imperial majesty was offended therewith , and the party refusing to give honour thereunto found guilty of high treason against the emperour . there were some wiser , and more advised , who finding out the deceit , were not taken with this so artificially invented snare ; who were afterwards punished for such their prudence , under the pretence , they had not honoured the emperour : when as the true cause was , for their being faithful rather to the great monarch of heaven and earth , and to the true religion . a great number of the simpler and poorer sort of people were ensnared herein : who , in my opinion , deserved to be pardoned for their innocency , being by subtlety thereunto inforced . after this sort , matters being thus deceitfully handled , 't will be sufficient to make this person infamous , and worthy of just reproof , in regard private persons , and princes , should not govern themselves alike in their affairs , their actions being of different weight and importance , a private person not so much to be blamed when he doth any thing by subtlety , and after a covert manner , because otherwise , perhaps , he is not able to compass what he would have , by force , and therefore is constrained to use art , and dissimulation : but , as for a prince , it should be otherwise , because , as it is a shame to be overcome by force , so , i esteem it yet a greater , to cover his designs with craft , and faining . there 's beyond this an other matter , which , though it came from the same forge and conception , is yet worse , because the evil of greater consequence . i will annex it here unto what i have spoken formerly . there was a certain day , wherein the emperour would bestow a largesse , whether accustomed and ordinary , or more solemn and at a prefixt time , to manifest his inward malice towards us , it skills not . 't was ordained then , all the army should assist therein , that every one , according to his degree ▪ and dignity , might receive his largess and pay. ( behold here another mistery of villany , see here how iniquity playeth its part ) under the colour of liberallity he would bring it to passe , by alluring the souldiers with money , ( who for the most part , are ordinarily covetous enough , if not too unsatiable ) the businesse was this . being pompously set in great state , and also very powerful through his wiles , by reason whereof , ( as if he had been an other melampus , or pro●heus ) he could change himself into whatsoever formes , at his pleasure , ●ccording to the quality of affairs he had in hand , ( the story that i am ●bout to tell , would move compassion in whosoever of any good nature , or tollerable apprehension , whether beholding this sad specta●le with their eyes , or otherwise ●earing the samerelated unto them : ) there was before him gold , there was incense , and just against him fire ; close by stood the master of the ceremonies , who gave notice what was to be done : the outward pretence was , the making ●se of certain more ancient , and honourable ceremonies in that their reception of the emperours largesse , but the issue after was , they were to sacrifice incense in the fire , and receive from the emperour the wages of such their perdition ( very little indeed for a thing of so great concernment , for the losse of so many souls , by their committing therein so hainous and execrable an offence against the almighty . ) o wretched gain ! o miserable recompense ! wherewith the souldiery were betrayed , and sold by such an invention they who had conquered the whole universe , by means of a little fire , a little gold , and a little incense , were discomfited and destroyed ▪ 〈◊〉 ( which was more pitiful ) thought not upon their death and ruine . such as went thither , for the lucre of 〈◊〉 little money lost thereby their souls , kissing the emperours hand , and perceiving not , that , at the same time , they kist the hand o● their assasinate , and were nothing the better by so easily suffering themselves to be carried away , a● by an inviolable law , unto such simplicity , and unadvisednesse ▪ how many thousand persians should there have been to have made such a defeat ? how many archers , and slingers of stones ? how great a number of armed souldiers ? what engins to beat down walls could have done that , which one onely hand , one only journey , and one wicked counsel brought to pass , and accomplished ? i will insert here one story more lamentable then the former but ●ow recited . 't is reported that some of the before-said souldiers having been deceived by ignorance , after the act committed , and re●iring to their houses , as they were at table with their companions , and about to drink water ( as accustomed to doe ) not thinking of the mischief which they had brought upon themselves , but taking the cup in their hand , and lifting up their eyes on high , began to call upon the name of jesus christ : whereat , one of them more sensible of what they had done , then the rest , said to them , after this manner . [ what mean ye to invoke jesus christ , after renouncing him ? ] with which words being astonished , and stricken ( as it were ) half dead , what strange thing ( say they ) do you affright us withall ? tell us , when was it that we renounced him ? unto whom the other replying , when ye burnt incense before the emperour , which was a sign of such your renouncing him ; presently these poor souls leapt from the board , as men bereaved of their wits , and , incensed with despite and choler , ●an to the market-place , crying aloud , [ we are christians , we are christians , we have not been traitors to thee , o saviour christ ! let all the world know it , and principally our good god , for whose sake we are content to live or dye , as seemeth good to him : we have not wilfully abjured the confession of thy holy name ; if with our hands we have transgressed , our hearts never gave consent thereunto : we have been deceived with the emperors gold ; that was it , whereby we were contaminated : but such our unperceived abomination , when time was , we have since the knowledge thereof , utterly abandoned , and desire our blood may be shed in expiation for ●hat great offence formerly committed by us . ] after which out●ries openly made by them , they an directly to the emperour , furi●usly throwing the gold received ●rom him formerly , before his face , ●n presence of the standers by , unto ●he earth , exclaiming with a loud ●oice , we have not been call'd by ●hee to receive honour , but to be markt with the infamy of repro●ates : do us the honour , who are ●hy souldiers , to kill and sacrifice ●s to christ , who is our king : for ●he fire of incense burned by us at ●hy command , command us to be ●urned with fire ; and for the ashes ●hereof , reduce thou us to ashes : cause our hands to be cut off , which ●nwittingly have been advanced to other gods : honour others with thy gold , who will not repent the ●eceiving of it : as for us , the riches which we look for , is to gain christ , which gain vve prefer before all other gain , before vvhatever other riches , or honour , or things of this life , that thou art able to impart unto us . this vvas it they said , and advertised others to take notice of th● craft that vvas put upon them , t● purge themselves from the sins o● this intoxication , making satisfaction , or leastvvise endeavouring so to doe , by their blood , unto christ jesus that dyed for them with vvhich resolution of their the emperour being exceedingly irritated , vvould not , neverthelesse command them to be put to death publikely , for fear of rendring them martyrs in his so doing : but gav● order they should be sent forthvvith into exile , punishing them that vvay , the more reservedly , fo● the neglect , the little regard the● seemed to shevv unto his person i● their speeches , and actions before him , but novv specified . had he pu● them to death , there could nothing be more acceptable unto them and , as for his banishing of them , they vvere so far off from being troubled therevvith , that they too● it as a great favour from him , rejoycing with inward delight in their souls , ( i dare say ) in that thereby they conceived themselves the more freed , or at least , they were the more removed out of sight from being upon every occasion , defiled and deluded further with his enchantments and deceits . having this intention , and imploying otherwise his malice diverse wayes ( for his mind was nothing setled ) and inflamed more with a diabolicall fury , than with ●ny naturall reason , being uncon●tant in his resolutions , he concea●ed alwayes the secrets of his wick●dnesse . but as 't is said of the ●●re of mount aetna , that it is hid●en in the bowels of the earth , ●ourishing and increasing its self in ●eing retained by force , or some ●ther thing , ( viz. the breath of a gyant in torments ) rendring hor●ible murmurings continually from ●he low pits thereof , casts out a moke on the top , ( an inevitable sign of the calamity aproaching , if the fire become so great that it cannot be stayed ) and then with violence breaking its bounds , ascendeth upwards , and enlarging its widenesse , makes a strange vomiting , which spoiles and corrupteth the land neer adjoyning : so was it with this man , who sometimes commanded , and helped himself in our affairs with the frauds , and impostures of his deceitfull , and sophisticall edicts . but , since his untamed fury was let loose , he could not by any means conceale his malice . fo● from that time , he began to persecute those of our religion openly . where , passing over thos● ordinances he made against ou● sacred churches , ( which wer● generally published ) together wit● robbing us of those offerings , an● money consecrated to god , proceeding no less from avarice , the irreligion ; the forcibly taking a way of our holy ornaments , whic● were pulled from us by filth● and profane hands , the priests and sextons , for keeping them , being dragged up and down , and tormented , defiled also and covered over with blood streaming from their bodies torn with lashes of rods , when their hands at the same time , were fastned to pillars ; the crosse-bow-men running through provinces , and cities , wickeder and crueller then himself , who gave the command that we should be utterly routed instead of the persians and scythians : forbearing ( i say ) the speaking of these things , who is it that knoweth not the sa●agenesse of them of alexandria ? who , among many other enterprises which furiously they put in practice against us , making use of the licenciousnesse of the times , without any either honesty , or modesty in ●o doing , ( being a people furious ●nd turbulent by nature ) so far ●eightned after destruction , their ●hirst , that ( as 't is reported ) they fil●ed our holy temple with two sorts of blood , viz. the blood of beasts sacrificed , and of men. in which barbarousness of theirs an officer of the emperours army was chief , who , for this onely cruelty , got him a name , and made himself famous amongst them . who is he , moreover , that hath not heard of the swarms of the heliopolitans , and rashnesse of the gazeans ? who , for their mercylessenesse towards us , in recompense thereof were honoured and applauded by him , and had experience of his liberality . who is he that hath not been made acquainted with the fury of the arethusians ? who till then being altogether unknown , were since had by him in great reputation , it not being vertuous actions alwayes that bring reputation and credit to persons , but also superlative wickednesse sometimes , and , never the like heard of , brutish invention pu● in practice to punish innocen● christians . i will onely recite tha● which may seem horrible and crue● to very atheists themselves . certain chast virgins knowing little of worldly affairs , as excluded from the sight of almost all other save themselves , by these barbarous arethusians having been dragged stark-naked into the market-place , to the intent they might be put to the more open shame , were commanded to have the hair of their head cut off , after which , their flesh cut in peices , ( my god! scarce have i the patience to repeat it ) was immediately thereupon by them savagely devoured with their teeth in a feast sutable to that their execrable fury , filling their bellies also then with the raw livers of those virgins , and after that , common meat being brought in , some of them took the bowells and guts of the aforesaid virgins , yet reaking hot , and mingling them with hog-wash , threw them to the swine , before the others faces , that they might see their hungry hogs tear the same , and , together with barly mingled amongst it , eat it up all . a dish of meat which till then , never the like was fed upon , and wherewith the inventer thereof should have endeavoured to glut the devil onely : as , the truth is , the devil after made a fine meal of the blood of the wounds which that wicked emperour julian received in his bowells , and whereof he was slain when shot into his body in the last wars that he ever fought upon earth , with the persians . again , who is such a stranger in our affairs , as hath not heard of marcus arethusius a famous man among us ? who ignorant of the story of him , except i relate the same at present ? who in the raign of constantine's giving full liberty to the christians to exercise their religion , pull'd down one of the gentiles temples , or rather a retreat , or habitation of theirs for devils , and converted a great number of them that were pagans unto the christian faith , to the right way thereby unto everlasting life , as well by the excellency of his manners , as by his eloquence : and for the same cause , was not well liked of by the arethusians , or , at least , those among them that were followers of devils ? but , since the affairs of christians were troubled , and that those of the greeks , and other gentiles began to rise high , he could not avoid the violence of the time . for the vulgar , being wont ; for a time , to retain their passions . as fire that is hid in wood , or , as a stream of water that is stopt , upon any the least occasion riseth , and breaketh through all . he then observing the madnesse of the people , who were not a little animated against him , and threatned him , was resolved at first to flye from them , not so much for want of courage , as to obey the command of christ , which wills us to retire from one city to an other , and thereby to give way to our persecutours . for good christians must not onely regard their own particular , though never so vertuous and constant , as beware of their enemies , and that , on their part , they give not the least occasion to do them an injury , which , without scandall to their weak brethren , and to the prejudice of true religion which publikely they make unfained profession of , 't is in their choice to put by , or make prevention of . it so fell out , neverthelesse , that perceiving many to be apprehended , and dragged before magistrates because of him , and that there were some in danger of the losse of their souls , by reason of the cruel persecutions wherewith they were afflicted in their bodies for his sake , he would not altogether neglect them , who for the making sure of his person , were in hazzard to lose their own . wherefore , being first holily and well-advised , he returns back from his retirement , and offering himself to the people , resolved with patience to undergo whatever calamities of the times : with respect whereunto , what injuries and oppressions were there , unto which he was not exposed ? what could be more lamentable ? every one brought ( i know not what ) resolution to adhere to that foul sin of diversly afflicting him , carrying neither any regard to the constancy of him , nor to the quality of his persecutours ; who were the more irritated against him through a supposition , that his return to them proceeded rather from a contempt , or neglect that he made of their persons , then of any virtue , or constancy in himself to undergoe vvhatever tribulations to be inflicted upon him by their fury . whereupon , this holy old man , this voluntary souldier of jesus christ vvas led through the city ( venerable for his age , but more for his life to all the vvorld ) exposed to these tyrants , and hang-men , and conducted by people of all manner of qualities , rich and poor , young and old , men and women , some of one sort , and some of another , hurried together : yea ( and which was more strange to behold ) those who had estates , and were of the wealthiest , strove together , were emulous among themselves , who should punish him most , all indifferently esteeming it a commendable thing to inflict whatever torments upon him , and to triumph over him ; whom all the people of the town villanously handled , some halling him through the streets , other thrusting him into the kennels : these plucking him by the hair of his head , those smiting him upon every part-of his body : using further , shamelesse reproaches , and not to be spoken of , among so many other mischiefs ; just as those are wont to be done unto , vvho vvere punished in those paganish mysteries of mythra . he vvas also lifted up in the air as in a svving , too and fro tossed from one side to the other : he had his precious body received naked upon the points of their pen-knives , who acted their parts in this mournfull and sad tragedy against him : yea further , they put his legs in a presse , and squeesed them to the bones : they cut off his ears with a fine slender thread , making him , in the mean time , stand upright in a basket , and rubbing , or besmeering him all over with honey and salt , they exposed him to waspes and bees about noon , when the sun shined hottest and clear : which made his flesh seem , as it were , to melt , and gave those animals a warm throat full of this happy meat . i call the meat , this flesh happy , because , however tortured , yet suffering patiently for christs sake , he rendred every part of his body happy , as a blessed sacrifice , and most acceptable in the sight of god. there 's an other story as well worthy to be remembred , and spoken of him , and that is this . this good old man and young both ( for the dolours which he underwent in his old age caused him not to abate of the lively chearfulnesse he was indued within his youth ) smiling in the height of his torments , was heard to utter these famous and most remarkable words unto his tormentours , saying , [ i esteem very much the posture wherein you have put me in thus lifting me up , it 's a good omen to see my self exalted , and others below me . ] he had as much to say touching the different condition wherein himself was , in comparison of those that persecuted him : the contemplation whereof seemed to make him feel no more pain , then as if he had been onely an assister at the tormenting of another , taking those his sufferings for an honour , and not for a punishment , wherewith they seemed after a sort , but indeed were no way able to afflict him . where is there a man never so little gentle and debonaire , that is not affected with this gallantry , that reverenceth not this holy martyr for these brave acts ? but the times permitted not to shew pity in such cases to the christians , neither the irregular passions of the emperour , whose unrelenting will it was still , that the people , cities , and magistrates should , by all means , carry themselves cruelly unto us , though many of them , for all that , were utterly ignorant of the bottome of his wicked heart . thus went the affairs with this constant old man. if you ask the reason ? 't was because he refused to give five shillings to his executioners : which was an argument evident and plain , that he had the patience to suffer for the cause of god , and his true religion only . in regard , whilst they demaunded at first a great sum of money , in lieu of the temple it's being pull'd down by him , and would abate nothing of that price , but either the whole sum was to be laid down by him , or else he rebuild it at his own charge , one would have thought this refusall of him came from want of means , and disability to satisfie what was demanded , rather then from zeal to the true religion : but after that by his constancy he had gained to be abated in part , and continually had something cut off with respect unto the price formerly required , so that the demand in the end amounted but to a little in value , yea so little that it was easie for him to pay it , the difference between them was who should remain master , they in making him give something , though never so little , or he , on the contrary , ( who was not to be forced , ) to pay any thing at all , although very many there were that voluntarily offered to give for him more then they desired , not onely because of his unparallel'd piety , but also in consideration of his invincible and unconquerable constancy . at what time a man might cleerly see , he fought not in this list for money , but for religion . let then those that so much admire this philosophicall emperour , resolve us , whether these , and the like actions of his , were signes of mildnesse and gentlenesse , or contrarily , of much pride and cruelty . as for my part , i beleive the question is soon answered . i have not as yet declared how this sufferer was one of them , who had formerly saved this detestable prince , when all his race was in dangers , by secretly conveyhing him away from those that sought to destroy him . the reason , it may , be , of his deserving to be so grievously punished , namely , for his imprudent preserving him then , who became after so great a plague to all the world . in consideration of which whole businesse , with respect unto the patient suffering all manner of cruell torments , and other lamentable reproches by this martyr of ours , a certain greek , that is to say , a pagan in religion , ( though in his behaviour otherwise , somewhat above , and beyond all other of his kind that ever lived either before or since his time , to be admired at ) being not able any longer to behold the tormentours on his own party , and the constancy of him that endured thus all manner of punishment on the other , brake forth into these noteable words unto the emperor , and in the presence of the whole company that was then assembled together , & spake after this sort . [ are not we ashamed , sir , to fee our selves so overcome of the christians , that we have not the power to be masters over one poor old man , who hath gone through all sorts of torments , and of whom , if we had had the better , it had been no great matter ? is it not a great impeachment of our credit , when all 's done , to retire vanquished by him ? whereupon ( as it seemed then ) the other officers blush'd , but those kings , that is to say , the pagan priests mock'd at it . could any thing in the whole earth be more shameful and wretched , not with relation so much to him that suffered the same , as , on the other side , especially , who caus'd these mischiefs , and other the like abominable outrages to be put in practice ? in this sort , after a most barbarous , and never the like heard of inhumanity , dealt they with arethusius ? so that the cruelty of phalaris , and of echetus will seem small , in comparison of theirs ; more espcially of his who compelled them thereunto , and was author thereof . o that i could meet with the creature , that had the gift to infuse into me the knowledge of herodotus , the eloquence of thucidides , whereby to paint out the wickednesse of this man ; to set forth in livly colours to posterity , the whole history of those severall passages of profound villanies that were acted by him throughout all his whole life . i pass to make mention of orontes , or of them who had their throats cut in the night , which he hid in favour of the emperour , being staid because of the body of him to whose death he seemed to consent , for that would be more proper to be put in verse . neither will i speak of the caves , and places under ground in the imperial pallace ; or , of that which was done in ponds , and in pits , and in ditches filled with the pernicious treasure , and detestable mysteries , not only anatomies and dissections of children and virgins ( made use of to cause divels appear by divinations , & in other abominable and irregular sacrifices ) but also , of them who were in trouble for the true religion . concerning all which , it 's my advice not to tax him openly ; and that because himself was ashamed thereof . and good reason , for it 's certain , had he not endevoured to keep them secret , they had turned to his confusion , after made known and discovered . as for the christians of caesarea , a magnanimous people , and constant in piety , who were so injured , and cast down by him , it 's not a matter , it may be , which deserves reproach ; because that being irritated against fortune , ( which sometimes was contrary to him ) in time of prosperity he had ( in his opinion perhaps ) just cause of vengeance ; as also , we must excuse somewhat the injustce that then bore sway , and wherewith ●hey were then so much infested . who is it that knows not how ●he multitude furiously incensed ●gainst the christians , killed a great number of them , and threatned ●et worse ? and thereupon the governour of the province keeping a middle way betwixt the time present , and the edicts then already made , and esteeming it , on the one side , better to comply with the season , and on the other , to carry some respect unto the laws ; after putting a great number of the christians in prison , chastised also some pagans . whereof , being afterward accused , he was brought before the emperour , and thereupon deprived of his government : whom ( although alleadging the emperours ordinances , on which he had grounded his judgement ) it failed but a little of his being condemned thereupon unto death ; thoug● in the end , he experimented hi● clemency , and was banished only ▪ his reply , nevertheless , to th● emperour , was gallant and brave for , when extolling unto him th● valour of the pagans above the galileans , in that one paga● sometimes brought under his subjection many galileans . [ wha● great matter is it , ( quoth th● governor to the emperor ) if on● pagan overcome or subdue a multitude of galileans ? hath not you● highnesse made an edict for th● pagans to do thereafter ; are no● they backed by your command , to use all manner of violence against them , when whosoever will , is not only permitted , with all sor● of injustice , to molest them , but also assisted , and may call for what help as he thinks fit , at his pleasure , to wrong and confound them ? when as he that is most cruell , is most commended ; he reputed the best subject that exerciseth his wit most to vex them ? when for a pagan , in the least manner , to be courteous to a ga●ilean , is to be criminous in the ●ighest degree ? when noneless with●tand , none sooner yeild themselves ●o our fury , than those galileans ? when not only a few , but many ●undreds of them , though of force to resist , yet in obedience to your majesties pleasure and will , patiently submit themselves to one poor pagan executioner , to be punished ? to beat then those that resist not , and after to boast of their manhood that do so , what is it , but to publish rather their violence , than to make good their valour to posterity ? besides , the pleasure of a prince , or emperor , is a law not written , which , being upheld by force and authority , hath much more power in it , than when written , and not upheld by the same force to maintain it . this should not be so ( say they ) who have set forth unto us a new god , good and gracious . contrarily , your highness publickely hath forbidden us to trouble the christians , as also commanded that christians should not be injured at every mans pleasure ; so that thereby the christians are discharged from our causing them any more wrongfully to be afflicted . the hydra , though you cut of● one of its heads , is never the less hurtfull , because , in stead of tha● one cut off , other nine succeed in the place thereof . and ( if we must beleeve fables ) did we ever see a patarical chimaera gentle and pleasant , because it had three divers formes , which should rather cause the same to be thought hideous ? or , must that infernall cerberus , or scilla , the plague of sea-men , be counted harmless , because the upper parts thereof ( as 't is said ) are pleasing and beautifull to the sight , as resembling a faire creature of humane kind , when the rest of it are full of the figures of dogs-heads , and of other wild beasts , that commit all manner of mischief ? when it swalloweth up whole fleets of ships , and is as dangerous as charybdes , right over against the same ? but what ? wilt thou find fault with the arrowes and stones , and excuse the crosse-bowes , and those that shoot in them ? or , shall we condemn the hunters dogs for greedily running after their prey , and worrying of it , and at the same time , hold them excused and innocent , that make use of them ? 't will be very far from reason so to conceive , and needs some sophisticall cheat to cover over , and wrap up the truth by the force of a fair speaking tongue , to defend these vices . their 's a means ( i confesse ) to warrant ( in some sort ) him that would disguise himself with these subtleties , by taking to him the helmet of pluto , the ring of gyges ; which , in turning the beril or broad part , makes him that wears it , become invincible . on the contrary , this great impostor , by how much the more he striv●● to walk in the dark , and no body see him , to dance in a net ( as we say in the proverb ) and not be perceived , by so much the sooner ( as it happened ) was he descried and laid open by the judgement of truth : at least , by those that had eyes in their heads to perceive , that he alone was author of these mischiefs , of those actions , which himself with all his subtlety , was never able to make good . so easie a matter it is for wickednesse , we see , to be convinced and made manifest unto all men , when , however daubed over , for a time , with fair shewes , it hath recourse still unto its own naughtinesse , and falls foul upon the head alwayes of its first contrivers . if the acts thus committed by him untill this time were very uncouth , and far strange from magnanimity , or whatever other imperial vertue , may we say that what he fore-thought to put in practice for the time to come would prove better , and more ingenuous ? no such matter : yea , it had been somewhat more tolerable , if what he purposed to do , had not been far worse , and crueller , then that which we have already recited . for , even as a dragon , when he raiseth part of his scales , and beginneth to set up his bristles , the other being sin a readinesse , it s not possible for him , but he must also raise , and set them up , in like manner , although ; till then , they were composed , and stirred not : or , as in thunder , when rumbling in the clouds , the lightning thereof we di●cern with our eyes , before hear with our ears the great claps that follow after : so , this fulminating emperour had already hatched in his mind , and contrived in design those abominable enterprises which after he intended to bring to pass , and was fully bent most barbarously to put in practice against us which were so strange and unusuall till then , that to him alone it appertained both to invent , and to cause them after to be executed . it s true , before his time , the christians had been made sensible of grea● troubles and vexations that dioclesiaen their first persecutour , an● maximinian ( who succeeded him being worse , as also maximi● ( the cruellest of the three , whos● statues beaten down in publiqu● places , and yet to be seen , serv● as a memoriall of the hurt done b● him , and in which are engrave● for ever the deformities of his person ) ▪ brought upon them . but neither of these three , no , nor an● tyrant that ever preceded them at any time thought of , or invente● the like stratagems , wherewith 〈◊〉 torment us , had he lived to hav● finished such his diabolical desig● and hellish purposes against us . these then were his drifts , ( 〈◊〉 those of his privy councel averr● but he was prevented by the grac●ous providence of god , and 〈◊〉 the tears of many a good christia● that shed them in abundance , applying no other remedy against the venome of this their persecutour . it was in his intention also , to take all manner of liberty from christians : and to inhibit them all things : viz. the conference of publique assemblies , of markets , and of all places also , wherein any jurisdiction was held : as being none of them capable of such rights , if first he had not presented incense before the altar , and thereby discharged the salary of such , and so signal a mystery . o emperours , o kings , o law-makers ! have not yee ( even as the influence of heaven , the light of the sun , the benefit of the air , by a gracious and universall decree , are common to every one ) established laws , and ordinances for all the world freely and indifferently to make use of ? yet this wicked man , this perverter of all things would go about to deprive us christians thereof . so that though never so much injured in our persons , cheated in our goods , or receiving what ever other intollerable wrong from them , it should not be permitted us , by way of justice , to have any recourse to whatever laws , or ordinances , to right us . in this regard , they began to assume liberty to themselves to mock and flout us , yea to assault us with blowes unto that excesse , that they scarce suffered us to fetch our breath , or enjoy one quiet hour amongst them . which nevertheless , was so far from disheartning us for making ever the lesse profession of the faith and repose that we put in christ jesus , that it heightned in a great many of us who were so injured , a greater constancy to go●s glory , howbeit to the authors of our persecution , greater sham● and reproach for so troubling us . but le ts hear the reason , of all this ( i beseech you ) of this assasinate , of this apostate-law-givers thus dealing with us . you shall have it in his own words , your law ( quoth he ) permitteth you neither to defend your selves , nor to demand reason of justice , nor to possesse any thing in particular : but rather to make no account of this world , or , of the things that are in it , as being all of them transitory , and vain . mo●eover that , it 's not for you to render evil for evil , but whosover shall smite you on the one cheek , to turn to him the other also : again , to one suing you at the law , to take away your cloake , to let him have your coat also . it may be , he will adde , we must pray for them which despightfully use , and persecute us . for , how should not he have the exact knowledge of all things commanded , and permitted us christians ? he , i say , who before attaining to the empire , was entred into the order of a reader of the holy scriptures , and who had the honour to serve at the high altar , as also , to adorne our martyrs with churches , and chappels ? above all , i admire one thing of him , that , seeing he had exactly studied our books , he took no notice , ( or else , in good earnest , would not see that which is written elsewhere ) viz. every wicked man that goes away from god shall perish : in like manner , he that troubles them , who remain faithfull , and contrives punishments , whereof himself is worthy . with respect whereunto , if we must needs be such , as he will have us , and govern our selves according to those aforesaid precepts of our saviour , concerning the regulating our actions thereunto : and , as for himself , in the mean while it may be lawful for him to live as wickedly as he lists , in all manner of ungodliness , by using oppression , and whatever other deceit against christians , that desire to live more quietly , in all righteousnesse towards god , and good conversation towards their neighbour : if the actions ( i say further ) of mans life , being either vertuous or vicious , the gods , whom those of his own party seem to worship and obey , approve of vertuous men , and reject those that are vicious : if this be a thing confessed by the testimony of our very enemies , and of those that persecute us , we have then gained what we desire to have granted , we have obtained our cause . if it be said by them moreover , that on their side also , they have any honesty , or fair deportment , though but in word onely , and not in deed towards us , and are not so impudent and accomplished in wickedness ( thereby supposing to please themselves , though not their prophane gods ) as to maintain , that vice appertaines to them as their proper inheritance : let them shew us how , and what justice there is in it , that we should be so constant in our suffering afflictions , and they not to pardon such as pardon them ; considering we have the better at one time , and you at another ; seeing the affairs of this world rowle and change , first of one fashion , then of another . have the christians ever used you , as you have used them ? what libertys have we deprived you of ? against whom is it , we have incited the peoples fury ? to whom have we sent captains , that that did more than was commanded them ? what people have we reduced into the danger of hazarding their lives for us ? who are they we have deprived of their places and honours , appertaining unto them , as to honest men ? in a word , what did we ever commit like unto many things which you have in part executed , and in part , threatned to practise against us ? truely , you cannot say what : you ( i say ) who so reproach us for being defective , for our coming short of that meeknesse , and gentlenesse , that by christ our masters counsell is required of us . moreover , thou , who art so wise , and well advised , in shutting us up within the narrow precincts of christ's stricter advises in the gospel , why markest thou not , that in those very places , some things are injoyned us , upon promise of reward , if we do thereafter , which are not imposed for all that , upon necessity of obeying , under pain of punishment , if we not performe the same ? for , though it be a thing very excellent , and to be wished that all were perfect , and if possible , attain to the top of well-doing , in whatsoever commanded , or forbidden us : yet , seeing there 's a great difference between those that do those duties whereunto injoyned , some obtaining to a great height of perfection ; others unto a mediocrity only : what reason hast thou , to make ordinances , whereunto all are not bound for observance , and yet punishest such as performe them not ? every one , not deserving a reward for what he doth , being not liable presently unto punishing for what he doth not . and therefore , in binding our selves unto what we should observe , as much as may be , through the whole course of our lives , it becometh us , at all times , to regulate our manners and actions , by the laws of true philosophy ; which , as it rewardeth ever , where rewards become due to our deserts , by doing what it commands ; so it punisheth no● at any time , where punishments are not due for our not doing that , whereunto , by way of counsell we are onely , lovingly and most tenderly advised . but , i will again embarque my self in the discourse of what he [ julian ] did touching sciences , and the use of tongues ; it not being possible to ref●●in from often making mention of him , and forcing my self to defend him in what lies in my power to speak truely in his behalf , and yet justly otherwise , rendring him worthy of neglect , where he deserves the same . in which regard , he never did , ( i may speak it impartially ) a more unjust and insufferable action , than when he would have prohibited us christians the study thereof . which perverse resolution of his , barbarously intended against us , every man , me thinks , that with delight , addicteth himself to the profession of good literature , should contemn , even as i do , who cannot hold from revealing my self to be of that number , and who , by reason , and in comparison , thereof , have quitted altogether , and wholly abandoned all other things of this life ; whether they be goods , money , jewels , plate , authority , honours , or the like trash , depending upon those unappeaseable tormentours ; the vexatious desires of this world , that as in a dream , bring fading pleasures , but no true joyes to the beholders thereof with their eyes . but , as for my self , i have embraced the onely study of tongues , and other sciences , having no manner of regret at the pains i have endured , aswell by sea as land , to attain thereunto ; desiring that i , together with all my freinds and well-wishers , may be abundantly furnished , and fortified therewith : and which i have allwayes cherished , and chosen above all things , next unto that soverain good , the glory of god , and salvation of the elect , depending on him in his son , and our saviour je●us christ , through the grace and powerfull operation of the holy ghost . so that if every one ( as pindarus hath it ) feels , or is sensible of his own losse most , it 's necessary for me to discourse of this subject ; not any thing that can be imagined being so agreeable therewith , as to render all possible thanks to the word or son of god the father , by the words and benefit of the tongue , for that the study of tongues , and other liberal sciences have hitherto been left free to us . but , what ayled thee ? or from whence proceeded it ( o thou light and unsatisfiable man ! ) that thou wentest about to forbid the christians this study of sciences and tongues ? which was , not onely in the number of those evils , wherewith we were threatned , but also , well neer ordained and published . why so ? and wherefore i pray ? whose counsell , reason ( i beseech you ) hath carried thine understanding ? ( call'd by thee , in thine own terme , and fancied phrase , mercury . ) what willfully wicked men , what inchanted devils have suggested the same unto thee ? if thou wilt , we will tell the truth , why . it was requisite and meet for thee , after committing so many foul and enormous things , that thou shouldest be reduced unto such a passe , as to be hurried into thine own confusion , by , in what thou reputed'st more prudent and wise , therein unwittingly to make thy self appear to all the world a very fool through thy much over-sight , and indiscretion . for , say , i pray ; to what did this thy ordinance tend ? what reason therein had'st thou , for that thy new and strange prohibiting us the leave of attaining to the knowledge of the tongues , and other sciences ? if any equall , and indifferent ? produce the same , and wee 'l quietly be satisfi'd without further complaining . for , as accustomed we are to overcome with reason , so will we never ( with gods help ) be so destitute of common sense , so void of tolerable understandi●g , as not to yeild , and give place to reason , in like manner . yea , but reply you , sciences and the greek tongue belong to us ; even as barbarisme , and ignorance to your religion ; which consists in no other great matter , then to say only [ i beleeve . ] but they among you , nevertheless that follow the sect of pythagoras , will they not laugh you to scorn for so saying ? seeing [ ips● dixit , the master said it . ] was enough among them : viz. their great principle , and of more account , than whatever answer else , though never so prudent , and to more purpose . for after this first , and so much esteemed maxime of theirs , in making no further answer , ( which was injoyned all them that followed his philosophy , ) he accustomed himself to speak little : it being certainly observed among them , upon whatever question asked , or reason demanded to reply onely , [ so pythagoras is of opinion . ] and therewith without other satisfaction , or further resolution given , to rest content . so that , it was in a manner the same thing , though with some little change of words and syllables ; for them to remain satisfied with pythagoras their master 's [ i have said it . ] as for us , with respect unto what said by christ our master , to say [ we must beleeve . ] all this notwithstanding , you forbear not still to mock , and detract us , for that , by our religion , we have bound our selves to give credit unto that , which persons filled with the spirit of god , have transmitted unto us . whereas , their very authority , were there nothing else , is proof sufficient for what they have written , being of more power , and force , to convince the gainsayers , than all the ipse dixit's of pythagoras , all the demonstrations , and positions of whatever other philosophers , and humane doctors since the beginning . but suppose the tying our selves to believe certain doctrines , delivered unto us after that sort , be lyable in good earnest , to be reproved , and justly contradicted by you : how can you prove the use of tongues to be in your power only ? if so , how comes it to pass , that we , against your laws , and ordinances , have a share therein ? for , to whom belongs the greek tongue ? to whom to speak , and understand it ? i say , to speak , and understand it , thereby to distinguish the force of words , with which you aequiocate , when diverse things are comprehended under one , and the same expression ; some understanding one thing , and some another ? but thou must confesse , the greek tongue depends either on the service of thy religion ; or else , on the pleasure of those that first invented , and established the same . if on thy religion , tell me where , and by what preists , it was first ordained , that the greek tongue should be spoken therein ; as we see it hath been resolved , whereof , and to what divels , we should sacrifice ? for , according to the statutes , and rules of your doctors and preists , it 's not lawfull unto all , to use all alike ; or , to one , to use all after the same manner . in what place , ( as in the countrey of the lydians ) is it a holy thing , proper and pecu●iar unto them , to render curses unto hercules ? and to beleive , they do this fained god a great honour in singing reproachfully unto him ? or , ( as to the inhabitants of taurus ) to kill strangers ? and ( as in lacedemonia ) to be whip'd till the blood springs forth untill it touch the altar ? to whom is it a holy matter , ( as to the phrygians ) to be gelt , as they were , the musick sweetly sounding , and they losing their genitals in dancing ? or , ( as in other places ) to use sodomy , keep brothel houses , and make use of such other the like mysteries ? there was a custome , and ordinance also , to speak greek unto some of their devils . which , if still it should be used , it could not prove , or thereby be inferred as a proper , and peculiar thing for the greeks , or pagans to apply to some one of their gods , or devils that whereof every one might be served , every one of them make use of : . even , as it is ordained to sacrifice very many things that are vulgar and common : which , if thou sayest , it 's not so , and the dialect of this tongue appertains properly to thee , as of thy domain , and in this right , repellest us : i answer , it cannot be comprehended what reason thou hast for it , or how thou can'st appropriate it to devils . for , although the service , or caball of thy religion be performed in the greek tongue , it followes not therefore , that the greek tongue depends on religion : neither is it a sufficient reason to proscribe , and exclude us from making use of so good a dialect : the conclusion would not be pertinent . as if two qualities happen to be in one subject , it followes not , those two are one same thing . for , supposing one same man to have the art of drawing pictures , and melting gold , it should then follow that his gold-mel●ing , and picture-drawing should be one and the same thing : which but to suppose only were a very vain , and most absur'd conceit . i demand then of thee , ( who art so jealous of the greek tongue , ) what thou meanest , in not permitting , but rather going about to hinder us from making use of it ? forbiddest thou us thereby the down-right , and trivial manner of speaking thereof , accordingly as the common people are accustomed to speak it ? or , that of speaking more elegantly therein , and with choicer tearms , that are not so intelligible of the unlearned , or of those that are not so well ver'st in the knowledge of tongues . a tongue is not proper , or peculiar to them , who have invented it , or to any art , or profession comprehended in the mind : but to all that can understand it . for , even as in the artificial tuning of musical instruments , the string heightned , or loosed , renders divers sounds , yet all , according to his mind , that , to make good harmony therewith , playeth ; and governeth the instrument : so useth the divine word , the great and soveraign work-man , for matter of sciences , and so forth , with us ; it being , according to his pleasure , that this man should invent one art , that an other , and communicate the same , without appropriating either , to their first inventors : and thereby render out lives more pleasing , more acceptable , or more tunable each to other . tell me , then ? the greek tongue , appertains it to thee alone ? what ? the rudiments of letters , were not they the invention , first of all , of the phoenicians ? or ( as ●ome say ) of the egyptians ? or rather of the hebrewes , a wi●er peo●le then either of them , who maintain their law in tabl●s of stone , was first written by the finger of cod ? belongs it to thee alone , to speak elegan●ly , as those of athens ? and measures ( i ought first to have named the science of encamping , and making war ) to whom belong they ? belongs not that of war-like inventions to the euboeans , if it be true palamedes was of that nation , and for the same reason , evil spoken of , accursed , envyed , and after condemned by those that set forward to the conquest of troy ? well then , if the egyptians , phoenicians , and hebrews , of whose inventions we make use , in our doctrine : if the inhabitants of the isle of euboea , claim that as theirs properly , the same reason that thou alleagest : what shall we do ? or how justifie our selves to them ? w●… being liable , by the same law , tha● thou wouldest make , to be deprived of many excellent arts , descended unto us from others , and , consequently , our selves forced to render them back again to their firs● inventors ; till , at length afte● returning what we had from them ▪ it befall us , as it did the jaye i● the fable , who , when she had restored unto other birds the feathers that she borrowed of them her self afterwards remained naked and became deformed . to give an instance , or two , in certain particulars . the art of poesy , doth it belong to thee only ? or may it not rather be ascribed to a poor old woman ? who being punch'd on the shoulder ( as the tale goes ) by a young fellow passing by , and affronting her , she fell thereupon into such a fury , that unadvisedly , and upon a sudden she rapt out a verse : whereat the fellow taking delight , with more curiosity after skanned the feet thereof upon his fingers : and , by this means , the admirable art of poesy was first occasioned . again , if thou braggest , and art so vain-glorious because of thine armes , tell me , brave sir , from whom haddest thou them at the beginning ? were not the cyclops they that first invented the art of forging ? if scarlet also be so much prised by thee above all things , who made thee so cunning and knowing a man therein , as not to ascribe the first finding out thereof to the tyrians ? in whose countrey a shepheards dog of theirs browsing upon a swad of red beans , and his chapps becomming all over , as it were , bloody therewith , gave his master a hint thereby , to take notice of the flower thereof : and from thence sprang the first attempting to die , with the juice of it , that cloth which is now in so great esteem with you , o ye emperours ! and great persons . what sayest thou in thy claime farther unto husbandry , touching plowing , and tilling the earth ? as also , to the art of making ships ? when the athenians deny thee the right , to be the sole master , and proprietor thereof , by ascribing the first invention therein , to ceres , triptolemus dracon ; as also to celeus , icarus , and to the rest of that fabulous rout . where took your filthy mysteries , ( fit onely to be celebrated in the night ) their first rise ? to pass by these foolish matters , and have a fling again at thy fury , or rather impious acts : from whence hadst thou the invention of taking thy first imitation of formalityes , and giving the same to thy paganisme , as also other of thy most abominable ceremonies in serving thy false gods , are they not from the thracians , ( as the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ; ) and thy manner of sacrificing from the caldeans , and cypriots ? even as astronomy from the babylonians ; magique , from the persians ; the art of divining by dreams , from the telinesians : as that , by birds , from the phrygians , who first observed the motion , and flying of them . to avoid prolixity ; from whence hath sprouted every science put in practise by thee ? hath not some one , or other , gathered from each of them a particular invention , and through reducing the whole altogether into one mass , thereby forged out unto thee a false , and foolish religion ? may we not then openly avow it to thy face , that when thou shalt have rendred up each art of thine , to it 's own authour and inventor , there will remain nothing behind to thee , but thine own folly , together with thy new ordinance of denying us all things , for the further establishing of thy fond and wicked religion ? thou being the first of the christians that hast plotted a revolt against jesus christ thy master ; as in former times , the scythian slaves rose up in rebellion , and revolted against the scythians that were their masters . in my conceit , thou hadd'st done better , to have endevoured the discomposing , the overthrowing of our union ; who , in relation to thy laws and ordinances , seem wicked , and perverse ; that thereby the remainder of thy empire being at rest from such like fighting businesse , a man might see the roman republique ( as in it's first splendor ) delivered from all civill warrs , which are far worse than forrain : even as we should rather prevent the destruction of our own bodies and flesh , than that of strangers . now , ( howbeit all the actions of this our impostor towards christians , in relation to what before spoken of , fall out to appear frauds , only cover'd over with courtesies , & consequently , far unworthy of imperial majesty , ) i shall yet produce some finer , and fuller of subtlety , that were acted by him . to which purpose , he perceiving after all this , that in confideration of the precepts , doctrines , and divine testimonies , aswell of the old , as new testament , ( of the old , by prophesies , and evident inspirations of gods spirit : likewise of the new , by the revelations of the son of god , and of miracles , great , and remarkable to confirme us in those things , which , by the fundamental positions of our religion , we make open profession of , ) we began to become most constant , and confident in the truth , and faith of christ ; that we might not be quitted in these respects without his assaulting , and offending us for the same , as he did others , upon the like occasion . behold he contrives and puts in execution his designes against us ! as rabsheketh ( leiuetenant to senacherib king of the assyrians ) sometime did against the jews , who entered with an army , into the country of judea , and having with great power , laid seige before jerusalem to take it , when he saw he could not carry it by force , and that the traitors within could not deliver him nothing according to his expectation , he endevoured with fine words , and in the jews own language , to make himself master thereof ; which the besieged taking notice of , demanded first that , addressing himself to them , he would speak in the assyrian tongue , and not in the hebrew , for fear , least under the sweetnesse of their own language , they might cunningly be brought into servitude : so this man [ the emperour julian ] after the same manner , desiring to bring us under his subjection , was upon the device of founding colledges in all towns , of erecting pulpits to preach in , and chairs to read and expound his pagan instructions , as well , those that concerned manners , as other pretended holy mysteries : likewise , of publishing a form of prayers sung by them , and answered one toanother : also , touching the discipline of those who should happen to be faulty in the preface of their caball ; and , generally , imitated all good orders , and establishments that are observed in our religion . for he had well-nigh brought to passe an ordinance for building of hospitals , and other publique houses , also recluses for virgins , and other that for devotion desire to retire themselves from worldly affairs : again , other places , where care to be taken in making provision for sick folke , and other sort of distributions to poor people : also , as we are wont to use letters of recommendation from one countrey to an other in favour of the necessitous , as occasion offered it self , so would he have ordained to be done on his party : with the like wholesome constitutions borrowed from us , and seemingly much approved , and liked by him , in like manner . behold then , what this new sophister , and teacher of strange doctrines had resolved upon ! but , in that , touching these matters , the purpose and intention of this man was not accomplish'd and effected , i cannot say whether it was more advantagious to us , ( that were forthwith delivered from him , and his ) or to him , ( whose enterprises were vain as dreams : ) because , easie it had been presently to discern the difference betwixt the actions of men , and the imitations of apes : of whom , though it be said , they can counterfeit some subtleties which men use , and do b●fore them , to deceive them , yet herein they are to seek , in that not able through their imitation to discover the reason of our craft in so doing . whereby it falls out , that neither the thessalonicall mare , nor the woman of lacedem●n , nor those who drink of the water of arethusa , i mean the sicilians do better carry away the price among them of their kind , then the ceremonies and customes of christians : which , though comely , significant , and grave , as also of laudable use , are such , not withstanding , as cannot be attained unto of any other sort of men , that go about to imitate them : their original being taken , not so much from the invention of men , as from the assistance of god , in their making , and continuing the same still to his church , and people . but , there 's nothing prettyer , then ( as on a theater ) to observe , and heed well the admirable imitation of these men , and excellency wherewith they endeavour to counterfeit us . what then , i trow , is the manner of their teaching ? what the end of their assembling together ? is it not , that ( as plato saith ) we may see this city move and wag ? which is but a discourse in words . whereas true philosophy , in the generall , consisting of two parts , viz. theoreticall , and practique : the former more hard and sublime , the latter , though lower , yet more profitable ; both of them , helping each the other , are in perfection in our religion . because , as we make use of the theory for the knowledge of heavenly things , so we establish the practique as the basis thereof : it not being possible to participate with , or to attain unto true knowledge in the theory , without endeavouring to do thereafter in the practique . as for their manners , i know not whether therein they are , either more ridiculous , or vile , and abject , their law-makers destitute of divine inspiration while compofing them , and the laws themselves thereupon resembling roots of trees undermined and carried away with water , floating up and down , without having any firm foundation whereupon , for any long time , to repose them . to compare , neverthelesse , our our condition with theirs in this regard ; as they give unto themselves the liberty to sport and play in many passages of their fables : so we , in like manner , are not debar'd of all mirth , when commanded , in scripture , to rejoyce with them that tejoyce : neither free , more then they from sadness , when advised to mourn with them that mourn &c. there being with us , as well as with them , a time ( as solomon speaks ) to weep , and a time to laugh : a time to dance : — a time to keep silence , and a time to speak . a time to love , and a time to hate : a time of war , and a time of peace . let their theater then ( i know not what else to call their temple ) be set up , and they of the better sort in the common-wealth , o● that have attained unto gray hairs , be placed in the highest chairs , o● whoever else make themselves taken notice of for the honour of their race , or wisdome in things of this world , ( wherein there is more false and fading pleasure , then true piety ; ) for wee 'l agree to them in this point . what then ? as for their after rejoycing , let themselves , in what they have a mind , please themselves , be cloathed with scarlet , honoured with flags and garlands : if this be true felicity , and above that which the common sort can attain unto , let them ( a gods name ) enjoy the same , esteem the estate that is vulgar and low to bring with it neglect and contempt both : contratily , the other , that 's more magnificent and exquisite , to gain authority , and beleif : never will they abase themselves so much , i am sure , as to esteem it , as we do , a point of honour to be humbled ; and , not in the fashion of clothes , but in the manner of well living to make true estimation of what represented before our eyes , imploying our whole time , not about trifles , and curiosities , but in that which depends on the inward man , and consists , not in seeking after popular applause , but in well governing all manner of unruly passions , and affections incident unto our souls . on which point , for the present , wee 'l set up our rest . now what followes after ? thou , for thy part , wilt represent unto thine auditory riddles , or dark , and hard matters to be interpreted [ divine oracles ] ( as thou callest them ) thou wilt read , and expound unto them books , that treat of the mystery of thy religion , and of the world. but , tell us , what are those books ? and who be the authours thereof ? will it not be a fine thing ( think ye ) to sing of the generation of the gods fained by hesiod , and of their wars set forth by him ? of the rebellions of tyrants and giants , with their deaths ? and of other horrible accidents and disasters that befell cottis , giges , briareus , enceladus ? of your gods , some described , by the same author , to have dragons feet , othe●s cloathed with thunder ? of your isles thrown down upon them , and serving for receptacles , and graves , to those that they are cast upon ? again , to sing of the sundry foul swarms , and diversity of imagined hydraes , chimera's , gorgon's , and the like monstrous mass , and confused rabble of all manner of other wickednesse , and profannesse ? are not these sweet things to gather out of hesiod , and to feed the ears of the people withall ? also , the bewitching story of orpheus following thereupon , with his harp , and song drawing after him wild-beasts , and birds ? to relate of jupiter his magnificent titles , and the many significations thereof ? with his being the most high soveraign among the gods , and yet covered with dung ( whether of sheep , of horses , or of mules , i know not ) that thereby he might make the power of his god-head understood , by his producing from thence a great number of small insectile creatures , and giving life unto them upon their productions ? after all which , to make mention of that impure goddesse of theirs , who more immodestly , than became her feminine deity , shewed her self half naked ; to make her worshippers ( i think ) as well in love with her , as with the religion , wherein she was publickely adored , and represented after that fashion , by her images , and other pictures in her temples , and else-where , to be look'd upon ? neither doth herein the totall or whole sum of their foolish fopperies consist but unto these , ( as upon a stage ) are made to appear phanes , euricapeu● , and he that swallowed the other gods , and vomited them up again , or discharged his stomach of them afterwards , to make himself known the father of gods , and men. are not here , in these high points of their religion 's mystical matters , sound and subtle doctrines of edification for the common people to gather out , and to make use of for their souls health . besides these , and a number of the like ridiculous toys , certain allegoryes are invented , by their doctors imaginations therein , transcending humane capacity by which they precipitate as weltheir own , as their auditorsunderstanding unto confusion . again , touching homer , and those many fond stories fabled by him , where wilt thou affixe the same ? for it 's he , who of old , composed comedyes , or rather tragedyes concerning your fained gods. you 'l finde ( i beleeve ) both the one , and the other in those redoubted poesies of his , whereof some cannot chuse but move and stir up their laughter , as well as other , tears . the truth is , 't was not a matter of small consequence for oceanus to be reconciled to thetis : and therefore , well might she run about , and rave like a mad woman , upon the thought only , that through the abstinence , for a time , of conjugall duties ; viz. in not commixing dry things with moist ; there might eminent danger follow after , to the prejudice of the whole world . be it so . but what tolerable reason may be given ? what the least sober interpretation can be made of that meeting of jupiter and juno , the same time , when at mid-noon , not at mid-night , juno so shamelessely entreated , and entised him also , mostlasciviously to accompany with her ? your poets endevour , indeed to dissemble it in their verses , strewing for them a bed of fresh hearbs , and renewing the same with flowers of safron , and hiacynths . but where ? and from whom had they these things ? to what end further ? and what reason is there yet among you , that the same juno , sister , and wise of the aforesaid jupiter , should sometimes hang in the air , and in the cloudes counter-ballanced with chaines of i●on , together with manacles of gold ? she , i say , who had her arms so white , and her fingers so rosie ? had any of the other gods demanded a reason of jupiter , wherefore that his fair goddesse was put into such a posture by him , without first asking pardon of him , for that his presumption , he had cast himself in danger of jupiter's displeasure , for that his good office shewed towards juno . at another time , the said juno , neverthelesse , sportingly encompassing her slender waste in the loose girdle of sweet love , put on , together with it , such blandishments of enticing affections , such winingly bewitching charmes of wanton expressions , that with his own lips thereupon , he could no longer refrain , from giving sentence on her behalf ; protesting she so irresistibly surprized him , in those her amorous allurements , that , of all his other mistrisses , there was none to be compar'd to her . what means also that divine mystery of the brown eye-brows , and the shaking of those locks that made all the heavens tremble ? what the wounding of mars , that dull lover ? and of that indiscreet adultresse venus the fair , shut up in a brazen nett , bound , and manacled by lame vulcan , who , to his own shame and confusion , assembling the gods together , to see this spectacle , for a little money let them depart again ? if able to render a reason of such like toyishness , tell us further , i pray , what was meant by that fright , and stir among the gods , touching that unchast helena , that by reason thereof , the heavens fell on such a thundring , the earth on such a cracking , that it wanted little , but both had been removed out of their places : the sea likewise turned upside-down ; the gates of hell opened , and thereupon , what before , so long time lay hid , made known and discovered . all which , and more , a great many the like strange things , having been as strangely and diversly delivered unto posterity ; who is he among you , so subtle and profound , yea , though he had the understanding of jupiter , that with what ever discurring imaginations higher than the cloudes , can reduce them to common sense , or in any kind of mediocrity , make them as much as tolerable to be understood ? which if true , & they are not ashamed to confess as much ; in like manner acknowledge them to be base and dishonest things ; then the proof thereof , ( without having recourse to a mythologie to serve them for a covering , with respect unto what they suppose so finely to have found out and invented , ) will be apparent and manifest enough . what shall we say further ? is it not a handsome thing , think ye , for those men , that hold so firmly & constantly unto what in the ceremonial circumstances of their profound religion , they make profession of , to abuse and fool themselves after this sort with obstruse and non-sense fables ? thus , neverthelesse , they are accustomed to do , for the most part , who thereby would endeavour in what ever , though never so weakly said , or done by them , to escape from being reprehended . but they 'le reply , perhaps , the businesses before spoken of are but meer conceptions , matters , which they so greatly stand not upon , but invented on set purpose onely to take up the peoples thoughts , and delight their fancies withall . if so , then let them produce , and shew us other things of their theology , that are more solid , and naturall , that we may further confer with them about the same , and , in the interim , tell us , whether it be not great sottishnesse to boast , and make a more then ordinary account of matters that are onely fabulous , and to be blushed at ? again , whether it be not a foul shame , to publish to all the world hidden things , and unknown to many ( sor every one is not learned ) with pictures , and figures , and ( which is worse ) with great losse of money in temples , altars , statues ? also by sacrifices , which put men to the cost of so many crowns ? when a man may be pious enough in the true religion without much cost , is it not a folly to desire rather to follow error , and falsehood with infinite charges ? but , let them say , they are fictions and jeasts , wherewith poets abound in their measures , and in fables , to delight , and tickle their ears therewith that hear them , mixing , after that sort , hidden and covered senses , that few but learned and discerning men know how to make use of : i ask the question , how can others make account of , or have those deites in any great estimation , when those poets of theirs , themselves abuse after that grosse manner , the gods they would have honoured , that it's reward enough for them , that they are not punished for their so doing ? for seeing , by their law , under pain of death , they are prohibited , in any manner , to use whatever blasphemy , or reproach towards the gods , what punishment , ( suppose ye ) are they worthy of , that frequently , and in publique mock , and jest at them , in their poesies , after the foulest manner , with the filthyest , and most injurious taunts can be thought on ; yea , and leave the same after , as in a comedy , unto posterity , for , a long time , to be laughed at ? touching their having some things more covered , other more manifest in their religious worshipping of their gods , i acknowledge that in our religion it is so also , but with this difference : in our books concerning the same , the common and litteral sense hath nothing foul , or dishonest in it : and that which is hid to the vulgar , to the learned therein it 's very admirable and clear : even as if a body perfect in beauty were in some secret place , covered with a vestment fit , and correspondent thereunto . moreover , representations and resemblances of divine things , ought , methinks , to have nothing therein dishonest , or , unworthy of what they signifie : or , be such as men would take ill , if the same should be done unto them . yea rather , they ought to be things exquisite in beauty , or , at least , not vile and base : that , either discreet men may justly take exception at , or , the vulgar be thereby scandalized . on the contrary , what you practise , there 's no credit to be given unto , and what outwardly represented by you , is as detestable . for , what sense is there , to make a man's self be led in the streets through the dirt , and drawn to the port among rocks and shells ? what is the end ? and to what purpose are such like things recorded by you ? as for thine own part , thou wilt forge us jests , and allegories , of thy travels and imaginations , but no body will give credit unto , o● beleeve the same . and why ? because what already in sight , and above-board , is plain eno●gh , and intelligible . whereby , as thou gainest none that will give eare unto thee , so thou losest lookers on , to behold and see what thou wouldest have taken notice of : men , aswell stopping their ears , as with-holding their eyes , the while , from the apprehension of such unlikely , and impertinent matters . again , the reason of your theory , and allegories is such , and so far from the purpose intended by you , that it is easier too bring together things far apart and seperated asunder , than to make agree , and reconcile in one and the same person , your fictions and figures . it being thus with them touching their religious mysteries fought and derived from naturall philosophy , what may , or will be said by them with respect unto their morality ? what principles and maxims have they in use therein to forme men unto vertue ? what remonstrances to better by degrees and make them more perfect ? they 'l reply , perhaps , and say , for example , first , that concord is a fine thing , viz. to see cities united , people , and families agree well together , and every one , for his own particular , to govern himself according to the right rules of uncorrupted nature ; which separating , and yet reuniting all things , hath composed , though of many parts , yet but one onely frame , or fabrick of the whole world . and this they 'l not stick ( it may be ) to shew , and set forth by diverse examples . but in relating to the wars of the gods , their seditions and revolts one with another , and an infinite number of mischiefs , and evils which they suffered , and procured thereby , and whereof the most part of their poesies are full : instead of peaceable , they make their auditory mutinous ; in stead of wise , vain ; rather than thereby render the proud , humble ; or the audacious , modest , and well mannered by such examples . for if , without having such ( as it were ) pictures before their eyes , it be an hard peice of business , to bring them from evill to good , from vice , to vertue ; who naturally are inclined , and given over , in a manner , to all filthinesse . how may we imagine it a thing possible , to perswade such unto a more orderly life , unto more peaceably behaving themselves : when in prosecution of such their other evilly inclined affections , they seem but only to conform themseves , in so doing , unto the examples of their false gods ? which profain deities of theirs , being diversly set forth unto them by poets , their only preachers , ( as i may so say ) some as patterns of one vice , some of another : what are they , the people , otherwise thereby , then as it were , encouraged unto the same ? what their gods , but their guides ( i mean the peoples conductors ) in whatever manner of evill concupi●cence ? neither are those foul feinds patterns only , but also pat●rons of all kind of abomination : and in consideration thereof , are as severally honoured , and served by their several worshippers and servants , with severall altars , and sacrifices , dedicated , and sacred unto such , and such foul enormities , &c. with respect whereunto , your party , having their full swing , and liberty to wallow in as licenciously as their hearts can wish ; would it not be a hainous matter to punish by law , things established by law ? for their gods to take vengeance on those men , for acting those things , in regard whereof , themselves are especially acknowledged to be divine , and more particularly , adored as the only patrons of such affairs , and in whose behalf , it 's rather an honourable , than reproachfull matter , to be vicious ; ( if vicious in such a case , it be lawfull to cal● any ? ) would any man beleeve this ? or , can there be any such in justice ? any supposed wrong o● offence taken so oppressive , an● not to be tolerated among you as this ? secondly , if we prefer , and extoll the honour and respect due to fathers , and mothers , and for that they are the first mediate cause of our entrance by birth into the world , give them honour with the first : doth not theology , and reason both teach that we should do so ? to which purpose , doth not their god saturne do well ? hath he not left them a fine example ? he , who gelt vranias , that he should beget no more gods , and then threw his genitals into the sea , whereof a god was after engendred ? and jupiter , that , in imitation thereof , rebelled against saturne his own father ? such examples of cruell paricides among the gods , and the like , do they not well to insert in their books to be imitated of children , in honouring their fathers and mothers , after the same fashion . the third point , shall be neglect of riches ; as who can say , the not procuring of them at all hands , is no matter how , though never so wickedly . to which end , in what matter shall their mercury be represented ? what shall we say to that sharke ? what honour ? and after what scene , are we to atribute the same to his budget ? to the vertue and gift of grace that this filching god had to steal , and carry away , with a trick of nimble conveyance , whatsoever he once laid his prolling fingers upon ? what to phoebus also , who is said to give nothing without gold ? unto whom , nothing is so welcome as ready coin ? behold ! are not these rare encouragements and examples , to put men , though by nature otherwise never so covetously affected , into an utter detestation of the muck of this world , money , so perniciously sought after . moreover , with what face can jove's preists exhort his worshipers unto continency , when jupiter , sometimes , wholly applyes himself to the love of women ? at other , to phrygian boys ? for whose sake ( if poets say true ) he turn'd himself into an eagle . &c. also , wherefore is it , that at a drinking match , wherein , meeting with other of your inferiour gods , to the end those profane deities might be more voluptuously attended upon , you feign him to cause them to be served , and waited upon by those boys , he so much delighted withall , in stead of butlers , and other servitours ? let hercules , ( if you please ) be there also , who deflowered fifty of the daughters of thyestes in one night : and then i know no reason , wherefore having put an end to this thirteenth labour of his , he may not be put likewise into the number of those other gods. their furious , as well as fighting god mars , will he not be a fine fomenter of peace ? a ready resolver upon all occasions , to cut of ●holler ? bacchus their god of wine , a sober deity to encourage his worshipers unto a due moderation in quaffing and drinking ? and that crafty companion of theirs cost●er , to withhold men from deceipt and cozenage ? again , when others are sad , that move from place to place , upon seeble and weak legs ; will not that limping god of theirs , that halts both on the one side , and on the other , be a notable bar , and obstacle to keep light and unseasonable jesters from scurrill mockery , and unbridled laughter ? jupiter , who together with a foul company of other devouring devils , ran so fast to that pompous , and magnificent feast of the aethiopians , without reproach ; a jolly means to remove and take away gluttony ? in like manner hercules [ kill-cowe ] ( as he is sometimes styled ) who , tormenting upon a time , a poor labourer , devoured one of the oxen of his team : and for that rare act of his , got himself a name , or title of renown ? and generally all those other gods , that make so much hast to be fed with the fumings , and incensings , and pourings out of all manner of offerings made unto them , in their sacrifices . these heathenish customes , hatefull doings , horrible abominations usually put in practice by those of your party , approach they any thing near ( think ye ) to that innocency , that excellency , that integrity of sound faith , and good life , whereunto we are exhorted , and which we [ all that unfainedly desire , not only to be thought , but also to be indeed christians ] are commanded in our religion , and doctrine ? no such matter . besides , we have other manner of light to lead us , other teachers , ( namely christ , and his apostles , and prophets , &c. ) to instruct us otherwise , and to instill into our hearts obedience , and reverence unto what enjoyned we are , or , upon whatever terms , councelled and advised by them . from whom we , upon every occasion ( whatsoever too many of us , god knowes , either through weaknesse , or , at least , willfulnesse , have not the power , or goodnesse to perform as becommeth their disciples ) are nevertheless at all times lovingly invited in the words of our saviour , [ — whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . ] again , it is , with us a sin , not only to commit an evil actually either in word , or deed , but also to do the same in thought , as being liable thereby unto punishment before god ( who discerneth the secrets of the heart ) thought not so easie to be taken notice of by men , who cannot see the same , and consequently punish the offenders by that means . yea , so exactly are we bound to carry our selves in point of continency ( according to the rules of christ our master ) that even the eye is by him forbidden us , thereby onely to lust after any unlawfull thing . in point of anger not only the bloody hand , but also the bloody heart is restrained . in case of swearing , not onely that we swear not falsly , but also that not lightly in like manner , or , not at all : not at all , that is , in our common and ordinary discourse and talke , or , when as not legally called before a magistrate , thereby to attest the truth . as for our [ goods ( of fortune ] as we usually call the wealth of this world ) to possesse them , as if we possessed them not , by not valuing them in comparison of our chief good reposed in heaven . with respect whereunto , some , among us , have taken little thought for possessing any ; some , instead thereof have imbraced poverty : and , not a few , having first renounced the voluptuousnesse of the belly , and vice of gluttony ( a dangerous mistrisse , and mother of many sins ) have after that so consumed the part mortall , by means of the immortal , ( it may be said of a truth ) a man could not discern almost any flesh on them , having acquired a law of vertuous living to themselves by not being carried away so much as unto smaller sins , and whereof there is no account made that they are so . is it not an excellent thing , thus , whereas others punish onely acts outwardly committed against god , or man , we , the evil intentions of our hearts likewise ? and thereby endeavour , at least to cut away not onely the branches , but the root also , to stay not onely the streams , but to stop up also the head of that impure fountain from casting forth that noysomness which would quite poison us after , through its more violent , and dangerous defluxions ? tell me , in what place among you , and what people they are , that wish well to these that injure them ? where is it ( i beseech you ) that your men do good to those that hurt them ? as if reproaches offended nothing , but the truth ? who are they on your party , that take it patiently when persecuted ? that upon with-holding from you your cloak , will render unto them your coat also ? pray for those that curse you ? and ( in a word ) by a singular sweetnesse , overcome evil with goodnesse , endeavouring , by innocently suffering wrong , to make those that afflict you therewith better , if it be possible ? but admit we should grant you , that by your manner of endoctrinating your disciples , in time , you might cause them thereby to cut off somewhat from their former excesse , and superfluity of naughtinesse : how could you , for all that , by your never so much instructing them in your precepts , make them , or your selves attain unto that perfection , whereunto our religion aspireth ? seeing we are not content with well doing only for the present , but think ill of our selves , if not make a dayly progresse further and further in godliness so long as we live in this world , and also cause the same to appear evidently unto all that are acquainted with us . if not endeavour , with all our power , to do thereafter , we should be very sorry , and fitly enough might be thought only to resemble moles , who are said to move continually , and yet not to stir far from the same place : or otherwise to appear unto those that look upon us , like horses in a mill , who , by the force of a whip , turn all day incessantly in the same room , without advancing from where they began at the time , when they were first set about their work in the morning . for whatever mediocrity you suppose sufficient for those of your party , by the laws of your heathenish religion , to consist in : we hold it our duty to strive still , and labour more and more to add vertue to vertue , grace to grace , one good work still to another : as never thinking our selves perfect enough , or to have done all that is commanded us , while living in this world : till , at length , our race being run out here , we are brought unto the end of our journey , unto that glory which is above , and after shall be revealed unto us , for which we were created at first , and whether , through gods mercy , we doubt not but we shall attain at last , if , by the operation of the holy ghost , we fail not to set our mind , and thoughts for recovering the same , on the love of god the father , through a lively faith in his onely son , and our alone saviour jesus christ : who , by the mighty working of his power , whereby he is able to subdue all things unto himself , will , without all peradventure , change these vile bodies of ours , and make them like unto his glorious body , take off from us the corruption of our flesh , and put on upon us the incorruption of his spirit , give us in exchange for this bochin , or vail of tears here , the endlesse comfort , and everlasting joyes of that heavenly jerusalem which is above : or that secure haven , after all our storms in this life , of never failing happinesse in the life to come : where we shall hunger no more , neither thirst any more , neither shall the sun light on us , nor any heat : where there shall be no more death , nor sorrow , nor crying , neither any more pain : where the lamb of god , that taketh away the sins of the world , shall feed us , and cloth us , and cherish us , and lead us continually unto flowing waters of the fountain of all felicity , and content for evermore . to whom , with the father , and holy ghost , three persons , and one ever living , and wise god , be all glory , and honour , and dominion , and might , and majesty , and thanks-giving , now at present , and world without end , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e esa . . . in orations and speeches , the antients heretofore made to set forth , sometimes the goodness of famous men by way of ●postrophe , they spake unto them as if they had ●●en present , and had sense and apprehension of ●●at they spake ( whereof they were yet doubtful , ●appeareth here by our author gregory nazian●●n ) and not contented thus to commune with ●●em , they intreated them , that if they had any 〈◊〉 ( as here ) or knowledge of things in this ●●rld to do so and so . this was a kind of doubtful ●mpellation and solliciting of them , if their state 〈◊〉 such as that they could take notice of these 〈◊〉 , that then they would , &c. and no otherwise 〈◊〉 dr. fie●d of the church . lib. . cap. . ps . . . in the beginning was the word , and the word was with god , and the word was god , joh. . . cor. . . ps . . . ps . . . ex. . . amos . , . luk. . . ps . . . isa . . . rom. . , , . isa . . . of the . commandements . isa . . . pro. . . psal . . . admit we grant this history to be true , and that satans flight at the sign of the cross made by iulian , was inforced , might not god , for the confusion of the apostate and for the glory of the cross , which iulian , out of spight , 〈◊〉 hate of christ despised , put that terrour into satan , 〈◊〉 the sign of the crosse , that he was affrighted there●ith ; i think the●es no orthodox christian , who will 〈◊〉 , but that god might do it for such an end : and so , 〈◊〉 suppose , g. nazianzen here , with respect to this mira●●e of the crosse , may be understood . kin. . . d●n . . . num. . . janu● the persians worshiped the sun under the name of mythra , by offring up men as a sacrifice unto it . phil. . . pet. . . cor. , . cor. , . mar. . . . . . ps . . . king. . . ecles . . , , . mat. . . rev. . . quadriga salutis, or, the four general heads of christian religion surveyed and explained ... with some few annotations annexed at the latter end. powell, thomas, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) quadriga salutis, or, the four general heads of christian religion surveyed and explained ... with some few annotations annexed at the latter end. powell, thomas, - . [ ], p. printed by sarah griffin for philip chetwind, london : . written by thomas powell. cf. bm. reproduction of original in british library. eng church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . a r (wing p ). civilwar no quadriga salutis. or the four general heads of christian religion surveyed, and explained . first, in aphorisms or positive maxims. . seco powell, thomas f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - ben griffin sampled and proofread - ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion qvadriga salvtis . or the four general heads of christian religion surveyed , and explained . first , in aphorisms or positive maxims . . secondly , resolved into questions and answers . with some few annotations annexed at the latter end . ita doce , ut cum dicus novè , non dicas nova . vincent : lirinen . commonitor . cap. london , printed by sarah griffin , for philip chetwind , . to the honorable and my worthily honored lady , the lady eleonor williams , of gwerneuet . it is the advice of one of the greek orators , that we should dedicate temples to the gods , and books to them that are like them , that is , to persons of honor and vertue . madam , we build no temples , but if we can contribute any thing towards the temple of god to repair the ruins thereof , it is the highest point of our ambition and hopes . this small treatise which is designed to that end , you have a double right in . . by the general obligation you have upon the author , whose best of services and endeavours , you may justly lay claim unto , by the constant favours , wherewith you have cherished him ( for many years ) through all the sceans of fortune : when the countenances of others were shut up and wrapt in clouds and darkness towards him , yours was alwaies open and serene ; whereby you gave a silent testimony to his innocency , and raised up his spirits when they were at their lowest dejection and abatement . . by a particular interest you have in this work , which you ( with some of your neerest and dearest relations ) have with a propitious hand promoted towards the press , especially the counter-part of it , whereby if our countrey-men shall reap any benefit ( which is my hearty wish ) they must bless god and you for it . it is my joy , and it will be your crown , that you and your children like that elect lady ( in st. john ) and her children , do walk in the truth and persevere therein , in these daies of apostasie : in this hour of temptation which is come upon all this kingdom , to try them that dwell therein . the principles which are here treated of , and upon which , your faith is grounded and your eternal hope is built , have been your ballast and anchor-hold , to keep you firm and stedfast in the day of your temptation , when you were beset with two contrary winds , one that would have fill'd your sailes for rome , and the other that would have hurried you a clean contrary way to the other extreme , for some spirits know no mediocrity or moderation . but by the strength of your own judgment and education , and by vertue of these catholick principles of the christian faith , which you imbibed in your younger years instead of romances , you have been able ( through god ) to defeat the designs and to withstand the suggestions of those that thought to lead you away captive , as easily as the first tempter did her , that was the first of sex . in the strength of the lord hold on your course , and finish your race , and hold fast your crown , that no man take it from you . madam , i am infinitely engaged to all the fair issue of your body , and since i cannot requite their kindness severally , i hope it will be some satisfaction of my debt and engagement that i pay this homage to you that are the fountain of them : as in ancient times , men payed certain rites and observances to the springs of those fair streams , which bathed their houses and watered their lands : magnorum fluminum capita veneramur , &c. indeed , so strong a pulse of gratitude beats in my breast , that if my power were equal to my will , i would erect a monument of brass to your memory , and unto all those , whose heroick charity durst look ( with favour ) upon the lords ministers in these sad and evil days : when some others ( of baser alloy ) would shun them , as things blasted , and would scarce speak with them , much less for them , or succor them , in the day of their distress , like that vulgar herd , in the poet : which follows fortune , ( t is their guise ) and men condemned , allwaies flies . but madam , you and yours are acted by nobler and more christian principles than these drossie and earthly things ; and i shall sooner meet with them that will envy , and secretly repine at this character , i give you , than such as will study to deserve the like ; though i shall never envy them the praise of well-doing , where-ever i shall find the least measure of desert . i do not know , whither i may live to finish a better piece than this , being long since taken away from the book , by secular cares and encumbrances , to make up the breaches of a ruinous fortune , seldom retiring within my self , and that but by snatches and broken intervals : i have therefore thought it best to record my gratitude upon these leaves rather than to leave the duty to future contingencies : and instead of a richer monument which i would erect to your vertues , i have shadowed forth my thoughts by an hieroglyphick or emblem in the ensuing page , which may chance last as long as some tombs of grosser materials , and serve to as good purpose . now the god of peace who brought again from the dead the lord jesus , the great shepherd of the sheep , make you perfect in every good work to do his will : until you have finished your course with joy , and be translated hence full of daies , honour , and contentment . madam , this is the hearty wish of him who doth unfeignedly pray for the wellfare and happiness of your whole family , even your ladyships ever engaged , tho. powell . i have delineated this tree in the precedent page , according to the description of benzo an italian , who spent years in surveying the vast continent of america and the adjacent ilands . it grows in an iland called hierro or ferro , which is one of the canaries : there is no other tree in all the iland besides , neither any water to refresh the inhabitants but what this tree affords , the bowels of the countrey being iron , from whence it hath its name . it may be a fit emblem of a charitable person in an uncharitable countrey , and may have other fit and apposit applications . it is mentioned by sundry geographers and travellers , as hugh linschotten , petr : bertius in his description of the canaries : sir rich: hawkins in his navigations , and described by the excellent du bartas , thus , in the i le of iron , one of those same seven whereto our elders happy * name have given , the savage people never drink the streams of wells and rivers , as in other realms ; their drink is in the air , the gushing spring a weeping tree out of it self doth wring : a tree whose tender-bearded root doth spread in driest sand ; his sweaty leaf doth send a most sweet liquor : and like as the vine vntimely cut , weeps at her wound the wine in pearled drops , incessantly distills a royal stream , which all their cisterns fills . a preface . what books are abroad in the world , either of this kind or any other , i am but little acquainted with , of late times ; living remote from the kiriath-sephers , the common marts , and staples of such marchandises ; and being rendred both unable to buy and uncapable to employ them . yet my reason tells me , and it is the common voice and vote of divers others as i hear , that catechising is a very necessary expedient for the preservation of christian religion among us , and the most probable means , if not to recover the diseased from infection , yet to preserve the sound from being infected . the principal way of fortifying against false teachers , is to be well-grounded in the principles of true teaching , that is , of the doctrine of christ ; without which , men are like chaff , without any solid grain in them , which are soon blown away from the floor of the church ; and tossed to and fro , with every wind of vain doctrine , like a ship without ballast or anchor ; and like a building , that having no basis or foundation , is easily storm'd down , and demolished . and hence it is , that the master-builders of our sion ( who have spent much pains in the pulpit , yet ) because they have spent so little in foundation-work , have found that they did but aedificare in ruinam , and that all their labour was but lost in building . the smallest of gods creatures do often read lectures unto their master , man : the pismire reads a lecture of providence and industry : and the bee reads a lesson of wit and sagacity . for this wise little foul , when she goes abroad a forraging , and is ( perhaps ) surprised with windy-weather ; before she adventures back again , she takes up some gravel in her fangs , to balance her little body , and then she hoises sail , and steers her course home-wards , more stedily . — saepe lapillos ut cymbae instabiles , fluctu jactante , saburram tollunt , his sese per inania nubila librant . if men would learn the like providence , before they adventure forth in windy-weather , among the storms and counter-tydes of disputes and controversies in the world , as to take in the ballast of catholick principles which are here treated of , they would certainly hold their road and course with more safety , and less danger of making shipwrack of faith and a good conscience . they would not fluctuate like those unstable souls that optatus speaks of , inter licet nostrum et non licet vestrum , nutant & remigant populorum animae . for let the winds blow , and the waters flow , and the devil storm never so much , a well-principled christian knows how to steer his course , and where to rest and cast anchor . this is the benefit and advantage of catechistical exercises and of building up a christian methodically , from the foundation upward . such an edifice , being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an harmonious building ; the super-structure being cemented to the foundation , and the roof and covering being adapted to the super-structure , and all parts being framed and compacted according to the rule of proportion , is most like to last and bear up , and to prove storm-proof . now the subject matter of catechising ( as all know ) are the first principles of christian religion , which st. paul calls the elements , and the beginnings of the doctrine of christ . as there are principles in all sciences upon which the whole art depends , and upon which it is built as upon a foundation : so in this architectonical science , and the art of saving souls , there are certain principles which are of such moment and consequence , that he that hath not these , hath nothing ; he graspeth a cloud , his soul is empty , like a hungry man that dreameth he is eating , and loe , when he awaketh , he is empty . and the principles of this divine art , are these four : the creed , the commandments , the lord prayer , and the sacraments . these are the catholick principles of the catechism ( saith reverend perkins ) which have been agreed upon , ever since the apostles daies , by all churches of the world : these are fundatoria religionis , the foundations of that city that came down from heaven , which was four square ; these are the four elements that do constitute the christian faith ; the vials wherein the vital substance of religion consisteth . they are ( in brief ) the antient land-marks that have been settled since the foundation of christendom , and points that have been generally and universally received , wheresoever christ had a church ; being heyr-looms ( as it were ) and standing implements of the church from the beginng ; and descending down from age to age ( indisputably ) to the heirs of salvation . amidst all the garboils of the church when it hath been ( most ) torn with schi●ms and over-grovwn with the tares of heresie ; in those times , when it required some wit to be a christ●● , and to continue so , god reserved this seed unto his church and people , and preserved the vitals of christianity un-invaded , at least among most men , and in most parts of the world . true it is , that satans pioners have been busie ( in all ages ) with these foundations , and have turned up every stone in it yet that will not prejudice the universality of them , no more than some hills and vallies do perjudice the roundness of the earthly globe . so that , i may here fitly apply a piece of that remonstrance , which the renowned athanasius patriarch of alexandria ( together with the bishops under his patriarchate ) presented to the emperour jovinian , being newly advanced to the empire , to induce him to quit the arrian party and to embrace the orthodox faith . the confession of faith which we present unto your highness ( most sacred emperor ) is received by all the churches of god every where , as in spain , britain , france , italy , dalmatia , mysia , macedonia and all greece : by all the churches of africa , sardinia , cyprus , creet , pamphylia , lycia , isauria ; the churches of egypt , lybia , pontus , cappadocia , and the neighbouring regions of all the east , excepting some few of the arrian faction that do oppugn it , non tamen inde praejudicium fieri potest orbi universo : they are but as the dust of the ballance , and their paucity cannot prejudice the universal consent of the christian world , as bearing no proportion with it . i may say the same of these catholick principles that are handled in the ensuing pages : and therefore it is safe yea necessary to embrace , quod ab omnibus , quod ubique , & quod semper , &c. for there is nothing of this nature , that hath such an impress of universality , antiquity and consent upon it , that is not apostolical . for as the apostles , in all points that they preached , were unius labii , of one lip and language , though their bodies were far a sunder : so were the churches that were planted by them . they had all the same depositum , the same body of theology , form of doctrine , and system of saving and necessary truths , entrusted to them , which they also transmitted to the next generation , as faithfull trustees and depositaries , from whom they were handed over unto us , under the same trust and obligation of bequeathing them to our posterity , until christ himself cut off the entail . let none therefore over-look these things , or despise the day of small things , for by over-looking these , we have almost lost our religion : while we wander in vain fantasies , following after new notions , or new-nothings , chymical and chymerical divinity and such quelques-choses to please the fastidious and irregular appetites of this age , we are bewildred , like travellers that disdaigning the beaten and obvious road-waies , are alwaies seeking out short cuts and compendious traverses , till they be entangled in some thickets , and can hardly meet with the right way again . ardua dûm quaerunt , amittunt vera viaï . wherefore despise not ( i say ) these small things , without which , none ever came to be great , in solid and saving knowledge . god hangs great weights upon small wires : all religion hangs upon these few plain principles which are radical verities , from whence all others are extracted , as numbers from their rootes , and conclusions from their premisses . when the french called upon the english ( that came to the aid of henry the th . ) to hasten their slow march , one of the english commanders replyed : with this march , our forefathers did once over-run all france : we may say in like manner , that how meanly soever some may deem of these things , we know that by these waies and means the gospel marched over the world , the primitive christians won the field , subdued whole kingdoms unto christ , and at last , won heaven for themselves . by this means the protestants got ground of the papists , as the pope himself once did complain ; and divers * romanists have confessed that the protestants never used a more mischievous engine against rome than catechising ; and thereupon they fell to counter-work them by the same way , and fram'd catechisms of several sorts ; and surely if ever they get back of us that ground which they have lost , it will be ( as a reverend man hath long since premonished ) by this way , by their more exact care in requiring of this duty from the parochial ministers . i will preface no farther in this business , but advertise the christian reader that this synopsis was intended for an explanation of the church-catechism , and ( indeed ) to succeed it in the order and method of teaching : for this presupposeth the learning of the other , and the having it by heart before hand , as the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the milky way , which all children should first tread in , and learn to order their steps by . the romans caused their youth to learn the laws of the . tables by rote ; and why should not christian children learn that more excellent law of the two tables and the other heads of christian love in their tender years , when the memory is most receptive of good impressions , & most retentive of what is committed to it ? this ( indeed ) is fitted and set to the elevation of mens capacities at . and . years of age , when it begins to be day-breaks in their understandings in matters of this nature . a year or two will not serve to be discipulus catechismi , under the discipline of the catechist : this foundation-work will require more time & pains than so : let none make too much haste out of this lower form , till christ be formed in him , and until these prima fidei lineamenta , the first lines and traces of christ's face , be drawn upon the tablet of his mind . the variety and multiplicity of catechisms which i hear to be abroad , hath kept this ( a while ) under my wing : but at last i adventured it abroad , because i understand , there are but few of those fram'd according to the scheme of the church-catechism ; and another motive of the publication was , the counsel of a pious and learned father of the church , which was , that men should publish various tract● touching one and the same subject , that the same thing coming forth in various dresses , into mens hands , they might be reduced to read and affect them , one way or other . for sometimes the person of an author ( being familiarly known unto us ) invites us to read : sometimes a singular method , and sometimes neatness and elegancy of style , prefers a book to the readers acceptance . if any of these circumstances shall befriend this small piece , and procure it a favourable aspect from the christian peruser , i may hope of some good may be done by it . and god give a blessing to it , according to the sincerity of my intentions therein . and thine eares shall hear a word behind thee , saying : this is the way , walk ye in it , when ye turn to the right hand , and when ye turn unto the left . isa. . . young man , if thou wouldst christian be in truth , and in reality ; four things imprint upon thy mind whil'st it is tender ( yet ) and kind . . first learn the creed , that golden key of true belief , which lets in day . . the precepts next must be thy lore to guide thee safe from shore to shore . 'midst rocks of vices , and the sands which threat thy vessel on all hands . . then that most holy prayer take , which for thy use thy lord did make to teach thee to send fit desires , lest thou offend with foolish fires . . the sacraments in the last place with bended knees and heart embrace , the seals of thy redemption , and thy title to the holy-land : make use of these , if thou would'st fain that life which knows no death obtain . bis tria ( ) sunt oranda tibi , credendaque , ( ) bis sex : quae ( ) peragenda , decem : ( ) participanda , duo . of the creed . i. there are four general parts of christian religion , which are received and embraced of the whole church of god throughout the world , and do virtually contain the whole body of divinity : namely , the creed ; the commandments ; the lords prayer ; and the sacrament● . ii. as man was made after a differen● manner from other subluna●y creatures : so he was designed for a different end (a) , to weet eternal happiness after this life : for the attainment whereof , god hath shewed him what to do (b) , prescribed the means thereunto conducing , if he make use of them . iii. the means that god appointed unto man for to arrive at happiness , are chiefly these two . . to believe rightly in god . . to walk uprightly before him ; that is , according to his will and command , revealed in his word ; this is the whole duty of man . iv. the word wherein god declared his will , is the scripture , which is the authentick rule of faith and manners ; life & belief ; containing all points of necessary and saving truths to make the man of god perfect , and to carry him on to his designed end of happiness and glory . v. all the chief points of faith and right belief , and which are necessary of all men to be received ( to whom they are propounded ) are summed up in those . points or articles that are contained in the apostles creed : which creed is the key to all other doctrinal points of religion . vi . the patriarchs and servants of god in old time , were saved by the faith contained in this creed : every article thereof being revealed unto them , and to be sound ( dispersedly ) in the writings of moses (a) and the prophets : for as there was but one (b) church from the beginning of the world : so there was but one (c) faith , which is common to us and them , and to all that shall come after us . vii . of those twelve articles , some do concern god the father , as the first article : some concern god the son , as the six articles immediately following ; and some do concern god the holy ghost , as the eighth article . the four last , do set forth the state of the church , both in this world and in the nex● . viii . the article of christ's descent into hell may safely be understood and believed , either of these two waies . . that the soul of christ descended ( locally ) among the infernal spirits ; not to suffer , but to manifest the power of his godhead : which is the interpretation of the fathers , and divers eminent writers * of later age . . by descending into hell , no more is to be understood than that christ descended into the state of the dead , and was ( there ) continued for the space of three daies ; which is more generally received of the later writers . ix . to believe the holy catholick church , is to believe that among all the tribes (a) and nations of the world , god hath some chosen servants & a peculiar people , whom he hath taken (b) out for his name ; sanctified with his spirit (c) ; called unto the state of grace (d) ; and ordained unto eternal glory . x. to believe the communion of saints , is to believe that the saints and servants of god are knit ( by an invisible tye of faith and love ) to christ their head (a) ; and to each other , by common participation , and mutual communication of all good things , both spiritual and temporal , as if they were but one body , and were acted by one soul and spirit (b) . xi . to believe forgiveness of sins , is to believe that god doth freely pardon sin to penitent (a) sinners , thtough faith in christ (b) , without any other merit or satisfaction ; and that he hath given power to his church (d) to declare and pr●nounce this pardon ( in his name ) upon just and lawfull occasions . xii . the nicene creed and the creed of athanasius , are but paraphrases and explanations of the apostles creed , upon occasion of heresies that sprung up in the church ( about those times ) touching the holy trin●ty and the incarnation of christ : but they contain nothing material or substantial , that is not couched in the short symbol of the apostles . xiii . that little hymn of glory , called gloria patri , &c. is ( as it were ) a little creed , and an abridgement of the apostolical ; brought into the church about the time that arrianism prevailed , for to be a badge to distinguish the orthodox believers from the heterodox or mis-believers : for by giving glory to god in this form , they confessed the trinity in unity , which the arrians opposed . a prayer . blessed be thy holy name , o lord , for all the holy scripture which thou hast given us , for a light unto our feet (a) and a lantern unto our paths : and particularly for that part of it , which thy holy apostles have delivered for a summary of faith , and a rule of right belief ; to teach us , to know thee the onely true god , and jesus christ (b) whom thou hast sent . lord strengthen and confirm this faith in us more and more , that we being built upon the rock (c) , and the firm foundation of the prophets (d) and apostles , may stand up stedfast , unshaken and unmovable , against all the temptations of satan ; both against the strong blasts of persecution , when any shall arise ; and against the breath of seducers , which do daily lie in wait to deceive , and to beguile unstable souls . that so holding fast this (f) pledge , which was once delivered unto the saints , we may ( at last ) obtain the end (g) of our faith , even the salvation of our souls , through him , who is the author (h) and finisher of our faith , jesus christ the righteous . vnto whom , with the father and the blessed spirit , all glory be rendred , by all the church , as in the beginning , so now , and to all ages of the world , amen . of the commandments . i. the second general h●ad of christian religion are the commandments , which are the breviate of the law moral , and of all the practical duties of humane life : it is the rule of our obedienc● , the tree (a) of knowledge of good and evil , shewing what is good (b) and what is bad , what is to be followed , and (c) what to be eschewed . ii. our saviour christ did not abolish the ten commandments , for it is a law founded in nature (a) , and natural equity , and therefore is unmovable and unchangable . it is the eternal rule of justice to all persons , to the end of the world : for the gospel doth not exempt any persons from natural or moral obligations , at any time . iii. christ freed us from the ceremonial law ( which was grown to be (a) unsupportable ) but not from the law of good manners (b) , which was promulgated upon . mount sinai : he hath freed us also from the rigor , and punctuality of this law , but not from the regiment of it . and lastly he hath freed us from the curse (c) of this law , or the curse annexed to the breach of it , when he was himself made ● curse , by suffering an accursed death for our sins (d) . iv. this law called moral , is a holy (a) and perfect (b) law , having a spiritual (c) as well as a literal sense : being made to regulate the whole man , both outwardly in his members , and inwardly for the thoughts and intentions of the heart (d) . christ did fullfill this law by doing it , not by filling up the vacuities of it : for there was no defect or imperfection in it (e) . v. god summed all moral duties in ten general precepts , or ten (a) words as moses calls them . our saviour christ reduced these ten into two , and st. paul into one , even love : love (c) is the fullfilling of the law , and the end and complement (d) of it : (b) that is , love towards god , and love towards our neighbour ; this is the total sum of the moral law . vi . though the law be so nice and exact (a) in it self that we cannot perform it so fully as we ought , or as it requires (b) , nevertheless we may ( gods grace assisting us ) perform it so far as to find a gracious acceptance with him , through christ (c) : the doing the uttermost of what we can (d) , and the bewailing of what we cannot do , is all that the mercifull god requires at our hands in this point . vii the precepts of the first table do contain the duty of man towards god , being given to direct him in the service of his maker , and in performing both the internal (a) and external worship that is due unto him : for he that made both soul and body , expects the service of both , and to be glorified in both (b) . viii the precepts of the second table do contain the duty of man towards his neighbour , obliging him to love him (a) as himself , as his fellow-creature (b) , hewn out of the same (c) rock , made by the same hand , and bearing the same stamp impress and superscription with him , even the (d) image of him that made both the one and the other . ix . the commandements are but few in number , and short in words , but they contain much in a little : for where any particular virtue is commanded , all virtues of the same kind are ( under that name ) commanded : and where any vice is forbidden , all vices of that race and kind are forbidden likewise . x. where any virtue is commanded , there the opposite vice is forbidden : and where any vice is forbidden , the opposite virtue or duty is commanded , by the rule of contraries . as where stealing is forbidden , there honest labour frugality and industry in our calling is ( im●plicitly ) commanded , that men need not be forced to steal . xi . where any duty is commanded , there all lawfull means conducing to that duty are ( cacitly ) commanded : and where any vice is forbidden , there all the means and occasions (a) , as also the allurements and provocations that do any way tend or induce thereunto , are likewise forbidden . the prayer . most holy god , who art glorious (a) in holiness , and who wilt be sanctified (b) in all that come nigh unto thee : thou hast been graciously pleased to declare thy will unto us , and to shew how thou wouldest be served and obeyed (c) , and what thou (d) requirest of us , while we dwell in tabernacles of flesh . thou hast given us a holy and a perfect (e) law to be the rule of our obedience , and the square of all our actions ; lord open our eyes , that we may see the wonderous (f) things of this law , see the fullness , and purity , and perfection of it . write it ( we pray thee ) in the tables (g) of our hearts , that we may see it there , and do it ; and assist us with thy good spirit , that we may embrace and follow every virtue that is there commanded , and shun every vice that is forbidden , and study to be doers of the word , and not hearers onely , deceiving our own souls (h) . and though we are not able ( through our natural depravedness and corruption ) to perform thy law and commandments so exactly as we should , yet o lord our god , we beseech thee to accept of our sincere indeavours , who knowest our weaknesses and disabilities , knowest what is in man , and whereof he is made (i) , and dost often accept of the will for the deed , even so accept of our imperfect obedience , for his sake , who hath fullfilled all righteousness , and accomplished thy will in all points , even jesus christ , our onely mediator and redeemer . of the lords prayer ▪ i. there is none in this world that is so full and self-sufficient , but doth want somthing , and must seek out of himself for a supply of that want : nature (a) dictates and suggests , that prayer and supplication is an effectual means to obtain this supply ; and that humble address must be made to him that hath all , and wants nothing (b) . ii. though god be rich (a) in mercy towards all , and knows all our wants better than our selves , yet he expects to be asked before he gives (b) : he requires us to acknowledge our (c) wants and weaknesses , and to lift up a prayer in faith , and then he will meet our desire● , if they be just (d) and convenient . iii. most men are ignorant (a) in the duty of prayer , and know not how to pray as they ought (b) , or to pray according to gods will (c) ; therefore our saviour christ ( at the request of his disciples ) did prick down a lesson for that purpose , as st. john had done for his disciples (d) : he gave them a prayer which they might use without fear of offending , by presenting unfit or unlawfull desires . iv. that form of words delivered by christ in the sixt of matthew and the eleventh of luke , is not onely a pattern to pray by , but also a formal prayer , and a full comprehensive one ; being an inventary of all our wants , and suiting with all persons , times and occasions . v. as it is a prayer of it self : so it is the law and line of all our prayers : the rule and directory for composing of all prayers that suit with mens particular occasions ; and the standard whereby ●hose prayers are to be examined , whether they be made according to the pattern shewed in the mount * . vi . the lords prayer must ( in all reason ) be esteemed above the best of h●mane compositions . . by reason of the excellency of the author , who was the wisdom (a) of his father : and in whom were hid all the treasures (b) of wisdom and knowledge ; and unto whom the spirit was not given by measure (c) . . for the acceptableness thereof with god : for when we supplicate the father , not onely in his sons name (d) , but also in his sons words , we may ( with good reason ) suppose , that our requests will be the sooner heard , and return with better success . vii . yet , neither the eminency of the composer , nor the art of the composition , do recommend a prayer so much , as true saith (a) , and fervent affection (b) , as also humility (c) , and due reverence (d) ; which are necessary dispositions and qualifications in any person that shall send up this prayer , or any other . viii . a ●●ayer composed by another ( whither read or repeated by heart ) is as usefull and prevalent as any made by our selves , if devotion be in the heart . and the same prayer may be often used ( as (a) christ did ) if the same grace be still wanting : god is not delighted with varying of phrases , or suits of several dresses . ix . in the lords prayer we are taught to say , our father : in the creed to say , i believe , &c. to instruct us that every man must believe for himself , being to be saved by his own (a) saith : but we must pray for others (b) as well as our selves : for as charity begins at home but doth not end there : so doth prayer ; though it hath one foot in the center of a man's self , the other foot doth fetch a compass about the world . x. the lords prayer doth consist of six petitions , equally divided between god and man : whereof , the three first . . hallowed be thy name , 〈…〉 . thy kingdom come ▪ 〈…〉 . thy will be done , 〈…〉 the other three . give us this day , &c. do concern man . . forgive us our trespasses , do concern man . . lead us not into , &c. do concern man . xi . to pray in some language , not understood by the congregation , is unlawfull , because it is unfruitfull to edification (a) . to pray with an unprepared heart , and unpremeditated words , delivering rude and crude and undigested thoughts , doth not consist with that (b) reverence that is due to the majesty of god , when we make our addresses unto him . xii . he that composed this prayer did also impose it , and command it to be used , and therefore it is not warrantable to lay it quite aside , though we be qualified to make prayers of our own : for as this doth not exclude other prayers . so neither must other ●●●yers exclude this ▪ but it may be use● 〈◊〉 at the beginning of our devotion , or at the close of it , as the antient church indifferently used it . the prayer . most glorious lord god , whose essence is infinite , and whose majesty is incomprehensible , how little do we know of thee (a) , at this distance from thee ? we cannot order our speech unto thee by reason of darkness ; we are weak and feeble creatures , full of wants ; and we are vain things full of vain imaginations and fond desires , and therefore are often frustrated in our requests unto thee , and expectations from thee ; we (b) ask and have not , because we ask amiss , our very prayers being often offensive , because they are mingled with folly and vanity . thou hast therefore ( in great mercy and kindness towards thy servants ) given us a form of wholsome words , to direct us how to speak unto thee , to teach us what is necessary for us to ask , and fit for thee to grant . gracious lord , as thou hast put thy words (c) into our mouths : so put thy spirit into our hearts , that we may ●●●y in the power and demonstration of the spirit , that we may lift up clean hands and pure hearts unto thee , and put on reverence and godly fear in all our approaches unto thee , supported with this assurance , that thou art our father , though we be not worthy to be called thy sons (d) , and that we have an advocate with the father (e) , who hath taught us to pray , and say , our father , &c. of the sacraments . i. the new testament sacraments , are certain visible signs and seals , ordained by our saviour christ , relating to some invisible grace , represented by them , and conveighed in them to the meet and worthy partakers . ii. the sacraments are ordained in corporeal and visible elements or symbols , in regard of mans weakness and frailty , whose understanding must be instructed in heavenly mysteries ; and whose affections must be excited or stirred up to religious duties , by the help of visible forms , representations and objects . iii. the sacraments do not work grace of themselves , by some inherent vertue in them : but in regard of the strict (a) union and relation between the sign and the thing signified , and the spirit and power of christ concurring (b) with his own ordinances ( who doth not delude men with mock-shews ) much benefit is derived in them and by them ; where the partakers do not put a bar or obstacle by their own unworth●ness . iv. there are but two sacraments that are properly so called , and which are necessary ( for all persons ) unto salvation ; namely (a) b●ptism and the lords supper (b) : whereof the one , is a sacrament of our initiation or entrance into the visible church ; the other , of our continuation in it . v. the word and sacraments are essential characters of gods church , or tokens to know it by : where these are rightly dispensed , there is a true church (a) ; and where these are wanting , though there may be a convention or assembly of men , yet it is not ( properly ) a church of god . vi . baptism is not onely a sign of the new covenant (a) , made ●o christ , or a distinguishing ordinance between believers and unbelievers : b●t also a ( b ) seal to ratifie consign and make over ( as it were under seal ) the promises of god made in christ , unto every true believer . vii . the sleighting or neglecting of the baptism of water , where it may be had , or any other ordinance of divine institution , is a soul endangering sin , and imports a contempt of the author , and a rejecting of the counsel of god (a) . gods anger was highly incensed against moses (b) for not circumcising his child in due time , according to the command (c) . vii . the young children of believing parents are capable of baptism , as the children (a) of the israelites ( being but eight daies old ) were of circumcision . and where but one of the parents is a believer , the children are admitted unto those favours and privileges of the church that do belong unto that parent as a believer (b) . ix . the lords supper was instituted by christ , not onely for a memorial of his death (a) , but also for a means of applying his merits to the partakers (b) ; for the increasing of love and amity among the faithfull ; and for the strengthening of their faith and love towards god , by these outward tokens , and pledges of his love to them (c) . x. for the due receiving of this sacrament , it is necessary that a man (a) examine himself , but not so expedient that he should examine others , whether they be worthy or unworthy . no man is partaker of another mans sins , except he be accessary thereunto , either by counsel (b) , or consent (c) , or approbation , or some such way . xi . the frequent use of the lords supper ( in due manner ) besides other benefits , serves much to the advancement of piety and a holy life : for thereby we are called to a re-inforcing of our watch ; to descend to that most usefull and necessary duty of self-examination (a) , or searching our own (b) bosoms , to purge out (c) the old leaven and all impurity that is there contracted : and lastly to a renewing of our vows and promises ( made in baptism ) of serving god , with more circumspection and vigilance , xii . the sacraments are not temporary rites , but standing appointments in the kingdom of christ , and of perpetual use in his church , until his second coming (a) . none can arrive at such (b) perfection in this life , as to be above ordinances , or not to stand in need of them , for the uses before mentioned ; for which purposes all sober and humble christians , have found them usefull , and efficacious . xiii . onely those that are law 〈…〉 to ecclesiastical ministeries , 〈◊〉 (a) lawfully administrators of the sacraments ; they are the keepers of the seals , and are entrusted to apply and dispense them to such persons as desire them , and are meetly qualified for them . the prayer . blessed lord , thou hast been gracious unto thy people , and wonderfull in all thy doings towards the children of men : thou hast been pleased ( since thou hast created us for thy self ) to guide our steps unto thee , and to set us in the paths that lead unto everlasting life , by teaching us to believe (a) rightly in thee ; to walk (b) uprightly before thee ; and in all our addresses (c) , to speak advisedly and discreetly unto thee . and thou hast been farther pleased to afford thy servants suitable and convenient helps for the performance of those duties thou hast enjoyned them , even thy holy sacraments ; which thou hast ordained to nourish and strengthen our saith in thee ; to enflame our love towards thee , and to embolden our addresses unto thee , by assuring and sealing (d) unto us all the gracious promises that thou hast made unto thy church , in thy beloved son . lord teach us to use these helps and means discreetly , reverently and thankfully , as thine own holy institutions ; continue them still unto us , and let thy holy spirit be ever present with them , that they may be instrumental and effectual to those ends and purposes for which thou hast ordained them . lord hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place , and have mercy , and pardon the sins of this most sinfull nation ; heal all our rents and breaches : thou whose name is , the repairer (e) of the breaches and t●e restorer of the paths to dwell in , let this ruin (f) be under thy hand , and be thou a healer . say unto this nation , as thou didst ( once ) to thy antient people (g) : i will bring it health and cure , and i will cure them , and reveal unto them the abundance of peace and truth . grant this for thy mercies sake , and make haste to help , o lord god of our salva●ion . how long o lord ! at length repent , and of our miseries relent : thine earely mercy shew . that we may unknown comforts tast , and for long daies of sorrow past , as long of joy bestow . the preceding aphorisms resolved into questions and answers ; for the better fixing of them in the memory , and a farther illustration of them to weaker understandings . this short abstract is fram'd and contrived first , axiomatically , by way of theses , aphorisms , or axioms , as hippocrates summ'd up the ▪ rules of his art in aphorisms ; piscator , junius and grynaeus have delineated the body of theology in the like form . in the second place , these theorems are handled dramatically , by inter-locutions , or by questions and answers ; which was the antient way , not onely of teaching philosophy , used by socrates and plato , but also of planting the christian faith , and propagating it over the world . this method and oeconomy will much conduce not onely to illustrate the matter in hand , and insinuate it to the understanding , but will serve also to rivet it the faster in the minds of the learners , that they may be as go●ds and nails , fastned by the masters of the assemblies . it is a command of moses concerning the law : thou shalt teach them diligently to thy children , deut. . . in the hebrew it is exacues , thou sh●lt sharpen these precepts , and set a point on them , that they may penetrate , as men sharpen a stake to drive it into the ground , or set an edge on a knife by often drawing it over the whetstone : so it is needfull that such rules should be often inculcated and repeated that they may pierce deeper and hold faster . and lest i might seem to obtrude any thing magisterially or like a dictator on any mans belief , i have pointed to the rock from whence they were hewn , by subjoyning scripture-citations to each of them . i have also confirm'd them by the authority of some ancient and modern writers , such as were the heads of their tribes , and renowned men in their generations . the protestants of france took just offence at the sorbon doctors , when they published the capital points of christian religion in . propositions , without any proofs of scripture for any of them , but obtruded naked conclusions and axioms , tanquam pro imperio , nullis rationibu● aut firmamentis adjectis ; but i hope i have prevented such objections , by what is added to these theorems . of the creed . how many parts be there of christian religion ? there are four general parts thereof , which are universally embraced of the whole church of god , through the world , and do virtually contain the whole body of divinity : namely the creed , the commandments , the lords prayer , and the sacraments . what is the preeminence and excellency of man above other creatures ? as man was made after a different manner from all other creatures here below : so he was made to a different end , namely eternal happiness after this life : for the attainment whereof , god hath shewed him what to do , prescribed the means thereunto conducing , if he make a right use of them . what are those means that god hath appointed unto man , for obtaining eternal happiness ? they are chiefly these two : first to believe rightly in god : secondly , to live uprightly before him , that is , according to his will revealed in his word . living and believing making up the whole duty of man . what word do you mean ? the word wherein god declared his will is the scripture , which is the authentic rule of faith and manners , life and belief ; containing all points of necessary and saving truth● ▪ to make the man of god perfect , and to carry him on to his designed end of happiness and glory . what are the chiefest points of faith and right belief ? the chief and fundamental points of faith and true belief , and which are necessary to be received of all to whom they are propounded , are summed up in these . points or articles , which are contained in the apostles creed ; which creed is the key to all other doctrinal points of religion . how did the patriarchs and servants of god ( of old time ) believe , before this creed was framed ? they believed as we do , and were saved by the saith contained in this creed ; every article thereof being revealed unto them , and to be found ( dispersedly ) in the writings of moses and the prophets : for as the●e was but one church from the beginning of the world ; so there was but one faith , which is common to us and them , and to all that shall come after us . what do these . articles contain or concern ? some do concern god the father , as the first article ; some god the son , as the six articles immediately following ; and some do concern god the holy ghost , as the eighth article : the four last do set forth the state of gods church , both in this world and in the next . what is meant by christ's descending into hell , which is mentioned in the creed ? that article or period , may safely be understood , either of these two waies : . first , that the soul of christ descended ( locally ) among the infernal spirits , not to suffer , but to manifest the power of his godhead : which is the interpretation of the fathers , and divers eminent writers of later age . . secondly , by descending into hell , no more is to be understood , than that christ descended into the state of the dead , and was continued under the power of death for the space of three daies : which is more generally received of the later writers . what is meant by this article , i believe the holy catholic church ? to believe the holy catholic church , is to believe that among all the tribes and nations of the world , god hath some chosen servants , and a peculiar people , whom he hath t●ken out for his name ; sanctified with his spirit ; called unto the state of grace ; and ordained unto eternal glory . what do you understand in the same article by the communion of saints ? to believe the communion of saints , is to believe that the saints and servants of god are knit ( by an invisible tye of faith and love ) to christ their head ; and unto each other by common participation and mutual communication of all good things both spiritual and temporal ; as if they were but one body , and were acted by one soul and the same spirit . what do you understand by this article , i believe the forgiveness of sins ? we believe that god doth freely pardon sin to penitent sinners through faith in christ , without any other merit or satisfaction ; and pronounce this pardon ( in his name ) upon just and lawfull occasions . are there not some other creeds besides that of the apostles ? yea ; the nicen creed , and that of athanasius : yet these are but paraphrases and explanations of the apostolical creed , upon occasion of heresies that sprung up in the church ( in those times ) especially touching the trinity , and the incarnation of christ ; but they contain nothing material , or substantial , that is not couched in the short symbol of the apostles . what is the use of that little hymn , called gloria patri ? it is ( as it were ) a little creed , and an abbridgment of the apostolical , brought into the church about the time that arrianism prevailed , for to be a badge to distinguish the orthodox believers , from the heterodox or mis-believers : for by giving glory to god in this form , they confessed the trinity in unity , which the arrians opposed . of the commandments . which is the second general part of christian religion ? the commandments , which are a breviate of the moral law , and of all the practical duties of humane life ; the rule of our obedience ; the tree of knowledge of good and evil , shewing what is good and what is bad , what is to be followed , and what to be eschewed . did not christ abolish these commandments ? no , for this is a law founded in nature , and natural equity ; and therefore is unmovable and unchangable ; it is the eternal rule of justice to all persons to the end of world . the gospel doth not exempt any persons from natural and moral obligations at any time . but it is said , that we are not under the law , but under grace : therefore we are freed from the law . indeed , christ hath ( wholly ) freed us from the ritual or ceremonial law ( which was grown to be unsupportable ) but he hath not discharged us from the law of good manner● promulgated on mount sinai : yet he hath freed us in part from this law , freed us from the rigor and severity of it , filed the teeth of it ( as it were , ) he hath freed us from the curse annexed to the breach of it , when he was made himself a curse , by suffering an accursed death for our sins . was this law a perfect rule of obedience , and such as needed no amendment ? yea , it was a holy and a perfect law , having a spiritual as well as a literal sense , being made to regulate the whole man , both outwardly in his members , and inwardly for the thoughts and intentions of the heart . christ did fullfil this law , by doing it , not by filling up the vacuities of it ; for there was no defect or imperfection in it . are not the duties of man very numerous in this life ? yea s●●e : but god in his wisdom , hath summed them all up in ten general precepts , or ten words , as moses calls them . our saviour christ reduced these . into two , mat. . . and st. paul into one , rom. . namely love ▪ love is the fullfilling of the law ; the end and complement of it ; that is , love towards god , and love towards our neighbour : this is the total sum of the moral law . is it possible for any to perform or fullfil this law ? though it be so nice and exact in it self , that we cannot perform it so fully as we ought , or as it requires : nevertheless we may ( gods grace assisting us ) perform it so far , as to find a gracious acceptance with him , through christ . the doing the uttermost of what we can , and the bewailing of what we cannot do , is all that the merciful god requires at our hands in this point . what do the precepts of the first table contain ? they do contain the duty of man towards god , being given to direct him in the service of his maker , and in performing the internal and external worship that is due unto him : ●or he that made both soul and body , expects the service of both , and to be glorifi●d in both . what do the precepts of the second table concern ? they do concern and contain the duty of man towards his neighbour , obliging him to love him as himself ; and that , as his fellow-creature , hewn out of the same rock , made by the same hand , and bearing the same ●●amp , image and super ▪ scription with him , ev●n the image of him that made both the one and the other . the commandments are but few in number , and short in words , have they not s●me farther latitude in sense , than in words ? yea surely : and there are certain rules to shew what latitude they bear , that is , how far they may be amplified and extended ; as , first , where any virtue is commanded , all virtues of the same kinde , are ( under that name ) commanded ; and where any vice is forbidden , all vices of that kind or race are forbidden likewise . what other rules have you to measure the latitude of these commandments ? take these two more : where any virtue is commanded , there the opposite vice is forbidden ; and where any vice is forbidden , there the opposite virtue is commanded , by the rule of contraries : as where stealing is forbidden , there honest labour , industry , and frugality is commanded , that men need not be forced to steal . what is the other rule ? where any duty is commanded , there all lawfull mean● conducing to that duty , are ( tacitly ) commanded : and where any vice is forbidden , there all the means and occasions , as also the allurements and provocations that do any way tend or induce thereunto , are likewise forbidden . of the lords prayer . what is the use of prayer ? since there is no man in the world so full , and self-sufficient , but doth want something , and must seek out of himself for a supply of that want , nature dictates and suggests , that prayer and supplication is an effectual means to obtain this supply ; and that humble address must be made to him that hath all , and wants nothing . god is of his own nature good , and also knows all our wants , what needs then of praying and intreating ? though god be rich in mercy towards all , and knows all our wants better than our selves , yet he expects to be asked before he gives : he requires us to acknowledge our wants and weakness●s , & to lift up a prayer in faith , and then he will meet with our desires , if they be just and convenient . will any prayer serve , however it be fram'd and composed ? no , therefore our saviour christ , knowing that most men are ignorant in the duty of prayer , and know not how to pray as they ought and according to gods will , did at the request of his disciples prick down a lesson for that purpose , as john the baptist had done before , for his disciples : he gave them a prayer , which they might use without fear of offending , by presenting unfit or unlawfull desires . are those words of our saviour , recorded in the sixt of ma●thew and the eleventh of luke a prayer ? they are a formal prayer , and not onely a pattern to p●ay by ; a full comprehensive prayer , and a general inventary of all our wants , suiting with all persons , times and occasions . may not other prayers be made and used besides this ? yea doubtless ; onely this prayer must be laid before us as the law and line of all other prayers ; the r●le and directory for composing of such prayers as suit with private and particular occasions , when every man shall touch his own sore (a) , and his own grief : this must be the standard or measure , whereby thos● prayers must be examined , whether they be made according to the pattern shewed in the mount . mat. . may not other prayers be esteemed as good as this ? no sure : this prayer must ( in all reason ) be reputed above the best of humane compositions . . first by reason of the excellency of the author who was the wisdom of his father , and in whom were hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge : and unto whom the spirit was not given by measure . . for the power or acceptableness thereof with god : for when we supplicate the father , not onely in his sons name , but also in his sons words , we may ( with good reason ) believe that our requests will be the sooner heard . is this prayer so acceptable , without any other conditions in the person that prayeth ? no , neither the eminency of the composer , nor the art of the composition , do recommend a prayer so much , as true faith and fervent affection , as also humility and due reverence ; which are necessary dispositions and qualifications in the person that presenteth this prayer , or any other . is a prayer made by another man usefull ? yea , a godly prayer composed by another , ( whether read or repeated by heart ) as may be usefull & prevalent , as one made by our selves , if devotion be in the heart : and the same prayer may be often used ( as our saviour did ) if the same grace be still wanting . god is not delighted with varying of phrases , and suits of several dresses . why are we taught to say [ our father ] in the lords prayer : and [ i believe ] in the creed ? to instruct us , that every man must believe for himself , being to be saved by his own faith : but we must pray for others , as well as our selves : for as charity begins at home , but doth not end there ; so doth prayer : if it hath one foot in the center of one's self , the other foot doth fetch a compass about the world . how many petitions are contained in the lords prayer ? there are six , equally divided between god and man : whereof the three first . hallowed be thy name , do concern god . . thy kingdom come , do concern god . . thy will be done , &c. do concern god . the other three . give us this day , do concern man . . forgive us our trespasses . do concern man . . lead us not into , &c. do concern man . is it any way usefull to pray in an unknown tongue ? no , neither to him that prays , nor to the congregation , because it is unfruitfull to edification : so to pray with an unprepared heart , and unpremeditated words , delivering rude , and crude , and undigested thoughts , is unlawfull , as not consisting with that reverence that is due to the majesty of god , when we make supplications unto him . may not this prayer be wholly forborne and laid aside by them that can frame prayers of their own ? no , the omission of it gives great offence to godly christians ; for he that composed this prayer did impose it , and command it to be used , and therefore it is not warrantable to lay it quite aside , though we be qualified to make prayers of our own : for as this doth not exclude other prayers ; so neither must others exclude this : but in may be used either at the beginning of our devotion , or at the close of it , as the ancient church did ( indifferently ) use it . of the sacraments . what is the end and use of sacraments ? the new testament sacraments are certain visible signs and seals , ordained by our saviour christ , relating to som invisible grace and goodness , represented by them , and conveighed in them , to the meet and worthy partakers . why were sacraments instituted in corporeal and visible elements ? it was in consideration of mans weakness and frailty , whose understanding must be instructed in heavenly mysteries ; and whose affections must be excited and stirred up to religious duties , by the help of visible forms , representations , and objects . can the sacraments work grace upon the soul ? no , as of themselves , or by some inherent virtue in them ; yet in regard of the strict relation that is between the sign and the thing signified , and the spirit and power of christ concurring with his own ordinances ( who doth not delude men with mock-shews ) much benefit is derived in them and by them , where the partakers do not put a bar or obstacle by their own unworthiness . how many sacraments be there ? there are but two , which are truly and properly so called , and which are necessary ( for all persons ) unto salvation : namely baptism and the lords supper , whereof the first is a sacrament of our initiation or entrance into the visible church ; the other , of our continuation in it . what are the marks to know the visible church by ? the preaching of the word and the administration of the sacraments are characters or tokens of gods church , whereby it may be known & discerned : for where these are rightly dispensed , there is a true church ; and where these are wanting , though there may be an assembly or convention of men , yet it is not properly a church of god . what is the intent or use of baptism ? it was ordained , not onely as a sign of the new covenant made in christ , or a distinguishing ordinance between believers and unbelievers ; but also for a seal to ratifie , consign and make over ( as it were under seal ) the promises of god made in christ , unto every true believer . what is the danger of wanting the rite of baptism ? there is no danger in the bare want of it , where it may not be had , but in the neglect or contempt of it , where it may be had ; this is a soul-endangering sin ; and imports a contempt of the author , and a rejecting of the counsel of god : gods anger was highly ince●sed against moses for not circumcising his child ( in due time ) according to the command . are young children capable of baptism ? yea , the children of believing parents are , as the children of the israelites ( being but eight daies old ) were of circumcision : and where but one of the parents is a believer , the children are admitted unto those favou●● and privileges of the church that do belong unto that parent as a believer . wherefore was the lord supper instituted ? it was instituted by christ , not onely for a memorial of his own death , but also for a means of applying his merits to the partakers ; for the increasing of love and amity among the faithfull , and for the improving and strengthening of their faith and love towards god , by these outward tokens and pledges of his love to them . what is necessary for the due receiving of the lords supper ? it is expedient that a man examine himself , but not so necessary that he should examine others , whether they be worthy or unworthy : for no man is partaker of another mans sins , except he be access●ry thereunto , either by counsel or consent , or approbation , or some such way . is it expedient that a man be a frequent partaker of the lords supper ? yea : for often approaching to the lords table ( in due mann●r ) besides other benefits , conduceth much to the advancement of piety and a holy life : for thereby we are called to a re-inforcing of our watch ; to descend to that most usefull duty of self-examination , or searching our own bosoms ; to purge out the old leaven , and all impurity that is there contracted ; and lastly , to a renewing of our vows and promises ( made in baptism ) of serving god with more circumspection and vigilance . are these sacraments to continue for some certain time onely , or for ever ? they are not temporary ●i●es , but standing appointments in the kingdom of christ , and of perpetual use in his church until his second coming : none can arrive at such perfection in this life , at to be above ordinances , or not to stand in need of them , for the uses before mentioned : for which purposes , all sober and humble christians have alwaies foun● them usefull and efficacious . who are lawfull administrators and dispensers of the sacraments ? onely such as are lawfully called to ecclesiasticall ministeries , are lawfull administrators of the sacraments : they are the keepers of the seals , and are entrusted to apply and dispense them to such persons as desire them , and are meetly qualified for them , and none other . finis . a review of the precedent aphorisms : wherein some of the most material points and passages that have been most liable to mistakes ( in these times ) are farther illustrated and verified . . of fundamentals . . of the authors and authority of the creed . . of the fullness and sufficiency of it . . of the patriarchs creed . . of believing the catholic church . . of the nicen and athanasian creeds . . gloria patri , a short creed . . of the obligation of the moral law under the gospel . . of the perfection of the moral , at the first enacting of it . . how this law is possible to be performed . . of mens ignorance in the duty of prayer . . that the lords prayer is a prayer . . it is the rule and law of all prayers . . surp●sseth all other compositions . . of set forms of prayer . . the lords prayer may not be laid aside . . sacraments , why instituted ? . their virtue and efficacy from the author . . they are seals as well as signs . . absolutely necessary , where they may be had . . infant-baptism more antient than christ and his apostles . . where the sacraments may not be had , desire supplies the defect . aphor. . of the four fundamentals of religion . most men do divide this sovereign science of theology into four parts . dr. nowel in his catechism , calls those four , by the names of faith , obedience , invocation , and sacraments ; which amounts to the same with this division which we here follow : for faith is summed up in the creed ; obedience in the decalogue ; invocation in the lords prayer ; and the sacraments make the fourth part . mr. perkins calls these four h●●ds the grounds and catholic principles of the catechism ; and dr. d●avenam ( that ●d . jewel of salisbury ) calls them the fundamentals of christian religion . by fundamentals , he understands such things as are absolutely necessary to salvation , and as such , to be embraced of all men , when they are sufficiently proposed unto them . and such are ( saith he ) not onely mysteries of faith comprized in th●creed , but also the dictates of the divine law , contain'd in the decalogue , which he calls symbolum agendorum , as the other is symbolum credendorum . a speculative knowledg of divine m●st●ries will not carry us one step forward towards heaven , without the practical knowledge of divine mandates , and it is no less damnable to er● in moral principles than in speculative , that is , it is as great a heresie ( dogmatically ) to imp●gn one of the commandments as one of the articles of the creed . for he that affirms that god is not to be worshipped , or that parents are not to be honoured ; or teacheth that theft and murther are no sins , is an absolute heretick : for every practical dictate of the moral law is a fundamental truth , and ought as firmly to be believed as any article of the creed : for it is implicitly contained in it . there are some general verities and propositions also in the doctrine of prayer , and sacraments , which are no less fundamental than the other ; and which to d●ny or oppose , would be both impious and heretical . those churches that are built upon these fundamentals and do firmly retain them , have that which may suffice them to salvation ; they have a foundation sufficient to bear that super-structure which they are intended for , even mans eternal salvation . and if men indeavour to live according to these principles , th●y are to be deemed members of gods church , and such to whom all christians should give the right hand of fellowship ; and not s●parate from , though they might be guilty of sundry failings otherwise . this is the substance of some chapters of that pious mans irenicon , or exhortation to peace , directed to the pro●estant churches of germany , which are divided into lutherans and calvinists . aphor. . of the authors and authority of the apostles creed . magno certè verterum consensu , &c. surely by a general vote & suffrage of the antient fathers , this creed is ascribed unto the apostles , saith mr. calvin . & ab ultimâ memoriâ , sacro-sanctae inter pios omnes authoritatis ●uit , as he goes on , and it was esteemed of sacred authority among all gods servants , from the first spring of christianity . ireneus one of the antientest of them , living in the year . saith , that the whole church of god dispersed through the world , received it from the apostles , and carefully preserved it entire ; who by their agreement in this faith , did seem to dwell in one house , and to be animated with one spirit . more testimonies to this effect are ama●sed together , by the worthy pains of mr. ashwell , in his fides apostolica . in this creed ( saith reverend perkins ) is the pith and substance of christian religion ; taught by the apostles , embraced by the antient fathers , and sealed by the blood of martyrs . it was composed ( saith he ) either by the apostles , or apostolical men , who were their hearers , and immediate heirs of their belief : and is of more authority than any writings of church or church-men whatsoever ; was approved by the universal consent of the catholic church in all ages , is next in authority to the scriptures : and the order of the words ought not to be altered . thus he . the creed is called the apostles quia ab ore apostolorum receptum , because it was taken from the mouths of the apostles , saith nowell ; or as v●sin doth express it , because they delivered that summary of doctrine to their disciples , from whom the succeeding churches did afterwards receive the same and transmit it to posterity . the substance or matter of it is ipsissima scriptura ( saith learned iunius ) pure scripture . et nihil in eo est , quod solidis scripturae testimoniis , non consignetur , saith calvin ; there is no article , joynt or limb in it , that hath not a scriptum est written upon it ; that is not found for the sense and substance ( though not terminis terminantibus ) in the authentic canon of scripture . the whole sys●●m or body of it , is mentioned or hinted ( at least ) by these circumlocutions in scripture : the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , tim. . . that precious ●ag● , jewel or depositum , that was betrusted ●o timothy ; the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , tim. . . that form , draught or pattern of wholsome words : and is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. . . that form of doctrine , that is , that frame or system of doctrinal truths , which the apostles did ( in the first place ) deliver as the ground-work of all other super-structures : and such expressions . aphor. . the fullness and sufficiency of the apostolical creed . in this creed , there is neither want nor waste , nothing defective or redundant ; it is breve , simplex & plenum saith st. augustin , short and plain , but full and comprehensive ; doctis , indoctisque commune ; the meanest christian must know so much , and the greatest clerk need know no more , for the substance of his belief . we may say of this , as athanasius speaks of the nicen creed wch is ( for substance ) the same with it : that it is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a full and sufficient system of fundamental verities , for the averting of impiety and the establishment of piety in christ . it is regula , una , immobilis et irreformabilis , in the language of tertullian , the sole rule of faith , and such a one as is immovable and unreformable , that admits neither supplement nor correction . as in other sciences : so in this , there must be some principles that are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , worthy of belief of themselves , and that are fixt and immovable and indemonstrable ; otherwise , there would be no end of disputes and controversies , or any satisfaction to the busie mind of man : for when a proposition is resolved into these principles , there we must take up our rest , there is the ultimate resolution and non-ultrà in that point . as in the mathematics , omne mobile movetur super immobili , every movable mo●●● upon somthing that is immovable : so in all discourses , every demonstrable proposition is reducible to some indemonstrable principle , which is the dernier ressort , the last appeal , and ( by consent of parties ) the final decision of all controversie . the church of rome , ( whose sea hath on shoar ) being not contented with this number of articles , and catalogue of fundamentals , which the apostles left us , hath doubled the cube and enlarged the philacteries of our creed as wide again , by an addition of a dozen articles more , qui pari passu ambulant , that are of equal dignity th . perfixed before them ; and spalato in confide and necessity with the others ; so material ( every one of them ) that there is no salvation to be expected without them ; a curse is denounced against every man that shall rej●ct or deny them . so that the pope is not onely dictator and lord of our faith , but is himself a prime article in it , and the very corner-stone of our religion , as a cardinal champion of his holiness hath given us to understand , in these words , romani pontificis potestatem & infallibilitatem esse rei christianae summam , ejusque sententiam pro normâ & regulâ fidei habendam , asserimus . erasmus a sober and learned man , doth wish that the christian world had been contented with that one creed of the apostles in lieu of all the several confessions that are in the world : for ( saith he ) there was never less faith in the world , than since the time that confessions of faith were multiplied . vbi caepit minùs esse fidei inter christianos , mox increvit symbolorum & modus & numerus . de ratione verae theologiae . aphor. . of the patriarchs creed . it were not difficult to demonstrate the truth of this aphorism ▪ by giving proof of each article in order : but in●●nding onely some strictures and short animadversions in this place , i may not take so much liberty , to expatiate . i shall ( at present ) onely show that the main substance of the christian faith was known to gods chosen , from the beginning , even long before christ came in the flesh . . the article of the blessed trinity , to wit , the triple personality of the godhead , was revealed unto them , as is proved by zanchius in his eight books de tribus elohim ; by petrus galatinus , de arcanis veritatis catholicae ; and by that learned noble man of france , sieur du plessis , de veritate relig : christ : cap. . . christ the second person of the trinity was abundantly revealed unto the fathers of the old testament , that they might be saved ( saith augustine ) by faith in christ that was to come , as we are saved by faith in christ who is come ; their faith and ours , had the same object ( there is but one faith , ephes. . . ) the difference was onely in the tense or time , but the effect was the same . all the periods and several acts of mans redemption by christ ( as his incarnation , passion , resurrection , &c. ) were not unknown to the servants of god in old time ; and the glorious fruits and effects of the● were not hidden from them , but were assured unto them , through faith . a redeemer was promised even to the first sinner after his prevarication : the seed of the woman shall bruise the serpents head , gen. . this was the first gospel in the world , extant in the first book of the bible ; this was proto-evangelium , and evangelii aurora , the first dawning of gospel-comfort . if ye believed in moses , ye would have believed in me ( saith christ to the jews ) for moses wrote of me , joh. . . moses wrote of christ , both in the forecited text and else where . abraham saw christ's day and rejoyced , john . . he saw the day of his incarnation , which god revealed ( by some means ) unto this his friend , & wch ministred cause of joy unto him ; this was the gospel which god preached unto him , gal. . . for there was gospel in the world before christ came to preach it . some of the prophets tongues dropt some of this balm now and then ; more especially esay , who was the evangelist of the old testament , & ante evangelia , evangelicus : isaias saw christs glory and spake of him , john . . now the gospel that was preached in those daies , was the same with ours , to wit , justification by faith in christ , remission of sins , and life and immortality through him , as a reward of faith and sincere obedience . habbakkuk preached , the just should live by faith , in case he was defective in obedience . circumcision was a seal of their justification , or righteousness which was through faith ; even a seal of pardon and remission of sins to all believers . . the resurrection of the body was a point that iob a gentile and an alien from the commonwealth of israel was well assured of : it is a point generally believed and embraced in the jewish church , as st. paul declares in express terms , acts . verse , , . verse . and now i stand and am judged for the hope of the promise made of god unto our fathers , i. the promise of a resurrection from death . verse . vnto which promise , our twelve tribes instantly serving god day and night hope to come , for which hopes sake king agrippa , i am accused of the jews . verse . why should it be thought a thing incredible with you , that god should raise the dead ? nay , the women of the countrey were strong in this faith : for when christ told martha , that her brother lazarus should rise again , she replied , i know that he shall rise again , in the resurrection at the last day . . then for the last point or article of our belief , even everlasting life , i doubt not but they had knowledge and assurance of it , many of them : life and immortality was proposed to them as a reward of their obedience , if they had kept the law : which if a man do , he shall even live in them ; live , not onely a long life here , but an endless life hereafter . the law is the administration of death , saith st. paul , but that is not the proper work of it ; that is by accident , not in the primary intention of it ; the commandment was ordained unto life ( saith the same apostle ) but he found it unto death , by reason of his sins : the sting of death is sin ; it is sin ( and not the law ) that bites like a serpent and gives the mortal wound . the old and new testament do not differ materiâ promissionum , in the subject matter of the promises : as if the promises ( of old ) were onely temporal , and under the gospel onely eternal promises were propounded . the belgic remonstrants did teach so , indeed , and so did michael servetus , whom for this , and other heresies , calvin calls exitiale monstrum . these make no other esteem of the antient people of god ( the seed of abraham ) than of a herd of swine , who had their portion in this life without hope of any other : as if god had proposed no other guerdon to them ( nor they expected any ) but fullness of bread , carnal pleasures , worldly pomp and power , and children to inherit all these after them . michael servetus , whom calvin terms prodigiosum nebulonem in another place of his institutions , was by birth a spaniard of arragon , who of a physician became a divine , and did pass for a protestant : he was convented at geneva for sundry heretical opinions , that he had broached both there , and elsewhere , and persevering therein , without hopes of reclaiming him , he was by the counsel and consent of the divines of bearne , zurick , schaffhauson and geneva , burnt at geneva in the year . you may see a catalogue of his errors in lucas osiander's epitome of eccles : history . l. . cent : . c. . and in schlusselburgius , and the anabaptists speak the same dialect , as calvin doth inform us in his institutions ; which pestiferous error ( as he terms it ) is there fully refuted by him ; and all protestant writers tilt at it with their pens , where ever they meet it ; among the rest , the church of england hath laid it under her feet ; if i do not mistake her meaning , in the th. article of her confession , where these words are to be found . in the old testament , everlasting life , is offered to mankind by christ : therefore they are not to be heard that feign that the old fathers did look onely for temporal promises . they looked for a city whose builder and maker was god , and for a heavenly countrey , heb. . , . fides abrahae non palastinae duntaxat regionem spectabat , sed caeleflem illam patriam & beatorum sedem , is a note of iustinian upon that place . aphor. . of believing the catholic church . we must remark that the phrase of this article runs : i believe the holy catholic church , not in the holy catholic church : for the particle [ in ] perfixed to the former articles , must be out here , and it is out in st. augustines exposition , and ruffinus , and other antient expositors upon this subject , and also in the trent catechism * . we may not believe in the church , because it is not dominus but domus , not the master of the house , but the house , as st. augustin gives the reason : we may credere ecclesiae , not in ecclesiam , we may believe the catholic church very far , and give it the highest credit next gods own word , in matters of fact and practice especially , and some points which the scripture doth not clearly define ; herein we may follow the practice and embrace the arrest or judgement of the catholic church : for it is a staple rule and maxim in st. aug : what is universally * received and retained in the church , we may rationally conclude , that it was derived from the first planters of it , even the apostles . but we may not rest or relie upon the church , as the chief guide of our salvation ; her authority is venerable , but it is not the rule of our faith . wherefore the word credo i believe , in the four last articles of the belief , imports no more than , credo esse , & meo bono esse , as alsted doth well expound it : i believe that such things ( mentioned in those several articles ) truly are , and that i have a share and interest in them . the catholic church here mentioned , is not visible : for it is an object of our faith , not of our sight , and faith is of things not seen , heb. . . this holy-guild society , fraternity of the rosie-cross ( as i may not unfitly term it ) is invisible ; for it is caetus praedestinatorum , a company of men predestin'd to salvation , whose names are written in the book of life , enroll'd in that sacred register , among the candidates of eternity . now who those are , and whose names are there registred , we are not allowed to know ; that such there are , we know and firmly believe , but who they are , we know not , having no certain {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or infallible indication to know them by : for they do not carry the marks of their election in their foreheads ; god alone knoweth them that are his . we have not the gift of knowing men and discerning spirits by inspection : we may know their persons , but for their eternal state and condition , we may probably guess at , but not make a sure , and infallible judgement ; there is indaeus in occulto & judaeus in propatulo , we may know the one , but do not know the other : to know the reins and the heart is the prerogative of him that made and moulded both . as this church is not visible ; so it is not topical or confined to one place , but is catholic or universal , both for times , places and persons . they robb christ of his inheritance that confine his kingdom or church within one nation , canton or conventicle ; as donatus did arrogantly affirm , that god had no church in the world , but in that part of africa , where he and his party swayed : none was within the ark of gods church , but who had entered into his cock-boat . god gave his son the heathen for his inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession : of his kingdom there is no end , no limits of duration or extension . they are therefore injurious to him , that would retrench his inheritance , and robb him of any part of his purchased possession , by denying a catholic church hear the expostulation of optatus with the old donatists upon this point . si sic pro voluntate vestrâ , in angustam coarctatis ecclesiam , si universas subducitis gentes , ubi erit illud quod silius dei meruit ? quod libenter largitus est ei pater , dicens , dabo tibi gentes haereditatem tuam ? ut quid tale infringitis promissum ut a vobis mittatur quasi in carcerem latitudo regnorum ? aphor. . of the nicen and athanasian creeds . the nicen creed ( which is extant in our liturgy ) was fram'd by the fathers of the first general council that was held at nice a city of bythinia , and was conven'd by the renowned emperour constantine in the year . where . bishop● were assembled ; whence st. hierom calls this creed fidem . patrum , the faith of the three hundred and eighteen fathers or bishops . in this council , the heresie of arrius , ( a presbyter of alexandria , who denied the divinity of christ , and thereby did much disturb the peace of the church ) was arraign'd and condemn'd . it is reported by sozomen that the arrians held another council at nice in thrace , in opposition to the former in the year . here was nice against nice , but the truth did at last {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} prevail and overcome , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} canere trumph over error and heresie . athanasius was ( in those daies ) a stout opposer of the arrians , and stood up single in defence of the truth , when all the world was ( almost ) turn'd arrian , as hierom complains : whereby he got a fame suitable to his name . he was ( by their means ) four times banished , and oft times brought into jeopardy of his life , so violent was this storm in the church : so that vincentius lirinensis rightly terms the arrian heresie a bellona and a fury , for the bitternss of i. during his banishment at rome , this good man composed the creed that bears his name , and presented it to pope iulius , and afterwards to the emperour iovinian , when he was elected emperour , and when he himself ( after all troubles ) was advanced to the patriarchal dignity of alexandria . so that these creeds were made , not as supplements , but explanations of the apostolical creed ; occasioned by the turbulency of some spirits , who ( out of some vain glory or discontented singularity ) raised those sad tragedies in the church , which continued long , and sharp : for we read of bishopt banished at one time , into the i le of sardinia by thrasimundus , an arrian king of the gothes . the . creeds , the nicen , athanasian and apostolical creeds , ought throughly to believed and received , because they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy scripture : so the th . article of the church of england , which is also received among the articles of ireland , in terminis . aphor. . gloria patri , a little creed . as the apostles creed was called symbolum , that is , a badge or token or mark of difference , quod fideles & perfidos secerneret , to distinguish believers from unbelievers ; or a certain watch-word ( as they have in the wars ) to know a friend from a foe : so this little hymn of glory ( which is symbolum parvum , a little creed ) was brought in , as a shibboleth , a privy mark or token to make discovery of dissembling professors and covert arrians , who desir'd to live in the bosom of the church , though they were enemies to the faith and peace of it . it was not ( as the great symbol ) to distinguish believers from unbelievers , but true believers from mis-believers , or such as believed amiss touching the article of the holy trinity . it was brought in use about the time of the nicen council , or as some say , before : for long before this period , we read that polycarpus ( that blessed martyr ) in the very place and at the hour of his martyrdom , had a kind of doxology , very neer and much like to this , who concluded his prayer and his lif●●n these words . therefore in all things i praise thee , i bless thee , i glorifie thee , o father almighty , through the eternal priest of our profession , jesus christ , thy beloved son . to whom , with thee o father , and the holy ghost , be all honour and glory , now and for evermore , amen . as we have received , ( saith st. basil ) so we baptize ; as we baptize , so we believe ; and as we believe , so we give glory . his meaning is , that as we believe in three persons and one god , so we baptize into the names of these three : and as we baptize into their names , so we give glory unto them , joyntly and severally . so that in the most solemn offices of the church , as confessing , baptizing , and giving praise , the holy individual trinity is professed and acknowledged . this was the use and purport of the gloria patri , originally in the church . mr. cartwright ( in his exceptions against the public liturgy of our church ) thought it meet that both this and the athanasian creed should ( now at last ) be laid aside ; because ( saith he ) the fire of arrianism is well quenched : and the sore being healed , there is no need of a plaister . how well this fire was quenched in the first hearth of it , i know not : if it was extinguished in egypt or asia , it brake forth in other places far more neer unto us , as poland , transylvania , and other places ; and from thence the sparks have flown over into this kingdom , and the fire hath prevailed much and gotten no small strength since this hymn and creed have been cashierd among us : so that if this little bucket was of use to quench that fire at first , there is very great need to revive it and resume it again , for that purpose . of the commandments . aphor. . of the obligation of the moral law under the gospel . the moral law is legibilis honestas , as parisiensis terms it , honesty made legible in characters , and transcribed from that original coppy within us , which every man carries about him , in scrinio pectoris . it is the voice of common reason , prescribing nothing but what every man ( indued with reason ) would judge to be aequum & bonum , to be very honest , fit and reasonable to be done , if they had never been commanded : yea if there were neither heaven nor hell , neither reward for well-doing , nor punishment for evil-doing , after this life . cicero in his book de republica cited by lactantius , give● this character of it : it is the law ( saith he ) of right reason , agreeable to nature , a constant sempiternal law , that calls every man to his duty , teaching what he should , and what he should not do : a law that admits of no addition or defalcation , much less of dissolution ; which neither senat nor people can dispense with , and which needs no interpretation or comment . an universal law which binds all men , in all places ; and rules at rome as well as at athens , yea rules the rulers , and is irreversible and unchangeable . of this delineation , the same lactantius gives this elogy , quis sacramenta dei sciens tam significanter enarrare legem dei posset ? what theologue ( well verst in scripture ) could so graphically describe gods law as the pen of this heathen hath done ? this law is the fundamental law of all nations , the ●ared pandects : all the laws that are extant , are but the issues and emanations of the moral law . by this , civil governments do stand , and humane societies subsist . our saviour came not to dissolve this law , or to absolve men from it : some other rites and ceremonies and temporary ordinances he abrogated , but not this ; he did not mean that his followers should be a lawless crew , sons of belial without yoke , and the christian common-wealth a synagogue of libertines . let no man deceive himself or others , with scraps of scripture misunderstood , which too many ( being inchanted with this circean cup of liberty ) do often wilfully mistake and wire-draw to their own sense and destruction both . there is never a line in all the new testament to countenance disobedience to superiors , or a loose and licentious course of life : we were not called to uncleaness , but unto holiness , saith the good apostle paul , and without holiness we shall never see gods face , as the same apostle assures us . which holiness consists in a sincere and hearty desire , indeavour and study to walk in all gods commandments , and to live conformable to his pure and holy laws , quoad nôsse & posse , according to the best of our skill and power . they that pr●tend to the spirit , and yet wallow in all filthy and libidinous desires , ego nescio quem christum fabricantur , quem spiritum eructant : i know not ( saith mr. calvin ) what christ they profess , or what spirit they breath or belch rather , for surely it is not the spirit of god , which is a clean spirit , and loves clean bodies and souls to dwell in , as the dove ( which is its emblem ) loves a clean coat . it is a duty incumbent upon all ministers ( as a good man admonisheth ) to teach the people the perpetual obligation of the moral law : and that it must be retained and upheld , or else christ cannot be retain'd ; for the contrary perswasion i● destructive to piety and morality , and disposeth men to turbulencies and rebellions , and le ts loose the reins to all extravagant , and inordinate desires , as the experience of late ages hath made it evident and legible to the world . aphor. . of the perfection of the moral law at the first enacting of it . how that law that came forth from the mouth of god , & was by him prescribed as a rule of obedience to his chosen people israel , was an imperfect law , a kind of monogram or rude draught , that was to receive full proportion , colours and consummation by a skilfuller hand , i do not ( yet ) well apprehend . for king david who was a sedulous student of the law ( all the day long was his study in st ) tells us that the law of the lord is a perfect law , converting the soul . and the same student mooting this prime question : how shall a young man cleanse his way ? makes answer , even by ruling himself after thy word . so that the law is sufficient to cleanse a mans waies , that is , to keep him in an exact frame of dutifullness and conformity to gods will , and to regulate his thoughts , word● , and actions , which is totum hominis , the all of man . and ( sure ) no law can go higher or be screwed to a higher pitch : there is but internal and external obedience requlred by the most exact law that is imposed , and both these is included in every precept of this law : for the law , like the law-giver , is spiritual : there is not onely a literal but a spiritual sense in every mandate ; and this is the perfection of it , that i● reacheth to the thoughts and intentions of the heart , which other laws do not , nor cannot do . we are forbidden to worship , not onely the images of our hands , but also the imaginations of our hearts : false opinions and heresies , having no reality or existence in the word , ( and which some men do passionately dote upon ) come within the compass of the law of the second commandment . we are forbidden also to kill , not onely with the hand , but also with the tongue , by slander , and with the heart , by inveterate malice , and unmeasurable wrath , these are incruenta homicidia , dry murthers , which stain the soul as deeply as where life is destroyed . nay , all the legal administrations of the old testament did carry a spiritual importance and intendment : the circumcision of the foreskin did betoken the circumcision of the heart , which is inward in the spirit not in the better ; and gods whole drift and design in that oeconomy was to make men holy as he is holy ; a royal priesthood , and a holy nation , exod. . . the sacrifices of the law were not only figures of that great sacrifice that was to be offered ( once for all ) to put away sin , but the slaying of beasts did also import the killing of our lusts , the mortifying of our earthly members , & the offering up of our selves a holy and lively sacrifice : sacrifices of righteousness were the true sacrifices which god required , deut. . . these should have been done , and the other not left undone ; for both were under precept , the omission and neglect of the one , made the other unacceptable , yea , made them to stink before god . and the true servants of god were not ignorant hereof : and the doctors of the law were not wanting to teach it in the schools : sacrificia laudis & charitatis erant sacrificia primae intentionis , saith one of the best scholars of the jewish nation , to wit , r. moses ben maymon : of whom cunaeus gives this testimony , maimonides primus solusque in illa gente ( fato quodam nascendi ) rectè intellexit , quid hoc esset , non ineptire . de rep : hebr : indeed the greatest part of the jewish nation ( through corruption of manners , not any defect in the law ) did rest in outward performances ; and some that sate in moses his chair , did gratifie the peoples humors with false glosses upon the law ; and perswaded themselves first , and the people nex● , that they were righteous enough , if they kept the letter of the law , and had a varnish of sanctity enough to blind the eyes of men . but christ told his disciples : that except their righteousness exceeded that measure of pharisaical sanctity , they should come short of heaven ; and notwithstanding their frequent purifications and washings , yet except they were pure in heart , they should never see god ; and therefore in the first sermon that ever he made , he laid open the true and genuine sense and meaning of the law , to his present auditory , and did wind up the strings of each precept to its right key , and tun'd the * decachord of the commandments as it had been tun'd at first : which in process of time , had been disordered , some strings being stretched too high , and some being l●t fall too low . — medium tenuêre beati . the learned author of the fundamentals speaks right herein : that christ did bind some parts of the yoke closer than they were before thought to be bound upon them ; ex●ending the precepts farther than they were thought to extend ; and in raising them to more elevated degrees of perfection , sinking them deeper than the outward actions even to the purity of the heart . some men perswaded themselves , or were perswaded by others , that if they had an outside sanctity , they were well enough : which conceit our saviour christ doth every where reprehend , and beat down , and pronounceth a wo to the scribes and pharisees , hypocrites : who made clean the outside of the platter , and left the inside soul and nasty ; that seem'd lambs without , but within were ravening wolves . introrsum turpes , speci●fi pelle deco●● . aphor. . how the law is possible to be performed . noa● , gen. . ▪ jo● , job . lo● , pet. . . are termed ●●ghteous persons by the spirit of god , that is , such as had kept gods laws , and fullfilled his commandments . but this is to be understood cum grano s●lis , in a sense of favour and ●q●ity , not precisely and categorically ; but either in comparison of others of their generation , or in a benign and courteous interpretation , they were esteemed righteous before god . it is said of david , that he kept gods commandments , and followed him with all his he●rt , to do that ( onely ) which was righteous in gods sight : and of good iosiah , that there was no king before him like unto him , that turned unto the lord with all his heart , and all his soul , and all his mind , kin. . . so of asa chro. . . these are high expressions and elogies , and yet we know that these men did bestow ( sometimes ) a piece of their heart ( that is of their affection ) upon the world and some carnal designes . the magnet is not so constant to the north , or pole-star , but it hath its variations and digressions from it ; and so the best of gods servants do not so wholly fix their eyes upon their master and maker , but they give an oeillad ( sometimes ) an amorous glance upon other objects . nevertheless , because god hath the best share of their love , and because they soon recall their hearts , and do not suffer their affections to wander far , nor to dwell long upon excentrical objects , and desire to love god sincerely and with an upright heart , non corde & corde , god accepts of their love : and so they are said to love their maker with all their hearts . and moreover , god is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of a benign and gentle nature , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as aristotle interprets the word , not rigid or severe to mark what is done amiss , or one that stands upon his points , and power , and strict terms of law with his subjects , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one apt to extenuate faults , and give them a favourable gloss or construction , and being rather unwilling to find faults where they are , than to make some , where there are none . gods law is high and excellent , pure and exact in it self , worthy of that infinite wisdom and purity that did frame and enact it : but in exacting the duties of it , and in examining our obedience , mercy and benignity fit in commiss●●n with his iustice ; so that he never stand● upon the rigor of his laws , and nice puntilios of obedience , with humble and p●nitent sinners ( which he might do , and do no man wrong ) but remembers whereof we are made , that we are men , not angels , and that the best of men are but men at the best . wherefore , that the law is abs●lutely possible or impossible are both false e●●●tiations , if taken without l●mitation or distinction ; but with some restriction , both are true , and the question may be stated either way , with equal truth , though not with equal conveniency , or prudence . for ( with submission to better judgements ) i conceive , that it were more prudent to hold forth a possibility of fullfilling the law , than the contrary : for this later , damps all our indeavours , weakens our hands , dulls our edge , and makes all our hopes faint and languid : whereas a perswasion that gods law is feasible , though not facil , that it may be performed to such a degree and measure , that may find acceptance with him who sets us on work , makes us stretch and strein our faculties , and keeps us in heart , while we run the race that is set before us . non habeo vires , christus sed jussit , habebo : cur me posse negem posse quod ill● putet ? invalidas vires ipse excitat , & juvat idem quijubet , obsequium sufficit esse meum . in the arausican council it was made a canon : quod omnes baptizati , christo auxiliante & co●operante possent & deberent qaae ad salutem pertinent ( si fideliter laborare voluerint ) adimplere . dicat pelagius per gratiam nos posse implere legem dei ; & pax est . august : contra pelag : the lords prayer . aphor. . of ignorance in the duty of prayer . such ignorance and darkness doth possess our minds , that we often fail in our best duties , and those that do most concern us ; our very prayers are ( sometimes ) extravagant and offensive , as propounding things either unlawfull for the matter , or unfit for the condition of them that make them . of both which , since god is better able to judge than we our selves , let no man murmure or repine , when his prayers do finde a repulse , but let him rather suspect that there is somthing amiss on his part ; and make this inference , that god hath turn'd a deaf ear to his desires for his good , and denyed them in courtesie . for this is the confidence ( saith st. john ) that we have in god , that if we ask any thing according to his will , he heareth us : our prayers must be ( then ) according to gods will , not according to our own , e're they find admission or success . it was then a good advice of a heathen in this particular . — si consilium vis , permittes ipsis expendere numinibus quid conveniat nobis , reb●sque sit utile nostris : nam pro jucundis aptissima quaeque dabunt dî , charior est ipsis homo , quàm sibi : — consonant to which , plato cites a prayer of a greek poet , which he commends for the temper and prudence of it , and * calvin commends him for commending it : and it was thus : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . mr. calvin gives this meaning of it . o iupiter , give us those things that are best and fittest for us , whether we beg them ( particularly ) or no : but such things as are hurtfull , keep them from us , though we earnestly desire them . nihil autem magis ignorari , quàm quid singulis expediat , aut quid petendum sit , ne gentiles ignorarûnt ; inter hos , qui scripsit . — evertêre domos totas , optantibus ipsis , dî faciles , &c. the disciples request to their master that he would teach them to pray , ( luk. . . ) did imply their ignorance and unskilfullness in this duty : and to prevent mistakes , and to succour mens ignorance in this performance , it was , that christ fram'd this prayer , as calvin rightly teacheth . càm videret quàm angusta esset nostra ▪ paupertas , quid aequum postulare , quid è re nostra esset , huic nostrae ignorantiae occurrit , & quod captui nostro deerat , de suo ipse supplevit ac suffecit . aphor. . that the lords prayer is a prayer , this is acknowledged by mr. perkins ( a man of some esteem once in this kingdom ) and the contrary perswasion condemned for error and ignorance by him . the assembly of divines in the directory for public worship do term it , a full and comprehensive prayer , and not onely a pattern . mr. calvin doth stile it orationem omnibus numeris absolutam , a perfect prayer in all points . beza , omnium christianarum precum summam ac formulam , a short sum and model of all christian prayers . since then it is a prayer , let no man doubt or fear to use it as a prayer , and do as christ bade him , when thou prayest , say , our father . the primitive christians did interpret this as a command : so that it was the ordinary and usual prayer of the church in tertullians time ; and i do believe that those that do forbear it now do construe it so , and that is a chief reason why they forbear it . tertullian in his exposition of the lords prayer ( which was made above year since ) hath these words , praemissâ hac ordinariâ & legitimâ oratione , tanquam fundamento , jus est accidentium desideriorum , & superstruendi extrinsecùs petitiones . of which words , this is the sum : . that the lords prayer was the most usual and ordinary prayer in his time . . that it was esteemed the legitimate , that is , the authentic and most current prayer of the church . . that this prayer was premised or used at the beginning ( as the foundation ) of all private and public oraisons : their service consisted of sundry other prayers , but this was caput caenae , the chief mess . in st. austine's time , it was used coronidis vice , for a close or up-shot of all their devotions , and for a crowning prayer , reserving their best wine untill the last . mr. cartwright who condemns the frequent repetition of it , in the service book , doth allow that the church should conclude the liturgy with it , and that ministers should end their sermons therewith ; as in the english church at geneva it is used with the prayer after sermon . the continuater of sulpit : severus tells us , that in the spanish church , the manner was ( for some time ) to use orationem dominicam tantum in die dominico , the lords prayer onely on the lords day . but the fourth council of toledo , which we● in the year . did condemn the practice , and commanded that it should be used daily in the publick services of the church . aphor. . it is the rule of all other prayers . this prayer is both forma precationis & norma precandi , both a form of prayer and a rule of praye● , or the law of prayer , as i may term it , in that sense that tertullian calls the apostle's creed legem fidei , the law of faith . we may call it the standard of prayer ; as we may also term the creed the standard of faith ; and the commandments , the standard of duty and obedience . now public standards or measures that were ( anciently ) kept in temples ( as the sacred shekle in the sanctuary ) or under the magistrates custody , had this use ; to be both measures themselves , and also patterns to make measures by . as that rare piece or picture made by polygnotus ( which for the excellency and artifice of it , was termed the canon , i. the rule ) was not onely a compleat picture of it self , but also an arch-type or idea , unde artifices artis suae lineamenta peterent , as pliny speak● of it , a sampler whence artists of that faculty , should learn the true lines , touches and strokes of a picture . whatsoever the mode or form , and language of our prayers may be ( saith * st. augustin ) we must fetch the matter and substance of them , from the royal mine of this prayer , if we pray regularly ; which is as copious in matter , as it is parcimonious in words , and in tertullians judgement breviarium totius evangelii . if any petition or request be made that doth not square with this prayer or is not reducible to it , it is a spark of strange fire that profanes the sacrifice : it is not secundum vsum sionis . aphor. . it surpasseth all other prayers . the lords prayer is the lady of all prayers : tertullian is of opinion that this prayer hath some kind of privilege in heaven above other prayers , haec oratio , suo animatae privilegio ascendit in coelum , &c. and st. cyprian ( who ●rod in his master's steps , for so he used to call tertullian ) speaks much like his master in this point : god the father ( saith he ) doth acknowledge his sons words , and gives a readier ear and a more favourable audience ( if faith and devotion doth accompany it ) when requests are presented to him in his sons language . hooker doth hit upon the same string : though men ( saith he ) should speak with the tongues of angels , yet words so pleasing to the ears of god as those which the son of god himself hath compos'd , are not possible for men to frame . we need not doubt ( saith another ) of a gracious hearing , since the prince that must hear , was the orator that did pen our prayer , and put words into our mouths . this is stylus curiae , it is a petition made in the style and form of the court , even the court of requests in heaven , and therefore is the more passable and current there . this cherisheth much confidence and consolation in us ( saith calvin ) that our requests contain nothing that is absurd or offensive to god , qui ( pene ) ex ejus ore rogamus , since we ask nothing , but what he himself did dictate unto us , and put into our mouths . the prayer which john the baptist prickt out for his disciples ( intimated luk. . . ) is not now extant upon record . it is probable that it soon grew obsolete and out of use , when this came up : as john himself gave place to christ : so did his prayer to christ's prayer , as the lesser lights use to vanish or grow dim , at the presence of nobler luminaries . sed quorsum perditio haec ? what needs this waste of words upon such a subject ? truly the aim is this , that since others have decried this prayer so much , not onely disusing , but abusing it ( with some derogatory expressions ) it is a duty we ow to it and the author of it , to cry it up again to its just value and no farther . and therefore i shall ( super-pondii loco ) add to the former elogies , this of dan : tilenus , a learned protestant of germany . nulla praestantior formula reperiri potest ●ut excogitari , quam quae à summꝰ illo pre●candi magistro , exauditionis mediatore christo nobis est tradi●a : nam sive sapientiam spectes , ipsamet sapientia dictavit ; sive perfectionem , omnia g●uera rerum expetendarum complectitur ; sive ordinem , divina sanè est methodus & artifictum . aphor. . set forms of prayer needfull for some , and lawfull for all . the truth of this aphorism was little questioned in former ages : the lords prayer , and other leiturgies may be read with feeling and understanding , saith mr. ainsworth , an eminent man in his generation . a form of prayer being read , doth not cease to be a prayer , if the spirit of prayer and supplication be not w●●●ing in the reader or hearer , saith mr. perkins , who taught england to preach ( as one saith of him , ) and who alwaies did use one form of prayer before his sermons . concerning the lawfullness of forms and book-prayers , i make no doubt to concur with bishop hall , in his soliloquies , saith mr. baxter , a late writer of good note . some reject forms prescribed , onely because they are prescribed , they affect freedom and liberty so much , that they would account their girdles and garters to be bonds and shackles , if they were commanded to wear them . davids psalms make no music in their ears ; their own ditties are more harmonious because they are their own , though they father them upon a better author . the saints of old times did not think such prescribed lessons to be restraints upon the spirit , or a quenching of it . for that royal composer david did give in writing the . psalm to asaph , and his brethren to praise the lord withall : and . they did not quarrel at it , for long after this king hezekiah commanded the levites , to sing praise unto the lord , in the words of david and asaph the seer . the . psalm , which begins , o give thanks unto the lord , for he is gracious , &c. was wont to be sung upon several occasions , as at going forth to war , by iehosaphat , chro. . . and at the laying the foundation of the new temple by zerubbabel , ezra . . and the learned iunius in his notes on that psalm saith , that this ode epainetic , or song of praise , was sung daily in the congregations as the moral part of the public service . and it is vouched by good warrant , that the jews had set forms of praises and prayers in all ages ; and buxtorf saith , that the thirteen articles of the jewish creed , was collected by r. m●ses ben maimon , out of the antient jewish liturgies . a wise prince gives thee counsel not to be rash with thy mouth or hasty to utter any thing before god : but to be well advised what thou speakest , to take heed of too much familiarity with thy m●ker , and to remember thy distance , that he is in heaven and thou on earth ; he is a glorious god , and thou art but dust and ●sh●s . it was a rash vow of iephte ; the first thing that comes to meet me , shall be the lords , judg. . . so if thou sayest , the first words that come upon my tongue shall be the lords , they may prove rash , and foolish , and offensive , even the sacrifice of a fool . before thou prayest , prepare thy self , and be not as one that tempteth the lord ; it is an apocryphal text , but canonical counsel . hod●è majorem licentiam illicitis suis cupiditatibus homines in precibus indulgent , quam si pares cum paribus joco è fabularentur . calvin . l. . i●st . cap. § . aphor. . prayer in a language not understood , unlawfull . i will pray with the spirit , and pray with the understanding also , saith st. paul , i will sing with the spirit , and sing with the understanding also ; else how shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say amen to thy giving of thanks , seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest : for thou verily givest thanks well , but the other is not edified . from which words , it may be irrefr●gably concluded , that the congregation must understand the prayers that are put up in the ass●mbly , else they cannot say , amen , and they cannot be edified thereby . and this may be also cleerly inferred thence , that he that is the mouth of the congregation , or else prays in privat , must understand himself what he prays , else it is but the carcass of a prayer without soul or life in it , oratio sine ratione ; for the heart cannot be affected , with what it doth not understand : and praying is a work rather of the heart than of the tongue , no lip-labour . cardinal cajetan upon this text , doth ingenuously confess , that it would be more for the edification of the church , if public prayers were performed in a language that is common both to priest and people . pope john , the th . of that name , could not elude or resist the force of this text , or the reasonableness of the practice of the moravians , who did celebrate divine service in the sclavonian tongue , which was the vulgar or mother-tongue of that nation . for in an epistle written by the said pope in the yea● to stentor prince of moravia , touching this point , he doth cite this parcel of pauls epistle , and saith , that he that made the hebrew and the latine tongues , did make other tongues also , for the glorifying of his name withall . when this business of having the public service in the vulgar-tongues , was hotly controverted in the church , there was a voice in the air heard to say : let every spirit praise the lord , and every tongue confess his name ; as z●inger reports , cited by dr. iames . manud : art . si populus intelligat orationem sacerdotis , meliùs reducitur in deum , & devotiùs respondet amen . aphor. . it is not warrantable to lay aside the lords prayer . if it be a prayer , and there is a command extant for the using of it , there cannot be any just pretensions for discarding it out of our liturgies . in the posie of godly prayers , this was ever held the most fragrant flower , it is sal omnium divinorum officiorum , the salt of the spiritual sacrifice ; for as every sacrifice under the law was seasoned with salt : so all devotion ( wch is a gospel●sacrifice ) should be seasoned with this prayer , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , left it prove insipid or unsavoury . let none suppose that it was intended onely for christians of the lower form : for st. austin assures us , that it was made , not onely for the lambs , but even for the rams of the flock ; arietibus gregis , i. apostolis suis dominus dedit ; and elswhere he adds it to be a form necessary for every particular believer . iustin martyr saith , that the apostles themselves did use this prayer at the celebrating of the eucharist , which was very frequently in those daies : and we may presume that he delivered but his knowledge herein ; for he living so neer the apostles , might very well understand their practice in this , or any other affair . if it hath been too often used heretofore , ( as some urge ) sure i am , it is ( now ) used too seldom , which is the worser fault of the two : as of two extremes , one may be far worser than the other . and it may be well supposed that they have too mean a conceit of this prayer , and too high an esteem of their compositions , that will not vouchsafe it a room among them . one of the reasons given for abolishing the common-prayer-book was , because it gave offence to divers godly christians : sure i am , that the omitting of this prayer , or casheering of it ( for company ) with our other prayers of the church , gives greatet offence to persons really godly ; who are as much grieved in spirit at this affront as at any other put upon the christian religion in these frantick corybantiasms that have ( of late years ) possessed this nation . the omitting of this prayer , and creed , and commandments , in the public assemblies , have made some men believe that they were but some grotesques , and superfluities in our religion ; some parentheses ( as it were ) or things indifferent , that might be used or omitted at pleasure : so that the people have often ( since ) mused what religion hath been taught them these in this land , when the very corner-stones of it are now taken away , and the foundations are digged up . where zeal ( not guided with discretion ) is in the commission of reformation , it knows not where to stop or stay , but is alwaies pulling down , but knows not how to build up or erect any thing , like an apollyon being onely skilfull to destroy , to unravel , and root up all , — et convellere tota fundamenta quibus nixatur vita , salusque . lucret : l. . of the sacraments . aphor. . sacraments , why ordain'd ? he that made man and knew best how to instruct and teach him in the great interest of his salvation , thought fit to inclose apples of gold in pictures of silver , heavenly mysteries in earthly representations and objects : because it is natural * to man to a●cend to super-natural verities , by natural help● : and to ●cale heaven by a ladder , whose rounds are made ( as it were ) of gross materials ; and whose bottom ( like that of iacob ) stands upon the earth , though the top reacheth to heaven . geom●ters do use certain schems , and diagrams ( drawn in the sands , or on paper ) to assist the weak capacities of their scholars , to understand some conclusions or problems of their art : so , god vouchsafes to instruct his scholars , not onely by words , but also by signs and symbols , to speak not onely to the ear , but also to the eye : the preaching of the word was not thought * sufficient to inform mens dull capacities , and to stir up their other faculties to their proper duties but sacraments are also added , which are a kinde of a visible word . both have the same use , the one to teach the minde by the sense of seeing , as the other by the sense of hearing . and to this purpose the sacrament is more effectual than the word , having a greater energy * and force upon the mind , because the eye is a better instructer than the ear * segniùs irritant animos demissa per aures quam quae sunt oculis sub●ecta fidelibus . horat : de arte poet : aphor. . their efficacy from the author alone . there is no such vertue inherent in the sacramental symbols to work good upon the soul , as there is in herbs or mineral waters , to work good upon the body : the very applying of the sacraments ( as an active to a passive ) or the opus operatum ( a● the romish writers express it , ) the very action or deed done doth not do the deed , as is pretended . god doth not tye his grace to the means , nor to the ministrators ; whose worthiness doth not contribute to , nor unworthiness derogate from the sacraments : but the work depends wholly upon the good pleasure of the ordainer and institutor of them , who doth preside in this grand agend of the church , and who doth exhibit grace therein to all ; but it is not effectual and beneficial to any but to the worthy receiver , qualified by previous dispositions , and expedients . we do not depreciate the sacraments , or make them lower , or lesser than what ( indeed ) they were intended to be , by asserting the efficacy and vertue derived from them , to him that ordained them . we do not over-value nor under-value them : we know who have offended in these extremes . we do not make them empty pageants , and bare shadows or dumb shews : the church of england declares otherwise , in few words . sacraments are not onely badges of christian profession , but also sure witnesses and effectual signs of grace : agreeable to the belgic confession ; sacramenta non sunt vana , & vacua signa ad nos decipiendos insti●uta , &c. for where they are administred and received , in the due form and manner , we acknowledge that they really give what they promise , and are what they signifie : on gods part , they give an investiture and possession of the heavenly promises , as firmly as a bishop is invested in his office , per baculum & annulum , as st. bernard makes the simile , serm : de caena dom. the unworthy receive● ( indeed ) doth frustrate , and defeat the good that is intended by them and presented in them , makes divorce between the sign and thing signified , eats the bakers bread , not the bread that came down from heaven , sacramentum , non rem sacramenti . if this romish fansie of the opus operatum were current , i marvel why the sacraments of the old testament did not confer grace as well as those of the new , which they deny , making that the main difference between them : whereas the truth is , they differed onely in the outward symbols , not in the inward sense , and substance , nor yet in the effects : for their sacraments had the same materiam substratam , the same invisible grace presented in them , though the visible signs were not the same ; and the worthy partakers did feed on christ as lushiously and savourly then , as others do now ; they did eat the same spiritual meat , and drink the same spirituall drink , which was christ , as st. paul doth expressely teach , cor. . , . aphor. . they are seals as well as signs . the gospel is the grand charter of mans salvation , and the sacraments are ( as it were ) seals appendant thereunto , they are not onely signs of some grace exhibited , but also seals to ratifie and confirm the promises contained in the instrument before mentioned : as seals are put to civil contracts and indentures for a full and final ratification of them . this comparison is used by most writers of the reformation , but it is so foolish in bellarmine's conceit , that nothing can be more ; and which ought with all diligence ( saith he ) to be beaten down . sacramenta dici sigilla vel signacula , nusquam legimus nisi in evangelio secundum lutherum , is the cardinals witty sarcasm in the forecited treatise : that the sacraments are called seals ( saith he ) we read no where , but in the new gospel , according to st. lather . but he might have read it in an old epistle according to st. paul , who calls circumcision {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the seal of the righteousness which is by faith , that is , a seal whereby it was ratified and made sure unto abraham , that he was justified or made righteous before god , through faith in christ . nay , the cardinal himself to prove the septenary number of the sacraments doth fetch an argument from the book with seven seals , rev. . . which was the new covenant with seven sacraments appendant thereto , as he interprets the place : if that text will be of force to evince the sacraments to be seven in number , it will also evince them to be seals for use . aphor. . absolutely necessary where they may be had . the divine precept hath layed the highest obligation ( that may be ) upon us of using the sacraments , and that with reverence and religion , saith dr. ames . if the sacraments be wanting unto us through our own default , it involves us in guilt ( saith augustin ) neither can that man pretend to a sincere conversion or love to god , that contemns any sacrament of his institution * . faith will not avail any man , who receives not the lords lords sacraments when he may , saith st. bernard . if this be a duty commanded , why may we not slight any other ( and all other ) duties as well as this ? what reasonable hopes hath any man that god will save him by some other means ( or without means ) when he hath declared , that by these means ( in conjunction with some others ) he intends to save ? ames calls baptism one of the ordinary means of salvation ; & ex istâ hypothesi , upon that account , he affirms it to be absolutely necessary to salvation , where it is to be had * . except a man be born of water and the spirit ( saith christ ) he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven . from hence the antient fathers did infer the necessity of baptism : but some later writers have ratified this water into spirit ; and interpret the words tropically : except a man be born of water , that is , of the spirit : for water is here but an emblem of the spirit ( say they , as fire is elsewhere , mat. . . but to these , i shall oppose the sense , and censure of the learned hooker , you shall have his own expressions , for they cannot be mended . i hold it an infallible rule in the exposition of scripture , that where a literal construction will stand , the farthest from the letter , is commonly the worst : there is nothing more dangerous than this licentious and deluding are which changeth the meaning of words , as alchimy doth or would do metals , maketh any thing what it listeth , and in the end , bringeth all truth to nothing . the general consent of antiquity , concurres in the literal interpretation , and must the received construction be ( now ) disguised with a toy of novelty ? we may by such expositions , attain in the end ( perhaps ) to be thought witty , but with ill advice ; so he . non possum quin simplicissimam theologiam , hoc est , quae minimè recedit a litera , caeteris ut commodiorem , praeferam . aphor. . infant-baptism more antient than the apostles . to secure the interest of children in this sacrament , who ( ex praerogativâ s●minis , as tert : speakes ) are entitled thereto , enough hath been spoken ( of late years ) by our english writers , to the conviction of all gain-sayers ; more particularly by the excellent dr. hammond , in his quaer●s . when we find the practice of baptizing infants in the christian church to be so antient , as the very next age to the apostles : and so universal , that it was received through all parts of the world , where christ had a church , i cannot see , how it could have any other original than from the apostles who founded the churches through the world . st. augustine speaking of this usage or custom , saith , that the church of god ever had it , ever held it , and received it hanc praxin ecclesia catholica ubique diffusa tenet home de adamo & eva . from the religion of former ages : and calvin saith , that the antientest writers that we have of our religion , do ( without any scruple ) refer the original of this practice to the apostles . nullus scriptor tam vetustus qui non ejus originem , ad apostolorum tempora pro certo , referat . but this practice did not begin with , or by the apostles neither : for they did but continue what was before in use in the jewish church , who admitted proselytes into their religion by this rite or ceremony of baptizing , besides that of circumcision ; as hath been observed unto us by men well verst in rabbinical writings , and the rituals of all ages , as ainsworth on gen. . . heins. his ex●r● : on act. . . lud : de dieu his append : on matth. . . and more fully and copiously doctor hammond in his fourth quaere . but indeed , the jewish and the christian baptisms had different purposes and designations : by the one , the proselytes were baptised into moses , that is , the mosaic law and o●conomie : by the other , into christ , that is , into his faith , rule and discipline . and it is farther observed by the forementioned writers , that of the jewish proselytes , not onely men of years were baptized , but their young children were also baptized with them , and received into the bosome of that church , to be instructed in their law , when they should come to years . which usage was taken up by john the baptist , and afterwards by christ and his apostles , and continued in the reformed common wealth , though to another purpose and design , as we touched before ; and this ceremony was thought sufficient to be retained for that end , when circumcision was abolished . if the issue of the question touching infants-baptism lay upon this : whether the apostles of christ did baptize infants ? the scripture ( by its own light ) doth not clear the doubt , it tells us they baptized whole housholds , which testimonies do ( of themselves ) make it but probable , that they baptized the children of those housholds : but if catholic tradition , and the voice of the church he allowed so much civility and credit with us , as to be believed for a matter of fact and story ; then the business would soon be put beyond all pretensions of scruple , and made as secure and firm to our sense , as any article of our creed : as upon the testimony of travellers , and credible men , i might be induced to believe firmly and undoubtedly , that there is such a city as constantinople , though i neither saw it , nor doth the scripture make any mention of it . aphor. . where it may not be had , desire supplies the defect . this must be understood of the adulti or men in years , that have not participated of the holy mysteries , but do earnestly desire and long for them , but by some impediment and invincible necessity , cannot obtain them : if the fault be not on their side , there is no danger , but the internal benefit of the sacrament , is communicated to them , without the external symbols . the penitent thief on the cross went to heaven without baptism , when simon magus went to hell with it : the children of bethlehem that were baptized in their own blood , were qualified for heaven by that baptism , without the baptism of water ; and martyrdom in any other , doth entitle them to a crown , even a crown of glory , though unbaptized . when the emperour valentinian died without baptism , but had determined to receive it , but that he was prevented by death ; st. ambrose doth state his case thus ; quem regeneraturus eram , amisi , sed ille no● amisit gratiam quam poposcit . i lost him ( saith he ) whom i was about to regenerate or baptise : but he hath not lost the grace o● fruit of that ordinance which he desired . in such cases , baptismus flaminis supplet baptismum fluminis , the baptism of the spirit doth supply the want of water-baptism ; and the spirit himself doth officiate for the minister sometimes . from hence we may infer , that the case of children dying without baptism , is not forlorne and disperate : we may not be such rhadamanths as to passe damnatory sentences upon them , for want of that which was not in their power to compass : god doth not tye any to those ordinary laws and methods whereby he saves man , but such as may have them , and are capable to use them . if the parents be wanting to their child in this duty , the sin ( sure ) lyes at their door and not the child's ; and god will require it at their hands , as he did at the hands of moses . in like manner the church of england , hath declared her judgement , touching the want of the eucharist , if there be no more than the bare defect . if any person by extreme sickness , or any other just impediment , do not receive the sacrament of the lords supper , if he truly repent him of his sins , and stedfastly believe that christ died for him , he doth eat , and drink the body and blood of christ profitably , to his souls health , though he do not eat the sacrament with his mouth . so the rubric for the communion of the sick . a prayer occasionally conceived , upon the entring into a ruinous church , where no prayers or sermons had been , in many years before . o eternal holinesse and immense goodness ! how sad and desolate is this place , which was ( lately ) frequented by a people called by thy name , to call upon thy name ; to seek thy face , and to find thee here , in thine own appointments and holy dispensations : how forlorne is it now become , being made a court of owls , and a place for satyrs to dance in ? i acknowledge the hand-writing upon the walls , and the charactets of thy just displeasure , who doest proportion punishments to the offences , and makest the one legible in the analogy , and suitablenesse of the other . lord , if my sins have drawn th●se lines of confusion and of stones emptiness ; if by any remisness or perfunctoriness in holy ministeries , if by want of zeal for thy glory , or any other way , i have awaked thy justice , lo , here ( in all humility , ) i prostrate my self before thee , imploring mercy and pardon , and confessing to thy glory , that thou art just in all that is come upon us . and if the sins of the congregation ( that used to meet here , ) have contributed to this judgement , and turned away thy presence from this place , either by sleighting the mysteries that were here dispensed , or the dispensers of them : we must say again , that righteous art thou , o lord , and true are thy judgements . thou hast been just in shutting up the doors of thy house against them , that did shut their ears and hearts against thee ; and in taking away that food from before them , which they loathed or lightly regarded . yet , o lord , be mercifull both to priest and people , and turn not away thy face utterly ( in displeasure ) from them ; as we confesse thy justice , so we implore thy mercy , lift up the light of thy countenance upon thy sanctuary that is desolate , and cause thy face to shine upon it . turn thee unto us , o lord , and renew our dayes as of old . have mercy upon a distressed church , and a distracted ●tate : behold thy ministers that are smit●en into corners , and their respective congregations that wander like sheep without a shepherd , that travel to and fro , ●o seek the word of the lord , and cannot ●ind it . gather them o thou shepherd of israel , ●nd do thou guide and lead them forth , ●nd let thy rod and staff comfort them . pi●ty the ruins of thy church , build up the old wasts , it is time that thou have mer●y upon them , yea the time is come . let not the watch-men that are set upon the wals hold their peace day nor night , nor those that make mention of the lord keep silence , nor give him any rest , until he establish his people , and make this church a praise on the earth , that it may no more be termed desolate or forsaken , but make it an eternal excellency , and a joy of many generations . and so shall we learn by thy punishments to amend our lives , and for thy clemency , to give thee praise and glory , through jesus christ our lord , amen . psal. . mr. sands ▪ . thou mover of the rolling sphears , i through the glasses of my tears , to thee my eyes erect . as servants mark their masters hands , and maids their mistresses commands , and liberty expect : . so we , deprest by enemies , and growing troubles , fix our eyes on god who sits on high ; till he in mercy , shall descend to give our miseries an end , and turn our tears to joy . . o save us lord , by all forlorne the subjects of contempt and scorn , defend us from their pride , who live in fluency and ease , who with our woes their malice please , and miseries deride . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- aristid . adrian . orat . . — vt sine faece dies . joh. . . rev. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . mat. . . sen. ep. virtus heroica est eminentia & splendor virtutis , qua homine supra conditionē humanam elevat , piccol : de mor : philosophia . — vulgus sequitur fortun● , ut semper , & odit damnatos . iuv. sat. . forced to be secular priests . heb. . , . notes for div a e- * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} insulae fortunatae : notes for div a e- josh. . sine magno molimine ab area excutitur , quod nullo pondere intra aream tenebatur . vinc. lir. c. . .●rona sunt in ruinam quae sine fundamentis creverunt . sen. l. de ira . cap. . prov. . . apis sapi , entissima avicula . basil. hexaem . c. . ecclus. . . virg l. . georg. l. . contra donatistas . eph. . . rom. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . heb. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . heb. . . sermo qui rudes in christo inchoat . so beza renders it . ass artium , & scientia scientiarum est regimen animarum . esa. . . append : to the reformed catholick . cul. paris . rev. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . haereditaria signacula , st. am●brose calls them . l. . ad grat. imper. communem thesaurum & haereditatem paternam , st. basil terms them , ep. . auguste sanctissime yheodor . l. eccl. hist. c. . vinc lirin . cap. . quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum , sed semper retentum , non nisi authoritate apostolica traditum rectissinè creditur . aug. l. . de bapt. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} tim. . . zach. . . via trita est vita tuta . we would go to the heavenly canaan by the kings high way , and turn neither to the right hand nor to the left . numb. . . lucret. non contemnenda sunt parva , sine quibus magna esse non possunt . hiero. ep. ad laetam principia majora sunt vi quam magnitudine . arist. de coelo , l. . c. . sir , ro. williams his commentaries . pius the th . in his bull de motu proprio , perfixed to the trent-catechism * dr. gropper . stapleton . lud. carbo . mr. rich. greenham ▪ above . years agone . cyrill . catech. . ediscebant pueri . tabb . leges , ut carmen necessarium . m. tull. l. . de ll. debile fundamentum fallit opus . cypr. praefat ad opuscula . vtile est plures à pluribus fieri tractatus , diverso stylo , non diversâ fide , etiam de quaestionibus iisdem , ut ad plurimos res ipsa proveniat ; ad alios sic , ad alios autem sic . aug. de trint . cap. . notes for div a e- ( ) orat : dom : ( ) symbolum . ( ) decalogus . ( ) sacramenta . notes for div a e- in his capitibus catecheticis universae scripturae pomaeria , se● potiùs latifundia continentur . alsted th. catechet . c. . (a) god made him lower than the angels in this life . psal. . . but he shall be made equal to the angels hereafter . luk. . . (b) deut. . . micah . . st. paul doth reduce all to these two heads faith and love . tim. . perfectus scripturae canon , ad omnia , satis supe●que ▪ sufficit ▪ vinc : lirin ▪ cap. . the patriarchs creed , see the annotations annexed . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . tit. . . (a) act. . (b) cant. . . eph. . , . (c) tit. . . the distribution of the creed into . parts . the desinto hell . dr. hammond's practical catechism , d . edition page . * dr. latimer . dr. nowel . dr. babington . dr. bilson . dr. crachanthorp in his defence of the church of england — c. . (a) rev. . (b) act. . (c) act. . rom. . (d) rom. . (a) col. . . joh. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . eph. . . (b) phil. . . (a) luk. . act. . . (b) rom. . , , . (d) mat. . joh. . symbolum patrum est tantum declarativum symboli apostolici , sic propter haereticos exigente necessitate . aquin : sum : p. . c. . the doxology , a little creed . as the word shibboleth distinguished the ephraimites from the gileadites , jud. . . (a) psa. . (b) joh. . (c) cor. . (d) eph. . . (f) tim. . (g) pet. (h) heb. . notes for div a e- decalogus est symbolum agendorum . dr. davenant adhort : ad pacem cap. ● . (a) gen. . (b) deut. . . (c) rom. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . arist. eth. l. . c. . (a) r●m . , . wherein christian liberty doth consist . (a) mat. . (b) mat. . . & . . rom. . . (c) deut. . . (d) gal. . . the moral law , a perfect law for parts & degrees . (a) rom. . (b) psa. . . (c) rom. . . (d) exod. . . (e) psa. . in the original it is in the abstract , viz : (a) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} decas verborum . deu. . (c) rom. . . (d) joh. (b) mat. . . how far the law may be performed by us . (a) deut. . . mat. . (b) rom. . (c) gen. . . (d) chron. . . ▪ this law of the two tables surpasseth all the laws of the . tables among the romans . (a) psa. . rom. . . (b) cor. . . (a) lev. . mat. . (b) gal. . . (c) act. . isa. . (d) cor. . jam. . . exemplumque dei quisque est sub imagine parvâ . manil : praecepta sunt angus●a , & augusta . zanch : in decalog : he that commanded us to hate the evill , did command us to love the good . amos . isa. . , . qui destinat ad finem , destinaat ad media . arist : . phys : (a) mat. . , . joh. . . these ampliations and extensions of general precepts in the law , are virtually inherent in them ; and so by easie natural logick , and by a free and unforced inference , are deducible from thence ; whereof alsted in his theologia catechetica , zanchius upon the decalogue , perkins in his armilla aurea , and divers other commentators on the moral law have treated . (a) exod. . . (b) lev. . (c) deut. . (d) micah . . . (e) psa. . (f) psa. . . (g) cor. . . (h) jam. . (i) psa. . notes for div a e- deo nihil deest , he is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} self-sufficient and all-sufficient . — ipse suis pollens opibus : — (a) jonah . , . act. . (b) cor. . . why we must pray . (a) eph. . . (b) mar. . . . . psal. . . phil. . . (c) jam. . . (d) jam. . . job . . (a) job . how we must pray . (b) rom. . . (c) joh. . (d) luk. , . see the notes annexed , upon this head . * the mountain whereon christ preached his first sermon , and delivered this prayer . mat. . . the preeminence of the lords prayer . oratio dominica est orationum domina . (a) cor. . (b) col. . . (c) joh. . . (d) joh. . the best qualifications of prayer . (a) mat. . ja. . . (b) ja. . , . (c) luk. . (d) eccles. . . ephes. . : and jesus left them , and went again , and prayed the third time saying the same words . mat. . . mat. . . (a) mat. . . pacis doctor , & unitatis magister noluit sigillatim precem fieri . cypr : de orat. dom : (a) habh . . (b) tim. . . jam. . . tres petitiones dei gloria destinatae sunt tres reliquae nostri curam gorunt . cal● : l. . inst : c. . of unpremeditated prayer . (a) cor. . , , (b) eccle. . . (a) job . (b) jam. . . job . . (c) isa. . (d) luk : . . (e) joh. . notes for div a e- sacramenta sunt signa signantia , & obsignantia . the eye doth better instruct than the ear : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the virtue and efficacy of the sacraments . (a) cor. . . (b) mat. . . (a) matth. . . (b) matth. . , ▪ illud , est nasci de sp●ritu ; hoc , autem pa●sci . aug : de verb : apostoli . serm : . faciunt favos vespae ; faciunt ecclesias & marcionitae . tert : adv : marc : (a) mat. . . mat. . . act. . . (a) gen. . . rom. . . act. . . . . circumcision was a sign of the old covenant , and baptism cometh in the room of that . co. . , . the danger of sleighting baptism , where it may be had . see the annotat : (a) luk. . . (b) exod. . . (c) gen. . infants to b● baptized . see more in the notes . (a) gen. . (b) cor. . rom. . . (a) luk. . : cor. . . (b) cor. . . verbum est fundamentum fidei ; sacramenta sunt firmamenta & columnae calv : l. . instit. c. (c) joh. . . (a) ● cor. . . qui indignè manducat , sibi judicium manducat , non tibi . aug. (b) sam. . . (c) act. . . act. . . (a) cor. . (b) psa. . . (c) cor. . . sacraments of perpetual use to the ●aithfull . (a) cor. . . (b) phil. . . rom. . . (a) mat. , . (a) in the creed . (b) in the command : (c) in the lords prayer . (d) rom. . (e) isa. . . (f) isa. . , . (g) jer. . . psal. . notes for div a e- eccle. . i●●it studium & diligentiam , qu● pueris praecepta dei ●nculca●i debent . v●●abl : in locum . histor : of the counsel of trent l. . notes for div a e- (a) chro. . . notes for div a e- append to the ref : cathol : pro fundamentalibus ea sola haebendae sunt quae omnibus cognitu & creditu necessaeria sunt : adhort : ad pacem cap : . instit. l. . l. . adv. haereses c. . . . ep : dedicatory to the e : of bedford before his exposit : of the creed . in his preamble to the exposit : of the creed . parte de doct : chrisstian●s . animadv. in bellarm : l. . serm : . de tempore epist. ad epictet . de velandis virginibus . cap. . see dr. potter's answer to charity mistaken . sect. . deerant quoque littora ponto . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} papistica . so the bull of pius the reditu . bellarm : prefat : ad lib : de rom : pontifice . pontificia potestas est cardo & fundamentum & summa fidei christianae . skulken : apol : pro bellarm. non latuit judaeos de trinitate fides , ut cunque sub evangelio multo sit explicatior prid : fasci : confess : l. . cap. . vna fides justificat universorum temporum sanctos . leo de pass : dom : serm. . prid : fasc : see deut. . . compared with act. . . chro. . . isa. . . joh. . . lex promissiones misericordiae passim continet . calv●l . . inst : c. ▪ chap. . v. . rom. . chap. . v. , . dan. . . joh. ● . , . ezech. . . legem servantibus , aeterna vita promissa est . mat. . . luk. . . raynolds . thes. . rom. . cor. . . vetus & novum testamentum , unum re , geminum ratione . raynold . thes : . fest hommius in specim . controvers : belgicarum cap. . l. ● . iustit . c. . § . mich : servetus , veterem ecclesiam israeliticā in haram porcorum transfomavit . beza epist. . historia concilii tridentini . l. . li. . c. . §. . hâc syllabâ ▪ creator à creaturis secernitur ; divina ab humanis separantur . ruff : in symb : * and in petr : canisius his catechism . * quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum sed semper retentum , non nisi apostolicâ authoritate traditum rectissimè creditur . l. . de bapt : contra donatistas . necesse est propter tantos , tam varii erroris ansractus , ut propheticae & apostolicae interpretationis linea , secundùm ecclesiastici & catholici sensùs normam dirigatur . vinc : lirin . c. . theol : catechetica . so whitaker de eccles : raynolds . mor●ney , and davenant on , col. . . luk. . heb. . tim. . rom. . tu vides quousque oculos habes , sed oculi domini sunt alti . tert : de praescript : oprat : l. . nisi in parte donati . august : de haeresib : psa. . . isa. . . huic ego nec metas rerum , neque tempora pono : imperium sine fine dedi . virg : act. . bishop of milevis in africa . l. . contra donatist : sulpit. severus l. . hist : sacrae . peuc : chro : l. . genebr . chron : epist. ad damasum . l. . eccl : histor. et in conciliis , & in doctorum collisionibus , semper tandem triumphavit fides de trinitate catholica . dr. prid : fasc : contr. p. . baron : an●nal : ad an : . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} athanasius cap. . commonitorii . articuli fidei non possunt crescere quoad numerum credibilium , sed quoad explicationem . aquin. sum : p. . arrius erat vir laudis & gloriae , magis quam veri . tatis cupidus . platina in vitâ sylvestri . in vita b. fulgentii . russ : in symb : judg. . . euseb : l : . cap. . basil : ep. . notes for div a e- l. de leg : sir w. raghleigh . . p. of his history . de vero . cultu l. c. . thes. . heb. . l. . inst. c. . non ille spiritus , adulterii vel homicidii , vel fraudis patronus . id . legis doctrina retinenda est , sine quâ christus non potest retineri . dr. daven : ●dh : ad pacem . lex moralis est aeterna regula justitiae omnium gentium ac temporum hominibus praescripta , qui ad dei voluntatem vitam suam componere volunt . cal : l. . inst : c. . liberantur fideles à rigore legis , non regimine : habet enim in eos imperium politicum , non despoticum ; poedagogiam exercet , non mastigogiam , est index non judex nostrarum actionum . pride aux fase : contr : god spake these words and said . exod. . . psa. . psa. . . psa. . lex divinitùs traedita , perfectam nos justitiam docet . calv : l. . c. . lex est perfectissima norma justitiae . nowel . cat : est vitae regula perfectè absoluta . id. rom. . . interna & externa obedientia requiritur in singulis praeceptis , interprete christo mat. . ames : med : theol : l. . c. . leges hominum ligant manus , lex dei conscientiam . sculptile & con●latile reor dogmata esse falsa & perversa , quae ab his quibus facta sunt , adorantur . hieron : in habb : c. . qui falsum dogma componunt , auream statuam faciunt , & persuadent homines , ut cadentes , adorent idolum falsitatis . id. in dan. cap. . see ecclus , , . rom. . . lev ▪ . . . rom. . . isa. . , ● . jer. . . mat. . . mat . . * so st. augustin calls the decalogue in his b●ok de o chordis . cap. . pers : sat : kin. . . chro. . . psa. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , benignior legis interpretatio , aristot. . eth ▪ c. . auson● ad theodos : imp●rat : concilium arausicanum . notes for div a e- — paenam pro munere pascunt , like phaëton . ovid : metamo : l. . multos non audit deus ad voluntatem , ut exaudiat ad salut em . isid : de summo bon● . joh. . . iuv. sat : * homo quidem ethnicus sapit in hoc , quòd judicat quàm periculosum sit a domino petere , quod cupiditas nost● a dictaverit . calvin . l . inst : c. . dan : heinsius exercit . in lu. . l. . inst. ● . . in his preamble to the exposition of the lords prayer . so mr. henry greenwood a godly man , in his exposition of the lords prayer . l. . inst. c. . in . c. matthai . luk. . . enchirid : ad laurent : c. . hooker . l. eccl : polit : lib : de veland : virg : primum in unuquoque genere est mensura reliquorum . arist. . phy. exo. . nat: hist. l. . c. . * quamlibet alia verba dicimus , nil aliud dicimus , quàm quod in ista oratione positum est , si rectè & congruenter oremus . aug : ep. . de ora● : lev. . . ● . de oratione . de orat : da magistrum . eccles : pol. l. . § . sir r. baker's meditat : on the lords prayer . l. . inst. c. . §. . nox victa vagos contra●it ignes , luce renatâ cogit nitidum phosphorus agmen . sen: herefurens . syntag : theol : tit : . def. of the l. pr : expos : of the l. pr : saints rest p. . l. the spirit chro. . . chro. . . thornedike of rel : assemb. . c synagoga judaica . cap. . eccl. . , ecclus . ▪ hist : of the council of trent lib. lyra in cor. . . lev. . . ep : . de meritis & remiss : l : . c. . apol : . preface to the direct : notes for div a e- pro. . . vel ut pythagorei qui parvas res magna . rum rerum tesseras esse voluêrunt . plat. qu : romanae . gen. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . vt prophe●tae olim prophetabant , non solùm sermone sed etiam visione & conversatione & actibus typicis quos faciebant . iren : l. . c. . * providentia divina unicuique rei providet secundùm modum suum . homini autem connaturale est , ut per sensibilia ad cognitionem intelligibilium perveniat . aquin. . . * quia infirma & languida est fides nostra , ideo deus , non contentus objectum ejus auribus nostris , per praedicationem evangelii inculcâsse , insuper illud , per sacramentum ( tanquàm visible verbum ) oculis ingerit , & auribus inserit . tilenus syntag : theol : p. . * hoc habent sacramenta prae verbo peculiare , quòd promissiones velut in hac tabula depictas , nobis ad vivum representent , & fub aspectum graphicè {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} expressas statuant . calv. l. . inst. c. . art. panem domini , non panem . dominium . lambit petram sed inde nec mel sugit , ne ▪ oleum cyprian : nou tantum signa signantia , sed etiam obsignantia . comparatio tam inepta ut nihil inoptius . l. . de sacram. c. . rom. . rom. . . medull : theol : l. . c. . l. . contrà donat. c. * sacramentorum vis inerarribiliter valet plurimùm , & ideo contempta sacrilegos facit : inipiè quippe contemnitur , sine quo non potest perfici pietas . aug : l. . contra faustum manich. c. . bellarm : enervat : l. . * baptismus est necessarius non rantùm ut res praecepta , sed etiam ut medium salutis ordinarium ; it a tamen ut non desperandum est de salute non-baptisatorum . amesius bellarm : enervat . l. . joh . . eccl : pol : l. §. ● . dan. heins. exercit : in mar. . . lib. de baptismo . serm : . de v. ap. l . inst. c . in orat : funebri . notes for div a e- . aula ululantium . isa. . : isa. . . isa. . . dan. . . lam. . amos. . isa. ▪ . a prospect of the primitive christianity, as it was left by christ to his apostles, by the apostles to their disciples saint polycarp and holy ignatius, both contemporaries with and disciples to the holy evangelist and apostle saint john whose lives follow in this short treatise, together with their famous epistles written to several churches / translated according to the best copies out of the original greek into english, by thomas elborowe ... elborow, thomas. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a prospect of the primitive christianity, as it was left by christ to his apostles, by the apostles to their disciples saint polycarp and holy ignatius, both contemporaries with and disciples to the holy evangelist and apostle saint john whose lives follow in this short treatise, together with their famous epistles written to several churches / translated according to the best copies out of the original greek into english, by thomas elborowe ... elborow, thomas. polycarp, saint, bishop of smyrna. epistola ad philippenses. english. ignatius, saint, bishop of antioch, d. ca. . epistolae. english. [ ], , [ ] p. printed by tho. newcomb for william grantham ..., in the savoy : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng polycarp, -- saint, bishop of smyrna. ignatius, -- saint, bishop of antioch, d. ca. . barnabas, -- apostle, saint. epistle of barnabas. -- english. fathers of the church. christian literature, early. church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a prospect of the primitive christianity , as it was left by christ to his apostles , by the apostles to their disciples saint polycarp and holy ignatius , both contemporaries with and disciples to the holy evangelist and apostle saint john . whose lives follow in this short treatise , together with their famous epistles written to several churches . translated according to the best copies out of the original greek into english , by thomas elborowe vicar of chiswick in the county of middlesex . in the savoy , printed by tho. newcomb for william grantham , at the sign of the black bear in westminster-hall . . to the reverend father in god , robert lord bishop of worcester . my lord , i have been your debter these many years , and although i was perswaded formerly to appear in print in a short exposition upon the book of common-prayer , yet that small and imperfect piece did seek protection from the wings of another . it is my happiness now to make choice of a subject most proper and fit for your lordships patronage ; wherein christianity and the fence about it , the vine and the hedge are so delineated , according to the primitive patterns , that this present age , wherein we live , may blush and stand amazed to see how much short they are in the practise of that religion which they profess , and be ashamed of themselves that they of the first age should be christians indeed , whilst too many of this are onely christians in name . it hath been very well observed by the antient fathers , and as much by these two as by any , holy polycarp , and divine ignatius ( who fly to the sacred wings of your lordships protection to secure them from a second martyrdom , which the unkind world may threaten them withall ) that religion consists more in practice than in speculation , and is rather an occupation than a meer profession . but i will detain your lordship no longer from the reading of them in our plain english , whom you have so often conversed with in their own language . thus having discharged a small part of my debt , which yet your acceptance will double upon me , i remain your lordships debter still , ever praying for your lordships health and happiness . your dutiful and obedient son , thomas elborowe . the life and death of saint polycarp martyr , bishop of the church of smyrna , and disciple to saint john the evangelist . polycarp was a man of an excellent spirit , an eminent christian , fruitful in every good work , the disciple of the blessed apostle and evangelist saint john , not onely instructed by the apostles in the doctrine of christianity , and continually conversant amongst them , who had seen christ in the flesh ; but he was by the apostles themselves ordained bishop of the church of smyrna in asia . he was that famous angel so much commended for his pietie , patience , and constancie , revel . . , , . when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , very great persecutions disturbed and vexed all asia , and fell very heavie upon that city , where he was then metropolitan . irenaeus , who was polycarps disciple , makes mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his conversation with john , and gives him this style , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that blessed and apostolical presbyter . he further reports of him thus , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made bishop over the church of smyrna in asia by the apostles themselves . tertullian , shewing how the apostolical churches derived their successions , mentioned polycarp placed over the church of smyrna by john. he is styled by eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a person very familiar with the apostles , and is said by the s●me author to have obtained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the episcopacie of the church of smyrna , by the joynt suffrage of those , who had seen the lord , and were his ministers . jerom says he was a disciple of john the apostle , and by him ordained metropolitan bishop of smyrna , for he was totius asiae princeps , the prince of all asia . gildas saith , he was egregius pastor , christi testis , an excellent pastour , and witness of christ . the very heathens thinking to disgrace him the more did give him this honourable eulogie , that he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the doctor of asia , the father of the christians . this godly professor and great prelate lived to a very great age and finishing his life by a glorious martyrdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did as it were seal up by his martyrdom , and put a period to the persecution which then raged . this happened under the reign of marcus aurelius philosophus , and lucius verus roman emperours . very memorable things are recorded of this great saint and martyr by eusebius , to whom i refer my reader . this briefly touching polycarp himself . i come now to speak as briefly of his works and writings . divers are by divers attributed to him . some make mention of many tracts , homilies , and epistles which he wrote , and of one entire book composed by him upon the death of saint john the evangelist , his master . suidas mentions epistles written by him to dionysius the areopagite , and to several churches . irenaeus , who was his disciple , mentions epistles written by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to neighbour churches , and to certain of the brethren . but these shall not be a matter of my further enquirie , whether so , or not so . i shall now give you a brief account out of some of the ancients touching this epistle of his , written to the philippians . photius reports it to be read publickly in churches , his word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and gives it out to be an epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , full of many admirable admonitions , clear and plain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the ecclesiastical form of interpretation then used . jerom styles it epistolam valdè utilem , a very useful epistle , and reports it to be read in the churches of asia to his very time . irenaeus saith it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a most full , and complete epistle , out of which all , who are willing to learn , and have any care or value for their salvation , may learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the exact form of faith , and doctrine of truth . eusebius says the very same out of irenaeus . sophronius and suidas style it an epistle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , very admirable . maximus the scholiast reports him to have written epistles to the philippians , but that is supposed a mistake , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this epistle so excellent for the building of us up in faith and love , and in whatever may adorn christian profession , i now offer to the charitable and courteous reader , translated into english , out of that greek copie , which was published by the right reverend prelate , and learned antiquarie , doctor vsher , primate of ireland , and printed at oxford , anno dom. . the epistle of saint polycarp , bishop of smyrna , and holy martyr , to the philippians . polycarp , and the presbyters with him , to the church of god within the diocess of philippi ; mercy unto you , and peace from god almighty , and from the lord jesus christ our saviour be multiplied . i congratulate you highly in our lord jesus christ , in that ye have embraced those patterns of true love , and accompanied ( as became you ) those who were involved in holy bands , which are the diadems of those , who are truly the elected of god , and of our lord ; and because the root of your faith , which was preached to you , continues firm even from the beginning until now , and brings forth fruit unto our lord jesus christ , who suffred for our sins even to the death , whom god raised up , having loosed the bands of death , in whom , having not seen him , ye believe , and believing rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full of glory . into which joy many desire to enter , knowing that through grace ye are saved , not by works but by the will of god through jesus christ . wherefore having your loyns girt about , serve god with fear and truth , forsaking empty vain babble , and the errour of many , believing in him who raised up our lord jesus christ from the dead , and hath given to him glory , and a throne at his right hand . to whom all earthly and heavenly things are subject , and every thing that hath breath pays service , who shall come to judge the quick and dead , and whose bloud god will strictly require at the hands of those , who do not believe in him . but he , who raised him from the dead , will raise up us also , if we do his will , and walk in his commandements , and love the things which he loved ; abstaining from all unrighteousness , incontinence , covetousness , detraction , fals-witness-bearing , not rendering evil for evil , reproach for reproach , railing for railing , cursing for cursing , but remembring what the lord said teaching in this wise , judge not that ye be not judged , forgive , and it shall be forgiven you , be merciful , that ye may obtain mercy , in what measure ye mete , it shall be measured to you again ; it is also said , blessed are the poor in spirit , and they , who are persecuted for righteousness sake , for theirs is the kingdom of god. these things ( brethren ) i write unto you concerning righteousness , not imposing any commands upon you as from my self , but because ye have moved me so to do . for neither i , nor any other like unto me , can attain to the wisdom of blessed and glorious paul , who , being amongst you , and conversing face to face with men then living , taught you exactly and firmly the word of truth ; who also being absent wrote epistles unto you , by which , if ye give heed unto them , ye may be built up in the faith , which was delivered unto you ; which faith is the mother of you all , being followed by hope , and led on by love , which directs you to god , and christ , and our neighbour . for if any man is possessed of these , he hath fulfilled the command of righteousness . he , who is possessed of love , is free from all sin ▪ but covetousness is the root of all evil ▪ knowing therefore that we brought nothing into the world , and that we shall carry nothing out , let us arm our selves with the armour of righteousness , and teach our selves in the first place to walk in the commandements of the lord. and let us in the next place teach the women , that they walk according to that rule of faith , which was delivered unto them , and in love , and holiness , and that they love entirely their own husbands with all sincerity , and all others equally with all continency , and that they instruct their children in the discipline and fear of god. and let us teach the widows to be sober and wise , according to the faith of the lord , and to make intercession for all without intermission , keeping themselves from all detraction , accusation , fals-witness-bearing , covetousness , and all evil , knowing that they are as the altars of god , who observes the faults of every one of us ; for nothing is hid from him , neither of our reasonings , understandings , nor secrets of our hearts , and because we know that god cannot be mocked , we ought to walk worthy of his command , and of glory . likewise let the deacons be unblameable in the presence of his righteousness , for they are the ministers of god in christ , and not of men ; let them not be accusers , nor double-tongued , nor covetous , but continent in all things , compassionate , careful , walking according to the truth of the lord , who was made the minister of all , from whom , if we please him in this world , we shall receive a future reward ; for he hath ingaged for us to raise us from the dead , and , if we have our conversation worthy of him , we shall also reign with him , as we believe . in like manner let the young men be unblameable in all things , chiefly let them study chastity , and restrain themselves as with a bridle from all that is evil . for it is a good thing to be elevated in our desires above all the desireable things of this world , because all concupiscence of the world warreth against the spirit , and neither fornicators , nor effeminate persons , nor abusers of themselves with mankind shall inherit the kingdom of god , nor they , who do absurd things . therefore it is necessary that ye abstain from all such things , being subject to the presbyters and deacons , as to god and christ . and let the virgins walk with a blameless and chaste conscience . let the presbyters be of tender bowels , compassionate towards all , converters of those who are in errour , visiters of all that are sick , careful of the widow , the orphans , and the indigent , always providing that which is good in the sight of god and men , not given to wrath , no respecters of persons , not unjust in judgement , keeping themselves far from all covetousness , not hastily believing any thing against any man , not rash in passing judgement against any , knowing that all of us are the debters of sin ; and , as we pray the lord would forgive us , we ought also to forgive , for we are continually in the sight of the lord god , and must all stand before the tribunal of christ , and every one of us give an account for himself . therefore let us serve him with fear and all reverence , as he hath given in commandement , and as the apostles have evangelized to us , and the prophets , who preached before-hand the coming of our lord. be zealous of that which is good , and keep your selves from scandals , avoiding the company of false brethren , who carry the name of the lord in hypocrisie onely to seduce vain men into errour . for every one , who doth not confess , that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is antichrist ; and he , who doth not confess , the martyrdom of the cross , is of the devil ; and he , who shall pervert the oracles of the lord to serve his own private lusts , and shall say that there is no resurrection , nor judgement , is the first-born of satan . therefore let us decline the folly of many , and their false doctrines , and give heed to that word , which was delivered to us from the beginning . let us attend unto prayers with all sobrierie , and unto fastings with all perseverance ; and in our supplications let us pray unto the al-seeing god , that he would not lead us into temptation , as the lord hath taught , for the spirit is willing , but the flesh is weak . let us endure without fainting , resting our selves upon our hope and pledge of righteousness , which is jesus christ ; who did bear our sins in his own body upon the tree , who did no sin , neither was guile found in his mouth , but he patiently endured all things for us , that we might live through him . therefore let us be the followers of his patience ; and if we suffer for his name , we glorifie him ; for he set us such an example in himself , as we believe . therefore i exhort you all to obey the word of righteousness , and to exercise all patience , as ye have seen it exemplified before your eyes , not onely in the blessed ignatius , zosimus , and rufus , but in others among you , in paul himself , and the rest of the apostles . for ye may be confident , that all these have not run in vain , but in faith and righteousness , and having obtained the place due unto them , are now with the lord , with whom also they suffered ; for they loved not this present world , but him , who died for us , and was for us by god raised again from death to life . stand fast therefore in these things , and follow the pattern of the lord be stedfast in the faith , immutable , lovers of the brotherhood , kind one to another , united in truth , performing all meekness each to other , and despising none . when ye can do good , do not deferre it , for alms delivereth from death . be subject one to another , having your conversation unblameable among the gentiles ; that your selves may receive praise from your good works , and the lord be not blasphemed by your means . but wo to that man , by whom the name of the lord is blasphemed . therefore teach all men sobriety , and be your selves conversant in it . i am very much troubled for valens , who was made a presbyter among you , because he is unmindful of his place , which was committed unto him . i therefore admonish you , that ye abstain from covetousness , and that ye be chaste and true . keep your selves from all evil . but how can he preach this to another , who cannot govern himself in these matters ? if a man keep not himself from covetousness , he will be defiled with idolatry , and accounted an heathen . but who knows not the judgement of the lord ? do we not know , that the saints shall judge the world , as paul teacheth ? but i have neither perceived , nor heard of any such thing among you , amongst whom blessed paul laboured , who are also in the beginning of his epistle . for he glories of you in all those churches , which onely knew god at that time , for as yet we had not known him . therefore , my brethren , i am grieved for him , and for his wife , to whom the lord give true repentance . and be ye sober as to this very thing , esteem not such as as enemies , but restore them as frail and erring members , that the whole body of you may be saved , for in so doing ye build up your selves . i trust that ye are well exercised in the holy scriptures , and that nothing is hid from you , which thing is not yet granted unto me . as it is written , be angry , and sin not ; let not the sun go down upon your wrath . blessed is he , who shall believe , which thing i believe to be in you . now the god and father of our lord jesus christ , and jesus christ the eternal high-priest , and son of god , build you up in faith , and truth , and in all meekness , that ye may be without anger ; and in all patience , longanimity , long-sufferance , and chastity ; and give you a lot and part amongst his saints , and to us together with you , and to all , who are under heaven , that shall believe in our lord jesus christ , and in his father , who raised him from the dead . pray for all saints . pray also for kings and potentates , and princes , for those , who persecute you , and hate you , and for the enemies of the cross , that your fruit may be manifested in all , and ye may be perfect in him . ye and also ignatius have written unto me , that , if any man go into syria , he may carry also your letters , which i will either do my self , if i have a fit opportunity , or he , whom i shall send upon your message also . according to your request we have sent unto you those epistles of ignatius , which he wrote unto us , and so many others of his as we had by us , which are subjoyned to this epistle , and by which ye may be very much profited ; for they , contain in them faith , and patience , and all that is necessary for the building of you up in our lord. signifie unto us what ye shall certainly know concerning ignatius himself , and those who are with him . i have written unto you these things by crescens , whom i formerly commended to you , and do now commend , for he was conversant amongst us unblameably , and i believe he was the same amongst you . ye shall also have his sister commended , when she shall come unto you . be safe in the lord jesus christ in grace , with all yours . amen . the life and death of holy ignatius , bishop of the church of antioch in syria , holy martyr and disciple of saint john the evangelist : together with a true account of these following epistles of his ; . to the smyrneans . . to polycarp . . to the ephesians . . to the magnesians . . to the philadelphians . . to the trallians . . to the romans . all faithfully translated out of the original greek into english , according to the most genuine copy found in the library of lawrence de medicis by the learned isaac vossius , and by him published at amsterdam in the year of our lord. . this holy man ignatius was a man of an extraordinary zeal , vast charity , most clear apprehensions as to divine things , devout and religious , even to a miracle . he was styled theopherus , as he calls himself in all his epistles , either ( as is supposed by some ) because he was that little child mentioned in the gospel , which christ took up in his arms , when he would teach his disciples humility by the low character of childhood ; or because he did constantly bear god about with him in his holy and pure heart . my purpose is in brief , to shew you what he was , of what esteem in the church , and how he ended his life by a glorious martyrdom ; which i shall do out of those writers of antiquity , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , persons worthy of credit , and of very venerable esteem in the church of christ . origen reports him , episcopum antiochiae post petrum secundum , the second bishop of antioch after peter . athanasius said he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . made bishop of antioch after the apostles , and a martyr of christ . irenaeus hath written of him thus , that he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for a testimony of his faith towards god condemned to beasts . chrysostom saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was familiarly conversant with the apostles , nourished up together with them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was by them esteemed worthy of so great a principality ; meaning undoubtedly the episcopacie of the church of antioch , for he says presently after , that he was not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , worthy of so great a principality , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he obtained that dignity from those holy persons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the hands of the blessed apostles themselves were laid upon his holy head . theodoret says he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a most famous doctor of the church , and that he received , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the grace of the high-priesthood by the right hand of glorious peter , and that after he had governed the church of antioch , he was crowned with martyrdom . jerom says he was the third bishop of the church of antioch after saint peter the apostle . socrates says the same , and that he was very much a companion of the apostles . he is styled by evagrius , i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine ignatius . gildas in his time said , that the british clergy were not onely not good enough to be accounted priests , but scarce good enough to be esteemed mean christians in comp r●son of him . scaliger s ys he was vir singulari eruditione , a man of singular learning . neander says he was , vir magni spiritus , fidei , & zeli , a man of a great spirit , faith , and zeal . baronius styles him , copiosam apostolicarum traditionum apothecam , fortémque adversus haereticos armaturam . a copious store-house of apostolical traditions , and a strong armour against heretiques . he suffred a glorious martyrdom under the emperour trajan , and being brought bound from antioch to rome was condemned to be devoured by beasts . here i conclude touching ignatius himself . i come now to speak something of his writings . it is the judgement of learned men , that many epistles are ascribed to him , which were never written by him , but were the epistles of some latter supposititious writers , who did imitate his style , which are these epistles following . . the epistle written from philippi to the church of tarsus . . the epistle written from philippi to the church of antioch . . the epistle written from philippi to heron deacon of the church of antioch . . the epistle written to the philippians touching baptism , which epistle makes mention of several feasts , the quadragesimal fast , and the passion week to be observed , and from this very passage mr john calvin took his occasion to speak against the epistles of ignatius , or rather against that epistle ; now his objection being against that , which is not numbred amongst the genuine epistles , can make no thing against those epistles of his , which will hereafter appear to be genuine . . an epistle written from antioch to maria cassobolita is ascribed to ignatius . . two epistles written to saint john the evangelist . . one short epistle written to the blessed virgin mary ; these are all ascribed to ignatius . indeed in the forementioned epistles we may meet with much of ignatius spirit , style , method , matter , and his very expressions , yet they are not accounted his genuine epistles ; and in regard they are not received for the true epistles of ignatius , nor found in that sylloge or collection made by polycarp , at the end of his epistle to the philippians , therefore , though i have translated them , i have forborn the publishing of them , and yet there are many excellent things in them very much conducing to christianity . having hitherto given a brief account of those epistles which are supposed false , i come now to make enquiry after those , which are without all question true . first , that ignatius wrote epistles is not to be questioned , unless we will also question all antiquitie ; for the ancient fathers of the church make frequent mention of his epistles , and fetch citations out of them as being of great moment , and good authority . eusebius by name , tells us expresly what epistles ignatius wrote , and from whence he wrote them , and to whom . whilst he was at smyrna , and upon his voyage to rome , he wrote epistles from smyrna , to the ephesians , magnesians , trallians , and romans ; when he was gon from smyrna to troas , he wrote from troas to the church of philadelphia , to the church of smyrna , and to polycarp . here we have the just number of those epistles which were accounted his , being seven in all . well , though we have found out the seven epistles which were his , yet we have not brought our search to the full point , the proper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for there were several copies of these epistles found in several libraries , and manuscripts , by the diligent search of able and learned men fitted for such an imployment . now of these copies some were corrupt and interpolate , such were the epistles published in greek with the vulgar latine version by the right reverend father in god bishop vsher primate of ireland , and by him printed at oxford , anno dom. . master isaac vossius published the same in an edition of his , which was printed at amsterdam , anno dom. . i believe master john calvin , the centuriators , doctor whitaker , and some others made their exceptions and objections against these epistles , and justly enough rejecting them as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , refuse and adulterate stuff ; for their quarrel was not against the epistles of ignatius , but against the corruptions , and interpolations inserted , and put into his epistles . and this is the opinion of doctor rivet , calvinum non in ignatium , sed in quisquilias & nanias depravatorum ignatii invectum esse . that calvin inveighed not against ignatius , but against those who corrupted and depraved him . but besides these , there is a later , truer , and more refined copie , wherein are the very epistles of ignatius found out , by the diligent search of master isaac vossius , all in greek ( the epistle to the romans only excepted ) which is called the laurenti●n copy , because it was found in the library of lawrence de medicis , and published by the said isaac vossius , together with the forementioned edition printed at amsterdam , anno dom. . which copy agrees word for word with two ancient latine manuscripts lately found out by the right reverend bishop vsher , one in the publike library of gunwel and caius colledge in cambridge , the other in the private library of doctor richard montague late bishop of norwich , both which manuscripts are printed with the edition of bishop vsher , anno dom. . this is judged to be the most true , pure , and incorrupt copy of ignatius , which is now exstant , containing in it all that ever was cited by the ancient fathers out of ignatius , and agreeing very exactly with the exemplar used by eusebius more then years ago ; in so much that doctor blundel upon the sight of this copy confessed , se gratulatum seculo nostro , quod illud ipsum exemplar , quo ante annos usus erat eusebius , novam ipsi propediem affulsuram lucem sponderet , that he congratulated our age , because that very copy , which eusebius used years ago , did promise now to bestow new light upon the present age . this is the copy which i have attempted the translation of , out of the original greek into our vulgar english , and that for the use and benefit of the vulgar and common people , that they may be able to discern the true state of the christian church , its regimen , doctrine , and discipline in those very times , which were , i am sure , neerest to the times of the apostles , for ignatius lived with , and was disciple to one of them . but before i set down my translation , i shall give you the account of master isaac vossius himself touching the edition by him published , and according to which i have made my translation , as it here follows translated out of latine , so exactly as i could ; most courteous reader , so it happens ( as thou and i may have very often observed ) that all things , which are either formed by nature , or framed by art , are of such a condition , that the most perfect in their kind do still appear the more beautiful , and artificial , as men imploy their study and indeavours in the contemplation of them . some such thing hath happened to me touching ignatius , in whose epistles , when ever i gave them a second reading , i still observed something not observed before , from which they challenged my further approbation . so often ( i say ) as i reassumed them into my hands , so often did something appear in them , by which i could make discovery of the genuine writer of them . one while that elegant simplicity , which was most suitable to the age wherein he lived ; another while the verity and harmonie of words and things so every way corresponding ; besides this the zeal and fervencie of the martyr , which as in other of his epistles so in that to the romans is most conspicuous . all these are a sufficient evidence unto me for the owning , and finding out of the true author . which raiseth the greater admiration in me , that there should be any persons , who do not onely deny these to be the very epistles of ignatius , but also doubt not to affirm that he wrote none at all . neither do they use any other argument to perswade us to think that ignatius wrote no epistles , but onely this , because ( say they ) no ancient author before eusebius makes mention of them . for they confidently affirm that those sayings of ignatius , which are extant in irenaeus , and origen , were not taken from the epistles of ignatius , but from his own mouth . certainly those very learned men took little notice of that place in origen , which is to be seen in his sixth homily upon luke , by chance ( saith he ) i found in an epistle of a certain martyr ( i mean ignatius the second bishop of antioch after peter , who in his persecution fought with beasts at rome ) it elegantly written thus , that the virginity of mary was a secret kept from the prince of this world. but we shall now make our approach to more ancient times , that so the antiquity and verity of this our ignatius may be the more apparent , and the errour of those men also be the more conspicuous , who are otherwise perswaded of him . the first therefore , who made mention of these epistles of ignatius is polycarp the martyr , in his epistle to the philippians , whose words are these , we have sent unto you those epistles of ignatius , which he sent unto us , and so many other epistles of his as we had by us , according to your desires , which are all annexed to this epistle , out of which epistles ye may reap very much benefit , for they contain in them faith and patience , and whatever is convenient to build us up in the lord. now it cannot be doubted by any man , but that polycarp had the epistles of ignatius , to whom amongst his seven , ignatius did in particular entitle one ; which polycarp himself gives testimony of ; when he saith , ye have written unto me , and also ignatius . now polycarp was about years survivor to ignatius . so that i propound this question ; what appearance of truth can there possibly be , that ( so long as polycarp was alive ) these true epistles of ignatius should be suppressed , and others suborned in the place of them ? did polycarp destroy the first , that there should be a necessity to devise others in their stead ? i think no man will render himself so ridiculous , as to make an attempt to prove any such thing . now i proceed . if polycarp had these epistles , certainly irenaeus his scholar who cited them , had the same ; and origen received them from irenaeus , whose citation out of them we mentioned a little before . and i am of opinion that no man can imagine , that the epistles of ignatius cited by eusebius , were any other epistles then those which origen made use of : athanasius , jerom , chrisost●m , theodoret , antiochus , damascen , photius , and innumerable others , who all of them made use of the testimony of ignatius , did follow that copie , which eusebius had . so that ignatius was never accounted of by any as apocryphal , and yet all the books of the new testament had not the luck to escape so , but some were questioned as to their original and authority . seeing therefore we have such a continued succession of eminent men , who have given their approbation touching these epistles , i do not see by what argument they can possibly defend their opinion , who are otherwise perswaded of them . it is confessed his epistles have been corrupted , and abused , and been read over with their corruptions and interpolations to these present times ; yet there have not been wanting men of piercing judgements , who have discovered truth to be in those very interpolate epistles ; andrew rivet an eminent man makes this out sufficiently . however i now publish those epistles , which are genuine , and in all respects agreeing with the testimony of the antients ; so that they , who will deny these , must deny also that this martyr ever wrote any epistles . but let them enjoy their own opinion , for my part i am assured that they will meet with very few of the same , and none that can be of it with reason . but ( courteous reader ) thou art indebted to the medicaean library , that thou hast these writings of ignatius pure , and not counterfeit ; and thou art indebted to the most serene prince ferdinand the second , the great duke of etruria , through whose incomparable love to learning and study i gained an opportunity of having the use of that famous librarie , and so of finding out this incomparable treasure of ignatius , which we now exhibit and publish to the world . the epistles of saint ignatius . to the smyrneans . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to the church of god the father , and of the beloved jesus christ , which hath obtained mercy in all grace , replete with faith and love , failing in no good gift , most becoming god , and fruitful in holiness , which is at smyrna in asia , be very much joy in the immaculate spirit by the word of god. i glorifie the god jesus christ , who hath filled you with wisdom . for i understand that ye are perfected in an immoveable faith , and are as persons fastened with nails to the cross of our lord jesus christ , both in flesh and in spirit ; and well-grounded in love by the bloud of christ , having a full assurance in our lord ; who was truly of the stock of david , according to the flesh ; the son of god according to the will and power of god , truly born of a virgin , baptized by john , that he might fulfil all righteousness , and who truly suffered for us in the flesh under pontius pilate and herod the tetrarch . from the fruit of whom we are , even from his divinely blessed passion , that he might by his resurrection lift up an ensign to all ages , to the saints , and to all who do believe in him , whether they be jews or gentiles in one body of his church . for he suffered all these things for us that we might be saved . and he truly suffered , as also he truly raised up himself ; neither did he suffer onely in appearance , as some infidels affirm , who themselves are onely in appearance , and according to their wisdom shall it happen unto them being incorporeal and daemoniacks . for i my self saw him in the flesh after his resurrection , and do believe that he is risen . and when he came to those , who were with peter , he said unto them , take hold of me , handle me , and see me , for i am not an incorporeal spirit . and straightway they touched him , and believed in him being convinced by his flesh , and by his spirit . and hereupon they contemned death , for they found themselves to be above it . and after his resurrection he eat and drank with them as one in the flesh , though he was in spirit united to the father . touching these things ( beloved ) i admonish you , however i know ye are already of this perswasion . i do it to preserve you from beasts in the shape of men , whom it is necessarie for you not to entertain , but to avoid as much as possible . onely pray for them , if happily they may repent , which is a thing very difficult . but jesus christ , who is our true life , hath the power of this . but if these things were done by our lord onely seemingly , then am i also seemingly in bonds . and why have i yielded up my self to be put to death ? why to the fire , to the sword , to the beasts ? but because to be nigh to the sword is to be nigh to god , and to be inclosed with beasts is to be compassed about with god. only in the name of jesus christ do i endure all things , that i may suffer with him , who is himself made a perfect man , and now strengtheneth me . whom some ignorant men denie , but they are rather denied by him , being more the preachers of death than of truth ; whom neither the prophets have perswaded , nor the law of moses , nor yet the gospel hitherto , nor those suffrings of ours , which are according to man. for they are of the same mind concerning us . but what would it advantage me , should any man speak in my praise , and yet blaspheme my lord , denying him to have taken flesh upon him ? for he , who confesseth not this , hath perfectly denied him , and puts him to death . but i am unwilling to write down their infidel names ; neither may i make any particular remembrance of them , until they shall happily repent into a belief of the passion , which is our resurrection . let no man be deceived . for if things in heaven , and the glory of angels , and rulers visible and invisible believe not in the bloud of christ , it will be even unto them condemnation . he who receiveth it , may receive it . let place puff up no man ; for faith and charity is all , and nothing is to be preferred before them . but observe those who are otherwise opinioned of the grace of jesus christ , which came unto us , how contrary they are to the judgement of god. they have no regard at all of charity , they neither care for the widow , nor orphan , nor any afflicted person be he bond or free , hungry or thirstie they absent themselves from the eucharist and prayer , because they will not confess the eucharist to be the flesh of our saviour jesus christ , which suffered for our sins , and which the father by his goodness raised from death to life . therefore contradicting this gift of god , and disputing about it they die , but it would be better for them to love it , that they may rise again . it is very convenient that ye abstain from such persons , and that ye have no converse with them , neither privately , nor publikely . but that ye give heed unto the prophets , and chiefly to the gospel , wherein the passion is made manifest unto us , and the resurrection is completed . but avoid divisions as the beginning of evils . and be all of you observant of the bishop , as jesus christ was observant of the father ; and observe the presbyterie as the apostles ; and reverence the deacons as the command of god. let no man presume to do any thing belonging to the church without the bishop . and let that eucharist onely be accounted firm , which is either performed by the bishop himself , or by his licence . where the bishop shall appear , there let the multitude be , for where jesus christ is , there is the catholique church . it is neither lawful to baptize , nor to keep the love-feast without the bishop ; but whatever he shall approve of , that is well-pleasing to god , that so every thing , which is done , may be firm and established . furthermore , it is a blessed thing to grow sober , and whilst we have opportunity , to return to god by repentance . it is a becoming thing to know god and the bishop . he , who honoureth the bishop , is honoured of god ; but he , who doth any thing without the bishops approbation , performs a service to the devil . therefore let all things abound among you in grace , for ye are worthy . ye have every way refreshed me , and jesus christ will refresh you . ye have loved me both when i was absent , and present , god will requite you ; and if ye patiently endure all things for his sake , ye shall enjoy him . ye did well in that ye gave an honourable reception to philon , rheus , and agathopus as the ministers of god-christ , who have accompanied me for the word of god. they also give thanks unto the lord for you . because ye have every way refreshed them . nothing , which ye have done to them , shall be lost as to you . i could offer up this my spirit upon the service of your souls , and upon the same account carry about these my bonds , which ye have neither despised , nor been ashamed of ; neither will jesus christ the perfect faith be ashamed of you . your prayer reached as far as to the church which is in antioch of syria , from whence being carried a prisoner for god in most venerable bonds , i salute you all . and however i am not worthy of such an honour being the last that came thence , yet by the will of god i was accounted worthy , not from any thing which i know worthy in my self , but through his grace , which i pray may be perfectly bestowed upon me , that through your prayers i may obtain god. and that your work may be perfected as well on earth as in heaven , it would be an honourable service very much becoming your church , which is worthy of god , to appoint some fit person for the honour of god , and to dispatch him into syria , to congratulate them for their restored peace , that they have again received their proper splendour , and that their little body is re-established in such a way as is fit for them . indeed it seems unto me a worthy work for you to send some person from amongst you with an epistle to joyn in glory with them , for that tranquilitie , which is amongst them according to god , and that they are now come to the quiet haven through your prayers . being perfect your selves mind the things which are perfect . for if ye have but a will to do good , god is ready to assist you . the love of the brethren , who are at troas , saluteth you , whence also i write unto you by burrus , whom ye sent along with me together with your ephesian brethren , who hath refreshed me in all things . i wish all would become imitatours of him , who is the exemplar of the ministerie of god. grace shall remunerate to him according to all that he hath done to me . i salute the divine bishop , and most venerable presbytery , and the deacons my fellow servants , and all in the name of jesus christ man by man , and together , both in his flesh and bloud , passion and resurrection , carnally and spiritually , in the name and unity of god and of you . grace be unto you , and mercy , and peace , and patience always . i salute the houses of my brethren , together with the women , children , virgins , and select widows . be strong to me-ward in the power of the spirit . philon , who is with me , saluteth you . i salute the house of tavia , whom i pray that she may be established in faith and love both carnally and spiritually . i salute alke a name to me very desireable . farewel in the grace of god. to the smyrneans from troas . to polycarp . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to polycarp bishop of the church of the smyrneans , who hath rather god the father and the lord jesus christ for his bishop , be very much joy . having embraced thy judgement , which is according to god , founded as upon a rock and immoveable , i glory exceedingly that i was accounted worthy of thy unblameable presence , which i would enjoy in god. i exhort thee by that grace wherewith thou art endued , that thou wouldest add unto thy race in admonishing all men that they may be saved . justifie thy place by using all diligence both in a carnal and spiritual way . be careful to preserve unity , than which nothing is better . support all as the lord supporteth thee . bear with all men in charitie as also thou dost . find leisure to be constant in prayers . desire a larger understanding than yet thou hast . be watchful , keeping in thy possession a vigilant spirit . converse with all man by man as god shall inable thee . like a complete champion bear the infirmities of all , the more the labour is , the more is the gain . it is not so much for thy commendation to love eminent disciples , as by thy meekness to bring into subjection those who are more pernicious . every wound is not healed with the same plaister . mitigate their paroxysms by embrocations . be in all things wise as the serpent , and harmless as the dove . for this cause art thou carnal and spiritual , that thou mayest use a gentle hand in the managerie of those things , which are manifest to thee ; praying that those things also , which are concealed , may in time be made manifest , that so thou maist be defective in nothing , but abounding in every grace . this very season calls upon thee to desire the fruition of god , as governours of ships wait for the winds ; and he , who is tossed with the waves , covets after the haven . be watchful as a champion of god ; that which is deposited for thee , is incorruption and life eternal , of which also thou art persuaded . i would in all things freely offer up my self for thee , and these my bonds , which thou hast loved . let not those persons at all astonish thee , who seem to be persons worthy of credit , and yet are teachers of strange doctrines . stand thou firm as an anvil , which is beaten upon . it is the part of a gallant champion to be stripped of his skin and yet to overcome . and in this respect it is necessary for us patiently to endure all things for god , that he may patiently bear with us . be more diligent than yet thou hast been ; consider the seasons , and wait for him , who is above season , not limited to time , invisible , yet for our sakes made visible , not capable of touch or suffering , yet suffering for us , and enduring every manner of way for our sakes . let not the widows be neglected , under god do thou take care of them . let nothing be done without thy sentence , and do thou nothing without the sentence of god , that whatsoever thou dost may be established . let congregations be gathered more frequently , and take the names of all persons . let neither men nor maid-servants be despised by thee , neither suffer them to become proud , but let them be more and more servants to the glory of god , that so they may obtain a better freedom from god. let them not love the common freedom , that they may not be found the servants of concupiscence . flee evil arts , but especially have no conferences about them . bespeak my sisters that they love the lord christ , and that they furnish their husbands with all necessaries both for their fleshly and spiritual estate . and in like manner admonish my brethren in the name of jesus christ to love their wives as the lord loveth the church . if a man can continue chast to the honour of the flesh of our lord , let him remain so , but let him not glory . for if he glory in it , he will be destroy'd , and if he would be more taken notice of than the bishop , he is corrupted . it is meet that they who marry and are given in marriage should be joyned together by the sentence of the bishop , that so the marriage may be according to god , and not according to concupiscence . let all things be done to the honour of god. be mindful of the bishop , that god may be mindful of you . i could give my life for those persons who are subject to the bishops , presbyters , and deacons , and wish that i may receive my part in god together with them . labour together one for another , strive together , run together , suffer together , sleep together , awake together as the stewards , assessors , and ministers of god. do things pleasing to him , whom ye fight for , and whose souldiers ye are , from whom ye expect your salarie . let none among you be found a desertor of his colours . let your baptism arm you , faith be your helmet , love your spear , patience your whole armour , and your works your gage , that ye may receive a reward worthy of you . therefore bear patiently in meekness one with another , as god bears with you . let me enjoy you always . but in that the church , which is in antioch of syria , is at peace through your prayers , as it is manifested to me , i was therefore the more cheerful , and intent upon the things of god without distraction , that by any means i may through sufferings enjoy god , and be found your disciple at the resurrection . o polycarp , most blessed of god , it becomes thee to gather together a council most becoming god , and to appoint some worthy person , whom ye esteem highly in love , whom ye look upon as a diligent man , fit to be called a messenger of god ; and that this honour be bestowed upon him , to go into syria there to spread abroad your forward charitie to the glory of christ . a christian hath no power over himself , but is to attend the things of god. when ye shall have dispatched this business , tho work shall be ascribed to god and to you . for i believe that through grace ye are prepared for so good a work pleasing to god ; and knowing how compendiously ye are capable of truth , i have exhorted you in few letters . but because i cannot write unto all the churches , in regard i am suddenly to sail from troas to neapolis , as i am commanded ; thou shalt write to those other churches , who art possessed with the mind of god , that they do the same thing . that they , who are able , may send footposts , others epistles by thy messengers , that ye may all be glorified by an eternal work , as thou art worthy . i salute all by name , and the wife of epitropus , with her whole house , and her childrens . i salute my beloved attalus ; i salute him , who shall be accounted worthy to go into syria ; i pray that the grace which is in our god jesus christ , may be always with him . in whom do ye continue permanent in the unitie and visitation of god. i salute alke a name desireable to me . farewel in the lord. to polycarp . to the ephesians . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to the church blessed in the greatness of god the father with all fulness , praedetermined before ages to be ever permanent unto glory , immutable , united , elect by real sufferings , through the will of the father and jesus christ our god. to the church worthy of all blessedness which is in ephesus of asia , be very much joy in jesus christ , and in immaculate grace . approving of thy name in god highly beloved , which ye have possessed by a just title according to the faith and love , which is in christ jesus our saviour , i exhort you to continue followers of god , and that ▪ being re-inlivened by the bloud of god , ye perfect that work which is so suitable to you . for ye heard that i was a prisoner from syria for the common name and hope , and that i hoped through your prayers that i should be inabled to fight with beasts at rome , that so i might become through martyrdom a disciple of him , who offered up himself to god for us an oblation and sacrifice . i have compendiously apprehended your very numerous multitude in the name of god by onesimus your bishop in the flesh , whose charitie is beyond expression ; whom i beseech you to love according to jesus christ , and all of you to be like unto him . blessed be he , who hath bestowed so worthy a bishop upon you , so worthy of him . and i pray that my fellow servant burrus , who is your deacon , every way blessed according to god , may continue to the honour of you and the bishop . crocus also , who is worthy of god and of you , whom i have received as the exemplar of your charity , hath refreshed me in all things , as the father of jesus christ will also give refreshing unto him , and to onesimus , and burrus , and euplus , and fronton , in whom i have viewed you all in love . i would enjoy you always if i might be worthy of it . therefore it becomes you every way to glorifie jesus christ , who glorifies you ; that being perfected and knit up in one and the same subjection , and being of one mind and one judgement , ye may all speak the same thing , and being subject to the bishop and the presbytery , may be sanctified in all things . i do not give commands to you as if i my self was a person considerable ; for though i am a prisoner for his name , yet am i not perfected in christ jesus . for now i begin to be a disciple , and speak to you as my fellow teachers . for it is meet that i should be admonished by you in faith , instruction , patience , and long sufferance . but in regard my charity towards you would not suffer me to be silent , i have therefore taken the first hold of this opportunity to exhort you to concur in the judgement of god. as jesus christ himself , who is our incomparable life , did follow the judgement of his father , and the bishops designed to the ends of the earth follow the judgement of jesus christ . therefore it is a comely thing for you to concur in the judgement of the bishop as also ye do ; for your presbytery most worthy of praise , and of god is so adapted to the bishop , as strings are fitted to the harp , in so much that jesus christ is celebrated through your unanimity and agreement in love . ye are all made up man by man into one chorus , and keeping the melodie of god , which is vnitie , ye shall with one voyce glorifie the father by jesus christ , that he may also hear you , and acknowledge you by what you do to be the members of his son. so that it is profitable for you to continue in immaculate unitie , that ye may always be partakers of god. if i in so short a time have gained so great a conformableness in manners with your bishop , which is spiritual , and not after the manner of men ; how can i estimate of your happiness , who are continually united to him , as the church to jesus christ , and jesus christ to the father , that all things may be consonant in unity . let no man be deceived . if any man is not within the altar , he is deprived of the bread of god. for if the prayer of one or two is so effectual , how much more effectual is the prayer of the bishop , and all the church ? he therefore , that will not come into one place , ( or joyn with the congregation ) is a proud man , and hath separated himself , and it is written , that god resisteth the proud . therefore let us endeavour to be in subjection to the bishop , that so we may be god's subjects . and if any man take notice that the bishop holds his peace , let him fear and reverence him so much the more ; for we ought to receive him , whom the master of the family hath sent to govern his house , as we should receive the master himself , who sent him . therefore it is evident that we ought to respect the bishop as the lord himself . but onesimus doth himself very much commend your good order , which is according to god ; for ye all live according to truth , and there is no heresie amongst you , neither do ye hear any but jesus christ speaking according to truth . some indeed by an evil deceit have accustomed themselves to carry about his name , but they do things unworthy of god , and these ye ought to shun as beasts . for they are like mad dogs biting unawares , whom ye ought to avoid , and have a special eye upon , being persons very hard to be cured . there is one physitian fleshly , and spiritual , begotten , and unbegotten , god made in the flesh , and the true life in death , both of mary and of god , first passible , and then impassible . let no man seduce you , as ye are not yet seduced , being wholly of god. for so long as there is no contention amongst you , which may be hurtful to you , ye live according to god. i am made as an off-scouring for you , and as a purgatorie expiation for you ephesians famous to ages . carnal men cannot do spiritual things , nor spiritual men do the things which are carnal ; neither can faith do the things of infidelitie , nor infidelitie the things of faith. but those very things , which ye do as carnal men , are spiritual , so long as ye do all things according to jesus christ . i have known some passing from those parts , who held an evil doctrine , but ye would not suffer them to sow their seeds amongst you , but stopped your ears against them , that ye might receive none of the doctrine sowed by them . for ye are stones of the father's temple , prepared for the building of god the father , carried up on high by the engine of jesus christ , which is his cross , by the cord of the holy spirit . but faith is your guide , and charity your way , which leads unto god. ye are all therefore fellow-travellers , carrying about with you god and the temple , christ and sanctitie , being in all things beautified according to the commands of jesus christ , in whom i am exceedingly rejoyced , being vouchsafed so great a dignitie as to converse with you in writing , and to joy together with you , who live according to the other life , and love nothing but onely god. pray also without ceasing for other men , for there is hope of their repentance , that they also may attain god. admonish them , and let them be wrought upon by your works to become your disciples . oppose your meekness to their anger , and whilst they boast of great things , do ye mind the things of humility . pray for them who speak evil of you , keeping your selves firm in the faith against their errour . be mild how morose soever they are ; neither be hasty to requite them according to their own examples . let us be found their brethren by our mild carriage towards them , and endeavour to be the followers of the lord. though some among you may be injured , defrauded , despised , yet let no one amongst you be found an herb of the devil . keep your selves in all puritie and temperance both in flesh and spirit through jesus christ . the last times are come ; therefore let us reverence and fear the long-sufferance of god , that it be not our condemnation . for either let us fear the wrath to come , or love the present grace . one of the two is onely to be found in jesus christ , that we may live indeed . nothing can become us without this ; for this i bear about my bonds , which are as spiritual pearls , through which by your prayers i may rise again . and let me always be partaker of your prayers , that i may be found in the lot of those ephesian christians , who were ever of the same mind with the apostles , through the power of jesus christ . i know who i am , and to whom i write . i am a condemned person , but ye have obtained mercy . i am under danger , but ye are established ; ye are the passover of those who are killed for god , being the fellow-ministers of sanctified paul , who was martyred , worthily blessed , under whose feet i would be found , that i may enjoy god ; who in a whole epistle makes mention of you in jesus christ. make hast therefore to meet together more frequently to the eucharist of god and to glorie . for when ye often come together into one place the powers of satan are rendred frustrate ; and his enmitie is destroyed through your unity of faith. nothing is better than peace , by which all hostilitie of heavenly and earthly powers is made void . none of these things are conceal'd from you , if ye hold perfectly that faith and love in jesus christ , which are the beginning and end of life . for faith is the beginning , love is the end ; these two united are of god , and all other things tending to honestie do wait upon these . no man , who hath covenanted into the faith , committeth sin , nor doth he hate another who is possess'd of charitie . the tree is known by its fruit ; and they , who have solemnly engaged to be christians , shall be seen by the works they do . for it is not now the work of an engagement , but it is through the power of faith , if a man be found to the end . it is better to be silent and to be ; than to speak and not to be . it is a good thing to teach , if a man do as well as teach . there is therefore one teacher , who spake , and it was done , and the things also , which he did in silence , are worthy of the father . he , who is truly possess'd of the word of jesus , can hear also his silence , that he may be perfect , that he may do according to what he speaks , and be known according to those things wherein he is silent . nothing is hid from the lord , but our very secrets are nigh unto him . therefore let us do all things as having him dwelling in us ; that we may be his temples , and he may be our god in us ; for whatever is shall be made manifest to us , and therefore do we justly love him . erre not ( my brethren . ) they who are destroyers of houses shall not inherit the kingdom of god. therefore if they are dead , who act such things according to the flesh ; how much more is it death for any man by an evil doctrine to corrupt the faith of god , for which jesus christ was crucified ? such a one being defiled shall go into the unquenchable fire , and so shall he who hears him . for this cause the lord received the unction upon his head , that he might breathe into his church incorruption . be not annoynted with the doctrine of the prince of this world , which hath an ill odour ; neither let him lead you captive from the life , which is set before you . why are we not all wise having received the knowledge of god , that is , jesus christ ? why are we foolishly destroyed , being ignorant of that grace , which the lord hath truly sent amongst us ? my spirit is the off-scouring of the cross , which is a scandal to unbelievers but to us salvation and life eternal . where is the wise ? where is the disputer ? where is the boasting of wise men so called ? for our god jesus christ was conceived by mary according to the oeconomie of god , of the seed of david by the holy ghost , who was born and baptized , that he might through sufferings cleanse the water . and the virginity of mary , the child born of her , and the death of the lord , were hid from the prince of this world , being three crying mysteries yet wrought up by god in silence . how came he then to be manifested to ages ? a star in heaven appeared , which out-shined all the other stars , and the light of it was ineffable , and the noveltie of it did contain a strangeness in it . all the other stars together with the sun and moon were a chorus to this star , which did carry in it a brightness and splendour above them all . the world was troubled about it , to find out how this new-star should appear amongst the other stars so unlike unto them ; hereupon all magick was dissolved , and every bond of wickedness dis-appeared , ignorance was taken away , the old kingdom was destroyed , when god appeared as man for the renewing of life eternal . but that , which was perfect with god , took a beginning , and thereupon all things worked together to bring about the destruction of death . if jesus christ through your prayers shall make me worthy , and it be his will , in a second little book , which i am about to write unto you , i will lay open unto you how i began my oeconomie in the new man jesus christ , both in his faith , love , passion and resurrection , and i shall the rather do this , if the lord shall reveal it unto me . because all of you man by man through the grace of his name concur together in jesus christ , of the stock of david , according to the flesh , the son of man , and the son of god ; and ye are all obedient to the bishop , and to the presbyterie with an undivided mind , breaking one bread , which is the medicine of immortalitie , an antidote against death preserving to life eternal in jesus christ . i could give my life for you , and for him whom ye have sent to smyrna for the honour of god ; whence also i write unto you , giving thanks unto the lord , loving both polycarp and you . remember me as jesus christ also remembers you . pray for the church which is in syria ; whence i am led away a prisoner unto rome , being the last of the faithful there , if i may be accounted worthy to be found to the honour of god. farewel in god the father , and in jesus christ our common hope . to the ephesians . to the magnesians . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to the church blessed in the grace of god the father , through jesus christ our saviour , which is at magnesia neer to maeander , which i salute in him , and wish it very much joy in god the father and in jesus christ. knowing your most excellent order of love , which is according to god , i joyfully made it my choice to speak unto you in the faith of jesus christ . for being accounted worthly of the name most becoming god in these bonds , wherein i carry it about , i celebrate the churches , praying that they may be united in the flesh and spirit of jesus christ , who is our endless life , by faith and love , before which nothing is preferred ; but chiefly of jesus and the father , through whom having patiently endured every injury from the prince of this world , and escaping them we shall enjoy god. for i was accounted worthy to see you by damas your divine bishop , and the worthy presbyters , bassus and apollonius , and sotion the deacon my fellow-servant , whom i would enjoy , because he is subject to the bishop as to the grace of god , and to the presbyterie as to the law of jesus christ . and it becomes you not to make any use to your selves of the age of the bishop , but to give him all reverence , according to the power of god the father ▪ ( as i have known holy presbyters ) not presuming upon that juvenile order which appears , but as wise men in god , concurring with him ; yet not with him , but with the father of jesus christ the bishop of all . therefore for his honour , who wills it , it is meet we perform obedience without hypocrisie . for a man doth not deceive this bishop , whom we see , but puts a fallacie upon him who is invisible . this is not spoken in reference to the flesh , but to god , who knoweth secrets . therefore it is meet not onely to be called christians , but to be so . for some indeed there are , who own the bishop in name , but do all things without him . such men appear to me to be men of no good conscience , because they hold meetings not established by commandment . all works have some end , two are propounded , death and life , and every man shall go to his proper place . as there are two sorts of coyn , one of god , another of the world , and each coyn hath its proper stamp set upon it . infidels have the stamp of this world ; believers in love have the stamp of god the father by jesus christ , whose life cannot be in us , unless we can through him voluntarily die into his passion . but seeing i have in the persons prescribed taken a view of your whole multitude in faith and love , i admonish you to do all things in the unanimity of god ; your bishop being president over you in the place of god , and the presbyters in place of the council of the apostles , and the deacons most pleasant to me , having the diaconie of jesus christ committed to them , who was with the father before ages , and in the end appeared . having therefore all received manners like unto god , reverence one another , and let no man defraud his neighbour according to the flesh , but love one another always in jesus christ . let nothing be amongst you , which may possibly divide you , but be united to the bishop , and to those who are presidents over you , according to the type and doctrine of incorruption . therefore as the lord being united to him did nothing without the father , neither by himself , nor by the apostles ; so neither do ye act any thing without the bishop , and the presbyters . neither attempt any thing upon your own account however reasonable it may appear unto you . when ye come together into one place , let there be one prayer , one supplication , one mind , one hope in love and in immaculate joy . there is one jesus christ than whom nothing is better . therefore all concur together as into the temple of god , as to one altar , to one jesus christ , who came from one father , and being one is returned to him . be not deceived by strange opinions , nor old fables , which are unprofitable . for if we still live according to the law and judaism , we confess that grace is not received . for the most divine prophets lived according to jesus christ ; and therefore they were persecuted , being inspired by his grace , that they might work a perswasion in those , who were not perswaded , that there is one god , who manifested himself by jesus christ his son , who is his eternal word , not coming forth from silence , who in all things pleased him that sent him . therefore if they , who were conversant in the works of old time , came to the newness of hope , not sabbatizing any longer , but living according to the dominical life of that day , whereon our life did rise again through him , and through his death ( whom some deny ; ) through which mysterie we have received both to believe , and also to endure with patience , that we may be found the disciples of jesus christ our onely master ; how shall we be able to live without him , whom the prophets , being his disciples , looked for in spirit as their master ? and because they justly expected him , he , when he was come , raised them from the dead . therefore let not us be insensible of his goodness ; for if he should retribute to us according to what we do , we should cease to be . therefore being made his disciples let us learn to live like christians . for he , who is called by any other name than this , is not of god. therefore put away from you the evil leaven , which is old and corrupt , and be ye changed into the new leaven , which is jesus christ . be ye seasoned in him , that none of you be corrupted ; for ye shall be disproved by your savour . it is an absurd thing to profess jesus christ , and yet to judaize ; for christianism hath not believed into judaism , but judaism into christianism , that every tongue believing might be gathered unto god. but these things ( my beloved ; ) not because i have known any of you to be such , but because , though i am lesser then you , i would have you to be preserved , that ye may not fall into the snares of a vain opinion , but may have a full assurance in the nativity , passion , and resurrection , effected in that season when pontius pilate was governour , all truly and firmly accomplished by jesus christ our hope , from which hope may none of you be perverted . i would every way enjoy you , if i may be worthy ; for though i am in bonds , yet am i not to be compared to one of you , who are at libertie . i know ye are not puffed up , for ye have jesus christ among you . and i know the more i praise you , it doth but shame you so much the more , as it is written , the just man is an accuser of himself . make it your endeavour to be confirmed in the determinations of the lord and the apostles , that whatever ye do may be prosperous both in flesh and spirit , faith and love , in the son , and in the father , and in the spirit , in the beginning and the end , together with your most venerable bishop , and your presbyterie , which is as a spiritual crown decently platted , and the deacons , who are according to god ▪ be subject to the bishop , and one to another , as jesus christ to the father according to the flesh , and the apostles to christ and to the father , and the spirit , that there may be unitie both carnal and spiritual . knowing that ye are full of god , i have exhorted you but in few words . remember me in your prayers , that i may obtain god ; and that church which is in syria , from whence i am not worthy to be called . for i very much want your prayer united in god , and your love , that the church , which is in syria , may be accounted worthy to be watered by your church . the ephesians from smyrna salute you ( whence also i write unto you ) being present to the glorie of god , as also ye are ; who have refreshed me in all things together with polycarp the bishop of the smyrneans . the other churches also salute you in the honour of jesus christ . be strong in the concord of god , being possessed with a discerning spirit , which is jesus christ . to the magnesians . to the philadelphians . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to the church of god the father and the lord jesus christ , which is in philadelphia of asia ; which hath obtained mercy , is settled in the concord of god , rejoycing in the passion of our lord indiscernably , and fully assured of his resurrection in all mercy ; which i salute in the bloud of jesus christ , for she is my eternal and permanent joy , chiefly if they continue united with the bishop , and the presbyters with him , and the deacons manifested to be according to the sentence of jesus christ , whom he hath firmly established according to his own will by his holy spirit . which bishop i have known to have obtained the ministerie for the common good , not by himself , nor by men , nor out of vain-glorie , but by the love of god the father and the lord jesus christ , whose mild temper i have been amazed at , for by his silence he can do more than they who speak vain things . for ye are as harmoniously agreeing in commands , as the harp and the strings . therefore my soul blesseth that sentence of his , which is according to god , knowing that it is vertuous and perfect , and that he cannot be moved , nor provoked to anger , being in all the meekness of the living god. being therefore the children of light and truth , flie division , evil doctrines . where the pastour is do ye as sheep follow him ; for many wolves , who seem worthy of credit , do by an evil delectation lead captive persons running to god , but through your unitie they shall have no place . depart from evil herbs , which jesus christ doth not cultivate , for they are not the plantation of the father . not that i have found any division amongst you , but a resining us from the dreggs . so many as are of god , and of jesus christ are with the bishop , and so many penitents as come over into the unitie of the church , shall be of god , that they may live according to jesus christ . my brethren , be not deceived . if any man follows him , who is the maker of schism , he is no inheritour of the kingdom of god if any man walks about in a strange opinion , he is not conformable to the passion . let it be your endeavour therefore to use one eucharist ; for there is one flesh of our lord jesus christ , and one cup for the unitie of his bloud , one altar , as one bishop with the presbyterie and deacons my fellow servants , that whatever ye do , ye may do according to god. my brethren , i am very much poured out in love towards you , and exceedingly rejoycing strengthen you , yet not i , but jesus christ , for whom i am in bonds , and therefore am the more affraid , because i am not yet taken out of the world . but your prayer to god will perfect me , that i may obtain that lot to which i was chosen , flying to the gospel as to the flesh of jesus , and to the apostles as to the presbyterie of the church : we love also the prophets , because they preached the gospel , and did hope in him , and expect him ; in whom also believing they were saved in the unitie of jesus christ , being holy men worthy to be beloved , and most worthy of admiration , born witness of by jesus christ , being his martyrs , and numbred up together in the gospel of the common hope . but if any man preach judaism to you , hear him not . for it is better to hear christianism from one circumcised , than judaism from one uncircumcised . but if both of them speak not of jesus christ , they are to me as pillars and monuments of dead men , whereon the names of men onely are written . flie therefore evil arts , and the frauds of the prince of this world , lest being troubled with his opinion ye be weakned in charitie . be all of you made up into one with an undivided heart ; i thank my god that i have a good conscience as concerning you , and that no man hath wherof to glory , either privately or publikely , that i have been burdensom to any either in little or much . and i beseech all to whom i have spoken , that they possess not this as a testimonie . and although some would seduce me according to the flesh , yet my spirit , which is from god , is not seduced . he knows whence it comes , and whither it goes , and is a reproover of secrets . i have cried in the midst of you , i have spoken it with a loftie voice , attend unto the bishop , and the presbyterie , and the deacons . and though some have suspected me to have spoken these things as foreknowing the division of some ; yet he is my witness , for whom i am a prisoner , that i have not been taught it by man , but the spirit preached it , saying these things , do nothing without the bishop . keep your flesh as the temple of god. love vnitie . flie divisions . be ye followers of jesus christ as he himself is of the father . therefore i did what was proper for me as a man perfected unto unitie . but where there is division and wrath god dwelleth not . therefore the lord pardons all penitents , if they shall return by repentance to the vnitie of god , and the council of the bishop . i believe the grace of jesus christ , who will loose every bond from you . and i exhort you to do nothing with contention , but according to the discipline of christ . for i have heard some speaking in this wise , that if i find it not amongst the antients , i do not believe the gospel . and when i replied to them , that it is written . they answered me , it lies before us . but jesus christ is to me antiquitie , and the records not to be touched are his cross , and his death , and his resurrection , and the faith , which is by him , in which things i would be justified through your prayers . honourable are the priests , but more honourable the high-priest , to whom are committed the holies of holies , and with whom alone are deposited the hidden things of god. he is the door of the father , by whom abraham , and isaac , and jacob , and the prophets , and apostles , and church of god have entered . all these things are for the unitie of god. but the gospel hath something in it chiefly valueable , and that is the presence of our lord jesus christ , his passion , and resurrection . for the beloved prophets preached of him ; but the gospel is the perfection of incorruption . all things together are excellent , if ye believe in love. but seeing that through your prayers , according to the bowels which ye have in christ jesus , the church , which is at antioch of syria ( as is told to me ) is at peace ; it becomes you , as the church of god , to ordain a minister to go thither as an embassadour upon the embasie of god , to joy together with them that they are made one , and to glorifie his name . blessed in jesus christ shall that man be , who shall be accounted worthy of such a ministery , and ye your selves shall be glorified . this is not impossible for the name of god , if ye have but a will to it , as some neighbour churches also have sent bishops , others presbyters and deacons . as for philo the deacon of cilicia , he is a man that hath given a good testimonie , and now ministers to me in the word of god , together with rheus agathopus a choyce man , who accompanies me from syria , having renounced this life , these also bear testimonie to you , and i give thanks to god for you , because ye have received them , as the lord you . but they , who have dishonoured them , may obtain redemption by the grace of jesus christ . the love of the brethren , who are at troas , saluteth you , whence also i write unto you by burrus , who was sent along with me from the ephesians and the smyrneans for the word of honour . the lord jesus christ will honour them , in whom they hope , in flesh , soul , faith , love , and unanimitie . farewel in christ jesus our common hope . ignatius to the philadelphians . to the trallians . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to the holy church , beloved of god the father , of jesus christ , which is in trallis of asia , elect , and divine , having obtained peace in the flesh and bloud , by the passion of jesus christ our hope , and the resurrection grounded upon him ; which i salute in fulness , in an apostolical style wishing much joy . i have known you to have a blameless understanding , not to be severed in patience , and that not by use , but by nature , as polybius your bishop hath manifested to me , who by the will of god , and of jesus christ , was at smyrna ; and did so congratulate me a prisoner for jesus christ , that i did view over your whole multitude in him . therefore receiving from him that good disposition of mind , which is according to god , i gloried finding you as i had known you the followers of god. for in regard ye are subject to the bishop as to jesus christ , ye appear to me not to live as men , but to live according to jesus christ , who died for us , that believing in his death ye may escape death . therefore it is necessary , as ye do to do nothing without the bishop ; but that ye be subject to the presbyterie , as to the apostles of jesus christ our hope , in whom we should be found having our conversation . it behooves the deacons also , being the mysterie of jesus christ , to please all men every manner of way . for they are not the ministers of meats and drinks , but ministers of the church of god. therefore it is necessary for them to avoid accusations as fire . let all in like manner reverence the deacons as jesus christ , and the bishop , being the son of the father ; and the presbyters as the council of god , and companie of the apostles . without these a church is not called . of whom i am perswaded that ye are so informed , ( for i have received the exemplar of your love , and have it by me in your bishop , whose behaviour is a great disciplination , and his meekness power ; whom i think that very atheists do reverence ) being satisfied that i spare not my self . formerly though i might have matter to write , i thought not fit for this cause , lest being a condemned person i might seem to command you as an apostle . i am wise in god as to many things , yet do i measure my self , that i may not be destroyed by boasting . for now it behooves me to be very much affraid , and not to give heed to those , who would puff me up . for when such speak unto me they scourge me . truly i love to suffer , but know not whether i am worthy . for my zeal appears not to many , but i have the greater war within . i have need therefore of meekness , that by it the prince of this world may be defeated . cannot i write unto you of things celestial ? but i am affraid , lest i should give you some offence being yet but babes . therefore pardon me , for i would not perplexe you with those things , which ye are not able to bear . for it is not for a slightie matter that i am a prisoner , being acquainted with things celestial , and the angelical orders , and their governing constitutions , things visible and invisible ; and besides this i am now a disciple . for many things are wanting to you , that we may not fall short of god. therefore i exhort you , not i , but the love of jesus christ , to use only the christian nutriment , and to abstain from that strange herb , which is heresie . for the times are such , that persons worthy of credit seemingly do fold in heresie with jesus christ , like those , who administer deadly poison , and temper it with a drink made of honey and sowre wine , which the ignorant receives with pleasure , and so dies by an evil delectation . therefore preserve your selves from such , and so it shall be , if ye are not puffed up , being inseparable from god , jesus christ , and the bishop , and the orders of the apostles . he , who is within the altar , is pure ; that is , he , who does any thing without the bishop , presbyterie , and deacons , is of an impure conscience . not that i have known any such thing among you , but foreseeing the subtilties of the devil , i take care of you before hand being my beloved . do ye therefore , re-assuming your mild disposition , build up your selves anew in the faith , which is the flesh of the lord , in love , which is the bloud of jesus christ . let none among you have any quarrel against his neighbour . give no offences to the gentiles , that the multitude which is in god be not blasphemed by a few foolish men . for wo to him , through whose foolishness my name is blasphemed amongst some . therefore be deaf to him , who speaks to you without jesus christ , who was of the stock of david , and of mary , who was truly born , eat and drank , was truly persecuted under pontius pilate , was truly crucified , dead , things in heaven , on earth , and under the earth beholding him . and was truly raised again from the dead , his father raising him up according to his likeness , as his father will raise up us also , if we believe in him , through jesus christ , without whom we have no true life . but if , as some atheists , that is , infidels s●y , he suffered only in appearance , as they themselves are only in appearance , why am i in bonds ? and why do i pray that i may fight with beasts ? therefore do i not die without reward ? and am i not a lyar against the lord ? fly therefore evil plants , which bring forth deadly fruit ; which if a man taste of , he dies presently . for these are not the plantation of the father , if they were they would appear branches of the cross , and their fruit would be incorruptible . through which cross by his passion he advocates for you being his members . the head therefore cannot be born without the members , god having promised the vnion of them , who is himself . i salute you from smyrna , together with the churches of god , which are present with me , who have every way refreshed me both in flesh and spirit . my bonds , which i carry about for jesus christ , do admonish you , that i desire to enjoy god. continue in your vnanimitie , and in prayer one for another . for it becomes you all one by one exceedingly , and the presbyters to comfort up the bishop for the honour of the father of jesus christ and of the apostles . i beseech you in love to hear me , that writing unto you i may not be a witness within you . pray also for me , out of that charitie which is in you , for i need the mercy of god , that i may be accounted worthy of the lot , which i labour to enjoy , and may not be found reprobate . the love of the smyrneans and ephesians saluteth you . remember in your prayers the church which is in syria , whence i am not worthy to be called , being the last of them . farewel in jesus christ , being subject to the bishop as to the commandement , and likewise to the presbyterie . and love one another man by man with an undivided heart . my spirit shall be an expiation for you , not onely now , but when i shall enjoy god. for as yet i am in danger , but the father , who is faithful , will fulfil my petition and yours in jesus christ , in whom may ye be found unblameable . to the trallians . to the romans . ignatius , who is also theophorus , to the church which hath obtained mercy through the magnificence of the most high father , and jesus christ his onely begotten son , sanctified and enlightned by him who willeth all things , which are according to the love of jesus christ our god ; which is president over the churches about in the region of the romans , as over a quire , being divine , comely , most blessed , worthy of praise , in a becoming order , eminently chaste , and set up for a president of charitie , having the law of christ , and bearing the name of the father ; which i also salute in the name of jesus christ the son of the father , according to the flesh and spirit united in every command of his , filled with all the grace of god without any difference , and purged from every strange tincture , wishing very much joy in our lord jesus christ our god immaculately . having beseeched god , i happened to see your divine faces , as i much desired to receive you . and being in bonds for jesus christ i hope to salute you , if it be his will , that i may be accounted worthy to continue to the end . for the beginning is well ordered , if thereby i may obtain grace so as to obtain my lot unto the end without impediment . for i fear your charitie , lest it prove injurious to me . for to you it is easie to do what ye will ; but to me it is a difficult thing to enjoy god , unless ye are the more sparing to me . i would not have you to please men , but to please god , as ye do please him . i shall never have such an opportunity to enjoy god , neither shall ye be intituled to a better work , if ye can but be silent . for if ye be silent and let me alone , i shall be of god , but if ye love my flesh , i shall be but a voice , and to run again . ye cannot do better than to let me be sacrificed unto god , in regard the altar is already prepared . that ye being made up a chorus in love may sing to the father in jesus christ ; because god hath accounted the bishop of syria worthy to be found , and to be sent from the east unto the west , to set and go down gloriously from the world unto god , that i may rise again in him . ye have never bewitched me in any thing ; ye have instructed others , and i would that those things may be firm , which ye as teachers have commanded . onely pray for me to be inabled inwardly and outwardly , that i may not onely say it , but will it , and not only be called a christian , but be found so . for if i shall be found so , i may also be so called , and then be a believer , when i appear not to the world . nothing is good which is onely in appearance ; for our god jesus christ being in the father appeareth the more . a christian is not a work of persuasion but of greatness , especially when he shall be hated of the world . i write to all the churches , and lay my commands upon them all , that i may willingly die for god , if ye shall not hinder me . i intreat you that ye would not be unseasonably kind unto me . suffer me to be the meat of beasts that by them i may enjoy god. i am the wheat of god , and shall be ground by the teeth of beasts , that i may be found the pure bread of god. allure those beasts the rather to become my sepulchre , and to leave no reliques of my body , that when i am fallen asleep i may not be burdensom to any . then shall i be the true disciple of jesus christ , when the world shall not see my body . pray to the lord for me , that by these instruments i may be found a sacrifice to god. i do not give you commands as peter and paul ; they were apostles , but i am a condemned person , they were free , but i am a servant even until now , yet , if i suffer , i shall be made the freeman of jesus christ , and shall rise again free ; and being now a prisoner i learn to desire nothing . from syria even to rome do i fight with beasts , both by land and by sea , by night and by day , being bound to ten leopards , ( which are my military guard ) which are the worse for being kindly treated . but by their injurious dealings i am the more made a disciple , yet am i not therefore justified . i would enjoy the beasts which are prepared for me , and i pray that they may be found sharply set , nay i would entise them greedily to devour me , and not fearfully to decline the touching of me as they have avoided some . but if they shun me , and will not , i shall provoke them . pardon me . i know what is convenient for me . now i begin to be a disciple in that i have a zeal to nothing visible or invisible , but that i may gain jesus christ . let the fire , the cross , the violence of beasts , scattering of bones , concision or chewing of members , grinding of the whole body , buffetings of the devil come upon me , so that i may but enjoy jesus christ . the ends of the world will profit me nothing , nor the kingdoms of this age . it is good for me to die for jesus christ , rather then to rule over the ends of the earth . i seek him , who died for us , i will him , who rose again for us . he is the gain set before me . pardon me , brethren , do not hinder me to live , do not separate me by the world , who am willing to be of god , nor seduce me by that which is material . suffer me to receive the pure light , when i approach to that , i shall be a man of god. suffer me to imitate the passion of my god. if any man hath him within him , he may understand what i will , and sympathize with me , knowing what things have taken possession of me . the prince of this world would spoil me , and corrupt my judgement , which is according to god. therefore let none of you being present contribute any assistance to him , but rather be for me , that is , for god. do not speak jesus christ , and covet the world . let no fascination be amongst you . neither do i exhort you being present to believe me , rather believe the things , which i write unto you ; for i write unto you being alive , yet withal willing to die . my love is crucified , and the fire , which is in me , desires no water . but there is one living and speaking in me , who saith to me inwardly , come to the father . i take no pleasure in the meat of corruption , nor in the pleasures of this life . i will the bread of god , which is the flesh of jesus christ , of the seed of david , and the drink which i will , is his bloud , which is incorruptible love . i would live no longer according to men , and this shall be if ye will. will it therefore that ye also may be accepted . i intreat you by a few writings , believe me ; but jesus christ shall manifest these things to you , that i speak truth . that is no lying mouth , by which the father hath truly spoken . pray for me that i may obtain . for i have not written unto you according to the flesh , but according to the mind of god. if i suffer ye have loved me , but if i prove reprobate ye have hated me . remember in your prayers the church in syria , which in my stead hath god for its pastour . jesus christ himself shall watch over it , and your love. but i am ashamed to be named from them , for i am not worthy , being the last of them , and an abortive . but i may through mercy be something if i obtain god. my spirit saluteth you , and the love of the churches which have received me for the name of jesus christ , not as one passing by them ; for they did not meet me onely on the way according to the flesh , but conducted me to the citie . these things i write unto you from smyrna by the ephesians , worthy to be most blessed . crocus also is with me a name desireable , together with many others , who came from syria to rome to the glorie of god. i believe they are known to you , to whom ye may make manifest the things approaching me . for they are all worthy of god , and of you , and it becomes you to refresh them in all things . i have written unto you these things upon the day before the ninth of the calends of september . be strengthened to the end in the patience of jesus christ . finis . the life of saint barnabas the apostle . saint barnabas was a man of excellent and divine qualifications , beautified and adorned with singular gifts and graces for the propagating of christianitie , and promoting the kingdom of the lord jesus ; being one of the secundary apostles , which were in that age made choice of in imitation of the twelve , and chosen together with paul to this honourable imployment by god himself , act. . . all were not apostles , cor. . . hoc magnum erat , & per paucorum privilegium , this was a great privilege , and onely of some few . christ was the apostle of god. heb. . . the twelve the apostles of christ , joh. . . and they , as the spirit gave direction , did constitute others in like manner . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there being many apostles besides the twelve after their similitude . of this number was barnabas , who needs not any humane character , in regard he abounded with so much of divine approbation , for honourable mention is frequently made of him in the acts of the apostles written by saint luke . he and paul were tanquam jugati boves , as gods chief yoke of oxen , ploughing over much ground , and manuring the field of christianitie ; he was a person of very great eminencie and integritie in his place and office , often imployed upon honourable services for the church , sometimes alone , and sometimes in conjunction with holy and blessed paul , and when he had done the church all honest and faithful service he possibly could , and had improved his talents to his masters glorie , the churches benefit , and his own , he finished the course of his natural life by a glorious martyrdom , and under the power of nero the first of persecutors , and worst of men , was burnt at the stake for his religion , upon the eleventh of june , which day is annually observed by our church to perpetuate his memory , and to advance gods glorie . this briefly concerning the author ; his following epistle indeed may not prove so very acceptable to some , in regard of his strange explications of scripture , which are not after the modern and more refined mode . but it is to be noted that , when he wrote , christianity was but in the cradle , and scarce advanced into her morning dress , then god made choice of the weak things of the world to confound the mighty , and of rude and illiterate men to confound the learned . since that time christianity hath made a conquest over the world , heathen learning is become subservient to divine truths , the rudeness and first draught of christianity hath been polished over , and adorned by the most able and learned pens ; the following translation of this epistle is according to the original greek copy set forth by mr isaac vossius , and printed at amsterdam , anno dom. . who himself gives this following account of it in his annotations upon it . some years have passed over , since it was my resolution to publish this epistle of barnabas , which i received from the incomparable salmasius ; but being prevented by a journey , i could not then perfect what i intended . when i went for england to make my self acquainted with that nation , another opportunity offered it self unto me , whereby i was encouraged speedily to make publike the epistle before mentioned , which had merited long before to be sent forth to the publike view . for the right reverend dr vsher , bishop of armagh , and primate of ireland was then preparing to publish a new edition of ignatius , and when he made it both his request and offer that this epistle of barnabas might be printed with his ignatian epistles , i not onely freely consented to it , but was very glad , that so very antient a monument should fall into those hands , from which i was assured it would borrow not a little splendour . and had not a great fire consumed a great part of the citie of oxford , and destroyed all exemplars , we had had long since a very fair edition of this author . however there were not wanting in france some learned men , who thought it a very unworthy thing that such a writing as this should be so long concealed . thereupon claudius menardus of the order of saint maurus lately fitted out for us a new edition ; and that he hath very well deserved of the publike for this act of his no man can deny . yet he had merited more had it been his good fortune to see more copies for seeing that edition of his was wholly taken out of one only book , it could not possibly come forth any other then very faulty . though fortune hath not so much favoured me as to minister occasion to any mans envie , yet this happiness hath been afforded me , to have the use of three manuscripts , whereby to correct that edition ; the medicaean librarie of florence supplyed me with the first , and that of theatins at rome furnished me with the other two ; and lucas hostenius an eminent man , who cannot be praised according to his deserts , is the person , to whom i am indebted for the use of them . what help these three manuscripts have afforded me , he will be best able to judge , who can think it worth his while to compare this with the other edition before mentioned . but i cannot imagine upon what grounds some men should think that this is not the epistle of barnabas , whereas clement , origen , and others ascribe it to him . learned men ( i believe ) may take offence at some unusual expositions of his , made upon some places of scripture ; but they can have nothing whereon to ground a perswasion , that those places should be misinterpreted by a man of so great authority , whom the holy scriptures make so frequent mention of , and who was always an inseparable companion of the apostle paul , and himself one of the minor apostles . but who could expect all kind of science and learning from those first christians ? and think that they might not as well be mistaken as their relatives , especially in things not appertaining to faith ? do we not meet with many things as strange in the epistle of clement ? which epistle was published by patricius junius the kings library keeper , and an eminent man , to whom i am so much a debtor , that he cannot possibly oblige me more . for who can well digest that fable of clement about the phoenix , and his many worlds beyond the ocean ? neither do i believe that some will easily admit of that exposition about the scarlet thred of the harlot rahab , that it should be a type of the bloud of christ , and other things of this nature which i could reckon up , but they are not so proper for this place ; yet was this clement called an apostle by as good right as barnabas was . therefore no persons ought to find fault with that in the one , which they excuse in the other . it is known to every one how very mystically , superstitiously , and almost impertinently , those first christians did interpret the scriptures . therefore if some things should be met with in this author , which may displease the learned , let them rather impute it to the manner of expression used by those ancient christians , than entertain the least thoughts that this writing is supposititious . nor let any persons therefore like the worse of this epistle of barnabas because eusebius , and other greek writers of a later date , have placed it amongst the apocryphal writings . for they did not question the author , only they approved not of those mystical interpretations of his , made upon many places of scripture . and for the same reason many works of clement of alexandria and of origen , were accounted apocryphal , whereas it was never yet doubted of , whether those very works so accounted of were their genuine works . and certainly if we should reject all writings , which have at any time been accounted apocryphal , we should reject the epistle of paul to the hebrews , and the epistle of jude the apostle , and that of clement to the corinthians ; which thing should we do how absurd would it seem to any man ? others have given out that they have discerned this epistle to be spurious both from the style , and manner of writing , and they have affirmed the very same things of the epistles of ignatius ; but they , who boast of such things , would seem more accute than becomes them . for it is not so easie to distinguish spurious writings from genuine , as it is to know true pearls from counterfeit . when true stones are compared with counterfeit , the fucus of the counterfeit soon appears , as a true people will discover a false one ; which is a thing ordinary in other traffiqueable commodities . but from what is it possible for these men to take the ground of their conjecture , who deny these to be the very epistles of ignatius and barnabas ? have they seen other writings of theirs ? certainly not . therefore how come they to know what style barnabas and ignatius used ? yet they go on and say , that what they think to be true , they know to be true , and if it be so with them , i will not adde one word more about them . the catholique epistle of saint barnabas the apostle . my sons and daughters , in the name of our lord jesus christ , who loved us , i wish you much joy and peace . knowing that there is in you an abundance of the great and comely graces of god , i am rejoyced above measure by your blessed and excellent spirits ; for by this means ye have received a natural grace . so that i am hereby very much comforted , hoping to be set at liberty ; because i verily perceive that the spirit is infused into you from the honourable fountain of god. and seeing i am of this perswasion , and know it the more fully so to be , in regard that , whilst i am conversing with you , many things have succeeded well with me , according to the equal way of the lord ; therefore is it happily brethren in my thoughts to love you more than my own soul ; because the greatness of faith and love dwelleth therein , and the hope of that other life . thinking of this ( and because it was my care to impart something unto you of what i have received ) that it would be a sufficient reward to do service to persons of such a spirit , i made it my proper business , as allotted to me , speedily to send unto you some few things , that together with your faith ye may have also perfect knowledge . there are also three constitutions of the lord , the hope of life , the beginning , and the consummation . for god hath made before-hand things plain to us , by his prophets , who are passed , and hath given unto us the beginnings of future things . but , as he hath said , it is a more honourable and high thing to approach to his altar . yet i shall not as a teacher or doctor , but as one of you , shew you a few things , by which ye may be the more joyful in many . seeing therefore that the days are most wicked , and that the adversary hath the power of this world ▪ we ought diligently to make enquiry into the equal ways of the lord. fear and patience are the coadjutors of your faith ; and the things , which fight for us , are longanimitie and continence . where these remain pure , according to the lord , wisdom , understanding , science , knowledge rejoyce together with them . for he hath laid it open to us by all the prophets , that he will not use our sacrifices , victims , nor oblations , saying in this wise , to what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me , saith the lord , i am full of the burnt-offerings of rams , and the fat of lambs ; i delight not in the bloud of goats and bulls . neither do i regard you , when ye come to appear before me . for who hath required these things at your hands ? neither shall ye tread my courts . when ye bring your course bread it is vain , your incense is an abomination to me . your new moons , and sabbaths , and great day i cannot endure ▪ your fast , idle time , new moons , and feasts my soul hateth . god hath therefore made these void , as the new law of our lord jesus christ , which is without the yoke of necessity , hath made void the humane oblation . the lord saith again unto them , have i commanded your fathers , when they went out of the land of egypt , that they should offer unto me sacrifices and victims ? but this i commanded them , saying , let every one among you bear no malice towards his neighbour , and let no man swear falsly . seeing therefore that we are not without understanding , we ought to understand the counsel of the goodness of our father . for he being willing to seek us also going astray , hath told us how we should come unto him , saying , the sacrifice of god is a contrite heart , and one that is humbled , god doth not despise . therefore ( brethren ) we ought to enquire more certainly concerning our salvation , that nothing may have entrance into us , which may turn us away from our life . god speaks again unto them as concerning these things , saying , wherefore do ye fast to me , that your voice may be heard on high , as this day ? i have not chosen such a fast , nor a day for a man to afflict his soul ; neither shalt thou bow down thy neck like a bulrush , nor spread sackcloth and ashes under thee , nor shall ye call this an acceptable fast . but to us he saith thus , when ye shall fast , loose every bond of iniquitie , dissolve the obligations of violent contracts , set the oppressed at libertie , make void every injurious obligation ; break thy bread to the hungry ; bring the poor that are without shelter into thine house ▪ when thou seest the naked clothe him , and hide not thy self from thine own flesh ; then thy light shall break forth as the morning , and thine health shall spring forth speedily ; and thy righteousness shall go before thee ; the glorie of the lord shall be thy rereward . then shall thou call , and the lord shall answer ; thou shall cry , and he shall say , here i am : if thou take away from the midst of thee the yoke , the putting forth of the finger , and speaking vanity , and shall give thy bread to the hungry with all thy soul . therefore in this ( brethren ) god is provident and merciful , in regard the people , whom he hath acquired to his beloved , should believe in simplicity , and he hath shewn to all us , that we should not run as proselytes over to their law. and it concerns us to write much of the things in hand , which cannot heal . let us flie every work of iniquitie , and hate the errour of this time , and love things future . let us not give libertie to our soul , nor suffer it to wander with most lewd men and sinners . for the trail is consummate , as it is written , as daniel saith , it is at hand . for this cause doth the lord divide times and days , that his beloved may hasten to his inheritance . so saith the prophet , ten kingdoms shall reign upon the earth , and a little king shall arise , who shall depose three into one . concerning the kingdoms , and this very thing daniel saith again , i saw a fourth beast dreadful and terrible , and exceeding strong , having ten horns , and another little horn grew up in the midst of them , before whom there were three of the first horns plucks up by the roots . therefore we ought to understand , and i intreat you again , as one of you , loving you above mine own life , that ye would take heed unto your selves , and that ye would not be like unto those , who heap up their sins , and say , that their testament is also ours . but ours it is , for they have for ever destroyed that which moses received . for the scripture saith , and moses was in the mount fasting fourty days and fourty nights , and he received the testament from the lord , the tables of stone written with the hand of god. but they being turned unto idols destroyed that , for the lord saith to moses , go down quickly , for thy people , which thou broughtest out of the land of egypt , hath transgressed . and moses cast the tables of stone out of his hands , and their testament was broken , that the love of jesus might be signed upon your hearts unto the hope of the faith of him . therefore let us give heed unto the last days ; for all the time of our life and faith shall profit us nothing , if we do not endure unjust things , and future temptations , as the son of god saith , let us resist all iniquitie , and hate it . consider therefore the works of an evil life . ye ought not to separate your selves as being justified , but meeting together in one , to enquire what may be in common profitable and convenient for the beloved . for the scripture saith , wo to those , who are wise in their own eyes , and prudent in their own sight . let us being spiritual , be made a perfect temple to god , as much as in us lies . let us meditate upon the fear of god , and endeavour to keep his commandements , that we may rejoyce in his judgements . the lord accepting no mans person judgeth the world ; every man shall receive according to his deeds . if he be good , his goodness goes before him ; if wicked , the ways of his wickedness follows after him . take heed lest at any time being called , and at ease , we do not fall asleep in our sins , and the wicked one getting power over us , do not awake us out of our sleep , and exclude us from the kingdom of the lord. understand a little more ; having seen the great signs and wonders among the people of the jews , and that the lord doth so leave them ; therefore let us take heed , lest happily we be found , as it is written , many called , few chosen . for this cause , the lord endured to deliver up his body to death , that we might be sanctified by remission of sins , that is , through the sprinkling of his bloud . for it is written of him to the jews , and to us , in this manner , he was wounded for our transgressions , bruised for our iniquities ; by his stripes we were healed . he was led as a sheep to the slaughter , and as a lamb before the shearer dumb , so opened he not his mouth . therefore we ought exceedingly to rejoyce in the lord , because he hath shown unto us things past , and hath made us wise , neither are we without understanding of things to come . but he saith , the net surely is spread in vain in the sight of any bird . this he saith , in regard that that man shall justly perish , who hath knowledge of the way of truth , and yet will not refrain himself from the dark way . moreover , the lord endured to suffer for us , and yet he is the lord of the world , to whom he said upon the day before the world was consummate , let us make man according to our image and similitude . learn therefore how much he endured , who would suffer this from men . the prophets having the gift from him prophesied of him ; and he , that he might abolish death , and make manifest the resurrection from the dead , endured , because it was necessary for him to appear in the flesh , that he might make good the promise to the parents . and preparing a new people by his being upon the earth , he declared by making a resurrection the judgement , and in the end by teaching , and doing great signs and wonders , he preached to israel , and dearly loved him . then he chose proper apostles , who should preach his gospel , who were sinners above all sin , that he might shew that he came not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance . then he manifested himself to be the son of god. for had he not come in the flesh , how could men looking on him have been saved ? for the sun , which is the work of his hands , men cannot look directly upon with their eyes intent upon the beams of it . therefore the son of god came in the flesh , that he might consummate the sins of those , who persecuted his prophets unto death . and for this he endured . for god saith , by the stripe of his flesh all are healed . and again , when i shall smite the shepherd , then shall the sheep of the flock be scattered . he would thus suffer , and it was necessarie that he should suffer upon the tree . for he saith , who prophesied of him , thou shalt deliver my soul from the sword . and , fasten my flesh with nails , for the congregations of wicked men are risen up against me . and again he saith , behold , i have given my back to scourges , and my cheeks to strokes , and set my face , as a firm rock . but when he had done the command , what saith he ? who shall condemn me , let him be set against me ? or who shall judge me , let him come neer to the servant of the lord ? wo unto you , for ye shall all wax old as a garment , and the moth shall devour you . again the prophet saith , he was set a stone for contusion . behold , i will lay in sion for foundations a pretious stone , elect , a chief corner-stone , honourable . what saith he after ? and he , who hopeth in it , shall live for ever . is our faith therefore placed in a stone ? far be it . but because the lord hath given strength unto his flesh . for he saith , and he bath set me as a strong rock . again the prophet saith , the stone which the builders refused , is made the head of the corner . and again he saith , this is the great and wonderful day , which the lond hath made . i write the more simply to you , that ye may understand . i am the off-scouring of your love . what saith the prophet again ? the congregation of wicked men came about me , they enclosed me as bees do the wax . and , they cast a lot upon my vesture . seeing he should be manifest in the flesh , and should suffer ; his passion was manifested long before . for the prophet saith to israel , wo to the soul of profane men , for they take evil counsel against themselves , saying , let us seize upon the righteous , for he is unpleasing to us . moses also saith unto them , behold these things saith the lord god , enter into the good land , which the lord hath sworn to abraham , and isaac , and jacob , and inherit the land flowing with milk and honey . learn what knowledge saith , hope in jesus , who will come in the flesh to be manifested unto you . man is a suffering land . for from the face of the earth was the figment of adam driven . why therefore saith he , a good land flowing with milk and honey ? blessed be our lord , who hath put wisdom and understanding in us of his secrets . for the prophet saith , who shall understand the parable of the lord , but onely the wise and the intelligent , and he who is a lover of the lord. seeing therefore he renewing us by remission of sins hath made us to be another figure , he hath made us to have souls like children and hath formed us anew . for what he saith to the son , the scripture saith concerning us , we will make man according to our image and likeness , and let them rule over the beasts of the earth , and the fowls of heaven , and the fishes of the sea . and the lord seeing man an excellent figure , he said , increase and multiply , and replenish the earth . these things to the son. again , i will shew you , how in the last days he made a second figure as concerning us . the lord saith , behold , i will make the last things as the former , and therefore did the prophet preach thus , saying , enter into the land flowing with milk and honey , and have dominion over it . behold therefore we are formed anew , as he also saith in another prophet , behold , saith the lord , i will take from them , that is , from those whom the spirit of the lord hath foreseen , their hearts of stone , and will give them hearts of flesh . for he was to be manifested in the flesh , and to dwell in us . for , my brethren , the inhabitation of our hearts is an holy temple to the lord. again the lord saith , how shall i appear before the lord my god , and how shall i glorifie him ? he saith , i will confess unto thee in the church , in the midst of my brethren , and will praise thee in the midst of the church of saints . therefore we are they whom he hath brought into the good land . but why milk and honey ? because a little child is first quickned with milk and honey , and nourished . so we also being nourished and enlivened by the faith of the promise and the word shall live , and have dominion over the earth . for he said before , let them increase and rule over the fishes . what can this be now , that a man should have power to rule the beasts , or fishes , or fowls of the heaven ? for we ought to be sensible . to govern , is of power and authoritie , and he shall bear rule who is thereto appointed . and if this be not now , he hath said that it shall be ; when ? when we our selves may be perfected to be made heirs of the covenant of the lord. vnderstand therefore ( sons of joy ) that the good lord hath before hand manifested all things to us ; that we might know whom we ought to praise with thanks-giving according to all ; therefore if the son of god being lord , who also shall judge the quick and dead , hath suffered , that his stripes may enliven us ; we ought to believe that his son of god could not suffer , unless it was for us . and when he was crucified he had vineger and gall given him to drink hear how the priests of the people have manifested this , there being a command written concerning it . the lord commanded that if a man would not fast the fast , he should be destroyed . because he would offer up in sacrifice for our sins the vessel of the spirit , that the type also which was made in isaac offered upon the altar might be completed . what saith he further by the prophet ? and let them eat of the goat offered on the fast for the sins of all . mark diligently : and let all the priests alone eat the entrails unwashed with vineger . why this ? because ye shall give me gall and vineger to drink , when i shall offer up my flesh for the sins of the new people . eat ye alone the people fasting and bewailing in sackcloth and ashes ; that he might demonstrate that it behooved him to suffer by them . therefore what hath he given in command ? observe ; take two goats fair and alike , and offer them ; and let the priest take one for an holocaust ; but what shall he do with the other ? he saith , let one he made an execration . mark how the figure of jesus is manifested . and ye shall all spit upon it , and pierce it , and put crimson wooll about the head of it , and so let it be sent into the wilderness ; and when this is done , he who bears the goat into the wilderness , shall take of the wooll , and put it upon a dry brushie thorn , called rubus , the berries of which we usually eat if finding them in the field . for the fruits of this thorn onely are pleasant . but what is the meaning of this ? observe ; one goat was for the altar , the other for an execration , and the goat for execration was crowned . why ? because they shall see him in that day having his flesh cloathed in scarlet , and they shall say , is not this he whom we have crucified , setting him at nought , piercing and mocking him ? truly this was he , who then said , that he was the son of god ; and he was used in like manner as those fair goats which were alike . so that when they saw him they mourned over him , who was to come under the figure of a goat . see therefore the type of jesus who was to suffer . but why did they put the wooll into the midst of thorns ? this is a type of jesus appointed to the church . he , who would take away the scarlet wooll , must needs suffer many things , for the thorn is terrible , and he who would rule over it , must endure affliction ; so , saith he , they , who would see me , and approach my king-dom , ought to receive me through tribulations and sufferings . but see what figure this was , when it was given in command to israel , that man , in whom sins were completed , should offer an heifer , and killing it should burn it , and then servants should take up the ashes , and put them into earthen vessels , and then the servants should take scarlet wooll and hyssop , and so sprinkle the people one by one , that they might be purged from their sins . understand in what simplicity it speaks unto us . this heifer is jesus christ , the men offering it are those sinners , who brought him to the slaughter ; for they seemed partly men , and partly sinners but the servants sprinkling were they , who preached unto us remission of sins , and puritie of heart . to whom he gave the power of the gospel , they were twelve in testimonie of the tribes , for they were the twelve tribes of israel , which they were to preach it to . but why were there three servants sprinkling ? these were in testimonie of abraham , and isaac , and jacob , who were honourable with god. but why was the wooll put upon wood ? because the kingdom of jesus was from the wood , and they therefore , who hope in him , shall live for ever . but why was there wooll and hyssop together ? because in his kingdom shall be evil and gloomie days , wherein we shall be saved . for he , who is wounded in the flesh is healed by hyssop cleansing away the filth . and for this cause are these things , which are made thus manifest to us , obscure to them , because they hearkned not unto the voyce of the lord. again the lord saith by the prophet something of the ears , teaching us thereby how we should circumcise our heart , saying , by the hearing of the ear hath he heard me ▪ and again he saith , they , who are afar off , shall hear with the hearing , what i have done , and shall know me ; and , ye shall circumcise your hearts , saith the lord. and again he saith , hear , o israel , for the lord thy god speaketh these things unto thee . and again the spirit of the lord prophesieth , who is he that would live for ever ? let him hear with the ear the voice of my servant . and again he saith , hear , o heaven , and give ear , o earth ; for the lord hath spoken these things for a testimony . and again he saith , hear the word of the lord , ye rulers of this people . and again he saith , hear , o children , the voice of one crying in the wilderness . therefore he circumcised our ears , that hearing we may believe the word . for the circumcision , of which they were perswaded , is abolished . for he said , there should be a circumcision not made upon the flesh . but they have transgressed , because a wicked angel hath taught them . he saith again unto them , these things saith the lord your god. here i find a commandment , sow not among thorns , but be circumcised to your lord. and what saith he further ? and circumcise your hard heart , and do not harden your neck . and again , behold the lord saith , all nations are uncircumcised having on the foreskin , but this people is uncircumcised in heart . but thou wilt say , the people hath received circumcision as a seal . but so every syrian , and arabs , and all the idolatrous priests , and the egyptians have received circumcision , therefore are they also within the covenants . learn therefore ( children ) abundantly concerning all nations , that abraham , who first gave circumcision in the spirit , did see so far as to the son , for receiving the definitions of three letters , he gave circumcision . for he saith , that abraham circumcised the males of his house , which were ten , and eight , and three hundred . therefore what knowledge was given to him ? learn , there were first ten and eight , then three hundred , the ten note . the eight note n , there ye have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the cross , which should have the grace , was noted in the three hundred , for the numeral of that is t. therefore it is manifest that jesus was figured in two letters , and the cross in one . abraham knew the implanted gift of his doctrine , and gave it for a sign to us . no one hath learned a more genuine word from me , onely i know that ye are worthy . but where●s moses hath said , ye shall not eat swines flesh , nor the eagle , nor the hawk , nor the crow , nor any fish which hath not scales upon it ; undoubtedly he received in his understanding three constitutions . afterwards he saith to them in deuteronomie , i will give to this people my judgements . undoubtedly therefore the command of god was not that they should not eat , but moses spake in the spirit , when he spake of not eating swines flesh , he spake it to this effect , thou shalt not , saith he , be joyned to such men , who are like unto swine , who , when they are fed and wanton , forget their lord , but when they are in wants acknowledge him ▪ for the swine , when he hath eaten , knows not his lord , but when he is hungry , he cryes , & when he is filled again is still , and holds his peace . neither shalt thou eat , saith he , the eagle , nor the hawk , nor the kite , nor the crow . in this he saith , thou shalt not associate thy self with such men , who do not make provisions for themselves by labour and sweat , but live by rapine , and injurious taking from others , and however they appear to walk in simplicity , yet they observe what things may be offered to them without any labour , these they diligently prie out , and being idle themselves , and very pernicious creatures by reason of their wickedness , they devour and feed upon the flesh of others . he saith , thou shalt not eat the lampry nor the polypus , nor the cuttle-fish . that is , he saith , thou shalt not be joyned to , nor like unto those men , who are ungodly to the end , and condemned to death ; for these fishes alone being accursed , swim onely in the deep , not diving as other fishes , but inhabiting in the mud of the deep . he hath said again , thou shalt not eat the conie . why said he it ? only to shew , that thou shouldest not be alascivious lecherous person , nor like unto such ; for the hare or conie doth every year breed abundantly , and as many years as she liveth maketh her so many burrows . neither shalt thou eat the hyaena . this he saith , thou shalt not be an adulterer , nor defiler of men or women , nor like unto such . why so ? for this kind of animal every year changeth its nature , and is one while a male , and another while a female . again he well said , thou shalt hate the weasil ; this he saith , thou shalt not be like unto those , of whom we hear , by reason of their impurity , that they do unlawful things at the mouth , neither shalt thou associate thy self with impure persons , who commit iniquitie with the mouth ; for this animal conceiveth at the mouth . therefore moses by the spirit delivered three constitutions touching meats , but they understood them to be meant of meats in a fleshly sense ; but david took the true knowledge of these three constitutions , and spake in this wise . blessed is the man , who hath not walked in the council of the ungodly , as those fishes which walk in the dark down into the deep . and hath not stood in the way of sinners ; as persons seemingly reverencing their lord , and yet transgressing like swine . and hath not sat in the seat of pestilent men . like unto birds which sit watching for prey . thus have you a perfect knowledge of moses his constitutions about meats but moses saith , thou maist eat of whatever hath a cloven hoof , and cheweth the cud . wherefore saith he it ? because every such creature having received food doth seem to acknowledge his feeder , and being refreshed to rejoyce in him . he spake it well seeing the commandment , therefore what said he ▪ he gave in commandment that they should be joyned to those who fear the lord , and who meditate in the heart upon the command of the word which they have received , and to associate with those , who speak the judgements of the lord and keep them , and to those , who knowing that meditation is a work of joy , do ruminate upon the word of the lord. but what means the beast with a cloven foot ? this shews that a just man , though he walks in this world , yet he expects and lays hold upon another . observe how excellently moses gave his laws . but they could not know or understand these things : yet we rightly understanding the commands , do speak as the lord would ; therefore hath god circumcised our ears , and our hearts that we might understand these things . we shall now enquire , whether it was the lord's care to manifest any thing before hand touching the water , and the cross . as concerning the water it is written to israel , how they should not receive baptism , which should bring remission of sins , but should build up to themselves . therefore the prophet saith , be astonished , o heaven , and let ▪ the earth very much tremble at it , for this people hath committed two great evils , they have forsaken me the fountain of living waters , and hewed out to themselves broken cisterns . is my holy mount sion a desert rock ? ye shall be as the young ones of a bird fluttering about the forsaken nest . and again the prophet saith , i will go before thee , and will level the mountains , and will break in pieces the gates of brass , and cut in sunder the bars of iron , and i will give thee the treasures of darkness , and hidden riches of secret places , that they may know that i am the lord god. and he shall dwell in the deep cave of the strong rock : afterwards what saith he ? his water shall be sure through the son. ye shall see the king with glory , and your soul shall meditate on the fear of the lord. and again he saith in another prophet , he , who doth these things , shall be as a tree planted by the water-courses , which shall give its fruit in its season ; and his leaf shall not wither , and whatsoever he doth it shall prosper ; not so the ungodly , not so , but they shall be as the dust , which the wind scattereth before the face of the earth : therefore the ungodly shall not stand in the judgement , nor sinners in the counsel of the just . for the lord knoweth the way of the rightcous , and the way of the ungodly shall perish . be ye sensible how he hath appointed water and the cross for the same thing . for this he saith , blessed are they , who , hoping in the cross have descended into the water . and whereas he saith , he will give a reward in its season . this he saith , i will retribute to them . the leaves shall not wither . this he saith , that every word which shall proceed out of your mouth in faith and love , shall be for the conversion and hope of many . again another prophet saith , and the land of jacob was praised above all lands . this he speaks of the vessel of his spirit which he will glorifie . afterwards what saith he ? and there was a river drawing from the right hand , and trees in their season grew up out of it , and whosoever shall eat of them shall live for ever . this he saith , because we descend into the water full of sin , and filth , and we ascend out of it , bearing fruit in the heart , having fear and hope in the son jesus through the spirit . and whereas he saith , whosoever shall eat of these shall live for ever . this he saith , whosoever , saith he , shall hear the things that are spoken , and shall believe , he shall live for ever . he determines in like manner concerning the cross by another prophet speaking thus , and when these things shall be consummate , and when the wood shall be bowed , saith the lord , and shall rise again , and when blond shall distit from the wood . thou hast something again touching the cross and him who should be crucified . for he saith again in moses , when israel was warred against by strangers , and that they were to be put in remembrance that they were warred against , that they might be delivered up to death for their sins , the spirit spake to the heart of moses , that he should make a type of the cross and of him who should suffer , to shew that unless they hoped in him , they should be warred against for ever . therefore moses laid the armour one piece upon another in the middle of a fountain , and standing higher than all , stretched out his hands , and so israel prevailed , and when he drew in his hands again they were put to death . why was this ? that they may know that they cannot be saved , unless they hope in him . and in another prophet he saith , all the day long have i stretched forth my hands to a people that will not be perswaded , contradicting my just way . moses again makes a type of jesus , because it was necessary that he should suffer , and give life , when they supposed to have destroyed him in the sepulchre . for when israel fell he made every serpent to bite them , and they died , because the transgression in eve was by the serpent , that he might reprove them , and convince them , that for their transgression they were delivered up to the anguish of death . in the end , though moses had commanded that there should be no molten nor graven image amongst them for a god , he made one to shew the type of jesus . for moses made a serpent of brass , and placed it gloriously , and by proclamation called the people . they coming together intreated moses that he would pray and make an offering for them , that they might be healed . then moses said unto them , when any of you shall be bitten , let him come to this serpent set upon a pole , and let him hope , believing that though it is dead , it is able to give life , and he shall be immediately healed ; and they did so . in this thou hast the glorie of jesus , for all things are in him , and to him . what saith moses again to jesus the son of naue , giving him , being a prophet , this name , that all the people should hear him only , because the father would reveal all things touching his son jesus to the son of naue . and when he gave him this name , and sent him to search the land , he said , take a little book in thine hands , and write what the lord saith . because the son of god in the last days will cut up all the house of amalek by the roots . behold again jesus , not the son of man , but the son of god , but manifested by a type in the flesh . and because they would say that christ is the son of david , he fearing and understanding the errour of sinners saith , the lord said to my lord , sit on my right hand , until i make thy enemies thy footstool . and again esaias saith in this manner , the lord said to christ my lord , i have holden his right hand , that the nations may hear him , and i will break in pieces the power of kings . see how david calls him lord , and the son of god. but let us see whether this people be the heir or first people , and whether the testament be ours or theirs . hear now what the scripture saith concerning this people . isaac prayed for rebekah his wife , because she was barren , and she conceived , afterwards rebekah came to enquire of the lord , and the lord said unto her , two nations are in thy womb , and two people in thy bowels , and one people shall prevail over the other people , and the elder shall serve the younger . ye ought to be sensible who is isaac , and who is rebekah ; and which of the two he hath demonstrated to be the elder people , this people , or that . and in another prophesy he saith , jacob spake more plainly to joseph his son , saying , behold , the lord hath not deprived me of thy presence ; bring thy sons unto me , that i may bless them . and he brought forth ephraim and manasses , desiring that the blessing might be given to manasses , because he was the elder , and he set him on the right hand of his father jacob. but jacob saw in the spirit a type of that people which should be . and what follows ? and jacob changed his hands , and put his right hand upon the head of ephraim the second and the younger , and blessed him . and joseph said to jacob , put thy right hand upon the head of manasses , because he is my first-born son . and jacob said to joseph , i know it my son , i know it , but the elder shall serve the younger , yet he also shall be blessed . see which of these he hath appointed to be this first people , and heir of the covenant . yet further , let it be remembred that through abraham we have a greater perfection of our knowledge . therefore what saith he to abraham , that because he believed , it was counted to him for righteousness ? behold , i have made thee a father of nations which should believe in the lord through uncircumcisions . but let us now enquire , whether he hath performed the covenant which he sware to the fathers , to this people ? he gave it , but they were not worthy to receive it , by reason of their sins . for the prophet saith , and moses was fasting in the mount sinai fourty days and fourty nights , that he might receive the covenant from the lord for the people ; and he received of the lord the two tables , written with the finger of the lord's hand through the spirit : and when moses had received them , he brought them down to deliver them to the people . and the lord said to moses ; moses , moses , go down quickly , for thy people have transgressed , which thou broughtest out of the land of egypt . and moses understood that they had made them molten idols , and he cast the tables out of his hands , and the tables of the covenant of the lord were broken . moses indeed received them , but they were not worthy . learn now how we received them . moses received them as a servant , but the lord himself gave them to us , who suffering patiently for us was made manifest , that they might be consummate in their sins , and we might be the people of the inheritance , and receive the covenant by the heir jesus christ . the prophet saith again , behold , i have set thee for a light of the gentiles , that thou maist be for salvation to the ends of the earth , saith the lord god who redeemed thee , who was prepared for this very thing , that he making discoverie of our evils destructive to death , and how wholly we were given up to the transgression of errour , might deliver us from darkness , and put his covenant in us by the word . for it is written how that the father commanded him to redeem us from darkness , and to prepare for himself an holy people . therefore the prophet saith , i the lord thy god have called thee in righteousness , and i will hold thy hand , and will strengthen thee , and i have given thee for a covenant to the nations , and for a light to the gentiles , to open the eyes of the blind , and to deliver those that are in bonds , those that sit in darkness from the prison-house . know therefore how we were delivered and redeemed . again the prophet saith , the spirit of the lord is upon me , because he hath anointed me , and sent me to preach the glad tidings of grace to the humble , to heal the broken-hearted , to preach liberty to the captives , to open the eyes of the blind , and to call an acceptable year of the lord , and a day of retribution , and to comfort all that mourn . it is also written concerning the sabbath in the ten words , wherein he spake in the mount sinai face to face to moses ; and ye shall sanctifie the sabbath of the lord with pure hands , and with a pure heart . and in another place he saith , if their sons shall keep my sabbaths , then will i put my mercy upon them . he calleth it a sabbath in the beginning of the creation . and god made in six days the works of his hands , and finished upon the seventh day , and rested on it ; and sanctified it . sons observe what he saith when he saith , he finished in six days . this he saith , that god the lord will finish all things in six thousand years ; for a day with him is a thousand years , he himself witnesseth it , saying , behold this day , a day shall be as a thousand years . therefore , children , in six days , in six thousand years all things shall be finished . and he rested on the seventh day , this he saith , when his son coming shall finish the works of his time , and shall judge the ungodly , and shall change the sun , and the moon , and the stars , then he shall rest honourably upon the seventh day . in fine this he saith , thou shalt sanctifie it with pure hands , and a pure heart . therefore how can any one now sanctifie the day , which god hath sanctified , unless he be of a pure heart in all things ? let us not be deceived . for if he resting gloriously doth sanctifie it , we being just , and doing just things shall be able to sanctifie it , when we have received the promise of iniquitie ceasing , all things being made new by the lord. then we shall be able to sanctifie it , when we our selves are first sanctified . afterwards he saith to them , your new moons and your sabbaths i cannot away with . see how he saith , that the sabbaths which are now are not acceptable unto me . but in that he rested , he made all things which he had made the beginning of the eighth day , that is , the beginning of another world . therefore we observe the eighth day with alacrity of mind , whereon jesus rose from the dead , and being manifested , ascended up into the heavens . i shall moreover speak unto you concerning the temple : how they being in miserie did erre in their hope upon the way , for they did not hope in the god of the temple , who made them , but in the temple as being the house of god , for almost , like the very heathens , they confined him within the temple ; but learn what the lord saith making void the temple . who hath measured the heavens with his palm , and the earth with his fist ? is it not i ? saith the lord. heaven is my throne , and the earth my footstool ; what house will ye build unto me ? and what is the place of my rest ? know that theirs is a vain hope . after this he saith again , behold they who destroy this temple , shall themselves build it . it is done . for when they warred it was destroyed by the enemies ; and the ministers themselves of those enemies shall build it . again he hath opened , how the city and people israel should be delivered up . for the scripture saith , and it shall be in the last days , that the lord will deliver up the sheep of the pasture , and their fence and their tower to destruction . and it is come to pass as the lord hath spoken . therefore we shall enquire whether there be a temple of god. there is where he saith he would make and finish it . for it is written , it shall be when a week is finished , that the temple of god shall be built glorious in the name of the lord. therefore i find that there is a temple . but how shall it be built in the name of the lord ? learn . before we believed god the dwelling of our heart was corrupt and weak as a temple built truly by the hand ; for the house was full of idolatry , by idolatry it was the house of devils , so that we did whatever was contrary to god. but it shall be built in the name of the lord. learn , that a glorious temple of the lord shall be built : but how ? learn ; we receiving remission of sins , and hoping in the name of the lord were made anew , and created again as from the beginning . so that in our house , that is , in us , god truly dwelleth . how ? the word of his faith , the calling of his promise , the wisdom of his judgements , the commands of his doctrine , he himself prophesying in us , he himself dwelling in us , opening to us the gates of the temple , who were before the servants of death , that is , opening that mouth which gives repentance to us , hath brought us into the incorruptible temple . and he , who desires to be saved , minds nothing but him dwelling in him , admires nothing but him speaking in him , desires to hear nothing but the words spoken from his mouth . this is the spiritual temple built unto the lord ; so far as he would in power and simplicity manifest it unto us . my soul hopeth with desire , that i have omitted nothing convenient for you , and conducing to salvation . if i should write unto you of things future , ye would not understand me , because they are shut up in parables : but these things are so . let us now pass over to another kind of knowledge and doctrine : there are two ways of doctrine and power , either of light or of darkness : and great is the difference of these two ways . over one are appointed the angels of god , the ministers of light ; over the other the angels of satan ; over the one is the lord from ages to ages ; over the other the prince of the time of iniquity . the way of light is this ; if a man would walk to the place designed , he will make haste by his works . therefore knowledge is given to us that we may walk in it , which is this . thou shalt love thy maker . thou shalt glorifie him who redeemed thee from death . thou shalt be simple in heart ; and being rich in the spirit , thou shalt not joyn thy self with those who walk in the way of death . thou shalt hate to do that which is not pleasing to god. thou shalt hate all hypocrisie . thou shalt not forsake the commandments of the lord. thou shalt not exalt thy self , but be of an humble mind . thou shalt not assume glorie to thy self . thou shalt not take evil counsel against thy neighbour . thou shalt not give boldness to thy soul . thou shalt not commit adultery , nor fornication , nor buggerie . thou shalt not refrain to correct the impurity of some by that word , which cometh from god ; and when thou reproovest transgressions , thou shalt not respect persons . thou shalt be meek and quiet , trembling at the words , which thou hast heard . thou shalt not remember evil things against thy brother . thou shalt not be of a double and wavering soul , doubting whether thus or thus . thou shalt not take the name of the lord in vain . thou shalt love thy neighbour above thy soul . thou shalt not destroy the child by abortion , nor kill it when it is born . thou shalt not take away thy hand from thy son , nor from thy daughter , but from their youth shalt teach them the fear of the lord. thou shalt not desire thy neighbours goods , nor be a covetous person . thou shalt not adhere in thy soul to proud persons , but be numbred amongst the just and humble . thou shalt embrace temptations , when they happen , as good things . thou shalt not be of a double mind , nor a double tongue ; for a double tongue is the snare of death . thou shalt be subject to the lord , to masters , as to the type of god , in reverence and fear . thou shalt not command thy maid or man-servant with bitterness ; especially those who hope in him , left thou be found destitute of the fear of god , who is over both . for he came not to call men by their persons , but those whom his spirit prepared . thou shalt communicate to thy neighbour in all things ; and shalt not call any thing thine own ; for if ye are communicative in incorruptible things , how much more in corruptible . thou shalt not be hastie in tongue , for the mouth is the snare of death . keep thy soul as chaste as thou canst . do not stretch forth thy hands to receive , and shut them when thou shouldst give . thou shalt love every man speaking to thee the word of the lord as the apple of thine eye . mind the day of judgement night and day . seek out every day the persons of holy men , and searching by the word go forth to exhort , and meditate to save a soul by the word . and thou shalt labour by thy hands for the redemption of thy sins . thou shalt not doubt to give , nor murmur when thou givest . give to every one that asketh of thee , but know withal who is the good recompenser of the reward . keep the things , which thou hast received , neither adding to nor taking from them . hate a wicked person to the end . judge justly . make no schism . make peace betwixt those who are at variance . confess thy sins . come not to prayer with an evil conscience . this is the way of light . but the dark way is crooked , full of that which is execrable . for it is the way of eternal death with torment ; wherein are things destructive to the soul , idolatrie , boldness , sublimitie of power , hypocrisie , doubleness of heart , adulterie , murder , rapine , pride , transgression , deceit , malice , arrogance , witchcraft , magick , covetousness , want of the fear of god , persecutors of the good , haters of the truth , men who love but know not the wages of righteousness , persons not adhering to that which is good , nor to just judgement , men who regard not the widow nor fatherless , being not watchful to the fear of god , but to do evil , from whom meekness and patience are far removed ; lovers of vain things , seekers of revenge , such as have no pity for the poor , nor endeavours to relieve the oppressed , ready to detract , nor knowing their maker , murderers of children , corrupters of the figment of god , such as turn away themselves from the needie , oppress the oppressed , advocates for the rich , unjust judges of the poor , and sinners every way . it is therefore an excellent thing for him who learns the righteous commands of the lord , which are before written , to walk in them ; for he , who does them , shall be glorified in the kingdom of god ▪ but he , who chooseth the other things , shall perish with his works . therefore there is a resurrection , and a retribution . i intreat those , who are eminent , to take the counsel of my good will. if ye have any amongst you upon whom ye may work , forsake them not . for the day is at hand , in which all things shall perish together with him who is evil : the lord is at hand , and his reward . i intreat you again and again , that ye be good law-givers to your selves , and that ye remain faithful counsellours to your selves . take away from amongst you all hypocrisie . and may god , who governs the whole world , give to you wisdom , science understanding , and knowledge of his righteous judgements in patience be ye taught of god , seeking out what the lord requireth from you , and do , that ye may be saved in the day of judgement . and if there be any remembrance of good , remember me , meditating on these things ; that my desire and watchfulness for you may come to some good . begging grace ▪ i beseech you , that as the good vessel is yet with you , ye may fail in none of these things ; but search them out diligently , that ye may fulfil every command . for they are worthy things . i therefore endeavoured the rather to write unto you of such things as i was able that i might cheer you up . be safe the sons of love and peace . the lord of glory , and of all grace , be with your spirit . amen . the end of the epistle of barnabas the apostle companion of saint paul the apostle . a postscript to the reader , the scope and designed end of this most excellent epistle of barnabas was to keep christians from judaizing , and to fix them upon the substantial duties of christ's oeconomie , whereof moses politie was but a shadow . he sets down the types , and the things typified , the figures , and the things prefigured , shews in the former part what of moses is done away , and in the latter part what of christ is come in place of it . the style is obscure , because the subject is so . if it please not ( reader ) now it is translated , thou maist , it is to be hoped , for that very reason , pity the pains , and pardon the mishaps and miscarriages in it of the translatour . farewel . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e iren. epist . ad florin . iren. lib. . advers . haeres . c. . tertul. in lib. de praescript . advers . haeres . euseb . eccles . hist . lib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jerom. in script . eccles . catalog . gildas in castig . cler . britan. euseb . l. . c. . euseb . eccles . hist . lib. . vid. halloix . vit . polycarp . c. . suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren. epist . ad florin . photius in bibliothec . num . . jerom. in scrip. eccles . catal . iren. advers . haeres . lib. . c. . euseb . eccles . hist. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a -e homil. . in luc. in lib. de synod . arimin . & seleue. iren lib. . advers . haer s . c. . chrysost●in ignat encom . ●om . . edit . ●avil p. . theod r. dialog . jerom. scriptor . eccles . catalog . socrat. eccles . hist . l. . c. . evagr. eccles . hist . lib. . c. . gild as in cactig●● . cler. britan . jerom. in script . eccles . catal . calvin . instit . lib. . c. . sect. . vid. d. rivet . critic . sacr. c. . euseb . eccles . hist. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rivet . crit. sacr. c. . vid. d. blund . praef . in animad . contr . d. ham. p. . notes for div a -e euseb . li. . c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . isai . . isai . . dan. . isai . . matt. . isai . . gen. . isai . . zech. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the humble and earnest request of thomas iames, dr of diuinity, and subdeane of the cathedrall church of welles, to the church of england; for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion humble and earnest request for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion james, thomas, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the humble and earnest request of thomas iames, dr of diuinity, and subdeane of the cathedrall church of welles, to the church of england; for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion humble and earnest request for, and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion james, thomas, ?- . , [ ] p. s.n., [oxford? : ?] suggested imprint from stc. reprinted and explained in: james, thomas. an explanation or enlarging of the ten articles in the supplication of doctor james, lately exhibited to the the clergy of england (stc ). reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng criticism, textual -- early works to . church history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the hvmble and earnest reqvest of thomas iames , dr of divinity , and svb deane of the cathedrall church of welles , to the church of england ; for , and in the behalfe of bookes touching religion . that the latine-fathers workes , ( whereof diuers are already done ) the bookes of councels , and the body of the canon law , may be diligently reviewed and compared with the best manuscripts ; and the collections and needfull obseruations thence-from arising , printed ; together with the pieces and fragments of the fathers workes ( if any shall be found . ) that the latine translation of the greeke fathers may be collationed by able and fit persons , by reason of diuerse christophorsons and iesuits , that haue too-too much abused the ignorant of the tongue . that the jndices : expurgatory may be likewise perused , all of them , as many as can be gotten , the places forbidden to be transcribed , of which labour there is a third part at the least already taken either by me , or my procurement . that lyra and the glosse , the great bibliotheea sanctorum patrum , platina , caietan , alphonsus de castro , and sundry others of all sorts of authors , may be compared with former editions , and manuscripts ( if need be ) to meet with their secret jndices expurgatorii , which are the more dangerous , because they print , and leaue out what they list , at pleasure , and yet make no words of it , neither haue any commission knowne for to doe it . that the authors of the middle age , that wrote in the defence of that religion , which is now ( thankes be to god ) publikely established in the church of england , for the substance thereof , may be faithfully transcribed , diligently collated , & distributed into volumes , whereof many may be made of orthod oxe-writers ; ; if not so many as of their bibliotheca patrum probabilium : adding hereunto such writers , as being bred and brought vp in the bosome of the roman church saw the disorders , discouered their abuses both in doctrine and manners , and wished almost for the same reformation , that was afterward most happily wrought & brought to passe by martin luther and his companions : of the first sort are wickliffe , peacocke , gu. de s. amore , jo. p. mi●orita , normannus anon , nic. o●em & sundry others : of the later kinde , wesselus , wicelius , p. de alliaco , faber , gerson , cusarius , and such like . that the catalogus testium veritatis , compiled by illyricus , may be rectified out of the originals , quoting booke , chapter , & edition ; & supplyed out of the vnprinted manuscripts . that out of all these an anticoccius may be framed out of fathers , and middle-aged writers , that were in their times esteemed of the church of rome , and out of them onely : nothing doubting but we shall be able to match , if not exceed , his two large volumes both in greatnes and goodnesse ; quoting as before , precisely , our editions , and doing all fide optima & antiqua , religiously and vnpartially as becommeth diuines . that the supposititious and bastard workes of the fathers , noted by doctor rivet , or master cooke , or any other , may be re-examined ; their exceptions scanned or weighed with indifferency , & other reasons added to their challenge , if any shal be found . that the suspected places may be viewed in the true fathers , which are justly challenged of corruption , either by our own men , or the aduersary , with the like indifference of minds , and vnpartiality of judgments , being cōpared with the touchstone of the old manuscripts , and printed bookes , which are quasi manuscripts . tenthly and lastly , the perpetuall visibility of the church , more or lesse , and the history of the same religion that we professe for the substance thereof , throughout all ages , may be shewed to the eye , noting when those novelismes & superadditaments of the church of rome , came in as neare as may be guessed , the time when , and parties by whom they were opposed . all vvhich propositions , ( needfull and important as they are ) i doe vvillingly commend vnto my deare mother the church of england , and from her to the cleargie & gentry of this land , to be proceeded in , as they shall see it most expedient for the common good ; promising nothing but my paines to be commanded in these publique seruices . and i make no doubt ( if god vvill ) but that all this may be effected , vvithin some fevv yeares , if the almghty giue grace , the rich vvhom god hath blessed vvith this vvorldly substance , incouragement ; & the rest their prayers . of the likelihood hereof i am the rather persvvaded , because already by my ovvne meanes , and small endeauours , there is almost a fourth part of the worke done in all these articles . if one alone may doe so much vvithin such a time , vvhat may a dozen able schollers ( such as i knovv and could name ) doe vvithin , , , or yeares , vvhich is the vtmost in my conjecture ? for the raising of the charges , vvhich vvill amount to three thousand pound stock , or three hundred pound a yeare at the least , ( so much shal vvell cōtent both me and them , ) that shall be imploied in this happy worke : ( though if more be offered , vve knovv vvell hovv to vse and imploy it to the publique benefit : ) and of raising such a summe as this is , i doubt not , if some one of the cleargie or laitie shal not take vpon him the whole charge , as many in this kingdome are ( thankes be to god ) able , and would be willing , if they either knew of the good that is likely to come vnto the church , or the honor vnto themselues , and chiefly how much this busines doth concerne the glory of god , the assuring of the most materiall points controverted , whiles there are daily questions made , & doubts arising either about the editions , readings , translations , corruptions of whole bookes in pseudepigraphous writers , or of diuers hundreds of places in the true bookes , all which difficulties will easily be auoided ( as i trust ) by this one worke being once well done . but that such a stocke or annuall rent may be made , i doubt not ; but am somewhat confident , when i see how fruitfull our religion hath bin of good workes , and how many suttons and bodleyes , and other godly men it hath yeelded , no nation more : and herein no city , ( i except not rome her self ) without the hope of pardon , guile of confessours , and feare of purgatory , is able to match or equalize , much lesse to surpasse or exceed our famous city of london in the right vse and end of giuing as tokens of our faith , not as the meanes of our saluation . what shall i speak of the sages of our law , or innes of court ? but my desire is , and proposall shall be to offer this great honour , first vnto the cleargie of this land. the popish cleargie in france haue ( as i am informed ) at their owne charges printed the greek fathers , & shall not we be prouoked to doe the like for the latine , and many things else that import the weale publique of learning ? twelue pound out of euery diocese one with another , from the cathedrall churches , the reuerend bishops and cleargie , will make vp the sūme ; or if euery one of the cleargie of this famous church , will either giue yearely xij d , or but lend ij f , till any thing be printed , he shall haue the same againe with thankes , ( if it be demanded , ) deducted out of the booke , when any thing shall be printed ; i meane this xij d or two shillings of euery hundred pound , they making their own estimates of their liuings , and paying the same halfe yearely to the register of euerie diocese . but my intent is to desire , & not to prescribe vnto my superiours , who know better then i how to manage so weightie and important a busines , resting theirs wholly to command t. i. s. t. p. b. p. n. i approue of the things here proiected , & wish with all my heart they may take good effect lv. prideavx vicecanc . s. t. d. prof. reg. theol. rod. kettell preses coll. s. trinit . leon . hvtten aedis christi praebend . gvil . langton coll. magd. praeses . sebastianvs benefield lecturae margareticae professor . io. parkehvrst magister coll. ball. io. ravlenson principalis aulae s. edmundi . io. wilkinson aul. magd. praep. gvil . peirs decanus petriburgensis . sam . fell aedis christi praebend . tho. iles aulae cervinae principalis . ric. asteley custos coll. omnium animarum . rob. pinck novi coll. custos . gv. smyth coll. wadham . guard. io. tolson coll. oriel . praepositus . pavlvs hood coll. lincoln . rector . gvil . ivxon coll. d. io. praeses . archaioskopia, or, a view of antiquity presented in a short but sufficient account of some of the fathers, men famous in their generations who lived within, or near the first three hundred years after christ : serving as a light to the studious, that they may peruse with better judgment and improve to greater advantage the venerable monuments of those eminent worthies / by j.h. hanmer, jonathan, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) archaioskopia, or, a view of antiquity presented in a short but sufficient account of some of the fathers, men famous in their generations who lived within, or near the first three hundred years after christ : serving as a light to the studious, that they may peruse with better judgment and improve to greater advantage the venerable monuments of those eminent worthies / by j.h. hanmer, jonathan, - . howe, john, - . howell, james, ?- . [ ], p. printed for thomas parkhurst and jonathan robinson, london : . erroneously attributed to john howe and to james howell--halkett & laing, and dnb. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fathers of the church. church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : or , a view of antiquity . presented in a short , but sufficient account of some of the fathers ; men famous in their generations , who lived within or near the first three hundred years after christ . serving as a light to the studious , that they may peruse with better judgment , and improve to greater advantage , the venerable monuments of those eminent worthies . by j. h. m. a. perutile into necessarium est , ut ad lectionem patrum accessurus , habeat anted informatam in animò meth●dum , & sciat , quid sing●●lis sit praecipuum , & quasi emineat , ac ubi cavendi sint scopuli , &c. chemnit . de lectione patrum . london , printed for thomas parkhurst , and jonathan robinson ; at the bible and three crowns at the lower end of cheapside , and at the golden lyon in st. paul's church-yard . . imprimatur , g. iane r. p. d. henr. episc. lond. à sacris dom. decem. . . to the studious , especially such as are in the ministery or intend it . it 's our blessed saviour's encomium of iohn the baptist , that he was a burning and shining light , iohn . . in respect of purity of life , and perspicuity of doctrine , which eminently appeared in him : herein is he a minister's pattern , in whom both these are requisite : for light without life would make him little better then an ignis fatuus , apt to mislead ; or like a candle in the socket , not so pleasing by it's blaze , as offensive for it's ill savour ; and life without light will render him of little advantage , if not prejudicial ; both in conjunction make an happy mixture , and qualifie the person in whom they are for that weighty function . reading is his proper work , tim. . . which , with pains about his heart , and watchfulness over his flock , may well take up his whole time ; there will be little overplus for the unworthy world or worse imployments . one of the great wants he will have cause to complain of , will be of time , as too short for the dispatch of the grand affair personal and functional incumbent upon him : and indeed he that hath tasted the sweetness , or duly weigh'd the importance of those two , i much marvel how he should be taken off from , or neglective of either , for things comparatively so mean , and mostly pernicious . that which best deserves our pains in study is , . in the first place the sacred scriptures , discovering to us things most necessary and useful ; without the knowledg whereof , all our other accomplishments will prove but insignificant things , serving only for vain ostentation , as no way furthering our own , or others chiefest good . these therefore call for our diligent and daily perusal ; which we should labor to make familiar ; so that they may as a choice treasure dwell richly in us in all wisdom , that we may be as scribes instructed unto the kingdom of heaven , able upon all occasions to speak a word in season unto any that shall have recourse unto us either for counsel and direction in their doubts or for comfort and consolation in their distresses . to which we should never forget to joyn fervent prayer for the obtaining of the spirit , the only guide to the right understanding of these deep things of god , without which they will remain as riddles and a sealed book unto us ; of the great advantage hereof to study , luther ( who each day spent three hours in this duty ) out of his experience , thus speaks , benè oravisse est penè studuisse , and again , haec tria faciunt theologum , precatio , meditatio , tentatio ; melch. adam . . unto these , the writings of such as in the christian church are most ancient , challenge the next place ; who have obtained ( as accounted worthy of it ) the venerable title of fathers ; as nearest successors unto the apostoles , and therefore for some centuries together wont to be stiled apostolici , even as many as precedeed the first council of nice . parker de dsc . christ. l. . § . these well deserve our serious inspection , acquainting us not only with the meaning of the scripture , but the doctrine also and discipline agreeable thereto , preserved in , and maintained by the church ; who were ever held in great esteem , and approved of by the orthodox in the following ages unto this day ; from whom the learned and judicious zanchy did scruple to dissent , comparing them to old wine , which he preserred before new . epist. ante confes . fid . and in his observations upon that his confession ( composed by him for his family when he was seventy years old ) we have him twice declaring his mind herein , viz. in p. . his words are these . hoc ego ingenuò profiteor talem esse meam conscientiam , ut à ve●erum patrum sive dogmatibus , sive scriptur arum interpretationibus non facile , nisi vel manifestis sacr . literarum t●stimoniis , vel necessariis consequentiis , apertisque demonstrationibus convictus atque coactus discedere queam : sic enim acquiescit mea conscientia , & in hâc mentis quiete cupio etiam mori , and p. . — a quibus , inquit , presertim ubi plerique omnes consentiunt , me pro meâ tenerâ conscientiâ deflectere non au●ere , toti ecclesiae christi ingenuè confiteor . to reflect upon foregoing ages , in a landskip of them is a thing both pleasant and profitable ; for thus we seem to live in more ages then one , and in joy the benefit of that experience which the narrow limits of our own cannot afford . this may we be , in a sort said to do , in the view of those ancient worthies who are the subject of the ensuing discourse ; men living nearest the apostles times , and most perfectly resembling them in their excellencies ; the due contemplation whereof is like to produce the most notable effects in such as are seriously this way exercised . for what can be of more force to fit us for , and quicken us to our duty , then frequently to cast our eyes upon the pourtraitures of such men , in whom is represented what is most worthy our imitation ; seeing that to learn by example is not only the most facil , but effectual way ; this being , as the surest , so the most affecting sense , and what enters hereby , having the strongest influence . who can look upon that burning light ignatius , whose heart did so flame , and life spa●kle with love to christ and his church ; and not find himself at least warmed with the like holy affection ? who take into consideration the indefatigable industry of origen , and not be thereby excited to mend his pace , and bewailing former slackness to fall to his work with double diligence ? would we behold the sweet fruit of uncessant study in the vast and various knowledge attainable thereby , making men shine as stars of the first magnitude in their several spheres and to communicate their streams of light to after generations ; and would be awakened to the like course in order to the like , or at least considerable attainments ? let us fix our eye upon those magazines of learning clement , and tertullian . how eminently doth the beauty of christian zeal and courage in maintaining the truth and opposing heresie appear in those heroick champions iustine , irenaeus ▪ hilary ▪ and athanasius ? bulwarks for the defence & security of the one , against all the fierce assaults , and cunning underminings of its adversaries ; and mauls and engines for the battering and beating down of the other . in the last of whom , together with it , was most conspicuous the grace of invincible patience , making him adamant-like unyieldable unto the most violent attempts of restless persecutors . in divers of them may be seen in it's lustre that more then conquering grace of christian constancy , not loving their lives unto the death in the quarrel and for the honor of their lord and master , obtaining hereby the glorious crown of martyrdom , set upon their heads by that captain of our salvation ; briefly , what a goodly map ( as it were ) of the choicest christian vertues have we meeting together , and shining forth in holy cyprian , as so many stars in a constellation ; piety and prudence , meekness and humility , compassion and charity , patience and constancy in suffering often , and the utmost for the sake of christ ? of what singular advantage must it needs be to us , to have the endowments we should strive after , that may accomplish us for our station , in such lively colours represented and the things we should practice so fairly exemplified & set before our eyes , as in these eminent men we find them to be ? and for their writings they are a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a precious treasure , from whence ▪ being duly improved , we may be furnished with such things as may be of no small advantage to our selves , and make us no less useful unto others . for therein shall we meet with not a few apt interpretations and expositions of many texts of scripture ; such as will afford us more then ordinary light for the right understanding of them : divers grave and pithy passages which may well serve upon several occasions both for illustration and confirmation of any suitable subject ; also , nervous & weighty arguments wherewith they have so pressed and overborn the adversary , that the nakedness of error hath been discover'd to the confusion of it's fautors that have endeavoured to maintain it ; and the beauty and strength of truth to the great exultation and establishment of all that love it . lastly , the best account of the face and state of the church of christ , both as to the sound doctrine professed , and wholsom discipline exercised in them ; wherewith it may well be presumed they were better acquainted then most others , and could give us the fullest and truest information ; it having been their special work to publish and defend the one , and they having had the chiefest hand in the management of the other ; to all which add the necessity of a considerable insight into these ancient records , that we may become no contemptible antagonists to grapple with , and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tit. . . ) to stop the mouth of those of the romish synagogue , who , having shamefully corrupted the doctrines of christianity , and shunning the trial and determination of the scripture , betake themselves for shelter unto the monuments of these worthies , audaciously pretending that they are theirs , and with greatest , though groundless confidence of their patronage . the improvement of the ancients in these regards is the design and scope of the following treatise , presenting the reader with a scheme both of their lives and labors , as may beget in the mind a fair idea of both , and so prove a good step toward the attainment of the ends proposed ; for herein a brief account is given of each of the fathers discoursed of in this decade ; . of their lives and special imployments in the places of their abode ; and the dignities and offices they were advanc'd unto ; together with their diligence and continuance in them ; and various accidents betiding them . . of their excellencies and accomplishments whether natural or acquired by their industry , with their elogies in this regard ; which shew in what singular esteem they were held ( as they well deserved ) by the most pious and judicious in succeding ages . . the admirable products of their parts and pains , which they either left behind them , or intended so to do for the benefit of posterity ; whereof , . some are lost through the injury of time , little remaining of them besides their names and titles ; which yet here you find recorded , as far as by diligent search and inquiry after them , they could be found . . some have been happily preserved , and are extant at this day ; and because in the edition of the works of these worthies the brats of others ( which they would impudently father upon them ) are intermixed among their true and proper births , and of some 't is doubtful whose they are ; ( and hereof the romish champions make no small use and advantage for the upholding of their tottering and desperate cause ) you have here as full a catalogue as could be gotten of whatever bears their names , with a hint of what kind they are , whether genuine , spurious , or dubious ; to the end the reader may know ( as much as may be ) whom he hath to do withal , and so his abuse herein may be prevented ; and of the genuine , the augument and sum of each is briefly set down , together with the time and occasion of their writing , which may give some light to the understanding of them , help the reader in his choice , and provoke to diligence and attention . . the stile they used , which in some of them is such as that a perspicacious and critical observer may be able thereby to make a judgment , whether the piece he is perusing be indeed the authors whose name it bears , or no ; which in some of them is so elegant , and adorned with the flowers of rhetorick that it entertains the reader with singular contentment and delight ; and in whom it is otherwise , an intimation hereof is given , together with what may be apprehended to be the reason hereof . . a tast of the choice and useful passages , wherewith they do abound , which may serve for an invitation to the studious to bestow their time and pains upon them as being well assured they will be neither lost nor ill laid out , in case that care and judgment be not wanting ; . and because they were ( though more then ordinary ) yet but men , and so subject to slips and faillings , these are , salvo honore , taken notice of , with the causes of , at least , divers of them , that as rocks and shelves they may be avoided ; and the unwary student , together with what is orthodox , take not in that which is unsound and noxious . . all is closed with the close of all , their deaths , whether natural or violent , by whom , for what , and when and where procured . all which he that would throughly inform himself of ( as in some measure from this treatise he may do ) shall find it , i doubt not , a notable clew to wind and extricate him out of those labyrinths and difficulties , which otherwise he may haply be involved in ; and make his way and work by far more facil and pleasant ; which that it may be the issue of this undertaking is heartily desired by him who is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. h. each chapter consists of all ( or most ) of these following particulars concerning each father . § a brief account of his life and travels in the church . § his elogy and the esteem he was held in . § his labors and writings : whereof , . some are lost . . some remain : of which , . some are dubious . . some are spurious . . some are genuine , and of these . . their sum . . their censure . . § his language and stile . . § some notable and select passages . . § his slips and errors : whereof . the occasion and ground . . the apology and plea that may be made for some of them . . § his end and death . the fathers treated of in this treatise , viz. page . ignatius antiochenus . . iustinus martyr . . irenaeus lugdunensis . . clemens alexandrinus . . tertullianus . . origenes adamantius . . cyprianus carthaginensis . . lactantius firmianus . . athanasius alexandrinus . . hilarius pictaviensis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or , a view of antiquity . . ignatius antiochenus . § . as touching ignatius , ( surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that ancient and eminent bishop and martyr , what country-man he was , how brought up and educated , in what manner and by what means converted unto the christian faith , and advanced unto the weightier functions in the church , is no where extant nor recorded in history . the relation of nicephorus seems fabulous , and inconsistent with what is to be found in the epistles attributed by some unto ignatius himself , wherein 't is said , that he never saw christ corporally or in the flesh . he therefore could not be ( as the above-named author reports him to have been ) that little child that christ called unto him and set in the midst of his disciples , commending simplicity unto them , and saying , except ye be converted , and become as little children , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . but though he so saw not the lord jesus , yet did he live , and familiarly converse with them , that had so seen him ; being ( as is generally received ) the disciple of the apostle iobn , as were also his contemporaries , papias bishop of hierap●lis , and polycarp ordained by the said apostle bishop of smyrna , as was our ignatius bishop of antioch by the apostle peter , of whose right hand ( saith theodoret ) he received 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; of which church he was the third pastor or bishop , the apostle peter being the first , to whom next succeeded evodius , one of the seventy disciples , as saith dorotheus . eusebius makes ev●dius the first , and our ignatius the second pastor there ; which is true indeed of the fixed bishops of that city : for peter stayed but a while there , and then departed unto ierusalem and other eastern regions . if therefore the apostle peter begin the catalogue ( as some make him to do ) then is he the third ; but if evodint ( as others ) then the second bishop of that place . his zeal toward the house of god was exceeding great , even burning hot ; for which he was had in as great esteem , and most acceptable unto those of chiefest note , especially polycarp and the rest of the asian bishops : whereof they gave an ample testimony by their flocking to him as the most famous man of all the east , when they heard that he was lead bound toward rome . for in his way , being at smyrna , the neighboring churches having notice thereof , sent each of them their messengers to salute and visit him in their behalf ; among whom were the bishops of some of those places , accompanied by the elders and deacons ; the like also was performed by the bishop of philadelphia , upon his coming to troas ; an evident demonstration of the high and more then ordinary respect which they bare unto him ; and his answerable worth who ( as they deemed ) deserved it from them . § . he was accounted the first and chief of the oriental bishops , as excelling them all , both in the holiness of his life , and his powerfulness in preaching the gospel ; as well as in the prerogative of his seat : yea among the fathers of the primitive church he holds the first place : a doctor in every regard blessed ; whom bernard stiles by the name of the great ignatius , our martyr , with whose precious reliques ( saith he ) our poverty is inriched : a most holy man , and altogether the most ancient of all now extant ; one truly divine , and even unto our memory famous and in the mouthes of many : a clear evidence of his admirable worth , and that variety of the gifts of the holy ghost wherewith he was choicely adorned , a man of eminent sanctity , as also a singular and ●ervent lover of our lord jesus christ ; in publishing the word of god very zealous and no less learned ; in so much as his learning , as well as his vertues were celebrated of old ; amongst which , the magnanimity of his spirit in the cause of christ , happily conjoyned with sweet humility and holy simplicity , did add not the least lustre to this accomplish'd martyr . § . the remains of his learning and labors are only some few epistles , written by him unto several churches and persons not long before his death ; which as a certain well drawn picture do excellently represent and give us a lively image of him : for therein are notably discovered his vigorous and singular love to christ , his fervent zeal for god and his glory , his admirable and undaunted courage and magnanimity in his cause , accompanied with such sweet humility and exemplary meekness of spirit , that as in all he shewed himself to be a true disciple and follower of christ , so may he well serve as a pattern for the imitation of succeeding generation . talis erat sublimis illius animi submissio , & è contra , ejusdem submissi animi sublimitas , ut mirâ quadam connexione summis ima conjungat , quae admiratione & delectatione animum simul afficiant . such was the submission of that sublime soul , and on the other side , such the sublimity of that submisse soul , that with a certain admirable connexion he joyned together the lowest with the highest , both which may well affect the mind with wonderment and delight . these epistles do amount ( as now extant ) unto the number of fifteen , and may be divided or ranked in three sorts . . such as are genuine , and for the main and bulk of them by most apprehended and granted to be his ; of which casaubon thus ▪ for the epistles of ignatius , to deny them to be ( those ) of that most ancient martyr , and bishop of antioch , would be heresie at this day ; and verily as for some of them , we shall else where ( if it shall please the lord ) defend their antiquity by new reasons . these are six in number , though commonly thought to be seven , because so many are said to have been collected by polycarp bishop of smyrna , and so many are contained in the catalogues both of eusebius and ierom. but that skillful antiquary the reverend vsher conceives , that the epistle to polycarp ( which is reckoned among , and makes up the seven ) is none of his ; ignatius writing no peculiar epistle unto him , but that unto the church of smyrna only , directed both unto them , and also unto him joyntly , as their bishop or pastour : and this ( saith that learned author ) i do not at all doubt to have been in the mind of ierom ; whose words , ( et propriè ad polycarpum commendans illi antiochensem ecclesiam ) are to be read as in a parenthesis , not as denoting a distinct epistle from that to those of smyrna , but as relating to the same . for ( as the quick eyed casanbon observes ) those words of ignatius mentioned by ierom immediately after , ( in quâ arte ) are not taken out of the epistle to polycarp , ( as baronius imagined ) but out of that unto the church of smyrna , where only to this day they are to be read , and not in the other . and eusebius produceth the same words out of the epistle to the smyrncans : thus , hic ignatius cum smyrnaeis scriberet , &c. hence honorius augustodunensis , in his book de luminaribus ecclesiae , ( being an epitome of ierome , bennadius , isodore hispalensis , beda and others ) enumerating the epistles of ignatius , altogether omits that unto polycarpus , which therefore ought to be ( and is by vsher accordingly ) ranked among the second sort of his epistles . the six genuine epistles then are these , his epistle . to the ephesians , wherein he mentions onesimus their pastour . . to the church of magnesia , lying on the river meander , whose bishop was dama . . to the church of trallis , whose overseer was polybius . . to the church of rome . all these were written at smyrna in his journey from syria to rome . his epistle . to the church of philadelphia . . to the church of smyrna . written from troas . which yet the centurists leave to the consideration of the diligent reader , how unlikely it is that they who conducted him should go so much out of the direct way and road leading to rome , and fetch so great a compass about in their journey . though these ( and these only ) are judged to be genuine , yet have they not escaped the hands of those who have offered no small injury unto them ; having most unworthily corrupted these ancient reliques , partly by addition and interpolation of what never fell from the pen of ignatius , and partly by diminution and substraction of that which they saw would prove of disadvantage and prejudicial unto them . these epistles ( saith chemnitius ) have in them many sentences not to be contemned , especially as they are read in the greek , but withal there are mingled other things , not a few , which verily have not in them apostolical gravity : it 's most certain therefore ( saith cook ) that his epistles are either supposititious , or at least filthily corrupted ; so mangled and changed by insertion or resection . that ( saith rivet ) they are of little or no credit , but only in those things wherein they do agree with the writings of the apostles , from whose doctrine that ignatius did not recede , both his piety and learning do perswade us . so that even those six genuine epistles , through the foul abuse that hath been offered unto them , have clearly lost much of that authority which they they had of old . for the discovery of this fraud , take a few instances : in epist. ad philadelph . mention is made of this heresie ; that there was in christ no humane soul : yet was apollinarius laodicenus the first author thereof , who lived about the year , a long time after ignatius . and as this is foysted in , so are those words left out , which are cited by theodoret , in dialog . . being taken by him out of the epistle to the smyrneans : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e , they , saith he , ( speaking of those hereticks that denyed the truth of christ's flesh ) admit not of eucharists and oblations , but reject them , because from the eucharist is proved the truth of christ's flesh . for thus doth tertullian learnedly argue , lib. . contra marcionem . quod est phantasma , figuram capere non potest : atqui corpus christi capit figuram , scil . panem : igitur corpus christi non est phantasma . i wonder therefore ( saith scultetus ) what judgment they have , who bring this place of ignatius to establish trans and consubstantiation . that passage also mentioned by ierom , ( ignatius that apostolical man boldly writes , that the lord chose apostles who were sinners above all men ) is not now to be found , which yet ierom had out of one of the seven , ( if not rather six ) epistles contained in his catalogue , for he speaks of ( and therefore 't is probable he had seen ) no more . the second sort of epistles are such as are dubious , and concerning which it is very questionable whether they be his or no : of these there be also six in number , being the second collection , made ( as the reverend vsher conjectures ) by one stephanus gobarus tritheita about the year : by anastasius patriarch of antioch , about the year : and by the publisher of the constantinopolitan chronicle , about the year . so that in the sixth century after christ , they grew up to the number of , coming out of the same shop that vented the canons of the apostles , augmented by the addition of to the former ; as also the apostolical constitutions variously trimmed and altered . so that these are of a much later date than the former , the only genuine birth of this famous martyr . these latter six are . epistola ad mariam cassabolitam , or ( as some call her ) zarbensem . in two ancient manuscripts she is stiled maria proselyta chassabolorum , or castabolorum . it seems to be derived from the place of her birth or abode , or both , which may be a city in cilicia , in the lesser asia , not far from tarsus , famous for the birth of the apostle paul there . for so i find strabo making castabala to be a town of cilicia , situate somewhat near unto the mountain taurus . pliny also reckons it for one of the inland towns of this country , near unto which are the anazarbeni , now called caesar-augustani : the inhabitants of the city anazarbus ( fruitful in olives , saith rhodignie ) the birth place of the renowned dioscorides , as also of oppian the poet : so stephanus bizantii , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · to whom add niger , thus speaking , the city cesarea was aforetime called anazarbeum , situate near the mountain anazarbeum : again , castabala also is another town beside the mountain taurus . so that with a little alteration ( which might happen through time and the errour of transcribers ) she might have the name of cassobolita from the one , and of zarbensis from the other of those towns. accordingly i find in one of the latine versions , this epistle inscribed thus , ad mariam cassobolitam , sive castabalitam : and so doth the reverend primate chuse to name her in the same chapter . the scholiast upon this epistle , thinks this to be that mary whom , among others , the apostle paul salutes , rom. . . a woman of singular piety , and stiled by our author , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most accomplished for wisdom and learning , and his most learned daughter . . to polycarp bishop of smyrna . . to the church of tarsis . . to the church of antioch . . to hero deacon of antioch . . to the church at philippi . baronius is very confident , that these as well as the former are ignatii germanas easdemque sincerissimas , the true and unfeigned epistles of ignatius : supposing that none can rationally doubt thereof , who will compare them together ; seeing that in the judgment of all the learned , their agreement in stile , character and many other notes of words , sentences and things doth plainly speak out and evidence so much ; than which ( saith he ) a better proof cannot be brought or desired ▪ so that there is no ground for the least suspicion of imposture . but these big words of his upon examination will appear to be of little or no force , as the reverend vsher shews : for as touching the likeness of stile , &c. between these epistles , it is not such or so great , but he that would counterfeit ignatius , might easily imitate him so far . the forger observed some forms of speech and composition , frequently occurring and familiar to him , which he conceived was for his purpose carefully to retain . he considered that ignatius delighted in compounding words with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the end , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the beginning : for as he himself was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so are the ephesians praised by him as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words and the like he useth also in other of his epistles . hence the same words are taken up by the framer of these epistles . so likewise in the true ignatius we meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. wherein he is imitated by his counterfeit , as also in divers other expressions and sentences , which the impostor might do without any great difficulty : so that it ought not to seem strange , if there be in some sort an uniformity of stiles found in them . besides , the deceit may be discerned by some passages contained in these , which cannot be imagined ever to have fallen from the pen of ignatius , e. g. this is reckoned among the heresies sown by the ministers of satan , that christ is he who is god over all . again , if any one shall fast on the lord's day , or sabbath ( one only excepted ) he is a murderer of christ : also , if any one celebrate the pascha with the jews , or receive the symbol of the festivity , he is partaker with those who slew the lord and his apostles : wherein he condemns the romans , who used to fast on the sabbath : and polycarp , whom he calls most blessed , together with the asian or eastern churches , who kept the pascha or easter after the manner of the jews . viz. as to the day whereon they observed it : which plainly shew the author of these epistles to have been some latter , obscure and absurd fellow , altogether unlike ignatius . moreover , in these epistles there is some mention of some stiled laborantes , who are ranked among the orders of the clergy : and diaconissae , & cujusdam divini cursoris , or letter-carrier , of which functions or offices ecclesiastical , there is a deep silence among the ancients ; which , how could it have been , had ignatius written so plainly of them ? lastly , writing to polycarp , he thus speaks , attend unto your bishop , that god may to you : what had he forgot , that he wrote to a bishop ? almost throughout this whole epistle , i find , saith scultetus , the genuine ignatius wanting . and well might he say so , had he only taken notice of those two words , which argues the author to have been but a mean grecian , and very unskillful in that language , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the copious greek were destitute of words , by which to express the latine deposita and accepta . upon such considerations as these , the famous whitaker thus concludes concerning five of these latter epistles : ( for he accounts the genuine to be seven , because that to palycarp is reckoned as distinct from that unto the church of smyrna , both by eusebius and ierom ) it 's apparent ( saith he ) that five of these are without doubt adulterate and spurious : again , it 's certain these are suppositious , and foisted in by others . and therefore though baronius do affirm , that four of these should be added by the philippians , unto the former , collected by polycarp , and sent unto them ; and that they were afterward commonly known both to the greeks and latines ( which yet neither eusebius among the greeks , nor ierom among the latines ( both of them curious enough in their enquiries ) came to the sight and knowledge of ) who can imagine , and would give credit thereunto upon the bare report of the cardinal ? — credat iudaeus apella , non ego . besides these , there are three more of a later date added to the former by antiocbus the monk , who lived under the emperour heraclius , and so seems to be coetaneous with the constantinopolitan chronicler , one of those formerly mentioned , who collected the second rank of epistles , between which two collections there could therefore be no great distance of time . thus now at last they are grown up to the number of fifteen : the three last added are , . one unto the virgin mary , together with her answer . . two unto the apostle iohn . which , saith bellarmine , are not to be found among the greek copies of his epistles , nor do they at all savour of the gravity of ignatius his stile . and baronius leaves it to the prudence of the pious reader , whether he will allow them any credit or no : only ( saith he ) we know that they are cited by bernard , and some later● authors make mention of them : but ( saith possevine ) they are of no such certain credit as the other ; yea , seeing they are not found written in greek , nor mentioned by any of the ancient fathers , ad bernardum usque , unto the obscure age of bernard : it 's the safer course in my judgment ( saith mastraeus ) to rank them among the number of apocryphal writings , or at least to account them not altogether certain and genuine . so faintly and dubiously do even the romanists themselves speak of the authority of these three last epistles . hence may we observe with what caution the epistles of ignatius , even the most received and undoubted ( since so corrupted ) are to be made use of ; and upon how weak and sandy a foundation ( viz. the pretended authority of ignatius ) the papists build their unsound doctrines , of superstitious honouring the virgin mary , of the name of pope given to the bishops of rome , of the real presence , of collegiate and cloystered virgins , of the vertue of the sign of the cross to terrifie the devil , of their feasts and lenten fast , of the authority of traditions and of the church of rome . and well may they be driven to such shifts , who shun the scripture● as insufficient : yea , justly are they given up to these delusions , who not contenting themselves with the sacred oracles alone , and the doctrines contained in them , ( which are able to make perfect , and wise unto salvation ) do fansie and devise new ones in their own brains , and then coyn and impose authorities pretendedly ancient for the maintaining of them . frivolous therefore and vain is the flourish of baronius ; that it came to pass by the admirable counsel and providence of god , that these epistles should all of them be written by ignatius , and notwithstanding the shipwrack which so many writings have suffer'd , yet that these should be preserved intire and uncorrupt : whereas 't is very evident that the greater part of them now extant are counterfeit , and not his , and the genuine miserably corrupted and alter'd . so that it may upon better ground be said , that herein the good providence of god hath been eminently seen , that he hath been pleased to stir up and assist some of his servants in vindicating the writings of this , and other of the ancients from the injury that hath been offered them by base and disingenuous spirits , who have preferr'd their own interest before the honour and truth of god ; and in plucking off the vizar , and discovering the fraud and leger-demain of those that would abuse and cheat the world , by the obtrusion of novelty instead of antiquity thereupon . § . his stile savours of a certain holy simplicity , as did the state of the church at that time , full of gravity , suitable unto a primitive bishop ; lively , fiery and solid , becoming so glorious a martyr . § . that which is chiefly remarkable in these epistles , are those passages which are mentiond by eusebius and ierom , as being most unquestionably such as fell from the penof this blessed martyr : wherein are in a lively manner drawn and deciphered the purtraiture of his most excellent spirit , his singular and vigorous love to the lord jesus , ( whose name is said to have been ingraven upon his heart in letters of gold ) as also his undaunted courage and magnanimity in his cause accompanied with unconquerable constancy and sweet humility . . his earnest desire of martyrdom , he thus expresseth : from syria even unto rome i fight with beasts , by land and sea , night and day ; bound with ten leopards , i.e. with a guard of souldiers , who are the worse for favors : but i am the more instructed by their injustice , yet neither hereby am i justified : would to god i might injoy the beasts which are prepared for me ; who , i wish may make quick dispatch with me ; and whom i will allure to devour me speedily ( lest , as they have been terrified at others , and did not touch them , so they would not dare to touch my body ) and if they will not , i will even force them thereunto ; pardon me , i know what is best for me : now i begin to be a disciple ( of christ : ) desiring nothing of these things which are seen , so i may win jesus christ. let fire , cross , and troops of violent beasts , breaking of bones , dissipation of members , contrition of the whole body , and all the torments of the divel , let them all come upon me , that i may injoy jesus christ. . when he was now condemned to the wild beasts , and with an ardent desire of suffering , heard the lions roaring ; saith he , i am the wheat of god , whom the teeth of wild beasts shall grind , that i may be found the pure or fine bread of god. immediately before which , go these words . i write to all the churches , and injoyn them all ; because i willingly die for god , if ye hinder not : i beseech you therefore that your love toward me be not unseasonable . suffer me to become the meat of wild beasts , by whom i may obtain god. . his care of the churches was very great , whom he earnestly presseth to holiness and a conversation becoming the gospel : and commendeth unto polycarp , ( whom he well knew to be an apostolical man ) , the flock or congregation of antioch ; praying him to be careful of the business there , about the election of a bishop or pastor in his room : manifesting herein his zeal for god and his glory , as also his cordial affection and fidelity to the brethren . besides these , there are in the epistles other things worthy of notice , though not so undoubtedly his , as the above-mention'd ; they are such as these . . his creed or brief sum of christian doctrine , wherein he accords with the apostles creed . his words are , beloved , i would have you to be fully instructed in ( the doctrine of ) christ who before all ages was begotten of the father , afterward made of the virgin mary without the company of man ; and conversing holily , and without blame , he healed all manner of infirmities and sicknesses among the people , and did signs and wonders for the benefit of men , and revealed his father , one and the only true god ; and did undergo his passion , and by his murtherers the jews , suffered on the cross under pontius pilate president , and herod the king , and was dead , and rose again , and ascended into heaven unto him that sent him , and fitteth at his right hand , and shall come in the end of the world in his fathers glory to judge the quick and the dead , and to render unto every one according to his works . he that shall fully know and believe these things is blessed . . though he were one of the most eminent men of his time both for piety and learning , yet out of the depth of his humility he thus speaks of himself , when bound for christ and his truth and lead toward his martyrdom ; stiling his chains 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : spiritual pearls : although i be bound ( saith he ) yet am i not to be compared unto any one of you that be at liberty . again , speaking of the pastours of the church ; saith he , i blush to be named and accounted in the number of them ; for i am not worthy , being the last , lowest or meanest of them , and an abortive thing : he also divers times stiles himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the least . . speaking of the lords day ; let every christian , saith he , celebrate as a festival , the day of the lords resurrection , which is the most eminent of all days . . a pious and religious man is money coyned and stamped of god ; but a wicked and irreligious man is false and counterfeit coyn of the devils making , matth. . . . as touching antiquity , thus : i have heard , saith he , some to say ; i will not believe if i find not the gospel among the ancient records . but to such i say , that jesus christ is to me antiquity ; whom not to obey is manifest and irremissible ruine . . the spirit of errour preacheth self , speaking it 's own proper things , or notions , for it is self-pleasing , and glorifies it self : it is bitter , full of falshood , seducing , slippery , proud , arrogant , talkative , dissonant , immensurate , pertinacious , streperous . . he warneth the ephesians to avoid and beware of hereticks , of whom many were sprung up in his time ; and for so doing he commendeth that church as most pure , renowned , and to be praised of all ages ▪ because they denied them passage , who wandred up and down to spread their errours , and shut their ears against them . these hereticks in his epistle to the trallensians he particularly names , viz. those who held the heresie of simon , as did menander and basilides , and their followers , the nicholaitans , theodotus , and cleobulus : giving them this character , that they are vain speakers and seducers , not christians , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as set christ to sale , and made a gain of him , fraudulently pretending the name of christ , and corrupting the word of the gospel ; mingling the venom of their errour with sugred words , as those that infuse poison into sweet wine , that by the delicious savour and relish thereof he that drinks it being deceived and taken , may unawares be destroyed . . to the romans he thus writes : request this only for me , that i may be supplied with strength , both within and without not only to say but to will , not only to be called , but also to be found a christian. a christian when he is hated of the world , is beloved of god. it is better to die for christ , then reign to the ends of the earth . life without christ is death . my love was crucified . § . as touching the cause of his martyrdom , it 's thus related . when the emperour trajan returned from the parthian war , and every where in the cities commanded heathenish sacrifices to be offered ; which were sharply and justly reprehended by ignatius even in the presence of trajan ; he was delivered bound with chains unto a band of souldiers to be carried to rome ; whither being come , he was not long after brought into the theatre , and there had two fierce lions let loose upon him , and forthwith rent and devoured him leaving only the harder bones ; and so according to his desire , the wild beasts became his sepulchre : which betided him in the eleventh year of trajan ; and of christ , one hundred and ten ; after he had been bishop or pastor of the church of antioch the space of fourty years : for he succeeded evodius in that office , an. seventy one , and continued therein unto the year , one hundred and ten . shortly after , viz. anno one hundred and eleven , followed a mighty and terrible earth-quake , wherein many perished in divers places , by the fall of houses which overwhelmed them ; among other in the city of antioch , quam penè totam subruit , which was almost ruin'd by it ; at what time the emperour being there was in great danger , and like to have perished by the fall of the house in which he lived , being drawn out of it through a window and so preserved ; this terrible earth-quake is particularly described by dion cassius . iustin martyr . § . jvstinus surnamed first the philosopher , afterward the martyr , he was the son of priscus bacchius , of the city of flavia neapolis , of syria palestina ; for so he stiles himself : which city was before called sichem , and corruptly in the time of christ , sichar , the metropolis of samaria , situate in mount ephraim , a city of refuge : the natives called it mabortha : pliny m●mortha ; now it hath the name of napolosa , or napolitza and naplos . hence he is said to be a samaritan , and he himself affirms so much , thus speaking , neither did i fear to offend mine own nation , the samaritans , when i gave my libel or apology unto caesar . being a philosopher greatly delighted with the doctrine of plato , he was afterward converted to christianity by the courage and constancy of christians in their sufferings and martyrdom : for hearing that they were led captives , neither fearing death nor any torments which are accounted terrible : i thought ( saith he ) it could not be , that this kind of men should be subject unto vice , and set on pleasures ; for what voluptuous or intemperate man can so embrace death ? he also elsewhere relates how he was brought to the knowledge of the christian religion by a divine hand guiding him thereunto , after this manner . being enflamed with a vehement desire after true philosophy , he joyned himself to almost all the several sects of philosophers , in order to his attaining of it : in the first place , unto that of the stoicks ; from whom after a while he departed , because among them he could learn but little of god : leaving them , he next applied himself unto one of the peripateticks , who demanding a reward of him , he forsook him thereupon , as not esteeming such a one ( a meer mercenary ) to be at all a philosopher : from him he went to one of great fame among the pythagoreans , who asked him if he were skilled in musick , astronomy , geometry , &c. to whom he replyed , that he was altogether unacquainted with those sciences . hereupon understanding that it would be but lost labour , to endeavour after the knowledge of those things that conduce unto true happiness , till he had gotten somewhat that way ; he was much grieved that he should fail and be disappointed of his hopes . therefore bidding him farewel , he betakes him unto the platonicks , under one of whom he profited very much , and was greatly delighted in those studies , deeming that in a short time he should this way attain unto the knowledge of god. being much taken up , and eager in the pursuit of what he sought for , he gets him into a desart from the society of men , where he was followed by ( as he thought ) a grave old man , who ( when iustin turning about had espyed him ) asked him , if he knew him : he answered no. after much discourse with him , he told him it was a vain thing for him to imagine , that he should find the knowledge of the truth among the philosophers , who themselves knew not god , nor were assisted by the holy ghost , and having for some time had communication together about the immortality of the soul , about rewards and punishments : iustin assented unto what he had said , and demanded of him by what means he might arrive unto the true knowledge of god. he willed him to read and search the prophets , and to joyn prayer thereunto : asking him again what master he should make use of ? above all ( quoth the old man ) do thou pray that the door of light or illumination may be opened unto thee : for those things ( which are contained in the prophets ) cannot be apprehended by any , but by him alone to whom god and his christ will give understanding . and having so said , he suddenly vanished , neither did iustin from that time see him any more . hereupon forsaking the philosophers whom formerly he had followed , he forthwith fell upon this course , and so became a christian. as touching the former of these relations , it is nothing improbable , that the admirable and extraordinary constancy of christians in their greatest sufferings for christ might be an inducement unto him to enquire after the doctrine and religion which they professed , the truth whereof they could so willingly and chearfully seal with their blood : a notable demonstration of the excellency and divine original thereof , and so might it make way to his conversion . many instances might be given of the strange effects that such spectacles have produced in the hearts of those that have been the spectators : trajan himself ( who moved the persecution against the christians ) hearing good ignatius ( at that time when the lions were ready to be let loose upon him ) to utter those words , i am the wheat of christ , whom the teeth of wild beasts must grind , to make me pure bread for god : with admiration breaks out into these words , grandis est tolerantia christianorum , great is the patience of the christians : who of the greeks would suffer so much for his god ? to whom ignatius meekly replyed ; not by mine own , but by the strength of christ do i undergo all this . but as for the latter , whether he had such an apparition or no , and directions given him by his old man , what course he should take that he might come to the knowledge of the truth ; penes lectorem esto , i leave unto the prudent reader to judge ; yet was not augustin's tolle , lege , altogether unlike it ; neither are histories wholly barren and silent in relations of the like kind . the gravity and piety of the author may justly challenge from us a suspension at least of our censure , and stir us up to take notice of the variety of ways that god hath ( who can , if in his infinite wisdom he see it meet ) go out of the way of his ordinary providence to bring his great counsels to pass , and the things he hath purposed to his chosen from eternity , after that he had once given up his name to christ , he became a most notable champion and defender of the christian faith against the enemies thereof in every kind , especially the heathen philosophers , the bitter opposers of it , with whom he maintained with a great spirit many sharp conflicts and disputes for the vindication of it from their calumnies : for which work he was singularly furnished and instructed , being well studyed and exercised in the doctrine of the gentiles , and eminently skilled in philosophy , as the very addition to his name more than intimates , being commonly stiled iustin the philosopher . moreover , he was very ready and expert in the scriptures , as may be eminently seen in his colloquies with triphon the jew , whom ( as another apollos , and eloquent man and mighty in the scriptures ) he mightily convinced that jesus was the christ , and had undoubtedly won him to embrace the faith , had he not rather chosen to imitate the inbred obstinacy of his nation , than yield to manifest and invincible truth : as saith the publisher and perfecter of that latine translation and edition which gelenius had began and enterprised , but could not finish , being prevented by death . § . he was an holy man , and a friend of god , leading a life very much exercised in virtue ; an eminent lover and worshipper of christ , which he abundantly manifested in being one of the first that in those times of hot persecution ( wherein the very name of christian was accounted a crime sufficient for them to be proceeded against with utmost rigour ) took unto him the boldness to be the christians advocate , ( a title peculiarly given to one vetius epagathus , who being moved with indignation at the unjust proceedings used against the christians , desired that he might be heard in their behalf , undertaking to prove that no impiety was to be found in them ; for which cause , he was afterward stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the advocate of the christians ) publickly to plead their cause , to clear their innocence , and to vindicate them from the groundless calumnies wherewith they were aspersed by their adversaries , in his learned apologies ; which he tendred unto the emperours and senate of rome : as did also about the same time , aristides and quadratus , who all three presented their apologies unto the emperour adrian ; the like did athenagoras unto aurelius antoninus and commodus the next succeeding emperours . wherein ( having with singular zeal broken the ice ) they were afterward followed by divers : amongst the rest , apollinaris bishop of hierapolis , apollonius a noble-man and senator of rome , melito bishop of sardis , tertullian , &c. he was one that had attained the height and top of philosophy , both christian and prophane , abounding in the riches of learning and history ; but little studious to set out the native beauty of his philosophy with the borrowed colours of the art of oratory : and therefore , though his books be otherwise full of strength and stuffed with knowledge ; yet have they but little relish or savour of the sauce of art , nor do they with winning inticements , and cunning insinuations allure vulgar auditors : so much he himself freely confesseth ; i shall ( saith he ) deal with you out of the scriptures , not shewing much art in the choice and quaintness of words ; for i am not endewed with such a faculty ; only god hath given me grace to understand the scriptures . so that there is to be found in him more solidity and strength of argument , than of the flowers and flourishes of rhetorick . and yet is not this later altogether wanting in his writings in the judgement of the author of the parisian edition : for that he was an oratour ( saith he ) is apparent from hence , that his apologies for the christians prevailed so far with the emperours , that the rigour and cruelty that was formerly exercised toward them , was much mitigated and abated ; which to effect , no small piece of rhetorick was requisite . the success whereof eusebius gives us an account of , to this purpose . the emperour upon the receit of his apology became more mild , setting forth his decree at ephesus , wherein among other , these words concerning the christians are to be read . concerning these men , many of the presidents of the provinces have heretofore written to my father adrian : to whom he wrote back again ; that such should not be molested , unless they were found to have attempted something against the roman empire . and many have informed me also concerning them ; to whom i returned a like answer as my father had done . if therefore hereafter any one shall persist to occasion trouble unto such , as such ; let him that is accused be freed from the accusation : and let the accuser undergo punishment . § . of the books which he wrote ; in the general eusebius thus speaks : iustin hath left behind him unto posterity many monuments of a mind accurately instructed , and full fraught with profit in every kind : which seem to be the first after the apostolical times that have come to our hands . of these , some are lost and perished , only we find the names or titles of them recorded by himself and others ; of this sort are , as ierom hath them . . a volume against the gentiles , wherein he disputeth of the nature of devils : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : de exilio daemonum : of the exile of devils , saith suidas . . a fourth volume against the gentiles , which he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a refutation ; trithemius calls it , castigationum , lib. . . of the monarchy of god : of which more anon . . a book which he called , psaltes . . of the soul : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a scholastical discourse , wherein various questions being propounded , he annexed the opinions of the heathen philosophers , which he promised to answer , and to give his own judgement concerning them in a certain other commentary . . against marcion the heretick , lib. . saith trithemius : how many for number , it 's uncertain . books saith photius , necessary to be read ; stiled by ierom insignia volumina , famous and excellent volumes . . against all heresies ; or sects as suidas , a profitable work , saith photius . . a commentary upon genesis . . a commentary upon the apocalypse : so ierom in the life of the apostle iohn . being banished , ( saith he ) into the isle of patmos , he wrote the apocalypse , which iustin martyr and irenaeus do interpret . . possevine saith , that in the catalogues of greek manuscript books which came to his hands , is to be seen such an inscription as this . iustini philosophi & martyris , explicatio in st. dionysii areopagitae episcopi atheniensis hierarchiam ecclesiasticam , & mysticam theologiam . . an epistle ad papam : mentioned by himself in his epistle to zena and sirenus . the books now extant under his name are of two sorts . . some genuine and by all granted to be his , viz. . paraenesis , his exhortation to the grecians : wherein he exhorts them to embrace the christian religion as being of greater authority , and of more antiquity than the heathenish : and in the end , shews them the way how they may attain it . . an oration unto the greeks : wherein he lays down the reasons , why he forsook their rites ; and invites them , to embrace the christian religion . yet is neither of these mentioned by ei●sebius or ierom. . his first apology , unto the senate of rome ; which bellarmine conceives to be the later , and not given up unto the senate ( as our books have it ) but unto marcus and lucius the successors of pius , and that this common deceit was hence occasioned , because the first apology ( as they are usually placed ) wants the beginning , and therefore it could not be known unto whom it was directed . herein . he complains of their most unjust proceedings in punishing the christians meerly for the name . . he makes answer unto those things which were objected to them by the gentiles . . he requests them , that to their decree , if they should publish any thing concerning this thing , they would publickly annex this apology , that the innocency of the christians might be known unto all . . his second apology which he tendred unto antoninus pius , to his sons , and to the whole senate and people of rome ; which baronius calls , fortem & gravem apologiam , a strong and grave apology , first named both by eusebius and ierom , and therefore likely to be the first of the two . the sum whereof baronius gives us in these words : multa exprobrat de iniquissimis in christianos judiciis , &c , i. e. he much upbraids them for their most unjust proceedings against the christians , viz. for that without any inquiry into cause or matter , they were adjudged to death as the most impious and flagitious of all men ; and that for no other reason , but because they were christians ; the very name being accounted crime enough . wherefore he doth notably clear them from the several calumnies cast upon them , and fully demonstrates their innocency by many arguments : particularly that they were not such as they were commonly fam'd to be , viz. atheists , because though they worshipped not the gods of the heathen , yet they knew the true god , and performed that service that was agreeable unto him : also that they looked not for an earthly kingdom ( as was suspected of them , for which cause the romans stood in fear of a rebellion and their defection from them ) but a divine and heavenly , that made them most willing to run the hazard , and suffer the loss of this present life ; which they never could do , were they possessed with any desires of reigning in the world. moreover , he wipes off those blasphemies wherewith the christians were loaded , for their worshipping of a crucified man , by such as were altogether ignorant of the mystery of the cross of christ. shewing , that the religion of such as worshipped the gods was but a vain and sordid superstition . he likewise learnedly and copiously discourseth of the divinity of christ , and of his incarnation or assuming our nature : and unfolds many things of the mystery of the cross : and by many clear and convincing arguments proves the verity of the christian faith : withal insinuating their harmless life , exact observance of chastity , patience , obedience , peaceableness , gentleness , and love , even to their very enemies . lastly , he lays before them the rites or manner observed by the christians in their sacred mysteries , viz. baptism , and the lord's supper , &c. because of the slanders that were raised and scattered abroad concerning them , as if horrible and abominable things were practiced by them ( such indeed as are not to be once named among them ) in their secret meetings upon such occasions . all which he performed with such admirable liberty and boldness , as became so zealous and advocate in so good a cause : wherein the magnanimity of his spirit moved with an holy indignation , may evidently be discern'd by the seriousness of the matter contained in it , and the solidity of the arguments by which , what he undertook is fully proved . . a dialogue or colloquy with tryphon a jew : which morel calls , illustris disputatio ; a notable disputation in ephesus a most famous city of asia , with tryphon the chief of the jewish synagogue , continued by the space of two whole days , for the truth of the christian religion : wherein he proves the jews to be incredulous , contumacious blasphemers of christ and christians ; infidels and corrupters of the scriptures , falsly interpreting the words of the prophets : and most clearly demonstrates by innumerable testimonies , fetched from the old law , that jesus our saviour , is the true messiah , whom the prophets foretold should come . . an epistle to zena and serenus ; which comprehends the whole life of a christian man , whom he instructs in all the duties belonging to him : of which yet bellarmine makes some doubt whether it be his or no. . an epistle unto diognetus ; wherein he shews why the christians have left the jews and greeks ; what their life and doctrine is , and why they contemn death . as not the two first , so neither are these two last mentioned by eusebius or ierom : yet are all these seven conceived to be the proper works of iustine . besides these there are other extant under his name , which yet are either question'd , or conceived to be none of his ; but supposititious , & falsly ascribed to him : they may be discerned from those that are genuine , either by the diversity of the stile , or some other evident notes distinguished the one from the other . and they are these that follow . . his book de monarchia : the stile whereof is not unlike that of iustine : yet is it doubtful , whether he were the author of it : . because the title differs from that mentioned by eusebius , ierom , photius and suidas , who intitle the book written by him , de monarchia dei : whereas this is only de monarchia . . in that he tells , that he fetcheth testimonies not only from our own authors , i. e. the sacred scriptures ; but also writings of the heathens : whereas in this now extant , the later sort of testimonies only are to be found . gelenius also in his latin edition of the works of iustin , ( which he saith comprehended all those then extant ) leaves this out altogether . perionius therefore concludes , that either this , that we now have is not perfect , but wants many pages ; or else for certain iustin wrote another book upon this subject . miraeus is of this judgement , that half of the other book de monarchia remains ; and that half of one book de monarchia dei is lost . the sum of it is to exhort the greeks , to leave their idolatry , and to worship the true god ; whom their poets did acknowledge to be the only creator and governour of all things ; but made no reckoning at all of their feigned gods . . an exposition of the true faith , or of a right confession of the holy and coessential trinity . which by divers arguments may evidently be proved to be none of his ; especially . . by the stile , which seems to differ from that of iustin , being more curt and neat than his . . because he speaks much more apertly and distinctly of the mysteries of the trinity , and incarnation , than the writers of that age are wont to do . . none of the ancients make mention of it . . the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. were not then so usual in the church : nor are they any where to be found in the writings of iustin , when as yet he sometimes professedly handles the doctrine of the trinity . bellarmine himself therefore is doubtful of it : ambigo , saith he , ●n ejus sit : and well he might , there being so much cause . but whoever were the author of it , it is an excellent and profitable discourse , and worthy of such an author as iustin. herein he shews , that there is indeed but one god , who is known in the father , son , and holy spirit ; and that these three have but one and the same essence , as also discourseth of the incarnation of the word ; who is mediator according to both natures , the manner of the union whereof in christ is ineffable . . a confutation of certain opinions of aristotle : which ( saith possevine ) iustin did not write ; neither will baronius undertake to determine whether it be his or no. eusebins , ierom and suidas mention it not ; for which cause it is justly rejected , as not written by iustin ; though photius speak of it as his , and it have no evident note of falshood , in the judgement of bellarmine ; therefore , saith he , i have nothing to say one way or other . . certain questions propounded by the christians to the gentiles , and their answers to them , together with a confutation of those answers . which piece , as the stile bewrays it to be none of iustins ; so may it easily be discerned also from the often mention of the manichees in the confutation of the answer to the first question : who arose above an hundred years after iustin. . certain questions propounded by the greeks or gentiles , with the answers of the christians unto them . which are ranked with the former by the centurists . . this answers to questions , unto the orthodoxes : it seem not to iustins , saith possevine ; the same thinks bellarmine : yea , that this is certain , many things contained in them do plainly evince . as . some words , which were not in use in the church , till a long time after iustin. e. g. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. . in them is cited irenaeus . quest. . whom he stiles a martyr : yet did iustin die some fourty years before : viz. an. . where irenaeus suffered martyrdom , an . . according to the account of baronius . also origen is quoted , quest. . & . who yet was long after iustin. . divers passages are here to be found , which are cross to what is contained in the genuine writings of iustin. e. g. that the witch of endor did but delude the eye ; that they seemed to see samuel , when 't was not he . quest. . whereas iustin asserteth that 't was the true samuel that was raised . also , quest. . the angel that spake with iacob and moses , and other of the patriarchs , is said to be a created angel ; and that for his office committed to him , he was honoured with the name of god. whereas iustin earnestly contends and affirms , that that angel was christ the son of god. add hereto , that the stile shews them to be counterfeit ; which seems ( saith sixtus senensis ) not unlike unto that of theodoret in his questions upon the octoteuch : and it is conceived that they were written by some one who lived about that time . besides all this , there are among them so many questions and answers , unworthy of the piety , candour and learning of iustin , that if they be compared with his true writings , they will be found to differ no less than gold and lead , the one from the other . upon how frail a foundation then are those unsound doctrines of the papists built ( for the proof whereof these spurious writings are often alledged ) viz. the lawful use of the cross , the virgin mary without sin , keeping and worshipping of reliques , religious vows , baptism necessary unto salvation , the use of chrism , ceremonies of the mass , free-will and that confirmation is a sacrament . § . the stile that iustin used , was vehement and worthy of one that handled serious matters : but it came nearer to that of the philosopher , than to that of the orator ; which is the reason why he is sometimes obscure . § . many things of special note , and very observable are to be met withal in this ancient author : among the rest are such as these . . he acquaints us with the manner of the christians performance of the duties of worship in their publick assemblies ; which was thus : upon the day which is called sunday ( saith he ) or the first day of the week , are the meetings or publick assemblies of those inhabiting both the city and country : where are read , as time will permit , the writings of the prophets and apostles : the reader having ended , the pastor or president makes an exhortation instructing and stirring them up to imitation of things that are honest : afterward , we all rise up together , and offer up prayers ; which concluded , there is brought forth bread , and wine , and water : then the pastor , according to his ability , offers up prayers and thanksgivings , the people saying amen . then being consecrated , they are distributed unto every one , and sent to such as are absent by the deacon . the wealthier sort , if they please , contribute somewhat , as they will : and what is gathered , is deposited with the pastor ; who therewith relieves orphans , widdows , and such as through sickness , or any other necessity are in want ; as also such as are in bonds and strangers ; briefly he takes care of all that are poor . and therefore do we meet upon sunday , because upon it god dispelling the darkness , and informing the first matter , created the world , and also because upon that day jesus christ our saviour rose again from the dead . and a little before he thus speaks of the same matter . after baptism we bring him that believes and is added to us , to the place where the brethren , as they are called , are congregated , making their joynt prayers for themselves , or he that is illuminated or baptized , and for all others every where , with all their might . prayers being ended , we mutually salute one another with a kiss : then is there offered unto the pastor ( or president ) bread and a cup of water and wine : he receiving them , returns or sends up praise and glory unto the father of all things , through the name of the son and holy spirit ; and largely gives thanks , for that he accounted us worthy of these gifts : when he hath finished the prayers and thanksgiving , all the people that are present , follow him with their well-wishing acclamations , saying , amen , and , amen , in the hebrew tongue , signifies , be it so . then , after that the president hath ended the thanksgiving , and all the people have given their acclamations and approbations , they that with us are called deacons distribute to every one of those that are present , that each may partake of that bread , wine and water , that hath been blessed , and carry it unto those that are absent . and this nourishment or food among us is called the eucharist : whereof it is not lawful for any to partake , but only such a one as believes our doctrine to be true , and hath been washed in the laver for remission of sins , and unto regeneration , and lives so as christ hath delivered or taught . in this plain and simple manner were the ordinances according to christs institution then administred ; without all those pompous observations , ceremonies and superstitious additions , which in after times by degrees were brought in , practised and prevailed to the great dishonour of god , detriment of souls , disturbance of the church , and despoiling of the ordinances themselves of much of their beauty and lustre , which then shines forth most , when they are preserved in their native purity , and kept most free from all debasing mixtures of mens devices and adventitious supposed ornament , which rather deform than deck and adorn them . . o● the sufferings of the christians , their joy in them with 〈◊〉 ground thereof , and the 〈…〉 thus speaks . 〈…〉 we are slain , we rejoyce , having this perswasion that god will raise us up by his christ. there is none that can terrifie or bring us into bondage , who by believing have given up our names to jesus ; this is manifested through all the earth : for when we are slain with the sword , crucified , and punished with bonds , fire , and all kind of torments , it is sufficiently known that we forsake not our profession : and the more we are tormented , the more is the number of believers , and such as embrace the true religion , through the name of jesus increased . for as by pruning , the vine spreads and becomes more fruitful ; so fares it with us : for his people are a vine or vineyard planted by god and our saviour . . he shews that the gift of casting out devils , of prophesie , and other extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , continued unto this time . whereof he thus speaks . we call jesus christ our helper and redeemer , the virtue of whose name the devils tremble at and fear ; and even at this day being adjured by the name of jesus christ , who was crucified under pontius pilate , the governour of iudea , they obey us : that thence also it may appear unto all that the father hath given him so great power , that even the devils are subject to his name , and to the oecomony , or dispensation of his passion . now if the oeconomy of his passion be shewn to have obtained , and to obtain so great power , how great will it be at his glorious appearing ? concerning this we have another passage to the same purpose , in his first ( as it s ordinarily accounted ) apology : as also no less than twice more doth he make report thereof in his dialogue with tryphon . in the last of which places ( which i therefore set down as his creed , because it contains the sum of the articles of the apostles creed , that respect jesus christ ) he thus saith : by the name of this very son of god , and first born of every creature , born of the virgin , and made a man subject to sufferings , crucified under ponti●● pilate by your nation , who died and rose again from the dead , and ascended into heaven ; every devil adjured is overcome and brought into subjection . but if ye should adjure them by any name of the kings , or just men , or prophets , or patriarchs that have been among you , not one of them should yield obedience . again , mentioning that prophesie : i will pour out my spirit upon all flesh , and upon my servants , and upon mine handmaids , and they shall prophesie : among us ( saith he ) you may see both women and men , having gifts from the spirit of god. lastly , among us even unto this day there are prophetical gifts : from whence you ought to understand , that those ( gifts ) which of old time were in your nation , are now translated unto us . of such places of scripture as do seem to contradict one another , he declares what he himself doth , and others should think of them . i shall never dare to think or say that the scriptures are contrary one unto another : but , if any scripture be propounded , which seems to be such , and to have a shew of being contrary to some other ; i being throughly perswaded , that no one scripture is contrary unto another , will rather confess that i do not understand the things that are spoken ; and will endeavour that those who suspect the scriptures to be contrary , would rather be of the same mind with me . so great was the reverence and respect that he bare unto the sacred scriptures . . unto what persons , and in what manner baptism , was then administred , he acquaints us , saying : as many as are perswaded and do believe those things that are taught and spoken by us to be true , and promise to live accordingly , they are taught to pray fasting , and to beg of god the pardon of their former sins , we praying and fasting together with them : then are they brought by us unto the place where the water is , and are regenerated after the same manner of regeneration wherewith we were regenerated . for in the name of the father and lord god of all , and of our saviour jesus christ , and of the holy spirit they are then washed in water . — and through the water we obtain remission of those sins which we had before committed . and this washing is called illumination , because the minds of those that learn these things are enlightned . . we make account that we cannot suffer any harm from any one , unless we be convicted to be evil-doers , or discovered to be wicked persons . you may indeed put us to death , but you cannot hurt us . . such was the innocency and tenderness of christians ; that , whereas ( saith he ) before we believed , we did murther one another , now we not only do not oppugn or war against our enemies , but , ( that we may not lie nor deceive the inquisitors ) confessing christ we die willingly . . so great was the courage and resolution of christians : that although , saith he , it were decreed to be a capital crime for any to teach or even to profess the name of christ ; we notwithstanding both embrace and teach it . . concerning the translation of the septuagint , he gives this account : that ptolemy king of egypt , erecting a library at alexandria , and understanding that the jews had ancient books which they diligently kept , he sent for seventy wise men from ierusalem , who were skill'd both in the greek and hebrew tongues , and committed unto them the care of translating those books . and that being free from all disturbance they might make the quicker dispatch of the translation , he commanded a like number of cells , or little rooms to be made , not in the city it self , but about seven furlongs from it , where the pharos was built , that each one should finish his interpretation by himself alone , requiring the servants attending them , to be in every regard serviceable to them ; only to hinder them from conversing together , to the end that the exact truth of the interpretation might be known by their consent . and coming to know that these seventy men used not only the same sense , but also the same words in the translation , and that they differ'd no not so much as in one word one from another , but had written in the same words of the same things ; being hereat astonished , and believing the interpretation to be accomplished by divine assistance , he judged the men worthy of all honour as loving , and beloved of god , and with many gifts commanded them to return again into their own country : and having the books in admiration ( as there was cause ) and consecrating them unto god , he laid them up there in the library : these things we relate unto you , o ye greeks , not as fables and feigned stories , but as those who have been at alexandria , and have seen the footsteps of those cells yet remaining in pharos : this we report as having heard it from the inhabitants , who have received the memorable things of their countrey by tradition from their ancestors : which also you may understand from others , and chiefly from those wise and approved men who have recorded these things , namely philo and iosephus . . concerning the sibyls , thus , o ye greeks , if you have not greater regard unto the fond or false imagination of them that are no gods , then unto your own salvation give credit unto the most ancient sibyls , whose books happen to be preserved in the whole world , teaching you from a certain powerful inspiration by oracles , concerning those who are called , but are not gods : and plainly and manifestly foretelling the coming of our lord jesus christ , and of all things that were to be done by him . for the knowledge of these things will be a necessary praeludium or preparation unto the prophecies , or to the reading of the prophecies of holy men. § . though his excellencies were great , yet were they accompanied with many imperfections , viz. his slips and errours that he had , which we shall briefly point at and give notice of , and they were such as these . . he was an express chiliast or millenary , and a most earnest maintainer of that opinion , as were many of the ancients beside him , viz. irenaeus , apollinarius bishop of hierapolis , nepos an egyptian bishop , tertullian , lacta●tius , victorinus , &c. the first broacher of this errour was papias , the auditor or disciple of iohn , not the apostle , but he who was called presbyter or senior , and whose the two latter epistles of iohn are by some conceived to be . this man was passing eloquent ▪ but of a weak and slender judgement , as by his books appears ; yet did he occasion very many ecclesiastical men to fall into this errour , who had respect unto his antiquity : and among the rest , iustin , as appears in divers places of his books : particularly in his dialogue with tryphon the jew ; who pressing him after this manner . tell me truly saith he , do you acknowledge that the city ierusalem shall be built again , and that your people shall be there gathered together , and live in pleasures with christ , &c. to whom i thus replyed , saith he , i am not such a wretch , o tryphon , as to speak otherwise then i think ; i have confessed unto thee before , that my self and many others are of the same mind , as ye fully know , it shall be even so : but withal i have signified unto thee , that some christians of a pure and pious judgement , do not acknowledge this : — but as for me , and those christians who are of a right judgement in all things , we do know that there shall be a resurrection of the flesh , and a thousand years in ierusalem re-built , beautified and enlarged , as the prophets ezekiel , esay and others have published . — and afterward that there shall be an universal and everlasting resurrection of all together and a judgement , as a certain man of our own , whose name was iohn , one of the twelve apostles of christ , in that revelation which he had , hath foretold . . he entertained a gross judaical conceit , concerning some of the angels : of whom he hath these words : that god having made the world , and put the earth in subjection unto man : — he committed the care of men themselves and of the things under the heavens unto certain angels whom he had appointed hereunto : but the angels transgressing the ordinance of god , were overcome with the company of women , on whom they begat those children which are called daemons : and moreover they brought the rest of mankind into servitude unto themselves , — and sowed murthers , adulteries , wars , and all kind of wickedness among men , this errour took its rise from an ancient edition of the septuagint , which philo iudaeus , and eusebius followed : they finding , genesis . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 filii dei , the sons of god , rendred those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and hence it came to pass , that many of the ancients both greek and latin , did so expound that place , whence sprung the errour above mentioned . . he attributes too much to the writings of plato . and other philosophers , saying , that the doctrines of plato differ not from christ , but that they are not altogether like : also , whosoever live according to reason , . although they have been accounted without god , worshippers of no deity , yet are they christians : such among the greeks were socrates , heraclitus and the like to them . this it seems he delivered , that he might the more easily draw the gentiles unto the faith of christ ; saith osiander . . he too highly advanceth the power and freedom of man's will : whereof he thus speaks . caeterùm , nequis nostra dicta sic accipiat , quasi fati necessitatem asseramus , & que fiunt ideo fieri , quia praedicta sunt ; explicabimus hoc quoque . poenas ac praemia pro dignitate operum cuique reddi verum est , & compertum ex prophetarum oraculis . alioquin si fato regerentur omnia , nihil omninò relictum esset in nostrâ potestate : nam si fatali lege alius bonus esset , alius malus : nec laudeni ille , nee hic mereretur vituperium : et nisi homines arbitratu suo possunt turpia fugere , honesta sectari , extra culpam erunt , quicquid agant . caeterùm quòd liberâ voluntate vel pèccent vel officium faciant , sic demonstrabimus , &c. these things i mention not to discover the nakedness of this venerable father , but that it may from hence appear that the writings of the holy prophets and apostles only are exempt from errour and defects , and that those of the most eminent men are to be read with caution , to be examined by that touch stone , and so far only to be approved of , as they shall be found agreeing with that unerring and perfect word , and no further : for by it must we try the spirits whether they be of god , and proving all things , hold fast that only which it shews to be good . . as for his death or martyrdom , he was brought unto it by the procurement of one crescens a cynick philosopher , with whom he had much contended : which he himself did before apprehend and expect , as appears from his own words : i look ( saith he ) by some one of them who are called philosophers , to be betrayed , or brought to the stake or tree : it may be by crescens himself the philosopher , a lover of popular applause , and of insolent arrogance : a man unworthy to be called a philosopher , because he publickly witnesseth , the things which he knoweth not , as if the christians were atheistical , and impious : which he doth to curry favour with , and to pleasure the multitudes whom he hath deceived . this crescens , he had provoked , and stirred up his implacable malice against him , for that he had in a disputation publickly before the senate reprehended him not only of being ignorant of those things which it became a philosopher to know , but also for his foul and debaucht manners : wherefore he accused him to be a christian , and never left , till by his restless solicitations he had brought him to his end . so at rome he joyfully suffered martyrdom for the name of christ , under the emperours marcus aurelius and lucius verus , anno christi , . irenaeus lugdunensis episcopus . § . concerning his birth , where and of what parents he was born , we have nothing certain ; only probable it is that for country he was an asian , and that he came of honest and pious parents not far from , if not in the city of smyrna : for there in his youth was he trained up in the school of blessed polycarp a disciple of the apostle iohn ; and bishop of smyrna ; of whom it is reported , that being brought before the proconsul , and by him urged to blaspheme and revile christ , he thus answered him , fourscore and six years , saith he , have i served him , neither hath he in any thing ever wronged me ; and how can i then revile my king , that hath hitherto preserved me ? also in the same epistle of the church of smyrna , it follows concerning him ; that being in the fire , which in the form of a vault or sail of a ship , encompassed him about as a wall , his body seemed as gold or silver tried in the furnace ; and that from it there proceeded a sweet and fragrant smell , as of frankincense or some such like precious perfume : and that at length , the persecutors perceiving that the fire consum'd not his body , commanded the tormentour to lance him in the side with a spear ; which done , there forthwith issued such a stream of blood out of his body , as quenched the fire to the great admiration of the multitude . upon this reverend father did irenae●● with so great diligence attend , that the doctrine which he learned from him was deeply ingraven in his breast ; so that even to his ol● age he firmly retained the remembrance of i● yea his very gestures : so much he himself testifieth in his epistle unto florinus , sometime his fellow scholar , but tainted with that opinion that god was the author of evil , an● afterward with the errour of valentinus : remember , saith he , the things of old , bett●● then those of later times : for the things 〈◊〉 learn in our childhood , sink farther into 〈◊〉 minds , and grow up together with us ; 〈◊〉 that i do well remember , the place whe●● polycarp sate when he taught , his going o● and coming in , his manner and course 〈◊〉 life , the figure and proportion of his body the sermons which he made unto the mult●tude the relation he gave of his converse wit● the apostle iohn and others which saw t●● lord ; how he remembred their sayings , 〈◊〉 what he heard from their mouths touchin● the lord , his power , doctrine , &c. hen●● is he not unjustly stiled a man of the apost●lical times , very near unto them , and the su●cessor of them . by polycarp he was s●nt unto the city 〈◊〉 lyons in france , whereby his admirable v●●tue he soon became famous ; in so much that in a small space of time by his preaching he had made almost the whole city christian. of this church he was at first a presbyter of pothinus ( as ierom , eusebius and nicephorus call him ) or photinus , ( as the centurists , baronius and gregory of turon ) who was the first bishop of that place . at this time the churches of asia being much infested with the new prophesies and delusions of montanus , alcibiades and theodotus ; the gallicane churches ( either of their own accord out of their brotherly love to and care of them , or else at their request craving assistance from them against these corrupters of the gospel ) sent irenaeus unto them as the meetest man for such a work , with their letters ; that he might comfort those afflicted churches , confirm them in the truth , and confute those heretical adversaries : he took rome in his way , haply to confer with and crave the advice and help of eleutherius bishop there , about this affair , unto whom he had letters recommendatory from the churches making honourable mention of him . during his absence upon this weighty occasion , in the great persecution under antoninus verus ( which much raged in the churches of france ) the good bishop photinus aged ninety years , is imprisoned : and being brought before the tribunal , and by the president asked this question ; who is the god of the christians ; he perceiving this demand to be made rather in way of scorn , then out of a serious desire to be informed ; because h● would not cast pearls before swine , vouchsafed him no other answer but this ; si dignus fueris , cognosces : when thou shalt become worthy , thou shalt know . with which answer , as contumelious , the president being highly provoked , commanded the officers to beat him ; which accordingly they did , handling him in a most barbarous and cruel manner , and afterward , almost breathless , cas● him into a filthy prison ; wherein about two days after by a glorious death he obtained the crown of martyrdom . the church of lyons by this means being destitute of a bishop , none was thought mo●● worthy to suceed the aged martyr , then his presbyter irenaeus , who not long after returning , was accordingly chosen an● took upon him the government of tha● church . he entred upon the administration thereo● in a very unquiet and turbulent time ; the sta●● of affairs being much distracted , not only b● reason of that grievous storm of persecutio● they had lately been under , yea which 〈◊〉 yet scarcely calmed and blown over ; 〈◊〉 also through the busie attempts of dive●● impostours cunningly seeking to undermin● the doctrine of christ. for now had th● valentinian hereticks prevail'd and spread 〈◊〉 far as france , and among others bewitch●● sundry eminent women with their sott●● and absurd opinions , by means of one m●●cus a wretched sorcerer , and a wicked deceiver and abuser of the weaker sex ; but 〈◊〉 such a manner did this vigilant watchma● and painful pastour bestir himself , that he notably prevented the farther spreading of this pest , and recovered many of those who had been therewith infected : and having happily secured his own charge , he rested not here , but proceeded farther , affording his help by his excellent letters unto other churches also ; particularly unto that of rome ; out of which he endeavoured to weed those tares , which the envious man had there sown ; their careless bishop ( how unfit to be an universal overseer ! ) it seems securely sleeping the while , and leaving the work , that properly belonged to himself unto another . the chief instruments that satan here imployed in sowing those tares ; were florinus and blastus presbyters of this church , but by the bishop degraded for their impiety ; in commiseration of whose sad condition infected with so soul heresies , he wrote ( as is reported ) those five learned books now extant . in such kind of laborious imployments did he spend much of his time , under the emperours antoninus , the whole of commodus , and a good part of severus reigns : being very serviceable unto the church of god in his generation , not only by his preaching and disputations , but also by his writings which he left behind him , as singular monuments unto posterity of his zeal for the glory of god , and love to his truth : as a bright shining lamp lighted and set up by the lord , he diffused his rayes for the good of many , till the oyl was wholly spent and consumed . in his time fell out that sharp and lasting contention between the eastern and western churches , about the observation of the feast of easter , as also about the kind and manne● of fasting . the churches of asia , as from an ancient tradition , and herein following the examples of philip and iohn apostles , as also of polycarp with others their successors , observed this feast on the fourteenth moon , upon what day of the week soever it fell out , on which day the jews were to offer thei● paschal lamb. but the church of rome , together with others in the west , did celebrate it always upon the lord's day ; and hence grew a great rent between them : for those of the east refusing to leave their former usage and custom ( for which they had so good ● warrant ) and to conform themselves herei● unto the other : victor , who was the bishop of rome ( possessing that chair that would afterward usurp authority over all churches , and acting accordingly ) in the heighth of his pride , and the heat of his passion begins to threaten and thunder out his excommunication against them . hereupon irenaeus ( brooking his name , as a lover of peace ) with the brethren of the gallican churches , being grieved at such insolent and harsh proceedings , and foreseeing the sad effects they might produce , thought it their duty not to stand still as idle spectators , but to interpose at least by their letters , and to endeavour a prevention ( if it might be ) of those evils that were like to ensue , and follow upon so rigorous and sharp a censure : which they did accordingly , dealing plainly and roundly with the proud prelate , tartly reprehending him for handling his brethren in so unchristian a manner ; and that for things indifferent ( which he made necessary ) he would fall upon so extreme a course , the cutting off of so considerable a part from the body ; shewing withal , that his excommunication was void , and of no force . now , so great was the authority of the man with the bishop of rome ( who had not as yet exalted himself so high , that it should not be lawful for any of his fellow bishops to take the boldness to admonish him , or to say , what dost thou , though he should lead thousands to hell ) and such the strength of the arguments alledged , that the issue was ( as feuardentius relates ) the asswaging of his fury , and the deterring of him from that rash attempt of cutting off so many famous churches from the body of christ : whence followed a more serene face of things , and a great tranquillity to the churches of christ. § . he was a man exceeding eminent , and of chief note among those of his time , very ancient , and not far from the days of the apostles . honourable mention is made of him by those of the following ages : for eusebius , inter omnes coaetaneos ei palmam tribuit , gives him the preheminence above all his contemporaries : others stile him an apostolical man , admirable , and the light of the western churches , an ancient man of god ; highly commended he is as one in whom the resplendent beams and brightness of apostolical doctrine did gloriously shine forth : for what he had learned and received from polycarp , and polycarp from the apostle iohn , he retaining it in its purity , communicated i● unto the church ; so that in all things he resembled the face of the apostles . he excelled both in piety and learning , being so admirably endued with both , that he was no less famous for the one than for the other : stiled therefore by epiphanius a sacer irenaeus , holy man , so singularly accomplished and fitted for the work he was designed and called unto , as that he became praeclarum organum , a choice instrument for the good of the churches of christ. admirably well skilled he was in all sorts of learning , both sacred and secular ; very studious and ready in the holy scriptures , having by this means attained unto a more than ordinary measure of understanding and insight into them . and how notably instructed and furnished with knowledge in the arts and sciences , is abundantly manifested , by his subtil investigation of abstruse heresies which , though wonderfully obscure and confused , he representeth and sets forth to publick view with very great perspicuity and order : as also by his most acute and quick disputations , wherein he throughly discovers their vanity , and as soundly confuteth them : so that it is most evident ( saith erasmus ) that he was very exact in all the liberal science● . yea , how diligently he had read over the books both of the ancient philosophers , thales , anaximander , anaxagoras , democritus ▪ empedocles ▪ plato , aristotle , &c. as also of the poets , tragick , comick and lyrick , may be gathered from hence , in that he clearly evinceth those heresies which he impugned , to have been taken and to have had their original from those prophane authors , the names only being changed . so that he was not without cause stiled by tertullian , omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem ; a most curious inquirer or searcher into all sorts of doctrines : very large is epiphanius his encomium of him ( who held him in high esteem , as appears by the great use he made of him ) old irenaeus ( saith he ) every way adorned by the holy ghost , brought into the field by the lord as a valiant and expert soldier and champion , and annointed with heavenly gifts and graces , according to the true faith and knowledge , contended against all the arguments of sottish hereticks , and most exactly confuted them . add hereunto ( which put a lustre upon all the rest ) that he was of a very meek and modest spirit , a great lover , and as studious a preserver of peace among brethren ; but withal no less earnest and zealous in the cause of god , and a bitter adversary of the wretched hereticks of his time : magnus ( to give you erasmus his words to this purpose ) ecclesiae propu●nator , ac pro sui nominis ●ugurio , pacis ecclesiasticae vindex . § . he wrote divers learned books upon several subjects and occasions ; the greater part whereof ( indeed all to one ) through the injury and neglect of foregoing ages are quite lost , not any of them remaining and extant at this day : and they are ( such as we find mention of . ) . a brief volume against the gentiles : and , saith ierom , another of discipline ; but herein is he mistaken , and those that follow him , as honorius augustodunensis , trithemi●● , &c. who supposed that they were two distinct books ; whereas by eusebius it appears 't was but one and the same volume ; for thus he speaks of it : extat adhuc liber illius adversus gentes compendiosissimus & summopere necessarius , de scientia inscriptus . . a declaration of the ( manner and way , possevin ) of the apostles preaching unto a certain brother , one marcianus . . a book intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , variorum tractatuum , saith ierom , variarum dictionum inquiunt centuriatores , or a disquisition of sundry things . possevin . . a book or an epistle de schismate , unto blastus . . a book de monarchiâ , or , that god is not the author of sin , unto florinus , whose doctrine ( he being of this opinion ) he proves to be both impious and blasphemous . . a book entituled ogdoas , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , written also for florinus , who was bewitched with the errours of valentinus , which ierom calls commentarium egregium , an excellent commentary : in the close whereof we have these words , containing a solemn obtestation , which both eusebius and ierom thought worthy of special notice : adjur● te , &c. i adjure thee ( whosoever thou art that copyest out or transcribest this book ) by our lord jesus christ , and by his glorious coming , wherein he shall judge the quick and the dead , that thou compare what thou hast written , and correct it diligently by the exemplar from whence 't is transcribed : and also that thou do likewise write out this adjuration , and insert it into the copy so taken . the like hereunto is that of ruffinus in his preface in his translation of origen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is found among the epistles of ierom , charging both the transcriber and reader not to add or diminish , to insert or alter any thing therein , but to be exact even to a letter , &c. . divers epistles unto victor , and many other pastors of churches about the controversies of easter ; as also against those who at rome did corrupt the sincerity of the churches . . volateran saith , that he wrote an ecclesiastical history , quam mutuatus est euse●ius testemque citat . . a commentary upon the apocalypse , as saith sixtus senensis . but these two latter are very questionable , seeing that neither eusebius , nor ierom in his catalogues , not honorius a●gustudonensis , nor trithemius make mention of any such . that of his which to this day the world injoys , is only a volume containing five books against the heresies of the gnosticks and valentinians , wh●ch was thus intitled , as both eusebius and photius have it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of redargution and the eversion of knowledge falsly so called : a learned and most famous piece , full fraught with learning and piety . this too , it seems , was almost lost , at least as to the western churches ; for , ( saith gregory ) we have long and diligently made inquiry after the writings of irenaeus , but hitherto not any of them could be found . erasmus therefore tells us , he that might well call him his , as being by his industry brought to light ( after it had been almost buried ) and recovered from the dust , being mouldy and moth-eaten . and should they have remained in perpetual oblivion : the loss had been exceeding great : for ( saith he ) his writings do breath forth the ancient vigour of the gospel ; yea his very phrase came from a breast prepared for martyrdom ; for the martyrs have a certain serious , bold and masculine kind of speech . it hath been a question , and doubted by some learned men , whether he wrote these books in the greek , or latine tongue : because they are now not to be found but in the latin only : yet was he a greek by nation , and his phrase savours of that language , having many grecisms in it . erasmus , a man of more than ordinary perspicacity and judgement this way , rather inclined to think it written by him in latin , yet would not peremptorily conclude it : for , saith he , it is not clear to me , whether of the two he wrote in ; though i rather soppose that he wrote in latin , but was more expert in the greek , and therefore speaking latin he is bold to make use of greek figures and forms of speech . but most are of another mind , judging the greek to have been the original language , werein his books were written ; and that they were afterward translated by himself , saith feuardentius , ( to cover over the faults of the translator , which are not a few , or lest the testimonies alleadged from the translation should lose of their authority and weight ) or ( which is most likely ) by some other . all consent in this ( saith baronius ) that he wrote in greek ; he wrote many excellent volumes in the greek tongue , saith sixtus senensis : and , saith rhenanus , proculdubio , without doubt he wrote in greek ; for else would not ierom have ranked him among the greek fathers , nor have made tertullian ( as he doth ) the third , but the fourth , ( as he should ) among the latins . pamelius also thinks that both he and those first roman bishops unto his time wrote rather in greek than latine , which things considered , it 's a wonder that erasmus should herein be of the mind he was : the latin copy of irenaeus ( saith cornatius ) is an exceeding faulty translation , and may better be restored out of epiphanius , than afford any help in the translating of epiphanius : so that marvailous it is that erasmus , a man otherwise endued with a piercing judgement in things of this nature , should think that irenaeus did wr●tein latin. to the same purpose speaks the great scaliger : i do admire ( saith he ) that from such a feverish latin interpreter , as he is whom now we have , erasmus should imagine , both that 't is the true irenaeus , and that he imitates the greeks : that latin interpreter was most foolish , and either omitted or depraved many things , which he understood not . the fragments which are extant in epiphanius ; also the history of the things done by irenaeus in eusebius , do sufficiently prove both that the man was a grecian , and wrote in greek : neither is it to be doubted of , &c. the greek copy therefore written by himself is long since perished ; only there are some remains of it to be found scattered in several authors , who saw and made use thereof : thus we have seven and twenty chapters of of his first book by epiphanius inserted into his panarium ; ( who took a good part of his second and third books word for word out of iuneus ) and some few fragments in eusebiu● and theodoret : by comparing of which wit● the translation we now have , it will easily appear how great a loss the church sustains in the want of it : for instead of elegan● greek , we have nothing else ( in the ire●e●● now extant ) but rude and ill-favoured latin● nor indeed can a translation , especially 〈◊〉 of greek into latin , equal the original , seeing that ( as ierom speaks ) the latin tongue r●ceives not the propriety of the greek . the contents of the five books of this excellent volume ( to give you a brief accou●● of them from grynaeus ) are these . . in th● first he at large sets down the dismal and diabolical errours of the valentinians ; together with a narration of the discords and impieties of those wretched hereticks : wh●●● opinions ( saith erasmus ) are so horrid , th●● the very bringing of them to light , is confutation sufficient : yea the very terms , as w●● as the opinions , are so monstrous ( saith the sa●● author ) that it would even turn the stomach and tire the patience of any one , but to peru●● them over . . in the second , he treats of the one eternal , true , omnipotent and omniscient god , besides whom there is none other : and that not any feigned demiurgus or angels , but this eternal god alone , father , son and holy ghost , did out of nothing produce this whole fabrick , both of heaven and earth ; and gave being to angels , men and all inferiour creatures ; and refuses the errours of the gnosticks concerning the same ; shewing what they stole from the philosophers to deceive the simple withal , and wounding , yea overcoming them with weapons or arguments fetched out of their own magazines and armory . . in the third , which is partly polemical , and partly exegetical , he discovers and proves the hereticks to be foully guilty of that heynous crime of corrupting and curtailing the sacred scriptures : and evidently demonstrates the perpetual consent of the prophets and apostles concerning our lord jesus christ , god and man. . in the fourth he clearly , and by solid arguments proves , that one and the same god was the author of both the testaments , the old and the new ; and that therein he hath revealed himself and his will concerning the restitution and salvation by jesus christ , of all men that do repent ; largely discoursing of the power of the will , and of our imperfection ; and being gotten out of the craggy and intricate places , he enters into a large field , explaining many scriptures depraved by the hereticks . . in the fifth and last book having made a repetition of divers things formerly handled , he comes to confute the vain conceits of the gnosticks concerning the utter perishing of the bodies of men ; and proves that our bodies shall not only be raised by christ at the last day , but also that the very bodies of the saints shall injoy eternal life , and be saved together with their souls . in the handling whereof he gives a notable experiment ( as the diligent reader may observe ) of a clear head , and as of a choice a spirit ; whence his weighty arguments sharpned with holy zeal , do pierce deeply into the very hearts of the enemies of the truth , to their shameful prostration , and utter overthrow : for great is the truth , and will prevail . he is one of the ancients , and the only one among those contained in this decade , that had the good hap not to have his name abused by being prefixed to the books he never wrote , nor the bastard-brats of others to be father'd upon him . § . as for his stile 't is somewhat obscure and intricate , yea he is oftentimes neglectin● of his words , and speaks improperly : ye such is the subject he discourseth of , that ● will hardly admit of clear and plain expressions : he himself disclaims eloquence , a● dwelling among the celtae , a people of a barbarous speech ; look not , saith he , for the art of oratory , which we have not learned : but what simply , truly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ● vulgar manner we have written in love , i● love receive . yet understand him of affected rhetorick , and not that he was altogether ignorant of that art : which could not be , seeing that in a subject so thorny and perplex , his stile is perspicuous , digested and coherent . so that considering the matter he handleth , 't is no wonder he is so obscure , and that so little art appears , but rather a wonder he is no more so : which proceeded not so much from want of skill in himself , as from the incapacity of the subject whereof he treateth . a most difficult thing it is ( saith the same author ) for him that discusseth things of a subtile nature , to joyn with perspicuity , the care of polishing his language . § . among many wherewith this learned piece is righly fraught and stored , i shall cull out and present you with a few memorable passages . . his symbol or creed , containing a brief sum , and confession of the faith of the churches of christ ( at least in the west ) at that day : his words are these . the church , although dispersed through the whole world , even unto the ends of the earth , received the faith from the apostles , and their disciples ; which is , to believe , in one omnipotent god , which made heaven and earth and the seas , and all things that are in them ; and in one jesus christ the son of god , incarnate for our salvation ; and in the holy ghost , who by the prophets preached the mysteries of the dispensation and coming of christ , and his birth of a virgin , and his passion , and resurrection from the dead , and the assumption of the beloved christ jesus our lord in his flesh into heaven , and his coming from heaven in the glory of the father to restore ( or recapitulate and gather into one ) all things , and to raise the flesh ( or bodies ) of all mankind , that unto jesus our lord , and god and saviour , and king , according to the good pleasure of the father invisible , every knee should bow , both of things in heaven , and in the earth , and under the earth , and that every tongue should confess to him , and that he should pass a righteous sentence or judgment upon all , and send the spiritual wickednesses and the angels that fell and became apostate , and also ungodly , unrighteous , lawless and blasphemous men into eternal fire : but for the righteous and holy , and such as did keep his commandments , and abide in his love , some from the beginning , and some by repentance gratifying them with life , might bestow on them incorruptibility , and give unto them eternal glory . where observe by the way , that though it may be wondered at , that irenaeus should no where expresly call the holy ghost god , yet that he held him to be god equal with the father and the son , is manifest , in that he makes in his creed the object of faith to be all the three persons of the trinity alike : as also from hence , that elsewhere he ascribes the creation of man unto the holy ghost , as well as to the father and the son. . he gives the reason why the mediatour between god and man , ought to be both god and man : for , saith he , if man had not overcome the enemy of man , he had not been justly overcome : again , unless god had given salvation , we should not have had it firmly ; and unless man had been joyned unto our god , he ( viz. man ) could not have been made partaker of incorruptibility . for it became the mediator of god and men , by his nearness unto both , to reduce both into friendship and concord ; and to procure that god should assume man ( or take him into communion ) and that man should give up himself unto god. . the whole scriptures , both prophetical and evangelical ( are ) open or manifest , and without ambiguity ; and may likewise be heard of all . again , we ought to believe god , who also hath made us ; most assuredly knowing , that the scriptures are indeed perfect , as being spoken ( or dictated ) by the word of god and his spirit . . fides , quae est ad deum , justificat hominem , faith towards god ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . ) justifieth a man. . concerning the marks of the true church , and that it is not tied to one place or succession ; he thus speaks , when once the gospel was spread throughout the world , and the church gathered out of all nations , then was the church no where tied to one place , or to any certain and ordinary succession ; but there was the true church wheresoever the uncorrupted voice of the gospel did sound , and the sacraments were rightly administred according to the institution of christ. also , that the pillar and ground of the church is the gospel and spirit of life . . of the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , continuing unto his time , thus , some ( saith he ) cast out devils soundly and truly ; so that oftentimes even they who were cleansed from wicked spirits do believe , and are in the church : others have the foreknowledge of things to come , and also prophetical visions and sayings : others do cure and restore to health such as labour of some infirmity by the laying on of their hands . moreover , as we have said , the dead also have been raised and continued with us many years : and what shall i say ? the graces are not to be numbred , which throughout the whole world the church receiving from god , doth dispose in the name of christ jesus ( crucified under pontius pilate ) every day for the help of the nations , neither seducing any one , nor taking money from him . for as it hath freely received from god , so also doth it freely administer : nor doth it accomplish any thing by angelical invocations , nor incantations , nor any wicked curiosity , but purely and manifestly directing their prayers unto the lord , who hath made all things . . he plainly asserts that the world shall continue but six thousand years : for , saith he , look in how many days this world was made , in so many thousand years it shall be consummate . therefore 't is said in gen. . . on the sixth day god finished all his works , and rested the seventh day . now this is both a narration of what was done before , and also a prophecy of things to come : for one day with the lord is as a thousand years : in six days the things were finished that were made ; and it is manifest that the six thousandth year is the consumma●ion of them . . he finds the number of the beasts name , viz. . i● the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : whence he concludes it as very probable that the seat of that beast is the latin or roman kingdom . take his own words . sed & lateinos nomen ( habet ) sexcentorum sexaginta sex numerum ; & valdè verisimile est quoniam novissimum ( verissimum . erasm. edit . ) regnum hoc habet vo●abulum . latini enim sunt qui nunc regnant : sed non in hoc nos gloriabimur . . of the four evangelists he thus writeth : mathew ( saith he ) delivered unto the hebrews the history of the gospel in their own tongue . when peter and paul preached at rome , and planted that church , after their departure . mark the disciple and also interpreter of peter , delivered unto us in writing such things as he had heard peter preach . and luke the companion of paul comprised in one volume the gospel preached of him . after these iohn the disciple of our lord , who also leaned on his breast , published a gospel , remaining at ephesus in asia . . when the hereticks , saith he , are convinced from the scriptures , they betake them to the accusation of the scriptures themselves , as if they were not right , nor of any authority , and because they are variously spoken , and because from them the truth cannot be found out , by them that know not tradition . . we ought to obey them that are presbyters in the church , even those who have succession from the apostles , as we have shewn , who together with the succession of their bishoprick , have received the certain gift of truth , according to the pleasure of the father . — succession of doctrine is the principal , and without that certain gift of truth , it is vain yea impious to boast of personal succession . . of the translation of the septuagint , thus . ptolemy willing to have an experiment of them , and fearing le●t perhaps by consent they should through their interpretation hide that truth which was in the scriptures : he separating them one from another , commanded them all to interpret the same scripture , and this he did in all the books : when therefore they come together into one place with ptolemy , and compared their interpretations ▪ god was glorified , and the scriptures were believed to be truly divine , all of them reciting the same , both in the same phrases and in the same words from the beginning to the end : so that even the gentiles that were present did acknowledge that the scriptures were interpreted by the inspiration of god. . very memorable is that passage of his in an epistle unto victor bishop of rome , recorded by eusebius . although saith he , christians differed in their judgements about the manner of fasting , yet notwithstanding were they at unity one with another , for this variety of fasting commendeth the unity of faith. they that were presbyters before soter of that church , whereof now thou art president , anicetus , i mean , and pius , and hyginus , and telesphorus , and xystus , neither did so observe it themselves , nor left any such commandment to their posterity , and yet nevertheless they ( not observing it ) were at unity with them , who resorted unto them , from those churches that did observe the same , when yet their observance was contrary to those who observe it not . neither was any one at any time rejected , ( or excommunicated ) for such kind of fasting : but those very presbyters who were thy predecessors , have sent the eucharist to the brethren of those churches who kept it after their own manner . and when polycarp was at rome in the time of anicetus , and they were at variance among themselves about some certain small and trifling matters , they were soon reconciled ; but about this particular they had no contention at all . neither was anice●us able to perswade polycarp ( mark , the roman bishops used not , it seems , to command them as now ) that he should not retain that which he had always observed with iohn the disciple of our lord , and the rest of the apostles with whom he had been conversant : neither did polycarp perswade anicetus so to observe it , but told him he ought to observe the ancient custom of the elders , whom he succeeded ? and things being at this pass , they held communion one with another : and in the church anicetus granted the eucharist unto polycarp for the reverence which he bare him ; and so they parted from each other in peace , and in the universal church , both those that did observe it and those that did not observe it , were at peace one with another . these and many other the like worthy sayings are to be found in the books of this ancient father , but let it suffice to have given you this tast of them . § . yet are there some things observed in him as his blemishes and failings , wherein he is not to be followed , because therein he swerves from that un-erring rule the word of truth . even the most eminent men in the church , ( after the apostles ) have built some hay and stubble upon the foundation they held , which will not endure the trial of the fire : those of this father are as followeth . . somewhat harsh and to be corrected , is that concerning christ. si quis exquirat causam propter quam in omnibus pater communicans filio solus scire & horam & diem domino manifestatus est , neque aptabilem magis neque decentiorem , nec sine periculo alteram quam hanc inveniat in praesenti : quoniam cum solus verax magister est dominus , ut discamus per ipsum , super omnia esse patrem . etenim pater , ait major me est , & secundem agnitionem itaqu● praepositus esse pater annunciatus est à domino nostro , ad hoc , ut & nos , in quantum figura hujus mundi-sumus , perfectam scientiam & tales quaestiones concedamus deo : et ne fortè querentes altitudinem patris investigare , in tantum periculum incidamus , uti quaeramus , an super deum alter sit deus . . he hath some passages concerning free will , not to be admitted , though again in other places he hath somewhat directly opposite thereunto . e.g. dedit deus bonum , & qui operantur quidem illud , & gloriam & honore● percipient , quoniam operati sunt bonum , cum possint non operari illud . hi autem qui illud non operantur , judicium justum recipient dei , quoniam non sunt operati bonum , cum possint operari illud . item . quoniam omnes sunt ejusdem naturae , & potentes retinere & operari bonum & potentes rursum amittere id , & non facere ; justè etiam apud homines sensatos , quanto magis apud deum , alii quidem laudantur , & dignum percipiunt testimonium electionis bonae & perseverantiae : alii verò accusantur , & dignum percipiunt damnum , eò quòd justum & bonum reprobaverint . adhuc : quoniam liberae sententiae est deus , eujus ad similitudinem factus est , semper consilium datur ei , continere bonum , quod proficiscitur ex eâ quae est ad deum obedientiâ : et non tantum in operibus , sed etiam in fide liberum & suae potestatis arbitrium homini servavit dominus . contrà dominus pollicitus est mittere se paracletum , qui nos aptaret deo. sicut enim de arido tritico massa una fieri non potest sine humore , neque unus panis : ita nec nos multi unum fieri in christo iesu poteramus , sine aquâ , quae de caelo est . et sicut arida terra , si non percipiat humorem , non fructificat : sic & no● lignum aridum existentes primum nunquam fructificaremus vitam , sine supernâ voluntariâ pluviâ i. e. spiritu sancto . . his opinion concerning the age of christ , is evidently contrary to what may be collected from the history of the evangelists , for thus saith he : omnes venit per seipsum salvare , omnes , inquam , qui per ●um rena scuntur in deum , infantes , & parvulos , & pueros , & juvenes & seniores . ideò per omnem venit aetatem , & infantibus infans factus , sanctificans infantes : in parvulis parvulus , sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem , sim●● & exemplum illis pietatis effectus , & justitie & subjectionis . iuvenibus juvenis , exemplu● juvenibus fiens , & sanctificans domino . sic & senior in senioribus , ut sit perfectus magister i● omnibus , non solùm secundum exposition●● veritatis , sed secundum aetatem sanctificans simul & seniores , exemplum ipsis quoque fiens , &c. — quia autem triginta annorum 〈◊〉 primae indolis est juvenis , & extenditur usque ad quadragesimum annum , omnis quilibet confitebitur , a quadragesimo aut quinquagesimo ann● declinat jam in aetatem senior●m , quam b●bens dominus noster docebat , sicut evangeliu● & omnes seniores testantur , qui in asia apud ioannem discipulum domini convenerunt , id ipsum tradidisse eis ioannem : permansit autem cum eis usque ad trajani tempora . quidem autem eorum non solùm ioannem , sed & alios apostolos viderunt , & haec eadem ab ipsis audierunt , & testantur de hujus modi relation● . non multum aberat a quinquaginta annis , & ideò dicebaut ei , quinquagi●ta annorum nondum es , & abraham vidisti ? io. . . . ierom and others ascribe unto him the errour of the chiliasts or millenaries , though it be not to be found so expresly in his writings now extant . all which the impudent fryar feuardentius ( glad to take , yea to make an occasion , that he might fall foul upon the lutheran and calvinian hereticks , as he calls them ) labours after a sort to defend him in , as if they were meer calumnies and causless criminations : although some chief ones of his own catholick faction ; to wit , baronius and possevine , as also erasmus , charge him , with the same as well as others : and who so lists to peruse his books shall find they had just cause so to do . but the antidotes ( as he calls his defence prefixed to his edition of irenaeus ) of such mountebanks are no better then poyson ; and , saith the learned rivet , i would admonish young students to beware of the edition of this shameless and faithless monk , as being in many things corrupted , and defiled with his impious and lying annotations . besides these there are some other things and expressions which fell from the pen of this worthy man , that do need the friendly and favourable construction of his reader : among the rest , is that passage . lib. . cap. . propter hoc verbum dei homo , & qui filius dei est , filius hominis factus est , commixtus verbo dei , ut adoptionem percipiens fiat filius dei. also that , lib. . cap. . be●è iustinus dixit , quoniam ante domini adventum , nunquam a●sus est satanas blasphemore deum , quippe nondum sciens suam damnationem . also that , lib. . cap. . henoch sine circumcisione placens deo , cum esset homo , dei legatione ad angelos fungebatur , & translatus est , & conservatur usque nunc testis justi judicii dei , quoniam angeli transgressi deciderunt in judicium , homo autem , placens , translatus est in salutem . lastly that , lib. . discipulorum animae abibunt in invisibilem locum , definitum eis a deo , & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur , susti●entes resurrectionem ; post recipientes corpora & perfectè resurgentes , hoc est , corporaliter , qu●madmodum & dominus resurrexit , sic venient ad conspectum dei. these and such like , do crave the candour and indulgence of the judicious reader . § . as touching his death and martyrdom ; ado bishop of vienna , gregory bishop of turon , and baronius do report , that in the persecution under the emperour severus , which raged especially about lyons , by the command of the emperour , the said city was invironed with soldiers , who slew with the sword all the christians that were found therein , the chief of whom was this irenaeu● their bishop , who with the rest received the glorious crown of martyrdom : at what time the slaughter was so great , ( saith gregory turonens . ) that the very streets ran with blood . in what year this hapned historians record , not only baronius conjectures that the persecution of the christians under severus began not until the tenth year of his reign ; and that one of the first places wherein he exercised his cruelty , was this city ; of whose constancy he had had such experience ; that he knew neither threats nor flatteries would make the church there under such a prelate to bend or yield , and therefore determined to destroy them by the sword. he therefore refers the martyrdom of irenaeus ad. an . d●m . . severi . . clemens alexendrinus . § . he stiles himself titus flavius clemens : for with this inscription were his books of stromes extant in eusebius his time : and so also had photius found in a very old copy , as he saith , those books of his entituled . what country man he was by birth is somewhat uncertain : only it is conjectured that he was born in athens , that city so much famed for learning throughout the world ; where was the first academy , or schools of learning known by that name , which since is become the common appellation of places of that nature . academiae nomen athenis primùm inclaruisse apud omnes ▪ fermè authores convenit , inquit iunius . epiphonius therefore speaking of him : some , saith he , call him clemens of alexandria , others of athens ; this latter being the place of his birth , as the former of his breeding and most abode : and as in the one he drew his first breath , so in the other having spent the most of it , he breathed out his last . being exceedingly desirous of learning and knowledge , he spent his first time of study in greece ; from whence going eastward , he came into palestine , and lastly from thence into egypt , setling in the famous school of alexandria , wherein he continued the remainder of his time , either as a scholar in learning , or as a doctor in teaching : whence he got that name by which to this day he is commonly call'd and known , viz. of clemens , not the athenian , but the alexandrian . in this place he was first an auditour of pantaenus , ( when or how he was converted to christianity is uncertain , ) a man very eminent both for his life and learning and this both sacred and secular ; who being at first a philosopher of the sect of the stoicks , and afterward converted unto christianity , was the first after the apostles who there exercised the office of magister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or instructour of the catechumens , and governour of the school or academy , doctor audientium ( as cyprian calls this officer ) the catechist ; unto which function he was called by demetrius , the then bishop of that place : whose work it was to open and interpret the scriptures , to instruct the catechumens or young believers in the grounds and principles of christianity , and to refute ethnick and heretical opinions ; which they used to do not in sermons and homelies , but in a scholastical manner : their auditors being not only such as were newly converted from heathenism , but also the children of believers grown up to years of understanding , specially such as were intended for ecclesiastical imployments : accordingly not only were the principles of religion taught , and the sacred scriptures expounded in these christian schools , ( whereof this at alexandria is conceived to have been the first and most famous : being founded by mark the evangelist , who planted the first church in that city ) but those who were trained up in them did also apply themselves to the study of the liberal arts and languages : in which regard alexandria is by gregory nazianzen in his oration in the praise of caesarius , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the shop of all kind of learning . of these schools duarenus gives us this account : fuerunt , inquit , antiquitùs ecclesiasticae scholae , ad clèrìcorum & aliorum egentium eruditionem institutae : quibus scholis praeficiebantur magistri qui non literas modò sacras , sed grammaticam etiam & liberales disciplinas docerent . erat igitur hoc munus a pastoris officio distinctum & separatum . hence it is conceived our universities took their original in this town ( viz. alexandria ) gautenus , ( saith heylin ) ( he should have said , pantenus ) read divinity and philosophy , an. . from whom it is thought , that the orders of instituting universities first began in christendom . thus did the ancients deem the liberal arts to be of great use , and very requisite to the preservation of the purity of religion ; for which end origen exhorted his scholars to the diligent study of them , affirming them to be very needful both for disputations , and also the explication of the sacred scriptures : and it is evident that the most famous fathers of the church did much excel therein , being richly furnished with the knowledg of them . clemens having here spent some time in these kind of studies with great proficiency , was at length made presbyter of this church ; and after a while ; pantenus dying , he was esteemed worthy to succeed him in the office of doctor or moderator of that school ; in which imployment he continued long , even unto the end of his days , managing it with much industry and prudence to the great benefit and advantage of those that attended upon him , and gaining general applause and approbation . § . he was a man of admirable and choice endowments of nature , of an acute wit , & most tenacious memory , which he imployed and improved to the uttermost , sparing neither industry nor travail for the attaining of learning and knowledge , which he was very greatly desirous , yea greedy of ; for which cause he betook him to the schools of those men in divers provinces and countries , who were most eminent and famous , drawing from them what he found to be best , and might most advantage him in that which he sought for . nor did he attend only upon the living , but also applied himself unto and consulted with the dead , diligently and judiciously perusing the monuments of men learned in every kind that went before him : as well heathen ( poets , philosophers , historians , whether greeks or barbarians ) as christian ; as his works full stuft with multiplicity of authors and variety of reading do amply testifie . by this means did he attain unto a great height and more then ordinary measure of learning , both divine and humane ; so that in all antiquity he was accounted vir celeberrimus , most renowned ; clarissimus horum temporum ecclesiasticus tractator ; and in the judgment of ierom ( than which what more accurate ? ) the most learned of all the ancients : in whose books , saith he , what is there to be found unlearned ? yea , what not extracted out of the very bowels of philosophy ? they are full fraught with learning and eloquence . hence he is adorned by others with the titles of an egregious , most learned and most eloquent man ; an holy man , & who exceeds all others in his skill and cunning in many things , of notable and almost incredible knowledge ( saith gentian hervet . in epist. ante paedagogum ) in whom it so abounds , that he cannot be drawn dry , briefly he is , saith heinsius , penu eruditionis & scientiae , a full store-house and plentiful magazine of learning and knowledge ; so that cyril ( who was afterward bishop of the same city , where our clement was presbyter and professor ) calls him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an eloquent man , endued with multiplicity of knowledge , one that dived so far into the writings of the greeks , as few of those had done , who went before him . his piety and zeal for the honour of god and the advancement of christian religion , were no less than his learning ; being a devout , and holy man : for he was serviceable not only to the church of alexandria ( whereunto he stood in special relation ) but went from thence unto the churches of ierusalem and antioch , who , by his preaching among them , were not a little advantaged , some being edified and confirmed in the faith of christ , and others recovered from their errours , who had been seduced by false teachers . somewhat this way sounds the testimony concerning him of alexander at that time bishop of ierusalem , in his congratulatory epistle unto the church of antioch : these lines , saith he , i send unto you by clement the blessed presbyter , whom ye also know , and shall now more fully recognize ; who coming hither by the providence and visitation of god , hath confirmed and increased the church of the lord. thus as a faithful servant and steward , did he diligently lay out , and imploy the talents that he had received , for the advantage of his lord and master , who had intrusted him with them . he likewise greatly improved both the learning and life of his master pantenus , ( who was a pious and a prudent man ) receiving from him not only instructions as a doctor , for his information , but also an example and pattern , as a president , for his imitation , for ( saith nicephorus ) as he succeeded him in his place and imployment , so did he also tread in his steps , and observed the same manner and method both in his life and lectures . § . . he was exceeding useful unto the church of christ as well by his pen , as by his preaching : for being a man of singular and more than ordinary abilities he wrote divers books , wherein he transmitted unto posterity the doctrines which he had received and taught , and vigorously asserted and maintained the truth against the adversaries and opposers of it . of which writings many are lost through the injury of time and neglect of succeeding ages ; and some are remaining unto this day . of the first sort , are such as these , by ierom and eusebius ; . a commentary de paschate : which , saith eusebius , he composed at the instance of some friends who earnestly desired that he would commit to writing for the benefit of posterity , those things which he had heard and received from the ancient presbyters . in which book he remembers melito , irenaeus , and certain others whose expositions he inserts and makes use of . . a book thus intituled , quis dives salvetur . so eusebius ; or as ierom ; quisnam dives ille sit , qui salvetur . a treatise learnedly composed , saith nicephorus , and worthy to be perused : whence , saith possevine , eusebius took that famous story of the young man , by the apostle iohn recommended to the care of a certain bishop ; who afterward became very debaucht and gave himself to all kind of vice , but was again by the same apostle in an admirable manner recalled and recovered : who so list may read this story at large in eusebius , li● . . cap. . . his disputations of fasting : which ( as also the following ) nicephorus calls homilies . honorius augusto dunensis divides the title ; but amiss : setting down as two distinct books , de iojunio unus : de disceptatione unus : contrary to ierome , whose catalogue ( with some others he epitomized : ) trithemius also is guilty of the same errour . . de obtrectatione , or of slander . . an exhortatory unto patience , composed for such as were newly baptized . . of the canons of the church , or an ecclesiastical canon , and against those who follow the errour of the jews ; which book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he peculiarly dedicated it unto alexander , bishop of ierusalem : trithemius and the centurists make these two distinct books , wherein they may be presumed to be mistaken , seeing herein they differ from eusebius and ierom : the latter of the two the centurists entitle thus : of those who in the scriptures follow the sence of the jews . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eight books of dispositions , informations or institutions : ( fetching the name haply from tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) wherein he goeth over the whole body of the scriptures in a brief commentary or compendious explanation of them , if not rather some special places of both testaments , the scope of the whole work seeming to be an interpretation of genesis , exodus , the psalms , the epistles of paul , and those called catholical , and lastly of the book called ecclesiasticus : yea , he omits not some of those that are ap●cryphal , altogether and generally rejected , viz. the revelation under the name of peter , and the epistle of barnabas . heinsius gives us this account of them : these books ( saith he ) as the inscription teacheth us , did contain an institution or delineation of the doctrine of christianity ; not so much methodical , dogmatical and artificial , as free and bound up or restrained by no rules ; for he interpreted divers places of the sacred scriptures , out of which without doubt he gathered a body of doctrine . the want of these books cannot be accounted any great loss , if the report of photius concerning them be a truth : for ( saith he ) although in some things he seems to be orthodox and sound in his judgment , yet in others he discourseth altogether fabulously and impiously : as in asserting the matter whereof the world was made to be eternal , in ranking christ among the number of things created , in mentioning with allowance and approbation the pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transmigration of souls ; and that many worlds were before adam , that the word was not truly made flesh , but only seemed so to be , together with very many such like passages , withal adding ( as admiring and amazed that such an one as clement should be the author of them ) all which , either he himself , or else some other under his name blasphemously uttereth , which latter ( saith andrew scho●tus and possevine ) is the more likely ; for the arrians had corrupted his writings , as ruffine reporteth in his apology for origen ; and the doctrine contained in his other books is more sound and orthodox . besides these , there is elsewhere mention of the following treatises . . of the resurrection . . of continence . . of marriage : of these three he himself speaks in his books of stromes ; and particularly of the last in his paedagogus , lib. . cap. . where we have a summary of the contents of it , viz. how the wife ought to live with her husband , of the administration of the government of the family , the use of servants , and what things ought to be done by her apart , of the time of marriage , and of those things which appertain to women . . sozomen saith that he compiled an history : and indeed suidas makes mention of one clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the historian , who wrote of the roman kings and emperours : but baronius supposeth they meant not this but another clement ; and the truth is they both speak of a clement indefinitely , without any addition of the alexandrian , or otherwise . . many epistles . . he also promised a commentary upon genesis , which accordingly he clearly and entirely performed upon the whole book , as some do affirm , whom herein ( saith sixtus senensis ) i will neither give credit unto , nor gainsay . of the second sort of his books , viz. those remaining and commonly received at this day , are only the three following . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his admonition or exhortation unto the gentiles , adversus gentes , liber unus , saith ierom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his schoolmaster , comprised in three books . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eight books of stromes , a work variously woven after the manner of tapestry , mixed with testimonies taken out of the sacred scriptures , as also poets , philosophers and historians , whence he got the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contextor , or the weaver . he himself gives the reason of the name , and why these books were so entituled by him : est in exiguo quidem spacio ( inquit ) multa genitalis copia semine eorum dogmotum quae comprehenduntur in hoc opere , tanquam ager omnibus herbis plenus . vnde etiam propriam habent inscriptionem stromata commentariorum , &c. again , permixtim nobis instar prati variata est stromatum descriptio : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of its proper and primitive signification the most learned casaubon gives us this account ; solitos veteres stragulam vestem pellibus involvere , & loris constringere , etiam iurisconsulti testes sunt — constat autem ex-veterum lectione , & stragula superiora , & involucrum istud , quod antiquiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , recentiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocarunt , var●●s coloribus distincta ferè fuisse . inde translatae eae dictiones ad res significandas varietate insignes : cujusmodi fuit piscis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus ob coloris aurei virgas per totum illius corpus productas , inquit athenaeus , lib. . similiter & viri docti excerpta sua ex variis auctoribus , aut propria etiam scripta , sed veterum referta testimoniis , soliti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellare , ut clemens alexandrinus , &c. those books and commentaries ( saith martianus victorinus ) men call stromata , which contain in them variety of matter , because carpets and garments of this , compounded of divers colours and histories , were so interwoven . the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith eras●●ns ) is taken from pictured carpets or tapestry . also sixtus senensis thus ; a rapsody , which some call stroma , or a stromatical exposition , is an exposition made up of a composition out of divers authors . and in very deed such are clemens his commentaries or stromes , which contain so great and innumerable riches of all kind of learning ( saith gentian heroet ) that there is no one who is endued with any arts and sciences , but may receive from him exceeding great profit . yea ( saith the learned daille ) what can you name more mixed and fuller of variety than clemens his stromata , as he calls them , and his other works ; which are throughout interlaced with historical allusions , opinions , sentences and proverbs out of all sorts of writers , both sacred and profane , being here heightened with rich lightsome colours , there shaded with darkness , in such sort as that it is a vain thing for an ignorant person to hope ever to reach his meaning ? for which cause casaubon quoting a passage of these books , doth it after this manner : sic ait clemens alexandrinus , lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , centonum , which we may well call varias lectiones . the excellency and usefulness of all three , is thus fully and at large set forth by gentian heroet , who among others translated them into latine . of how great utility ( saith he ) this ancient father may be , doth from hence evidently appear : are there some that are delighted with the most ancient histories ? let them read clement , who retained them all so exactly , that none of these things which were done throughout the world , seem to have escaped his knowledge . are there who reverence the verses of the old poets , and certain divine answers of the oracles ? these must needs have clement in very high esteem , who citeth the testimonies of very many poets , whose works are at this day utterly lost and perished . are there , who would fain know and acquaint themselves with the ancient rites and ceremonies observed in or about the sacrifices of the gods ? let such betake them unto clement , who so unfolds all those abominable mysteries , that if any one among christians do yet praise and admire those old heathenish ordinances and customs ( and would to god there were none that did so ) he will forthwith ( unless he be more stupid than a stone ) upon the reading of clement cast away every fond opinion of those false gods , and must needs be ashamed of the madness of those who aforetime did worship them . would any know the decrees or opinions of the old philosophers ? let them view clement , who so delivers and describes the original of all philosophy , together with the several sects , successions and maxims of all philosophers ; that seeing a man so singularly learned hath preferred christian philosophy ( or religion ) before all other ; they will be forced ( though unwilling ) to confess that this is plainly divine , and in very deed inspired and published from god. have any a mind to understand what were the doctrines of those hereticks , who in its infancy and first rise disquieted the church of god ? they may hear them by clement explicated and confuted . are any willing to have evil and corrupt manners corrected and amended ? there is none that inveighs against vice more sharply , none that better exhorts unto vertue , none that shews the way how men should order and lead their lives more exactly then clement doth . an encomium large enough to invite the most curious reader , seeing there is such choice fare , and variety of dishes for his entertainment . there is observable in these works of his fore-named , an admirable order and method , purposely intended by himself ; which shews the mutual aspect and close connexion of the one unto the other ; so that even herein he is mysterious , and pythagorical . for , . in the first , he sets forth the vanity of heathenish idolatry ; by arguments drawn from the original and matter of their gods , and the judgement of the more sound ethnicks ; who , though unwillingly , yet acknowledged their errour : also from the vanity of their temples and images : and in the end exhorteth unto the profession of christianity and worship of the one only god , which may not unfitly be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a purgation of such as would become christians from heathenish superstitions . . in the second , viz. his paedagogus ; he teacheth , that the son of god is our schoolmaster , and what the manners of christians ought to be . this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the initiation or catechising of the new convert to christianity , wherein he omits no part of a christian life , which he doth not adorn with wonderful wisdom and learning . . in the third , viz. his stromes , there is great variety and plenty of matter , fetched both from the sacred scriptures and prophane authors ; for the more perfect instruction of those who had been initiated ; as setting strong meat before such as were of perfect or riper age , and had their senses exercised to discern both good and evil . and it may be called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad sacra maxima , supremam dei notionem & aeternam contemplationem admissio : an admission unto the high and hidden mysteries of christianity . concerning this last , take a hint of these two things : . that herein he tyeth not himself unto any exact method or order , but is somewhat confused and abstruse : for so he himself confesseth , rendring the reason why he did so , viz. he therefore dispersed the doctrines that excite unto true knowledge here and there , that they might not easily be found out by any that are not initiated into these mysteries : therefore , saith he , neque ordinem neque dictionem spectant libri stromaton ; the books of stromes respect neither order , nor words : so that here , it seems he was curious in neither . again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these books being as a body composed of variety of learning , will artificially conceal the seeds of knowledge : wherein things as they occasionally offered themselves and came into his mind , are scattered up and down , as a meadow is variously deckt and adorned . and this seems to have been the manner of the ancients : in so doing ( saith peter halliox ) clemens imitated dyonisius areopagita , viz. in that he voluntarily and on purpose wrote his books somewhat obscurely , and would hide the seeds of knowledge , and sometimes makes use of new words : to the end that , ( as in hunting ) the truth being found with much pains , might be the more sweet and acceptable , as also that it might be the more remote and secure from the scorn and cavils of petulant men , who apprehend not holy things . yea , ( saith origen ) using such obscurity , he did herein as the prophets were wont to do . to which let me only add the account which he himself gives of his end in compiling these books ; his words are , as rendred in the parisian edition ; non est hoc opus scriptura artificiosè comparata ad ostentationem , sed mihi ad senectutem reconduntur monimenta , oblivionis medicamentum verè image & adumbratio evidentium & anim●tarum illarum orationum , quas dignus hahitus sum qui audirem , & virorum beatorum quique reverà erant maximi precii & aestimationis . . the eighth book of stromes is different from the rest . . in the bulk of it : being shorter then the fore-going ; whence it appears not to be an entire book . . in the inscription thereof : fo● in some copies it hath this title , saith photius , quis dives salveter : ( of which before ) and begins with these words , qui laudatorias or ationes : in other copies it is thus inscribed , stromat●n octavus , as the other seven , and begins with the same words , which the now extant eighth book doth ; sed neque antiquissimi philosophi . . in the subject thereof , or matter contained and handled in it : for the seven preceding books are altogether theological , but this wholly logical ; nihil continet ( inquit scultetus ) theologicum , sed de syllogismis argumentisque logicis quasdam praeceptiunculas ) wherein there are some things unsound , though not so many as in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or institutions : so far photius . heinsius supposeth that this may be a fragment , taken out of his institutions , to which some things contained in them that were not sound did stick : so that he conceives this book was long lost , and that now a part of the institutions hath invaded the place thereof : which haply may be the reason , wherefore freculphus reckons the books of stromes to be but seven . this i thought good to intimate , and so to leave it unto the discreet reader , to judge and make what use of it he can . that small commentary set forth by bigne , which he calls adumbrationes or shadowings ( baronius gives them the name of breves notae , short notes ) upon some of the catholical epistles , viz. the epistle of peter , the epistle of iude , and the first and second of iohn ( and the truth is , they give but little light into those scriptures ) though they bear the title of this ancient father , yet in all likelyhood are they none of his ; for neither eusebius nor ierom make any mention of them ; only cassiodorus affirms it , and that it is done in an attick or elegant stile ; wherein many things are spoken subtily indeed , but not so warily as they should have been . probable it is that these notes also were by some one taken out of his institutions . for these are said to contain in them an explanation of a great part of the sacred scriptures , and particularly of the catholical epistles . § . for the stile that he useth 't is elegant and full of gravity : both ierom and cyril commend in him his eloquence ; and trithemius stiles him eloquentissimus , a most eloquent man : it 's conceived that he was born in athens , and consequently it is likely that there also he had his first education , and the language of the place , which was of all other the best and finest . athenis ( inquit tertullianus ) sapiendi dicendique acutissimos nasci relatum est : in athens are born the most acute men , for wisdom and speech : athens being famous for eloquence , as was sparta for arms. his books of the school-master ( saith photius ) are nothing like unto his institutions or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for besides that they have not in them any of those sottish and blasphemous opinions , which were to be found in the other ; the very phrase is more florid and rhetorical , rising to a certain well temper'd gravity mixed with sweetness . such was the attick dialect : atticorum aures teretes ad quas qui se accommodat is existimandus est atticè dicere ( inquit rhodiginus . ) ut nil sentiatur insolens , nil ineptum ; omnia ornata , gravia , copiosa : whence grew that adage ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pr●venustâ lepidâque oratione . § . those excellent monuments of his own extant , may not unfitly be compared unto a pleasant garden , richly furnished with great variety of the choicest herbs and flowers : wherein the judicious reader may with much contentment recreate himself , and be thence abundantly stored both for his profit and delight . i shall gather and present you with a view for an invitation . . concerning the holy scriptures he speaks very venerably , plainly asserting the divine authority , perspicuity and perfection of them thus : we make use ( saith he ) of the scriptures for the finding out and judging of the truth of things : now whatsoever is judged , is not believed before it be judged ; wherefore neither is that a principle , that needs to be judged . if it be not enough to affirm what seems to be a truth , but that a proof of what is spoken be requisite , we expect not the testimony of men , but we prove what is inquired after by the voice of the lord , which is more worthy to be believed than any demonstration , or rather is the only demonstration . again , as in war , that order is not to be foresaken , which the commander hath given to the soldier : so neither is that order to be forsaken , that the word hath prescribed to us , which we have received as the prince or moderator both of knowledge and practice . . to believe in christ , is to be made one with him and inseparably united to him : not to believe is to doubt , and to be divided and at distance from him . faith is a voluntary anticipation ( or aforehand taking hold of what is promised ) a pious assent : the substance of things hoped for , and argument of things not seen . others ; an uniting assent unto things not apparent ; a demonstration , or manifest assent unto a thing not known . . the whole life of a godly man is , as it were , a certain holy and solemn festival day : his sacrifices are prayers and praises , and the reading of the scriptures before his repast ; as also psalms and hymns while he is at meat : likewise before he goeth to rest , yea , and in the night to prayers again . by these he unites and joyns himself unto the quire of heaven . but doth he know no other sacrifices ? yes ; namely , the largess of instruction , and relief of the poor . . the sacred scriptures are they , which make men holy like unto god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . this is to drink the blood of jesus , viz. to be made partaker of the incorruption of the lord. . it 's the greatest argument of divine providence , that the lord permits not sin and vice , which had its rise from mans voluntary defection , to remain unprofitable , nor yet altogether hurtful : for it is the office of the divine wisdom , vertue and power , not only to do good ( for this is ( to say it once for all ) the nature of god , as it is of fire to burn , and of light to illuminate ) but also , and that chiefly , to bring that unto some good and profitable end and issue , that hath been devised by wicked men , and to use those things profitably , which seem to be evil . again , nothing comes to pass without the will of the lord of all : it remains therefore that we briefly say , that things of this nature , ( viz. persecutions , &c. ) do come to pass , the lord not letting or hindring them ; for this only salves both the divine providence and goodness : for we ought not to imagine that he doth effectually cause afflictions ; far be it from us so to think ; but we ought to perswade our selves , that he doth not hinder those who are the authors of them , but make use of the bold attempts of adversaries unto a good end . . god , who is good and gracious , chastiseth for three causes . . that he who is chastised may become better than he was . . that such as may or shall be saved , being admonished by examples , may be prepared . . that he who is injured , may not be contemned , and apt ( or exposed ) to more injury . . speaking of the several sorts of officers in the church , he makes mention only of those three commonly received , viz. bishops , elders and deacons . . reprehension is , as it were , a kind of chirurgery of the affections of the soul : and admonition is , as it were , a kind of dyet for the sick soul : which counselleth and adviseth unto those things that are to be taken ; and forbids such as are to be forborn . . he calls pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the metropolis , or principal seat of vice. . as touching the author of the epistle to the hebrews ( because i find it recorded by eusebius , nicephorus and others , i thought good not to omit it ) he affirmeth it to be pauls undoubtly ( whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the divine apostle ) and therefore written in the hebrew tongue , for the hebrews sakes , but faithfully translated by luke ( who was the disciple of paul ) and published unto the gentiles or greeks : and therefore we find in it the like phrase or manner of speech , as is used in the acts of the apostles . and that we have not the wonted superscription prefixed in this epistle , viz. paul an apostle , &c. he gives this reason of it ; for , saith he , writing unto the hebrews , because of the ill opinion they had conceived of him , he very wisely concealed his name , left upon the sight thereof they should be dismayed , and refuse to read the epistle : and also , ( even as macarius the elder said ) for as much as the lord himself was the messenger of the almighty , and sent unto the hebrews ; paul for modesties sake , or out of his humility being the apostle of the gentiles , wrote not himself the apostle of the hebrews , partly for the honour due to christ , and partly also for that he being the apostle of the gentiles , did freely and boldly write unto the hebrews , . of the order of the evangelists according unto the tradition of the elders , he thus writeth . the gospels which contain the genealogies are placed and accounted the first , ( viz. matthew and luke ) the gospel according to mark was written upon this occasion ; when peter preached openly at rome , and published the gospel by lively voice ; many of his auditors entreated mark ( having been a hearer and follower of that apostle a long time , and one that well remembred his words ) to deliver unto them in writing such things as he had heard peter preach before ; which thing , when peter afterward understood to be done , though he had not given command that it should be done ; yet being done , he forbad it not . iohn last of all seeing in the other evangelists the humanity of christ set forth at large , being intreated by the disciples , and filled with the holy ghost , he wrote chiefly of his divinity . . by the gnostick in our author ( in whom this term is freequently used ) we are to understand the compleat and perfect christian ; whom he so stiles in opposition unto those foul hereticks and false christians , who for the excellency of knowledge , which they vainly boasted of , proudly assumed and appropriated unto themselves this name and title of gnosticks or knowing men ; by which they are commonly known : against these he opposeth the true gnostick , for the information and description of whom , he wrote his books of stromes ; as the inscription set down by eusebius , and more at large by photius , doth more than intimate : though especially and particularly he discourseth upon this subject , in the sixth and seventh books : wherein he treateth of the affections , science , speech , prayers , love both to god and to the truth , of the benignity , sacrifices , and contemplation of the true gnostick . in which description he is so exact , that he therein shews rather what a one a christian should be , than what any one is : there being no such example to be found ; such as was the pourtraict of a wise man by the stoicks , and of a common-wealth by plato , whom herein our author imitated . . he shews whence several heresies have their several names . some ( saith he ) take their names from the authors of them ; as from valentinus , marcion and basilides ; although they boast that they bring the opinion of mathias : for both the doctrine and tradition of all the apostles was one and the same : some are named from the place ; as the peratici : others from the nation ; as the heresie of the phrygians : some from their profession ; as the encratitae , ( because they abstained from marriage , wine , and the eating of flesh ) others from their proper opinions as the docitae and haematitae : some from their hypotheses , and the things which they honoured ; as those which are called cainists and ophiani : others from those things which they nefariously perpetrated and dared ; as those of the simoniani , who are called entychitae . of which last danaeus thus speaks : canistae ( qui ab amoribus turpissimis ita sunt appellati ) fuerunt tetriores : quanquam clement , strom . lib. . putat fuisse eutychitas ; sed errorem subesse in condicibus impressis , nemo qui aliorum de eisdem rebus scripta legerit , dubitabit . . in the first book of stromes , undertaking to demonstrate the antiquity of the christian religion ; and that it was before the philosophy of the heathen ; he proves that moses ( who flourished in the time of inachus the king of the argives ) was more ancient than any of the greek poets , philosophers , or wise men , yea , most of their gods : to which end he sets down and reckons the times of the kingdoms of the jews , persians , macedonians and romans : and so presents us with an exact and accurate chronology from the time of moses , unto the death of emperour commodus ; in whose successors reigns , viz. severus , ( for pertinax , who came between them , held the empire but a few months ) he wrote these books as eusebius concludes : for thus he : clemens writing his books of stromes , comprised in the first volume a chronicle , containing the times unto the death of commodus ; so that it is evident , ( saith he ) that he finished his books under severus . . he thus descants upon those words of christ : matth. . . when they persecute you in this city , flee ye into another : he doth not here perswade to fly , as if to suffer persecution were evil ; nor doth he command us , fearing death to decline it by flight ; but he wills us , that we be to none the authors or abettors of evil ; he requires us to use caution : but he that obeys not , is audacious and rash , unadvisedly casting himself into manifest perils . now if he that kills a man of god , doth sin against god ; he also is guilty of that murther , who offers himself to judgement . and such a one shall he be accounted , that avoids not persecution , presumptuously offering himself to be taken . he it is , that as much as in him lyeth , helps forward the impiety of him that persecutes . much like to this is that of athanasius , numb . . vid. . behold , o man ( saith he ) for how small a matter the lord doth give thee land to till , water to drink , another water whereby to send forth , or export , and to return or import thy commodities , air wherein to breath , a house to cover thee from the injury of the weather , fire wherewith to warm thee , and whereat to imploy thee , a world wherein to dwell : all these things so great , so many , thy lord hath , as it were , rented out unto thee , at a very easie rate ; a little faith , a little thanks , so it be true , so they be hearty : and most unkind thou , if thou denyest him that rent ; the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof : if then thou dost not acknowledge thy lord being compassed round with his blessings ; he will then say unto thee ; get thee out of my land , and from out of my house ; touch not my water , partake not of my fruits . if i have rented these out unto thee for so small a matter , a little thanks , and thou dost deny me that little ; thou hast , in so doing , forfeited the whole , and i will require the forfeiture at thy hands . § . these and many such like excellent passages do his writings abound with ; but yet there are intermixed and scattered up and down , such things as are neither sound , nor sav●●ry , which are therefore carefully to be heeded and avoided . in so much as for this cause pope gelas●us did providently require , ( saith baro●ius ) that the works of this clement should be branded with the note of apocryphal : wherein notwithstanding he may justly be accounted more wary than wise ; for were this ground sufficient to reject the labours of the ancients , because among much good grain there is some chaff to be found , none of them would be remaining , or of any credit at this day . let us rather sever the gold from the dross , than dam up the mine , and let what 's bad be suffer'd to continue for the sake of what is good and useful in them , rather than what 's good be rejected for the bads sake . nevertheless , it may not be amiss to give notice of what will not endure the test and trial ; lest through inadvertency , and because of the antiquity and authority of the author , that should be esteemed and taken up for sound and current , which upon examination will prove adulterate and unpassable . of which sort are these that follow . . it is a ridiculous thing ( saith be ) to imagine , that the body of our saviour , as a body , did stand in need of necessary aids and ministries that it might continue : for he did eat not for his bodies sake , which was upheld by an holy power ; but lest it might occasion those with whom he conversed to think otherwise of him ; as indeed afterward some were of opinion , that he appeared only in a vision and phantasm : for , to say it once for all , he was void of passion , being one whom no motion of affection could take hold of , neither pleasure nor grief . a strange and gross conceit ▪ and directly contrary to clear texts of scripture . . that christ ought to preach but one year only , he fondly gathered from , luke . . he hath sent me , to preach the acceptable year of the lord : and supposeth that he suffer'd in the thirtieth year of his age . both which , as his errours , casaubo● maketh mention of ; and how manifestly repugnant they both are to the history of the evangelists , is obvious to every observing eye . . he is of the mind , that jesus christ descended into hell for this cause , that he might preach the gospel unto the dead , and that these are the bodies spoken of , matth. . . . that arose at the time of christ's passion , that they might be translated unto ● better place . yea , that the apostles , as well as the lord himself , did preach the gospel unto those that were dead . chemnitius thus reports it : clemens alexandrinus ( inquit ) multa citat ex apocryphis , quibus peregri●s dogmata stabilire conatur : vt ex libro pastoris hermae probat apostolos post mortem praedicasse illis qui anteà in infidelitate mortui fuer●nt , & illos conversos vivificasse . he thought that no man was saved before the coming of christ , but that those who lived piously and righteously by the law , or by philosophy were accounted righteous , yet wanted faith : wherefore in hell they expected the coming of christ , and the apostles , and that by their preaching they were converted to the faith , and so saved . . he frequently asserteth the freedom of man's will in spirituals . e.g. yours is the kingdom of heaven , if directing or turning your free-will unto god , you will believe only , and follow that short way that is preached unto . again , neither praises nor dispraises , neither honours or rewards , nor punishments are just , if the soul have not free power to desire , and to abstain . also , because it is in our power to obey or not to obey ; that none may pretend ignorance , the divine word gives a just call unto all ; and requires what every one is enabled to perform . lastly , defection , going back , and disobedience are in our power as is also obedience . and in this particular he erred not alone , the two immediately preceding , and divers other of the ancients being of the same judgement ; the ground whereof may be conceived to be this , because many of them had been in their first years brought up in the study of philosophy , and of philosophers being converted , became christians ; this made them attribute so much , even too much unto philosophy , which proved the occasion of many errours in them : hence it is that tertullian calls philosophers patriarchas haereticorum : and rhen●nus having shewn of how great advantage the philosophy of platonicks was unto valentinus ( who had been of that sect ) in the hatching of his wild and sottish heresies ; breaks out into these words ; see ( saith he ) how great mischief philosophy hath always done unto christianity , well therefore might the apostle so caution the colossians ; beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit . ierom also exercising some errours of his , wherein he had followed origen , thus pleads for himself ; fae me , inquit , errasse in adolescentiâ & philosophorum , i.e. gentilium studiis eruditum , in principio fidei d●●mata ignorasse christiana , & hoc putasse in apostolis , quod in pythagorâ & platone , 〈◊〉 empedocle legeram . cur parvuli in christo , 〈◊〉 lactentis errorem sequimini ? cur ab eo imputatem discitis , qui necdum pietatem noverat● secunda post naufragium tabula est , culp●● simpliciter confiteri . imitati estis errantem , imitamini & correctum . erravimus juven●● , emendemur senes , &c. now among other things philosophy doth beyond measure advance the power of mans will and natur● abilities : and this opinion drew on withi● the extenuation of original sin , and the depravation of the doctrine of the merit of christ ; into both which this father among the rest was but meanly insighted . and this may be the reason why the reverend cal●● stiles that doctrine of free-will , heatheni● philosophy : procul sit ( inquit ) à christi●● pectore illa de arbitrii libertate gentilis phil●sophia . . he affirms , that because the 〈◊〉 hath free-will , he may repent : which saying of his seems to have been the occasion 〈◊〉 that errour in origen his scholar , that the devils might be saved ; as both the cent●rists , and also gentian heroet conceive ; who in his education hath this note in the m●●gin upon these words of clement ; hinc 〈◊〉 origenis . . he also phansied , that some of the a●gels were incontinent , and being overcome with lust , they descended and disclose● many secrets unto those woman with whom they fell in love , and whatsoever things came to their knowledge , which the other angels conceal'd , and reserved unto the coming of the lord. besides these there are some other things wherein he is judged to be both unsound and uncertain ; sometimes affirming one thing , sometimes another ; as concerning the baptism of hereticks , which he seems altogether to condemn : also , that second marriages have imperfection in them , and are not without sin , yea , are little better than fornication ; contrary to that express text. timoth. . . i will that the younger women ( viz. widows , verse . ) marry . likewise , concerning good works , perfection and repentance , he seems sometimes to contradict himself , and vents very dangerous opinions : adeò in multis articulis lubricus est , ac saepenumerò sibi contradicit , ut quid constanti sententiâ affirmet , vix interdum agnoseas . § . how long this father lived , as also when , where and how he ended his days is very uncertain : histories being silent herein : only probable it is that he attained unto many years , and continued long after the death of his master pantaenus : for it seems that he compiled his book , both of stromes and informations or institutions ( if not all the rest ) after that time , seeing he mentions him as dead , and some good while before : as also that he had through length of time forgotten many of those things , which he ha● heard from him . he flourished ( saith i●rom ) under the emperour severus and autoninus caracalla : and ( as some report ) 〈◊〉 ended his pilgrimage by a natural death 〈◊〉 alexandria , where he had long taught ; dying ▪ in a good old age , and full of days , em●annum . tertullianus . he stiles himself in the titles prefixed to his books by the name of quintus septimius florens tertullianus ; perhaps to distinguish himself from some others , whose names did in part agree with his own . for his country , he was an african , and had for the place of his birth there the famous city of carthage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as it 's called by strabo ) rome's corrival , de terrarum orbe aemula ( saith pliny ) that contended with it for the empire of the world . and 't is observed as memorable , that in his time two of his countrymen held the places of highest dignity both civil and ecclesiastical , viz. septimius severus and victor , both africans , the one being emperour , and the other bishop of rome . his father was a centurion , one of eminent rank , as bearing the office of a proconsul , who took care to have his son from his tender years to be well educated , and trained up in the schools ; where , having a pregnant wit and excellent parts , he proved a notable proficient , and soon attained unto such a measure of knowledge in philosophy and all kind of learning , that he was by all esteemed for one of the most exquisite and best accomplished scholars of his time . he for some years professed and taught the art of rhetorick in carthage with approbation and applause ; from which , after a while he proceeded to the practice of the law ( to the study whereof he had formerly applied himself , and became well skilled therein , as eusebius testifieth , stiling him a man well experienced in the roman laws ) accuratâ legum ( inquit nicephorus ) & actorum rom●norum peritiâ clarus ) performing the office of an advocate , in pleading the causes of such clients as entertained him , with much dexterity . but he is designed unto a more high and honourable employment , viz. to plead the cause of god , and to publish the glorious mysteries of the gospel : in order whereunto the divine goodness finds out a way for the translating of him from the school of the world into the shool of christ , by his conversion from gentilism to christianity . as touching the time and manner thereof , though nothing be lef● upon record , either by himself , or others directly pointing it out , and acquainting us therewith ; yet are then some things to be found from whence it may be probably conjectured , that it fell out while he was yet but young , and in the prime of his years . for . he wrote a treatise of the troubles attending marriage , cum adhuc esset adoleseens , when ( saith ierom ) he was but a young man : yet baronius conceives it most likely to have been done by him after his conversion ; for ( saith he ) i cannot think that ierom would have directed eustochium ( whom he wished to read that book of his ) unto the writing● of an heathen for her instruction in that particular . . ierom and others report concerning him , that he continued an orthodox presbyter in the church , usque ad statam mediamque aetatatem , unto his middle age ; and afterwards fell away unto the heresie of the montanists : but now evident it is , that he wrote the most of his books before that time , to the doing whereof , and furnishing for such a work , a great deal of time must needs be requisite . in the judgment of pamelius , and according to his computation , he became a christian in the third year of the reign of severus , in which also he is of opinion , that he wrote his book de p●llio , or of the cloak ; and so continued year after year to put forth some or other of his labours unto the time of his defection , which fell out in the eighteenth year of that emperour's reign : so that he remained in the church after his conversion about fifteen years before he arrived unto his middle age , and therefore could be of no great age when first he gave up his name to christ. that which gave the occasion of his relinquishing the heathenish , and embracing the christian religion , some conceive ( taking a hint hereof from a passage of his own ) to have been this , viz. that the devils being sometimes adjured , did , though unwillingly , confess that they were the gods of the gentiles . this put him upon the search and study of the scriptures , whose great antiquity ( as transcending all other writings in this regard ) asserted their authority , and the truth of the predictions contained in them ( testified by answerable events ) was a sufficient argument of their divinity : which two , duly considered , could not but prove strong inducements to perswade him , that the doctrine and religion therein taught and discoursed , must needs be the truest , and above any other most worthiest to be believed and embraced : to which he added , as no small help hereunto , the diligent perusal of those writings of his predecessors , wherein they had testified against the gentiles their profane practices and abominable idolatries . having after his conversion spent some time in carthage ( where he was promoted unto the degree and office of a presbyter ) he afterward came to rome , in which city he was had in great estimation , being famous among those learned men who flourished there at that time . upon what occasion he came to rome , and how long he made his abode there is uncertain : pamelius conceives th●● his book de coronâ militis was there writte● in the sixteenth year of severus , in the eighteenth year of whose reign he made his defection from the church , upon which he was excommunicated , and consequently in al● likelyhood then left that place , returning again unto carthage . but how long or short soever his continuance was there , it prove● too long for him , in regard of the mischi●● that there betided him ; for in this place 〈◊〉 was , that he split and dashed himself upon the rock of montanism , either through 〈◊〉 overlargeness of the sails of self-conceit , 〈◊〉 the impetuous gusts of his own passions . ierom and divers other historians do agree in this , that his defection took beginning from the envy conceived against , and contumelies cast upon him by the romish clergy ; moved hereunto , either by his learning and virtue ( wherein haply he might go beyond and out-shine them , and so seem to detract from their worth , and eclipse their glory ) or for that being extremely studious of continence and chastity , they thought him to lean toward , and too much favour ( though closely ) the heresie of montanus : or lastly , because in some of his books he had too sharply reprehended the vices which he had observed among them : hereupon , being a man of a cholerick and violent spirit , impatient and unable to brook and bear such injuries ( cum ingenio & calamo omnia vinceret , impatientiam vincere non potuit , inquit scultet . miserrimus ego ( inquit tertullianus ipse ) semper aeger caloribus impatientiae , patientiae sanitatem suspicem necesse est ) he openly joyned himself unto that sect , which being once faln to , he as zealously laboured to defend and plead for , as he had formerly opposed it ; proving as vehement an adversary of the orthodox , as he had been of the hereticks . some conceive the occasion of his fall might be , because that after the death of agrippinus he suffered a repulse , and was put by the bishoprick of carthage : ( sic valentinus , cum cujusdam ecclesiae episcopatum ambiret , & ipsius non fuisset habita ratio , offensus hac re , veteris cujusdom opinionis praestigias adversus orthodoxos docere caepit , hoc videlicet pacto sui contemptum ulturus ) whereunto may be added as a step to his fall , that he was a man of an easie belief , and of no great judgement , ( saith rivet ) insomuch as he was apt to give credit unto the feigned relations of every silly woman , and to prefer them before the most certain and catholick doctrines . these things thus making way for it , the work became the more facile and easie ; whereof one proclus was the unhappy instrument , reputed a most eloquent man and one of the more moderate followers of montanus : with this man being then at rome tertullian grew familiar , having him in admiration for his eloquence and virgin old age : ut , proculus ( inquit ) nostrae virginis senectae & christians eloquentiae dignitas : loqui autem eum de p●culo seu proclo montanistâ apparet , inquit p●melius , de quo suprà auctor lib. de praescri●● . advers . haeretic . proclus making his advantage hereof , soon deceived him , telling him that the doctrine which he professed , he had received not from man , but from the paracle● that descended first upon montanus : he highly commended chastity , injoyned fasting to be observed in the strictest manner , as by the instinct of the spirit , multiplyed watchings and prayers , and so much extolled martyrdom that he held it unlawful to fly , or use a● means for the preservation of life . what 〈◊〉 thus confidently taught and delivered , was ●●greedily taken in by tertullian , in so much ● he quickly became giddy , yea even drunk● with his fanatical opinions ; which as he entertained with facility , so did he retain the●● with pertinacy : in whom we find this verified ; that eminent gifts may occasion a 〈◊〉 fall , but cannot keep him from falling : it being grace alone that makes the soul steddy , and secures it against all the impetuous blasts of temptation . great par●s expose men to hazard . . through pride , which is too often the companion of them , and begotten by them : hence they soar aloft , prying into things secret , not content to walk in the common and safe road : they would ( as he , acts . . ) be some body more than ordinary ; and so transcending the limits of sobriety , they do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : upon which precipice being once gotten , they soon fall into the snare of the devil . . through envy , which for the most part follows them , as the shadow the substance : this blasting their reputation , and being as a dead fly in the pot of their precious ointment ; they betake them unto factions : chusing rather to side with the erroneus in esteem , then with the orthodox in disgrace . . through ambition , they would fain be as eminent in place as in parts : accounting themselves injured when others are preferred before them : hence it comes to pass , that sometime in way of discontent and by way of revenge , they have deserted , yea set themselves against the truth , because they would make opposition against those that have stood in their way , and crost them in their expectations . by this means he lost both his repute , and also his place in the church , which excommunicated and owned him no longer . hence also it came to pass , that having erred so fouly , his writings were of little authority and lost much of their esteem : being prohibited to be read by gelasius : and because absurd opinions were in them , mingled with other things , they were by the orthodox condemned and reckoned in the number of apocryphal books . he was ( saith bellarmine ) an arch heretick , and in matters dogmatical of very small account : ierom therefore being by helvidius prest with the authority of tertulian : in his heat thus ●oundly replies ; i say no more of him but that he was no man of the church . nevertheless , that especially for which he was adjudged and proceeded against as an heretick , was this , that betaking him to the cataphrygians or montanists , ( whom before he had opposed ) he began to condemn second marriages ( contrary to the doctrine of the apostle , tim. . . ) as no better then fornication : which opinion he was the rather moved to embrace , ( saith rhenanus ) because he thought that the last day ( which elegantly he calls diem expeditionis lib. . ad uxorem . ) was near at hand , as also did ierom and other of the ancients grounding upon that of the apostle , cor. . . 〈◊〉 time is short , it remaineth that they that 〈◊〉 wives , be as though they had none . 〈◊〉 hereto he added ( which compleated his fault ) that being divided from the cataphrygians , he ● length gathered conventicles of his own , and became the authour of that s●ct , which from him are called and known by the name of tertullianists . doubtless the fall of this worthy man struck a very great fear with admiration into the hearts of the faithful , when they saw one so eminent , and learned , such a lover of truth , and in every regard so accomplished , to miscarry . in this sad condition did he remain unto the end of his life , for ought that appears in history to the contrary : which mentions his fall , but not his rise and recovery : herein greatly to be pittied , that having with so much zeal and strength maintained the doctrine of christianity against the adversaries thereof , he should at length unworthily desert the truth , and become a champion of the grossest errours . it is iniquity , and maketh a man a transgressor , to build again the things which he had destroyed , and a point of greatest folly to begin in the spirit , but to end in the flesh ; let him that thinketh he standeth , take heed lest he fall . yet i shall not omit to give you the judgement and charitable thoughts of the learned daille concerning him ; we are to take notice ( saith he ) that his montanism put no separation at all betwixt him and other christians , save only in point of discipline , which he , according to the severity of his nature , would have to be most harsh and rigorous : for as for his doctrine , it is very evident , that he constantly kept to the very same rule , and the same faith that the catholicks did . and this is evident enough , out of all those books which were written by him , during the time of his being a montanist : wherein he never disputeth or contendeth about any thing , save only about discipline . § . he is a very ancient authour , nea● neighbour unto the apostles times , the very first among all the latin fathers , and ecclesiastical writers , whose works are come to our hands , then whom the christian world scarce hath an elder : who preceeded all the councils , ( those in the acts only excepted ) and the first that strenuously asserted and vindicated the doctrines of the gospel against all the cunning cavils and bold attempts of prophane hereticks . he was a man of a sharp wit , and vehement spirit , very bold and undaunted , which he notably discovered in his plea and apology for the christians , wherein he budgeth not a jot from that constancy that became him , not caring and little curious to curry favour , as knowing well he had a just and honest cause in hand . vehementi ardore magnoque affectu pro orthodoxâ religione scribit , disputa● , pugnat , ut liqueat , eum nihil fingere , verae pietatis atque martyrii amantibus semper gratissimus . so accomplisht was he and exactly skilful in all kind of learning , as no man more in the judgement of ierom ; in so much as he accounted that what himself had , was but very little in comparison : also i pray ( saith he to fabiola ) ne meam 〈…〉 comparetis : compare not my drop to his stream : vir undecunque doctissimus : being excellently insighted into philosophy , a most accurate disputant , throughly exercised in the art of rhetorick , and most compleatly furnished with the knowledge of all antiquity . he had diligently perused all sorts of authors ( a large catalogue whereof is set down by pamelius ) grammarians , poets , historians , philosophers , mathematicians , orators , civilians , &c. from whence this industrious and busie bee , as from so many flowers , gathered that honey wherewith his hive was so replenished . he was no less acquainted with the greek , then with the latin tongue , as appears from his being conversant in authors as well greek as latin ( the most of ecclesiasticks that had gone before him , having written in greek . ) shortly , in the judgement of erasmus , he was inter latinos theologus multò omnium doctissimus . after his conversion he bent his studies to divinity , and spent night and day in reading not only ecclesiastical writers , but chiefly the sacred scriptures , wherein his books shew him to be more than ordinarily versed : in citing whereof he follows the interpretation of the septuagint in the old testament , and the greek text in the new : in translating whereof in a peculiar manner and different from all others , it 's very manifest that he was no mean grecian but familiarly acquainted with that tongue . he had a notably faculty in teaching , and could do much that way wherein as also in writing , he excelled both in fulness and gravity : yet would he sometimes have such sprinklings of the salt of his wit among ; as that he would move laughter in his auditors with his merry conceits : whom herein ierom too often imitates . he was as eminent and as exemplary in his life as other ways , non loquitur solùm magna , verùm etiam indubiè vixit , not only speaking great things , but without doubt acting and living accordingly : as minutius felix his contemporary ; in his octavio : speaks of the christians of that time , non eloquimur magn● , sed vivimus . of a comely behaviour , innocent and harmless , ubique , mirum , magnumque animi zelum in deum spirat : full of zeal toward god and of great austerity , insomuch as his over-valuing of continence , watchings , fastings , &c. gave proclus his seducer no small advantage , and became one of those baits whereby he was at length insnared . these things had made his name and memory sweet and precious amongst men unto this day , had not the dead fly corrupted and marr'd the savour of the fragrant oyntment . let vincentius lyrniensis be heard , ( an ancient father too ) and if any thing be wanting above , he will supply it , and make his encomium full . he is ( saith he ) accounted the chief among the latins , for who more learned then this man ? who more exercised in things both divine and humane ? in the wonderful vastness and capacity of his mind , he comprehended all philosophy , and all the sects of philosophers , the authors and assertors of those sects , together with all their discipline : all variety of history , yea of all kinds of study . was not his wit so weighty and vehement , that he propounded almost nothing to himself , to be overcome and master'd by him , which he either brake not through with the sharpness , or else dash● in pieces with the ponderousness of it ? moreover , who can set forth the praises of his speech , which is so invironed with i know not what strength of reason , that whom he could not perswade , he doth even force to yeild to his consent : in whom there are as many sentences as words , and as many victories as reasons : as marcion , apelles , praxeas , herm●genes , the jews , the gentiles , gnosticks and others knew full well , whose blasphemies he overthrew , with the many and mighty mounts and batteries of his volumes , as it were with certain thunderbolts . and yet even this man , by much more eloquent than happy , not holding the ancient faith , even he also became in ecclesiâ magna tentatio , a great temptation in the churc● of god. § . as he was a man of great abilities , s● was he of no less industry : as appears by those lasting monuments of his learned and elaborate volumes ; acutus scriptor & gravis ( inquit danaeus ) & qui totum hominem desideret , imò etiam saepè ingenii communem captum superet , who was had in great estimation , especially by holy cyprian ; so that he suffered no day to pass , without the diligent reading and perusal of some part of him : testifying the extraordinary respect which he bare toward him by the words he was wont to use , when he called for him , saying , da magistrum , reach hither my master : whom also in many things he imitated , borrowing even his words and expressions from him , and transcribing many passages out of him , which he inserted into his own books : many other also of the ancients that followed him made use of him , viz. ierom , ambrose , fortunatus , basil , isidore , &c , which plainly shews that they had him in great veneration . as the ancient ethnicks honoured homer the prince of poets , and particularly arcesilaus the academick , who was so delighted with , and studious of him , that he would always read somewhat of him before he went to sleep , as also in the morning when he arose , saying that he went , ad amasium , to his beloved . of his works some are wanting , but the most remaining unto this day . of the first sort are . . his treatise of the troubles attending marriage , unto a philosopher his friend : which he wrote when he was but young , ( ●um adhuc esset adolescens lusit in hac materiâ ) before , as pamelius thinks , but in the judgement of baronius , after his conversion . . his book of the garments of aaron , which ierom mentions in his epistle to fabiola . . of the hope of the faithful : wherein he declares himself to be a millenary : himself mentions it , advers . marcionem , lib. . . of paradise , which he thus speaks of himself , habes etiam de paradiso a nobis libellum , quo constituimus omnem animum apud inferos sequestrari in die domini . . against apelles ; who ( with lucian the heretick ) having been the disciple of marcion ; and falling upon errours of his own , differing from his master , became the author of a sect , that from him have the name of apelletiani , ( as tertullian stiles them ) or apelleiani ( as epiphanius ) or apellitae ( as augustine ) or apelliaci ( as rhenanus ) alluding unto them , as the denyers of the flesh of christ ( which was their errour ) quasi sine pelle , sive cute , hoc est , carne ; ut horatius iudaeum vocat apellam , quòd sine pelle sit , nempe quòd praeputium non habeat . against these hereticks did tertullian write this book , inscribed adversus apelletianos . . six books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of rapture ; which ( saith pamelius ) seem rather to have been written in greek than latine ; and a seventh , which he wrote particularly against appollonius ; ( who with victor are the only two latin fathers that preceded tertullian , who hath the third place among them in ieroms catalogue ) wherein he endeavours to defend whatever the other reproved him for . these were written after his defection against the church , containing in them divers of his wild , montanistical conceits ; which therefore may well be wanting without any detriment , the bad by much over-weighing the good that was in them ; they might haply be suppress'd by some , who wished well unto the peace of the church ; and surely the loss of them would have proved a gain , had the errours contained in them , been with them buried in everlasting oblivion . it 's a mistake of platina to say , that he wrote six books of ecstacy against apollonius ; whereas 't was only a seventh : so it is also of honorius augustodunensis , who reckons but five of ecstasie , and six against apollonius : and of trithemius , who records but one of each , which he saith he had seen ; so that they seem to have been extant , even unto his time . . a book against marcion , as he himself intimates ; written by him in his yonger years , somewhat overhastily : as ierom speaks of an allegorical exposition of the prophet obadiab composed by himself in his youth ; liberè profiteor illud fuisse puerilis ingenii ; in libris quoque contra marcionem septimius tertullianus hoc idem passus est . . of the submission of the soul. . of the superstition of that age , these two , saith gothfredus , among the rest were in the index of the books of tertullian , which was prefix'd unto that ancient manuscript , out of which he took those two books of his ad nationes which he published . . that the soul is corporeal , volumen hoc suppressum putamus , inquit rhenanus . to which added . . de fato . . de nuptiarum angustiis ad amicum philosophum . . de mundis & immundis animalibus . . de circumcisione . . de trinitate . . de censu animae adversus hermogenem : which pamelius hath in his catalogue also . . trithemius sets down in his catalogue a book of his contra omnes haereses ; which begins with divorum haereticorum . . the book of english homilies , tom . . part . . against the peril of idolatry , mentions his book , contra coronandi morem ; which i find no where else spoken off : unless it be the same with his book , de coronâ militis . . bishop andrews in his speech against mr. traske , mentions a book of tertullian's de sabbato iudaico , which ( saith he ) we have lost . his works that are extant follow here in their order , as rhenanus , and others have set them down . . of patience , wherein he ingeniously describes that grace , presenting us with a lively draught of it , pressing with divers notable arguments to it , and proving that neither losses in estate , nor provocations , reproaches , nor the death of friends , the desire of revenge , nor divine castigations are just causes of impatience . . of the flesh of christ ; that it was true and real humane flesh which he took : against marcion , affirming him to be clothed only with imaginary flesh , and not born , also against apelles , who granted him to have a solid body , but withal held that he took it not of the virgin mary , but borrowed it of the stars and coelestial substances , which he restored again , when he ascended . . of the resurrection of the flesh : liber verè aure us ; a truly golden book , saith gu●lther : wherein he proves it , luculentismis & firmissimis argumentis , most clearly and strongly : . because the dignity of the flesh is such , that it ought to be raised . . the power of god is such , that it may be raised . . the justice of god requires that it should be raised up . . the testimonies of scripture are clear , that it shall be raised . . of prescriptions against hereticks : an expression borowed from the civil law : used by civilians , pro exceptione perpetuâ : pr●escriptio ( inquit altenstaig ) est jus ex tempore capiens firmitatem . in what sense it is here to be understood , take scultetus his words . cum ( inquit ) vindicanti rem suam domino possessio longi temporis objicitur , praescribi ei dicitur ; eaque praescriptio longi temporis praecisâ locuti●● pro praescriptio ex longi temporis possessione appellatur . sic praescriptionem haereticorum & ecclesiae vocat tertullianus illud omne , quod j●ri● cujusdam specie , haeretici ecclesiae , & contrà haereticis orthodoxi opponebant . a most excellent , eloquent and convincing commentary ; a choice and truly golden piece ( saith zanchy ) wherein being willing to put a stop , if possible , to that spreading gangrene , he delivers unto the faithful certain rules , by which they might be enabled to discern , who are hereticks ; and the better know how to deal with them . . against the jews : wherein he convinceth them of their errours , in denying the gentiles admittance unto the gospel ( as thess. . . ) in ascribing too much unto the law of moses , and urging the ceremonies as necessary unto salvation , which he proves to be temporary and mutable ; and that they were accordingly changed by the coming of christ , as was fore-prophesied ; whom they deny to come ; therefore doth he from the scriptures largely discourse of , and prove the nativity , kingdom and passion of christ ; as also the calling of the gentiles , rejection of the jews , destruction of ierusalem , and the second coming of christ. . five books against marcion ; of whom eusebius reports , that meeting polycarp , and asking him ; dost thou know us ? polycarp , replyed , i know thee to be first born of sathan : among other his wicked errours , this was one : that there were two gods : one who was the father of christ , whom he called good , clement and merciful : the other the creator of the world , whom he called not only just , ( as cerdon his master had done from whom he sprung ) but also cruel and evil ; for which cause he is justly branded by clement of alexandria with this note , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; an ungrateful wretch towards his creator , the god of nature . this our author strongly confutes , proving the the creator of the world to be the only true god , and the father of christ. . against hermogenes ; who was an african , our authors country-man ; and by profession a painter . the errour he held , ( which here tertullian confutes ) was , that the matter whereof all things were made , was coeternal with god ; which errour he therefore embraced , because he hoped by this means to excuse god from being the author of evil , which ( saith he ) proceeded not from the creator , but from the matte● whereof things were created : vix alibi 〈◊〉 est argumentis : scarce any where doth he arg●● more strongly than in dealing with this heretick , whom he followeth closely , and press●● hardly every where . . against the valentinians ; who brought in and mixed their strange platonical fable●● ( crimina potiùs quàm numina inquit tertullianus ) with the doctrines of christianity● fancying no less than thirty aeones , ( crimi●● potius , &c. ) gods , male and female , born , ma●●rying and begotten ; not unlike the heath●● poet hesiod . errours so gross and sott●●● that they are altogether unworthy of a gra●● discussion ; the bare narration of them ●●ing a sufficient confutation ; etiam sol●● modò demonstrare , destruere est : which th●●fore our author for the most part cont●● himself withal , as deserving rather scorn ●●derision , than a serious consideration . 〈◊〉 in this book makes mention of irenaeus , 〈◊〉 before him had written on this subject quem penè ad verbum est imitatus ; for its apparent he took his relation from th●● adding little thereto , beside quips and jests ▪ . against praxeas ; who deny'd the 〈◊〉 of persons in the godhead : affir●● that there was no god , but the father 〈◊〉 that he was born of the virgin mary , 〈◊〉 upon the cross , and was jesus christ : 〈◊〉 hereticks who held this opinion , as they 〈◊〉 the name of praxeani from their author , 〈◊〉 also of patripassiani from their errour , 〈◊〉 they said it was god the father that suffe●● which heresie tertullian re●els , proving 〈◊〉 sundry arguments the doctrine of the trinity . this book he wrote after his middle age , and when he was tainted with montanism : for herein we have him speaking of the paraclete and new prophesie : it s therefore warily to be read ; in nullo libro c●ntiùs legi debit ( inquit rhenanus ) quam in eo quem adversus praxeam scripsit , unde periculum esse possit imprudenti lectori . . of the souldiers crown or garland , which was written upon this occasion . a christian souldier coming to the tribune to receive the emperous donative , brought his crown or garland of flowers in his hand ; which the rest ( as the manner was ) wore on their heads : for which being question'd , he boldly alledged this reason , that he was a christian , and therefore that it was not lawful for him to observe that ethnick custom : hereupon he was hal'd unto the prison to be punished . this act of his being censured by many as unadvised and needless , tertullian in this book undertakes the defence of it , proving it to be unlawful for christians to comply with the heathens therein : . from custom and tradition ( instancing in many particulars observed by tradition , and shewing the force of it . ) . from nature . . from the original of wearing those crowns , in honour of the heathen gods. wherein he with much zeal opposeth whatsoever becometh not the profession of christianity ; earnestly pressing christians unto constancy in that way , which they have entred into without ●●rgiversation . he in this tract also discovers his montanism ; for , answering the censurers of the souldier ; planè superest , ( inquit ) 〈◊〉 etiam martyria recusare meditentur , qui prophetias ejusdem spiritus sancti respuerunt : it 〈◊〉 therefore written after he was a montani●● : from whom he received all those idle ceremonies which here he makes mention of , 〈◊〉 the centurists very profitably conjecture ; though pamelius would fain have it otherwise . . to the martyrs : which book he 〈◊〉 unto those that were in prison , whom h● stiles designatos , destined unto suffering for the testimony of jesus ; comforting , confirming , and exhorting them to constancy ; shewing the commodity or benefit of a prison ; that the spirit is ready , though the 〈◊〉 be weak ; and that even heathens for 〈◊〉 glory have endured the utmost . . of the vailing of virgins ; this 〈◊〉 wrote as well in greek as in latin ; whi●● may be collected from those his first wor●● proprium jam negocium passus meae opini●●● latinè quoque ostendam , virgines nostras 〈◊〉 oportere . wherein he proves that virg●● ought to wear a veil upon their heads : 〈◊〉 he was moved to do by a contrary custom 〈◊〉 those of carthage , whose virgins used 〈◊〉 come into the congregations unveiled , 〈◊〉 so they might the more easily get them husbands . and whereas some objected that 〈◊〉 apostle , cor. . . spake of married women only , our author shews that he meant 〈◊〉 of virgins also . he concludes this bo●● with these words , which plainly shew it 〈◊〉 be his : haec cum bonâ pace legentibus , &c. 〈◊〉 those who with good and peaceable 〈◊〉 read these things , preferring profit before custom , peace and grace from our lord jesus be multiplyed upon them , with septimius tertullian , whose work this is . . of the habit of women : wherein he exhorts , unto christian modesty , wishing them to avoid excess in their apparel , and for this end to remember the condition that eve hath brought them into ; that evil angels were the first inventers of strange fashions , and that gold and silver were not ordained of god for such an use . . of the decking or adorning of women , a book of a much like subject with the foregoing ; only herein he particularly blames curiosity about their hair and skin , exhorting them not to addict themselves unto paintings , and what might set off their beauty . . unto his wife , two books ; wherein . he adviseth her , in case he should die before her , not to marry again . . he exhorts christian women to abstain from marrying with heathens , setting down the inconveniences of such marriages , viz. that they cannot so freely attend the duties of christianity ; and commends those of one christian with another , because such may have full liberty in their whole duty , which he thus particularly sets down , liberè aeger visitatur , indigens sustentatur , eleemosynae sine tormento , sacrificia sine scrupulo , quotidiana diligentia sine impedimento ; non furtiva signatio , non trepida gratulatio , non mutae benedictio , sonant inter duos psalmi & hymni , & mutuò provocant , quis deo meliùs ●anat ; talia christus videns & audiens gaudet . . of flight in time of persecution ; being consulted by one fabius a presbyter , whether it were lawful to flie at such a time ; 〈◊〉 wrote this treatise by way of answer , whe●● in he holds that in such cases a christi●● ought not to flie , but rather valiantly to 〈◊〉 for the name of christ : and that that precept , matth. . . when they shall persecute you in one city , flee ye into another , 〈◊〉 temporal , and concern'd that time and stated the church only . but ( saith peter mony ) who will so diligently weigh his reasons , 〈◊〉 find that they have in them much more ele●gancy than strength . this book was 〈◊〉 written against the church after his defect●●● the errour herein maintained being one 〈◊〉 those he had learned from montanus ; of 〈◊〉 baronius taxeth him somewhat tartly ; 〈◊〉 montanistarum ( inquit ) de non 〈◊〉 nec securitatem redimendo , tertullianus in p●●ceps semel infeliciter actus , edito eâ de 〈◊〉 mentario validissimè tutari conatus est , & 〈◊〉 admodum . . unto scapula the president of c●thage , whom ( because he threatened the c●●stians with utmost punishment , unless 〈◊〉 would abjure and deny christ ) he depre●● and admonisheth not to persist in his 〈◊〉 lest he should bring the wrath of god 〈◊〉 himself and the whole city , as it had 〈◊〉 others , whereof he giveth divers instances ▪ . an exhortation to chastity , wh●● he perswadeth his friend , who had lost 〈◊〉 wife , to abstain from marrying again ; c●●cluding from those words , cor. . . 〈◊〉 time is short : that the last day was not 〈◊〉 off , and therefore he should forbear , as 〈◊〉 because of the impediment arising from marriage . here in his heat he condemns second marriage , accounting it ( as montanus had done ) but little better than adultery . this book is another of those which he wrote against the church . . of once marrying , or single marriage , wherein he shews this discipline not to be new , but ancient , and peculiar unto christians . what in the former treatise he only perswaded , in this he magisterially enjoyns , more openly condemning second marriage : they are both of the same subject , and in divers places agreeing even in the same words . this is the fifth of those books which he wrote against the church after his defection . . of the cloak ; written upon this occasion , when tertullian had laid aside his gown ( the roman weed ) and taken on a cloak , as more becoming christian simplicity , he was by one branded with the note of inconstancy : hereupon ( in vindication of himself ) he writes this book , therein shewing the antiquity and commodious use of the cloak . this being the garment of the greeks , which they were wont to cast over their other garments : hence it came to pass , that by way of reproach , the christians using it , were called grecians ; and when they went abroad , they commonly heard this nickname or taunt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alluding unto their garment . also because of the simplicity or meanness both of it and those that used it , it grew into contempt ; and it became a proverb among the carthaginians , a togâ ad pallium , from the gown to the cloak , noting the change from a more eminent to a meaner estate and condition , from riches to poverty . . of the testimony of the soul : wherein by a prosopopoea he fetcheth arguments from the soul it self , even of ethnicks , whereby he convinceth them of their atheism and abominable idolatries : among the rest , from those speeches frequent in the mouths of such as are not christians , e. g. si deus voluerit , deus bonus est , benedicat te deus , deus videt omnia , deo commendo , deus reddet , deus inter nos judicabit , &c. his last words in this treatise are remarkable , which are these , m●ritò igitur omnis anima rea & testis est , in tantum & rea erroris , in quantum testis veritati● ▪ & stabit ante aulas dei die judicii nihil habens dicere : deum praedicabas & non requirebas ; daemonia abominabaris , & il●a adorabas ; judicium dei appellabas , nec esse credebas ; inferna supplicia praesumebas , & non praecavebas ; christianum nomen sapiebas , & christianum pers●quebaris . . of the soul : wherein he handles divers questions ▪ and discusseth many controversies with the philosophers about the essence , operations , adjuncts and various state of the soul : which he would have to be corporeal , endued with form and figure , and to be propagated and derived from the substance of the father to the body of the son , and engendred with the body , encreasing and extending it self together with it ; and many other the like dreams he hath , in the maintaining whereof , he useth so much subtilty , strength of reason and eloquence , as that ( they are the words of the learned daille ) you will hardly meet with , throughout the whole stock of antiquity , a more excellent and more elegant piece than this book of his : yet was it composed by him when he was turned cataphrygian . hence bellarmine having made use of a passage taken from hence for the proof of purgatory , the most reverend vsher thus replies , he must give us leave ( saith he ) to put him in mind with what spirit tertullian was lead when he wrote that book de animâ , and with what authority he strengt●e●eth that conceit of mens paying in hell for their small faults before the resurrection ; namely , of the paraclete , by whom , if he mean montanus the arch-heretick ( as there is small cause to doubt that he doth ) we need not much envy the cardinal for raising up so worshipful a patron of his purgatory . . of spectacles or plays , written ( as pamelius conceives ) in the twelfth year of severus the emperour , in which were exhibited unto the people those plays that were called ludi seculares , because they were presented only once in an age or an hundred years , unto which therefore the people were solemnly invited by a publick cry made in these words , convenite ad ludos spectandos , quos neque spectavit quisquam , neque spectaturus est : come ye unto those spectacles which no man now beheld , or shall behold again . hereupon tertullian in this book ( which he wrote both in greek and latine ) makes it evident that these plays had their original from idolatry , and were full of all kind of cruelty and obscenity , and that therefore it was utterly unlawful for christians to behold them , and that they should provoke the truth of god against them , should they not fear to be present at them . therefore constantine the great did by a law prohibit the setting forth and frequenting of such kind of plays . and herein our author doth so largely treat of the several sorts of play which then were wont to be made use of , that a curious reader needs no other commentary fully to acquaint himself with those antiquities . . of baptism , against quintilla one of the disciples of montanus , who denyed or took away baptism by water ; of whom he scoffingly thus speaks , optimè novit pisciculo● necare , de aquâ auferens . he therefore proves , that it is not an empty or idle ceremony , but of great force and virtue , setting down the form and manner , together with the rites observed by the ancients in the administration thereof , and resolves divers questions about it . this also was written both in greek and latine . . scorpiacum , a book against the gnosticks ; so called from one scorpianus an heretick , against whom particularly it was intended , saith pamelius : but more probably from the nature of it , being an antidote against the bite and sting of the scorpion , to which purpose ierom thus speaks , scribit adversum haer●sim tuam , quae olim erupit contra ecclesiam ( ne & in hoc quasi repertor novi sceleris glorieris ) tertullianus vir eruditissimus , insigne volumen , quod scorpiacum vocat rectissimo nomine , quia arcuato vulnere in ecclesiae corpu● v●nena diffudit , quae olim appellabatur cain● haeresis , & multo tempore dormiens , vel sepult● , nunc à dormitantio suscitata est . these hereticks vilified martyrdom , teaching that it was not to be undergone , because god would not the death of a sinner , and christ had died that we might not die . by this doctrine they did much harm to many weak ones in the church , who , to save themselves , would deny christ and offer incense . against these tertullian herein opposeth himself , proving martyrdom to be good , and setting forth the excellency thereof by many examples . and in thus doing he deserved well , had he not ( unhappy man ) ran afterwards into the other extreme of the montanists , who magnified martyrdom too much ( denying the lawfulness of flight to avoid danger in that case ) as these did too much undervalue it . . of idolatry , written about the same time , with his book de spectaculis ; wherein , being desirous to take away all kind of idolatry , lest christians should longer labour under gross ignorance herein ; he shews the original of it , and how many ways ( and not only in the worshipping of idols ) they may be guilty of it , all which they ought to beware of and avoid , and not to comply with idolaters in their festivals , solemnities and such like observations . . of chastity , which was written upon this occasion ; zephyrinus bishop of rome having published an edict , in which he gave notice unto all the faithful , that the catholick church receives such as repent , though they had fallen into the sins of fornication and adultery : tertullian herein opposeth him , as may be gathered from his own words : i do hear , saith he , that there is an edict published , and that a p●remptory one : pontifex scilicet maximus episcopus episcoporum , dicit ▪ ego & moechiae & fornicationis delicta paenitentiae functis dimitto . o edictum , cui adscribi non poterit bonum factum . — erit ergò & hic adversus psychicos : so he used to call the orthodox after he became a montanist . and herein he undertakes to answer all the arguments brought for this practice ; denying that such ought to be received . ierom saith that he wrote this book against repentance , and wonders at the man that he should think those publicans and sinners with whom christ did eat , to be gentiles and not jews , the better to defend his error , weakly grounding his opinion upon that in deut. . non erit pende●s vectigal ex filiis israel . this book he wrote against the church . . of fasting , against the psychiici : so , as we have said , he contumeliously calls the orthodox ; accounting those to be carnal , who rejected the prophesie of montanus , and those only spiritual ( alluding unto , cor. . ) who received and embraced it . herein he defends the set fasts and stations observed by the montanists . of the name psychicus , baronius gives us this account . ignominiae caus● orthodoxos psychicos nominare , fuit ( ut autor est irenaeus . lib. . cap. . ) valentini haeresiarchae inventum , qui psychicos nominabat homines qui non essent , sicut ipse , ut aiebat , spirituales . transiit vox eadem ad cataphrygas , qui aequè omnes non suscipientes paracletum , psychicos appellabant . . of prayer ; which hilary calls , volumen aptissimum ; wherein he commendeth and commenteth upon the lords prayer , adding somewhat of the adjuncts of prayer . the title and subject hereof seem to intimate that it was a mistake in sixtus senensis , to imagine that he wrote two books upon this subject , one whereof he intitles in orationem dominicam , the other de oratione . . an apology against the gentiles in the behalf of the christians ; wherein he notably and at large defends their innocency , clearing them of the crimes falsely charged upon them , and fully evincing the groundlesness of the adversaries hatred to , and unjust proceedings against them ; imitating herein iustin and aristides who had undertaken the same task before him , who yet he far transcends , both in sharpness of wit and soundness of learning : how boldly doth he stand up against the gentiles ? how constantly maintain the purity of our faith ? what authors doth he not read ? which of their disciplines doth he not touch ? so that this book alone is abundantly sufficient to convince the pertinacy of the gentiles ? it contains in it ( saith ierom ) cunctam saeculi disciplinam : wherein he is more elegant than ordinary : the strength whereof was such , that in likelyhood it was the thing that prevaii'd to the mitigation of the enemies fury , and , in some measure , the cessation of the persecution then raised against the christians . it was written by him , as both pamelius and baronius conj●ct●●● , in the seventh year of the emperor severus , an. christi . of the excellency hereof prateolus thus speaks ; proculdubiò , inquit , verum est ; quum acris & ardentis ingenii non ferens gentilium insolentiam atque saevitiam quâ in christianos ferebantur omnes ingenii sui nervos in borum defensionem intendit , incomparabiles interim eruditionis & eloquentiae suae opes isthic oftentans . . ad nationes ; libri duo : set forth and published singly , by iacobus cothofr●dus , i.c. which by divers arguments he would prove to be tertullians ; also that they were written before his apologetick , as a prodrome or preparatory to it ; as his book de testimonio anim● followed after and was added as a third way whereby he attempted the gentiles , viz. by testimonies drawn from the soul , and by those forms of speech , wherein they named god in common use among them . he also shews it to differ from his apologetick , because in these books he directs himself unto the nations in general ; but in that , only unto the governors and presidents of the roman empire : besides , these are purely elenctical , wherein he undertakes not to defend the cause of the christians ( as in the other he doth ) but reproves the iniquity of the nations against the christians , and shews the vanity of the gentile gods. ierom mentions these books contra gentes , as distinct from his apology : quid , inquit , tertulliano eruditius ? quid acutius ? apologeticus ejus , & contra gentes libri cunctam saeculi continent disciplinam . of these following , it is doubted whether they be his or no. . an epistle , concerning judaical meats : wherein he shews that the difference between clean and unclean meats injoyned unto the jews , is taken away and abolished under the gospel . pamelius thinks this epistle to be none of his , but rather novatians , whose name therefore he prefixeth to it , thus , novatiani romanae ecclesiae presbyteri de cibis iud●icis epistola . it seems ( saith bellarmine ) to have been sent by some bishop unto his own people ; but tertullian was no bishop : yet i determine nothing . both the stile ( saith rivet ) and the texts of scripture otherwise translated then in tertullian ; as also that the author remembers his withdrawing in the time of persecution ; ( which tertullian is every where against ) plainly shew it to be none of his . . of the trinity : concerning which ruffin and others do report that certain of the macedonian hereticks , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , finding somewhat in tertullians book of the trinity which was for their advantage inserted it among the epistles of cyprian , causing them to be dispersed about constantinople and sold at a low rate , that so being the more bought up and read , what was unsound therein might be the sooner embraced for the authority of so great an author , by which means , as they supposed , their cause would be credited and promoted . but ( saith ierom ) there is no such matter ; for that book of the trinity is neither tertullians nor cyprians , but novatians ; as both by the title and propriety of the stile doth evidently appear ; characterem alium & genus dieendi nitidius in eo notat laurentius . hence ierom speaking of novatian : he wrote , saith he , grande volumen , a great volum of the trinity , making as it were , an epitome of tertullians work upon this subject , which many ignorantly think to be cyprians : this piece of novatians exceeding in bulk that of tertullians now extant , it must needs refer unto some book of his on that subject , now wanting ; unless we will make ( which is absurd ) the epitome to be larger then the book it self , whose compend it is . bellarmine supposeth it to be beyond all doubt , that this book is none of tertullians , because the heresie of sabellius ( which began almost an hundred years after tertullians time ) is therein by name refuted , with whom pamelius accords , adding this as another reason of his confidence , that the author in the sixth chapter denieth corporeal lineaments in god , which tertullian more then once affirms . how ever it be ; it is a learned and elegant book ; ( though yet there are some things to be found in it , not agreeable to the christian faith ) and i conclude , saith sculteius , that whoever was the author , it is written according to the genius of tertullian , and therefore deservedly set forth under his name ; seeing it agrees so well with that noble work of his against praxeas . baronius tells us , that those of the eastern church did receive it as the legitimate writing of tertullian . . of repentance : wherein he discourseth of the excellency and utility thereof : perswading to beware of recidivation and returning unto sin again after repentance : particularly directing himself unto the catechumens , who for that they believed their sins would be all blotted out and wash'd away in baptism , were not so careful , as they should have been , to abstain from it . est autem hic commentarius ejusmodi , ut theologi eum debeant ad unguem ediscere : nam egregium monumentum est antiquitatis ; tam sanctè docet , tam piè suadet , tam instanter urget rem ecclesiasticae disciplinae summopere necessariam . in the argument of this book rhenanu● that expert antiquary & solertiss●nus tertulliani interpres , hath spoken so much and so freely against the auricular confession of the romish synagogue , ( crudelis illa conscientiarum carnificina , that cruel rack of consciences ) that the council , or rather that politick and pack'd conventicle of trent , took order that the most part of it should be expunged , as unskilful , rash , false , heretical , and otherways scandalous : as , they did also , by somewhat contained in the argument of his book de carne christi ; because it suited not with their doctrine of the perfection of the virgine mary ; a short way , were it as safe and honest , to make all sure . but this book also , in the judgment of the quick-sighted erasmus , grounded upon the difference of the stile from that of tertullian , is none of his but of some other , very studious in our author , and living about the same time : to whom rhenanus subscribes , though the author use many words and figures , agreeable to and borrowed from tertullian . i am of opition , saith daille , that both the birth and fortune of that piece de paenitentiâ hath been , if not the very same , yet at least not much unlike that of the trinity ; though pamelius and baronius be of another mind , and would fain it should be his . . his poems ; which are diverse according to pamelius , viz. . against marcion . books . . of the judgement of the lord. . genesis . . sodom . . his poem to a senator that turned from the christian religion to the service of idols . but should we reject them all as apocryphal ( seeing neither ierom nor eusebius make any mention of them ) together with iuret's , ionab and nineveh ( notwithstanding the authority of his old manuscript ) i suppose that neither our authour nor the commonwealth of learning would at all be injured hereby . pamelius tells us , that in his edition of cyprian's works he had entituled them unto him as the composer of them ; but thinks it not amiss to follow the censure of sixtus senensis who ascribes the poem of sodom unto tertullian , induced hereunto by the fidelity ( as he supposeth ) of some manuscripts : and because the stile is the same with that of the other , he concludes that all three were his , viz. genesis , sodoma & ad senatorem . a weak ground for him to change his mind , and build such confident conclusions upon , as well may we deny them to be either tertullians or cyprians , and so leave him to seek a father for them . § . for his stile and manner of writing , he hath a peculiar way of his own , s●us quidam est character , saith erasmus : sufficiently elegant ; ejus opuscula eloquentissimè scripta , inquit augustinus ; eloquentiâ admodum pollens est : full of gravity , and becoming a learned man ; creber est in sententiis , sed difficilis in loquendo : very sententious , and of much strength and vehemency , but hard , difficult and too elaborate : varius est ( inquit rhenanus ) in phrasi ; in disputationibus dilucidior & simplicior , in locis communibus , velut de pallio , &c. est durior & affectatior , not so smooth and fluent as many others , and therefore not in so much esteem as otherwise he might have been . his expressions , ( saith calvin ) are somewhat rough and thorny , and therefore dark and obscure , certè magis stridet quàm loquitur , idem in epist. . phraseos character ( inquit zephyrus ) minùs semper c●mptus , multùmque brevis & obscurus fuisse videtur . commata enim potiùs habet qùam ●ol● , & frequentes periodos , qualia decent gravi vehementique stilo , quo semper ipse usus est . so that , durè & tertullianicè loqui , to speak harshly , and like tertullian are equivalent phrases . and the causes whence this proceeded might be chiefly these four . . his country , being an african , of the city of carthage , which was a province of the roman empire : now those that were provincials , scarce any of them could attain unto the purity of the latin tongue , except such only as were brought up at rome from their child-hood : as was terence , our authour's country●man , romam perductus , cum in tenerâ aetate foret , comoedias sex composuit , easque ab apollodoro & menandro poetis graecis in sermonem latinum convertit , tantâ sermonis elegantiâ & proprietate , ut eruditorum judicio nihil perfectiùs aut absolutiùs in eo scribendi genere habitum sit apud latimos : cicero in epist. ad a●●icum refert terentium esse optimum autorem latinitatis . the same author elsewhere speaking of the difference in this language among those living in several countries , thus observes : romani omnes ( inquit ) in suo genere , pressi , elegantes & proprii : hispani autem florentes , acuti & qui ad peregrinum inclinent : punici & carthagiuenses , duri , audaces , improbi : palam aberrantes vitium virtuti praetulerunt : ut tertullianus , apuleius , & cyprianus . it 's also the observation of loys le roy , in his discourse of the variety of things : every thing , saith he , by how much the farther it is from its original spring , is the less pure , as the gauls , spaniards , and africans , did not speak latin so purely as the romans , for although their words were latin , yet they retained the phrase of their own country : insomuch , that speaking latin they were always known for strangers . perturbatissime loquitur tertullianus ( inquit ludovicus vives ) ut afer . and in the decrees of the africans ( many whereof augustin relates ) you may perceive ( saith erasmus ) an anxious affectation of eloquence , yet so as that you may know them to be africans . 't is no wonder then ierom should say , that the stile of tertul●ian and also of other africans , was easily discerned by nepotian : and it appeareth by augustin in sundry places , that the roman tongue was imperfect among the africans , even in the colonies . . his calling and profession : for before his conversion he had studied and practised the law : wherein he was very skilful : hence it comes to pass , that using many law terms ( & juris verborum erat retinentissimus ) and phrases borrowed from thence , his language comes to be more perplex and obscure . it 's apparent ( saith danaeus ) from his continual stile and manner of speaking , that he was a most expert lawyer , and by reason of the unusual novelty of his words , his stile is very obscure , saith sixtus senesis . . his constitution and natural temper , for words are the mind's interpreters , and the clothing of its conceptions , wherein they go abroad , which therefore are in a great measure fashioned by it and receives a tincture from it . hence it is that most mens stiles do differ as well as their faces : suus cuique stilus est ( inquit erasmus ) & quisque suum quendam habet gustum peculiarem : every one hath somewhat peculiar to him in this partic●lar . accordingly our author , being a man , ●cris & vehementis ingenii , of a rough , sharp , and vehement spirit , makes use of a stile answerable , viz. quick and crabbed , and consequently harsh and obscure : which he did of purpose , affecting it as most agreeable to his genius ; so that his expressions are such even in things that are plain and easie . this rhenanus ▪ renders , as the reason why his writings had so many faults , or errataes in them , viz. ●eglectus aut●ris , quo multis annis non est lectotum manibus tritus , & ips●m dicendi g●nus affectatum & africanum ( & affectati stili durities molestiam addit ) quod etiam magis effecit , ut minùs leg●retur , quàm quidvis aliud . which betided the poet persius , qui consul●ò est obscurus , suisque scriptis caliginem & tenebras exindustriâ objecit : for being by one taken in hand , and perceived to be so dark and cloudy , he was fairly laid aside with such like words as these : si nol●t intelligi , non legetur . . his converse in the greek authors whom he diligently read , being very skilful in that tongue , idenim temporis nihil extaba● ( inquit rhenanus ) apud latinos in sacris , praeter testamentum utrumque , tantum victor & apollonius scripserant opuscula : hence it is , that transcribing much from them , he retains their phrases : ( though he quote not his authors ; which was the manner of the first ages , viz. to cite none by name , but the sacred scriptures only ; especially if they had drawn the water out of the wells of the greeks ) and imitates their manner of speaking . by his assiduous perusal of their books , ( saith pamelius ) adeò graecas loquendi formulas imbiberit , ut etiam latinè seribens illarum oblivisci nequiret : he so drank in their forms of speech , that when he comes to write in latin , he cannot forget them : and both himself and rhenanus have taken notice of many phrases in him , which he borrows from the greeks , and wherein he conforms unto them . most of these , i find observed by that learned french-man mr. iohn daille , in his choice treatise concerning the right use of the fathers . what shall i say ( saith he ) of tertullian , who besides his natural harshness and roughness which you meet with in him throughout , and that carthagmian spirit and genius , which is common to him with the rest of the african writers , hath yet shadowed and over-cast his conceptions with so much learning , and with so many new terms and passages out of the law , and with such variety of all visions , subtilties and nice points , as that the greatest stock both of learning and attention that you can bring with you , will be all little enough to fit you for a perfect understanding of him . § . this father is full fraught with and abounds in grave and excellent sentences ; some few whereof i shall here insert ; which may serve a little to acquaint us with the state of those times in reference unto both the doctrine and discipline then professed and practised in the chuches of christ. . take a view of his symbol or creed , containing a summary of the faith which was generally received and maintained in his time : altogether one , the only immoveable and irreformable rule , as he stiles it : which is this . to believe that there is but one god , nor he any other beside the creator of the world , who made all things of nought , by his word , first of all sent forth : colos. . , . that word to be call'd his son ; in the name of god variously seen by the patriarchs : always heard by the prophets ; last of all brought down , by the spirit of god the father , and power , into the virgin mary , made flesh in her womb , and of her born a man , and that he is jesus christ ; moreover that he preached a new law , and a new promise of the kingdom of heaven : that he wrought or did wonders , was fastned to the cross , arose the third day ; that being taken up into heaven , he sate down on the right of the father ; sent the power of the ghost in his stead , that he might guide or act believers : that he shall come in glory to take the saints into the fruition of eternal life , and heavenly promises , and to adjudge the wicked unto perpetual fire ; a resurrection of each part being made with the restitution of the flesh . this rule instituted by christ , as shall be proved , hath no question made of it among us , but which heresies bring in , and which makes hereticks . a compend or brief hereof is to be seen in the beginning of his book of the veiling of virgins , as also in that against praxeas the heretick : unto which he subjoyns these words . this law of faith remaining , other things that concern discipline and conversation , do admit of a newness of correction ; the grace of god working and making a proficiency unto the end . so that where there is a consent in the fundamental and substantial truths of the gospel , differences in things of less moment may be born with , nor should they cause divisions among christians . that rule holding here , that opinionum varietas , & opinantium unitas non sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he adds , that this rule hath ran down from the beginning of the gospel , even before any heresie sprung up ; insomuch as from hence this appears to be a firm truth ; id esse verum quodcunque primum ; id esse adulterum , quodcunque posterius . again , the church acknowledgeth one god , creatour of the universe : and jesus christ , of the virgine mary , the son of god the creator ; and the resurrection of the flesh : it mingleth the law and the prophets , with the evangelical and apostolical writings ; and from thence drinks in that faith . it signs with water , clotheth with the holy ghost ( which pamelius understands of confirmation ) feeds with the eucharist , exhorteth with martyrdom ; and so receives none against this institution . . he prescribes and lays down this for a sure rule , by which the truth may be known , viz. if the lord jesus christ did send out the apostles to preach , other preachers are not to be received then those whom christ did institute : because neither doth any other know the father but the son , and he to whom the son hath revealed him ; neither doth the son seem to have revealed him unto any others , save to the apostles whom he sent to preach . now what they have preached , ( i.e. what , christ revealed to them ) ought no other way to be proved , then by the same churches which the apostles themselves founded ; preaching unto them as well by a lively voice , as they say , as afterward by epistles . if these things be so , it is then evident , that every doctrine which agrees with the faith of those apostolical , mother and original churches , is to be accounted the truth ● undoubtedly holding that which the churches received from the apostles , the apostles from christ , christ from god : but all other doctrine to be adjudged false , which savoureth contrary unto the truth of the churches , and of the apostles , and of christ , and of god. . as touching their church meetings at that time , and the exercises about which in them they were imployed , he gives us this account . we come together , saith he , into the congregation , that we may as it were with an army ; besiege god without prayers ; which violence is pleasing unto god. we pray for the emperors and for their ministers and inferior powers , for the state of the world for the peaceable condition of affairs , and for the delay of the end . we are assembled for the rehearsal of the divine scriptures , if the quality of the present times doth need any thing by way of premonition or recognition . surely with the holy word do we feed our faith , raise up our hope , settle our affiance , nevertheless we do strengthen the discipline with inculcation of precepts : there are also exhortations , castigations , and the divine censure : and judgment is past with a great deal of weight and authority ; as among those who are certain of the presence , or inspection , of god : and it is the highest prognostick of the judgment to come for one so to offend , as to be cast out or removed from communion of prayer , and our assemblies , and all holy commerce . approved elders are presidents who have attained this honour not by price but testimony . every one brings some small piece of mony to the chest if he can , one day in a month , or when he will : for no man is compell'd , but gives freely . this is , as it were a pious depositum ; for it is not laid out in feasts , or gluttony or gormundizing ; but for the feeding and interring of the poor ; and for boys and girls that are destitute of estate and parents ; also for such as are aged , and for such as have suffered shipwrack : and for any who are condemned vnto the mines , are banished into islands , or are in prison , &c. . of their love feasts , thus ; of how great cost soever they be 't is ●gain to be at ex●ence for pieties sake ; seeing that the needy are holpen by this refreshing . no baseness or immodesty is admitted ; they sit not down 〈◊〉 prayer to god be first made : they eat as much as hungry ones use to take , to satisfie their hunger only : they drink as much as is meet for sober men to do : they are so filled , as who remember , they must even in the night worship god : they so discourse as those who know that god hears . after water for the hands is brought , as any one is able from the holy scriptures , or of his own invention , he is invited to sing unto god in the midst of all : hence it appeareth how hath he drank : likewise prayer concludes the feast . . we pray with our hands stretched out , because innocent ; with our heads uncovered , because we blush not ; lastly , without a monitor , because from our brest or heart . . the power of casting out divels continued unto his time ; for hereof he thus speaks . the devils by our touch and breathing do unwillingly grieving and blushing ( because you gentiles are present ) depart out of the bodies , which they possessed . . afflict , torment , condemn , break us in pieces ; your iniquity is the trial of our innocency : therefore doth god permit that we should suffer these things . — your exquisite cruelty , speaking to the persecutors of the christians , will avail nothing at all : it is rather an allurement unto our sect : we become the more , the oftner we are cut down by you ; the blood of christians is seed ; that very obstinacy which you upbraid us withal is a mystery ; for who is not moved by beholding it , to inquire , what is in the matter ? who having inquired , comes not unto us ? and coming , desires not to suffer ? &c. . take away from hereticks those things which they hold with ethnicks , that they may ground their questions upon the scriptures only ; and they are not able to stand . — again ; we need no curiosity after jesus christ , nor inquisition after the gospel ; when once we believe it , we desire to believe nothing else ; for this is the first thing that we believe , that there is nothing more which we ought to believe . . the greatest antiquity challengeth the chiefest authority unto the sacred scriptures or instruments : the cabinet of one prophet , viz. moses , for age surpasseth all your originals ; the veins of your ancient stile , the most nations , your famous cities , the very effigies of your letters , yea even your very gods themselves , their temples , oracles and sacred rites . . of the sufficiency and perfection of the scriptures ; adoro scripture plenitudi●em ; i do adore , saith he , the fulness of the scripture . . he hath a most elegant resemblance of mans body unto the earth out of which it was taken : what is the blood , saith he , but a red humor ? what is the flesh ; but earth turned into its figures ? consider the several qualities ; the muscles as clods ; the bones as rocks or stones ; also about the paps , certain pebbles ? behold , the firm connexion of the nerves , as the traductions of roots ; and the branchy running about of the veins as the windings of the rivers : the down , as moss ; the hair as grass ; and the hidden treasures of the marrow , as the metals of the flesh . . he gives us a lively draught or pourtraicture of the grace of patience , together with a large encomium of it from the admirable sorce and excellent fruits thereof : in these words : it fenceth faith , helpeth love , armeth or instructeth humility , governs the flesh , secures the spirit , bridles the tongue , binds the hand , tramples upon temptations , drives away scandals , consummates martyrdom . it comforts the poor , moderates the rich , it delights the believer , and invites the gentile ; it commends the servant unto the master , and the master unto god ; it adorns the wife , and approves the husband , it is lovely in a child , laudable in a youth , and admired in the aged ; it is amiable in every sexe and age . the patient man he thus describeth ; he hath a serene and pleasant countenance , a smooth forehead , not furrowed with any wrinkle of grief or anger : his eyebrows alike remiss in a chearful manner : his eyes cast down through humility , not adversity ; his mouth sealed up with the honour of silence ; his colour such as is that of secure and harmless ones ; the motion of his head frequent against the devil , and a threatning laughter ; the attire about his breast candid and close to his body ; as of one who is neither puffed up , nor disquieted . . the flesh shall rise again , even all , the same , and the whole : for it is every where deposited with god , by the most faithful mediator between god and men , jesus christ , who shall restore both god to man , and man to god , the spirit to the flesh , and the flesh to the spirit . for that which thou supposest to be the destruction thereof , know 't is but a departure . not only the soul is separated or laid aside ; the flesh also in the interim hath its receptacles in the waters , fires , fowls , beasts . when it seems to be dissolved into these , it is , as it were , poured into vessels ; if also the vessels themselves shall fail , when it flits out of them , it is , as it were , by certain windings swallowed up again into its mother earth . . if thou wouldest spend the time of thy life in pleasures , why art thou so ungrateful , as not to acknowledge and account sufficient , so many and such pleasures as art afforded thee of god ? for what is more than reconciliation with god the father , than the revelation of the truth , than ● calling to remembrance of our errour , than the pardon of so many sins past ? what greater pleasure than the loathing of pleasure it self ? than the contempt of the whole world ? than true liberty , than a sound or good conscience , than a sufficient life , then no fear of death ? that thou tramplest upon the gods of the nations , that thou castest out devils , that thou dost cures , that thou coverest revelations , that thou livest unto god ? . how shall i be able to declare the happiness of that marriage , which the church knits together , the oblation confirms , the angels reports it sealed , the father ratifies ? for neither on earth do children rightly marry without the consent of their parents . what a match is that of two believers , of one hope , one vow , one discipline , the same service ? both brethren , both fellow-servants , no difference of spirit or flesh ; but truly two in one flesh : where the flesh is one , and the spirit one : they pray together , they are humbled and fast together , leading and exhorting one another : in distresses and refreshments neither concealeth , avoideth , or is grievous unto the other : the sick is freely visited , the poor sustained ; alms are without torment , sacrifices without scruple , ( i.e. offerings for ministers and the poor ) signing ( viz. with the cross ) is not by stealth , greeting not with trembling , nor benediction mute : psalms and hymns sound forth from two , and they mutally provoke one another , who shall sing best unto their god : christ rejoyceth to behold and hear such things . which words ( saith rhenanus ) are worthy to be written in letters of gold. . he would have these to be the ornaments of christian women . they should ( saith he ) take whiteness from simplicity , redness from modesty ; their eyes should be painted with bashfulness , their spirits with silence , hanging in their ears the word of god , tying about their necks the yoke of christ. submit unto your husbands ( saith he ) and you shall be sufficiently adorned : imploy your hands in wooll ; let your feet keep at home ; and you shall more please , than if deck'd with gold. cloth you with the silk and purple of virtue , holiness and chastity ; being thus beautified , you shall have god for your lover . . a woman going unto the theatre , returned from thence possessed of the devil : wherefore in the exorcism , being pressed how he durst adventure upon a believer , he constantly replyed : i do it most justly : in meo eam inveni . for i found her upon mine own ground . . as touching the carriage and course of hereticks , he thus describes it : first of all , it is uncertain who among them is a catechumen , and who a believer : they congregate together , and hear together , pray together : if even heathens come in among them , they give that which is holy unto dogs , and cast pearls ( though not true ones ) before swine : they will have simplicity to be the prostration of discipline ; the care whereof among us they call an inticement : they also make peace every where with all : for it matters not with them , though they hold different opinions ; so that they agree together for the overthrow of the truth : they are all puffed up , they all promise knowledge ; even heretical women how malepe●t , who dare teach , contend , ex●rcise , promise cures , and perhaps baptize too : their ordinations are rash , light and inconstant ; sometimes they place in novices , sometimes such as are addicted unto the world ; sometimes our apostates , that they may oblige them by glory ( or preferment ) whom they cannot by truth : proficiency is no where more facile , than in the camps of rebels ; where even to be a desertor is a stept to promotion ; therefore one is a bishop to day , to morrow another : to day he is a presbyter , who to morrow is a lay-man ; he is to day a deacon , who to morrow is a reader : for even unto laicks do they commit pastoral charges , or the priestly office. what should i speak of the administration of the word ? seeing their business is not to convert the heathens , but to subvert ours : this glory they rather covet , if they may ruine those that stand , than raise up those that are fallen : because their work proceeds not of their own proper building , but of the destruction of the truth . besides , they know not to respect or reverence those that are over them ; and hence it is that there are scarce any schisms amongst hereticks ; for when there be , they obey not . finally , if we look narrowly into heresies , we shall find them all in many things differing from their authors : many of them have no churches ; they wander up and down , without a mother , without a seat , destitute of the faith , like banished ones : it is also observed , that hereticks have much acquaintance with magicians , juglers , astrologers , philosophers , being given to curiosity : every where minding that ; seek and ye shall find . so that the quality of their faith , may be estimated from their manner of conversation . doctrine is the index of discipline . they deny that god is to be feared : therefore all things are free and loose among them . &c. § . though these and many such like excellent passages are to be found in his works throughout ; yet is there a great deal of caution and judgement to be made use of in the perusal of them : for , . he hath many inconvenient and dangerous expressions , which without a favourable interpretation are not to be allowed of , for although in some of them he haply thought more commodiously than he wrote : yet his absurd phrases are no way to be approved of , nor can some of them by any means well be excused : as , where he saith , that god is corporeal , and hath a body , though not fashioned or figured : who ( saith he ) can deny that god hath a body , although god be a spirit ? which expression of his is very inconvenient , and unsuitable unto the most simple nature of god. yet hath the great augustine herein pleaded his excuse : he might perhaps ( saith he ) by a body , mean the very divine nature , substance or essence : which term he therefore useth , lest he should seem to make god an empty phantasm , and meer nothing . and indeed , comparing this expression with divers passages in the works of our author , we shall find there was cause why he should conceive this to have been his meaning , and that he had ground sufficient for so friendly a construction of his words . as , where he saith , the very substance is the body of every thing : also , every thing that is , is a body in its kind ; nihil est incorporale , nis● quod non est : nothing is incorporeal , but what is not . again , who will deny god to be a body , though he be a spirit ? for a spirit is a body of its kinds in its shape and fashion : the less reason had alphonsus de castro , to make tertullian the first author of the heresie of the anthropomorphites : ( though they might abuse these expressions of his , and by them be confirmed in their opinion ) confidering withal , that those scriptures upon which they built their gross conceits of god , art otherwise understood by him , than they were by them , e. g. where the scriptures do speak of the eye , ear , hand and feet of god , they understood them literally ; but he metaphorically , and as spoken after the manner of men to our capacity : for ( faith he ) by those expressions the divine operations are declared , but not corporeal lineaments given or ascribed unto god : for by the eye is signified that he seeth all things ; by the ear , that be heareth all things , &c. this therefore made him not an heretick . another such expression is this ; that the father was before the son ; and that the son had his original or beginning , when the father would that he should proceed from him . yet doth he in the same book assert the eternity of the son ; saying , that he was always in the father , nor can time be assigned unto him , who was before all time . again , the father is the whole substance ; but the son a derivation or portion of the whole . of which words bellarmine gives this favourable interpretation ; haec verba , inquit , intelligi debent de sola distinctione personali , quem iu toto libro intendit : vocat autem filium portionem , & patrem totam substantiam ; quia pater est fons & principium aliarum personarum , & in eâ ratione majoritatem quand●m habet . these and other the like dangerous expressions are scattered up and down his books ; in regard whereof rhenanus saw cause , why he should in the margin against the last mentioned passage , warn the reader , that here and elsewhere tertullian is to be read with caution : again , here and elsewhere ( saith he ) let the reader remember that he is perusing tertullian . yet again , divines , saith he , are to be admonished , that they do interpret some things more commodiously , or aptly then they sound , and indulge something to antiquity . . he delivereth and laboureth to maintain many unsound opinions and gross errours , which are carefully to be avoided and rejected , as what is sound and orthodox in him to be embraced : the good is not to be neglected for the bad , nor the bad to be received for the sake of that in him which is good . i think ( saith ierom ) that origen for his learning is sometime to be read in the same manner , as tertullian , novatus , arnobius , apollinarius , and some other ecclesiastical writers , both greek and latin , viz. so that we chuse the good in them , and refuse the contrary : according to the apostles saying ; prove all things ; hold fast that which is good . we are to make use of him as cyprian did , who honoured him with the title of master : though he took a great deal of delight in the wit of that learned and zealous man , yet did he not follow montanus and maximillia with him . and this gives a hint of his foulest errour , which i shall mention in the first place . . he became a follower of montanus ; whose gross and sottish errours having once entertained , he ( for ought that appears to the contrary ) persisted in unto the end of his days ; stiling and owning the blasphemous heretick , ( together with his female consorts priscilla and maximilla ) sor the paraclete or comforter , whom christ promised to send , distinguishing him from the holy ghost : contrary to that clear text , ioh. . . the comforter , which is the holy ghost , whom the father will send in my name , &c. this say his followers , descended upon the apostles , but the paraclete upon montanus and his minions ; whose prophesies , or rather idle dreams , and fancies they much magnified : wherein second marriages are condemned , and fastings and martyrdoms are exacted : which things tertullian being overmuch taken with , and approving of , he thereupon embraced that new prophesie . a strange thing that so learned and eminent a man should give credit unto such foolish and frantick conceits : especially considering that , not long before , himself had ranked the followers of montanus , viz. proclus and aeschines amonst the most notorious hereticks ; whom he chargeth with this blasphemy , as he call it , that they say the holy ghost was in the apostles , but not the paraclete ; and that the paraclete had spoken more in montanus , than christ had delivered in the gospel ; and not only more , but better and greater things . erasmus conceives that he did this contra mentis suae sententiam , appellans montanum omnis veritatis deductorem : for he could not be perswaded that a man of so piercing a judgement , and so exercised and versed in the sacred scriptures , did ever believe that montanus was the holy ghost or paraclete , whom christ promised unto the apostles . . he advanceth the freedom of mans will after the fall so highly , that even pelagius himself would scarce dare to do it with the like liberty , e. g. the law ( saith he ) would not have been given to him , that had not the obedience to the law , in his own power . and , a little after , thus : so we find the creator propounding unto man , or setting before him good and evil , life and death ; exhorting and threatning ; which he would not have done , unless man had been free , and voluntary to obey or contemn . again , behold , ( saith he ) the kingdom of god is within you : who will not so interpret it ? within you i. e. in your own hand and power ; if you hear , and do the command of god ? also , that the patriarchs , noah and abraham were just by the righteousness of the law of nature . . he condemns second marriages , accounting them no better than adultery , and worthy of excommunication : may we not say , ( saith he ) that second marriage is a kind of adultery ? &c. also , he calls the lawful company of man and wife , contumelia communis : a common contumely or reproach . . he denys that it is lawful for a christian to flee in time of persecution ; being immoderate in the praise of martyrdom ; as if it merited pardon of sin . who ( saith he ) doth not wish to suffer that he may purchase the whole favour of god , and all pardon from him by the compensation of his blood ? omnia enim huic operi delicta donantur . . he was of the opinion ( as was also clemens alexandrinus and cyprian , lib. de disciplin . & babit . virgin. ) that the angels fell in love , and accompanied with women ( misunderstanding that passage of moses , gen. . . ) and that they discovered many secrets and hidden arts , and especially divers curiosities for the adorning and setting forth of women ; for which they were condemned . . he held also the errour of the chiliasts or millenaries : we confess ( saith he ) that a kingdom is promised unto us in the earth , before heaven ; but in another state ; namely , after the resurrection for a thousand years in a city of a divine work or building . ierusalem coming down from heaven , &c. this we say is provided of god for the saints , to be there refreshed with all spiritual good things , in recompen●e of those things which in the world we have either despised or lost . for it is a righteous thing , and worthy of god , that his servants should exult and rejoyce there , where they have been afflicted for his name . . he thought that both angels , and also the souls of men , were corporeal ; and the latter derived from the parent unto the child by way of propagation . anima in utero seminata pariter cum carne , pariter cum ipsà sortitur & sexum , &c. augustine tell us , his opinion was , that the worst souls of men are after death converted , or turned into devils ; which absurd conceit pamelius thinks ought rather to be imputed unto those hereticks , that took their name from him , than unto tertullian himself , because it is not to be found in any of his writings : nor could danaeus easily be induced to believe , that augustine should charge him herewith , seeing he is more equal toward him . . he approves of and labours to defend the superstitious facts and stations ; as also other ridiculous ceremonies of the montanists , viz. the superstitious use of the sign of the cross , oblations for the dead , and annual upon birth-days , processions , &c. ( antiquae observationes ( inquit chemnitius ) quorum apud ▪ tertullianum fit mentio , non sunt omnes apostolicae traditiones ; sed multae ex montani paracleto profectae sunt ) these and such like , which he borrowed from those hereticks , did he practise and augment : though he himself confess that there is no warrant for them in the scriptures , nor were they instituted by the apostles . who list , may there see a large catalogue of such observations and practices ; which are built upon none other , than the sandy foundation of uncertain tradition . the materials of the anti christian synagogue were preparing betimes . § . as touching his exit , or the close of his life , i find this only recorded ; that he lived long , even to old age , yea , usque ad deerepitam aetatem : unto decrepit old age ; which yet pamelius would have to be but unto sixty three years : at what time ( saith he ) decrepit old begins : so that according to his account , he , ( as many other eminent men have done ) ended his pilgrimage in his climacterical year : or rather , then ceased to write any more ; for he is loath to affirm that he lived beyond this time , considering what ierom had delivered concerning him . some do rank him among the martyrs that suffered for the name of christ ; and rhenaenus makes regino the reporter of his martyrdom ; though , after diligent perusal , i do not find him so much as named by that historian : this therefore seems to be a mere and groundless conjecture , and very unlikely , seeing that neither eusebius , nor ierom do make any mention of it . true it is , that he was very desirous of martyrdom ; but it might be a righteous thing with god , not to vouchsafe that honour unto him , who had so unworthily deserted the truth , and esteemed martyrdom meritorions . but what kind of death soever put a period unto his life , he is herein much to be lamented , that having as a star of the first magnitude , shined in the church of christ so brightly the most part of his time ; he should at last , by forsaking it , be so much obscured , and go out so ingloriously . origenes adamantius . § . he is commonly known by the name of origenes adamantius ; so called of the adamant ; a stone of such hardness , that it yields not to the stroke of the hammer : not unlike whereunto was the spirit and temper of origen , indefatigably labourious , both in reading and writing ; scriptoribus aliquot propter indefatigatam studii tolerantiam admantini cognomen inditum fuit ; ut didymo grammatico & origeni theologo : for which cause also ierom gives him the name of chalcenterus & verè adamantinus , or brazen sides ; for so may the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendred : of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intestina . photius renders this , as the reason of his name , quòd rationes , quas colligaret , adamantinis quibusdam quasi vinculis non absimiles viderentur . he was one whom neither austerity of life , nor perpetual pains taking , nor the hardship of poverty , nor the unworthy carriage of such as envyed him , nor fear of punishment , nor any face of death , could in the least remove from his holy course and purpose . his country was egypt , and the place of his birth therein ( as is conjectured ) the famous city of alexandria ; he descended of christian parents , both father , grand-father , and great grand-father , and pious from his childhood , trained up like another young timothy , in the christian religion and knowledge of the scriptures . his father's name was leonides , a pious and learned man , and according to some , a bishop : for so suidas ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : who in the cruel persecution under severus was crowned with martyrdom , being beheaded for the name of christ , origen was then but young , yet so fervently affected toward christian religion , that being hindred by his mother ( who hid his apparel from him to prevent the danger he would have exposed himself unto ) from going unto , and visiting his father in prison , he could not rest , but wrote unto him a letter , wherein he thus exhorts him ; faint not , o father ( saith he ) nor think of any thing ( because of us ) but suffering constantly . his father in his life time had carefully instructed him in the holy scriptures in the first place , and after that in the liberal arts , and prophane literature , in both which he profited exceedingly , and above his years : his manner was to demand of the child a daily task of some certain sentences , which he injoyned him to learn by heart ; by which means he grew unto such promptness and acquaintance with the scriptures ; that he contented not himself with the bare and usual reading of them , but proceeded farther , searching into the hidden and profound meaning of them ; so that many times he would even gravel his father , questioning him what was meant ▪ by this and that place , insomuch as his father would check him sometimes in outward appearance , admonishing him not to enquire curiously above the capacity of his years , and more than the plain letter gave him to understand ; yet inwardly did he rejoyce greatly hereat , and would oftentimes uncover the breast of his child while asleep , solemnly kissing it as the shrine or closet of the holy ghost , giving hearty thanks unto god that he had made him the father of such a son. from this domestical discipline he was delivered over unto other masters , whereof the famous clement of alexandria was one , and the learned philosopher ammonius another , whom he heard for the space of seven years . when his father was martyred , he was left an orphan of the age of seventeen years , with his mother and six children in great want , his father's substance and estate being all confiscated into the emperour's treasury : origen therefore casting himself upon the providence of god , he stirred up the heart of a matron in alexandria , very rich , and also religious , to compassionate him in his necessities , who received him into her house , and not only maintained him , but also liberally helped and promoted him in his studies at her own cost . there was in the house at the same time a certain man of antioch , named paulus , accounted a profound and wise man , but a notable heretick , whom she had adopted for her son ; to him resorted a very great number , not only of hereticks , but also of the orthodox as unto their master . origen then of necessity using his company , and having made so good a progress in learning , that he could discern between true and false doctrine , would by no means be drawn either to discourse , or to be present with him at prayers ; nor would he give him any respect at all ; so much did he detest his heretical opinions . about the eighteenth year of his age ▪ he● publickly at alexandria began to profess and teach the art of granmar , wherewith he maintained himself , that he might not be burthensome to any one ; olim senile & arduum fuit negotium grammaticam profiteri : a work of great difficulty in former time ( saith erasmus ) to the due performance whereof much labour and no less skill was requisite . and because by reason of the heat of persecution , those who had formerly catechised and taught in that school were forced to flie , so that none of them were lest ; he under the person of a grammarian acted the part of a catechist , sub occasione secularis literaturae in fide christi eos instituens , together with grammatical rules , scattering some seeds of piety and christian doctrine in the minds of his hearers ; which may be the ground of zonaras his words concerning him , annos , inquit , octodecim natus institu●ndis christianae religionis tyronibus praefuit . the seed thus sown grew and prospered so well , that divers of his scholars profited exceedingly , sucking from his lips the juice of christian religion and heavenly philosophy ; among whom one plutarch was the first , who at length was crowned with martyrdom ; the second , heraclas the brother of plutarch , who afterward succeeded demetri●s in the bishopprick of alexandria . having for a while continu●d in this exercise with good success , the charge of the school or office of catechist at alexandri● ( wherein he succeeded clement his master ) was committed unto him by demetrius the bishop of that city : origen perceiving that many scholars did resort unto him , and frequent his lectures , he laid aside the reading of humanity , and applyed himself to a more profitable course , viz. the exercise of godly discipline , and in the instructing of his auditors in the sacred scriptures , in which employment he continued and flourished for divers years . but at length the number of those who in companies flocked unto him , and that even from morning to night , growing so great , that he had scarce a breathing time afforded him ; and perceiving that by himself alone he was not able to undergo the burden of so great a work , nor could enjoy that leisure which he much desired , to search into the profound mysteries of the scriptures , which his mind was chiefly carried out after , he made choice of heraclas , a man expert in the scripture , most eloquent , and not unskilful in philosophy , to be his assistant in the work of catechising , committing unto him the instruction of those who were newly come to the faith , reserving unto himself the care of such as had made a farther progress therein , having attained unto more perfection . while he was thus employed in preaching the word , and instructing not only men , but also women resorting unto him , that he might cut off all occasion of suspicion and slander from the infidels , literally understanding those words of christ , matth. . . there be some who have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heavens sake : he practised upon himself , either by abscission , or else by exsiccation , and deading of those parts by certain herbs or medicaments which he made use of for that purpose . a thing it seems commonly practised by the heathen priests : for so servius affirms , sacerdotes , inquit , qui maximae sacra accipiebant , renunciabant omnibus rebus , nec ulla in his nisi numinum cura remanebat , herbis etiam quibusdam emasculabantur , unde etiam coire non poterant . ierom gives us an instance hereof in the hierophantae , a sort of priests among the athenians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacrorum interpres , mysteriorum praeses ) ( qui enim sacris praesunt ceremoniis praedictionibusque deorum multiplici nomine censentur , namque hierophantas aliquos , alios hierodidascalos , nonnullos hieronomos , plerosque hi●rophylaces aut nomophylaces , qui frequentes erant , appellarunt graeci , inquit alexander ab alexandro ) of these ( saith he ) legant hierophantas atheniensium usque hodie cicutae sorbitione castrari , & postquam in pointificatum f●erint electi ( surrecti fuerint , inquit rhodiginus ) viros esse desinere , ut castissimè sanctissiméque sacrum facerent . of the virtue of which herb pliny thus speaks , certum est , quod lac puerperarum mammis imposita extinguat , ven●remque testibus circa pubertatem illita . chemnitius makes the reason of his so doing to be his too great admiration of single life , which example of his many others followed , adeò ut ecclesia coacta fuerit severiter 〈◊〉 prohibere . so doth the council of nice provide , that whoever was found guilty of g●lding himself , if he were already in orders , he should be deposed , if not , he was not to be ordained : agreeable to what we find in the canons of the apostles ( as they are called ) concerning this thing . this unadvised act of his origen desired to conceal , yet could not carry the matter so closely , but that it came to the knowledge of de●eirius the bishop , whereof what use he made , we shall hereafter declare . leaving alexandria he went unto rome in the time when zephyrinus was bishop there , a little before his death , as baronius conjectures : the cause why he undertook this journey , was the great desire that he had to see the most ancient church of the romans ; where , having made but a little stay , he returned un●● alexandria again , and there diligently attended his charge , the success of his pains being the gaining of many to the embracing of the truth , and the recovering of others from errour , among whom one ambrose ( addicted unto the valentinian heresie , or ( as ierom reports ) unto that of marcion , or ( as others ) partly a marcionist , and partly a sabellian ) was brought to see and forsake his error , and afterward called to the office of a deacon in the church of alexandria , famous for his confession of the name of christ , a man noble ▪ rich and learned . the same of origen was now spread abroad even unto other countries ; for a certain soldier sent from the governour of arabia , comes to alexandria , bringing with him letters unto demetrius the bishop there , and also unto him who was then lieutenant of egypt , requesting them with all speed to dispatch origen unto him , that he might instruct him and his people in the doctrine of christianity : for although there had before been a church of christ in arabia , yet it is credible , that the duke or governour with his court had persisted in his heathenish impiety even unto the time of origen , it being observed that for the most part the propagation of the christian religion begins with the lowest of the people , and gradually by little and little ascends unto the governours of common wealths . origen accordingly goeth thither , and having happily accomplished the end of his journey , he not long after returneth again unto alexandria , where , through a sedition , finding all in a combustion and tumult , and his scholars scattered , so that there was no abiding for him there , no nor in any other place of egypt in safety , he left his country , and betook himself unto caesarea , a city of palestina , where he was earnestly entreated by the bishops of that province to expound the scriptures , though he were not as yet called to the ministry ( legatione ad eum missâ episcopi permisere , ut dissereret de sacris literis : so nicephorus reports it . ) this act of his ( condescending to their request ) was much distasted by demetrius , who in a letter which he wrote unto those bishops , thus speaks of it , that such a practice was never heard of , nor could there any where the like precedent be found , that lay-men in the presence of bishops have taught in the church . but they in defence of what had been done , returning an answer unto him , have therein such words as these , we know not for what cause you report a manifest untruth , since there have been such sound as in open assemblies have taught the people , yea , when as there were present learned men that could profit the people , and moreover holy bishops at that time also exhorting them to preach : for example , at laranda euelpis was requested of neon , at icouium paulinus was requested by celsus , at synada theodorus by atticus , who were godly brethren . it is like also that this was practised in other places , though unknown to us . thus was origen , being a young man , honoured of bishops that were strangers unto him . but the storm of civil dissentions being blown over , and both demetrius and the deacons of the church by letters earnestly soliciting him to return , he leaves palestine , and comes back again unto alexandria , and there applyeth himself to his accustomed manner of teaching . not long after mammaea the mother of the emperour alexander severus , a most pious and religious woman ( christianissima , inquit trithemius , quae a christianissimo non abhor●●it , inquit osiander ) hearing of the eloquence and apostolical life of origen , and ●iving then at antioch with her son , sent for him by some soldiers to come unto her , accounting it no small happiness if she might see him , and hear his wisdom in the holy scriptures , which all men admired . to whom he accordingly repaired , and staying a while with her , he instructed her in the doctrine of christianity , which found so good acceptance with her , that she became both a lover of it , and a favourer of those who professed it ; ( not that she was now first brought to the knowledge and embracing of it , as some conceive ; ( audito origene christian● facta est ) but rather further confirmed therein ) who so far prevailed with her son , that not only the persecution against the christians ceased , but they also had a place granted them for the exercise of religion , and were had in high esteem with him . having here detained him a while , she at length dismissed him with honour , who again betook him to his school at alexandria . and now did he begin to comment upon the holy scriptures , being much instigated thereunto by ambrose whom he had reduced from errour , as hath been before said ; who , for his encouragement , furnished him with necessaries for that purpose , allowing parchments , and no less than seven notaries , who by turns took from his mouth , and wrote what he dictated unto them ; and as many libraries ( maintained all at the charge of ambrose ) who transcribed or copied out more fairly what the other had formerly taken ; and that this was the difference between the notarii and the librarii , may be gathered from erasmus his calling the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or swift , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or fair writers . notariorum , inquit baronius , erat scribere ; librariorum exscribere . ierom ( saith miraeus ) calls those notaries , who with a swift hand took the words of him that did dictate , and sometimes they wrote by notes or characters : but those librarii , or scriveners ; who afterward more accurately committed the things so taken unto books . of this turuebus thus speaks , scribere notis non est compendio quodam literarum verba complecti ad celeritatem , sed quibusdam fictis signis comprehendere , idque docebantur pueri , non tantùm scribere ; cassianus enim martyr , qui puerorum s●ilis confossus christo animam reddit , notis scribere docuit : prudentias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hym. . — magister literarum sederat , verba notis brevibus comprendere cuncta pertius , raptimque punctis dicta praepetibus sequi . aliud enim esse notis , aliud literis scribere , ostendit manilius , lib. . cap. , his verbis . hic & scriptor erit felix , cui litera verbum est : quique notis linguam superet cursumque loquentis . martial also the epigrammatist , of the notary thus : currant verba licet , manus est v●locior illis : nondum lingua suum , dextra peregit opus . so thirsty after the knowledge of the scriptures , and so pressing upon origen , unto this work was ambrose ( whom he therefore calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that he would scarce afford him sufficient time to eat , sleep or walk for his recreation , or to read and review what the notaries had written , as himself complains in a certain epistle to his friend . about this time the churches of achaia being much pest●red and vexed with divers heresies , origen is sent thither with letters testimonial for the suppressing of them , who was now in his middle age , or about forty and three years old , as baronius conjectures : he supposeth that the cause of his going into greece , was his great desire to get the sixth edition of the bible , which was this year found at nicopolis , that he might adjoyn it unto the other five versions , which with unwearied pains and diligence he had formerly found out ; and so compose that laborious work of his , which he called hexopl● . now , passing through palestine toward athens , he was ( by alexander and theoctistus ( who greatly admired : origen ) two bishops of great authority , the one of hierusalem , the other of cesarea ) by imposition of hands made or ordained minister at cesares ; which office gained him much more respect , so that he was had in great esteem . this begat envy in dem●trius , who was highly offended with those bishops for what they had done , and by aspersions endeavoured to darken and eclipse the glory of origen in his letters unto all the bishops throughout the world : and having nothing else to charge him withal that might tend to his disparagement , he published his unadvised act of castration , as a mo●● foul and absurd fact of his , though when he first came to the knowledge thereof , he had admired and praised him for it , encouraging him still to go on in the office of catechising . origen therefore perceiving how much the mind of demetrius was alienated from and in censed against him ( forbearing to make use of any bitterness against his detractors ) chose rather to pass by the injury in silence , and to give place to their passion , than further to exasperate them : he therefore after his return and abode there for some small time , lest alexandria , having committed the office of a catechist there unto heraclas formerly his assistant in that work , and went again into palestine , remaining at cesarea , where he applyed himself unto the preaching of the word , many not only of that country , but also strangers from other places resorting thither and attending upon his ministry : among whom were divers eminent men , and of special note , viz. firmilian bishop of cesarea in cappadocia , who one while invited him into his province , to edifie or reform the churches there ; another while under pretence of visiting the holy places , he made a voyage into palestine , and for a good space continued there , that by origen he might be brought to the further understanding of the scriptures . also theodorus , called afterward gregorius , bishop of neocaesarea in pontus , a man most renowned , and for the miracles which he wrought , surnamed thaumaturgus , together with his brother athenodorus , whom ( continuing with him about the space of five years ) he converted from heathenism to christianity ; for which cause this theodorus a while after penned a panegyrick or enco●miastick oration in the praise of origen , to testifie his thankfulness for what he had received from him . after this , beril , bishop of bostra in arabia falling into heresie , and maintaining that christ before his incarnation had no being : he was dealt and disputed with by divers bishops assembled together : origen also was sent for who by strength of argument so convinced him of his error , that he restored him again to his former sound opinion : for which he returned him solemn thanks in divers letters written unto him : also certain others arose in arabia , who broached this pernicious doctrine that the soul died and perished together with the body , and that in the general resurrection , they arose together and were restored unto life again . these hereticks are by augustine called arabiei , by damaseen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , animimortales ; about which a great synod was assembled , wherein origen so discoursed of this matter , that the erroneous did soon renounce their absurd opinion , and were reduced to a better judgment . he also suppressed the heresie of the helcesaits , which sprung up about the same time ( called of epiphanius sampsaei ; in the region of per●● , whose first author was one elxaeus ) who rejected part of the old testament : denyed the apostle paul wholly : counted it an indifferent thing to deny or not to deny with the mouth in time of persecution , so that thou persist faithful in thine heart ; and used a certain book , which ( as they say ) came down from heaven , the which whosoever heareth and believeth ( say they ) shall obtain another kind of remission of sins then that which christ purchased for us . growing now old ( above sixty years of age ) and much worn out and wasted with long study and painful exercise , he at length was prevaild with and permitted , that those things which he publickly preached and disputed , should by notaries be taken and copied out ; which before he would not suffer to be done ; this erasmus understands of his sermons or homilies : tantae erat modestiae , ( inquit ille ) ut serò p●ssus sit excipi quae disserebat . and thus was his time and strength laid out and spent in the work of the lord , even from his childhood unto his old age , not hiding his talent , but as a good servant improving it for the advantage of his master , who had intrusted him therewith . § . he was man of extraordinary parts and endowments of nature , vir magnus & excellentis ingenii : which began to appear in him even from his very childhood , vir magnus ●b infantiâ : being a man in understanding , when but a child in years ; stiled therefore by erosmus , senilis puer ; of a notable strong and piercing wit , perspicacississimo ingenio , saith rhenanus ; for which nothing was too hard ( and so truly adamantine● ) nor nothing too high ( and so truly origenical , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . montigena : ) such a one as learned greece , the fruitful mother of the most happy wits , scarce ever bred the like ; immortale inge nium : so comprehensive , as not to be bounded within the limits of ordinary capacities ; there being nothing within the encyclopedy of arts that could escape his knowledge : for he exactly perused all kind of authors : wherein he had this advantage above many others , that he lost no time ; ei ( inquit erasmus ) nulla pars aetatis periit à studiis : his tenderest years being improved this way by his pious and careful father , by which means , the fair field of his great abilities being so well cultured and manured , began in his very spring to flourish and abound with the fruit of excellent skill in all the liberal sciences : whereof he gave a large proof and testimony , undertaking at the age of eighteen years the publick profession of the art of grammar in the famous city of alexandria ; a task of no small difficulty , to the dispatch whereof was requisite , besides elegancy of speech , insight into most authors , and acquaintance with history and antiquity ; together with a competent measure of knowledge in poetry , rhetorick , logick , arithmetick , cosmography and musick ; all which , being so young he had attained unto with wonderful celerity , as ierom testifies : he had diligently studied the writings of the several sects of philophers , viz. pythagoreans , stoicks , &c. but was specially conversant in plato : in which kind of learning he grew to such an height , that he became famous even among the heathenish philosophers ; in so much as many , and those of chiefest rank among them , resorted unto him and attended upon his lectures : in what esteem they had him , may be gathered from the words of porphyrius in 〈◊〉 plotim : cum , inquit , origenes aliquando romae venisset in scholas , plotinns ( qui tum publicè ibidem profitebatur ) statim genas rubore suffusus , assurgere volu●t : sermiones verò ab origene continuare rogatus , respondit : studium loquendi cessare , quando qui loquitur , ●uimadvertit se ad illos , qui idem ipsi noverint , verba facturum : atq●e ita , cum pauca quaedam disseruisset , inde surrexit . these bitter enemies of christian religion ; porphyrius , proclus & alii , ( inquit rhodiginas ) fatentur eum exactissimam omnium disciplinarum liberalium ●●gni●●onem tenere . yea , they frequently make honorable mention of him in the books written by them ; and would sometimes refer unto him the resolution of perplex doubts and questions . some of them also have dedicated their books unto him ; and others have delivered to him what they had written , as unto the censure of a master : so great was the reverence they bare him , and in such account was he had amongst them . he was philosophorum omnium sui temporis princeps ; tan●● ingenii , ut nulla eum lingua , 〈…〉 latuerit : and is stiled by the great at●●nasius , admirabilis & summae 〈◊〉 vir . but these philosophical studies did he addict himself unto , only as a step unto a higher form ; he prized the arts as things that might be of great use for the confutation of the heathens ; as also a help to the contemplation of divine mysteries , and a meet handmaid to serve and wait upon her mistress theology : and in this regard , as he judged them profitable and necessary for himself , so did he exhort and perswade others unto the study of them . nor indeed are they of small advantage , as they do fit the vessel for the receit of more precious liquor , sublimating the understanding , and so disposing it to apprehend those higher things contained in the scriptures : for thus do histories make men wise , poets witty , the mathematicks subtil , natural philosophy deep , moral grave , logick and rhetorick able to contend ; as that noble scholar hath observed . to the study of the scriptures therefore did he chiefly apply himself ; wherein he found such sweetness , and took so much delight , that he thought nothing worthy of his time or pains in comparison of them : quis ardentem ( inquit hieronymus ) in scripturis animum non miretur ? both day and night was he thus exercised , neither did he account his meat or sleep sweet unto him , if not seasoned with reading somewhat of those sacred oracles : judging it an unworthy thing that the meaner part of man should be refreshed , and the better and more noble neglected : to which he joyned fervent prayer as the best key to unlock that cabinet , that so he might come to and enjoy the precious jewel contained therein : lectio orationem ( inquit hi●ronymus ) excepit , & oratio lectionem . by this means the holy scriptures became so familiar unto him , through continual use and his being daily conversant in them ; that , by the help of a most strong and happy memory , he had gotten them by heart , ad unguem ●bsolutus in divinis literis , and as it were at his fingers end ; herein even another esdras : and for that he was of a searching and soaring wit , he confined not himself to the low and obvious sense of the words , but would mount aloft into the sublime and mysterious meaning of them ; yet herein is he blamed by many , and not without cause , as being too studious of allegories : in allegoriis , inquit erasmus , superstitiosior est interim & violentior , nimium in hoc intentus , ut destruat historicum sensum ; quasi locus non sit allegoriae , illo incolumi : in these he was to excessive and immoderate ; though in the framing of them he took much pains , and is very happy in many of them . but the truth is , had he followed the counsel given to iearus : — medio tutissimus ibis : he might have avoided his fate , and not , by singeing his wings , have fallen into such a gulf of errors as he did , through his audaciousness this way . and because he saw that he wanted one principal help to the more accurate finding out of the meaning of the scriptures , he ( contrary to his age being somewhat old , and also to the custom of his country ) fell upon the study of the hebrew tongue , the difficulties whereof he easily overcame ; and ( to the wonder of greece ) attained unto a competent measure of skill in that language in a few ( not to say months , but ) days . being thus furnished he diligently improved his talent , affording the help not only of his frequent lectures to his contemporaries , but also of his learned commentaries to posterity for the better understanding of the scriptures ; sweating night and day in the study of the explanation of them . nor is this the meanest flower in the garland of his praise , that he was the first among the fathers that undertook a work of this nature ; an enterprize of no small difficulty seeing he was to go in an untrodden path , none of those that lived before him , affording him any help or direction herein : primus ( inquit rhenanus ) quasi glaciem scidit , jux●● proverbium , in enarrandis scripturis divinis — divinae rei primus inventor . homo pen● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( inquit sixtus senensis ) & qu● primus aggressus est explanationem omnium divinarum scripturarum , nondum ob ingentem earum difficultatem ab aliquo attentatam . erasmus therefore setting him in the front of all the ancient commentators both greek and latin , adds these words , origenes , inquit , inter commentatores sic est primus , ut nemo cu● illo conferri possit . and indeed who among them all can say , that he is not beholding to him ? all that followed , took from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their hints both of teaching and writing , so that they were not a little holpen by him ; basil and gregory nazianzen who collected the philocalia , call him omni●● theologorum cotem & maximum secundum apostolos ecclesiarum magistrum . and as all the latin poets followed ennins , so ( saith ranulphus cestrensis ) all expositors followed origen . ierom highly commends and ascribes much to his interpretations , though he disliked many of his opinions ; he stiles him the master of the churches next after the apostles ( as basil and nazianzen did ) wishing the envy of his name , with his knowledge in the scriptures . hilary and victorinus so much approved of him , ut ejus tractatus non ut interpretes , sed ut auctores proprii operis transtu lerunt . pamphilus the martyr had his expositions in so high esteem , that with his own hands he copied out ( as the greatest part of the volumes written by him so particularly ) five and twenty volumes of his expositions upon the twelve prophets , which ierom happily light on , kept and embraced , with as much joy , as if he had found the treasures of craesus . atque ( ut pancis dicam ) hortus quidam reverà nobis erat ( inquit gregorius thaumaturgus ) magni illins paradisi dei similitudinem referens . he beautified his learning with piety , being very eminent in this regard : sanctitate vitae incomparabilis : a true evangelical doctor , that practised in his life , what he preached with his lips : there being a notable agreement between his words and his works , prescribing rules with the one , and giving a pattern of them in the other . whence it was said of him , that as he taught so he liv'd , and as he liv'd so he taught : a sweet harmony . iejuniis , vigiliis , orationibus & continuis divinarum scripturarum studiis deo devotè serviens , intentus fuit . his abstinence and austerity was admirable , he often fasted and watched , always used a spare and mean dyet , only for necessity , forbearing altogether the use of flesh and wine ; except through infirmity forced thereunto : insomuch , as that having sold the prophane authors ( which he had diligently perused ) he enjoyned the buyer to pay him four half pence a day , which for the space of many years sufficed him for meat , drink , and apparel . abstinentiâ corporis vigorem àde ò domuit , ut omninò contabuisse sceletumque factum esse videretur . he took his rest ( which was but little ) not on a soft bed , but on the bare ground ; and supposing that our saviour ought especially to be observed , mat. . . &c . . he would not wear two coats , nor shoes , nor take care or thought for the morrow . such also was his love to , and zeal for the truth , and constant professors of it , that in times of persecution he frequently exposed himself to so great and eminent dangers , as he could not have escaped , had not the divine power in a marvellous manner preserved him ; he was sometimes so narrowly watched , and closely pursued by his persecutors , that he could no way pass safely through alexandria , being forced oftentimes to change his lodgings , that so he might avoid them ; yet would he not forbear to visit those that were imprisoned , yea and accompany such as were condemned , unto the places of execution , boldly embracing , kissing , and saluting them to his no small hazard , so that once the multitude in their rage had stoned him to death , had he not been even miraculously defended from them and preserved . it shall suffice concerning his worth every way , to add but a testimony or two more to what hath been already said , origenes ille ( in ▪ quit aventinus ) maximus omnium secundum legat●s christi , veritatis divine assertor , magn● famâ majori gloriâ caelestes literas interpretatus est ; & philosophiam christianam magnâ auditorum frequentiâ publicè docuit . cultoribus quoque deorum venerabilis , ad imperatores romanos , caesares augustos matresque eorum in ●ulam vocatus accessit , ad eosdem literas dedit . omnibus ejus vita , mores , studium , doctrina , admirationi fuerunt . vincentius lyrinensis more largely thus speaks of him . in him , saith he , so many excellent , singular , and wonderf●l things are to be found , that at first a man would easily judge all his assertions were to be assented unto : for if the life give any authority , his industry , purity , patience , and sufferings were great , if his stock and learning , what more noble ? springing from a family made illustrious by martyrdom . moreover , for christ was he deprived not only of his father , but also of all his substance , he proceeded so far in the straits of poverty , that he was oftentimes afflicted for the confession of the name of christ : such also was the strength of his wit , profound , sharp , and elegant , that by much and far he excelled well nigh all others ; so great was his knowledge and learning that they were but few things in divine , and almost none in humane philosophy that he throughly attained not unto ? what was there so difficult to be perswaded , that by the force of disputation he cleared not up ? what so hard to be done , that he made not to seem easie ? his speech being so pleasant , delightful and sweet , that to me their seemed to flow from his mouth , not so much words , as honey . but perhaps , his assertions were woven only with knotty arguments ? nay verily , never any of the masters did use more examples of the divine law. but ( you 'l say ) i believe he wrote but little ; no mortal man more : so that i have not only not read all his books , but it seems even impossible to find them all : and lest any thing should be wanting in him requisite unto the attaining of knowledge , fulness of age also abounded . but perhaps he was not happy in his scholars ? who ever more happy ? sith innumerable doctors , priests , confessors , and martyrs came from his bosom . besides , who can express how great admiration , glory , and favour , he had amongst all men ? who any way religious did not fly unto him from the utmost parts of the world ? who among christians did not reverence him as almost a prophet ; among philosophers , as a master ? how much he was respected , not only by those of a private condition , but also the empire it self , histories do declare , that report him to have been sent for by the mother of alexander the emperour , for the worth of his heavenly wisdom . his epistles also testifie the same , which in the authority of a christian master , he wrote unto philip , the first among the roman emperours that was a christian , concerning whose incredible knowledge , if any one will not receive the testimony of us christians reporting it , yet at least let him believe the confession of the heathen philosophers affirming it . for that impious porphyri●s saith , that he was by the same of him , stirred up , ( when almost but a child ) to go unto alexandria , and that there he saw him being now aged ; but surely such a one , and so great , as that he had gotten unto the very top of all knowledge . time would fail me to speak even but a little of the things , which were in that man , which notwithstanding appertain not only unto the glory of religion , but the greatness of temptation : for who would not use that sentence , ( viz. of cicero , concerning plato ) that he had rather err with origen , than be of a right judgement with others ? thus far vincentius . origen thus every way excellent was withal a wonderfully industrious and laborious man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : inquit athanasius , wholly spending his time and improving his vast abilities in the work of the lord and for the behoof of the church : and this he did ; partly by preaching : for which employment he was compleatly furnished , being so familiarly acquainted with , and ready in the holy scriptures , which he abundantly made use of , beautifying and adorning therewith ( as with so many precious gems ) his discourses throughout : gentium testimonia ●usquam adhibet , nisi quoties id res ipsa postulat , quum nullum autorum genus non exactè tenuerit : sed totus hujus sermo ( inquit erasmus ) s●crorum voluminum sententiis undique seu gemmeis emblematibus distinctus est , sed adeò commodé & in loco insertis , ut nihilo seciùs cur●●t oratio : dicas esse non ascita , sed ibi nata ; 〈◊〉 aliunde quaesita , sed suâ sponte praesto esse . and this he did the rather , ( and i therefore add it because it is a notable testimony , that the scriptures at that time were read by all sorts of persons , in the vulgar tongue , or that in use among them ) because in that age the common people did understand the words of the scripture , being frequently exercised in the reading of the sacred volumes . for then even weavers and spinsters had those books at home , which as often as they had leasure , they carefully perused : neither to the understanding of them was their need of any other language , than that which the illiterate vulgar did make use of : and certainly that reading brought this profit with it , that they sate in the church more docil or teachable before him that expounded the mysteries of the scriptures unto them . he had an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore , as he did many of those homilies which were thought worthy of the publick view , such were his six and twenty homilies upon ioshua : oratiuncul●s viginti sex in iesum nave , quas ex tempare in ecclesiâ peroravit adamantius senex ex graeco latinè tibi pro virium me●rum parvitate disserui : inquit ruffinus . also his explanation of the epistle to the romans . his sixteen homilies upon leviticus , &c. quotidi● & quasi ex tempore scripturas ad populum ena●rabat . of which kind of speaking meri● casaubon thus reports in his treatise of enthusiasm . for that faculty of the sophists ( saith he ) of extemporary speaking upon any subject , it was their common profession , that is most certain : and it was accordingly performed by many of them , with singular dexterity , to the great amazement of all their auditors : such was callisthenes the sophist or philosopher : the tarsenses of asia , are by the ancients noted , as for their love to learning in general , so particularly to have excelled in this faculty : — and quintilian a sober solid man , makes this a chief end and fruit of long pains and exercises in the art of rhetorick , to attain to such a faculty as to be able upon any sudden occasion , to speak pertinently without any premeditation : thus he . origen was also very zealous and lively in his delivery : for he loved the things which he spake , and of such we use to speak with affection and delight . his sermons were commonly short , for he would never exceed an hour , lest he should cloy his auditors , judging it better to preach often than long . in reproving he always remembred christian moderation ; sharp he would be , yet never bitter ; but for nothing he would more blame them , then for seldom and slack coming to the hearing of the word , and for oscitancy when they came , accounting diligence or negligence this way one principal note of proficiency or deficiency in piety . he observed this method : first , plainly and bri●fly to expound the history ; then would he stir them up to observe the mystical and all●gorical sense ; and lastly , handle some moral places , making application of what he had delivered and unfolded . partly also by writing did he improve his abilities ; and dictating unto those that wrote : whereunto of himself he was backward , but set upon it by the inst gation of ambr●se , ( christianae fidei conf●ssor i●signis , inquit trithemius , qui etiam ad off●cium diacon● tus meruit promoveri , vir certè doctissimus , & librorum studiosus amator . ) who pressed him hereunto above measure , giving him no rest , and exacted from him a continual or daily task . his works were innumerable , written by himself , and others from his mouth ; many whereof ierom saith , he had gotten together and perused : but not all ; for who of us , saith he , can read so much as he wrote ? some affirm , as from ierom , that he composed six thousand volumes ; though yet ierom himself deny it ; for , saith he , look over the catalogue of his books contained in the third volume of the life of pamphilus written by eusebius , and you shall not find the third part of that number ; yet did he utter above a thousand tracts in the church , and besides set forth commentaries innumerable : in a word , no man ever wrote more : for which cause suidas stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the composer . ierom in his epistle unto paula , the mother of eustocbiu●● , ( now not extant ) reckons up all the monuments of origens wit , comparing him unto that learned , varro , who by that time he had arrived unto the age of eighty four years : ( which yet it seems , he exceeded ; for pliny mentions the eighty and eighth of his age ) had written four hundred and ninety books ; of whom terentianus a carthaginian poet thus speaks . vir doc●●●●mus undecunque varro , qui tam multa legit , ut aliquando scribere vacasse miremur ; 〈◊〉 multa scripsit , quàm multa vix quemquam legere potuisse credamus . such another was didymus of alexandria , sirnamed also chalcenterus , ( nobilis grammaticus , qui iulii caesaris evo floruit ) quod indefesso labore libris assideret , who is reported to have written above three thousand and five hundred books , as meursius , and suidas : four thousand ( saith seneca ) but withal handling such trivial things , ( quae ( inquit ) erant ded●scenda , si scires ) that it cannot be said of him , as erasmus of origen ; in origene nihil ineptum aut redundans . briefly , his works were such and so many , that ( saith the learned daille ) had we them all intire , they would perhaps be able to give us more light and satisfaction about the present controversies in religion , than all the rest of the fathers . his works on the scriptures are by iero● distinguished into three sorts or classes ; ( & nullam scripturae partem ille praetermisit , in quâ non scripserit , inquit erasmus . ) the first sort he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ociosa ; i. e. brief annotations upon obscure and difficult places , when he had not leisure to frame a full and just commentary : the second sort , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or homilies , that he preached unto the people publickly . homilia est familiaris & domestica divinae scripturae ad plebem elucidati● ; cujus seopus est explicare & hortari sen applicare : the third sort , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which saith erasmus , he wrote himself ) books or volumes , majoris disputationis , wherein he disputes at large , spreading the sail of his wit to the full , and lanching out into the deep : which title he himself , saith ierom , gave unto his commentaries . to which three , eusebius adds two other , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. epistolare , in quo questiones ex divinâ scripturâ , amicor●m literis ad se missas , rescriptis explicavit epistolis . e● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , interpretivum , in quo genere demùm ponendae sunt omnes scripturae divinae translationes , quas ipse , in hexaplis , octaplis , & palaestinae editionis codicibus complexus est . of these his labours , but few are now extant , and they in latine ; and of those that are lost , the names of few are remaining at this day : so great were the endeavours of those , who ( because of his errours ) sought to suppress his writings , that they would not suffer so much as the very titles to remain ; wherein they shewed more zeal than discretion and wisdom ; for surely , might we have been so happy as to have injoyed all that he wrote , the errours found in them might the better have been born with , being countervail'd , and by much over-ballanced by what in them was sound and orthodox . of how great esteem his works were among the ancients , may be gathered from hence , that divers of them thought it well worth their time and pains to translate much of what he wrote ; ierom tells us , that he himself translated seventy books of his : ruffine not a few , though not so faithfully ; hilary translated almost forty thousand verses , quadraginta fermè millia versuum ; of origen upon iob , and the psalms : and victorinus many things , non ut interpretes , sed ut auctores porprii operis , and the books of ambrose , almost all of them are full of the sayings of this man. § . of the almost innumerable number of those that are lost , we find recorded in di●ers authors these following . . his collections and collations of the translations of the old testament : a work of huge bulk , collected with great pains , and composed with no less diligence ; requiring no small cost to procure , nor less labour to pe●use it . an excellent piece , and of admirable use and advantage ; which fill'd all the ●amous libraries in those times : highly commended even by epiphanius himself , no friend to origen ; herein ( saith he ) he did well and profitably ; i would he had done others things as well . these were of three sorts . . he compiled that work which he named tetrapla , or his fourfold interpretation ; consisting of the translations ; . of the septuagint . . of aquila of pontus ; who was first a gentile , then a christian ; but being for his obstinacy in the practice of astrology , and calculating nativities , excommunicated , he became a jewish proselite , and was accordingly circumcised , being semi-iudaeus , semi-chri●●●nus , and having learned the hebrew tongue , he translated the old testament into greek ; about the year of christ . which he did , to the end , that as much as in him lay , he might subvert the prophesies of christ , for which cause epip●anius call him iudaizantem heraeticum . . of theodotion , of pontus also : or , as trithemius , an ephesian : who being first a christian ; ( but then a follower of those arch-hereticks , tatianus , marcion and ebion ) afterward turned jew ; and having been among them well instructed in the hebrew tongue , he also translated the old testament into greek : in the year of christ . whom ierom reckons among the judaizing hereticks : he was more faithful in his translation than the former ; and therefore did the churches of christ always use to read the prophet daniel , not according to the septuagint , but theodotions interpretation or edition . . of symmachus : he was a samaritan , ranked among their wise men ; but not having that honour from them which he expected , he fell to the jews , and was circumcised the second time ; si quidem arte medicâ & certis instrumentis ( spatisterem appellant ) iudaei solebant resectum praeputium iterum super inducere , sive attrahere ; & hoc est quod apostolus ait , cor. . . qui circumcisus vocatus est , non adducat praeputium : vel , ut clariùs sonant verba graeca , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i.e. non attrabatur . but living ingloriously among these also , he became a christian , embracing the heresie of the ebionites , who held that christ was a mere man , and born of ioseph and mary . he translated the old testament into greek , not word for word , as aquila had done , but according to the sense thereof : non verbum ex verbo , sed sententias ex sententiis reddidit : about the year of christ . this translation , origen saith , he found at caesarea with a certain woman named iuliana , which saith , that symmachus delivered it her to keep . . to the four above named , he added two more , viz. the hebrew text in hebrew letters ● . and again , the same text in the greek characters , for the help of those that could not read the hebrew : these texts with the former four interpretations were set one beside another ; each page being divided into six distinct columns for that purpose ; for which cause he intituled the work hexapla , as the former tetrapla , and the following octopla , for the like reason ; each page having in the one four , as in the other eight columns . erasmus rather approves of the writing of it without an aspiration , viz. exapla ; ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : to explain ; as conceiving it to take the name not from the number of columns , but from the nature of the work : but were it so , then might the same title have been given as well unto the foregoing and following , as unto this ; the etymology agreeing to them all alike . . to these six he added two more : which because he had found without the names of their authors affixed to them , he called the one quinta , or the fifth ; and the other sexta , or the sixth ; the former whereof he had found in the city of hiericho ; the later at nicopolis . these two , with the above named six made up his octopla , or eight fold interpretation : wherein they were disposed or set in this order . . the hebrew text in the hebrew letters . . the hebrew words in greek characters . . the translation of aquila . . that of symmachus . . the septuagint . . the translation of theodotion . . that edition call'd the fifth . . that call'd the sixth . of which alsted thus speaks : octopla ( inquit ) opus laboriosum & insigne magno ecclesiae malo amissum , and not much unlike , our learned whitaker : his labour ( saith he ) was incredible in gathering together all these editions : which being all thus brought into one body , proved a most divine work , the loss whereof is a great detriment to the church , and well might ambrose say of him ; multorum interpretationes diligenti discussit indagine . . he also set forth another translation for daily use ; composed of the septuagint , and that of theodotion : being a third from them both ; it a ut nova videretur , inquit bellarminus : which may be said to be , not so much a translation , as an emendation of the septuagint : wherein he added some things out of theodotions translation , which he found wanting in the septuagint : and these additions he noted with an asterisk or shining star * but those passages , quae hebraicè nou erant dicta , which were not to be found in the hebrew , he pierced through with a spit or spear — . of which ierom thus speaks : vbicunque virgulae , i.e. obeli sunt , significatur quòd septuaginta plus dixerint , quàm habetur in hebraew : ubi autem asterisci , i.e. stellulae praelucentes , ex theodotionis editione ab origine additum est . again : sed quod majoris est andaciae , in editione septuaginta , theodotionis editionem miscuit origines ; asteriscis videlicet designans quae minùs fuerant ; & virgulis , quae ex superfiuo videbantur apposita . isidore gives us this account of the notes ; asteriscus , inquit , apponitur in iis quae omissa sunt , ut illucescant per eam notam quae de esse videntur . obelus apponitur in verbis vel sententiis superfluè iteratis , five in iis locis ubi lectio aliquâ falsitate notata est . this work he undertook , because the septuagint had been , through the carelesness of notaries and transcribers , not a little corrupted and depraved . cum manum ( inquit masius ) septuaginta interpretationi admovere ausus est origenes , erat etiam tum perverfissima . and though some have judged it rather a corruption , than a correction of the septuagint ; yet was it indeed a diligent collation of those two interpretations , and a work very profitable unto all ; it being a most accurate restitution of the septuagint to its purity . concerning which emendation andreas masius ( a man , saith daille , of singular and profound learning , yet of such candor and integrity , as renders him more admired than his knowledge doth ) thus speaks : in correcting and conserving that interpretation of the septuagint , to their no small praise did helychius take great pains , lucianus more , origen most of all : by whose industry ( he saith ) he was provoked to deliver unto the age wherein he lived the septuagint translation , sound and intire in that one history of iosuah , as adamantius had done the whole throughout . this edition was afterwards so far approved of , that it quickly filled all libraries , and was received and made use of in their daily readings , by all the churches of of palestine and syria ; so that it was accounted as the vulgar translation . . he wrote ten books of stromes ; ( in imitation of clemens his master , whose work so intitled , consisteth of eight books ) wherein comparing the scriptures and philosophers together , he confirms the doctrine of christianity by the sayings of those heathens : but the two last of these books were spent in the exposition of the prophesie of daniel , and the epistle to the galatians . . his books of the interpretion of hebrew names contained in the scriptures : mentioned by the author of the answers unto certain questions propounded by the orthodox , falsely ascribed unto iustin martyr : which ierom ( who herein imitated him ) reckons among the excellent monuments of his wit , wherein he took pains as a christian , to supply , what philo , as a jew , had omitted . . of the resurrection , two books . . of prayer . . a dialogue between him and one candidus a defender of the valentinian heresie ; in whom ( saith ierom ) i confess i have beheld ( as it were ) two andabatae , or blind-folded champions encountring each other . of baronius thus : non ( inquit ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ tantùm pluribus scatebat erroribus , sed & blasphemiis refertissimus dialogus ille erat , quocum candido haeretico de dogmatibus fusiùs desputavit . . of martyrdom , or a book of martyrs : which he dedicated unto ambrose and protoctaetus ministers of c●sarea ; for that they both suffered no small affliction , enduring most constantly examination and confession , in the time of maximinus the emperour , a cruel persecutor : who ( out of spite that he bare unto the house of alexander his predecessor , which harboured many of the faithful ) gave commandment that the governors only of the churches , as principal authors of the doctrine of our saviour , should be put to death . of which book , saith vincentius bellovacensis : scribit tantâ dictrictâ spiritus virtute , ut ejus sententiis tanquam validissimis nervis multos ad martyrium stabiliret . . above an hundred epistles , which being scattered here and there , were collected and comprised by eusebius in several volumes , to the end they should be no more dispersed . . five books against hereticks . . an epitome of the history of susanna . moreover , he commented upon most of the books of the old and new testament : of which works of his , besides those now extant , these are recorded in several authors , viz. i. vpon the old testament . . a continued explanation of the four first chapters of genesis , in thirteen tomes ; but twelve saith eusebius . . one book of annotations upon exodus ; also the like upon leviticus . . one homily upon the song of hannah , king. . . one homily upon solomon's judgement between the two harlots king. . . many homilies or tracts upon the books of iob. . a brief exposition , or an enchiridion upon the whole book of psalms : also larger explanations thereupon at the request of ambrose . he was the first ( saith ierom ) that commented upon the whole psalter . trithemius saith that he wrote one hundred and fifty tracts upon the psalms ; which equals the number of them . . a commentary upon the proverbs of solomon . . explanations upon the book ecclesiastes . kimedoncius cites a testimony out of origen homil. . in ecclesiasten . . ten books of commentaries upon the canticles : five whereof he wrote at athens ; the other five returning from cesarea . a worthy work requiring much time , labour and cost to translate , for which cause ierom omitted it , and would not attempt or adventure upon it . in this work , containing well nigh twenty thousand verses , he discourseth so magnificently and clearly , ( saith ierom ) that as in the rest he overcame all others , so in this he overcame himself . . annotations upon the whole prophesie of esay : also continued explanations from the first chapter unto the thirtieth ; of which , thirty tomes came to our hands , saith eusebius : together with two books upon the thirtieth chapter . . a huge number of homilies upon ieremy , the most whereof are lost . . upon the lamentations nine tomes : of which ( saith eusebius ) we have seen five . . upon ezekiel twenty and five tomes , the which he wrote being at athens : besides many homilies . . upon the twelve minor prophets many tracts , whereof ( saith eusebius ) we have found twenty and five in the whole , which ierom saith , he found copied out by pamphilius among these were : one upon hosea ; of which ierom thus : origenes parvum de hoc prophetâ scripsit libellum , cui hunc titulum imposuit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i.e. quare in osee appellatur ephraim , volens ostendere , quaecunque contra eum dicuntur , ad haereticorum referenda personam , &c. ii. vpon the new testament . . upon matthew , one book containing his scholia , or brief annotations upon obscure places : also , twenty five homilies upon divers places of the gospel . six and twenty , saith trithemius ; and nicephorus speaks of five books of his upon matthew . . upon luke five tomes ; and many homilies . . upon the epistle to the galatians five tomes ; also one book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or of choice passages : besides not a few homllies . . upon the epistle to the ephesians three volumes or commentaries ; of which ierom makes mention in these words . illud quoque 〈◊〉 praefatione commoneo , ut sciatis origenem tria ●●lumina in hanc epistolam conseripsissc ; quem & nos ex parte secuti sumus . . upon the epistle to the colossians three books . . upon the first epistle of the thessalonians divers books : for ierom maketh mention of the third volumn upon this epistle ; wherein , saith he , he discourseth with much variety and prudence . . upon the epistle to titus , one book . . upon the epistle to the hebrews many books : all which through the injury of time , and violence of his adversaries , are lost , and now not to be found . the books that are extant at this day under his name , are these following ; . seventeen homilies upon the book of genesis ; which are said to be interpreted by ierom whose name is prefixed to them , but falsly , as crynaeus supposeth : for indeed it was done by ruffinus , as appears by the liberty that he takes , to add detract and change what he pleased : which it seems was his manner : sed haec non est , inquit erasmus , libertas interpretis sed licentia potiùs contaminantis scripta aliena . again , ruffino peculiaris est ista temeritas , ( viz. ea quae verti● , truncare , augere , immutare , & ex alieno opere suum facere ) cujus unicum studium fuisse videtur , omnes illustrium autorum libros , attrectando contaminare . ha● a●rte vir glorie cupidus , putavit se reperisse viam , quâ vel invitis omnibus tereretur manibus hominum . certainly , saith the learned daille , he hath so filthily mangled and so licentiously confounded the writings of origen , which he hath translated into latine ; that you will hardly find a page where he hath not either cut off , or added , or at least altered something . a soul fault in a translator , in whom fidelity , as the chief vertue is required and most commendable . such is his dealing in this kind , that the reader is often uncertain whether he read origen or ruffine . which thing ierom often and tartly taxeth him for : and particularly for his unworthy translation of his book of principles , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he calls , and that fitly enough , and not without ●est cause , an infamous interpretation : let it suffice once for all to have given this hint of the manner of ruffine in his translation of divers books of origen . and that this translation of these homilies upon genesis is his , appears from what ruffine himself hath said in his peroration added unto the commentary upon the epistle to the romans , wherein he professeth that he translated origen upon genesis : and probable it is , that the transcribers prefixed ieroms name as the more gracious and acceptable . grynaeus hath taken pains for the benefit of the reader to set down , as he hath done before all the rest of the works of origen in his edition of them , the several theological common places handled in these homilies : adding moreover that by them the diligent reader will confess , that he hath light upon a rich storehouse of christian philosophy , replenished with all kind of spiritual treasures . . upon exodus thirteen homilies ; translated also by ruffinus ; though for the gaining of the more credit unto them , the name of ierom be here also prefixed as the interpretor of them . . upon leviticus sixteen homilies ; eighteen say some : where the same craft is made use of in the alteration of the name of the translator as in the former . by some over-bold impostor , these are ascribed unto cyril of alexandria , under the title of so many books , or a commentary : whereas it is manifest , they are not commentaries , but homilies : for the author excuseth his brevity to his auditors , by reason of the straits of time ; and that he intended not a large exposition of the words , but to touch some few things briefly for their edification : the stile , saith bellarmine , and similitude of the doctrines contained in them , shew them plainly to be origens . . upon numbers , twenty eight homilies : ( some say , but twenty six . cent. . cap. . sixt. senens . lib. . and scultetus in medulâ ) which its likely was translated by ierom ; because ruffine speaking of his translation of genesis , exodus , leviticus , iosuah , and iudges , makes no mention of numbers : and , saith erasmus out of gennadius , ruffine translated all of origen , except what was done by ierom. yet that there are some additions of the interpretor in this piece is apparent , saith grynaeus , in homil . . in cap. . yea these homilies by their phrase seem to be the work of some latine author ; for in chap. . he expounds the difference between excudere and excidere : which could have no place in a greek . . upon iosuah , twenty and six homilies ; where we have also the name of ierom as the interpretor , instead of ruffine : as also a preface pretended to be his ; but so frigid and and foolish , that a more certain argument cannot be desired to perswade us , that neither the one , nor other is ieroms : and er●smus gives instance in divers particulars . . upon iudges nine homilies : where we have the same mistake of the interpretor ; liber inquit grynaeus satis bonus . here also the etymology of rex à regendo , gives cause to suspect , that these came out of the same shop , with those upon numbers . . upon the book of the kings , or one homily upon the first and second chapters of the first of samuel . . upon the book of iob , a large explation , divided into three books ; from the beginning of the history unto the middle of the third chapter . a learned piece it is ; and worth the reading : but both the stile and method shew it to be none of origens , both being far different from his . those commentaries , saith vsher , upon iob are wrongly ascribed unto origen . also the author is full of battologies or repetitions of the same sentence , which certainly is not the manner of origen . for my part , saith ●rasmus , i suppose him to be a latinist , and to have written in latine : for he speaks of the greek as not his own language , and interprets the word adamantius to signifie in greek , indomabilis , iuflexibilis : and saith he , lucianus , cognominatus est tanquam lucidus . he was one of free speech fit to teach the vulgar , but withal an arian , as is clear from divers passages ; and therefore it cannot be origens work ; for arius arose many years after him . besides , he brings in the exposition of lucianus the martyr in the third chapter , who suffered under maximinus , refutes the manichees in the seventh and eighth chapter , and makes mention of the homousianists ; none of which were known till after the time of origen ; the preface , saith erasmus , or prologue set before it , is of some prating fellow , that had neither learning nor modesty in him , unless the concealing of his name may be so interpreted : surely he had little skill in the latine ( yet , saith possevine , commentarii hi sunt pervetusti & pereruditi viri . ) the whole being nothing else but meer and miserable stammering . praefatio , inquit erasmus , testatur hoc opus ab aliis nonnullis fuisse versum sed neque bonâ fide neque doctè , dum ex benè graecis , reddunt malè latina : quum ipse qui haec praefatur , reipsá declaret , se fuisse hominem , qui nec latinè sciret , nec ingenio aut eruditione valeret ; sed qui tanto plus haberet arrogantiae , quanto minùs habebat peritiae . yet are these commentaries made use of as origens , by the po●tificians to prove their doctrines , of the invocation of saints , oblations for the dead , abstinence from flesh in lent and for giving of alms upon funeral days for the salvation of souls . erasmus conjectureth the author to have been one maximinus a bishop , whose disputations with augustine are extant . . certain homilies upon three of the psalms , viz. five upon the six and thirtieth ; two upon the seven and thirtieth , and two upon the eight and thirtieth ; in all nine : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sunt optima , inquit gynaeus , allegoriae frigidae . erasmus is doubtful , whether they be his or no ; for they do scarce express his wit and phrase , but come neerer unto that of chrysostom : he thinks it was some latine , that wrote them : which may be guessed from hence , that in explicating divers texts ; he tells us how they are in latine , how in greek : which was not the manner of the greeks to do ; for they little , or not at all cared for the latine tongue . but if ruffine translated it , he according to his custom , made that his own by defiling it , which was another mans : yet having observed the weakness of the preface , i can hardly think , saith erasmus , that ruffine was so very a child : who , if not so much by art , yet certainly by nature was eloquent enough : but if any contend , that ruffine is sometime foolish this way , i will not much oppose , so it be confessed that the genius of this work , doth not resemble the happiness of origen . bellarmine gives this hint of them , that some do doubt whether they be his or no : and scultetus reckons this and the immediately preceding , to have crept in among the works of origen , but to belong indeed unto others . yet from hence also do those of rome fetch authorities , as from origen , for the proof of their tenets concerning purgatory , auricular confession , the vertues of the cross , that wicked men do eat the body of christ in the sacrament , and that the book of iudith is authentick . . upon the canticles . . two homilies ; explanationis prioris . . four homilies , upon the two first chapters of the book ; explanatienis posteriovis : or rather a continued imperfect commentary . but they are indeed neither origens nor ieroms , but a work of some latin author , well learned and sufficiently eloquent : for , he quotes the greeks in his prologue as strangers , and interprets some latin words . verbum dei , inquit , apud graecos masculino genere : ex hoc ( inquit cocus ) evidenter perspicitur , non graecum , sed latinum fuisse autorem . erasmus suspects them to be his , who wrote the books de vocatione gentium , and certain commentaries upon the psalms , which go under the name of ambrose . merlin on the other side , is very confident that they are origens , as ( saith he ) the sagacious reader will easily perceive ; though his reason be weak enough to ground even a conjecture upon : yea himself confesseth that the stile differs from origens ; for which cause some deny it to be his . it is ( saith sixtus senensis ) a pious , learned , and eloquent work ; or rather a fragment , in which the two first chapters are excellently expounded , having in some ancient copies ierom's name prefixed to it : who indeed m●●tions four homilies written by himself upon the canticles . ierom● ▪ 〈…〉 of these ; 〈…〉 tractatus , quos i● morem quotidiani eloquii parvulis abhuc lactentibus composuit , fideliter magis quàm ornatè interpretatus sum , gustum tibi sensuum ejus , non cibum offerens . tu ( damase papa ) animadvertas quanti sint illa estimanda quae magna sunt , quum si● possunt placere quae parva sunt . . nine homilies upon divers places of the prophecy of esay , especially upon the sixth chapter , which fragment was by ierom ( as himself confesseth ) turned into latin. it wants a preface , which ( because it was ierom's manner to set a preface before what he translated ) erasmus supposeth to be taken away by those to whom he wrote , after that the name of origen became odious or envyed at rome : for very likely it is , that therein he spake highly in commendation of his wit , as he doth in his prologue before the commentaries upon ezekiel . yet notwithstanding the historical errours ( saith grynaeus ) the doctrines so weak and waterish , and the frigid allegories ( indignissamae origine & hieronymo ) together with the barbarism of the translation , do , i think abundantly shew , that neither origen was the author , nor ierom the translator of them . . upon ieremiah fourteen homilies , whereof ierom was the translator ; which are the only remaining of a huge number upon this prophecy . these and the following are ( saith grynaeus ) origene & hieronymo dignae . . upon ezekiel fourteen homilies , translated also by ierom , as appears both by his own testimony ( in hieremiam & ezekielem homilias origenis viginti octo è graeco in latinum verti ) and also by the preface which is undoubtedly his , because ruffine out of it objects a passage against him . . upon matthew , his commentaries : which are to be ranked among his tomes as the greek titles declare ; though some have imprudently divided them into tracts or homilies : whereas there is not the least footstep of that kind of writing to be found in them : for his homilies always end in a doxology , having sometimes a short prayer joyned therewith . it contains thirty eight homilies say some ; but thirty five say others : wherein we have an exposition of a great part of this gospel , viz. from the thirteenth unto the seven and twentyeth chapter . it is a piece ( saith erasmus ) most worthy to be read : origen is ardent every where , but no where more , than when he handleth the sayings and doings of christ , and in my judgement ( saith he ) no one of the evangelists doth more fully comprehend the life and doctrine of christ , then matthew . yet ambrose conceiveth our author to be far meaner in the new testament , than in the old. the translator , in all probability was ruffine , as may be gathered ( though the preface be wanting ) from the liberty which he takes in translating : it seems ( saith gryneus ) to be the writing of some latin : demptis iis quae vertit erasmu● : who translated a good part of this work , viz. from the thirteenth chapter unto the twentyeth verse of the sixteenth chapter . docti dubitant , an tractatus in matthaeum tribui debeant origeni . . upon luke thirty and nine homilies : of which without doubt ierom was the translator , seeing he professeth so much in his preface : and because they are not so elaborate , and are sprinkled with some errours that were condemned , he excuseth them as written by origen when but young ( as those upon matthew when he was old . ) he is no where in his homilies so short and concise , as in these . three and thirty of them are a continued exposition of this gospel , from the beginning thereof unto the midst of the fourth chapter . the six latter of them are an enarration of divers places scattered here and there . est liber optimus ( inquit grynaeus ) habet tamen aliquas salebras . it 's an interpretation ( saith merlin ) which those that envyed him have prophaned with sundry errours so that many think it not to be his , because of the many errours inserted therein . . upon iohn thirty and two tomes : ierom speaks of thirty and nine , which he durst not undertake to translate for the bulk of them . they all lay hid , till of late perionius a monk of cassinas found nine tomes of them in an old greek copy which he light on in the king of france his library , and turned into latin , yet were they in many places maimed and inconsequent . these were afterward by some obscure grecian , divided into thirty and two tomes , that they might be the more desired and sell the dearer : by whom ambrose of millain , a monk of cassina , was deluded , though a man sagacious enough , and of a quick wit , who translated and published them in thirty and two tomes as now they are : which ( saith he ) in his postscript , let the reader know i have done with utmost diligence and fidelity , so that it is not at all changed from what it was as written by the authour . . certain homilies upon divers places of the evangelists : which without doubt are not all origens : some of them ( saith erasmus ) it 's apparent , are not his , but of some latin author , and the rest impudently corrupted by ruffine . they are ten in number , whereof seven are upon certain places of matthew : two upon iohn , viz ▪ upon part of the first , and part of the twentyeth chapters : and one upon the epiphany without a certain text. the fifth upon matthew , seems to be of some latin authour ; for , saith he , spiritu● sanctus is of the neuter gender , not of the masculine , as with us : where he plainly discovers himself to be a latin. for the eighth ( saith merlin ) many think it to be origens , though it be not fully his stile . the ninth is a meer cento patch't up , the former part thereof with somewhat taken out of origens thirty fourth tract upon matthew : the latter part , with two fragments , the one taken out of gregory's morals , chap. . and some others later then origen : yea the stile of these fragments shew that they are none of his . the homily upon the first of iohn is apparently none of his , there being mention made of the manichees and arians , both which arose long after origen : and withal the author saith , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apud graecos sunt masculini generis . the homily upon the twentyeth of iohn cannot be his , for it is clearly of a latin stile ; and if some be of latin authors , the rest may justly be suspected to be so too : yet are these cited by those of rome as origens , to prove the real presence of christ in the eucharist , that dionysius the areopagite is the authour of the ecclesiastical hierarchy , and what is the use and benefit of making the sign of the cross with the fingers . . commentaries upon the epistle to the romans , in ten books , as we have them divided by merlin and grynaeus ; though sixtus senensis , trithemius and some others make them fifteen . ierom is supposed to be the interpreter , though it do appear both from the preface , and especially from the peroration , that ruffine was the translatour of them ; who saith that he had contracted the whole work almost one half : how great an injury to deprive the church of such a treasure ? yet is salmeron of a contrary judgment upon the same grounds : ex epistolâ ad heraclium , inquit , quae loco prooemii praefigitur libris origenis in epist. ad romanos , & ex peroratione , in quâ se hieronymus interpretem illorum , non tantùm verbis , sed etiam stylo satis prodit , constat hieronymum , eos latinos reddidisse . . four books , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod vel de principiis vel de potestatibus dici potest , inquit ruffinus , of principles , or of powers , which he wrote in emulation of one longinus a philosopher , well known unto him ( as baronius conceives ) who in those times had set forth a commentary almost of the same argument . this is the book , the interpretation whereof occasioned so hot a contest between ierom and ruffine ( who both performed that task ) wherein especially ierom chargeth him with false dealing , for that he added some things , subtracted others , and took liberty to change what he pleased : whereas for his part he desired faithfully to discharge the duty of an interpreter . i , saith he , simply expressed what i found in the greek ; my care was to change nothing . again , i leave it to your judgment , what pains i did undergo in translating the books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeing that to change any thing that was in the greek , would not have been the part vertentis , sed evertentis , of a turner or translatour , but of 〈◊〉 overturner ; and to express the same word for word , would not become him that desires to keep the elegancy of speech . my end , saith he , was to discover an heretick , that i might vindicate the church from heresie . and the truth is , origen is no where more foully erroneous than in this book , wherein there is more bad than good , it being full stuffed with gross errours : toti ( inquit scultetus ) scatent erroribus : so that it can hardly be believed how much in that work he betrayed the christian faith , which he had received from his predecessours . and as plotinus said of the forenamed longinus , that he was studious of learning , yet not at all a philosopher : so may it be truly affirmed of origen , as touching this book , that therein he meant to seem a philosopher rather than a christian ; the truth is , it is most obscure and full of difficulties : scias ( inquit hieronymus ) detestanda tibi in eis ( lib●is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) esse quam plurima , & juxta sermonem domini inter scorpiones & colubros incedendum . in the close of which epistle he shews with what caution these books are to be read , withal making an enumeration of the errours contained in them , it being intended by ierom as an antidote against them , binnius calls this piece multarum heresium promptuarium . the translation of these books which we now have ( as grynaeus conceives ) is ruffine's ; for in his marginal notes we sometimes meet with these words , loquitur ruffinus . . eight books against celsus the philosopher , of the sect of epicurus , who had most bitterly inveighed against and traduced the christian religion . this is the only work of origen , upon which the incomparably judicious erasmus past not his censure , being prevented by death ; the want whereof ( as also of his coronis ) is much to be bewailed , considering that by reason of his singular learning , and long exercise in the study of the ancients , it cannot but be presumed , he would have gone through and performed it in a most excellent manner . origen undertook this work by the instigation of ambrose , who was much grieved to see that the christian religion should be so reproached . celsus stiled his book the word of truth , though little were contained in it , but what was foolish , weak and false , and unworthy of a prudent man ; whose objections and slanders , ( as also those of all other both gentiles and jews ) origen in his answer ( which baronius calls celeberrimum commentarium ) most notably wipes off and refuteth . a piece it is of much use , especially unto the history of those times , which by it self is set forth in greek and latine by d●vid haeschelius , who gives this commendation of it , celso argumentis & rationibus origenes ita respondit , ut haud sciam an quicquam in hoc genere solidius atque eruditius existet . he set upon this work after that he had arrived unto maturity of age , viz. being then more than sixty years old . . of the right faith in one god , or three dialogues against the marcionists , which are mentioned by bellarmine as two distinct pieces of origen , though indeed they be but one and the same . for so the learned doctour humphries , that translated it into latine out of a greek manuscript that he obtained of frobenius , and set forth anno . ( as perionius had done the year before out of a greek copy which he found in the king's library ) entitles it , of the right faith in one god , against the three principles of megethius the marcionite . these two interpreters made use of two very different copies ; but it is evident , that that which dr. humphries followed was the more distinct and full . it is questionable whether this is origen's or no : . because the author speaks of kings and princes that piously believe : now there were none such in origen's time . . no ancient author of note hath recorded this disputation , wherein an ethnick ( viz. eutropius , a greek philosopher ) being made the judge , the church by origen should get the victory ; for the issue was ( as is affirmed ) the conversion of eutropius unto christianity , together with many others , who in the close of the disputation , celebrated the praise of origen with this acclamation ; david hath slain the tyrant goliah , and adamantius hath cut the throat of that opinion which fought against god. . besides , it is strange that this should not come to the notice of eusebius , or in case it did , that he should be silent herein , who so diligently sought out whatsoever might make for the commendation of origen . the dialogues against the marcio●ites ( saith vsher ) were collected for the most part out of the writings of maximus , who lived in the time of the emperours commodus and severus . of which maximus , ierom tells us , quòd famosam quaestionem insigni volumine ventilavit , vnde malum , & , quòd materia à deo facta sit . . the lamentation of origen , which he himself wrote with his own hand in the greek tongue , when after his fall and denyal of his master christ jesus , he wandred to and fro with great grief and torment of conscience , the which ierom translated into latine : these are the words of doctor meredith han●er , prefixed to this lamentation , set down in his english translation and edition of eusebius , between the first and second chapters of the seventh book ; having immediately before given us out of suidas the story of his fall . as touching his fall , viz. that he should chuse rather to offer incense unto idol , than to have his body defiled by an ethiopian : though epiphanius ( who was no friend to our author ) and suidas also deliver it for a truth ; yet doth baronius upon weighty grounds conceive it to be rather a meer fiction and slander of those that were his enemies , who envying , endeavoured this way to dark●● the same of origen : and ( saith d●ille ) that i may not dissemble , i profess my self much enclined to be of the cardinal's opinion , who thinks this story to be an arrant fable ; and that it was foisted into epiphanius , or else ( as i rather believe ) was taken upon trust by himself ; for this father hath shewed himself in this as in many other things , a little overcredulous . now the story it self being questionable , and so sandy a foundation , the superstructure must needs be weak ; nor , is the censure of erasmus without cause , that these lamentations were neither written by origen , nor translated by ierom , but the figment of some idle and unlearned brain , who studyed by this means to cast a blemish upon this excellent wit. it is therefore by gelasius ranked among the apocrypha . . there is another piece , which , because it is inserted in the catalogue of the works of origen , i thought good not to pass it over altogether unmentioned ; it is stiled by the name of philocalia , or ( as bellarmine renders it ) de amore honesti , of the love of that which is good . scultetus calls it quaestiones illustriores , or famous questions ; they were collected out of all the works of origen by those two eminent fathers basil and nazianzen : so that though origen supplyed them with the matter , yet they gave the form to this work , who therefore may as well be entituled to it as he . hanc non origenis magis quam basilii & gregorii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse dixerim , inquit tarnius ; by whom in his edition it is divided into twenty and six chapters , or so many common places , who gives us this account of it ; delectum hic liber continet quaestionum scripture it solutionum , ex variis origenis commentariis , ab illis divinarum rerum consultissimis gregorio & basilio , quem horum alter , gregorius theologus 〈◊〉 theodorum tyaneum id temporis episcopum , i● tabellis misit : in his letter he thus stiles it , electorum origenis libellum . § . as touching his stile , it was familiar , plain and free from rhetorical pomp , brief and succinct especially in his homilies , and sermons to the people , in whom ( saith merlin ) under a choice stream of words flows forth , i know not what secret divinity and breath of life ; by which the minds of men , do easily receive the knowledge of good and evil , his speech being pure and perspicuous : yea and withal very eloquent , which made it so pleasant , delightful , and sweet , that not so much words as honey seemed to drop from his lips : nor was it without a certain kind of majesty , in which regard ruffine stiles him , a magnificent trumpet : and pierius a presbyter of alexandria was honoured with the title of origen junior , as well for the elegancy of his language , as the multiplicity of his writings . but erasmus hath spoken so fully of this particular , that it would be superfluous to add any thing more , having once given you an account of what he hath said concerning the phrase of origen . he had , saith he , an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore , and even in obscure matters his speech is very perspicuous ; nor is brevity wanting as often as the matter requires it : the sentence runs every where certainly , neither doth he hinder himself with words that do ●●rthen wearisome ears : ( graecis peculiaris est inquit erasmus ) erudita simplicitas , & orati● venusta , dilucidaque magis arridet , quàm grandis & operosa : ) he is no where too lofty , which ierom attributes unto hilary : nor doth he with borrowed and far fetch'd ornaments extend and lengthen out his books , as sometimes ierom doth : ( origenes vix unquam assurgit , inquit hyperius , sed totus est in docendo , nihil attingens affectuum , nisi quos ipsa move●res , quod est atticorum : ) he studieth not to move laughter in his auditors with quips and jests , as tertullian oftentimes , and ierom too much imitated him : but with a certain continual hilarity , he suffers not drowsiness to creep upon his auditors , nor doth affect the flowers of rhetoriek , quaint sentences and epiphonemaes , as ambrose and ierom , nor delight to retard and stop the reader with unusual words , as tertullian ; nor doth he spend away the time in frequent digressions , as is the manner of augustin in his treatises to the people , nor is he superstitious in the structure of his speech , shutting up each sentence with short pointed members , and periods , which gregory is not altogether free from , here you shall never meet with the like cadencies and endings wherewith augustin was delighted . § . of the useful and remarkable passages whereof not a few are to be found in the writings of this eminent ancient , i shall content my self with the rehearsal of these following . . his symbol or rule of faith , the particulars whereof ( saith he ) are delivered manifestly by the preaching of the apostles , which are these . . quod unus deus est , qui omnia creavit , atque composuit , quique ex nullis fecit esse vniversa , deus a primâ creaturâ & conditione mundi omnium justarum , adam , abel , seth , henos , &c. & quòd hic deus in novissimis diebus , sicut per prophetas suos ante promiserat , misit dominum nostrum iesum christum primò quidem vocaturum israel , secundò verò etiam gentes post perfidiam populi israel . hic deus justus & bonus pater domini nostri iesu christi , legem , & prophetas , & evangelia ipse dedit , qui & apostolorum deus est , & veteris & novi testamenti . . tum deinde quia iesus christus ipse qui venit , ante omnem creaturam natus ex patre est : qui cum in omnium conditione patri ministrasset ( per ipsum enim omnia facta sunt ) novissimis temporibus se ipsum exinaniens 〈…〉 est : incarnatus est , cum deus esset . 〈…〉 quod deus erat . corpus assumpsit corpori 〈◊〉 simile , eo solo differens , quòd na●um ex v●rgi●e & spiritu sancto est . et quoniam hi● iesus christus natus & passus est inveritate & non per imaginem , communem hanc mortem ve●è m●rtuus est : verè 〈◊〉 a morte resurrexit , & post resurrectionem conversatus cum discipulis s●is , assumptus est . . tum deinde honore ac dignitate patri ac filio sociatum tradiderunt spiritum sanctum . in hoc non jam manifestò discernitur , utrum natus aut innatus . sed inquirenda jam ista pro viribus sunt de sacrâ scriptura , & sagaci perquisition● in●estiganda . san● quòd iste spiritus sanctus unumquemque sanctorum vel prophetarum , vel apostolorum inspiravit ; & non ali●● spiritus in veteribus , alius verò in his qui in adventu christi inspirati sunt , manifestissimè in ecclesius praedicatur . . post haec jam , quòd anima substantiam vitamque habens propriam , cum ex hoc mund● discesserit , & pro suis meritis dispensabit , siv● vitae aeternae , ac beatitudinis haereditate potitura , si hoc ei sua gesta praestiterint ; sive igne aetern● ac suppliciis mancipanda , si in hoc eam scelerum culpa detorserit . sed & quia erit tempus resurrectionis mortuorum , cum corpus hoc quod in corruptione seminatur surget in incorruptione & quod seminatur in ignominiâ , surget in gloriâ . . of the authority of the scriptures : we ought , ( saith he ) for the testimony or proof of all the words which we utter in doctrine or teaching , to bring forth or alledge the sense of scripture , as confirming the sense or meaning which we expound or give : for as all that gold which was without the temple was not sanctified ; so every sense ( or interpretation ) which is without the divine scripture , though to some it may seem admirable , is not holy , because it is not contained in the sense of scripture . . of the divinity of the scriptures , and how they may be known of god : thus , if any one with all diligence , and with that reverence which is meet , do consider the sayings of the prophets , even then when he reads and carefully looks into them , it is certain that having his mind and sense strick●n or moved by some more divine inspiration , he shall know and acknowledge , that those words , which he reads , are of god , and not uttered by man , and of himself he shall perceive that those books were written not by humane art , nor mortal eloquence , but in a divine and lofty stile . . of the fulness of the scriptures , thus : it becomes us to believe the sacred scriptures not to have one apex or tittle void of the wisdom of god. the prophets receiving of his fulness sung or spake those things which they took of his fulness . therefore the sacred scriptures do breath the fulness of the spirit : and there is nothing either in the prophecy , or the law , or gospel , or in the apostle , which descendeth not from the fulness of the divine majesty . . of the great efficacy and utility of the scriptures , thus : because all scripture is given by divine inspiration and is profitable : ( in scripturis sanctis est vis quaedam , quae legenti etiam fine explanatione sufficit . ) we ought to believe it to be so , though we feel not the benefit thereof : as physicians are wont sometimes to give some meat or drink for the clearing of the sight , yet in taking of it we perceive not any benefit , but afterwards when its vertue reacheth it , it by little and little purgeth the sight ; after this manner we ought to believe the holy scriptures to be profitable unto the soul ; although for the present , our sense or reason reach not , nor attain unto the understanding of it . . that children ought to be baptized , thus : the church hath received from the apostles this tradition to give or administer baptism even unto infants , for they to whom the secrets of divine mysteries were committed , knew that there is in all the inbred filth of sin , that ought to be washed away by water and the spirit . . of the sabbath ; thus : let us see how a christian ought to observe and keep the sabbath : upon the sabbath , none of the businesses of the world ought to be done , if therefore thou cease from all worldly labours , and do no such work , but attend spiritual imployments , come to the assembles , apply thine ear unto the holy scriptures read , and sermons ; think of heavenly things , be sollicitous about the future hope , have before thine eyes the judgement to come , look not unto things visible , and that are present , but unto invisible and that shall be : this is the observation of a christian sabbath . . concerning excommunication , and that it ought to be performed by the church ▪ thus : if any one having been admonished and rebuked for a fault , once , again , and the third time , shall shew no amendment ; there remains no remedy but cutting off : for so saith the lord , if thy right offend thee , cut it off , i. e. if i that seem to thee to be a right hand , and am call'd a presbyter , and seem to preach the word of god , if i shall do any contrary unto ecclesiastical discipline , and the rule of the gospel so that i give a scandal or offence unto the church ; let the whole church conspiring with one consent , cut me off , their right hand . again , those whose sins are manifest , we ought to cast off ; but where the sin is not evident , we ought not to eject . . out of those prophesies or books of the scripture , which contains histories , we may receive benefit not only , or so much from the narration of the things , as from what is figuratively signified by them ; seeing that with greatest wisdom , they are so written and dispensed , that they do agree or suit with either the simple and vulgar among believers , or with the excellent that are willing and able to search them more throughly . . he reciteth the canonical books of the old testament , as they are now reckoned , viz. twenty and two in number , after the number of the hebrew letters ; and besides these , saith he , there are books of the machabees . of the epistle to the hebrews , he thus speaks ; the character of the epistle to the hebrews ( saith he ) setteth not forth the stile of paul , who confesseth himself to be rude in speech ; for the phrase of that epistle savoureth very much of the greek tongue ; whosoever he be that hath any judgement or discerning of phrases , will confess the same . i truly for mine own part , that i may speak as i think , do say , that the doctrine of this epistle is the apostles for undoubted ; but the phrase and order another mans , who noted the sayings of the apostle , and contrived such things as he had heard of his master , into short and compendious notes . . that christ cometh and goeth , and is not always enjoyed , nor alike present with his people ; thus : god is my witness , that i have often times beheld the bride groom coming unto me , and to be very much with me ; who suddenly withdrawing , i could not find what i sought for . i therefore again desire his coming , and sometimes he cometh again ; and when he appeareth , and was held in my hands , he again slips away : and being gone , he is again sought for by me : and this he doth often , till i truly hold him fast . . against the observations of ones birth-day , as an annual festival ; thus : it is no where recorded in the scripture that any of the saints did keep a festival , or hold a great feast upon the day of his birth ; only sinners rejoyce for such a nativity , as did pharaoh and herod . § . but as his worth was great , ( being great from his infancy ) and his excellencies many ; ( his deeds even from the cradle deserving , in the judgement of eusebius , to be recorded and transmitted unto posterity ) so were they equalled by his defects and blemishes ; and as for the one he was justly had in high esteem ; so did the other no less detract from his reputation ; which occasioned that speech so commonly made use of concerning him ; that , where he did well , no man did better ; and where he did ill , no man did worse . cui ( inquit cassiodorus ) & illud convenienter aptari potest , quod virgilius , dum ennium legeret , à quodam , quid faceret inquifitus , respondit , aurum ex stercore quaero . hence it came to pass that divers of the ancients were so divided in their judgements , and had such hot contests about him : some vilifying and opposing him , as did theophilus , bishop of alexandria , and epiphanius , bishop of salamis , a city of cyprus ; who speaking of the multitude of books , which he wrote , cryes out : o inanis operarie ; o empty scribler ! he was also perswaded by letters , which he received from the said theophilus ( qui scripsit adversum originem unum & grande volumen , in quo omnia penè ejus dicta , & ipsum pariter damnat , &c. ) to summon a council at cyprus , wherein by the bishops of the island assembled , it was decreed that none should read the works of origen : the like was also done shortly after , in a synod convened by theophilus himself in his own province : upon which divers of origens followers fled from thence unto constantinople , imploring the aid of chrysostom ; who admitted them to communicate with him : and this was it that occasioned the great contention between chrysostom and epiphanius upon his coming thither ; so that they parted in great heat . he was also anathematized , together with those that adhered unto him , and held his errours , by the fifth general council ▪ which was held at constantinople under iustinian the emperour , wherein they stile him the abomination of desolation , malè sanum , impium deoque repugnantem ; and his opinions , deliramenta & insanias ; exclaming thus against them ; o dementiam & inscientiam hominis insani & paganorum disciplinae explicatoris ; mente caecutientis , studentisque , christianorum fidei miscere fabulas , &c. epiphanius calls him dei & ecclesiae hostem ; as also , the father of arius and root of other heresies . he utters many things ( saith photius ) blasphemously , and other very absurd , and full of impiety . ierom also is very sharp against him ; ( though one that admired his wit and parts ) in plerisq , inquit , haereticum non nego : and tells us , that with a sacrilegious tongue , he blasphemeth ; that his opinions were venemous , dissonant from the holy scriptures , and offer violence unto them : professing that he was always an adversary to his doctrines . yet withal he thus adds ; i am not wont , saith he , to insult over the errours of those whose wit i admire , and if any one shall object or oppose to us his errours ; let him hear this freely : that sometime even great homer himself may nod or slumber ; let us not imitate his vices whose vertues we cannot follow . caesarius the brother of nazianzen , stiles him that impious origen ; and his doctrines pestiferous ; yea ●ugae , trifles and toys . and among the later writters , beza saith of him , that he was a select instrument of sathan , and stiles him , impurissimus ille scriptor , quem exoptem velex lectorum manibus excu●i , aut summo cum judicio à studiosis tractari . on the other side , some did no less magnifie and admire him ; pleading and apologizing in his behalf , basil , chrysostom , nazianzen and ierom did most highly esteem the doctrine , allegories and tropologies of origen , extolling him unto heaven with their praises ; those that did apologize for him were among other , pamphilus the martyr , and eusehius commonly sirnamed pamphili ; for the singular friendship that was between them : by whom were written six books in defence of origen ( which ierom calls latissimum & elaboratum opus ) five whereof were the 〈◊〉 labour of them both , and the sixth of eusebius alone after the death of pamphilus : as appears from the word of eusebius himself , lib. . cap. . quae ( inquit ) de ejus gestis sunt ad cognoscendum necessaria ea ex apologia quae à nobis pamphili sancti nostri temporis martyris operâ adjutis elucubrata est ( illam enim ego & pamphilus , quo ora malevolorum obtrectatorum , ●amae origenis detrahentium obturaremus , mutuis vigiliis accuratè eleboravimus ) licet facilè colligere ▪ photius gives us this account here of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. lecti sunt pamphili martyris & eusebii pro origene libri sex , quorum quinque sunt a pamphilo in carcere , praesente etiam eusebio , elaborati : sextus verò , postquam jam martyr ferro privatus vitâ , ad unicè desideratum deum migrarat , ab eusebio est absolutus . these were seconded by ruffine who undertook the same task ; setting forth an apology for origen ; or rather , the apology of eusebius ( for so it s commonly called ) by him translated into latin ; unto which he added a volume of his own , bearing this title ; of the adulteration of the books of origen ; these were followed by some learned men of the latter times , viz. iohannes picus , the noble earl of mirandula , and phaenix of his time ; vir ingenii penè prodigiosi , & in omni artium , scientiarum & linguarum varietate usque ad miraculum exculti . also ; gilbert genebrard , a parisian divine , and professor there of the hebrew tongue ; and iacobus merlinus , victurniensis sacrae theologiae professor , who endeavours to vindicate both the holiness of his life , and the soundness of his doctrine . moreover , such an equipoise was there in him of good and evil , that with sampson , solomon , and trajan ( though i conceive the medley is as monkish as the scruple ) he is put into the number of those concerning whom 't is equally difficult to determine whether they were saved or not . but surely that bold shaveling went too far beyond his bounds , who in his book intituled pratum spirituale ( which is supposed to be written by abbot iohn moschus ) reports that a certain brother ( doubting whether nestorius were in an errour or no ) was , by one appearing unto him for his satisfaction , conducted to hell , where among other hereticks he saw origen tormented in those flames : ( the earl of mirandula is of a contrary judgement . ) but the jesuit possevine plainly tells us , that whosoever was the author , many of the relations in that book deserve but small credit , being indeed little better than down right lyes ; among which he gives an instance in this ( not unlike that of origen ) that in a vision chrysostom should be seen placed in heaven above all the doctors and martyrs : but enough of such stuff . however , evident it is , that he was very erroneous , yea , scarce any one of the ancients , more ; whether we respect the multiplicity , or quality of his errours : so that , as the orthodox that came after him , were much beholding unto him , as of great advantage to them in the interpretation of the scriptu●es : so did the hereticks take from him the hints of many of their foulest heresies : for which cause as epiphanius calls him the fountain and father of arius , so did the errour of pelagius ( saith ierom ) spring from him ; doctrina tu● origenis ramusculus est : yea , there is scarce any sect that had not its rise and beginning from him . the grounds whereof ( as vincentius lyrinensis conceives ) were such as these ; his abusing the grace of god too insolently his overmuch indulging his own wit , and trusting to himself ; his undervalueing the simplicity of the christian religion , his presuming himself wiser then others , and his interpreting some scriptures after a new manner ; contemning ecclesiastical traditions , and the authority of the ancients : epiphanius imputes it unto this , because he would suffer no part of the holy scriptures to pass , without his interpretation ; therefore he fell into error . yet do his apologisers labor to free him ; laying the fault of the errors fathered upon him unto the charge of others ; ruffine pleads in his behalf , that he was abused by hereticks , who adulterated his writings , as they dealt with divers others ; that so they might gain credit to their errors , by the names of those famous men , as if they were of the same mind with them ; he adds withal , that the epistle of origen unto certain friends of his in alexandria intimates so much wherein he complains of wrong done unto him in this kind , while he was yet alive . merlin mentions two ways more beside this , by which origen might be made to speak that which he never thought ; first , by the unskilfulness of the scribes , who might easily omit or alter what he uttered and dictated . . through the envy of those , who might think their own lustre eclipsed by the glory and fame of origen . ego sanè , inquit haymo , de eo dixerim , vel quòd haec omnino non scripserit , sed ab haereticis ob praedarum nomen ejus obsuscan . dum malignè conficta sint , & conscripta , & nomine suo praetitulata ; vel si scripsit , non statuit ex sententiâ , sed disser●it ex opinione ; & fortasse , cum in aliquibus locis scribendo atting● haereticorum errores , calumniatus est , hoc à semetipso dixisse . much to the same purpose speaks the noble italian , in his excellent and sinewy apology in his behalf ; wherein he proves that origen in his younger years delivered many things , as one that rather inquired after , than positively asserted them ; as is apparent from divers expressions of his own : e. g. these things , saith he , speaking of the reparation of the divels , are said by us with great fear and caution , rather discussing and handling , than for certain and definitively determining them . these and divers other ways do they endeavor to excuse him : wherein yet they do but wash a blackmore : for notwithstanding all that hath been said for him ; many soul spots and blemishes do and will stick fast unto him : for we have himself ( in a letter unto fabian bishop of rome ) confessing and repenting that he wrote such things ; imputing it to the unadvisedness of ambrose , who made that publick , which he delivered privately : secretè edita & minimè correcta ( inquit supplementum bergomense ) in publicum protulit . hoc mihi , inquit , praestiterunt amici mei : si tacuero , re●● censear ; & si respondero , inimicus judicabor . dura utraque conditio ; sed à duobus eliga● quod melius est . severus sulpitius reports that in his time it was decreed by a synod held at alexandria , that origen was by wise men cautiously to be read for the good that was in him ; but , by those , who were less capable , to be rejected , because of the evil that was in him : his words are , respuendam esse penitus lectionem , quae plus esset nocitura insipientibus , quàm profutura sapientibus : after which it follows ; i do wonder , saith he , that one and the same man could so much differ from himself ; ut in eâ parte quâ probatur , neminem post apostolos habeat aequalem ; in eù verò quâ jure reprehenditur , nemo deformiùs doceatur errasse . i shall content my self with the brief mention of some of the most notorious errours that have been observed in him , as i find them set down by os●●ander in his epitome of the centuries : and they are these following . . quòd filius dei patrem non videat : quòd sit creatura ; factus , non natus . quòd pater sit perfectè bonus , filius verò non absolutè bonus , sed tantùm cum additamento , ut , pastor bonus . filium non esse adorandum , neque cum filio patrem . omnia , quae à salvatore 〈◊〉 juxta historiam referuntur , putativè tantùm 〈◊〉 per allegoriam , accipienda esse . christum pro diabolorum salute etiam in aere & supernis 〈◊〉 passurum . . spiritum sanctum dixit , inferiorem esse 〈◊〉 majorem enim esse fortitudinem filii ; quàm spiritus sancti . of whom he spake so meanly , that saith ierome , his opinions of the son were bad , but those of the holy ghost , were worse . . mundos esse innumerabiles , non quidem simul , sed ita , ut semper mundi unius finis fit initium alterius mundi . . mundum per angelos ita gubernare , ut alii promptè , alii inviti mundum regant ; & propter angelorum negligentiam & peccata ( quòd res terrenas non rectè administrent ) sterilitates incidere . . diabolos , sicut & impios , adhuc salvandos ; & post longa supplicia , angelis bonis denuò associandos esse . . animas hominum fuisse ante corpora , & egisse aliquid ; ideoque crassis corporibus aligatas ; & animas postquam salutem consecutae fuerint , non ampliùs futuras animas . most of these , ierom mentions together thus . origenem , inqnit , in plerisq , haereticum non nego : erravit de resurrectione corporis , erravit de animarum sta●● , de diaboli poenitentiâ , & , quod his majus est , filium dei & spiritum sanctum , in commentariis esaiae , seraphim esse testatus est . . providentiam dei non demitt●re se 〈◊〉 omnes creaturas , & inferiora mundi : sed tantùm in coelorum regionibns commorari . . homini , etiam post lapsum talem perfectionom concedit , qualem adam habuit ante lapsum . liberum itaque arhitrium , etiam in spiritualibus , homini tribuit . . hominem operibus justificari credidit . . purgatorium post hanc vitam esse opinotus est . graviora delicta semel tantùm per p●nitentiam condonari putavit . . baptismum post resurrectionem necessarium futurum . . nuptiis seeundis parùm aequus fuit . . sensit etiam , animas post mortem in coelum ascendere : & nunc proficere , nunc ad inferiora delabi : ita ut per innumerabiles ruinas anima saepe moriatur . . resurrectionem corporum nostrorum s●c futuram , ut eadem membra non habeant : imò in alterâ vitâ fore nos sine corporibus ; aut certè corpora nostra id futurum , quod nunc est aether , aut coelum , aut si quod est aliud & syncerius corpus . . post resurrectionem angelos , diabolos & animas omnium hominum , etiam gentilium , fore unius conditionis : deinde alium subsecuturum mundum , in quo animae de coelo delabentes ali●s corporibus vestiantur . . denique sacras literas intempestivis & immodicis al●egoriis multò magis obscuravit , quàm explicuit ; & aliis scriptoribus ecclesiasticis occasionem dedit , ut & ipsi sacram scripturam per ineptas allegorias depravarent . origenis audacia ( inquit chamierus ) in affectandis allegoriis semper fuit suspecta , nec longè distans à temeri ●ate . to these many more might be added , which if the reader desire to acquaint himself withal ; let him peruse the epistles of ierom ad avitum , ad pammachium & occanum , together with his apologies against ruffine : epiphanius his panarium . haeres : . and in his epistle ad iohannem hierosolymitanum ; the centurists in cent. . cap. . dan●us in his commentary upon the . chapter of augustin de haeresibus ; and nicelas choniates in his treasury of the orthodox faith . lib. . haeres . . who there thus speaks of him ; that for natural and moral philosophy he was a doctor acceptable unto all ; but for matters dogmatical or of faith , & of theological speculation , he shewed himself the most absurd of all that went before or followed after him . which also those frequent passages of ierom , do shew ; where he saith ; i commended him as an interpretor , but not as a dogmatist : again ; i call origen ours for his learning and wit , not for the truth of his opinions and doctrine . lastly , as i ever attributed unto origen the interpretation and idioms or proprieties of scripture ; so i most constantly took from him truth in his opinions . for this cause also having at his request sent unto avitus , his translation of origens books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in the close of his epistle he prescribes this as an antidote against the errors therein contained : whosoever , saith he , will read these books , and go toward the land of promise with his feet shod , lest he be bitten of serpents , and smitten with the forked wound of the scorpion ; let him read this book or epistle wherein are declared the dangerous passages contained in those books , that so he may know before he begin his journy , what things he must shun & avoid . hence beza gives this censure of him ; certainly , saith he , this writer is every way so impure whether he wrote so himself , or whether his writings were afterward depraved , that in matters controversial , he deserves no authority in the church . yet notwithstanding in the judgment of some , the good that was in him , exceeded the evil ; so that although he were guilty of the errors imputed unto him , yet being a man of so much learning , he deserves to be pittied ; whose faults , saith haymo , if there be any in his books , may be overcome by the celestial splendor of those things , which are faithfully written by him : and , saith scultetus , this age might well bear the precipitate publication of his works by ambrose , or the malevolent depravation of them , if withal , they had all come to our hands . many of his errors began first to be entertained by the monks and disciplinarians in egypt , from whose cells being vented they spread abroad , and were embraced and maintained by very many : unto whom ( as a sect or swarm of hereticks , deriving their errors from origen ) was given the name of origenists or adamantians ; who continued long , even unto the time of gregory the great ; for he testifieth that some of them were remaining in his days . adversus origenistas ( inquit baronius ) longa admodum & periculosa fuit ecclesiae concertatio . § . now as touching the last scene of his life , his going off the theatre of this world ; i find no large mention made of it . that his sufferings for christ were neither few nor small , ( though he suffered not martyrdom ) is abundantly testified ; so that in the judgment of merline , as also of mirandula , he came but little short of it , and deserves the palm : semper deo ( inquit pontius diaconus ) mancipata devotio , dicatis hominibus pro martyrio deputatur . and , saith haymo , voluntate martyr fuit : though he laid not down his life , yet he lost not the honor of martyrdom : for they were many and sore things which he did undergo , even in his old age , ( besides what in former time had be●ided him ) at what time the persecution against the church raged under the emperor decius : whereof eusebius makes report in these words : ( drawing toward the close of origen , about which the most part of the sixth book is spent ) what things they were , saith he , and how great , which hapned to origen in that persecution , and how he died ; the spiteful devil pursuing him with his whole troop ; striving against him with all might and every kind of sleight that possibly could be invented ; and especially against him above all the rest which then were persecuted to death ; and what and how great things he sustained for the doctrine of christ ; imprisonments and torments of body ; scourging at iron stakes , stench of close prison ; and how for the space of many days , his feet lay stretched four paces asunder in the stocks ; and how that constantly he endured the threats of fire and all that the enemy could terrifie him with ; and what end he made after the judge had wrought by all means possible to save his life ; and what speeches he uttered very profitable for such as need consolation ; sundry of his epistles truly ; faithfully and curiously penn'd , do declare . he lived the space of sixty nine years : of which ( reckoning from the time that he was by demetrius made catechist in the school of alexandria ) he spent above fifty most laboriously , in teaching and writing ; in the affairs and care of the church , in refuting heresies , and in the exercise of piety , and many notable vertues . but notwithstanding all his labours and worth , his age and end ( as well as the former part of his life ) were accompanied with poverty ; so small recompence and reward had he from men , who haply could be well contented freely to afford him their praises , but kept fast their purses ; sic , virtus laudatur & alget . and for this , rich ambrose above all other deserves most blame , that at his death was not more mindful of his old and indigent friend origen . hence it came to pass , that he ended his days in a mean and miserable condition ( miserabiliter , inquit nicephorus , infoelix obiit ) dying in the famous city of tyre , where also he was buried in the reign of the emperors gallus and volusian , and in the year of christ. . cyprianus . § . cyprianus , called also thascius , was born at carthage , one of the chief cities of africa , he was very rich , and of great note and power there , being one of the senatorian order , and among them held the first or chief place : his breeding was liberal and ingenuous from his tender years , being trained up in , and seasoned with the knowledge of the arts wherein his proficiency was such , that ( among the rest ) he became an excellent rhetorician , and publickly professed and taught that art at carhage , being had in very great esteem among them ; but all this while an ethnick , without the knowledge of christ , yea , a most bitter persecutor of the christians , withal à magician , and skilled in those curious arts , though this last be very improbable in the judgment both of baronius and pamelius . how long he continued in this condition is uncertain , yet that he was well stricken in years before converted unto christianity , may be conjectured , . partly from his own words : for ( while being a gentile , he thought of receiving the christian faith ) he conflicted with such reasonings as these ; he conceived it a hard and difficult thing ( as sometime did nicodemus ) for a man to be born again , that he should by the washing of water put off what he was before , and have his mind changed : how ( saith he ) can such a conversion be possible , that so suddenly that should be put off which was genuine and natural , and through length of time and old age had taken such deep rooting ? hence it appears ( saith baronius ) that he was senescens , near unto and upon the verge of old age when he was about to give up his name to christ. . partly also from the time that he sate bishop of carthage , which is generally conceived to be about the space of ten years , and not above ; for he was chosen unto the office about the year , and suffered martyrdom , an . . now both baronius and pamelius , as also before them , pontius his deacon and companion in his exile , who wrote the story of his life , do all affirm , that he was made bishop shortly after his conversion , and while but neophytus & novellus , a novice in christianity , and newly come to the faith. the instrumens by whom he was converted , was one caecilius a presbyter , who partly by his pious conversation ( which was very exemplary , he being a just man , and in honour , as well as age , a true presbyter ) and partly by his perswasions ( upon which his eloquence did set such an edge , that they were of great force and pierced deeply ) prevailed with him , and brought him unto the knowledge and profession of christianity . it seems the special portion of scripture that wrought upon him , was the prophecy of ionab , which haply caecilius was unfolding and preaching upon at that time ; for so much ierom intimates , where he saith , blessed cyprian having been before an assertour of idolatry , at length hearing the sermon of ionab , was converted and brought unto repentance . it is not unlikely that he had been before prepared and somewhat inclined unto the christian religion , by reading the books of christians , and particularly of tertullian his country-man , unto whom he was much addicted , and greatly admired him ; for had it not been so , baronius seeth not how ( unless you will ascribe it to a miracle ) he could in so short a time attain unto such a height of knowledge both in doctrine and discipline , as should furnish him for so high a function in the church . his love and affection unto his caeeilius ever after was so great , that he respected and and reverenced him not as a friend and equal only , but as a spiritual father , and one by whom he had received a new life , which he gave clear testimony of unto the world , by prefixing his name unto his own : so that unto this day he is called and commonly known by the name of caecilius cyprianus , as did eusebius in after times annex the name of pamphylus unto his own , for the love that he bare unto that martyr . but a very little time did intervene between his conversion and advancement unto the chief dignity in the church ; so great was his growth in the faith , that in a short space he attained unto such maturity as few perhaps do arrive at . herein he was singular , there having been scarce the like example before , which pontius speaks of as a thing almost incredible : nemo ( inquit ) metit , statim ut s●vit : nemo vindemiam de novellis scrobibus expressit : nemo adhuc unquam de noviter plant●tis arbusculis matura poma quaesivit : in illo omnia incredibilia occurrerunt . praevenit , si potest dici , ( res enim fidem non capit ) praevenit , inquam , tritura sementem , vindemia palmit●m , poma radicem . baronius sets down the story of his addition unto the church , and ascending unto the episcopal chair , as the occurrents of the same year . unto this dignity of sitting at the helm , in the first and principal of the african churches was he elected by the unanimous consent of the whole clergy and people , none contradicting , but the unhappy presbyter felieissimus , with a few of his associates , the seat being being vacant by the decease of donatus , agrippinus or some other ; for 't is uncertain who was his immediate predecessour . being called unto , and having undertaken so weighty a charge , as a careful pastour he bestirs himself accordingly : and in the first place , and while as yet the peace of the church lasted , he applyed himself with all his might to restore the discipline delivered by the lord ( whereof he was a great lover and advancer , and which long tranquillity had corrupted ) unto its ancient purity . but this continued not long ; for a very sore porsecution ensued very shortly after under the emperour decius , which mightily wasted the church of christ : the violence whereof reaching as far as carthage , cyprian felt amongst the rest , attaining not long after he was made bishop ( as pamelius gathers from the words of pontius , who saith it sell out , statim , eftsoon after ) the glory of proscription , unto which was added ( that not satisfying the people ) their violent clamour often repeated in the theatre , requiring him to be cast unto the lions . to avoid the violence of this storm , he withdrew not so much out of fear , as for divers other weighty reasons : as . in obedience to god , whose providences spake out no less than his command what he should do , as he himself speaks : you shall ( saith he in an epistle to the clergy ) hear all things , when the lord shall bring me back again unto you , who commanded me to withdraw . of which pontius gives us a larger account : 't was fear indeed ( saith he ) moved him so to do , but it was that just fear lest he should offend god , that fear which would rather obey god than be so crowned ; for his heart being in all things devoted unto god , and his faith subject unto divine admonitions , he believes that if he had not obeyed the lord , requiring him then to hide , he should have sinned in his very suffering . . lest by his presence he should stir up envy of the people , who could less away with him than any other of the presbyters ; and so the sedition already begun among them , should grow unto a greater height . . the church could not have been deprived of him but to her exceeding great detriment , especially at that time , there being none so able to afford that comfort , encouragement , direction , correction and restoring , which multitudes in the church did then stand in need of : well , well , therefore , ( saith pontius ) and truly by divine providence , it came to pass that a man so necessary in many regards , should be delayed the consummation of martyrdom . yet it seems that some were unsatisfied with , and calumniated this his action , which he therefore took occasion to clear and vindicate in divers of his epistles ; whereby he gave satisfaction unto the clergy of rome , who took it well , and judged what he did to be war●antable . during the time of this his secession ( which was about the space of two years ) he was not wanting ( though absent in body , yet very vigilant as present in spirit ) by his admonitions , and otherwise to provide for and promote the welfare of the brethren as much as he could , constituting divers presbyters to execute his office in his room . but that which did occasion no small grief unto him , was the schism and disorders that happened in the church , whereof his former adversary felicissimus was the principal author , with whom joyned five other presbyters , who granted rashly and promiscuously peace and communion to the lapsi , or such as through fear had faln in that time of persecution . these were set on and abetted by novatus a presbyter of carthage ( from whom afterward sprung donatus and his sect ) with whom sided fortunatus , set up by his party as a mock-bishop in opposition unto cyprian , who yet were of a contray opinion to the former ; denying all hope of peace to the lapsi : but though they were opposite in judgement unto each other , yet did they all at length conspire together , and made up one faction against cyprian ; who had given order , that as the lapsi should not be altogether excluded ▪ so neither should they be admitted unto communion , but upon their repentance and satisfaction given unto the church . this felicissimus with his complices proceeded so far , as that of those who adhered unto him ( who in number increased daily ) he constituted a church of his own , which he congregated in a certain mountain ; from whence the name of the montenses took its original , given afterward unto the party of the donatists , who in imitation of these , lived in the mountains . but though felicissi●us were the first in the schism , yet was he the less famous ; for his name growing more obscure , novatus gave the title unto the whole sect , who from him were called novations ; as also cathari or pure ; ●ecause they refused to communicate with the lapsi , though repenting , accounting them unclean . these schismaticks growing unto this height , the careful cyprian , though in exile , is very sollicitous how to suppress them ; and to prevent further mischie●s , that hereupon might ensue : he falls upon the last remedy , writing unto caldonius and herculanu● his collegues , as also unto rogatian and numidicus , compresbyters , that they excommunicate felicissimus and his followers , which accordingly they performed , as appears by their letters unto the clergy of carthage . after two years he returned from his banishment , decius that cruel persecutor being slain by the gotbs , and so peace restored unto the church . immediately after his return he useth his utmost endeavours to close up the rent that had been made in the church during his absence ; for which end he convenes a synod , wherein after due debate , this moderate temperament was agreed upon concerning the lapsi ; that the causes and necessities of their fall being examined , the libellatici ( who were such as by their friends did offer or give in their libels unto the magistrate , wherein they did deny christ , but withal desire that they might not be compelled to sacrifice ) as the less delinquents should be admitted unto communion upon their repentance ; but the sacrificati ( who were such , as to preserve their estates , or being by others perswaded thereunto , did offer unto the idols ) should have a longer time of repentance set and assigned unto them ; and in case in●irmity urged , they should receive peace , or be reconciled at the time of their death . in which decree cornelius bishop of rome agreed with them , a little after calling a council at rome , which consisted of sixty bishops , so many presbyters , and many deacons , wherein the business of the lapsi was throughly scann'd , and novotian ( set up as bishop of rome by his party against cornelius ) together with novatus and felicissimus , were excommunicated ; the sum of which decree was this , that novatus together with such as consented unto his opinion , which was repugnant unto brotherly love , should be banished the church , and that the brethren , fallen through infirmity in the troublesome time of persecution , should be received , after that the salve of repentance and confession had been applied unto the maladies . by these schisms was the church much vexed for sometime , and cyprian loaded with calumnies by the authors and maintainers of them ; which he bare and overcame with invincible courage and patience . many councils were celebrated at carthage , and in other provinces , both of the eastern and western churches , for the suppressing of them . what afterward became of these schismaticks is not found ; but persecution being renewed , seems for the present to have put an end unto these controversies . after this arose the question about the rebaptization of hereticks returning again unto the church : which had been in use in the african churches , in the time of agrippinus , the predecessor of cyprian , and before him in the time of tertullian . this was occasioned by the practice of the novatians , who were wont to baptize again , as unclean , such as they had drawn from the church unto their faction ; which provoked divers african bishops to emulation , among whom cyprian was the chief . three councils were by him call'd about this thing , in the last whereof were assembled at carthage , out of africa , numidia and mauritania , eighty and seven bishops ; by whom it was concluded , that such as had been by hereticks baptized , were upon their return unto the church to be admitted again , by rebaptization : and that , because there is but one baptism , which is no where to be found , but in the true church . the sentence of cyprian is in the last place set down in these words . my sentence ( or judgement herein ) ( saith he ) the epistle written unto our collegue iubaianus hath most fully express'd , viz. that according to the evangelical and apostolical contestation , the adversaries of christ , and called antichrists , when they come unto the church , are to be baptized with the only baptism of the church ; that they may be made friends of foes , and of antichrists christians . which opinion was rejected by stephen bishop of rome , and the council by him there assembled . yet did many of the eastern bishops , and of egypt , as well as of africa consent with cyprian in this his opinion ; which having for a while , to their utmost defended , they at last relinquished it , subscribing to stephen , and the rest of the church of rome ; and that cyprian did so among the rest is very probable , of which more hereafter . shortly after followed another grievous persecution under the emperour valerian and galienus , which lasted three years and an half ; and extending very far , africa as well as other provinces felt the violence thereof ; where the first that was aimed at and vexed , was cyprian , who by paternus the proconsul was banished unto curubis ( or curobis , as ptolemy ) a town invironed with the lybian ocean , almost in the manner of an island , standing on the promontory of mercury , over against sicily , distant from carthage about fifty miles . in this place , of a pleasant situation , was he fitted with a convenient lodging , and visited by many of the brethren : continuing here the most part of a year , he was not idle , as his letters , not a few , written from hence do testifie ; wherein he ceased not to exhort those , unto whom he wrote , to constancy in suffering , even unto the laying down of their lives for christ ; in which imployment let us a while leave him , till we shall come to speak of his matyrdom . § . he was a man of excellent natural parts ( the elaborate piece of nature , saith nazianzen , the flower of youth ) and these to the utmost improved by education and industry ; so that he attained unto a great height of secular learning in all kinds , before his conversion . for besides his exactness in the art of rhetorick , ( whereof he was publick professor in the famous city of carthage , and he so far excelled , that he went beyond other men in eloquence , as much as we exceed the brute creatures ) he was accurately skill'd in all other arts ; one ( saith nazianzen ) that had gotten unto the top of learning , not only of philosophy , but other sciences , in every kind , take him where you will : so that , in variety of knowledge , and in absolute insight into the arts , yea , in every regard , he excelled all others . to which was added , his through knowledge in the tongues , viz. the greek and latin , ( the two learned languages ) wherein he was most skilful . the most eloquent preacher , danie● tossanus , did perswade both my self ( saith keckerman ) and other candidates of the ministery , that among all the fathers , we would in the next place after the holy scriptures , and most diligently , read cyprian : and certainly i know not what spirit of eloquence breaths upon us , when we have read this author . these things did afterward prove of great advantage unto him , as did unto the jews the gold and silver whereof they spoiled the egyptians ; 't is augustine's allusion , whose words for their weight and worth do deserve perusal , which i shall here insert . as the egyptians ( saith he ) had gold and silver , and rayment , which the people of israel departing out of egypt , did clancularly challenge for a better use , not by their own authority , but by the command of god ; the egyptians ignorantly lending them those things , which they used not well : so the doctrines of the gentiles do contain the liberal arts , very useful to the truth , and some most profitable moral precepts ; as also some truths concerning the worship of that one god ; which gold and silver , as it were , of theirs ( that they themselves instituted not , but did dig out certain mines of the divine providence , extending it self every where , and which they perversly and injuriously abused to the worshipping of devils ) 〈◊〉 christian , when he departs from them , and in heart separates himself from their miserable society , ought to take or bring away for the just use of preaching the gospel ; and what else did many of our good and faithful men ? do we not see with how great a burden of gold , silver and rayment , the most sweet doctor and blessed matyr , cyprian departed out of egypt ? so also did victorinus , optatus , hilarius , and innumerable of the greeks , &c. thus he : and not much unlike is that passage of ierom ( 〈◊〉 alluding unto those words of moses , deut , . , &c ) . who being demanded by magnus a roman orator , cur in opusculis suis saecularium literarum interdum poneret exempla & caudorem ecclesiae ethnicorum sordibus pollueret ? responsum , ( inquit ) breviter habeto : quis nesciat & in moyse & in prophetarum voluminibus quaedam assumpta de gentilium libris ? sed & paulus apostolus p●etarum epimenidis , menandri , & arati versiculis abusus est . quid ergò mirum , si & ego sapientiam saecularem propter eloquii venustatem & membrorum pulchritudinem , de aneillâ & captivâ israelitidem facere cupio ? & si quicquid in eâ mortuum est idololatriae , voluptatis , erroris , libidinum , vel praecido vel rado ; & mixtos purissimo corpori vernaculo , ex eâ genero domino sabaoth ? labor meus in familiam christi profecit . but the most splendid jewels , that were his principal ornaments , christianity only furnished him withal ; which made him exceeding amiable in the eyes both of god and men ▪ so that nothing was more illustrious or famous in the whole world : ( saith billi●s quoting the words of ierom ) accounted by the church as a star of the greatest manitude : non solùm malos catholicos ( inquit augustinus ) nullo modo comparamus , sed nec bonos facilè coaequamus beato cypriano , quem inter r●ros & & paucos excellentissimae gratiae viros numer●● pia mater ecclesia . he was ( saith nazianzen ) sometime ( viz. before his conversion ) the singular honour of carthage ; but now , viz. since his becoming a christian , of the whole world . his natural disposition was very sweet and lovely ; but being polished by religion , it became much more so : in whom was to be found such an equal composition of gravity and chearfulness , severity and mildness , that it might be doubtful whether he deserved to be more feared or loved , but that indeed he equally deserved both . his knowledge in the mysteries of the gospel was such , that for it he was renowned every where , his writings that were dispersed f●r and near , did spread his fame and made him of great note not only in the african and western , but also in the churches of the east . in comparison of whom the great augustin doth so far undervalue himself , that ( saith he ) i am very much ▪ yea incomparably inferiour unto the desert of cyprian . and he was not only a shining , but also a burning light , so exemplary in his conversation , that the rays of grace and holiness streaming forth therein , did even confound the minds of the beholders . talis ubique sermonis habitus et ( inquit erasmus ) ut loqui sentias verè christianum episcopum , ac martyrio destinatum . pectus ardet evangelicâ pietate , & pectori respondet oratio : loquitur diserta , sed magis fortia quàm diserta : neque tam loquitur fortia , quàm vivit . insomuch that in the sentence pronounced upon him , he is stiled the standard-bearer of his sect , and enemy of the gods qui futurus esset ipse documento , & cujus sa●guine inciperet disciplina sanciri ▪ among the rest , those graces , whose lustre and brightness , the place he held , the employments he managed , and the condition of the times that he lived in , did more especially discover , were such as these . . his humility , that sweet grace , peculiar to christianity , this added a beauty unto all the rest , tanto erat excelientior , quanto humilior , inquit augustinus ; who was so much the higher in the account of others , by how much the lower he was in his own . being to deliberate about weighty affairs , his manner was to decree nothing without his colleagues , neither would he pertinaciously love and adhere unto his own apprehensions , but rather embrace what was by others profitably and wholesomely suggested . . his charity and compassion to those in want and durance : for immediately upon his conversion he parted with what he had , and gave it for the relief of the poor . he was ( as iob speaks of himself ) eyes to the blind , and feet to the lame ; a father unto the put , and the cause which he knew not , he searched out ; he brake the jaws of the wicked , and plucked the spoil out of his teeth . and when many had been taken captives by the barbarous goths , or scythians , he sent an hundred thousand sestertia from the church , for the redeeming of them : so himself speaks : misimus ( inquit ) sestertia centum millia nummû● , quae isthic in ecclesiâ , cui de domini indulgentiâ praesumus , cleri & plebis apud nos consistentia collatione collecta sunt . the sum being so vast , pamelius conjectures it ought to be only sestertia centum , and that millia nummûm , added for explications sake , is from the margin crept into the text : or else , he thinks it should be thus read : sestertium centum millia nummûm . yea while he was in exile , he not only wrote , but also sent relief unto those poor christians who were condemned unto the mines . he manifested also this grace in his indulgence to forgive and receive those offenders , who repenting returned unto the church : hear his own words — remitto omnia , inquit , multa dissimulo , studio & voto colligendae fraternitatis , etiam quae in deum commissa sunt , non pleno judicio religionis examino , delictis plusquam oportet remittendo penè ipse delinquo : amplector promp●â & plenâ dilectione cum paenitentiâ revertentes , peccatum suum satisfactione humili & simplici const●entes . . his patience in bearing injuries and wrongs : whereof he gave an ample testimony in his behaviour toward those who opposed him , when he was chosen bishop ; oh how patiently did he bear with them , and with what a deal of clemency did he forgive them ; reckoning them among his friends to the admiration of many . . his equanimity and peaceableness ; being a very great lover and maintainer of unity among brethren , which he was studious to preserve and hold , even with those that dissented from him : as appears in the grand difference between him and stephen bishop of rome , and others about the rebaptization of hereticks : for , as himself did not break communion by separating from them , so neither did he cease to perswade others also , that they should bear with one another in love , endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace : his words that he used in the council of carthage , speaks out this sweet temper of his spirit . super est ( inquit ) collegae dilectissimi , ut de hac ipsâ re quid singuli sentiamus , proferamus , neminem judicantes , aut à jure communionis , aliquem , si diversum senserit , amoventes . to these many more might be added , as his contempt of riches , keeping under of his body , purity of life , diametrically opposite to the lusts of his former conversation , gravity joyned with humanity , equi-distant both , from arrogancy and baseness : fidelity , prudence , industry , watchings and the like , which more at large are commemorated and recorded by pontius and nazianzen , in all which regards he was very eminent : hence vincentius stiles him , illud sanctorum omnium & episcoporum & martyrum lumen , beatissimum cyprianum : he may be instead of many ( saith erasmus ) whether you respect eloquence or doctrine , or the dignity of a pastor , or a brest every where breathing forth the vigour of an apostolical spirit , or the glory of martyrdom . whose writings ( saith scultetus ) have in them so happy a genius , that , although they were interwoven with divers errours , yet they found some doctors of the church , not only admirers of the more sound doctrine , but candid interpreters even of the errours contained in them . how transcendent a man he was in the judgement of the great augustin is evident , and may be collected from the titles he gives him , wherein the epithets which for the most part he makes use of , such as are doctor suavissimus , lucidissimus , pacis amantissimus , excellentissimae gratiae , also martyr beatissimus , fortissimus , gloriosissimus , &c. a man ( saith he ) whose praise i cannot reach , to whose many letters i compare not my writings , whose wit i love , with whose mouth i am delighted , whose charity i admire , and whose martyrdom i reverence . add hereto the encomium of prudentius , whose words are : — tenet ille regna coeli , nec minùs involitat terris , nec ab hoc recedit orbe ; disserit , eloquitur , tractat , docet , instruit , prophetat . nec lybiae populos tantum regit exitusque in ortum . solis , & usque obitum , gallos fovet , imbuit britanuos , praesidet hesperiae , christum serit ultimis hiberis . let me shut up all with the words of pontius : i pass by ( saith he ) many other and great things , which the volume , lest it swell too big , suffers me not more largely to relate , of which let it suffice to have said this only , that if the gentiles might have heard them at their bars , they would perhaps forthwith have believed and become christians . § . the monuments of this excellent and choice spirit were many , sole clariora , lively representing as in a glass his great worth , and wherein though dead , he yet liveth and speaketh : of which augustin had so venerable an esteem , that he accounted all his own works not equal unto one of cyprian's epistles : and ierom giving directions unto the noble widow laeta for the pious education of her daughter paula , recommends the works of cyprian to her continual perusal : cypriani ( inquit ) opuscula semper in manu teneat . cujus singula prope verba spirant martyrium . they are but fragments as it were , that remain , and the loss of what is wanting is much bewailed by erasmus . of those many that are lost , i find but few mentioned in any authors : so that it seems , not only the books themselves , but even their very names and titles are exstinct with them . paulus diaconus reckoneth among the innumerable volumes ( as he hath it ) which he wrote , a very profitable chronicle compiled by him : also that he discoursed most excellently upon the evangelists and other books of the scripture . but how little credit this report deserves , will appear from the words of ierom ( a man as well as most acquainted with the writings of those that went before him ) who tells us , that he never commented upon the sacred scriptures , being wholly taken up with the exercise of vertue ( totus in exereitatione , aliàs , exhortatione virtutum ) and occupied or hindred by the straits of persecution : unless his three books of testimonies unto quirinus ( which are as it were common places out of the scriptures ) might be looked on by him as commentaries , wherein indeed he briefly glosseth upon and giveth some light unto many texts , though this were not the thing that he intended in those tables . among the works of cyprian that remain unto this day , his excellent epistles are deservedly ranked in the first place ; as having a notable vein of piety running through them ; ( epistolae cypriani , inquit chemnitius , referunt pectus ardens pietate , ita ut lectorem accendere possint ) and wherein is discovered abundance of that prudence , candour , meekness , modesty , gravity , and holy severity , wherewith his rare spirit was so much adorned . these are the most genuine births of our author , though yet they have not continued altogether untouched , nor have escaped the injury of those , whose fingers have been itching to tamper with and corrupt them , for the support of their tottering cause , which truth will never patronize . there are at this day eighty three of them in number , whereof some few were from others unto himself , the rest written by him unto the bishops , presbyters , and churches or brethren . they are by pamelius digested and cast into this order , two were written shortly after his baptism , thirty and eight in his first exile , which lasted the space of two years ; eighteen during the time wherein cornelius and lucius sate bishops of rome ; eight miscellany epistles , written in the times of the peace of the church ; ten in the time of stephen bishop of rome , concerning the rebaptization of hereticks ; and seven in his last secession a little before his martyrdom . the same authour hath taken good pains in his more exact chronological account of the particular years , wherein these epistles ( as also his other treatises ) were written , which affords not a little light for the better understanding of them : for he had found them to have such a mutual dependance one upon another , that many of them without the help of others could not well be understood . this chronology is prefixed by pamelius in his edition of these epistles , together with the rest of cyprian's works , in whose diligence in his emendations and annotations ( which contain many ecclesiastical antiquities for the illustration of them ) deserveth commendation ; yet in this was he unhappy , that being a sworn vassal of the romish synagogue , he strains his wit and skill , to reconcile ( which cannot be ) the opinions and judgement of cyprian and other ancients , with pontifician traditions and the anathematisms of the tridentine conventicle : which filth cast upon the famous cyprian and orthodox antiquity , simon goulart hath with good success endeavoured to wipe off in his learned notes , as an antidote subjoyned unto those of pamelius : by which means this edition comes to be more exact than any that were before it , though there were divers . of which pamelius a lovain divine , the said goulart gives this approbation , that he was an ingenious man , of much reading , most diligent , of very accurate and quick expression , and one that had merited much of those studious in theology in his edition of cyprian : if contenting himself to have pointed at the various readings , he had , either not touched , or more sincerely explicated , those antiquities . as touching these epistles , i shall refer the reader for the analysis and contents of them unto scultetus , who hath taken laudable pains in surveying the works of our authour , together with divers other of the ancients . it shall suffice me to reflect upon them in a more general way , and what is remarkable in them ; and to hint somewhat that may be of use in reference unto them : and herein i shall observe that order wherein they are ranked and set down by pamelius . the second epistle contains a flourishing and eloquent narration of his conversion and baptism , savouring much for its quaintness , of the rhetorick schools from whence he was newly come . the phrase of this epistle ( saith erasmus ) is more neat and florid , then that of the rest , retaining still the scent of scholastical eloquence . in secundâ epistolâ nonnihil lusit apparatu pompâque sermonis ; unde & augustinus , ( lib. . cap. . de doctr. christian ) comptae , jucundae splendidaeque dictionis depromit exemplum . it is entituled by trithemius , lib. de gratiâ dei. and by antoninus , de gratiâ & abundantiâ malitiae saeculi . but this accurate eloquence of his gotten with so much sweat , and augmented with continual exercise , and for which he was famous every where , he laid aside as of little profit and necessity , preferring before it christian simplicity . yet , that in this epistle he wrote in so high a strain , i suppose it therefore so fell out ( saith augustine ) or rather was advisedly done , that posterity might know , what a tongue the soundness of christian doctrine had recalled from such redundance or superfluity , and restrained to a more grave and modest eloquence : such as in his following writings is securely loved , religiously desired , but most difficulty performed . wherefore this holy man did shew , that he could so speak , because some where he spake so ; but withal that he would not , because he afterward no where doth so . nihil ( inquit erasmus ) reperies in cypriaeno , quod ad ostentationem inge●● videri possit ascitum , aut quod ullo pacto vafrieiem sapiat . in the twelfth epistle , ad plebem , wherein he desires them to wait for his return , that we ( saith he ) and our fellow bishops being assembled together , may examine the letters and desires of the blessed martyrs , according to the doctrine of our lord , and in the presence of the confessors , & secundum vestr●● quoque sententiam , and according as you shall think convenient . those last words are maliciously left out ; because ( saith daille ) they would not have us to know , that the faithful people had ever any thing to do with , or had any vote in the affairs of the church . in the thirty first epistle , there remained for a long time a foul fault uncorrected , by which the place was so depraved , that no perfect sence could be made of it : which was at length happily amended by the dexterity of that phoenix of her sex for learning , margaret the daughter of sir thomas moor : one unto whom erasmus wrote many epistles and dedicated his commentaries on certain hymns of prudentius , calling her the flower of all the learned matrons of england . she was of a quick and sharp wit , and composed in greek and latin both verse and prose ; and that most eloquently , to the admiration of those that perused her writings . this gentlewoman reading this epistle , and being come to the place corrupted , ( which was this ; absit enim ab ecclesiâ romanâ vigorem suum tam profanâ facilitate dimittere , & nisi vos severitatis eversâ fidei majestate dissolvere ) presently without help of other example or instruction , quoth she , those words nisi vos , must be , nervos : and so the sentence by that word is made plain and perspicuous . with this emendation is this epistle set forth in the edition of pamelius , who making honourable mention of the author thereof , reports it from costerus , that tells us he had it from doctor clement a learned physician , one familiarly acquainted with sir thomas his family , as having married mrs. margaret gage another rare proficient in that famous female academy . rhenanus stiles it a very notable epistle ; habemus ( inquit ) de disciplinâ romanae ecclesiae valdè insignem epistolam presbyterorum & diaconorum urbis romae . in the general there are three things especially observable in the epistles of our author . . there are to be found in them divers evident footsteps of the ancient discipline of the churches of christ. as concerning officers and the manner of electing them : of the power of those officers , and how it was made use of by them ; of the excommunication of offenders , and the restoring of them unto communion again , upon their repentance and satisfaction given unto the church : of the care that ought to be had of the poor , imprisoned , &c. of which see epist. . , , , , , , , ▪ . . many notable cases propounded unto , and resolved by him ; particularly , these following among the rest . . whether novatian the schismatick could or might baptize or no ? he denies that he could ( though herein he erred ) which he endeavours to maintain and make good by divers arguments : but the good bishop ( as goulart observes in his notes ) undertook a bad cause , in defending whereof he discovered much weakness , though withal no less modesty , in the close of his discourse . . whether a stage-player , persevering in the exercise of that unseemly art , ought to communicate ? to which his answer is in the negative , that he ought not . puto , inquit , nec majestati divinae , nec evangelicae discipline congruere , ut pudor & honor ecclesiae tam turpi & infami contagione foedetur , which place ( saith goulart ) meets with those who admit unto the communion without distinction , such as are impious and impure . . whether those who had been baptized by hereticks , upon their return unto the catholick church , ought again to be baptized ? his answer is affirmative , ( wherein joyned with him many other bishops ) and as the ground of it , he labours to prove the baptism of hereticks to be a nullity ; wherein he doth humanum aliquid pati . and this is the chief subject of divers epistles , viz. from the seventieth unto the seventy seventh , among which in the seventy sixth epistle , the first quaere , viz. that about the baptism of novatian , is answered . . whether the clinici ( i. e. those who were baptized upon their sick beds ) are to be accounted legitimate or rightful christians , because they are not washed , but only sprinkled with baptismal water ? unto which his answer is affirmative : nos , inquit , aestimamus in nullo mutilari & debilitari posse beneficia divina , nec minus aliquid illic posse contingere , ubi plenâ & totâ fide & dantis & sumenlis accipitur , quod de divinis muneribus hauritur , &c. this by pamelius is made to be the latter part of the seventy sixth epistle , and not an entire one by it self : and so thinks erasmus of it also , though in some editions it be disjoyned from it : it 's plain , saith erasmus , from the first words , that it is no entire epistle ; for who would begin an epistle after this manner , quaesisti etiam : yet in his edition are these made two distinct epistles , viz. one the sixth of the first book : the other the seventh of the fourth . . whether fortunatianus ( sometime a bishop ) who had sacrificed unto idols , might challenge or take unto himself his office again ? he answers negatively , rendring divers reasons why he so judgeth . . many excellent and pressing exhortations un●o constancy in suffering for the name of christ ; as also sundry choice documents and directions for holiness and christian conversation ; for which work he was so completely furnished , that pontius would conclude from thence , his flight in the time of persecution , and reservation from martyrdom for a while , to be from the special providence of god , because of the need the church then had of him : for , saith he , who should teach the lapsi repentance , hereticks truth , schismaticks unity , the sons of god peace and the law of evangelical prayer ? who should comfort christians tenderly affected with their losses , or rather those of little faith , with the hope of future things ? whence should we so learn mercy or patience ? who should raise up so many martyrs with divine exhortations ? well then it happened , that a man so many ways so necessary , should be for a while respited from martyrdom . he was therefore , saith pamelius , saved by the lord , that being destined unto martyrdom afterward , he might by his exhortations send before many martyrs unto the lord , who , had they wanted the incentive of this celestial trumpet , might else have fallen from the faith . hear the words of the presbyters and deacons at rome , to this purpose , say they in an epistle unto him , maximas tibi atque uberes gratias referre debtmus & reddimus , quòd — victores 〈◊〉 viribus tui sermonis animasti , ut quanquam h●e totum de fide confitentium & de divinâ indulgentiâ venire videatur , tamen in martyrio 〈◊〉 tibi ex aliquo debitores facti esse videantur . of this kind among the rest are epist. . , . . wherein in an eloquent and plainly divine stile , he confirmeth the confessors : also epist. . . . & . in epistolâ . ( inquit baronius ) elucet mirificè christiani nominis excellentiâ quae eo gloriosior redditur , atque praeclarior , quo magis fuerit afflictata molestiis , ac rebus fatigata contrariis , praestat eas literas audire , utpote novissimos cygnaeos viri sanctissimi cantus , qui mirificum quendam reddunt flagrantis spiritus cum suavitate concentum . for his other works , pamelius conceives , that in the last recited words of pontius , is hinted the order in which they were written ; for who can think , saith he , that meerly by accident , and not rather purposely and with mature deliberation , he should observe such an order in his words , which he therefore observes in his edition , and so shall i in the recital of them . his treatises then are these following . . of the discipline and habit of virgins , entituled by erasmus , only de habitu virginum : and by ierom and trithemius , de virginitate . it was written by him while he was yet a presbyter , or at least shortly after he was made bishop , viz. in the first year : of which rhenanus thus speaks , cyprianus scripsit de habitu virginum , nitidior aliquanto f●ciliorque hoc nostro authore , viz. tertulliano . ierom stiles it an egregious volume , wherein he exhorts virgins to a conversation suitable to their profession , to contemn the world , and to shun the abuses and corruptions of it , which in a lofty strain he stirs them up unto : for so augustin , ad virginitatem magno accendit eloquio cyprianus : in this tract , ( as in others also ) he much imitates his master , as he calls him , tertullian upon the like subject . . de lapsis . . of such as fell in time of persecution , which erasmus calls by the name of sermo : this with the two following was written shortly after his return from exile , peace being restored unto the church : wherein congratulating the confessors , and blessing god for their invincible constancy under the cross , he greatly bewails the fall of such , as by the threatenings of the adversary were drawn to sacrifice , and did not rather withdraw according unto the counsel of christ , blaming them , that before their repentance they would even extort communion and peace from some presbyters without the consent of the bishop : and lastly , by divers arguments he exhorts them unto a publick acknowledgment of their sin , and to give satisfaction unto the church . herein also he imitates tertulian in his book of repentance . . of the unity of the church ; some do add the word catholick : and this pamelius ( as himself more than once boastingly tells us ) from the fifty first epistle , first found out to be the true title of this book , which erasmus and some others do stile , a treatise of the simplicity of prelates : and augustine an epistle touching unity . a golden book , written by occasion of the novatian rent or schism , that he might deter his carthaginians from siding with novatus , who were too much inclining unto , and not so averse from him as they should have been . wherein he earnestly presseth the pastours carefully to preserve unity in the church , by many weighty arguments ; shewing the original and sourse of heresies to be the contempt of the truth and celestial doctrine of christ , commending unity in the church ; and in the close he discourseth of the duty of those who stand firm in the unity of the church , viz. to shun the society of schismaticks . this excellent piece of cyprian the vassals of the romish see have been most busily tampering with , and as palpably corrupting for their advantage in point of the popes supremacy ; having boldly foysted in here and there , as they thought fit , whole periods and sentences against the faith of the best and most uncorrupted manuscripts : the additions are these following , . he built his church on him alone ( viz. peter ) and commanded him to feed his sheep . . he established one chair . . the primacy was given unto peter , to shew that there was but ( one church of christ ) and but one chair . . he that forsakes the chair of peter , on which the church was founded , doth he hope himself to be in the church ? of these last words , saith philander ( after theophilus had named six editions of cyprian , in which they are not ) indeed i confess the words were wanting , till pamelius a canon of bruges found them in an old written copy lying in the abby of cambron . all these additions will evidently appear unto any one , who ( without having recourse unto other copies ) will but compare erasmus and pamelius their editions together . he that desireth to be farther satisfyed in the foul fraud of these shameless forgers in this particular , let him please to peruse the learned doctor reynolds in his conference with hart , chap. . division . . bilson in his difference , &c. part . pag. . and doctor iames , of the corruption of the fathers , part . so many have been the mutations , additions , detractions and variations of this small book , that the laborious abovenamed doctor iames ( in a little treatise written by him , which he entituled cyprian restored or revived ) hath observed no less than two hundred and eighty eight of them , by a diligent collation of four manuscript copies : this the bold jesuit possevine in his apparatus , inserts as his own , which the doctor thus chargeth him with : it hath pleased him , saith he , in his first tome , at the word cyprian , to steal a treatise of mine , and concealing my name , mutatis mutandis , chopping and changing some few words at his pleasure , to publish it unto the world : sic no● non nobis mellificamus apes . a most unworthy act , and at least deserving the brand of base ingenuity : a fault that crinitus blames in macrobius , who having been much beholding unto a. gellius , makes no acknowledgment thereof : cum sit , inquit , obnoxiae mentis & ingenii maximè infaelicis , uunquam fateri , pe● quos authores profeceris . . of the lord's prayer , which treatise augustine thus commends , i admonish , saith he , and much exhort you to read diligently that book of blessed cyprian , which he wrote of the lord's prayer ; and as the lord shall help you , to understand and commit it to memory : he writes it unto one valentinus and the monks that were with him . in this piece commending this prayer ; he shews how we ought to draw near unto god ; then explains the several parts and petitions of it : unto which he subjoyns somewhat of the necessity of prayer , how the mind ought to be composed in this duty ; and when it should be performed . herein also he imitates tertullian de oratione . est , inquit sixtuì senensis sanctae & venustae brevitatis expla●●tio . . unto demetrianus , the proconsul of africa ; an apologetical or invective oration ; erasmus wonders why any should rather call it a treatise , then an epistle . wherein , using a more elaborate stile , he clears the christians of those calumnies that were cast upon them by demetrian and other ethnicks ; who imputed it unto the christians not worshipping the gods , that those grievous judgments of famine , pestilence and war , did so rage in the romane empire : the true cause whereof he shews to be their contempt of christianity , which he proves by divers ●●guments ; and closeth with an exhortation unto the gentiles to come unto god , and to believe on jesus christ. in this likewise he imitates his master tertullian in his apology , and in his book against scapula ; but is blamed by lactantius for not handling the matter as he ought ; because he dealt with an heathen by scripture testimonies , which demetrian esteemed as fained and vain ; who should have been refuted by reason and arguments grounded thereupon ; yet herein is he defended by baronius who labors to excuse him . . of the vanity of idols ; or , that idols are not gods : wherein he proves that they were men , and consequently that the worshipping of them can be no way profitable : and that there is but one true god and lord of all , whom the christians worship . erasmus suspects it to be a fragment of a larger work , because it begins so abruptly . of which piece ierom thus speaks , commending his wit and skill : with what brevity , with what knowledge of all histories , with what splendor of words and sense hath cyprian discussed that idols are not gods ? herein also as he imitated tertullian in his apology , so likewise doth he minutius foelix in his octavius ; or minutius him : for they lived near about the same time . . of mortality ; written by him in a time wherein the pestilence invaded and raged in divers provinces , and chiefly alexandria and the rest of egypt . vsher calls it a famous treatise : wherein by divers arguments , he armeth christians against the fear of death ; and admonisheth them not to grieve immoderately for those that die , shewing what are the fruits of death , and of how great advantage it is unto them that die in lord. a book , saith augustine , laudably known to many , yea almost to all that love ecclesiastical writings ; in quo dicit mortem fidelibus utilem reperiri , quoniam peccandi periculis hominem subtrahit , & in non peccandi securitatem constituit . . of works and almsdeeds : augustin calls it an epistle : and ierom grande volumen , a great volum wherein he exhorteth those that were able , to contribute toward the relieving of the poor , who by pestilence , famine and other calamities had been reduced unto great exigencies . . of the good of patience , wherein , virtutem hanc per effecta magnificè amplificat : commending the practice of it from the example of god , christ & the saints : proving also both by scripture and reason , that 't is not only profitable , but also necessary for a christian. baronius shews us the occasion of the writing hereof . veritus , inquit , magnopere cyprianus , ne inter episcopos obortis contentionibus , magno aliquo sebismate catholica scinderetur ecclesia , ad ●ntevertenda futura mala , egregium illud prop●ylacticon praeparavit antidotum , libellum illum de bono patientiae scribens , quò demonstraret absque , patientiâ impossibile esse servari inter fratres mutuam charitatem . and cyprian himself in his epistle to iubaianus concerning the rebaptization of hereticks , having said in the last paragraph , that he would not for hereticks contend with his fellow bishops ; he shuts up all with these words : servatur à nobis patienter & firmiter charitas ●nimi , collegii honor , vinculum fidei , & concordia sacerdotii . propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae , quantum valuit nostra medi●critas , permittente domino & inspirante , conscripsimus quem ad te pro mutuâ dilectione transmisimus . in this book also he much imitates tertullian upon the same subject , with a pious and commendable emulation : for he feared lest ( as it afterward fell out ) the writings of so eminent a man should be lost or laid aside : many even then abstaining from the reading of him , because he had so unhappily separated from the church . . of zeal ( he takes this word here in the worse sense ) and envy : which by many arguments he dehorteth from ; shewing whence it proceeds , and how much evil it produceth . sermo praeclarus , inquit keckerman●us , & egregia coneio . augustine calls this tract also an epistle ; and ierom , librum valdè optimum . the occasion of the writing of this , as of the former treatise also , was the controversie and great contest that arose between stephen bishop of rome and the african bishops about the baptizing of hereticks . . an exhortation to martyrdom ; written unto fortunatus ; distinguished into twelve chapters containing so many arguments , whereby he presseth unto martyrdom : which are collected almost verbatim out of the scriptures . baronius and pamelius are very confident , that it is cyprians , and much wonder that any should ascribe it unto hilary ; which yet marianus victorinus doth as confidently , induced hereunto by the stile , and authority of ierom. for which cause the industrious mr. cooke doubts not to rank it among the works falsly ascribed unto this father . . three books of testimonies unto quirinus , being none other then a rapsody or collection of several places of scripture . the two first , against the jews : in the one he shews that the jews have departed from god , and so have lost that grace and indulgence which formerly was afforded unto them ; and that the gentiles from among all nations have succeeded them , and come into their place . the other contains the mystery of christ , that he came according as the scriptures had foretold , and hath done and performed all things by which he might be known . in the third , which the centurists stile , de disciplina christianorum , he instructs quirinus in a christian life ; it being a collection of divine precepts and commands , which may be the more easie and profitable for the readers , for that , being but a few and digested into a breviary , they are the sooner read over , and more frequently repeated . pamelius cannot wonder enough at the censure of erasmus , that it should seem more probable unto him , that these books are not cyprians : yet is this sagacious censor seconded by scultetus , who renders some reasons why he should make question of it , viz. that some greek forms of speech , are used in the third book , which are not to be sound in the other works of cyprian : withal he adds , that many things do offer themselves unto the diligent reader , by which without any great ado they may be distinguished from what of this father is genuine . . the sentences or suffrages of the council of carthage concerning the baptizing of hereticks : which is none other than a rehearsal of what was done and said in that council ; as things were taken by the publick notaries , whereof he gives an account unto quirinus . this piece shuts up the second tome in pamelius his edition . his third tome contains those books that are doubted of or falsly ascribed unto cyprian : though in his preface pamelius makes them to be of three sorts . first , some , that by the stile and scriptures cited , do certainly appear to be his genuine works : but how true this is , we shall hereafter examine . secondly , others , of which there is some doubt ; yet are there many things to perswade us that they are his , or at least , of some author , no less ancient then he . . some that are certainly found to be none of his . but though divers pieces have his name affixed unto them , that he was never the author of ; yet , saith erasmus , herein was he more happy then some others , that nothing is ascribed unto him but what is learned , and proceeded from great men . these are , first , his book of spectacles ; which , he shews 't is unlawful for christians to be present at and behold . a book , which neither trithemius nor the centurists nor erasmus take notice of : and therefore not without cause suspected ; which also the stile gives sufficient ground for . herein the author much imitates tertullian upon the same subject . . of discipline , or the good of chastity ; wherein many passages are almost verbatim taken out of tertullian . bellarmine and pamelius conceive it to be cyprians : 't is a work of an uncertain but learned author , so that 't were pitty it should be lost ; ( saith erasmus ) yet in his judgement , the stile plainly shews it to be none of cyprians . . of the praise of martyrdom , unto moses and maximus ; wherein , pennis eloquentiae se mirificè extulit . but the stile is so elaborate and unequal , that erasmus supposeth no man is of so dull a scent , but he must needs perceive it to be far different from that of cyprian . he thinks it therefore to be an essay of some one that would exercise his pen ; wherein he shewed more care then , wit , and more affectation then ability . cardinal baronius is very angry with him for this his censure , calling him mome ; telling us that he that will prudently compare it with the apologetick unto demetrian , or his epistle unto donatus , will easily perceive by the same lineaments of their faces , that they proceeded from the same author . but the wit and wisdom of erasmus ( dictator ille rei literariae ) and his ingenuity in this kind are sufficiently known and approved of by the learned . and as he was able , so was he no less diligent in comparing one thing with another , that he might the better give a right judgment : so that the cavil might well have been spared and deserves little to be regarded , as issuing rather from heat and interest , then from candid and impartial animadversion . the truth is , both the cardinal and the canon pamelius looked on it as advantageous and making somewhat for their market ; affording them a considerable authority for the doctrines of purgatory and the invocation of saints ▪ who therefore strain hard and would fain perswade us that it is cyprians ; though they be levissima argumenta , very trivial and slender arguments , whereby they endeavor to make it appear so to be . . unto novatian the heretick : that hope of pardon ought not to be denied unto the lapsi , such as fell in time of persecution : which , saith erasmus , the stile will not suffer us to believe that it is cyprians : but withal , it is so eloquent and learned , that he judgeth it not altogether unworthy of cyprian ; yet rather thinks , that cornelius bishop of rome wrote it : which conjecture he grounds upon the words of ierom ; whom herein honorius augustodunensis follows and explains : saying , cornelius wrote a very large epistle unto novatian and fabius . . of the cardinal or principal works of christ , unto his ascension unto the father : which , besides the preface , consisteth of twelve chapters or sermons : . of the nativity of christ. . of his circumcision . . of the star and wisemen . . of the baptism of christ , and manifestation of the trinity . . of his fasting and temptations . . of the lords supper , and first institution of the ( sacrament ) consummating all sacraments ; wherein is comprehended the sense and consent of orthodox antiquity , and the catholick church concerning the lords supper . . of washing the disciples feet . . of annointing with oyl and other sacraments . . of the passion of christ. . of his resurrection . . of his ascension . . of the holy ghost . all these are urged as the authority of cyprian by divers romish champions for the maintenance of many of their unsound doctrines ; though it be doubted of by themselves for sundry weighty reasons ; among the rest these following , . the stile is lower than cyprian's useth to be . . the author ( in serm . de tentatione ) s●ith that the devil fell from heaven before the creation of man , contrary unto the opinion of cyprian , in his treatise de telo & invidiâ . . in the preface he gives unto cornelius bishop of rome , the title of sublimitas ve●ra , your highness : whereas cyprian always stiles him brother and collegue . the stile , saith erasmus , argues it to be none of cyprian's , though it be the work of some learned man , whereof that age had store . non cypriani quidem ( inquit casaubonus ) sed non indignus cypriano . and bellarmin himself elsewhere affirms , that the author of these sermons , without doubt , lived long since cyprian , yea , after the time of augustine ; and taxeth the boldness of him that first put cornelius his name in the fore front of this book . but in a very ancient manuscript in the library of all-souls colledge in oxford , the author is called arnaldus b●na●illacensis , who lived in the time of bernard , unto whom he hath written one or two epistles ; and the book is dedicated , not unto cornelius , who lived about the year of christ , . but unto adrian the fourth , who lived about the year , . and succeeded eugenius the third , unto whom bernard wrote his book of consideration . also that learned antiquary the reverend vsher saith , he hath seen besides the abovenamed , another manuscript in the publick library at oxford , wherein this book bears the name of the said arnaldus , as the author thereof . taking it then for granted , that it is none of cyprian's , let us give it its due in the words of scultetus , it is a book full of religious piety , and of great use to preachers : for they are popular declamations which do breath affections stirred up by the spirit of god. . of dicers , which game he proves by many arguments to be unworthy of a christian , especially an ecclesiastical man. but it certainly appears to be none of his by the stile , and seems to be written in the corrupter times of the church . bellarmin and pamelius speak doubtfully of it ; the former supposing it rather to be written by some one of the bishops of rome , as plainly appears from the author 's assuming unto himself the presidentship of the universal church , and to be christ's vicar , which indeed none ever dared to do , but that proud prelate of rome . . of the mountains sina and sion , against the jews , being a mystical interpretation of them ; the stile shews it to be none of his , as both bellarmin and pamelius confess , yea , it is altogether different both from the stile , and also the genius of cyprian , and is stuffed with such allegories and expositions of scripture as are far from the learning , piety and simplicity of this blessed martyr . . as for those poems , viz. genesis , sodo●● , & ad senatorem , pamelius hath adjudged them rather unto tertullian , because of the stile , and because cyprian was never ranked among the christian poets , but only by fabricius ( he might have added gyraldus ) so that he leaves the matter doubtful : and , saith bellarmin , we have no certain ground whence to conclude it . so also for the hymn de pascha , in many manuscripts it is ascribed ●nto victorinus pictaviensis : but , saith bellar●in of them , opera sunt gravia & docta , & s. cyprian● digna . to which i add the verses de sanctae crucis ligno , which lilius gyrald●s ascribes unto cyprian , being sixty nine heroicks in number , quos , inquit , ego legi : & si semel legatis , iterum & saepe legetis . but as i find them no where else mentioned as cyprian's ; so i conceive pamelius would not have failed to rank them among the rest , had he seen but the least probability why he might have eutituled them unto cyprian . . those two prayers , one for the martyrs , the other made use of by himself ( as is pretended ) on the day of his suffering , have the like censure from bellarmine that the po●●s had , who leaves them altogether uncertain . . of the single life of the clergy , and that they ought to abstain from the company of women . the work is not cyprian's ( as the many barbarous words to be found in it , and the phrase do plainly shew ) as erasmus conceives , to whose censure pamelius subscribes , who thinks it rather to be origen's , being induced hereunto by some authorities , ( vincentius bellovacensis in speculo hist. lib. . cap. . mentions a book of origen's , which he calls liber pulcherrimus de singularitate clerieorum . also laziardus caelestinus in epitom . hist. universal . ●aec babet : fertur originem codicem de singularitate clericorum composuisse ) by his mentioning without dislike those who make themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of god , and by divers grecisms here and there to be found in it . but , saith bellarmine the stile is against this , which shews it to be the work not of a greek but some latine author . baronius supposeth it to be cyprian's , though upon weak and slender grounds , as rivet shews . liber de singularitate clericorum , originem , cyprianum , augustinum praefert autores . it is therefore very uncertain whose it is ; but , saith erasmus , whoever were the author of it , it cannot be denyed that he was a learned and eloquent man : and without doubt , saith bellarmine , very ancient . . an exposition of the apostles creed , which ( though it be inserted among the works of cyprian ) yet is it generally conceived to belong unto ruffinus a presbyter of aquileia , as appears both by the phrase , and also by the authority of gennadius , who stileth him not the least part of the doctors of the church , and of an elegant wit to translate out of greek into latine : and , saith he , in this exposition , he through the grace of god so far excelled , that others in comparison of of him can scarce be said to have expounded it . pam●lius therefore entitles it unto ruffine , as the true author thereof , and not cyprian ; whose , that 't is not , it 's evident from the mention therein made of the heresies of arius , the manichees , samosatenus , eunomius , who all lived after the time of cyprian . yet by the consent of all it is a learned piece , and most worthy to be read ; but herein blamed by pamelius , because it denies the books of wisdom , ecclesiasticus , tobit , iudith and the maccabees to be of authority for the confirmation of the faith ; but for what cause is obvious enough . . of the incredulity of the jews , unto vigilius : it is none of cyprians , but rather the preface of one celsus upon the altercation between one iason a christian , and paviscus a jew of alexandria : and indeed in the close of it , the author so stiles himself : in mente , inquit , 〈◊〉 habe puerum tuum celsum . a confused piece it is , no way suitable unto the piety or learning of cyprian . . against the jews who persecuted our lord jesus christ , written by an uncertain author , the stile discovering it not to be cyprian's . . of the revelation of the head of iohn the baptist , and the translation of it into france under pipin the son of charles mar●ell . who lived about the year . by which it appears as clear as the sun to be none of cyprian's , who was some hundreds of years before this time : and they are meer fables that are contained in it , it might well come but of the cell of some superstitious monk , being fabulous , superstitious and ridiculous . . of a twofold martyrdom unto fortunatus ; it is to seek of a father ; for cyprian's it is not , as the mention of dioclesian , and of the emperour's war against the turk , do fully evidence . pamelius thinks it to be the work of some neoterick , and not unlikely ( as henry grave conjectures ) of erasmus : but this is very improbable , considering how sharp erasmus is against those , who by counterfeiting their writings , have so abused the fathers : and if he would in this kind have imposed upon the world , surely he was not so weak to let fall such passages as should so palpably discover it to be an imposture and supposititious ; we leave it therefore as an exposed birth . . of the twelve abuses of the world : the phrase is not cyprian's , and the quotation of the scriptures according to ierom's translation speaks it of a later date . erasmus is of the mind that it came from some honest laick : and pamelius guesseth it to have been written by one ebrardus , or iohannes climacus . . a small tract entituled coena : so unworthy the name of cyprian , that it deserves rather to bear that of a turk than a christian , it is so impure and ridiculous ; the author seemeth to have been an italian , some profane knave , being so well acquainted with all sorts of that country wine . § . his stile is such as hath a certain proper and peculiar face whereby it may be known : saith augustin , it tangs of his country , but yet is he more plain and candid than the rest of the africans : and i wish , saith erasmus , that as augustin did exceed him in the number of the volumes which he wrote , so that he had attained unto , and equalled him in the elegancy of his language : oh would he had as happily emulated his tongue , as he ingenuously admires it ! tertulliano , inquit ludovicns vives , loquitur clariùs , sed & ipse nonnunquam afrè . time was , saith erasmus , when i accounted ierom for the chief among the orthodox writers ; but when i looked a little more narrowly into cyprian , i was doubtful whether of the two to prefer , they both seemed to excel : but if a true and natural kind of speaking , and that which is more remote from a declamatory shadow , deserve the precedency ; herein cyprian went as far beyond ierom , as demosthe●●s beyond cicero ; he is every where more serious , and hath less of affectation ; his habit or form of speech is such that you may perceive him to be a true christian bishop , and destined unto martyrdom : his heart burns with evangelical piety , and his words are answerable ; ( non minùs fortiter quàm disertè loquens ) he speaks no less strongly than eloquently ; for worthyness became him more than neatness : yet is he quick enough sometimes ; as where he derides a certain heretick that denyed him to be a bishop : and likewise when he refutes those who deemed such not meet to be called christians , but clinicks , that in perilous diseases were baptized not only by immersion , but aspersion or sprinkling of water . for here besides that perpetual sweetness , which as blood runs through the whole body , he useth quips and jests . again , africa sent forth many men famous for eloquence and learning ; among whom tertul●ian and augustin were chief ; but scarcely unto any one happened the genuine purity of the roman language , but only unto cyprian . thus erasmus , like a pure fountain he flows sweetly and smoothly ; and withal he is so plain and open ( which is the chief virtue of speech ) that you cannot discern , saith lactantius , whether any one were more comly in speaking , or more facil in explicating , or more powerful in perswading . prudentius also in this regard thus extols him : o nive candidius linguae genus ! o novum saporem ! vt liquor ambrosius cor mitigat , imbuit palatum , sedem animae penetrat , mentem fovet , & pererrat artus ? his phrase is most elegant ( saith sixtus senensis ) and next unto ciceronian candour . and in the judgment of alsted , as lactantius may be truly accounted the christian's cicero ; so may cyprian their caesar ; for these two among the latines added ornament unto christian doctrine . now caesar , saith vives , is egregiously useful for dayly speech , unto whom tully gives the praise of a pure and uncorrupted dialect : quintilian of elegancy , whom he peculiarly studyed : and mr. ascham in that learned and grave discourse which he calls his schoolmaster , judgeth that in caesar's commentaries ( which are to be read with all curiosity ) without all exception to be made either by friend or foe , is seen the unspotted propriety of the latine tongue , even when it was in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the highest pitch of all perfectness : yet is his phrase various : sometimes he soars aloft , and is very copious with abundance of words : as in his epistle unto donatus : another time he falls as low , as in his epistle unto caecilius , of the sacrament of the lord's cup : but most commonly he is temperate , and keeps the middle way between these extremes , as in his treatise of the habit of virgins . in a word , he was , saith hyperius , plain , vehement , serious , and not unhappily fluent ; his words breathing a venerable elegancy , as the things which he wrote did piety and martyrdom : whereof i now proceed to give a taste . § . in his treatise of the vanity of idols , we have a sum of his faith , which froben in his index affixed unto the edition of erasmus , stiles the most elegant creed or symbol of cyprian : containing the doctrines of christ , his deity , incarnation , miracles , death , resurrection , ascension and second coming . his words are these , indulgentiae dei , gratiae , disciplinaeque arbiter & magister sermo & filius dei mittitur , qui per prophetas omnes retrò illuminator & doctor humani generis praedicabatur . hic est virtus dei , hic ratio , hic sapientia ejus & gloria , hic in virginem illabitur : carnem , spiritu sancto cooperante , induitur ; deus cum homine miscetur ; hic deus noster , hic christus est , qui mediator duorum , hominem induit , quem perducat ad patrem ; quòd homo est , christus esse voluit , ut & homo possit esse quòd christus est — cum christus iesus secundùm a prophetis ante praedicta , verbo & vocis imperio daemonia de hominibus excuteret , leprosos purgaret , illuminaret caecos , claudis gressum daret , mortuos rursus animaret , cogeret sibi element a famulari , servire ventos , maria obedire , inferos cedere ; iud●ei qui illum crediderant hominem tontùm , de humilitate carnis & corporis ; existimabant magum de licentiâ potestatis . hunc magistri eorum atque primores , hoc est , quos & doctrina illâ ille & sapientiâ revincebat , accensi irâ & indignatione provocati , postremò detentum pontio pilato , qui tunc ex parte romanâ syriam procura●at , tradiderunt , crucem ejus & mortem suffragiis violentis ac pertinacibus flagitantes — crucifix●s , prevento carnis officio , spiritum sponte dimisit , & die tertio rursus a mortuis sponte surrexit . apparuit discipulis talis ut fuerat , agnoscendum se videntibus praebuit , simul junctus & substantiae corporalis firmitate conspicuus ad dies quadraginta remoratus est , ut d● vel ab eo ad praecepta vitalia instrui possent , & discerent que docerent . tunc in coelum circumfusâ nube sublatus est , ut hominem quem dilexit , quem induit , quem a morte protexit , ad patrem victor imponeret ; jam venturos & è coelo ad poenam diaboli , & ad censuram generis humani , ultoris vigore , & judicis potestate . . concerning the article of christ's descent into hell , the author of the exposition of the apostles creed , thus speaks , we are , saith he , verily to know that it is not to be found in the creed of the roman church , neither in the oriental churches ; yet the force of the words seemeth to be the same with those wherein he is said to be buryed . . of the canonical books of the old and new testament , the same author of the exposition of the apostles creed , having enumerated the same books that we do : these , saith he , are they which the fathers concluded within the canon , out of which they would have the assertions of our faith to consist : but we are to know further , that there are other books which our predecessors called not canonical , but ecclesiastical , as the books of wisdom , ecclesiasticus , toby , iudith and maccabees , all which they would indeed have to be read in the churches , but yet not to be produced for the confirmation of the faith. . of how little esteem custom ought to be , if not founded upon truth , he pithily shews in that short sentence ; consuetudo sine veritate , vetustas erroris est : custom without truth is but mouldy errour . in vain therefore , saith he , do some that are overcome by reason , oppose or object custom unto us , as if custom were greater than truth ; or that in spirituals were not to be followed , which for the better hath been revealed by the holy ghost . again , if christ alone must be heard , as matth. . . we ought not to heed what another before us thought fit to be done , but what christ , who is before all , first did . neither ought we to follow the custom of man , but the truth of god. . he understands by tradition , nothing but that which is delivered in the scripture : let nothing be innovated , saith stephen unto him , but what is delivered . he replyeth , whence is this tradition ? whether doth it descend from the authority of the lord , and the gospel , or doth it come from the apostles commands and epistles : for those things are to be done , that are written : — if therefore this ( speaking of the rebaptization of hereticks , or receiving them into the church only by imposition of hands , which later was stephens opinion against cyprian ) be either commanded in the evangelists , or contained in the epistles or acts of the apostles , let it be observed as a divine and holy tradition . . that the baptism of children was then received and practised in the church ; and that performed by aspersion , as valid as that by immersion . this , saith he , was our sentence in the council , that none ought by us to be kept back from baptism , and the grace of god , who is merciful unto all . now seeing this ought to be retained and observed toward all , then we think it is much more to be observed about even infants and such as are newly born . — neither ought it to move any one that the sick are sprinkled or have water poured on them , seeing they obtain grace of the lord. — it appears therefore that sprinkling also obtains even as the salutary laver : and when these things are done in the church , where the faith both of the giver and receiver is sound , all things may stand , be consummated and perfected , with or by the majesty of the lord and truth of faith. concerning which opinion of his augustine thus speaks ; beatus cyprianus non aliquod decretum condens novum , sed ecclesiae fidem firmis●imam servans , ad corrigendum eos qui putabant ante octavum diem nativitatis non esse parvulum baptizandum , non carnem , fed ●●imam dixit non esse perdendam , & mox natum ●itè baptizari posse , cum suis quibusdam coëpiscopis censuit . . that devils were cast out in his time . be ashamed ( saith he unto demetrian ) to worship those gods , whom thou thy self must defend . — oh , that thou wouldst but hear and see them , when they are adjured by us , and tortured with spiritual scourges , and by the torments of words are cast out of possessed bodies , when wailing and groaning with humane voice and by divine power feeling whips and stripes , they confess the judgment to come . come and know the things we say to be true — thou shalt see us to be intreated by them whom thou intreatest , to be feared by those whom thou adorest : thou shalt see them stand bound under our hand , and being captives to tremble whom thou dost honor and reverence as lords . certainly even thus maist thou be confounded in these thine errors , when thou shalt behold and hear thy gods at our demand forthwith to bewray what they are , and although you be present , not to be able to conceal their sleights and fallacies . . the various operations of the three persons in the trinity , are thus elegantly described in the book of the cardinal works of christ. in this school of divine mastership , it is the father that doth teach and instruct ; the son that doth reveal and open the hidden things of god ; the holy spirit that doth replenish and endue us . from the father we receive power from the son wisdom , from the holy spirit innocence . by the father is given us eternity , by the son conformity unto his image ; by the holy spirit integrity and liberty ; in the father we are , in the son we live , in the holy spirit we move and go forward . . of inadvertency in prayer ; what slothfulness is it , saith he , to be alienated and drawn away with foolish and profane thoughts , when thou art praying unto the lord ? as if there were some other things that thou oughtest to think on , then that thou art speaking with god. how dost thou desire to be heard of god , when thou hearest not thy self ? wilt thou have the lord to be mindful of thee when thou prayest seeing thou art not mindful of thy self ? this is , not wholly to beware of the enemy ; this is , when thou prayest unto god , to offend with the negligence of prayer the majesty of god ; this is , to watch with the eyes , and sleep with the heart ; whereas a christian ought , even when he sleeps with his eyes , to have his heart waking . . he doth most rhetorically upbraid the slothfulness and sterility of the lords people , by bringing in sathan with his sons of perdition , thus speaking ; i , for those , o christ whom thou seest with me , have neither received blows , nor sustained stripes , nor born the cross , nor redeemed my family with the price of my passion and death ; neither do i promise them the kingdom of heaven , nor restoring unto them immortality do i call them back again to paradise : and yet they prepare me gifts very precious , great and gotten with too much and long labor , &c. shew me , o christ , any of thine , admonished by thy precepts , and that shall receive for earthly heavenly things , who bring thee such gifts : — by these my terrene and fading gifts ( he means the ethnick spectacles ) no man is fed , none clothed , none sustained by the comfort of any meat or drink ; all perish in the prodigal and foolish vanity of deceiving pleasures , between the madness of him that sets them forth , and the error of the beholders , — thou promisest eternal life to those that work , and yet unto mine that perish , thine are scarce equal , who are honored by thee with divine and celestial rewards . oh ; my dear brethren , what shall we answer ●nto these things ? . of admission into the church , thus . we ( saith he ) that must render an account unto the lord , do anxiously weigh and sollicitously examine ; those who are to be received and admitted into the church : for some there are , whose crimes do so stand in the way , or whom the brethren do so stiffly and firmly oppose , that they cannot at all be received without the scandal and danger of many . for neither are some rotten shells so to be gathered , as that those who are whole and sound should be wounded ; nor is he a profitable and advised pastor who so mingles diseased and infected sheep with the flock , as to contaminate the whole flock by the afflictation ( afflictatione ) of evil cohering : oh , if you could ( dear brother ) be present here with us when these crooked and perverse ones return from schism , you should see what ado i have to perswade our brethren to patience , that laying asleep or suppressing the grief of their mind , they would consent unto the receiving and curing of those evil ones . for as they rejoyce and are glad , when such as are tolerable and less culpable do return ; so on the other side they murmur and strive , as often as such as are incorrigible and froward , and defiled either with adulteries or sacrifices ( and after these things yet over and above proved ) do so return unto the church , that they corrupt good dispositions within : i scarce perswade , yet extort from the common sort , to suffer such to be admitted : and the grief of the fraternity is made the more just , because that one or other of those ( who though the people did withstand and contradict , yet were through my facility received ) became worse then they were before , nor could keep the promise of repentance , because they came not with true repentance . . that the people had at that time a voice in the election of their bishop or pastor , even in rome it self plainly appears in the case of cornelius so chosen ; yea that it was the use every where , is evident , by these words of his : that ( saith he ) is to be held and observed diligently from divine tradition and apostolical observation , which is held with us also , and almost through all provinces ; that to the right celebrating of ordinations , the bishops of the same province next unto that people over whom the chief officer is ordained , do convene or meet together ; and that the bishop be chosen in the presence of the people , who most fully know the life and conversation of every one . again , the people obeying the lords commands and fearing god , ought to separate themselves from a sinful overseer , nor to mingle themselves with the sacrifices of a sacrilegious priest ; seeing they chiefly have the power either of chusing such as are worthy , or refusing the unworthy . which very thing we see to descend from divine authority . and else where , speaking of cornelius , and of his great modesty and humility when called unto the office of a bishop ; he hath these words worth our notice ; non , inquit , ut quidam vim fecit ut episcopus fieret ; sed ipse vim passus est , ut episcopatum coactus ●●ciperet . et factus est episcopus à plurimis 〈◊〉 nostris , qui tunc in urbe româ aderant , 〈◊〉 ad nos literas honorificas , & laudabiles , & testimonio suae praedicationis illustres , de ejus ordinatione miserunt . factus est autem cornelius episcopus de dei & christi ejus judicio , de clericorum penè omnium testimonio , 〈◊〉 plebis , quae tunc affuit , suffragio , & de sacerdotum antiquorum & bonorum virorum c●llegi● . . of the interest of the people in the management of the affairs of the church , thus he . i determined , saith he , from the very beginning of my bishoprick , to do nothing by my private sentence , without your counsel , and the consent of my people : but when , by the grace of god , i shall come unto you , we will then handle in common those things which either have been done , or are to be done , as mutual honor requires . again , to the same purpose : this agreeth with the modesty , and discipline , and the very life of us all , that ( many bishops meeting together in one , the people also being present , unto whom even unto them honor is to be given for their faith and fear . ) we should dispose of all things with the religious care of common counsel . . of the original and rise of heresies , thus ; thence schisms and heresies have , and do arise , when the bishop ( who is one and set over the church ) is by the proud presumption of some contemned , and , a man honored with the dignity of god , is by men judged unworthy . by one bishop , that he means one bishoply office ( unus episcopatus ) appertaining alike unto all rightly called thereunto , appears from . epist. ad antonianum . . § . & tract . de unitate ecclesiae . § . § . these and many the like excellent passages are to be found in the writings of this eminent father ; yet was not the beautiful face even of this man without its blemishes ; though they were fewer then are to be observed in most of the ancients ; and , those that were , for the most part so small , that they may not unfitly be called rather freckles and morphew that do detract but little from his great worth . such as were some hard expressions that fell from his pen ; either through in advertency and want of caution ; or because they were in those times commonly made use of , perhaps harmlesly then , but abused in after ages by those , who ( to palliate their errors with a shew and pretence of antiquity ) strained them higher , and wrested them to another sense , then the innocent authors intended in them . of this kind are the following instances . . concerning free-will ; which in divers places he seems to assert : he some other where seemingly crossing himself , speaks the contrary . e. g. god , saith he , remunerates with the reward of paternal piety , whatsoever he himself hath performed , and honors that which he himself hath wrought in us . again , 't is of god , i say , 't is of god , ( saith he ) all that we can : thence we live , thence we have our strength . . he ascribes too much unto good works , particularly unto alms ; by which , he saith , the defilement contracted after baptism , is washed away ; but that the sins preceding conversion are purged by the blood of christ. which yet he may be conceived to have uttered in a declamatory way : and is to be understood here ( and throughout this whole treatise ) of works as conjoyned with or accompanying faith. . he attributes remession of sins to our satisfaction , wherewith , saith he , god is to be appeased : but of this a tolerable interpretation may be made ; the word satisfaction being ▪ catachrestically taken , for the repentance and confession of the lapsi , wherewith the church was satisfied , whereupon they were again admitted unto communion . and that they might the more commend unto men those ecclesiastical rites ; the ancients by little and little in their exhortations unto the people , began to speak hyperbolically of them , as , that pardon of sin and reconciliation were this way obtained : upon which ground , those passages of satisfaction and alms , fell inconsiderately ( saith chemnitius ) from the pen of cyprian . . he too eagerly and even superstitiously urgeth the mixture of water with wine in the eucharist , because water and blood came out of the side of christ ; true it is , that in the primitive times , the custom was in many churches ( that they might celebrate the lords supper with the greater sobriety ) to temper the wine with water : at length some went so far ( so did the aquarii , who had thence their name , quòd aquam offerunt in poculo sacramenti ) as to make use of water only , whom here cyprian justly reprehends ; though yet he urgeth the mixture of both too vehemently and upon too slender grounds . had he left it as a thing indifferent and not pressed it as necessary ( for which chemnitius justly blames the council of trent ) it needed not to have been ranked among his errors . . he seems to allow of the admission of infants or those not come to years of discretion , unto the lords supper ; ( its like to have been the common error of that time ) as appears by the story he relates of a young girl , who had been partaker of the idol sacrifices : afterward coming with her mother unto the christian assembly , puella mixta cum sanctis ( to give you his own words ) precis nostrae & orationis impatiens , nunc ploratu concuti , nunc mentis astu coepit fluctuabunda jactari , & velut tortore cogente , quibus poterat indi●iis , conscientiam facti in simplicibus adhuc anuis ( facinus enim commissum tam loqui & indicare non potuit , quàm nec intelligere prius potuit , nec arcere ) rudis anima fatebatur . vbi verò solennibus adimpletis , cali●em diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit , & accipientibus caeteris locus ejus advenit ; faciem suam parvula instinctu divinae majestatis avertere , os labiis obturautibus premere , calicem recusare . perstitit ●●men diaconus , & reluctanti licet , de sacramento calicis infudit . tunc sequitur singul●●● & vomitus . in corpore & ore violato eucharistia permanere non potuit . sanctificatus in domini sanguine potus , & de polutis visceribus erupit ; tanta est potestas domini , tanta majest●s . the necessity of this and the other sacrament he seems to conclude from . iohn . . except a man be ●orn of water and the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god ; and , i●hn . . except ye eat the flesh of the son if man and drink his blood , ye have no life in you . . but the greatest errour to be noted in him , ( which yet , oh how small , in comparison of some in many other of the ancients ) was that about rebaptization , by chemnitius too harshly called a fundamental errour : ha 〈◊〉 , inquit , errorem in fundamento . his judgment was this , that those who having been baptized by hereticks , did forsake their heresies , and return unto the church , were to be received by baptism . in this opinion many bishops , not of africa only , but of asia also , consented with him : about which , there having been three councils convened at carthage ; in the third ( wherein cyprian was president ) it was agreed in the affirmative , upon this ground chiefly , because they thought the baptism of hereticks to be a nullity . great was the contest between the african and western churches about this controversie : these latter holding with the bishop of rome , that hereticks returning unto the church , were to be received only by prayer and imposition of hands : wherein they are to be conceived no less erroneous than the former ; for that they allowed the baptism of all sorts of hereticks , without making any distinction between them : whereas , not long after in the council of nice , if any one flie unto the catholick church from the paulianists ( meaning the samosatenians , called by either name from the author paulus samosatenus ) and cataphrygians , it is ordained or decreed that they ought altogether to be rebaptized . the reason was , because these hereticks holding christ to be none other than a meer man , they baptized not in the name of christ ; and so the substance and true form of baptism not being retained by them , it was adjudged to be no baptism . and indeed whoever is baptized by such an heretick as openly denies the holy trinity , ought to be rebaptized : so that it was the errour of stephen , and those who joyned with him , that they excepted not such hereticks as these ; as cyprian erred in excepting none . but stephen , though he were little less erroneous than cyprian herein , yet did he differ much in his disposition and carriage : for according unto his hot and cholerick temper , he declared publickly against firmilian bishop of cesarea in cappadocia ( of cyprian's opinion ) and excommunicated all those that dissented from himself . contrariwise , cyprian discovering herein the mildness of his spirit , thus bespeaks his colleagues in the council of carthage : ( ierom in commendation of him , cites two passages of his to the same purpose , the one ex epistolâ ad stephanum episcopum romanum : the other ex epistolâ ad iubaianum : in the former his words are these , quâ in re , inquit , nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus ; cum habeat in ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae liberum arbitrium unusquisque praepositus , rationem actus sui domino redditurus . ) it remains , saith he , that we produce what each of us thinks concerning this thing , judging no man , or removing any of another judgment from the right of communion : for none of us makes himself a bishop of bishops , or with tyrannical terrour drives his collegues to a necessity of obeying : seeing every bishop hath a proper judgment , according unto his own liberty and power ; as , who cannot be judged by another , seeing that he himself cannot judge another . but we all expect the judgment of our lord jesus christ , who only and alone hath power of preferring us in the government of his church , and of judging our actions . oh how much is augustin taken and delighted with the peaceableness , charity and moderation of cyprian herein , for which he greatly admires and commends him . and , saith he , the lord therefore did not discover this truth unto him , that his pious humility and charity in wholsomly keeping the peace of the church , might be the more open and manifest , and taken notice of as a remedy , not only by the christians of that time , but also by posterity , &c. moreover , let me add ( as making much to his praise ) that he was not obstinate in his errour ; for as he was learned and skilful to teach oth●rs , so was he also docil and pat●ent to learn of others : which i doubt not , saith augustin , he would have demonstrated , had he discussed this question with holy and learned men . yea , saith he , perhaps he did correct his errour , but we know it not : for neither could all things , which at that time were done among the bishops , be committed to memory and writing ; nor do we know all things that were so committed . again , we do not find , saith he , that he corrected his errour ; yet may we imagine not incongruously of such a man , that he did correct it , and that it was perhaps suppressed by those who were too much delighted with this errour , and were unwilling to want so great a patronage . and this hath been by some so far charitably believed , that they have plainly affirmed so much , that he did , being convinced by the orthodox , renounce his errour herein : so bede , quoted by pamelius , supplement , bergomens . platina in vitâ lucii : scaliger in elench . trihaeres●i nicolai serari , cap. . and baronius , who tells us that none can justly doubt of it , seeing both the eastern and western churches have always used to celebrate the birth day of the martyr cyprian . briefly , either he was not , saith augustin , of the opinion that you the ( donatists ) report him to have been of , or he afterward corrected it by the rule of truth , or else he covered this ( quasi naevum ) spot as it were of his white breast , with the pap or veil of charity ; while he most copiously defended the unity of the church increasing through the whole world , and most perseveringly detain'd the bond of peace . § . as touching his martyrdom , it is recorded , that upon his first entrance into cu●ubis ( the place of his banishment ) it was revealed unto him in a vision ( whereof he had divers , and attributed much unto them ) that upon that same day in the year following he should be consummate and crowned ; which accordingly fell out : for being by galerius maximus ( who succeeded paternus in the proconsulship ) recalled from his banishment , he according unto the imperial edict , abode a while in his own garden ; from whence , being certified that certain officers were sent to bring him unto vtica ( a famous town not far from carthage ) he withdrew for certain days , by the perswasion of his dearest friends , unto whom herein he consented , and , as himself saith , not without just cause ; for that it is meet a bishop should in that city wherein he is set over the lord's church , there confess the lord , and so make the whole people famous by the confession of their present overseer : for whatsoever in that moment of confession , the confessour bishop speaketh , god inspiring him , he speaks with the mouth of all . if it should be otherwise , the honour of our so glorious a church shall be maimed , &c. here therefore lying hid , we expect the coming of the proconsul , saith he , returning unto carthage , that we may hear what the emperour shall command , and speak what the lord shall give in that hour . accordingly there came suddenly ( upon the ides of september ) two apparitours to bring him before the new pròconsul galerius ; but being put off till the next day ( the lord so willing that he might dispose of the affairs of the church ) he was brought then into the court of judgment , where he received this sentence , that having been the standard bearer of his sect , and an enemy of the gods , and one that would still be an example unto his own , refusing to offer sacrifice , it is my pleasure , saith galerius , that he be beheaded . which sentence being passed , he was led away unto a certain place called sexti , about four miles ( six saith baronius ) from the city , a great multitude following him , and crying , let us die together with the holy bishop . being come unto the place , he submitted himself unto the stroke of the sword , by which his head being severed from his body , he changed this frail for an eternal life , being the first of the bishops of carthage that sealed the truth with his blood . he suffered under the emperours valerian and galerius , anno christi , . the carthaginians did so highly honour , and had him in such veneration , that they erected unto him a most magnificent temple , and kept a yearly festival in memory of him , which from his name they call cypriana : as mariners do also a certain storm that usually falls out about the same time . lactantius . § . lvcius caelius was his name , unto which his eloquence gained him the addition of lactantius , from his milky and smooth kind of speaking : as his country that of firmianus , being an italian by birth , ( not an african , as baronius and posseviue imagine , because he was the scholar of arnobius that was so ) of the province called picenum of old , but afterward by the lombards , marchia anconitana , from the chief town therein , ancona : as also marchia firmiana , from the strong town firmium , heretofore the head city of the piceni , which country is a part of the land of the church under the government of the popes of rome . some do contend that he was of the german race ; and that at this day there is a family not obscure among the germans , which , bearing the name of the firmiani , do boast themselves to be the posterity of lactantius : but the general consent of authors shews this to be but a vain conceit . he was at first the scholar of arnobius , professour of rhetorick at sicca in africa ; as also some time at rome , where lactantius heard him , and profited much in the study of eloquence ; who also instructed him in the christian religion , which it seems , he had embraced before he came into bythinia ; whither , under di●olesian the emperor , he was called , unto the city of nicomedia , wherein for some while he professed the art of rhetorick , whereof he had been a learner before . but being a latine in a greek city , his auditory grew thin , so that he was destitute of hearers : hereupon laying aside the work of teaching he betook him unto his pen and fell to writing ; being provoked unto , and put upon it by a couple of impure and foul-mouthed philosophers , who either of them had belched out their books , against both the religion and name of christians . he was at length in france made tutor unto crispus , the son of constantine the great ( and his great friend ) who committed him for his breeding unto the c●re of lactantius ; an evident argument both of his fame and faithfulness . § . he was a man of great learning , 〈◊〉 eruditione clarus ; abundanter 〈◊〉 , inqui● trithemius : a very grave author , saith hospinian ; one notably skilled 〈◊〉 the art of rhetorick , and in all philosophy ; having diligently perused the writings of all sorts of humane authors , as his books do sufficiently testifie in which he omitted almost ●one of any science , or profession , whose testimony he made not use of : and so excelled in ●loquence of speech , that therein he was judged to be superior even unto his master arnolius , who yet was of chief note among orators . he is for this cause often stiled orat●● disertissimus , the most eloquent and elegant lactantius , who among the latines especially added ornament unto christian doctrine ; the very top , and most eminent of the latine rhetoricians : & in divinis scripturis nobiliter institutus . his great abilities he notably improved for the publick good ; for though he were somewhat defective in the inward knowledg of divine mysteries , and far inferiour unto many others for his skill in delivering and confirming the doctrine of christianity ; yet was he a stout champion for the truth and gave good testimony of his zeal thereunto in opposing with all his might the adversaries thereof ; for which work he was excellently furnished , having such a dexterity herein , that he easily refuted and overcame them . vtinam , inquit hieronymus , tam nostra confirmare potuisset , quàm facilè aliena destruxit . for observing the christian religion to be destitute of those that should eloquently defend it , the opposers of it being such , i , saith he , undertook this task ; being grieved with the sacrilegious writings which they published ; and stirred up hereunto with their proud impiety , and conscience of the truth it self : that so with all the strength of my wit , i might reprove the accusers of righteousness : not that i might write against them , who might have been confounded in few words ; but that i might at once , by one assault , put to flight all those , who every where do , or have undertaken the same work . a most laudable enterprise , wherein as he manifested no small love unto the truth in attempting it , so did he manage it with no less dexterity ; for which he hath been deservedly famous in the church of christ unto this day : his challenge that he makes of all the heathen is remarkable . si qua , inquit , 〈◊〉 fiducia est vel in philosophiâ , vel in eloquentiâ , arment se , ac refellant haec nostra ; si possunt , congrediantur comminus , & singul● quaeque ; discutiant . decet cos suscipere defen●●onem deorum suorum , ne si nostra invaluerint , ut quotidie invalescunt , cum delubris 〈◊〉 , ac ludibriis deserantur . — procedant in medium pontifices , seu minores , seu maximi flemines , augures , item reges , sacrificuli , quique ; sunt sacerdotes & antistites religionum . convocent nos ad concionem , cohortentur nos ad suscipiendos cultus deorum , persuadeant multos esse , quorum numine ac providentiâ regantur ●●nia , ostendant origines , & initia sacrorum , ac deorum , quomodo sint mortalibus tradita , qui sons , quae ratio sit , explicent , proferant , quae ●●rces in cultu , quae poena in contempta maneat , quare ab hominibus se coli velint , quid illis , si beati sunt , humana pietas conferat . quae ●mnia , non asseveratione propriâ , ( nec enim ●●let quicquam mortalis hominis authoritas ) sed divinis aliquibus testimoniis confirment , ficuti nos facimus . — doccant isti hoc modo , si qua illis fiducia veritatis est , loquantur , audeant , inquam , disputare nobiscum aliquid ejusmodi , jam profecto ab aniculis , quas● con●emnunt , & à pueris nostratibus error illorum ac sultitia irridebitur , &c. § . of the books that he wrote , many have been devoured by time , which hath left scarce any thing of them remaining besides the names , of which i find mentioned , . his symposium or banquet , which he wrote in africa , while he was but a youth in the schools ; or ( say the centurists ) unto the youths of africa : and ( as trithemius hath it ) in hexameter verse . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or his journey from africa unto nicomedia , in hexameter verse : ( this shews him to have been also an excellent poet ) of which i conceive damasus is to be understood , ( if not rather of his epistles or of both ) who gives us an account of the number and nature of them ; thus : i confess unto you that those books of lactantius which you sent me of late , i therefore willingly do not read , because in them many epistles are extended unto the space of a thousand verses or lines , and they do rarely dispute of our doctrine : whence it comes to pass , both that their length begets a loathing in the reader , and , if any be short , they are more fit for the schools then for us , disputing of verse or meeter , of the situation of regions or countries , and philosophers . . his book , which he entituled grammaticus . . ad asclepiadem , lib. . apud trithemium , l. . . of persecution . . four books of epistles unto probus . . two books of epistles unto severus . . two books of epistles unto demetrian his auditor or scholar . all these ierom reckons up in his catalogue . he also make mentions of the eighth book of his epistles unto demetrian : so that it seems he wrote so many unto him : unless we may suppose , that all his epistles were gathered into one volume , which make up the number of eight books ; whereof the two last ( and so one of them , the eight ) were unto demetrian . . his book of paradise , in hexameter verse ; all these are lost and perished , none of them being now to be found . those that at this day are extant under his name , are these that follow , viz. . seven books of institutions , against the gentiles , which with an high and heroick spirit he wrote under constantine the great ; for so he himself speaks ; hoc opus , inquit , nunc nominis tui auspicio inchoabimus constantine imperator maxime . baronius calls them luculentissimos libros . that which occasioned the writing of them was the cunning and calumniating books , especially of two great enemies of christianity : the one whereof , professing himself a man of chief note among the philosophers , wrote three books against the christian name and religion ; whom baronius supposeth to be porphyrius , an apostate , who at this time excelled among the platonicks , and set forth bitter commentaries against the christians ; ( which then no other philosopher did . ) and therefore by cyril not unjustly stiled , the father of calumnies . the other , ( being of the number of the judges , and one that was the principal author of the persecution then raised against the christians , in the city of nicomedia and whole province of bithynia ) wrote two books not against the christians , lest he should seem enviously to inveigh against them ; but unto the christians , that he might be thought gently and with humanity to advise them : which books he intituled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : baronius thinks his name to be hierocles , a crafty fellow , concealing the wolf under the sheeps skin , that by his fallacious title he might ensnare the reader . to confute these , and to render the truth oppressed with reproaches , more illustrious and shining with her own beauty , lactantius undertook this noble task of writing his seven most excellent books of institutions . thus baronius . in annal . ad an . . § . ad . of which in general lactantius himself thus speaks . quanquam , inquit , tertullianus candem causam plenè peroraverit , in co libro , cui apologetico nomen est , tamen quoniam aliud est accusantibus respondere , quod in defensione aut negatione solâ positum est ; aliud instituere , quod nos facimus , in quo necesse est totius doctrine substantiam contineri ; non defugi hunc laborem , ut implerem materiam , quam cyprian●s non executus est in eâ oratione , quâ demetrianum , sicut ipse ait , oblatrantem atque ; obstrepentem veritati redarguere conatur . loctant . institut . lib. . cap. . the several books are entituled by these several names : . of false religion ; wherein he shews the religion of the gods to be false : after the proem , asserting providence , and that there is but one god , which he proves by the testimonies and authorities of the prophets , poets , philosophers , sibyls , and of apollo : also ( refuting the gentile gods and their religion in the general , and of the romans in particular ) he proveth that they were born at a certain time , lived most wickedly , and at length did undergo the law of all mortals . of this , and his book de opificio dei , chytraeus thus speaks ; prima pars operis , inquit , quae ethnicas idolomanias & philosophicas de deo & summo bono opiniones taxat , & liber de opifieio dei in structurâ corporis & animo humano , eruditus & lectu utilissimus est . . of the original of error , and that the religion of the gods is vain which he evinceth by divers arguments , shewing that the causes of all errors in this kind are these two . first , the defection of cham and the posterity of pious noah , from god. secondly , the cunning and craft of the devil . thirdly , of false wisdom ; wherein he demonstrate ; the vanity of philosophy and philosophers , instancing in the epicures , stoicks , pythagoreans and the rest , shewing how false their chief tenets and opinions be , and lastly that philosophy is not true wisdom . . of true wisdom ; which comprehends the doctrine of christ , his person , name , nativity , two natures , miracles and passion ; and afterward he declares the causes of heresies to be avarice , pride , ignorance of the scripture , and admiration of false prophets . . of justice : that 't is not to be found among the gentiles ; and that they are deceived , who think christians to be fools ; and that their sin is great and inexcusable ; who persecute the church pretending it to be for their good , viz. that they may bring them unto a right mind . . of true worship : which consists in this , that the mind of the worshipper be presented blameless unto god , discoursing at large of vertue and vice , as the ways leading unto heaven and hell ; and con●luding , that the best sacrifices which we can offer unto god are these two , integrity of mind , and the praise of his name . . of the divine reward , and the last judgment , the sum whereof he himself thus sets down ; the world , saith he , was made , that we might be born ; we are born that we may acknowledg god the creator of the world , and our selves ; we acknowledg him , that we may worship him ; we worship him , that we may obtain immortality , as the reward of our labors ; we receive the reward of immortality , that we may for ever serve , and be an eternal kingdom unto the most high god our father . . of the anger of god ; some philosophers denying it , he proves by nine several arguments that god is angry , and answers the objections to the contrary . he wrote this book unto donatus , and it is highly commended by ierom , who calls it a most fair or elegant book , which he wrote in a learned and and eloquent stile . . of the workmanship of god ; unto demetrian his auditor : a learned piece and most profitable to be read . it was written by him to this end , that by the wonderful structure of man , he might prove the providence of god : he therefore takes a view of , and looks into the several members of the body , and in them shews how great the power of divine providence is : withal removing the cavils of the epicures against it : and toward the end , discourseth of the soul for the same purpose . . an epitome of his institutions , which wants the beginning ; and is clearly , saith baptista ignatius , but a fragment : being a repetition of the chief heads of doctrine contained in that larger work . all these , saith bellarmine , are without controversie the works of lactantius . there are besides these ; certain poems that appear , and have been published unto the world under his name ; concerning which it is very questionable whether they be his or no : seeing , that neither ierom nor trithemius take any notice of them , nor did thomasius is he tells us , find them in any ancient ▪ copies . the titles of them are these following . . of the phoenix : they are not , saith thomasius , the verses of lactantius , but written by some most elegant poet , who yet , i believe , saith he , was not a christian : for he calls his phoenix the priest of the sun , and speaks of phoebus , as if he were in very deed a god . . of the day of the resurrection of the lord ; which for elegancy , is no way comparable unto the former ; whence it evidently appears that they are not of the same author and authority . thomasius saith , that he found them in the vaticane library among the works of the christian poet venantius fortunatus bishop of poictiers . and whereas in the ordinary editions the poem begins with this distich , salve festa dies . — by the authority of the vaticane copy , he placeth it twenty distichs off , immediately before that . mobilitas anni . — which from his copy he amends thus , nobilitas anni . — and in the pentameter , for stridula cuncta , he puts stridula puncta . and out of the same copy , he adds unto the poem , ten verses more then are usually found , both because they very well agree with it , and also because in the end of the poem be these numeral letters , cx . to make up which , those ten were to be added ; yea , i find an hundred and twelve verses of this poem , in the parisian edition of the poems of venantius . . of the passion of the lord ; of which poem thomasius tells us he could no where find any footsteps at all : and therefore unlikely to have lactantius for the author . yea the author both of this and the former is very doubtful , saith bellarmine , because some do deny them to be his ; though hereof we have no certain argument . his verses of christs passion , saith mr. perkins , are counterfeit , for they contradict all his true writings in these words , flecte genu lignumque crucis venerabile adora . perkins problem . for ( saith illiricus , in catalog . test . veritat . lib. . ) he vehemently inveigheth against images . . as for the arguments upon the several fables of ovids metamorphosis , and the annotations upon statius his thebais , by gesner and glareanus attributed unto lactantius , ( which they account most worthy to be read ) the diversity of the stile speaks them not to be his : they rather belong , saith po●sevine , unto luctatius placidus a grammarian . the commentaries upon thebais , saith gregorius gyraldus , are not of lactantius ; for in them many things almost word for word are taken out of servius the grammarian , who lived more then an age after firmianus : they are the work of one placidus lactantius , or ( as some learned men call him ) placidus lutatius : thus he . § . his stile is so accurate and polite , that he excelled all those of his time , ( vit omnium , inquit eusebius , suo tempore eloquentissimus ) and hath justly merited the name of the christian cicero ; coming nearest of any unto that prince of orators , in whom chiefly , the latine tongue was fully ripe and grown unto the highest pitch of all perfection . ierom therefore stiles him a certain river as it were of tullian , eloquence : and he that shall read his works , saith he , will find in them an epitome of cicero's dialogues . and as he followed his master arnobius , so did he , saith goddeschalcus stewchius , almost overtake him : for however arnobius might go before him in the strength of his arguments , and weight of things ; yet doth lactantius so recompence that in elegancy of speech , and gravity of sentences , that it is a hard matter to know which to prefer before other : the clearness and neatness of his language was wonderful ; being the most eloquent of all the christians ; his sound is plainly ciceronian ; to whom erasmus ascribes , faelicem facilitatem : fuit eloquentiae ciceronianae , inquit gyraldus , inter christianos praecipuus aemulator . § . there are to be found in his writings many grave sentences and excellent passages , that may be of great use unto the reader ; though in the doctrine of christianity he come short of many others ; his principal scope being the discovery and confutation of heathenish idolatry and superstition ; which he happily performed . non multum potest juvare lectorem , inquit chemnitius , tautùm enim fer● contra paganismum disputat . amongst divers things in him not unworthy of serious observation , take these that follow . . speaking unto those , who , having been accustomed unto polite orations or poems , pleasing and delightful to the ear , do therefore despise , as sordid , the plain and common language of the scripture : saith he , cannot god the former of the heart , speech and tongue , speak eloquently ? yea , but in his most wise providence he would have those things to want varnish , which are divine : that all might understand the things which he spake unto all . . again , to the same purpose ; the sacred scriptures , saith he , deliver things briefly and nakedly , neither indeed was it meet to be otherwise , as if when god would speak to men , he should assert his words with arguments , as if he were not to be believed ; but , as it became him , he spake as god himself , as the great judge of all things ; for whom , 't is not to argue , but to pronounce what is true . . of the mighty force and efficacy of the scriptures and christian religion , beyond all the rules of moral philosophy , to expel vice and plant in men all kind of vertue , he thus speaks . da mihi virum , qui sit iracundus : — give me , saith he , a man that is wrathful , foulmouthed , unruly , with a few words of gods book i will make him as gentle as a lamb ; give me one that is close fisted , covetous , greedy of money ; i will send him back unto thee liberal , bountifully distributing his money with his own hands . give me one that is fearful of torment and death ; he shall soon despise crosses , and fires , and phalaris his bull. give me a le●her , an adulterer , a haunter of brothel-houses ; you shall see him sober , continent . give me one that is cruelly disposed and blood-thirsty ; that fury of his shall be changed into true clemency . give me one who is unjust , unwise , a sinner , he quickly shall be just , wise , upright . so great is the power of divine wisdom , that being infused into the brest of a man , doth at one assault expel folly , the mother of vices . — hath any one of the philosophers either performed these things , or can he , if he will ? who when they have worn out all their time in the study of philosophy , can make neither any other , nor themselves better , if nature a little withstand . therefore their wisdom when it hath done its utmost , doth not abolish , but hide vices . whereas a● few precepts of god do change the whole man , and , the old being put off , do make him new , that you cannot know him to be the same . . of the church : thus . the church , saith he ▪ is the true temple of god , which consisteth not in walls , but in the hearts and faith of men , who believe on him , and are called faithful or believers . . again , that only is the catholick church , which retains the true worship of god. this is the fountain of verity , this is houshold of faith , this is the temple of god , into which who so shall not enter , or from which , who so shall depart , he is an alien from the hope of eternal life and salvation . — and because every company of hereticks , do think that they chiefly are christians , and theirs to be the catholick church ; we are to know , that that is the true ; wherein is religion , confession and repentance , which wholsomly cures the sins and wounds unto which the frailty of the flesh is subject . . of repentance thus ; he that repents of his deed , understands his former error : wherefore , the greeks do better and more significantly call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then we latines can call it resipiscentiam . for he repents , and , as it were , recovers his mind from madness , who grieveth for his error , and corrects himself for his folly , and confirms his mind to live more uprightly , being most wary of this , that he be not again drawn into the same snares . . again , the conscience of sin and fear of punishment , makes a man the more religious : and always faith is by much more firm , which repentance resettles or puts again in its place . . he sets down the sum of the law , referring it unto two heads , after this manner . the first head or chief point of the law is to know god and to obey and worship him alone : or , the first duty or point of righteousness is to be in conjunction or communion with god : the second with man : the former is called religion : the other is named , mercy or humanity . — wherefore the principal bond of men among themselves , is humanity , the which , whosoever shall break asunder , is to be accounted a wretch and a parricide . for if we all have our original from one man , whom god formed , surely , we are of kin and of the same blood ; and therefore is it the greatest crime to hate a man , even an enemy : for which cause god hath commanded that we should never bear enmity toward any , but always take it away , to wit , that we should pacifie those who are enemies unto us , by admonishing them of the alliance that is between us . . god , saith he , is not to be worshipped with offerings and much blood ; but with a pure mind and honest purpose . temples are not to be builded unto him with stones heaped together on high ; but to be hallowed by every one in his own brest . if any one think that garments and gems and other things which are had in esteem , are dear to god , he plainly knows not what god is ; who thinks that he takes pleasure in those things , which , if even a man contemn , he shall be justly praised . what therefore is pure , what worthy of god ? but that which he himself in his divine law requireth . two things there are which ought to be offered ; a gift and a sacrifice : the gift is integrity of mind ; the sacrifice , praise and thanksgiving . . there is no man so rude and of such barbarous manners , but , when he lifts up his eyes unto heaven , albeit he know not by the providence of what god this universe , which he beholds , is governed , yet doth he understand that there is one , by the very vastness , motion , order , constancy , utility , beauty and temperament of thing : and that it cannot be , but that that which consisteth in such an admirable manner , is guided by some greater counsel . § . these and many other the like useful passages are to be found in his writings : though yet for the chief points of religion he handles them but very slenderly , and not so plainly as he should : for there is not a clear sentence concerning faith , the benefits of the son of god , or of any other necessary part of the doctrine of christianity to be met with in lactantius throughout : he being for the most part imployed in refuting the false opinions of the gentiles ; which is the ground of that speech of chemnitius , that lactantius cannot much advantage his reader . many points of religion he but toucheth only , and the most he understood not : so likewise speaks chytraeus of him ; doctrinam evangelii propriam , de beneficiis christi , & de fide parùm intellexit . whence it comes to pass that his errors were neither few nor small ; speaking of the weightiest doctrines very unfitly and improperly ; though perhaps in some of them ( as osiander charitably conceives ) he thought better , and was more sound in his judgment . his errors were such as these . . concerning god , his expression is very unmeet and dangerous , viz. that god made himself , yet may his meaning be that god had his being of himself ; for so : lib. . . 't is god alone who is not made ; — he is of himself , as we said : lib. . and therefore is such as he would himself to be , viz. impassible , immutable , uncorrupt , blessed , eternal . . he so speaks of christ , say the centuturists , that a man may well say , he never rightly understood either the person or office of the son of son of god. as where he saith ; that god did produce a spirit like himself , who should be endued with the vertues of god his father . also , the commands of his father he faithfully observed : for he taught , that god is one , and that he alone ought to be worshipped ; neither did he ever say that himself was god ; for he should not have been faithful , if , being sent to take away the gods , and to assert one , should have brought in another beside ( that ) one . these and such like words he hath , that do not a little smell of arianism . indeed , he in this particular doth not express himself so warily as he ought ; which hath occasioned such suspicions of him ; but yet however , that in his judgment he neither denied nor doubted of the deity or eternity of christ , seems clear from divers other places , where in so many words he acknowledgeth both ; as , where he calls him the word of god ; & , ( inquit ) meritò sermo & verbum dei dicitur , qui procedentem de ore suo vocalem spiritum , quem non utero sed mente conceperat , inexcogitabili quadam majestatis suae virtute , ad effigiem , quae proprio sensu , ac sapientiâ vigeat , comprehendit , & alios item spiritus in angelos ●●guraverit . also , if any wonder that god should be generated of god , prolatione vocis 〈◊〉 spiritus ; when once he shall know the sacred voices of the prophet , he will certainly cease to wonder . again , he saith , that the jews condemned their god. lastly , sicut ●ater , inquit , sine exemplo genuit authorem suum ; sic ineffabiliter pater genuisse credendus est coaeternum . de matre natus est , qui ante jam fuit ; de patre , qui aliquando non fuit . hoc fides credat , intelligentia non requirat , ne ●ut non inventum putet incredibile , aut reper●um non credat singulare . if therefore in some places he seem to deliver that which savors too much of arius , or speak not so clearly of christ as he should ; thomasius , that diligent peruser of him , who compared divers copies together , is of the mind , that there his books are by some arian corrupted ; giving sundry instances herein . . he unadvisedly saith , that christ after his resurrection went into galilee , because he would not shew himself unto the jews , lest he should bring them unto repentance , and save those wicked men . . he is silent concerning the priestly office of christ , mentioning no other ends of his incarnation or coming , and passion , but only to reveal and make known unto men the mysteries of religion , and to give them an example of vertue . . he knew nothing at all of the holy ghost ; and makes little or no mention of him in his books now extant . or , if he knew any thing , ierom acquaints us what his apprehensions of him were ; in his books , saith he , and especially in his epistles unto demetrian , he denies the substance of the holy ghost , saying , according to the error of the jews , that he is referred either unto the father , or the son ; and that the sanctification of either person , is demonstrated under his name . so that , what ierom spake of origen , may not unfitly be applied unto him also , viz. that his opinion of the son was bad , but concerning the holy ghost was worse . . he conceited , that the angels were given unto men to be their guardians , lest they should be destroyed by the devil , unto whom at first the power of the earth was given . and that those guardian angel , being allured to accompany with women were for this their sin cast down from heaven ; and so of the angels of god , became the ministers of the devil . . also , that god created an infinite number of souls , which he afterward put into frail and weak bodies that being in the midst between good and evil , and vertue being propounded unto man consisting of both natures , he might not with ease and delicacy obtain immortality , but with great difficulty and labor get the reward of eternal life . . he speaks nothing of the righteousness of faith ; but that salvation is merited by good works ; and that if a man serve not the earth , which he ought to tread underfoot , he shall merit everlasting life . cum lib. . & . ( inquit chytraeus ) orationem de justitiâ christiana ex professo instituerit , tamen de philosophies tantum sen legis justitia disputat & justitiae ●●dei , quae evangelii propriâ est , nullam ferè mentionem facit . . of prayer , saith he , as often as a man asks , he is to believe that he is tempted of god , whether he be worthy to be heard : of pardon of sin thus , that god vouchsafes it unto them that sin ignorantly , but not unto them that sin of knowledge and wittingly . also that a man may be without sin , which yet he contradicts within a few lines after . . he hath many superstitious things concerning the virtue of the sign of the cross , viz. that it is terrible unto the devils , qui adjurati per christum , de corporibus quae obsederint , fugiunt . nam sicut christus ipse daemonas verbo fugabas , ita nunc sectatores ejus eosdem , spiritus inquinatos de hominibus et nomine magistri sui et signo passionis excludunt . cujus rei non difficilis est probatio , nam ●um diis s●is immolant , si assistat aliquis signatam fronte gereus , sacra nullo modo litant , nec responsa potest consultus reddere vates . . he thinks it unlawful for a righteous man to go to war , or to accuse any one of a capital crime , because murther is forbidden . . he denyed that there were any antipodes , and that with much earnestness and confidence , bestowing a whole chapter upon the maintainance of so evident a mistake , in shewing the original , and ( as he conceived ) the absurdity of the antipodian opinion , and confuting it : wondring at the folly of those that held it . what shall we think , saith he , of them who give out that there are antipodes walking opposite unto us ? do they speak any thing to the purpose ? or are there any so stupid as to believe , that there are men whose feet are higher than their heads , or that those things there do hang which with us do lye on the ground ? that the plants and trees spring downward , that the snow and rain and hail fall upward upon the earth ? and need any man marvel that hanging gardens are accounted in the number of the seven wonders of the world , since the philosophers have made both fields and seas , cities and mountains all hanging ? — what to say of these i know not , who having once erred do constantly persist in their folly , and with vain defend vain things , only sometimes i think that they play the philosophers in jest , or wittingly and knowingly undertake to defend falshood , to exercise , as it were , and shew their wit in things that are evil . strange ignorance that accounts so palpable a truth so gross an error , yet herein was lactantius outgone by zachary bishop of rome , ( oh the infallibility of that chair ! ) who condemned one vigilius bishop of saltzburg as an heretick , only for holding that there were antipodes . . that the souls of all men are detained in one common prison , until the coming of the great judge . . he hath fond conceits of the coming of a great prophet immediately before the end of the world , who shall convert men unto god , and work strange miracles ; unto whom he applies those passages concerning the two witnesses , me●tioned in revel . cap. . . he is a millenary , asserteth two resurrections , and largely discourseth of the reign of the saints upon earth after the first , for the space of a thousand years , and what should fall out during that time . after this ( saith he ) shall be the last judgment , in which not all shall be judged , ( the wicked being condemned already ) but only those who know god , at what time their good works shall be weighed with their bad , and if the good do over ballance the bad they shall go into life , if otherwise they shall be condemned . a gross error and cross to plain scriptures . . he thus speaks of the last judgment , when ( saith he ) the lord shall judge the righteous , he shall prove or try them by fire , ( he seems to allude unto , cor. . . ) then they whose sins shall prevail either in weight or number shall be burnt , but those whom righteousness and maturity of virtue shall have fully concocted , shall not feel that fire : for they have somewhat that repels the force of the flame , &c. these and other the like unsound passages are scattered up and down in the writings of lactantius , who is therefore to be read with much caution , ( apud lactantium inquit hyperius , invenies plura quae sapientem lectorem desiderant . ) he made too much of philosophy , ( as did also other of the ancients ) chiefly that of plato , and too closely followed origen , which was the cause why in so many things , he swerved and wandred from the truth , and was so great a stranger unto it : retinuit tamen hactenus ( inquit bullingerus ) suam gloriam in ecclesiâ christi . § . as concerning his death , i find no mention at all in history , where , or after what manner he ended his life . that he lived unto a great age , may be gathered from what ierom writes of him , that in his extreme old age , he was in france , schoolmaster unto crispus the son of constantine the great , where therefore it is most likely he might end his days : but withal he was reduced to such poverty and want , ( which is somewhat strange being a man of such worth and so greatly favoured by that good emperour ) that for the most part he lacked even necessaries for his subsistence . athanasius . § . he was born at alexandria , of vetuous and godly parents , and their only son : from his very childhood he gave good evidences of his towardliness and inclination unto piety and spiritual things . one thing especially as very remarkable , and presaging his future dignity and employment , is recorded by most historians concerning him , and it is this : he with his play fellows in their childish sports , imitating those things that were done in the church , was chosen by the rest for their bishop : who acting his part accordingly , baptized some of the boys , that had not been baptized before , according unto the due form of interrogatories and answers usually preceding baptism ; giving them afterwards divers exhortations and admonitions . all which , alexander , then bishop of that place , passing by at a distance beheld , and understanding by examining them how he had proceeded , concluded with his presbyters , that what was done , though in childish simplicity , was valid , and that those children ought not again to be baptized . alexander being moved herewith , and having sent for his parents , earnestly besought and charged them that he should be carefully trained up in piety and learning for the service of the church : which accordingly they diligently performed , delivering him unto a certain notary , who instructed him in the grammar : after which he spent some small time in the study of the liberal arts ; lest he should seem to be altogether ignorant in this regard ; which having lightly tasted and passed thorow , he is , as another samuel , by his parents according to their promise presented unto the bishop : with him , being taken into his care and tuition , he applies himself wholly unto the study of divinity , most diligently perusing and meditating in the holy scriptures of the old and new testament , by which means he became deeply insighted into them : hereunto he added also the study of the law , wherein he attained unto so much skill , that sulpitius severus speaking of him , gives him the title of iurisconsultus or a lawyer . for a while he lived with the bishop as his amanuensis or scribe , who afterward promoted him unto the office of a deacon , and from thence unto the rest of the sacred orders ; all which he passed through , behaving himself in an admirable manner . the council of nice , ( so famous even unto this day , of which athanasius thus speaks ; nulla ( inquit ) est in catholicâ ecclesiâ synodus existimanda preter unicam nicaenam , quae omnium haersi●v profligatarum ac imprinius arianae trophaeum habenda est . and binnius thus : patrum hujus consilii autoritas erat orthodoxae fidei clypeus , impiorum terror ac luctus , ecclesiarum nexus & quies . ) this council , i say , being called by the emperor constantine the great , alexander bishop of alexandria going thither , takes along with him young athanasius , who was present not only as a spectator , but an assistant unto the bishop , now grown aged , helping him much in refuting the subtile sophisms of the adversaries : wherein he gave a notable experiment of his learning and piety , which much endeared him unto the orthodox , but made him from that time no less envyed and hated by the arian hereticks . alexander survived this council but a little while , not above the space of five months : when he was upon his death bed , he would often call for athanasius , who purposely absented himself , being unwilling to undertake the charge of that church , which yet the old bishop had designed him unto , using such like words as these ; athanasius , thou thinkest to escape , but thou shalt not : meaning hereby both the bishoprick , and also the many and great conflicts that he should undergo : which were such , that an historian applies unto him those words of christ unto paul ; i will shew him how great things be must suffer for my names sake . alexander dying , athanasius is by the general vote chosen bishop in his room ; being then about four and twenty years of age , so great was his proficiency in whatever qualifications were requisite for that office. this his election by an universal consent , is testified by the church of alexandria in these words . we with the whole city and province do testifie , that the whole multitude and people of the catholick church , being met together , and , as but of one body and soul , did with clamors and cries require that athanasius might be given us for the bishop of this church ; and that with publick prayers they desired this of christ ; which that we the clergy would do , they earnestly besought us night and day , themselves in the mean time not departing from the church , nor permitting us to depart . whence it evidently appears how great the inclination of them all was unto him , and how honorable an opinion they had of him . he no sooner undertook this weighty charge , but forthwith he applied himself diligently , ( and made it his main work ) to illustrate the truth , to assert and vindicate the doctrine of the eternal deity of the son of god , and to reduce those into the right way again , who had been led astray , being infected with the arian heresie : for which reason , that faction ( conceiving that their cause could not thrive and prosper , while it had such an adversary in so eminent a place & dignity ) became his implacable enemies , still contriving mischief against him , and endeavouring his disturbance by multiplied calumnies , and false accusations : so that , ejus annorum quadraginta sex episcopatus perpetua fuit persecutio , ( inquit espencaeus ) exilium propè irremissum , fuga frequens , & latitatio diuturna . the truth here of may be seen in the following passages of his life . his chief adversary was eusebius bishop of nicomedia , who with his complices many ways assailed him , as , . they cavilled at , and found fault with his election , as undue ; but that came to nought . . they traduced him unto the emperor constantine the great , as one that caused divisions and distractions in the church , and hindered concord : the ground whereof was , his refusing to receive the heretick arius ( a presbyter of alexandriae ) into communion , whose return from banishment had been procured by a certain presbyter about the emperor , upon his fained submission and consent unto the nicene faith . hereupon the emperor , ( giving too much credit unto the party of eusebius ) wrote menacing letters unto athanasius , threatning to remove him from his place in case he should persist to refuse arius : but he by his letters , gave full satisfaction unto the emperor ; shewing that such an heretick having been proscribed and justly excommunicated by so famous a council , ought not to be received again , but upon his repentance manifested , and by the publick consent of the pious . this not succeeding , his adversaries . . proceeded to accuse him as a fomenter of sedition aiding with mony one philumenus , who enterprised somwhat against the emperor . but he , coming unto constantinople , cleared himself , and made his innocence so to appear , that the emperor not only acquitted him from all suspicion of the crime objected unto him , but also honorably sent him back unto alexandria , with letters of high commendation . being thus disappointed , his restless enemies ceased not to charge him with more heinous crimes , unto which he made his answer in the synod of tyre consisting of sixty bishops , who were convened for the consecration of a magnificent temple which the emperor had built at hierusalem : of which binnius thus speaks : conciliabulum ( inquit ) & malignantium conventus ; ad quod convocati sunt episcopi duntaxat illi , quos eusebius & eusebiani nefarii haeresiarchae advocandos persuaserunt . the bishops being assembled , athanasius is . accused before them , by an impudent harlot ( whom the arians had suborned ) to have vitiated and abused her . but timotheus , a worthy presbyter , speaking unto her , as if he had been athanasius ; did i ever , saith he , enter into thine house , or had any thing to do with thee ? unto whom she pointing at timotheus with her finger , thus replyeth with much eagerness ; thou , thou art he that hast abused me , and dispoiled me of my chastity ; by which means the fraud being thus discovered , those of the conspiracy were surprised with shame , yet not desisting ; . they proceed to charg him with the murther of one arsenius , ( whom they had conveyed away and hidden ) sometime a reader , or , as some , a deacon in the church of alexandria ; producing and shewing forth the arm of a man , which they pretended to be his , and to have been cut off and kept by athanasius for some magick uses . upon the sight whereof there was a great cry among them against athanasius for so abominable a fact . but silence being made athanasius demanded , whether any one there present had known arsenius ? unto which some answering affirmatively he hereupon brings forth arsenius ( who had the day before come voluntarily unto tyre , and shewed himself unto athanasius ) and presents him before the council sound and having both his arms : whereat the conspirators were so abashed and consounded , that they knew not what to say , only they cried out , that he was a magician , and deluded the eyes of the beholders . unto all which they yet add , . that macarius a presbyter of alexandria being sent unto mareotis to forbid one isehyras or ischarion , ( who usurped the office of a minister ) to officiate or administer the holy things : he by the command of athanasius ( as they suggested ) had overturned the holy table broken the chalice , and burned certain books ; but the falshood hereof was soon made apparent ; for ischyras repenting , publickly confessed that he had slandered him , being suborned by the meletions , and enforced so to do : ( these meleti●●s , so called from meletius a certain aegyptian bishop were in this conspiracy confederates with the arians . ) hereat being greatly enraged , they would have offered violence unto athanasius , which to avoid , he went out of the synod , and betook him unto the emperor . being gone , they sentenced him , ●s guilty of the crimes laid to his charge , to be deposed from his bishoprick ; writing letters unto the bishops every where not to communicate or have any commerce with him . the famous confessor paphnutius bishop of the upper thebais , being now present in this synod , and perceiving that they purposed to proceed against athanasius , taking maximus bishop of hierusalem by the hand ; arise , saith he unto him , and let us depart hence , for it is not meet that we who have had our eyes put out for the word of truth , should partake with these wicked men , in their violent proceeding against the defenders of true piety . the emperor understanding what had passed , was much incensed against those bishops , and by his letters sharply reprehended them for what they had done , requiring them to appear before him at constantinople : whither being come , they waving all former accusations , instil into the emperors ears , another foul slander against athanasius , viz. that he had threatned to hinder the transportation of corn ( as was wont ) from egypt unto constantinople : which begat in the emperor such indignation against the bishop , that without hearing he banished him into france unto the city of triers ( galliarum metropolis , inquit athanasius ; treviris , ad mosel●ae r●ipam , olim ( inquie victorius ) insignis galliae , nunc germaniae imperialis urbs ) then belonging unto that kingdom , but since unto germany being now the seat of one of the ecclesiastical electors : although some conceive , that the emperor did this for the safety of athanasius , and in hope , that hereupon peace and unity among the bishops would ensue . arius upon the banishment of athanasius , entring again into alexandria , occasions new tumults there , which when the emperour understood , he sendeth for him unto constantinople , requiring him by subscription to testifie his ●onsent unto the nicen faith : this he doth ●ignedly . hereupon the emperour requires alexander bishop of constantinople , to receive ●im into communion : who all night long by ●arnest prayer beseecheth the lord either to ●ake him out of this life , or else to take away 〈◊〉 , lest by him this church should be in●icted with his heresie . arius , the next day ●oming with a great company toward the church , in the way turns aside to ease himself , which while he was doing he burst asunder in the midst like another iudas , so that ●is bowels came out , and dyed ignominiously ●n the place , whom the eusebians with shame ●nough took thence and buried him . so pre●●lent were the prayers of the good bishop alexander . shortly after this dyeth the emperour con●●nti●e the great , leaving the empire unto his three sons , viz. unto constantius the east , and the west unto the other two , constans and constantine . before his death he had a purpose to recal athanasius from his banishment , 〈◊〉 being prevented he commits the doing ●ereof unto his son constantine , which he accordingly performed , sending him back with letters recommendatory unto the church of alexandria , unto which he returned after he had been about two years and four months in exile . but he held not his government quietly above three years , for ( returning without out common consent , and the decree of the bishops ) he was by the arians accused unto constantius ( infected with , and a great favourer of that heresie ) and thereupon by the synod of antioch , ( wherein the arian faction prevailed ) consisting of ninety bishops , again deposed and one gregory set up in his room . athanasius now finding it not safe for him to continue in alexandria , fled unto iulius bishop of rome ; who assembling the western bishops , sends him back with letters testimonial , and pressing his restitution : but upon his return unto alexandria , a great tumult being raised by the arians wherein some were slain , the blame hereof is cast upon athanasius , and this seconded with other calumnies : which so enraged the emperour constantius against him , that he sent one cyrianus a captain with many soldiers to apprehend him : withal , by his edicts he required all his officers to make diligent search for him , promising rewards unto any that should bring him alive , or else his head unto the emperour . hereupon he is for●ed to hide himself ; which for sometime he did in a certain well or cave which was known unto none , save only to one of his familar friends , who sent him necessaries by a servant who at length discovered him : but athanasius having timely notice hereof , the same night wherein he should have been apprehended , betook him unto another place . yet finding it not safe for him to remain in the dominions of constantius , he fled into the west unto the emperour constance , who very honourably received him . unto whom he makes a very sad complaint of the injuries offered him by the arians , earnestly desiring him that a synod might be called for the discussing of his cause . the emperour hearkning unto him , obtains of his brother that an universal council both of the east and western bishops , should be convened at sardica in illiricum : of which , binuius thus ; concilium sardicense , ( inquit ) 〈◊〉 nicaeni appendix , et a multis nicaeni nomine umprehenditur . sculte●us stiles it , pa●em ni●enae synodo . where being assembled , the eastern bishops required , that athanasius and his sautors should he removed from the council : which being denied as unjust , the eastern bishops withdrew , and instituted an an●●synod at philopolis in thrace , wherein the decrees of the council of tyre against athanasius were confirmed , the doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concluded and agreed on , and iulius bishop of rome , hosius of corduba , maximinus of ●riers , and divers others for receiving atha●asius unto communion , were deprived of their bishopricks . what was the issue of these cross councils , appears in the following words . ex contrariis decretis harum synodorum ortum est ●tron et diuturnum schisma inter orientales et occidentales ecclesias , quod ante gratianum et theodosium imperatores non desiit , ita ut invicem ●●n communicarent . for on the contrary , the council of sardica , having heard athanasius clearing his innocency , received him unto communion , condemning his accusers : withal they confirm'd the 〈…〉 council , and decreed , that such as defended the contrary thereunto , should not only be deprived of their bishopricks , but also excluded from the society and communion of the faithful . constantius , notwithstanding the decree of this council of sardica , for the restitution of athanasius unto his bishoprick , refuseth to admit of him : hereupon his brother ; the emperour constans writes him a short , but sharp letter , threatning that if he should still persist to oppose and hinder the return of athanasius , he himself would come with an army , and whether he would or no , restore him again unto his place . this so far prevailed , that constantius yields , and again and again invites doubtful and delaying athanasius to return , by divers letters written unto him , who at length hearkens and returns accordingly . the emperour meeting with him at antioch , gently entreats and confers with him , permitting him with safety to go unto alexandria ; withal promising to admit of no more accusations against him , and by his letters ●ommended him unto the church of alexandria for his singular piety , exhorting them with all respect to receive him : but before his departure from him , he told him , that the bishops desired one thing of him , namely , that he would grant one church in alexandria unto those that dissented from , and could not joyn in communion with him . i am content ( quoth he ) so to do upon this condition , that the arians will vouchsafe one church unto the orthodox in the city of antioch , which the emperour inclined unto as reasonable , but the arians were altogether averse from it . athanasius , in his way to alexandria , coming unto hierusalem , prevails with maxi●●s then bishop of that place , to call a synod of the bishops of the neighbouring countries ; wherein they approved of his restitution , and also by their letters signified unto the bishops of aegypt and africa , their joyning in communion with him . coming unto alexandria , he is received with exceeding great joy and festivity , as it were in a kind of triumph , where he continued about the space of five years ; viz. unto the death of constance the defender of the orthodox . upon his decease , ( the inconstant constan●●us being sole emperour ) the arians again with might and main fall upon athanasius ; perswading the emperour that he made continual stirs throughout egypt and lybia , that in his journey he had ordained bishops and presbyters without his jurisdiction , and that he had been the author of dissention , between the emperour and his brother . the ciedulous emperour so far hearkens unto these accusations , that he abolisheth the decrees of the council of sardica , and commands that those bishops should be deprived and removed from their churches , whom that synod had restored : amongst these , athanasius was the chief , who by an order obtained from the emperour was to be dispatched and slain : for which end a captain that was sent with five thousand soldiers , begirts and enters the church , where by night athanasius and the people were assembled together . but he in a wonderful manner escapes , passing out among the rest undiscerned by the soldiers , and flying into the desert of lybia , he abode there until the death of constantius , being about ten years ; yet sometimes coming unto alexandria to confirm the church : though as some report , he lay hid all this time in alexandria , in the house of a sacred virgin. during the reign of constantius , divers councils of the eastern and western bishops were convened ; as at antioch , sardica , sirmium , millain , ariminum , and seleucia : chiefly intended for the promoting of the arian heresie , and against the faith of the nicene council : which yet succeeded not accordingly , the eastern being still stoutly opposed by the western bishops . in which time also nine several forms or confessions of faith were framed , all differing from that of nice : an evident argument of the distracted condition and state that then the churches were in . upon the departure or withdrawing of athanasius , george of cappadacia , a violent arian enters , and like a wolf in a furious madness makes havock of the church , exercising great cruelties and inflicting grievous tortures upon the orthodox : who yet ( saith billius ) was by the arians removed , because he shewed not himself so diligent in maintaining and propagating their doctrine , as they expected . but iulian the apostate succeeding constantius in the empire , ( who upon his death-bed bewailed these three things especially : . that he had a hand in murthering his kindred . . that he had changed the form of the nicene faith. . that he had named iulian for his successor . ) in the beginning of his reign restoreth those bishops unto their places again , whom constantius had removed : which he did not out of any love unto religion , but to impair the fame of constantius , and out of a hope he had , that by their dissentions christianity would suffer and be shaken : amongst the rest athanasius returns again unto alexandria . not long after this , the magicians and sorceters urging and crying out , that nothing could be done by their arts , until athanasius , the great obstacle , were taken out of the way , iulian not only banished but also commanded that he should be slain : hereupon , being about to take ship to shun the danger , and the people of alexandria standing weeping about him ; saith he unto them , be not troubled my children , nubecula est citò transitura : 't is but a little cloud , and it will soon pass away : which fell out accordingly . flying up the river nilus and being closely pursued by some that were sent to apprehend him , those that were with him being greatly afraid , perswaded him in this exigent speedily to get into the desert for his safety : why are you so much troubled , quoth he : let us rather go to meet them , that they may know he is greater that defends us , than they that do pursue us . hereupon they direct their course accordingly , and coming near them ( little suspecting any such matter ) the pursuers asked them if they had heard where athanasius was ? who answered , that they had lately seen him passing not far from thence . they followed him therefore as they thought with all the speed they could make , but all in vain , for by this means athanasius escaped their hands and came safe unto alexandria , where he lay hid until the death of iulian , who was shortly after slain in a battel against the persians , having reigned only one year and eight months . in his room iovinianus is by the army chosen emperour , a most pious , prince , who reduced from banishment the orthodox bishops : among whom for his singular virtues he much admired athanasius , and had him in great esteem , conferring and advising with him about matters of faith , and the right ordering of the churches : under whom they were like to have been in a very flourishing and happy condition , had not the shortness of his government prevented it , which the space of eight months put a period unto . after him followed valentinian , who associated with him in the government of the empire , his brother valens : these dividing it between them , valentinian had the west , and valens the east for his dominion . this valens did greatly favour the arian faction , in so much as he began to persecute the orthodox , especially athanasius , ( their great eye-fore ) sending an officer by force to expel him out of alexandria : athanasius fearing what might ensue hereof , and that stirs and tumults might be raised by the common people , hid himself for about the space of four months in his fathers monument : the citizens nevertheless grew so seditious , that to appease and satisfie them , valens , though unwilling , was fain to permit athanasius quietly to enjoy his bishoprick : which he did ( and the church of alexandria peace ) unto the end of his days . the narration of whose life and sufferings , let me conclude in the words of osiander . non volui in recitandâ tanti viri ▪ plusquam martyris historia esse brevior , quia nihil vidi , quod rectè omitti posset . § . he was a man of such transcendent worth and every way so excelled , that he was had in very high esteem and much admired by all the lovers of piety and sound doctrine : as appears by the honourable titles given unto him by divers eminent persons among the ancients . i saw ( saith the emperour constantine the great , in an epistle unto the alexandriaus , ) your bishop athanasius with delight , and so spake unto him as one whom i believed to be a man of god. nazianzen stiles him the great trumpet of truth , a principal pillar of the church , the eye of the world , that second light , and ( if we may use the word ) forerunner of christ , whom praising i shall praise virtue it self , for in him all virtues meet . basil hath recourse unto him , v●lut ad universorum apicem , quo consultore ac duce actionum ●●eretur . a most faithful master ( saith vincentius lyrinensis ) and a most eminent confessor . an illustrious and famous man ( saith cyril of alexandria ) and in the council of nice , one that was had in admiration of all : ( though then but young . ) theodoret calls him the most shining light of the church of alexandria , who was among the bishops thereof , as an orient pearl , most conspicuous , one most approved in the judgment of all ecclesiastical men , saith vigilius : a profound , and every way absolute divine ; in so much as he acquired , and accordingly is commonly known by the name of athanasius the great . he was for his natural parts more then ordinary , being of a strong and excellent wit , as also of a sharp and piercing judgment ; which he cultured and improved by the study of the liberal arts , and other humane learning ; wherein he attained unto a competent measure of skill , although he spent but a small time in them : for he chiefly intended things of an higher nature , applying himself unto diligent meditation in the scriptures , viz. all the books both of the old and new testament ; by which means he so increased in the riches , not only of knowledge and divine contemplation , but also of an egregious and shining conversation , ( both which he happily joyned together ; being vir sanctitatis & eruditionis eximiae ) as no man more : so that in learning he went beyond those that were famous for their learning , and in action the most apt for action : his life and manners were a rule for bishops , and his doctrines were accounted as the law of the orthodox faith : a man of great ability to oppose error and to defend the truth . he was adorned with all sorts of vertues ; of such gentleness , that the way was open and easie for all to converse with him ; free from anger and passion ; and very propense unto pity and commiseration ; withal of most heroick magnanimity ( inkindled in his brest by the holy ghost ) to bear any adversity , and of such invincible courage , that he could not be broken with any blows of persecution : his speech was pleasant , but his manners more ; of an angelical face ; yet in his mind more angelical ; he was indeed an exact picture of vertue , and pattern for bishops ; his skill was great in the management of the affairs of the church , and an admirable dexterity he had in the composing of differences and distempers , ( unto which his authority conduced much , and was of great advantage ) as appears by the addresses that basil made unto him , earnestly imploring his aid : who stiles him their only comfort against those evils , and one ordained by god in the churches to be the physician for the curing of their maladies ; for which work he was abundantly furnished . in a word , he was as a maul or hammer unto the hereticks ( semper arianis velut murus obstitit ( inquit sulpitius severus ) hereticorum nugis ( inquit cyrillus alexandrinus ) inexpugnabili quadam & apostolicâ prudentiâ restitit . ) as an adamant unto his persecutors , and as a loadstone unto such as dissented from him , drawing them unto the truth . § . his works declare him to have been indefatigably industrious , being very many , penè infinita , almost infinite , ( saith trithemius : ) some whereof are generally held to be his , and by the stile are discovered so to be : for they are destitute of those rhetorical flourishes , so frequently to be found in nazianzen , as also of those philosophical speculations in the works of basil : which yet ( had he made use of them ) would have rendred his writings more sweet and succulent : but some of these arts he shunned as diligently , as he did heretical opinions ; and others of them he useth very sparingly . netheless his labors were had in very great esteem , as may be gathered from the words of cyril who thus speaks of them ; quasi fragrantissimo ( inquit ) quodam ungnento , ipsum coelum scriptis suis exhil●ravit . and the abbot cosmas intimates his apprehensions of their worth in these words ; when , saith he , thou lightest on any of the works of athanasius , and hast not paper to write on , write it on thy garments . but , as many are genuine , so some under his name are dubious and questionable ; and others forged and supposititious . an injury which the best authors have not escaped , unto whom many books have been ascribed , which were not theirs ; but to none more then unto athanasius ; vt , inquit nannius , fertilissimis agris multa zizania una cum optimis frugibus nascuntur ; ita optimb cuique autori plurimi falsi & notbi libri adscribuntur ; nulli au●em plures quàm athanasio . indeed as they are now extant , scarce the one half do belong unto him ; which erasmus meeting with , he cast them away with indignation , and being full of them , cried out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : having his fill , and unwilling to meddle more with such stuff . among other that offered him this wrong were the nestorian and entychian hereticks ( saith evagrius ) who set forth divers books of apollinarius , under the name of athanasius . the books extant under his name both of one sort and other , i shall briefly set down in the same order that i find them in the parisian edition ; ann. one thousand six hundred twenty seven , contained in two tomes . and they are these following . . an oration against the gentiles . . of the incarnation of the word of god ; ( which bellarmine thinks to be those two books against the gentiles , whereof ierom makes mention : ) by himself truly stiled the rudiments or character of the faith of christ ; for it contains in it an epitome of christian doctrine most necessary to be known , and not unpleasant to be read . . an exposition of the faith ; wherein the orthodox doctrine of the trinity is asserted , and the heretical refuted . of this bellarmine makes question whether it be his or no. . his answer unto an epistle of liberius bishop of rome : being a confession of the faith ; but expressed in words very improper ; it is also foolish in the allegations of scripture , and therefore not to be attributed unto him . . an epistle unto the emperor iovianus ; yet written not by him alone , but by the synod then assembled at alexandria . . his disputation against arius in the council of nice : which plainly appears to be supposititious , by the very inscription ; making it to be held . ann. . whereas that council was celebrated . ann. three hundred twenty five . also the disputation it self saith , that it was held not against arius , but against an arian . again , it is said in the lose of the disputation that arius was hereby converted of him in ecclesiastical history . lastly arius herein is made to impugne the divinity of the holy ghost , calling him a meer creature : which heresie he is not charged withal nor was it broached or maintained by him , but brought in by some of his followers . bellarmine knows not whether to stile it a disputation or a dialogue between athanasius and some arian : nor whether it were written by athanasius or some other . . an enarration of those words of christ : matt. . . all things are delivered unto me of my father , &c. against eusebius and his followers . i find this , enarration to be much larger in the latine parisian edition by articus albulei : printed an. one thousand five hundred eighty one , then in the greek and latine edition : ann. one thousand six hundred twenty seven , & the former to have annexed unto it a compendium , taken out of the above written , against those who say that the holy ghost is a creature : which compend is mentioned by the centurists , bellarmine and possevine . . an epistle , or , as others , an oration against the arians ; unto adelphius a brother and confessor . . an epistle , or oration unto maximus a philosopher , of the divinity of christ : of this the centurists make some question whether it be his or no. . an oration or epistle unto serapion bishop of thmuis a city of egypt , ordained by athanasius , and his familiar friend ; who for the elegancy of his wit was surnamed scholasti●ns . . a second epistle unto the same serapion ; both against those that make the holy ghost to be a creature . . a third epistle unto the same person , upon the same subject : which scultetus ( with erasmus ) conceives to be the work of some idle and witless man , who would fain imitate athanasius his book unto serapion . it contains a strange heap of places and confusion of reasons , together with a irksom repetition of things before spoken of : besides the author cites a place out of the prophet micah which is no where to be found : it 's therefore ranked , and justly ; among the suspected works of athanasius by the centurists and mr. perkins . . certain testimonies out of the sacred scriptures , concerning the natural communion of the ( divine ) essence between the father , the son , and the holy ghost : collected not by athanasius , but some other , as appears in that the compiler hath transcribed divers things verbatim out of the questions unto antiochus , whereof athanasius is not the author . . an epistle , shewing that the council of nice , well perceiving the craftiness of eusebius , did in congruous and pious words , expound their decrees against the arian heresie . . five orations against the arians ' wherein he useth great strength of argument , fortifyed with clear testimonies and demonstrations from the sacred scripture . so that these alone may abundantly suffice for the confutation of all arianism : yea he that shall say , that gregory the divine , and basil the great did from this fountain derive those egregious and pure streams of their books against the same heresie , verily he shall not say amiss . . an epistle , concerning the opinion of dionysius somtime bishop of alexandria ; wherein he proves the arians did belie him , in affirming that he was an assertor of their opinion . . an epistle unto all the brethren every where throughout egypt , syria , phoenicia , and arabia : ranked among those that are suspected . . a refutation of the hypocrisie of meletius , eusebius , and paulus samosatenus , concerning the consubstantiality of the father and the son : it 's suspected . . an epistle unto the antiochians , which seems to be a fragment of some intire book . . an epistle unto epictetus bishop of corinth , against the apollinarists , it is the most famous among all his epistles . the orthodox in the time of cyril of alexlexandria made much use of it , in confuting the heresie of nestorius , to avoid the dint and force thereof those hereticks did boldly adulterate it , substracting some things and putting in other , that it might seem to favour of the doctrine of nestorius . so much cyril gives us to understand , his words are these . cognovimus quod celeberrimi patris nostri athanasii ad beatum epictetum epistolam , orthodoxè loquentem , nonnulli a se corruptam ediderunt , ita ut hinc multi laedantur . epist. . again , speaking of this epistle : quia ex eâ ( inquit ) nestorius arguebatur , cum legentes eam defensores rectae fidei cohiberent , etiam eos qui probantur similia sentire nestorio , correptionem suae confutationis ex eâ impii formidantes , machinati sunt ●cerbissimum quiddam , et haeretica pravitate dig●issimum . praefatam namque adulterant epistolam , sublatis ex eâ quibusdam , aliis suppositis ediderunt , ita ut putaretur ille similia nestorio sapuisse , in ▪ epist. ad successum episcopum posteriori . . a sermon of the incarnation of the word of god against paulus samosatenus , it 's doubted of whether it be his or no. . a sermon or tome of the humane nature , assumed by the only begotten word , against the arians and apollinarius . . an epistle or treatise of the incarnation of christ against apollinarians . . an oration or treatise of the healthful coming of christ , against apollinarius ; it is perplex , intricate , and obscure : and by cook it is thought to be supposititious . the sermons against apollinarins do excel in grace and ornament , say the centurists . . an oration of the eternal substance of the son and holy spirit of god , against the company or followers of sabellius . . an oration that christ is one , . an epistle unto serapion concerning the death of arius . . an apology unto the emperour constantius , wherein he freeth himself from divers imputations , and defends his flight into the wilderness . . an apology for his flight . . another apology for his flight , wherein he professeth his innocency . . an epistle unto the africans , which is apologetical . . a catholick epistle unto the bishops of aegypt , syria , phaenicia and arabia , exhorting them to leave the arians , and to joyn with the orthodox . . an epistle unto all those , who any where do profess or lead a solitary life . the former part whereof only ( viz. from the beginning unto those words , the grace of our lord jesus crist be with you , amen . ) is the epistle unto the monks ; and ought to be placed before the five orations against the arians , as a dedicatory epistle unto those books . the following part thereof is without doubt a fragment ( suspected whether his or no ) of some other work , wanting a beginning ; to make up which defect , that epistle was added unto it . herein he recounts his own and the church's calamities . athanasius ipse ( inquit possevinus ) labores & persecutiones suas ubere epistolâ ad solitariam vitam agentes ob oculos ponit , quamobrem et illam perlegisse neminem penitebit . . the protestation of the people of alexandria , ferè nihil continet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . an epistle concerning the synods held at ariminum in italy and seleucia in isauria ; wherein is set forth the levity and inconstancy of the arians there present , in the matter of the faith . this bellarmine supposeth may well be taken for his book against valens and vrsatius ( mentioned by ierom ) two arian bishops , who ( saith marianus ) deceived the fathers in those synods , faining themselves orthodox . an epistle of athanasius and ninety bishops of egypt and lybia , unto the bishops in africa against the arians : wherein the decrees of the council of nice are defended , and the synod of ariminum is shewn to be superfluous , that of nice being sufficient . . an epistle unto all the orthodox wherever , when persecution was by the arians raised against them . . an epistle unto iohn and antiochus two presbyters ; also another unto palladius , nihil continent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . an epistle unto dracontius , whom flying away , he by divers arguments perswades to return unto the church of alexandria , whereof he was bishop elect , and that he would not hearken unto those that would deter him from so doing : it is ( saith espencaeus ) a learned epistle . . an epistle unto marcellinus , concerning the interpretation of the psalms , which seems to be the same that ierom calls ; of the titles of the psalms : stiled by sixtus senensis thus : in psalterium davidis ad marcellinum de titulis et vi psalmorum , isagogicus libellus . of which cassiodorus thus : testis est ( inquit ) athanasii , episcopi sermo magnificus , qui virtutes psalmorum indagabili veritate discutiens , omnia illic esse probat , quaecunque sanctae scripturae ambitu continentur . it is by mr. perkins put among the suspected works . , a treatise of the sabbath and circumcision , in the latine parisian edition , anno , . it is joyned as his enarration upon those words , matth. . . all things are delivered unto me of my father , &c. being the seventh in this catalogue . unto which is added in the same latine edition , a compendium of what had been formerly written against those who affirm the holy ghost to be a creature . . upon those words , matth. . . whosoever speaketh against the son of man , &c. suspected . . a sermon upon the passion and cross of the lord : the phrase ( saith erasmus ) savoureth not of athanasius : also it altogether forbids oaths which athanasius doth not : it is therefore supposititious . herein also the questions unto antiochus are cited , which are not of this author . besides the author foolishly makes christ to feign words of humane frailty , when hanging upon the cross he so cryed out , eli , eli , lama sabachthani : which yet , the true athanasius saith , were truly spoken of him according to his humane nature . sixtus senensis calls it eloquentissimam concionem . . a sermon upon matth. . . go into the village over against you , &c. it seems to be a fragment taken out of some other work or commentary : wherein the author ( as playing with them ) wresteth the scriptures , saith erasmus , it is forged . . a sermon of the most holy virgin , the mother of god or of the annunciation : it is evidently spurious : for the author is large in refuting the error of nestorius , and presseth the monothelites , both which errors were unknown , as not sprung up in the time of athanasius . the author also lightly and almost childishly derives the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and moreover saith , that the attributes of god are not the very substance of god , sed circa substantiam versari , which is discrepant from the manner of athanasius , who is wont to speak very considerately . it appears by many passages that the author hereof lived after the sixth general council . . of virginity , a sermon or meditation it is dubious : if it be of athanasius's penning , he did ( saith erasmus ) strangely let fall his stile , and i may add ( saith seultetus ) that he also laid aside his theological gravity , if he prescribed those childish rules unto a virgin , which ( saith the author ) whoso observeth shall be found among the third order of angels , and also teacheth that no man can be assured of his salvation before his death . . an homily of the sower ; it is suspected as being found only in an english book . . a sermon against all heresies , it is none of his but some doting fellow , est vilis et confusus ut plurimum . . an oration of the ascension of christ , which because of the flourishing stile thereof , scultetus is scrupulous to ascribe it unto athanasius● . . an oration or history of melchisedech , in the end whereof , the author speaks of the fathers of the nicene council , as dead long before ; it 's therefore spurious . . a brief oration against the arians . i find no where mentioned , but in the parisian edition by nannius . . the declaration of leviticus , it is suspected . . short colloquies between iovianus and certain arians against athanasius . also . . of the incarnation of the word of god both which are no where to be found , but in the last parisian edition . . the symbol or creed of athanasius , by scultetus judged to be dubious , he having met with it in no book among the works of athanasius , only in one it is read without the name of the author . it hath been a great dispute among the learned ( saith pelargus ) whose it should be : some ascribing it unto athanasius , and others unto some later author as yet unknown . . an epistle of iovianus the emperour unto athanasius , and athanasius his answer ther●unto . . an epistle unto ammun a monk , it is dubious . . a fragment of a festival epistle , containing a catalogue of the canonical books of the old and new testament , it is dubious , i believe it ( saith scultetus ) to have been taken out of his synopsis . . an epistle unto ruffinianus . . theological definitions , said to be collected by clement and other holy men : it is supposititious and by scultetus ranked among those which seem to be written with no judgment . it seems not to have been of athanasius his writing , because therein gregory nyssene is cited , who ( in all likelyhood ) had not begun to write , till after the death of athanasius . besides the author speaks so distinctly of the two natures of christ in one hypostasis , that it seems to be altogether of a later date then the council of chalcedon . . a brief synopsis or compendium of the scriptures of the old and new testament ; wherein , first , he sets down a catalogue of the canonical and non-canonical books . secondly , he shews by whom each was written , whence it had its name , and what it doth contain . thirdly , he names the books of both testaments that are contradicted or accounted apocryphal . . five dialogues of the trinity . also , . twenty sermons against divers hesies ; which are pious and learned , and therefore most worthy to be read . the phrase shews them to have been both written by the same author ; not athanasius , but one maximus a very learned man , many years after the death of athanasius . scultetus tells us that he hath seen the name of maximus upon a certain old parchment , in which these dialogues were wrapt up . this maximus was a constantinopolitane monk , who lived in the time of pope honorius a monothelite , and died , ann. six hundred fifty seven . the catalogue of whose book mentioned by photius , or which are in the vaticane library , contains divers that have the very same title , with those which are inserted among the works of athanasius . . a book of divers questions of the sacred scripture , unto king antiochus : which appears to be supposititious , because : first , athanasius himself is therein cited , quaest . . and that under the name of athanasius the great , which would have argued too much arrogance : secondly , many things are to be found therein which are dissonant from the judgment of athanasius . thirdly , the mystical theology of dionysius areopagita is alledged therein , which i suppose ( saith sixtus senensis ) was altogether unknown in the time of athanasius : he conjectures it to have been collected out of the writings of the fathers by some studious man. fourthly , the questions are variously reckoned ; in some copies there being only fourty and six ; in others one hundred sixty and two . fifthly , gregory nazianzen is twice named in it : also , there are cited gregory nyssen and epiphanius as ancient authors : yet was athanasius before them : also chrysostom , scala iohannis , maximus , nicephorus , &c. all of them juniors unto athanasius . sixthly , yea , quaest . . the romans are said to be a kind of franks ; whence he evidently appears to be a late author : for all those of the west are called franks in the turks dominions . luce ergò clarius est ( inquit cocus ) libellum hunc filium esse populi , nec novisse parentem suum . yet is the authority hereof urged by many of the romanists to prove , that there are nine orders of angels , that the saints departed do know all things , images lawful , distinction of sins , orders of monks , necessity of baptism , sacrament of pennance , prayer for the dead , antichrist to be a certain person , the sacrifice of the altar , &c. . questions of the words and interpretations of the evangelical parables : they are supposititious ; for they are gathered out of chrysostom , cyril of alexandria and gregory nyssen ; their very names being expressed . . certain other anonymous questions which appear to be spurious : in all likelyhood the work of some late greek ; for in them the procession of the holy ghost from the son is denied . . the life of antony the monk : that such a narration was written by athanasius both nazianzen and ierome do affirm : but that this now extant should be the same , believe it who will ; i doubt not , saith scultelus , but that it is the figment of some foolish man ; for endeavoring to shew how in the whole course of his life , antony imitated christ , he talks childishly and ridiculously : and there are many things in it , saith tossanus , that are fabulous , and savour not of the gravity and simplicity of athanasius . besides , some report antony to have been a lawyer and very learned ; but this author makes him altogether illiterate . but that this is an ancient legend , appears from hence , that damaseen cites a place out of it : yet is it but a fable and no more , notwithstanding all bellarmines vain confidence to the contrary . . a sermon in parasceuen , or the preparation , which i find no where mentioned , but in the parisian edition by nannius : only possevine saith , that it was first set forth in greek and latine in the antwerp edition . . certain fragments of athanasius upon the psalms taken out of nicetas his catena : with some other , out of other authors . . eleven books of the united deity of the trinity : others reckon but seven : they are found only in latine ; and seem to have been written in that language , and not translated out of the greek ; as appears partly from the stile ; and partly because the author tells us how those things are expressed by the greeks , which he wrote in latine ; he also confutes one vrbicus potentinus , a disciple or follower of eunomius ; which athanasius could not do . . a disputation concerning the faith held at laodicea , between athanasius and arius : it is clearly commentitious and counterfeit ; nor can it be a true disputation between those two ; for athanasius is here brought in as a deacon disputing in the second year of constantius : whereas it appears that athanasius was made bishop long before , viz. in the one and twentieth year of constantine the great : and arius infamously died in the one and thirtieth year of the same emperor who therefore could not dispute in the reign of constantius . . herein is mention made of photinus , the heretick , as if from him arius had learned his heresie ; whereas photinus was after arius : it seems rather to be that dialogue which was written by vigilius bishop of trent , against sabellius , photinus and arius ; which he therefore set forth under the name of athanasius , that , saith he , persons present might seem to deal with those that were present . . an exhortation unto the monks ; it is forged . . an epistle unto pope mark , for the exemplars of the nicene council ; with the answer of mark thereunto ; both which without doubt are supposititious : for this mark was dead at that time , when , as 't is pretended , this answer was written : also , at this time was athanasius in banishment in france ; and so could not write from alexandria : so that both these epistles , and also the seventy pretended canons of the council of nice contained in them , are none other then a meer forgery . . a sermon upon the passion of our saviour ; which is a meer patch , taken almost verbatim , out of the sermon upon the same subject ; being the forth in this catalogue . . of the passion of the image of christ crucified at beryth in syria : it savors of the golden legend ; and that it cannot be the work of athanasius , may evidently appear from the title that anciently was wont to be prefixed hereunto : which was this : d. athanasii archiepiscopi alexandrini , de passione imaginis domini nostri iesu christi , qualiter crucifixa est in syria , in urbe quae berythus dicitur temporibus constantini senioris & irenae uxoris ejus . now it is known unto all , that athanasius was dead some centuries of years , before the reign of those two abovementioned . this fable is by sigebert referred unto the year , seven hundred sixty five , about which time the question about worshipping of images was agitated . it must needs therefore be the work of some later author , ( saith the learned daille ) so tastless a piece , and so unworthy the gallantry and clearness of that great wit , that he must be thought , not to have common sense that can find in his heart to attribute it unto him . . a fragment taken out of athanasius , concerning the observation of sabbaths . unto these there are added seven homilies more ( never before extant ) by lucas holsteinius , out of the french kings , the vatican , and oxford libraries ; and they are these following . . of the taxing of the virgin mary ; upon luke . . . upon matth. . . upon whi●h text we had an homily before , viz. the . in this catalogue . . upon luke . . which with the former holstein verily believes to be of athanasius . . upon the treason of iudas : which , as also the following , hath the character of athanasius by photius . . upon the holy pascha ; which , of all , is the best and most elegant . . upon the man that was born blind , iohn . . which , together with the following hath nothing of athanasius in it ; ( nec vola nec vestigium ) but the title only . . upon the fathers and patriarchs : a most foolish , rustick and barbarous piece . they may all well be conceived to be of very small credit , having lain so long dormant . also certain commentaries upon the epistles of paul , are by some ascribed unto athanasius ; which yet are not his , but theophylacts . some of his works are lost , of which the names or titles are these that follow . . commentaries upon the whole book of psalms ; which i think ( saith holstein ) to be palmarium athanasii opus ; the chief of athanasius his works . . upon ecclesiastes . . upon the canticles . . a volum upon iohn . § . athanasius hath a peculiar stile or manner of speech ; making use of words which were known only unto the age wherein he lived , and neither before nor after : the subject , whereof he for the most part treateth , being very high , viz. of the trinity : of the son begotten of the father before all time , equal unto him , but distinct in person from him , &c. yet making use of terms very apt to express those hidden and mysterious things by , which cannot well be rendred in the latine or other tongue , without loss or lessning the grace of them , such are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. he shunneth all flourishes , and expresseth the mysteries of the kingdom of god in evangelical words . in his speech he useth much simplicity , gravity and energy ; and ( saith erasmus ) he is wonderful in teaching . he is most plain in his commentaries , yet in all his writings perspicuous , sober and candid : in his five books against arius vehement and profound , managing his arguments very strongly : moreover so fruitful is he and abundant , as is indeed very admirable . but his epistles ( especially those , wherein by way of apology he excuseth his flight ) are both elegant and splendid , and composed with much clearness , flourishing with such neatness and force of perswasion , that it is pleasant to hear how he pleads for himself . § . many are the memorable and worthy passages that are to be found in his works ; for a tast i shall present you with these that follow , . his symbol or creed : every where received and recited in the churches , both of the east and west : it was so famous and generally approved of , that it was embraced with an unanimous consent as the distinguishing character between the orthodox and hereticks . nazianzen calls it a magnificent and princely gift . imperatori , inquit , donum verè regium & magnificum offert , scriptam nimirum fidei confessionem adversus novum dogma nusquam in scripturâ expressum : ut sic & imperatorem imperator , & doctrinam doctrina , & libellum libellus frangeret atque opprimeret . it is as it were an interpretation of those words of christ , iohn . . this is life eternal , to know thee the only true god , and iesus christ whom thou hast sent : and may be divided into these two parts : . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . athanasius ( saith doctor andrews in his speech against mr. trask ) was great for his learning , for his vertue , for his labors , for his sufferings , but above all great for his creed . the words whereof are these . whosoever will be saved ; before all things it is necessary that he hold the catholick faith : which faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled , without doubt he shall perish everlastingly . and the catholick faith is this ; that we worship one god in trinity , and trinity in unity . neither confounding the persons , nor dividing the substance . for there is one person of the father , another of the son , and another of the holy ghost . but the godhead of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost is all one ; the glory equal , the majesty coeternal . such as the father is , such is the son , and such is the holy ghost . the father uncreate , the son uncreate , and the holy ghost uncreate . the father incomprehensible , the son incomprehensible , and the holy ghost incomprehensible . the father eternal , the son eternal , and the holy ghost eternal . and yet they are not three eternals , but one eternal . as also , there are not three incomprehensibles , nor three uncreated ; but one uncreated , and one incomprehensible . so likewise , the father is almighty , the son almighty , and the holy ghost almighty ; and yet they are not three almighties , but one almighty . so , the father is god , the son is god , and the holy ghost is god ; and yet they are not three gods , but one god. so likewise , the father is lord , the son lord , and the holy ghost lord ; and yet not three lords , but one lord. for like as we be compelled by the christian verity , to acknowledge every person by himself to be god and lord : so are we forbidden by the catholick religion , to say there be three gods , or three lords . the father is made of none , neither created , nor begotten . the son is of the father alone ; not made , nor created , but begotten . the holy ghost is of the father and of the son ; neither made , nor created , nor begotten , but proceeding . so there is one father , not three fathers ; one son , not three sons ; one holy ghost , not three holy ghosts . and in this trinity , none is afore , or after other , none is greater , or less then another . but the whole three persons be coeternal together , and coequal . so that in all things as is aforesaid the unity in trinity , and the trinity in unity is to be worshipped . he therefore that will be saved , must thus think of the trinity . furthermore , it is necessary to everlasting salvation ; that he also believe rightly in the incarnation of our lord jesus christ. for the right faith is , that we believe and confess , that our lord jesus christ , the son of god , is god and man. god of the substance of the father begotten before the worlds : and man of the substance of his mother , born in the world . perfect god , and perfect man , of a reasonable soul , and humane flesh subsisting . equal to the father as touching his godhead : and inferior to the father , touching his manhood . who though he be god and man , yet is he not two but one christ. one , not by conversion of the godhead into flesh ; but by taking the manhood into god. one altogether ; not by confusion of substance ; but by unity of person . for as the reasonable soul and flesh is one man ; so god and man is one christ. who suffered for our salvation ; descended into hell ; rose again the third day from the dead : he ascended into heaven ; he fifteth on the right hand of the father , god almighty : from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead . at whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies ; and shall give account for their own works ; and they that have done good , shall go into life everlasting ; and they that have done evil into everlasting fire . this is the catholick faith , which except a man believe faithfully , he cannot be saved . as for the censures annexed hereunto , viz. . in the beginning ( except a man keep the catholick faith . ) . in the middle ( he that will be saved must thus think . ) and . in the end ( this is the catholick faith , which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved . ) i thought good to give you dr. hammond's apprehensions of them , how they ought to be understood : his words are these . i suppose ( saith he ) they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies that had invaded the church , and which were acts of carnality in them that broach'd and maintain'd them against the apostolick doctrine , and contradictory to that foundation which had been resolved on as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of christ , and were therefore to be anathematiz'd after this manner , and with detestation branded , and banished out of the church . not that it was hereby defined to be a damnable sin to fail in the understanding or believing the full matter of any of those explications before they were propounded , and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will , to which this were imputable . thus he . . the canonical books of the old and new testament owned by him , are the same with those which the reformed churches acknowledge for such , of which he thus speaks . all scripture of us who are christians was divinely inspired . the books thereof are not infinite but finite , and comprehended in a certain canon , which having set down of the old testament , ( as they are now with us ) he adds , the canonical books therefore of the old testament are twenty and two , equal for number unto the hebrew letters or alphabet , for so many elements of letters there are among the hebrews . but ( saith he ) besides these there are other books of the old testament not canonical , which are read only unto the catechumens , and of these he names , the wisdom of solomon , the wisdom of iesus the son of syrach , the fragment of esther , iudith , and tobith , for the books of the maccabees he made no account of them , yet he afterward mentions four books of the maccabees with some others . he also reckons the canonical books of the new testament , which ( saith he ) are as it were certain sure anchors and supporters or pillars of our faith , as having been written by the apostles of christ themselves , who both conversed with him , and were instructed by him . . the sacred and divinely inspired scriptures ( saith he ) are of themselves sufficient for the discovery of the truth : in the reading whereof this is faithfully to be observed , viz. unto what times they are directed , to what person , and for what cause they are written : lest things be severed from their reasons , and so the unskilful , reading any thing different from them , should deviate from the right understanding of them . . as touching the way whereby the knowledge of the scriptures may be attained , he thus speaks . to the searching and true understanding of the scriptures , there is need of a holy life , a pure mind , and virtue which is according to christ , that the mind running thorow that path , may attain unto those things which it doth desire , as far as humane nature may understand things divine . . the holy scripture ( saith he ) doth not contradict it self , for unto a hearer desirous of truth , it doth interpret it self . . concerning the worshipping of christ ▪ we adore ( saith he ) not the creature , god forbid . such madness belongs unto ethuicks and arians , but we adore the lord of things created , the incarnate word of god , for although the flesh be in it self a part of things created , yet is it made the body of god : neither yet do we give adoration unto such a body by it self severed from the word , neither adoring the word do we put the word far from the flesh , but knowing that it is said , the word was made flesh , we acknowledge it even now in the flesh to be god. . he gives this interpretation of those words of christ , mark. . . but of that day and that hour knoweth no man , no not the angels which are in heaven , neither the son but the father . the son ( saith he ) knew it as god but not as man : wherefore he said not , neither the son of god , lest the divinity should seem to be ignorant , but simply , neither the son : that this might be the ignorance of the son as man. and for this cause when he speaks of the angels , he added not a higher degree saying , neither the holy spirit , but was silent here , by a double reason affirming the truth of the thing : for admit that the spirit knows , then much more the word as the word ( from whom even the spirit receives ) was not ignorant of it . . speaking of the mystery of the two natures in christ ; what need is there ( saith he ) of dispute and strife about words ? it's more profitable to believe , and reverence : and silently to adore . i acknowledge him to be true god from heaven imp●ssible : i acknowledge the same of the seed of david as touching the flesh , a man of the earth passible . i do not curiousty inquire why the same is passible and impassible , or why god and man : lest being curiously inquisitive why and how , i should miss of the good propounded unto us . for we ought first to believe and adore , and in the second place to seek from above a reason of these things : not from beneath to inquire of flesh and blood , but from divine and heavenly revelation . . what the faith of the church was concerning the trinity , he thus delivers . let us see that very tradition from the beginning , and that doctrine and faith of the catholick church which christ indeed gave , but the apostles preached and kept : for in this church are we founded , and whoso falls from thence cannot be said to be a christian. the holy and perfect trinity therefore in the father , son and holy ghost , receives the reason of the deity , possesseth nothing forraign or superinduced from without , nor consisteth of the creator and creature , but the whole is of the creator and maker of all things , like it self and indivisible , and the operation thereof one . for the father by the word in the holy spirit doth all things , and so the unity of the trinity is kept or preserved , and so one god in the church is preached , who is above all and through all and in all : viz. above all as the father , as the beginning and fountain , but through all by the word , moreover in all in or by the holy spirit . but the trinity is not in name only , or an empty form of speech : but in truth and reason of subsisting , the trinity : for as the father is that very thing that he is , so also the word god over all , is that very thing that he is ; so also the holy ghost is not any inessential thing , but truly existeth and subsisteth . . according to the ecclesiastical canons ( saith he ) as the apostle commanded , the people being gathered together with the holy ghost , who constitute a bishop , publickly and in the presence of the clergy , craving a bishop , inquisition ought to be made , and so all things canonically performed . . concerning the lawfulness of flight in time of persecution , he thus speaks . i betook me to flight not for fear of death , lest any should accuse me of timidity , but that i might obey the precept of our saviour whose command it is that we should make use of flight against persecutors , of hiding places against those that search for us , lest if we should offer our selves unto open danger , we should more sharply provoke the fury of our persecutors . verily it is all one both for a man to kill himself , and to proffer himself unto the enemies to be slain : but he that flees as the lord commands , knows the articles of the time , and truly provides for his persecutors : lest being carried out even to the shedding of blood , they should become guilty of that precept that forbids murther . again concerning the same thing ; . that law ( saith he ) is propounded unto all in general , to flee when they are pursued in time of persecution , and to hide themselves when they are sought : for neither should they be precipitate and rash in tempting the lord , but must wait until the time appointed of dying do come , or that the judge do determine something concerning them , as shall seem good unto him : but yet would he have us always ready , when either the time calls for it , or we are apprehended to contend for the church even unto death . these things did the blessed martyrs observe , who while they lay hid did harden themselves , but being found out they did undergo martyrdom . now if some of them did render themselves unto their persecutors , they were not thorough rashness moved so to do , but every where professed unto all men , that this promptness and offering of themselves did proceed from the holy ghost . . he giveth this character of an heretick , heresie ( sa●th he ) or an heretick may thus be known and evinced , that whosoever is dear unto them and a companion with them in the same impiety , although he be guilty of sundry crimes & infinite vices , & they have arguments against him of his hainous acts ; yet is he approved and had in great esteem among them , yea , and is forthwith made the emperour's friend , &c. but those that reprove their wickedness , and sincerely teach the things which are of christ , though pure in all things , upon any feigned crime laid to their charge , they are prefently hurried into banishment . § . the defects and blemishes of this eminent father and champion of jesus christ , were neither so many nor so gross , as are to be found in most of the ancients that were before him : yet was he not altogether free but liable to error as well as others , as appears from somewhat of this kind that dropt from his pen , which were especially such passages as these in his genuine works , for as for the apparently supposititious , i shall forbear to meddle with them , having in them so much hay and stubble as we cannot imagine should pass thorow the hands of so skilful a master-builder . . he affirms the local descent of christ into hell. he accomplished ( saith he ) the condemnation of sin in the earth , the abolition of the curse upon the cross , the redemption from corruption in the grave , the condemnation of death in hell : going through all places that he might every where perfect the salvation of the whole man , shewing himself in the form of our image which he took upon him . again . the body descended not beyond the grave , the soul pierced into hell , places severed by a vast distance , the grave receiving that which was corporeal , because the body was there , but hell , that which was incorporeal . hence it came to pass that though the lord were present there incorporeally , yet was he by death acknowledged to be a man : that his soul , not liable unto the bands of death but yet made as it were liable , might break asunder the bands of those souls which hell detained , &c. . concerning the state of the fathers before christ , that they were in hell ; he thus speaks . the soul of adam detained in or under the condemnation of death , did perpetually cry unto the lord , and the rest who by the law of nature pleased god , were detain'd together with adam , and were and did cry with him in grief . in which passage we have also a third error of his , viz. . that men by the law of nature may please god , contrary unto what we find in heb. . . . he maketh circumcision a note or sign of baptism . abraham ( saith he ) when he had believed god , received circumcision for a note or sign of that regeneration which is obtained by baptism : wherefore , when the thing was come which was signified by the figure , the sign and figure it self perished and ceased . for circumcision was a sign , but the laver of regeneration the very thing that was signified . besides these there are in him some other passages , not so aptly nor warily delivered as they ought to have been , viz. . concerning the freedom of mans will , he thus speaks . the mind ( saith he ) is free and at it's own dispose , for it can , as incline it self unto that which is good , so also turn from it , which beholding its free right and power over it self , it perceives that it can use the members of the body either way , both unto the things that are , i.e. good things , and also unto the things that are not , i.e. evil . . he is too excessive and hyperbolical in the praise of virginity . the son of god ( saith he ) our lord and saviour jesus christ , among other his gifts bestowed upon us in virginity , an example of angelical holiness . certainly virgins endowed with that virtue , the catholick church is wont to call the spouses of christ ; whom being beheld by them the very heathen do prosecute with admiration , as the temple of christ. there is a large encomium hereof , in the end of the treatise of virginity , which being but a vain rhetorical flourish , and because the treatise it self is justly suspected not to belong unto athanasiùs , i shall forbear to set it down as being unworthy to be ascribed unto so grave and found an author . . he seems to assert the worshipping or adoration of the saints , thus : if ( saith he ) thou adore the man christ , because there dwelleth the word of god , upon the same ground adore the saints also , because god hath his habitation in them . it is strange ( say the centurists ) that so great a doctor should so write , but they do erre , ( saith scultetus ) not considering that he there speaks upon the suppositition of samosatenus , who thought that christ as man was to be adored , because of the word dwelling in him , which is the thing that athanasius denyeth , convincing samosatenus of falshood from an absurdity that would follow : for seeing the word dwelleth also in the saints , it would thence follow that they are to be worshipped , which athanasius in the same place affirmeth to be extreme impiety . and indeed he expresly elsewhere saith , that adoration belongeth unto god only . § . as touching his death , it was very remarkable in this regard : that in the midst of a most vehement storm and tempest ( the cruel persecution under the emperour valens ) he should so quietly arrive at the haven . for being forc'd to hide himself ( as hath been said ) in his fathers monument about the space of four months , the people that greatly loved him , and had him in very high esteem , grew so impatient of his absence from them , that they began to be tumultuous , threatning to burn the ships and publick edifices , unless athanasius were permitted to return unto them again . the emperour hereupon fearing what the issue might be , gave way to their fury ( being a hot and hasty kind of people ) and suffered him to enjoy his bishoprick again , from that time tempering himself from troubling alexandria and the country of aegypt . by this means it came to pass , that after so long labour and sweat for christ , so many encounters for the orthodox faith , so frequent and famous flights and banishments , having given many things in charge unto peter his successor , he did at alexandria in peace and a good old age , pass from this vale of trouble unto the rest above , after he had governed that church by the space ( though not without intermissions ) of forty and six years , in the seventh year of the emperour valens , and of christ , about . hilarius pictaviensis . § . he was born in france , and yet not gallus ; as himself answered leo bishop of rome in a certain council , asking him at his entrance in a proud insulting manner : tune es hilarius gallus ? at ille . non sum , inquit , gallus , sed de galliâ : ac si diceret : non sum natione gallus , sed de galliâ praesul . erat enim gente aquitanicus ; pontificali autem dignitate praeminebat gallis : for he was bishop of po●ctiers the chief city of the celtae or galli . for france of old was divided into three parts or provinces , viz. belgicam , aquitanicam , ( bodie guienne vocatur ) & celticam . now the inhabitants of this later were properly those called galli ; ipsorum linguâ celtae , nostrâ ( inquit caesar ) galli appellantur . so doth sulpitius severus distinguish his country men into these three sorts , aquitanes , galli and brittaines : the two former are so far differing the one from the other ( saith strabo ) both in habit and language , that the aquitanes are more like unto the spaniards , then unto the galli . it is reported of him , that in his younger years applying himself unto study , and not profiting as he desired , ( which made him to doubt whether he should ever attain unto that which he aimed at ) he left the schools , purposing to fall upon some other course : and passing along by a certain well in the way , walled up with great stone , he observed that those stones were much worn and hollowed in some places , by the often rubbing of the rope upon them , wherewith they used to draw the water : hereupon he fell into this consideration with himself : if this cord , that is much softer , hath by frequency of fretting made this hard stone hollow ; then surely may i also , by continuance of time , both profit and perfect or accomplish my desire : accordingly , he betook him again unto the schools , where by assiduity and constancy in study he at length became a most learned and accurate scholar . he seems to have been at first an ethnick , at what time perceiving and considering with himself how vain the opinions and conceits were which the philosophers had of the gods , musing much hereupon , he at length light upon the books of moses , the prophets , and the apostles , by the diligent perusal whereof he came to the knowledge of the truth , and to embrace the christian religion ; being now well stricken in years : yet in a short time did he so much profit in the doctrine of christianity , that he was deservedly esteemed a chief doctor and pillar of the catholick church . his country men , coming to understand of his great worth , soon advanced him unto a high degree of dignity ; though a married man , he being by them chosen to be bishop of poictiers , chief city of the province of poictou . about this time , the persecution under the emperor constantius , grew very hot ; in so much that many eminent bishops for holding fast and sticking close unto the catholick faith , were exiled and driven into banishment . hereupon hilary with divers other gallicane bishops , convening together , with mutual consent did by a decree separate saturninus , valens and vrsatius ( who were violent arians ) from their communion : adding withal , that if any , being admonished to shun their society , did not herein obey the sentence of the catholick bishops , they should be excommunicated . saturninus who was bishop of arles ( a factious and mischievous man ) took this very grievously , that he should be anathematized and excluded from communion with the rest of the bishops ; ( yet after this was he sor heinous crimes cast out of the church ) wherefore by the favor of constantius he procured synods to be congregatted at byterris , and at arles cities of france , unto which the catholick bishops should be forced to come : hilary , being one of those who were present in these synods , fearing least by the subtilty of the arians ( as was their manner ) the orthodox through simplicity might be circumvented , offereth a libel to be read , wherein the close conveyances , crafty fetches , and blasphemous heresies of the arians were laid open and discovered unto all . but the adversaries withstanding the reading thereof , prevailed so far , that hilary refusing to subscribe unto their ambiguous and captious contessions and decrees ( for he was very circumspect and quick sighted to discern and avoid their cunning devices and impostures ) was banished into phrygia in the east , where he continued for the space of three whole years and upward . in the fourth year of his banishment , the emperor commands a synod of the eastern bishops to assemble , at seleucia a city of isauria , ( about the time that those of the west met at ariminum ) at the which hilary was compelled by the emperors deputy , to be present among the rest : this the officers did by vertue of a general command that they had received , for the convening of all the bishops , having no particular order concerning hilary : which yet came to pass , not without the special hand of god so disposing it , that a man so well instructed in the knowledge of divine truth , should be present , when matters of faith were to be disputed of . being come , and received with a great deal of respect by the orthodox the minds of all being toward him ; they first demanded of him , what was the faith of the gallicane churches , ( for by the false reports of the arians , they were suspected by the eastern bishops to be tained with the heresie of sabellius : ) wherein having given them good satisfaction , and shewed them that in the faith they agreed with the council of nice , he was taken into their society , and added unto the council : in the which , the arians after much debate , were condemned by those that were but little better , being half - arians . some are sent unto the emperor , to give him an account of what had passed in the synod . whither being come ( those , who had been condemned , going thither also , presuming upon the strength of their party , and the emperors favor , who was of their faction ) they there found the delegates of the orthodox partly that had met at ariminum : who , partly through fear of the emperor , and partly through the fallacy of the arians , were compelled to joyn in communion with the hereticks , there having been delivered unto them a specious form of the faith , wrapt-up in fallacious terms and expressions , which indeed seemed to be catholick , but had the contrary doctrine closely couched under them . unto this , the emperor required those of the council of seleucia to subscribe , threatning banishment unto them that refused so to do : in so much as the greater part were drawn to yield hereunto , some by one means , and some by another . hilary being present with the emperor , waiting upon him to know his mind whether he should again return into exile or no ; and seeing the faith in so much danger , the western bishops deceived and the eastern deterred , and both overcome : he did most importunately by three petitions crave audience , and that he might be permitted to dispute the matter in controversie with the adversaries : which the arians shunned and altogether refused . at length hilary is commanded ( as being the seminary of discord and disturber of the east ) to return into france again . whither being come , he out of a mind burning with holy zeal , applyed himself with greatest care and industry unto this work chiefly , viz. to reduce into the right way again the western bishops that had been miserably deceived by the arians . for which end divers synods were assembled in france , wherein by his means the thing he intended , and so much desired , was at length happily effected : for the seduced were brought to see , acknowledge and amend their error , condemning what had been done and decreed at the council of ariminum , and so was that church reformed and the saith therein restored unto its ancient state again . for which great benefit the gallicane churches were ( as is evident unto all ) beholding chiefly unto hilary to whom they owe their freedom : by the brightness of whose beams ( as also of eusebius bishop of vercellis ) the thick mists of error that had so much darkned those countries , ( viz. of iuyricum , italy and france ) were dispelled and scattered . § . he was a very learned man , and of wonderful eloquence , wherein he so far excelled , that ierom calls him a most eloquent man , rhe most elegant of his time , even a rhodanus of latine eloquence : of a notable faculty to perswade and win men unto the truth , so that he was one of the most eminent lights of the age he lived in , and in france shining as the moon at the full in the temple of god : in whom this among the rest deserveth admiration , that ( though he were otherwise learn'd yet ) being for the most part ignorant of ecclesiastical controversies , he should in so short a time as he did , become so great a doctor and antagonist against the arians , as to be worthily esteemed a chief pillar of the catholick church , being the first among the latines that wrote against that heresie , of which he was a bitter enemy , branding the maintainers thereof with the black marks & characters of impious , blasphemous , pests , antichrists , travelling and taking exceeding great pains for the stopping of its current and the curing and recovering of the infected world , this contagion having spread it self far and near . he was excellently skilled in the knowledge of the scriptures and divine mysteries , so that he was of great fame and authority in the church , as appears by the venerable mention that ierom oftentimes makes of him . many were the the rare gifts wherewith he was richly adorned , and among others with a singular dexterity in teaching , and a notable faculty of perswading : unto which we may add , his acuteness in discerning and discovering the cunning conveyances and impostures of the hereticks . sixtus senensis stiles him an incomparable bishop ; and ierom , the confessor of his time , who stoutly maintained the truth , and constantly opposed the adversaries thereof , though in so doing he many times exposed himself to no small perils . he was of a sweet and mild temper , very venerable in his life and manners , and of such modesty and humility , that though he were deservedly ranked among thosee of chiefest note in his time , yet did he account himself the most unskilful and unlearned of them all . in a word , he was a man ( saith sozomen ) truly divine in respect both of his life and learning , yet in this latter not a little defective , in that he had but small skill in the greek and hebrew languages : hebraei sermonis ( inquit hieronymus ) ignarus fuit , graecarum quoque literarum quandam aurulam ceperat ; sed ab hiliodorio presbytero , quo ille familiariter usus est , ea quae intelligere non poterat , quomodo ab origene essent dicta , quaerebat . yet withal he adds , i dare not ( saith he ) reprehend so great a man , and the most eloquent in his time , ( vocalem illam ecclesiae catholicae tubam , inquit erasmus ) who both for the merit of his confession , industry of his life , and famousness of his eloquence , is spoken of as far as the roman name reacheth . i may not omit a passage in agobardus bishop of lyons concerning him . quâ cantela ( inquit ) iudaeorum semper et haereticorum devitavit hilarius profana consortia , vita ejus scripta fatetur : quòd it a scilicet hujusmodi hostes ecclesiae fuerit execratus , ut non solum convivium , sed ne salutatio quidem ei extiterit , cum his praetereunti communis . i shall close his encomium in the words of venantius , who was also bishop of poictiers , about the year of christ , . and a poet of chief note according to the time he lived in , he in four books of heroick verse wrote the life of s. martin , by whose help he had been cured ( as it is reported ) of a great pain in his eyes , in the first of which books he thus speaks in the praise of our hilary . — summus apex fidei , virtutis , amoris , hilarius famae radios jactabat in orbem : buccina terribilis , tuba legis , praeco tonantis : pulchrior electro , ter cocto ardentior auro , largior eridano , rhodano torrentior amplo , vberior nilo , generoso sparsior hystro , cordis inundantis docilis ructare fluenta , fontibus ingenii sitienta pectora rorans . doctor apostolicus , vacuans ratione sophistas , dogmate , luce , side informans virtute sequaces . which may be thus englished : hilary , top of honour , faith and grace , whose fame doth dart its rays in every place , the laws shrill trumpet , preacher of the most high fairer than amber , sparkling far and nigh , more than refined gold , larger than po , more vehement than rhone of swiftest flow , for fruitfulness passing th' egyptian nile , outstretching generous ister many a mile : whose swelling heart freely its streams out spues , and with his wit the thirsty brests bedews : doctor apostolick skilful to unty , the cunning knots of subtile sophistry , and by sound doctrine to inform aright his followers with virtue , faith and light . § . as for the writings of this worthy many of them have felt the force of time , which hath rak'd them up in the dust , so that , they are withdrawn from the view and use of the present , as also of some preceding ages . the little of them which with their names have been preserved unto this day , is that which follows , viz. . his commentary or tractates upon the book of iob , which is little else than a translation of origen : for herein ( and in his comment upon the psalms ) are to be found almost forty thousand verses ( quadraginta fermè millia versuum origenis in iob et psalmos transtulit ) translated out of that author , in which he keeps to the sence though not unto his words . these were extant in ieroms time , for he had the sight of them . . his comment upon the canticles , which ierom only heard of , but it came not to his hands . . of mysteries . . of the septenary or uneven number , a book mentioned by ierom , dedicated unto fortunatus : this book ( saith victorius ) is extant under the name of cyprian , but that 't is rather hilary's , appears ( saith he ) from the stile , ieroms authority ascribing it to him , and its dedication unto fortunatus , who was hilary's great friend , as his poems do testifie . . his book or commentary ( as possevin calls it ) against dioscorus a physician , or against salust a prefect : wherein ( though it were but short , yet was it a learned and accurate piece ) he shewed what he could do with his pen , putting out all the strength both of his wit and eloquence : which is wanting , not without the great loss of the history of the affairs of france , and other countries . . his book against valens and vrsatius , ( two pestilent arians , who had infected with their heresie , italy , illiricum , and the east , ) containing the history of the acts of the councils of ariminum and seleucia , which is lost , unless perhaps it be contained in his book of of synods . . a defence of the catholick faith. . of heresies . . a book of chronicles , or an history from the beginning of the world unto the time of christ. . a book of hymns , he was the first among the catholicks , that set forth hymns and verses . declarat ( inquit erasmus ) phrasis et compositio hilariani sermonis , in carmine non infoelicem fuisse . et fortassis aliquot hymni , quos hodiè canit ecclesia , non indoctos sed incerti authoris , illius sunt . . divers epistles , a work mentioned by sulpitius severus , which reporteth the great age of osius the famous bishop of corduba , as being above an hundred year old . the most of them seem to have been written after his return from banishment into france , wherein condemning the arian heresie , he labours to reduce therefrom those western bishops , who by the eastern in the council of seleucia had been by cunning and craft deceived and drawn into it . . whereas the centurists speak of a book of his concerning the rebaptization of hereticks , i suppose it belongs not to our , but another hilary , who was a deacon in the church of rome , and of cyprian's mind in the point of rebaptization of those that had been baptized by hereticks , and particularly the arians . he indeed wrote certain books upon this subject : of whom ierom is to be understood , calling hlm the worlds deucalion , as one that thought the whole world would have perished in the baptism of hereticks as in a second flood , had not he restored it by another baptism . there are extant to this day these following books , which are generally conceived to be his . . twelve books of the trinity against the arians , which he wrote when he was banished into phrygia , being the first among the latine fathers that dealt upon this subject : a work in this regard of no small advantage unto the reader , that therein he expounds divers places not a little obscure , in the gospel of iohn and epistles of paul , no less happily than accurately . the first of these books as it seems he writ last , for it contains an account or sum of the whole work , setting down particularly the subjects or contents of each of the other books . it is an elaborate piece , of much strength , and commended even by the adversaries themselves . . three books or apologues unto constantius the emperour , who much favoured the faction of the ariaus : all which erasmus thinks to be imperfect , for ( saith he ) they promise something exact and laborious , but perform not accordingly , being as it were suddenly silent . the first of these he conceives to have been written after the death of that emperour , because he therein deals more freely and sharply with him ; whereas in the other two he is more fair and moderate , baronius supposeth the first as well as the two later , to have been written while the emperour was alive , and therefore that the book mentioned by ierome to be written after the death of constantius , is not now extant ; because he saith that by this free confession , he tended to martyrdom , whereunto he exhorteth others by the like liberty of speaking , which would have seemed ridiculous if the persecutor had been now dead . but ( saith bellarmine ) perhaps these different opinions may be reconciled , by thus saying : that at the writing of the first epistle , hilary thought him to have been dead , though indeed he were then alive . . his book against the arians or aga●nst auxentius bishop of millain , written unto the bishops and people detesting the arian heresie : which by ierom is stiled an elegant book : wherein he accuseth the said bishop as infected with arianism . to which is annexed an epistle of auxentius , wherein he cleareth himself , as not guilty of the crime laid to his charge . . his book of synods unto the bishops of france , whom he congratulates that in the midst of so great tumults as are in the world , they had kept themselves free from the arian faction ; wherein he declares in what meetings of the bishops the arian heresie had been condemned . this book ( as himself testifieth ) he translated out of greek , but with this liberty that neglecting the words he kept still to the sense , and where the place invites him so to do , he adds and intermingles somewhat of his own . of which , chemnitius thus speaks . he gathered together ( saith he ) the opinions of the greeks concerning the trinity , and unless he had collected the decrees of the eastern synods , we should have known nothing of them as touching their opinions and doctrin●s . . his commentary upon the gospel of matthew , which he divided into thirty and three canons , by which name it is called of some : going through almost the whole of that evangelist , in a succinct and brief , but learned and solid explanation : being more delighted with the allegorical than literal sense herein imitating origen , out of whom i doubt not ( saith erasmus ) he translated this whole work ; it doth so in all things savour both of the wit and phrase of origen . for as it containeth many choice things which do proclaim the author to have been most absolutely skilled in the sacred scriptures , so is he sometimes too superstitious and violent in his allegories , a peculiar fault to be found in almost all the commentaries of origen . . his commentary upon the psalms , not the whole but upon the first and second : then from the one and fiftieth unto the sixty and second : according to ierom's reckoning , but as now extant in erasmus his edition , from the one and fiftyeth unto the end of the sixty and ninth : which addition sixtus senensis saith he had read being printed . also from the hundred and nineteenth unto the end of the book : only that upon the last psalm is imperfect , the last leaf ( saith erasmus ) in the manuscripts being either torn or worn away , as it oftentimes falls out . this work is rather an imitation than a translation of origen : for he adds somewhat of his own , some do affirm that he set forth tractates upon the whole book of the psalms , and that it was extant in spain , but commonly no more is to be found than the above mentioned . as also his book of the synods , being very large , ierom transcribed with his own hand at triers for he had him in very high esteem . there are also some books abroad under his name , which are justly suspected and taken for spurious ▪ as , . an epistle unto abram or afram his daughter , which is a mere toy of some idle and unlearned man , it hath nothing in it worthy of hilary , much less that which follows , viz. . an hymn which hath in it neither rhythm nor reason , yet doth ierom testifie of hilary , that he wrote in verse , and perhaps some of those hymns which at this day are sung in the church , whose author is unknown , may be his : he was so far skill'd this way , that gyraldus gives him a place and ranks him among the christian poets . bellarmine and possevin had but small reason upon so slender a ground , as they have , to affirm both of these to be his without doubt . . a book of the unity of the father and the son , which , whether it were his or no , seems very uncertain ; seeing ierom makes no mention of it . it seems to be a rhapsody of some studious man , taken partly out of the second , but for the most part out of the ninth book of the trinity ; who omitted and added what he pleased . with this as a distinct book from it , bellarmine joyns another , of the essence of the father and the son , which yet i find not named by any other author . indeed there is an appendix unto the former of the various names of christ , ( which bellarmine mentions not ) the phrase whereof differs much from hilary's . the author whereof would fain imitate hilary , which he was not negligent in the performance of : they are grave and learned books ( saith bellarmine of his two ) and not unworthy the spirit and eloquence of hilary . . an epistle unto augustine , concerning the remains of the pelagian heresie , which cannot be hilary's , because that heresie was not known in his time . . another epistle unto augustine , being the eighty and eighth in number among augustines : in which he propounds certain questions to be resolved , but neither this nor the ●ormer are our hilary's , who was dead before augustine became a christian , and yet in his answer he stiles him his son. they both seem to belong unto another hilary , that was afterward made bishop of arles ; who together with prosper of aquitain , defended the cause of augustine against the french semipelagians , the former of the epistles gave occasion unto augustine to write his treatises of the predestination of the saints and of the good of perseverance , to which are prefix'd this epistle , together with one from prosper concerning the same matter . . a fragment concerning the things that were done in the council of ariminum , rejected by baronius . . an heroick poem , stiled genesis written unto pope leo , who lived ann. . at what time hilary had left this life : and therefore it cannot be his , but may better be ascribed unto the abovenamed hilary bishop of arles . . a fragment of the trinity , which contains his creed , but of little credit as being no where else mentioned . it might happily be an extract out of his work upon this subject . § . as for his stile , it is perplex and th●rny , such , as should he handle matters in themselves very clear , yet would it be both hard to be understood and easie to be depraved . very lofty he is after the gallicane manner , for this seems to be peculiar unto the wit and genius of that nation ; ( as appears in sulpitius severus eucherius , and of late the famous budaeus , adeo sublimis , ut tubam sonare credas non bominem ; adeò faeliciter elaboratus , ut eruditum lectorem nunquam satiet , trivialiter literatos procul submoveat . ) and being adorned with the flowers of greece , he is sometimes involved in long periods , so that he is far above the reach of , and in vain perused by unskilful readers , which yet sixtus senensis thinketh ought to be referred unto his books of the trinity , wherein he imitated quintilian both in his stile , and also the number of the books : for in that work though the subject it self were profound , yet did he affect the praise of subtlety in the handling of it : which inconvenience ( saith erasmus ) may be lessened in the reader through custom and familiarity . but in his commentaries upon the psalms and gospel of matthew , his stile is succinct without any affection of art , solid yet sometimes obscure , but far from all swelling haughtiness . § . there are many things in his works well worthy of note ; i shall present you with a few which i shall chuse to do in his words lest they should lose too much of their weight , by the translation of them . . his creed or the sum of his faith , which he thus pithily sets down . intelliges ( inquit ad imperatorem constantium ) a me praedicari unum deum patrem , ex quo omnia ; et quem misit iesum christum , per qnem omnia , natum ex deo , qui est ante tempora aeterna , et erat in principio , apud deum , deus verbum , qui est imago dei invisibilis , in quo habitat omnis plenitudo divinitatis conporaliter : qui cum in forma dei esset , humilians sese salutis nostrae causâ , formam servi ex conceptu spiritus sancti de virgine accepit , factus obediens usque ad mortem , mortem autem crucis , et post resurrectionem mortis deinde in caelestibus sedens , aderit judex vivorum et mortuorum , et rex omnium aeternorum saeculorum . est enim unigenitus deus , et deus verus et deus magnus , super omnia deus , et omnis lingua confitebitur , quia dominus iesus christus in gloriâ dei patris est . . of the scriptures , as containing in them all things necessary to be known : quae ( inquit ) libro legis non continentur , ea nec nosse debemus . . of god thus . inter haec ( speaking of his doubts concerning the heathen gods ) animus sollicitus , devinum et aeternum nihil nisi unum esse et indifferens pro certo habebat , quia id quod sibi ad id quod est autor esset , nihil necesse est extra se quod sui esset praestantius reliquisse . atque ita omnipotentiam aeternitatemque non nisi penes unum esse , quia neque in omnipotentiâ validius infirmiusque , neque in aeternitate posterius anteriusve cougrueret . in deo autem nihil nisi aeternum potensque esse venerandum . . much to the same purpose . deus ( inquit ) beatus atque perfectus profectu non eget cui nihil deest , demutatione non novus est , qui origine caret . ipse est , qui quod est non aliunde est , in sese est cum est , ad se est , s●us sibi est , & ipse sibi omni● est , carens omni demutatione novitatis , qui nihil aliud quod in se posset incidere per id quod ipse sibi totum totus est reliquit . . of christ thus : hic unus est disponens ad abraham , loquens ad mosen , testans ad israel , manens in prophetis , per virginem natus , ex spiritu sancto , adversantes nobis inimicasque virtutes ligno passionis affigens , mortem in inferno perimens , spei nostrae fidem resurrectione confirmans , corruptionem carnis humanae gloriâ corporis sui periniens . — deo haec unigenito soli propria sunt . . of the anger of god , thus : poena patientis , ira esse creditur , decernentis . atque ita irascitur deus , cum per poenae dolorem iram decreti in se sentiat esse punitus , quae non per dem●tationem naturae in iram ex , placabilitate commota est , sed ex constitutione poenae ir● sit puniendis . . of faith , thus : pietas est non ambigere , & justitia est credere , & salus confiteri . non in incerta diffluere neque ad stultiloquia effervere , neque modo circumscribere potestatem , neque causas investigabilium sacramentorum retractare , dominum iesum confiteri , & à deo suscitatum à mortuis credere salus est . quae vr●ò insania est , qualis & oujusmodi sit iesum calumniari , ●um saelus sola sit hoc solum scire , quòd dominus sit . in simplicitate itaque fides est , in fide justitia est , in confessione pietas est . non per difficiles nos deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae gener● solicitat . in absoluto & nobis ac facili est aeternitas , iesum suscitatum à mortuis per deum credere , & ipsum esse dominum confiteri . . of the evil of divisions thus , — usus inolevit , qui postquàm nova potiùs coepit condere , quàm accepta retinere , nec verterata defendit , nec innovata firmavit , & facta fides temporum potiùs ▪ evangeliorum , dum & secundum annos scribitur , & secundum confessionem baptismi non tenetur . periculosum nobis admodùm , atque etiam miserabile est , tot nu●c fides existere , quot voluntates : & tot nobis doctrinas esse , quod mores & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare , quot vitia sunt : dum aut ita fides scribuntur ut volumus , aut ita ut volumus , intelliguntur : & cum secundum unum deum & unum dominum , & unum baptisma , etiam fides una sit , excedimus ab eâ fide quae sola est , & dum plures fiunt , ad id coeperunt esse , ne ulla sit . . of hereticks , thus ; quis doctrinae profectus est , placida magis quàm docenda conquirere ? aut quae doctrinae religio est , non docenda desiderare , sed ●esideratis coac●rvare doctrinam ? sed baec seducentium spirituum incentiva suppeditant , & simulatae religionis falsiloquia confirmant . sequitur enim fidei defectionem hypoerisis m●ndax , ut sit vel in verbis pietas quam amiserat conscienti● . . of pardon of sin , thus : ex copiâ bonitatis suae misericordiam in peccatorum remissionem largitur deus ; & peccatorum remissio non probitatis est meritum , sed spontaneae indulgentiae voluntas ex bonitatis divitiis ad miserandi ●unus exuberans . . of merit , thus , virgines prudentes fatuis petentibus ut oleum mutuent ; responderunt , non posse se dare , quia non sit fortè quod omnibus satis sit , alienis scilicet operibus ac meritis neminem adjuvandum quia unicuique lampadi suae emere oleum sit necesse . suitable hereunto is that remarkable story recorded by melchior adams ; to this purpose that a little before the time of gobelinus , there was set forth a play at isenach in germany , of the wise and foolish virgins ; wherein the foolish desiring oyl of the wise , ( which the actor thus interpreted ; that they would intercede unto god for them that they might be admitted unto the marriage , i. e. the kingdom of heaven ) they utterly denied to lend them any . the foolish fell to knocking , weeping and instant praying , but could not prevail a jot ; but were bidden to be gone and buy oyl . hereat prince frederick ( being present ) was greatly amazed , crying out quid est fides nostra christiana , si neque maria ( she was one of the five saints that represented the wise virgins ) neque alia sancta exorari potest : ut deprecetur pro nobis ? quorsum tot merita & bona opera , ut sanctorum apud deus intercessionem nobi● conciliemus , & gratiam impetremus : this consternation was such , that through it he fell into a sore and dangerous disease , which ended in an apoplexy whereof he died about four days after . . of the qualifications of a bishop or pastor : thus , quae propria disciplinae ac morum sunt , ad sacerdotii meritum utilia esse significat apostolus , si etiam haec quae ad docendae ac tuendae fidei scientiam necessaria sunt , inter reliqna non deerunt . quia non statim ●oni atque utilis sacerdotis est , aut tantummodo innocenter agere , aut tantummodo scienter praedicare , cum & innocens sibi tant●m proficiat , nisi doctus sit : & doctus sine doctrinae sit autoritare nisi innocens sit . non enim apost●licus sermo probitatis bonestatisque praeceptis hominem tantùm seculo conformat ad vitam , neque rursum per doctrine scientiam scribam synagogae instituit ad legem , sed perfectum ecclesiae principem perfectis maximarum virtutum bonis instruit , ut & vita ●jus orn●tur docendo , & doctrina vivendo . . of scandal , thus . differt laqueus à seandalo : laqueus enim est adhortatio voluptatum , & ingenium appetitionis inhonestae , quod modo laquei fallens capit . scandalum autem est uxor irreligiosa , filius iniquus , & caetera deinceps domi nomina , & omnis ex ecclesiâ frater , aut contumeliosus , aut avarus , aut ebriosus , aut turpis . in his enim nobis est scandalum , quoticus ad necessitatem irascendi , inhibendi , vindicandi ex illâ quietâ fidei nostrae mansuetudine provocamur . . of being under the power of corruption , thus , animae captivitas quàm infoelix est avarus cariturus semetipso , carere timet pecuniâ , negociosus , tristis , anxius , sine requi● ulla , domni metu semper detinetur : honestatis immemor est , amicitiarum inobservans , humanitatis fugax , religionem nescit , bonitatem omninò odit . at verò cui libido domina est , in quo coeno dedecoris volutatur ? pendet ad occasiones adulteriorum , anxius circa lasciviae suae fervorem , oculis , mente , corpore totus in scortis est . videns quotidie atque audiens humanas in adulteros leges , adulterium in ipso foro cogitat : quod agit timet , & quod timet non fugit . quid verò infaelicius ebrietatis dominatu ? ventri ultra capacitatem infundere , sensuirationem a dimere , non loqui , non meminisse , non stare , & mortem quandam naturae incolumi imperare ? quàm dedecorosus autem est furentium motus , temeritatis impetus , odiorum stimulus , livoris anxietas ? quanta ergò perturbatio eorum est , quanta calamitas , qui suprà memoratis malis serviunt ? § . these and such like passages worthy of note , are frequently to be met with in the writings of this father ; wherein there also some things that call for the caution of the reader , as not so warily and fitly uttered as they should have been , nor altogether allowable and to be approved of . such are these that follow . . suam cuique personam distribuens , aeternitatem adsignat patri , imaginem filio , usum spiritui sancto . in the explication of which place , augustine much troubled himself , as not knowing what he should mean by the word vsus . . videtur christo tribuere corpus & animam , nullis obnoxiam molestis affectionibus , e.g. hominem ( inquit ) verum secundum similitudinem nostri hominis non deficiens à se deo sumpsit christus , in quem quamvis aut ictus incideret aut vulnus descenderet , aut nodi concurrerent , aut suspensio elevaret , afferrent quidem haec impeturae passionis , non tamen dolorem passionis inferrent , ut telum aliquod aut aquam perforans , aut ignem compungens , aut aera vulnerans — homo ille de deo est habens ad patiendum quidem corpus , & passus est , sed naturam non habens ad dolendum . . parùm benè ab eo dictum est : mariam virginem praeter concipiendi , gestandi & pariendi ministerium , nihil addidisse de suo : ac fi christus non ex substantiâ corporis mariae carnem & sanguinem suam sumpsisset . . asserit , nos cum filio & patre unum esse naturâ , non adoptione , neque consensu tantùm . . de creatione sensit : omnia creationis opera simul & semel , sine intervallis aut ordine operum aliorum post alia creatorum , extitisse ; quae opinio manifestè cum . capite geneseos pugnat . . de libero arbitrio non satis videtur cauté locutus : cum ait . in psal. . . prius ( inquit ) quae à deo sunt cum honore praeposuit , & tunc quae à se cum confessione subjecit . orat igitur ut deus tribuat . est ergò à nobis cum oramus exordium , ut munus ab eo sit : dehinc quia de exordio nostro munus est ejus , ex nostro rursum est , ut exquiratur , & obtineatur , & maneat . item . est quidem in fide manendi à deo munus , sed impediendi à nobis origo est . et voluntas nostra hoc proprium ex se habere debet , ut velit deus incipienti crementum dare ; quia consummationem per se infirmitas nostra non obtinet , meritum tamen adipiscendae consummationis est ex imtio voluntatis . § . as concerning his end , i find this : that upon the death of constantius , iulian his successor granting liberty of returning unto all those that by constantius had been banished , hilary among the rest returned into his own country , where having remained by the space of six years he peaceably ended his days , in the reign of the emperors valentinian and valens ; a●n . christ , three hundred sixty six , or as others , three hundred sixty nine . finis . reader , you are entreated to correct the errors of the press , particularly that in page . for all visions read allusions . mantissa . this treatise which hath lain dormant by me for several years , was dispatch'd and put out of hand , before mr. dallee's book of the writings of dyonisius areopagitae and ignatius antiochenus saw the light , and had it then passed the press ( as it was very near to have done ) i had been saved this labour , and no contest had happened between the very learn'd dallee and my self . but coming to a view of it , when mine was adventuring into the world , i thought my self concerned to say somewhat ( and much it shall not be ) in vindication of the epistles of that holy martyr ignatius , as being at least in part genuine , and not wholly supposititious ; though it cannot be denied that both he and they have been not a little abused by bold and dis-inngenuous persons . having therefore perused what the perspicacious mr. dallee hath done upon this subject , i find that therein he hath given sufficient proof of his singular learning , judgment and industry : and had his great pains been confin'd to and level'd at , the further discovery of the vile injury that hath bern offered to the worthy monuments of that famous martyr and primitive pishop , and not the utter extinction of them , his undertaking might have proved much more acceptable and successful . he herein follows his coaetanian countrymen salmasius and blondel ; and of the more ancient , ( who yet were eight hundred years after christ ) nicephorus patriarch of constantinople , and anastasius the library keeper at rome , and these are the principal whom he names to have been of the same mind with himself herein , though the greatest part of learned men go a contrary way unto him . the method he proceeds in is this : . he endeavours to make out the imposture ( as he apprehends it to be ) by no less than sixty six arguments , drawn from the ancients making no mention of these epistles , especially such as preceded eusebius : as also from divers expressions and passages found in them , which we cannot imagine should ever drop from the pen of ignatius . . he undertakes to answer the arguments and objections against it , made by those that dissent from him herein . in answer to the first argument drawn from the silence of the ancients making no mention of them : besides what the learned dr. hammond hath said , viz. that he is clearly destitute of positives , whoever would make use of negatives , and saith bellarmine , arguments negatively drawn from authority conclude nothing : both these sayings mr. dalle sets down , chap. . i would offer to consideration . . that it is more than probable that ignatius did write epistles : this mr. dallee seems to grant : 't is not question'd ( saith he ) whether ignatius wrote epistles , ( for who is so foolish to deny that he writ some ) but whether he wrote those that are carried about . p. . again , why do we not follow that which is most likely , to wit , that the impostor having learned that some epistles were of old written by ignatius , and perceiving that they were now wanting , took counsel from thence to feign and put forth his own under the same name . p. . to which he subjoyns these words of the learned petavius , i verily deny not that the epistles of ignatius , have been interpolated and changed by the addition of certain things , and depraved ; and that some are supposititious : but that no epistles at all were written by ignatius , i verily think to be too rashly affirmed . p. . now if he did write epistles , we cannot but suppose that those of his time who had him in so high esteem , would with utmost care preserve them , and not suffer through their negligence so precious a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be lost : and if so , what hinders why these now remaining should not ( at least in part ) be some of them ? . 't is known that the ancients do but seldom make use of the writings of those that went before them , and when they do so they do it many times without naming the author from whom the passages are borrowed . so irenaeus is wont ( saith mr. dallee ) to bring and recite the sayings and sentences of eminent men more ancient than himself , delivered by them , whether written or by lively voice , without naming the authors . p. . again , mr. dallee in his treatise of the right use of the fathers , lib. . chap. . p. . if the fathers ( saith he ) would have but taken the pains to have given us notice every time , who the author was whose opinion they alledged , this manner of commenting upon the scriptures , would have been much more beneficial to us and less troublesome . but this they very seldom do , as you may observe out of the expositions of hilary , ambrose and others who robbing poor origen without any mercy , do not yet do him the honour so much as to name him scarcely . from the ancients not mentioning the epistles of ignatius therefore , to infer that they are none of his , is very inconsequent , seeing this was a practice very usual with them . . we find that polycarp who lived at the same time with ignatius , as also irenaeus and origen , ( who were all before eusebius ) do make use of some passages in those epistles : and the double testimony ( saith mr. dallee p. . ) of polycarp and irenaeus prevail'd with eusebius so far , that he doubted not but that it was ignatius his work . it is true that the arguments drawn from hence by the most reverend vsser , and learned dr. hammond , mr. dallee labours to enervate as of no sorce : but of what strength his solutions are we shall make some tryal by and by : and thus much for his first argument drawn from the ancients not mentioning , as he pretends , the epistles of ignatius . . as to his second argument fetched from the expressions and passages found in them , which cannot be conceived to have come from ignatius , but have been inserted by some latter hand : to this it may be answered , that many of these ( and too many of them have crept into ignatius his epistles ) have been observed and made mention of by others : though the diligent and quicksighted mr. dallee hath taken notice of and discovered many more . the first discoverers of the imposture from thence concluded ( as well they might ) that ●oul hands had been tampering with and defiling them : ( and who of the most eminent ancients have not been so dealt with by wretched men ; that so those worthies might seem to own some errors , which by this means these hucksters seek to impose upon the world , and would fain that they should be entertained by unwary readers ) but yet did not conceive this to be a sufficient ground altogether to disclaim and reject them , as not written by ignatius : et gradus non alterat speciem . and had mr. dallee proceeded no further upon his more narrow inspection into , and espyal of the fraud of those interpolators , good might have been done by his laudable pains , and the mischief of the deceit more fully prevented . but mr. dallee seems to have been too much swayed by nicephorus p. c. and anastasius the roman library keeper , whom he follows herein , who upon this only account ( as vsser thinks ) because they were interpolated and corrupted , did rank these epistles in the number of apochryphals : as mr. dallee tells us p. . though the instances produced by mr. dallee ( too many here to be repeated ) be looked on and yielded to have been since added by unworthy interpolators , yet may there be so much found remaining , as may make up those epistles as they came out of the hands of ignatius ; those epistles of his reckoned to be genuine , being much shorter in the time of eusebius than they are at this day . the interpolations therefore are no sufficient warrant for their utter rejection . petav. p. . the second branch of this discourse consists of his answer made to the arguments of dissenters , wherein they shew that the ancients before eusebius , did make use of divers passages from ignatius , and therefore is his pretence of their silence in this regard of no sorce to annul the epistles of ignatius . their first argument is drawn from the testimony of polycarp his contemporary , which is found in his epistle to the philippians . to which mr. dallee returns this solution . . that that epistle to the philippians is apochryphal . answ. those whose judgment this is , are the aforesaid nicephorus p. c. and anastasius bibli . r. who follows nicephorus herein as mr. dallee owns , p. . f. so that upon the matter it amounts to no more than one single testimony ; against which we may well oppose the contrary judgment of eusebius , much more ancient than they who mention that passage of polycarp , ( viz. that he had sent them as many epistles of ignatius as he had by him ) as contained in his epistle to the philippians , without any hesitation of its being his . hist. lib. . cap. . and quotes irenaeus , lib. . cap. . as owning it to be his : thus , there is ( saith he ) extant an epistle of polycarp unto the philippians , very profitable &c. hist. lib. . cap. . solut. . the author ( saith mr. dallee ) of that particle in polycarps epistle , ( viz. of ignatius himself , and those that are with him , signifie what ye know for certain ) intimates that when he writ it ignatius was living , but the author of the epistle most plainly affirms , ( using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that he was dead : therefore wa● it inserted into the epistle by some other . answ. . were it so ; yet this makes not the whole epistle apocryphal but only corrupted , as those of ignatius have also been , for which cause nicephorus and anastasius reject them : and upon the same reason , as mr. dallee imagines , do they conclude that the epistle of polycarp also is apocryphal , p. . m. but how weakly , judge . and for this particle inserted mr. dallee , ibid. thinks it no crime to say , that those epistles , viz. of ignatius , which in this epistle of polycarp to the philippians , are said to be collected by him , were not collected by polycarp , a conjecture but slenderly bottom'd . yea mr. dallee grants that if those words put in by the impostor be left out , all the rest of the epistle agrees with the judgment of photius one of the successors of anastasius in the patriarchship who saith : there was read the epistle of polycarp unto the philippians , full of many admonitions , with plainness and simplicity . p. . m. it seems by this that photius ( a most learned writer as mr. dallee there stiles him ) did not account that epistle to be apocryphal , nor did the judgment of his predecessor sway him herein , which therefore he did not look on as of so much weight as mr. dallee esteems it to be . and whereas mr. dallee tells us that it is apparent that the particle contained in this epistle ( wherein is mentioned that a collection of ignatius his epistles was made by polycarp ) was inserted by the impostor , whence he concludes that the collection was not made by him : it seems not to be so apparent , for admit that particle not to be be so coherent with the preceding clause , as mr. dallee conceives , yet we know how usual it is in the close of epistles , to add somewhat beside the main intendment of them occasionally . besides , all that he gathers from the seeming incoherence is only this ; that those words seem to have been rashly and beside the mind of the author sown on by some other hand : and if any thing were added , saith he , by the author beside the above mentioned words , i should believe that those last words which follow after the place objected against , ( viz. scripsistis mihi et vos & ignatius , &c. where he speaks of the collection of the epistles of ignatius made by him ) were the words that were added . p. ● . so , saith he , expunging all that which is said of ignatius and his epistles , the whole clause of the epistle would run decently . thus he p. . and what amounts all this conjecture unto , but only this that from the seeming incoherence of that particle with the foregoing words , it seems to him and he believes , and p. . 't is his opinion concerning the objected place in polycarp's epistle , that that particle was added by the impostor . let the reader now judge whether these conjectural apprehensions of his be sufficient to invalidate polycarps testimony of the epistles of ignatius . but what can be imagined that the impostor should have in his eye , in adding this particle to polycarp's epistle ? seeing it hath nothing in it , beside a commendation of ignatius his epistles , but some particular affairs : what advantage could he gain by such an abuse ? oh much , saith mr. dallee : the impostor ( whom i think we need not look far for ) is even he without doubt , whom we have hitherto demonstrated by many and manifest proofs to have substituted , feigning the name of ignatius , epistles framed by himself to the holy martyr . this is indeed said by mr. dallee , but how doth it appear that he is the man ? and if he framed ignatius his epistles , then all or only some of them : all he could not , for some were extant before eusebius his time , who mentions divers of them . lib. . cap. . and he lived . an . . and the second collection being six in number , was made ( as the reverend vsser conjectures ) ann. . or , as the publisher of the constantinopolitan chronicle thinks , ann . . so the space of time between those mentioned by eusebius , if collected but in his time , and the second collection is by the former computation . . years , and by the latter . years , a time too long to imagine the impostor to have lived . if he were the forger but of some only , 't is demanded of which ? and of this i suppose it will be found somewhat a knotty difficulty to determine . besides , if some only be the impostors , then the remainder must be of some other , and if so why not of ignatius , being the commonly reputed father of them . . that the author of the epistle saith plainly that ignatius was then dead , is not so plainly to be found therein . for those expressions , viz. that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had finished the least act of his conflict , do not necessarily imply so much , but might be made use of upon this account , because he had been condemned , and was under the sentence of death , being now also in the way to his execution : for such are dead in law and looked on as in that state : as that phrase holds out , psal. . . according to the greatness of thy power , preserve thou those that are appointed to dye , or as the margin reads , the children of death . . the second argument or objection made by the dissenters , is drawn from the testimony of irenaeus ; who in his fifth book against heresies , towards the end hath these words : as one of our own , who for the testimony of god , was adjudged to the beasts ; said , i am the wheat of god , &c. solut. irenaeus saith not that he wrote those words , but only that he spake so : then it cannot be gathered that he saw any writing of ignatius . answ. . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes indifferently both the thing uttered by the voice , and those delivered in writing also : so tit. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : one of themselves even a prophet of their own , said , this was written by epimenides the poet. so then notwithstanding the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he might have that sentence from some writing of ignatius . . ierom and others report , that those words were uttered by him , when he was adjudged to the beasts , which was no small while before he encountred them . for after his sentence pronounced , he was led from syria to rome , a long journey , wherein he writ his genuine epistles , of which that to the romans was one , containing the words pronounced by him : so that probable it is that he spake those words more than once , between the time of his being sentenced aud executed ; and therefore may well be conceived to have made mention of them in an epistle . . mr. dallee concludes that irenaeus never saw or knew of any epistle of ignatius . . because he brings the authority of such as were elders before him , and disciples of the apoles against the error of florinus and of polycarp by name ; but mentions not ignatius . answ. . his not mentioning of ignatius , is but a slender argument to prove that he saw not any epistle of his , he might have some reason unknown to us of this his silence . . ignatius is no less contained in the word elders , than polycarp : for he saith in general that florinus never had his doctrine delivered to him from those elders , the disciples of the apostles : which expression ( elders ) comprehends and may be understood of ignatius as well as polycrap , who were both the disciples of the apostle iohn . . in that fragment of his epistle to florinus , he saith this only of polycarp : i , saith he , saw thee florinus , when i was yet a boy with polycarp in the lesser asia , &c. and then adds , if that holy and apostolick elder had heard any such thing , he would streight have stopp'd his ears . this therefore is but a weak proof that he never saw any of ignatius his epistles : but rather the contrary , he being as well as polycarp comprehended in the name elders . . because where he mentions the difference between anicetus , bishop of rome and polycarp , about the observation of easter , he speaks not a word of ignatius ; especially considering that peremptory saying of his ( in his epistle to the philippians ) that if any one observed easter with the iews , he is partaker with those that slew the lord and his apostles : anicetus might well have objected this to polycarp . p. . answ. you have little reason to say that the epistle to the philippians , was altogether unknown to irenaeus , because he made not use of this passage to anicetus : for 't is conceived that those words fell not from the pen of ignatius , but were since foisted in by some one that corrupted that epistle : we grant that irenaeus never read those words there , nor could he well , seeing they were not at that time there to be found : yet might he see that epistle as it came out of the hands of ignatius , which had no such blemish in it . . because he is of a contrary mind unto ignatius , about the time of christs abode upon earth : ignatius rightly conceiving that being baptized about the thirtieth year of his age , he remained on earth but three passovers after that time : whereas irenaeus thinks that he taught to his fortieth or fiftieth year . answ. . irenaeus was not bound to follow ignatius in every thing , if he had a peculiar apprehension of his own in this matter , what eminent men have not in some things had the like , wherein yet sometimes they have been in the wrong ? . irenaeus erring herein , thought he had reason for his opinion . mr. parker . lib. . § . . de descensu . speaks in his behalf . this tradition , saith he , of irenaeus carried in it a certain shew of truth , and seems to have a foundation from the scriptures : he , i. e. christ was called master , and had the perfect age of a master ; he came to save every age , therefore he passed through every one : thou art not yet fifty year old , ioh. . . therefore was he forty or upward : for the jews lyed not , or missed , twenty years . also irenaeus brings in men of great name for authors , namely the elders which had lived with iohn in asia . he quotes for this iren. lib. . cap. . . no marvel then that he was mistaken , and his dissent from ignatius herein , is but of little strength to prove , that he was altogether unacquainted with ignatius his epistles . i may here make use of mr. dallee's words , cap. . p. . where speaking of the disagreement of clemens alexandrinus from ignatius , about the time of christs preaching after his baptism , ( whereas ignatius saith it was three years , clemens saith it was but one ) he hath this passage : if clemens had known the judgment of so great a man as ignatius , without doubt he either for his piety would have followed it , or for his learning he would certainly have brought reasons and confirm'd it , why he thought not that to be followed : thus he . and this we find irenaeus to have done viz. to have produced reasons . . the third argument or objection made by the dissenters , is drawn from the testimony of origen , in whom are to be seen two passages of ignatius that are found in his epistles : the former in bom . in luc. cap. . where naming ignatius , i , saith he , found written in an epistle of his , that the virginity of mary was hidden from the prince of this world , epist. ad ephes. the latter out of his prologue to his commentary on the canticles : where he thus speaks . i remember that one of the saints spake thus of christ ; my love was crucified . so ▪ ignatius in his epistle to the romans . solut. the latter of these passages , he saith , that he spake but not that he writ so . answ. . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies speaking either with the voice , or by writing : as doth also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same import : as act. . . as some of your own poets have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : instancing in a saying of aratus , in his poem entituled phaenomena . . he might both speak & write so too , see his answer to his solution of the first argument from the testimony of irenaeus . . solut. each place , saith he , alledged out of origen , is of uncertain and doubtful authority . answ. . if those places be dubious , then the passages of ignatius might be reported by origen as well as not : and the authority is of equal strength for the affirmative or negative ; nothing certain can be concluded from them . . erasmus his censure ( which you produce who thinks it none of his ) is not infallible : and merlin ( to whose pains we are beholding for one edition of origen , who therefore should be acquainted with his works ) is very confident that these commentaries are origen's . the reason for which they are judged to be the work of some latine author , seems not to be so cogent , viz. because some greek words are interpreted by latine : for this he might do for the help of those that might not so well understand some greek words ; which therefore needed explication . besides it is known that for origen's works , although he wrote them in greek , yet have we scarcely any of them at this day , but only in latine ; except his excellent answer to celsus in eight books . therefore these interpretations of divers greek words by latine ; and the saying that such a latine word or expression is rendred so or so in the greek , may be done by the translators of his works , which is most likely : from whence therefore it cannot be inferred that those commentaries are none of origen's . . for his homilies on luke they are not mentioned by either cook or rivet among the tracts falsely ascribed to origen ; which doubtless they would , and ( in such a work , their censure ) they ought to have done , had they judged them not to be origens . . ierom the interpreter of these homilies on luke thinks them to be origens , but a birth of his younger years , and not so elaborate , for some errors sprinkled amongst them . sixt. senens . in biblioth . which errors , as merlin imagines , were inserted by those that envied him . so that notwithstanding what is said by mr. dallee , those sayings of ignatius may have been related by origen , which he might be acquainted with from his epistles . . the fourth argument or objection made by the dissenters , is drawn from the testimony of eusebius bishop of caesarea , who in his ecclesiatical history , lib. . cap. . mentions six epistles of ignatius : so the reverend vsser accounts them , making that to the church of smyrna , and to polycarp their bishop to be the same , but others reckon seven , judging that to smyrna , and that to polycarp to be two distinct epistles : these six or seven ( saith mr. dallee p. . ) we confess that eusebius acknowledgeth and holds them to be truly the epistles of ignatius . to these mr. dallee's solutions are . . solut. his testimony is of no force being of a man that was two hundred years later than ignatius . answ. . the epistles of ignatius might well be preserved unto that time : many mens writings have remained many hundred years longer . . if so , then might eusebius well come to the sight of them though others not ; being a man so inquisitive after books , and pamphilus his intimate companion , most studious and diligent in erecting the library at cesarea , and searching after books : so ierom. iulius africanus began a well furnished library in the university of caesarea , ( saith middendorp of academyes lib. . ) which pamphilus and eusebius so enriched , that there is not a more famous one in the whole earth . being then so intimately acquainted with pamphilus ( as that he added his name to his own , being called eusebius pamphili ) and assistant with him ( who was very curious to find out the writings of those that went before him ) in compleating his library ; questionless they would not omit so precious a treasure as the epistle of ignatius ; which ( saith polycarp . epist. ad philip. ) are such , that from them you may reap great profit , for they contain faith , patience , and all edification pertaining to our lord. here then eusebius might come to see and peruse them , if he had them not among his own store . . the work he undertook and accomplished , ( viz. the compiling of an ecclesiastical history , wherein no one had gone before him ) required that he should be supplyed with fitting furniture for such an enterprise : who therefore being most inquisitive after the chief monuments of antiquity , doubtless would not neglect so choice a relique as those epistles , that might contribute not a little to his intended design . so that if ignatius writ any epistles , ( and , saith mr. dallee it were a foolish part in any to deny that he did , p. . ) who was more likely to obtain them ( reserved with utmost care by those that lived with him , as polycarp and the churches to whom he sent them ) than eusebius , so conducing to his purpose ? solut. he leans , saith mr. dallee upon a broken reed , viz. the two passages in polycarp and irenaeus , which are falsly said to be found in them , as hath been made to appear . answ. but we have shewed before that the allegations from them are a ground sufficient to prove that for which they were produced , and therefore i refer you to what hath been said hereof already . solut. he evidently overthrows this his opinion by somewhat laid down by himself elsewhere , ( which mr. dallee stiles his golden rule ) which is this , that no books inscribed with the names of the ancients , are to be accounted for true , but only those whose testimonies were made use of by men , either of the same or certainly of the next memory or age , euseb. lib. . c. . answ. eusebius his words are these : speaking of the second epistle of clement bishop of rome to the corinthians ) we have to learn , saith he , that there is a second epistle of clement which was not so received and approved of as the former , seeing we find not that the elders ( or ancients ) did use it . now the question may be what use of it eusebius means ? not that which mr. dallee intends , viz. their alledging of it in their writings ; but the publick reading of it in the churches : for so eusebius records of his first epistle . one undoubted epistle , saith he , of his there is extant , both worthy and notable , which he wrote from rome unto corinth , when sedition was raised among the corinthians : the same epistle we have known to have been read publickly in many churches both of old and amongst us also , hist. l. . c. . again , saith he , dionysius bishop of corinth writing an epistle to the romans , viz. unto soter their bishop , remembreth the epistle of clement thus : we have , saith he , this day solemniz'd the holy sunday , in which we have read your epistle and always will for instructions sake , even as we do the former of clement written unto us , hist , l. . c. , so that eusebius his golyen rule ( as your term it ) being thus misunderstood by you , proves in its right sence , as no way advantageous unto you , so no whit at all prejudicial unto him . thus have i spoken a word in the behalf of ignatius's his epistles , which notwithstanding what hath been said by the learned mr. dallee do not appear to be altogether supposititious : and that , though they have been basely abused by unworthy persons with their corrupt interpolations , yet have we to this day found among us some remains of the monuments of that eminent and glorious martyr . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e so is luther called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui divino motu fertur , numine afflatus : by urban rhegius in loc . com . vid. epist . joan. frederi in ante rhegit loc . com . nicephor . l. . c. . magd. cent ▪ , c. . ubi supr● . mat. . , . cent. ib. hieronym . catalog . scultet , in medul . episcopus post petrum antiochi● secundus . origen . hom . . cap. . in lucam . in synopss . eccles hist. l. . c. . merid. han●●●rs chronol . cent. . c. . baron . annal . an . . § ● . ib. § ● . baron . an . § . posseum . apparat . usher ignat. epist. theodoret. dialog . . serm. . in psal. qui habitat . montac●te . apparat . euagr. hist. l. . c. . eus. l. . c. . scultet . medul . trithem . de script . ●ivet . crit. sac. baron . an . . § . ibid § . ibid. § . exercitat , § . hist. . cap. . in catalog . script . ignat. epist. cap. . in catalog . exercitat . . cap. . hist. lib. . cap. . cap. . cent. . cap. . examen pat . . pag. . in censur . crit. 〈◊〉 〈…〉 scultet . in medull . lib. . advers . pelagi . rivet . crit . sac . ignat. epist . cap. . & . idem ibid. cap. . coci censur . usher ignat. geograph . lib. . hist. lib. . c. . cesarea augusta plinio , quae priùs anazarba . ptolem. geograph . lib. . c. . lect. antiq . lib. . cap. . vadian . epit . lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in geograph ▪ asi● . ibid. so also castabala , oppidum ciliciae . ptolem. geograph . lib. . c. . usher ignat. ep . cap. . biblioth . patr . in epist. epist. ad heronem . ad an . . § . ignat. epist. coci censur . epist. ad tarsens . epist. ad philip. ibid. epist. ad antioch . epist. ad polycarp . in medull . in notis in epist. lib. de script . quaest . . ad an . . § . usher . ignat. epist. ● cap. . descript. eccles. ad an . . § . apparat. coci censur . praefat. ad epist. ignat. in biblioth . patrum . edit . paris . . per magarinum la bigne . nihil naeniis illis , quae sub ignatii nomine editae sunt , putidius . calvin . institut . l. . c. . § . ad an . . § . scultet in medull . vedelius . ex usher . igna. epist. jerom. in catalog . ex epist. ad roman ex editione usheri . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ieron . ib. ex epist. eade●● . euseb. lib. ● . cap. . epist. ad magnesian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in epist. ad ephes. in epist. ad magnesian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. &c. epist. ad magnesian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . epist. ad philadelph . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. epist. ad ephes. epist. ad trallens . epist. ad roman . scultet . in medull . baron . ad an . . § . in epist. ad roman . baron . ad an . . baron . ad an . . § . id. ad an . ● zonaras . tom. . p. orosius . l. . c. . in vitâ trajani . apolog. . john . . adrichom in theatro ptolem. geograph . lib. . cap. . jos. . . plin. lib. . cap. . magnin . geograph . epiphan . lib. . tom. . in colloq . cum triphon . apolog. . in colloq . cum triphon . antonin . chronic. cent. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . acts . . in epist. ad lect. ante opera justin . epiphan . haeres . . trithem . de script . euseb. lib. . cap. . hieronym . epist. . euseb. lib. . ca. . & . & lib. . cap. . photius in biblioth . num . . in colloq . cum tryph. epist. ad lect . imperatorem benignum erga christianos homines fecit . o●os . lib. . ca. . euseb. lib. . cap. . lib. . ca. . in the knowledge of the h●ly scriptures are very diligently exercised therein . bellarm. de script . in catalog . quae ad no● pervenit . inquit euseb. lib. . ca. . de script . euseb. ibid. de script . cent. . c. . biblioth . num . . cent. ibib . in catalog . in appa●at . omnium consensu ipsi tribuuntur scultet . in medull . edit . parisiens . . gr . & lat . scultet . medullâ . ibid. de script . eccles. & baron . ad an . § . aelius , adrianus . baron . ad an . . § . in praefat●ad opera justini . cont. . c. ▪ possevin . in apparat . de script . eccles. scultet . in medul . scultet . in medul . rivet . crit . sac . in observat . ri et . crit . sat . note in hieronym . catalog . in bibloth . eccles. scultet . in medull . cent. ● . cap. . scultet . in medul . bellarm. de scrip. ibid. scultet . ibid. in apparat . ad an . . § . de script . eccles. bellar. ibid. & possevin . in apparat . cent. . cap. . in apparat . de scrip. scultet . in medull . & coci censur . & cent. . cap. . in dialog . cum tryphon . bibliotia . lib. . sylburg . in annotat. scultet . in medull . dr. james corruption of the futhers . coci . censur . cent. . cap. . apolog. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 president . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : with all his might or earnestly : thorndike of religious assembl . and service , cap. . rendred , langus , quamtum pro virili suâ potest . by gelenius ; quantum potest . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 dialog . cu● triphon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . pag. . gr . lat . edit . dialog . cum tryphon . pag. . ibid. pag. . pag. . dialog . cum tryphon . pag. . apolog. . p. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ibid. p. ▪ apolog. . p. . ibid. p. . exhortat . ad graecos . p. . exhortat . ad graecos pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . victor . schol. in hieronym . catalog . hieronym . in catalog . hieronym . ibid. euseb. lib. . c. . pag , ● . edit . gr. & lat. paris . apolog. . page . sixt. senens . biblioth . lib. . annot . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epit. hist. eccles. cent. . lib. . c. . apolog. . interprete gelenio . apolog. . pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cent. . c. . baron . cent. . c. . graecus asianus & fortè smyrnaeus fuit . possev . apparat . euseb. l. . c. . in ep , smynens . eus. l. . c. . 〈◊〉 . haeres . hie●●●mym . in ca●●log . greg. tu●onens . l. . hist. c. . in catalog . l. hist. . c. ● . cent. . c. . eus. l. . c. ● ▪ euseb. lib. . cap. . baron . ad a● . . § . fevard . in vitâ irenaei . cent. . c. . theodoret. h●ret . f●bul . lib. . baron . ad ▪ an . . euseb. lib. . cap. . . cent. . gallic● sanctâque libertate objurgat . feuard . in vita ejus . in vitâ irenaei . vir apostolicorum temporum , & papiae , auditoris egelistae joannis discipulus . hieronym . epist. . theodoret. dialog . . & haeret . fab . lib. . august . lib. . contra julian . tom . . baron . ad an . . ● § . sixt. sen●ns . biblioth . lib. lib. haeres . . cent. . cap. . ● trithem . de script . f●uard . in vitâ iren. epist. ante iren . cent. . ibid. tertull. advers . valentin . epiphan . haeres . . illyric . in catalog . epist. nuncupat . ante iren. hieronym . in catalog . miaeus . schol. in catalog . hieronym . euseb. lib. . cap. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hieronym . ibid. ibid. possevin . apparat . cent. . cap. . in catalog ▪ euseb. lib. . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . tom. . epis. . euseb. lib. . cap. . & . anthropolog . lib. . biblioth . lib. . liber doctissimo & eloquentissimo sermone compositus . hieronym . epist. . lib. . cap. . biblioth . ▪ rivet . crit . sac . bellarm. catalog . script . registr . lib. . epist. ● . epist. nuncupat . ante iren. ibid. bellarm. in catalog . scrip. in epist. nuncupat . ante iren. in vita iren. rivat . crit . ●ac . ad an. . § . biblioth . lib. . in annotat. in lib. ter. tull . advers . valent. also our learned fulke . ireneus wrote in greek , and is translated into latine by one that followed very much the vulgar latin text in his preface to the epist . dedicat . ante tertull . in praefat. ad epiphan . in epist. ad . thomsonum num . . rivet . crit . sac . chitraeus . in orat. de stud . theolog . feuard . commonit . in . ab . irenaei . rivet . crit . ●ac . in praefat . ante iren. in argument . lib. . in epist. ante iren. cent. . cap. . in prooem . lib. . erasm. in epist. nuncupat . erasm. praefat . ante hilarium . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dispositiones dei. so doth the centurists render it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in prooem . lib. . lib. ● . cap. . domesticitatem . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . lib. . . lib. . cap. . dictiones . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . pag. . cap. . feuardent . edit . estenim dies dominl . irenaeus antiquissimus theologus hoc nomen tanquam valdè consentaneum huic mysterio divinâ sagacitate indagavit . paraeus comment . in apoc. . lib. . ca. . edit . feuardent . lib. . cap. . lib. ● . cap. . 〈◊〉 sunt dictae . lib. . ca. . ch●risma . lib. . ca . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . divini senis verba no●anda . casaub . exercitat . . p. ● . iib. . ca. . lib. . ca. . lib. . ca. . ibid. lib. . ca. . lib. . ca. . ibid. lib. . ca. . in catalog . papias . in argum . in lib. irenaei . crit. sac . commentar . atas . . c. . hist. lib. . c. . ad an . . § . ad an . . § . baron . ad an . . § . lib. . c. . biblioth . num . . cent. . c. . patria ●uit atheniensis . baro. ad an . . § . communis quaedam institutionis & eruditionis officina . diodor. sicul . biblioth . lib. . lib. de academ . c. . haeres . . nobilissimum orbiterrarum gymnasium . cicero . in epist. famil . l. . ep. . cent. . c. . baron . ad . an . . § . hieronym . in catalog . rhenan . in tertul. lib. de poenitent . ex euseb . l. . c. . epist. . cent. . c. . of these schools . see hospin . de orig . templor . cap. . cent. . c. . hospin . ibid. cent. . l. . cap. . orat. . de benefic . lib. . c. . geograph . cent. . c. hieronym . in catalog . magister illius ecclesi . ruffin . in apolog. pro origine . baron . ad an . . § . cent. . c . baron . ib. hieronym . in catalog . chemnit . examen . par . . baron ad . an . . § . ep. . mag. idem . in catalog . trithem . de script . bergoma . supplem . chron . nicet . coniat . orthodox . l. . cap. . casaub. exercitat . . in praefat . ad annotat . in clem. contra julian . l. . cent. . c. ▪ trithem . descript . euseb. l. . c. . hieronym . in catalog . lib. . c. . in catalog . lib. . c. . lib. . c. . apparat. ibid. honor. august . de script . eccles. cap. . de script . eccles. cent. . cap. . cent. ibid. sixt. senens . lib. . p●otius in biblioth . numb . . cent. ibid. nicephor . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 it . in clement . in biblioth . num . . in edit . clement . in not . ad mar . in apparat . photius . biblioth . numb . . cent. cap. . lib. . cap. . trithem . de script . euseb. lib. . cap. . biblioth . lib. ● . in catalog . nicephor . l●b . . cap. . strom. lib. . strom. lib. . in animadvers . in athenaeum . lib. . cap. . schol. in hieronym . epist . . in vitâ origen . biblioth . lib . in epist. ante strom. treat . of the right use of the fathers . lib. . exercitat . . ad apparat . annal. baron . in epist. ante opera clem. heinsius in annotat . in clement . scultet . in maedull . heinsius in annotat . ibid. possevin . in apparat . libri stromateon octo sunt , adversus paganos atque haereses pugnath instituentes . photius . num . . heb. . . h●i●s . ibid. strom. lib. . strom. lib. . strom. lib. . quest. . de vitâ & opibus dionys. areopagit . contra celsni . pag. . strom. lib. . heins . in annotat . in biblioth . in medul . in annotat. chron. tom . . lib. . cap. . biblioth . patrum , tom . . ad an . . §. . rivet . crit. sac. lib. de an●mâ . rhodig . iect . antiq . lib. . cap. . biblioth . num . . ibid. cap. . erasm. adag . strom. lib. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hesychius . strom. lib. . strom. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in protreptico . paedagog . lib. . cap. . strom. lib. . strom. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . strom. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . paedgog . lib. . cap. . strom. lib. . euseb. lib , . cap. . niceph. lib. . cap. . strom. lib. . euseb. nic●ph . ibid. scultet . in medull . augustin . de heres . heins . annotat . lib. . ca. . in biblioth . strom. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in augustin . de haeres . cap. . § . lib. . cap. . strom. lib. . in protreptico . gratian. part . . distinct . . 〈…〉 ● . § . because lactantius deny●d the substance of the holy ghost ; quis mihi interdicere potest , ne legem institutionum ejus libros , quibus contra gentes scripsit fortissimè , quia superior sententia dete●tanda est . hieronym . epist. ad pammach . & oceanum , de errorib . origen . strom. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strom. lib. . exercitat . . § . strom. lib. . ibid. in examin . parte . detradit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in protreptico . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . ibid. ce●t . . cap. . lib. advers . h●rmogen . in argumen . lib. tertull. advers . valentinian . coloss. . . epist. ad pammac● . & oceanu● de orrorib . orig. patrum nonnulli sunt , qui pro eâ quâ imbuti fuerunt adolescentes in scholis ethnicorum philosophiâ naturae viribus plus aequo tribu●●t . arrowsm . tactic . lib. . cap. . § . cent. . cap. . comment . in rom. . . strom. lib. . cent. . cap. . strom. lib. . & . cent. . cap. . cent. . cap. . in catalog . pamel . in vitâ tertull. geograph . lib. . hist. natural . lib. . cap. . pamel . ibi●● hieron . in catalog . ● baron . ad an . . §. . sixt. senens . lib. . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . advers . jovinian . lib. . ad an . . § . in catalog . nicephor . lib. . c. . in vitâ ter-tertull . in apolog. pamel . in vitâ tertull. euseb. lib. . cap. . clericorum nominatissimis romanae urbis . opus detemporib . mundi . in vitâ tertull . in catalog . cent . rhenan platina . nicephor , &c. cent. . cap. . pa●el . in vitâ . scultet 〈◊〉 medull . lib. de patient . pamel . in vit● . concil . tom . binnii notae invit . victor . rhenan . in argument . lib. tertull. advers . valentinian . baron . ad an . . controvers . tract . . q. . § . baron . ad an . . § . . lib. advers . valentinian in annotat . in loc . baron . ●ibid . hilar. in math. ● . gratian. par . . distinct . . cent. . c. . rivet . crit . sac . tom. . epist . . augustin . de haeres . c. . praefat. an t . opera tert. rhenan . in argument . in tertul. exhort . ad castitat . hoc tum apostolis , tum ●ypriano ( in exhortat . martyri● quoniam inquit , in fine 〈…〉 august . de haeres . c. . baron ad an . . § . gal. . ● . gal. . . cor. . . treatise of the use of the fath●rs lib. . cap. . vid. lib. de mon. cap. . et li. contr . psych . cap. ● . s● also meri● casaubon , it 's true he bacame a m●nt●nist or was 〈◊〉 so at least ; though in very deed he never was of his congre●ation or belief , generally : but in matter of private revelations only . treatise of enthusias●● . rhenan . in praefat . & in annotat . in lib. de cor . milit . item in arg●m . in li. de carne christi . primus latinorum qui quidem extet . theologus aventi● annal . rhenan . in praefat . hieronym . in catalog . zeph. in argum in apogoletic . rhenan . in argu● . in lide patient . 〈◊〉 institut . lib. . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . mag●● epist. . rhenan . in praefat . cent. . c. . pamel . in vitâ . in praefat . in hilarium . pamel . in vitâ . cent. . c. . erasm. in prolegom . a●te grigen . cent. . c. . rhenan . argum . in lib. de patient . danzus . in aug. de haeres . cap. . baro. ad an . ● . §. . contra haeres . c. . in aug. in heres . c. . hieronym● in catal . pamel . in vitâ . diogen . laert . in vitâ ejus . fertur multa , quae non extant opuscula condididi●le . hieron . in cata . hieronym . advers . jovinian . lib. . in vitâ tertul . annal . ad an ▪ . § . epist. . hieronym . in catal . de papiâ . lib. de a●imâ . cap. . tertul. lib. de carne christi c. . epiphan . haeres . . de heraes . c. . in annot . in li. de carne christi . ter. pamel . fragment . tert. hieronym . in cat . rhenan . praefat . in opera tertu . in vitâ calisti . de script . eccles. cap. . de script . eccles. contra marcion . lib. . abdiam prophet . inproleg . ante lib. tertul. ad nationes . in argumen . lib. trrtul . de resurrect . ●arn . hyper. de rat . stud . theolog. scultet . medull . rhenan . argument . in l●b . august de heres . cap. . in apolog. pro zuingl . cent. . cap. . scultet . in medull . mynfinger . schol. in mistitut . just. lib. . in vocabulario . in medull . see also chamier . tom . . lib. . cap. . baron . ad an . . § . epist. de discer . spi●itib . rhenan . in argument . pamel . in arg●ment . lib. . cap. . epiphan . haeres . . augustin . de haeres . cap. . rhenan . in annotat . rhenan . in argument . idem . in annotat . dan●us in august . de haeres . cap. . nicet . choniat . thesaur . orth. ●id . lib. . cap. . pamel . & rhenan . in argument . rhenan . ibid. pamel . in vita . rhenan . in argument . augustin . de haeres . cap. . danaeus in hunc lib. ●ap . . pamel . in paradox . tertull. in admonit . de tertull. dogmat . tertull. principio lib. rhenan . in argumen● ▪ scultet . in medull . rhenan . ibid. ●e kins . problemat . in annotat. numb . rhenan . in argument . rhenan . in annotat . pamel . in annotat . rhenan . in argum . pamel . in argum . rhenan . in argum . tertul. ad uxor . lib. ▪ sub finem . rhenan . in argum ▪ ●pist . de fu●● in persecut . ●d an . . § . rhenan . in argum . rhenan . ●n argum . scultet . in m●dull . rhenan . in argum . pamel . in vitâ . hieronym . in catalog . rhenan . in argum . pamel . in argum . tertul. de 〈…〉 animae . scultet . in medull . treatise of the right use of the fathers , lib. . cap. . lord digby's second letter . in his answer to the iesuits challenge . cap. ult . d● animâ . pamel . in vitâ tertul. brisson . de formul . li. . baron . ad an . . § . pamel . in annotat . num . . tertul. de baptism . pamel . in argum . scultet . in medul . in annot . in hunc lib. advers . vigilant . baron . ad an● . § . this was also the doctrine of basilides the heretick ▪ see origen . tom. . in math. tract . . pamel . in vita tertul. pamel . in argum . scultet . in medul . baron . ad an . . § ● . in hoc libr● est vehementior . lib. de pudicit . paulo post initium ▪ veteres boni ominis causa● bonū factū praefari solebant in edictis . tu●neb . adversa . l. . c. . scultet . in medull . epist. damaso . num . . math. . . ●ame . in adnotat . see rhenan . annot . in lib. tertul. advers . praxe● scultet . in medul . baron . ad an . . § . comment . in math. scult●t . in medul . biblioth . sanct . l. . this was written by him in the latine tongue , saith nicephorus , l. . c. . but translated into greek . pamel . in argument . in epist. ad magnum . zephyr . in argument . panel . in vitâ tertul. ibid. baro. ad an . . § . de haeres . lib. . in prolego . ante notas in l. tertul. ad nationes . epist. ad magnū . . novatianus scripsit de cibis judaicis . honor. augusto dunens . descrip . eccles. also , hieronym . in catalog . scultet . in medul . pamel . edit . tertull. in catalog . script . ctitic . sac. ruffin . in apolog . pro origin . pamel . in argument . sixt. seneus . bibloth . sanct. l. . in apolog. advers . ruff. rivet . crit. sac. in catalog . parker . de descens . l. . § . pamel . in frag . tertul. in catalog . script . & controvers . de christo. l. . c. . pamel . in argument . cent. . l. . in medul . ba●on ad an . . § rhenar . in argument . ibid. scultet . in medull . index expurgat . pe● francise . junium . cent. . c. ● rivet . crit. sac. in argumen● . treat . of the use of the fathers part . . cap . in argum . ad an . . § . pamel . edit . tom . biblioth . patr. tom. . praefat. in tom. . in epist. ante ●ilar . de ●eres . ca. . nicephor . hieronym . epist. . sixt. senens . lib. . in vitâ ter. lactant. inst . lib. . cap. . instit. lib. ● ▪ cap. . § . in argum . in apologetic . casau● . exercitat . facundia ejus fe●rea . erasm. e● ▪ ante hilar. pet crinitus . lib ▪ . de poetis lat. de honest . disciplin . li. . cap . lib. . lib. de tradend . discip . epist. ante hilar. epist. . ad he●iodor . pamel . in vit● tertul. brerewoods inquiries cap ▪ . pamel . inadnot . in lib. de praescript . num . . pamel . in vitâ tertul. in aug. do haeres . c. ● . biblioth . sanct . lib. . novator vocabulorum tertullianus pamel . in adnot . in lib. de prescript . num . . & rhenan . in annot . in lib. eundem . epist. ante hilar. hieronym . in ●atal . duri in genil . baron ad ●n . . § . pamel . in ●pist . dedicat . rhenan . in argum . lib. ad ers . valentin . in praefat . ante tertul ▪ bond. in ep●st . ad lectorem . in annot . in lib. tertul. advers . valentin . hoc erat illius aetatis praeter s. scripturas neminem nominatim citare eras. epist. ante hilar. in vita tertul . rhenan . in annot . in lib. a●vers . valentin . lib. . cap. . lib. de veland . virg . l. de praes●rip . ad●er . h●res . pri●oomniū emissu● . delatum . vicariā vim sp sancti . qui agat . factâ utrius● ; partis resuscitatione . 〈◊〉 . b. lib. advers . 〈◊〉 de praescrippotat . pamel . in notis . martyrio exhortatnr . lib. de praescript . in apolog. quasi manu factâ ambiamus . pro●statu sculi . pro morâ finis . densamus . in apolog. praegustetur in apolog. in apolog. & lib. ad scapulam . in apolog. lib. de resurrect . carn . in apolog. lib. advers . hermogen . lib. de carn . christ. glebae , saxa . calculi . lib. de patient . remissa . lib. de resurrect . fidelissimum sequestrem dei & hominum . seponitur . lib. de spectacul . vita sufficiens . of marriage . lib. . ad uxorem . angeli renunciant obsignatum . volutantur . so albaspin . in notis . in annotat . in loc . womans ornaments . lib. de cult . foeminar . lib. de spectacul . lib. de praescript . of hereticks . ipsum esse illic pro. meter● est . osiand . epit . hist. cent . . lib. . cap. . august . de haeres . cap. . lib. advers . praxeam . aug. ibid. lib. advers . hermog . lib. de carne christi . lib. advers . praxeam . lib. . advers . haeres . lib. de trinitat . august . de ▪ h●res . c. . lib. de trinitat . ●ib . advers . praxeam . controvers . de christo. lib. . cap. . in argum . lib. de carue christi . in argum . lib. advers . praxeam . epist. . tranquillino . thess. . . hieronym . epist. pammach . & oceano . n. . lib. de resurrect . carnis . & saepius alibi . lib. advers ▪ praxeam . initio . hieronym . advers . vigilant . rhenan . in annotat in lib. ad●ers . praxeam . lib. de praescript . sculte● in medul . lib. lib. cap. . erasm. in vitâ origen . lib. . advers . marci●n . l●k . . lib. advers . marcion . lib. advers . judaeos . exhortat . ad castitat . lib. develand . virginib . lib. de fug . in persecut . lib. de idololatr . lib. de habit . muliebr . lib. . advers . marcion . lib. de anim● . ●x traduce . lib. de haeres . cap. . in vitâ tertull . in lib. august . de haeres . cap. . cent. . cap. . 〈◊〉 . part . . lib. de coron . m●lit . trithem . de script . hieronym . in catalog . in vitâ tertull . cent. . cap. . in vitâ tertull . erasm. adag . didymus scripsisse super ter mille & quingentos libros perhibetur . meurs . in notis in hesych . de illust . epist. . marcello . victor . schol. in hieronym . biblioth . cap. . erasm. in vitâ orig. euseb. lib. . cap. . in verb. origen . euseb. lib. . cap. . cent. . cap. . erasm. in vitâ origen . euseb. lib. . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . cent. . cap. . gabriel powel in his discourse of the unlawfulness of toleration , speaking of this paulus , and this very passage , adds ( as i think , saith he , samosatenus ) who was bishop of antioch : as euseb. lib. . cap. . erasm. in vitâ origen . hieronym . in catalog . tom. . in severo . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . cent. . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . & epist. ad pammach . & ocean . euseb. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . ●rasm . in vitâ origen . in virgil. aeneld . lib. . suidas in verbo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . genial . dier . dier . lib. . cap. . advers . jovinian . lib. . & in epist. ad ageruchiam viduam de monogamiâ . n. . lect. antiq . lib. ▪ cap. . alex. ab . alex . ibid. lib. . cap. . hist. natural . lib. . cap. . in exam . part ▪ . can. . bin. concil . can . . euseb. lib. . cap. . ad an . . § . erasm. in vitâ origen . in catalog . epiphan . haeres . . hieronym . in catalog . & schol. miraei in loc . euseb. lib. ● . cap. ● . cent. . cap. . osiand . epit . hist. cent . . lib. . cap. . cent. . cap. . hist. eccles. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . de script . eccles. hist. eccles. epit. n●●cler . zonoras . chronic. urspergens . osiander . hist. eccles. epit. euseb. lib. . cap. . erasm. in vitâ origen . ibid. ad an . . §. . in notis in hieronym . catalog . in hyppolyto . adversar . lib. . c. . lib. . ep●gr . . so jerom calls nepotian . epist. ad helio d●rum . num . ● . hieronym . in catalog . cent. . cap. ● . eras● . in vitâ origen . hieronym . in catalog . ad an . . § . eras● . ibid. cent. . cap. . osiand . cent . ● . lib. . cap. . niceph. lib. . cap. . ●●eronym . in catalog . euseb. lib . cap. . & ● . ut rem piam & fortem approbaverat . cent . . cap. . erasm. in vitâ origen . euseb. lib. . cap. . ad reformationem ecclesi● su● osiander . in epitom . fra●m . in vitâ origen . euseb. lib. . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . baron . adan . . § . euseb. l. . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . angelocrat . in epit . con. euseb. lib. . cap. . de h●res . cap. . & dan●us in com . in loc . euseb. lib. . cap. . epip . h●r . . euseb. l. . cap. . eras. in vitâ origen . jam scil . quando in eo erat vitae gravitas & maturitas ●tatis & mult● experienti● authoritas . haymo . eccles . hist. lib. . cap. . t●●ihem . de script . hieronym . epist. ad pammach . n. . in vitâ orig. in epist. ante opera orig. eras in vitâ origen . hieronym . in catalog . in vitâ orig. optimis disciplinis omnifariam excultus . rhenan . in epist. ante opera orig. eras. in vitâ origen . see polydor. virg. de● inventor . rec . lib. . cap. . in catalog . euseb. l. . cap. . baron . ad an . . § . in praefat . ad lib. . lect . antiq . eras. in vitâ origen . opus de temp-mundi . socrates . l. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . . bacon . essay . . hieronym . epist. . epist. . trithem . de script . eras. in vit● origen . epist. pammach . n. . ibid. eras. in vit● origen . ibid. grinaeus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ante origen . in genes . trithem de script . hieronym . in catalog . hieronym . epist. . 〈◊〉 paulam . hieronym . epist. . pamach . & oceano . in epist. ante opera origen . biblioth . l. . ratio verae theologiae . tarinus in epist. ante philocal . in polycronic . epist. . & . in praefat . ante li. heb. nom . in prooem . quaest . in genes . hieronym . epist. . hieronym . in catalog . in orat. panegyric . ad origenem . fascicul . temp . euseb. lib. . cap. . trithem . de script . euseb. ibid. erasm. invitâ origen . suidas . euseb. lib. . cap. . lib. . annal . ●●ior●m . contra haeres . cap. ● . in math. . . & in decret . nicen. synod . erasm. in vit● origen . eras● . ibi● . ruffin . in 〈◊〉 . ad chromatium in perorat . translator . sixt. senens . bibl. lib. . chap. . of rhetorical enthusiasm . such a one was boethus cujus facilitas apud tarsenses maxima videbatur , adeo ut ex tem●ore meo magno , impetu ad — omnem datam materiam 〈◊〉 ret . strab. geo-graph . lib. . erasm. in vitâ origen . sixt. senens . lib. . erasm. in vitâ origen . frasm. ibid. euseb. lib. . cap . de 〈…〉 vir nobilis & non inelegantis ingenii . hieronym . in catalog . apolog. advers . ruffin . lib. . epist. . pammach . is●dor . hispal . in orig. lib. . cap. . apolog. advers . ruffin . lib. . hieronym . epist. . vincent . lyrineus . aul. gell. ●oct . attic. lib. . cap. . hist. nat. lib. . c. . august . de civit. dei . lib. . cap. . mir●us in not . in hieronym . catalog . in notis in hesych . de viris illustrib . epist. . in censur . orig. in lib. job . treat . of the use of the fathers : lib. . cap. . in prolog . ante homil . origen . in ezech. in censur . in lib. origen . vid. sixt. senens . lib. . vacationes . p. . cent . . cap. . sixt. senens . biblioth . lib. . in vitâ origen . isido . hispa . orig. lib. ● . c. . epist. . pam●ach . sixt senens●ibl . lib. . erasm. in censur . lib. origen . scultet in medull . in apolog. ● . advers . ruffin . hieromyn . 〈◊〉 . & apolog. . ad●ers . ruffin . 〈…〉 baron . ad an . . hieronym . in praefat . in josuam . field of the church . lib. . c. . lib. de mensur . euseb. lib. . cap. . epiphan . lib. de mensur . miraeus . in notis in catalog . hieronym . buxtorf . epist. dedicat . ante lex hebr. miraeus in auctar . de s●ript . eccles . de script . eccles. sixt. senens . bibl . lib. . buxtorf . ibid. praefat. in lib. job . bellarm. de verb. dei . lib. . cap. hieronym . praefat . in dan. sixt. senens . bibl . lib. . bellarm. ibid. euseb. lib. . cap. . buxtorf . ibid. euseb. ibid. sixt. senens . lib. . in censur . in lib. origen . sixt. senens . ibid. epiphan . de mensur . baron . . § . field of the church , lib. . cap. . encyclopaed . hist. controv. de scriptur . cap. . in psal. . serm. . sixt. senens . lib. . dever . dei. . cap. . fiel . lib. . cap. . baron . adan . . § . * masius in epist . dedicante josuam . : epist. august . numb . . praefat. in lib. paralip . de origen . lib. . cap. . baron . ad an . . § . . in epist. dedicat . ante josuam . hieronym . advers . ruffin . treat . of the fathers : lib. . epist. dedicat . ante josuam . hesychius aegypti episcopus marian. schol. in hieronym . ep●st . lucianu● ecclesiae antiochenae prebyter hieronym . in catalog . sixt. senens . lib. . hieronym . advers . ruffin . hieronym . epist. ad magnum , numb . . sixt. senens . lib. . euseb. lib. . . respons . . hieronym . in praefat . in lib. heb. nom . euseb. lib. . cap. . cent. . cap. . hieronym . advers . ruffin . ad an . . § . euseb. l. . cap. . an. . in specul . hist. lib. . cap. . & haymo hist. eccles. lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . trithem . de script . bellarm. de script . sixt. senens . lib. . euseb. lib. . cap. . sixt. senens . ibid. ibid. de script . eccles. sixt. senens . ibid. deverb . dei . lib. . cap . euseb. lib. . cap. . prolog . in cantic . ibid. sixt. senens . lib. . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . sixt. senens . lib. . lib. . cap. . in catalog . pamphilus . in praefat , in osee. sixt. senens . lib. . descript. eccles. hist. eccles. lib. . cap. . sixt. senens . lib. . ibid. apolog. . advers . ruffin . & in prooem . ant● comment . in ephes. sixt. senens . lib. . epist. . alexand. & minerio . sixt. senens . lib. . eras. in lib. orig. cens . in epist. ante hilar. eras. cens . de comment . in ep . ad rom. id. in cens . in hom . in levi. treat . of the fath. l. . c. . see an addition in hom . . de verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . scultet . in medull . apol. adver . ruffin . epist. . ad principiam virginem . ante hom . in gen. eras. in cens . hom . in gen. suppl . berg. eras. n. ib. grynaeus . ante libr. sixt. senens . l. . de script . eccles. trithem . de script . grynaeus . & merlin . in perorat . in ad roman . in cens . in libr. origen . in loc . rivet . cri● . sac. eras in cens . spuriae sunt , ut quae abundant soloecismis . perk. in problemat . erasm. ib. questionable riv. cri. sac. sixt. sen. l. . ans. to iesuits chall ▪ sixt. senens . lib. . in censur . coci censur . eras. in cens . locutulei . eras. in cens . in apparent . in epist. ante hilar. dr. jam. of the corrupt . of the fathers . coci censur . in ceasur . in censur . coci censur . eras. in cens . de script . eccles. in medull . dr. jam. of the corrupt . of the fathers . coci censur . cent. . c. . erasm. in censur . in censur . in cens . in lib. origen . post. homil . in cantic . b●●●ioth . san●● . lib. . in catalogo . epist. damaso . 〈…〉 erasm. in censur . ante homil . in esai . sixt. senens . lib. . erasm. in censur . in catalog . sixt. senens . lib. . eras. lectori ante hunc commentar . cent. . c. . sixt. senens . bellarm. grynaeus . & merlin . lectori epist . ante comment . sixt. senens . lib. . erasm. ibid. in lib. usher . de brit. eccles. primord . cap. . erasm. in censur . sixt. senens . lib. . casaub. exercitat . . § . in lib. in fine . merlin . in praefat . sixt. senens . lib. . gryneus : ad calcem commentar . bellarm. de script . in censur . bellarm. de script . ante hanc homil . sixt. senens . lib. . bellarm. de script . nullius est ponderis holloix : in quaest . . devita dionys. areopag . sixt. senens . lib. . nec cujus sunt authoris nec quant● antiquitatis facilè sciri potest . holl●i● . ibid. bellarm. ibid . coci censur . lib. . biblioth . sanct . erasm. in censur . in prolog . antelib . in comment . in epist. paul. disputat . . in prologo ad an . . § . hieronym . in apolog . . advers . ruffin . lib. . advers . ruffin . epist. paulino . num . . epist. ocea●o . num . . hieronym . epist. . baron . ad an . . § . praefat. ruffin . in lib. epist . a●itonum . . concil . tom● . opus elencticum & dogmaticum haeschel . in epist. ante libr. rhenan . in epist. ante opera origen . origen . contr . cel. cels . prooem . & sub ●inem . ad an . . § . scultet . in medull . miraeus in scl●ol . in catalog . hieronym . in epist. dedicat . ante edit . gr. lat. de script . eccles. humph. in praefat . ante libr. rivet . crit . sac . in argument . operis per doct. humphred . coronis tertii dialogi . answ. to the iesuits chal . in catalogo . haeres . . ad an . ● , § , &c. treat of the fathers . lib. . g●ynaeus ante lamentum . gratian. distinct . . bellarmin . de script . ibid. in medull . in notis in philocal . tarnius ante opus . sixt. senens ▪ lib. . merlin . in epist. ante . apolog . origen . vin●ent . lyrinens . contra haeres . cap. . in prolog . ante roman . hieronym . in catalog . erasm. de phras . origen . origenis sermo mirè perspicous . erasm. in epist . ante hila● . ibid. de ration . stud . theolog . lib . lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in prooem . tract . in math. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. . divino cothurno . homil. . in jerem. homil. . in joshuah . in epist. ad ▪ roman . c. ● . ver . . item . in levit. cap. . ver . . homil. ● . item . in lue , cap . homil . . in lib. numeror . cap. . in josuah . cap. . matth. . . in josuah . cap. . 〈…〉 . lib. . euseb. lib. . cap. . ibid. cor. . . in cant. homil. . in job lib. . item in matth. cap. . hieronym . ●p . ad pammach . merlin . in apolog. origen . vid. baron . ad an . . § . haeres . . gennad . de script . socrates , lib. . cap. . binnius . concil . tom . . ibid. in epist. ad johan . hierosolymitan . in biblioth . numb . . advers . vigilant . ep . . advers . ruffin . lib. . epist. . pammach . caesarii . dialog . inter opera nazianzen . in rom. . . grynaeus . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in genes . in apolog. advers . ruffin . baron . ad an . . § . ipse quidem ( pamphilus ) proprii operis nihil omnino scripsit ( inquit ruffinus invita pamphili ) exceptis epistolis . hieronym . apolog. . advers . ruffin . biblioth . num . . bellarm. de script . horum tu primum librum vertis sub nomine martyris , inquit , hienym . apolog . . advers . ruffin . possevin . apparat . sixt. senens . lib. . merlin . apolog . ante opera origen . fascicul . temp . biblioth . patr. tom . . cap. . prati spiritual . possevin . apparat . & aloys . lipoman . in epist. ad lect . ante libr. in apalog . pro origen . possevin . apparat . in sophronio . contra socrates hist. lib. . cap. . epist. . inter hieronym . epist . 〈…〉 ad ●tesiphontem . zonaras . tom. . libr. advers . haeres . c. . haeres . . de adulter . lib. orig. sixt. senes . lib. . dicet aliquis corruptos esse origenis libros : nó resisto ; quin potiùs & malo . vincent . contra haere . c. . in apolog. hist. eccles. lib. . c. . mirandul . in apolog . pro orig. lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hieroym . epist. . pammach . & oceano . supple . bergomens . gennad . de script . in vit● martini . l. . ibid. cent. . lib. . cap. . epist. . pammach . cent. . l. epist. adver . vigilant . num . . tom. . l . c. . epist. pammach . n. . apolog. adv . ruffin . l. . epist. ad theop. n. . ep. ad avita . num . . epist. . hist. eccles. lib. . c. . in medull . epiphan . haeres . . dan●us . in aug. de haeres . c. . ad an . . § . in apolog. in apolog. in vitâ cypriani . hist. eccles ▪ l. . c. . lib. . c. . euseb. hist. l. . c. . hieronym . in catalog . 〈◊〉 . . c. . horace . eras. in vitâ origen . hist. l. c. euseb. l. . cap. . baron . ad an . . epist. . pamel . in vitâ nazianz. orat . . pontius in vitâ . lactant. de institut . lib. . cap. . nazianz. ibid . epist. . § . edit . goula●t . ad an . ● . § . pamel . in vitâ . pontius in vitâ cypr. cent. . cap. . baron . ad an . . § . in jonan cap. . ad an . . §. . pontius in vitâ . post non multum temporis electus in presbyterum etiam episcopus carthagi●iensis con●titutus est . hieronym . in catalog . pontius in vitâ . ad an . baron . ad an . . § . cent . cap. . pamel . in vitâ . baron . ad an . ● ▪ . § . in vitâ cypr. pontius in vitâ . baron . ad an . . § . pamel . in vitâ . epist. . § . in vitâ cypr. pamel . in vitâ . cypr epist. . § . & epist . . § . & epist. . pontius in vitâ . pamel . in vitâ . baron . ad an . . § . pamel . in vitâ . baron . ad an . . § . pamel in vitâ . euseb. lib. . c. . baron . ad an . . § , . h●nce cyprian calls novatus interfector poenitentiae . baron . ad an . . § . ibid. § . ibid. § . august . de haeres . cap. & danaeus in comment . pamel . in vitâ . baron . ad an . . § . pamel . in vitâ . epist. . epist. cypr. . pamel . in vitâ . go●lat . in notis in cypr. epist. . n. . angelocrat ▪ epit. concil . gesner . hist. concil . pamel . in vitâ . euseb. lib. . cap. . gesner . hist. concil . baron . ad an . . § . pamel . in vitâ . baron . ad an . . § . baron . ad an . . pamel . in vitâ cypr. baron . ad an . . § . . ibid. § . . bin. d● concil . tom . . binnius ibid. baron . ad an . . § . ibid. . daille of the fathers , lib. . baron . ad an . . § . . . ibid. § . baron . ad an . . § . pamel . in vitâ . plin. hist. nat . lib. . cap. . in geograph . lib. . baron . ad an . ▪ § . pontius in in vitâ cypr. pamel . in vitâ . in orat . in laudem cypr. ingenio faceto , copioso , suavi & aperto . lactant. lib. . cap. . pamel . in vitâ . nazianz. in orat . in laud. cypr. ibid. possevin . in apparat . in rhetoric . eccles. lib. . cap. . § . de doct . christ. lib. . cap. . epist. . tit. . . cor. ● . . act . . ● . in notis in nazianz. orat ▪ . de baptis● . contr● do ratist . lib. . cap. . in orat . in laud cyprian . pontius in vitâ cypr. augustin . contr . dnas epist. pelagianor . lib. . cap. . contrà crescon . prammatic . lib. pontius in vitâ . in praefat . ante opera cypriani pontius in vit● ejus . de baptism . contr . donatist . lib. . cent. c. . scultet . in medull . pontius in vitâ ejus . job . , , . pamel . in vitâ ejus & in notis in epist . . epist. . § . in notis . num . . see brerewood de pretiis vet . nummorum . pamel . in vitâ ejus . cypr. ep. . epist. . § . pontius in vitâ ejus . august . contrà donatist . lib. . & contrà crescqu . lib. . epist. . § . 〈◊〉 . concil . tom. . nazianz in orat. in laud. cypr. lyrinens . contr . haeres . cap. . in praefat . ante opera cypr. in medull . contrà crescon . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in vitâ cypr. hieronym . in catal . strigel . cited in criseis melancthon . ad laetam epist. . bucholcer chronolog . in passione cyprian . apud pamel . epist. ad paulinum . n. . marian victor . in schol. erasm. in praefat . ante opera cyprian . pamel . in vitâ ejus . in orat. de lect patr ante loc . commun . rivet . crit. sac. for they have been bold to add not only sundry epistles , but have blotted and blurred divers of them , which were most evidently written by that blessed martyr , dr. james , of the mysteries of the indic●● expurgat . cent. . c. . index ante opera cypr. edit . goulart . pamel . praefat . ad lectorem . ●oulart . in epist. ante opera cypria . coci censur . bilson ' s difference . in epist. ante opera cypr. in medall● pat●um . cent. . c. . in annotatiuncul . erasm. in praefat . ante opera cypr. de script . eccles. chronic. ad an . . baron . ad an . . § . de doct . christ. lib. . cap. . in praefat . ante opera cypr. ad plebem . treatise of the fathers . cypriano papae , presbyteri & diaconi romae consistentes , salutem . m. s. the life of sir thomas moor. in annotat . num . . in schol. in vincent . lyrinens . in annotat . in lib. tert. de 〈◊〉 ad magnum epist. . ad eucratium epist. . in notis . epist. . in annotat ▪ ante opera cyprian . epist. . in vitâ cyprian . in vitâ ejus . epist. ▪ pamel . in argument . in praefat . in tom. . epist. ad demetriad . n. . de script . pamel . in vitâ . in argument . lib. tertull. de patient . epist. de doct . christ. lib. . cap . erasm. in margin . pamel . in praefat . ante tom . . pamol . in annotat . antonin . chron . part . . tit . . in annotat . in epist. ● . & in annotat . in lib. de unitat . eccles. co●tra creseon . lib. . c. . pamel . in vitâ . pamel . in notis . daille lib. . cap. . treatise of the fathers . bilson's difference , part . . rivet . crit . sac . james of the corrups . of of the fathers . part . . pag. . . . de honest . discipl . lib. . cap. . lib. de grat . & lib. arbit . cap. . schultet . in medull . bibl. sanct. lib. . in annotat. erasm. in margine . pamel . in annotat. de justit . lib. , cap. . hieronym . in epist. ad mag. n. . ad an . . § . in annotat. ad magnū . epist. . pamel . in vitâ ejus . ens. in chro. refers it ad an. . ans. to the jes. chall . de praedest . l. . c. . contr. ● . epist. pelag. ● . . c. . epi. ad pammach . . keck . rheto . eccles. ad an. . § . id jubaian . epist. . rhenan . in annotat. in tertull. de patient . id. in arg . in . tertul. de patient . rhetor. eccles. lib. . lib. de bapt . cont . donat. l. . c. . in epist. ad galat. cap. . pamel . in praefat . ante tom . . opera cypr. pamel . in arg . & baro. ad an . . §. . in annotat. in hierony . epist. . ad pammach . cens. patr. in praefat . cypr. cent. . c. . praefa . cypr. in lib. . in argu . in l. eras. in annot. ante opera cypr. in medull . eras. in annotat. 〈◊〉 tom . . in praefat . ante opera cypr. bellar. de script . eccle. rivet . crit. ●ae . pamel . in annotat. de script . eccles. in annotat. baron . ad an . § . erasm. in annotat. ad an . . § , . sphinx . c. . coci censu●● . rivet . crit. sac. in annotat. in margine . in catalog . cornelius . de script . eccles. goulart . in animadvers . coci censur . iames bastardy of the fathers . bellar. de script . eccl. possevin . in apparat . pamel . in apparat . pamel . in annotat . in praefat . exercitat . . § . de amiss . grat . lib. . cap. . iames b●stardy● of the fathers . answ. to the iesuits challenge . arnald●s carnotensis abbas bonae vallis . in medull . rivet . crit . sac . de script . eccles. in annotat . de script . eccles. in annotat . pamel . in argument . pamel . in tertull. de script . eccles. rivet . crit . ●ic . de script . eccles. de poet. hist. de script . eccles. in annotat . in praefat . ante tom. . operum cypr. & in annotat . ad an . . § . crit . sac . prideaux . in orat . de pseudepigraph . in annotat . de script . eccles. bellarm. de script . in catalog . 〈…〉 in annotat . pamel . in argument . bellar. de . script . eccles . goulart . in annotat . pamel . in a●ment . bellar. de script . pamel . in argument . erasm. in annotat . helvic . chron . scultet . in medull . ri●t . crit . sac . bellar. de script . eccles . rivet . crit . sac . coci censur . in argumen . rivet . crit . sac . trithem . de script . coci censur . goulart . in annotat . pamel . in argument . epist. . nec omuinò nihil habet africum cyprianus . eras● . in epist . ante opera hilarii . in praefat . ante opera cypr. de ▪ trad . discipl . lib. . ibid. erasm. in epist . ante opera chrysostom . hieronym . epist. ● . ad pa●linum . lib. . cap. . institut . in hymn . de pass . cypr. biblioth . sanct . lib. . e●cyclop . hist. de trad . disciplin . lib. . baron . adan . . § . august . de doct . christ. lib. . cap. . de stud . theolog. scultet . in medull . § , , . § ● . § . epist. . pompeio . epist. . § ad jubaianum . epist. . § . caecilio . epist. . § . pompeio . epist. . § . ad fidum . epist. . hieronymo . § . itē . de vanit . idol . § . tract . de bapt . christi . § . tract . de orat . dom. § . tract . de eleemosyn . § , . epist. ad cornel. . § . epist. . § § . epist. . anton. §. . epist. . § . ad presbyteros & diaco●os . ep. . § . epist. ad pupianū . . § . an exposition hereof , see in the hist. of the council of trent . l. . ep. ad corneliū . . § ● test. ad quirin . l. . § ● . ep. ● . § . ep. . § . tract . de eleemosyn . § . goulart . in notis . n. . tract . de lapsis . § ● ▪ goulart . in n●tis . n. ● . chemnit . examen . part . secund . cap. . epist. . chem●i● . in exam . part . secund . c. . august . de haeres . c. . ubi supra . tract . de ●apsis § . ad q●irin . l. . § . in orat . de lect . pa●ru● ante loc . com . bin. tom. . concil . epist. ad pompeium contra steph. epist. . § . bin. concil . tom . . ca● . . hieronym . advers . lucifer . dialog . august . de haeres . cap. . osian . epist. cent . . l. b. . cap. . epist firmil . ad cypr. . § . advers . luciferian . bin. tom. . concil . see de 〈◊〉 contra donatist . lib. . cap. . ibid. lib. cap. . ibid lib. . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . cap. . epist. . in vitâ cyprian . ad an . . § . epist. . ubere : velo saith doctor gaude● . in his suspiria eccles. anglican . lib. . c . pontius in vitâ cypr. epist. . § . pamel . in vitâ ejus . paul. diacon . in pass . cyprian● . pamel . 〈◊〉 ejus epist. . § . pamel . in vi●â . pontius in vitâ ejus . paul. discon . in passion . cypr. ad an . . § . pamel . in vitâ . niceph. lib. . cap. . scultet . in medull . cent . . cap. . ad an . . § . in apparat . magnin . in geograph . in ital. num . . heylin . geograph . winpeling . in epitom . rer . german . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . hieronym , in catalog . lib. institut . . c. . hieronym . in catalog . trithem . de script . osiand . epito . cent . 〈◊〉 script . eccles . de temp . c. . cent. . c. . scultet . in medull . chron. ber●om . trithem , de script . possevin . in apparat . ep. ad paulinum . . instit. l. c. instit. l. . cap. . hieronym . in catalog . cent. . c. . de script . eccles. hieronym . in catalog . ep. . inter hierony . epist. see riccard . vincent . in notis in cantacuzen . in cantic . hieronym . in catalog . in ep. ad gal. c. . trith . de script . in institut . libris contra gentes scrip . fortissimè . hierony . ep. par●m . . cent. . cap. . instit. lib. . cap. . ad an . . § . scultet . ● medull . lactantii institutionum libri apud catholicos & optimos quosque ; viros , praesertim sex priores , optimè audierunt semper . bulling . de orig . error . de rat . stud . theolog. lib. . c. . in catalog . & in comm . in ep. ad ephes . c. . scultet . in medull . in ep. ante edit . vene● . lact. opera . in schol. in lactant. in schol. in biblioth . patr . tom . . ibid. biblio . patr. ibid. de script . eccles. possevin . in appar . chro. bergomens . ibid. de poet. hist. in chron. ad an . . alsted . encyclop . hist. trithem . descript . ascham . schoolmr . l. ● in ep. ad paulin. . ep. ad magnum . . in elect . in l. . arnob. in praefat . ant. sab●lli . ennead . lud. vives . de trad . disciplin . l. . ante nazianz . opera . de poet . hist. in orat . de lect . patr . ante loc . ● . instit. l. . cap. . instit. l. . c. instit. lib. . cap. ● . non excindit vitia sed ●bscondit . instit. . c. inst. l. . c. 〈◊〉 inst. l. . c. inst. l. . c. consangu . act. . . gen. . . inst. l. . c. inst. l. . c. . cent. . c. in orat. de lect . patr . scultet . in medull . de stud . theolog. epitom . hist. eccles. cent . . l. . c. . inst. l. . c. . cent. . c. . inst. l. . c. . ibid. l. . . inst. l. . c. . ibid. lib. . c. . lib. . c. . in scholiis . in l. . c. . &c. . in bibli . patr. inst. l. . c. cent. . c. . scult . c. . chytr . de stud . theol. cent. ibid. ep. . pam. ibid. inst. l. . c. inst. l. . c. . inst. l. . c. lib. de opisi . dei . c. . de stud . theolog. institut . lib. . c. . institut . lib. . c. . institut . lib. . c. . institut . lib. . c. . hakewel . apolog . lib. . cap. . § . institut . lib. . c. . institut . lib. . c. . institut . lib. . cap. . institut lib. . c. . de rat . stud . theolog. lib. . thomas . in schol. in lib. . cap. . institut . de orig. error . c. . in catalog . euseb. chron . ad an . ● . athanasii omnino vita praelegenda est ab eo qui ejus scripta cum fructu cupit evolvere . possev . in apparat . socrat. lib. . cap. . ruffi● . hist. lib. c. . ruffin . hist. lib. . c. . sac. hist. l. . in epist. ad epictet●● . in praesat . a●t . concil . sardicens . ruffin , hist. lib. . c. . ruffin . hist. lib. . c. . act. . . possev . in apparat . nihil sibi prius a●endum rati sunt ariani , quàm ut athanasium ecclesi● submoverent , qui semper eis velut murus obstiterat , quo re noto , reliquos in suam libidinem cessuros 〈…〉 sever. lib. . in ti● . digre●● . l. . c. . in notis in conc . tom . . bin. in notis in concil . tom . . socrat. hist. l. . c. . banished the first time . in ep. ad solit . vitam agentes . in schol. in hieronym . epist. . hist. tripart . l. . c. . & ●than . in ep. ad vitam solit . agent . athan. de morte arii . hist. tripart . lib. . cap. . entituled by binnius . concilium antiochenum primum sub julio papa primo , celebratum , in quo ariani athanasium de posuerunt , atque gregorium cappadocem substitue●nnt . concil . tom . . anno . he flyeth a second time . hides the third time . and flyeth . quia concilium sardicense nicaenae tantùm fidei tutelam suscepit et quia patrum utriusque una suit sententia , una mens unus spiritus , semper appendix tanquam nicaeni concilii fuit habita . binnius ib. praefat. antconcil . sard. in medul . angeloc●at . in ep. consi● . osiand . in ep. hist. eccles . athan. in apolog . pro fugâ suâ . a fourth time he flie●h . sozomen . hist. eccles. . . c. . in sholiis . in nazianz. orat . . nazianz. orat . . . time 〈◊〉 flyeth . . time be hide●h . hist. eccles. cent . . lib. ● . cap. . theodoret , hi●● . eccl. l. . c. . orat. . orar. . epist. . l. contra h●●res . c. . epist. . in dialog . . contra eu tychen . l. . nannius in ep ante opera athanas. orat. de vitâ e●us a viro docto script . hyper. de stud . theol . l. . c. . nazianz. orat. . sixt. senens . lib . nazianz ib. ep. . & hist. sac . . . epist. . de script . eccles. scul●e● ▪ in medul● . nannius in ep . ante op . athanas. epist. . pratum spiritu●l . c. . i●●p . nuncu . pat●ante op . athanas. cont. . c. . hist. eccles. lib. . c. . de script . eccles. in catalog . sculter . in medull . de script . eccles. bellarm. ib. perk. prob . theod. hist eccle. l. . c. ri●et . crit . 〈◊〉 scul●et . in medull . de script . e●cles . sixt. senens . lib. . possevin . in apparat . cent. . c. possev . in ap . scul . in med . in medul . rivet . crit . sac . scult . in medul . ● photius in biblioth . cent. . c. . perk. prob . ibid. scult . in medull . cent. . c. . scultet . in medull . censur . patr . scultet . in medull . scultet . in medull . perkins . problem . in apparat . scultet . in medull . de script . eccles. in catalog . in schol. in hieronym . catalog . scultet . in medull . scultet . ibid. in timoth. digress . l. ● . c. . bellar. de script . eccl. in biblioth . lib. . in conclus . comment . in psalm . perutilem sanè libellum dedit athanasius in quo usum et finem quorumcunque psalmor●m compendiosè monstravit . hyper. deratjon . stud . theol. in praeparat . ad demonstrat . problem . perkins . ib. cent . . c. . et coci cens . scultet . in medull . perkins problem . rivet . crit . sac . in biblioth . lib. . scultet . in medull . coci censur . bellarm. de script . eccles . scultet . in medull . et rivet . in crit . sac . perkins . problem . scultet . in medull . perkins problem . scult . in medull . scultet . in medull . coci censur . rivet . crit . sac. in medull . ibid. perkins problem . symbolum hoe vulgò tribui solet athanasio : certè cum athanasii scriptis , imprimis verò sacris literis per omnia conveniens est ▪ pelarg. in symbol . athan . in medull . in symbol . athanas. athanasii doctrina et scriptorum omnium summa in symbola comprehensa est . chytraeus . ●de stud . theol. scultet . in medull . ibid. ibid. cent . . c. . bellar. de script . eccl. scult . in medul . scult . in medul . rivet . crit. sac. bellar de scrip . eccles. cent. c. . in bibli . l. . possevin . in apparat . bellar. de scrip . eccles. in censur . jam. of the corrupt ●f the fathers . rivet . crit. sac. ibid. in vitâ athanas ▪ in catalog . in medull . in synopsi . de script . eccles. possevin . in apparat . scul . in med . riv. crit . sac . bellar. de scrip . eccles. bellar. de scrip . eccles. riv. crit . sac . vigil . l. . ad●er . euty . raynolds de libris apoc. praelect . . perk. prob . cent. c. . possev . in ap . bennius in notis in has ep . tom . . concil . cent. . c. . c●ci censur . in chronico . treat . of the fathers . c. . lect. ante vol. ● . edit . paris . ibid. ibid. trithem . de scrip . eccles. bellar. de scrip . eccles. sixt. senens . ● . ib. ubi . suprà . phot. in biblioth . sixt senens . lib. . nannius in ep . ante op . athanas. anonym . in vit● ejus . photius , in blblioth . anonym . in vit● ejus . in orat. . pelarg. in symbol . athanas. in his treatise of fundamentals . in synopsi . whitak . de script . apocryph . q. . c. . orat. contra idola , et or . . contra arian . lib. de in . carnat . verb. dei. epist. ad ad●lphium . orat. . contra a●ian . in orat . christum esse unum . ep. ad serap . sp. s. non esse creaturam . ep. ad orthodox . in persecut . apol. ad impe●at . constantium . de fuga● sua● . epist. ad ▪ ●o●litar . vit . agentes . epist. de incarnat . chr●sti advers . apollina● . ibid. tractat. d● salut . advent . christi . in e●ar . in mat. . orat contra idola . in apolog. ad constan● ▪ lib. de incarnat . verb. dei. contra p. samosat . gent. . c. . in med . part . ● . c. . orat. . contra arian . socrat. lib. . c. . in vita ejus ab incerto authore . osiard . ep . hist. eccles. socrat. lib . c. . baron . annal. antonin . hist. part . . cap. . nomenclat . geograph . ad caesar. comment . in commen . de bello gallic . l. . plin. l. . c. s●rab . l. . pomp. mela. l ● c. . mag. in geog l. . antonin . 〈◊〉 . ●art . cap. . cent. . c. hilar. de trinit . l. . bellar. de scrip . eccles. bin concil . tom . . sulp. sever. hist. l. . vir sanè pessimus , & ingenio malo pravóque verùm etiam praeter h●resis infamiam multis atque infandis criminibus convictus , ecclesia e●ectus est . angelocrator . ep . conc . sulp. sever. lib. . bin. tom. . concil . ibid. sulpit. sever. sulp. sever. ib. c. . c. . euseb. vercel . est vir omni vitâ deo serviens hil. ad constantium . l. . sozom. l. . c. . anton. part . . c. . ruffin . hist. lib. . c. . trithem . de script . erasm. epist. ant . hilar. apolog. adv . ruff. lib. . in proaem . comment . in galat. lib. . ruff. lib. . c. . erasm. ubi supra . anton. hist. part . . baron . ad an . . bellar. de script . eccl. erasm. epist. ant . hilar. sulp. sever. lib. . sulp. sev. ib. erasm. epist. ant . hilar. cent. . c. . ruff. hist. lib. . c. . biblioth . lib. . epist. ad magnum . . ruff. ubi supra . trithem . de script . lib. de synod . advers . arian . lib. . c . erasm. in epist . an t . hil. ep●ad marcellam , num . . ibid. in epist. ante opera chrysostom . in epist. ad ludovic . imperat. de judaie . superstitionibus . nicaeus . in auctario . de script . eccl. biblioth . patrum . hierouym . apol. . adv . ruffin . hierouym . ibid. hieron . in catalog . cent. . c. . in catalog . ibid. apol. pro l●bris . advers . jovinlan . in schol. in apol. istam . cent. . c. . hieron . epist ad magnum num . . erasm. in ep . ante hilar. possev . in apparat . sulp. sever. lib. . erasm. in epist . praedict . trithem . de script . trith , ibid. berg. chron . ibid. in epist. ant . hilar. sac. hist. l. . cent. . c. . ibid. rivet . crit . sac . hilarius quidam , non pictaviensis episcopus sed romanus diaconus denuo hanc camarinam movit . pamel . in vita cypriani . in dialog . adv . luciferian . victorius . in schol. in loc . cent. . c. . chemnit . in or . de lect patrum . erasm. in ep . an t . hilar. erasm. ibid. socrat. h. l. . c. . theodor . l. . c. . cent. . c. . in epist. ant . hiiar . in catalog . de script . eccless . cent. . c. . in catalog . erasm. ant . hilar. epist. in or . de lect parr . ante loc . com . e●asm in epist an t . hi● sixt. senens . biblioth . l. . ibid. in catalog . in biblioth . lib. . in ep●st . an t . hilar. ep. ad fl●rentium . num . . fra●n in ep . an t . hilar. ●t 〈◊〉 . eras● . ibid. de poetis . bellat . de script . ecci . in catalog . libr. hilar. in edit . erasm. cent. . c. . ibid. r●v . crit . sac . de script . ecclef . riv. crit . sac . ibid. bellar. de script . ecci . riv. crit . sac . ad an . . riv crit . sac . bellar. de script . eccl. biblioth . patr. gr 〈◊〉 tom . . calvin . ep . . erasm. in ep . an t . hilar. hieron . ep . . ad pauli●um . biblioth . l. . hieron . epist . ad magnum . in epist an t . hilar. sixt. senens . lib. . ad constan. l. . sub sinem in psal. . de trin . l. ● . in psal. . ●e trin. l. . ●n psal. . de trin. lib. ▪ de trinit . lib. . in psal. . in matth. canon . . in vita gobelini personae . vixit . ann . . de trin. l. . tit. . ● . in psal. ▪ in psal. . lib. . de trinitat . cent. . c. . de trinit ; lib. . ibid. cent. . c. . do trin. l. ● de trin. lib. . in psal. . ibid. cent. . c. . osiand . epit . hist. eccles. cent. . l. . c. . sulpit. sever. l. . bucholcer . chron. baron . annal . notes for div a -e dallee page . christs victorie ouer sathans tyrannie wherin is contained a catalogue of all christs faithfull souldiers that the diuell either by his grand captaines the emperours, or by his most deerly beloued sonnes and heyres the popes, haue most cruelly martyred for the truth. with all the poysoned doctrins wherewith that great redde dragon hath made drunken the kings and inhabitants of the earth; with the confutations of them together with all his trayterous practises and designes, against all christian princes to this day, especially against our late queen elizabeth of famous memorie, and our most religious soueraigne lord king iames. faithfully abstracted out of the book of martyrs, and diuers other books. by thomas mason preacher of gods word. actes and monuments foxe, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) christs victorie ouer sathans tyrannie wherin is contained a catalogue of all christs faithfull souldiers that the diuell either by his grand captaines the emperours, or by his most deerly beloued sonnes and heyres the popes, haue most cruelly martyred for the truth. with all the poysoned doctrins wherewith that great redde dragon hath made drunken the kings and inhabitants of the earth; with the confutations of them together with all his trayterous practises and designes, against all christian princes to this day, especially against our late queen elizabeth of famous memorie, and our most religious soueraigne lord king iames. faithfully abstracted out of the book of martyrs, and diuers other books. by thomas mason preacher of gods word. actes and monuments foxe, john, - . mason, thomas, - ? [ ], , [ ] p. printed by george eld and ralph blower, london : . an abridgment, with additions, of: foxe, john. the book of martyrs. running title reads: the acts of the church. includes index. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christian martyrs -- early works to . persecution -- early works to . church history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread - aptara rekeyed and resubmitted - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion christs victorie over sathans tyrannie . wherin js contained a catalogve of all christs faithfvll sovldiers that the divell either by his grand captaines the emperovrs , or by his most deerly beloued sonnes and heyres the popes , haue most cruelly martyred for the trvth . with all the poysoned doctrins wherewith that great redde dragon hath made drunken the kings and inhabitants of the earth ; with the confutations of them together with all his trayterovs practises and designes , against all christian princes to this day , especially against our late queen elizabeth of famous memorie , and our most religious soueraigne lord king iames . faithfully abstracted out of the book of martyrs , and diuers other books . by thomas mason preacher of gods word . london , printed by george eld and ralph blower . . to the most reuerend father in god , the lord archbishop of canterbury his grace , primate and metropolitan of all england , and one of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell . and to the right honourable sir edvvard coke , lord cheefe iustice of england , and one of his maiesties most honorable priuie councell : thomas mason wisheth all happinesse in this life , and eternall felicitie in the world to come . most reuerend and right honorable zealous lords , your daily and faithfull orator , being a professed soldiour vnder christs banner , in the behalfe of his spouse against antichrist : i could busie my selfe in no office so profitable for the church , and hurtfull vnto antichrist , as to gather together the bullets which haue been shot at him by christs souldiours in times past , that now his children may shoote them at him againe , with great facilitie . and whereas venerable m r fox , of worthy memory , hath gathered into one booke the acts and monuments of the church vnto his time ; one of the most profitablest bookes that is for gods children , except the bible ; a club able to beate downe the popish tower of babell : yet what with the labour of reading so large a volume , together with the deareness of the price thereof , few that haue the booke reade it ouer , and the most part of men are not able to buy it , whereby very little profit ariseth thereof vnto the church . i haue , according to my power , pared off the barke of this club , and made it tractable for all sorts of people ; they may buy it with little charge , and peruse it with small paines ; and i dare promise them that they shall reape as much profit by reading this abridgement , as by reading of the booke at large . i haue willingly omitted no matter of substance : here the reader may see the cruelty of the emperors vnto the primitiue church , and whom they put to death , and the manner of their deathes during the first ten persecutions ; and how , and when christianitie began in this realme : and what successe it hath had at all times ; and when , by what occasion , and by whom most of the monasteries , and cathedrall churches of this realme were builded , and how , when , and by whom , all points of popery came into the church ; and how the pope hath exalted himself against emperors & kings ; what iniuries he hath done to them : with the treasons , & conspiracies that papists haue practised , against those that the lord hath annointed , vnto this day : the reader may also heere see the innumerable multitude of the saints of god , that the papists haue from time to time murdered in all countries ▪ for the testimonie of the truth : with all the points of religion that the martyrs did defend vnto death ; and all the reasons that the papists vsed against their arguments , and how cruelly they handled them ; with many other most profitable things . after i had done this booke , i was discouraged from putting of it to print , by reason i found another had abridged the booke of martyrs before me ; but when i perceiued it was done but superficially , for all the points of religion that the martyrs defended , or papists obiected were omitted ; ( which disputations i chiefly labour to set forth ) therevpon i was resolued to goe forward . when i had begun to quote all the authors , from whence m r fox had his proofes for them that the emperors put to death , the quotations were almost as large as the story , and made it very vnpleasant : wherefore in most places , for breuitie , i haue omitted them , leauing them that would see the proofes to the book at large . i haue herein abridged many bookes , but especially the booke of martyrs ; as the papists cannot abide the booke of martyrs of all bookes : so much more will they hate my booke , which hath so truely and briefely discouered all their shame , not onely out of that booke , but out of diuers other bookes . wherefore most reuerend , and right honorable lords , your manifest dislike that you beare against the wickednes and falshood of antichrist ; hath imboldned me to be an humble sutor vnto your lordships , to bee the patrons of this my booke , and that you would vouchsafe to defend and further it , by your spirituall and temporall powers , to the honour of christ , the great dishonour of antichrist , and the vnspeakeable benefit of gods children . so with my hartie prayers , i commit both your honors , your soules , bodies , and all that you haue , vnto the safe preseruation of christ iesus and his holy angels . your lordships daily oratour , thomas mason , preacher of gods word in odiham , in the county of southampton : whose father was heire vnto s r iohn mason , sometime a priuy councelor vnto queene elizabeth . the epistle vnto the rbader . even as the reuelation and other places of scriptures ( good reader ) do● foretell antichrist to come , so this historie declareth the fulfilling of those prophecies in all points : all the martyrs died in this faith , that the pope is antichrist . i could bethink my selfe of no instruction so profitable for the reading of this booke , as to giue thee a few rules to manifest vnto thee that the popedome is that antichrist ; which i will endeuor to declare vnto thee by these rules following : first , by his outward place of abode ; secondly , by his inward and spirituall throne ; thirdly , by his doctrine ; fourthly , by his conditions ; fiftly , by the height , breadth , length and ruine of his kingdome . i will but open the way vnto thee , this booke shall proue by experience my sayings to be true . touching his outward seate , reuel . . . it is the citie that then did raigne ouer the kings of the earth , which was rome : the place is also described in the ninth verse , to be compassed about with seuen mountaines . this booke shall proue that rome hath seuen mountaines about it . in the same verse , this citie hath had fiue kings that were then falne , another king did raign , which was the emperour , when the reuelation was made , and another was to come afterward . this book shall teach thee , that the seuen kings signifie seuen maner of gouernments in rome , of which fiue was falne , the emperour then raigned , and after the pope should raigne there : so the holy ghost hath pointed out rome , as plainly as can be , the place of antichrists kingdome . touching his inward or spirituall seat , s. paule . thess. . . saith , he sitteth as god in the temple of god : antichrist signifieth an aduersary of christ ; and if it had bin meant of the turke , or any other aduersary that did not professe christianitie , he might easily be seene without so many reuelations : but hee is , according to the description of a false prophet , mat. . . a most grieuous wolfe to christs lambs , and yet so couered with a sheeps skin , that it is impossible to know him without the spirit of god. outwardly he seemeth to be a good tree , but his fruit is nothing but thornes and thistles to destroy gods children . matth. . . christ calleth them false christs and false prophets , prophecying , that they shall do such wonders , that if it were possible they should deceiue the elect ; so thou seest the antichrist which is prophecied of must be a professor of christ , as the pope is , which calleth himselfe the catholique church , but he is the onely aduersary thereof , as this book will teach thee by experience . touching the third point , to know him by his doctrines , . tim. . : they shall depart from the faith , and follow doctrines of diuels , and speake lies through hypocrisie : they shall haue their consciences seared with an hote iron forbidding to marrie and commaunding to abstain from meats : and they teach the same superstitious doctrins that s. paule warneth vs from coloss. . . let no man condemne you in meat and drinke , or in respect of an holy-day , or a new moone , nor sabboths , nor make you forsake christ the head in worshipping angels , neither let them burden you with traditions , as touch not , tast not , handle not , which things haue a shew of wisedome , in that the professors be voluntary religious , and humble their mindes , and spare not their bodies , nor haue their bodies in any estimation , but all is nothing but to fulfill a fleshly religion : and iude in his twelfth verse compareth them to clouds which in a drieth seem to bring raine but doe not : for , though they make great promises of feeding of soules , yet there is no true hope of remission of sins , nor assurance of eternall happinesse in their doctrines . and in . pet. . . he calleth them wells , not with a little water , but quite without water : for although by name they professe the trinity , yet their doctrins of euery person of the trinitie , and of al other points of religion , are contrary to wholsome doctrine , they maintaine their doctrines , though falsely , vnder the names of the scriptures , the catholique church , and the auncient fathers ▪ this is the golden cup that the church of antichrist holdeth in her hand , reuel . . . but it is full of abominations and filthines of her fornications : so if thou marke this booke , it is easie to know antichrist by the falsenesse and wickednesse of all his doctrines , yet coloured ouer with glorious shewes of truth and wholsomnesse , yea , although thou haddest no other meanes to discerne him by . touching the fourth point of the conditions of antichrist , iude in the eleuenth verse , saith , they follow the way of caine : all the persecutions of gods children before times were but types and prophecies of the papists in killing their brethren , as caine did , because they please god better then they . the abominable desolations of nabuchadnezzar , and of titus and vespasian of the materiall temples were but prophecies of the papists abominable desolations of gods saints . for this cause antichrist is called in the reuelation a great redde dragon , a serpent , and a cruell beast . s. iohn reuel . . . foresaw the church of antichrist , drunken with the bloud of the saints and martyrs of iesus christ. and although he had seen all the persecutions that were before or in his time , yet he wondred at the bloud that he foresaw that the papists should shed with a great maruaile . iude in his . verse saith , they are cast away in the deceit of baalams wages : for as baalam , though he knew the israelites to bee the blessed of god , yet he would haue cursed them for lucre sake if god would haue suffered him , so the papists maintaine doctrines which they know to be false , and commit all their murders of gods children , only to maintaine their kitchin pleasures , honour , glorie , riches , and other worldly respects , as it shall plainly appear vnto thee in this booke . in . pet. . . their eyes are full of adultery , and they cannot cease to sinne , beguiling vnstable soules . this booke will shew thee how inspeakeably wicked they are , according to this prophecie : they are spiritually called sodom , because in that case they exceede in wickednesse the sodomites . these and many other wicked conditions of theirs , are plentifully prophecied of in the scriptures ; and thou shalt see the true performances of the prophecies in this book , w ch wicked conditions shall plainly shew the pope to be antichrist . touching the height of antichrists kingdome , reuel . . . the church of antichrist is said to sit vpon a skarlet coloured beast , ful of names of blasphemy , which is the pope , who is a bloudy beast to gods children , & takes all gods names blasphemously to himself : and vers . . he & his church are arrayed with purple & skarlet , and deckt with gold , precious stones & pearls ; and how gloriously the pope and his church hath bin set forth , & how rich they haue bin , according to this prophecy , this book wil shew thee . in . thess. . he sitteth as god in the temple of god , and exalteth himself aboue all that is called god. c. caesar caligula the emperor , which vsed to sit in the temples of the idols , to be honored as god , & caused his picture to be set vp to be worshipt in all temples , and in the temple of ierusalem , yet was he not such an abominable idol as the pope maketh himselfe to be : he is the gaoler of purgatory , and thither comes ( as he saith ) all the soules of christians , except som few , to whom for building some religious houses , and for being otherwise a speciall maintainer of his kingdome : hee giueth a speciall prerogatiue , immediatly to go to heauen : these soules his prisoners hee punisheth how , and as long as he list , and at his pleasure he throweth any of them into hell , or sendeth any of them into heauen . of the reuenues of this gaole hath all the popes riches , honour , & superioritie aboue emperors , and kings proceeded : he hath taken from christ the honor of pardoning sins to himselfe : god made man of clay , but the pope and all his shauelings can daily make god of a piece of bread . in these , and many other respects ( as this booke will teach thee ) doth the pope exalt himself as god , according to this prophecie ; and he exalts himselfe aboue all kings , which are called gods , and at his pleasure with excommunications can cast them out of heauen and out of their kingdoms , as himselfe saith : he hath trode vpon emperours , & made them kisse his feet , hold his stirrups , and leade his horse . he made the emperor hen. . his wife and his child to wait three daies and three nights bare-foot in winter at his gates , to sue to him for his fauor , and gaue away his empire in the meane time . this prophecie of antichrists exaltation aboue princes , is verified in none but the pope . touching the breadth of his kingdom , it is not said he shall exalt himselfe aboue one or two , but aboue all that are called god , w ch are all christian rulers , spiritual & temporal , to whom god vouchsafeth this name , because hee ruleth and instructeth by them , and dwelleth in them , if they be good : this declareth the large limits of his kingdome . and as he is said heere to exalt himselfe aboue all kings , so reu. . . he is said to haue ten horns ; and in ver . . they are interpreted to be ten kings , which shal giue their power and authority vnto the beast , that is to say , the beastly pope , and fight with the lambe , that is , they shal be the popes butchers to destroy gods children ; and as the prophecies foretell such an antichrist as shall raigne ouer all christian princes , so this storie shall shew thee the true fulfilling of this prophesie in the pope . touching the length of his kingdome , it is prophecied antichrist shall raigne three yeares and a halfe ; and in reuel . . three times and a halfe : these times and these yeares are all one ; so is the fortie two moneths , reuel . . . for there be so many moneths in three years and a halfe : the same likewise is the . dayes in reuel . . . for there be iust so many daies in three yeares & a halfe , at . daies to the yeare , which was the number of the dayes of the iewes yeare . and it is common with the prophets to set downe a day for a year ; so by these prophecies antichrist must raign . yeares , which is iust so many yeares as christ preached daies : and gregory the first sheweth that antichrist began when one bishop exalted himselfe aboue all others . and though there were manie popes before him which did exalt themselues aboue all other bishops , yet he would not but haue himself called , seruus seruorū dei. wherefore sabinianus which succeeded him in the popedom , was a malitious detractor of his works , as thou maist see in this book . antichrist was not at his height vntill hildebrand had gotten aboue the emperor , for then he was aboue all that was called god ; yet antichrist began when the bishop of rome , being the least of all the foure patriarchs , exalted himselfe aboue all other bishops , which was about the yeare of christ . for then began pride and superstition to creep into the church , and anno . according to the number of the name of the beast in reu. . . latin seruice was set vp in england and all other places , and mass●s , ceremonies , letanies , and other romish ware , which was long before hildebrands time . and if we account the aforesaid . yeares of antichrists raigne from thence , there remaineth but about . yeares to come , vntil god shal call together the kings of the earth to destroy rome . touching the fall of his kingdom , mat. . . if god should not shorten his kingdom , none of gods children could be saued from his cruelty : but for the elects sake , reu. . . god first destroyed the tenth part of his kingdom : thou mayest note in this book when this prophecie was fulfilled ; and reu. . at the blowing of the foure first trumpets , the third part of all his kingdom is destroyed : which prophecie we see fulfilled at this day , for the third part of his kingdom are wholly become protestants , yet reuel . . . the church of antichrist is not heerewith moued to repent of her murders , sorceries , fornications , and thefts , but reu. . . glorieth her selfe that she is a queene , and shall be no widdow , that is , shee shall neuer lose her spouse the pope , therfore shall her plagues come at one day , death , sorrow , and famine , and shee shall be burned with fire , for strong is the lord god which will condemne her . the meanes of her destruction is set forth , reu. . ▪ the ten kingdomes that first tooke her part against gods children shall hate the whore , and make her desolate and naked , and eate her flesh and burne her with fire , for god doth put into their hearts to fulfill his will. the manner of the destruction of rome and the popedome , is declared reu. . . as fowles gather together to a dead carkasse , so god shall gather all nations together to warre against rome , and shall take her and the pope , the false prophet that worketh miracles , wherby he deceiued all that receiued his marke , and worshipped his image : and they shall not only be destroyed in this world , but they shall bee cast aliue into a lake burning with fire and brimstone , to wit , into eternall damnation : and reu. . . the angells and all gods children are exhorted to reioyce at her destruction , and vers . . rome shall be destroyed with such violence as a mill-stone falleth into the sea , and there shall neuer any more mill grinde any light corne , or anie be married in rome , but it shall euer after be a desolate wildernesse , as babylon was . they that cannot behold antichrist in this glasse , . cor. . . it is a signe the diuell , the god of this world , hath blinded their eyes : but as salomon when hee dedicated the temple , prayed god to heare euery one that prayed therein , so i beseech god with his holy spirit to illuminate all that shall reade this book , that they may plainly see the pope to be antichrist , and to flie from him lest they be partakers of his punishment in this world , and in the world to come . an abstract of all the histories of the chvrch from christ to this day . . the first booke . in describing the whole state of the prim●tiue , and latter times of the church : first shall be declared the suffering time of the church ▪ . yeares after christ : secondly , the flourishing time of the church , . yeares more : then the declining of true religion , . yeares more : sourthly , of the raigne of antichrist since sathan was loosed . lastly , of the reforming of the church in this last thrée hundred yeares . in the tractation of all which things , the christian reader may by experience obserue two special points : first , the nature of the world : secondly , the condition of the kingdome of christ : by the world is meant , all that by ignorance know not christ , and that will not beléeue him , or that persecute him . the kingdome of christ , are the beléeuers in christ , and take his part against the world ; and though they be much fewer then the other , and alwaies lightly hat●d and molested of the world , yet they are they whom the lord doth blesse , and euer will : and christs subiects which we call the ui●●b●e church , the●e are of two sorts ; first , of such as onely outwardly professe christ ; secondly , of such as by e●ection inwardly are ioyned to christ : the first , honour christ onely in their lippes , and partake the outward sacrament , but not the inward blessing : the second , in word and heart truely serue christ , and partake with the outward sacrament the grace of christ. and as betwéen the world & christs kingdome ▪ there is a continuall resistance , so betwéene these two parts of the uisible church oft groweth mortall persecution , so that the true church hath no greater enemies then her owne professors , which happened in the time of christ , and other times , but especially in the persecution of antichrist . who should rather haue receiued christ then the scribes and pharises , and who persecuted and reiected him more ? they refused christ to be their king , and chose caesar , who after destroyed them , whereby we may learue the daung●r of refusing the gospell . the like example is to be noted in the romains , for when pontius pilate had cer●ified tyberius caesar of the doings of christ ▪ of his myracles , resurrection , and ascention , and how he was receiued of many as god , he did beléeue , and willed the senate that christ might bee adored as god , but they refused , because he was consecrated before the senate of ro●●e had so decréed and approoued him , so obeying the law of man more then of god : they refused him , and contented themselues with the emperour , and as they preferred the emperour and reiected christ , god iustly stirred their emperours against them , that the senators were almost all deuoured by them , and the citty it selfe horribly afflicted thrée hundred yeares , for at last the same tyberius was a sharpe tyrant to them , who spared not his owne mother and nephewes , and of his princes and councellors , he left but two or thrée aliue : many were condemned with their wiues and children , maides also first defloured , then put to death . pilate , vnder when christ was crucif●ed , was depriued by him , and banished to lyons , and there slew himselfe , and agrippa by him was cast into prison . in the seuentéenth of his raigne christ suffered . after whose death this tyberius nero liued sixe yeares , during which time no persecution was in rome against the christians through the commaundement of the emperour . ●fter him succéeded c. caesar caligula , claudius nero , and domitius nero , which thrée were likewise scourges to the senate and people of rome . the first tooke other mens wiues from them , and defloured thrée of his owne sisters , and banished them , he commaunded himselfe to be worshipped as a god , and temples to bee erected in his name , vsing to fit in the temples amongst the gods , and made his image to be set vp in all temples , and in the temple of ierusalem : he wished all the people of rome had but one necke , that at his pleasure he might destroy them . by him herod , that killed iohn baptist , and condemned christ , was banished , where he died miserably . caiphas , which sat vpon christ , was at the the same time remoued from the high priests roome . the tribunes slew this caligula in the fourth yeare of his raigne , there was found in his closset two libels ; one called the sword , the other the daggar , in which were contained the names of the senators and nobles of rome which he had purposed to put to death , and there was found in a coffer diuers ●inds of poisons for the purpose to destroy a number of people , and being throwne into the sea , they destroyed a great number of fishes . claudius nero , which succéeded caligula , raigned thirtéene yeares , with no little cruelty , but domitius nero , which succéeded claudius raigned fouretéene yeares , with such cruelty , that he slew the most part of the senators , and all the order of knighthood : he abstained not from his owne mother , his sister , or any degrée of his kindred in monstrous vncleannesse and incest , and ca●sed them , with his brother , his owne wife great with childe , and his maister seneca to be put to death , together with lucan , and diuers of his kindred . he made rome to bee set on fire in twelue places , which continued sixe daies and seauen nights , to sée the example how troy burned , and the while sang verses of homer . he laid the sauit vpon the christians , and caused them to be persecuted , at last the senate proclaimed him a publike enemy , and condemned him to be whipped through the cittie to death , and for feare he fled , and slew himselfe , complaining he had neither friend nor enem● would doe it for him . in the latter end of his raigne anno . peter and paule were put to death for the faith of christ. thus you sée the iust iudgement of god from time to time , on those that contemne christ and will not receiue him , by this destruction of the romaines , by their emperors , and by their ciuill warres , and . romains slaine at one time by the fall of a theater . but most especiall by the destruction of the iewes , which in the yeare . and thrée yeares after the suffering of peter and paul , was destroyed by tytus and vespasian to the number of eleauen hundred thousands , besides them that were slaine in galily , and . were sold for slaues , and . were brought with tytus in triumph , and part deuoured with wilde beasts , and the rest most cruelly slaine . whereby all nations may take example to reiect the verity , and much more to persecute them which be sent of god for their saluation , likewise the emperors themselues for persecuting christ in his members , escaped not without their iust reward , as in this story hath and hereafter will appeare . steuen was the first martir ; the same day that hee suffered , nicanor one of the deacons with two thousand suffred for the faith , after herod slue iames the brother of iohn , whose accuser repented and confessed himselfe to bee a christian also , and was beheaded with him . simon one of the deacons was after bishop of bosrum in arabia , where hee was burned , and parmenas another of the deacons suffred for the faith . thomas preached to the parthians , medes , persians , germaines , hereaconies , bactries , and magies , and was slayne with a darte in calamia a city of iudea . simon zelotes preached in mauritania , aphricke and brittayne , who was crucified . iudas thaddeus , brother of iames , preached in mesopotamia and in edisseus , and the king there slew him in berito a citty thereof . simon the brother of iude and iames the younger , the sonne of mary cleopha and alpheus , as dorotheus writeth , was after iames bishop of ierusalem , and crucified in egipt , trayanus beeing emperour , but abdias writte hee was slaine with his brother iude by the people of suauir in persidis . marke was bishop of alexandria , hee preached in egypt , and there was drawne with ropes to the fire and burned in the raigne of trayanus . bartholomeus preached long time to the indians , and translated st matthewes gospell into their languadge , did many miracles there , and after many persecutions in albania of armenia , hee was beaten downe with staues , crucified , excoriated and beheaded - andrew , peters brother , was crucified at patris in achaya ( by egeas ) embracinge the crosse and reioycing therein . matthew conuerted ethiopia and egypt , hercan the king sent one to run him through with a speare . matthias preached to the iewes , and they stoned and beheaded him . phillip preached to the barbarous nations who crucified and stoned him at hirapolis of phrygia , where hee and his daughters with him were burned . the iewes required iames to stand vppon the battlement of the temple and disswade the people from christ , but hee preached him there and was throwne downe headlong and stoned , where hee was buried , at which time the iewes put many other to death for the testimony of christ. the first persecution by nero domitius nero domitius caused the first persecution , hee regarded neither sect , condition of life , or age , the streets were spread with dead bodies of christians , hee indeuored vtterly to abolish the name of christians : in this persecution , peter was crucified , who required his head to be hanged downward as vnworthy to dye like christ , the cause was thought to bee because symon magus , pretending to flye from the mount capitolinus to heauen , by peters prayers was brought downe headlong , and his ioynts beeing broken hee dyed , at that time peters wife suffred , and the same day twelue-month paule suffred . the second persecution by domitian . the church had some rest vnder vespatian , but domitian mooued the second persecution , he killed all the nephewes of iuda called the lords brothers , and slew all hee could find of the stocke of dauid as vespatian did before him , least any of that stocke should inioy the kingdome : in his time symon bishop of ierusalem , after other torments , was crucified , and iustus succéeded in his bishopricke . hee banished iohn to pathmos , and vnder pertinax hee was released and came to ephesus and continued there vnto the time of trayanus : gouerned the church of asia , and wrote his gospell there : flauia , daughter to flauius clemens a consull of rome , suffred for christs name , and with many other was banished out of rome to pontia . some of the stocke of dauid were brought to domitian to bee slaine , who séeing they were poore , and vnderstanding by them , that christs kingdome should bee heauenly and not worldly , he let them go and stayed persecutions , they after gouerned churches and liued in peace vnto the time of traianus , in the time of which persecution no kind of torment was omitted that might empaire the credit of the christians , they would not suffer their bodies to bee buried and yet the church dayly increased . euaristas , bishop of rome , next to clement , succéeded in the third yéere of traianus , and suffred nine yéeres after . alexander succéeded him , and conuerted many of the senators of rome to the faith ; he raysed the son of hermes from death to life , and made his mayd , being blind , to sée , which adrianus the emperour hearing of him sent word to the gouernor of rome to apprehend him and his two deacons , euentus a●d theodorus , and the said hermes , and quirinus ▪ a tribune , whose daughter albina hee cured , which cure , moued him to bee baptized , and suffer for the faith of christ , and aurelianus tooke alexander with hermes , his wife , children , and whole houshold , . put them in prison , and burned them all in a furnace , and martired the said theodorus for rebuking him thereof , and quirinus had his tongue cut out , then his hands and ●eete cut off , after was beheaded , and east to the dogges . the third persecution . there was but one yeare betweene the second and the third persecution by the emperour traianus , which was so grieuous that plinius secundus , an infidell , wrote to the emperour , that so many thousands were put to death without cause , sauing that they gathered themselues together before day to sing hymmes to a god which they called christ , he reasoned why that sin should be punished more then all other sins , and that he had put two christian maides vpon the racke to proue if they could haue extorted confession of further crime , but could not ; wherevpon the persecutions were greatly alayed , symeon , sonne of cleophas , bishop of ierusalem , was accused by the iewes to be a christian , and of the stocke of dauid , wherefore attalus commanded him to be scourged many dayes together beeing an hundred and twenty yeares old , his constancy was greatly admired ; he was crucified . because phocas , bishop of pontus , refused to sacrifice to neptune , traianus cast him into a hot●e furnace , and after into a scalding ●ath . sulpitius and seruilia , with there wiues , whom salma conuerted to the faith , were also then martired : salma was beheaded and lepidus , in the mount auentine , with whom suffred seraphia , a uirgen of antioch , in this time nereus and achilleus suffred at rome and one sagaris , who was martired in asia . in this time ignatius suffred , hee was sent from siria to rome ; comming to asia hee confirmed the churches , and comming to smirna , where policarpus was , he wrote diuers epistles to ephesus , to magnesia , and to trall●● ; hee was aiudged to be deuoured of beasts , and hearing the lions roare , i am the wheate of christ ( said he ) and shall be ground with the teeth of wild beasts that i may be pure bread : at this time many thousands died for the faith , amongst them one publius bishop of athens . hadrian the emperour , succéeded traianus , who slew zenon a noble man of rome , and for christ. borgomensis lib ▪ . makes mention of ten thousand in hadrians dayes to bee crucified in mount ararat , crowned with thornes , their sides pearced with darts , after the example of the lords passion . eustachius , a captaine , who was sent against the barbarians , and subdued them , hadrian met him honourably , and doing sacrifice to apollo for the victory , willed eustachius to doe so also , which hee refusing , hee was brought to rome , and with his wife and children suffred marterdome . faustin● us and iobita , cittizens of brixia , suffred marterdome with grieuous torments , caelocerius , seeing their great pa●ience cryed out , vere magnus deus christianorum , wherevpon he was apprehended , and suffred with them . anthia , a godly woman committed eleutherius her sonne vnto anicetus bishop of rome , who after was bishop of apulia , she with her sonn was beheaded , and iustus and pastor , two brethren , suffred vnder adrian at complutum in spaine . about the same time , simpronissa , the wife of gerulus , the marter , suffred , with her seauen children , beeing first , often scourged , then hanged by the haire of the head , then a stone fastned about her necke , she was cast into the riuer , after her children were martired w●th diuers punishments , they were tied to seauen sta●es & so racked with a pully thrusting thorough one in the necke , another in the brest ▪ another in the heart , another about the nauell , another cut in euery ioynt , another runne thorough with a speare , the last cut a sunder in the middle , then were they cast into a déepe pit , which the idolatrous priests intituled , ad septem biathanatos ▪ getulius , also a preacher at tiber with cerdelis , amantius and prinitiuus ▪ were condemned to the fire at hadrians commandment : sophia with her two children , serapia and salma , were likewise martired . hadriana at eleusina in athens sacrifising to the gentiles gods , gaue all men liberty to kill the christians , wherevpon quadracus bishop of athens and a●stydes ● philosopher , & serenus granus , a great noble man , w●ote apologies for the christians , so l●arnedly la●ing out their innocency , that the emperour wrot to the proconsull of asia , henceforth to exercise no more cruelty vpon the christians ; thus for a time they had some quiet . antonius pius succeeded hadrian , the rage of the heathen ceased not to persecute the chr●stians , but the emperours affection toward them appeared by an edict of his to the commons of asia , to ●ay the rage against the christians , ex●e●t they offended the laow of the empire , willing them to consider their patience in torments , and bouldnesse in earthquakes and tempests , when others quaked : this edict was proclamed at ephesus in the publicke assembly of all asia , which applased the tempest of per●ecution in his dayes . the fourth persecution . after him succéeded m : antonius verus , many christians in his time suffred diuers torments ▪ at smirna some were whipped that their ●eines appeared , and their bowels were seene , and after they were set vpon sharpe shelles taken out of the sea , and nayles and thornes set for them to goe vppon , and then throwne to beas●s to be deuoured , amongst whom germanicus suffred so constantly that they admir●d him . policarpus , a disciple to the apostles . yeares , a preacher . yeares placed by st. iohn in smirna , these persecutions beeing begunne , hee hid himselfe , with a few of his company , and continued night and day in supplication for the peace of the congregation . . dayes before his apprehension , he dreamed his bed was suddenly consumed with fire vnder him , which hee interpreted that hee should suffer martirdome by fire , and beeing found by the pursuers , hee intertained them cheerfully , made them di●e , and desired an houres respit to pray , which he did in such sort , that they which heard him were astonied , then they brought him to the citty vppon an asse , where irenarcus , herodes , and his father nicetes met him , caused him to come into their chariot and perswaded him to doe sacrifice , but when hee would not , they gaue him rough words , and thrust him downe the chariot , that he might breake hi● legs , but he went merrily to the place appoynted , where there came a voyce from heauen to comfort him : the proconsull disswaded him from the faith , and willed him to say with them , destroy these naughty men , who with constant countenance beheld the whole multitude , & looking vp to heauen said thou , th●● it is , that will destroy these wicked men , then the proconsu●l was ●arne●● with him ▪ and said , take thine oth , and defie christ , & i will discharge thee , who answered , these foure score and sixe yeares i haue béene his seruant and hee hath not hurt me , how then may i speake euill of my lord and king which hath thus preserued me , and when they could not preuaile by perswasions nor threatnings he was commanded to be cast to the lion , but because the lion had his prey already , the people with one voyce required that he might be burned , and when they would haue nayled him to the stake with iron hoopes , he said , hee that hath giuen me strength to ab●de the fire , shall also giue me power that i shall not stirre in this fire , which when they onely bound him , hee praysed god and testified his faith : the fire seemed to the beholders to compasse the body like a vayle , which seemed like gold and siluer , and yéelded a plesant smell ; the fire not consuming his body one thrust him in with a sword , whereby so much blood issued out of his body that it quenched the fire , after the body was taken and burned , at that time suffred twelue that came from philadelphia with diuers other , as metrodorus a minister and pionius a worthy man , who after grieuous torments were burned , and carpus , papylus , and agothonica a woman were put to death at pergamopolis in asia : felicitas with her seauen children suffred at roome , the first was whipped and prest to death , the second and third had their braines broken out , the fourth was cast downe head-longe and had his necke broken , the other thré were beheaded and left the mother slaine with the sword . at this time iustinus the learned piilosopher suffred , who wrote appologies to the senate of rome , the emperour , and liefetenant of the citty for the christians , hee preuayled so much with antonius pius that he stayed the persecution in asia , he vanquished crescens a philosopher , in reueng whereof hee procured his death . under this tyrant also suffered ptolomeus and lucius for confessing christ in alexandria●in egypt● a vicious infidell , whose wife was vicious , but conuerted by ptolameus , and departed from her vicious husband , wherefore in reuenge hee suborned a centurion to accuse him , who beeing brought before vrbanus hee condemned him to death , and lucius a christian blaming the iudge therefore , was with him also martired , also concordus , a minister of spoletum , because hee would not sacrifice to iupiter , but spate in his face , after sundry torments hee was beheaded : diuers other martires suffred vnder this tyrant , as symetricus , florellus , pontianus , alexander , caius epipodus , victor , corona , marcellus , and valerian , who were killed because they would not sacrifice to idols : under this tyrant suffred diuers martirs at uienna and lions in france , amongst whom vetius , zacharias , sanctus , maturus , attallus , blandina , alexander and alcibiades are chiefly renowned . vetius epagathus for reprouing the cruell sentence of the iudge against the christians , and making an apology for them was martired , hee was called the aduocate of the christians . at that time photinus , deacon to the bishop of lyons , about . yeares old , was first beaten , then cast into prison where hee dyed within two dayes . blandina , was fastened to a stake , and cast to beasts to bée deuoured , but none would touch her , so they put her in prison vntill another time . attalus was brought forth , with one alexander a phrigian phisition , who because hee encouraged the christians before the iudge , died most patiently broyled in an iron chaire . after blandina , and one ponticus , but fifteene yeares ould , was brought forth , the child dyed with extremity of torments : blandina after whipping gridirons , and beasts , was cast into a nette and throwne vnto a wild bull , and so gored to death ; they would not suffer the dead bodies to bee buried ; the causes why these persecutions were so sharpe , was , because the ethnicks , being seruants to the christians , by threatning , for feare , said the christians kept the feast of thiestes , and incest of oedipus , with other haiuous crimes . meleto bishop of sardis , and claudius apolinaris , bishop of hierapolis exhibited apologies vnto these emperours for the christians , so did athenagoras a philosopher and legate of the christians , whereby the persecution for the same time was stayed , others thinke that if was by a miracle in the emperours campe , for when the soldiers wanted water fiue dayes and were like to perish , a legion of the christian soldiers withdrew themselues and prayed , whereby they obtained raine for them , selues , lightenings and ha●le to discomfort and put to flight their enemies , wherevppon the emperour wrote to the gouernours to giue thankes to the christians , and giue them peace of whom came the victory . anthonius comodus sonne to verus succeeded and raigned . yeares , some thinke the persecution slaked in his time , by the fauour of martia the emperors concubine who fauored the christians , by reason whereof many nobles in rome receiued the gospell : amongst whem one apollonius , being accused by seuerus his seruant , but this accuser was sound false and therefore had his legges broken , yet hee was driuen to confesse his faith , and for the same beheaded by an ancient law , that no christian should be released without recantation . the emperour and the cittizens of rome on his birth day assembled to offer sacrifices to hercules and iupiter , proclaiming that hercules was patron o● the citty ; but vincentius , eusebius , perigrinus , potentianus , instructers of the people hearing thereof preached against the same , and conuerted iulius a senator , with others to the faith , whereof the emperor hearing , caused them to be tormented , and then prest to death , sauing that iulius was beaten to death with cudgels at the commandement of vitellus maister of the soldiers . perigrinus was sent of xistus bishop of rome to teach in france where the persecution had made wast , who established the churches and returned to rome & was martired : this xistus was the . bishop of rome , after peter , and gouerned the ministry there . yeares telesphorus succeeded him , and was bishop . yeares , and was martired : after him succeeded hyginus and died a martyr : after him succeeded pius , after them anicetus , soter , elutherius about the yeare . in the time of comodus , amongst others , were martired , serapion bishop of antioch , egesippus a writer of ecclesiasticall histories from christ to his time , also miltiades who wrote his apology for christian religion . about this time wrote hiraclitus , who first writ anotations vppon the new testament ; also theophilus bishop of cesaria , dionisius bishop of corinth , a famous learned man , who wrote diuers epistles to diuers churches , and exhorteth penitus a bishop that he would lay no yoke of chastity , vpon any necessity , vpon his brethren , also clemens alexandrinus , a famous learned man , liued in that time , and gautenus , who was the first that read in open schoole in alexandria , of whom is thought first to rise the order of uniuersities in christendome ; he was sent to preach to the indians by demetrius bishop of alexandria . in this tranquility of the church grew contention for easter day , which had beene stirred before of policarpus and anicetus , forthey of the west church , pretending the tradition of paul and peter , but indeed it was of hermes and pius , kept easter the . day of the first month , the church of asia followed the example of iohn the apostle , and obserued another day . the fifth persecution . after comodus raigned pertinax , after whom succeeded seuerus , vnder whom was raised the fift persecution , hee raigned . yeares : in the first ten hee was very fauorable , after ( through false accusations ) hee proclaimed , that no christian should be suffered , wherevppon an infinite number were slaine in the yeare . the crimes obiected was rebellion to the emperour , sacriledge and murdering of infants , incestuous pollutions , eating raw flesh , libidinous commixture , worshipping the head of an asse which wa● raised by the iewes , also for worshipping of the sunne in rising , because they vsed daily to sing vnto the lord , or because they vsed to pray towards the east , but the speciall matter was because they would not worship idols : these persecutions raged in affrica , alexandria , cappadocia , and carthage : the number that were slaine was infinite . the first that suffered was leonides , father of origen , who but . yeares old desired to haue suffred with his father , but that his mother in the night stole away his garments , and his shirt , yet he wrote to his father : take heed you alter not your purpose for our sakes , hee was so toward in knowledge of scripture and vertue , that his father would often in his sleepe kisse his breast , thanking god that he had made him so happy a father of so happy a sonne : his father being dead , and his goods confiscate to the emperour , hee sustained himselfe , his mother and sixe brethren by keeping schoole , at length hee applied himselfe wholly to scripture , and profited in the hebrew and greeke tongues , which hee conferred with other translations , as that of the . and found out other translations of aquila , of symachus and theodocian , with which he also ioyned . others : he wrote . bookes . the copies whereof hee vsed to sell for three-pence a peece to sustaine his liuing : hee had diuers schollers , as plutarchus serenus , his brother who was burned , and heraclitus and heron , which were beheaded , another serenus which was beheaded , and rahis and potamiena , shee was tormented with pitch poured on her , and martired with her mother marcella , she was executed by one basilides , who shewed her some kindnes in repressing the rage of the multitude ; shee thanked him and promised to pray for him , hee being required after to giue an oth , touching the idols and emperour , ( as the manner was ) refused it , confessing himselfe to be a christian and therefore was beheaded . there was one alexander , who after great torments , escaped and was bishop of ierusalem , narcissus who was . yeares old , he was vnwildy to gouerne alone : he was . yeares bishop of ierusalem , vntill the persecution of decius , he erected a famous library , where eusebius had his cheefe helpe in directing his ecclesiasticall history ; hee wrote many epistles , he licensed origen to teach openly in his church : after vnder decius in cesaria for his constant confession dyed in prison . policarpus sent andoclus into france , seuerus apprehending him , and first being beaten with bats he was after beheaded : in that time asclepiades suffred much for his confession , and was made bishop of antioch , and continued there seauen yeares . about this time ireneus , with a great multitude beside were martired , hee was scholler to policarpus , and bishop of lyons . yeares ; in his time the question of keeping easter was renewed betwixt victor bishop of rome , and the churches of asia , and when victor would haue excommunicated them , ireneus , with others , wrote to him to stay his purpose , and not to excommunicate them for such a matter . not long after followed tertullian who writ learned apologies for the christians , and confuted all that the slanderours obiected , hee wrote many bookes , whereof part yet remaine . victor bishop of rome died a martyr , after he had sitten there . or . yeares ; he was earnest in the matter of easter , and would haue excommunicated them that were contrary , but for ireneus and others who agreed to haue easter vppon the sunday , because they would differ from the 〈◊〉 , and because christ rose on that day . on the other side were diuers bishops of asia , as policrates bishop of ephesus , ( alleadging the example of philip the apostle ) with his three daughters , of iohn the euangelist at ephesus , policarpus at smirna , thraseas at eumenia bishop and martyr , and of sagaris of laodicea , bishop and martyr , and iapirius and melito at sardis with diuers other more . this sheweth that varience of ceremonies , was no strange thing in gods church . after victor succéeded zepherinus ; he sate . yeares . under seuerus also suffered perpetua , felicitas , and rouocatus her brother , and saturnius and satyrus brethren , and secumdulus , who dyed in prison , the rest were throwne to wild beasts . seuerus hauing raigned . yeares was slaine at yorke , by northerne men and scots , ( leauing two sonnes bassianus and geta , bassianus hauing slaine his brother in brittaine , gouerned the empire . yeares , he was slaine by his 〈…〉 , with his sonn● pyadumenus raigned one yeare and were 〈…〉 people , then varius heliogab : raigned two yeares , very 〈…〉 and was slaine by his sou●●iers drawne through the 〈…〉 . aurelius al●xander s●uerus raigned . year●s , well commended 〈…〉 fauoured the christians . mammea the emperours mother , commanded of ●erome for 〈…〉 she sent to ●n●ioch for origen , who stayed a while with the 〈…〉 and returned to alexandria , the emperour and his mother were 〈…〉 commotion in germany ▪ though there was no open persecution in his 〈…〉 iudges martyred many , because there was no 〈◊〉 to the contrary : as calixus 〈◊〉 of rome , who was tied to a great stone , and throwne out of a 〈…〉 he succeeded z●pherinus , and vibanus succeeded him , who died a 〈…〉 many 〈◊〉 , amongst whom was ●yburtius and valerianus , 〈…〉 of rome , and remained constant to martyrdome . agapitus but . yeares old , suffered in his time , who was 〈…〉 because he would not doe sac●ifice , after other torments , 〈…〉 the torments were executing , the ●udge fall suddenly from his 〈…〉 his bewels burned within him ▪ and dyed vnder whom also 〈…〉 of rome , was drawne through the citie and cast into ●●ber . in his time also pamachus a senator of rome , with his wife 〈…〉 other men and women , and sin pliciu● a noble senator ▪ all these 〈…〉 had their heads smitten off and their hands hanged vp on diuerse 〈…〉 under him also suffered quiritius , a no●le man of rome , with his 〈…〉 many more ; also t●berius and valerianus , 〈◊〉 of rome and 〈…〉 with 〈◊〉 , and afterwords beheaded ; also martina a uirgin . ¶ the sixt persecution . maximinus succéeded alexander , and for the hatered he bare him , he 〈…〉 pers●cution , against the teachers of the church 〈…〉 in his 〈◊〉 origen writ his booke de martyrio ; in ●is time 〈…〉 rome who ●ucc●●ded v●banus , with phillip his priest , was banished 〈…〉 there died . in these times notable men were raised vp to the church , as philetus bishop of antioch , and zebenus bi●hop of the same , ammonius schoolemaster of origen , 〈…〉 africanus origens scholler , and natalius who had suffered for the 〈…〉 ●●clepiodotus and theod●tus arrians promise● 〈…〉 to be the bishop of their sect , whereunto he yeelded , but the lord 〈…〉 and regarding it not , he was 〈◊〉 with angels , and hee 〈…〉 and what had happened vnto him , so zephirinus bishop , with the 〈…〉 him againe . after pontianus bishop of rome , antonius succéeded , and after him 〈◊〉 hipolitus bishop of a head citie in arabia , hee was a martyre , he was a great 〈◊〉 . prudentius maketh mention of great heapes of mart●res burned by . 〈…〉 saith , that hipolitus was drawne with 〈◊〉 horses through fields , 〈…〉 go●ianus succ●●ded ; maximinus and phillip succeeded him , and 〈…〉 two emperours were christned with their families and conuerted by fabianus bishop of rome and origen . phillip ▪ with his sonne ▪ was 〈…〉 captaines , because the emperours had commit●ed th●● treasures vnto ●●bianus . ¶ the seauenth persecution . decius hauing slaine the former emperours , inuaded the crown● , in the yeare . who 〈◊〉 a terrible persecution against the christians . fabianus was made bishop of rome , by lighting of a doue vpon him in the congregation , which was minded to elect some noble 〈…〉 and was put to death by decius , who proclamed the 〈◊〉 of christians , origen wrote of the rightuous●●●● of his faith● origen taught and 〈…〉 and sustained 〈◊〉 persecutions . under decius be 〈…〉 with bats of 〈…〉 , and death and 〈…〉 part of scripture , 〈…〉 of the . psalme ; why dost thou preach my iustification , and why dost thou take my testament in thy mouth ? 〈…〉 . in his time alexanderines bishop of 〈◊〉 ▪ where he had 〈◊〉 . yeares , and was brought from thence of casaria , and died therein prison . m●zananes succeeded him the . bishop after iames. babilas bishop of ●n●●och resisted an emperour , who against his promise had 〈◊〉 a kings sonne 〈…〉 suffer him to 〈◊〉 to the temple of the christian●s 〈…〉 was 〈◊〉 by him his body was 〈◊〉 into the sub●●bs of 〈…〉 the christians , as s●tte as his body taken out of the temp●e , 〈…〉 with fire . in decius his 〈◊〉 . uirgine suffered in antioch , one peter 〈…〉 one andrew , one paul●on● , one nichomachus an● dionisia a virgin were 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 chr●stians were led from 〈…〉 cappadocta , germanus , theophilus , cesarius , and vitalis suffered martyrdome , and policronios bishop of bathlon , and nesto● bishop of 〈…〉 olimpiades and maximus ; in 〈◊〉 anatolia a virgin , and aud●x 〈…〉 the faith. in his time diuerse suffered in alexandria before the 〈…〉 sayer 〈◊〉 vp the people ▪ first , they 〈…〉 a priest , beat him with 〈…〉 him in the face and eyes with 〈◊〉 , and them stoned him . 〈◊〉 tooke quinta a faithful● 〈…〉 through the 〈◊〉 vpon the hard stones , dashed 〈◊〉 against 〈…〉 then they spoyled all the christians , 〈◊〉 the citie , and tooke the they tooke apollima an ancient uirgin rashed out all her teeth , made a fire 〈…〉 she would deny chr●st ; but she 〈◊〉 suddenly into the 〈◊〉 and was burned . they tooke one serapion , and broke almost all the 〈…〉 and cast him from an vpper oft , so he dyed , shortly after came the 〈…〉 against the christians , wherevpon the persecution grew more 〈◊〉 . cromon and iulianus were laid vpon camels , and whipped , then cast into thy 〈◊〉 for the testimony of iesus ; a soldier tooke part with them going to mart●●●● , and was beheader ; also 〈…〉 was burned , and epimacus and alexander , hauing suffred bands and torments with 〈◊〉 scourges , were burned with . women , ammonarion a holy virgin , marcuria an aged mat●on , and dionisia mother of many faire children , after many torments , were slaine by the ●word . horon and ●●odorus egyptian● , were grieuously tormented and then burned ; there was one dioscorus of their company but ● . yeares old , whe●● the iudge 〈◊〉 for his 〈◊〉 age , being 〈◊〉 at his 〈…〉 . n●mesian an egypt●an was accused of theft and purg●d , and then was 〈◊〉 of christianitie and was more grieuously scourged then the théeues , and then was burned . amnon zenon , ptolomeus , ingenius souldiers , and an old man theophilus , they séeing a christian fearing to confesse his faith , incouraged him by signes and being noted and ready to be taken ; they pressed to the tribunall seate , and confessed themselues to be christians ; whereat the iudges and their assistants were greatly amased , and the christians imboldened , and they departed glad for the testimony they had giuen . ischrion often moued of his master to doe sacrifice , and refusing , he runne him through with a speare . in this time many wandred in wildernesse , suffered hunger , colde , danger of wilde beasts . clerimon bishop of nilus , an olde man , with his wife , flying to the mountaine of arabia , could neuer be found againe . dionisius alexandrinus suffered much a●fl●ction , and had strange deliuerances . first , the messenger was struck●n blinde & could not finde his house , after which three daies , god had him flye ; after , comming to ierusalem , he was taken , the keeper was from home when he was brought to prison , and the keeper returning home and finding diuerse runne away , he ranne away himselfe , and tolde the matter to one he met going to a mariage , who tolde it to them at the wedding , who in the night rushed towards the pri●oners with great shouting , they that kept the prisoners were afraid and left them , then the company willed them to depart , and they t●●ke dionisius , set him vpon an asse , and conueyed him away . in this time suffered one christopherus a cananite , . cubits high ; also meneates a florentine , and agatha a holy virgine in sicily , who suffered imprisonment , was be●ten , racked , famished , rayled on , tormented with sharpe shels and 〈◊〉 co●es , and her breasts were cut from her body . amongst others also suffered . virgines by diuerse k●nds of deathes ; triphon a very holy and constant man of nice , after much torments , suffered death by the sword . decius erected a temple at ephesus , and compelled all the citie to dee sacrifice ; . of his souldiers refused , and they hi● themselues in mount celius in caues ; the emperour caused them to be rammed vp with stones , and so they w●re martired . hieronimus writeth of a godly souldier , which could not be brought from his faith , was brought into a pleasant garden , laid vpon a soft bed , and an harlot sent to allure him , she offering to kisse him ▪ he bit off her tongue and ●pit it in her face . theodora a virgine , was commanded to the stewes , a young man , a christian , caused her to change garments with him , and conuey herselfe away , and offering himselfe to their violence , being found a man , he confessed himselfe a christian , and was condemned to suffer , theodora offered herselfe to the iudge , and desired that the other might be discharged , he commanded them both to be beheaded , and cast into the fire . agathon was condemned to lose his head for rebuking them that derived the dead bodies of christians . one paulus , and one andreas , were scourged , drawne through the citie , and aftrer troden to death vnder the féete of people ; also iustinus a priest of rome , and nicostratus a deacon , and portius a priest of rome , which is reported to haue conuerted the emperour phillip , were all martyred . secundarius , as he was led to the iaile , verianus & marcellinus asked whether they led the innocent , whereupon they were taken ▪ and after torments and beatings with waisters , were hanged , with fire put to their sides ; but the tormentors some fell sodainly dead , others were possessed with euill spirits . beza registers these to suffer in this tyrants time , hipolitus , concordia , hierenius , abundus , victoria a virgin being nobles or antioch : belias bishop of apollinia ; leacus , tyrsus , and galmetus , naza●zo , triphon , phillas , bishop of philocomus ; philocronius bishop of babilon , thesiphon bishop of pamphilia , nestor bishop of corduba , parmeuius priest , circensis , marianus , and iacobus , nemesianus , felix , rogatianus priest felicissimus , iouinius , basilius , ruffina and secunda virgins , tertullianus valerianus , nemesius , sempronianus , olimpiadus , teragone , zeno bishop of cesaria , marinus , archinius , priuatus bishop , theodorus bishop of pontus , pergentius and laurencius children , suffered persecution in tuscia . many reuolted , as serapion ▪ nichomachus in the middest of his torments , euaristus bishop of africa , nicoftratus a deacon , diuerse of them were punished by gods hand , some with euill spirits , some with strange diseases . at this time rose the heresie of nouatus , he disturbed cyprian bishop of carthage , and cornelius bishop of rome , he was assisted with maximus , vrbanus , sidonius , and celerius , but they forsooke him : after he allured three simple bishops in ●taly to lay their hands on him to make him bishop of rome , with coruelius , whom by all meanes he sought to defeate , and made the people that came to receiue the eucharist ▪ swea●e they would stand with him . two young men , aurelius , which was twise tormented , and mapalicus in the middest of his torments , told the proconsull , to morrow you shall see the running for a wager , meaning his ma●tyrdome . decius the emperour raigned but two yeares , and with his sonne , was slaine of the barbarians ; presently god sent a ple●ue yeares together , which made diuerse p●aces desolate , especially where the persecution most raigned the christians comforted and ministred vnto their sicke brethren , the infidels forsooke their neighbours and friends , and left them destitute of succour , vpon this plague ciprian wrote his booke , de mortalitate . vibias gallus ▪ and volusian his sonne , by treason , succeeded decius . gallus at the first was quiet , anone after published edicts against christians ; cyprian bishop of carthage was banished , others were condemned to the mines , as nemisianus , fex , lucius , with their bishops , priests and deacons ▪ to whom , and to seagrius and rogatianus cyprian wrote consolatory epistles : lucius bishop of rome was banished , whom cornelius succeeded , but a while after hee returned againe to his church , and stephanus succéeded him , and sate . yeares , . monethe , and died a martyre , betwixt him end cyprian fell a contention about rebaptizing of hereticks . emilianus slew the former emperours , and succéeded himselfe , after . moneths he was slaine , and valerius and galienus his sonne succeeded him . valerius . or . yeares was so cut●eous to christians , as no emperour before him , that his court was full of christians , but he was seduced by an egyptian magitian , finding himselfe hindred by them , from the practising of his charmes , hée brought the emperour to idols , he sacrificed infants , and reised the eight persecution . ¶ the eight persecution . ciprian was an african borne in carthage , an idolater , and giuen to magicke , he was conuerted to the faith , by ceci●a priest , by hearing the prophet ionas , as soone as he was conuerted , he gaue his goods to the poore : not long after he was priest , he was bishop of carthage , he had the gouernment of the whole east church ▪ and church of spaine , he was called the bishop of christian men : he loued to read tertullian , and called him his master . in the time of decius and gallus he was banished , in the time of valerianus he returned againe : but after , he was found in a carden , and his head stricken off . at this time zistus bishop of rome , with sixe of his deacons , more beheaded : one laurence a deacon , seeing the bishop goe to execution , cryed to him , deare father , whether goest thou without thy deare sonne ? he answered , within three daies thou shalt suffer in more painefull manner then i , which fell out accordingly : for laurence hauing distributed the goods of the poore , by the charge of the bishop , the emperour hearing thereof , commaunded him to render the treasure to him ▪ but after thrée daies respite , in sleede thereof , hee presented vnto him a sort of poore christians , as the treasure of the church ; whereupon hee commaunded laurence to bee broyled on a gridyron , where after hee had suffered a great space , hee said this side is rosted enough , turne vp tyrant , try whether rosted or raw be bettermeate . a souldier of rome was conuerted to the faith by the constant pro●●●●ion of this laurence , and desired to be baptized of him , but the iudge called him , and scourged , and be headed him . at this time suffered dionisius bishop of alexandria , he was banished and scourged , then remoued to a more strait place ; one gaius , one petrus , and one paulus were afflicted with him notwithstanding ; maximus , dioscorus , demetrius , and lucius , visited the brethren , also eusebius suffered affliction for the truth , who after was bishop of ●aodicia : faustus long after being an oldman , was beheaded ▪ but dionisius suruiued all these troubles and in great age departed in peace , after he had gouerned the church of alexandria . yeares , and taught schoole there . yeares , and maximus succeeded him . in the same time priscus , marcus , and alexander , who stepyed to the iudge , and declared themselues christians , with a woman , were giuen to wilde beasts . in carthage were . martyred in a lime kill for refusing , because they would not sacrifice to lupiter . maxima , donatilla , and secunda , three uirgins , after cruell torments , were giuen to beasts , which refused to touch them , then they were beheaded ; also one pontius after diuerse torments , was giuen to beasts , who refusing to touch him ▪ he was burned at which time claudius his iudge with anabius his assistant , were taken with wicked spirits , and bit off their owne tongues , and died . the same time zeno bishop of uerona was martyred ; one phillippus president of alexandria came downe with his wife , two sons , and his daughter eugenia she with two e●nuches , prothus and hiacintus , were conuerted to christianitie ; she put on the apparell of a man to a●●ide trouble , and to heare helenus bishop , and named herselfe eugenius . malena a marton of alexandria fell in lou● with her , end séeing that by no meanes she could obtaine her sute , she made an outcry , saying that eugenius went about to de●lowre her , and accused her to phillippus , so shee was forced to manifest her selfe to her father ; after , she wonne him and other of her kindred , to the faith , her father was after martyred : after , shee returned to rome with her eunuches , and conuerted basilla , who was beheaded after sundry torments . in the sixt yeare of valerianus , victor and victorinus , with claudianus and bossa his wife , after thrée yeares imprisonment , and diuerse torments , were put to death . fructuosus bishop of tarraconia , with his two deacons augurius and eulogius , at their execution , their hands bound behinde them vnloosed , and the fire flewe from them ▪ vntill they had prayed ▪ at which time a certaine souldier did sée the heauens open , and the martyres entred in ; which sight he shewed to the daughter of emilianus the president . this emperour valerianus , after he had raigned , with his sonne , about sixe yeares , and afflicted the christians two yeares , was taken of sapres king of the persians , who made him alwaies his footstoole to get vppon his horse till hee dyed . at the same time , amongst the romaines , there happenned . earthquakes together , whereupon the persecution was moderated : yet some ●uffered , as marinus , a noble-man , he was accused to be a christian of him that should succeede him ; the iudge gaue him three dayes to aduise himselfe , but being incouraged by theodi●tus bishop of cesaria , hee presented himselfe to the iudge , by whose sentence he was beheaded . galienus succeeded valerianus , and claudius succeeded him . vincentius maketh mention of . martyres that suffered vnder him : quintilianus succeeded him after aurelianus , vnder whom was moued the ninth persecution . ¶ the ninth persecution . as aurelianus was subscribing the edict against christians , he was terrified with ●●ghtning ▪ and about the . yeare of his raigne was slaine , yet vincentius and orosius reckon vp a great number of martyres which suffered vnder him in fraunce and italy . publius annins tacitus succeeded aurelianus , and raigned . moneths ; his brother florianus succéeded him . daies . marcus aurelius succéeded him , surnamed probus ; he moued no persecution : after he had raigned yeares , . moneths , because , by reason of peace , he had no worke for his souldiers , therefore he was slaine . carus with his two sonnes , carinus and numerianus succéeded him . yeares numerianus kil●● cerillus , for not suffering him to enter into the congregation of the christians , he being their bishop ; he was slaine of his father . dioclesian succeeded ; vntill the . yeare of his raigne the church was quiet , which quiet●●sse had indured . yeares ; the church grew mightily , and the chiefe of them in fauour with the emperour , were derotheus and gorgotheus , and diuerse moe . the church began to were wanton with peace , and to build large churches , but their desolutenes broght on them the tenth persecution . ¶ the tenth persecution . vvhilst dioclesian abstained from persecuting , he obtained diuerse victories , and being proud thereof , he would be worshipped as a god , calling himselfe brother of the sunne and moone , inioyned the people to kisse his feete , and in the . yeare of his raigne he moued persecution , he commaunded the churches of christians to be destroyed , and the scriptures to be burned ; put christians from magistracie , and constrained them with torments to offer to idols . after the proclamation of the edict , a noble-man , a christian openly rent it in pieces , for which act he was put to most bitter death . dioclesian began with his campe , willed the christians to lay away their weapons , and giue ouer their charges , which they did willingly . at tyre there were christians giuen to cruell beasts : preserued miracul●usly , though they were kept hungry of purpose ; they raged against those that brought the christians , and deuoured them they could catch , therefore they were beheaded , and cast into the sea. at that time was martyred the bishop of sidon , but siluanus bishop of gazen●●s , with . others , were slaine in the mettie-mines ; thon pamphilius an elder , and the glory of the church of cesaria , whom eusebius writeth of , was martyred . all the bishops and teachers in syria were imprisoned ; tyrannion throwne to fishes , arnobius a physition , slaine with brickbats , some drowned themselues rather then they would worship idols , siluanus bishop of emissa , with others were throwne to wilde beasts . in mesopotamia the christians were hanged by the feete , and choked with smoke : in cappadocia their legs were broken , in cilicia taragus , probus , and andronious martyred : the persecution was so outragious , that they refrained not from the slaughter of the emperours children , & the chiefest princes of his court , amongst whom was one peter of the houshold whom the king did loue as his owne childe , after cruell torments , he was whipped to the bones , powdered with salt and vineger , and ●ofled with a fire . dorotheus and gorgonius séeing it , reproued the emperour , and confessed they were christians ; wherefore , though they were in great authoritie , they were almost tormented as he , and strangled . anthonius bishop of nicomedia , and lucianus , and a great company of ●artyrs were beheaded . dioclesian beheaded his owne wife serena . elampia , agapen , irenea , cronia , and anastachia were burned , . christians were burned in one temple : in arabia many martyres were slaine with ●xes : i● phrigia , a whole citie of christians compassed , set on fire , and burned : in melitina , the bishop and elders were cast into prison . a sheriffe in doing execution vpon the christians was conuerted , and confessed himselfe a christian , and after diuerse strange torments , was burned . eugenius , auxentius , marderius , were martyred : in egypt , pelus and nilus bishops , were martyred , the rage was great in alexandria the bishop thereof and elders , faustus , didius , ammonius , phildas , hefichius , and theodorus , with many other were martyred . ( . souldiers , being christians , vnder the christian captaine mauritius , lying at 〈◊〉 in egypt , refusing to worship images , died altogether constant in the faith. ascla , phremon & apolinius with diuerse christians , were martyred at anteno , in scilia were . put to death ▪ in calcedon euphenea was martired , in rome , iohn & crispus priests , at babem● agricola and vitalis , at aquilia the emperour commaunded 〈◊〉 man to kil the christians , where felices and fortunatus was killed , victor suffered at 〈…〉 belua●ns lucian suffered . in spaine was great persecution as at emerita , eulalia , adula , vincensia , sabina , and christiana suffered ; leucadia virgin , augusta , and . besides were martyred . where was such persecution at ●re●●rs by the riuer mosella , that ●he blood of christians 〈◊〉 like a little brooke , and coloured by riuer ; hors●men 〈…〉 to kill the christians : agripina and augusta were 〈…〉 . in 〈◊〉 all the christians were destroyed , no tongue 〈…〉 the deathe and 〈◊〉 that this tyrant vsed , hanging them by one hand , 〈…〉 them ▪ and 〈…〉 but not to death : but euery day . eusebius saith , he saw the the 〈◊〉 of the pesecutors blunt with often slaughter , themselues for wearinesse sit downe and 〈◊〉 ; but the martyres nothing 〈◊〉 were patient for chr●sts sake . miletus bishop of 〈◊〉 gaue backe , wherefore peter bishop of 〈…〉 so did marcellus bishop of rome , wh●refore he was 〈…〉 and was martyard . in . dayes were 〈◊〉 martyres , besides many that 〈…〉 there were mariy●●d at alexandria . . 〈…〉 . more martyres . this persecution endured vntill about the . yeare of constantius ; at length , being out of hope to ex●inguish them , the slaughter ceased ▪ yet they 〈◊〉 many , and put . regmus 〈◊〉 the eyes of 〈◊〉 and condemned many to the 〈◊〉 . after dioclesian and maximi●anus had raigned about 〈◊〉 . yeares th●y●●● vp the empier , and the empire remained with constantius , and gal●●ius maxeminus . maxeminus presecuted the persecution about . yeares , vnt● the years . but constantius ●ather ●auoured the christians ●and to try 〈◊〉 cour●iers he ●eigned in sacrifice to 〈◊〉 , and commaunced his houshold so to d●e , and finding a number that constantly refused ●e cherished them and 〈◊〉 them to great places , and refused the back●●ders . maximinus vsed great cruceltie in the east churches 〈◊〉 god stayed his rage by sending him 〈◊〉 a bothe as pu●●●fied his ●●trals , from whence came inumerable multitudes whereupon he published edicts of peace to the christians and desired them to pray for him , but . monethes after he set out con●rary of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 them to be● 〈…〉 so persecution rose againe as great as before . siluanus , lucianus , petrus bishop , querinus bishop , marcellus , t●mothe , victorianus , symphocrianus , castorius , cast●us , cesarius , me●●●ous , nobilis dorotheus , gorgamus , pet●us vnto inumerable martyris ; iuliana , cosmus damanus basileus , with ●eauen others , dorathca , theophilus . theodosia vita● is , agricola , ●●cha , philemon , hireneus , januarius , festus , di●iderius , grigorius , spolitanus , agap●●s , cro●ia , hirenea . ●●heodora , with . others . florianus ▪ prinius , felicia●●● , vitus , modestus , crescentia , a●binus , rogatianus , donatianus , 〈◊〉 catharina , margareta . lucia 〈◊〉 a●theus the king with . simplicius faust●●●s , beatrix , panthaleon , grigor●ns , iustus , leocandia , anthonia , with infir●● . felix victor , with his parents , lucia widdowe , germinianus , with . others ; anastacia , c●●●ogonus , felix , audactus , adrianus nathalia , agnes of . yeares olde , these 〈◊〉 many other were then martyred . the emperour in his edict declared what plently they enioyed when they adored their 〈◊〉 . as 〈◊〉 as that persecution began , there was a miserable f●mine a●d pestilence , wherein the christians ( to their power ) re●●ued the gentiles , whereby grewe some yeare . 〈…〉 a christian woman , whose husband they had killed to satisfie the filthy desire of the emperour , shee killed her selfe rather then she would so doe . he banished a noble woman of rome , because she gaue her goods to the church . the people of rome , wearied with the vil●any of maxentius , ●●quired ayd● constantine , he gathered an armie in fraunce and brita●ne , and being in 〈◊〉 , looking vp to heauen about the going downe of the sunne , he sawe a brightnesse like acrosse , with starres of equall bignesse , with this inscription , in hoc vince . eusebius pamphilus reporteth he heard consta●tine often affirme it ; in the 〈…〉 , christ appeared vnto him with the signe of the same crosse , b●●ding ●im make the figure thereof and carry it before him in his warres , and he should hau● v●ctory ; whereupon he 〈◊〉 towards max●ntius , who not being able to sustaine constantines ●orce , and 〈◊〉 ●o the c●tie , was ouerthrowne of his horse in the floud , and ●●owned , and so ended th● last persecution , he gaue li●ertie , by procl●mation , to christians ●o prolesse their religion : di●clesian hea●ing her●of , dyed for sorr●w some say he poysoned 〈…〉 . licinius first ●oyned with constan●●ne , and ●onqu●red maximinus a great 〈◊〉 in the west , who killed his charm●rs that 〈◊〉 him ●o warre , and 〈…〉 with a disease , he glorified the god of the christians , and made a lawe for their 〈◊〉 . licinius called learning ▪ the poyson of the common wealth , and said it was a 〈◊〉 for a prince to be learned ; he said , the christians prayed for constant●●● 〈◊〉 and not for him , therefore he persecuted them , first in his owne court , them in the 〈◊〉 he rased many churches to the ground , he hanged theodorus on a crosse , thr●st nayles into his a●me pits then strucke off his head , he put to death basilius bishop , nicl●olaus bishop grig●r●us of armenia the great paul of 〈◊〉 whose ●ands were 〈◊〉 off ●ith a ●earing iron , in sebast●a he drowned . souldiers in a horse pond , the wiues of these . with ammones a deacon , after inumerable torments were sla●●e with th● sword . diuerse b●t●els were sought betwéene licinius and constantine first in hungary , where he was ou●r throwne , in macedonia , where he fled and ●ep●yred his arm●● , and being vanquished by sea and land , he yeelded to costantine , and was comm●●●●d●● liue a priuate life but he was killed by the souldiers in the yeare . constantius ●he father of constantine dyed in the yeare ▪ and wee buried at yorke . a●bon , the fi●st that su●●●red martyrdome in england , he was conuer●●d by a● phibolus , a persecuted clarke which he lo●ged ; the prince hearting thereof , sent out 〈◊〉 for him , albon came to the souldiers who brought him to the iudge , and 〈…〉 would not sacrifice to diuels , after he was grieuo●sly scourged he was beheaded , the clarke fled into wales , where he was set and made to runne about a stake , his b●lly being opened , whilst 〈◊〉 owels were drawne out , hee was stabbed with waggers , and after stoned , this was anno . it is to be noted that england was no● touched with any of the nine persecutions , but onely with the tenth , in which almost all christiantie was in the 〈◊〉 ex●inguished . galerius threatning the christians in antioch , romanus a noble man encouraged them he was strangely tormented , he requ●red the tyrant that a childe should be presented vnto him , he asked the childe whether it was ●ore reason●ble to serue one god rath●r th●n ●umerable ; the childe answered the tyrant , that one god was to be worshipped ; the tyrant scourged the childe , and pulled off the skinne of his head , the mother being by , exhorted the childe to patience , the childe was beheaded , and romanus cast in the fire , which when it would not burne him , hee was ●●angled in prison . gordius a centurion liued in the desert a long time , but at a ●eest of mars he got vpon the highest p●ace of the thea●or , and v●tered himselfe to all the people to bee a christian ; after many torments , he was ●urned . menas likewise ▪ a souldier , con●essed himselfe a christi●n in colis , and af●er diuerse torments , wa● beheaded . basilius writeth of . martyres , young gentlemen , professing themselues christians , they were caused to stand in winter in a pond all night , and in the morning bnrne● . nicephorus reporteth of . martyres drowned in a ponde at sebestia . cirus a poysition , with one ioannes , led a solitary life in arabia in persecu●ion , they hearing of the imprisonment of athanasia with her three daughters , theo●●ste , theodota , and eudoxa , they came to confi●me them , and being accused , and would not doe sacr●fice , they were put to death . sebastian , lieutenant or diaclesian , was accused to the emperour for encouraging diuers martyres : he was brought into the fielde , and of his owne souldiers shot through with innumerable darts , after threw his body into a iakes . nicostratus , with zoe his wife : tranquillinus , with martia his wife ; traglianus , claudius , castor , tiburtus , castullus , marcus , and marcellus , with others moe suffered with him . barla , a nobleman , whom basilius mentions in a sermon , after many torments he was sacrificed on an altar of their idols , they put fire and incense into his hand , thinking he would scatter it vpon the altar , and so haue sacrificed , but the fire burning about his hand , it endured as if it had béene couered about with embers , he saying the psalme , blessed is my god which teacheth in hands to fight . vincentius was so racked , that all the ioynts of his body cracked , then there was many wounds made in his body , then his flesh was combed with iron combes , sharply filed , then they scourged him , then they laid his body vpon an iron grate , and opened it with hooks , then they seared it with diuers plates , sprinkling the same with hot salt , then they drew him into a dungeon sprinkled with sharpe shels , and locked his féete in the stockes . philoronimus forsooke great possessions for christ , and was beheaded , and neither friends , wife , or children could moue him : also , procopius being conuerted , brake his siluer images , and gaue them to the poore , after gréeuous torments , his hands and féet being cut off he was beheaded : so was grigotius a young man vsed . panthion , theodorus , and gerion , with . were martyred , hermogines , eugraphus , samonas , gurias , abilus , hieron , indes , dominas , with two thousand were martired . enclasius and maximinius , whom fausta the uirgin conuerted in her torments : also , thusus , lucius , callinicus , apollonius , philemon , asilas , leonides , arianus , cyprian byshop of antioch , before his conuersion being a magitian , suffered with iustina a uirgine . glicerius , felix , fortunatus , achileus , arthemius , ciriacus , anthonius , marcellinus , cucusatus , barcimonia , felix byshop , audactus , ianuarius , fortunatus , septimus , these suffered vnder dioclesian . cassianus was stabbed of his schollers with iron pen● wherewith they vsed to write . eulalia was shut vp of her parents , least she should be cause of her death , shee brake out in the night , came to the iudge , confessed her selfe a christian , and reprooued the cruelty of the iudge , and their vanity in worshipping images , she threw downe the idols , and scattered the incense when she was brought to worship them ; she had one ioynt pulled from another , her flesh was scraped off with clawes of beasts to the bones , she reioysing and praising god , they seared her breasts with torches : when they had caught her haire , which hanged downe to her féet and couered her shame , shee opened her mouth ouer the flame and died . agnes , a romaine virgine , not marriageable , for her constancy in christ was condemned to be committed to the common stewes , and younkers appointed to assayle her , whom when she refused , she was tied to a corner of a stréet naked : one beholding the uirgine with vnchast eyes , was striken with lightning , his eies dashed out of his head , whom agnes prayed for and restored : after ●he was beheaded , she preferred the sight of her executioners more , then of her louers . there are many myracles reported of her . katherine openly resisted the emperor maxentius to his face , and rebuked him of his cruelty , after she had felt the racke , and the fouresharp cutting wheeles , she was beheaded . iulitta sued to the emperor for goods wrongfully detained from her , her aduersary accused her of christianity , being commanded to doe sacrifice with incense , shee refused it , and encouraged others , and was burned . barbara , a noble woman suffering cruell torments , as cords , and burning of her sides , was lastly beheaded for her faith. fausta , iuliana , anisia , iustina , lucia , agatha , and tecla , with all holy uirgines , suffered in the tenth persecution . ●aius succéeded xistus b. of rome : marcellinus , marcellus , eusebius were byshops afterward , and then miltiades , which was the last bishop of rome that was martyred : these all were martyrs . sapores king of persia put to death , acyndiuus , pegasius , anempodistus , epidephorus , simeon arch-byshop of seleu●ia , c●esiphon b. in persia , with other religious men . . symon , chéefe bishop of persia , was accused by the magitians , as he was leading to prison : v●●hazares , who was the kings schoole-maister , and had fallen from christianity , who sitting at the kings gate , rose vp and reuerenced him , but simion rebuked him with sharpe words , which made him put on mourning wéeds , sit wéeping at the gate ; saying , what hope haue i of god when my familiar friend simion disdaineth me , which being knowne to the king , and he confessing himselfe a christian , the king commaunded he should be beheaded : he desired of the king to certifie that he died for nothing but christianity , which he obtained ; simion being in prison , and hearing of it , reioyced , and the next day suffered with an . more . pusices , séeing an old father shrinke in the sight of the martyr● , said ; shut thine eies , be strong , and shortly thou shalt sée god , wherefore the king caused an hole to be made in his necke , and thereout pulled his tongue , and so he was put to death , and his daughter , a uirgine , died with him in christs cause , the number of them that were martyred in persia , was . this comming to constantines eares , mooued him , he graunted sapores his ambassadors all they requested , thinking thereby to mooue him to fauour the christians , and wrote to them to take compassion on the innocents , and shewed how the hand of god had béene against tyrants of the church . beniamin , for preaching christ , was thrust vnder the nailes with twenty sharpe prickes , when hee laughed at it , a sharpe réede was thrust into his yard , and a long thorny stalke vp into his body vntill hee died . under iulianus apostata , emilianus was burned , domitius was slaine in his caue : theodorus singing a psalme , was tormented from morning to night , hardly escaped with life , and being asked how hee could abide the torments , said , at first i felt some paine , but after there stood a young man by me , who so refreshed me , that it greeued me more when i was let down from the ingine then before . the arethusians of syria , tooke a company of uirgines , christians , whom first they set sorth naked to bee scorned of the multitude , then shaued them , then couered them with draffe , and caused them to bee deuoured of swine , their cruelty was the greater , because constantine restrained them , from defiling uirgines , and destroyed the temple of venus . marcus arethusius , because , at the commaundement of constantine , he pulled down a temple of idols , and builded a church for christians in the place , they stripped him naked , and beat him gréeuously , then put him in a filthy sincke , then they caused boyes to thrust him in with sharpe stickes , then they annointed him with hony and broath , and hung him in the sunne as meat for waspes and flyes , then they required somewhat towards the building of the temple againe : he answered , it were as great impiety to conferre one halfe-peny to a matter of impiety , as a great summe . constantine raigned about thirty yeares : he was borne in brittaine , his mothers name was helena , daughter of king coilus ; hee trauailed greatly for the peace of christians , he set peace amongst the byshops at dissention ; hee made prouision for preachers , and caused all to bee restored vnto the christians that was taken from them by persecutors . he wrote to his chéefe captaine , that ministers should be fréed from all publique duties and burthens : he wrote to eusebius for the edifying of new churches , and after he had gathered the nicene councel , for the vnity of the church , he writeth to alexander and arius for the same intent . he inioyned a prayer to his souldiers in stead of catechisme . we knowledge thee onely to be our god , we confesse thee onely to bee our king , we call vpon thée our onely helper , by thée we obtaine our victories , by thee we vanquish our enemies , to thee be attributed whatsoeuer commodities we presently enioy : by thee we hope for good thinges to come , vnto thee we direct all our sutes and petitions , most humbly befeeching thee to keepe constantinus our emperour , and his noble children to continue in long li●e , and to giue them victory ouer their enemies , through iesus christ our lord , amen . he graunted great immunities vnto the ministers that they might appeale from the ciuill iudge to their byshop , whose sentence was of as great value as if the emperor had pronounced it . he prouided maintenance for liberall sciences and arts , for the prosessors , there wiues and children , and gaue them great immunities . he wrote to eusebius byshop of nicomedia , to procure fifty uolumes of parchment well bound , and cause to bee written out of the scripture therein in a leageable hand , such things as were profitable for the instruction of the church , allowed him two ministers for the businesse : he was a father to the church , and inforced himselfe euery way to set forth the gospell , and to suppresse the contrary . the end of the tenth persecution . the second booke containing the next . yeares . by these persecutions hitherto , we may vnderstand that what the fury of sathan and rage of men could deuise to do by death or torments , all was to the vtmost attempted to extinguish the name and religion of christ , yet notwithstanding the wisedome of the world and the strength of men , christ hath the vpper hand as thou seest . now because the tying vp of sathan giueth the church rest ▪ we will leaue the affaires of the uniuersall church , and prosecute the histories of our country of england and scotland , beginning with king lucius , with whom the faith began first in this realme . the papists doe earnestly contend , that the faith of christ was first brought and receiued into england from rome , both in the time of eleutherius their byshop , in the yeare . and also in the time of augustine , whom gregory sent hither in the yeare . but it is proued otherwise by these seauen arguments . gildas affirmeth , that brittain receiued the gospel in the time of tyberius the emperor , vnder whom christ suffered , & saith farther , that ioseph of arimathia , was sent of philip the apostle from france to brittaine , in the yeare . and remained héere all his time , and founded the faith amongst the brittaines . tertullian , liuing about the time of elutherius , testifieth how the gospell was dispersed by the apostles , reckoneth brittany amongst the countries conuerted by them . origen , before the daies of elutherius , said the brittaines consented to christianity . bede affirmeth , that . yeares after christ , easter was kept in brittaine after the manner of the east church , on the fouretéenth day after the full moone , what day soeuer it was , and not on sunday as we doe , whereby is gathered , the first preacher came from the east , rather then from rome . nicephorus lib. . cap. . saith , simon zelotes spread the gospell in brittany . petrus cluniensis saith , that the scots in his time celebrated easter after the manner of the gréekes and as the brittaines , were not vnder the romain order , nor vnder their legate in the time of gregory , nor would admit any primasie of the byshop of rome aboue them . by the epistle of elutherius to lucius , it appeareth that lucius had receiued the faith before he wrote to elutherius , for the romaine lawes . elutherius might help some-thing to conuert the king , and to increase the faith , but was not the first that planted it , but if it were so , it maketh nothing for them , for he challenged no such supremacy as they doe , and was farre from their errours and superstitions . the chroniles write , that about the yeare . king lucius , sonne of coylus , which builded colchester , hearing of the myracles of christians in his time , writ to elutherius bishop of rome to receiue the faith ; the good bishop sent him certaine preachers , which conuerted the king of the brittaines , and baptized them , there were the twenty eight priests called flamines , which they turned to twentie eight bishoppes , and thrée arch-flamins , to thrée arch-bishops , to wit ; london , yorke , and glamargan by wales . thus all the realme setled in good order , lucius sent againe to elutherius for the romaine lawes , thereby likewise to gouerne the realme . unto whom elutherius wrote againe : we may reprooue the law of the romaines , but the law of god wee cannot reprooue : you haue with you both partes of the scriptures , out of them , by gods grace , with the councell of your realme , take yea law and rule your kingdome of brittaine , for you are gods uicar in your kingdome . the faith thus receiued of the brittaines , continued and flourished yeares , vntill the comming of the saxons , who then were pagans : whilst brittaine had thus receiued the faith , the emperors of rome were infidels , wherefore much trouble wos sought against them , as it was against all parts of christendome . lucius , after he had raigned about . yeares , died without issue : whereupon followed great misery and ruine to the realme , for sometime the idolatrous romaines , and sometimes the brittaines raigned , as violence and victory would serue ; one king murdering another , vntill at length the saxons depriued them both . some write ▪ but falsely , that king lucius , after he was baptized , forsooke his kingly honor and the land , and became a preacher in france and germany , and other places , and was made doctor and rector of the church of cureac , where hee was martyred , but this fansie is contrary to all our english stories , which doe agrée that he hauing founded many churches , and giuen great liberalities to the same , deceased in great tranquility in his owne land , and was buried at glocester . betwéene the time of king lucius , and the entring of the saxons , there raigned after lucius seuerus a romaine : after him bassianus , a romaine ; after him cerausius , a brittaine ; after him alectus , a romaine ; after him asclepiodotus , a brittaine ; after him coilus , a brittaine ; after him constantius , a romain ; after him constantinus , a brittain , by helena his mother , the daughter of king coilus , and wife of constantius . constantine first made the wals of london and colchester : when the romaines ruled it , it was ruled by infidels , and when the brittains ruled , by christians ; yet no persecution was raised in it , vntill the tenth persecution , which was so cruell , that all our english chronicles report , that all christianity almost in the whole land was destroyed , churches subuerted , and the scriptures burned , as before is shewed . it is worthy to be noted , that constantine , that worthy emperor , was not onely a brittaine borne , but his mother helena , daughter of king coilus a brittaine , but also by the helpe of the brittaines army , which constantine tooke with him , with great victories he obtained the peace of the uniuersall church , hauing thrée legions with him out of this realme , of chosen souldiers . after , maximinian tooke all the power that was left of fighting men , to subdue france , and after sent for . souldiours more at once , at which time conanus his partner sent for . uirgines out of brittaine , which were drowned and spoyled by the way by infidels , because they would not pollute themselues with them . thus brittaine being destitute of strength , had béene oppressed by guanus and melga , had not guethl●●us arch-bishop of london , and constantinus , brother to aldranus , defended the realme and state of religion . then came vortigerne , who murdred constance his prince , and inua●ed the crowne , and fearing constance his two brothers , he sent for ayde of the saxons , and married with the daughter of hengist , but not long after he was dispossessed of his kingdome by the said hengist , and the saxons beeing all infidels , and the brittaines were driuen out of the country . two hundred seuenty one of their nobles at one méeting at almesbury , being subtilly slain by the saxons , or at a place cald stonehenge , by the monument of which stones , there hanging , it séemeth the noble brittaines were there buried . i passe ouer the fabulous story of the welchmen , of bringing these stones from ireland by merlin . some stories record , they were slaine , being bid to a banket : thus came the angles and saxons fi●st into this realme , being yet infidels , about the yeare . they were diuers times driuen out by aurelius ambrosius , and his brother vter , but they returned againe , and at length possessed all , and droue the brittains into wales . hengistus raigned . years and dyed in kent , galfridus saith he was taken in the warre of aurelius ambrosius , and beheaded in the . yeare of his raigne . his sonne offa succeeded him twenty foure yeares , octa and imericus his sons succéeded him , . yeares , and were slaine by vter pendragon . the saxons deuided the realme into s●auen kingdomes : to the first kent ; to the second sussex and surrey ; the third west-sex , the fourth east●sex ; the fifth cambridgeshire , norffolke , and suffolke : the sixt , the countries of lincolne , leicester , huntingdon , northampton , oxford , darby , warwicke : the seauenth was king of northumberland : they continued so a while with great warres amongst themselues , at length all came to the possession of the west-saxons . this ●ingdome began in the yeare . and continued vntill about the comming of william the conqueror , which was . yeares . saint paules church in london was builded by ethelbert , king of kent , and sigebert king of essex , when ethelbert turned vnto the faith. malmsburie writeth , that mauricius the kinges chancellour , then byshoppe of london , did first begin this famous building of paules , and after richard his successour , bestowed all the rents of his byshoppricke vpon the same , and it may be the first church was ouerthrowne by the danes , and re-edified by these byshops . these kings of the brittaines raigned in wales and cornewall , vortiger , vortimer , vortiger againe , aurelius ambrosius , vter pendragon , arthur , constantius . aurelius conanus , vortiperius , malgo , carecius . the sinnes of the brittaines was the cause of the iust iudgement of god against them , as out of an old authour , and partly out of gildas doth appeare : these bee the words of the authour : there following constantinus , and others aboue named , out of the realme all the nobility , when the rascall sort had gotten their places , and through aboundance of riches were surprised with pride , they fell into so great fornication as neuer was heard of , and vnto all manner of wickednesse , that mans nature is inclined vnto ; hating the truth , louing lyes , regarding euill in stead of goodnesse , receiuing the deuill in stead of an angell of light , choose such for their kings as were most cruell , and if any seemed to bee humble and fauour the truth , they hated and backbited him as a destroyer of brittaine , and not onely the seculer men did thus , but also the byshoppes and teachers , therefore it was no maruell that such a people should loose their country which they had so defiled . as there were many wicked kinges among the saxons , so there were some very good , but none almost frō the first to the last , which was not either slain in war or murdred in peace , or constrained to make himselfe a monk , whether it were the iust iudgment of god , because they had violently dispossessed the brittains , they were not only vexed of the danes , conquered of the normans , but more cruelly deuoured themselues . ethelbert king of cambridgeshire , norffolke , and suffolke , came peaceably to king offa , for dispousage of athilrid his daughter , and by the councel of king offa , his wife was secretly beheaded . wherevpon offa , through repentance , made the first peter-pence to be giuen to s. peters church at rome . one lothbrooke a dane of the kings blood , being a hauking by the sea-side in a little boat , was cast by weather vpon the coast of norffolke , and being brought to king edmund , he retained him in great fauour , at length he was priuily murdered by one bericke , which being knowne , bericke was sent away in lothbrookes boate without tackling , and was driuen into denmarke , and being séene in lothbrookes boate , and examined of lothbrooke , he falsely said the king had killed him . wherevpon iugner and hubba , lothbrookes sonnes , gathering an army of danes inuauaded first northumberland , then norffolke , and sent to king edmund to deuide his treasures to him , and be subiect to him , else he would dispossesse him of his ●ingdome , he answered he would not be subiect to a pagan duke , vnlesse before hee become a christian , then the danes besiedged his house , but he fled and pitched a fielde with them , but the danes preuailing , he fled to the castle of halesdon , where they tooke him and bound him to a stake , and shot him to death . seauen or eight kings are highly commended in the histories for leauing there kingdomes , and becomming moonkes , but they are more to be discommended for leauing their calling , wherein they might so much benefite the church . there were foure persecutions in england , before austen came into england : the first vnder dioclesian ; the second , by the inuading of gnarius and melga , one captaine of the hunnes , the other of the picts , after they had slaughtered . uirgines , as before made a rode into brittaine , hearing it wanted strength , and murdered christians and spoiled churches without mercy : the third by the saxons , who destroyed christs saints and the churches , vntill aurelius ambrosius restored again the churches : the fourth , gurmundus king of the affricans ioyned with the saxons , and wrought much grieuance to the christians of the land , which persecution remained to the time of ethelbert the fift king of kent . in the t●me of ethelbert , the faith was receiued of the saxons ; by this meanes gregory bishop of rome , seeing brittaine children to be sould in rome , very beautifull , vnderstanding what country they were of , pittied that the country which was so beautifull , and angellicall , so to be subiect to the prince of darkenes : wherefore he sent thither austen with about forty preachers with him , and when they were apaled and would haue turned backe again ▪ gregory emboldned and comforted them with his letter , so they came to the i le of ●henet in kent , ethelbert as before was king of kent , he had married one berda , a french woman , vpon condition shee should vse the christian religion with one lebardus her byshop , austen sent to the king , signifying hee was come from rome , bringing with him glad tydings to him and all his people of life and saluation , if he would so willingly hearken vnto it , as he was gladly come to preach it vnto him . the king hauing heard of this religion by his wife , came to the place where austen was , austen against his comming erected a banner of the crucifire ( such then was the grosenesse of the time ) and preached to him the word of god , the king promised they should haue all things necessary , and none should molest them ▪ and gaue them frée leaue to preach to his subiects , and conuert whom they might to the faith. when they had this comfort of the king , they went with procession to canterbury , singing alleluia , with the letany that was vsed at rome in the great plague , we beséech thée o lord in all thy mercies , that thy fury and anger may cease from this citty , and from thy holy house , for we haue sinned , alleluia , they continued in the same citty preaching and baptizing , in the old church of s. martine , where the quéene was wont to resort , vntill the king was conuerted , at length the king séeing their myracles , and their godly conuersation , he heard them gladly , and was conuerted in the thirty sixe yeare of his raigne , anno . after him innumerable daily were adioyned vnto the church , whom the king did specially imbrase , but compelled none , then the king gaue austen a place for his byshops sea , at christs church in canterbury , and builded the abbey there , where after austen and all the kings of kent were buried , which now is called s. austine . then austen by the commandement of gregory , went into france to the bishop of arelatensis , to be consecrated arch-byshop , and so was then austen sent to gregory , so declare how they had sped , and to be resolued of diuers questions , how bishops should behaue themselues towards their clarke , of offerings and ceremonies , and what punishment for stealing church goods , and such like , to no great purpose ; therefore if thou béest disposed to sée them , i referre thee to the booke at large . gregory , after he had sent resolutions to these questions , sendeth moreouer more coadiutors , as melitus , iustus , paulinus , and ruffianus , with books and implements necessary for the english church , and in reward of austines paines , he sent him a pal onely to be vsed at the solemnity of the masse , and granteth two metropolitane seas , london and yorke , but granted to austen during his life , to be cheefe arch-bishop of all the land , and that they should not destroy the idolatrous temples , but conuert them to christian vses , and that austine should not be proud of the myracles that god wrought by him , & that he should remember they were not done for him , but for their conuersion , whose saluation god sought thereby . then he wrote to king ethelbert ▪ first hee praysed god , then the king , by whom it pleased god to worke such goodnesse of the people , then exhorted him to perseuer in his profession , and to be zealous therein , to conuert the multitude , and destroy idolatry , and to gouerne them in holinesse of conuersation , according to the emperor constantinus the great , comforting him with the promises of life , and reward to come . austine receiuing his pall , as aboue said , and of a monke being made an arch-byshop , hee made two metropolitanes , as gregorie commaunded ; then austine assembled the byshops and doctors of brittaine , in this assembly , hee charged the byshoppes that they should preach the word of god with him : also , that they should reforme certaine rites and vsages in the church , especially for keeping of easter , and baptizing after the manner of rome , the scots and brittaines would not agree thereto , refusing to leaue the custome which they so long time had continued . beda , fabianus , & others , write of a myracle wrought vpon a blinde englishman , when the brittaines could not helpe him . austine kneeling downe and praying , restored him to sight before them all , for a confirmation ( as these authours say ) of keeping of easter , i leaue the credite of the myracle to the authors of whom i had it . austine gathered another sinode , to the which seauen byshoppes , and the wisest men of the famous cittie of bangor came , they tooke councell of a holy man whether they should be obedient to austine , he had them agree to him if hee bee the seruant of god , and you shall know it by his humblenesse and meekenesse , you are the greater number , if he at your comming into the sinode arise vp and courteously receiue you , perceiue him to be an humble and meeke man : but if he shall contemne and despise you , despise you him againe ; thus the brittaine byshoppes entring into the councell , austine after the romish manner keeping his chaire , would not remooue , wherefore they being very much offended thereat , after some heate of words , departed in great displeasure , to whom austine said : if they would not receiue peace with their brethren , they should receiue war with their enemies . there was in bangor in wales an exceeding great monastery , wherein was two thousand and one hundred monkes , the monkes came out of this monasterie to chester , to pray for brocmayle , fighting for them against the saxons , ethelbert king of northumberland seeing them intenti●e to their prayers , and perceiuing it was to pray for their consull ; he said , although they beare no weapon , yet with their praiers and preaching they persecute vs , he commaunded his men to kill them , who killed , or rather martyred . of them . the authors that wrote this , say that the forespeaking of austine was verified on them , but galfridus monumetensis , saith , that ethelbert the king of kent being conuerted by austine to christs faith , seeing the brittaines deny their subiection to austine , therefore stirred vp the said ethelfrid to warre against the brittaines . after austine had baptized . in a riuer called swale by yorke , on a christmas day , perceiuing his end to draw neere , ordained laurencius his successor : by his baptizing in riuers it followeth there was then no vse of fonts , and the rites of baptizing in rome was not then so ceremoniall , nor had so many trinkets as it hath since : and not long after austine died , after he had sitten arch-bishop . or . yeares . about this time also gregory died , who was called the basest of all the byshops before him , and the best of all that came after him . ranulphus cestrensis writeth , that iohn the patriarch of alexandria , as he was at prayer , there appeared vnto him a comely uirgine ▪ hauing on her head a garland of oliue leaues , which named her selfe mercy , promising him if he would take her to wife , hee should prosper well : after that day this patriarch was so mercifull to the poore , that he counted them his maisters , and himselfe as steward vnto them . gregory withstood the pride of iohn , patriarke of constantinople , which would be the uniuersall and cheefe bishop of all others , calling him the fore-runner of antichrist , he brought in the title of the pope , seruus seruorum dei. sabinianus succeeded him two yeares , a malicious detractor of his workes , after him succeeded bonifacius the third , one yeare . after phocas had murdered his owne maister mauricius the emperor and his children , thinking to establish the empire to himselfe by friendship of his people , and especially with the pope , he granted boniface all his petitions , and to bee uniuersall head byshop ouer all churches . hiraclius the emperour that succeeded phocas , cut of his hands and feete , and threw him into the sea , but rome would not so soone loose the supremacy once giuen , as the giuer lost his life : for euer since they haue maintained the same with all force and pollicy , by the word of gregorie . boniface may well be called the fore-runner of antichrist , as gregory brought in the stile of seruus seruorum dei ; so he brought in volumus & mandamus , statuimus & praecipimus . besides the building of pauls , as aforesaid , by ethelbert king of kent , and sigebert king of essex : ethelbert also founded the church of s. andrew in rochester . moreouer , he caused a cittizen to make westminster abbey , which was inlarged and new builded by edward the confessor , and new re-edified by henry the third , and when he had raigned . yeares he died , anno . the foresaid ethelfrid king of northumberland , after the cruell murder of the monkes at bangor , was not long after slaine in the fielde of edwine , who succeeded him in his kingdome . first this ethelfride enuying this edwine , persecuted him , who hauing fled from him , as he sat in his study a stranger appeared vnto him and said ; i know thy thought and heauinesse , what wouldst thou giue him that should deliuer thee out of this feare , and make thee a mightier king then any of thy predecessors , and shew thee a better way of life then euer was sh●wed to any of thy ancestors ? wilt thou obey him and doe after his councell ? yea , said edwine , promising with all his heart so to do , and the stranger laying his hand on his head , he said ; when this is come to passe remember thy tribulation , and the promise which thou hast made , and with that hee vanished away . presently a friend of his came to him , and said , the heart of king redwaldus is with thee . this redwaldus suddainely assembled an hoast , wherewith he suddainely gaue ethelfride battell , and slew him , whereby edwine was quietly king of northumberland . he marryed the daughter of ethelbert king of kent , edwine yet remained a pagan , albeit his queene a christian , and paulinus the byshoppe ceased not to perswade him to the christian faith. when paulinus saw the king so hard to bee conuerted , he prayed to god for his conuersion , who reuealer vnto him the uision before mentioned ; whereupon paulinus comming to the king , he laie his hand● on the kings head , and aked if he knew that token ; the king be●ring the uision , and remembring the token , would haue fal●en at his f●ete , but suffe●ed him not , saying ; o king , you haue vaquished your enemies and obtained your kingdom , now receiue the faith of christ , as you promised , whereupon the king was baptized of paulinus at yorke ▪ with many of his seruants , and his idolatrous priests , which by their old law mustride but vpon mar●s , ga●e vpon horses , and rode and destroyed all the altars of their idols , and their idols temple . after this conuersion , was so great peace in the kingdome o● edwin , that a woman , laden with gold , might goe safe from the one side of the sea vnto the other , and by all his high waies he chained a bowle of brasse at euery fountaine , for passengers to refresh themselues with , and no man tooke them away during his life . king oswald , a christian , by prayer vnto god , with a little company ouerc●me cadwallo , and penda the britain● king , which with a mightie host came against him . there is much commendation in writing of this oswalds zeale in religion , and piety towards the poore ; he sent into scotland for a bishop called aydanus , a famous preacher , as he preached to the saxons in the scottish tongue , the king vnderstanding the scotish tongue , he disdained not to preach and expound the same to his nobles in the english tongue . king oswald being at dinner on easterday , one brought him word there was a great company of p●re people in the streets which asked almes of him , be commaunded the meate prepared for his owne table to be caried vnto them , and brake a si●●er platter in pieces and sen● it amongst them : by his meanes kinigillus king of the west saxons was conuerted to christs faith , and after he had raigned . yeares , he was slaine by the said penda , who was after slaine by osway brother to oswald , and succeeded him in his kingdome , together with his cosin oswine . this oswine gaue aydanus , the scotish bishop aforesaid , a principall horse , with the trappers and appurtenances , and as he w●s riding vpon this kingly horse , a poore man craued his charity , who hauing nothing else to giue him , gaue him his hor●e garnished as he was ; wherefore , as he came to dinner , he king chi●e him , he answere● ; o king , set you more prise by a horse , then by chr●st ? then the king prayed him to forgiue him , and he would not hencefoorth finde fault with him for giuing away any of his treasure : then aydanus wept , and being asked wherefore he wept , he answered , for that this king cannot liue long , this people is nto worthy to be ●uled by such a prince , which shortly came to passe , for osway caused him traterously to be slaine . one benedict , a great man with osway , that brought vp bede from his youth ▪ ●orsooke oswayes house , and all his kindred , to serue christ ; he was the first that brought vp the arte of glazing in windowes . about this time there was a counsell bolden at ste●ne-halt , for the right obseruing of easterday . king osway began with an oration , that it was necessary ●or such as serued one god , to liue in an vniforme order , and such as looked for one kingdom in heauen , should not differ in celebration of heauenly sacraments : then , by his commandement , colman bishop , said he receiued the order of keeping easter the . day of the first moneth , from his auncesters , forefathers , and from iohn euangelist : to which ▪ at the kings commandement , wilfride answered , easter is kept alwaies on the sunday , as we keepe it in rome , where peter and paul taught , in italy , france . affrick , egypt , greece ▪ and in all the world . i will not reproue saint iohn which kept the rights of moses law according to the letter , the church being yet iewish in many points , they could not reiect images inuented of the diuell , which all beleeuers ought of necessitie to detest , least they should offend the iewes ; therefore saint paul circumcized tymothy , therefore he shaued his head , and sacrificed in the temple : all this was done onely to eschew the offence of the iewes . therefore ●ames said to paul ; thou ●éest brother how many thousand iewes doe beleeue yet all are zealous of the old law ; yet , since the gospell was preached , it is not lawfull for the faithfull to be circumcized , nor to offer sacrifices of carnal things to god : but peter remembring that the lord did rise from death the first day after the sabbath , instituted easter on that day , and not according to the law , and though your forefathers were holy men , what is their fewnesse , being but a corner of an iland , to be preferred before the vniuersall church of christ ? then said the king ; did the lord giue the kingdome of heauen vnto peter ? and they both answer●d , yea ; then the king concluded : being saint peter is the doore-keeper of heauen , i will obey his orders in euery point , least when i come to the gates of heauen hee shut them against mee , and with this simple reason they consented . ethelwood preached vnto the people in southsax , and conuerted them to christ in the time of whose baptizing , the raine , which before they lacked three yeares , was giuen them plenteously , whereby there great famine slacked . about this time , the detestable sect of mahomet began to take place , which well agrées with the number of that beast signified in the reuelation . of mahomet came the kingdome of the haarines , now called saracens , to whom he gaue many lawes : they must pray southward , friday is their sunday , called the day of venus , he permitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine , and as many concubines as they list : they must abstaine from wine , excep● on solemne daies : ●hey were to worship one onely god omnipotent . moses and the prophets were great ▪ but christ was greatest , being borne without mans seede , and taken vp into the heauen , with many such lawes ; at length the sarasins were wholly conquered by the turkes . theodorus was sent into england by vitellianus pope , and diuerse other monks with him , to set vp latine seruice in england and mas●es , cerimonies , letanies , and other romish ware , he was made archbishop of canterbury , and began to play the rex in placing and displacing bishops at his pleasure . he held a prouinciall counsell at therford , the contents thereof were the vniformitie of keeping easter , that no bishop should intermeddle in anothers di●cesse , that monasteries should be free from iurisdiction o● bishops , that monks should keepe the obedience they first promised , and not goe from one monastery vnto another without leaue of the abbot , that none of the clergy should be receiued in another diocesse without letters commendatory of his bishop , that foraine bishops and clergy men should be content with the hospitality offered them , and not meddle in any bishops iurisdiction without his permission , that once a yeare a prouinciall sinod should be kept , that no bishop should preferre himselfe before another , but according to his time of consecration , that as the people increased , so the number of bishops should be augmented . the next yeare was the sixt generall counsell of constance , where this theodore was present , vnder pope agatho ; mariage there was permitted to the greeke priests , and forbidden to the latine : in this counsell the latine masse was first openly said by iohn portuensis the popes legate . colfride , abbot of shirwin in northumberland , writ to naitonus king of picts , that shauen crownes was necessarie for all priests , and monks , for restraint of their lusts ; and that peter was shauen , in remembrance of the passion of christ , so we must weare the signe of his passion on the toppe of our head , as euery church beareth the holy crosse in the front thereof , that by the defence of that banner it be kept from euill spirits ; and exhorted him to imitate the apostolike churches , and , when he died , the prince of the apostles would open heauen gate to him ; whereat the king reioyced , and knéeling downe , thanked god that hee was worthy to receiue such a present from england , and made proclamation for the performance . when iue , king of the west saxons , had ruled them . yeares , he was perswaded by his wife etheburge , to goe to rome to be made a munke , when the king an● she had rested in a faire palace , richly adorned , she commanded all the roomes in the palace to be strewed with dung of vile beasts , and hogs and beasts to be laid therein ▪ and a sowe and pigs in her chamber , then she brought the king to visit the palace , and said , my lord , where are now the rich ▪ clothes of gold and siluer ▪ that we le●t héere ? where are the pleasant seruitors , delicacies , and costly dishes that we lately were serued with ? we shall vanish away as sodainly as these worldly things be passed , our bodies that are now delicatly kept , shall turne vnto the filth of the earth : therfore busie you to purchase the palace that euer shall indure , by meanes of these , and other words , the king resigned his kingdome vnto etheraldus his nephew , and for the loue of christ , in the habit of a poore man , accompanied with poore men ▪ went to rome ; and his wife went into the nunnery of barkin , seauen miles from london , where , after she had beene abbesse a certaine time , she died . this ●ue was the first king of the saxons , that made lawes for his country . in this time was beda , a man of worthy memory , he was a priest of the monastery of peter and paul , at wire ; at . yeares old , he was committed to the education of benedict ▪ as before ; at . yeares old ●e was made deacon , and at , priest. he wrote . uolumes ; in his treatise vpon samuel , he said ; if my exposition bring no vtilitie to the readers , yet it conduceth not a little to my selfe , that whilst my cogitation was vpon them , i had little minde of the slippery intisements of the world : hee continued in diligent study , vntill the age of . yeares , and in his latter end , whilst he was sicke seauen weekes , he translated the gospell of saint iohn into english. celulphus , king of northumberland , when hee had raigned . yeares was made a m●●ke in the abey of farne ▪ where , by his meanes , licence was giuen to the monks of that house to drinke wine , or ale , which before , by the institution of the aforesaid aydanus , drunke nothing but milke and water . cutbert , archbishop of canterbury , collected a great sinod , where these decrées were enacted , that bishops should be more diligent in seeing to their office , then in admonishing the people , and liue in peace one with another , and once a yeare goe about all the parishes of their diocesse . that they should admonish abbots , and monks , to liue regul●rly , and prelats not to oppresse their infertours , but loue them ▪ that none should be admitted to orders , before his life was examined : that the reading of holy scrip●ures shou●d be more frequented in monasteries : that priests should not dispose seculer businesses : that they should take no money for baptizing : that they should teach the lords prayer and créed in the english tongue : that they should ioyne in their ministery after one vniforme manner : that they should sing in the church with a modest voice : that the saboth be reuerently obserued : that the . canonicall powers be obserued euery day : that the rogation daies should not be omitted : that a festiual day for all saints should be celebrated , and a feast of s. gregory an● s. austin , our patron , should be obserued ▪ that the fasts of the . times should be kept : that churchmen should not giue themselues to drunkennesse : that the communion should not be neglected of the clergy , nor 〈◊〉 : that laymen should be examined , and well tried , before they become monkes : that monkes should not liue amongst lay-men : that publike prayer should bee made for kings , and princes . boniface , archbishop of mentz , a martyre , an english man , wrot a letter to king ethelbert , and rebuked him for abstaining from mariage , that he might liue in luxuriousnesse with nunnes , and that , he heard the chiefe of hi● kingdom , by his example , forsooke their wiues , and liued in adultery with nunnes ; whereby appeareth the great disorder of life that alwaies hath beene in these religious houses of nunnes , whose vowe of coacted chastitie hath neuer beene good to church or common-wealth ; and this boniface , and others were most to blame , for that they g●u● occasion thereof , by maintaining such superstitious orders of lasciuious nunnes , and other religious , restraining them from lawfull mariage . for we finde of him in stories , that , he being the popes legate , builded monasteries , canonized saints ▪ commanded reliques to be worshipped , permitted religious fathers to carry about nunnes with them a preaching ; and he founded the great monastery of f●loa in germany ▪ of english monkes , in which , no woman might enter , but only leba and sec●a two english nuns , and by him childericus , king of france was deposed , and pipinus ▪ the betrayer of his master , made king . from this boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine ; that in case the pope liued most filthily , and neglected himselfe , and all christianitie , and led inumerable soules with him to hell ▪ yet ought no man to rebuke him , because he hath power to iudge all men , and ought to be iudged of no man. pope gregory the . pope gregory the . pope zachary , and pope constantine the . wrought great masteries against the gréeke emperours , philipicus and leo , and others , for the maintaining of images in churches , of whom philipicus lost both his empire , and his eyes : and leo was excommunicated for the same cause . this gregory then brought into the masse canon , the clause for reliques , and the sacrifice for the dead . and zachary brought in the prieste uesture , and ornaments ; and constantinus was the first that gaue his feet to be kissed of the emperours . the aforesaid pipinus , which was the betrayer of his said master childericus king of france , and by the pope made king in his steed , to gratifie the sea of rome for this benefit to him , gaue vnto the said sea , the princedome of rauenna , and the kingdome of lombards , and many other great possessions of italy , with all the cities thereunto adioyning vnto the borders of uenice ; and this no doubt , is the same which falsly hath beene thought to ha●e beene the donation of constantine . to this pipinus was sent first into france the inuention of the orgaines out of grecia , by constantinus emperour of constantinople , in the yeare . pope stephanus succeeded pope constan●inus , and paul the . succeeded him ; hee thundred great excommunications against constantinus emperour of constantinople , for plucking downe images , set vp in the temples , notwithstanding he neglecting his cur●es , destroyed idolatry to the end of his life . then constantinus the . came to be pope , a layman , & brother to deside●ius , king of lumbardy , but he was shortly deposed , thrust into a monastery , & his eyes put out . stephanus the . succéeded paul , he cōdemned the seauenth councel of constantinople for hereticall , because the worshipping of images was condemned there : he aduanced the veneration of images , commanding them , most ethnically , to be incenced . in this time charles the great raigned ▪ by whom the pope caused d●siderius , the lumbard , king to be deposed . pope adrianus the . succéeded him , he added more then all the other to the veneration of images , writing a booke for the adoration and vtilitie of them ▪ commanding them to be taken for lay-mens calenders . as pope paul before him , made much of petronel , peters daughter , so this adrian clothed the body of peter all in siluer , and couered the altar of s. paul , with a pall of golde . he confirmed , by reuelation , the order of s. gregories masse , before the order of s. ambrose his masse : in this manner , both the masse bookes were said vpon the altar of s. peter , and the church doore shut and sealed by many bishops , who continued in praiers all night , that the lord would shew by some euident signe which of these seruices he would haue vsed ; and in the morning they found gregories masse booke plucked in pieces , and scattered about the church , and ambrose his booke lay open in the same place where it was layde ; pop● adrian expounded it , that as the leaues of gregories booke were sattered all ouer the church , so should gregories booke be vsed throughout the world , and that ambrose his seruice should onely be vsed in his owne church , where he was bishop , so gregories masse had onely the place , and hath to this day . charles , the sonne of the aforesaid pipinus , confirmed the gift of his father vnto the pope , and added thereunto the citie and dominion of uenice , histria , the dukedomes of foroinliense , spoletanum , be●e●entanum , and other more possessions to the patrimony of peter , making him the prince of rome and italy , wherefore the pope intituled him , most christian king , and ordained him onely to be taken for emperour , and made him patricium romanum ; and caroloman , carolus his eldest brother , being ●ead , bertha his wife , with her two children , came to pope adrian , to haue them confirmed into his fathers kingdome : the pope , to shew a pleasure to carolus , would not agrée , but gaue her , and her two children , and desiderius the lumbard king , with his whole kingdome , wife and children , into the hands of carolus , who led them into france , and kept them in seruitude during their liues . by this adrian , and pope leo his successor , was carolus magnus proclamed emperour , and the empire translated from the grecians to the frenchmen , in the year . where it continued about . yeares , vntil the comming of conradus and his nephew otho , which were germaines , and so hath continued amongst the almains vntill this time . this charles builded as many monasteries , as there be letters in the a. b. c. he was beneficiall to the poore , but cheefly to churchmen ; he held a councell at frankford , where was cōdemned the councel of nice●e irene , for setting vp & worshiping images . egbert succeeded ceolulphus , and when he had raigned . years in northumberland , was likewise shorne monk , about the time of the death of ceolulphus , in his monastery . in the year . the cities of weire , london , york , doncaster , with others ▪ were burnt . in the yeare . it rained blood it the citie of yorke , it fell from the top of s. peters church , the element being cléere ▪ out of the north part of the temple , & some expounded it to be a token of the comming of the danes , which entred thi● land about . years after . in the yeare . irene empresse of the greekes , by the meanes of pope adrian , tooke vp the body of constantinus emperour of constantinople , her husbands father , and burned it , and caused the ashes to be cast into the sea , because he disanulled images , as afore is said ; afterwards raigning with her son constantine the sixt being at disscen●ion with him ▪ she caused him to be cast into prison , and his eyes to be put out , so cruelly , that within short time he dyed : after , she held a councell at nice● , where it was decréed that images should againe be restored to the church , which councell also was repealed by another councell holden at frankeford , by charles the great ▪ wherin he did greatly lament , that no● so few as . bishops of the east did decree that images should be worshipped , which the church of god hath alwaies abhorred ; at length she was deposed by nicephorus , who raigned after her , and after , according to the iust iudgement of god , ended her life in much penury and misery . the first crosse and altar that was set vp in this realme , was in heuenfield in the north , vpon the occasion of oswald king of northumberland , fighting against cadwalla , where he in the same place set vp the signe of the erosse , kneeling , and praying there for victory . the church of winchester was founded by kingilsus , king of the mercians , and finished by his sonne . anno . the church of lincolne founded by paulinus bishop . the abbey of westminster begun by a citizen of london , by the instigation of ethelbert king of ●ent . . the schooles of cambridge erected by sigebert king of east angles , . the monastery of malmesbury , by meldulphus a scot , . after inlarged by agilbet bishop of winchester . the monastery of gloster , builded by opricus king of mercia , . the monastery of maybrose by aydanus the scottish bishop . the nunnery of he●renton , by he●y , which was the first nun in northumberland . the monastery of hetesey , by osway king of northumberland , who with his daughter elfred , gaue possessions for twelue monasteries , . the monastery of s. martine in douer , builded by whitred king of kent . the abbey of lestingie , by cedda , whom we call saint ced , . the monastery of whithy , by hilda , daughter to the nephew of king edwine ▪ . she builded also another monastery , called hacanus , not farre ●hence . the abbey of abbington , builded by sissa , king of southsaxons , . saint botulph builded an abbey on the east side of lincolne , called ioann● , . the monastery in ely , foūded by etheldred , daughter of anna k. of east angles , . the monastery of chertsey in southery , founded by erkinwald , bishoy of london . he founded also the nunnery of barkin . the abbey of peterborough founded by king ethelwald , . bardnere abbey , by king etheldredus , . glastenbury , by iue king of west saxons , . ramsey , by one aylewinus a nobleman , . king edgar builded , in his time , forty monasteries , he raigned , anno . the monastery of wincombe , builded by king kenulphus , . saint albons , builded by offa , king of mercians , . the abbey of eusham by egwinus bishop , . the abbey of ripon in the north , by wilfridus bishop , . the abby of echlingheie by king aluredus . the nunnery of shaftsbury , by the said aluredus , the same yeare ; so you see that monasteries began to be founded by the saxon kings , within . yeares after they were conuerted ; these had a zeale , but they lacked the true doctrine of christ , especially that article of free iustification by faith ▪ of iesus christ : for lacke whereof ▪ as well the builders , as they that were possessed in the same , haue both runne the wrong way , and béene deceiued : for so much as they did these things seeking thereby merits with god , remedy for ●heir soules , and remission of sinnes , as doth appeare , testified in their owne records , besides the . or . kings that forsooke their kingdomes to be monkes ; there were many quéenes and kings daughters entred into nunneries at that time , as thou maist sée them in the booke at large , named . the third booke containing the next . yeares , from the raigne of king egbertvs , vnto william the conquerour . egbertus , king of the west saxons , hauing put downe all the other kings he gouerned ●oly . king brithricus doubting egbert , because he was of the kings bloude , was chased out of the land into france ; where , hearing of the death of brithricus , hée came home , and ●btained the crowne . king bernulphus , and other kings , had him in deri●●●on , and made diuerse scorning rimes of him ; after he assembled his knights , and fought with bernulphus , in a place called elmeden , and there was ods , six or eight against one ; yet egbert , through the helpe of god , gat the victorie , at length he subdued all the kings , and ioyned their dominions to his , kingdome : he w●nne also the towne of chester from the brittaines , or welchmen , which they possessed vntill this time : then he called a counsell at ▪ winchester , where he was crowned king ouer this land , and where before it was called brittaine , he sent into all costs , and charged them straitly that henceforth the saxons should be called angles , and the land anglia . about the third yeare of his raigne , the danes which a little before had made horrible destruction in northumberland , as before , entred the second time , with a great host , and spoyled the isle of sh●p● in kent ; egbert met with them at carrum , but he was compelled to forsake the field : but in the next battell , with a small company , he ouerthr●w a great multitude o● them . the next yeare they turned againe into the land westward and ioyning with the britaines , did much harme in many places of egberts dominions ; after that , they a●●aded in the land , so that many of them were maried to english women , and many , that now be english men , descended of them . ethelwolfus the sonne of egbert succéeded him in his raigne ; he was bishop of winchester , and by the dispensation of the pope , was made king : he being nuzled therein , was alwaies deuout to holy church , he gaue th●m the tythes of all his goods and lands , and fréedome from all ser●age and ciuill charges . hee made his donation to god , the uirgin mary , and all the saints , for remission of our soules , and sins , and in that we haue , in some part , eased the seruitud of the church , they may the more diligently powre forth their praiers without ●easing , to god for vs. it is no swall derogation to the merits of christ thus to set remission of their sins , and remedie of their soules , in this donation , and such like déeds . the● king ethelwolfe went to rome with his yongest sonne alfred , and committed him to the bringing vp of pope leo the . and re-edified the english schoole in rome , which was founded by king offa , or king iue , which in egberts time was consumed with fire ; and , as king iue had done in his dominions , he gaue a penny yearely to be paid for euery fire-house throughout the realme , to the pope . also he granted . markes yearely to rome , to maintaine lights in saint perters church markes , and to maintaine lights in saint pauls church . markes , and to the pope one other markes : this done , he maried iudith , the daughter of carolus caluus , the french king , whom he made queene , contrary to the lawes of the west saxons , that no kings wife should haue the name , or place of a queene , because ethelburge poisoned king brithericus , her husband . the king was most ruled by the counsell of two bishops , one of them was swithinus bishop of winchester , who had béene scoole-master to the king , the king shewed his kinde nature , in that he not o●●y followed the aduertisments of his old schoole-master but in that he ceased not vntill he had made him bishop of winchester ; but as concerning the miracles which are read in the church of winchester , of this swithinus , them i leaue to be read together with the iliads of homer , or tales of robin hood . pope leo the succéeded adrian , stephen the . succéeded him , and gregory the . succéeded him , in whose time , by the commandement of lodouicus the emperour , a generall synode was commanded at aquisgrane , where it was decreed that euery church should haue sufficient of his owne reuenewes to maintaine the priests thereof , and that none of the clergie should weare any uestures of any precious or scarlet colour , nor kings on their fingers , except at masse time , or in giuing consecra●ions , and that they should not kéepe great ports or families , or vse great horses , or vse dice , or harlots , or vse any gold or siluer in their shooes slippers , or girdles ; by this it may bee coniectured what pompe or pride in these daies was crept into the clergie . after him succeeded pope sergius the . he first brought vp the altering of popes names , because his name was os porci , that is , swines snoute : he ordained the agnus twise to be sung in the masse , and the host to be diuided into thrée parts . pope leo the . succéeded him , it was enacted in a counsell of his , that no bishoppe should be condemned vnder . witnesses , as you sée in the witnesses of stephen gardiner , orderly practized ; he ordained the crosse , all set with precious stones , and gold , to be caried before him like a pope . next to him succéeded the whore of babilon , who appeared vnto the world , not only after the spirituall sence , but after the very letter and right forme of a whore indeed . in stead of a man pope , they chose a whore , called by name ione the her proper name was gi●berta , a dutch woman of magunce , who went with an english monke out of the abbey of ful●a , in mans apparell , vnto athens , after through her dexteritie of wit and learning , she was promoted vnto the popedome ▪ where she sate two yeares and sixe moneths ; after , in open procession , fell in trauell of childe , and so died . pope benedictus the . succeeded her in the whorish sea , he ordained the dirge to be said for the dead , yet before him ▪ gregorius the . had done his part therein . a●ter him succeeded pope nicholas the . who inlarged the popes decrees with many constitutions ▪ equalling the authoritie of them with the writings of the apostles . he ordained that no seculer prince ▪ nor the emperour should be present at their counsels , to the end they might murder such as they iudged to be hereticks , and that no lay man shold iudge clergy men ▪ or reason vpon the popes power . that no magistrate should haue power ouer a prelat , alledging that a prelat is called god. that all church seruice should be in latine , except with the sclauonians , and polonians . sequences in masse were by him first allowed , by him priests began to be ●●strained from mariage ; wherof hulderick bishop of aus●rough sent a letter to the pope , that his decrees , concerning single life of the clergie , were farre discrepant from al discretion , i feare how the members of the body wil do , when the head is so greatly out of frame . is not this a violence & tyranny , when a man is compelled by your decrees , to doe that which is against the institution of the gospell , and the old law , as appeareth by many examples ; there be many vnder a false pretence of continencie , going about to please men more then god , some lye with their fathers wiues , some are sodomits , and play the beasts with brute beasts ; wherefore , as saint paul saith ; because of fornication let euery one haue his owne wife . when the counsell of nice went about to establish this decrée , one paphnutius withstood them , confessing mariage to be honorable , and called the bed of matrimonie , chastitie , and perswaded the counsell from making that law : some take saint gregory for their defence in this matter , being ignorantly deceiued how dangerous this decree was , and how saint gregory after re●●ked the same , with con●igne fruit of repentance : for as he sent to his fish pond to haue fish , hée sée more then . infants heads , which were taken out of the same mote , then he confessed his decrée to be the cause of that so lamentable a murder , so he altered his decrée , commending the counsell of the apostle , which saith ; it is better to marry then to burne , what can be more foolish , then when any bishop , or archdeacon runne themselues headlong into all lust and adultery , and incest , and so●omitrie , yet shame not to say , that chaste mariage of priests stinkes : and they adde this filthy and foolish suggestion , that it is more honest priuily to haue to doe with many women , then openly to be bound to one wife . after this nicholas succéeded pope adrianus the . ioannes the . martinus the adrian the . and stephen the . by this adrian it was decreed , that no emperour , after that time , should haue any thing ●o doe in the election of the pope , and thus began the emperours first decay , and the p●pacie to swell ▪ and rise alo●t . about the latter end of the raigne of ethelwolfe , the danes with . ships , arriued about hampshire , through whose barbarous tyranny much bl●ut shed and murder hapne● heere amongst english men . they first ouercame ethelwolfe ; and after , he and his sonne ethelbaldus , warring against them in sou●her● , at okley , ●raue them to the sea ; where they houering a space , burst in againe with horrible crueltie . besids the iust iudgement of god for their manifold sinnes , which at this time most plentifully abounded , there was two outward causes of the danes comming into england ; the first was , the death of lothbroke ▪ which was falsly imputed to king edmond ▪ as is ●●●ore recited . the other was giuen by the meanes of osbright , raigning vnder the king of west saxons in the north parts , who rauished the wife of bruer one of his nobles ; wherefore the said bruer tooke shipping , and sayled into denmark● , where hee was brought vp , and had great friends ; and making his mone to codrinus the king , who being glad of some iust quarrell , leuied a great army , and sent them with ●ugnar and h●bba , his chiefe captaines , into england , who first arriued at holdernesse , and burned vp the contry , and killed , without mercie , men , women and children : and entring towards yorke , entred battell with osbright , where he , with the most part of his army , was slaine , so they tooke possession of yorke . ethelbald , eldest sonne of ethelwolfe succeeded his father in westsex , and ethelbright ●is second sonne , in k●nt ; they raigned both together . yeares . ethelbald maried iudith his stepmother , his fathers wife . after these two , succeeded ethelred , his third sonne , he was so incumbred with the danes , that he and his brother alured , fought nine battels with them in one yeare , and they spoyled and burned the citie of yorke . the northumberlands likewise rebelled , thinking to recouer their kingdome againe , whereby the strength of england was weakened , and the danes the more preuailed , after he had raigned . yeares in much trouble , he died . alured , otherwise called alfride , his brother succeeded him ; in the second mon●t● that he was made king , he gaue the danes a battell besides wilton , but he was put to the worst ; yet the danes did agree with him to depart out of westsax , and re●●ned from re●ding to london , and abode there all that winter : the number of the danes were so increased , as it is written of th●m , that in one day . of them were slaine , sho●ty after they increased double as many . the danes hauing the rule of the north part of england from the thames ▪ wi●h m●rcian london , and essex , they disda●●ed that alfride should beare any rule on the other side of the thames ; whereupon three kings of the danes ▪ with all their strength , made warre with him , that king alfride being ouerset with his e●emi●s , and forsaken of his people , he withdrew himselfe into a wood country in summersetshire , called etheling , standing in a marsh , that there is no comming to it without bo●e , where he had nothing to liue by , but what he got by hunting , and fishing ; there was a cottage of a poore swineheard , called dunwolfus , by whom the king was cheered with such poore fare as he and his wife could make him , for which , the king after set the swineheard to learning , and made him bishop of winchester . notwithstanding , the king , in time , was comforted by the prouidence of god : first , . danes were slaine , as they landed , by an ambushment of king alfrids men , who lay in garison for their owne safetie , then the king shewed himselfe more at large , and men out of wiltshire , somersetshire , and hampshire came to him , vntill hee had a strong company then the king apparelled himselfe in the habit of a minstrell , as he was very skilfull in musicke , and entred into the tents of the danes , lying at eddingdon , and there espied their idlenesse , and heard much of their counsell , and sodainly , in the nigh , he fell vpon the danes , and slew a great multitude of them ; his subiects bearing of his manly uictories , drew to him daily , so he wonne winchester from the danes , and diuers other townes , and forced them to sêeke peace , the which was concluded , vpon condition that gutrum their king should be christned , and that such as would not be christned should depart the country . king alfride , was king gutrums godfather at his baptisme , and named him athelstan , then he gaue norfolke ▪ suffolke ▪ and part of cambridgeshire , and northumberland to them that were christned , those that would not be christned , though they departed the realme , they did diuerse times returne againe , and did much spoile in many parts of the realme , but king alfride ouercame them euer . during the whole time of the danes , the land was plagued with warres , pestilence , and murren of beasts : the king alwaies thanked god , what troubles soeuer hapned vnto him , and after hee had raigned . yeares and sixe moneths , he died , and is buried at winchester . he euer bestowed eight houres in the day in studie , there was none in england more quicke in vnderstanding , nor more elegant in interpreting then he was . he sent for many learned men out of other countries , to instruct his people . he was the first that ordained certaine schooles of diuerse arts , at oxford , and franchised them with great liberties : he translated many bookes into the saxon tongue ; all that he could , by faire meanes and threats , he endeuoured to stirre vp his subiects to learning : he preferred none to any great place , except he were learned ; since his time , learning was neuer extinguished in this realme , edward his sonne succeeded him in his kingdoms . after stephen the fist was nine popes of rome in nine yeare . formosus being bishop of porti●ax , had offended pope ●one the . which was a woman , as before , and being afraid , fled ; and because he would not returne , he was excommunicated , and after disgraded , and made to sweare he would neuer claime his bishopricke againe , but remaine a seculer man : but pope martine released him of his oath , and restored him to his bishopricke , and shortly after he obtained the pap●ci● ; whereupon was a great controuersie : some held , because of his degradation and oath , he could not be pope ; others held the contrary , because he was absolued by pope martin from that his periury and degradation . he sent to arnulphus for ayde , who marching to rome , they would not suffer him to enter ; and a hare comming néere the citie , the host of arnulphus followed after with such a maine cry , that the valiant romaines , for very feare cast themselues downe from the wals ; so that arnulphus , with a little labour , scaled the wals , and gate the citie : thus he obtained the citie of rome , and rescued the pope , and beheaded his aduersaries , whom the pope to gratifie , blessed him , and crowned him for emperour . after formosus succéeded bonifacius the sixt , after him stephen the sixt , which so enuied formosus that he abrogated all his decrées , and tooke vp his body , and cut off two fingers from his right hand , and threwe them into tyber , and buried the body in a laymans sepulcre . romanus succéeded him , and repealed the acts of stephen , against formosus . theodorus the second succéeded him ; iohn the tenth succéeded him , who repugned the romaines , and held a sinode at rauenna of . bishops : the french king eudo , with his archbishops , being present , where he ratified all the decrées of formosus , and the contrary acts of stephen the sixt were burned . after him benedictus the . after him leo the . who was with strong hand taken and cast into prison , by one christopher , his owne houshold chaplin , which christopher being pope . moneths , was likewise hoysted from his papall throne by one sergius , he thrust him into a monastery , and shore him a munke ; thus in nine yeares were nine popes . this sergius was rude , vnlearned , proud , and cruell ; he before was put backe from the popedome by formosus , wherefore he caused the body of formosus to be taken vp againe , disgraded him , beheaded him , and cut off the other thrée fingers which were left , and threw his bodie into iyber ; and deposed all such as by formosus had beene consecrated . by this pope sergius came vp the vse to beare about candles on candlemasse day , for the purifying of the blessed uirgin , as though the sacred conception of the son of god were vnpure , and to be purified by candlelight . pope anastatius succeeded him , after him pope laudo succéeded , which was father of pope iohn the . pope iohn is said to be the paramour of theodora , a famous harlot of rome , by whom he had a daughter called marozia , and the aforesaid pop● sergius had a sonne by her , which after was pope iohn the . after , she maried guido marquis of tuscia , by the meanes of whom , and his friends at rome , she caused iohn the . to be smothered with a pillow , and iohn the . her sonne to be made pope ; but the clergy and people did not agrée to his election , therefor● pope leo the . was set vp in his place : after him pope stephen succéeded , who being poysoned , the said iohn the . was set vp againe in the papacie , where he raigned about . years . this strumpet marozia , maried two brothers one after another , she gouerned all rome , and the church at that time . after him succeeded stephen the . after him leo the . after him stephen the . after him , pope martine the . after him , pope agapetus the . about whose time began first the order of monks called ordo cluniensis . after king alfride , as before , his sonne edward succéeded , surnamed , the elder ; there were thrée edwards before the conquest : the first edward , the elder ; the second edward the martyre ; the third , edward the confessor . this edward began his raigne in the yeare . the princedome of wales , and the kingdome of scotland , with constantine king thereof , w●re subdued vnto him , also he recouered northfolke , suffolke , essex , and northumberland from the danes . in all hi● warres he had the victorie , his men were so inured with continuall practises of feates of warre , that when they heard of any enemies comming , they would neuer tarry for the king , or any of his dukes , but incountred with them , the assaults of enemies were to the souldiers but a trifle , and vnto the king a ridicle . then the king builded chester , twise as big as it was , and builded a castle at herford in the edge of wales , and another castle at the mouth of the water of auon , and another castle at buckingham ; and another vpon the riuer of ouse . he re-edified the townes of tocester , and wigmore , vpon the riuer of trent . he builded a newe towne ouer against nottingham , and made a bridge ouer the riuer betwixt the two townes , by the riuer of merce he builded a new citie called thilwall , and repaired the city of manchester , and diuerse others . his daughter edgitha was ●aried vnto otho , the first emperour of the almaines , when hée had raigned . yeares hee dyed . adelstan his sonne raigned after him , and was crowned at kingstone ; hée was nothing inferiour to his father in renowne of ciuile gouernment , and in prosperous successe in reducing this realme into subiection of a monarchie . he expelled the danes , subdued the scots , and quieted the welchmen . one elfredus , with seditious persons , conspired against the said king at winchester , presently after the death of his father , went about to put his eyes ; but , by the helpe of god , he escaped . elfred , being accused thereof , fled to rome to purge himselfe by his oath , before the pope , and swearing , or rather forswearing himselfe in saint peters church , suddenly , vpon his oath , fell downe , and within thrée dayes died . the pope sent to the king to know whether he would haue him buried in christian buriall ; at length , by perswasion of his kinred , he was buried in christian buriall . ater the death of sythericus king of northumberland , king adelstone seazed that prouince into his hands , and put out his sonne alanus , who fled into scotland , maried the daughter of constantine king of scots , by whose stirring , gathered a company of danes , scots , and others , and entred the north of humber with a strong nauie of . shippes . king adelstone and his people ioyned in fight with them at a place called binford ; where fighting with them from morning till night , after a terrible slaughter on both sides , the like hath not béene seene in england , king adelstone had the victorie ; fiue vnder kings were slaine in that battell , with constantine king of scots , and twelue dukes , with the most part of the strangers that were there . then king adelstone subdued the brittaines , and forced them to grant to him yearely tribute . lib. of gold , lib. of ●iluer , . heads of neate , with a certaine number of hawkes and dogs . king adelstone caused his guiltlesse brother edwine , through sinister suggestion of his cup-bearer , to be set in an old rotten bote in the broad sea , onely with one esquire with him , without any tackling ; where the tender prince dismai●e with the ●age o● windes and flouds , weary of his life , cast himselfe into the sea ; the esquire shif●ed for himselfe , and recouered the body of his maister , and brought it to sandich , were it was buried . the reason the king the more doubled of his brother , was because he was by his mother of a base bloud , and begotten before wedlocke : for king edward , his father , comming into his nurses house , was rauished with the beautie of one edwina a beautifull maide , begat that night of her king adelstone , and afterward married her : after the king was stricken with great repentance for the death of his brother , by the space of seauen yeares , at length the cup-bearer , his accuser , bearing the cuppe vnto the king , stumbled with one foote , and recouering himselfe with the other , saying ; thus one brother helpeth another . these words so moued the king , that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to bee had out to execution ; and he builded two monasteries of middleton and michlenes , for his brothers soule . whereby it appeareth what was the speciall cause of building of monasteries , to wit , for releasing of sinnes for them departed , and them aliue , which is contrarie to the grace and veritie of christs gospell . he deuised diuers good and wholsome lawes , as well of the state ecclesiasticall as seculer , which thou maist see in the booke at large , whereby it is to bee vnderstoode that the vsurped power of the bishop of rome did not then extend or derogate from the authoritie of christian princes , but that euery one in ●is owne dominion had the doing of all causes ▪ whether they were spirituall or temporall , he raigned . yeares , and because he had no issue , his brother edmond succéeded him . this edmond expelled the danes , scots , normanes , and all forraine enemies out of the land , and recouered such cities as were in their hands from them ; then the king set his minde to building of monasteries , and furnishing of churches with possessions : in his time monks were dispersed out of the monastery of esham , and canons substituted in their place . at the first , religious houses were replenished with priests and canons , which were clergie men ; after , monkes succéeded , they professed chastitie , that is , to 〈◊〉 vnmaried , for so they defined chastitie in those blinde daies : the priests and canons liued more frée from monkish rules and obseruations , were common●y marie● , and in their life came néerer to seculer christians , so there was great enmitie betweene them , one ●uer sought to expell the other . thus monkes first beganne , about the time of this king edmond , when straitnes of life , with superstition , was had in veneration ; which men , either to haue publike fame with men , or merit of god , gaue themselues to leade a strict life . there was a monastery in fraunce called floriake , of the rule of benedict , from whence came our english monkes , for after they were professed there , returning into england , they daily congregated men to their profession , and for their outward holinesse and straite life we●e in great admiration , not onely with the rude sort , but with kings and princes , who founded them houses , maintained their rules , and inlarged them with possessions . after king edmund had raigned . yeares and a halfe , he was slaine , and buried at glastenbury , leauing bebing him two children , edwine , and edgar , but because they were vnder age , edred , brother to king edmund , gouerned , as protector , nine yeares with great moderation and fidelity to the young children . edwine , eldest sonne of king edmond was crowned at kingstone ; the day of his coronation he forsooke his nobles , and went into a chamber to a woman whom he inordinately had retained . dunstone , abot of g●astenbury , followed the king into the chamber , and brought him out by the hand , and accused him to odo archbishop , causing him to be separated from her company : for which ●act odo suspended the king out of the church . the king being displeased , banished dunstone , who went into flanders , where hée was in the monastery of a●andus : about that time the order of benedict monkes , or blacke monkes , beganne to multiply in england , so that priests and canons were put out in many places and monkes put in their 〈◊〉 , but king edwine , for the displeasure he bare to dunstone , so vexed all the order of the said monkes , that in malmesbury , glastenbury , and other places , he thrust out the monks and set seculer priests in their steed . edwine being hated of his subiects for his misdemeaners was remoued from his kingly honour , and his brother edgar receiued in his stéede : yet one raigned ouer all on the one side of the th●mes , and the other on the other side of the thames : but edwine after hee had raigned . yeares dyed , leauing no heire , wherefore all fell to edgar . edgar at the age of ▪ yeares began to raigne , but was not crowned vntill . yeares after . he sent for dunstone home againe , whom edwin had exiled , he was made bishop of woster , and after of london ; and not long after of canterbury . by his intre●tie to the king , oswoldus was made bishop of woster ; and by his meanes also ethelwaldus , abbot of abendon , was made bishoppe of winchester . by the meanes of these thrée bishoppes the multitnde of monkes began first to swarme in this realme of england . by the meanes of them king edgar , builded . monasteries , and by the instigation of them king edgar , in diuerse great houses , and cathedrall churches , where prebends and priests were before , displaced them , and set in monkes , and many seculer priests , being put to their choyce whether they would change their habit or leaue their roomes , departed out of their houses . after , oswaldus was made archbishop of yorke , and then they had their minde ; and when he by no perswasion could make the priests and canons of the cathedrall church of yorke become monkes , within the churchyard he erected another church of our lady , replenishing it with monkes , and there he kept his seat , and was euer conuersant , whereby the other church was desolate , and all the people gathered where the bishop was , so they were faine , for shame and contempt , either to relinquish the house , or become monkes : so did ethelwolfe driue out the canons and priests , out of the monasterie of hide in winchester , and placed his monkes so in oxford and mildune , and diuerse places more seculer priests and their wiues were expelled ●o giue place to monkes . the monkes of the primitiue time did differ from the monkes of the middle time , and from our monkes of the latter age . the name and order of monkes began . yeares after christ ; basilius magnus was one of the first institutors and commenders of that superstition . cassianus maketh mention of a certaine monastery in thebaid ▪ wherein were . monkes , vnder the gouernment of one abbot ; and héere also in england , mention is made before of bangor , wherein were . monkes , vnder one mans ruling , in the yeare . but these were such as either by tyranny of persecution were driuen into desart places , or else , of their owne de●●tion , ioyned with superstition , for the loue they had to spirituall contemplation , and hatred of the wicked world withdrew themselues from all company , hauing all things common ; these were lay-men leading a stricter kinde of life then others , as saint augustine , lerome , and others testifie , one thing pertaineth to the monkes , and another thing to the clergie ; the clergie fed the flocke , and the monkes are fed . it appeareth also by the forth canon of the councell of calcedon , that monkes should not meddle with matters of the church . and leo in his . epistle , doth forbid monkes and lay-men to bée admitted to preach . they differed from the monkes of the middle age in thrée points ; first , they were bound to no strict apparell , or dyet , or any thing else . secondly , they were but lay-men , onely being of a stricter life then the rest , and had nothing to doe in ecclesiasticall matters , vntill pope boniface the . gaue them authoritie . thirdly , though many of the monkes of the first age liued single from wiues , yet some of them were maried , and none of them were forbidden from mariage . athanasius in his epistle ad pracontium , saith , hee knew monkes and bishops maried men ▪ and fathers of children . yet though the former monkes were better then the latter , yet amongst them superstition beganne to créepe into the church , by the subtiltie of satan , and all for the ignorance of frée iustification by faith in christ , as for example ; one abbot moses testifieth of himselfe , that hee so afflicted himselfe with fasting , and watching , that hee felt no appetite to meate , and could not sleepe , that hee prayed to god to giue him a little sléepe some péece of the night . this cassianus doth testifie , cap. . cola. ● . hée saith also of an olde hermite that made a vowe hée would neuer eate without some guest , sometimes fasted thrée or foure dayes for lacke of guestes . one mucius , to declare his obedience to the abbot , did not sticke at the commaundement of the abbot , to cast his sonne into the water , not knowing whetherany were there to saue him from drowning , preferring the abbots commaundement before the commaundement of god. and basilius magnus , and nazeanzenus , with immoderate austeritie , did so plucke downe themselues , that when they were called to bee bishoppes , they were not able to sustaine the laboure thereof . after these monks , followed monkes of the middle age , who increased both in number and superstition , from their dennes in wildernesses , the approched to great townes , where they had solemn● monasteries , founded by kings , queenes , kings daughters , and rich consuls , for the remedie of their soules remission , and the redemption of their sinnes , the good of their fathers pos●erities , of their country , and the honour of our lady , and lightly it was for some murder , or great sinne . in which monasteries they abounded in wealth and riches , and did swim●e in superstition and pharisaicall hypocrisie , being yoaked , in all their doings , to certaine obseruations , in watching , in sleeping , in rising , in praying , in walking , in talking , in looking , in tasting , in touching , in gestures , and in their uestures ; and the number of their sects were diuerse : some , after basilius rule , went in w●ite● some , after benicts rule , went in blacke : some , after hieromes rule , their white cloth girt with leather girdles : some gregorians , copper coloured : some gray monkes ; some ware a coate of male vpon their hare bodies , with a blacke cloke thereupon : some had white rochets vpon a blacke cote : some cloke , coule , and cap , all blewe : some charter monkes , wearing heire-cloth next their body : some flagillants , went in long linnen shirts with an open place in the backe , where they beate themselues with scourges on the bare shinne euery day , before the people , till the bloud ranne downe , saying , it was reuealed by an angell , that in scourging themselues so , within thirtie daies and twelue houres they should be made so pure from sinne as they were when they first receiued bap●isme : some iesuits , with a white girdle , and a russet coule , with enumerable more orders ; they were so subiect to seruile rules , that no part of christian libertie remained amongst them , and so drowned in superstition , that they lost christs religion , and the sence of m●n . king edgar reduced england into a full and perfect monarchie , hee would suffer no man , of what degree soeuer he were , to da●ly out his lawes without punishment ▪ in all his time there was neither priuie picker , nor open theefe , for if any were a ●heefe , he was sure to leese his life . he coused ludwallus , prince of wales , to pay him yearely for tribute . wolues , whereby within foure yeares , a wolfe could scarce be found in england and wales . he had in readinesse . ships of warre , and in the sommer . kept the east seas , so many the west seas , and so many the south seas , in the winter he 〈…〉 progresse ouer the land , to sée how his lawes were kept , that the poore should not be opprest by the mightie . in the . yeare of his raigne eight kings that were vnder him , of which the king of scots was one , came to him to chester , and did him homage , next day in a royaltie he caused the eight kings , euery one rowing with an oare , to cary him in a bo●e vp and downe the riuer to the church of saint iohn and vnto his palace againe , in token that he was lord of so many prouinces . he sent one ethelwold , an earle of his priuie counsell , to sée elfrida , daughter of the duke of somerset , whose beautie was commended vnto him , who tolde the king all things contrary , and after maried her ; the king came to see her , her husband had prayed her to put on her worst apparell , and disgrace her selfe as much as shee could , but she set her selfe forth as gloriously as she could : when the king see her , hee was not so much inflamed with loue of her as with hatred to her husband , and sending for him to hunt with him , runne him through with his sword , and killed him : wherefore elfrida builded a monastery of nunnes in remission of her sinnes . hee was incontinent , and lasciuious in deflowring maids , hee deflowred wilfrida , a dukes daughter being a nunne , and had a daughter named editha by her ; and he comming to andiuer , thinking to haue his pleasure of a dukes daughter , the mother grieuing to haue her daughter a concubine , con●eyed another beautifull maid into his bed in stead of her daughter , which the king perceiuing , made the maid mistresse of both her master and mistresse . he had another concubine edelf●●eda , daughter to duke ordmere a professed nunne , of whom hee begat edward . but his greatest offence was in that he was the first , and chiefest cause of this monkery : for lying with this ethelfleda , dunstone held him from coronation seauen yeares , and had seauen ●●eres penance inioyned him . after he had raingned . yeares he dyed , and was buried at glastenbury . his penance was , to weare no crowne seauen yeares , to fast twise a wéeke , to giue his treasure to the poore , and to build a monastery of nunnes at shaftsbury , as he had robbed god of one uirgine , so he should restore many ; and that he should expell priests and canons , and place monkes in their place . as for the lying miracles , that all were healed of any disease that prayed at the tombe of this ethelfleda , and how saint dunstone hunted the deuill away with dogs , and caught him by the nose with a hote paire of tongues , and many other myracles of this dunstone , with many other lying myracles before ; in this treatise i haue omitted , thinking them not worthy to be abridged , referring thée therein to the booke at large . edward succéeded edgar , being his bastard sonne by ethelfleda the nunne , by the meanes of dunstone and the other bishoppes , onely to maintaine their monkery , and egel●ed the lawfull sonne of edgar was put backe : then they supposed they had established the kingdome of monkery for euer . yet alferus , duke of mercia , folowing the quéenes minde , with other great men , drou● the monkes out of the cathedrall and other churches , and set in the priests with their wiues againe : there were great contentions about the matter , and two councels . in the first councell , they being almost all against dunstone , he turned them by making a crucifixe speake on his side , which most likely was the voice of some monke through a cane . and in the second councell , the roofe of a chamber brake ▪ where they were all assembled , and all fell downe sauing dunstone , which stood vpon a beame , which did not fall : this was likely done to by policie vpon this the matter ceased , and dunston had all his will. king edward after hee had raigned almost . yeares , was murdered , and egelred his brother succeeded him : the queene being consenting to his murder , in repentance of her fact , builded two nunneries , one at amesbury , the other at we●ewell , this was edward the martyr . after pope agapetus the . succeeded pope iohn the . he is noted to bee an adulterer , incestuous , and tyrannous : of some of his cardinals he put their eyes out , of some he cut out their tongues , of some their fingers , of some their noses . in a generall councell before otho the first emperour of the germaines , it was articled against him , that he neuer said seruice , that in saying masse , hee did not communicate : that he committed incest with two of his sisters : that at dice , he called for the diuell to helpe him : wherefore he was deposed , and pope leo substitute in his place : but after the emperour was gone , by the whoores of rome , and their great promises , he was restored againe , and leo deposed . in the tenth yeare of his popedome he was s●●nd with a mans wife , and so wounded by her husband , that in eight dayes he dyed . after him , the romaines elected benedictus the first , without the emperour . because they had put downe leo and chosen another without his consent , the emperour came with his army , and set vp pope leo the eight againe ; wherefore leo crowned otho for emperour , and intituled him augustus , and what carolus magnus had giuen to the sea , and people of rome , he by a synodall decre ▪ granted to the emperour and his successors . the emperour againe restored to the sea of rome , all such donations and possessions as constantine , as they falsly pretend , or which carolus magnus tooke from the lumbards , and gaue to them . after him succéeded iohn the . against whom , for holding with the emperour , petrus , the chiefe captaine of the citie , with two consuls , and twelue aldermen , and other nobles , laide hands vpon the pope , and imprisoned him eleuen monethes : the emperour came to rome with his armie , executed the chiefe doers of the fact . but he committed petrus to the popes arbitrement , he caused him to bee stripped naked , his beard to bee shauen , and to be hanged by the heire of the head a whole day , then to be set vpon an asse , his face turned backeward , his hands bound vnder the asses tayle , and so to be ledde through the citie , then to bee scourged with rods , and banished the citie ; from this pope procéeded first the christning of bels. benedictus the . succéeded him , who was imprisoned by cinthius a captaine of rome , and there slaine . then came pope donus the . after whom , bonifacius the . was pope ; he 〈◊〉 the citizens of rome to conspire against him , tooke the treasure of saint peters church , and st●le to constantinople . the romaines set vp iohn the . pope ; boniface , by his treasure , procured a garison to take his part , and returned to rome , he tooke pope iohn , put out his eyes , threw him in prison , and famished him , but he , not long after , sodainly died . the romaines drew his carkeasse about the streets by the feete after his death , in despitefull manner , the people exclaiming against him . pope benedictus the . succeeded him by consent of the emperour otho , the second , and raigned . yeares . after him succeeded iohn the . after him , iohn the . after him , gregory the . crescentius , with the people of rome , and the clergy , conuenting against him , set vp pope iohn the . wherefore the emperour otho the . sent an armie into italy , got the citie , and tooke crescentius the consull , and pope iohn , he put out the eyes of pope iohn , and then killed him : he set crescentius vpon a vile horse , his nose and eares cut off , his face turned to the horse taile , and after his members were ●nt off , and he hanged vpon a gibbit . hee assembled a councell at rome , where he established the empire in his owne contry , and by the consent of otho , ordained seauen to be electors ; three bishops , three princes , to wit , prince palatine , the duke of saxony , the marquesse of brandenburge , to whom was added the king of boheme to giue the odde voyce , if the eauen voyces could not agree : this constitution being begun , anno . was after established in germany by otho , . which order remaineth to this day . after the death of king edward , egelred his younger brother , raigned in his steade ; vpon his coronation a cloud was scene through the land , one halfe like bloud , the other halfe like fire ; shortly after , the third yeare of his raigne , the danes ariued in sundry places of this land , and did much spoyle , and retyred to their ships againe , and about the same time a great part of london was consumed with fire . the king besieged the bishoppe of rochester ; dunstone required the king , for saint andrewes sake , to giue ouer the siege , yet he would not depart vntill the king had of him . lib. of gold . the danes , séeing the hatred of the subiects against the king , rose againe , and 〈◊〉 great harme in many places in england , that the king granted them great summes of money for peace , and a sore sicknesse of the bloudy flix , and hot feuours fell amongst the people , of which many dyed ; and a like murren amongst the beasts , and for lacke of iustice , many théeues and bribers were in the lan● . not long after , the danes inuaded the land againe in such sort that the king was so séeke in which coste he should first withstand them , and was compelled to appease them with great summes of money ; and for lacke of a good go●ernour , many things perishe● in the land : for the king gaue himselfe to lechery , and polluting his subiects , disinheriti●g them , and causing them with great summes to reda●●e the same againe . 〈◊〉 payed the danes tribute yearely , which was called dane-gilt ; which tribute increase● ▪ from . lib. yearely , and in fiue or sixe yeares , it came to . lib. yearely . ●dricke duke of mercia , and alfrike admirall of the ships , warned the danes 〈◊〉 whatsoeuer the king deuised against them , wherefore the king put out the eyes of th● admirals sonne , and of the two sonnes of duke edricke . the danes thus preuailing , were so proud , they forced the husbandmen to plo● , and sows their lands , and the whilst would sit at home with their wiues and daughters ▪ and fared of the best , when the husbandmen fared but scantly of their owne ; they were glad to please them , and call them lord danes ▪ which after was turned to a name of ●●proby , when they rebuked another , they called him lurdaine . the king in the . yeare of his raigne , maried emma , the daughter of richard duke of normandy , which mariage inhaun●ed the kings minde , that hee sent secret , and strait commissions to the rulers of euery towne in england , that vpon 〈◊〉 brices day , at an houre appointed , the danes should be suddenly slaine , and so it wa● performed . then swanus king of denmarke , hearing of this slaughter of the danes , with a great hoste and nauie , came into england , and did much spoyle , but at length he was met with of duke vskatell , and beaten , and many of the danes slaine , wherefore they returned to denmarke . the next yeare swanus entred into the land againe , and spoyled the contry , and euer when as he heard of the kings hoste comming , he tooke ship againe , and went to a● other part of the contry , and when the king would méete him by sea , he would fly , or else bribe the admirall , so they brought the englishmen into vnspeakeable misery , that the king was faine to giue them . lib. for peace . but after swanus broke cou●nant , and landed in northumberland with a great hoste , proclaiming himselfe king , caused the earle with the rulers of the contry , to sweare him fealty : so he conquered through the contry ▪ and tooke pledges of them . he tooke winchester , and oxford , and came to london , hearing the king was there ; he went into kent , and conquered canterbury , where he fired the citie , and slew . monke of the abbey of saint augustines , and . of the men and women of the citie , and they stoned elphegus ●●shoppe of canterbury to death at grinewich because hee would not giue them . lib. the king , for feare , sent his wife emma and his two sonnes , alfred and edward , 〈◊〉 the duke of normandy ; after , the king fled to the isle of wight , and went thence 〈◊〉 to normandy to his wife . swanus teared exceeding impositions vpon the people , and required a great summe of money of saint edmunds lands , which being d●nyed him ▪ because the land was frée , he spoyled the contry , despising the martyre , and mena●ing the place of his sepulchre : wherefore the people fell to prayer , and fasting , so that shortly after , swanus suddenly crying and yelling amongst his knights , dyed : wherfore canutus his sonne ruling as king after his father , builded the abbey of s. edmundsbury our saint edmonds sepulchre , and ditched their land with a great ditch ; ordained a house of monks there , and g●ue them their au●tient freedomes . after that , it was vs●● that the kings of england when they were crowned , offered their crownes to saint edmonds shrine ▪ and bought them againe . king eldred hearing the death of swanus , returned into england . canutus fled to sandwich , and cutting off the noses and hands of the pledges , which his father left 〈◊〉 him , sayled into denmarke . the next yeare canutus returned againe with a great host , and forced the people to be sworne vnto him , and giue him pledges . in this season king eldred died at london , after he had raigned . yeares , and was buried in paules . after whose death the most part chose canutus , the king of the danes , king ; generally all the clergie men choose him , but the citizens of london , and certaine nobles choose edmund , the eldest sonne of egelred king ; who for his hardinesse to indure labour was surnamed ironside . betwixt these two martiall princes many great battels were sought , with no great difference of victory ; at length , by rensent , they two onely tryed the quarell in the fight of both hosts , and when they had assayed each other with sharpe words and strokes , they both agréed , and kissed each other , and diuided the land betweene them , and during their liues loued as brethren . shortly after , one of the sonnes of duke edricus aforesaid killed king edmund , after hée had raigned two yeares . hee left two sonnes behinde him , edmund and edward , whom the wicked duke tooke from their mother , shee not knowing of her husbands death , and presented them to canutus , saying ; aue rex solus . canutus sent them to his brother swanus , king of sweueland , to be ●laine ; but hée sent them to solamon king of hungary , where edmund maried the kings daughter , and dyed : and edward was maried to agatha the daughter to the emperour henry the fourth . then canutus held a parliament , established the crowne to himselfe , hee disdained euer after those whom he found false to their natiue king , some of them he exiled , some he beheaded , and some died suddenly by the punishment of god ; and wicked duke edrike was beheaded , an● his head set vpon london bridge . in the meane time swaynus ▪ his brother , king of denmarke , dyed , and the land fell to canutus , hee 〈◊〉 toither , and tooke possession thereof , and returned , and maried emmalate wife of egelred by whom he had a sonne called hardyknight . he held a parliament at oxford , where it was agreed that englishmen and danes should hold the lawes made by king edgar . then the danes begun to be christians , and canutus went to rome , and returned . he gouerned the l●nd . yeares , and left two sonnes , harold and hardeknight , which was made king of denmarke in his fathers time . harold , called harefore for his swiftnesse , succéeded him , hee banished his stepmother emma , and tooke away her goods and iewels . hardeknight king of demmarke succéeded him , and when he had raigned two yeares , being merry at lambeth , he was suddenly strucke dumb● and died , being the last king of the danes that raigned in england . in the time of these danish kings , there was one godwine , an earle in england , when the aforesaid two s●nnes of king egelred , alfred and edward , came from normandy to england to visit their mother emma , and brought with them a great company of normaines , this godwine , hauing a daughter named godith , whom he thought to haue maried to edward , and made him king . hee perswaded the king hardeknight that the normaines should be slaine , and gat authoritie to order the matter himselfe . wherefore hée met them at guildowne , with a company of english souldiers , slewe almost all the normaines , winding their gots out of their bellyes , and put out the eyes of alfred the eldest brother , and sent him to the abby of elie , where hée fed him with bread and water , vntill shorty after hée dyed . edward escaped to his mother , who fearing godwine , sent him againe into normandy . this cruell fact to the normaines , séemeth to bée the cause why the iust iudgement of god , shortly after , conquered the english nation by the normaines . after the death of king hardeknight , last king of the danes , the lords sent into normandy for the aforesaid edward , yonger sonne of quéen emma , to take possession of the realme , who came with a few normaines , and was crowned at winchester . he maried godith , daughter of earle godwine , hee ruled with much wisdome and 〈◊〉 . yeares . in his time his mother emma was accused to be too familier with alwine bishop●● winchester , by the councell of godwine , they were committed to prison ; many of 〈◊〉 bishops laboured for them to the king , but robert archbishop of canterbury stopp●● their su●e , saying ; how dare you defend her , shée hath def●med her sonne the 〈◊〉 and taken her ler●erous lemman the bishop : she is accused to bee consenting to ●he death of her sonne alfred , and procured poyson for her sonne edward ; it she will 〈◊〉 bare footed for her selfe foure steps , and for the bishop fiue , vpon nine 〈…〉 , if she escape harmelesse , they shall be af●oyled : she agreed theris : then the ●ing and many nobles being present , she was led blindfold to the place , where irons lay burning hote , and passed the nine shares vnhurt , when they opened her eyes , and she s●e her selfe past the paine , she kneeled downe and gaue thankes to god , then the king asked her forgiuenesse but the archbishop f●ed into normandy . the said cruell 〈◊〉 godwine tooke bread and eate it , in witnesse that he was not guilty of the death of alfred the kings brother , but as soone as hee had recei●ed the bread he was choked at the table , before the king at winsor , and he was conueyed to winchester and buried . harold the second sonne of godwine succeeded edward , who was the last king of the s●x●ns . then the kings so●ne of denmarke came into england with . ships , who entred the north , and claymed the land ; the lords of the country rose against them , but the danes had the victory , then h●rold gaue them a great battell , and got the victory , and slew the king of denmarkes sonne . after this victory harold waxed proud and couetous , and would not diuide the pr●y to his knights , but kept it to himselfe . whereas harold had sworne to william duke of normandy ▪ after the death of king edward , to take possession of the kingdome of england to his vse , according to the will of king edward , that the duke of normandy should succéede him . the duke sent to him , admonishing him of the couenants that were agréed vpon betwixt them ▪ harald answered thus , that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden , concerning the land of another , without the consent of the lords of the same , especially because neede and dread compelled him thereto . whereupon duke william prepaired his armie , and sent to pope alexander concerning his title , and ●oiage , the pope confirmed him in the same , and sent him a banner . and they tooke shipping with a great company , and landed at hastings in sussex , the normans and harald ioyned battell in the place where af●ter was builded the abby of battell in sussex , where the normaines obtained the victory through the iust prouidence of god , where harold was wounded in the left eye with an arrowe , and incontinently dyed , when hee had raigned nine yeares , and was buryed at wal●ome . this duke william and king edward were by the fathers side , cosen germaynes . after this gregory the first , succeeded siluester the second ; he sate . yeares , 〈◊〉 moneth and . dayes pope . by the testimony of stella , benno , and platina , and many others , he was a sorce●er , and was exal●ed to the papacy by the deuill , vpon this condition , that after his death , he should giue himselfe to the deuill . he demaunded of the deuill how long he should ●nioy his popedome . hee answered , untill thou say masse in ierusalem thou shalt liue . at length the pope ▪ in lent , saying masse in the temple of the holy crosse , which church ( vnknowne to him ) was called ierusalem ▪ then hee knewe hee should dye ; then repenting , hee confessed his fault before all the people . ●f●er him succeeded iohn the . which brought in the feast of all-soules to bee celebrated next after all-saints day , by the meanes of odilo , abbot of cl●nake . this abbot , thinking that purgatory should bee in mount e●na , dreamed vppon a time that h●e , by his mas●es , had d●liuered diuerse sou●es from thence ; saying , that hee heard the voyces and lamentatious of d●uils , crying out , for that the soules were taken from them by masses , and dirges fun●rall , pope iohn the . succeeded him , and after him sergius the after him benedictus the . then iohn the . who was pr●moted by arte magicke of diuerse sorcerers . he brought in the fast of saint iohn baptist eauen , and of saint laurence . after him followed pope benedictus the . aspiring to his papacie by magicke , practising incha●tments and con●●rations in words : he resisted the emperour henricus the third , sonne of conradus , and placed in his roome pe●●us king of hungary . after for feare of henricus , he was faine to sell his sea● so gratianus , called gregorie the sixt , for . lib. at which time there was three popes in rome together raigning , one against another , benedictus the . siluester the . gregorius the . for which cause , henricus , surnamed niger , the emperour , displaced these three monsters , placing for them clement the second ; and en●cted that no pope shou●d be chosen without the consent of the emperour : and the romanes made an oth to the emperour to that effect . but the emper●ur being gone , they forgot their oath , and poysoned the pope ; which 〈◊〉 some impute to damasus the . his successor , and some to erazutus , which poysoned six p●p●s . damasus within . daies after he was pope , was poysoned . ●hen the romaines , and cardinals , sent to the emperour for a pope , who g●ue them leo the . he kept two councels , one at uercellis , where the doctrine of beri●garius against the real presence was condemned : the other was k●pt at moguntia , where , amongst many decrees , pri●sts were vtterly excluded from mariage , and that no ●ay man ●ight giue ●eni●●ce , bishopricke , and spirituall promo●ion , leo being at wormes with the emperour on christmas day , hee excommunica●ed the sub●eacon , for not reading the episte in latine ▪ the archbishop being at masse , staid and would go● no further , vnlesse his subdeacon were rest●red : whereupon the pope released him . leo was poysoned by brazutus , the first yeare of his popedome . victor the ● . succeeded him , hee kept a councell at florence , hee deposed diuerse bishops and priests for simony , and fornication : of simony , because they were tooke their li●ing of secular m●n for money● for fornication , because they were maried . in his ●econd yeare he was poysoned also ▪ by the said brazutus , by the procurement of hildebrand his master . stephanus the . succéeded him , hee was chosen without the emperour , hee accused the emperour of heresie , for deminishing the authoritie of the romaine sea. hée likewise called it symony for secular men to present to a spirituall liuing . he sent cardinall hildebrand with commission to reforme the matter : in the meane time he , tasting brazutus cup , dyed . after him the romaines set vp benedictus the tenth pope : but hildebrand perswaded the clergie to choose nicolaus the second , who by force caused the other pope to vnpope himselfe . nicolas called the councell of lateran , in which hée vnderminded the emperours ●urisdiction , and gaue the full authoritie or choosing the pope vnto a fewe cardinals , and certaine catholike persons , and against such as be popes without the full consent of the cardinals , he thundreth terrible blasts of excommunication , accursing them and their children with denils ; giuing power to cardinals , with the clergie and 〈◊〉 , to depose such person , and call a generall councell , where they will , against them . in this councell beringarius was forced to recant his doctrine against the reall presence in the sacrament , and the terme of transubstantiation was there first deuised . hée displaced the right heire of the dukedome of ap●●lia , and placed robertus quistardus to bée duke , and generall captain● of saint peters land : but it standeth not with the gospell , a bishop with outward armes to conquer christian men and countries . after hee had raigned three yeares and a halfe , he met with brazutus cup , and turned vp his héeles . then the emperour set vp coralus pope , but hildebrand set vp alexander the second , who ouercame coralus . then there was a councell kept at m●ntus , where alexander was declared pope , and it was concluded that priests should haue no wiues , and those that had wiues should say no masse : no benefices to bee bought for money , alle●uia to bee suspended in lent , that no ●pirituall man should enter into any church by a secular man , that the pope should be elected onely by the cardinals , this alexander being at masse , as hee was preaching vnto the people , told them he would not sit in the place , except he had the licence of the empe●our , which strucke heldebrand into such a furis , that as soone as masse was done , he forced him into a chamber , and beat him with his 〈◊〉 , rating him that he would séeke fauour of the emperour ; and kept him in custodie , all●wing him but twenty pence a day : and heldebrand incroched all the reuenewes of the church vnto himselfe . at l●st alexander , vnder this miserable indurance , died , hauing béene pope . yeares and a halfe . the fovrth booke containing other . yeares , from william the conquerour , to the time of iohn wickliffe . william the conquerour was the base 〈◊〉 of robert duke of normandy , nephew to ki●g edward after the 〈◊〉 said uictory against harald , he was receiuer king ouer england , and was crowned vpon christmas day . the yeare before his comming was a great blasing starre the space of seauen daies , he made the englishmen pay for euery twentie acres of land . ● . yearely wherefore many rebelled , but he conquered them : many of his lords departed into scotland , wherefore hee kept them that ●aried the straiter . hee gaue the nomaines the chiefest possessions of the land , hee changed all the temporall lawes of the realme , and set straite lawes vpon the spiritualtie . hee builded foure strong castles , two at yorke , one at nottingham , and another at lincolne . in the . yeare of his raigne , harald and canutus , sonnes of swanus king of denmarke , came into the north contry , but , after much spoyle , king william chased them to their ships , and he was so displeased with the inhabitants for fauouring them , that he destroyed the land from yorke to du●ham , so that nine yeares after the prouince lay waste and vnman●red . in the . yeare of his raigne malcoline king of the scots , entred into northumberland and destroyed the contry , and slew men , women , and children ; but within two yeares king william made such warre with the scots , that hee forced malcome , their king to doe him homage . in the same . yeare of this king , there was holden a councell of the clergie at winchester , at which was present two cardinals from the pope , and the king was there present : diuerse bishops , abbots , and priors , by the meanes of the king , were depriued , without any euident cause , that the normaines might bee proferred vnto the rule of the church , as his knights were to the rule of the temporalty . o●● thomas , a normaine , was preferred vnto the archbishoprick , of yorke , and one lanfranckus an italian , was made archbishop of canterbury , betwixt them grew a contention , about giuing and taking the othe of obedience ; but the king appeased it , and the bishop of yorke , builded the minster of yorke , and gaue possessions thereto . but when these two archbishops came to rome for their pale , the contreuersie renewed betwixt them for the primacie , the pope not disposed to decide the matter , sent them home to haue their matter determined ; so the mat●er came before the king and clergie at windsor , the archbishop of canterbury said ; since the time that austin conuerted this land to christianitie , and was made archbishop of canterbury , and primate of all england , by pop● gregory , the primacie hath succéeded there euer since , and being yorke tooks the christian faith from thence , it was reason it should bee subiect thereto . the bishop of yorke answered , that the britaines , the fi●st possessors of this kingdome , which indured from brutus to cadwalader , . year●s , vnder an hundred and two kings , and they receiued the christian faith in the yeare of christ . in the time of lucius their king , elutherius being pope , who sent thither fagamus and damianus preachers , who ordained in the realme . bishops with two archbishopes , theonus archbishop of london , and theodosius archbishop of yorke , so it continued . yeares ▪ vntill the saxons ( being infidels ) subdued the realme , and diuided it into seauen kingdome , and so it continued vntill gregory sent hither . austin to conuert the realme , who was after made archbishop of canterbury ; and it was gregories purpose to reduce the new church of the saxons to the order that was in the old time amongst the britaines , vnder the two metropolitaines of london and yorke : yet hée gaue austen this prerogatiue during his life time , to haue the iurisdiction aboue all the bishops and priests in england ; but after his dec●ase london and yorke to ouersée the charge , and he willed no distinction of honour to be betwixt london and yorke , but that he that had béene longest bishop of the place should be preferred . upon this it was decréed that yorke should be subiect to canterbury , and that wheresoeuer canterbury would hold a councell , yorke , with his bishops , should come thither , and be obedient to his decrées ; and when canterbury should decease , yorke should come to duer to consecrate the new archbishop : but if yorke decease , his successor should resort to canterbury , and where the bishop of canterbury should appoint , to receiue his consecration , swearing obedience . in the yeare of king williams reigne , another counsell was holden at london , w●ere was decreed that the bishop of yorke should sit on the right hand of canterbury , and london on the left and in his absence winchester ; and that bishops should translate the seas from v●●lages to cities ; that monks should haue nothing propper , and if any so had , he dying vnconf●ssed , should not be buried in the churchyard ; that no clarke or monke should be retained in another di●cesse without letters testimoniall ; that none should speake in the councell without leaue , but bishops and abbots ; that none should buy or sell any ●ffice in the church ; that neither bishop , abbot , nor any of the clergie should be at the iudgement of any mans death or dismembring . at this time diuerse good bishops displaced monkes , and restored maried priests againe , the bishop of winchester placed aboue . canons in stead of monkes for his part , but this godly enterprise was stopped by lanfranke the archbishop of canterbury ; he plucked downe the old church of canterbury and builded vp the new . after the death of the pope hildebrand succéeded , who was surnamed gregory the . he was a sorcerer , and the principal cause of all the per●urbation that hath beene since in the church , for before he wrought his feats , setting vp and displacing what bishops he listed , setting them against emperours , and destroying matrimony vnder colour of chasti●ie ; the chuch was in some order , and popes quietly ruled vnder christian emperours , and were defended by them . he first , contemning the authoritie of the emperor , thrust in himselfe to be pope , vanting himselfe to haue both the ecclesiasticall , and the temporall sword , committed to him of christ , and full power to binde and loose what he lifted , he challenged all the dominion both of the east and west church ; he set at light kings and emperours , who raigned but at his godamercie ; bishops and prelates as his vnderlings he kept in awe , suspending , cursing , and chopping off their heads . he ●●irred vp warres , releasing othes , fidelitie , and due allegiance of subiects to their princes . to this scope tended chiefly all his practises , to abolish the mariage of priests , and to translate the authoritie emperiall vnto the clergy , as appeared before in the councell of later●n ; for though he was not then pope in name , yet was he pope indéed , and ruled the pope as he listed . in a councell which he held at rome , he enacted that no priest hereafter should mary , that those that were maried should be diuorced , and that none hereafter should be admitted priest , but should sweare perpetuall chastitie . the clergie of france resisted this decree , and said it was repugnant to the word of god , that the pope should take from priests that which god and nature had giuen them ; and against the doctrine of saint paul ; i haue no commaundement of god touching virginitie , and he that cannot liue continent , let him mary . and that it was against the canons of the apostles , and the nicen councell : and that thereby would be opened a pernicious window to vncleanesse , and fornication , and conclud●d , they had rather giue vp their benefices then forsake their lawful wiues against the word of christ. likewise , the priests of germany were as stout against the pope : but at last , this gréedinesse of liuings , in weake priests , made them to yéeld vp their godly libertie to wicked tyranny . he preached , in a great assembly , that the emperour should die before saint peters day next , and should be so deiected , that he should not be able to gather together aboue sixe knights , and that if this prophesie were not fulfilled , they should plucke him from the altar , and he would be no more pope . and when he had gone about diuerse waies to murder the emperour , and yet god preserued him beyond the appointed time , them subtily he turned his tale , and said , he ment of the soule of the king. about the time hildebrand was made pope , there was great warres betwixt otho duke of saxony and the emperour , which was a fit occasion for the pope to worke his seats . first , he excommunicated all that receiued spirituall liuings of lay-men , and all the giuers thereof , which he called symony , whereupon he sent legats to the emperour , to appeare before him at the councell of lateran . the emperour appeared not : whereupon hee threatned him excommunication , and to depriue him of his crowne , if he would not renounce the heresie of symony , which was , giuing of spituall liuings . wherefore centius , a romaine captaine , caught the pope , and shut him vp into a tower ; the next day the citizens plucked downe the tower , and deliuered the pope , and cut off the noses of the men of centius , but he escaped to the emperour . the emperour , being moued with this arrogancie , called a councell at wormes , where all the bishops of germany deposed hildebrand . the pope , in his councell of lateran , excommunicated and depriued as many as tooke the emperours part , and excommunicated the emperour , depriued him of his empire , and all his subiects of their oath of alleagiance . as soone as he rose out of his papal seat , to excommunicate the emperour , the seat being but new , and of strong tymber , suddenly shiuered and rent vs pieces . the princes of almany all concluded to forsake henry , and choose another emperour , except he would submit himselfe , and obtaine the popes pardon . the emperour , with his wife and young sonne , all hauing forsaken him , laying apart his regall ornaments , in sharpe winter , came bare foo●●d to the gate of canossus , where fasting from morning to night , humbly he desired to be absolued , and to come in and speake with the pope , thus he continued and could not be let in , in thrée daies : the fourth day , being brought to the pope , he surrendred his crowne and princely ornaments vnto him , desiring he might be forgiuen , and he would neuer doe against him againe . he told him , he would not absolue him , but vpon condition he should doe such penance as hee should enioyne him , and appeare at the councell when he should send for him , and answere there all obiections laid against him ▪ and stand to his pleasure whether hee should haue his kingdome restored , or loose it ; and should doe nothing as a king , vntill the cause were tryed : and , vpon his oath , for performance hereof , he was absolued . for all this the pope sent to france , for their consents , that rodulphus should be emperor . then there was sent to rodulphus b●ing duke or sw●●ia a crowne from the pope , with this verie , petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rodulpho . then he gaue in commaundement to the archbishop of ments , and of cullen , to elect rodulphus emperour , and annoint him king , and defend him with all their strength . whilst this conspiracie was in hand , the emperour was absent , and the popes ambassadors with him , and , vnknowne to him , rodulphus was elected emperour : the bishop of stasbrough 〈◊〉 henry the emperour thereof , who seeing the saxons so bent against him , marched forward with his souldiers to defend his right , but first sent to rome , requiring the pope to excommunicate rodulphus . but he minding nothing lesse , sent word that he would not condemne any person without hearing the cause : so , vnder colour of lawe , disapp●inted henry ; who being forsaken on euery side , with his men attempted battell with rodulphus : there was great slaughter on both sides , but no victory , so yet both chal●nged the empire . then they both sent to rome for the popes determination , to whether of them the empire appertained : the pope willed them to breake vp their a●mies , promising shortly to call a councell , where this matter should be disputed ; but before the messengers returned , they had another conflict , but no victory so both being wearied in warre , ( the romish beast being the cause therof ) and the pope perceiuing these warres would be to the great calamitie , not onely of germany , but to other nations , deuised another way to helpe rodulphus ; sent a commission to the archbishop of treuers , and others , giuing them in charge to call a councell to sit at almany to determine ●he right , promising what they determined , he by the au●horitie of god omnipotent , and of saint peter and of sant paul would ratifie the same : but henry the emperour would not permit a councell to be had in germany , except they would first depriue rodulphus . the legat● perceiuing that was against the popes drift returned . the pope hearing his purpose disappointed ; drue another excommunication against henry the emperour , hereauing him of his kingdome , sending them through all places , thinking thereby to further rodulphus part , biginning his excommunication with these words blessed saint peter , prince of the apostles , and thou paul also , teacher of the gentiles , giue eare vnto me a little , i beseech you , and gently heare me &c. i take this matter in hand that my brethren ( whose saluation i seeke ) may the more obey me , and knowe that i trust vpon your defence ( next to christ and his mother ) and thereby resist the wicked , and am ready to helpe the faithfull . i entred this seat against my will with teares , thinking my selfe vnworthy to occupy so high a throne , i chose not you , but you chose me , and ●ayd this great burden vpon our shoulders . then reciting the whole matter of the story before , concludeth therefore ; ● trusting in the iudgement and mercie of god , and in the supportation of the blessed uirgin , and bold vpon your authoritie ( meaning s. peter & s. paul ) do lay the sentence of curse vpon henry & his adherents . and againe . i take his regall gouernment from him ▪ discharging all christian men of their oathes to him , and forbidding them hereafter to obey him in any thing , but to take rodulphus for their king , &c. therefore ▪ o blessed princes of the apostles , confirme this your authoritie that all may know as you haue power to binde and loose in heauen , you haue also power on earth , to giue and take away empires , kingdomes principa●ities , and whatsoeuer belongeth to mortall men on earth . for if you haue power to iudg● of matters of god , how much more of prophane things ; and if you can iudge the angels which rule proud princes , how much more the princes . let all kings and princes , by this example , know your power , that they may feare to contemne the commaundement of the holy church . exercis● quickly this iudgement vpon henry , that all may see him fall from his kingdom , not by chance , but by your onely worke : notwithstanding , this i would craue of you , that he being brought to repentance , through your intercession , yet in the day of iudgement may finde grace with the lord. pope hildebrand further deposed the archbishop of rauenna for taking his part . commaunding all priests not to obey him , and sent another with full authoritie thither . upon this henry and rodulphus tryed the matter with sword , with much bloud : whereas henry , with gods fauour against the iudgement of hildebrand , had the victory , rodulphus greatly wounded , was carried to herbipolis , where he commanding the bishops ▪ and doers of this conspiracie to be brought to him , and lifting vp his right hand , which was deadly wounded said ; this hand gaue the oath to henry my prince , and hath so often fought against him by your in●●igation but in vaine ▪ goe and performe you oath and alegiance to him your king , for i must go to my fathers , and so dyed . henry , after his enemy subdued , and warres ceased in germany , remembring the iniuries of hildebrand , by whom he was twise excommunicated , expulsed from his kingdome , and making sute thrée daies in sharpe winter , and could finde no fauour , and by him his enemy was incited and ayded against him , assembled a councell of . bishops at brixienc● , where hee purged himselfe , and accused hildebrand of diuerse c●imes : to be an vsurper , periured , a nigroma●cer , a sorcerer , a sower of discord ; and that his father had set in diuerse popes in rome by his assignement , without other election , and now this bishop , contrary to his oath , thrust in himselfe , without the will and knowledge of him , being their king and magistrate . for in the time of henry the third , his father , this hildebrand and others , had tooke a corporall oath , that during the life of him , and this henry his sonne , now king , they should no● presume themselues norsuffer any other to aspire to the papall seat , without the approbation of the said emperours . wherefore , the aforesaid councell , with one agréement , condemned this gregory that he should be deposed . ¶ the sentence of the councell of brixia against hildebrand . because it in knowne this bishop , not elected of god , but intruded himselfe by f●aud and money , subue●ted ecclesiasticall order , disturbed the gouernment of the empire , ●●nacing death of bodie and soule vnto our peaceable king , set vp a per●ured king , making discor●s amongst friends and brethren , diuorcements amongst the maried : ( for he tooke away the marriage of priests , as henricus mutius witnesseth ) therfore we heere in the name of god congregated , doe procéede in canonicall iudgement against hildebrand , a man most wicked , preaching sacriledge and burning , maintaining periurie , and murders , calling in question the catholike faith of the body and blo●d of christ , following of diuinations and dreames , a manifest nigromancer , a sorcerer , infected with a pith●nical spirit . we adiudge him to be deposed , and expelled , and vnlesse he depart vpon the hearing hereof , to be pe●pstually condem●●d . this be●ing sent to rome , they elected guibertus archbishop of rauenna , which was deposed by hildebrand as aforesaid , in his place , and named him clement the . and because hildebrand would not giue ouer his hold , the emperour with an army came to rome to depose him : and hildebrand sending to the countesse mathilda , before mentioned , required her , in remission of all her sinnes , to withstand the emperour , and so she did ; but the emperour besieged the citie all the lent , and after easter got it , and comming into the temple of saint peter , placed clement in his papacie hildebrand ●●ed into ad●ans tower , where being besieged , he sent for robert guischardus a normaine , who with his army , when the emperour was gone , burst in at one of the gates of the c●●y , spoyled it , and deliuered hildebrand , and caried him to campania , where not long after he dyed in exile . in the meane time , whilst the emperour was at rome , the abbot of cluniake , and the people of rome , exhorted hildebrand to crowne henry emperour at lateran , and they would ●ause the emp●rour to depart with his arm● to whom he answered , he would , so the emperour would submit himselfe , aske pardon , amend , and promise obedience . the emperour not agréeing to the conditions , departed , and tooke the new pope with him . the emperour was wont to pray in the temple of saint mary , hildebrand knowing by spies the place where he was wont to pray hired one to cary vp stones to the roofe of the church , to let them fall vpon his head when he was at prayers ; the hireling , ●aying his stones in order , fell downe and was slaine . the romaines vnderstanding the truth , drew him thrée dayes , by the legs , through the streets for example ; but the emperour , of his méekenesse commaunded him to b● buried . hildebrand , being a dying , bewailed his faults , and sent a cardinall to the emperour to desire him forgiuenesse , and to pardon the emperour and all his par●akers , quicke and dead , of the danger of excommunication . from this pope sprang all mischéefe , pride , pompe , and tyranny , which since raigned in his successors ; hence was the subiection of temporall regiment to the spirituall , and the suppression of priests mariages : héere came in the authoritie of both swords to the spiritualty , so that the magistrates could doe nothing in giuing of bishoprickes , benefices ; in calling of counceis , in correcting the excesses of the clergie , but the pope must doe all . nor no bishop , nor passor , in his owne parish , could excommunicate , or vse any 〈◊〉 discipline , against his flocke , but it was onely the popes prerogatiue . in him was the first example of persecuting empe●ours and kings with rebellion and excommunication ; then victor the third was made pope , who likewise shewed himselfe staut against the emperours ; but god gaue the shrewde cowe short hornes : some say hee was poysoned in his chalice , and raigned but one yeare and a halfe . notwithstanding the popes followed still the steps of hildebrand , as the kings of israell ieroboam : in the time of this victor began the order of monkes of the charterhouse . next him v●banus the . was pope , which confirmed the acts of hildebrand , and gaue new decrees against henry the emperour , and against clement the pope , hee held two councels , one at plac●●tia , the other called synodus claromontana , wherein he caused all christian princes ●o warre against the sa●●cens , for recouering ierusalem : whereupon . were appointed for the same businesse , by the said vrbanus . the king of galacia , with the whole di●ces of saint iames , was excommunicated for the prisoning of a certaine bishop . about this time the king of england fauoured not much the sea of rome , for their pride and exactions , and would not suffer his subiects to giue to rome , saying ; the followed not pet●rs steps that h●nted for rewards , nor had peters power , which had not his holinesse . the order of cisteri●ns was first est●blished in burgundia , by the same vrbanus the seauen canonical houres were first instituted in the church ▪ by him , the order of the cartus●an m●nkes was confirmed . hee decreed no bishop to be made , but vnder the name of some place , he decreed that ma●●ens and houres of the ●ay should euery day be said , and that the masse of our lady should bee said euery saturday , and the clergy that had wiues , should be depriued of their order , and that it was lawfull for subiects to breake the oath of alegiance with such princes as were excommunicated , and that it was not lawfull for a man and his wife , both together ▪ to christen a childe , with many moe matters . after him followed pascalis the . he putting on a purple uesture and a tyre on his head , was brought vpon a white palfrey , into lateran , where a scepter was giuen him , and a girdle about him , which hauing seauen keyes , with seauen seales , to token the seauen powers by the seauen graces of the holy ghost of binding , loosing , shutting openning , sealing , resigning and iudging , which the emperour henry the . hearing of , thought to come to italy to salute the new pope , but vnderstanding the popes minde against him , changed his purpose . this pascalis d●posed all such abbo●s , and bishops , as the emperour had set vp ; and banished many that striued , at that time , for the papacie , and made an armie against clement , whom the emperour made pope , as aforesaid , and being put to flight , not long after d●●d . about the same time , the bishop of fluence began to teach and preach of antichrist then to bée borne , as sabeli●us 〈◊〉 . pascalis put to silence the said bishoppe , and condemned his bo●kes , by a councell , which hée assembled at tre●as . maried priests , in this councell , were condemned for nicholaitans . all lay-men , that gaue spirituall dignities , were condemned of symony . the statu●e of priests tythes was renewed , counting the selling thereof sinne against the holy ghost . hée renewed the excommunication of hildebrand against henry the emperour , caused cer●aine bishoppes to depriue him of his crowne , and to place his sonn● henry the . in his fathers roome ; these bishops required of the emperour his diademe ▪ p●●ple , ●ing , and other ornaments of his crowne : when the emperour would know the reason , they aleadged , the popes pleasure , and for selling spirituall liuings : but these bishops being demaunded of him , could not deny but hee tooke nothing of them , they being preferred by him : well , said hée , you requi●e mée well , and admonishing them of their oath and alegiance , as hee sate in his throne , they pl●cke away all his cu●periall ornaments . the good emperour , being destitute , said , videat deus & iudicat . thus leauing him , they confirmed the kingdome to his sonne , and caused him to driue his father out , who with nine persons , did ●●y to the dukedome of li●burg , the duke bearing of it , made after him , the emperour hauing before put him from his kingdome , being afraid of death , cra●ed pardon of him , and not reuengement , the duke pittying his estate , remitted his displeasure , and receiued him to his castle , and collecting men of warre , brought him to colin . his sonne hearing thereof , besieged the city , but hee escaped by night to leodium , thither all they that had compassion and consiant hearts resorted to him , so hee was able to pitch a field against his enemies , and so did , hee desired his friendes , if they that had the victory , they would spare his sonne , in that sight the father had the victory , and the sonne was chased , but in another battell the sonne had the victory , and the father was taken , who being vtterly dispossessed , was faine to craue of the bishop of spire , whom he had done much for , to haue a pr●bendry in the church , to serue in our ladies quire , who swore by our lady hee should haue none . thus hee came to leodium , and there , for sorro ● dyed , after he had raigned . ●eares . pope pascalis caused his body to be taken our of the graue , and to remaine at spite 's fiue yeares without buriall . about this time anselmus bishop of canterbury , which brought in the conception of our ●ady to bee hal●wed ; accused king henry the first of england , to pascal●s for making certaine bishops by his owne election ; the kings proctor , in his behalfe , signif●●d to the people , that the king , for the value of his kingdome , would not forgoe his right , in setting in bishop ▪ and pr●lates . the pope answered . before ●od , i for the price of my head , will not permit it vnto him . the archbishop returning home , being the popes legate , was turned out of his bishopricke , and goods . henry the . emperour , after his fathers death , raigned twentie yeares , being at rome , could not be crowned , except he would relinquish his clayme of making popes , or any other bishops : there was such a stirre made by the pope , that if the emperour had not defended himselfe with his owne handes , hée had béene slaine . but the emperour hauing the victory , tooke pope pascalis , led him out of the city , made him agree to cr●wne him , and to allow him his prerogatiue of election of popes , and other bishops ; and being crowned , returned with the pope to rome . but as soone as the emperour returned to germany , the pope called a syno●e , ●euoking his agréement , and exc●mmunicated the emperour , as he had done his father . the emperour 〈◊〉 a● it , marched to rome , and put the pope to flight , and placed another in his 〈◊〉 . the germaine bishops , with all they might , stirred the saxons against the●r caesar , it gr●we at length to a pitched field . the emperour , seeing no end of his conflicts , was faine to forgoe his priu●ledge of the popes election , and other things belonging to the church , and churchmen . in the time of pascalis , li●ed barnardus , of whom sprung the barnardine monkes . the emperour had no issue , his wife was mathildas , daughter of king henry the fi●st of england , which was gods iust iudgement for deposing his father . pascalis being dead , pope gelasius was chosen by the cardinals , without the emperour ; and the emperour made another pope , gregorius the . which made pope gelasius 〈◊〉 into france , and there dyed . the cardinales choose calixus the . pope , without the emperour ; who before hee came to his seat in r●me , sent his legate to excommunicate the emperour , and droue gregorius , the emperours pope , out of rome . the emperour fearing the vaine thunderbolts of the popes curse , perswad●d by his princes and f●iends , resigned his ●y●le , pertaining to the 〈◊〉 of the pope , and the inuestiture of bishops . this being set vy in writing , in the church of lateran , in tryumph of the emperour thus sub●ued . then the pope made out , and tooke his fellow pope gregorius , set him on a camell , his face backward , holding the tayle for a bridle , brought him thro●gh the streetes of rome , and sho●● him , and thrust him into a monastery . ●ée established the decrée of the papall sea against the emperour , and brought in the foure ember-fasts , called ember ●aies . he ordained the order of monkes , called praemonstratenses . it was 〈◊〉 by him to be iudged adultery for any person to put away his liuing or bishoprick●●uring his life , according to saint paul ; the wife is bound vnto the husband as long as he liueth . by a generall councell at rhemes , he decréed , all clergy men should put away their wiues , or be depriued of their liuings , wherupon an english writer made these verse● : o bone calixte , nunc omnis clerus odit te . quondam presbyteri poterant vxoribus vti , hoc destruisti , post quam tu papa fuisti . pope honorius the ● . succeeded him , he sent one iohn cremensis cardinall , legat into england , and scotland , in colour of redresse , but to fsill his purse , as all other did after him in those dayes ; afte● he had well refreshed himselfe in bishops and abbots houses , he assembled the whole clergy , inquired of priests wiues , and made a sta●tute they should haue no women in their houses , vnlesse i●●h kindred as were not to be ●usp●cted , and the offend●r of this act , to forfaite all his spirituall promotion , and that no kindred should mary vntill the seauenth generation ; and r●fling within houres at night , was taken in the same vice he was so strict against , to no little shame of the clergie . at this time the emperour henry the . dyed without issue , the emperiall crowne came to lotharius duke of saxon. not long after deceased henry the first , king of england . in this honorius his time , came a priest to rome , called arnulphus , who preached vehemently against the pride , auarice , and incontinencie of the clergie , and exhorted them to follow christ. he was well respected of the citizens , but the cardinals and clergy hated him , and made him away in the night by drowing him . sabelicus and platina say , they hanged him . his martyrdom ( he said ) was reuealed to him by an angel in the desert , and said vnto them . i know you will kill me priuily , and no maruell ; for if saint peter were héere , and rebuked your vices that exceed , you would serue him so , and said with a loud voice ; i am not afraid to suffer for the truth , but god will be reuenged , you play the blinde guides , and leade the people to hell. in the second booke of councels , printed at colen , either this arnulphus or about his time , one complaineth of the number of holly daies , and the increase of vice thereby ▪ whoores , say they , vantage more in one holy day , then in fiftie other dayes : and of the curious singing in cathedrall churches , wherein much time is spent that might better be be●towed in other sciences , and learning . and of the multitude of begging fryers , and other professed men and women , the cause of idlenesse , and vncomely life ; of promotion of euill prelates , and their negligence in reprouing vice . of the wantonnesse of their seruants , and their excesse in apparell : of the excessiue gaines of the prelates and their officers for their seales : giuing them , they care not for what , so they get money . that prelates bée too slacke in looking to non residents . of giuing benifices , not for godlinesse and learning , but for fauour , friendship , or hope of gaine , of which commeth the great ignorance in the church . how prelates wast the church goods in superfluitie on kinsfolkes , or worse wayes , and not on the poore . how , by negligence , the bookes of the olde co●ncels , and o● the new , are not to be found , which should be kept in all cathedral churches . the negligence of pre●ates , and their voluptuousnesse , by example of storks , whose nature is , if one leau● his mate , and ioyne with another , all the rest fly on him , and plucke his feathers off : so , and much more , should prelates d●e to their fellowes , that defile so many ▪ and stinke in the whole church . and as e●dras , in purging israel from strange women , began with the priests , so now the purgation ought to begin with them , as it is written in ezechi●ll : begin with my sarctuary . &c. againe , if the whole realme of france was interdicted , because phillip the king , had but one concubine , which was not his lawfull wife . and the king of portugall , sequestred from his dominion , and thought by the clergie insufficient to rule . what shall be said to prelates which abuse mens wiues , uirgings , nunnes , and are insufficient to take charge of soules . about this ti●●e the order of the knights of the rhodes , called iohannits , and the order of the te●●lers rose vp . after honorius succéeded pope innocentius the . at euery mutation of new popes , came new troubles , sometime two popes , sometimes thrée together . the romaines elected another pope , called anacletus , betwixt whom was great conflicts . the duke of sicile taking with anacletus , vntill lotharius the emperour droue anacletus 〈◊〉 of italy . this pope decréed that whose strucke a shauen priest , should be excommunicated , and not absolued but onely by the pope . steuen king of england , reserued to himselfe the authoritie of bestowing spirituall liuings , and of inuesting prelates . at which time lodouicus the emperoue would haue done the like , had not bernardus giue in him contrary councell . at this time came in the manner of cursing with booke , bell , and candle , in a councell of london , holden by william bishop of winchester , vnder pope celestinus , successor of innocentius . after lotharius succeeded in the emperiall crowne , conradus nephew of henry the fift , he raigned . yeares . there was diuerse popes in his dayes , as celestinus the . lucius the . e●genius the . at which times the romaines endeauored to recouer the old manner of chusing con●uls , and senators ; but the popes , being in their ruffe , would not abide it ▪ which caused much ciuill warre ; insomuch that pope lucius sent 〈◊〉 the emperour for ayde , who thought to haue dest●oyed them in the senate : but they were ware o● it , and were all in aray , the pope being in the fight was well pelted with stones and blowes , that he liued not long after . eugenius cursed the romaines for that matter with excommunication , which when he saw would not serue , came vpon them with his host , and compelled them to abolish their consuls ▪ and to take such presidents as the pope should assigne . then followed anastatius the . after him adrianus the . an english man , called breakespeare , belonging once to saint albons , he likewise kept great slur●e with the citizens of rome , to abolish consuls , with cursing and warres vntill he had brought them vnder . in the meane time fredericus , called barbarossa , succeeded conradus in the empire , marched to italy to subdue rebels ; the pope and his clergie met him to haue ayde against their enemies , the emperour lighted to receiue him , and held his left stirrop where he should the right , the pope displeased , he smiling , excused himselfe as not vsed to hold stirrops , and that it was not of duetie : the next day the emperour sent for him , receiued him , and held his right stirrop , and all was well . when they came in the pope told the emperour that his predecessors left some token of beneuolence for crowning of them ; as carolus magnus subdued the lumbards , otho the bexingarians , lotharius the normans ; therefore required him to restore the country of ap●lia to the church of rome . he and his princes seeing he could not otherwaies ●e crowned , promised to doe it , and the next day was crowned . whilst the emperour was prouiding for apulia , the pope excommunicated william duke thereof , and sent emanuell emperour of constantinople , incensing him to warre against the said duke . th● duke hearing it , sent vnto the pope for peace , promising to restore what hee would , which the pope , by the councell of the cardinals , would not grant . the duke put emanuell the emperour to flight , and besieged the c●tie bene●entum , where the pope and cardinals were looking for victory , that they were glad to intreat for the peace they refused , the duke onely granted not to inuade the possessions of rome , and the p●pe made him king of both sicils . the pope was so troubled with the senators and consuls of rome , that when his curses would not auaile , he was faine to remoue from rome to ariminium . the emperour , considering the wrongs the pope had done to his predecessors required of the bishops of germany homage and oath of alegiance , commaunding if the popes legats came thither without sending for , they should not be receiued , charging his subiects not to appeale to rome , and prefixed his name in his letters before the popes name . whereupon the pope wrote to him , that god promiseth long life to th●m that honoured their parents , and death to them that cursed them : and the word of truth saith ▪ he that exal●eth himselfe shall be brought lowe . he maruelled not a little that he shewed not the reuerence he ought to blessed saint peter ▪ and the holy church of rome 〈◊〉 preferre your name before ours , wherein your incurre the note of insolencie , or rather arrogancie . how kéepe you the oath of fidelitie to saint peter and vs , séeing you require homage and alegiance of them that be gods , and all the sonnes of the high god , and presume to ioyne their holy hands with yours ; and exclude from your churches and cities our cardinals , legates from our side ; amend , amend : ●hile you go● about to obtaine the things you haue not , i feare mée , your honour will loose the things which you haue . the emperour wrote againe , that iustice giueth to euery one his , wée derogate not from our parents , as we haue receiued our emperiall crowne of them , we render their due and ●●ue honour to them againe : and forasmuch as duety of all sorts of men is to be sought out , did not constantine restore peace to the church , and of his liberall benig●ity , & other princes , gaue whatsoeuer regality or patrimony the sea of your papacie hath , as is to be found in the chronicles ? of them that be gods by adoption , and hold lordships , why may not wée require homage and sworne alegiance , when he that is you● master and ours paid ●oule and tribute for himselfe and saint peter to caesar , giuing you example to doe the like , and therefore saith , learne of mee , for i am humble and meeke . ●herefore ▪ either render our lordships , or if they b● too sweete to you , giue god his due , and caesa● his due . we shut out the cardinals because we see them no preachers but prowlers , not repayrers of peace , bat rakers for money ; not pillars , b●t pollers of church . when we see them such as the church requireth them to be , then they shall find vs ready to receiue them with stipends and all necessaries . by your inferring such questions , not conducing to religion ▪ you incurre no little blemish of your humility , which is keeper of all vertues ; let your fatherhood beware , least in mouing such questions , as seeme vnseemly for you to doe , you giue on offence to such as ●●pend on your word , and giue eare to your mouth as an euening shoure . we cannot 〈◊〉 fell you of that we heare , seeing now the detestable beast of pride doth cr●epe into th● seat of peter , prouiding alwaies as much as we may for the peace of the church . upon this , the pope sent a bull against the emp●●our , excommunicating him conspired with the duke of apulia , and sought all waies to i●fest him , and set all men against him , especially the clergie . the pope wrote to the bishops of germany , that the empire of rome was translated from the greekes to the almaines , so that the king of almaine could not be called emperour ▪ before he were crowned by the pope . before his consecration he was a king , after an emperour : he hath the name of king by the princes election , the name of emperour , augustus , and caesar , by our consecration , ergo , by vs he raigneth emperour . pope zacharias promoted carolus to the name of emperour , after that ▪ all the kings of almaine were called emperours , and aduocates to the sea apostolike . so that apu●ia , conquered by him , was subiect to the pope ; which apuli● , with the citi● of rom● , is ours , and not the emperours . our seat is at rome , the emperours at aquis ●n ardenna , which is a wood in france . whatsoeuer the emperour hath , he hath of vs : wee may translate it to the grees againe , as zacharias did to the almaines , it lyeth in our power to giue it whom we will being set vp of god aboue gentiles and na●ions , to destroy , plucke vp , build and plant . when this emperour predericus came first to rome , the pope shewed him a picture of lotharius the second emperour , with verses , shewing how he first sware to the citie , after was made the popes man , and so receiued the crowne of him . fredericus di●●red that the picture might be abolish●d , least hereafter it cause discention . the pope seeing the emperour loth to be subiect to his sea , deuised all craftie waies to bring him vnder . first , taking occasion by the imprisonment of the bishop of laodicia , sent vnto him diuerse sharpe letters , and not so sharpe as prou● and disdainefull , wherein the salutation was , salutat vos beatissimus pater noster papa , & vniuersitas cardinalium , ille vt pater , hii vt fratres , meaning he should vnderstand himselfe to be subiect to the pope , no lesse then the cardinals ; where reciting , what many and great benefits , and fulnesse of honour , he had receiued of him . the emperor with his princes , perceiuing whereat the pope , by his legats , shot , could not ●●ree such a proud message , so that much contention fell betwixt the legat● and princes , of whom then , said the legats doth caesar receiue his empery , if not of the pope ? with which woords the princes were so offended , that they would haue v●ed violence , if the emperour had not stayed them , and commaunded the legats away straight , charging them not to turne by the way to any person , but straight to depart home . and to certifie the whole empire of the matter , he directed letters to this effect . first , he greatly sorroweth that the roote and foundation of dissentions , and euill , should rise from the holy church , imprinted with the seale of loue and peare of christ , where with wee feare ( except god preuent it ) the whole body of the church will be polluted , and the vnitie broken betweene the spirituall and temporall regiment . then he sheweth them the manner of the proud legacie as aforesaid , and touching his straight sending them home , without tarying , or going out of the way , was , because there was letters found about them to the churches of germany , to spoyle the altars of our churches , to cary away the iewels thereof , to fley the lym●es and plats of the golded crosses thereof , &c. this letters of caesar fretted the pope , who wrote againe to the bishops of germany , accusing the emperour , willing them to worke against him what they could . they answered him againe with all obedience , yet excusing the emperour , and blaming him rather , exhor●ing him hencefoorth to temper his letter and legacies with more modestie , which councell he followed , seeing he could preuaile no other way . in his time liued gracianus , compiler of the popes decrées . petrus lumbardus , pet●us comester , auicenna , abbas ioachimus , and the order of hermits rose by william duke of aquitania , and afterward a fryer . this hadrianus walking with his cardinals to a place called auignon , was choked with a fly ▪ getting into his thr●at , when he had raigned . yeares and odde monethes , he would say in his latter time , there is no more miserable life then to be a pope , and come to it by bloud , which is not to succéed peter , but romulus , who to raigne alone , slewe his brother . though he was bad , his successor was worse , pope alexander the . the emperour , with nine cardinals , set vp another pope , victor the . betwixt whom there was great and long discord . the emperour being required therefo , sent for them both to heare their cause , and iudge the matter . victor came , but alexander ●isdainfully refused to appeare . whereupon the emperour , with full consent of his bishops and clergíe about him , ratified the 〈◊〉 ●lection of victor , and so brought him into the citie to be receiued and placed . alexander flying into france , accursed them bath , as maan to be cast out of all christian 〈◊〉 sending letters there of into all christiandome ; and with money and flattery , not the greatest part of the citie to sauour him , and to set vy such consuls for his purpose : 〈◊〉 returned from france to rome , and was receiued with much sauour , through the helpe of phillip the french king . the emperour hearing thereof , came with great power to italy , where he destroyed great cities , and came to rome , required the citizens that the cause betwixt the 〈◊〉 popes might be decided , and hee that had the bestright ▪ to be taken for pope , and then he would restore to them that which he had taken . alexander , doubting his part , and the wils of the citizens , hauing ships prepared , fet●hed a course about to uenis . the emperour required the uenetians to send him , but they would not : wherefore fredericus sent thither his sonn● otho , with men and ships well appointed , charging him to attempt nothing before his comming : notwithstanding he ioyned with the uenetians in battell , and was ouercome , taken , and brought into the citie . the farther to redeeme his sonne , was compelled to submit himselfe to the hope and intreat peace . to the emperour comming to uenis at s. markes church , where the pope was , there to take his absolution , was hid to knéels downe at the popes féete , the proud pope set his foote vpon the emperours neck , and said . super aspidem & basilicum ambulabis , & concultabis leonem et draconem . ●e an●i●●red ; non tibi , sed petro. the pope againe . et mihi , & petro. the emperour fearing more quarreling , held his peace , and peace was made betwixt them . first , that hée should receiue alexander for true pope ; then , that he should restore to the church of rome all that he tooke from it , thus he obtained his sonne . alexander was pope ● . yeares , he kept sondry councels at ●urd and lat●ran , wh●re he confirmed the proceedings of hildebrand , and other his predecessors . in this time spung vp the doctrine of the waldenses , which was of one waldus a chiefe senator of lion● in france . the aforesaid gratianus , master of decrees , and petrus lumbardus , at this time did much maintaine proud prelacie ; after whom followed two , as euill or worse ▪ franciscus and dominicus , maintaining as much blinde hypocrisie . i● pleased god to raise vp the waldenses against their doctrine of pride and hypocrisie . thus we neuer see any great corrup●i●n in the churc● , but s●me sparke of the true ligh● of the gospell by gods prouidence , doth remaine , howsoeuer their aduersari●● 〈◊〉 them , yet by the iudiciall ●●aying their articles , thou shalt finde that they maintained nothing else , but the same doctrine wh●●h we now defend ; yet i suppose the papist did gather th●m , and wrest them otherwi●e then they were ment , as they did them of wiclife and h●s . it chanced that certaine of the chiefe of the citie of lions went a walking , with the aforesaid waldus , of whome came the waldenses was one , one of them f●ll downe suddainly dead , the sight whereof smo●e this waldus with a ●eepe and inward repentance , with a carefull study to reforme his life . first ▪ he began to giue large almes to the needy . secondly , to instruct his family and himselfe , with the knowledge of gods word . thirdly , to exhort all that resorted to him to rep●ntance and v●r●uous life , by his almes , and diligent teaching , more resorted to him dayly , to whom he gaue certaine rudiments of the scripture . the bishops and prelates seeing him so meddle with scripture , and to haue such a resort about him , though it were but in his owne house , moued with great malice against him , threatned to excommunicate him , if he did not leaue so to doe . he neglecting the threatnings of the wicked , said ; god must be obeyed more then man , and was the more diligent to set forth the doctrine of christ against the errours of antichrist . when they saw their excommunication dispised , they ceased not with prison , with sword , and banishment to prosecute , till they had driuen the said waldus and all his fauourers out of the city . here followeth their articles they held . that the holy scripture is to be beleeued , in matters pertaining to saluation , and no man besides . all things , contained in holy scripture , necessary to saluation , and nothing to bee admitted in religion , but what onely is commaunded in the word of god. to be but one onely mediator , other saints to be made in no wise mediators , to be inuocated . that there is no purgatory , but all men either by christ are iustified , or without christ , condemned ; besides these two neither thre nor foure places . that all masses , sunge for the deads , are wicked and to be abrogated . all mens traditions to be reiected , at least , not to be reputed necessary to saluation : therefore singing , and superflueus chaunting in the chaun●ell to be left ▪ constrai●ied and prefixed ●aste bound to dayes and times , differences of meats , varieties of ●egres and orders of priests , fryers , monkes , nunnes , super●luous holy dayes so many bene dictions , and hallowing of creatures , vowes , pilgrimages , with all the rablement of ceremonies brought in by men to be abolished . the supremacie of the pope , vsurping aboue all churches , and especially aboue all polliti●ue realmes and gouernments : or for him to occupie and vsurpe the iurisdiction of both swords to be denyed , neither that any other degree is to be receiued in the church , but only priests ▪ deacons , and bishops . the communion of both kinds to be necessary to all people , according to the institution of christ. i ●●●m the church of rome to be the very babilon spoken of in the reuelation , and the pope to be the fountaine of all error , and the very antichrist . they reiect the popes pardons and indulgences . the mariage of pri●sts and ecclesiasticall persons to be godly and necessary in the church . such as heare the word of god , and haue a good faith , to bee ●he right church of christ , and to this church the key●s of the church to be giuen , to driue away wolues , and to institute true pastors to preach the word , and institute the sacraments , these were their principall articles . being exiled , they dispersed in diuerse places of whom many remained long after in bohemia . e●eas syluius in the bohemian histories , writeth that these articles they held . the bishop of rome to be equall with other bishops , no difference of degrées amongst priests , no priest to bee reputed for the dignitie of his order , but for the worthynesse of his life . no purgatory , as before , in vaine to pray for the dead , a thing onely ●ound out for the lu●●ee of priests . the image of god ( as of the trinitie ) and of saints to be abolished . the hallowing of ●●ater , and palmes , a ridic●e . the religious of begging friers to be found out by the diuell , that priests sho●l● not incro●h riches , but bee content with their tythes , and mens deuotions . the preaching of the word to be frée to all men , called thereunto . no deadly sinne to be tollerated , for what respect soeuer of greater commodity to ensue thereby . confirmation of bishops , with oyle , and extreame v●●tion , none o● the sacraments . auricul●r confession , but a toy . baptisme to bee ministred onely with pure water , without mixture of holy oyle . the maiestie of god not to bee restrained more within temples , monast●ries or chappels , then any where els . priests apparell , ornaments of altars , uestments , corporaces chalices , patenes , and other church-plate , to serue in no steed . it maketh no matter in what place the priest consecrateth the sacrament , and that it is sufficient to vse only the sacramental words , without other superstitious ceremonies . prayers to saints vaine , they not able to helpe . in saying , and singing the houres and mattens of the day , the time lost . a man ought to cease from his labour , no day but sunday . the feasts of saints to be reiected ▪ coacted feasts haue no merite . the truth o● these articles be the lesse to be doubted , being set out by a popes pen. they being accused slaunderously by one doctor augustine , vnto the bohemian king , gaue vp their confession , with an apology of their faith. they held thomas aquinas author of purgatory . concerning the supper of the lord , their faith was , it was to be eaten , and not to be shewed , and worshipped . that it was for a memorial and not for a sacrifice , to serue for the present , not to be reserued ; to be receiued at the table , not to be caried out of doores , according to the vse of the primitiue church , when they vsed to communicate sitting : this they proued by cronicles , ● and by origen vpon the third of moses . doctor austin asked them , whether it were not the same christ in the sacrament which is in heauen , else how can it be said , there is but one faith , and one christ ; then , why he should not bee worshipped in the sacrament as well as in heauen . they answered to this effect ; that the same christ that is in heauen is in the sacrament , but after diuerse manners , in heauen he is corporally , locally , with the full proportion and quantitie of the same body wherewith hee ascended , and to be séene in the sacrament , he is but sacramentally to be remembred , not to bee séene ; our bodies receiue the signe , our spirit the thing signified . they asked him againe , whether christ was not aswell in them that receiue the sacrament , as in the sacrament before it was receiued , and why it should not be worshipped as well in the brest of the receiuer , as before it is receiued , seeing ●e is in a more perfect manner in ●an then in the sacrament , in it he is but for a time , not for the sacrament s●ke , but f●r mans sake . in man he is for his owne sake , not for a time but for euer , as it is written , qu● manducat hunc panem , viuat in aeternum . then they asked whether he was there wholly god and man , which if hee grant it , it is contrary to nature and faith , that any creature should be changed into the creator . if he say , it is changed into his body and soule , and not into the godhead , then h●e separates the natures of christ , if hee say into the body alone , and not the soule , then hée separateth the natures of the true manhoode , and so cannot be the same christ that was betrayed for vs , so to what part soeuer he should answere he could not defend transubstantiation without great inconueni●●ce of all sides . it appeareth in a certaine libell of inquisition that vpon their kne●s with great reuerence they vsed to pray , euery morning , and euery euening , and that they vsed to say grace before meate and after : and after meate to edifie one another with some instruction . they were so diligent and painefull in teaching that reynerius an old inquisitor against them writeth , that one of them to bring another vnto the faith , in the night , and in winter swamme ouer the riuer ibis to come to him , to teach him , and they were so perfect in the scripture , that he heard an vnlettered man that could say the booke of iob word by word without booke , with others which had the new testament perfectly by hart . hee writeth moreouer , that none durst stop them for the number of their fauourers : saying , i haue often béen at their examination , and there were numbred forty churches of their opinions , in s●much that in one parish of camma●h were ten open schooles of them , and when he had spoken what he could against them , he is driuen to confesse that they both liue iustly before men , and beléeue all things wel● of god , and hold all the articles contained in the creede ; onely they blaspheme the church of rome and hate it . touching the●r persecution , which commonly followeth true preaching , they being scattered from lions , that the sound of their doctrine might gee abroad ●n the world ; some went as it is said into bohemia , many into other prouinces of france ; some into lombardy and other places , but these could not be suffered to liue at rest , as may appeare by the consultations made by the lawyers & bishops of france against them , writ aboue three hundred yeares agone , remaining yet in writing ▪ whereby it appeareth there were a great many in france . besides there was a counsell kept in tol●se about . yeares agone ▪ and all against these waldenses , they also were condemned in another counsell at rome before that . what persecutions they had in france by three archbishops , appeareth by their writings : who is such a stranger , that knoweth not the condemnation of the waldenses , done so many yeeres agone , so famous , so publique , followed vpon with so great labour , expences and trauell ; and sealed with so many of their deaths ; so solemnely being condemned , and openly punished , wher● by we may know persecution to be no new thing in the church of christ , when antichrist three hundred yéeres agone did rage against the waldenses . but there was neuer more trouble then was against them of late , in the yeare ● . in france by the french king , which followeth in this booke , when we come to the yeare wherein it was done , where it shall be set forth more at large . in which persecution is declared , that in one towne cabria by miuerias were slayne eight hundred persons at once , not respecting women , children , nor any age : and forty women , most of them great with child , were thrust into a barne , the windowes kept with pikes were fired and consumed : besides in a caue not farre from mussin , were fiue and twenty persons fired and destroyed the same time ; the same tyrant at merindolum , seeing all the rest were fled away , finding one yong man , caused him to be tyed to an oliue tree , and destroyed with torments most cruel : the foresaid reynerius speaketh of a glouer , one of them in the towne of cheron , that in his time was brought to execution . there is an old monument of processes , wherein appeareth . brought to examination in pomarina , marchia , and places there ab●ut , in the yeere . thus much of the original doctrine , and lamentable persecutions of the waldenses , who as it is said began about the time of pope alexander . now for as much as thomas becket happened in this popes time , let vs somewhat story of him . the history of thomas becket arch-bishop of canterbury . king henry the second k. of england conuenting his nobles & clarks required to haue punishment of certain misorders of the clergy , but the archbishop thomas becket would not agrée therevnto : the king came to this point to know whether he & the rest of the clergy would consent to the customes set forth in henry the fift his time , he with the rest of the bishops , vpon consultation held , they would consent with this exception , saluo ordine suo , so all other bishops being particularly demanded , except christopher , who séeing the king angry , said , for saluo ordine suo , he would bona fide , the king told them hee was not well content with that exception which was captious and deceitfull , hauing some venome lurking vnder , therefore required an absolute grant : they answered , they would not binde themselues in no other manner , at which the king and all the nobilitie were not a little mooued : the king , when he could get no other answer , departed with gret anger , not saluting the bishops : chester was greatly rebuked of his fellowes for changing the exception ; the next day the king took from the archbishop all such mannors and honors as he had giuen him before being lord chancellor ; not long after vnknowne to the bishops he sayled into normandie ; not long after the bishop of london followed after him to craue his fauour , and gaue him counsell to ioyne some of the bishops with him , least if all were against him , hee might the sooner be ouerthrowne : thus by his meanes the greatest number of the bishops were reconciled vnto the king , onely the archbishop with a few other remained in their stoutnes : when the king saw no feare or threats could turne him , he assaid him with gentlenesse but it would not serue , though many nobles laboured to exhort him to relent vnto the king : likewise the arch-bishop of yorke , with diuers other clergie men , bishoppes and abbots , especially chester did the same : besides his owne house dayly called vpon him , no man could perswade him ; at length vnderstanding what danger might happen by the kings displeasure , not onely to himselfe but to all the clergy , and considering the old kindnesse and loue of the king towards him in times past , was content to giue ouer vnto the kings request , came to the king at oxford , and reconciled himselfe : wherevpon the king receiued him with a more ch●erefull countenance , saying , hee would haue his ordinances confirmed in open sight of his bishops , and all his nobles ; after this the king beeing at clarem doune , called all his peeres and prelates before him , requiring to haue that performed which hee had promised in consenting to the obseruing his grandfathers ordinances and proceedings ; the archbishop drew back , and would not that hee would before , yet with great teares , intreaties , and perswasions of bishops and of two templers , that desired him on their knees , with teares , and with threatenings of imprisonment , and other dangers hee did agree onely , with a clause of exception , bona fide , and he and all the bishops set too their hands and seales . alanus recordeth that the archbishop in his voyage to winchester greatly repented that he had done , so that he kept himself from al company , lamenting with teares and fasting , and afflicting himselfe , did suspend himselfe from all diuine seruice , and would not be comforted before he had sent to the pope , and were assoiled of him , the pope in his letters not only assoiled him from his trespas , but with words of great consolation , incouraged him to be stout in the quarrell he tooke in hand . upon this , becket took no small heart & consolation : the king hearing of him , & how he denied to set his seal to those sanctions , which he condiscended too before , took no little displesure against him , threatned him of banishment & death , called him to reckoning , and burdned him with paiments : the archb ▪ thought to make an escape out of y ● realme , attempting to take the sea , with two or thrée priuily . amongst other the kings ordinances . this was one , that none of the prelasie or nobility without the kings license , or his iustices , should depart the realme . so becket twice attempted the sea to fly to rome , but the weather serued not , which being known and noysed abroad , the kings officers came to seaze vpon his goods to the kings behalfe , but finding becket at home and returned , they did not procéede on their purpose , becket séeing this , went to the court , the king taunted him gestingly , as though one realm could not hold them both , but shewed him no great fauour . the arch-bishop of york did labour to renew peace and loue betwixt the king and him , but the king would not be reconciled , except the other would subscribe vnto his lawes , which becket would not graunt to , but by vertue of his apostolike authority , gaue censure vpon these lawes of the king , condemning some , and approuing some as catholike . the pope sent the arch-bishop of rotomage to the king , to ma●e peace betwixt the king and canterbury : the king was content , so the pope would ratifie his ordinances , which could not be obtained at the popes hands . the king sent to the pope to obtaine of him , that the same authority of the apostolike legacie might be conferred vnto another after his appointment , which was the arch-bishop of yorke , but the pope denied ; but he was content , so the king would be legate himselfe , at which the king was angry , and sent to the pope againe , according to the old practice of popish prelacy to play on both sides : priuily he conspireth with one , and openly dissembleth with the other , he granteth the legate should be remoued , and the archbishop of york placed in the office , and writ to becket that he should take no harm thereby , for the kings ambassadors had promised him , and did offer to sweare vnto him , that the letters which they obtained , should not be deliuered vnto the archbishop of yorke , without the popes consent therein : assure your selfe it is not , nor neuer shall be our will nor purpose to subdue you or your church vnto any , saue only the bishop of rome ; therefore if you sée the king will deliuer the said letters , giue vs knowledg , & we will cléerely exempt by our authority apostolical , both your person , your church , and your citty committed vnto you from all iurisdiction of any legacy . upon these letters and such other , becket took all his stoutnesse against the king. the king after he had receiued his letters from the pope , was more strong in his purposed procéedings against the archbishop , and procéeded to punish the offences of cleargy men , and there was aboue . found that had committed homicide and murder , beside other offenders : he adiudged them first to be depriued , and then committed to the seculer power . this séemed to becket to derogate from liberty of holy church , that seculer power should giue iudgement vpon the crimes of ecclesiasticall persons , they picke this law out of anacletus and euaristus , who deduce this constitution from the apostles , that all ecclesiasticall persons , shall bee frée from seculer iurisdiction . the king daily incensed more & more against becket , cited him to appeare at a certaine day and place , where at the time all the péeres , nobles , with the clergy were assembled by the kings proclamation , where great fault was found with becket because he did not appear but by deputy . whervpon by the publike sentence both of the nobles and bishops , all his moueables were adiudged to be confiscate to the king : the stuborne archbishop answered , he was primate & spirituall father , not onely of all other in the realme , but of the king himselfe , and that it was not conuenient the children should iudge the father , and the the flock the pastor : but especially complaineth of his fellow bishops which should haue tooke their metropolitans part ; the next day the king laide an action against him for the iniury done to his marshall , and required the archbishop to repay him . markes which he lent him when he was chancellor : he answered it was giuen him , but could bring no probation therof : whervpon the king required him to put in an assurance for the paiment : wherevpon . persons of their own accord st●pped in and were bound for it , else the archbishop had béen in a great strait : the third day he was charged with other monies due vnto the king , by reason of many bishopricks , & abbaricks which he had kept long vacant in his hands , & he & al the bishops being shut into a roome together by the kings appointment , they did all take counsell what was best for the archb. to doe in this case , they all aduised him to yeeld to the kings lawes , or else he would be in danger and the rest of the clergy , or else to resigne his arch-byshoppricke , and then no doubt the king would haue compassion on him , if not , they saw no other way but he would loose his life , and then what good would his byshoppricke doe him : to this effect was their consultation . becket checked them with rebukefull words , you goe about to cherish your owne cowardlinesse with a shaddow of sufferance , and with dissembling softnesse to choke the liberty of the church : who hath thus bewitched you o vnsatiable bishops ! is not god able to help the state of the church without the sinfull dissimulation of the teachers thereof ? when should the gouernors thereof put themselues in danger for the church , but in the distresse thereof , i thinke it no greater merit for the ancient byshops to found the church with their blood , then for vs to effude our blood for the liberties of the same , and i thinke it not safe for you to swarue from the example which you haue receiued from your holy elders . then the arch-bishop sent for two earles , to whom the archbishop said : touching the matters betwixt the king & vs , we haue conferred , we would craue respite vntill the morrow , then we will be ready to giue our answere vnto the king : two bishops were sent to the king with this message , which the king granted , the conuocation beeing dissolued , the most part of the bishops separated themselues from the arch-bishop ▪ for feare of the kings displeasure : he being thus forsaken , sent for the poore , lame , and halt , to furnish his house , saying by them he might sooner obtaine his victory , then by them which had slipt from him ; the said day appointed was sunday , therefore nothing done , the next day he was sicke of the gout , he could not come , it was thought hee fained , the earle of deuon : and the earle of leicester were sent to him , to try the truth of the matter , and to cite him to appeare at the court , the bishops came to perswade him to submission to the will of the king , of all his goods and arch-bishoppricke , if peraduenture his indignation might swage by that meanes ▪ else periury would be laid to his charge for breaking his oath made to obserue the kings ordinance , he answered it was dolorous that the world was against him , yet it gréeueth me most , that sons of mine owne mother be pricks and thornes against me , but i charge you bee not present personally in iudgement against me , and that you shall not so doe i appeale to the church of rome , the refuge of all such as bée oppressed , and if any seculer men lay hand on me , as it is rumord they will , i straitly charge you , that you exercise your ecclesiasticall censure vpon them , as it becommeth for your father and arch-bishop , & whatsoeuer happen , i will neuer cowardly shrinke , nor vily forsake my flocke : then he addressed himselfe to his masse of s. steuen with all solemnity , with his metropolitan pall , which was not vsed but vpon holydaies : the masse beginning with sederunt principes , & aduersum me loquebantur . the bishop of london accused him that it was done by art magick , and in contempt of the king , then the archbishop went to the court , and to make him more sure , he priuily taketh the sacrament within : as hee was entring into the doore of the kings chamber , he taketh the crosse with the crosse-staffe from the crosse-bearer , and carried it himselfe : one of the other bishoppes would haue borne the crosse , saying it was not comly for him , the bishop of london told him , if the king met him so , he would draw his sword at him ; he answered , the kings sword strikes carnally , but mine spiritually striketh himselfe downe to hell . the king complained to the nobles and bishops , that he shewed himselfe as a traytor , all gaue witnesse thereto , affirming him alwaies , to be a vain and proud man , so altogether with one cry , called him traytor , and being he had receiued such great benefits , preferments and honours of the king , and thus requite it , was well worthy to be handled as a periured traytor : the bishop of excester desired him to haue compassion of himselfe , and of them , else they were all like to perish , for there commeth a precept from the king for your apprehending and suffering as an open rebell , and whosoeuer shall take your part , and the bishoppes of salisbury and norwich are to bee had to the place of execution , for their resisting , and making intercession for you . hee answered , auoyd hence from mee , for thou sauorest not the thinges of god. upon great consultation , the bishoppes agreed , that they would appeale the arch-bishop to the sea of rome vpon periury , and that they would oblige themselues to the king , with a sure promise to doe their dil●gence in deposing of him , so the king would promise their safety ; it being so finished , two bishops were sent to him in stead of them all , which said , once you were our archbishop , and we bound to your obedience ; but now , being you once sware fidelitie to the king , and doe resist him , neglecting his lawes , appertaining to his ter●rne honour : wherefore we héere pronounce you periured , neither be we bound to giue obedience to you , but putting our selues and all ours in the popes protection , doe appeale you vp to his presence , and assignd him his time to appeare : the archbishop answered he heard him well enough , and sendeth to rome in all hast , signifying to the pope the whole matter , to whom the pope writeth againe : wee are not a little disquieted in our spirits for your sake being our most déere brother , remember that the apostles departed away reioycing from the face of the councell , receiue consolation that w● may reioice with you in the lord , who hath preserued you in this distresse to the corroboration of the catholick verity , and god through his punishment of afflic●ions hath wiped away the blot of your offences , that they might not be called to account in the day of iudgement : bee not greeued that you are appealed to the apostolike sea , which to vs is gratefull and accepted , draw not you backe spare not to follow the appeale , for the authoritie of the church of rome tendreth your constancie , our diligence shall bee to preserue the right and preheminence of your church to you , as one working for the church , a constant and valiant champion , i thought good especially to premonish you , neither for aduersitie nor whatsoeuer happens renounce not the right and dignitie of your church . the archbishop sitting with his crosse in his hand as before was not abashed at al that was : the king sent for him presently to render account for thirty thousand markes , and fruits and reuenewes of the realme in the time when he was chancellor ; he answered , the king knew how often hee had made reckonings of those things , and that henry his sonne and heyre , with all the barrons , and the lord chiefe iustice of england told him was frée and quit to god and holy church from all receipts , computations on the kings behalfe , and so taking his discharge entred into his office , for other accounts he would make none : when his answere was brought to the king , he required the barons to doe their office , who adiudged him to be apprehended and laid in prison : the king sent the earl of cornwall and deuonshire , and the earle of leicester to shew him his iudgement ; to whom he said , heare my sonne and good earle , how much the soule is more precious then the body , so much ought you to obey me rather then your terrene king , no law doth permit the child to condemne their father : wherefore to auoide all your iudgements before you all i appeale to the sea apostolicke , and as for you my fellow bishops , which rather obey man then god , you also i call and claime to the iudgement of the pope , and i doe depart from you as from the enemies of the catholick church , and of the authoritie of the apostolicke sea : whilst they returned this answere to the king , the archbishop passed through the throng and tooke horse , holding the bridle in one hand , and his crosse in the other ; the courtiers followed , saying , tarrie traytor and héere thy iudgement ; the vtmost gate being locked , one of his seruants found a bunch of keyes & trying them found the right and opened the gate , he went to the house of the cannons where hee did lie ▪ and calling to him the poore where they could be found , after supper he caused a bed to be made him betwixt two altars ; but whilst the king was at supper , he changed his garments , and named himselfe derman , and made an escape to the sea , and taking ship sayled into flanders , and thence iournied vnto france ; the king sent the bishop of london , and the earle of arundell vnto the king of france , to require him not to receiue the archbishop , nor retaine him in his dominion , and that he would be a meanes to the pope not to shew any familiaritie vnto him , but the french king , contrarie to the kings letters and request , not only harboured and cherished him , but writ to the pope , intreating him vpon all loues , as euer he would haue his fauour to tender the cause of the archbishop becket . the king sent another ambassage to pope alexander , by the archbishop of york , the bishops of london , winchester , chichester , exeter , with other doctors and clarkes : with the earle of arundel , with certaine moe lords and barrons , they were friendly accepted at the popes court , the next day following the pope sitting in the consistorie with his cardinals , when the ambassadours were called for the hearing of beckets matter , and the bishops euery one in order had made his oration , the pope did not accept some of their spéeches , and disdained some : wherefore the earle of arundell disdained in this manner , spake : though i am vnlettered , and cannot vnderstand what these bishops haue said , neither can vtter my minde in that tongue which they haue done , yet i must declare the cause of my sending as well as i may , which was not to contend with or iniury any man , especially in presence of such a one at whose beck all the world doth stoope , but our legacie is to present , in the presence of the whole church of rome , the deuotion and loue of our king , which hee euer had and still hath towards you , and that it might the better appeare to your excellencie , hee hath appointed for the furniture of this legacy his greatest and cheefest subiects of such worthines and parentage , that if hee could haue found greater in his realme hee would haue sent them , for the reuerence of your person and holy church of rome : i might adde more , which your sainctitude hath already proued , the harty fidelity of our king towards you , who at the entrance to his kingdome , submitted himselfe , and all his , wholly to your will and pleasure , and wee beleeue there is none more faithfull in christ then he , nor more deuout to god , nor more moderate in kéeping the vnity of peace : neither doe i deny touching the archbishop of canterbury , a man not vnfurnished with gifts in his calling , being both sage and discréete , sauing that hee seemeth to some more quick and sharpe then needeth , if this blot had not beene , the king and he had not discented : then both the temporaltie and spiritualty might haue flourished one with the other in much peace , vnder so worthy a prince , and so vertuous a pastor , therefore our message and supplication to your vigilant prudence , is that through your fauour and wisedome the neck of this discention may be broken , and reformation of vnitie and loue by some good meanes may be sought . but the pope would not condiscend to their sute , which was to haue two legates sent from his popish side into england , to examine and take vp the controuersie betweene the king , and the archbishop , but because becket was absent hee willed them to tarry his comming vp : for hee being absent hee would in no case procéede against him , but they alledged there time appointed to be ended , and hauing other lets they could not waite for the comming of becket , and so returned back , there cause frustrated , without the popes blessing to the king. within foure dayes after , becket commeth to the popes court , offered the pope a scroule of the custome and ordinances of the king : the pope condemned and cursed the most part of them , and blamed becket for so much yeelding to them at the beginning : yet because he was repentant , hee was content to assoile him for the same , and the rather because he had suffered so great troubles for the liberties of the church : the next day , the pope and his cardinals beeing assembled in his secret chamber , becket made an oration to them to this effect : he confessed with griefe the cause of these perturbations was because hee entred into the sould of christ , not by the doore of christ , because the king made him bishop , not the pope , and if i had resigned it to the king againe at his commandement , i had left a dangegerous example vnto the catholique church : therfore now recognising my ingresse not to be canonicall , and my abilitie not sufficient for such a charge : therfore i render into your fatherly hands the archbishoprick heere of canturbury , and putting his ring from his finger offered it to the pope , and desired a bishop to be prouided for the church of canturbury , and so with teares ended . this done hee was bid stand a part , after consultation they concluded , being he had ventred his goods , dignity , and authoritie , and his life , for the liberties of the church , if he should now be depriued at the kings pleasure it would be an exampl● to others hereafter none to resist his prince in like case , and so weaken the catholick church , and derogate the popes authoritie , and his cause being maintained it would bee a president to others to doe the like , so hee receiued his pastora●l office at the popes hand againe with commendation and much fauour , and ●he pope sent him vnto the abbey of pontiuiacke in france , with a monkes habit , where he was two yeares ; thence he remoued to senon , where he was fiue yeares ; so he was in exile seuen yeares . the king beeing certified by his ambassadors that the pope inclined more to becket , then vnto him , was wrathfull , and sayling into normandie sent ouer certaine iniunctions against the pope and the arch-bishop to this effect . whosoeuer brought any interdict or curse from the pope or becket , so bee apprehended and executed as a traytor . that no clarke , monke , or conuert of any other countrey , without the iustice and kings letters , to passe ouer or returne into the realme , otherwise to be imprisoned . none to appeale to the arch-bishop or bring any transcript from them . no decrée from them to stand in force or be receiued in england vpon paine of imprisonment . if any person shall keep the sentence of their interdict , they shall bee exiled with all their kindred , and take none of their goods with them , and be bound without speciall licence not to resort where the arch-bishop was . all the possessions and goods of such as fauoured the pope or arch bishop to be confiscate for the king. all such of the clergy as were out of the realme to bee warned in euery sheere within three monethes to repayre home , or else their rents and goods to ●eturne to the king. that the peter pence shall be no more paid vnto the apostolick sea , but to be reserued vnto the kings coffers . the arch-bishop writ to a friend of his to write to him with speed what was done touching the kings decrees , heere set out , which are these : that all hauens be diligently kept , that no interdict or curse be brought in , if the bringer bee a religious man , his feet to be cut off ; if a priest to loose his pr●uy members ; if a lay-man to bee hanged ; if a leper to be burned ; if a bishop will depart for feare of the popes interdict , let him haue nothing with him but his staffe , and that a●l schollers and students beyond the seas sha●l repaire home or loose their benefices , and if they remaine still to loose the libertie of all returning : if any priest for the popes interdict wil refuse to sing , to loose his priuy members : in summe al such priests as shew themselues rebels to the king , to bee depriued of their benefices . further it was proclaimed that all of the kindred of thomas becket should bee exiled with their goods with them , and sent to him , which was no little vexation to him to behold . moreouer , the king writ to the abbot of pontiuiack , where he lay , not to retaine him in his house , or else he would driue out of his realme all the monkes of his order : wherevpon hee remoued , by the french kings appointment , to senon as aforesaid , and found of him fiue yeares . in the meane time messengers went daily from the king to the pope , and from the pope to the king ; and betwixt the archbishop and others , where i finde onely rehearsals of matters , which are declared sufficiently in the history , whereof if the reader be desirous to see , let him resort to the booke at large . after these letters sent too and fro in the . yéere of henry the second , the king misdoubting that the archbishop would procéed in excommunication against his own person , made his appeale to the presence of the pope , requiring to haue certaine legates sent from rome from the popes side , to take vp the matter betwixt the archbishop and him ; requiring also that they might be absolued , that were interdicted : wherevpon two cardinals sent from the pope , with letters from the pope came into normandie , where they appointed the bishop to meete before the king , but the arch-bishop delayed his comming , vntill eight daies after , neither would come any further then grisorsium , where the two cardinals , and the archbishop with other bishops conuenting together , had a treatie of reconciliation , which came to no conclusion . the two cardinals writ to the pope to this effect : comming to england we found the controuersie more vehement then we would , for the king and the greater part about him said the arch-bishop stirred vp the french king against him ▪ and made the earle of flanders his open aduersarie : and after the king had receiued your letters , and brought forth other letters , diuers and altering from them receiued of vs , be was moued with no little indignation ; saying , that since wee came from you , the archbishop receiued of you other co●trarie letters , wherby he was exempted from our iudgement : moreouer , the king and the bishops there did affirme , that the complaint that was made vnto you of the ancient customes of his progenitors , for the most pa●t was false ; affirming farther to vs , that if there were any customes and lawes in his time that seemed pr●iudiciall to the statutes of the church , he would willingly reuoke and disanull the same : therefore we & other bishops and abbots of the land , hearing the king so reasonable , laboured by al meanes that the king should not breake from vs , but incline to vs , and to haue the matter brought before vs , betwixt him and the archbishop . wherevpon we sent our owne chaplains with letters to him , appointing him the time and place , where safely hee might meete with vs , yet he made his dilatories till eight dayes after , which ●tirred the kings heart more then is to be thought : thus when hee refused to meete vs in the borders of the king , though we offered him safe comming : we to satisfie his minde condescended to meete him at a place which hee appointed within the land of the french king , we exhorted him humbly to submit himselfe vnto his soueraigne and king , who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities : after aduise with his couns●ll , hee said he would submit himselfe to the king sauing the honour of god , the libertie of the church , the honestie of my person , the possessions of churches , and the iustice of him and all his in all things : wee asked him whether h● would submit himselfe to vs , as the king and the bishops were content to doe : he said he had a commandement from you not to answere before he and all his were restored to all their possessions , then he would proceed in the matter as hee should receiue commandement from the sea apostolick , whereof wee made relation to the king , yet keeping back a great part , which we had heard and séene : which when the king and nobles vnderstood , the king said he was so much the more cleere , for that the archbishop would not stand to iudgement : after much heauinesse and lamentation of the king , bishops , and abbots , they required of vs whether wee had any power to proceed against him , and perceiuing wee had none , least the archbishop should worke any disquietnes to any of the noble personages of the realme agreed together with one assent to make their appellation to your audience , prefixing accordingly the terme of their appeale . the archbishop saying , he stood onely for the peace of the church , one of the cardinals offered him , if he would relinquish his bishoppricke , the king should relinquish his customes . he answered , he could not renounce his church , sauing the honour of the church and his person , but it standeth vpon the soules health , and honor of the king to renounce his customes . after the cardinals were gone , the french king séeing the king of england disquieted , and s●●icitous of peace , pretending to set agréement betwixt them , the king and the arch-bishop , both were content to stand to his arbiterment . the archbishop prostrating himselfe at the féete of the king of england , said he would commit the whole matter to his owne arbiterment , saluo honore dei , the king was highly there-with displeased , rebuking him of pride and stubbornenesse , and charged him with sundry and great benefits bestowed on him , and hee a person vnkind and forgetfull . and speaking to the french king there present said , whatsoeuer displeaseth this man hee saith it is contrary to the honour of god , and by this meanes will vindicate to himselfe that which is his owne and mine too , there haue bin kings of england of greater and lesse puissance then i am , & there haue haue béen archb. of canterbury both great & holy men , what the best of them haue done to my predecessors before me , let him doe the same to me and i am content : the standers by with one voice cried , the king hath debased himselfe enough to the bishop , the french king said what my lord will you be better then those holy men , will you be greater then peter , you haue peace and quietnes put in your hands if you will take it : he answered , my predecessors euery one in his time did pluck vp , and correct something in his time , though not all things , for then there would bee no cause of this fire of temptation to try vs : though some haue béen slack , we are not to follow their examples , we rebuke peter for denying christ , but we commend him for resisting nero , hee could not in his conscience consent vnto him ; he did not dissemble , wherby he lost his life : by such oppressions the church hath alwaies growne , our forefathers suffered , because they would not dissemble the honour of christ , shall i ▪ to haue the fauour of one man , suffer the honour of christ to be supprest : the noble men standing by , noted him of arrogancy , and wilfulnes : and one openly protested , that séeing he refused the request of both kingdomes , hee was worthy of the help of neither : as england had reiected him , so france should not entertaine him . one of the archbishops chapleins writeth that the french king prostrated himselfe at the féet of the archb. repented he had giuen him such councell in a case pertaining to the honour of god , & desired to be assoiled , and that henry sent to the king to desire him not to support his enemy within his realme : the french king vtterly denied the kings request , and tooke part rather with the archbishop . the king of england returned from normandy into england & in the . yéere of his reigne kept his court of parliament at westminster , & by assent both of the clergy & temporalty , caused his sonne henry to be crowned king : the coronation was done by the archbishop of yorke , other bishops assisting becket : not beeing called tooke no little displeasure ; and so did the french king , hearing that margaret his daughter was not like wise crowned with her husband : wherevpon hee came with a great armie to normandie , but the king sent his sonne to him which intreated peace , promising that his sonne should be crowned againe , and his daughter crowned with him . becket sent to the pope , complaining of foure bishops , especially the archbishop of york , who durst be so bold in his absence , without his licence to crowne the king , being a matter peculiar to his iurisdiction , at whose instance the pope excommunicated the bishop of london : the other thrée with the archbishop hee suspended : they resorted to the king , declaring how miserable there case stood , for fulfilling his commandement , the king was highly moued . the king of france with his clergy and courtiers slacked no occasion to incite the pope to excommunicate the king of england , also thinking to haue some aduantage against the realme , neither was the king ignorant of this , which made him the readier to agree . the pope sent two legats with full commission , either to driue the k. to be reconciled , or to be excommunicated : the king seeing himselfe in great straites , which he could not auoid , and by the mediation of the king of france , and other great prelates and princes of the king , was content to be reconciled with the archb. whom he receiued into his realme , and granted him free returne to his church . but he would not grant him his lands vntill he came into england , and did see how he would agrée with his subiects , he was ioifully receiued of his church , albeit he was not very welcome vnto the yong king : so that comming to london to the king , he was returned back to canterbury and bid to keepe his house , hee excommunicated one robert de brocke on christmas day , for cutting off the taile of one of his horses the day before , hee would not absolue the foresaid foure bishops without cau●els and exceptions , who went to normandie to the king , and complained of the miserable state & vncourteous handling , which made him conceiue such displeasure towards becket , that hee lamented oft to them about him , that none would reuenge him of his enemy : vpon occasion of which words , . addressed thēselues in great heat of hast , within . daies after , the said christmas day they came to canterbury , they pressed at length into the palace , where the arch-b . was sitting with his company about him : they said they brought him a commandement from the king , bad him chuse whether he would receiue it openly , or secretly , the company being commanded away , and he alone , they told him the king commanded him to repaire to the king his sonne to doe his duety , and sweare fidelitie for your baronage , and to amend those things you haue committed against him , in denying to be sworne to him : he perceiued their intent , and called for his company , and they commanded him in the kings name that he should absolue the . bishops : he answered , he did not excommunicate them , but the pope , if that were their griefe they should resort to him ; séeing you thus stand against the coronation of our new king , it séemeth you aspire to take his crowne from him , and to bee king your selfe : he said nay , if he had thrée crownes he would set them all vpon him , except his father there is none whose honour i now tender and loue , and touching the sequestring of the bishops , there was nothing done without the assent of the king , for i complaine to him what iniury my church had by their crowning the ●ing , hee gaue me leaue to seeke my remedy at the popes hand , they said what doest thou ma●e the king a traytor and bewrayer of his own sonne , when he commanded them to cr●wne him , and then gaue thee leaue to suspend them for so doing ; and they said , thinkest thou we the kings subiects wil suffer this , thou hast spoken enough against thine own head : the achbishop said , since my comming ouer , ●e hath suffered many iniuries and rebukes conc●rning my selfe my men , cattell , wines , and other goods : yet the king writ to his sonne i should liue in safety and peace , and now you come hether to threaten me ; they answered , if you haue any ●niury , the law is open , and ●e said he sought for remedy at the kings hands as long as hee could be suffered to speake with him , but now i am stopped and can find no redresse , nor can haue the benefit of law or reason , such law as an arch-bishop may haue i will realme : then they denounced he had spoken words to the ieopardie of his head , so they depart , charging the monkes in the kings name to keep him forth●comming : the arch-bishop would not fly for the king nor any man : the names of the foure souldiers were , first , renold berison : secondly , hugh morteuill : thirdly , william thracy : fourthly , richard britto : who going to harnesse themselues , returned the same day , but the hall doore being shut , they went to a back doore , and broke vp a window : the monkes had gotten the arch-bishop into the church , and caused his crosse to be borne before him , and procéeded into the quiere , the haruest men following came to the church doore , the monkes would haue shut the doore , but as the story saith the bishop would not suffer them : so they came into the church , and the bishop méeting them on the stayres was slaine , euery man striking him with his sw●rd in the head , who fied into the north , and at length were pardoned of the pope by the kings meanes , and went to ierusalem . newbergensis an ancient chronographer condemneth the doings of becket . cesarius a monke in his eighth booke of dialogues . yeares after the death of becket , writeth that it was a question amongst the masters of paris , whether thomas becket were saued , or damned . but it is certaine this antheme collected and primered in his praise is blasphemous . tu per thomae sanguinem quem pro te impendit , fac nos christe scandere quo thomas asendit . wherein is a double lye , first that hee dyed for christ ; secondly , that his bond should purchase heauen , which none of the apostles durst challenge , for then christ died in vaine . after his death the king fearing the popes curse , which the french king helped forwards what he could , the king sent his excuse vnto the pope which he would not heare . and after second messengers which some of the cardinals receiued , shewing them that the pope vsed to curse & assoile on good-friday , which was néer at hand , and it was noised that the king , bishops & realme , should be interdicted : and herevpon the kings messengers were put into prison , some of the cardinals shewed the pope that the kings messengers had power to sweare that the king should obey his penance which was taken both for the king & the archb. of yorke , so that in the said day , the pope only cursed the déed , doers , consenters , ayders & harbourers of them : the deed-doer● had in penance to goe in linnen clothes barefoote , in fasting & prayer , to ierusalem , who by this hard penance are said to die in few yéeres after . two cardinals were sent to inquire who were consenters to his death , the king , being not certaine wherefore their comming was , with a great power entred into ireland , giuing charge that no bringer of any briefe should come into the realme , or passe out without speciall license , and an assurance to bring nothing preiudiciall to the realme : the king in short time subdued the whole land of ireland , which was gouerned by fiue kings , of whom foure submitted themselues ; only the fift , the king tonacta , denied to be subdued , kéeping himselfe in woods and marshes . in this time the two cardinals were come to normandy : the next yéere in october , the king went to them , & made his purgation touching the death of becke● , taking his othe he was neuer aiding nor consenting , but onely spake rigorous words against him ; wherefore for penance hee was sworne to send so much money to the holy land , & should find two hundred knights for the defence thereof , and should set forth by christmas following his own person to fight for thrée yéeres , exc●pt the pope should dispence with him : and that if he went into spaine , & fought with the sarrac●ns , as long as he was there he might prolong his iourney to ierusalem . itē , that he should not hinder or cause to be hindred any appellatio●s made to r●me . item , that he nor his sonne should dissent from pope alexander , nor his catholick successors . item , that the goods and possessions taken from the church of canterbury should be restored . item , that the foresaid decrées established against the church should be extinct , and repealed , besides other secret fastings and almes inioyned him . all these conditions the king and his son agreed vnto , debasing himselfe with humilitie and submission before them whereof the cardinals tooke no little glory , vsing this vers● of the psalme : qui respicit terram , & facit eam tremere : qui tangit montes & fumigant . the returning from normandie , by reason the scots had made a road into england , by the way , as soon as he came to the fight of beckets church he lighted & went barefoote to his toombe , whose steps were found bloudy by the roughn●sse of the stones , and receiued a whip , with a rod , of euery monke of the cloister , whereby thou maist see the lamentable superstition and ignorance of those dayes , and the slauery that kings and princes were brought too vnder the popes clergy , the same yeere almost the whole citie of canturbury was consumed with fire , and the said minster church cleane burnt . the next yeare in a conuocation of bishops , abbots , and other of the clergie at westminster , there was great discention betwixt the two arch-bishops , whether yorke must beare his crosse in the dioces of canterbury , and whether the bishopricks of lincoln , chichester , worcester , and hereford , were of the sea of york . wherefore the one appealed the other vnto the presence of the pope . how much better had it beene if the supremacie had remained in the king , whereby much trauell , and great wastfull expences had bin saued , and there cause mor● indifferently , and more spéedily decided . diuers of glocester in the dioces of york were excommunicated by the archb. of canterbury , because being summoned they refused to appeare : a cardinall by the kings procurement was sent from rome to make peace : by the meanes of the king it was agreed that canterbury should release his claime to glocester , and absolue the clarks thereof , & the bearing the crosse and other matters was referred to the other bishops , and a league of truce for fiue yeares betwixt them . the next yeare henry the second denided the realme into six parts , & ordained thrée iustices of assise on euery part : to the first norfolk , suffolk , cambridge shire , huntingdon-shire , buckingham-shire , essex , hereford-shire : to the second lincoln-shire , nottingham-shire , derby-shire , stamford-shire , warwick-shire , northampton-shire , leicester-shire : thirdly , kent , surry , south-hampton-shire , sussex , berk-shire , oxford-shire : fourthly , heriford-shire , glocester-shire , worcester-shire , salop-shire : fiftly , wilt-shire , dorcester-shire , sommerset-shire , de●●n-shire , cornwall : euerwick-shire , richmond-shire , lancaster , copland , westm●r-land , northumberland , cumberland . in this yéere the archbishop of canterbury made thrée arch-deacons , where there was but one , and the k. granted the pope , that no clarke should be called before a temporall iudge , except for his offence in the forrest or his lay-fée that he holdeth , and that no bishopricke or abbey should remaine but one yeere in the kings hands without great cause , this yeare there was great controuersie betwixt the archbishop of canterbury , and the abbot of s. austen , he being elect , whether the bishop should come to his house to consecrate him , or he to come to the metropolitan church of canterbury to be consecrated : the ●bbot appealed to the audience of the pope , and went thither with a fat purse , procured letters to the bishop of worcester to command the arch-bishop to consecrat him in his monastery , because it did properly belong to the iurisdiction of rome , & should do so likewise to his successors without exception of obedience , & if the ●rchb . refuse to doe it , then he should doe it : the archb. vnderstanding it , & loth to yéeld , vsed policy , he watched a time when the abbot was frō home , came to the monastery , with all things appointed for the busines , called for the abbat to be consecrated : the abbot not being at home , he fained himself not a little grée●ed : wherevpon the abbot was disappointed , faine to fill his purse a new , & make a new course to rome to the pope of whom he receiued his consecration . this yéere a cardinal was sent into england , ( as few yéeres there was not one sent to get m●ny , he was to make peace betwixt the archbishops of york & canterbury , who kept a councel at westminster , to which all the chiefe of the clergy resorted with great confluence ; yorke thinking to preuent canterbury , came first and placed himselfe on the right hand of the cardinall : canterbury seeing the first place taken , refused to take the second : yorke alledged the old decree of gregory by whom this order was taken betwixt these two metropolitans , that he that should be first in election , should haue the preheminence in dignity , and goe before the other . from words they went to blowes , canterbury hauing more seruants was to strong for yorke , plucked him from the right hand of the cardinall , treading on him with their feet that it was well hee escaped aliue : his robes were all rent from his back , this noble romane cardinall which should haue ended the strife committed himselfe to flight : the next day yorke shewed his rochet to the cardinall to testifie his wrong , and appealed , and cited the archbishop of canterbury , and certaine of his men to the pope . the kingdome of england in the henry this second his time , extended so farre as hath not béen seene : the king of scots , with all the lords spirituall and temporal , did him homage for them and their successors : ireland , england , normandie , aquitane , gaunt &c. unto the mountaine of pireni , in the vtmost parts of the ocean in the brittish sea : protector of france , and offered to bée king of ierusalem , by the patriarke and master of the hospitall there , which he refused , alledging his great charge at home , and it might be his sonnes would rebell in his absence . the fame of his wisedome , manhood , riches , was so renowned through all quarters that messengers came from the emperor of rome , and from the emperour of constantinople , and from many great kings , dukes , and other great men to determine questions of strife , and aske councell of him : he raigned thirty fiue yéeres , and hauing great warres , yet neuer set tribute or taxe vpon his subiects , nor first fruits , nor appropriations of benefits vpon the clergy ; yet his treasure beeing weighed by king richard his sonne after his death , weighed . pounds , besides iewels and houshold-stuffe , of which . pounds came by the death of robert arch-bishop of yorke , for hee had procured a bull of the pope , that if any priest dyed without testament , he should haue all his goods . his sonne henry , whom he ioyned with him in his kingdome , and at his coronation serued him as a steward , and set the first dish at the table , renouncing the name of king , the archbishop of yorke sitting at the right hand of the young king , he told him , he might greatly reioyce , being no king had such an officer as he had , the young king disdaining his words , said ; my father is not dishonored , for i am a king and a quéenes sonne , and so is not he . he tooke armes with the french king against his father , and persecuted him , but after hee had raigned a few yeares , died in his youth by the iust iudgement of god. after his death , his sonne richard , called cor-de-lyon , rebelled against his father , and iohn his youngest sonne did not degenerate from his brothers steps , the said richard brought his father to such distresse of body and minde , that for thought he fell into an ague , and within fou●e daies dyed , richard méeting his corps , beginning to wéepe , the bloud burst out of the kings nose at the comming of his sonne , giuing a monstration that he was author of his death . his children , after his death , worthily rewarded for their vnnaturalnesse , lost all they had beyond the sea which their father had gotten . alexander pope decréed , that no arch-bishop should receiue the pall , vnless● hée first sware obedience to the pope . these be the words in engl●sh of the giuing of the pall. to the honour of almighty god , and of blessed mary the uirgin , and of blessed s. peter , and s. paul , and of our lord pope , and of the holy church of rome , and of the church committed to your charge : we giue you the pall taken from the body of saint peter , as a fulnesse of the pontificall office , which you may weare within your own church , vpon certain daies expressed in the priuiledge● of the said church , granted by the sea apostolike . this pall ought to bee asked with great instance , and within thrée moneths , without which pall he is not arch-bishop , but may be deposed . the same pall must be burned with him when hee dyeth , and when it is giuen , some priuiledge must be giuen with it , or the old renewed , the arch bishops pay swéetly for it . euery bishop must sweare to be obedient to saint peter , the apostolike church of rome , and to the pope , to doe nothing whereby either of them , or any member of them may be impaired , nor helpe , counsell , or consent vnto any so doing , not to vtter their councell any way sent to them , to any body to their hurt , to reta●ne and maintaine the papacy and the regalities of s. peter against all men , honorably to intreat the popes legats going and comming , and helpe them in all necessities , to be ready to come to a sinod being called , without any lawfull let , to visite the pallace of the apostles euery third yeare , by himselfe , or a messenger , except otherwise licensed by the pope , not to sell , giue , or lease out any the possessions of his church without the popes license , so god helpe him and the holy ghost . by this oath , the byshop could do nothing but what the pope would in generall councels , which was the corruption of them . besides this , it was decreed in the said councell of rome , by . byshops , by pope alexander , that none should haue spirituall promotion , except he were of full age and borne in wedlocke : that no parish-church should be voyd aboue sixe moneths ; that none within orders should meddle with temporal businesses ; that priests shall haue but one benefice ; that bishops be charged to find the priest a liuing vntill he be promoted . that open usurers shall not communicate at easter , nor be buried within the church yard . that nothing shall be taken for ministring sacraments , or burying . item , that euery cathedrall church should haue a maister to teach children fréely , without taking any thing for the same . in this councell the vow of chastity was laid vpon priests , thomas becket and bernard were canonized for saints . in this yeare richard , the eldest sonne of henry the second , succeeded his father , at which time clement sat pope , succéeding gregory , who died a little before for sorrow , for losse of the holy crosse by the popes meanes . he and fredericke the emperor , and phillip the french king , went with their armies to palestina , atchieuing the recouery of the holy land. richard in this iourney gat cyprus , acon , ptolemayda , surrah . for preparation for this iourney hee sold lordships , castles , offices , liberties , priuiledges , byshopprickes , &c. he said he would sell london , if he could finde one able to buy it : many bishops purchased to their bishopprickes diuers lordships . the bishop of winch●ster purchased werregraue , & meues . the bishop of duresme , hadberge , with all their appurtenances for . markes , and purchased the whole prouince of the king for his owne , and himselfe to be made earle of the same . in this kings daies there fell a great dissention in the church of yorke , betwixt the arch-bishop of yorke , and the deane , because euening song was begunne before the arch-bishoppe came , his grace comming into the quire , was angry , because they tarryed not for him , and commaunded the quire to stay : the dean● and treasurer willed them to fing on , the quire left and recanted , and begun againe . the treasurer not to take the foyle , caused the lights to be put out , so the euening song ceased , for the popish euening song is blind , without light , though the sunne shine neuer so bright : his grace suspended the whole church from diuine seruice vntill the parties had made him amends . the next day being ascention day , the deane and treasurer would make no sar●sfaction , the people would haue fallen vpon them if his grace had not let them . the deane was faine to flye to his house , and the treasurour to saint williams tombe for succour : the byshop excommunicated them , and the church was suspended from seruice that day . thus much of the heroicall c●mbat betwixt these ecclesiasticall persons . king richard , in his iourney aforesaid , talked with abbot ioachim of his uisions and prophesies , especially of antichrist : hee expounded vnto him the place in the reu●lation . there be seuen kings , fiue are fallen , one is now , another not yet com , he said they were seuen persecutors of the church : herod , nero , domitianus , maxentius , mahomet , turka , the last , which is not yet come , was antichrist , which is already borne at rome , and should bee there exalted into the apostolike sea , as the apostle faith ; he is an aduersary , and exhalteth himselfe aboue all that is called god , then the wicked man shall bee reuealed , and the lord shall consume him with the breath of his mouth , and destroy him with the brightnesse of his comming : why said the king , i thought antichrist should haue béene borne in anti●ch , or babylon , and of the tribe of dan , and ruled in ierusalem thrée yeares and a halfe , and disputed against enoch and elias , and put them to death , and then died himselfe , and that sixty daies of repentance should be giuen to them that were seduced by his preaching . when king richard went his iourney , he committed the custody of his realme principally to the byshop of duresme , and the bishop of ely , and to two lay men : the two byshops fell at variance for superiority , at length this order was taken by the king , that duresme should haue v●der his custody from humber is the scottish seas . ely was ordained chancellor , hauing vnder his gouernment from the said stood of humber , all the south parts besides : but ely beeing more ambitious , so practised with the king and his ambassadors , sending his letters to the pope , obtained the authority legatiue vpon the whole realm of england , and became so ambitious and proud , that all the realme cryed out of him , he beeing intollerable vnto the cleargy and layty . he assembled a generall councell at london , in colour for religion , but it was for his owne pompe and oppression of the clergy and layty , wonderfully oppressing the commons . hee vsed ●o ride with & thousand horses : noble-mens sonnes were glad to be his slaues . he married his cosens neeces and kinswomen ( i will not say his daughters ) vnto the best barons and earles , yet his grand-father was a poore plowman , and his father a cow-heard ; and hauing thus tyrannously abused his office , fearing examination , fled with a few of his trusty seruants to douer castle , to haue stolne beyond sea : and comming in a womans apparell with a pe●ce of cloth vnder his arme , and a mete rod in his hand , being taken vpon susp●tion , his kercheefe plucked off , his balaams marke or shauen crowne appeared : the people wondred , rai●ed and spit on him , and drew him , some by the armes , some by the legges ouer the sea sands , vntill they brought him to a darke seller with shame enough to be kept , till the councell ●ent for him to the tower of london , where he was ●xamined , depriued , and banished the realme : after restored by king richard , and sent to rome , but died by the way . as king richard returned from the holy land , driuen by di●●resse of weather about the parts of austria , he was taken in synaca by hubald , duke of the same countrey , and sold to the emperour for . marke : the emperour writ of the matter to the king of france , that hee might reioyce with 〈◊〉 : at len●th king richard was ransomed for . crownes , and as he was comming into england , besieging a castle in pictauia , tooke his deadly wound , and being sick , amongst others , fulco archbishop of roane came to him , who said to the king : o mighty king thou hast thrée daughters very vicious , prouide good husbands for them , least thou incurre great damage , and th● vtter ruine : the king called him lying , and mocking hypocrite ; saying all the world knoweth i haue no daughters ; he answerd yes if it p●ease your grace , i meane greedy couetousn●sse , mischieuous pride , filthy ●uxury : againe i say , o king , beware of them and get them marriages : wherevpon the king calling his lords and barrons , ●●●laring the matter to them , and said ; wherefore heere before you all , i giue my daughter swelling pride vnto the proud templers to wife ; and my daughter gréedie auaric● vnto the couetous and cistertian monkes ; and last of all t●y filthy daughter luxury , to the ryotous prelates of the church , whom i thinke v●ry meete for them . the king not long after departed without issue , and iohn his brother raigned after him : the arch-bishop putting his crowne vpon his head , swearing him to de●end the church and his good lawes and destroy the euill , and except he thought in his minde to doe this , he charged him not to presume to take vpon him this dignitie : on iohn baptist day next after , he went to normandy , where he was royal●y receiued , and a truce made betwixt him and the french king : and the earle of flanders , and all the lords of france that were in league with king richard , cam● to him , and were sworne vnto him . not long after the french king made arthur knight , and tooke homage of him for normandy , brittaine , and all his possessions beyond the sea , and promised him help against king iohn : after the french king , and king iohn with their nobles spake together an houre : the french king asked him much land for himselfe , and king arthur , wh●ch he would not g●ant , but departed in w●ath . the same yeere a legate came into france , and commanded the king vpon paine of interdiction to deliuer one peter out of prison , which was elected to a bishoprick , who was deliuered , the same legate came into england , and commanded king iohn vpon paine of interdiction to deliuer the arch-bishop whom hee had kept in prison two yeares , which the king denied vntill he had payed him six thousand markes , because hee had tooke him in harnesse in a field against him , and he swore him hee should neuer beare harnesse against a christian man. this time king iohn & his wife were diuorced , because they were in the third degrée of kindred , and after by the councell of the french king , was married vnto the daughter of the earle of anguilla , and then arthur of brittan did homage for brittaine , and other his possessions to king iohn . this time was strife betwixt the king and the archbishop of yorke , because he would not suffer the sheriffe to do such affaires as he had to d ee in his dioces for the king , and excommunicated the sheriffe , and would not go with the king into normandy , to make the marriage betwixt the french kinges sonne and his néece . the king of france required king iohn to depart with all his landes in normandy and pictauia , &c. vnto arthur his nephew , else hee would warre against him , which he denying , the next day the french king , with arthur , set vpon certaine of his towns and castles in normandy , but he was so repulsed of the english , who followed so néere , and so inforced vpon them , that they took arthur and many other prisoners , and left none to beare tydings home . this arthur was the sonne of geffery , the elder brother of king iohn : geffery was the third son of henry the second , and iohn was his fift son. arthur being taken , was brought to the king home , he exhorted him with many gentle words , to leaue th● king of france and incline to his uncl● , hee stoutly required the kingdome of england , with all things thereunto belonging , to bee restored to him as lawfull heire of the crowne : whereupon he was committed to the tower of roane , wher● he finished his life . no story agréeth certainly how , whether by leaping into the ditch or no. the next yeare king iohn lost all his possessions in normandy , by the force of the french king. this yeare grew great dissention about chusing the archbishop of canterbury , the younger sort of the monkes there , at midnight , and before the old arch-bishop was buried , and without the kings assent , elected one renald , sending h●m to the pope , charging him vpon his oath to be secret , but he reuealed the matter , whereby the rest of the monkes sent priuily to rome , and sent to the king for h●s ass●nt to chuse an archbishop : the king granted their petition , desiring them to shew ●auour to iohn gray , bishop of norwich , which they did , and elected him , and the king sent to rome at his owne charge , to haue this election ratified : ●he suffragans of canterbury sent likewise to rome , to haue both those elections frustrated , because their assents were not to them . the next yeare the pope d●cided the matter betwi●t the monkes and suffrigans , pronouncing with the monks , charging the suffragans and bishop to meddle no more with that election . the next yeare the pope decided the controuersie betwixt the younger monkes and the elder monkes , and condemned both their elections , comma●nding them to chuse steuen langton , cardinall of saint chrisogone for their arch-bishop ; they said they durst not for feare of the king , and that it was preiudiciall to their liberties . he in a fury said , we will you to know , that we haue full power ouer the church of canterbury , and are not wont to tarry the consent of princes ; therefore wee comma●nd you , vnder pa●ne of the great curse , that you c●use him . whereupon they all assented , sauing he whom the king had sent for the arch bishop of norwich . upon this the king conceiued great displeasure against the monkes of canterbury , wherefore he banished . of them out of the land. the king sent letters to the pope , sharply expostulating with him , for re●u●ing the bishop of norwich , and setting vp one stephen langton ( vnknowne to him , and brought vp in the kingdome of france amongst his enemies ) archbishop of canterbury : and that the monkes without his consent , presumed to promote him , and meruailed that the pope did not reuolue with himselfe , how necessary his fauour had euer béene to them . what great reuenues had procéeded hence , thether , the like whereof hath not béene receiued out of any country on this side the alpes , and that he would stand for his liberties vnto death , nor would not bee so shaken from the election of the bishop of norwich , which he séeth so commodious to him , and that if his request were not heard , he would prouide by seas that there should be no more such g●dding to rome , to export the riches of his land thither , whereby he is lesse abled against his enemies , and that he had sufficient prelats of his owne , and hath no néede of any from abroad . pope innocentius writ to him againe . whereas wée haue written gently to you , conc●rning the matter of canterbury , you haue written to vs after a threatning sort ; and where wée , aboue our duetie , haue giuen to you , you have not giuen to vs ou● duetie , which you are bound to doe , and though your sauour ( as you say ) be necessary for vs , yet consider , ours is not a little opor●une vnto you ; and whereas wee haue not shew●d the like honour to any prince , as to you , you haue so much derogated to our honour , as no prince besides hath presumed to doe . where you say , the archbishop is vnknowne to you , and brought vp amongst year enemies . then be sheweth how learned ●e was , how he was prebend at paris , and of an ho●●st stocke , borne an englishman , and knowne to the king being he wrote to him thrée times before ; and saith , that at the monkes request he sent his letters once or twise to the king for his assent , although was not the manner of the sea apostolike , who hath the fulnesse of the power of the church of canterbury , to waite for princes consents in such elections : therefore , according to the canons of the fathers , w● did pro●ide that the said church should be no longer 〈◊〉 of her pastor : therefore , being this election hath so orderly proceeded vpon a person so meete for the same , w●e will not for any mans pleasure , nor may without danger of ●ame and conscience deferre the consummation thereof . and my sonne , seeing we ha●e respected your honour more then our duetie is , study to honour vs so much as ●u●tie requireth , that you may deserue fauour at gods hands and ours , and least doing contrary , you bring you selfe into such a pe●ke of t●oubles , that you cannot ri● your selfe againe , for it will fall out , he will haue the better to whom euery knée doth bowe , whose turne i serue in the earth : therefore obey not them that desire vnquietnesse , that they might f●sh the better in a troubled water . it will not be for your saftie and glory to resist god and the church , in whose quarrell the blessed and glorious martyre , bishop thomas hath lately shed his bloud ; especially seeing your father , and brother being kings of england , did giue ouer those thrée wicked customes into the hands of the sea aposto●●ke : but if you will yéeld your selfe humbly into our hands , we will looke that you and yours shall be sufficiently prouided for . thus haue you the glorious letter of the proud pope , i beséech you marke it well . not long after proceeded a commaundement to certaine bishops , requiring them by the authoritie apostolicall , that if the king would not receiue the prior of canterbury , and his monkes , then they should interdict him through his realme . whereupon the foure bishops , of london . el● , winchester , and herford , shewed the king thereof , but the king refused the same , and would not grant their request , wherupon they pronounced the said in●erdiction throughout england and wales , and the church doores were shut vp , with keyes , and other fastnings . then the king tooke all the possessions of the foure bishops into his hands , and apointed certaine to keepe the liuings of the clergie throughout the realme . the bishops cursed all that kept , or medled with church-goods , against the wils of the owners . then they went to the bishop of canterbury , and shewed him all the matter , he promised , he would shortly come to canterbury himselfe , or send some which should doe as much as himselfe . 〈◊〉 came to the king , that the bishops had beene beyond-sea , with the archbishop and were returned . he sent to them bishops , earles , and abbots , to shew that the king would receiue the archbishop steuen , and the prior , and all the monkes of canterbury , promising on his behalfe , that he should neuer take any thing of the church-goods , but would make amends for them taken , and the church should haue all her franchices , as amply as in king edwards time the confessor . this agreement was concluded , and ingrossed in a payre of indentures , the saide foure bishops set their hands to one part , the other part was caried to the king , which he liked well , but he would not make restitution of the church-goods . the foure bishops would not agree to put out that article , then the king sent for the archbishop to come to him and speake with him at canterbury , and for his safe conduct to come and goe at his will , sent thrée iustices to be pledges for him : whereupon the archbishoppe came to canterbury , and the king came to ch●●ham , and sent his treasurer to him to put out the clause of restitution , which he denyed to doe , or any word of the same . then the king caused to be procl●imed throughout the realme , that th●se that had any church-liuings , and went beyond-sea , should returne at a certaine day , or loose the●● liuings for euer . and that all sheriffes should inquire if any church-man , from that day forward , receiued any commaundement from the pope , to apprehend him and bring him before him : and that they should take into their hands , vnto his vse all the church lands , that were giuen by the archbishop steuen , or the priors of canterbury , from the time of the election of the said archbishop , and that all the woods of the archbishop , should be cut downe ▪ and solde . thou the pope sent ouer two legats , which resorted to the king at northampton , where he held his parliament , and saluted him , they said , they came from the pope , to reforme the peace of holy church , and we admonish you , in the popes behalfe , that you make full restitution of the goods that you haue rauished of holy church , and of the land , and that you receiue stephen archbishop , into his dignity , and the prior of canterbury , and his monkes , and yeeld againe to the archbishop , all his lands and rents ; and sir , yet moreouer , that you shall make such restitution to them , as the church shall thinke good . the king answered , he would gladly grant their request touching the prior and monkes of canterbury , but touching the archbishop , let him giue vp the archbishopricke , and i will giue him some other bishopricke ; vpon this condition i will admit him , otherwise not . then one of them said , holy church was neuer wont to disgrade archbishop , without reasonable cause , but to correct princes , that were disobedient to her . what now , ( quoth the king ) threaten you me ? they said , you haue told vs what is in your heart , now we will tell you what is in the popes will. he hath wholly interdicted and accursed you , for your wrongs to holy church , and the clergy , and we doe accurse all those that shall common with you hereafter , and we assoyle all earles , barons , knights , and others from their homage , fealty , and seruice they should doe to you ; and to confirme this , we giue power to the bishops of winchester and norwich ; and the same power ouer scotland , we giue vnto the bishops of rochester and salisbury ; and in wales , wee giue the same power to the bishops of saint dauid , landaffe , and saint assaph . and we send throughout all christendome , to all bishops , to accurse all that helpe and comfort you in any néede . and we a●●oyle all your aduersaries , and command them to warr● with you , and with all that are enemies to the church : then the king answered ; what may you doe more ? they said , we say to you in verbo dei , that no heire of yours , after this day , may be crowned . then the king sware , if hee had knowne their newes , hee would haue kept them out this tweluemonth . upon this occasion pope inocent commanded ageine , in paine of his great curse , that none should obey king iohn , nor kéepe company with him , to eate , drinke , common , or councell with him , or his seruants to doe him any seruice , at bed , boord , hall , or stable . but , the greater part that sled from him by this meanes , of diuerse and sundry diseases , that yeare , died . betwixt england and france , that yeare , fell great amitie , but false , to the bitter betraying of england . further , the pope with his cardinals , gaue sentence definitiue , that king iohn should be deposed from his regal seat , and promised phillip the french king full remission of all his 〈◊〉 , and cleare possession of the realme of england , vnto him and his heirs , if he did either kill him , or expel him . moreouer , he wrote vnto other nations , that they should take vpon them the badge of the crosse , and reuenge him of the manifold iniuries done to the vniuersall church , by the cursed tu●ke , and pagan , king iohn . the next yeare , the french king , manned with the bishops , monkes , prelates , and priests , and their seruants , began his att●mpt , in hope of the crowne of england , but the english nauie tooke . of the french kings ships , loaden with wheat , wine , meate , flesh . armour , and other necessaties for warre , and burnt . within the hauen , and tooke the spoyle of them . the priests of england prouided them a false prophet , one peter wake●ield , they noysed daily amonst the commons , that christ had twise appeared to him , in shape of a childe betwixt the priests hands , once at yorke , and againe at pomfret , and breathed , saying : peace , peace , peace , and that he was rapt in spirit , and hee saw the ●oyes of heauen and sorrowes of hell. he prophecied of king iohn , that he should raigne no longer then ●scention day , within the yeare of our lord . being asked the question , he could not tell whether he should be slaine , expelled , or of himselfe giue ouer the crowne : but he was sure , he nor none of his stocke should raigne , that day once fi●●shed . the king laughed thereat , when he sawe himselfe out of dange● . he prated thereof at large so , that they which l●ned the king , apprehended him , and put him in prison , the king not knowing therof : the fame hereof went through the whole realme , and the more , becau●e he was imprisoned . when the prophesied ascention day was came , king iohn commaun●ed his regal tent to be spred abroad in the open field ▪ and passed the day with his noble councel , and men of honour , in the greatest solemnity that euer hee did before . when that day was passed withall , his enemies turned it to an al●goricall vnderstanding , and said , he is no king , for the pope raigneth , and not he ▪ yet raigned he stil , and his sonne after him , to proue the prophet alyer . and because this false prophet had troubled the realme , peruerted the people , raised the commons against the king , and was caried ouer the sea by the prelates , and gaue incouragement to the french king to inuade the land , the king commaunded the false prophet should be hanged , and his sonne , least any more should rise of his race . at length , the king seeing himselfe so compassed with enemies , and treasons , and great danger that was like to follow , especially fearing the french king ▪ was inforced to submit himselfe to that execrable monster , and antichrist of rome , conuerting his land into the patrimony of saint peter , as many other had done before him : for hee was sure , though not without shame , being vnder his protection , no forraine potentate was able to subdue him . king iohn made a letter obligatory to the pope , in this manner ; whereas wee haue grieuously offended god , and our mother church of rome , and our body and realme is not a sufficient satisfaction to him that humbled himselfe on the crosie for vs , through councell of the noble earles and barons , we freely grant vnto god and the apostles saint peter and saint paul , and to our mother church of rome , and to our holy father pope inocent the third , and all the popes that come after him , all the realme , and patronage of the churches of england and ireland , with all the appurtenances , for the remission of our sinnes , and the helpe of our kinsfolkes soules , and of all christian soules ; so that henceforth we will hold as farmer to her mother church , doing fealtie to the pope , and his successors . wee will doe homage to the popes legate ▪ as it were in the popes presence ; paying ●or all manner of custome which we sho●ld doe for the said realmes yearely . markes of siluer , sauing to vs and our heires , our iustices and our franchises , and other realties that appertaine to our crowne . and for the assurance hereof , we binde our successors and heires , that if any of our heires shall goe against these things , and being warned , will not an end , he shall then loose the foresaid realmes for euermore . but before the relea●ment of the interdiction , the king was compelled to giue ouer his crowne and scepter to the antichrist of rome for fiue dayes , and to receiue it at another cardinals hands . then all that had their hearts wounded for obeying their liege king , came and were absolued of their owne bishops , but the spirituall men were compelled to séeke their absolution of the pope . some of the clergie were not pleased that the king should be absolued , vntill the king had payed all which any of the clergie should demaund , and complained of the popes legate , that he was too partiall for the king , in the matter of restitution , and because he went , with the kings officers , to the cathedrall churches , abbyes , priories , and other churches vacant , and appointed two iucumbants , to euery place , one for the king , and the other for the parties , and commonly compelled the election to passe vpon him whom the king nominated . the archbishop called a councell at oxford , some would not tary , séeing the confysion thereof , others reuiled the king most spi●efully , behinde his backe , saying ; he ought to bée taken for no gouernour of theirs , that it grew to a grieuous tumult , and most grieuous commotion . in this years pope inocent held the councell at rome , called lateran ; it was pretended to be for the r●formation of the church uniuersall , and to haue the holy land recouered from the turtes : but it was because the doctrine of the truth , which they call here●●● , begin to 〈◊〉 very high , by reason whereof the emp●rour otho , and many other priestes and their countries were excommunicated . in this councell he established by publique deerce , that the pope should haue the correction of all christian princes , and that no emperour should bee admitted , except he were s●orne to him , and crowned of him . item , that whosoever spake eu●il of the pope , should be punished in hell , with eternall damnation . item , transubstantiation was first inuented , brought in , and a pix ord●ined to couer the bread , and bell to be rung b●fore it , when it went abroad ; and the masse to bée made equall with christs gospell . item , the act was established and ratified , of compelling priests to abiure lawfull m●●iage . marke how the priests and their adherents were plagued for handling king iohn so , stephen lancton , archbishop of canterbury , in this councell was excommunicated of pope inocent , with all th●se bishops , pre●lates , priests , barons , and commons , which had béene of councell with him in the former rebellion ; and when the archbishop had 〈◊〉 instant sute to be absolued , the pope answered ; i sweare by saint peter , thou shal● not so soone obtaine thy absolution : for thou hast hurt the king of england , and iniured ●uch the church of rome . he was also suspended from church , saying masse , or exercising other ecclesiasticall office , because he would not execute the popes curse vpon the said rebellious barons , and cursed all the other rebels with b●ll , book● , and candle , and they appealed to the generall councell . in the same yeare , many were summoned to rome , because they would not consent to the kings deposing , and submitting to the pope . thus the whole realme was miserably deuided into two factious , some lords , and gentlemen , a great number followed the king , and loued his doings . others fled to the french king , desiring of him his eldest sonne lodowicke , and they would elect him their king , and that he would send with him a mightie armie , to subdue the king : but as certaine lords and barons were chusing lodowicke for their king , the pope sent a cardinall to stop their rash and cruell attempts , charging the french king , vpon his alegiance , with all possible power , to ●auour , and de●end king iohn of england , his feoda●y , or tenant . tho french king answered . the realme of england was neuer yet part of peters patrimony , neither now is , nor euer should be . no prince may pledge , or giue away his kingdome , without the lawfull consent of his barons : if the pope shall se● vp such a president , he shall , at his pleasure , bring all christian princes , and their kingdomes to naught , though he be my aduersary , i much lament that he ●●th brought the noble ground , and quéene of prouinces , vnder miserable 〈◊〉 . the chiefe of his lords standing by , cryed by the bloud of god , in whome we hope to be saued , we will sticke in this article to the loosing of our heads , that no king may put his ●and vnder tribute , and make his nobilitie captiue seruants . lodowicke 〈◊〉 that his purposed iourney might not vs let , for the barons haue elected mee , and i will not loose my right , but fight for it to death , and i haue fri●ndes there : to which the king answered not , belike doubting somewhat , because he saw all 〈◊〉 of the priests , that they might liue licentiously in wealth , frée from the kings yoake . the same time a such treasons and conspiracies were wrought by clergie men , that the king knew not where to finde trustie friends . at length he went to douer , looking for ayde from other quarters , to whom resorted a wonderful number of men from flanders , 〈◊〉 , holland , and many other parts . it was reported the pope writ to them to a●de him . first , b●cause he submitted his kingdome to his protection , and he had taken vpon him the 〈◊〉 of the white crosse , to winne againe ierusalem . thirdly because he had gotten by him , england , and ireland , and was like to loose both . upon the a●●●nciation day of our lady , hee ●ooke vpon him his voyag● again●●●he turkes , to recouer ierusalem . he told his seruants 〈◊〉 did prospe●● with him since he submitted himselfs and his kingdomes to the church of rome . in this yeere , one simon langton was chosen 〈◊〉 of yorke , but he was deposed by the pope , because he was brothe● to stephen ●rchbishop of 〈◊〉 , w●●m the pope hated , hauing brought him vp of naught , and ●ound him so 〈◊〉 , and he places the bishop of 〈◊〉 in his ●oome . the 〈◊〉 night the pope renewed his curse vpon the king of france his 〈◊〉 , for vsurping vpon king iohn , and against the said simon langton , and geruas hobruge , for prouoking him to the same , with won●erfull 〈◊〉 , cousing , the ●els to ring , ca●les to be ●●ghted , and doores opened , the 〈…〉 to be red , committing them wholy to the deu●l , and communded the ●ishops and 〈◊〉 to poblish it through the whole realme , to the ●errour of all subiects . the 〈◊〉 simon , and geruais der●●●d him and appealed vnto the 〈◊〉 all councell , for lodowicke and themselues . the magestrates , and citizens of london did likewise 〈…〉 at the popes commandements , and kept company with the excommunicated , at ●able and church , in contempt of the pope , and 〈◊〉 . lodowicke , at 〈◊〉 taking himselfe , king , made simon langton hig● chancellour , and geruais hobruge , his chiefe preache● : vy whose daily preaching , the bar●●● , and citizens bring excommunicated , caused all the church doores to be opened , and 〈◊〉 sung , and lodowicke was sit for them in all paints . about this time cardinall pandulphus was made bishop of norwich , for gathering peter 〈◊〉 , an old ●illage of the pope , & other great labours ●one by him for the pope . about this time one uicont of meinn , a 〈◊〉 man , which came ouer with lodowicke , felll ●●cke , and called to him certaine english baron● , and said ; i pittie the destruction that is comming towards you and your realm● . prince lodowicke hath sworne a great oath , and sixtéene of his earles and nob●es are of 〈◊〉 with him , that if he obtaine the crowne of england , he will ●anish and depriue of their lands and goods , all that h● now findeth to goe against their leach king , and are traytors to him ; vpon my faith , n●w lying at gods mercie , i was one that was 〈◊〉 to the same : and with teares , he said , take héede in time , your king for a 〈◊〉 hath kept you vnder , but if lodowicke preuaile , he will put you from all , hee had them kéepe his counce●l , and so he dyed . this trobled the barons , and seeing withall 〈◊〉 prince lodowicke obtained by warres , he gaue to french men in spite of them , saying they were but traytors . they at length concluded to submit themselues , 〈…〉 neuer drunke before : i trust this wassell shall make all england glad , and dranke a great draught thereof , the king pledged him : the munke went away , and 〈◊〉 bu●st out , and hee dyed , and had euer after thrée monkes to sing continually masse for his soule , confirmed by their generall chapter . i would you would see how religiously they bestow : heir confessions , absolutions , and masses . king iohn feeling himselfe not well , asked for symon the monke , they answered ▪ he was dead ; then the tooke his chariot , and departed , and dyed within three dayes . he admonished that his sonne henry would learne by his example , to be gen●le and leuing to his natiue people . he being imbalmed , his bowels were bur●●ed in crompton abbey , his soldiers ●olded his corps triumphantly in armour , and honourably buried him in the cathedrall church or worcester , hauing raigned . yeares , . moneth● , and odde daies . after whose death the princes , lords , barons , and strangers , that were on the kings part , with the councell of the legate gualdo , proclaimed henry his sonne king , and at gloster , with the earle there , they annointed and crowned him king , b● the legate gualdo , assisted with the bishops of winchester , and bath , and called him henry the third . the pope sent with all spéede , that they should mightily stand ●ith the young king , being but ten yeares old , and defend england with arm●ur , and his thundring curses against lodowicke . hée confirmed his legat gualdo , and committed to his discretion all that appertained to his office , none to appeale from him . hee compelled the prelates to bée sworne to the young king , and punished them which refused , th● bishop of winchester laid a heauie talke vpon his beneficed men , to helpe the king in his warres . gualdo left not one beneficed man vnpunished , that had taken part with the french king. in this yeare , gualdo was sent for home to rome ▪ for by this time he had welfa●oredly vnladen the purses of the clergie men , and returned with all his bags well stuffed , leauing cardinall pandulfe behind him , to supply his baliwicke the bishop of lincolne , not long before , paid . markes for recouery of his office , and an hundred markes to the legate , for his goodwill ; so were other holy prelates and priests taught by his example . inocentius pope , condemned almeri●us , a worthy bishop , for an hereticke , for teaching , and holding against images : also he condemned the doctrine of ioachim abbas , as before , for heresie . he brought in first the paying of priuie ty●hes , and the receiuing once at easter , and the reseruation of the sacrament , and the going before it with a bell and a light . he stirred vp otho against phillip the emperour , because he was elected without his will , whereupon followed much slaughter in germany ; and against otho , which he had made emperour , he set vp fredericke king of ci●le , and caused the archbishop of mayence to excommunicate him ▪ and depose him of his empire : for which cause , the princes of germany did inuade his bishopricke , and burned his possession : all was because otho held certaine cities , townes , and c●stles , which the pope said belonged to him . in his time came the order of blacke friers , called the preaching fryers ; it began of one dominicke a spaniard , who after he had preached ten yeares against the albigenses , and others that held against the pope , comming to lateran , desired to haue his order of preaching fryers confirmed , which the pope refused , vntill hee dreamt that the church of lateran was readie to fall , vntill dominicke came and propped it vp with his sholders , and so preserued it . the pope waking , called dominicke to him , and gr●nted his request . dominicks mother being great with child , dreame● she had a wolfe in her wombe , which had a burning tor●ch in his mouth , the which dreame , the preachers of that order aduance to their glory . in his time came vp the order of the minorits , of one frances an italian , hee left off shooes , had but one cote of vile cloth , and an hempen cord about his middle , and so apparelled his disciples , teaching them to fulfill the perfection of the gospell , walke in pouertie , and holy simplicitie ; this rule was confirmed by pope innocent . many nobles , and others , in rome , builded manflons for him and his disciples , he was likewise str●●t to his flesh , leauing clothes ▪ in winter , he 〈◊〉 himselfe in ice and snow , he called pouerty his lady , he kept nothing ouer night , he was so desirous of martyrdome , that he went to siria to the solda● , who receiued him honourably : it is written that christ and his saints marked him with fiue wounds . these franciscans , or begging f●●ers , though they haue but one rule , they haue many orders , there by . seueral sorts of friers and nunnes , which the reader , if he be disposed , may see in the booke at l●rge , with their names , fol . hildegardis a nunne a prophetesse , liued in the yeare . she reprehendeth grieuously the abhominations of the l●ues of the spiritual papists , the contempt of their office , and destruction of gods children with these words ; now is the law neglected amongst the spirituall , which negl●ct to preach , and to doe good things . the masters and prelates , sleepe and negl●ct iustice. the church appeared to her in the shape of a 〈◊〉 , her face 〈◊〉 with dirt , and her 〈◊〉 rent , complaining that the priests did not shine ouer the people neither in doctrine , not example ; but contrary , did driue the innocent lambe from them , that eccles●asticall order grew worse and worse , and priests destroyed the law of god , and did not teach it ; and proph●●eth to them gods heauie wrath and punishments . she prophesieth likewise of the reformation of religion , and saith , it shall be most godly , saying ; then shall the crowne of the apostolicall honour bee deuided , because there shall be found no religion amongst them , and the name of that dignity shall bée despised , and they shall s●t ouer them other men , and other archbishops , and the apostolicall order shall haue scarce rome , and a ●ew other countries thereabout , vnder his crown● ; and this shall be done partly be war●es , and partly by a common consent of spirituall and seculer persons , then iustice shall florish , and men shall honestly apply themselues to the auncient custo●es and disciplines of the ancient . she prophes●eth likewise of fryers ; there shall rise a sencelesse , proud , greedy people , without faith , and subtile , which shall eate the s●●nes of the people , pretending in order of certaine deuout persons , vnder the dissimuled cloake of beggers , pr●ferring themselues before others in fayned deuotion , in puffed vp knowledge , and preten●ed holinesse , walking without 〈◊〉 , and the ●ea●e of god , finding out many new mischiefes , strong and sturdy . of wise men , and christes faithfull that order shall bee accursed ; they shall cease from labour , and studie for quietnesse , rather taking on them the order of flatterers then beggers , they shall study altogether how to resist the preachers of the trueth , and kill them with the mightie . the deuill shall roote foure vices in them , flattery , enui● , hypocrisie , and backbiting : that by flattery , they may ha●e bou●tifull gifts ; that by hypocricie they may please men , and by back●iting , dispraise others , and extoll themselues , for the praise of men , and s●ducing of the simple . and in example of martyres , hauing no deuotion , shall preach instantly . they shall speake euill of princes , and withdraw the sacraments from pastors , rere●uing the almes of the poore , weake , and néedy ; and conueying themselues into a multitude of people , being familier with women , teaching them how to deceiue their husbands , and friends , and conuey away their goods by stealth , and giue it them , and say that they w●uld pray for them ; so that they couer other m●ns faults curiously , and forg●t their owne vtterly . they shall take away things fr●m pirates , théeues , church-pillers , from usurers , hereticks , and apostates , adulterers , lecherous women , b●ud● , from the mightie , p●riured marchants , false iudges , soldiers , tyrants , princee liuing against the law ; and they shall follow the deuill , and swéetnesse of sinne , de●icatenesse of life and 〈◊〉 to their eternall damnation , all men shall sée this , yet shall they daily become more indurate and wicked . but when their iniquities , and seducings shall bee tryed , men shall cease to giue them , then shall they go● about hungry , and looking downe to the earth like madde dogges , and shrinking in their neckes , like turtles , that they may bée filled with bread , then shall the people say , wo● vnto you wretches , children of sorrow , the world seduced you , the deuill snared your mo●ths , your flesh slippery your heart without taste , your minds wandring , your eyes delighted in vanitie , and madnesse , your p●nches desire sweete dishes , your feete swift to mischiefe ; consider how you were accounted 〈◊〉 and zealous , poore rich men , and simple stout men ; but you were deuout slatterers , false betrayers , peruerse backe ●i●ers , holy hypocrites , peruert●rs of the truth , too much strickt and precise , proud , shamelesse , and vnstable doctors , delicate mar●yres , professors for lucre sake , meeke slanderers , religious couetous , lowly proud , godly hard men , pleas●nt lyers , peaceable persecu●ors , oppressors of the simple , inuenters of euill sects , vnmercifull louers of the world , sellers of pardons , spoylers of benefices , vnprofitable makers of prayers , seditious conspirers , dronken whisperers , desirous of honour , curious in mens faults , the extortioners of the world , vnsatiable preachers , pleasers of men , seducers of women , so we●s of discord . moses well prophesied of them in his canticle ; a people without councell and wisdome , would god they were wise and vnderstood , and foresaw the latter ends to come , you builded aloft , and when you could build no higher you fell downe . like simon magus whom the lord repressed , and strooke with a mightie plagne , so you likewise haue fallen through your deceiueable wickednesse , lies , 〈◊〉 , the people shall say to them , away teachers of peruersitie , subuerters of verity , brethren of the shunamite , father of hereticall pra●i●●e , false apostles , you séeme to follow the life of the apostles , but follow not their steps one ●ot , you children of iniquitie , we will none of your trades and waies , for presumptuous pride hath deceiued you , and insatiable concupiscence subuerted your erronious heart , and when you coueted to climbe vp higher and higher , then , by the iust iudgement of god , you haue fallen downe to euerlasting shame . about the same time that the franciscans , and dominicke fryers began , sprang vp the cro●bearers , or crouche● fryers , by pope innocent the . who raised an army , signed with the crosse on their brest , to 〈◊〉 against the albenses , whom the pope and his sect account hereticks . about the parts of tholous , i finde in some records , that the opinion of them was sound enough , professing against the wanton wealth , pride ▪ and tyranny of the prelates , denying the popes authoritie to haue ground in scriptures , neither could they away with the ceremonies or traditions , as images , pardons , purgatory , calling them blasphemous occupyings ; many of them were slaine at times , and burned by the pope , and symon ecclesiasticus , with other moe . after king iohn , as aforesaid , had submitted himselfe , and his whole realme vnder tribute to the pope it is incredible how the insatiable a●arice of the romaines did oppresse the commons , and all estates of the realme , especially the churchmen , who , what for the pope , for the legats , for the holy land , and other subtill deuises to get away their money , were brought to such slauery and penury , that whereas the king durst not , or could not remedy their exclamations , they were almost driuen by for●e to remedy their owne wrongs , that they writ to the bishops , and other ec●les●asticall gouernours , that they had rather die then be thus confounded of the romans , that it was not vnknowne to them , how they had deposed men , and giuen away the b●nefices after their owne lust , and how they haue thundred excommunications against you , if you place any , in any spirituall liuing , in any of your dioces within the realme , vntill f●ue romaines in euery dioces , and in euery cathedrall , such as the pope shall name , be prouided for , to the valew of . lib. yearely ; and what other grieuances they doe inflict to the layty , and nobles . wherefore , w● considering the rigorous austeritie of the ●omanists , which take vpon them to iudg● and condemne vs , and lay on vs intoll●rable burdens : therefore vpon a full aduise had amonst vs , we haue though good rather to resist then to bee subict to their intollerable oppre●sions , and greater slau●ry to be looked for hereafter . therefore we straitly command you , as your friends , that you doe not intermeddle , or take part with them , let●ing you vnderstand for trueth , that in case you shall bee found culpable herein , not onely your ●oods and possessions shall bee in danger of burning , but a●●o your bodies , shall incurre the same perill as shall the said romish oppr●ssors . in the raigne of henry the third , who succeeded king iohn , and raigned . yeares , cardinall otho was sent to the king with letters to him and other places for exactions of money : the letters were to require for the pope two prebends in euery cathedrall church , a portion of euery abbot , and of euery couent , as much as belonged to one monke : their good being equally deuided , because the church of rome of greatly slandered , that none could proceede there in any cause without great guifts and expences , whereof the pouertie of the church is the cause ; therefore it is sit , that you as naturall children should helpe and succour your mother , for if wee should not receiue of you and other good men , we should lacke , which were a great dishonour to our dignity . the king answered , hee could doe nothing , because it concerned the commons , and he ass●mbled a councell , hee was answered , they could conclude nothing , because the arch-byshoppe , the king , and other whom it concer●ed were not there . the next yeare the same cardinall came againe into england , and summoned all the cl●argy to another councell , to be held in the cathedrall church of s. paule in london , for redressing of diuers and sundry matters concerning benifices religion , and other abuses of the church : putting them in feare and hope , some to lose , and some to obtaine spirituall promotions at his handes . diuers pre●ious rewards were offered him , in pal●ries , in rich plate , and iewels , in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred , in coyne and uictuall , &c. the bishop of winchester sent him fifty fat oxen , and hundred coome of pure wheat , eight tun of chosen w●ne , likewise other bishops offered to the cardinals boxe after their ability . the cardinall commaunded , at the west end of saint paules church , a high solemne throne of great state to bee prepared , rising vp with a glorious scaffold : before the cardinall begunne his sermon , there happened a great discord betwixt the arch-byshops of canterbury and yorke , about sitting on the right hand of the glorious cardinall : the cardinall shewed them a bull of the pope , in the middest of which was pictured the crosse , and paule pictured on the right side of the crosse , and peter on the left : saying , yet there is no contention betwixt these two , yet saint peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes , and for the preheminence of his apostle-ship , and cathedrall dignitie , séemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side , and from that time foorth , the arch-byshop of canterbury hath enioyed the dignity and pr●heminence of the ●ight hand . the cardinall , sitting like a god in the middest betwixt them , made his sermon vpon these words ; in the middest of the seate , and round about , were foure beasts , full of eyes behind and before . he compared them about him to the foure beasts , declaring how they ought to haue eyes before and behind ; that is , they must be carefull and prouident , as well in disposing secular thinges , as wise and circumspect in spirituall matters , contriuing , and ioyning wiselie thinges past with thinges to come . and this was the greatest effect of his clearkely sermon . then he gaue forth sundry constitutions and statutes , for ordering of churches , dedicating temples , for seauen sacraments , for giuing orders , farming benefices , collations , and resignations , priests apparell , and single life , for eating of flesh in religious houses , for arch-deacons , byshops , proctors , &c. the king dreading the commons , willed him to repaire home to rome , but he could not so be rid of him , but hee renued his commission , and still applyed himselfe to his haruest , gleaning and raking what hee could , writing his letters to euery byshop or arch-deacon , for procurations to beare his charges , and withall , to be spéedily collected and sent to him . prouided , that the summe collected , should not excéede aboue foure markes of a liuing , and where small liuings were two liuings to ioyne , and if any contradicted or gaine-sayed him , to excommunicate them . and they sent forth preachers and fryers in all places , to perswade men to fight against the common enemy the turke , whom when they haue bound with a vow , and signed with the crosse , then they send their bulles to release them for money , and the bishops and arch-deacons to proclaime it . the pope was not ashamed to require the fift part of euery ecclesiasticall liuing , and further , hee promised and gaue to the romanes , for helping him in warrs against fredericke the emperour , which had married king iohns daughter : the gift of all the spirituall liuings in england , belonging to the religious houses , and therevpon sent expresse commandement to the archbishop of canterbury , and other foure ▪ bishops ioined with him that they should prouide spirituall liuings , for three hundred romanes , in the best benefites in england , at the next voidance , so that the said bishoppes should bee suspended in the meane time from all collation of benefice : the arch-bishop séeing their vnreasonable oppressions being not able to endure it , went into france . and further one petrus rubeus , was sent from the pope , to goe from bishop , to bishop , abbot and abbot , telling them such a bishop , such an abbot hath giuen thus much vnto the popes holines , trusting you also will not be behinde , in a matter that so much concernes the good of the church , by which cunning subtiltie he gathered together into the treasurie of the church such a masse of money as is almost incredible to beleeue . at length the bishoppes , abbots , and arch-deacons came to the king , whose father they had so obstinately resisted and repugned ; lamentably complaining of their extreame miseries , of the vnmeasurable exactions of the pope , so all the prelates were called together , and vppon talking together made many exceptions aga●nst the same : the legate and his followe hearing these allegations , seeing their owne vtter confus●on , were the lesse importunate . not long after this followed a generall councell at lyons , in the kingdom● of france , called by pope innocentius : in the which councell the english nation did exhibite sundry articles of all their greeuances , and that the italians did succeed one another in the benefices , whose language they could not vnderstand , and that there was no preaching in their churches , nor no almes giuen to the poore , and that there came fresh letters from the pope , commanding the prelates to finde at their proper costs and charge for a whole yeare , some ten armed souldiers , some more , some lesse , to be ready at the popes commandement , when , or where be should appoint . after these terrible greeuances and enormities , the states of england consulting together , directed their letters to the pope for reformation : first the abbots and priors , then the bishoppes and suffragans , after the nobles and barons , and last of all the king , but all was neuer the better . not long after the pope sent for new tallage and exactions , which when it came to the kings eare hee vehemently disturbed writ seuerally to euery bishop , in manner following . that whereas wee haue heeretofore written to you , once , twice , thrice , both by our priuy seale , and our letters patents , that you should leuy for the pope no exactions , either vpon the clergy , or laitie , yet you vilepending our commandement , and contrarie to our prouision made in our last councell at london , haue proceeded in collecting the said your taxes and tallages wherevpon wee greatly maruell and are mooued : wherefore we straitly will and command you , that you doe so no more , as you will enioy our ●auour and your possessions ; and if you haue made any such collection or gathering , that you suffer it not to be transported out of the realme , but kéepe it vntill the returne of the ambassadours , and that you make this our inhibition common to your arch-deacons and officials . at length the ambassadors came home , bringing word that the pope was greatly displeased with the realme , saying ; rex anglorum qui iam recalcitrat & frederiscat suum habet consilium , ego vero & meum habeo , quod & sequar , &c. and that they were halfe counted schismatickes , for speaking in the kinges behalfe , and could no more be heard , the king being insenfed heere-with , sent out proclamations through all the realme , that none should consent to any taxe of money for the pope : he hearing of it , in cruell rage sent to the prelats , vppon paine of interdiction to prouide the saide summes of money by the feast of assumption , the king for feare of the pope , durst not stand to the liberties of the church . moreouer , the gulfe of the romish auarice waxt so immeasurable , that he shamed not , vpon his curse , to aske the third part of church goods , and the yearely fruit of all vacant benefices . otho comming to oxford , lying in the house of osney , was receiued with great honour , the schollers presenting him honourable dishes and rewards dinner being done , they came to welcome him ; comming to the gate , the porter an italian asked what they would haue , and holding the doore halfe open , with contumelious tearmes , thrust them out , they with force thrust open the gate , and came in , the romaines within fell to alarum by the eares together , some of the schollers going ●or weapons , the maister cooke cast scalding liquor , wherein meat was sodden , in the face of a poore scholler , an irish-man , which waighted for almes : another scholler a welsh-man séeing it , shot the cooke thorough with an arrow , and killed him : whereupon was a great clamour , the cardinall hearing the tumult , like a valiant romaine , ranne vp into the stéeple , and locked himselfe 〈◊〉 vntill midnight . the schollers sought all corners for the legate , crying out ; where is that usurer , that sym●niacks , that proylar and extortioner of our liuings and monies ? who peruerteth the king , and subuerteth the kingdome , enriching himselfe with our spoyles : the cardinall heard all this and held his peace , and conuayed himselfe by night vnto the king , and the king sent to oxford a garison of armed men to deliuer the romaines which were hid , for feare of the schollers . one odo a lawyer , and thirty of the schollers were apprehended and carried to wallingford castle , and thence in charts to london , and by much intreaty of the bishops , were brought bare-footed to the legats doore , where they pardoned , and the uniuersity released of interdiction . the state of germany , and of the emperour friderick the second , was then as much or more pittifull then that of england , who were so persecuted by pope innocentius , honorius , gregorius , celestinus , innocentius the fourth , infamed with excommunications , and did commonly warre against them in open fielde , and all with english mens money : first they made him emperour against otho , whom they depriued , then for clayming his right in apulia and sicilia they accursed him , when they had warred against him , they sent him to fight against the turkes , who recouered ierusalem , nazareth , and ioppe , from the souldane . whilst hee was occupied in these warres , these vnholy fathers inuaded his lands and possessions at home , subduing apulia vnder his owne possession , and inhibiting his souldiours to goe ouer to him , and when the emperour sent to the pope and other christian princes his letters gratulatory , declaring what god wrought by him against the turkes , the pope stayd the messengers , kept the letters close , and caused it to be noysed abroad that the emperour was dead , and the said pope gregorie the ninth wrote to the souldane , that he should not render the holy land into the emperours handes . the emperour hearing this stirre of the pope , tooke truce with the souldane for tenne yeares , and repayreth home , and driueth the popes army out of apulia , and recouered all the pope had gotten from him before : the pope laid his cursse vpon the emperour , for making truce with the souldane , and conspired with the tuscanes and lombards against him : the emperor , at the instigations of the princes , glad to compose with the tyrant ▪ was faine to ransome the absolution of the pope for ten hundred thousand ounces of gold , and yet hee sent to the princes of germany , charging them to admit none of the emperors stocke to be king of the romaines , and stirred vp the citties of italy against him . the emperor vnderstanding his politick and subtile traynes , marched into italy , where he put downe the rebels , and recouered againe the citties belonging to the empire . wherefore a new excommunication was laid vpon him , and all his subiects released of obedience and loyalty , and much indulgences and eternall life promised to them that would fight against him . after gregorie , succéeded celestinus the fourth , who raigned not long . after him , succéeded innocentius the fourth , who following the steps of his predecessors , called a generall councell at lyons , as is before mentioned , where standing vp , he cited the emperour : his legate required lawfull time for him to come , which hee would not graunt , but in his fury denounced him accursed , and depriued him of his imperiall dignity , charging him with periury and sacriledge , writing libels of defamation to all kings . the emperour made purgation of these ●landers , charging the pope , not with fained , but true and most hainous crimes , of slander , falshood , perdition , periury , rebellion , hypocrisie , and prooueth him by his letters , to be very antichrist . hee wrote to the french king , that hee much marueiled that the prudence and wisedome of the french-men , did not more quicke then others sée the popes subtilty and couetousnesse , purposing to subdue all realmes as he hath done england , and doth presumptuously achieue to subdue the maiesty of the imperiall crowne . this emperor departed to apulia , and there dyed , being poysoned , as some thinke , by meanes of the pope . in the time of this innocent , dyed one robert grosted , byshop of lincolne , a famous learned man , as that time serued , whose sermons to this day are extant , in the quéenes library at westminster . there is one speciall sermon written to innocent . cestrensis writeth , that he was greeued for the exactions of the pope in england , and would not admit of the popes nephew to be canon of his church . writing to the pope , that hee could not admit such into his church , which did neither know themselues , nor their charges : hee was therefore called to rome and excommunicated , who appealing from the pope to iesus christ , shortly after departed . two yeares after the said pope being asleepe , one apparelled bishoplike , appeared vnto him , and striking him with his staffe , saide ; surge miser & veni in iudicium , the next day after , the popes bed was found bloody , and he dead . after henry the third , succeeded his sonne edward the first , who raigned thirty fiue yeares , edward the second his sonne succeeded him , who raigned twentie yeares , he was deposed , and being in prison , was striken in with a hot spit . after whom , succeeded edward the third , in whose raigne calis was first wonne , and after the french king taken prisoner , and brought into england , and ransomed for . florens . at which time happened the great conflict betwixt the townes-men of oxford and the uniuersitie , whereof a remembrance remaineth to this day . in whose raigne two friers minorites were burned in auignion , and in his raigne was maister iohn wiclife reader of diuinity in oxford . the fift part of the ecclesiasticall history containing the actes of martyrs . although the holy ghost raised vp many before wickliffe , to vanquish the great errors which daily did preuaile in the world , as berengarius , bruno of aniow ▪ oklens the second , valden : marsilius , of pado● : iohn of gandauo : okchammus , with diuers others of that schoole , yet because they were not very famous nor notable , we will begin at wickliffe , at whose time the furious fire of persecution seemed to take his originall . in those great and troubelous times , and horrible darknes of ignorance , what time there séemed in a manner to bee no one so little sparke of pure doctrine remaining , this foresaid wickliffe , by gods prouidence , sprang vp , throgh whom the lord would first waken , and raise vp againe the world , which was ouermuch drowned , in the déepe streames of humane traditions , when hee had long time professed diuinitie in oxford , and perceiuing the true doctrine of christs gospel to bee adulterate with so many filthy inuentions of bishops , sects of monkes , and dark errors : first , he began to touch the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ , in which he tooke much paines , protesting in open schoole that it was his purpose to call back the church from her idolatry in this point , but this sore could not bee touched , without the great griefe of the whole world : first the whole glut of m●nkes and fryers were mad with him , fighting for their altars , panches and bellies : after them the priests ; after them the bishops took the matter in hand ; at last when there power seemed not sufficient to withstand the truth , which then was breaking out , they ran wholl● to the thunder-bolts of the bishop of rome , against them all : this valiant wickliffe happely maintained the cause of the sacrament , prouing it by scriptures , and the ancient doetors : hee refused the doctors since the thousand yeares after christ , saying , that after these yeares satan was loosed , and the life of man hath been most subiect to errors , and that the simple and plaine truth doth appeare and consist in the scriptures , when all humane traditions must be referred : he proued most stoutly , in the sacrament , the substance with bread , the accident not to be present . as long as king edward the third liued , he was well enough defended by him against all there woluish cruelty , yet in the last yeare of his raigne , hee was taken by the bishop of canterbury , at the instigation of the pope , and put to silence in presence of the duke of lancaster , and the lord henry piercy , yet after by the fauour of certaine noble-men he kept not long silence , but king edward being dead , pope gregory neuer ceased to moue king richards minde , by his letters , bishops and bulles , to persecute wickliffe , and his adherents : by this meanes the examination of wickliffe being at hand before the bishops of canterbury and london , a certaine noble man called lewis clifford , comming in amongst the bishops , commanded them that they should not proceede , with any defin●tiue sentence against wickliffe , wherewith they were so amazed , and their combes so cut , that they had not a word in their mouthes to answere : and when the bishops and wickliffe were come together in the archbishops chappell at lambeth , the citizens and common people of london by force brake in vpon them , and disturbing the session , were not afraid to intreat in the cause of wickliffe , by which meanes he escaped , after hee had made a short protestation , to be a true christian , and to professe and defend the law of christ as long as hee breathed , and if hee should erre hee would aske god forgiuenes , and submit himselfe to the correction of our holy mother the church , and that hee wou●d set forth in writing , the articles hee was now accused for , the which to death hee would defend , which all christians , especially the pope and all priests ●ught to defend : for vnderstand the conclusions after the sence of the scriptures , and holy doctors , and i am ready to expound them if they seeme contrarie to the faith . the first conclusion of iohn wickliffe , exhibited in the conuocation of certaine bishops at lambeth . that none but christ was ordained , and not peter and all his off-spring politiquely to rule ouer the world for euer ; for in the cor. . then shall the end come when he shall deliuer vp his kingdome to god his father , when hee shall haue made voide all princely dominion : it seemeth probable that they defraud her of her reward , and vniustly defer to take vengeance vpon the body of the diuell which he hath deserued . the substance of the second was that by no power any writing was to be canonized , contemning the scripture , this was spoke to one that commended mans writing , and contemned the scripture . that euery man in grace iustifying , hath not onely right to all things , but aboue all the good things of god , as appeareth by the . of mathew , verily hee shall make him ruler ouer all his goods : and in the eight to the romans , god spared not his sonne , but gaue him for vs , how then did hee not giue vs all things with him : this allureth vs to loue god , that hath chosen vs to so many great and true riches . none can giue any temporall dominion or gift , but as the minister of god ; the apostle saith iesus christ was a minister , let not his uicar then which should be a seruant of seruants be ashamed to vse the ministerie of the church , for his pride of seculer dominion , with his worldly stile , seemeth blasphemie , and the aduancement of antichrist : especially , where they repute the scriptures as cockle , and the determination of all controuersies of scripture in themselues . as sure as god is : the temporall lords may lawfully and meritoriously take away the riches from the church , when they doe offend : yet i say , that it is not lawfull to doe it by the authoritie of the church , and for lacke of some spirituall gouernour , and in case when the ecclesiasticall minister , being strayed from the catholique faith , is to be corected and punished . the uicar of christ is not able by his buls , of himselfe , not by the consent of his colledge , to make a man the more able , or disable a man , that ought to procéed of god , but he onely in the name of god , to notifie to the church whom god hath enabled , else he is as presumptuous as lucifer , for in the . cor. . all our sufficiency commeth of god. a man cannot he excommunicated to his hurt , except hee be first excommunicated of himselfe , as chrysostome saith , none can be hurt except sinne hurt him ▪ which takes away gods helpe and ayde , as in esay . your sinnes haue seperated betwixt god and you . that none ought to be ex●ommunicated but in gods cause , and wee ought to forgiue all priuate iniuries : math. . if thy brother offend thee , forgiue him , euen to . times . times . an excommunication doth not binde , except pronounced against the aduersarie of gods law : for if god iustifie , who can condemne ? there is no power giuen by the example of christ , or his apostles , to excommunicate any for denying of temporalties : in the ninth of luke , christ rebuketh his disciples , when they would haue fire come downe from heauen to excommunicate them that would not entertaine them ; you know not ( said he ) what spirit you are of . the disciples of christ haue no power to exact , by any ciuill authoritie , temporalties by censures , vntil churches were indued with possessions : christs disciples , what need so●uer they had , they did onely exhort men to willing almes . it is not possible , by the absolute power of god , that the pope , or any christian , can binde or loose at their pleasure , by what meanes so●uer , yet may they exact temporall things by ecclesiasticall censures incidentally , if case be that it appertaine to the reuengement of their god. he that doth pretend to haue such power , is the man spoken of in the . thess. . that sitteth in the temple of god , and sheweth himselfe as though he were god. all the power that christs uicar hath , is then only lawfull in effect , so long as it is ruled by the good will of christ , the head of the church . that euery priest , duely ordered by the law of grace , hath power to minister the sacraments , and to absolue any man , confessing his fault , and being penitent for the same : whereby it appeareth , that the power is ali●e to all christian priests : as hugo in his . booke of sacraments declareth . that the k. ma● take away the temporalties of the clergie , abusing the same habitually , in cases by law limited , according to the . thess. . we declared vnto you , that they that would not worke , should not eate . the ●ndowment of churches are giuen conditionally , that god should be honoured thereby , and the church edified ; with condicion , if it be left vndo●e in any point , the title of the gift is lost : the lord ▪ which gaue the gift , ought to correct and amend the fault , and not to b● stopped from the execution of iustice ●or any excommunication . and yet god forbid , that by these words occasion should be giuen to the lords temporall to take away the goods of fortune from the church . an ecclesiasticall minister , & also the pope , may be rebuked of his subiects , either of the clergie or laitie : gal. . peter was rebuked by paul : for the church is aboue the bishop ; and to say , he ought not ●o be rebuked , but only of god , what offence soeuer he commit , he should be aboue the church , the spouse of christ. these be the effect of the conclusions of wickliffe at that time , which either being not read , or vnderstood , they granted him free libertie to depart . soone af●er died pope gregorie ; which was happ●e to wickliffe : for presently after fell a great dissention betwixt the romish and french pope ; which continued . yeares , with great ●orrow & destruction of men on both parts : and about . yeares after there fell a great dissention in england betwixt the comm●ns & nobilitie ; in which trouble , sudburie , archbishop of canterburie , was taken by the rude people & beheaded : to whom william cou●tnay succéeded ; who was no lesse diligent to root out hereticks then his predecessor . notwithstanding , wickliffes sect daily encreased , and gr●w to greater strength , vntill one william barton , uicechancelor of oxford , calling together . monasticall doctors , and . other ▪ with the rest of his affinitie , putting the common seale of the uniuersitie vnto certaine writings , set forth an edict , threatning euerie man , vnder ●rieuous penaltie , not to assemble themselues with any of wickliffes fauorers , and threatned to wickliffe greater excommunication , & imprisonment , and all his fauorers , vnlesse after three daies canonicall admonition , they doe repent and amend : wickliffe appealed to the king ; but the duke of lancaster forbad him to begin such matters , but rather submit himselfe to the censure of his ordinarie : whereby wickliffe being in the midst of the waues , was inforced again to make confession of his doctrine ; wherein he answered , with intricate words , and a gentler kind of phrase , whereby he either persuaded or deluded his enemies . william archbishop of canterbury held a conuocation at london ; where wickliffe was commanded to be : when as they were gathered together at the gray-friers in london , to consult about wickliffes bookes , & the whole sect , a wonderfull earthquake fell : diuers doubting , thought good to leaue off their purpose ; but the archbishop interpreting the chance to another meaning , strengthned their hearts to proceed : who discoursing wickliffes articles , not according to the scriptures , but to their priuate affections , they condemned some articles of heresie , and others of error . these of heresie . the substance of bread and wine remaineth in the sacrament after consecration . the accidents remaine not without the subiect after consecration . christ is not truely and really , in his proper corporall person , in the sacrament . that a bishop or priest , in deadly sinne , doth not order , consecrate , or baptize . that outward confession is needl●sse , if one be inwardly truely penitent . that it is not found in the gospell , that christ ordained masse . if the pope be a reprobate and a member of the diuell , he hath no power giuen him ouer the faithfull , except by the emperour . that none is to be receiued for pope since vrban the sixt , but to liue as the greekes , euery man vnder his owne law. these as erroneous . that no prelate ought to excommunicate any , except he knew him first to be excommunicated of god. he that doth so excommunicate , is an hereticke , and excommunicated . he that excommunicateth any of the clergie which appealed to the councell , is a traytor to the king and realme . all that leaue off preaching or hearing the word for feare of excommunication , are excommunicated , and at the day of iudgement shall be counted as traytors to god. that it is lawfull for any man , deacon , or priest , to preach without licence of the pope , or any his catholikes : that one is no prelate , so long as he is in deadly sinne . temporall lords may take away goods from church-men , if they offend . the tenths are pure almes , the parishioner , for the offence of the curate , may bestow them vpon others . that spirituall prayers applyed particularly to any , profit them no more then generall prayers profit others in the same case . that one is more vnapt and vnable to kéepe the commandements of god , by entring into any priuate religion . that those that haue instituted priuate religions , or haue ind●wed them with possessions , or the begging fryers , that haue no possessions , haue grieuously offended . that those of priuate religions are not of the christian religion . that fryers are bound to get their liuings by labour , and not by begging . that he is accursed that giueth almes to begging fryers . when these articles were condemned , it was commanded , that the condemnation should bee published through the whole vniuersitie , the chancellor hindred as much as hee could , and when there must needs be sermons made he committed the preaching to the fauourers of wickliffe , of which repington was one : who said in his sermon , hee that commends the pope or bishops aboue temporall lords , doe against the scripture , and that maister wickliffe was a true catholick doctor : that hee taught no otherwise of the sacrament of the altar then according to the intent of the uniuersall church , & his opinion therof most true ; and concluded he would kéep silence touching the sacrament , vntill god had better ●nlightned the clergy . the archbishop hearing hereof sent for the commissary , and the proctors of the uniuersitie , and one maister brightwell , and accused them as fauourers of wickliffe , and forced them to confesse his articles hereticall and erroneous : the commissarie fell on his knees and desired pardon , which was granted vpon condition he should make inquirie , and put to silence all that he found fauouring wickliffe , harford , repington , ashton , and bedman : and that hee should publish in the head church of the uniuersitie the condemnation of wickliffes conclus●ons : and that hee should put all his adherents he found to purgation , or cause them to abiure : he answered he durst not doe it for death : what said the bishop , is oxford a nestler of heresies that the catholick truth cannot be published ? oxford was the first uniuersitie that maintained the truth that is now spread farr● and néere : the next day the bishop shewed the matter to the kings councell , who sent commandement with all diligence , to execute the arch-bishops iniunction . one henry crompe a cistertian monke , which after was accused of heresie , now was suspended by the said commissarie , for calling the heretickes lolards : he complained to the archbishop , who sent for the commissarie and proctors in the kings and councels name , where he receiued a new commandement to punish the wickliffes : then philip repington , and nickolas harford , beeing priuily warned by the uice-chancellor : they fled to the duke of lancaster , but they were apprehended and sent by him to the archbishop : wickliffe was exiled , and after returned againe to his parish of lutterworth where he died : the prouidence of god is to be noted in this man and many other whom the lord pr●serued in such rages of enemies from all their hands vntilll his old age , whom the lord will keepe nothing can hurt . all his bookes were condemned and forbidden to be read by the councell of constance , and by the d●crée thereof forty yéeres after his death , by the commandement of the bishop , his bones were digged vp and burned , & the ashes powred into the riuer : he had written diuers works , which in the yéere . were burned at oxford : the abbot of shrewsbury being commissary , & sent to ouersée the matter , his bookes were likewise burned in boheme by the archb ▪ of prage , he burned . of his books , richly adorned with bosses of gold , and rich couerings . in the yeare . he wrot an epistle to pope vrban the sixt , that the gospell of christ was the whole body of the law , and that christ was very god , and very man : and that the pope christs uicar was bound most of all other vnto the gospel , for the greatnes of christs disciples consisteth not in worldly honour , but in néere ●ollowing the life and manners of christ ▪ christ was a most poore man , casting off all worldly rule and honour , therefore none ought to follow the pope , nor other holy man , but as they follow christ : for peter and the sonnes of zebedy in desiring worldly honours offended , and therein they are not to be followed , therefore the pope ought to leaue his temporall dominion to the seculer power , and therevnto exhort his whole clergy . there was none so great enemies to him as the clergy , yet he had many good frends both of the meaner sort & the nobility : amongst whom these men are numbred : iohn clenton , lewis clifford , richard sturius , thomas latimer , william neuil , iohn mountegew , who plucked downe all the images in his church : the earle of salesbury when hee died refused the sacrament of the altar , and confession : and one iohn of northampton mayor of london , who vsed such seuere punishment against the fornicators and adulterers that they were ashamed of their offences , & others afeard to offend : the lord cobham , who confessed he neuer hated sinne with his heart , before he was instructed by wickliffe : all these were noble men , and there was no want of the meaner sort of such as did with all their diligence defend his doctrine , especially oxford men , who were most shamefully forced to recantation , and most cruelly iudged to the fire . one iohn ashton maister of arte , beeing examined , confessed that the bread by the sacramentall words was the very same body of christ in number , which was borne of the u●rgin mary : yet because hee did not answere simply , according to the tradition of rome , as touching the subiect and accident of transmuting the substance of the bread , he was committed to the secular powers , and cast into prison where he died : many other notable clarkes , some were burned , some died in prison , but all were afflicted : as william swinderby , iohn puruey , henry crompe , richard white , william thorpe , raynold peacock , bishop of saint asaph , and after of chichester , lawrence redman , dauid sawtry , iohn ashwarbie uicar of s. maries in oxford , william iames , thomas brightwell , vvilliam hawlam , raffe gre●hurst , iohn scut , philip noris , which being excommunicated by the pope , appealed to a generall councell . peter paine , who flying from oxford into bohemia , stoutly contended against the sophisters about both ●indes of the sacrament , and was one of the fourteene that was sent to the councell of basil , and disputed three daies touching the ciuill dominion of the clergy : also the lord cobham : thus much touching the adherents of wickliffe . the uice-chancellor of oxford , with the whole congregation of the maisters , made a publike testimonie of the learning and good life of iohn wickliffe , that his conditions throughout his whole life were sincere and commendable , whose honest manners and conditions , profoundnes of learning , and most redol●nt renowne and fame , we desire the more earnestly to be notified to all the faithfull , for that wee vnderstand his maturitie and ripenes of conuersation , his diligent labours to tend to the praise of god , the help and safegard of others , and the profit of the church , there was neuer note or spot of suspition raised of him , in answering , reading , preaching , and determining : he behaued himselfe laudably , and as a stout and valiant champion of the faith , vanquishing by the force of scripture , all such who by wilfu●l beggery blasphemed christs religion , neither was he con●ict of heresie or burned by our prelates after his buriall : god forbid our prelates should condemne a man of such honesty , for an heretick , who amongst all the rest of our uniuersitie had written in logick , philosophy , diuinity , morality , and the speculatiue arte without p●are : in witnes whereof we seale this testimonial with our common seale . october . iohn hus hauing read ouer wickliffes bookes , concludeth by many infallible presumptions and reasons that hee was no heretick , but in the number of the saued , and that it was a foolish consequent , because the number of prelates and clergy in england , france , and boheme doe count him for an heretick , that therefore he is one : like is the reason for burning of his bookes , for in the first chapter of the booke of machabees , they burned the bookes of the lord , and tore them , and whosoeuer was found to haue or vse them was put to death by the kings commandement : if this argued the wickednes of the bookes , then the law of god was wicked : so likewise of the burning of s. gregories bookes and of diuers other good men , it followeth not because the scribes and pharisies condemned christ as an heretick , that therefore he was one , so iohn chrysostome was twice condemned an hereticke by the bishops and clergy . besides the articles afore , there were other articles gathered out of his bookes , which his malicious aduersaries peruersly collecting , and maliciously expounding , did exhibit to the councell of constance . they sinne in simony that be hired by temporal liuings to pray for others . the prayer of the reprobate preuaileth for no man. hallowing of churches , confirmation of children , the sacrament of orders bee reserued to the pope , and bishops onely for temporall lucre . graduation and doctor-ships in uniuersities and colledges as they bee vsed conduce nothing to the church . the excommunication of the pope and his prelates is not to be feared , because it is the censure of antichrist . such as founded monasteries offend , and all such as enter into them be members of the diuell . a deacon or priest may teach gods word without the authority of the apostolike sea. they that enter into monasticall order or religion , are vnable to keep gods commandements , or to come to heauen except they returne . the church of rome is the synagogue of satan , neither is the pope the immediate vicar of christ , nor of the apostles . the decretals of the popes be apocripha , and seduce from the faith of christ , and the clergy that study them be fooles . it is not necessarie to saluation to beleeue the church of rome to be supreme ●ead ouer all churches . it is but folly to beleeue the popes pardons . all othes made for any contract or ciuill bargaine betwixt man and man bée vnlawfull . benedick , francis , dominick , bernard , and al other that haue béen patrons of priuat religions , except they haue repented , with such as entred into the same , be in damnable state , and from the pope vnto the lowest nouis they are all hereticks . thus you haue the whole summe of wickliffes articles , albeit not as hee vttered them , but as his froward aduersaries collected them out of his writings , if some of them séeme hard or strange , thinke it rather to be imputed to their euill will , then to his good meaning , as it might appeare if his bookes had now been extant : but this is certaine howsoeuer his articles were taken of the euill disposed , with all good men he was highly fauoured and had in such estimation for his profound knowledge , and great learning , that all forren nations were moued with his authoritie ; especially the bohemians had him insuch reuerence , that iohn hus , the greatest doer in the uniuersitie of prage , tooke profit of his doctrine , and openly defended his articles . wickliffes doctrine came into bohemia , by reason of a student of bohemia that was at oxford being of noble stock : who returning to prage , carried certaine bookes of wickliffes with him , de realibus vniuersalibus , de ciuili iure , et diuino , de ecclesia , de questionibus var●●s contra clerum &c. a noble man of prage builded a church called bethelem , giuing lands to it , and finding two preachers euery day to preach to the people , of the which iohn hus was one , hee beeing familiar with the yong man , reading and perusing these bookes , tooke such pleasure and fruit thereby , that he defended and commended them in schooles and sermons , commending him for a good man , wishing when he died to be there placed where his soule was . we think it worth labour to shew certaine prophesies , whereby so many pers●cutions were figured : and first the aforesaid abbot ioachim , told king richard , as hée went to ierusalem , that the last of the seuen kings spoken of in the reuelation was antichrist , and that at that present hee should be bred at rome , and be exalted into the apostolick sea , according to the apostle , hee is exalted aboue all that is called god : hee was in the yeare . and in the prophesie of hildegardis , afore mentioned , she saith in the yeare . the doctrine of the apostles , and iustice which god appointed to spirituall christians , beganne to war flack , and doubtfull , but this womanly time shall not so long continue as it hath done . bishop fluensius , doubted not openly to preach , that antichrist was borne in his daies . bi●h . gerardus , in the yeare of our lord . in his book of the preseruation of gods seruants , doth coniecture antichrist to be at hand , by the rarity of prophesie , and the gift of curing . hierome sauanorol . yeares before prophesied , that italy shall be plagued by the scourge of god for the manifold sinnes thereof , amongst the princes as well ecclesiasticall as secular , and when the cities of rome and florence are ouerthrowne , then shall the church bee renewed , which shall happen very shortly , and the turkes , and the mauritanians shall bee conuerted vnto the knowledge of christ , and that one should passe the alpes like vnto cyrus , and hee shall subuert all italy . i thinke it lacketh not his prophesie , which happened in the yeare of our lord . that throughout all germany there was scene vpon mens garments , crosses , crownes of thornes , similitude of nailes , and drops of bloud f●ll from heauen , and oftentimes they fell within the houses , insomuch that many women wore the same long time vpon their railes . one iohn a franciscane fryer , in the yeare of our lord . fore-shewed that the ecclesiasticall order , should suffer much through the ambitious auarice , and pride of the pope : wherevpon pope clement the sixt , cast him in the prison . one manfredus a dominick frier , fore-shewed that antichrist should rise vp in his time , after the yeare of our lord . and should fully rage ouer the godly , and that there should be persecution in the church , and hee said that the cloyster monkes did falsifie the doctrine of christ , that the sacrifice of the altar was not profitable to the quick nor dead , and that there was no knowledge i● the consolations of the pope , but onely of mens workes : at last frederick king of cicill sent him to the pope , where he died vpon the sea by the way . peter , iohn aquine a franciscane frier , prophecied that in the later daies the law of liberty should appeare : pope clement . pronounced him an hereticke after his death , and caused his bones to be digged vp and burned . there was so many christian martyrs , in all parts of the world , whereof a great number were c●mpassed in with craft and deceit : some were poisoned , others tormented with torments , many oppressed with priuate and vnknowne deaths , others dyed in prison , some by famine , some by other meanes were openly and priuately destroyed , that it is scarsely possible to attaine to the knowledge of a small number of them : or if i happen to attaine to the knowledge of the names of them , yet i can not finde out the manner of the execution of them , and their causes , no one man is able to doe it , but by the example of some of them , you may ●asily iudge what hath happened to all : for the cruelty of bishops haue been alike against them , and the forme of their iudgements all one : the reason of their condemnation agreeing , and the order and kinde of their death . it was fiue hundred yeeres since satan was set at libertie : this story were wonderfully to be enlarged , if all that were put to death by the primates of the church should be recited : for in narbone . chose rather to suffer the fire , then giue any credit to decretals : and in the yeare . at paris were foure and twenty put to death , and in the yeare after , foure hundred burned , and fourescore beheaded : the prince armericus hanged , and the lady of castele stoned to death . at erphurd begardus was burned , . and a deacon burned at oxford a●d in the county of cambray , diuers more were burned by the dominicans . the pope commendeth a king in boetius , that for one that the pope had slaine , he had slaine foure hundred , cutting away the genitals : there were many burned in france . not long before wickliffe , eckhardus a dominick fryer , was condemned at hedelberge : i passe ouer the aluenses , that were burned in k. iohns time , and i passe ouer the hermite that disputed in paules church , that the sacrament then vsed was not ordained by christ : of this number were two gray-friers that were burned at london . certaine conclusions were put vp vnto the parliament house : first , when the church of england began first to dote in temporalties , according to her mother in law the church of rome , and churches were appropriated , faith , hope and charitie began to vanish away , because pride with her genealogy of mortall and deadly sinne , did challenge the title of truth . our priesthood that tooke originall from rome , is not that which christ ordained to his disciples , because it is done by signes and pontificiall ceremonies , and benedictions of no effect , hauing no ground in scripture , neither see wee the holy ghost giuen by any such ceremonies , it is a dolorous mockery , to sée bishops play with the holy ghost , by giuing of crownes when they giue orders , in steed of white hearts , the marke of antechrist , brought in to clo●e their idlenes . the law of chastitie , inioined vnto priests , which was to the preiudice of women , induceth sodomy into the church , by reason the delicate fare of the clergy will haue a naturall purgation or worse , and the secret proofe of them is they doe delight in women , the primate religions must be disanulled , the originall of that sinne . the fained m●racles of the sacrament of bread , induceth almost all to idolatry , because they thinke the body , which is neuer out of heauen , is included in the little bread which they shew the people : the feast of corpus christi and the seruice thereof , inuented by thomas aquinas , fained and full of false myracles , for hee would haue made a myracle of an hens egge : these lies openly preached , turne to the approbry of him that is alwaies true . the orcismes or blessings ouer the wine , bread , water , oyle , salt , incence , the altar stone about the church walles , ouer the uestment , chalice , myter , crosse , and pilgrim-staues , are the practices of negromancers , for by it the creatures are honored to be of more vertue then by nature they are , and we sée no change in any creature exercised , except it be by false faith , which is the principall point of diuellish art : if the coniuring of holy water were true , it would bee an excellent medicine for all kinde of sicknesses and sores , the contrarie whereof dayly experience teacheth . one man to be a king and a priest , a prelate and a temporall iudge maketh the kingdome out of order : the temporaltie and spiritualtie are two parts of the church , to be called amphradite , or ambidextri are good names for such men of double states : we shew this to the parliament , that it bee enacted , that the clergy should onely occupy themselues with their owne charge , and not meddle with others charge . prayers made for the soules of the dead , is a false foundation of almes , wherin all the almes houses in england are falsely founded , meritorious prayers ought to proceed of charitie , but the gift is the cause of their prayers which is simony : againe , a prayer made for one in hell is vnpleasant to god , and it is most like the founders of such almes houses , for their wicked indowings are most of them passed the broad way : euery prayer of effect proceedeth of charitie , and comprehendeth generally all such as god would haue saued , these strong priests are able to labour and serue the realme : let them not be retained in idlenes , for it hath been proued in a booke to the king , that a hundred almes-houses are sufficient for the whole realme . pilgrimages , prayers , and offerings to blind crosses or roods , and dea●e images are ido●atry and farre from almes : though these be forbidden , yet they are thought bookes of error to the common people : and the common image of the trinitie is especially abhominable : but god commands almes to be giuen to the poore , and not to idols : the seruice of the crosse celebrated twice euery yeare , is full of idolatry : for if the nailes and the speare ought so profoundly to be honored , then were iudas his lips a maruellous good relike , if one could get them . thou pilgrime when thou offerest vnto the bones of saints , whether doest thou relieue their soules being in ioy . auricular confession , and the fained power of absolution , setteth vp the priest of priests , and giueth them opportunitie of other secret talkes , lords and ladies doe witnes that for feare of their confessors , they dare not speake the truth , and in time of confession is opportunity ministred to play the bawdes , and make other secret conuentions to deadly sinne : they say they are commissaries from god , to iudge and discerne all sinnes , to pardon what they please , that they haue the k●yes of hell and heauen , that they can excommunicate , blesse and curse , binde and lose at their pleasure : for twelue pence they will sell the kingdome of heauen , by writing and clause of warrants , sealed with the common seale , the pope hath fained that he is the treasurer of the whole church , hauing the treasure of the passion of christ in his kéeping , with the merits of all saints in heauen , whereby hee giueth fained pardons a poena et culpa , and whereby he can deliuer all captiues being in purgatory at his pleasure , and make them not to come there . the vow of chastitie made by women , imperfect by nature , bringeth in horrible vices , the murdering of children borne before their time , and before they are christned , the destruction of their natures by medicines , accompanying amongst themselues , and with beasts , and any creature without life , commeth to such vnséemlinesse , that they are punished with hell torments , wee would that widdowes and maides which take the mantle and ring were married . john bale , a man indued with great knowledge and vnderstanding was condemned to death by robert triuillian chiefe iustice , . albeit he was chiefe iustice he suffered the like punishment , and was hanged at tyburne , being iustly requited for the bloud which he had shed . one iohn puruay was accused of heresie at oxford : walden writeth hee was the library of lollards , and glos●r vpon wickliffe ; hee with harford , a doctor of diuinitie were gre●uously tormented in the prison of saltwood , and made to recant at paules crosse , by arundel archbishop of canterbury , and one and twenty yéers after , taken and imprisoned againe by chichely , archbishop of canterbury : these be his articles he recanted . there can be no accident without the subiect in the sacrament after consecration ; but there remaineth the same substance visible bread , and the same wine as before the consecration ; as when a pagan is baptized , spiritually hee is a member of christ : yet he hath his nature and substance as before . auricular confession , is a whispering , destroying the liberty of the gospel newly deuised by the pope and clergy , to intangle the conscience in sinne , and the soule in hell . he that is holy and predestinated to eternall life , though he be a lay man , is a priest before god. wicked prelates haue neither the keyes of hell nor heauen , though the pope interdict the realme , he could not hurt but profit vs , for thereby wee should be dismissed the seruice of his church , and his lawes . if any make a vow to keep perpetuall chastitie , or any other thing that god hath appointed him too , no prelate can compell him to keep it . hee that hath taken the office of priesthood , though hee haue no charge of soules committed to him , they may and ought to preach the gospel freely , else he is a théefe , excommunicated of god , and the holy church . that pope innocent the fourth and six hundred bishops , and a thousand prelates and the rest , that ordained transubstantiati●n , auricular confession , and other such lawes were fooles , heretickes , blasphemers , and seducers of the people : and we ought not to beleeue them nor their successors , nor obey their lawes , except they be grounded on the scripture , or some reason that cannot be impugned . about the same time richard wiche hauing preached the gospel , the bishop of durham made him recant these articles . images are not to be worshipped . god of his ordinarie power cannot make an image bleed . that we should not confesse to a wicked priest. euery lay-man is bound to know the gospel , and to preach it priuately or openly if he hau● habilitie . a lay-man ought to pray in his own tongue which he vnderstands , such prayer is most accepted . euery priest according to his capacity is bound to know the whole scripture , and by his office to preach it . pilgrimages to ierusalem or rome are vaine , what you may haue there , you may haue at home , and baptisme may as well bee had hee●e as in other places . men or women in iourneying ought to haue their communication vpon the scripture . no priest ought to beg any thing : almes is to be giuen to the lame , feeble , and sicke ▪ or they that haue been spoiled . the cross● is not to be worshipped . euery place is as fit for prayer as another . ●hey doe against the law that burne men . in the same yéere one william santrey , who , ●nflamed with true religion , required in the parliament that he might be heard , for the commoditie of the whole realme : but the matter being before smelt of the bishoppes , they obtained that the matter should be put to their hearings and iudgements , by whom hee was at last attached of heresie , condemned for seuen articles , disgraded and burned by the commandement of the king. thirteene yeares after the death of wickliffe , henry the fourth then raigning : king richard was deposed and put into the tower , and there died : a parliament was holden , in which it was decreed that the fauourers of wickliffe should be apprehended ▪ who then were called lollards : and if they did perseuere to bee deliuered to the bishop of the diocesse , and from him committed to the correction of the secular magistrate : this brought a certaine priest vnto punishment that yeare , who was burned in smithfield in presence of a great number : i take it was swinderby , who as aforesaid was forced to recant by the bishop of lincolne . héere followeth the examination of maister william thorpe , written with his owne hand ; hee sheweth first the reasons why he wrot it : first at the earnest request of diuers friends , and that hee had a desire of himselfe so to doe , that profit might come thereby , for the truth hath this condition , where euer it is impugned it hath a swéet sauour , and the more enemies addresse themselues to oppresse it , the sweeter smell commeth thereof , and will not passe away like smoke , but rest in some cleane soule that thirsteth thereafter : thirdly , that the good by shewing it one to an other , may strengthen one another , and shewing it to some enemy of the truth , hee may be astonied and conuerted . his examination before arvndel , archbishop of canterbury , and chancellor , in his closet , with but three with him . bishop . william this twenty yeeres and more , thou hast trauelled 〈◊〉 about the north , and other countreyes to poison all the land with ●hy vntrue preaching , but by gods help thou art in my ward , and i will let thee to inuenome the shéepe of my prouince : but as saint paul saith , as much as in vs is wee will haue peace with all men , if thou wilt faithfully sware to submit thy selfe to my correction and ordinance , i will be gracious vnto thée . thorp . after he had made a confession of his faith in the trinitie , and in the sonne of god , reciting the whole substance of the gospel , from the conception of christ vntill the holy ghost was sent , he beléeued the catholike church was all that euer were , are , or shal be , that endeuour to know & kéep gods commandements , fearing to offend him , and louing to please him , hoping stedfastly in his mercy , continuing in charity , gladly suffering persecutions by the example of christ and his apostles : all these haue their names written in the booke of life . the gathering together of these that be aliue , is the church fighting against the fi●nd , the prosperity of the world and the fleshly lus●s : and i wil submit my selfe only to the rule and gouernance of them , whom after my knowledge i may perceiue , by the hauing and vsing of the foresaid vertues , to be members of the holy church . these articles and all other that i ought to beléeue by the word of god , i verily beléeue in my soule , and i beleeue that the word of god is sufficient to saluation : if i haue erred that i submit my selfe to be ●econciled , and i beleeue the authorities of saints and doctors as farre as they may be approued by the word of god , and no further , for any earthly power or dignity . sir , i pray shall i lay my hand on the booke to sweare by it ; yea , said he , wherefore else ? sir , i say a booke is a thing coupled together of diuers creatures , and gods and mans law is against swearing by any creature , but i will sweare vnto you as i ought by gods law , but for charity , tell me wherein i shall submit my selfe , and wherein you will correct m● ? bishop ▪ i will that you swear to forsake all the opinions of the sect of lollards , which i shall rehearse after you haue sworne , and that you will neither priuily nor openly teach none of them , nor fauour none of that opinion , but withstand them , and them that will not yéeld , make knowne to the byshop of the diocesse , and that thou preach no more vntill i do know that thy hart and mouth accord . thorp . if i consent vnto you , here●n i should be euery bishops spy , sommoner of al england ; yea , i should deceiue many persons , and be y ● cause of their death bodily and ghostly , for many of them that stand now in the truth , and are in the way of saluation , would rather chuse to forsake the way of truth , then to be scorned , slandered , and punished , as byshops and their ministers now vse to d ee : and i finde not in the scripture that this office you would now enfeoff me with , accordeth to any priest or christian ; therefore to do thus , were to me a full noyous band , for many trust so mickle in me , that i would not doe it to saue my life , and they might well account me a traytor to god and man , and that i had fa●sly and cowardly forsaken the truth , and slandered shamefully the word of god , if i doe thus for feare of bondcheefe and mischeefe in this life , i deeme in my conscience , i were worthy to bee cursed of god and all his saints , from which keepe me and all christians almighty god. bishop . thy heart is full hard indurate , as the hart of pharaoh , the diuell hath blinded thy wits , that thou hast no grace to know the truth , nor the measure of mercy that i haue pro●●ered thee : but i say to thee lewd lossell , eyther quickly consent to me , or by saint thomas ▪ thou shalt be disgraded , and follow thy fellow ●o smithfield . thorp . i thought with my selfe god did me great grace , if of his mercy he would bring me to such an end , and my heart was not afraid of his menasing , but i considered in him , that he was not sorrowfull that he had burned william santry wrongfully , and that he thi●steth to shed more innocent blood , and i was fast mooued to hold him to be no priest of god , and mine inward man was departed from him to haue no feare of him , and i was right heauy that there was no audience of seculer men by : and i prayed the lord to comfort me against them , that were against the sothfastnesse , and i purposed to speake no more then my neede behooued . all the while i prayed god for his grace , to speake with a méeke and easie spirit , and that i might haue authorities of scriptures , or open reason for my words , and his clearks said , why muse you , do as my lord commands you . byshop . hast thou not yet bethought thee , whether thou wilt doe as i haue said ? thorp . my parents spent mickle mony about my learning to make me a priest , but i had no will to be a priest , wherefore they were right heauy to mee , that i thought to leaue thē ; at length i desired that i might go to such as were named wise , and of vertuous conuersa●ion , to haue the●● councell , so i communed with such , till i perceiued their honest and charitable workes , to passe their fame ; wherefore 〈◊〉 , by the example of the doctrine of them , after my cunning and power , i haue exercised me to know perfectly gods law , hauing a desire to liue thereafter , and that others exercised themselues faithfully there abouts . then he sheweth the reasons aforesaid , and what would follow , if he should forsake , so suddenly , the learning that he had exercised this . winters , according to the example of some , whose name i wil now recite , and according to the present doing of phillip rampington , now bishop of lincolne , by gods grace , i will learne by them to fly such slander as th●y haue defiled themselues with , and as much as is in them , they haue enuenomed all the church of god , by their flaunderous reuoking at paules crosse , and how now phillip rampington pursueth christs people , which will not be vnpunished of god. bishop . these were fooles , and heretickes , when they were counted wise of thée , and s●ch lose●s , but now they are wise , though ye deeme them vnwise . thorpe . i thinke they are wise concerning this world , i did thinke by their former doings , that they had earnest of the wisdome of god , and deserued ●●ckie grace of him , to haue saued themselues and many others , if they had continued faithfull , and in their bu●●e f●●itfull sowing of gods word : but woe worth false couetousnesse , euill councell , and t●ranny , by which they , and many be led blindly to an euill end . bishop . which are those holy and wise men , of whom thou hast taken thine information ? thorpe . sir , master iohn wicliffe , holden of ●ull many the greatest clarke then liuing ●us●ing rul● an● innocent in his liuing great men communed oft with him ▪ they so loued his learning , that they wrote it , and b●s●ly inforced themselues to ●ollow it ; and his learning is yet holden most agréeable to the learning of christ and his apostles , and master iohn ayston taught and wrote accordingly , and vsed himselfe right perfectly to his liues end . and sometimes phillip rampington ▪ nichols herford , dauid gotray of pak●ing , and iohn puruay , and many other , which were holden right wise and prodent , taught and writ busily his foresaid learning : with al● these men i was right homely , and communed with them , but of all other , i ●hose to ●ollow wicliffe himselfe , as the most wise and godly man that i heard of , or know . some of these i heart them whilst they sate in christs chaire , but after the workes they now doe , i will not doe , by gods ●elpe , for they faine would hide and contrary the trueth , which before they taught plainly and truely , and some of them haue confessed they doe it because they are constrained by paine , to leaue the truth ; so they blaspheame god rather then suffer a little , though christ shed his heart bloud for vs. bishop . that which thou callest truth , is slander to holy church , and though wicliffe were a great clerke , and a perfect liuer yet holy church hath damned many of his doctrines , and well worthy ; but phillip rampington bishop of lincolne , wil not hold the learning that he taught , nor no bishop pursueth more sharpely them that hold thy way then he doth . thorpe . many wonder at him ▪ and speake him mickle shame , and hold him a cursed e●nemie of the trueth . bishop . then the bishop read a certificate that the bailiffes of shrewesbury sent to him vnder their seale the third sunday after eas●er , . william thorpe preaching in saint chaddes church , in his sermon , said , that the sacrament , after con●ecration , was materiall bread , and that images should not be worshipped , and that men should not goe on pilgrimages , that priests haue no title to tythes , and that it is not lawfull to sweare . then he said , is this wholsome learning to be amongst the people ? thorpe . i am sory , and ashamed of them , i neuer taught such doctrine . bishop . i will beléeue those worshipfull men before thée , thou hast troubled them , and they pray mee , that if thou suffer for thy heresies , that thou most be executed there , that such other ●o●els , for feare , may be reconciled , and they that stand in faith of holy church more stablished , by my thirft , this feruent requ●st shall b● thought on . thorpe . i thanke god , for all this , i was not afraid , but my heart reioyced , and still doth ; for i then thought , and yet thinke , that grace shall come to all the church of god herethorow , and i said , i doubt not but i can proue that they which are fained to bee out of holy church at shrewsbury , and other places , are in true faith of holy church , for they dread to offend god , and loue to please him , i● true and faithfull keeping his commaundements ; and they that are said to be in faith of holy church there , and in other places , are proud , e●●ious , co●etous , lechero●s , and foule in words and deeds , and know not , nor will know the right faith of holy church , their customable swearing , and shamefull workes witnesse it . and sir , where you say , i haue troubled the communaltie with preaching , it is not to be wondred at of wise men , seeing all the communaltie of ierusalem was troubled at christ , & all the synagogue of nazaret moued against him , that they led him to a mountaine , and would haue cast him downe headlong . bishop . thou , and such l●s●ls ▪ presume to preach without licence of any bishop . thorpe . it is euery priests duetie to preach busily , freely , and truely the word of god , and they should take the order of priesthood chiefly to make gods word kn●wne to the people , and approuing the truth of the word by his vertuous workes and for this purpose chiefly bishops and prelates should take their prelacie , and for this cause bishops should giue their orders , and should accept none to be priest ▪ except he were well disposed , and well learned to preach . wherefore , by the example and doctrine of christ , and his apostles , and prophets , wée are bound vnder full great paine so to doe . bishop . le●●de losell , why makest thou mée such vaine reasons , asketh not saint paul , how should priests preach , except they be sent ? and i sent thée not to preach . and saith not sai●t paul , subiects ought to obey their soueraignes , and not only the good and vertuous , but tyrants and vicious . thorpe . none of you will grant vs any such licence , but we must oblige vs to you● by vnlawfull othes , not to passe the bonds you will limmit vs , and we dar● not so oblige our selues . wherefore , though we haue no such licenses , we dare not leaue the ●ffice of preaching , for so mu●h as we haue taken vpon vs the office of priesthood , trusting god will bo our sufficient letters and witnesse , if we occupie vs faithfully to d●e our office iustly ; yea , the hearers shall be our letters , for the truth , where it is s●wne , cannot be vnwitnessed , as saint paul saith ; wee neede no letters of commendations , a● some doe , which preach for couetousnesse , and mens praisings . touching obedience to superiours , good superiours with sound doctrine and holy couersation , to them wée must willingly and gladly obey , consenting to their charitable biddings , and working after their fruitfull workes , of these saint paul speaketh ; bee mindfull of your soueraignes , that speake to you in the word of god , and follow the faith of them , whose conuersation you know to be vertuous . these soueraignes make feruent prayers , that they , and their subiects may liue in the feare and loue of god , and liue so vertuously , that they that will liue well may take example by them : but subiects ought not to obey tyrants , whose biddings and workes are vicious , that they ought to be hated and left . but if they menace oppressions and punishings , saint peter biddeth the seruants of such tyrants , to , obey meekely , suffering patiently their malicious cruelty : but hée councelleth not any seruant or subiect , to obey any lord , prince , or soueraigne in any thing not pleasing to god. bishop . if a soueraigne bid a subiect doe the thing that is vicious , the soueraigne is to blame , but the subiect deserueth méede of god , for obedience pleaseth god more then sacrifice . thorpe . samuel told saul that god was more pleased with the obedience of his commandement then with sacrifices , but dauid , s. paul , and s. gregory accordeth therto , that they that doe euil are not only worthy condemnation , but they that consent thereto . bishop . all these a●●agings are nothing else bu● proud presumptions , for hereby yo● inforce you are iust , and ought not to ●bey the prelates , and of your owne authoriti● you will preach and doe what you list . thorpe . presenteth not euery priest the office of the apostles , and disciples 〈◊〉 christ ▪ he said yea , the tenth of mathew , and the last of mathew witnesseth , christ sent his apostles to preach . and in the tenth of luke , he sent his . disciples to preach in euery place that christ was come to . and saint gregory saith , he that taketh vppon him the office of priesthoode , taketh on him the office of preaching , and that the priest stirreth god to great wrath , whose mouth is not heard to preach , and ezekiel saith ; the priest that preacheth not busily to the people , shall bee partaker of their damnation , that perish by their default . and though the people bee saued by other means , yet if the priest preach not , he is a man●●●per , b●cause they hold from the people the word of god , the life of their soules . saint isidore saith ; priests shall be damned for the wickednesse of the people , if they teach not the ignorant , and blame not the sinners . christ saith ; he came into the world to beare witnesse of the trueth . lincolne saith ; that priest that preacheth not the word of god , though he haue no other default , hee is antichrist , and satan , a night theefe , and a day theefe , a slayer of soules , and an angell of light turned into darkenesse . therefore , i count my 〈◊〉 in damnable ●ase , if i , for feare , neglect preaching ; and so i doe them that willingly neglect preaching , and so i doe them that haue purpose or will to let any priest of this businesse . bishop . lo● sirs , this is the businesse of this losell , and such other , to pi●ke sharpe sentences out of the scripture , and doctors , to maintaine their 〈◊〉 . thou desirest the psalter i tooke from thée , but thou shalt ne●er ha●e it , nor none other booke , vntill i know thy heart and tongue ac●ord to be gouerned by holy church . thorpe . my will is , and euer shall be , to be gouerned by holy church . and hée asked me what holy church was ; christ and his saints are holy church , though euery one in charitie be the church , yet it hath two parts , the first part hath ouercome wretchednesse , and raigneth in ioy with christ , the other is in earth fighting day and night against the temptations of the feind , forsaking the glory of the world , and the ●usts of the flesh , and which onely are the pilgrimes of christ , wandring towards heauen by stedfast faith , grounded hope , and perfect charitie ; these will not be let from their purpose by any doctors discording from the scripture , nor by the flouds of tribulations , nor the winde of pri●e , or menasing of any creature : for they are fast grounded vppon the stone christ , hearing his word , louing and practising it with all their wits . bishop . 〈◊〉 you not how he is indurate , and trauelled with the deuill , occupying himselfe busily to aledge sentences to maintaine his heresie ? thus he would doe all ●ay , if wee would suffer him . one of his clerk●s ●id the bishop appose him vpon the the points of the certificate from shrewsbury . and he said ; was it true that is certified thou diddest preach touching the sacrament . thorpe . as i stoode in the pulpit preaching , there toled a sacring bell , and much people went from me , and i said ; good men , you were better stand still , and heare gods word , for the vertue of the sacrament stondeth much morein the beliefe thereof , that ye ought to haue in the soule , then in the outward sight thereof . bishop . resteth there in the host materiall bread after consecration ? thorpe . saint paul was a great doctor , and he called it bread that he brake , and in the canon of the masse , after consecration , it is called holy bread , and euery priest after he hath receiued the sacrament , saith ▪ that thing that wee haue taken with our ●●●thea , we pray god we may take with a pure minde . and saint augustine saith . that which is seene is bread , but that mens faith asketh to bee informed of , is very christs body . fulgentius saith , it is an error to say christ is very man , and not god , and that hee is very god , and not man ; so is it to say the sacrament is but a substance . bishop . i command thée answere me shortly . thorpe . i vnderstand it all one , to grant that there dwelleth substance of bread , and that christs body is accident without subiect ; your asking passeth my vndersta●ding , i dare not deny it , nor grant it , i commit this terme accidens cum subiecto , to those clerkes which delight in subtile sophistry , they determine often so difficult matters , and w●nder so in them , from argument to argument , with pro & contra , vntill they vnderstand not themselues , but the shame that proud sophisters haue to yeelde to 〈◊〉 , before men maketh them oft fooles , and to bée shamefully concluded before god. bishop . i will not oblige thee to the arguments of clerkes , since thou art vnable thereto , but i purpose to haue thee obey the determination of holy church . thorpe . by open euidence , and plaine witnesse , . yeares after christ , this determination which i rehearse was accepted of holy church , as sufficient to saluation , but that which was brought in since the deuill was loosed by thomas aquinas , calling the sacrament an accident without subiect , i vtterly deny to make this fryers sentence , or any such my beliefe , d ee with mee god what hee will. bishop . well , well , thou shalt say otherwise before i leaue thee . thou preachest that images ought not to be worshipped . thorpe . not so , for all c●eatures are the images of gods glory , and a man is made after gods image , and they are worshipfull in their ●●nde ; but the 〈◊〉 or painting of images , though it be in high dignitie with man , and for a calender to lewde men , that nether will nor can be learned to know god in his word , nor by his creatures , nor wonderfull workes ; yet this imaginarie ought not to be worshipped . bishop . but a crucifixe ought to be worshipped , for the passion of christ is painted therein , and brought to our remembrance thereby , so of the image of the trinitie , and of the uirgine mary , and of the saints : as when men receiue the kings , or their lords seale , whe●ein is their pictures or armes , in worshippe of them they put off their cappes to these letters , and since in images we may know many things of god and his saints , shall we not worship their images ? thorpe . these worldly vsages of temporall lords may be done , but this is no similitude to worshippe images , since moses , salomon , ba●uch , and others in the bible forbid plainly the worshipping of such images . bishop . lewde ●osell , there was no likenesse of the trinitie in the old law , but since christ became man , it is lawfull to haue images to shew his manhood , though great clarkes hold it an error to paint the trinitie , i say it is well done , for it mo●eth deuotion , so doe other images of saints . beyond sea are the best painters , and this is their manner , before they make an image , they shréeue themselues to a priest as if they should d●e , and take penance , and make a vowe of fasting , prayer , or pilgrimage , praying the priest to pray for them , that they may haue grace to make a fayr● and deuout image . thorpe . i doubt not if the painters truely vnderstood the sciptures they would repent themselues of their sinfull and vaine arte of painting idols , and the priests that 〈◊〉 them penance , and prayed for them , sinned more then the painters , for they comfort them in that which they are vnder paine of the great curs● of god they ought to forbid , for 〈◊〉 , if the word of god were truely preached , and ministers liued thereafter ▪ there would be no neede of these images ▪ bishop . i hold thee a vi●ie●s and cursed priest , for thou , and such others goe about to destroy all priests and images of holy church . lozell , were it a faire thing to come into a church , and see neuer an image . thorpe . they that come to church to pray , their inward wits may be the more feruent in that their outward wits bee closed from outward seeing . christ blessd them that sawe him not and beleeued , it sufficeth to know god in his word without images . bishop . is it not a stirring thing to behold an image ? thorpe . being euery person of the trinitie is eternall , and you say it was not lawful to picture it before christ , and in that there were many prophets . mar●●res , and professors before christ , why was it not then as lawfull to make images , to moue men to deuotion as now it is ? bishop . the synagogue of the iewes had not authoritie to approue things , as the church now hath . thorpe . saint gregory was of great dignitie , as the cannon lawe witnesseth ▪ hee greatly commended a bishoppe for forbidding images to bee worshipped . bishop . ungratio●s losell , thou sauorest truth no more then a houn● , since at the roode at the north dore at london , and at our lady at walsingham , and many other places in england , are many great and praisable miracles ●one . thorpe . i am certaine there is no such miracle done of god ▪ that any image should be worshipped , therefore i say as i haue often preached ; none should t●ust there were any vertue in them , nor vowe to them , nor seeke to them , nor 〈◊〉 , bowe , pray , o●●er , kisse , or incense them . the brasen serpent was 〈◊〉 by gods biddi●g , ●et the good king ezekiah , because it was incensed so , worth●●y destroyed it , and it is to bee dread , that for the vnfaithfulnesse of ●en , the f●●●d 〈◊〉 power to 〈◊〉 the miracles that now are done in such places : wherefore s●eing the god of 〈◊〉 is the most vnknowne and wonderfull spirit , what image may he be painted 〈◊〉 ? bishop . as holy church suffereth images to ●ee painted , and shewed , it suffiseth to th●m that are members of holy church , but thou art 〈◊〉 member cut off from holy church , thou fauourest not the ordinances thereof . thou speakest against pilgrimage , and that pilgrimages to canterbury , ●euerley , carlington , walsingham , are accursed , and f●●lish spending their goods in wast . thorpe . there bée true trauellers , trauell all their life , with all their endeauour to please god , that they may attaine to the heauenly kingdome : but i say now as i said at shrewsbury , i haue preached often in other places , and will doe as long as i liue god willing ; they that trauell their bodies , and spend their money to s●eke , or visite the bones of images of this saint , or that , such pilgrimage is neither , praiseable , or thankefull to god , nor to any saint of god ; since such pilgrimages , almost all ▪ despise god , and his commaundements , and vppon saints they waste blamefully gods goods , in such vaine pilgrimages , sometimes vpon vitious hostices , which they should doe workes of mercie withall vpon the poore and néedie , they offer their go●ds to rich priests , which haue more then they n●ede , many of them borrow other mens goods , and neuer pay them , and sometimes they steale them . and they haue with them singers , that can sing wanton songs , and some will haue bag-pipes , so that euery towne where they come , with their noyse of singing , piping , ●angling of canterbury bels , and the barking of dogs , they make more noyse then if the king came thither , with all his clarions and minstrels , and if they bee a moneth in pilgrimage , they will bee halfe a yeare after , wranglers , tale-bearers , and lyers . bishop . lewde losell , thou seest not farre enough into this matter , it is fit they haue such musicke with them , that when one goeth barefoote , burteth his foote against a stone , and maketh it bleede , it is well done that his fellow sing a song , or play on a bagge pipe , to driue away with mirth the hurt of his fellowe , and with such solace their trauell and wearin●sse , is lightly , and merrily brought forth , dauids last psalme teacheth mee to haue diuerse ●nstruments of musicke . thorpe . by the sentence of ●iuerse doctors , that musicke that dauid , and other saints of the old lawe spake of , ought not to be interpreted li●terally , but gostly , for saint paul saith , all such thing● befell to them in figure , therefore i vnderstand that the letter of this psalme , and other psalmes and sentences doth slay them that take them now literally . this sence i vnderstand christ approueth , pu●ting out the minstrels , ere he would quicken the damzell . bishop . lewd losell , is it not lawfull so haue organes in the church , to worship god withall ? thorpe . yea , by mans ordinance , but a good sermon to the peoples vnderstanding , were much more pleasant to god. bishoppe . organs , and delectable songs , quicken mens wits more then a sermon . thorpe . worldly men delight in sencible solace ▪ but the faithfull louers of christ delight to heare gods word , and vnderstand it tru●ly , and saint ierome saith ; no body may ioy with this world , and raigne with christ. bishop . what thinke you this 〈◊〉 will speake , whereas hee hath no dreade , being bee speaketh thus in my presence ? well ▪ well , by god , you shall bee ordained for . thou saidest priests had no tittle to tythes . thorpe . one would know of me whether priests , by the word of god , may curse one for not paying of tythes , christ and his apostles tooke no tythes , nor commanded none so to doe . saint paul saith , the lord hath ordained , that they that preach the gospell , should liue of the gospell . and if priests were now in measurable number , and liued vertuously , add ta●gh● busily and truely gods word , without tythes , 〈◊〉 , and other du●ies , the people would giue them suffici●nt liuings . one of his clarkes said , how can that be , sluc● by the law , priests can scarcely constraine the people to giue them their liuing ? bishop . thou sayest it is not lawfull in any case . thorpe . i neuer taught in that wise , i haue preached in many places , that it is not lawfull to sweare by any creature , and that none ought to swrare in any case , if without an oath he may excuse himselfe to them that haue authoritie so take an oath , but as he cannot otherwise excu●e himselfe , he ought onely to sweare by god , taking him only that is true to witnesse truth . and there were many other arguments ▪ wherein was no great mat●er worth abridging , if the reader be disposed , hee may see the booke at large . after hee had denied to sweare obedience vnto the bishop , except in those things that were according to the word of god , the archbishoppe bade the constable haue him away in ha●●e . bishop . i was led foorth , and brought to a ●oule and vnhonest prison , where i was neuer before ; when they were gone , and had shut the doore , i busied my selfe to thin●● on god , and thanke him of his goodnesse , and i was greatly comforted , that i was deliuered for a time , from the sight , hearing and presence , and scorning ▪ and menasing of mine enemies , but much more i reioyced in the lord , that of his grace he kept 〈◊〉 , that without heauinesse , and anguish of conscience , i passed away from them . now o god , to the praising of th● blessed name , make vs one together by authority of thy word to be knit and made one in truth , faith , and stedfast hope in perfect charitie amen . ¶ another treatise of the said william thorpe . christ , in saint matthew , likeneth them that heare his word , and kéepe it , to a wise man that buildeth his house vppon a stone , this house is mans soule , in which christ desireth to dw●ll , if it bee stablished in christes liuing and teaching , adorned with his faire uertues , and chiefly charitie , without ●edling of any ●rrour , vppon none other ground ; none may make any building , or house , but vpon the teaching and liuing of christ , as saint paule teacheth to the corinthians , and to comfort these , saint paul writeth to the people of ephesus . now ye are not strangers , guests , nor comelings , but citizens , and of the houshold of god , builded vpon the foundation of the apostles and prophets ; in which foundation , euery building that is builded , it increas●th to a holy temple . this is the stable stone christ , fast holding together two wals , for through him , ●he father is pitious , and mercifully ioyned , and made one together to mankinde , and through dread so offend god , and feruent loue to please him , men bee inseparably made one to god , ●nd ●●●ended surely vnder his protection . this stone christ was figured by the square stones of the temple : for wheresoeuer a square stone is laid , it abideth stedf●st ▪ so christ , and euery faithfull member of his church , by example of him , abideth ●●ably in true faith , and in all heauenly vertues , in all aduersities , that they suffer in this valley of ●eares . when these ●quared stones were laid in the wals and pillars of gods temple , no noyse or stroke of the workemen was heard , this ●lence signifieth christ , and his faithfull members , which haue béene , are , and euer shall bee meeke and patient in euery aduers●tie , and no sound of grudgi●g perceiued in them . this stone , and ground of all vertues , proud beggers reproued , christ suffered it most méekely in his owne person ▪ to giue example of méekenesse to his faithfull followers . this world is now so full of proud beggers , called priests , but are farre from such as christ approueth priests . ● for from the highest to the lowest , they doe all to please the world and the flesh , since i had discretion , all the popes , cardinals , bishoppes , and all the contagious flocke of the priest-hoode haue increased damnably , 〈◊〉 sinne to sinne , ●●oud hereticks , couetous symoners , desouled adulterers , abusing the sacram●ntes , especially the sacrament of the altar , the highest priests occupie vnlawfully temporall lordships , for fauour and gaine they sell benefices to vnworthy and vnable persons . their somn●rs sell sinne , suffering men and women so lye in diuerse vices . the priestes sell the sacramentes full deare to the people , and thus the priest-hoode is blowne vp into pride , and vaine-glory of their dignitie , that they disdaine to follow christ in meekenesse , holinesse , and busie preaching of his worde , and to take their liuing at the peoples hands , as pure almes , and if they preach not , to labour for their liuing . and they inforce , that all holy scripture should bee expounded according to their manners . therefore all kings and rulers , that knowe the trueth of this testimony of priesthoode , and will not inforce themselues to withstand these enemies , and traitors of christ and his church , all these striue with antichrist against iesus , and they shall beare the indignation of god almightie , without end , if in conuenient time they amend them not and repent , doing due mourning and sorrow . for through the presumptuousnesse and negligence of the prelates , wicked men are wrongfully named hermits , and haue leaue to defraude the poore , and liue by their false winnings , and begging , in sloth , and other vices , and the copper nosed prelates , are suffered to liue in pride and hypocrisie , and to defile themselues bodily and ghostly . also by the sufferance of these prelates , there bee vaine brotherhoodes and priesthoodes , full of pride , they are cause of much dissention , and exercise themselues in eating , and drinking vnmeasurably , and out of time , and they are of one cloathing , and holde together , and in all vnlawfull doings they are partners , medlers , and councellers . also , prelates admit pardoners , and strange beggers , with flatterings to beguile the people , against true beliefe , and to increase diuerse vices in them : and thus the viciousnesse of prelates haue beene , are , and shall bée cause of warres within this realme and without , and cause of pestilence of men , and murren of beastes , and barrennesse of earth , and all other mischiefes , vntill the lords and commons able them with grace , accordring to gods will , to redresse this foresaid priesthood , vnto the innocent ●eaching , and liuing of christ and his apostles . therefore , all that know the viciousnesse that now raigneth cursedly in these priestes , and in their learning , let them pray for the health of his church , and abstaine from these indurate enemies of christ and his people , and from all their sacraments , which are fleshly and false . saint ciprian , and other great doctors witnesse , that not onely vitious priests , but they which fauour and consent to them shall perish with them , as they perished that consented to dathan and abiram , for nothing were more confusion to them , then refusing their sacraments , which are most vnlawfull , and none needs to ●eace to dye without taking any sacrament of these , christs enemies , since christ himselfe will not faile to minister all healthfull sacramentes , to all them that are in true faith , hope , and charitie . but some madde fooles , to eschewe slaunders , will bee shrieued once a years of their propper priest , though they knowe him defouled with slaunderous vices , no doubt , these are culpable of great sinne , since saint paule witnesseth , that , not onely they that doe euill are worthy of damnation , but they that consent to euill doers . and the vicious priestes despise and cast from them heauenly wisdome that is giuen of the holy ghost . therefore the lord throweth such dispisers from him , so that they doe no priesthoode vnto ●im . therefore they that tooke , or consent that any other should take any sacrament of any s●ch priest sinneth against the trinitie , and are vnable to any sacrament of health . and that this sentence is ●rue , and in the hope of the remission of all my sins , trusting stedfastly in the mercie of god. i off●● to him my soule , and to proue that this is true , i suffer méekely , and gladly , my wr●tched body to be tormented , to his praise , and the edification of the church . and i , wretched cai●●●e , shall now , through the spirituall grace of god , make him a pleasant sacrifice , with my most sinfull body , i beseech all that reade , or heare this my testament , that they i●deauour by all meanes , to vnderstand truely , and kéepe faithfully the commaundements of god ▪ and to pray deuoutly to ●he blessed trinitie , that i may haue gr●ce and wisdome from aboue , to ende my life for his cause , in a true and liu●ly faith , stedfast hope , and perfect charitie . a handicrafts man dyed constantly in the opinion that it was not the body of christ really which was sacramentally v●ed in the church . hee was ca●yed to the place of execution , and included in ● pipe , or tunne . the prince , the eldest sonne of king henry was present , hee endeauoured to saue him , p●rswading him from his opinions , adding often threatnings , which might haue daunted any mans stomacke ; but this valliant champion of christ , negl●cting the princes faire words , ●ather determined to suffer any torments ▪ then so great idolatry . beeing inclosed in the pipe , hee was torment●d by the raging of the f●re , and miserably roaring in the middest thereof , the prince , beeing moued , came to him againe , commaunded the f●re to bee taken away , comforted him , and promised him life , and a yearely styp●nd during his life , if ●ee would consent to his councell . but beeing more inflamed with the spirit of god , th●n with any earthly desire , hee continued vnmoueably in his former minde . the prince commaunded him to bee put in againe , and that after , hee should looke for no grace . so this lay-man pers●uered inuincible vnto the end , not without a great and cruell battell , but with so much the more tryumph and victorie . as soone as king henry the fift was crowned , at the same time the lord cobham was cast into the towre , the bishoppes and prelates came to the king , complaining that they , and the whole clergie were despised , and their censur●s and sacraments not regarded , and all iending to vtter ruine and decay , and all by suffering of heretickes , which holde assemblyes in secret places , a●d corners ; which if it were any longer suffered , would ouerthrowe the common-wealth . whereupon the king held a parliament at lecester , and made an act , that they that held wicliffes opinion , were heretickes , and traytors , and to bee hanged and burned . the bishops , beeing armed herewith , exercised wonderfull crueltie against many guiltlesse men , amongst which ( besides the lord cobham , whose story is deferred ) was sir roger acton knight , iohn browne gentleman , and iohn beuerley a preacher , who were condemned by the lawe aforesaid , and crowned with the double martyrdome of hanging and burning , at saint gyles i● the field . at that time there was . together , all of noble , and gentle blo●ds , condemmed by the bishops for heretickes , whom this cruell lawe draue vnto the 〈◊〉 . also one iohn claydon a currier , and richard turmine a baker , were burned in smithfield . i passe ouer such , whom iohn mayor in his sixth booke reporteth to be condemned for heretickes , in the yeare . amo●st which , such as were found most constant were burned . about the same time a fryer minor , an english-man , being ambassador of pope benedict . vnto scotland , if he had not escaped by flight had beene burned , for certaine herisies that were laid against him . about this time was a sermon written , whether by wickliffe or thorpe , or any other , it is vncertaine , it is mentioned to be in the yeare . christ likeneth the kingdome of heauen to a housholder , that went in the morning to hyre worke-men into his uineyard ; so did he about the third houre , the sixt houre , and the ninth , and the eluenth , and as he found men standing idle , hee said to them ; why stand you beere vn-occupyed , goe into my vineyard , and that which is duty i shall giue you , and when the day was ended , he called his steward , and bad him giue euery man a penny . this housholder is christ , head of the church on earth , which calleth in diuers ages ; as in the time of nature he called by inspiration abell , enoch , noah , abraham , and diuers others . in the time of the olde law , moses , dauid , esau , ieremy , with the prophets : in the time of grace , the apostles , martyrs , confessors , and uirgines , some in youth , some in middle age , some in the latter dayes : it is to labour in his uineyard , which is his church , as there be diuers officers in trimming of the maternall uine , no lesse néedfull in the church be these thrée officers , priest-hood , knight-hood , and laborers . the priests must cut away the branches of sinne with the sword of gods word : the knights must maintaine gods word : the teachers thereof , and the land from wrongs and enemies : the labourers must by their sore sweat , get sustenance for themselues and others , if priests want , the people for want of gods word all will grow wilde in vices , and dye ghostly , and were not men to rule people , théeues and enemies would so increase , that none could liue in peace , and were it not for labourers , priests and knights must be artificers , plough-men , and heard-men , or else die for want of sustenance : as the great clarke auicenna saith , euery vnreasonable beast , if he haue that which belongs to nature , can liue of himselfe alone . but if there were but one man in the world , if he had all the goods in the world , yet for default he would dye , or his life worse then if he were not , because that which is prepared for mans sustenance must be altered , or else it accordeth not with him ; therefore he saith , it is very needfull to haue men of diuers trades and callings . this should be a great cause that euery calling should loue , and not hate one another , and this i dare say , that they which doe not diligently labour in some one necessary calling or other , when the day of reckoning shall come , which is the end of this life , as he liued without trauell , so shall hee want the reward of the penny , the endlesse ioyes of heauen , and be cast into hell. wherefore , if thou be a labouring man , doe it truelie ; if thou be a seruant , be subiect , & feare to displease thy maister for christs sake ; if thou be a marchant , deceiue not thy brother in chaffering ; if a king , defend the poore and needy ; if a iudge , goe not to the right hand for fauour , nor to the left for hate . if thou be a priest , instruct the ignorant , praise the obedient , and reprooue the disobedient to god , for in the end of the world you shall euery one haue a reward , a good or a bad , then christ wil say to euery of these three states , come giue a reckoning of thy bayliwicke : first , priests that haue cure of soules shall bee called , and they shall answer for themselues and others : the second is , temporall lords shall answere for themselues and others : the third baily shall account but for himselfe , or at least , haue lesse charge then the other , and euery one shall answere three questions : how entrest thou ? how rulest thou ? how liuest thou ? to the priest , how entrest thou ? by truth or symony , god or the deuill , for that thou wouldst labour in thy calling , or for that thou wouldst bee richly arrayed ? answere in thy conscience to thine offence now , or thou shalt ere it be long answere to god ? and i aske the question , why men set their children to schoole , whether for their worldly aduancement , or to make them the better to know god and serue him ? they set them to the law , not to be ministers of iustice , to defend the poore , but because it is a meanes to make them great men ; therefore there bee so f●w to learne the word of god to be preachers , because there is no gaines therein . chrysostome saith , parents care for the bodies of their children● , but not for their soules ; they desire their welfare in this world , but they passe not what they shall suffer in another ; they will sore bewaile the hurt of their bodies , but they reckon not much of the health of their soules , they are moued for their pouerty , but not for their sin : hereby they shew , that they begot the bodies , but not their soules . to returne to priests , there is now great abhominations in the church ; priests come into christs fold , not at his calling , but to make themselues rich , which is cause of many errors . in the booke of mourning the prophet saith , the enemy hath put his hand to all things he would , for he hath seene a lawlesse people in the sanctuary , of which thou saidst they should not enter , the enemy is sathan , for in what plenty is pride , enuy , wrath , and couetousnesse ; and wherefore , but because such are entred into the temple , which cannot kéepe the law of god themselues , nor teach others : and osea saith to them , because thou hast put away the knowledge of gods will , i haue put thee away from vsing priest-hood to me . the second question , how hast thou ruled gods flock committed to thy cure , for the good of the sheep , or for hire , as a father , or a wolfe ; whom hast thou turned from their cursed liuing by thy preaching and good example ? whom hast thou taught the law of god ? he that is ignorant , the fatherlesse , children and thy flocke shall greeuously accuse thee , that thou hast liued by their labour , and done nothing therefore , but let them go astray . s. barnard saith , priests be in place of saints , and they doe wickedly , not being content with necessary wages , but ouer-plus : that the needy should liue by , they wast in houses of pride and lechery ; beware , thou shalt giue an account to the last farthing , thinkest thou that thou shalt not be disalowed for nourishing young men , idly taught , as in a schoole to blaspheme god in all euill liuing : for féeding of fat palfries , of hounds , and of haukes , and of lecherous women . heare what is said of such , they lead their daies in vanity and wealth , and in a moment go downe to hell . the third question , what light hast thou shewed , and what myrror hast thou béen vnto the people in thy liuing ? it is wonder to sée how the life of priests is changed , they be cloathed like lords , they speake as dishonestly as any ribold or harlet : no marchant more couetous for gaine , they ride like princes , and all is of poore mens goods , they be blinded with to much shining of riches , they make houses as bigge as churches , superfluously abounding with all things , they paint their chambers with pictures , and cloath their images with silkes of diuers colours , but the poore for want of cloathing , and with an empty womb , cryeth at their doores ; and oftentimes the poore be robbed to cloath stockes and siones : thou occupiest the place of peter and the apostles , no otherwise then iudas and simon magus , as a candle newly quenched that stinketh ouer the house , in stead of light , and as smoake that blinds ones eyes in stead of fire ; they shall haue an hard iudgement , because they haue misentred , and harder , because they haue misruled , and the hardest , because they haue cursedlie liued . the second that shall make account for himselfe and others , is kings , and other temporall rulers ; hast thou entred thine office to profit the people , to destroy sinne , and further the truth , or for worship and riches ? some desire such estate to be rich , a●d to oppresse such as they hate , and to take bribes , for sparing to punish sinne , and make themselues partners of other sinnes , and for bribes worke all things . many in high office , thinke they are of higher kind of nature then others , not knowing they are poore mens brethren , and seruants for the good of the common-wealth , and that their glory is vanity . of whom the prophet osea saith , they haue raigned , but not by me ; so was roboam when he answered the people , my little finger is bigger then my fathers rib-bone , my father greeued you somewhat , but i will adde more , which made the people rebell , and the kingdome neuer came wholy together again ; wherefore it is good for rulers to take sober councell , to eschew eare-rounders , and to haue an eye of loue vnto the commons , for be they neuer so high , they shall come before an higher iudge to giue a reckoning . the second question , how hast thou ruled ? hast thou not beene the harder to the poore for his pouerty , nor fauored the rich for his riches ? what abuse is now amongst officers , if a rich man plead with a poore , euery officer is ready to further the rich man , and the poore man shall haue so many delaies , that though his right be neuer so good , for default of spending , hee shall be constrained to let his cause fall . and i haue heard say of them that haue proued both courts , that the court that is called most spirituall , is most cursed ; therefore it is truly said , a guift out of the bosome subuerts right iudgement , but the words of christ be to be feared , as you iudge you shall be iudged . the third question , how hast thou liued ? thou that punishest other for sinne , must not sinne thy selfe , else thou condemnest thy selfe in doing the thing thou damnest in others , and when any standeth before him in iudgement , hee must take héede before what iudge hee must stand himselfe : but it is to be feared , that it fareth with some , as with the two false priests that would haue put susanna to death , because sh●e would not consent to their lechery , and of the most worthy to bee hanged , damne the lesse worthy . socrates being demaunded why hee laughed , saide , because i sée great théeues lead a little theese to hanging : who is the greater theefe , he that taketh house and land from one , and his heires , or he that stealeth a sheepe . the third bayly , is euery christian that shall reckon to god for the goods he hath had of him ; first , how haue you entred heere to your goods , if by extortion , stealth , vsury , or deceit ; woe shall it be to you at this dreadfull day , as s. augustine saith , if hee shall be in hell that hath not giuen of his goods well gotten , what shall become of him that stealeth others goods : desire of honour , and feare of pouerty be the causes that ma●e men liue by the rape of other mens goods ; the vengeance of this couetousnes is discribed by the pot in the sixt of zachary , wherein sat a woman named impiety , into which the angell threw a waight of lead : and two women like spirits with winges , carryed it betwixt heauen and earth , vnto the land of sinear ; as a pot with a wide mouth , so couetousnesse gapeth for riches and honour , and as liquor in a pot profiteth not the pot , but them that draw it out , so worldly goods profit not the getters , but others that comes after , as owles see better by night then by day , so the couetous are blinde in heauenly matters , and quicke-eyed in earthly matters . the lead is obstinacy , the woman is called impietie , because piety is lost by auarice : the pot is couered with lead , which stoppeth in impiety , to shew that couetousnesse hardeneth the heart , that impiety cannot goe out by repentance , the two woemen that bare the pot , are pride and lust of the flesh : which in scripture are called the two daughters of the water , each crying , bring , bring . the first winge is pride of spirituall guifts : the second wing pride of temporall guifts : the winges of the second woman , be gluttony and sloth . doctor gregorie speaking of gluttony , when the belly is filled , the prickes of lecherie are stirred . and of sloath doctor augustine saith , lot was a good man whilst he was in businesse in sodome , when hee was idle in drunkennesse he lay with his daughters . saint augustine saith , rauening fishes when they are full be satisfied , but onely couetous men cannot bee satisfied , he is not affraid of god , nor ashamed of men , he spareth not father nor mother , brother or friend , oppresseth the widdow and motherlesse children , hee maketh frée men bond , hee bringeth forth false witnesse , and occupyeth dead mens goods . what madnesse is this , to looselife and grace , to win damnation , and to loose heauen to win go●d : and innocentius saith , how many hath couetousnesse deceiued for balacks rewards . balaam would haue cursed gods people , notwithstanding his asse reproued him , couetousnes made achan steale the accursed things to the destruction of him and his house : gehesie was stricken with leprosie for selling a mans health that came by the grace of god : iudas for couetousnes sold christ , and after hanged himselfe ; couetousne● was the cause of the lying and sudden death of ananias and saphira . if a rich man haue a whole streete , or a great field , and a poore man haue an acre of land , or but one house neere , eyther by intreaty , or pursuing , hee neuer ceas●th vntill he hath gotten the poore mans house and land , as achab and iezabell s●●w naball for his uineyard . saint ambrose saith to the rich , how long will you scratch out your couetousnes , will you dwell alone , and haue no poore dwell with you : why put you out your kinde , and challenge the earth which nature hath made common to poore and rich : nature bringeth forth all men poore , naked , and needy of meate and drinke , without riches or gay clothes , and the earth taketh vs naked againe , and closeth none of our riches : he that maketh difference betwixt poore and rich , when they haue lien a little in the graue , looke vpon them who was poore , and who was rich , and thou shalt se● no difference in their bones , except there be more clothes rotten with the rich then the poore , which is a hurt to the liuing , and no good to the dead : of such extortioners it is written , they reape other mens fields ▪ and they pluck away the grapes of the vine of the oppressed , they pluck away their clothes and leaue them naked : and in that the aforesaid pot was lift vp betwixt heauen and earth , sheweth that couetousnesse hath no charitie to god , or man , and they carry the pot to the land of synear , that is , the land of stench or hell. héere wee should aske how thou hast gouerned thy wife , thy children and seruants , whether thou hast brought them vp in gods lawes , and continued them therin according to thy power , otherwise thou shalt giue an account , and to auoide these hard accounts , i councell euery one to trust in the mercy of god , through christs demerites with a liuely faith , and repenting heart of thine iniquities , and amend , else who shall graunt thee pardon and release of thy accounts . now we will consider , who shall call vs to this reckoning , before whom , and what punishment to the wicked , and what reward to the faithfull : there bee two iudgements , one at separation of body and soule , which is the particular doome : and the second at the generall resurrection that is vniuersall ; to the first we shall be called one after another , to the second we shal come altogether in the twinckling of an eye : we are called to the first by thrée summons ; sicknes , age , death : the first warneth , the second threatneth , the third taketh ; some are slayne without sicknes or age , and the most part without age , and there is a sicknes that makes the body fe●ble , and a sicknes of the soule which is generall to all men , and the continuance therof is cause of corruption : if a man cast all worldly things out of his minde , yet can he scantly thinke onely of god a pater-noster while : o god , what a sicknes is this to the sonnes of adam , of this sicknes spake s. paul , i see another law of my members , rebelling against the law of my spirit ; as a man looking on the sunne cannot long indure , yet the fault is not in the sunne for it is most cleere , but in the féeblenes of mans eyes : so since adam was put out of paradice , all his off-spring haue been thus sick● : the second sicknes is of the body , as hunger thirst , cold , heat , sorrow , wearinesse , and many others : as iob saith . a man borne of a woman is full of many miseries , and is but for a little time : there be other sicknesses that happen to some as feuers , dropsie , blindnes , and such like , as it is said of the israelites , if thou keep not the comman dements of god i shall increase the sorrows and sicknesses of thy seed , but god sendeth such sicknesses sometimes to good men , and tribulations for two causes : first to know that it is of god , and to increase in méekenes : of this saith saint paul , least my great reuelations should extoll me in pride , to mee is giuen the pricke of the flesh : i three times prayed god it should goe from me , he answered , my grace is sufficient ; for my power is manifested in weaknes ; the diuell asking iob to be tempted , was heard , and not the apostle asking his temptation to be remooued ▪ he heard the damned , and heard not him that should bee saued : also god sendeth sometime his saints to giue vs sinners example of patience , being we haue deserued much more : as toby came from the charitable worke of burying the dead swallowes were suffered to dung in his eyes being asleepe , and make him blind it is written , that it was for an example of patience to them that should come after , and though he euer feared god he was not agreeued with god , but feared him still , and thanked him alwaies , and the sicknesses of wicked men be for two causes : first that they should leaue their sinnes and loue god ; we see often men in sicknesses know god , that neuer would turne to him whilst they were whole : also god sendeth sicknes and troubles often to the wicked , to make others afraid to folow their sinnes , as antiochus wormes crauled out of his body whilst he was aliue , and his friends were weary of his stinke , yea he might not abide his owne stinke : then he said it is rightfull to be subiect to the lord , & for mortall man not to hold himselfe equall with god : the story saith , hee asked mercy of god , and could none haue , and vowed to doe more good to the temple and iewes then he had done harme , and to become a iew an● goe ouer all the land preaching gods law ; yet because it cam● not out of true repentance springing of faith , but of his odious paine , hee obtained not fauour : by this men should see what it is to be disobedient to god : also sicknes sheweth that the patient is mortall , and that hee must die though hee may now scape . the second somner is age , hee will not leaue thee vntill hee haue brought thee to death : yet many , though they see all their members decayed with age , take no heed ; but if he see a little mirth forgetteth the somner hath him by the sleeue , and what a reckoning he must make , which if he answere not well , he forfeiteth body and soule to damnation : a doctor saith , this is the greatest abuse of the world ; the reason is because these three , idle youth , vnhonest speech , and wicked déed , which if they grow with a man from his childhood to his old age , they make a three-fold cord to binde the old man in custome of sinne : wherefore esay saith , breake the cordes of sinne . the third somner is death , his condition is come , hee , first or last spareth neither poore nor rich : saint augustine saith , wee ought feare death , for in what estate it findeth one , it bringeth him to iudgement : therefore the wise man saith to his sonne , thinke on the last day , and thou shalt neuer sinne . we shall likewise be called with three messengers vnto the last iudgement : the first the sicknes of the world , the second his age and feeblenes , the third his end : as decay of naturall heate , and increase of vnnaturall heate , is the sicknes of the body : so decay of the loue of god , and our neighbour , and increase of vnnaturall lusts is the sicknes of the world , christ saith this is a signe of the end of the world that wickednes shall wax plenteous , and charitie wax cold : know well saith saint paul , in the last daies shall be perilous times , men louers of themselues , couetous , proud , vnobedient to parents , without affection , &c. when thou seest suchmen , know the first somner warneth the world that the day of reckoning draweth neere . the second somner the age of the world , the day of the end of the world was hid from the apostles , and from christs manhood as to shew it vs : yet by authorities of scriptures we may show that that day of wrath draweth neere , least any say as that foule belly seruer , i will say to my soule , eate , drinke and be merry , thou hast much goods laid vp for many yeares . if paul said . yeares past , we be those to whom the ends of the world is come , much more we may say the same , and chrisostome saith , when thou seest the sunne so low that the vallies be darke , thou knowest night is néere : much more when it is so low that the hils be darke , so if thou seest darknes of sinne haue mastery of seculer men , it is a token the end of the world is nigh : but when thou seest the darknes of sinne hath gotten the vpper hand of priests , that should be as hilles amongst the communaltie in perfect liuing , who doubteth but that the world is at an end : and abbas ioakim saith from the yeare . all times be to be suspected : and ildiger in her prophesies saith , as the seuenth day the world was full made , and god rested from his worke : so in seuen thousand yeares the number of them that shall be saued shall be fulfilled , and then shall the saints wholly rest in body and soule : and now it is from the creation six thousand and six hundred yeares . the disciples asked christ three questions ; the first of the destruction of ierusalem , the second of his comming to iudgement , the third of the end of the world : to the first he said , when the romans besiege the citie , soone after it shall bee destroyed , to the second and the third he gaue many tokens , as that there should bee warres , pestilence , and earthquakes : lastly , when wee shall see the abomination of holinesse standing in the sanctuarie , then who so readeth let him vnderstand : this abomination as doctors say shall bee in the great antichrists dayes . dayes : and a doctor saith that a day must be taken for a yeere by authoritie of scriptures , and by reason : and it is thought to this clarke , that antichrist shall more appeare , in the yeare of christ . then any time before , and there lacketh but twelue yéeres of the fulfilling thereof . in the opening of the seuen seales is declared the state of the church , from christ to the end of the world : the foure first seales from christ to antichrist ; the first seale the state of the church in christs and his apostles time : the voice of the lyon is christs voice , the white horse his disciples , the whitenesse sheweth their righteousnes , by their bow their true preaching , pricking repentance into mens hearts , they went to iewry ouercomming them to leaue the trust they had in the old law , and to trust onely in christ : they went out winning the payenims from idolatry to christ : the calfe in the second seale which is a beast , was vsed to be sacrificed , betokeneth the state of the church in the time of martyrs , and that is tokened by the red horse : this began at cursed nero , and indured vnto constantine the great that indowed the church : in this time many shed their blo●d for the testimonie of gods word , and of two and twenty bishops , vntill siluester the first , i read but of foure but they were martyrs : and in the time of dioclesian the emperour , the persecution was so great , that in thirty daies were slaine . in diuers countreys for the gospell . the opening of the third seale , telleth the state of the church in the time of heretickes , by the black-horse is figured false vnderstanding of the scripture : then cried the third beast which is a man , for it was needfull to preach christs incarnation and passion against heretickes , that tooke those points amisse : the fourth seale t●lleth the state of the church in the time of hypocrites , that by outward signes of repentance onely blind the people : the pale colour of the horse signifieth their hypocrisie , the rider was death , to signifie they slay ghostly , that teach any other way but christ , and hell followeth them ▪ for hell receiueth those that deceiue men : in that time it was needfull that the fourth beast the eagle which flyeth highest of all birds , to make his cry , to raise vp the gospel , least mens traditions ouergrow it , by the information of these hypocrites : the fift seale sheweth the state of them that shall follow , and the desire the followers of gods law shall haue to bee deliuered from this woe . the sixt seale tell●th the state of the church in antichrists limmes ; the angels that stood in the foure corners of the earth , to hold the foure windes from blowing are the diuels ministers : the foure windes are the foure gospels , they shall let the preaching thereof , and the breath of the holy ghost to fall vpon men : after this commeth the mysterie of the seuen seales , that antichrist is come in his owne person , whom iesus shall slay with the breath of his mouth , hee and his seruants shall show their vttermost persecution against christ and his subiects . i said in my second principle , that it was to be knowne before what iudge wee must reckon : the iudge is god himselfe that seeth all our deeds and thoughts , and euery mans deeds , and the secrets of their hearts shall be opened to all the world : as saint iohn saith , the dead men , great and small , stood about the throne , and bookes were opened , and the booke of life was opened , and the dead were iudged according to their deed written in that booke : this booke is mens consciences , that now are closed , but then shall be open to all men : the booke of life is christs gospel , which is now hid from the damned , through their owne malice : in the first book is written all that is done , in the second all that should be done : therefore look in the booke of the conscience whilest thou art heere , if thou findest any thing contrarie to christs example and doctrine , scrape it out with the knife of repentance , and write it better . i said it were good to know what reward the good shall haue , and what reward the wicked shall haue : it is written , christ shall come with the same body that was crucified , all that shall be saued shall cleaue to him , and be rauished , meeting him in the ayre , they that shall be damned lying vpon the earth . then christ shall aske account of deeds of mercy , reproouing false christians for leauing them vndone , rehearsing the paines that his true seruants haue suffered : then the wicked with the diuell shall goe into euerlasting fire , and the righteous into ●uerlasting life : then that which is written shall be fulfilled . woe wo , to them that dwel on the earth ; wo to the paynim that worshipped idols , and other creatures ; woe to the iew that trusted too much in the old law , and despised christ ; woe to the false christian that knew the will of god , and did it not , and hath not contemplated his mercies and waies , and been thankefull for his benefits , and hast made thy hart a house of swine , & a den of theeues , by vncleane thoughts and delights : thou hast shut god out of thy heart , and hee shall shut thée out of heauen , thou hast harboured the fiend , and thou shalt euer dwell with him in hell , thou shouldest haue sung holy , holy , holy lord : but thou shalt cry woe , woe , woe to mee : but they that bee saued shall ioy in god , ioy all amongst themselues , and one of an others saluation : how happie bee they that their trauels bee finished , and brought to so gracious an end : especially , that they haue escapt the paines : o how happie are they for the endlesse blisse which they haue in the sight of god. in this yeare began the councell of constance , called by sigismond the emperour , and pope iohn the . for pacifying a schisme betwixt three popes , all striuing for the pope-dome , which continued nine and thirty yeares : the italians set vp this iohn , the frenchmen set vp gregory , the spaniard set vp benedict , and euery nation defended his pope , to the great disturbance of christian nations : this councell indured foure yéeres , wherein all matters were decided most by foure nations : the english , germans , french , and italians , out of euery nation was a president : there names were , iohn the patriarch of antioch for france , anthony archbishop of rigen for italy , nicholas archbishop of genes●ensis for germanie , and richard bishop of bathe for england : the aforesaid pope iohn , resigned his pope-dome , for which the emperour thanked him , and kissed his féete : but after he repented himselfe , 〈◊〉 being disguised fled , but was taken by the emperour and put in prison : this pope was deposed , by the decree of the councell ; more then fortie most hainous crimes prooued against him ; as for hiring a physition to poison alexander his predecessor , and that he was an heretick , a symoniack , a lier , an hypocrite , a murderer , an inchanter , a dice-player , an adulterer , a sodomite , and many others : he held a councell at rome about foure yeares before , and euer when they assembled there was a huge owle in the place , or somewhat else in the shape of an owle , which did alwaies looke so earnestly vpon the pope , which made him still breake vp the sessions , and at length to dissolue the councell : some said it was the spirit of god in the shape of an owle , indeed there spirit is better figured in the shape of an owle then of a doue . the councell said the way to reforme the church was to begin a minoritis : the emperour said , non a minoritis , sed a maioritis , there was fiue and forty sessions in this councell : there was three seuerall popes deposed in this councell . in the eighth session was the condemnation of iohn wickliffe , and his fiue and fortie articles , & of his memory and bones to be burned , as it is before recited : and in the thirtéenth session was decréed that no priest vnder paine of excommunication shall communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes of bread and wine : in the fifteenth sessions silence was commanded vnder paine of the great curse , and that none should make any noise of hand , foote , or voice : and then the condemnation of iohn hus was read . in the seuenteenth session , the emperour tooke vpon him a iourney to the king of arragon , to intreat with pope benedictus about the resignation of the papacy , and an excommunication was denounced against al that should goe about to hinder the emperours iourney , and that the councell should euery sunday make prayers and processions for him , and an hundred daies of pardon giuen to them that would be present at the said prayers and processions , and that all prelates should then weare their pontificalibus : granting besides to euery priest that said one masse for the same an hundred daies pardon , and to all other that once a day should say one pater-noster , and one aue-mary for the safety of the emperour forty dayes pardon . in the nineteenth session , ierome of prage was accused of heresie , cast into prison , and forced to abiure . in the two and twentieth session , letters were made and set vpon all church doores , admonishing duke frederick , to restore george bishop of austridge such lands , kents and reuenues as hee detayned , vnder paine of interdiction , suspention , and excommunication . in the one and twentith session , the bishop of londy made a sermon , which being ended , ierome of prage , which had abiured , stood vpon a bench ; replying against his sermon , preaching sundry things : wherevpon the said ierome was condemned and deliuered to the seculer power to be burned . in the seuentéenth and eighteenth sessions , there was great proces giuen out against duke frederick , accusing him for sacriledge , and excommunicating him : for not obaying the admonition of the councell , concerning the vsurpation of the possessions of the bishop of austridge as aforesaid . in the one and thirtieth session , letters were directed to a certaine earle in italy , for laying violent hands vpon the bishop of asce , and imprisoning him , commanding him to set him at liberty , vnder paine of interdiction and excommunication : and an other decree was set forth for the restoring of the liberties of the church of baron . in the nine and thirtith session , it was ordered that euery pope should sweare to beleeue and hold the catholick faith , after the traditions of the apostles , generall councels , and holy fathers , namely of the eight generall counsels , ephisme , calcedone , two of nice , and foure of constantinople : also the councels of lateran , lyons , and ui●nna ; to obserue , preach and defend him to death : and by all meanes to prosecute the right of the sacraments , canonically deliuered to the catholick church , and writing his oath , he should offer it before witnesses vpon some altar . on saint martins euen a new pope was chosen , therefore they called him martin , and hee was brought to the emperour and councell , into the church of constance , and there authorized for pope : and was brought thence most honorably with sumptuous procession , vnto the monasterie of saint augustine , to bee crowned : the emperour on foote leading his horse on the right hand , and the marquesse of brandenburge , prince elector , leading his horse on the left hand . when this councell should be ended , the pope sent a cardinall with proclamation to dismisse the councell , and to giue euery man leaue to depart , and to shew the popes indulgence , which he had granted to all and euery person present , at : that councell that they should haue full absolution during his life , so that hee procured his absolution in writing within two monethes : also an other iudulgence was granted of plenarie remission of sinnes at the houre of death , and was not onely for their maisters , but for their houshould : vpon condition that from notification thereof , they should fast euery friday one whole yeare , for the absolution of their life time : and for their absolution at the houre of death , to fast the same friday one other yeere , if they had no lawfull impediment , and after the second yeere they should fast to their liues end euery friday , or else doe some other good worke . there were at this councell three hundred forty and six arch-bishops and bishops : fiue hundred threescore and foure abbots and doctors ; sixteene thousand seculer princes , dukes , earles , knights , esquires : foure hundred and fifty common women : six hundred barbers : three hundred and twenty minstrels , cookes , and iesters : there was . forrenners at that councell from easter to whitsontide ; the chiefe thing to be noted in this councell was , that the popes authority is vnder the councell . the history of iohn hvs . iohn hus being a preacher at prage , in the temple of bethelem , those rather to teach the gospell of christ , then the humane traditions of bishops ; their sprung vp certaine which accused him as an heretick to the bishop of rome : the pope committed the matter to the cardinall of columna , who appointed a day hee should appeare at rome : the king and nobilitie of boheme , sent to the pope to acquit him from his appearance , and if they suspected the kingdome to be infected with any heresie , they should send an ambassadour to correct the heresie , and the king would beare the charge , and likewise assist the legate with all his authoritie , to punish such as shall bee sound with erronoous doctrine : and iohn hus sent his meete procurators vnto the court of rome , and with firme and strong reasons did prooue his innocencie , but when the cardinall would admit no defence , his procurators appealed to the pope ; notwithstanding the cardinall excommunicated him as an obstinate heretick , because he came not at his day , and the matter was referred to two other cardinals , who after they had delayed the matter a yeere and a halfe , confirmed the iudgement of the first cardinall , and some of his procurators were committed , and grecuously punished for being so earnest for him . but the generall councell being assembled as aforesaid : the emperour sent certaine of his gentlemen to bring iohn hus bacheler of diuinitie vnto the councell , to purge himselfe of the blame which was laid against him , and granted him a safe conduct , that hee might come freely to constance , and returne home without fraud or interruption : he seeing so many faire promises , and his safe conduct , sent vnto the emperour that he would come vnto the councell : but before he went hee caused certaine writings to bee set vpon the gates of the cathedrall churches , parish churches , cloister and abbies , signifying hee would go● to the councell , and that if any that haue suspition of his doctrine , that hee should declare it before the lord conrade , or the bishop of prage : or if hee had rather at the generall councell , for there he would render an account of his faith before them all : the bishop of nazareth , the inquisitor for heresie , made his certificate vnder his hand and seale , with a testimoniall vnto maister iohn hus , that hee had oftentimes beene before him , and had conferred with him , and yet could neuer finde any heresie in him : and so did the bishop of prage , set vp letters in euery citie as he passed to constance , that hee was going to the councell to descud his fa●th , and if any could lay any thing to him as touching his faith let him come thither : many resorted vnto him all the way as hee went , and hee was gently ●●reate● , especially of the citizans , and burgesses , and sometimes of the curates : and if there were noise of his comming , the streets were euer full to see him : in norrenberge many curats came to him , desiring talk with him secretly , hee said he had rather shew his opinion openly before all men : so after dinner vntill night he spake before the priests and senators , and citizens , that all had him in great reuerence , saue one doctor which was a charter-house monke , who impraued all that h●● had said : then after he was come to constance , master clum , and m. latzembodge , which came with him went to the pope , and certified him iohn hus was come to constance , & that he had the emperors safe conduct , desiring him to grant him libertie likewise to remaine there without trouble , which the pope promised hee would : in the meane time maister pallets , iohn hus his great aduersarie was come to constance , but his companion zuoyma , husses other aduersarie died of an impostume by the way : then this pallets associated himselfe with one causis a boh●mian , which afore-time had vndertooke to finde a mine of gold for the king : and hauing receiued much money of the king towards the businesse , seeing his hope of making gold to faile , runne away to rome with the kings money : these two drew certaine articles out of the writings of hus , against him , and tooke great paines to shew these articles to the cardinals , bishops and monkes : and shewing that hee had done many other things against the holy constitutions of the pope and church : whereby they made iohn hus to bee apprehended the six and twentith day he came to constance : and the cardinals sent the bishops of augusta , and trent with the burgesse of constance , and a knight to iohn hus his lodging , to report they were sent by the pope and the cardinals , to certifie him hee should render some knowledge of his doctrine before them , as hee had often desired , and they were ready to heare him : hee answered , hee desired openly to defend his doctrine , but not priuately : notwithstanding , i will goe to them , and if they handle mee cruelly , i trust in the lord iesus that he will comfort mee , that i shall desire rather to die for his glory , the● deny his verity , which i haue learned in his holy scriptures : and iohn hus tooke his horse and went to the popes court , when he had saluted the cardinals , they said to him , wee haue heard many reports of you , which if they be true are not to bee suffered , that you haue faught many errors , contrarie to the doctrine of the true church , and that you haue sowed your errors through all bohemia by a long time : to whom hee answered , i rather tho●se to die then to bee found culpable of one errour : therefore i came to the councell to receiue correction , if any can prooue any errours in me : the cardinals said they were pleased with his answere , and departed , leauing iohn hus , with maister clum , vnder the guard of armed men , and they suborned a franciscane frier , a subtill malicious hypocrite , to question with him : who said reuerend master , i a simple rude idyot am come to you to learne , for i haue heard that you haue taught many things contrarie to the catholicke faith : i desire you for the loue that you haue to the truth and to all good men , that you would teach mee some certainty : first it is said you maintaine that there remaineth but naturall bread in the sacrament after consecration , which hee denied : then the frier asked him what manner of vnion is betwixt the man-hood and god-hood of christ : then hus said , you say you are simple , but you are double and crafty , in that you haue propounded so difficult a question : yet i will shew you my minde , which when he had done , the frier thanked him , and departed : after the popes garison told him that this frier was counted the subtillest diuine in lombardy : then pallets and causis his aduersaries made earnest meanes to the cardinals that hee should not bee set at liberty : and hauing fauour of the iudges , mocked the said hus ; saying , now wee will hold you well-enough , you shall not depart vntill you haue paid the vttermost farthing : at night the prouost of the romane court told maister clum he might depart , but they had otherwise prouided for maister hus : maister clum went to the pope , declaring all that was done , beseeching him to remember the promise which hee had made : the pope answered , it was done without his consent , and told maister clum apart , why doe you impute this to mee ; you know that i my selfe am in the hands of these cardinals and bishops , so hee returned very pensiue , and complained openly and priuately of the popes wrong , but it profited not . then hus was led to prison and kept there eight daies , from thence he was carried to an other prison belonging to the abbey , where by reason of the sti●●e of the place hee fell sicke , and was so weake that they despaired of his life . in the middest of his sicknes they put vp these articles to pope iohn , the . and to the principals of the councell , desiring that iohn hus might bee condemned . that hee taught that the sacrament ought to bee ministred in both kindes , and so his disciples did now vse it , and that materiall bread remaineth in the sacrament after consecration . a minister in mortall sinne cannot minister the sacrament , and that other men besides priests may minister the sacraments . hee both not admit that the church signifieth the pope , cardinals , archbishops , and the clergy vnderneath them : but saith this signification was tooke from the schoolemen ; and that the church ought to haue no temporall possessions : and that the temporall lords may take them away without any offence : and saith also that constantine , and other seculer princes haue erred by endowing churches and monasteries . that all priests are of like power , and that the reseruations of the popes casualties : the ordering of bishops , and consecrating of priestes , were inuented onely for couetousnes . when the pope , cardinals , and rest of the priests are in sinne , as is possible enough , then the church being in sinne hath no power of the keyes : hee beeing excommunicated contemneth it , and saith masse notwithstanding . hee maketh ministers himselfe , and putteth them into churches without the ordinarie of the dioces , or other ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , and teacheth it to be lawfully done . that one being ordained a priest or deacon , cannot be kept back from the office or preaching : therefore he would neuer be let from preaching by the apostolick sea , nor the arch-bishop . moreouer , when there was questions moued in the uniuersitie of prage , vpon the . articles of iohn wickliffe , and the diuines of boheme concluded euery one of them articles , either to be hereticall , seditious , and erroneous : he held that none of them were hereticall , seditious , or erroneous , as after hee did dispute & teach in the common schooles of prage : notwithstanding they were condemned in england , and by the whole church . because i finde these articles and many others answered by iohn hus in writing , which hereafter followe , and which were read in the councell , i omit his answeres in the councell , because what with the outragiousnes of the councell against him , so many interrupting him at euery word , and some mocking , and making mouthes at him , that it was impossible for him to make a perfect answere to any thing : i likewise omit for breuitie , the many supplications that the nobles of boheme made for his baile and libertie , and what surety they offered : if thou bee disposed to see these circumstances , and with what great labour they obtained that he should answere openly , and how cruelly he was vsed in prison ; i referre thee to the booke at large . the answeres of iohn hvs , written with his own hand . i iohn hus , vnworthy minister of iesus christ , master of art , and bacheler of diuinitie , doe confesse i writ a booke intituled , of the church : in reproofe whereof there are diuers articles drawne out of the said treatise , deliuered vnto me . the first article : there is but one holy vniuersall church , which is the vniuersall company of all the predestinate . answere . i confesse this proposition is mine , and confirmed by the saying of saint augustine , vpon s. iohn . saint paul was neuer a member of the diuell , though he did many things like the malignant church : nor saint peter , though he horribly sinned in periury , and denying his master . answere . it was by gods permission , that they might more stedfastly rise againe and be confirmed : i answere according to s. augustine , that it is expedient that the elect should offend : there be two separations from the church ; the elect are diuided from the church , but not to perdition : the second is to perdition , by the which certaine heretieks are through there deadly sinne diuided from the church . no member of the church doth at any time fall away from the body , because the charitie of predestination , which is the bond of the same , doth neuer fall : answere this is proued by . cor. . rom. . all things turne to good to them that loue god : also i am certaine that neither death nor life can seperate vs from the loue of god , &c. the pr●destinate although he be not in the state of grace , according to present iustice : yet he is alwaies a member of the church . answere . i declared in my booke that there be diuers manners of being in the church : there be some in the church according to a mishapen faith , and some according to predestination , which are now in sinne , but shall returne to grace . no degree of dignitie , nor election of man , nor any sensible signe can make a man a member of the church . answere . i say predestination maketh vs members of the church , and prepareth for vs grace heere , and glory in the world to come ; and not degree of dignitie , nor the election of a man , nor sensible signe : for iudas , though christ elected him an apostle , and gaue him temporall graces , and that he was so reputed of men , yet was he a woolfe in a sheeps-skin , as saint augustine saith . a reprobate man is neuer no member of the church . answere . it is in my booke with sufficient long probation of the psalme . and the . ephes. and by saint bernards saying ; the church of christ is more plainely his body , then the body that was crucified : the church is the flower of the lord in which is corne and chaffe : the elect and reprobate . iudas was no true disciple of christ : answere . this i confesse , s. augustine in his booke of penance where he expounds . iohn . they came out from vs , but were not of vs : christ knew from the beginning who should beleeue , and him that should betray him : and said , none commeth to mee except it be giuen him of my father , from that time many departed from him , though they were called by the gospell , they were no true disciples , because they did not continue in the word of christ , as it is said , if you remaine in my word you bee my disciples : it is euident , that iudas could not be the disciple of christ , by meanes of his couetousnes : for christ saith , except a man forsake that hee hath , he cannot be my disciple : therefore because iudas was a theefe iohn . and a diuell , iohn . it is euident that iudas was no true but a fained disciple . saint augustine vpon saint iohn , that christs sheepe heare his voice , saith , what manner of hearers were his sheepe ; iudas heard him but was a woolfe , yet he followed the shepheard , but being clothed in a sheep-skin he laid waite for the shepheard . the predestinate whether they bee in the state of grace , or no , according to there present iustice , is the same church which hath neither wrinkle nor spot , but is holy and vndefiled , which christ calleth his owne . answer . in the fift to the ephesians , christ so loued his church that he offered himselfe for it . i pray you then , is there any faithfull man that doubteth that the church doth not signifie all the elect : the glorious spouse of christ , holy and without spot : this is an article of faith which we ought firmely to beleeue . peter neuer was , nor is the vniuersall head of the church . answere . all men agree , that peter receiued of christ , which is the rock of the church , humility , stedfastnesse , and blessednes : when christ said vpon this rock i will build my church , he did not meane that he would build euery militant church vpon peter , but vpon christ which is the rock : from whom peter receiued his faith , for he is the head and foundation of euery church , and not peter . if he that is called the uicar of christ , follow christ in his life , then he is his true uicar ; otherwise he is the messenger of antichrist , the enemy of peter and christ , and the uicar of iudas : answere . for this cause saint bernard in his fourth booke did write vnto pope e●genius , thou delightest to walke in great pride , being gorgeously arrayed , what fruit doth the flooke receiue by thee ▪ if i durst say it these be rather the pastures of the diuels then of sheepe : saint peter , and saint paul did not so , thou séemest to succéede constantine , and not peter . it followeth in my booke , if thy life be contrary to peters , or giuen to auarice , then he is the uicar of iudas , which loued the reward of iniquity , and sold the lord : as soone as they reade the same , the rulers of the councell looked one vpon another , and making mockes and moes , nodded their heads at him . priests that vse symony , and liue desolutely , haue an vntrue opinion of seuen sacraments , as bastards and not children , not knowing the o●●ice of the keyes of censures , neither of the rights of cerimonies and seruice of the church , nor of worship of relikes , nor of orders of the church , nor of indulgences and pardons . answere . it is in this manner in my booke , the authoritie is abused by such as sell orders , and get riches by symony , making markets of holy sacraments , liuing voluptuously , desolutely , a filthy villanous kind of life . they pollute the ecclesiasticall estate , and though they professe they know god , they deny him indéede , and beléeue not in him , but as vnbeléeuing bastards hold a contrary opinion , as aforesaid , to whom malachy in his first chapter saith , vnto you priests be it spoken , which despise my name . the papall dignity hath his originall from the emperors of rome . answer . this is proued by the . distinction , for constantine granted this priuiledge to the byshop of rome , and others after confirmed the same ; that as augustus is counted the most high king aboue all others , so the bishop of rome shall be called the principall father aboue other bishops : then a cardinall said in constantines time , there was a generall councell at nice , in which the highest place in the church was giuen to the byshop of rome , why did you not then say it tooke his dignity rather from the councell ? no man with reason , without reuelation can affirme , that hee or any other is head of any particular church . answere . i confesse it , but it followeth , that he ought to hope through his good liuing , that he is a member of the spouse of christ. no man ought to beleeue that the pope is head of any church . answere ▪ confesse it , for the church was deceiued by agnes , a woman pope , as it app●areth by saint augustine , and it so being deceiued , christian faith should bee depraued . the popes power , as uicar , is nothing worth , if he liue not according to christ , and follow the manners of peter . iohn hus confessed this , and said before the councell , i vnderstand , the power of such a pope as doth not represent the manners of christ , is void . the pope is most holy , not because he supplieth the place of peter , but because he hath great reuenues , my words be mutilated . thus it is written , he is not holie because he is uicar of peter , nor for his great possessions , but if he follow christ in humilit● , patience , labour , and perfect loue . the cardinals are not the true successors of the apostles , if they liue not after the fashion of the apostles , keeping the ordinances of christ. answere . i confesse it , for if they enter not in at the doore which is christ , they be theeues and robbers . an hereticke ought not to be committed to the secular power to be put to death , it is sufficient that he suffer the ecclesiasticall censure . answer . these are my words , that they might be ashamed of their false iudgement , for christ would not condemne such to bodily death : the first point appeareth in the . of luke : the second , by the woman taken in adultery , and in the . chapter of mathew , if thy brother haue offended thee , &c. therefore an hereticke ought first to be instructed with christian loue , by reasons drawne out of holy scriptures , as saint augustine and others haue done , disputing against heretickes ; but if for all this they will not leaue their errors , they ought to suffer corporall punishments . the iudges had read in iohn husses booke , where hee greeuously inueyed against them which deliuered an heretike vnto the secular power , not being conuicted of heresie , and compared them vnto the high-priests , scribes , and pharises , which told pilate it was not lawfull for them to put any man to death , and deliuered christ vnto him , but christ told pilate they were greater murderers then he which deliuered him vnto him , then the cardinals and bishops made a great noyse , saying ; who are they that thou dost asimule vnto the pharisies ? and he said , all that deliuer any that is innocent vnto the ciuill sword . the nobles of the world ought to compell the ministers of the church to kéepe the commaundements of christ. answere . these be my words , the militant church consisteth of these parts ; ministers of the church , which should kéepe purely the ordinances of christ ; and the nobles of the world , which should compell them to keepe his commaundements , and of the common people seruing to both parties . the ecclesiasticall obedience , as the priests and monkes haue deuised , it hath no authority in the scripture . answer . i confesse it , there be three obediences , the spirituall , secular , and ecclesiasticall : the spirituall , which is onely according to the ordinances of god ▪ in which christ and his apostles liued , and all christians ought to liue in : the secular obedience , is due according to ciuill ordinance : the ecclesiasticall obedience is such as the priests haue inuented , without any expresse authority of scripture . he that is excommunicate of the pope , and apealeth vnto christ , the curses of the pope cannot annoy him . answere . i acknowledge not this , but i did make complaint in my booke , that they had done mee , and such as fauoured mee , great wrong , and they would not heare me in the popes court : and after the death of one pope , i apealed to his successors , and it profited not , and to apeals to the councell , it were to long ; therfore at la●● i apealed to the head of the church christ iesus . then said a cardinall , wilt thou presume aboue saint paul , who apealed to the emperor , and not to iesus , and they mocked him : the tenor of his apeale , was nothing but an earnest prayer to christ , to be his refuge and helpe when all kel●es fayled , and that he did appeale before god , for his greefe , from the wicked sentence and excommunication determined by the by●●ops , scribes , and pharisies , as iohn chrysostome did twice from the councel of the bishops ; and andrew bishop of prage , and robert bishop of lincolne , apealed vnto christ , who is not defiled with cruelty , nor corrupted with gifts , nor deceiued by false witnesses . a vitious man liueth naughtily , and a vertuous man liueth godly . answere . my words are these : all humane workes are deuided into two parts , they be either vertuous or vit●aus ; therefore if a man bee vertuous , that he doth , he doth vertuously , and if a man be naught , that which he doth is naught : for as vice infecteth all the deeds of the subiect , so vertue quickens all the doings of the vertuous , whi●h is proued by many places in the scriptures . the minister of christ liuing according to his lawes and hauing knowledge of the scriptures , and an earnest desire to edifie the people , ought to preach , notwithstanding the excommunication of the pope : and such a minister ought not to obay any forbidding of him to preach . i answer . we ought rather to obay god th●n man , for a minister to preach , and a rich man to giue almes , are duties commaunded of god : and if the pope or any other commaund a minister not to preach , and a rich man not to giue almes , they ought not to obay him . i cal that an vniust excommunication , which is giuen contrary to gods law , for such a one a preacher ought not to leaue preaching , nor feare damnation : then they obi●cted that he had said that such excommunications were blessings : euen so say i now againe as the prophet saith , they shall curse , but thou o lord shalt blesse . euery man admitted to the ministry , hath thereby authority to preach , and ought so to do● , notwithstanding the excommunication or forbidding of the pope , or any other . answere . i doe confesse this , and that no christian ought to doubt , but he that is sufficientlie instructed in learning , to instruct the ignorant , and to tell the vnruly of their sinnes , then for to do any other worke of mercy . ecclesiastical censures , are antichristian , such as the cleargy hath inuented for their owne preferment , to defend their malice , and multiply their couetousnesse : it is not thus in my booke , but i confesse it in substance . there ought to be no interdictment vnto the people . answer . for christ the high bishop , neither for the iniury done vnto iohn baptist , nor for any other iniurie did make any interdictment . i complained that for one mans fault , a whole land shall be interdicted , and all the good cease to praise god , but christ notwithstanding , iohn baptist was imprisoned , then whom there was no greater amongst the children of men , did not giue any curse , no not when herod beheaded him , neither when himselfe was spoyled , beaten , and blasphemed ; he did not curse , but praied for them , and taught his disciples to do the same : and peter exhorteth to follow christ. who when he was cursed , cursed not againe . and s. paul saith in the . to the romanes , blesse them that persecute you . these are the articles which are alleadged out of his booke of the church . seauen articles gathered out of his booke against stephen pallets . the first article , if the pope , bishop , or prelate , be in deadly sinne , he is then no pope , bishop , or prelate . answere . i grant thereunto , and i send you to saint augustine , ierome , chrysostome , gregory , cyprian , and barnard , who say moreouer , that he that is in deadly sinne , is no christian ; how much lesse , pope , bishop , or prelate , of whom it is said in the eight of amos , they haue ruled but not through me ; they became princes , and i knew them not : but i graunt , a wicked pope , bishop , or priest , is an vnworthy minister of the sacrament , by whom god doth baptise , consecrate , or otherwise worke , to the profit of his church . god saith by samuell to saul , because thou hast cast off my word , i haue cast thee off from being a king , much more a pope sinning . the grace of predestination , is the bond whereby the body of the church and euery member thereof are firmely knit vnto the head. answere . this article is mine , and it is proued out of the eight to the romanes , who shall separate vs from the loue of christ : and the tenth of iohn , my sheepe heare my voyce , i know them , and giue them eternall life , they shall not perish , nor any shall take them out of my hands . this is the knot of the body of the church , and the spirituall head , vnderstandding the church of the predestinated . if the pope be a reprobate , then as iudas , he is a deuill , a théefe , and the son of perdition , and not the head of the militant church , nor member thereof . i answer , if he were a member of the church , then should he be a member of christ , and then he should cleaue vnto christ by grace of predestination and present iustice , and should be one spirit with god , as in the . cor. . know you not that our bodies are the members of christ. that an euill pope or prelate is no pastor . answer . the text of my booke , is , if he be euill , he is a hireling : of whom christ saith , he is no shepheard , nor the sheepe his , he seeth a wolfe and forsaketh his sheepe , so doth euery reprobate , therefore no true pastor . the pope is not , nor ought not by his office , to be called most holy . i answere , when as the king , according to s. augustines mind , representeth the deity of christ , and the priest representeth only his humanity ; therefore the king of romaines by reason of his office , ought rather to be called most holy . these thinges are more at large discided in my booke ( saith iohn hus ) but i can finde no foundation , whereby i should call the pope most holy , when it is only spoken of christ. if the pope liue contrary to christ , though he be lawfully chosen according to humane election , yet he commeth in another way then by christ. answere . the text is thus , if the pope liue contrary to christ , in pride and auarice , doth he not then come in another way , then by the lowly and méeke doore of christ. iudas was lawfully chosen by christ , yet bee came in another way : and as christ saith in the sixt of iohn , was a theese , a deuill , and the sonne of perdition , and whosoeuer doth enter into a bishopprick or any other place , not with intent to labour in the church , but to liue voluptuously and richly , and to aduance himselfe with all kind of pride , he commeth in another way , and not by christ , and is a théefe . the condemnation of the forty fiue articles of wickliffe , made by the doctors , as wicked and vnreasonable , and the cause by them alleadged is fained and vntrue . answere . so it is , to say that euery one of them is hereticall , erronious , and offensiue : then he said to cardinall cambray ? o maister doctor where is your proofe ! then the cardinall said : iohn hus , thou diddest say thou wouldst defend none of iohn wickliffes errors ? i will not if they be errors , but in my conscience , i could not consent to the condemnation , being i saw no scripture against them . there remaineth sixe articles of the thirty nine , out of a booke wrote against stanislavs de zuoyma . the first article : a minister is not the successour of christ by his humane election , be it neuer so rightly done , but in that he doth more aboundantly worke to the profit of the church , hee hath thereby more aboundant power giuen him of god. answere . it standeth in the hands of wicked electors to chuse a woman into ecclesiasticall office , as it appeareth by the election of agnes , which was called iohn , who occupied the popes place and dignity two yeares and more , and they may chuse a théefe , a murderer , a deuill , and an antichrist , or such a one as god alloweth not of : so whatsoeuer the election is , we ought to giue credit to the works of him that is chosen ; therefore christ saith in the tenth of iohn , giue credite vnto workes . the pope being a reprobate , is not head of the church . answere . i would know of the doctor how this is contrary to faith ? did not christ dispute against the faith , when he demanded of the scribes and pharisies . math. . you off-spring of vipers , how can you speak good things when your selues are wicked . i demand of the scribes , if the pope be a reprobate , and the stock of uipers , how is he head of the holy church ? for it is more possible that a reprobate may speake good things , being he may be in the state of grace according to present iustice , then to ●e the head of the holy church : in the fift of iohn christ saith , how can you beleeue which seeke glory amongst your selues , and seeketh not the glory that commeth of god : and i demand how the pope can be head of the church which is a reprobate , and receiueth the glory of the world , and séeketh not for the glory that commeth of god , for it is more possible he should beléeue so doing , then be head of the church . there is no apparance that there ought to be one head in the spiritualty to rule the church . answere . i grant it , christ sitteth at the right hand of god , doth necessarily rule the militant church as head , and there is no sparke of apparance , that there should be one head in the spiritualty ▪ ruling the church that should alwaies be conuersant with it , except some infidell would heretically affirme , that the militant church should haue here a permanent and continuall citty , and not to seek after that which is to come : and it is euident in my booke , how vnconsequent a similitude it is for a reprobate pope to be head of the militant church , and a reprobate king to be he●d of a kingdome . christ would better rule his church by his true apostles , dispierced throughout the world , without such a monstrous head . i answere , albeit that doctor doth say , that the body of the church is often without a head ; yet we verily beleeue that christ is the head of euery church , ruling it without lacke or default , powring on it motion and sence , euen vnto the latter day : then they said , behold now hee prophesieth ? but iohn hus said , the church in the time of the apostles , was fa● better gouerned then now it is . peter was no vniuersall shepheard of the shéep of christ , much lesse is the bishop of rome . answer . it appeareth by the words of christ , that he did not limit vnto peter for his iurisdiction the whole world , no not one only pronince , nor to any other of the apostles : some walked through many regions , some fewer ; as paule trauailed more then all the rest , and did co●uert more to the faith of christ. wherefore , it is lawfull for any apostle or uicar to conuert and confirme as much people , and as many prouinces as they are able . the apostles and faithfull priests of the lord , haue stoutly ruled the church in all thinges necessary to saluation , before the office of the pope was brought into the church , and would doe so to the end of the world . then they cryed out againe , behold the prophet . certaine other articles which were brought vnto iohn hvs in prison . the first article , paul , according to present iustice , was a blasphemer , and none of the church , and withall in grace , according to predestination of eternall life . answer . this proposition is not in the booke , but thus : as paul was both a blasphemer according to present iustice , and also a faithfull child of our holy mother the church according to predestination ; so iscariot was both in grace according to present iustice , and withall , was neuer of our holy mother the church , because he lacked predestination of life euerlasting . christ doth more loue a predestinate ban being sinfull , then any reprobate , in what grace soeuer he be . answere . the reason is , because the predestinate shall haue perpetuall blessednesse , and the reprobate eternall fire ; therefore god infinitely loueth them both as his creatures , and much more because he giueth them greater graces , to wit ; euerlasting life , which is far more excellent then onely grace , according to present iustice ; and the predestinated cannot fall from grace , for they haue a certaine redicall grace rooted in them , although they be depriued of the aboundance of grace for the time . all the sinfull according to present iustice are vnfaithfull , swaruing from the true catholike faith , for none can commit deadly sinne , but in the point he swarueth from the faith . answer . i acknowledge it to be my sentence : for if they did beléeue the punishment that shall be laid vpon sinners , and had faith of the diuine vnderstanding , &c. then they would not so offend . this is verified by the prophet esay , thy fellows are misbeleeuers , and fellowes of theeues , they loue bribes , and are followers of rewards , so he calleth them infidels for their offences : also in the first of titus , they confesse they know god , but in workes they deny him . iohn . math. . and the . receiue the holy ghost , whatsoeuer you shall binde in earth , shall be bound in heauen , &c. many for lack of vnderstanding , shal be terrified by the priests and be deceiued , presuming vpon their power and authority . answer . i allow this sentence , it is not possible for a priest to binde and lose , except that binding and losing be in heauen : but many are made afraid , thinking whether they be iust or vniust , the priests may at their pleasures bind them , and the ignorant priests presume to haue such power , saying ; they haue such power to absolue euery man confessing himselfe , of what sinne soeuer it be , though many sins are forbidden thē . and an hypocrite may confesse himselfe , that is not contrite for his sin , whereof proofe is often found , & is euident , because the letter killeth , but the spirit quickneth . the binding and losing of god is plainely the cheefe and principall . answere . this is verie euident , for it were a blasphemous presumption , that a man may forgiue an offence to god , hee not allowing the same : for it is necessarie , that god doe first forgiue , before his uicar can doe the same ▪ and no article of our faith ought to be more common and knowne to vs then this , and whosoeuer granteth this authority to the pope , graunteth he is without sin , and that he is god , the fact of the pope proueth this same : for alwaies in his absolutions , h● presupposeth contrition and confession , but vnto true absolution there is required ; first , contrition ; secondly , the purpose to sin no more ; thirdly , true confession ; fourthly , stedfast hope of forgiuenes : the first appeareth by ezechiel , if the wicked repent : the second in the . and . of iohn , sinne no more : the third by luke , shew your selues to the priests : the fourth , christ saith , my son beleeue , and thy sins shall be forgiuen . the priests heap vp out of the scriptures , such things as serue the belly , but such as pertaine to the imitation of christ , they reiect as impertinent to saluation . answere . this saint augustine prooueth in his seuenteenth homily , the haruest is great , but there are few haruest-folke ; and speaking that , which i cannot without gréefe , though there be many that would heare good things , there lacks such as should declare the same vnto them . the world is full of priests , yet there are few worke-men in the haruest of the lord : we would be willingly priests , but we do not the office of priest-hood ; we are fallen into outward affaires , and take vpon vs an office for honor , and hire another to ease our labour ; we leaue preaching , we are called bishops to our paine ; we retaine the name of honour , but not the vertue ; we daily call for our stipend , but care not for our flocke ; wee gape after earthly things and glory , and leaue the cause of god vndone ; we take vpon vs the place of holinesse , and are wholy wrapped in cares and troubles . and s. barnard saith in his . sermon vpon the canonicals , all are friends , and all enemies , all kinsfolkes , and all aduersaries , all of an houshold , and no peace-makers , they are the ministers of christ , and serue antichrist ; they goe honorably , honoured with the goods of the church , and yet they do no honor . the power of the pope , which doth not follow christ , is not to be feared . answere . subiects are bound willingly to obay their good rulers , and those which are wicked : yet if the pope do abuse his power , it is not to be feared as by bondage : so his cardinals as i suppose , did not feare gregory the . before he was deposed , when as they resisted him ; saying , he did abuse his power . a wicked pope is not the successor of peter , but of iudas . answere . if the pope be humble , neglecting the honors and luker of the world : if he be a shepheard , taking his name of féeding his shéepe , if as christ commandeth , he feed the shéep with the word and good example , then is he the uicar of christ , but if he walke contrary , because there is no society betwixt christ and beliall : and christ saith , he that is not with me , is against me . how is he the uicar of christ , and not rather the uicar of antichrist ? christ called peter , sathanas , when he contraried him but in one word , why should not any other then being more contrary to christ , be called sathanas , and antichrist . the pope is the same beast , of whom it is spoken in the reuelation , power is giuen him to make warre vpon the saints . it is lawfull to preach notwithstanding the popes inhibition . answere . the article is euident , because the apostles did preach contrary to the commaundement of the bishop . and s. hialry did the like , contrary to a pope that was an arian : and cardinals , contrary to the commaundement of pope gregory the . sent throughout all realmes such as should preach against him . if the popes commaundement be not agréeable to the word of god , it is not to be obayed . answer . s. isidore saith , he that ruleth and commaunds any thing contrary , or besides the word of god , he is honored as a false witnes , and a church-robber ; therefore we are bound to obay no prelate , but in case he commaunds the commaundements of christ. and saint augustine speaking of the chaire of moses , saith ; they teach in the chaire of moses the law of god , therefore god teacheth by them : but if they will teach you any of their owne inuentions , heare them not , neyther doe as they commaund you ; let therefore my aduersaries and slanderers learne , that there be not onely twelue councels in the gospell , but as many councels as there be commaundements of god binding vs thereunto , vnder the paine of deadly sinne . it is lawfull for the cleargy and layty , to iudge by their iurisdiction of all thinges pertaining to saluation , and of the workes of prelates . answere . subiects ought first to examine themselues . . cor. . secondly , to examine all thinges which appertaine to their saluation : for a spirituall man iudgeth all thinges ; therefore i say a lay man ought to iudge and examine the workes of his prelate , and to bewar● of false prophets , and they ought to examine their workes , that if they be good , they may reioyce in god , and if they be euill , be sory for them , but not to do the like , least they be damned with them , according to the saying : if the blind lead the blind , they shall both fall into the ditch . god doth suspend euery wicked prelate from his ministry whilst hee is in actuall sinne , because then he sinneth in whatsoeuer he doth . answere . . cor . paul suspendeth all such as are in any greeuous crime , from the eating of the ●odie of the lord , and the drinking of his blood ; and so consequently suspen●●th all sinfull prelats from the ministration of the sacrament : and god doth suspend the wicked from the declaration of his righteousnesse . psal. . to suspend , is to prohibite the ministry of any other good thing for the offence sake : or as the new law terms it , to interdict or forbid . the cleargy , for their owne preferment and exhaltation , doth vndermine the lay people , and multiply their owne couetousnesse , cloaketh their malice ▪ and prepareth a way for antichrist . the answere which is made to the . article in pri●on , sufficeth for this : the first part he proueth by the example of peter de luna , which named himselfe benedict , and of angelus coriarius , who named himselfe gregory the twelth : & of iohn the . and by the . and . of ezechiell , and out of gregory , who saith , what shall become of the flocke when the shepheards are become wolues ? the second part is proued by ierome & gregory . homily , and by barnard vpon the canonicals : the third is proued by experience , for who defendeth the wickednes of any scisme , but only the cleargy , alledging scriptures , & bringing reasons therefore . they excuse symony , couetousnes in heaping together many benifices , luxuriousnes and fornication , how many now say it is no deadly sin , alleadging the saying of genesis , increase and multiply : heereby also the fourth part is verified , for barnard vpon the canonicals , saith , wicked priests prepare the way for antichrist . iohn hus openly teacheth , that these articles are true . answer . some of these i did publish , and some mine enemies fained ; now adding , then diminishing ; now falsly imputing the whole proposition vnto me , which the commissaries did confesse before me , whom i desired that they might be punished for the false faining of those articles . all the foresaid conclusions be false , erronious , and seditious , and weaken the power of the church , inuented contrary to the scriptures and the church . answer . if there be any such , i am ready most humbly to reuoke and recant the same . they obiected against him to change the treatise that hee wrote against pallets , and stanislaus de zuoyma . answer . i desired for gods sake , that it might be openly read in the audience of the councell , and that i would submit my selfe to th● iudgement of the whole councell . iohn hus preached he should go to constance , & if he should be forced to recant that which he had taught , he neuer purposed to do it with his mind , because what he had taught was pure doctrine of christ. answer . this article is full of lies , god saith to the inuenter thereof , all the day long thou hast imagined wickednes , and with thy tongue as with a sharp razor thou hast wrought deceit : thou hast delighted to talke of wickednes rather then of iustice. i wrote an epistle , & left it to be read vnto the people , that they should pray for me , & perseuer stedfastly in the doctrine of christ , knowing certainly that i neuer taught any such errors as mine enemies ascribe vnto me , and if i should be ouercome with false wilnesses , they should not be troubled , but continue stedfastly in the truth . first the councell condemned all his bookes to be burned , and condemned al his articles to be hereticall and himselfe to be an heretick , & when the sentence was ended , knéeling down on his knées he said , lord iesu christ forgiue mine enemies , by whom thou knowest i am falsly accused , and that they haue vsed false witnesse and slanders against me , forgiue them for thy great mercy sake : and the chiefe of the priests derided his prayer . seauen bishops which were appointed to disgrade him , commanded him to put on his priestly garments , when he put on his white vesture hee remembred the albe that herod put on christ to mocke him withall , and in all other thinges comforted hee himselfe by the example of christ : when hee had put on his vestures , the bishops exhorted him to change his mind , and prouide for his honor and safegard , and according to the manner of the ceremony , going to the top of the scaffold , hee spake to the people in this sort . these lords and bishops exhort me , that i should confesse before you all that i haue erred , if it were a thing that might be done without the slander of any man , they might easilie peraduenture perswade me , but i am in the sight of my lord my god , without whose great ignominy , and the grudging of mine owne conscience , i cannot doe that which they require . i neuer taught the thing that they haue falfely alleadged against me ; with what countenance should i behold the heauens ? with what face should i looke vpon them whom i haue taught , whereof there is a great number : if those things which they haue hitherto knowne most certaine , should now be made vncertaine by mee , should i by this example astonish so many consciences , indued with so certaine knowledge of the gospell of christ armed against all assaults of the deuill , i will neuer commit such offence , more to esteeme this vile carkase appointed to death , then their health and saluation . and being commaunded to come downe , one of the bishoppes tooke away the chalice from him , saying ; o cursed iudas ! why hast thou forsaken the way of peace , and councelled with the iewes ? we take from thée this chalice of saluation ? he answered , i trust in my lord iesus , for whose sake i suffer these things , that he will not take away his chalice of red●mption , but haue a stedfast hope this day i shall drinke thereof in his kingdome : then each of the byshoppes tooke away a vestiment , and gaue him a curse ; he answered , he willingly imbrased their curses for the name of christ. when they should raze off his shauing , they could not agree with what instrument they should doe it , then hee turning to the emperour , said ; i maruaile being they are of like cruelty , they agree not in their kinde of crueltie : at length they agreed , to cut off the skinne of the crowne of his head with a paire of sheares : then they saide ; now hath the church taken away all her ornaments , then they made a crowne of paper , a cubit deepe , in which were painted three vgly deuils , and this tytle set ouer , heresiarcha ; hee said , christ for my sake ware a crowne of thornes , why should not ● weare this light crowne for his sake , be it neuer so ignominious ? i will doe it willinglie , the byshoppes when they had put it on , said : now wee commit you to the deuill ; but hee said , lord iesus , into thy hands i commit my spirit which thou hast redeemed : then they deliuered him to the emperour , who caused one to receiue him , and deliuer him to b●e burned . when he saw his bookes burned before his face , he smiled , he exhorted all that were by , that he died not for heresie , but for the hatred of his aduersaries : almost all the cittie followed him in armour . in his prayers he often repeated ; into thy hands i commit my spirit , the standers by said , what this man hath done we know not , but hée prayeth very deuoutly and godly . a priest sitting on horsebacke in a greene gowne , draw no about with red silke , said he ought not to be heard , because he is an heretick : as he prayed his crown fell off , one of the souldiours said , let vs put it on againe , that it may be burned with his maisters . when he rose from prayers , he said , lord iesus assist me , that with a constant mind i may beare this cruelty , and ignominious death whereunto i am condemned for preaching thy most holy gospell : when he was fastned to the stake , being turned to the east , certaine cryed , he ought not to looke towards the east , because he is an hereticke , so hee was turned to the west , then the emperours master of his horses , exhorted him to repent of his errors , and be mindfull of his safegard ; he answered he preached no errors : the principall end of my doctrine was to teach all men repentance , and remission of sinnes , according to christs gospell and exposition of holy doctors , therefore with a cheerefull courage i am ready to suffer death : when the fire was kindled he began to sing with a loud voice , iesu christ the sonne of the euerliuing god haue mercy on me , and when hee had said it thrice , the fire smothered him , they made a new fire and burned the part of his body , they cut the head into small gobbits that it might the sooner be consumed : his heart being found amongst his bowels , when they had well beaten it with staues , they pricked it vpon a sharpe prick , and rosted it in another fire till it was consumed : they tooke the ashes and cast into the riuer rheyne that there might bee no dust of that man left vpon earth : but they could neuer abolish his memory out of the hearts of the godly . maister ierome of prage greeuously lamenting the false repro●h of the glorious kingdome of boheme , and the manifold iniuries of iohn hus , of his owne accord came to constance : and seeing iohn hus was denyed to be heard , and that hee himselfe was laide waite for , he departed a mile off that night , and writ vnto the king of hungary and the councell earnestly , for safe conduct to come and goe , and hee would answere before the councell to euery one that could lay any thing against him : the said king denied him safe conduct : the lords of boheme moued the deputies of the foure nations of the councell therein , who answered , they would giue him a safe conduct to come , but not to depart : hee hearing hereof writ certaine intimations , and caused them to be set vpon the gates of the citie , and of the churches and monast●ries , and of the houses of the cardinals , and other nobles & prelates to this effect : to the most noble prince sygismond , by gods grace king of romanes , and hungary alwaies augustus &c. ierome of prage , master of art of the uniuersities of paris , collein , heidelberg , and prage , doe notifie to all men i am ready to come to constance , openly to declare to the whole councell , the purity of my true faith : wherefore if there be any slanderers , which will obiect any error or heresie , let them come openly before me in the presence of the councell , and i will be ready to answere for mine owne innocencie , and declare the sinceritie of my true faith ▪ and if i shall be found culpable to suffer such punishment as shall be méet : wherefore i desire a safe conduct , that all the world may know , that if i haue any violence or imprisonment offered me , this generall councell doth not proceeds according to equitie : or if they put me back from this profound iustice , beeing com● hither freely of mine owne accord ; the which thing i suppose to be far banished from so sacred a councell of wise men , when yet he could not obtaine a safe conduct , the nobles and knights , specially of boheme , gaue him their letters , patents vnder their seales , witnessing the premisses : with the which letters , the said maister ierome returning to bohem , but by the conspiracie of his enemies , he was taken in the dukedome of horrissaw , and sent again by the duke to the councell : the chéefe priests , scribes and pharisies , vnderstanding thereof assembled and sent for him , and they led him in chaines , making a great noise , one going a great way before , leading him by the same chaine , with which chaine they kept him bound in the cloister : when he was before them , the whole rabble rising vp alledged sundry accusations & testimonies against him , with a great noise and tumult : when they held their peace the chancellor of paris said ; ierome when thou wast at paris tho● thoughtest thy selfe an angell by thine owne eloquence , alledging in the schooles many erroneous conclusions , and consequences : answere . i put them philosophically , teach mee that any of them be erroneous and i will amend them . then said the maister of the uniuersitie of colleyn : when thou wast at colleyn thou didst propound many erroneous matters : then he said , shew mee one errour : he said i remember them not now , but they shall bee obiected against thee : then said the maister of the uniuersitie of heidelberge , when thou wast with vs , thou didst propound many erroneous matters , and compared the trinity to water , snow , and ice ; that which i taught there , i will teach heere , and teach me that they be erroneous and i will recant : then certaine cried out let him be burned : he answered , if my death doe delight you let it be so : the archbishop of rygen sent some of his seruants which led away maister ierome , bé●ing fast bound in chaines both by the hands and neck , and when it was night they carried him into a ●ower of the citie , tying him to a great block , his féet in the stocks , his hands being made fast vpon them : the block was so high he could not sit thereon , but his head must hang downward : thus he lay two daies & two nights reléeued only with bread and water , & one m. peter hearing thereof , got leaue to giue him meat : hanging thus by the héels . daies he fell sore sick euen to death , he lay in that prison a yéere lacking but seuen daies : after they had put iohn hus to death , they threatned him with death , and what with feare of death , and hope of deliuery , they made him recant , yet they sent him to prison againe , but not so straitly chained as before : but when his aduersaries plainly perceiued that he did not recant of pure mind , but to the intent to scape there hands : and also certaine friers of prage put vp new accusations against him , & certain cardinals , being appointed to heare his answer , he refused to answere in prison , desiring open audience : they thinking hee would renew his recantations granted him open audience : at which time hee answered all their arguments profoundly ▪ & subtilly disputing of many matters , at last he much praised the blessednes of iohn hus : affirming that he knew him from his youth vpward , & that he was neither fornicator , drunkard , or any vicious person , but a chast & sober man , and a iust true preacher of the gospel , and whatsoeuer thing maister iohn hus had holden or written against the enormities , pomp , and disorder of the prelates , he would defend vnto the death : and added that all his sinnes did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience , as that sinne which hee committed in that pestiferous seat which in his recantation he had spoken against that man , and his doctrine : concluding that he vtterly reuoked and denied that wicked recantation , and that he did it throgh weaknes of heart , and feare of death : when hee had spoken these and many other things touching the praise of iohn wickliffe , and iohn hus , then was he caried again vnto prison , and greeuously fettered by the hands , armes , and feete , with great chaines and fetters of iron : and when he was brought againe to his iudgement , they exhorted him againe to recant : he answered , i take god to my witnes i hold all the articles of the catholick faith , but i shall be condemned , because i will not consent vnto the condemnation of those most holy & blessed men aforesaid , whom you haue most wickedly condemned , for certaine articles abhorring your abominable life : then hee confessed his beliefe , and vttered many things profoundly , and eloquently , that all that were present could not sufficiently commend his great eloquence , and profound learning , and by no meanes could they perswade him to recant : he said further you will condemne mee vniustly and wickedly : but i after my death will leaue a remorce in your consciences , and a naile in your hearts , and i cite you all to answere mee b●fore the most high and iust iudge within a hundred yeeres : when sentence was giuen they brought vnto him a great long miter of paper , painted about with red diuels : then hee throwing away his hood , he put the miter on his head ; saying , christ when he suffered death for mee wore a crowne of thornes , and i for his sake will willingly weare this miter : when he was led to execution with a loud voice he sung , credo in vnum deum : after he sung other canticles of the church : hee was tyed to a stake like the picture of iohn hus : whilst hée was praying the tormenters tooke him vp , and lifted him vp from the ground , stript him naked , and girded him about the lomes with a linnen cloth : and so bound him to the image : when they beganne to lay the wood to him hee sung , salue festa dies , then they cast his garments on the woode , and set them on fire , and when hee was fired hee sung , in manus tuas domine commendo spiritum meum , when hee vehemently burn●d hee said , lord haue mercie vppon mee , for thou knowest how sincerely i haue loued thy truth : after hee was dead they burned his bedding , bootes , hood , and all things he had in prison , after they gathered his ashes , and cast them into the riuer . thus endeth the tragicall historie of iohn hus , and ierome of prage faithfully collected by a bohemian , being a present beholder of the same : iohn hus beeing a minister at bethelem , had a vision by night , that he had pictured in his church of bethelem , pictures of christ and his apostles : and the pope and his cardinals came and defaced them , and that a while after other painters renued the said pictures , much more fairer then before : and that there was so many painters that they gloried against the pope and his cardinals , bidding them put them out if they could , which with all their power they were not able to doe : this vision he thus expoundeth , applying the pictures to the preaching of christ and his apostles , which though the pope and cardinals should extinguish in him , yet the time would come that doctrine should be renued by other preachers , so plentiously that the pope with all his power should not be able to preuaile against it : wherevnto the prophesie of the said hus , a little before his death , and printed in the bohemian come called moneta hu●sa , hauing this superscription , centum reuolutis annis deo respondebitis & mihi , this was anno . if wee count from this yeare vnto the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and sixtéene : in which yéere martine luther first began to write against the pope , wee shall finde the number of an hundred yéeres fully complete . when as the newes of the barbarous cruelty exercised against iohn hus , and ierome of prage , was reported in boheme : their disciples assembled , and celebrated a memoriall of their deaths , decréeing it to be holden yéerely , and after they obtained certaine churches of the king to preach and minister the sacraments in : then they suppressed diuers monasteries , and pharasaicall and idolatrous temples , driuing the vicious priests and monkes out of them , or compelling them to a better order , whereby their number augmented vnder the conduct of one nicholas a noble man , and comming againe to the king for more churches , the king told nicholas thou hast begun a web to put me out of my kingdome , and i will make a rope of it wherewith i will hang thée : wherevpon nicholas departed , and the king went to a new castle which he had builded , and sent ambassadours vnto the emperour his brother for ayde . the protestants being assembled at prage , the king sent his chamberlain with thrée hundred horsemen to run vpon them , but he was faine to fly for fears of his life : at this newes the king and all about him were amazed ; but his cup-bearer said , i knew these things would thus come to passe , the king in a rage caught him & threw him downe , and would haue slaine him with his dagger : but béeing let with much ad●e he pardoned him , immediately the king fell sick of a palsie , and within eightéene daies died : when he had marked the names of them which hée would haue put to death , & before the princes which he had sent to for ayde were come , when he had raigned . yeares , and was . yéere old . immediatly after whose death , a noble man named zischa , minding to reuenge the iniuries of iohn hus , and ierome of prage , gathered a number of men of warre , and subuerted the monasteries and idolatrous temples , breaking in péeces the images , driuing away the priests and monkes , which hée said were kept vp in their cloisters like swine in their fat sties a fatting : his army increased to fortie thousand men : hée went to pelzina where hee knew hée had many friends of his faction , and tooke the towne and fortified it strongly , and some of his company tooke the castle of uissegard : then the quéene sent letters to the emperour sygismond , and other nobles , requiring ayde : in the meane time the quéene raised an armie with the treasure of the king which could not preuaile against them . then the protestants sent letters throughout the whole realme , that they should not let the emperour enter , who was an enemy to boheme , had bound the ancient citie of the prutenians vnto order by pledges , put the marques of brandenburge from the bohemian crowne , and not onely suffred but procured iohn hus , and ierome of prage to be burned , and with all his endeuour doth impugne the doctrine which they taught : zisca was twise assaulted of his enemies , but was alway victor : after he went to ausca , a towne , out of which the papists had cast many protestants , he tooke the towne and set it on fire : the chéefe papists fled to the castle lytius , but he took the castle , and put them all to sword saue one : then he chose a place by a riuer which was fenced by nature , this place he compassed in with walles , and commanded euery man to build them houses , and named it thaber , and his companions thabarites , as if they had seene the transfiguration of christ in the mount : the way to it by land was scarse thirty foot broad , for it is almost an iland , they had no horsemen vntill the emperour sent nicholas , maister of the mintes , with a thousand horsemen , to withstand the thaborites , vpon whome zisca came in the night , and tooke away all his horses and armour . in this time one picardus comming out of the low countries into boheme , by inchantments got credit with the people , and allured a number of men and women vnto him , whom hee commanded to goe naked , calling them adamits , and possessing a certaine iland , he called himselfe the sonne of god : they had no respect of marriage , yet it was against the law for any man to know a woman without the leaue of adam : but when any desired a woman , hee must leade her in his hand to him , and say , i am inflamed to this woman , and he answereth goe and multiply and replenish the earth , he affirmed that they and their posteritie were free and all other bondmen : on a time forty of this sect came out of the iland an● slew two thousand husbandmen , whom they called the children of the diuell : zisca hearing hereof and detesting their abominable doings let his army against them , and subdued the iland , and slew them all sauing two , of whom hee might vnderstand the superstition of the people . in the meane time the emperour with a great armie entered boheme , and got cencho , with large gifts and promises , to render vp vnto him the castle of prage , and there placed himselfe to anoy the towne : the cittizens of prage sent for zisca , who speeded thether with his thaborites , and receiued the citie vnder his gouernance , the castle was so strong it could not be conquered , but by famine , therefore they stopped all the passages , that no victuals should bee carried in : but the emperour opened the passages by force , and gaue them in the castle all things necessarie , and besieged the citie , and was crowned in the metropolitane house in the castle . zisca planted a strong garrison vpon a high hill , neere the towne of prage , with whom the emperours host skermishing , hauing gotten the top of the hill , were driuen back into a corner : some were slaine , and some falling headlong from the hill were destroyed : wherevpon the emperour raised his siege , and zisca and his company returned to taber : they of prage strongly besieged the castle , then they were compelled to eate horse-flesh , and except the emperour did ayde them by such a day they promised to yeeld it vp : the emperour was present before the day : but entering into a strait vnder the castle , was sodenly set vpon by the souldiers of prage , had a great ouerthrow , and so leauing his purpose vndone returned back againe , and the castle was deliuered vnto them . zisca subuerted and burned fiue monasteries in pel●●na , and pitched himselfe at the monastery of saint clare : thither came the emperour with his army : but when zisca brought his armie against him , hee fled ; and shortly after left boheme : then zisca wonne commitauia a famous citie , and burnt all the priests therein : and hauing but one eye in the siege of raby hee lost that eye and was blind , yet still he tooke the charge of his army . after the garisons of prage went to uarona , where was a great garison of the emperours , and tooke it by force , and tooke many other townes and holds . after the emperour and the princes electors appointed a day when they and their armie should inuade the west part of boheme : and the emperour with an other host would enter the east part , and many princes and bishops came to his ayde : when the emperour was entred boheme , zisca although he was blind set vpon him , and he being afraid and many of his nobles slaine f●ed : zisca pursuing the emperour a dayes iourney , got great riches and spoile : the emperour passing by a bridge ouer a riuer , one piso which had brought fiftéene thousand horsemen out of hungary to these warres passing ouer the ice , which brake and deuo●red a great number : zisca hauing obtained this victory would not suffer any idol to be in the churches , nor priests to minister in copes and vestures : the consuls of prage being agreeued at this , called iohn premonstrensis , & nine others , which were principals of this faction into the councell house , as though they would confer , and slew them , but the blood of them seemed to be washed through the sinkes and channels : wherefore the councell house was ouerthrowne , and eleuen of the principall authors thereof slaine , and diuers houses spoiled . about the same time the castle purgell , wherein the emperour had a garison , whether many papists with their wiues and children were fled , was through negligence burned . when the emperour perceiued that all things came to passe according to zisca his minde , and that the state of boheme depended on him , he sought meanes to g●t zisca into his fauour , promising him the gouernment of the whole kingdome , and great yearely reuenues , if he would proclaime him king , and cause the citties to be sworne vnto him : wherevpon zisca going to the emperour died by the way . the epitaph of iohn zisca . iohn zisca not inferiour to any emperour or captaine in warlike policy , a seuere punisher of the pride & auarice of the clergy , and a defender of my country lie heere : that with appius claudius in councell , and marcus furius camillus by valiantnes did for the romans , i being blind haue done for the bohemians : eleuen times in ioined battell i went victor out of the field : i worthily defended the cause of the miserable against the delicate , fat , and gluttonous priests , and for that cause receiued help of god : notwithstanding my bones lye heere in this hollowed place in despite of the pope . pope martin perceiuing the gospell to increase more and more , sent a cardinall into germany to moue them to warre against the bohemians : wherevnto the emperor assisted : there were three armies : in the first were the dukes of saxony , the second was vnder the conduct of the marques of brandenburge , the third was led by the archbishop of treuers . they entred boheme , and set vpon a towne which the protestants the night before had woon from the papists : the protestans hearing thereof gathered an army and came towards them : they fled leauing behinde them their warlike engi●es , with a great prey : they followed them , and destroyed many citties , and returning back againe , they had great summes of money sent them that they should not destroy the countries of bamberge , and norenberge , whereby the host of the bohemians was greatly enriched . after this newes the emperour gathered a new ayde , and pope martin sent an other cardinall to germany to stirre them to make warre against the bohemians : so there was a new expedition decreed . many bishops allowing a great ayd● thereto : the number of the horsem●n was forty thousand , but the footmen were not full so many . a cardinall entred into boheme with this huge army , destroying many of the protestant townes , killing men , women and children , sparing none : the protestants hearing thereof gathered their host , besieged a towne and woon it : so that there fell such a suddaine feare amongst the papistes throughout the whole campe , that they ran away : the cardinall marueiling thereat , went to the captaines , exhorting them to order the batta●l●s , and couragiously to abide their enemies , saying ; they fought for the religion of christ , and saluation of soules , notwithstanding , they did all fly , and the cardinall with them ; the protestants couragiously pursued them , and had a great prey and spoyle of them . the emperour going to rome to bee ●rowned emperour , wrote letters to the nobles of boheme , how he was borne a bohemian , & that he was not more affected vnto any nation then his owne , and that he went to rome for no other cause but to be crowned : the which honour should be also to the bohemians , whose renowne hath béene alwaies his care , and that through his indeuour the councell of basill is begunne , exhorting all such as were destrous to be heard touching religion , that they should come thither , and that they should not maintaine any quarrell against the holy mother the church , and that the councell would louingly and gently heare their reasons , and that they should indeuour themselues to agrée with the synode touching religion , and to reserue a peaceable kingdome for him against his returne , neither should the bohemians thinke to refuse his empire , whose brother , father , and unckle had raigned ouer them . the councell of basill also wrote their letters to the bohemians , to send their ambassadours to shew a reason of their faith , promising safe conduct to goe and come , and free liberty to speaks what they would . whereupon an ambassage of thrée hundred horses was sent to basill : the chéefe were william cosca a valiant knight , and procopius , sir-named magnus , for his manifold victories , iohn rochezana , preacher of prage , nicholas galicus , preacher of the thaborits , and one peter , an english-man , of an excellent prompt wit : all the stréets were full as they came to see them , and maruelling at their strange kind of apparrell , stout couragious countenances , saying ; it was not vntrue that was reported of them . these ambassadours were gently receiued : the next day cardinall iulianus sent for them to the councell-house , and made a gentle , long , and eloquent oration vnto them , exhorting them to vnity and peace , saying , the church was the spouse of christ , the mother of the faithfull , and hath the keyes of binding and los●ng , and is white and faire without spot or wrinckle , and cannot erre in necessary points of saluation : and that he which contemneth her , is prophane , an eth●icke , and publican , and that the church cannot bee better represented then by the councell , and that they should giue no lesse credit to the councell , then to the gospell , by whose authority the scriptures themselues are receiued and allowed , and that the bohemians , which call themselues the children of the church , ought to heare their mother , which is neuer vnmindfull of her children ; and how that of late they haue liued apart from their mother , but that was no new or strange thing : for there haue beene many in times past haue forsaken their mother , and yet seeking saluation haue returned againe . all without the arke in noahs floud perished , the lords passeouer is to be eaten in one house , there is no saluation out of the church ; she is the garden and famous fountaine of water , whereof whosoeuer shall drinke , shall not thirst euerlastingly . that the bohemians haue done as they ought , in that they haue sought the fountaines of this water at the councell , and now at length giuen eare to their mother : now ought hatred to cease , armor be laid aside , and warre reiected ; the fathers would louingly heare them in their owne cause , requiring them that they would willingly receiue the councels of the sacred synod , whereunto all faithfull christians ought to consent and agree , if they will be partakers of eternall life . this oration was commended of the fathers . the bohemians answered : they had neither contemned the church nor councels , and that they are come to manifest their innocency before the whole church , and required open audience , where the laity may bee present , their request was graunted them : and being demanded in what points they did differ from the church of rome , they propounded foure articles . first , all such as would be saued , ought of necessity to receiue communion vnder both kinds of bread and wine . all ciuill rule and dominion to be forbidden to the cleargy by the law of god. that the preaching of the word of god is free for all men and in all places . open crimes are in no wise to bee suffered for the auoiding of greater euill . one affirmed hee heard sundry things of the bohemians offensiue to chrstian eares : one of them was , that they should preach that the inuention of begging friers was diabolicall . then procopius said , it is not vntrue : for if neither moses , nor the partriarcks before him , nor after him the prophets , nor in the new lawe christ nor his apostles , did institute the orders of begging friers , who doubteth but the diuels inuented them , and that they are the worke of darknesse , all the councell derided him , and cardinall iulianus laboured to prooue that not onely the decrees of the patriarcks , prophets , christ and his apostles : but also the decrees which the church should ordaine to be the workes of god ; yet the order of begging fryers may seeme to be taken out of some part of the gospell : the bohemians chose foure ministers to dispute for them , and the councell chose foure , the disputation continued fifty daies , many things were alledged on both parts , which we will discourse more at large when we come to the councell of basill . the history of the most valiant and worthy martyr of christ , s r iohn old-castle , knight , lord cobham . after the true seruant of christ iohn wickliffe six and twenty yeares most valiantly had battelled with the great antichrist of europe , and his disguised hosts of annointed hypocrites , to restore the church againe to the puritie of the gospell , and was departed hence in christ anno . he left a number of godly disciples , against whom thomas archbishop of canterbury was as fierce as euer pharaoh , antiochus , herod , and cayphas , and hauing called a councell about the matter , they concluded it was not possible for them to make whole christs coate , without seame ( meaning thereby their patched popish synagoue ) vnlesse certaine great men were wrought out of the way which were chiefe maintainers of the disciples of wickliffe : amongst whom the lord cobham was complained of for a mighty maintainer of suspected preachers in london , rochester , hereford , that he not onely sent them thither , but maintained them with force and armes , and that hee beleeued otherwise of the sacrament of the altar , of penance , of pilgrimages , of image worshipping , and of ecclesiasticall power then the church of rome taught , and it was concluded that proces should goe against him , but first they would know the kings minde : wherevpon the archbishop with his bishops , and a great part of the clergy went to the king , and gréeuously complained against the lord cobham : the king desired them , in respect of his noble stock , they should fauorably deale with him , and that if it were possible they should reduce him to the vnity of the church without rigour , and promised he would seriously common the matter with him . anon the king sent for the lord cobham , and secretly admonished him to submit himselfe to his mother the holy church : he answered , i am ready to obey to you most worthy prince , for i know you an appointed minister of god , but touching the pope and spiritualtie , i owe them neither sute nor seruice , for i knowe by the scripture he is great antichrist , the sonne of perdition , the aduersary of god , the abhomination standing in the holy place : when the king heard this he would talk no more with him , and when the archbishop resorted to him againe , he gau● him full authoritie to cite him , examine him and punish him : then the arch-bishop sent his chiefe somner to his house with citation , when he came thither he durst not enter his gates without licence , but returned without doing his message : then the archbishop got one iohn butler , doore k●eper of the kings priuy chamber , to go with his somner , who went to the lord cobham , shewing him it was the kings pleasure that he should obey the said citation : he answered , that in no case he would consent to those most diuelish practises of the priests : after hee sent another citation to bee hanged vpon the cathedrall church doore of rochester , and because hee appeared not , excommunicated him : and when he heard that he derided his proceedings , hee threatned the seculer power with curses and interdictions if they did not assist him , against that seditious apostata , scismatick , and heretick , troubler of a publike peace , enemy of the realme , and aduersarie of holy church : then he writ a christian profession of his faith , and signed & sealed it : wherin he answered foure of the chiefest article● that the archbishop laid against him : then he took a copy thereof and went to the king , it agréed in all points with the apostles créede : and moreouer that christ is the onely head of the church , and that all that haue béen , or shall be saued , are members of his holy church , & that it is seuered into thrée estates : priesthood , knight-hood , and commons : and that it is gods will that one should ayde and not destroy the other : the priests , secluded from all worldlinesse , should conforme their liues vnto the example of christ and his apostles , euermore occupied in teaching and preaching the scriptures purely ; in giuing wholesome councell of good liuing vnto the other two degrees of men , more modest also , more louing and lowly in spirit should they be then any other sort of people : in knight-hood are all they that beare sword by law of office : these should defend gods lawes , so that the gospel were purely taught , reforming their liues according to the same , and secluding all false preachers , they ought rather to hazard their liues then suffer wicked decrees to blemish the word of god , and let the frée passage thereof , whereof heresies and scismes sprung : for they spring of nothing else , as i suppose : which constitutions craftily creepe in by hypocriticall lies for aduantage : they ought also to preserue gods people from oppressors , tyrants & théeues : and to sée the clergy supported so long as they teach purely , and pray rightly , and minister the sacraments fréely : and if they doe otherwise they are bound by the law of god to compell them to change their doing , & to sée all things performed according to gods ordinances . the last is the common people , whose dueties is to beare a good mind and true obedience to their kings ciuil gouernors and priests , their office is iustly occupied in their calling ; whether it be marchandise , handicraft , or husbandry . and i beleeue that the sacraments of the church are necessary to all beléeuers : so that they bee truely ministred according to christs institution : i beleeue in the sacrament of the altar to be contain●d christs body vnder the formes of bread & wine : and i beléeue the law of god to be most true & perfect , and that they that follow it not in faith and works , one time or other , cannot be saued : whereas he that séeketh it in faith , learneth it and delighteth in it , and performeth it in loue , shall tast felicitie euerlasting . finally , that god wil aske no other obedience then to his law , and if any prelate require more , or any other kinde of obedience ; hee contemneth christ ; exalteth himselfe aboue god , and becommeth an open antichrist , all these premisses i beléeue particularly : and generally all that god hath left in holy scripture , desiring my most worthy king , that this my confession may be examined by the most godly and learned of the realme , and if it be found agréeing to the verity , then let it be allowed and i holden for a true christian : and if it be proued otherwise , let it bee condemned ; prouided that i be taught a better beliefe by the word of god , and i shall most reuerently obey therevnto . this being offered to the king , he would not receiue it , but commanded it to bee deliuered vnto them that should be his iudges , then hee desired that . knights & esquires might be suffred to come vpon his purgation , which he knew would cleere him of al heresies . moreouer , he offred himself , according to the law of armes , to fight with an● mā liuing in the quarrel of his faith , the k. & councel excepted , or y ● he wold suffer any maner of correction that should after the law of god be ministred to him : notwithstanding , the king suffred him to be summoned in his priuy chamber , then hee said hee had appealed to the pope , and shewed his appeale ready written : the king said he should not pursue his appeale , but tarrie in hold vntill the pope allowed his apeale , and then whether he would or no the archbishop should be his iudge . and because he would not be sworn to submit himselfe to the church , and take what penance that the archbishop would enioyne him , he was arrested at the kings commandement and led to the tower : then he caused the foresaid confession to be written in manner of an indenture , that at his answere hee might giue one copie to the archbishop , and keepe the other himselfe ; which he did doe when hee was shortly after called before the archbishop . the bishops of winchester and london said moreouer touching the sacrament of penance , we must forsake our sinnes and doe penance with true contrition to god , and confesse them to christ , and haue satisfaction in him , else can wee haue no saluation . images pertaine nothing to christian beléefe , but were permitted to be kalenders to lay-men , to bring to minde the passion of christ , and martyrdome and good liuing of saints . he that worshippeth them , hop●th in helpe of them , or preferreth one aboue another , committeth idolatrie : and i beleeue that euery man liuing is a pilgrime , either towards blisse or paine ; and he that will not kéepe the commandement of god , though he goe to all quarters of the world in pilgrimage , he shall be damned , and the faithfull shall bee saued in christ though they neuer goe in pilgrimage , as men vse now-a-dayes to canterburie , walsingham , compostell and rome , or any other place . then the archbishop said , we denie not but that there are many good and catholike things herein , but you are appointed this day to answer other matters . whether doe you beleeue that there is materiall bread in the sacrament after consecration , and whether a christian be necessarily bound to confesse his sinnes to a priest ? the lord cobham said , he would answer no otherwise then he had in his writing . he said , take héed ; for if you will not answer directly by our law ▪ we may openly proclaime you an hereticke : notwithstanding , what question any of the bishops asked him , he would make no other answer , but bade them resort to his bill , he would stand to it vnto death . the archbishop sayd , the holy church of rome followed the sayings of saint augustine , hierome , ambrose , and of other holy doctors that haue determined in these matters , which all christian men ought to beleeue and follow . then he said , i will beléeue all that the church , which christ instituted , decréed , or what god hath willed vs to beléeue or do : but that the pope and his clergie haue power to determine such matters as stand not with gods word , i will not affirme . then the archbishop said hee would send him articles , and bade him aduise himselfe to answere them by monday . the latter examination of the lord cobham . archb. you are excommunicated : the last time you were before me i gently profered to haue assoyled you if you would haue asked it , and yet i doe the same if you will humbly desire it , in manner as holy church hath ordained . cobh. i will not , for i neuer trespassed against you : and god saith in the second of malachy , maledicam benidictionibus vestris : and knéeling down , he said , i s●ri●ue my selfe before you all : in my youth i offended thée , my lord , in pride , wrath gluttonie couetousnesse and lecherie : i haue hurt many in mine anger , and done many horrible sinnes : good lord , i aske thee mercie ; and therewith weepingly stood vp , and said aloude . lo good people ; for breaking gods lawes they neuer cursed me , but for their owne lawes they most cruelly handle me and others . archb. then he examined him of his christian beleefe . cobham . i beléeue all the lawes of god , and all is true that is contained in the holy scriptures : finally , i beleeue all that god would i should beleeue . archb. he asked an answere of the bill he had sent him , especially how hee beleeued touching the sacrament of the altar . cobham . with the bill i haue nothing to doe : but this is my beleefe touching the sacrament , that christ sitting at his last supper with his disciples , the night before his death , he tooke bread , blessed it , and brake it , and gaue it to his disciples , and said , take and eate it , this is my bodie that shall bee betrayed for you ; doe this in remembrance of me , &c. archb. then he asked if it were bread after the consecration . cobh. i beleeue it is christs very bodie in the forme of bread . then said a doctor , if the sacramentall words be vttered , there remaineth no bread , but it is the onely bodie of christ. then he said to one master whithead ; you said once to me that the sacred host was not chrsts bodie . i proued there was his bodie , though seculars and friers could not therein agree , but held one against another in that opinion . then said many together with great noise , we say all it is gods bodie . ●nd diuers with great anger asked him if it were bread after the consecration . then he looking earnestly vpon the archbishop , he said : sir , i beleeue surely that it is christs bodie in forme of bread . do not you do so ? archb. yes marrie doe i. and the doctors asked him if it were only christs bodie after consecration , and no bread . cob. it is both christs bodie and bread , as christ on earth was both god and man , and the inuisible godhead was hidden in the manhood , as one of your owne doctors eutiches saith . as the selfe same sacraments doe passe by the operation of the holy ghost into a diuine nature , and notwithstanding keepe the propertie still of their former nature : so that principall mysterie declareth to remaine one true and perfit christ. then they smiled one vpon another , that the people might iudge him taken in an heresie : and diuers said with a great bragge , it is a foule heresie . archb. what bread is it ? and the doctors inquired of him whether it were materiall , or not . cob. the scripture maketh no mention of materiall bread , therefore my faith hath nothing to doe therewith : but i say and beleeue , that it is christs bodie and bread . christ saith in the sixt of iohn , i am the liuing bread , and not the dead bread . then all with one voyce said , it is an heresie . and one of the bishops said , it is an error manifest to say it is bread after the sacramentall wordes once spoken , but christs bodie onely . he said i am sure s. paul was as wise and more learned then you be and in . cor. . calleth it bread and not christs bodie , but a meanes whereby we receiue christs bodie . they said ; paul must bee otherwise expounded : for it is an heresie to say it is bread after the consecration . hee asked how they could make that good ? they answered , it is against the determination of holy church . archb. wee sent you a writing concerning the faith of this blessed sacrament , cleerely determined by the church of rome our mother , and by the holy doctors . cobh. i know none holier then christ and his apostles , and that determination is none of theirs : for it standeth not with the scriptures but is cleane contrary . it hath beene the churches but since shee receiued the great poyson of worldly possessions , and not before . then they asked him if hee beleeued not the determination of the church . hee answered no : for it is no god. in is but thrice ment●oned in the creed , in god the father , and in god the sonne , and in god the holy ghost : the birth , death , buriall , resurrection and ascension hath none in for beleefe , but in him . neither hath the church the sacraments , the forgiuenesse of sinnes , or resurrection , or eternall life any other in then in the holy ghost . then one of the lawyers said , but what is your beleefe concerning holy church ? i beleeue the scriptures bee true , all that is grounded vpon them i beleeue , and i know it is gods pleasure i should so doe : but your lordly lawes and idle determinations i doe not beleeue ; for you are none of christs church , as your déeds shew , but very antichrists , obstinately set against his law and will : your lawes are nothing for christs glorie , but for your owne vaine-glorie and abhominable couetousnesse . they said in great ●ume this was an exceeding heres●e not to beleeue the determination of holy church . archb. then he asked him what he thought holy church . cobh. holy church is the number of them which shall be saued , of whom christ is head . archb. can you tell who is of this church ? cobh. yea truely can i. then a prior said , it is doubt to you who is thereof : for christ said noli iudicare ; if you must not iudge your neighbors , much lesse your superiors . he answered , christ saith in the same chapter , as the ill tree is knowne by his ill fruits , so a false prophet by his workes . and he saith in iohn , beleeue the outward doings . and againe in iohn , iustum iudicium iudicate : when wee know the thing is true we may iudge . and dauid saith , recte iudicate filii hominum . as for your superioritie ; were you of christ you would be meeke ministers , and not proud superiours . then doctor walden said , you make no differences of iudgements : so swift iudges alwaies are the learned schollars of wickliffe . he answered , your iudgements are preposterous , as the prophet esay saith , yee iudge ill good , and good ill : therefore your wayes are not gods wayes , nor gods wayes your wayes . afore that vertuous man wickliffe , whom you disdaine , i will say before god and man ; before i knew the despised doctrine of his , i neuer abstained f●om sinne , but since i trust i haue done otherwise : so much grace could i neuer finde in all your glorious instructions . doctor walden answered , it were not well with mee if so many learned and vertuous men , teaching the scriptures , and the examples of the fathers so plenteous , if i had no grace to amend vntill i heard the diuell preach . hierome , saith , hee which séeketh such suspected masters , shall not finde the mid-day , but the mid-day diuell . he answered , the pharises your fathers ascribed christs miracles to belzebub , and his doctrine to the diuell ; and you , their naturall children , haue still the same iudgement of his faithfull followers : they that reproue your vicious liuing must needs be hereticks , and when you cannot proue it by scriptures , then your doctors must proue it . then said he to them all , to iudge you we néede goe no further then your acts : where finde you in gods law that you should thus sit in iudgement , and sentence euery man to death as you doe here daily ? you haue no ground in scripture but in annas and cayphas , which sat thus vpon christ , and vppon his apostles after his ascention : you learned it not of peter and iohn . a lawyer said , yes sir , christ iudged iudas . hee answered , no ; christ iudged him not , hee iudged himselfe : christ said indéed vnto him , woe vnto him for that couetous act of his , as he doth yet still to many of you ; for since the venom was shed in the church , you neuer followed christ , neither were perfit in his law . archb. what meane you by that venom ? cobh. your possessions and lordships : for there cried an angell in the ayre , as your owne chronicles mention , wo , wo , wo , this day is venome shed into the church . before that time almost all the bishops were martyrs , and few since ; but since that time one hath put down another , one hath poysoned another , one hath cursed another , and one hath slaine another , and done much more mischiefes , as all the chronicles ●elleth : and if all men consider this well , christ was meeke and mercifull , the pope is proude and a tyrant ; christ was poore and forgaue , the pope rich and a malitious man-slayer ; rome is the neast of antichrist , and out of that neast proceedeth all the disciples , of whom prelats , priests , and monks are the bodie , and these pill● friers are the taile which couereth his most filthie part . then a prior sayed , alack●●r , that is vncharitably spoken . he answered , it is not only my saying , but the propet esayes ; hee that preacheth lies is the tayle . as your friers and monks be like pharises , deuided in outward apparell and visages : so yee make deuision amongst the people . thus you , with such others , are the naturall members of antichrist . then hee said vnto them all ; woe vnto you scribes and pharises hypocrits , you shut the kingdome of heauen from others , and enter not your selues , nor suffer any other to enter : you stoppe vp the wayes with your traditions , therefore are you the houshold of antichrist . you will not let gods veritie to haue passage , fearing to haue your wickednesse reproued by such vaine flatterers as vphold your mischiefes : you suffer the common people most miserably to bee seduced . archb. by our lady sir , there shall none such preach in my diocesse as make diuision amongst the poore commons . cobh. both christ and his apostles were accused of sedition making , yet were they most peaceable men . both daniel and christ prophesie that such a troublous time shall come as hath not beene been before : this is partly fulfilled in your dayes and doings ; for many haue you slaine , and more will you slay if god fulfill not his promise : if hee shorten not your dayes scarcely should any flesh bee saued . moreouer , though priests and deacons , for peaching gods word , and ministring the sacraments , with prouision for the poore , bee grounded in gods law , yet your other sects haue no ground thereof . then a doctor of the law plucked out of his bosome a writing , wherein was foure articles , and examined him ●her●on : the first was touching the sacrament of the altar , which he answered as before : the second , whether a man is bound to con●esse himselfe to a priest ; hee answered , a diseased or wounded man had neede haue a true and wise chirurgion , knowing the ground and danger of the same : therefore it is most necessarie to be first shréeuen to god , which only knoweth our diseases , and can helpe vs. the lawes of god are to be required of a priest which is godly learned : but if he be an idiot or vicious , that is my curate , i ought rather to flie from him then seeke him , for i might sooner get ill then good of him . the third was touching the authoritie of the pope : hee answered , he that most followed peter is next him in succession ; but your lordly order esteemeth little the lowly behauiour of peter , nor the humble manners of them that succeeded him vntill siluester , which for the most part were martyrs : you let their good conditions goe , and hurt not your selfe therewith . ●ll knowe it , and yet you boast of peter . then said one of the doctors , then what say you of the pope ? hee answered , he and you together make an antichrist : he is the great head , you bishops , priests , prelats , and monks are the bodie , and the begging friers the tayle , for they couer the filthinesse of you both with their subtile sophistrie . neuer will i obey vntill i se● you with peter follow christ in conuersation . the fourth was touching pilgrimage to images : hee answered , i owe them no seruice by the commaundement of god , therefore i will not seeke them for your couetousnesse . you were best sweepe them faire from cobwebs and dust , or lay them vp safe for catching hurt , or burie them in the ground , as you doe other aged people which are gods images . it is a wonder that saints beeing dead should bee so couetous , néedie , and beggers , which in their life time hated couetousnesse and begging . i would all the world knew it , with your shroeues and idols , your fained absolutions and pardons , you draw vnto you the wealth and chiefe pleasures of all christian realmes . then a frier said , will you not worshippe the crosse , as saint paule saith . god forbid i should reioyce in anie thing but in the crosse of christ. then did hee spread his a●●es abroad , and said , this is a very crosse , and much better then your wodden crosse ▪ beeing it was created of god himselfe , yet will not i seeke to haue it worshipped . then said the bishoppe of london , yet wot you not how hee died vpon a materiall crosse ? hee answered yea ; and i wot also that our saluation came not vnto vs by the materiall crosse , but alone and onely by him which dyed thereupon , and well wote i● that saint paul reioyced in none other crosse , but in christs passion and death onely , and in his owne suffering like persecution with him for his veritie . then another said , will you then doe no honour vnto the holy crosse ? yes , it he were mine i would lay him by , least he tooke harme , and were robbed of his goods , as he is now adayes . bishop . sir iohn , you haue spoken many wonderfull words , to th● slaunderous rebuke of the whole spiritualty , giuing a great ill example to the common sort heere , to haue vs in the more disdaine , and 〈◊〉 spent mu●● time in vaine , as farre as i can sée : well , wée must be now at this short point with you , you must either submit your selfe to the ordinance of holy church , or else throw your selfe into most déepe daunger , sée to it in time , a●one ●lse it will be too late . cobham . i know not to what purpose i shall submit my selfe ▪ much more haue you offended me , then i euer offended you , in thus troubling mee before this company . and because hee would not submit himselfe the archbishop read ●he definitiue sentence . cobh. though you iudge my body , which is but a wretched thing , yet , i am sure , you can doe n● harme to my soule , no more than sathan could doe to the soule of iob. and touching my articles before rehearse● , i wil stand to them vnto death . then ●e tur●●● himselfe vnto the people , casting his hands abroad , saying with a lowde voice ; good people , beware of these men , else they wil beguile you , and lead you headlong to hel with themselues . then he fell on his k●ées before them all and prayed for his enemies , ho●ding vp his hands , saying ; lord , for thy mercie sake forgiue my pursuers , if it bee thy blessed will. th●● he was lead againe vnto the tower. after , the lord cobham escaped out of the tower by night , and ●●ed to wales , where he continued more than foure yeares after . in this yeare , thomas arundell archbishop of canterbury died , who had béene a heauie troubler of christs saints in his time , he was so stricken in his tongue , that neither he could swallow , nor speake , for a certaine space before his death ; this was thought of many , to happen vnto him , for that he so bound the word of god , that it should not he preached in his dayes , such was the death of steuen gardner . these may be terrible spectacles for such as occupie their tongue and braines to stop the course of gods word : but his tyranny dyed not with him , but succeeded with his office , in henry chichley , and in more of the spitefull spiritualty . they confederated with the lord powis , a great gouernour in wales , féeding him with large gifts , and promises , an● being 〈◊〉 with iudas , vnder pretence of amitie ▪ tooke the lord cobham , and sent him to london , where he was imprisoned in the tower againe , and after , they condemned him againe of heresie and treason , according to the aforesaid act of parliament . hee rendred thankes to god that he had appointed him to suffer for his name . at his execution , hé● was laide vpon an hurdle , as a traytor , and drawne into saint giles field , where●s they had set vp a new paire of gallowes . when he was taken from the hurdle , he fell deuoutly vpon his knees , desiring god to forgiue his enemies , then stood vp , and exhorted the multitude in most godly manner , to follow the lawes of god , written in the scripture , and to b●ware of such preachers that are contrary to christ in their conuersations , with many other speciall councels ; then was he hanged by the middle in chaines , and so consumed aliue in the fire , praising the name of god so long as his life lasted , and ●o commended his soule to god , and departed m●st christianlike in the sixt yeare of the raigne of henry the fifth . the people shewed great dolour , but the priest blasphemed and accursed him , requiring the people not to pray for him but to iudge him damned in hell , because he departed not in the obedience of the pope . ¶ the councell of basell . the councell of basell began , which was most troublesome , and endured longer then any other councell , almost . yeares , wherein was concluded , as in the councell of constance , that the generall councell was aboue the pope . unto this councell came the emperour sygismund . pope martin dyed after he had summoned this councell , and eugenius the . succéeded pope , who would haue drawne the councell vnto bonony from basell , pretending the gréekes would come to the councell , and be vnited to the west church , and that they would not passe the alp●s . and he cited the fathers of the councell vnto bonony , and they cited him againe to bee at the councell , or his emb●ssadours : whereupon sprung a doubtfull question amongst the deuines some held the pope an hereticke , because hee had contemned the commaundement of the church ; others ▪ that hee was an heret●cke and relaps , and vpon long arguments , contentions , and fallings out , and when by no meanes ●e would allow the councell of basell , hee was d●priued by the councell , and amedeus duke of sau●y chosen pope . ¶ the rest of the story of the bohemians . the story of the bohemians , being in this treatise before set forth , vntill it was agreed that the bohemians chose foure ministers to dispute vpon the foure articles , and the councell chose foure to dispute against them , at the day appointed , rochezantus , one of the foure ministers chosen by the bohemians , propounded the first article , touching the communion to be ministred in both kindes , and desputed thereof three dayes in the forenoones . then venceslaus disputed vpon the second article touching the punishment of sinne , two dayes ; after whom vlda●icus propounded and disputed vpon the third article two dayes , touching the free preaching of the word of god last of all , peter paine an englishman , disputed three daies vpon the fourth article , touching ciuill dominion of the clergie , and after , gaue copies of their di●putations vnto the councell , with heartie thankes that they were ●eard . the three last somewhat inueyed against the councell , commending iohn hus , and iohn wickliffe , for their doctrine . one ragusio answered the first point , and 〈◊〉 puted eight dayes thereon . egidius carlerius answered the second point , by the space of foure dayes . one henricus answered the third article three daies . one iohn pollomarius answered the fourth articles , three daies ▪ the bohemians stil stood to their articles . at length the councel and the bohemians were agreed , and receiuing the communion in both kinds was permitted vnto the bohemians , and articles drawne vnder the hands and seales of the councel of one part , and the bohemians on the other , concerning the other articles . after all this , the bohemians put vp these petitions following vnto the councell . first , for the extirpation of diuerse discentions , which will follow , amongst our people , vpon the 〈◊〉 of the communion , that you would grant an vniforme order of communion vnto all men vnder both kinds vnto our bishops , hauing charge of soules , and to their uicars , and flocks : for this done by your benefite , the whole kingdome shall bee comforted without measure , and established in brotherly loue , whereby an vniforme obedience shall bee perpetually attributed to holy church . that to auoid the doubtfulnesse of many , which suppose that the councell doth suffer the said communion vnder both kinds vnto vs , but for a time , as neither profitable nor wholsome , we desire that you would confirme and continue it by th● buls of your letters . wee beseech you for the finall defence , and obse●uation of all things compounded , and for the good order in the spiritualties , you would prouide for vs a good and lawfull pastor ▪ which shall seeme to vs most meete for our kingdome . wee desire you , for the worthy 〈◊〉 of our realme , that you will direct letters of the sacred councell , declaring to all princes seculer and spirituall , cities and communalties ▪ according to the compositions . wee desire you ▪ that in the discussing of the matter of the communion vnder both kinds , that you will proceede no otherwise then according to the lawe of god , the order of christ and his apostles , the generall councell and minds of holy doctors , truely grounded vpon the lawe of god. we● d●sire , that for the great affection of our people , you will giue vs the libertie to communicate to ●oung children the sacrame●t of the supper ; for if thi● vse of communicating be taken away , which our kingdome , being godly mooued by the wr●tings of most great and holy doctors , and brought in by examples , hath receiued as catholicke , and exercised now a long time , it would rise vp to an intollerable offence amongst the people , and their mindes would bée grieuously v●xed and troubled . wee require you , that you would permit , at least , the gospels , epistles , and crede , to bee read in the church , in our vulger tongue , to moue the people to deuotion , for it hath beene so vsed of olde time in the church , and in our 〈◊〉 . wee desire , that prebends , and collacions of certaine benefices o● cathedral 〈◊〉 churches , may bee annexed and incorporated vnto the uniuersitie of prage , that it may be increased and pre●erred . wee r●quire ▪ that with all●are and studie , you will watch and séeke for that long desired , and most necessarie reformation of the church , and christian religion , and effectually labour f●r the rooting out of all publike e●ils , as well in the head as in the members , as you haue often promised , in our kingdome in the compositio●s , and as our fourth article , touching the auoiding all publicke euils , doth exact and require . in this councell was ordained the feast of the conce●tion of our lady , and the feast of the uisitation of our lady . in this councell there was diligent ca●e about reformation of the church , that through euery church apt and méete ministers might bee app●inted , which may shine in vertue and knowledge , to the glory of christ , and the healthfull edifying of the christian people , whereunto the multitude of expectatiue gifts haue béene a great impediment ; hereby often times , vnméete ministers are appointed for the churches , and they giue occasion to desire anothers death , and many contentions are mo●ed a●ongst the seruants of god , and the ambition and gréedie desire of pluralities maintained , and the substance of kingdomes consumed , poore men suffer vexations , by running to rome ▪ they are often by the way robbed , murdered , afflicted with diuerse plagues , and hauing spent their pa●rimony , left them by their parents , are constrained ●o liue in extreame pouertie . many craue benefices which haue no iust title , and get the same , and such as haue most craft and subtiltie to deceiue , and greatest substa●●● to contend in the lawe , doo great wrongs : the eccle●●asticall order is confounded , whiles euery mans iudgement is not preserued ; and the pope , by chalenging and taking vpon him too much , the office of superiours is drowned from more waightie and fruitfull matters , and intends not to the guiding and correction of the inferiours , as publicke vtilitie requireth , all which things bring a great confusion vnto the clergie , to the great preiudice of gods true worship , and the publike saluation . the sixt section of this ecclesiasticall historie . this storie following , and that before confuteth the vaine opinion of some , that this religion now vsed , hath risen but twentie or thirtie yeares since , and manifesteth that it hath béene spred in england this . yeares , and often sparkled before that time , although it flamed not so as it hath done within this . yeares and more , w●o although they were not so strongly armed in their cause , as of late yeares , yet were they warriours in christs church , and although they gaue back for tyranny , yet iudge the best , and referre the cause to god , who euealeth all things according to his determinate will and time , there hath bin no realme more fertile for marters then england . oxford was as a continuall spr●ng of christian knowledge whence , as out of the troiane horse , hath come so many inuincible wit●esses of the truth , amongst whom william taylor , master of 〈◊〉 , hath not deserued the least praise , being a fauorer of wickliffe ▪ who because he had written cer●ain things against the inuocation of saints , and many other matters , after he had recanted nine articles , returned vnto th● right way , and with a maruellous constancie , 〈◊〉 bu●●t in smithfield the of march. iohn florence , a turner of shelton , in the di●cesse of norwich , was attached because he held and taught that the pope and cardinals haue no power to const●tute lawes , that nor day is to be kept holiday , but sunday . that there ought to be no fast , but of the qua●uor temporum . that images are not to be worshipped ▪ not lights to be set before them . not 〈◊〉 goe on pilgrimage , nor offe● for the dead , or with women that are purified . that curates should not claime tithes by any exaction , and that they should be diuided amongst the poore . that such as sweare by their life , or power , except they repent , shall be dam●●d . he was brought before the chauncellour , and forced to abiure , and was sworne not to hold or teach any thing contrary to the determination of the church of rome , nor to helpe or ayde any that should so doe . he was inioyned for penan●● thr●● sund●ies solemne procession in the cathedral church of norwich , to be whipped before all the people , and three other sundaies about his parish church of shelton , bare f●●ted , & bare necked , his bodie being couered with a canu●s shirt , and canu●s briches , carying in his hand a taper of a pound waight , & so was dismissed . richard belward of erisam , in the diocesse of norwich , was accused for holding , and teaching , that ecclesiasticall minist●re and ordinaries , haue no power to excommunicate ; and though the bishop excommunicate any , god doth absol●e them . and that he held the opinion of sir iohn oldcastle . and that such as goe on pilgrimage , offering to images , are excommunicated , because they ought to giue to the poore which are aliue , and not to the dead . and that the curates sell god on easter day , when they receiue offerings , before they minister the sacraments . and that hee councelled ●●uerse women that they should not offer for the dead , nor with women that were puri●●●● ▪ and for that he called his neighbours fooles for not learning his sect , and that they of 〈◊〉 sect were able to confute all others , and that we ought not to pray vnto the saints 〈◊〉 heauen , but onely to god , and that he kéept schooles of lolardie in dichingham , 〈◊〉 that a parchment maker bringeth him bookes from london , containing 〈◊〉 doctrine . the bishop of norwich si●ting in iudgement vpon him , he denied his articles , and was purged by 〈◊〉 of his neighbours , swearing that he would not teach or defend any thin● contrary to the church of rome , and the aforesaid parchment-maker was likewise accused vpon the aforesaid artic●es who d●nyed them , and was likewise purged by his neighb●urs , and sword in like manner . also sir hugh pie chaplen of l●dney was likewi●e accused before the said bishop of norwich , for holding that the people ought not to goe on pilgrimage , and that people ought not to giue almes to images , but to the poore that the image of the crosse , & other images are not to be worshiped , and that he had cast the crosse of brome hold into the fire to be burnt , which he tooke from one of ludney , which he denied , & purged himselfe by three laymen , and three priests & was sworne , as before . in this yeare , henry the fift sent a most cruell commission vnto iohn exeter , and iacolet germaine , kéeper of the castle of colchester , for the apprehending of sir william white priest , and thomas chaplin of setling in northfolke ; and william northamton priest , and all other suspected of lolardy , and to commit them to prison , by vertue of which commi●●ion , sixe persons were attached in bu●gay of norwich , whose names were so defaced through antiquitie , that there remained but three names in the worne booke to be red , to wit , iohn teaderton in kent , bartholomew monke of ensham in norfolke , corneleader ▪ a ma●ie● man ; these three were in the custodie of the duke of norfolke , in the castle of fremingham . we finde also in the diocesse of norfolke , and suffolke , specially in the townes of bechels , ersham , and ludney within the space of three or foure yeares , . men and women , which sustained great vexation for the profession of christs faith , whose names are recited in the booke at large ; the articles that were generally obiected against them , were ; that auriculer confession is not to bee made vnto a priest , but vnto god , because no priest hath no power to absolue a sinner . that no priest can make the body of christ in the sacrament , and that material bread remaineth after consecation . that euery true christian man is a priest to god. that none is bound , vnder paine of damnation , to lent , or other dayes prohibited . that the pope is antichrist , and his prelates antichrists disciples ; and that the pope hath no power to binde and lose on earth ; and that it is lawfull to doe any worke , except sinne , vpon the holy daies . that priests may haue wiues lawfully . that the communications of the prelates are not to be regarded . that it is not lawfull to sweare in priuate causes . that men ought no goe on pilgrimage , nor giue honour vnto images of the crosse , of our lady , or other saints . that holy water hath no more vertue then other water . that the death of thomas becket was neither holy nor meritorious . that relickes , as dead mens bones , ought not to be worshipped , or digged out of graues , or set vp in shrines ▪ that prayers made in all places are acceptable to god. that men ought not to pray to any saints , but onely to god. that bels , and ringing in the church were ordained to fill the priests purses . that it is no sinne to withstand the ecclesiasticall precepts . that the catholicke church is only the congregation of the elect ; they did so agree in vniforme faith , that whatsoeuer one did hold , all did maintaine . william white , being a follower of iohn wickliffe , yet laboured continually , vnto the glory of his spoute christ , by reading , writing , and preaching . the principall points of his doctrine were these which he was forced to recant at canterbury . that men should seeke for forgiuenesse of sins only at gods hands , that the wicked liuing of the pope , and his holinesse , is nothing else but a diuelish estate , and heauie yoke of antichrist : therfore an enemy to christs truth , that men ought not to worship images or other idolatrous paintings , nor the holy men which are deade . that the romish church is the figtree that christ cursed , because it brought forth no fruit of the true belief . that such as weare coules , or are annointed , and shorne , are the lance-knights , and soldiers of lucifer , and that all of them , because their lamps are not burning , shal be shut out when the lord christ shall come : after his said recantation he was much more stronger in christ , and confessed his errour and offence , and busying himselfe in preaching and conuerting the people to the doctrine of christ in norfolke , he was apprehended by vertue of the kings letters aforesaid , and brought before the bishop of norwich , by whom hee was contemned of . articles and burned the said yeare in norwich , who was of so deuout and holy life that all the people had him in great reuerence . one margery wright confessed , if any saints were to be prayd vnto , she would rather pray vnto him then any other , when he was come to the stake , thinking to open his mouth to exhort the people , one of the bishops seruants strooke him in the mouth . thus he receiued the crowne of marterdome , to the grife of all good men in norfolke ; his wife following his steps , by ●er teaching , confirmed many in the trueth . wherefore shee suffered much trouble and punishment that yeare . by the saide bishoppe the same yeare also was burned father abraham of ●olchester , and iohn waddon priest , for the like article . amongst them that were arrested , and caused to abiure ; in this yeare ▪ as aforesaid ▪ was thomas pie , and iohn mendham of aldbor●ough , who being conuicted vpon diuerse articles before mentioned , were ioyned penance sixe whippings about the 〈◊〉 church of alborrough , before a solemne procession , sixe seuerall sundaies ; and three whippings three seueral market daies about the market place of 〈…〉 heads , necks , legs , and feete bare ▪ their bodies onely couered with their 〈◊〉 and breeches , either of them carying a taper in his hand , of a pound waigh● , which t●pe , the last sunday after the penance 〈◊〉 , they should deuoutly offe● vnto the high altar of the church of alborrough , at the time of the ●ffe●tory of the high masse ; and that going about the market pl●ce aforesaid , they shal make foure stays ▪ euery one to receiue deuoutly thrée whips , and if they would not obey this monition , they were to be cited to appeare before the bishop , to shew cause why they should not bee excommunicated , and to receiue such punishment as iustice shall prouide in that behalfe , this was their 〈…〉 of penance , howbeit some were often more cruelly handled , and after banished out of the dioces : and others were more stra●ly vsed by l●ng imprisonment , whereof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example . iohn beuerley , alias bat●ile , a labourer , hauing lye● long in irons , and hauing nothing proued against him , the commissary made him sweare , that euery yeare after he would confesse is slune , once a yeare vnto his curate , and receiue the sacrament at easter , and for his penance , the friday , and saturday next following , hee should fast br●ad and water , and vpon the saturday be whipped from the bishops palace 〈◊〉 norwich , about all the streets , and the market place , hauing in his hand a waxe candle of two pence , to offer to the image of the trinitie , after he had done his penance ; and because he had eaten flesh on easter day and was not shriuen in lent , nor receiued on easter day , the iudge inioyned him he should fast tuesday . wednesday , and friday , in whitsun weeke , hauing but one meale a day of fish and other white meates , and depart out of the dioces , and neuer come there againe . iohn skilley of flixton miller , was forced to abiure , for holding the articles aforesaid , and for receiuing certaine godly men into his house , had a most sharpe penance ▪ seauen yeares imprisonment in the monastery of langly . and to fast with bread & water , euery friday , and to appeare euery wednesday in the beginning of lent , and euery munday , and thursday for two yeares after the seauen yeares , before the bishop , his successor , and commissary in the cathedrall church of norwich , together with other penit●ntiaries , to doe open penance for his offence , diuerse others the same yeare were forced to abiuration and penance . in this next yeare , in the same register , were sixteene , or seauenteene , that were examined , and did penance likewise , amongst whom was iohn baker , otherwise called vsher tunstall , who for hauing a booke with the pater noster , aue , and creede in english , and for other articles of fasting , confession , and inuocation , was constrained to abiure , and doe such penance as others did before him . another was margerie ba●kster , wife of willam backster , against whom , one ioane cliffe and was compelled by the bishop to depose . first , that she bad her take héede of swearing , else a bee would sting her tongue , and venime her soule : and that she rebuked her for saying pater nosters to the cruci●ixe , and aue maries to our lady ; saying , you will doe ill in 〈◊〉 , or praying to such images , and that god will giue no more reward for such prayers , then a ●endle , put vnder the foote , will giue light in the night , saying , that lewde wrights of stockes hewe such crosses and images , and lewde painters gleere them with coloures , and opened her armes , and tolde her , this is the true crosse of christ : and that she said , if euery sacrament were god and the very bodie of christ , then . priests and more , doe euery day make a . such gods , and eate them , and voide them out of their hinder parts , filthily stinking vnder euery hedge , where you may finde many such gods. it shall neuer be my god , it was falsly and deceitfully ordained by the priests , to induce simple people to idolatry . for it is onely materiall bread . and that thomas of canterbury , whom the people cal● saint thomas , was a false traytor , and damned in hell. and that the pope , cardinals , archbishops , bishops , and especially the bishop of norwich , and others that support heresies , and idolatries , shall shortly haue the same , or worse mischiefe so fall vpon them , then that cursed man thomas of canterbury had , for they cursedly dec●iae the people with false m●mmetries , to extort money to maintaine their pride , riot , and idlenesse , and haue slaine the true preachers or go●● lawe . and that she said , that none was bound to fast in lent , or other daies appointed . and that it was lawfull to eate flesh , and other meates vpon the said dayes that pope s●luester made the lent. and that william white was a good man , and falsly condemned , and at his execution , when he would haue exhorted the people , a deuill , one of bishop caiphas his seruants , stroc●e him on the lips , that he could not declare the will of god. and that shee taught her not to goe to pilgrimage , to the lady of walsingham , or any other saint or place . and that she desired this deponent , and her maid , to come in the night to her chamber , to heare her husband reade the lawe of christ vnto them . and that she saide , that the people did worship deuils which fell from heauen with lucifer , and entred into the image which stand in the churches , so that the people which worship images ●ommit idolatry . and that holy bread and water are but trifles . and they are excommunicated that first ordained bels , and that the saturday after aswednesday , shee had a pot séething ouer the fire , with a piece of baken and otmeale seething in it . others also were sworne , which confirmed the former depositions , but wee finds no mention in regester what became of her . diuerse good men , this yeare were accused by the deposition of one william wright , their names appeare in the booke at large . and the said william wright deposed that it is read in the prophecies amongst the lollards , that their sect shall bee , in manner , destroyed , yet at the length it shall preuaile , and haue the victory against all her enemies . iohn burrell , seruant to thomas moone of ludney , in the dioces of norwich , was apprehended , and it was obiected against him , besides the articles before mentioned , that hee held that the catholicke church , is the seules of euery good christian. that lent , and other fasting-dayes , were ordained of the priests , and not of god : and that men may eate flesh , or fish indifferently vpon those dayes : that pilgrimage ought not to be made , but to the poore . that it is not lawfull to sweare , but in c●se of of life and death . that masses , and prayers for the soules of the dead are vaine , and that the deade are either in heauen , or hell , for there is no purg●tory , but this world . he was forced to 〈◊〉 and suffer like punishment as before . thomas moone of lud●ey was apprehended , and the articles aforesaid laid against him , especially that he had receiued , comforted , and supported diuerse , vpon which hee being con●●ct , was forced to abiure , and receiue like penance . robert grigges , of martham was brought before the bishop for the articles aforesaid , especial●y for affirming that the sacrament of confirmation by the bishop did auaile nothing to saluation , that it was no sinne to withstand the ordinances of the church of rome , that holy bread and water were but trifles , and that they were the worse for the con●urations and characters made ouer them , he was forced to abiure and suffer penance as aforesaid . iohn finch of colchester , was taken in ipswich , and brought before the bishop , and being conuicted of the aforesaid articles , was inioyned penance three whippings three seuerall sundaies in solemne procession about the cathedrall church of norwich , and thrée whippings about the market place , thrée principall market daies ; his head , necke , and ●eete bare , his bodie couered onely with a short shirt , with a taper of waxe of a pound waight in his hands , which the next sunday after his penance , he● should offer vnto the triuitie , and euery ashwednesday , and munday , and thursday three yeare after , hée should appeare before the ordinary , in the cathedral church , to doe open penance amongst other penitontiar●es . about the same time , shortly after the coronation of king henry the sixt , one richard houeden a wool winder , and citizen of london , was crowned with martyrdome , whenby no perswasions he could be drawne from the opinions of wickliffe , as fabian writeth , he burned hard by the tower of london . nicholas , canon of eye , was brought before the bishop of norwich , and many witnesses being sworne against him , they appointed one to speake for them all . first , that on easter day , all the parish going of procession , he went the contrary way , deciding them , and méeting them . hée confessed it , and ●houg●t he did well therein . and that he should say ; if the sacrament of the alter be very god , and very man , then god may be put in a small roome , as when it is in the pri●sts mouth . and why may not wee 〈…〉 as well vpon f●●daies and other prohibited dayes , as the priests eate the flesh and bloud of our lord euery day . to which he answered , hee thought hee had spoken well therein . item , that on corpus christi day , at the eleuation of high masse , when all kneeled downe , and held vp their hands , and did reuerence to the sacrament , he went behind a piller , turned his face from the altar , and mocked them . he affirmed , he thought he did well in so doing . item , when his moth●r would lift vp his right hand to crosse himselfe from the 〈◊〉 and assaults of the deuill , hee mocked her . this , hee thought , it was well done . item vpon all-ballend day , at the eleuation of the masse , when many lighted torches , 〈◊〉 them vp to the altar , and knéeled downe there , in honour of the sacrament , hee standing behinde the priest with a fozeh , turned his backe to the priest , and would 〈◊〉 no ●euerence . he said , he did well therein . item , that he said , he doubted whether in the sacrament of the altar were the very body of christ or no. this article he confessed to be true . item , that he beleeued that a man ought not to confesse his sinnes to a priest. this article he also confessed . after , he was conuicted , and enioyned for penance three whippings about the cloyster of the cathedrall church of norwich , before a solemne procession , barefooted and bare headed , as the aforesaid ponitentiaries , and to be kept in prison vntill the bishop came into the dioces , least he should enuenoms the flocke . thus you haue the troubles , which in the aforesaid foure yeares , hapned in norfolke and suffolke , hauing shewed certaine notable examples , sufficient to declare the rest , for their opinions , neither their penance did differ , otherwise then by these examples may bee seene . thomas bagley priest , uicar of malden , being a valiant disciple , and adherent of wickliffe , was condemned by the bishops of heresie , at london , about the middest of lent , and was disgeaded , and burned in smithf●eld . the same years was paul craws a bohemian , taken at saint andrewes , by the bishop , and deliuered to the seculer power , to be burned , for holding contrary opinions touching the sacrament of the altar , the worshipping of saints , auriculer confession , with other of wickliffes opinions . thomas rhedon a frenchman , a carmelits frier , which take their name of mount carmelus , came with the uenitian embassadors into italy , trusting that hee should finde there some , by whose good life hee might bée edified , but the successe of the matter did frustrate his hope , for hee found nothing but hypocritie , and golde and siluer in stead of heauenly gifts ; pompe and pride raigned in place of godlinesse , in stéed of learning and studie , flo●h●ulnesse and superstition , and for apostlolike simplicity tyranny and hautinesse ; they did so passe all measure and patiencs , that hee could by no meanes refraine his tongue , in so great corruption of the church , and by continual preaching , got great enuie and hatred . the rulers began to consult together , by what meanes they might circumuent this mans life , for it is a continuall custome amongst the prelates , that if any man displease them , and speake any thing which is hurtfull so their lucre , by and by they frame articles of some heresie against him , ouerwhelme him with suspition , seeke to intangle him with questions , and so condemne him , and destroy him . this is their godl●nesse and peaceable order : they gathered these articles against him . that the church lacketh reformation : that it shall be punished , and reformed : that 〈◊〉 , iewes , turkes , and moores shall be conuerted vnto christ in the latter daies : and that abhominations are vsed at rome : that the vniust excommunication of the pope is not to be feared , and those which doe not obserue the same , doe not sinne : eugenius was pope , then this good man thomas rheden was taken and brought before him , and from thence to prison , and after sundry greeuous torments was brought before the iudges , and was condemned to be burned foure yeares after he came to rome . in this yeare the maruellous inuention of printing was first found out , by one iohn guttenbergh in strawsborrow , and afterwards by him made perfect in ments , our dayes declare how profitable this hath beene vnto all the world : if wee consider that thereby ignorance is vtterly banished , the truth declared , and the pope and antichrist vtterly subuerted , which could neuer haue been , if this most worthy science had not been found out , for before bookes were so scarce , and at such excesse price , that few could thereby attaine to knowledge : heerein the prophesie of the sybils is fulfilled , that flaxe and lime should ouerthrow antichrist . reynold peacock , bishop of chichester , was for his godlinesse and profession of the gospell afflicted and tormented , and made to recant , and after put to death in prison : he was brought before thomas archbishop of canterbury at lambeth , in which conuocation the duke of buckingham was present : whereas besides many other articles , the presence of bread in the sacrament was laid vnto pecock ; insomuch that the sacrament , the knot of amitie , ordained by christ , to the great comfort of the church , through the enuy of sathan , it turned into a matter of most greeuous discord , that no matter hath continued so many yeares more pernitious to mans saluation : hee declared many things worthy of a good diuine : they laboured for their dignitie and gaine , and so much the more earnestly , because they had gotten an aduersarie , whose authoritie the higher it was in the church , i● would bring the greater ruine of their tyranny and estimation among the people . first , the matter was attempted by priuate coloquies ; after by a terrible iudgement , threatning present death , with threatning exhortations , mingled with flattering promises , granting him further time to consult , that the delay of death might make his life the sweeter : they gaue him hope of his life and dignitie if hee would recant , till at length his minde began to quaile : by and by a recantation was made by the bishoppes , the effect whereof followeth . which when he declared vnto the people , hee did so pronounce that hee was carried againe to prison , from whence hee could not bee deliuered but by death : the articles that were mentioned in the recantation to bee recanted were , that first it is not necessarie to beleeue that christ after his death descended into hell , that it is not necessarie to saluation to beleeue in the catholicke church , nor to beleeue the communion of saints , neither the body materiall in the sacrament : and that the vniuersall church may e●re in matters pertaining vnto faith ; and that it is not necessarie to saluation to beleeue the generall councell . wee shewed before in the latter end of the councell of basil , how eugenius was deposed , and foelix duke of sauoy elected pope . wherevpon arose great discords . eugenius sent his orators into germany , to perswade them to infringe the councell of basil , and the dolphin of france , set on by the said eugenius , led an armie of fiue and twenty thousand men into alsatia , and laide siege vnto basil to disturbe the councell , hauing there a great conflict with the germaines with great slaughter , whereby the councell could not bee kept any longer in germany , but in france through the pragmaticall sanction of the french king after eugenius brought to passe by the emperour , and his orators of which aeneas siluius was one , that they were content to giue ouer the councell of basil. frederick of austridge not beeing yet emperour , but labouring for the empire , brought to passe that foelix , which was chosen pope in the councell of basil , was content to resigne his papacie vnto nicholas the eight , successor to eugenius , of the which nicholas , the said frederick was confirmed emperour at rome , and there crowned in the yeere one thousand foure hundred fifty and one . this pope , to gather great summes of mony , appointed a iubile in the yeare of our lord . there resorted great number of people to rome , more then at any time before were seene there . at which time , as there were a great sort of people going to mount uaticane , to behold the image of our sauiour , which they had there to shew to pilgrims , a mule of the cardinals of saint marke comming that way , the people for multitude being not able to voyde the way , one or two falling vpon the mule , there was such a throng , that two hundred men and thrée horses were strangled vpon the bridge , and many fell ouer into the water and were drowued : wherefore the pope caused the small houses to bee plucked downe , to make the bridge broader . in the yeare . constantinople was taken by the turkes . in the yeare one thousand foure hundred fifty fiue , when the death of pope nicholas was published , the germaines bewayling their miserable estate , perswaded the emperour that he should be no longer vnder the popes obedience , except they first obtained certaine thinges touching the charter of apeales , shewing that they were in worse case then eyther the french-men or italians , and as it were their seruants , and especially of the italians : that they alone had not the vse of their lawes , and that the french nation had not made their sute in vaine vnto their king , against the exactions of the popes , by whom they were defended , which also prouided decrées for the liberty of his people : the emperour promised , hee would prouide for them , no lesse then the king of fraunce had done for the french-men . but aeneas siluius brake off the matter , saying ; though there bee variance amongst princes in waighty matters , yet peace may be made againe : but betweene the prince and the common people , there is alwaies mortall hatred , and because he should be successour vnto the pope ; hee concluded , he thought it better to accord to the pope , then to follow their desires , whose minds are led with couetousnesse , rather then by reason : and the emperour chose him ambassadour to pope calixtus , to sweare vnto him in his name , and to promise the absolute obedience of all germany . thus twice fridericke of austrich contemned and derided the germaines , frustrating them of their natiue ordinances , and brought them into subiection vnder the pope , which was the cause that seauen yeares before his death , he caused his sonne maximillian to bee crowned king of the romaines , least after his death the empire should be transported vnto another familie , as it afterwards came to passe . whereupon germany being in this miserable pouerty , and greeuous subiection of the popes tyranny and polling , with teares and sighes lamenting their estate , continued so almost vnto luthers time , as those histories hereafter doe testifie . the ambassadour of the arch-bishop of maydenburge , henry token , writeth , that in the councell of basill , the arch-bishop of lyons did declare , that in pope martines time , there came out of fraunce to the court of rome , nine millions of gold , which was gathered by the byshops and prelats , besides the poore clergy , which daily without number runne vnto the court of rome , carrying with them all their whole substance . the arch-byshoppe of turonne said , also at basill , that three millions of gold in his time came to rome in foureteene yeares of the prelates , besides the poore cleargy , which daily runne to that court. let the man which feareth god , iudge what a deuouring gulfe this is , a million containeth ten hundred thousand . sir roger ounley followed the lord cobham , and sir roger acton being a knight of like nobility and order , and pertaker of the like cause : a man endewed with like valiantnesse and godlinesse , whom we reade in certaine annals to be hanged for the truth , . although there haue beene many women which haue followed their spouse christ by torments , banishment , and death ; yet the first that commeth to our handes , is elinor cobham , a woman , nothing degenerating from her stocke , kindred and name , albeit wee can finde no other thing of her but for suspition of heresie , that is to say , for the loue and desire of the truth , she was by the papists banished into the i●e of man , whom a fewe yeares after there followed a woman , who for her constancy and vertue was greatly to be praised , being mother of the lady yong , she perseuered vnto the fire with a stout and manly courage , for the profession of the gospel , and was burned . hieronimus sauonarola , being singularly well learned , and a monke in italy preached sore against the euill life of the spiritualtie , especially of his owne order , saying they were the springs of all mischiefes , and by the help of certaine learned men , began to seeke reformation in his owne order . the pope fearing him , being in great reputation amongst all men , least hee should diminish his authoritie , hee ordained his uicar to reforme this matter . but the said hierome withstood him alwaies : wherefore hee was accursed , yet he left not off preaching , but threatned italy , with the indignation of god , and prophesied that the land should bee ouerthrowne , for the pride and wickednesse of the people , and for the vntruth and hypocrisie of the clergy , which came to passe when king charles came to rome , and besieged pope alexander that hee was forced to make composition with him . because the said hierome would not leaue preaching , hee was commanded to appeare before the pope to giue account of his new learning , but hee went not . then was hee againe forbidden to preach , and his learning condemned as false and seditions , whereby he left off preaching : but when the people ●ore hungred for gods word , and were instant vpon him that hee would preach againe , hee beganne againe to preach in florence ; many exhorted him to the contrarie , but he regarded it not but went forward freely . when the pope and his shauellings heard thereof they were greatly inflamed against him , and cursed him as an obstinate heretick : yet hee proceeded in teaching the people , saying men ought not to regard such curses which is against the true doctrine and the common prophets ; for by preaching wée should be learned and amended , christs kingdome inlarged and the kingdome of the diuell ouerthrowne . he desired to teach no other thing then the pure word of god , often protesting , that all men should certifie him if they heard him teach any thing contrary therunto : for in his conscience he knew nothing which he had taught but the pure word of god. what his doctrine was , may easily be iudged by his books he wrote . after that he was taken , with two friers with him which fauoured his learning , named dominick and siluester , and carried to prison , where he wrote a godly meditation vpon the most comfortable one and fiftieth psalme ; wherein hée excellently described the strife betwixt the flesh and spirit . the popes legats came to florence , and called forth these thrée good men , threatning them maruellously , but they continued still constant . then they gathered articles against them , whereuppon they were condemned , and were first hanged vp openly in the market-place , after burned to ashes , and the ashes cast into the riuer of ar●e . this man foreshewed of the destruction of florence , rome , and the reuenues of the church , and that the turks and moores in the latter day should be conuerted to christ , and that one like vnto cyrus should passe the alpes into italy , and vtterly destroy it . philip norice an irishman , professor at oxford , though he was not burned , yet he was long time troubled with the religious rout . thomas norice for the profession of the gospell was by the bishop condemned and burned in norwich . elizabeth sampson was conuented in the consistorie of london for saying our lady of wildesdon was a burnt arst else and stock ; and if she could helpe men and women which goe to her on pilgrimage , she would not haue suffered her tayle to be burnt : and why would she or the lady crome that puppet , be worshipped ? it were better to giue almes to the poore then to goe on pilgrimage , and that she called the image of s. sauiour , sin sauiour with kite lips , and that she said she could make as good bread as that which the priest occupied , and that it was not the body of christ , for that christ could not be both in heauen and earth at one time : wherefore she was compelled to abiure . one thomas , a priest of norwich , was burned in the village of eckels . when he was in prison , by perswasions , he was led away from his former opinions , wherfore for pennance he went to be burned vpon sharp hurdles made of thornes . ioane baker of s. margets in new fish-stréete in london , for saying to the parish priest of bow , that the crucifixe was not to be worshipped , and that she was sorry she had gone so many times on pilgrimage to s. sauiour and others , being they were but mammots and false gods , and that she could heare a better sermon at home then at pauls crosse ; and that she said , the lady yong died a martire , and that sampsons wife was punished for saying the truth , and that the pope hath no power to forgiue sinnes , she was constrained to abiure . one thomas bingy , an old reuerend man , was burned at norwich , because hee had not receiued the sacrament in . yeares , and abhorred the popish kind of administration thereof . one pope , a weauer in eye , an old man , about the quarrell of the sacrament , was martired . about the same time , one peake was burned at ipswich , because he gaue one of the sacrament cakes vnto a dog , the dog was burned in the fire with him , wherat he laughed , saying ; they did the dog great wrong , because he was not abiured : for it was the manner , that those which they called heretickes , might bee saued if they would recant . complaints of the germaines to maximillian the emperour , against the popes oppression . first , the popes think themselues not bound to obserue the buls and priuiledges granted by their predecessors , but will dispence with , and rebuke the same at the instance of euery vile person . that the election of prelats is oft put backe , and the election of presidentship of mony-places obtained with great cost : as the church of spire and hasels , whose bull for the election of their president , is made frustrate in the life of him that granted it . that the greatest ecclesiasticall dignities , are reserued for cardinals and notaries . that expectatiue aduousons are graunted without number , so that much money is laid out for such aduousons , and in going to law for them : whereupon is this prouerbe ; he that will haue an aduouson at rome , must haue . or . péeces of gold for the obtaining thereof , that he need no● to prosecute law. that yearely reuenues are exacted without mercy , for new offices and new seruants : that the rule of churches , are giuen at rome to them that are more fit to féeds mules : that new indulgences are graunted with reuocation of the old , to scrape mony together . that tenths are exacted , by pretence of making warre against the turke and no expedition followeth thereon ; and that the causes which might bee determined in germany , are carried vnto the court of rome . that it is intollerable to the germaines to pay so great a●mats for the confirmation of the byshops and arch-bishops , where the arch-bishop of ments was wont to pay but . florens for his confirmation , it was after augmented to . florens , then to . florens , and at last to . florens : and in one popes time , this was seauen times paid out of the arch-bishopprick of ments , that the arch-bishop hath beene faine to borrow it of marchants , and to pay them againe , forced to exact a subsidy vpon his poore husbandmen , so that our people are brought to extreame pouerty , and mooued to rebellion to seeke their libertie , greeuously murmuring against the cleargy . iames , arch-byshop of ments said at his death , he was sorry for nothing , as for that his poore subiects should after his death be forced againe to pay a greeuous exaction for the pall : therefore let the pope , as a godly father , deale more fauourably with his children the germaines , least men follow the example of the bohemians , and swarue from him , especially let him be more fauorable vnto the bishops , that die so soone one after another : whereof there be fiftie bishoppricks , besides many abbots in germany that are confirmed at rome , otherwise germany will want treasure and munition of warre against their enemies , and to preserue peace , and minister iustice to euerie man , and banish away murderers and theeues , and repaire churches and monasteries and hospitals , and other necessaries . there were besides these . grieuances , complained vpon to the popes legats , in the raign of the emperor charles the fift , out of which we haue but touched certaine which we thought to be most effectuall . first , that many things are commaunded and forbidden by mens constitutions , contrary to the commandement of god , as innumerable lets of matrimony , and the vse of meats forbidden , which are created for mans vse , & are indifferently to be receiued with thanks-giuing : by which constitutions , men are brought into bondage , vntill by money they obtaine dispensations , so that money maketh that lawfull to the rich , which is prohibited to the poore , by which snares of mens lawes , great summes of money are gathered out of germany , and it bréeds priuate offences of the poore , when they see themselues intangled in these snares , onely because they haue not the thornes of the gospell , for so christ often calleth riches . that those that haue receiued ecclesiasticall orders , being free from the punishment of secular magistrates , doe presume in sinning , and are maintained therein by the principall estates of the cleargy . they attempt the chastity of matrons and uirgins , and by gifts and flattering , they bring to passe , and by their secret confessions , that many , which otherwise would liue honest , haue beene ouercome and moued to sinne : and often they keepe wiues from their husbands , and daughters from their fathers , threatning them with fire and sword that require them . they offend liuewise daily , in robbery , murders , accusing of innocents , burning , rapine , theft and counterfeiting coyne ; besides many other mischiefes , and the bishops cannot openly punish them , except hee disgrade them ; and they are bound by their charters , that they dare not punnish them ; therefore necessity and iustice doth require , that the said priuiledges of the cleargy should bee abrogated , and that they should haue the same iudgement as the layty for such offences . that christians are excommunicated for vaine and prophane causes , for desire of filthy luker , whereby the weake in faith are burdened , and brought to dispaire , where a man ought to be excommunicated only for heresie . that there are so many holydaies , that husbandmen haue scarce time to gather the fruits of the earth , which were brought forth with so great trauell : and vpon these holidaies innumerable offences are committed . if any fight or shed blood in any hollowed place , it is interdicted , and cannot haue any more seruice done in it , vntill all the cittizens , with great pompe and expences , haue caused it to be now consecrated , which charge redound vpon the laity , and none but the suffragans can baptize bels , who do affirme , that bels so baptized , will driue away euill spirits and t●mpests . whereupon many godfathers are appointed : and such as bee rich , at the baptising , hold the bell-rope , the suffragan speaking for them , and they all answere , and name the bell , it hauing a new garment vpon it : then they goe to sumptuous banquets , to which the gossips are bidden , the suffragan and his chaplaines are sumptuously fed , and yet he must haue a reward , that in small uillages . florens are often spent about such christenings . the officialls of the arch-bishops for the most part are vnlearned men and of euill conditions , taking thought for nothing but money , where they ought to correct the offences of the laity , they burthen them with most grieuous offences , and spoyle and robbe them of their goods . when causes belonging to the temporall court are handled in the spirituall court , the eclesiasti●all iudges will by no meanes be intreated to remit them to their ordinary iurisdiction , but if the temporall court ho●d any pley which belongeth to the spirituall court , the iudge shall be excommunicated , they say they may take prophane matters into their hands if the ciuill magistrate bee negligent in executing iustice , but contrariwise they will not suffer that the like order shall be kept with them by the ciuill magistrate if they be negligent , and for their vnsatiable desire of money , they suffer and mainetaine vsury , and they take yearely pensions to suffer the cleargy vnlawfully to dwell with their concubines and beget children by them , this none can deny except hee will make himselfe as blinde as a mole , and if a man and his wife bee long one from another by reason of warre or otherwise , the officialls for money will suffer them to commit adultery , calling it suffera●ce ; not without great offence and contempt of matrimony . the cannons cathedrall and other colleagiall churches , which haue power to chuse their superiour and bishop they will choose none except he sweare and bee bound by déed insealed , that in no matter neuer so greiuous he shall be against them , and not to punish any of them if he do offend . the bishops and officials in some places doe not only suffer priests to haue concubines , so they pay for them , but compell chast priests ( which liue without concubines ) to pay tribute for concubines , affirming the bishop to be worthy of such money , whereby it is lawfull for them either to kéepe concubines or no. these and many other articles were offered vp to the emperour , in the next assembly of the princes and states at wormes , the archbishops and other states of the clergy , but hitherto they haue not begunne to amend any thing . after nicholas the fift succéeded pope calixtus the third , hee ordayned at noone and euening the bell to tole the aues to helpe the souldiers that fought against the turkes , and for that purpose ordayned the feast of the transfiguration of christ , solemnizing it with like pardons and indulgences as corpus christi day , and contrary to the councels of constance and basell , hee decreed none should appeale from the pope to the councell , and he canonized for saints s. edmond of canterbury , with diuers others : after him succeeded pius secundus , which was aeneas siluius wh●ch wrote the two bookes aforesaid of the councell of basill , at that time he was a man of indifferent iudgment , from which beeing pope hee swarned , seeking by all meanes to abollish the bookes which before he had written . the prouerbs of this pius . the diuine nature of god may rather be comprehended by faith then by disputation . christian faith is to bée considered not by what reason it is prooued but from whom it procéedeth . a couetous man cannot be satisfied with mony , nor a learned man with knowledge . learning ought to be to a poore man as siluer , to noble-men as gold . and to princes in steed of precious stones . an artificiall oration moueth fooles but not wise men . sutors in the law be as birds , the court is the bayt , the iudges the nets , and the lawyers the fowlers . men are to be giuen to dignities , and not dignities to men . the office of a bishop is heauy , but it is blessed to him that doth well beare it . a bishop without learning may be likened to an asse . an euill phisition , destroyeth bodies , but an vnlearned priest destroyeth soules . marriage was taken from priests not without great reason , but with much greater reason , it ought to be restored againe . he dissolued certaine nunnes of the orders of saint bridget , and saint clare , bidding them depart out that they should burne no more , nor couer a harlot vnder the vesture of religion . the epistle of hulderick is abridged in this booke before : therefore omitted now . after this pius secundus , succeeded pope paulus secundus , who was wholly set vpon his belly and ambition , voide of all learning , and a hater of all learned men : because his daughter was reproched , for that shee was gotten in fornication hes went about to reforme the lawe of the single life of priests , had not death preuented him . after him succeeded sixtus the fourth , which builded in rome stewes of both kindes , and thereby got great reuenues and rents vnto the church of rome : he reduced the yeare of iubile from fifty , to fiue and twenty yeares : hee instituted the feasts of the conception , and of the presentation of mary , and of anna her mother and of ioseph ; he canonized bonauenture , and saint francis for saints ; he brought in beades and made our ladies psalter , through alanus and his order : he made two and thirty cardinals in his time . petrus ruerius was the first , who in two yeares spent in luxurious ryot . floreines , and was left six thousand in debt : this pope licenced the whole family of the cardinals to play the sod●mites the three hot monethes ; iune , iuly , and august . after him succéeded innocentius the eight , as rude & vnlearned as his predecessor : at polus he caused eight men , and six women , with the lord of the place , to be condemned for hereticks , because they said since peter none was true uicar of christ , but they onely which followed the pouerty of christ. hee condemned of heresie george the king of boheme , and depriued him , made his whole stocke to be reiected , and gaue his kingdome to mathias king of panonia . pope alexander the sixt succéeded him : hee receiued two thousand florens for poisoning gemen the turkes brother at rome . hee sent for help of the turkes against the french king : he was vngratefull to the cardinals that chose him : he commanded marcinellus one of them to haue his hands and tongue cut off , for speaking against his vices . after sitting with his cardinals , and the rich se●ators of rome at dinner ; his man vnawares bringing a wrong bottle vnto him he with his cardinals about him were poisoned : in his time the angel which stood on the top of the popes church was beaten down with thunder ; which thing seemed to declare the ruine of the pope-dome . pius the third succéeded pope : after him iulius the second , passing all other in iniquitie , as he was going to warre , he cast the keyes of s. peter into the riuer tybris , saying , being the keyes of peter would not serue him to his purpose , he would take himselfe to the sword of paul. by this iulius , partly with warre , partly with cursings , in seuen yeares . christians were destroyed : he got many citties out of princes hands by bloudshed : when he was made pope , he tooke an oath to haue a councel within two yeares ; but breaking his oath , he was occupied in warres : whervpon nine of his cardinals departed from him , and appointed a councell at p●sa , they alledged the cause , for that the pope was forsworne , and that they had diuers other crimes to accuse him of , purposing to remooue him from his seate , which hee had obtained through bribes and ambition . iulius commanded vnder great paine that none obeyed them ; the next yéere he called a councell . the french king seeing the pope take part with the uenetians against him , called a councell at thurin , in which councell they agréed , that the pope ought not to war against any prince without cause : and that it was lawfull for the king to defend himselfe against him , and that vniust excommunications were not to bée feared . after the king sent to the pope the decrées of the councell , who accursed the french king , with all his kingdome : and the next yeare after this warlike pope dyed . the lamentable handling of richard hvn , who was priuily murdered in lolards tower in london . hvn had a child died in his house , the curate claiming the bearing-shéet for a mortuar● , hun answered ; the infant had no property therein , whereupon he was cited to the spirituall court ; he sued the curate in a premunire , and then the priests of mallice accused him of heresie , and brought him to lolards tower , where he was found dead , hanging by the necke in a girdle of silke . the bishop of london called richard fitziames and doctor horsey , his chancelor said ●e hanged himselfe ; and the temporalty said he was murdered : the coronor summoned a iury , and viewed the body , and many times they were with the kings councell , and heard their opinions , but in the mean season the bishop burnt the dead carkase in smithfield , to the abhomination of the people : but after the matter had bee●e heard by the kings iudges , and after by the kings councell , the king being present ; at las● doctor horsey the chancelor , and one charles the bel-ringer of pauls , an● ioseph the bishops somner , were indicted of murder , and the said charles being in the tower of london , of his owne frée will said ; that maister chancelor deuised and wrote with his own hand all the heresies that were laid to huns charge , and that when richard hunne was slaine , iohn bell-ringer bare vp a waxe candle , and i went next to him and maister chancelor came vp last , and hunne was lying in his bed : and maister chancelor said , lay hands on the theefe , and so all we murdered him , and i put the girdle about his necke , and iohn bell-ringer and i did heaue him vp , and maister chancelor pulled the girdle ouer the staple , and so hun was hanged . the said charles , told iulian little his maid , he killed him by putting a wyer vp into his nose . before that time the chanceller commaunded to be put vpon huns necke a great coller of iron , with a great chaine , which is to heauy for any man or beast to weare , and long to endure . and before huns death , the chanceller came into the lolards tower , and kneeled downe before hunne , holding vp his hands and asked him forgiuenesse ▪ of all he had done and must doe to him . and on the sonday before the night in which he was destroyed , he caused the penitentiary of paules to go to hun and say a gospell , and make for him holy water , and holy bread , and giue him , which was done . the bishop did all he could by word or writing to the king and cardinals , and the councell ▪ to smother the matter , affirming that he hanged himselfe , and that the iury was forsworne , and that the said charles spoke that which he had done as before , by reason of durance of imprisonment : and that if the king and councel should fauour this matter , he should not be able to goe abroad for heretickes ; and by the meanes of him , and the spiritualty , and money , the chancelor caused the kinges atturney to confesse on his arraignement , him not to be guilty : so he escaped to excester , and for shame neuer durst after come to london . the historie of doctor vvesalianvs . this wesalia was complained vpon to piorherus archbishop of mentz , by the thomists , which is an order holding of thomas de aquino . the bishop made him answer , he should giue vp all his workes and writings which he had made and preached . this being done , they deuided them amongst themselues , that euery man might finde out what errours and heresies they could . his articles and opinions were these : that all men be saued fréely and through méere grace by faith in christ iesus : frée-will to be nothing ; only that we should beléeue the word of god , and not the glosse of any man or fathers : that the word of god is to be expounded by the collation of one place with another : that prelats haue no authoritie to make lawes or expound the scriptures , by any peculiar right more then another : that mens traditions , as fastings , feasts , long prayers , pilgrimations , and such like are to be reiected . extream vnction and confirmation to be reproued , confession and satisfaction to be reprehended : the primacy of the pope he also affirmed to be nothing . upon which articles this wesalia by a generall assembly was condemned , and his books to be burned . he bring required of the councell , what he thought of the uicar of christ in earth ? he said he beléeued that christ left no such uicar in earth : for ascending into heauen hee said , behold i am with you &c. by which wordes hee declared that he would substitute vnder him no uicar in earth : for a uicar signifieth one who in the absence of the principall hath to doe the workes of the principall . and being asked his opinion of indulgences and pardons : he said he beleeued that the treasure-boxe of the merits of saints could not be distributed of the pope to others , because their treasure is not left here on earth : for it is written in the reuelation , their works follow them ; and that their merits could not be applied to other men , for the satisfaction of their paine due to them : and he called indulgences and pardons pias fraudes fidelium . and being asked the question , he said , he thought that hallowing of altars , chalics , uestments , war candles , palmes , hearbes , holy water , and other diuine things , made them haue no spirituall power in them to driue away any diuells , and that holy water had no more efficacie then other water , concerning remission of veniniall sinnes and driuing away diuels , and other effects which the schoole doctors attribute vnto it . after these articles were condemned by the inquisitor and his assistants , hee said , as you doe with me , if christ himselfe were here he might be condemned as an hereticke : but within thrée or foure dayes , with much perswasions , he was content to condiscend vnto them , and submit himselfe to their holy mother church . doctor veselvs . this veselus and the foresaid vesalianus were great friends : and when vesalianus was condemned , this veselus thought that the inquisitor would also examine him . he was so worthy a man , that the people called him luxmundi . he reprehended the papists doctrines of the diuision of repentance , and purgatorie , and workes of supererogation , and pardons , and indulgences , and disputed against them at rome and at paris ; so that many of the popes court perswaded by him , began to speake more freely and more boldly against these matters then himselfe did : hee disallowed the abuses of the masses , prayers for the dead , and the supremacie of the pope , and that no such supreme head ouer all others ought to bee in the world : and that the pope hath no authoritie to command , but so farre as truth goeth with him , and that hee ought not to preuaile by commanding , but by teaching that the pope and the prelates proceeding against christes doctrine , are plaine antichristes . hee said those priestes that had vowed not to marrie , and were not able to bee chaste might breake there vow . hee said that their forefathers before albert and thomas did resist the popes indulgences , and called them idolatry , fraude and errour : in his booke de subditis & superioribus ; he disputeth against the pope , and his prelates : affirming , except their faith be sound , they are not to bee obayed , and that the pope may erre , and men ought to resist him therein , that superfluous riches in the clergy doe not profit but hurt . that the pope doth wickedly distribute the rents of the church , and the church itselfe to vnworthy ministers by symony for hir own profit : whereby it appeareth hee careth not for god nor the church : that the precepts of the pope and pr●lates binde no farther then the precepts of physitions , that is so farre as they bee holsome , and stand with the truth of the word ; that the pope can command nothing vnder paine of deadly sinne , but what god commandeth : the kingdome of heauen , is rather shut then opened by the popes keyes , as the pharisies did : that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge the doctrine of the prelates , and not to receiue all things they say without due examination . hee prophesied to iohn ostendorpius , well my childe thou shalt liue to that day , that the doctrine of these new and contentious diuines of thomas and bonaventvre , with other of that sort , shall bee vtterly reiected from true christian diuines : and hee often disputed of the righteousnesse of faith , and why saint paul did so often inculcate that men be iustified by faith and not by workes , that all men were deceiued who attributed to traditions any opinion of gods worship , or that they could not in any wise be violated or broken . martin lvther . thus proceeding in our storie ( by the ayde of christ ) we approach vnto the time of martin luther ; at what time it pleased god by his great mercie to reforme the desolate ruines of religion by the industrie of this luther , sent & set vp by the mightie spirit of christ , to abolish the abuses and pride of antichrist , which so long had abused the simple flocke of christ. many prophesies went before of this time , as of the aforesaid prophesie of iohn hus and ierome of prage , that a hundred yeares come and gone they should giue account to god and him . this prophesie was in the yeare one thousand foure hundred and fifteene ; so to this time one thousand fiue hundred and sixteene was iust an hundred yeares . philip melancton maketh mention of a monke about fiftis years before this time , named iohn hilton , in thuring , who was cast into prison for speaking against certaine abuses of the place and order where he liued : and being weake and feeble , hee desired the warden of the couent to respect his wofull case ; he rebuked him for that which he had spoken : he said he had spoken nothing preiudiciall to their monkerie or religion , but there shall come one in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and sixteene , which shall vtterly subuert all monkerie , and they should neuer be able to resist him . the angell falling from the high pinicle of the popes church into the riuer tybris in the yeare . might well portend the ruine of the pope . and the strange sight in germany as before in the yeare . of the crosses seene vpon mens garments , and figures of c●ownes of thornes , and of nailes , and of drops of bloud fell from heauen , that many daies after the women carried them vpon their garments , might declare the like . likewise the other dreame of iohn husse as before : how that some abolished the images of christ in his church of bethelem : but next day new painters painted the same , and more images of christ , and fairer , and the painters with the multitude of the people said , now let the bishoppes and priests put out these images if they can , whereby much people reioiced , and i arising vp felt my selfe to laugh : he interpreted the painting of christs picture , his preaching of christ which should be destroyed , and the other painters new preachers , whose doctrines the bishops and priests should not bee able to resist . by these and such like prophesies it was euident , that the time of restoring the church was not farre , as also the hearts of the people , which at that time were inflamed so with hatred against the pompe and pride of rome , and there contempt and derision beganne to arise on euery side , for there de●estable doings were not so secret , but they were seene and abhorred . wherevpon grew many prouerbes of derision : as , what is this to see the world round about , for that these shauelling priests none may rout . it is a saying in italy , as soone as a priest receiueth r●sure the diuell entereth into him . it is a saying in germany , the neerer rome the further from god : and that all euill beginneth in nomine domine , alluding vnto the popes bulles : and when bulles come from rome binde well pour purses . he that goeth once to rome séeth a wicked man : hee that goeth twice knoweth him , he that goeth thrice bringeth him home with him . the court of rome neuer regardeth the sheepe without the wooll . once were wooden chalices , and golden priests : now we haue golden chalices and wooden priests . once christians had blind churches , & light hearts : now they haue light churches , and blind hearts . many are worshipped for saints in heauen , whose soules bee burning in hell. it was a saying in france foure hundred ye●res before this time , that satan was let loose at rome to destroy the whole church . thomas becke● writ to the cardinals , that it was a common prouerb , that there is no right in rome . by these and such like innumerable sayings it doth appeare what iudgements the people had in those dayes of the romish clergy , which was of god as a secret prophesie , that religion should bee restored shortly , as it came to passe in this yeare one thousand fiue hundred and sixteene : in which yeare doctor martine lvther first beganne to write : before whom picus mirandola , and laurentius valla , and last of all erasmus roterodamus had somewhat broken the way before , and had shaken the monkes houses , but lvther gaue the stroke , and plucked downe the foundation , all by opening one veine long hid before , wherein lyeth the touchstone of all truth and doctrine : as the onely origine of our saluation , which is our free iustification by our faith only in christ : the laborious trauels and constant preachings of this worthy man : because they are at large in the history of iohn sleydan , i neede not to stand thereon . luther was borne in isleben in saxony , hee was a student in the uniuersitie of magd●burge and erford : where veselus was an old man , as before is mentioned : of whom it seemeth to bee that luther speaketh of an old man there , of whom hee learned many things touching faith , and hee thus expressed vnto him the article of remission of sinnes : wee may now generally beleeue onely , that sinnes are , and haue been remitted to some , as the diuels beléeue they were remitted to peter , or dauid , but that gods expresse commandement is , that euery man should beléeue particularly his sinnes are forgiuen : and this is confirmed by saint bernard , in his sermon vpon the annunciation , adde that thou beléeuest thy sinnes are forgiuen thée ; this is the testimonie that the holy ghost giueth thee in thy heart : and this is that the apostle saith , a man is freely iustified by faith : by whose words luther said hee was strengthned , and at last by prayer and reading he perceiued that doctrine more euidently . after hee began to expound the epistle to the romanes and the psalmes , so diuinely that hee seemed to all the faithfull and learned a shining light , which beganne to cleere after the long cloudy sky ; hee shewed the difference betwixt the lawe and the gospell : hee confounded the errour that then raigned in the schooles and sermons , teaching that men merite remission of sinnes by their proper workes , and were iust before god by outward discipline , as th● pharisies taught . but luther expressely shewed that sinnes are freely remitted for the loue of the sonne of god , and that wee ought faithfully to embrace this bountifull gift : his life was likewise correspondent to his profession , whereby it appeared his words were not lip-labour , but proceeded from the heart , whereby many notable personages consented with him in his opinions : at this time luther altered nothing in the ceremonies , but taught this onely doctrine as the principall of all others ; to wit , the doctrine of repentance , of remission of sinnes , of faith of true comfort in time of aduersitie , euery man receiued good taste of this sweet doctrine . a dominick frier named tecell , caused the popes indulgences to be carried and sold about the coontre● . luther beeing moued with the blasphemous sermons of this shamelesse frier , set vp certaine positi●ns against indulgences openly vpon the temples : this frier hoping to obtaine the popes blessing , assembled certaine monkes , and sophisticall diuines , and commaunded them to write something against luther , and in his sermons , he taught that luther was an heretick , and worthy to bee burned , and he burned luthers positions , and the sermon he writ against indulgences : this forced luther to intreat more amply of things and to maintaine the truth . frederick duke of saxony , in the presence of the emperor , besought erasmus , his opinion , if luther had erred , he answered his opinions were good , but he desired he would moderate his stile . now luther , the plainer to expresse the doctrine of repentance , of remission of sinnes , of faith and of indulgences , hee added also these matters ; the difference of diuine and humane lawes ; the doctrine of the vse of the lords supper , of baptisme and vowes ; touching the question of the popes power , eckius was the author thereof , to the intent to inflame the wrath of the pope and princes against luther . upon this the supper of the lord was published to be vsed in both kindes : priuate masse was omitted , and the monasteries abandoned , but this alteration was by carolastadius in the absence of luther . he held in contempt the seditious doctors of that time , as monetarius and the anabaptists , but especially the hor●ed bishops of rome , who arrogantly affirmed that saint peter had not onely the charge to teach the gospell , but to gouerne common-weales . in the yeare of our lord one thousand fiue hundred and one and twenty , luther entred into wormes being sent for by the emperour charles the fift king of spaine , and arch-duke of austrich , who in the first yeare of his empire made an assembly of princes in his regall citie . and whereas luther had published three yéeres before , certaine new propositions to be disputed on at wittenberge , against the tyrannie of the pope , which were torne in péeces and burned by the papistes . wherevpon , they began to tend to vprore , and yet luther maintained openly his cause against the clergy : wherevpon by the solicitation of the romaine legates , lvther was sent for by the herauld of armes , with letters of safe conduct by the emperour and princes : wherevpon hee came as before and was visited of many earles , barons , knights , gentlemen , priests and the comminaltie , who frequented his lodging vntill night . he came contrarie to the expectation of many , and of his aduersaries ; for they thought he would not come , because his bookes a few dayes before were condemned by publique proclamations , and many perswaded him not to submit himselfe to any danger : who answerd , since i am sent for , i am resolued to enter into worms , in the name of our lord iesus christ , though i knew there were so many diuels to resist me , as there be tiles to couer the houses in wormes . the fourth or fift day after he came to wormes , he was enioyned at foure of the clock in the afternoone , to appeare before the emperor , dukes , and other estates of the empire , to vnderstand the cause he was sent for . and standing before them , he was commanded silence vntill he was interrogated . then was asked him , whether those books were his which were written in his name , a great company of them lying before them ? and if they were thine , whether thou wilt recant , and reuoke them , and all that is contained in them , or rather meanest to stand to that which is written in them ? then luthers aduocate desired that the titles of the books might be read , which was done . luther answered , hée could not but acknowledge those bookes to be his , and that he would neuer recant any clause thereof : and for the iustifying of them he desired some time to consider , because there be questions of faith , and the saluation of the soule , wherein it were dangerous , and a rash thing to pronounce any thing without good aduisement . after they had consulted , the officiall said , though thou doest not deserue to haue opportunity giuen thée to determine , yet the emperour of his méere clemencie g●anteth thée one day : to morrow at this time thou shalt render before him ; conditionally , thou do not exhibit thine opinion in writing , but pronounce the same with liuely voyce . at which time , when he was appointed to answer , he answered to this effect ; all my books are not of one sort : there be some in which i haue so simplie and euangelically intreated of the religion of faith and honest conuersation , that my very enemies are compelled to confesse they be profitable , and worthy to be read of all christians ; and the popes bull iudgeth certaine of my books inculpable : if i should reuoke these , i should condemne that truth which friends and foes confesse . there is another sort of my books , which containe inuectiues against the pope and doctrine of the papists , as against those which haue corrupted all christendom bodily and spiritually , with their pestiferous doctrine , and pernicious examples : for i cannot dissemble this , when the vniuersall experience and common complaint of all beare witnesse , that the consciences of all faithfull men haue béen most miserably intrapped , vexed , and most cruelly tormented by the popes lawes , and doctrine of men : and further , their substance deuoured , specially in this famous countrey of germanie . if then i should reuoke these , i can doe none other but augment force to their tyrannie , and not only open windowes but wide gates to such an infernall impietie , the which will extend more wide and with more libertie then yet she durst , and by the testimonie of this my retractation , their insolent and malitious kingdome shall be made most licentious , and lesse subiect to punishment , if i luther should do this by the authoritie of your most excellent maiestie . the third sort of my books i haue written against priuat persons , such as with tooth and nayle labor to protect the romish tyrannie , and deface true religion , which i haue taught and professed ; i confesse , against these i haue been more violent then my profession required : if i should recant these , it would come to passe that tyranny and impietie shall raigne , s●pported by my meanes . ● neuerthelesse , as christ when he was examined of his doctrine before annas , and hauing receiued a buffet of the minister , said , if i haue spoken ill , beare witnesse of the euill . if christ , which was assured he could not erre , refused not to haue testimony giuen against his doctrine , how much more i that cannot but erre , ought earnestly to intreat , if any will beare witnesse against my doctrine : and if any can by scripture conuince me of error , i will reuoke any manner of error , and be the first that shall consume my books with fire . i conceiue no greater delectation in any thing then when i behold dissentions stirred vp for the word of god ; for such is the course of the gospell , as christ saith , i came not to send peace vpon the earth but a sword : i came to set a man at variance against his father . and we must thinke our god is terrible in his councels against his aduersaries , lest the condemning of the word of god turne to a huge sea of euils , lest the empire of this yong and bounteous prince charles bee lamentably and miserably begun . i could amplifie this with authorities of scripture , and pharo , the king of babylon , and the kings of israell , who then most obscured the bright sunne of their glorie , and procured their owne ruine , when they attempted to pacifie their realmes in this manner . then the emperours ambassador checked luther , saying , he had not answered to any purpose , and that he ought not to call in question things long time agoe defined by generall councels : therefore they required whether he would reuoke or no. then he answered , if i be not conuicted by testimonies of scriptures and probable reasons ( for i beléeue not the pope nor his generall councels ) i will not nor may not reuoke any thing : for it is vngodly to doe against my conscience . then the embassador replied ; if all such as impugne that which was decréed by the church and councels may once get this aduantage , to be conuinced by the scriptures , we shall haue nothing established in christ●ndom . luther answered , the councells oft gainsaid themselues , and that he was able to proue that councels haue erred : and night approaching , the lords arose ; and after luther had taken his leaue of the emperor , diuers spaniards scorned and scoffed at him , hollowing and whopping after him a long time . after , there were bills set vp against luther , and others with him : but this was subtilly done of his enemies , as it was thought , that there might be occasion offered to infringe the safe conduct giuen him , the which the romane embassador with all diligence indeuoured to bring to passe . when he was sent for to the archbishop of triers , they protested vnto him they sent not for him for disputation , but beningly and brotherly to exhort him : and they said , though the councels had erred , yet their authoritie was not thereby abased , neither was it lawfull for euery man to impugne their opinions , and that decrées , traditions of men , and ceremonies were established to represse vices according to the qualities of times , and that the church could not be destitute of them . the trée is knowne by his fruits . these lawes haue much profited . and they alleadged that luthers books would breed great tumult and incredible troubles , and that he abused the common sort , with his booke of christian liberty , incouraging them to shake off their yoake , and to confirme in them a disobedience , and that now the world was at another stay then when the beleeuers were all of one minde . and albeit he had written many good things , and doubtlesse with a good spirit , yet now the diuell hath attempted by wily meanes that all his works for euermore should be condemned : and by these last workes , it is easie to know the tree by the fruit , not by the blossomes , often repeating in his oration that this admonition was giuen of singular good will and great clem●ncie : in the shutting vp of his oration he added menasings , that if he would abide in his purposed intent , the emperour would exterminate him his empire . luther answered to this effect , that the councell of constance had erred in condemning this article of iohn hus , that the church of christ is the communion of the predestinat , and that we ought rather to obey god then man. there is an offence of faith , and an offence of charitie : the slander of charity consisteth in manners and life , the offence of faith and doctrine consisteth in the word of god ; and they commit this offence which make not christ the corner stone . and if christs sheepe were fed with the pure pasture of the gospell , and the faith of christ sincerely preached , and if there were good eclesiasticall magistrates who duely executed their office , wee should not néede to charge the church with mens traditions . and that hee knew and taught , that wee ought to obay the higher powers , how peru●rsly soeuer they liued , so that they inforce vs not to deny the word of god. then they admonished him to submit himselfe to the emperour and the empires iudgment , hee answered hee was well content , so that this were done with authority of the word of god , and that he would not giue place except they taught sound doctrine by the word of god , and that st. augustine writeth , hee had learned to giue honor onely to the canonicall bookes of the scripture , and touching other doctors , though they excell in holin●sse , and learning hee would not credit them vnlesse they pronouced truth , and st. paule saith , proue all things , follow that which is good , and againe , if an angell teach otherwise let him bee accursed , finally , hee meekely besought them not to vrge his conscience , captiued in the bands of the word of god , to deny that excellent word . after the arch-bishop sent for luther to his chamber , and tould him for the most part that at all times holy scriptures haue ingendred errors , and went about to ouerthrow this proposition that the catholike church is the communion of saints , presuming of cockle to make wheate , and of bodily excrements to compact members ; martin luther and one ierome schu●ffe his companion reproued their follies . hee was oftentimes assayled to reforme the censure of his bookes vnto the emperour and empire , or to the generall councell , which he was content to doe , so they would iudge them according to the word of god , otherwise not , aleaging the words of the prophet , trust you not in princes , nor in the children of men wherein is no health , also , cursed be hee that trusteth in men : and when newes came hee should returne home , hee sayd , euen as it hath pleased god so it is come to passe , the name of the lord be blessed , and sayd , hee thanked the emperour and princes that they had giuen him gracious audience and graunted him safe conduct to come and returne , and said hee desired in his heart they were reformed according to the sacred word of god , and sayd , hee was content to suffer any thing in himselfe for the emperour , but only the word of god he would constantly confesse vnto the latter end : about a yeare after this , luther dyed , when hee had liued almost thrée score and thrée yeares , and had béene doctor thrée and thirty yeares , hee sayd at his death , o heauenly , eternall and mercifull father , thou hast manifested in mee thy deare sonne christ , i haue taught and knowne him . i loue him as my life , health , and redemption , whom the wicked persecuted , maligned , and iniured , drawe my soule to thée , and sa●d thrise , i commend my spirit into thy hands , thou hast redéemed me , god so loued the world , that hee gaue his onely sonne that all that beleeue in him should haue eternall life , and so he dyed , whose death was much lamented : in the yeare . the aforesaid french king receaued from pope leo a iubile , and pardons to be sould , and so in england vnder the pretence of warre against the turke , they perswaded the people , that whosoeuer would giue tenne shillings should deliuer his soule from the paine of purgatory , but if it lacked any thing of tenne shillings it would profit them nothing : at that time martin luther was in germany , who vehemently inueyed against these indulgences , aga●nst whom iohn eckius put forth himselfe , they disputed before the people , at last eyther of their arguments were sent to paris to bee iudged by the sorbonists , the iudgment was long protracted : in the meane time pope leo condemned luther for heresie and excommunicated him , he appealed to the next councell . pope leo commanded luthers bookes to bee burned openly , luther also burned the popes decrees and decretalls in the uniuersity of wittenberge . in the yeere . the pope hauing crea●ed one and thirty cardinalls , thunder , and lightening so strake the church where the cardinalls were created that it stroke the little child iesus out of the lappe of his mother , and the keyes out of st. peters hands , being images in the church of rome . in the yeare . newes was brought to pope leo at supper , that the frenchmen were driuen out of italy , hee reioycing said god hath giuen me thrée things , i returned from banishment with glory to florence , i haue deserued to bee called apostolike , and thereby i haue driuen the frenchmen out of italy , as soone as he had spoken hee was stricken with a suddaine feuer and dyed shortly after . what godly man hath there euer beene for this fiue hundred yeares , either vertuously disposed or excellently learned , which hath not disproued the misordered and corrupt examples of the sea and bishop of rome from time to time vntill the comming of luther , yet none euer could preuaile before the comming of this man , the cause to bee supposed is this , other men spake but against the pompe , pride , whoredome , and auarice of the pope , luther went further with him , charged him with his doctrine , not picking at the rine , but plucking vp the roote , charging him with plaine heresie , as resisting against the blood of christ , for whereas the gospell leadeth vs to bee iustified onely by the worthinesse of christ and his bloud , the pope teacheth vs to séeke our saluation by mans merits , and deseruings by workes , whereupon rose all the religious sects , some professing one thing , some another , euery man seeking his owne righteousnes ▪ but luther opened the eyes of many which before were drowned in darkenesse , to behold that glorious benefit , of the great liberty & frée iustification set vp in christ iesus , but the more glorious this benefit appeared to the world , the greater persecution followed the same , and where the elect tooke most comfort of saluation , the aduersaries tooke most vexation , according as christ sayd , i came not to send peace but a sword , therefore so great persecutions in all the world followed after luther , but in no place more then in england as shall be declared . in the yeare . one cardinall campeius was sent as ambassador into england , to gather money for warre against the turke , the cardinall of yorke caused him to send to rome that hee might be ioyned in legacie with him , and sent him red cloth for his seruants , that he might come mo●e gloriously ; at euery towne hee was receiued with procession , accompanied with lords and gentlemen : at black heath the duke of northfolke , with a number of prelates , knights , and gentlemen met him richly appareled , and in the way hee was brought into a tent of cloth of gould , where b● put on his cardinalls robes and tooke his mule towards london , this cardinall had eyght mules laden , the cardinall of yorke , thinking them not sufficient for his state , sent him twelue mules more w t empty coffers couered with red , the next day these twelue mules were led through the citty as though they had beene laden with treasure and other necessaries , to the great admiration of all men , but passing through cheapeside , the people pressing to behold them , one of the mules broke his coller and ranne vppon the other mules , and they running together , ouerthrew diuers of their burthens , and so there shewed the cardinalls treasure , with great laughter and scorne o● many , and the boyes and girles gathered vp peeces of meate and bread and rosted egges , horse showes and old store of such baggage , crying out , behold here is my lord cardinalls treasure , and the mulers greatly ashamed , gathered vp their treasure as well as they could and went forward , then hee was brought to the cardinall of yorke , and then to the king , this cardinall of yorke , at all times at dinner and supper was serued with his seruitoures kneeling , and many noble men of england wayted vppon him , such was his monstrous pride . such as were forced to abiure in king , henry the eyght his raigne , after the first begining of luther , because there is a great many , and nothing but their bare name ricited , i referre thee to the booke at large . ihon coines alias laueland was detected for contemning the sacrament of the altar , and because he receaued not at easter , who after died at st. martins . robert ward shoomaker of st. brids parish in fleetstreet detected by thrée wittnesses for holding opinions against the sacrament of the altar died in the counter of ●redstreet . mathew ward , marchant-venturer , committed to the counter in breadstreet , for that he being priest , was married , and kept company with his wife , and because he was a sacramentary , and despised auriculer confession , and priuate masses , and defended the communion to bee ministred to the lay people in both kinds , and maintaining that priests ought to haue wiues . herman peterson , and iames gossen , taylers , duch-men , were committed to the counter in breadstréete , because the said iames was not confessed in lent , nor receiued at easter , which he said came by the counsell of the said herman , which councelled him rather to giue thrée or foure pence to the poore then to be shrieuen . thomas lancaster , imprisoned in the counter in the poultry , for bringing in prohibited bookes . iohn wilcocke , a scottish frier , committed to the fléete , for preaching against confession and holy-water , against praying to saints , and against purgatory ; that priests might haue wiues , and that the people ought not to pray for soules departed . also , iohn goodale was prisoner there . nicholas south , committed to newgate , for not being shrieuen in lent , nor receiued at easter . there was apprehended for heresie in couentry , robert hatchets , shomaker , one wrigsham , a glouer ; one lansd●ll , a hosier , with thrée others : and one mistris smith , a widdow , because they taught their children and families the lords praier , the beleefe , and the ten commandements in english ; they were imprisoned , some in places vnder-ground , some in chambers , and other places : after they were sent to blackstocke abbey , where they were imprisoned whilst they were there ; their children were sent for before one stafford , warden of the gray-fryers in couentry , who examined them of their beleefe , and what errors their fathers had taught them , charging them vpon paine of death , which their fathers should suffer , that they no waies meddle with the pater-noster , creede , and ten commandements in english , which is heresie . after their fathers were brought againe to couentry , where foure yeares before they had borne faggots in the church and market . the bishops and doctors , they and the said gentlewoman before them , who told them they should weare fagg●ts portraied in their cloaths , to signifie they were hereticks . robert hatchets answered , we desire no more but the lords prayer , ten commandements , and creed , in english , which i am sure euery christian ought to haue . wherupon they were iudged all to be burned , except the gentlewoman , who was pardoned : and because it was euening , and her sight dim , the somner offered to go home with her ; as he led her , he heard somewhat rattle in her sleene , and taking it from her , and looking vpon it , he found it was the lords prayer , the creed , and ten commaundements in english ; so he brought her backe againe to the bishop , where she was presently condemned , and burned with the sixe before . there was another in couentry , called robert silkes , which escaped from taking , and two yeares after was taken in kent , and sent to couentry and burned . then the sheriffes went to their houses , and tooke all their goods and chattels to their owne vse , leauing their wiues and children nothing to liue by . henry voz and iohn escy , two yong austen fryers , were disgraded , because they would not deny the doctrin of the gospel , called lutheranisme , & they thanked god for deliuering them from that abhominable priesthood , and making them priests of his holy order , and that he had receiued them as a sacrifice of a sweet odor . the greatest error they were accused of , was , that men ought only to trust in god , because mē are lyers . they went ioyfully to the place of execution , protesting they died for the glory of god , and the gospell , beleeuing in the sonne of god , saying ; this is the day we long desired , being in their shirts , they ioyfully imbrased the stake , praysing god , singing psalmes , and making testimony of their faith. a doctor seeing their iolity , bid them take heed so foolishly to glorifie themselues : they answered , god forbid we should glory in any thing but the crosse of christ : another councelled them to haue god before their eies ; they answered , we trust we carry him truly in our hearts . when the fire was kindled at their feete , one of them said ; me thinkes you strew roses at my feete ▪ henry being demaunded whether luther had seduc●d him ? yea said he , as christ seduced his apostles . he said also , that it was contrary to gods law , that the cleargy should be exempt from the iurisdiction of the christian magistrate , and that byshops haue no power but only to preach the word of god. they were burned at bruxels , after their death their monastery was dissolued at antwerp . their president was called iacobus lutherianus , he was forced to recant , but his mind renewed by the holy ghost , and he fled to luther . a scholler borne at abbevile , in king lewis his pallace , tooke away the host from the priest at masse and brake it in peeces , and trode it vnder his feete . he was burned in the swine-market , the peeces of the host and the pauement whereon it was trodden , were gath●red and laid vp amongst the treasures of the pallace . after adrianus the sixt , who succeeded iulius , came pope clement . whose life is in one verse described ; bellorum hic fomes , cunctorum lerna malorum , he was poisoned with diuers of his cardinals & familiars with the smoak of torches . in his time wro●e nicholas michiauellus , who proueth ; that through y ● ambition of popes procéedeth almost all euils & wars amongst christian men , and that before the yeare . in all politick affaires , the bishop of rome euer obayed the emperors and kings , & that the cardinals , in the first beginning of them , were nothing but popish priests : but after they inuaded the temporall and spirituall iurisdiction , vsurping aboue kings and emperors . by thrée manner of waies the romain bishops did créep vp , by excommunications , by indulgences , and force of armes . in this yeare the turk wrote to the maister of the rhodes , to deliuer vp the isle as followeth . solimanus tsaccus , king of kings , and lord of lords , most mighty emperor of constantinople and trapezuntis , &c. unto the reuerend father philip vilerius liladamus , great maister of the rhodes , to his knights and the communalty there : the pitty of my afflicted people , and your extreame iniuries , moue me . i command your speedy surrender of your ile of rhodes , you may obtaine our grace to depart with your riches : or if you will remaine in our dominion , your liberty shall not be diminished , either in religion , or paying of tribute : if you be wise , preferre peace before cruell war : if you be ouercome , looke for extreame cruelty , from which neither your force , forraigne ayde , nor your wals shall defend you . i sweare , by god , the maker of heauen and garth , by the foure histo●●ographers of the euangelicall histories , by the . prophets that came from heauen , and by our mighty god mahomet , aboue all others to be worshipped , and the spirits of my father and grand-father , and by this my sacred , royall , and imperiall head , from our palace at constantinople . the very same yeare the island of rhodes was lost , and yéele●d to the turke , to the great hindrance of all christendome . henry sudphen , was desired of the cittizens of breame , to come thither to preach : when they had heard him , they hyred him to bee their preacher : when the religious rout vnderstood thereof , they desired of the senate that such an heretike might be banished the towne , which preached against the catholike church . the senate sent for the head men of the parish , and shewed them the complaint of the religious men . they answered ; they knew no other but that hee was a learned honest preacher : yet if they can proue that he taught any thing contrary to the word of god , they will be ready with them to persecute him , otherwise wee will not suffer him of malice to be driuen away . the senate certified the religio●s of this answer , then they certified the byshop thereof , who sent two of his councel to breame for the preacher : they receiued this answere of the senators ; that being he was hyred of the church-wardens , and was not conuicted of heresie , they could not obtaine of the cittizens that he should be carried away . wherefore they desired the byshop , that he would send his learned men to dispute with him , and if he were conuinced he should be punished , else he● should not depart . after when newes came that he preached more and more haynous ma●ter against the religious . then they admonished the cittizens of br●ame , into what ieoperdy their common-wealth might fall by their preachers preaching , contrary to the decrées of the pope and emperour . further , they said , the preacher was the prisoner of the lady margaret , and got letters of her to require her prisoner , but all would not serue . then the byshop decreed a prouinciall councell to be holden at bream● , which was accustomed to be at bucksted , whereunto this henry was called , but the cittizens detained him at home : then henry gathered a summe of his doctrine into a few articles , and sent it with his letters vnto the arch●bishop , offering if he were conuicted of any error by the word of god , he would bee readi● to recant . but shortly after the religious set vpon the church-porch the bull of pope leo the tenth , and the decrée of the emperour , made at wormes , notwithstanding , he procéeded daily in preaching the gospell . the papists sent their chaplaines to euery sermon , to trap him in his wordes , whereby many of them were conuerted , and the greater part of those that were sent , did openly witnesse his doctrine was gods truth , against which no man could contend , and such as in all their liues they had not heard , and that they must beléeue the same , if they would be saued . at last this henry was sent for by letters , by the parishoners of m●ldrophe , to preach the gospell to them , and deliuer them out of the bo●dage of antichrist , and because he had preached two yeare at breame , and that there were men sufficiently instructed in the gospell to build further : and that the papists there , were for the most part vanquished , and that their folly was knowne euen to women and children , and that diedmar liued without a pastor in the midst of wolues , he could not with a safe conscience deny their requests . when he came thither he was ioyfully rec●iued of the parish-priest , and others : the papists hearing hereof , before he had preached , stormed and fumed , especiallie the prior of the black monastery , who went to the officiall , to take councell what was to be done , least they lose their kingdome , they tooke councell to withstand the beginning , that he might not haue leaue to preach , least their crafts and wickednesses being laid open , it were folly after to resist , remembring what happened at breame . the next day early in the morning , the prior , with the chancelor , went to the forty eight presidents , being vnlearned men , and perswaded them what a seditious fellow was come from breame ▪ and there-withall , if they would put him to death , what fauour they should haue of the byshop of breame , whereupon they decréed he should be put to death . further , they had letters from the forty eight presidents vnto the parish-priest , commaunding him vnder great paine , that he● should send away the said henry without preaching . the priest maruelled at their meddling in such matters , being it belonged not to them , but the parish-priest onely to receiue and put out a preacher : and shewing this to henry , hee said he was sure hee must dye for the gospell , and it was as neare to heauen to dye there , as in another place : and being he was sent for , and was sure it would be gratefull to the people , he resolued to preach : and after the sermon , the whole congregation be wayled , called together the priors , deliuered them the letter from the presidents , and that they should be fined a thousand gildrons , if they suffered him to preach . they were moued , because it was against the custome of their country as aforesaid : yet they concluded to keepe henry for their preacher , and defend him . in the after noone hee preached againe , the next day the cittizens sent ambassadours to the presidents , offering to answer all causes for their preacher , and they declared what godly sermons he had preached , and the parish-priest wrote to excuse himselfe , that henry neuer intended sedition , but to preach the word truly , and offered himselfe ready to answere for the saide henry whensoeuer he should be called : most earnestli● desiring not to credit the monkes , which being blinde with hatred and auarice , would suppresse the truth . after he preached three forenoones and afternoones , and taught cleerelie iustification to bee onely by faith in christ , and not by workes , they all reioyced , and desired god that he would send such a preacher to continue amongst them . finally , this prior and others determined to take this henry by night , and burn him before the people should know it . all the presidents and others that were in this conspiracy , assembled in the parish of the new church , in the councelors house . they assembled aboue . men of the country , the husband-men would haue gone backe againe when they kn●w the matter , but the presidents compelled them to stay , and to incourage them gaue them thrée barrels of hamborow beare : at midnight they came in armour , the monkes prepared them torches , they burst into the parish priests house , they tooke away all things , they fell vpon the parish priest , crying , kill the théefe ; they pulled him by the haire of the head out into the dirt ; then they runne vpon henry , drew him naked out of his bed , bound his hands hard behind him , and drew him to and fro so vnmercifully , that a cruell persecutor of the word cryed , let him alone . when they had led him almost all night barefooted vpon the ice , he desired a horse , because ●e was weary , and his féete sore cut , they laughed and mocked , saying ; must we hire an horse for an hereticke . when they brought him to the fire to be burned , a woman offered her selfe to suffer . stripes , and to giue them much money , so they would kéepe him in prison vntill he might plead his matter before the whole conuocation of the country : then they were more mad , threw downe the woman , trod her vnder féet , and beat henry vnmercifully ; one strucke him behind the head with a dagger , another struck him with a mace , othersome thrust him in the backe and raines , as often as he began to to speake : the chancelor cryed , go to boldly , good fellowes , truly god is pres●nt with vs. a franciscan fryer came to confesse him , to whom henry said ; what iniury did i euer do● you brother ? the fryer said ; neuer none , then hee saide , what should i confesse vnto you , that you can forgiue me ? when the fire still was kindled , it would not burne , yet they satisfied their minds on him , striking and pricking him with all kind of weapons : then they gat a lather and bound him to it , and cast him into the fire . when hee beganne to pray , and repeate his creede , one strucke him with his fist , saying ; thou shalt first be burned , after prate while thou wilt : another trode on his breast , and bound his neck so hard to the ladder , that the blood gushed out of his mouth , and the ladder being propped vp with a holbert , and slipping aside , the holbert runne through him : then one strucke him with a mace on the breast vntill he was dead , then they consumed the body in the fire . maister iohn castellane , doctor of diuinity , hauing truly preached the word of god at metz in loraine , and many other townes , and returning from th●nce , was taken prisoner by the cardinall of loraines men : whereupon they of metz tooke certaine of the cardinals subiects prisoners , at length , by meanes from the pope and otherwise , they were discharged , but iohn castellane was kept still prisoner , and most cruelly handled , but hee perseuered very constant in the saide doctrine : so they proceeded to the disgrading and cond●mning of him . euery ignorant man may see the horrible blindnesse of these vnshamefull beasts , by their hor●ible blasphemies and brutish subtilty , which they vse in their processe against the children of god : the preamble whereof followeth in effect . for as much as thou art accused before the inquisitor , for maintaining false and erronious doctrine , and of thine owne good will hast confessed it : remembring also , the lamenta●le admon●●ions and charitable exhortations which wee made vnto thee in the towne of metz , which you , like the serpent aspis haue refused to heare , and considering thy answeres to our intergatories , in the which by diabolicall art thou hast hid and kept backe the truth , and followed the example of caine , in denying to conf●sse thy mischeeuous offence , and considering the great number of witnesses and worthy men that deposed against thee , before the reuerend man , doctor sauin , inquisitor , and hauing communicated our purpose vnto diuers most excellent maisters and doctors , which haue subscribed therevnto . whereby it appeareth , y ● thou iohn castellane hast oftentimes in diuers places openly taught many erroneous propositions full of the heresies of luther , against the catholike faith , the verity of the gospell , and the holy apostolike seate , & so accursedly looked back and turned thy face , that thou art found to be a lyer before almighty god : therefore according to the common law , such as through the sharpe darts of their venemous tongue doe peruert the scriptures , and goe about with all their power to peruert and corrupt the soules of the faithfull , should bee corrected with most cruell vengeance , to feare others to attempt the like , and that all may reioice in christian concord , all take example of goodnes : therefore hauing god onely before our eyes , and surely considering what measure wee doe mete vnto others , god will measure the like to vs againe : wee therefore pronounce sentence definitiue , and iudge thée excommunicate with the great excommunication , and to be culpable of treason against the diuine maiestie , and a mortall enemy of the catholicke church , and verity of the gospell , and to be a manifest heretick and follower of the execrable cruelty of martin luther , a stirrer vp of old heresies all already condemned , and so they disgraded him , and deliuered him to the seculer iudge . this done , the bishop , after a certaine manner , intreated the seculer iudge for him for the loue of god , and the contemplation of the gifts of pietie and mercie , for the respect of our prayers , that you will not doe any thing that shall be hurtfull vnto this miserable man , or tending to his death , or maiming of his body : then the seculer iudge condemned him to be burned quick , which he suffered most constantly , that not onely many ignorant people were thereby drawne to the knowledge of the verity , but a number , which had some taste thereof , were greatly confirmed . iohn oecolampadius reporteth , how a prince murdered a good pastor for preaching of the gospell , pretending hee was in a commotion : hee sent a c●uell gentleman with a number of men to hang this priest : they came to the priestes house and saluted him : the priest made them a great banquet , and bad them eate and drinke chéerefully : after dinner the gentleman told his followers they must hang the priest : they said , god forbid we should doe such a crime to hang one that hath intreated vs so gently , his good chéere not yet disgested in vs : the priest desired them rather to carry him to prison to there prince , and propounded vnto him the gentlenes that he had alwaies vsed to the gentlemen of the countrey in spending his goods to entertaine them , and aduertised him of the eternall to●ments which would follow an euill conscience , protesting he had faithfully taught the gospell , and the cause hee had the ill will of some , was for sharpely and openly reprouing the horrible vices of the gentlemen : the gentleman told him he should gaine nothing by preaching in such sort , for the prince had commaunded him to hang him , whose fauour hee would not loose , to saue his life , so they put him to death . oecolampadius reporteth of another godly priest that when he came to the true vnderstanding of the gospell : o god , said he , who would haue thought it that so many learned and holy men , haue wandred out of the right way , and haue so long time béen wrapped in errors , or that the holy scriptures had been defiled with such horrible abuses , for hee neuer vnderstood before that the gospell was the vertty of god , because it containeth much matter touching the crosse , persecution , & ignomy : after this good pastor began to preach the gospell there , but many which repined , that the gospell should be freely preached , caused him in the night to be taken by certaine souldiours , which bound him hand & foot , and set him vpon a horse , and led him vp & down by a great rope before his wife and children , & were not moued with their grieuous sighes and teares : after they had kept him long in prison , & that he had indured most terrible torments , as well by his priuy members , as other parts , they iudged him to deth , hauing no other cause against him , but that he had maried a wife : when the fryers troubled him about confession , he said he had already confessed his sins vnto the lord iesus , nothing doubting but that hee had receiued absolution of his sins ; and i said he shall this day be an acceptable sacrifice vnto my sauior iesus christ : for i haue done nothing for which i am condemned displeasing to god , which giueth me a a quiet conscience , and let them which thirst after bl●ud , consider that they offend him , who truely iudgeth the harts of men , who saith vengeance is mine and i will punish : i desire to die , i doe not much shorten my time , for i am so leane that my skin is scarce able to couer my bones , and i reioice in nothing but the crosse of christ iesus . some could not abide these exhortations , and made signes to the hangman to cast him into the riuer : after he was cast downe the riuer was red , which was a token that innocent bloud was shed : they that were present were greatly amazed therat , and returned home pensiue . an other history by oecolampadius : an honest man , when hee had wrongfully suffered most intollerable torments , for being in a commotion , and was condemned . a frier being brought vnto him , when he was taken out of the dungeon , and see the frier , hée cryed with a loude voice ; o miserable wretch that i am : now am i betrayed my last houre is at hand : the dreame which i dreamed this night will come to passe . the frier plucking out a woodden crosse , said poore man confesse thy sinnes in mine eare , and after thou hast receiued absolution at mine hands , doubt not but this day thou shalt goo stra●te to the kingdome of heauen : who answered , thou wicked frier get thée away from me , for i haue long bewailed my sinnes before the face of christ , who hath forgiuen me , i haue no need of thy absolution , which thou thy selfe doest not vnderstand . thou shouldest long since haue amended thy wicked and h●pocriticall life : i know what thou art , thou playest the ape with mee , thou hast a subtle heart which hath deceiued much people : if thou hast any comfort out of the gospell let mee haue it : if not , get thée away with thy portas : whereat the frier was confused : the hangman wiser then the frier , bid him reade him something of the passion : whereat he would take great pleasure . the foolish frier had no other consolation but to hold the crucifix of wood , before him , saying b●hold thy sauiour which died for thée ; looke on him and thou shalt bee comforted . hee answered , get thee from mee thou naughty person , this is not my sauiour ; my sauiour dwelleth in heauen , in whom i trust that he will not deliuer my soule to eternall death : the frier crossed himselfe and departed . the bishop of constance caused iohn howghly a priest to bee burned at merspurge , for that he would not allow the popes doctrine in all points . iohn frederick , heyre to the prince , and elector of saxony , was contracted by writings to the lady katherine , the emperours sister : but when religion was altered in saxony , they swarued from their couenants , and the empe●ror● ambassador said , there was no promise to be kept with hereticks . in this yeare , beeing the seuentéenth yeere of king henry the eight his raigne , there was great commotion in suffolke , and norfolke , by reason the cardinall had sent commission in the kings name that euery man should pay the sixt part of his goods : but it was appeased by the dukes of norfolke and suffolke , and the paiment released by the king. this yeare the cardinall tooke vpon him as the kings chiefe councellor : hee reformed the house and made new officers in the house of the duke of richmond . also hee established a councell , and established another h●ushold for the lady mary , then being princes of the realme . hee made the king beléeue hee need take no paines : insomuch that the charge of all things was committed vnto him : he gaue the king the lease of the mannor of hampton court : and the king licenced him to lye in his mannor of richmond , which k. henry . loued so well , whereat some grudged , saying , sée a butchers dogge lye in the mannor of richmond : his pride was so high he regarded no man , and was hated of all men . hee came to paules the eleuenth of ianuary , a number of bishops , abbots , and doctors attended him : there hee sate in his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold , and frier barnes for heresie , and two marchants for eating flesh on friday , bare faggots before him . and this day the bishop of rochester preached in the reproofe of martine luther , and in the honour of the pope and his cardinals , insomuch that hee forgot the gospell he preached vpon : his sermon was much commended of the cardinals and bishops . this yeare the new testament was first translated into english , and brought into this realme , by william tindall . this yéere the good lodouicus king of hungary , pursued by the turk , was faine to take the marsh , where with his horse falling into a bogge was swallowed vp and ●rowned , his body afterwards found , was royally buried in uienna . george carpenter of emering was burned in monuchen of bauaria , for maintaining of these foure articles . first , that he did not beleeue that priests could forgiue sinnes ; neither that a man could call god out of heauen , neither that god was in the bread that the priests hang vpon the altar : fourthly , that the element of water in baptisme , doth not giue grace : then one asked him whether he feared not his iudgement , neither loued his wife and children , and if he would recant he should returne to them , and be pardoned . wherevnto hee answered , my wife and children are so dearely beloued vnto mee , that they cannot be bought from mee for all the duke of bauaria his riches : but for the loue of my lord god , i will willingly forsake them : as hee was going to execution , one bid him beleeue the sacrament of the altar , and not to beleeue it to be onely a signe . hee answered , hee beleeued the sacrament to bee a signe of the body of christ offered for vs : then he said why doest thou so little esteeme baptisme , beeing christ was baptized : hee answered not the baptisme of christ , but his suffering , was our saluation : him this day will i confesse before the world : hee is my sauiour in him i will beléeue : then one bid him put his trust in god , and say if i erre , truely i repent : to whom hée answered , god suffreth me not to erre : then one bid him not to hazard the matter , but to choose some christian brother not to confesse thy self vnto , but take councell off : he said it would be too long : then one said , our father : he answered , truely thou art our father , and no other , this day i trust to be with thée . the other said , hallowed be thy name : he answered , my god how little is thy name hallowed in this world : then he said , thy kingdome come : he said let thy kingdome come this day vnto me , that i may come to the kingdome : the other said : thy will be done in earth as in heauen : he said for this cause , o father i am now héere that thy will may be finished , and not mine : then the other said , giue vs this day our dayly bread : he said th' onely liuing bread iesus christ shall be my food : the other said , and forgiue vs our trespasses as we forgiue them that trespasse against vs : he answered , with a willing minde doe i forgiue all men , friends & aduersaries : the other said , leade vs not into temptation , but deliuer vs from euill : he answered o my lord without doubt then shalt thou deliuer me , for i haue laid my hope onley on thee . then one said doest thou think it necessary after death to pray for thée or say masse for thée : he said so long as the soule is in my body pray for me that god would giue me grace & patience , with all humility to suffer death with a true faith : but when my soule is from my body i haue no néed of your prayers : he was desired of certaine to shew some signe of beliefe when he was in the fire : hee answered , so long as i can speake , i will call vpon iesus ; i haue neuer séene the like constancie of a man , his countenance neuer changed colour : he went chéerefully to the fire and said this day will i confesse my god before the whole world : when he was in the fire , he stil ●ryed iesus , iesus ; and so ioyfully yéelded vp his spirit . leonard keyser of bauaria was burned for the gospel , h● being a student 〈◊〉 wittenberge ; was sent for by his brothren , if euer hee would sée his father 〈◊〉 he should come with spéed : and as he was comming , by the commandement of the bishop of passaw , he was taken by his mother and brethren : his articles were first that faith iustifieth : secondly , that works are the fruits of faith : thirdly , that the masse is no sacrifice or oblation : that confession , satisfaction , the vow of chastitie , purgatory , difference of dayes : for affirming onely two sacrifices , and inuocation of saints : hee maintained three kindes of conf●ssion ; the first of faith , which is alwaies necessary : the second of charitie , which serueth when any one doth offend his neighbour , hee ought to reconcile himselfe againe . mat. . the third is to aske councell of the ancient ministers of the church : sentence beeing giuen against him , he was disgraded , he was rounded and shauen , & clothed in a short gowne , a round cap set vpon his head all cut and iagged , and so deliuered to the seculer power ; as hee was led to burning , hee said , o lord iesu remaine with me , sustaine and help me , and giue me force and power : in the fire he cryed o lord iesu , i am thine , haue mercy vpon me and saue mee ; this was the blessed end of that good man. in this yéere the senate & people of berne , which are most of power amongst the switzers , assigned a disputation within the citie , and called vnto the same the bishops of constans , basil ▪ sed●ne , and lozanna , warning them to come themselues , and bring their diuines , or else lose their possessions : they appointed that the scriptures of the old and new testament should onely bee of authoritie , granting safe conduct to all that would come thether , that there should bee no chiding , that euery one should speak his minde freely , and in such sort that it might be written , and whatsoeuer should be there agreed vpon , should be ratified , and obserued throughout all their dominions ; there were ten articles to be disputed vpon as followeth . the true church wherof christ is head , proceedeth of gods word , perseuereth in the same , and heareth no other man voice . the same church maketh lawes without gods word , therefore we are not bound to mens traditions , but in as much as they be consonant to gods word ▪ that christ only hath made satisfaction for the whole world , to say there is ●ny other way to saluation , or meanes to put away sinnes , is to deny christ. that it cannot be proued by scriptures that the body and bloud of christ is really and corporally receiued in the sacrament . the masse , wherein christ is presented & offred vnto his father for the quick and the dead , is against the scriptures , & a cont●mely to the sacrifice of christ. that onely christ is to be called vpon as mediator to god for vs. that in the scriptures there is no place after life wherein soules should b● purged : wherefore prayers , ceremonies , yearely dyrges and obits , which are bestowed vpon the dead ; also lampes , tapers , and such other things profit nothing . that no images should be set vp to bee worshipped ●p the scriptures , and therefore they are to be taken downe in churches . that matrimony is prohibit●d to no kind● of men by the worde : but euery whoremonger is by the word sequestred from the communion of the church . that single life vnchast & filthy is most vnséemely for priesthood . the bishops would not come but sent their diuines : then the disputation was begun by swinglius , oecolampadius , bucer , capito , blaurer , and diuers others defended the conclusions . amongst others , conrado treger an austine fryer of great fame impugned them : who at last when hee sought for help besides the scriptures the masters of the disputations would not suffer him so to doe : wherefore hee departed out of the place , the disputations ended , the foresaid conclusions were approued , by the common consent of the most part , and were ratified & obserued in ber●e , and proclaimed by the magistrate in sundry places thereabouts : and masses , altars , and images abolished in all places , and immediately after was the like reformation at constance , and after at geneua . pope clem : . in this yéere conspired with the uenetians , & raised a great army , and proclaimed war against the emperor about the possession of italy : the emp●●ror sent his army to millaine , & tooke the city & castle ; marching towards rome , took it & spoiled it , & besieged pope clement , with his cardinals in mount adrian , and took the pope , who could not be ransomed vnder . floreines : this pope bare great hatred against the family of the columni , because it was imperiall , and threatned the cardinall thereof to take away his cardinals hat , who answered , if he so did , he would put on a helmet to ouerthrow the popes triple crowne . our cardinall of england hearing of the captiuitie of his father the pope , stirred vp the king all he might fight with the emperour , and defend the faith , and he should receiue a great reward of god. the king answered he was sorie for it : but where you would haue me defend the faith ; i assure you this warre is not for th● faith , but for temporall possessions : i and my people can by no meanes rescue him ; but if any treasure may helpe him , take that which seemeth to you conuenient . then the cardinall made out of the kings treasure twelue score thousand pounds , which he carried ouer the sea with him : then the cardinall sent his commission to all bishops , commanding fastings and solemne processions to be had , wherein they did sing the letany after this sort : sancta maria ora pro clemente papa : sancte petre , ora pro clemente papa &c. the cardinall passing the seas , went out of callice with the bishop of london , the lord sandes the kings chamberlaine , the earle of derby , sir henry gilford , sir thomas moore , with many other knights and esquires , to the number of one thousand and two hundred horses , hauing in his carriage foure score wagons , and threescore mules and sumpter horses : he bestowed great summes of money in hyring souldiers , and furnishing out the french kings armie , and appointed certain english captains , in the k. of englands name to go against the emperor to rescue the pope : hee caused clarentius king at armes , to ioyne with the french herald , openly to defie the emperor ; wherupon ensued great troubles in england , spain , the low countries of flanders , brabant , and zeland : all which his priuie policies and treasons , were shortly after known to the king. in this yeare a iew in constantinople was baptized and became christian , which thing vehemently exasperated the turks against him : and fearing it should be some detriment to their mahumeticall law , they sought to kill him , which they did , and cast his dead carkasse into the stréets , commanding that none should burie it . wherin the glorie of christ appeared : for the dead corps lying there nine daies , was as fresh coloured , without corruption or smell , as if it had bin aliue ; whereat the turks being astonished , took it vp and buried it . the cardinall hauing defied the emperour , as before , and made him displeased with the king of england , he further whispered in the kings eare , that the emperour had euill intreated and imprisoned the kings embassadours in spaine : by which meanes the emperours embassadour in england was imprisoned , and his goods seised , vntill letters came to the contrarie , and then he was set at libertie . when the embassadour complained vnto the cardinall , hee layed all the fault vpon clarentius , and that clarentius had defied the emperour without the kings knowledge , by the request of the herald of france , and that at his returne he should lose his head at callice . clarentius hearing hereof , came priuily into england , and was brought vnto the king before the cardinall knew it , to whom he shewed the cardinalls commission , and their gentle intreatie . when the king heard hereof , and had mused a while , he said , o lord iesus , hee that i trusted most told me all these things contrary : well clarentius , i will be no more so light of credence . and from thence the king neuer put any more trust in the cardinall . some write that the cardinall did beare the emperour such malice , because when the pope was imprisoned , as before , the cardinall wrote vnto the emperour to make him pope ; and he sent him an answere that pleased him not : whereupon he writ menacing letters vnto him , that if he would not make him pope , hee would make such a rufling betwixt christian , princes as was not this hundred yéers before , to make the emperour repent , yea , though it cost the whole realme of england : the emperour returned him answere , bidding him looke well vnto it , lest through his doings it should cost him the realme of england indeede . thus king henry came to the title of defender of the faith. when luther had vtterd the abomination of the pope and his clergie , and diuers books were com into england . our cardinall to find a remedie for it , sent to rome for this title of defender of the faith. after , the uicar of croydon preached , that the k. would not lose it for all london and twenty miles about it . when this glorious title was come from rom● , the cardinall brought it to the king at gréenwich : and although the king had read it , yet in the morning were all the lords and gentlemen sent for that could be , to come and receiue it with honor . in the morning the cardinall went thorough the backside to the frier obseruants , and som went round about , and met him from rome : part met him halfe way , and some at court gate ; and the king met him in the hall , and brought him into a great chamber , where was a seat prepared on high for the king and cardinall . whilst the bull was read with all pompe , wise men laughed : then the king went into his chapp●ll to heare masse , the cardinall being inuested to sing masse : the earle of essex brought the bason of water , the duke of suffolke gaue the asasy , the duke of northfolk held the towell , and so he pr●ceeded to masse . when masse was done , the bull was againe published , the trumpets blew , the shawmes and sackbuts played in honor of the kings new stile ; and in the midst of dinner the heralds proclaymed his new stile : this was ended with great solemnity . not vnlike to this was the receiuing of the cardinals hat , when one had brought it to him to westminster vnder his cloak : he clothed the messenger in rich aray , and sent him back to douer , appointed the bishop of canterbury to méet him , besides an other company of lords and gentlemen : when it came to w●stminster , it was set vpon a cubbord with tapers about it : the greatest duke in the land must curtsi● thereto , and to him empty seat . and thus much touching cardinall wolsey . he founded a certaine new colledge in oxford ; for furniture whereof he gathered together all the best learned hee could heare of ; amongst whom were clerke , tindall , frith , and tauerner , who after were found to be hereticks ( as they call them ) and were cast into a prison of the colledge where salt fish lay , through the stinke whereof they being infected , the said clerke , being singular in learning , died . one simon grineus hearing a sermon of faber bishop of uienna , after the sermon he followed faber , and declared vnto him that of good zeale he had somewhat to say to him , and said , he was very sorie that a man of such learning should confirme such ●●n●●●elious errours , which might be refuted by manifest scripture . polycarpus vsed to stop his eares when he heard any monst●●us errours , how then do you think he would haue heard you reason what the mouse did eate when she gnaweth the consecrated host ? who would not bewayle the blindnesse and ignorance of the church ? then faber asked his name : he tolde him his name was grineus ; and he fained he was sent for by the king , and had no leisure now to reason vpon this matter , and shewed that he was desirous of his acquaintance , and intreated him , both for his owne matter and the common-welth , he would come the next day vnto him . he willingly promised him . when he was returned to supper , a stranger , an old man of great grauitie told him , the sergeants would by and by come vnto the lodging , sent by he king , to carrie grineus to prison , whom faber had accused vnto the king , exhorting grineus straight way to depart the town without delay , and so departed . th●n we tooke grineus and carried him vnto the riuer rhyne , and conueyed him ouer in a boat , and returned . in the meane time the sergeants were at the lodging , wherefore we iudged that this cruell purpos● was frustrate by gods prouision ; therefo●e let vs giue thanks to god , which giueth his angels to be our kéepers , and with quiet minds fulfill the office of our vocation . p●trus flistedius , and adolphus clarbachus , singular diuines , for differing from the papists touching the supper of the lord , with diuers other of the popes traditions and ceremonies , by the archbishop and senate were burned in cullen : this was by reason som diuines had preached that the punishment & death of such as these were , would pacifie the wrath of god , which at this time plagued germany ; for the sweating sicknes did then mortally rage and raigne throughout all germany . in this yeare solymanus the turkish emperour passed th●rough hungarie , with an armie of fourtéene thousand fighting men , and came into austrich , where he exercised extreame crueltie ; some he bereft of sight , some he rent and mangled in pieces , cutting off their noses , eares , handes , armes and priuie members , deflouring uirgins , cutting off womens paps , openings their wombes with childe and burning the yong babes : then he besieged uienna , and assayed to vndermine it , and the wals being ou●rthrowne , he assaulted it desperatly ; and seeing the souldiers within desend the breach valiantly a month , he brake vp the siege , and returned with great dishonor . the emperour came to strawsborough , and commanded the protestants to be present at masse which they refused to do : and he called the prince elector of saxony to beare the sword before him at the masse ; and the diuines resolued , because he was sent for , to beare the sword and not to heare masse : therefore hee might there present himselfe . there was an assembly holden , and diuers decrées made against the protestants ; and faber and eckius forged confutations against them , with diuers other troubles . at this time the new testament was newly translated , and imprinted by william tindall ; wherewith the bishoppe of london was grieued , and deuised how he might destroy it . the bishop being at antwarp , and desirous to bring this purpose to passe , communed how he would buy the new testaments . one packington , which was a fauourer of tindall , but made the bishop otherwise beleeue , said , my lord , i can doe more in this matter then most merchants : for i know them that haue bought them of tindall , and for money i will assure you to haue euery booke of them that is printed and vnsolde . hee ●ade him get them , and hee would pay for them : for he intended to burne euery booke of them at paules crosse. hee hereupon declared the matter to william tindall : so the bishop had all the bookes . after this tindall corrected the same againe , and had them the second time newly reprinted ; so they came abundantly into england . the bishop sent for packington to know the reason thereof : he said he bought all that were there , and these were new printed . one george constantine was apprehended by sir thomas moore l. chancelor of england for heresie . my lord asked him who it was that maintained tindall ioy , and a great many more of you ? i know they cannot liue without helpe ; and thou being one haddest thy part thereof : i pray tell me who helpeth them thus ▪ my lord , quoth constantine , i will tell you truly : it is the bishop of london ; for he hash bestowed amongst vs a great deale of money vpon new testaments to burne them , which hath bin , and yet is , our only succour . by my troth , quoth moore , i think the same : i told the bishop so much before . the townes of zurick and berne being at contention with the townes of the cantons , stopped all the straits that there could no victuals passe vnto them ; wherefore they prouided a power to come against them of berne and zurick , and fought a great conflict with them : in which fight swinglius , being minister of zurick , was slain , and after his dead corps taken by his enemies and burned : when his body was burned to ashes , his heart was found in the midst of the fire whole , which could not be without the great miracle of god. the like happened after to thomas cranmer archbishop of canterbury . in this yeare the king held a parliament at westminster : diuers articles were put vp against the clergie touching their excesses and extortions , and there was prouided for pluralties and non-residents , and for buying and selling of pardons . this so displeased the clergie , that they called the commons hereticks and schismaticks : and the lords put a book of articles against the cardinall , that he procured the legat without the kings consent , whereby he took away the right of all bishops , that in all writings to rome and other princes he wrote ego & rex meus , that he standered the church of england to be brought into a reprobate sense , sending to rome to be legat , to reforme the church , and carried the great seale with him to flanders , and that without the kings consent he sent commission to conclude a league betwéen the king and the duke of florence , and that hauing the french pocks , he presumed to come and to breathe on the king , and that hee had caused the cardinalls hat to be put on the kings coyne , that he had sent innumerable substance to rome to obtaine his dignities , to the great impouerishment of the realme , with many other things . the princely possessions and great pride of the clergie in those dayes , did not only farre excéede the measure of subiects , but surmounted the estates of kings and princes . in henry the fourth his dayes the temporalties in the possessions of the clergie of england amounted to three hundred twentie two thousand marks by the yeare . and it appeareth by a libell giuen to henry the eight , compiled by one master fish , that the cleargie had gotten into their hands more then the third part of the lande of the realme , and the goodliest lordships , mannors and territories are theirs , besides the tenth part of corne and all things else , and seruants wages : and they looke so narrowly to their tythes , that they will haue the tenth egge , or else the good wife getteth no rights at easter , and shall be taken as an her●ticke ; beside what they get by their foure offering dayes , prouing of wills , priuie tythes , offerings to pilgrimages , and at their first masses ; euery one that is buried must pay somewhat for masses and dirges to be sung for them , else they will accuse their frinds and executors for hereticks . what money get they for mortuaries , by hearing confessions ? and yet will keepe no councell ; by hallowing of churches . altars , superaltars , chappels and bels , by cursing men and absoluing them againe for money . what a multitude of money gather the pardoners in a yeare , by cyting men to the court and releasing them for money , and what abundance the begging friers get yearly . there be two and fifty thousand parish churches in england , and euery house in the realme payeth a pennie a quarter to euery of the fiue s●rts of begging friers , which is twenty pence yearely for euery house in england . and the number of the clergie , reckoned with men , women , and children of the laie●ie , are but one of foure hundred ; and their substance draweth nigh to the halfe of the whole substance of the realme ; and they doe nothing therewith but exempt themselues from the obedience of your grace , and translate all power to themselues , and that your subiects may rebell against yon , and be vnder them , as they did vnto your noble predecessor king iohn : they then interdicted the realme ; wherefore your realme hath stood tributarie , not to any temporall prince , but to a cruell diuellish bloud-sucker , drunken in the bloud of the saints and martyrs euer since : and what doe they more ? nothing but apply themselues to haue to doe with euery mans wife , daughter , or mayde : that cuckoldrie and baudry should raigne amongst your subiects , that no man should know his child : and that their bastards should inherite euery mans possessions , they haue made an hundred thousand idle whoores in your realme , which would haue gotten their liuing honestly , had not their superfluous riches inticed them to vncleanenesse and idlenesse : they catch the p●cks , or be burnt , or the leprosie , and beare it vnto another ; yea some one of them shall boast amongst his fellowes that he hath had to do with an hundred women . when they haue intised mens wiues vnto them , they spend away their husbands goods , and make the women runne away from their husbands ; and runne away themselues with the wife and goods , bringing man and wife , and children to idlenesse , theft , and beggerie . who is able to number the broad bottomlesse ocean full of euils , that this sinfull generation may lawfully and vnpunished , bring vpon vs ? who is shee that will worke for three pence a day , when she may haue at least twentie pence a day to fleepe an houre with a frier , monke , or priest ? and who will labour for foure pence a day , that may haue at least twelue pence a day to be bawde to one of these ? what a sort are there that marrie priests lemans but to cloake the priests incontinencie , and that they may liue of priests for their labour ? and who is he , though he be grieued neuer so sore for the death of his ancestor , rauishment of his wife or his daughter , robberie , trespasse , maime , debt or any other offence , dare lay it to their charge by any way of action ? if he do , then by and by he is accused of heresie , and except he beare a faggot they will excommunicate him , and then all his actions be dashed . notwithstanding , the statute to mortmayne , they doe daily get into their hands more lands : the kingdome of the bloud-suckers is like to preuaile aboue your kingdome ; for to them is giuen daily out of you kingdome , and that which is once giuen them , neuer commeth from them againe . what kingdome can indure , that ●uer giueth and receiueth nothing again ? all their colour for their gathering these things into their hands , is , that they pray for vs , to deliuer our soules out of purgatorie : without whose prayers , and especially the popes pardon , we could neuer be deliuered thence : but the truth is , there is no purgatorie , but it is a thing inuented by the couetousnesse of the spiritualtie . and if there were a purgatorie , if the pope can deliuer them there with money , he can deliuer them without ; and if hee can deliuer one , he can deliuer all , and so destroy purgatorie , and then is he a cruell tyrant , without all charitie , if he keepe them in prison and paine vntill men will giue him money . they will not let the new testament goe abroad in the mother tongue , lest their cloaked hypocrisie , and that their cruelty , vncleanenesse , and vnmercifulnesse be seeue , and that they seeke not christs honour but their own , that remission of sins are not giuen for the popes pardon , but for christ by true faith in him . and except your maiestie suffer their hypocrisie to be disclosed , the people will think you take away their liberty from them , to buy their soules out of purgatorie by giuing to the spiritualtie , as their predecessors haue done : therefore let their hypocrisie be vttered , and that shall be more speedfull in this matter , then all the lawes that possibly can be made . the author of this booke was fled to tindall , where he wrote this booke for feare of the cardinall : when the king had read this , he caused his wife to send for him home , he was brought to the king , and after he had communed with him , and was afraid to goe home , the king deliuered him his signet for a token , to deli●er to the cardinall , that he should not trouble him . the cardinall answered ; though this discharged him , yet he had no discharge for his wife , and sent for her , and had troubled her , if her●daughter had not béene sicke of the plague , of which sicknesse , the said fish within halfe a yeare after dyed , and she marryed one baynham , which after was martyred , as followeth in this story . to preuent the spreading abroad of this libell , there was a prohibition sent out ●y the bishop of london , for calling in this the new testament , and diuers other books translated into english : the names whereof , because they are many , i omit , and leaue you to the booke at large . king henry , about the twentith yeare of his raigne , made an oration vnto his commons , that though it had pleased god to send him a faire daughter of a noble woman , and of him begotten to our great comfort and ioy : yet it hath beene told vs by diuers great clarks , that neither she is our lawfull daughter , nor her mother our lawfull wife , but that we liue together abhominably in open adultery : and when our ambassadors were last in fraunce , motion was made that the duke of orleans should marry our said daughter : one of the chiefe councellors said , it were well done to know whether she be his lawfull daughter or no ; because hee begat her on his brothers wife , which is directly against gods law : thinke you my lords , that these words touch not my body and soule , and that it doth not daily and hourely trouble my conscience : i doubt not but euery one of you would seek remedy when the perill of your soule , and losse of your inheritance is laid vnto you . for this cause i haue asked councell of the greatest clarkes in christe●dome : and for this cause i haue sent for this legate , as a man indifferent to know the truth , and settle my conscience ; and if the queene be adiudged by the lawe to bee my lawfull wife , it would be the most acceptable thing in my life , both to cleere my conscience and for the good qualities which i know to bee in her , besides her noble parentage , as almost this twenty yéeres i haue tried , so that if i went to mary againe , & the mariage lawfull , i would choose her before all women , & if the marriage proue vnlawfull , i shall sorrow the departing from so good a lady , and louing a companion ▪ but much more lament that i haue so long liued in adultery , and haue no true heyre of my body to inherit this realme : therefore i require you to make our minde knowne to our subiects that they may pray for vs. the quéene hearing thereof , answered , it was a great maruell that they would make question of this now , after they had béene married twenty yeares , and no question in the meane time , and that all the learned at the time of the marriage did conclude it was lawfull , and that both their fathers , being so wise did not foresee it , if there had béene any such doubt , and the king my father sent to rome , and with great costs obtained a dispensation , that i beeing one brothers wife procar●ally knowne , might without scruple of conscience marry with the other brother lawfully , which licence vnder lead i haue yet to shewe , but i may thanke you my lord cardinall onely for this trouble , this is of malice , because i haue won●red at your high pride , and abhorred your voluptuous liuing , and little regarded your t●ranny , and for the malice you beare to my nephew the emperour because he would not make you pope by force : and the quéene appealed to the pope . the king to try out the matter sent first to the pope , then to most part of al● uniuers●ties , first the pope sent his two legats , wolsey and campeius to hear● and decide the case , they cited the king and quéene personally to appeare , or else by proctors ; at the day , the legats with their crosses , axes and pillers were set , the king was ready to heare the determination , requiring to haue an end , notwithstanding from month to month , they detracted the matter vntill august , the king not taking it well to bee so vsed , sent the dukes of northfolke and suffolke vnto the legats , requiring them to hasten an end and to deferre no longer , it is the manner of rome , about the beginning of august , during the dogge dayes , to haue a solemne vacation , in which neither schooles bee vsed , nor any terme kept . cardinall campeius pretending the order of rome , whereof he was a member , answered , hee neither could nor would goe against the ordinance thereof , and before october he would procéed no further in the cause : t●e dukes séeing their pretended excuses , and that by no wayes they would be intreated , burst out in open defiance , the duke of suffolke clapping his hands on the table , sware by the masse ▪ there neuer came legate or cardinall from rome to doe good in england , so in anger they departed from the cardinall : the king for quietnesse was content to tarry● vntill october , but before october came , campeius was called home by letters fr●m the pope , so the matter was left vndiscussed , the king seeing himselfe thus deluded , sent againe to pope clement , desiring to h●ue an answere of the cause , the pop● would take a pause , and after send him word . twelue uniuersities agreed in one consent , that the mariage was vnlawfull , and repugnant to the word of god , and that no man is able to dispence with it , but nothing was heard of from rome , wherefore the king assembling his parliament sent the lord chancellour with twelue of the vpper house , to noti●●e the determinations of the colleages as afore said , vnto the lower house : and the same year● the king sent out a proclamation for the abollishing of the pope and establishing of the kings supremacy , and hee brake off with the cardinall and caused him to be attainted in premu●ire , and to bee apprehended , and the clergy maintaining th● power legatiue of the cardinall , incurred the like premunire , wherefore the spirituall lords were called by processe into the kings bench to answere , but befor● the day of appearence they submitted themselues to the king , offered him an hundred thousand pounds to pardon them by act of parliament , and offered him the title of supreme head of the church of england , which they would neuer confesse be●ore , whereby the pope , by the prou●dence of god , lost his whole iuris●iction an● supremacy in england . patricke hamelton a scottish man , hee was of the kings bloud and family , beei●● of the most ancient and noble stocke and name in scotland , was of the uniuersity of marpurge in germany , he openly procéeding so intreated and iudged of matters of the church , with such praise as passed the expectation of his age , that he made the common people and learned to admire him : francis lambert in his preface d●●icatory maketh mention of him , then he tooke a companion with him , and ret●●ned home to scotland , he was not able to suffer the filthinesse and blindnesse of the countrey , he was accused of heresie , and after disputed constantty with the cardinall and his band : he confessed christ to be his onely aduocate , excluding the merits of saints , acknowledged frée ●ustification by the merits of christ , and denied purgatory : at last he was condemned , and the same day after dinner burned : the king being but a child by the testimonie of his bloud , hee left the verity o● of god , fixed in the hearts of many . william tindal in his apology against moore maketh mention of thomas hitten , a preacher at maidstone in kent , whom the bishops of canterbury and rochester kept long in prison , and tormented him with diuers torments , yet he continued constant , and at the las● they burned him at maidestone , for the constant testimony o● iesus christ , and of his frée grace and saluation . thomas bil●ey of the uniuer●itie of cambridge , a man of excellent constancy . cambridge taking roote in him , after long barrennes did begin to flourish . he conuerted many of his fellowes to the gospell : amongst whom was thomas arthur , and maister hugh latimer , who was crosse-kéeper of cambridge , bringing it on procession daies : at last he forsooke the uniuersitie , and went to diuers places preaching , associated with arthur : the authoritie of cardinall woolsey was then great , but his pride ●reater , which declared the vanity of his life , and of the liues of the bishops and clergy . bilney with others , maruelling at the incredible insolency of the clergy , which they could no longer suffer , they began to preach against this dignity , and against the pope . then the cardinall which did not greatly feare any power of kings , but onelie feared the gospell of christ to be preached , least it should detect their hypocrisie and deceits . whereupon he caused the said bilney and arthur to bee cast into prison , then they were brought before the cardinall and ● number of bishops into the charter-house of westminster : then the cardinall required of them , wherefore they had taught the people the opinions of luther , which are condemned , and whether he had not once made an oath , not to preach or defend any of luthers opinions , but to impugne the same . he said , he had made such an oath , but not lawfullie : after hee was sworne to make true answere , and not to reueale his examinations . it was laid against him that he preached , though preachers bee restrained now adaies : yet he had warranty by the word of god , where he said ; goe i●to all the world and preach the gospell . by which authority , euery man that hath the gift may preach , and the pope nor any other can make any law to the contrary , which he confessed . that he said , when crosses were set vp against walls in london , that men should not pisse there : when there were but few men did reuerence them , but when in euerie corner there was a crosse , of necessitie men pissed vppon the crosses : so that when there were but few lawes in the church , then men were afraid to offend them : after ward they made many lawes , whereof some are pecuniall , as they call them , and them they doe obserue ; those that are not pecuniall they call palea , and regard them not . to this or the like effect , he confessed he spake . if i should suffer persecution for the gospell , yet there are seuen thousand more that would preach the gospell as i doe now : therefore good people thinke not much if these tyrants put a man to death for preaching the gospell . this article he confessed . that euery christian man is a priest so offer vp sacrifice of prayer : and if they murmured against priesthood , they murmured against themselues : and that we should not pray to saints nor worship images . that he should preach at cambridge : that a bachelor of diuinity , or any other knowing the gospell , should be let from preaching by no man : and if any bishop did accurse them for so doing , their curses should returne to themselues . all these hee confessed . master luther did recant , and submit himselfe vnto the punishment and iudgement of the church : but these interrogatories were ministred vnto master bilney ; whether hee beléeued the assertions of luther impugned by the bishop of rochester were detestable : whether generall councells and constitutions where or ought to be obserued of all men euen for conscience , whether the popes keyes were no● profitable , or against gods word , whether the catholik● church may erre , or whether it may bee demonstrated or poynted out , or else whether it is a spirituall church knowne to god , whether images of saints ought to bee worshipped of all true christian● , whether a man may beléeue that there is not yet any iudgement giuen vppon the sou●es departed , whether a man may beléeue that our lady remained not alwayes a uirgine ? whether holy dayes and fasting dayes may without 〈◊〉 bee broken by any priuate man ? whether we are bound to be obedient to bishoppes and kings as vnto parents ? whether the church doo godly , in praying to saints ? whether all true christians bee priests , and haue the keyes of binding and loosing ? whether faith may bee without workes and charity ? whether it is more agreable vnto faith , that the people should pray in their owne tongue , or in a learned and vnknowne tongue ? whether children should be taught the lords prayer without the salutation of the uirgine ? whether beades be to be denied or no ? whether scriptures ought to bee translated into english or no ? whether organs and all maner of songs ought to bee in the churches ? whether a bishoppe haue any temporall power ? whether it bee a godly constitution that no man should preach in an others dioces without lycence of the bishop ? whether vowes of priuate men commeth of the spirit of god ? whether we should pray for the dead , or that there is a purgatory ? whether morall philosophy helpe the vnderstanding of the scriptures ? whether the popes pardons are to be ●eiected ? whether there may bee any morall ver●ues without the grac● of christ ? whether saluation and damnation come of necessity and nothing to bee in our owne wills ? whether images ought to be taken out of the churches ? whether preachers should exhort men to pilgrimage or to the worshipping of reliques ? hee in a maner confesseth them all . hee answereth that he did beléeue the assertions of luther , and that men were not bound to beléeue councells and constitutions , and st. augustine in his tim● marnailed , that we could liue in safety amongst so many snares of constitutions , when adam and eue could not obserue one . fourthly he sayd that the catholike church cannot erre in fayth , for it is the whole congregation of the elect knowne onely to god , otherwise no man could be assured of his owne or anothers saluation , for it is written , no man knoweth whether ●e be worthy of hatred or loue ▪ yet i may truely say of the generall councell , congregated by the holy ghost : behold here the catholike church , denominating the whole by the most worthy part : and hee affirmed by the scriptures , that the faithfull haue the i●dgment of their soules as soone as they die , and are in heauen , and that we are bound to obay magistrates as parents , and that the people should haue the lords prayer and the créed in their owne tongue , that their denotion might bee furthered by their vnderstanding of it , and might be more expert in their faith : i hau● heard many say , they neuer heard any speake of their resurrection , and by the knowledge thereof became more ready to goodnes , and fearefull to doe euill , and he would wish that the scripture were in our owne tong●e , for st. paule sath , hee would rather haue fiue words in a tongue that is knowne &c. that the church may be edified , and ch●isostome bad his hearers looke vpon bookes , that they may the better remember that which they had heard , and bead translated the gospell of st. iohn into english , and where it is obiected , it is daungerous for heres●e , hee said good pastors might easily helpe the matter by adding the interpretation of the hard places in the margent : touching pardons , he said it were better that they should bee restrain●d , then any longer to be vsed as they haue béene to the iniury of christs passion . further these things were deposed against him , that he should preach at ipswich , christ is our meadiator betwixt vs and the father , why then should wee séeke to any saint for remedy , and to make petition to saints is great iniury and blasphemie to christ : and that man is so imperfect of himselfe , that hee cannot merit by his owne deedes , that it was great iniury vnto our sauiour christ , to teach that to b● buried in saint francis coull , should remit foure parts of penance : what is then left to christ which taketh away the sinnes of the world : this i will iustifie to bee great blasphemie . and that it was great folly to go● in pilgrimage , and that preachers in times past haue been antichrists , and now it hath pleased god somewhat to shew their errors ; and that the myracles done in walsingham , canterbury , and ipswich were done by the diuell by the sufferance of god , to blind the people : and that the pope hath not the keyes that peter had , except hee follow peter in liuing , and that it was deposed against him , that hee was twice pulled out of the pulpit by the fryers in the dioces of norwich : and that hee ●xhorted the people to put away their gods of siluer and gold , and leaue offering vnto them , because it hath often béen knowne , that those things offered , haue after been giuen to whoores of the stewes : and that iewes and sarazens would haue bec●me christians long agoe , had it not bin for the idolatry of the christians , in offering candles , wax and mony to stockes and stones . in a dialogue betwixt him and fryer iohn brusierd , hee proueth thrée points : firs● , that there is but one mediator of god and men , which is christ : then our lady , s. peter , and other saints be no mediators ; and whatsoeuer wee aske the father in christs name we shall haue , and god saith not in any other name : therfore let vs aske in his name , least at the day of iudgement it be said to vs , hetherto haue you asked nothing in my name . to which the fry●r answered : i would maister bilney that you would search the first origen of the rogation daies , which were ordained by pope gregory , with fastings , prayers , and holy processions against the pestilence , by the infe●tion of the ayre , in which time of procession an image like our lady , painted by s. luke , went before them : about which image angels did sing regina coeli letare : to the which the pope ioined , ora pro nobis domine , &c. therefore beeing the angels did honour the image of the uirgine : and pope gregory with all the clergy did pray to her : it appeareth mani●estly we ought to pray to saints , that they may say like for vs , which the disciples said in the gospell , serue them , and send them away , because they cry after vs. secondly , he proueth the pope to be antichrist , in that he exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called god. for the pope imposeth but a small punishment vpon them that break any of the ●en commandements ; but he that shall violate the popes constitutions , he is guilty of death . what is this but the pope to sit and to raigne in the temple of god , that is , mans conscience as god , and the popish miracles are not of god , but illusions of satan ; who as the script●res witnes , haue been loosed this fiue hundred yeares ; as it is written , that satan should bee loosed after a thousand yeares ; and they are illusions , because they make them put th●ir faith in our lady and oth●r saints , and not in god alone . the third is , that no saint , though his suffering were neuer so great , and his life most pure , deserued any thing for vs with god , as you may sée by the answer of the wise uirgins , vnto the foolish uirgins , when they craued oyle of them : no say they , least peraduenture we haue not sufficient for our selues and you , get you rather to them that sell , and buy , where be then the merits of saints , whereby they may deserue for themselues and others . after he was brought againe before the bishops at the charter-house afore said ; where he was admonished to abiure and recant : who answered , he would stand to his conscience : but being many times sent for and perswaded , he did abiure : but god not willing to loose such a worthy instrument of his church raised him againe after his fall , as h●re followeth to be seene . these articles were obiected against geffrey lon , for which he was abiured . first for hauing and dispersing abroad bookes of luther , for affirming and beleeuing that faith onely iustifieth , and that men be not bo●nd to obserue the constitutions of the church ; that we should pray onely to god , not to saints : that pilgrimages are not profitable to mans soule : that we should not offer nor set vp lights to images : that no man is bound to keep the fasts of the church : that popes pardons profit not a man : and thomas garnet master of art. curat of all hallowes in hony lane , for hauing and distributing luthers bookes , and them of that sect : for affirming faith onely iustifieth : that pardons profit neither the dead nor liuing : that the constitutions of the church binde vs not : for calling bishops pharisies : that fasting daies are not to bee obserued : that euery man that is able may preach the word and no law to the contrarie : for thes● and such like he was abiured before cutbert bishop of london . but the aforesaid bilney , notwithstanding his recantation : hee abated not any part of his desire & study to preach , but was the more vehement against the bishops corrupt life : but whilst he was occupied in that godly enterprise , to allure all men to saluation , thomas moore , and richard nickes , the blind bishop of norwich , who was as blind in body as soule , they laid hands on him , and condemned him of heresie , and iudged him to the fire ; because he had preached since his abiuration , and because he taught saints should not be worshipped , nor called vpon as mediators . he would many times proue the paine of the fire by holding his finger neere the candle : but the night before he suffered martyrdome hee held his finger so long that he burnt off the first ioynt . hee was burned in lollards yit in norwich , with great ioy falling downe before the stake , and rising kist it , & bound himselfe with the chaine , confessing his faith , and animating the people to stand fast in the truth of gods word , and to suffer for it . sir thomas moore beeing chancellor of england ; when those , should burne bilney , required of him a letter of his hand , whereby they might ●ee discharged after his death : he said goe too fellowes burne him first , then come to me after for a bill of my hand . the story of the valiant martyr maister bayfield . this bayfield was a monk of bury , and for his religion he was 〈◊〉 in the prison of his house , and whipped with a gagge in his mouth , and then ●●ocked and continued in the same torments thrée quarters of a yeere ; and then hee was committed to doctor barnes to go● to cambridge with him : when he had been the●e a whole yeare , he tasted good learning so well that he neuer returned vnto his abbey againe , but went to london to maxwell and stacy , & they kept him secret a while , and conuayed him beyond sea. doctor barnes being in the fléete for gods word ; this bayfield mightily prospered in the knowledge of god , and was veneficiall to maister tindall , and frith , for he brought substance with him , and sould their works for them . and at last comming to london to m. smithes house in ●●cklers bury , he was betrayed and dogged to his book-●inders house in marke lane , & there taken & carried vnto lolards tower , & from thence taken & carried to the cole-house ; because one patmore parson of much-haddam in essex , then liuing in lolards tower , was confirmed in the doctrine of christ by him ; there hee was tyed by the neck , middle and legges , standing vp●ight by the walles , diuers times manacled to accuse others that had bought his bookes , but he accused none , but stood in his faith vnto the end : he was in the consistory of paules put to his tryall , whether he would abiure or no : he said he would dispute for his faith , and so did to their great shame . stokesley being their iudge with others , hee was condemned for bringing ouer and selling hereticall bookes , and because before time he was accused to the bishop of london for affirming certaine articles contrarie to the church : and especially that all land should be giuen to god , and not to saints or creatures ; and that euery priest might preach the word of god , by the authoritie of the gospell , and néed not to runne to the pope or cardinals for licence ; and that hee ab●ured , and hath since preached the like doctrines : when they asked him what he had to say , why he should not haue his iudgement ; hee said with a vehement spirit to the bishop of london , your liuing of the spiritualty is so euill , that you be hereticks , and you maintaine euill liuing , and let that true liuing may not be knowne : and that their liuing , neither their beleefe , is according to christs gospell : then the bishop read the sentence against him , and disgraded him ▪ hee knéeling vpon the highest step of the altar in paules ; he tooke the crosie● staffe , and smote him on the brest , that he threw him downe backwards and brake his head , and he sounded : and when he came to himselfe againe , he thanked god that he was deliuered from the malignant church of antichrist , and that he was come into the true church , and that he trusted anon to bee in heauen with iesus christ , and the triumphant church for euer : then he was led againe to newgate , & continued there in prayer an houre , and thence went to the fire ioifully , and was thrée quarters of an houre aliue in the fire , and when the left arm was burned , he rubbed it with his right hand , & it fell from his body , and he continued in prayer to the end without mouing . the history of m r iohn tewxbury cittizen and lether-dresser of london . in all points of religion , and the point of iustification , he disputed most openly in the bishops chappell , with such prompt and expert answers that tunstall and all his learned men were ashamed : this disputation continued a senight , then he was sent to my l. chancellor , sir thomas moore to chelsey , and there he lay in the porters lodge , hand , foote , and head in the stockes six daies . then he was carried to iesus tree in the garden , where he was whipped , and also twisted in his browes , with small ropes , that the bloud start out of his eyes , and yet would accuse no man. then he was racked in the tower , and there promised to retant at paules crosse. after he came to s. austens with a new testament in his hand , and stood vp before the people in a pew , and declared openly with teares that he had denied god , and prayed the people to forgiue him , and to beware of his weaknesse not to doe as he had done : for if i should not turne againe to this truth , hauing the new testament in his hand , he said , this booke gods word would damne mee body and soule , and he prayed euery body to doe as hee had done : for hee would not feele such a hell againe as he had done not for all the worlds good : and immediately hee was carried to the bishop of london ; and after he was burned in smithfield , and died a glorious martyr . in his disputations , the bishop proposed these articles out of the booke called the booke of the wicked mammon : and hee affirmed them . tewxbery , a man should doe good works for the loue of god onely , and for no hope of reward higher or lower in heauen , for if he should it were presumption , & being asked whether faith only iustifieth : he said if he should desire heauen by works hee were greatly to blame , for workes followe faith , and christ redéemed vs by his death : the diuell holdeth our hearts so hard that it is impossible for vs to consent to gods law : and that the law of god suffereth no merits , nor any man to bee iustified in the sight of god : and that the law of god commandeth things impossible ; and as the good tree bringeth forth good fruit : so there is no law to him that beleeueth and is iustified by faith , and all good workes must be done without respect of any profit thereby , for they deserue no reward of god , and that the diuel is not east out by the merits of fasting and prayer . item , we cannot loue god , except we sée first his loue and kindnes to vs : whilst we are vnder the law , wee sée nothing but ●inne and damnation , and the wrath of god , and cannot but hate him as a tyrant , and flée from him as cain , and that wée are damned by nature as a toade , and a serpent are so by nature . item , loue in christ putteth no difference betwixt one man and another . item , the sects of saints francis , saint dominick & others be damnable : then the bishop asked him whether he would renounce these heresies , and he prayed the bishop to reforme himselfe : then the bishop gaue him respite , and when hee came before him againe . first , he affirmed that christ & all his merits were his , and that he was knit to him so inseperably that he could not be damned , except christ were damned . he that séeketh by his almes more then to be mercifull , and to succor his brother● and neighbours need he is blind , and seeth not christs bloud , so god is honoured on all sides in that we count him righteous in all his lawes , and to worship him otherwise is idolatry : he concluded to them all , he found no fault throughout all the booke , but it is all good , and hath giuen him great light of conscience . the next sessions he was intised to recant ▪ but shortly after he was moued by the example of one that was burned in smithfield , and after did constantly abide in the testimonie of the truth , and suffered in smithfield . lastly for these articles he was condemned . that faith onely iustifieth which lacketh not charitie . that christ is a sufficient mediator for vs , therefore no prayer to be● made to saints . that christ is our sufficient purgatory ; and that there is no purgatory after this life . that the soules of the faithfull departing this life rest with christ. that a priest receiuing orders , receiueth more grace , if his faith be increased , or else not . lastly , hee beléeueth that the bloud and flesh of christ is not in the sacrament : wherevpon he was condemned and burnt as aforesaid . iohn randall . this iohn randall was of christs colledge in cambridge , and for the loue that he had to the scriptures , and sincere religion , hee was suspected and hated ; the yong man being studious and about one & twenty yéeres old was long lacking of his companions , and through the stench of his corps , his study door● being broken vp , he was found hanged with his owne girdle within the study , in such maner , that he had his face looking vpon the bible , and his finger pointing to a place of scripture : whereas predestination was intreated of , surely this matter lacked no singular policie , of some old naughty man , that it should seeme for feare of pred●stination , he was driuen to despaire , that it might keep their yong men from the study of the scriptures as a thing most perilous . in this yeare an old man in the county of buckingham , for eating of bacon in lent , was condemned to the fire and burned . edward frese . edward frese , a painter , was hired to paint certaine cloaths for the new inne in colchester , and in the vpper boarder of the cloaths , he wrote certaine sentences of the scripture : then some of the towne which had seene his worke , apprehended him , and brought him to london to the bishop , where he was cruelly imprisoned , with others of essex . one iohnson and his wife , and one willy , his wife , and his son , and one father bate of rowshedge , & they were fed with fine manchet , made of saw-dust , or the most part therof : the said frese being at the bishops at fullam , his wife being desirous to see him , came to the gate being big with childe , the porter kicked her on the belly , that on the same she died , and the childe died immediatly : after for writing against the wall , his hands were manacled , that the flesh of his armes were higher then the irons : and they kept him thrée daies without meat , when he should come to his answer , he could say nothing , but looked on the people like a wilde man , and if they asked him any question , he could say nothing , but my lord is a good man : an● when they had spent his body and wits , they sent him to bearsie-abby , but hee would not tarry there , but he neuer came to his wits againe , vntill his death : and his brother valentine frese was burned for the testimony of christ in yorke . also the wife of the aforesaid father bate , made a supplication to the king , and deliuered it vnto him , who appointed her to go to one m. seliard , of him she gat a letter to the bishop , she hoped some good should come to her husband , but some of her friends would néeds sée the contents of her letter , which was to this effect : look what you can gather against father bate , send me word , that i may certifie the kinges maiesty : but shortly after he gat out of prison in a darke night , and was caught no more . in this yeare fryer roy was burned in portugale , what his doctrine was , may easily be gathered by his testimony that he left here in england . the history of maister iames baynham , a lawyer . this maister baynham was accused to sir thomas moore , chancelor , & arested with a sergeant at armes , and carried out of the middle temple to his house at chelsey , & when he saw he could not preuaile with him , he whipped him at a trée in his garden , then racked him at the tower before himselfe , vntill they had almost lamed him , because he would not accuse gentlemen of the temple , nor tel where his bookes lay , and because his wife denied they were at his house , she was sent to the fléet , and his goods confiscate . when they had often vsed him vpon the tortures , then he sent him to the bishop of london , who cast him into lolards tower , vntill he had bin diuers times before him examined , and they were not able to resist him . he was both mighty in scriptures and arguments , that he was able to confound them with their owne arguments : so he condemned him , and the bishop sent one doctor symons to peruert him , and waite vpon him to the stake , & after much communication betweene the doctor & him , he prayed the sheriffes to deliuer him from satan , for he was content to confirme his faith with his blood . at the stake he lay down flat and prayed , then rising vp , he imbraced the stake : then he said , good people , i am come hither , accused and condemned for an hereticke : these be the articles i dye for . i say it is lawfull for euery man or woman to haue gods booke in their mother tongue . that the pope is antichrist , that he knoweth no other keyes of heau●n gate , but the preaching of the word , and that the●e is no other purgatory , then the purgatory of christs blood , and that the soules of the faithfull imediatly go to heauen , & r●st with christ for euermore . that thomas becket was no saint , but a traytor , and a shedder of innocent blood : th●n one m. pauey answered , thou liest thou heretick , thou deniest the blessed sacrament of the altar : he answered ; i do not deny the sacrament as it was instituted of christ , and vsed of his apostles , but i deny transubstantiation , and your idolatry to the bread , and that christ , god , and man should dwell in a piece of bread ; but that he is in heauen , sitting at the right hand of god : but it is an idoll as you vse it in the abhominable masse , making it a sacrifice propitiatory to the quicke and the dead , and robbing the church of one kind : then pauey bid , burne him hereticke : then he said , god forgiue thee , and shew thee more mercy then thou shewest me , and god forgiue sir thomas moore : and prayed the people to pray for him , and so praying died . the next weeke after , m. pauey went vp into a galery , where he had a roode before him and prayed , and bitterly wept , and his maid finding him so doing , he ●ad her take a rusty sword and make it cleane , and not trouble him , and immediatly hee tyed vp a rope and hung himselfe . there was an idoll named the rood of douer-court , many resort●d vnto it , for it was blowne abroad , that the power of it was so great , that none could shut th● church●doore where it stood , whereupon soure men came ten miles thither , and took the idoll from the shri●e , and a quarter of a 〈◊〉 from the place fired him , who burned so bright , that he lighted them homeward one mile . after , three of them were indicted of fellony , and hanged in chaines ; one at douer court , called n●cholas m●●sh , robert king in dedham , robert debnam , at cottaway : which three persons a● their death , did more edifie the people in godly learning , then all the sermons preached there a long time before : the fourth escaped : the same yeare many images were cast downe . the martirdome of iohn frith . when cardinall wolsey prepared to build a colledge in oxford , which now is called christs church , whence he was sent for to the king , being accused of certaine crimes : in the way by immoderate purgations he killed himselfe , and so left a most glorious péece of worke ; part but begun , part halfe ended , and but a smal part fully finished . he appointed to that colledge all such as were found to excell in any kind of learning : amongst whom this iohn frith was one , and william tindall , and tauernar of bostone , and iohn clark , and many others . these were accused of heresie by the cardinall , and impri●oned in a déep caue in t●e same colledge , where they were all infected through the stinke of fish : and iohn clarke , wi●h other good men , whose names are not kn●wne , died ; but frith escaped , and departed out of england for foure yeares , and returning home , sir thomas moore promised great rewards to them that could take him , and laid all the hauens for him . at length he was taken at reading for a uacabound , and being put in the stockes , hee sent for the schoolemaister , and began in the lattine tongue to bewaile his captiuity , the schoole-maister being ouercome with his eloquen●e , tooke pitty on him , and loue● his excellent wit : then they fell to the gréeke tongue , wherewith he so inflamed the loue of the schoole-maister , that he went to the magistrates and got him to be set at liberty without punishment : but after he was trayterously taken and sent to the tower , where he had many conflicts with the bishops , but especially in writing with sir thomas moore , who wrote against certaine writings of frithes , against the sacrament of the altar , which came to sir thomas moores hands , and frith hauing gotten a coppy of it , wrote against it . cranmer , archbishop , in his apology against the bishop of winchester , séemeth to haue collecte● friths reasons aboundantly . what articles were obiected vnto him , appeareth by a breefe commentary , written and sent to his friends out of prison , as followeth . first , the whole matter of the examination was two articles , to wit ; purgatory , and the substance of the sacrament . touching purgatory , they asked whether i beleeued that there was any place to purg● the spots of the dead after this life : i denied there was any , because the nature of man consisteth but of two parts , the body and mind : one christ purgeth in this world by laying afflictions vpon vs , and death the reward of sinne is laid vpon it , but our soules are purged with the word of god , which we drinke in through faith , to the saluation both of body and soule : if you will shew a third part of man , i will grant you a third place , which you call purgatory , otherwise i must deny vnto you the bishops shop of purgatory . secondly , it was required of me , whether the very body of christ were in the sacrament of the altar . i answered , it is both christs body & ours , for as of many corns is made one loafe , so we being diuers , are but one body in christ , therein it signifieth our body : so of the wine that is made of many clusters , one liquor . but the same bread againe , in that that it is broken , signifieth the body of christ , declaring his body to be broken and put to death for our redemption ; and in that it is distributed the fruit of his passion is signified : the communication whereof equally redounds to all christians . and againe , when it is receiued to be eaten , it is the signification of the bodie of christ , admonishing vs , that our inward man is refr●shed by the merits of christ , euen as the bread is receiued with our mouth , to the outward nourishment of the body . then said they , dost thou beléeue the very body of christ to be contained in th● sacrament really , without trope or figure ? he answered ; no surely , i doe not so thinke , and when by no meanes he could be perswaded to recant , hee was condemned to be burned . when he was tyed to the stake in smithfield , there it dot● significantly appeare with what constancy he suffered : he willingly embraced the fag●●ts & fire , the wind blowing away the fire to his fellow that was tyed at his back and b●rned with him , made his death the longer , but god gaue him such strength and patience , that as though he had felt no paine in that long torment : he séemed rather to reioyce for his fellow , then to be carefull for himselfe . the examination of andrevv hevvet , that was burned with iohn frith . he was a prentice in watling-stréete , to a taylor , when he was asked what he thought touching the sacrament of the last supper : he answered , euen as iohn frith doth : then one of the bishops said , dost thou not beléeue that it is really the body of christ , borne of the uirgin mary ? he said , that i do not beléeue why said the bishop ; he said christ commanded me not to giue rash credit to them which say , behold here is christ , and there is christ , for many false prophets shall rise vp , saith the lord. then stokly , bishop of london , said , frith is condemned for an heretick , and except thou reuoke thine opinion , thou shalt be burned with him : he said , he was content . the bishop vsed many perswasi●ns to alure him to recant , but could not , wherefore he was burned with frith as before . when they were at the stake , one doctor coke admonished all the people , that they should in no wise pray for them no more then they would for a dog , whereat frith smiling , desired the lord to forgiue him , and so departed . about this time high latimer was inhi●ited by the bishop of london to preach in his dioces , and yet after he preached in the precin●t of the fryers augustines of london . the lady anne of bullen , although she was not yet married to king henry , yet she was in great fauour , and daily she inclined the kings mind more & more against the papists , so that the same yeare the king and certaine of his lords came into the parliament house , and he complained of the cleargy , that they were but halfe his subiects , yea and scarse our subiects : for their oath to the pope at their consecration , is cleane contrary to that which they make to vs : and he deliu●r●d to the parliament the coppies of both their oaths . these oaths being thus receiued and ●pened to the people , were the occasion that the pope lost al his iurisdiction in england shortly after . the matter falling out more and more against the pope , sir thomas moore , a great maintainer of the pope , was driuen to resigne his chancelorship , ● deliuer vp the great seale into the kings hands . after whom , succéeded sir thomas audley , kéeper of the great seale , a great fauorer of christs religion . lady anne of bullen . within short time after , the king married the lady anne bullen , mother to quéene elizabeth , who was the secret ayder and comforter of al the professors of the gospell , and her almes shewed her life was accordingly , which was a hundred gownes wéekly , and other apparell yearely before she was married , both to men & women , she also gaue much priuate almes to the widdowes and poore ho●sholders continually , vntill she was apprehended . and she euer gaue thrée or foure pounds at a time to them , to buy them kine , and sent her sub-almner about to the townes where she lay , that the parisheners should make a b●ll of all the poore housholders in th●ir parish : and some parishes receiued . . or . pounds to buy kine withall : also , she maintained many l●arned men in cambridge , so did the earle of wiltshir● her father , and the lord roch her broth●r , and she brought them in fauour with ●ing henry . she caried alwaies about her a little purse , out of which she was wont daily to scatter abroad some almes to the needy , thinking no day well spent wherein none had fared the better for her . she kept her maids , and such as were about her , imployed in making shirts and smocks for the poore , but the lady dowager beeing deuorced , made the pope to curse the king , and interdict the realme : in the meane time queene anne bein● great with child , in the next yeare following was crowned with high solemnity at westminster , and not long after brought to ●ed at greenewich , of the faire lady , elizabeth : the lord maior of london and his brethren , with forty cheefe cittizens , were commanded to be present , with all the nobles and gentlemen : the kings palace , and all the wals to the fryers were hanged with arras , ●●d the friers church . the font war of siluer , and stood in the midst of the church , thrée steps high , which was couered with fine linnen , and diuers gentlemen with aprones and towels about their necks , gaue attendance about it : ouer the font hung a faire canopy of crimson sattin , fringed with gold. the holy maid of kent . certaine monkes put into the heads of many of the kings subiects , that they had r●uelation of god and his saints , that he was highly displeased with king henry , for the diuorcement of the lady katherine , and surmised that god had reuealed vnto a nun , called elizabeth barton , whom they called the holy maid of kent , that if the king did diuorce her , he should not be king of this realme one month after , and not one day nor houre in gods fauour . she would shew marueilous alteration of her visage and body , as if she had béene wrapt in a trance , and inspired of god. she spoke against sinne , and reprooued the gospell , which she called heresies , and spoke diuers things to the reproach of the king and quéene , and to the establishing of idolatry , pilgrimage , and derogation of gods glory . the archbishop ▪ the lord cromwell , and maister hugh latimer , with great labour found out her naughtinesse , and condemned her and put her to death , with certaine of her councell . vvilliam tracy esquire . a little before this time william tracy of todington in gloster-shire made his will , that he would haue no funerall pomp at his burying , nor masse ; and said that he trusted in god only , and hoped by him to be saued , and not by any saint . his executor brought the will to the bishop of canterbury that then was , to proue it ; which he shewed to the conuocation , and they iudged him to be taken vp and burned as an heretick , and sent a commisson to doctor parker chancelor of worcester , to execute their sentence , who accomplished the same . the king hearing thereof , sent for the chancelor , who laid the fault on the bishop ; yet it cost him three hundred pount er● he could haue a pardon . the storie of twenty foure burned at paris . in this year● were diuers writings set vp in paris , vpon the porches and gates , against the masse and other papisticall superstitions , whereupon many were apprehended and cast into prison : but twenty foure were executed in seuerall places of the citie of paris . the bearer of the popes curse and interdictment against king henrie and the realme , durst not come into the realme with it , but set it vp in dunkerk in flanders : the king hearing thereof , took great displeasure against the said princesse dowager , and so stomacked the matter , that the next yeare he called a parliament , and caused it to be prouided by sufficient acts , that the pope should be vtterly abol●sht , and himselfe to be establisht supreme head of the church : at which thing sir thomas moore & the bishop of rochester grudged , and would not consent vnto it , but openly resisted the same ; wherefore they were condemned of treason , and headed at tower-hill . likewise three charter-monks were hanged , drawne and quartred at tyburne , for speaking trayterous words against the kings maiestie . this yere the king set forth a proclamation for the abolishing of the vsurped power and iurisdiction of the bishop of rome , wherein is declared , that not onely the secular men granted him this iurisdiction , but all the spiritualty in the conuocation house , vnder their seales ; wherin also he signified , that he had addressed letters vn-the bishops of the diocesse , straitly commanding them that forthwith the sincere word of god should be preached euery sonday and holy-day vnto the people , and our stile and iurisdiction of supreme head appertayning onely to our crowne and dignity royall to be publisht , and that the popes vsurped name should be put out of all prayers , masses , or other books , except it be to his reproach . the life and storie of m. william tindall . first , he was schoolemaster to one master welch , and for translating certain religious books into english , and for arguing with a certain priest that often vsed to his masters house , and confounding diuers points of their religion by the word of god , he was pursued & glad to go out of the realme into germany , and there translated the bible into english , & compiled diuers other books , & s●nt them into england ; wherby the dore and light vnto the scriptures was daily more and more opened , which before was many years closed in darknesse : from thence he went to a●twarp , and had his abiding there , and was lodged about a yeare in the house of one thomas poynets an english man , which kept a house of english merchants : then came thither one henry philips , hauing a seruant waiting on him . m. tindall became acquainted with him , and had great confidence in him , and had him often to dinner and supper with him , and got him a lodging in m. poynets house . at length philips w●nt to the high court of bruxelles to betray m. tindall and procured to bring from thence with him the procurator generall , with oth●r officers , which was not done with small charges , from whom soeuer it came . after , philips returning , would haue m. tindall ▪ to dine with him : then hee desired m. tindall to lend him fortie shillings , which he did : he told philips he could not di●e with him , for he was bid forth to dinner , and he should goe with him . and going forth to d●nner , philips hauing appointed the officers in the way , he gaue them a signe that this was he they should apprehend : then they took him and brought him to the procurator generall ▪ who sent him to the cas●le of filford , and the procurator generall went to poynets house , and sent away all that was there of m. tindals . the said poynets and certain merchants went ouer into england , and got letters from the co●ncell for m. tindals deliuery ; vpon the deliuery wherof to the councel of bruxelles , m. tindall should haue bin deliuered vnto him : which when philips vnderstood , he accused poynets ●o be an heretick , and a receiuer of such , & caused him to be apprehended & kept . or . wéeks in prison ; but he escaped by night and got into england : but m. tindall was condemned ; and the same morning as he was had to the fire ▪ he deliuered a letter to the chiefe kéeper of the castle , which the kéeper himselfe brought to poynets house , who compared him to be fellow to the apostles being in prison , both for his conuersation and conuerting and preaching to the peo●le . m. tindall hearing by certaine merchants what wonderfull feats a iugler did , he desired th●m that he might be present also at supper to see him play his parts : accordingly the supper was appointed , and the merchants , with tindall , were there present . the iugler being desired to vtt●r his cunning , sh●wed all that he could do , but all was in vaine : at last , with his labour , sweating and toyle , he saw nothing would go forward , he confessed there was some man present at supper which dis●urbed his doings . for his letters that he wrote , i refer thée to the book at large if thou dispose to sée them . the lord cromwell , keeper of the kings priuie seale , uicegerent of all the kings iurisdiction eccl●siasticall , sent out certa●n iniunc●ions by the k●ngs authorit● , for the preaching th● word of god , for the b●tter publishing of the kings suprema●●● , against idols , & 〈◊〉 on pilgrimage ▪ & trus●ing in saints , and to abrogate diuers holy-daies ▪ and for reformation to be had in diuers oth●r ecclesiastical matters . in the begi●●g of this year the most noble and worthy lady queen anne of bullen , after she had liued q●●●ne three ●ears , was cast into the tower , together with her brother the lord rochford , and diuers others which shortly after were executed . the words of the queene at the time of her death . good christian people , i ame come hither to die ; i am iudged therto by the law , therefore i will not speake against it : i pray god preserue the king , for there was neuer a gentler prince , and to me he was euer a good soueraigne : and i r●quire euery one to iudge the best of my cause ; so ● take my leaue of the world , and of you all , desiring you to pra●●or me . then she kneeled down , and said , into thy hands i commend my soule , iesus receiue my soule , diuers times , vntill her head was striken off . fiue burned in scotland . seauen years after patrick hamelton aforesaid , there were fiue burned in edenborough the chief citie in scotland ; two were dominican friers , one priest , one cannon , and one gentleman , adiudged by the archbishop of s. andrewes , petrus chappe●anus , and the franciscan friers , whose labour is neuer wanting in such matters . the murther of robert packington . hee was a rich mercer dwelling in cheap side , and was one of the ●urgesses of the parliament for the citie of london , and had spoken against the couetousnesse and cruelty of the clergie ; wherefore he was had in contempt with them , therfore one doctor vincent deane of paules hired a stranger for sixtie crownes to kill him , which he did in this manner : this packington vsed by foure of the clocke euery morning , to go to a church neare cheap-side ; and in a mistie morning t●e hyred stranger shot him and killed him with a gunne as he crossed the street . this could not be knowne vntill the death of the deane : then he repented the fact at his death , and confessed it to his ghostly father . in this yeare the kings maiestie by his uicegerent the l. cromwell sent out againe certaine iniunctions vnto the spiritualty , for the reformation of religion , for the maintenance of reading the bible in english , and for taking downe of images , with such other like . the history of iohn lambert , alias nicolson . being beyond sea by reason of the persecution here , he returned , hoping the time had bin amended , by the means of quéen anne and cromwell , and the abolishing of the pope ; he became a schoolemaster : and being present at a sermon preached by doctor taylor , one that was a bishop in k. edwards time , and died in the tower in queen maries time , after the sermon hee vttered diuers arguments to the preachers , and desired to be resolued : taylor alledged businesse , and desired him to write his minde , which he did . the first was vpon , the cup is the new testament : and if these words doe not change neither the cup nor the wine into the new testament , by like reason the words spoken of the bread , should not turn it corporally into the body of christ. the second , it is not agreeable to a naturall body to be in ●wo or more places ot one time : therfore christ hauing a naturall bodie , cannot be in heauen on the right hand of his father , and in the sacrament . thirdly , a naturall body cannot be without his forme and conditions , as he cannot be without substance : i● the sacrament there is no forme and condition of the body of christ , no , not any appearance of flesh , therefore there is no transubstantiated body of his in the sa●rament : and on the contrary , the forme and condition that you see in the sacrament pertaineth to bread , which cannot be there without the subiect , therefore of necessity we must confesse bread to be there . taylor put vp the writing to thomas cranmer archbishop of canterbury ; so hee was forced to defend his cause openly in the court : the archbishop had not yet sanored the doctrine of the sacrament , which he afterward was an earnest teacher of lambert was faine to appeale from the bishop to the king. steuen gardiner bishop of winchester , as he was most cruell , so hee was most subtile , gaping to get occasion to hinder the gospell . hee priuily admonished the king , what great hatred he had gotten of al men for abolishing the bishop of romes authoritie , and for subuerting the monasteries , and for the di●orcement of queene katharine : and now the time serued , if he would take it , to remedie all these matters , and pacifie their minds that be offended ; if on this man lambert he would manifest how st●utly he would resist hereticks , whereby he shall discharge himselfe of all suspicion of being a fauourer of new sects ; whereupon the king appointed a day for argument before him : when the time was come , the bishop argued the foresaid points against lambert , which he answered most effectually ; but the king and the bishops would not suffer him to conclude his arguments . when the king minded to breake vp his counterfeit disputation , he said to lambert , what sayest thou now to the reasons and instructions of these learned men ? art thou satisfied ? wilt thou liue or die , thou hast yet free choyse ? lambert answered , i submit my selfe to the will of your maiestie : the king said submit thy selfe to the handes of god , not to mine ; then said lambert , i commit my soule to the handes of god , but my body i submit to your clemencie . then said the king , if you commit your selfe to my clemencie you must die : for i will not be a patr●n vn●o hereticks . then he bade cromwell reade the sentence of condemnation against h●m ; which he did , though he was the chiefe friend of the gospellers : this was by the po●icie of cranmer , that if cromwell should haue refused to do it , he might incurre the like danger . and in the sentence was contained a decrée , that the same should be set vpon the church porches , and be read foure times euery yeare in euery church throughout the realm● , whereby the worshipping of the bread should be the more fixed in the hearts of the people . the answers of iohn lambert to diuers articles administred to him . vvhere you aske me of frée-will , whether a man haue frée-will that he may deserue ioy or paine : we deserue nothing by doing the commandements of god , as it appeareth by the parable of the master , which when his seruant is come from worke will make him waite on him vntill he hath eaten , and after giue him leaue to eate , and yet thanketh him not , because he hath done but his duetie : so should you say you are vnprofitable seruants when you haue done that which you were bound to doe ; therefore when we haue done well , we should not magnifie our owne free-will , but his grace by which we did it . and though ●race be promised in many places to the kéepers of gods precepts , yet such reward shall neu●r be attained of vs , but by the grace and benefit of him which worketh all things in all creatures . we should not doe works for loue of reward , nor for dread of paine , but because they doe please god : and if we only ayme at the contenting of his pleasure , reward vndoubtedly would insue good déeds , as heat inseparably followeth fire . thus wee should serue god for loue , as children , and not for reward and dread as seruants . we haue no frée-will nor abilitie of our selues to doe the will of god , but as esay saith , we are subiect and thrald vnto sinne : and paule saith , by the grace of god we are set at libertie . touching eare● co●●ession ; it was not ordained of god b●t of man : in the booke called historia tripa●tita , you shall find how it was first instituted , and after vndone againe , because of a huge vil●anie committed by a minister vpon a woman , through con●ession . and touching their power to forgiue sinnes ; i say onely christ looseth a sinner which is contrite , by his promise , and the priest can but declare the promise : neither doth the declaring of the promise by the priest benefit any one , vn●esse he be loosed from his sinne , by credence in the promise ministred . and chrysostome in his booke , in opere imperfecto , affirmeth that the keyes of heauen are the doctrine of the word of god. ministers doe binde and loose after a sort , as christ told paule , thou shalt open their eyes that they may be conuerted from darknes vnto light . here paule is said to open the eyes of mens hear●s , yet to speake properly , it is god that doth it : therefore dauid prayeth ▪ reuela oculos meos : and it is said of iohn baptist , that he should turn the harts of the fathers vnto the children , and the vnbeleeuers vnto the wisdom of the wise , although to turne mens hearts only belongeth to god ; but so we vse to speake metonomi●● . touching inioyning of penance ; i know none that men need to admit , neither ought you to ini●yne any , except casting away the old vice , and taking the new vertue , which euery ●rue penitent intendeth , or ought to intend . touching the question , whether grace be giuen only by the sacraments ; god sendeth his grace where it pleaseth him , either with them or without them , and when he pleaseth : and many lewd persons receiue the sacraments that are destitute of grace , to their confusion ; yet in due receit of the sacraments god giueth grace . where you aske , whether all things necessary to saluation are in scripture ; s. chrysostome saith he would haue a true preacher of gods law not to swerue therefrom , neither on the right hand nor the left : for hee that should thereunto adde or withdraw , should enterprise to be wiser then god. and saint cyprian in his epistle ad cicilium fratrem , teacheth how we ought to heare christ only , not regarding traditions of men , like as he doth in diuers other places . and this agreeth well with scripture , which is called the word of saluation , the administration of righteousnesse , the word of truth , the rodde of direction , our spirituall food , the spirituall sword that we ought to fight withall against all temptations and assaults of our glostly enemies , the seed of god , the kingdome of heauen , the keyes of the same , the power of god , the light of the world , the law of god , his wisedome and testament : euery one of which wordes will giue sufficient matter of argument , that following the same doctrine only shal haue sufficient safe-conduct to come vnto the inheritance promised , though no other way or mea●s were ann●xed vnto the same . in the hundred and eightéene psalme , dauid saith , the word of god is true and his way verity ; euery man is vanity and lying : and christ saith , euery one that heareth my words and doth them , is like one that buildeth his house vpon a sure foundation ; and that there is none other foundation by s. paule : and he would haue vs follow one doctrine of christ to a vnitie of faith , that we may bee perfect men ; not carried about with euery winde of doctrine , brought vp by the slights and wilines of men that ●tudie to deceiue vs. touching the question , that there are many things to be beléeued vpon paine of saluation , that are not in the scripture : i say lawes ordained for the ciuill regiment of the body , and all other lawes , so they be not hurtfull to faith or charitie , but help to the same , we ought to keep them not onely for feare of punishment , but for conscience sake , although such ordinance be not expressely in the scripture ; but i say there is nothing that is not expressely in the scriptures , that is to bee beleeued vpon necessitie of saluation . touching your question of purgatory , and whether soules departed be there in torment and purged : i say there is a purgatory in this world , which is the fire of tribulations , through which all christians shall passe , as s. paul saith : all that liue godly in christ shall suffer persecution : in this purgatory i doe reckon my selfe now to stand , god send me well to perseuere vnto his honour . other purgatory doe i know none , neither can any be proued by any place of scripture : and s. august : de ebrietate , saith , let no man deceiue himselfe ; for there be two places , the third is not knowne : he that with christ hath not deserued to raigne , shall perish with the diuell , and in his booke de vanitate seculi , he saith , know you that when the soule is departed from the body , it is incontinent for the good deeds put into paradice , and else throwne headlong into the dungeon of hell for the sinnes ; and to this all scripture agreeth . touching your question , whether martirs , apostles , and confessors departed , ought to be honored and prayed vnto . saint augustine in his booke de vera religione , would haue that we should worship no men departed , be they neuer so good and holy , no nor yet an angell , nor to honour them , but onely in imitating their good liuing as they followed god , not building churches to them ; no , the angels would not haue vs builde churches to them , but would with them we should honour the maker of all things . they refuse all honour , sauing honor charitatis , which loue wee should expresse , in helping the poore and helplesse : and the scripture teacheth , that there is but one mediator , and we are exhorted in all places of scripture to call vpon god in néed , but in no place to call vpon any saint . touching your demaund , whether oblations and pilgrimages , may deuoutlie and meritoriously be done vnto the sepulchers and reliques of saints . moses when he died , would be buried where no man should know which was his graue : & it was , because the iewes , which were prone to new fangled worshipping , should not fall into idolatr● , worshipping him as god , for the great and many miracles that were wrought by him when he was aliue . it is no point of my beleefe , to thinke that oblations & pilgrimages at saints graues and reliques , are meritorious workes , neither is there any deuotion at all in doing of them . touching fasting daies and time i say they are good for diuers respects , but it is no deadly sinne to breake them , for they are but the traditions of men . touching your question whether images ought not to be in the churches for a remembrance of christ , and his saints . i know no images made with hands that ought to be worshipped ; for the psalme saith , confusion be vnto all such as worship carued images and glory in pictures . and s. augustine in his book de vera religione , let vs not be bound to worship the workes of men , for the workemen are more excellent then the things that they make ; whom notwithstanding we ought not to worship : and if christs doctrine were so opened , that people might vnderstand it , as prelates chiefely ought to doe by teaching , we should haue no need of images , for nothing is so effectuall to excite the remembrance of disciples , as the liuely voice of good teachers . touching your demands , whether men forbidden to preach as suspected of heresi● ought to cease from preaching , christ and his apostles were counted heretickes , and the apostles were forbidden oftentimes of the high priest and others to preach any more , and were imprisoned and scourged for it , yet they would not leaue preaching , but told them to their faces they must obey god which bad them preach , rather then men which forbad them ; yea , the angel deliuering them out of prison , bad them go preach againe . this is for our instruction , doubt not , for such practice is shewed in all ages , so you may sée when men bée wrongfully infamed of heresie , and so prohibited by bishops to preach the word of god : they ought not to stop for any mans commandement . touching your question of hauing the bible in english , in england . in my opinion , i say it was not well done to inhibit it : and worse , that the bishops haue not sithence amended it if they could , that the people might haue it to vse vertuously . and i will adde one reason , the scripture is the food and sustinance of mans soule , as it appeareth by many places of the scripture , as other meate is the foode of the body : then if he be an vnkind father that kéepeth away the bodily meate the space of a wéeke or a month from his children , it should seeme that our bishops be no gentle pastors or fathers , that kéep away the food of mens souls from them , both months , yeares , and ages , especially when others offer the same . touching you question , whether faith onely iustifieth . i answer with s. augustine , good works make not a man iustified , or right wise : but a man once iustified , doth good works . these articles being directed to the archbishop of canterburie , which was not cranmer but doctor warham : whereby it may be gathered , that this godly learned man was long before he disputed before the king , or was condemned to death : vpon the day that was appointed for him to suffer , this holy martyre of god was brought out of prison vnto the house of the lord cromwell , and carried into his inward chamber , where it is reported cromwell asked him forgiuenesse for what he had done . and being admonished of his houre of death , he was greatly comforted ; and comming into the hall , he saluted the gentlemen and sate down to breakfast , shewing no manner of sadnes or feare ; after breakfast he was carried to the place of execution , where he should offer himselfe a sacrifice of sweet sauour vnto the lord , who is blessed in his saints for euer and euer . amen . the storie of one collins . one collins a gentleman was burnt at london , for that being besides his wits , by chance he came into a church where a priest was saying masse , and was come to the holding vp and shewing the sacrament , collins in like manner took vp a little dogge , holding it ouer his head , shewing him vnto the people ; wherefore hee was condemned and burned , and the dogge with him . leyton and pvttedve . leyton was a monke of aye in suffolke , and was burned at norwich , for speaking against a certaine idoll , which they of aye were wont to carry about in processions , and for affirming both kindes in the sacrament : and puttedue comming into a church merily taunted the priest , that after he had drunke vp all the wine alone , he blessed the hungry people with the empty chalice : wherefore hee was condemned and burned . cowbridge . this cowbridge came of a good stocke , his auncestors euen from wickliffes time hetherto , had been alwaies fauourers of the gospell , and addicted to the setting sorth thereof in english : hee was borne in colchester ; his father was head bayly thereof ; hee was burned at oxenford , for affirming that euery poore priest , being neuer so poore and needy , being of a good con●ersation , hath as great power and authoritie in the church of god , and ministration of the sacraments as the pope or any other bishops : they almoststerued him whilst hee was in prison in bocardo : and a little before his examination they promised him meate , if at his execution he would say such things as they would minister vnto him , which he promised to do : whereupon he was well cherished , and recouered some part of his sense . when he was come to execution , contrary to their expectation , often times calling vpon the name of the lord iesu● , with great quietnesse and méeknesse he yéelded his spirit into the han●s of the lord. this yeare one peter a germaine , and another with him , constantly indured death by the fire at colchester , for the lords supper . fryer forrest hanged for papistry . he was an obseruant fryer , and had secretly in confessi●ns declared to certaine of the kings subiects in confessions : that the king was not supreame head of the church , and being examined how he could say the king was not supreme head , being sworne to the contrary : he answered ; he took his oath with his outward man , and his inward man neuer consented thereto : he was further accused of diuers damnable articles & conuicted , after he was hanged in smithf●eld aliue in chaines , by the arme-holes and middle , and fire made vnder him , and so he was consumed to death . there was a scaffold prepared for the priuy cauncell and the nobles to sit on , to graunt him pardon if he repented : there was also a pulpit , where m●ster hugh latimer bishop of worcester declared his errours , and con●uted them by scripture , with many exhortations to repent ; but he would neither heare nor speak . a little before the execution , a great image was brought out of wales to the gallows , which was called daruell gatheren , whom the welch-men much worshipped , and had a prophesie amongst them , that this image should set a whole forest on fire ; which took effect : for he set this forest on fire , & consumed him to nothing . when the frier saw the fire comming vnto him , he took hold on the ladder , and would not let it goe , but died so vnpatiently as neuer did any that put his trust in god. certaine iniunctions giuen out in the thirtieth yeare of king henries raigne . against printing and bringing from beyond sea any books , and offering to sell them without acquainting the king , or some of his councell first , vpon paine of forfeyting their goods and chattels , and their bodies to be imprisoned at the kings pleasure . that there shall none argue about the sacrament of the altar , vpon paine of death and loosing their goods , except it be the learned in diuinity , in their schooles and appoy●ted places for such matters . and that holy bread , holy water , and procession , creeping to the crosse , setting vp of lights before the corpus christi , bearing of candles on candlemas day , puri●●cation of women deliuered with childe , off●ring of chrisomes , kéeping of the foure offering dayes , paying their tithes , these to be obserued vntill the king doe abrogate any of them . married priests to be counted laymen , and loose their spirituall promotion . that all cleargy men , should diligently in their cures , preach , and teach the people the glory of god , and the truth of his word , declaring the difference betwixt the things that god commands , and the rightes and ceremonies then vsed , least the people thereby grow into further superstition . and that thomas becket was a tray●or and not a saint , & his images to be plucked downe in euery place , and his holy dayes not to bee kept , and that the anthiphens , collects and prayers to him be not read , but raced out of the bookes . launcelot , iohn a painter , gyles germaine . iohn painter and gyles germaine were accused of heresie , and whilst they were 〈◊〉 examination at london before the bishoppe and other iudges , by chance there came one of the kings guarde one launcelot , a tall man and of as goodly a mind , hee standing by , séemed by his gesture to fauour the cause and the poore men , whereuppon he was appr●hended , examined , and condemned with them , and the next day at ●●ue of the clocke in the morning was burned in st. giles in the fields . sir iohn bortrucke , a scotish knight , his confutation , of certaine arcicles vpon which hee was condemned by the cardinall and most of the nobles and chiefe of scotland . first touching the popes supremacy , these holy ones magnisse their lord as common the●ues pre●erre their captaines , calling them euery where most honest men , for it is euident that none in the whole world is giuen to more ryot , no● séeketh more gréedily to all kind of delicates and wantonnesse , and aboundeth with al vices : as treason , murther , rapine , and all kind of such euills as he. and where they affirme him to bee christ uicar on earth , it shall appeare , that he cannot exercise more power then other bishops : for whereas they say peter had power ouer the apost●es , and consequently ouer the whole church , the which power succéeds to the bishop of rome , but by the scriptures wee may easily sée how 〈◊〉 they lie in the councell : in the . of the acts peter heard them speake thei● minds , receaued their iudgment , and followed their decree , is this to haue pow●r ouer others , and in his first epistle , writting to the bishops and pas●ors : he saith , ● beséech the bishops and pastors which are amongst you , for so much as i my selfe 〈◊〉 also a bishop and witnesse of the afflitions of christ & partaker of the glory which shall be reuealed , that they diligently feed the flocke committed vnto them : why then doe they challenge the authority of s. peter which he neuer acknowledged in himselfe ? i doubt not but it peter were here he would rebuke their madnes , as moses did iosua which was so zealous towards him . and in the eight of the acts he is commanded by his fellowes , to goe with iohn to samaria , he refused not so to doe : and being the apostles send him , they declare that they doe not ●ount him as their superiour ; and by his obedience he confesseth a fellowship with them , but no emperour ouer them . but the epistle to the galathians putteth vs sufficiently out of all doubt , whereas s. paul proueth himselfe to bee equall with him , and how when peter did not faithfully execute his office , hee was by him rebuked , and not obedient to his correction , all doth euidently proue , that there was equality betwixt paul & peter , and also that he had no mor● power euer the residue of the apostles then ouer him , the which paul doth purposely intreat of , least any should prefer peter or iohn before him : wherefore i cann●t acknowledge peter head of the apostles , nor the pope ouer other bishops , but i acknowledge christ the onely head of the church ; and i say with s. gregory , that whosoeuer calleth himselfe an vniuersall bishop , he is the fore-rider of antichrist . and whereas they alledge the high priesthood of the old law , i say the right of that high priesthood is onely transported vnto christ , for this priest-hood doth not onely consist in learning but in the propitiation and mercy of god , which christ hath fulfilled by his death , & in the intercession by the which he doth now intreat for vs vnto his father . whereas they alledge out of the . chapter of mathew , thou art peter , and vpon this rock , &c. if they do thinke that this was particularly spoken vnto peter , s. cyprian and s. augustine shall sufficiently answer them , that christ did it not to preferre one man aboue the residue , but that he might set forth the vnity of the church , hee saith : if this were spoken onely vnto peter , the church hath not the keyes , and if the church haue them , then peter when he receiued the keyes did figurate the whole church . touching their arguments , that these words were spoken to none but peter , this will easily be dissolued , if we know why christ gaue this name peter to him , whose name was simon , hauing respect onely to the constant profession which hee made of christ , as god changed the name of abraham from abram , which tooke the name of the multitude , which should come forth of his seede : so peter took his name of the constant confession of christ , which indeede is the true rocks vpon which the church is builded , and not peter , no otherwise then abraham was not the multitude himselfe , whereof he tooke his name : and the church if it had béene builded vpon peter , should haue béene builded but vpon a weake foundation , who was ouercome with the words of a litle wench , so constantly to deny christ , so any man may vnderstand how these romish builders doe wrest the scriptures to their pleasures . and when they alledge out of the . chapter of s. iohn , feed my sheep , it is a childish argument , for to feed shéep , is not to beare dominion ouer the whole church : and peter exhorts all byshops , to feed their flocks ; therefore there was no authority giuen vnto peter more then to others , or that peter did equally communicate the authority which he had receiued vnto others , and did not reserue it to himselfe , to be transported to the bishops of rome . touching pardons or indulgences : they say , that the merits of chirst , and of the saints , apostles and martyrs , which they impudently affirme to haue merited more at gods hands , then was néedfull for themselues , and there did so much superabound , that might redound vnto the helpe of others : and they affirme , that their blood was mixed with the blood of christ , and the treasure of the church was compounded of them both , for the remission of sinnes , and that the kéeping of this treasure is wholy committed to the pope , and in his power consisteth the dispensation thereof , and that he himselfe may bestow these treasures , and giue power to others so to do . hereupon riseth the pleanary indulgences and pardons , granted by the pope , for as many yeares as he will by cardinals for . daies , they haue such power , and bishops but for forty daies , and no body but satan taught this doctrin , who would vtterly extinguish the merits of christ , which he knoweth to be the only remedy of saluation . christ in the . of luke saith ; when you haue done all that you are cōmanded , count your selues but improfitable seruants . and the . of esay . all the merits of mans righteousnesse is compared to menstruous cloth : by the scripture the corruption of our nature is so manifest , that in our most perfect workes there lacketh not imperfection . the parable of the ten uirgines in the twentie fiue of mathew , putteth this out of all controuersie , where the wise virgins said , they had not sufficient oyle for themselues and others . this they ground vpon the epistle of s. paul to the collossians , i fulfill the afflictions of christ which were wanting in my flesh , for his body which is the church : but paul referreth to those afflictions wherewith the members are and shall be afflicted , so long as they liue in this world , euen as christ was afflicted : and wheras s. iames addeth this word , for the church : he doth not meane for the redemption of it , but for the edifying of the same , as in the . to timothy , he saith ; he suffereth for the elect sake , for by his constancy and stedfastnes in troubles , he sheweth he contemneth this life , in hope of a better life : whereby he doth confirme and establish the faith of the church for great fruit , by the afflictions and martirdome of the faithfull , ariseth to the glory of god , in that they subscribe and beare witnesse vnto the truth by their blood , and being the popes pardons are nothing else then such as he faineth , he is a manifest deceiuer , and a simonist in selling such marchandise as can in no place help . touching the marriage of priests , it is against the word of god , & against iustice to forbid priests to marry in the . to the hebrewes , the band of marriage is vndefiled and honorable amongst all men : and in the . cor. . chap. for auoiding of whoredome , let euery men haue his owne wife : and in that they say , this is meant of others , and not of ministers : that is disproued by the . tim. . chapt. bishops and deacons ought to be the husbands of one wife . and what can be more spoken against them herein , then in the fourth chapter of the said epistle ; in the latter daies shall come deceiuers , and wicked spirits , which shall forbid to marry ; they excuse themselues , that this was fulfilled in the hereticks cald tatians , which did condemne matrimony , but we do onely forbid church-men to marry , but this , notwithstanding this prophesie of the holy ghost , redoundeth vpon them . they interpret s. pauls saying , that a bishop shall haue but one wife : that a bishop ought not to bee chosen that hath married the second wife ; but this interpretation appeareth to be false : in that he presently declareth what manner of women bishops wiues ought to be . s. paul reckoneth matrimony amongst the principall vertues of a priest , and these men call it in the canons , the poluting of the fl●sh : god instituted matrimony , christ sanctified it with his presence , and the turning water into wine , and would haue it the image of his loue to the church . they aleadge the leuiticall priests , which as often as they came to minister , were bound to be apart from their wiues , & being our sacraments be more excellent then theirs , and daily vsed , it would be very vncomely that they should be handled by married men . the priests of the old law were forbidden all outward vncleannesse of the fl●sh when they ministred , to signifie the holines of christ whom they did prefigure , but our holines cons●steth of the inward cleannesse of the spirit : and s. paul is witnesse , that the apostles did both keep their wiues , & carry them about with them . touching that he should say that the scottish nation and their cleargy be altogether blinded , no man will deny that people to be blind that neither heare christ nor his apostles , such is the people of scotland , in that they cal the pope supreme head of the church , whith belongeth onely to christ , and contrary to the word , they forbid priests to marry in the tenth of iohn , christ is the doore , they affirme they must enter by the uirgine mary and s. peter , christ would haue vs worship him in spirit and truth : the scots build temples and chappels for idols , in which they commit fornication : in the tenth to the hebrews , christ , by one sacrifice , hath made those perfect for euer which are sanctified : and to this effect christ said on the crosse , it is finished , shewing that by his death all sacrifices for sinne ended ; yet the scottish church-men daily offer christ for sins , both of them aliue , and them that be dead : god commaundeth not to worship any grauen images , the scots fall flat to them , and offer them : incense . paul teacheth , that christ is our wisdome , righteousnes , satisfaction , and redemption : the scots prefer the traditions of men before the law of god , they stablish righteousnes in their own works , and sanctification in holy water , and other outward things , and redemption in péeces of lead , which they buy of their great antichrist . touching the possessions temporall , and iurisdiction in temporalities , in the . chapter of numbers , god said to aaron , thou shalt haue no portion amongst thē , i am thy portion and heritage , thou and the leuits shall haue all the tithes of israell for their ministry ; but what heritage is pr●uided for them i doe not say but they may possesse , but all temporall iurisdiction should be taken from them : when twice there rose a contention , which of christs disciples should be greatest : he told them they should not haue dominion one ouer another , like the kings of the nations , & christ in the . of luke , answered him that desired him to deuide his brothers inheritance vnto him , who made me a iudge . and in the . of iohn , he refused to giue iudgement vpon the adulteresse : whereby it appeareth , christ reiected the office of a iudge , as a thing not agréeable to his office . when moses tooke vpon him the ciuill gouernment and the priest-hood , he was commaunded to resigne the priest-hood to aaron , for it was against nature one man should suffice both charges , and as long as the face of the true church did continue , no priest did vsurpe the right of the sword . s. ambrose saith , emperors rather desired the office of priest-hood , then priests any empire , then sumptuous palaces belonged to emperors , and churches to priests . and s. barnard saith , peter could not giue that which he had not , but he gaue to his successors that which he had , carefulnesse ouer the congregation , for this cause the kingdom of heauen is giuen vnto you , why do you inuade other mens bounds ? they were ignorant of all iudgement that did fat with their possessions these belly-beasts , all they which do indow such filthy sinkes with their reuenues , they follow the steps of iezabell , for what do they daily but bleat and bow before their images , burning incense , aud falling flat before the altars , as the prophets of baall did , and if daniell and elias were hereticks , when they would destroy the priests of baall , so am i : we do but desire , that their riches wickedly bestowed vpon them , might be taken from them , but elias was more rigorous , for he cast the prophets of baall into the brooke kidron . the pope cannot make lawes according to his owne mind and will , and say they are spirituall , and pertaine to the soule , and are necessary to eternall life : for the word of god giueth them no such authority , in the . of iosua , thou shalt not swarue from my law to the right hand , nor to the left : and in the . of deuteronomy , thou shalt neither adde to , nor take from my commaundements : therefore in the second of malachy ; the priest shall maintaine wisdome , and the law shal they require at his hands . and where he speaketh of hearing them , he putteth this condition , that they answere according to the law of the lord , then these are couenant-breakers , that binde the consciences of men with new lawes : and in the . of ezekiell , thou shalt heare the word out of my mouth , and declare it vnto my people , so he could not speake any thing of himselfe , and god by ieremie , calleth it chaffe , whatsoeuer doth not procéede from himselfe : the prophets speake nothing but the words of god , therefore they so often vsed these wordes ; the word of the lord , the burden of the lord , the vision of the lord , thus saith the lord : the apostles must not teach their owne deuises , but that which god commaunded them . paul in the second to the collosians , denieth he hath any dominion ouer their faith , though their apostle . and in the ●●nth to the romains , faith commeth by hearing the word of god , and not by hearing the dreames of the pope : & christ himselfe saith for our example , my doctrin is not mine , but his that sent me ; to teach ministers what to do : the power of the church is not such , that it may teach new doctrines , frame new articles of faith , and new lawes , but is subiect to the word of the lord included in the same . they defended their constitutions by these reasons , if it were lawfull to the apostles to make a decree besides the commaundement of christ , that the people should abstain frō things offered to idols & blood , it is lawful for their successors as oft as néede requireth to do the same : but the apostles made no new decree , but to warne them how to rule themselues amongst their brethren , least they should abuse their liberty to the offence of others : and contrary , peter in the same councel pronounceth god to be tempted , if any yoake be laid vpon the necke of the disciples : and s. iames saith , the gentiles that are conuerted vnto god , are not to be troubled with externe decrées , and outward elements . and by the . of mathew , the scribes and pharises sit in moses chaire , whatsoeuer they command to obserue , keep ; but do not after their doings . christ taught his disciples , that he saw nothing in the doing of the scribes and pharises to be followed , yet they should not refuse to do those things which they did teach by the word , but not what they taught of their owne head . being accused for hauing the new testament , and other books of heresie , he called them blasphemers and romish swine , and their stomacks rankered , and tongues most venomous , which durst note the new testament of heresie , as they were the greatest murderers that murdered christ , so these men filled the measure of all other heretickes and blasphemies : how shall these serpents and s●●cke of uipers escape the iudgement of eternall fire . and being accused that he was so obstinate , that none of his friends could perswade him : he said he knew not why he should call them friends , which so greatly laboured to conuert him , nor will more estéeme of them then of the madianits , which called the children of israell to do sacrifices to their idols . then they condemned him for an hereticke , and his goods to be forfeited , and because they could not appr●hend him , they made a picture of him and burned it , & cursed euery one that should shew any intertainment , fauour , or helpe towards him , and their goods likewise to be confiscated . the sixe articles agreed vpon in the parliament-house . the blessed sacrament of the altar , by the efficacy of christs words being spoken by the priest , is present really vnder the forme of bread and wine , the naturall body and blood of christ , conceiued of the uirgine mary , and that there remaineth no substance of bread and wine , but onely the substance of christ , god , and man. secondly , that the communion in both kinds are not necessary , ad salutem vnto all persons : and it is to be beléeued , that in the flesh , vnder forme of bread , is the very blood ; and with the blood , vnder forme of wine , is the very flesh , aswell apart as both together . that priests after orders , may not marry by the law of god. that vowes of chastity or widdowhood , by man or woman made to god , aduisedly ought to bee obserued by the law of god , and that it exempteth them from other liberties of christian people which without that they might enioy . that it is méete that priuate masses be continued , as whereby good people ordering themselues accordingly , doe receiue both godly and goodly consolations and benefits , and it is agréeable to gods law. that auriculer confession is necessary to be retained and vsed in the church of god. then they caused it to be enacted , that if any the kings subiects , after the . of iuly next comming , by word , writing , or any otherwise , preach , argue , or h●ld any opinion against the reall presence as aforesaid , or against the sacrament vnder one kind as aforesaid : they and their assistants to be condemned for hereticks , and to be burned without any abiuration , and clergy of sanctuary to be allowed them , and all their goods and lands forfeited vnto the king , as in case of high treaso : the like offence against any of the other articles to be fellony . the history of thomas cromvvell , earle of essex . thomas cromwell became the most secret and deare councelor vnto the king , after he was made earle of essex : he alone through the singular dext●ritie of his wit and councell brought to passe that which no prince or king throughout all europe , dare or can bring to passe : for whereas brittany was most superstitious of all nations : he brake off and repressed all the poli●ies and malice of the fr●ers , mon●es and religions , and subuerted there houses throughout all the realme ; and brought the arch-bishops , and bishops ; yea cranmer and the bishop of winchester to an order , though he were the kings chiefe councelor , preuenting th●ir enterprises and complaints , specially in those things which tended to the decay of good men , which fauoured the gospell , vnto whom cromwell was euer a shield against the pestiferous enterprises of winchester , betwéen● whom there was continuall emulation both being great with the king ; one much feared , th' other beloued ; but winchester séemed such a man to be borne onely for the destruction of the good , and cromwell by thy diuine prouidence appointed a help to preserue many , it were to tedious to declare how many good men through this mans help haue béen reléeued ; whereof a great n●mber beeing depriued of their patron by his fall perished , and many yet aliue which are witnes of these things : iehu , the sharpe punisher of superstitious idolatry was not much vnlike this man. for this purpose this man seemed to be raised vp of god , to subuert the dens of sloth and idlenes , where if they had remained , the pope could not be excluded out of england ; for there was an incredible number of monasteri●s in england : there riches and possessions were so great , that they vpbraided euen vnto kings and no●les beggery : and there houses were no lesse sumptuous , which for the most part were plucked down to the ground , and their reuenues and substance the king partly conuerted vnto his own coffers , and partly distributed amongst his nobilitie ; but many repr●hend the subuersion of these abbies & say they might haue béen conuerted to other good vses which indéed would haue béen good and godly , if in this kingdome there should bee continually a succession of good princes : but if it should happen to be a king of a contrarie religion , it would haue been otherwise , as we may see by the example of quéene mary : if the monasteries had been left standing vntill her superstitious daies , they should haue been restored againe , and filled with monkes and fryers . for if the goods and possessions of the religious , being in the hands of the dukes and nobility , could scarce withstand the quéenes power , how should the meaner sort haue retained them . wherefore no doubt gods great prouidence did f●resée these things in this man : wherevpon as often as he sent any man to suppresse any monastery , hee would charge them that they should subuert their houses from there foundation . when the pope was abolish●d out of england , and that there was diuers tumults about religion , and it séemed good to the king to appoint a conuo●ation to which cromwell came , and found all the bishop● attending his comming , and all did obeysance vnto him , as to their uicar generall ; and he saluted them euery one in their degrée , and sate downe in the highest place . then cromwell in the name of the king , spake words to this effect . the king thankes you ●o : your diligence , the cause why he hath willed you to assemble , is that you should estab●sh certaine controuersies touching the state of faith , and christian religion , which are now in controuersi● , not onely in this realme : but also amongst all other nations of the world , for he willeth not that there should be any publike change in this realme of religion , except by the consent of you and the whole parliament , wherein you may easily perceiue his profound wisedom & great leue towards you : wherfore he desireth you in christs name , that leauing blindnes , contentions ▪ you would discusse those things amongst you which pertaine to religion ; and the church hauing onely respect vnto the scriptures , neither will he any longer suffer the scriptures to be wrested by any one of you ; neither to be oppressed with the popes decrées , or authoritie of the doctors or councels ; neither will he allow any doctrine grounded onely vpon antiquitie and custome , hauing no other foundation in scriptures , such as you call vnwritten verities , you owe this duety chiefely to christ ; and next of necessitie vnto the church , and yet you shall not be vnrewarded at the kings hands if he perceíue you do your duty as you ought in establishing concord in the church : the which to bring to passe the onely methode is to discusse all things according to the canons of gods word : wherevnto the kings maiestie doth exhort you , and hartily desire you : the bishops gaue thankes vnto the king for his zeale vnto the church , and his exhortation worthy so christian a prince . then bonner bishop of london , the most earnest champion for the pope , defended the vnwritten verities , and maintained the seuen sacraments of the church , and others resisted him : touching whose arguments because there is no great matter in them , i refer thee to the booke at large , where also thou maist sée the number of idols in england , to which in great deuotion they vse to goe on pilgrimage vnto . at length he was apprehended and committed to the tower , and then hee was attainted by parliament for heresie , for supporting barnes and clarke hereticks and many others ; and by his authoritie and letters rescued them , and deliuered them out of prison , and for evulgating a great number of bookes , containing heresie : and caused bookes to be translated into english , comprising matter against the sacrament of the altar , & for commending the bookes after , and that he should speake words against the king , which they would neuer suffer him to answere vnto , which were not likely to be true , in that the king so shortly after his death , wished to haue his cromwell aliue againe ; by reason of which act of parliament , the noble lord cromwell was oppressed with his enemies , and condemned in the tower : he was beheaded vpon tower hill , where he patiently suffered the stroke of the axe by a butcherly miser , which very vngodlily performed the office . the history of thomas barnes , thomas garard , and william hierome diuines . when as cromwell was dead , gardiner bishop of winchester , being at liberty to exercise his cruelty , it is to be wondred what troubles hee raised , and least he should loose his occupation by delayes : hee first assaults robert barnes , thomas gerrard , and william hierome , whom hee caused to be put to execution two daies after cromwell ; and first of barnes doctor of diuinitie . there was sent downe a sergeant at armes to cambridge , who arres●●d doctor barnes in the conuocation house : and they determined to make priuy search for luthers bookes , and all the germaines workes , but they that were suspected had word therof , and the bookes were conuayed away before they came , and he was brought to cardinall wolsey in westminster : at last he spake with the cardinall in his chaire of state , knéeling on his knees : then said the cardinall , what maister doctor ▪ had you not scope sufficient in the scriptures to teach the people : but my golden showes , my pollaxes , my pillars , my golden cushions , my crossee did so much offend you , that you made vs ridiculum caput amongst the people , we were iollily that day laughed to scorne : uerily , it was a sermon more fitter to be preached on a stage , then in a pulpit : at last you said , i wore a paire of red gloues , i should say bloudy gloues , that i should not bee cold in the middest of my ceremonies : hee answered , hee spake nothing but the truth , according to the scriptures , and the old doctors : then hee deliuered the cardinall six shéetes of paper to coroborate his saying : he receiuing them said , we perceiue you intend to stand to your articles , and shew your learning : yea said barnes , by gods grace , and your lordships fauour : he answered , such as you beare vs and the catholick church , little fauour : whether doe you thinke it more necessary that i should haue this royalty , because i represent the kings person in all high courts of this realme to the terror of all rebellions , treasons , & all the wicked members of this common-wealth , or to be as simple as you would haue vs to sell these things , and giu● them to the poore , which shortly would pisse it against the walles , and pull his maiestie from his dignitie : he answered , i think it necessarie to be sold and giuen to the poore , for it is not comely for your calling , and the king is not maintained by your pompe , and pollaxes , but by god , which saith per me reges regnant : then the cardinall said to doctor gardiner , and maister fox , loe maister doctors , heere is the learned and wise man that you told me of : then they knéeled and desired his grace to be good vnto them , for hee would be reformable : then said he for your sakes , and the uniuersitie , wee will be good vnto him : maister doctor●dost thou not know that i am legatus de latere , and that i am able to dispence with all matter in this realme as much as the pope may : hee answered , i know it : then hee bad him be ruled by him and i will doe all things for thy honesty , and the honesty of the vniuersitie : hee thanked him , and said , he would stick to the scriptures according to his little talent : then the cardinall told him he should haue his learning tried , and haue the law , and commanded him to the tower : but gardiner and fox , became his sureties : after he was twice brought before the bishops , and the abbot of westminster , in the chapter-house at westminster : then he was put to haue the councell of gardiner , and fox , and they perswaded him rather to abiure the● burne , & that he might doe more in time to come , and with other perswasions , mighty in the sight of reason and foolish flesh : wherevpon he abiured , and bore a faggot : the bishop of rochester preaching at the abiuration of him and others , stood vp and declared vnto the people , how many daies of forgiuenes of sinnes they had for beeing at that sermon ; yet he continued halfe a yéere after in prison , and then he was committed to be frée prisoner in the augustine friers in london : when these caterpillers and bloudy beasts had vndermined him , they complained on him again to my lord cardinall : then he was deliuered to the friers of northampton to bee burned : then maister horne heard that a writ should come shortly to burne him ; then hée councelled him to faine himselfe desperate , and writ a letter to the cardinall , signifying that he would drowne himselfe , and to leaue his clothes there , and another letter to the mayor of the towne to search for him in the water , because he had a letter written in parchment , wrapt in wax about his neck , for the cardinal which would teach all men to beware of him : vpon this they were seuen daies a searching for him , but he went to london in a poore mans apparell , and thence to anwerpe to luther , and there answered all the bishops of the realme , and made a booke called acta romanorum pontificum , and another booke with a supplication to king henry : when it was told the cardinall he was drowned he said , perit memoria eius cum sonitu , but this lighted vpon himselfe , for shortly after he poyso-himselfe . in the beginning of the raigne of quéene anne , he and others came againe into england , and continued a faithfull preacher in the citie of london , and in her graces time well entertained and promoted ; and after sent by king henry the eight , ambassador to the duke of cleaue , for the marriage of the lady anne of cleaue , betwéene the king and her ; and was well accepted vntill gardiner came out of france : but then neither religion nor the queene prospered , nor cromwell , nor the preachers : then followed alteration in marriage vntill hee had grafted the marriage into another stocke , by the ●ccasion whereof hee began his bloudy worke . soone after doctor barnes , and his brethren , were carried to the king to hampton court to be examined : but the king seeking meanes of his safety , bad him goe home with gardiner , and confer with him : they not agréeing ▪ gardiner sought opportunitie to dispatch barnes , and the rest , as he had done by the que●ne the lady anne of cleue , and the lord cromwell : and he appointed them three to preach thrée sermons at the spittle , which were baites to minister iust occasion of their condemnations : a hen they were sent for to hampton court , and from thence carried vnto the tower , and came not thence but to their deathes . then the protestants went beyond sea , priests were diuorced from there wiues , certaine bishops deposed , and other good men denied christ , and bore faggots : then they were put to d●ath without iudgement ; a papist and a protestant were laid vpon one hurdle and drawn to smithfield : this was winchesters deuise to colour his tyrany : then barnes hid the sheriffe beare him witnes he died christianly , and charitably , and prayed them all to pray for him , and if the dead may pray for the quick we will pray for you , so they forgaue their enemies , and kissed one another , and stood hand in hand at the stake vntill the ●●re came , and so rested in christ. the same day one powell , fetherstone , and abel , were hanged , drawne , and quartered in the same place , for denying the kings supremacie , and maintaining the kings marriage with the lady katherine dowager : the reason was because as one halfe of the councell being papists called vpon barnes , garet , and hierome , to be executed : so the other part of the councell called vpon these thrée papists to be executed . in this yéers a boy , one richard mekins , but fiftéene yeares old was burned in smithfield , for speaking somewhat against the sacrament of the altar . in like manner richard spencer priest , leauing his papistry , married a wife , and got his liuing by day-labour ; hee was burnt in salisbury , because hee was thought to hold opinion against the sacrament , and one andrew hewet , was burned with him . about this time cardinall poole , brother to the lord mountegew , was attainted of high treason , and fled to rome , where he was made cardinall of saint mary cosmoden , where he remained vntill quéene maries time . stokely , bish●p of london , and tunstone , bishop of duresme writ to him , to perswade him to abandon the supremacy of the pope , and to conforme himselfe to the religion of his king , which letter thou maist reade in the booke at large , which sufficiently proueth the pope not to be supreme head of the church , but because this doctrine is as sufficiently proued in other places , i omit to abridge it . in this yeere the king by the aduice of his councell , sent forth a decree for the setting vp the bible in the great volume in euery parish church in england . this yeare iohn porter a taylor , a lusty yong man , was by bonner bishop of london cast into newgate , for reading in the bible in paules church , where he was miserably famished to death . about this time iohn longland , bishop of lincolne , burned two vpon one day : one thomas barnard , and the other iames morton , the one for teaching the lords prayer in engl●sh , and the other for kéeping the epistle of saint iames in english. in this yeare the kings maiestie vnderstanding that all idolatry , and vain● pilgrimages were not vtterly abolished within these dominions : directed his letters vnto the archbishop of canterbury , for the spéedy amendment of the same . anthony pierson priest , robert testwood singing man , henrie finmore taylor , and iohn marbeck singing man , were burned at vvindsor . these articles were obiected against pierson , that he had said , euen as christ once hanged betweene two theeues , so when he is holden vp betwixt the priests handes , he hangs betwixt two theeues , except the priest sincerely preach gods word . that he preached that christ should not be eaten as he did hang vpon the cross● with his flesh torne , and the bloud running about their mouthes , but he was to be eaten this day , that we might also feed on him to morrow , and next day , and continually , and that he was of more power after his resurrection then he was before . that christ sitting amongst his disciples , commended the scriptures vnto them when he said , this is that bread , this is that body of christ ; so when hee brake bread and bade them deuide it amongst them , and eate it , for it was his bodie , and likewise the cup , saying , this is my bloud ; hee signified to vs that wee should receiue the scriptures , and distribute them vnto the people . it was obiected against finmore , that he had said that the sacrament of the altar was but a similitude , and that if it were god he had eaten twenty gods in his life . he condemned testwood for iesting with the priest when he lifted vp the host , saying , ho , take héed that he fall not . that marbeck with his owne hands had writ notes out of certaine authors , which were repugnant to the masse and sacrament of the altar : and that he said , the masse was impure and defiled with much vngodlinesse , and it spoyleth god of his honour ; and that the eleuation of the sacrament represents the calues of ieroboam , and is worse idolatrie then those were , and that therein christ was counted a mocking-stock . there was a fift man named bennet , vnto whose charge it was laid that hée should say , the daily masses vsed in the church were superfluous , and that it were sufficient the seuenth day were kept holy . bennet and marbeck were pardoned by the king ; the other thrée stoutly suffered martyrdom . we will passe ouer the priest which was hanged in the porters lodge of gardener bishop of winchester , and one henrie his seruant burnt at colchester , and one kerby a taylor , burnt at london , because we haue no certainty of the time . doctor london prebend of windsor , and one william simonds , which were the accusers of the foresaid fiue of windsor : they went about to trouble foure gentlemen of the kings priuie chamber , that they forced thē to plead their cause in open court : they declared to the king what danger they were in , wherupon they themselues were called in question ; being conuicted of manifest periurie , they were adiudged to weare papers , signifying their periuries , in the open market of windsor : then they were cast in prison at london , where the said doctor london died . about this time was one rogers , a lay-man of northfolk , burned by the duke of northfolke , for the true affirmation of the sacrament : halfe a yeare after the duke lost his eldest sonne , and himselfe was committed to prison , who then acknowledging his errour , became more méeke to such kind of men . iohn athee was indicted for saying , he would not beleeue that which the knaue priest made and longs wife sold ; meaning the host. and when it was told him god could make it flesh and bloud , he said , he might put into it a chicks legge . this yeare iohn heywood was attached for treason , for denying the kings supremacy , but he recanted , and confessed to the people , that the pope had no more authority then other bishops , and that the king was supreame head by the law of god. the destruction of merindall and cabriers . in the yeare . as is aforesaid , god raised vp one waldo , a rich merchant of lyons in france , which hauing attained perfect knowledge by the word of god , discouered the naughtines of the ecclesiastical ministers , many ioyned themselues vnto them , which were called waldenses , and being by persecution dispersed into di●ers countries , there were two towns remaining of their religion in france , to wit ; merindall and gabriers . certaine of the cheefe of merindall , were commanded to appeare at the parliament of prouence , they would haue retained aduocates to answere for them , who told them , it was not lawfull for them to giue councell to them , because they were but lutherans , but one told them secretly ; that they should not appeare before the said court , except they were fully determined to be burned by a little fire made of chaffe , without any further iudgement : for the court had already determined the matter against them ; whereupon , and because they had séene many good men serued so , hauing no other cause of condemnation , but that they were reported to be lutherans , for these causes they did not appeare at the day appointed : wherevpon , the parliament gaue out an arrest , whereby not onely they of merindal , that were appointed to appeare , were condemned to be burned , as attainted of heresie and high treason , and their goods confiscate vnto the king , but also all the inhabitants of merindall , wherein was fourescore houses to be burned , men , women , and children , & the towne to be rased , and the trées cut vp . paces round about . a little after there was a great banquet at ayx , at which was the president cassane , and many counsellors and nobles , and the archbishop of arles , and the bishop of ai● , with their ladies and gentlewomen : one that was the bishop of aixis concubine , said , my lord president will you not execute the arrest that is giuen out against the lutherans of merindall ? and she recited the manner of it , forgetting nothing the lord alenson said ; gentlewoman , you haue learned this of them that would haue it so , or else it was giuen out by a parliament of women . then the l. of senas said it is true , & you do not well to call the parliament a parliament of women , he answered , he did not beléeue it , for it is a thing that the & ●ueliest tyrants of the world , would iudge most inhumane & detestable , & many of merindal which séem to me to be very honest men : thē the gentl●woman lifting vp her eyes with a great chafe , said , o that it pleased god that all lutherans had hornes growing on their foreheads . then said my lord bewieu , i would all priests harlots chattered like pies : she said , my l. you ought not to sp●ak against our holy mother the church ; for there was neuer any dogge that bar●ed against the crosse , but he waxed mad : the bishop of aix laughed and clapt her on the back , saying , by my holy orders my minion , you haue don me great pleasure , remember me the lesson she hath taught you . the lord answered , i will not learn of her , nor of thée , neither honesty nor honour ; for the most part of the bishops and priests are adulterers , deceiuers , theeues , seducers : i should not speake against the holy church , but i speake against a flocke of wolues , dogges , and abominable swine . then said the archbishop , my l. you must giue account of these words in time and place : he answered , i would it were now ; for i wil be bound to proue more naughtines in priests then i haue spoken . when christ called the priests deceiuing hypocrits , blinde seducers , and robbers , did he them any wrong ? they answered no , for the most part of them were so . then said my lord bewieu , euen so is it with the bishops and priests ; for they are such kinde of men and worse . then he said , a●ant thou herodias , thou vnshamefac't and dishonest harlot , is it thy part to speak in this cōpany ? thou shouldst not desire the innocent bloud to be shed , then she sayd , if i were a man i would offer you combat , to proue that i desire not to shed innocent bloud , do you call the bloud of these wicked men of merendoll innocent bloud ? i do desire and offer with my who●e power , that such as they should bee destroyed , from the greatest to the least : and to sée the beginning of this worke i haue not beene wanting to imploy all my credit and frien●● ▪ and doe not spare neither body nor goods to make the vtter ruine and destruction of them , and to deface their memory from amongst men , i had rather méet ten di●els then one lutheran . after the bishops and clergy met againe to consult about the executing of the sayd arest , and they had a banket at the bishops house of ruda : to this banket the ●ayrest and best ladies of a●inion were inuited to solace these good prelates : after they had dined , danced , and vsed their pastime , they walked vntill supper , and as they passed the stréets leading euery one a gentlewoman vpon his arme , they saw a man that sould dishonest images to stirre vp the people to whoredome and knauery , and all these pictures the bishops bought , which were as many as a mule could carry : a little further a booke-binder had set out bibles of lattin and french to se●l , then the bishops sayd , who hath made thée so hardy to set forth these marchandise to sell ? dost not thou know these bookes are forbid ? the booke binder answered , is not the holy bible as good as these goodly pictures ? the bishop of air sayd , i renownce my part of paradice if he bee not a lutheran , let him bee tryed what hee is : then the book-binder was caried into prison , and a company of ruffins cryed , a lutheran to the fire with him , and owne strucke him with his fist , another pulled him by the beard , so that hee was al imbrued with bloud , the morrow hee was brought before the bishops , hee iustified the selling of the bibles , and said ; there was no nation but had the byble in their owne language ; will you forbid and hide that which christ hath commaunded to bee published ? did not christ giue power to his apostles , to speake all manner of tongues to the end that his gospell might be taught to euery creature in euery language ? and why doe you forbid this booke , a●d buy such prophane painting ? what cruelty is this , to take the nourishment from poore soules , but you shall gi●e account heereof , which call sweete sower , and sower sweete : you bee rather the priests of bacchus and venus , then pastors of the church : then he was condemned to be burned the same day , and to haue two bybles hang , one before , and another behind , to signifi● the cause of his death . the byshoppes twice raised an army at their owne charges , to execute the aforesaid arrest , but their enterprises were let by one meanes or other : and the king hearing the confession of this faith of merindole , and finding that it did agree in all points to the word of god , gaue them their pardon : some of the byshoppes resort to them to get them to recant , but they prooued their religion so agreeable to the word , that many doctors were conuerted to their opinions , and confessed they neuer learned so much in all their time , as by hearing them : their children were so well taught , and they questioned and answered one another so diuinely ; that the doctor● confessed , they had not heard arguments , so well answered in the diuinity schooles . yet notwithstanding in this yeare , the twelfth of aprill , iohn miners , president of the councell of aygues , called the senate and read the kings letters ▪ which the cardinall had obtained for that purpose , and commaunded them to execute the sentence : now euery where hee had mustred men for the english warres , but he vsed them for this purpose , and tooke vp more souldiours out of euery towne , and they had ayde sent them out of the popes dominions . first they set vpon the uillage about merindoll , and destroyed and burned them , the merindolins seeing their cruelty , left their houses and fled into the woods , carrying their children vpon their shoulders and armes : then it was showed vnto them , that miners came with all his whole power to destroy them : then the men went away and left the women and children , with som to looke to them , hoping they would shew mercie to them ; whom when the souldiers found , they abstained from slaughter : but when they had spoyled them of their money and victuals , they lead them away . their purpose was to handle them more shamefully , but that they were let with a captaine of horse-men ; so they left the women and droue away the booty : there were fiue hundred women . miners burned merindoll ; and finding there but one yong man , he ●aused him to be tyed to a tree , and shot in with dagges : then he went to cabriers , and perswaded the townsmen to open the gates , promising they should haue no hurt ; but when they were let in , they slew both man , woman , and childe . miners shut fortie women into a ●arne of straw , set it on fire and kept them in till they were all burned . the number slaine within the towne and without , were eight hundred : the infants that escaped their furie were baptized againe of their enemies . then they took the town of costa and serued it so , and many maids and women being lead into a garden of the castle they rauished them all : and when they had kept them a day and a night , they handled them so beastly , that the mayds and them with child died shortly after . in the meane time the merindoles and diuers others that wandred in the woods and mountains , were either sent to the gallies or were slaine . many also died for hunger : fiue and twenty hid themselues vnder a rocke , and they smothered and burned them ; so that no kinde of cruelty was omitted : notwithstanding diuers which had escaped came to geneua and other places neere . the persecution in callice , with the martyrdome of george bucket , alias adam damlip . this adam damlip had bin a great papist , and chaplaine to the bishop of rochester : he iournyed to rome , thinking to haue found all godly and sincere religion , where he found , as he confessed , such blasphemy of god , contempt of christs true religion , loosenesse of life , and abomination and filthinesse , that he abhorred to tarrie there any longer , although he was greatly requested by cardinall poole , to continue there to reade three lectures euery weeke in his house , offering him great entertainment , which he refused ; and returning home , the cardinall gaue him a french crowne . and wayting at callice for passage into england , william steuens and thomas lancaster desired him to reade there two or three dayes , and got him license of the lord lisle the kings deputie of the towne , and the license of iohn butler the commissary . when he had preached three or foure times he was wel liked , so that they hyred him to preach there ; and twenty dayes or more , euery morning at seuen of the clocke , he preached learnedly and plainely the truth of the blessed sacrament of christs body and bloud , mightily inueighing against all papistrie , but especially against transubstantiation & the propitiatorie sacrifice of the masse , declaring how popish himselfe was , and how by the detestable wickednesse that he did see vniuersally in rome , he was returned and become an enemie to all papistre . he came at last to speake against the pageant or picture set forth of the resurrection , in saint nicholas his church , that it was meere idolatrie and illusion of the french-men before callice was english. then there came a commission to the lord deputy , the commissary , and others , to search whether there were three hosts lying vpon a marble stone besprinkled with bloud , as was put in writing vnder a bull and pardon ; and that if they found it not so , that immediatly it should be pulled downe , and so it was ; for they breaking vp a stone in the corner of the tombe , in stead of three hosts found souldred in the crosse of marble lying vnder the sepulchre , three plaine counters , which they had pointed like vnto hosts : and aboue that was the tippe of a sheeps tayle , which damlip shewed to the people the next day , which was sonday , out of the pulpit . and after they were sent by the lord deputie to the king. then the prior of the white friers , and one of the lord lisle his chaplains , contradicted his sermons , and caused him to be sent for to cranmer and steuen gardiner , and others , before whome hee did so constantly defend the doctrine which he had taught , that cranmer being yet but a lutheran , maruelled excéedingly at it , and said , that the scripture knew no such terme of transubstantiation . then the other bishops threatned him , to whom he promised , the next day to deliuer them all in writing which he had formerly preached in callice . in the meane time he had secret intimation giuen him by cranmer , that if hee appeared the next day , he should be sure to be committed : whereupon he sent them his faith with the arguments thereupon in writing , and he went aside into the west countrey . then the king was certified that there were many diuersities of opinions in calice , tending to the danger thereof : whereupon doctor champion and m. garnet , who after was burned , were sent ouer to preach to them , where he preached the same true doctrine which adam damlip had done . after them , one william smith , curate of our ladies parish in callice , preaching earnestly inuaying against papistry and wilfull ignorance , exhorting them to imbrace the word , and not to contemne it , least gods wrath fall vpon them , which followeth the contempt of his holy word . at length the said lord lisle , which was bastard to king edward the fourth , which maintained damlip as before , by the intising of his wicked wife , the lady honora , she being thereunto prouoked by sir thomas palmer , and iohn rockwood ▪ esquire : these , with seauen others , wrote very haynous letters vnto the king and councell , against diuers of the towne of calice . whereupon , diuers of them were often punished in callice , and many of them sent for ouer into england , and were ●orely imprisoned and punished , and had not escaped the fire , but by the kings pardon . the aforesaid adam damlip taught schoole about some two yeares in the west country , after he was apprehended and brought vnto stephen gardiner , who committed him to the marshalsie , where he continued two yeares : and for his honest behauiour hee was beloued of the whole house , and especially of the kéeper , and he did much amongst the common sort of the prisoners in reprouing vice : then being resolued rather to loose his life , then not to suffer his talent to be vsed to gods glory by being detained in prison . wherevpon he sent an epistle to gardiner : and then by the bishops commandement hee was had to callice , where first hee layed vnto his charge heresie ; but because all such offences before such a day were pardoned by an act of parliament : then for the receiuing of the aforesaid french crowne of cardinall poole , as you heard before he was condemned of treason in callice , cruelly put to death , beeing hanged , drawne and quartered : at his death sir raph ellerker knight marshall there would not suffer him to declare his faith or cause he died for , but bad the executioner dispatch the knaue : and said , he would not away before he saw the traytors heart out : but shortly after in a skirmish with the frenchmen at bullen he was slaine , and his enemies cut off his members , and cut the heart out of his body and so left him a terrible example of the iustice of god , vpon all bloudy persecutors . the said lord lisley with the others as before vniustly charging them of callice with sedition and heresie , were all shortly after either greatly out of the kings fauour , and committed vnto prison , or else by desperate deathes died . i will recite but rockwood the chiefe stirrer of the afflictions aforesaid , who at the last breath staring and raging cryed he was damned ; and being bid to aske god mercie , he cried out , all too late , for i haue sought malitiously the deaths of a number of the towne , which in my heart i thought to be honest men : which words he vsed when thirteene were carried in irons into england ; when one told him he neuer saw men of such honesty so sharply corrected , and taking it so ioyfully ▪ rockwood then leaping , scoffingly said , all too late : and the vnder marshall suddenly fell downe in the councell chamber , and neuer spake . a labouring man hauing heard damplip , said , hee would neuer beleeue that priests could make the lords bodie at their pleasure : whereupon hee was condemned by one haruy a commissary , who said he was an heretick , and should die a vile death . the poore man answered , he was no heretick , but in the faith of christ , and said , whereas thou sayest i shall die a vile death , thou shalt die a viler death shortly ; and so it came to passe : for within halfe a yeare the said haruy was hanged , drawne , and quartred in callice for treason . dodde alias scot . hee was taken in callice , with certaine germane bookes about him , and being examined thereupon , and standing constantly to the truth , hee was condemned and burned there . vvilliam bvtton . hee being a souldier of callice , merrily asked a papist , whether one that were suddenly taken might not occupie one of the popes pardons in stead of a broken paper : and another question , whether the world might better want dogs then popish priests , and answered it , that if there were no dogs , we could make no more , but if there lacked ignorant priests , we might soone make too many of them . there came a black frier to callice with the popes pardons , who for . pence would deliuer a soule out of purgatorie ; this button asked him , if the pope could deliuer soules out of purgatorie : the frier said , there is no doubt of that : then he said , why doth he not of charity deliuer all the s●ules thereout ? for which cau●e he was accused vnto the commissary , who chafing , called him heretick : then said button , if the pope can deliuer soules out of purgatorie , and will not of chariti● doe it , then would god the king would make me pope , for surely i would deliuer all out without money . whereupon the commissary made him beare a billet , and procured his wages , which was sixe pence a day , to be taken from him : then he went vnto the king , and declared the whole matter , who after gaue him eight pence a day . in nouember , after the king had subdued the scots , and ioyning with the emperour , had inuaded france , and had got the towne of bullen , he summoned a parliament , in which was granted him , besides subsidies of money , all colledges , chanteries , free chappels , hospitals , fraternities , guilds and perpetuities of stipendary priests to be disposed at his will and pleasure . they being thus giuen to him by act of parliament in december , the next lent doctor crome preached in the mercers chappell : amongst other reasons to induce the people from the vaine reasons of purgatorie , he said , it trentalls and masses could auaile the soules in purgatorie , then did not the parliament well in giuing away monasteries , colledges , and chanteries , which serued principally to that purpose : but if the parliament did well , as no man could denie , then it is plaine that such chanteries and priuate masses confer nothing to relieue them in purgatorie . this dilemma was insoluble , but at easter next they brought him in question for it , and so handled him , that they made him to recant , or else they would haue dissolued him and his argument in the fire . anne askew . after she had bin many times examined , and she had answered so wisely , that though she had affirmed the truth of the sacrament , yet none could touch her for her arguments by the law . then she wrote her minde of the sacament , as followeth : i perceiu● , deare friends in the lord , that you are not yet perswaded of the truth in the lords supper , because christ sayth , take , eate , this is my bodie : but he giuing the bread as an outward signe to be receiued with the mouth , hee meant in perfect beléefe they should receiue his body which should die for the people ; and to thinke his death the onely saluation of their soules . the ●read and wine were left vs for a sacramentall communion of the benefite of his death ; and that we should be thankefull for the grace of redemption . and in the closing thereof he sayth , this doe in remembrance of me so often as you eate and drinke ; or else we should haue béene forgetfull of that we ought to haue in daily remembrance , and also been vnthankefull : therefore we ought to pray to god for the true meaning of the holy ghost touching this communion ; for the letter slayeth , and the spirit giueth life . in the sixth of iohn all is applied vnto ●aith : and in . cor. . the things which are seene are temporall , but the things which are not seene are euerlasting : and in the third of the hebrewes , christ ruleth ouer his house , whose house we are , if we hold fast the confidence and reioycing of hope vnto the end : and the dead temple is not his house , wherefore to day if you will heare his voice , harden not your hearts . her confession in newgate . christ took the bread , saying to his disciples , take , eate , this is my body which shall be broken for you , meaning his body the bread , but a signe and sacrament : and so he said , he would break downe the temple , and in three dayes build it vp againe , signifying his body by the temple , although there be many that cannot perceiue the true meaning thereof ; for the vayle that moses put euer his face before the children of israell remayneth to this day : but when god shall take it away , then shall these blinde men see . for it is plainly expressed in the historie of bell ; o king , saith daniell , be not deceiued , for god will be worshipped in nothing that is made with hands of men . o what stiffe-necked people are these , that will alwayes resist the holy ghost , as their fathers haue done . truth is layde in prison , luk. . the law is turned to wormwood , amos . and there can no right iudgement goe forth , esay . her condemnation . they said i was an heretick , and condemned by the law , if i would stand to my opinion ; i said , touching my faith i said and wrote to the councell , i would not deny because i knew it true : then they would knowe whether i would denie the sacrament of christs bodie and bloud ; i answered yea : for the same sonne of god that was borne of the blessed uirgin mary , is now glorious in the heauens , and will come againe at the last day as he went vp : and that which you call your god is a peece of bread , and for more proofe thereof , let it lie in a boxe but thrée monthes and it will be mouldy and turne to nothing that is good , therefore i am perswaded it is no god. then they willed me to haue a priest and then i smiled , then they asked mee if it were not good , i sayd i would confesse my faults vnto god , for i was sure hee would heare me with fauour , and so we were condemned by the quest . this was my beléefe which i wrote to the councell , that the sacramentall bread was left vs to bee receaued with thanksegiuing in the remembrance of his death , the onely remedy of our so●les recouery , and thereby we also receaue the whole benefit of his passion , then they would needs know whether the bread in the boxe were god or no , i sayd god is a spirit and will bee worshipped in spirit and truth , then they sayd , will you plainely deny christ to bee in the sacrament ? i answered i beléeue the eternall sonne of god , not to dwell there , in witnes whereof i recited againe the history of bell and the . and . of the acts and the of mathew concluding i neither wish death nor feare it , god haue the praise thereof with thankes , then she wr●te to the lord chancelour and the king but it preuayled not . after she was sent from newgate to the tower , then maister rich and one of the councell charged me vppon mine obedience , to shew vnto them if i knew any of my sect , i answered i knew none , they asked me of my lady suffolke , my lady sussex , my lady hereford , my lady denny , and my lady fitzrallins . i sayd if i should pronounce any thing against them i am not able to proue it , they said the king was informed i could name if i would a great number of my sect , i sayd the king was as well deceaued in that behalfe as dissembled with in other matters . then they commanded mee to shewe how i was maintayned in the counter , and who willed me to stick to mine opinion , i sayd there was none did strengthen me therein , and i was maintayned in the counter by the meanes of my mayde , for she made mone vnto the prentises , and they by her did send mee money , but who they were i know not . then they sayd diuers gentlewomen gaue me money , but i know not their names , then they said many ladies sent me money , i answered , there was a man in a blew cote deliuered me ten shillings and said my lady of hereford sent it me , and another in a uiolet cote gaue me eyght shillings , and sayd my lady denny sent it mee , but i am not sure who sent it me , then they said there were of the councell which did maintaine mee , and i said no. then they put mee vpon the racke and kept me there a long time , because i would not confesse any gentlewomen or ladies on my opinion , and because i did not cry , my lord chancelor and sir iohn baker tooke paines to racke me with their owne hands vntill i was nie dead . then the liefetennant caused mee to be loosed from the racke and incontinently i swounded , and they recouered me againe : after i sat two houres reasoning with my lord chanc●llor vppon the bare floure , where with flattering words hee perswaded me to leaue my opinions , but god gaue mee grace to perseuere and will doe i hope , then i was brought to bed with as painefull bones as euer pacient iob : then my lord chancellor sent me word if i would leaue mine opinions , i should lacke nothing , if i would not i should to newgate and be burned : i sent him word againe i would die rather then breake my faith , she was borne of such a kindred , that she might haue liued in great prosperity , if she would rather haue followed the world then christ : at the day of her execution she was brought into smithfield in a chaire , because she could not goe on her feete by meanes of her torments , she was tyed by the middle with a chai●e that held vp her body , then doctor shaxton began his sermon : anne askew hearing and answering againe vnto him , where hee sayd well , she confirmed the same , where hee iaid amisse , she said , hee speaketh without booke . there was at the same time three burned with her : one nicholas belemy a priest of shropshire , iohn adams a taylor , and iohn lacels , gentleman of the court and kings houshold . wrisley lord chancellor , the old duke of norfolke , the earle of bedford , and the lord mayor : wrisle sent anne askew the kings pardon , if shee would recant : she said the came not thither to deny her lord , and master ; then were the letters likewise offered vnto the others , who in like maner followed the constancie of the woman : wherevpon the mayor commanded the fire to bee put vnto them . sir george blage of the priuy chamber was imprisoned , condemned , and should haue been burned , but that the king pardoned him : for saying the masse auail●th neither quick nor the dead , being asked what then it was good for , he said belike to keep a horse from stumbling . the troubles of katherine parre , henry the eight his last wife , for the gospel , by the meanes of gardiner and others . a yéere after the king came from bullen , he was informed that the quéens katherine parre , was much giuen to the reading and study of ●he scriptures ; and that shee had retained diuers godly learned preachers to instruct her therein , with whom shee vsed priuately to conferre , and in the afternoones one of them made collation to her : her ladies and gentlewomen and others disposed to heare , in which sermons they oftentimes touched the abuses in the church , and often shee would debate with the king touching religion , and perswade him as hee had to the glory of god , and his eternall fame b●gunne a godly worke in ban●shing that monstrous idoll of rome , so hee would purge his church from the dregges thereof , wherein was yet great superstition : and though the king in the later end grew opp●nionate , and would not bee taught nor contended withall by argument yet towards her he refrained his accustomed manner , for neuer handmaide sought more to please her mistresse , then she to please his humour ; and she was of such singular beauty , fau●ur , and comely personage , wherein the king was greatly delighted : but gardiner bishop of winchester , wrisley lord chancelor , and others of the kings priuy chamber , practised her death , that they might the better stop the passage of the gospell : and hauing taken away the patronesse of the professors of the truth , they might inuade the remainder with fire and sword , but they du●st not speake to the king touching her , because they saw the king loued her so well . at length the king was ●●cke of a sore legge , which made him very froward , and the queene being with him did not faile to vse all occasions to moo●● him zeal●usly to proceed in the reformation of the church : the king shewed some tokens of mislike , and broke off the matter , and knit vp the arguments with gentle words , and after pl●asant talke she tooke her leaue : the bishop of winchester beeing there ; the king immediately vpon her departure vsed these words ; it is a good hearing when women become such clarks , and much to my comfort to come in mine old age to be taught by my wife . then the bishop shewed a mislike that the queene would so much forget her selfe to stand in argument with his maiestie , whose iudgement and di●initie hee extolled to his face aboue princes of that and other ages , and of doctors professed in diuinitie , and that it wss vnseemely for any of his subiects to argue with him so malapertly , and that it was gréeuous to all his councelors and seruants to heare the same : inferring how perilous it hath euer been for a prince to suffer such insolent words of a subiect , who as they are bold against their soueraignes words , so they want not will but strength to ouerthwart them in deeds . then the religion by the queene so stiffely maintained , did dissolue the politick gouern●ment , and made the peoples opinions so odious , and perillous vnto the princes estate , that they da●e aff●●me that the greatest subiect in the land , defendeth those arguments which they doe : yet he said he would not , neither durst without good warranty from his maiestie , speake his knowledge in the queenes cause , though many apparant reasons made for him : and such as his duety and zeale to his maies●ies preseruation would not licence him to conceale , though the vttering thereof through her , and her faction , might be his d●struction and theres which tendred his maiesties safety , without his maiestie would be his protector , which if hee would doe , hee with others of his faithfull councelors , could disclose such treasons , cloked with heresies , that his maiestie should cas●ly perceiue , how perilous a matter it is to cherish a serpent within his owne bosome , and he crept so farre into the king at that time , that he and his fellowes filled the kings mistrustfull minde , with such feares , that the king gaue them warrant to consult together , about drawing of articles against the queene , wherein her life might be touched . then they thought it best at first to begin with such ladies as she most esteemed , and wer● priuy to all her doing , as the lady harbert , after countesse of pembro●ke the queenes sister ; and the lady iane , and the lady tirwit , all of her priuy chamber : and to accuse them vpon six articles , and to search there closets and coffers , that they might finde somewhat to charge the queene , and that being found , the que●ne should bee taken and carried in a barge by night to the tower : of which aduice the king was made priuy by gardiner , and the lord chancelor , to which they had the kings cons●nt , and the time and place appointed . this purpose was so finely handled , that it grew within few daies of the time appointed , and the poore qu●ene suspected nothing , but after her accustomed manner visited the king , still●●● deale with him touching religion as before : after the king brake the whole practise to one doctor wendy , one of his physitions , telling him that hee would no longer bee troubled with such a doctresse as shee was , but charged him vpon his life , not to vtter it to any . but it came to passe that the bill of articles drawne against the queene , and subscribed with the kings owne hand , falling from the b●some of one of the councell was found of some godly person , and brought to the queene ; who seeing it , fell into a great agony and melancholy . the king hearing what perill of life she was in , sent his phisition vnto her ; and the said doctor wendy perceiuing the matter by her words , brake with her touching the said articles , deuised against her , and gaue her warning of that mischiefe which hanged ouer her head : beséeching her to be secret , and to conforme her selfe to the kings minde , and no doubt she should finde him gracious : after the king came to her himselfe , vnto whom after she had vttered her griefe , how it was for feare his maiestie had forsaken her , hee so refreshed her with comfortable words , that she began to recouer . then shee commanded her ladies to conuay away her bookes which were against the law , and then she went to the king : he courteously welcomed her , and entred into talke of religion , séeming desirous to be resolued of the queene of certaine doubts . the queene perceiuing to what purpose this his talke tended , your maiestie doth well know ( quoth shee ) and i am not ignorant of what great weaknesse by our first creation is allotted to vs women , to bee subiect vnto man as our head : from which head all our direction must proceed , and as god made man after his own image , that being indued with more speciall gifts of perfection , might bee stirred to meditate heauenly things , and obay his commandements , so he made woman of man , of whom , and by whom , she is to bee commanded and gouerned , whose womanly weaknesse ought to bee tolerated and ayded , that by his wisedome such things as be lacking in her might be supplied : therefore your maiestie being so excellent in ornaments of wisedome , and i so much inferiour in all respects of nature : why doth your maiestie in such defuse causes of religion require my iudgement , which when i haue vttered & said , what i can , yet i must and will referre my iudgement in this and all causes to your maiesties wisedome , as my onely anker , supreme head , and the gouernor heere in earth next vnto god. not so by saint mary said the king , you are become a doctor late to instruct vs. shee answered , your maiestie hath much mistaken mee , who haue euer thought it preposterous for the woman to instruct her husband , but rather to learn of him ; and where i haue beene bold to hold talke with your maiestie , wherein there hath seemed some difference in opinion , i haue not done it to maintaine opinion , but to minister talke that your maiestie might with lesse griefe passe the paine of your infirmitie , being attentiue to your talke , and that i might receiue some profit by your maiesties learned discourse : wherein i haue not missed any part of my desire , alwaies referring my selfe in such matters to your maiestie . ●hen said the king ▪ tendeth your argument to no worse end , then wee are now as perfect friends as euere we were , and he imbraced her , and kissed her ; saying it did him more good to heare these words , then if he had heard newes of a hundred thousand pound fallen to him . on the day that was appointed for the aforesaid tragedy : the king went into his garden , whether the queene being sent for came , onely the three ladies aboue named waiting on her ; with whom the king was as pleasant as euer hee was in his life : in the middest of his mirth the houre appointed being come , the lord chancelor commeth into the garden , with forty of the kings guard at his he●les , with purpose to take the queene with the three ladies to the the tower , whom the king sternely beholding , called him to him , who on his knees whispered to the king : the king cal'd him knaue , arrant knaue , and beastly foole , and commanded him to auant out of his presence ; which words the quéene heard , though they were low spoken : then he departed with his traine , the whole mould of his deuice broken . the queene seeing the king so cha●ed , spoke for the lord chancellor : ah poore soule quoth hee , thou little knowest how euill hee deserueth this grace at thy hands , he hath been towards thee sweet heart an arrant knaue , and so let him goe . if king henry had liued , hee and the french king had been at this point , within halfe a yeere after to haue changed the masse in both their realmes into a communion , as wee now vse it , and also vtterly to haue extirped the popes vsurped power ; out of both their realmes : and they ment to exhort the emperour to doe the like in flanders , and his other countreyes , or else to breake off from him : and herein quoth the archbishop cranmer , the king willed mee to pen a forme thereof to be sent to the french king , but that it was letten by the death of king henry . when the bishops had brought anne askevv and her fellow martyrs to death , being now in their triumph , as the pharisies were when they had killed christ : they deuised how to euer read the truth for euer : wherevpon they made a strait proc●amation authorised by the kings 〈◊〉 for abolishing of the scripture , and all other english bookes which mi●ht g●●e light to the setting forth of gods word , and the grace of the gospell , which thou maist see in the booke at large , which no doubt had done much hurt in the church amongst the godly , in bringing them to danger , or keeping 〈◊〉 in blindnes , had not the shortnes of the kings daies stopped the malignant purposes of the pr●lat●s , causing the king to leaue that to the people by his death , which by his life he would not grant , for within foure monethes after the proclamation , he deceased the eight and thirty yeare of his raigne . the history touching the persecutions in scotland : deane , thomas forret . this deane , thomas forret , preached euery sunday in his parish vpon the epistle and gospell , which was nouel●y in scotland to see any preach but the black fri●r , or the gray . wherefore the friers enuied him , and accused him to the bishop of donkelden as an heretick , which shewed the mysteries of the scripture vnto the vulgar people , to make the clergy detestable : the bishop sending for him said : my ioy , deane thomas , i leue you well , ● am informed you preach the epistle and gospel euery sunday , and that you take not the cow for mortuarie , nor the vpper cloth for crisome of your parishioners , which is very preiudiciall to the church men : my ioy deane thomas , take your cow and your vpper cloth , and preach not euery sunday , for in so doing , you will make the people thinke we should preach likewise : but when you finde a good epistle or a good gospell that setteth forth the l●bertie of the church , preach that and let the rest be . thomas answered , my parishioners pay me my dueti●s willingly , and w●e agree well : and where your lordship saith it is too much ●o preach euery sonday , i thinke it too little : and also would wish that your lordship would doe the like : nay , nay , we are not ordained to preach m. forret : and where your lordship speaketh of a good and an euill epistle , i could neuer finde none but good . then spake my lord , i thanke god i neuer knew what the old & new testament ment : ( wherevpon , grew a prouerb , you are like the bishop of dunkelden , that kn●w neither new nor old law ) therefore said the bishop , i will know nothing but my portous , and my pontificall : if you forgoe not these fantasies you shall repent it . thomas said , my cause is iust before god , and i passe not what followeth thereon . after he was summoned by the cardinall of saint andrewes , and the said bishop of dunkelden , and with him were summoned frier iohn kellow , frier beuarage , duncane simson priest : robert foster , a gentleman , with thrée or foure other men of striueling , who at thei● day of apparance were condemned to death without any place of recantation , because they were chiefe hereticks , and teachers of heresies : and because many of them were at the marriage of the priest of twybody , and eate flesh in lent at their bridall , and they were all together burn●d vpon the castle hill of edenbrough , where they comforted one another merueilously . the persecution of certaine in the towne of perth . there was an act of parliament in the gouernment of the earle of arrai , giuing priuilege to reade the scriptures in their mother tongue , but secluding al conference thereof , wherby y ● eyes of the elect of god , were opened to sée the tru●h , and abhorre papisticall abhominations , at which time fryer spencer preached , that prayers made to saints were necessary , and without it no hope of saluation : then robert lambe , a burges of perth , accused him op●nl● in the church of erronious doctrine , and adiured him in gods name to vtter the truth , whereupon trouble and tumul● of people arose , so that the said robert with great danger of his life escaped , euen the women addressed themselues to great cruelty against him . shortly after the cardinall and the earle of argile sat about the matter , before these persons were brought ; robert lambe , william anderson , iames hunter , iames rauelson , iames fouleson , and hellen sirke his wife , and the next day were condemned to death by an assize , for violating the foresaid act of parliment by conferring together of the scripture , and for that the said robert lambe , william anderson , and iames raueleson , hanged the image of saint francis in a cord , nayling rammes hornes to his head , and a cowes rump to his ta●le , and for eating a goose of alhollow eue : and iames hunter for kéeping company with th●m : he●len sirke , for saying mary merited not by workes to be the mother of christ , and to be preferred before other women , but gods free mercy ●xalted her to that estate : iohn raueleson for setting vp in his house a triple crowne of saint peter , which the cardina●l tooke to be done in mockage of his card●nals ha● . at the place of execution robert lambe exhorted the people to feare god , and to leaue the leauen of papisticall abhominations , and prophesied of the ruine of the cardinall , which after came to passe : and comforting one another , that they should sup together in the kingdome of heauen . the woman desired to die with her husband , but was not suffered , then she kissed him , saying ; we haue liued together ioyfull daies , but this day is most ioyful , because we must haue ioy for euer . i will not bid you god night , for we shall all this night méete with ioy in heauen . the condemnation of george vvishard gentleman , and his articles before the cardinall of scotland , and others . touching preaching when he was forbidden , hee answered ; i haue read in the acts of the apostles , that it is not lawfull to desist from preaching the gospell for menaces of men , therefore it is written , wee must rather obey god then men , and i beléeue that the lord will turne your cursings of mee vnto blessings : and as in the second of malachy ; i will curse your blessings , & bless● your cursings . he affirmed the mouing of the body outward of the priest at masse , without the inward mouing of the heart , is but the playing of an ape , and not the seruing of god , who must be honored in spirit and verity . that auriculer confession hath no promise of the euangell , and therefore it cannot be a sacrament , but there are many testimonies of confession made to god. as none will make marchandise with one of a strange language , except that he doe vnderstand the promise made by the stranger : so i would that we vnderstood what wee promise in the name of the infant to god in baptisme : then saide one bleiter a chaplaine ; the● hast the deuill and spirit of errour : then said a child , the deuill cannot speake such words as he doth . the lawfull vse of the sacraments is most acceptable vnto god , but the great abuse is very detestable vnto him : i once met with a iew as i was sayling on the sea , i inquired of him what was the cause of his pertinacy , that he did not beléeue the true messias was come , being that he saw the prophesies of him fulfilled , and the prophesies and the scepter of iuda was likewise tak●n away : he answered me ; when the messias commeth , he shall restore all things , and he shall not abrogate the law giuen vnto our fore-fathers as yee doe : for we sée the poore almost ready to perish for hunger amongst you , and you pitty them not , and amongst vs iewes , though we are poore , there are no beggars found . and it is forbidden by the law , to faine an image of any thing in heauen or earth , but onely to honour god , but your churches are full of idols , and ye adore a péece of bread baked vpon the ashes , and that it is your god , then the bishops shooke their heads , and spitted on the earth . he reproued coniurings and exorcismes of holy water , and said that they were contrary to gods word . saint peter saith , god hath made vs kings and priests : and againe , hee hath made vs a kinglie priest-hood ; therefore i affirme , that any man cunning in the word of god , and the faith of christ , he hath power from god , by the word of god to binde and lose : and a man that is not conuersant in gods word , nor constant in faith , what estate or order soeuer he be of , hath no power to binde or lose , being he wanteth the word of god , the instrument to binde and lose with . touching fréewill , he said ; as many as firmely beléeue in christ , haue liberty , as in the . of iohn , if the sonne make you free , then verily shall you be free , but as many as beleeue not in christ , are bond seruants of sinne , he that sinneth is bond to sinne . touching praying to saints , he said ; it is certaine in scripture , that we should worship and honour one god , but for honouring of saints it is doubtfull , whether they heare our inuocation made to them ; therefore i exhort all men , that they would leaue the vnsure way , and follow that way which our maister christ taught vs : he is our onely mediator , and maketh intercession for vs ; hee is the doore , he that entreth not in by this doore , but climbeth in another way , is a theefe and a murderer ; he is the verity and life , he that goeth out of this way , is fallen into the mire . touching purgatory , he neuer found any place of scripture appliable therto : then he said to maister iohn lander his accuser , if you haue any testimony of scripture , by which you can proue such a place , shew it before this auditory : but he had not a word to say for himselfe . touching the uowes of the religious , he said ; some be gelded by nature , and some are gelded of men , and some are chast for the kingdome of christ : these are blessed , but as many as haue not the guift of chastity ▪ neither haue ouercome the lusts of the flesh for the gospell , and yet vow chastity , you haue experience ( though i hold my peace ) to what inconuenience they haue vowed themselues , whereat they were angry , thinking better to haue ten concubines then one wife . touching generall councels , hee said he would beléeue them no further the● they agréed with the word of god : then one iohn graysend bad iohn landers hast to reade the rest of the articles , and not to ●arry for his answere , for wée may not abide them ( quoth he ) no more , then the deuill may abide the signe of the crosse. then the cardinall and bishops pronounced their sentence ▪ definitiue against him , and as he went to execution , two fryers said to him ; pray to our lady , that she may be a mediatrix for you to her sonne : to whom he said , tempt me not my brethren : when he came to the fire , he said thrice vpon his knées , o thou father of heauen i commend my spirit into thy hands , o thou swéet sauior of the world , haue mercy on me . then he said , i beséech you christian brethren and sisters be not offended in the word of god , for the torments you sée prepared for me , but loue the word , and suffer for it , it being your saluation and euerlasting comfort , and pray them that haue heard me , that they leaue not off the word of god , which i taught them for no persecutions : for my doctrine was no wiues fables , after the constitutions of men . if i had taught mens doctrine , i had gotten great thankes , but i suffer this for teaching the gospell , and i doe it gladly : consider my visage , you shall not sée me change my colour for feare of this grim fire , and so i pray you for to do , if any persecution come vnto you for the words sake : some haue said of me , that i taught that the soule of man should sléepe vntill the day of iudgem●nt , but i know surely my soule shall sup with my sauiour christ this night within this sixe houres . i beséech you exhort your prelats to the learning of the word of god , that they may bee ashamed to doe euill , and learne to doe good , and if they will not conuert from their wicked errors , the wrath of god shall hastily come vpon them : then the hang-man asked him foregiuenesse , and he kissed him and said ; my heart doe thine office , i forgiue thee , then he was hanged by the middle and neck , and burned : the people pitiously mourned for his great torments . within two months after the martirdome of this blessed man , george wisehard , dauid beaton , the blooddy archbishop and cardinall of scotland , was by the iust iudgement of god ●laine by one lech , and other gentlemen , who suddenly brake into his castle vpon him , and murdred him in his bed , crying out , alasse slay me not , i am a priest : and so like a butcher he liued and eyed , and he lay seauen months vnburied , and at last like a carion was buried in a dunghill . adam wallace in scotland . in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred forty nine , iohn hamelton was made archbishop of s. andrews and cardinall , not inferior to his predecessor in cruelty : in the next yeare he condemned adam wallace , and one feane , for these articles following . that the bread and wine on the altar , are not the body and blood of iesus christ after consecration . that the masse hath no ground in the word of god , and is very idolatry and abhominable in the sight of god. that the god which they worship , is but bread sowen of corne , growing out of the earth , baked of mens hands , and nothing else : then hee was asked whether he would recant ; he said he had answered nothing but that which agréed with the word of god , so god iudge him and his conscience , wherein hee would abide vnto death , and if you condeme mee for holding gods word , my innocent blood shall bee required at your handes , then they gaue forth sentence against him : the night after he spent in singing and lauding god , hauing learned the psalter of dauid without booke , being besides the fire , he lifted by his eies thrée or foure times , and said to the people ; let it not offend you that i suffer death for the truth , for the disciple is not aboue his maister : then he said ; they will not let me speake , so the ●ire was lighted , and he departed to god constantly . a schisme in scotland for the pater-noster . one richard marshall preached at s. andrewes , that the pater-noster should be said only to god , and not to saints : the fryers had great indignation , that their old doctrine should be repugned , and stirred vp toittis a gray-fryer to preach against it , who preached the lords prayer might be offered to saints , b●cause euery petition therein appertained to them , as wee call an old man father , much more may we call saints our father , and because they are in heau●n , we may say our father which art in heauen , and because they are holie , we may make their names holie , and say hallowed be thy name ; and because the kingdome of heauen is theirs by possession , wee may say to euery one of them thy kingdome come ; and because their will is gods will , we may say , thy will be done to any of them : but he confessed , saints had no power to giue vs our daily bread , but that they should pray to god to giue it vnto vs , and so he glosed the rest to the end : and he affirmed , that pauls napkin and peters shaddow , did miracle● , and eliseus cloake deuided the waters , attributing nothing to the power of god. upon this there was a dangerous schisme in scotland ; some affirming one thing , and some another : whereupon rose this prouerb ; to whom say you your pater-noster , and the people called the fryer , fryer pater-noster , so that for very shame he left the towne . at length there was a disputation about it at the uniuersitie : the popish doctors affirmed , it should be said to god formaliter , and to saints materialiter ; others vltime & non vltime , others , that it should be said to god principaliter , and to saints minus principaliter : others , that it should bee said to god primarily , and to saints secundarily ; others , to god it should be capiendo strictè ; and to god capiendo largè : by which subtile sophistry , the people were more doubtfull then before . the doctors said , because christ , who made the pater-noster , neuer came into britta●ne ▪ and so vnderstood not the english tongue ; therefore the doctors concluded it should be said in latine . vvalter mill . amongst the rest of the martirs of scotland the constancy of walter mill , is not to be passed in silence , out of whose ashes sprang thousands of his opinion ▪ who chose rather to dye , then to bee any longer ouer-trodden with the cru●●l , beastly , and ignorant byshops , abbots , monkes , and fryers : and scone after his martyrdome , the congregation began to debate true religion against the papists . he climbing vp into a pulpet to be examined before the bishops , they séeing him so weake , partly by age , and partly trauell , and euill intreatment , that hee could not climbe vp without helpe : they thought they should not haue heard him , but when he spake he made the church sound with great stoutnesse , that the christions reioyced , and the aduersaries were ashamed : at first hee knéeling , praying long , and was commaunded to rise and answere his articles , calling him sir walter mill , he said , he ought to obay god more then men , and where you call me sir walter , call me walter ; for i haue bin ouer long one of the popes knights . oliphant . what think you of priests marriage ? mille. i hold it a blessed band : for christ made it free to all men , but you abhorre it , and take other mens wiues and daughters : you vow chastitie and breake it . paule hade rather marrie then burne : the which i haue done , for god neuer forbade marriage to any estate or degrée . oliph . thou sayest there is not seuen sacraments . mille. giue me the lords supper and baptisme , and take you the rest : and if there be seuen , why omit you one of them , to wit marriage , and giue your selues to whoredeme ? oliph . thou art against the blessed sacrament of the altar . mill. if a king bid many to a feast , and when they sit downe to eate , he turn his back to them and eate vp all himselfe , doth he not mock them ? euen so do you mock the people , eating and drinking the sacrament , and giuing them none : the sacrament of god is not to be taken carnally but spiritually , and stands in faith onely . your masse is wrong , for christ was once offered vpon the crosse for mans trespasse , and will neuer be offered againe . oliph . thou deniest the office of a bishop . mill. i affirme , those which you call bishops doe not the workes of bishops , but liue after their sensuall pleasures , and take no care for the flocke , nor yet regard the word of god , but desire to be honoured and called lords . oliph . thou speakest against pilgrimages . mill. i say it is not commaunded in scripture , and that there is no greater whoredom in no places then at your pilgrimages , except in common brothell-houses . oliph . thou preachest priuatly in houses , and openly in fields . mill. yea man , and in the sea also , sayling in a ship . oliph . if thou wilt not recant i will pronounce sentence . mill. you shall know that i will not recant : for i am corne and not chaffe , i will not be blowne away with the winde , nor burst with the flaile , but i will abide both . when sentence was pronounced , and he to be deliuered to the temporall iudge , his constancie so moued the hearts of many , that the prouost of the towne patricke learmond , though he were steward of the bishops regalitie , refused to bee his temporall iudge : and the bishops chamberlaine being therewith charged , would not take vpon him so vngodly an office : the bishops seruants could get neuer a cord in the whole towne for money to tye him to the stake withall , nor a tarre barrell to burne him when he came to the stake . he said to oliphant , put me vp with thy hands , and take part in putting me to death , for by gods law i am forbidden to lay hands on my selfe . then he put him vp with his hands ; and he ascended gladly , saying , introibo ad altare dei , and desired he might speake to the people , which was denied him , they saying he had spoken too much already . then some of the yong men committed the burners , and the bishops their masters to the diuell , and bade him speake what he pleased . then after he had prayed , standing vpon the coales , said , i die onely for the defence of the faith of christ , for the which the faithfull martyrs haue offered themselues gladly before , being assured after the death of their bodies of eternall felicitie . and i praise god he hath called me of his mercie , amongst the rest of his seruants , to seale vp his truth with my life ; therefore as you will escape eternall death , be not seduced with the lies of priests , monks , friers , and the rest of that sect , but depend onely vpon the death of iesus christ and his mercie , that you may in the time to come be deliuered from condemnation . all the while the multitude greatly mourned , perceiuing his mighty patience , constancie and boldnesse ; whereby their hearts were so much enkindled and inflamed , that he was the last martyr that died in scotland euer after for religion . after this by gods iust iudgement , in the same place where walter mill was burned , the images of the great church of the abbey , which passed in number and costlines , were burned in time of reformation . heere followeth in the booke of martyrs the names of diuers which were omitted by him in king henrie the eighth his time , and an instrument of the popes definitiue sentence against henrie the eighth for his diuorse with katharine dowager , and the instrument of the bull of pope leo against martin luther , and his answer to it ; in which for breuitie sake i leaue thee to the booke at large if thou be disposed to see them , and also the last will and testament of king henry , and the manner of his death . a storie of certain friers in france in the citie of orleance in the yeare . the mayors wife of the citie prouided in her will that she should be buried without any pompe or solemnitie : for the bell did vse to warne euery one to pray for the dead corps ; and when it is carried forth all or the most part of the begging friers goe before it with torches and tapers , and the more pompe is vsed , the greater is the concourse of people ; but this woman would none of this gears , the which buriall of hers , her husband performed according as she required in her will. then one colman and steuen arras doctors of diuinitie : and the first a coniurer , set a young man , which was a nouice , ouer the uault of the church , and when they came according to their vse to mattins at mid-night , he made a wonderfull noyse and shrieking : then this colman went to crossing and coniuring , but the other aboue would not speake ; and being charged to make a signe whether he were a dumbe spirit or no , hee ratled and made a great noyse againe . then they tolde some of the chiefest of the citie what a heauie chance had happened , and intreated them to come to their seruice at night . when they were there , and the seruice begunne , he aloft made a great noyse : being demaunded what he would , he made signes he could not speake : then he was commaunded to answere intergatories by signes , and when any question was asked he strook vpon the table so that he might be heard : then he was demaunded whether he was any that were buried there ; then they reckoned vp diuers , and at last the mayors wife : here he made a signe that he was the spirit of that woman ; then he was asked whether he was damned for couetousnesse , pride , lecherie , or not doing workes of charitie , or else for lutheranisme ; then by striking twise or thrise vpon the table gaue them to vnderstand that luthers heresie was the cause of her damnation : and being asked whether the bodie buried in holy ground should be digged vp and carried ●hence , he made signes it should be so : then the friers desired the citizens to set their handes to a writing , testifying that which they had séene , but for feare of the mayor , they refused to subscribe : then the friers took the pixe , with the host , and the lords body , and all the reliques of saints , and carried them to another place , and there they said their masses : then the officiall came thither , and would faine haue seene the spirit coniured , and one should go into the vault and sée if any spirit appeared : but he could not get them to disturb the spirit any more . ● then the mayor informed the king of the whole matter , and the king sent certaine to know whether it were so , or no : then they put the d●ers thereof into seuerall prisons , and examined them apart , and a great while they would confesse nothing : at length , the iudges promising the nouice that he should haue no harme , nor come no more into the fryers hands , he declared to them the whole matter in order : wherupon they were committed to orleance to prison . and it was certainly reported , that the king would haue plucked down the house : but euen at the same time chanced a persecution against the lutherans , and they feared the punishment of these men should haue bin a reproch vnto the order , and a cause of much reioycing to the lutherans . these were francis●an fryers . a storie of certaine monks of sueuia . gvnrame , a noble baron , in the yeare . builded an abbey in sueuia , called salmesuille , of cistercian monks . amongst many benefactors to the said house , the earles of montfort had bestowed vpon that monasterie many new liberties and priuiledges , vpon condition , that they should receiue with frée hospitalitie any stranger , horse-man or foot-man , for one night : but this hospitalitie did not long continue , through a subtile deuise of one of the monks , who would counterfeit the diuell , ratling and raging in chaynes at the lodgings where the strangers should lie : and so continued this a long space . at length , an earle of the house of montfort was lodged at the monasterie : when the earle was at his rest , in the night the monke , after his wonted manner , began to play the diuell , roring , thundering , spitting of fire , and making a noyse : the earle hearing thereof , tooke a good heart , and taking his sword , slew the monk. and thus the diuell of the abbey was coniured , which stopped the guests from comming to the house . who lift to see more and worse pranks of friers and monks , played in their houses & cloysters , let them resort to the epistle of erasmus , and he shall find ynough to infect the aire . iohn brovvne , a blessed martyr , burned at ashford in the second yeare of henrie the eighth , anno . the said iohn browne passing to graues-end in a barge , a priest began to swell and stomack that he should sit so neere him , at length said , doest thou know who i am , thou fittest so neere me and vpon my clothes ? no sir , said the other . i tell you , said he , i am a priest. what sir , are you a parson or uicar , or some ladies chaplain ? no , said he , i sing for a soule . i pray you , said the other , where find you the soule when you go to masse ? i cannot tel , said he . i pray where do you leaue it when you haue done masse ? i know not ; said the priest. how then , said the other , can you saue the soule ? i perceiue thou art an heretick , said the priest. within three daies after , by vertue of a warrant ●rom the archbishop , with a baylife and two of the bishops men , they came suddenly into the house of the said browne , as he was carrying a dish of meat to his guests ( for his wife was that day churched ) they layd hands on him , and carried him to canterburie , where they kept him fortie dayes : in which time he was so pitifully entreated by warram the archbishop , and fisher bishop of rochester , that he was set bare-footed vpon hote burning coales , to make him denie his faith ; which he bare patiently , and continued in maintaining the lords quarrell vnremoueable : then he was sent to ashford , where he dwelt , the next day to be burned : where he was set in the stocks all night ; his wife sate all the while by him , to whom he declared the whole tragedie of his handling : how they burned his ●e●t to the bones , that he could not set them to the ground , to make him denie his lord here : which if i should haue done , he would denie me hereafter ; therefore good wife , continue as thou hast begun , and bring vp thy children in the feare of god : where the next day he was burned . this iohn browne bare a faggot seuen yeares before this , whose sonn● , named richard browne ▪ for the like cause of religion , was imprisoned at canterburie in the later time of queene marie , and should haue beene burned , with two more : but the next day after queene marie died , and they escaped by the proclamation of queen● elizabeth . the ninth booke , contayning the acts and things done in the raigne of king edvvard the sixt . after the death of henrie the eight , succeeded king edward the sixt , his sonne , being of the age of nine yeares . touching his commendations , i leaue you to the booke at large : who , because he was so young and tender , was committed to sixtéene gouernours , amongst whome , especially the lord edward semer , duke of somerset , his vncle , was assigned as protector of him and the commonwealth : a man of noble vertues , especially for his fauour to gods 〈◊〉 ; thro●gh the industrie of whom , that monstrous hydra with sixe heads , the 〈◊〉 articles , which deuoured so many , were abolished ; whereby the proceedings of gardner began to decay : who storming thereat , wrote to the lord protector in the cause thereof . he restored the scriptures to the mother tongue , and extinguished masses , and by little and little greater things followed in the reformation of churches : such as fled for the danger of the truth , were againe receiued to their countrey , the most part of bishops were changed , dumbe pr●lates were compelled to giue place to such as would preach , and learned men were sent for out of other countries , as peter martyr , martin bucer , & paulus phagius , the first of whom taught at oxford , and the other two at cambridge , with great commendations . bonner , bishop of london , was committed to the marshalsie , and for his contempt and misdemeanor deposed : gardener , bishop of winchester , with tunstall bishop of durham , were cast into the tower for their disobedience . in this time of king edward , vnder this noble protecto● , this one commendation is proper vnto them , that amongst all the popish ●ort ; of whom , some priuily st●le out of the realme , manie were craftie dissemblers , some open aduersaries ● yet there was not one that lost his life during the whole time of the raigne of this king , for any matter of religion , papist or protestant , except lone of kentan english woman , and one george a dutchman , who died for certaine articles not necessarie to be rehearsed . thomas dobbe . this man , in the beginning of king edwards raigne , comming from s. iohns colledge in cambridge to london , as he passed through paules church , there was a priest at masse at the south side of the church : being at the eleuation , this yong man , repleate with godly zeale , pittying the ignorance and idolatry of the people , in honouring that which the priest lifted vp , he exhorted the people not to honour that visible bread as god , which was neither god nor ordained of god to be honoured ; wherefore he was apprehended by the mayor , and accused to the bishop of canterburie , and was committed to the counter in bread-stréete , where shortly falling sicke , he died ; whose pardon was obtained of the lord protector , if he had liued . iohn hvnne . in the first yeare of the kings raig●e one master lewnax of wresell and his wife , sent this iohn hunne their seruant , vnto the bishop of canterbury for denying the flesh and bloud of christ to be really in the sacrament of the altar , and saying he would neuer vaile his hatte to it if he should be burned for it : and that if he should heare masse he should be damned . but because i finde nothing done therein , i leaue it . when this godly yong prince was peaceably established in his kingdome , and had a godly , wise , and zealous councell about him , especially the duke of sommerset , he earnestly desired the aduancement of the true honour of god , and planting of sincere religion , and the s●ppressing of all idolatry , superstition , and hypocrisie throughout his dominions : following the good example of the good king iosias , and being he found most of his lawes repugnant to his zealous enterprise : he by the aduice of his wise and honorable councell , of his own regall authoritie , did prosecute his godly purpose , vntill by consent of the whole estate of parliament he might establish , a more free and vniforme order , and those certaine wi●e , learned , and discreet personages for commissioners , generally to visit all the bishopricks of this realme , to vnderstand and redresse the abuses of the same : and diuided them into seuerall companies , and assigned them seuerall diocesses to be visited , appointing to euery company , one or two godly preachers which should preach to the people at euery sessions , the true doctrine of the gospell of christ , and exhort them to all loue and obedience of the same : and earnestly dehort them from their old superstition , and wonted idolatry : and that they might the more orderly be directed in this their commission , there were deliuered vnto them certaine iniunctions , and ecclestasticall orders drawne out by the kings learned councell , the which they should both inquire of , and also command in his maiesties behalfe , to be thenceforth obserued of euery person to whom they did seuerally appertaine within their seuerall circuits : the which iniunctions if thou beest disposed for to reade , i leaue thee for breuitie to the booke at large . now during the time the commissioners were in their circuits , about diligent execution of their godly and zealous orders of the king and councell , de●iring a further reformation , as well in ecclesiasticall as in ciuill gouernment , appointed a parliament to be summoned on the fourth of nouember , in the first yeare of his raigne , which continued vntill the twenty foure day of december then next following . whereby he caused to be enacted , that all acts of parliaments and statutes , touching , menci●ning , or any wise concerning religion , or opinions , to wit ; the statute of the first yeare of richard the second , and the statute made in the second yeare of the raign of henry the fift , and the statute mad● in the fiftéenth yeare of the raigne of henry the eight , concerning the punishments and reformation of hereticks and lolards : and the sixe articles made in the thirty one yeare of henry the eight , and the statute made in the thirty thrée year of henry the eight , against the bookes of the old and new testament in english , and the printing and vttering of english or bookes writings , and preaching the scriptures , an another statute in the . yeare of henry the eyght touching the qualification of the stat●te of sixe articles , and a●l and euery other act or acts of parliament concerning doctrine or matters of religion , should from thenceforth bee repealed and of none effect , by occasion whereof all his godly subiects abiding within the realme had free liber●y to professe the gospell , and those beyond sea wer not onely licensed to ret●rne home but incouraged bouldly and faithfully to trauell in their calling , so that god was much glorified and the people edified . and in this parliament it was enacted , that the sacrament should be ministred in both kinde , and letters missiue were sent fr●m the councell to the bishops of the realme , concerning the communion to bee ministred in both kinds , and from bishop to bishop , as thou maist sée in the booke at large . another parliament was assembled in the second yeare of his raigne , beginning vppon the foorth day of nouember . continuing vntill the . day of march , wherein a booke in english intituled the booke of common prayer and administration of the sacraments and other rightes and ceremonies of the church , after the vse of the church of england , was concluded vppon by the clergy , which his highnesse receauing with great comfort , did exhibi●● it vnto the lords and commons of the parliament , who for the honour of god and great quietnesse which by the grace of god should ensue vppon that one vniforme right and order in such common prayer , rites and externe ceremonies to bee vsed throughout england , wales , calice and the marches of the same , authorise● the sayd booke by act of parliament , and set great penalty vpon them that wo●ld bee disobe●ient thereto , as is to be seene in the booke at large . a●so the mariage of priests was authorized by the sayd parliament by these procéedings , and the iniunctions , which thou maiest see in the book at large : thou maiest well perceaue the great zeale of the king and the lord protector , in reformation of t●ue religion , and also the lingring slacknesse on the other side of others , especially of the bishops and old popish curats , by whose cloked contempt and wilfull winking , the booke of common prayers was long after the publishing thereof very irreuerently vsed throughout many places of this realme , which when the king by diuers complaintes vnderstood , hee wrote spéedily to all the bishope of the realme for the spéedy redresse thereof : and because bonner was one of the backwardest , hee was peremtor●ly admonished vnder paine of depriuation to preach the next sunday three weekes after the date there of at paules crosse , none but such doctrine as was appoynted him in the said iniuntion , and should preach the same doctrines euery quarter of a yeare yearely , ●f sicknesse or some reasonable cause did not let . secondly , you your selfe in person , shall from henceforth celebrate the communion at the high altar in paules euery such dayes as your predecessors were wont to sing masse . the popish priests grudging and mourning to see their old pop●sh church of rome to decay , ceased not by all subtile and sinister meanes ; first vnder gods name and the kings , and vnder colour of religion , to perswade the people to rebellion . this first burst out in cornwell and deuonshire , of whom the chiefe gentlemen captaines were humfrey arundell esquire , iames rosogan , iohn rosogan , iohn walkock , iohn payne , thomas vnderhill , iohn soleman , and william segar . there were e●ght priests gouernours of the campes and principall stirrers , beside●● multitude of other popish priests , there was ten thousand stout traytors in this rebellion . commotions likewise beganne to broyle in oxford-shire , yorke-shire , and especially in northfolke and suffolke , these aforesaid hearing thereof , tooke courage , hoping they should well ●aue forti●ied the same quarrell : their intent was to inuade the citty of exeter , and twise they burned the gates thereof , but gayned thing but shotte , beeing put from exeter , they fell on spoyling and robbing , where or howsoeuer they might catche , then laying their heads together , they consulted of certaine articles to be sent vp to the king as followeth . first they would haue that their curats should minister the sacrament of baptisme , at all times of néede as well in the weeke dayes as on the holydayes , and their children confirmed of the bishop whensoeuer wee resort to him . secondly because they did constantly beléeue that in the sacrament , after consecration there is the very body and blood of christ , and no substance of bread and wine remaineth : therefore we will haue the masse celebrated as in times past , without any man communicating with the priests , because many presuming vnworth●●y to receiue the same , put no difference betwixt the lords body and other bread , and wée will haue the consecrated body of our lord reserued in our churches . thirdly wée will haue holy bread and holy water , in remembrance of christs body and blood . fourthly we will that our priests shall sing and say with an audible voyce , gods seruice in the quire of the parish churches , and not to haue it set forth as a christmas play . fiftly because priests be men dedicated to god to celebrate the blessed sacraments and preaching of gods word , wee will that they shall li●e chast without marriage . sixtly we will the sixe articles shall stand in force . to which articles the king did particularly answer and set forth reasons against them in writing , and shewed that he would spend his life and all that hee had to maintaine the godly reformation which was begun , yet hee offred them pardon if they would desist from the deceitfull counsell of the séekers of dissention who sought for nothing els but to vnd●e them , their wiues and children : and if they would not be moued to repentance with his fatherly kindnes shewed vnto them , hee would procéed against them as against the heathen with force and armes . a●d because they would not accept mercy , sir iohn russell knight , lord priuy seale , was sent by the king and councell against them , and next to him were ioyned sir william harbert , sir iohn paulet , sir hugh paulet sir thomas speck with the lord gray and others . thus the lord priuy seale accompanied with the lord gray aduancing his power against the rebells , yet by gods prouidence they gaue them the repulse , who recouering themselues againe , encountred the second time the lord priuy seale , but by gods helpe they with their whole cause of false religion were vtterly vanquished , the popish rebells not onely lost the field , but a great part of them lost their liues lying slaine the compasse of two miles ; diuers were taken as humphry arundell , berry , thomas vnderhill , iohn soleman , william seger , and two priests tempson and barret , and two mayors henry bray and henry lee with diuers mo , all which afterward were executed . these rebells to make their part more sure by the presence of their consecrated god , brought with them vnto the battaile the pixe vnder his canopy riding and in a cart , neither was there lacking masses , crosses , banners , candlestickes , with holy-bread and holy-water plenty to defend them from diuells , and all enemies which could not saue them from their enemies : but both the consecrated god and all the trumpery about him was taken in the cart , lea●ing a lesson of better experience how to put their confidence in such vaine idolls . like vnto this was the field of musclebrough fought in scotland the yeare before this when the scots incamping thēselues against the lord protector & the kings power sent into scotland , they likwise brought into the field the gods of their altars , with masses , crosses , banners , and all their popish stuffe , hauing great affiance therein , to haue a great day against the english army , as to mans indgement might seeme not vnlike . the number of the scots armie farre excéeded ours : but the arme of the lord so turned the vi●tory , that the scots in the end with all their masses and trinkets were put to the wors● , of whom were slaine betweene thirtéene and fourtéene thousands , and not passing a hundred english men : the cause of this warre was because the scots had promised king henry the eight , that the yong scottish quee●e should marry with king edward , which promise they afterward brake and payed therefore : and this victory was the same day and houre , when the images were burned openly in london . there was the like commotion in oxford , and buckingham , but that was soon appeased by the lord gray , of whom two hundred were taken , and twelue of them ringleaders deliuered to him ; where of certaine were executed . in norfolk & the parts thereabouts the marquesse of northampton , was sent to represse the rebellion , who was appointed to kéep the field and passages , to stop them from victuals , whereby they might the sooner be brought to acknowledge their fault , and séeke pardon , who pined himselfe within the citie of norwich , but the rebels pressed vpon the citie , and at length obtained it , yet there was but a hundred on both sides slaine , and the lord shefield , then the earle of warwick was sent against them , by whom the confused rabble was ouerthrown , to the number of foure thousand , and both the kets , chiefe stirrers of that commotion ▪ were put to death , and one of them hanged in chains . in this yeare likewise the like commotion began at semer in the north-riding of yorke shire , and continued in the east-riding of the same , and there ended . the principall doers thereof were william ombler , thomas dale , with one steuenson . they intended to stirre in two places at one instant , seuen miles from the other , and at the first rush to destroy such gentlemen and men of substance as fauoured the kings proceedings , and to set the beacons on fire to bring the people together : and hauing the ignorant people assembled , then to poure out their poyson , beginning with such as they thought were pinched with pouerty , and vnwilling to labour , therefore the more readie to follow the spoyle of rich mens goods , blowing in their eares that gods seruice was now quite laide aside , and new inuentions , neither good nor godly , put in their stead , feeding them with faire promises , to reduce into the church againe their olde ignorance and abominable idolatrie . putting this practise in execution , they took one m. white , and one clopton , and one sauage a marchant of yorke , and one bery , and cruelly murdred them , and took● away all that was about them : then they ranged from towne to town and inlarged their ●and , leauing in no towne any men aboue the age of . yeares , vntill they had gathered about . then came the king● pardon to them , which ombler con●umelio●sly refused , and perswaded others so to d●e , and some excepted thereof ; but shortly after , ombler as he was riding from towne to towne , to charge all the constables and inhabitants in the kings namo , to resort to humumby , hee was taken and imprisoned at ●orke . after him , thomas dale and henry barton , iohn dale , robert wright , william peacocke , wetherell , and edmund buttry , busie stirrers in this sedition , as they trauelled from place to place to draw people vnto their faction , were likewise apprehended and committed to ward , and after executed at yorke . the king of france bearing of the insurrections of the kings subiects in diuers places , supposing to take the time , he made inuasion against the iles of iersey and gernesey , and thought to haue surprised the kings ships in the said iles , with his shipp●s and gallies , but he was so hotly saluted with the kings ships in the iland , that the french-men lost at least a thousand men , and their shippes and gallies were so spoyled , as they were forced to returne home , and not able to come out againe : and they brought into one towne in one vessell , at least sixty gentlemen to be burned , and the king gaue out a speciall inhibition , that none should speake of the successe of that iourney , so the arme of god mercifully fought for king edward his seruant , to defend and deliuer him from so many hard dangers , all in one yeare , which is worthy of all posterity to be noted . the examination of bonner . the king sent forth his commission vnder his broad seale , to the byshop of canterbury , and the bishoppe of rochester , and other trusty personages and councelors , appointing and authorising them , to examinine the bishoppe of london , and to procéed against him according to law and iustice , either to suspention , excommunication , committing to prison , or depriuation , if the qualitie of the offence so required . at bonners first entring into the place , within the arch-bishops house at lambeth ( where the arch-bishop and the other commissioners sat ) to be examined : hée kept his hat on his head , making as though he saw them not , vntill one bad him reuerence the commissioners , then laughingly he said ; what my lords are you there , by my troth i saw you not : no said the archbishop you would not sée ; well ( quoth he ) you sent for me , haue you any thing to say to me ; yea , said the commissioners , we haue authority to call you to account for your sermon you made lately at pauls crosse , because you did not preach to the people the articles you were commanded to preach vpon . then said bonner ; in good faith my lord , i would one thing were had in me●ereuerence then it is , what is that said the archbishop , the blessed masse ( quoth he ) you haue written well of the sacrament , i maruell you doe no more honour it : the arch-bishoppe said ; if you thinke i haue wrote well of it , it is because you vnderstand it not . bonner said , i thinke i vnderstand it better then you that wrote it : the archbishop replyed , he would easily make a childe of ten yeares old vnderstand therein as much as you . and when they had called forth maister latimer , and iohn hooper , preachers , to propound such matter as they had to say against him , he hearing them speake , fell to scorning and taunting them , calling one goose , and the other woodcocke , and denying their accusation to be true . whereupon the arch-byshop asked him whether hee would credit the people there present , and because many of them that were there , were at his sermon . the arch-bishoppe stood vp and read the article of the kinges authority during his young age , saying vnto them ; how say you my maisters , did my lord of london preach this article , they answered , no , no : then bonner deridingly said ; will you beléeue this fond people . then was shewed forth a ●ill of complaint , exhibited vnto the king by the said maister latimer and iohn hooper , which was read ; then bonner prayed that the bill of complaint should be deliuered vnto him , which when he had pervsed , he said ; it was so generall , as hee could not directly answere vnto it : the arch-bishop said , the speciall cause was , because he had transgressed the kinges commaundement , in not setting forth in his last sermon at paules crosse , the kinges hignesse royall power in his minority : and for the proofe thereof , hee called maister latimer and iohn hooper , to whom bonner saide ; as for this merchant latimer , i haue wincked at his euill doings a great while , but i haue ●ore to say to him héereafter : but as touching this merchant hooper , i haue not séene him before , howbeit i haue heard much of his naughtie preaching ; then he said , ah my lord , now i sée the cause of my trouble is not for the matter you pretend , but because i did preach in my late sermon the true presence of the most blessed body and blood of our sauiour iesus christ , to bée in the sacrament of the altar : and as for these my accusers , they are notorious euill persons , and notable hereticks and seducers , especially touching the sacrament of the altar , and most of all this hooper : for whereas i preached , that after consecration of the sacrament , there is the selfe same body and blood of christ in substance , that was hanged vpon the crosse : hee in the afternoone hauing a great rabblement with him of his damnable sect , did preach to the people erroniouslie against it , and vntruely expounded my wordes : for whereas i said the same substance that was hanged vpon the crosse , hee like an asse , ( as he is an asse indéede ) turned the word that , into as , saying ; that i said , as it hanged vpon the crosse : then the arch-bishoppe demaunded of him , whether christ were in the sacrament , face , nose , mouth , eyes , armes , and lips , with other lineaments of the bodie ; whereat bonner shooke his head , and said ; i am right sorry to heare your grace to speake those words which you haue done . hee appeared seauen times before the said commissioners , and euer vsed verie vnreuerent , vncomely , and frowar● words and behauiours towards the commissioners and others , and hee still shifted off the matter by subtile dilatories , and friuolous cauiling about the law , and with facing and rayling vpon the denouncers , that hee thought to countenance out the matter before the people . but to conclude , for all his subtile , craftie , cautels , and tergiuersations , hée was iustlie imprisoned , and in the end most lawfullie depriued . the first trouble of the lord protector , was presentlie after the depriuation of bishop bonner , but shortly after hee was deliuered out of the same by the mighty working of god , the tractation whereof shall bee delayed , vntill the time of his second trouble , which was two yeares after . the vulgar people hearing of the apprehension of the lord protector , they began to brute abroad , that now they should haue their latine seruice , the holy bread and holy water , and their other ceremonies againe : wherefore straite commaundement was sent to the bishops of the dioces , to warne the parsons , uicars , curats , and church-wardens of euerie parish , to deliuer vp all antiphoners , missalls , grayles , processionals , manualls , legends , pyes , portuasies , iournals , and ordinals , and all other bookes of seruice : the hauing whereof , might be any let vnto the seruice that now is set forth in english , commaunding all such persons as should be found disobedient in this matter , to be committed to ward . and because many refused to pay towardes the finding of bread and wine for the communion , whereby the communion in many places was omitted : the byshops had charge for the redresse héereof , and to punish such as refused so to doe . in this yeare letters were sent for the taking downe of altars in churches , and setting vp a table in the steed thereof , vnto nicholas ridley , who being byshop of rochester before , was made bishop of london in bonners place . the storie of stephen gardner , bishop of winchester . vvhereas the kinges maiestie made a generall visitation , as before is said , and appointed certaine iniunctions to be generally obserued , they were obediently receiued , and reuerently executed of all men of all sorts , sauing onely of the bishop of winchester , who by conference with others , by open protestations and letters also , shewed such a wilfull disobedience therein as might haue bred much trouble : wherefore he was sent for before the councell , before whom he denied to receiue the said articles , and so misused himselfe before them ▪ that he was sent to the fléete : but vpon promise of conformity , hee was set at liberty againe , then he set forth such matters as bred more contention in that shire , then in all the realme againe , and he caused all his seruants to bée secretly armed and harnised , to withstand such as he thought to haue béene sent by the councell into those parts , and when preachers were sent into that countrey by the councell to preach the word of god , the bishop to disappoint and disgrace them , and to hinder his maiesties procéedings , did occupy the pulpit himselfe , and in his sermons would warne the people of such new preachers , and to imbrace no other doctrine then that which he had taught them . wherefore being sent for againe before the councell , yet in the end vpon his second promise of conformity , they left him at libertie , willing him to remaine at his house at london , yet he began afresh to ruffle and meddle in matters that touched the kings maiesty . whereupon being once againe admonished , be promised againe conformity , and that he would declare his conscience to be well satisfied with the kings procéedings , to the satisfaction and good quiet of others ; but at the day appointed he did speake of certaine matters contrary to expresse commaundement of the king : and in the articles whereu●to he had agreed before , hee vsed such a manner of vtterance , as was v●ry like there presently to haue stirred a great tumult , and in great matters touching the pollicy of the realme , hee so handled them , that he shewed himselfe a very seditious man , and that in the presence of his maiestie , the lords of the councel● , and of such an audience , as the like thereof hath not béene séene : whereupon he was committed to the tower , and after iustly depriued for his obstinaey therein . hee wrote a letter vnto maister vaghan , in defence and prayse of images , which the lord protector answered very learnedly , as thou mayst sée in the booke at large . he wrote another epistle , wherein hee first rayled and findeth fault with the paraphrase of erasmus , which he calleth a booke of abhomination : secondlie , hée sheweth , that he can in no case away with the homily of saluation ▪ set out by the archbishop of canterbury , which article marue●lously vexeth his spirit . his third purpose whereunto his letters cheefely draw , is to insinuate the lord protector , that no alteration should bee made of religion , during the time of the kings minority , but to let all thinges stand as king henrie had left them . the iudgement of doctor redman on his death-bed , touching certaine points of religion . the sea of rome in this last daies , is a sinke of all euill . purgatory , as the schoolemen vsed it , was vngodly , and there was no such kind kind of purgatory as they phantasied . that the offering vp of the sacrament in masses and treutals for the sins of the dead , is vngodly . that the wicked are not partakers of the body of christ , but receiue the outward sacrament only . that the sacrament ought not to be carried about in procession , for it is taught what is the vse of it by these words , take , eate and drink , doe this in remembrance of mee . that nothing which is séen in the sacrament , or perceiued with any outward sense , is to be worshipped . that we receiue not christs body corporally , that is to say , grossely like other meats , and like as the capernayts did vnderstand it . that we receiue christs body so spiritually , that neuerthelesse truly . touching transubstantiation , there is not in any of the olde doctors any good ground and sure proofe thereof , or any mention of it , as farre as euer he could perceiue ; neither that he doth sée what could be answered to the obiections made against it . being asked of master wilkes what that was which was lifted vp betwixt the priests hands , he answered , that he thought that christ could be neither lifted vp nor downe . that priests may by the law of god marrie wiues . that as only faith doth iustifie , so that doth signifie a true , a liuely , and a faith resting in christ , and imbracing christ : and this is true , godly , sweet and comfortable doctrine , so that it be so taught that the people take non● occasion of carnall libertie . that workes had their reward and crown , but they did not deserue eternall life and the kingdome of god , no not the workes of grace ; for euerlasting life is the gift of god. the historie of vvilliam gardner an englishman , who constantly suffered in portingall for the truth . hee was borne at bristow , and gaue himselfe vnto the trade of merchandise , he was sent into spaine by master paget , being sixe and twenty yeares old , the ship arriued by chance at lishborne the chiefe citie of portugall , he tarrying there about merchandise , became a profitable seruant to his master and others , yet he reserued his religion in that popish countrey : there were also besides him diuers good men in the same citie , neither lacked he good books nor the conference of good and honest men , to whom he would often bewaile his weakenesse , that he was not sufficiently touched with the hatred of his sinnes , nor inflamed with the loue of godlinesse . there was a solemne marriage celebrated betwéen two princes , the sonne of the king of 〈◊〉 , and the daughter of the king of spain , to which marriage there was great resort of nobles , and there lacked no bishops with miters , nor cardinals with hats , to set out this royall wedding . william gardner was there when they went forward to the celebrating of the masse , for that alone did serue for all purposes : the cardinall did execute it with much singing and organ-playing : the people stood with great deu●tion and silence , praying , looking , knéeling , and knocking , their minds fully bent vpon the external sacrament , which did grieuously prick and mo●e this young man , to sée so many noble personages and others so seduced with this idolatri● , that if the prease of people had not hindered him he would that day haue done some notable thing in the kings presence : he came home and made vp all his accounts of that was due to him , and that which was owing to others , that no man could aske any thing of him , he fell to prayer and meditation of the scriptures : the sunday came againe to be celebrated with like pompe and solemnitie : the said william was early present , and stoode as neere the altar as he could : when the king with all his nobles were come the masse began , which was solemnized by a cardinall , when hee began to ●osse the host too and fro round about the chalice , making certaine circles , the said william gardiner not able to suffer any longer , hee ran to the cardinall in the presence of the king , nobles , and citizens , with the one hand hee snatched away the cake and tr●de it vnder his féet , and with the other hand ouerthrew the chalice : wherevpon rose great tumult , and one wounded him with a dagger in the soulder : the king commanded to saue him , whereby they abstained from murdering him . when he was brought before the king : he demanded what country man he was , and how hee durst worke such a contumacie against his maiestie , and the sacraments of the church : hee answered hee was an english man , by birth and religion , and am come hither for traffick of marchandize , and when i saw in this famous assembly so great idolatry committed , my conscience neither ought nor could any longer suffer , but must needs doe that you haue séene me doe , which was not done for any contumacy of your maiestie , but of purpose , as before god i do confesse to séek the saluation of this people : then vnderstanding that king edward had restored religion in england , and thinking he had beene set on by some others : they would know who set him on ; he answered he was not mooued thereto by any man , but by his owne conscience , but that hee owed this seruice first vnto god , and secondly vnto their saluation , and they ought to impute the act onely to themselues , which so vnreuerently vsed the holy supper of the lord vnto so great idolatry , to the perill of their owne soules , except they repented . he was like to faint with the aboundance of blood that ranne out of his wound , and surgeons were sent to cure it , then all english-men were committed vnto prison , and one pendigrace , because that he was his bed-fellow , was gree●ously tormented and examined , and scarse deliuered after two yeares imprisonment . then they caused a linnen cloath to bee sowed round like a ball , which they violently put downe his throat to the bottome of his belly , tyed with a small string which they held in their handes ; and when it was downe they pulled it vp againe with violence , so plucking it too and fro through the meat pipe . when all torments and tormentors were wearied , they asked him if he did not repent his wicked deed , he answered , if it were to doe againe he thought he should doe it , but he was sorie it was in the presence of the king : the fault ought to be ascribed to the king and not to him , in that he hauing power would not prohibit so great idolatrie vsed amongst his people . three dayes after they brought him to execution : when they had vsed all kind of torments against him , then they cut off his right hand , which he tooke vp with his left and kissed it ; then they cut off his other hand , which he , kneeling downe , kissed , and so he was carried to the place of execution , where was an engine , from the which a great rope comming downe by a pullie , was fastened about this christian , which first pulled him vp : then there was a great pile of wood set on fire beneath him into the which he was by little and little let downe , not with the whole body , but so that his feet only felt the fire : then he was hoysed vp and so let downe againe ; in the which torment he continued with a constant spirit , and the more terribly he burned the more vehemently he prayed . when his feet were burned the tormentors asked him whether he did not yet repent , and exhorted him to call vpon our ladie and other saints ; he answered he had done nothing whereof he did repent , and needed not our ladies nor saints help , and what torments soeuer they vsed : hee remained alwaies one , desiring them to leaue off such vanities and follies , for when christ ceased to bee our aduocate , then he would pray our lady to be his aduocate : and when they sought to stop his prayers , he said iudge mee o lord , and reuenge my cause against the vnmercifull people , before he had ended the psalme , pulling him vp & downe in the fire for the more torment , the rope was burned , hee fell into the middest of the fire , where he changed his temporall paines , for eternall quietnes : thus god by this message did prouoke the portugales to the sincere knowledge . but this cruelty was not vnreuenged , for with a sparke from the fire of his burning , one of the kings shippes was burned , and the kings sonne that was married died halfe a yeere after , and the next yeare the king himselfe dyed . the clergy appointed a solemne fast certaine daies for penance to purge that fact : there be some yet as i haue heard diuers report , out of whose remembrance this constant martyr can neuer be pulled , and is so fresh yet amongst them as if it were but lately done , his death as fruitfull seede hath taken such fruit in some that it is yet a linely , and diligent preaching vnto some against superstition and idolatry vsed in their churches . the tragicall history of the worthy duke of sommerset . king edward had three vnckles by his mothers side : edward , thomas & henry semer : edward was made protector of the realme , and thomas was made high admirall of the same , so long as they were ioined together in amitie , they preserued themselues , and the king , and the common-wealth : sir thomas semer high admirall , married queene katherine , late wife of king henry , as you haue heard ; betwixt the said queene , and the dutchesse of somerset , there fell great displeasure : and therevpon in the behalfe of their wiues grudge began betweene the brethren , after it was laid vnto the lord admirals charge , that hee purposed to destroy the yong king● and trans●ate the crowne vnto himselfe , and for the same he was attainted and condemned , and did suffer at tower hill the twentith of march , one thousand fiue hundred forty and nine , many reported that the duchesse of sommerset had wrought his death : whereby it came to passe , whether by gods iust iudgement or no , in october after , that there was great consultation amongst the lords , in the house of maister yorke , and at baynards castle , and in the lord mayor of londons house , against the lord protector , remaining then with the king at hampton court : the king with his councell hearing thereof , first secretary peter with the kings message was sent vnto them , whom the lords retained still with them , making no answer : wherevpon the lord protector writ vnto them , that the king was informed of your assembly : wherefore we sent maister secretary peter vnto you : his maiestie , and wee of his councell héere doe not a little maruell , that you stay héere ●he said m. peter , and haue not answered his maiesty , and we are sory to sée your doings bent with violence to bring the king and vs to these extremities : which if you will take no other way , we intend with violence to defend with death , and to put it in gods hand , who giueth victory as it pleaseth him : as touching priuate matters ●o auoide the effusion of christian bloud , and to preserue the kings maiesties person , his realme and subiects , you shall finde vs agréeable to any reasonable conditions that you will require , for wee esteem● the kings wealth , and tranquilitie of the realme , more then other worldly things , yea then our life ; praying them to send their determinate answere by maister peter , or some other . notwithstanding this letter , the lords persisted still in their purpose , and took aduice to kéep themselues in the citie of london , as strong as they might , and willed the mayor and aldermen to prouide a substantiall watch by night , and by day , for the safegard of the citie and gates . then they demanded fiue hundred men to ayde them to fetch the lord protector out of windsor from the king : and they published a proclamation against the said protector to this effect . first that the protector by his euill gouernment was the cause of all the sedition , that of late happened within the realme : and of the losses of the kings ordinance in france : and that it appeared by the building of his sumptuous houses in the time of the kings warre , that he sought his owne glory : that he esteemed nothing the graue counsell , of the councellors , that he had sowed diuisions betwéen the nobles , gentlemen , and commons . that the nobles assembled themselues only to cause the protector to haue liued within limits , & to haue put such order for the surety of the king as was fit . that the protector slandered the councell vnto the king : and that hee was a great traytor , and therefore the lords defired the citie & commons to ayde them to take him from the king. then the king sent a letter vnto the mayor and citizens , commanding them to ayde him with a thousand men out of their citie , well armed , and to send them with all speed vnto the castle of windsor . these contrary commandements comming both at one instant vnto the mayor & citizens of london : it séemed very doubtfull to them which way to take : at the last stepped vp a citizen george studlaw , and said . i remember in the time of henry the third ; the barons as the lords doe now , demanded ayde of the mayor and citizens of london , and the citie ayded them against the king , and it came to an open battell , and the lords preuailed against the king , and took the king and his son prisoners , and vpon certaine conditions , the king & his son were restored againe , and the king openly granted his pardon to the lords and citizens , & it was ratified by act of parliament , but it was neuer forgotten during the kings life : the liberties of the citie were taken away , and strangers appointed to be our gouernors , and the citizens giuen away body and goods , and from one persecution vnto another were most miserably afflicted , such it is to enter into the wrath of a prince : for salomon saith , the wrath of a prince is death : therefore i would councell the lords with vs , to make sute to the king , that he would please to heare the complaints that may be iustly proued against the l. protector , and i doubt not but this matter will be pacified , and that the king , nor yet the lords haue cause to seeke for further ayde , neither we to offend any of them both . then the lords sent sir philip hobby , with their letter of credence vnto the king , beséeching him to giue credit to that which he should say : who so handled the matter , that the lord protector was commanded from the kings presence : and shortly committed to warde in the castle of windsor : the same day the lords of the councell resorted vnto the king , and the next day they brought the lord protector vnto the tower. shortly after the lords resorted vnto the tower , and there charged the lord protector with sundry articles ; the effect of them is contained in the proclamation aforesaid : and although these purposes of man intended the spilling of his life ; and the lord so ordered the matter by the meanes of the kings so laboring for his vnkle , that in short while he was let out of the tower , and continued at liberty two yeares and two daies . after he was againe apprehended & committed againe to the tower , after hee was brought to westminister hall to be arraigned , and there was charged with felony & treason : he put himselfe to be tried by his péeres , who discharged him of treason , but they accounted him guilty of felony , for purposing the death of the duke of northumberland and others , and was returned vnto the tower againe . when he was brought to his execution vpon tower hill , he came with the same gesture which he vsed , changing neither voice nor countenance , and knéeling down he commended himselfe to god , and his prayers ended , he turned toward the people , as it were with a certaine fatherly loue to children , and said : dearely beloued friends , i am brought hether to suffer death , albeit i neuer offended against the king in word nor deed : and haue alwaies béene as faithfull as any man vnto this realme : but because i am by law condemned to die , to testifie my obedience which i owe vnto the lawes , i am come hither to suffer death : wherefore i thanke god that he hath giuen me this time of repentance , who might so suddenly haue béen taken with death that i could not haue acknowledged god , nor my selfe . i would something put you in minde of the christian religion , which so long as i was in authoritie i did alwaies diligently set forth , and i reioice therein , sith now the state of christian religion commeth most neere to the order of the primatiue church , which i esteeme as a great benefit of god to me , and vnto you : most heartily exhorting you all , that you will most thankefully imbrace it , & set out the same in your liuing , which if you do not , no doubt great calamitie will follow . upon these words there was heard a terrible noise , as it had beene of some great tempest from aboue , as if a great deale of gun-powder , being inclosed in an armory , hauing caught fire , had violently broke out : or as if a great company of horsemen had been running together vpon them , whereby the people were so amazed , that they ranne away ; s●me into ditches and puddles , and some into the houses ; others with their halberts fell vnto the ground : crying out , iesus saue vs , iesus saue vs : and those which tarried in their places knew not where they were : it happened heere euen as when the officers of the high priests came to take christ : they runne back and fell to the ground , in so great slaughter of dukes within this few yeares , there were neuer so many weeping eyes at one time , and the people seeing sir anthony browne ride to the scaffold : they coniectured that the king had sent his unkle pardon , therefore with great reioycing they cast vp their caps , and cryed out pardon , pardon , is come , god saue the king . thus the good duke , although he was destitute of mans help , yet hee saw before his departure in what great loue and fauour he was with all men . then said the duke , dearely beloued friends , there is no such matter as you vainely beleeue : therefore i pray you be contented with my death which i most willingly suffer ; let vs ioine in prayer for the king , vnto whom i haue alwaies shewed my selfe a faithfull subiect , and haue béen most diligent to seeke the commoditie of the whole realme ; at which words all the people cryed out and said , it was most true : and praying for the king and councell , and exhorting the people to obedience , forgiuing all his enemies , and desiring forgiuenes of them which he● had offended , and praying them to beare witnes , he died in the faith of christ. then he knéeled downe and prayed , and rising againe without any trouble of minde , he tooke them all on the scaffold by the hand , and bid them all farewell : when he lay vpon the block he called thrice on the name of iesus , saying , lord iesus saue me : and as the name of iesu was repeating the third time , in a moment , he was bereft both of head and life . the lady mary . the king & his councell had much trauell by letters and messengers , to reduce the lady mary to obedient con●ormitie of religion : yet she would not be reclaimed from her owne singuler opinion , fixed vpon custome , to giue any indifferent hearing vnto the word and voice of verity , the which set will of the said lady mary , the yong king , and also his father king henry , right well perceiuing they were both much displeased against her , insomuch that not only her brother did sequester her in his will , but also her owne father considering her inclination , did conceiue such a hate against her , that for a great space he did seclude her from the title of princesse , yea , and seemed so greatly incensed against her , that he was fully purposed to haue procéeded further with her , as it is reported , had not the intercession of thomas cranmer the archbishop reconciled the king againe to fauour and pardon his owne daughter . and about the eighth of september . doctor ridley bishop of london , went to visit the lady mary , and was gently entertained of sir thomas wharton , and other her officers . about eleuen of the clocke the lady mary came forth of her chamber of presence : then the bishop saluted her grace , and said he was come to doe his dutie vnto her grace ; she thanked him , and for a quarter of an houre talked with him pleasantly , and said , she knew him when he was chaplain to her father , and remembred a sermon that he made before her father , at the lady clintons marriage , and so dismissed him to dine with her officers . after dinner the bishop being called , resorted againe vnto her grace : then said the bishop , madam , i come not only to doe my duety to sée your grace , but also to offer my selfe to preach before you on sonday next , if it please you to heare me : she said , i pray make the answere your selfe , for you know the answere well enough : but if i must make answere , this shall be your answere , the doore of the church shall be open for you if you come , but neither i nor none of mine shall heare you . the bishop said , madam , i trust you will not refuse gods word . she answered , i cannot tell what you call gods word ; that is not gods word now that was gods word in my fathers dayes . the bishop said , gods word is one in all times , but it hath beene better vnderstood and practised in some ages then in others . she said , you durst not for your eares haue auouched that for gods word in my fathers dayes that now you doe : as for your new books , i thanke god for it , i neuer read none of them , nor neuer will doe . after many bitter words against the forme of religion then established , and against the gouernment of the realme , and the lawes made in the young yeares of her brother , which she said she was not bound to obey vntill her brother came to perfect age , and then affirmed she would obey them . then she asked him whether he were one of the priuie councell ; he answered no : you might well enough , quoth she , as the councell goeth now-a-dayes : so she concluded , that she thanked him for his gentlenesse to come and see her , but for your offering to preach before me , i thank you neuer a whit . then was the bishop brought by sir thomas wharton vnto the place where he dined , who desired him to drinke : after he had drunke he looked very sadly , and brake out in these words , surely i haue done amisse , in that i haue drunke in that place where gods word hath beene offered and refused , whereas indeed if i had beene mindfull of my duety , i ought not to haue stayed , but to haue departed immediatly , and to haue shaken off the dust of my feete for a testimony against this house . touching the disputations of peter martyr , martin bucer , and paulus phagius , because they are only touching the sacrament , which is so often handled in this book , for breuitie i referre thee to the book at large . the decease of king edward . about a yeare and a halfe after the death of the duke of sommerset , king edward died , entring into the seuenteenth yeare of his age , and in the seuenth yeare of his raigne . as the time approached that it pleased almighty god to call this yong king from vs , which was on the sixth day of iuly , about thrée houres before his death his eyes being closed , speaking to himselfe , and thinking none had heard him , he made this prayer as ●olloweth . lord god deliuer me from this miserable and wretched life , and take me amongst thy chosen , howbeit not my will but thy will be done , for i commit my spirit vnto thee . o lord thou knowest how happie it were for me to be with thée , yet for thy chosens sake send me life and health , that i may truly serue thes . o my lord god , blesse thy people and saue thine inheritance : o lord saue thy chosen people of england : o my god defend this realme from papistrie , and maintain thy true religion , that i and my people may prayse thy holy name , for thy sonne iesu christs sake . then he turned his face , and séeing who was by him , he said vnto them , are you so nigh ? i thought you had been● further off : then smilingly he said ; i was praying to god. the last words he spake were these : i am faint , lord haue mercie vpon me , and take my spirit . and thus he yeelded vp the gh●st , leauing a wofull kingdome behinde vnto his sister . the tenth book , wherein is contained the most memorable things done in the raigne of queene mary . king edward by his testament did appoint lady iane , daughter of the duke of suffolk , whose mother was mary , second sister of king henry , who was first wife to the french king , and after to the said duke , to succeed him in his kingdome ; all the councell and chief nobilitie , the mayor of london , and all the iudges and chiefe lawyers , sauing iudg hales , subscribed therto , who stood for q. mary . the matter thus concluded , king edward died when he was sixteene yeares of age ; then the said iane was proclaymed queene at london , and other cities : she was about the age of king edward ; in learning and wit she might be compared with the uniuersitie men which haue taken many degrees of the schooles . then queen mary wrote to the councel that they should proclaime her quéen , and she would pardon them for that which was done : they answered her , that by the diuorse betwixt king henry and her mother , she was made illegitimate and vnheritable to the crowne . then she speeded her selfe farre from the citie , hoping vpon the commons , whereupon the councell sent forth the duke of northumberland , with other lords and gentlemen with an armie , the guard assisting the duke . mary withdrew her selfe into northfolke and suffolke , where she knew the duke was hated ; and there gathering such aide of the commons as she might , kept her selfe in fremingham castle , to whom suffolk-men resorted , and promised her their aide if she would not alter the religion which her brother had established , to which she agreed , with such promises as no man could haue misdoubted her : and thus being guarded with the power of the gospellers , she vanquished the duke and all that came against her . but after , the suffolk-men making supplication vnto her grace for performance of her promise , she answerd , you shall one day well perceiue that members must obey their head , and not looke to rule the same : and one dobbe a gentleman for aduertising her of her promise by humble request , was three times set in the pillorie , to be a gasing-stock to all men ; others deliuered her books and supplications out of the scripture , to exhort her to continue the doctrine then established , who were sent to prison . the councell at london , vnderstanding that the ladie marie increased in puisance , and the peoples hearts mightily bent vnto her , they turned their song , and proclaymed for quéen , the lady mary , eldest daughter of k. henry the eight , and appointed by parliament to succeed king edward , dying without issue : the duke of northumberland with some of his sonnes , were left destitute at cambridge , as also the earle of huntingdon , who were arrested and brought to the tower as traytors . then the quéen came to the tower , where the lady iane and the lord gilford her husband were imprisoned fiue months , but the duke within a moneth was beheaded , with sir iohn gates and sir thomas palmer : the papists promised the duke pardon if he would openly recant vpon the scaffold , which in hope of pardon he did , and yet he was beheaded ; whose recantation the papists published not a little , reioycing at his conuersion : but sir thomas palmer confessed his faith in the gospell , and was sorie that he had not liued more gospell-like . steuen gardner was released out of the tower , and made bishop of winchester and lord chancellor , and poynets displaced ; and bonner restored to his bishoprick againe , and ridley displaced ; and day made bishop of chichester , and storie put out ; and heath made bishop of worcester , and hooper committed to the fleet ; and vesie to exeter , and couerdale put out . doctor ridley bishop of london had preached against quéen mary in queene ianes time : shortly after the sermon queen mary was proclaymed ; then he went to the queen to salute her , who dispoyled him of his dignities , and sent him to the tower vpon a halting horse . then queen mary directed forth an inhibition by proclamation , that no man should preach or reade openly in churches the word of god. one bourne , who after was bishop of ●ath , preached at paules crosse so much in the praise of bonner being there present , and in dispraise of king edward , that his words sounded euill to the hearers , which caused them to murmur and stirre , insomuch that the maror and others feared an vprore : one hurled a dagger at the preacher , who for feare pulled in his head . master bradford stood forth and appeased the people , and after he and rogers conducted the preacher safe into the grammer-schoole , but shortly after they were both rewarded with burning . the next sonday the preacher at the crosse was guarded with the queenes guard ; then men withdrew themselues from the sermon , and the mayor took order that the ancients of al companies should be present , lest the preacher should be discouraged with his small auditorie . cranmer archbishop of canterburie , assisted with peter martyr and a few others , offered to defend the doctrine of the booke of common prayer by the scriptures and doctors ; but whilst they hoped to come to disputation , the archbishop and others were impris●ned , but peter martyr was suffered to return from whence he came . the first day of october the queen was crowned , and the tenth day a parliament began , where taylor bishop of lincolne , & harley bishop of herford after they saw the masse begin , not abiding the sight thereof , withdrew themselues from the company , wherefore taylor was commanded to attend , but shortly after died , and harley because he was married was ex●●nded from the parlament and his bishoprick . then all statuts in k. hen. the eight , and k. edwards time , which were against papistrie were repealed . sir iames hales iustice of the common pleas , notwithstanding he had ventured his life for quéen mary in not subscribing to king edwards will , as before ; for giuing charge vpon the statuts against papistrie , at the assises , he was committed to diuers prisons , and so terrified , that he wounded himselfe , and meant to haue killed himselfe with a knife , and after was contented to say as they willed him ; whereupon he was discharged , but he neuer rested vntill he had drowned himselfe . then , according to the quéens commandement , there begun a disputation in the conuocation house about the sacrament , which continued six dayes , wherein doctor weston was the chiefe on the popes side , who behaued himselfe outragiously in checking and ●aunting : the matter of the disputation was onely of the sacrament , and the reasons no other then shall and haue beene set forth in this book , wherefore for breuitie i omit them . in conclusion , the quéen to take vp the matter , sent her commandement to bonner to dissolue the conuocation , and such as disputed on the contrary part were driuen some to flie , some to denie , and some to die , though in most mens iudgements that heard the disputation , they had the vpper hand . in which parliament also communication was moued of the quéens marriage , which was very euill taken of the people , and of many of the nobilitie , who for this and for religion , conspiring amongst themselues , made a rebellion , wherof sir thomas wyat was chiefe . news comming to london of this stirre in kent , the quéen caused wyat and the duke of suffolke , who was fled to warwickshire and leister-shire , there to gather a power , and the two carewes of deuonshire , to be proclaymed traytors ; and thomas duke of northfolke was sent into kent against wyat , but about rochester bridge the duke was forsaken of all his men , and returned to london . the earle of huntington was sent post to apprehend the duke of suffolke , who entring the citie of couentrie before the duke disappointed him , and one vnderwood his man betrayed and bewrayed him , so that he was brought to the tower of london . in time sir peter carew hearing what was done , fled into france , but the other were taken : and the quéen hearing of wyats comming towards london , she came into the citie to guild-hall , where she made a vehement oration against wyat , and to incourage them to stand with her . two dayes after the lord cobham was committed vnto the tower ; and wyat comming to southwark , being he could not enter that way into london , he went with his armie by kingstone , and came through the stréets to ludgate , but returning he was resisted at temple-barre , and there yeelded himselfe to sir clement parson , and was brought to the court : the residue of his armie were taken , and a hundred killed ; for sir george harper and almost halfe his men ranne away from him at kingstone bridge , and they which were taken were had to prison , and many of them hanged , and he himselfe executed at tower-hill and quartered : his head was set vpon hay hill , and after stolne away , but there was great search made for the same . then the lady iane was beheaded , two dayes before whose death fecknam was sent to her by the quéen to reduce her to papistrie . the communication betwixt the lady iane and fecknam . feck . madam , i lament your heauie case , but i doubt not but you beare it constantly . iane. i litle lament my owne case , but rather account it a token of gods fauor vnto me , more then euer he shewed to me before , being a thing profitable for my soules health . feck . i am com from the quéen and councel to instruct you in the faith , though i trust i need not trauell ouer much in the performance thereof . iane. i heartily thanke the queene that she is not vnmindfull of her humble subiect , and i hope you will doe your dutie according to the message that you were sent on . feck . what is then required of a christian ? iane. that he should beleeue in god the father , sonne , and holy ghost , three persons , and one god. feck . what is there nothing else to bee required of a christian , but to beleeue . iane. yes , we must also loue him with all our heart , soule , and mined , and our neighbour as our selfe . feck . why then faith instifieth not . iane. yes verily , faith as saint paul saith , onely iustifyeth . feck . why saint paul saith , if i haue all faith , without loue it is nothing . iane. true it is , for how can i loue him whom i trust not : or how can i trust him whom i loue not : faith and loue goeth both together : yet loue is comprehended in faith. feck . how shall we loue our neighbour ? iane. to feede the hungry , cloth the naked , and giue drinke to the thirsty , and to doe to him as we would doe to our selues . feck . why then it is necessary to saluation to doe good workes , and not sufficient onely to beleeue . iane i deny that : and affirme faith onely saueth , but it is meet for a christian to follow christ in good workes : yet we may not say that they profit to saluation : for when we haue done all that we can , we are vnprofitable seruants : and faith onely in christ● bloud saueth vs. feck . how many sacraments are there ? iane. two : the one of baptisme , the other of the lords supper . feck . no , there are seauen , but what are signified by your two sacraments ? iane. by baptisme i am washed with water , and regenerated by the spi●t , and the washing is a token i am gods childe . the lords supper offered vnto me , is a sure seale , that by the blood of christ i am made partaker of the euerlasting kingdome . feck . do you not receiue the very body and blood of christ ? iane. i neither receiued flesh nor blood , but bread and wine ; which putteth me in remembrance , that for my sins his body was broken , and his blood shed , and with it i receiue the benefit of his passion . feck . doth not christ say plainly , this is my body . iane. so he saith , i am the vine and the doore ; and saint paul saith , hee calleth things that are not , as though they were : god forbid i should say i eate the body and blood of christ , for then i should pluck away my redemption , else there were two christs : for if his disciples eate his body , it was not broken vpon the crosse , and if it were broken vpon the cr●sse , his disciples did not eate it , except he had two bodies . feck . could not christ as possibley make his body to be eaten and broken , as to bee borne of a woman without man , and as to walke on the sea and doe other miracles . iane. if god would haue done a miracle at supper he could , but he then minded no miracle , but to suffer for sinne . was not christ at the table and aliue when he said so , and suffered not vntill the next day & he took bread , brake bread , gaue bread , and they eate bread , and all this while he was aliue with them , or else they were deceiued . feck . you ground your faith on them that say and vnsay , and not vpon the church . iane. i ground my faith on gods word and not on the church , for the faith of the church must be tryed by gods word , and not gods word by the church : shall i beléeue the church that taketh from me the halfe of the lords supper , and s●e deny the lay-men part of their saluation , and i say that is not the spouse of christ , but the spouse of diuell , hee will adde plagues to that church , and will take from it their part out of the booke of life : doe they learne that of paule when bee ministred to the corinthians in both kinds . feck , that was done to avoyde an heresie . iane. shall the church alter gods will for a good intent , how did king saule . then feckham tooke his leaue , and sayd he was sorry for her , and sayd hee was sure they two should neuer méete . iane , that is true , if god turne not your heart you are in an ill case , i pray god send you his spirit , hee bath giuen you a great gift of vtterance if it please him to open your eyes . she wrote a letter to her father to comfort him , and to shew how ioyfull shee was to die , and she wrote another letter to one master harding , who was late chaplaine to her father , and fell from the truth of gods word , and rebuked him , that hee put his hand to the plow● and looked backe , and lost the comfortable promises that christ maketh to them that forsake themsel●es to follow him , thou did●st séeme to bee a liuely member of christ , but now an impe of the diuell , once tho beautifull temple of god , now the filthy kennell of sathan , once the vnspotten spouse of christ , now the vnshamefast param●●●re of antichrist , once my faithfull brother , now an apostata , once a floute christian souldier , now a cowardly run-away : thou séede of sathan and not of iuda , the diuell , the world , and desire of life , hath made thée of a christian an infidell , thou hast taught others to be stro●g , and thy selfe dost shamefully shrinke , thou hast taught others not to t●cale , and thy selfe hast committed most haynous sacriledge , and robbest christ of his right members and of thine own body and soule , thou chosest rather to liue miserably with shame in the world , then to die gloriously to ●aygne with christ , in wh●m in death is life , how darest thou refuse the true god , and worship the inuention of man , the goulden calfe , the whore of babilon , the romish religion , the ab●ominable idoll , the most wicked masse , wilt thou teare againe the pretio●s body of our sauiour with thy fleshly teeth , and she exhorted him that the ●ft falling of th●se heauenly showers might pearce his stony heart , and the two edged word of gods word seare asunder the sinnewes of wordly respects that thou mayst once againe forsake thy selfe and imbrace christ. the night before she suffered , the sent a new testament to her sister katherin , and wrote a letter to her in the end thereof , that though it were not outwardly trimmed with gould , yet inwardly it was more worth then precious stones . it was the last will that christ bequeathed to vs wretches , it will b●ing you to eternall life ▪ teach you to liue , and learne you to die : you shall gaine more by it , then by the possession of your wofull fathers lands : thinke not that your yong year●s will lengthen your life , for soone , if god call , goeth the yong , as the old , deny the world , despise the diuel and the flesh , reioice in christ as i do , i exhort you that you neuer swarue from the christian faith , neither for hope of life nor feare of death , if you deny christ , hee will deny you and shorten your dayes , put your whole trust in god : she made a prayer full of faith , which thou mayest sée in the booke at large . when she cam● vpon the scaffold , she protested her innocency in the cause shee was to die for , and prayed them to beare her witnesse that she dyed a true christian woman , and that she looked to bee saued by no meanes , but by the mercy of god in christ , and my negligence of the word of god , and louing of the world brought this punishment vpon me , and i thanke god that hee hath giuen me a time of repentance , then she prayed them whilest she was aliue to assist her with their prayers : then she sayd the one and fifti●h psalme in deuout maner , then she made her selfe ready , and gaue her things to her maides , and caused a handkerchife to be tyed about her face : the hang-man asked her forgiuenesse , and shee forgaue him most willingly , and prayed him to dispatch her quickly : then she laid her head vpon the blocke , and said , into thy hands i commend my spirit , and so finished her life . with her also was beheaded the lord gilford her husband . iudge morgan , who gaue the sentence of condemnation against her , shortly after fell madde , and continually cried to haue the lady iane taken from him , and so ended his life . not long after her death was the duke of suffolke , her father , beheaded at the tower-hill : about which time also were condemned many gentlemen and yeomen , whereof some were executed at london , and some in the countrey , and thomas gray brother to the said duke was executed . the foure and twentieth of februarie bonner sent a commission to al pastors and curats of his diocesse , to take the names of all such as would not come the lent following to auricular confession , and to the receiuing at easter . the fourth of march following the queene sent certaine articles to bonner to ●e speedily put in execution : that the canons in king henries time should be vsed in england , that none exact any oath of any ecelesiasticall person touching the supremacie , that none , defamed with heresie , he admitted to ecclesiastical benefice or office , that bishops and other officers diligently trauell about for repressing of heresies , vnlawfull books and ballads , and that schoole-masters and preachers teach no euil doctrine ; that they depriue all married priests , except they renounce their wiues : but if they returne to their wiues to bee diuorced both from wife and benefice : that for want of priests the parishi●ners goe to the next parish to seruice or one curate serue diuers places : that processions in latine bee vsed after the old order : for the obseruing of holy daies , and fasting daies , that the ceremonies of the church be restored , that ministers which were ordered in king edwards time should be new ordered : that the parishioners bee compelled to come to their seuerall churches : that schoolmaisters be examined and if they be suspected , to place catholick men in their roome , and that they instruct the children to answer the priest at masse . shee sent likewise a commandement to the lord mayor of london , with the foresaid articles to bee carefull with all his power for the performance thereof . then the queene sent forth a proclamation , that the strangers which in king edwards time were receiued into england for religion , should 〈◊〉 driuen out of the realme . wherevpon peter martyr , ioannes alasco , vnckle to the king of poland , and many others , were banished , and many english men also fled into germany ▪ and were scattered in diuers places , where by gods pro●idence they were sustained , and entertained with great fauour , to the number of eight hundred persons . the twenty fiue of march , the lord courtney and lady elizabeth were susspected to consent to wiats conspiracy : and therevpon apprehended and commit●to the tower. this was a politicke practice of steuen gardiner , which alwaies was an enemy to lady elizabeth , wyat at his deat● protested to the people , that the lord courtney and lady elizabeth were cleare from all suspition of commo●ion , but doctor weston cryed to the people , beleeue him not , ●or hee confessed otherwise before vnto the co●●cell . the same day it was told in the parliament house , that wiat desired the lord courtney to confesse the truth , as he had done before . one cut a prentice of london , was sent for by gardiner vnto the star-chamber , for that he should say that wiat was constrained by the councell to a●cuse the lady elizabeth and the lord courtney , to be consenters to his ris●ng . when the mayor brought him thither , gardiner beganne to declare how miraculously god had brought the queene to the crowne : the whole realme in a manner beeing against her , and it was that shee might reduce this realme , ouerwhelmed with heresies to the catholike faith : and where she l●ued the lady elizabeth tenderly , and deliuered the lord courtney out of prison , yet they conspired trayterously against her with wyat , as he confessed ; yet there are some in london which reported that wyat was constrayned by the councell to accuse them , yet you , my lord mayor , haue not seene the same punished . the partie is here , said the mayor ▪ gardner said , punish him according to his deserts , and take heed to your charge : the citie of london is a whirle-poole of euill rumors . the londoners not fauouring the queens proceedings to their displeasure , summoned a parlament at oxford , because they would be forward in the queens businesse , but after it was holden at westminster , where her marriage with king philip was agreed vpon . bonner being uicegerent of the conuocation , in his oration said that priests were like the uirgin mary ; as she by fiue words conceaued christ , so the priest by fiue words loth make the very body of christ : and as immediatly vpon the consent of mary christ was all whole in her womb , so immediatly after the consecration the bread is transubstantiated into the very body of christ ; and as the uirgin layed christ in the ●anger , so the priest lifteth vp the body of christ , and carryeth it ; and as mary was sanctified before she conceiued , so the priest is ordained & anointed before he doe consecrate ; for a lay-man though he be neuer so holy , and do speak the same words , yet he cannot consecrate : therefore the dignitie of priests passeth the dignity of angels , for no angell can make the body of christ , whereby the least priest can doe more then the greatest angell : therefore priests are to bee ●onoured before kings and princes , and nobles : for a priest is higher then a king , happier then an angell , and maker of his creator . the effect of the communication between doctor ridley , and secretary bourne , and others at the lieutenants table at the tower. feckham . who so doth not beleeue that which scripture doth affirme is an ●eretick : as in the sacrament of the altar : mathew , marke , luke and paul affirme there to bee christs body , and none denieth it : therefore to hold the contrarie is heres●e . ridley , whereas is a multitude of affirmations in scripture , and where is one affirmation , all is one in scripture , that which is spoken by one of the euangelists is as true , as that which is spoken by al : for it is not in scripture as in witnesse of men , where the number is credited more then one , and where you speake of so many , affirming without negation of any , if you take their words and leaue their meaning , they affirme , that you take . feck . what circumstances can you shew , that should moue to thinke of any other sense , then as the words plainely say . rid. by the next sentence ; doe this in remembrance of me : and you may as well say , the bread is turned into christs mysticall body , as that it is turned into his naturall body , for paule speaking of the mysticail body saith : many are one bread and one body , because they are partakers of one bread. feck . this is conf●rmed by antiquity , vnity , and vniuersality , for none before beringarius did euer doubt of this : then said master secretary , these be great matters , what say you to that ? feck . as for unity , i doe beléeue it , if it be with veritie , and as for antiquity at the first , christs faith was truely taught by christ and his apostles , and by many good men which did succeed next them , and touching the sacrament i am perswaded these old writers , before the vsurping of the sea of rome doe all agree , if they bee well vnderstood in this truth , as for vniuersalitie if may haue two meanings , one that from the beginning in all ages hath beene allowed , or it may be vnderstood for the multitude of our age , or of any other singular age . maister secretarie : what authors haue you of the sacrament to make a figure . ridley . tertullian saith , this is my body , that is to say a figure of my body : and gelasius saith the substance of bread remaineth : and origen saith , that which is sanctified as touching the matter passeth away in the draught : and i maruell fecnam will alledge melancton , for we agree there is in the sacrament but one materiall substance : and he saith there are two . maister secretarie : you say truth , but we reade that in the old time the sacrament was so reuerenced : that the catecumeni and many more were forbidd●n to be present . rid. truth sir , there were some called audients , some penitents , some catechumeni , and some euergumeni , which were commanded to depart . maister sectetarie : how then can you make but a figure of the sacrament as the lord of canterburies booke doth . rid. me thinkes it is not charitably done to beare the people in hand that any man doth so lightly esteeme the sacrament , as to make it but a figure , which that booke doth deny , as appeareth by that booke most plainely : and as for mee i say whosoeuer receiueth the sacrament , receiueth with it life or death : as s. augustine saith , manduca vitam , bibe vitam . maister pope . i doe beleeue the reall body of christ is in the sacrament , and i pray god i may euer so beleeue ; and how can it bring life or death , if christs body be not there . rid. when you heare gods word truely preached ; if you doe beléeue you receiue life : and if you beléeue not , it bringeth vnto you death , yet christs body is not carnall in euery preachers mouth . pope . how answere you this : which shall be giuen for you , was the figure of christs body giuen for you . rid. no sir ; but the very body it selfe whereof the sacrament is a figure . tertullians exposition maketh it plaine : for hee saith the body is a figure of the bodie , now put too which shall be giuen for you , and it agreeth excéeding well . maister secretary : you know well that origen and tertullian were not catholick , but erred . rid. there is none of the doctors but are thought to haue erred in some things , but i neuer heard that tertullian , or origen , were thought to haue erred in the sacrament . feck . forty yeares agone all were of one opinion of this matter . rid. forty yeares agoe all held that the pope was supreme head of the vniuersall church . maister secretarie : that was but a positiue law. rid. it is in the decrees that the pope challengeth his supremacie not by any councell , nor any way else , but by christs own words ; saying to peter , thou art peter : and in another place thou art cephas , that is the head : and his decree is that we must be obedient to the bishop of rome , vpon necessity of saluation . thomas cranmer archb. of canterbury , ridley bishop of london , and hugh latimer bishop of vvorster , were sent to oxford , to dispute with the diuines of oxford and cambridge . there was thrée questions , first , whether the naturall body of christ be really in the sacrament after consecration : secondly , whether any other substanc● doth remaine after consecration then the substance of the body and bloud of christ : thirdly , wh●ther in the masse there be a sacrifice propitiatorie for the sinnes of the quick & the dead . thirty thrée commissioners being set in the quire of s. maries church in oxford before the altar , cranmer archb. was brought to them with a number of bill-men . when he had read ouer the articles , he said they were all false and against gods holy word . then was doctor ridley brought in , who hearing the articles read , answered they were all false , and that they sprang out of a bitter root . then came in latimer : when he had denied the articles , he said he had read ouer the new testament seuen times , and yet could not find the mais● in it , nor the mary-bones nor sinewes of the same . all their arguments were of nothing but the reall presence in the sacrament , which point is already sufficiently argued in many places of this book , and will 〈◊〉 more hereafter . if thou desire to sée the disputations , resort to the book at large ; for the commissioners were so clamorous that they could not be suffered to speak , as it appeareth by the report of bishop ridley . bishop ridley his report . neuer did i see a thing done more vainly and contumeliously then the disputations with me in the schooles in oxford : i thought it had not been possible to haue béen found amongst men of learning and knowledge , any so brazen faced and shamelesse , so disorderly and vainely to behaue themselues , more like to stage-players then diuines . the sorbonicall clamours , which in times past i haue séene in paris , when poperie most raigned , might be thought modestie in respect of them , yea , and the chiefest did as it were blow the trumpe vnto the rest , to rayle , rore , rage and crie out , whereby it appeareth they neuer sought for the veritie but for their owne glorie and bragging victorie . much time appointed for disputations , was vainly consumed in opprobrious checks , taunts , hissings , and clapping of hands . whensoeuer i would make an end of my probations , they would euer crie out blasphemies , blasphemies . i neuer heard or read the like , but by demetrius the siluer-smith , and them of his occupation , crying but against paule , great is diana of the ephesians : and except it be a disputation of the arrians against the orthodoxes , where it is said that such as the presidents of the disputations were , such were the rest , all were in a hurly-burly ; and the arrians cast out such great slanders , that nothing could quietly be heard ; and he concludes , thus ended this glorious disputation of the sacrificers , doctors , and masters , which fought manfully for their god and goods , their faith and felicitie , countrey and kitchin , and for their beautie and bellie , with triumphant applauses and fauour of the whole uniuersitie . after seuerall disputations with euery one of them , the commissioners sate in saint maries church , and doctor weston , vsed particular perswasions with euery one of them , and would not suffer them to answere but pe●emptorily to say whether they would subscribe or no : hee told the bishop of canterbury , hee was ouercome in arguments , which he said was false , for hee was not suffered to oppose as he would , nor answere as he would , vnlesse hee would haue brauled with them , all denying to subscribe : then sentence was read ouer them , that they were no members of the church , and therefore condemned for hereticks . then the archbishop cranmer answered , from this your sentence i appeale to the iust iudgement of god , trusting to be present with him in heauen , for whose presence in the altar i am thus condemned . bishop ridley answered , though i be not of your company , yet my name is written in another place , whither this sentence will send mee sooner then wee should by nature haue come . bishop latimer . i thanke god most heartily that hee hath prolonged my life to this end , that i may in this case glorifie god by that kinde of death . after they were all three called to behold a solemne procession , wherein doctor weston carried the sacrament , and foure doctors carried the canapie ouer him . in the last yeere one thousand fiue hundred forty and three , it is shewed how the duke of northumberland was apprehended by the guard , and brought to london by the earle of arundell and others , these were committed to the tower with the duke , the earle of vvarwick , the earle of huntington , lord ambrose , and lord henry dudley , lord hastings , who was deliuered the same night : sir iohn gates , sir henry gates , sir andrew dudley , sir thomas palmer , and doctor sands chancelor of cambridge , many were committed to diuers prisons about the same time . about this time maister bradford , maister beacon , and maister veron were committed vnto the tower , and maister sampson was sought for , and because he could not be found the bishop of winchester fumed . about this time doctor weston preached at paules crosse , he willed the people to pray for the soules departed , that be neither in heauen nor hell , but in a place not yet sufficiently purged to come to heauen , that they may be releeued by your deuout prayers : he named the lords table an oyster boord : hee said the catechisme lately set forth was abominable heresie , and likeneth the setters forth of the same to iulianus apostata , and the booke to the booke of iulianus apostata , wherein christ and pilate were the speakers , which sermon was learnedly confuted in writing by maister couerdall . about this time a priest of canterbury said masse on the one day , and the next day he came into the pulpit , and desired all the people to forgiue him , for he said hee had betrayed christ , but not as iudas , as peter , and made a long sermon against the masse . in february one thousand fiue hundred fifty and foure , before the comming of king philip , vpon the fifteenth day , about nine of the clock in the forenoone , there was séene two sunnes both shining at once : and that time was also seene a raine-bow turned contrary , and a great deale higher then it was wont . about this time at saint pancrase in cheape , the crucifixe with the pixe were taken out of the sepulchre before the priest rose to the resurrection : so that when he put his hand into the sepulchre , & said very deuoutly surrexit non est hic , he found his words true , for he was not there indéede , wherevpon being dismaide , and debating amongst themselues whom they thought likest to doe it : they layed it to one marsh , which a little before had beene put from that parsonage because he was married , but when they could not proue it , being brought before the mayor , they burdened him to haue kept company with his wife since they were diuorced : he answered that the queene had done him wrong to take from him both his liuing , and his wife : wherevpon he and his wife were committed seuerall counters . about this time there was a cat hanged vpon a gallow●s at the crosse in cheape , apparelled like a priest , ready to say masse with a shauen crowne : her two fore-feete were tyed ouer her head , with a round paper like a wafer cake put betweene them , where on rose great euill will against the citie of london : the quéene and the bishops were very angry , and there was a proclamation in the afternoone , that whosoeuer could bring forth the party that hanged vp the cat should haue twenty nobles , which after was increased to twenty markes , but none would ●ar●e it , the occasion of this was , because the bishop of winchester had preached before the queene for the straite execution of wyats souldiours : wherevpon there was twenty gibbets and gallowes set vp , in and about the streets of london , which there remained for the terrour of others from the . of february , vntill the fourth of iune , and at the comming of king philip were taken downe . one maister walter mantell , one of them which rose with wyat , being prisoner in the tower , the quéene sent vnto him doctor bourne , to conuert him : he answered bourne that he beleeued in the holy catholick church of christ , grounded vpon the prophets and apostles , but he tooke exception to the antichristian popish church : and hee said , hee thought the masse not fit , both for the occasion of idolatry , and also the cléere 〈◊〉 of christs institution : and said it was not a propitiatory sacrifice for sinne : for the death of christ was onely that sacrifice , and certaine collects therein are blasphemous . then said the doctor , see how vaine-glory toucheth you ; then i found fault it was not a communion : yes said he one priest saying masse heere , and another there , and the third in an other place is a communion : then he desired god to receiue him to his mercy , that he might die vndefiled in his truth , at vtter defiance with all papisticall and antichristian doctrine : and to defend all his chosen , from the tyrany of the pope and antichrist and from his subtilties : at his first casting off the gallowes the rope broke , then they would haue had him re●ant , and receiued the sacrament of the altar , and then he should haue the queenes pardon : but master mantell , like a worthy gentleman , refused their serpentine councell , and chose rather to die then to liue for dishonouring of god. maister bradford , maister sanders , and diuers other good preachers hearing that they should be brought vnto a disputation at cambridge , sent a declaration out of prison , to the effect as followeth ; that they did not purpose to dispute otherwise then by writing , except it be before the queenes highnes & her councell , and before the parliament houses , because we shall dispute against the things which already they haue determined , whereby it appeareth they seeke not the derity ▪ but our destruction , and their glory ; otherwise they would haue called vs to shew our consciences before their lawes were so made : and againe the censors and iudges are manifest enemies of the truth , before whom pearles are not to be cast by the commandement of christ , and by his example : and because some of vs haue been in prison eight or nine monethes , where we haue had no bookes , paper , nor inke , and because we shall bee stopped of our arguments , as the bishops were at oxford : and because the notaries that shal write our arguments shal be such as either doe not , or dare not fauour the truth , therefore must write to please them , or else they will put to , or take from , at their pleasure , as it appeared at oxford : yea if any man was seene there to write , he was sent for and his writings taken from him . if they will write , we will answere by writing , and proue by the word of god and most ancient fathers , this our faith & euery péece thereof , and we are ready to seale it with our liues : first we confesse & belé●ue all the canonicall bookes of the old te●●ament and the new , to bee truth written by the spirit , and to bee the iudge of all controuersies of religion : and we beléeue the catholike church is the spouse and beloued wife of christ , and to imbrace the doctrine of these bookes in all matters of religion , and therefore to bee heard accordingly , and those that will not heare her , are heretickes and schismaticks , according to the saying : he that will not heare the church , let him be an hereticke ; and wee beléeue the symbols of the créede of the apostles , and of the councels of nice , constantinople , ephesus , chalcedon , and of toletum , before the foure hundred fifty foure yeare , and the symbols of athanasius , ireneus , tertullian , and of damasus , which was in the yeare thrée hundred seauenty sixe . we beléeue that iustification commeth onely from the mercy of god through christ , and it is had of none of discretion but by faith : which faith is a certaine perswasion wrought by the holy ghost , and as it lightneth the mind , so it suppleth the heart , to submit it selfe to the will of god. by this we disalow papisticall doctrines of free will , of workes of supererogation , of merits , of the necessity of auriculer confession and satisfaction : and we beléeue , that the exterior seruice of god , ought to be according to the word , in such a tongue as may be most to edifie and not in latine , where the people vnderstand not the same : and we beléeue , that god onely by iesus christ , is to bee prayed vnto , and we disalow inuocation to sa●nts departed ; and we beléeue , as a man departeth this life , he is either blessed , or damned for euer ; by reason whereof we affirme purgatory , masses of scala caeli , trentals , and such suffrages as the popish church doth obtrude , as necessary , to be the doctrine of antichrist . and wee beleeue two sacraments of christ , baptisme and the lordes supper , and that they ought to be ministred according to the institution of christ , and that they bée no longer sacraments then they were in vse , and vsed to the end for which they were instituted , and the mutilation of the one kind from the lords supper , from the lay people , is antichristian ; and so is the transubstantiation ; and so is the adoration of the sacrament , and the reseruation and carrying about of the ●ame , and so is the doctrine of the masse , it to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead , or a worke that pleaseth god : and so of the inhibition of marriage in any state as vnlawfull ; we doubt not but we shall be able to proue all these our verities by gods word , and the church which hath followed gods word and spirit : and we hartily desire all men to be obedient with vs vnto all that bee in authority , and not to cease to pray to god for them , that he would gouerne them with his spirit of wisedome , and not to consent in any kind of rebellion against the quéens highnesse , but where they cannot obey , but they must disobey god , there to suffer with all patience the pleasures of the higher powers , as we are ready to do , rather then we will consent to any doctrine contrary to this which we heere confesse , wee shall be iustly conuinced thereof . the lord indue vs with his spirit of truth , and grace of perseuerance . upon the twentith day of iuly , the prince of spaine landed at southampton : he was the first that landed , and presently he drew his sword , and carryed it naked in his hand a prettie way , the mayor of the towne met him , and deliuered him the keyes , which he receiued in his right hand , and put his sword into his left , then met him the earle of arundell , and lord williams , and brought him to his lodging . the twenty fiue day , he and quéene mary were married at winchester , by the bishop there , then they came to windsor , and from thence to southwarke , and from thence through the citty of london to white-hall : by the way , many pageants and glorious sights were made . upon the cunduit in gracious-stréet , was painted king henry the eight ●n harnesse , with a sword in one hand , and in the other hand a booke ▪ whereon was written verbum dei , deliuering the booke to his sonne edward painted by him : whereupon the bishoppe of winchester sent for the painter , and called him ●naue , ranke traytor and villaine , for painting a booke in king henries hand , and writing verbum dei thereon , he should rather to haue put the booke in quéene maries hand , that was there also pictured , for that she had reformed the church and religion . against this time bonner in his royalty , and all his prebendaries about him , the doores of pauls being shut , a new roode being laid vpon the pauem●●ts , they sung diuers prayers by the roode , then they annointed it with oyle in diuers places : after they crept vnto it and kissed it , after they wayed it vppe into his accustomed place , and the while the whole quire sang te d●um , and then the bels rang for ioy . from white-hall they went to richmond , then all the lords had leaue to depart , and there remained no english lord at the court , but the bishop of winchester , from thence to hampton-court , where the hall doore was continually kept shut , that no man might enter , vnlesse his arrand were first knowne , which séemed strange to english-men . upon the fourth day of nouember , ●●ue priests did pe●●ance at paules crosse , which were content to put away their wiues , and take vpon them againe to minister : euery one of them had a taper in his hand , and a rod , wherewith the preacher did disple them . the twenty seauen day of nouember , cardinall poole being but a littl● before come into the realme , came to the parliament-house , the king and quéene sitting vnder the cloath of estate , and the cardinall sitting on the right hand . the cardinall made a long oration , shewing first how this realme had euer béene forward to receiue religion : first in the time of the brittaines , and then in the time of the saxons , and that the meanes came from rome , in the faith of which church we haue euer since continued ; and shewed what deuotion this iland hath had to rome , that king offa and adulphus thought their obedience to the sea not sufficient , but in their owne persons went to the place where they receiued so great grace . and when carolus magnus founded paris , hee sent into england for alcui●us , which first brought learning to that uniuersity . i will not rehearse the benefits this realme hath receiued from rome , nor the miseries this realm hath suffered by swaruing from that unity , so all countries that haue refused the unity of the catholike faith , hath had the like plagues , as asia , and the empire of gréece , by swar●ing from rome , are brought into the subiection of the turke : and germany by swaruing from this vnity , are afflicted with diuers sects and factions : then hee pra●●ed the king for his greatnésse and riches , and the quéen , as one in whose hart god had preserued the catholike truth , when all light of the truth séemed vtterly to be extinct , whom god had most miraculously brought vnto the crowne , being a helplesse uirgin , naked and vnarmed , had the victory of all pollicies and armed powers , prepared to destroy her , and god hath appointed her to raigne ouer you , for the restitution of true religion , and exterpation of errors and sects . god hath deuided his power vnto two parts heare in earth , that is ; into th● imperiall and ecclesiasticall power , the seculer princes and ministers of god to execute vengeance vpon transgressors , and to preserue well doers , which is represented in these two most excellent princes , the king and quéene . the other power , is the power of the keyes , which belongeth by prerogatiu● to the sea apostlike of rome , from which sea i am deputed legate , hauing the keyes committed to my hands , i confesse i haue the keyes not as mine owne keyes , but as the keyes of him that sent mee , but certaine impediments in you to receiue it must be taken away before my commission can take place . i came to reconcile , and not to condemne , and not to compell , but to call againe : my commission is of grace and clemency , to all such as will receiue it : touching the matter● past , they shall be as things cast into the sea of forgetfulnesse . the meanes wherby you shall receiue this benefit , is by reuoking the lawes , wherby you haue disseuered yourselues from the vnity of christs church , therefore you , as prouident men for the weale of your soules and bodies , pouder what is to be done in this waightie cause . the next day the three estates sitting in the parlament-house , all on their knees exhibited a supplication to their highnesses , the king and queene , that their humble sute , by their graces intercession and meane ▪ might be exhibited vnto the cardinall , declaring themselues sorie and repentant for the schisme committed in this realme against the apostolike sea , promising , in token of their repentance , to be readie vnto the vttermost of their power , to doe their endeauour for the repealing of the said lawes : and we desire that your maiesties will so set forth this our humble sute , that we may obtayne from the sea apostolike , by the sayd most reuerend father , as well particular as vniuersall absolution , and that we may be receiued into the bosome of christs church , so that this whole realme may in perfect obedience vnto the sea apostolike serue god and your maiesties , to the furtherance of his honour and glorie . the king and queene deliuered it vnto the cardinall , who perceauing the effect thereof to answere his expectation , hee receiued it most gladly : and after he had thanked almighty god for the prosperous successe of his comming from rome , by the popes authoritie he gaue them full absolution : then they went to the chappell & sung te deum with great ioy of the reconciliation : the report of this was sent to rome with great speed , as well by the king and cardinals letters , which thou maist see in the booke of martyrs : wherevpon the pope caused processions to bee made with great ioy for the conuersion of england , and praising the cardinals deligence , and the deuotion of the king and queene , on christmas euen by his bulles hee set forth , a generall pardon to all such as did truely reioyce for the same . the sonday following the second of december , gardiner bishop of winchester and lord chancellor preached at paules crosse : upon the third to the romans : it is time that we should awake out of sleepe , for our saluation is neerer then when we beleeued : first he shewed how the saying of saint paul was verified vpon the gentils , which had long time slept in ignorance : therefore to stir vp their dulnes he desired them to wake out of sleepe : then hee compared our time to theirs . as the sacraments of christ did declare christ to come , our sacraments declare that he is come : now that hee is come the iewes sacrifices bee done away , a●d ours only remaine , they had him as a signe , but we haue his very body in our sacrament : wherefore it is time that we now also awake who haue slept & rather dreamed this twenty yeares , as shall bee declared by the properties of sléepe or dreame . as we going to sléepe , separate our selues from company , so we haue separated our selues from the sea of rome , no realme in christendome like vs , and as shepheards dreame sometimes of killing , mayning , or drowning , and sometimes of beastlinesse , so we haue not onely dreamed of beastlinesse , but also done it : and as in sléepe , all ones senses is stopped , that hee cannot see , not smell , nor heare ; so the ceremonies of the church being to mooue our senses , are taken away , whereby our senses are stopped : and further , when a man would sleepe , he wil put out the candle , least it wake him . so lately , all such writers as did hold with the apostolike sea , are forbidden to be read , and images , which were lay mens books , were cast downe and burned . wee haue beene this twenty yeares without a head , for when king henry first tooke vpon him the head of the church , it was then no church at all . after whom king edward could not be head , but was onely a shaddow of a head : and in our queenes time we had no head , for she alone could not be head , and her two arch-bishoppes were both conuicted of one crime , and deposed in henry the eights time , when the tumult was in the north , the king would haue giuen the supremasie againe to the pope , but the houre was not then come , least it had beene said he did it for feare . after master kneuet and i were sent ambassadors to the emperor , to be a means to reconcile the king to the pope , but the time was not come , for it might be said it was done for policy : the matter was likewise moued in the beginning of king edwards raigne , hut the time was not yet come ; for it might haue been said , the king was bought & sold in his infancy , neither was the houre come in the beginning of the queens raign , for it would haue bin said it was done in weaknes , and if it had been done when the king first came , it might haue been said it had beene done by violence , but now , hora est , when nothing can be obiected , but that it is the prouidence of god. now pope iulius the hath sent vnto vs this most reuerend father the cardinall , not to reuenge iniuries done , but to giue his benediction to those which defamed and persc●uted him . and that they may be the meeter to receiue it , let vs acknowledge our selues of●enders against his holinesse , i doe not exclude my selfe of the number : i will wéepe with them that wéepe , and reioyce with them that reioyce . the king and quéenes maiesties haue restored the pope to his supremacy , and the thrée estates of parliament haue also submitted themselues to his holinesse , and his successors for euer , therefore let vs no longer stay . and as s. paul saith to the corinthians , he was their father , so may the pope say , he is ●ur father ; for we receiued our doctrine first from rome , therefore he may challenge vs as his owne ; he hath preuented vs before we sought him , he hath sent one of our brethren to speake vnto vs , not as vnto strangers : and now let vs awake , which so long haue slept , and in our sléep don so much naughtinesse against the sacraments , and pulling downe the altars , which thing luther would not do , but reproued them which did . in his prayer , he prayed for the pope and cardinals , and for the soules departed , liuing in paines of purgatory . upon newyeares day at night , thirty men and women , and one maister rose a minister , were taken in a house in bow church-yard at the communion , and committed to prison , and maister rose was examined before cranmer , and committed vnto the tower. néere lancaster in lankishire , at cockram , the church-wardens and parishoners made bargaine with one for the framing of their roode , who made them one , and set it vp in their church , but they misliked his workemanship ; and refused to pay him : the matter was brought before the mayor of doucaster ▪ th●y shewed the mayor , that the rood they had before was a welfauoured man , and he promised to make vs such another , but this is the worst fauored thing that euer was séene , gaping and grinning that none of our children dare looke on him and come néere him : the mayor concluded the poore man must bee paid , for if it will not serue for a god , put a paire of hornes on his head , and it will make an excellent deuill : this the parish tooke well a worth , and the poore man had his money . on new-yeares day at night , was a great stirre betwixt the spaniards and english men , the occasion was about two whores , which were in the cloyster of westminster with a sort of spaniards , whilst some played the knaue with them , others kept the entry of the cloyster with dags in harnesse , they discharged their dags at the deanes men that came into the cloyster , and hurt some of them , at length almost the whole towne was vp , by reason of a spanish fryer which got into the church and rung alarum , so that many were afraid . at was publikely noysed , that quée●e mary was with childe , there were diuers prayers made in euery church , and processions for her deliuerance with a man child , and that it should be beautifull , comly , and wise : and there was an act of parlament made , that if the quéene should die in the infancy of the child , that the king should haue the gouernment of it and the realme , vntill it came of full age : ●●uers were punished , for saying the quéene was not with child . about whitsontide the time was thought to be nigh , and mid-wiues , rockers , and nurses , with tradle , and all were prepared in readinesse , and a rumor was blowne in london of the prosperous deliuerance of the queene , so that the bells were rung , bon-fires and processions made , not only in the citie , but in most parts of the realme ▪ and in antwarp guns were shot off in english ships , and the marriners were rewarded with an hundred pistols by the quéen of hungary . the parson of s. anns within aidersgate , and diuers other preachers took vpon them to describe how faire and beautifull the childe was : at length the people were certified the contrary , that the quéen was not deliuered , nor in hope to haue any childe . the two and twentieth of ianuary all the preachers in prison were called before gardnor , at his house in s. mary-oueries : after communication , they were asked whether they would conuert and enioy the quéens pardon , or stand to that which they had taught : they answered they would stand to that which they had taught : then they were committed to a straighter prison then before , with charge that none should speak with them . iames george the same time died in prison , and was buried in the fields . upon the fiue and twentieth of ianuary , on the day of the conuersion of s paul , there was a generall and solemne procession through london , to giue god thanks for their conuersion to the catholike church , wherein were foure score and ten crosses , and a hundred and sixtie priests and clerks , who had euery one copes on , singing lustily : there followed eight bishops , and last of all bonner carrying the pixe vnder a canopie , and there was the mayor , aldermen , and all the liuerie of euery occupation , and the king and the cardinall came to paules chu●ch the same day , and after returned to westminster : at the steps going vp to the quire all the gentlemen that were set of late at liberty out of the tower , kneeled before the king , and offered vnto him themselues and their seruices : after the procession there was commanded bon-fires to be made at night . the eleventh booke , wherein is discoursed the bloudy murdering of gods saints . the martyrdom of iohn rogers . the fourth of februarie suffered m. iohn rogers . his examination before the lord chancellor , and the rest of the councell , the two and twentieth of ianuary . lord chan. wilt thou returne to the catholike church ▪ and vnite and knit thy selfe with vs , as all the parlament house hath don ? rog. i neuer did nor will discent from the catholike church . l. chan. but i speak of receiuing the pope to be supreme head . rog. i know none ▪ other head of the catholike church but christ ; neither will i acknowledge the bishop of rome to haue any more authoritie then any other bishop hath either by the word of god or the doctrine of the church foure hundred yeares after christ. l. chan. if christ be the only head , why diddest thou acknowledge k. henry supreame head of the church ? rog. i neuer granted him supremacie in spirituall things , as forgiuenesse of s●nnes , and giuing of holy ghost , and to be a iudge aboue the word of god. l. chan. there is no inconuenience to haue christ supreme head and the bishop of rome also . i was ready to haue answered , that there could not bee two heads of one church : but he said , make vs a direct answere , whether thou wilt be one of this catholike church , or no. rog. i do not beleeue that your selues doe thinke in your hearts that he is supreme head in forgiuing of sinnes , &c. being this twenty yeares you haue preached , and some of you haue written to the contrary . l. chan. tush , that parlament constrained men by cruelty to abolish the primasie of the pope . rog. then you doe wrong , by cruelty to perswade mens consciences : if that cruelty did not perswade your consciences , how would you haue your cruelties to perswade our consciences ? l. chan. they were driuen by force to consent to that act , wheras in this parlament it was vniformally receiued . rog. it goeth not by the more or lesser part which condiscended vnto it , but by the wiser , truer , and godlier part : then he interrupted me , and bade me answere him , for we haue more to speake with then with you ; for there were ten persons more . then he asked me whether i would enter into the church with the whole realme : i said i would see it proued the church : then i vndertook , if i might haue pen and ink , proue the contrary ; but he said that should not be permitted , and told me i should be sure neuer to haue the quéens mercie , if i would not acknowledge the pope supreme head of the church , and said , paule forbiddeth me to contend with hereticks . l. chan. do●● thou not say in the créed , i beleeue in the catholike church ? rog. i find not the bishop of rome there : it signifieth the consent of all true teaching churches of all ages . and the church of rome cannot be one of them , which teacheth so many doctrines against gods word ; can that church that doth so be the head of the catholike church ? when he would haue me proue wherein the pope taught against the word . i said , to speake with strange tongues is against the scripture . l. chan. thou canst proue nothing by the scripture : it is dead , it must haue a liuely expositor , for all hereticks haue alleaged scriptures . rog. the scripture is aliue : all hereticks haue alleaged scripture , but they were ouercome by it . then he bade away with me to prison : then i stood vp , for i had kneeled all the while . then sir richard southwell said , i know well thou wilt not burne in this geare . i said i trusted in god yes . when they touched me with marriage being a priest : i said the true catholik church did euer allow marriage to priests . his second examination . l. chan. tell me , wilt thou returne to the catholike church 〈…〉 all the realme , and receiue mercy ? rog. before i could not tell what this mercie meant , but now 〈…〉 it is a mercy of the antichristian church of rome , which i vtterly refuse : and your rising from error which you speak of , is a very falling into error . i can proue the doctri●e which i preach by the scriptures , and the fathers that liued vntill foure hundred years after christ : he answered , i was a priuate man , and was not to be heard , nor to be permitted to proue whether the whole realme had done right or wrong , when the parlament had concluded a thing : i answered , no lawes of man must rule the word of god , but they all must be iudged therby , and obey therto ; and neither my conscience nor any christian mans conscience could be satisfied with such lawes as did disagree from that word . then i was asked of the reall presence in the sacrament : i said i could not vnderstand really and substantially , but corporally , and corporally christ is only in heauen , a●d cannot be corporally in the sacrament also . when definitiue sentence was read against him , the lord chancellor sayd . i was in the great curse ; what a vengable dangerous matter it were to eate and drink with vs accursed , or to giue vs any thing : for they that so did should be partakers of the same great curse . well my lord , quoth i , i neuer willingly taught false doctrine , and therefore haue a good conscience before god and men , and i shall be found a true member of the catholike church of christ , and euerlastingly saued : you néed not excommunicate me from your church , the lord be thanked i haue not been in ●t this twentie yeares : now you haue done what you can ▪ i am sure you and i shall appeare before christ , and then i shall be as good a man as you . then i earnestly desired my wife might com to me whilst i liued : for we haue ten children , and ● would counsaile her what is best for her to do , which he would not grant , saying that she was none of my wife . then i haue tried all your charity , said i : you make your selfe highly displeased with marriage of priests , but you maintaine open whoredome ; in wales euery priest hath his whore openly , and so the pope suffereth all the priests in the low-countries and france to do the like . he prophesied truly of the destruction of papistrie shortly in england , and the dispersed english flock of christ shall be brought againe into their former estate , or better then in k. edwards time , and the bloudy babylonicall bishop , and the whole crown-shorn company brought to vtter shame and destruction : for god wil not suffer their abominable lying and false doctrine , bloud-thirst , whordom , idlenes and poysoned stomacks which they beare towards poore and miserable christians : some of them shall haue their iudgement in this world , and they that doe escape in this world , shall not escape in the world to come euerlasting damnation : this shall be your sauce , o yee wicked papists , make merry as long as you may ; and hee exhorted the faithfull to be carefull then to displace papists , and to put good ministers into cures , or else your end will be worse then ours . as he came to the fire he sang miserere by the way : all the people wonderfully reioyced at his constancy : whilst he was burning he wash : his hands in the flame : his pardon was brought him at the stake , which he refused : he was the first martyr in quéen maries time that gaue first aduenture vpon the fire . the martyrdom of laurence sanders . hee was parson of all-hallowes in breadstr●et , and being minded to giue ouer another church which he had in leicester-shire , called churchlangton : about that time came the broile about the clayme that q. mary made to the crown ; by reason whereof he could not accomplish his purpose . in this trouble he preached at northampton , & boldly vttered his consci●nce against popish doctrine , and antichrists damnable errors , which were like to spring vp again in england , as a iust plage for the litle l●ue which the english nation did bear to gods word , which had béene so plentifully offered vnto them : the quéens men which were there & heard , were highly displeased with him for his sermon , and kept him amongst them as a prisoner , but for the loue of his brethren and friends , which were chée●e do●rs for the quéene , and because there yet was no law against him , they dismissed him . he being inflamed with the fire of godly zeale , preached with diligence at both his benifices , as time could serue him , vntill the proclamation was put forth as aforesaid : at which time he was at his benefice in the countrey , where contrarie to the proclamation , he ●aught diligently gods truth , confirming the people therein , and arming them against false doctrine , vntill he was commaunded to cease , and with force re●●sted ▪ then he returned towards london , to visite the flock which he had there in charge : and as he was comming nigh to the citty , sir iohn mordant , a counceller to queene mary , ouertooke him , and asked him whether hee went : i haue , said sanders , a cure in london , and i go to instruct my people according to my duty . if you will fo●low my councell ( quoth maister mordant ) let them alone , and come not at them , sanders answered : how shall i then bee discharged before god ? did not you ( quoth mordant ) preach such a day in breadstreete ? yes said he , that is my cure , i heard you ( quoth mordant ) and it please you , said he , you shall heare me againe in the same place to morrow , where i will affirme by the authority of gods word all that i then said , and whatsoeuer i haue formerly taught them . i would counsaile you not to preach , sayd he . if you can or will forbidde me by law i must obey . nay , quoth he , i will not forbid you , but giue you counsaile , and so they departed . mordant tolde bonner that saunders would preach in his cure the next sonday . one that was about saunders perceiuing by him that he was troubled , asked him how he did : indeede , sayd he , i am in prison vntill i be in prison , meaning he was vnquiet vntill he had preached , and then hee should be in quiet though he were put in prison . the next day he preached vpon the second to the corinthians , and the eleuenth chapter . i haue coupled you a pure virgin to christ , but i feare as the serpent beguiled eue ; so your wills should be corrupted from the singlenesse which you had toward christ iesus . he reioyced in the summe of that true doctrine whereby wee are coupled so christ , and saued by free iustification by his bloud : he compared the papisticall doctrine to the serpents deceauing ; and left they should be deceiued by it , he made a comparison betwixt the voyce of christ and the popish serpent , wherein he shewed the difference betwixt the seruice set forth by king edward in the english t●ng , and the popish seruice then vsed in the latine tong . and that the first was good , because it was according to the word of god , & the order of the primate church . the other is euill , because though some good latine words be in it , yet was it but as it were a little hony and milke with a great deale of poison to drinke vp all . in the afternoone he being ready to preach againe to the bishop ▪ where was sir iohn mordant . boner ●aid vnto his charge the breaking of the proclamation , and also heresie : but his charitie was content to let alone the treason . but hee would proue him an heretick , and all such as taught the administration of the sacraments , and the order of the primitiue church are most pure that come neerest to the order of the primatiue church , for the church was then in her infancy and could not abide that perfection , which was after to bee furnished with ceremonies , sanders answered : saint augustine saith ceremonies were at first ordained for the weake infirmitie of man , therefore it was a token of the more perfection of the primatiue church , that it had ●ew ceremonies , and a token of the 〈◊〉 of the church papisticall , because it had so many ceremonies , 〈◊〉 blasphemous , some vnsauourie , and some vnpro●●table . then the bishop bade him write what he beléeued of transubstantiation , which he did , saying , my lord , you séeke my bloud and you shall haue it : i pray god you may be baptized in it , that you may after loath bloud-sucking , and become a better man : this writing the bishop kept to cut his throate with . then the bishop sent him to the lord chancellor , who kneeling before him , the lord chancellor said , how happeneth it that you haue preached contrary to the quéens proclamation ? saunders answered , as he was admonished by ezechiel , because he saw perrilous times at hand , he exhorted his parishioners to perseuer in those things which they had learned , for by the example of the apostles we must obey god before man : we doe only professe the sinceritie of the word , which although it be now forbidden vs to preach with our mouthes , yet our bloud hereafter shall manifest the same . the bishop said , carrie away this frensie foole to prison . saunders answered hee thanked god he had giuen him a place of rest , where he might pray for the bishops conuersion . saunders tolde one that lay with him in prison , that in the time of his examination he was wonderfully comforted , and receaued a taste of the communion of saints : a pleasant refreshing did issue from euery part of his bodie to his heart , and from thence into all parts againe . he continued in prison a yeare and three moneths , and then he was sent for before the lord chancellor , who offered him his pardon if he would recant ; which because he refused , he was condemned vpon his opinion against the sacrament , with his hand in writing vnto bonner , as before is related . then he was carried vnto couentrie , and one night he was put into the common gaole amongst other prisoners , where he slept little , but spent the night in prayer and instruction of others : the next day he was ledde to execution into the parke without the citie , going in olde gowne and a shirt , bare-footed , and as he went he oftentimes fell flat on the ground and prayed . when he was come nigh to the place ▪ the officer told him he was one of them that marred the realme with heresie , wherefore thou hast deserued death , yet if thou wilt reuoke thine heresies the quéen hath pardoned thée . then answered saunders , it is not i nor my fellow preachers that haue hurt the realme ▪ but it is your-selfe and such as you are which alter gods word , for i hold no heresies , bnt the doctrine of god and christ vnto euerlasting life ; and so full swéetly he slept in the lord. he wrote many godly letters to diuines during the time of his imprisonment , which thou mayest sée in the booke at large . the martyrdome of iohn hooper bishop of worcester . about the beginning of the six articles in the time of king henry the eighth , being in danger for religion , he went beyond sea , where he was louingly entertained at basill and at zurick of master bullinger his singular friend , where he married his wife , which was a burgundian ; and in the raign of king edward he repaired home , amongst many other english exiles : who being come to london , vsed to preach twise , or at least once euery sonday : and at his sermons the church would be so full that none could enter further into the doores thereof : hee was in tongue eloquent , in scriptures perfect , in paines indefatigable : after hee was called to preach before the king , and soone after made bishop of gloster : in that office he continued two yeares , and behaued himselfe so well , that his very enemies , except it were for good doings , and sharpe correcting of sinne , could find no fault with him : and after that he was made bishop of worcester , hee sustained much vexation about his inuesting , because he would not weare the priestly vestures . in his bishops palace in euery corner there was fauour of honest conuersation and reading of the scriptures , there was no courtly roysting or idlenes , no pompe at all , no dishonest word nor swearing ; euery day he had to dinner a certaine number of poore folke of the citie by course , and before dinner they were examined by him or his deputies of the lords prayer , the articles of their faith , and ten commandements . in queene maries time hee was one of the first that was sent for to london by a purseuant : the bishop of winchester receiued him very approbriously rayling and rating him , accused him of religion , and committed him to the fleete . the next yeare hee was sent for before the bishop of winchester , of london , of durham , of landaffe , and of chichester ; where after hee had suffered many checkes , taunts and mockes , that he could not be suffered to make any answere : because hee said hee would not goe from his wife , and that hee beleeued not the corporall presence in the sacrament , he was depriued of his bishopricks . by his committance he was to haue the liberty of the fleete , and when hee had payed fiue pound for his liberty ▪ the warden complained to gardiner and made him to bee committed close prisoner a quarter of a yeare , then hee had libertie to come to dinner and supper , and presently to returne to his chamber without speaking to his friends : the warden , and his wife , would euer bee picking quarrels with him , and after one quarter of the yeare fell out with him about the masse : then the warden obtained of gardiner that he should bee put into the wardes , where hee continued a long time , hauing nothing to lye on but a rotten couering with few fethers in it : on the oneside was the stinke and filth of the house , on the other side , the stinking towne ditch , so that the stinke infected him with diuers diseases , and beeing very sicke hee cried for help : but the warden , when he hath knowne me ready to dye , and poore men haue called to help him , he hath commaunded the doore to bee kept fast , and charged none of his men to come at him , saying ; let him alone , it were a good riddance of him . untill he was depriued , he paid him twenty shillings a wéeke for his table , and since as the best gentleman , and yet vsed worse then the veriest slaue : he imprisoned and stripped his man , to finde letters , but could finde none , but a remembrance of their names that gaue him almes , and to vndoe them , he deliuered the bill vnto stephen gardiner , there hee continued almost eightéen● monthes . the twentith of ianuary he was brought to gardiners house , at saint mary-oueries , where the bishop of winchester with other bishops , moued m hooper earnestly , to forsake his euill and corrupt doctrine , preached in king edwards daies , and to returne to the vnity of the catholike church , and to acknowledge the popes holines the supreame head thereof , according to the determination of the whole parliament , promising that as he himselfe and other his brethren , had receiued the popes blessing , and queene maries mercy , euen so mercy was ready to be shewed to him , and others , if hee would arise with them , and condiscend to the popes ho●●nes . maister hooper answered , for so much as the pope taught doctrine contrary to christs doctrine , he is no member of christs church , much lesse the head thereof , therefore he could not condiscend to any such vsurped iurisdiction , neither doth he esteeme that church to bee the catholike church of christ , for the true church heareth onely the voyce of christ her spouse , and flyeth the voyce of strangers . i desire the queenes mercy , if mercy may bee had with safety of conscience , and without displeasure of god : answere was made , that the queene would shew no mercy to the popes enemies , then hee was sent to the fleet againe for sixe dayes : then he was brought againe before the bishop of winchester and other commissioners in saint-mary-oueries church , and the next day condemned , together with master rogers , and then they were carried to new-gate , where he remained sixe dayes . bonner and others resorted thither to him diuers times , to perswade him to be a member of antichrist , and when they could not , bonner disgraded him : then he was carried to gloster to suffer death , whereof he did greatly reioyce that he should there confirme his doctrine that hee had instructed so many in , with his bloud . sir anthony kingston , which was one of the commissioners to see him executed , came to him and lamented his case , and desired him to consider that life is sweet , and death is bitter , therefore seeing life may be had , desire to liue ; hereafter you may doe good : who answered , though death be bitter and life sweet , yet death to come is more bitter , and life to come more sweete ; therefore for the desire and loue i haue to the one , and the terror of the other , i doe not so much regard this death or esteeme this life , but haue setled my selfe by the strength of gods spirit rather to suffer any torments then to denie the truth of gods word , desiring you and others to pray for me . he answered , well my lord i perceiue there is no remedie : i thanke god that euer i kn●w you ; for whereas i was an adulterer , and a fornic●tor , god by your good instructions , hath brought me to the forsaking and detesting of the same . the same day a blinde boy got leaue to speake with master hooper : the boy a little before had beene imprisoned at gloster for confessing the truth . after master hooper had examined him of his faith , he said vnto him , ah poore boy ▪ god hath taken from thee thy outward sight , but hee hath giuen thee another sight much more precious : for he hath endued thy soule with the eye of knowledge and faith . when he was burned he was not suffered to speake to the people . hee wrote many godly letters to diuers whilest he was in prison , which thou mayest see in the booke at large . doctor rowland taylor . the towne of hadley was instructed by thomas bilney so well , that you might haue found there many , as well men as women , that had often read ouer the bible , and could say a great part of saint paules epistles by heart , and giue a godly learned sentence in any matter of controuersie , and there children and seruants were trained vp in the knowledge of gods word , that the towne seemed rather to bee an uniuersitie , then a towne of clothing . in this towne the said rowland taylor was parson : hee most faithfully indeuoured himselfe to fulfill his charge : no sunday nor holiday passed , nor other time that hee could get the people together , but hee preached to them the word of god ; there was none so rich but hee would tell him his fault , with such earnest and graue rebukes as best became a good pastor : hee was ready to doe good to all men readily forgiuing his enemies . h●e was a father to the poore . thus this good shepheard continued all the time of king edward . in the beginning of q. maries raigne he retained in his church the seruice which was vsed in king edwards time ▪ and faithfully preached against popish corruptions , which had infected the whole countrey round about . one foster and one clerke hyred one iohn au●rth parson of aldam , a popish idolator and a whoremonger , to set vp masse againe at hadly , and builded him an altar : in the night their altar was beaten downe , and they builded it againe and watched it ; then the priest came thither with all his implements and garments to play his popish pageant and was guarded with weapons lest he should be disturbed from this 〈◊〉 sacrifice . doctor taylor seeing him , said , thou diuell , who made thee so bolde to profane this church of christ with abominable idolatrie ? to whom foster said , thou traytor , why dost thou disturbe the queenes proceedings ? he answered , i am no traytor , but the sheepheard that christ hath appointed to feede this flocke . i commaund thee thou popish wolfe in the name of the god of heauen , that th●u auoyde hence , and presume not to poyson christs flocke with thy popish idolatrie . then foster with his armed men tooke taylor , and violently carried him whether he would or no out of the church , and thrust his wife out after him , because shee knee●led downe and made humble supplication vnto god , to bee reuenged of one of them , and then they shut the doore , least the people should ●aue rent their sacrificer in pe●ces , some that were without threw in stones , an● miss●d him but little . upon complaint to gardiner , hee sent for taylor , and though his friends and acquaintance perswaded him by all meanes possible they could to the contrarie : yet hee was resolued to goe to the bishop , and to his beard to tell him hee doth naught . i am old , though i suffer god will raise vp teachers for his people : i shall n●uer doe god so good seruice as now i may , what christian would not gladly die against the pope and his adherents , for i know the papacy is the kingdome of antichrist , and leauing one richard yeoman a godly priest in his cure , which after was burned at norwich , he tooke his iourney with one iohn hull his seruant . there was in the towne of hadley one alcocke , who after richard yeoman was driuen away vsed dayly to reade a chapter out of the bible , and to say the english letany in hadley church , they sent him vp to london , and there he died being in prison in newgate . when gardiner saw doctor taylor , according to his custome , hee called him knaue , traytor , hereticke , with many villanous reproches . my lord , quoth he , i am neither traytor nor hereticke , but a true subiect and faithfull christian : my lord , you are but a mortall man , i trow , if i should be affraid of your lordly looks . why feare you not god ? how dare you look any christian man in the face , séeing you haue forsaken the truth , denyed christ and his word , contrary to your owne oath and writing ? with what countenance will you appeare before the iudgement seat of christ , to answere your oaths to henrie the eight , and edward the sixt . gardiner answered , that was herods oath , vnlawfull , and therefore worthy to bee broken , i haue done well in breaking it , and i thanke god i am come home vnto our mother the catholike church , and the pope hath dispenced with me , and so i would thou shouldst do . taylor , should i approue those lies , errors , superstitions , and idolatries , that the pope and his company this day approued : nay , god forbid , let the pope returne to christ and his word , and leaue idolatry , and then will we turne to him , the pope nor no man else can assoyle you of that oath ▪ i sée , quoth gardiner , thou art a very knauish foole . taylor said , leaue your reyling my lord , it is not séemely for you . that art a married man quoth the bishop . taylor said , i thanke god that i am , and i haue nine children , and i thanke god for the ordaining of matrimonie , that wee should not liue in adu●tery . gardiner , thou wouldst not suffer masse in hadley . taylor . i am parson of hadly , and it is against law and reason , that any should infect my flocke with popish idolatrous masse . then said the bishop , thou art a blasphemous heretick , to blaspheme the blessed sacraments , and put off his cap , and against the masse , which is a sacrifice for the quick and the dead . taylor . christ dyed for our redemption , which is a sufficient propitiatory sacrifice vnto saluation for al beléeuers , and no priest can any more offer him , and we néed no other propitiatory sacrifice ; therefore the fathers called the communion eucharistia , which signifieth thankes-giuing . then said the bishop , thou shalt confesse it a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead , ere thou and i haue done , and commaunded him to bee sent to the kings bench. then taylor knéeled downe and saide ; good lord i thanke thee , and from the tyrannie of the pope , and all his detestable errors , idolatries , and abhominations , good lord deliuer vs , and god be praysed for king edward : so he was carried vnto the kings bench , where hee lay in prison almost two yeares . being in prison , he spent his time in prayer , preaching , and writing , with●in few daies after , were diuers learned and godly●men , in sundry conn●rie● in england , committed to prison for religion : so that almost all the prisons in england were right christian schoole● and churches , so that there was no greater comfort to christian harts , then to come to the prisons . now were placed in churches blind masse-m●ngers , with their lattine babling and apish ceremonies , who like cruell wolues , spared not to murder all such that did but whisper against popery : the godly preachers were other fled , or committed to prison , where as lambes they waited when the butchers should call them to slaughter . maister bradford , that deuout and vertuons preacher , who was a miracle or our time , was in the kings bench , taylor exhorted him to constant perseuerance vnto the end : maister bradford praised god he had such a comfortable prison-fellow . taylor told his friends that came to sée him , that god had graciouslie prouided for him , for to send him where he found such an angell of god to bée his comforter . after taylor had lyne in prison a while , hee was sent for and depriued , because he maintained priests marriage , and would not bee separated from his wife . and after a yeare and thrée quarters , when they had gotten the lawes put down that were made by king henry the eight , and king edward , against the pope : they sent for taylor before my lord chancellor , and either commissioners , the effect of whose communication with him , he described himselfe as followeth . first , my lord chancellor said , you amongst other , are sent for to enioy the king and queenes mercie , if you will rise againe with vs from the fall , which we ge●erallie haue receiued in this realme , from the which we are deliuered miraculousli● : if you will not , you shall haue iudgement . to this i answered , that so to rise , should bee the greatest fall that euer i could receiue , for i should fall from christ vnto anti-christ : i will not decline from the religion which was in king edwards dai●s , which is according to the word of god , as long as i liue . my lord chancellor asked me , whether i had read his ●ooke vpon the sacrament , i said i had read it : he asked mee how i liked it ; my lord said i , there are many things farre 〈◊〉 from gods truth in that booke ▪ then he cal'd me varlet ; i said that was as bad as foole , then he called me ignorant béelebrow . i said , my lord , you wrote a booke de vera obedientia , i would you had béen constant in that , for you neuer did declare a good conscience , as i heard of , but in that booke . how like you that said my lord , i wrote against priests mariage but y ● pleaseth not such as thou art . i answered their procéedings now against priests mariages , is against naturall law , ciuill law , canon law , generall councels , canons of the apostles , ancient doctors , and gods lawes . then because i would not turne , i was sent to prison againe . after doctor taylor , maister bradford , and maister sanders , were called to appeare before my lord chancellor , and other commissioners , where because they would not yéeld to papistry , they were condemned , and sentence was read against taylor . they reioyced that they were worthy to suffer for christe ▪ word and truth , and they stoutly said vnto the bishops , god the righteous iudge , will require our bloud at your handes , and the proudest of you all shall repont this receiuing againe of antichrist , and the tyranny you shew against christes flocke . so taylor was sent to the clinke , hee said vnto the people that flocked about to sée him as he was going ; god bée praised good people , i am come away from them vndefiled , and will cenfirme the truth with my ●●oud . and at night hee was carryed vnto the counter in the poultrey , where hee lay seauen nights . bonner came to the prison to him , to disgrade him , he said ; maister doctor , i would you would remember your selfe , and turne to your holy mother the church , and i will sue for your pardon . taylor answered , i would you and your fellowes would turne to christ , as for me , i will not turne to antichrist . then bonner had him put on the uestures to bee disgraded , but hee would not , when they were put vpon him , he put his handes by his side , and said ; how say you my lord , am not i a goodlie foole : how say you my maisters , it i were in cheape-side , should i not haue boyes enough to laugh at these apish toyes and toying trumperie ; and when the bishoppe should strike him vpon the breast with his crossier staffe : his chaplaines said ; strike him not my lord , for he will surely strike you againe , that i will said hee , for it is our sauiour christes cause , so the byshoppe laid his curs● oll him , but strucke him not . when he came to maister bradford , for they both lay in one chamber , hee told him laughinglie , how he had made the bishop affraid to strike him : that night his wife , his sonne thomas , and his man iohn hull , were suffered to sup with him , after supper , he thanked god , that hee had giuen him strength to abide by his holie word : then he said vnto his sonne ; my deare sonne , god giue thee his spirit , truly to serue christ , to learne his word , and to stand by it all thy life : my sonne , feare god , fly sinne , pray to him , and apply thy booke , and sée thou be obedient vnto thy mother , cherish the poore , and count that try chéefe riches , is to be rich in a●mes . then he said , my deare wife , be steadfast in the ●eare and loue of god , be not defiled with popish idolatries : wee haue béene faithfull yoke-fellowes together , the lord will reward you for your faithfulnesse towards me , i now must be taken from you ; and i would aduise you to marrie with some honest man that feareth god , he will prouide such a one for you , and he will bee a mercifull father to you , and your children , whom i pray bring vp in the feare of god and learning , and kéep them from romish idolatry , then with wéeping feares they prayed together , and kissed each other . the next day he was carried away towards hadley , to be burned there , diuers gentlemen and iustices came to him there , who laboured him to returne vnto the romish religion , shewed him his pardon and promised him great promotions , yea a bishoprick if he would , but all was vaine , for he had not builded his rocke vpon the sands , in perill of euery winde , but on the sure rocke christ. when hee went through hadley to execution , the stréetes being full , they cried out with lamentable voyces : ah good lord , there goeth our shepheard from vs , that hath so faithfully taught vs , so fatherly cared for vs , and so godly gouerned vs , what shall wee poore scattred lambes doe ? what shall become of this wicked world ? good lord comfort him : wherefore the people were fore rebuked , and doctor taylor euer said to the people ; i haue preached vnto you gods word and truth , and am come this day to seale it with my blood . comming against the almes-heuses , he cast to the poore people all the money which remained of that which good people had giuen vnto him in prison , for his liuing was taken away from him so soone as he was put in prison , so that hee was sustained during the time of his imprisonment , by the charitable almes of good people . when he saw the place of execution , and the multitude of people that were gathered together , then said he ; thanked be god , i am euen at home . they had clipped his head ill-fauoredly , like a fooles head , by bonners perswasions , when he was disgraded : when he came there , all the people said ; god saue thée good maister doctor taylor , iesus strengthen you , the holy ghost comfort you . when he would haue spoken vnto the people , one or other thrust a tipstaffe in his month : then he desired license of the sheriffe to speake , but he denied him , and had him remember his promise made vnto the councell . it was a common fame , that the councell sent for such as were condemned , and threatned them they would cut their tongues out , except they would promise them , at their deathes to kéepe silence , and not to speake vnto the people . when he was in his shirt , hee was set in a pitch barrell to bee burned , then he said with a loud voyce ; good people , i haue taught you nothing but gods word , and those lessons which i haue taken out of gods blessed booke , i am therefore come hither this day to seale it with my blood , then one homes , a yeoman of the gard , who had vsed him verie cruelly all the way , gaue him a great stroke on the head . the sheriffe called one richard doningham a butcher to set vp the faggots , but he would not , then he got others , and one of them called warwicke , cruellie cast a faggot at him and brake his face , that the blood ranne downe . doctor taylor said ; ah friend , i haue harme enough , what néedeth this ? when the fire was set to him , he said ; mercifull father of heauen , for iesus christs sake , receiue my soule into thy hands , and so stood still , without either crying or moouing , with his hands folded together , vntill one soyce strucke him vpon the head , that the braines fell out , and his corps fell into the fire and was burned . the foureteenth of february , the lord chanceller and the bishops , caused the image of thomas becket to be set vp ouer the mercers chappe●l doore in cheape-side in london , in the forme of a bishop , with miter and crosier : within two dayes after his two blessing fingers were broken away , and the next day his head was stricken off . whereupon many were suspected , and one maister barnes , mercer , being a professor of the truth , was charged therewith , and he and three of his seruants were committed to prison , and though it could not be proued against him , he was bound in a great summe , to builde it vp againe , now , and as often as it should be broken downe , and to watch and keepe the same . the next day after that it was set vp againe , the head was the second time broken off , then there was a proclamation set forth , that he that could tell who did it , he should haue an hundred crownes , with thanks , but it was not knowne who did it . the vertuous and godly king christianus , king of denmarke , hearing of the captiuitie of miles couerdale , whom hee knew , by reason hee was in denmarke in king henry the eight his time , and lamenting his dangerous case , made intercession by letters to quéene mary , desiring the said miles couerdalo to be sent vnto him : after the king had written two letters , queene mary after long delay , made full answer to the king of denmarkes letters ; by which prouidence of god , miles couerdale was deliuered . robert farrar bishop of saint dauids in wales . this bishop , by the fauour of the lord protector , was first promoted vnto that dignity : he may well bee said twice mar●ired ; first , for diuers iniuries and mollestations which he suffered most vnworthily of his enemies , in king edwards time , after the fall of the duke of somerset , and of his martydome in queene maries time . his aduersaries in king edwards time , were ●ames constantine , his register , to whom he gaue the office by patent , and a doctor of the law , and canon of the cathedrall church of s. dauids , and a chanter of the same . they did exhibit to the kings councell certain articles , to the insent to blemish the bishops credit , and vtterly as they thought , and made their boasts to pull him from his bishopricke , and bring him in a premunire . the cheefe effect of their articles , which were fifty sixe , was , that he did not in his proce● that he made write the king supreame head of the church , and that he tollerated other superstitions and idolatries . after these wrangling articles were giuen vp , then the bishop was called to answere , the hearing whereof was committed vnto sir iohn mason , knight , and doctor wo●ton . then they had a commission into the country , where they examined sixscore and seauen witnesses , and during the time of the examination of these witnesses , the said bishop was stayed at london , because his aduersaries said , if the bishop should go into his dioces , he would let them of their proues . during which trouble king edward died , and in quéene maries time another named henry , was made bishop of s. dauids , who sent for the said robert farrar , and committed him to prison , and afterward declared vnto the saide robert the great clemency , that the king and quéenes highnesse pleasure was to bee offered vnto him , if he would submit himselfe vnto the lawes of this realme , and conforme himselfe vnto the vnity of the catholike church , and séeing the said robert made him no answere , he ministred vnto him these articles . first , whether he beleeue the marriage of priests to be lawfull by the lawe of god and holy church . secondly , whether hee beleeued the very body and blood of christ is really and substantially in the sacrament , without the substance of bread and wine . bishop farrar would not answer , vntill he saw a lawfull commission , so he was committed againe : then he was called againe after , and would answer no otherwise then as before ; whereupon he was pronounced contu●nax , and for punishment thereof , to be counted pro confesso , and committed him againe . the next day of appearance , the said bishop farrar craued time to answere , and at the time did answer . then the foresaid pretensed bishop , gaue him a writing of certaine articles to subscribe vnto : adding to the articles before , that the masse was a propitiatorie sacrifice for the quicke and the dead , and that the generall councels neuer erred , neither 〈◊〉 erre : that a man is not iustified by faith only , but by charity also ; and that the catholike church onely hath authoritie of interpreting of the scriptures , and to compound controuersies , and also to appoint such things as appertaine to publike discipline , and that the church is visible , as a citty vpon a hill knowne vnto all men , and not obscure and vnknowne , as the hereticks of our age doe teach . to these articles he refused to subscribe : affirming that they were inuented by man , and pertaine nothing to the catholick faith : then he assigned him a day to assigne them affirmatiuely , or negatiuely , which he would not do● , but appea●ed vnto the cardinall : notwithstanding they gaue sentence against him . when they had put the priestly vestures on him to disgrade him ; hee called them ragges and relicks of rome : when he was brought to ex●cution in the ci●ie of carmarden , he was burned with turffes and soddes , which was to him a more greeuous torment , but praised be god he suffered it patiently . the next moneth a godly man named rawlins white , was burned in cardiffe in wales . thomas tomkins . thomas tomkins of shordich in london weauer , was brought before boner , for all hitherto were condemned by steuen gardiner lord chancelor ; but hee being weary , put off the rest vnto boner , of whom this tomkins was the first ; who when by no meanes hee could bee driuen from the ●ruth , boner caused a burning candle to be brought to him : then said he , come on naughty knane , if thou likest the torments of the fire so well ; i will make thee feele in this flame what it is to be burned : then if thou be wise thou wilt change thy minde : then he commanded his right hand to be put into the fire , but he indured the burning ; yet was not bonet therewith contented , but neuer rested vntill he had consumed the whole body to ashes in smithfield . he was condemned vpon these points : first , that his beleefe ● , that the body of christ is not truely and verily in the sacrament of the altar , but onely in heauen , and so in heauen that it cannot be really in the sacrament : and although the church a● low the masse a wholesome and profitable sacrifice ; yet my beliefe is that the masse is full of superstition and idolatry , and vnprofitable for my soule : and the sacrament of baptisme ought to ●ee onely in the vulgar tongue , and without such ceremonies as are vsed in the latine church : and being exhorted to leaue his opinions : hee answered hee was brought vp in ignorance vntill now of late yeares , and now i know the truth , wherein i will continue vnto death : and he said my lord you would haue me forsake the truth , and fall into error and heresie : then hee was condemned and deliuered vnto the sheriffe ; who carried him to newgate , where hee remained most ioifull and constant , vntill hee was conuayed to smithfield , and there sealed vp his faith in the flaming fire . the constant suffering of higbed and causon . these two were descended of worshipfull stocke in essex , which of all shires was most fruitfull of martyrs ; the one called thomas higbed of horneden hill ; the other thomas causon of thunderst , they were both in flourishing estate in riches , and much more flourishing in godlines . they were diuers times examined before bonner , and defended the truth valiantly , and he and his fellowes did much labour to make them to recant , but could not preuaile : the substance of all their arguments appeareth in a confession that they wrote with their owne hands , which was read in the court of paules , before the mayor and sheriffes , and all the people , not without great sure , before it could be licenced to be read . first we beleeue and professe in baptisme to forsake the diuel & all his works , and all the vanities of the world , and the lusts of the 〈◊〉 . we beleeue the articles of our faith , and that wee are bound to walke in gods commandements all the daies of our life . we beléeue the lords prayer containeth all things necessarie for soule and body , and that we are thereby taught onely to pray to our heauenly father , and is no saint nor angell . we beléeue there is a catholick church , euen the communion of saints , builded vpon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , christ being the head corner stone : for which church christ gaue himselfe to make it a glorious congregation without fault in his sight . this church of it selfe is sinfull , and must needs say father forgiue vs our sinnes , but through christ and his merits she is fréely forgiuen . hee is our onely mediator as saint paul saith , there is one god , and one mediatour betwixt god and man iesus christ : therefore no other mediatour . we beléeue this church is , and hath béen persecuted according to the promise of christ : as they haue persecuted mee , so shall they persecute you , for the disciple is not aboue his master . and paul saith it is not giuen to you onely to beleeue in christ , but also to suffer for his sake : for all which will liue godly must suffer persecution . the true church teacheth the word of god truely , not adding thereto , nor taking there-from ; and ministers the sacraments according to the primitiue church , and it suffreth all men to reade the scriptures : as christ saith : search the scriptures : and when paul preached , the audience searched the scriptures ; whether hee preached truely : dauid teacheth to pray with vnderstanding : saint paul saith , when the people vnderstand not what is said , how can they say amen at giuing of thankes : and saint paul saith , true faith commeth by hearing the word . the church of christ teacheth god ought to bee worshipped according to his word , and not after the doctrine of men : as christ teacheth vs , likewise christ saith , you shall forsake father and mother and follow me , whereby we learne if our elders , teach otherwise then god commanded in that point we must forsake them . the supper of our lord ought not to be altered , because christ the wisedome of the father did institute it : for it is written , cursed is he that changeth my ordinances , or taketh any thing from them . this supper is sorely abused , it is giuen in one kinde , where christ gaue it in both : it is made a priuate masse , where christ made it a communion : he gaue it to all his apostles in the name of the whole church , & not to one alone : christ ordained it for a remembrance of his euerlasting sacrifice vpon the crosse once for all ; and not againe to bee a dayly sacrifice both for them that are aliue , and them that are dead : and saint paul saith , where there is no remission of sinnes , there is no more sacrifice for sinne : and in that it is worshipped , where as nothing is to be worshipped that is made with hands : and in that it is giuen in an vnknowne tongue whereby the people are ignor●nt of the right vse thereof : besides this it is hanged vp and shut in a boxe , many times so long that wormes breedeth in it , and so it putrifieth , they that abuse it bring vp the slander thereof and not we . concerning christs words , this is my body , the minde of christ must bee searched out by other scriptures : for the apostle saith no scripture hath any priuate interpretation , and the scriptures are full of such figuratiue speeches : as the cup is the new testament , the rocke is christ : whosoeuer ( saith christ ) receiueth a child in my name receiueth me ; which sentence must not be vnderstood after the letter , as the capernaites did which taught that christs body should haue been eaten with their teeth ; when he spake of the eating thereof , to whom christ said , the spirit quickeneth , the flesh profiteth nothing , for my words are spirit and life : so we see christs words must be vnderstood spiritually , and not literally : hee that commeth to this worthy supper must not prepare his iaw but his heart : neither tooth nor belly , but beleeue , saith saint augustine , and thou hast eaten it : so wee must bring with vs a spirituall hunger , and examine our selues whether our conscience doe testifie that we doe truely beleeue in christ according to the scriptures , whereof if we be truely certified , beeing new borne from our old conuersation , in heart , minde , will and deed , then may we boldly with this mariage garment of faith come to the feast . and that there is no change but bread still remaineth , christ saith , doe this in remembrance of me : and saint paul , as often as you shall eate this bread and drinke this cup , you shall remember the lords death vntill hee come : heere is no change but bread still : and christ saith , except i goe to my father the comforter cannot come : and saint peter saith , heauen shall keep him vntill the last day : in that he is god he is euery where , but in that hee is man hee cannot be but in one place , as his body was not in all places at once when hee was heere : hee was not in the graue when the women sought him as the angell said : neither was hee at bethania when lazarus died by christs owne words : and thus we conclude that the christ is in the holy supper sacramentally and spiritually , in all them that worthily receiue it : and corporally in heauen both god and man. when they would not turn from the truth by no p●rswasions the sentence was read against them : in the reading whereof higbed said , you speake blasphemie against christs passion , and goe about to trap vs with your subtilties and snares ; and though my father , mother , and other my kindred doe beleeu● , you say yet they were deceiu●d in so beleeuing : and whereas you say cranmer and others in the said articles were hereticks , i wish i were such an hereticke as they were and be . then the bishop asked him whether hee would turne from his ●rrour : to whom he said , would yee would recant , for i am in the truth and you in errour . then they were deliuered vnto the sheriffe and sent to newgate , where they remained not so much in afflictions , as in consolations : fourteene daies after they were carried to essex : and thomas higbed burned at hornden on th● hill : and thomas causon at rayly , where they died most constantly . the martyrdome of vvilliam hvnter . the said hunter was at all times brought before the bishop of london , with the aforesaid thomas tomkins , and had the same articles , reasons and perswasions obiected as the said thomas tomkins had and they made both the same answeres , sauing that boner vsed these words onely to hunter : will you abiure and returne to the catholick church : he answered , i will stand to that which i haue said : and further he said it is false doctrine & beliefe , to beleeue that christs true body is in the sacrament , which is onely in heauen , and that his friendes and kindred were deceiued if they otherwise beleeued , i will continue in the truth that is taught me as long as i liue , ●or if i doe otherwise i shall perish both body and soule , and i had rather my body perish , then my soule . wherevpon hee was condemned , and after carried to burnt-wood , where hee suffered most ioifully . he was a very yong man , borne of good parents , of whom he was not onely instructed to godlines , but confirmed vnto death , a rare example to be had in admiration of all parents , where the naturall affection of parents were ouercome with godlines , w●o like the holy mother in the machabees , incouraged their sonne as much as they could to goe through valiantly , reioicing with wonderfull gladnes , and either of them dranke vnto him , confirming him in the lord , i cannot tell whether i should praise the vertue of the sonne or of the parents . william pygot , steuen knight , and iohn lawrence . at the same time that tomkins and hunter were examined as before these three likewise were examined before boner ; the same reasons , articles and perswasions that were vsed to them , were vsed vnto these also , and they made all answeres al●ke : and when by neither flatterie nor threatning they could bee brought from the truth , they were cond●mned , and were carried into essex to bee burned : william pigot burned at braintree . steuen knight was burned at mauld●n , who at the stake kneeled downe and said this prayer : o lord iesu , for whose loue i ●eaue this life , and desire bitt●r death , with the losse of all earthly things , ●ather then to abide the blasphemie of thy name , or to obay men breaking thy commandements , where i might liue in wealth to worship a false god , i chose rather the torment of this body , and haue counted all things but dung that i migh● winns thee : which death i● dearer to me then thousands of gold and siluer : such loue hast thou laide vp in my brests that i hu●ger for thee ▪ as the wounded deare des●reth the soy●● , s●nd ●hy holy comforter , to ayde , comfort , and strengthen me● a weake peece of earth , empty of all strength of it selfe , of thy great loue thou ●ast bidden me to this banquet , accounted mee worth● to drinke of 〈◊〉 owne cup , amongst thine ele●t●giue me strength against this ●hine elem●nt which is most irkesome to my sight , that it may be swéet and pleasant to my minde , that i may passe through this fire into thy ●oso●e according vnto thy p●omi●e : accept this sacrifice , for thy deare sonne iesus christ his sake , for whose testimony i offer it with all my heart ; forgiue me my sinnes as i forgiue the world : sweet sauiour spread thy wings ouer me : o holy ghost by whose inspiration i am come hither , conduct me to euerlasting life : lord into to thine hands ●commend my spirit , amen . iohn lawrence was brought to colchester , and not b●eing able to goe , for his legges were so sore worne with his irons in prison , and his body so weakened with euill keeping , hee was faine to be brought vnto the fire in a chayre : at his burning the yong children came about the fire , and cryed lord strengthen thy seruant , and keep thy promise : which manifesteth gods glory , which writ this in the hearts of these little ones , and their parents are to bee commended , that brought them vp from their youth , in the feare and knowledge of god. gods iudgement vpon the parson of arundell . vpon shroue-sunday the parson of arundell besides canterbury , declared vnto the people all such articles as were set forth by the authority of the pope , and commandement of the bishops of this realme , and when he had done he thanked god that euer he had liued to see that day , and straightway he fell sudde●ly out of the pulpit , and neuer spake after . the historie of iudge hales . sir iames hales as before , tooke queene maries part , and would not subscribe to haue any other quéene , though all the rest had subscribed to edward the sixts will. he was an vpright and conscionable iudge . to these his gifts and qualities were linked sincere affection to the gospell of christ , shewing himselfe a true gospeller by word and deed . at the beginning of queene maries raigne , the masse not being restored by law , diuers priests presumed to say masse , and they were indited at the a●●ises before iudge hales , and he gaue order therein as the law required : wherefore when the terme came , he comming to doe his office , was sent for by gardner lord chancellor , to whom he iustified that he did it both by the iustice of the law , and of his conscience , wherein he was fully bent to stand in triall to the vtmost that can be obiected : and it therein i haue done any iniury , let me be iudged by the law ; for i will séeke or desire no better defence for my selfe , considering chiefly that it is my profession . ah sir , said the chancellor , you be very quicke and stoute in your answers , it seemeth that which you did was more of will , fauouring your opinion of religion against the seruice now vsed , then for any occasion of zeale of iustice , seeing her highnesse doth set it forth as yet , but withing all her subiects to imbrace it accordingly . my lord , quoth hales , i doe but shew my selfe as i am bound in loue to god and obedience to the quéenes maiestie , in whose cause willingly for iustice sake , i did of late , as your lordship knoweth , aduenture as much as i had : and as for my religion , i trust it is such as pleaseth god , wherein i am ready to aduenture both my life and substance , if i be called thereto ; and for lack of mine owne power and will , the lords will be fulfilled . shortly after he was committed vnto the kings bench , then he was committed to the counter in breadstréete , and from thence he was conuayed to the fléet , where he endured most constantly for the space of three weeks : and when thus in diuers prisons being tossed and wearied , he could in no wise be subdued , there was in the prison where he was a gentleman of hampshire called foster , who , ●●ing suborned by the bishops , vsed all kinde of perswasions whereby hee might draw him from the truth , which at length he brought to passe ; then next morning early the bishop of chichester came to him into the prison , to comfort him therein , and after iudge portman came to him : but as soone as he had yeelded to them he ●rew into such an extreame desperation by the worme of his conscience , that hee eat little meat that night . when supper was done he gate him straight to bedde , where he passed the night with much anxietie of mind : about six of the clocke in the morning he sent his man for a cup of béere ; his man was no sooner gone but with a pen-knife he wounded himselfe in diuers places , and would haue killed himselfe , but that his man méeting the butler at the chamber doore , returned presently into the chamber , and let his master from destroying himselfe . upon this cranmer straight-way took occasion to call the doctrine of the gospell openly in the star-chamber the doctrine of desperation . m. hales being within a while after deliuered , getteth himselfe home to his house , whether it was for feare that if he should againe professe the gospell he should be imprisoned againe and burned , and begger all his posterity , or if he should go to hearing of masses he should doe worse : hauing all things set in order a good while before that pertained vnto his testament , desperatly he cast himselfe into a shallow riuer , and was drowned in the yeare . iohn awcocke . this yeare the second of aprill , one iohn awcocke died in prison , who was buried in the fields , as the manner of the papists was , for they de●ied them christian buriall to such as died out of their antichristian church . pope ivlivs the third . this yeare , about the end of march died pope iulius the third , whose deeds to declare it were not so much tedious to the reader , as horrible to good eares . iohannes de casa was deane of this popes chamber , archbishop of beneuentanus and chiefe legat to the uenetians , who well declaring the fruit of that filthy sea , did not only play the filthy sodomite himselfe , but in italian meetre set forth the praise of that beastly iniquitie , and yet his booke ▪ was printed at uenice by one troyanus nauus , and the pope suffered this beastlines vnder his nose in his chamber , which could not abide the doctrine of christ. this pope delighted greatly in porke flesh and peacocks : by the aduice of his physitians , his steward ordered that he should set no porke flesh before him ; missing it ▪ where , said he , is my porke ? the steward answered , his physitian had forbidden any porke to be serued , the pope in a great rage , said , bring mee my porke in despite of god. another time he commaunded a peacocke at the table to be kept colde for his supper : when supper came , amongst hote peacocks he saw not his colde peacocke , the pope after his wonted manner , began horribly to blaspheme god : one of his cardinals said , let not your holinesse , i pray you , be moued in so small a matter . then said he , if god were so angry for one apple that he cast our parents out of paradice , why may not i , being his uicar , he angry for a peacocke , which is a greater matter ? this was he vnder whom popery was restored in england in quéene maries time ; and the affection that was borne vnto him heere may be séene by the dirgs , hearses , and funerals commaunded to bee had and celebrated in all churches by the quéene and her councell . at his death a woman séeing a herse and other preparation in saint magnus church at the bridge foot in london , asked what it meant : it was told her it was for the pope , and that she must pray for him ; nay , quoth she that i will not , for he needeth not my prayers , seeing hee could forgiue vs all our sinnes , i am sure he is cleane himselfe : by and by she was carried vnto the cage at london bridge , and bade to coole her selfe there . george marsh . this marsh was an earnest letter forth of true religion , to the defacement of antichrists doctrine , in the parish of deane , and elswhere in lancas●ire , and he most faithfully acknowledged the same in quéene maries time , whereupon he was apprehended and kept in straight prison within the bishoppe of chesters house foure moneths , not permitting him to haue comfort of his frinds , but the porter was charged to marke them that asked for him , and to take their names and deliuer them to the bishop : shortly after he came thither , the bishop sent for him , and communed with him a long time in his hall alone , and could find no fault with him , but that he allowed not transubstantiation , nor the abuse of the masse , nor that the lay people should receiue vnder one kinde : with which points the byshop went about to perswade him , but all was in vaine , then hee sent him to prison againe . afterward diuers were sent vnto him , to perswade him to submit himselfe vnto the church of rome , and to acknowledge the pope to be the ha●d thereof , and to interpret the scriptures no otherwise then that church doth . george answered , hee doth acknowledge one holy catholike and apostolike church , without which is no saluation : and this church is but one , because it hath and beléeueth in but one god , and him only worshippeth , and one christ , and in him only trusteth for saluation ; and it is ruled onely by one spirit , one word , and one faith : and that it is vniuersall , because it hath béene from the beginning of the world , and shall be vnto the end of the world ; hauing in it some of al nations , kindreds and languages , degrees , ●●ates , and conditions of men . this church is builded only vpon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , iesus christ being the head-corner-stone , and not on the romish lawes and decrees , the pope being not the supreame head , and that it was before any succession of bishops , general councels , or romish decrees , neither was bound to any time or place , ordinary succession , generall councels , or tradition of fathers ; neither had any supremacie ouer empires and kingdomes . but that it was a little 〈◊〉 flocke dispersed abroad as sheepe without a shepheard in the middest of wolues : or as a flocke of fatherlesse children , assisted , succoured , and defended onely by christ iesus their supreme head ; from all assaults , errours , troubles and persecutions , wherewith shee is euer compassed about . he proued by the floud of noah , the destruction of sodome : the israelites departing out of egypt by the parables of the sower : by the kings sons marriage : of the great supper : and by other sentences of the scriptures , that this church was of no estimation , and little in comparison of the church of hypocrites and wicked worldlings . after the bishop caused him to bee brought to the chappell of the cathedrall church of chester , where the bishop with diuers others were set : after he had taken his oath for a true answering , the chancelor charged him that he had preached heretically , and blasphemously in diuers places against the popes authority and catholick church of rome : the blessed masse , the sacrament of the altar , and many other articles . hee answered , that ●e neither heretically nor blasphemonsly spake against any of the said articles , but simply and ●●uely as occasion serued according to his conscience , maintaining the truth touching the said articles , as it was taught in king edward the sixth his time , whereupon they condemned him at the next appearance . and when he would haue perswaded them otherwise by the word of god , the bishop told him he ought not to dispute with hereticks . then he prayed the people to beare him witnesse , he held no other opinions then were by law most godly established , and publikely taught in king edwards time , wherein he would liue and die . as he came on the way towards the place of execution , some folke proffered him mo●ey and looked that he should haue had a little purse in his hand , as the manner of 〈◊〉 ▪ was at their going to execution , to gather money to giue to a priest to say trentalls of masses for them after their death ▪ whereby they might be saued : but marsh said he would not be troubled with money , and hade them giue it to the prisoners and poore people . when he came to the ●●re his pardon was offered him : he answered , being it tended to plucke him from god , he could not receiue it vpon that condition . they would not suffer him to speake to the people . he was somewhat long a dying by reason of the ●lacknes of the ●●re , which hee bare wondrous patiently , in so much as the people said he was a martyr , which caused the bishop shortly after to make a sermon in the cathedrall church , wherein he affirmed that george marsh was an hereticks , burned like an hereticke , and a fire-brand in hell : in short time after the iust iudgement of god appeared vpon the said bishop , through his adulterous behauiour he was burned with a harlot , and died thereof . william flower , alias branch . this william was borne at snow-hill in the county of cambridge : after he owelt at lambeth , and comming ouer the water to saint margarets church at westminster , where he seeing a priest at masse , being greatly offended in his conscience , hee wounded him on the head . whereupon hee was apprehended and layde in the gate-house at westminster ●and from thence beeing brought vnto bonner , and being examined , he said he came of purpose to doe it , and when hee saw the people to kneele downe and giue the honour of god vnto a piece of bread , hee could not possibly forbeare any longer , but drew forth his hanger and smote the priest : the witnesses proued , that he smote him on the head , arme , and hand , and that he bled aboundantly , and that hauing a calice full of consecrated hosts , the hosts were besprinkled with the bloud : the bishop offered that he should be pardoned , if he would recant his opinion of the sacrament , and returne to the holy church : he answered , doe what you will , i am at a point , for the heauens shall assoone fall , as i will forsake mine opinion . he was often called before the bishop , but when neither by flatteries nor threatning he would not 〈◊〉 ▪ he was condemned . at his burning he was most cruelly handled , his right hand was hold against ●he stake and strucken off , at which striking hee in no part of his body did once shrinke : to his burning little wood was brought , not sufficient to burne him , but they were faine to strike him downe into the fire . iohn cardmaker , alias taylour , and iohn warne vpholster of saint iohns in walbroke in london . these two were condemned by boner , for holding that there was no transubstantiation in the sacrament , and denying the carnall ▪ reall , and corporall presence of christ in the sacrament . this cardmaker was one of the prebendaries of the cathedrall church of welles : hee was apprehended and ●aken by the bishop of bathe , and committed prisoner vnto the fleete in london , the lawes of king edward being yet in force : but afterward when they had restored their old popish lawes by act of parliament , these two , namely , cardmaker and warne were brought to 〈◊〉 lord chancellor , who offered them the queenes pardon , if they would recant : wherevpon they made such an answere as the lord chancellor and his fellowes allowed them for catholicke , but it was but for a further aduantage , and that they might haue some forged example of a shrinking brother to lay in the 〈◊〉 of the rest which were to bee examined : and to all that after were examined : they commended cardmaker , and one barlow for sobernesse , discretion , and learning ; which barlow was , for all his good answers , led to the fleete , from whence being deliuered , did by exile constantly bear witnes to the truth of the gospell . cardmaker was conuayed to the counter in breadstreet : the papists hauing a certaine hope that cardmaker was become theirs , diuers of them conf●rred with him ; in the end he required them to put their reasons in writing , and then hee would answere them in writing , which was done , but they neuer came vnto our handes . when warne and he were brought together to smithfield to be burned , the sherife called cardmaker aside , and talked with him secretly so long , that warne had made his prayers , and was chained to the stake , and wood and ●eeds set to him . the people thought sure cardmaker would haue recanted : but when they saw him put off his clothes , and go boldly to the stake and kisse it , and shake warn by the hand , and did him be of good comfort , they cried out for ioy , with so great a shoute as a greater hath not beene heard , saying , god be praised , the lord strengthen thée cardmaker , the lord receiue thy spirit ; thus they both through the fire passed into the ioyes of heauen . william tooly poulterer of london . hee was hanged for robbing a spaniard at s. iames , and in his prayer at the gallowes , which was neere charing-crosse , hee prayed god to deliuer vs from the tyrannie of rome and all the popes detestable enormities : to which all the people said amen . and being hanged and buried , the mitred priests tooke this grieuously : and after consultations what was best to be done , there was a mandate of bonner set vp at charing-crosse , on paules church doore , and at saint martins in the fieldes , for the citing of tooly , hanged a little before , to appear before the said bishop for heresie ; where , after many witnesses examined , he was suspended , excommunicated , condemned , and committed to the secular power , to wit , the sherifes of london , who digged him vp , layde his dead body on the fire and burned it . thomas havkes . hee was sent to london to bonner for not suffering of his childe to be christened in three weekes : he tolde the bishop the reason was because their baptizing was against the word of god , there being in it so many things which haue 〈◊〉 inuented by men , as oyle , creame , salt , spittle , candle , and coniuring of water , &c. bonner . the catholike church hath taught it , and your fathers and the whole world haue béene conte●ted therewith : he answered , i haue nothing to doe what they haue done , what god commandeth me , to that stand i. one said i was too curious , for ye will haue nothing , said he , but your little pretty ▪ gods booke . i asked if it were not sufficient for our saluation . yes , said hee , but not for our instruction . i said god send me the saluation and you the instruction . bonner . would you be content to haue your childe christened after the order set forth in k. edwards time ? haukes . yes said i , that is my desire : then he said , you are a stubborn young man , i must take another course with you . i told him he was in the handes of god , and so am i. then the bishop would haue had me to euen●song with him . i tolde him i would not pray in that place nor in none such . one of his chaplaines said , let him goe , my lord , and he shall be no pertaker with vs in our prayers . i told them , i thought my selfe best when i was farthest from them . the bishop sent for me , and harpsfield was with him ; then the bishop said , this is the man i told you of , that would not haue his childe christened , nor will haue no ceremonies . harps . christ vsed ceremonies when he tooke clay and spittle and made the blinde man sée . haukes . christ vsed it not in baptisme : if you will needs haue it , put it to the vse that christ did . harps . admit your childe die vnchristned , you are in a heauie case , your childe being damned and you also , séeing you would not christen him when you might ; for he is borne in originall sinne . haukes . the deliuerance of sinne standeth in the faith of the parents : he asked me how i proued it ; paule in . cor. . saith , the vnbeleeuing man is sanctified by the beleeuing woman , and the vnbeleeuing woman by the beleeuing man , els were your children vncleane . harps . your great learned men at oxford , in whom you put your trust , will be against you . i said if they doe it by the scriptures i would beléeue them . bonner . recant , recant ; for christ saith , except you bee baptized you cannot be saued . haukes . i a●ked him whether christianity did stand in outward ceremonie ? he said , partly it doth . i said , s. pet saith , not the washing of water that purgeth the filth of the flesh , but a good conscience consenting vnto god , is acceptable to him . bonner . how say you to the masse sirra ? haukes . it is detestable , ab●minable , and profitable for nothing . then he said , what say you to the epistle and gospell ? i said it was good if it were well and rightly vsed . bonner . what say you to the consite●r ? haukes . it is abominable and detestable , and a blasphemie against god and his sonne , to call vpon any , to trust in any , or to pray to any , saue onely to christ iesus . bonner . to trust to any we bid you not , to pray to them wee bid you ; for you pray to god by them , as you cannot speake to the king and quéene but by the meanes of one of the priui● chamber . haukes . you say we must not trust in them ; and s. paule saith , how should i call on them in whom i trust not ? bonner . would you haue no body pray for you when you are dead ? i said , so long as we are aliue the prayers of the righteous are a●ailable ; but when we are dead they profit not ▪ for dauid faith , no man can deliuer his brother from death : and ezechiel ●aith , though noe , daniel , and iob dwelt amongst them , yet can they exceed no further then them selues . then he said to harpsfield , you sée this man hath no need of our lady , nor of any blessed saints . an old bishop that lost his liuing for ●arrying a wi●e , came to bonner with a gift , and he sent for me , and tolde him how that i had a childe and would not ha●e it christned . i said i de●ie not baptisme . then he said angerly , thou ●oole , thou cann●st not tell what thou wouldst haue . i said a bishop must be 〈…〉 not giuen to anger . thou iudgest me angrie , 〈◊〉 by my faith i am not . then said the old bishop , alas y●ng man , you must be taught by the church , and by your ancients , and doe as your fathers haue done . bonner . no , no , he will haue nothing but scripture , he will haue no ceremonies in the church . but what say you to holy water ? haukes . i say to it as to the rest , no , said he , that is proued by the scripture , in the booke of kings , when elizeus threw salt into the water . i said the waters were corrupt , and by this he made them sweete and good ; so when our waters be corrupt , if you by putting in salt can make them sweet , cleere , and wholsom we wil the better beleeue your ceremonies . bonner . how say you to holy bread ? i asked , what scripture haue you for it ? he said christ sed fiue thousand men with fiue loa●es and three fishes . haukes . will you make that holy bread ? there christ dealt fish with his holy bread : then he said , looke how captions he is : and i said , christ did not this miracle because you should do the like , but to cause vs to credit and beléeue his word and doctrine . bonner . you will beleeue no doctrine but that which is wrought by miracles . i said no : for christ saith these tokens shall follow them that beleeue me , they shall speake new tongues and cast out diuels , and if they drinke poyson it shall not hurt them . then he asked with what new tongues we speake . haukes . when i knew not gods word i was a blasphemer and filth●e talker , but since i knew gods word , i haue giuen laude , praise , and thankes to god with the same tongue . then he said , how cast ye out diuels ? i said , whosoeuer doth credite and beleeue gods word shall cast out diuels . then he asked me if euer i dranke any deadly poyson . i said yea forsooth , i haue drunken of the pestilent traditions , and ceremonies of the bishop of rome . bonner . thou art an hereticks , and thou shalt be burned if thou continuest this opinion : you thinke we are affraid to put you to death , there is a brother-head of you , but i will breake it i warrant you . haukes . christ nor his apostles neuer killed any for their faith : he said , paule did excommunicate , i said , there is difference betwixt excommunicating and burning : he said , peter destroyed the man and his wife in the acts. i said , they lied against the holy ghost , which serued nothing for his purpose : then he saide , well , you graunt one . i said , if you will haue vs grant you to be of god , then shew mercy , for he requireth mercy : so he went to dinner . the next day fecknam talked with me . feck . are you hee that will not haue your child christned , but in english , and will haue no ceremonies . i said , i refuse not that which the scripture commandeth : he said , cer●monies are to be vsed by the scriptures , how say you to paules breaches . hauks . i haue read , that there went partlets and napkins from pauls body , is it that you meane ? he said , yes , what say you to those ceremonies : i say nothing to the ceremonies ; for the text saith , it was god that wrought , and not the ceremonies . feck . how say you to the woman that touched the hem of christ vesture , did not her disease depart by that ceremonie : i said there went vertue from christ as himselfe said : whether was it his vertue , or his besture that healed the woman : he said both , i said then is not christ true : for hee said , thy faith hath made thee whole . feck . how say you sirrha , christ tooke bread and brake it , and said , take , eate , this is my body : is it not so : i said i doe not vnderstand it so : then hee said christ is a lyer : i said , i thinke you will prooue him so : for euery word that christ spoke is not to bee vnderstood as hee spoke it : for hee said , i am a doore , a vine , a king , a way , &c. hee said hee spake this in parables . haukes . no forsooth , then christ would haue said , i am like vnto a doore , to a uine , to a king , to a way : he said these pla●es make nothing for you : but i perceiue you build vpon latimer , cranmer , and ridley : i said they be godly learned men . feck . wilt thou trust to such dolts , one of them hath written in his booke that the reall presence is in the sacrament ▪ ridley preached at paules crosse that the diuell beleeued better then you , for he beleeued christ is able to make of stones bread , and you will not beleeue christs body is in the sacrament , yet thou buildest thy faith vpon them . haukes . what they haue done i know not , but what they do i know : i build my faith vpon no man. if these and many more should recant , yet will i stand to that which i haue said , and then they departed . the next day doctor chadsey comming to the bishop , i was sent for into the garden . bonner . he thinketh there is no church but in england and germany . i said , and you thinke , there is no church but at rome . chad. how say you to the church of rome ? i said it is a church of a sort of vicious cardinals , priests ▪ monks , and friers , which i will neuer credit nor beleeue : then he said ▪ what say you to the pope ? haukes . from him and all his detestable enormities good lord deliuer vs : he said so we may say , from king henry the eighth and all his detestable enormities , good lord deliuer vs. bonner . he will not come into the chappell , he cannot abide the masse , nor the sacrament , nor any seruice but in english : then chadsey said , christ neuer spake english. haukes . neither spake he in lattine , but alwaies in such a tongue as they vnderstood . and saint paule saith , tongues profit nothing , if a pipe or a harpe make no certaine sound , who can prepare himselfe to battaile : so if wee heare a tongue that we vnderstand not , we receiue no profit . bonner . the catholike church ordred , that the latine seruice should serue thorow the whole world , that they might pray in one tongue , that there be no strife . i say , this did your councels of rome . chad. you are to blame to reprooue the councells through the whole world. haukes . saint paule reproueth them , saying ; if any preach any other doctrine then that which i haue taught , doe you hold him accursed : then he said , hath any preached to you any other doctrine . i said yes , since i came into this house , i haue beene taught praying to saints , and to our lady , and to trust in the masse , holy bread , and holy water , and in idols : he said they taught him not amisse in that : i said , cursed bee he that teacheth me so , and i will not credit him nor beléeue him . chad. what be those idols you are offended with ; i said the crosse of wood , siluer , copper , or gold , &c. boner . i say euery idoll is an image , but not euery image an idoll : if it be an image of a false god it is an idoll : but if an image be made of god himselfe it is no idoll but an image . haukes . lay your images of your true god , and of your false god together , and both your image and idoll haue hands and feele not , eyes and see not , feete and goe not , mouthes and speake not ; so there is no difference . chad. god forbid i should reioice in any thing but in the crosse of christ : i asked him whether he vnderstood paul : so he answered me not . boner . when can we haue a godlier remembrance when wee ride by the way then to see the crosse : i said if it were such profit , why did not christs disciples take it vp , and set it on a pole , and carry it in procession , with salua festa dies . chadsey said it was taken vp . haukes . you say elenor tooke it vp , and she sent a peece of it to a place of religion , where i was with the visiters at the dissolution , and we called for the peece of the crosse , which was so esteemed , and had robbed so many , and made them commit idolatry ; and it was but a peece of a lath couered ouer with copper , and double gilded , as it had béen cleane gold : then the bishop cryed fye on him , and hey left me : and chadsey said , it was pitty i should liue , and i said i had rather die , then liue in this case . the bishop after writ somewhat that hee should set his hand too , and there was in it , that i thomas lankes had talked with mine ordinarie , and with certaine good , godly and learned men : hee answered , hee would not grant them to bee good , godly , and learned men : after also hee told the bishop , as for your cursings , raylings , and blasphemings , i care not for them : for i know the mothes and wormes shall eate you , as they eate wooll or cloth , and at length with diuers others in the month of iune hee was condemned , and beeing carried into essex , at cophall , by martyrdome , he changed his life : his friends priuily desired him , that in the middest or the flame , he would shew some token that they might bee certaine whether the paine were so great that one cannot keepe his minde constant therein , which hee promised to doe , and if it were tolerable to hold vp his hands ouer his head , and when his breath was taken away , his skin drawne together , his fingers consumed in the fire , and all men looked that hee would giue vp the ghost , hee mindfull of his promise● made did lift vp his hands halfe burned , and burning with heate aboue his head to the liuing god , euen on a sodaine , and with great reioicing , striketh them three times together : by which thing , contrarie to all mens expectation béeing seene , there followed so great reioycing , and cry of the multitude , as though heauen and earth would haue come together , and presently he sunke downe , and gaue vp the ghost . thomas wats . he was of billerica in essex , beeing brought to the bishop of london ▪ hee put certaine articles to him : the effect of the answere whereof followeth . that he hath and doth beleeue that christs body is in heauen , and no where else : and that hee will neuer beleeue that christs body is in the sacrament , and that the masse is full of idolatry and abhomination , neuer instituted by christ , and that he neuer did nor doth beleeue that a priest can absolue him of his sinnes : but he beleeueth it is good to aske councell at the priests mouth : and he confessed that he said openly in the sessions , that all that is now vsed and done in the church is abhominable , hereticall , and scismaticall , and altogether naught . and he doth beleeue , that the pope is a mortall enemy to christ , & his church : and that hee prayeth as tooly did , that we may be deliuered from the tyrannie of the pope and all his enormities . and after he had been many times brought before boner , and his company , and the bishop perceiuing , neither his threatnings , nor flattering promises , nothing to preuaile : he condemned him , and after he was carried to chemes-ford , & there most patiently and constantly sealed his faith with his bloud , by most cruell fire . the morning before hee died , hee said words to this effect to his wife and children . wife and good children , i must now depart from you ; henceforth i know you no more , but as the lord hath giuen you to mee , so i giue you againe vnto the lord , whom i charge you to obay and feare , and beware that you turne not to this abhominable papistry , against the which i shalll ano●e by gods grace giue my bloud . let not the murthering of gods saints be any cause for you to relent : but take occasion thereby to be stronger in the lords quarrell , and i doubt not but hee will bee a mercifull father vnto you , and then i kissed them all , and was carried vnto the fire . when he came to the stake hee kissed it , and then hee said so my lord rich , beware , beware , for you doe against your conscience herein , and without you repent , the lord will reuenge it , for you are the cause of my death . thomas osmond , fuller , william bamford , alias butler , nicholas chamberlain , iohn ardley , and iohn simpson . these were sent out of essex vnto boner , to be examined , they had the same articles ministred vnto them , and agreed all in the same answeres in substance , that thomas wats next aforesaid made , and when by no meanes they could be perswaded from their constancie , being many times sent for , they were at last condemned , and burned in seuerall places in essex , chamberlain at colchester , thomas osmond at maning-tree , william bramford at harwidge . iohn ardley told boner , my lord neither you nor any of your religion is of the catholick church , for you are of a false faith , and shall bee deceiued at length , beare as good a face as you can , you will kill the innocent bloud , and you haue killed many , and ▪ o● gee about to kill more , if euery hayre of my head were a man , i would suffer death in the faith that i am in . at ●he examination of simpson and ardley , there were a great multit●de of people assembled in the church of paules round about the consistory : the bishop being angry with their bold answeres , cryed alowd , haue him away , haue him away : wh●n the people in the church heard these words , thinking the prisoners had their iudgements , they seuered themselues to make way , which caused such a noise in the church , that they in the consistory were amazed : the bishop asked what was the matter : the standers by said there was like to be some tumul● , for they were together by the eares : the bishop with the rest of the court ranne away to the doore that goeth into the bishops house , but the rest being lighter footed then the bishop , recouered the doore first , and thro●ging hastily to get in , kept the bishop out : and cried saue my lord , saue my lord : whereby they gaue the standers by good matter to laugh at , whereby th●se were a little while stopped of 〈◊〉 iudgement : but not long after they were called to the fire : iohn simpson suffered at rochford , and iohn ardley at rayby . iohn bradford . he was borne at manchester in lan●aster : on the . day of august , in the first yeare of qu●ene mary : master bourne , bishop of bathe , made a beastly sermon at paules crosse to set vp popery , as before is said : boner being present , the people were ready to pull him out of the pulpit , and a dagger was hurled at him , and being put from ending his sermon , he intreated bradford being with him , to speake and appease the people , when hee came into the place of the preacher , all the people cryed bradford , bradford , god saue thee bradford : and after they heard his godly exhortation they left off their raging . bourne thought himselfe not yet sure of his life , vntill hee was safely housed , th●ugh the sheriffe and mayor were ready to help him . wherefore hee desired bradford not to depart from him vntill hee was in safety , and ●radford went at his backe shaddowing him with his gowne : amongst whom one g●ntleman said : ah bradford , bradford , thou sauest him that will helpe to burne thee : i giue thee his life for if it were not for thee , i would runne him through with my sword , within three dares after bradford was sent for to the tower , and there the councell charged him with sedition for this matter , and committed him to the tower , and from the tower to the kings bench in southwarke , and after his condemnation vnto the counter in the poultry , whilst hee remained in these two prisons he preached twice a day continually almost two yeares . after he was brought with bishop farrax as a●oresaid , before the lord chancellor , and the queenes commissioners : after the lord chancellor had laid vnto his charge the aforesaid sedition at paules , and boner had bore witnes against him , and bradford had shewed his innocency , and affirmed that notwithstanding boners seeing and saying , yet the truth i haue told , as at the day of iudgement wi●l appeare , in the meane time because i cannot be beleeued , i am ready to suffer what god will licence you to doe to me . chan. to leaue this matter , wilt thou returne againe , and doe as wee haue done , and thou shalt receiue the queenes mercy and pardon . brad. my lord , i desire mercy with gods mercy , but mercy with gods wrath god keepe me from : well said he , if thou wilt not receiue mercy offred vnto thée , know for a truth , that the queene is minded to make a purgation of all such as thou art . bradford answered , i would be glad of the queenes mercy , to liue as a subiect without a clogge of conscience , otherwise the lords mercy is better to me then life , and i commit my life into his hands that will keep it , that none can take it away without his pleasure : there are twelue houres in the day as long as they last no man shall haue power thereon ; therefore his good will be done : life in his displeasure is worse then death , and death in his true fauour is true life . and after he had béen thrée times called before the lord chancellor , at all which times there was no arguments of diuinitie but about transubstantiation : for denying whereof , and affirming that the wicked doe not receiue christ , though they receiue the sacrament he was condemned : after this the archbishop of york and the bishop of chichester came to him , and argued this point ▪ and after them two spanish friers , and diuers others at other times : the summe of his doctrine herein followeth . reasons against transubstantiation , gathered by iohn bradford . tertullian saith that which is former is true , that which is later is false . transubstantiation is a late doctrine ; for it was not generally defin●d vntill the councell of laterane , about the yeare one thousand two hundred and fifteene , vnder innocent . before it was free to beleeue it , or not beleeue it : ergo , the doctrine of transubstantiation is false . that the words of christs supper be figuratiue : the circumstances of the scripture : the proportion of the sacraments : the sentences of all holy fathers : for a thousand yeares after christ doe all teach : it followeth there is no transubstantiation , the scriptures doe witnes that the lord gaue bread to his disciples , and called it his body : he took bread in his hands : hee gaue thankes ouer bread , he brake bread , and gaue bread to his disciples : as ireneus , tertullian , origene , cyprian , epiphanius , augustine , and all the fathers of antiquitie doe affirme : but in asmuch as the substance of bread and wine is another manner of thing : then the substance of the body and bloud of christ , it is plaine there is no transubstantiation . the bread is no more transubstantiated then the wine : christ calleth that the fruit of the uine , saying , i will drinke no more of the fruit of the vine : therefore by christes wordes it was not bloud but wine : therefore it followeth there is no transubstantiation : chrysostom vpon mathew and cyprian , doe confirme this reason . the bread is called as well christs mysticall body , as his naturall body : for the same spirit that saith the bread is my body ; saith also , wee being many are one body , but it is not the mysticall body by transubstantiation , no more is it his naturall body by transubstantiation . the words ouer the cup are not so effectuall as to transubstantiate it int● the new testament : therfore the words spoken ouer the bread , are not so mighty to make transubstantiation . the doctrine of transubstantiation doth not agree with the apostolick and mother churches , which receiued there doctrine of the apostles , who receiued it of christ , and christ of god : as of gréece , of corinthus , of philippos , collosia , thessalonica , ephesus , which neuer taught transubstantiation : yea , it agreeth not with the doctrine of the church of rome , taught in times past , for gelasius the pope doth manifestly confute the errour of transubstantiation , and reproueth them of sacriledge , which diuide the mysterie , and keep the cup from the lay people : therefore the doctrine of transubstantiation agreeth not with the truth . communication betwixt the archbishop of yorke , and the bishop of chichester , with bradford in prison . york . how know you the word of god but by the church ? brad. the church is a meane to bring a man to the more spéedy knowledge of the scriptures , as the woman of samaria was a meane that the samarita●s knew christ : but when as they had heard him speake , they said now wee know that he is christ , not because of thy words , but because we our selues haue heard him : so after we come to the hearing and reading of the scriptures , shewed vnto vs by the church : we beleeue them , and know them as christs sheepe , not because the church saith they be the scriptures , but because they be so , wee being assured thereof by the spirit which wrote and spake them . yorke . in the apostles time the word was not written . brad. true , if you meane it for some bookes of the new testament : but for the old testament , peter telleth vs it is a more sure word of prophesie , not that it is so simply , but in respect of the apostles , which being aliue and compassed with infirmities : by reason whereof men might perchance haue found fault with their preaching , they attributed vnto the prophets more firmenes , as wherewith no fault could be ●●und : albeit in verity no lesse obedience and faith ought to be giuen vnto the one , then the other ; both proceeding of one spirit of truth . york . ireneus and others doe magnifie much , and alledge the c●urch , and not the scriptures against the heretickes . brad. they had to doe with such-hereticks as did deny the scriptures , and y●t did magnifie the apostles : so that they were inforced to vse the authoritie of those churches wherein the apostles had taught , and which did still retaine the same doctrine : then the alledging of the church cannot be principally vsed against me , which am so farre from denying the scriptures , that i appeale vnto them vtterly as to the onely iudge . yorke . a pretty matter that you will take vpon to iudge the church : where hath your church been hitherto ? for the church of christ is catholick and visible , hitherto . brad. i doe not iudge the church when i discerne it from the congregation , which is not the church , and i neuer denied the church to b● catholick , and vi●●ble ; although at some times it is more visible then at other times . chichest . where was your church forty yeares agone , which allowed your doctrine : i said i would tell him , if he would tell mee , where the church was in helias his time , when helias said , he was left alone : he said , that is no answere . brad. if you had the same eyes wherewith a man might haue espied the church , then you would not say it was no answer : the fault why the church is not s●●ne of you , is not because the church is not visible , but because your eyes are not cléere ●●ough to sée it . chich. you are much deceiued in making this collation betwixt the church then and now : yorke said , it was very well spoken , for christ said , i will build my church , and not , i do , or haue built it . brad. peter teacheth me to make this collation , saying : as amongst the people there were false prophets , which were most in estimation before christs comming , so shall there be false teachers amongst the people after christs comming , and verie many shall follow them : and as for your future tense , you wil not conclude christs church not to haue béene before , but rather that there is no builder in the church but by christ onely , in that he saith ; i will build my church , for paul and apollo be but waterers . york . he taketh vpon him to iudge the church , a man shall neuer come to certainty that doth so . brad. i speake simply that which i thinke , and desire reasons to answere my obiections : assuredly you did well to depart from the romish church , but you haue done wickedly to coupple your selues to it againe , for you can neuer proue it , which you call the mother church , to be christs church . chichest . you were but a childe then , i was but a young man , come from the uniuersitie , and went with the world , but it was alwaies against my conscience . brad. i thinke you haue done euill , for ye are come , and haue brought others to that wicked man which sitteth in the temple of god , which is the church , for it cannot be vnderstood of mahomer , or any out of the church , but of such as beare rule in the church . yorke . sée how you build your faith vpon the most obscure places of the scripture to deceiue your selfe , as though you were in the church which are not . brad. well my lord , though i might by truth iudge you and others , yet will not i vtterly exclude you out of the church , but i am not out of the communion of the church , for it consisteth in faith. york . loe , how you make your church inuisible , for you would haue the communion of it to consist in faith. brad. to haue communion of the church , néedeth not visiblenesie of it , for communion consisteth in faith , and not in exterior ceremonies , as appeareth by paul , which would haue one faith : and by ireneus to victor , saying ; disagréeing of fasting should not breake the agréeing of faith. chichest . that place hath often wounded my conscience , because we disseuered our selues from the sea of rome . brad. god forgiue you , for you haue done euill to bring england thither againe . yorke . he read a paper of common places , how many things held saint augustine in the church , consent of people and nations authority , confirmed with miracles , nourished with hope , increased with charity , established with antiquity : the succession of priests from peters seat , to this present bishop : lastlie , the verie name of a catholique doth hold me in . paint me but your church thus . brad. this maketh as much for me as for you , but all this , if they had béene so firme as you would make them , might haue béene alledged against christ and his ●postles , for there was the law , and the ceremonies , consented on by the whole people , confirmed with miracles , antiquity , and continuall succession of bishops from aaron . cich . you make to much of the state of the church before chrs●s comming . brad. therein i do but as peter teacheth , and paul very often ; you would gladly haue your church héere very glorious , and as a most pleasant lady , but as christ saith , so may the church say ; blessed are they that are not offended at me . yorke . you thinke none is of the church but such as suffer persecution . brad. paul saith , all that will liue godly in christ , must suffer persecution : sometime christs church hath rest heere , but commonly it is not so , especially towards the end her forme will be more vnséemly . york . where is your church that hath consent of people and nations , as s. augustine saith . brad. euen all people and nations that bee gods people , haue consented with me , and them in the doctrine of faith. yorke . saint augustine speaketh of succession from peters seat. brad. that seat then was nothing so much corrupt as it is now . york . well , you alwaies iudge the church . brad. no my lord , christs shéepe discerne christs voyce , but they iudge it not so : they discerne the church , but not iudge her , yet full well may wee iudge the romish church , for she obeyeth not christs voyce , and christs true church doth . he asked me wherein : i said , in latine seruice , and robbing the laity of christs cup in the sacrament , and many other things , in which it committeth most horrible sacriledge . yorke . latine seruice was appointed to be sung and had in the quire , where onely were those that vnderstood latine : the people sitting in the body of the church , praying their owne priuate prapers , and this may well be yet séene by making of the chancell and the quire , so that the people could not come in or heare them . brad. in chrysostomes time , and s. ieromes time , all the church did answere with a loud voyce , amen . whereby we may sée , that the prayers were made so , that the people both heard and vnderstood them . york . we léese our labour , you seeke to put away all things that are told you for your good , your church no man can know : i said , yes that you may : he said , i pray whereby . brad. chrysostome saith onely by the scriptures , and this he speaketh very oftentimes , as you know . york . that is or chrysostome , in opere imperfecto , which may bee doubted of the thing , which the church may be best knowne by , is succession of bishops . brad. lira well writeth vpon mathew , that ecclesia non consistit in homi●●bus ratione potestatis secularis , aut ecclesiasticae , sed in hominibus in quibus est notitia vera , & confessio fidei & veritatis . and hilarius writeth to auxentius , that the church is rather hid in caues , then eminent in chiefe seats : then after they had been there thrée houres , they were called away . iohn leafe burned with maister bradford . this iohn , was an apprentice with a chandler in christ-church in london , eighteene yeares old , borne in kirkley m●●eside , in the county of yorke , hee was examined before bonner : he said , that after the words of consecration in the sacrament of the altar , ouer the bread and wine , there was not the true and naturall body and blood of christ in substance : and as it is now vsed and beleeued in the realm of england , it is abhominable idolatry : and he beleeued , that after consecration , it remaineth bread and wine as it was before , and it is receiued in the remembrance of the death and passion of christ , and so spiritually in faith they receiue christs body and blood . and he affirmeth , that auriculer confession is not necessary to be made vnto a priest , and it is no point of soules health to beléeue that the priest hath any authority by the scriptures , to remit sins . and being asked if he had béene maister rogers his scholler , he graunted it so to be , and he did beléeue the doctrine of the said rogers , and the doctrine of byshop hooper , cardmaker , and others of their opinion , which of late were burned for christ , and that he will die in that doctrine : and the bishoppe moouing of him to vnitie of the church , he said , my lord , you call mine opinion heresie , it is the true light of the word of god , and hee would neuer forsake his well grounded opinion whilst breath was in his bodie : whereupon he was condemned . when these two came to the stake in smithfield to be burned , maister bradford lay prostrate on the one side of the stake , and the young man on the other , praying a space , vntill the sheriffes man bad maister bradford arise , then they both rose . maister bradford desired the sheriffe that his man might haue his apparell , which he granted him . when he was vnready , he said ; o england , england , repent thee of thy sinnes , beware of idolatry , beware of false antichrists , that they deceiue thée not . then the sheriffe bad tye his hands , if he would not be quiet : he said , i am quiet , god forgiue you this . one of the officers that made the fire said ; if you haue no more learning then that , you are but a foole , and were best to hold your peace : then maister bradford answered no more , but asked the world forgiuenesse , and forgaue all the world , and prayed the people to pray for him , and ●id the young man be of good comfort , for we shall haue a merry supper with the lord this night , then he imbraced the réeds and said : straight is the way , and narrow is the gate that leadeth to eternall saluation , and few there be that finde it : in the booke at large thou maist sée many godly letters of his . this maister woodroffe , sheriffe , as he would not suffer maister bradford to speake , but bad his hands to be tyed : so , or worse , he serued maister rogers , and all that were burned , where the other sheriffe would weepe at their burning , he would laugh at it , and would restraine and beat the people , who were desirous to take them by the hand . in fine , the foresaid maister woodroffe , after the burning of maister bradford , as soone as he came home , was taken lame both arme and legge , so that after hee could neuer stirre out of his house , nor scarse mooue himselfe . william minge . the next day after bradfords death , william minge , priest , died in maidstone iayle , being in bonds for religion , and had suffered martyrdome if hee had liued , for he died in great constancy and boldnesse . iohn bland , iohn frankesh , nicholas scheterton , humphrey middleton . the twelfth of iune iohn bland , iohn frankesh , nicholas scheterton , and humphrey middleton , were all foure burned at canterbury together : frankesh and bland were ministers of the church there , and preachers of gods word . bland was twice or thrice cast into prison before for preaching the gospell , and was deliuered at the sute of his friends , and yet preached the gospell againe as soone as euer hee was deliuered . his friends would againe haue deliuered him , if he would haue promised to abstaine from preaching : hee stood in it so earnestlie , that he would admit no such condition , expressing the example of saint paul , who shall separate vs from the loue of christ , shall tribulation , or anguish , or hunger , or nakednes , or danger , or persecution , or the sword , &c. these were tumbled and tossed from prison to prison , from sessions to sessions , a yeare and almost a halfe , and at the last they were condemned for denying the reall presence in the sacrament . the substance of a letter , written by nicholas scheterton to his mother : these are to wish you , increase of grace and wisedome , that you may sée the crafty bewitching of satan , our mortall enemy , which doth not onely openly , but vnder colour of deuotion , deceiue them which kéepe not a diligent eie vpon him , but hauing confidence in mans traditions , & customes of the world , leauing the commandements of god and testament of christ , do grow more into superstition and hypocrisy , then into wisdome and true holinesse . sathan by his ministers , maketh many beléeue , that those things which they compel vs vnto for their bellies sake , haue many godly significations , although they bee most contrary to gods will : as the serpent in paradise said to eue ; hath god commanded you not to eat of the trée of knowledg , but you shall not die : so say our ministers , hath god commaunded you that you shall not make any image . tush say they , what harme can they doe , may we not remember god the better when we sée his image , for they are good bookes for lay-men , ( but indéed they are better for the priests , because they receiue the offerings ) and as true as the promise of the serpent was kept with eue ; so is the perswas●on of the priests found vnto vs : for as adam and eue did become like god in knowing of good and euill , so are we in remembring god by his images . for adams eyes were so opened , that he lost both innocency and righteousnesse , and became most miserable of all creatures ; so we , by remembring christ by images , haue forgotten his commandements , and counted his testament , confirmed with his blood , for starke madnesse or heresie . we haue so miserably remembred him , that of all people we are most blind , and this is because we wil presume to remember god by breaking of his law , there●ore except we repent , god will remember vs in his wrath : they will say , where went hee to schoole , is hee wiser then our great doctors , that haue studied all their life ? and they say it is good hay , although we our selues smell it musty , yet we must beléeue it is swéete , and then pay them well for their so saying , and then all is safe . but i may say to them , what sir ; you be wiser then christ , and god the father , or the holy ghost ? what , wiser then the prophets or the apostles , and all holy martyrs ? where had you your high learning , it is a very strange learning , that neither god the father , nor christ , nor his apostles could reach to the knowledge of it , but vaine men are neuer without some shift , peraduenture they wil not be ashamed to say ; that christ comming on his fathers message , did forget halfe his arrant by the way : for it is hard to find one thing in the church as he left it , so rumishlie hath antichrist turned the church vp-side-downe for lucre sake . some will say , why should we condemne our fathers that liued thus ? they did according to their knowledge , therefore we condemne them not , but let vs take héede they condemne not vs : for if they had heard the word and béene warned as wee are , it is to be thought they would haue more thankfully receiued it , then we ; yea , they were more faithfull in that which they knew , then now many are , therefore they shall condemne vs , if we do not embrace this grace now offered : our disobedience is greater then their ignorance , wherefore if we will méete our fathers in ioy , let vs not refuse the mercy offered more largely to vs then to them , god will not beare it at our hands , to turn● back being we are deliuered . remember lots wife . iames treuisam . hee was of the parish of saint margarets in lothburie : he was lame and kept his bedde , and could not rise out of it a long time ; one iohn smale his seruant read to him on the bible ; in the meane time berd the promoter came into the house , and went vp the staires , where he found foure persons besides treuisam and his wife , which he carried to the counter , where they remained a fortnight , and he brought a cart to the doore to haue the lame man to newgate , but that his neighbours intreated for him , and put in sureties for his appearance . one master farthing the parson came to him , and communicated with him , and they agréed well . then one toller méeting the priest , said , if you be agréed i will accuse you , for he denieth the sacrament of the altar : then the parson went to him againe , and then they could not agrée ; whereupon the parson told bonner , and hee said he should be burned , and if he were dead he should be buried in a ditch ; so when he died he was buried in more-fields , the same night he was digged vp , and his sheet taken away , and he left naked vpon the ground , then the owner of the field buried him againe , and fortnight after the somner came to his graue , and summoned him to appeare at paules before his ordinary ; but what more was done , i haue no certainty of . nicholas hall a brick-layer , and christopher wayde of dartford . these were condemned by maurice bishop of rochester for denying the reall presence in the sacrament , and saying the masse was abominable , hall was burned at rochester , and wayde at dartford . margerie polley widdow . she was wife of richard polley of pepingbery , and was condemned by the said bishop of rochester for saying he neither allowed the deity of the sacrament nor the absurditie of their masse , and was burned at tunbridge . derick caruer , iohn launder . caruer was of brighthamsted in sussex , and launder was of godstone in surrey , that together with thomas ●ueson and william veisie , with others to the number of twelue , being together at prayers , and saying the seruice as in king edwards time , in the house of dericke , they were apprehended by one master edward gage . dericke was condemned by bonner for saying that after consecration of the sacrament there remaineth bread and wine , and not the flesh and bloud of christ naturally , and that there is no sacrifice nor saluation to a christian in the masse , except it were said and vsed in the mother tongue , and likewise also that the ceremonies of the church are not profitable for a christian. and as touching auricular confession , he said it was necessary to goe to a good priest for counsaile , but the absolution and laying handes on a mans head by the priest , as it is now vsed , is not profitable , and that the faith and doctrine now taught is not agreeable to gods word , and that hooper , cardmaker , and others of their opinion which were late burned , were good christians , and did preach the doctrine of christ. iohn launder was coudemned by the said bonner for affirming that whosoeuer doth teach or vse any other sacraments then the lords supper and baptisme , or any other ceremonies , he beleeueth that they were not of the catholique church , but abhorreth them , and that he himselfe is a member of the true catholique church : he denied the reall presence in the sacrament , but he beleeueth that when he receiueth the materiall bread and wine it is in remembrance of christs death , and that he eates christs body and bloud by faith , and no otherwise , and that the masse is naught and abominable , and directeth against gods word , and that the gloria in excelsis , the creed , sanctum , pater noster , agnus and other parts of the masse be of themselues good , yet being vsed amongst other things , are naught also , and that auricular confession is not necessary to be made to a priest , but to god , and that none but christ hath authoritie to absolue sinnes . derick being asked whether he would recant : your doctrine , quoth he , is poyson and sorcerie : if christ were here you would put him to a worse death then he was put to before . you say you can make a god , you can make a pudding as well : your ceremonies in the church are beggerie , and poyson , and auricular confession is poyson and against gods word : so they were condemned and burned . derick was rich , but the ra●eners made such hauocke thereof , that his poore wife and children had little or none thereof : he was olde and past learning , yet when he was put into prison being ignorant of any letter in his booke , he could before his death reade perfectly . when he was burned they threw his booke into a barrell that he was burned in to be burned with him , but he threw it amongst the people , and the sherife commanded vpon paine of death , in the king and quéenes name to throw it into the fire againe : then he said , deare brethren and sisters , as many as beleeue in the father , the sonne , and holy ghost vnto euerlasting life , see you doe thereafter ; and you that beleeue in the pope or any of his lawes , you beleeue to your vtter destruction , for except the great mercy of god you shall burne in hell continually . the sherife said , if thou dost not beleeue in the pope thou art damned , therefore speake to thy god that he may deliuer thee now , or else to strike me downe to the example of this people ; but he said vnto him , the lord forgiue you that which you haue said . thomas iveson . this iueson was condemned by the said bonner for saying the sacrament of the altar is a very idoll , and detestable before god as it is now-a-dayes ministred , and that the masse is naught , and that auricular confession is not necessary , for that a priest cannot forgiue sinnes , that baptisme is a token of christ , as circumcision : he beléeueth his sinnes are not washed away therby , but only his body washed , and his sinnes washed only in christs bloud , and that there is but two sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper , which now are not rightly vsed in england , & that all the ceremonies now vsed in the church are superfluous and superstitio●s : and being earnestly labored withall to recant , said , he would not forsake his beléefe for all the goods in london . i doe appeale to gods mercie , and will be none of your church : and if there came an angell from heauen to teach me other doctrine then that which i haue now , i would not beleeue him , whereupon he was burned . iohn aleworth . hee died in prison at reading for the testimonie of the truth , whom the catholike prelats , as their vse is , did exclude out of catholike buriall . iames abbes . this abbes be●ng examined by the bishop of norwich , he relented at their naughty perswasions : now when he was dismissed , and should go from the bishop , he gaue him some money ; but after he was pittiously vexed in conscience , he went againe to the bishop and threw him his said money which he had receiued , and said , it repented him that euer he had consented to their wicked perswasions : then the bishop and his chaplains laboured a fresh to win him againe , but in vaine , and so he was burned at berry . iohn denley gentleman , iohn newman , patricke pachington . as edmund tyrell , a iustice of peace in essex , came from the burning of certaine godly martyrs , he me● with iohn denley and iohn newman , both of maidstone in kent , and vpon the sight of them ( as he bragged ) he suspected and searched them , and finding the confessions of their faith written about them , hee sent them to the quéens commissioners , who sent them to bonner : the effect of the writing followeth ; in the sacrament christs bodie is figuratiuely in the bread and wine , spiritually he is in them that worthily eate and drinke the bread and wine , but really , carnally , and corporally he is in heauen , from whence he shall come to iudge the quicke and the dead . then bonner ministred articles vnto them and vnto patrick pachington , who all answered alike , to this effect following . the catholike church is built vpon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , christ being the head corner stone : it is the congregation of the faithfull dispersed through the whole world ; and two or three gathered together in christs name are the members thereof . this church doeth preach gods holy word and minister the blessed sacraments truely : the church of england vsing the faith and religion which now is vsed is no member thereof , but is the church of a●tichrist , the bishop of rome being the head thereof ; for they haue altered the testament of god , and set vp a testament of their own deuising , ful of blasphemy and lies , christs testament being that we should haue all things done for the edifying of the church . the masse now vsed is most abominable idolatrie and intollerable blasphemie : christ ordained his sacraments to be eaten together in remembrance of his death vntill he● come , and not to bee worshipped and to make an idoll of them ; for god will not be worshipped in his creatures , but we must remember to praise him for his creatures : what is kneeling , holding vp your handes , knocking of the breast , putting off the cap , and making curtsie , with other superstition to the bread , but idolatrie ? you obiect you worship not the bread and wine , but the body of christ , borne of the uirgin vnder the forme of bread and wine : but that is a very lye , for christs body that was borne of the uirgin is in heauen . auricular confession is not good : if i haue offended god i must séeke to him for remission of sinnes by christ : if i haue offended my neighbour , i must reconcile my selfe to him againe : if i were a notorious sinner , after the first and second adm●nition it ought to be declared to the congregation , and the minister hath power by the word to excommunicate me , and i am to be taken as a heathen , not for a day or for fortie dayes , but vntill i openly in the congregation acknowledge my fault , and then the minister hath power by the word to preach to me remission of sinnes by christ. touching baptisme , iohn baptist vsed nothing but preaching the word and water , as appeareth by christs baptisme and others : the chamberlaine said to philip ▪ here is water , what letteth me to be baptized ? hee asked not for creame , nor oyle , nor spittle , nor coniured water , nor coniured waxe , nor crysome , nor salt ; the like is to be said of the rest of the ceremonies of the church . and he said there were but two sacraments , except they would make the rainbow a sacrament , for there is no sacrament but such as hath the promise annexed vnto it . bonner séeing their vnmoueable constancie , after all meanes they could were vsed , they were condemned , and denley was burned at uxbridge : he sang a psalm in the fire ; then cruell doctor storie commaunded one to hurle a faggot at him , which made him bléed on the face , whereat he left his singing and clapped his hand on his face : doctor storie said to him that flung the faggot , truly thou hast marred a good old song ; then denley put his hands abroad and sung againe . not long after him patrick pachingham was burned at uxbridge , and iohn newman was burned at saffron walden in essex . richard hooke . hee neere about the same time and for the same matter that those formerly spoken of died for●gaue his life at chichester . william coker , william hopper , henry lawrence , richard colliar , richard wright , william steer● . these being examined before the bishop of douer , and harpsfield the archdeacon of canterbury and others , henry lawrence denied auricular confession , and would not receiue the sacraments because the order of the scripture is changed in the order of the sacrament ; and when the suffragan made mention of the sacrament , and put off his cap , he said , you néed not reuerence the same , and he said the sacrament of the altar is an idoll , and being required to subscribe his hand , he wrote , ye all are of antichrist , and him ye follow . william steere of ashford being commanded of the iudge to answere , bade him command his dogges , and not him , and said dicke of douer , meaning the bishop , had no authoritie to set in iudgement against him , alledging that the bishop of canteburie that was in prison was his dioccesan , and hee said he found not the sacrament of the altar in the scripture , therefore he would not make any answer thereto . the iudge speaking of the sacrament put off his cap ; he said he needed not reuerence that so highly , saying withall that the sacrament of the altar was the most blasphemous idoll that euer was . the other also denied the sacrament , wherefore they were all condemned , and burned all in one fi●e at canterburie . elizabeth warne , george tankerfield , robert smith , steuen harwood , thomas fust , william hall , thomas leyes , george king , iohn wade , ioane leyshford . the prisons of london being replenished with gods saints , and still moe and moe comming in , wherefore these ten were sent for of bonner to be examined , and rid out of the way . the chéefe point he examined them of , was touching the corporall presence of christs body and blood in the sacrament , as the profitablest foundation for their catholike dignity . many other thinges were obiected against them , as not comming to church , for speaking against the masse , and for dispising their ceremonies and sacraments . elizabeth warne answered vnto them , i deny them all , and if christ was in an error , then am i in an errour , wherefore she was condemned . doctor story was of some alliance vnto her , who deliuered her once by his earnest sute , before hee was commissioner , but after he was commissioner , he caused her , iohn warne her husband , and her daughter , to be apprehended , neuer leauing them , vntill hee had brought them all to ashes . george tankerfield of london , cooke , borne in the cittie of yorke , he vtterly denied aur●culer confession , and transubstantiation , and affirmed that the masse was naught , and full of idolatry and abhomination : and affirmed that there were but two sacraments . he told the bishop he cared not for his diuinity , for you condemne all men , and proue nothing against them , and he said the church whereof the pope is supreme head , is not christs church ; and pointing to the bishop he said to the people beware of him , and such as he is , these be they which deceiue you : wherevpon he was condemned . robert smith beeing asked by boner when hee was confessed : hee answered , not since the time he had discretion : i am not commaunded of god to shew my sinnes to any of that sinfull number whom yee call priests : he was a painter , and hee told the bishop hee had vsed his vocation better then hee had vsed his bishoprick : hee said hee neuer vsed the sacrament , nor neuer would , because it hath not gods ordinance , but rather it is directed to mocke god : i count it a detestable idoll , and not god , but contrarie to god and truth : then the bishop said , hee should be burned : he answered , hee must not thinke thereby to quench the spirit of god , nor make your matter good for your sore is too well seene to bee healed so priuily with bloud , euen the children haue all your deeds in derision : so that though you patch vp one place with authoritie , yet it shall breake out in fortie to your shame : then the bishop said by my truth if thou wilt be shrieuen , i will tare this paper of thy examination : i answered , it would be too much to his shame , to shew it vnto men of discretion . boner . doe you not confesse there is a catholick church on earth . smith . yes verily : and it is builded vpon the prophets a●d apostles christ iesus being the head corner stone , which church maintaineth the word , and bringeth the same for her authoritie , and without it doth nothing nor ought to doe , and i am fully assured i am a member of the same church . boner . if my brother doe offend , and will not be reconciled , i must bring him before the congregation , where may a man finde your church to bring his brother before the same . smith . in the acts of the apostles , when the tyranny of the bishops was so great against the church of iewry , they were faine to congregate in priuy places as they now doe : yet they were the church of god. boner . there church was knowne full well , for paul writ to the corinthians to haue the man excommunicated that had lien with his fathers wife . smith . as the church of corinth was manifest to god and paule , so is this church in england , else you could not persecute it as you do . i being conuayed into the garden , doctor dee , being one of the bishops chaplaines , came to me , and after much adoe about his god , i compelled him to say that it must needs enter into the belly and so fall out ●nto the draught : then hee said , what derogation was it to christ , when the iewes spit in his face ? and i answered , if the iewes his enemies did but spit in his face , and wee being his friends throw him in the draught , which of vs haue deserued the greater damnation ? doctor . then he would haue christs humanitie incomprehensible , bringing to serue his turne which way christ came amongst his disciples the doores being close shut . smith . i haue as much to proue that the doores opened at his comming as you haue to proue that he came thorow the doores : for god that opened the prison doores for his disciples , was able to doe the like for christ ; but that maketh not for your purpose , for they saw , heard , and felt him , and so cannot you do in your sacrament . then i was called for before bonner , and my lord mayor was with him , and my articles were read , then said bonner : bonner . my lord , they call me bloudie bonner , where i neuer sought any mans blood , i haue stayed him from the consistory this day , whither i might haue brought him iustlie : and heere before you i desire him to turne , and i will with all spéed dispatch him out of trouble . smith . why do you put on this visard before my lord mayor , to make him beléeue you séeke not my blood ? haue not you burned my brother tomkins hand most cruelly , and after burned his body , and the bodies of a number more of christs faithfull members . then he questioned with me about the sacrament , and i said , as the body is dead if the blood be gone , so their sacrament is a dead god , because they take away the blood of christ from his body , being the cup is taken from the layty : for if the br●ad be his body , the cup must bee his blood . then bonner rose , and my lord mayor desired me to saue my soule : i said , mine was saued by christ , desiring him to pittie his owne soule , and remember whose sword hee carried : so with many foule farewels , we were sent to new-gate againe , and boner gaue the keeper charge to lay me in limbo . the second examination . boner . thou saést there is no catholick church on earth : i said i haue answered you the contrarie , and it is written he said yea : but i must aske you this question . smith . must you begin with a lye , it seemeth you determine to end with the same : but no lyer shall enter into the kingdome of god : i haue con●essed a church of god , as well in earth as in heauen , and yet all one church , and one mans members , euen christ iesus . boner . well what saist thou by auricular confession . smith . it is needfull in christs church , but if it be needfull in your church . it is to pick folkes purses , and such pick●purse matters is the whole rabblemene of your ceremonies , for all is but money matters that you maintaine : he said thou maist be ashamed to say so : i said i speake by experience , for i haue heard & seene the fruits of confession , it hath béene a betrayer of kings secrets ▪ and others who b●ing glad to be discharged of their sinnes haue giuen to priests great summes of money to absolue them , and sing masses for their so●les health . boner . by the masse if the queene were of my minde , you should not talke before any man , but should be put in a s●ck , and a dog tyed vnto the sam● , you should be throwne into the water . smith . you and your predecessors haue sought by all meanes to kill christ secretly , as appeareth by master hunne , whom your predecessor caused to be thrust into the nose with ho●e burning needles , and then hanged him , and said he hanged himselfe : and another of your predecessors , when he could not ouercome an innocent man by scripture , he made him priuily to be snarled , and his flesh to be torne away with pincers , and told the people the rats had eaten him . bonner . then came in m. mordant , and then he said , how sayest thou smith to the seuen sacraments ? smith . i beleeue that in gods church there be but two sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper : as for your sacrament of the altar , and all your other sacraments , they may well serue your church , but gods church hath nothing to do with them . bonner . why , is gods order changed in baptisme ? smith . yes , in hallowing the water , in coniuring of the same in baptising children , with annointing and spitting in their monthes , mingled with salt , and with many other lewd ceremonies : then be said , by the masse i was the shamelest hereticke that euer he heard speake : i said well sworne my lord , you keepe a good watch . bonner . well m●ister controller , you catch me at my words , but i will watch thée as well i warrant you : then quoth mordant , i neuer heard the like in my life . i pray my lord marke well his answer for baptisme , he disaloweth therein holi● oyntment , salt , and other lawdable ceremonies . smith . it is a shamefull blasphemy against christ , to vse such mingle mangle in baptisme . boner . i beléeue if a child die without baptisme , he is damned . smith . you sha●l neuer be saued by that beléefe , i pray are we saued by water or by christ : he said , by both . i said then , the water died for our sinnes ? and must you say that the water hath life , and it being our seruant , and created for vs , it is our sauiour . this is a good doctrine , is it not . bonner . how vnderstand you these words , except a man bee borne of water and the spirit , and christ saith ; suffer little children to come vnto me , and if thou wilt not suffer them to be baptised according to the lawdabl● order , thou lettest to come vnto christ. smith . paul to the galathians , asheth whether they rec●iued the spirit by the deeds of the law , or by the preaching of fai●h , and concludeth that the holy ghost accompanieth preaching of faith , and with the word of faith entereth into the heart ; so if baptisme preach vnto me the washing in christs bloud , the holy ghost doth accompanie it : and christ saith suffer little children to come vnto me , and not vnto water ; then if you suffer them not to com to christ without the necessity of water , but condemne them if they die before baptisme , you condemne both the merits and the words of christ. bonner . thou makest the water of no●● effect , and then thou mayest put away water . smith . peter saith it is not the washing away of the filth of the flesh , but in that a good conscience consenteth vnto god : and onely water bringeth not the holy ghost , for simon receiued water , but would haue giuen money for the holy ghost , and iohn had the holy ghost in his mothers wombe before baptisme , and cornelius , paule the queen of candaces seruant , with many others , receiued the holy ghost before baptisme : and although your generation haue set at naught the word of god , and turned it vpside downe , yet must his church keepe the same order which he left them , which his church dareth not breake : and to iudge children da●●ed dying without baptisme is wicked . bonner . what say you to the sacrament of orders ? smith . you must call it the sacrament of misorders , for all orders are appointed of god , but your shauing , annointing , greasing , poling , and rounding , no such things are appointed in gods book : and my lord , if you had grace or intelligence , you would not so disfigure your selfe as you do . boner . what say you to holy bread , and holy water , the sacrament of annointing , and the rest of such ceremonies of the church . smith . they be bables for fooles to play withall , and not for gods children : then boner and mordant departed , then certaine doctors baited me halfe an houre : of whom i asked , where were all you in the daies of king edward , that you spake not that which you speake now ? they said , they were in england : i said , but then you had the faces of men , but now you haue put on lions faces ; you haue for euery time a visar : if another king edward should arise , you would then say , down with the pope , for he is antichrist , and so are all his angels , then i was all to reuil●d . doctor . you allow not auriculer confession ; i said , it is , because the word of god alloweth it not : he said , it is written , thou shalt not hide thy sinnes . i said , no more doe i when i confesse them to god : hee said , you cannot hide them from god ; therefore you must vnderstand , it is spoken to bee vttered vnto them that do not know them . smith . then must the priest confesse himselfe to me ▪ as i to him , for i know his faults no more then ●e knoweth mine : but if you confesse to a priest , and not to god , you shall haue the reward that iudas had : for hee confessed himselfe to the priest , and yet went and hanged himselfe , and those that acknowledge not there faults to god , are said to hide them . doctor . what did they that came to iohn baptist , i said that they confessed to god ; he said , and not to iohn : i said if it were vnto iohn , as you cannot proue , yet it was to god before iohn and the whole congregation : he said iohn was alone in the wildernes . smith . yet hee made many disciples , and many saduces , and pharisies came vnto his baptisme : therefore if they confessed themselues to iohn , it was vnto all the congregation , as paul confessed openly in his epistle to timothy , that hee was not worthy t● bee called an apostle , because hee had been a tyrant , but as for eare confession you neuer heard it allowed by the word of god : for as dauid saith , i will confesse my sinnes vnto the lord , so all his children doe and euer did : then they called mee dogge , and said i was damned : then i said you are dogges , because you will ●●ay your friends for offering vnto you all things . i may say with paul , i haue fought with beasts in the likenes of men , for i haue béene baited this two daies of my lord , and his great buls of basan , and in the hall i haue béene baited with the rest of his band . bonner . then he came and asked the doctors whether they had done him any good , and they said no. and i said , how can an euill tree bring forth good fruit : he said , wilt thou neither heare me nor them ? thou shalt bee burned in smithfield . smith . and you shall burne in hell if ye repent not , i perceiue you and your doctors will not come vnto me , and i am not determined to come to you : then with many rayling sentences i was sent away . the last examination . smith . then i with my brethren were brought into the consistory , before bonner , the lord mayor , and the sheriffes . bonner . by my faith my lord mayor , i haue shewed as much fauour as any man liuing might do : but i perceiue all is lost ●n him , and all his company . i said , my lord you must not sweare ; then he said , i was maister controller , and pointed to my brother tankerfield , and said , this is maister speaker . mayor . thou speakest against the blessed sacrament of the altar . smith . i deny it to be any sacrament , and i stand here to make probation of the same : if my lord or any of his doctors can proue the name or vsage of the same , i will recant then . then spake my brother tankerfield , and defended the probation which they call heresie . bonner . by my troth maister speaker , you shall preach at a stake : then i said , well sworne my lord , you kéepe a good watch ; he said , well maister controller i am no saint . smith . no my lord , nor yet a good bishop : a bishop saith saint paul , should be faultlesse , and a dedicate vessell to god : and are you not ashamed to sit in i●dgment , and be a blasphemer , condemning innocents . my lord mayor , i would require you in gods name , that i may haue iustice : we are heare to day a great many of innocents , wrongfullie accused of heresie . i require but the fauour that festus and agrippa , heathen men , shewed to the apostle , which gaue him leaue to speake for himselfe , and heard the probation of his cause : then the lord mayor hanging downe his head , said nothing . bonner . thou shalt preach at a stake , and so sheriffe woodroffe cried with the bishop , away with them . thus came i in foure tim●● before them , desiring iustice to be heard , but could haue none : at length , my friends required with on● voyce the same , and could not haue it , so we were condemned , because they all ten held the same opinions in effect . smith . when the sentence began to be read in dei nomine . i answered he began in a wrong name , for he could not finde in scriptures to giue sentence of death against any man for his conscience . he was burned at uxbridge , when hee was come to the stake , he mightily comforted the people , and told them ; he doubted not ●ut god will shew you some token that i die in a good cause : at length he being ●ell-nigh halfe burned all blacke with fire , clustered together in a lump like a black ●●le , all men thinking him dead , suddenly he arose vpright , lifting vp the stumpes of his armes , clapping them together , declaring a reioycing heart to them , and so di●d . he also wrote many godly letters , as you may sée in the booke more at la●ge . stephen harwood was burned at stratford , and thomas fust was burned at ware. when william hayle of thorpe in essex was condemned : o good people said he , ●eware of this i●olater and antichrist , pointing to bonner . he was burned at bar●et . george king , thomas leyes , and iohn wade , sickned in prison and dyed , and were cast into the fields , and buried by night of the faithfull , when none durst doe it in the day . ioane lashford , the daughter of iohn warne , and elizabeth warne martyrs , was repréeued to a longer day : her martirdome was next yeare . william andrew . he was sent out of horsie in essex by the lord rich , and sir richard southwell , and being twice examined before boner , he stood manfullie in the defence of his religion : at length , through straight handling in the prison in newgate , he died , and after the popish manner hee was cast into the fields , and in the night secretly buried by the faithfull . robert samuell . iustice foster of cobdocke in suffolke , a deadly hater of the professors of the truth , amongst many others that were also troubled by him , this robert samuell , a godly preacher in king edwards daies , was one : hee was minister of barford in suffolke , and beeing put from the ministry , as others were , he taught priuilie , and when that the order came vp , that priests should put away their wiues , and bee compelled to single life , samuell would not agrée thereto . maister foster sent out espials to apprehend him , and carry him to prison if hée were found to come vnto his wife : whereby he was taken , and put into ipswich iayle , from thence he was carried to norwich , where doctor hopton the bishop , and doctor donnings his chancellor , exercised great crueltie against him . they kept in him strait prison , where he was chained bolt vpright vnto a great post , that hee was ●aine to beare all his bodie on tip-toe , and kept him without meat and drinke , onelie he had euery day two or thrée mouthfuls of bread , and thrée spoonefuls of water . he would often haue drunken his owne water , but his bodie was so dried vp , that he was not able to make water . when he was brought forth to be burned , he reported , that after he had béen famished with hunger two or thrée daies together , he fell into a slumber , at which time one clad all in white , seemed to stand before him , which said ; samuell , samuell , be of good cheere , for after this day thou shalt neuer be hungry or thirstie , which was performed : for spéedily after he was burned , and from that time vntill he suffered he felt neither hunger nor thirst : and he said , he declared this , that all might sée the wonderfull workes of god. he said , he could vtter many such comforts , as he had of christ in his afflictions , which modesty would not suffer him to vtter . as he was going vnto the fire , a maid named rose notingham , took him about necke and kissed him , who being marked , the next day was sought for to bee had to prison , and burned , yet by gods goodnesse the escaped : yet two honest women fell into the rage of that time ; the one a brewers wife , the other a shoe-makers wife , who were burned the next day after samuell : the one was called anne potten , the other ioane trunchfield . the report of them which saw samuell burned , is , that his body in burning did ●hine as bright and white as new tryed siluer in the eies of them that stood by . in the booke at large thou maist sée a godly letter of his , and a godly confession of his faith. william allen. he was a labouring man , sometimes seruant to iohn houghton of somerset , he was burned at walsingham : he was imprisoned , for saying he would neuer follow the crosse on procession . the bishop bad him returne vnto the catholique church : he answered , he would turne vnto the catholike church , but not to the romish church ; and said , if he saw the king and quéene , and all other follow the crosse , and knéele downe to the crosse , he would not . roger coo. he was of melford in suffolke , a sheare-man , an aged father : after his sundry conflicts with his aduersaries , he was burned at yexford in suffolke , for denying the sacrament of the altar , and when the bishop said he must obey the king , whether his command agrée with the word of god or no. he answered : if sidrach , misaach , and abednago had done so , nabuchadnezzer had not confessed the liuing lord : and when the bishop said he had charge of his soule , he answered , if you go to the diuell for your sinnes , where shall i become . thomas cobbe . likewise thomas cobbe of hauehill , butcher , was burned by the said bishop of norwich , for denying the reall presence in the sacrament , and for saying he would be obedient to the king and quéenes commaundement , as the law of god would suffer , and no further . george catmer , and robert streater of hyth , anthony burward of calete , george brodbridge of bromfield , james tutty of breachley . these were brought before thorton bishop of douer , where they being examined , they did all affirme the sacrament of the altar to be an abhominable idoll , and george brodbridge said , he would not be confessed of a priest , because he could not forgiue his owne sinnes . and moreouer , as for holy bread and holy water , and the masse , i do ( quoth he ) vtterly defie them , therefore they were all fiue burned as heretickes at canterbury . thomas heyward , and iohn gorway . vve finde they were condemned and burned at lichfield , in the dioces of lichfield and couentry . robert glouer , and iohn glouer his brother , and william glouer another brother . iohn was the eldest brother , a gentleman of the towne of mancetor , he was endued with faire possessions and worldly goods , but much more enriched with heauenly grace : he with his two brethren not only embraced the light of the gospell , but most zealously professed the same . in king henries daies , this iohn fell into a dispaire of himselfe , vpon the occasion of these words in the . to the hebrewes , for it cannot be , that they which were once illuminated and haue tasted the heauenly gift &c. the bishop sending a warrant for this iohn , the mayor of couentry sent him a priuy watch-word , who with his brother william conuayed himselfe away , but the sheriffe found robert lying sicke in bed , and although the sheriffe would faine haue dismissed him , saying ; hee was not the man for whom they were sent , yet fearing the stout words of the officer , he put him in prison vntill the bishops comming . robert. being brought before the bishop of couentry , he asked me wherefore i wou●d not come to church , i said i would not come thither as long as masse was vsed in their churches , though i had . liues and might saue them all by going : and i asked if they could finde any thing in the scriptures , whereby they could defend the masse . bish. he asked who should be iudge of the holy word , i said christ. robert. he refused not to giue his doctri●e to be examined of the people , by searching of the scriptures , and so did paule , and if that would not suffice , i said i would stand to the iudgement of the primitiue church , which was next after the apostles time , and that should be iudge betwixt them ▪ he answered he was mine ordinary , and therefore it was my part to beléeue as hee did . i said , what if hée should sa●● black is white , or darknesse light . bish. thou art gone from the catholick church , where was thy church before king edwards daies ? i asked , where was the church in elias his time , and in christs time ? he said , elias only complained of the ten tribes . i said there was no prophet at that time in the other two tribes , then the bishop commanded me to be caried vnto a more strait prison , declaring that he would finde a meanes at his returne , to wéede such wolues out of the way . after the chancelor , a prebendary called tensea came to him , and exhorted him by all meanes possible to submit himselfe vnto the church . robert. i would gladly submit my selfe vnto the church , which submitteth it selfe to gods word : but how ( quoth he ) can you come to the knowledge of the word of god , but as you be led by the church . i answered , the church is not aboue the word of god , because it declareth it , no more then iohn baptist is aboue christ , by shewing christs comming vnto the people , or if you should tell one this is the king , and therefore you should say , you were aboue the king. bish. after he was sent for againe before the bishop , he perswaded him to bee a member of his church . robert. i told him i was a member of the true church that was founded vpon the apostles and prophets , the chéefe and principall piller beeing christ iesus . this church was from the beginning , and no maruell though according vnto the course of this world , it doth not shew forth the externall light , for it is afflicted with continuall crosses , that it hath no respite from feare and tirannicall vsage : the bishop contended that he was of the church ; so said i , the whole congregation once cryed against the prophets , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord ; but when i said any thing for my selfe , the bishop commaunded me vpon my alleagiance to hold my tongue , calling me proud and arrogant hypocrite . after for denying that there were any more then two sacraments , and that the masse was neither sacrament nor sacrifice , because it differeth from the true institution of christ , and taketh it cleane away , and that he denied confession to a priest : he was condemned and burned at couentree . cornelius bungey . in the same fire which the said robert glouer was burned , cornelius bungey a capper of couentry ▪ who was condemned by the said bishop : first , for that he did maintaine that the priest had no power to absolue a sinner from his sinnes , and that there be but two sacraments : baptisme , and the lords supper : and that there was not the lords body and bloud of christ in the sacrament of their popish altar : and that the pope is not head of the church . william wolsey , and robert pygot painter . these were condemned and burned by the bishop and chancellor of ely , and both in one fire at ely were burned . nicholas ridley , bishop of london , and hvgh latimer bishop of worcester . nicholas ridley came of a gentle stock , borne in northumberland ; he was first bishop of rochester , and after bishop of london , in which offices he so occupied himselfe in preaching the holsome doctrine of christ , that neuer child was so dearely beloued of his parents , as he was of his flocke : he preached euery holiday or sunday in some one place or other , to whom the people swarmed like bées . he did carefully instruct his family : hee gaue them euery one a new testament , and would giue them money to learne certaine principall chapters by hart , being maruellous carefull ouer them , that they might be a spectacle of vertue and honesty to others . he called mistris boner bishop boners mother , his mother , and when he was at his house at fulham , the dwelling there , he euer sent for her to meales , and placed her in a cha●●e at the tables end , and shee was neuer displaced of her seate , though the kings councell were there , but hee would tell them that this place of right and custome is for my mother boner : but he was well recompenced therfore by boner , who was the destruction of him and his . he was immediately after the comming of queene mary committed vnto prison and carried to oxford like a most heynous traytor and heretick with cranmer , and latimer , accompanied with a band of souldiers , as is before mentioned . the conference of ridley and latimer , vpon the obiection of antonian . antonian . all men maruell why you goe not to masse , which is a thing much esteemed of all men , and of the queene her selfe . ridley . because no man that layeth hand on the plough , and looketh back is fit for the kingdome of god. saint paul would not suffer titus to be circumcised , that the truth of the gospell might remaine with vs vncorrupt , and if i build againe the things which i destroyed , i am a trespasser : and another cause is least i should seeme to allow that which i know to bee contrarie to sound doctrine , and to be a stumbli●g stock to the weake , so w● should be to me by whom of●ence commeth : it were better wee were cast into the sea with a milstone about our neckes . anto. what is it in the masse that so offendeth you , that you will not heare nor see it : haue you not in times past said masse your selfe . rid. i am sory therfore , and i trust god hath forgiuen me , for i did it ignorantly , & these things in the masse are contrary to gods word and offend me . the strange tongue , the want of shewing the lords death , the sacrament is not communicated vnto all vnder both kinds : the sign is worshipped for the thing signified : christs passion is iniured , by affirming the masse to purge sinnes , and there are manifold superstitions , and trifling fondnes in the same . anto. it is a great crime to seperate from the communion or fellowship of the church and make a schisme : you hated the anabaptists , and impugned them : this was the errour of nouatus , and of the heretickes called ( catheri ) that they would not communicate with the church , rid. i take not the masse for the communion of the church , but for a popish deuice , whereby the institution for the remembrance of his death is eluded ▪ & the people of god deluded : the sect of the anabaptists , & the heresie of nouatus are to be condemned , they separat themselues from the communion without any ●ust cause , for they did not alledge that the sacraments were vnduely ministred , but alwaies reprouing something , either in the ministers , or in the communicants with them : for the which they abstained from the communion , as from an vnholy thing . lat. caluin saith , the name of peace is beautifull , and the opinion of vnitie is fayre : but saint paul when he requireth vnity he ●oynes strait with all , according to iesus christ , and no further piotrephes , now of late did much harpe vpon vnity , vnity , yea sir ( quoth i ) in verity , and not in popery . anto : admit there bee somewhat in the masse that might be amended : cyprian and augustine say , communion of sacraments doth not de●●le a man , but consent of deeds . rid. if it were a trifling ceremonie , or indifferent , for the continuance of common quietnes , i could be content to beare it : but the masse tendeth openly to the ouerthrow of christs institution , i ought by no meanes in word or deed consent thereto : that of the fathers , is ment of them that suppose they be defiled , if any secret vice be either in the ministers , or in the communicants with them , and is not ment of them which abhor superstition , and wicked traditions of men , and will not suffer them to be in steede of the gospell . lat. the mary bones of the masse are detestable , and by no meanes to be borne with all , it cannot be amended , but by abolishing it for euer , for if you take away ●blation , and adoration , which hang vpon consecration , and transubstantiation , the papists will not set a button by the masse , onely for the gaine that followeth therin , for if our english communion were a gainefull vnto them , as the masse , they would striue no more for the masse . anto : if you refuse to goe to masse , you forsake the church , for the masse is the sacrament of vnitie : without the arke there is no saluation , the church is the arke , and peters ship : augustine saith , he shall not haue god his father , which acknowledgeth not the church his mother : and he also saith , be thy life neuer so well spent out of the church , thou shalt not inherit the kingdome of heauen . ridley . the catholick church is the communion of saints , the citie of god , the spouse of christ , the body of christ , the pillar of truth , this church i honour in the lord , but the rule of this church , is the word of god : as many as walke according to this rule , peace bee vpon them and vpon israel that pertaineth to god : the guide of this church is the holy ghost : the marks of this church are these : the preaching of gods word , & due administration of the sacraments : charitie and obseruing of ecclesiasticall discipline , according to the word of god ; these are the heauenly ierusalem , which consisteth of those which are borne aboue : this is the mother of vs all , i will liue and die the child of this church , forth of this there is no saluation , it is onely knowne by the scriptures which is the true church : indeed the bread which we breake according to the institution of christ is the sacrament of the vnity of christs mysticall body , for we being many are one bread and one body , because we are partakers of one bread , but in the masse the lords institution is not obserued : for there we are not all partakers of one bread , but one deuoureth it all . lat : yea , what fellowship hath christ with antichrist ; it is not lawful to beare the yoke with papists ; seperat your selues from them , saith the lord , it is one thing to be the church indéed , and another thing to counterfet the church : not all that he couered with the title of the church are the church indéed : when s. paul saith , seperate your selues from them : he addeth , if any man follow other doctrine , he is puffed vp and knoweth nothing : for it is ignorance to know many things and not christ , but if thou knowest christ thou knowest enough , though thou know no more : therefore he would know nothing but christ and him crucified , as many as be papists and masse-mongers , may well bee said to know nothing ; for they know not christ , they take much away from the merite of christ. anto. that church which you describe is inuisible , but christs church is visible and knowne : for hee saith , tell it to the church , which is in vaine to goe to the church , if a man cannot tell which it is . rid. if we cannot see the true church , that is not the fault of the church , but either of our owne blindnes , or of satans darknes , but the word is a candle vnto vs , and a light vnto our steps to sh●w the true church . anto. the church of christ is vniuersall dispersed through the whole world , the great house of god good and euill mingled together : goates & shéepe , corne and chaffe ; it is the net which gathereth all kinde of fishes : it cannot erre , for christ iesvs hath promised it his good spirit , to leade it in all truth , and the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it , he will be with it to the end of the world : what it shall binde or lose in earth shall bee ratified in heauen , it is the truth : augustine saith , i beleeue the gospell , because the church biddeth me beleeue it : this church alloweth the masse , therefore it must be followed . ridi . the church is taken three manner of waies in the scripture : sometime for the whole multitude of the professors of christ , but as euery one is not a iew which is a iew outwardly : nor all that be of israel , are counted the seede : so euery one that is a christian outwardly is not so indeede : for hee that hath not the spirit of christ is none of his . the church that christ iesus is head of stands onely of liuing stones : christians in heart and truth , and not in worde onely : the multitude of the good are the true church , the multitude of the euill is the malignant church , and synagogue of satan : these be the three takings of the church : and though there be seldom mention in scriptures in this interpretation , y●t in the greatest assemblies of the world , this church hath borne the greatest swing . but ▪ if any will affirme , that vniuersalitie doth so appertaine vnto the church , that christs promises to the church must needes bee vnderstood of that ; where was that vniuersall church , in the times of the patriarks , and prophets : of noah , abraham , and moses , ( when they would haue stoned him ) of helias , of ieremy , in the times of christ , and the dispersion of the apostles in the time of arius when constantius was emperour , ●and felix bishop of rome succeeded lyberius , lyra vpon mathew saith , the church doth not stand in men by reason of their power and dignitie , whether it be ecclesiasticall or seculer , for princes and popes and other inferiours haue fallen away from god : therefore the church consisteth in those persons in whom is true knowledge , and confession of the faith , and truth : euill men are in the church in name , but not in deed . latimer . touching the vehement saying of saint augustine : i would not beleeue the gospel , but for the church . melancton vpon this saith , the church is not a iudge , but a witnes , there were some that lightly esteemed the iudgement of the church , and preaching , and reiected the outward word , and stucke onely to there inward reuelations : this droue saint augustine into that vehemencie , in which he seemeth to them that vnderstand not his meaning , to prefer the church before the gospel , and that it had authoritie ouer the same , but that godly man neuer thought so . anto : generall councels represent the vniuerfall church : and christ hath promised to be in the middest , where two or three be gathered together in his name : therefore much more where there is so great a multitude , but in generall councels masse hath been approued and vsed , therefore it is good . ridley . it is true , that where so many be gathered together in christs name , it is not credible , but two or three be gathered together in his name , but if there be an hundreth good , & two h●ndreth bad , being the decrees & ordinances goe according to most voices , what can the lesse number of voices preuaile : it is a common prouerbe , often the greater part ouercommeth the better : but it is impossible that any such councell of good men allowed such a masse as ours was of late , in a strange tongue , and stuffed with so many absurdities , errors , and superstitions : for as there is no agreement betwixt light and darknes , christ and beliall : so superstition and sincere religion , will-worship , and pure worship in spirit and truth , can neuer agree together . latimer . touching generall councels , i refer you to your owne experience in our parliaments , and conuocations : the most part in my time did bring forth the six articles , because then the king would so haue it : after the most part did repeale the same , because our good iosias would so haue it : the same articles now again the most part hath restored , because the queene will haue it ; after this sort most commonly are mens proceedings . anto. if in generall councels men should not folow most vo●ces , then should the church haue no certaine rule to determin waighty matters , but it is not to be beléeued that christ would leaue the church destitute of so necessary a help . rid. christ the most louing spouse of his espouse the church , did giue vnto it abundantly all things necessary to saluation , but so that the church should kéep her selfe within the obedience of his commandements , and not to séek any thing as necessary to saluation which he teacheth not : and for determination of all controuersies in religion , christ hath left vnto the church ▪ moses , and the prophets , which he willeth the church to aske councell of , and all the new testament , & that which is hard in moses and the prophets , is reuealed in them : so that wee haue no need to say , who shall clime vp to heauen , or who shall goe downe into the deepe to tell vs what is needfull to be done : christ hath done both , and commanded 〈…〉 〈◊〉 the word of faith ; and if we walke diligently therein , by his spirit we shall 〈…〉 out the truth ▪ and obtaine euerlasting life : as in esay . shall men-aske 〈…〉 of the dead for the liuing ? let them goe vnto the law & the testament : 〈…〉 christ ioh. . biddeth vs search the scriptures : and hierom saith , ignorance 〈…〉 scriptures is mother of errors vpon the . of mathew , and in another place he saith the knowledge of the scriptures is the food of euerlasting life , and we read not that christ in any place hath ●aid so great a burden vpon the members of his church that he hath commanded them to go vnto the vniuersal church : it is true that christ gaue vnto his church some apostles , and some prophets , some euangelists , some shepheards and teachers to the edifying of the saints , vntill we all come vnto the vnity of faith. but that all , out of all parts of the world , should méet together in councell , to define the articles of faith , it is not commanded of christ. lat. there is diuersitie betwixt things pertaining to god or faith , and politick and ciuill matters : for in the first we must stand only to the scriptures , which are able to make vs perfect vnto saluation : if by study and prayer we vnderstand them , and the most prudent men of the world are least apt to vnderstand them : but in ciuill matters being wee know not otherwise how to maintaine common peace and quiet , they doe ordaine that the most part shall take place . anto. it is perilous to attempt any new thing in the church , vnto which the example of the prophets , of christ , and of the apostles , are contrarie : for in their time all things were most corrupt , the people were miserably giuen to superstition , the priests despised the law of god , yet we neuer read that the prophets made any schismes , and christ haunted the temples and taught in them daily , peter and iohn went into the temple at the ninth houre of prayer , paule after the reading of the law desired to say some thing vnto the people : neyther christ nor his apostles did refuse to pray with others , to sacrifice or be partaker of moses law . ridley . the prophets , christ , nor the apostles did not communicate with the people in any kind of worshipping forbidden by the law , or repugmant to the word . saint aug●stine in his epistle ad ianuarium , speaking of the ceremonies of the iewes , he saith , they were burdens of the law which were deliuered by the word of god , and not by the presumptions of men ; but now the ceremonies are of men , and contrary to the word of god , and therefore not to be borne . in the story of tobias , when all other went to the golden calues of ieroboam to worship , hee alone went to the temple of the lord to worship in the third of kings the man of god threatned terrible plagues to the priest of bethell , and to the altar which ieroboam had made , which came to passe by king iosias . the prophets vehemently rebuked the people still for going a whoreing with their hill-altars : and this was the chiefe cause wherefore the false prophets ceased not to maligne the true prophets , therefore they beate them , and banished them . how otherwise can you vnderstand the saying of s. paul , what concord hath christ with beliall , the beleeuer with the infidel , & the temple of god with idols : for we are said to be gods temple because god dwelleth in vs : wherfore we are bidden to come out & seperat our selues from them , and to touch no vncleane thing , and god will receiue vs and be our father , and we shall be his sonnes and daughters . in the . of iudith , she would not defile her selfe with the meats of the wicked . the machabees died manfully in the defence of the law : s. augustine saith , if we praise the machabees for their stoutnesse for the law of moses , how much more ought we to suffer all things for our baptisme and the lords supper , which the masse vtterly abolisheth and corrupteth . anto. i perceiue you are so obstinatly wedded vnto your owne opinion , that no wholsome counsels can draw you to a better mind , therefore you must be handled by the lawes , and be either compelled thereto , or suffer the punishment of the law : he that refuseth to obey the lawes of the realme , is an enemy to his country . this is the readiest way to stir vp ciuill wars , it is better you should beare your owne ●●nne , then the common quiet to bee disturbed : how can you say you will bee the quéenes subiects , when you openly professe you will not kéepe her lawes . ridl . it is true , he that will not obey the gospell , must be forced thereto by the law , but this ought not to be against them which cannot bear superstitions , nor the ouerthrow of christs institutions , but detesteth such procéedings for the glorie of god , and they that loue their country in god , will rather obey god then man , & they that obey mans lawes against gods lawes , in pretence of the loue of their countrey , they make their countrey fight against god , in whom consisteth , the very stay of the countrey : such are the most deadly eeemies and traytors of their countrey , for they goe about to bring vpon the●r countrey a present ru●●e . sathan had euer this dart in readines to hurle against gods children , so accuse them of sodition that he may bring them in danger of the higher powers , so he hath vp his ministers alwayes charged the prophets : acab said to elias , thou art he that troubleth israel , and the false prophets complained to their princes of ieremy , that his wordes were seditious and not to be suffered ▪ the scribes and pharises accused christ as a seditious person , that spake against caesar , and at length ●ryed , if thou let him goe thou art not caesars friend : tertullian accused paule before felix , that he was a pestilent fellow and a stirrer of sedition . but these men were not so , but of false men falsly accused , onely because they openly reproued their guiles , superstitions and deceits . a man ought to obey his prince , but in the lord , and neuer against the law of the lord : for he that louingly obeyeth his prince against god , is a deceiuer of his prince , and helpeth him to worke his owne destruction : wee must giue vnto the prince that which is his , and vnto god that which is his . valentinianus the emperour chusing the bishop of millan , said , he set him in his seat for this cause , that if we doe offend we may submit our selues vnto him . polycarpus the most constant martyr , when he ●●ood before the chiefe ruler , was commaunded to blasph●me christ , and to sweare by the fortune of caesar ; we are taught ( quoth he ) to giue honour vnto princes , but such honour as is not contrary to gods religion . hvgh latimer . this constant martyr was the sonne of one hugh latimer of thirkesson , in the countie of leicester , a husbandman of wealthy and good estimation : he studying diuinitie in cambridge , at the first was zealous in the popish religion , and so scrupelous ( as hee himselfe confesseth ) that being a priest , and vsing to say masse , hee did so obserue the romish decrees , that he thought he had neuer mingled enough his massing wine with water , and hee was of the opinion that he should neuer be damned , if once he were a professed frier , with diuers such superstitious fantasies , and in his blind zeale hee was a very enemy vnto the professors of the truth , and when he tooke the degree of proceeding batcheler of diuinitie , he made his oration against philpot , melancton , & his works : then maister bilney , as before is said , perswaded him to forsake his former studie of the schoole doctors , and such fooleries , and to become a true scholler in true diuinitie : so that where before hee was an enemy , and almost a persecutor of the gospell of christ , hee was now an earnest seeker after christ iesus , and became both a publike preacher , and a priuate instructer of his brethren in the uniuersitie two yeares , but sathan neuer sleepeth when he seeth his kingdome decay : he raised his children to trouble him . latimer in his sermons before christmas gaue the people certaine cardes , out of the fift , sixt , and seuenth of mathew : wherevpon they might occupy the time , for the chiefe carde he limited the heart , as the principall thing they should serue god with , and thereby hee ouerthrew all hypocriticall , and externall ceremonies , to that end he wished the scriptures to bee read altogether in the english tongue , that the common people might thereby learne their dueties to god and their neighbours : hereby hee wrought in the hearers much fruit , to the ouerthrow of popish superstition , and setting vp of true religion . the sonday before christmas day , in his sermon he deliuered his cards as aforesaid , making the heart the chiefe carde , inuiting all men to serue the lord with inward heart and true affection , and not with outward ceremonies , that in the seruic● of the heart consisteth true religion , and not in the outward deeds of the letter , or in the glistering shew of mens traditions , of pardons , pilgrimages , ceremonies , vowes , deuotions , voluntarie workes , and works of supererogation , foundations , oblations , the popes supremacie : you may sée two sermons of his to this effect in the booke at large . doctor bucknam about the same time of christmas , to deface master latimer , brought forth his christmas dice , casting to his audience cinque and quater , wherby to proue that it were not expedient that the scriptures should be in english , lest the vulgar people by the occasion thereof should be brought to leaue their vocation , or to runne into some inconuenience ; as the plowman , when he heares that , no man laying his hand vnto the plough and looking backe , is meete for the kingdome of heauen , might perhaps cease from his plough : likewise the baker , when he heareth that a little leauen corrupteth a whole lump of dough , may perchance leaue our bread vnleauened , and so our bodies shall be vnseasoned : and when the simple man heareth , if thine eye offend thee , pluck it out and cast it from thee , may make himselfe blinde , and so fill the world full of beggers . these , with other moe , he brought to the number of fiue : yet master latimer , notwithstanding all his aduersaries ( which were man● ) together with master bilney , continued in cambridge a certaine space : they vsed much to conferre and to walke together in the fields : the place of their conference was long time after called by the name of hereticks hill . these two did often visit the prisoners , relie●e the needy , and feed the hungry . there was a woman laide in prison for suspition of murdering her childe , she denying it , they searching into the matter found that her husband loued her not , and therefore sought to make her away . the matter was thus : her childe hauing bin sicke a whole yeare , died in haruest , then she went to haue her neighbours to helpe to burie it ▪ but all ware at haruest ; whereby she was inforced to prepare the child to buriall her selfe : her husband comming home accused her of murthering the childe . master latimer thinking in his conscience that she was not guiltie , and being called to preach before king henry the eighth , after the sermon the king sent for him , and talked with him ; at which time master lati●er knéeled downe and opened the whole matter to the king , and begged her pardon , which the king graunted , and gaue it him when he went home . in the meane time the woman was brought a bedde in prison , and master latimer was god-father , but hee told her not of the pardon , but laboured to haue her confesse the truth . when the time came that she looked to suffer , she greatly lamented that she should not be purified before she did suffer , thinking she should be damned if she died vnpurified . master bilney and master latimer told her that the law was made for the iewes , and not for vs , and how women be as well in the fauour of god before purification as after . and when they had brought her into a good way , they shewed her the kings pardon , and let her goe . many moe like good matters were wrought by him , but the more his vertues and good doings began to be knowne , the more his aduersaries began to spurn against him . one doctor redman , of great authoritie in cambridge , séeing the boldnesse of master latimer , in setting abroad the gospell , he wrote to him earnestly , requiring him for charities sake not to stand so much in his owne conceit , nor to preferre his singular iudgement in matters of religion and controuersies , before so many learned men and the whole catholike church , hauing neither the word of god , nor the testimony of any authentike writer to make for you : consider you are but a man , therfore lying and vanity may quickly bleare your eyes , which doth somtime transforme it selfe into an angell of light : suffer not the church to take offence by the hardnes of your heart , let not the vnitie of christs coat without seame be torne asunder , trust not in your owne wisdome . to which he answered , it is enough for me that christs sheepe heare no mans voyce but christs : you haue no voyce of christ against me : for my part i haue a heart that is readie to hearken to any voyce of christs that you can bring me ; so fare you well , and trouble me not any more from the talking with the lord my god. at length m. latimer was called before the cardinall for heresie , by the procurement of his aduersaries , where he was content to subscribe to such articles as were propounded vnto him . after he was appointed for one of them that laboured for the kings supremacie , and remaining at court , he preached often in london : after , at the sute of the lord cromwell , he was benef●●ed at west-kingston in wilshire , where he was very diligent in teaching : his diligence extended also to all the countrey round about , but there also he could not escape without enemies . it so chanced that hee preaching vpon the uirgin marie , he proued that christ was her sauiour . certaine popish priests being therewith offended , drew articles against him concerning the matter of our ladie , of praying vnto saints , and of purgatorie : to which articles he answered in effect as followeth ; to reproue certaine priests and beneficed men which giue so much to our lady , as though she had not bin saued by christ , which is the sauiour of her and of all that be or shall be saued . i did reason that either she was a sinner or no sinner ; if a sinner , then she was deliuered from sinne by christ , or if she were no sinner she was preserued from sinne by him , so he was her sauiour which way soeuer you take it . images of saints are called saints : to pray to these saints is idolatrie . saints in heauen doe of charity pray for vs , but we are not commanded to pray to them , for christ only is a holy mediator for them and vs. the scurfe must be taken away from pilgrimage before it be good , to wit superstition , idolatrie , false faith , and trust in the image , debts must be paide , restitutions made , wife and children prouided for , duety to our poore neighbours discharged , and when it is at best , be●fore it be vowed it néed not be done , for god commandeth it not . i said the aue maria was a greeting which the angel brought from god to the uir● in marie , but i said it was not a prayer , as the pater noster , which our sauior christ made , and bade vs say for a prayer , not adding that we should say ten or twenty aue mariaes with it . the torment of hell is not a materiall fire , no more then it is a materiall stinging of a worme or snake , but a metaphor signifying the paine , torment , anguish , griefe , miserie , sorrow , and heauines inexplicable and intollerable , whose nature and condition none can tell . that the soules that are not in hell , are in as great ioy as soules can be , and cannot be put from eternall ioy , and suffer no paine , of charitie they pray for vs , and haue no need that we should pray for them , and besides this there is no other purgatorie . i had rather be there then in the bishop of londons prison , though they call the fire thereof neuer so hote , yet if the bishop with his two fingers can put away some of the fire , and a friers cowle the fourth part thereof , and scala coeli altogether , i will neuer found abbey , colledge , or chauntery for that purpose . prouision for purgatorie hath brought thousands to hell , debts haue not beene paide , nor lands and goods euill gotten restored , poore people are suffered to perish for want , and all to builde religious houses to deliuer out of purgatorie , and to pay for dirges , masses , and ringing of bells to carrie vs to hell withall ; who can purge pilgrimage from idolatrie , and purgatorie from robberie , but he shall be in suspition of heresie ? as for pilgrimage , you would wonder what iugling there is to get money withall , i dwell by the way , and you would admire how they come by flockes out of the west countrey to many images , but cheef●ly to the blood of hayles , and they beléeue verily it is the blood of christs body , shed vpon mount caluarie for our saluation , and that the sight of it doth certifie them out of doubt , that their sinnes are forgiuen , and they are in state of saluation . if you should common with them comming and going what faiths they haue , you would wonder , they cannot away with forgiuing their enemies , and reconciling themselues vnto their brethren , for the sight of that blood doth quite them for the time ; they that did violently and miraculously plucke the blood out of christs body , by whipping and wounding him , saw his blood , and yet were not thereby in cléere life . christ doth suffer the diuell to vse his craftie fashion for our probation : it were very little thanke to beléeue well , if nothing should mooue vs to beléeue superstitiously ; it was not in vaine , when christ had taught vs truly , that he had vs beware of false prophets . these points following his aduersaries preached , y ● christs blood is not sufficient without the blood of martyrs , magdalene did not know christ to be god before his resurrection , there can be now no idolatry : rome cannot be destroyed , the pope is lord of all the world , whatsoeuer he doth , is well done : pater noster is to be said vnto saint peter : pater noster is but a beggerly prayer , aue maria is infinitly better , there must be twentie aue mariaes for one pater noster , aue maria was before pater noster , and shall bee after : it was not necessary that the scriptures should be written : christ saying , he that leaueth father or mother , praueth our pilgrimage , with many moe . many dangerous hazards he suffered amongst the popes friends and gods enemies , for the gospell sake . when there was a proclamation set forth for the calling in of the bible in english , and many other good bookes , he hazarded himselfe to write to king henry the eight to disswade him therefrom , which letter thou mayest see in the booke at large : at length by the means of doctor butts and of good cromwell , he was made bishop of worcester and continued so a few yeares , instructing his diocesse according to a diligent pastor , but ( as before ) both in the uniuersitie , and at his benefiee he was tossed and turmoyled by the wicked , so in his bishopricke some sought his trouble , insomuch that he was accused to the king for his sermons . thus he continued in this laborious function of a bishop for certaine yeares , vntill the comming vp of the sixe articles , and altering of religion , so when he could not keepe his bishopricke with a good conscience , of his owne free will he resigned the same : at which time shaxton bishop of salesburie resigned also with him his bishopricke . these two remained a great space vnbishopped , keeping silence vntill the time of king edward . a little after latimer had renounced his bishopricke , hee was sore bruised with the fall of a tree , and comming to london for remedy , hee was troubled of the bishops , and at length was cast into the tower , where he continued prisoner vntill the raigne of king edward , then the golden mouth of this preacher , shut vp long before , was opened againe , and beginning a fresh to set forth his plough againe , and continued all the time of the said king , labouring in the lords haruest most fruitfully : hee preached for the most part twice euery sunday to no small shame of vnpreaching prelates , which occupied great rome , to doe little good : he did most euidently prophes●e of all these kinde of plagues which after ensued : so plainely that if england euer had a prophet , he might seeme to be one , and he did euer affirme , that the preaching of the gospel would cost him his life , and he was certainely perswaded that winchester was kept in the tower , to be his death , which fell out right , for after the death of king edward , and queen mary proclaimed , a purseuant was sent down vnto him ( by the doing no doubt of winchester ) latimer had warning thereof six houres before the purseuant came , whereby he might haue ●scaped , but he prepared himselfe towards his iourney before the purse●ant came , who maruelled to sée him so prepared for his iourney , he told the purseuant , he was a welcome guest , and be it knowne vnto you and the whole world ; that i goe as willingly to london at this present , being called of my prince to giue a reckoning of my faith and doctrine , as euer i was to goe vnto any place in the world : and i doubt not , but that god which hath made me worthy to preach to two most excellent princes , so he will able me to witnesse the same to the third , either to her comfort or discomfort eternally . when the purseuant had deliuered his letters , he departed , affirming that hee was not commaunded to tarry for him : whereby it appeared , they would not haue him appeare , but rather to haue fled out of the realme : they knew his constancy would deface them in popery , and confirme the godly in the truth . when he came through smithfield , he said merrily , smithfield bad long groned for him : after he had béene before the councell , hee was sent to the tower , and from thence he was transported to oxford , with cramer arch-bishop of canterbury , and ridley bishop of london , there to dispute , as before is said : of the order of the disputations , and bow they were condemned , thou maist sée before , where they continued vntill this time in continual prayer , godly conference and writing . latimer sometimes continued so long knéeling at prayer , that hee was not able to arise without helpe : three thinges especially he prayed for in his prayers : first , as god hath appointed him to preach his word , so hee would giue him grace to stand to the same vntill his death : secondly , that god would restore his gospel vnto england againe once more : which once more hee inculcated oftentimes into the eares of the lord , as if he had spoken vnto him face to face : thirdly , hee prayed for the preseruation of queene elizabeth , then but lady elizabeth , whom with ●eares he still named , desiring god to make hee a comforter to this comfortles realme , the lord most graciously granted al these things which he requested . the twentith day of september , a commission was sent from the cardinall to the bishops of lincolne , glocester , and bristow , to examine doctor ridley , and maister latimer , vpon the points they were condemned for at oxford : and if they would not recant there opinions , to disgrade them , &c. the first point was whether the reall presence of christ was in the sacrament : d. ridley first appeared before them ; when the commission was read , he standing bare-headed , assoon as he heard the cardinall named , and the popes holines : he put on his cap , the bishop of lincolne reprehended him for it , and told him if he would not of himselfe put off his cap another should doe it for him : he answered , that it was not done for any contumacy that he bare vnto their own persons , nor for any derogation of the cardinall in that he was borne of the bloud royall , & was indued with much le●rning & excellent vertues ●ut in that he is legate to the pope , ( and with that he put on his cap ) whose vsurped supremacie i vtterly renounce , which i will not onely denounce in words , but in gesture , be●auiour , and all my doings expresse the same : wherevpon by the commandement of the bishop of lincoln his cap was taken off : he appeared twice , and thus he did at both times , their answeres were both to one effect in substance . first they made their protestation , that notwithstanding their answers , it should not be taken thereby that they would acknowledge any authority of the pope , but that they answered as subiects to the king and queene : to the first point they did confesse that in the sacrament , by spirit and grace , is the very body and bloud of christ , because that euery man receiuing bodily the bread and wine in the sacrament , spiritually receiue the body and bloud of christ , and thereby is partaker of the merits of his passion , but they denied the naturall body and bloud of christ to be really in the outward sacrament . the second question was , whether after consecration of the sacrament of the altar there did remain any substance of bread and wine : to that they answered , there was such a change in the bread and wine , as no man but god can make , being the bread had that dignity to exhibit christs body , yet the bread is still bread , and the wine still wine , for the change is not in the nature but in the dignity , because that which was common bread hath the dignitie to exhibit christs body , for now it is an holy bread sanctified by gods word . the third question was , whether the masse were a liuely and propitiatorie sacrifice for them aliue , and for them that be dead : this article they denied to be true , because christ made one perfect sacrifice for the whole world ; neither can the priests offer vp christ againe for the sinnes of man ; neither is there any propitiation for our sins , but his crosse only . and because neither for feare nor flatterie they could be made to recant , at their second sitting they were condemned , disgraded , and deliuered to the secular power . upon the north-side of the towne of oxford , in the ditch , ouer against baliol colledge , the place of execution was appointed , doctor ridley came vnto the stake in a faire black gowne , such as he was wont to weare when he was bishop , with a tippet of sables about his neck ; m. latimer came in a poore frize frock , in one they might behold the honor they sometimes had , in the other the calamitie whereunto they were now descended : after doctor ridley had prayed , seeing the chéerfulnes of m. latimer he ran vnto him , imbraced him , and kissed him , saying , be of good heart brother , for god will either asswage the fury of the flame , or else strengthen vs to abide it . then doctor smith began his sermon vpon . co. . if i giue my body to the fire to be burned , and haue not charity , i shall gaine nothing thereby : wherein he alledged that neither the holinesse of the person , nor the manner of the death , but the goodnes of the cause made a martyr ; this he pr●ued by the example of iudas and many others , which then might be counted righteous because they desperatly sundred their liues from their bodies ( as he feared these men that stood before him would do ) and still he cried vnto the people to beware of them , for they were hereticks & died out of the church : at last he exhorted them to recant and come home again vnto the church , & saue their liues and soules , which else were condemned . they would haue answered him , but some ran to them & stopt their mouthes with their hands , & would not suffer them to speak . then doctor ridley said , heauenly father , i giue thée most hearty thanks that thou hast called me to be a professor of thée , euen vnto death : i beséech thée be mercifull to this realme of england , and deliuer the same from all her enemies . when the fire was kindled he cried , into thy hands i commit my spirit , lord receiue my spirit , crying often , lord , lord receiue my spirit : m. latimer crying as vehemently on the other side , o father of heauen receiue my soule . latimer died quickly , but ridley was long a 〈◊〉 by reason of the bad making of the fire , yet he remained constant to the end . the death of stephen gardner . in nouember , the next moneth after the burning of ridley and latimer , in which moneth the quéen died : thrée years after , stephen gardner a man hated of god and good men , ended his wretched life . he was borne in berry in suffolk , and brought vp in oxford : his wit , capacity , and memory were excellent if they had bin well applied : he was high-minded , flattering his own conceit too much towards his superiours ; he was politick and pleasant , to his inferiors fierce ; against his equals stout and enuious if they any thing withstood him in iudgment : it was constantly reported that the nayles of his toes were crooked and sharp downward like the clawes of a beast : his death happened so opportunely that england hath a great cause therefore to praise god , not so much for the great hurt it had done in times past , in peruerting his princes , in bringing in the sixe articles , in murthering gods saints , and in defacing christs most true religion , but especially for that he had thought to haue murthered our noble and religious quéene elizabeth ; for hee was the cause of all her danger : and if it bee certaine which we haue heard that a writ came downe from certaine of the councell to the tower where the lady elizabeth was , for her execution : it is sure this vile wily winchester was the only dedalus and framer of that ingine ; but m. brigs lieutenant of the tower certified the quéen of the matter , and there by preuented achitophels bloudy deuices , as bonner , storie , thornton , harpsfield , downing , with others , were occupied in putting the branches to death ; so gardner bent his deuices in assaying the root , in casting such a plot to build vp his poperie , as he thought it should stand for euer : whether he died with his tongue swolne out of his mouth , as arundell bishop of canterburie did , or whether he stunke before he died , as cardinall wolsey did , who after he had vsed coniuration before , so after he had poysoned himselfe by the way ; at his buriall he was so heauie that they let him fall , and he gaue such a sauor that they could not abide him , with such a suddaine tempest about him , that all the torches went out , and could beare no light , or whether he died in dispaire , i referre all this vnto their reports , of whom i heard it . a great doer about winchester reported that the bishop of chichester comming vnto gardner , began to comfort him with gods promises , and with frée iustification in the bloud of christ : he said , what , my lord , will you open that gap now , then farewell altogether ? to me and such other you may speake it , but open this window to the people , and then farewell altogether . iohn web gentleman , george roper , and george parke . these were condemned by the bishop of douer , and harpsfield , for de●ying the reall presence in the sacrament of the altar , and were burned in one fire at canterburie , abiding most patiently their torments , and counting themselues blessed that they were worthy to suffer for the gospell . william wiseman and iames gore . this wiseman died in lollards tower , being there for religion : the holy catholike church cast him out into the fields , and commaunded that no man should burie him ▪ according as their deuout manner is to all that die in that sort , whom they account not worthy of buriall , but to be cast to dogges and birds , yet good men buried him in the night . iames gore being in the prison at colchester for the truth of gods word , died much about this time . iohn philpot . hee was sir peter philpots sonne in hampshire , brought vp in new colledge in oxford : going from oxford into italy , comming from uenice to padua he was in danger through a franciscan frier accompanying him in his iourney , who comming to padua accused him of heresie . in king edwards time he had diuers conflicts with gardner bishop of winchester : after he was made archdeacon of winchester , where he continued during king edwards time , to no small profit of those parts : in quéen maries time he being one of the conuocation , with a few other sustained the cause of the gospell manfully against the aduersary part , as is before recited , wherefore he was called to account before gardner , and examined by him , and then hée was remoued to bonner and other commissioners , with whom he had diuers conflicts , as in his examinations hereafter following may appeare , when he had lien a yeere and a halfe in the marshalsey , being twice examined , but no point of religion handled : then hee was committed to the bishop of londons cole-house , where he found a married priest of essex named thomas whittle , this minister greatly lamented his owne infirmitie , for that through imprisonment hee was constrained by writing to yeelde to the bishop of london , and was set at liberty , and after felt such an hell in his conscience that hee could scarce refraine from destroying himselfe , and could not bee at quiet vntill he hauing got the bishops register to see his bill , hee tore it in peeces , and after he was as ioifull a man as any could be : when boner heard thereof be sent for him , and buffeted him , and plucked off a peece of his beard , but now he is ioyfull vnder the crosse . he was thirtéene or fourtéene times in priuate and publikely examined , his answeres that concerne any point of religion heere follow . the third examination . boner . you must be of the church for there is but one church . phil. i am sure i am in the church , & i know by the scriptures that there is but one doue , one spouse , one beloued congregation , out of the which there is no saluation : this church is builded vpon the word of god. bon. you are not in the same faith , in which you were baptized . phil. i was baptized into the faith of christ , which i now hold . bon. you were twenty yeares agone of another faith. phil. i was then of no faith , a wicked liuer , neither hote nor cold . bon. doe you not think we are of a true faith ? phil. i am sure gods word throughly , with the primitiue church , and all ancient writers doe agree with this faith that i am ●ff . bon. i maruell you are so merry in prison , singing and reioycing in your naughtines , you should rather lament . phil. the mirth we make is but singing of psalmes , as s. paul willeth vs to be merry in the lord , singing together in hymnes , and psalmes , wee are in a darke comfortles place , therefore it becommeth vs to be merry , as salomon saith , least sorrowfulnes eate vp our hearts : then i was carried to the cole-house : where i with my six fellowes rouse together in the straw as cheerefully we thank god as others doe in their doune beds . the fourth examination . worcest . before he beginneth to speak , it is best for him to call to god for grace to open his heart that he may conceaue the truth . phil. then i fell vpon my knees , and said , almighty god , the giuer of wisedom , i beséech thée of thine infinit goodnes in christ , to giue me , most vile sinner , the spirit of wisedome , to speake and make answer in thy cause , to the content of the hearers , and to my better vnderstanding , if i be deceiued in any thing . boner . may my lord of vvorcester , you did not well to exhort him to prayer , for they haue a singular pride heerein : they are heerein like certaine hereticks that pliny maketh mention off : they did ●ing dayly praises to god , before the dawning of the day . phil. god make me and you such hereticks , for they were right christians , with whom the tyrants of the world were offended for their well doing . col. where can you proue that the church of rome hath erred at any time : eusebius saith , the church was established at rome by peter , and paul , and peter was bishop there . yeares . phil. i know eusebius saith so , but if you compare him with saint paul to the galathians , it will appeare manifestly to the contrarie : he liued not past fiue and thirty yeares after he was called to be an apostle : and s. paul maketh mention of his abiding aboue eighteene yeares , and i am able to proue by eusebius and others , that the church of rome hath manifestly erred , because shee agreeth not with that which the primitiue church did vse according to the gospel in their time as they write , there need no other proofe , but compare the one with the other . bon. ought we to dispute with you of our faith : iustinian in the law hath a title , de fide catholica to the contrarie . phil. that is true , but our faith must not depend vpon the ciuill law : ambrose saith , not the law , but the gospell hath gathered the church together . worcest . you are to blame , you cannot be content to be of the church , which hath euer been of that faith full of antiquitie . phil. i haue been at rome , where i saw your lordship . worcest . i am sory you haue been there , for the wickednes which you saw there peraduenture causeth you to doe as you doe . phil. i am taught otherwise by the gospell , not altogether to refuse the minister for his euill liuing , so that hee bring forth doctrine according to gods word . worcest , doe you thinke the vniuersall church may be deceiued ? phil. saint paul prophesieth that there shall be an vniuersall falling away from the faith in the later times . col. that is not ment of faith but of th' empire , the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so signifieth . phil. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly a departing from the faith , and thereof commeth apostata , which signifieth one that departeth from the faith. worcest . i am sory you should be against the christian world . phil. the world commonly and such as be called christians ( for the multitude ) hated the truth and be enemies vnto the same . worcest . doe you thinke the vniuersall church hath erred , and you onely to be of the truth . phil. the church that you bee of was neuer vniuersall : for two parts of the world , asia , and africa , neuer consented to the supremacie of the bishop of rome , not to this day , neither follow his decrees . glo. yes in florentines councell they did agree . phil. it was so said by false report , after they were gone home , it was not so indeed , as the sequell of them all hitherto doth proue the contrary . glo. by whom will you bee iudged in matters of controuersie , which happen dayly . phil. by the word of god : for christ saith in s. iohn , the word that hee spoke shall be iudge in the latter day . glo. what if you take the word one way , and i another way , who shall bee iudge . phil. the doctors of the primitiue church . glo. what if you take the doctors in one sence , and i in another . phil. then let that be taken which most agreeth to gods word . worcest . it is wonder how he standeth with a few against a great number . phil. we haue almost as many as you : we haue asia , africa , germany , denmarke , and a great part of france , & dayly the number of the gospel doth increase , and a multitude doth dayly come out of france through persecution , that the cities of germany are scarce able to receiue them : therefore your lordship may be sure the word of god will one day take place , doe what you can to the contrarie . the fift examination . couen . doe you not beléeue your créed , i beléeue in the catholick church . phil. yes , but i cannot vnderstand rome to be the same , nor the like to it . s. asse . s. peter builded the catholick church at rome : and christ saith thou art peter , and vpon this rock i will build my church , and the succession of bishops can be proued in rome from time to time , as it can be of no other place so well , which is a manifest proofe of the catholick church , as diuers doctors do● write . phil. you cannot proue the rock , that christ would build his church on , to bee rome ; and though you can proue the succession of bishops , it is not sufficient to proue rome the catholick church , vnlesse you can proue the succession of peters faith ? where vpon the catholick church is builded to continue in his successors at rome : and at this present to remaine there . couen . what meaneth this word catholick ? phil. the catholick faith or catholick church is not that which is most vniuersall or of men receiued , wherby you d●e infer your faith to hang vpon the multitude , which is not so : we iudge ( saith s. augustine ) the catholick faith , of that which hath been , is , and shall be : so that if you can proue your catholick church and faith , hath been taught from the beginning , and is , and shall be , then may you count your selues catholicks , otherwise not : catholick in gréeke is compounded of ● which signifieth according and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a summe , or principle , or whole , so that catholick church or faith , is as much to say as the first , hole , sound , & chéefest faith . boner . doe you thinke the catholick church hath erred , vntill within these few yeares some haue swarued from the same . phil. i doe not thinke the catholick church hath erred : but i require you to proue the church of rome the catholick church . curtop . ireneus , who was within a hundred yeares after christ , came to victor bishop of rome , to aske his aduice about excommunication of certaine hereticks , which he would not haue done if hee had not taken him to bee supreme head , and couentry bad him marke this argument . phil. this fact of ireneus proueth no more for the supremacie then mine hath done , for i haue béen at rome as well as he , and could haue spoken with the pope and if i would : yet would there were none in england fauoured his supremacie more then i : and it is not like that ireneus , or the primatiue church so take him , for i can shew . generall councels after ireneus time : wherin he was neuer so taken in many hundred y●eres after christ : these be the councels ; the nicentine , ephesine , the first , & second : calcedone , constantinopolitane , carthagenense , auilence . couen . wherefore will you not admit the church of rome to be the catholick church . phil. because it followeth not , nor agréeth with the primitiue church , no more then an apple is like a nut : it were too long to name all the disagréements : i will name but two : the supremacie , and transubstantiation . curtop . although transubstantiation were decréed for an article of the faith , not aboue . yeares , yet it was alwaies beléeued . boner said , that was well said . phil. it is true , it was but lately planted by the bishop of rome , and you cannot shew any ancient writer that the primitiue church did beleeue any such thing , with that master curtop shrunke away . couen . can you disproue the church of rome , not to be the catholick church . phil. yes that i can , but i desire rather to heare you proue it : first it doth not agree with the primitiue church , neither in doctrine , nor in the vse of sacraments : and as you describe catholick to be vniuersall ; the church of rome was neuer vniuersall : for the world being diuided into three parts : asia , africa , europe : two parts asia , and africa , professing christ as well as wee , did neuer consent to the church of rome , and the most part of europe doth not agrée nor allow the church of rome : as germany , denmarke , the kingdome of pole , a great part of france , england , and zeland , which is a manifest probation that your church is not vniuerfall , doctor sauer . i am sory to sée you commune with so many learned men , and are no more conformable vnto them then you be . phil. i will be conformable vnto them that be conformable to christ & his word : i pray ( master doctor ) be not so conformable to please men more then god , contrarie to your learning for worldly estimation , you are led away from the truth for promotion sake as many doctors be now adaies . sauer . saint cyprian , ( an ancient writer ) doth allow the bishop of rome to be supreme head of the church . phil. i am sure he doth not , for he writing to cornelius bishop of rome , called him his companion and fellow bishop , and calleth him not pope nor any other vsurped termes , which are now ascribed vnto the bishop of rome . then they brought forth cyprian , and turned vnto the third epistle , where hee saith it goeth not well with the church , when the high priest is not obayed , which supplieth the steed of christ , after gods word , and the consent of the bishops , and the agreement of the people . sauer . how can you auoid this place which maketh so plaine for the bishop of rome his supremacie . phil. it maketh not so plaine : first heare you may see that he calleth cornelius his fellow bishop , as he doth also in other places , you do misconstrue that same to make the high priest onely for the bishop of rome , and otherwise then it was in his time : for there were by the nicen● councell foure patriaches appointed : the patriarke of ierusalem , and the patriarke of constantinople : the patriarke of alexandria , and the patriarke of rome : of which foure the patriarch of rome was lowest placed in the councell , and so continued many yeares for the time of seuen or eight generall conncels : therefore cyprian writeth vnto cornelius , patriarck of rome , because certaine hereticks , as the n●uatians which were excommunicated by him , went from his dioces ▪ to the patriarcks of rome , or of constantinople , and there were receiued in the communion of there congregation in derogation of good discipline , and maintaining of schismes : in that obedience is not giuen vnto the priest of god , being in christs steede , not meaning the patriarck of rome onely , but euery patriarck in his precinet , who had euery one of them a cathedrall church of learned priests , in hearing of whom by a conuocation of all his fellow bishops , with the consent of the people , all heresies were determined by the word of god , and this is the meaning of cyprian . sauer . i wonder you will stand so stedfast in your errour to your owne destruction . phil. i am sure we are in no errour , by the promise of christ to the faithfull , that he will giue them such a spirit of wisedome , that the aduersaries therof should be neuer able to resist , and by this wee know wee are of the truth , because neither by reasoning nor writing your synagogue of rome is able to answere one of the learned ministers of germany , who hath disclosed your counterset religion , which of all you is able to answere caluins institutions : then doctor story came in , to whom i said you haue done me great iniury , without law you haue imprisoned me more like a dog then a man , and you promised mee i should be iudged the next day after . story . i am come now to kéep my promise with you , was there euer such a fantasticall man as he is ; may he is no man but a beast : yea these hereticks bee worse then beasts , for they will take vpon them to be wiser then all men ; being very asseheads , not able to maintaine that which they stand in . phil. i am content to abide your rayling iudgement , god forgiue you : yet i am no heretick , neither you nor any other can proue that i hold any iot against the word of god. story . the word of god : whom wilt thou appoint to be a iudge of the word ? phil. the word it selfe . story . doe you not sée the ignorance of this beastly heretick , hee willeth the word to be iudge of the word , can the word speake . phil. christ saith in s. iohn , the word which i haue spoken , shall iudge in the last day : therefore much more it ought to iudge our doing now , and i am sure i haue my iudge on my side , which shall absolue and iustifie me in another world , howsoeuer you iudge me and other vnrighteously , sure i am in another world to iudge you . story . what , you purpose to be a stinking martyr , and to sit in iudgment with christ at the last day , to iudge the twelue tribes of israell . phil. yea , i doubt not thereof , i haue the promise of christ if i die for righteousnesse sake , which you haue begun to persecute in me . story . when the iudge in westminster hall giueth sentence , doth the word giue sentence , or the iudge , tell me . phil. ciuill men haue authority by the word of god , to be iudges of ciuill matters : but the word of god is not subiect to mans iudgement , but ought to iudge al the wisedome , thoughts , and doings of men ; therefore your comparison disproueth nothing which i haue said , nor answereth thereto . story . wilt thou not allow the interpretation of the church vpon the scripture . phil. yes , if it be according vnto the word of the true church . story . and not wee in possession of the church , and haue not our fore-fathers this many hundred yeares , taken this church for the catholike church , and if we had no other proofe , this were sufficient , for presumption of time , maketh a good title in law. phil. you doe well to alleadge prescription , for it is all that you haue to shew for your selues , but you must vnderstand , that presciption hath no place in matters appertaining vnto god , as i can shew you by the testimonie of many doctors . story . well sirs , you are like to go after your fathers , latimer and ridley , who had nothing to alledge for himselfe , but that he had learned his heresie of cranmer , where i came vnto him with a poore bacheler of art , & he trembled as though he had had the palsie , as these hereticks haue alwaies some token of feare , whereby a man may know them , as you may sée this mans eies to tremble in his head , but i dispatched them : and i tell thée , that there hath yet béen neuer a one burned , but i haue spoken with him , and béene a cause of his dispatch . phil. you haue the more to answer for , you shall féele it in another world , howsoeuer you do now triumph thereof . story . i will neuer be confessed thereof , i cannot tarry to speake with my lord , i pray one of you tell my lord , my comming is to signifie vnto him , that hee must put of hand rid this hereticke out of the way , and going he said vnto me ; i tel thée thou must thank no other man but me for this . phil. i thanke you with all my heart , and god forgiue you . story . what dost thou thanke me , if i had thée in my study halfe an houre , i thinke i should make you sing another song . phil. no , i stand vpon to sure a ground to be ouerthrowne by you now . the ninth examination . harps . my lord hath sent you s. augustine to looke vpon , i will read you an epistle where you may heare the celebration of the masse . phil. héere is nothing that maketh for the proofe of the masse : saint augustine meaneth of the celebration of the communion , and the true vse of the sacrament of the body and blood of christ , and not of your priuate masse , which you lately haue erected in the stead thereof , for this word ( masse ) hath bin an old terme attributed to the communion , euen from the primitiue church . i pray you tell me what missa doth signifie , i thinke many that say masse cannot tell , but then cousins and the masse-priests were dumbe . harps . you think it commeth of the hebrew word massah , as though none were séene in the hebrew but you . phil. i take the communion to be called missa , a mittendo , of such things as were sent by the rich to the reléefe of the poore , alwaies when the communion was celebrated : for this cause was it called missa , as learned men do witnes , at the which celebration of the masse , all that were present did communicate vnder both kinds , according to christs institution , as they did in s. augustines time : so being you cannot proue the masse vsed at that time as you now vse it , you can neuer proue it a sacrament by the name of the masse , which name was giuen to the communion . harps . what do you deny the masse to be a sacrament , it is a sacrifice which is more then a sacrament . phil. you can neuer make it a sacrifice , but first you must make it a sacrament , for of the sacrament you deduce your sacrifice . harps . doth not christ say , this is my body , and doth not the priest pronounce the same . phil. the pronuntiation of the words is not enough , except they be applied vnto the vse that christ appointed them : for though you speake the words of baptisme ouer the water , yet if there be none baptized , it is no baptisme . harps . that this is not like , for this is my body is an indicatiue proposition , shewing the worke of god in the substance of bread and wine . phil. it is not only an indicatiue proposition , but an imparatiue , or commaunding ; for he that said , this is my body , said also , take ye , eate ye ; and except it bée taken and eaten , the words ( this is my body ) can haue no verification . masse chapl. will you make the sacrament to stand in the receiuing , and that the receiuing maketh it a sacrament . phil. i say the common receiuing must néeds be concurrant with the true sacrament , without which it cannot be a sacrament , because christ hath made this a principle part of the sacrament , take ye , eat ye ; which you do not in your masse , wherefore it can be no sacrament , because it wanteth christs institution . cosins . wee forbid none to come to it , but as many as list may be partakers thereof with vs at masse , if they require it . phil. nay , you will minister but one kind vnto them , which is not after christs institution , & ye ought to exhort them that be present , to make a sacrifice of thanksgiuing for christs passion , and to bee partakers with you , and by preaching shew the lords death , which you do not . masse-priest . if the sacrament of the masse be no sacrament , vnlesse all doe receiue it , because christ saith , take ye , eate ye , then the sacrament of baptisme is no sacrament , where there is but one baptized , because christ said to his apostles , go preach the gospell to all creatures , baptizing all nations . phil. baptizing all nations , is meant of all sorts of nations , and to exclude none that beléeue , whether iew or gentile , not meaning all at once , for that were impossible ▪ and christ alone was baptized of iohn , and the eunuch baptized phillip , with many moe such like , but you haue no such example of the body and blood of christ : but s. paul commendeth to vs , to vse it in a communion and participation of many together , in the sixt to the corinthians , as oft as you come together to eate the lords supper , tarry one for another . and the minister speaketh to all in christs behalfe , to communicate with him , saying : take ye , eat ye , therfore all that be present & do not communicate , break gods commandements , & he is no iust minister that doth not distibute the sacrament as christ did , to al that are present , where gods word is transgressed , christ is not present , and therefore no sacrament . harps . will you haue it no sacrament except it be a communion . phil. gods words teacheth so : chrysostome vpon the epistle to the ephesians , saith , the oblation is in vaine where none doth communicate with the priest , therefore your masse , where none eateth thereof but the priest alone , is a vaine oblation , and a vaine standing at the altar . i pray tell me what the pronoune this , in the words , this is my body , doth demonstrate . harps . it doth demonstrate the substance of bread , which by the omnipotency of god , and the words of the priest , is turned into the substance of christs body . phil. why , then christs body receiueth daily a great increase of many . pieces of bread into his body , & his body is become that which it was not before : so you would make an alteration in christs glorified body , which is a wicked thing to do . harps . the substance of bread after the words spoken by the priest , is vanished away by the omnipotency of god. phil. this is another song , heere you may sée how contrary you are vnto your selues : your schoolemen hold , that the very substance of bread is really turned into the substance of christs body , and now of late you perceiue the inconuenience of that opinion : you imagine a new shift , and say the substance of bread is euacuated , contrary to that your church hath beléeued and taught , and all is to deface the sincere truth . harps . is not god omnipotent , and can he not doe as he hath said ? phil. but his omnipotency will not do contrary to his word and honour , it is not gods honour to include him bodily in a péece of bread , and of necessity tye him therto : and for to make a péece of bread god and man , which you sée before your face , doth putrifie after a time , god is as able to giue his body with the sacramentall bread , and it is contrary to the scripture , which calleth it bread many times after consecration , you take away the substantiall parts of the sacrament ; as take ye , eat ye , drinke ye all of this , doe this in remembrance of me : and place in their stéeds , heare ye , gase ye , knock ye , worship yee , offer ye , sacrifice ye , for the quick and the dead : is not this blasphemy to god and his sacraments , and contrary to the mind of all ancient writers , and contrary to the example of christ and his apostles ; and this is the substance of all his examinations and arguments . hee did often tell them they were blind guides of the blind , and as i am bound to tell you , you are very hypocrites , tyrannous●y persecuting the truth : your owne doctors and euidences you bring , be directly against you ; you must beare with me s●●ing i speake in christs cause , and because his glory is defaced , and his people cruelly and wrongfully slaine by you , because they will not consent to the dishonour of god , and to hypocrisie with you , if i told you not your fault , it should be required at my hands in the day of iudgement ; therefore know you ( ye hypocrites ) that it is the spirit of god that telleth you your sin : i passe not i thanke god of all your crueltie , god giue you grace to repent . being brought to new-gate after he was condemned , when alexander the kéeper came in ; ah said alexander , hast thou not done well to bring thy selfe hither : maister philpot said , i must be content , it is gods appointment , and i shall desire you to haue your gentle fauour , for you and i haue béene of old acquaintance : well said alexander , if you will recant i will shew you any pleasure that i can● nay said maister philpot , i will neuer recant that which i haue spoken , for it is most certaine truth , in witnesse whereof i will seale it with my blood : then h●s commaunded him to be set vpon the blocke , and as many irons put vpon his legs as he might beare . then the clarke told alexander , that maister philpot had giuen his man money ; alexander said to his man , what mony hath he giuen you● and he searched him , and tooke money from him : then said maister philpot , good m. alexander be so much my friend , that these irons may be taken off , he said , giue me my fées and i will take them off , if not thou shalt weare them still ; then said he , what is your fées ? he said foure pounds , ah said maister philpot , i haue not so much , if you will take twenty shillings i will send my man for it , or i will lay my gowne to gage , for the time is not long i am sure that i shall be with you : then alexander commaunded him to be had into limbo , and so he was ; then his man tooke an honest man with him , and went and shewed the sheriffe , one maister michaell , how maister philpot was handled in newgate , then the sheriffe tooke his ring from his finger , and deliuered it vnto the honest man which came with maister philpots man , and bad him commaund the kéeper , by that token , to take off his irons , and handle him more gently , and to giue his man againe that which he tooke from him : when they told their message to alexander , he saide , i perceiue maister sheriffe is a bearer with hereticks , to morrow i will shew it to his betters , yet he went to maister philpot at ten of the clocke and tooke off his irons , and gaue his man that which he tooke from him . he gaue god thanks when newes came he should be burned the next day : when the sheriffe called him to go● to execution , he came downe most ioyfullie ; when he came to smithfield the way was soule , so two of the officers tooke him vp and carried him vnto the stake : then he said merrily , what will you make me a pope , then he kissed the stake and said , shall i disdain to suffer at this stake , séeing my redéemer suffered vile death vpon the crosse for me , in the midst of the flames hee yéelded vp his soule vnto almighty god , and like a lamb gaue vp his breath . thomas whittle priest , bartelet greene gentleman , iohn tudson and thomas went artificers , thomas browne , isabell foster wife , ioane warren , alias lashford , maid . the papists hauing this last years , murdred the learned and princi●all members of christs church , whereof there were now very few , which either were not consumed with fire , or compelled to flie their countrey , they continued this yeare likewise no lesse cruelty towards the inferior sort of people ; whereof these seuen were burned in smithfield the . day of ianuary at one fire , and they were condemned all in one day vpon one manner of articles : the speciall points were for denying the sacrament of the altar , and the masse . this thomas whittle was the priest that philpot maketh mention of , where you may sée how he recanted , and then became desperate , and could not be at quiet in conscience , vntill he had gotten to sée the bill againe which he had subscribed and torne off his name ; wherefore boner buffeted him , and plucked off a peece of his beard , but after he had torne it he was in great peace of conscience , and stood out manfully for the faith , and sealed to the truth with his martyrdome . in an epistle of his , he calleth the bishops and priests the sworne souldiours of sathan , the arch-enemies in whom so liuely appeare the very visage and shape of sathan , that a man may well affirme them to be diuels incarnate , as i by experience do speak ; wherefore who so shall for conscience matterscome into their hands , had neede of the wilinesse of the serpen●●e saue his head , and to take heed how hee , consenteth to their wicked writings : sore did they assault me , and craftily tempt mee to their wicked wayes . bartlet greene was borne in the parish of bassinghall in london , being a student in oxford at the first he was an vtter enemy to the truth , vntill god of his mercy opened his eyes by comming vnto the lectures of peter martire , reader of the uniuersity lecture in the said uniuersity , wherof when he had once tasted , it came vnto him as the fountaine of liuing water , so that he neuer thirsted any more , but had a well springing vnto eternall life ; and though he were called by his friends from the uniuersity vnto the temple in london , to study the common lawes , yet bee continued in his earnest study and profession of the gospell . he writing a letter vnto one goodman , who was fledde beyond the sea for religion , containing a report of certaine articles of questions which were cast abroad in london , and an answere to a letter that goodman wrote vnto him , in which he required to haue the certainty whether the quéene were dead , as it was reported beyond-sea . whereupon greene answered , that she was not dead . the bearer of this letter , and many other letters from others , was apprehended by the way , and the letters brought to the councell . these words , the queene is not yet dead , seemed heynous to some of the councell : yea , they would haue made treason of them if they could by law ; but when they could not make it treason , they examined him vpon poynts of religion ; and after they had long detained him in prison , as well in the lower , as elsewhere , they sent him at last to bonner , to be dealt withall according to the ecclesiasticall lawes : and being presented to bonner , his arch-deacon and diuers others sitting at the table with him , who demanded of him the cause of his imprisoning ; which when he had shewed him , he asked him if he had not since written , or spoken against the naturall presence in the sacrament . then he desired to be charged according to the order of the law to heare his accusers . then doctor chadsey was sent for , who reported that before him , m. mosly , and the lieuetenant of the tower , hee spake against the reall presence , and the sacrifice of the masse , and affirmed our church to be the church of antichrist , which he confessed , and said he would continue therein , and maintaine it . then m. wel●h arose , and desired to talke with mee alone : and hauing taken mee into another chamber , he said he was sorry for my troubles , and would be glad to see me at liberty : and he maruailed that i , being a yong man , should stand against all the learned men of the realme , against the determination of the catholique church from christs time . i promise you , quoth he , i haue read all peter martyrs , and cranmers , and all the rest of their bookes , and haue conferred them with the contrary , as roffensis , and the bishop of winchester , and the rest , and could not perceiue but that there was one continuall truth , which from the beginning had beene maintained ; and those that any time seuered from this vnity , were answered and answered againe . this was the summe of his talke , which lacked neither wit nor eloquence . i answered , i am yong , and lacke both wit and learning , but god is not bound to time , wit , or knowledge ; but rather chuseth the weake things of the world to confound the strong : neither can men appoint bounds to gods mercy : for he saith , i will haue compassion on whom i will : hee hath no respect of persons , whether old or yong , rich or poore , wise or foolish , fisher or basket-maker , god giueth knowledge of his truth through his free grace , to whom he listeth , iames. . and i beleeue christ hath his vniuersall church , his spouse , scattered through many realmes , where hee list : the spirit inspireth where it will , he is no more adicted to any one place , then to the person and quality of any one man of this church . i know i am a member trusting to bee saued by the faith that is taught therein : but how this church is knowne , is the end of all controuersies ; the true markes of this church , is the true preaching of his word , & ministring of his sacraments : these markes were sealed by the apostles , and confirmed by the ancient fathers , vntill the wickednesse of men and the diuell , these markes were sore worne , and almost taken away , but god hath ●enued the print , that his church may bee knowne in many places : i would all that were of contrary opinion , would seeke the knowledge of the truth with prayer and teares , as i haue done . now i am brought before a many of bishops , and learned men to be made a foole and laughing stocke ; but i weigh it not a rush . for god knoweth that my whole study is to please him , and i care not for mans pleasure or displeasure . then we fell againe in long talke of the church , wherin his learning and wit was much more then mine ▪ and being diuerse times examined by the bishop and others , standing stiffe in his opinion , and neither by flattery nor fear , could be wonne from the truth , hee was condemned , and burned , as before . hee beeing in prison in new-gate , hauing perswaded many of the common goale to repentance and faith ; hee , the day before he was executed , wrote to diuers gentlemen of the innes of court , of his acquaintance in commendation of the true spirituall loue of gods children , how that it is the chiefe fruite of the spirit , where it is the onely line that tieth christs members to him , and one to another : and that neither prison , nor distance of place , nor time , can breake this loue , nor death it selfe : for faith and hope haue finished their course when we are come to heauen ; but our loue to gods children doth remaine there they in heauen loue vs , & pray for vs ; and we loue them . now for this loue sake he chargeth ye said gentlemen his acquaintance , by all menes to séek the deliuerance of these prisoners that he had conuerted , & to helpe them with necessaries . thomas browne was borne in the parish of histon , in the diocesse of ely , and after dwelt in the parish of s. brides in fléetstréet , & was brought to bonner by the constable , and was condemned , as before . iohn tudson was borne in ipswich , in the county of suffolke , and after hee was prentice at london in the parish of s. buttolph , and was sent by story to bonner , and was condemned as before . iohn went , borne at langham in essex , a shere-man ; he was likewise sent by story to bonner , and condemned , as before . isabell foster was wife to one iohn foster , a cutler , of the parish of s. brides in fléetstréet , she was sent to bonner for not comming to church , and condemned , as aforesaid . ioane lashford , alias warne : there is mention before of elizabeth warne , with iohn warne her husband , were apprehended at a communion in bow-church-yard , and both were burned for the same : and now the daughter followed the parents in the same martyrdome . doctor story procured their death , and after their deaths he was charged with forty pounds that he owed them : she confessed and protested there was no reall presence of christs body and blood in ● sacrament of the ▪ altar , and that auricular confession and absolution , after the popish sort , was not necessary , nor the masse good , or according to the scriptures , and saith , that these & all other supertiuous sacraments , ceremonies , and diuine seruice now vsed in this realme of england , was most vile , & contrary to christs words and institutions , so that they neither were at the beginning , nor shall be at the latter end . the bishop exhorting her to returne to the holy mother church , she said boldly to him againe : if you will leaue your abhomination , so i will returne , and otherwise i will not . these seuen were all burned together in one fire as aforesaid . iohn lomas , anne albright , ioane catmer , agnes snoth , ioane sole . iohn lomas of the parish of tenderden in kent , was cited to appeare at canterbury , being examined vpon diuers articles , he answered still that he beléeued as it was contained in gods booke ; and being examined whether hee beléeued the body of christ to be in the sacrament of the altar really vnder y ● formes of bread and wine after consecration : hee answered that hee beléeued no realty of christs body in the sacrament , neither vnder foorme nor trestle : wherefore he was condemned the day of ianuary . agnes snoth , maid , of the parish of smarden in kent , was likewise examined before the pharisaical iudges ; and for denying auricular confession , and for saying none could receiue y ● sacrament of the altar , as now it is vsed , without danger of damnation ; and for denying penance to be a sacrament , & for saying the popish absolution was not cōsonant to gods word , she was likewise condemned , anne albright , alias champnes , being examined , denied to bee confessed of a priest , saying , you priests are the children of perdition , and can doe no good by your confession ; and told the iudge and his assistants , that they were subuerters of christs truth ; and she said , the sacrament of the altar was a naughty and a●ominable idoll , wherefore she was likewise condemned . ioane sole of horton in kent , was condemned of the same pharises & priests for not allowing auricular confession , and for denying the reall presence in the sacrament . ioane cormer of the parish of hithe in kent , the fifth and last of these heauenly martyrs , shee denyed auricular confession ; she said , the sacrament of the altar was now made a very idoll , shee was likewise coudemned : these fiue were bu●ned at two stakes in one fire together at canterbury the . of ianuary . thomas cranmer archbishop of cauterbury . he was borne in nottingham shire , his fathers name was thomas cranmer his ancesters were worthy esquires , his mother was a gentle woman named agnes h●tfield , he was of cambridge in the time when good authors were neglected , and filthy barbarousnesse embraced in all schooles and vniuersities , onely the names and number of liberall arts did remaine , the arts themselues were cleane lost . logicke was gone into sophisticall trifles , phylosophy both morrall and naturall was miserably defaced with infinite questions and subtilties : the vse of tongues and eloquent learning , was either small or none at all : and diuinitie was so laden with articles and definitions , that it serued rather for the gaine of a few , then for the edification of many . so hée was constrained to spend a part of his youth vntill he was twentie yeares old , in the péeuish questions of duns and other masters of that sort , at length the tongs and other learning began a little to spring , and the books of erasmus began to be much estéemed , with a number of good authours besides , on which cranmer rubbed away his olde ruf●inesse as vppon a whetstone , then luther rose , the happy day of gods knowledge , who wakened mens minds to the cléere light of the truth . at thirtie yeares olde he gaue his mind wholly to discusse matters of religion on both parts , and hauing performed the same , he spent thrée yeares in the study of the scriptures , then he read the old writers , despising not the new , weighing all mens opinions with secret iudgment , he neu●r read any writers booke without pen and ink● , in all controuersies hee gathered euery authors sentence briefly : at . yeares olde hee procéeded doctor of diuinitie , he was chosen one of the that should decide y ● matter of kings henries diuorce , and by his arguments , learning , and meanes it was brought to passe , then he was sent to paris with diuers noble men and bishops , where he behaued himselfe in that case , that he was commended by the ambassadors to the king for his singular wisedome , grauitie , and learning , that he wonne such great credit that he was alone sent ambassador to the emperour to debate this businesse , but the emperour refused to determine the matter , but remitted the whole question to the popes court : after he was sent to rome ambassadour to the pope , where he behaued himselfe with ●o lesse diligence , that he compelled the popes chiefe diuines by arguments to grant the mariage to be against the law , but yet by the dispensation of the pope it might be made lawfull . warram archbishop of canterbury dying , he was sent for by king henrie and made archbishop of canterbury , then came in the question of the popes supremacy , and all the weight of the businesse was chiefly laid vpon cranmers shoulders ; he therefore alone receiued , answered , and confuted all the obiections of the papists , he proued that the popes lordship was not brought in by any authoritie of scriptures , but by ambitious tyranny , and that the chiefest power on earth , belonged to the emperor , to kings and potentates , to whom the pope , cardinals , bishops , priests , by gods commandement were no lesse subiect then other men , and therefore it were best by the consent of the king , and other estates , the ambitious lordship of the pope , being driuen out of england , should keepe it selfe within his owne italy , as a riuer is kept within his bankes , which was performed by act of parliament , then by little and little he reformed the church into a more wholesome discipline of christ , and laboured to banish the popes errours , heresies , and corruptions , and he obtained of the king , that certaine learned men should make a booke of ecclesiasticall institutions , which was called the bishops booke : then the abolishing of monasteries began to be talked of , the kings desire was , that all the abbey lands should come vnto his coffers , the archbishop and others would haue them imployed to other good vses , whereby the king being bent against cranmer , especially by the instigation of gardiner bishop of winchester , which sought all occasions to hinder the gospel , he set forth the . articles by full consent of parliament , which contained the summe of popish religion . what slaughter by the space of . yeares these articles made , is already declared : but after , he forgoing his anger with the archbishop : séeing he stood against him , in conscience , not in stubburnesse , he began to fauour him , and thought to haue taken away the . articles , and reformed other matters if he had liued ; but cranmer and the lord protector brought it to passe in king edwards dayes : his story how he was vsed in quéene maries reign is mentioned before , and his disputations at oxeford , and how he was condemned there and left in prison vntill this time . and because the sentence was voyde in law , because it was giuen by persons excommunicated , ( for they were not then absolued by the pope nor his authoritie receiued in the realme ) therefore there was a new commission sent from the pope for the conuiction of cranmer , latimer , and ridley , and the bishop of glocester was appointed the popes delegate , and after they had condemned latimer and ridley , as before is said . the said legate and his company being set in saint maries church apparelled in his pontificalibus as if the pope in person had bene there : the bishop of canterbury was brought before them , putting off his cappe he did obeysance to the king and quéenes proctors , then looking in the legats face , he put on his bonnet againe , making no obedience toward him , wherefore the bishop sayd vnto him , that it might beséeme him well , waying the authoritie which he did represent , to doe his duety to him : he answered , hee had sworne neuer to admit the pope into this realme , and therefore he would commit nothing by signe or token which might argue his consent to the re●eiuing of him , and that he did it not to any contempt of his person . then the legate made an eloquent oration , to put him in remembrance , that from a meane gentleman he was raised to bee a princes ambassadour , and further to be archbishop and primate of the realmealmost , yeares , and s● farre in trust with the king , that he made him president of his councel , and after left him in speciall trust for the gouernement of the young prince during his minoritie , such blessing god had giuen him whilest he continued in the catholicke faith . he exhorted , him on the other side , to consider how he was now fallen from his dignities and officices , and in high displeasure of the king and quéene , iudged to die for high treason ; and all these things to haue happened vnto him , only because he had seuered himself from the sea of rome , and was become a father of new deuised religion , and although your estate is so miserable , that the meanest in this assembly will not change his condition and calling with you : yet further he was like to fall by the iust iudgement of god into hell and euerlasting damnation , if he did not repent of his errours and schismes , whilest he had time of repentance , whereunto he exhorted him earnestly , repeating many places of christs mercies to them that repent , and shewed that to returne to the church was the o●ely way to saue both body and soule , and i doubt not but the king and quéene will perdon your condemnation of treason if you will returne vnto the church and forsake your opinions , which i desire you to do . then cranmer desired license to speake , which was gently granted him : first he made protestation that hee did not answere to him as to a lawfull iudge ; because he was deputed for the pope , but to giue a reason of his faith , which god hath commanded him to doe to euery one that shall demand a reason thereof . then he said , my lord you haue learnedly put me in remembrance of many things touching my selfe , which i will not answere : i acknowledge gods goodnesse vnto me , and thanke him as heartily for this estate that now i am in , as euer i did for the time of my prosperity , shewing that his greatest griefe was , to sée the popes iurisdiction restored to england againe : alas ! what hath the pope to do in england , whose lawes are so farre different from the lawes of this realme , that whosoeuer sweareth to both , must néedes incurre periury in the one ? and i am heartily sorry to thinke that her grace , the day before her coronation , tooke an oath to obserue the lawes of this realme ; and also tooke an oath to the bishop of rome , promising to maintaine that sea , which was impossible but shee must néeds be forsworne in the one . and as for the matter of heresie , wherewith you charge mee , i call god to witnesse i know none which i maintaine : but if it be heresie to deny the popes authority , and the religion which the sea of rome hath published vnto the world these latter yeares , then all the ancient fathers of the primitiue church , the apostles , and christ himselfe , taught heresie : and hee desired all them present to beare him witnesse , that he tooke the traditions and religion of the pope to bée most erronious , false , and against the doctrine of holy scriptures , which hee had often proued by preaching and writing ; and the pope to bee very antichrist , so often preached by the apostles and prophets , in whom most euidently doth concurre all the signes and tokens whereby hee was painted vnto the world to bee knowne by : for hee aduanceth himselfe aboue all emperours and kings of the world , whom he affirmeth to hold of him , and to be at his commandement : and the stories make mention of his intollerable pride and tyranny vsed to them , as no king would haue done to his subiects , nor a good maister to his seruants , setting his féet vpon emperours necks , and making others to hold his stirrops , and remoued others from their empires ; & hath not onely occupied the highest places in the world aboue kings , but hath presumed to fit in the seat of almighty god , which is the conscience of man , & to kéepe the possession thereof , he hath promised forgiuenesse of sins , he hath brought in gods of his own framing , and inuented a new religion full of lucre , quite contrary to the scriptures , only for maintaining of his kingdome , displacing christ from his glory , & holding his people in miserable seruitude of blindnesse , to the losse of a number of soules which god at the latter day shall exact at his hands ; boasting in his canons & decrées , that he can dispense against peter , paul , the old testament , & new : & that in his fulnesse of power he can do as much as god. if any man can be aduanced aboue him , let him be iudged antichrist . this enemy of god and our redemption is so euidently painted out in the scriptuers , with such manifest tokens which all sée clearely appeare in him , that except a man will shut his eyes and heart against the light , hee cannot but know him ; therefore i will neuer giue my consent to the receiuing of him into the church of england : and my lord sand you that be here , examine your own consciences , you are sworne against him , you are learned and can iudge the truth , i pray god you be not wilfully blind , i haue discharged my conscience to the world & i will write my mind to her grace , which letter you may sée in the book at large . storie and martine diuers times interrupted him , saying , he spake blasphemy , and would faine haue the bishop put him to silence , who notwithstanding suffered him to end his spéech . then they charged him that he was sworne vnto the pope when he was made archbishop ; but he denied it , and said : it appeareth that he did not , by the record of the countrey , which one of them confessed . many maruelled that in so perilous a time he had so sincerely proceeded , choosing rather to venture the losse of his life , and all his glorious pompe , then to do any thing that might spill his conscience . then they obiected , that he was married ; which he confessed : doctor martine said , his children were bond-men to the sea of canterbury . at which he smiled , saying : if a benificed priest had a concubine , and had bastards by her , they are not bond-men to the benifice , i trust you wil make my childrens cause no worse . then d. martine demanded of him who was the supreme head of the church ; he said , christ : martine said , you made k. henry supreme head of the church . he said , of the people of england , ecclesiasticall & temporal , and not of the church : for christ is the onely head of the church , and of the faith and religion of the same . the articles of religion , touching the sacrament , denying transubstantiation , the sacrifice of the masse , and the reall presence , he affirmed as he taught in his booke . then they cited him to appeare , daies after at rome , and then sent him to prison ; where thou maist sée their visored face of iustice , as though the court of rome would condemne no man before hee answered for himselfe : but the same time the pope sent letters executory vnto the king and queene to disgrade and depriue him , which was done before twenty dayes were done : and though he were kept in prison , at the end of the dayes hee was decreed contumax , and thereupon condemned . upon s. valentines day next after , the archbishop was disgraded , and condemned by bonner , & thurlby bishop of ely , who sometimes was cranmers chaplaine , and preferred by him : at which time bonner , which a long time had borne great malice towards him , and reioyced greatly see this day wherein he might triumph ouer him at his pleasure , made an oration to the people in this sort : this is the man who hath euer despised the popes holinesse , and now is to be iudged by him : this is the man that hath pulled downe so many churches , and now is come to be iudged in a church : this is the man that contemned y ● blessed sacrament of the altar , and now is come to be condemned before the said sacrament , hanging ouer the altar : this is the man , that like lucifer , sate in the place of christ , vpon an altar , to iudge others , and now is come before the altar to bee iudged himselfe . thus he continued halfe an houre heaping vp a number of lies together , beginning euery one with , this is the man , so lothsomly , that he made euery man weary . when they had disgraded him , they stript him of his gowne , & put vpon him a poore yeoman bedles gowne thrid-bare , and as ill-fauouredly made as could be , and a townsmans cap vpon his head , and so deliuered him to the secular power : in this filthie gowne he was carried vnto prison . the queene & bishops hauing kept the archbishop now almost three yeares in prison , seeing by no means they could preuaile with him all this while , to turn him from his religion , they suborned certaine men which should , by intreaty , and faire promises , or any other means , allure him to recantation : so the wily papists flocked about him , labouring to draw him from his former sentence to recantation , especially henry sidall , and frier iohn , a spaniard , they shewed him how acceptable it would be to the kings & queene , and how gainfull it would be both bodily & spiritually , they added that the councell & noble-men bare him good wil , promising him both his life & ancient dignity , saying the matter was but small , the setting of his hand to a few words ; but if hee refused , there was no hope of pardon : for the queene was purposed that shee would haue cranmer a catholique , or else no cranmer at all . by these and such like prouocations , they at last w●nne him to subscribe : it may bee supposed that it was for hope of life and better dayes to come : but it appeareth by a letter of his to a lawyer , that the most cause why hee desired his life to bee delayed , was , that hee might make an end of a booke against marcus antonius , a papist , which hee had begun ; but it is manifest that it was against his conscience : it pleased god that so great vertues in this man should not be without some blemish ; and that y ● falshood of the pop●sh generation by this meanes might be the more euident , and that we should haue the lesse confidence of our owne strength , presently this recantation was put in print and published , notwithstanding it was decréed that cranmer should be burned out of hand , and the quéene commanded a funerall sermon to be made for him by doctor cole ; and hauing his lesson giuen him , he went spéedily to oxford to play his part . the morning before hee should bee executed cole gaue him crownes to giue to y ● poore . the archbishop surmised whereabouts they went , after the spanish frier came vnto him with a paper of articles which cranmer should openly professe in his recantation before the people , desiring him to write his name vnto it : then he prayed him to write a copy of it , and kéepe it with him , which he did , & knowing wherunto their deuices tended , he put secretly into his bosome his prayer with his exhortation written in another paper . cranmer was brought from prison to s. maries church betwixt two friers , which mumbled certaine psalmes in the stréets as they went : when they came vnto the church they sung nunc dimittis : then they brought him to his standing , where they left him , there he stood all y ● sermon in a bare ragged gowne , & ill-fauouredly clothed with an old square cap , exposed to the contempt of all men . in this habite when he had stood a good while vpon the stage , he turned vnto a pillar , & knéeling & lifting vp his hands to heauen , he praied vnto god once or twice . after a while cole came & began his sermon , altogether to the disgrace of cranmer , shewing that he was the onely man that began this heresie & schisme from the catholique church , that he was the cause of the diuorce betwixt the quéenes father and mother : and that for these and other maine causes , the quéene and councell did thinke fit that he should be burned , although he had recanted . at the end of his sermon he brought many scriptures to comfort him , that such as die in gods faith , he will either abate y ● fury of y ● flame or else giue him strength to abide it , he glorified god much in his conuersi●n , because it appeared to be only his worke , shewing what great meanes was vsed to conuert him , but none could preuaile vntill god reclaimed him , saying ; whilst he flowed in riches & honor , he was vnworthy of death ; but lest he should carry with him no comfort , he promised , that immediatly after his death there should be dirges , masses , & funerals executed in all the churches in oxford for ●uccour of his soule . but cranmer , during the sermon , lifted vp his hands & eyes to heauen : the very shape of forrow was liuely expressed in him , more then twenty times : he shed aboundant teares from his fatherly face , but especially when he made his prayer before the people . after cole had done his sermon , he had cranmer performe his promise , to expresse your faith , that you may take away suspicion from men , that they may vnvnderstand you a catholique indéed . i wil do it said the archbishop with a good will : then he desired y ● people to pray for him , that god would forgiue him his sins : and one offence doth trouble me more then all the rest , whereof in processe of my talke you shall heare ; and after he had made a very pithy praier with y ● people , which you may sée in y ● book at large , then he said , euery man at the time of his death , desireth to giue some god exhortation vnto others : so i pray god at this my departing , i may speake somwhat whereby god may be glorified , & you edified . his first exhortation was , that we should not set our minds too much vpon this glozing world , but vpon god , & the world to come . his next exhortation was to obedience to y ● king & quéen● . his third exhortation was , that they should loue together like brothers & sisters . the fourth was , that rich men would weigh three sayings in y ● scripture : first christ saith , it is hard for a rich man to enter into y ● kingdome of heauen . secondly , s. iohn saith , he that hath this worlds goods , and shutteth his compassion vpon his needy brother , how can he say he loueth god. thirdly , saint iames biddeth them weepe and howle for the miseries that shall come vpon you , your clothes be moth-eaten , your gold and siluer cankred and rusty , and the rust shall witnesse against you , and consume you like fire : you hoord vp treasure of gods indignation against the last day . let them that be rich ponder well these thrée sentences : for if euer they had occasion to shew their charity , it is now , the poore beeing so many , and victuals so deere . now being i am come to the end of my life , whereupon hangeth my life past , and my life to come , either to liue with my maister christ for euer in ioy , or else for euer in paine with the diuell : therefore i will declare my faith vnto you without dissembling . i beleeue all the articles of the créede , and all the doctrine of christ , his apostles and prophets in the new and old testament ; and now i come vnto the great thing that so much troubled my conscience more then all that euer i did in all my life ; and that is in setting abroad a writing contrary to truth , which now i renounce , as written with my hand , contrary to my heart , for feare of death ; and that is all such billes and papers which i haue written or signed with my hand since my degradation ; and because my hand writ contrary to my heart , it shall be first burned . and as for the pope i refuse him , as christs enemy , and antichrist , with all his false doctrine . and as for the sacrament , i beléeue as i haue taught in my booke , and my booke shall stand at the last day , before the iudgement of god , when the papisticall doctrine shall be ashamed to shewe her face . it was a world to sée the doctors beguiled of so great a hope , i thinke there was neuer cruelty more notably deluded ; and when he began to speake more of the sacrament , and of the papacie , cole cried to stop the heretiques mouth : then the friers pulled him from his seate , and led him to the fire : then they cried to him ; what madnesse hath brought thee againe into this error , by which thou wilt draw innumerable soules with thee into hell . hee answered them not , but directed his talke vnto the people : but the spanish barker raged , and foamed almost out of his wits ; and he and the other spanish frier began to exhort him afresh , but all in vaine . when the fire began to burne neere him , he put his right hand into the flame , which he held so stedfastly , that it was burned before his body was touched , he abode the fire with such constancy , that he stood alwayes in one place without mouing of his members , with his eyes vpward , he off repeated his vnworthy right hand , saying , lord iesus receiue my spirit , and so gaue vp the ghost . agnes potten , and another woman . one was the wife of robert potten of ipswich in suffolke , the other the wife of michael trouchfield of the same towne shoemaker , they were burned at ipswich the . of february , for denying the sacrament of the altar : their constancy in burning was wonderfull , they earnestly exhorted the people to credit and lay hold vpon the word of god , and to dispise the institutions of the romish route , with all their superstitions and rotten religion . robert spicer , william coberley , maundrel . these three were burned at one stake in salisbury , what their confessions were , and by whom they were condemned it appeareth not . robert draks minister , william tims ioyner , richard spurge fuller , iohn cauell weauer , george ambrose fuller , and thomas spurge fuller . these sixe were burned at one fire in smithfield the foure and twentieth day of aprill : they were all of essex , and sent at diuers times by the lord rich to gardner , who sent them to prison , where they remained a yeare almost , and then they were sent to bonner , to whom they all denied the reall presence in the sacrament of the altar : after they were all sent for vnto the consistorie ; first tims was sent for , and exhorted to conformity : he answered , we haue béene brought hither this day for gods word , which we haue beene taught by the apostolike preachers in king edwards time , whom you haue murthered because they preached the truth , and they haue sealed their doctrine with their bloud , whom i will follow . then bonner perswaded them not to stand to the litterall sense of the scriptures , but to vse the interpretation of the fathers . then tims said , what haue you to maintaine the reall presence of christ in the sacrament , but only the bare letter ? we haue ( quoth bonner ) the catholike church : no , said he , the popish church of rome , for which you be periured , and the sea of rome is the sea of antichrist , therefore to that church i will neuer consent ; i confesse christ is present with his sacraments , but with your sacrament of the altar he is neither present corporally nor spiritually , for as you vse it , it is a detestable idoll . then the bishop séeing his constant boldnes , condemned him . then robert draks was called , and being exhorted to returne to the church of rome , he said , he vtterly defied it and all the workes thereof , euen as i defie the diuell and all his workes ; then was he likewise cond●mned . then thomas spurge was demaunded if he would returne to the catholike church : and then he called the rest , and vpon the like demands he receiued the like answers : so they had all their iudgements , and deliuered vnto the sherife , and after burned , as before . iohn hullier minister . hee was bur●ed at cambridge vpon the second day of aprill for the professing of christs gospell , vnder thurlby bishop of ely and his chancellor : only a pra●er and a letter of his are recorded ; his letter is to proue the romish church antichrist , and exhorteth from dissembling with god and the world , in comming to masse . christopher lister minister , iohn mace , iohn spencer , simon ioyne , richard nicoll , and iohn hamond . these six were burned together at colchester in essex , where the most part of them did inhabite : the eight and twentieth day of aprill : bonner now waxing wearie , made a very quicke dispatch with these ; for as soone as they were deliuered by the earle of oxford and other commissioners , vnto iohn kingstone the bishops register : bonner caused them to be brought vnto his house at fulham , where , in the open church he ministred vnto them articles , to which they answered alike , as followeth : that the church of rome is the malignant church , and no part of the cathotholike church , and that they beleeue not the doctrine thereof , and that they beléeue there be no mo but two sacraments in the church of christ , to wit , baptisme and the lords supper ; that they learned the truth of their profession by the doctrine set forth in king edwards time , and therein they would continue as long as they liued ; they refused to be partakers of the sacrament of the altar , because it was vsed contrary to gods word and glorie ; they said the popes authoritie was vsurped , and that he was an oppressor of christs church and gospell , and that he ought not to haue any authoritie in england , and that they vtterly abhorred the sea of rome , for putting downe the booke of god , and setting vp the babylonicall masse , with all the rest of antichrists merchandise ; and that after consecration there remaineth in the sacrament bread and wine as well as before ; and that the reall flesh and bloud of christ is not in it ; and that the masse is not propitiatorie , neither for the quick nor for the dead , but méere idolatry and abomination . and in the afternoone , when they would not recant , they were condemned and burned , as before . margaret ellice , hugh lauerock an old lame man and iohn apprice a blind man. she was of great bursteed in essex , and was sent to bonner by sir iohn mordant knight , and edmund tyrrell esquire : she died in newgate the thirtéenth of may , being condemned to be burned before . hugh lauerocke an old lame man , and iohn apprice a blinde man ; when they were examined , answered in effect as christopher lister , iohn mace , and others before mentioned had done : after they were brought to the consistori● , and being perswaded to recant their opinions of the sacrament , hugh lauerock said , i will stand to my answere , i cannot finde in the scriptures that the priests should lift vp ouer their heads a cake of bread : then bonner asked iohn apprice what he would say ; he answered , your doctrine that you set forth is so agreeable with the world , and imbraced , of the world , that it cannot be agreeable with the scriptures ; and ye are not of the catholike church , for ye make lawes to kill men , and make the queene your executioner , whereupon they were condemned and sent to stratford the bow , and there burned , the ●ifteenth of may : at their deaths hugh lauerock comforting iohn apprice , said , be of good comfort , my brother , for my lord of london is our good physitian , he will heale thée of thy blindnes , and me of my lamenesse . katharine hutte widdow , elizabeth tharnell , and ioane hornes . in the yeare . these were burned in smithfield , & were sent to bonner , with margaret ellice and the blinde and lame man , for denying the reall presence in the sacrament of the altar , and for calling the masse an idoll . katharine hutte being required to recant , and say her minde of the sacrament , said , i denie it to be a god , because it is a dumbe god , and made with mens handes . ione hornes said , if you can make your god to shedde bloud , or to shew any condition of a liuely body , then will i beleeue you : but it is bread , and that which you call heresie , i trust to serue my lord god in . and touching the romish sea , she said , i forsake all his abominations , and from them all good lord deliuer vs : they died more ioyfully in the fire then some that burned them did in their beds . iohn harpole and ioane beach widdow . these two were burned at rochester for their constant perseuering in christs truth , about the first of aprill . a blinde boy and another suffered martyrdome at glocester : one of them was the blinde boy which came vnto bishop hooper , whom the said vertuous bishop confirmed in the lord , and the doctrine of his word , as is before mentioned , whose examinations are not come vnto our hands . thomas spicer , iohn deny , and william pole. these were bro●ght before dunnings , chancellor of norwich , and minges his register : the chancellor perswaded what he could to bring them from the truth : and being he could not preuaile he burst out in teares , intreating them to turne againe vnto the holy mother church . as he was thus labouring them , and seemed vnwilling to giue iudgement , the register said , in what doe you make such ados ? they be at that point they will be , therefore reade sentence and dispatch the knaues ; whereupon he condemned them with teares , and the next day , being the one and twentieth of may , they were burned at beckles by sir iohn silliard high sherife , without any writ from my lord chancellor . as the fire burned about them , they praised god with such an audible voyce , that it was wonderfull to all those that stood by . one robert bacon , and enemie to the truth willed the tormentors to throw on ●aggots to stop the knaues breaths , but they confessed the truth , and gaue their liues for the testimony thereof very gloriously and ioyfully . thomas spicer was a labourer dwelling at wenson in su●●olke . the persecution of the townes of vvenson and mendleson in suffolke . at the commandement of sir iohn silliard high sherife , and sir iohn tyrrill knights , these , whose names follow , were persecuted out of the said towns . from wenson alice twayts & two of her seruants , humfrey smith and his wife , william kachpoole and his wife , iohn mauling and his wife , nicholas burlingham and his wife , and one rought and his wife . from mendleson simon harlstone and katharine his wife with fiue children , william whiting and katharine his wife , thomas dobson and his wife , thomas hubbard and his wife , iohn poncon , thomas woodward the elder , one rennolds wife , and a poore widdow , and one mother semons maide , besides those that were constrained against their consciences , by the help of iohn brodish the parish priest : the points of religion that they held , for which they were persecuted , were these ; they held the word of god to be sufficient doctrine vnto saluation . they denied the popes authority , & said their church was antichrist , and christs aduersary , they refused the abused sacraments , defied the masse , and all popish seruice and ceremonies , saying they robbed god of his honour , and christ of his death and glorie , and would not come to church , except it were to the defacing of that they did there . that ministers of gods church might lawfully marry . that the quéene was chiefe head , and wicked rulers were a great plagus of god sent for sinne . they denied mans frée-will , and the popes church did erre , and many other in that point with them , rebuking their false confidence to be iustified by works and mans righteousnesse : when they were rebuked for talking so freely , they would answere , they acknowledge , confesse and beleeue , and therefore they must speake : they acknowledged that tribulations were gods prouidences , and that his iudgements were right , to punish them and others for their sinnes , and that their troubles were of his faithfulnesse and mercy , and that one haire of their heads should not perish before the time , but all things should worke to the best to them that loue god , and that christ was their only life and righteousnesse , and that only by faith in him , and for his sake , all good things were freely giuen them , as also forgiuenesse of sinnes , and life euerlasting . many of these persecuted were of great substance , and had possessions of their owne . william slech died the thirtieth of may . being imprisoned for the doctrine of the gospell , and the profession of the truth , in the kings bench , and was buried in the back-side of the same prison , because the papists thought him not worthy to be laide in their pope-holy churchyards . thomas harland millwright , iohn osward , thomas reed , and thomas auington . t they were long prisoners in the kings bench for the confession of the truth , and were burned together at one fire the sixt of iune , in lewes in south-sex . thomas wood minister , and thomas miles were burned likewise at lewes in south-sex the twentieth of iune , for resisting the erroneous and hereticall doctrine of the papisticall and fal●●y pretended catholiks . william adherall minister , and iohn clement-wheele-wright ▪ these died in the kings bench the three and twentieth of iune , and were buried in the backside , being imprisoned for the profession of the truth . a merchants seruant the next day was burned at leicester for the like godlines , by the cruell persecution of the papists . about this time there were thirtéene burned in one fire at stratford the bow by london eleuen of them being men and two of them women , whose dwellings were in sundry places in 〈◊〉 , and whose names f●llow : henry adlington , lawrence parman , henry wye , william hallywell , thomas bowier george searle , edmond hurst , lion cawch , ralph iackson , iohn perifall , iohn roth , elizabeth peper , and agnes george their points of religion doth better appeare by a certificate vnder all their hands , which i haue here inserted , then by their examination which followeth . be it knowne vnto all to whom this our certificate shall be feene , that whereas vpon saturday the thirteenth of iune , sixteene of vs were condemned to dye , by the bishop of london , for the sincere truth of christs verity , which truth hath bin continually defaced from the beginning by the wicked aduersaries , as it is slandered now by the diuell and his imps , which constraineth vs to manifest our beleefe , and the articles , wherefore we were condemned for auoyding the slanders that might happen by occasion of the flanderous sermon lately preached at pauls crosse by doctor fecknam deane of paules , where he defamed vs to be of sixteene sundry opinions . we beleeue by baptisme we were made members of christs church , and although wee erred for a time , yet the roote of faith was preserued in vs by the holy ghost , which maketh vs certaine of the same , and we doe and will persist by gods assistance vnto the end : and though the minister were of the malignant church , yet he did not hurt vs , because he baptized vs in the name of the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost ; there was the word and the element ; godfathers , and godmothers , renouncing for vs the diuell and all his workes , and confessing the articles of the christian faith. there are but two sacraments , baptisme , and the lords supper , in these are contained the two testaments : the effect of the law is repentance , and the effect of the gospell is remission of sinnes . there is a visible church wherein the word of god is preached , and the sacraments truely ministred : uisible to the wicked world , although it bee not credited , and by death of saints confirmed : as in the time of elias as well as now . the sea of rome is the sea of antichrist : the congregation of the wicked , whereof the pope is head vnder the diuell . god is neither spiritually nor corporally in the sacrament of the altar , and there is no other substance but bread and wine . the masse is not onely a prophanation of the lords supper , but a most blasphemous idoll . we affirmed to beleeue all that the bishop or any could proue by scriptures : but he said he would not stand to proue it with hereticks , but said , they themselues were the holy church , and that we ought to beleeue them , or else to be cut off like withered branches . when they were brought to stratford the bow they were deuided into two parts , and put into two chambers : then the sherife came to the one part and tolde them that the other had recanted and were saued , and exhorted them to doe the like , and not cast away themselues : they answered , their faith was not builded on man , but christ crucified : when he could doe no good with them , he went to the other place , and told them their fellowes had recanted , and were saued , and counselled them to doe the like , and not willingly to kill themselues : vnto whom they answered as their fellowes had done . when he saw he could not preuaile , he lead them to the fire , they ioyfully kissed the stake : the eleauen men were tyed to foure stakes , and the two women loose in the middest , and so they were burned all in one fire , with such loue one to another , and constancy in our sauiour christ , that it was wonderfull . thomas free-man , william stannard , and william adames . these were also condemned to dye with the other at the same time , and béeing in the hands of the secular power , cardinall poole sent his dispensation for their liues , and by that meanes they were kept from mart●rdome . the fourteenth of iune iohn colstoke of wellington in liechfield dioces , for holding against the real presence and auricular confession , was compelled to recant and to beare a faggot before the crosse bare-headed , hauing in one hand a taper , and in the other a paire of beads . the seuentéenth of iune thomas barnes and ellice birth were accused that one wished to the other , in the beginning of queene maries raigne , his dagger in the belly of him that sung to the organs ●he denied not but he spake these words , and that he then thought the masse abominable ; and though he submitted himselfe hee was condemned to beare a faggot , with beads and his taper before the crosse . the seuen and twentieth of iune thomas paret , martin hunt , and iohn norrice died in the kings bench , and were buried in the back-side : they were imprisoned for the profession of the truth . robert bernard , adam foster and robert lawson . the . of iune hopton b of norwich called robert bernard heretick , because he said he would neuer be confessed of a priest : he answered , it gréeueth me not to be called hereticke at your hand ▪ for so your forefathers called the prophets and confessors long agoe : then the b : ●ad him follow him , and went and knéeled before the sacrament of the altar : and as he was at his prayers , he looked back and asked barnard why he did not as he did , he answered , i cannot tell why you should doe so , the bishop asked him , whom sée you yonder , pointing to the pixe hanging ouer the altar ? do you not see your maker there ? he said , no , i see nothing but a few cloaths hang together in a heape : then the bishop commaunded him to the iayle , and ●ad put irons enough vpon him . after one of the guard had him to a tauerne where many priests were , when they could not perswade him , they threatned h●m with whipping and stocking , and when they could peruert him by no meanes , then they carried him to the bishop , who immediatly condemned him : hee was a labourer , dwelling in f●an●den in suffolke . adam foster was a husbandman , dwelling in mendlesam in suffollke : hee was apprehended by thomas mouse , and george reuet constables , at the command●ment of sir iohn terill , because he would not heare masse : he was cast into aye dungeon , from whence he was sent to norwich , and condemned by the aforesaid bishop : mouse presently after fell sicke , and pined away to death : the ●ther came to the like end not long after . robert lawson a linnen weauer , was likewise apprehended at the commandement of sir iohn terill , and sent to aye dungeon , because hee would not come to church , nor receiue their popish idoll . when they were carried to their deathes , they most triumphantly ended their liues in the fixe . iohn careles of couentry weauer . about this time he died in the kings bench , hauing beene long imprisoned there , hee was examined before doctor martine , one of the masters of the chancerie , a iolly stirrer in those matters : in which examination i finde no matters of religion , but that he answereth a popish opinion of election , that wee are elected in respect of our good workes , and so long elected as we doe them , and no longer , but he beleeued that god of his infinite goodnesse ( through iesus christ ) did elect and appoint in him , before the foundation of the earth was laid , a church or congregation , which he doth continually guide and gouerne by his grace and holy spirit ; so that not one of them shall euer finally perish , and that god hath e●ernally predestinated me to eternall life in iesus christ. i am most certaine and likewise sure that his holy spirit ( wherewith i am sealed ) will so preserue me from all heresies and euill opinions , that i shall die in none at all : i doe beleeue that christ did effectually die for al those that repent , and beleeue , & for none other . at his first comming into prison , his conscience was ouer much oppressed with the consideration of his sinnes , vntill he had a comfortable letter of philpot , concerning the mercie of christ to them that repent : and although a sorrowfull spirit be a sacrifice acceptable to god , and the earnest pennie of election , yet the end of it must be comfort and ioy of the holy ghost in assurance of the remission of sinnes , therfore he ●iddeth him be carelesse , according to his name , in assurance of the remission of sinnes in christ. wherefore carles thanketh god heartily , and confesseth that philpots sweete exhortations had brought much glad tidings vnto his tyred soule , and that it was greatly refreshed with the sweet sauor of his precious nard . i will now according to your louing request cast away all care , & reioice with you , and pray god for you day & night , for now my foule is turned vnto her old rest again , & hath taken a swéet na● in christs lap , i haue cast my care vpon the lord , which will care for mee , and will be careles , according vnto my name : as soon as i had read your comfortable letter , my sorrowes vanished away , as smoke in the wind : i am sure the spirit of god was a●thor of it : good m. philpot thou art a principal pot indéed , filled with most precious liquor : oh pot most happy of the high potter ordained to honour , which doest containe such heauenly treasure in the earthen vessell : oh pot most happy , in whom christ hath turned water into wine , and that of the best , whereof the master of the feast hath fi●led my cup so full , that it hath made mee drunken in the ioy of the spirit : when martyrdome shall breake thee ( oh vessell of honour ) the fragrant sauour of the precious ointments will much reioyce the hea●y hearts of christs true members . iohn gwinne , askin , iulines palmer . the . of iuly these thrée godly and constant martyrs were burned at newbery in barkshire . iulines palmer had been student in magdalen colledge in oxford , and was schoolemaister of redding : all king edwards daies hee was an obstinate papist , abhorring all godly prayer and sincere preaching , and was abhorred and put out of the colledge for the same , yet after in quéene maries time , suffered a most cruel death at the papists hands . he was born in couentry , his father had sometimes béene mayor of the citty . when quéene mary came to her raign , he was receiued into the fellowship of the colledge again , but his mind was ●o far altered , that hee would not come to prayers for feare of suspition : but when he should kéepe his bowing measures at the confiteor , in turning vpward & downeward , and knocke his breast with idolatrous adoration , at the lifting vp of the sacrament , his heart rose against it , that hee would get him out of the church , wherefore he left the colledge and became schoolemaister in redding , and béeing vexed with the consideration of the cruelty that was then shewed to the christians , he made a testimony of his faith , and deliuered it to doctor geffery in his visitation , who reading the same put him in prison , and within a fortnight after burned him as before , where he yéelded vp as ioyfull a soule to god , as euer any did . katherine cauches mother and paratine and guillimiue her daughters . the said katherine was a widdow , they were of the isle of garnesey , the . of iuly they were there burned for her●ticks for professing the truth : paratiue being great with childe , and ready to bee brought a bed the wombe of the said paratine being bu●ned , there issued from her a goodly man child , which by the officer was taken vp , and after most spitefull manner throwne into the fire , and most cruelly burned with her seely mother . the cause was thi● ; a woman had stollen a cup and pawned it to this katherine for six pence , she perceiuing whose cup it was thought to haue carried it home : in the meane time the owner of the cup missed it , and charged ber with it that stole it , who confessed it and brought the owner of the cup to the widdow who deliuered him the cup : shortly after the bayliff●s hearing thereof , searched her house , they finding one platter which had no marke , and another that had the mark scraped out : whereupon they brought her and her two daughters to the iustices , who committed them vnto prison , and the bayliffs seized vpon all their goods , and when they could proue nothing against them , the bayliffs accused them of heresie and caused them to be committed againe ; and the bayliffs wrote to iaques amy deane of the i le aforesaid , to desire him to proceed against them in the cause of heresie : whereupon the said deane , assisted by the curats there , did make an inquirie of the said widdow and her daughters , and condemned them for hereticks , the widdow and her daughters neuer hearing therof , and deliuered it to the bayliffs and iurats , whereupon when the bayliffs did know that the said deane and curats had not examined the woman , they would not sit in iudgement that day , but ordained that the women should first be examined of their faith before the deane and curats : wherefore the women were presented before the said deane and curats who answered that they would obe● the ordinances of the king and queene , and the commandements of the church , notwithstanding they were condemned , and thereupon burned , and the bayliffs had all their goods , as before , but in the beginning of queene elizabeths raigne the gern●●y men , and one matthew cauches , brother to ●he said two sisters presented a supplication to the quéenes commissioners touching that matter , who sitting vpon the cause , found the matter probable , and commit●ed the deane to prison , and dispossessed him of all his liuings and possessions . thomas dungate , iohn forman , mother tree . the of iuly these gaue themselues to the fire for righteousnes sake , patiently abiding what the rage of man could say or doe against them : they were burned at grinsted in sussex . ioane wast was of the parish of alhallowes in darby , shee was condemned by radulph bane bishop of couentry and lichfield , his chancellor , and others , for that she did hold the sacrament of the popish altar to be but a representation of christs body and materiall bread and wine , and not his naturall body , vnlesse it were receiued , and that it ought not to be reserued from time to time ouer the altar , but immediatly to be receiued . she was burned at the aforesaid darby : when she suffered she made her prayer to the lord ies●s to assist and strengthen her , and being bound to the stake with flames about her , she suffered with ioy and triumph , as though she had rather béene going to a banket , then to yéeld vp her life . edward sharp was an aged man , borne in wilshire , he was condemned the . of september , where hee constantly and manfully persisted in the iust quarrell of christs gospell , for misliking & renouncing the ordinances of the romish church . he was tryed as pure gold , and made a liuely sacrifice in the fire . iohn hart , tho : rauensdale , and two whose names we haue not , the one a shomaker , the other a coriar . these foure were burned at mayfield in sussex the . of september , being at the place where they should suffer , after they had made their prayer , they constantly and ioyfully ended their liues , for the testimony of the glorious gospell of iesus christ. the next day , a yong man , a carpenter , whose name we know not , was burned for the testimony of christ at bristow : he died with much ioy , constancy , and triumph . thomas horne and a woman . the . of september th●se two godly martirs were consumed by the fire at watton underhedge in glocestershire , who died very gloriously in a constant faith , to the terror of the wicked , and comfort of the godly . a shoemaker was a true witnesse and disciple of the lord , he renounced the false coloured religion of the romish sea , wherein many a good man hath beene drowned : he was burned at northampton . thrée in the castle of cicester being in like bonds for the like cause of christs gospell , died in prison , and were buried in the fields , who had béene burned if the cruell handling of papists had not made them away before . john clarke , dunstone chittenden vncondemned , william foster of stone , allice potkins of staplehurst , iohn archer of cranbroke vveauer . the first of nouember these fiue were macerate and pined to death by famine in the castle of canterbury : they answered all to this effect , that they beleeue the articles of the creed , but they beleeue no more sacraments but two , that praiers to saints or soules in purgatory profit not , that faith only iustifieth ; they denied the popish ceremonies in the church : that it was as good to carry a dungfork as candles on candlemas day , and that it is as necessary to carry the gallowes about if ones father were hanged , as to cary the crosse ; that they could not come to church with a safe conscience . there was fifteene of them in prison , and it seemeth the bishops and priests had appointed to starue them al , had not a certificate of the manner of their cruell handling bin throwne out of the castle window , wherby their doings were made manifest : so the other ten were burned , as after appeareth . in the months of september , nouember , and december , there was a great persecution in couentry and lichfield : the cruell bishop radulph bane , and his cruell chancellor , doctor draycot , and nine priests , and a number of others were compelled to recant , and one hoke was burned at chester , as thou mayst see in the booke at large . the tvvelfth booke of the acts of the church . touching the processe and whole discourse , concerning the condemning , taking vp , and burning the bones and bookes of bucer , & paulus phagius , by the commaundement of cardinall poole , with all the rites and ceremonies therunto appertaining , with all the ridiculous procéeding of the commissioners whilst they were at cambridge : and also the oration of m. acworth , orator of the uniuersitie : at the restitution of martine bucer , and paulus phagius in quéene elizabeths time , and also the dispitefull handling and madnesse of the papists towards peter martires wife at oxford , taking her vp from her grau● at the commandement of cardinall poole , and after buried in a dunghil . concerning the processe of these things , i refer thee if thou béest disposed to sée them , to the booke at large . the . of ianuary the ten that remained of the aforesaid fiftéene , that were in prison in the castle of canterbury , whereof fiue of them were starued , the ●ther ten were burned , for the same points of religion in effect as the other fiue held as before is expressed ; the names of these ten follow . iohn philpot of tenderden , william waterer of bedingdy , stephen kempe of norgate , william hay of hith , thomas hudson of sellenge : mathew bradbridge of tenderden , thomas stephens of bedingham , nicholas finall of tenderden , vvilliam lowicke of cranbroke , vvilliam prowting of thorneham . the . of february a most bloody commission was giuen forth by king philip and quéene marie to prosecute the poore members of christ. whereupon twenty two were apprehended in essex , and brought vp to london at once to bonner , all of them tyed to a rope by two and two , and so lead in a rope through the stréetes to bonner . now the bishops and councell perceiuing the number , and fearing to put them to death , being so many together , least i some disturbance might rise vpon the same : they bad them make their submission and confession as they would themselues , that they might make a colour of recantation , wherupon they were discharged : for their names i referre thée to the booke at large . thomas loseby , henry ramsey , tho : thyrtell , margaret hyde , agnes stanley . the twelfth of aprill these were burned at one fire in smithfield , bonner framed now articles vnto them , and confessing these points of his articles , they were condemned . for speaking against the faith , religion , and ecclesiasticall seruice , especially concerning the masse and the seauen sacraments , saying they agréed not w●th gods word . for being perswaded that the english seruice in king edwards time , was godly and catholike . that they did not thinke themselues bound to come to church to heare the mattins , masse , and euening song . . that they did not thinke themselues bound to go a procession , nor to beare tapers and candles at candlemas , nor take ashes vpon ashwednesday , nor beare palmes vpon palme-sunday , nor to créepe to the crosse vpon daies accustomed , not to receiue and kisse the paxe at masse time , not to receiue holy water or holy bread , nor to except or allow the ceremonies and vsages of the church , as they are vsed in this realme . for thinking they were not bound to confesse their sinnes vnto a priest , nor to receiue absolution at his hand , nor to receiue the sacrament of the altar . for thinking prayers to saints , or prayers for the dead are not lawdable , profitable , not allowed by gods word , and that the soules departed goe straight waies to heauen or hell , so that there is no purgatory . for thinking all those that were burned in king henry the eights time , and in quéene maries time as heretickes , were no heretickes , but faithfull and good people : and for approuing their opinions , and mis●iking their condemnations . for thinking the sacrament of the altar to bee an idoll , and to reserue it to be honoured , to be idolatry : and likewise of the masse , and ●l●uation of the sacrament . after this , they were conuented againe before the bishop , in the con●●story , where these being asked what they had to say against iudgement , thomas los●by said , god giue me strength to stand against you and your 〈◊〉 : your law●s a de●ouring law , i perceiue there is no way with me but death , except i will beléeue in that idoll , the masse . thomas thirtle said , if you make me an heretick , then you make christ and al the twelue apostles hereticks : for i am in the true faith , and i will stand to it , for i know i shall haue eternall life . r●msey said , my opinion is the very truth , which i will not goe from : there are two churches , and we the martyrs of christ are the true church , and yee be not . margaret hide affirmed , shee was in that true faith , and would neuer forsake it . agnes stanly said , if euery haire of her head were neuer so much worth , i had rather they were reburned , then i will for sake my true faith . then they were put off vntill the afternoone , then as loseby his answere was reading , mention being made of the sacrament , boner put off his cap , and loseby put on his hat : and he said , i trust i haue the spirit of truth , which you detest , for the wisedome of god is foolishnesse vnto you , whereupon they had iudgement . margaret hide saide , my lord , i will not depart from my sayings till i be burned : and she said , ● would sée you my lord instruct mee with some part of gods word , and not to giue me instructions of holy bread , and holy water , for it is no part of scripture . agnes stanly answered , i am no ●ereticke no man that is wise will beléeue as you doe : i beleeue those that you haue burned bee true martyrs , i will not goe from my faith as long as i liue . thomas thirtle said , i will not beleeue your idolatrous waies , your masse in idolatry , i wil stick to my faith as long as i liue . henry ramsey said , your doctrine is naught , and not agreeable to gods word , and i will stand to my faith as long as i liue : so they were condemned and burned , as before . in may william norant , stephen gratwicke , and one king , were burned in s. georges field in southwarke . iohn bradbridge of stapleherst , walter apleby of maydstone , and petronell his wife , edmund allen of fritendid , and katherine his wife , ioane mannings of maydstone , elizabeth a blind maid . the . of iune these seauen faithfull martyrs of christ , were burned at maidstone : their answers were like in effect to the fiue that were famished to death in canterbury castle . the . of iune iohn fishcock , nicholas white , nicholas pardue , barbara finall widdow , bradbregs widdow , bendens wife , and wilsons wife , were burned at canterbury : their articles were as the others , they ioyfully vndressed themselues vnto the fire , and all of them ( like the communion of saints ) knéeled down and prayed , with such zeale , as the enemies of the crosse of christ could not but like it . ten they arose and went to the stake , where they yéelded their soules gloriously vnto the lord. richard woodman , george stephens , william maynard , alexander hosman his man , tomasine awood his maid , margery moris , iames moris hir sonne , denis burges , ashdownes wife , groues wife . these tenne blessed martyrs were burned at lewes in sussex the . of iune , without a writ from the lord chancelor . the first examination of richard woodman , before the bishop of chichester . chichester . i am sory for you , and so are all the worshipfull of our country , you haue béene of good estimation amongst the poore and rich ; wherefore looke well to your selfe , your wife and children , and bee ruled : thinke not your selfe wiser then all the realme . woodman . i will be willing to learne of euery man the truth , and i know i haue giuen no iust offence to rich nor poore , and god knoweth how deare i loue my wife and children in him : but my life , my wife and children are all in gods hands , and i haue them all , as i had them not , but regard the pleasing of god more then al other things . i thought good to appeale to you mine ordinary , for som goe about to shed my blood wrongfully , that if you can finde i hold any thing contrary to gods word i will be reformed ; and if my blood bee shed vnrighteouslie , that it may be required at your hands , because you haue taken vpon you to bee the phisition of soules of our country . story . thou art a peruerse fellow , thinkest thou that thou shalt be put to death vniustly ? that thy blood shall be required ? no , if he should condemne a hundred such hereticks , i haue helped to rid a good many of you , and will doe the best i can to rid thee . chich. i am your spirituall pastor , you must heare me and i will giue spirituall councell . wood. you say you will giue mee spirituall councell , are you sure you haue the spirit of god. chichest . no by saint mary , i dare not bee so bold to say , so i doubt of that . wood. then you be like the waues of the sea tossed with the winde , and vnstable in all your wayes , ( as saint iames saith ) and can looke for no good thing at the lords hands : you are neither hote nor cold : therefore god will spue you out . story . hee hath the diuell in him , hee is worse then the diuel , thus all heretickes boast themselues . wood. the iewes said to christ he had a diuell , and was mad , as you haue said to me : but the seruant is not aboue his master : god forbid i should learne of him that confesseth he hath not the spirit of god. chich. doe you beleeue you haue the spirit of god , it is more then paul or any of the apostles durst doe , which is great presumption . wood. i beleeue i haue the spirit , and boast not my selfe , but of the gift of god : as paul did in . cor. . he said he beleeued verily that hee had the spirit of god , no man can beleeue that iesus is the lord , but by the holy ghost : i beleeue christ is my redeemer , therefore i haue the holy ghost : and hee that hath not the spirit of christ is a cast-away and none of his , and wee haue not receiued the spirit of bondage to feare , but we haue receiued the spirit of adoption which cryeth abba father : the same shirit testifieth with our spirits , that we are the sonnes of god : héere are proofes enough that paul was sure he had the spirit of god : and iohn saith , he that beleeueth in god , dwelleth in god , and god in him : so it is impossible to beleeue in god , except god dwell in vs , chich. he bade me dine with him , and at dinner he asked me whether priests may marry , and whether paul had a wife . wood. paul and barnabas were not married , but all the apostles else-were : for in the . cor. . paul saith , am i not an apostle , am i not free , haue i not seene christ : mine answere to them that aske me this : haue wee not power to eat and to drinke , or to leade about a sister to wife , as well as the other apostles , and the brethren of the lord , or haue not barnabas and i power thus to do : so this text proueth that paul and barnabas were not married , but paul declareth that the rest had wiues , and they had power likewise to haue wiues , but they found no neede thereof : but paul in the seuenth to the corinthians said , that hee that hath not power ouer his flesh may marry , for it is better to marry then to burne : wherefore to auoid fornication let euery one haue his vvife , and euery woman her husband : therefore bishoppes and priests may haue wiues , because they are men , rather then burne , and commit fornication : paul declareth to timothy , the first and niuth , that bishops and deacons should haue wiues . the second examination before the bishop of winchester and others . wine . last time you were with vs you were in an heresie , in saying iudas receiued bread , vnlesse you will tell what more then bread . wood. i say he receiued more then bread , for he receiued the diuell , because hee presumed to eate the sacrament without faith : as christ saith , after he eat the sop the diuell entred into him : hereby appeareth that the sacrament is not the body of christ , before it be receiued in faith. winc. what is thy faith in the sacrament ? wood. i beleeue when i receiue the body and bloud of christ , if it bee truely ministred according to christs institution ; if i come in faith , that christ was borne for me , and that he suffered death for the remission of my sinnes , and that i shall bee saued by his death , and eate the bread , and drinke the wine in remembrance of him : then i receiue whole christ , god and man , mystically by faith. the fat priest. what afoole thou art , canst not tell what mystically is . wood. god hath chosen such fooles as i am to confound such a wise thing as you are . winch. answere the sacrament of the altar , whether it bee not the body of christ before it be receiued , and whether it bee not the body of christ to whomsoeuer receiueth it ; tell me , or else i will excommunicate thée . wood. i will not answere you , you are not mine ordinarie : then chichester said , i am not consecrated : no said i ▪ yours bee all cow calues : meaning therby that hee had not his bull from rome : th●● they called me all to naught , and said i was madde . then i said , so festus said to paul when hee spake sober words and truth of the spirit of god as i doe : but you be your selues as you iudge mee , you will all goe to hell if you condemne me , if you haue not especiall grace to repent with sp●c● . winch. we goe about to saue thy soule if thou wilt be ruled . wood. no man can saue my soule , for christ hath saued it already , euen before the foundation of the world was laid . the fat priest. here is another heresie , thou canst not tell what thou saist , was the soule saued before it was . wood. i say the truth , looke in the first to the ephesians and there you shall find it , where s. paul saith , god hath chosen vs in christ before the foundation of the world , that we should be holy and without blame before him through loue , and thereto we were predestinated . the fat priest. s iames saith , faith without workes is dead , and we haue free-will to doe good workes . wood. i doe not disallow good workes , for a good faith cannot be without good workes , yet not of our selues , but it is the gift of god , as s. paul saith , it is god that worketh in vs both the will and the deed , euen of his good will. vvinch . make and ●nd , answere to me : my lord cardinall hath appointed the archdeacon of canterbury thine ordinary , he can appoint whom he will before the bishop is consecrated , and so they all affirmed . wood. i will beleeue neuer a one of you all , for you be turne coates & changelings , and wauering minded , neither hote nor cold , therefore god will spu● you out : for in king edwards time you taught the doctrine that was set sorth then , and now you teach the contrarie , which words made the most part of them quake . vvinch . he is the naughtiest varlet and heretick that euer i knew , i wil reade sentence against him , but i spared them not but spake freely , they that stood by rebuked me ; saying , you cannot tell whom you speake vnto . wood. they be but men i trow , i haue spoken to better men then they for anything i see , except they repent with speed : then i told the bishop of winchester if you condemne me , you will be condemned in hell , if you repent not , for i am not afraid to die for gods sake . winchest . for gods sake : nay for the diuels sake : neither was iudas afraid to die that hanged himselfe , as thou wilt kill thy selfe , because thou wilt not be ruled : how say you will you confesse that iudas receiued the body of christ vnworthily . vvood. if you can prooue in all the bible that any man euer eat the body of christ vnworthily , then i will be with you in all things . then a priest said s. paul saith , in the . of the first to the corinthians : he that eateth this bread & drinketh this cup vnworthily , eateth and drinketh his own damnation : because he maketh no difference of the lords body . wood. he saith not who so eateth this body vnworthily , nor drinketh this blood vnworthily : but he saith who so eateth this bread and drinketh this cup vnworthily , eateth and drinketh his o●ne damnation : because hee maketh no difference of the sacrament , which representeth the lords body , and other bread and drink : here good people you sée they are not able to proue their sayings true : wherefore i cannot beléeue them in any thing they do : then winchester read sentence of excommunication against me : when hee had done i would haue spoken , but they cried away with him . the third examination . chich. how say you to the sacrament of the altar : i said he ment the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ , and not of the altar of stone : he said ▪ yes that he did : how vnderstand you the altar otherwise ? wood. it is written in the . of mathew , wheresoeuer two or three be gathered together in christs name , he is in the middest of them : whatsoeuer they aske in earth , shall be granted in heauen : and in the . of mat. when thou commest vnto the altar and remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee , leaue thine offering , and be first reconciled to thy brother , and then offer thy gift . in these two places of scripture , i proue christ is the true altar , whereon euery one ought to offer his gifts : first christ being in the middest of them that are gathered together in his name , there is the altar : so we may be bold to offer our gifts , if we be in charitie , if we be not , we must leaue our gift , and be first reconciled vnto our brother : some will say , how shall i agrée with mine aduersary when he is not néere by . miles , may i not pray vntill i haue spoken with him : if thou presume to pray in the congregation , and thinke euill vnto any , thou askest vengeance vpon the selfe : therefore agrée with thine aduersarie , that is make thy life agréeable to gods word ; resolue in thy heart that thou aske god & the world forgiuenes , intending neuer to affend them more : all such may be hold to offer their gift . chichest . i neuer heard any vnderstand it so , no not luther that great hereticke , that was condemned by a generall councell and his picture burned . i will shew you the true vnderstanding of the altar and the offering : wee haue an altar said paul , that you may not eat off : meaning that no man might eat of that which was offered vpon the altar , but the priest : for in pauls time all the liuing that the priests had the people came and offered it vpon the altar : mony or other things , and when the people came to offer it , and remembred that they had any thing against there brother , then they left their offering vpon the altar , and went and were reconciled vnto their brother , and came againe , and offered their gift , and the priest had it : this is the true vnderstanding of it . vvood. that was the vse of the old law , christ was the end of it ; and though it were offered in pauls time that maketh not that it was well done , but he rebuked it , therefore you are deceiued . chich. who shall iudge betwixt vs in the matter : i said the word , as it is in the . of iohn : and s. peter saith , the scriptures haue no priuate interpretation , but one scripture must be vnderstood by another : then he said if you vnderstand it one way , & i another who shal be iudge : the true church of god is able to discusse all doubts : he said the church of god doth allow the sacrament of the altar . vvood. what doe you offer now vpon the altar ? chich. we offer vp the body of christ to pacific the wrath of god in the blessed sacrament , and there withall all put off their caps vnto the abhominable idoll . wood. s. paul saith in the tenth to the hebrewes , wee are sanctified by the offering of the body of christ vpon the crosse once for all : and euery priest is dayly ministring and offering one manner of sacrifice , which can neuer take away sins , and that it is the offering that you vse to offer as farre as i can see you be priests after the order of aaron , that offer vp sacrifice for their owne sinnes , and the sinnes of the people . chich. aarons sacrifice was with bloud , which signified the death of christ : but we are priests after the order of melchisedech , which offered bread to the king in remembrance , and signified the giuing of christs body in b●ead & wine at his last supper , which christ gaue vnto his disciples , and commanded to be vsed vnto the end of the world . vvood. me thinke you haue made the matter very plaine , that as christ was the end of the sacrifices , so he was the beginning of the sacraments , willing them to be vsed in remembrance of him vnto the end of the world . chich. the word saith , take , eate , this is my body : it is not the signe onely , but the thing it selfe : how say you it is not his body after the words be spoken by the priest. vvood. if you say the words ouer the water , if there be no child , is there true baptisme : he said there must be the water , the word , the child : then i said if the child be baptized , in the name of ●he father , the sonne . is it true baptisme : he said it must be baptized in the name of the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost : then i said there may be nothing added or diminished . chich. how say you , take , eate , this is my body , is not this christs body as soone as it is said . vvood. as the water , the word , and the child altogether make baptisme : so the bread , the wine , & the word , make the sacrament , & the eater eating it in true faith maketh it his body : so it is not christs body , but by the faithfull receiuer : for hee said , take , eat , this is my body : he calleth it not his body before before eating : and s. augustine saith , crede manducasti , beleeue and thou hast eaten : and s. iohn saith , he that beleeueth in god , dwelleth in god , and god in him : wherefore it is impossible to please god , and to eat his body without true faith. priest. if the faith of the receiuer maketh it his body , and not his word , what did iudas eat ? vvood. he eat the sacrament of christ , and the diuell with all . priest. he eate the body of christ vnworthily , as s. paul saith . wood. s. paul speaketh not of eating his body vnworthily , but of the sacrament vnworthily : for he saith , whosoeuer eateth of this bread , and drinketh of this cup vnworthily , eateth & drinketh his own damnation : because he maketh no difference of the lords body , and not because hee eateth the lords body : if iudas had eaten christs body he must needs be saued : for christ saith in the . of iohn , whosoeuer eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud hath eternal life . chich. do you not beleeue that after the words be spoken , that there remaineth neither bread nor wine , but the very body of christ really . wood. i haue told you my mind without dissimulation , & more you get not of me except you wil talk by the scriptures , then i wil proue it more plaine . or . waies . then they made a great laughing and said , this is an heretick indeed , it is time he were burned : then i said as you iudge me , you shall be iudged your selues , for i serue god truely with that which you call heresie , as you shall well know when you are in hell , and haue bloud to drinke , and shall say in paine , this was th● man we iested on , and whose talk we thought foolishnes , and his ●nd without honour : now we may sée how he is counted amongst the saints of god , and wee are punished ; these words shall you say being in hell if you repent not ▪ with speed , if you consent to the shedding of my bloud . pries●● you were at baxell a tweluemonth agone , and sent for the parson and talked with him in the church-yard , and would not goe into the church , for you said it was the idols temple . story came in pointing at me with his finger : i can say nothing to him but an heretick , i haue heard you talke this houre and a halfe , and can heare no reasonablenes in him . wood. as you iudge me you shall be iudged your selfe . story . what , be you a preaching ? you shall preach at a stake shortly with your fellowes . kéeper , carry him to the marshalsey againe , and let no body come to speake with him . the fourth examination before doctor langdal . langd . your childe was not christned in a fortnight or in thrée wéekes after it was borne ; and then the chifest of the parish were faine to fetch it out of your house against your will , which declareth that you allow not baptisme of children : and if the childe had died , it had beene damned ; because it was not christned : and you should haue beene damned , because you were the let thereof . wood. it was baptized as soone as it was borne , by the midwife ; and the cause i blamed my neighbour , was , because they fet my childe out of my house without my leaue , and did more to it then need was , the which was not well done . and where you said , if a childe die , and be not baptized , it is damned : be all damned that receiue not the outward signe of baptisme ? lang. yea that they be : for christ saith : and baptise them in the name of the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost . and he that beleeueth and is baptized , shall be saued . and he that beleeueth not , shall be damned . wood. then , by your saying , baptizing bringeth faith , and all that be baptized in the water , shall be saued . lang. yea , if they dye before they come to discretion , they shall be saued euery one of them : and all that be not baptized shall be damned . wood. you vnderstand not the scriptures but as farre as naturall reason can comprehend : the scriptures are plaine , that they which beleeue not , shall be damned : but it saith not in any place , that they that are not baptized , shall be damned . and where you say , faith commeth by the vse of the materiall water in baptisme , whether was iocab baptised before he had faith ? paul saith in the ninth to the romans , ere euer the children were borne , ere euer they had done good or bad , that the purpose of god , which is by election , might stand , not by reason workes , but by the grace of the caller , the elder shall serue the yonger : iacob haue i loued , and esau haue i hated . this proueth that faith is before baptisme : for circumcision was before baptisme : and saint peter fetcheth the proofe of baptisme from noes flood , saying : whilst the arke was a preparing wherein but eight persons were saued by water , like as baptisme now saueth vs ; not in washing away the filth of the flesh , but in that there is a good conscience consenting to good . but you said , if they be baptised with water , if they die before yeares of discretion , they be all saued : the which s. peter is cleane against , vnlesse you grant that children haue faith before they bee baptized ; but what consent of conscience haue infants ? you say they beléeue not before they bee baptized . lang. the children are baptized in the god-fathers and god-mothers faith ; and that is the good conscience that saint peter speaketh of , and the christning is the kéeping of the law that s. paul speaketh of , saying : neither is circumcision or vncircumcision any thing , but the keeping of the law is altogether ; like as circumcision was the keeping of the old law , so is baptisme the keeping of the new law. vvood. you confesse that neither circumcision nor vncircumcision auaileth not , which you haue coupled with baptisme , prouing that none of them preuaile , but the kéeping of the law , which law you say is kept by outward signes : which is nothing so ; for abraham beléeued god , and that was imputed vnto him for righteousnesse : and this was before he was circumcised , so the children beléeue before they be either circumcised or baptized , according to my first saying , iacob haue i loued , and esau haue i hated . this sheweth that iacob had faith in his mothers wombe . also iohn baptist was sanctified in his mothers wombe , therfore it was counted vnto him for righteousnesse : and i am sure , if they had died before they had either receiued circumcision or baptisme , concerning the outward déede , they had béene saued : for gods gifts and calling are such that hee cannot repent him of ; but by your saying he doth repent and change : for you say , kéeping of the outward law is all in all : and where you say they be baptised in the godfathers & godmothers faith , what if they be vnbeleeuers ? in what faith then is the childe baptized ? lang. if one amongst the thrée god-fathers & god-mothers that baptize the childe be not a beleeuer , you would count that there were bery few beleeuers : if you would haue none beléeuers but them that be of your mind , then were christs flocke a very little flocke . vvood. in the of luke christ saith , his flocke is a little flocke : and where you make a question of one amongst thrée , there is not one amongst three hundred as farre as i can sée , else there would not be so many which would séek their neighbours goods and liues . lang. if christs flocke bee such a little flocke , tell mee how many there bee of them . vvood. first , the prophet saith , follow not a multitude to do euill : for the most go the wrong way ; and christ saith , math. . the way is brode , and the gate wide that leadeth to destruction , and many there be that goe in thereat : and straight is the gate , and narrow the way that leadeth to life , and few there be that finde it . and in the of luke christ saith ; come you little flocke , it is your fathers will to giue you a kingdome . and in the of mark , and of mathew , christ saith ; the tree is kowne by his fruits , a good tree bringeth forth good fruits , and a bad tree bad fruits : and euery tree that bringeth not forth good fruits , shall be ●ewne downe , and cast into the fire : christ meaneth into hell , and your fruites declare you to be one of them . lang. it was time such a fellow as you were taken indéed : such a one is enough to trouble a whole countrey : you deny originall sin , and frée-will . wood. what frée-will hath a man to do good of himselfe ? lang. all men haue as much frée-will as adam had before his fall : for as by the meanes of adam all became sinners , so by the obedience of christ , all men became righteous , and were set as free as they were before their fall . wood. what an ouer-throw haue you giuen your selfe here in originall sinn● , and yet cannot sée it : for in prouing we haue free-will , you haue denyed originall sinne . for if we be set as free by the death of christ , as adam was before his fall , i am sure adam had no originall sinne before his fall . if wee bee so frée now as hee was then , i maruell why saint paul complained thrice to god to take away the sting of it , god making him answere , my grace is sufficient for thee . this proueth originall sinne , but not that it shall hurt gods elect , but that his grace is sufficient for his . but you say in one place it is not without baptisme , and in another place you put it away quite by the death of christ. and you haue spoken truer then you be aware of : for all that beleeue in christ are baptized in his blood ; and yet i say with dauid in the psalme , i was borne in sinne , and in sinne hath my mother conceiued me : but no such sinne as shall be imputed , because i am borne of god by faith , as saith saint iohn : therefore i am blessed , as saith the prophet , because the lord imputeth not my sinne : and not because i haue no sinne ; not of mine owne deseruing , but of his free mercy hee saueth vs. where is now your free-will ? if we haue free-will , our saluation commeth of our owne selues , and not of god , and his word . saint iames saith , euery good and perfect gift commeth from the father of light : of his owne will begat he vs. for the winde bloweth where it listeth , and wee heare the sound thereof , saith saint iohn , but wee cannot tell from whence it commeth , nor whither it goeth . euen so it is with euery one that is borne of god : for saint paul saith : it is god that worketh the will and the deede , euen of his good will ; therefore our owne will is nought at all , except it be to wickednesse . after these and other examinations , wherein there is no other materiall point of religion handled , he was called forth to his condemnation : and so was depriued of his life with the other nine aforesaid , which were taken but the same day , or the day before . ambrose . he died in maidstone goale , who else should haue beene burned for his conscience , in the truth , as the other were . simon miller , and elizabeth cooper . simon dwelt at linne , he came to norwich , where he standing in the prease , and hearing the people comming out of the church , the masse being ended , he asked them where he might go to haue the communion : they maruailed to heare his boldnesse ; and some said , if he would needes go to a communion , he would bring him where he should be sped of his purpose : whereupon hee was brought vnto dowing , chancellor of norwich ; who , after a little talke with him , committed him to prison . as he was examined , a p●ece of paper appeared aboue his shooe : it was spied , and taken out , and it was a confession of his faith . the chancellor asked him if he would stand to that confession of his faith : he constantly affirmed he would . the kéeper gaue him leaue to go to his house , whilst hee set all things in order : and then hee returned , and constantly abiding in his purpose , and defence of gods truth , he was by the bishop and his chancellor condemned and burned . with him was burned the said elizabeth , a pewterers wife dwelling in saint andrewes in norwich , where she had before recanted , and being troubled inwardly for the same , she came to saint andrewes church , whilst they were at their popish seruice , and said , shee reuoked her recantation before made in that place , and was heartily sorry that shee euer did it , willing the people not to bee deceiued , nor to take her doing before for any example . then master marsham , and one bacon of the said parish , cried , master shriefe , will you suffer this ? whereupon the shriefe came to her house , at whose knocking she came downe , and was taken , and sent to prison : shee was condemned and burned with the said simon miller . william bougeor , thomas● benold , robert purcas , agnes siluer-side , alias smith , widow , ellen ewring , elizabeth folkes maid , william munt , iohn iohnson , allice munt , rose allen , maid . william bougeor was of the parish of s. nicholas in colchester , he said the sacrament of the altar was bread , is bread , & so remaineth bread , and is not the holier , but the worse for the consecration . to this hee did stand , and against all the rest of their papisticall doctrine : and so had sentence read against them . thomas benold of colchester , tallow-chaundler , affirmed the like in effect , and so had sentence . william purchas of bocking in essex , fuller , said when hee receiued the sacrament , he receiued bread in an holy vse , that preacheth y ● remembrance that christ died for him : he stood in this , and against other their popish matters , a●d also had sentence . agnes siluer-side , alias smith , widdow , dwelling at colchester , said shee loued no consecration : for the bread and wine is the worse for it . she answered them with sound iudgement , and great boldnesse to all things they asked her , and was condemned . ellen ewring , the wife of iohn ewring of colchester , widdow , answered to the like effect as the other did , denying all the lawes , set forth by the pope , with her whole heart , she was condemned . elizabeth folkes , maid-seruant in colchester , being examined whether shee beleeued the presence of christs body in the sacrament substantially or no , answered , shee beleeued that it was a substantiall lye , and reall lye . they chafing , asked her againe , whether , after consecration , there remained not in the sacrament the body of christ : she answered , that before consecration , and after it is but bread , and the man the blesseth without gods word , is accursed and abhominable by the word . then they examined her of confession to a priest , of going to masse , and of the authority of the bishop of rome : she answered , shee would neither vse nor frequent any of them , but did abhorre them from the bottome of her heart , and such like trumpery : so shee was condemned , shee kneeled downe and praised god that euer shee was borne to sée that blessed day , that the lord would count her worthy to suffer for the testimony of christ : and lord forgiue ▪ them that haue done this , if it bee thy will : for they know not what they doe : and rising vp , shee exhorted them all to repentance , and bad the halting gospellers beware of blood , for that would crye for vengeance . william munt of muchbentley in essex , said that the sacrament of the altar was an abhominable idoll , and that he should displease god if he should obserue any part of the popish proceedings : and therefore , for feare of gods vengeance he dare not do it . he was years old ; he was examined of many things , but he stood to the truth , and was condemned . iohn iohnson of thorp in essex was condemned , who answered to the same effect as the other did . allice munt , the wife of the said william munt , yeares old , answered as her husband had done , and was condemned . rose allen , maid , the daughter , of●the said allice munt , m. edmond terrell , which came of the house of them terrels which murdered k. edward the fifth , and his brother ; when , with diuers others , hee was come into the house of william munt , to search his house , and to apprehend him and his wife . hee met with this rose allen going with a candle to fetch drinke for her mother , and willed her to giue her father and mother good counsel , she said , they haue a better councellour then i : for the holy ghost doth teach them , i hope , which i trust will not suffer them to erre . why , said hee , art thou still in this minde , thou naughty house-wife , it is time to looke to such heretickes . she said , with that which you call heresie , i worship my lord god. then ( quoth he ) i perceiue you will burne with the rest for company . she said , not for company , but for christs sake , if i be compelled . then he tooke the candle from her , and held her wrist , and the burning candle vnder her hand so long , vntill the sinewes cracked in sunder , saying often vnto her , thou young whoore , wilt thou not crie : she answered , she thanked god she had cause to reioyce , hee had more cause to wéepe then she : when her synowes brake , all in the house heard them , hée thrust her from him and said , ah strong whore , thou shamelesse beast , with such vile words ; then she said , haue you done what you will ? i ( said he ) if you thinke it be not well mend it : she said the lord giue you repentance if it be his will , and you thinke it good begin at the féete and burne vnto the head also , for he that set you no worke will pay you your wages one day . she being examined of auricular confession , of going to masse , and of the popish seuen sacraments : she answered that they stanke in the face of god , she said they were the members of antichrist , and should haue , if they repented , not the reward of antichrist . being asked what she could say of the sea of the bishop of rome , his sea ( quoth she ) is for crowes and kites , owles and rauens to swim in , such as you be ; for i by the grace of god will not swim in that sea while i liue , then she was condemned . these ten godly martyrs were burned at colchester , sire in the forenoone , and foure in the afternoone , when the fire was about them , they clapped their hands for ioy , & ioyfully ioyed in the fire , and thousands standing by , cryed generally all almost , the lord strengthen them , the lord comfort them , as was wonderfull to heare . iohn thurstone . he was taken in the house of william munt , with him he died in may in colchester castle , a constant confessor of iesus christ. thomas moore . he was a merchant dwelling in leicester about . yeares olde , for saying his maker was in heauen and not in the pixe , he was apprehended , the bishop said to him , what is yonder aboue the altar ? he said , i cannot tel what you would haue me to sée , i sée fine clothes with golden tassels , and other gay geare hanging about the pixe , what is within i cannot sée , why said the bishop , doest thou not beléeue christ to be there flesh and bone ? 〈◊〉 said he that i do not ; whereupon the ordinary condemned him , who suff●red a ioyfull and glorious martyrdome for testimony of righteousnesse in leicester . george eagles , alias trudge-ouer . he wandred abrode in diuers countries , where he could finde any of his brethren , did there more earnestly encourage and comfort them , now tarrying in this towne , and somtimes in that , certaine months as occasion serued ; sometimes for feare lying in fields and woods , who for his vnreasonable going abroade was called trudge-ouer , for thrée yeares he dranke nothing but water , and when hée perceiued that his body by gods prouidence prooued well enough therewith , hée thought best to inure himselfe therewithall , against all necessities : when he had profited the church of god by this going abroade a yeare or two , diuers spyes were sent out for him , who had in commandement to bring him quicke or dead , wheresoeuer they found him ; but when they could not take him , they sent out an edict in the quéenes name into foure shires , promising twenty pounds to him that should take him , at length he was séene at a faire in colchester , and being pursued , he hid himselfe in a wood , and from thence got into a corne field , when they could not finde him , they returned , but one got vpon the top of a trée , to spy if he could sée him stirre , the poore man thinking all sure , because he heard nothing , rose vpon his knées , the lurker perceiuing him , came downe and tooke him , and brought him to prison to colchester ; notwithstanding , the iudas-knaue which had so much promised him , was faine to take a little reward , this george within foure dayes after , was conuayed to chelmester where he was so cruelly handled , that he had but two pound of bread and a little water measured to him , to serue him a wéeke together : after a while hee was brought out and indicted of treason , because he had assembled companies together contrary to the lawes in that case prouided to auoyde sedition , that if aboue sixe should flocke together , they should be attached of treason , which straight law was the casting away of the good duke of sommerset . this george , was led to be hangd , drawne and quartered betwixt two théeues , the one of them did nothing but mocke him , and the more he was rebuked , the more he mocked him , but when he should die , he could not speake to vtter his mind , nor say his prayers , and one said the pater noster to him word by word as to a childe , which he could not answer but fumblingly , many did wonder at the iust iudgement of god vpon him for mocking the good martyr . he that apprehended the said george eagles , his name was ralph hardin dwelling in colchester , who in the yeare . was condemned at chelmsford to be hanged , and being at the barre , ●he told the iudge and a great multitude of people , this is most iustly fallen vpon me , for that i betrayed the innocent blood of a good and iust man george eagles , who was condemned here in the time of quéene marie through my procurement , who sold his blood for a little money . richard crashfield of wimondham . he suffered at norwich , whose examination before downings the chancellour , written by himselfe as followeth : chanc. do you beléeue this , that aftee the consecration there is the substance of christs body and blood in the sacrament . crash . i beléeue that christs body was broken for me vpon the crosse , and his blood shed for my redemption : wherefore the bread and wine is a perpetuall memory , the pledge of christ mercie , the ring or seale of his promise , and a perpetual memory for the faithfull vnto the end of the world : then he was commanded vnto prison , and the next day he was brought forth . chanc. cannot you find in your heart when you come to church , to knéele before the roode and pray . i answered no , alledging the commandements of god to the contrary : he said , haue you not read that god commanded the brazen serpent to be made ▪ i said , i haue read that god commanded it to be made , and likewise to be broken downe . doctor bridges . wherfore did god command the cherubins and seraphins to be made ? i said , i cannot tell , i would faine learne : he said , can you finde in your heart to fall downe before the roode the picture of christ ? i said , i feare the curse of god , is yonder roode the picture of christ ? it is written , god curseth the hands that made them , and the hands that made the tooles which carued them . chanc. when were you confessed to a priest. i said , i confesse my selfe dayly the eternall god , whom i most gréeuously offend , i take confession to a priest not be good but rather wicked : then he said , how say yo● by yonder singing and playing on the organs , is it not good and godly : i said , i can perceiue no godlines in it : he said , is it not written in the psalmes , that we shall praise god with hymnes and spirituall songs . i said , spirituall songs must be had , but yonder is of the flesh and of the spirit of errour , for to you it is pleasant and glorious , but vnto the lord it is bitter and odious : then he said , is it not written , my house is an house of prayer : i said yes , it is written also , that you made my house of prayer a den of theeues : then he said , haue we done so , then i was commanded to ward , and the next thursday sent for againe . chanc. are you a new man. i answered , i trust i am a new man borne of god : god giue you grace to be so , then he prayed doctor pore to talke with me . doctor . take eate this is my body : do you not beléeue it is christs body , what was it that christ gaue ? i said , christ tooke bread and gaue thanks , and gaue it , and they tooke bread and did eate bread , and s. paul saith , so oft as you shal eate of this bread , and drinke of this cup , you shall shew forth the lords death vntill he come , s. paul , doth not call it christs body . chanc. we will haue your minde more plainely , for we intend not to haue many words with you , : i said , my faith is grounded vpon christ the easter lambe , he hath offered his body a sacrifice to god the price of my redemption , by that onely sacrifice all the faithfull are sanctified , and he is our onely aduocate mediatour , and he hath made perfect our redemption , without any of your dadly oblations . doctor bridges : you take wel the litterall sence , but as christ offered his body vpon the crosse , which was a bloody sacrifice , and a visible sacrifice , so likewise we doe offer vp the selfe same body that was offered vpon the crosse , but not bloudy and visible , but inuisible vnto god , i said , then christs sacrifice was not perfected , but christ is true when all men be liers : then he saide , thou shalt not feare him that hath power to kill the body , but thou shalt feare him ( enterpreting him to meane the church ) which hath power to kill body and soule : christ said , we should feare him ( and not them ) the hath power to cast body and soule into hel , meaning god , and not the church , and if you will presume to offer christs body dayly , then your power is aboue christs power : then he was condemned , and with patience and constancie entred his blessed martyrdome , at whose burning one thomas carman was apprehended for words , praying with him , and pledging him at his burning . one frier and the sister of george eagles . these suffered the like martyrdome by the vnrighteous papists , whose tyranny the lord of his mercy abate and cut short , turning that wicked generation to abetter minde . they were burned at rochester . iohn cvrd . he was a shoomaker of sisam in northamptonshire , hée was imprisoned in northampton castle for denying the popish transubstantiation , for the which william bru●ter chancelour vnto the bishop of peterborrow did pronounce sentence of death against him : a popish priest standing by when he was to bee burned , one iohn rote vicar of s. giles in northampton , shewed him if he should recant he was authorised to giue him his pardon , he answered , he had his pardon by iesus christ. cicelie ormes . she suffered at norwich ; she was taken at the death of symon miller , and elizabeth cooper , for that she said she would pledge them of the same cup they dranke of , one master cobet of sprowson tooke her and sent her to the chancelour , he asked her what she said vnto the sacrament of christs body , and what is that the priest holdeth ouer his head , she answered , it was bread , and if you make it better , it is worse ; so she was sent to prison , after she was called and examined before the chancelour , and master bridges the chancelor offered her , if she would go to church & kéep her tongue , she should be at libertie , and beléeue as she would : but she tould him she would not consent to his wicked desire therein , and if shée should god would plague her : then he tolde her , he had shewed more fauour vnto her then euer he did vnto any , and when he could not preuaile , he condemned her ; she was borne in east derrham and was daugh●er vnto one thomas hawood tailor , she was taken a twelue-moonth before and recanted , but was neuer after quiet in conscience : she had gotten a letter written to be deliuered to y e chancelor , to let him know she repented her recantation , & would neuer do the like againe as long as she liued , but before she exhibited her bill , she was taken and imprisoned as before ; when she was at the stake she told the people , i would you should not report of me that i beléeue to be saued in that i offer my selfe here to death for the lord cause , but i beléeue onely to be saued by the death of christs passion , and this my death is and shall be a witnesse of my faith vnto you all , good people , as many of you as beléeue as i doe , pray for me : then she kissed the stake and sayd , welcome swéet crosse of christ ; aft●● the fire was kindled , she said , my soule doth magnifie the lord , and my spirit doth reioyce in god my sauiour : and so yéelded her life vnto the lord as quietly as if she had béene in a slumber , or as one féeling no paine , so wonderfully did the lord worke with her . mistresse ioyce lewis . she was the wife of thomas lewis of mancetter , in the beginning of quéene maries time she went to church and heard masse , vntill the burning of laurence saunders in couentry , then she inquired of such as she knew feared god , the cause of his death , and when she knew it was because he refused to receiue the masse , she began to be troubled in conscience , & she reforted to master iohn glouer , a very godly man , of whom mentioned is made before , and desired him to tell her the faults that were in the masse , who instructed her in the wayes of the lord , approuing vnto her , out of gods holy word , that the masse , with al other papistical inuentions , was odious in gods sight , so she began to hate the masse , & being compelled by her husband to come vnto church , ●when the holy water was cast , she turned her backe towards it : wherupon she was accused vnto the bishop , and a citation was s●nt for her and her husband , the sumner deliuered the citation to her husband , who willed him to take the citation away with him , or else he would make him eate it , and in the end he made the sumner eate the citation by setting a dagger vnto his brest , and then he caused him to drinke , and so sent him away , but after they were commanded to appeare before my lord , her husband desired my lord to be good vnto him : my lord was content to receiue his submission ▪ so that his wife would submit her selfe likewise , but she told the bishop that she had neyther offended god nor his lawes in refusing holy water : the bishop gaue her a moneths respite , binding her husband in a hundred pound to bring her to him at the moneths end . when the moneth was almost expired , her husband was aduertised by the said m. glouer and others , not to carry his wife to the bishop , but to séeke some way to saue her ; and if the worst should come , to be content to forfeit the band rather then to cast his wife into the fire : he answered , he would not forfeit any thing for her sake , but carried his wife vnto the bishop , who found her more stout then she was before : so she was sent to such a stinking prison , that a maid that was appointed to kéep her company did sound in the said prison . she was often examined , and euer found stout ; at length she was pronounced an heretick . when the bishop asked her , why she would not come vnto the masse , and receiue the sacraments and sacramentals of holy church : she answered , because she could not find them in gods word : he said , if thou wilt beléeue no more then is in the scriptures concerning matters of religion , thou art in a damnable case : she told my lord his words were vngodly and wicked . after her condemnation she continued a year in prison . wher● the writ came to burn her , she said ▪ as for the feare of death i do not greatly passe : when i behold the amiable countenance of christ my deare sauiour , the vgly face of death doth not greatly trouble me . in the which time she reasoned most comfortably out of gods word of election and reprobation : in the euening before she should die , two priests came to her to heare her confession ; for they would be sorie , they said , she should die without it . she sent them word she had made her confession vnto christ , at whose hands● she was sure to haue forgiuenes of her sins : for the cause for which she should die , she had no cause to repent , but rather to praise god that he made her worthy to suffer death for his word , and the absolution that they were able to giue her by the authority of the pope , she defied it . well , said the priests , to morrow her stoutnes will be tried . all the night she was wonderfull cheerefull and merry . about thrée of the clock in the morning , sathan began to stirre himselfe busily , questioning with her , how she could tell that she was chosen to eternall life , and that christ died for her : i grant he died , but that hee died for thée , how canst thou tell ? she being troubled with this suggestion , they that were about her counsailed her to follow the example of s. paule , to be faithfully perswaded that christ loued her , and gaue himselfe for her : for s. paule was perswaded that christ loued him ; and her calling , and true beléefe , and knowledge of gods word was a manifest token of gods loue towards her , and the operation of the spirit of god , in working in her a loue and a desire to please god : by these perswasions and the comfortable promises of christ brought out of the scripture , sathan was put to flight , and she comforted in christ. when she came to the stake , she prayed to god most instantly to abolish the vile masse ; at which prayer all the people said amen : then she tooke a cup of drinke that was brought vnto her , and drunk vnto all them that vnfainedly loued the gospell of christ , and wished for the abolishment of papistry : a great number of the women of the towne pledged her . when the fire was kindled about her , she neither strugled nor stirred : the papists had appointed some of theirs to raile vpon her , and reu●le her openly as she went to execution ; and whilst she was at the stake , amongst others there was an old priest which had writing tables , and noted the names of the women which drunke with her , and caused processe to be sent for them , but god defended them from the hands of the tyrants . ralph alerton , iames awstoo , margery awstoo and richard roth. on the . of september these foure were burned at i●●ington néere london . ralph alerton comming to his parish church of bently , and séeing the people sitting there idle , exhorted them that they would fall to prayer , and meditation of gods word , wherevnto they consented : after prayer , he read vnto them a chapter out of the new testament , and departed ; in which exercise he continued vntill candlemas : and then being informed that he might not doe so by law ( because he was no priest ) he left off and kept himself● close in his house vntill easter : after he was constrained to forsake his house , and liue in woods , and such places vntill he was apprehended after his examination , my lord darcy sent him vp vnto the councell , who sent him to boner ; who tempted him openly to recant at paules crosse , and set him at liberty , which after wrought such a terrour in his conscience : but the lord with his fauourable chastisement did raise him vp againe with peter , giuing him vnfained repentance , and a most constant boldnes to professe his name , and glorious gospell : wherefore at the procurement of thomas tye priest , hee was apprehended againe , and sent to boner , before whom he was diuers times examined , which examinations written with his owne hand in bloud for lack of inke , hereafter follow . his first examination . boner . ah sirra , how chanceth it , that you are come hether againe in this fashion ? rafe . forsooth , if your lordship remember , i set my hand vnto a writing ; the contents thereof as i remember was , that i did beléeue all things as the catholique church teacheth , in the which i did not disburse my mind , but shamefully dissembled , because i made no difference betwixt the true church ▪ & vntrue church . boner . which is the true church : doest thou call the heretiques church , the true church , or the catholiques church . rafe . i vtterly abhorre the hereticks church as abhominable before god , with all their enormities and heresies , the church catholique is it that i onely imbrace , whose doctrine is sincere , pure and true . boner . by s. augustine that is well said : then a priest said to my lord , you know not what church it is , which he calleth catholick : then hee said by saint mary he might a deceiued me : sirra , which is the catholick church ? rafe . that which hath receiued the wholesome sound spoken of by esay , dauid , malachy , & paul , with many others m●e , the which sound as it is written hath gone throughout all the earth in euery place , and to the end of the world . bon. yea thou saist true before god , for this is the sound that hath gone foorth throughout all christendome , and he that beléeueth not this church as s. cyprian saith doth erre : hee saith whosoeuer is out of the church , is like vnto them that are out of noahs ship , when the floud came vpon the whole world : for the church is not alone in germany , or here in england , in the time of the late schismes , as the hereticks doe affirme : for then were christ a lyar , for he promised the holy ghost should come vnto vs , and leade vs in all truth , and remaine with vs vnto the end of the world : so if we wil take christ for a true sayer , then the way that is taught in france , spaine , flanders , italy , denmarke , scotland , and all christendome ouer must needs be the true catholick church . ra●e . i spake of all the world , and not of all christendome onely , for the gospell hath been preached and persecuted in all nations : first in iury by the scribes and pharisies : and since by nero , dioclesian , and such like : and in our daies by your lordship knoweth whom : your church is no more catholick then was figured by cain , ieroboam , ahab , iezabel , nabuchadonosor , antiochus , herod , with ennumerable more the like : and daniel , and esdras prophesieth of these last daies , and that there shall come greeuous wolues to deuoure the flocke , is affirmed by christ and his apostles , boner . hee is the rankest hereticke that euer came before mee , by alhallowes thou shalt be burned , thou whor●on varlet and pricklouse , the prophecie is of you : what is the saying of esdras that you speake of ? rafe . he saith , the heate of a great multitude is kindled ouer you , and they shall take away certaine of you , and feed the idols with idols , and he that consenteth not to them shall be troden vnder foote , had in derision , and laughed to scorn , yea , they shall be like madde men , for they shall spare no man , they shall spoyle and wast such as ●eare the lord. bonner . esdras speaketh of you hereticks , declaring the hate that you beare to the catholicke church , making the simple people beleeue that all is idolatry that we doe , and so intice them away , vntill you haue ouercome them . rafe . nay , esdras declareth it more plaine , saying , they shall take away their goods , and put them out of their houses , and then shall it be knowne who are my chosen ; for they shall be tried as the siluer or golde in the fire : and it is come to passe as he hath said ; for who is not driuen from house and home , and his goods taken vp for other men that neuer sweat for them ? if he doe not obserue as you command and haue set forth , or else if he be taken he must denie the truth , as i did , in dissembling , or else he shall be sure to be tried , as esdras saith , whereby all the world may know you are the bloudie church , figured by caine the tyrant , and you are not able to auoyde it . bonner . he is an hereticke , let him be carried to london , and kept in little●ase vntill i come . rafe . and so i was vntill the next morning , and then i was brought before bonner , the deane of paules , the chancellor , and others . bonner . how say you sirra , will you goe to fulham with me , and there kneele downe at masse , shewing thy selfe outwardly that thou diddest it not vnwillingly but with a good will ? i said i will not say so . he said , away with him , away with him . after i was brought before the bishop , and three noble-men of the councell . bonner . how say you sirra , after consecration there remaineth no bread , but the very body of christ , god and man vnder the forme of bread ? rafe . where find you that my lord written . bonner . doth not christ say , this is my body ? wilt thou denie the words of christ , or was he a dissembler , speaking one thing and doing another . now i haue taken you . rafe . yea , you haue taken me , and will keepe me vntill you haue killed me : christ said , take you , eate you , this is my bodie ; and if you will ioyne the former words with the latter , then i will answer you . bonner . then thou must say it is his bodie ; for chirst saith it himselfe . rafe . he is true , and all men liers , yet i refuse to take the wordes of christ so phantastically , for then should i conspire with certaine hereticks call●d nestorians , for they denie that christ had a true naturall body , and so doe you , my lord , if you will affirme his body to be there as you say he is , then you must néeds aff●rme that it is a phantasticall body , therefore let the●e words goe before , take ye and eate yee , without which words the rest are not sufficient , but when the worthy receiuers doe take and eate , euen th●n is fulfi●led the wordes of our sauiour , to euery man that so receiueth . esay in his nine and fi●tieth chapter saith , he that refraineth himselfe from euill must be spoyled : and amos saith the like wordes , for the wise must be faine to hold their peace , so wicked a time it is , neuerthelesse , hee that can speake the truth and will not , must giue a straite account . a doctor . by my lords leaue you speake like a foole : you must not iudge the scriptures , but must stand to learne and not to teach , for the whole congregation hath decided the matter long agoe : then was i carryed away . rochest . were you a companion of george eagles , alias trudgeouer . i had him once and he was as drunke as an ape , and ●runk so of drinke that i could not abide him . rafe . i dare say it was either your selfe or some of your companie : for he did neither drinke wine , ale nor béere in a quarter of a yeare before that time . after , because he misliked the masse , calling vpon saints , and carrying the crosse on procession , with other their ceremonies , calling them idolatry , and for singing in 〈◊〉 against the sacrament of the altar , and other ordinances of the church , so lowd that the people abroad might heare them , and delight in them , and for saying that he beleeued nothing that was contained in the councell holde● vnder innocentius the third , and for affirming that those that were burned at colchester were saints in heauen . he was condemned , and he and the other thrée before mentioned were all burned as before . awstoo being in the bishops chappell at fulham , the bishop asked him if hee knew where he was ; he answered in an idoll temple : and he said he receiued the very body and bloud of christ by faith in the supper of the lord , but not in the sacrament of the altar : and his wife said , she beleeued that the religion then vsed in england was not according to gods word , but false and corrupted , and that they which did goe thereto did it more for feare of the law then otherwise ; and she said that she defied the masse with all her heart , and that she would not come into any church wherein was idols . as she was in the bishops prison , by his procurement there was sent a stoute champion , as appeareth , about twelue of the clock at night , who suddenly opened the doore , and with a knife drawne , fell vpon her to haue cut her throat ; but shee calling to god for helpe , he giuing a grunt , and fearing ( belike ) to commit so cruell a deede , departed without any more hurt doing : the next night they made a great rumbling like thunder ouer her head , to the intent to haue feared her out of her wits , but god be thanked they missed of their purpose . the aforesaid richard roth affirmed that there was not the very body and bloud of christ in the sacrament of the altar , as it was then vsed , but that it was a dead god , and that the masse was detestable and contrary to gods word and will , from the which faith he would not decline . he said to bonner , my lord , because the people should not sée your doings , you cause me and others to be brought to our examinations by night , being affraide belike to doe it by day : and being perswaded to recant and aske mercie of bonner ; no ( quoth roth ) i will not aske mercie of him that cannot giue it , whereupon he and the rest were condemned , as before , and most ioyfully ended their liues in the fire at islington , for the testimony of christ and his gospell . agnes bonger and margaret thurstone . these were condemned at the same time and in the same place that the tenne before mentioned were , which suffered martyrdome at colchester , and for the like cause , and answered also in their examinations the like in effect as the other did . when these good and godly women were brought vnto the place in colchester where they should suffer ; after they had falne downe vpon their knees , and made their most humble and hearty prayers vnto god , they went to the stake ioyfully , where with great ioy and glorious triumph , gaue vp their soules vnto the handes of the lord. iohn noyes of lexfield , in the county of suffolke , shoemaker . the twenty two of september , he was taken by the constables , and brought before maister thurstone , sir iohn tyrell , maister kene , iustices , and sir iohn silyerde , high sheriffe , who cast him into eye-dongeon : hee was carried from thence to norwich , and so came before the bishop , who condemned him , because he answered that he thought the naturall body of christ to bee onely in heauen , and not in the sacrament : as hee remained prisoner in the guild-hall of norwich , one nicholas fiske his brother in law came to him to comfort him , he asked if he did not feare death when the bishop condemned him : he said , hee thanked god , he feared not death no more at that time then when he was at libertie . when he was bound vnto the stake , he said , feare not them that ●ill the body , but feare him that can kill both bodie and soule , and cast it into euerlasting fire . when he saw his sister wéeping , he said , wéep● not for mee , but wéepe for your sinnes : when the faggots were set vnto him , he said ; blessed bee the time that euer i was borne to come vnto this , and kissed the faggot . then he said to the people , they say , that they can make god of a péece of bread , but beléeue them not : then said he , good people beare witnesse , that i doe beléeue to bee saued by the merits and passion of christ , and not by mine owne déedes , so the fire was kindled about him : then he said , lord haue mercy vpon me , christ haue mercy vpon me , sonne of dauid haue mercy vpon me . in the dioces of chichester , diuers were martyred for the testimony of righteousnesse in quéene maries raigne , in the number of whom were these : iohn forman of east-grinsted , iohn warner of berne , christian grouer of the arch-deaco●●y of lewis , thomas athoch priest , thomas auington of erdingly , denis burgs of burstéed , thomas rauensdale of ri● ▪ iohn milles of hellinglegh , nicholas holden of withiam , iohn hart of withiam , margery moris of hethfielde , anne try of east-grinstéed , iohn osward of woodmancote , thomas harland of woodmancote , iames moris of heathfield , thomas dowgate of east-grinstéed , iohn ashdon of retherfield . thomas spurdance queene maries seruant . he was examined before the chancellor of norwich , who asked him if hee had confessed his sinnes vnto a priest : i said , i had confessed my sinnes vnto god , who saith : whensoeuer a sinner repenteth , and is sorry for his sinnes , and asketh him forgiuenesse , willing no more so to doe , he will no more reckon his sin vnto him , and that is sufficient for me : i deny that i should shew my sinnes vnto the priest. chancel . haue you receiued the blessed sacrament of the altar at easter : he answered : i dare not meddle with it as you vse it , for the holy supper of the lord serueth for the christian congregation , and you are none of christs members , i dare not meddle with you , least i be like vnto you , for you teach lawes contrary to gods lawes : then he said ; doe you not beleeue , that after the sacrament is consecrated , it is the very same body that was borne of the uirgine mary , and i said no , that was a bloody sacrifice , and this is a dry sacrifice : and i said , is the masse a sacrifice ? a doctor answered , it is a sacrifice both for the quicke and the dead : i said it is no sacrifice , for s. paule saith , that christ made one sacrifice once for all , i beleeue in no other sacrifice . chancel . he is an hereticke , he den●●th the sacrament of the altar : i said , i beleeue , that if i c●me rightly and worthily as god hath commaunded me vnto the supper of the lord , i receiue him by faith , but the bread being receiued is not god , nor the bread that is yonder in the pixe is not god , god dwelleth not in temples made with hands , neither will be worshipped with the workes of mens hands ; therefore you do very euill to cause the people to kneele downe and worship the bread : for god did neuer bid you to hold it vp aboue your heads , neyther had the apostles such vse . chanc. write that article : then said i ; the seruant is not greater then the maister : your predec●ssors killed my maister christ ; the prophets and apostles , and holy vertuous men , and now you also kill the seruants of christ : so all the righteous blood that hath beene shed from righteous abell to this day , shall be required at your hands , then the chancellor bad haue me away . another examination before the bishop . bishop . sirre , dost thou not beleeue ▪ that the pope is supreme head of the catholike church : i said ▪ i do not beleeue that he is aboue the apostles , they disputing which of them should bee greatest when their m. christ was gone , christ answered their thou●hts , saying ; the kings of the earth beare dominion aboue others , but you shall not doe so , for he that is greatest amongst you , shall be seruant vnto you all . how is it then that the pope will climbe so high aboue his fellowes ? you cannot proue by the scripture● that he is head of the church . bishop . as the bell-wether is head of the sh●epe , so is the pope head of the chu●ch , and as the bees haue a master bee to ●ring them home to the hiue when they be abroad , so the pope is ordained by succession of peter to bring vs home againe vnto the ●rue church when we are gone astray : as thou good fellow , hast wandred long out of the way ●li●e a scattered sheepe , heare therefore the bell-wether , and now come home with vs vnto thy mother the church againe . i answered , all this is but naturall reason ; and no scripture : he said , you are stout and will not ●e answered , you shall bee compelled by law whether you will or no. spurdance . so your forefathers intreated christ and his apostles , they had a law , and by that law they put him vnto death : so you haue a law , which is tyranny , whereby you would inforce me to beleeue as you doe , but i trust the lord will assist mee against all your beggerly ceremonies , and make your foolishnesse knowne to the world o●e day . he told the bishop , he neuer vsed the ceremonies of the church since he was borne , at the last he interpreted it , since , hee was new borne , as christ said to nichodemus ; except you bee new borne you cannot enter into the kingdome of heauen : then a doctor said i was an anabaptist , for that was their opinion : i said , i was no anabaptist ▪ for they deny children to bee baptized , and so doe not i. bishop . why doe not you goe vnto the church and cer●monies : i said ; because they are contrary to gods word ; as you your selfe haue taught , but now you say it is go●d againe : and i thinke if there were a returne to morrow , you would say it were false againe which you hold now ; therefore i may well say , there is no truth in you : then he said , i was a stubborne fellow , an heretick , and a traytor . spurdance . there is no man i thanke god to accuse me iustly , that euer i was disobedient to any ciuill lawes , but i haue a soule and a bodie , and my soule is none of the queenes , but my body one goods are the queens , and i must giue god my soule , and all that belongeth vnto it , and in lawes contrarie to gods lawes , i must rather obey god then man : you cannot proue by the word of god , that you should not haue any grauen images in your churches , for lay-mens bookes , or to worship god by them , or that you should haue any ceremonies in the church as you haue . bish. it is a decent order to furnish the church , as when you goe to dinner , you haue a cloth vpon the table to furnish it , so at these ceremonies , a decent order amongst christians , and if you will not doe them , seeing they are the lawes of the realme you are an heretick , and disobedient , therefore confesse with vs that you haue been in errour , and come home . spurd . the spirituall lawes were neuer truelier set forth , then in my master king edwards daies , and i trust in god that i shall neuer forsake them whilest so i liue : he was sent to bury , where he remained in prison . iohn hallingsdale , william sparrow , richard gibson . these three were produced before bonner bishop of london : iohn halingsdale said , that neither in the time of king edward the sixt , nor at that present he did beleeue that in the sacrament is really the body and bloud of christ , and he would not receiue the same , because he did beleeue that the body of christ was onely in heauen : and he said that cranmer , latimer , ridley , hooper , and generally all that of late haue beene burned for hereticks , did preach truly the gospel , and vpon their preaching he grounded his faith , and he said that the saying of saint iohn in the eighteenth chapter of the reuelation , that the bloud of the prophets and saints and of all that were slaine vpon the earth was found in the babylonicall church , is vnderstood of the church whereof the pope is head : where upon hee was condemned . william sparrow was charged with a submission made the year before vnto the bishop : he said he was sorie that euer he made it , and it was the worst deed he euer did : and being charged that he went to the church and heard masse ; he confessed he did so , but it was with a troubled conscience . he tolde the bishop , that which you call truth i beleeue to be heresie : he confessed that since his submission he had preached against the sacrament of the altar , against auricular confession , and other sacraments , and he said , if euery haire of his head were a man , hee would burne them all rather then goe from the truth : and he said , that the ecclesiasticall lawes and the masse were naught and abhominable , whereupon hee was condemned . richard gibson was condemned for not comming vnto confession , and for not receiuing the sacraments of the popish masse , and for that he would not sweare to answere vnto their intergatories laid against him : when sentence was read against him , he boldly affirmed , that he was an enemy vnto them all in his minde , though hee had kept it secret for feare of the law , and hee said hee was blessed in that he was cursed of them : so these three were burned in smithfield , where they yeelded gloriously and ioyfully their soules into the hands of god. iohn rowth minister , and margaret mearing . in king edwards time he was a preacher at new-castle , barwicke , and carliel . in queene maries time he fled with his wife into friseland , and dwelled at norden , and liued by knitting of caps , h●se● , and such like things , but in october last he came ouer into england to buy yarne , and hearing of the secret societie of the congregation of gods children their assembled ▪ hee ioyned himselfe vnto them , and was elected their preacher , and hee taught and confirmed them in the truth of the gospell : but on the twelfth of december , hee with cuthbert simpson , and others were appr●hended at the sarisons head in islington : where the congregation had appointed to assemble themselues to pray , and heare gods word : they were brought before the councell , who sent rowgh to newgate , and writ to boner to examine him , and proceed according vnto the law , who vpon examination before bonner , confessed that he had spoken against the number of the sacraments , being perswaded that there were but two : baptisme and the lords supper : and that hee had taught that in the sacrament of the altar , ther is not really and substantially the body and bloud of christ , but that the substance of bread and wine remaineth without transubstantiation , and that hee thought confession to a priest necessarie if hee had offended the priest , but if the offence were vnto another , it was not necessarie , but the reconc●liation ought to bee made to the party so offended , hee denyed la●ine seruice , and allowed the seruice of king edwards time , and hee commended the opinion of thomas cranmer , nicholas ridley , and hugh latimer , and that they were godly learned men . he confessed he had béene famil●ar with diuers englishmen & women in frieseland , and agréed with them in opinion : as maister story , thomas yong , george roe , and others , to the number of . persons , which fl●d thither for religion , vsing the order set forth in king edwards time . he said that he had béene at rome about thirty daies , and he saw no good there , but much euill , amongst which he saw one great abhomination , to wit ; the pope being a man that should goe vpon the ground , to be carried vpon the shoul●ers of foure men , as though he had béene god and no man : also a cardinall to haue his harlot to ride openly behind him ; and thirdly , a popes bull that gaue expresse licence to haue and vse the stewes , and keepe open bawdery by the popes authority . and he confessed , that since his last comming vnto england , hee had in sundry places in london read prayers and seruice as is appointed in the book of communion , and had willed others to doe the like : and he affirmed , that hee being a priest might lawfully marry , and that his children which hee had by his wife were lawfull , and he vtterly detested the seruice then vsed , saying , that if he shold liue as long as methusala , he would neuer come vnto the church to heare the abhominable masse , and other seruice then vsed . whereupon he was disgraded and condemned : he was a meanes to saue docror watsons life then bishop of lincolne ▪ when he preached erroneous doctrine in the dayes of king edward the sixt ; and the said watson beeing with bonner at the examination of the said m. rowgh , to requite his good turne in sauing his life , said there , that he was a pernicious hereticke , who did more hurt in the north parts then an hundred besides of his opinion . m. rowgh further said , he had liued thirtie years , and yet had not bowed his knee vnto baall : and he affirmed that he had beene twice at rome , and there hee had seene that which he had many times heard of before , that the pope was the verie antichrist : for he saw him carried vpon mens shoulders , and the false named sacrament borne before him , yet was there more reuerence giuen vnto him then vnto it , which they accounted their god. then bonner rose vp , making as though ●e would ha●e torne his garments , saying , hast thou seene our holy father , and doest thou blaspheme him thus ? and flying vpon him hee plucked off a piece of his beard , and after made speedy hast to his death . he wrote this letter to confirme the brethren the same day that hee was condemned : the comfort of the holy ghost make you able to giue consolation to others in these dangerous dayes , when sathan is let loose to the triall of the chosen to sift the wheate from the chaffe , whosoeuer denyeth christ ▪ before men , hee will deny him before his father and the angels : and to saue the life corporall , is to lose the life eternall ; and he that will not suffer with christ , shall not raigne with christ : therefore i haue giuen ouer the flesh , with the fight of my soule , and the spirit hath the victory . the flesh ere it bee long , shall leaue off to sinne , the spirit shall raigne eternally : i haue chosen death to confirme the truth which i haue taught . what can i doe more , pray that i may continue vnto the end : i haue in all my assaults felt the present ayde of my god : bee not ashamed of christs gospell , nor of the bonds that i haue suffered for the same : the holy ones haue beene scaled with the same marke : it is no time for the losse of one man , for the campe to turne back ▪ vp with mens harts and blow downe the dawbed walles of heresies , let one take the banner , and another the trumpet , and i meane not to make corporall resistance , but pray and you shal haue elias his defence , and helizeus his company to fight for you , the cause is the lords : pray for me , and salute one an other with an holy kisse , the peace of god r●st with you all , amen . margery mearing said that the masse was abhominable in the sight of god and all christian people , and that it is the plaine c●p of fornication , and the whore o● babylon ; and shee beleeued that there was no such sacrament as the sacram●nt of the altar in the catholike church : and she said she vtterly abhorred the authoritie of the pope , with all the religion obserued in the same antichrists church , and that ●he neuer meant to come vnto the church during these idolatrous dayes . and being demaunded whether shee would stand to these answers ; i will ( quoth shee ) stand to them vnto the death , for the very angells in heauen doe laugh you to scorne , to se● your abomination that you vse in the church , wherupon shee was condemned . they were burned both together in smithfield , where they most ioyfully and willingly gaue their li●es for the profession of the gospell of christ. master rowgh had excommunicated this margerie mearing but the sonday before he was taken , yet hee being in prison in the gate-house at westminster , where none of his friends could come vnto him to visit him , she gother a basket and put a cleane shirt in it , and fayning her selfe to be his sister , got into the prison vnto him , and did him no small comfort : then shee went to one sergeants house , who betrayed master rowgh , and asked whet her iudas that betrayed christ dwelt not there : and she seeing cluny come vnto her house , she went home , and asked him whom he sought , he said for you , you must go with me : she said , she would go with him , the bishop cast her into prison ▪ and the wednesday after she was burned with master rowgh . cutbert simpson , hugh foxe , and iohn deuenish . simpson was deacon of the said godly congregation in london : he was faithfull and zealous vnto christ and his true flocke : the friday at night before m. rough the minister of the congregation was taken , he dreamed that he saw two of the gard leading cutbert simpson , & that he had a book about him , wherin was the names of all them which were of the congregation : so he told his wife and made her light a candle , and fell to reading , and falling asleepe again , he dreamed the like dreame . then he said to his wife , that his brother cutbert was gone , and as maister rough was ready to go to see maister cutbert , he came in with the booke , containing the names and accounts of the congregation : then m. rough told him his dreame , and bade him carrie the booke no more about him , so he left the booke with m. rowghs wife ; the next night m. rowgh dreamed that be himselfe was carried vnto the bishop , and that the bishop plucked off his beard and cast it into the fire , saying , now i may say i haue had a piece of an hereticke burned in my house , and so accordingly it came to passe , for shortly after they were both taken at the saracens head in islington , as before . here followeth the storie of his sufferings vpon the racke , and otherwise , for the congregations sake , as he wrote it with his own hand : i was called before the constable of the tower and the recorder of london ; they commanded me to tell them whom i willed to come to the english seruice , i answered i would declare nothing , whereupon i was set in a racke of iron three houres , then they asked if i would tell them , i answered as before : the sonday after they examined me againe , and i answered them as before : then they bound my two fore-fingers together , and put a small arrow betwixt them , and drew it thorow so fast that the bloud followed , and the arrow brake , then they racked mee twice , and so i was carried vnto my lodging againe . ten dayes after the lieutenant asked me if i would not confesse , i answered i had said as much as i wold : fiue wéeks after he sent me vnto the high priest , where i was greatly assaulted , at whose handes i receiued the popes curse for bearing witnesse of the resurrection . bonner in his consistorie gaue this testimony of cutbert sampson , ye , sée said he , what a personable man he is , and concerning his patience , i say vnto you , that if he were not an hereticke , he is a man of the greatest patience that euer came before me ; he hath béene thrice racked in one day in the tower , and in my house hee hath felt some sorrow , yet did i neuer see his patience broken . they all thrée answered bonner , that the church is grounded vpon the apostles and prophets , christ being the head corner stone , and in that church there is the true faith and religion of christ : that there is but two sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper ; they said that they haue and will speake against the sacrifice of the masse , the sacrament of the altar , and the authoritie of the sea of rome , and iohn deuenish said that the sacrament of the altar , as it is now vsed , is no sacrament at all . these thrée blessed witnesses of iesus christ , simpson , fox and deuenish , as they were all together apprehended at islington , so they suffered together in smithfield . william nicole . hee was an honest simple poore man , apprehended the ninth of aprill by the popes champions for speaking certaine words against the cruell kingdome of antichrist : he was butcherly burned and tormented at hereford west in wales , where he ended his life in a blessed estate , and gloriously gaue his soule into the handes of the lord. willam seaman , thomas carman , and thomas hudson . william seaman was a husbandman dwelling in mendlesam in the county of suffolk : he was taken the ninteenth of may , by one robert balden his neighbour , whom he greatly trusted : as they were leading him by night to sir iohn tyrill , there fell a light out of the element betwixt them , and parted them : albeit this balden was then in his best age , yet after that time ●e neuer enioyed good day , but pined away euen vnto death : sir iohn tyril as●ed him why hee would not goe vnto masse , and receiue and worship the sacrament : he said it was an idol , and therefore would not receiue it : whervpon he was sent to the bishop of norwich , who condemned him : he had a wife , and three children , who because shee would not goe vnto masse , all her corne and goods were taken away from her , by christopher cole , being lord of the towne of mendlesham . thomas carman was apprehended for pledging richard crashford at his burning : he was brought before the bishop of norwich , and answered no lesse in his maisters quarrell th●n th' other , and he had the like reward . thomas hudson was of aylesham in norffolke a glouer : hee bore so good will vnto the gospell , that in the daies of king edward the sixt , that when hée was thirty yeareo old , he learned to reade , wherein he so greatly profited , that in queene maries raigne auoiding all their beggerly ceremonies of superstition , he absented himselfe , and trauelled from place vnto place , and returning home vnto his owne house to comfort his wife and children : when hee perceiued that his continuance there would be very dangerous , hee and his wife deuised to make him a place in his faggots to hide himselfe in , where hee remained all the day , reading and praying , for halfe a yeare . in the meane time came thither one berry uicar of the towne , and inquired of his wife for him : shee said shee ●new not where hee was : then hee threatned to burne her : because shee would not bewray her husband : after this , hudson waxed euery day more zealous then other , and the people often resorted vnto him to heare his sermons : at last hee walked abroad for certaine daies into the towne , crying out against the masse , and all their trumpery : at the length one iohn crouch , his next neighbour , went with speed to the constables to certifie them that hee was at home , who went about to catch him in the breake of the day . wh●n hudson saw them , hee said now mine houre is come : welcome friends : you bee they that shall leade mee vnto life euerlasting , i thanke god therefore , and the lord inable mee for his mercy sake ; then they ledde him vnto berry their uicar , being commissar●e as before , who asked him where hee kept his church , foure yeares before : hee answered , wheresoeuer hee was there was the church : then hee asked him whether hee beleeued in the sacrament of the altar : he answered that was but wormes meate , my beliefe is in christ crucified : then he asked him whether hee did not beléeue that the masse taketh away sinnes . hudson . it is a patched monster , and a disguised puppit , more longer a peecing then euer was salomons temple : then berry seemed as a mad man , and said , wel i will write vnto my lord , and thou shalt be handled according vnto thy deserts . oh sir said hudson , there is no lord but god , though there bee many lords and gods : with that berry thrust him back with his hand , and bound richard clifford to the good behauiour for saying , i pray bee good vnto the poore man : then the said berry writ vnto the bishop , and sent hudson bound like a theefe vnto him , who went thither with ioy , and singing , as merry as euer hee was , where he was condemned : these thrée were burned without the bishops ga●e in norwich , in a place called lolords pit : aftor they had made their prayers they went vnto the stake , and standing with their chaines about them . iohn hudson being troubled in minde , went from them , and prayed his fellowes , exhorted him in the bowels of christ to be of good chéere . at last the lord , according vnto his old mercies . sent him comfort , and then rose ●e with great ioy , as a man new changed from death vnto life : and said now , i thanke god , i am strong , and passe not what man can doe vnto mee : at the length they all suffered most ioyfully together , to the terrour of the wicked , the comfort of gods children , and the magnifying of the lords name . after this berry caused two hundred of the towne of cylesham to creepe to the crosse at penticost , besides other punishments which they suffered . this betry vpon a time strooke a poore man of his parish with the swingell of a ●laile , for speaking words that hee presently dyed : and after hee méeting one alice oxes , going into his hall ( hee as before moued ) he smote her with his fist , and the next day shee was found dead in his chamber : to write how many concubines and whoores hee had none would beleeue but such as knew him where be dwelt : he was rich , of great authoritie , a great swearer , altogether giuen vnto women , and persecuting the gospell , and compelling men vnto idolatry , he troubled sundry good men , burned all good books that he could get , and deuorced many men and women for religion . when hee heard queene mary was dead , and the glory of his triumph quailed : on a sunday hee made a great feast , and had one of his concubines there , with whom he was in his chamber from dinner vntill euening song : then hee went to the church , and after euening song in going from church homeward , hee fell downe dead , made an heauy grone , and neuer stirred , and those that had his riches so consumed with them , that they be poorer now , then when they had his goods : which iudgement the lord executed in the eyes of all men . at that time d●nning the cruell chancellor of norwich died in lincolneshire , as sodainely as the said berry died . ioane seaman , mother of the said william seaman . she was threescore and six yeares old : she was persecuted from her house by the said sir iohn tyrill , because she would not goe vnto the masse , nor receiue against her conscience : sometimes shee was glad to lye in the bushes , groues , and fields : but her husband beeing fourescore yeares old , and falling sick , she returned vnto her house , to shew her duety vnto her husband , vntill hee dyed : then she fell sicke , and died : and one maister simonds the commissary commanded straightly that she should not be bur●ed in any christian buriall : wherevpon her friends were faine to bury her vnder a mote side . mother benet . this old woman likewise was persecuted from whetherset by the aforesaid mendlesam , because she would not goe vnto the masse , and other beggerly ceremonies , and returning home secretly vnto her house , shee dyed most ioifully : but sir iohn tyrill , and the said maister simonds commissionary , would not let her be buried in the church-yard , but her graue was made by the high-way side : her husband would say vnto her , that if shee had been sparing , they might haue been worth a hundred markes more then they were : she would answere , o man be content , i cannot barrell my butter , and keepe my cheese in the chamber , to waite a great price , and let the poore want , and so displease god ; but let vs be rich in good workes , so shall we please god , and haue all good things giuen vs. william harris , richard day , and christian george . the twenty sixe day of may these were burned at colchester in essex , when they were brought vnto the stake , and had ioyfully and feruently made their prayers , the fire was set vnto them , in the midst of the fire they triumphantly praised god. the same christian eagles husband had another wise named anne , which likewise suffered for the truth , with the aforesaid thirteene at strat●ord the bow : after he married another wife , and they both were laid in prison for the truth , where they remained vntill the death of queene marie , and were deliuered by queene elizabeth . henry pond , reynald estland , robert southam , mathew richarby , iohn floyd , iohn holiday , roger holand . the twenty seauen of iune , these with others , to the number of forty men and women , were assembled together in a field by islington at prayer , and meditating vpon the word of god : at length the constable of islington , with sixe or seauen others came vnto them , and bad them deliuer their bookes , and bad them stand and not depart : then they were carried vnto sir roger cholmeley , by the way all sauing two and twenty escaped , which were sent to newgate , where word was sent to them by alexander the kéeper , that if they would heare masse they should all bee deliuered : seauen of them escaped , though not without much trouble , and two , to wit ; mathew withers and thomas tyler died , the rest were burned , as before . they answered that they were not at church since lattine seruice was deuised , becau●e it was against the word of god , and that idolatry was committed in créeping to the crosse , and because the churches were furnished with idols , and because they beléeued the sacrament of the altar to be an idoll , and because the customes , rites , and ceremonies of the church then vsed , are not agréeable vnto gods word . they said , that they beléeued that no priest had power to remit si●s , and that those that knéele vnto the sacrament and worship it , commit idolatry . reynald estland refused to be sworne to answer , alleadging that to end a strife an oath is lawfull , but to begin a strife an oath is not lawfull : thus they standing vnto their answeres , and refusing to acknowledge the doctrine of the romish church , they were all together condemned . the aforesaid roger holand was a merchant taylor of london , he was sometime prentice vnto one maister kempton , at the blacke boy in watling-stréete : in his prentiship hee was a papist , and very licentious , and hauing plaid away thirty pounds of his maisters money , he purposed to haue conueyed himselfe beyond sea , but a religious maid in the house vnderstanding his minde , lent him thirty pounds to saue his credit , and made him premise her to refuse all leud and wilde company , and all swearing and ●iba●ory talke , and to leaue papistry , and to resort euery day vnto the lecture of alhollowes , and to the sermon of paules euery sunday , and to cast away all his papistry bookes , and to pray to god for remission of sinnes , and grace to feare and breake his lawes , and then shall god kéepe thée , and send thée they harts desire . halfe a yeare after god wrote such a changing in this man , that he was become an earnest professor of the truth , and detested all papistry and euill company : then he repayred vnto lancashire vnto his father , and brought diuers good bookes with him , and bestowed them vpon his friends , so that his father and others began to ●ast the gospell , and to detest the masse , idolatry , and superstition : and his father giuing him a stocke of money , he maried the aforesaid maid , called elizabeth , and hauing a childe by her in the first yeare of quéen mary , he caused maister rose to baptise his child in his house , and being ●one into the country to conuey away the child , that the papists should not haue it in their annointing hands : hee was bewrayed , and bonner caused his goods to be seased vpon , and vsed his wife most cruelly : after this he remained closely in the citty , vntill he was taken as before . when hee came before bonner , who was acquainted with his friends , and for his friends sake and his , he perswaded him what he could to papistry , and a kinsman of his standing by , said ; i thanke your good lordship , your honor meaneth good vnto my cozen , i pray god he haue grace to follow your councell . holand . sir , you craue of god you cannot tell what , i beseech god to open your eye● to sée the light of his word . then the bishop and others perswaded him to submit himselfe vnto my lord , before he were entred into the booke of contempt , holand . i neuer meant but to submit my selfe vnto the magistrate , as i learne of saint paul in the . to the romaines . chedsey . i sée you are not an anabaptist . holand . the papists and the anabaptists agrée in this point , not to submit themselues vnto any other prince or magistrate , then those that must first bee sworne to maintaine them and their doings . bonner . i perceiue you will not be rul'd by any good councell , for any thing that either i or your friends , or any other can say . holand . i may say vnto you my lord , as saint paul said vnto foelix , and to the iewes , it is not vnknowne vnto my maister , vnto whom i was prentise , that i was of your blind religion , vntill the latter end of king edwa●ds raigne , hauing that liberty vnder your auriculer confession , that i made no conscience to sinne , but trusted in the priests absolution , and hee for money did some pennance for me ; which after i had giuen , i cared no more what offence i had done , no more the priest cared after he had got my money , whether hee fasted with bread and water for me or no : so i accounted letchery , swearing , and other vices , no offtence of danger , as long as i could for my money haue them absolued , i so frailty obserued●y our rules of religion , that i would haue ashes vppon ashwednesday , though i had vsed neuer so much wickednesse at night , and albeit i could not of conscience eate flesh vpon friday , yet in swearing , drinking , or dicing all night long , i made no conscience at al. thus was i brought vp , and continued vntill now of late , that god of his grace by the light of his word called me vnto repentance of my former idolatry and wicked life : for in lanchishire their blindnesse and whoredome is much more , then may with chast eares be heard , yet these my friends , which are not cléere in these notable crinics , thinke the priest with his masses can saue them , though they blaspheme god , and kéepe contubines besides their wiues as long as they liue ; yea , i know some priests very deuout , yet they haue sixe or seuen children , by foure or fiue seuerall women . now m. doctor to your antiquity , vnity , and vniuersality ( for these , doctor chedsie alledged as notes of their religion . the antiquity of our church is not from pope nicholas and pope ioane , but from the time that god said vnto adam , that the seede of the woman should breake the serpents head , and so vnto faithfull noah , to abraham , isaack , and iacob , to whom it was promised , that their seed should multiply as the stars in the sky , and so vnto moses , daniell , and all the holy fathers that were from the beginning vnto the birth of christ , all that beleeued these promises were of the church , though the number of them were oft-times but small , as in elias his dayes , when he thought that there was none but he that had not bowed their knées vnto baal , when god had reserued seuen thousand that neuer bowed their knées vnto that idoll , as i trust there be seuen hundred thousand that haue not bowed their knees vnto that idoll your masse , and your god maozim , which you vphold with your bloudie crueltie , daily persecuting elias and the seruants of god , forcing them in their chambers and in the fields to pray vnto god that his word may be once againe preached amongst vs , and that he would shorten these idolatrous and bloudy dayes : moreouer , our church haue beene the apostles and euangelists , the martyrs and confessors of christ , that haue at all times beene persecuted for the true testimony of the word of god ; but for the vpholding of your church and religion , what antiquity can you shew ? yea the masse , that idoll and chiefe pillar of your religion , is not yet foure hundred yeares olde , and some of your masses are yonger , as that masse of s. thomas becket the traytor , wherein you pray that you may be saued by the bloud of s. thomas becket . the laiety is neuer the better for your la●ine seruice : he that vnderstands latine can vnderstand but few words ; the priests doe so champe them and chaw them , and poste so fast that they vuderstand not themselues : and the people when they should pray with the priest , they are set to their beades to pray to our ladies psalter , so craf●y is sathan to deuise these dreames which you defend , with faggot and fire to quench the light of the word of god , which as dauid saith , should be a lantorne vnto our feete , and wherein should a yong man direct his wayes but by the word of god , and yet you will hide it from vs in a tongue vnknowne : saint paul had rather haue fiue words spoken with vnderstanding , then ten thousand in an vnknowne tongue , yet you will haue your latine seruice , and praying in a strange tongue to be of such antiquitie . touching vniuersalitie : the greek church and a good part of christendome besides , neuer receiued your seruice in an vnknowne tongue : nor your transubstan●iation , nor your receiuing all alone , nor your purgatorie , nor images , the vnitie in your church is nothing else but treason , murther , poysoning , one another : idolatry , superstition , wickednes : what vnitie was in your church , when there was three popes at once . where was your head of vnity , when you had a woman pope . boner said , these they words are very blasphemous , and by the meanes of thy friends th●n hast been suffered to speake and art ouer malapert to teach any here , therefore keeper take him away : afterward , for that he said that the masse , transubstantiation , and the worshipping of the sac●●ment , is méere impiety and horrible idolatry , he was condemned : he prophessed before bonner and all the people that were there , that after this day in this place , shall there not bee any put to the tryall by the fire and faggot , and after that day there was neuer none that suffered in smithfield for the testimony of the gospell , god be thanked for it : these seauen were burned at smithfield . robert miles , stephen cotten , robert dynes , stephen white , iohn slade , william pickes or pikars . the foureteenth of iuly these sixe were taken at islington , with the other seauen as before , and were burned at brainford : the articles that were ministred vnto them were the same that were ministred vnto the other seauen , and their answers the same in effect as the others were . when they were brought vnto the stake they addressed themselues , and ioyfully went vnto the fire , and ye●lded their soules , bodies , and liues into the hands of the omnipot●nt lord. richard yeoman . hee was the curate of doctor taylor before mentioned : he was a godly and deuout old man , being of the age of thréescore and ten years , and had many years dwelt in hadlie ; with him doctor taylor left his cure at his departure , but as soone as m. newall had gotten the benefice be droue away good m. yeoman , as is before said , and set in a popish curate to maintaine the romish religion ; then wandred he long time from place to place , exhorting al men to stand faithfully vnto gods word , and to giue themselues vnto prayer , with patience to beare the crosse laid vpon them for their triall , and with boldnesse to confesse the truth before the aduersaries , and with vndoubted hope to wait for the crowne of eternall felicitie : and perceiuing his aduersaries to lie in wait for him , he got a pedlers packe , and trauelled from village to village , selling such things , and thereby got somewhat to sustaine himselfe , his wife and children . at last m. moyle a iustice of kent took him , and set him in the stocks a day and a night ; but when he had nothing against him , he discharged him , so he came vnto hadley , and tarried secretly a yeare with his wife and children , spending the time in prayer and reading the scriptures , and carding of wooll , which his wife did spin ; his wife also did begge bread and meat for her selfe and her children : thus the saints of god sustained hunger and miserie , whilest the prophets of baall lined in iollitie , and were costly pampered at iesabels table : at last parson newall perceiuing this , came with the officers in the night , and broke open fiue doors vpon yeoman , whom he found in bed with his wife and children : then he said he thought he should finde a knaue and a whore together , and he would haue pluckt off the clothes , but that yeoman held them fast , and bade his wife arise and put on her clothes : then he said , nay parson , no whoore , but a man and his wife , according to gods ordinance , and blessed be god , for lawfull matrimony , and i defie the pope and all his popery : then they led him vnto the cage , and set him in the stocks vntill it was day . there was then in the cage an old man , named iohn dale , who had sitten there thrée or foure dayes for saying vnto parson newall and his curat , miserable and blinde guids , will you euer be blinde leaders of the blinds , will you neuer amend , will you neuer sée the truth of gods word , will neither gods threats nor promises enter into your hearts , will not the bloud of martyrs nothing mollifie your stony stomacks ? o indurate , hard hearted , peruerse and crooked generation , o damnable sort , to whom nothing can do good . the said parson newall caused them both to be carried vnto bury gaole , being pinioned and bound like théeues , and their legges tyed vnder the horse bellies ; where they were ●yed in irons : and because they continually rebuked popery they were throwne into the lowest dungeon , where iohn dale died in prison , whose bodie was buried in the fields . he was a weauer by his occupation . then richard yeoman was remoued to norwich prison , where he was straitly kept : hée boldly professed himselfe to be of the faith and religion that was set forth by king edward the sixt , and from that he would in no wise vary . being required to submit himselfe to the holy father the pope , i defie him ( quoth he ) and all his detestable abominations ; i will in no wise haue to do with him , or with any thing that appertaineth vnto him . the chiefe articles obiected against him were his marriage and the masse sacrifies , wherfore when he continued stedfast in the profession of the truth : he was condemned , & not only burned , but cruelly tormented in the fire . iohn alcock . this iohn was a shereman , which came vnto the aforesaid hadley to seek worke : after doctor tayler was martyred , and richard yeoman was taken , he vsed to reade the seruice in english in the church of hadley , as is touched before : at the length , because he would not moue his cap , nor shew reuerence when parson newall went of procession : when newall was almost out of the church , he runne backe againe and caught him , and deliuered him vnto the constable , saying ; hee is an hereticke and a traytor , and dispised the quéenes proceedings . wherefore i commaund you in the quéenes name , to haue him vnto the stocks : when he was brought vnto the parson , he asked him ▪ fellow , what saist thou to the sacrament of the altar ? i say ( quoth he ) as ye vse the matter , you make it a shamefull idoll , and you are false idolatrous priests euery one of you : then the parson committed him to ward , and the next day rode vp to london , and caried the said alcocke with him ; and after he had long beene imprisoned in newgate , after many examinations and troubles , because he would not aske forgiuenesse of the pope , and be reconciled vnto the romish religion , he was cast into the lower dungeon , where he died : his body was buried in a dunghill . thomas benbridge . vpon the twenty nine of iuly he was apprehended for an aduersary of the romish religion , and was examined before doctor white , bishop of winchester , where he sustained sundry conflicts for the truth : the points of religion that he stood vpon were these : that baptisme is not administred at this present , as it was in the apostles time , because it is not in the english tongue , that in the sacrament is not the body and blood of christ ; that he knoweth not whether confirmation bee a sacrament or not , and whether the bishop giueth grace or not ; that sinnes bee not forgiuen by absolution pronounced of a priest , and that it is not necessary for a man to confesse all his sinnes vnto a priest : that he beleeued that the bishops bee not the successors of the apostles , for that they bee not called as they were , nor haue not that grace ; that it is not the pope but the deuill that is supreme head of the church which you speake of ; that he will not beleeue touching purgatorie as their church doth ; that matrimony is no sacrament , but a sacred order in signe of an holy thing ; that martine luther died a good christian , whose doctrine and life he did allow , for which he was condemned . he came vnto the stake very rich in apparell , when the fire was kindled , first it tooke away a peece of his beard , whereat he nothing shranke , then it tooke his legges , and his stockings being leather made the fire to pierce the sharper , and the intollerable heate made him cry i recent , and suddenly thrust the fire from him , and hauing two or three of his friends by , they helped to take the fire from him : and the sheriffe being sir richard pecksall , of his owne authority tooke him from the stake , and sent him to prison againe : wherefore the sheriffe was sent vnto the fleete , and his friends that helped him to prison . before he was taken from the stake , doctor seaton made him to subscribe to certaine articles touching the pope , the sacrament , and such other trash ; but being in prison , he wrote a letter vnto doctor seaton , and recanted those words that he spake at the stake vnto which he had subscribed : whereupon the same day seanight he was burned , where the vile tormentors did rather broile him , then burne him . iohn cooke sawyer , robert milles alias plumer , sheareman , alexander lane a vvheelewrite , iames ashly a bacheler . in august these were burned at s. edmundsbury by the bishop of norwich , and sir edward walgraue . sir edward said vnto cooke , why come you not to church ? cook. because the sacrament of the altar is an abhominable idol : and ( sai● he ) the vengeance of god will come vpon all them which do maintaine it . sir edward . o thou ranke traytor , if i had as good a commission to cut out thy ●ongue as to heare thee , thou shouldst be sure to haue it cut out : then hée commaunded the constable to haue him away , saying , hee was both a traytor and a rebell : then he ●sked robert milles why he would not goe vnto church . miles . because i will follow no false gods : then alexander lane was asked why he would not come to church , he said ; his conscience would not serue him so to doe . after the like manner they passed also with iames ashly ; so the next day they appeared and had their condemnations , and were burned as before . alexander gouch , and allice driuer . gouch was a weauer of shreaden co●erlits at woodbridge in suffolk , and burned at uxford : the woman was driuers wife of grosborough : one maister moone a iustice searching for them , they were compelled to hide them in a hay-ricke , but by gaging thereof with pickforks , at the last they found them , and sent them to mel●on iayle : from thence they were carryed to bury vnto the assizes , and being examined of their faith , they did boldly confesse christ crucified , defying the pope and all his papisticall trash . and driuers wife likened quéene mary vnto iezabell : whereupon sir clement higham chiefe iudge , adiudged her eares to be immediatly cut off , which was done , and shee ioyfully yéelded her selfe vnto the punishment , and thought her selfe happy that shee was counted worthy to suffer for christ : then they were sent again vnto melton iayle , where they were examined , as followeth : when driuers wife came before doctor spencer to be examined , shee smiled : then he said ; why woman dost thou laugh vs to scorne : shee said ; shee might well enough to sée what fooles you be . then he said , woman , what saist thou to the sacrament of the altar ? dost thou not beleeue that it is very flesh and bloud after the consecration . dri. i neuer heard nor read of any such sacrament in all the scripture : i will grant you a sacrament called the lords supper . i pray you tell me what a sacraments is ? spens . it is a signe : and doctor gascoyne confirmed the same , that it was a signe of an holy thing . dri. it is a signe indéede , and therefore it cannot be the thing signified also . gascoyne . doe you not beleeue the omnipotence of god ? shee answered ▪ yes , then said he ; christ said to his disciples , take , eate , this is my body , ergo it was his body , for he was able to performe that which hee spake , and god vseth not to lye . dry. was it not bread which he gaue them ? he said , no , it was his body ; then ( quoth she ) it was his body they did eate ouer night , what body was it then that was crucified the next day , when his disciples had eate him vp ouer night , except he had two bodies , as by your argument he had . such a doctor , such doctrine , be you not ashamed to teach the people that christ had two bodies . in the . of luke he tooke bread and brake it , and gaue it to his disciples , saying ; take , &c. do this in remembrance of me . cor. . doe this in remembrance of me , and as oft as you shall do it , you shall shew the lords death vntill he come . then gascoyne held his peace , and the chancellor commanded the iayler to take her away . dri. now you be not able to resist the truth , you command me to prison , the lord shall iudge our cause , vnto him i leaue it . i wis this geare will go for no paiment : the next day she came before them again , and their arguments were vnto the same effect , wherefore she was condemned , so went she to prison againe , as ioyfull as the bird of day , praysing and glorifying the name of god. alexander gouch was condemned , for that his beléefe was , that christ is ascended into heauen , and there remaineth , and that the sacrament was the remembrance of his death ; and for refusing the masse , and the pope to be supreame head of the church , they were both burned at ipswich : they ended their liues with earnest zeale , nothing fearing to speake their consciences , when they were commaunded the contrary . sir henry dowell sheriffe would not suffer them to make an end of their praiers : then gouch said , take héede m. sheriffe , if ye forbid prayers , the vegeance of god hangeth ouer your heads : when the iron chaine was put about allice driuers necke , o ( said she ) here is a goodly neckercher , blessed be god for it . diuers shooke them by the hands , the sheriffe bad lay hands on them , with that a great number ranne vnto the stake , he seeing that , let them all alone . one bate a barber was a busie deer against them , who being in a fréeze gown sold it , saying ; it stunk of hereticks , with other foule words , within thrée or foure weeks after , he died miserably in ipswich . phillip humphrey , iohn dauid , and henry dauid his brother . these were burned at bury , in the same moneth that quéene mary died , sir clement highama , bout a fortnight before the quéene died , did sue out a writ for the burning of these three godly and blessed martyrs , though the queene was then knowne to be past remedy of her sicknesse . good-wife prest . she was the wife of one prest , dwelling not far from launceston in erecester d●oces . she told the bishop , that she would rather die then worship that foule idoll , which with your masse you make a god. bishop . will you say that the sacrament of the altar is a foule idoll ? woman . yea , there was neuer such an idoll as your sacrament is made of your priests , and commanded to be worshipped of all men , where christ did command it to be eaten and drunken , in remembrance of his passion . bishop . dost thou not see that christ said ouer the bread , this is my body , and ouer the cup , this is my blood : she said , but hee meant not carnally , but sacramentally , if you will giue me leaue , i will declare the reason why i will not worship the sacrament . bishop . mary say on , i am sure it will be good geare . woman . i will demaund of you whether you can deny the créede , which saith , that christ perpetuallie sitteth at the right hand of his father , both bodie and soule , vntill he come againe , if it be so , he is not in the earth in a péece of bread : if he doe not dwell in temples made with handes , but in heauen , what shall we séeke him héere ? if he did offer vp his body once for all , why make you a new offering ? if with once offering hee made all perfect , why doe you with a false offering make all vnperfect ? if he be to be worshipped in spirit and truth , why doe you worshippe a péece of bread : if he be eaten and drunken in faith and truth : if his flesh be not profitable amongst vs , why doe you say , it is profitable both for body and soule : rather then i would doe as you doe , i will liue no longer . bish. i promise you , you are a holy protestant , a foolish woman , who wil wast his breath vpon thée , and such as thou art : but how chanceth it that you went from your husband , and run about the country like a fugitiue . woman . my husband and my children did persecute me , for when i would haue him to leaue idolatry , and worship god in heauen , hee would not heare me , but he with his children rebuked and troubled me : so i went from him , because i would be no partaker with him and his of that foule idoll the masse , god giue me grace to goe to the true church . bishop . what dost thou meane by the true church ? wom. not your popish church , full of idols and abhominations , but where three or foure are gathered together in the name of god : some perswaded the bishop that she was out of her wits , therefore they consulted that she should goe at large ; so the kéeper of the bishops prison had her home vnto his house , where she fell to spinning & carding , and did al o●her worke besides as his seruant , and went whether she list . diuers had a delight to talke with her , and euer she would talke of the sacrament of the altar , which of all things they could least abide . then diuers priests perswaded her to leaue her wicked opinion of the sacrament : but she answered , that it was nothing but bread and wine , & that they might be ashamed to say , that a péece of bread should be turned by a man into the naturall body of christ ; which bread doth sennew , and mice oftentimes do eate it , and it doth mould , and is burned , gods owne body will not be so handled or kept in prison or boxes : let it be your god , it shall not be mine , for my sauiour sitteth at the right hand of god , and doth pray for me , and to make it the very body of christ and to worship it , is foolish and deuillish deceit . then an old frier as●ed her what she said of the holy pope , i say ( quoth she ) he is antichrist , and the deuill , then they all laughed ; ●ay said she , you had more néed to weep then laugh , in that you are chaplaines vnto that wh●re of babylon : i defie him and all his falshood : you damne soules , when you teach the people to worship idolls , and to worship a false god of your owne making , of a peece of bread : and that the pope is gods uicar , and can forgiue sinnes , and that there is a purgatory , when gods sonne hath by his passion purged all , and say you make god and sacrifice him , when christs body was a sacrifice once for all : you teach the people to number their sinnes in your eares , and say they bee damned ●f they doe not confesse all , when god saith , who can number his sinnes ? you promise them trentalls and dirges , and masses for soules , and sell your prayers for money , and make them buy pardons , and trust in such foolish inu●ntions : you teach vs to pray vpon beads , and to pray vnto saints ; you make holy bread and holy water to fray deuils , and you do make a thousand moe abhominations , yet you say you came to saue my soule ; no , no , one hath saued me , farewell with your saluation . in saint peters church shee beheld a cunning duch-man how he made new noses , to certaine images which were disfigured in king edvvards time , what a mad man art thou ( said she ) to make new noses , which within a few daies shall all loose their heads : thou & thine images are acccursed : hee called her whore , nay said the thine images are whoores , and thou art a whoore-hunter : for god saith , you goe a whoring after strange gods : then she was clapped fast , and after had no liberty , and not long after she was condemned : then she said , i thanke god this day i haue found that which i haue long sought , and being then exhorted to recant : she said i will neuer lose eternall life , for this short life : i will not turne from my heauenly husband , to my earthly husband , from the fellowship of angels , to mortall children , god is my father , god is my mother , god is my sister , my brother , my kinsman , god is my friend , most faithfull : shee was burned at execester . iohn sharpe , thomas hall , thomas benion . these were burned in the towne of bristow , for saying that the sacrament of the altar was the greatest and most abhominable idol that euer was : and thomas benion denied fiue of their sacraments , and affirmed two : that is , the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ , and the sacrament of baptisme : they died godly , constantly and patiently . iohn corneford of wortham , christopher browne of maidstone , iohn herst of ashford , alice snoth , katherine knight , alias tinley . these were the last that suffered in quéen maries raigne : they were burned at canterbury , but six daies before the death of queene mary : the arch-deacon of canterbury being at london , and vnderstanding the danger of the quéene , made post-hast home to dispatch these . they were condemned for not beleeuing the body of christ to be in the sacrament of the altar , vnlesse it be receiued , and for confessing that an euill man doth not receiue christs body : and that it is idolatry to créepe to the crosse , and that we should not pray vnto our lady and other saints : when there sentence should be● read against them , iohn cornefield excommunicated the papists in these words as follow . in the name of our lord iesus christ , the son of the most mighty god , and by the power of his holy spirit , and of the authority of his holy cathothick and apostolick church : wee doe giue here into the hands of sathan to bee destroyed , the bodies of all those blasphemers and hereticks , that do● maintaine any error against his most holy word , or doe condemne his most holy truth for heresie , to the maint●nance of any false church , or fained religion , so that by this thy iust iudgement , o most mighty god , against thy aduersaries , thy true religion may be knowne , to thy great glory , and our comfort , and to the edifying of all our nation , good lord , so be it . this procéeded , as it seemed , from an inward faith , and harty zeale to gods truth , and it tooke such effect against the enemies , that within six daies queene mary died , and all tyranny with her . these godly martyrs , in their prayers which they made at their martyrdom , desired god that their bloud might be the last that should be shed , and so it was . katherine tinley , was the mother of one robert tinley , dwelling in maidestone . the story of nicholas burton , marchant of london dwelling in little s. bartholomew . the fift of nouember , he being in the citie of cadix , in the parts of a●do●azia in spaine about his marchandize , there came one of the inquisition vnto his lodging , who fained to h●ue a letter to deliuer vnto his hands , when he came vnto him , he inuented another lye ; and said that he would take lading vnto london in his ships , delaying the time vntill the alquisyell or sergeants of the inqui●ition might apprehend them , and seeking to know his ships that they might attache them , when they had arrested him , he boldly asked them what cause they had against him , and he would answere them : they carried him vnto a filthy common prison of the towne of cadix , where he remained in irons amongst theeues thirteene daies : all which time he instructed the poore prisoners in the word of god , that he had reclaimed sundry of them from superstitions to embrace the word of god , which being known they conuayed him thence vnto the citie of siuill , into a more cruell prison called triane , where the fathers of the inquisition proceeded against him secretly , that neuer after he could be suffered to speake or write vnto any of his nation : and the twentith day of december , they brought him with a great number of other prisoners into the citie of siuil , into a place where the inquisi●ion sate in iudgement : they put on him a canuas coat , wheron was painted in diuers parts the figure of a huge diuell tormenting a soule in fire , and on his head a long cap of the same worke : his tongue was forced out of his mouth , with a clouen sticke fastened vpon it , that he should not vtter his faith and conscience vnto the people : and so he was set with an other englishman of southampton , and diuers others condemned for religion , as well frenchmen , as spaniards , vpon a scaffold ouer against the inquisition , where they were condemned , and they most cruelly burned him for his most constant faith : hee shewed such a cheerefull countenance , patience and gladnes in the flames of fire , that the tormentors said , that the diuell had his soule , before he came vnto the fire : there suffer●d with him another englishman , and thirteene more ; one a nun , another a frier constant in the lord. iohn baker , and william burgate . they were both englishmen , and apprehended the second of nouember , at cales in spaine , and were burned at siuill . marke burges , and william hooker . they were both englishmen : burges was maister of a ship called the minion . he was burned at lysborne in portugall . hooker was about sixteene yeares old , and was stoned vnto death of certaine yong men in the citie of siuill for the confession of his faith. franciscus euzenas wrote to philip melancton , as followeth . in sant lucar in spaine dwelt a brabander , called rochus , a maker of images : hee liked not his science , because he maintained idolatry , yet he was ●aine to vse it for maintenance for excellent workmanship he was commended of all men . upon a time he had framed the image of our lady in wood , with singular dexteritie , setting it out to be sold : one of the inquisitors offered money for it : he answered , he had rather breake it , then to sell it at his price : hee bid him breake it if he dare . at which word he flung a toole at the image , and blemished the face thereof : by and by he was carried away vnto prison : may i not said he make and marre mine owne worke , as i thinke good : perhaps i did not well like the countenance of it , and therefore did intend to make it better vnto my minde : notwithstanding , within three daies he was carried vnto the stake and burned , because he was an heretick against the blessed lady . touching the treatise and names of them who by reason of persecution , we●● forced to forsake their houses and goods in the time of quéene mary . i haue omitted it , and the reader that is desirous to reade them , may repaire to the booke at large . likewise i haue omitted the treatise , concerning such as were scourged and whipped by the papists , in the true cause of christs gospell , because all the stories of them be elsewhere in the booke . likewise touching the story of such as by the prouidence of god , haue been preserued from danger in the time of persecution : i referre the reader to the booke at large . the acts that happened in the flourishing raigne of queene elizabeth . hauing by the power of almightie god truely displayed the cruell practises of queene maries raigne : now orderly comming to the flourishing and long wished for raigne of the most vertuous , and religious queene elizabeth , who can number the singular ornaments and noble graces , giuen of god vnto this so princely a lady , and puisant princesse : the mildnes of her nature , the clemencie of her royall estate , the peaceablenes of her raigne : who a uirgine so mildely ruled her subiects , kept all things in order , quieted forraine nations , recouered townes , inlarged her kingdome , nourisheth and reconcileth amitie , vniteth hearts , and loue with forraine enemies , helpeth neighbours , reformed religion , quenched persecution : shee was feared with loue , and loued with feare : how can we but giue vertue her commendations , which in all persons as plato saith , stirreth vp great loue , but especially in a prince ▪ and what cause haue all wee englishmen to render most ample thankes to the mercifulnes of god , who hath granted , conserued , and aduanced vnto the seate regall of this realme : so good godly and vertuous a queene : such a chosen instrument of his clemencie , through whom wee cannot deny , but that god hath made amends , and recompence now vnto england , for the cruell dayes that were before , for as then moderation had no place , but all was ruled by rigour : contrary now clemencie hath all the operation , as then was no end of butcherly killing : now is no b●ginning of spilling any drop of bloud : she came in like a mother , not like a st●pdame , like a lambe , not li●e a lyon. first i● begin with her princely birth be●ing borne at greenewich , ann● . of the victorious prince king henry the eight , and of the noble and most vertuous lady queene anne her mother ▪ she● was christened in the gray-friers church of greenewich , hauing vnto her godfather thomas cranmer archbishop of canterbury : after shee was committed vnto godly tutors , vnder whose institution , her grace did so greatly increase in vertue , and knowledge of learning , so that she vnderstood all tongues , and spake all languages : she was well learned in the liberall arts and sciences , and her noble brest was gernished , with all vertue , councell and wisedome , that none of her councell could goe beyond her maiestie : it is wonderfull in euery mans conscience , to behold in that age , that s●xe , in such state and fortune , in so great occasions , so many entisements , in all these to refaine so sober conuersation , so temperate condition , such mildnes of manners , such humblenesse of stomack , such clemencie in forgiuing , such trauelling in studie . tully saith , a good man in other places is no matter , but in asia to keepe a sober , and temperate life , that is indéed a matter praise worthy : but shee in th● middest of asia , did so much degenerate from all asia , as hath not lightly been in europa . her first schoolemaister , reported of her to a friend of his , that he learned euery day more of her , then she of him , which hee expounded thus : i teach her words ( quoth he ) and she teacheth me things : i teach her tongue to speake , and her modest and maidenly life teacheth me to doe , for i think she is the best disposed of any in europe , and an italian that was her teacher , said he found in her t●o qualities , which are neuer lightly y●ke-fellowes in one woman , which are a singular wit , and a maruellous meeke stomack . but none of her princely qualities are more worthy of commendations , th●● her christian patience , shewed in her afflictions , and her incredible clemencie declared towards her enemies : for though she was such a high princes , and a kings daughter and a queenes sis●er , and heyre apparant vnto the crowne , could she not escape without the ●rosse : yea her troubles were far aboue the condition of a kings daughter : for there was no more behinds to make a very iphigenia of her , but her offring vp vpon the altar of the scaffold , it was no small iniury that shee suffered in the lord protectors dayes by certaine venemous vipers : and after the death of king edward , the councell sought to defeate both her and her sister from the naturall inheritance and right of the crowne . and in the daies of queene mary , into what trouble of minde , and feare of death was she brought vnto . first with ●ands of ha●nished men to bee fetched vp as a great traytor , and clapped into the tower , and to bee t●ssed from thence from prison to prison , from post to piller : at length also she was prisoner i● her owne house , garded with a sort of cut-throates , which euer gaped for the spoil● of her . in the beginning of quéene maries raigne , the lady elizabeth , and the lord courtenay were charged with false suspition of sir thomas wiats rising , and the lady elizabeth being at her house at ashredge , quéene mary sent her two lords , and sir iohn williams , afterward lord tame , with their retinue and troupes of horsemen , to the number of two hundred and fifty , who found her sore sick in her bed and very feeble and weake of body : and at ten of the clock at night they rushed into her chamber without leaue : whereat her grace beeing not a little amazed , she said , my lords is your hast such that it might not haue pleased you to haue come to morrow in the morning : they answered , that they came from the queene for her , and that she must be at london the seuenth day of that month : she answered , that no creature was more glad then shee to come vnto her maiesty , and that she was sorry she was not able to goe with them ; they answered , that their commission was such , that we must needs bring you with v●●liue or dead . in conclusion , they willed her to prepare against the morning at nine of the clocke to goe with them , and on the next day morrow at the time prescribed , they had her forth as she was , very faint and féeble , and in such case , that she was ready to sound thrée or foure times betweene them . from ashridge all sicke in the litter , she came vnto redborne , where shee was garded all night : from thence to saint albons , to sir raphe rowlets house , where she tarri●d all night both feeble in body , and comfortlesse in minde : from thence shee came to maister dodds house at mimmes , where also they remained all night , and from thence to highgate , where she being very sicke , tarried all night and next day . during which time of her abode , there came many purseuants and messengers from the court vnto the lords , but about what i cannot tell : from thence shee was conuayed vnto the co●rt , where she was straitwaies shut vp , and kept as close prisoner a fortnight . the friday before palmesunday , the bishop of winchester with nineteene others of the priuy councell came vnto her grace , and b●rdened her with wiats conspiracy , which she v●terly deni●d : then they charged her with the busines made by sir peter carew , and the rest of the gentlemen of the west country , which also shee vtterly denied : then they told her that it was the queenes pleasure that shee should goe vnto the tower , vntill the mat●●r were further tryed : then shee desired them to bee a meane vnto the quee●e that shee would be gracious vnto her : declaring that sheee was innocent in all the matters wherein they had burdened her , and that shee was a true woman vnto to the queene , in thought , word , and deede : that shee might not be committed vnto so notorious and dolefull a place : the lords answered , that there was no remedy , for the queene was determined that she should goe vn●o the tower , wherewith the lords departed , with their hats hanging ouer their eyes , but about an houre after , foure of the aforesaid lords of the councell with the guard , who warding the next chamber vnto her , secluded all her gentlemen , yeomen , ladies , and gentlewomen , & one gentleman usher , thrée gentlewomen , and two groomes of her chamber , were appointed in their roomes by the quéene to giue attendance vpon her that none should haue accesse vnto her . at which time there was . of northen souldiers in white coats , watching abo●t the gardens all night , and two lords with their bands & companies watched in the hall : the next day two lords of the councell , certified her grace that forthwith she must goe vnto the tower : the barge being prepared for her , & the tyde now readie , which tarrieth for no body , but she got leaue of the earle of sussex , which was one of the two , to tarrie till day to write to the q. and he promised to deliuer it , contrary to the will of the other : the next day , being palm-sonday , about nine of the clock , she took her barge , with the said two lords , houering vpon the water an boure , because they could not shoot the bridge , & when they did shoot the bridge , the st●rn of the 〈◊〉 strook vpon the ground the fall was so bigge & the water so shallow : then her grace desired the lords that she might not land at the staires where al traytors & offendors vse to land , whi●h they would not grant ; then she protested that here steppeth as true a subiect as euer was towards the queens highnesse ; and before thee , o god , i speak it , hauing none other friends but only thee : when she came into the tower she rested her selfe vpon a colde stone , the lieutenant said , madam , you were best come out of the raine , for you sit vnwholsomly : she answered it was better to sit there then in a worse place , for god knoweth i know not whether you will bring me , then her gentleman usher wept , and she asked him what his meaning was in that be vsed her so vncomfortably ? so she went into the prison and the doores were locked and boulted vpon her : then she called to her gentleman for her booke , desiring god in no wise to suffer her to build her foundation vpon the sands , but vpon the rocke , whereby all blasts of blustering windes should not hurt her : the lords consulting about her straight keeping , the lord of sussex said , my lords , let vs take héed that we doe no more then our commission will warrant vs , whatsoeuer shall or may happen hereafter ; for shee was the king our masters daughter , whereunto they all agreed and departed . it would make a strange storie to recite what examinations and rackings of poore men there were to finde out that knife which should cut her throate : what gaping amongst the lords of the clergie , to see the day wherein they might wash their white rochets in her innocent bloud , but most especially steuen gardner bishop of winchester then lord chancellor , and then rul●r and gouernour of the rost , who within few dayes after came vnto her , with diuers of the councell , and very strictly examined her about a purpose that she had to remoue to her house at donnington castle , and likewise they examined sir iames acroft about the same matter : she answered , what is that to the purpose , my lords , but that i may go vnto mine owne houses at all times ? but my lords , you doe examine euery meane prisoner concerning mee , wherein you doe me excéeding great iniurie : i beseech you ioyne not me in this sort with any of these offendors . when they were departing sir iames acroft kn●eled downe , and said , hee was sorie to bee brought as a witnes against her grace , and that hee had beene meru●i●ously tossed and examined touching her highnes , but i take god to record before whom i stand in your honours sight , i know not any thing of that crime that you haue laide vnto my charge , and will take my death thereon if i be driuen to so strait a tryall . when her officers had prouided her diet , and brought it to the vtter gate of the tower , the common rascall souldiours receiued it . wherefore they complained vnto the lord chamberlain constable of the tower , and desired that her dyet might be brought in by them , which were apppointed therevnto : hee answered , i assure you for that she is a prisoner , shee shall be serued with the lieutenants men , as other ●he prisoners are : and they seeming to be offended at this answere : hee sware that if they did either frowne or shrug at him , he would set them where they should neither see sunne nor moone ; but after they obtained their request of the councell with much adoe : then he would haue had his seruants to haue serued with them , and he would haue had his meate rosted with her graces meat , & that his cooke should come thither to dresse it : her graces cooke would suffer no st●anger to come about her dyet , but her own sworne men , neither would they suffer any strangers to come into any other of their offices . when she had lien a month in close prison , and was ill at ease , she requested the lord chamberlaine and the lord shandoys to haue liberty to walk in some place : they said they durst not grau●t it , because they had commaundement to the contrary : but the next day the lord sandoys obtained of the councell , but with very much adoe , that she might walke in the queenes lodging , in the presence of the lord chamberlaine and the lord shandoys , the windows being shut , wherewith she contented her selfe , and thanked him . afterward she had libertie for to walke in a little garden , and the doores and gates being close shut : during which time there vsed a mans childe in the tower many times to bring her grace flowers , but certaine suspitious heads thinking to make some great matter thereof , called the childe , promising him figges and apples ▪ asked him when he was with the earle of deuonshire , he answered he would goe by and by thither : then they asked him when he was with the lady elizabeth , he answered euery day : then they asked him what the lord of deuonshire sent by him vnto her grace , he said ; i will go know what he will giue me to cary her . this is a crafty boy ( quoth the l. chamberlain ) i pray you ( quoth the boy ) giue me the figs you promised me : no ( quoth he ) thou shalt be whipped if thou come any more vnto the lady elizabeth , or the lord courney , and the childs father was commanded to suffer the boy to come no more vnto their chambers : the next day , as her grace walked in the garden , the child péeping in at a little hole , cryed vnto her , mistris , i can bring you no more flowers ; whereat she smiled , perceiuing how the matter went. the sixtéenth day of may she was remooued from the tower , where sir henrie benifield being appointed her iayler , did receiue her with a company of rake●s to guard her , besi●es the lord of darbies band : to whom the lord of tame was ioyned in commission : the first day they conducted her to richmond , where she was s●cl●ded from her seruants , and souldiers were appointed in their roomes to giue attendance vpon her person , whereby shee was in dispaire of her life , and desired her gentleman usher and the rest of his company , to pray for her . then the gen●leman usher desired the lord of tame , to tell him if there were any danger meant toward his mistris this night , saying ; certainely i and my fellowes will rather dye , then she should secretly miscarry : the lord of tame answered , rather then it should be so , i and my men are ready to die at her foote also . the next day shee was carried to windsor , and by the way she saw certaine of her men , then she bad one goe to them , and say these wordes ; tanquam ouis , she lay that night in the deane of windsors house : the next night shee was brought to maister dormers house , where many people presented vnto her gifts . wherefore sir henry troubled the poore people very sore for shewing their kindnes vnto her , calling them r●bels and traytors : as shee passed the villages the townes-men ▪ rang the bels for ioy : sir henry sent his souldiers , and put some of the ●●●gers into the stocks , and otherwise misused othersome the next night they came to the lord of tames house , where she was princely intreated of noble men , ladies , gentlemen and gentlewomen . sir henry told them that they could not tell what they did , and they were not able to answere their doings . the lord of tame said hee was well aduised of his dooings , and that her grace might or should be merry at his house . then sir henry ( whereas there was appointed for her grace , a chayre , two cushions , and a foote carpet very prince-like ) wherein presumptuo●s●y hee sate whilst his bootes were plucked off : wherefore the ladies and gentlewomen did laugh him to scorne : the next day she was brought to woodstock , where she was inclosed as in the tower , threescore souldiers euery day warding within the walles and without , and fortie euery night without the walles during the time of her imprisonment there , when she went into the garden to walke , shee had fiue or six lockes locked vpon her , betwixt her lodging , and her walkes . sir henry himselfe keeping the keyes : wherevpon shee called him her goaler : he desired her not to call him so , but her officer : from such officers , quoth she , good lord deliuer me . at the last , by earnes● suite she was permitted to write vnto the queene , so that sir henry did stand by whilest shee wrote ( which hee straightly obserued : ) when she was wearie he would carrie away the letters , and bring them againe when she called for them : he would haue been the messenger to cartie the letters , but she would not giue him leaue , but said one of her owne men should carry them : he said ●e ●rowed none of them durst be so ●olde : yes ( quoth shee ) i haue none so dishonest , but w●ll as willingly serue me n●w as before , but he would not permit her letters to be carried foure or fiue dayes after the writing therof , but in fine , he sent for her gentl●man , demanding whether he durst enterprise the carrying of the letters to the queen : he answered yes that he durst and would , whereupon sir henrie halfe against his stomack , gaue them him . doctor owen and doctor wendi●e were sent for by the queens grace , for that she was sickly , who ministred vnto her and let her bloud , tarrying with her . or . daies : they reported to the q. and councell of her graces behauior and humblenes towards the q. which her maiestie took very thankfully , but the bishops rep●ned , and told the quéen that they maruelled that she submitted not her selfe vnto her maiesties mercie . about this time her grace was requested by a secret friend to submit her selfe vnto the quéen , which would be to her great commoditie : she answered , she would not submit her selfe vnto them which she had not offended : if i haue offended , i craue no mercy but law : i would i were as cléere out of the perrill of mine e●emies , as i know my selfe out of the danger of the law . about this time there was great consulting amongst the bishops and gentlemen touching a marriage for her grace , which some of the spaniards wished to be , with some stranger that she might goe out of the realme with her portion : then a lord said , that the king should neuer haue quiet common-wealth in england , except her head were striken from her shoulders : the spaniards answered , god forbid that their king and master should consent to such a mischiefe . from that day the spaniards neuer left good perswasions vnto the king , that he should neuer obtaine the like honour as he should in deliuering the lady elizabeth out of prison , whereby at length she was happily released of the same . shortly after she was sent for to hampton court , sir henry benifield and his souldiers , with the lord of tame , and sir ralph chamberlaine guarding of her : the first night she came to ricot , the next to m. dormers , house and so to colbrook , where she lay at the george all night : as she came thither , thréescore of her gentlemen and yeomen met her , which had not séene her grace a long season before : but they were commanded in the quéens name to depart the towne , and shée was not suffred to speak with them : that night al her men were taken from her but her gentleman vsher , thrée gentlewomen , and two grooms , & one of her wardrop : the next day her grace entred hampton court , where she lay a fortnightere euer any had recourse vnto her ; at length came the lord william howard to ●er , who vsed her grace maruellous hanourably : she requested him to be a meane that shée might speak with some of the councell . not long after came to her gardner bishop of winchester , the lord arundel , the lord of shrewsbury , and secretary peter , who with great humility humbled themselues vnto her grace . my lords , quoth she , i am glad to sée you ; for me thinks i haue bin kept a great while from you desolatly alone , wherefore i would desire you to be a meane to the king and quéens maiesties , that i may be deliuered from prison , wherein i haue bin kept a long space . then gardner knéeled down , and requested her to submit her selfe to the quéen , and then he doubted not but her maiestie would be good vnto her : she answerd , rather then she would do so she would lie in prison all the dayes of her life , adding , that she craued no mercy but the law , if euer she did offend her maiesty in thought , word or déed ; and in yeelding i should confesse my selfe to be an offendor , which i neuer was towards her maiesty , by occasion wherof the king and quéen might euer hereafter conceiue an ill opinion , therefore it were better for me to lie in prison for the tr●th , then to be abroad and suspected of my prince . so they departed , promising to declare her message to the qué●n . the next day gardner came again vnto her grace , and knéeling down , declared that the quéen maruailed that she would so stoutly vse her selfe ▪ not confessing ●o haue offended , so that it should séeme the quéens maiesty wrongfully to haue imprisoned her grace : nay , quoth she , the quéen may punish me as it pleas●th her : nay , quoth gardner , her maiesty willed me to certifie you , that you must tell her another tale ere that you be at liberty : her grace answered , that she had as liue be in prison with honesty and truth , as to be abroad suspected of h●r maiesty : this i will stand vnto , for i will neuer bely my selfe . then he knéeled down , and said , then your grace hath aduantage of me and other the lords for your long imprisonment : i take god to record , quoth she , i séeke no vantage at your hands for your so dealing with me : then the other kneeled downe , and desired her grac● that all might be forgotten , and so they departed . a seuen-night after the queen● sent for her at ten of the clocke at night : then she desired her gentlemen and gentlewomen to pray for her , for that she co●ld not tell whether she should euer se● them againe . when she came vnto the que●ne she kneeled downe and desired god to preserue her maiestie , not in any wise doubting but that she should proue her selfe as true and faithfull a subiect towards her maiestie as euer did any , and therefore she desired her maiestie so to iudge of her , and said she should not ●nd other of her , whatsoeuer report had gone of her : the queen answered , you will not confesse your offence , b●t stand stoatly in your truth , i pray god it may so fall out . it it do not , quoth she , i desire no fauour nor pardon at your maiesties hands . wel ( said the queene ) you stiffely still perse●ere in the truth , belike you will not confesse but that you haue b●ene wrongfully punished . i must not say so ( if it please your grace ) to you ; why then , said the queene , belike you will vnto others : no , quoth she , i haue borne the burden , and must beare it : i humbly beseech your maiestie to haue a good opinion of me , and to thinke me to be your true subiect , not only hitherto , but as long as life lasteth , and so they parted with a few comfortable words in english , but what she said in spanish god knoweth . it is thought that king philip was there behinde a cloth , and not seene , and that he shewed himself● a very friend vnto that matter . thus her grace went vnto her lodging againe , a●d the seuen-night after she was released of sir henry benifield , and was set at libertie from imprisonment : she went into the countrey , and had appointed to goe with her . sir thomas pope one of the queens councellors , & m. gage one of her gentlemen ushers . and thus straightly was she looked vnto all the time of q. maries raigne . then there came vnto her house maister ierningham , and norris gentleman usher , quéene maries men , who tooke from her grace mistris ashly to the fléet ▪ and thrée other of her gentlewomen vnto the tower , which was no little trouble vnto her grace ; saying , that shee thought that they would fetch all away in the end : but god be praysed shortly after was fetched away gardiner , whereby the life of this so excellent a princesse , the wealth of all england was preserued : for the said wicked gardner had long laboured his wits , and bent all his deuises , to bring this our deere souera●gne out of the way , as by his words and doings did well appeare . after the death of this gardner , followed the death also and dropping away of other her enemies : whereby by little and little her i●opardy decreased , and more gentle entertainmant did daily grow vnto her , vntill in the moneth of nouember , the seauenteenth day . three yeares after the death of stephen gardner , followed the death of quéene mary , as is before declared , the same day queene elizabeth was proclaimed queene , with as many glad hearts of her subiects , as euer was any king or queene in this realme . the next day after the death of queene mary , cardinall poole died : and shortly after christopher bishop of chichester , and hopton bishop of norwich died , and doctor weston , which was the cheefe disputer against cranmer , ridley , and latimer . first , fell into displeasure with the cardinall , and other bishops , because he would not depart from his deanerie of westminster vnto the monks : being remoued from thence , he was made deane of windsor , where being apprehended in aduoutry , was by the sa●d cardinall put from all his spirituall liuings : wherefore he appealed vnto rome , and flying out of the realme he was taken by the way and clapt into the tower , where he remained vntill queene elizabeth was proclaimed , then being deliuered , he fell sick and died . the fifteenth day of ianuary queene elizabeth was crowned with triumphant and honourable entertainment of the citie of london , with such celebritie , pra●ers , wishes , welcommings , cryes , tender words , pageants , interl●des , decl●mations and verses set vp , as the like hath not been seene : arguing a wonderfull affection of louing hearts towards their soueraigne , and many letters gratulatory were sent vnto her maiestie , from sundry forraine places ▪ as from zuricke , geneua , basil , berne , wertenberge , argentine , franckfort , &c. it pleased the queens most excellent maiesty to haue a conuenient chosen number of the best learned of either part , to conferre together their opinions and reasons , and thereby to come to some good and charitable agreement : for the papists were appointed the bishops of winchester , lichfield , chester , carlile , lincolne , doctor cote , doctor harpsfield , doctor , langdall , and doctor chedsey . for the protestants were appointed the bishop of chichester , doctor coxe , m. whitehed , m. grindall ▪ m. horne , doctor sands , m. gest , m. aelmer , m. iuell , the matters which they should talk of follow : it is against the word of god , and the custome of the auncient church , to vse a tongue vnknowne to the people , in common-prayer , and the administration of the sacraments . euery church hath authority to appoint , take away , & change ceremonies , and ecclesiasticall rites , so the same be vnto edification . it cannot be proued by the word of god that there is in the masse offered by a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead . it was resolued by the quéens maiesty , with the aduice aforesaid , that it should be in writing on both parts , and that the bishops should first declare their mindes touching the matters , with their reasons in writing ; and they on the other part should the same day declare their opinions in like manner , and each of them deliuer their writings vnto the other to consider what were to be improued therin , and the same also to declare in writing some other day : the parties of this conference were to put and reade their assertions in the english tongue , before the nobles and states of the realme , that thereupon in the court of parlament , consequently following , some lawes might be grounded . the first méeting was the last of march , in westminster church : the lords and others of the priuie councell were present , and a great part of the nobilitie : the bishop of winchester and his colleagues alleadged that they had mistake● that their reasons should be written , but they were readie to argue and dispute ; this séemed somwhat strange to the councell , yet it was permitted , so doctor cole deane of paules was appointed the vtterer of their mindes , who partly by spéech , and partly by reading authorities written , and somtimes was informed by his colleagues what to say , made a declaration of their meanings and reasons to the first proposition ; which being ended , they were asked by the councell if they had any more to say , and they said no : so the other part was licensed to shew their minde , which they exhibited in a booke written ; which after a prayer made most humbly vnto almighty god for the induing them with the holy spirit , and a protestation to stand to the doctrine of the catholike church , builded vpon the doctrines of the prophets and apostles : the effect of the protestation i● as here followeth . we referre the whole iudgement of the controuersie vnto the holy scriptures , and the catholike church of christ ▪ whose iudgement vnto vs ought to be most sacred ; notwithstanding by the catholike church we vnderstand not the romish church , whereunto our aduersaries attribute such reuerence , but that church which s. augustine and other fathers affirme ought to be sought in the holy scriptures , and which is gouerned and led by the spirit of christ. it is against the word of god , and the custom of the primitiue church , to vse a tongue vnknowne vnto the people in the common prayers , and in administration of the sacraments : by the word of god wemeane the written word of god , or canonicall scriptures ; and by the custome of the primitiue church , we meane the order most generally vsed in the church for fiue hundred years after christ , in which time liued iustine , ireneus , tertullian , cyprian , basill , chrysostome , hierome , ambrose , augustine , &c. this assertion hath two parts : first , that it is against the word of god ; and secondly , that it is against the vse of the primitiue church . the first is proued by saint paule in . cor. . where he intreateth of this matter , ex professo , purposely : and though some say that he there meaneth of preaching and not of prayer , it appeareth , by the exposition of the best writers , that he speaketh of prayer and thanksgiuing , and of all other publique actions which require any speach in the church : of prayer he saith , i will pray with my spirit , and with my vnderstanding : and of thanksgiuing he saith , thou giuest thanks wel , but the other is not edified , and how can the vnlearned say amen at thy giuing of thankes , when hee vnderstandeth not what thou sayest ? then he concludeth , that all things ought to be don to edification ; and he vseth the similitude of a trumpet , if it giue an vncertaine sound who can prepare to battell ? so if thou speake with vnknowne tongues , you speake in the ayre , that is , in vaine . in the old testament all things belonging vnto publike prayers , benedictions , thanksgiuings , and sacrifices were alwayes in their naturall tongue : if they did so in the shaddowes of the law , much more ought we to doe the like . s. augustin● in his fourth booke de doctrina christiana , and the tenth chapter , saith , if they , for whose cause we speake , vnderstand not our speaking , there is no cause why we should speake . the barbarous heathen of all nations and sorts of men euer made their prayers and sacrifices to their gods in their mother tongue , which sheweth that it is the very light and voyce of nature . touching the second part of the assertion , that it is against the custome of the primitiue church : it is a matter so cléere , that the deniall of it must néeds procéede either of great ignorance , or els of wilfull mallice . iustinus martyr , apol. . describeth the order of the primitiue church , saying , vpon the sonday , assemblies are made both of the citizens and countrey-men , where the writings of the apostles and prophets are read as much as may be : when the reader doth cease , the head minister maketh an exhortation to follow honest things , then we rise altogether , and offer prayers , then bread , wine , and water are brought forth , then the head minister offereth prayer and thanksgiuing as much as he can , and the people say amen . he liued about the yeare . this declareth plainly that the scriptures were read , and prayers and administration of the lords supper were done in a tongue vnderstood . both the lyturgies of basill in chrysostom declare that the people were appointed to answer to the prayer of the minister , sometime amen , somtime lord haue mercy vpon vs , somtime with thy spirit and truth we haue our hearts lifted vp vnto the lord , which they could not haue done if they had not vnderstood the long the prayers were said in . basilius epist. . saith , that their psalmes which they sing , being diuided into two parts , they sing by course together , one beginning the song , and the rest following . ambrose vpon the fourtéenth of the first to the corinthians , saith . this is that s. paule saith , because he that speaketh in an vnknowne tongue speaketh to god , for he knoweth all things , but men know not , therfore there is no profit of these things ; and further he saith , the vnlearned hearing that which hee vnderstandeth not , hee knoweth not the end of the prayer to say amen . and againe he saith , if an infidell or one vnlearned come in , if he heare in a language which he vnderstandeth god to be praised and christ to be worshipped , he seeth perfectly that the religion is true , nothing to be done colourably nor in darkenes as amongst the heathen , whose eies are blinded , they not perceiuing themselues to be deluded with diuers vanities , for all falshood speaketh darknes , and sheweth false things for true , therefore with vs nothing is done couertly , for if there be none that he can vnderstand he may say there is some deceit , because they are ashamed to open it : further , thus he concludeth , let all things be done to edifying : this thing ought chiefly to be labored for , that the vnlearned might profit , lest any part of the body should be darke through ignorance : and further he saith , he that speaketh in an vnknowne tongue , and hath no interpreter , let him pray secretly to god , which heareth all dumb things , for in the church he ought to speake that which may profit all men . and s. hierom vpon that place of paul , quomodo qui supplet locum idiotae , and vpon other places vseth the very same arguments that s. ambrose did ; and likewise chrysostome vpon . cor. . vseth the like arguments , and dionysius , cyprian and s. augustine agrée in the same , and iustinian the emperour , who liued . yeares after christ , made a constitution that all bishops and priests should celebrate their holy oblations and prayers , not speaking low , but with a loude voice , that the mindes of the hearers may be stirred vp with greater deuotion , for so saith the apostle in the first to the corinthians , saying , if we only blesse and giue thanks in the spirit , how doth he that occupieth the place of the vnlearned say amen ? thou verily giuest thanks well , but the other is not edified : and in his epistle to the romans he saith , with the heart a man beleeueth vnto righteousnes , and with the mouth confession is made vnto saluation . when this was ended , certaine of the bishops began to say contrary vnto their former answer , and that they had much more to say vnto this matter , whereupon it was agreed that vpon the monday following the bishoppes should bring their mindes in writing vnto the second assertion , and to the last also , if they could , and that they should first reade the same ; and that the other part likewise should bring theirs , and being read each of them shou●d deliuer to the other the same writings , and that in the meane time the bishops should put into writing all that doctor cole had that day vttered , and whatsoeuer they could more thinke of for the same , and that they should send it vnto the other partie , and receiue that which they had written . at which day the bishops were concluded to reade that which they had to say to the first question , and would not procéede then vnto the rest ; and after they ca●elled because they should reade their writings , first saying that if the aduersaries should end the talke , then should the veritie on our sides not be so well marked , for they should depart speaking last , with the reioycing triumph of the people , whereupon grew much contention betwixt the bishops and the councell , because they obserued not the order which they were agréed vpon the day before : when there could be nothing done for contention all that day , the lord ké●eper said , my lords , sith you refuse to reade the writing after the order taken , wee will breake vp and depart ; and for that you will not that we should heare you , you may perhaps shortly heare of vs. here you may perceiue what the papists be , if the sword be taken from them , how soone all their cunning lieth in the dust , or else why would they not abide the triall of writings , and stand vnto the order agréed vpon ? and because they gaue such an example of disorder , stubbornnesse and selfe●will as hath not bin séene in such an honourable assembly , whereby the godly and christian purpose of the quéens maiestie was made frustrate ; the bishops of winchester and lincolne were committed vnto the tower , and the rest were bound daily to make personall appearance before the councell , and not to depart the city vntil further order was taken for their comtempt , and bonner about the same time was committed vnto the marshalsie . about this time was a parliament holden at westminster , wherein a great many of the papists and protestants were imployed , the one to retaine still , the other to impugne the doctrine established in quéene maries time . amongst others , the words of doctor story , the stout champion of the pope in the parlament house , are worthy to be knowne of posterity . he said , whereas he was much complained of to haue beene a great setter forth of such religion , orders , and procéedings , as of quéen mary were set forth in this realme : he confessed it to be true , and protested that he therein had done nothing but what his conscience did leade him vnto , and his commission commanded him , and that he was no lesse readie now to doe the like , and more , if the quéens maiestie would authorize him therevnto : and hee said hee was sorie for nothing but that hee had done no more then hee had done , and that they had not beene more seuere in executing those lawes , wherein there was no default in him , but in them , whom hee both oft and earnestly exhorted vnto the same , beeing not a little greeued with them , for that they laboured onely vpon the yong and little springs and twigges , whereas they should haue striken at the roote , & cleane haue rooted it out : and he said that he was once at the burning of an herewigge at uxbridge , meaning maister denley , where he tossed a fagget at his face , as hee was singing of psalmes , and set a bush of thornes vnder his feete , and he named sir philip hobby , and another knight in kent , with such other of the richer and higher degree , whom his councell was to pluck at , wherein if they had followed my aduice they had done wisely . in this parliament through the goodnes of the lord the true cause of the gospel , had the vpper hand , the papists hope was frustrated , & their rage abated : the proceedings in k edwards time was reui●●d , and the bloudy statutes of q. mary repealed : the old bishops were deposed for refusing the othe , in renouncing the pope , and not subscribing vnto the queenes lawfull supremacy . in the place of cardinall poole , succeeded doctor mathew parker , archbishop of canterbury : in the place of heath , succeeded doctor yong ; insteed of boner , edmund grindall was bishop of london : for hopton , thurleby , tunstall , pates , christopherson , peto , coats , morgan , feasie , white , oglethorpe , were placed doctor iohn parkust in norwich : d. cox in ely : iuell , in salisbury : pilkinton , in duresme : d. sands , in worcester : benton , in couentry and lichfield : downam , in westchester : dauid in s. dauids ally in exeter : horne , in winchester : story , in lincolne : scamler , in peterborough : bartlet , in bathe : gest , in rochester : barlow , in chichester . the seuere punishment of god vpon persecutors and blasphemers . stephen gardiner , the arch persecutor , whom the lord tooke away in the middest of queene maries raigne : of whose poisoned life , and stinking end mention is made already : he said in his death-bed ; i haue denied my master with peter , but neuer repented with peter . bishop morgan , who condemned master farrar , bishop of saint dauids , and vsurped his roome : not long after he was striken in such a strange sort , that the meate he eat would not goe downe , but rise vp againe ; sometimes at his mouth : sometimes blow out of his nose most horrible to behold , and so continued vnto his death . also when doctor leyson the sheriffe had fet away the said bishops cattell , diuers of the cattell would neuer eate meat , but lay bellowing and roaring , and so dyed . one richard a priest of carmarthen , a little after the martyrdome of the said b. farrar , standing vpon the top of a stayre , in one maister downings house , iesting at the death of the said b. farrar , fell downe suddenly , and brake his neck . iustice ▪ morgan , after he had set vpon the death of the lady iane , fell mad , and so died , hauing euer in his mouth lady iane , lady iane. doctor dunning , the cruell chancellor of norwich , was striken wish sodaine death as he sate in his chayre . berry , the wicked comissary of norfolke , foure daies after queene maries death , made a feast , and had one of his concubines ; therein the afternoone comming from euensong , he fell downe by the way and neuer s●irre● . bishop thorneton , suffragan of douer , who was a most cruell tyrant : hee fell in a palsey , as he looked vpon his men playing at bowles , and so was had to bed , he was willed to remember god : yea so i doe said he , and my lord cardinall , and so he dyed . after him succeeded another bishop or suffragan , who was suffragan before vnto boner : he brake his neck downe a payre of staires in the cardinals chamber at greenewich , as he had receiued the cardinals blessing . the parson of crundall in kent , hauing receiued the popes pardon : hee exhorted the people to receiue remission of sinnes , as he had done : and hee said that he stood now , as cleere in conscience as when he was first borne , and cared not if he should die the same houre : in so saying he was suddenly striken in the pulpit , and leaning back he was found dead . not long after the death of queene mary , dyed doctor capon bishop of salisbury , and the cruell chancellor of salisbury : doctor geffrey about the same time in the middest of his buildings was suddenly taken with the mighty hand of god , and so ended his life : the day before he departed , hee had appointed to call before him . persons , to examine them by inquisition . cruell maister woodroofe sheriffe of london , which reioyced at the death of the saints of christ : a weeke after he was out of his office the one halfe of his body was striken by the hand of god , that hee was bedrid , and not able to moue himselfe , and so he continued seuen or eight yeares vntill he dyed . rafe sardine , that betrayed george eagles , was attached himselfe , arraigned and hanged . maister swingefield , an aldermans deputy in thames stréet , vnderstanding a midwife which absented her selfe from the church to bee at the labour of one mistris walter at crooked lane end : he apprehended her being great with child , and carried her vnto boner , who sent her vnto lolards tower : where for fe●re she was deliuered of a child , & could haue no woman to help her : after she had lien there fiue wéekes , she was deliuered vpon sureties . doctor story hearing thereof , charged her with felony , and sent her vnto newgate : shortly after the said master swingfield and three more that came to take her died . one burton a bayliffe of crowland in lincolneshire , who made shew to be a great friend of the gospel in king edwards time , but in quéene maries time he moued the parish to shew themselues the queenes friends , and set vp masse speedily , and he called on them still in the queenes name : and when hee saw his words were not regarded , he got him to church vpon a sunday morning , when the curate began to say seruice , according vnto king edwards time : he came to him and said : sirra , will you not say masse , buckle your selfe to masse you knaue , or by gods bloud i will sheath my dagger in your shoulders : the poore curate for feare setled himselfe vnto masse . but not long after , riding from home with one of his neighbours , as he returned home a crow flew ouer his head , singing after her wonted manner , knau● , knaue , and dunged vpon his nose , which ranne downe vpon his mouth & beard ; the poisoned sauour thereof so annoyed his stomack , that he neuer ceased vomiting vntill he came home , whereof within few daies he dyed , without any to●en of ●epentance . as iames abbes was a leading to be burned , poore people asking almes , hee pulled off all his apparell vnto his shirt , and gaue it amongst them , to some one thing , and to some another : and he exhorted them to stand stedfast in the truth of the gospel ▪ which hee ( with gods help ) would seale with his bloud in their sight : then a seruant of the sheriffes cryed out , beléeue him not good people , he is an heretick & a mad man , and it is heresie that he saith , and thus he did vntill hee came vnto the stake : but as soone as the fire was put vnto abbes , this blasphemer was striken with madnes , wherewith he had charged the good martyr , & he cast off his shooes & the rest of his clothes & cried out thus did abbes that true seruant of god , who is saued , but i am damned : thus hee ranne about the towne of berry , still crying iames abbes was a good man and saued , but i am damned : the sheriffe tyed him vp in a darke house , but he continued his old note , and being brought to his masters house in a cart , within halfe a yeere he died : and beeing ready to die , the parish priest came to him with the crucifix , and the host of the altar : but he cryed out of the priest , and defied all that baggage , saying that the priest , a●d such other as he was , were the cause of his damnation : and that iames abbes , was a good man and saued . clarke , an open enemie of the gospell , and all good pre●chers in king edwards dayes , hanged himselfe in the tower of london . the great and notable papist called troling smith , of late fell downe suddenly in the street , and died . dal● the promoter was eaten in his body with lice , and so died . cox a protestant in king edwards daies , and in quéene maries daies a papist and a promoter , being well when he went to bed , he was dead before morning . alexander the keeper of newgate , who to hasten the poore lambes vnto the slaughter , hee would goe to boner , story , and colmley , and others : crying out rid my prison , i am too much pestered with hereticks , and he dyed very miserably , being swollen and so rotten within , that no man could abide the smell of him : and iames his son being left very rich , in three yeares brought it to n●ght , and shortly after as he went in newgate market , he fell downe suddenly and died . iohn pether , sonne in law to this alexander , ad horrible blasphemer of god , and no lesse cruell vnto the prisoners , rotted away , and so died : who commonly when he affirmed any thing , he would say , if it be not true , i pray god i rot ere i die . iustice lelon , persecutor of ieffrey hurst , died suddenly . robert baulding , a● the taking of william seaman , was striken with lightning : wherevpon he pined away and died . beard the promoter , died wretchedly . robert blomfield ▪ persecutor of vvilliam browne , consumed away miserably . in k. henries time , iohn rockwood , who in his horrible end cried all to late , which were the words that he vsed in persecuting gods children at callice . the lady honer a persecutor , and george bradway , a false accuser , were both bereft of their wits . richard long a persecutor , drowned himselfe . sir rafe ellerker ▪ as he was desirous to see the heart taken out of adam damlip , he being slaine of the frenchmen : after they had mangled him , and cut off his priuy members , would not leaue him vntill they saw his heart cut out . doctor foxford , chancelor to bishop stokely , a cruell persecutor , died suddenly . pauier , or pauie , towne clarke of london , a bitter enemy vnto the gospel , hanged himselfe . doctor pendleton died miserably , and at his death he repented that euer he had yeelded to the doctrine of the papists . iohn fisher , bishop of rochest●● , and sir thomas moore ; after they had bro●ght iohn frith , bayfield , and bainham , and diuers others to death : shortly after , they themselues were made a publike spectacle of bloudy death at tower hil . these persecuting bishops died a little before quéene mary : coates , parfew , glune , brookes , king , peto , day , holiman . after quéene mary , immediately followed cardinall poole , and these persecuting bishops : iohn christopherson , hopton , morgan , iohn vvhite , rafe bayne , owen oglethorpe , cutbert tonstall , thomas raynolds : and about the same tim● died doctor vveston , maister slethurst , seth holland , vvilliam copinger , and doctor steward great persecutors the residue that remained of the persecuting clergy , and escaped the stroke of death , were depriued , and committed vnto prisons ; these bishops were committed vnto the tower : nicholas heath , archbishop of yorke , thomas thurlby , thomas watson , dauid poole , gilbert burne , richard pates , troublefield , and iohn fecknam abbot of wes●minster , and iohn boxell dean of windsor and peterborough , were committed with the said bishops vnto the tower. gouldwell , bishop of saint asse , a●d maurice elect of bangor , ranne away . boner , & thomas wood bishops , were committed to the marshalsey : cutbert scot , bishop of chester , was in the fleete : from whence he escaped to lo●ane , and there dyed . these were committed vnto the fleete : henry cole , deane of paules : iohn harpsfield , arch-deacon of london : nicholas harpsfield , arch-deacon of canterbury : anthony draycot , archdeacon of huntington : william chadsey , archdeacon of middlesex . one iohn apowell , mocke● one william maulden , as he was reading an english seruice booke in a winters euening , mocking him at euery word , with contrari● gaudes , and flouting words : wherefore the said william checked him ; saying , hee mocked not him , but god : as the said william was reading these words : lord haue mercy vpon vs : christ haue mercy vpon vs : the other with a start suddenly said , lord haue mercy vpon me : the said william asked him wherfore he was afrayd : he answered , when you reade lord haue mercy vpon vs : me thought the hayre of my head stood vpright with a great feare that came vpon me : the next day in the morning he fell mad , and after that hee lay day and night , and his tongue neuer ceased crying out of the diuell of hell , i would see the diuell of hell , there he is , there he goeth , and such like words : thus he lay six daies , that his maister and all the rest of the house was weary of the noise , and sent him to bedlam . at waltamstow six miles from london , certaine children were talking what god was , and one said he was a good old father : and a maide of twelue yéeres old , named denys benifield said what he is , an old doting foole : the next day she was suddenly striken by the hand of god , that all one side of her was black , and she speechlesse , and so she died the same night . some beeing in communication about cranmer , ridley and latimer , in an house of abingdon in barkeshire : one le●ar ● plowman , dwelling at brightwell said that he saw that euill fauoured knaue latimer , when hee was burned , and that he had téeth like a horse , at which time and houre , the son of the said leauer most wickedly hanged himselfe in shepton , a mile from abbington . thomas arundell , archbishop of canterbury gaue sentence against the lord cobham , and died himselfe before him , being s● striken in his tongue , that he could neither swallow nor speake , a good while before his death . when patrick hamelton was burned for the truth in scotland , in the fire hee cited and appealed frier campbell , that accused him to appeare before the high god , to answere whether his accusation was iust or not , betwixt that and a day of the next moneth , which he named : the said frier dyed immediatly before the day came . haruy a commissary which condemned a poore man in callice , was shortly after , hanged , drawne and quartered . vvilliam swallow , the cruell tormentor of george eagles , shortly after all the hayre of his head , and nayles of his fingers , and toes went off , and his eyes so closed , that he could scant see , and his wife was striken with the falling sicknes which she neuer had before . and richard potto , the other troubler of george eagles , was suddenly taken with sicknes , and falling vpon his bed , like a beast dyed , and neuer spake . richard denton a shrinker , whilst hee refused to bee burned in the lords quarrell , he was burned in his owne house with two moe . the wife of iohn fetty , which was the cause of the taking of her husband immediately fell mad . thomas mouse , & george reuet , two persecutors were strike● miserably with the mighty hand of god and so died , as is mentioned in the story of adam foster . in the same story is mention made of robert edgore , for being a popish clarke against his conscience , was bereft of his wits , and kept in chaines and bands many yerres after . iohn pankney , and one hanington , fellowes of new colledge in oxford , both stubborne papists , drowned themselues , with crucifixes about their neckes . christopher landesdale , a yeoman of the gard , dwelling in hackney in middlesex , he suffered a poore man to die in a ditch in his ground , for want of harbour and reléefe , hauing much out-hous●s to spare ; but shortly after hee being drunke , died himselfe in a ditch . in king edwards time there was a lusty young gentleman in cornwall , wh● riding in the company of twenty horsemen , began to sweare and blaspheme the na●e of god most horribly , one checking him for it , he bad him take thought for his winding shéete , and not for him : amend saith he , for death giueth no warning , gods wounds , said hee , care not thou for mee , raging still worse and worse in words : they rode ouer a great bridge , vppon which bridge this gentleman swearer spurred his horse in such sort , that hee sprang ouer the bridge with the man vpon his backe , and as he was falling he said ; horse and man and all to the deuill . henry smith , a student of the law in the middle temple , he was pe●uerted to popery by one gyfford , then hee went to louane , and there was more rooted therein , and brought from thence with him pardons , a crucifixe , with an agnus dei , which he vsed to weare about his necke , and he had images in his chamber to pray before , with diuers other popish trash . after this henry smith , with gyfford his companion , was returned from louane , he was a foule gyrer , and a scornefull scoffer of that religion which he had professed : at length he tyed his shirt , which he had torne for that purpose , about his priuy places , and with his girdle fastned vnto the bed-post , he strangled himselfe : the place where he had fastned the girdle was so low , that his hippes well neere touched the floure : his legs lying a crosse , and his armes spread abroad , hauing his agnus dei in a siluer tablet , with his other idolatrous trash in a window by him . he was buried in a lane called foskew lane. twyford was a busie doer in king henries daies by bonners appointment , to set vp stakes for the burning of poore martyres : when hee saw the stakes consume so fast , he said ; i will haue a stake , i trow , that shall hold , and so hee prouided a big trée , and set it vp in smithfield , the top being cut off , but ere the tree was consumed , god turned the state of religion , and he fel into a horrible disease , rotting aliue aboue the ground before he died . forraigne examples . hofmester the great arch-papist , and cheefe piller of the popes falling church , as he was going to ratisbone , to dispute against the protestants , he miserably died , horribly roaring and crying out . examples of what inconueniences commeth by popish desperate doctrine . in the uniuersity of louane was one guarlacus , after hee had stoutly main●●●ned the corrupt errors of popish doctrine , when he was sicke he cryed out how wickedly he had liued , and that he was not able to abide the iugdment of god , and casting forth words of miserable dispaire , he said ; his sins were greater then hee could be forgiuen . likewise arnoldus bomelius , a student of louan hee : framed himselfe after the rule of the vnsauory doctrine of papists , to stand in feare and doubt of iustification , and to worke saluation by merits , he began more and more to grow into doubtfull dispaire : at length , being ouercome with dispaire , not hauing in that popish doctrine wherewith to raise vp his soule , he going a walking with three other students ; he singled himselfe from them and stabbed himselfe , they séeing him shrinke , ranne vnto him , and found that he had stabbed himselfe with his dagger , then they tooke him and brought him into a house , and he espying one of his ●riends very busie about him , hauing a knife hanging at his girdle , he got out the knife and stabbed himselfe to the hart . iacobus latomus , a principall captaine of the uniuersity of louan , after hee had béene at bruxels , thinking to doe a great act against luther and his fellowes ▪ hee made such a foolish oration before the emperour , that hee was laughed to ●corne . after in a publike lecture at louan , hee vttered such words of desperation , and blasphemous impiety , that the diuines were faine to carry him away as he was rauing , and shut him into a chamber : from that time vnto his death , he had nothing in his month but that he was damned , and that there was no hope of saluation for him , because he had wittingly against his knowledge withstood the truth . ex epist. senarclaei . a dominick fryer of munster , as he was inueighing in the pulpet against the doctrine of the gospell , was stricken with a suddaine flash of lightning and so died . ex pantal. manlius in his b●●ke de dictis philip melancton , reporteth that a taylors ser●ant in lipsia , first receiued the sacrament in both kinds wlth the gospellers , and after by the papists perswasions , hee receiued it with them in one kinde , and afterward being admonished by his maister to goe againe vnto the communion of the gospellers , he stood a great while and made no answere , and at last crying out vppon a suddaine , hee cast himselfe out of a window and brake his n●cke . the same manlius maketh mention of a gentleman of authority , who hearing these words in psalme . our only hold and fortresse is our god : he said ; i will help to shoote against thy stay or fortresse , or else i will not liue : and within thrée daies he died without repentance . sadole●us the learned cardinall , died with great torments of conscience and desperation . the commendator of s. anthony , who sat as spirituall iudge ouer that godly learned man wolsgangus , burned in lotheringe in germany , fel suddenly dead shortly after he had condemed him . and the abbot clariocus his fellow , at a cracke of gunnes saddenly fell downe and died . dauid beaton ▪ archbishop of s. andrewes in scotland , shortly after the burning of m george wisard , he was wretchedly slaine in hi● owne castle , as you may sée in the discourse of this story . crescentius the popes legate , and uicegerent in the councell of trent ; he was sitting from morning vntill night writing letters vnto the pope : at his rising there appeared vnto him a mighty blacke dog , his eyes flaming li●e fire , and his eares hanging almost downe to the ground : the cardinall being amazed , called his seruants to bring in a candle and seeke for the dog , and when the dog could not be found , the cardinall was strucken with a conc●it , and fell into such a sicknesse , as all his phisitians could not cure , and so he dyed . by iohannes sleida●●s in his twelfth booke , he saith , his purpose was to recouer againe the whole authority and doctrine of the romish sea , and to set it vp for euer . the councell of trident was dissolued by the death of this cardinall . two adulterous bishops belonging vnto the said councell of trident , one haunting vnto an honest mans wife , was slaine with a boare-speare : the other bishop , whose haunt was to créepe through a window , was hanged in a ginne laid for him of purpose , and so couayed , that in the morning he was séene openly in the stréete hanging out of the window , to the wonderm●nt of all that passed by . ex protestatione conceonatorum germa . iohn eckius , the most vehement impugner of martine luther ; as his life was full of all vngodlinesse , vncleannes and blasphemy , so was his end miserable hard and pittifull : his last words were these ; in case the foure thousand guilders were ready , the matter were dispatched , dreaming belike of some cardinalship that he should haue bought . ex iohn carion . fol . iohn vaueler warfe , the next in office to magraue , he was of antwarpe : hee was a sore persecutor of christs flocke ; he had drowned diuers good men and women , for the which he was much commended of the bloody generation , being very rich , he gaue vp his office , intending to passe the rest of his life in pleasure , and comming vnto a banquet at antwarpe to be merry , being well laden with wine , he rode home in his wagon with his wife , a gentlewoman , and his foole , the horses stood still vpon a bridge , and would by no meanes goe foreward : then he in a drunken rage cryed out ; ride on in a thousand diuels name , by and by r●se a mighty whirlewind , and tossed the wagon ouer the bridge into the towne ditch , where he was drowned , and when he was taken vp his necke was broken : his wife was taken vp aliue , but died within thrée daies : the gentlewoman and the foole were saued . bartholomeus chassaneus , a great persecutor , died suddenly . minerius , the bloudy tormentor of christes saints , dyed with bleeding in his lower parts : the iudge that accompanied him in his persecution , as hee returned homeward was drowned , and thrée more of the said company killed one another . iohannes de roma that cruell monke , that deuised such hellish torments for the poore christians at augrowne : the lord paid him home againe with the like torments , who rotted to death , and could finde no euemie to kill him , nor friend to bury him , he could not abide his own stinking carrion , nor any man else that came neere him could abide his stench . the like persecutor was the lord of reuest , and after his furious persecution he was striken with the like horrible sicknes , and with such a fury and madnesse , that none durst come neere him , and so most wretchedly di●● : the like greeuous punishment happened vpon one iohn martine a persecutor , as appeareth in the history before . in the yeare . in the towne of gaunt in flanders , one vvilliam de vveuer was imprisoned for religion by the prouost of s. peters : in gaunt the prouost sent for one giles brackelman , the principall aduocate of the councel of flanders , and borough-master , and iudge of saint peters , with others of the rulers of the towne to sit in iudgement vpon him : as the said borough-master reasoned with the said vvilliam de vveauer vpon diuers articles of his faith : and being about to pronounce his condemnation , the borough-master was suddenly striken with a palsey , that his mouth was drawne almost vnto his eare , and so hee fell downe and died : the lords that stood by shadowed him , that the people should not see him , and commaunded the people to depart , yet they burned the said william de weauer within thrée houres after the same day . the fift of march . sir garret trieste knight , hee had promised the regent to bring downe the preaching ; wherefore the regent promised him to make him a graue , which is an earle : when he had brought with him to gaunt tidings of the death of the preachers ; he receiued from the regent a commission , to swear the lords and commons vnto the romish religion : and being at supper , he bad his wife call him an houre the sooner in the morning , for that he should haue much businesse to doe , to sweare the lords and people vnto the romish religion : but going to bed in good health , in the morning when he should be called , he was found dead : and as the lords of gaunt procéeded to giue the oath the next day , master martine de pester the secretary being appointed , and about to giue the oath ; as the first man should haue sworne , the said martin de pester was stricken of god with present death , and ●●uer spake againe . these examples were contained in a letter written vnto henry the second french king , which is in the booke more at large . the lord poucher archbishoppe of to●res , who sued for the court called chambre ardente , there to condemne the protestants to the fire , who after was stricken with a disease called the fire of god , which began at his lower parts , and so ascended vpward , that one member after another was cut off , and so he died miserably . castellanus hauing inriched himselfe by the gospell , and returning from pure doctrine vnto his old vomit againe , became a persecutor at orliance , but god strucke him with a sicknesse vnknowne vnto the phisitians , one halfe of his body burned as hot as fire , and the other halfe was as could as ice , and so most miserably crying , he dyed . du prat , was the first that opened vnto the parliament the knowledge of herisies , and gaue out commission to put the faithful vnto death : he died swearing , and horribly blaspheming god , and his stomacke was found pierced , and gnaune asunder with wormes . iohn ruse , councellor in the parliament , comming from the court , hauing made report of the processe against the poore innocents , was taken with a burning in the lower part of his belly , before hee could be brought home the fire inuaded all his secret parts , and so he died miserably . claude des asses , a councellor in the said court , the same day that he gaue his consent to burne the faithfull . after dinner he committed whoredome with one of his seruants , and in doing the act , he was stricken with a disease , that he died out of hand . peter liset chiefe president of the said court , and one of the authors of the said burning chamber , fell mad and was put from his office . iohn morin , after he had beene the death of many christians ▪ was striken with a disease in his legs , called the wolues , wherewith he lost the vse of them , and died out of his wits , denying and blaspheming god. iohn andrew , the booke-binder of the pallace , became a spy to find out protestants , died in madnesse . the inquisitor iohn de roma in prouence , his flesh fel from him by péece meal , and so stinking that no man might come neere him . iohn minerius of prouence , which was the death of a great number of men , women , and children at cabriers and merindoll , died with bléeding in the lower parts ; the fire hauing taken his belly , blaspheming and dispising of god. thus farre out of the letter . henry the second the french king notwithstanding the aforesaid examples might giue him sufficient warning , yet would he not surcea●e his cruell persecution against gods children : but being at the parliament house , which was kept at the fryer augustines in paris , because the pallace was a preparing ●or ●he marriages of his daughter and his sister : and hauing heard the opinion in religion of anne du bourg , an eloquent and learned councellor : he caused him and loys du faur another councellor , to bee committed prisoners vnto the count mongomery . the king said to the said anne du bourg ; these eyes of mine shal sée thee burned ; and a day was appointed for the hearing the cause , at which day the king employed all the morning in examining , as wel the presidents as councellors of the said parliament against the prisoners , and other their companions that were charged with the same doctrine : then they went to dinner , after dinner the king went to running at the tilt , and brake many staues as well as could be ; whereupon he was highly commended of the lookers ●n , and being inflamed with hearing his yraise , he would néedes runne with montgomery , who knéeled downe and asked pardon not to runne with him : the king commaunded him vpon his alleagiance to runne , and himselfe put his staffe into his hand , and as the king and he met the vizard of his helmet suddenly fell downe , whereby the king was stricken in one of his eyes , so that his braines perished , and it so ●estered , that no remedy could be found , so that the eleauenth day after hee dyed . he said he feared he was stricken for casting poore christians wrongfully in prison , but cardinall lorraine said , that it was the enemy that tempted him to think so : by this meanes the hall that was prepared for a place of ioy and gladnes , was now a place to keepe the dead corps , beeing hanged with mourning-cloath , and there was heard mourning for the space of forty daies . in the yeare . there were certaine gentlemen put to death at amboyse , for taking ●rmes against the house of guise . the last that was put to death , thrust his hands into the blood of the others which were beheaded , and lifting them vp vnto heauen , cryed with a loud voyce ; lord behold the blood of thy children , thou wilt in time and place reuenge it . not long after councellor oliue● , the condemner of them , through great remorce of conscience fell sicke , and shriked vpon a suddaine with an horrible cry , and said to the cardinall of lorraine : o cardinall , thou wilt make vs all to be damned ! and shortly after died . francis the second , succéeded his father henry the second in the kingdome of france : he , at the perswasion of the cardinall of lorraine and others , assembled the estates of the realme in orleance to maintaine the papall sea , to the ouerthrow of those that should liue after the gospell , but being sicke of a feauer thorow an impostume in his left care , he died . the emperor charles the fift , being an enemy and a great terror vnto the gospell , was cut off from doing any more hurt vnto the church . anno . but thrée months before the death of quéene mary , and ten months before the death of henry the second . not long after anne du bourgs death , the president minard , who was a sore persecutor , and the condemner of the said anne du bourg , as hée returned from the councell chamber vnto his owne house , was flaine with a dagge , and it was neuer knowne who did it . the king of nauarre , brother vnto the prince of condie , after a while maintained the gospell : hee was perswaded by the duke of guise and the cardinall of lorraine his brother , in hope to haue his lands restored againe which the king of spaine detained from him , to be ●entented to alter his religion , and to ioyne side with the papists : and being in campe with the duke of guise at the siedge of roane , he was shot in with a pellet , after which wound he did vehemently repent his back sliding from the gospel , promising earnestly vnto god , that if he might escape that hurt , hee would bring to passe that the gospell should be preached freely throughout al france : notwithstanding within fiue or six daies he dyed . and the duke of guise himselfe , the great arch-enemy of god and his gospell , with the whole triumuirat of france , that is ▪ three the greatest captaines of popery were cut off for doing any more hurt : the duke of guise before orleance ; the constable of france , before paris ; the marshall of saint andrew , before drewx . the abridgement of a christian dialogue , called pasqvine in a trance . the author of this treatise , was called caelius secundus curio , an italian , a zealous , godly , learned man , by whom , vnder the witty and pleasant inuention of pasquines going to heauen , purgatorie , and hell , the whole packe of the popes pedlary wares is laid open , that we may sée what stuffe it is . it was written in the time of pope paule the third , the cheefe substance whereof breefely followeth . superstition and hypocrisie are the diuels rhetorick , by which friers make the world beleeue so many falsehoods and toyes , for by nothing else can faith so easily be ouerthrowne . the apparell of the fryers was deuised of the deuill , that by these shéeps skins they might not séeme w●olues , but by the strangenesse thereof to make the simple people to thinke them holy . their monasteries are a true representation of the qualities of the world ; their raigneth nothing but passions in euery one to aduance themselues , and driue out others : their pictures of saints being gods of stone , very much differ from that which they were when they were vpon earth . the uirgin mary was not honored with so many chaines , bracelets , perfumes , gold , siluer , and wax , as she is now vpon the altar , with paintings on her face , and on her head crownes full of iewels . she is attired with costly and many sorts of garments , like a yong gyrle , they make her most couetous and niggardly , and to giue nothing to the poore , but to bestow all that is giuen her , ( which is aboundance ) vpon cardinals and hipocrites , to be bestowed vpon whores , dogs , and horses . the popish manner to get reuelations . first he must fast eight daies , then hee must bee confessed , during which time he must not medle with any flesh of male or female , then he must heare seauen masses of the holy ghost , and vpon a friday at midnight , when the moon is in the last degree of cancer , he must lay himselfe downe vpon a mat , which some fryer in a traunce hath slept vppon , and in such a fryers hood , and a stole on his necke foulded , with a crosse on his breast , and these wordes in principio erat verbum written in red letters , and he must perfume the place with holie perfume , hauing a lampe burning by him with holie oyle , then hee must make circles about the mat of redde earth and white : betwixt the circles must bee written these words , pater filius & spiritus sanctus , nox visionis , nox reuelationis , nox veritatis , with a crosse made betwixt euery word : then he must say a certaine charme which coniureth all spirits that are for reuelations to bee there and to tell the truth . the spirts must be called by hebrew names , because they vnderstand no other language . the name of the cheese spirit for reuelations , is herusatanaell , and when all this is done he must fall on sléepe , and that which hee desireth to know , shall be reuealed vnto him . calamichaell , and saint anthony of padua are spirits to be sought vnto for things stolne , who appeareth in the shape of the theefe : and s. helene mother of constantine , is to be sought vnto for loue matters , who if the loue be true , appeareth to the fasting fryer with faire damsels , at a table richly decked , and eateth with him : but if the loue be fained , the feareth him with weapons and fires , and changeth her selfe into a wilde boare , a lyon , and an asse , and cryeth ilfauoredly . this loue is not to be trusted . the franciscan fryers had gotten such estimation , that they were counted gods kinsmen : they onely had the handling of the gospell , they tooke out heere and there a peece , and mixt it with lies , false miracles and dreames of purgatory : they kept the people more in feare of their commaundements then of gods : that towne was counted vnhappy where one of their monasteries was not néere : men thought to weare their apparell , or of their colour , was good against the ague , and other diseases , and for one to be burned in their habit , was the right way to heauen . longolius was burned in their habit , and so was carpi a noble man , and rodulphus agricola , and diuers others : if thou consider their lawes with what burthens they haue laden mens shoulders , thou wilt sweare that the iews law is an hundred times more pleasant and easie then theirs . because the israelits forsook the trust in god , and made themselues a calfe to worship it , god laded them with ceremonies that none could beare : so now , because mans folly could not be content with christ onely , the diuine iudgement suffered them to fal into a sea of ceremonies and superstitions , that except christ had bin gracious to defend vs , and had receiued the truth , we should haue béene drowned therein . a gentlewoman of pulia hating her husband , made her selfe of the order of saint francis , and of the same order took a yong lusty fryer vnto her adopted sonne , who handled her in such sort , that he made her hart to faint , and her purse to shrinke , that shee was faine to leaue but halfe builded a monastery to saint f●auncis which was building : and this being complained of vnto the lordes of bonony , there was good laughing thereat , but she could haue no remedie at all . saint katharine ( as the papists affirme ) promised vnto him that would remember her passion , to deliuer him from lightning and thunder , and that saint barbara maketh souldiours to kill their enemies : many deuout souldiours haue her painted vpon many parts of their armour to defend them from gun-shot . saint ierome did so much ( but falsely ) extoll virginity , that hee made this conclusion : it is good for a man to be without a wife , therefore it is wicked to be maried vnto a wife , and that god promiseth heauen vnto uirgines . and origen mistooke himselfe when he gelded himselfe , that he might be chast for the kingdom of heauen . the sorbones or inquisitors of paris , said ; if they had s. paul in their hands , they would burne him . wheresoeuer a number of nunnes is , the fryers be of the one side , and the confessors be on the other side : the fryers teach them how to coniure the diuill into hell , and to fight with him , and to be in a trance ; and the confessors vnderstanding all that they doe , with their hands vpon their heads , and their displing roddes assayle them . the monkes can bring them vnder when they list . vastalla a widdow being very rich , ordained a sect of women and men , who must séeke to attaine vnto that purity that was in adam and eue before their fall : the means wherby they should attaine hereunto , was long prayers , much silence , continuall fastings , to be shréeuen euery day , and to receiue their maker euery . daies : there meanes to know their perfection is , as adam for shame grew from ●akednesse , to be more and more clothed ; to these must go ●●om being clothed , to be more & more naked , vntill they were not ashamed of their nakednes , whether they were man or woman ; then they put adam and eue to bed together , and if they touch not , nor think vpon the forbidden fruit , of which they must be straitly examined , then they are angels ; but if they do otherwise , as the virgin is for the most times sped , then are they cast out of paradice . s. camella , to shew that she was of high blood , said , that lewis king of france warring in italy , had to doe with her mother , and begat her . she had a religion of her owne making , she vsed to be accompanied with thrée women as superstitions as her selfe . they abide in no monastery , but in a priuate house , and frequent solitary and pleasant places ; her house is haunted with women , gentlemen , and lords , as vnto an oracle ; sometimes shee shutteth her selfe vp , to bee more familiar with angels to talke with them : vpon the friday she will not be séene nor speake with any , but contemplats the crosse and nayles of christ , and thereby obtained the print thereof in her hands and féete , which she kept couered : she hath beene seene to drop malinesie into the markes . an ambassador thought she had the pore , she loued well the franciscan fryers , she got much by contracting marriages , and by making medicines . in bernia a towne of switchers , certaine fryers did séeke to make the prints of christs wounds in a simple soules hands and feete : the newes whereof was brought to pope iuly the second , yet escaped they not vnpunished therefore , for foure of them that were priuy to this and other so great sacriledges , were burned aliue , before those of berna had the gospell , but they were euer e●emies vnto the knauish deuises and deceits of the fryers . a priest of placentia was accused vnto the pope , that he had a wife & children , the pope depriued him of his benifices , and he went to rome and shewed that she was another mans wife , and but his concubine , and neuer married vnto him nor could be , and though he was a vile adulterer , he was restored vnto his benifices againe . if any iew become a christian , the pope confiscates their goods according to a law of the iewes , else many iewes would become christians . s. anthony is the papists saint to pray vnto for fire , s. rock for the plague , s. bastion for the pestilence , s. apolinia for the tooth-ache , s. blase for the disease of throat . s. anthony and s. rocke were called martires , because they went from citty to citty to desire men to offer them by death , and could get none . saint christopherus . the christians in old time , pictured a christian in the forme of a great gyant , because he must be strong to beare christ and his truth before men : they feigned he carrieth men ouer the water : by water they mea●● our life , which we cannot come ouer to come vnto heauen , except we be taught by a christian the truth , they pictured him with a tree in his hand to stay vpon , by the which they meant faith , without which we should often fal : after hee vsed this tree it grew greene : to signifie that faith exercised with charity is liuely . his name was called christopherus , which signifieth bearing christ : hee was painted at the entrances of the churches . the papists haue conuerted it vnto a saint , and pray vnto it . saint george . likewise saint george that killed the dragon , to deliuer the kings daughter from that terrible beast which had destroyed all capadocia : by capadocia is ment the world : the dragon signifieth the diuell : the kings daughter the church : and saint george represents christ : of which fable the papists haue made a great saint and pray vnto it . the papists haue trantfsormed all the heathen gods of rome to be their gods onely by giuing them other names . pantheon in rome which was the house of all gods , is maria rotunda , the house of all saints : in the place of cibile , mother of gods ▪ is now placed to mary . the temple that was dedicated to pallas minerua a uirgine , is now dedicated minerua a uirgine . the temple of romulus and rheimes is now the temple of saint cosmus , and damian . the temple that was ef castor and pollux , is now of saint geruais and protheys , the heathens had lucian to heale their eyes : the papists in stead thereof haue saint lucy , and in steed of ceres god of corne , now is saint pancras : the heathens had mars , and pallas , gods of warre : in steed of them the papist haue saint george , and saint barbera : the heathen sea men saw castor and pollux at the end of a tempest : the papists in such case see saint erenius : as vesta virgines could not marry , so the nunnes may not marry , in the old time they washed to clense sinnes , and now they fillip holy water vpon their foreheads to clense sinnes : for the heathens , iuno feronia , they haue iuno lucina : for the heathens iuno saturnia , they haue iuno curies ; for the heathens lady of grace , and lady of myracles : the papists haue our lady , our lords mother , and our lady of people : the papists fill their churches with tables , containing vowes for the help that the saints haue done for them , as were in the old time , in the heathen churches , containing the myracles that their idols had done . calapine , saith , that cardinall is the selfe-same that carneuale ; neither the one nor the other doth attend to any other thing ; then to eate , drinke , sleepe , commit whooredome , banquet , and doe other wicked acts , so many that no tongue can expresse . in place of the foure gospels , the papists haue put the foure councels : nice , const●ntinople , ephesus , calcedon : then foure doctors : ambrose , augustine , ierome , gregory : and foure bookes , to wit , of decrees , of decretals , of sects , of clementines , and whosoeuer had a coule , or a shauen crowne , might write what they would and it should goe for gospel ; whereby the pope hath drawne all things to himselfe , and made himselfe aboue christ. they will haue bels , carued images , crosses , lights , wax , uessels , and garments to be ●o vs in steed of euangelists . saint peter was made pope after his death , which neuer was pope , nor neuer could be , nor yet was at any time at rome : so was saint ierome made a cardinall : saint iohn baptist , a patriarck : and saint dominick , and saint frances patriarcks long time after their deathes . they picture iohn baptist a terrible fellow , with a fayre sharpe sword in his hand , and all in armour , followed with a number of sea rouers called knights of the rhodes : they baptize no otherwise but by drowning men in the sea : they doe not make men repent of their sinnes as iohn baptist did , but they make them repent that euer they were borne , and driue them for necessitie to dwell in the wildernes : they weare crosses on their breasts , because they cannot beare them in their heart , and to shew them selues crucifyers of others : iohn dwelt in deserts , but they make deserts : iohn baptist liued in fasting and prayer , but these in pleasure like sardanapalas , when they had the isle of rhodes , they did that which turkes would not haue done : therefore they were driuen thence by gods iust iudgement : they marry not like iohn baptist , but they haue the more harl●ts . dominick , by the procurement of innocent the third : hee at tholosa quenched the heresie of the lutherans with maruellous speed : hee said hee must not dispute , but fell to the busines with fire and sword ; and for this cause he was made a saint a spaniard of the inquisition for heresies , accused certaine of the best spaniards for lutherans , and said he smelt them , because they gaue almes vnto the poore , and not vnto fryers : and because they left swearing , and blaspheming of god and his saints , and playing , whore-hunting , and other vices , applying themselues to things graue and profitable , and all day long reade in the scriptures . saint francis was required of his disciples to giue them a rule of liuing , and he gaue them the gospell : but his fryers haue set forth a booke of conformities , which is preferred before the gospel ; with the whith if thou compare the al●oran of mahomet , thou wilt say the alcoran is more holy , although in many things they agree : his fryers were bold to preach , that a frier once desired to knew in what place saint francis was , and therewith ran out of his wits , and was led about all parts of heauen and found him not : at last he came vnto the throne of diuinitie : where demanding for saint francis christ rose vp from his seate , on the right hand of the father , and opened his clothes vpon his brest , and s. francis came out of his side : then the fryer came to his wits againe , in the strife for the supremacie , constantinople said to him it belonged , because with him was the sea of the empire : ierusalem would haue it , because the high bishop christ had triumphed there : antioch would needs haue it alledging that peter the apostle there had kept his sea , and was neuer at rome , as it may appeare by the booke called quod petrus nunquam romae fuit : hee of rome , not regarding the saying of saint gregory , that he should be antichrist , that would be vniuersall ouer bishops , by deceits , gifts , and force , obtained to bee called the chiefe bishop , the greatest , the highest , vniuersall ; most blessed , most holy , and lawfull successor of peter and christ. the fryers of dominick and francis , d ee chiefely apply themselues to sorcery , and witchcraft , and thereby learne euill diuellish arts : a man may reade that siluester the second , one of them , got to be pope , by the help of the diuell , vpon condition that after his death he should be his : and in our dayes paul the third , called pope farnese , hath not left his like in astrology , and diuination : it is certainly said , that he beleeued that the soule was mortall : so did pope lewes , and cardinall chitty . a gentleman of uenice and his wife , were in doubt vpon a case of conscience : the woman confessed her selfe in the church of the chittines , and opened the matter , praying to bee resolued : the frier did it as well as hee could : and then hee opened the whole matter to cardinall chitty , as it is their old vse to doe : hee commanding him to bee secret , and finding the resolution of the case in the cannon law , the morrow the gentleman came vnto chitty , and opening the matter , hee commanded him to hold his peace , and tooke him by the hand , and put it into the booke , in the place which hee before had marked for that purpose : then he bad him tell his tale , & when he had ended , he said , look there where your hand is : the gentleman read there , and found that which he sought : then forthwith hee fell downe , and worshipped him , as it had been another christ which knew all secrets . pasquine saith , hee knoweth ten thousand such trickes by them . saint ioyce is patron of fruitfulnes of children , she hath a church in france : the flemings goe vnto her to haue children and speede of their purpose , for whilst they be on their voyage , she vseth the priests and friers , as instruments with their wiues . the pope in policie sends flattering courtiers to francis king of 〈◊〉 , to flatter him in all his actions , to remember him of that title of most chr●●●ian king , which his progenitors receiued of the pope , and that therefore hee sh●uld defend the dignitie of them that gaue him so goodly a title : and to exhort him , that he should not fa●le to persecute the lutherans , and that he should fail to dancing and banquetting , and to serue venus , and to hunting , rather then to sauour learning , as it seemed he would doe . in the popes policie it was decreed , that of all the chiefe houses in italie , or elsewhere , there should one euer be a cardinall , to keepe them in deuotion of the church of rome , which they began to forsake for the gospell , but aboue all things there should be six , or foure at the least , of the uenetians cardinals , because a ●umber of those senators be wittie , and of profound iudgement , least they should slip their heads from the pope . it was decreed by the pope concerning spaine , that the inquisitors should not be seuere with the marraines , who denyed the diuinitie of christ , but that they should be most cruell against the lutherans , who denie the diuinitie of the pope . they haue made peace with the turke , that they may the better maintaine warre against the gospell , and to keepe the christian princes in warres and businesse , that they may not seeke for a generall councell for reformation . there is not one man condemned by the uenetians , but he is adiudged by fortie iudges , and the offendor may alledge for himselfe the best he can , yet they suffer a legate onely to condemne whom he list for the gospell , and the person accused cannot come vnto his purgation . cardinall fernese made the liuely picture of his sister ouer his chamber dore ; shee was pope alexander borgias his concubine , and by her honourable meanes , shee made her said brother cardinall , and after to be made pope : her image goeth currant for the picture of our ladie , and the pictures of our ladie be made thereby . by the papists tradition , the soule for euerie deadly sinne is to abide seuen yeares in purgatorie : moses ordained many sacrifices for the sinnes of the liuing , but none for them in purgatorie ; he chideth for weeping for the dead : it is deuised onely to deceiue the people with trentals and quarentals , and other foolish inuentions , full of couetousnesse : the scripture biddeth vs remember the poore that be aliue , the papists bidde vs bring hither for the soules of your dead friends and parents , with crie miseremini : these priests and religious are the prophets sa●ke , neuer full ; and solomons horse-leaches , and the fire that neuer saith hoa : if thou shouldst giue them the world , they will not be satisfied . the places of scripture that they ground purgatorie vpon , are the fift of mathew : agree with thine aduersarie by the way , least thou be cast into prison , &c. and in the . of mathew ; hee that owed thee tenne thousand talents , was deliuered vnto prison , &c. and in the . of mathew ; the sinne against the holy ghost shall not be forgiuen in this world , nor in the world to come . and in the . cor. . stubble and trash , builded vpon christ , shall be tryed by fire . and . machab. . macabeus offered two thousand drammes of siluer for the dead , which bought beasts which were sacrificed . and reuelation . . those that follow the lambe are without spot , and no vncleane thing shall enter into heauen : therefore we must be purged with purgatorie before we can come there . thomas aquine confessed hee could not finde purgatorie in the scriptures , yet hee would haue it beleeued . the doctrine of purgatorie is the greatest blasphemie that is vnto christ. boniface the ● eight made a decree , that euery worldly creature should be subiect vnto the pope , vpon paine of damnation . pope alexander borgias lay with his naturall daughter lucrece , with whom also duke valentine , his brother , lay . the friers lay with the nunnes , and with lay-sisters , and taught them to murder yong babes , least they should be discouered ; or teacheth them how they shall not conceiue with child , or to destroy it in her body : some of them make women to poyson their husbands : some of them haue giuen meate to a whole household to make them to sleepe , that he might not be seene to goe to the good wife , and thereby hath killed them all : one faineth our ladie doth miracles , to get offerings ; another persecuteth the truth , because he would be a bishop : another false knaue , in confession , caused a woman to giuen him her money in keeping , and then denyed it . they sit toting in the bosome of simple yong maids which come vnto them to shrieue : others , in confessing the sicke , cause them to leaue their goods vnto the monasterie , and depriue their wiues and children . a can●n of ●urney after his death left a booke , wherein hee had noted the names and houses of two hundred women of the chiefest of that citie , whome he had enio●ed at his pleasure . a fryer in fris●land had put into the h●ads of foolish women this opinion , that they must giue vnto the church the tenth night , as they doe vnto their husband . a fryer , with a poysoned host , brought vnto his death henrie , the seuenth emperour of that name . thus much out of pasquine in a ●rance ; wherein , if thou be disposed , thou shalt find euery thing that i haue set downe , and much more : which , least i should be too tedious , i haue omitted . the trayterous practises of the papists against queene elizabeth , during her raigne , and of gods preseruations towards her . the most iust and apparant iudgements of god vpon persecuting papists , which haue shed the innocent bloud of poore protestants , hath beene declared : wherein not onely in other countries god hath manifested his indignation against them , but most especially in this realme , you haue seene the uiall of gods wrath powred vpon the most part of the persecutors in quéene maries time ; especially vpon the persecuting clergie , who all fell into the pit that they had digged for others . as for bonner , whose iudgement is not yet declared , hee dyed in prison , and was buried in a dunghill : and as for doctor story , as great a persecutor as bonner , you may reade of his iust iudgement in this historie following ; how he was drawne from the tower to tyburne , and there hanged and quartered for treason . tyburne was long time after called stories cappe . if wee doe but consider the vnhappinesse of q. maries raigne , together with the prosperous and long raigne of queene elizabeth , it is easie to see the louing countenance of god ●uer the protestants , and how god bendeth his browes against the papists : and as sure as god hath ouerthrowne them heere in this realme , beyond the expectation of any man , so certainely will the almightie god ●●nfound the whole pope-●ome at his time appointed ; how vnlikely soeuer it seemeth vnto the carnall-eyed papist , that will not see the prophesies of the spirit of god , which most plainely fore-shew the same . but now touching the historie of queene elizabeths raigne . in the yeare , pope pius the fift sent nicholas morton doctor of diuinitie , an englishman , into england , to admonish certaine noblemen that were papists , that queene elizabeth was an heretike , and therefore by law hath lost all dominion and power , and may freely be accounted as an heathen and publican , and that her subiects are not from henceforth bound to obey her lawes and commandements . whereupon presently the earles of northumberland and westmerland rebelled against the queene in the north : but the earle of suffex was sent into the north , being appointed the queenes lieutenant generall , who proclaymed them traytors : and he sent out to all such gentlemen as he knew to be her maiesties louing subiects ; which came vnto him with such a number , as he was able to make aboue . horsemen and footmen : and being accompanied with the earle of rutland , his lieutenant ; the lord hunsdon , generall of his horsemen ; william lord eure , leader of the footmen ; and sir raph sadler , treasurer ; sir george bowes was made marshall of the armie . when the armie was comming to durham , the rebels fled to exham ▪ the night before they came to exham , the rebels were gone to mawarth ; where they counselled with edward dacres concerning their owne weakenesse , being they were pursued of the earle of sussex , seuen thousand strong : and moreouer , the earle of warwicke , the lord clinton , lord admirall of england , and lord uicount herford , with an army of . ●ut of the south , being not farre behind them at browne-bridge . the next night the garles of northumberland and westmerland , with sundry principall gentlemen , fled vnto hatlew in scotland : the other rebels were shortly after taken by the earle of sussex , and . of the name of constables , and others , executed at durham ; amongst whom was an alderman of the towne , and a priest , called parson plomtree . then sir george bowes marshall executed many in euery market towne and other places betwixt new-castle and wetherby , six myles in length , and foure myles in breadth . and leonard dacre hauing raysed a great number of people , the lord hunsdon set vpon him , and slew manie of his people , and ●orc●d them to flye into scotland . symon digby , iohn fulthroppe esquire , robert peniman , and thomas bishop gent. were drawne from the castle of yorke to knaues●er● , and there hanged and quartered . then they went with all their power into scotland , and burnt , ouerthrew , and spoyled all the castles , townes , and uillages before them , aboue fi●tie strong castles and piles , and aboue three thousand townes and uillages , and they tooke many prisoners , and returned sa●ely . also a conspiracie was made by certaine gentlemen and other in the countie of norfolke , whose purpose was vpon midsummer day , at harlstone faire , with the sound of a trumpet to haue raysed a number , and then to proclayme their pretence . this matter was vttered by thomas kete vnto iohn kensey , who sent the said kete vnto the next instice , before whom he opened the whole matter ; whereupon drew drewrie apprehended iohn throgmorton , and many gentlemen of the citi● of norwich and the countrey of norfolke : at the next sessions ten of them were indited of treason , and iohn throgmorton , thomas brooke , and george dedman hanged , drawne , and quartered . doctor sanders de visibili monarchia , lib. . pag. . sayth , that the purposes and endeuours of these noblemen were to be praysed , which wanted not their certaine and happie successe ; for though they were not able to draw the soules of their brethren out of the pit of schisme , yet both they themselues nobly confessed the catholike faith , and many of them gaue their liues for their br●thren , which is the highest degree of charitie : the rest of them rescued themselues from the bondage both of schisme and sinne vnto the freedome wherewith christ hath made v● free . and in his booke of motiues he calleth these martyrs ; to wit , the earle of northumberland , doctor story , felton , the nortons , m. woodhouse , m. plumtree , and so many hundreds of the northerne men . the said nortons were thomas norton and christopher norton of yorkeshire , and they were hanged , beheaded , and quartered for treason , for the late rebellion in the north. the said felton was one iohn felton , which this yeare was drawne from newgate to paules churchyard , and hanged before the bishops pallace gate , cut downe aliue , bowelled , and quartered , for hanging a bull from the pope for the excommunicating of the queene , at the gate of the bishop of londons pallace . and the afore-mentioned doctor story was that cruell story that burned so manie in queene maries time : who the first of iune , this yeare . was drawne from the tower of london to tyburne , and there hanged and quartered . and in his seuenth booke , page . he sayth , the fulnesse of the apostolike power hath declared the said elizabeth an hereticke , and a fauourer of heretickes , and that such as adhere vnto her , haue incurred the sentence of anathema : and that she is depriued of her right of her kingdome , and of all her dominion , dignitie , and priuiledge , and that the nobles , people , and subiects of the realme , and all others that haue made oath vnto her ▪ are assoyled for euer from such oath , and all dutie of allegeance , fidelitie , and obedience , by the authoritie of the popes sentence , whereby he hath depriued her of her kingdome , and forbidden all the nobles , people , and subiects , and others aforesaid , that they be not so bold to obey her or her lawes , and whosoeuer doth otherwise , hee hath bound with like sentence of curse . and bristow in his sixt motiue , fol. . they miserably forget themselues , who feare not the excommunications of pius the fift , in whom christ himselfe hath spoken and excommunicated , with as great power as s. paul excommunicated : and christ hath done miracles by him , euen as s. paul did miracles . and in his . motiue he sayth : when the pope doth duly discharge vs from subiection , and the prince offender from dominion , he doth it with such griefe of heart , as if a man should cut off from his bodie , to saue the wholesome most principall , but rotten part thereof . and sanders , lib. . fol. . he calleth felton an honorable martyr ; for he was led with the loue and zeale of the catholike faith : when hee saw that the desperate health of his country could not be restored but by some most bitter medicine , would not suffer the sentence of the pope should be hidden from his countrymen : and there he calleth doctor story a noble martyr ▪ saying : when he was arraigned of high treason , for conspiring with certaine of antwarpe against the quéene , attempting to change the schismaticall religion , which now raigneth in england , vnto the catholike religion ; being brought vnto the barre , he onely pleaded vnto the iurisdiction of the court , denying that the english iudges had any power ouer him , being no subiect to the english queene , but rather to the king catholike ; and hee expounds his meaning to be , because hee very well knew , that the queene of england , by the declaratorie sentence of the pope , was for manifest heres●e depriued from all right of kingdome , and that therefore no magistrate created by her , or adhering vnto her , could be acknowledged by him , least himselfe also should be bound with the same curse . and further , there were many seminarie priests , which laboured by all persuasions that might be to iustifie the foresaid excommunication of pope pius , and to withdraw the quéenes subiects hearts from their true obedience : of whom , manie of them were taken and committed vnto prisons , as follow : edmund campion . edmund campion , was a chiefe champion for the pope : he was committed vnto the tower : he would neither deny nor confesse the quéenes supremacy nor iusti●●e , neither deny the power & iustice of the popes excōmunication , nor commend , nor discommend the doctrine of sanders & b●istow , as before : but answered so cunningly , that nothing could be made thereof : he was after disputed withall touching all points of religion , by the deame of paules , and the deane of windsor , and diuers other diuines , but because all their arguments and reason in this book before are moresuff● c●ently handled many times : i referre the reader vnto the booke of the report thereof . thomas forde , iohn shert , robert iohnson priests . these were executed at tyburne the . of may , because they were sent as instruments , for , and in the behalfe of the pope , in the aforesaid disloyall & tray●erous cause : they were drawne vpon hurdles from the tower vnto the place of execution : when they were come beyond saint giles in the field , there approched vnto the hurdle one of their fect , a priest as himselfe hath confessed , who said vnto the prisoners , o gentlemen , be ioyfull in the blond of iesus christ , for this is the ●ay of your triumph and ioy : and further he said vnto the prisoners , i pro●ounce a pardon vnto you : yea i pronounce a full remission and pardon vnto your soules : wherevpon he was apprehen●●d , and ▪ th● sheriffe asked him what he was , he answered , that he was the voice of a cryer in the wildernes , and that hee was sent to prepare the lords way : wh●revpon h● was carried to newgate : where he confessed himselfe a priest , and that he had long so dissembled , and that he would now doe so no more . when they were brought vnto the place of execution , thomas ford , was first brought vp into the cart : he said , he did acknowledge the queenes maiesties supremacie in all things temporall ▪ but as concerning ecclesiasticall causes , i deny her , that onely belongeth vnto the uicar of christ the pope : hee granted to nothing , but shewed himselfe an impious and obstinate traytor : he refused to pray in the english tongue , mumbling a few latine prayers , and desired those that were ex domo dei , to pray with him and so died . iohn shert , was brought from the ●urdle vnto the gallowes , as ford hanged there , he held vp his hands vnto him , and said , o swéet tom ! o happy tom ! o blessed tom ! then ford was cut downe , and brought vnto the place where hee should be quartered : then looking downe from the cart , vnto the dead body , hee knéeled down , & held vp his hands vnto it , saying againe : o blessed tom : o happy tom : thy swéet soule pray for me : o deere tom , thy blessed soule pray for mee . then the sheriffe had him aske the quéene forgiuenes , and he might receiue her princely mercy : he answered , what m. sheriffe shall i saue this fraile & vile carkasse , and damne mine own soule : no , no , i am a catholick , in that faith i was born , in that faith i will die & heare shal my bloud ●eale it : then said m. sheriffe , is this the fruits of your religion , to knéele vnto the dead body of thy fellow , & desire his soule to pray for thee : what can it profit or hinder thee , pray to god , & hee will help thee : he answered , this is the true catholick religion , and whosoeuer is not of it is damned : i desire his so●le to pray for mee : the most glorious uirgine mary pray for me ; and all the holy company in heauen to pray for mee : then the people cryed away with the traytor : then the sheriffe said : o sherte , forsake the whoore of rome , that wicked antichrist , with all his abhominable blasphemies and tr●acheries , and put thy whole confidence in iesus christ : then he said , o master sherife , you little remember the day when as i and you shall stand both at one barre , and i shall witnesse against you that you call that holy and blessed uicar of christ , whore of rome : then he said his prayers in latine ▪ and the cart was drawne away . robert iohnson likewise would not aske the quéen pardon , affirmed the pope to be the head of the catholike church , and would not say his prayers in english ; and when he had said them in latine he died . luke kirbie , william filbie , thomas cottom , and lawrence richardson . these were executed at tyburne : vpon the thirtéenth day of may they were brought from the tower of london vnto the place of execution : first , william filbie was brought vp into the cart , being asked whether he would acknowledge the quéen supreme head of the church of england ; no ( quoth he ) i will acknowledge no other head of the church then the pope onely . he prayed that god wold incline the quéens heart to be mercifull towards the catholikes , of which societi● he was one . they opening his bosome ●ound two crosses in it , which were holden vp and shewed vnto the people , and besides that , his crown was shauen ; so after a few latin prayers , the cart was drawne away . the next was luke kirbie : one charged him , that when he was at rome he deliuered him certaine silke pictures , which he said were hallowed by the pope ; and you told me what indulgences were allowed by th●m● one of them , which was a crucifix , you gaue mee , the other you willed mee to deliuer vnto your friends at reimes and in england , and you gaue me two iulios to goe into the citie to buy more , and when i had bought them , you tooke thrée or foure of the fairest from me , promising to get them hallowed at the next benediction , which he confessed to be true : he affirmed that the pope had power to depose any prince from his kingdome , if he fall by infidelitie . he would not repent and aske the quéene pardon though vpon that condition he might haue bin discharged : he would not pray in english : the preacher desired him to say a prayer after him , and if he could find any fault therein he should be resolued ; o ( quoth he ) you and i be not of one faith , therefore i should offend god if i should pray with you ; so saying his pater noster in latin , he ended his life . then lawrence richardson was brought vp to be executed : he confessed himselfe a catholike , and that he would beléeue in all things as the catholike church of rome did , and he allowed the only suprema●ie vnto the pope ; and after certain latin prayers said he died . then was cottom brought vp : he looking vpon the bodie of lawrence richardson , lift vp his eyes and hands , and said , o blessed lawrence pray for me , thy blessed soule lawrence pray for me . the preachers and people rebuked him , saying , that he ought to pray vnto none but god ; he answered , he was assured that lawrence will pray for him : he denied to repent and aske pardon of the quéen . when he had said his pater noster and an aue maria he ended his life . as before is declared the rebellions in england by the seducing of wicked spirits , so not long after followed an open rebellion in ireland : they tooke armes and came into the field against her maies●ie , and her lieutenants with their forces vnder banners displayed , inducing many simple people to follow them in their trayterous actions , being bent to haue deposed the quéens maiestie from her crowne , and to haue trayterously set into her place some other whom they liked , yet by gods power giuen vnto her maiesty they were quickly vanquished , some few of them suffered by order of the law , but the greate●t part vpon confession of their fa●lts were pardoned : some of the principall escaped into forreine countries . these notable traytors and rebels informed many kings princes , and states , especially the pope , from whom they all had first secretly their comfort to rebell , that the cause of the flying was for the religion of rome , and maintenance of the popes authoritie , whereas the most of them before they rebell●d , liued notoriously euill : out of england fled charles neuill earle of westmerland , who was vtterly wasted by loosenes of life , and how afterward his body was eaten with vlcers of lewd causes all his companions did see . out of ireland ran thomas stukely a defamed person thorough out all christendome : he fled out of england for p●racies , and out of ireland for treason : these two were the first ring-leaders to the rest of the rebells , the one for england , the other for ireland ; yet it liked the pope to fauour their treasons , and to animate them to continue their wicked purposes , to wit , to inuade queen elizabeths realme with forren forces : hee thundred out b●lls , excommunications ▪ & other publike writings , denouncing her not to be the queene of the realme , commanding her subiects , vnder paine of excommunication to depart from their alleagean●es , authorizing and prouoking all persons within both her realmes to rebell ; and vpon this vn●hristian warrant all those that were fled , and such as had forsaken their natiue countrey haue many yeares runne vp and downe from countrey to countrey to gather forces and money for forces , and to 〈◊〉 princes to make warre vpon their natiue countrey , some practising secretly to murther the quéene , and very many with publike infamous libels , full of poysoned lyes , did séeke to vphold that antichristian warrant of the popes buls . and for better furtherance of these intentions , they deuised to erect certaine schooles , which they called seminaries , to nourish persons disposed to sedition , that they might become séedmen , in the ●illag● of sedition , and to send them secretly into england , and ireland , vnder secret maskes , some of priesthood , some of other inferior orders of the meaner sort , being called seminaries ; and the ●ancor sort , ies●ites , bringing with them , hallowed wax , their agnus dei , many kind of beades , and such like , labouring secretly to perswade the people , to allow of the popes foresaid buls ▪ and of his absolute authoritie ouer all princes & countreyes : and if this trayterous and crafty course , had not by gods goodnes been espied , and stayed , there had followed horrible vprores in the realmes : for as many as should be perswaded to obey the popes warrant , must needs b●e secret traytors , & there should haue wanted nothing but power and opport●nitie to be open traytors : but god of his goo●nes discouered some of these seditious seedmen of rebellions : and when they could not be moued to repent of their trayterous determinations , they were iustly condemned , for adhering vnto the capitall enemy of her maiestie , and her crowne : the pope who hath not only been the cause of two rebellions already in england , and ireland : but in ireland did manifestly maintaine his owne people : captaines and souldiers vnder the banner of rome against her maiestie . and further those traytors prouoke newly other seditious persons secr●t●y to enter into the realme to reuiue the execution of the popes bulles , pretending when they are apprehended , that they came into the realme onely by the commaundement of their superiors the heads of the ie●uits , to whom they are bound by ooth against either king or country , and that their comming is to informe , and reforme mens conscience from errors , in some points of religion as they shall thinke meete : but it is manifestly prooued , that their labour is secretly to win al people , with whom they dare deale , so to allow the popes buls and authority , and be discharged of their allegeance , and to be well warranted to take armes against her maiesty when they shall bee thereunto called , and to be ready secretly to ioyne with any forraine force that can be procured to inuade the realme : whereof they giue great comfort of successe . and because most euident perils would follow , if these virmine were suffered to creepe by stealth into the realme , and spread their poyson therein , therefore doe they most iustly suf●er death as traitors . one of their compaine , doctor san●ders a lewd scholler and subiect of england , a fugitiue , a principall conspirator with the traytors and rebells at rome , was the popes legat and commander and treasorer for those warres aforesaid , passing into ireland , openly by writing he gloriously auowed the popes bull , as is before declared ; but god plagued him with a strange death , who wandring in the mon●ntaines in ireland without succour , died rauing in a frensie . the miserable earle of desmond being a principall doer in the rebellion in ireland , secretly wandring without succour , as a miserable beggar , was taken by one of the irishrie in his cabbin , and his head cut off from his body : an e●d due to such an arch-rebell . iames fitz morrice the first traytor in ireland ▪ next vnto stukeley , was slaine by an irish yong gentleman as he went to burne his fathers countrey . desmount brother vnto the earle a blondie faithlesse traytor and a notable murtherer of his familier friends , who likewise wandring to séeke some prey like a wel●e in the woods , he was taken and beheaded , as he had vsed others , being , as he thought , sufficiently armed with the popes bulls , and an agnus dei , and a notable ring hanging about his neck , sent from the popes ●●●ger . iohn someruile a furious yong man , of warwick shire : of late he was discouered and taken in his way , comming with a full intent to haue killed the quéen : he confessed his attempt , and that he was moued thereunto in his wicked spirit , by inticements of certaine seditious and trayterous persons his kinsemen and allies , and by often reading of sundry seditious vile bookes , lately published against the quéenes maiestie . william parry his treasons against queene elizabeth . hee had committed a great outrage against a gentlem●n , one m. hare of the inner temple , meaning to haue murdered him in his owne chamber , for which he was iustly conuicted ; wherefore he went beyond sea , and subiected himselfe vnto the pope , and vpon conference with certaine iesuits , he conceiued his detestable treason to kill the quéene , which he vowed himselfe by promise , letters , and vowes to performe it , and so returned vnto england in ianuary . and put in practise diuers times to execute his diuellish purpose . pretending that he had matter of great importance to reueale vnto the quéen , he obtained secret accesse vnto her maiestie , she hauing then but one councellor with her , who was so farre distant as he could not heare his spéech : he shewed her maiestie his procéedings with the ●esuits , and one thomas morgan a fugitiue at parris , who perswaded him to kill her maiestie , saying that his only intent of procéeding so farre with ●hem was but only to this end , to discouer the dangerous practises deuised and attempted against her maiestie , by her di●loyal subiects , and other malicious persons in forren parts ; but afterward it appeared most manifestly by his owne confession , and by his dealing with one edmund neuill esquire , that his intent in discouering the same in such sort as he did , was but to make the way the easier vnto his most diuellish purpose . the quéen suffred him diuers times to haue priuate conference with her , ●& offered him a most liberal pension , yet notwithstanding he did vehemently importunat the said neuill to be an associate vnto his wicked enterprise , as to an action lawfull and meritorious : but the almighty god that was protector of her maiesty , euen from her cradle , so wrought in neuils heart , as he was moued to reueale the same vnto her maiesty , whereupon the examination of the matter was committed vnto the earle of leicester , and sir christopher hatton ; vpon the examination whereof , when parrie saw the said neuill so to declare the truth , and so constantly affirme the same , he confessed all , saying : that comming vnto the chamber of thomas morgan aforesaid , one greatly beloued and trusted in the papists side ; he broke with me that i should vndertake to kill the quéen , i told him it would be easily done if it were lawfully done and warranted in the opinion of som learned deuines : then i was resolued by deuines , and i went so farre by letters and conferences in italie , that i could not goe backe , but promised faithfully to performe the enterprise , if his holinesse would allow it , and grant me remission of my sinnes : then i confessed my selfe vnto a iesuite , and tooke his aduice in the matter , who most louingly imbraced and commended me : then i wrote a letter vnto the pope to require of him absolution of my sinnes , in consideration of so great an enterprise vndertaken , without promise or reward : then i went vnto the popes nuntio , and read the letter vnto him , and inclosed and sealed it , he promised me to procure answer from the pope , and louingly imbraced me , wished me good spéede , and promised me that i should be remembred at the altar . then he said he comming to england , hee got accesse vnto the quéene , as before : then came letters into england vnto me from cardinall como , whereby i found the enterprise commended and allowed , and my selfe absolued in the popes name of all my sinnes , and willed to go forward in the name of god. that letter i shewed vnto some in court , who imparted it to the quéene , notwithstanding it confirmed my resolution to kill her , and made it cleere in my conscience that it was lawfull and meritorious . when i looked vpon her maiestie , and remembred her many excellencies , i was greatly troubled , yet i saw no remedie , for my vowes were in heauen , and my letters and promises in earth : after doctor collens book was sent me out of france , it redoubled my former conceits ; euery word in it was a warrant to a prepared minde : it taught that kings may he excommunicated , depriued , and violently handled : it proueth that all wars , ciuill or forren , vndertaken for religion , are honourable , whereupon hee was condemned of treason , and drawne vpon a hurdle from the tower vnto the pallace of westminster , where he was executed . francis throgmorton . his confession was to this effect : when i was at spaw in the countrey of liege , i entred into conference with one ienney a notorious traytor , touching the altering of the state of the realme here , and how the same might be attempted by forreign inuasion , and to the like effect i had sundry conferences with sir francis englefield in the low countries , who daily solicited the k. of spaine to inuade the realme , and i continued practising against her maiestie and the state by letters betw●ene sir francis englefield and my selfe , and i acquainted sir iohn throgmorton my father with my trayterous practises , who disswaded me from any further medling with these practises , but by my fathers aduice i made a catalogue of all the noblemen and gentlemen that were catholiks , and did discribe the hauens of this realme for landing of forces . he confessed that he was acquainted by his brother thomas throgmorton with a resolute determination for inuading of the realme , and that the duke of guise should be the principall executor of that inuasion , to the intent to prepare by force the quéens tolleration in religion for the catholiks ; and if her maiesty should refuse so to doe , to remoue her from her crowne and state , and that the duke of guise had prepared the forces , but there wanted money and assistance of the catholiques in england , to ioyne with forreigne forces : for money messengers were sent , both to rome and spaine , and the spanish ambassadour gaue out that the king his master would not only make some notable attempt against england , but would beare halfe the charge thereof ; and an especiall messenger was sent into england , vnder a counterfeit name from the confederats in france , to signifie here the plot and preparation that was there , whereupon i tooke vpon me to be a follower and meanes for the effecting thereof amongst the confederats in england , with the helpe of the spanish ambassador , knowing that he being a publique person might deale therein without perill , and that the duke of guise made speciall choice to land in sussex , about arundell , for the néere cut from fraunce , and for the assured persons to giue assistance , and i shewed the whole plot of the hauens for landing to the spanish ambassadour , who did incourage me therein : also there was sent ouer from the confederates beyond sea , into ●ussex , charles pager , vnder the name of mope , alias spring , and that the spanish ambassador was made priuie vnto his comming , and it was to view the hauens and countrey for landing such forreigne forces about arundell , and to conferre with certain principal persons for assistance , and he confessed that there was a deuice betwéene the spanish ambassador and him , how such principall recusants within the realme as were in commission for the peace in sundry countries , might vpon the bruit of landing the forreigne forces , vnder colour of defence of her maiestie , leuie m●n to ioyne vnto the forren forces ; whereupon he was iustly condemned . the earle of northumberland . hee had a hand in the rebellion in the north , as well as his brother , and behaued himselfe diligently in the managing of those treasons , yet the quéen was content to remit all , and accept him againe , both in honour and fauour , yet he after entred into a new plot for the inuading of the realme , and ouerthrow of the gouernment of religion , and to endanger her maiesties person , and put her from her kingdome , being a conspirator in throgmortons treasons : it was concluded by the pope that the state of christendome stood vpon the stoute assayling of england , and that it should be inuaded with twenty thousand men , at the charge of the pope and other princes , and that her maiestie should be deposed , and some english catholike elected king , and that many priests should come into the realme to win a number vnto the catholike faith to ioyne , if opportunity serued , either with forrain inuasion , or with tumults at home . the head preacher at narbon in prouence , told an english-man that england should be inuaded by a forrain king , and the popish religion restored , and that priests dispersed themselues in england for the better strengthening of the parties . one paine executed for treason , confessed that this realme could not continue in the state wherein it was , because the pope had a speciall care therof , and would in short time , eyther by forren princes , or by some other meanes , worke a change of things here . the duke of guise two yeares did solicite the pope and other princes , to supply him with forces to inuade this realme . there was found about a iesuite that was taken vpon the sea , a discourse that the earle of northumberland , and all the catholike lords and gentlemen in the north parts will assuredly ioyne with forren forces , and therein it is also affirmed that the priests , dispersed within the realme , can dispose of the catholikes of the realme , as they shall be ordered , and that the popes excommunication should be renued and pronounced against her maiesty , and all those which shall take her part , and that all such should be holden as traytors which did not ioyne with the army by a day . it was proued that the earle had conference with the foresaid charles pager , comming ouer about the practise and prosecuting of the said enterprise , and that the ●arle secretly receiued him into the gallery at petworth , where the earle conferred with him an houre , from whence paget was conueyed backe into the towne , where he lodged all night , and the next night he was conueyed secretly vnto a lodge in the ●arls park at pe●worth , where he was kept with all secrecie eight dayes , and the seruant which conueyed him was enioyned by the earle in no wise to discouer him , and charles paget returning from petworth , took shipping again to goe beyond sea. paget tolde william shelley of michelgroue in essex ▪ esquire , that forreigne princes would seeke reuenge against her maiestie , of wrongs by her done against them , and would take such opportunitie as might 〈◊〉 serue them , and that the duke of guise would be a dealer herein , and that the earle of northumberland would be an assistant vnto them , willing shelley whatsoeuer should happe● , to follow the earle of northumberland , and that the duke of guise had forces in readinesse for the altering of religion here in england , and that the catholikes would all ioyne for so good a purpose , for that it would be a meanes to reform religion : he said the stirre would be in the north parts ▪ because sussex was not conuenient in regard there was no safe landing there ▪ and that it was so 〈◊〉 lond●n , and that when any stirre should be the earle of northumberland would goe into the north parts , and when the earle perceiued that all this was come to light , he killed himselfe in the tower , with a pistoll charged with thrée bullets . anthony babington , with thirteene young gentlemen more . these conspired the death of quéene elizabeth : they swore they would set the pope in h●s former state in england , or else die the death , and they combined and confederated themselues by vow and oath , in a most horrible enterprise , by murther to take away the life of her maiesty , wherefore they were iustly condemned , and executed . the story of the spanish fleet , ann. . the said fléet was a preparing thrée or foure years , and being in full perfection came into our seas , with such mighty strength , as no nauy of england or christendom could abide their ●orce . and to make the intended conquest of this realme sure , to the same should also haue ioyned the mighty armie which the duke of parma had made ready in the low-countries , which army should land in this realme , and so both by sea & land this realme should be inuaded , and a speedy conquest made thereof , whereupon it was gathered that neither by sea nor by land there could be much resistance made , & that there would be a strong party in this realme of papists to ioine with the forrein forces ; but within eight or nine daies of the appearance of the popish so great a nauie vpon the coast of england , it was forced to flée from the coast of flanders neer callice , towards the vnknown parts of the cold north , and all their hope of an imagined conquest was quite ouerthrowne . it could procéed of no reason of man , nor of any earthl● power , but onely of god , that such a worke , so long time a framing , to be so suddenly ouerthrown . before this army of spaine was ready to come forth vnto the seas , there were sundry things printed , and sent into this realme , to not●fie vnto the people that the realme should be conquered , the quéene destroyed , and all the noble men & wealthy that did obey her , & would withstand the inuasion , should be with all their families ●ooted out , and their liuings bestowed vpon the conque●ors , and a new bull was published at rome by the pope , whereby the quéen was accursed , and pronounced to be depriued of her crowne , and the inuasion and conquest of the realme committed by the pope , to the king catholick , which was the king of spaine , to execute the sam with his armies , both by sea and land , and to take the crowne vnto himselfe , and there was a large explanation of this b●ll , written by cardinall allen , calling himselfe therein the cardinall of england , and a number of them were sent ouer ready printed into england , most bitterly written against the queene , and her father king henry the eight , and her nobi●itie and councell . in the fleet were aboundance of princes , marquesses , condez , and do●s , which came to haue possessed the roomes of all the noble men in england , and scotland . don brnardin mendoza , in an open assembly did say in a brauerie , that the young king of scots , whom hee called a boy , had deceived the king of spaine : but if the kings nauy might prosper against england : the king of scots should loose his crowne , when the brute was brought of the spanish fléet , and of the armie of the sea coast of flanders , with their shippings . charles lord howard , lord high admirall of england , who is of the most noble house of the duke of norffolke , had the charge of the greatest company of the quéenes ships : an other company were appointed to remaine with the lord henry seymer , second sonne to the duke of somerset , and brother to the earle of hertford : these continued in the narrow seas betwixt england and flanders , to attend the duke of parmas actions . a third company were armed in the west part of england towards spain , vnder the conduct of sir francis drake , but after it was vnderstood , that the great nauy of spaine was ready to come out of li●b●ne , my lord admirall was commaunded to saile with the greatest ships to the west parts of england to ioyn with drake , whom he made uice-admirall , and the lord thomas howard , second son vnto the duke of norffolke , and the lord sheffield , with a great number of knights , went with the lord admirall . when the popish army came vnto the coasts of england , it séemed so great , that the englishmen were astonied at the sight of them ; yet the lord admiral and drake hauing but fifty of the english ships out of the hauen of plimouth , they ●uriously pursued the whole nauy of spaine , being about . ships : so that with the continuall shot of the english one whole day , the whole nauy fled without returning : and after the english nauy being increased to an hundred ships , renued the fight with terrible great shot all the whole day , gaining alwaies the winde of the spanish nauy , and for nine daies together forced them to flye , and destroyed , su●ke , and tooke in thrée daies fight , diuers of the greatest shippes , out of which great numbers were brought to london , besides many that were killed and drowned , and many were brought vnto other parts of the realme ▪ to the great dissh●nour of spaine : in which fight the spaniards did neuer take nor sinke any english ship or boate , or breake any mast , or tooke any one man prisoner , so that some of the spaniards let not to say , that in all these ●ghts christ shewed himselfe a lutheran . the king of scots gaue straight commaundement vpon all his sea coasts that no spaniards should be sufferd to land in any part , b●t that the english might be relieued of any wants . the popish fleet was by tempest driuen beyond the is●es of ork●ay , in an vnaccustomed place , for the young gentlemen of spain , which had neuer felt storms and colde weather : about those northerne islands their marriners and souldiers died daily by multitudes , as by their bodies cast vpon the land , did appeare . and after twentie daies and more , hauing spent their time in miserie , then as they returned homeward the lord ordained the windes to be so violently contrarious , that the nauy was disse●ered vpon the high seas , west vpon ireland , and a great number of them driuen vpon sands , dangerous bayes , and rockes , all along vpon the north and west parts of ireland , in places distant aboue an hundred miles asunder : whereby we may see how god fauoured the iust cause of q. elizabeth , in shewing his anger against those proud boasting enemies of christs peace , and she and her realme professing the gospell of christ , are kept and de●ended : according to the psalme , vnder the shadow of his wings from the face of the wicked that sought to afflict her , and compasse her round about to take away her soule . iohn weldon , william hartley , and robert sutton . iohn weldon priest , was borne at tollerton in yorkshire : he was indicted of ●reason in middlesex ; first he took exception to the indictment that it was false , then to the iurie , that they were vnfit men to try him , because they were lay men , and vnto the whole bench as vnworthy to bee his iudges , because hee did know them to be resolued before hand to condemne all catholikes brought before them : he acknowledged himselfe to bee a priest , and therefore not triable by the common lawes . whereupon persisting in that hee would make no answere , and his treasons manifest , he was condemned to be hanged , drawne and quartered . william hartly priest was condemned for the same treasons that welden was : it was proued that he sent a letter to paris to seminary priests , importing the full resolution of the said hartly and some other of his confederats ( immediatly vppon the landing of the spaniards ) to haue surprised the tower of london , and to haue fired the citie : he affirmed , that if the pope doe depriue the quéene and discharge her subiects of their obedience , and send an armie to restore the roman religion in england , he would pray that the roman armie might preuaile in that case , and in that faith he would spend ten thousand millions of liues , if hee had them , whereupon hee was likewise condemned to bee hanged , drawne and quartered . robert sutton priest was indited for the same treasons : he said the quéen was supreme gouernour within her highnesse dominions , ouer all persons , but not ouer all causes : he was found guiltie ▪ and had his iudgement as the rest . it was proued that welden was sent ouer into the low-countries to kill the earle of leicester , who apprehended him , and sent him ouer into england ; to which he answered he had done nothing but as a catholike priest ought to doe by the direction of our most holy father the pope , being the head of the church , who onely hath authority ouer all persons , and in all causes ecclesiasticall , and in this roman religion . i will die . then he prayed all catholikes to pray for him , and so mumbling certaine latin prayers , he died . the other likewise died as obstinate traytors as himselfe . doctor lopez , stephano de ferrera de gama , manuell lewis tyuaco portugalls . doctor lopez was fauourably receiued into the quéens house a long time , as one of her physitians , the other two were portugalls lately receiued to the seruice of the king of spain , yet colourably resorting into this realme . lopez confessed that hee was of late yeares allured secretly to doe seruice vnto the king of spaine , and from one of his priuie councell he receiued a iewell of gold of good value , garnished with a large diamond and a large rubie , and afterward he assented to take away the qu●●ns life by poysoning , vpon reward promised him of fifty thousand crownes , for which purpose hee sent a messenger ouer to callice to confer with the count ●uents for this practise , and that after he sent an other messenger vnto ibarra , the king of spaines secretary , and to the said count fuentes , promising to poison the queene , if ●hee might haue the fifty thousand crownes that were offered deliuered vnto him : and he confessed the other two were his messengers : in the aforesaid messages , and conspired with him to execute the same : and they all confessed , that the stay that it was not done , proceeded much against their mindes , for want of the deliuerie of the said fifty thousand crownes , which was promised by a day : but the king of spaine finding fault that the messenger , which should carry the money , was too base a fellow to be trusted w●●h so much deferred the sending thereof : but after billes of exchange were deliuered by the count fuentes , for the money , by the direction of the king of spaine , at the very instant when it should haue been done , it pleased god of his goodnesse towards her maiestie , to suffer this conspiracie to be very happily di●couered by the diligence of one of the lords of her maiesties priuy councell : so all the thrée offenders were taken with their letters and writings , expressing their owne actions and councels , and the directions of the king of spaines councellors , and the other two confessed the like in effect , as lopez had done : wherevpon they were all three condemned for treason , and executed accordingly . manuel lewis , repented at his death , and prayed god that all those things that are atchieued by the king of spa●ne , against the quéenes maiestie , might take none effect , and that all the treasons which are wrought may bee discouered , & that god would prolong the life of the quéenes maiestie , as shee deserueth , and her faithfull subiects desire . edmund yorke , and richard williams . not long after lopez his treason , another like conspiracie was concluded at bruxells to murder the queene , whereof stephano ibarra , the king of spaines secretary ▪ procuring the s●me to bee done by the said yorke and williams , and others : and hugh owen an english rebell : a spanish pentioner , deliuered vnto the said yorke an assignation in writing , subscribed by the said secretarie ibarra his hand , for assurance of payment of forty thousand crownes to bee giuen vnto him from the king of spaine , if hee would kill the queene : or if hee would assist richard williams , or any other that should haue performed the same ; and the assignation was deliuered vnto holt a iesuit , an old english rebell , who produced the sacrament and kissed i● , and sware in the presence of yorke and other rebels , that he would surely pay the same money vnto him as soone as the fact should be committed : and vpon this matter were three seuerall consultations of englishmen , being rebels and fugitiues , and pentioners of the king of spaine . the names of the principall parties of the consultations , are , william stanley , the said holt a iesuit , thomas throgmorton , the said hugh owen , doctor gifford , doctor worthington , charls paget , one tipping , edward garret , and michaell moody , but b● gods good prouidence , the said yorke and williams were taken comming into england , and confessed the whole matter as aforesaid . holt said to yorke , many englishmen haue failed to perform this enterprise , but if it should not be performed by you , he would after imploy strangers in it . patricke cullen an irishman he was likewise a pentioner of the king of spaine , and a fencer : he was perswaded by william stanley , and one iaques who was his lieutenant , and one shirwood and the said holt to come secretly into england , and to kill her maiestie , and he assented thereunto , and had thirty pound of stanley & iaques towards his iourney , with offer of great reward ; and comming into england , he was taken , and by good proofes charged there with , he confessed the same in the manner as is before here expressed . richard hesketh . hee was a gentleman of lancashire , well acquainted with the lord strange ? he was sent into england by cardinall allen , william stanley , and thomas worthington to intice ferdinand , the lord strange , sonne and heire to the earle of darby , to take vpon himselfe the title to be heire vnto the crowne of england , and to shew him the opinion of the cardinall and many others , that he should take vppon him the title of king , with assurance of treasure and forreine forces , to maintaine the same , which the said hesketh did very diligently performe , with many reasons , as he was instructed , but the lord strange being at heskeths comming newly earle of darbie , by the death of his ▪ father , was so wise and dutifull , that he stayed hesketh , who vpon the earles report was apprehended , and confessed the whole matter , wheupon he was condemned , and shewed great repentance , and cursed his instructors , and was executed . sqvire . this uiper squire was likewise sent by the inticement of the aforesaid serpentine generation , beyond sea , to kill her maiestie : his plot was to so poyson the pummell of her saddle , that if she did lay her hand vpon it , her whole bodie should be therewith poysoned , but by the sure prouidence of god , which euer did preserue her , and ●oreshew vnto her ▪ all her dangers , to the preuention of them , this practise came to light before it was executed , and the said squire had the same most iust reward of his foresaid treason , as his predecessors in like plots had . the earle of essex conspiracie . lastly , i will conclude with the conspiracie of the late earle of essex : for although it is not to be doubted but that his heart , with many of his followers , was vpright vnto the quéene , yet notwithstanding hee had many papists in the plot with him , whose hearts he knew not , and by whom , if his practise had tooke effect , the queene should haue beene in as great trouble and danger as euer she was in her life ; but the lord of his accustomable wonderfull mercie , deliuered her maiestie from this danger likewise , who both by his holy spirit of comfort preserued her mind , still ioyfull without feare of her enemies , and also her royall person and her realme , by the safe custodie of his holy angels , from all wicked practises and treasons whatsoeuer , vntill her olde age , and vntill he at his time appointed called her maiestie vnto himselfe , out of her bedde in peace , from a blessed kingdome , wherin she had long raigned in great glory in this world , to raigne with his sonne iesus christ in the kingdome of vnspeakeable and eternall ioy and glorie in the world to come . by this storie of queen elizabeth , the papists that haue any eie-sight of true vnderstanding , may see by what wicked meanes the pope and their catholik church hath alwaies gotten and maintained their most vnlawfull supremacie ouer kings . and although they haue wonderfully preuailed against all superstitious emperours and kings , by such like excommunications ▪ warres , murthers , and treasons as he vsed against queene elizabeth , yet as god preserued her heart purely to s●icke to his sincere word , and to despise all the popes errors , superstitions , and trash , so god mercifully preserued her and her kingdome from all the popes treacherous practises foure and fortie yeares , fiue moneths , and odde dayes , with such glorie and peace as neuer christian king had more : her manifest protections of god were as apparant and as manifest as dauids ; and as he and salomon builded a most glorious materiall temple in despite of their enemies , most gloriously did she build vp the spirituall temple and spouse of christ , in despite of the papists and the pope , and all kings that tooke their part : her outward glorie and honour was ●quall w●th salomons , and she o●●matched him in that : neither her glorie in this world , nor any other means could withdraw her from her true zeale in setting for●h the pure word of god ; wherefore all honour and glorie be giuen vnto god by this realme of england and all his church world without end . amen . ovr most gratiovs king iame● . when the papists triumphing that their long ●xpected houre was come by gods taking away th● most blessed quéen● elizabeth , yet the lord of his great mercie brought their ioy to nought , by p●anting our deare soueraigne , iames , by his especiall grace , to succeede queene elizabeth in these realmes , one that is as zealous of the word of god as she , and one whom the lord hath beene as prouident ouer in all his wayes , as ouer her , and indued with the like ioy in the holy-ghost , in the assurance of gods prouidence in time of danger , wherefore no doubt but as the lord hath , so he will couer him and his realmes with the sh●dow of his wings from all papisticall treacheries , euen as he did queene elizabeth . this is worthie to be recorded vnto the perpetuall honour of his maiestie , that hee being h●ire apparant vnto qu●ene elizabeth , could neuer be inticed by any prince or papist , to oppose himselfe against her . when the rising was in the north , and the rebels were ●led into scotland , he tooke the quéens part , though it were to the great ruine of much of his kingdome : he made a proclamation in anno . that none of the ●pan●sh fléet should land vpon his coasts , but that the english should be relieued of any thing they néeded , and in the yeare . hee executed as traytors in scotland , diuers for conspiring with the king of spaine against england ▪ and before the comming out of the spanish fléet don barnardin mendoza in an open assembly did say in a 〈◊〉 that the young king of scots , whom hee called a boy , had deceiued the king of spaine , but if the kings nauie might prosper against england , the king of scots should lose his crowne , whereby it manifestly appeareth how true and faithfull his maiestie was ●u●r vnto the late quéene of famous memorie . touching gods wonderfull preseruations ouer his royall person ; who hath safely preserued him a king almost this eight and fortie yeares , in despite of all his enemies , forreigne and domesticall , and no doubt but he● had many , ye● it doth most manifestly appeare in some great and vnheard of dangers , out of which the lord hath most miraculously deliuered him , as from gowries treason and the gun-powder treason , and others . gowries conspiracie against his maiestie the fift of august , being tuesday anno dom. . ma●● . alexander ruthwen , second brother vnto the late earle gowrie , came to his maiestie as he was a hunting , and told him that it chaunced the night before , as he walked about the towne of s. iohnstone , hee met a base fellow vnknowne vnto him , and hauing suspition of him he narrowly looked to him , and examined him , and he said he found a great wide pot to be vnder his arme , full of coined gold in great quantity , whereupon he took him , no body knowing thereof , and bound him in a priuie darke house , and locked many doores vpon him , and said that he came in haste to aduertise his maiesty thereof according to his bounden duety , earnestly requesting his maiestie with all diligence and ●ecrecie to take order therwith before any know thereof , swearing that he had concealed it from all men , yea , from the earle his brother ; whereupon the king suspected that it had béene some forreigne golde , brought thither by some iesuits for practising papists to stirre vp some new sedition , as they had often 〈◊〉 before , and that the fellow that carried it was some seminary , so disguised for the more sure transporting thereof : and with many earnest perswasions he got the kings maiesty as soone as he had done hunting , to ride with him to the earle gowr●es house to dinner , with a very small number with him , and after dinner his maiesty being ready to rise from the table , and all his seruants in the hall at their dinner , m. alexander standing behinde his maiesties backe , pulled him softly , rounding in his maiesties eare , that it was time to goe , but that he would fain● haue been quit of the earle his brother , wishing the k. to send him out into the hall , to entertain his guests , whereupon the k. called for drink , and in a m●rrie and homely manner sayd to the ●arle , that although the earle had séene the fashion of entertainment in other countreyes , yet he would teach him the scottish fashion , séeing he was a scottish man : and therefore since he had forgotten to drink to his maiesty , or sit with his guests , and entertayne them , his maiesty would drink to him his own welcom , desiring him to take it forth and drink to the rest of the company , and in his maiesties name to make them welcome . whereupon as he went forth his maiesty rose from the table , and desired m. alexander to bring sir thomas erskine with him : who desiring the k. to goe forward with him , and promising that he should make any one or two follow him that he pleased to call for , desiring his maiesty to commaund publikely that none should follow him . thus the k. accompanied only with the said m. alexander , comes forth of the chamber , passe●h through the end of the hall , where the noblemen and his maiesties seruants were sitting at their dinner , vp a turnepeck , and through three or foure chambers , the sayd master alexander euer locking behinde him euery doore as he passed : and then with a more smiling countenance than hee had all the day before , euer saying he had him sure and safe en●ugh kept , vntill at the last , his maiesty passi●g thorow three or foure sundry houses , and all the doores locked behinde him , his maiesty entred into a little studie , where he saw standing with a very abased countenance , not a bond-man but a free man , with a dagger at his girdle : but his maiesty had no sooner entred into that little study , and master alexander with him , but master alexander locked to the study doore behinde him , and at that instant changing his countenance , putting his hat on his head , and drawing the dagger from that other mans gird●e , held the point of it to the kings breast , auowing now that the king be hoou●d to be in his will ▪ and vsed as hee list : swearing many bloody oths , that if the king cryed one word , or opened a window to look out , that the dagger should presently go to his heart : affirming , that he was sure , that now the kings conscience was burthened for murthering his father . his maie●●y wondring at so sodaine an alteration , & standing naked , without any kinde of armour but his hunting horne , which he had not g●●ten leysure to lay from him , betwixt these two traytors which had conspired his life : the said maister alexander standing ( as is said ) with a dagger in his hand , and his sword at his side , but the other trembling and quaking , rather like ●ne condemned , than an executioner of s●ch an enterprise . his maiesty begun then to ●ilate to the said m. alexander , how horrible a thing it was for him to meddle with his maiesties innocent blood , assuring him it would not be left vnreuenged , since god had giuen him children and good subiects , and if they neither , yet god would raise vp stocks and st●nes to punish so vile a deed . protesting before god , that he had no burthen in his conscience , for the execution of his father , both in respect that at ●he ti●e of his fathers execution , his maiesty was but a minor of age , and guided at that time by a faction , which ouer-ruled both his maiesty and the rest of the countrey , as also that whatsoeuer was done to his fath●r it was done by the ordinary course of law and iustice . appealing the saide master alexander vpon his conscience , how w●ll hee all times since had deserued at the hands of all his race , not onely hauing restored them to their lands and dignities , but also in now ishi●g and bringing vp of two or three of his sisters , as it were in his own bos●me , by a continuall attendance vpon his maiesties dearest bed-fellow in h●r ●riuie chamber . laying also before him the terrors of his conscience , especially that he made profession , according to his education , of the same religion which his maiesty had euer professed ; and namely his maiesty r●membred him of that holy man mast. robert rollocke , whose scholler he was , assuring him that one day the said master roberts soule would accuse him , that he had neuer learned of him to practise such vnnatural cruelty : his maiesty promising to him , on the word of a prince , that if hee would spare his life , an● suffer him to go out againe , he would neuer reueale to any one liuing what was betwixt them at that t●me , nor neuer suffer him to in●ur any harm or punishment for the same . but his maiesties feare was , that he could hope ●or no sparing at his hands , hauing such cruelty in his looks , and standing so irreuerently couered , with his ●at on : which forme of rigorous behauiour , could prognosticate nothing to his maiesty but present extremity . but at his maiesties perswasiue language , he appeared to be somewhat amazed , and vncouering his head againe ▪ swore and protested that his maiesties life should be safe , if he would behaue himselfe quietly , without making any noyse : and that he would only bring in the earl his brother to speak with his maiesty : whereupon his maiesty enquiring what the earle would doe with him , since ( if his maiesties life were safe according to promise ) they could gaine little in kéeping such a prisoner . his answere onely was , that he could tell his maiesty no more , but that his life should be safe , in case he behaued himselfe quietly , the rest , the earle his brother , whom he was going for , would tell his maiesty at his comming . with that , as he was going forth for hi● brother , as he affirmed , he turned him about to the other man ; saying these words vnto him , i make you here the kinges kéeper , tul i come backe againe , and see that you keepe him , vpon your owne perill : and therewithall said to his maiesty , you must content your selfe to haue this man now your keeper , vntill my comming backe . with these words he passeth forth ▪ locking the doore after him , leauing his maiesty with that man he found there before . of whom his maiesty then enquired , if he were appointed to be the murtherer of him at that time , and how farre he was vpon the ●o●nsel of that conspiracy , whose answer with a trembling and astonished voice and behauiour , was , that as the lord should ●●dge him , he was neuer made acquainted with that purpose , but that he was put in there perforce , & the doore lockt vpon him , a little space before his maiesties comming : as indeed all the time of the said m. alexanders menacing his maiestie , he was euer trembling , requesting him for gods sake , and with many other attestations , not to meddle with his maiesty , nor to doe him any harme . but because m. alexander had before his going forth , made the king sweare he should not cry , nor open any window , his maiesty commanded the said fellow to open the window on his right hand , which he readily did , so that although he was put in there to vse violence on the king , yet god so turned his hart , as he became a slaue to his prisoner . while his maiesty was in this dangerous estate , & none of his owne seruants nor ●raine knowing where he was , & as his maiesties train was arising in the hal from their dinner , the earl of gowry being present with them , one of the e. of gowries seruants comes hastily in , assuring the earle his maister , that his maiesty was horsed , & away through the insh , which the earle reporting to the noble men , and the rest of his maiesties traine that was there present , they all rushed out together at the gate in great hast : and some of his maiesties seruants enquiring of the porter when his maiesty went forth ? the porter affirmed , that the king was not yet gone forth ? wherevpon ●he earle looked very angerly vpon him , and said he was but a lyar : yet turning him to the duke , & to the earle of mar , said he should presently get them sure word where his maiesty was , and with that , ran through the close , and vp the staires . but his purpose indéed was , to speake with his brother , as appeared very well by the circumstance of time , his brother hauing at that same instant left the king in the little study , & ran downe the staires in great haste . immediatly after , the earle commeth back , ●unning againe to the gate , where the noblem●n and the rest , were standing in a maze , assuring them that the king was gone long since out at the back gate , and if they hasted them not the sooner , they would not ouertake him , and with that called for his horse , whereat they rusht all together out at the gate , and made toward the inshe , crying all for their horses : passing all ( as it was the prouidence of god ) vnder one of the windows of that study , wherein his maiesty was . to whom m. alexander very speedily returned , and at his in comming to his maiesty , casting his hands abroad in a desperate manner , said , he could not mend it , his maiestie behooued to die : and with that , offered a garter to bind his maiesties hands , with swearing , hee behooued to bee bound . his maiesty at that word of binding , said , he was borne a frée king , and should die a frée king. wherevpon he griping his maiesty by the wrest of the hand , to haue bound him , his maiesty releeued himself sodainly of his gripes : wherevpon as he put his right hand to his sword , his maiesty with his right hand seazed vpon both his hand and his sword , and with his left hand clasped him by the throat , like as he with the left hand claspt the king by the throat , with two or three of his fingers in his maiesties mo●th , to haue stayed him from crying . in this manner of wrestling his maiestie perforce drew him to the window , which he had caused the other man before to open vnto him , and vnder the which was passing by at the same time the kings traine , and the earle of gowry with them , as is said , and holding out the right side of his head and right elbow , cryed , that they were murthering him there in that treasonable forme : whose voice being instantly heard and knowne by the duke of lennox , the earl of mar , and the rest of his maiesties traine there : the said earle at gowry euer asking what it meant ? and neuer seeming any wayes to haue seene his maiesty , or heard his voice , they all rushed in at the gate together , the duke and the earl of marre running about to come to that passage his maiesty came in at . but the earle of gowry and his seruants made them for another way vp a quiet turnepeck , which was ●uer condemned before , and was onely then left open , ( as appeared ) for that purpose . and in this meane time , his maiesty , withstrugling and wrastling with the said m. alexander , had brought him perforce out of that study , the doore wherof , for hast , he had left open at his last in-comming , and his maiesty hauing gotten , ( with long strugling ) the said ▪ m. alexanders head vnder his arme , and himselfe on his knees , his master dro●e him back perforce hard to the doore of the some turne-pike , & as his maiesty was throwing his sword out of his hand , thinking to haue striken him therewith , and then to haue shot him ouer the stairs , the other fellow standing behind the kings back , & doing nothing but trembling all the time , sir io : ramsey , not knowing what way first to enter , after he had heard the kings cry , by chance findes that turn-peck doore open , & following it vp to the head , enters in into the chamber , & finds his maiesty and m. alexander strugling in that forme , as is before said : and after he had twise or thrise stricken m. alexander with his dagger , the other man withdrew himselfe , his maiesty still kéeping his gripes , & holding him close to him : immediatly thereafter he tooke the said m. alexander by the sholders , and shut him down the staire : who was no sooner shut out at the doore , but hee was met by sir thomas erskine and sir hew hereis , who there vpon the staire ended him : the said sir ●ho : erskine being cast behind the duke & the earl of mar that ran about the other way , by the occasion of his medling with the said late earle in the stréet , after the hearing of his maiesties , cry . for vpon the hearing therof ▪ he had clasped y ● earle of gowry by the gorget , & casting him vnder his féet , and wanting a dagger to haue striken him with , the said earles men rid the earle their maister out of h●s hands : wherby he was cast behind the rest , as is said : and missing the company , & hearing the said sir iohn ramseys voice vpon the turn-peck head , ran vp to the said chamber , & cryed vpon the said sir hew hereis & another seruant to follow him : where , méeting with the said m. alexander in the turn-peck , he ended him there , as is said the said m. alexander crying for his last words , alas i had not the weight of it . but no sooner could the said sir thomas , sir hew , and another seruant win into the chamber where his maiestie was , but that the said earl of gowry , before they could get the doore shut , followed them in at the back , hauing cast him directly to come vp that priuy passage , as is before said : who at his first entry , hauing a drawn sword in eue●y hand , and a stéele bonet on his head , accom●anied with seuen of his seruants , euery one of them hauing in like manner a drawne sword , cryed out with a great oath , that they should al die as traitors . all the which time his maiesty was still in his chamber , who séeing the earle of gowry come in with his swords in his hands , sought for m. alexanders sword which had fallen from him at his out shutting at the doore , hauing no sort of weapons of his own , as it is said ● but then was ●hut back by his own seruants that were there , into 〈◊〉 little study , and the doore shut vpon him : who hauing put his maiesty in safe●y , re-encountred the said earle and his seruants , his maiesties seruants being only in number ●●ure , to wit , sir hugh hereis , and sir iohn ramsey , & one wilson , a seruant of iames erskins , a brother of the said sir thomas , the said e. hauing . of his own seruants with him : yet it pleased god , after many strokes on all hands , to giue his maiesties seruants the victory , the said e. of gowry being striken dead with a stroke through y ● hart , which the said sir io : ramsey gaue him , without once crying vpō god , & the rest of his seruants dung ouer the staires with many hurts , as ●n like maner y ● said sir tho : erskin , 〈◊〉 hugh hereis , & sir iohn ramsey , were all thr●● very sore hurt and wou●ded . but al the time of this ●ight , the d. of l●nnox , the earl of mar , & the rest of his maie●ties traine , ●ere striking with great hammer● at the vtter doore , wh●rby his maiesty pa●●t vp to the chamber with the said m. alexander which also he had lockt in his by-comming with his maiesty to the chamber : but by reason of the strength of the said double doore , ●he whole wall being likewise of boords , and yéelding with the strokes● it did bide the● 〈◊〉 space of half an houre & more , before they could break it ● hau● entre●●e : who 〈…〉 with his maiesty , found ( beyond their expectation ) his maiesty deliuered from so imminent a perill , & the said late earle the principall conspirator lying dead at his maiesties ●éet . immediatly thereafter his maiesty knéeling down on his knées , in the middest of his own seruants , & they all kneeling round about him : his maiesty out of his own mouth thanked god of that miraculous deliuerance and victory , assuring himselfe , that god hath preserued him from so dispai●ed a peril , for the perfecting of some greater work behind , to his glory , and for procuring by him the weale of his people , y ● god had committed to his charge . in the first beginning of the kings maiesties raign ouer england , william watson , & william clarke seminary priests , and george brooke , brother vnto the lo : cobham , had most traiterously deuised a plot , whereby the kings person should haue b●en surprised , and the whole kingdome ouerthrowne , and they had entised to the imbracing their trayterous machinations : anthony copley gentleman : sir griffin markam knight , the lord cobham , ▪ the lord gray . sir walter rawleigh , and others : but before they had brought their conspiracies vnto ●ffect : the lord of his accust●med goodnes , and carefulnes ouer his maiestie made all their conspiracies apparant vnto the king and his councell , and about the middest of iuly , in the first yeare of his highnes raigne , proclamations were made out for the apprehension of them , whereby they were taken , and in nou●mber after they were all condemned of high treason : and the nine and twenty day of nouember , the two priests were executed : and sir dayes after george brooke was ●eheaded , and the ninth of december sir griffin markam , and the lord cobham , and the lord gray , after they had been seuerally brought vpon the scaffold , in the castle of winchester , and had made their confessions , and prepared themselues likewise seuerally to die , vpon the sudden , the kings warrant written with his own hand , was there deliuered vnto sir beniamin tichborne , high sheriffe of hampshire , commanding him to stay execution : these three and sir water rawleigh , were returned pri●oners vnto the tower , the fifteenth of december . the gunpowder treason . thomas pearcy , robert catesby , thomas winter & others in the last yeare of the raigne of q. elizabeth , by the in●●igation of certaine iesuites , practised with th● king of spain , to send a well ●urnished army vpon england , promising him great ayde to entertaine them at their arriuall at milford hauen , and to that purpose the king promised to 〈◊〉 them fif●y thousand pound for leuying of horse and foote , and preparation of munition in england to second them : but whilst this was in a manner concluded , q. elizabeth dyed , & the king of spaine vpon certaine knowledge that k. iames was established , dispatch●d his ambassadors and commissioners for england , ●or co●firmation of a lasting peace between them , yet neuerthelesse the said rob. catesby sent tho : winter againe to the king of spaine to resolicite their former proiect , but the king answered him , your old quéens is dead with whom i had wars , and you haue a new king with whom i haue euer bin in good peace and amity , and for continuance thereof , i haue sent my speciall commissioners , and vntill i sée what will become thereof , i will not hearken vnto any other course whatsoeuer . when winter returned , and made this knowne vnto catesby , pearcy and the rest , then they began to cast about what they might doe of themselues to aduance the romance catholick religion , but first they would see the euent of the first parliament , if that would mittigate any former lawes , and try what good the conclusion of peace with spaine would doe vnto them before they attempted any further : but when they perceiued that neither parliament , nor publike peace sorted in any part to their desire , and that the peace concluded was rather a more ready meanes for the law to procéed against them then otherwise , because the peace concerned onely the amitie of christian princes , for the generall good of christendome , without any particular or priuat respect : then catesby told the rest , he had a deuice in his head that should free them , and the rest of the english catholiques from their oppressions , and when he had found out ●it ministers for execution of his deuice , after they had taken oath and sacrament for secresie , hee told them hee had deuised the meane to vndermine and blow vp the parliament house , at the instant when the king , queene , prince , peeres , and commons were all assembled , which proiect they presently embraced , and forthwith pearcy hired certaine lodgings close to the parliament house : and then they appointed miners , who with great difficultie digged and vndermined a part of the wall , but after a while they vnderstood that the ua●t right vnder the parliament house was to bee let to hyre , then guydo fawkes went and hyred it : this fawkes was late a souldiour in flanders , and for this purpose was sent for , who by consent of the rest changed his nam● , and was called iohn iohnson maister pearcies man : after they had hyred the uaut ▪ the● secretly conuayed into it thirty and sir barrels of powder , and couered them all ouer with billets and faggots . ●bout ten daies before the parliam●nt should begin , an vnknowne party in the euening met a seruant of the lord mounteagles in the stre●t , and deliuered him a letter , charging him speedily to giue it vnto his lord , which he did : when his lord had read it , and obserued the dangerous c●ntents , with a speciall caueat , not to appeare the first day of parliament , he was amazed , and forthwith deliuered it to the earle of salisbury the kings principall secretary ▪ a chiefe counselor of estate : when the earle had iudiciously obserued the strange phrase and tenor thereof , with the terrible threats therein against the whole state , he acquainted the lord chamberlain therewith , and then they c●nioined vnto them the lord admirall , the earles of worcester and northampton , who instantly consulted what was fittest to be done , omitting neither time , diligence or industry , all which no●withstanding , they could not as yet finde out the depth of this mysterie , and were therefore much troubled in minde , b●cause the appointed day of parliament drew neare , which was tuesday the . of nouember : vpon the saturday before , the king being returned from hunting , the said lords acquainted his highnesse with what had past , and when his maiesty had well noted the strange contents of the letter , which purported the sodaine ruine of the state , the king said notwithstanding the small respect and slight regard which might bee giuen to libels scattered abroad yet th●s was more quicke and pithy then was vsuall in libels , and willed them to search in all places , as well not dayly frequented , as of vsuall repayre ▪ and concerning any forraine disturbance or inuasion , hee well kn●w the present force and preparation of all christian princes , and that whatsoeuer practise of trea●on was now in hand , it must be per●ormed in some vnsuspected place , and by some hom●-bred traytors : therevpon new search was made in all places about the court and the parliament house , but could not as yet finde any thing worthy their labours : all which ●earch●s were performed with such silence and discretion , as there rose no manner of suspition , eyther in court or city ▪ the lord chamberlaine , whose office it most concerned , neuer rested day nor night , and the night before the parliament , as sir thomas kneuet with others scowted about the parliament house , espied a fellow standing in a corner very suspitiou●ly , and asked him his name , what hee was , and what he did there so late , who answered very bluntly hi● name was iohn iohnson master pearcies man and keeper of his lodg●ings . sir ●homas kneuet continued still his search in all places thereabouts , and returning thither againe ▪ found him lingring there still , searched him , and found vnder his cloke a close lanthorne , and a burning candle in it : and about him other signes of suspition , that hee stood not there for any good : then the knight entered the ua●● , where they found the powder couered with billets and fagots as afore-said , and then the lord chamberlaine caused the traytor to be bound , and being now about three a clocke in the morning ●ee went vnto the king , and with exceeding gladnesse told his maiestie the treason was discouered and preuented , and the traytor in hold , the king desired to see fawkes , who when hee came before the king vs●d like trayterous and audacious speeches , as hee did at his first apprehension , affirming himselfe was the onely man to performe the treason , saying , it sore vexed him that the deed was not done , and for that time would not confesse any thing touching the rest of the conspirators , but that himselfe onely and alone was the contriuer and practiser of this treason . betweene fiue and six a clocke in the morning the councell gaue order to the lord mayor of london to looke to the city , and in very calme manner to set ciuill watch at the citie gates , signifying therewithall that there was a plot of treason discouered , and that the king would not goe to parliament that day : and the same day in th● afternoone , the manner of the treason was by proclamation made known vnto the people , for ioy wherof , there was that night as many bonsires in and about london as the stréetes could permit , and the people gaue humble and hearty thankes vnto almighty god for their king & countries right blessed escape . within thrée dayes after two other proclamations were made , signifying vnto the people who were the chiefe conspirators , with commandement to apprehend pearcy and catesby , & to take them aliue if it were possible , which said pearcy and catsby were gone to holbach in warwickshire to méet winter ▪ gaunt , and others : where vnder pretence of a great hunting ▪ they meant to raise the country , and surprise the lady elizabeth from the l. harington , whom they meant to proclaime queens , and in whose name they meant to enter into armes , being perswaded that the king , the prince , and duke of yorke were by that time blowne vp in the parliament house : but when they knew their treason was known and preuented , and saw the kings forces round about the house , so as they could not escape , pearcy and catesby very desperately issued forth , and fighting back to back were both slain with one musket shot . saturday the ninth of nouember the king went to parliament , where in the presence of the queene , the prince , the duke of yorke , the ambassadors of the king of spaine , and the arch-duke , and all the lords spirituall and temporall , and commons of the same , hee made a very solemne oration , manifesting the whole complot of this treason . the . of ianuary at westminster were arraigned , thomas winter , guydo fawkes , robert keyes and thomas bates for plotting to blow vp the parliament house , digging in the mine , taking oath and sacrament for secresie , &c. and robert winter , iohn graunt , ambrose rookewood , for being acquainted with the treason afterward , giuing their full consent thereunto , and taking oath and sacrament for secresie , and sir euer●●d digby for being made acquainted with the said treason , yeelding assent , and taking his corporall oath for secresie : all which inditements were prooued against them , and by themselues confessed , and therevpon had iudgement giuen them to bee drawne , hanged and quartered , their limbes to bee set vpon the citie gates , and their heads vpon the bridge : according to which sentence the thirtieth of ianuary , sir euerard digby , robert winter , iohn graunt and bates were executed at the west end of paules church , and the next day after the other foure were executed in the parliament yard , six of the eight , acknowledged their guiltinesse in this horrible treason , and dyed very penitently , but graunt and keyes did not so . out of these and many other destructions , the lord of his aboundant mercie hath deliuered his most faithfull seruant , and our dread soueraigne king iames : and still will preserue him according to his promise , so long as he putteth his trust in him : and it is not to be doubted , but god hauing giuen him the spirit of confidence in him , and also fortified and builded vp this his hope and trust by the experience of ennumerable preseruations of his person and stat●e and such ones as could be attributed to no meanes , but onely to gods handy workes : nay , i will conclude by the warrant of gods word , that it is impossible for the diuell by any temptation in the world to steale this heauenly treasure out of his royall heart , no more then he could steale it out of iob his heart : for although from them that haue not the true grace of god , that which they haue shall be taken from them : yet according to christs promise , which is truth it self , he that hath truly gods spirit , be it in neuer so little manner , more shall be giuen him , and that which he hath shall neuer be taken from him . and touching these blessed realmes of great brittaine and ireland , ouer which the lord hath appointed him supreme head next vnder his sonne iesus christ ouer all causes spirituall and temporall , being that he maintaineth and defendeth the very same doctrines , and no other , which christ , the apostles , and the pri●●itiue church taught : as the lord hath most wonderfully blessed and p●ospered them by the hands of queen elizabeth , and his maiestie , this many yéeres , so vndoubtedly his wings of most safe preseruation shall be still ouer this realme so long as no idolatry is in israel . i meane maintained by the lawes of the realme : for though there bee many idolatrous papists , yet the law is against them , and though there bee many sinnes and wickednesses in england , yet the lawes of the realme are most strict against them : therefore the realme is holy and righteous , because the lawes bee holy and righteous , and although there bee aboundance of wicked and abhominable people in this realme yet there bee as many both holy and righteous men and women as euer were in them : therefore certainely the lord will not destroy or plague this realme for their sakes that bee wicked and prophane i● them , but most surely still blesse and preserue them for their sakes that be righteous and holy therein , as hetherto hee hath done : wherefore vnto him bee all honour , praise , glory , power and dominion of all the inhabitants of this realme , and of all his church world without end . the last but not the least vse of these precedent stories is therein diligently to mark the vnspeakeable cruelty , tyranny , and most subtill and wicked practises of papists in many ages before queen mary , but then it was at the heigth and then papists shewed their hearts truely without dissimulation , and from them haue come all the treacherous practises against queene elizabeth , and all the treacherous practises against our dread soueraigne k. iames : onely gowries treason excepted , but they neuer deuised a more vngodly and inhumane tragedy , most abhominable to god , and odious in the iudgment of all men , as their most diuellish practise to blow vp the parliament house with gunpowder , to the destruction of his maiestie , his queene , and all his royal issue : with all the nobilitie , bishops , iudges , and chiefe of the commons of this realm , with many thousands besides , to the vtter vndoing of this most noble kingdome . their cruelty in spaine . likewise of this their cruelty which no tongue is able to expresse sufficient testimony would appeare by the most cruell murders vpon gods saints committed from time to time in innumerable abundance both vpon our country men , there own and others , by the most diuelish and cruell inquisito●s of the spaniards , but these serpents are become so wise and subtill that there is no certaine record to bée found in any writer of their doings therein , since the booke of martyrs , but for all their subtilty they cannot hide it from christ iesus , at the day of iudgement , the cruell practises of the papists in france . likewise there hel●ish cruelty hath been declared in no place in the world , so plainely as it hath been in france , by the innumerable massacres , and murders of gods saints , that they haue there committed . i will onely recite one massacre , and the death of their two last kings of france , for by these and other such like crueltyes alreadie declared out of the booke of martyrs , it is easily séene that they are the brothers of caine , and children of the deuill . in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred seauenty two , the duke of guise by the aduice of the french king charles the ninth , came with a great company of souldiours at midnight into the stréetes of paris , to massacre the protestants : the marke of the executioners should be a hankerchéefe tyed about their armes with a white crosse in their hats , and the pallace bell ringing at the breake of the day , should giue the signall : they beganne by knocking at the admirals gate , who was a protestant , they stabbed him that came to open the gate , then they entred the admirals chamber : one thrust him through the body , and striketh him on the head ; another shot him thorough with a pistoll , another wounded him in the legs , and euery one of them giue him a blow : then the duke of guise commanded them to cast him to him out of the widdow , then the duke spurned him with his foote , and going into the stréete , said ; courage companions , we haue begunne happily , let vs procéede to the rest , the king commaunds it . one carried the admiralls head vnto the king , and queen his mother , who sent it imbalmed vnto the pope , and the cardinall of lorraine : for assurance of the death of their capitall enemy , one cut off his head , another his priuy members , and three daies they dragged his carkase with all indignity thorough the streetes , then they hanged it vppe by the feete . they murdered all his seruants and gentlemen in his quarter , with like fury they murdred all the other protestants throughout the citty and subburbs , of all ages , conditions , and sexes , men , women , and children , rich and poore . there was heard in paris a lamentable cry of people going vnto death , a pittifull complaint of such as cryed for mercy : the streete were strewed with carkases , the pauements , market place , and riuer , was died with blood : they destroyed that day aboue ten thousand of innocent protestants . henry the third . henrie the third king of france , of the house of valois , a milde and tractable prince : courteous , wittie , eloquent , and graue , but of easie accesse ; deuout , louing , learning , aduancing good wits , a bountifull rewarder of men of merit , a friend to peace , and a prince who deserued to be placed amongst the worthiest of that monarchy : was trayterously murdered by a deuillish monke on this manner . when as the suisses and lansquenets of sansie , and pontoise were by force reduced to the kings obedience : the duke of longuevill gathered an army of twenty thousand men and ioyned with them . whereupon the kings forces being about fortie thousand men , lodged about paris , and tooke saint cloud , and made the parisians ready to yeelde ; whereat the popish monkes and priests of that citty were so much displeased , that they vowed reuenge thereof . and one iames clement , a monke , an excrament of hell , a iacobine by profession , of the age of twenty two or twenty thrée years old , vowes to kill the tyrant , and to deliuer the citty besiedged . this damnable proiect he imparts to doctour bourg●ing , prior of his couent , to father commolet , and other iesuits , and to the heads of the league , to the cheefe of the sixeteene , and to the forty councellors at paris . all encourage him to doe this happy designe : they promise him abbaies and byshopprickes , and if hee chance to be made a martyr , no lesse then a place in heauen aboue the apostles . they caused the preachers to perswade the people to patience seauen or eight daies , for before the end of the weeke they should see a notable accident , which should set all the people at libertie . the priests of orleance , rouan and amiens , clatter out the like at the same time , and in the same termes . the first of august the monke goes out of paris towards saint cloud : vpon his departure , they take aboue two hundred of the cheefe cittizens and others prisoners , whom they knew to haue goods , friends , and credite with the kinges partie , as a precaution to redeeme that cursed murderer , in case he were taken before or after the deed . in his way hee was taken by the regiment of coublan , which was then in gard , telling them that hee went then vnto his maiestie , to let him vnderstand something which concerned his seruice . coublan caused him to be conducted by two souldionrs vnto the kinges quarter , which was at saint cloud , commaunding him that ( if happely the king were not there ) they should b●ing him to some one of the counsell : whom the monke giues to vnderstand , that the first president , and other of the kinges seruants had sent him , to aduertise him , that there is a good number of partisans at paris , who if it please his maiestie to giue them a day and houre , will keepe him a port open . and to purchase the more credit vnto his wordes , he shewes a certaine paper written in italian characters , the which hee said was a letter of credit from the first president , accompanied with a pasport from the garle of brienne , signed charles leuxemburge ; and faines that he had obtained it to goe out of paris vnd●r colour of going to orleance , and that he had many priuate instructions which he might not deliuer but to his maiesty alone . the king beeing aduertised by la guesle , the proctour generall , commaunds he should bee brought the next day , but hee is examined first by portaile . the next day , being come to the kings lodging , they were called by du iotall , the first gr●ome of his chamber . at the first la gues●e caused the iacobin to stay neere the doore , and taking his papers , hee presents them vnto his maiestie , who hauing read them , commaunds the iacobin should approach , whom he asked what hee would say , to whom hee answered ; that it was a secret thing . some distrust made la guesle to speake , beeing betwixt the king and him . speake aloud ( said hee , twice or thrice ) there is not any one héere but the king trusts . his maiestie seeing him make diff●cultie to speake , commands him againe to approach . the baron of bellegard , maister of the kinges horse , and la guesle ( who were alone in the chamber ) retired two or three paces . the king bends his eare , but instead of hearing what hee expected , this wretch drawes a knife out of his sleeue , made of purpose , thrusts his maiestie into the bottome of the bellie , and there leaues the knife in the wound . the king drawes it forth , and with some striuing and strugling of the monke , strikes him aboue the eye : many ranne in at this noyse , and in the heat of choller , killing this vile and cruell monster of men , preuented the true discouery and finding out of this enterprise , and the authors and actors thereof , worthy to be noted with a perpetuall blot of disloyalty and treason . the phisitions held that the wound was curable : and the same day the king did write of this attempt , and of his hope of recouery , to the gouernours of prouinces , to forraigne princes , and to his friends and confederats . but feeling that the king of kings had otherwise determined of his life , he did first comfort himselfe in foreséeing , that the last houres of his crosses , should bee the first of his felicities . then lamenting his good and faithfull seruants , who suruiuing should finde no respect with those , whose mindes had beene so abandoned to mischiefe , as neither the feare of god , nor the dignity of his person could disswade them from this horrible sacriledge . one thing ( said he ) doth comfort me , that i read in your faces , with the gréefe of your hearts , and the sorrow of your soules , a godly and commendable resolution , to contiu●e vnited , for the preseruation of that which remaines whole of my estate , and the reuenge which you owe vnto the memory of him , who hath loued you so déerely . i séeke not the last curiously , leauing the punishment of mine enemies vnto god. i haue learned in this schoole to forgiue them , as i doe with all my heart . but as i am cheefely bound to procure peace and rest vnto this realm , i coniure you all by that inuiolable faith which you owe vnto your country , that you continue firme and constant defenders of the common liberty , and that you neuer lay downe armes , vntill you haue purged the realme of the troubles of the publike quiet . thus and other such things hee spake , as the last pangs of death carried him within few houres vnto another world . by his death he extinguished the second parcel of the third race of capets , in the branch of valois , leauing the crown to the third royall branch of burbons : whervnto the order of the fundamentall law did lawfully call him . and thus you may see the damnable proiects and dissignes of these iesuiticall popish spirits , against the lord and his annointed . the death of henry the fourth . henry the fourth king of france , of the royall race of the burbons , who for his famous rescues and victories , and martiall exploits , had purchased vnto himself amongst his owne subiects , the sur-name of great , whose life and actions , future ages may reade with admiration , was likewise trayterously murdered by the disloyall and vngodly practises of the papists . a parliament being holden at paris , haning disanulled the buls of cardinall caietans legation , and other bulls come from rome the first of march , together with their procéedings , excommunications , and fulminations , made by marcellin landriano , tearming himselfe the popes nuntio : the said bulls , and all their procéedings an edicts being burnt in the market place , which contained a pardon of that most cruell paracide on henry the third lately murthered : the king was first therefore excommunicated by pope gregory the . of that name . afterward the iesuits vnderstanding that the king did purpose something against them , for the cruell murder committed on the person of the late king , and for other their exorbitant and deuillish practises daily intended and contriued , the deuill stirres vp another of his deerely beloued sonnes to murder his maiestie on this manner following . on friday , the day after the quéenes coronation , the king being aduertised of some omninous prediction , he went into his chamber and fell on his knees and prayed : and thus he did thrée times , in the end he went and walked in the gallery vntill dinner time . after dinner many noble-men came into his chamber , and began to tell some tales to put him out of his melancholly humor , and to make him laugh : hauing ●miled a little with the rest ( being by nature of a pleasant disposition ) in the end he said : we haue laughed enough for fryday , we may well weep on sunday . héereupon he sent to the arcenall at foure of the clocke ; whereupon , they say that the duke of uendosme told him that he had beene warned to beware of the foureteenth day ; yet making no account thereof , hee went downe into the court , whereas a man of a meane condition detained him a quarter of an houre , then hee went into his caroch , by the duke of espernon ( who sat● in the first place of the boote , vppon the kinges right hand ) montbazon , the marshall lauardin , la force , and praulin , being followed by two foote-men , and one of his guard on horsebacke , hauing commaunded mounsier de vitry , and the rest of his guard to stay behinde . being betwixt the draw-bridge and the poole , this miserable wretch , who watched his opportunity , drew néere vnto the caroch on the right side , thinking his maiesty had béene there ; but seeing he was on the left hand , and hearing them commaund the coachman to go on , he went the néerest way by the narrow lanes , and met with his maiesty in the stréet called ferroneire , neere vnto s. innocents church , wher staying to make way for a cart to passe , the king leaned downe on the one side towards mounsier esper●●on , pressing him to reade a letter without spectacles . the duke of montbazon turned towards them , and one of the footmen was busie tying vp his garter on the other side : so as this monster had opportunity to stab the king into the left pa● , but the wound was not great , whereupon crying out : o my god i am wounded , he gaue him m●anes to giue him a second blow which was mortal , the knife entring betweene the fift and sixt rib , it cut asunder the veine leading vnto the hart , and the wound was so déepe , as it entred into caua vena , the which was pierc●d , wherewith the king did presently spit blood , losing all apprehension and knowledge , for any thing they could perceiue . they had great diff●culty to saue the murderer from killing presently , yet in the end hee was conuaied to the house of retz . the king was carried backe vnto the louure , vpon the way they met with the dolphin , who went to take the ayre , but they caused him to returne , and be caried into the quéenes chamber . the king was laid vppon a couch in his cabinet , whereas presently after he gaue vp the ghoast . in that these papisticall and trayterous attempts , tooke effect vnto the murthering of these two french kings , when the lord of his infinite goodnesse still preserued quéene elizabeth , and our now dread soueraigne king iames from so many , and from more dangerous practises : it may certainly be concluded , that if they had no worse feared the papists then they did , and put their trust in god as wel as they , and had according to their example purely purged their realmes from papistry , the sure prouidence of god would haue beene as sure their castle , strong hold , and defence , as it was to them and their realmes at all times , and in all occasions and needs . now by the especiall grace of god , and the assistance of his blessed spirit , i haue sayled vnto my expected port , al laud and praise , and thanks therefore be giuen , vnto the father , the son , and holy ghost : and i most hartily beseech him , that this booke may beget in the readers a true dislike of all ceremonies , superstitions , and false doctrines of papistry , and to make them truely zealous of gods word and commandements . o lord conuert all papists that belong vnto thee , and hasten according to thy promises to gather all kings together to destroy the popedome : in the meane time , grant all kings , princes , and others grace , to beware of him , that he corrupt not the soules of them nor their subieces , nor hurt their persons or estates . and lastly , i beséech thee to gather together the number of thine elect , and hasten thy comming to iudgement , that thou ma●st take thy beloued spouse from the miseries of this world , vnto thy eternall glory prepared for her : com lord iesus come quickly . finis . an alphabeticall table , containing the principall matters , and all the martyrs that suffered for the truth , from the primitiue church to the end of queene mary . a agrippa cast into prison by tyberius . page andrew , peters brother crucified . anthia martyred . ant. pius edict in fauour of the christians . ibid attalus burned on an iron chaire . aurelius fauours the christians . affaires of the church of england and scotland , beginning with king lucius . austin with aboue forty preachers , sent into england . he goes in procession to canterbury . ibid. consecrated arch-bishoppe in france , by the commandement of gregory . he assembled the bishoppes , charging them to preach the word of god. ibid hee baptiseth . in the riuer swale on christmas day . his death . ibid. abbaies erected . alfride opprest by the danes : his misery : hee makes dunwolphus a swineheard , bi. of winchester : he is comforted by gods prouidence , and ouercomes the danes , causing them to be christned . adelstane crowned king at kingstone , forceth the brittaines to pay him tribute : sends his brother to sea in an old boate , builds monasteries for the release of his sins . anselme archbishop of canterbury , accuseth henry the first king of england , to the pope : he is turned out of his bishopricke and goods . anacletus pope . arnulphus a priest put to death , for preaching against the auarice and incontinency of the cleargy . adrian the fourth an englishman , pope . choakt with a fly . auarice of the popish prelats . amadeus duke of sauoy , chosen pope . abraham of colchester burned for maintaining the truth . alexander the sixt poysons the turkes brother for . florins . abiurations in henry the eight his time , referred to the booke at large . adulphus clarbachus burned , for maintaining the truth at colen . articles against cardinall wolsey . andrew hewit a prentise burned , for maintaining fr●ths opinions . anne of bullen , her charitable & good works . articles agreed vpon in parliament . abell hanged for the supremacy . anthony pierson burned at windsor . adam damlip , his persecution and martirdome at callis . anne askew , her confession , condemnation , persecution and martyrdome . . . adam wallace martired in scotland , for holding the masse to be idolatry . altars in churches puld downe . anne potten burned the next after samuel , for professing the truth . anthony burward of callice , for saying the sacrament of the altar was an idoll , burned at canterbury . alexander the keeper of newgate , his crueltie to m. philpot and his man. agnis south , about the sacrament of penance , condemned and burned . anne albright for denying the realty in the sacrament , condemned and burned . ibid. agnes potten burned at ipswich , adam foster husbandman , martyr . askin a constant martyr . alice potkins starued to death . agnes stamley burned . alexander horsman martyr . ambrose died in maidstone goale . agnes siluerside , alias smith , condemned . agnes banger martyred . anne try martyr . alexander lane martyr . alexander gouch martyred . ibid alice driuers a constant martyr . ibid. alice snoth burned at canterbury . . b bartholmew crucified and beheaded . b●zaes register of martyrs vnder decius . boniface the forerunner of antichrist . beda priest wrote . vollums . boniface an englishman , archbishop of mentz and martir . ibid. bohemians suppresse idolatrous temples . basill besiedged by the dolphi● of france . barnes a fryer beares fagots , for eating flesh on a fryday . bilney a great preacher of the truth , his articles , abiuration , and martyrdome afterwards . bayfield a monke of berry , a valiant martyr , his cruell vsage and martyrdome . baynham a lawyer whipt , rackt , and martyred for maintaining the truth . bartrucke a scottish knight , confutes certaine articles of the papists , for which he is condemned , and his picture burried . . . . byble at large set vp in euery church . bonners examination , his pride before the commissioners . his vnreuerent and forward words : his imprisonment and depriuation . b●ner compares priests to the virgin mary . bradfords declaration of the manner of disputaon he meant to hold . beckets image twice set vp at mercers chappell and throwne downe . bishoppe of chester , who condemned george marsh , burned with a harlot , dies therof . barlow for bearing witnesse of the truth , sent to the fleet. berd the promoter , his cruelty to iames treuisam , and other professors . bartlet greene gent. in trouble , for writing the queene is not yet dead , meaning queene mary , and afterwards for denying the sacrament of the altar , condemned & burnt . blind boy martyred at glocester , bloudy commission granted by king philip and queene mary , to prosecute the poore members of christ : whereupon . are brought before bonner out of essex . barbara final burned at canterbury . bradbregs widow burned at canterbury ibid bends wife burned at canterbury . ibid berry a priest and commissary , a persecutor of the faithfull , his suddaine and fearefull end . bate a barber , a persecutor of the faithfull , his suddaine death . c caligula caesar. commodus son to verus , emperor . contention between the east & west church , for the obseruation of easter day . ibid constantine the emperor borne in brittaine . his prayers to his souldiers . ibid. his immunity to the ministry , his prouision for liberall sciences . constantine with the helpe of three legions of souldiours out of brittany , obtains the peace of the vniuersall church . councell at sternhalt for the obseruation of easter . councell of constance . carolus magnus proclaimed emperor . cambridge erected by sigisbert . chester built . cloud halfe blood , halfe fire , seene in england . canutus succeeds siranus , and erects the monastery of s. edmonsbury . councell at vercellis . councell at mentz vnder pope leo . ibid. councell at latteran . ibid. councell at mantua against priests marriages . ibid. controuersie betweene canterbury and yorke for the primacy . calixtus the second pope . complaints of sundry abuses in the church . contention betweene the bishop of yorke and canterbury . conclusions put vp to the parliament . councell of constance for pacifying a schisme betwixt . popes , in which iohn the pope was deposed , & proued to be an hereticke , a murtherer , a sodomite , and many others : in the . session iohn wickliff and his forty articles were condemned . councell of basill send ambassadors to the bohemians , with their answers . councell of basil begun . contention between two popes . constantinople taken . clement the seuenth pope , his wicked life and death . collins for holding vp a little dogge when the priest was at masse , burned , and the dogge with him . cowbridge after he was almost starued , martyred at oxford . cardinall poole attainted of high treason , flyes to rome . commotions in oxfordshire , yorkshire , norfolke , and suffolke . commotions in oxford and buckingham , appeased by the lord grey . commotion in the north. ibid. cranmer archbishop of canterbury offers to defend the book of common-prayer . communication between doctor ridley and secretary bourne in the ●ower . cranmer archbishop of canterbury sent to oxford to dispute . cat apparelled like a priest , hanged at the crosse in cheapside . cardinal pools oration in the parlament-house christianus king of denmark his letters to q. mary for miles c●u●rdale . causon of thunderst in essex for maintayning the truth , burned at kayley . christopher wade burned at dartford for denying the reall presence in the sacrament . cornelius burgie burned . cranmer archbishop of canterbury his parentage and education hee is sent ambassador to the emperour , he is sent ambassadour to the pope , he seekes to banish popish errors , and to reforme the church , he is charged with heresie for denying the popes power , he is condemned and disgraded by bonner , bonners oration in disgrace of him he is allured to recant by fair promises and entreaty , his martyrdome , from fol. . to ● ▪ christopher li●●er burned . cisley ormes burned . cuthbert simpson martyr . christian george burned . christopher browne burned at canterbury . d. description of the primitiue and later times of the church . domitius caesar. d●cius tyrannie against christians . danes enter england , and burn the i le of sheppey in kent . danes take yorke . dunston abbot of glastenbury banished by e●● wine . danes arriue and do much spoile . danes suddenly slaine vpon s. brices day . danes begin to be christians . diuers popes at one time . dominicans or black fryers order instituted . diuorce of k. henry the eighth , and q. katharine . duke of norfolk committed . destruction of merindall , & cabriers in fr. ●od , alias scot burnt at callice . da●id beaton archb. and cardinal in scotland his miserable end , and buriall in a dunghill . duke of sommerset ▪ protector his history , proclamation against him , sent to the tower , discharged againe , committed to the tower again , arraigned at westminst . and condemned , beheaded at tower-hill , , , duke of northumberland beheaded . dagger throwne at the preacher at paules crosse . ibid. disputations in the conuocation house about the sacrament . duke of suffolk brought to the tower. ib. duke of suffolke beheaded at the tower-hill . derick caruer condemned . dunstone chittenden famished in the castle of canterbury . denis burges martyred at lewis . denis brigs martyred . dunning the cruell chancellors sudden death . e. evstachius a captain , with his wife & family martyred . england troubled only with the tenth persecution . ethelbert king of kent . edwine conuerted by paulinus , and christened at yorke . ethelwood conuerts the people of south-sax . empire translated from the grecians to the frenchmen . egbert sole king. ethelwolph bishop of winchester , succeedes k. by the popes dispensation , his superstition . ibib . edw. the elder subdues wales and scotland , and is alwaies victorious . edmund expels the danes , and is slaine at glassenbury . edwine crowned at kingstone . ibid. edward succeds edgar , and is murthered . egelred king. ibid. elphegus bishop of canterbury , put to ▪ death at grenwich . eldred driues out canutus . ibid. edmund , sirnamed ironside chosen king by the citizens of london and nobles . edricus kills edmund . ibid. edward the sonne of emma chosen king , and crowned at winchester . ibid elinor cobham banished into the isle of man. elizabeth sampson conuented for speaking against pilgrimages . ibid. elizabeth burton called the holy-maid of kent , a notable imposter put to death . edward the sixt king of england , restores the scriptures in the mother tongue . edward the sixt dies , his praier at his death . elizabeth warne martyr . edward sharpe like pure golde tried in the fire . edmund allen and katharine his wife martyrs . elizabeth a blinde maide martyr . ibid. elizabeth hooper burned . ellen euring denying the lawes set out by the pope , condemned . elizabeth falkes examined and condemned . ibid. f. fredericke the emperour ouerthrown by the venetians , and taken . franciscans order begun . fredericke the second emperour , persecuted by popes . foure and twenty burned in paris . fiue burned in scotland . fetherston for denying the supremacie , hanged . frier burned at rochest●r . g. godwin forswearing himselfe choked . gregory the eighth pope . grosthead bishop of lincolne . george carpenter burned . george constantine apprehended for heresie . gefferey lon for dispersing of luthers bookes forced to abiu●● . giles germa●e burned at s. giles in the fields . george blage knight imprisoned , and condemned for speaking against the masse , but pardoned . george wisard of scotland , his persecution and martyrdome . gardner bishop of winchester sent to the tower . gernsey and gersey inuaded by the french. gardner an englishman cruelly tormented at lisbon in portugall for maintayning of the truth . gibbets set vp for wiats souldiers . gardner bishop of winchester his sermon at paules crosse . gardner calls the preacher before him at saint mary-oueries . gods iudgement vpon the parson of arundell . george marsh cruelly vsed and burned . george tankerfield of london cook , condemned . george king died in prison . ibid. george catmer burned . george broadbridge burned at canterburie . gardner bishop of winchester , his historie and death . george soper burned at canterburie . george parke burned at canterbury . ibid. george ambrose fuller , burned in smithfield . george stephens martyred . george eagles , alias trudgeouer , hanged , drawn and quartered , betweene two theeues . george eagles sister burned . h. hieraclius cuts off the popes hands & feet . harold last king of the saxons . hildebrana pope , a sorcerer . honorious the second pope . he is taken with whores . ibid. henry the first king of england dies . ibid. henry the second his pennance , for the death of becket . he diuides the realme into sixe parts , and ordaines iustices of assizes . his great fame and large dominions . ibid. henry the sonne of henry the second , his disobedience and death . hildegris is a prophe●●sse . henry the third king of england . henry the fift crowned . hugh pie of ludney , for holding sundry opinions contrary to the church of rome , accused and purged before the bishoppe of norwitch . henry the fifts cruell commition for a●taching sundry suspected of lolardy . ibid. harman peterson committed to the counter for not being confessed in lent. henry voz burned at ●●uxels , for maintaining luthers opinions . henry sudphen of breame , his piety , persecution and martyrdome . . . henry the . entitled defender of the faith . his solemnity at the receiuing of the title of defender of the faith . ibid. henry finmore taylor , burnt at winsor . haruy a commissary , a persecutor , hanged , drawne and quartered . homes a yeoman of the guard , his cruel●ie to doctor taylor . higbed of horden , burnt at horden . humphry middleton martired at canterbury . henry laurence burnt at canterbury . hugh latimer bishoppe of worcester , his conference with antonian : his parentage , his godly sermuns , his charity to the poore and needy , accused of heresie , his subscription to certaine articles propounded vnto him , he is committed to the tower : his prayer for the lady elizabeth : his martyrdome at oxford , with bishoppe ridley : from folio . to . hugh lame rock an old lame man , burned at stratford the bow. hooke burned at chester . hugh fox burned in smithfield . henry pond burned in smithfield . i ierusalem destroyed by tytus & vespasian . iohn banished to bathmos . iudas thadeus slaine . ibid. iraeneus with many others martired . ignatius martyr . iue king of west saxons goes to rome . innocentius the second pope . iohn king of england . iohn claydon a currier burnt in smithfield . iohn hus his history : his articles put to him : his answer , his constant end , . . . ierome of prag● his hard vsage and marryrdome . . . iohn wadden priest burned . iohn wendham of alborough cruelly handled for maintayning the truth . ibid. iohn beuerley whipped for the truth . ibid. i●hn stelley of flixton forced to abiure . iohn burrell forced to abiure . ibid. iohn finch forced to doe penance . ibid. iubilee at rome . . . iulius the second pope exceedes all his predece●sors in iniquity . iohn coyns for contemning the sacrament of the altar , and not receuing at easter ; died at saint martins . iames gossen dutchman , committed for not receiuing at easter . iohn wi●cock a scotish frier committed for preaching against , holy water and purgatory , ibid. iohn esry burned . ibid. iohn athelane burned . iohn thewxbury burned in smithfield . iohn randall found in his study , hanged in his girdle . iohn frith martyred . ● iohn lambert martyred . . ▪ iohn painter burned . iniunctions set out in the . yeare of king henry the eight . ib●d . iohn porter a taylor famished to death . idolatry supp●essed . 〈◊〉 . iames morten burned . ibid. iohn marbeck condemned and pardoned by the king. iohn athee indited for speaking against the sacrament . ibid. iohn adams burnt . iohn lacels a gentleman , burnt , ibid. iohn browne burnt . . iohn hun troubled about the sacrament . ioh. alasco vncle to the k. of poland banisht . iests of a roode at cockram in lancashire iames george dies in prison , and is buried in the fields . iohn rogers , first martyre in q. maries daies . . ihon hooper his martyrdome . . ihon laurence burned at colchester . . iudge hales his history and death . . iulius the third pope , his wicked life and prophanenesse . . ihon awcoke died in prison . ibid. iohannes de casa a deane of the popes chamber , playes the sodomite and defends it . ibid. iohn cardmaker his martyrdome . . iohn warne burned . ibid. iohn hardley his martyrdome . . iohn simpson suffered at rochford for maintayning the truth . ibid. iohn bradford , his reasons against transubstantiation , and his martyrdome . , to . iohn lease a prentice , burned with maister bradford . iohn bland martyred . . iohn franbesh martyred . . iames treuisam persecuted , and after his death buried in more fields . iohn lanuder of godstone , martired for the truth . . iohn aleworth dyed in prison . . iames abbs burned at bury . ibid. iohn denley martired . ibid. iohn newman burned . . iohn wade dyed in prison and was buried in the fields . . iohn leishord martyr . ibid. iohn trunchfield martyr - . iames tutty of breachley burned . . iohn gorway martyred at lichfield . ibid. iohn glover persecuted . . iohn webbe burned at canterbury . iames gore died in prison at colchester . ibid iohn philpot accused of herisie after twice examination comitted to bonners cole house , his third examination before bonner : his fourth examination before the bishoppes : his ninth examination : he is condemned and brought to newgate , his patient and constant end : from folio ▪ to folio . iohn tucson burned in smithfield . isabell foster burned in smithfield ▪ ibid. iohn warne burned in smithfield ibid. iohn warne of tenterden in kent , about the sacrament of the altar , condemned . . ioane sole of harton about the sacrament of the altar and auriculer confession , condemned . ioane cotmer burnt at canterbury . ibid. iohn cauel burned in smithfield . . iohn huillier minister , burnt at cambridge . , iohn mace burned at colchester . iohn spencer burned at colchester . ibid. iohn hammon burned at colchester ibid. iohn ap rice a blind man , burned at stratford the bow. ibid. ioane hornes martyred . . iohn hartpoole burned at rochester . ibid. ioane bache widdow , burned at rochester . ibid. iohn osward martyred at lewis . . iohn clement wheelewright persecuted ibid. iohn colstocke of wellington , for denying the reall presence forced to recant . . iohn norres dies in the kings bench , and buried on the backside . ibid. iohn carelesse of couentry , after long imprisonment , and many examinations , dies in the kings bench . . iohn guyn a constant martyr . ibid iulines palmer a godly preacher in k. edwards dayes , martyred . ibid. iohn forman martired . ioane west burned . ibid. iohn hart martyred iohn clarke pined to death in the castle in canterbu●y . ibid. iohn archer of cranbrooke weauer , pined to death at canterbury ibid. iohn philpot of tenterden martyr . iohn bradbridge of staplehurst martir . ioane mannings of maidstone in kent , martyr , ibid. iohn fishcocke burnt at canterbury . ibid. iames morris martyred at lewis . ibid. iohn iohnson about the sacrament condemned . . iohn thurston a constant confessor of iesus christ dyed in colchester castle . iohn cures shoomaker of sisam in northamptonshi●e , burned . . iames a●stoo burned at islington . iohn ioyes of lezfield in suffolke martired . iohn forman martyr . ibid. iohn weauer martyr . ibid. iohn milles martyr . ibid iohn hart martyr ibid. iohn osward martyr . ibid. iohn ashdon martyr . ibid. iohn hallingsdale burned in smithfield . . iohn rowth minister , for affirming the pope to bee very antichrist , after many persecutions for the truth burned . ibid. iohn deuenish burned in smithfield . . ioane seaman persecuted for the truth of the gospell . iohn floyd martyr . iohn holyday martyr . ibid iohn slade burned at brainford . iohn vale died in prison , and buried in a dunghill . iohn alcocke cast into a dungeon , dies , and is buried in a dunghill . iohn cook sawier burned at s. edmunds burie . iames asley martyr . ibid. iohn dauid burned at bury . iohn sharpe burned at bristow . iohn cornford burned at canterbury . ibid. iohn herst burned at canterbury . ibid. iohn baker burned at siuill in spaine . k. knights of rhodes instituted . katharine par , henry the eighth his last wife , her troubles for the gospell . kathaerine knoches and her two daughters martyred for the truth . katharine hut widdow martyr . katharine knight , alias tinley , burned at canterbury . l. lvcan put to death . lawrence broiled . licinius ioyned with constantine , calls learning the vice of princes , hangs theodorus on a crosse . lucius his letters to elutherius bishop of rome . london burnt . lurdanes why so called . letters between the emperour and the pope . lewes the french kings sonne comes into england , and takes himselfe to be king. lodouicus king of hungary drowned in a bog . leyton for affirming both kindes in the sacrament burned at norwich . lancelot one of the guard burned . lady iane beheaded . latimer bishop of worcester sent to dispute at oxford . lawrence sanders parson of al-hallowes in breadstreet his examination & martyrdome . m. marke the euangelist burned . matthias stoned . ibid. mahomets beginning and lawes . monasteries erected . martin crowned pope : the emperor on foote , leading a horse on the right hand , and the marquesse of brandenburg on the left hand . margery bac●ster for disswading the people frō idolatry and superstition sore troubled . martin luther a stout champion of the church against the pope ; his history . matthew ward about the sacrament committed to the counter . . myracle of a iew christned in constantinople mekins a boy burned in smithfield . mustle borow field , where thirteen or fourteene thousand scots were slaine . mary queene of england . morgan a iudge troubled in conscience for sentencing the lady iane , fals mad and dies . marsh accused to haue taken the pixe and crucifixe out of the sepulcher , he and his wife committed to the counter . margery polley widdow , burned at tunbrigde . michael trunchfields wife burned in ipswich about the sacrament . mantrell burned at salisbury . ibid. margaret ellis condemned to bee burned , but died in newgate . martin hunt imprisoned in the kings bench for the truth dies , and is buried in the backeside . mother tree martyred . mathew bradbridge of tenderden , martyred . margaret hide burned in smithfield . margery awstoo burned at islington . margaret thurstone martyred at colchester . margery mearing for affirming the masse to be abhominable burned . mother bennet an ancient woman , persecuted for the truth . mathe● r●c●rby martyr . marke burges burned at lisbon in portugall . . n. nero caesar. nunneries erected . normans aduanced in church and common-wealth . nicholas canon pennanced and thrise whipped . nine millions of gold leuied in fraunce of the prelats in fourteen yeare . nicholas south committed to newgate for not being shriuen in lent. new testament translated into english by william tindall . nicholas chamberlaine burned at colchester . nichlas ha●● burned at rochester . nicholas finall of tenderden martyr . nicholas white burned at canterbury . nicholas pa●due burned at canterb. ibid. nicholas holden martyr . nicholas burton merchant of london , cruelly persecuted and burned at cadix in andalousia . o. oswald by praier vnto god ouercoms cadwallo . ostright rauisheth the wife of br●wer a nobleman , in reuenge wherof he cals in the danes otho the emperour puts out pope iohns eyes , and hangs cressentius the consull . old-castle : lord cob●am his historie . . the king secretly admonisheth him to submit himselfe to the holy church : his answere thereto : the archbishop sends his sum●er to him with a sit●tion : he is arrested and sent to the tower. . his later examination and answere to the archbishops questions , . . hee is led againe to the tower , and escapes into wales : he is condemned of heresie and treason , and drawne to s. giles in the fields , hanged by the middle & burned . o●colampadius testimony of diuers good men . oldman of buckingham burned for eating dacon in lent. ombler a rebell in the north refuseth the kings pardon , is afterward taken and executed at yorke . p. pil●t slew himselfe vnder tiberius . parmenias put to death . persecution , the first by domitius nero. ibid. persecution , the second by domitian . ibid. persecution , the third vnder trayanus . phocas bishop of pontus cast in a hote furnace . ibid. persecution the fourth vnder antonius verus . poly●arpus his constancie and death . ibid. persecution the fift vnder pertinax . parmachus with his wife and children put to death . persecution the sixt vnder maximinus . ibid. persecution the seuenth vnder decius . ibid. persecution the eighth . persecution the ninth vnder aurelian . persecution the tenth vnder dioclesian . paul●s church in london built by ethelbert k. of kent . phocas kils mauritius the emperor . popes work masteries against the greek emperors . paschalis pope dies . popes pall instituted . pope by his policy leuies a great summe of money in england . prophecies of the popes persecutions . pope martins death . pope eugenius the fourth . paule craws a bohemian , for holding wickliss opinions , deliuered to be burnt . printing , the ruine of the pope and antichrist , inuented in germany . philip norrice an irishman , sore troubled for the truth . pope a weauer in eye martyred about the sacrament . peake burned in ipswich for giuing a sacrament cake to a dog. ibid pius the second pope his prouerbes . paulus secundus pope , a hater of learning & learned men . petrus ruerrius in two years spent . fl●rins & , permitteth the cardinals to play the sodomits the three hote moneths . ibid. prodigies and prophecies , shewing the fall of antichrist . petrus flistedius burned at collen . packington , a fauourer of tindall , deceiues the bishop of london . patrick hamilton a scottish man , of the bloud royall , burned for the truth . pauy a persecutor hanged himselfe . puttedue for taunting a priest , condemned and burnt . peter a german burnt at colchester , about the lords supper . ibid. powell hanged for denying the kings supremaciy . persecution in callice . persecution in scotland . peter martyr banished for religion out of england . priest of canterbury saies masse one day , and the next preacheth against it . philip prince of spaine lands at southhampton : maried at winchester . priests doe penance at paules crosse. procession through london for their conuersion to the catholick religion . patrick packington martyred . persecution at wenson in suffolke : persecution at mendlesam suff●lke . ibid. persecution in couentry and lichfield . philip humphreys burned at berry . q qveene mary crowned q●arrels betweene the spaniards & english , about two whoores . queeene mary said to be with child . ibid. r ra●enna giuen to the popes by pipinus king of france . richard ceu●r de lyons rebellion against his father . richard the first king of england ▪ richard the second deposed . richard turmin a baker burned in smithfield . rebels ouerthrowne and executed . ridley made bishop of london . redman his iudgement rouching certain points of religion on his death-bed . ridley bishop of london visits the lady mary , and offers to preach before her which shee refuseth . his conference in the tower with secretarie bourne . , he is sent to oxford to dispute . his report of the vanity of the disputation at oxford . ibid. rose a minister , with thirtie men and women taken at communion in bow church-yard . rowland taylor doctor ▪ his disputtation with gardner , his cruell vsage and constant martyrdome . robert farrar bishop of ● dauids in wales , for re●using to subscribe to certaine popish articles , burned at ca●rnaruan . rawlins white burned in cardiff . richard hooke for the truth ended his life at chichester . richard collier burned at canterbury . ibid. richard wright burned at canterbury . ib●d . robert smith his examination and conference with bo●ner , and martyrdome , . to . robert samuel a godly preacher burned . roger coo burned at y●xford in suffolk . robert swater of hith burned at canterbury . ib. robert glouer gentleman burned at couentry robert picot painter , burned at ely. ridley bishop of london , his parentage : carried to oxford like a traytor : his conferenc●e with antonian : his protestation against the popes authoritie : his prayer at his martyrdom , from folio . to . robert spicer burned at salisbury . ● robert drakes burned in smithfield . richard spurge fuller , burned in smithfield for denying the reall presence . ibid. richard nicoll burned at colchester . robert bacon a persecutor , and an enemy to the truth . robert lawson linnen weauer , martyr . robert bernard martyred for the truth at aye . ibid. richard woodman his martyrdome . ralphe hardin , a persecuter of george eagles , hanged . richard crashfield , his examination and martyrdome . ibid. ralphe alberton his examination before bonner , and martyrdome at islington . richard roth burned at islington . ibid richard gibson burned in smithfield . richard day burned at colchester . raynald eastland martyr . ibid robert southam martyr . ibid roger holland marchant taylor , his conference with bonner : his prophesie of the ceasing of persecution and martyrdome . . . robert miles burned at brainford . richard yeoman persecuted and martyred . robert miles , alias palmer , burned at s. edmundsbury . s seneca put to death . stephen martyred . simon burned . ibid simon zelotes crucified . ibid simon the brother of iude s●aine . ibid. sulpitius and seruilia martyred . simproniss● with her seuen sonnes martyred . seuerus the emperor slaine at yorke . sands of the sea , as easie to bee numbered as the names of those that suffered vnder decius . six thousand , six hundred , and sixty christian souldiers martyred vnder mauritius . simon zelotes spread the gospell in britaine . sinode at aquisgrane . swanus spoile and cruelty . his sudden death . ibid. steuen langhton archbishop of canterbury . sau●noral●a a learned monk of florence burnt , and his ashes cast into the riuer . sixtus the fourth pope , builds stewes of both kinds in rome , reduceth the iubilee from to . years , institutes the feasts of our lady , canonizeth bonauenture & francis for saints . scholler of abbeuill burned for taking the host from the priest at masse . solimans letter to the great master of rhodes . ibid. senate of bearne assigne disputation , and propound their articles . soli●an the turkish emperour , enters into austria with a great army , and besiegeth vienna . schisme in holland about the pater-n●ster . stories of certaine friers of orleance in france storie of certaine monks of sueuia . sanders declaration for disputation . steuen knight his martyrdom , and his prayer at his death . steuen harwood burned at stratford for the truth . simon ioyne burned at colchester . shoemaker burned at northampton . steuen kemp of norgate martyred . simon miller condemned and burned . steuen cotton burned at brainford . steuen white burned at brainford . ibid. t. tiberius caesar willed christ might be adored as god. thomas slaine with a dart . thousands die for the faith . tribute called dane-gilt paid . thomas becket archbishop of canterbury his history contayning the contention between him and henry the second king of england , from folio . to . he is slain by . souldiers in the church at canterbury . thomas pye of albarogh inioyned six whippings sixe seuerall sundaies . thomas bagley priest burned in smithfield . thomas rheydon a french carmelite frier , condemned to be burned . thomas norrice burned at norwich . thomas a priest of norwich burned . thomas bingy burned at norwich . ibid. thomas becket his prouerbe . thomas lancaster for bringing in prohibited bookes , committed . thomas hittin burned in maidstone . thomas garnet curate of all-hallowes in hunnie lane for dispersing of luthers books , forced to abiure . thomas cromwell earle of essex his history and death . thomas barnes doctor of diuinitie , for preaching against the cardinall , burned . thomas gerrard martyr . ibid. thomas forret a scotish deane his troubles and martyrdome . thomas tunstone bishop of duresme cast into the tower. thomas dobs for inueighing against papistry , committed to prison , and there dies . ibid. thomas grey the dukes brother executed . two sunnes both shining at once . thomas hawkes for not christening his childe after the popish manner , apprehended , his conference with bonner , harpsfield fecknam and others , at copthall in essex , , , , , . thomas wats of billirrikies in essex his conference with the bishop about the sacrament , and martyrdom . thomas osmond for maintaining the truth , burned at maningtree . thomas iueson burned . thomas fust burned at ware. thomas leys died in prison for the truth . thomas cob of harehill butcher , burned . thomas heyward burned at lichfield . ib. thomas whittle troubled in conscience for yeelding to the bishop of london , gets his bill and teares it in pieces . thomas whittle priest , after conflicts with the papists , martyred . thomas went burned in smithfield . ibid. thomas browne burned in smithfield . ibid. thomas spurge burned in smithfield . thomas spicer burned at beckles . thomas harland burned at lewis . thomas reed burned at lewis . ibid thomas auington burned at lewis . ibid. thomas wood minister burned at lewis ibid. thomas miles burned at lewis . ibid. thirteene burned at stratford the bow. ibid. thomas free-man condemned , but saued by pooles dispensation . . thomas barnes condemned to beare a faggot . . thomas paret dyed in the kings bench , and burien in the back-side ibid. thomas dangate martyr at grinsteed in sussex . . thomas rauensdale martyr . . thomas horne and a woman consumed with the fier at watton-vnderhedge in glocestershire . ibid. three in the castle of chichester dyed in prison for the truth , and buried in the fields . ibid. thomas hudson of selling martyr . thomas steuens of bedingham , martyred for the truth . thomas loseb● burned . thomas thirtell martired . thomasine awood martyr . thomas perald martyr . tyrrell one of the race of those that murthered king edward the fift : his cruelty to the faithfull . ibid thomas moore for saying his maker was in heauen and not in the pix , burned at leicester . thomas carman for praying with crashfield and drinking with him when he was burned , apprehended . thomas athoch priest , martyr . thomas auington martyr . ibid. thomas rauensdale martyr . ibid. thomas spurdan examined before the bishop and chancellor of norwich sent to prison . ibid. thomas carman martyr . thomas hudson affirming the masse to bee a patcht monster , martired . ibid. thomas benbridge for maintayning the truth rather broyled then burned . thomas hall burned at bristow . thomts benion burned at bristow . ibid v vskatell driues the danes out of england . vicount of melun his counsell to the english. valentine freese burned at yorke . vsher tunstall for hauing the pater-noster and creed in english , forced to abiure . w vvinchester church founded . westminster abby begun by a citizen ibid. william conquerour enters the land . receiued for king , and crowned on christmas day : driues the danes out of the north : forceth malcolme king of scots to pay tribute , . waldenses their beginning and progresse . . the articles they held . . . wickliffe beginning to preach the gospell of christ , . his conclusions in a conuocation at lambeth , . his conclusions condemned of herisie and error by william archbishop of canter●●y , his bookes condemned by the councel of constance , his letter to pope vrban the sixt , ibid diuers of the nobilitie and vniuersitie fauour him . . . william santrey martyr william thorps examination before arundell archbishop of canterbury from follio . to . william taylor for fauouring wickliffs opinon● burned in smithfield . . william white , a follower of wickliffe forced to recant . william wright a persecutor . wolsey cardinall his graetnesse and pride . william tracy for affirming in his will that hee trusted onely in god , after his death was taken vp and burned . . william button his merry questions to papists . weston preached at paules crosse to pray for souls departed . walter mantell for constantly maintaining the truth hanged . warwick his cruelty to doctor taylor . william pygot burned at braintree . woman put in the cage for speaking against the pope . william flower alias branch martyred . william tooly poulterer hanged for robbing a spaniard his body oster buriall taken vp and deliuered to the seculer power to be burned for heresie . william bamford burned at harwich for the truth . wodroffe sherife of london , after his crueltie shewed to m. bradford , taken lame and so continued . william minge , a constant confessor , dyed in maidstone layle . ibid. william coker burned at canterbury . . william hooper burned at canterbury . ibid. william steere of ashford , for saying the sacrament of the altar was an abhominable idoll , burned at canterbury . ibid william andrew for defence of his religion died in newgate , and cast into the fields . william allen for refusing to follow the crosse in procession , burned at walsingham . william glouer persecuted for the truth . william wolsey burnt at ely. william wiseman dying in lollards tower , cast into the fields , but buried by good men . william times ioyner , burned in smithfield . william poole martyr . william sl●ch dyed in the marshalsey , and buri●●● in the backside of the prison . william adherall minister imprisoned . ibid. william saennard condemned , but saued by cardinall pools dispensation . william adams condemned , but saued by cardinall pools dispensation , ibid. william fo●ter of stone , starued to death in the castle of canterbury ▪ william waterer of bed●●gdy , martyred . william hay of hith martyred . ibid william lowick of cranbrook , martired . ibid. william prouting of thorneham , martyred . ibid. walter appleby of maidstone in kent , and petronell his wife martyred . wilsons wife burned at canterbury . ibid. william maynard martyred at lewis . ibid william purcas about the reall presence condemned . william munt for speaking against the sacrament , condemned . ibid. william sparrow burned in smithfield . william nichol cruelly tormented and burned for the truth , at hereford west in wales . william seaman martyr . william harris burned at colchester . william hooker stoned to death at siuill . z zisca gathereth an army to reuenge the death of iohn hus and ierom of prage . zwinglius minister of zurick slaine , and his body burned . . finis . faults escaped in the printing . pag. lin . errata . correctio . to reiect not to reiect thrusting thrusten fex felix sapres sapores in troy in troy . rheginus . put . rheginus put out the eyes barla barlaam grigotius gregorius they had . the fire had ethelbert ethelfride haarines agarens ethelbert ethelbald cluniensis cluniacensis binford bainford pracontium dracontium gregory the . gregory the . & eldred egelred , carolus cadolus f●gamus faganus iudicat indicet destruisti destruxisti within houres with whores henry the . henry the . he hath i haue haruest harnessed thy my to from excersised exorcised now not bishop thorp agnes n. did not christ did christ , canonicalls canticles the part the vpper part communications excōmunications wesalia wesalianus domine domini cru●ltie heresie without with bortruck borthwich emperor empire mayor : mayor were present . hellen sirke hellen stirke burned buried contumacy contumelie storie sc●ry for soone for as soone cranmer winchester doncaster lancaster primate primatiue arundell croudall cranmer gardiner elenor helena lankes hawkes cophall coxhall kirkley kirkby horsce h●orsley somerset somerton auilence aquiliense ninth third not haue haue rowth rough cylesham aylesham christian aegles . christian george cornefield cornford benton bentam story in lincolne scory in hereford rafe sardine rafe lardin george wisard george wichard bastion sebasti●● finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e tyberius caesar. pontius pilate . anno . agrippa . ca caesar caligula . . claudius nero. domitius nero. . peter and paul. the destruction of ierusalem . iames. symon magus . iohn . eusebius anno. . . ● . . . ● . . . notes for div a -e lib. de victoria . ex t●rtul . cōtra iudeos ex origen hom . . in ezech. the first comming of the danes . poli : li. . ca. . . . ● . . . . . . . . . notes for div a -e . . . . . . . . ● . . . . . . ● . . . . . notes for div a -e . . . . . . . . . . . ● ● . . , . . . . 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . . waldenses . . thomas becket . . . . . . . . . . . . notes for div a -e . . . . . ose. . rom. . mat. . tim. . luke . cor. . mat. . reuel . . . . . . . . notes for div a -e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . he● . . ●ree-will . in opere imperf . . . . . . . . notes for div a -e . . . . . . notes for div a -e . . . notes for div a -e . . . . . . . . . . ● . . . . . notes for div a -e iuly . august . . septb . . september . . september . . the history of france ▪ iohn serres , & edw : gimston . anno . iohn de serres in the french history . ed : grimston . an : christi . . a discourse of the excellency of christianity hallywell, henry, d. ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the 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[ ], p. printed for walter kettilby, london : . reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng apologetics -- early works to . apologetics -- history -- th century. church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of the excellency of christianity . i. thess . v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . london , printed for walter kettilby at the bishops-head in st. pauls church-yard . . the epistle to the reader . reader , these papers having lain by me for some years in scattered parcels , i was at last perswaded to unite in this small discourse ; the subject is great and glorious , viz. to set forth christianity in all its native beauty and lustre , which has been too much sullied by the atheistically given : for whilst the speculative infidel soars aloft , and thinks to dispute god out of the world , and laughs at religion by pretences and shews of reason , ( though indeed he declares the greatest and vilest folly ) the practical atheist sits beneath in a crowd of lusts and passions , profits and interests , and though he believe there is a god and such a thing as religion , yet by reason of that firm bold sin and the devil have upon his mind , he acts in repugnancy to his faith , and frames wrong notions of god and religion , and if he may sleep securely in those sins he most delights in , he is well contented and at ease . and to reduce both these sorts of persons to a sober and fixed love of religion , and to the prosecution of whatever is virtuous and excellent , that christianity might not be an idle and fruitless notion , but an inward principle of life , daily perfecting the souls of men , till it bring them to their highest and most complete happiness , is the aim and only design of this present discourse . a discourse of the excellency of christianity . . religion in its usual and obvious sense is a devoting ourselves to the worship and service of the deity . for god , when he first made man , wrote this truth on his heart , that he was a creature , and beholden to something without him for his life and being , and therefore ought to worship and adore god as his only happiness , and by whose ever-present power he is as it were daily created anew , and kept and preserved in being . and indeed there is no man who searches into the perfections of human nature , that can find any principle or power in man of conserving and maintaining his own existence ; wherefore his existence being drawn through all the parts of time ( which have no connexion or dependence one upon another ) by some other more perfect essence , he must necessarily acknowledge that to be self-existent and sufficient , and consequently adore it as the author and conservator of his present and particular subsistence . . hence it is that religion is not a thing which is merely instilled into us by instruction and education : for let us be never so impiously diligent in rasing the venerable name of the deity out of his temple , and blotting his inscription out of our souls , 't is manifest to all , that we can never totally rid our minds of the apprehensions and fears of a supreme numen : and that some men have so far debauched their minds , and stifled the sentiments of reason , that they can swallow down the grossest impieties , as sacriledge , rebellion , murder , and adultery without the least regret ; proves no more that religion is not a principle of nature , than it doth of the non-existence of the sun , that some men wilfully live in darkness , and shut up themselves , that they may not see his beams ; for 't is evident , that such persons have put themselves into a preternatural state , and forced their minds and reasons to a constitution far different from the universal nature or reason of mankind . nor can it be eluded by fancying religion to be a piece of state-policy invented only to keep people in awe , and for the better cementing governments together , and so derived from one generation to another by the custom and example of their progenitors . for if there were no such faculty inherent in us , and contemporary with our very beings , which had a natural propensity and inclination to a religious veneration and worship , it could not be but that in time nature would return and cast off whatever is contrary to it . as a spring has always a conatus to unbend it self , and if at any time the impediment be removed , will infallibly reduce itself to its proper state ; so our faculties , though they may be long distorted and forced out of their due position , yet they have still an endeavour to free themselves and cast off that uneasie load which constrains and oppresses them , and will undoubtedly upon any due occasion offered return to their first and true state . and if there were no such being as god , the wiser ages of the world would soon discover the falshood and imposture , and chalk out a fair way and method for the natures of men to recover from that error and prejudice they lay under , and by their own genuine effort and strength reassert themselves into their ancient liberty . but besides this , the peace and tranquillity of kingdoms and states politick might sufficiently be conserved without the invention of religion , by severe laws and penalties . for although there were no immaterial being in the world , yet every person being so well satisfied with himself , and contented with the exercise of those faculties he finds in himself , no man would seek his own ruine and torment ; and therefore there would be little or no need of instilling into the minds of men such a notion as religion . . in the first times and ages of the world , the law of nature , which god hath equally implanted in all men ( and by which i mean nothing but reason , or that power in man which teaches him to distinguish and put a difference between good and evil , beauty and deformity , purity and impurity ) was the only rule and guide to direct them , and by the help of this they knew god and served him . for god being in himself an infinite rectitude and perfection , delineated himself and copied out his own nature in all moral agents so far as they were capable of receiving it . and herein god left not himself without witness , in that all mankind had means and helps sufficient to come to the knowledge of a deity by an inspection into the book of nature , wherein god has displaid himself in plain and legible characters , so that they were wholly without excuse . for if the law written in their hearts and discriminating between good and evil , together with the obvious reflections from the natures and proprieties of things , had not been enough to demonstrate and point out the existence of a god , men could not have been accountable , nor rendred obnoxious to punishment . but although this law sealed on the tables of mens hearts were sufficient to teach them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which might be known of god , if they would have given heed to it ; yet in process of time it so came to pass , that through the iniquity and perversness of mens minds , whereby they gave themselves wholly up to their own lusts and passions , this light of nature became dull , faint , and obscure , and men were governed only by the dictates of their corrupt and lawless wills , and the whole earth was filled with violence and oppression , and the greatest part of mankind became so brutish in their imaginations , that they made themselves gods of gold and silver , wood and stone , and served the creature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beside the creator , who is god blessed for ever . . wherefore when this way proved unserviceable and ineffectual for mans restauration , god entred upon a new dispensation , and revealed himself more plainly to the jews , chusing jacob for his portion , and israel for the lot of his inheritance , and communicated to them laws and statutes and judgments , fencing and hedging in the impure eruptions of their natures by judicial decrees , and besieging vice and iniquity by the actual promulgation of a law. but this religion of the jews lying altogether in the performance of external duties , in types and outward rites and ceremonies , was not able to perfect the nature of man , and bring him to that happy state he was possessed of before his fall , ( for as the apostle tells us , rom. xiv . . the kingdom of god consists not in meat and drink , but ( which is far more valuable ) in true righteousness and peace and joy in the holy ghost ; and man being a man by his soul , and not by his body , it is plain , both that the religion whose grand purpose and intent is to instruct and perfect the mind , is much superior to that which concerns the body , and also that there is some degree of perfection that the nature of man is capable of which is not attainable by the observation of the law of moses ) therefore it is necessary that there be some other way sound out to recover all mankind from that sad and calamitous condition of vice and sin they now lie under . for we must know that the soul of man consists of a perceptive and plastick part , which is the same with st. paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the inner and outward man , and the judaical oeconomy being wholly fitted for the gratification of the plastical or animal life , it is impossible it should refine and purifie that more spiritual part of man , or in the scripture-phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , make him perfect that did the service . . wherefore when the fulness of time came , and mens minds were in some measure prepared for the reception of so heavenly a doctrin , almighty god resolved to put in execution his last and most perfect determination , which was to send down his beloved son into the world , who should by a plain and familiar way teach and instruct mankind , and recover the lapsed world to a state of righteousness and truth . now then , god walks no more at a distance , nor hides himself any longer under the obscurity of types and shadows , but hath dispelled the clouds and adumbrations of the legal services , by the full and bright approach of the sun of righteousness , who hath pitched his tabernacle amongst us , and teaches us his will by a way of condescending wisdom , suiting and proportioning himself to the most shallow capacities . this is that which the apostle cor. i. . calls the foolishness of preaching , wherein god hath stooped down to us , clothing himself in the frailties of human nature , and adapting the results of his will to our narrow and weak apprehensions . and this is that oeconomy which in dan. ix . . is called an everlasting righteousness , which the messias should bring into the world : for when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those various schemes and exteriour dispensations of religion wax old , pass away , and vanish , this shall remain for ever , and never be abolished , as being nothing else but the essential prescriptions of holiness , those eternal rules of righteousness and goodness that are founded in the very nature and being of god. . the gospel then being of so great consequence and inestimable benefit to mankind , it will be necessary for every man to know and enquire into the reasons of his belief , upon what grounds he gives credit to the christian religion , that his faith being built upon a solid and sure foundation , he may not be ashamed of his profession , but according to the holy apostles advice , ready at all times and upon every occasion to give an answer to every man that asketh him a reason of the hope that is in him , pet. iii. . now the excellency of the christian religion appears , i. that it is intelligible . ii. that it is true . iii. that it contains nothing light and trivial , but grave and sober truths , delivered in that decorous and becoming majesty , as well suited with that blessed spirit which inspired the prophets and apostles . iv. that it is every way fitted and accommodated for an effectual recovery of lapsed and degenerated mankind . chap. i. that the gospel is intelligible , cannot but appear to every one that is acquainted with it ; for though there may be some things wrapped in clouds and difficulties , yet they are such as do not so nearly relate to practice , but are of a more speculative consideration : but as for the whole duty of man in order to holiness , and a good and pious life , it is laid down in such easie and plain terms , that no man can have any reasonable excuse for himself , if he do not know and practise the will of god. for the divine wisdom foreseeing that the greater number of believers throughout the world would not be men of deep reason , but rather of great love and faith , and such as would cordially adhere to their saviour against all oppositions , though they could not syllogistically maintain the reasonableness of every part of the doctrin they professed ; god , i say , foreseeing this , hath suited the gospel to the meanest capacity , and there needs no great skill to be a good christian , but rather an hearty and sincere applying ourselves to the practice of what is so fully discovered to us . the goodness of almighty god is such , that he considers the several states and conditions of men in the world , and makes allowance for those whom his providence hath so placed , as that they are not in a capacity of attaining to any great measures of knowledge , and accepts of the constant and sincere inclination and bent of their wills in practising what they know , and they shall never be called to an account for what they had no opportunity of gaining . and although he that knows much and apprehends the reasons of things , and makes this knowledge instrumental to the purifying and purging his soul from vice , be far more excellent than he whom nature has made of a slower apprehension , yet this man is in no wise contemptible , but dear and acceptable in the sight of god , who never fails to reward honest simplicity and innocency , and to recompense every degree of hearty love with a suitable proportion of glory . but that we may see before our eyes the plainness and perspicuity of the gospel in all matters that concern the salvation and future happiness of a christian , we may take a brief abstract or sum of our duty , which is this ; to love the lord our god with all our hearts , and to have a firm and radicated faith in his goodness declared to the world by his only begotten son jesus christ ; an universal abstinence from all wrong and injustice ; a hearty love and good-will to all men whatever ; to hold fast that which is good , and to abstain from all appearance of evil ; to be of a compassionate and forgiving spirit , and if we have received an injury , not to recompense it again in any kind ; to abstract and withdraw our hearts and minds from earthly goods , and make treasures for ourselves in heaven , and to be no more solicitous for worldly concernments than the lilies of the field or the fowls of the air , but that having food and raiment therewith to be content ; to keep ourselves pure and undefiled , not only from outward and grosser , but inward and more refined pollutions ; to be ready to do good and distribute to the necessities of our brethren ; to live peaceably , if it be possible , with all men ; in a word , whatever things are true , whatever things are honest , just , lovely , and of good report ; if there be any virtue , if there be any praise , to think on such things . what can be plainer and easier than this ? nor is the simplicity of the gospel any derogation from it , though that impious epicurean celsus deride it upon that account , extolling the writings of plato above the scriptures : for , as origen acutely enough replies , the design of god in the gospel being to make men good and virtuous , it was necessary the precepts tending to that end should be delivered plainly and perspicuously , suitable to the capacities of the illiterate vulgar , who are better allured and won by a common and usual form of speech , than by the artificial deckings and gay schemes of rhetorick : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore christ and his apostles did much more advance that which was their chief aim , the life and nature of god in the world by that ( as celsus calls it ) rude and rustical manner of speaking , than all the elegant writings of plato , which if they ever were advantageous for the rectifying and amending the lives of men , it was only to such whose intellectual faculties were raised and elevated above the plebeian strain . therefore did the holy jesus on purpose make choice of ignorant and illiterate persons , that it might appear that the things which they spake were not in the words which mans wisdom teacheth , but which the holy ghost teacheth , and that by the foolish things of the world god might confound the wise , and by the weak destroy the things that are mighty . object . but you will say , to what purpose is that intricacy and perplexity which is found in many places of holy scripture , and wherefore are many of the chiefest of its doctrines involved in such darkness and obscurity ? answ . . it was in some measure requisite that the scripture should be obscure to conciliate reverence , and to beget a greater esteem of its worth and dignity . for the gospel is often called a mystery , which supposes somthing venerable and secret , and hidden from the eyes of vulgar persons . and god as in nature , he hath hid many pretious things in the bowels of the earth , which cannot be obtained without great labour and diligence ; in like manner hath he veiled many inestimable treasures in the christian mystery , which are only attainable by the diligent search and sincere endeavours of pious men : for should the divine wisdom have displayed at once all the glories and beauty of this sacred and recondite method of recovering souls , it would appear contemptible and worthless , as being the easie purchase of every profane and impious person . . the reason of the obscurity of christianity lies not so much in the nature of the thing itself , as in the incongruity of mens minds and understandings with so high and raised an object . the eye cannot behold the sun unless it have some resemblance and similitude of it within itself ; for like is known by its like , and if mens minds be not purified and brought into some cognation and likeness with the truths offered to them , it is impossible they should ever have any true and genuine apprehension of them . there is a learning and knowing the truth as it is in jesus , in that god-like , meek , and resigned spirit , and till mens tempers be plain'd and smooth'd from the ruggedness of their passions , and the stubborn asperities of their lusts , and won to the embracing of the truth in the love of it , in that christ-like nature of humility and self-denial , they may fill their heads with sapless and lean notions , windy and turgent fancies , but never nourish up their souls with solid and substantial knowledge . the true sense of religion and christianity arises out of a mind devoid of passion , and in which the life of god has taken deep root and flourishes and spreads itself throughout all the powers of the soul , giving a tincture , relish and savour of itself to every thought , word , and deed in the whole course of a mans life . and without this purified sense , we feed upon nothing but the husks and shells of religion , and fall in love with shadows instead of lasting and durable substances . and this is no more than what the scripture speaks of itself . cor. ii . . the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . there is required a spiritual sense , a life of holiness and justice , of benignity and righteousness , to the true discrimination of good and evil. and further , to the knowledge and understanding of divine mysteries , there is necessarily required the aid and assistance of that almighty and omnipresent spirit , who by his fostering incubation brought into being the goodly frame of heaven and earth , and that this holy spirit of truth may begin the efformation of the new and heavenly nature ( a considerable part of which is divine and spiritual wisdom ) there must be some previous preparations , and men must be morally good and virtuous , or else they will be perfectly incapable of the illapse of his celestial influence . and therefore it is no marvel , if to brutish and immoral persons the mystery of godliness be hid and obscure . . that there might be somthing still reserved for the gratification of all degrees of christians in all ages of the world. there are both weak and strong christians ; some that are babes in christ and are fed with milk , others that are of full age , and have a discriminating sense of good and evil. for the one there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a rudimental way of instruction , whereby men were led , as it were , by the hand through the principles of religion , as the author to the hebrews intimates , heb. vi . where the first thing required of them that embraced christianity , was repentance from dead works , and faith towards god , and upon this followed baptism , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which i take to be catechizing , and after that confirmation by the bishop ; agreeable to this apostolical custom is the practice of the church of england , who after baptism appoints children to be instructed in the church-catechism , and then brought to the bishop to receive confirmation : for others whose intellectual capacities were fit for the reception of higher mysteries , there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a full and rational explication of the several dogmata of christianity ; and of these st. paul is to be understood when he says , we speak wisdom among them that are perfect , even the wisdom of god in the mystery of the gospel . and st. john distinguishes the several ages and growths of christians ; i write unto you little children , because your sins are forgiven you for his names sake : i write unto you young men , because ye have overcome the wicked one : i write unto you fathers , because ye have known him that is from the beginning . now that the stewards of the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven may give every one his meat in due season , it is necessary there should be a diversity in the gospel , that every proportion and degree in grace may receive somthing which may both strengthen and gratify the knower . a man is not satisfied with that which will nourish and content an infant , and and he that is well grown in piety and holiness , leaving the rudiments and principles of christianity ascends to higher notions , and is infinitely satisfied and ravished with the contemplation of the works of nature and providence , in beholding the divine goodness and wisdom in the manifestation of that mystery which lay hid from ages and generations , and whose only design being revealed , is the complete restauration and perfection of human nature . and in this is the saying of the wise man verified , eccles . . . god giveth to a man that is good in his sight , wisdom and knowledge and joy . chap. ii. of the truth of christianity . the second illustration of the excellency of christian religion is , that it is true ; which will best be evidenced by these gradations : . it is certain that there was such a man as jesus in the world : and here i would desire the enemies of this truth , whether jews or heathens , to give me liberty to make use of the same arguments they themselves do in proving the truth of their histories ; for how are they assured that there were any such men in the world as moses and aristotle ? if they say they have it from a constant and unquestionable tradition , we can bring the same proof for the christian religion , the truth of which hath been delivered successively from one generation to another for above these sixteen hundred years . if they appeal to the writings of those who were contemporary with them , the christians have the same plea : for the very enemies of jesus , such as celsus the epicurean , and julian the apostate never questioned his existence and being upon earth . the words of celsus we have in the second book of origen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and julian confesses as much , as we find by cyril in his sixth book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i might here bring in the testimony of tacitus , pliny , and numenius the pythagorean who in his third book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as origen tells us ) relates a certain piece of the history of jesus , which he afterwards allegorizes ; but i need not be copious in this , the jews themselves who never thought they could sufficiently detest and hate the name of the holy jesus , yet could not deny but he once lived among them , and therefore call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as lucian in derision 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him that was hanged on a tree . . it is likewise as unquestionable that jesus wrought many notable miracles while he conversed with men ; and they are such , as if we look into the quality and design of them , do evidently prove his mission from heaven , and therefore that all men ought to believe on him . and this miraculous power ought to have convinced the jews by their own law , for this was the sign or token left by moses to discern between the true and false prophet , deut. xviii . , . and if thou say in thine heart , how shall we know the word which the lord hath not spoken ? when a prophet speaks in the name of the lord , if the thing follow not nor come to pass , i. e. if he do no miracles , that is the thing which the lord hath not spoken : and consequently , if there shall come one whose doctrine tends to the establishing the pure worship of the true god , and delivers nothing but what is for the promotion of piety and holiness , and shall confirm this his doctrine by miracles , both jews and gentiles ought to believe in him . but if any one come and seek to draw men from real and substantial holiness and the worship of the true god , and to gain credit to his pernicious design , shall work a miracle , we are not to believe him , because god sometimes permits such things to be done to try the constancy and stedfastness of men . deut. xiii . , , . to this the jews object and say , that our blessed saviour performed his miracles by magical and diabolical arts , for so they tell him , that he cast out devils by beelzebub the prince of devils . to this impious cavil we may return ( . ) the answer which our saviour made them , mat. xii . , . every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation ; and if satan cast out satan , he is divided against himself , how shall then his kingdom stand ? for the doctrin of christ being so exactly opposite and destructive of the kingdom of unrighteousness and darkness ( as porphyry himself acknowledged , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) if the head and prince of this wicked polity should abet the lord christ so far as to impower him to cast out his associates from their usurped habitations , it would undoubtedly beget an intestine war , and the powers of hell would be at an eternal variance and dissension with one another , which at last would be the cause of the ruine of their kingdom . ( . ) this were an invincible tentation put upon mankind , for there can be no surer manifestation of the presence and approbation of the deity , than when a man is inabled to work miracles : and it were irreconcileable with the goodness and wisdom of almighty god to suffer the most innocent and harmless persons in the world to be fatally and inevitably deluded . ( . ) the great synedrium consisting of the high-priests , the elders of the people , and the scribes or lawyers as their assistants , whose office and right it was to try the prophets , are said by the jews to be skilled in magick rites for the better and surer exploration of those who pretended to be true prophets , but wrought their wonders by the help of apostate spirits ; which , if it were so , is a very pregnant testimony that jesus performed his miracles by the divine power and approbation ; for otherwise his fraud would soon have been detected by that great council . ( . ) that there are prestigious and satanical miracles , is an evidence that there are likewise true and divine , as in nature the being of worse argues the existence of better , sophisms and falshood the reality of truth , and the operations of second causes lead us to the knowledge and being of a first ; wherefore if it be granted that evil and lapsed genii can work miracles , it is apparent that the first and best cause of all things may and does produce effects of a divine power and virtue ; and that the miracles of the blessed jesus were such , appears partly from the holiness and purity of his life and manners , in all parts of them blameless and irreprehensible , and partly from the design and intention of his miracles , namely to confirm and give credit to that sublime and heavenly doctrin he brought into the world , whose end was to correct and reform the lives of men , and disseminate the blessed life and nature of god upon earth ; which considerations are sufficient to beget a firm and undoubted perswasion that the immaculate soul of jesus was extraordinarily assisted and acted by a divine power and efficacy which enabled him to perform those stupendious operations that are recorded in the gospels . . we have reason to believe that there was a timely history of the life and transactions of jesus compiled . for we can no ways doubt but that the disciples of our blessed lord , bearing so tender and dear a love to their saviour , and being so fully convinced and satisfied in their minds that he was the promised messias , who should regenerate and renew the world , did compose and draw up an abstract or compendium of his life : and if we consider likewise how much it would conduce to the carrying on the design they were setting on foot in the world , that all men should believe in the holy jesus , and imitate his immaculate and faultless example , we cannot readily believe that they were so stupid as to neglect such an effectual instrument for the promoting their purpose , or so uncharitable as to envy mankind so great a good. . that the histories of the gospel were compiled by those whose names they bear in the forefront . and for this we have no greater reason to doubt , than we have to question whether the pentateuch or five first books of the bible were written by moses , or whether those writings which bear the names of cicero and virgil as their authors , were ever composed by them . suppose now we would know who was the author of some very antient writing ; to prove this , one testimony must be taken from those who were contemporary with the author , or at least very little distant from him , and from the perpetual consent of wise and learned men ; and in this the sacred volumes have infinitely the advantage above any other writing whatever . tertullian affirms that the archetypal copies written with the apostles own hands were extant in several churches in his time . age jam , qui voles curiositatem melius exercere in negotio salutis tuae , percurre ecclesias apostolicas , apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident , apud quas ipsae authenticae literae corum recitantur . and is it any more incredible that the very autographa of the apostler should be seen in tertullian's time , than that cicero's hand should be shown in quintilian's or virgil's in gellius his age ? but beside that , we have the concurrent testimony of justin martyr , irenaeus , and clemens alexandrinus , all of which were the very next to the apostolical age , we never find any controversie moved either by jews or pagans whether those writings were theirs whose names they bear . julian in cyril acknowledges that the epistles of peter and paul , the gospels of matthew , mark and luke are the very writings of those persons with whose names they are adorned . add to this further , that amidst the early differences and dissensions amongst christians , we never find any sober and grave person questioning this truth : indeed we read of the ebionites , a sort of judaizing christians who rejected the epistles of st. paul , but yet they denied not that he was the author of them , but refused them because they thought st. paul an undervaluer of and apostate from the law of moses . but suppose the author of any of the books of the new testament be to us unknown , as it is of the epistle to the hebrews , yet ought it not to be of any less credit and authority with us for either the doctrin or history contained in it , because the matter and substance of the book is more to be regarded than the name of the author ; and therefore because for example we find nothing in the epistle to the hebrews which may rationally invalidate our belief of the things contained in it , and over and above have sufficient evidence that it was never repudiated by the christians who succeeded the apostles , we deservedly receive it as canonical scripture . . that we have all imaginable reason to ground our faith upon those histories of the gospel delivered to us . and this appears , . because 't is not likely those who wrote them should be deceived . . neither is it probable they would deceive others . there is no likelihood they should be deceived , because they were either eye-witnesses of the things they delivered to posterity , or else wrote them from the mouths of those who were spectators of them ; and we never find a miracle recorded which christ did alone , without the company of two or three of his disciples ; when he was transfigured , he took with him peter , james , and john ; when he raised the ruler of the synagogues daughter , he carried the same three with him . matthew was one of them who perpetually accompanied our blessed lord , and saw the greatest part of those things which he wrote . mark , it is thought , was an associate of st. peter , and wrote his gospel from his mouth . and luke , beside that he was one of those who travelled about with st. paul , who had his commission and revelation from heaven , he also in his dedicatory preface to his gospel , professes himself to have had perfect understanding of all things from the very first , as they were delivered to him from those who were eye-witnesses of them . st. john was the beloved disciple , and always followed the lord christ where-ever he went , and setting aside the metaphysical sermons recorded in his gospel , he relates very few miracles or new things , but what are confirmed by the testimony of some one of the other three . as for that notable miracle of raising lazarus from the dead after four days burial , omitted by all the rest , it is capable of this account ; st. john lived long after all the rest of the apostles and evangelists , even to the destruction of jerusalem , and lazarus being then alive when the others wrote their gospels , they purposely omitted it , lest the reciting and recording so eximious and convictive a miracle , might exasperate the jews against him , and bring him to ruine , but being dead , st. john might safely transmit it to posterity in his gospel . again , it is very improbable they would deceive others ; for , cui bono , to what end or purpose , or what design could they aim at in deceiving the world ? honours and preferments they could not expect , they being all in the hands of the pagans or of the jews their bitter enemies , who hated the holy jesus with an implacable hatred , and for that very reason persecuted all his adherents ; nor could they hope for riches , when the profession of christianity exposed them to the loss of all temporal goods , neither could the gospel be preached without the neglect of mundane affairs . but perhaps some will say , they imposed upon the world , that they might be the authors of a new sect ; but ( . ) either they believed the doctrins which they taught to be true , or they did not ; if they did not believe them , we cannot easily imagine they should so far forth put off all humanity and good nature , which they so seriously and frequently inculcate in their writings , as to expose so many thousand innocent persons to death upon their assertion of a falshood : yet if they could be so prodigiously cruel to others , would they be so prodigal of their own blood as to throw it away upon an uncertain delusion ? if they thought them to be true , as it is most likely they did , their writings shewing that they were in good earnest , then 't is certain that it was not the poor and trifling glory of being the authors of a new and unheard of sect , but the real good and advantage of mankind which animated and encourag'd them to such an undertaking . ( . ) it is not the manner of cheaters to provoke to so many witnesses , as we find the apostles did . st. paul asserting the resurrection of our blessed lord , beside the testimony of the twelve apostles , brings in five hundred upon the stage at once to confirm the same truth , the major part of which were then alive when he wrote that epistle . cor. xv . add to this that a lie is strictly forbidden by their writings , and those that delight in it menaced with eternal destruction . eph. . . col. . . rev. . . . ( . ) suppose men could be so wicked , yet would the goodness of god suffer such a cheat to be put upon the world ? if we look upon the whole frame of the christian religion , it is such , that the more good any man is , the more likely to adhere to it , and the most harmless and innocent persons in the world are most apt to be charmed and overcome by it : but surely to them that believe a just and righteous providence governing the affairs of the world , it is apparent that god would not have suffered an error so universally to prevail , nor those who most of all resemble his blessed nature in justice , mercy , and compassion , to be involved in obscurity and ignorance , and eternally to perish in a delusion ; since he may , and acting according to his nature must , necessarily detect it . now because the glorious resurrection of jesus christ the son of god , dismantling the prisons of death , and freeing himself from the chains and fetters of the grave , is the great pillar and foundation of the christian doctrin ; therefore it will be requisite to wipe off those spots the mouth of envy and detraction hath cast upon it . to this end i shall examine that objection of the jews , who seeing the clear and evident proofs of the resurrection of jesus , invented this elusion of it , that his disciples came by night , and stole him away while the watch slept . to which , the many improbable and unlikely circumstances it is attended withal will be a sufficient answer and reply : as ( . ) how unlikely is it that his disciples , who just before fled every one from him , should now resume such courage as to venture to steal his body from a guard of souldiers ? ( . ) it is not likely that all the watch should be asleep at one time . ( . ) if they were , yet 't is hard to imagine that his disciples should come just at that time . ( . ) how could they roll away the stone and take out the body ( which surely would have made no small noise ) and yet none of the guard hear them ? ( . ) suppose they had taken away the body , quid ex cadavere emolumenti ? what benefit could they have expected from a dead carcase ? would the dead and infamous body of an impostor be a sufficient motive to induce them to deny friends and relatives , worldly interests and profits , yea , life itself to maintain his credit by telling the world a fair story of his resurrection , if indeed there were no such thing . this being then sufficiently evidenced , that christ rose from the dead , it is an undeniable confirmation that all his other miracles were true : and indeed it could not suit with the justice of god to leave his soul in hell , or suffer his flesh to see corruption : for the innocence of the lord christ was bright as the noon-day , and all his sufferings being undergone upon our account , and having made a full and perfect atonement for sin , the righteous providence of god was engaged to raise him up , and instate him in that blessedness which he merited for himself by his voluntary humiliation and condescent . according to what the apostle affirms of him , acts ii . . whom god hath raised up , having loosed the pains of death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was not possible , i.e. it was not meet , suitable or agreeable to the justice of god , that he should be holden of it . we have seen the objection of the jew , and i shall now conclude this particular by considering what the heathen and atheist hath to say against the resurrection of jesus ; and he brings his exception after this manner ; if jesus did really rise from the dead , why did he not then shew himself alive to all , or at least to the chief priests and rulers of the jews who condemned him to be crucified , and not only to his own company , and that not constantly to them , but like a spectrum or ghost appearing and then vanishing away ? but it is no wonder if impure and atheistical men do not apprehend the divine dispensation of jesus in the flesh , since there is a perpetual antipathy between their gross and feculent souls and the holy spirit of heavenly wisdom : but to them that are sincere there is nothing in this instance but may admit of a fair apology : we must know then that the soul of the holy jesus being vitally united to the eternal logos , and never lapsed from the pure and immaculate regions of blessedness with the rest of mankind , but so qualifying his glory as to fit himself for an union with a terrestrial body , must have even in these earthly habitations a very efficacious principle of life and virtue within him , which though shut up and constrained by the encumbrances of flesh and blood , yet shone through the veil , and sometimes broke forth into pure light and glory ; wherefore through the plenitude and perfection of this high and exalted life , it so came to pass that in the time of his converse with mortals before his death , he was not seen alike and after the same manner by all , but according to the measure and model of their frail capacities : and some such thing judas , who betraid him , seems to intimate by giving a sign to the apprehenders of jesus to know him , when yet it was true what christ said , that he was daily with them teaching in the temple . and certainly , we cannot but think somthing extraordinary to be in the blessed jesus , when the scripture tells us that the children of israel were not able to behold the glorious visage even of moses when he descended from his converse with god in the mount. although then in the frailties of his flesh , when he was a man of sorrows , and had not yet spoiled principalities and powers , nor died for sin , he suffered himself to be seen of all , yet when he had broken the powers of hell , and rose as a triumphant conquerour from his bed of darkness , the grave ; he was not then the object of every mans sight , his divinity being more refulgent when the oeconomy he undertook in the flesh was finished ; but to those who were capable of his presence he appeared and shewed himself alive to confirm and strengthen their faith , and yet spared their imbecillity and imperfection by staying but a little with them at a time . for even his apostles were not all capable of beholding him at all times , and therefore he selected peter , james and john , who alone were able to bear that glorious spectacle of his transfiguration , and behold moses and elias in their celestial robes , and hear not only their discourse , but the voice which came to them from the clouds . and hence we gather that he would not appear to those who insulted over him in his misery , and were the authors of his ignominious death , out of compassion towards them , lest they should be struck with blindness , as the wicked sodomites who sought to abuse those angelical personages that were hospitably received into the house of lot : and thus we read that saul in his journey to damascus , was struck blind by that excellent glory , which yet became an innocuous and recreating splendor to st. stephen a little before his death . chap. iii. that christianity contains nothing light and trivial , but grave and sober truths , delivered in that decorous and becoming majesty as well suited with that blessed spirit , which inspired the prophets and apostles . the third particular to be proved in order to the declaration of the excellency of christianity is , that it treats of no small and trifling things , but such as are of the greatest importance in the world . for what is more noble and generous than that which concerns the happiness and welfare of the whole creation ? what more sublime and excellent than that which tends to the unmasking the cloudy and obscure face of providence , and discovering the unsearchable wisdom of god in the harmonious order and symmetry of the world ? but to descend more particularly . . the gospel teaches us , that the true and genuine felicity of mankind is the participation of the nature of god. that the souls of men are in an undue and wrong estate in this world , that is , that their natures are by some means or other corrupted and vitiated and forced from their proper bent and inclinations ; needs no other confirmation than the great inquietude and dissatisfaction they find in the best terrestrial joys and delights , and their diligent and indefatigable inquisition after some noble and permanent good , which may be commensurate with the vastness of their capacities and desires . and although as men come into the world , their animal powers and faculties ( whose proper objects are the results of sense and corporeal motion ) are fully awake , and usurp the throne of reason and intellect , yet those lordly powers like an oppressed prince still lay claim to the soveraignty and dominion , and whenever any due occasion is offered , give an evident proof of their heavenly birth and extraction , and strive to free themselves from their unjust captivity , and regain their native liberty and command . and if by a favourable assistance and timely aid the minds of men conquer and suppress the rebellious passions and desires of the mortal body , and become in any measure healthy and strong to relish their proper food and nourishment , and amidst all the flattering appearances and fine shows presented to them from this outward world , discriminate between real good and evil , and select true and substantial from false and adulterate joys , they behold with pleasure and enravishment a perfect union and harmony between whatever truths shall duly be propounded to them and their rational natures . for the souls of men being in their general strictures and lineaments intellectual , it cannot be but that their highest felicity and truest accomplishments must flow from the exercise of their higher and more immaterial powers , and the more spiritualiz'd and refined they are from baser alloy , the more tender and apprehensive are they of whatever is noble and excellent , and agreeable to the purity of their natures . albeit therefore our faculties be depraved and debased as we appear upon the stage of this world , yet there being in us a strong propension to return to our first and primitive state , out of which we were forced by the unjust usurpation of iniquity and sin , truth and goodness , and all those beautiful forms and ideas which shone in our souls before their unhappy lapse and revolt from the blessed laws and government of gods own life , will upon a congruous proposal renew their antient league and friendship , and conspire the utter subversion of all irregular appetites and desires , and reduce the whole man into a strict obedience and observance of the dictates and prescriptions of that holy and exalted principle of life , which being once fully seated and radicated in our minds and spirits , is alone able to make us perfectly happy and blessed . for the souls of men are not devoid of innate knowledge , but are essentially stored through the gracious bounty and liberality of the first and blessed author of all things , with the principles of all manner of science and wisdom whatever , and hence cannot but embrace and receive every thing that hath any cognation and affinity with those first inscriptions on their natures . now the great happiness , delight , and satisfaction of every degree of life in the world consisting in and arising from the kindly and agreeable actings of its chiefest and best faculties and capacities , and the nature of man so far forth as it is capable of moral good and evil , being made up of such principles as are wholly intellectual , he will not only esteem the effluxes and emanations of the rational life to be the foundations of his felicity , but seek the amplification and diffusion of it , and reduce all exorbitant motions to its rules and determinations . and if we will not impose upon ourselves , nor degrade our minds below the folly and triflingness of children , but act like men who prefer things before empty sounds and names , the eternal rules of justice , righteousness , and goodness , will appear infinitely more eligible than any thing else in the world beside ; for let a man be possest of the most glorious and splendid advantages and satisfactions that possibly can grow out of the earth , and let him extract the flower and quintessence of sublunary delights , and he will find them at the best very dilute and flashy , and too base and disproportionate objects of a pure , active and indefatigable mind . and were it not that men are cheated into an esteem and approbation of them , partly from the example of others , who daily run the greatest hazards and labours in their acquisition and purchase , and partly , from the innate pravity and iniquity of their own spirits , which being preingag'd in an early contention after the things of sense , are more forcibly struck and moved by the emissions and radiations of the corporeal world ; it were exceeding improbable they should forego such valuable and excellent pleasures as those of virtue and holiness , for the small and inconsiderable , though the most refined joys of this region of mutability , especially when they are perpetually attended with such instant satieties and afflictive circumstances . that blessed author of our felicity the lord christ , who both knew the soveraign good of our spirits , and designed the cementing and restauration of the broken and distracted world by entring into it , makes it his first care and business to purge and refine our minds from the dross and pollution of material concretions , by bringing down the price of terrestrial love , and setting a low estimate upon what the world calls happiness , riches and honours and all the choicest gratifications of the inferior life , and propounding not only such precepts as in their own nature tended to the raising and elevating the powers and faculties of our souls to their highest and most enlarg'd perfection , and which by our conformity to them should fully satisfie all our rational thirsts and appetites , but likewise revives our languishing resolutions , and reinspirits our minds with new strength and vigour by his own example , as the most attractive and powerful means that possibly can be offered to an ingenuous nature . all the time that he conversed upon earth , he went about doing good , transcribing the fairest and most amiable perfections and attributes of the moral essence of god for our imitation , redressing and healing the imperfections of mankind , and casting a benign and auspicious influence upon the distempered world , by propagating and diffusing the holy life of god into all capable receptacles . and that he might shew us what a small and mean valuation he puts upon mundane and temporal felicities , and how little they contribute to the advancement of that which is the flower and summity of our souls , he commands great temperance and moderation both in the prosecution and use of them , and declares a high dislike against all exorbitancy and excesse , condemning all anxious and solicitous thoughts about these momentany concernments as criminous and faulty . and what he enjoined upon his disciples and followers , he himself always observ'd and practis'd , never disquieting his holy breast with doubtful and corroding cares , nor charging heaven with partiality and unkindness , though he became so poor for our sakes that he was forced by a miracle to pay his tribute-penny to the roman governour . his blameless and immaculate soul no impure touch of pleasure ever defiled , nor unjust and unhallowed action ever stained and sullied its native brightness , but remained to his dying upon the cross a spotless temple eternally consecrated to the divinity residing in it . but that which did most of all allure and attract the hearts and spirits of men , was his exceeding and superlative charity , which not only burnt bright within its own orb , but by a sacred influence and communication melted and thaw'd the benum'd and frozen world into a soft , pliable , and sequacious temper , and set abroad a godlike spirit of universal tenderness , pity , and compassion upon the earth . and that so illustrious a person might want nothing to recommend his life to mankind as the most complete pattern of the divine nature , his patience exhibited in a noble sufferance of all those ignominies and disgraces put upon him , made him no less conspicuous than those other radiant virtues rendred him acceptable to god and man. and if there be any thing more that is worthy and decorous , and perfective of the nature of man , it was eminently contained in the lord christ , whose glorious mind was too large and great to bring forth any poor and abject design , but took the whole world into his care , and folded the creation within the arms of dear compassion . by all this and much more we are taught wherein consists the greatest excellency , beauty and dignity of our souls ; namely , in the acts of goodness , righteousness , and mercy , in profound humility , and self-denial , in patience , longanimity , and uncorrupted purity of body and spirit . for these and such like heroical exertions of our minds bring not only a present delight and gratefulness with them , but pervade by a secret and insensible influence all our animal powers , and diffuse a certain savour and relish of themselves throughout our inferior faculties . as it is with vice and sin , every pitiful and degenerate production of which spreads its contagious nature , and leavens our whole man with its poysonous and infectious inspirations : so much more will truth and righteousness disseminate a healthful efflux , and hallow our vital capacities , as being the most congenerous and agreeable objects of our intellectual parts . the life of god which alone ought to have the soveraign command over the whole rational creation , and which will in due time conquer and triumph over the dark and apostate principality ; that life , i say , of universal sanctity and righteousness is an immortal thing like its great source and parent , and is always passing through the world , and will not rest any where but in such a fit and congruous subject , as bears some analogy and similitude with itself : and being once seated there ( unless it be forcibly driven out by rebellious lusts , to which it proclaims an irreconcileable war ) it will continually dispread its lovely nature , and enlarge its kingdom by the total consumption or conversion into its own likeness and quality , whatever resists and hinders its progress , and at last , when freed from the sluggish weight of mortality , like a quick and active flame carry up the soul with joy and triumph into heaven , to which it always breaths and aspires . heaven itself is nothing but the blessed mansion of righteousness , a state of pure and undefiled light , whose happy and glorious inhabitants are perfectly delivered from the bondage and servility of corruption , and goodness , and justice , and all the moral excellencies of divinity enthron'd within their sacred breasts . and every good man does not only presage , but really possesses in this life a part of his future happiness , when the divine nature throughly informs , possesses , and actuates the powers and faculties of his mind , and he faithfully attends to , and is guided and governed by its laws and suggestions . and he whose soul and spirit , thus becomes an habitation of righteousness , is in a sense deified , and god dwells in him , and he is united to that omnipresent spirit of love and purity . for that divine nature , the participation of which is the end and design of the whole gospel , is not power and wisdom , but something more precious and soveraign : for if a man had all power , that he could remove mountains , and with his breath stop the constant gyres and circulations of the earth ; and if he had all wisdom and knowledge , to understand the abstrusest theory in nature and providence , and could perswade with the rhetorick and oratory of an angel ; yet if he had not charity , the bond of perfection which not only consolidates and holds together the great body politick of heaven and earth , but is the root and center in which all the lines of beauty and excellence in human souls unite and meet ; he would have no more of the true life and spirit of christianity in him , than a tinkling and sounding piece of brass . love is the joy of men and angels , the glory of heaven , and the first pregnant spring and source from whence issued all the numerous productions of the spiritual and corporeal life . for god is love , and love is that ( to speak with reverence ) makes the divinity a uniform being , all other modes and attributes being too fluctuating , arbitrary , and unsetled to be the basis and foundation of that ever-to-be-adored author of all things . and as goodness is the most pretious thing in the deity , and for that reason alone obtains the first place in acting , so is it that which consummates and completes all moral agents that derive from him ; power and wisdom and all other modes being nothing but the several explications and diffusions of absolute goodness . but that we may not mistake ourselves , the philosopher tells us of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a harlotry as well as a heavenly venus , whereby the soul is enamour'd with these fading beauties , and ensnared by the powerful inescations of sense and corporeity , and this weakens and destroys the soul ; but 't is the celestial venus that is the beautiful and perfective object of human minds , and by its union with it changes and transforms the soul into its glorious image . and what we have hitherto said , is no more than what the natural sentiments of our own souls bear witness to , and all the moral part of ethnick philosophy attests , which was wholly employed in laying down rules and precepts for the regulating mens lives , and putting a stop to the bold intrusion of vice ; and this was universally acknowledged the only way to acquire a cognation and affinity with god : and what was judged laudable and decorous then , and approved as most excellent , is made much more so by the christian oeconomy , which sets the attainments of a rational soul at a higher pitch , than the secular wisdom and philosophy of the gentiles could arrive to . for what more ennobles and inspirits the mind of man with true glory and magnanimity , than the captivating his irrational desires , and suppressing all inordinate lusts and appetites , and the introducing a spirit of love , meekness , temperance , and sobriety ? what more divine and godlike than charity ? to bind up an aking head , and dry up watry eyes , and relieve him who was fighting with the pressures of want and poverty ? what greater pleasure can we reasonably imagine , than that which results from an act of goodness and bounty , whether it respect the souls or bodies of our fellow-creatures ; in extricating him who was involved in a labyrinth of misery , and bringing the cheerful day to him who sate in a night of ignorance and error ? which things , if duly considered , as they are very agreeable and proportionate to our higher and rational soul , so they depretiate the grosser satisfactions of our viler parts , and make good this first proposition , that the true felicity of human souls , results from their participation of the divine nature . . the gospel shews us the true way to obtain this complete perfection of our spirits , that it is by an universal purification of our minds from all pollution whatever , and an entire resignation of ourselves to the conduct of the divine life and light. but it will be said that philosophy teaches as much as this , and the pythagoreans , platonists , and stoicks asserted the highest perfection of the soul to consist in her union with god , which is obtained by a perfect extirpation of all irregular motions , and an abstraction of the soul from her love and sympathy with the body , and transforming her wholly into intellect ; for the passions and sensual affections being once subdued , and the rational life excited , the soul becomes presently like unto god , as porphyry speaks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and hierocles shews us the scope and end of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or purgation of the mind , namely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherefore although the heathens by the light of nature proceeded to the eradication of vice out of their minds , yet they retained still an arrogative life , ascribing the attainments and perfections of their souls , and their whole progress in virtue to their own solitary endeavours , and this their spiritual and subtle pride tainted and infected the best of their other performances ; so that though they were glorious lights in their generations , yet they fell short of the character of a true christian , which is an entire subjection of a mans self to the government and command of the life of god , being perfectly dead to all self-seeking and interest , and no otherwise affected to ourselves than if we were not : and this heavenly temper the divine providence reserved for the meek and humble soul of the messias to bring into the world , who hath resumed that as the most compendious way to blessedness , which was rejected by the wise men of the world. . he that shall impartially and without prejudice peruse the evangelical histories , shall find that there is not any thing recorded in them vain and trivial , but such as is of the highest moment and importance , and some way or other useful and advantageous for the propagation of christianity in the world : and for those things which seem most liable to the exceptions and cavils of vile and prophane persons , i shall endeavour to shew their reasonableness , and how becoming and decorous it was to insert them in the histories of the gospel . it is too well known that there are a sort of men in the world , whose minds are so deeply tinctured with sadducean and atheistical principles , that , being otherwise furnished with a quaint volubility of speech , and some smatterings of philosophy in this knowing age , deem it the highest improvement of their wit to laugh and jeer at that profound wisdom which is found in christianity , now accusing its dogmata of impossibilities and contradictions , and then scoffing at the historical part as fabulous and romantick , clearly discovering that their grand drift is to leaven the minds of men with that pernicious and venomous doctrin , that there is nothing but matter in the world. to begin therefore with the birth of the blessed jesus and the circumstances attending of it , as of the star which led the wise men to him , and of their adoration of him , that these things are not indecorous and ridiculous , nor impertinently recorded , but sutable and agreeable to the nativity of so great a person . that a virgin should conceive and bring forth a child , ought to be no such strange thing to the jew , since their prophets have foretold that it should so come to pass , particularly in isa . vii . . behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son , and shall call his name immanuel . and if this were not to be understood of a pure and immaculate virgin , where were that sign which god by his prophet ushers in with such solemnity ; ask thee a sign of the lord thy god , ask it either in the depth , or in the height above : for nothing is more ordinary in the world than that a young woman should bring forth a child : add to this , that the jewish rabbins teach , that the generation and nativity of the messias shall not be after the manner of other creatures by carnal copulation , but after an extraordinary manner , and his father shall be unknown till he himself reveal him . nor ought it to be thought a thing impossible by the gentiles , since they affirm many of their heroes to be the sons of the gods ; and plato is said to be begotten on perictione by apollo , who forbad aristo to have any familiarity with his wife , till plato was born . but to them that believe a just and righteous providence governing all the affairs of the universe , it is obvious to conceive , that all souls are sent into the world according to their demerits in a former life ; and therefore as a deeply lapsed soul descends into an inequal and monstrous body , from which adunation can result no other than a brutish , cruel , and intemperate life , and a pronity to all other vices arising from such an asymmetral and inhospitable society ; so the pure and immaculate soul of jesus , must assume a terrestrial body after an unusual manner , more pure than the rest , that it might be free from sin and pollution as well as fitted to converse with men , and that he might in it teach an extraordinary temperance , justice , and goodness , and all other virtues by his life as by his doctrin . for neither would the justice of god precipitate so great a soul into an unfit and incongruous habitation , nor its eximious purity admit of an union with an inquinated and filthy body . nor is it any whit incongruous that an unusual star should attend the rising of the glorious sun of righteousness ; for though it be commonly said of comets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that no one appears to the world but portends some mischief , which historians plentifully observe , and hence is that of claudian , nunquam futilibus excanduit ignibus aether , et nunquam coelo spectatum impune cometen . yet origen in his first book against celsus affirms , that chaeremon the stoick in his treatise of comets proves by several instances out of histories that comets sometimes presage the approach of good things * . if then those great and wandring globes be looked upon as the presignificators of great changes and alterations in the world , what wonder is it that the birth of jesus who should work so mighty a mutation upon earth , and introduce a religion universal and common to all mankind , should be declared by a new and stranger star ? and if it be said , that it is impossible for a star in the heavenly regions , to design punctually so small a place as a particular house upon earth ; i answer , that the magi found the house wherein jesus was , not only by the disappearing and vanishing of the star over it , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a diligent search and inquisition after the child , perhaps of the shepherds who were not far distant keeping watch over their flocks . it remains now , that we apologize for the other part of the history , viz. the coming of the wise men from the east to jerusalem ; to which purpose it will be requisite to consider the quality of these magi , who probably were none of these grosser sort of sorcerers that make an express compact with the devil , but such as receiving from others certain forms and mysterious conjurations , use them as they were delivered to them , without enquiring further into their nature : and perhaps the black society may oblige themselves to attend such dark and hidden mysteries , whether the transactors of them know them to be theirs or not . but whether these magi were such , or had a more open and visible commerce with evil spirits , it matters not , since this is certain , that the airy principality can act no further , where a more divine and excellent power intervenes . wherefore through the mighty virtue of the divinity residing in the soul of jesus , and the unexpected descent of a glorious host of angels to these terrestrial regions , singing an anthem of praise at the birth of jesus , it came to pass that the power of the airy principality was on a sudden restrained , and an universal chilness and horror ran through the dark kingdom , so that they were unable to attend their own hellish mysteries , which the magi perceiving , their usual incantations not succeeding , nor the accustomed effects following their secret rites and ceremonies , they began to think the cause of this unexpected accident to be extraordinary , and knowing the prophecy of balaam , that a star should come out of jacob , and a scepter rise out of israel , conjectured that the man foretold to come with the apparition of a star , was now born into the world , and believing him to have a transcendent power over the aereal agents , resolved to come and worship him , presenting him with the choicest gifts of arabia , gold and myrrh and frankincense , as to a king , a man , and a god. and if any man desire a further mystery , he may take the learned grotius his observation , that by these three are denoted those three evangelical sacrifices which through christ we offer unto god , viz. works of charity and mercy , phil. iv . . incorrupted purity of body , rom. xii . . and prayers , psal . cxli. . we that are christians are taught in the gospel , that jesus christ , the saviour of mankind , is god as well as man ; and this truth being of so high and great concern , we not only believe , but are ready to give all possible satisfaction to the jew and heathen : to the jew we say , that it was long ago declared by their own prophets , isa . ix . . for unto us a child is born , unto us a son is given , and the government shall be upon his shoulder ; and his name shall be called wonderful , counseller , the mighty god , the everlasting father , the prince of peace . this the more antient rabbins always interpreted of the messias , and 't is but a groundless conceit of r. solomon's to transfer it to hezekiah ; for who sees not that these appellations of the mighty god , and the everlasting father , cannot possibly agree to hezekiah ? again chap. vii . . behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son , and shall call his name immanuel : i. e. god with us , god dwelling and conversing in human nature . and by the heathens this mystery was not thought impossible , since julian believes that aesculapius the son of jupiter descended from heaven and was incarnate , appearing first at epidaurum , then in many other places , that he might cure the bodies and restore the souls of men to their pristine rectitude and perfection . and is there any greater difficulty in believing that the word , the blessed son of god , was once incarnate and dwelt among us ? but further to make out this great truth to those that already believe the histories of the gospel to be true : . we may take a view of those many operations jesus performed in the nature he assumed , some of which were incommunicable and only proper to the deity , such are , to work a true and real miracle , to forgive sins , and to institute true and religious worship . he was hungry , which shewed him to be a man , and yet fed above five thousand with five loaves and two fishes , whereby he manifested his divinity . he thirsted , yet to others he gave rivers of living waters to fertilize their souls , and quench and allay their thirst . he was weary , yet he calls to him all those that are weary and heavy laden , and promises refreshment : though he were dumb and opened not his mouth , yet was he that word by which all things were made : he lays down his life , yet had he power to take it up again . . there is nothing in the divine nature to contradict or prejudice this union , but very much to be drawn from thence for it . for divine goodness willing universally to communicate itself in measures and degrees , assisted by an eternal wisdom , found out this way of union with human nature , as most fit for an universal communication , wherein the divine life is perfectly exhibited , and all perfection is as it were epitomized . . there is a mighty congruity and sutableness in this mystery with the design of perfecting and restoring lapsed souls . for the eternal logos bringing out of his ideal fecundity into actual existence the whole rational creation , it is highly agreeable with divine wisdom , that by the same word all fallen beings should be again restored ; that the first and blessed cause of their existence should also be the author of their recovery and return to the perfect law of gods own nature . and if beside we consider that all the creatures are but the effects and emanations of that mighty and potent word , outwardly produced and brought into actual life and being ; the conjunction and union of the eternal mind with human nature will appear exceeding congruous . . no dishonour can accrue to the blessed nature of god by such a state in which there is no evil , turpitude , or defilement . the brightness of the divine sun is no whit obscured by the adjunction of the humanity , but the humanity is made more glorious and transcendent by being exalted into the fellowship of the divinity . . the obscurity and incomprehensibleness of this mystery ought not to prejudice our belief of it , since that many things in nature are in the dark to us , and that faint and glimmering knowledge which we have of them is only cojnectural , not demonstrative ; we know there is an union between soul and body , but the manner of it is unknown and hid from us , and if we believe no further than we can comprehend , we must be scepticks in religion as well as philosophy . yet somthing we may collect from the union of soul and body , as also of other natural compositions , that forasmuch as they are extremely distant and unlike in their nature and proprieties , and yet united to the making of one compositum ; therefore the immensity of the divinity can be no hindrance from taking humanity into an union and association with it . we cannot doubt , but that god who is immense and omnipresent , may manifest a peculiar presence in this or the other particular place , as seems best to himself . that infinite nature which pervades and is extended through the vast capacities of immense space , can as easily actuate , inhabit and fill a human soul and body ; nor is the divinity contracted or diminished by being united to a creature , but being diffused through all places , manifests itself by a more special inhabitation in the sacred temple of the soul of jesus . we see the soul of man dilating itself through our corporeal fabrick , expressing its activity and presence by the exceeding quick sensibility of every part , and yet hath its peculiar center and residence in the brain ; and cannot god , in whom are found all possible perfections , manifest his peculiar and divine presence to the ever faithful and obedient soul of the messias ? hitherto i have declared the great excellency and becomingness of the truths of the gospel , and shall conclude this general head with the recitation of two or three objections more , made by the jews against our saviour , and recorded in the histories of the gospel . object . . the first we find in john vii . . have any of the rulers , or of the pharisees believed on him ? but this people who knoweth not the law are cursed . answ . . to this i return , that inasmuch as the great synagogue and rulers of the jews rejected jesus , and would not acknowledge him to be the expected messias , the more reason had others to believe in him : for their own prophets long ago predicted the rejection of the messias by the jewish nation , who should be so obstinately blind , that they should not know him when he came into the world ; as we read in psal . cxviii . . the stone which the builders refused is become the head stone of the corner : so likewise in isa . vi . . make the heart of this people fat , and make their ears heavy , and shut their eyes ; lest they see with their eyes , and hear with their ears , and understand with their heart , and convert and be healed . to which purpose is that saying of r. judas in the talmud , that when the son of david shall come , there shall be few wise men in israel , and the wisdom of the scribes shall stink , and the schools of the prophets shall become brothel-houses . . the holy jesus wanted not disciples even among the wise men of the jews ; such was simeon the just , the scholar of hillel , who was filled with the holy ghost , and after whose death , that divine spirit which inspired the great synagogue , departed from them . john the baptist who not only acknowledged christ himself , but sent his disciples to him , as to that lamb of god , who came to take away the sins of the world : and gamaliel is said to have followed the apostles , and to have been simeon's scholar : and st. paul who was a man of great repute and esteem with the jews , and sate at the feet of gamaliel , yet was afterward an apostle of the holy jesus : and josephus further informs us , that the more sober and serious jews , who were lovers of the truth , were such as followed jesus , and those that were studious and zealous for the law , sharply rebuked ananus the high priest for commanding the disciples of jesus to be stoned . object . . acts i. . lord , wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to israel ? it was a current opinion among the jews in our saviours time , that the messias should be a temporal monarch , and redeem them from the yoke of the romans ; as appears from this question of the disciples , who doubtless spake the general sense of the jews ; but they finding nothing in the attempts and actions of jesus tending that way , hence they could not believe him to be the promised messias . answ . christ came into the world , such as he was foretold to be , that is , humble and meek , not with the splendor and glory of an earthly prince , but poor and despicable , a man of sorrows , and without form and comliness ; as it is predicted by zechariah the prophet , zech. ix . . and isa . liii . the end and design of his coming was to appease the anger of god , by devoting himself for the sins of men ; to destroy the kingdom of the devil , and to make one body of jews and gentiles , of which he himself should be the head. and 't is no way fit and agreeable for such an undertaking to appear in earthly splendor and glory , filling the world with blood and slaughter like another alexander or caesar , by the puissance of mighty armies . wherefore the holy jesus being to disseminate and promote the blessed life of god upon earth , shewed his divinity more refulgent by vileness and contempt , his power by weakness and infirmity , his glory by the scorns of men , and his almighty life and virtue by death and the grave . and if he had otherwise descended from the celestial mansions , than the scriptures relate , man had entituled himself to part of the glory of his undertaking , and the more splendid the divine life had appeared to outward view , with the fainter lustre had it shone in itself . besides that that doctrin which christ was to bring into the world , and render acceptable to men by his own example , was quite contrary to the gratifications of the animal life , and too vile and base to be essential to the perfection of human nature . object . . mat. xxvii . . if thou be the son of god , come down from the cross . answ . he that came into the world clothed with human flesh , and in the several actions of his life manifested himself to be a true man , would now in this last act keep a decorum ; that as he was born into the world like other men , partaking really of flesh and blood , and all the frailties and infirmities of mankind , sin only excepted ; so he would die like other men , and suffer a real separation of his soul from his body , that we might be conformable to him in his death , and die unto sin , crucifying all our inordinate lusts and affections , and descending into the grave with him by a profound humility and mortification ; which is a sufficient answer to this insulting cavil of the jews , that if jesus were the son of god , he must needs demonstrate it by a miraculous descent from the cross . chap. iv. that-christianity is every way fitted and accommodated for an effectual recovery of lapsed and degenerated mankind . to this purpose we must consider man as a rational being , endued with liberty of will , and a lord of his own actions , and consequently must be treated according to those faculties and qualifications bestowed upon him by the gracious bounty of his creator . and this being the nature of man , he is not to be dealt withal like a stock or stone , that is wholly inert and sluggish ; nor like a beast that is acted and led only by the impulse of sense ; but as indued with reason and intellect , and capable of discriminating between real good and evil ; and this principle in man cannot be forced without the destruction of his nature , but is allured and drawn by moral arguments . wherefore the design of god in the gospel being to wind men off from sin to a serious pursuit of virtue and goodness , he makes use of such arguments as are most powerful and efficacious for that end , and most sutable to the nature of man : as . what can more deter men from wickedness and vice , than the sober pressing upon them the consideration of a future day of judgment , wherein the just judge of heaven and earth will impartially look into their lives , and dispose of them according to the moral frame and disposition of their spirits ? to them who by patient continuance in well doing , seek for glory , honour and immortality , eternal life : but to them who do not obey the gospel , he will recompense tribulation and wrath. he that is convinc'd that the scriptures are the word of god , must likewise believe , that though god be patient and long-suffering , not willing that any should perish ; yet he is likewise just , and hates all sin whatever ; and to convince all unbelieving and atheistical persons of his displeasure against wickedness and vice , he has appointed a day wherein he will judge the world ; a day wherein jesus christ the blessed son of god shall visibly descend from heaven , accompanied with innumerable legions of mighty angels , before whose throne all wicked men and devils shall stand with paleness and horror , expecting the pronuntiation of that dreadful sentence , go ye cursed into everlasting fire ; which final doom and sentence shall presently be executed upon them ; for through the stupendious operation of the son of god , the infernal treasures of fire shall be opened , and an universal deluge of flame shall spread itself over the face of the aged earth , which shall be cleft and riven by terrible eruptions of sulphureous matter , breaking forth with horrible rage and fury from the lower regions , and this together with showers of fire raining down from thick and pitchy clouds , shall wrap universal nature in a sheet of flame , and complete an external hell , where the worm dieth not , and the fire is not quenched . tell me then , o man , thou that thinkest righteousness but an idle name , on whose hard and stubborn soul a discourse of another life can make no impression ; where will be the objects of thy love and joy , when the heavens shall be dissolved , the elements melt with fervent heat , and the earth with all the works therein be burnt up ? what shall support and bear up thy dying hopes , when all sensible things shall perish in this dreadful conflagration ? thinkest thou that the holes of the rocks , or the secret caverns of the mountains can hide thee from his eye which pierceth through obscurity ; who is every where present by his mighty power , and to whom the night is as bright as noon-day ? or will that just judge , who sits upon the life and death of all the sons of adam , be bribed with thy gold and silver , when the whole world is his , and the fulness thereof ? surely nothing but righteousness will then deliver from death , nothing but innocence and purity , white as the beams of light , can save the souls of men from eternal destruction : wickedness and sin like a talent of lead shall sink down those souls that have delighted in it , into that sulphureous lake where a most acute and searching pain shall stick close to them , and unspeakable torments weary their restless ghosts for ever . a sad and pitiable calamity ! but as just as great ; for the blessed author of all things does not make laws to ensnare the creation , nor does he directly and primarily intend punishment , but has entailed that upon disobedience , that men might consider and beware , and in time provide for their reception into all that happiness god made them for , and which he by threatning punishment , so affectionately desires they should enjoy . . that there might be nothing wanting to enforce the foregoing consideration , the scripture manifestly resolves our good or ill being in the other life to depend upon our deportment in this . it is in this life that we lay the trains of our future happiness or misery , and every moral action has an influence either good or bad upon eternity ; and here it is that we have a vital union and conjunction either with hell or heaven . to be born into this world , is not only a punishment , but a state of probation to us mortals , wherein he that acquits himself generously and nobly , fighting manfully against the world , the flesh , and the devil , and returns with the spoils and trophies of his conquered enemies to his beloved lord , shall be crowned with an eternal weight of glory ; but he that through faint-heartedness and cowardice yields himself a willing captive to his lusts and corruptions , sparing those rebellious sins and affections , with whom the captain of our salvation has sworn war for ever , he combines and unites himself to a living hell ; and no sooner is his soul dislodg'd from its earthly fabrick , but it descends into those regions of bitterness and sorrow , with which it so wilfully sought a cognation and affinity in this life . and he that will but patiently lend an ear to this , cannot so obstinately forsake his own good , nor delay and put off his repentance by imagining the day of judgment a great way off , and not likely to overtake him : for no sooner has death disseized him of his terrestrial tenement , but that universal nemesis which pervades the whole world , will fatally convey him to such a place and society , as he had prepared and accommodated himself for here on earth . and he that obstinately rejects the counsel of god , and sets at nought all his reproofs , will find that the wrath of the lord can reach him , and he will have little or no possibility left to better himself in the other world. . for the more ingenuous sort , who are rather attracted and won by the expressions of kindness and love , than the fear of external punishment ; what can more prevail with them , than to behold the ever-blessed son of god , who lived in the boundless tracts of truth and righteousness , forsake those celestial mansions , and come down and take a body of flesh and blood , and here lead an obscure and evanid life , persecuted and afflicted , never seeing good days , but always carrying an heart full of pensiveness and sorrow , and at last die a painful and ignominious death upon the cross ; and all this to recover and free the race of mankind from the tyranny and slavery of sin ? what can this but beget a suitable return of love in every ingenuous soul ? what kind heart is there that this spectacle will not fill with tears of love and joy , and with the most endearing expressions devote itself to a faithful obedience of so compassionate a saviour ? . the promises of the gospel are most suitable means for the reinstating men in the possession of gods own life , that possibly can be offered to the world. for he that considers how deeply vice and iniquity are radicated in our very natures ; and what great diligence and care is required to extirpate even a single habit , which of a long time hath gotten an entire and full possession of our minds ; and withal reflects on the crazy and sickly state of our most generous and manly faculties , how bedwarfed and unable they are to resist , through a continued imbibition of a sweet poyson from sense ; cannot but conclude the evangelical oeconomy would be very lame and imperfect , were it not instructed and furnish'd with arguments sufficient to countermand and outbalance the importunate solicitations of the degenerate principles of unrighteousness and sin. and indeed were not a crown of glory the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our holy faith , were not virtue countenanced with an appendent felicity , the face of the world would now appear as squalid and deformed , as in its first and greatest brutishness and barbarity : for who would seek the renovation of decayed righteousness , or who would entertain afflicted and oppressed holiness , if its reward did not fully answer and compensate whatever troubles , difficulties , and molestations do attend it ? who would buy religion with the expence of all his temporal interests , nay of his life itself , if he were not assured the happiness laid up for holy and incorrupt souls , did infinitely transcend and exceed the choicest pleasures and gratifications that are to be met withal in this region of mutability ? and that such a course and order of things should be taken , is not only a merciful provision of the good and wise creator of all things towards us sons of sense , but gives us a full evidence and assurance that his intentions for the recovery of the world are real and sincere , and renders unsuspected the grand dispensation of christianity . for had the gospel propounded only intellectual notions , and solicited our choice by things most remote from sense , while we were so fatally entangled and opprest with the incumbrances of dull mortality ; such a design would rather confound and amaze the faculties and capacities of men , than prove any whit serviceable for the regaining their antient liberty and command ; like a potent and vigorous light set before weak and distempered eyes , which rather blinds than affords them a true and faithful discrimination of objects . wherefore divine wisdom hath treated the sons of men after a sensible manner , and engaged them by arguments that more forcibly strike their fancies and imaginations , and have a greater influence for the promoting the indispensable duties of sanctity and truth , than any terrestrial pleasure can possibly be allective to the contrary . 't is true , if religion could consist with avarice , vain-glory , and ambition , the covetous miser who rips up the bowels of the earth for treasure , and spins out his life in a golden thread , would become a proselyte ; and he who seeks to ride upon the shoulders of the multitude , and lives upon the air and breath of popular applause , would need no inducements to turn christian : but when things go directly contrary , and he that will be a sincere disciple of the son of god , must crucifie his rebellious lusts , and descend into the grave of mortification , and cashier every inordinate motion and desire that hinders or any way obstructs his approach to so inestimable a good , as the possession of the blessed life of god ; and this not to be done without indefatigable industry and care , and as it were a dilaceration of himself from himself , that is , a forcible subjection of that grand principle of our apostasie and deviation from god , which is so mischievously powerful , to the commands and laws of our superior life ; there is no man can doubt , but that the promises of the gospel are infinitely necessary , in order to that weighty design eternal wisdom seeks to carry on by the promulgation of them to the world. which promises we may refer to these three general heads , . pardon of all our sins upon a true repentance and sincere conformity of our minds and spirits to the will of god. and this was the great end of christs coming into the world , that he might reconcile it unto god , and assure guilty sinners who had made themselves obnoxious to divine wrath and displeasure , that if they will return to their loyalty and obedience , and express an unfeigned repentance by sincere purposes and resolutions of a new life , god will forgive their past trespasses , and remember their iniquities no more . the whole gospel , what else is it , but a free and gracious declaration of pardon and forgiveness to the world ? which , as it takes away all direful and jealous thoughts , which criminal persons through a conscience of their own guiltiness and sin , and frequent presages of divine vengeance , are apt to retain of god ; so it gives them a true and faithful representation of his nature , that he is no dreadful and hurtful being encircled with tempests and devouring flames , no tyrant whose arbitrary love or hate are the rules and laws of his government ; but an almighty goodness whose pregnant fecundity gave life and being to the whole creation , and studiously endeavours the conservation of all things in all that happiness their natures are capable of . this was it to which the holy jesus bare witness , and published to the sons of men by going about doing good , and diffusing a spirit of real righteousness throughout the world : he took it upon his death that this was true , that god did infinitely desire the reconciliation of the world to himself , and that not for any self-ends or designs ( for what can accrue to him who is infinite life , and eternally possessed of whatever speaks perfection ? ) but for the sole good and welfare of things themselves , that every being might obtain that place and order in the universe , and enjoy all that felicity to which it was at first intended , and from which nothing but its own wilful wretchedness could degrade it . for gods justice is nothing but his goodness , power , and wisdom imployed for the maintenance and conservation of what is eternally just and right ; and if this may be done without extremity and rigour , his goodness doth as much oblige him to take the gentlest and mildest course , as any man can pretend his justice for exact punishment and severity . but that all the attributes of the deity might be at once secured , and fallen man restored to a capacity of being made happy again , christ appearing in human nature hath undertaken the cause of man , and given himself a ransom for all , the punishment due to us being transferred on him , and through the sacrifice and death of jesus , god is upon terms of peace and friendship with the world , and proclaims a free indulgence to all who will lay down their hostility and rebellion , and become obedient subjects to his kingdom . god takes no advantage against any man to destroy him , and 't is a horrid impiety in us , to suspect him of treachery and deceit ; and to represent god to our minds in such a fearful garb and image , as eternally wishing the destruction of the greatest part of his creatures , is no less idolatry , than to fall down and worship the works of our own hands . . the powerful assistance of gods spirit to enable us to perform his commands . when the great love the holy apostles bare to the lord christ , made them sorrowful for his departure , they supposing he would then leave them to the mercies of a faithless and perverse generation ; he takes compassion on his charge , and assures them that when the time comes that his bodily presence should be withdrawn from them , he would not leave them destitute and forsaken ; but send the comforter , the spirit of truth unto them , who should not only perform the office of an advocate , in pleading and maintaining the justice of his cause against the unrighteous world , but be a principle of love and purity in their hearts , and conduct them through the various windings and obliquities of error and falshood into the plain and easie paths of truth and righteousness . and for a confirmation of this promise , he appeals to common sense and the evidence of all mankind ; if ye who are evil know how to give good gifts to your children , how much more shall your heavenly father ( from whom all creatures proceed , and upon whom they depend more intimately , than faculties and actions upon the principles from whence they flow ) bestow his holy spirit upon them that ask it of him ? wherefore that no man might despair , and count it an impossible thing to atchieve a perfect victory and conquest over his lusts and corruptions ; god has promised , that the business shall not be transacted by our own single effort and solitary endeavours ; but that we shall have the powerful aid of his blessed spirit , than which nothing can be a more vigorous encouragement . for what can resist his almighty energy and virtue ? or what can be so stubborn and refractory , that he cannot render sequacious and obedient , who at first brought all things out of nothing ? be our lusts never so mighty and gigantick , and the powers of darkness never so resolutely armed against us , yet the strength and assistance derived to us from heaven , is able to put to flight all our enemies , and make us perfectly victorious . the spirit of god is no dull and sluggish principle , but a quick and active life ; and into whatever soul it enters , it is perpetually cleansing , and purifying , and refining it , till it have wholly extirpated and destroyed whatever beats no similitude with itself , and rendred the whole man an immaculate temple for the manifestation of its own glorious presence . let no man then pretend an invincible infirmity , or that he is fatally bound and enslaved to sin and vice ; for if we would but excite those powers god has given us , and by ardent breathings invocate the gracious auxiliaries of heaven , there would be wonders wrought upon our souls , the strength of our corruptions would abate , and our furious passions be restrained and reduced into discipline and order . . the last general head is the promise of a future and blessed immortality in heaven , when this present life is ended . the blessed jesus , while he lived upon earth , did not wholly obscure his glory in the mantle of flesh and blood , but gave a notable specimen of that efficacious life and power , which as he himself was already possessed of , so all those that believe in his name should hereafter be endued withal , which should melt their corruptible into incorruption , and translate them to the quiet and peaceful regions of immortality ; in his transfiguration upon mount tabor , which was enough to call off the thoughts and cares of men from the trifling concerns of this world , and teach them , that there was a better portion to be expected for all the sons of god and virtue in the pure and undefiled mansions of heaven , where dwells nothing but truth and goodness : but the most lively and pregnant evidence of the future subsistence of our souls , was his glorious resurrection from the dead , whereby as he was declared to be the son of god with power ; so it gives us a full assurance and convictive demonstration , even to outward sense , that the comfortless chambers of the grave shall not for ever detein us ; but that when he who is our life , shall appear and summon earth and sea to deliver up their dead , and open the secret receptacles of souls ; then shall all holy and righteous persons appear with him in glory , and take possession of their long expected joy , and receive the just recompence of all their pains and labours ; an inheritance incorruptible , undefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserved by a gracious providence in the heavens for them . all power is committed into the hands of christ , who hath vanquished death and hell , and captivated all the powers of darkness , and begotten us to a lively hope , that when we shall put off our mortality , and be released from all terrestrial pressures and incumbrances , he will cloth us with an heavenly body like unto his own body of light and glory . but lest we should undo ourselves with fruitless expectations , and flie to heaven in our vain dreams of salvation , before our sincere conformity to gods blessed will and commands has rendred us capable of that pure and holy state , fancying we can read our names written among the stars , before we have learnt the precepts of a holy life , god hath annexed conditions of obedience to all his promises , and resolved that no man shall be crowned , but he that with courage and perseverance maintains the war against sin and hell. and indeed the reward that is promised to all virtuous persons in the gospel , hath so great affinity and agreement with holiness , the condition of it , that in the nature of the thing itself , he cannot be capable of the one , who is not aforehand invested with the other : for what is heaven , but a state of spotless love and purity , where no envy nor malice straitens and contracts the boundless and enlarged , no clouds of passion or disordered lust obscure the brightness of that eternal day , where the sun of righteousness neither rises nor sets upon the horizon of time , but remains vertical for ever ? and now what concord can possibly be imagined between such transcendent beauty and glory , and the deformity and ugliness of the frame and temper of an unrighteous mans spirit , where every thing lies cross and untoward ; and his unruly desires , like the boisterous waves enraged by a sudden storm , sweep the bottom of his polluted soul , and throw up so much mire and dirt , that it defaces whatever is comely , and leaves not the least emblem of heaven to be discerned in it ? this is the grand importance of the promises of the gospel , which is enough to demonstrate the prudent care and dear affection of the son of god to the children of men , and a sufficient manifestation of the great ingratitude and unworthiness of those who do not believe in him , that it is not the want of reasons or convictive arguments , but their own careless and wretchless neglect of consideration , that makes them deaf to such charms of love , and stupid and unmindful of so important interests . but men seldom want objections against that which they have no mind to believe ; against this therefore 't is said , that if the promises of that eternal reward , christ has made to us in the gospel , be so framed as to be inevident to men , and leave them place of doubting ; it will be no such great crime in wicked persons , not to believe those promises , and so not to embrace them . to this i say , ( . ) that the gospel leaves no such place of doubting , as to make infidelity or a disbelief of it excusable . for unbelief can then only be excusable , when there are really wanting such arguments , as may beget faith in a rational and unprejudic'd person : but the gospel and the promises thereof being sufficiently confirmed by such prevalent reasons , as are apt to acquire belief and credence from an unbias'd nature , the pretended inevidence , where there is no just cause or suspicion of doubting , cannot at all patronize infidelity , nor be a reasonable ground to act contrary to what belief would otherwise incite them . it s true , were the arguments for the disbelief of the promises of life and salvation equal to , and strong as those that perswade us to the belief of them , there would be some colour and appearance of reason for rejecting them ; but when there can be no such doubting or fluctuation of judgment , as proceeds from an equilibration of arguments on both sides , it is impossible that infidelity should have any rational apology . for what can be more convictive , than to have some holy and divine person come into the world , who should by many infallible miracles , wonders , and signs , give an evident proof that he came from god ; and for a full confirmation of his doctrin , rise from the dead the third day after the suffering a painful and ignominious death ; and to shew that he was no spectrum or illusive phantasm , conversing with his disciples for the space of forty days , and afterwards ascending in their presence into the highest heavens , there to rule and govern his church till the end of the world ; to testifie which his apotheosis , he sends down his holy spirit upon his apostles , and enables them to speak with tongues and do miracles : which scheme of providence doth so palpably evince the interposition and efficiency of a deity , and that all these things hapned by his actual concurrence , that he must on purpose blind his eyes , who will not see it . . all the place of doubting , which is left to us in the belief of the promises of the gospel , is no other than what may be in the highest moral certainty imaginable . it only leaves a possibility that , notwithstanding all the arguments brought to confirm it , it may yet be otherwise . every thing is not capable of a mathematical demonstration , but the ways of probation are different according to the diversity of subjects . and certainly , he will be a very imprudent man , that will neglect an important affair , to the undertaking of which he hath highly probable reasons , only because 't is possible it may be otherwise . . it was a great piece of divine wisdom , so to order the gospel that the promises of life and salvation should not be so evident , as those things that are known by sense or demonstration ; but only so far as might conciliate faith in a rational person , that thereby the wicked tempers and dispositions of men might the more plainly be discovered . if the gospel had been so demonstratively certain , so as to exclude all doubting , i. e. possibility to the contrary , all men would have been forced and necessarily good , and all that praise which is due to the embracing of virtue , would have been lost ; but now that men believe , when notwithstanding there is a possibility to the contrary , the trial of their faith will be found unto praise and honour and glory at the appearing of jesus christ . for what praise is due unto him , that believes not out of choice , but from the necessary and demonstrative truth of the thing itself ? let not any man therefore flatter himself with hopes , that this will patronize and defend his infidelity , that it was possible the evangelical promises might be uncertain ; but let him consider , upon what account his faith induces him to act in the affairs of the world. will a human faith be sufficient to perswade the merchant to commit his life and fortunes to the flattering waves , when he knows not but a merciless pyrat or the next succeeding storm may bereave him of both ? will the souldier march all day scalded with heat , or pinched with the northern cold , and expose his body to a storm of bullets and swords drunk with his companions blood , and all for the spoils of an uncertain conquest ? shall this be able to put us upon action , and shall not the belief of the gospel , which is not half so uncertain or inevident as this ? we need no such firm ground to build our faith upon in matters of the world , and therefore we are utterly inexcusable , if we do not believe in the son of god , who hath brought life and immortality to light . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e lib. . contra celsum . cor. . . & . . john . , &c. lib. contra celsum . euseb . praepar . lib. . de praesc . adv . haereticos . lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christ why born of a virgin . of the star. * the same the colledge of priests affirmed of the comet that appeared at the ludi veneris genet●icis instituted by augustus . plin. l. c. . and virg. ecl . ecce dionaei processit caesaris astrum . of the vvise men. christ god and man. the church militant historically continued from the yeare of our saviours incarnation . untill this present, . by william vaughan, knight. vaughan, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the church militant historically continued from the yeare of our saviours incarnation . untill this present, . by william vaughan, knight. vaughan, william, - . [ ], [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed by tho. paine for humfrey blunden, at the castle in corn-hill, london : . in verse. the first leaf is blank. p. misnumbered . "at least [harvard] copy has errata on aa r"--stc. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church history -- poetry -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the chvrch militant , historically continued from the yeare of our saviovrs incarnation . untill this present , . by william vaughan , knight . london : printed by tho. paine for humfrey blunden , at the castle in corn-hill . . to the right honovrable richard , earle of carbery . the argument . the authour here my noble lord acquaints what paths they tread who lead the lives of saints , what comforts he shall finde , what good successe , while he walks in the new-mans diocesse . i sound not forth old souldours turn'd to swine by harlots charmes , by fulsome cheere or wine ; but the new-borne ( a theame to worldlings strange ) ● sing the minds more then the bodies change ; i sing the churches change , eclipse , decrease , her east , and west , with her full moones encrease . such newes i blaze , which no good protestant shall justly taxe for sparkes exorbitant , like to those brats expos'd to brambles flame by midwives doome to hide the parents shame , or those , for which of late our pauls church-yard and smith-field in the spoiles with vulcan shar'd . truth smites the chast : while wantons long to heare false tales , at which they nod , or fondly ieere , fooling away the time , their pretious time , lent them for better use in prose or rime , to win some strayes by meanes of vertuous books , not soules to tempt with fornications hookes . there , with much gall gulls one another flout : hoere for mistakes , the lie , or toyes they pout , forgetting satans ambush for good wits , tongues trip , pens blur , none free from passions fits , and yet for words and names , externall things , they persecute their christian mates with stings , ●ill tir'd at last with conscience-griping cares , both parties howle within the divels snares . others by lines and cubes aspire to know the higher orbes , or in the globe below they levell spires , the climates , or the lawes , ●nto whose depth they pry no more then dawes ; and yet to gaine applause , or golden fees , they hope for swans to chop their gaggling geese . some court faire dames with fancies madrigalls , chaulking the way to paphian lupercalls , which they frequent with uncontrouled lust till honour , wealth , and health lye in the dust. sometimes pelagian-wise they ruminate on mans free-will , and the predestinate , till they from grace quite excommunicate doe pitch on hell , and on the reprobate . now , of long-handed kings the mounted state , anon , their slips or fall they personate with satyres sting , untill themselves are stung ; or else they sooth great men with glozing tongue , untill they feele worse racks with conscience sear'd , then poets faign'd for stroaking of joves beard . some other whiles they dare more curious peepe into the concaves of th' infernall deepe , of limboes vault , or purgatories paine redeem'd for gold the long-white robe to staine . with such bald stuffe most writers doe oppresse , in hope to purchase fame , the printers presse . which shewes , that soules , like seas tost with unrest , wave , till they set into gods port of rest ; or else that they , like swine , fall to worse seas then gaderens for their prodigious pleas , remonstrances , and problems , which they pend , of rampant zeale the churches peace to rend ▪ so busie is mans braine : it alwayes workes and seekes to know what from the sences lurkes , abstruse and hid , like planets moving still ; but in default of objects good or ill , because it findes no businesse from without , turnes monke within , an ideot , or a lout ; or on it selfe with atomes and chymeres playes whirligig , untill it ends in feares , distractions , lies , and schismes , just penalties due for the search of knotty novelties . for want of grace , and of celestiall armes , sighes , teares , & vowes , thus by the serpents charmes are men seduc'd old adams tree to tast , and with vaine fruit to break their needlesse fast. because gods word , whereby they might be sav'd , they slighted , 't is no marvell though they rav'd . but our new man wean'd from the carnall teat by truths calme breath , the flaming paraclete , with drier braine holds a cleere intellect , so solid , that he others can direct a safer course of knowledge to affect then what the wind-mill grinds of satans sect. though natures sting in our originall hath made us prone into the snare to fall : yet we new-borne fight with the spirits sword , and triumph by the second adams word over the dragons false enchanting arts , with constant faith repelling all his darts , those sober cates contenting our repast , which lawfull are for tender soules to tast . we would seeme inward more then outward wise , yet both addresse with saints to sympathize . for carnall samians transubstantiate change , ( the old mans quirk ) the new man we exchange . instead of lethes lake , or phlegeton , ●e tophets paine sing due to babylon . for limbus patrum , or th' elizian camp. gods paradise for saints renewes our lamp. a dolphin bore arion from the seas ; ●mphions harp , they say , did thebes appease : but jesus christ the third day to have rose from josephs tombe , we really disclose , or by a whale we jonas bring to land , who niniveh converted out of hand . for cerberus , we blaze proud satans losse ; for hercules his club , our saviours crosse. for triviall tales , and sence-alluring toyes , we read on bookes soule-ravishing to joyes . for thalmuds we the scriptures native sence ; and for nice schoole-mens glosse , in our defence , we can produce by truths prerogative the chiefest starres of the church primitive , or those , who in the last and present age with volumes rare repair'd our new mans stage . to banish humane lies , and brain-sick dreames , what tree more full ? what field yeelds riper theames then christ his life , and the new testament ? or in her swathes the churches fragrant scent ? this lady here my new man warbles forth , though fully not according to her worth , yet so , my lord , that you may cleerely see : though she was long obscur'd , she now raignes free , cloath'd with the sunne , crown'd with a dozen starres , and no eclipse you from her influence barres . but out alasse ! how many boast of faith ? who never markt what christian scripture saith : for what is faith without good works , or fruit , but a dead stock ? not worth a moores pursuit ? unlesse he dreames of mechaes fond delights ? or millenairs to snare voluptuous wights ? or of vaine works of supererogation , soules to bewitch with babels fornication ? our saint is not with such conceits defil'd , nor turnes with such extravagances wild , for he well knowes , that as good trees will bud , and beare good fruit , so saints doe alwayes good , and never scorne to greet the simplest man ; to call home strayes they labour what they c●● . such is our saint the naked he actires , and helps to warme their soules with zealous fires . according to his power great or small , he saves distressed saints from tyrants thr●● . he sues for peaoe , and grieves to see debate . and daily prayes lawes rigour to abate . if he be forc't to law in his defence . he doth it without spl●●n , or saints offence . and if his clapper hap to clatter wild , before sun-set he growes more calme and mild ; or if that filmy piece in others blabbs his shame , he counts it like the noise of drabbs . he sets not out his lipps to farme , nor slander , nor lets his tongue before his wits to wander . he holds his word as pretious as his seale , and scornes false cards unto the least to deale . he dares not plot revenge , nor scoffe , nor raile , but beares with knaves and fooles for saints availe . he covets no mans goods , but if at play he winnes , he gives it to the poore away . he spends his vacant howres in thrifty course , lest idlenesse corrupt him worse and worse . he prizeth coine but excrementall drosse , and toiles for others good , though with his losse . he doth his best to curbe promooting scribes , lest god require of him their winkt-at bribes . at night he scores the deedes he did that day , and the next morning scowres their rust away . the sabbath , like the puritan , he waighes , and , like the papist , keepes the fasting dayes : the former mindes him of the spirits mart , the latter helpes to stint the sensuall part. he daily strives so to compose his minde , that seldome him doe idoll-passions blinde , nor cause him long to doat on pleasures shape , be it a horse , or hawke , a dog , or ape , he kindly speakes , meanes well , doth good to all , but most to saints , and helpes up them that fall . god root these works in me , lest whilst his way i others teach , my selfe a cast-a-way become , like him , anothers floore that sweepes , and yet his owne new house most nasty keepes . the heart still moves : it loves and spreads with joy or wrung with gall and griefe it feeles annoy . the former flow , because gods flames inspire it , the latter chance in absence of his spirit . of these affects our inward man partakes , amidst his joyes sometimes his spirit akes : yet his griefes smart spring not for worldly cause , but for mens breach of the creators lawes , for the encrease of idols , avarice , of drunken healths , or the like heath'nish vice , for concords breach , for christian blouds effusion , for losse of time , our talents vaine profusion ; or else because he sees the church of christ opprest by fiends , and saints by antichrist . sometimes he feeles strange qualmes , neer destitute of zeale-bred heat , till entring to dispute with his proud foe , he like one cheer'd with wine , threats him with thumps , to make his pride decline : he calls him monster , belly god , and slave , and vowes his fare to shorten , if be ra●e : with davids sling he knocks gollahs down● , for standing out against his masters crowne . though he enjoyes an outward faire estate , and seemes to some to be most fortunate ; ●et in his mind he waighes the cause , th' event , mens frailty , and his owne coincident , whereat he lion-like for braver prey his courage lifts at full , not giving way to poore conceits , but to the noblest end ▪ his cares , his thoughts , and his designements bonds ; which he effects by a new sacrifice to god , who gave those undeserv'd supplies with knowledge of his mysteries divine , and prudent rules old passions to confine , when thousands of his brethren want that store , who would perhaps have glorifi'd him more , and never ceas'd , like angels here on earth , to praise those helpes , since others dye of dearth . his spirit scornes that which the body joyes ; and checks that lump , because it did rejoyce in aiery toyes , in things meere transitory , which draw the sence from the bright sun of glory , and like to golden clouds may passe away by humane plots , or by death in a day . he reapes content to see his neighbours thrive , and their amendment doth his soule revive , for he the poorest saint in christ preferre● before the greatest potentate that erres . he ioyes , that he breathes of the common aire ; which is allotted for the saints repaire , with whom he sings , grieves , and communicates , swell for sacred rites , as needfull rates . 〈◊〉 joyes , that he had learned from his youth , ●●ke timothy , the word of sacred truth , ●●at taught to serve one god , one advocate , 〈◊〉 could not brooke of balaams snares to prate . joyes , that he no raking money owes , ●●en what to pay he on short warning knowes , without grim sergeants threats , or suerties thrall , 〈◊〉 without robbing peter to pay paul. 〈◊〉 glories more of soules and bodies health , ●●en in the blaze of honour , fame , or wealth . 〈◊〉 cheere his noblest part he soares aloft , and viewes the starres of holy stories oft ; he courts the of-spring of faire memory , aswell divine as humane history ; by which true glasse he findes how short and vaine those pleasures are , which worldlings hold for gaine , though cause of paine eternall after deuth ; if not before of dolour-racking breath . another while wraths cornet to prevent , which he observes with burning arrowes ●●●t to aime at change , by learned art he strives to blunt their shafts , and into physick dives aswell by prayer as by galens quill , with zealous heart , as by arabian skill , like good saint luke , for the foure humours foule he studies cure , as solace for the soule . for which i●●●●t , and the complexions good he for 〈◊〉 f●●d , which might insta●● the bloud : for what exceedes the temper oily warme , or mayes mild heat he knowes breeds after-harme . lest nature dro●p● , he breathes his park-horse oft , not on the rheumy vale , or marish soft , but on dry hills to suck most wholesome aire , there , with pure gales the spirits to repaire . while gulls fly out with golden wings excesse , 〈◊〉 lives at home content with fortunes lesse , ●●t daring by anothers idoll-store 〈◊〉 mete his wants , where saints do languish more : ●●d if he should lash out in pompe like those , 〈◊〉 pompe and store would cause him after-woes , ●●en the great judge requires his talents use , ●●th strict account of stocks and times abuse . drinks no more then doth a saint befit , ●●d ever riseth with an appetite , ●●r , as a type of blessed abstimence , joyes to sing of diets excellence ▪ ●●d to relate , when girald liv'd , that they ●f cambriaes soile did feed but once a day ; ●s how the greekes thought platoes tale a lye , that twice a day they meal'd in sicily . no beauty , wine , nor musicks harmony ●ontents our saint more then good company , knowing their vowes , and mutuall hearts consent availe him more then worldlings blandishment . to end his joyes , on this he sets his rest : that a good conscience is his daily feast . these harmelesse steps a christian ought to tread and the same life i strive and hope to lead . and if these rules my hopefull nephew scan , he then shall passe for a right noble man , excelling vulgar wits as porcellan , course vessels , as the new the outward man , by vertue rankt within true honours file among the brave heroes of this i le , crown'd with a faire and brighter coronet , then one with gold and pretious stones beset , and be so skill'd in both the fortunes cures , that poore mens cries tend not to you nor yours . while vengeance strikes a nembrodizing lord. and his proud race with fates two-edged sword , ●ke mordecai , unwearied in your wayes , ●●u shall we are out on earth most happy dayes ; and after death when they feele endlesse paine , ●●u shall with christ in peace for ever raigne . ●●ch blisse pursues a pious-minded peere , and such i hope attends you there and heere , which to seale up , and to set forth your traine , ●eere take your choise of posies various straine : without the new-mans robes none are indeed true noble-men , but borne of mongrell seed . to be borne great , great honour some esteeme it : but to doe good i greater honour deeme it . vertue so farre excells sires heraldry , as doth day-light the darke , the sap the dry. a noble minde surmounts a noble birth ; but who hath both-shines like sunne on earth . magnus honor nasci praelustri stemmate , major stemma piis factis nobilitare suum . " quantò lux tenebras , siccum vel succidus hum● tanto depictos mens pia vincit avos . " virtus naturam superat , sed amictus utrisque dotibus ut lumen solis in orbe nitet . the chvrch militant here on earth fovnded and renewed by ovr saviovr christ . who is this that comes from edom , with red garments from bozrah ? esay . . the argument . the church is built on christ , who under-went the curse , rose up , and then to heaven went. this wonder-rapt some angels of that spheare , that they with ioyes speake of his comming there . in paradise the church of christ began , whē after breach god opened unto man the hopefull meanes , whereby he might deface the sting of sinne , and bee restor'd to grace ; if on the promise of the womans seed man would rely , he might redeme his deed. but bloody cain with his accursed race went whoring after satan , sleighting grace . and then the church in seth , methusalem , in noe and his arke , in godly sem and iaphet fix't : from whence no liking cham she downeward past to iob , and abraham , and settled in the circumcized ligne , vntill the promis'd seed with light divine and gospels sound arriu'd , graft things anew , and by his crosse our charter did renew . the gentiles then by his apostles blest from heaven gain'd the holy ghost for guest , to cheere their church , within her to reside , and evermore her christian broode to guide , as long as they him for their rock protest , whome peter thrice for all his mates confest . so thousands did with angels gifts encrease from age to age , and found in conscience ease , as testify the pulpet and the presse , which holp our church to bloome with good successe . others , since the word late came in vse , ●pir'd have wrot and preacht of faiths abuse . 〈◊〉 so likewise we see , that in our dayes 〈◊〉 feele the heate of that bright spirits rayes . 〈◊〉 them our new man reapes the fruits of truth , ●●●nsformes old wily age to saintlike youth , ●●y for eve , for adam christ he sings , ●●ose blood then abels speakes forth better things , ●●rancing soules with gifts propheticall , ●●d otherwhiles with numbers sphericall , ●●at by those meanes and sweet enchanting layes ●●ey might confirme themselves , as call home strayes . ●irst like babes with bells , smiles mixt with threats , ●weanes the weake before their sence he bea●es ●●th zealous charmes from worldly vanities , ●●apting them for purer qualities , ●hich our good sire with metaplastick mould ●●nds ready to infuse more fine then gold. this prudent course some take in verse as prose for stilling swarming bees , or stubborne foes , to winne applause to their more waighty work , which in their braine , like ember'd fire , did lork . they tickle first with smooth conceptions youth , laurell their name ▪ and then gaine roome for tru●● to spread without repulse , or sowre distast , before they dresse rare manna for their tast , clozing their feast with healths from sions fount like petrarch , beza , and m●randols count , who with ripe fruite by good mens suffrages ransom'd their froth , and greener passages . such wits i wish with lines of sacred truth from carnall dreames to scare our straggling youth and such i hope by grace here to produce , as types of vertue drawne for holy use . ●n the lords day , though not with full content , ●ate sung christs from olives mount ascnt 〈◊〉 to that orbe , whose height no earthly scribe 〈◊〉 by the booke , or astrolabe describe . though galilees new glasse a world espies within the moone , yet moone-sick are the spies , while clog'd with flesh , not spirit-rapt , they pry ●o gods thrones transcendent mystery . 〈◊〉 heav'n i glaunc'd , wherein his man-hood rests , ●●eparing roome for his beleeving guests , who su'd to christ , mens advocate alone , ●ot parcelling his worship into halves , 〈◊〉 iewes for moloch , baal , and golden calves ; ●hat so the sabaoths change at pentecost ●ucceede with gifts sign'd by the holy ghost , the comforter , which should the church renew , and grace thenceforth the gentile and the jew , till the returnes , as man-emanuell within the cloudes to iudge the world and hell ▪ here now againe with fiery flights i horer , and his ascent more spaciously runne over then i did late , because our church hath drest and cookt upon another day this feast . the way of christs up to gods orbe ascention transcends above fraile natures apprehention . i dare not wrest , christs body , nor confine his god-head . there , he raignes a man-divine , as man he s●es for men. as god he sends the holy ghost to gratifie his friends , and by infusion heere his church to grace , if we beleeve , and love and pray for grace . although as god his presence never ●ayles us , his bodies absence heere yet more availes us , as he is man , or else his bodi●s sight had made us carelesse of the spirits light. his manhood by his owne experience saw our natures weakenesse , & how fiends would draw vs from gods will , and from true innocence , whereby none could avoid hells pestilence . unlesse himselfe did stand within the gap ●etwixt our sinnes and wraths fierce thunderclap ; ●nd that made him remove his person hence ●o heaven , there to ease our punishments , ●y suing to gods grace , as advocate , ●hat for his sake he would repayre our state. great were the angels ioyes , when iesus came ●n humane shape with such imperiall fame vp to th' empyrean sphere , where none before of that new forme could like a phaenix soare . ●s by his crosse lay husht hells damned crowd , so wondring heere some angels sung alowd : what 's he that mounts , and sits on gods right hand , with bozraes robes , come from red edoms land ? clad like to one , who hath the winepresse trod , yet looking like unto the sonne of god , who did ride on the cherubins and fly , yea , fly upon the wings of winds most high ? perhaps he is a new melchisedeck , gods spouse to grace , or her with gemmes to deck ? or else the cause of this new mans ascent might be her vowes and offrings to presert ; or for her strayes to sue as advocate , those whom the gospels light reclaimes of late . his comming here with such triumphant port doubtlesse to men salvation doth import . this mystery and ioyfull spectacle above all wonders prove a miracle vnparalell'd , that by divinity infus'd in flesh , men gaine eternity ; and that the gentiles , as the iewish tribes , in truths rare secrets grow most learned scribes , pertaking grace without disparity , made onely iust by faiths dependency , not by their owne , but by anothers deedes , t is strange how they are clear'd of their misdeedes . what sparkling eyes more beautifull then wine ? ●●ose teeth like milke ? whose body lookes divine ? ● mild aspect , yet of s. michaels strength ●●epard , to plague and foile our foes at length ? ●hose haires more white thē wooll , or the full moone ●●d whose bright face outshines the sun at noone ? ●hose voyces tunes like silver brookes resounds ? ●●d whose faire feet like finest brasse doe sound ? ●hat is he ? a prophet ? prince ? or peere ? ●ho in mans shape climb'd up our highest sphere ? ●●d there instal'd with the divinest light ●●eares now a crowne more bright then chrysolite ? what can he be then said others , the lord , ●ho to save men became th' incarnate word ? ●nd having led on earth an humble life ? ●e hath trod on the dragons crowne of strife ? who preacht to soules with hideous mists perplext , ●et for his love by his owne nation vext , who slaine at last by romes authority , yet spite of hell rose up with majesty ? this new man god the third day rais'd from dead to be our king , and comforts more to breath ; who made light things , or spirits , to descend , now upwards holp christs body to ascend ; whose body now we see incorruptible , most glorious , new , of strength invincible , divine aswell as humane , not with hands of mortalls wrest , as errour understands . yet his long hands , i meane , his spirits armes , extend to shield his church from deadly harmes . his clearest eyes all penitents behold , and his white teeth doe temperance infold . his silver haires his knowledge ripe declare , and his bright face foretells his favours rare . out of his mouth flowes truths melodious word , but his just wrath darts forth a lightning sword. from heaven he survayes each holy place , and raps with mystick trance men chang'd by grace at their great feast he is the soules colleague , spirit matcht with hypostaticke league 〈◊〉 really , as in one horoscope ●wo soules that plight with hands their mutual hope , ●hilst up to him with thankes she lifts and heaves 〈◊〉 ravisht thoughts , like wheates ripe eared sheaves , 〈◊〉 captive he hath led captivity , 〈◊〉 gifts to men , and doth their chaines unty , ●●solving quite lewd passions linkes a sunder , 〈◊〉 knots of eeles , or swarmes of waspes by thunder ●preme there he all creatures overswayes , ●●d there in his high manhoods person stayes , ●ill all th' elect , the gentile as the iew , ●al'd up for grace come in , and till they rue ●th shamefull guilt their rancour , guile , & pri●●● ▪ ●ho his pure word and deity still deride . ●is garments red shew , that he trod alone ●he winepresse , how in need him succour'd none . ●is robes likewise resembling bozraes graine 〈◊〉 crimsondipt , imply , that men againe will in his members him oppresse and gore , as they their head and master did before , with aspicke tongues hir'd to empoyson fame with strife and losse , or plots surmizing blame whereby weake natures brood torne by dissention might lose the hopefull use of christs ascention ; or with crosse flames more fiercely violent , them in their lives last period to torment , because false christ's they would not every where kisse , and adore christs body heere , and there . bvt leaving them for antichristians limbs , let us applaud , and greet with ioyfull hymnes the reall forme and body of the lord from mangling now to lasting life restor'd ; this crowned lambe , the first fruits of the dead , whom god ordain'd to be our prince and head : great iesus christ borne on sinnes necke to tread , and to divide the right from the misse-led : the sonne of our iehovah elohim , ●●om saints their saviour call , and none but him ; 〈◊〉 unto him our maker hath resign'd 〈◊〉 creatures sway with power unconfin'd , 〈◊〉 whose dread name all angels , saints , and men ●ust bow , and at his praise vent forth amen , ●ot onely with loude sounding tunes expression , ●t likewise with loves inward flames impression . the new mans cloze of thankesgiving for our saviours ascending up into heaven . ●ll glory be to god for evermore , ●ho with new layes hath multiplied our store , ●nd taught us by the holy gholy to finde where christ remaynes rais'd in his humaine kind . that the new man put downe our carnall sence , 't was well therefore that he departed hence , ●is body rapt till doomesday from our fight , ●et by his great victory infusing light with wondrous gifts on the apostolick , and ever since on the church catholik , or more or lesse , as she with zealous hope dayes turret climb'd , or in nights vale did grope . for these high flames more bright then sunny rayes we sing to three in one , new songs of prayse . the most memorable occvrrences , which ●apned in our christian church , from the thirtieth three yeere of our saviours ●●carnation ; and from the eighteenth yeere ●f tiberius caesars raigne the roman emperour , untill the yeere of our lord . at which time trajan the emperour began his raigne . the argument . behold what thanks from worldlings worse then mad for preaching truth , the chiefe apostles had . ●ot one escapes a sad tormenting fate , which holpe to build at first the churches state . vvhat better fruit can a new sparkling muse produce then holy odes for christians use ? ●hen by th' apostles glasse of peace to chime ? 〈◊〉 from late iarres to scare the world with rime ? o would i could , like roman arato , in english tune such labours undergoe , as might display th' apostles acts and lives , gladding our age with their pure honey-hives ! which spite of drones , false brethren , stormy blast and tortures stood through watchings , vows & fa●● forear'd against the foemen of the crosse , as to prevent from hell ensuing losse . although our latter be not built as well , nor may that church in glory paralell , yet our good will availes in stead of spice , and our new man helps us to sacrifice ; for we have had our martys , like the first , yea , and the living rocke to quench our thirst ; we have beheld the spirits lightning sword ; onely , i feare , we want the flames of love , which primer saints with mutuall heate did move . this want some may with their ambrosian food supply , sound forth , and publish for our good , if , as they have begunne , they warble out ●hat i to bring about do stand in doubt . ●his taske pauls faithfull mate in physicke sk●ll'd , though more for soules then bodies cure , fulfill'd ●cring two workes to greeke theophilus , 〈◊〉 monuments , and by his lamps to us ; 〈◊〉 left them us to shew what legacies ●●e heavens lent for christian sacrifice . ●ence , as his ape , by imitations straine ●ope some light for brittaines church to gaine , ● least to serve as sparkes , babes to revive , ●ho faile for want of torches store to thrive . ●hen that our new-mans sire , the holy ghost ▪ ●●h cloven tongues , like fire , at pentecost 〈◊〉 lighted on th' apostles visible , ●he some times inspir'd invisible ●●s prophets : then faith , love , and christian ioye● ●●ighd delphick dreames , and babels●arring noise ; then , men that learnd no language save their owne amid ' strange folkes rung fo●th the lords renowne and blaz'd his deedes in every forraigne tongue , like angels quire , with sweet harmonious song as perfectly , as they their natives were , so that those aliens stood entranc'd with feare , for how could they but be agast to heare iewes speake with tongs peculiar to their eare. some others deem'd them mad , or drunk with win● till peter prov'd them rapt with joyes divine . he prov'd them rapt by gods immediate rayes , with ectasies above all humane wayes . and not alone the gifts of tongues , but zeale to preach they had , and without drugs to heale . some prophesi●d , some sung , whil'st others told what wondrous acts the lord performd of old. those mystick sparkes , which by degrees we learne god then infus'd , as of more blessings earne , to paralell iob , abraham , salomon , for patience , faith , and wisedome thereupon . 〈◊〉 who can blaze the wonders of that day ? ●e more i muse on them , the more dismay 〈◊〉 spend my sence , lord , rayse up my desires , ● sing th' . event of that dayes glorious fires , ●hich comforted the gentile as the iew , ●rich'd the barren will , made old things new. 〈◊〉 such rare signes came first the mystèry three in one , the sacred trinity 〈◊〉 be more knowne unto the church on earth , ●●d since old rites were past at our new birth , ●at she might name at her solemnities ●e holy ghost colleaged to baptize . ● working we agnize , feele , and admire , 〈◊〉 who but he could stony hearts inspire ? done as with gifts this holy flame appear'd , ●uls chaos melt , and their dull wits had clear'd , ●ds word then from melchisedechs choice towne , ● from the earths fixt meditullium blowne , pierst egypt , greece , damascus , babilon , the temperate , yea , and the torrid zone , where negroes , though of circumcised race , converted by an eunuch looke for grace . the gospell pierc'd each countrey and each towne , truths sound went forth to all the world then know whereby no nation might excuses pleade , but that they might be linkt with christ their head. with like successe the christian faith did bloome , and flourish there where brave triumphant rome prepard the way by morall arts and aw , that grace mens hearts might so the sooner draw . while tatling newes fond athens itch'd to tell , the romans dri'd her aristotles well . these second meanes for planting christian rites , in those dayes much avayld romes proselites . arts usher faith. faith quick by hearing growes , but most of all when the good spirit blowes . there wanted none of these in ancient rome , where vowes & teares for grace had purcha●'d roome . rome was the empires head , great caesars seat , the westernes mother church , where then complete from salem s●one the crosses radiant starre , which in pauls time enlightning neere and farre transferr'd on linus , clemens , anaclete , the martyrs crowne with flaming stones beset , and thence bespred truthes universall course , ●or then all men to tiber had recourse . ●ut though i much commend old christian rome , 〈◊〉 should forget my selfe and christendome , 〈◊〉 that faire towne of memorized fame which first profest to beare the christian name , 〈◊〉 chance to passe by vnsaluted now , not doing homage which all christians ow. had i rich tassoes veine to set her forth , or godfreyes strength to vindicate he●worth , 〈◊〉 would possesse all christians catholicke , that antioch was s , peters bishopricke . and that it well becomes a christian knight , who first bore christian badge to doe her right . i would redeeme her from proud ottoman from mufftie 's sway , and mechaes alcoran . in iowry land arose the gentiles light , from antioch came the name , which fiends doth frig●● and shall out last all names , untill our head , as god and man shall judge both quick and dead , till christ resignes to the supremest mace , to all in all , his intercessors place . this light and name the sire of antichrist , in envie unto man , and spite to christ : with his blacke-guard that were depriv'd of light , and for their pride enwrapt in errours night : they all conspir'd , and strove to prejudice with all their might , the new-mans sacrifice . for this designe , their malice to effect , they seiz'd the wits of annas and his sect . they first plaid on the soules of saducees , ●nd gull'd such braines as idolld golden fees : ●hrist in his limmes to crucifie againe ; and all for pomps support and worldly gaine . the creeple rais'd in iesus christ his name , ●y fishermen , that wonder put to shame the iewish scribes , so that they burn'd for ire , and fear'd least christ might di●● their levites fire , or quite abate their old traditions gaine , which holpe their present glory to maintaine . at first they silenc'd them , and then with gall they thundred out big words ses●uipedall : that if thenceforth they acted miracles in iesus name , they would as spectacles of infamy their bodies publickely afflict , or make them in iaile-shackles ly . but since th' apostles them regarded not , nor car'd for threats , nor scourging , then they shot their church-darts out of excommunications , till a law doctour calm'd their combinations . by this advice , that no devise of man might stop the will of god , do what they can . on this the levites rested for a while , and ceas'd their hande with murther to defile . the which advise if romes late catholikes , had ●aigh'd for them whom they call'd here tickes , rome might have held a reverend mothers sway , she had ere this turn'd easterne nights to day : where ministring now scandall to the turkes , both they and we detest their bloudy workes . for ten yeares space , till claudius casar raignd , the scribes lay still , their spleene a while restrain'd , and seem'd to winke at the apostles fame , whilst in that breathing truce the christian name , the church encreas'd , had all her wants reliev'd , antioch receiv'd , s●maritans believ'd , ioppa ●rejoyc'd , caesare a gained grace , ●●d many iewes joyd of the christian race ; ●well the gentiles , as the circumtiz'd ; ●n'd in one league for christ to be baptiz'd . ●hat good time saints gaped not for gold , ●liv'd in common , their possessions sold , ●●d without guile the price did distribute , ●hereby they barr'd the cause of wrangling suite , ● mine and thine . their care was bread and wine 〈◊〉 sacred use , and for the heavenly vine ; 〈◊〉 build christs church upon the new-mans rock , 〈◊〉 on the sand , false keyes , or stumbling block . ●●at wonders wrought they of stupendious sort ●●ove fraile sence ? or carnall wits report ? 〈◊〉 words they made the cripled wight to walke , ●he dead to rise , blinde see , the dumbe to talke . 〈◊〉 words they strooke a lying couple dead , ●nd blinded one , who men by charmes misseled . through iesus name they wrought such miracles , and freed themselves from tyrants manacles . the fame of such faire deedes in salem rung , as nettle prickes the envious clergy stung . that gentiles should partake with israels tribes of gods good grace , they brookt not without ●i●es they flouted that the new-mans troupes aswell , as their old scribes should ●ame the fiends of hell and the most part , like unto snarling curres in manger lay'd , found fault with others cures . repining thus at progresse of the word , since that no trickes could stop it , by the sword. ●ebedees sonne they caus'd to lose his breath , as they by stoning wrought the deacons death ; by caesars minion king they weav'd their plot , who would have cast on peter the like lot , but that an angel came to free his chaines , to plague with wormes the tyrant for his paines . ●his puts my muse in mind of phillips queene , ●ho wreakd on saints her gall with swelling spleene , ●ill with her gods , her states , and calleis losse , ●e felt the weight of a more heavie crosse ; ●nd of the royall brothers styl'd valois , ●ho di'd in blood for blood , and bloody ioyes , ●riaes rings can testifie likewise , ●hat they have got by belgiaes bloudy cries . more mild yet dealt agrippa with saint paul , ●ot barring him from romes appeale at all , ●t would have join'd with feftus to enlarge , ●nd save for his appeale him to discharge . much lesse would once that sage praetorian peere ●or words & names the iewes mad clamours heare . how many snares with tumultes , spite , and rage did they spread forth for christians in that age ? by all the meanes , which satan could devise , men sought to stop the new mans sacrifice . but all in vaine , like trod on cammomell it grew the more , and with a fragrant smell . not elimas , nor magus with hell charmes , nor could dianaes smith knock down their armes , or quench in them the holy spirits flame , which they conferr'd in jesus christ his name , that like themselves at first enthusians rapt , for holy trances they made others apt . vnwearied they in their vocation went , and acted deedes to arts astonishment . no by-respects to glory , wealth , or ease , no emulations sting could make them cease from the pursuit of the immortall prize ; no servile feares , detraction , nor surmize , could let their maine intent , and ghostly race , from setting forth gods charter of free grace . no choller 's heate , debate , nor casuall brawle . as fell betwixt saint peter and saint paule for iewish rites , as likewise came to passe for chusing mark twixt paule and barnabas ; or as it chanc'd to abraham and lot : their passions sway'd not so , that they forgot the progresse of the word , the worke in hand , but that they ranne , and toil'd by sea and land. in accidentalles , though as men they err'd ; yet , as divines , the substance they preferr'd . their elder man they stoupt in spite of vice , and their new-man went on to sacrifice . here paule and silas preach , apollos there , while barnabas and marke , doe teach else where . mathias , iude , and simon burn'd alike to execute their charge apostolicke . with the like zeale all the apostles rapt transformed soules for mysticke trances apt . they catechiz'd , and sought their saviours praise , their soveraigne ioyes were to reclaime some strayt with constant faith the gospel they did blaze , and daily wrought great wonders of amaze ; till by romes mace the type of antichrist , which slue their master christ , they di'd for christ. in all their deeds they were so farre from pride , that when some gentiles would have deified good barnabas and paul with glorious shout in stead of yeelding thankes they ranne about with cloathes all rent among the wondring throng , and beg'd of them the deity not to wrong , nor by detracting from their makers grace with sacrifice his servants to disgrace . they vilified themselves , tooke up the crosse , contemning pompe and gold , like seumme or drosse . they varnish'd not gods word with glosse of schooles but sought the wholsome spring , not muddy pooles , and spar'd their new built church to interrupt , with knotty doubts of phantasies corrupt . now for a type of their essentiall gare , ● will produce this one example rare , when proselites of pharisaicall sort , would gentiles to strict moses lawes exhort : ●● salems councell the apostles sate , and in few lines resolv'd their questions state : whereas by some ye were perplext with feare ●bout old rites , we warne you to forbeare from meates prophane at idolles sacrifice . from beastly lust , or wives pluralities , from strangled flesh , and shedding humane blood , ●f as your owne , yee carke anothers good : and do abstaine from the said sinnes withall , yee shall doe well . by barnabas and paul. and two of the chiefe brethren moe they sent these pithy actes the gentiles to content . whereby i note on weaklings they impose no heavier yoake then what the new-man chose . they combred not the church with needlesse lawes , nor with traditions superstitious flawes . they could not brooke food drest with satans 〈◊〉 nor at christs feasts to glut their hungry mawes . thus we observe how easie is christs yoak , that to cleare doubts faith beares the soveraign 〈◊〉 faith linkt with love requires us to forbeare , and not for toyes christs seamelesse coate to teare . how wondrously did the good spirit breathe the new-mans gifts , from darkenesse & from death to raise up soules ? and heathen clouds to cleare ? dispersing christs disciples heere and there ? by visions he immediate lighted on cornelius and saint peter , both for one ●●fect , to let the wavering gentiles know , ●●at god tooke care within their hearts to sow ●s seed of grace , which stubborne iewes abus'd , ●●d christ their head , gods husbandman refus'd : ●●d that without respect of high or low , 〈◊〉 loves all them , who to his service bow ▪ ●hat travels did good peter undergoe ? sea and land he did undaunted goe , ●●ough wanting meanes , unfurnished of money , ●t for himselfe to gaine a patrimony 〈◊〉 corruptible mould , or brittle masse ▪ ●●ich like fond dreames in time away doe passe ? 〈◊〉 for his master christ soules wrapt with mists , 〈◊〉 ignorance he made good catechists , ●od catholicks apostolickes he made , ●●●tructing them in his soule-fishing trade . ●●d as some write , when simon with his whore. ●●ene brag'd , hee like a god would soare above the clouds , by peters vowes he fell , and brake his necke , left by his guard of hell. to iewes and gentiles he the gospel taught , but chiefly he the iewes conversion sought ; deputed for the circumcisions charge , unto the elect , dispenst hee shew'd at large the patent of his ●eald apostleship ; yea , and , if fame belies him not , his ship and fishing-nets hee left at tibers streame , where some then so journ'd of ierusalem , as in the acts wee read ; there he baptiz'd , ( if there he was ) till nero tyranniz'd . now whether rome hath cause of him to boast , as for his seate more then the holy ghost , which living peter gave to men of faith , some since have strove , not following peters path● 't is certaint , that he w●re no triple crowne : none kist his foot , nor ●rod he princes downe . 't is knowne , that gold and silver he hast none : a tanners house was of his lodg●ngs one. 't is credited , that to the crosse he bow'd , a kind of death which onely rome allow'd , till : constantine in love to christ for bad this cruell paine and spectacle most sad ; that being old against fraile natures will , others did peter lead his bloud to spill , as christ foretold ; but his crosse-fixed place ( romes empire lay so large ) i dare not trace . but sure i am saint paul in bloudy rome , when nero raign'd , endured martyrdome . there , having twice before that tyrant stood , his faiths defence he sealed with his bloud about the time when that mad bouteseu , had fir'd the city with his wanton crew , because he ●ong'd to sing the sacke of troy , and by such types would execute his toy , to cloake the fact , and stop the mutiny , yet not repenting of his villainy , he authour'd christians of those dismall cryes , and butcher'd them to bleare the peoples eyes . among that guiltlesse troupe then suffered paul , who had fore-wrote what should him there befall . this chosen saint hath left brave monuments unto the church , which satans ambushments can never trap , nor canker-fretting age consume , but they stand firme in spight of rage . in albions orbe an arched stately roome , the chiefest pile , i thinke , in christendome , of pauls sole name , revives his memory , till doomes-dayes blast the river thames shall dry ; in the meane time grave saint-like ministers , accompanied with asaphs quiristers , sing praise to god for gracing of saint paul , who once had beene a bloody-minded saul . of late repair'd it shines with zealous fire , ●s erst with flames rag'd the stupendious spite . blest be their zeale , their cares , and good intent , which have re-built this famous monument , resembling that of salems second one , renew'd by iewes , first built by salomon . like these , so did all christs apostles fish , and on some coast or other never miste to catch for christ some choise and dainty prey , bartholomew and thomas knew the way ●nto the east , and there engrav'd their names . ●aint mathewes paines sev'n flouded nilus fames , and pretious iohn the bel●ll abissine , from him and philip claimes christ a faith divine . achaia vaunts of good saint andrewes cares , with whom he pawn'd his bones , till those rich wares , some scottish saints by a greeke monke redeem'd , them and their worth , like precious gems , esteem'd . while mark from peters mouth gods word compil● , to leave it her , niles alexandria smiles , sea-spousing venice too did sacrifice unto saint mark a goodly edifice . the latter james , christs kinsm●n by the flesh , in salem liv'd , disorders to redresse , where hee , though stiled just , as spectacle of shame , was throwne downe from the p●●●a●le , which satan mov'd to christ. there he expir'd , and roman force the place soone after fir'd , yet hath his fame to after-ages spred , his bishops seat with christians flourished , by princes grac'd , and for antiquity puts antioch downe , and romes priority . at the first councell iame● ●a● president . there , s●in●t cloz'd up the circumcised ren● . in salem ●ate the high commission court , where they decided doubts of most import . galicians since built up a sacred 〈◊〉 at compostell , which later wits profane , adoring ●●mes , as if humanity should offer vowes due to the trinity . about the time of iames his death , to 〈◊〉 the fatall web for sinfull salem spunn● , upon the siege the christian iewes fore-warn'd by oracle from christ , fled thence una●●'d with humane helpes , but guarded by divine supplica , themselves to ●ella they confine , where they on i●rdans b●●ks securely lay , while rebell-iewes were slaine , and fold away . so stood the church with them , who flourish'd first , next christs ascent most pure , untill accurst , the iewish nation for their crying sinne , and hardned hearts deep woes were plu●ged in , and then god pleas'd for iewries unbeliefe , the gentiles to adopt to iewries griefe , and our church seemes to them a stumbling sinne , till all th' elected gentiles be come in : as unto them of antichristian race she seemes , till babel feeles her last disgrace . but why were saints , like christ , so foulely slaint : because the more they suff●red here , more gaine they reape , the nobler crowne in heav'n they gai●● ; and shall judge those , who put them hereto paine . if you would know by times gradation m●c , domitius and domitian yeelds you store ; read tacitus , when rome lay wast with fire , how christians felt the formers franticke ire : some crucifi'd ▪ some burnt , and some were ●as'd in wild beasts skins , by mastives torne and chasd so cruelly , that who did them contemne , in hate to n●●●●s spleene then pittied them . though christians were to manifolded paine , throughout the twelfe yeere put of neroes raigne , ●et like to palme supprest , the more they grew ; the church the more by martyrs did renew . athmos with romes whole empire tells what paine , the church endurd in the last flavians raigne , ●ith greater numbers martyrs calendar ●anonizing then in mad neroes yeare : ●uring which rage some brethren false did rove , the deacons sect , lewd family of love ; ●nd hee that durst afore christs darling bath , ●ut felt the doome of his incensed wrath ; the bath-walls fell , crushd cerinthe underneath , as soone as iohn had menac'd him with death . the occvrrances of the second age from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . at which time severus raigned emperour of rome . the argument . saint john deceas'd , fiends seedes of error sow , yet doth the church , though persecuted , grow , and from her wombe spring up a learned crew of saints , who with their bloud do truth renew . he that desires a saint-like life to lead , let him the steps of ancient fathers tread , who neerest liv'd unto th'apostles times ; thence i collect the course in raptur'd rimes , which christ his church then for her members held what pathes they trac'd , and wherein she excelld , if wee mislike her plainenesse , or their marts , love bids us chastely gaze , and winke at warts ; for like the moon at full , sometimes the church , raignes knowne from her , who lives upon the lurch , dispersed through the world , apostolicke , yet , like our god in three , one catholicke , in sundry shapes repleat with sacred fire ; with many tongues , in spirit yet entire and essence one ; who , though diversifi'd for rites or forme , 〈◊〉 yet ●ustifi'd by faith with him , who tryes mens consciences , beares with their ●●ips , and heares her grievances . returne , quoth hee , ye● people full of strife , who me have wrong'd , like a rebellious wife . alluding to which challenge in his word : before the lord and ange●●s i record , that i beleeve no church on earth this day , then britaines church goes a more knowing 〈◊〉 ▪ in substance pure , and in her good intents , seal'd rightly with the newmans sacraments . and with the best her elders i conferre , yet dare not say her troupes doe never erre , nor brag that shee hath neither mole nor wen , while shee cohabits heere with mortall men : but pray , that she in fruit more pregnant thrive , as shee in shape is like the primitive ; and that with flames of mutuall love wee glow , as forward as in height we seeme to grow . one thing i adde against her foes in briefe , and therewithall to ease our weaklings griefe ; although i honour with my heart and pen , the couneclls , fathers , and the ancient men , who wrote before the seventh century became bewitcht with babels mystery , yet we no more give credit to their lore , their matter , tropes , and topick maximes store derived from old adams double tree , nor further then wee finde them to agree with gods owne word , or oracles divine , dare wee consent with them in every line , for men may erre , yea , learned countells erre by faction● sway'd , as other whiles they were ; and , as eusebius markt , the church began to be unchast , soone as th' apostles ranne the hower-glasse out of their lives pilgrim age , by cerinths toyles , and nicholaites rage ; or by those fogges , which epiphanius brands for heresies of antichristian bands ; or sects , whose augustine expells the mists , be they pelagians , or the donatists . at the new rising of the second age , in the first yeere came trajan on the stage , adopted caesar by good nerv●es choise , broiles to prevent , and cares to counterpoise . in his precedent raigne domitians act against the church in rome was somewhat slackt ; but otherwhere the praetours for their gaine by christians goods escbeat , renew'd againe the old decree , and in their liberties practiz'd on saints their former cruelties . but leaving them a while to racke and rage , i now glance on the wonder of that age. of him i sing , who would have kneeled downe , but was forbod , unto an angel , knowne of all the apostles longest to have seene the churches course eclips'd by tyranis spleene . one while assail'd , anon strong militant iohn saw her curbe conetits exorbitant . thou haft , o glorious saint , beheld her pure , like to the ●unne dispelling clouds obscure . when shepheard pan deceas'd , then oracles from that time ceas'd through christian miracles ; for when tiberi●t swayd , fiends waild their losse , while they shipt tam●● forc'd to bruite ●he crosse , and to proclaime in midland seas with dread : that pan , the great god pan , was newly dead . thou hast survivd thy brethren , and thy mates , thou hast beheld strange turnes of worldly states , the temple sackt , ierusalem destroyd , thy native soile all harried and annoyd , thou liv'st to see weedes of blacke heresies , amidst the church spring up , apostafies grownerife , the saints with persecutions flame scorcht every where , and put to open shame , thou hast out-dar'd a dozen emperours , since thy good lord triumphed over powrs , when thou beganst to shine , tiberius raignd , they saw thy lifes sun-set , whom trajan paind . what dangers , wrackes , and buffetings of fiends , hast thou oft felt ? what snares of glozing friends ? portents to make the patient●● iob dismaid ; thou hast out-liv'd thy charge , the widow-maid , thy mother deare adopted on the crosse , to thee his minion left , to ease thy losse , when therehence out thou tookst her to thy house , as a true nunne , to helpe thy christian vowes . how long shee liv'd with thee , to calculate , an angel must the certaine time relate , or name the place where her blest body lyes , whether she was in body enoch-wise , immediately to heaven assumed up ? or dwelt with iohn till age made her to stoup ? and payd her debt as other mortalls doe to nature , much it skills not us to know ? since now with christ her soule triumphant rests , and as her life deserv'd with him she feasts : admitting no such mediatrix style , or goddesses , as some themselves beguile , that she doth oftentimes command her sonne to heare a sinners suite , or orison ? save that i might be into whirle-pooles brought , or for my guesse be too sagacious thought , i would conjecture at the time when iohn , before the siege of salem undergone , departed into corinth , ephesus , or other coasts , where titus and timotheus , were by saint paul ordain'd to over-see , there , to confirme each saint in his degree , as they by him , who all those churches bare upon his shoulders first , were bred with care. there , he consum'd the remnant of his age , untill to pathmos by domitians rage confin'd , he saw in spirit christ againe , who then and there by revelations plaine to his rapt sence , though hid from carnall braine , did prophesie the future churches staine . for comfort of th' elect the lord appear'd unto this saint , and his wits sences clear'd , to understand what plagues he will effect in the last dayes for his true words neglect . these mysteries christ opened unto iohn , whom he reserv'd so long . and thereupon i humbly glance by leave of holy wits , to whom my muse her raptures here submits : that when one asked christ , what iohn should do ? whether he should remaine behinde or go ? his answer was unto this bold assay . if my will be to have him here to stay untill i come , what matters that to thee ? and long he staid , as all may cleerely see . before his death he did so settle things , that greece his praise aswell as asia rings . in norvaes raigne he came with his release to ephesus , where he deceas'd in peace , while trajan sway'd , as graecian clearks relate , having escap'd an oily scalding fate , impos'd on him by fierce domitians rage , who then exiled him to pathmos cage , where , though cub'd up a while from christians sight , he saw what cheer'd his soule , his masters light. both in his time , and after , soone began the divels plots to scare the christian man , which valentinian and menander spred , and many moe , which weaklings then misled : for whose mistakes saint irenaeus griev'd , two hundred yeeres ere epiphanius liv'd , to blazon them and other heresies , which then obscur'd the new mans sacrifice , after saint iohns decease , till adrian raign'd , the roman praetours still the christians pain'd , who so confirm'd were for the fiery crosse , they fear'd not death , nor paine , nor fortunes losse . the truth when rackt by inquisition strict , that christians much were wrong'd by romes edict , great trajan then did unto pliny write , to mitigate the fiery trialls spight ; yet not to spare them , if they were brought in . ( damn'd policie so cloaking bloody sinne ) in which implicite snare ignatius bound , like christs fine corne , by lions teeth was ground . next after this , the second century points at some saints of glorious memory , as pillars of that age , with whom as chiefe , succeeding those fore-nam'd i ranke in briefe a martyr'd sire of naples palestine , one that foretold his death to antonine , when shortly after did a cynickes hate conclude with flames the swans prognosticate , having first wrote , to calme the emperours spleene his defence , and to romes senatours . in iustines time , which by the yeeres account , since christs ascention up from olives mount , one hundred shone , good christians liv'd content with simple meanes , and scorn'd the blandishment of gaine or pompe , with all false worldly wares : but fixt on christ , and cure of soules their cares . platoes and moores eutopiaes common-wealth , compar'd to them seemes but promethean stealth , phant asticke dreames , or speculations flame , which being unpractiz'd breed the authours shame , they taught and wrought with reall charity , as if that day they were arraign'd to dye ; not like to stoicks dissembling lookes austere ; but against sinne with discipline severe , with vowes and fasts the outward man to tame ; not for repute , or superficiall fame , but with intent to keepe their vessels pure , and to seale up their christian calling sure , they promis'd not but what they did performe , and squar'd their deedes to the apostles forme , such pious deedes with zealous sparkes beset , as i for saints have in my preface set . from justines workes likewise i apprehend the eucharists religious use and end : we take no common bread nor common wine , ( saith he ) but like as christ by the divine bright word became true flesh , and for our good , tooke on him our attire of flesh and blood , so we by vertue of his word , record that food to be the body of the lord ; yet sacramentall wine and sacred bread , which have our soules by the remembrance fed . with this short course the presect of the feast , insinuates vowes into each sacred breast ; they fed with zeale : the throng thanksgiving sing , and deacons did unto the absent bring the consecrated food , that they likewise might have a taste of the soule-sacrifice : such was the ancients forme , to distribute the holy food without quirkes or dispute . in those dayes crosse to food blest by the word , was sacrifice of flesh at heathens boord to idoll-gods , which christians did refuse , by reason of the cursed end and vse , ( as we likewise that carnall food despise , which some create a god at sacrifice ) and yet the food , ere it was so disgrac'd , could not pollute the honest takers taste . so when gods word hath blest ours to record our saviours crosse , it quickens by that word , which full of life breathes spirit , life , reliefe , if it be tane by soules firme of beliefe ; for otherwise the present ectasy doth uanish , and away those blessings fly : they at their feast emanuels presence lose , his presence , whose rare forme some clearks appose . though they beleeve , that christ is god and man , and stiled god with us , his forme they scan , and question , how could paul and stephen see emanuel , while on earth men living be ? as to the pure this mysti●ke trance turnes pure , so t is damnations bait to the impure . and when faiths feast becomes a sacrifice to idoll gods , it tends to prejudice ; for this grave cause good christians doe refuse false altars meate , where satan poison scrues . what shall i write of mark aurelius raigne ? when all his campe distrest for want of raine , were at the point to perish , christians then , by miracle gain'd showres to save his men ? while hopelesse pagans dig'd , by prayers they gain'd in one night what they had toyl'd by day . such wondrous deedes of the church primitive , like those blest showrs , will cause our m●se to thrive , if therewithall we moisten thirsty soules , which long to taste of our nectarean bowles , in hope from bruites to be trasnform'd anew to better shapes , then ovid could renew , or samian forge . our new-man sings more strange , of manners , not of bodies , the exchange . within this age liv'd irenaeus knowne a bishop , where france built her lions towne . he stoutly did the marriage-state defend , whose foes , he writes , blame god and natures end. he taxed romish victors lightnings flash , and qualifi'd his squibs denounced rash , which he presum'd against the east to throw , for easters date with supercilious brow : ( or did perhaps not excommunicate , but barre with them rome to communicate . ) so likewise did grave policrates blame his censure-causing schisme , and christians shame . this reverend man , to win the more applause for his defence of that propounded cause , demonstrated , that his seven ancestours , and he the eighth from those progenitours , were bishops all of ephesus , and held their yearely course of easter unrepeal'd , implying , that his lineall holy race , confirm'd the truth to cleare that wrangling case . next unto those shone athenagor as , tatian , and he , who with his sire would passe to martyrdome , and but for mothers teares partake , like adamant , not shrunke with feares . he gloss'd gods word , & would have bin more priz'd , if he had not too much allegoriz'd . severus sent for him ( such was his fame ) to antioch , where he stuck to christ his name , and blaz'd his word with such rare eloquence , that he return'd by caesar grac'd from thence , dismiss'd with gifts , and courtiers good report , he came againe to the sev'n flouded port , where he much oyle in alexanders towne , consum'd , untill his errour put him downe . where well he wrote , no better writer knowne : where ill , none worse then origen is showne . famous for this : he termes christs flesh and bl●●●● the spirits type , his word soule-quickning food ; most infamous for this : that first he gelt himselfe , and then for feare he should have felt a buggering rape by a black-hired moore , he sacrific'd to idolls ( a farre more scurfe-spreading sinne ) for which with bolts accurst , by alexandriaes church , to teares he burst , whenlighting on a text in salmes towne , and there desir'd to preach , he found his owne unhappy act by lot , nay by divine appointment : how the precepts which are mine , dar'st thou presume within thy mouth profane to teach or read , o thou ungodly man ? upon which text poore origen abasht , with teares his crime and his presumption washt . the state of the bishops of rome during the time of persecvtion , and while they were subject to the emperours . it may be heere some curious wits expect , that i their lives and deedes should recollect , whom priestly votes h●ve voyc'd for roman popes in peters chaire , on whom they sixt their hope● to binde and loose their manifolded cri●e● both then and now , and in ensuing times . but such a taske i dare not undergoe , nor will i have with fraudfull styles to doe : the servant when of servants one proclaimes himselfe , and yet a monarques power claimes . let them who build on flesh and blouds desires , entangling their beliefe with needlesse fires of high ambitious thrones , not warranted by gods deare lambe , who for our sakes here led an humble life : let them i say bow downe before the gold-cross'd shooe and triple growne . but i am sure they no record shall finde , nor chronicle , that mentions in that kinde the least reflexe of royall majesty due to romes popes with both swords soveraignty , untill the french the lumbards overcame , till charlemaine did desiderius tame since phocas time they nine score yeeres before , above all priests the chiefest mi●er wore : since constantines , who phocas did precede three hundred yeeres , a patriarchs sway i read they had heere in our west . but till that time they scarce found space to breath , much lesse to climb , or claime a mace , and to be called lord , a style , which christ forbad , and saints abhorr'd ; for till the raigne of constantine the great , thirty they were , which grac'd romes pastours seat , and of those thirty bishops there were none , but they were slaine , or did through troubles grone . as english saints were in queen maries dayes by tyrants spleene distressed sundry wayes , imprison'd , rackt , and put to open shame , depriv'd of all their goods , and burnt in flame : so christs new church , tho with rare dowries blest , neere for three hundred yeares was sore opprest . caefars without , and herteickes within , did persecute , and plunge her members in so many toiles , that hardly they could meet in private place , nor one another greet with common shewes of neighbours amity ; how then could they thinke on priority ? and stand on points of prelates primacie , without distrust of some conspiracie ? the truth is this : who were styl'd bishops then , they fish'd not for fraile wealth , but soules of men , not to enrich themselves with private store , but like saint paul , the crosse they thought on m●●● from christian caesars they got liberties , but not so great to claime regalities , about the yeare sixe hundred sixty sixe , we finde that rome began to play more tricks then she durst act within the ages past , as paul and john fore-told her breach at last ) and never left to lift her lofty crest , till she gods word had darkned in the west , and dar'd upon the caesars state to prey , the maine great let to her prodigious sway. she never ceas'd to stirre up raging fires , till she at trent concluded her desires , repugnant to the vow , which she profest at her first rise , sixe hundred yeares at least , at such wild fits i onely glance , not carpe ; this taske i leave for an iambicks warpe . the occvrrances of the third age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . at which time dioclesian and maximinus raigned emperours of rome . the argument next to the greekes the latine scribes begin , idolaters unto christs church to win ▪ romes tyrants fret , and saints they martirize . saint anthony into a desart flyes . within this age the church most militant and cautious , strove to shun exorbitant attempts of foes ; one while to secret caves constrained to retire ; sometimes to tame the braves of her owne tribe , domesticke mutineers , shee us'd the spirits sword ; 〈◊〉 the jeeres and flou●ing stuffes of f●rrainers to daunt , which did at her poore robes and altars taunt , she fought against caetilius and his traine , and prov'd their vaunt for outward glories vaine . her state was then unsetled ▪ new , and poore , but time to come might make her flourish more . a thousand of such taunts and fiery darts , a thousand of great dangers , envious arts , by satans plots she daily underwent , while caesars sought their pagan-gods content . the neerer that the church drew to her time of liberty , least that too high she climbe , satan suborn'd his agents in this age , against her race to shew their utmost rage . he knew her thraldomes date to iohn foretold , would shortly end . and that made him so bold . as otherwhiles a woman chast and faire . dishevel'd seemes , or with loose dangling haire : so without art , and in her native dresse the church at first for want of time to dresse , and to compose her outward ornament , came forth to spread her saviours testament , not carking much for superficiall wea●e , but in the heart the new mans gifts to beare ; and yet both chaste and faire she comely shone , with constant faith built on the corner-stone . and though she liv'd and raign'd of men unseen with carnall eyes , yet of good angels seen , heard in the quire , which to the lambe belongs , answer'd by saints with sympathizing songs , nay , seene and knowne of men reborne anew both then and now , who never kneel'd to baal , but to one christ , the saviour of us all , who by his word , and bright di●rnall light , hath late disperst the tempests of the night , sav'd us , like peter , out of her●ds iayle , from babels powder-traine , for saints availe . for which sweet grace , redintegracious love , the saints on earth with those of heaven above , united in one league shall ever sing melodious songs to our triumphant king. our latine west unto the church of greece , acknowledge must her selfe in some degrees inferiour and oblig'd , from her she had the forme of christian rites false altars to reforme , as she the substance from ierusalem , more neere to greece then rome , the church supreme , from her she borrow'd her prime words of art , those second coin'd intentions , to impart from man to man by termes , discourse , and tongue , what otherwise would dormant lye unstrung . her noblest name of christian catholick , the eucharist , the faith apostolick , types , symboles , and ecclesiasticke lawes , what be they but greeke words for christian cause disguis'd in latine robes faith to expresse ? and to worke on mild hearers more or lesse ? the sev'nty soribes translated iewries ioyes to the greeke tongue by philadephus choise . saint paul and luke divulg'd in graecian tone christs mysteries , yea , and saint iohn wrought on his auditours in graecian vestiment , fit in that age to further his intent . greece more to praise , ere rome saw christ his light , some greekes of philip cray'd his masters sight . no marvell then , that greeks , ere latinists did publish workes , fought in our christian lists with infidells against their rites obsceane . towards the period of the second sceane , to celebrate this age , tertullian rose , with tullian phrase to daunt the churches foes , false heretickes and jewes , whom he refells ; and but for dreaming fasts his part excells , whilst he , gainst marcion makes christs body good , truths figure , not imaginary food , since figures shew not false , but things indeed . and in another place , quoth he , we feed by hearing on the word in●arnate blest , with understanding chew , through faith digest . saint cyprian him succeeds , who famous made by monuments , which cannot faile nor fade , the churches union ; and the martyrs crowne , which since himselfe receiv'd in carthage towne . this saint bids us the holy bread to part , and breake by faith , not with sharpe teeth nor art , while we confesse : that , which is broke to parts , divine-humane both god and man imparts . out of his bookes we cull , at carthage towne how he did fr●t , and all the councell frowne to heare , that any should romes pope install , the bishop of all bishops generall . next after him minucius foelix came in roman robes , caecilius overcame with dialogues , and foil'd his heath'nish dreames . so did arnobius by the spirits beames , in the like garbe the gentiles rage abate ; and shewes the cause , why christians idolls hate . by fabian bath'd he grac'd this centers age , who first of caesars wore the christian badge . long had the church been rackt with bitter woes , in travell , like a woman tir'd with throes , to bring that faire light forth , and blessed birth , which in th' elect shines with harmonious mirth , the inward man , i meane , whose praise we sing , grac'd to that end with will by heavens king. through all the roman empire tortured , and by fierce tyrants hands sore martyred in every age during her pilgrimage heere in this world , untill maxentius rage , became supprest by zealous constantine , she felt what dioclesian , maximine , and what their praetours could impose of force upon her limmes without their least remorce she felt , christ in his members felt againe , what hangmen could inflict of hellish paine , and what their predecessors could inflict upon her lambes by proclamations strict , ( prefiguring our late new christian fry , whom men professing christ in flames did fry ) and yet they fail'd by their decrees severe , or wolvish decius them to daunt with feare , but that in midst of paine , by satan stung , they to the lambe allelujaes sung . slighting the gridiron through the holy ghost : now chuse thy flesh , quoth lawrence , raw or rost. faire theodora to the stewes confin'd , ●er friend holp her to scape in masked kind , ●ay'd in her place , he thrall'd , she came againe ; ●et did the iudge for martyrs both arraigne , mauger all rackes and flames saint alba● here ●n brittaine first , and noble george appeare , who arm'd on horse-backe with a sangaine crosse leagu'd salems knights , and oft fear'd englands foes , as ancient wits conceiv'd their aiery signe , like that , which meteour'd once to constantine . which signe they might more fitly to their head impute then with his members quartered . their crimson gore transform'd to robes of white , by vertue of their faith beames-darting-bright . with amphibale they live yet in our west and with those twaine , whom of her martyrs best , with sacred bayes at vsk carleons towne saint aaron , and saint iulius still doth crowne . within this age , like to th' essences sect , good men of life austene did cells erect of christian hermites or anachorites , in aegypts desarts , there , that convertites might solitaty dwell , from passions free , and from those baites , wherewith we daily see the greatest part , ev'n of the churches brood , ensnar'd ( a mystick point not understood by libertines in these our carnall dayes ) there , cloystred up from soule temptations stayes alone and farre from mortalls company the holy saint , the long-liv'd anthony , his life sustaining onely by the fruit of one palmitoe tree , whose rind did suit and cloath his limmes , as did the fruit him feed . his patterne then good saint macarius trac'd , whose presence since the nicen councell grac'd , o happy types ▪ if superstition since for hypocrites some came not to convince ; as savoyes hermite through confessions shrow'd , since cuckolded the best of all the crowd . about the end of this third century , when dioclesians rage and butchery did persecute the saints , god raised up lactantius to confirme them not to droup , for now their time of liberty drew neere , which by gods grace did after soone appeare : for saving philip , whom pope fabian blest , all caesars hitherto christs flocke opprest . the church as yet fixt on no constant formes of government . so grievous were the stormes of persecution rais'd by tytants rage , the first three ages of her pilgrimage , that she could not correct , but now and then , judge , nor with tythes reward industrious men . as lollards were by our lancastrians curb'd , and huguenots in france by kings disturb'd , so her aw'd st●rres durst scarce a synod call by stealth , much lesse a councell generall , where her chiefe watchmen of the christian race , might congregate in one convenient place . popes stood not then on high prerogatives , glad oft to flye , to lurke , and save their lives : but christians now began to be more bold , the time in the apocalipse foretold , the two and forty monthes being full expir'd ( monthes counted for yeares sabbaths ) they aspir'd ▪ by the imperiall leave to settle things in order without gall , or envious stings , as shall appeare after licinius death . meane while i le rest , so to resume more breath . the occvrrances of the fourth age , from the yeare of our lord . untill the yeare . being the second yeare of the raigne of arcadius and honorius the sonnes of theodosius the roman emperour . the argument . the glorious church , which constantine ●uil● vp . at his decease , by arrians vext doth droupe . for schooles restraint of julian she complaines ▪ which rise againe through theodosius paines . though i be slow the strumpet to 〈◊〉 , yet i contend to blaze the new-man● taske , and to performe enough to satisfie my noble friends , where the true church did lye . since christ his time untill our present age , mauger hells spight during her pilgrimage : because she did on no foundation stand but christ , none shall her name with errour brand ; because she built upon the living rocke , which peter voucht , she shunn'd the fatall shocke of the fierce dragons floud , in darknesse shin'd , though to a desart rude she seem'd confin'd . because she squar'd her doctrine and her rites according to gods word , her opposites can never blacke her fame and memory , nor need she feare proud babels mystery , that errours spirit can obliterate the gospels text , which she enjoyes of late . i will make good , that though some curse & 〈◊〉 , yet by gods rayes , or his saint michaels banner ; she spreads christs name , in saints and martyrs blest , in dangers oft , and seldome times at rest ; one while in tents , in warres against her foes : another time beleaguer'd , feeling woes , when seeking christ in time of superstition , the watchmen smote her in the inquisition , as salomon sung in his canticles ; as christ himselfe by scribes conven●ic●●s , and roman doome in person felt what grace his limmes with men finde in their holy race . by martyrs bloud and spoiles of the old man , our new man first his sacrifice began , continues still his feast , though some conspire to marre the same , and our good church to fire . and yet for all mens hate , our mother lives , yea , from her flames the new man buds and thrives , not much unlike the phoenix , whom they say , that being burnt her like revives alway , though alway not so vigourous or faire , by reason of the climate , food , or aire , too high conceit of her splendidious worth , or of the keyes to shut the stubborne forth ; or other accidentall le ts she seeme but vile , or lacking tythes , in poore esteeme , nipt with hard winters frost , or scorcht with hear , course dyet , or with changing soile or seate . yet at the last the bridegroome in extreames shewes her the way to his spirituall streames , to pray with zeale , more cautiously to watch , least fiend-like pride her or her brood attache , to feed his flocke , though they ungratefull be , combining to keepe backe his tythes , her fee. for whether poore or sicke by dankish aire , she sleepes not , till she doth to christ repaire with contrite thoughts , and lusts mortification , with the new-mans and soules resussitation , of whom she begs , and humbly sues for grace , which on her teares she gaines , then sees his face , the splendour of his spirit working wonders ; with mildest gales restraining sinaies thunders ; and thereupon is throned on a hill , with large command , according to his will. to bind or loose her childrens sinnes to keepe , to watch , and feed , but not to flay his sheepe , like her with triple crowne on seven hills , who with false fires now sits as god , and fills mens consciences with smoaky pardons , wares of the beasts marke , with lies and bug●e are cares , a bout three hundred yeares the gospels light , had through our saviours bloud acquired might and rooting , when restrain'd it faster spred , enlightning soules whom forged tales missed . when die had foil'd maxentius , maximine , and to a nooke licinius did confine , the christian church was rear'd by constantine , most glorious on a hill , with rires divine , and decent states , as well from foes contempt , as from home-scandalls to become exempt . soone as that signe had meteour'd in the aire , which conquerour him styl'd , he did repaire the ruines of the church , recalled home those whom late tyrants had proscrib'd from rome . such grace she found : but soone her sonnes forgot to thanks our god the author of their lot , who had inspir'd th' imperiall majesty with zeale to serve one god in trinity , and at the nic●ne councell to restore by publick acts what prostrate lay before , to build up temples with large liberties , there , to serve god with vowes and sacrifice , to chuse grave mitred sires to over-see , least christ his flocke by wolves should scared ●e , and by decree to quashall idolls downe at synod held in eliberi● towne . this course he tooke by his good mothers lore , whose birth much fame to brittains did restore ; and helens name deserves to be engilt , for finding christ his crosse , for temples built . five bishopricks he rais'd to mighty height , whereof each one possest a severall right ; and none of these in one anothers charge to meddle , but their owne taske to discharge , o're-seeing their proper flockes . the chiefest roome he gave the popes of new and ancient rome : the third he granted to jerusalem : then antiochs fell and alexandriaes stem . this stinted course they long observ'd , and none swarv'd from the stem at nice agreed upon , but brethren-like liv'd in true amity , not striving for more seates priority , then constantine out of his bounteous grace allotted them in their distinguish'd place . the first , that sithence kickt , was he of rome , who at bizantiums councell would become the chiefest priest as of old rome the pope , sometime the empires head of spatious scope ; the which the pope of new-built rome gaine-sayd , and there to hold the prime place he assayd ; at which vigilius did so powte and frowne , he would not meet with them , though then in town . thus they , who should a lowly minde possesse , began to climbe to lordly loftinesse , perverting to wrong sence the living rocke , gods word , the keyes , and feeding of christs flocke . that they might raigne here in this world a while , for a few yeares pufft with a princely stile : when they know in their consciences they erre , that after death they fall , like lucifer . but they for faith lean'd unto humane worth , and scatt'red doubts against gods spirit forth . they mutined against the holy ghost ; apostate arrians raung'd through every coast. they soone forgot the mysticke crosses sence , the new-mans vewes , and the words excellence . their plenty pufft them up , and the sunnes light bedazzeled them , like gazing birds of night . for the true substante , shadowes they ador'd , for the creator , creatures they implor'd ▪ the late baptiz'd enur'd to pagan rites , to saturnalian feasts , and idoll sights , could not away with that religions forme , which typing christs their lives ought to reforme , their flamiues grudg'd , that the new-●lergy held the conquest over soules , themselves expelld . the lay-men wav'd betwixt the old and new , like aethiops loath to change their pristine hew . to punish these , when constantine was urg'd , not so , said he , mad men should rather purgd by physicke be . we must , though curres do bark , with gentle gales to port bring christ his ark. this prince , when he paphnutius saw at ni●e , his hollowes kist , whom focs depriv'd of eyes . the roman empire was most fortunate under his sway. he rais'd romes falling state to such a height , that never kingdome since his paralell enjoy'd , nor any prince succeeded like to him in pieties true practice , farre exempt from avarice and crying sinnes . his palace with the poore then with praetorian bands abounded more . he was not serv'd in gold or silver plate , though he might set on all the world a rate , but earthen vessels or of wood he chose . he curbd himselfe , because he would not lose his wavering subjects hearts . and what he spar'd above the pensions of his souldiers , guard , the publike troup , and his owne private charge , he yeerely did conferre the same at large to pious use , and temples up to build , but more christs living temple to rebuild . blest was the church while ▪ his good monarch raign● having peace , freedome , wealth , and honour gain'd ▪ but after his decease by arrians vext , she like a widow stood long time perplext , but not with open force , for satan then was for a thousand yeares from murthering men , for the faiths sake begun to be restrain'd , yet so , that saints for tryall might be pain'd . since i my taske for constantine have spun , i must not leave constantiaes web unspun . this zealous princesse , whether fancies flame , or to become cortivall of her fame ▪ who late had found the crosse in calvary , or satans plot into her creed to pry , whether these tempting baites wrought on her will , to shake her faith , and her best part to spill : she sought the picture of our saviour christ , as if her creed did on the same consist to bring to passe her project frivolous , she wrote unto euscbius pamphilus , requiring him to send it her to greece , to make her happy in that graven peece . the holy father with disdainefull eye perus'd her lines ; he feard idolatry , lest the connivence at such passages , might blurre the new-mans ghostly images . he therefore answer'd her with piety , in zealous lines , not without majesty : your grace desires , christs portraiture to have , but which of his two persons would you crave ? which doe you meane ( quoth he ) his shape divine , that beares the ●●kenesse of the first in trine ? or else the image of a servants forme , to which for us he did himselfe transforme ? if you aspire his god-heads shape to see , take heed you touch not on old adams tree ; none knowes the father but the sonne alone , and none but by the father knowes the sonne . but if that persons-picture you demand , borne of our flesh , you must then understand , that none by art and oily colours di'd , can limne his bodies frame now glorifi'd ; for since that his disciples could not see his shining face at tabor , how shall wee view his bright face and persons lineaments , which till doomes-day he hath removed hence ? on this monition the good empresse staid , and of such carnall types became afraid . while luke-warme thoughts contended much with zeale , false arrius crept into christs common-weale , where six score yeares his sect good men so griev'd , that in those dayes the most part mis-believ'd . two councels then the arrian side preferr'd , the millaine stray'd , the ariminian err'd : yea , bishops both of new and ancient rome , subscribed , and to hereticks gave roome . against them all did athanafius warre , and therefore may be stil'd that ages starre . by his true zeale and pen the arrians quail'd , and truth at last with victory prevail'd . during soules time of blindnesse , satans warre began againe both neere at hand and farre . against false hearts , not by blouds violence , but by fly arts to try saints innocence . to dim the churches splendour , he sent out his slyest fiends to compasse them about ▪ mad iulian he stirr'd up , till he perforce did yeeld unto the galileans force : where magick spells , nor his deare ●orphiry , could stop gods doome due for his trechery , which unto christians interdicting schooles , made wits more ho● , his counsellors but fooles . as bad prov'd valens , since to arrians sold , but gothes by fire purg'd his presumption bold . what iulian spoild , did valentinian raise , and gra●ian grace . but theodosius praise deserves much more . he by pope damasus , and millains starre did arrian tumults crush . blest be his name , who barr'd for his amisse from church refrain'd , till he gain'd ambrose blisse , and though a king of kings , yet not withstood checks for rash doome of thessalonians blood. o godly prince ! who when he might command a pardon , yet most humbly demand . of him one sung : each thing with him prevailes : so winds conjurd descended to his sailes : for him the heavens fought , the waves went backe , and natures course for all his foes ran slacke . this claudian blazd with panegyrick straine , and ambrose of his death did much complaine : i lov'd this prince , quoth he , because he car'd , more for the church then his owne wea le regard . much owes the church unto his memory , for after he had chasd idolatry , and calm'd the arrians rage to catholicks content , he setled christian bishopricks ▪ and least the church for want of meanes should ●ade , confirm'd the act which good iovinian made for tythes to pastours , which hath ever since reviv'd the fame of this religious prince . what good this act hath done in ages past , till mungrell monkes the churches hire defac't , encroaching on the clergy seculare , for their support of sloth and private care , let godly states observe , and waigh what losse ensues of soules by such as doe ingrosse impropriate tythes , while many thousands pine for want of meanes to spread the seed divine . the occvrrences of the fifth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . at which time anastasius raigned emperour of rome . the argument . priests marriages confirm'd . foule heresies burst out . false christians plagu'd by enemies . what wondrous wits that age brought forth divine . now bloom'd the irish church and abissine . that parcell of false babels mystery , broacht at the end of the last century inhibiting priests marriage , in the rise of this new age returnes to hell , and dyes . for while the arrians heat began to slake , siricius made romes clergies hearts to ake , when he would them in the last age constraine , to live without their wives in tantales paine , without their plightd mates , whom christ had joy'nd as type of his church-mystery , injoyn'd from strangers sheets , as well with holy seed to store his church , as to partake some meed for solace of their lives anxiety , while they soil'd not chast society , like heathen men , with wives pluralities , or haunted whores in surreptitious wise . but quickly was this cloud disperst and gone , as not by mortalls to be undergone , when wiser men condemned his decree , and prov'd the marriage state for all men free , aswell by lessons out of sacred story , as nicens warrant to paphnutius glory , who though himselfe had never married been , yet he to barre priests marriage deem'd it sinne. and so the councell held at gangren past , the like decree for evermore to last , that married priests might safely minister , and who enacted otherwise did erre , with thundring doome accursing every wight , that dares maintaine that tenets opposite . saint nazianzen sung that he was borne , the third yeare since his si●e a priest was sworne . though this and other fire-drakes choake in snuffe , yet did not other clouds leave off to puffe and poison soules . each one must have his guard of angels two both good and bad , to ward or tempt his soule , that the sect manicbee might conjure them , but not without a fee. to ayde them with free-will and merits charmes , pelagius offers now to lend them armes . for these two sects together with the mists breath'd forth by arrians and the donatists , the world then suff'red condigne punishments , in lives and fortunes with distracted rents . that ages church was so with heresies beset , and from the truth seduc'd with lies , that though she fled into a wildernesse , to sojourne there safe from their wickednesse , and damned plots , yet did the dragon spew a floud of 〈◊〉 in hope to 〈◊〉 he●hew . but missing her he persecutes her seed , and seekes by open force to slay her breed . which though he fail'd because of his restraint , yet he prevai'ld her luke-warme race to taint . for this great warre he rais'd up bloudy foes , gothes , vandalls , hunnes , all prest at his dispose , by rhadagase , alaricke , totilas , by him , whom , aetius foil'd , proud a●tilas , who had proclaim'd himselfe the scourge of god , to chastise mortalls with an iron rod ; besides the vandall arrian gensericke , who sackt at austines death his bishopricke . by these whom rome had sometimes kept in thrall , god suff'red fiends for sinne to worke romes fall , to let lewd worldlings know , that when they faile in zeale and love , then satan will prevaile . before these stormes , when as the church was like to perish quite , god grac'd her catholike againe by meanes of athanasius creed , by ambrose , jerome , and good austines deed. besides those foure , how many radiant lamps did the good spirit raise against the damps of hellish fiends in that fam'd century ? from gratians time , till zenoes empery ? no age before nor since hath ever seene such lights to crowne theology a queene , no age more wise , more learned wits brought forth , since the apostles time of better worth then those fore-nam'd , then famous hi●●ary , theodoret , eusebius , gregory , and basil his deare mate , then chrysost omes rare ho●●ties , whose fluent golden tomes ravish the dullest sence , or who can share with epiphanius ? or for skill compare with both the cyrills , or with emissene ? and others , who renown'd that ages scene ? extirping arrians , and the m●●ichees ? daunting donatus , and his complices ? and striving to keepe downe pelagians pride ? orfor a time to stint their swelling tide , which but for them had sooner made the way for sale of soules , and antichristian sway ? these shone as starres within the fir●ament , and did then satan in that age prevent from his deep reach . and we might doe as much , if next gods word upon their stone we touch discreetly without passion , or selfe-love , since men are pro●e the worst things to approve . tempted by fiends , which wheele about the braine , to misconceive the right for worldly gaine . such bred in errour from their infancie , will hardly see the truths resplendencie . but soone relaps'd that ages proselytes , they whoor'd againe as did the israelites . on which relapse he that for abrams seed could raise up stones , a stony-hearted breed , stirr'd from the north his blessings to partake , which christians soil'd . these did in time forsake their pagan gods , and the true faith embrac'd in milder climes , which hypocrites disgrac'd . at last they fell likewise through pamp'●ing ease , and with grosse sinnes their saviour did displease . so stood where caesars raign'd the churches state : but now i must looke backe where belul sate , the southerne queenes successour , sabaes heire , who was baptiz'd in the fourth hundred yeare . long had the church of th' equinoctiall line , candaces clime , since stil'd the abissine , been tost on nilus lakes by mungrell windes , compos'd of iewish rites and heath'nish mindes . but now those stormes allay'd , att●nements made , that christians might through circumcision wade , and each partake of others lawes and love , both leagu'd , both vow'd baptized to approve the christian eunuches faith by philip taught , and long before to ethiopia brought . above three hundred yeares the gospels spring had cheer'd their parched zone , and every thing began to grow with various faire encrease of ghostly gifts and homilies of peace by their abunaes care , and clergies toyle , onely the great ones still did them embroyle with carnall snares to crosse their good attempts . like as the romaine caesars saints intents by tyranny had interrupted long , till constantine redrest the churches wrong . so likewise saints among the abissines were trod upon , or by sore mulcts and fines , opprest , that some kept close , some fled away , some as it were in hugger mugger lay : others for feare recanted from the light , dissembling what they knew to be the right , as many here gloz'd in queene maries dayes , and some in france with our reformed wayes ; untill their foes were calm'd , and liberty of conscience sign'd to the new christian fry ; about which time hells rage became allay'd , which for three hundred yeares the saints oreswayd . but now on the approach of this fifth age , by his grave counsaile and abunaes sage . the emperour of ethiopiaes land the gospel more began to understand , and rais'd the christian faith with publike vowes , yet mixt with iewish rites and levites showes , and though their formes appeare extravagant , in substance yet their faith is protestant , and little diff'ring from the primitive which we professe . like ours their clergy wive ; they minister the cup unto the lay ; they honour saints with a memoriall way , but worship not shrines , nor imagery , lest they might fall to flat idolatry . sound christians , were it not that thēy too much on moses lawes the observation touch : or else that they for their dispense do plead , that to eate bacon , hares-flesh , or the like , might make them leprons , and their bodies sicke , their climates sunne diseasing bloud and braine : that what agrees with us procures them paine . perhaps they ranke their circumcisions use , and shrowd it with indifferent things excuse . devout they are , when in the church they meet , they spit not there , nor come with durty feet . their lent is long , which by their foes observ'd , they oft surprize thē through their feasts halfe starv'd . some ancient bookes among us lost they hold , which they esteeme as gemmes , more deare then gold , the oracles of enoch , and the booke of the apostles canons they o're-looke , and the lost acts of one of calcedons old councells they retaine like precious stones . the patriarch still of alexandriaes bay claymes from saint marke their sacerdotall sway. these negroes here for christians i assigne , to shew that christ his church doth elsewhere shine , and that she might grow strong within the south , when in our west she seem'd a dwarfe in growth . out of the christian church exil'd by romes fierce caesars for the faith some left their homes , and fled for shelter to remoter climes , in hope to shun the malice of the times ; to shun the ten great persecutions rage , many were forc't their fortunes to ●ngage , some past the bosphors straights , som gibraltars , others reti●'d themselves where sunne-burnt carres , twice yearely touch on both the hemispere● , that they might live secur'd from worldly feares . the like , whilst that mad dioclesian rav'd , our brittaines did , and neighbours succour crav'd , who giving them corporeall nourishments , were by their guests with soule-food recompenc'd . a saint-like bounty , where both parties blest partake of love , the greatest with the least . ) among these nations , now my muse invites the reader to review some neighbour lights . that humid westerne i le , whose soile resists twists , snakes , toads , and moules , whose wood no cob-web stor'd with true saints a saint-like stile now gaines , trampling pelagians downe by patricks paines . for while they skream'd in brittain , france , & rome , he preacht free grace to reeling christendome ; he preacht sweet peace , dehorting men from jarres , from crying sinnes , from murther , spoiles & warres ; though some of late in printed legends tell , that by his word he thousands packt to hell. ( a strange narration , that a saint should act so opposite to christ a bloudy fact. ) but after his decease , hybernia lost within few yeares the style which grac'd her most : and then mad broils her members prickt like goads , worse than the stings or bane of snakes and toads . yea , god with wolves plagu'd her back-sliding fry , because they like samarians went awry : in mingling with gods worship , idoll sights , traditions flawes , and superstitious rites . the occvrrences of the sixth age , chiefly what hapned in the i le of brittaine after the arrivall of the saxons from the yeare of our lord . untill the yeare . being the sixteenth yeare of the raign of maurice the romaine emperour . the argument . the christian church , which greeks & latins rear'd , in brittaine lyes with pagan rites besmear'd , trod on by saxons troupes , and wodens brood , but worse by her owne natives sheading blood. five hundred yeares from christ not fully told , when arrians stopt , then stept pelagians bold with more sly tricks of humans worth to boast then tha● dull sect , which wrongd the holy ghost . wherefore new broiles infested christ endome , to chastife men for schisme , as to make roome for antichrist the head of heretickes , which mystick wise from mungrell catholickes deriv'd his birth , and will a tyrant grow . because men loved lies , such plagues did flow . great plagues indeed ; which since defil'd the east with carnall baites by an arabian drest , and with soule-tainting charmes by popes profest , cookt by pelagians first within the west , confounding faith by whimseyes of the braine with flesh and blouds desires , and merits staine , so that our ile her former glory lost ; there was no roome left for the holy ghost , pelagi●s had her motions so engrost and then her north to hu●ler all was lost by scots and ficts usurpt with dismall woes . because she grace blasphem'd , god sent her foes , which like a del●ge broke through adrians wall , till strangers came with armes to end the brawle . yet ended not her stinke of ghostly sinne , nor carnall snares , where she involv'd had beene . the sunne had run one hundrid yeares at full , ere heathnish hands could all her feathers pull , or part asunder her old seamelesse weare , which christ his font had dipt with reverend feare , in dies sent her from eleuthere in graine , and by great helens sonne confirm'd againe ; plaine without staine , i meane , and free from pride , or that foule schisme , which did her since betide by her abortive brood , pelagian crew , the sect that made millions of soules to rue . plaine robes she wore without embroidery , or worldlings garbe , when antient hillary greeted his brethren here in brittany ▪ those whom faith linkt to saints sweet company . so well had damian and fugatius bore christs ensigne here two hundred yeares before , that at the councell grave theodoret rejoyc'd to see our brittish elders met . with purest flowres our brittain church did bloom , till in honorius raigne , gothes ra●sackt rome . she flourish'd under romaine legions long , but those being gone , she faded and went wrong ; and then fiends watcht the time while heresie possest weake albions braine with lunacie . they saw how she cosseted her child pelagius , how she was by him beguil●d , they loath to lose advantage , nurst the hate betwixt her and her aydes . although of late the remnant which the romaine caesars left of souldiers here to guard this i le from theft , were with the ablest brittish youth to france , transported there to lead a warre-like dance against romes foes , where by warres-casualties few liv'd to see their home-calamities : yet brittaines rather here for empire fought then to gaine soules for their redeemer sought , or rather romaine fry in brittaine borne , their factions made our brittish church a scorne : their church , which late with twenty eight did towre since counted sev'n , and ebb'd to bishops foure . their temples and romes legionary townes , were quarter'd out for teutons garrisons ; before the sunne had forty yeeres his race run through , since hengist rais'd old wodens mace , those germains then did them , like wolves , devoure , since home and forraigne saints did faile to scoure their vessels cleane from filth , since both did faile saint german and saint lupus to prevaile . after these starres declin'd to natures course , for thirty yeares the church oft fared worse , some times aloft she mounted ; other times she stood amaz'd at change of worldly climes ; peace setled her in a calme aire againe , when dubrice did pelagian blasts restraine , about the time of great justinians raigne , and then a while our church renew'd againe , when after home bred jarres and civill strife , our petty kings chose val●ant arthur chiefe over their troupes in brittaines westerne lands against fierce wodens race , and saxon bands , but soone relaps'd the brittaines , proud of spoiles , not caring for devotion , all for broiles . they one another strove more to supplant for elbow-roome , then christian faith to plant . such impious blurres observ'd by hellish fiends , they sow'd debate betwixt them and their friends , made them so slight their patriarchs grave advise , that in dispaire he from carleon flies ; whence cause he brookt not the silures crimes , demetia beg'd his crozier , hapre , and chimes . but why didst thou , saint david , fly from usk , to smell of herrings , when thou mightst have musk and frankincense to offer unto god , neerer then where thou fixest thy abode ? amidst the craggy hills and foaming floud , so farre remote to doe the saxons good ? why mightst not thou beat downe idolatries , as thou didst daunt pelagian mysteries ? which by free-will had strove gods grace to rend , and on mans owne poore merits to depend ? feare caus'd thy flight , or else thy clergies hate brookt not the glory of a rising state ; or discontent to finde the want of love , among thy flocke procured thy remove . meane while behold thy country-men at ods , struggling for brittle sway , like demy-gods . at the decease of that brave martiall prince , whose tombe was found in glastenbury since , all went to wracke , like alexanders state , they parted that which he had gain'd of late , and by their strife with fell intestine rage the victours lost the saxons vassalage . while they obey'd one soveraigne generall , nor scots nor picts could work their finall fall. their foe-men paid them tribute , and the east of wodens brood cring'd to the brittaines west . but sussex now out-braves proud constantine , while vortipore south cambria makes to whine , looke how the nymphes of dee and severne grone to beare the yoak of conan and malgon ; how mone and man with the lancastrian lasse cry out : alasse , that they serve cunoglasse , who , though the greatest of the brittaine kings , shames christians more then humbers pagan stings . these leagu'd with arthur late for states defence against their foes , now for preheminence contend , and kill their kinne , like sheep or beeves , and , which to blaze as yet my nation grieves , more prone to smother truth with glozing cardes then heare their twnysogs fall by honest bardh's : two harmelesse youths of arthurs princely ligne were slaine in wintons church by constantine , that cornish wolfe , who had usurpt their right , he slew them there in their owne mothers sight , without regard unto that sacred place , to christ his altar , or their noble race . and as their kings , so did their iudges rave . sheading inferiours bloud , whom christ forgave . they sit on theeves , themselves the greatest theeves , defloure the daughter , whilst the father grieves . their plighted mates they murther or divorce , and spare not altars to profane with force . the bruit of these misdeeds inhumane strikes such odiousnesse , such horrour , and dislikes , that their owne bloud , whom brinish seas divide , gaules britonants , disdaine with them to side ; and their old friends of patricks iland scorne to ayde a wicked state through discord torne ; nay worse , instead of aide gurmundus came from thence for spoiles , and soone them overcame , the brittaines thus forlorne , nort humbria gaines , mercia starts up , and the west-saxon raignes , which last will last , and shall chalk out the way in times to come for a monarchique sway. no wonder that rude strangers gained roome , and banishd them from their best native home , sith neither dubrice , david , nor such starres could them reforme , god sent them bloudy jarres ; not all at once , but by degrees he sent his whips of wrath whereby some might repent ; but all in vaine . no threats could brittaines tame , they did those sinnes which paini●s blush to name . hengist at first did but east brittaine 〈◊〉 , and thirty lustres past ere angles prease durst severne passe , and longer yeares then tho●● , ere offa could his marches meeres enclose during which terme had brittaines tr●●●he path of penitence , they might have calm'd gods wrath , exchang'd with foes the chain of thraldomes yoak , and scap'd what since they felt , bellon●es stroake . so sung a swan of claud us caesars towne , whose birth fell out that yeare , when brittaines won the day with trophees at the 〈◊〉 , and did their trench with saxon coarses fill . he not a rush did for lewd tyrants passe , but against five stood like a wall of brasse . he shew'd what heavy plagues would them befall , how they and none but they caus'd brittaines fall ; their incests , thefis , and their loud crying sinnes , which to commit they car'd no more then pinnes , with tragick buskin and proph●ticke straine , he fear'd not of their treasons ro complaine , who though but weake against the common foe , divided kings , at home yet raged so with bloudy spoyles , that through their tyranny , they lost the most part of west brittany , for all , which they possest from winchester to cornewall , pagans got with glocester . now sussex , and the mercian kings arise on seve●●es shoare to plant dutch colonies . such threnes of thine , good gildas , proved true , as christians felt ●q that which did ensue . their champions then to woods & mountains fled , where savage bent , and with such rancour led for the long knives complot , which like a torch from time to time did their gall'd entrailes scorch , their clergy at no hand would joyne to preach the gospel , not the saxon rout to teach , unlesse they would to them againe restore their country back , which they had snatch'd before : untill at length romes blessed gregery dispatcht a monke of famous memory to englands kent , where soone he did convert prepar'd by his faire queene king et●el●ert . whence thousands moe with all their kings became by austines paines baptiz'd , to brittaines shame . for which neglect of theirs , and neighbours scorne , their state all rent , and through dissention torne , northumbers since did to west-chester rush , slay bangors monkes , and b●o●maels forces crush so deadly , that thenceforth they seldome dar'd to try the fields event with foes prepar'd . and this sore blow in judgement them befell , as gildas first , and austine did foretell . thus stood the case with brittains commonwealth , because they gave themselves to rapines , stealth , to fraud , revenge , and chiefly to contemne those , whō they might have made good christian men without the helpe of more competitours , brought from proud rome to build up babels tow●es , for austine , when he came , began to strive with them for rule , and romes prerogative , which compli'd not with saints of christian sort , as an old hermite guess'd by austines port , who pope-like set disdain'd to rise and greet sev'n christian bishops with love-congies meet . such harsh salutes , or inhumanity , so farre remote from sage urbanity , what could they but distracted rents produce ? ending in schisme , and holy things abuse ? our saviour christ was meek , all made of love : the devill proud , and so his servants prove . o what adoe they kept ? what coile ? what sturres ? with synods pleas , with quillets , and demurres ? like turkes for turbants , monkes for ●rizes hew , so christians then did one another sue . the easters time procur'd this factious brawle , the romish claim'd from peter and from paul , the brittish by prescription from saint iohn , and their feasts date the greek church grounded on . but nothing could appease the adverse side , till force at last the quarrell did decide , untill saint colman and the scottish clerkes for unions sake were faine to yeeld to quirkes , pope foelix now sign'd the last unctions use , which did in time a sacra●ent produce , that by more fees priests might enrich themselves for sacring oiled feet from aiery elves . one thing of note must not forgotten be , how in the yeare five hundred fifty three . then at a councell in bizantium held the romaine pope vigilius was refell'd for heresie , judg'd excommunicate , and doom'd to be deprived of his state. for which and murthers prov'd the emperour , with slender diet starv'd him in a tower , a just reward for claiming all that scope of liberties due to the westerne pope , which nicens councell under constantine , did long before betwixt five popes assigne , betwixt them of both romes , of salems flocke , of antioch , and of alexandriaes stocke , so that our popes in the west franchise watcht the soules , which peters net for christ then catcht , not with hells husks , traditions , dreames , and lie● but them to feed with scriptures homilies . so wily was the serpent to begin with our prime men and starres , to plunge them in the gulfe of worldly pride and avarice , that by their meanes they others might entice , for when the head feeles pestilentiall flame ; how soone puts it the members out of frame ? if , like saint peter , he that claimes his place , had liv'd , romes church had stood in better case . but how should then the prophesies of paul , and of saint iohn beene verifi'd at all ? ●n vaine the man of sinne , perditions sonne , long time by caesars pompe barr'd in that throne to sit as god , and in gods temple too , the use of meates and marriage to undoe ; to wrong the church by carnall sacrifice , of soules and bodies making marchandise ; in vaine great babels whore the scripture hath describ'd , if rome had kept her former faith : by thrall'd vigilius mark , that popes were then , ev'n for six hundred yeares to mighty men , eaths lords , enthrall'd aswell for life as state ; yea , christ our head to caesar paid a rate both for himselfe and peter from a fish without excuse , grudge , or repining pish , as they did since , which challenge peters chaire , under pretext romes ruines to repaire . and herewithall let all true christians know : " as long as men are kept in aw and low , " at some high powers beck , whom they doe feare , " so long they vertuous are , or so appeare . this of the popes may well be verified , " while they were by the caesars terrified , " and subject to the lawes , so long they thriv'd " in goodnesse , preacht the crosse , in order liv'd . but when they once obtain'd the primacie above their peeres , and the supremacie above the caesars , then they wantoniz'd , grew avaricious , proud , and ill adviz'd . but this great flame will not breake throughly out , untill th' eleventh age shall wheele about , when with false christs , like capernaites chymeres , the dragon more will charme great babels eares . thinke on these sparks , yee states and people all , from the kings bench to the poort coblers awle . the occvrrences of the seventh age , from the yeare of our lord . untill the yeare . in which tract of time the romaine pope got the style of the universall bishop , and mahomets sect began . the argument . what heresies sprang up ere antichrist broke from his swathes into the church of christ. he growes . but not to full maturity , till he hath got the two-fold soveraignty . next to gods word , or oracles divine , contemplating on matyriz'd iustine , tertullian , irene , tatian , clementine , lactantius , euphreme , ierome , origen , eusebius , leo , cyrill , nazianzen , on epiphanius , basil , hillary , theodoret , ruffinus , gregory , and their more ancients cyprian , chrysostome , with those of af●rick , asia , greece or rome , whither they in th' abissines libraries , or vaticans immur'd for antiquaries ; whether in pri●● , or manuscripts they be , musing , i say , on them with insight free , who wro●e within the first six hundred yeare , besides the synods of the sacred peeres , chiefly at nice ( to sort new things with old ) i wish this post serit set in stamps of gold : those wits , who can grave epiphanius scan , may helpe to fan romes church from the old man , like wheat from chaffe , or gold from dust and drosse . i wish this done , but dare not it ingrosse , or undertake my wishing to fulfill or want of time , of strength , of levites skill . though while proud caesars rav'd , some christians pain'd , yet pliny shewes their state when trajan raign'd ; nor could their rage , nor victors thundring schisme , for easters rites impeach faiths catechisme . curst were those weeds sprung of idolatries , which by truths flame good epiphanius tries : and blest the flowres , or herballs of the fields , for quintessence which epiphanius yeelds . there , millenaires , and grosse monothelites , with other clouds dim the first churches lights . there , see wise men then ●ire drakes more unsure , yet others there more sure then cynosure , though origen and cyprian in some things have err'd , yet saints by union calm'd their stings . while arrians rage chiefe rulers of the rost , the orthodox proclaime the holy ghost . while capernaites christs flesh most grossely take , true saints by faith that mystick food partake . where ebionites and manichees taxe marriage , there , gods elect dissolves so strict a carriage . where montanists for merit fasts erect at times prefixt , there , saints a snake suspect . priscillians teach men to equivocate , but christian saints all double-dealing hate . caianes sect did angels help implore , and with fond vowes their mystick shapes adore : as likewise did those doating heretickes , whom some in austines time term'd angellicks . but saints christs father serve , that mighty one in persons three , and three in one alone , not creatures , nor the members , but the head of creatures life , the iudge of quick and dead . all others help they utterly disclaime , save that , which they through christ his merits claime . some to our lady offer'd sacrifice , but epiphane blames them of heath'nish vice , suites womens cakes for her idolatriz'd with trash , which to heav'ns queen were sacrifie'd , equalls their deed to that which snared eve , yea , to the serpents which did eve deceave , and likewise teares the vaile where christ was painted forbidding dead mens pictures to be sainted ; wherewith by letter he upon this theame , acquaints the bishop of ierusalem , advising him not to endure the like scandall , or crime within his bishopricke . this of the veile at anablata hung was then from greek turn'd to the latin tongue . novatus damn'd men after baptismes breach , but no despairing fate mild christians teach ; they rather will raise up the br●ized reed , then thunder out what is not in their creed . such lamps this holy worke of ancient date exemplifies for us to imitate such damps likewise expressed in that work may warne th' elect , where doth the dragon lurk . there , heretickes in sundry formes appeare , there , christ his church you may discerne most cleare , and how good christians liv'd in dayes of yore , with what they taught before that rome turn'd whore , or which of either church are growne of late in faith , or manners more adulterate , there , with some paines we might gaine knowledge more , which worke i wish , but want the lydian lore to touch , to try the spirits , and apply the extracts to the moderne policy . let some grave elder with seraphick love , indifferent , just , and mild , the spirits prove . let usher , hall , or learned montague , my mate sometimes in eaton those renew , which , if my mindes presaging augury faile not , will yet to us more newes discry ; or if affaires afford them not the leasure , to levy , rate , and draw the hidden treasure , some good professour of judicious braine , which wants a flocke , may undergoe the straine ; orsome brave spirit of our academes , start up blaze those sacred theoremes , which adding wings to our reformed flights , would serve to guard our new-born lambs from kites and shew them gentle bathes , when to the brim , old tiber fill'd cause elephants to swim ; while honest swains them greet : god blesse the weak , and grant they not their christian vowes do breake , while saints doe saints salute : god speed the plow , and make us all content with what we sow . so that their seed be pure , full well we know , they with increase and peace shall reap and mow. the harvest great , no doubt but christ enow of workemen will provide , though i be slow . i now review another century : about the sev'nth of christ , the mystery of ghostly sinne began to domineere , and here-hence-out a pilot false will steere the churches ship exalted by his mace , who durst usurpe his lords imperiall place , bereaving him , his wife , and babes of life , ( an omen sure portending future strife ) from phocas first receiv'd pope boniface investiture of his supremest place , and to be styl'd , the churches soveraigne lord , which some have wrested since to peters sword , which smote off malchus eare. in the meane while hypocrisie did all the world beguile , for from the yeare since boniface began , the dragon wrought upon the braine of man , with more sly trickes then in the times before on hereticks , or wits of weaker lore . pope gregory fore-saw this mystick cloud , and new romes patriarch therefore warn'd aloud : that who aspir'd to be the soveraigne priest , he was fore-runner of false antichrist . this gregory fore-told , although himselfe had left his ship on a suspected shelfe ; when here in england he gave austine leave to winke at heathen feasts , to interweave their stuffe with faith , which some resemblance had with christian formes , to weane them form their bad and damned garbes , that so by easie steps they might ascend , and not by sodaine leapes . these pagan rites by saints conniv'd at first , like tainted vessels savour'd of the worst , and long retain'd their mixt religions taint , till the last age , on the new mans complaint , had purifi'd what the good spirit knew expedient in the church christ to renew . that monster , which since the apostles age crept mysticke-wise , grew big , began to rage , and raigne soone after gregories decease , under the keyes pretence disturbing peace , and shall for gold assume iehovahes might , to thunder , blesse , or curse each mortall wight ; for now henceforth a mixt religion flowes , to marre good seed the tempter darnell sowes . with dreggish dreames , which here pelagians first , and monkish braines had brew'd , they quench their thirst. with reliques , shrines , and lies , monastick cells abound , and darknesse now the light expells . foule sodomy instead of lawfull flames , and now our west blacke superstition shames . as mungrells of samaria sacrific'd some unto god , some creatures idoliz'd : some this besaint , that image they observe , but really the most part mauzzim serve . on creatures they the god-heads right conferre , and while they kneele to shrines most grossely erre ; the sunne 's eclips'd , the gospel they misprise , and slight the crosse , the new-mans sacrifice : the fiery crosse they slight , and hope by deedes and humane craft to blot out all mis-deedes . both east and west , since mahome● began , since mecha roar'd the moorish alcoran , find much adoe their credit to excuse , but must confesse the new-man they abuse , while the old man with his voluptuous store , traditions , and his trident they adore ; while dust and ashes they extoll too much , gods word concealing , where they inly grutch at him , who did poore fishermen inspire with sundry tongues appearing then , like fire , unlesse they will mad iulians cause support , restraining light from all the vulgar sort , who burnt the scriptures , interdicted zeale , and forbad schooles to christians common-weale : as from the yeare six hundred sixty sixe , rome did obscure gods word to raise her pixe ▪ and what more signe of a tyrannick sway could be , then with one tongue to oversway the christian church compos'd of many sounds ? the catholick of unrestrained bounds ? within this age likewise the agarens , by changing of their names to saracens , intruded on the right of abrams heire , on christs as moses lawes , and on the faire possessions of the church in siriaes land , with aegypt , which to his arabian strand now mahomet doth adde , that by those three the hornes in daniel might accomplishe be , with hodgepodge-dreames cookt for a fairy feast . and so himselfe of those three realmes possest dar'd to spue out the most presumptuous thing , the alcoran , i meane , against our christ , whereby he grew one of great antichrist his chiefest limbs to lord it in the east , as popes already crept into the west ; and save for christian name , which they doe beare , shall over-match him in our worldly spheare , for as the one himselfe styles lord of lords : so ours shall goe beyond him by lowd words , and thundring bulls accursing men to hell , dethroning kings , and seating soules aswell in heaven , as in purgatory-cells : in which attempts the pope the turk excells . but whether for pelagian heresie , or for her fraud romes great apostasie fell out ? ( for though pelagius she may blame , yet his conceptions with implicite flame she hugges ) or when she turned courtezan ? or when was satan curb'd ? i leave to scan , loath to resolve such questions scrupulous , till fresher gales , for their more cleere discusse , shall quicken up my gravell'd intellect from ancient scribes the truth to recollect . i had almost forgot here downe to quote among these broiles one memorable note ; about the yeare six hundred sixty foure , when sarasens and popes began to rore , a female-saint of yorke did prophetize , and speake against romes new enormities : she stood against the shaving of the crowne , which then the romish church , to know her owne false prophets by , as publike mark or seale , had forc'd on priests with a lowd thundring peale . against the same , and easters romaine date good hilda spake , but popes said she did prate : for since they durst the new-mans course exchange , why might not they all ancient orders change ? adde to the church new sacraments , as lights ? and alter times aswell as outward rites ? he , that presumes above all councells , kings , and states , will do farre more prodigious things . thus popes have done . therefore i strongly fixe upon the yeare six hundred sixty sixe . when gog with force advanc'd the alcoran , when magogs wiles set up the outward man : then did those foes , though diff●ring in their wayes , begin with filth to soile the churches rayes . the occvrrences of the eighth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . at which time irene raigned empresse of constantinople , being the mother of constantine and nicephorus . about which time ecbert began his monarchy in england . the argument . the churches brood seduc'd with monkish lies and mechaes dreames , the gospel they misprize ; mungrells themselves , then mixt religions flow , yet some reclaim'd , their mothers voyce did know . about the yeare six hundred sixty sixe , strife dimm'd the use of the true crucifixe . for pictur'd saints the greek imperiallists began to taxe our westerne latinists , whose right or wrong serenus , gregory , and epiphane did long afore descry . some priz'd those types , like bookes , to edifie : some them defi'd , least gulls them deifie . some thought their sight did quicken much the sence , whilst others held they dull'd the conscience . but to summe this : we must our bodies yeeld as mindes to serve the lord , or lose the field . we outwardly must to gods rites attend , as inwardly on his good gifts intend , for what the heart adores , the tongue sounds out , the knee bowes to , the sight puts out of doubt . then , agars seed prevail'd to tyrannize , popes to usurpe , and both to sympathize with satans genius , by false masked zeale to over-sway christs church and common-weale , fraud taught them first to crouch and to dissemble , then fiends train'd thē to make their foes to trēble . thus darkned stood our westerne hemisphere , till she that 's with the sun cloth'd did appeare . by trumpets sound , and printings mystery , recalling home her strayes from p●pery . among which lutes harmoniously divine , would i could thrust this oaten pipe of mine . but was our church on earth invisible till luthers time ? no sure . most visible she lay to saints , though to some romish hid , like diamonds in mines , yet clearly did she breath in christ , although not eminent to carnall eyes , or on a hill transparent , yet catholick , and through the world diffus'd , she sojourned with holy rayes infus'd , like a poore pilgrim , one while in the east she liv'd retir'd . another while the west , she put in mind of jeremiaes threnes : anon the northerne-iles , and isters fennes she visited , and oftentimes the south , or all at once she wakened from their sloth , which ●ruitfull greece , and rich arsaces land could testifie with ethiopiaes strand : which c●●ms tartaria and the moguls ground could blaze how she nestorians did confound . which snow● mos●ho●s clime could justifie ; yea , many in our west could verifie , that she , good soule , with teares and doctrine soun● sought to red●●me them in hells fetters bound , and on christs merits onely to rely without distrust or ambiguity , tendring her glosse christs gospel to expound , but most were deafe , or would not heare her sound , for either in a tongue unknowne , by roat , or ●arnally they would her d●ctates note . nay , when she would indifferent things to use p●rmit her b●bes , her love they would abuse ; and for her care , her champions they would raze out of their files with curst anathemaes . yet some of better mould attentively ga●e ●are ; and these i praise deservedly ▪ some godly mo●kes , and the old saxon bede shew us what life a christian ought to lead . he d●ing wisht , a● cutber● wrote , that men would read gods word , and humane dreams contemn to which good end himselfe in english to●e christs gospel left according to saint iohn . those holy monks liv'd not on others sweat , nor idly did by strangers tythes get meat , but earn'd repast in gardens by the spade , or in foule weather by some houshold trade . to keep their thoughts frō sensual plots they wrought , and on high dayes or fest●●als they taught their auditours what sence christs mystery beares to imprint his passions m●mory ; or catechis'd the weake and tender braine with scriptures text , and intelligible straine ▪ but when the lumbards were by cha●lemaine represt , then popes rais'd up their pe●cocks traine ▪ with carnall sence and carnall meanes support , transforming rites ingrosse stupendio●s sor● , and by degrees transferr'd to catholickes traditions hatcht by former heretickes . what wheele is this ? what strange extravagance ? religious rome , like dina , gads to daunce . nay more , she paints her face , like jezabel , darkning those gifts , wherein she did excell , she that most honour'd was next salems church , spreads lying dreames , and now lives by the lurch . she , that was once the westernes sacred dame , converting heathen soules unto the lambe , usurps saint peters place with lofty style , depraves gods gifts , and reares up babels pile . she , that was chast , delights to play the queane , and more then good to practize deeds obsceane , but these are tri●les in respect of those great sinnes , to which she will henceforth dispose her wh●●rish will , for wicked sodo●y she will commit , cheat men with alchimy ; she will proud nembr●d from damnation free , and will besamt false magus for a fee. she will create new christs , burn saints , force hell , mew up gods word , and vertue quite expell . she christendome will topsie-turvie turne , dethrone her kings , and make their subjects mourne , but here the comfort lyes : though rome playes false , and nero-like , debauch'd , yet all her brawles , plots , menaces , and tortures cannot stop the pens of some the truth to underprop with learned workes , to blaze in every age her breach of faith , and tyrannizing rage . the strong conceit of the states holinesse , saint peters keyes , and shrines did so possesse remoter braines , that rome they did prefer before all climes . thither cadwallader our brittish king for refuge in distresse , and sundry others went for happinesse , as they then dream'd : some for monastick rest : some to become there by such merits blest . and if ravennaes feare , and lumbards sway had not then blockt them in their pilgrims way , with dangers by banditi in some straight about the alpes , where theeves for preyes awaite , ( such was the blindnesse of that ages zeale ) romes mart had greater been ; more lowd her peale , as sithence for her marchandize encreafe fell out , though to their losse of inward peace . while rome thus vaunted of imagery , greece seconded her sinfull mystery . and though new rome long struggled with the old , yet now her keyes then ice become cold : and so prevail'd damn'd errour at the last , that nicens second councell made agast our christian church , when that romes glorious head she saw accurst , and yet themselves mis-led would set forth acts for images adore , which their greek church condemned had before . honorius was most justly censured , but idolls use they ill determined . for heresie the romaine pope they quail'd , yet heresie within themselves prevail'd ; and what the former age brookt as a booke , an image now like to a god they tooke , and held an idoll in no l●sse esteeme then pagans did to honour dagon seeme , this ages griefe i point at , that the east we may conclude as faulty as the west . none can excuse themselves . aswell new rome , as did the old , for antichrist made roome . because , like rome , a mungrell faith they those ; the greeks their fame of iconomaches lose . yet this stole in but like an ague fit , they soone recover'd , and confounded it . they did not since so superstitious grow , to vow that service which to christ they owe , they kneel'd not downe , nor orav'd d●a●● idoll● ayd● , as if their church to baal they had betray'd . they minister the cup unto the lay ; their clergy-men doe marry to this day ; and in the mother-tongue the gospel read , not like the westernes rome so much misled . and yet no doubt their church went much astray in many points , though not so grosse away , as rome . they held , and made apparant boast of idle quirkes about the holy ghost , that they might share , and be in tangled in the mystery of the lewd man of sinne. for which foule crime , and d●pravation , christ did then with-draw his grace , and in that mist , the dragon did worke on their enemies , as on their wi●● , their empire to surprize , and to prey on their chiefe metropolis , as turkes still doe . and all for their amisse . ere i conclude this ages century , i must not over-slip , how zachary the romaine pope against gods word gave way from childerick the crowne to put away , and to depose the french mens lawfull king on pipins plea , and for no other thing then for a slothfull life , and that a bee was fitter then a drone to over-see and rule a realme , that he tooke all the care , while childerick lay still in pleasures snare , or lull'd a sleep , not caring but for ease , whereby he did the common-wealth displease . on this surmize ; the pope gave his assent , that the poore king be to a cloister sent and shorne a monke , that pipine weare the crowne , the lawfull heires from native right quite thrown . for this good turne the pope to gratifie , the franks new king combin'd to fortifie saint peters seat against the lumbards strength , that he ravenna forc'd to yeeld at length . the yeare of christ seven hundred fifty sixe , when men did much on outward objects fixe , then constantine to pipine in the west sent first the use use of organs from the east , in imitation of king davids harpe , a godly use , though some thereat doe carpe , which though pope paul the first did not abhorre , yet afterwards he dar'd that emperour with curses for opposing images : on these popes doated so with passages of glorious shewes , that adrian peter all in silver cloath'd , and paul with golden pall. thus by degrees rome that was fam'd for chaste , began to paint her face , and prove unchaste . but though popes daub'd , & were more proud become , others went plaine like old religious rome ; and in our west will so continue still , till to adore false christs , fiends bane their will. all were not bad ; although the head was craz'd , the lord yet some of romes poore members grac'd . no doubt , he blest some of the romain brood ; caiphas was bad , but nichodemus good. when that elias thought the church downe reel'd , sev'n thousand were to baal that never kneel'd . as in the east , so in the west there were thousands which then from idolls did forbeare , fixing their onely faith on maries seed , the churches head , which ransom'd evaes deed. now the first use to christen bells began , whereby ( i thinke ) they baptisme did profane , when they deprav'd the rites of sacred font , wherewith to type the new-man we are wont . the occvrrences of the ninth age , from the yeare of our lord . ( about which time charles the great of france after his conquest of the lumbards , was crowned by pope leo the third emperour of the west ) untill the yeare . about which time the danes sore afflicted england . the argument . charles builds new schooles , subjects the westerne broiles , and with the pope shares faire ravennaes spoiles . though some rare wits renowned then that age , two monstrous deeds yet shame the romaine stage . brave charlemaine , like romes bifronted sire , whom pagans at the former yeares expire , and at the newes approach renew'd with bayes : so merited this prince redoubted praise , for clozing up in the last falling age our westerne wounds made by barbarian rage . no fate of worldly wheeles , nor length of yeares shall cancell martells deedes , nor the twelve peeres dimme , nor expunge from honours calendar , for their exploits and memorable warre against the moores , with whom they did so cope , that they quite lost their proud ambitious hope of conqu'ring france , as they subjected spaine , but left behinde two hundred thousand slaine of moorish coarses for a pawne or signe , that none shall france but christians make to whine . charles after broiles in this ninth age began three academes to found for the new-man , to propagate in france and italy , by whose faire patterne moe did fructifie in other christian lands , from whence some rose , some rome to ayd , and some her to oppose : for though the head of the vertigo wheel'd , some members yet there were , which never reel'd . and surely charles the name of great deserves aswell as constantine , but that he serves too lavishly in my conceit to prop rome with more states , when she had need of stop . he desiderius for her sake immur'd , and her with him to share the spoiles endur'd . he did to her that patrimony signe , which since she falsely forg'd from constantine ; for which henceforth we must expect but force , spirituall rapes , and the new-mans divorce , truth crying out , that they the lumbards wrong'd , and that the fee to irens sonne belong'd , great constantines successour , new romes lord. but how should then proud babel be ador'd ? alasse , that such effects from kings did streame , to taint the springs of new ierusalem , since what they gave out of their love and zeale , redounded to corrupt christs common-weale ▪ the more rome had , the more she coveted , ( ambition perkes with reines unlimited ) and never will the pope in quiet rest , till he rides on a scarlet colour'd beast , till he crown'd with a triple diademe shall both his mates and emperours contemne . but the red dragon yet workes covertly , he spues not all his dr●gges but lees them ly at randome , whilst this age amaz'd doth passe like to a dreame ; and that the next an asse shall turne , extinct of light , and learnings fruit , which charles had left for honours faire pursuit : whereby more roome shall for ambitious rome enlarged be for soules abroad to roame . about the yeare eight hundred sixty six , romes church being growne of late a meretrix , chast marriage more to bring into decay , and to promote the antichristian sway by sodomes snares and brothelries accurst , consented that pope nicholas the first , with lucifers and all the monks applause should then enact these grosse tyrannicque lawes : that no lay-men receive the sacrament by married priests , though with devout intent ; as if gods mysticks from john baptists sire , or peter savour'd of profaner fire ; and that thenceforth no priest should celebrate within precincts of all the christian state gods service in the vulgar mother tongue , but in the latine , which did all belong , as he surmiz'd , to peters government , and so to him by reason consequent , excepting onely the sclavonian rout and polanders , whom he of grace left out ▪ thus hath romes lord the devils doctrine broacht , and falsely on the new-mans right encroacht . where was christs church the while ? gone from that elsewhere ( perhaps a thousand yeares ) to chime , that so rome being for her unthankfulnesse cut off , the gospels sound might others blesse . but while this eighth centurian age did last , some wits barr'd sinne from spreading too too fast . of these i praise good bertrams unity and haymons cares , because the verity of our late doubts about the sacrament of the lords feast they quote , and what is meant by that divine and mystick ordinance , which carnall clerkes by transubstantiate trance broacht to confound our weaklings apprehension for his true bodies forme , site , and dimension : ae●●gera then gloss'd the sacrament 〈◊〉 them , from which our moderne popes dissent . so learned raban did , and isidore , who held those points , which bertram held before . no clarks then cloy'd christs flock with heavy mast but drest his feast fit for the new-mans tast : they christ receiv'd by intellectuall trance , and upwards taught by faith soules to advance . they taught their flocke the old man to deface , and to embrace the holy spirits grace : the chaine 'twixt christ and us incorporate , christs flesh and bloud with ours regenerate : the sacrament not taken in one kinde . ( who would bar wine from guests but men unkind ) the reall forme whereof unspeakable if i describe , the saints will say i babble , for carnall reason knowes not to define , how christ descends at our great feast divine . upon our faith the holy ghost alights , and he with christ our rapt-up soules unites , makes us in minde and body sympathize with christ his humane nature mystick-wise , but then before this century expir'd , the romish church two monstruous meteours fn'd , and by their dampe gave warning to those times , that vengeance was at hand , unlesse betimes they would new babel shun with her false charmes , and damned plots po●tencing after-harmes . the one fell out when the whore moguntine in a mans habit plaid the false divine , so blear'd the romaines eyes , that they for pope elected her , to shew how they did grope , and stumble in re-building babels walls , which they should let , lest they become her thralls . a reall signe , that rome then turned whore with carnall soil'd , with ghostly traffick more . the other prodigy pope sergius spred , when he the corps of pope formosus dead dig'd from his grave , beheaded him with shame , and into tybers streame then flung the same . how well romes head deserves the name by john fore-told of old : the whore of babylon ? by these two flaming brands and papall jarres , good watch-men may dissever fiends from starres , and by the fruit proud antichrist discerne , if foggy mists impeacht them not to learne . his empires wound which long since goths had made by constantines remove , had for his trade of soules beene soone recur'd , yea , antichrist been sooner knowne : but god that cloudy mist permitted by degrees the west to blinde , which grew of wild degenerated kinde , untill romes cup of fornications full were mounted to the height the world to gull , that so his word fulfill'd , her fearefull fall amaze them more , who her a queen install . while she deferres her coron●tion day , the next farre duller age prepares her way , to climbe above all christian states and kings , and to invert for gold gods sacred things . marke , reader , but with feare ; and glory not in that old churches fall , lest that thy lot for thy proud peacocks vaunt of thine owne worth , may hap , like her , from grace to be cast forth . while thus the popes their monarchy contrive , within the yeare eight hundred ninety five : in imitation of brave charlemaine , who founded schooles poore students to maintaine , and likewise of the saxon sigebert , who rear'd the like in cambridge to convert two ages past rude wits from ignorance : king alfred built for schollers maintenance an academe , or universitie at oxford , which with men of pietie , men skilfull in the tongues and arts he stor'd , such as could well expound gods sacred word , whereof himselfe a present patterne was , and might be stil'd true vertues looking-glass● ; ev'n as our iames was learnings oracle , styl'd faiths defender , brittaines miracle ; for as the one clad part of davids h●mnes in saxon garbe , wrote bookes , and carechismes : so did our king of famous memory new-clothe those psalmes in verse , and popery convince with sundry bookes , and babylon , for which our age inscribes him salomon . in turne of time , as faith did ebbe and flow , or as the moone eclips'd , or winds did blow , religion wav'd , sprung up another fry , which grounding faith on vaine imagery , and their owne merits puffe , for penance sake , or with great rome to part vaine-glories stake , took up good alfreds taske , to build more roomes in the oxonian towne , upon whose tombes faire violets and roses sithence grew , because they living strove arts to renew . this moved wainflet , wickam , chiches●ey , and others with more fabrickes to supply that nursery ; some brought in wood , some clay , some stone , aswell the clergy as the lay. hence as from sinons horse minervaes knights came forth , well skill'd in fences and in fights . hence as from saplings shot up goodly trees , hence as from hives came up industrious bees , whereof some did the conscience edifie , the common-wealth some others beautifie . hence wickli●se rose , bale , and laborious foxe , who holp to build our temple orthodoxe , though not in zeale to match the primitive , thrive , yet by such good mens cares through grace wee by martyrs acts fetcht from old registers to stop the mouthes of false interpreters , as by those wits nurst up with food divine on oxfords paps , which now in london shine , and likewise by a thousand other starres , whose radiant rayes excell the sunny carres , at whose rare gifts and voyce our brittains wonder , when they strike sinne , like to the sonnes of thunder . the occvrrences of the tenth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . at which time raigned emperour otho the third , whom the almaines call the worlds wonder . about which time king et heldred raigned in england . the argument . the dulnesse of this age. the pope supreme in rule unto the latine tongue binds them who are his th●alles . yet to the truth some stand most firme . th' electours now grace teutons land. o who can count the churches dolefull teare● , her woes , her fits , and manifolded feare● by sarace●s , the popes , and heat●nish bands , who forraged , and rackt all christian lands ? no sooner had victorious charlemaine parted with popes the scepter soveraigne , adding unto the keyes a diademe , but rome grew proud of that brave state supreme , although as then it was a single crownc , and not , as since , like gerions , triple growne ; so seem'd to have her former wound heal'd up , which caesars gave by their remove ; her cup o're-flow'd , her mac● renewe'd , which gorhes had rent . she frolicks now , forgets her banishment ; she hopes , that the like blow shall never light upon her limbs , nor work her more despight . she stands secure , and builds up babels walls , and by new kings , her tributary thralls , whom she hath train'd with fetches into serve her turne , and as their god , her to observe , she stores her palace with the price of bloud , with sinnefull spoiles vail'd with an angels hood . while thus she vaunts of carnall dignities , and slights the serpent , which concealed lies , religion goes to wrack : and few there be , which will , or dare the gospels splendour see . dumbe are her priests , and mu●fled are the flock ; both honour stocks more then the living rocke . instead of scriptures now , traditions strange , the divels huskes , disperst . lord ! how those range ! which th●ugh but light at first in wise mens eyes , none fannes them , lest they might disgrace the keyes usurping lord , who , whilst he grac'd those toyes , stopt strangers murmure at the latine noise . o tyranny , worse than our norman kings ! such was great henries spleen , and such his stings towards the welsh or brittish nation bent , because they had by their troupes ambushment neere snowdon hills defeated in their woods and straights his forces , in his angry moods he meant , if hesped in a victours way old cambers tone quite to exile away , and force the vanquisht from their native tongue to learne the english tone . but of this wrong consulting with an hermite , when he heard how hard that plot would prove , he seem'd afear'd : that though their persons he might subjugate , yet he could not that tongue obliterate , which was so ancient , but it should endure till doomesday came , the pure from the impure to separate , and that this sound among the chiefe should vent allelujaes song . much then hath rome to answer for this wrong , and they have cause to waile , who were so long barr'd from soules-comfort in the mother-tongue by rapsodies unknowne , or parrats song . before this ninth centurian age began , although the head turn'd giddy , the new-man forsooke not to reclaime the chiefest parts of the church-body from the serpents arts. in all the course of the church-pilgrimage , from the apostles time untill this age , i apprehend no pleas in that long tract of time , nor reall motives to substract , ( some schismaticques excepted , and some few , who seiz'd on rights to their creator due ) from her essentiall worth , and purity● but that romes church leagu'd in integrity with cyprian , ambrose , ierome , augustine , for the resolve of mysteries divine ; and that with those , whom i have named last , we hold true faith in spight of babels blast , the faith , which they did catholicke professe ; yea , and the very same untowardnesse of factious spirits , which they scorn'd , we scorne , hating to see our masters rayment torne . did any farnous writers from christs age ? or in eight hundred yeares since christ engage their auditors to credit those lewd points , which with lewd threats trents councel late appoints did either popes , or councels then ordaine from wedlock bonds the clergy to refraine ? did they compell their flockes gods word to heare in a strange tongue , as if they sencelesse were ? did they without their troupe communicate ? or let them without wine participate the holy bread alone ? with curst intent so maiming halfe our christian sacrament ? did they kneele downe to images or shrines ? or offer bribing gifts ? or pay them fines ? did they believe the pope dispenc'd with oathes ? or could dispose of realmes to franks or gothes ? did popes within sev'n hundred yeares exempt states from their kings , or kings hold in contempt ? did they beleeve that popes could pardons sell ? and ransome soules from purgings flames of hell ? or do the greeks , the east , or abissine hold to this day , like rome , their rites divine ? but rather joyne with us in most of these ▪ holding her sick of schismaticques disease ? did they before the councell popes preferre ? as though , like other men , they could not erre ? no romainist , although he loves the pope , unlesse he rackes too much , will prove i hope , that any doctours broacht that dostrine out untill the sunne the ninth age brought about ; or till indeed long after by degrees popes thundring spells forc'd monarques on their knees against christs rule , who never grud●'d to pay caesarean toll , nor pilate did gaine-say . and if they should by romes type patronize those errours , which the true church doth despise , let them looke backe upon the word divine , and see if there they can such points define ; or if before , or after constantine , till this tenth age from purenesse did decline , they apprehend that saints did sympathize with those grosse dreams , which now they dearly prize . onely some shrines in austins time began to be in some request , by their old man devis'd to soile the new , but not , as since , that they might from gods adoration flinch , with an all haile to the triumphall wood , to martyrs ashes , or saint benets hood . though in our west some us'd thus to comply , the east remembred yet saint anthony , who at his lives last gaspe , sinne to prevent , requir'd his friends , that not with monument they would enclose his corps , but secretly conceale the same , lest men might foolishly it idolize in zeale to doe him grace , which would redound at last to their disgrace . to iohn the twelfe now caesar homage swore , and that the mid-time of this age did gore . of all the ages since the word made flesh first rose on earth none for the church had lesse of learnings light then this tenth century , dull'd through the damps of hells great mystery . full fourescore yeares os ignorance prevail'd , that knowledge seem'd extinct , the gospel fail'd . who could repeat the pater-noster , creed , and ave maries oft , though with small heed , or gloss'd on shrines , or mumbled latine masse , in schooles he did for a good graduate passe . but if he made monastick legends knowne , a doctours cap became his shaven crowne . whether this chanc'd by romes deep policie , that none might dive to her supremacie , which she had newly crown'd , or that the warres , anxiety embroyling soules with cares prevented learnings growth , we find small signes in that tempestuous time of vertuous lines , or monuments to move posterity not to accuse them of impiety . such was the blindnesse of this darkned age , that none scarce acted on the muses stage parts to be seene of gotams auditours ; so busie were old fooles in building towres and strong monastick cells , where they found peace , or to defend their reliques from the prease of souldiers stormes , which from the north did fall , norwegians , danes , and pirates robbing all . onely some foppish tales they left behinde , thereby to cheat , not edifie the minde : what miracles were wrought in such a place , which they conceiv'd their monkish haunt to grace , how dunstan hookt , catcht satan by the nose , with many moe absurder lyes then those ; like oberons imagin'd fairy dance , or arthurs knights , or the twelve peeres of france ; how patrick kill●d five hundred yeares before thousands of irish kernes by charmed lore ; how david did a mighty mountaine move , and by his word the massy earth remove . with such fond tales they gull'd the multitude , that 't is no marvell we account them rude . yet o're his church the spirit vigilant neglected not their dreames extravagant to interrupt , by raising up the wit of aelfrick to reforme their raving fit , which worke perhaps not usefull for that age , but for our doubts we doe conceive them sage , i meane for christ his body in suspence with some , which till this age in ghostly sence , i dare be bold to say , saints ever tooke , not carnall-wise , but by the new-mans booke . this reverend clerk in ancient saxon style describes what blots the sacrament defile , and proves the sence and manner of the feast to suit with none , but with the spirits guest . from the tenth chapter of the corinths first he thus compares : the israelites a thirst dranke of christs rock with a spirituall tast , and on his flesh , though clouded , brake their fast. as our new-man , or zealous catechist admires christs body in the eucharist : so they prais'd god for manna and rock-water , types of the churches twinnes , how he begat her . out of the forrest of this century , excepting , rudenesse , broiles , and butchery , i apprehend no memorable course to beautifie my lines ; but worse and worse all things decline . this onely i conclude imperiall otho to extinguish fiend , and mortall jarres for chusing emperours on sev'n conferr'd the first elective pow'res , eternizing the period of this sceane , whose former acts we count rude and obsceane . this otho by pope gregories assent did to assure the almaines government , and to content the rhines count palatine , because he next of charlemaine his ligne deserv'd that honour , which his race hath held , till force of late the golden bull expell'd . for this brave act the authour got the praise , to be enstil'd the wonder of those dayes , as they , who do that order violate , shall be proclaim'd usurpers of the state. for an appendix to my register , i must not over-passe pope sylvester , who by hell-charmes , spells , negromantick lies , and magick arts defam'd the papall keyes , preparing roome by that catastrophe to the next age tost with a sinnefull sea. the occvrrences of the eleventh age , from the yeare of our lord . untill the yeare . about which time godfrey of lorraine became king of ierusalem , and henry the first raigned king of england . the argument . hells highest sleights a thousand yeares restrain'd , breake out , when priests the searlet hat had gain'd . the clergy barr'd of wives . the masses cake turnes flesh. the holy land now christians take . now to glance on the churches darken'd wane , who can deny but rome became profane ? when satan was let loose a thousand yeares after st. iohns prediction , as appeares even till these times with curses , fire , and sword , and secret slights to martyrize gods word ? both sun and moone stood then eclips'd of light , and starre-like men from grace declined quite . the heav'ns were mov'd , strange meteors scar'd the east , but earth-quakes most appall'd the troubled west . mens consciences o're-clouded were with mists , when satan rang'd from his confined lists , with leave to prey upon those romanists , who had forsooke christs word for antichrists , in giving heed unto erroneous spirits , cashiering marriage , and their saviours merits : yoaking their flockes , not of necessity , but to subvert true christian liberty , ( i meane the spirits freedome , and gods word , not that which fooles do to the flesh afford ) by pilgrimage to saints , idolatry , with wonders wrought by fiends their faith to try , by lies and dreames bred in scholastick braine for belly-work , ambitious ends , or gaine : with carnall sence advancing superstitions , and spotting faith with needlesse mens traditions . with such flim-flams , since satan was let loose , and since romes clergy christ his rivall chose , were there false church possest ; and to this day some goe in those strange labyrinths astray , not willing to be won ; nor to decide by scriptures light the quarrells of their side . about this time the cardinalls arose unto their sway , till then a secret close , for though the name were knowne of cardinalls , yet were they rankt but deacons , principalls , or parsons of romes parishes to serve the severall cures , not prelates to conserve the papacies resplendent majesty , as since they grew by satans subtilty . on each of these his holinesse conferres a scarlet hat , to higher place preferres , and amplifies with bishopricks their state , whereby they might live eminent , from hate and envy safe , the better to support their princely pompe , and his magnifique port. at their install he so much scarlet shares to cloth their mules , that by those scarlet wares saints may divine where babels whore abides , which on a beast of scarlet colour rides . these men shut up within the conclave close , and having by most suff●ages him chose , who stands for pope , they then his usuall weare pluck off , and in their stead bring glorious geare : a scarlet suit , red stockings , and red shooes , on which , because he claimes that he can loose or bind mens sinnes , a golden crosse they place , that some might kisse the same whom he would grace a girdle red then they about him clap with buckles all of gold , and a red cap present to him with band of gold and pearle , wrought and engirt fit for a king or earle . thus trimm'd , they put him on a scarlet cloak ; and to puffe up him more with glories smoak , upon his head the triple crowne they set with carbuncles and diamonds beset . at last they mount him , though a mortall clod , and on an altar throne him , like a god , the holy place , where their masse-god remaines : there none of them to kisse his foot disdaines . his chaplaines now turne politick divines , more prone to spoile then prop up sions vines . thus every age hath added royalties , since first the pope affected soveraignties in ghostly things above his ghostly mates , to scandalize the church . this animates the turks and moores to counterpoize his crowne with the like tares by their arabian sowne . for when they saw religion mixt with theames of humane stampe , they forged idler dreames , that by such carnall baites their sect like those of christian name , might with such wordlings glo●e as loved pompe , and by their muffry hope the like soule-blisse as christians from the pope , whereby both sects make up the antichrist , turkes openly , popes sl●ly crossing christ. the former rav'd , and quickly were reveal'd , the latter grew by stealth , so lay conceal'd in mystick sort from carnall drowzie braines , because gods word was hid , none took the paines , or durst indeed proclaime with open lippes the pope christs foe , or by th' apocalipse depaint him out in coulours , least that hire , which saints reapt since , they should have felt by fire . but who would once suspect within the church a grave divine to live so by the lurch , as to deprave the holy spirits gifts ? and in a saint-like shape with satans shifts , wherewith he tempted in the desart christ , to take the place of a monarchique priest ? and by the keyes pretence for gold to sell mens soules ? and to dispose of realmes , aswell as to encroach upon the churches ark , that none should preach of christ without his mark ? not onely in the westerne enpery , but o're the world he claimed soveraignety ; and not alone he claim'd this massy round , but other worlds , and the abisse profound , to order there , like heathens rhadamant , soules torment due for deedes extravagant . how on the psalmists clause have school-men gloss●d ? thou hast all things under his feet dispos'd ? as cattell living men , as fish pain'd soules , as aiery foule high saints the pope controules . among the rest of antichristian blots , i may not overpasse romes damned plots about th'inhibiting of nuptiall rites unto the clergies ranke by romish kites ; that divellish doctrine of the latter dayes by paul fore-warn'd now babels strumpet waighes in a false ballance by hells oracle , slighting the type of cana●s miracle ; and , as from christ by revelations new authentick firm'd , she doth the same renew , although that plea three hundred yeares before , had ordred been against the remaine whore by the sixth councell in bizantium held , and by th' apostles canons there upheld : that deacons , priests , or clergy-men might marry , and if they should from this position vary , the priest not with his wife cohabiting , they censur'd him with deprivations sting ; and if he should his wife repudiate , they then judg'd him for excommunicate . but notwithstanding all the councells three at gangren , nice , and this , they would decree suborn'd by peevish monks to lay that yoak , which they in younger yeares could hardly brook . for quenching of this sodomiticque flame , we finde two workes under volusians name , to prove the weaknesse of that canons worth , by ausburgs bishop huld erick set forth . pope nicholas the second of that name by this and other acts quite out of frame set romes weake church . ev'n he by hildebrands lewd counsel scorcht the church with burning brāds and coram nobis brought good berengare , that babels masse might prove as market ware. about that time rome fram'd a god of bread turn'd into flesh , like him , whom she had read in genesis created of red earth , unto which wight she motion gave and birth . to this new god with supercilious brow she strictly charg'd her subjects all to bow . her courtiers , and the multitude confus'd obey'd the charge , but gods elect refus'd . good men refus'd , and berengarius sought with monkes support and prelates underwrought , to contradict the transubstantiate masse , or not to leave it unreformed passe . but factious wits with worldly policie , tooke that to clinch and pinch romes primacie . yet this good soule , though since for feare of death enforced to recant , consum'd his breath with reasons sound , and arguments profound , till tyranny his patience did confound , in opposition to their sacrament , which derogates from the man christs ascent ; and left behind what hell can never blot , the sence of that , which seemes to some a knot . nor wanted he applauses in that age of abbots , monkes , and prelates wise and sage ; and hildebert a norman bishop wrot his praise at large , which time shall never rot . t is strange to me how faction then prevail'd , that they had not in disputations quail'd , ashamed of their ghostly mans relapse , having been nurst upon the churches paps , as they suppos'd , and of the spirit borne , yet they the sence did intellectuall scorne of that blest food , which christ himselfe fed on before his death , and gave thereof construction spirituall plaine , as all the fathers did , that saints might finde with ease the treasure hid . but what they spake by oratories trope rome wrested since her masse to underprop . sometimes the fathers by syne●doche , by metonymy , or hyperbole spake to advance the sacred mystery , thereby to print in ravisht memory soules healthfull cure 'gainst passions insurrection typ'd by our saviours crosse and resurrection . towards this ages end pope hildebrand attempted by maine force and armed hand , to wrest from caesars gift the papacies elections grant , and paramounting sway , which popes receiv'd from them untill that day . at least they tooke their confirmations wea le not sure without the high imperiall seale , and so did other bishops in his land , assume their worldly states from caesars hand . but now the pope by romes new cardinalls more pow'refull growne into his party calls aswell the lay , as clergy-men to ayde him in his warres , which caesar sore dismay'd ; for by his bulls he gave his realmes away , and blockt from him and his the heavens way . thus he that tooke himselfe to be the head of christ his flocke claim'd rule unlimited aboue all kings , and earthly potentates , and by the keyes would alter worldly states . the emperour accurst , he sends a crowne to rodolfe with this posie written downe : the rock to peter gave the rule supreme , and he to rodolfe gives the diademe . upon this warrant of his ghostly sire against his lord proud rodolfe did conspire . the members rav'd , and turn'd irregulare , as if they felt the cramp or riding mare . then , thousands rag'd with frenzies calentures , till thousands let them bloud , or tooke their cures . this quarrell made all germany to quake ; with rodolfe some , with henry more partake . the crosse and eagle rear'd for bloudy signes , yet caesar foil'd saint peters false assignes ; and rodolfe in the last great battell fought , lost his right hand , which to him dying brought he shew'd it to the bishops standing by , lo , here the guerdon of disloyalty , that hand , quoth he , which did to caesar vow , i lost by your advise . behold it now . but notwithstanding all these cruell broiles , proud hildebrand , late gregoriz'd , embroiles himselfe againe , will hazard soule and body , but he will prove the emperour a noddy , his soveraigne selfe comparing to the sun , and caesars person to his vassall moone . so long he play'd , till caesar sacked rome , doom'd him , and set another in his roome : as others his successours herods sword drew out so oft crosse to their masters word , that now of late popes odious in their place , twice burbon did and alva rome deface . about this time our rufus to enlarge new forrest , there to have a chase more large , pull'd many churches downe . but while he plies the game , into his heart an arrow slies . er● i proceed to the next ages stemme , i must reflect upon ierusalem . our westernes now by romes croisadoes spurr'd made a brave league ; and like good brethren stirrd with christian zeale , they having antioch won to salem went , and took that famous towne , mauger the forces of the saracens , erected there the crosse for christian mens encouragement then living in those dayes , wherewith the sight they might , as star-like rayes , behold a glimpse of some pathetick love home-frozen there renew'd , of force to move compunction in their hearts on calvaries and olivets survey , a sacrifice well pleasing unto christ , while they with teares mus'd on his griefes , his bloudy sweat , and feares , his passion undergone for their amisse , his fathers wrath for sinne appeas'd , and blisse restor'd to them , and to the penitent by his deserts alone and punishment , who without help the bloudy wine-presse trod , and seal'd for us a new contract with god. this citty by victorious godfrey gain'd , when all his host would have him there constrain'd as king to weare a golden crowne : shall i most sinnefull man , quoth he , unworthily yeeld to be crown'd with gold in that same towne , where christ was forc'd to weare a thorny crowne ? farre be that thought from me , weak mortall clod , to slight his crosse , my duty unto god. such carnall pomp i utterly contemne : pitch we our thoughts on new ierusalem , where every saint the vassall as the king , shall crown'd with blisse alleluiaes fing . the new-mans complaint in the name of our saviour christ for the romaine churches apostasie and adulterate religion . whilst in thy name i vent this just complaint , beare with my song , o christ , my soveraigne saint . but thou , romes cause of sinne , thou dotards clod , pack hence , or humbly waigh the word of god ; i am truths light , yet none from r●aming cease : i am the prince of peace , yet none loves peace : i am the hill , yet none climbes sions mount : i am the spring , yet none drinks of my font : i am the shepheard , yet none heares my call : i am gods priest , yet none heedes me at all . i am sinnes death , yet none from sin will rise : i am soules health , yet none me gratifies . i am the way , yet none will tract my pace : i am lifes vine , yet none aff●ords me place : i am faiths quintessence , yet none partakes me : i am soules manna , yet aright none takes me . i am most true to man , none true to me : i am rais'd up , yet none my forme will see : i am mans baile , yet none doth con me thankes : i am hells scourge , yet none hates satans prankes : i am the golden meane , none waighes my center : i am heavn's doore , yet none the doore dares enter . i am gods word , yet none will heare his word : i am their iudge , yet none regards the sword : i am heavens strength , yet none sticks to my fame : i am zeales-mover , yet none heedes the flame . i am the starre of the new-eastern morne : i am the new-mans head , yet none 's new-borne . i am the thundrer , yet none feares my stroake : i am free-hearted , yet none beares my yoake . i am the lambe , none will my nature take : i am the sunne , yet none sinnes cloudes forsake . i am truths rock , yet none will now believe me : i am mens hope , yet none will cease to grieve me ; but in these times with coulour of my rock , the dragons seed doth persecute my flock , and all romes clergy now doe listen more unto the popes decrees then to my lore . no wonder with hells plague that soules are stung , when such foule mists rise from the monsters dung. o wretched man ! whom neither christ his path , nor gospel moves , nor yet his threatning wrath ! [ nemo ] yet if the romaine none thou backward spell , [ omen ] i may to thee a converts luck fore-tell , thou soone shalt chase our aiery foes to hell , if thou by faith seekst in the heavens to dwell , and by the crosse the old man to expell . here lyes our task : think on it , and farewell . the same complaint reiterated in latine measures . dum novus erumpo vates sub nomine christi , da veniam justae , rex sacrosancte , querelae . sed , romae terrene senex , tu causa malorum , i procul , aut humili pende haec oracula mente ; sum lux , sed nemo tenebras latebrasque relinquit : sum rex pacificus , sed nemo est pacis amicus . sum mons , sed montem conscendit nemo sionis : sum fons , sed potat nemo de fonte pere●●i . sum pastor , sed ovilis adest mihi nemo vocanti : sum mystes , sed nemo tenet mea mystica mente . sum mors peccati , nemo expergiscitur insons : sum rediviva salus , sed nemo rependit amorem . sum via , sed nemo sequitur vestigia nostra : sum vitis vitae , sed nemo hanc corde reponit . sum liquor , at nemo me spiritualiter haurit : sum panis coelestis , edit sed pectore nemo . sum fidus , sed nemo fidem mihi praestat ad-●●●● sum sursum positus , sed me vult nemo videre . sum datus obses , agit mihi grates nemo libe●ter : sum satanae domitor , sed vitat nemo gehennam . sum modus & centrū , tamen hac duo nemo revolvit , sum pia porta poli , sed nemo precatur , ut int●et . sum praeco , sed nemo sacris accommodat aures : sum judex , sed nemo fugit modò vindicis ensem . sum coeli virtus , sed adhaeret nemo vigori : sum zeli motor , sed flammis nemo movetur . sum matutinum sidus , vates que diei : sum restaurator populi , sed nemo renat●● . sum , deus altitonans , melior sed nemo fit●ictu . sum mitis , sed molle jugum fert nemo modernus . sum patiens agnus , sed me vult nemo patronum . sum sol exoriens , sed nubila nemo retractat : sum rupes fidei , sed nemo sideliter orat . sum spes sola hominum , sed nemo lacessere probris meque meumque gregem petrae sub imagine cessat . sic hodie semen solet insanire draconis , ut papae decreta magis quam dogmata nostra , iura hominum non iussa dei bibit aure sacerdes . nec mirum ; nubes ortae de stercore monstri inficiunt animas : ecclesia pestc laborat ; o vetule infoelix ! qui christi calle , nec aris , nec sacris monitis , nec moveare minis ! sin nomen nemo supplex inverteris , omen destinat , & christo sic anagramma placet . aëreos hostes cit● profligabis in orcum , si modo rimaris caelica claustra fide , proditor ille senex tunc evanescet in auras , succumbit christi cum tu● massa cruci . hoc opus , hic labor est ; perlege , pende , vale. the occvrrences of the twelfth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . at which time king john raigned here in england , who to be absolved of the popes excommunications made himselfe tributary to his holinesse . the argument . the councell lateran confirmes the masse . the canon lawes for romes maine profit passe . the pope mounts up on caesars humbled back . schoole-men new use . and salem goes to wrack . those whom rome styl'd the berengarian sect , because her masse they ventur'd to correct , were censur'd at the councell lateran , as at l'ercelli the like act prophane against them past that politician wh●re , for her trades sake , in the last age before . and here likewise such labours went to pot , as joachim a latian abbot wrot , to prove : the man of sinne , the antichrist , and babels whore jumpt with the romaine priest , o valiant man ! who for this mystick point on truths behalfe adventur'd his best joint ! no better sorts the churches pilgrimage in this obscure eclipse , and carnall age : popes struggling still for worldly dignity with emperours , and for priority . amidst these broyles , although eugenius storme , yet bernard dar'd his popedome to enforme , how he in striving both the swords to hold , might lose them both for his encroachment bold . and sure if popes had not on princes play'd , nor warr'd with worldly states , but onely pray'd , and sought the health of soules by lenity , they might have raign'd in long prosperity , and by their doctrine linkt with holy life drawn wrangling states from faction , bloud & strife . whereas for peace they rather quarrels spun , not caring by what sleights they places won . so that some call him pope a yeare or two , and that great kings or dukes doe kisse his shooe , old adrian wreakes not how he came to mount , nor by what meanes , so he his peeres surmount . and yet this fate with a repenting breath this pope perplext lamented at his death , and said , that he , who got the papacy by murther , trac'd the steps and policie of romulus , who slue his brother rheme , alone to weare romes new-found diademe . when that eleven hundred yeares and ten had wheel'd from christ his birth , a bishop then of florence preacht , that the proud man of sinne , the antichrist , who long conceal'd had been , was surely come , and in gods temple sate , pretending right to sway the christian state. the mystick let of caesars glorious traine , which made him hide his head , and did restraine his haughty thoughts and plots unlimited , was thrust away , and neere extinguished by the popes tumults , threats , and stratagemes , subjecting bodies , soules , and diademes . priests ghostly charge into an earthly chang'd : the spirits gifts simoniously exchang'd : the words eclipse : idolatries encrease and sodomies : with want of christian peace : these hellish crimes , or deedes irregulare , demonstrate , who the churches foe-men are . when pope paschalis second of that name had heard diuulg'd his hierarchies shame , most politick to stop the bruit at first of such new sparkes , by his old wayes accurst , he sent his briefes at florence to appoint a councell there to right things out of joint , as he surmiz'd , where coram nobis brought the bishop there was fore'd to be new taught , with babels glosse to palliate what he knew , the cole-black for snow white , the false for true , and so to leave the pope in peters chaire chaffring for soules , till saints disturbe the faire . but in the midst of all these brandling cares , which rackt the church , succeeded other snares , soules to subject unto the vultures clawes , renewd with glosse voluminous of lawes by azoes , gratians , and accursius paines , that so mens wits by such divertive traines , in hope of worldly fees to●ld might not pry into sinnes deep concealed mystery , but nimbly helpe to execute the bulls and briefes , wherewith his thralls the tyrant gulls , emptying their store , sacking their substance dry , that he might joy at clients misery . and though the one the elder sister were , the younger yet and canon law did beare the primest sway , and kings durst not gainesay but must appeare at rome on a set day . for when the pope enthrall'd the emperour , romes keyes then caesars lawes did over-towre . to fortifie the canons glozing glosse , about that time our schoole-men then arose , quaint wits , who spun divinity anew , and by distinctions would the gospel mew . such knots and wiles did curious wits compose , that they to rome might all the world transpose , and so heale up , and cloze the grievous scarres , which she sustain'd deservedly for jarres . and for her breach of faith at christ his spring vow'd , that to him she 'gainst the world would cling . but in the next ensuing age shall rise bald friers sects to help baals sacrifice . to temper , or to stint these busie braines , there shall start up men of unwearied paines , who seeme to raise devotion at a pinch : 'mong which i ranke poore francis sainted since , who innocent in life , by poverty would faine restore the old integrity , to imitate , as much as in him lay , the ancient monks , or the essences way , or rather benets rules ; but afterward the dragon brib'd his mates to be his guard ; his sect soone stray'd , and his fraternity with merits boast corrupted purity , pestring the church and christian common-weale , with dreames adverse unto the founders zeale . out of their dung did other orders grow , austere in life , of sanctimonious show , pretending holinesse in outward sight , but inwardly in melancholick plight , now spending dayes and nights neere in dispaire , anon blowne up , like bladders in the aire , with meritorious wind , pelagian worth , and humane workes they set their doctrine forth , they lash'd their flesh to keep the old man downe , and , like that sect from craz'd montanus flowne , they stupifi'd through fasts their brawny sides in hope of grace , and worldly fame besides . meane while the bloud of christ they frustrate made , and by such blasted buds faiths tree did fade . yet by their deedes , and seeming sacrifice the scarlet whore thought to redeeme her vice ; and that their workes of supererogation suffis'd at least to win a prorogation of vengeance due for her high pamperd pride , if not to purge what christ had left untri'd : like those who bought , to ransome iudas sinne , blouds hire , a field to bury strangers in . o what a rabble doth my muse descry of croakers from the dragons mouth to slye within the space of the next ages rowle ! all bent the praise of babel to enrowle ! the domini●ks , cartbusians , augustines , the carmelites , capouchins , iacobines , besides the order of the ierome crowd , to whom of late castiles great monarch vow'd his marbled palace of th' escuriall mount , whose structure cost him many millions count. these orders , though of despicable forme , in beggers rags , yet holp they to reforme some things amisse at their first shooting up , or else the wh●res abominations cup had quickly been by kings descri'd and spilt ; her flock had flinch'd , and soone espi'd her guilt . but the conceit of these mens sanctity , and manner of their lives austerity gain'd them repute of wiss propheticall , whose vowes would shrowd sinnes ne'r so capitall . yea , though a man had both his parents slaine , romes pardons and their vowes salv'd all againe . this blindnesse lasted long , till christ his spouse returned from the desart soules to rowze from superstitious sleep , and ignorance , to brighter light , and a more lively trance . like ravens , frogs , scritchowles , and dismall fowle , whose auguries type weather faire or foule , so did those flying spirits of that age seale up dark minds a prey for satans rage , and on th' elect betoken calmer gales to blow , when tir'd with old fanatique tales , they should in time to come gods spirit see , the martyrs slaine reviv'd , from sodome free . while canonists , the school-men , and those swarmes of lawyers rose , the romaine popes with armes and curses still , leaving the lawes dispute to spurre their league , did caesars persecute . no treaties , wars , nor spoiles the popes could tame ' till one of them of alexanders name on caesars humbled backe got on his mule , as foot-stoole to a a lord of mad mis-rule , detracting from christs power : thou shalt tread on basiliskes , and bruize the serpents head. i doe to peter this , and not to thee , said caesar : both to peter and to me , repli'd the mounted priest ; for peters throne on earth i hold , and he and i are one. o where was then romes boast of innocence ? of catholick consent , and penitence ? their actions shew what spirit raignes in them , who durst assume the triple diademe , and manage both the swords with more disdaine then bajazeth complain'd of tamberlaine . but had not caesars sonne in navall fight by the venetians been captiv'd , such spite he could not have endur'd so patiently , nor let such wrongs long unrevenged lye . now for this age to winde up babels height , one thousand , and one hundred eighty eight , about that yeare the machiavellian pope , to settle surer his imperious hope , and to confirme his proud investiture , found out a plot his rapines to assure , and to employ his neighbours farre from rome , lest they more pry into his arts at home . by his croisadoes charmes cri'd sanctifi'd in christ his name , but by his word untri'd , he packt from hence many a valiant band , under pretence to conquer iewries land , and there to build jerusalem againe , like iericho sometime not curst in vaine , and to regaine it back from saladine , who late had won the land of palestine . but as no good flowes from a tainted spring . so hence then losse ensu'd no other thing . caesar romes curses thinking to compound , took up the crosse , and by the way was drown'd . yet could not so the fathers death appease ; the popes his sonnes by curses barre from peace . and to redeeme their bloudy spoiles with deedes of merit , they spread meritorious seedes , as that fond age then dream'd , they prostitute to meloch first , and then they institute the orders of the begging friers , so to calme gods wrath , which kept such lowd adoe at rich mens doores , that superstition more and more confirm'd baals power then before . about this time my learned country-man archdeacon girald wrot , by whom i can disprove out of his bookes of pilgrimage which he set forth of cambria in that age , the wonders of the well of winifride ; which friers braines in after-times discri'd , when the fourth henry raign'd , that then , ev'n then they coin'd those tales to gull poore simple men , to haunt their cells , and impious sacrifice grac'd from the pope with novell liberties , and leave to build a chappell or a fane , as men were wont for the like use profane ; and as they did in this fond age erect most stately shrines to becket and his sect. because some monkes night apparitious saw , which k●aves or fiends invented there to draw concourse of pilgrims , and oblations store , they built such shrines , and nois'd their dreames the more . but our new-man slights all such miracles , as derogate from scriptures oracles , not ignorant of the old serpents sleight , that he may seeme an angel of the light. because men loved lies more then gods word , and tri'd them not by the spirituall sword , he suffered satan to pervert their will , that they believ'd what did the spirit kill . to let our blinded strayes to know their crimes , derived from the course of faultring times , i warne them to looke back into this age , and there to waigh what cunning mixt with rage popes practiz'd then by more of councels store to raise their crest then in the times before , how many councels did the romish clerks assemble in our west for their vaine quirkes support ? what age before hath ever seene of councels held one hundred and fifteene ? ( for just so many did this century produce ) some to confirme sinnes mystery with attributes of the divinest style : that as the head conspired to enstyle a wafer cake a god , so they likewise , as members would a god him solemnize with power rais'd above the caesars farre , since he could soules from purgatory barre . some councells leagu'd to send croisadoes out to palestine against the persian rout. others were call'd the married priests to curbe ; and some were held the caesars to disturbe , exempting from their lawes the clergies crew , though nere so faulty , whence great scandalls grew . some councells did against all kings contest of bishops their investiture to wrest unto the popes . and some pluralities , of popes restrain'd and their enormities . and which seemes most uncharitable , foule , and schismatick , some councells did controule , nay , put to silence the reformed flock , who built their faith upon the new-mans rock , i meane , that flock , which lions waldus won from darknesse to look on the gospels sun. such acts above one hundred councells tomes contain'd to please the popes , like hecatombs , within the space of the twelfe century ; and all to prop great babels empery . the occvrrences of the thirteenth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere at which time king edward the first raigned here in england . the argument . the waldois and albigians rome oppose , caesars with popes for r●le contesting lose . the gransire , sire , and nephewes feele the smart . pope celestine is gull'd by waly art. in wofull case remain'd the church of christ , through bloudy broiles , that how she could subsist on earth , while this age lasted , it might dull a sparkling muse , but that i learn'd at full the cause of her retire , the difference betwixt her wane , and her lights excellence , her catholick , and her subordinate commanion , which false rome would faine perswade that she alone doth owne without respect unto her mat●s , or betters growne by grace , where none can see her universall face save god himselfe . the world is large , our skill at stint : how then know we her spatious hill ? the waldo is and th' albigians in our west , the a●issines , and others doe suggest , that they partake her influence , and her head , ev'n him that shall dispose of quicke and dead . peter and paul we know . but who are yee , who meere the church of nembrods proud degree ? pope innocent in the last puddled age by canons strict , but neither wise nor sage , our english clergy now did here so gore , as hildebrand and lanfrank did before . that they without more shifts , delayes , dispence , or hopes to calme romes spleen through bribing pēce must turne away their plighted mates to grasse , or be accurst , and to refraine from masse ; a heavy doome , and not to be recall'd . this made our clergy winch , when they were gall'd , and causelesly thus curb'd without remorce of that , which christ condemned the divorce . against this flash walter de mapes wrot oxfords archdeacon stout ; he tax'd the blot and scandall which the romaine church encurr'd . he shew'd the flames , which her poore guard endur'd by such unlawfull acts , those very flames , which popes themselves not without branded names could well avoid in their more youthfull yeares , nor cardinalls , nor any of their peeres , they did enjoyne for tolerable paine . this moved mapes in old romaine straine to gird and nip the popes usurp'd decree , and to prove marriage for the clergy free . but now my muse more bloudy deedes must tell , which then the church endur'd from fiends of hell. about the yeare twelve hundred thirty one , the greek and latine church could not attone their diff'rence new sprung up for christian rites , but a sore schisme then chanc't , for romish kites would rake ev'n to the bone all churches else . they would yoake to romes soveraignty excelse the easterne church , and force investiture of all their bishops , and their ghostly cure under the keyes pretence to romes proud mace. but they would not subject , nor so abase their pastours staffe , alleadging old decrees of synods made for ordring of their fleece and liberties in their prefixed spheare , at chalcedon , at nice , and other where : that every patriarch in their proper charge , should onely deale , and their owne place discharge , not medling with anothers stinted cure , but watching still their owne flocks to secure , not striving for high seates of prelacie , as gregory then did for primacie . to this effect bizantiums patriarch wrot to gregory the ninth , that he could not consent to thrall his church unto his will , which , as a tyrants law , might spill or kill . at which resolve romes lofty prelate frown'd and by his lowing bulls accursed sound anathemated him and all the east , because they would not bow to his behest , and there withall proclaim'd the crosse to fight , and to deprive them of gods blessings quite . according to his will false christians went , and martyrs did with cypriots bloud augment . before this rupture both the east and west till then agreed , on union fixt their rest , and though for clericks wives , and masses rites they varied , yet romes popes play'd not the kites till then on them , as in our westerne spheare , from whence they rak'd much treasure every yeare ; they both agreed , acknowledging one head , one christ , one faith , one iudge of quick and dead , one universall church , one bond of love , and that one spirit ought them all to move : all patriarchs linkt in mutuall amity , coequalls grac't with honours parity . but through this rent by babels whore begun , a bloudy flag was for both churches spun . this schisme 'twixt east & west obscur'd the crosse and to them both fore-doom'd a two-fold losse , of worldly states to greece in time to come ; but losse of ghostly gifts to haughty rome , together with the losse of both the swords , as bernard to eugenius well records ; when she shall see how many potentates will flinch from her , and free themselves and states ; when she shall heare one with a dreadfull tone proclaime the fall of whor●sh babylon . when babel saw , that her croisadoes mist ierusalem to win againe for christ , as she , but in disguise , suggested then , now she proclaimes them against christian men ; the waldois and alb gians feele her spite , for against them she is resolv'd to fight . some yeeld unto the fiery crosse. some stay , some stray , recant , and others fly away with all their kinne into calabriaes soile , where till of late they liv'd safe from romes broile . nor could that age , nor yet the ages since extirpe their seed , nor cause their faith to fl●nch . yee darkned ghosts of those inveagled times , who merit well damnation for your crimes , doe what yee can , these new-sprung waldois shall with their good mates albigians you appall , and shall out-last your cursing thunder-blasts till luther comes and gives you more distasts , at which appointed time with lowder crack your camerades shall tremble , or fall back from ralaams league unto a nobler head , whose spirit them will into sion lead . well neere . yeares the popes have fought with emperours and kings , their downefall sought , depos'd the sire , and rais'd a rebell sonne unnaturall the father to dethrone . they poyson'd some , and others by degrees they forc'd to cry peccavi on their knees ; and all for worldly rule . nay , kings durst not curbe homi●ides ( such was the clergies lo● ) in those dayes , that if they to rome appeal'd , they were exempt , and had their pardons seal'd . while rebell be●ket for poore things withstood his king , the pope his shield most firmely stood ; and others of his ranke hal'd to their nets , two english kings of our plantagenets . when milan rose against the emperour , with other townes , though not to babels towre subject at all , yet did pope gregory , because the rebels sought his amity , accurse the third time caesars majesty : and though some pleaded then a nullity , yet no submission served frederick , but he stands barr'd from the church catholick . about the yeare two hundred thirty eight with the one thousand past , for his owne right the emperour was then compell'd to fight , the while the pope all caesars league did smite with thundring darts pretended from saint paul and from saint peter to affright them all . but seeing that such blasts small terrour strooke , he then proclaim'd the crosse , and thereby shooke th' imperiall league , yet not so fatally , but that his gibellines stood really , as with the pope remain'd the guelphian side , which two did long all italy divide . heere ends not all this centuries complaint : with farre more dismall stirres the pope did taint those cloudy times . the father dead , he shootes upon the sonne his bolts . it little bootes him to submit . the sonne alike must beare his fathers curse , and so to sway forbeare . conradus dead , he doth for conradine as much and more , for him he doth confine not onely from the empire ; but his owne of naples realme with the sicilian crowne he gives away for prey to charles of france , whose banners there pope clement did advance , and never left ( such was his choller 's flame to conradine for his dead grandsires fame ) till he and austriaes prince by a sly way were taken and beheaded in one day ▪ judge , readers , now , if popes liv'd like to christ , or whether they resembled antichrist . so sly and cautious were this ages states , that none for feare to have with popes debates for seventeene yeares durst hazard on the mace imperiall , but the same lay for that space still vacant . for alphonsus king of spaine had flat refus'd the cumbers to sustaine , least of an ancient friend , his ghostly sire become his foe , and so his love expire ; he would not leave , he said , astronomy which he then studied , for all germany . th' electours then chose richard cornewalls duke , the romaines king , but he with some rebuke was since put off , because his holidome expected more of others for that roome ; and thereupon he hasburgs earle enthrones , since austriaes head , with him the pope attones in old lausannaes towne ; but could not get him once to rome , lest that his footing set in that unlucky place , some jealous fit might nip the popes rash braine and crazed wit , that he from thence should never more returne , but perish there , except he serv'd his turne , as caesars were before his time to doe constrain'd , or else his wrath to undergoe . and to that end the prudent emperour rehears'd the tale , how to the lions bowre who fain'd him sicke , the fox saw many beasts to enter in as complementall guests , but not the steps of any comming back . and that made him to rome his visit slacke . now at this ages period celestine the romish pope was cheated by a fine and cunning sleight , the popedome to resigne to boniface , himselfe and to confine into an hermites cell , to end his dayes with prayers , fasts , and such religious wayes . this by a whispring cane or hollow reed he acted , and his wish did so succeed . thus boniface began . but as such plots thrive seldome , so entangled in those knots , which he for others warp'd , he waged warres in italy . in france he moved jarres against the king , with fulminating darts against his realme , till spite of all his arts his holinesse captiv'd , in prison fast , for very griefe then he deceas'd at last , with this memoriall fixed on his clog : he came a fox , raign'd a wolfe , di'd a dog. but to encrease romes superstitious store , before his death he coin'd one custome more , the jubilees great teare , wherein all such , who came to rome , were ●as'd of sinne and pouch : eas'd of sinnes paine from purgatories flame , eas'd of their gold as ransome for the same . this pope decreed it first with balaams fire , when that one hundred yeares did full expire ; but since to fifty yeares popes chang'd the course , that they might reap more gaine by gulls recourse , and pilgrim-visits of the lateran , and other sainted-fanes late made profane , since freedome was proclaim'd by romish sires for many thousand yeares from purging fires . so doth the mystick whore entangle soules to credit dreames , which raise her market tolles . and now likewise for her gods adoration popes first decreed the messes elevation . thus i winde up this popish age , the while i warne thy wits to greet , o patricks ile , thy prelate fitz-raphe , primate armachan , who 'gainst the upstart friers playd the man , and provd their begging orders vaine and false before the pope and all his cardinalls . so shone that time this learned mans renowne , that when his death was through avinion knowne , a cardinall was heard of him to say : the church hath lost a pillar strong this day . and yet for all such good mens prophes●es , rome would not quit her pedlers marchandise , which to her use those croaking frie●s truckt , but by their li●s she all our horey suckt . ( their legends wrought such superstitious feare . ) they saw our lady here , our lady there , at mountserrat , lorrette , walsingham , whereby they got , as to th' ephesian dame , to isis , baal , and moloch temples built , and images with gold and azure gilt , by which false specious showes , old satans mists , rich offrings they procur'd to romish priests . then , miracles were rife , of wise men knowne for ghostly wiles , now to a proverbe growne ; that to conclude some for notorious liers , it is enough to say , that they are friers . the occvrrences of the fourteenth age , from the yeare of our lord . untill the yeare . at which time henry the fourth ra●gned king of england . the argument . the fratricells soone up , and quasht . at masse by papall plot then caesar pois●ed was . pope john maintaines , he can all kings depose . our wickliffe now romes doctrine doth oppose . about the dawne of this new century , the fratricells of anabaptists fry in germany disperst their arguments , that christians should not perk to governments ; but that all things lay common to the poore as to the rich. no creature lesse or more then others must possesse . equallity they taught of states and lives conformity , much like to that , which plato chymeriz'd , or the utopian weale , which moore devis'd . but their opinions vanish'd into smoak , and they themselves endur'd the churches stroak , censur'd for bedlems of corrupted zeale , offensive to the church and common-weale , which without hope of gaine would slothfull grow : yet by the fruit a christians faith we know . i wish in wealth a meane , from mizers store a miracle extended to the poore . o how my heart doth grieve to see their cures neglected , whilst our dr●nish epicures most idly waste what godly families would save from dearth , and serve as sacrifice to cover sinnes . we car●y hence no gold nor land ▪ eight foot alone a coarse will hold . a friers act yet hapned to his liege , great luxemb●roughs caesar , at the siege of florence more prodigious by the popes procurement , which quasht sodainely the hopes and life of the imperiall majesty , ( deciphring babels black iniquity ) by a black frier with a masses cake envenomed , and taen his heart-strings brake . and so whom force , nor flashes could out-brave , one hallowed bit dispatcht him to his grave . nor did the next succeeding emperour much better speed , for he likewise the sowre and crabb'd aspect felt of proud anti br●st . he lewis dar'd out of the church of christ by thund●ing bulls to shut , and made his boast , that he had power through the holy ghost both emperours and princes to dispose , and at his will their kingdomes to transpose . thus john the two and twentieth of that name on caesar play'd , and scriptures did defame , untill some grave and learned men arose in that tempestuous age him to oppose . among which occam started up with quill of cherubs wing , and prov'd that doctrine ill . he prov'd the rule of all this earthly ball to appertaine unto states temporall , and by the light transferr'd from holy scrowles , how truth exempts no priviledged soules , no not the pope himselfe from caesars doome , since peter felt by nero martyrdome . so to the glory of the english race , who with the first withstood the papall mace , he , whom the godly for his learned workes then styl'd , the hammer of the romish church , on grosted i reflect , grave lincolnes sire : he stoutly wrot against his forged fire , which netled him so much , that out of hand he would have cited him before his band of pharisees at tiber to appeare , but that admonish'd by his councell there , sage cardinalls , he was content to passe him over , lest the bishop might surpasse them by his rare incomparable lore , and winde them in more mazes then before . two ages past had abbot ioachim against romes gaine a prophet been to grim . o glorious ile , most happy is thy fate , which hadst the luck first to descry thy state , thy churches dolefull state by babel torne , and with the first to be in christ new-borne , to shake her yoak quite off , and to flye out from her dark jaile , mauger her guardians stour . from time to time we read in antiquartes , god rais'd up some to sound forth romes vagaries . before that wickliffe stretcht his lions paw , one robert gall soule-rapt in paris saw the romish church by name with head like death , and with a body leane , and scant of breath : an angel then , while this sight did appeare , bad him the romish church mark standing there . she in our west was then of small extent , perhaps retir'd else-where , like abrams tent ; or she far'd in that antichristian age , like babels jewes , or saints through neroes rage . heav'ns path is narrow , stiep . hells broad , down hill , good men but few , the greatest part are ill : yet of those few 't is hard to know their scope : some sicke , some weake , or of potentiall hope , yet of those few the true church is compos'd , and of those few some were , like starres , dispos'd by our good god of dangers to fore-tell , whereby the rest might save themselves from hell. so petrarch sung in two-fold latian style , and others did in learned workes compile glauncing , nay striking at romes antichrist , and drawing soules from darke cimmerian mist. so boccace had , although with tales disguiz'd , the friers wanton thefts epitomiz'd . as likewise those three nunnes canoniz'd saints , like babels iewes , or sybills made complaints : good katharine , bridget , and hildegard fore-told our new-mans armes of safest ward , and that a new reform'd presbytery their liturgy should quash and popery . thus by records the churches race i try , and by faiths light her orient face descry , like the new moone approaching from the wane , and shine more bright in consciences humane . by which and by romes owne historian platine , i finde how liv'd the head of the church latine , by simony , and lewd magicians spells , by murthers , fraud , and coining of new hells , by setting all our christ endome at ods , because they kneel'd not to his maumet gods. with factious guelphes , his hurliburles assignes , he warr'd against the imperiall gibellines . amidst these broiles and crimes exorbitant , christ whistled home his flock extravagant . some knew his sound , and to his fold return'd , some staid behinde , and refractaries turn'd . the first he linkt with his church catholick , but left the latter of the staggers sick , and for a prey to fiends , because his call they flighted , and his cures angelicall . such to be gull'd he left by aiery elves , but his true ark he steered free from shelves . now with faire light from famous oxford rose our wicklisse , romes foundations to oppose , by certaine lords and londoners support , which though some crost , yet gave a lowd report , so lowd , that husse and icrome heard from prague the noise , and learn'd to flye from babels plague , and left to after-times such fruitfull seed , that the true church now glories in the breed . then chaucer by the freedome of his rimes unsilenc'd scan'd the darknesse of those times : ( of such strange force are tunes of raptur'd wits , that they have charm'd and still'd wild tyrants fits ) he plainely pointed at romes antichrist , admiring at the clergies stormy mist , which did so long our west exagitate . like them in zeale , though with unequall fate , did the lord cobham since , the bohemes husse , and those good soules in brittaines i le discusse religions state , those whom the papists then nick-named for their faith just and fast men. whose manner neere was such as pliny writ to trajan earst . they , as did saints befit , assembled in the night , sung psalmes , receiv'd the holy food , and with sweet trance conceiv'd christs mystick gifts , the new-mans sacrifice , the spirits flame , which carnallists despise . they liv'd as brethren , leagu'd in unity with mutuall love , and goods community , relieving one anothers need alwayes , their owne iust fast mens need without delayes . for pauls epistles , or th' apocalipse in english pen'd , because there babels slips were prophesied , they grudg'd not to defray five sterling marks , a scriveners royall pay , if we regard the scarcenesse then of coine , before castile did perues oare purloine . and which is strange , they seldome mixt their seed , but with their mates , lest they might taint their breed . fooles styl'd them then , as they now lutherans , the knowne men , or wicklevian puritans , the iust and fast , or with a brow more sowre , them lollards markt , frō whence came lollaras towre . in wales , about this ages latter end , did blasts from hell to friers braine ascend ; false miracles these merit-●onging crew pretended done by winifride did brew neere to a well deriv'd from rocky lime , which holy they enstyld in that dark time , because the bloud of that good virgin there , as they surmizd , was shed , and not else-where : lord , how they roamd , like wild geese , on the fame ! and unto baal with fat oblations came ! all to enrich the forgers of the bruit with what they never toyld for , strangers fruit ! before which feat for their monastick weale , their beggars wants they knew not how to heale . 't is strange to see how soon the world turn'd whore , when girald past two hundred yeares before that very place with an exact survay , yet could not learne what men did since display . the occvrrences of the fifteenth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere at which time henry the seventh raigned king in england . the argument . our churches slighted state . bizantium lost . the papacie in strife . the hussites crost for husse raise war , with ziscaes conquests crown'd . strange lands by gama and columbus found . as i of late old rubbage diggd , i felt ( with flaming force my perturbations melt , my passions curbd , my outward man of might deprivd . and then i had a ghostly sight of robert galls parisian iack-a-lent , whereof the pope by carnall mindes consent is supreme head on earth . but soone i saw both head and body burne away like straw ; for both indeed wore brittle ornaments , and so dissolvd to the first elements , his soule descending into lower spheares then those of purging , which he farm'd for yeares . anon i saw with intellectuall eyes , from a dark iaile a comely dame arise , when seeing me she stopt her modest pace , and like my saviours mother , full of grace , thou mortall man , quoth she , dost wonder now , why on poore thralls my favours i bestow , and not on scarlet robes in midst of plenty ? i dwell not with the proud ; not one of twenty , that spends the time in carnall jollity , enjoyes my love , heat , or society ; which caiphas-like , pope adrian true confest , he saw not how romes scepter could be blest , since he , to whom christ left the churches care , shun'd worldly rule , pompe , and simonious ware. the consciences , where i frequent me most ; are styl'd the temple of the holy ghost . and there , no swine , no beasts of prey , nor curres dare enter once , nor any thing that blurres . notorious sinnes with penance i commute , but common slips to nature i impute . i never sold the holy spirits gifts , but i receive strayes gratis without shifts . though i enjoy the keyes to bind or loose , i seldome curse , nor yealding reedes do bruize . 'gainst hereticks i warre , but not with sword , my fence is vowes and teares , my sword gods word . for my chast faith to christ i am belov'd , and by his fiery crosse i am approv'd . if thou desirest then to finde me out , looke , vaughan , not for me among the rout , but with my babes , which beare a loving mind , wise , constant , sad . and there thou me shalt finde . with such i liv d in superstitious times , and so proclaime me in thy new-mans rimes . with such i dwelt by worldlings scorn'd , the while my beldame foe christs altars did defile , with carnall sence and sacrilegious rape moulding th' immortall in fraile mortall shape . thus stood our church , though not so faire of face as she seemes now , yet by elections grace , christs merits , and his blouds prerogative she breathed free from sinnes imputative , and though her seed were not so pure as our , nor ours , as saints , yet may the man-gods pow'r for their faiths sake old passions purifie , when doomedayes flames shall bodies change or try or rather at deaths gaspe to paradise convaigh them like the theefe , with saints to rise , the iudge will cloth them with his robes of grace , and them enroule with his true churches race . thus stood our church most visible to saints , ere luther broke into his just complaints . here in our west she persecuted lay , while rome made sale of soules and open prey . she in the house of mourning at the stake lay patient , while rome forg'd the masses cake . how did they her with racks and tortures touze within their jail●● and inquisition house ? how in old times did berengariu● fare , for daring to controule cotrupted ware ? nay , how in spain● doe they speed at this day , who christ alone for advoca●e display ? a thousand yeares the dragon with restraint of bloudy force ●y close . till then a saint possest his conscience free from tortures fi●e , or hells const●aint . no synod f●ll of ire , till the fourth henry raign'd , did signe a law by massacres poore england to withdraw from preaching christ. no councell generall doom'd saints to flames to end religions bra●le , till sigismond at constance suffred husse and ierome to be burnt without discusse of their true cause . yet sautre first of martyrs did appease the bloudy thirst of antichristian priests in the first yeare of the said henries raigne . next badby here thorpe , purvey , taylour , white , and hoveden , with the lord cobham , floure of noblemen , who did before the bishops of this land , with burning zeale the romish church withstand , for the faiths sake , and the wicklevian sect did by their bloud , and martyrs seales erect an altar up in honour of our christ as members of their head 'gainst antichrist , how many soules were forced to abjure and to recant ▪ no saint then liy'd secure in the three henries sway of lancaster , who preacht gods word , as he of chichester grave peacock felt , and many moe , that far'd as bad because they babels whore out-dar'd ▪ kent , herefords , and norwich diocesse saw men styl'd lollards then with like successe take up the crosse , and yeeld for christ their breath . ( so prelates saints pursu'd with spite , and death ) and not content the living to torment , they one degree beyond the pagans went , for wickliffs bones from out the grave they tore , and burnt , which lay there forty yeares before . with solemne pomp and degradations maske , those gotam-scribes perform'd that gothish taske . o would the lines of this epitome could move our strayes , which haunt the romish sea , to meditate on times old monuments , and there to marke what savage punishments one hundred yeares , ere luther rose , were then inflicted by mad priests on christian men , for seeking to reforme old things amisse , and by gods word to win blind strayes to blisse : i might then hope some would relent and turne to our new-man , and with new zeale would burne , not heeding dreames and superstitious mists , which spred abroad by false masse-monging priests , and idoliz'd by haughty hildebrand , lay yet on rome an ignominious brand ; but noting what the new-man put in ure the first six hundred yeares , they hold most pure . for such our martyrs did , and such i know great brittaine now extolls , at least in show . but to review the churches history , the looking-glasse of sacred memory : whilst halfe this age with doubtfull chance embroils , which france shall feel , or england bloudier broules ? the center of this age melts into teares , and cryes out shame upon 〈◊〉 westorne p●●res , for suffring turkes bizantium to possesse , and by that meanes quite to subvert the peace of all the easterne church , and there for christ to fiixe a mighty limbe of antichrist . had they in time bu● seconded the duke of burg●ndy when he thralls a rebuke with a check-mate receiv'd in hungary , the ottomans had not faire bulgary subjected , nor the graecian iles fince won to christians losse , and mahome●s renowne . but as with cunning plots the dragon rac'd our westernes faith , so then he there defac'd with open force the easternes primest seat , the city of new rome ; in which defeat he glories , that the same with salems towne , and antioch he from servile christians won . their sinnes them servile made , that so before the iudgement day their fall might others more rowze up from sloth and dull security to watch , least they feele more indignity . and then neere thirty yeares were past , since popes branding each other for false antipopes copartners , at a councell generall by sigismonds good cares they stint the brawle . at which i cannot in my zealous trance unnamed leave a chancellour of france , grave gerson , whom our chronicles record , that for truths rights to be againe restor'd he motion'd to bring back the light divine , as in the dayes of paul or constantine . this he crav'd in the councell generall most zealous , but the state pontisicall would not assent to heare of reformation , lest they might clinch their court of augmentation , like politicks , who winke at theeves or stewes , at spoiles or bribes , at barrettours or iewes , encreasing sinne , and what to vengeance tends for private gaine , and their owne idoll-ends . this motion made that clerk magnanimous about the time , when there they burned husse , that husse , who sung , that tho they broil'd the goose , within one hundred yeares should be let loose a swan out of those flames , as white as snow , whose pow'rful tune wuld make more ear●● to glow . which prophesie fell true , for the events gamaliels-like since answered the contents ▪ yet did that councell doe one piece of worth , for they depos'd three popes , and chose a fourth . but afterwards the caesar sigismond for breach of faith by deare experience conn'd , that though , as toyes , wrongs mortalls over-passe , yet god will them not unrevenged passe , for of the breach soone as bohemia heard , the safe-conduct infring'd , the cause unheard , and that the councell had condemned husse and ierome to be burnt without discusse of the maine points of faith , for which they 〈◊〉 by safe-conduct sign'd in th' imperiall name : and now affronted with this fond reply , or rather jeer'd with a priseillian lye : that promise , faith , and vowes to hereticks were voyd in law , if made by catholicks ; the taborites repin'd , faire prague laments , and all bohemia moves with sodaine rent● , for their late prophets death , and guil●l● 〈◊〉 blo●d shed for no cause , but that they rome withstood . then valiant zisca , like the sonne of nun , heads against caeser , many battels won , and with small numbers to all the papists wonder great armies daunts , as st●ook with claps of thunder . the bohemes so against their foes prevail'd , that they their losse , and breach of faith bewail'd ; and to this day those rites in boheme last , which first to husse from english wickli●●e past . nor was that doctrine in bohemia close , and england kept alone , but to oppose the romish sid● by vertue of the light deriv'd from thence there daily came more might . the bishop of cr●atia then did rise by wickliffes lamp , and did romes fall comprise in measur'd lines , which with prophetick glosse 〈◊〉 did for that dark age disclose . cameracums good cardinall then wrot , and laid on rome an everlasting blot , as others in those dayes the like reveal'd what from old muddy pates stood long conceal'd . so m●ntuan did and savonarola , clemangis , and the count mirandola boldly declaime against great babels pride , ere luther rose to write against her side . for now had god in his appointed time refin'd more wits the gospel out to chime . though for their sinnes he pius tooke away the best of popes , who whilst he liv'd , gave way some errours to reforme , and meant that wives should licenc'd be to priests , yet still he lives for his good will enrowl'd in lines of fame , that silvius thought to cover babels shame . for like effect god sent the printers presse , that with good bookes we might his truth confesse , for till this age faire printing lay unknowne , and so for want of workes truth was prest downe . gunnes likewise came within this ages list , invented by by a frier alchymist ▪ now beades came up , where sixtus was not wary for penance sake to linke the ave-mary . and after him , by the next raving pope , who for his fact was worthy of a rope , romes stewes came up , for whom he builded roomes , and got the whores to pay him yearely summes , under pretence to keep some women chaste , but more for gaine , and for his priests unchaste , as though the brothels could knaves temptings let , by suffring ill , sinne hidraes to beget . what now hath rome to plead ? what colour ? shift ? or false demurre to cloak her wanton drift ? that she be not indited hereupon a baud ? and styl'd the whore of babylon , not onely ghostly , but a carnall whore she stands arraign'd ; for , as yee heard before , a whore indeed , a woman moguntine sate pope in rome , and acted rites divine . if this be not sufficient evidence , examine well their lives and fr●●dulence , what paramours popes keptd what bloudy da●ce they led ? what plut● their bastards to advance ? that very pope , which shall cloze up this age , can restifie with what tumul●uous rage he rais'd his sonne and daughter to great states caesar made duke , a duke lucreti● mates . about the yeare six hundred sixty six , the antichristian fiend began his tricks and lullabies to act through carnall ease , that men might fall to scorbuts foul● disease , or to some prantick fits. nor was it long but at the time foretold , who did belong to the great cities d●●● , by sea and land playd the fond bed●ems at their heads command . her huge impostume broke out at the last , that is five hundred yeares she made ●uch wast of ragges for tenes to keep her issuer running , to serve her still it past our westernes cunning . the prince of fiends such humours , spleen , and gall envenom'd had this mystery withall , that for gu●iat●m she must india riste , for europes drugges seem'd to her lims a trifle . who durst oppose her what she went about ? she had the keyes of heaven and hell to boot : of all the world she was chiefe governesse , and of what christ scorn'd in the wildernesse . only there wanted to supply her state the gen●●es map , and isabellaes fate . before her wane gods glory to extend , it chanc'd about this ages latter end , that gama first from lisbon tri'd the course , to passe by sea to the east-indian shores , where having found the load-stone since in use , he pilots did from the pole-starre reduce ; by which and printing was the gospels sound dispers'd , and both within this age new-found . west-india then was was by columbus seene , at the expence of that castilian queene ; who pawn'd her jewels for the finding out of those new lands , whose gold made spain so stout , that aiming at the westerne monarchy . she musters , fights , holds kings in jealousies and babels whore hopes in that new-found soilo by mart of soules to keep more revell coile , and what she here hath by the gospel lost , that to repaire in indiaes sun-burnt coast. our seventh henry might have made his boast , had he but been as prone as ferdinand to take the tendred map of that new land. but though the tract was large , yet portingall and castiles king contended , till the brawle by the high priests imaginary lines umpir'd , they claim'd more then their right confin●● . and so romes rites erected in that coast. satan repaires what he in europe lost , unlesse our ile , to countepoise his craft , had lately aim'd into that north a shaft , which may perhaps some consciences so wound , that savages may heare the gospels sound , which others damps with superstitious fire have there conceal'd , and hindred to inspire . the occvrrences of the sixteenth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill the yeere . the argument . where lay our church ●re wickliffe first arose : by prodigies rome warn'd ere luther rose . no tyrants plots could let our churches sound , but englands queens did all her foes confound . from age to age i shew'd the churches race , her wane , her wens , & her rèfulgent fa●e ; and some i nam'd for prophetizing wits times against our beli●ls fit● , who labour'd to suppresse what christ prescribes ? besides th● abissines under pret●ous iohn , th' armenians , greekes , and some in babylon , or otherwhere ( for who dares bound our guest ? since we are ti'd likewise to judge the best ? ) and not to bind gods free unbounded grace to any certaine climate , time , or place ? ) christ had his church , a remnant sav'd by grace alwayes inspir'd in some or other place ; whether our scribes pretend them coloieros , nesto●●n● , m●nkes , or saint iohns cavoll●res ; whether they hold of persian iacobites , the hi●●ies forme , or of georgiaes rites ; of maronites , or coftics of the east , or catbelicks so craking in the west , or hermites , nunnes , and l'olyntaries 〈◊〉 , whose humbled hearts then pomp saints honor more because they side with christ , beare christian name , though much in blame , yet i will spare their fame ; and let our weaklings know , that some were wise , and did of old in babel sybillize ; by speciall signes and symptomes generall , but most by sacred starres authenticall , denouncing for her slips gods wrath , her fall , unlesse she would repent her at their call. and so things came to passe , as they divin'd , her spires for rookes we now demolisht find , some by the force of furious ottoman , some forfeited for what the lawes did scan : her chappels turn'd to barnes , or nests for owles , her nunneries first built for harmelesse soules lye wast with her rich temporalls and rents ; yea , and gods tythes , our church-emoluments , by what just warrant let the lawes dispute , some keepe away as yet ; and i am mute , because i see sometimes that innocence , aswell as vice , dies of the pestilence , an order laid pope alexander downe for the new world. but shortly of his owne most wretched states and life shall be bereft , and for usurpers an example left . for after this usurpt partition made , his bastard sonne to try his former trade of pois●ning those , whom he suppos'd would barre the proud designes of his complotted warre , his motto blaz'd , the hazards die is cast , caesar , or nothing , now by poisons tast he meant to rid suspected cardinalls out of the way , but hereby both their falls , his fathers and his owne , he sodaine wrought , for he soone as the fat all wine was brought , charged his page , that he the bottle watch , and when he call'd for wine that he should reach it for his guests ; the pope came in the while , and thirsty call'd for wine : the page the wil● not knowing , thought the wine reserv'd was choise , and without more adoe , or answers noise , fill'd him a cup of the empoisned wine , and by just doome , as writeth gui●ciardine , came in the authour , his accursed sonne all thirsty too , and tasted thereupon the cup which he for others brew'd , and lost his father out of hand , himselfe almost ran the same fate , but that by nature strong , he for that time escap'd to doe more wrong , still quarrelling , till he was thrall'd and slaine . so caesar borgias liv'd and di'd a caine. pope julius now to tiber slung his koyes , then fought , and lost by french his enemies . a token that romes church to wrack began to fall , as you may by the sequele scan . the ourward crosse in teutons soile appear'd of martyrs forme , and with that signe besmear'd their palaces , and houshold ornaments , their windowes , doores , and bodies vestiments ; a signe to shew the fiery trialls doome by factious gogs and magogs force to come , veil'd with the crosse , the keyes , with peters net , with iesus , with the lawes , or mahomet . this miracle in maximilians time fell out , not long before the gospels chime at wittemberge with motions life began by luthers zeale , that good samaritan , who , when most shunn'd to helpe the wounded man , cheer'd up , and bath'd christs members pale and wan . and after this another prodigy befell to rome , which no apology of idolists can cover the mis-hap ; when little iesus from his mothers lap was in the church remov'd , and peters keyes throwne from his pictures hand , both in a trice vvithout respect of persons by the stroke of thunders crack and sacred sulphures smoake just in that church , where one and thirty priests vvith the red hat that day , like minstre●●ists , installed were by leo there with state in the same yeare , when lutber to abate his loftinesse began with greater fame then cardinalls support , in christ his name . our kings and states of westerne christendome complain'd and sought for some redresse to come of faiths abuse , and romes impiety , but still the head was deafe to piety , he would no member be , but the church whole , himselfe sole iudge , and church , without one mole , or sinfull spot , by which prerogative he tyrannized so , that none could thrive ; he watcht with vultures clawes all stakes to sweep : he watcht to flay , but not to feed the sheep , like maltaes iew , or those of la●lesse kind , who under maske of law cease not to grind christs members , till they feele hells measures heapt , or till they reape what old masse-mongers reap● . so blinded were the popes by doome divine , till a poore man , a frier augustine , since started up to doe that glorious deed , which gregories , and austines doth exceed , which kings af●ay'd , but failed to performe : nay , kings durst not what luther did reforme . would god that some like prophet took the paines to bring back love for which our church complains . this wonder god wrought in our latter dayes , that before doome he might recall some strayes , that satans pride he might by sucklings tame , and by the weak the worldly wizz and shame . well neere upon our luthers sacrifice , grave reuclin did and valla breake the ice , as london was prepar'd by golets flame , and dutch-land by the clerk of rotter da●● ; as swizzer land , when luther first began , by zuinglius was stirr'd up romes zeale to scan . but none then our iust fast men triumph'd more , whose race had held full sixscore yeares before vvith faggots fire , and lollards branded paine pursu'd till now , and now rejoyc'd againe , to see that faith , which with the hussites they had long maintain'd , found out an open way by luthers zeale , stigelius ravish● mus● , and by melancthons flowres with blooming newes . babel her fall in henries time foresaw , vvhen premunire englands ancient law her clergy rackt . but most the quakt for dread to heare him styl'd the churches supreme head : for by that style what rome usurped heere of aunates , far●●s , and duties every yeare , our parliament had on the king conferr'd to aide him in his warres . these spoiles transferr'd from forraigne use to help the natives want : 't is strange to mark how soone men did recant their carnall dreames ; and blind idolatries , to celebrate the new-mans sacrifice . blest be young edward , our iosiaes name , who next commenc'd this work of pio●● fame . but as the former brood , when constantine deceas'd , then prou'd ingratefull , the next lig●e of caesars fell to arrian heresie , and their old vomits with apostasie : so wavering england in the marian raigne quickly return'd to babels yoak againe , untill some martyrs blood , the churches seed , true members of their head in time of need had through gods grace behind them left a fire , as latimer foretold , which would inspire , and never be extinct in albions ile , whilst that our kings beare faiths defenders stile . this by our virgin queene of tydirs race , great debora , was since made good to raze , and quite demollish here romes strongest fort , and chiefest nerves , which did her pride support . and surely , if romes tributary thralls would take that course , she on a sodaine falls . her lofty towres would yeeld so loud a crack that they , which court her now , would soon go ba●k , when slartled up at the new wondrous sight , they see a church more catholick of light : they would ●vouch no advocate but one , and build their faith upon the corner stone , that was hewne from the mountaine without hand , male-borne without male-sire in iewry land. they would exalt our church apostolick above their owne , the car●all catholick , and by gods word , truths ground , the churches no●e , they would conclude what now they ●on by roat . about the midst of this strange century , iniquities prodigious mystery began at trent , or city tridentine , againe to play upon the word divine by canons propt with iulians tyranny , more fit for moores then councells harmony . least that the gospel should romes captives free from their old doating dreames , they did decree , that all such bookes , which protestants had pen'd to blaze gods word , they should in pieces rend ; or if they toucht her carnall copy-hold , to martyr them , since babel aimes at gold ; and that who did gaine-say in word or deed , or tooke it not as parcell of their creed , that the whole masse both for the dead and quick suffic'd , those men they doom'd no catholick ; that , who beleev'd not all the romish crewes traditions , they were worse then turks or iewes . such acts at trent were last determined by the fourth pi●s , romes most impious head , with thundring threats . frō whence arose those jars , combustions , powder-plots , and bloudy warres , which ever since embroiled christendome , and will ( i feare ) untill the day of doome endure , unlesse our head-strong strayes afford , while time remaines , more passage to gods word . none can deny , but that this councell gave more liberty for papists to out-brave the church reform'd by inquisitions strict to rack poore soules , and by severe edict on forfeiture of life and goods escheat , if they would not adore the papall seat. from hence began the civill warres in france , which ended not but by most bloudy dance . and various sort of massacres and spoiles . they ended not for all their leaguers broiles , untill their kings , the guisians , and their chiefes , who sided in the quarrell , di'd in griefes , in anguishes and bloud . and this the starre in seventy two , which past all comets 〈◊〉 for strange portent and blazing-hearded rayes , did then denounce with woes to stubborne strayes , for belgiaes injur'd states did thereupon incenc'd by alv●es duke , and austria●● iohn , who would have forc'd to masse mens consciences , breake into warres against spaines out-r●●es ; which last as yet . so likewise portingall , with her sebastian did in affrick fall . enduc'd to fight with moores by iesuites traine , that philip by his death might ceaze all spaine , excluding don antonio and his race quite from the sway of lis●ons royall mace. but to retire to our french leaguers back , how fatall prov'd their plots ? they thought to sack and ransack all the townes , which protestants , for their defence then held . but in their wants god aided these , and on their foes return'd the tragick flames , wherwith they would have burn'd their neighbors roofes . guise arm'd agaist his king , the king 'gainst him , till both felt judgments sting , both di'd in bloud , yea , which appear'd most rare , the king was caught in the same bloudy snare , where he in time fore-past had leagu'd the death of saints , whereby catillion off his ●tea●h , for in that very roome the king was slaine by friers hands , where first was laid that traine . long liv'd our queen to build things out of square a virgin v●w'd to christ , of dowries rare , excelling in the gifts of tongues and arts ; but more then all ●●one her diviner parts . church-elders she propt up , when some their fall , as if their state toucht not the temporall , for lucre sake had plotted to deface our churches forme , her frame , and outward face , whereby her sway had prov'd an an●rchy , of scorned stemme , the house of god a sty , and learning held in vile contempt for lack of wages due ; yea , all had gone to wrack , if this good queene had not supported them , who holp to build our new ierusalem . in her buddes-time , to counterpoize , or let our churches growth , or in her te●ts beset to ruin● some of our good souldi●rs , sp●●●g the iesuites sect with the false serpents tongue disguis'd with zeale , and promising to youth mountaines of rules , new documents for truth . upon which newes , and newne●●● of their name , degrading antioch , and the christi●● fame , they wan repute in babel . but of ●are discreeter states their bloudy doctrine hate . among these frogs croakt mariana first against all kings , who were by popes accurst , and by blacke rules deriv'd from hells abysse , dethron'd them of their states for their amisse . yea , and their lives subjected unto slaves . with such lewd points , wherein this jesuite raves , he campians braine so stuff'd , that irelands realme and desmonds crew he poisned with the streame ; for which his plots and false conspiracies , himselfe became a damned sacrifice ; as well deserv'd the authour for his bookes entangling christians with such hellish hookes ▪ but all their plots of pi●●olls , poison , swords , nor romish bulls , nor briefes lowd thundring words , could shorten or impeach elizaes raigne , but that she thriv'd in spight of rome and spaine , while they prevail'd with fatall wound to sting one whom they tooke for the most christian king ; which deed so pleas'd pope six●●● , that he durst with iudith ranke the malefactour c●rst . this sixtus dar'd to excommunicate our famous queene , her empire to translate , as much as in him lay , and leave to gore her person gave , as pius did before . but all their roaring bulls and thunderclaps with interest return'd , with heavy raps upon themselves , their faction , and on those , to whom they dream'd her kingdomes to transpose under his shrowd , who from a fishes craw did toll for christ and his owne person draw . in the meane time faire englands zealo●s queene , like char-coale sparks , contemn'd their flashing spleen . and for her zeale god blest her brave attempts , that she cri'd quittance for his slight contempts of neighbours love with the great king of spaine , who suff●ed still his inquisitions traine , under pretext of their religions lawes , to prey upon her merchants without cause , and on their goods : or sheading of their bloud ; or galley-slav'd ; or to weare benets hood . these wrongs by drake and candish she redrest , and fear'd not to encounter him at best with all his navall force in eighty eight , and afterwards at cales she shew'd her might . nor went his indies free from her revenge , nor belgiaes soile , but that she did avenge her quarrell full , by force of armes transverse the belgian state , and free the hollanders from th' inquisitions yoake by alva laid , and sithence train'd their milk-sops by her aide to turne brave souldiers both on sea and land , to weary spaine , and on their guard to stand . after that bloudy feast in seventy two , when sions church french herods would undo , besieged rochell with munitions store by sea she furnish● , and reliev'd her poore . againe , france tasted of her lenity , as burbon tri'd and his posterity , which but for her good cares , and troupes supply , had stoupt unto iberiaes tyranny ; and lorra●nes league then mammo●kt into parts had thrall'd all france to spaines superiour darts . she planted ireland , civilliz'd the rude , rebellious , wild , and kernish multitude ; and neere her set by valiant mountjoyes cares , with triumph there o're spaine she cloz'd her warres . so stood out state of church and common-weal● , in spight of romish bulls , spaine , and oneale , secur'd frō schismes , home-broyles , and hostile traine , as long as great elizabeth did raigne . hereby our strayes , who taxe the gospels sound , may feare how they gods church do meore and bound within romes fold by popes prerogative , as if our faith were pinn'd unto his sleeve . here they may see what ignominious spoiles romes champions reapt for all their bloudy broiles ; whilst that our princes in set peace have stretcht their limmes , in bloud their latest gasp they fetcht . not austria , france , nor rome with steely dint , nor marian fire could christ his gospel stint , nor could they raze the name of hugueno●s , or protestants for all their bloudy plots . much lesse could their school-doctors plead her cause against the brightnesse of the spirits clause , which by saint iohn had prophesied her fall , and likewise her forewarned by saint paul , that she , whom for her faith renowned fame then blaz'd , should be at last cut off with shame , if she continued not , as she begun , chast to her spouse the great iehovahs sonne . gods charter still goes with a whilest , or if thou honour me , i will remove thy griefe . not her decline could all her clergy stop , nor canonists her doctrine underprop ; not gratian , nor her best , panormitan , nor all her routes of thalmudists prophane ; not wolsey , poole , nor learned cajetan , kings-mating cardinalls in pomp humane , the mystick remnant of the dragons band , could vengeance stay , nor iudgements lees withstand . their martyrs urnes can no way paralell our holy ones , nor can their legends tell five bishops burnt for their religions sake , where we can name consumed at the stake great cranmer , ridley , hooper , latimer , and ferrar sainted in our register , with many moe , whom the force secular , hells magogs , hois'd to martyrs calendar , though them they knew to be the churches seed , by hearing at their death their christian creed : which creed , lest it might move a conscience soft , their torturers have interrupted oft in midst of flames , by hurling staves or stones , to wound the more their heads and broiling bones . o valiant men , true members of our head ! who like to him for him to death have bled ! o glorious saints , who left such monuments surpassing farre the seven-fold wonderments ! who to prevent soules dearth built granaries , like josephs store , inough for sacrifice ! whose martyrdomes refulgent memory puts downe romes palles , and shrines imagery ! who have , like starres deriv'd from heavens light , left spectacles and torches for our sight ! god grant they may increase devotions flame , and dul those schismes , which the next age wil shame . in briefe , no age since christ saw greater change of manners , knowledge , states , and which is strange , great rome twice sackt . the cōmon foe more bold , whilst our chiefe west wav'd with the spanish gold. the occvrrences of the seventeenth age , from the yeere of our lord . untill this present yeere . being the . of king charles his raigne over great brittaine . the argument . our church escapes the dragons powder-traine ; and is confirm'd in james , and charles his raigne . abroad the bloudy crosse her members s●ites ; in brittaine some blame types , and outward rites . the third yeare past of this our present age , our sun-set queen expir'd her pilgrimag● a virgin on our virgin ladi●s eve ▪ to see her starre death did her hence b●●●av● . elizabeth then folding up her raigne of forty foure , triumphant over spaine , the popish side , tirone , and irish kernes ; faire englands crowne to him whom it concernes by right of bloud descends , to salomon , our phoenix iames , who like the radiant sunne shot forth his rayes , of kings the paragon ; a writer most acute , for natives tone unparalell'd by any regall scribe , next to that starre , the honour of his tribe . whether in prose or measur'd lines he steeres , the loadstone of his labours still appeares directly aim'd unto the new mans white . his davids psalmes our belials so appall , none dare them now geneva-jigges mis-call . this posthume fruit hath learned sterline late set forth , the fainting soule to recreate . his workes endure the light , his lamp the night of ignorance repells , and none our iames , his bockes , his life , or raigne , save envie blames . he vorstius foil'd , restrain'd superfluous doubts , and by his pen convinc'd scholastick routs . while here he liv'd , o how did knowledge shine ! the church renew her hopes , the grave divine affoord us daily manna for soule-food , and by his royall rayes all things did bud , yea , his rayes made the wildest red-shanks tame , dri'd irish bogges , and spred virginiaes fame . nor lackt this king the gift of prophesie , to pry into the jesuites secrecie , whereby they thought to blow up albions state with powder-traine hells next obnoxious fate . for though that tressams lines seem'd intricate , flowing from sphynx , or coedipus his pate , a riddle , darke , and scorn'd by other men , yet this wise prince the same did not contemne , but pointed at the mine , and their intent , which they kept close sworne on the sacrament . this peacefull king upon the least disgust among his neighbour states , or warres mistrust , spar'd for no paines nor charge to mediate a christian end , their passions to abate . how many treaties hath vienna seene ? what embassies to calme fierce austriaes spleen ? that without bloud the palatine might gaine his owne , he sent his onely sonne to spaine . in hope to shunne th' events , which hapned since , to dangers he expos'd our darling prince , that by that gentle course or sacrifice , he might prevent ensuing prejudice . no age paints out , nor points at the like type of princely love , offence away to wipe . like iames in zeale came young iehosaphat , our royall charles , whose sweet and moderate condition yeeld us hopes , that , like his sire , he will retaine unquencht the sacred fire , which in his soule burnes calmely by the heat of heavens flame , the holy paraclete . now in his raigne we plant virgini●es north with colontes , and hope by setting forth the gospel there the savages to winne in christ his name from lust and bloudy sinne : our dr●nes turne bees in his auspicious raigne , remov'd to forraigne iles in hope of gaine , and by his famous glasse , who built of old , for tharsus ships to fetch thence ophirs gold , this prudent prince preparts a warre-like flees to scowre the seas , and force with force to mees , as testifie of late his admiralls , which forced moores to yeeld home english thralls . but more then all , the new man he doth grace , and the divine holds in his counsaile place . while m●●s went on the electours wings to pull , against the charter of the golden bull , distressed teutons limmes found both reliefe and succour of our charles , to ease their griefe . and while their church with tortures lay opprest , her babes exil'd : our brittaine mother blest thrives by the cares of our religious charles , secur'd from schisme , and superstitious snarles . o happy brittaine , couldst thou know thy good where neighbor-states ore-flow with spoiles & bloud ! to calculate who were by warres extinct in belgia , france , and germanies precinct , or the late troubles of the valroline , the grisons griefes , or rochels to define , a buskin craves more then poeticall , or algebraes points mathematicall . nay , he that counts the scarres in christian lands , on christian folkes late made by tyrants hands , shall sooner tell the names of magogs bands , which iohn compares unto the ocean sands . all which the saints , though in their tents beset by fiends , yet them from vowes no crosses let . all which gods church , though oftentimes she feares , and vents forth angels mones , with patience beares . our king bewailes their case , stands on defence ; he armes , and yet not ministers offence . we feele their griefes , with them we sympathize , and pray for cure , which passion mollifies . when austriaes caesar had with eagles wings aspir'd , and lift against the king of kings his lofty head , and muster'd all his force to trample on christs flocke without remorce , having begun the electours plumes to pull against the germane lawes and golden bull : ev'n then ( o wonder ! ) unexpected aide was by the lord from swethens land convai'd , from the farre north brave king gustav●s came , who came like thunder , fought , and overcame . and though this heros perish'd for our sinnes in battell late , yet to the philistines , like sampson , he full dearely sold his breath , confounded them , and triumph'd by his death ; yea , from his cinders since sprung up a flame , which tyrants threats , and turncoats puts to shame . long may thy trophees last , great macchabee , all terrour to our foes , untill they see , that they who wittingly shead christians bloud , like romaine pilate , and the iewish croud , stand guilty all of christ his death againe , and cannot purge , or wash away the staine with bribes , or ransome of sophistick kind , besides the scandall which they leave behind , that tearing bonds of christian unity confirmes the turke by their hostility to flout , and them with faigned leagues to wind , as shortly his confederates may find . meane while they wast a christian monarchy , and teutons land becomes an anarchy . but leaving them with fire and sword to skuffle , i saw our churches f●es begin to shu●●●e strange cards , in hope by arts legier-de-maine to win . the stake is soule prodigi●● gain● , which god avert , and grant that we take heed of sheep-skin'd wolves , who sacrifice their seed to moloch , and expect for ioviall nunnes to be confest by romes unmarried so●●●s . this women styld the iesuitrices , did lately presse , that they by their accesse to ladies might for their conversion speed , and work upon their owne fraile sexes creed with greater sleight , and with more fervency then priests oft blurr●d for carnell privacie . this femall sect , before it grew to height , was by the present pope , urben● the eight , dasht in the spring . a prudent actinde●d , to stine the growth of antichristian s●●● . god grant him more such sparkes , that as his book . of poems bruites his skill , so he the hook and fishers ner convert to better use then other popes have done to faiths abuse , the which he may , like peter or saint paul , soone bring to passe by counsell generall ; yea , and perhaps he may there reconcile thòse worldly jarres , which blur old antiochs stile . for what poor things wuld some disguiz'd with zeale disturbe the peace of christ his common-weale ? some startle at the altars ancient name ; others our setled forme of vowes defame . because they want some businesse from without , to make their badies sweat , or smart , they pour , and peevish grow , not knowing what they aile within their sickly braine , till eits prevaile ; like idle maias with the greene-sicknesse vext , they loath what 's good , and in ward are perplext with bra●kish fleame , with moodes extravagant , and longings oft from reason discrepant . because they cannot have their owne chymeres and whimseyes of their will , they wast with feares , repining at their neighbours store of grace , and yet their crazed selves will not embrace the tendred forme , nor joine in the soule-cure , as others do , and with sweet sauce procure , whereby they may with understanding pray , and not by roat , nor rashly vowes rep●● . glutted with quailes , and ma●maes precious fare , their stomacks long for onions , homely ware , and simple trash , which may the bloud iuflame more then that wholesome food , which they defame . have we not seene more pride in course attire then in rich robes ? yea , some , who did aspire under the mask of plaine sincerity , yet afterwards strove for priority ? let him , that blames the surplice comely weare , looke how the saints in long-white robes appeare before the highest throne , and then no doubt at such a sight he will no longer pout . and who is he so frowardly severe , that rayles at graduates hood of minnivere ? the scarlet robe ? or at the corner'd cap in academes matriculated lap , like laureate wreathes , borne and produc'd to grace industrious wits , the churches hopefull race ? that with such types and tokens garnished the bees from drones might be distinguished ? and that by vertues hire , faire honours crowne , some might , as starres , from lesser lights be known ! much more distinct the sacred ranke had need from vulgar garbes of grave and reverend weed , aswell to move regard by outward hew of surplices and miters , as to shew to hardned romaine strayes , that without stings we joyne with them in all indifferent things , and that to shun offence , faiths essence say'd , we can for beare , and yeeld to them that rav'd in clozing rents , for some traditions , rites , and outward formes , so to renew their lights . the iewes lost not by aaro●● bells their hopes : and what lose we by miters sight , or copes ? thus stands our church be●et with schismaticks , and romish routes pretended catholiks : the former raising jarres for triuiall things , the latter seemes to taint the new mans springs . and yet she shines most bright , while like a storme , the formers faction quailes , and may reforme their slips with ease , at least , when mellow age shall by degrees compose their passions rage . and there is hope the other will renounce dependencies on saints , and so pronounce : ( as did those saints themselves ) faith justifies , and christ his bloud alone doth us suffice without our owne , or other merits boast , to gaine salvation through the holy ghost . for want of tythes the one a sect contrives : and discontent tempts babels fugitives . thus hath our christ●an church by grace divine , past through the seventeenth age till thirty nine , and sixteen hundred yeares from christ his birth are fif●ly told by mortalls here on earth ; in spight of tyrants , schismes , idolatry , the dragons floud , and babels butchery . o would my muse knew wayes to ●●oncil● the stubborne straye● and hot-spurs of this 〈◊〉 that , as we all ex●oll one christian creed , and what wer● in six hundred yeares decreed by the first synods of the east and west , so we might meet at our communion feast in mutuall love , without distrust or st●ngs , to pay our vowes untō the king of kings , like brethren with harmonious ravishment in spirit , with one will , and one consent . accounting copes , bells , organs , surplices , or shaven grownes , a● rites , not ●●●●ances to barre the faith or conscience of a saint , as some with such conceits the church would ●aint . " a christian should be mild in temporall things , " which breeds not sin , nor soul-●ick scandall brings . " so that gods word be preacht and faith encrease , " i will accept what outward g●rbes they please . " il●●kneele , sit , stand , or else in sack-cloth fast ; " so that i may win soules , no flesh i le taste , " ile weare the sa●t● robe , saint be●●●s hood , " or friers cow●e , to doe our weaklings good . " such shapes i take for harmelesse policie , " as adi●p●ors with 〈◊〉 " expedient for some persons more then other , " so to shake hands , and wrangling quillets smother ; not like old 〈◊〉 of corrupted zeale , who rackt sometime the romish common-weale , and wanting wit to chuse frige black , or grey , or white , at last they made a bloudy fray. about such outward formes the fiend of late with bloudy broiles thought to enwrap our state. but he , that left at his departure hence against m●ll . ●l●t ● god 's spirit for defence , inspir'd our king with mercy , to forgiv● them for whose faul●s he more th●n they did griev● . when some for fam● , and others for their hir● , when some for spoiles glad of cambustions fir●● and some for doubts with swelling spleen did hope in savage fight with martiall 〈◊〉 & to cop●● our charles , though strongly 〈◊〉 extended the●● in christian love grace unto ●●●ing men. like him , who 〈◊〉 chose o●e citizen tus●●e then s●●y ● thousand h●stise men. by this rare act of sacred clemencie he paralells , nay , gets precedencie above all kings that sway this worldly spheare , whose subjects more their frownes and rigour fe●● then honour them for ballanc'd equity , or reall deedes surmounting quality . had theodosim so his passions squar'd , he surely had the the ssalonians spar'd , and not been warn'd by ambrose to refraine erō ●illains church , til conscience wrought some pain o happy prince , that knew'st thy s●viours will o happy land where sover 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to kill now , yee that vaunt of al●ious al●●nact , or of fergusim sway , appla●d ' this act with thankfull layes set forth in charles his pr●ise , vvho when he might destroy forgave your s●●●yes . but o what dolefull newes 〈◊〉 in my b●●es that discords flame , late quencht , againe appeares ? vve shall , they say , have war●s , and bl●●dy 〈◊〉 , new m●sters , taxes , toile . ou● wizzards starres , and malt-worme braines inculcate like b●g-beares , in luke-warme breasts effeminated feares . my censure now of our late vulgars bruit , who blinded in their owne would seeme acute in heavens affaires , is this : that if our god smite them or us , who can resist his rod ▪ some ranke of ease-require pblebotomy : some craz'd : some leane , like an anoatmy : their sinnes are great , and we excuse not our . our feasts , rich rob●s , law-suites , and humors flore bloud-letting need , and purge of hellebore . but , if as oft as me● offend , god powre the vialls of his wrath and vengeance downe , who now had liv'd to have his mercies knowne ? whether we dye at sea , or on the land by 〈◊〉 , pl●gues , or blowes from butchers hand , that 〈◊〉 - string'd whip , which doth us here attend for temporall revenge , or trialls end , gods will be done . yet whilst his church on earth stands ●●me , i feare ●o wars , no pl●g●e nor d●●rt● ; for worldly things ( so fates have weav'd the plot ) rowle , reele , and squierme like eeles within a pot. how shall we then weare out these worldly broiles ? so voluble of course , so full of toiles ? just as some deal● with a cumultuous crew of leaguer'd god●s . when first the quatre●● grew , and shepheards met with mind to trounce them all , a swains did thus their so daine doome recall : what shall we do● with these bold animalls : which pill our ple●ts , and spile our vegetalls ? which gathering into w●●ords ca●e not for words ? nor with their ●aliant tappe● doe feare our swords . as if they would out-bear'd , they threaten us , that cats enrag'd may turne as perilous as greater beasts . some thi●de them to immure , lest other beasts to follies they i●ure . they custo●● claime , and native li●erties , to pill our b●●k , and brouze on grafts of price , but what bald custome can their bucks inferre ( not in their r●tring time , for then to erre vvas frenzies fit ) the peace to violate ? with skreames to seare our melt●●●● state , vvhen prudent p●● with councehance severe assay'd by law the mutineers to feare ▪ what shall we doe with this long bearded kind of castell , which presume to read the ri●● and beauty of our woods without to●●roule ? slighting our w●●s like a vain blank or serowle ? these out-●ages are great . yet 〈◊〉 with pitty mixt warnes our pi●●gerency over gods crea●nes to provid●some course , that beasts of gaine may thrive , no● fare the worse . fire and blood-latting are the last of cures : so , to be mild hurts not , but u●secures ; and though it seemes ● while , like to a block contemn'd of frogs , yet lasts it like the rock . the oxe must not he muzzled , no● these goates depriv'd of food , ●or horses tob'd of o●tes . what forrests are reserv'd for straggling deere , which retribute small profit in the yeare ? we foster greedy hounds and swilling swine : and shall we now lesse hurtfull beasts confine ? what cares take we for drones more then for bees ? and yet to kiddes grutch a few sapling trees ? if we hemme in their dammes , both dye of dearth , and so we lose some of the best on earth for profits breed . they rough and hardy are in aires extremes , content with simple fare : ( a gift which many beasts , nay men do want , a gift which lessens crimes exorb●tant . ) a little them sustaines . and yet their does yeeld store of milk to countervaile some cowes . they doe bring forth two or three kiddes a piece within the yeare ; their milk doth cordialize , natur'd like what they eate . feed them with spurge or lettice , then their milk doth humours purge . the male-goats bloud refines the diamond ; it breakes the stone , and makes the gravell'd sound . when it is bakt , or into powder done , and strew'd on liquid food , it cures the stone sooner then leeks , or alisanders broth , which seemes with it compar'd but skummy froth . a hivers pasty tasts like venison ; the buffe defends from frost as from the sunne . i skip the stuffe wrought of goats stately beard , lest not a goats-haires worth be what i heard ; nor mention i borrachoes spanish case , which pilgrims vow with healths to bacc●us grace ; nor yet their flesh , which portingalls do dresse and lay with salt for indiaes voyages . so usefull are these goats that none for want of them in wild and new-found lands can plant : which is the cause that brittaines colonies thrive not there like the spaniards progenies . now for my vote or cloze particulare , which i submit to your more silver haire : it is not safe the moody to constraine ; tread on a worme , and it will turne againe . the fits o're-past : we may cull out the bad , divide their troupes , and cure in time the mad. if we permit the weanelings of their flocks , their tender kiddes , which cannot shift on rocks for stronger food , to champ on weaker boughes ; and their moone-sick on plants sometimes to brouze : both these will , when their constitution growes to abler nerves , eat hay in time of snowes , and be right glad to taste of stronger food aswell to our content , as for their good. and let the rest live in their craggy soile , in hope they will no more keepe revell coile ; lest if we thence provoke their wilder whelpes , they may turne mad with tupping and with yelpes , unlesse in the mid-summers moone we chaine those whom we finde most crazed in the braine . 't were well we could their teeth with safety file , and not our hands with streames of bloud defile if they disband , and of their crimes repent , and will with griefe redeeme their punishment , let 's suffer them to spend their windy breath upon the rocky hills and barren heath , that it may be ingross'd in after-rowles : we left them there , where bustling boreas cooles the hottest spleen , in hope that they would grow more usefull farre then we doe finde them now . when riper time shall humours purifie , they will conforme themselves , at least their fry. since forraigne coasts to beares & wolves submit , i thinke we may lesse harmefull goats admit to their old haunts our dai●es to encrease , so that henceforth their buckes from tupping cease . let us not then root out these beasts with beards , weakning our stock ( an honour to our heards ) lest we give cause of jeering to our foes , who , if our stock decayes , may worke us woes . they pill our barke : that 's it you now will says so did our iron-men and tanners play : so others have by causelesse brawles and fees , and h●athnish spoiles , forc'd men to sell good trees . but here one whisperd him : touch not that noat , lest you be term'd a rash-promoting goat , incurring scorne with hoobubsand out-cries , for glancing at our modernes robberies . the swaine sbash'd , his face to crimson di'd ; and the goats cause lies in suspense untri●● : where though great pan an higher skill relies , yet scornes he not a rusticks poor● supplies , in all extreames on this i set my rest. of ills to ●●use the least , of good the best , and if i misse the latter to attaine , yet i will hope the golden me●ne to gaine . concerning other points of faiths abuse , as purgatories paine , false idolls use , courting of saints , to christs apparant wrong , gods sacred word kept from the vulgar tongue , additions to the masse , the papall keyes , and priests debarr'd of wives : let him that waight● the dreames of balaams priests , this passage know : pride made the pope a simon magus grow , and then he chang'd the spirits gifts for gaine . for after the decease of charlemaine , who sceptred popes , in the ensuing yeares , they to maintaine their pomp , the christian meere● of modesty transcended , got elbow roome to spread the divels huskes in rampant rome . which to reforme , as we of late have done in brittaines orbe , by wickliffs cares begun about three ages past , so let all them , who hope to see the new ierusalem , looke backe upon the first sixe centuries ; or if that seeme too tedious to revise , let them the next sixe ages well review , and they shall finde romes faith then patcht anew , that by degrees the popes by phocas first , and by great charles since rais'd , became accurst ; and that our church the very same of old , which was at nice , and chalcedon enroll'd for orthodoxe , is catholick and true , onely , because new-scour'd , enstiled new. lohere , deare countrey-men , in pithy phraze , what some have whirl'd about with winding maze , and some , i hope , these short analyses , will rellish more then long remonstrances , since substances yee like , i simply shew where lay our church pure , catholick and true , before we tooke the name of protestants at auspurg late , which our extravagants by transmarine and false exotick glo●●e would soile , like pitch , with appellations grosse of hugueno●s , or luthers hereticks ; while they usurpe the name of catholicks , like hagars brood , which moores terme saracen ; like hypocrites ; who passe for godly men. for why should they alone be in our west call'd catholicks , when thousands in the east , the abissines and others doe contend for the like name in substance , use , and end ? why should the parts above the whole presume ? one sister church the mothers stile assume ? the catholick , which spreads in every coast with mutuall gifts powr'd by the holy ghost ? why should the beames against the sunne compact ? the branches from the oakes good name detract ? our churches are ( waigh the comparison ) as boughes or beames : christs spouse the oak or sun. and for our church , more yet i could relate , to manifest her wane , eclipse , and fate in popish times , but that each novice knowes what meanes the desert , where she powr'd her vowes during the raigne of that great mystick whore , which preacht false christs by the red dragons lore . but mauger constance , trent , and lateran , the night is past of skreeching ignorance , and we embrace the spirits countenance , which at this day shines bright in brittaines ile , and may doe long , if we shun hate and guile . not ecchius , moore , poole , fisher , posstvine , not dowayes fry , nor copious bellarmine can match our calvin , zanchius , bullinger , frith , jewell , foxe , fulkes , raynolds , whitaker , andrewes , usher , and those whose melodies mount up to christ , like a new sacrifice , with many moe in our great brittaines orbe , surviving yet , and able them to curbe : whose praises web more curious if i spun , i should then light a candle in the sunne ; or undertake saint michaels warre to pen , a taske more fit for angels then for men. yet by that mystick type saints may discry the battels issue , and our victory : for such a palme the fiery crosses signe hath gain'd , as in the dayes of constantine . but now in embers clozing up my fire , i silently into my thoughts retire , oft looking backe to babels mystery , oft musing on faire stons victory , where first six hundred sixty six i fixe , one thousand then six hundred fifty sixe , times pedegree from mans creation cast , till fatall showres for sinne the earth defac't , i ruminate in mind , least sodainly while i deferre my duty to supply , the last great trumpets sound concludes the day to worldlings woe , and sinners sore dismay . warres in faiths house proclaim'd , and babylon discover'd shew great doomes-dayes signs neer gone : from which extreames , lord , save our church as well as thou elias didst from iezabel , that with the spirits streame she quench her thirst untill that day , while babel lies accurst . as long as sun and moone , or raine-bowes signe shall last , preserve our king like constantine , assigning us from stewarts regall ligne good stwards still to over-see what 's thine . remove not hence our churches candlestick , while firmely we to thy sonnes pledges stick , but for his sake who paid the costly price in judgement due for our enormities , whereas some led by fiends as yet do stray , if they repent , reduce them to thy way , that ismaels brood henceforth no christians flout for lutherans , or the wicklevian rout , for huguenots , novatians , schismaticks , for puritans , or mungrell catholicks . when these with peter vouch gods living sonne , with paul one god , one advocate alone exploding school-mens dreames , hypocrisies , soules-marchandize , and winding fallacies , we then shall soone for other points agree , without recourse to edens curious tree . this fruit the church reapes by her childrens peace : when they from jarres , then foes from jeering cease . the pictvre of the trve catholick and apostolick church represented in english and latine numbers . the argument . the authour last this corollary knits , to help our church against mad wrangling wits : till the sixth age the spouse of christ 〈◊〉 pure ; so doth our church . and here 's her portraiture . the spouse of christ shone in her prime 〈…〉 liv'd neere th' apostles time. but afterwards ecclips'd of light , she lay obscure from most mens sight ▪ for while her watch hugg'd carnall ease , and loath'd the crosse , she felt disease . because they did gods rayes contemne , and maumets serv'd , grace fled from them . then starres fell downe , fiends blackt the aire , and mungrells held the churches chaire . but now dispelling errours night , by christ his might , our new-mans light , she may compare for faith alike with famous romes first catholick , and paragons for vertue bright the royall scribes sweet sulamite , who train'd to zeale , yet without traps , her poore young sister wanting paps ; without traditions she train'd her , or quillets , which make soules to erre . so feedes our church her tender brood with milk , the strong with stronger food . she doth contend in grace to thrive , reformed , like the primitive . she hates the darke , yet walkes the round , and joyes to heare the gospels sound . she hates their mind in judgement blind , who swell with merits out of kind . in christ alone lies all her hope , not craving help of saint or pope . poore saints , to shew her faith by deedes , she fills their soules , their bodies feedes . she grants no weapons for offence ; save vowes and fasting for defence ; and yet she strikes . but with what sword ? the spirits sword , gods lightning word . indiff'rent toyes , and childish slips she slights , but checks grosse sinnes with stripes . yet soone the strayes her favour winne , when they repent them of the sinne. so mild is she , still loathing ill , and yet most loath the soule to kill . such is the lady , whom i serve ; her goodnesse such , whom i observe , and for whosee love i beg'd these layes borne from the spheares with flaming rayes . but who can paint the dowries forth of this new mary to the worth ? o let us for her gifts restor'd then sacrifice to heavens lord our hearts with psalmes , like trumpets lowd , for sending her to curbe the proud , and to beare downe romes antichrist , as she types her that brought forth christ , the object of our second birth , and the prime cause of all our mirth . thus is our church in essence like the ancient true apostolick . god grant this dame , our brittaines long to sway , whereby they may to christ new vowes repay ; and blesse thee , reader , with like happinesse , to hold his pledges firme with godlinesse . candidore fides lustrabat lumine mund●m , 〈◊〉 propi●s tetigit saecula prima 〈◊〉 ▪ lumen at ecclipsin 〈◊〉 labenti●●● 〈◊〉 reddidit obscuram , quae fuit 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nec mirum turbans tantas senfisse 〈◊〉 , carnem plus vigiles quam sap●ere 〈◊〉 ; seria cum nugis miscentes sacra prof●●● ▪ idolis flame● post posuere dei. stellarum laps●s , 〈◊〉 fra●● , nubil●● 〈◊〉 , haec t●ia corrupti causa fuers thro●i . sed●●d● dispers●● tene●● is no●● de●●uit a●●● , spo●sa●●dit christi , cr●scit & altar home . crescit sponsaredux hominis fulgore novati , dum legitur christi pagina sacra choro . nec minùs est sponsa salomonis nostra pudica , vel grege primaevo quem pia roma tulit . uberibus vacuam parvam prior illa sororem allexit zeli lacte ; sed absque dolo , absque venena●is prudens allexit elenchis gentes quae tenebris delituere diu . quin & nostra greges solet enutrire tenellos lacte , magis fortes sed refovere cibo . odit nostra nigrà mentis caligine captos coetus , qui meritis intumuere suis ▪ non carnale sapit , nec papae numen adorat , horret enim christi commaculare thorum . pectora con●i●●is , sanctorum corpora victa pascit , ne fieret fabula vana fides . arm● virago gerit : sed qualia ? flaminis arma enthea , nempe dei mystica , metra , preces . condonat facili leviuscula crimina v●ltu , f●eda sed orbilii vindicat acta minis . non animam jugulat ( tanta est clementia divae ) sed resipiscentes laeta reducit oves . talis imago dei sponsae , nostraeque magistrae , in cujus laudes aetheris igne feror . tanta novae fulget virtus divina mariae ; sed sua quis calamo pingere dona potest ? sat ●ihi pro donis tantum si psalmata dentur , dum placet aethereo cor holocauma patri , qui nuper sponsam naevis maculisque solutam transtulit , ut fidei roma nitore ruat , utque novi dotes hominis caeloque renati liberiore canam pectore , voce , tubâ . sic & nostra viget similis jam sponsa priori , quae visit quondam tempora prisca patrum . det deus , ut longum regat haec sulamitha britannos , que possint alacres nova vota rependere christe , concedat que purem ribi , lector candide , sortem , ut pi● christigene conserves pignora sponse . another hymne to the same effect , as how to discerne the true catholick church . the crosse , on which our saviour di'd , for many yeares lay undiscri'd with rubbage soil'd in calvary , till , to renew christs memory , the mother of great constantine searcht , found , and left it for a signe , that converts then might understand , christ di'd for them in jewries land. in the like sort the church of christ , lay long eclips'd through carnall mist , resembling gold obscur'd with drosse , as was with earth that woodden crosse. and though some wisht to find her out , they could not bring their wish about , ( so strong of might , so full of sleight was babels whore to bleare their sight ) untill gods word perform'd the deed with martyrs bloud , the churches seed ; till wickl●●●e first , and luther next stept up , her babes stood sore perplext . now ( o looke up ) this gracious queene on sions hill is to be seene , with her new man , gods hopefull sonne , rayes darting like the glorious sunne . but they , who would descry her right , must her descry with inward sight , not like the old brasse-serpent , which idolaters did earst bewich , but like the crosse , which saints took up ere some to that since found did stoup . thus stands the church seen and unseen , unseen of sots , of saints well seen . these by gods word her presence waigh , those by false dreames and worldly sway. now , brother , mark , which of these crew of christ his church are children true ? the one kneele to the new mans rock , the other to an outward stock , like manichees , which they doe paint for angellick , or guardian saint . there , they meet men , who live by lurch , but never saints of the true church . the conclvsion to the readers . the argument . the authour here from the new-man derives the churches web , condemnes the dronish hives , blames labans saints , and false poetick dreames , which he reformes , and so concludes his theames . i blunder forth no quirkes , nor captious theames , no triviall toyes , nor fond lascivious dreames . while carnall wits were pleas'd to weave such tales , of late i found the new-mans wormes in wales , whose entrailes spun in my retired home for me some silk , which suits with englands loome , without engagement to a 〈◊〉 shore , for 〈◊〉 , romes , or the hesp●rian 〈◊〉 . and now my silk-wormes store domestick spun i have divulg'd before the fates have run their period out for my poore 〈◊〉 of life , before strong passions wave my thoughts with strife , my sences with more griefe , or what might ●et the s●rious task which christ on me had set . though hydr●es hiss'd , and 〈…〉 bray'd , yet could not all their coile 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , nor daunt my free-borne muse from setting forth to publick view some usefull w●res of worth ; nor could romes canons noise ●oa●'d out from trent deterre my zeale , nor seare my faire intent ; where they have doom'd the books of protestants , the new-mans fruit , for wild extrav●g●●ts . such ●●●ick goblin feares i leave to them , who slighting truth the spirits rayes contemne . not tempting wine , nor feasts delition ; bait could make me sound a cowards base retrait ; nor could the stormes of our late adverse times disturbe , or shake my forme of sacred rimes , where i have limm'd in a two-folded frame our saviours life , and his true churches flame , whereof the latter here i first produce to usher that of the divinest use. no pamper'd sloth , nor housholds netled care , nor natures nets could my resolves ensnare to hide from you her tents , and war-fares wayes from christs ascent untill our present dayes , but that i would to yeeld you some content , strow her good tents with leaves of rosy scent , and to recure the saulish moone-sick braine , i would enchant the sence with musuks straine . i lock not up my use of labour'd houres , nor poast it o're unto executours , like miser-churles , who worldly goods conceale , and wrong thereby the christian common-weale , who at their death the same most madly leave to such as may their hoped trust deceave . the authour dead : who cares to mend his bookes ? no step-dame well to orphans breeding lookes . no nurse respects a tender suckling wight like her , who claimes the native proper right , as iudaes wisest king long since descri'd , when he gave doome on the true mothers side . unhappy are those scribes , who catch no soules for christ , if so they may , by holy scroules ; and much too blame are those of carnall brood , who loath to taste of intellectuall food , yet surfeit on old tales of robin hood , of friers cowles , or of saint benets hood , of patricks broiles , or of saint georges launce , of errant knights , or of the fairy daunce . but yee , who are borne of immortall seed , scorne your best part with honey'd-gall to feed . fly , readers , fly , and shunne such baites as these , which though they for a time the sences please , at last they breed a soule-sick ravery , which will from truth distast your memory . fly from such cates , which shining sinnes suggest , and from their sauce , though by a prophet drest , like that , which on the may the man of god from bethel tooke , although by him for bod . read vertuous bookes , which manners rectifie , and may help up the soule to edifie ; for even as the spirits cleere and fresh excell in worth the massy pulpe of flesh : much more essentiall joy and true delight , we must conceive , spring from the new-mans light , where we by grace may hap to be like paul in spirit rapt above this earthly ball , to paradise , or the third fleaven , where he learn'd more nemes then he away could beare . o doe not then the spirits gifts suppresse , since they beare up the soule , beat down the flesh. they mount the soule tho●e the chris●dlli●● and starry orbes to view with sight div●●● those mysteries , for which the greatest g●●●k ; unlesse 〈◊〉 imes he stoupts , gropes in the 〈◊〉 , and never shall attaine to that brare pi●ch , because his wings are soil'd with clammy pitch , or borrow'd of the peacocks ●ately traine , which either lead him to despai●e and p●●●e , or to presumptuous s●●●e , 〈◊〉 l●●●●ers , and then , as lampes , false mereours he preferres before the light of gods etarnal word . and the soules bauquet , at his sa●ed 〈◊〉 . then , humane shrines , and monks mythology he more be●●ints then true theology . for as the greeks plurality of gods devis'd , whom they confest to live at ods among themselves : so superstition since cr●pt in ●●●ng the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 at a 〈◊〉 , to further hells 〈◊〉 like to fall , when romes great empire won'd , if 〈◊〉 shall had not been 〈◊〉 with fait●● resterati●● by satans-craft , to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 with calendars of canonized saints , to whom they fram'd instead of christ complaints , as in old time those poets did approve the lesser gods , as advocates to iove . and by the like distinctions in the schooles vvould them create subordinated fooles , or courtiers of th' olympian majesty to intercede , or ay● mortality . to which they kneel'd in various idol-shapes , like babels head of gold , calves , cats , or apes . so babels babling dawes saints help exact : saint margaret lucin●●● part must act , saint anthony relieves them of the po● with reliques charmes fetcht from old ●●la●ms box. for the twin-brother gods they consecrate saint nic●●●●s at sea their advocate ▪ saint eu●●ace must uphold the forrest game , for which old pagans us'd dian●es name . vvith a huge club saint christopher they please , as with the like those painted hercules . yea , every soile possessed teutelares , small gods , to ease them of their heavy cares . iun o holp carthage , mars rome , pallas greece , ceres blest corne , pan sheep , pomona trees . so denis france , george england , iago spaine , and the like saints to guard their coast they faigne , the scottish folkes were of saint andrewes ward , ireland of patricks , wales of davids guard. unto saint mark the rich venetian bends , and he that venice wrongs with mark contends . but above all saint peter beares the bell : he rome protects , and rome must all excell . nùm●es aegeria peter hath supprest , vvith romul●● saint peter doth contest . nay , peters keyes the eagle bruiz'd , out mist ian●● his peacefull do ores to shut for christ. but we , which are of gods spirit borne lament to see christs seamelesse rayment torne , or parted from the fashion primitive , but joine , like saints , in sacred love to thrive . we fly vai●e dreames , which oft enchant the sence from worshipping the god-heads excellence . we slight the tales of poets ranke vaga●ies , as vowes to saints with needlesse ave-maties . while others steale to paths unknowne , or ●●ay to stranger coasts , we goe the surest way for feare of wolues , or what may else ●●tide a man that loseth christ , his chiefest guide . while some in tongue unknowne , like 〈◊〉 , ●h●● , and aske of god by ●oat they know nor what : our churches , ba●●s doe pray in christ his name for what they want , 〈◊〉 he doth grant the same for his deare sake , who pleades for humane race , while they with understanding crave his grace ; and having gain'd their suit they sing his praise with cheerfull hearts , new tongues , & thankful layes : not grounding faith on saints pluralities , on angels , pow'res , or principalities . as for the garbes of poets antick fables , they are but vaine , though moralized bables , vaine like themselves , who pip'd for hire , or fame , while saints of zeale set out their 〈◊〉 name . so david rap● with bliffe compos'd his layes : but horace broacht for need m●cen●●s praise . so ieremy ierusalems annoy bewail'd of zeale ; when homer beg'd for tr●y . our straines therefore sprung from celestiall light shal scur●ile songs scourge hence , like works of night ; our truth shall soile their dreames ; our 〈◊〉 their ap●s , our faith their heat●●ish consciences . and in their stead , to help devotions heat , our new man here cookes various sorts of mea● , vvith musick apt thy spirits to refresh , if thou suppresse the motions of the flesh. our adam first shall hurle prometheus downe ; then , noes floud shall their deucalions drowne , with titans brood , whom they for giants hatch ; and babels towre will pelions mount o're-match . by hemors sonne our gadding dinaes rape doth unto sires a faire example shape what foule effects by cock'ring love ensue , since indulgence both parties then did rue ; more true then helens rape , by theseus first , and last by paris of old trojans curst . our moses shall convince their faign'd mistakes , as did his rod th' aegyptians charmed snakes . for niobe into a stone estrang'd , we sounds lots wife to a salt-pillar chang'd . for ioves descent to be philemons guest , our abram for three angels made a feast ; and for the formers gift from iupiter , our salomon did wisdomes choise preferre . our sampson with the jaw-bone of an asse , doth hercules and his twelve labours passe . our iepthes vow for his maid-child too grim , doth the grek prince his iphigenia dim . our zealous davids sling doth farre exceed their persem shield , and ariadnes threed . if hylas they and hercules object : or theseus and pirithous loves select ; our david lov'd his ionathan more deare , as may yet by his epitaph appeare . if they fetch rites from babel , rome , or creet : gods lawes from sinai we and salem greet . if midas they with asses eares bewray : we humane speech in balaams asse display . if they gaze on the coach of phaebus sonne , we iosuah sing commander of the sunne ; ot else we can the sunnes degrees produce , backward to goe for hezechi●es use . but while they lift the creatures excellence , we glory bring to our creatour thence . thence we derive a subject to commend gods friendship showne ●o man as to his friend . if they ●●ne odes in aes●●lapius praise , because from death he these●s sonne did raise : from holy writ we many can transferre , who really to life restored were . if they insist on delphick ora●les ; true prophesi●s confirm'd with miracles we can from gods choise servants more rehearse , then may be coucht , or s●ng in stinted verse . and if they chaunt loves rapes by carnall jave : we canticles sing of divinest love : and with our vowes prevent asmode●s craft , mauger loves golden wings and poisned shaft . let halcion grieve for c●ix her husbands death , till fabled for a bird sobs stop her breath : we for slaine bethlems babes count rachels teares . or the sad badge we sing , which salem weares ? or else our churches threnes for her late losse of christian bloud spilt causelesse at the crosse. whilst that they bath in aganippes spring , of jordan we and of bethesda sing . and while they climbe parnassus forked hill , on sions mount we shew our sacred skill . instead of pagan baites with calvary , and olives fruit we sauce our poetry according to christs gifts infused new , we leave those dregges , which the old man did brew . as oracles ceas'd after christ his death among the gentiles by the apostles breath : so faile those lees , which satan since did brew , by our religion , of some termed new. so that for their false metamorphosis of men to earthly formes , our purpose is , soules to convert into immortall shapes by our new man , that foiles their apes and rapes . and for that dame ephesian idoliz'd , we christ his mother-maid evangeli●'d doe bl●sse and praise , but worship not of lat● as goddesse , least from god we derogate . for hermes , pall●s , or ap●llo●● lore , we crave the holy ghost to blesse our store , for tantalus in hell , or lxions wheele , we dives preach their racking aine to feele . soules iudges they serv'd minos , r●adamant , and aeacus : but christ our iudge we chant , christ we looke for to doome both dead and quick , the dead in faith and the church catholick : meane while his spirit raignes in every place , yet craves as man for men his fathers grace . with this prime saint we satisfie our selves , and for him scorne all shrines , and labans elves ; whom with the father and the holy ghost , one god in three , we found through brittains coast , as we were bound at our new second birth , gods angels all applanding us with mirth . now , eies , pack hence , whether elizian greece , th' hesperides yee faig●e , or colches flecce : whether yee gull weake soules , or them controule with benets hood , or the franciscans cowle ; whether yee ●low spring pooles poeticull , from tophets lake , or streames papisticall ; and farewell dreames , whether from ch●llers stea●● , from dragons gull yee ●low , or bloud and fleame . and in their stead , come truth , thy name we bla●e , for thy bright lampe doth men and fiends ama●e . thou art the life of a true prophets song , and they who slight thy sound , gods spirit wrong . then come , o blessed truth , correct our ods , as thou long since hast quail'd the pagans gods ; and suffer not the dragons sorteries to be commixt with christian mysteries , nor legends of vaine men to prejudice the gospels light , or our new sacrifice . on thee i built the churches history ; by thee i found , that babels mystery eclips'd the church from the seventh century , till wickliffe did into romes whoredomes pry , and by his pen that subject more dilate , which thousands now as copiously relate , which i among the rest , as they began , have warbled forth to daunt the outward man , who by nick-names doth taxe our church for new , and to her spouse out-face to be untrue . now to wind up my task , i adde this ode , in hope no saint will my intent explode : lest i the doome of wrath encurre , which slugges doth for bad stewards blurre , i looke about with watchfull cares to see who wants some holy wares . my talents use i freely give to cloath some soules , whilst yet i live . divide the web , friends , as yee please ; the weare is light producing ease . the hew not ga●dy , nor yet base , but like white robes , which temples grace . from our new man i fetcht the stuffe , let none then take the gift in snuffe , or taxe the matter for the forme , since what i could i did performe , they came from love , the spirits dove , let that suffice good mindes to move . finis . imprimatur , tho. wykes . decemb. . . martyrologia alphabetikē, or, an alphabetical martyrology containing the tryals and dying expressions of many martyrs of note since christ : extracted out of foxe's acts and monuments of the church : with an alphabetical list of god's judgements remarkably shown on many noted and cruel persecutors : together with an appendix of things pertinent to martyrology by n.t., m.a.t.c.c. [i.e. master of arts trinity college cambridge] actes and monuments. selections foxe, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing f estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) martyrologia alphabetikē, or, an alphabetical martyrology containing the tryals and dying expressions of many martyrs of note since christ : extracted out of foxe's acts and monuments of the church : with an alphabetical list of god's judgements remarkably shown on many noted and cruel persecutors : together with an appendix of things pertinent to martyrology by n.t., m.a.t.c.c. [i.e. master of arts trinity college cambridge] actes and monuments. selections foxe, john, - . n. t., m.a.t.c.c. [ ], , [ ] p. printed for r. butler ..., and are to be sold by samuel wooley ..., london : . errata: prelim. p. [ ]. advertisement: prelim. p. [ ] and p. [ ] at end. an alphabetical list of god's judgments remarkably shown on many noted and cruel persecutors. london : printed for richard butler, and an appendix of things pertinent to the ... preceding martyrologic ... london : printed for r. butler, [n.d.] both have special t.p.'s. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng martyrs. church history. persecution. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ΜΑΡΤΥΡΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΑΛΦΑΒΕΤΙΚΕ or , an alphabetical martyrology . containing the tryals and dying expressions of many martyrs of note since christ . extracted out of foxe's acts and monuments of the church . with an alphabetical list of god's judgements remarkably shown on many noted and cruel persecutors . together with an appendix of things pertinent to the understanding this martyrology . by n. t. m. a. t. c. c. — these all dyed in the faith , hebr. . . — in all these things we are more than conquerors . rom. . . london , printed for r. butler in barbican , and are to be sold by samuel wooley bookseller in louth , in lincolnshire . . errata , in the epistile page . read cor. , , , . in the book p. . l. . read iames bainham . p. . l. . put out then . p. . l. . read pomponius . p. . l. . put out so . p. . l. . read cruel . p. . l. . read sparer in words . p. . l. . read wind. p. . l. . read wounds . p. . l. . read trailed . p. . l. . read must . p. . and . read thiessen . p. . l. . read confuted . p. . l. . read fool. p. . l. . concerning dr. london's punishment in the former part of the book . add page . p. . l. . read maximinus . p. . l. . read sute . advertisement . two sermons of hypocrisie , and the vain hope of self-deceiving sinners . a vindication of oaths , and swearing in weighty cases , as lawful and useful under the gospel : and the quakers opinion and practice against oaths and oath-taking , proved to be unscriptural , and without any just reason ; as also against their own principles . both written by iohn cheney , minister of the gospel . printed for r. butler , and are to be sold with the rest of his works by iohn miller , at the rose at the west-end of st. paul's church . to the christian reader , all encrease of grace here , and all fulness of glory hereafter . so great an enmity hath satan evidenced , ever since his own apostasie , against mankind , that he must be conceded to have bin very sedulous and vigilant in all ages to destroy souls , one while alluring them to sin against god , by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of worldly or sensual propositions , or else deterring them from adhering to god , vi & armis , by his assaults and persecutions ; the verity of which hath been continuedly evidenced in the successive ages of god's church , wherein the first member dying , dyed a martyr on the account of his religion , and the several prophets and children of god before christ have been so persecuted , sawn asunder , cast into dungeons , fiery furnaces , lyons dens , &c. that if to these we add the consideration of st. paul's martyrology in heb. . we may propose our saviour's enquiry ; which of the prophets have they not slain ? nor did the fury of satan and his instruments terminate there ; but when christ the son of god was incarnated and became man for our salvation , satan the arch-enemy of man , assails him as tempter ; but being put to flight so , he becomes accuser , and by his instruments persecuted our dearest saviour , not desisting till they had crucified the lord of life : which being effected , this serpentine seed continued its enmity againg christ in his members ; so that few of christ's apostles or followers have escaped tribulation ; as the writings of the sacred writ aver , and the succeeding pages will much evidence , which seem in respect of their matter to be serviceable to the church of god many wayes : . in demonstrating the verity of our religion , and the great and sure foundation of our faith , sealed by the blood of many thousand martyrs , who have as witnesses thereof , attested the verity of their professions by their deaths . . in evidencing the state of god's people here , whose life is but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a warfare , whilst they remain members of the church militant on earth , which may disswade us from singing requiem's to our souls , and may excite our constant watch . . in assuring us of the triumph of christ the captain of our salvation , who in himself and members hath verified that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the seed of the woman's breaking the serpent's head , in that in the midst of all troubles the saints of god have experienced joy , which may engage our running with patience the race that is set before us . . in declaring god's fidelity to his people , who in the greatest misery hath shown them the greatest mercy , and often then hath most given his people assurance of their living with him , when they were going to dye for him ; which may support our spirits under pressures , in that they cannot separate us from god here or hereafter , rom. . . cor. . , . . in proposing the examples of many thousands of constant martyrs , who chose rather to suffer than sin ; and found more joy in dying for christ than ever they did trouble in serving of christ. . in shewing the sad effects of apostasie upon many of god's people , who found all the wordly enjoyments without a christ but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bitter sweets , and have not acquiesced , till through god's spirit they did reassume the profession of christ , and at last did dye for christ , which may incite our holy jealousie over our selves . . in setting before us the care of god for his people in their lives , and death , and after death , by supplying their wants , comforting their souls , mitigating their pains , and preserving their names to succeeding generations , verifying his own assertion , that the memory of the just shall be blessed . . in representing the efficacy of christianity and its champions constancy , so as often to have influenced the very persecutors of it and them ; not onely to pity them , but also to close with their principles , and dye for the same faith ; so that we have no need to be ashamed of the gospel of christ. . in demonstrating the frustration of the grand design of christ's enemies ( the extirpation of his faith and religion by persecution ) it being evidently manifested that christianity hath been more propagated , the more it hath been persecuted ; and it was long since observed that sanguis martyrum was semen ecclesiae . so that against all opposition the faith of christ and its professors have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more than conquerors ; nor hath the gates of hell hitherto prevailed against the church of christ. . in manifesting god's mercy and justice . his mercy in preserving his true religion and its professors amidst all their enemies , and his iustice in his divers inflictions of punishments upon their persecutors . insomuch that some have confessedly acknowledged christ conqueror , his cause true , and themselves because persecutors of it , damned . this is the matter of the pages humbly offer'd , and unfeignedly recommended to thy perusal . and as to the manner of the epitome , an alphabetical method , both as to sufferers and persecutors , seemed most apt for thy reaping advantage . the reasons moving the epitomizing the voluminous works of the author were these : . because many who probably would read those greater volumes , either cannot acquire them being scarce , or cannot purchase them being dear , or perhaps have not time to peruse them being great , to occur all which this abstract may suffice . . the chief things in these volumes desired by the vulgar ( whose instruction is chiefly designed hereby ) is the lives and deaths , the constancy and comforts of the martyrs , which here are briefly contained as to the most remarkable martyrs ever since christ's time ; which being portable , may serve as a manual to be oft in our hands to be perused , till we get their experiences on our hearts . and although in these halcyon dayes of the church ( which god long continue ) these endeavours way seem to some supervacaneous ; yet if we consider that while we are in the world we must expect troubles , it is no small prudence to prepare for it . however , the ten premised reasons may plead for thy acceptance of what is humbly tendred , and sincerely published for god's glory , and thy soul 's good , by thine in the service of god , n. t. an alphabetical martyrology . a a andrew the apostle , and brother of peter , being conversant in a city called patris in achaia , brought many to the faith of christ. egeas the governour hearing of it resorted to him , and with threats of the cross disswaded him by his proconsul ; but andrew said he would not have preached the honour and glory of the cross , if he had feared the death of the cross. and being condemned , when he saw the cross he said , o cross , most welcome and long looked for , with a willing mind , joyfully and desirously i come to thee , being the scholar of him who did hang on thee , because i have always been thy lover , and have coveted to embrace thee . and so being crucified he gave up the ghost the last of november . see vol. . pag. , . one alexander under the tenth persecution standing near the bar , at the examination of the christians , beckned to them with signs to confess christ ; which the multitude perceiving , made it known to the judge , who examining what he was , and being answered by him , i am a christian , condemned him to be devoured of wild beasts . and he having endured sad torments never sighed , but from the bottom of his heart praised and prayed to the lord. vol. . p. . apollinia an ancient virgin , under the seventh persecution , having her teeth dashed out , and being threatned to be cast into a great fire made before her , unless she would blaspheme with them , and deny christ ; she paused a while , and suddenly leaped into the fire , and was burned . vol. . p. . ammonarion , an holy virgin , told the persecuting judge , that for no punishment she would yield to his request ; and constantly she performed her words , under very severe torments , and was at last slain with a sword. vol. . pag. , . alban the first english martyr , under the tenth persecution , did receive a clerk into his house , flying for religion , by whose precepts and precedents he of a pagan became a christian ; and when the emperour sent to apprehend the clerk , alban put on the clerks habits , and offered himself to the souldiers as the clerk , and so was had away ; and being commanded on pain of death , by the emperour , to sacrifice to idols , he said , i am a christian , and worship the true and living god , who created all the world ; and the sacrifices offered to devils can neither help them that offer them , nor can they accomplish the desires of their supplicants ; but they whoever they be that offer sacrifice to devils , shall receive everlasting pains of hell for their portion . whereupon he was cruelly beaten , and at last beheaded . vol. . pag. . agnes a virgin of rome , in the tenth persecution , of noble parentage , before she was marriageable she was dedicated to christ , and boldly resisted the wicked edicts of the emperour , who by fair and foul ways induced her to renounce her faith , yet she remained constant and courageous , and offered her body to suffer any torment or pain , not refusing to suffer whatsoever it should be , though death it self : but the tyrant threatned to expose her chastity to danger , by sending her to the stews , unless she would ask minerva pardon . whereupon she inveighed against minerva , and said , christ is not so forgetful of those that are his , that he will suffer violently to be taken from them their golden and pure chastity . thou shalt , saith she , bathe thy sword in my blood if thou wilt , but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust , for any thing thou canst do . after which the tyrant commanded her to be set naked in the open street , to the shame of himself and all present , who went from her ; and she returned god thanks for this deliverance of her chastity : and an executioner being sent to kill her , she willingly met him and prayed , o god vouchsafe to open heavens gates , once shut up against all the inhabitants of the earth ; and receive , o christ , my soul that seeketh thee . and so she was beheaded . vol. . p. , . anselm , an italian , born and brought up in the abby of beck in normandy , and afterwards made archbishop of canterbury , said he had rather be in hell without sin , than in heaven with sin . vol. . p. . augustinus a barber , about hennegow in germany , being an embracer of the gospel , yet naturally so timerous that he fled twice when he was sought for , was so bold when he was apprehended that he confounded all opposers : and being desired to pity his soul and recant , he said he evidenced his pity to his soul in giving his body rather to be burned , than to do any thing contrary to his conscience . and being set at the stake , and the fire kindled , he heartily prayed unto the lord , and patiently departed , . vol. . pag. . aymond de lavoy at bourdeaux in france , a preacher of the gospel , being persecuted and sent for ; his people and friends perswaded him to flye ; to whom he said , he had rather never have been born than so to do ; it was the office of a good shepherd not to flye in time of danger , but rather to abide the peril lest the flock be scattered ; or lest some scruple might by his flight be left in their minds , that he had fed them with dreams and fables , contrary to gods word ; wherefore beseeching them to move him no more therein , he told them he feared not to yield up both body and soul in the quarrel of the truth which he had taught , saying he was ready , with s. paul , acts . not only to be bound , but also to dye for the testimony of christ. and when the sumner came to apprehend him , being in the city of bourdeaux three days , aymond preached each day a sermon , and in his defence the people flew upon the sumner , till aymond desired them not to stop his martyrdom , since it was the will of god he should suffer for him . being apprehended , his greatest accusation was , that he denyed purgatory : he was nine months in prison , in great misery , bewailing his former life , though no man could charge him with any outward crime ; and enduring more severe torments by the officers afterwards , he being of a weak body , comforted himself thus , this body ( said he ) must once dye , but the spirit shall live ; the kingdom of god endureth for ever . and swooning , when he came to himself , he said , oh lord why hast thou forsaken me ? but his tormentors further vexing him , he said , o lord i beseech thee forgive them , they know not what they do . and when sentence was given against him , he comforted himself with s. paul's words , rom. . saying , who shall separate us from the love of god ? shall the sword , hunger , nakedness ? no , nothing shall pluck me from him . and being brought to the place of execution , he sang the . psalm , and testified he dyed for the gospel of christ , and said , o lord haste thee to help me , and tarry not : and desired all to study the gospel , and not to fear them that kill the body . he said he found his flesh to resist marvellously his spirit , but he should soon cast it off : and then begging the people to pray for him , he said often , o lord my god into thy hands i commend my soul. in the often repeating of which he dyed , being strangled and burned . vol. . p. , . anne audebert , an apothecaries wife and widow at orleance in france , being judged to be burnt for religion's sake , when the rope was about her neck to strangle her , she called it her wedding girdle wherewith she should be married to christ : and as she should be burned on a saturday , she said , i was first married upon a saturday , and on a saturday i shall be married again . and martyred she was with such constancy as made the beholders to marvel . vol. . p. . somponius algerius a young man , burnt at rome . being in prison at venice , ( from whence he was sent to rome ) he wrote an epistle to the persecuted and afflicted saints , wherein he declares the many ways he was tempted to recant , to which tempters he said , god forbid i should deny christ , whom i ought to confess , i will not set more by my life than by my soul , nor will i exchange the life to come for this present world . vol. . p. , , . mrs. anne askew being . apprehended , and often examined as an heretick , subscribed two of her confessions thus , by anne askew that neither wisheth death nor feareth his might , and as merry as one that is bound towards heaven , god have the praise thereof with thanks . she always concluded her letters with pray , pray , pray . she was racked till almost dead , to discover her confederates , but she would not ; then was she by flattery tempted , but was not so won to deny her faith , but said she would rather burn than deny it . in newgate before she suffered she made a confession of her faith , clearing her self from errours , and proving her self a christian ; and then prayed for support against the malice of her enemies , that they might not overcome her ; and that god would pardon their sins , and open their eyes and hearts to do what god pleased , and to set forth his truth without errour . she was of a family that she might have lived in great wealth and prosperity , if she had loved the world more than christ , but she being constant , was at last ( being unable to go by reason of her racking ) brought in a chair to smithfield , and there chained to a stake , when wrisley then lord chancellor sent her pardon , and bad her recant ; but she refused to look once on them , and said she came not thither to deny her lord and master ; and so was burned in iune . with whom suffered also iohn lacels , iohn adams , and nicholas belenian , which three men though courageous before , yet by her exhortation and example were emboldened , and received greater comfort . vol. . p. . iohn ardeley an essex man , being burnt iune . . was examined and perswaded by bishop bonner to recant ; to whom he said , bear as good a face , my lord , as you can , you and all of your religion are of a false faith , and not of the catholick church . god foreshield i should recant , for then should i lose my soul ; and if every hair on my head was a man , i would suffer death in the faith and opinion that i now am in . and so he did . vol. . p. . will. allen a norfolk man , burnt at walsingham . in september , because he would not go in procession and kneel to the cross ; he was in such favour with the justices of peace , for his tryed conversation amongst them , that he was permitted to go to his sufferings untyed , and there being fastned with a chain , stood quietly without shrinking till he dyed . vol. . p. . rose allen of much bentley in essex , being fetching drink for her sick mother , in a morning with a light candle , who was also with her self and father apprehended by edmond tyrrel esq to be all three carried to colchester goal for the gospel , who perswaded this rose allen to counsel her parents well ; who said , they had a better counsellor than she , to wit , the holy ghost , who i trust will not suffer them to erre . and being for this accused of heresie by him , she said , with that which you call heresie i worship my lord god : to whom he then said , i perceive you will also burn for company's sake : and she answered , not for company's sake , but for christ's sake ; and if he call me to it , i hope in his mercy he will enable me to bear it . so tyrrel took her candle and held it to her hand , burning it crossways the back of it , till the sinews crackt asunder ; and asked her often during that tyranny , what you whore will you not cry ? to whom she said , she had no cause to weep , if he considered it well he had more cause to weep , for she had none she thanked god , but rather had cause to rejoice ; and she said , that though at first burning it was some grief to her , yet the longer it burnt the lesser she felt , or well near no pain at all . vol. . p. . iohn alcock , a young man in suffolk , apprehended at hadley because he would not move his cap as the priest came into church with a procession , and being bid to take heed of the priest , he said , i fear not , for he shall do no more than god will give him leave ; and happy shall i be if god will call me to dye for his truths sake . and being sent up to london he dyed in prison at newgate , and was buried in a dunghil . vol. . p. . richard atkins burnt at rome . he was born in hartfordshire in england , and travelling to rome he came to the english colledge , knocking at whose gates several english scholars came out , and bid him go to the hospital , and there he should receive his meat and drink : but he declared he came not to any such intent , but to reprove the great misorder of their lives , which ( said he ) i grieve to hear and pity to behold : i came also to let your proud antichrist understand that he doth rob god of his honour , and poyseneth the whole world with his blasphemies : so declaming against their idolatry he was put into the inquisition by one hugh griffith a welchman , and a student in that colledge , where after a few days he was set at liberty : but one day going in the streets , and meeting a priest which carried the sacrament , which offended his conscience , he catched at it to have pulled it down , but missing of it he was let pass : a while after he seeing divers persons in s. peter's church at mass , he stept up without any reverence , and threw down the chalice of wine , and would have gotten the wafer-cake out of the priest's hands ; for which he was much beaten with persons fists , and cast into prison ; and upon examination why he would do such a crime , he said , i came for that intent , to rebuke the popes wickedness , and your idolatry . upon this he was condemned to be burned : which sentence he gladly received , he said , because the sum of his offence pertained to the glory of god. a while after he was set on the bare back of an ass , stript from the head to the waist , and so carried in the streets , who called to the people and told them they were in a wrong way , and willed them for christ's sake to have regard to the saving of their souls ; all the way as he went he had four men that did nothing else but thrust at his body with burning torches , whereat he never moved nor shrunk , but with a chearful countenance often bended his body to meet the torches , and would take them in his own hand and hold them burnig to his own body ; which posture he continued in near the space of half a mile , till he came at the place of execution , before s. peter's church ▪ then made they a device not to make the fire about him , but to burn his legs first , which he suffered marvellously chearfully ; then they offered him a cross , but he put it away , telling them they did ill to trouble him with such paltry , when he was preparing himself for god , whom he beheld in majesty and mercy ready to receive him into the eternal rest : and so he dyed . vol. . p. . francis d' alost in flanders , beheaded may . . said to his apprehenders , now ye think to deprive me of life , and so to do me a great hurt , but ye are deceived ; for it is all one as if ye took counters from me , to fill my hand with a great sum of gold. being at the place of execution , he said , seeing ye thirst after my blood , i willingly yield it unto your hands , and my soul into the hands of my merciful lord god almighty . and so he was beheaded , and his body given for a prey to the fowls of the air . addition to vol. . of massacre in france and flanders , p. , . b b bartholomew the apostle is said to have preached to the indians , and to have converted the gospel of s. mathew into their tongue : he continued there a great space doing miracles , at last in albania , a city of greater armenia , after divers persecutions , he was beaten down with staves , and then crucified ; and after being excoreate was at length beheaded . vol. . p. . blandina a woman , under the fourth persecution , was so tormented that the tormentors for weariness gave her over , admiring at her strength and courage , who became stronger and stronger ; and as oft as she spake these words , i am a christian , neither have we done any evil , it was a marvellous comfort , and emboldened her to abide the torments . vol. . p. . she afterwards was fastned to a stake , and cast to ravening beasts , but no beast would come near her ; so the persecutors took her down , and laid her in prison till another time . at length she was put in a net , and cast to the wild bull , and after she was sufficiently gored with his horns she felt nothing of pain , but was thus slain ; of whom the very persecutors said , never woman was put to death of them that suffered so much as she did . vol. . p. , . barlaam a martyr , under the tenth persecution , having endured many torments , was at last laid on the altar by the persecutors , where incense was offered to their idols , and they put incense into his hand , thinking that fire would cause his hand to scatter the incense , and so he have sacrificed , but the flame eat round about his hand , which remained as though it had been covered with hot embers , when as barlaam recited that of the psalmist , blessed be god who teacheth my hands to fight . vol. . p. , . ioane boughton , mother to the lady young , was burned april . . ( and in the ninth year of king hen. . king of england ) in smithfield , for holding of wickliffe's opinions , from which all the doctors in london could not turn her : and being told that she should be burnt , she defied them , saying , she was so beloved of god and his holy angels , that she passed not for the fire ; and in the midst of it she cryed to god to take her soul into his holy hands . vol. . p. . iohn brown of ashford was burned . at ashford , being taken away by force from his own house , the same day his wife was churched , and he was carried to prison at canterbury , for no crime but for asking a mass-priest , where the soul was when he began mass and when he had done mass ? who answering he knew not ; iohn brown asked him then , how he could save the soul ? for which he was continued in prison from low-sunday till fryday before whitsontide , his wife not knowing where he was all this time ; till the night before he was burned being set in the stocks at ashford , she came and sat up by him , to whom he declared the whole passage , and said that the bishops , warham and fisher , heated his feet on the coals , and burned them to the bones , to make him deny his lord ; which i will never do , added he , for if i should deny him in this world , he would deny me hereafter . i pray thee , said he further , good elizabeth , continue as thou hast begun , and bring up thy children vertuously in the fear of god. and the next day being whitsonday-eve this godly martyr was burned ; standing at the stake he thus prayed , holding up his hands , o lord i yield me to thy grace , grant me mercy for my trespass , let never the fiend my soul chase : lord i will bow , and thou shalt beat , let never my soul come in hell heat . into thy hands i commend my spirit , for thou hast redeemed me , o lord of truth . and so he ended . vol. . p. . iohn bertrand , a forester in france , . being condemned for the gospel's sake , he being to enter a cart , to be carried to execution , gave thanks he was not there for any evil action , but for the quarrel of our saviour ; and when tyed to the post he sang the . psalm ; and with eyes looking up to heaven , seeing the place of execution , he said , o the happy journey , and fair place prepared for me . he in the fire cryed , o lord give thy hand to thy servant , i recommend my soul to thee : and so meekly yielded up the ghost . vol. . p. . dominicus de basana , an italian , burned at placentia , . being asked whether he was a priest , said , not of the pope , but of christ ; being asked if he would renounce his doctrine , answered , he maintained no doctrine of his own , but of christs , which also he was ready to seal with his blood , and gave hearty thanks to god which so accepted him , as worthy to glorifie his name with his martyrdom : and being cast into prison , he continued constant ; yea at his execution he did preach , and pray for his enemies , and so finished his days . vol. . p. . a bookseller of avinion was burned by the means of the bishop of aix , for selling some bibles in the french tongue ; and as a sign of the crime for which he was burnt , he had two bibles hanged about his neck , one before and another behind him . vol. . p. . maurice blane , a young man in merindol in france , being one of the waldenses , and taken by one iohn miniers lord of opede , who went as captain against merindol , was shot to death with harquebusses , and though he was not very well instructed , yet in all his torments he lifted up his eyes to heaven , and with a loud voice ceased not to call on god ; and the last words he was heard to say were , o lord god these men take from me a life full of misery , but thou wilt give me life everlasting , by thy son iesus christ , to whom be glory . vol. . p. . thomas bilney , being brought up under popish ignorance , and did in order to his obtaining pardon of sins , use fasting , watching , buying pardons , &c. and at last hearing that the new testament was translated into latine elegantly by erasmus , out of a love to the latine more than to the word of god ( which he then knew not what it meant ) bought one and did read it ; and at his first reading he happened on tim. . . it is a faithful saying , &c. which sentence through gods instructions , and co-workings , exhilerated him , and was a means of his conversion to the faith of christ , learning that all travels and watchings without christ availed nothing : and having tasted of the sweetness of christ himself , he greatly endeavoured the promoting of christ's gospel , and opposed popery in its abuses of pardons , &c. vol. . p. . he was instrumental to the conversion of mr. latimer , p. . he was of trinity hall in cambridge , and first framed that university to the knowledge of christ , vol. . p. . . he once recanted , and was absolved , which created such trouble to him , that for two years he almost despaired , nor could any scripture comfort him , till at length god , by the means of mr. latimer , comforted him . and he propagated the doctrine of christ in norfolk , and was burned at norwich . the night before which eating an ale-berry chearfully , some friends said they were glad to see him so merry , to whom he said , he did as husbandmen , repair the ruinous house of his body . he often tryed the heat of the fire , by putting his finger in the candle flame , saying , i feel and know fire to be naturally hot , yet i am perswaded by gods word , and by experience of some in it , that in the flames they felt no heat . and i believe howsoever that the stubble of my body shall be wasted by it , yet my soul shall be thereby purged : it is a pain for a time , on which follows joy unspeakable . vol. . p. . richard bayfield , a monk of s. bennets belonging to berry , converted by means of one dr. barnes , was november . . degraded and condemned ; and being struck with a crosier he fell backward , broke his head , and swooned ; when he came to himself again , he thanked god that he was delivered from the malignant church of antichrist , and was come into the sincere church of christ militant here on earth : and i trust anon , said he , to be in heaven with christ , and that church triumphant for ever . and being in a slow fire was half an hour alive , and when the left arm was on fire and burned , he rolled it with his right hand , and it fell from his body ; and he continued in prayer to the end without moving . vol. . p. . iames beinham , a lawyer , in king henry the eighth's days , for knowledge of the new testament was burnt , april the last . who first abjured , but soon relapsed , declaring he would not suffer the like hell he did when he was abjured for all the world ; and when he was again taken and burning , he in the fire , when his legs were half consumed , said , o ye papists , ye look for miracles , here ye may see one , for in this fire i feel no more pain than if i were in a bed of down , and it is to me as a bed of roses . vol. . p. . thomas benet , master of art in cambridge , thinking after his conversion not safe to stay there , went to exeter , and there taught a school : and at last abhorring the blasphemy of the papists , he fixt up bills against the popes supremacy , &c. for which , after much enquiry being found out , he at length suffered , all their endeavours being not able to reclaim him to popery , to whose perswaders he mildly answered ; desiring them to desist , for he was resolved , and did more desire to dye for christ , than to live longer and partake of and behold their detestable idolatry . at the fire he prayed so fervently , and his sayings were so pious , and himself so constant , that his very enemies counted him a good man , and god's servant ; yet was he burnt : and at stake being commanded by one esq barnhouse to pray to saints , he would not , it being god on whom only he must call : to whom the esquire said , he should pray to saints , or else he would make him , and therewith thrust a fir-bush on fire at his face : to whom the martyr said , alas , sir ! trouble me not ; and prayed , father forgive them . whereupon the esquire caused the fire to be kindled , and then the martyr lifted up his eyes and hands , saying , o lord receive my spirit ; and so continuing prayers , did never stir nor strive , but abode the flames until he ended . vol. . p. . dr. barnes of cambridge , in king henry the eighth's days , burned in smithfield . iuly . he much promoted good learning in cambridge , and then religion , yet afterwards recanted twice , but at length preached christianity again ; for which , he being apprehended , was to be burnt ; who making his confession , said , he dyed for the faith of christ , by whom alone he doubted not but to be saved : he prayed for pardon : and whereas stephen gardner bishop of winchester caused his martyrdom , he there said , i pray god forgive him , as heartily , and as freely , and as charitably , and without feigning , as ever christ forgave them that put him to death . and then putting off his cloaths , made him fit for the fire , and patiently took his death , and was burnt with mr. garret and mr. hierom. vol. . pag. . see more mr. hierom. george bucker : see adam damlip . iohn bradford a lancashire man , a good scholar , servant to the lord harrington , afterwards went to cambridge , and after one years time was made master of arts and fellow of pembroke hall ; and some time after ordained by bishop ridley , and made prebend of s. paul's in london . vol. . p. . he was a zealous preacher and a good liver , yet in queen mary's days silenced and imprisoned ; although but three days before he appeased the people in london , by preaching against sedition , and perswading them to obedience , who were incensed much against one bourn ( who afterward was made bishop of bath ) who preached against king edward . and pleaded for popery , so that a dagger was thrown at him , till this mr. bradford appeared in the pulpit , and then the people cryed out , god save thy life , o bradford . he slept but four hours in the night , and spent most of the other hours in prayer and studying ; so that he counted that hour lost , he said , in which he had done none good with pen , study , or exhorting : he preached twice a day in prison , unless sickness hindred him . when the keepers wife with sorrow brought him news of his burning next day , he said , i thank god for it , i have looked for the same a long time ; it comes not on me suddenly , but as a thing waited for every day and hour , o lord make me worthy of it . when he went from the counter to newgate , he prayed , and gave every servant and officer in the house money , wishing them to serve god and eschew evil , and prayed to god to effect it in them : he was imprisoned two years , lacking one month and a half . he being upon examination offered mercy , if he would recant , said , mercy with god's mercy i desire ; but mercy with god's wrath god keep me from ; his good will be done , life with his displeasure is worse than death , and death with his favour is true life . vol. . p. . one creswel , an acquaintance of his , after this came to him , and proffered him his service to make suit to the queen for him : to whom he said , if the queen will give me life , i will thank her ; if she will banish me , i will thank her ; if she will burn me , i will thank her ; if she will condemn me to perpetual imprisonment , i will thank her . vol. . p. . at the stake he freely forgave all persons , and beg'd all persons to forgive him : he prayed and kissed the stake and faggot , crying , o england , england , repent thee of thy sins , repent thee of thy sins , beware of idolatry , beware of false antichrists , take heed they do not deceive you . vol. . p. . his letters were many and pious , exhorting to constancy : . from god's love to us : . god's power over our enemies , and care for us : . the necessity of dying once : . the shortness of the troubles : . the eternity of our joys : . examples of christians : . the conjugal relation engageth both soul and body to christ : . all worldly enjoyments , and life it self , but tokens of god's love to us , and must not be denyed if call'd for by god , as tokens of our love to him : . death is our due for sin , but when for christ , prepares a greater glory : . god's care over their children and families that dye for him : . our cross from god as a father . vol. . p. . to . roger bernard , a suffolk man , burned with two others at s. edmunds-bury , iune . . he being diversly flattery allured to turn , yet though a poor labourer continued constant ; and when he was threatned with punishments , he said , friends , i am not better than my master christ , and the prophets , whom your fathers served after this sort ; and i for his names sake am content to suffer the like at your hands , if god shall so permit , trusting that he will strengthen me in the same , according to his promise , in spite of the devil and all his ministers . and so constantly he endured the flames with prayer and praises . vol. . p. . agnes bongeor , one of prisoners at colchester , who with another woman , one margaret thurston , was not executed with the other , because of the mistake of her name in the writ , being there written bowyer instead of bongeor ; which mistake caused much sorrow to the poor woman , who was thereupon dejected , even almost to despair , because she was left and the rest taken and burnt , as if god did not think her worthy of that honour ; in order to the receiving of which , she had disposed of a sucking child that morning to another nurse , and had habited her self fit for the fire : but at last with much endeavours she was comforted , by a friend 's proposing the instance of abraham , whose will in offering his son was by god accepted , as if isaac had been sacrificed ; and so her desire to have offered up her self , had god pleased ; and also the real offer of her child , disposed of already to another nurse , in order to her self being burnt , might be acceptable before god. and she being thus comforted in due time , september . . was also with the said margaret thurston burnt at colchester . vol. . p. , . bergerius , being imprisoned for the gospel's sake , met there with one iohn chambon a thief , imprisoned also at lions in france . which chambon was almost famished for want of food , eating only such things as horses and dogs refused , and was also almost devoured of lice , insomuch that he cryed out against god , and cursed his parents that bare him , till by the prayers and endeavours of this bergerius he was converted ; and he declared to divers persons by letters , that his lice left him the next day after his conversion , so that he had not one ; and he was sufficiently provided for by the alms of persons , so that he fared very well . vol. . p. , . iohn badby an english martyr . martyred for opposing transubstantiation ; he , though he felt the flames , which were immediately quenched , and he invited to recant by the kings eldest son , with promises of great revenues , and with threats of being burned , if he would not recant , could not not be perswaded to recant . vol. . p. . guy de brez , prisoner at tournay in flanders . writeth to his wife thus ( after the declaring what conflicts he had with his flesh , and the victory which through christ he had in order to suffering ) be comforted , our separation shall not be for ever , it will not be long e're we be gathered together under one head , iesus christ : the world is not the place of rest : heaven is our home , and the world but our place of banishment : let us aspire after our country : consider the honour god doth you , in that you have a husband who is not only called to be a minister of christ , but highly advanced to partake of the crown of martyrdom , which honour the angels in heaven are not capable of . i rejoice in my sufferings , i am filled with the abundant riches of my god. i now taste and see gods goodness , i feel by experience he never forsakes them that trust in him ; i have profited more in the school-house of my prison than in all my life time before ; i would not change my condition with them which are my persecutors , i eat and drink and rest with more hearts-ease than they . additions to vol. . concerning massacre in france and flanders . p. , . francis le bossu , with his two sons , martyred at lyons in france in the massacre there . he encouraged his two sons to suffer with him for the gospel , exhorting them thus , children , we know the enmity of the wicked and the world against gods people is no strange thing : let not their drawn swords affright us , they will be but as a bridge whereby we shall pass over out of a miserable life into immortal blessedness ; we have breathed and lived long enough among the wicked , let us now go and live with one god. and so all three embracing each other , were found slain . additions to vol. . concerning massacre in france . p. . c c calocerius seeing the great patience of the christians in so great torments and persecutions , cryed out , vere magnus deus christianorum , that is , truly the god of the christians is a great god. which words being heard , he was apprehended , and brought to the place of execution , and made partaker of their martyrdom . vol. . p. . cecilia the virgin brought valerian her espoused husband , and tiburtius his brother , to the faith of christ , and with her exhortations made them constant to martyrdom ; after whose sufferings she was apprehended and brought to offer sacrifice to idols , but refusing , she was had to the judge to be condemned ; in the mean time the serjeants and others began to perswade her to favour her self , and not cast her self away ; to whom she so reply'd with reasons and godly exhortations , that by the grace of god they were converted also , and divers others were with them baptized , to the number of persons ; which being done she was condemned , and was inclosed in a hot bath a day and a night without hurt , and was afterwards ordered to be beheaded in the bath . vol. . cyprian , being also named statius , he was an african and born in carthage , an idolater and a gentile , altogether given to the study of magical arts , who was converted to the christian faith , through the grace of god , by the means of cecilius a priest , and by the occasion of hearing the history of the prophet ionah ; and was after his conversion ordained priest and bishop of carthage : soon after in which office and dignity he so shined in gifts and vertues , that he had the covernment of all the east church , and church of spain , and was called the bishop of the christian men : and was beheaded in the . year of christ , under the eighth persecution . he is said to observe abuses in mans life . . a wise man without good works . . an old man without religion . . youth without obedience . . rich men without alms. . a woman shameless . . a guide without vertue . . a christian contentious . . a poor man proud . . a king unrighteous . . a bishop negligent . . people without discipline . . subjects without love . vol. . p. , , &c. christians to the number of being assembled in their temple at nicomedia , to celebrate the nativity of christ , and fire being caused to be set to the temple by the order of maximianus , under the tenth persecution , with a cryer , that all that would have life should come out of the temple , and do sacrifice upon the next altar of iupiter . one in the behalf of all the rest answered , they were all christians , and that they would do sacrifice only to christ , his father , and the holy ghost , and that they were all now ready to offer . whereupon they all and the temple were burned . vol. . p. . iohn clardon , a currier of london , was burned only for having english books in his house , which as his enemies said contained heretical opinions , which he owned against the popish party , . year of christ. vol. . p. . iohn clerke of meldon in france , a wool-carder , for saying the pope was antichrist in a bill he set upon the church doors against the pope's pardons , was to be whipt three several times , and each time marked on the forehead with a note of infamy , whose mother being a christian woman , and seeing those things done to her son , courageously emboldened him , crying , blessed be christ , and welcome be these marks . he afterwards removing to metz in lotharing , the night before the people idolatrously , according to their custom , was to go out of town to worship some images , he brake them down ; and the next day the monks and people coming to worship , found their images broken , whereof they suspected this clerke , who being examined confessed the fact , and shewed his reason for it ; whereat the people were enraged , and cut off his right arm , and with pinsers pulled off his nose , arms , and breast , and then burnt him , an. . who patiently endured it , singing , their images be of silver and gold , the work of mens hands . vol. . p. . dr. iohn castellane , a french divine , was degraded and burnt only for religion , in which he continued constant to death , and so patiently underwent it , . that many ignorant people were thereby drawn to the knowledge of the truth , and many weak were greatly confirmed . vol. . p. , , . george carpenter burned in munchen in bavaria , feb. . . whose crimes were , because he held a priest could not forgive sins , nor call god out of heaven , that god was not in the bread in the sacrament , nor that the element of water in baptism did confer grace ; which four articles he refused to recant : and being asked if he was let go if he would not go to his wife and children : he answered , if i was let go , whither should i go rather than to my wife and well-beloved children ? and being told if he would recant he should be set at liberty ; he said , my wife and children are so dearly beloved of me , that they cannot be bought from me for all the riches of the duke of bavaria ; but for the love of my lord god i will willingly forsake them . and being led to the place of execution , he promised a sign of his faith , that while he could open his mouth , he would not cease to call upon the name of iesus ; and being in the fire he cryed aloud , iesus , iesus , and so gave up his spirit joyfully . vol. . p. . one cowbridge burnt at oxford , he was a person distracted , and knew not what he said , and yet burned for an heretick , who in the midst of the flames , lifting up his head to heaven soberly and discreetly called upon the name of the lord jesus christ , and so departed . vol. . p. . roger clarke , a suffolk man , taken at ipswich , and judged . with one kerby , by my lord wentworth ; who , after sentence given , talked with another justice on the bench a good while , to whom clarke said , my lord , speak out , and if you have done any thing contrary to your conscience , ask of god mercy , and we from our hearts do forgive you ; speak not in secret , for ye shall come before a iudge , and then make answer openly , even before him that shall judge all men. he was burn'd at berry , and at stake , kneeled down , and said , my soul doth magnifie the lord , &c. vol. . p. . dirick carver , a beer-brewer in bright-hamsted in sussex , an ancient and pious man , though not understanding a letter of the book , was apprehended for having , with some others , been at prayer in his house ; and after his apprehension he so improved his time in learning , though ancient , that before he suffered , through gods blessing , he could read any english printed book . at the stake in lewis , iuly . . he went into the barrel , having stript himself , and there spake to the people . dear brethren and sisters , witness to you all that i am to seal with my blood christs gospel , because i know it is true ; and because i will not deny gods gospel , and be obedient to mens laws , i here am condemned to dye . dear brethren and sisters , as many as believe on the father , son , and holy ghost unto everlasting life , see ye do the works pertaining to the same ; i ask ye all , whom i have offended , forgiveness , for the lords sake , as i heartily forgive all you who have offended me in thought word and deed . lord have mercy upon me , for unto thee do i commend my soul , and my spirit doth rejoice in thee . and so the fire being kindled , he said , oh lord have mercy upon me , and sprang up in the fire calling on the name of jesus , and so ended . vol. . p. . richard colliar of ashford in kent , being examined and condemned for the gospels sake , as soon as he was condemned he sang a psalm , and was afterwards burnt with five more kentish men , at three stakes in one fire , in august . vol. . p. . tho. cranmer , a gentleman of a family ancient as the conquest , born at arselacton in nottinghamshire , brought up at school , and at cambridge was fellow of iesus colledge , and afterwards one of the heads of the university , used to examine all graduates in divinity , who would not admit any to be batchellors or doctors in divinity , but those who were well read in the scriptures ; whereby he refused many fryars , some of whom by being thereby brought to consult the word of god were converted , and afterwards returned him thanks . this cranmer was afterwards by king hen. . made arch-bishop of canterbury , for his service to him in endeavouring to satisfie his conscience about the divorce of his queen , catherine his first wife , the widow of his late deceased brother : he was of a mild nature , soon reconciled to his enemies , and so ready to do them good that it grew proverbial , do my lord of canterbury a displeasure , and then you may be sure to have him your friend whilst he lives . vol. . p. . he was by many endeavours tempted to recant , and after much resistance did at last recant , chiefly out of a design to compleat an answer against a papish book which he had begun ; but though he subscribed , the papists were ordered to burn him , march . at oxford , by the queen , who had ordered doctor cole to have a funeral sermon in readiness against that day ; and accordingly at the day appointed , the doctor did preach , and cranmer was had to the church not knowing the design ; but as he was perswaded to publish his recantation publickly , and after sermon , when it was expected he should declare his recantation , he with many tears and earnest desires did entreat the people to pray for him to god for pardon of his sins , amongst which , none troubled him more than his subscribing to popery with his hand , which he hated in his heart ; but , saith he , for as much as my hand hath offended , it shall be first punished ; for may i come to the fire , it shall first be burnt ; and so he began to cry against the papists and popery , whereby the papists expectation were frustrated and they grew mad at him , stopping his mouth , and pulling him down , and led him forthwith to the town-ditch to be burnt , where in the fire he put forth his right hand into the flames as soon as they came near him , and held it there till it was burnt , his body being unburnt ; often saying , oh unworthy right hand ; and saying often , lord iesus receive my spirit , he stood immovable in the flames , and dyed march . . vol. . p. , . iohn carter , a weaver of coventry , dyed in the kings-bench a prisoner for the gospel , who expected and desired to have been burnt . in a letter to mr. philpot he writes thus , my friends report me to be more worthy to be burnt than any that was burnt yet , god's blessing on their hearts for their good report , god make me worthy of that dignity , and hasten the time , that i might set forth his glory . he wrote divers letters of encouragement to the persecuted brethren ; and in one letter to his wife he begs , and chargeth her to rejoice with him in this his state of sufferings for christ's sake . vol. . p. . &c. peter chevet : see peter . mrs. gertrude crockhay , wife to mr. robert crockhay at st. katherines by the tower in london , being for the gospel persecuted , fled . to gelderland , beyond sea , to look after some estate that should fall to her children by a former husband : but there also she was betrayed , and came to trouble at antwerp ; where , at the request of her friends , she was set at liberty , and she came for england , where she was infested again by the papists ; and being very sick : they told her daughter , that unless her mother would receive the sacrament she should not be buried with christian burial : who hearing the same , said , oh how happy am i that i shall not rise with them , but against them : the earth is the lords and all the fullness thereof , and therefore i commit the matter to him . soon after she dyed , and was buried in her husbands garden . vol. . p. , . christians to the number of slain in the massacre at paris in france , . which was effected by the french king 's inviting the chief captains of them , and all other that would , to the wedding between the prince of navarre , and the kings sister ; at which being kindly received , some of them after the compleating of that marriage were slain , and all the souldiers in paris charged to be in arms at a watch-word , so that within three days of them were slain , besides many other in the days following in paris , and the persecution in other places in a months time compleated the number of aforesaid ; which news being sent to the pope , he solemnly gave thanks for it as a mercy ; and the french king also did the like ; and the messenger of the news had crowns for his news : but the poor protestants were much troubled , of whom some turned , others fled , and all had been destroyed , had not those in rochel by god's mercy been courageous , and resolved to be stedfast and fight for the faith ; which being known , the french king besiegeth it , and chargeth all his nobles and gentry , on pain of great punishment , to besiege it ; which was done with great vigour by the whole force of france , and also of the duke of anjou , duke of alanson , navarre , and condee , which forces assaulted it seven times and were resisted , so that they lost captains ; and at last the duke of anjou being made king of polony , which news coming to the camp they rejoiced ; whereat the new king treated with them of rochel , and finding them not unconformable , made peace with them , and prevailed with the french king by edict to let them have peace , and the liberty of religion in that and other cities , . vol. . p. , to . d d dorotheus and gorgoneus , persons of dioclesian's privy chamber , seeing the sad torments inflicted on peter their houshold companion , said to dioclesian , why , o emperour , do you punish in peter that opinion which is in all of us ? why is this accounted in him an offence , that we all confess we are of that faith , religion , and iudgment that he is of ? wherefore he commanded them to be brought forth , and to be tormented almost with like pains to peter's , and afterwards to be hanged . vol. . p. , . iohn diazius , a spaniard , was murthered . by his brother alphonsus diazius , who hired a man with an hatchet to cleave his own brother's head , as he was reading some letters , under a pretence sent to him by his brother , who was by when the fact was done , and forth with fled with the murtherer : but he being the popes lawyer , and procuring his companion in rome on purpose to murther his brother being a protestant , escaped punishment . vol. . p. . dennis a french martyr . burnt at melda , for saying the mass is a plain denying of the death of christ ; he was wont to have always in his mouth the words of christ , he that denyeth me before men , him also will i deny before my father , and to muse on the same earnestly . he was burnt with a slow fire , and did abide much torment . vol. . p. . adam damlip , alias george bucker , a great papist , in his travels at rome seeing the great profaneness and impiety of that place , where he expected so much goodness , loathed popery ; and at calice reforming , he preached against it , and was at length sentenced to death . when the news was told him by the jaylor of the marshalsee in london on a saturday night , that on monday he must for calice , and suffer there , he did eat his supper chearfully , insomuch that some asked him how he could do it , being to dye so soon ; to whom he said , ah masters , do you think that i have been god's prisoner so long in the marshalsee , and have not learned to dye ? yes , yes ; and i doubt not but god will strengthen me therein . he was at calice the next saturday following hanged , drawn , and quartered as a traytor , in king henry the eighth's time . and his greatest enemy , who at his death said he would not depart till he did see his heart out , ( one sir ralph ellerken ) was soon after slain amongst others by the french , and his enemies cutting off his privy members , cut his heart out of his body ; which cruelty they did to none other of the company , and may be looked on as a just judgment of god on him , who so desired to see damlip's heart . vol. . p. , . iohn denley , a gentleman of maidstone in kent , burnt for the gospel's sake at uxbridge , august . . who in the flames sang a psalm ; whereat dr. story caused one to throw a faggot at him , which hurting his face did cause him to lay both his hands on it , and to leave singing ; whereupon the doctor said to him that flung the faggot , you have spoiled a good old song ; but mr. denley being yet in the flame put abroad his hands again and sang , yielding up his spirit into the hands of god. vol. . p. . alice driver , a suffolk woman and a labourers wife , persecuted for the gospel of christ , said that quen mary , for her persecuting the saints of god , was like iezebel ; for which she had her ears cut off presently , which she suffered joyfully ; and said , she thought her self happy that she was counted worthy to suffer any thing for the name of christ. being examined by several doctors , she reasoned with them so , and silenced them all . she perceiving which , said , have ye no more to say ? god be thanked you be not able to resist the spirit of god in a poor weak woman : i was never brought up at the university , but often drave the plow before my father ; yet , in the defence of gods truth , and in the cause of my master christ , by his grace i will set foot to foot against any of you in the maintenance of the same ; and if i had a thousand lives , they should all go for the payment of it . she being at stake , and a chain put about her neck to bind her with , she said , here is a goodly neck-kerchief , blessed be god for it . she was burned november . . vol. . p. , , . iohn davis , a school-boy of twelve years of age , was , because he had a bible , and had written some things against the papists , betrayed by his aunt , one mrs. iohnson , in worcester , . with whom he lived ; and he was imprisoned from august . till . days before easter , with fetters and bolts ; and one perswading him from burning , advised him first to try the candle , who holding his finger , and the other holding a candle under it a good space , he cryed not , felt no pain , nor was his finger scorched . he was afterwards arraigned , and should have been punished with death , but that king henry the th . dyed , and the law was thereby out of force . vol. . p. , . e e eulalia , a virgin of noble parentage in eremita , a city in portugal , of twelve years of age , refusing great marriages and dowries , being a christian , joined her self with gods children under the th . persecution ; and being kept close by her parents , lest she should hasten her own death , she by night stole out and ran to the judgment seat , and cryed out , i am a christian , an enemy to your devilish sacrifices ; i spurn your idols all under my feet , i confess god omnipotent with heart and mouth : isis , apollo , venus , what are they ? maximinus himself , what is he ? the one a thing of nought , because the work of mens hands ; and the other a cast-away , because he worshippeth the same work . whereat the judge incens'd , threatned torments , but first perswades her to return and offer incense ; whereat she spits in his face , spurns abroad with her feet the incense ; and then was miserably tormented , scratched and cut to the bones , she singing and praising god , saying , o lord i will not forget thee ! what a pleasure is it , o christ , for them that remember thy triumphant victory , to attain to these high dignities ? and so she was burned . vol. . p. . edmund , king of eastangles , in the saxon heptarchy in brittain , being summoned to submit to inguar , a dane , returned an answer , that he , a christian king , would not , for the love of a temporal life , subject himself to a pagan duke , unless he became a christian first ; whereupon he was taken , and fixt to a stake , and shot to death . vol. . p. . f f fructuosus , bishop of tarraconia in spain , being by emilianus under the eighth persecution , in the year of christ . to be burned , because he would not worship idols , said , he worshipped not any dumb god of stocks and blocks , but one god the creator of all things : and being cast into the fire with his hands tyed behind him , his bands were by the fire dissolved , his hands unhurt , and his body remained whole , and he lifted up his hands and praised god , praying also that the fire might speedily dispatch him ; which then was soon done : in the mean time a souldier in the house of emilianus , with the daughter of emilianus , said they saw the heavens open and the martyr to enter in . vol. . p. . nicholas finchman burned in dornick . who being condemned , blessed god which had counted him worthy to be a witness in the cause of his dear and well beloved son ; and patiently took his death , commending his spirit unto god in the midst of the fire . vol. . p. . iames faber an old man , about the year of christ . being apprehended , said , he could not answer or satisfie them in reasoning , yet he would constantly abide in the truth of the gospel ; and so was martyred . vol. . p. . ioannes filieul , or filiolus , and iulianus leville , suffered both at sanserre in france . who having their tongues cut out , yet had some utterance given them of god , that at their death they said , we bid sin , the flesh , the world and the devil farewel for ever , with whom never we shall have to do hereafter . vol. . p. . fininus at ferraria , an italian , was burnt . who being apprehended , by the perswasion of his friends he recanted , and then was in so great horrour that he almost despaired , till he publickly again preached the gospel ; for which he being again taken , could not by all the solicitations of his wife and children be drawn from it , but told them that his lord had commanded him not to deny him for taking care of his family , wherefore he desired them to depart : and being afterwards commanded by pope iulius the third to be executed , he returned thanks to the messengers of the news , and much rejoiced at it : and being asked what would become of his wife and children , if he so left them : he said he had left them to a good overseer , christ the lord , a faithful keeper of all committed to him . one seeing him so merry before his death , asked the reason , since christ wept and sweat drops of blood before his passion ? to whom he answered , christ sustained in his body all the sorrows and conflicts of hell and death due to us , by whose death we are delivered from sorrow and fear of them all . and at the stake , after his prayers to god , he meekly gave his neck to the cord , with which he was strangled , and was afterwards burned . vol. . p. , . iohn frith burnt at one stake in smithfield . with one andrew hewet , this frith willingly embraced the stake , and whenas one dr. cooke bad the people pray for them no more than for a dog , he said smiling , father forgive them ; and the fire being by the wind more blown to his partner than himself , he , though in so great torments , rejoiced ; and seeming to feel no torments , comforted his fellow-sufferer rather than was careful for himself . vol. . p. , . henry filmer , a preacher of the gospel , in king hen. . days , about windsor , was brought to be burnt by the envy of dr. london , and the false accusations of his own brother , induced to it by promises of maintenance from the doctor : to which brother , filmer ( seeing himself like to suffer by reason of his accusations ) said , ah , brother , what cause hast thou to shew me this unkindness ? i have been always a natural brother to thee ; and is this a brotherly part , to reward me now so ? god forgive thee it my brother , and give thee grace to repent . he suffered with one testwood and anthony persons . as he came to his brothers door , as he was going to suffer ; he called his brother three or four times , but he appeared not : and then filmer said , and will he not come ? then god forgive him , and make him a good man. he being with the other two at the stake , drank to each other ; and filmer said , be merry , for i trust , that after this sharp breakfast , we shall have a good dinner in the kingdom of christ. vol. . p. , . dr. robert farrar , bishop of s. davids in wales , being to be burnt , and much pitied by a knights son , who lamented the painfulness of the death he was to suffer ; to whom ferrar said , if ye see me once stir in the pains of my burning , you shall not believe my doctrine : and as he said , so it was ; for he stood so patiently that he never moved ; but as he stood holding up his stumps , so he continued till he was struck down by a staff , march . . in the reign of queen mary . vol. . p. . william flower , alias branch , a cambridgeshire man , brought up a monk , at last was reformed ; and after removing from place to place , he came to lambeth , by london ; and on an easter-day went to westminster , and in s. margarets church he , out of zeal for gods cause , drew his hanger , and wounded the priest as he was administring the sacrament ; for which he was imprisoned , and though he much lamented the fact as done amiss , yet did he justifie his faith against them . and bishop bonner threatning him one while , and then perswading him by proffers of gifts , he thankt him and said , whereas it was in his power to kill , or not kill his body , he was contented he should do what he pleased ; but he knew over his soul he had no such power , but that being separated from the body is in the hands of no man , but only of god , either to save or spill . at length he was burnt in westminster-abby yard , april . . where his right hand was cut off , he not shewing any sense of pain ; and at last , burning in the fire , he cryed out , o thou son of god have mercy on me , o thou son of god receive my soul ; and dyed by much torment , his lower part being burnt when his upper part was untouched , by reason of want of fuel . vol. . p. , . . elizabeth folkes , an essex maid , being imprisoned and condemned for the gospel , kneeled down and lifting up her hands , prayed to god and praised him that ever she was born to see that most blessed day , that the lord would count her worthy to suffer for the testimony of christ ; and , lord , said she , if it be thy will , forgive them that have done this against me ; for they know not what they do : and going to the stake at colchester , august . . and the people not permitting her to give her petticoat to her mother ( who was present and kist her at the stake , and exhorted her to be strong in the lord ) she threw away the coat , saying , farewel all the world , farewel faith , farewel hope ; and then taking hold of the stake , she said , welcome love. she was burned with five more , who all clapped their hands for joy in the flames . vol. . p. . iohn frith being in the tower as an heretick , because he held against transubstantiation . and being afterwards sent for to croydon by my lord of canterbury , cranmer , in king henry the th's time , the lords men who were sent for him advised him to submit to the bishops and doctors opinion : to whom frith said , my conscience is such , that in any wise i neither may , nor can , for any worldly respect , without danger of damnation , start aside from that true knowledge , though i should presently lose twenty lives if i had so many . the servants , still endeavouring to save him , contrived how he might fly , and so escape ; which they imparted to him : to whom he said , should you leave me , i would surely follow you ; should you bring the bishops news ye had lost frith , i would bring them news i had found him , and brought him again : for , though before i was taken , i being at liberty , fled , to make use of my liberty ; yet i being taken , cannot fly , but run from god , and should then be worthy of a thousand hells . and so he went chearfully to the bishops at croydon , and there disputed the point ; and after was sent to bishop stokesteys , the bishop of london's consistory ; and soon after was burnt . vol. . p. , , . see more of frith p. . of this book . g g germanicus , a young devout man , being by the proconsul of antoninus verus in the th persecution , perswaded to favour himself being in the flower of his age ; he would not be allured , but constantly , and boldly , and of his own accord provoked the beasts to come upon him to devour him , to be delivered the more speedily out of this wretched life . vol. . p. . gordius , a centurion of caesaria , in the th persecution , willingly exiled himself , till a publick feast of mars was celebrated , and much people was assembled ; and then appearing in the theatre , cryed out , i am found of them that sought me not : and being examined by the sheriff , he said , i came hither to publish that i set nothing by your decrees against christian religion , but i profess christ to be my hope and safety : hereupon he was scourged , and he said , it would be an hindrance to him , if he could not suffer divers torments for christ. and having more torments tryed on him , he sang , the lord is my helper , i will not fear the thing that man can do unto me ; i will fear no evil , because thou lord art with me . after this , being with prayers and entreaties dealt with , he derided the madness of the magistrates ; who being thereby incensed , condemned him . and he being much importuned by divers acquaintance to deny christ with tongue , and to keep his conscience to himself ; he said , my tongue , which by the goodness of god i have , cannot be brought to deny the author of it . and to those who wept for him , and by tears importuned him to save himself ; he said , weep not , i pray , for me : but weep for the enemies of god , which always make war against the christians , who prepare for these a fire , and purchase to themselves hell fire ; but molest not , i pray , my setled mind ; truly i am ready to suffer for the name of christ a thousand deaths if need were . vol. . p. . iohn goose in the time of king edward the th , being to be burnt , desired of the sheriff somewhat to eat , and he did eat as if he had been towards no manner of danger , saying , i eat now a good and competent dinner , for i shall pass a little sharp shower ere i go to supper : and having dined , he gave thanks , and desired that he might be shortly led to the place where he should yield up his spirit to god ; and was burned on tower-hill in august . vol. . p. . lawrence ghest , in king henry the seventh's days , being to be burnt at salisbury , and having his wife and seven children shewn him , and his wife desiring him to favour himself , he desired her to be content , and not to be a block in his way , for he was in a good course , running toward the mark of his salvation ; and so he was burned . vol. . p. . galeasius trecius , an italian , burned at aus pompeia in italy . for professing the gospel . he having professed it a while , and then by the perswasion of friends denying it , felt great sorrow , and , as he declared , never greater in all his life ; but recovering by the grace of god , he longed for a time to evidence his return by confession of his faith again , affirming he never felt more joy of heart than when by papists examined , nor more sorrow than when he recanted , declaring that death was much more sweet to him , with the testimony of the truth , than life with the least denyal of the truth and loss of a good conscience : and being imprisoned , he could not be prevailed with to recant , but confirmed his first faith , and burned . vol. . p. , . franciscus gamba , an italian , burn'd at comun . being accused for an heretick , and importuned to recant ; he defended his doctrine by manifest scriptures , and proved his opinions to be the true doctrine of christ , and rather than he would deny them he was ready to stand to the effusion of his blood : and being long and often assailed by his friends to recant , he could not be expugned , but gave thanks to god , that he was made worthy to suffer the rebukes of the world , and civil death for the testimony of his son ; and so went chearfully to death : and when at his death the fryars held a cross before him , he said that his mind was so replenished with joy and comfort in christ , that he needed not them , nor their cross : and declaring many comfortable things to the people , he was strangled and burned . vol. . p. . garret , a great promoter of christianity in oxford , was at last iuly . . by gardner bishop of winchester to be burnt , who professing his faith , and detesting all heresies , beg'd pardon of god for his sins , and of all persons whom he had offended : he resigned up his soul to god , whom he believed would through christ save him , and pardon his sins , and desired the persons present to pray for him ; and dyed christianly with barus and hierom. vol. . p. . william gardiner , born at bristow , and there dealing in merchandise under one mr. paget a merchant , at years of age sailed to spain , but by chance the ship arrived at lisborne the chief city of portugal , where he stayed and merchandised , and learning their tongue , he acted for many english merchants , and had much knowledge in scripture and the reformed religion : and being there , and happening to be at the solemnizing of a marriage between the king of portugal's son , and the king of spain's daughter , and beholding great pomp and greater idolatry acted by the kings , and all the assembly's adoring the mass , praying , kneeling and worshipping the external sacrament , he was much troubled , and could he have got near the altar would have interrupted them ; but being hindred by the throng of the people , he was very sorrowful for his neglect of that opportunity to declare against their idolatry , which neglect he much lamented , and contrived how to redeem it ; to effect which he cast up all his accounts , and bad adieu to worldly concerns ; and giving himself to reading , meditating , fasting , weeping , and praying : he being cleanly drest the next sunday , when the like solemnity was to be done , he gat to the altar betimes , and there stood with a testament in his hand till the cardinal came to solemnize it , and till he consecrated , sacrificed , and lifted up on high the host , shewing his god to the people , who with the kings and nobles gave great reverence to it ; and at last , when the cardinal came to begin to toss it to and fro round the chalice , making several circles , this gardner stept in , and with one hand took the cake and trod it under foot , and with the other hand overthrew the chalice , in the presence of the kings , and the nobles and citizens , which abashed them all ; and one cut him with a sword , but the king commanded he should be saved ; and being examined , he confessed himself to be an english-man and a protestant , and decryed much against their idolatry ; for which after several torments to cause him to confess others , he taking all the blame on himself , they put a hard roul of linen with a string into his throat , and so often pulled that up , and then cut of his right hand , which he took in his left and kist , then in the market-place they cut off his left hand , and he kneeling down kissed it , then was he carried to execution , and being hung on high a fire was made under him , and he by degrees let down into it , so that only his legs at first felt the fire , yet would he not recant ; and being bid to pray to saints , he said , that when christ leaves off to be our mediator and advocate , then he would pray to our lady and the saints . and then he prayed , o eternal god , father of all mercies ; i beseech thee look down upon thy servant . and the more terribly he burnt , the more vehemently he prayed ; which his enemies desiring to hinder , he said the . psalm ; before the close of which , the rope was burnt asunder , and he fell down into the fire , and was burned to death , . whose death was not unpunished , for among the king of portugal's ships ready to sail , being in a haven hard by , one was burnt by a spark of fire blown from the martyrs fire ; and within half a year the kings son dyed ; and the king himself within a year . vol. . p. , , , . robert glover was apprehended to be burnt at coventry , being very sickly in prison , said , he found daily amendment of body , and increase of peace in conscience ; many consolations from god , and sometimes , as it were , a taste and a glimmering of the life to come : but he was much assaulted by satan , from his unworthiness , to do or suffer for christ. which objection he answered from gods mercies , and the unworthiness of like servants in all ages , who have been accepted . yet , three days before he was burnt , he had a sad dulness of spirit , and was desolate of all spiritual comfort ; against which he prayed much , and earnestly ; but yet finding no ease , nor comfort , he told it to his friend , one austin , who advised him to wait god's time for the manifestation of himself , and to continue stedfast in the faith and willing to suffer ; knowing his cause to be right , not doubting but god in his due time would replenish his heart with spiritual joy ; requesting him to shew it by some token , if he felt any such thing : and as he went to burning , as soon as he came in sight of the stake ▪ he cryed out , being suddenly full of comfort , clapping his hands together , austin , he is come , he is come ; with so great joy and alacrity , as if he had been one risen from some deadly danger , to liberty of life ; and so dyed chearfully in september , . vol. . p. , . bartlet green , a londoner , brought up at oxford ; converted from popery by peter martyr , reader of divinity in oxford ; and afterwards he was student in the temple , and at twenty five years of age , ianuary . . he was burnt , with six others , for the gospel of christ. he often repeated , as he went to the stake , and at the stake , this distich . christe deus sine te spes est mihi nulla salutis , te duce vera sequor , te duce falsa nego . in english thus . o christ my god , sure hope of health , besides thee i have none ; the truth i love , and falshood hate , by thee my guide alone . vol. . p. . he wrote to one in a letter , thus : man of woman is born in travel , to live in misery ; man , through christ , doth dye in joy , and live in felicity : he is born to dye , and dyes to live ; whilst here he displeased god , when dead he fulfilled his will. vol. . p. . charles le roy de gand , once a fryar carmelite , but reformed , had a canonship promised him by the magistrate , if he would but yield a little : to which , he said , you proffer me a canonship , that i might live quietly , and be in security ; but know , sir , that rest is no true rest , which is obtained against peace of conscience ; and so he was burned at bruges , april . . addit . to vol . of massacre of france , p. . h h john husse , a bohemian , was burned . about iuly , by the council of constance ; where he often desired to be heard , to clear himself of the errours they impeached him of , and could not . then he requesting their proving by scripture any errour he held , they would not ; but , because he held wicklif's doctrine they degraded him , and left him to the secular power , to sigismund king of the romans ; by whom he was condemned , and burned , and all this cruelty against a safe conduct , sealed by the emperour , and promised by the council . when he was to be burned he prayed often , and especially for his enemies ; and after the kindling of the fire he sang aloud , iesus christ , the son of the living god , have mercy upon me . vol. . p. , . richard hunn burned in smithfield , december . . sixteen days after he was privately murdered by the papists . vol. . p. . mr. hierom was condemned in king henry the th's time , . by bishop gardner , bishop of winchester ; and at the stake he confessed his faith , and exhorted all persons to duties to god and man , considering what price christ paid for us ; and exciting them to bear their cross with christ , considering his example of patience under sufferings ; and at last prayed them to pray for him , that he , barns , and garret , who were all three together burnt , might have their souls , leaving these wretched bodies , constantly depart in the true faith of christ ; and so , committing his soul to christ , he dyed . these three , which at this fire were burnt together , took each other by the hand ; and kissing each other , quietly , and peaceably , offered themselves to the tormentors hands ; and took their deaths christianly , and patiently . vol. . p. , . mr. iohn hooper , student in oxford , flying , in king henry the th's time , beyond sea , because of persecution for the six articles ; was at zurick acquainted with mr. bullinger , and married a burgonian woman : but , in king edward the th's days , he returned , and did promise his friends they should hear from him : though , saith he , the last news of me i shall not be able to write ; for there , saith he , where i shall take most pains , there shall you hear of me to be burnt to ashes : which prophesie came to effect : he preached at london often twice a day , but alwayes once a day : he was , in his sermons , earnest ; in his tongue , eloquent ; in scriptures , perfect ; in pains , indefatigable ; he was spare of dyet , sparest of words , and sparest of time . he was , by king edward the th , made bishop of glocester and worcester ; in both which diocesses he preached at , and visited them : and , at worcester , his manner was every day to have a certain number of poor beggars of the town dine in his pallace with whole and wholsome meat , four at a mess ; whom he examined , or caused to be examined , in the lords prayer , creed , and ten commandments , before himself sate down to dinner . he was with one iohn rogers the two first that were condemned in queen mary's days : to which rogers bishop hooper said , brother rogers , must we two begin first to fry these faggots ? fear not but god will give us strength . he suffered amongst his people , at glocester ; where sir anthony kingston , his old friend , did desire him to accept of life , and not dye ; saying , life is sweet , and death bitter : to whom bishop hooper answered , true , but eternal death is more bitter , and eternal life most sweet ; in respect of which , i value not this life . vol. . p. , , . he was after that perswaded much , but he said , death to me for christ's sake is welcome . at the fire a box was set on a stool before him with the queens pardon ( as it was said ) if he would turn ; but he cryed , if ye love my sonl away with it , if ye love my soul away with it : he was prohibited to speak to the people , and permitted only to pray : he begged of the sheriffs for a speedy fire to dispatch him ; but when he was to be burnt , what through the wetness of the wood and greatness of the frude , three fires one after another were made before he was consumed ; in the first fire he prayed mildly , as one without pain , lord iesus thou son of david have mercy on me , and receive my soul. after the second fire was spent he wiped both eyes , and looking on the people , beg'd for gods sake more fire : and in the third fire he cryed out , lord iesus receive my spirit , lord iesus have mercy on me ; and so spoke no more , continuing motion of his lips , till they shrank to his gums ; and beating his breast with his hands till one arm fell off , and the other by fat , water , and blood , stuck to the iron , by which he was fastned to the stake ; and so he dyed . vol. . p. . in a letter he wrote out of prison to divers friends , he undervalues the worldly joyes and troubles , in comparison of hells misery , or heavens glory ; and exhorts them to constancy , thus : it was an easie thing to hold with god and christ , whilst the prince and world held with him ; but now the world hateth him , it is the true tryal who be his : let us not run when it is most time to fight ; none shall be crowned , but them that fight manfully : beware of beholding the worlds felicity , or misery , too much ; whose love , or fear , draweth from god : think the felicity of the world good , but yet no otherwise than stands with gods favour : it is to be kept , yet so as we lose not god ; of adversity , judge the same : imprisonment is painful , yet liberty , on evil terms , worse : i must be alone , and solitary ; yet that is better , and to have god with us , than to enjoy the company of the wicked : loss of goods is great , but loss of gods favour greater : i shall dye by the hands of cruel men ; but he is blessed that loseth a life full of misery , and findeth a life full of eternal ioyes : neither felicity , or misery , in the world , can be great , if compared with joys , or pains , in the world to come . vol. . p. , . in another letter he exhorts the godly to meet often , and pray and confer together of their ignorance , before their knowledge of god ; and their state , by their knowledge of god in his word ; and to compare their popish principles with gods word , being careful to do all things for three ends ; gods glory , the churches edification , and their souls profit . p. , . in another letter , exhorting to patience under the cross , he saith , that our enemies cruelty hath no further power than god permits , and what comes to us by the will of our heavenly father , can be no harm , but felicity to us . we , as men , suffer these evils ; but as christians we overcome them , nor can they separate betwen gods love and us ; they can but last our short life , and then must give way to our partaking of eternal joyes . vol. . p. . nothing can hurt us that is taken from us for gods cause , nor can any thing do us good that is kept against gods commandment ; let us surrender goods and life to his will , and then it matters not whether we keep or lose it . vol. . p. . william hunter , an apprence to one thomas taylor , a silk-weaver in london , fled at nineteen years old for religion's sake , to burntwood , to his fathers house ; and being at burntwood , in the church , found a bible , and did read in it , till a sumner came in and threatned him for it , telling him he was an heretick and deserved death ; and called one thomas wood vicar of southwel ( being then in the town ) to him , who said to hunter , he ought not to read , and that he was an heretick ; and threatned him much . to whom hunter said , i would you and i were now fast tyed to a stake , to prove whether you , or i , would stand strongest to our faith ; i dare set my foot to yours , even to death . yet being thus threatned , whilst the vicar went to inform , he fled into the country ; but his father was sent for , and forced to go and seek him , and to bring him into his enemies hands : who , much against his natural affection and will , rode two or three days into the country to seek him . and his son , meeting him , did conjecture the cause of his fathers journey ; and said , he would return with him and save him harmless , whatever came of it : and as soon as he came home he was laid in the stocks , and had before one justice brown ; who soon sent him to bishop bonner , who a while flattered the young man ; but at last , seeing he would not recant , threatned to make him sure enough : to whom william said , you can do no more than god will permit you , i will never recant while i live , god willing : then was he imprisoned for three quarters of a year , and allowed but a halfpenny a day , and at length condemned : to whom , after condemnation , bonner said , if he would turn he would make him freeman of the city , and give him forty pound to set up with ; or else would make him steward of his house : to wom william hunter said , i thank you for your offers , yet if you cannot perswade my conscience by scripture , i cannot find in my heart to turn from god for the love of the world ; for i count all things but dung and loss , in respect of the love of christ. when he came to burntwood to be burnt , his parents came to him , and desired of god heartily that he might continue to the end in that good way he had begun ; and his mother said , she was glad she was so happy to bear such a child that could find in his heart to lose his life for christ's sake : to whom william hunter said , for my little pain which i shall suffer , which is but short , christ hath promised me a crown of joy ; may you not be glad of that mother ? who answered , yea , i think thee as well bestowed as any child i ever did bear ; and prayed to god to strengthen him to the end . he was burnt march . . as he went to the stake he met his father , who said to him , god be with thee my son william : and he answered , god be with you my good father ; be of good comfort , for i hope we shall meet again when we shall be merry . and , taking up a faggot , he kneeled down and prayed , and read the . psalm , and then went to the stake , standing upright , begging the people to pray for him and to dispatch him quickly : he still had his pardon offered , if he would recant ; but he refused . at his request for the peoples prayers , one justice brown said , he would pray no more for him , than for a dog. to whom william hunter said , you now have , sir , what you sought for ; i pray god it be not laid to your charge , howbeit i forgive you . and soon after he prayed , son of god , shine on me ; and immediately the sun in the element shone out of a dark cloud so full in his face , that he was forced to turn away his head ; whereat the people mused , because it was so dark a day a little time before . then william hunter took and embraced a faggot in his arms , and when the fire was kindled , he lift up his hands to heaven , and said , lord , lord , lord , receive my spirit , and so dyed . vol. . p. , to . thomas hawks , an essex gentleman , being threatned by bishop bonner if he would not recant , said always , ye shall do no more than god will give you leave ; and at last at his condemnation being urged to recant , he said , no , had i an hundred bodies i would suffer them all to be torn in pieces , rather than recant . as he went to execution , iune . . being desired by his friends that he would shew them some sign in the flames , if he could , whereby they might know more certainly , whether the pain of the burning was so great that a man might not therein keep his mind quiet ; which he promised to do , and that if the pain was tolerable he would lift up his hands towards heaven before he gave up the ghost : and being at stake , he mildly and patiently addressed himself to the fire , and after he had been in the fire , his fingers burnt and gone , and skin so drawn together , that all men thought he had been dead , he suddenly reached up his hands burning of a light fire over his head , to the living god , and with great rejoicing as seemed struck or clapped them three times together , and then sinking down into the fire he gave up his spirit . he wrote to his wife and children to fear and serve god , and to continue fervent in prayer , for then god would provide for them better than he was able to do ever ; yea , saith he , god will cause all men that fear him to pity you , to help you , to succour you in all your necessities ; so that if any would do you wrong , he will be avenged on him . vol. . p. . iohn hullier , fellow of kings colledge in cambridge , was burnt for the gospel ; who being degraded said chearfully , this is the joyfullest day that ever i saw , and i thank you all that ye have delivered me from all this paltry . he was burned on iesus green in cambridge ; he said he dyed in the right faith , and desired the people to take notice that he dyed in a just cause , and for the testimony of the truth : and feeling the fire , he called earnestly on god ; and many books being burnt with him , he gat one which was cast into the fire , and fell into his arms , and was a communion-book , which he did read in till the flame and smoke hindred him from seeing : and then laying the book next his heart he prayed again : and when all the people thought he had been dead , he suddenly said , lord iesus receive my spirit , dying very meekly : and after his flesh was burnt his bones stood upright , as if he had been alive . vol. . p. , . thomas hudson , a glover , of ailsham in norfolk , an ignorant person till he learned the english tongue , about one or two years before the reign of queen mary ; and then he detested the mass and popish idolatry , and became a zealous protestant , reading , praying , singing psalms ; and being sought for , he prayed , if it was gods will , he might suffer persecution for the gospel of christ : and when persons came to apprehend him , he said , welcome friends , welcome ; you are they that shall lead me to life in christ : and so he went with them . and being by bishop hopton ( then bishop of norwich ) his commissary berry , asked to recant , he said , god forbid , i had rather dye many deaths , than do so . then was he sent to norwich to the bishop , and went as merrily as ever he was ; and was burned with two more , may . . and being bound with them to the stake by a chain , he not feeling the joyes of christ , came from under the chain , being troubled in mind , and fell down and prayed earnestly to god , who hearing him , and restoring to him comfort , he arose and went to the stake again , saying , now i am strong , and pass not what men can do unto me . vol. . p. , . roger holland , son to a lancashire gentleman , and apprentice to a merchant-taylor in london , a zealous man ; to whom this roger was a great trouble , being a debauched lad , and a great papist , yet did he trust him with his accounts ; but it hapned one night that roger lost thirty pound at dice , and not being able to pay it , resolved next morning to go to france , or flanders ; but acquainted his fellow-servant , a maid , whose name was elizabeth , a woman of great christian profession and practice ; to whom he gave a bill to give his master for the thirty pound , that his master might not acquaint his friends with it ; and that if ever he was worth it , he would pay it to his master : and so he going to leave the house , the maid , having money by her , brought him thirty pound , and gave him ; saying , i will take the bill my self , and conceal the thing from your friends , and my master ; and you may have this thirty pound to pay my master , on condition that you will throw away your popish books and read the bible , and attend all christian lectures ; nor more swear , curse , drink , whore , nor play : but if you do those things again , and i know of it , i will then tell my master of the business . but in half a years space roger was so reformed , and so zealous a protestant , that he was admired by his associates : and going into lancashire to his friends , he was , by his books he carried , and by his discourse , instrumental , that his father and his friends began to try the truth of god , and to hate popery . and at his return to london his father gave him fifty pound to set up with ; and then he paid the maid elizabeth her thirty pound , and soon after married her ; and they lived heavenly together , till he was apprehended for the gospels sake , and by bishop bonner persecuted ; to whom he openly told the impurity of their principles , the corrupt tendency of their confessions from his own practice , who cared not what sin he used to commit so long as he was a papist , since the popish priest would , for money , absolve him . and when he was condemned , he told bishop bonner , that his cruelty should be but short , nor after that day should he burn any more : which came so to pass . at the stake , he said , lord , i humbly thank thy majesty that thou hast called me from the state of death to the light of thy heavenly word , and now into the fellowship of saints , that i may sing and say , holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts ; lord , into thy hands i commend my spirit : lord , bless these thy people , and save them from idolatry : and so praising god he dyed in the flames , with two more , in smithfield , iuly . . vol. . p. . to . bartholomew hector , burnt at turin in piedmont , iune . . being bound to the stake , and gunpowder and brimstone placed about him , he lifted up his eyes to heaven , and said , lord , how sweet and welcome are these to me ? addition to vol. . concerning massacres in france , p. . philibert hamelin , a minister in tournay , being perswaded to fly , said , no , i esteem it altogether unbeseeming for a man called to preach the gospel to others to run away for fear of danger , but rather to maintain its truth even in the midst of the flaming fire : and he was executed . at tournay . additions to vol. . of massacres of france . p. . iohn herwin , a souldier of flanders , of very dissolute prophane life ; but coming over to england was , by means of a beer-brewer in london ( with whom he was a servant ) converted , and became a zealous protestant , and a pious liver . and afterwards , returning to flanders , he was apprehended for the gospel , and imprisoned ; which he took patiently , and chearfully : and in prison he sang psalms , and testified his inward joy by a letter to the brethren , whom he exhorted to persevere constant in the faith. after sentence of death he blessed god for that honour to dye for christ ; and being led out to execution , he said , see how the wicked world rewards the poor servants of christ. whilst i gave my self to drinking , carding , dicing , and such like vices ; i was let alone , and accounted a good-fellow ; and who but i ? and no sooner began i to look after a godly life , but the world wars on me , imprisons me , persecutes me , and will put me to death . at the stake he sang the . psalm ; and said to the people , i am now going to be sacrificed , follow ye me , when god of his goodness shall call you to it . he was burned at honscot , november . . additions to the . vol. concerning massacre in france and flanders . p. . i i james , the son of zebedee , and brother of iohn , brought by a person to the tribunal seat of herod , and condemned ; the person seeing he should now suffer death , being moved therewith in heart and conscience , did confess himself , of his own accord , a christian ; and as he and iames were led together , he desired iames to forgive him what he had done : after that iames had a little paused with himself upon the matter , turning to him , peace ( saith he ) be to thee brother , and kissed him ; and both were beheaded together , anno christi . vol. . p. . iames , the brother of our lord , who was bishop of ierusalem ; called , for his holiness , iames the just , had knees like camels knees by praying ; being by the iews set upon the pinacle of the temple to give testimony concerning ( as they expected against ) jesus , he declared jesus to be the christ : whereupon the iews threw him down , and he not being dead , they came to stone him ; who turned on his knees and prayed , saying , o lord god , father , i beseech thee forgive them , for they know not what they do : yet they stoned him , and at last , with a fullers instrument , struck him on the head , and he dyed . vol. . p. , . iohn the evangelist was banished into pathmos the . year of christ ; and after the death of domitian was recalled by pertinax the emperour ; and being returned to ephesus , he was desired to resort to the adjacent places to appoint bishops : where he committed a comely ingenuous young man to the bishop of the place , to be by him kept with great diligence ; in witness hereof , christ and his church : which young man the bishop received , and with diligence brought up , baptized , and at length committed to him a cure in the lords behalf . the young man now having his liberty , through the corruptness of his companions , became dissolute , a thief , and a murderer , yea , the captain of them : and s. iohn being sent for again into those parts , demanded of the bishop , the charge committed to him ; who said , he was dead to god , and become an evil man , a thief frequenting this mountain : whereat s. iohn rent his cloaths , and said , i have left a good keeper of my brother's soul : and got him a horse and presently fell into the company of the thieves , and was designedly taken , desiring to be brought to their captain who was well armed , yet beginning to know s. iohn , fled ; but when recalled by s. iohn , he threw down his arms and became truly penitent , and was received into church again . after this , s. iohn going to bathe himself , and seeing cerinthus the heretick in the bath , would not go in lest the bath should fall on them . vol. . p. , . ignatius was given to be devoured of wild beasts the . year of christ ; when he was going to the lions , he said , oh , would to god i were come to the beasts prepared for me , which i wish with gaping mouths were ready to come upon me ; whom i will provoke , that they may without delay devour me . i esteem nothing visible or invisible , so i may get or obtain christ ; let the fire , gallows , devouring of beasts , breaking of bones , pulling asunder of members , bruising , or pressing , my whole body , and the torments of the devil , or hell it self come upon me , so that i may win christ : and when he heard the lions roaring , he said , i am the wheat , or grain , of christ ; i shall be ground with the teeth of wild beasts , that i may be found pure bread. vol. . p. . iustin martyr was a profound philosopher , and became a christian by seeing the constancy of their sufferings ; whence he gathered they could not endure carnality or vice , who could thus easily lay down their lives ; and being a christian , he wrote divers apologies in their behalf , and prevailed not a little for their good ; and was at last martyred , soon after polycarpus , in the th persecution ; he dyed chearfully , and with honour . vol. . p. . , . iulitta being spoiled of her goods by the emperours officer under the th persecution ; and complaining to the emperour , that so she might have her goods again , the officer pleaded her to be a christian , and therefore not to have her goods ; which being proved , and owned , she was sentenced to lose goods and life : whereupon she said , farewel life , welcome death ; farewel riches , welcome poverty : all that i have , were it a thousand times more than it is , would i lose , rather than speak blasphemy against god my creator . i yield thee thanks most hearty , o god , for this great gift of grace , that i can despise this transitory world , preferring christianity above all treasures . and whenever she was examined , she said , she was a servant of christ , and did detest their idolatry . and as she past to the fire , she exhorted the women thus , o sisters , stick not to travel after true piety , cease to accuse feminine frailty ; are not we created of the same mould with men , and made after gods image as well as they ? god used not flesh only in creating woman to declare her weakness ; but bone also , in token that she must be strong in the living god ; all false gods for saking , constant in faith , and patient in adversity : wax weary of your lives my sisters led in darkness , and love my christ , my god , my redeemer : perswade your selves there is a future state , wherein the worshippers of idols shall be perpetually tormented , and the servants of the high god crowned eternally . with which words she embraced the fire . vol. . p. , . ierome of prage , a bohemian , burnt . being condemned , and to be crowned with a paper mitre painted with red devils ; he willingly received it , saying , he would wear that for christs sake , who wore a crown of thorns for him . and going to execution he sung psalms , and prayed ; and after the fire was kindled , he said , o lord god father almighty , have mercy upon me , and be merciful unto mine offences ; for thou knowest how sincerely i have loved thy truth . and so the fire consumed him ; whose ashes , as also the ashes of iohn husse , were gathered up and cast into the river rheine . vol. . p. , . ioris of aschen in flanders , hanged on a gibbit for the gospel , . being condemned , wrote to his parents ; he said , comfortable news , namely , that in all my life i never saw one day so pleasing to me as this is , in which the lord hath counted me worthy to be one of his champions to suffer for his holy name ; for which i give him most humble thanks . — i do take my last farewel of you , till we meet in heaven ; be not grieved , i pray you , but be patient ; for the affliction which is befallen me is most acceptable to me ; for which i bless and praise god. additions to vol. . concerning massacre in flanders . p. , . k k leonard keyser , of bavaria , was , for maintaining justification by faith , degraded and to be burned ; who as he went to execution spake and said : o lord jesus ! remain with me , sustain me and help me , and give me force and power . and when the wood was fit to be set on fire , he cry'd with a loud voice , o jesus ! i am thine , have mercy upon me and save me ; and so was burned august . . vol. . pag. , . kerby , a suffolk man , being apprehended at ipswich . was to be condemned ; and one mr. wingfield much perswading him to accept of mercy and not burn , he said ; ah m. wingfield , be at my burning , and you will say , there stands a christian souldier in the fire ; for i know that fire , water , sword , and all things are in the hand of god , who will suffer no more to be laid upon me than he will give me strength to bear . being condemned , he said , praised be almighty god ; and at the fire he shew'd himself a christian , and died calling upon god , and holding up his hands . vol. . pag. . l l lucius hearing ptolomeus unjustly condemned by urbicius , in the th persecution , reproved the judge , who said to lucius , methinks thou art a christian ? which being granted by lucius , the judge forthwith condemned him to be had away to the place of execution : whereupon lucius said , i thank you with all my heart that you release me from most wicked governours , and send me to my most good and loving father , who is the king of gods . vol. . p. . laurence a deacon of xystus bishop of rome , seeing him going to be martyred , earnestly desired to die with him , and cry'd out to him , saying ; oh dear father ! whither goest thou without the company of thy dear son ? hast thou proved me unnatural ? now try whether thou hast chosen a faithful minister or no ? grant that the body of thy scholar may be sacrificed , whose mind thou hast beautified with good letters . to whom xystus said , he should follow him after dayes . and when this laurence was to be persecuted , he being as deacon , treasurer of the church , and commanded by his persecutors to produce the treasure , caused a number of poor people to come together , and said ; these were the church's riches in whom christ dwells . whereat the persecutors raged , and caused the fire to be kindled , and he was laid on a hot burning iron-bed , or grid-iron , and held down with hot forks , who said to the tyrant : this side is roasted enough , turn up o tyrant that , assay whether roasted or raw thou thinkest the better meat . this was done under the th persecution , vol. . pag. , . simon laloe burned at dyon in france . shew'd such faith and constancy , that his executioner , iames silvester , seeing it , was so compuncted with repentance , and fell into such despair , that they had much adoe with all their promises of the gospel to recover any comfort in him ; at last through christ's mercy he was comforted and converted , and he with his family removed to geneva . vol. . pag. . iohn lambert being much examined concerning the sacrament , and released by reason of the death of archbishop warham , was at last by the malice of stephen gardiner bishop of winchester brought before king henry the viii . and many nobles , and ten bishops caused to dispute him . and against reason by popish instigation the king was perswaded to condemn him ; and he was burned in smithfield , who was very chearful the day of his sufferings ; and when in the fire his legs were burned to the stumps , the tormentors withdrew the fire , so that a small fire and coals were left under him , and two persecutors ran their halberts into him ; then he lifting up that hand he had with fingers flaming cry'd out , none but christ ! none but christ ! and so being let down from their halberts fell into the fire , and died . vol. . pag. . iohn lacels servant to king henry viii . was burnt with mrs. anne askew about iune . who in a letter against transubstantiation , subscribed himself thus , iohn lacels late servant to the king , and now i trust to serve the everlasting king with the testimony of my blood in smithfield . vol. . pag. . iohn lawrence burnt at colchester march . . he was so badly used in prison that he could not go to the stake , but was carried in a chair and burnt sitting . whilst he was burning the young children came about the fire and cry'd as well as they could speak , saying : lord strengthen thy servant , and keep thy promise : lord strengthen thy servant , and keep thy promise . vol. . pag. . hugh lawrence , a kentish man , being august . . examined by the bishop of dover , dr. thornton and dr. harpsfield , stood constantly against popery ; being required to subscribe to their articles , he took a pen and writ , ye are all of antichrist , and him ye fol. intending to write as appears , follow ; but was prevented , condemned and burned with more kentish men at stakes in one fire . vol. . p. . hugh latimer writing to bishop ridley , saith , pray for me , for sometimes i am so fearful that i would creep into a mouse-hole , sometimes god doth visit me again with his comfort ; so he cometh and goeth to teach me to fell and to know my infirmity . vol. . p. . he was a leicester-shire man , and went to cambridge at years of age ; he was a zealous papist , till by gods will and mr. bilney's endeavours he was converted , and then he became a zealous protestant , p. . and openly preached against popery in cambridge , and other places , for which he was imprisoned , p. , . yet was he by god long preserved , and by the lord cromwell in king henry the th's days made bishop of worcester , p. . but some years after he lost his bishoprick , because he would not comply to the six articles ; and when his rotchet was pulled off , he leaped for joy of being lightned of so great a burden as his bishops office ; he was usually studying both summer and winter by two of the clock in the morning , p. . he was a great prophet , foretelling most plagues that came on england , and used to say his preaching the gospel would cost him his life , as it also did ; he prayed earnestly and often , so that being aged he could not get up again from his knees ; in his prayer he much and earnestly desired the restoring the gospel again to england , which god granted in a short time by queen elizabeth ; he also beg'd that as god had called him to be a minister of the gospel , he might have grace to stand for it to death , and to give his hearts blood for it ; which god answered and effected ; for at the stake in the greatest extremity he lifted up his eyes to heaven , and with an amiable countenance said , god is faithful who hath promised not to suffer us to be tempted above our strength ; and by and by fire breaking his body the blood of his heart was shed for christ , in such abundance , that the standers by did marvel , as if all the blood of his body was gathered to his heart . p. . the bishops according to custom presenting the king each new-years-day with a gift , he being bishop of worcester , whilst others presented gold , silver , &c. presented king henry the th with a new testament with a napkin having this poesie , whoremongers and adulterers god will judge , pag. . he being at the stake in his shirt , to be burned in oxford with bishop ridley , the executioner brought a faggot kindled with fire and laid it at ridley's feet , to whom latimer said , be of good comfort mr. ridley , and play the man , we shall light such a candle this day by gods grace in england , as i trust shall never be put out ; and in the flame he cryed , oh father of heaven receive my soul ; receiving the flames , as it were embracing them , he soon dyed feeling little or no pain . vol. . p. . hugh laverock , a lame man of years of age , going on crutches , and one apprice a blind man were burned , . by bishop bonners command ; and at the stake this laverock the cripple threw away his crutches , and turning to apprice did comfort him saying , be of good comfort , my brother , for my lord of london is our good physician , he will heal us both shortly , thee of thy blindness , and me of my lameness . and so they both suffered . vol. . p. . mrs. ioice lewis , a gentlewoman of manceter , was burnt for the gospel in queen maries days ; who was at first in her days a great papist , till the burning of one laurence saunders by the papists for the mass , which put her upon an enquiry into it ; and she consulting some persons about it , declined it , nor would frequent mass ; for which she was punished , and at last condemned : and when in the morning before she suffered , the sheriff told her of it , after one years imprisonment , giving her but one hours time to prepare for it ; she said , your message is welcome to me ; and i thank god that he will make me worthy to adventure my life in his quarrel . going to the stake she prayed against popist idolatry , and drank to all them that truly believed the gospel : in the fire she neither struggled nor stirred , but only held up her hands to heaven , and so dyed soon . vol. . p. . mrs. elizabeth lawson , an ancient gentlewoman of years of age of bedfield in suffolk , was sent to berry goal . because she would not go to mass , and at last she was condemned to be burnt : she continued in prison two years and three quarters , in which time her son and many more were burnt , and she hearing of it , said often , good lord what is the cause that i may not yet come to thee with thy children ? well good lord , thy blessed will be done , and not mine . but by the death of queen mary she was delivered . vol. . p. . m m martyrs to the number of at carthage under the th persecution , being offered near lime-kills , either to offer incense to iupiter , or to go into the furnace of lime , did all together rush into the kill , and were there , with the dusty smoak of the lime , smothered . vol. . p. . a mother exhorted her child of seven years of age , suffering under the th persecution , to suffer joyfully ; and while it was tormenting and slaying , she sang to god thus , all laud and praise with heart and voice , o lord we yield to thee ; to whom the death of all thy saints we know most dear to be . vol. . p. . mary . see ursula . michael michfote , a taylor in france , burned . being apprehended for the gospel's sake , and put to his choice whether he would turn and be beheaded , or not turn and be burnt ; he said , god who had given him grace not to deny the truth , would also give him patience to abide the fire ; and so he was burned . vol. . p. . lodovicus marsac , being with two others , at lyons in france , apprehended and condemned . they all sang psalms ; and the other two having a rope put about their necks , and he having not one , did desire that he might have one of those precious chains about his neck , in honour of his lord ; which request was granted , and they all three were cast into the fire . vol. . p. . martyrs murthered at calabria in italy , . whom the executioner , bringing out one by one with a muster , on a stage before the people , took a knife and slew , by cutting the throat , of one , and leaving him half dead , bleeding , went for another ; and so served every one till the were murthered ; which sight amazed the people , and shamed even some of the romanists . vol. . p. . . walter mille , a scotch man , . was condemned to be burnt ; whom the popish party could neither affright with threats , nor allure with proposals ; but he said to them , i am accused of my life , i know i must dye once , and therefore ye shall know i will not recant the truth : i am corn , not chaff ; i will not be blown away with the wind , nor burst with the flail , but will abide both : and at the stake , the bishops being constrained by the people to give him liberty to speak , he made his humble supplication to god on his knees ; and then said to the people , dear friends , i suffer this day not for any crime laid to my charge ( albeit i be a miserable sinner before god ) but only for the defence of the faith of christ iesus ; for which i praise god that he hath this day called me , of his mercy , amongst the rest of his servants , the martyrs , to seal up his truth with my life ; which as i received on him , so i willingly offer it to his glory ; and so he dyed : and was the last martyr that dyed in scotland for religion . vol. . p. . george marsh , of deane in lancashire , married , and was a farmer ; but after his wife's death he went to cambridge to study , and was a minister of gods word , and zealous against popery , for which he was imprisoned : his mother , and divers other friends , advised him to fly : to whose counsel , saith he , my flesh would gladly have consented , but my spirit did not fully agree . whereupon he prayed earnestly to god for direction , and unexpectedly in the morning he had a letter from a friend , whose bearer said to him , before he looked on the letter , that his friends advice was , not to flee , but to abide boldly and confess the name of christ ; which he did . he was many wayes , and much sollicited to turn upon the account of his children : whom , he said , he would gladly keep , could it be with a pure conscience ; and he would have accepted of queen mary's mercy , should he not thereby , by denying christ , win everlasting misery . he was burned april . . with a firkin of pitch over his head ; which melting and dropping on him , added much to his torments ; yet after much misery when they thought him to be dead , he spread his hands , saying , father of heaven have mercy upon me , and so he dyed . vol. . p. . menas , an egyptian , under the th persecution , lived a retired life a great while ; at length returning to the city cotis , in the open theatre , at a time of pastimes , he loudly proclaimed himself a christian ; and being brought to pyrrhus the president , and demanded of his faith , he said , it is convenient i should confess god , citing rom. . . and being most painfully pinched and tormented , he said in the midst of his torments , there is nothing in my mind that can be compared to the price of one soul ; and said , i have learned of my lord and king , not to fear them who kill the body , and have no power to kill the soul. and being sentenced to be beheaded , he said , i give thee thanks my lord god , which hast so accepted me to be found a partaker of thy precious death ; and hast not given me to be devoured of my fierce enemies , but hast made me to remain constant in thy pure faith to my life's end . vol. . p. , . n n saintinus nivet , being a cripple , burnt at paris . when apprehended and asked if he would stand to what he said , he asked his judges if they dare be so bold to deny what was so plain in express words of scripture , and did so little regard his own life , that he desired his judges for gods sake , that they would rather take care of their own souls and lives , and consider how much innocent blood they spilled daily , in fighting against christ and his gospel . he suffered at paris . vol. . p. . noblemen , and others , of alsatia , were burned and martyred the . year of christ , under pope henricus . for holding every day was free for eating flesh , so it be done soberly ; and that they did wickedly who restrained priests from their lawful wives . vol. . pag. . iohn noyes , a shoe-maker of laxfield in suffolk , burned . in september , when he came to the place of execution he kneeled down and sang the th psalm ; and being bound at the stake , he said , fear not them that kill the body , but fear him that can kill both body and soul , and cast it into everlasting fire : and seeing his sister weeping , he desired her not to weep for him , but for her sins . having a faggot thrown at him , he kissed it , and said , blessed be the time that ever i was born to come to this . and in the fire he said , lord have mercy upon me , christ have mercy upon me , son of david have mercy upon me . he wrote a letter to his wife containing nothing but consolation from texts of scripture , and bidding her farewell , he desired his wife and children to leave worldly care , and see that they were diligent to pray . vol. . p. , , . nichaise of tombe , born in tournay , martyred for the gospel , being condemned , he said , praised be god. at the stake he said , lord they have hated me without a cause ; and prayed thus , eternal father ! have pity and compassion on me , according as thou hast promised to all that ask the same of thee in thy sons name . and so he continued praying until his last gasp . additions to vol. . of the massacre in france and flanders . p. . o o origen at years old wrote to his father leonides , to encourage him to suffer martyrdom under the fifth persecution , began the . year of christ. he wrote about volumes , as much as notaries and as many women could pen. vol. . p. . cicely ormes , wife of edward ormes a worsted-weaver in norwich , was burnt september . . at norwich . she was an ignorant simple woman , yet zealous in the lord's cause ; and being threatned by the chancellor of norwich , she said , he should not be so desirous of her sinful flesh , as she would by god's grace be content to give it in so good a quarrel . being condemned , at the stake she pray'd and repeated her faith , and then said to the people : i would not have you think that i believe to be saved in that i offer my self here unto death for christ 's cause ; but i believe to be saved by the death of christ 's passion , and this my death is and shall be a witness of my faith unto you all : good people , as many as believe of you , i pray you pray for me . and then she coming to the stake , she kissed it , and said : welcome sweet cross of christ ; and so was bound to it : and in the fire she said ; my soul doth magnifie the lord , and my spirit hath rejoyced in god my saviour ; and so she yielded up her life . vol. . p. . robert oguier , of the city lile in flanders , his wife and two sons bardicon and martin were apprehended . and first the father and bardicon suffer'd , who upon examination confessed their faith ; and bardicon being apprehended , as he went , said : o lord assist us with thy grace , not onely to be prisoners for thy sake , but so as to seal with our bloods thy truth : and told the emperor's commissioners the tenour of their prayers ( in their meetings ) for god's glory , and the empires and emperors felicity . and then he and his father submitted themselves to the judges ( while martin his brother chose to accompany his mother , who was still detained in prison . ) and these two were by their judges condemned to be burnt , which sentence being past , they returned to prison , rejoycing that the lord had honoured them to enroll them amongst the number of martyrs . the day of execution being told them , they blessed god who delivering their bodies out of prison , would receive their souls into his kingdom . the father being advised to pity his soul , said : you see what pity i have of it , when for the name of christ i willingly abandon my body to the fire , hoping to day to be with him in paradise . at the stake he and his son sang the . psalm ; and being chained , the son said to his father ; be of good comfort , the worst will be past by and by : and often repeated these words ; o god , father everlasting , accept the sacrifice of our bodys for thy wel-beloved son jesus christ 's sake : and lifting his eyes to heaven , he spoke to his father , saying ; o father ! behold i see the heavens open , and millions of angels ready to receive us , rejoycing to see us thus witnessing our truth in the view of the world. father , let us be glad and rejoyce , for the joyes of heaven are set before us . fire being kindled , he oft repeated to his father thus , yet a little while , and we shall enter into the heavenly mansions ; and their last words were , jesus christ thou son of god into thy hands we commend our spirits . and within dayes the mother iane oguier and martin her son , were brought forth ; but in prison iane by the papists , was perswaded to recant , and to endeavour her son's return to popery ; who hearing of it , said to her ; oh mother , what have you done ? have you denyed him that redeemed you ? what evil hath he done you , that you should requite him with so great an injury ? ah , good god! that i should live to see this day , which pierceth my heart . and his mother hearing his words , and seeing his tears , began to renew her strength in the lord , and with tears cry'd , father of mercies be merciful to me , miserable sinner , and cover my transgressions under the righteousness of thy blessed son. lord enable me to stand to my first confession , and to abide stedfast in it to my last breath : and when the papists came to her again , she said ; avoid satan , get thee behind me ; for hence forth thou hast neither part nor portion in me , i will by the help of my god stand to my confession , and if i may not sign it with ink , i will seal it with my blood. and so she and her son were condemned to be burnt , and their ashes to be cast into air ; who rejoyced at the sentence , and accounted it a day of triumph over their enemies ; and martin being profer'd an hundred pound if he would recant , said , he would not lose an eternal kingdom for it . addition to vol. . of massacres of france pag. . to . p p philip the apostle , after he had much laboured amongst the barbarous nations , in preaching the word of salvation to them , at length he suffer'd in hierapolis a city of phrygia , being there crucified and stoned to death ; where also he was buried , and his daughters with him . vol. . pag. , . peter the apostle , being to be crucified under domitius nero , would be crucified with his head downwards , and his feet upwards ; because he said he was unworthy to be crucified after the same manner and form as the lord was . vol. . pag. . as he was a crucifying , he , seeing his wife going to her martyrdom , was greatly joyous and glad thereof , and spake to her with a loud voice , called her by her name , and bidding her remember the lord iesus . vol. . p. . polycarpus , three dayes before he was apprehended saw in a vision his bed on fire , and consumed ; and when he awaked he told them with him , how that he should die in the fire for christ : and when he was pursued , having removed once or twice , and might still have fled , he would not , but said ; the will of god be done : and came down to his pursuers as soon as he heard they were come , and spake to them with a chearful voice and a pleasant countenance , and caused the table to be spread , and they to dine with him ; and begg'd of them an hours time for prayer : which he made so , as the hearers thereof were astonished and sorry they had pursued him : and going to the place of execution , in an uproar of the people , when he could not be heard , there came a voice to him from heaven , saying : be of good chear , polycarp , and play the man. many heard the voice , but none was seen to speak . and after this , polycarp being advised by the proconsul to defie christ , he said ; years have i been his servant , and in all this time he hath not so much as hurt me ; how then can i speak evil of my king and soveraign lord who hath thus preserved me . being to be fixed to the stake , he would not ; but said , god who had given him strength to suffer , would give him power to abide , and not stir in the midst of the fire . so he stood , and thank'd god that he should now become a martyr ; and though the fire was kindled , yet could it not burn his body , but the wind kept it off ; and when the persecutors saw that , they order'd his body to be thrust thorow with a sword ; and so much blood issued out as quenched the fire . he suffered the . year of christ , about ianuary . and was martyred in his own church at smyrna . vol. . p. , , . ptolomeus being demanded , whether he was a christian , declared that he had taught and professed the verity of the christian doctrine ; for whoso denyeth to be what he is , either condemneth in denying the thing that he is , or maketh himself unworthy of that , the confession whereof he flyeth ; which thing is never found in a true and sincere christian. he was condemned to suffer . vol. . p. . ioannes pistorius , one of holland , preaching and speaking against the masses and other popish abuses , was committed to prison with ten other malefactors , whom he comforted ; and to one of them , being half naked , he gave his own gown : he was condemned and degraded , and had a fools coat put on him ; his fellows at his death sang te deum : and he coming to the stake gave his neck willingly to the band , saying , o death , where is thy victory ? . vol. . p. . stephen peloquine , burnt at ville france in france , . being half burnt , ceased not to hold up his hands , and call on the lord , to the admiration of people . vol. . p. . mrs. philips , a gentlewoman of paris , . being apprehended and condemned for the gospel's sake , received it couragiously ; and being to be distongued , she said , shall i , who do not stick to give my body , stick to give my tongue ? and being distongued , though she was in mourning for her husband , a lord of that country , then late deceased ; she laid aside her mourning , and on the day of execution she decked her self in her best aray , as if she was going to another marriage ; nor did she alter her colour or countenance , during her suffering . vol. . p. . anthony persons , a great preacher of the gospel in king henry the th's days , . and was , by dr. london , condemned ; who answering to his indictment , said , so long as i preached up the pope and his superstition , so long ye favoured me ; but since i took on me to preach christ , ye have alwayes sought my life ; but it makes no matter , for when ye have taken your pleasure on my body , i trust it shall not be in your power to hurt my soul. he , with one testwood , and filmer , were condemned to suffer : and the night before they suffered they spent almost wholly in prayers for strength under the cross , and comforting one another that their master christ who had led the way before them , and had so far made them worthy to suffer for his sake , would give them stedfast faith and power to overcome these fiery torments ; and of his free mercy , for his promise sake , receive their souls . praying that god would forgive their enemies and turn their hearts , which out of blindness and ignorance had done they knew not what . this persons afterwards coming to the stake , did embrace it , saying , now welcome mine own sweet wife ; for this day shall thou and i be married together in the love and peace of god. vol. . p. , , . iohn philpot , a knights son of hampshire , brought up at oxford ; a great scholar , and a zealous preacher , who in king edward the th's days was arch-deacon of winchester ; and in queen mary's days , with a few others , opposed popery , and stood in the vindication of the gospel in the convocation-house at london , against all the other prelates called by the queen to determine of religion . vol. . p. . being apprehended and examined by bishop bonner , and told that the next day he should be judged , he said , i am glad hereof , i look for no other but death at your hands , and i am as ready to yield my life in christ's cause as you are to require it . p. . and being in discourse with dr. story , he said , i am sure i have the iudge on my side , who shall justifie me in another world ; and however you now unrighteously do judge me , yet sure i am , in another world , to judge you : and after , when dr. story hastned his death , and said to philpot , he came to hasten it ; which he came to tell him , he said , that he might thank no body else for it : to whom philpot answered , i thank you with all my heart , and i pray god forgive you . and going again to prison , meeting with bishop bonner , who proffered him any pleasure he could shew him , he only requested this pleasure , that his lordship would hasten his judgment , and dispatch him out of this miserable world to his eternal rest , p. . at last he being condemned , and having word of it the night before , to be ready next morning to be burnt , he said , i am ready , god grant me strength and a joyful resurrection : and so retiring to his chamber , he prayed and praised god , that he had made him worthy to suffer for his truth . in the morning , coming to smithfield where he was burnt , he kneeled down at the entrance into it , and said , i will pay my vows in thee , o smithfield ! and then coming to the stake he kist it , saying ▪ shall i disdain to suffer at the stake , seeing my redeemer did not refuse to suffer on his cross for me : and then he said the , , . psalms ; and was burnt december . . his letters were many and pious , comforting the penitent sinners : from , . examples of penitents . . god can pardon more than we can sin , and will pardon him who with hope of mercy is sorry for his sin . . god permits his people to see the evil of their sins , and to sorrow for it , to let them experience his superabounding grace : he brings to hell , that with greater joy he might lift up to heaven . . satan's conflict in you tempting , and your strife against sin , is an evidence you are the child of god , whom he may unawares cause to fall by sin , but he shall never overcome ; for god doth it but to try your faith , and he beholds your resistance , is pleased with it , and will never forsake you : the just falls times a day , but yet he riseth again . . rejoyce therein , in that your temptation and sorrow shall add to your glory . pag. . in divers letters he much exhorts to martyrdom ; and in one to the lady vane , he thus writes : the world wonders we can be merry in such extreme misery , but our god is omnipotent who turns misery into felicity . believe me , dear sister , there is no such joy in the world , as the people of god have under the cross : i speak by experience , therefore believe me , and fear nothing that the world can do ; for when they imprison our bodies , they set at liberty our souls ; when they kill us , they bring us to everlasting life : and what greater glory can there be than to be at conformity with christ , which afflictions do work in us . pag. . in another he writes to her , he saith ; i that am under the cross have felt more true joy and consolation in it than ever i did by any benefit that god hath given me in all my life before ; for the more the world hates , the nigher god is unto us , and there is no joy but in god. pag. . in another to that lady , he writes thus : we have cause to be glad of the times of persecution as to our selves ; for if we be imprisoned , we are blessed ; if we lose all we have , we are blessed a hundred times ; if we die , we are blessed eternally : so that in suffering persecution all is full of blessings . vol. . pag. . agnes potten , an ipswich woman , burnt with ioan trunchfield in q. mary's dayes . they being undressed for the fire , with comfortable words of scripture exhorted people to constancy against popery ; and so continuing in the torment of the fire , they held up their hands and called on god constantly , so long as life endured . vol. . p. . iulius palmer , born at coventry , and student and fellow of magdalen colledge in oxford , who in king edward the sixth's dayes was a great papist , for which he was expelled the colledge , till queen mary's time , when he was received again to his fellowship ; and about years of age by scriptures , and peter martyr's books , and calvin's institutions , god so wrought that he became a zealous protestant , nor would be revoked from it , declaring the pope to be antichrist ; whereupon for his safety he left the colledge , and went to reding to teach a school , where in a short time by false pretended friends he was betray'd and forced to fly . and he thinking to receive some legacy due to him by his father's will , went to his mother in this his need , and begging her blessing on his knees , she saluted him thus ; you shall have christ 's curse and my curse where ever you go : to which words of his mother , he said , being amazed at the salutation : your curse , o mother , you may give me , which ( god knows ) i have not deserved ; but god's curse you cannot give me , for he hath already blessed me . then she said , you went out of god's blessing into the warm sun , when you went from your religion ; for i am sure you believe not as i and your father , and our fore-fathers believed , but art an heretique : and know your father bequeathed nothing for heretiques : as for money and goods , i have none for you ; faggots i have to burn you ; more you get not at my hands . to whom he answer'd , i am no heretick , but do embrace a religion as old as christ and his apostles ; and though you curse me , yet i pray god bless you : and so softly spoke to her , that she threw after him an old angel to keep him honest . so he went away from his mother , going privately to reding again , to gather up some money due to him , where he was basely betray'd , and brought to examination , and was condemned ; and about one hour before his execution , he comforts himself and two others who suffer'd with him , with christ's words , mat. . , , . and by these sayings ; be of good chear in the lord ; faint not we shall not end our lives in the fire , but make a change for a better life ; yea , for coals we shall receive pearls . and in the fire they three lifted up their hands , and quietly and chearfully as if feeling no pain , they cry'd , lord jesus strengthen us , lord jesus assist us , lord jesus receive our souls : and so called on iesus till they dyed , being burnt at newbury iuly . . vol. . pag. to . one prest's wife of exeter , being a protestant , but seeming to be a simple ignorant woman , left her husband and children , because they were papists , and went up and down to work for her living ; and being taken and examined , she said , in the cause of christ and his truth , she must either forsake christ or her husband ; i am content to stick only to christ my heavenly spouse ; and renounce the other ; whom i left not for whoredom , theft , or the like , but because they by their superstition and idolatry persecuted me , rebuked and troubled me , when i would have had them leave their idolatry . the doctors further talking with her , she said : you do but trouble my conscience ; you will have me follow your doings , but i will first lose my life ; i pray depart . she openly reproved and argued against their idolatry , and that they went about to damn souls by their doctrine , and perswading them to idolatry . she seemed to be a very simple woman , yet could she rehearse many places in scripture . and when ( she being condemned ) was desired to ask pardon , because she was an unlearned woman , not able to answer in such high matters ; she said , i am not indeed able to answer in such high matters , yet with my death am i content to be a witness of christ 's death . and being again proffer'd a pardon if she would recant , she said ; nay , that i will not ; god forbid i should lose life eternal for this carnal and short life ; i will never turn from my heavenly husband to my earthly ; from the fellowship of angels to my mortal children : and if my husband and children be faithful , i am theirs . god is my father , god is my mother , god is my brother , god is my sister , my kinsman , my friend most faithful . and at the stake she continued crying , lord , be merciful to me a sinner . vol. . p. , . peter chevet , burnt at maubert near paris march . . being threatned to suffer , he said ; truly i do not think to escape your hands ; and though ye scorch and roast me alive , yet will i never renounce my christ. being asked by the official , if he would not be absolved , he said , it is a question , oh poor man ! whether thou canst save thy self ; and wilt thou take upon thee to save others ? who being thereat angry , threatned him with longer imprisonment ; to whom the martyr said ; alas ! alas ! though i should rot in prison , yet shall you find me still the same man. and at the stake , having his cloaths pull'd off , he said : how happy , how happy , oh how happy am i ? with eyes lift up to heaven ; and so he died . additions to vol. . concerning massacre in france , pag. . r r romanus , a great encourager of the christians in antioch , when they were persecuted in the th persecution , was himself by galerius , then emperour , called out , apprehended , and sentenced to all the torments the christians should have undergone , who said , o emperour , i joyfully accept of thy sentence , i refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren ; and that by as cruel a means as thou may'st invent : then he was scourged , and under the lashes he sang psalms , and laughed to scorn the heathens gods ; affirming the christian's god to be the only true god , before whose judicial seat all nations should appear : then was his side launched till the bones appeared ; yet he still preached christ , and exhorted them to adore the living god ; then were his teeth knockt out , his eye-lids torn , his face cut ; and he said , i thank thee that thou hast opened to me many mouths whereby i may preach my lord and saviour iesus christ ; look how many mouths i have , so many mouths i have lauding and praising god. after that he was brought to new wounds and stripes , and distongued ; who still spake and said , he that speaketh christ shall never want a tongue . at length he was had to prison , and there strangled . when some pleaded he was of noble parentage , and it was not lawful to put such a one to an un-noble death ; he said , he required them not to spare him for nobility-sake ; for , said he , not the blood of my progenitors , but chrstian profession maketh me noble . vol. . p. , . iohn rogers , a cambridge scholar , and chaplain to the merchants of brabant beyond sea , where he was acquainted with mr. tindal , and helped him and mr. coverdale in the translation of the bible ; he threw off the yoak of popery , and becoming a protestant , he married and went to live at wittenberg in saxony , vol. . p. . and there learning the dutch tongue , he had a congregation committed to his charge , where he staid till king edward the th's time ; and then being orderly called , came into england and preached there , and was by bishop ridley made prebend of paul's ; but in queen mary's days he suffered much , and was burned feb. . . he was the first that suffered in queen mary's days ; he prophesied of rome's downfall , and that e're long in england true gospel ordinances should be again restored , and the poor people of england should be brought to as good , or a better state : his wife , and ten children that could go , and one at her breast , met him going to burn ; but he was not moved , but continued constant , and suffered . vol. . p. , . bishop ridley , born in northumberlandshire , had his education in newcastle , was master of pembroke-hall in cambridge , vol. . p. . then chaplain to king henry the th , who made him bishop of rochester ; and in king edward the th's days he was made bishop of london . he preached every sunday , and holyday , in some place or other , if not hindred by great affairs : he was kind and affable , one that presently forgave injuries ; and was wont to tell his relations , that if they acted evil , he should esteem them as strangers to him ; and they who did honestly , should be to him as brothers and sisters . as soon as he was ready each morning , he alwayes prayed for half an hour , and then spent most part of the day and night in study , he not going to bed usually till eleven of the clock , and then praying . he did read every day a lecture in his family , gave every one of his family a new testament , and hired them to learn several chapters , especially the . of the acts. he being advised , by one that was his chaplain formerly , to consult others , and to turn papist , he said , i would have you know that i esteem nothing available for me , which also will not further the glory of god. vol. . p. . he being condemned at oxford , was kept close prisoner in mr. irish , the major's house ; where he being at supper the night before he was to suffer , he was very merry , and invited the guests at the table to his wedding next day ; for to morrow , saith he , i shall be married ; which the major's wife hearing , wept ; to whom he said , you love me not now i see , for i perceive you will not be at my wedding , nor are contented with my marriage ; but quiet your self , though my breakfast be sharp and painful , yet i am sure my supper shall be more pleasant and sweet . vol. . p. . and at the stake , he suffering with mr. latimer , he chearfully ran to him , embraced him , kissed him , and said , be of good chear brother , for god will either asswage the fury of the flames , or else strengthen us to abide it : and then he went to the stake and kissed it , and prayed effectually . being stript into his shirt , he held up his hands , and said , o heavenly father , i give thee most hearty thanks that thou hast called me to be a professor of thee , even to death . and fire being kindled , he often said , into thy hands o lord , i commend my spirit ; lord , lord , receive my spirit : but through the badness of the fire he burned on one side , and below on the legs , a great while , and yet his upper parts were not burned , so that he leaped under the faggots ; and calling to the lord for mercy , did call on the persons by to let the fire come to him , for he could not burn , he said ; and shewed them one side clean shirt , and all untouched , whole , and the other burnt . p. , . he writing to his friends , and taking leave of them , desires them not to be astonished at the manner of his sufferings ; and said , i assure you i esteem it the greatest honour that ever i was called to in my life ; and i thank my lord heartily for it , that he hath called me to the high favour to suffer death willingly for his sake , which is an inestimable gift of god ; therefore , o ye that love me , rejoice , and rejoice again , with me ; and render , with me , thanks to god that hath called me to this dignity . vol. . p. . could queen mary have been entreated for bishop ridley , or could his life have been purchased , the lord dacres in the north , his kinsman , would have given her marks , or pounds , rather than he should have been burned . vol. . p. . iohn rabec , burned at aniers in france , april . . had his tongue cut out , because he would not pronounce iesus maria , joining them both in one prayer ; and being urged thereto with great threats , he said , if his tongue should but offer to do so , he would himself bite it asunder . additions to vol. . concerning french massacre , p. . anthony ricetto , a martyr at venice , . being , by his son of twelve years of age , perswaded to recant , that he might not be fatherless ; said to his child , a good christian is bound to forego goods , children , yea life it self , for the maintenance of god's honour and glory : and so he was drowned , having an iron hoop about him , and to a chain fastned to that hoop a great weight fastned ; and so carryed in a wherry into the sea : where being laid on a board , and that board laid cross on two wherries , the wherries removing he fell into the sea ; which was the manner of the venetians punishing their martyrs . additions to vol. . p. . s s sanctus , being under the fourth persecution grievously tormented ; and by the tormentors asked , what he was , answered nothing , but said he was a christian : and notwithstanding his being scorched by hot plates in the tenderest parts of the body , so that his body lost the shape of a man ; yet he never shrank : and declared , that nothing was terrible or ought to be feared where the love of god is , and nothing grievous wherein the glory of christ is manifested . and when he was again punished , though his body was so misfigured before his second punishment , yet now was it reduced to its first shape of a man , and suppled in all its contracted parts . soon after he was again tormented , and set in an hot iron-chair ; nor yet would he confess any thing but that he was a christian : and after this , being made a sad spectacle to the people , he was beheaded . vol. . p. . , . souldiers , being put to their choice by the marshal of the camp by diocletian's order under the tenth persecution , whether they would sacrifice to idols at the emperours command , or lay aside their offices and weapons : they unanimously answered , they were ready not only to lay down their weapons , but their lives also if by the emperour's tyranny required , rather than they would obey the wicked decrees of him . vol. . p. . simeon archbishop of seleucia , being by sapores king of persia , under the tenth persecution , called and examined , confessed himself to be a christan : and being demanded , why he kneeled not before the king as he used to do , he said , that before he observed what the custom of the realm did require of him ; but now it is not lawful , for i come to stand in defence of our religion and doctrine . he was beheaded . vol. . pag. , . see usthazares in the latter part of this book . henry sutphen monk , an associate of luthers . converted breme , and being sent for after two years time to deithmar to preach amongst those great idolaters , he at last went , designing only to lay the foundation of a reformation , and so to return to breme , to satisfie the importunity of his friends . he being at breme , the monks and friars conspire against him , and consult his destruction ; accordingly they sent minatory letters to the inhabitants at deithmar , and also to their parish priest , who had received him : but sutphen's ananswer was , that being called by them to preach the gospel , he would do it ; and if it pleased god he should lose his life at deithmar ; there was as near a way to heaven as in any other place : for he doubted not at all that once he must suffer for the gospels sake . upon this courage he preached divers times , and popish priests were sent to supplant him , and to trap him in his sermons ; many of whom were converted by them , and did declare them to be agreeable to the word of god. after this many ways were used to destroy him ; and at last the franciscan friars conspired with some presidents of the country to kill him , before the inhabitants of the town of deithmar should know of it , or before his cause were try'd , not permitting him to speak to them for himself , lest ( as they said ) he should perswade them to be hereticks : whereupon the presidents assembled husbandmen , to whom ( when met together ) they imparted the business ; who detesting it would not do it , but would have returned home ; but were forced to obedience by the threats of their governour ; who to fit them for the work , gave them three barrels of hamborough beer , and then about midnight they came to deithmar to the priest's , and first wofully abused him , and then trained sutphen out of bed naked , and tying his hands behind him , forced him on so fast that his feet were much wounded by the ice ; whereof he complaining and desiring a horse , they said he should go on foot whether he would or no : and in the morning after much misery by him suffered , without any examination they condemned him to be burnt ; and accordingly they bound him hands , neck and feet , and brought him to the fire , which was not oftner kindled than it went out , nor could they make the wood burn . as he passed by to the fire , a woman , seeing the sad usage of him , wept bitterly : to whom he did reply , weep not , i pray , for me . and at the fire , being condemned , he said ; i have done no such thing as they accuse me of : and holding up his hands , he said ; o lord , forgive them , for they offend ignorantly , not knowing what they do . in the mean time , a certain woman offer'd to suffer stripes , and to give them much money , so they would but keep him in prison till he had pleaded his cause ; but they were the more enraged , and threw down and trod upon the woman . and seeing the fire would not burn sutphen , they smote him with their hands , and prick'd and struck him with divers weapons , and then bound him to a ladder by the neck to strangle him , so strait and hard that the blood gushed out of his nose and mouth ; the doer of it treading upon his breast the while , not permitting him to prate or pray ; and being tyed to a ladder , one iohn holmes ran to him , and struck him with a mace till he was dead . vol. . pag. , , , , . mr. peter spengler of schalt , in the countrey of brisgois . a vigilant preacher and a peaceable good man , often reconciling differences with great prudence , and much lamenting the corruptness of principles and practises of the popish monks , and especially their vow of single life and its consequents , which moved him to marry ; for which crime chiefly he was afterwards apprehended , and condemned to die : and being led to execution , he answer'd all persons gently , but desir'd the monks to let him alone , who troubled him with their babling about confession , when he was striving in his spirit against the horror of death , and making his prayer to god , to whom he said also that he had confessed his sins to god , not doubting but he had received absolution and forgiveness of them . and i , said he , shall be an acceptable sacrifice to my saviour jesus christ ; for i have done no such things whereof i am condemned , which might displease my god , who in this behalf hath given me a good and quiet conscience : saying also , he being very lean , it is all one , for i must shortly have forsaken my skin , which scarce cleaves to my bones : i know i am a mortal and corruptible worm ; i have oft desired my last day , and have made my request that i might be delivered out of this mortal body to be joyned with my saviour jesus christ. i have deserved through my sins my cross , and my saviour hath born the cross ; and for my part i will not glory in any other thing but in the cross of christ. presently he was cast into the river ; he strugling a while in it , the water was red with blood , which the people looked to be a miraculous sign to shew that innocent blood was that day shed . this was done at enshesheim . vol. . p. , . wolfgangus schuch , a german , at st. hyppolite . a town in lotharing ; a reverend and godly pastor , there preached he justification through christ by faith. he was apprehended willingly , offering himself to tryal by scripture , rather than to see the town of st. hyppolite be exposed to the danger threatn'd to it by anthony duke of lorrain for his sake ; and being apprehended , he was imprisoned in sad misery a year , where disputing with divers friars he confounded them all by scripture . at last he was condemned to be burnt ; at which sentence he sang , and being at the place of execution , he sang the . psalm till smoke and fire choak'd him . vol. . pag. . george scherler , a german preacher near saltzburg , was taken and imprisoned and condemned to be burnt alive ; but at last it was granted he should be first beheaded . he going to his death , said , that ye may know that i die a true christian , i will give you a manifest sign : which he did by god's power ; for after his head was off his body , falling on his belly , and so lying a good while , it easily turn'd it self on the back , and crossed the right foot over the left , and the right hand over the left ; at which sight the spectators marvelled , and the magigistrates burned not but buried the body amongst the christians ; and many were hereby brought to believe the gospel . vol. . p. . peter serre , was burned . in france ; who having his tongue cut out stood so quiet looking up to heaven at the time of his burning , as though he had felt no pain , bringing such admiration to the people , that one of the parliament of france that condemned him , said , that way was not best to bring lutherans to the fire , for that would do more hurt than good . vol. . p. . mrs. smith near coventry , condemned and burnt for having the lord's prayer in english , april . . vol. . p. . hellen stirk , a scottish woman , seeing her husband go to the stake . for christ's cause , and being her self condemned , did desire to suffer with her husband ; but when it was not permitted , she went to him and exhorted him to perseverance , and with a kiss parted , saying ; husband , rejoyce , for we have lived many a joyful day together ; but this day in which we must die together ought to be most joyful unto us both , because we must have joy for ever ; therefore i will not bid you good night , for we shall suddenly meet with joy in the kingdom of heaven . and after that , she parting with her sucking child from her breast , recommended her self to god and the child to nurse , and so was drowned . vol. . pag. , . laurence saunders , brought up at eaton , and then at king's colledge in cambridge three years ; then by his mother , having a great estate , was bound apprentice in london to a merchant , sir william chester ; but he not liking his apprentiship , his master gave him his indentures , perceiving his inclinations to study ; and being himself a good man , he wrote letters to his mother and friends ( who were great persons ) about it : whereby he went again to king's colledge , and after several years was a minister in leicestershire , and then in london till queen mary's dayes , when he had two livings , not being permitted to lay down either of them by reason of the troubles ; and as well as he could he preached at both , though at length at london he going to preach was disswaded for fear of danger , but he would not cease : and preaching , he did ( as he often had ) speak against popish tenets , for which he was examined by bishop bonner , and gardiner ; and at last imprisoned , he prayed much ; and in all spiritual assaults , he prayed and found present relief ; and he said , while bishop gardiner examined him , he found a great consolation in spirit , and also in body he received a certain taste of the communion of saints , whilst a pleasant refreshing issued from all parts of his body to his heart , and thence did ebb and flow to and fro . he in a letter to bishop gardiner , proved popery a whoreish and ravening religion , robbing god of his honour and worship in truth ; and also our consciences of peace and true comfort . he disswaded his wife and friends from sueing for his liberty : he , in his letters , spoke much of his own experience through god's grace , of christ's sweetness ; and how loath his flesh was to go forward in god's path , and also his hopes with the godly to be shortly singing halelujah in heaven ; and as he saluted those to whom he wrote with grace and mercy and peace , and assured them of his prayers for them , so also he generally begg'd their prayers , ending his letters with pray , pray , pray ; and after months imprisonment he was condemned , who said , my dear lord iesus christ hath begun to me a more bitter cup than mine can be , and shall not i pledge my most sweet saviour ? yes i hope . as he went to stake he oft fell down and prayed ; and at the stake he took it in his arms and kissed it , saying , welcome the cross of christ , welcome everlasting life ; and so being fastned , was burned with green wood to make his torments greater ; yet he stood quietly , and slept sweetly in the fire . vol. . p. . to . robert smith burnt , . at uxbridge , august ; who being at the stake , comforted the people , willing them to think well of his cause , and not doubt but that his body dying in that quarrel should rise again to life : and i doubt not , said he , but god will shew some token thereof : at length , being near half burnt , and cluster'd together on a lump like a black coal ; all men thinking him to be dead , he suddenly rose upright , lifting up his stumps of his arms , claping them together as a token of rejoicing ; and then bending down again he dyed . in a letter to his wife , he writes thus , if ye will meet with me again , forsake not christ for any pain . vol. . p. , . he wrote this exhortation to his children . give ear my children to my words , whom god hath dearly bought ; lay up my law within your heart , and print it in your thought : for i , your father , have foreseen the frail and filthy way , which flesh and blood would follow fain , even to their own decay ; for all and every living beast their crib do know full well ; but adam's heirs above the rest are ready to rebell : and all the creatures on the earth full well can keep their way , but man , above all other beasts , is apt to go astray ; for earth and ashes is his strength , his glory , and his reign ; and unto ashes , at the length , he shall return again : for flesh doth flourish like the flower , and grow up like a grass ; and is consumed in an hour , as it is brought to pass , in me the image of your years , your treasure , and your trust ; whom ye do see , before your face , dissolved into dust : for as you see your father's flesh converted into clay , even so shall ye , my children dear , consume and wear away . the sun and moon , and eke the stars , that serve the day and night ; the earth , and every earthly thing , shall be consumed quite ; and all the worship that is wrought , that have been heard or seen , shall clean consume and come to nought , as it had never been : therefore that ye may follow me , your father and your friend ; and enter into that same life which never shall have end . i leave you here a little book for you to look upon , that ye may see your father's face when i am dead and gone ; who for the hope of heavenly things , while he did here remain , gave over all his golden years in prison and in pain ; where i , among mine iron bonds enclosed in the dark , not many dayes before my death , did dedicate this work to you , mine heirs of earthly things which i have left behind , that ye may read and understand , and keep it in your mind ; that as you have been heirs of that which once shall wear away , even so ye may possess the part which never shall decay ; in following of your father's foot , in truth , and eke in love ; that ye may also be his heirs for evermore above : and in example to your youth , to whom i wish all good ; i preach you here a perfect faith , and seal it with my blood : have god alwayes before your eyes in all your whole intents , commit not sin in any wise , keep his commandements ; abhor that arrant whore of rome , and all her blasphemies ; and drink not of her decretals , nor yet of her decrees : give honour to your mother dear , remember well her pain ; and recompense her in her age in like with love again : be alwayes aiding at her hand , and let her not decay ; remember well your father's fall , that should have been her stay . give of your portion to the poor , as riches do arise ; and from the needy naked soul turn not away your eyes : for he that will not hear the cry of such as stand in need , shall cry himself , and not be heard , when he would hope to speed . if god hath given great increase , and blessed well your store ; remember ye are put in trust to minister the more . beware of foul and filthy lust , let whoredom have no place ; keep clean your vessels in the lord , that he may you embrace : ye are the temples of the lord , for ye are dearly bought ; and they who do defile the same shall surely come to nought . possess not pride in any case , build not your nests too high ; but have alwayes before your face that you were born to dye . defraud not him that hired is your labour to sustain , but give him alwayes , out of hand , his penny for his pain : and as ye would that other men against you should proceed , do ye the same again to them when they do stand in need : and part your portion with the poor , in money , and in meat ; and feed the fainted feeble soul with that which ye should eat ; that when your members shall lack meat , and cloathing to your back , ye may the better think on them that now do live and lack : ask counsel also at the wise , give ear unto the end ; refuse not ye the sweet rebuke of him that is your friend . be thankful alwayes to the lord with prayer and with praise ; desire you him in all your deeds , ever to direct your wayes , and sin not like the swinish sort , whose bellies being fed , consume their years upon the earth from belly unto bed . seek first , i say , the living god , set him alwayes before , and then be sure he will bless your basket and your store : and thus if you direct your dayes according to this book , then shall they say that see your wayes how like me you do look : and when you have so perfectly upon your fingers ends , possessed all within this book , then give it to your friends ; and i beseech the living god replenish you with grace , that i may have you in the heavens , and see you face to face : and though the sword hath cut me off , contrary to my kind , that i could not enjoy your love according to my mind ; yet i do hope that when the heavens shall vanish like a scrowl , i shall receive your perfect shape in body and in soul. and that i may enjoy your love , and ye enjoy the land ; i do beseech the living god to hold you in his hand . farewel , my children , from the world where ye must yet remain . the lord of hosts be your defence till we do meet again . farewel my love and loving wife , my children , and my friends , i hope to god to have you all when all things have their ends : and if you do abide in god as ye have now begun , your course , i warrant , shall be short ye have not far to run . god grant you so to end your years as he shall think it best , that ye may enter into heaven where i do hope to rest . vol. . p. , . robert samuel , a suffolk minister , was imprisoned by dr. hopton bishop of norwich , and kept sadly , being chained bolt upright , so that he stood on tip-toes day and night , and was kept without meat and drink , save only three mouthfuls of bread and three spoonfuls of water a day : and at last being to be burned he said to his friends , that when he was imprisoned and almost pin'd away or dayes together , he fell into a slumber , and one clad in white seem'd to stand by him , and comforting him , said ; samuel , samuel , be of good chear , and take a good heart to thee , for after this day thou shalt never hunger nor thirst more . which thing was effected , for from that time to his sufferings , he felt neither hunger nor thirst ; and it is said that his body when it was in the fire , shone as bright and white as new try'd silver . vol. . p. , . iohn spicer , burnt at salisbury , march . . with others : at the stake said , this is the joyfullest day that ever i saw . vol. . p. . agnes stanley , burned at smithfield with four more april . . she being by bishop bonner threatned with death if she would not recant , said ; i had rather every hair of my head were burned , if it were never so much worth , than that i should forsake my faith and opinion , which is the true faith. vol. . p. . thomas spurdance , one of queen mary's servants , being apprehended for the gospel , and examined at norwich by the bishop , who bad him submit to the queen's laws , he said ; you must know , my lord , that i have a soul as well as a body ; my soul is none of the queen's , but my body and goods are the queen's : and i must give god my soul , and all that belongs to it . that is , i must do the laws and commandments of god , and may not do commandments contrary to them for losing of my soul , but muct rather obey god than man ; if i save my life i shall lose it , and if for christ 's sake i lose it , i shall find it in everlasting life : and was burned at bury in november . vol. . pag. . william sparrow of london , burnt in november . . who being examined said , that that which the papists called heresie was true and godly , and if every hair of his head was a man ( he said ) he would burn them , rather than go from the truth . vol. . p. . cuthbert simpson , a minister in london , was wrakt often in one day to discover his confederates , but he would not ; and at last was burnt . he writing to his wife , perswades her to constancy , pleading god's promises to help us ; and that nothing shall befal us but what is profitable to us , either a correction of our sins , tryal of our faith , to set forth his glory , or for all together . vol. . p. , . archambant scraphom , martyred . in flanders , for speaking that the pope was the antichrist st. paul described : and being willed to subscribe his saying , reply'd , yea , yea , i am ready to sign it with my blood , rather than with ink. when he looked on his hands , he used to say , o flesh ! you must suffer and be burned to ashes , till the last day . additions to vol. . concerning the massacre of france , p. . t t theban souldiers a legion , having mauritius their captain , being sent for by maximinus the emperour , under the tenth persecution , to go against and persecute the christians , would not ; for which every tenth man was kill'd : and being still urged , they made a notable oration to the emperour , declaring , though they were his souldiers , yet were they god's servants ; and would not persecute the christians , nor sacrifice to the emperour 's devillish idols : whereupon again every tenth man was slain ; and afterwards their whole army totally destroy'd , who made no resistance , but laid down their armour and gave their naked bodies to their enemies fury . vol. . p. , . nicholas and francis thressen , being brought up in christianity by their father andreas thressen , who flying into england ( out of germany from their mother and two other children ) died there : and then these two sons returned into germany to their mother and the two children with her , and instructed them in christianity : with whom the papists laboured to make them recant ; and the two youngest being not well grounded , did so : the mother would not , and was condemned to perpetual prison . these two sons inveighed against popery , and despising torments were condemned to the fire ; and desiring to speak , had gaggs put into their mouths and balls of wood to hinder it ; but they with vehemency of speaking drave them out : and desiring for the lord's sake that they might have liberty to speak , they sang the creed with a loud voice , and went and were fastened to the stake , praying for their persecutors and exhorting each other , they did abide the fire patiently . the one feeling the flame to burn his beard , said ; ah! what a small pain is this to be compared to the glory to come : and so committing their spirits to the hands of god , they died . vol. . p. . giles tilleman , a cutler , born at brussels , burned . he received the gospel at years of age , and was very charitable to the poor , and so zealous in prayer that he seem'd to forget himself , and neither to hear nor see those that stood by him , till he was lift up by the arms . so patient was he of private injuries , that he would not speak again to revilers , insomuch that they said he had a dumb devil , though in the cause of religion he had words and scripture enough . when tidings came to him of the sentence against him , he gave hearty thanks to god that the hour was come that he might glorifie the lord ; and at the place of burning , when the hangman would have strangled him first , he would not let him , saying , there was no need that his pain should be mitigated , for , said he , i fear not the fire . and lifting up his eyes in the middle of the flames , he died . vol. . pag. . william tracy of todington in glocestershire esq . in his will and testament ordained his executors not to make any funeral pomp at his burial , neither passed he for any mass , saying , he trusted only in god , and hoped by him to be saved , and not by any saint . he said there was but one mediator between god and man , christ iesus ; and therefore he gave nothing that any should say or do any thing to help his soul after his death ; for which will he was near two years after his death taken up and burnt as an heretick , by the archbishop of canterbury's order to dr. parker chancellor in worcester diocese , whom king henry viii . made it cost pound . vol. . p. , . william tyndal of magdalen colledge in oxford removed thence to cambridge , and thence to glocestershire , where in the house of one welch a knight he resided sometime , disputing with the clergy , priests and abbots , and refuted them by scripture evidences , so that they hated him , and brought him to trouble : at last he intending to translate the bible into english for the good of his native people , and to deliver them from the blind idolatry and superstition of popery ; and finding england would not bear it , nor afford a place to do it in , he fled to saxony , and there translated the new testament . and after he translating books of moses , intending to print at antwerp , to which place he sailing did suffer shipwrack , and lost all his labour ; but he lodged at antwerp , and with the help of one coverdale performed the five books , and printed them ; and residing there he was basely betray'd by one henry philips an english-man , whom he had received lately as an intimate acquaintance : and being so persecuted that though many letters were for his delivering , he was executed ; who in prison converted the keeper , his daughter , and others . by the testimony of his condemner , he was a learned pious good man , who died with this earnest prayer , lord , open the king of england's eyes . he was martyred at filford castle in flanders . vol. . p. , to . robert testwood about windsor , in king henry eight's reign . for opposing idolatry and image-worship , was apprehended and persecuted by the bishop of london ; vol. . p. , . at last being condemned , he suffered with one filmire and persons , who kissed each other at parting from the prison , and at the stake drank to each other ; and then this testwood lifting up his eyes and hands , desired the lord to receive his spirit . see persons and filmire . their persecutors , symons and dr. london , soon after convicted of conspiracy against some nobles , and being perjured , did ride with papers on their heads , and their faces towards the horse tails , round about windsor market-place . vol. . p. , . rowland taylor , dr. of both canon and civil laws , and a perfect divine ; parson of hadley in suffolk , where he resided , calling his people together and preaching to them every sunday and holiday , when he might . he was humble and meek , and his life an example of piety . he was ready to do good to all , forgiving all enemies readily ; and never sought to do evil to any one . to the poor , blind , lame , and sick , he was a very father , a careful patron , and diligent provider . when mass was contrived to be set up in his church , he opposed it , and said it was against god's word , the queen's honour ; and tended to the utter subversion of the realm of england . whereupon he was sent for up to london , by the bishop of winchester , stephen gardiner : and his friends perswaded him not to go , saying he could not be heard for himself , but must expect imprisonment , and death ; and that christ advised to fly from one city to another : and the people of god would in time want such godly preachers . to whom he said , dear friends , i thank you for your care ; yet i know my cause so good , and the truth so strong on my side , that i will , by god's grace , go and appear before them ; and to their beards will resist their false doings . god will not forsake his church , but will raise up more fruitful teachers than i , who shall never have again so glorious a call as i now have ; wherefore i be seech you to pray for me , and i doubt not but god will give me strength and his spirit , that all my adversaries shall have shame of their doings . and so taking care of his people , he and his man , iohn hull , went towards london ; but his man advised him to fly , proffering his faithful service to him in all affairs : to whom the doctor replyed , oh john , shall i give place to this thy counsel , and leave my flock in this danger ? remember christ , the good shepherd , who not only fed his flock , but dyed for them also . him must i follow , and by god's grace will ; therefore , john , pray for me ; and if thou seest me at any time weak , comfort me ; and discourage me not in this godly enterprize , and purpose . when he came to bishop gardiner , who reviled him much , and asked him how he durst look him in the face , and if he knew who he was ? dr. taylor said , yes , i know who you are , dr. stephen gardiner , bishop of winchester , lord chancellor ; and yet but a mortal man i trow : but if i should be afraid of your lordly looks , why fear you not god the lord of us all ? how dare ye look any christian man in the face , seeing you have forsaken the truth , denyed christ , and done contrary to your oath and writing ? with what face will ye appear before christ's iudgment seat , and answer to your oath against popery in king henry the th 's time , and in king edward the th 's dayes , when you both spoke , and wrote against it . vol. . p. , , . when he was condemned with mr. bradford , and others ; they joyfully gave thanks , and stoutly said to the bishops , that god would require their blood at their hands , and that one day they should repent this their tyranny against the flock of christ. p. . when bonner , bishop of london , came to degrade him ; and brought with him the vestments , according to their popish manner ; he bad him put them on , but dr. taylor would not , so bonner caused another to put them on ; and then dr. taylor set his hands by his side , and walked up and down , saying , how do you like me now ? how say you my lord , am not i a goodly fool ? how say you my masters , if i were in cheapside now , should not i have boys enough to laugh at me , and at these apish toys , and toying trumpery ? so the bishop performed his ceremonies of degradation , and cursed him : to whom dr. taylor said , though you curse , god will bless : you have done me wrong , and violence ; yet i pray god , if it be his will , forgive you . the next day his wife and son and man , supped with him ; and he exhorted his son to obey god and his mother ; and exhorted her to be stedfast in the faith , and to shun popery ; and then wrote his last farewel to his people of hadley , perswading their stedfastness in the doctrine he had preached amongst them against popery . vol. . p. . the next day after he was carried out towards hadley to suffer , and his wife and children suspecting as much , lay all night in botolph's church-yard ; and as he went early in the morning , she cryed to him , rowland , rowland , and came to him ; who took his daughter mary in his arms , and then all of them kneeled and said the lords prayer ; then kissed he his wife , saying , farewel my dear wife , be of good comfort ; for i am quiet in my conscience , and god shall stir up a father for my children ; and kissing his two daughters , mary , and elizabeth , he said , god bless you : and so praying them all to keep close to god's word , and to flye idolatry , he went on : to whom his wife said , god be with thee my dear rowland , i will meet thee at hadley : and after this speech to his wife , he did see his son thomas , and his man iohn hull , whom he commanded to lift up his son , whom he blessed and prayed for ; and then gave him again to his servant . at burntwood as they went , they made a hood for the dr. with holes only to see and breathe through , that none might know him , nor he speak to any . the dr. was very pleasant all the way , as if he was going to a banquet . and when he came to chelmsford , the sheriff of suffolk met him ; and as they were at supper , the sheriff of essex perswaded him to turn to popery ; pleading his strength of body might live long , and he would be in great esteem , because all loved him for his sweetness and learning , and a pardon might still be had , and so drank to him , and so did all the yeomen of the guard , his attendants . and when the cup came to the dr. he considered a while before he spake , and at last thanked them for their counsel ; and said , to be plain with you , i perceive i have been deceived my self , and am like to deceive a great many of hadley of their expectation : at which words they rejoyced , saying , gods blessing on your heart , hold you there still , why should you cast away your life ? but he said , my meaning is this ; i am deceived , and , as i think , i shall deceive a great many : i am , ye see , a man of a great carcass , which i thought should have been buried in hadly church-yard , but herein i see i am deceived : and there are a great many worms in hadly church-yard which would have had a jolly feeding upon this carrion , but now i know they will be deceived , for this carcass must be burned to ashes : which sayings astonished the sheriff , that he should but jest at death now at hand . within miles of hadly , he desired to alight to make water , and fetched a frisk or two as men do in dancing , saying he was very well , never better ; for now i know i am almost at my father's home . and after that he did understand he should go through hadly , he blessed god that he should once more see his people before he died , whom he prayed god to bless and keep stedfast in word and truth ▪ and at hadly a poor man and children meeting him , begg'd an alms , and pray'd to god to comfort him , as he had done often him and his children . and the people of hadly stood in the streets weeping and praying for him , saying ; there goes our good shepherd ; oh god! what will become of us poor lambs : to whom the dr. all along said , i have preached among you god's truth , and am now come to seal it with my blood . and at the almes-house he gave them all the money he had : his care was once a fortnight to visit with the gentry the poor inhabitants , and whom he found to blame he reboked , whom he found to want he supply'd . at last coming to aldam common , ( the place of his suffering ) he would have spoke , but was not permitted ; onely he said to the people , he had preached and was now to seal the truth of the gospel with his blood , for which saying he was struck . and being ty'd fast to the stake in a pitch-barrel , he held up his hands , saying , merciful father of heaven , for jesus christ 's sake my saviour , receive my soul into thy hands : and so he stood with his hands joyned until one with a halberd knocked his brains out , and the dead corps fell down into the fire . vol , . p. , , . thomas tomkins , burnt march . . a london waver , to whom bishop bonner used cruelty ; and at his own palace hall at fulham , to terrifie the poor man , burnt his hand with a taper till the veins and sinews broke , and the water spirted in the faces of the standers by , who being moved with pity , requested the bishop to stay , saying he had try'd him enough : but the bishop stay'd not till he had effected his burning in smithfield . this tomkins never shrank at the burning his hand , but said he was wrapt in spirit , so that he felt no pain . vol. . p. , , . iohn taylor , otherwise called iohn cardmaker , prebendary of wells and a franciscan fryar , burnt with one warn may . . in smithfield , where the sheriff talking much with taylor , and the papists having noised abroad his recantation , the people began to suspect it ; but at last taylor suddenly went and pray'd , then stript himself to his shirt , went to the stake and kissed it , and shaking his fellow-sufferer iohn warn by the hand , comforted him ; and then heartily gave himself to be burned : whereat all the people cry'd out for joy , god be praised , the lord strengthen thee , cardmaker , the lord jesus receive thy spirit ; till such time as by fire he was consum'd . vol. . p. , . george tankerfield , a zealous papist in king edward vi. dayes , a cook in london ; but in queen mary's dayes seeing their popish persecution and cruelty , hated their doctrine , prayed to god for direction , and studied the word of god , and became a zealous protestant , who for the gospel was condemned and was burnt at st. albans , august . . in the inn before he suffered , he called for some malmsey and a loaf to eat and drink , in remembrance of christ's death and passion , which he said he did not in contempt of the ministry , or to detract from the ordinance , but because he could not have it administred to him according to god's word . and after he had with prayer and thanksgiving received , he caused a good fire to be made in his chamber , and he sitting by it , pull'd off his hose and shoes , and stretched out his feet towards it , and when the flame had touched his foot he quickly drew back his leg , shewing how the flesh did perswade him one way , and the spirit another . the flesh said , oh! thou foot , wilt thou burn and need not ? the spirit , be not afraid , for this is nothing in respect of fire eternal . the flesh said , do not leave the company of thy friends which love thee : the spirit said , the company of iesus christ and his glorious presence doth exceed all fleshly friends . the flesh saith , do not shorten thy time , for thou mayest live if thou wilt much longer : but the spirit said , this life is nothing to the life in heaven which lasteth for ever . and after he coming to the stake , pray'd , and with a joyful faith said , that although he had a sharp dinner , yet he hoped to have a joyful supper : and in the fire he calling on the name of the lord , was quickly out of pain . v. . p. . william tyms minister , burnt with several others april . . wrote to his sister thus , i take my leave of you till we meet in heaven , you shall find me merrily singing , holy , holy , holy , lord god of sabboth at my journey's end . and at the end of his letter , he wrote his name in blood , in token that he would seal the doctrine of christ with the rest , and also he wrote in blood these words , continue in prayer , ask in faith , and obtain your desire . in another letter to his parishioners at hockley in essex , exhorts them to constancy to his doctrine which he now was about sealing with his blood , praising god that ever he lived to see that day , and blessing god that ever he gave him a body to glorifie his name by . vol. . p. . iohn tuscaen , a young man of years of age , of audenard in flanders , hearing of the popish idolatry in worshiping the host , determined to demonstrate to them that the worshiping of that breaden-god was abominable and execrable sacriledge : to effect which , on may , . . called corpus christi day he went to a church in pamelle , which stood near to audenard , and seeing the priest at elevating the host , and the people ready to prostrate themselves before a breaden-cake , he stept to the priest , and snatched the cake out of his hands , broke it in pieces , and cast it unto the ground , saying unto the people , see here , my masters , your goodly breaden-god , who you see is not able to help himself , but is here broken all to pieces : how long , how long , o ye senseless priests , will ye thus defile the holy supper of the lord ? shall we never see an end of your filthy idolatries ? if the authority of the holy scriptures can nothing move you , yet at length be admonished by the present example , that there is not one jot of divinity within that bread , seeing it is subject to be thus handled ; will ye worship a dead idol , your selves being living men ? for which actions , and expressions he was imprisoned , and had first his hand cut off , which he took patiently , saying , o lord god , it is for the glory of thy name that i endure these things , enable me now with strength from above that i may finish this sacrifice . then was he burnt , and his ashes cast into the river escaut . additions to vol. . of the massacre of france and flanders , p. . du tour , deacon of the church at bourdeaux . in the massacre there . he had been a priest of the romish church , but now was a protestant , aged and sick in bed ; who was haled into open street , and asked if he would go to mass and save his life : but he said , no , especially now drawing so near its end , both in regard of my sickness and years : i hope i shall not so far forget the eternal salvation of my soul , as for fear of death to prolong this life for a few dayes , for so should i buy a short term of life at too dear a rate . and so they massacred him . additions to vol. . concerning massacre in france . p. . v v victor , a theban souldier , under the th persecution ; being dismissed for his age , and coming suddenly to the emperours souldiers , who had even then destroyed a legion of theban christian souldiers , and were very merry , inviting him also to sit down as a guest ; but he inquiring into the cause of their mirth , and feasting , detested it and them , and would not eat : and being demanded whether he was a christian , he said he was , and ever would be a christian ; whereupon they rushed on him and killed him . vol. . p. . usthazares , under the th persecution , having been tutor to sapores king of persia , and a professor of christianity , which afterwards he denyed again , yet was again reduced to it by occasion of simeon the arch-bishop of seleucia ; who being led to prison for christ , and saluted by usthazares as he passed by him ; the arch-bishop cryed out against him in great anger for his cowardice in revolting from christ ; whereupon usthazares wept bitterly , saying , with what face shall i look for my god who have denyed him ; when as this simeon , my old acquaintance , so much disdaineth me for it . and he went and acquainted the king he was a christian , nor would again be so foolish as to deny christ ; and being sentenced to be beheaded , he requested it might be proclaimed that he dyed not for treason , but for the name of christ ; that so those who had fallen away by his example , might also by him learn constancy . vol. . p. , . henry voes , and iohn esch , two augustin fryars , being converted to lutheranisme , adhereing to the word of god , and obeying and believing decrees of councils , or fathers , no farther than they agreed with scripture , were condemned by the papists to be burned . then they began to bless god which had delivered them from that false and abominable priesthood , and made them priests of his own holy order ; receiving them unto him as a sacrifice of sweet odour . their greatest errour , as by their bill of accusation appeared , was , that they said men ought to trust in god alone , forasmuch as men are lyars , and deceitful in their words and deeds . as they were led to execution , iuly . . at bruxels , they went joyfully and merrily , making continual protestation that they dyed for the glory of god , and the doctrine of the gospel , as true christians believing and following the holy church of the lamb of god , saying , this was the day they had long desired : and at the place of execution they joyfully embraced the stake , patiently and joyfully enduring whatsoever was done to them , and singing , te deum laudamus , that is , we praise thee , o god ; and rehearsing the creed in testimony of their faith. and a doctor bidding henry voes take heed he gloried not so foolishly in himself : he answered , god forbid that i should glory , save in the cross of christ. one of them seeing the fire kindled at his feet , said , methinks they strew roses under my feet : finally , the smoke and flame choaked them . vol. . p. . ursula and mary , two sisters of a noble family in delden in lower germany , were burnt . who being instructed in the book of god , defended the benefit of our salvation to come only by faith in christ , and all the other merchandise of the pope was needless . and mary being first ( though the younger ) put to the fire , she prayed ardently for her enemies , commending her self to god ; at whose constancy the judges greatly marvelled , and exhorted ursula the other sister to turn , or to desire she might be beheaded ; to whom she said she was guilty of and defended no errour , but defended what was consonant to scripture , in which she trusted to persevere to the end ; and as for the kind of death or punishment , she said she feared not the fire , but rather would follow the example of her dear sister . the bodies of these two could not be consumed by fire , but they were left by the executioners whole , lying on the ground white : but certain good christians privily in the night took them up and buried . vol. . p. . two virgins in the diocess of bamberg , . being led to slaughter , did sustain it with chearful countenances and patient hearts ; they had garlands of straw set on their heads , whereupon one said to the other , going to their martyrdom , seeing christ bare a crown of thorns for us , why should we stick to wear a crown of straw for him ? no doubt but the lord will render to us again better than crowns of gold. vol. . p. . w w wendelmuta , a widow in holland , was martyred . of christ , who being extremely beloved , had many importuning her to recant , but she would not ; and amongst the rest , a certain noble matron communing with her , perswaded her to keep silence , and to think silently in her heart what she believed , that she might prolong her days : to whom she said , ah you know not what you say ; it is written rom. . with the heart we believe to righteousness , and with the tongue we confess to salvation . and thus she remained stedfast and firm in her confession , and was november . condemned to be burnt to ashes ; which sentence she took mildly and quietly : and being at the place of execution , a monk brought her a blind cross , willing her to kiss it , and worship her god ; to whom she said , i worship no wooden god , but only that god which is in heaven : and so with a merry and joyful countenance , she embraced the stake , and by an ardent prayer commended her self to the hands of god. vol. . p. . waldenses began years after christ , and were so called from waldo who first instructed them ; and they delivered their doctrine from father to son successively . they had indeed divers names according to the places where they lived : in the northern parts they were called lollards ; about lyons in france they were called pauperes de lugduno ; in flanders , terraelupins , of a desart where wolves did haunt ; in dolphine , chugnards , by way of despite , because they lived harbourless . they taught at first in caves of the earth , and in the night for fear of persecution , and were a people fearing god , living uprightly and justly , yet they suffered much persecution , especially in merindol and calabria , whither they came from piedmont vallies , and though those places were desarts , yet were they by them so cultivated that they proved very fruitful . vol. . p. , . they were charitable to the poor , hospitable to strangers , and were known by these marks , they would not swear , nor name the devil ; were true to their promise , and would not take an oath , unless in judgment , or in making some solemn covenant ; nor would they in any company talk of dishonest matters , but whenever they heard wanton or swearing talk , they presently departed out of that company ; and also they always prayed before they went to any business , and opposed generally images , crossing , and other popish fooleries , as was testified by their very enemies , and their neighbouring inhabitants , to the french king. vol. . p. . they were also called albigenses , from the place where they frequented in tolouse ; and merindolians , from merindol a place of provence in france , which with cabriles were laid waste , burned and rased , their inhabitants cut asunder , and their women and maids ravished , those with child cut open , by one iohn minerius lord of opede , at the command of francis the french king , april . . vol. . p. , to page . their principles were these : . one god the creator of all things . . the son the onely mediator and advocate of all mankind . . the holy ghost the comforter and instructer of all truth . . they acknowledged the church to be the fellowship of the elect of god whereof iesus christ is the head. . they allow'd the ministers of the church , wishing such as did not their duty were removed . . magistrates they granted to be ordained of god to defend the good , and to punish the transgressors , and that they ought to the magistrate love and tribute , and that none herein was exempted . they acknowledged baptism to be an outward and visible sign representing to us the renewing of the spirit , and mortifying of the members . . they confessed the lord's supper to be a thanksgiving , and a memorial of the benefits received through christ. . matrimony they esteemed holy , instituted of god , and inhibited to no man. . good works they observed , and thought them to be practised of all men , as scripture teaches . . false doctrine leading from the true worship of god ought to be eschew'd . . the order and rule of their faith was the old and new testament , protesting they believed all contained in the apostolique creed . vol. . p. . they at they burying of their dead used to accompany the dead to the grave reverently , with a sufficient company , and made exhortation out of the word of god to the living , and to comfort the parents and friends of the party deceased , and to admonish all men diligently to prepare for death . vol. . p. . they were much persecuted by henry the ninth french king , and often delivered miraculously in angrogne , lusern and other places , valleys of piedmont ; till . when a peace being made between france and spain , those valleys were ( as due ) given to the duke of savoy , who entreated these waldenses gently , till by the pope and his legates he was instigated to persecute them , which was very severely and cruelly done , vol. . p. , . they were persecuted in all their places ; and one called the lord of trinity , and one trunchet were their great enemies . the waldenses used to go and pray before battel , and after battel gave thanks ; and though they were but few in number and without armour , only by slings and stones , and a few harquebusses , they so amazed and put to flight their enemies often , that they flying said , god fought for them . and at last ( though after much misery and cruelty ) they had a peace brought them by the lord of raconis from the duke of savoy , which was obtained by the mediation of his dutchess . vol. . p. , , , . so much of the waldenses rise and actions , vol. . p. . george wisehart , a scotchman , burnt march . . being condemned by david beton archbishop of st. andrews , although he answered all the articles he was accused of . who going to the stake sat down on his knees , and rose again , saying three times , o thou saviour of the world , have mercy on me , father of heaven i commend my spirit into thy holy hands : and then turning to the people , he said : i desire you not to be offended with the word of god , for which i suffer ; and exhorted them to embrace it , and to continue stedfast . for which , saith he , i suffer this day , not sorrowfully , but with a glad heart and mind : consider and behold my visage , ye shall not see me change my colour ; this grim fire i fear not , and so i pray you to do if any persecution befal you ; i know that my soul shall sup with christ , for whom i suffer this , within these six hours in heaven : then pray'd he for his enemies , saying , father , i beseech thee to forgive them that have ignorantly or of evil mind forged any lies upon me ; i freely forgive them with all my heart , and i beseech christ to forgive them , who this day condemned me to death . and being to be hang'd on a gibbet , and so burn'd , the executioner begg'd his pardon ; whom he kissed , saying , there is a token that i forgive thee , do thine office : and so he was burnt . vol. . p. , , . adam wallace , a scotchman , burnt . as an heretick . he passed over the night of his condemnation in singing and lauding god , having learned david's psalter by heart to his great consolation ; and being tempted by several to recant , he ( though a poor mean learnned man ) said , he would adhere to whatsoever could be proved by scripture , but he would consent to nothing that had not scripture evidence , though an angel from heaven came to perswade him . and on the day of his sufferings he asked , whether the fire was fit , saying , as it pleaseth god i am ready soon or late ; and so desired the faithful to remember him to all the brethren , being sure to meet together with them in heaven . as he went to the fire , the people said , god have mercy on you ; and on you too , said he . at the fire he lifting up his eyes two or three times , said to the people , let it not offend you that i suffer for the truth's sake ; for the disciple is not greater than his master . but he was not permitted to speak , and so was burned . vol. . p. . rawlins white , a welchman , a fisherman of cardiff , was very superstitious in time of popery , till afterwards through god's grace , he , upon the reformation , began to give ear to good men , and searched out the truth ; but being a very poor ignorant person , he knew not how to be informed ; and so resolved to put his child to learn to read , whom he caused , when he could read , to read every night summer and winter after supper , a piece of scripture or some good book , which profited him so much through god's grace , and the blessing of a good memory , that he soon became very perfect in scriptures , did see his former errours , and was enabled to admonish others ; by which means he was instrumental for the conversion of many others , whom he instructed ; for which he expected to be apprehended ; and his friends desired him to fly , but he said , no : he had learned , that if he should presume to deny his master christ , christ in the last day would deny and condemn him . i will therefore by his favourable grace bear witness of him before men , that i may find him in everlasting life . and at last was taken and imprisoned for a year ; where as oft as his friends visited him , he would spend the time in prayer and exhortation : and after many means of threats and flatteries used by bishop of landaffe to bring him to a conformity , but in vain : he resolved to condemn him , yet exhorted he his fellow-assistants to pray to god for grace for rawlins to convert him : whereat rawlins rejoyced , and commending them , said , go and pray , and i also will pray . after prayer , the bishop asked him , if he would recant , and he said , no. rawlins ye left me , and rawlins ye find me , and by god's grace rawlins i will continue . certainly if your petitions were just and lawful , god would have heard you ; but ye honour a false god , and pray not as ye ought to pray , and therefore hath not god granted your desire ; but god hath heard my complaint , and i trust will strengthen me in his own cause . then the bishop would have a mass , at which rawlins went , and begg'd the brethren or but one brother to bear witness that he did not worship that idol the host over the priest's head : and so , soon after he was condemned : who then sent to his wife for a shirt to be burnt in , which he called a wedding-garment . and going to the stake , seeing his wife and children there , who made great lamentation , his heart was pierced and he wept , but soon after , being angry with himself for that infirmity , he struck his breast , saying , ah flesh ! wouldest thou fain prevail ? well , i let thee do what thou canst , thou shalt not through god's grace have the victory . and being in the fire , he cry'd whilst he could open his mouth , o lord , receive my soul ; o lord receive my spirit . vol. . p. , , . thomas watts , an essex man , a linen-draper , expecting every day to be sent for and imprisoned for the gospel , did dispose of his things ; and sold , and gave to the poor , his cloath , and at length was imprisoned ; and not recanting by the flatteries and threats of bishop bonner , he was condemned ; and going to take leave of his wife and six children , he said to them thus : i must now depart from you , therefore henceforth i know you no more ; but as the lord hath given you to me , i give you again to him , whom i charge ye see to obey , and beware ye turn not to popery ; against which , by god's grace , i shall anon give my blood : let not the murdering of god's saints cause you to relent , but take occasion thereby to be strong in the lord's quarrel ; and i doubt not but he will be a merciful father to you : and so he went to the stake , kissed it , and was burned , iune . . vol. . p. . christopher ward burned at dartford , . who coming to the stake , being in a pitch barrel fastned to it , he held up his hands and eyes to heaven , saying , with a chearful and loud voice , the last verse of the . psalm , shew some good token upon me for good , that they which hate me may see it and be ashamed ; because thou lord hast helped me and comforted me : and the fire being kindled , he cryed with a loud voice , but without any impatience , lord iesus receive my soul ; and when his voice could not be heard , his hands were held up , and continued clasped together and held up towards heaven , even when he was dead and altogether roasted , as though they had been stayed up by some prop ; which token god granted as it were an answer to his prayer . vol. . p. . thomas whittle , a priest , burnt with six others , ian. . . was , by the perswasions of the papists , brought to recant ; but after that , he felt such an horrour of conscience , that he did earnestly beg to see again the bill he had subscribed ; and seeing it , he rent out his name , and then was right glad : and in a letter , after his condemnation , he said , now i am condemned to dye , my conscience and mind is , i praise god , quiet in christ , and i am willing and content to give this body to death for a testimony of his truth against antichrist ▪ in another letter he thus writes ; the world i do forsake , to christ i me take ; and for his gospel's sake , patiently i death take ; my body to the dust , now to return it must ; my soul i know full well , with my god shall dwell . vol. . p. . . ioan waste of derby , born blind , yet by hearing the word of god did become knowing ; and purchased a new testament , which she gat sometimes one prisoner to read , and sometimes another , by giving them often some money to read a chapter or two in it to her : by which means she grew understanding in the scriptures , could say much of them by heart ; and at last was burned for the gospel , august . . who told the great doctors that opposed her , that if they would take it upon their consciences to answer for her at the day of judgment , that their doctrines were true , she would embrace it ; but they would not ; and burnt her because she would not recant : who in the flames , while life lasted , did continue praying the prayers she had learned by heart , and calling on christ for mercy . vol. . p. , , . richard woodman of warbleton in sussex , imprisoned for reproving their priest who preached in queen mary's days contrary to his doctrine in king edward the vi. time , which he then averred to be true , and charged his people to believe no other . woodman was imprisoned one year and a half , and then dismissed , and afterwards sent for again , whom the commissioners found in his fields at plough , and its news made him tremble and fear ; but he said he would not go with them , they not having their commission about them : and he much reproved himself for his carnal fear , thus , they can lay no evil thing to my charge , and if they kill me for well-doing , i may think my self happy . and assoon as i was perswaded in my mind to dye , i was as merry and as joyful as ever i was . but having now escaped them , he fled home , and for six or seven weeks in a wood near his house , he lived under a tree , where he had his bible pen and ink and his provision brought dayly by his wife to him ; and then the country being sought for him , he went into flanders , and soon returned again , and was betray'd into his enemies hands by his father and brother . being taken , he was bound , which much rejoyced him , he said , that he should be bound for christ's sake : and he took leave of his wife and children , thinking never to see them again ; because it was said , he should not live six dayes ; yet he said , he knew it was not as they would , but as god pleased . i know , said he , what god can do , but what he will do i know not ; but i am sure he will work all things for the best for them that love and fear him . and so they went away with him . vol. . p. , , , . x x xystus bishop of rome , was martyred under the eighth persecution with his six deacons : and one deacon of them named lawrence , following him , desired to dye with him ; to whom xystus said , i am a weak old man , and therefore run the race of a lighter and easier death ; but you are young and lusty , and after three days you shall follow me . and so he did . vol. . p. . see lawrence , pag. of this book . y y forty young men souldiers under the tenth persecution , being charged by the emperour's officers to disown christ. they freely and boldly all with one accord confessed themselves to be christians , and told him their names ; and being endeavour'd with to win them by fair words as well as by threats of torments , they said , they desired not life , liberty , honours or dignities , or mony , but the celestial kingdom of christ : for the love of whom and faith in god they were ready to endure the cross , wheel , fire ; and were sentenced to be all that night in a pond of water in cold weather , and next day to be burnt ; who when they were putting off their cloaths , said , we give thanks , o lord , that with these our cloaths we may also by thy grace put off the sinful man ; for by means of the serpent we once put him on , and by the means of jesus christ we put him off . vol. . p. . elizabeth young , apprehended for selling some good books , and was examined many times and punished severely , and should have been burnt , had not queen mary lain irrecoverably sick . she being committed to prison , and charge being by dr. martin that she should have one day bread , and another day water onely for her provision , she said chearfully , if ye take away my meat , i trust god will take away my hunger . vol. . pag. . an alphabetical list of god's ivgments remarkably shown on many noted and cruel persecvtors . thes. . . it is a righteous thing with god to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you . london , printed for richard butler , next door to the lamb and three bowls in barbican . . an alphabetical list of gods iudgements . a a antiochus , a persecutor of agapetus a martyr , suddenly fell down from his judicial seat , and cry'd that all his inward bowels burned ; and so he gave up his breath . vol. . p. . alexander , the keeper of newgate-prison , a cruel enemy to god's people , who often hastened their death , dyed himself so miserably swell'd and so stinking , that none could endure the stench of him . and his son within years spent all his estate ; and it being wondred how he could have wasted it so soon , he said , evil gotten , evil spent : and in newgate-market he fell down suddenly , and dyed miserably . and his son-in-law iohn peterson after dyed rotting above ground . vol. . p. . arundel archbishop , giving sentence against the lord cobham , dyed before him , and his tongue was so smitten that he could neither swallow nor speak . vol. . p. . b b berry , commissary to the bishop of norwich , a great persecutor , as he came from church on a sunday after even-song , fell down on the ground , and never breathed more . vol. . p. . blanchenden , who would have had a poor man's legs cut off , who fled from him and others , following him to apprehend him for the gospel's sake , was soon after slain by his own servants . vol. . p. , . burton , the bailiff of crowland in lincolnshire , a pretended gospeller in king edward vi. time ; but in queen mary's dayes a zealous papist : a prophane swearer , and one that threatned the curate there to sheath his sword in him if he would not say mass : but soon after , he riding with a neighour on the fenne-bank , a crow flew over him , and shit on his nose , so that the excrements ran from the top of his nose to his beard ; which poyson'd scent so annoy'd his stomach , that he never ceased vomiting till he came at home , and there for extreme sickness went to bed , not being able for the stench in his stomach and his painful vomiting , to eat any meat , and cry'd out of the stink , cursing the crow ; and soon after dyed desperately . vol. . p. . robert baldwin , a persecutor , at the taking of one seaman , was struck with lightning , and so pined away . vol. . pag. . beaton , archbishop in scotland , a great persecutor of george wisehart , was soon after slain in his bed , and lay seven months unburied ; and at last was buried like a carrion on a dunghil . vol. . pag. . bishop bonner , bishop of london , and the greatest persecutor in queen mary's dayes ; being imprisoned by queen elizabeth , died in his bed unrepentant , and was deny'd christian burial , being at midnight tumbled into a hole amongst thieves and murderers . vol. . p. . c c caiaphas , who wickedly set upon christ , was deposed from the high-priest's room by caligula . vol. . p. . clarke , a great persecutor , hanged himself . vol. p. . coxe , a great promoter in king edw. vi. and in queen mary's dayes , going well to bed at night , was found dead next morning . vol. . p. . d d dr . dunnings , chancellor in norwich , a great persecutor in the midst of queen mary's reign and his rage , died suddenly in a chair in lincolnshire . vol. . p. . dale , a great papistical promoter , was eaten into his body with lice , and so died , vol. . p. . e e emperours , who were authors of persecution against christians , all of them came to sad ends : either staying themselves , or being slain by others , or dying by unheard of deaths . vol. . p. . sir ralph ellerken , a knight at calice , who at the martyrdom of adam damlip said , he would not stir till he see his heart out , had his own heart soon after cut out of his body by the french. see damlip pag. of this book , and see vol. . p. , . robert edgar , executing the office of a parish clerk against his conscience , was bereft of his wits , and kept in chains many years . vol. . p. . f f dr . foxford chancellor to bishop stoksely in king henry the th's dayes and a great persecutor , dyed suddenly . vol. . p. . bishop fisher , bishop of rochester , who with bishop warham caused one iohn brown to have his feet heated and burnt to the bones by coals to make him recant his religion , was soon after beheaded for opposing kings supremacy . vol. . p. . with sir thomas pure another great papist . see iohn brown , pag. . of this book . the wife of iohn petty of clerkenwel parish in london , being the occasion of her own husband 's taking , was immediately struck mad . vol. . p. . a dominick fryar , inveighing in the pulpit against the gospel , was suddenly struck with lightning , and so ended his life . vol. . p. . g g grimwood , a false witness against one iohn cooper , a suffolkman ( whereby the poor man was proved guilty of treason falsly , and was hang'd , drawn , and quartered , and his wife and nine children turned out of their estate , ) was afterwards sadly , and suddenly , afflicted ; for in harvest time , as he was stacking corn , and was very well , fearing no evil , his bowels suddenly fell out of his body , and he dyed most miserably . vol. . p. . bishop gardiner , a cruel persecutor , dyed despairing ; and having a bishop with him , who put him in mind of peter's denying his master , he said , i have denyed with peter , but never repented with peter . vol. . p. . he rejoycing at the news of bishop ridley's , and latimer's burning , at a dinner that day , was that instant struck sick , denyed the use of nature , either by urine , or otherwise , for fifteen days ; and then dyed with a sad inflamed body . vol. . p. . h h herod , the murtherer of iohn baptist , and condemner of christ ; was , by caligula caesar , condemned to perpetual banishment ; where he dyed miserably . vol. . p. . hoeimester , an arch-papist , going to ratisbon to dispute against the defenders of the gospel , dyed suddenly , and miserably in his journey , with roaring and crying . vol. . p. . i i jews , who refused christ , and also were persecutors of him , were forty years after christ's passion destroyed by titus , and vespasian his father , to the number of , besides them which vespasian slew in subduing galilee , and them which were sold and sent into egypt , and other provinces to vile slavery , to the number of , and were brought with titus in tryumph ; of which , part were devoured by wild beasts , and part of them were otherwise cruelly slain . vol. . p. , . . l l thomas leland , a justice of peace in lancashire , sitting in his chair , talking with his friends , fell down dead suddenly , not moving a joint : he was so great an enemy to christians , that he was called persecuting tho. leland . vol. . p. . leyson , sheriff , at the burning of bishop farrar , fetched the bishop's cattel into his own ground ; but many of them would not eat , but continued bellowing till they dyed . vol. . p. . iacobus latomus having , at brussels , made an oration against luther ; and being in his publick lecture at lovane , he fell into an open fury , uttering words of blasphemy and despair , that the divines there did carry him away and shut him up ; who , to his last breath , said nothing , but that he was damned and rejected of god , and that there was no hopes of salvation for him ; because he wittingly , and willingly , withstood the manifest truth of god's word . vol. . p. . dr. leyson , a civilian , a justice of peace , who would not let bishop farrar speak a word at the stake , about half a year after died ; and in his sickness , when he would have spoken his mind , could not . vol. . p. . dr. london , persecutor , punished . see the former part of this book . queen mary , while she promised her protection of the gospel she prospered , and by the help of the gospellers she gat the crown ; but after , she breaking her promise and bringing in of popery , and burning of god's people for the gospel's sake , she and her nation was much punished . she was , especially , punisht these several wayes ; . her best ship , yea , the best ship in all europe , called the great harry , was burned . . she was opposed in her endeavours to restore the abby-lands . . her subjects suffered almost a famine , so that the poor , for famine , were forced to eat acorns instead of bread. . she lost calice in france , which had been the english king 's right through the reign of eleven kings . . she was deprived of children which she greatly desired , and the whole nation were cheated in the rumors of her bringing forth a son. . she having married philip , king of spain , and so subjugated her subjects to a stranger , with whom she promised her self much felicity , was very unhappy by his withdrawing from her . vol. . p. . m m malicia accusing eugenia , ( who for fear of the th persecution had put on mans apparel to preserve her life and chastity , and called her self eugenius , ) to philippus , the judge , and father of the unknown eugenius , that he would have deflowered her , the said malicia ; the falsity was made apparent by eugenia's discovering her self to be a woman in mans habit ; and malicia , the accuser , was doubly ashamed , and was smitten with lightning . vol. . p. . iohn martin of briqueray , boasting he would cut off the nose of a minister of angrogn , one of the waldenses , . had his own nose bitten off by a woolf , so that he dyed thereof mad . vol. . p. . maximus , the great persecutor of the christians in the th persecution , was smitten with a dreadful ulcer in his privities and entrails , so that the physicians durst not come near him , nor could they cure him ; for which he caused them to be slain : and being put in mind of god's judgment herein for persecuting the christians , he ordered their peace ; yet after he again commanded their torments , ascribing plenty and peace to iupiter , and war and pestilence and famine , as caused by the christians ; but it did happen contrary : for , famine , war , and pestilence , destroyed most of his heathenish subjects ; while the christians , amongst them , relieved one another , and them also ; and were preserved to the enjoyment of peace : for maximus was afterwards forced to acknowledge the true god ; and being oppressed by his disease , he repented and glorified the christians god ; and made an absolute law for the christian's safety and welfare . vol. . p. . to . bishop morgan , bishop of s. david's , who usurped bishop farrar's place , after he had condemned him , was so afflicted that his meat would not go down , but rise up and come out of mouth and nose ; and so he continued to death . vol. . p. . morgan , the justice , that condemned the lady iane grey , fell mad not long after , and so dyed ; having ever in his mouth , lady iane , lady iane. vol. . p. . domitius nero began to reign the . year of christ : reigned years with great tyranny ; he slew most part of the senators ; set rome on fire , and laid it to the christians ; and caused them to be persecuted : at last he was , by the senate , declared a publick enemy to mankind ; and commanded to be drawn from the city and whipt to death : for fear whereof he fled into the country to a mannor of his servants , and slew himself - vol. . p. . p p a person being hired , by pope hildebrand , to murther henricus , the th emperour of germany , as he was at prayers ; by throwing a great stone upon him from a place directly over him . as the person moved the stone to do this horrid act , he broke the plank he stood on , and fell down , the stone falling on him ; and so was killed by that stone he designed to slay the emperour by , the emperour being safe . vol. . p. . pilate , under whom christ suffered , was apprehended under tiberius nero , and accused at rome ; deposed , and banished to lyons ; and at length slew himself . vol. . p. . a persecutor seeking three dayes for dionisius , that he might be persecuted , was struck with blindness . vol. . p. . portugal king , and his son , who persecuted william gardiner , dyed soon after . see p. . of this book . a persecutor of one iames abbyes , a martyr , in berry , told the people that abbyes was a mad-man not to be believed . after that abbyes was burnt , this reviling persecutor , being one of the sheriff's men , pulled off his cloaths , and was struck with a frenzy , running about and crying , abbyes was a good man , and is saved ; but i am damned : and though the sheriff did endeavour what he could to bring him to his right senses , yet could it not be done ; but he alwayes cryed out to his dying day , abbyes was a good man , and saved ; but i am damned . vol. . p. . iohn peters , ( son-in-law to one alexander , the keeper of newgate prison , who dyed miserably , ) did also dye sadly ; for his use in all his affirmations was to say , if it be not , true , i wish i rot e're i dye : and so he did rot away , and dyed miserably . vol. . p. . ponchet , an arch-bishop of towres , made sure to erect a chamber to be called chamber ardent , therein to condemn the protestants to the fire : and he was soon after stricken with such a disease , called the fire of god , which began at his feet and burned upwards , that he caused one member after another to be cut off ; and so he dyed miserably without any remedy . vol. . p. . s s scribes , and pharisees , who refused christ , and chose rather to be subject to caesar ; were at length destroy'd by their own caesar , when as christ's subjects were preserved . vol. . pag. . smith , a great papist and persecutor , fell down suddenly in the street , and dyed . vol. . p. . william swallow , a cruel tormentor of one george egles , shortly was so plagued that all his hair came off , his nails of fingers and toes came off , his eyes were near closed that he could not see , and his wife was stricken with the falling-sickness , which she never had before , vol. . p. . symons , a persecutor of robert testwood , soon after was convicted of conspiracy , and rode round about windsor market-place with his face towards the horses tail . see page of this book . t t tartarians army of waring against polonia . and having killed old and young of both sexes , were discomfited by thunder and lightning , at the instance , and prayers , of god's people . vol. . p. . twiford , in london , an executioner of several martyrs , and a suborner of false witnesses against one merial , at last died rotting above ground , so that none could abide him . vol. . p. . bishop thornton suffragan of dover , a cruel persecutor , coming to canterbury on a saturday ; on sunday , seeing his men playing at bowls , was taken with a palsey , and had to bed ; and being bid to remember the lord , he said , yes so i do , and my lord cardinal too ; and so soon died . vol. . p. . v v valerian , the butcher of the christians in the eighth persecution , was taken in wars against persia ; and sapores , king of persia , made him his foot-stool for him to mount on horseback by , to his life's end . vol. . p. . w w woodriffe , a sheriff in london , a cruel persecutor , was not above a week out of his office before he was smitten with a lameness all on one side , that he lay bed-rid or years untill his dying day . vol. . p. . an appendix of things pertinent to the understanding the preceding martyrology . containing the times , and authors , of the ten persecutions ; and other remarkable occurrences necessarily to be explained . london , printed for r. butler , next door to the lamb and three bowls in barbican . an appendix , &c. the first persecution was raised by nero domitius , the th emperour of rome ; who thought , by raising a persecution in all his provinces , to abolish the name of christians . it was done in the year of christ , . vol. . p. . the second persecution began in the . year of christ by domitian , who began mildly , yet did after so rage in pride , that he commanded himself to be worship'd as god : he slew most of the nobles , and all of the seed of david : he intending to destroy all of the seed of david , lest christ should come and cast him out of his empire : and sending for two nephews of iude , the brother of christ , who were then alive ; and demanding of them concerning christ's kingdom , upon their information that it was not an earthly kingdom , but an heavenly kingdom , to be manifested in the consummation of the world , when he should come again to judge the quick and dead . domitian stayed the persecution , and dismissed them . vol. . p. . the third persecution began by trajan , years after the other . he was a very just man in matters of the commom-wealth , but in religious things he was very cruel . vol. . p. . the fourth persecution began by marcus antoninus verus , who began to reign in the . year of christ , and was very sharp and severe against christians : which christians , when the armies of this emperour were warring against the vandals , and had like to have perished for want of water five dayes , did , to the number of a legion , withdraw themselves suddenly from the camp , and prostrated themselves before god ; and by ardent prayer obtained of god , by and by , a double relief ; rain for themselves , and lightning , discomfiting their enemies , who were many of them put to flight : which miracle so pleased the emperour , that he abated his fury against the christians ; grew milder , and ordered his rulers to give thanks to the christians , no less for his victory , than for the preservation of himself ; and also ordered that their accusers should be burned alive . vol. . p. . to . the fifth persecution was raised by severus , the emperour ; who , in the year of christ , . proclaimed , and commanded , no christian should be suffered . vol. . p. . the sixth persecution began by maximinus , about years of christ , against the teachers of the christians ; thinking thereby to destroy the rest the sooner . vol. . p. . the seventh persecution was raised by decius , in the . year of christ. vol. . p. . the eighth persecution was raised by emilianus , president of egypt , years after christ. vol. . p. . the ninth persecution was raised by aurelian , in the . year of christ. vol. . p. . the tenth persecution was raised by dioclesian , in the . year of christ , and lasted years . this dioclesian and maximinian , deposed the emperial office willingly , . and lived retiredly . vol. . p. . . king henry . king of england , by the instigation of stephen gardiner , and other popish prelates , was forced to make , and decree , these articles , to be observed by his subjects , . which were cause of great persecution . . that in the sacrament of the altar upon the efficacy of the words of christ exprest by the priest , christ's natural body is really present , water , bread , and wine ; and that after consecration there remains no bread , nor wine , nor any other substance ; but the substance of christ , god and man. . that the communion in both kinds is not necessary absolutely , by the law of god , to all persons ; and that in the flesh , under the form of bread is the very blood ; and with the blood , under the form of wine , is the very flesh ; as well apart , as they were both together . . that the priests , after the order of priesthood , may not marry by the law of god. . vows of chastity and widowhood , advisedly made by the law of god , ought to be kept ; and exempteth from other liberties of christian people , which else they might enjoy . . that it is meet and necessary , that private masses be continued in the english church and congregation . . that auricular confession is necessary , and expedient to be retained , used , and frequented in the church of god. the opposers of those articles were to be esteemed fellons , and to lose both life and goods ; which occasioned great and cruel persecutions . vol. . p. . these articles , and all other popish articles , were repealed by king edward the th . vol. . p. . finis . books printed for , and sold by , r. butler , next door to the lamb and three bowls in barbican . . a skirmish made upon quakerism , being a brief confutation of a most gross principle , or point of doctrine , published and maintained by one william penne , a quaker , in two sheets . . the shibboleth of quakerism , or that which they call the pure language , proved as used amongst us , to be only a matter of indifferency , and not of absolute necessity , as you-ing and thou-ing , and the naming the days and the months , &c. in two sheets . . one sheet against the quakers , detecting their error and mis-practice , in refusing to reverence men outwardly by word and behaviour after the manner in use among us , which is proved to be good and lawful . . quakerism proved to be gross blasphemy , and antichristian heresie , in four sheets ; all stitch'd together , price , nine-pence . a systeme or body of divinity consisting of ten books : wherein the fundamentals and main grounds of religion are opened, the contrary errours refuted, most of the controversies between us, the papists, arminians, and socinians discussed and handled, several scriptures explained and vindicated from corrupt glosses : a work seasonable for these times, wherein so many articles of our faith are questioned, and so many gross errours daily published / by edward leigh. leigh, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a systeme or body of divinity consisting of ten books : wherein the fundamentals and main grounds of religion are opened, the contrary errours refuted, most of the controversies between us, the papists, arminians, and socinians discussed and handled, several scriptures explained and vindicated from corrupt glosses : a work seasonable for these times, wherein so many articles of our faith are questioned, and so many gross errours daily published / by edward leigh. leigh, edward, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by a.m. for william lee, london : . reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and 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bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng theology, doctrinal. church history -- th century. christianity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion leigh's body of divinity . a systeme or body of divinity : consisting of ten books . wherein the fundamentals and main grounds of religion are opened : the contrary errours refuted : most of the controversies between us , the papists , arminians and socinians discussed and handled . several scriptures explained and vindicated from corrupt glosses ▪ a work seasonable for these times , wherein so many articles of our faith are questioned , and so many gross errours daily published . by edward leigh esquire , and master of arts of magdalen-hall in oxford . quisquis bonus verusque christianus est , domini sui esse intelligat , ubicunque invenerit veritatem . august . de doctrina christiana l. . london , printed by a. m. for william lee at the sign of the turks-head in fleet-street over against fetter-lane , m. dc . liv. to all the orthodox and godly magistrates , ministers and people of england , who are lovers of truth and holiness . i am not ignorant that the socinians make sport in their books with the protestant authours , because they call themselves the orthodox , and say , we use that as a spell , thinking thereby to charm all dissentiates . and some that plead for universal redemption , apostasie of the saints , and such corrupt doctrins , seem to slight those mormolukes of arminianism , pelagianism , socinianism . yet there are those who are orthodox , whose judgement is sound in matters of faith , and there are also without question many in these dayes , who are hetrodox and unsound in the faith , we have no such custome , nor the churches of christ , saith the apostle , cor. . . the concurrent judgement of the reformed churches is not to be slighted . that saying of vincentius lirinensis cap. . in commonit . adversus haereses is worthy our serious consideration , mos iste semper in ecclesia viguit , ut quò quisque foret religiosior eo promptius novellis adinventionibus contrairet . that custome ( saith he ) hath still flourished in the church , that the more religious any one was , the more readily he would oppose new inventions . truth is precious and should be maintained : errour is dangerous and should be opposed . buy the truth and sell it not , saith salomon . ierusalem is called a city of truth , zech. . . the church is called the pillar and ground of truth , tim. . . christ came into the world , that he might bear witness to the truth , iohn . . the prophet ieremiah complains , that none were valiant for the truth . contend earnestly for the faith , which was once delivered to the saints . we can do nothing against the truth but for the truth , saith paul , it is made a sign of christs sheep , iohn . , . to take heed of errours and false teachers . our magistrates should do well to follow the examples of our iosiah king edward the sixth and queen elizabeth ; two things in king edward , . in his honouring the word of god. . in his opposing of errour and false worship . when he was crowned , they put into his hands three swords : he answered , there was one yet wanting , the word of god , the sword of the spirit , which was farre to be preferred before all those . when he was pressed by bishop ridley and others to tolerate his sister masse in her own chappel , he would not ( though importuned ) yeeld thereunto , saying , he should dishonour god in it ; and being much urged by them , he burst out into tears , and they affirmed , that he had more divinity in his little fingers , then they in all their bodies . queen elizabeth after her coronation , when the bible was presented unto her at the little conduit in cheapside ; she received the same with both her hands , and kissing it , laid it to her brest , saying , that the same had ever been her chiefest delight , and should be the rule by which she meant to frame her government . fregevill a wise french writer in his apology for the general cause of reformation , observes two memorable things in queen elizabeths government : . that under her first , reformation had free and full course throughout england . . that she was a favourer of the clergy . she once in her progress visiting the county of suffolk , all the iustices of peace in that county , met her majesty , every one of them having his minister next to his body , which the queen took special notice of , and thereupon uttered this speech , that she had often demanded of her privy councel , why her county of suffolk was better governed theu any other county , and could never understand the reason thereof but now she her self perceived the reason , it must needs be so ( said she ) where the word and the sword go together . it is the duty of the magistrate not onely to regard that the life of his subjects be civil and honest , but also that it be religious and godly . therefore we are taught to pray for them , that we may live under them a peaceable life , not onely in all honesty , but also in all godliness , or true worship of god , as the word used by the apostle doth signifie . therefore the king was commanded to take a copy of the whole law , and not of the second table only , implying that he should look to the execution as well of the first table as the second . ministers also should appear for the truths of god , and be able ( now if ever ) to convince the gain-sayers , tit. . . the scripture is profitable for doctrine and for reproof , tim. . . shall we have the pelagian doctrine of free-will , and the power of nature pleaded for ; and our bertii maintaining the apostasie of saints , and shall we have no bradwardines to write de causa dei , nor augustines de bono perseverantiae ? i remember when the worthy prolocutor of the assembly with other divines , brought in the confession of faith into the house of commons , he said , they had been the longer , and had taken the more pains about it , that it might obviate the errours of the times . sozomen relates a very remarkable story to this purpose . when the synod of nice was called against arius , many of the wiser heathens came thither to hear the disputation there . one philosopher among the rest behaved himself very insolently there , and petulantly derided the christian ministers : an old plain countrey-man ( ex illustrium confessorum numero ) being not able to brook his arrogancy , desired to dispute with him , and having a last gained liberty , he began thus , philosophe audito , vnvs est devs coeli , terrae , &c. hear philosopher ( making a confession of his faith ) there is one god , maker of heaven and earth , and all things invisible , and then shew'd how christ was born of a virgin , and conversed here with men , and died for them , and should after come to judge men for all that they had done here on earth , and then concludes , that these * things are so without any other curious search , we certainly beleeve . therefore do not spend your pains in vain in a curious refuting of these things , which are only rightly understood by faith , or in searching how they may be done or not . but if thou beleevest , answer me some questions ; with which things the philosopher being astonished , answered , i beleeve ; and giving him thanks that he had overcome him , was not onely of the same judgement with the old man , but also began to give counsell to others ( who were before enemies to the christian faith as well as himself ) to assent to the christian doctrine , and added an oath , that he was not onely changed by a divine deity , but also by a certain unexpressible force was converted to the christian religion . if zanchy may be credited , the perseverance of saints in the faith , is a main part of the gospel . vedelius in his panacea apostasiae bono constantium & lapsorum praescripta . l. . c. . shews , that an apostate breaks all the ten commandments . i wish that the reformed churches by their unhappy divisions ( fomented by the boutefeus of christendom , the lesuites ) do not weaken themselves , and accomplish their enemies great design . it is observed by chemnitius * , that in the year . the iesuites by the intercession of cardinal contarenus did obtain from paul the iii , that he would confirm that order by his pontificial authority , who did ratifie it with this caution , that onely threescore men should be of that society . but when afterward they observed that that order was more active then others in upholding the tottering church of rome , he decreed in the year . that this society of the iesuites should not be limited to any either terms of places , or number of persons . it is also observable what campanella laies down in his discourse of the spanish monarchy ; it is manifest ( saith he ) that the king of spain if he could subdue england with the low-countreys , would soon become monarch of all europe , and a great part of the world . now nothing so much conduceth to overthrow the english as a dissension and discord stirred up amongst them and the dutch , and perpetually nourished , which will soon ( saith he ) afford better occasions . in chap. . of the same book he speaks much to the same purpose . parsons the english jesuite in his memorial for reformation , or a remembrance for them that shall live when catholick religion shall be restored unto england , he would have the grand charter burnt , the municipal laws abrogated , and the innes of court converted to some other use ; that for lawyers . then for divines , the colledges in both the vniversities should be onely in the power of six men , who should have all the lands , mannors , lordships , parsonages , &c. and what ever else belonged to church or cloister resigned into their hands . that at the beginning no mans conscience be pressed for matters in religion : then , that publick disputations between papists and protestants be held in both the vniversities . that for some years it will be more commodious for the publick , and more liberty for the preachers , to have no appropriation nor obligation to any particular benefice , but itinera — mitto caetera . m. smiths preface to dailles apology for the reformed churches , translated by him . he saith there he hath been told by the london booksellers , that at the least thirty thousand popish books have been printed here within these three last years . shall the iesuitical and heretical party be so active for popery , for errour , and shall not the orthodox be as studious to hold fast and hold forth the truth ? let magistrates make the interest of christ his truths , his worship , his people , their great interest , let them discountenance gross errors and damnable heresies . let ministers preach down , pray down , live down those abominable doctrins now amongst us : let all the people of god study fundamentals , labour to be stablisht in the truth , and in their places oppose falshood , libertinism and all horrid blasphemies , and pray earnestly to god , that he would cause the false prophets and the unclean spirits to pass out of the land , zech. . ● . and i should yet hope ( though our case be very sad ) that god would continue his gospel still amongst us in power and purity , though by our sins we have forfeited so great a mercy ▪ which blessing that it may be vouchsafed unto us ( though altogether unworthy ) shall be the prayer of , your true christian friend and hearty well-wisher edward leigh . to the christian and candid reader . reader , divers have since the publishing of my treatise of divinity ( consisting of three books ) exprest their good esteem thereof , and withall have said , that if the like were done upon the whole body of divinity , it would be a very usefull and profitable work : i have therefore inserted divers things into the former treatises , and also enlarged them so farre by the addition of other subjects , as to make a compleat systeme or body of divinity . i relate not here of the covenant and promises , asslictions or martyrdoms , because i have in my books of divine promises and saints encouragements , sufficiently discussed those several points . divines go different wayes in their handling of positive divinity and give several titles to their books ; some call their work , a systeme of divinity ; others , a synopsis ; others , a syntagma ; others , common places ; some , the m●rrow , some , the body of divinity ; others , the summe of divinity . there are calvins institutions , bullingers decads , zanchies works , gerhards common places ▪ ursins summe of divinity , and some others , that have more fully handled the body of divinity , but there are few of our english writers ( unlesse master perkins of old , and bishop usher lately , who have largely and fully written in english this way . some reduce all the principles of religion into more , some to few heads . some referre all to those four heads , . quae credenda , what things are to be beleeved in the creed . . quae facienda , what things are to be done in the commandments . . quae petenda , what things are to be begged in the lords prayer . . quae recipienda , what things are to be received in the sacraments . the creed , commandments , the lords prayer , and the sacraments . though i do not punctually observe that method , yet i handle all those four subjects . i speak of god and his attribute almighty in the second book , and handle all the articles which concern christ in the fifth book , where i treat of the recovery of man by christ , and somewhat of the holy ghost in the seventh book ( where i handle the benefits by christ ) in sanctification . sanctification of the church and communion of saints i speak of in the seventh book . of forgivenesse of sins in the fifth petition of the lords prayer , and in the doctrine of iustification . of the resurrection of the body , and last iudgement , and life everlasting , i treat in the last book . i handle the commandments in the ninth book . the lords prayer and sacraments among the ordinances in the seventh book . i shall now particularize the several subjects of each book according to the method i observe . first , i treat of the scriptures or word of god , the divine authority of both the old and new testament : i maintain against the antiscripturists and such as go about to take away all the old testament . it was necessary that god should give us some outward signification of his will. all creatures have a rule without themselves to guide them in their operations . the scripture is the rule of faith and life , isa. . . all extraordinary wayes of revelation are now ceased , we are to pray for a further discovery of gods minde in his word , ephes. . . not to expect new revelations ex parte objecti , but ex parte subjecti , a farther clearing of the scriptures to us . some say the old testament is a dead letter * , so is the new without the spirit ; how can we convince the iews but by the old testament ? the same spirit spake in both testaments . some turn the whole word into allegories ; others deny consequences out of scripture to be scripture , nothing is scripture ( say they ) but what is found there expresly . what is necessarily inferred is scripture as well as what is literally exprest , levit. . . the apostle proves the resurrection by consequence . paul and apollo act. . . & . . proved to the iews by the scriptures that jesus was the christ , although in those scriptures these very words are not found , but are deduced by a necessary consequence . in the second book i treat of god , that place exod. . , . is as full a description of gods attributes , as any in all the scripture . the hebrew doctors note , that there are thirteen attributes , and but one that speaks of iudgement ( that he will punish the sins of fathers upon their children ) all the other twelve are meerly , wholly mercy , and his iustice is mentioned to invite men to lay hold on mercy . all principles , rules and motions to duty are to be found in god , gen. . . joel . . the heathens extolled the knowledge of a mans self , — e coelo descendit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but christians must chiefly study to know god , chr. . . jer. . . joh. . . the understanding of the angels is perfected by the contemplation of the excellencies that are in god. we shall not be properly comprehensores in heaven ( although the schoolmen sometimes say so ) yet we shall know god in a far more perfect manner then in this life , cor. . . cor. . . if god were more known , he would be more loved , seared , honoured , trusted . god is primum verum which satisfies the understanding , and summum bonum which satisfies the will. deo solo nos debemus frui , rebus aliis ●●i , we ought to enjoy god alone , and use the world . we are said to enjoy a thing , with which we are delighted for i● self to use that which we referre to another thing . i will conclude this with that excellent speech of * austine concerning gods knowledge ▪ non enim more nostro ille , vel quod futurum est , prospicit , vel quod praesens est , aspicit , vel quod praeteritum est , respicit : sed alio mo do quodam à nostrarum cogitationum consuetudine longe alteque diverso . in the third book i handle the works of god. the serious considering of gods works is a great part of sanctifying his name . besides the natural there is a spiritual use to be made of all the creatures , revel . . * . the sunne points to christ , the moon to the world , the starres to the ministers of the gospel . how frequently did our saviour take occasion from earthly things to teach men heavenly truths . in the fourth book i speak of the fall of man , and so of original and actual sins . some divines hold that there are three parts of original sin : . the guilt of adams sin . . the privation of original righteousness . . the corruption of nature . of the imputation of adams sinne to us , garissolius a learned and pious french minister hath written a large book . he shews there the consent also of reformed churches therein ; but how great an agreement there hath been of churches and ecclesiastical writers , ancient and modern in this matter , andrew rivet hath taught in a peculiar book published upon that argument . every man by nature hath likewise lost the image of god , and is born empty of grace and righteousness , and wholly corrupt , rom. . , . & . . rom. . . to the end . ephes. . . & . . to the end . & . , , . tim. . . to the . some say we are dead , as we come out of the old adams hand , but through the undertaking of iesus christ all men are restored unto a state of grace and favour , and that through common grace , they may believe if they will. but all unregenerate men are still under the state of death , and there is no such intrinsecal power in them , this man is regenerated ( say the arminians ) and not that , because he hath better improved his abilities , but the work of regeneration is an effect of special discriminating grace . some of our divines say , god hath left some few relicks of his image in us since the fall , to leave us without excuse , and as a monument of his bounty , and in pity to humans societies , some knowledge and some restraint upon the conscience . others dislike this opinion , and say , that righteousnesse in adam was connatural , but consisted not in any natural abilities , and that these remainders of gods image must be of the same kinde with what is lost , and so good in gods account , and then man shall not be wholly flesh , and so there will be something for grace to graff upon , which the arminians lay hold on . in the fifth book , i speak of mans recovery by christ , phil. . . to the ● . heb. . . to the . heb. . . mark . , . as he had the grace of union and unction , so we through him , when we are united to him , we partake of his fulnesse , iohn . . by the first adam we lost gods image , favour and communion with him : by the second adam gods image is restored in us , we are reconciled to god , and have accesse to him , yet he died not for all . . the reason why none can lay any thing to the charge of gods elect , is because christ died for them , rom. . , . if therefore christ died for all , none can lay any thing to the charge of a reprobate more then to the charge of gods elect . . christ prayed only for those who either did or should believe in him ; and for whom he prayed , for them only he sanctified himself , john . , . that is , offered up himself in sacrifice upon the cross for them . . if he died for all from the beginning of the world , then he died for all those that already were damned . . then he hath merited salvation for all , and shall they then fail of salvation ? in the sixth book i speak of the church and antichrist . there is much spoken in these dayes of the admitting of members , and of the free gathering of churches , i would wish such to weigh well what m. baxter hath in his christian concord , pag. . to ● . for the judgement of divers reformed divines holding the pope to be antichrist , see vigniers preface to that excellent book of his , entituled , theatre de l'antichrist , and m. prinns canterburian doom , p. , , . if that be true which i heard from the professour of divinity in the university out of the pulpit . bellarmine saith , that since that doctrine prevailed amongst us , that the pope was antichrist , that they have been of the losing hand : i wonder then why some of our divines should speak and write so warily that way . i might adde divers things to that i speak there of the iesuites and monks . the dominicans come nearer us then the fraciscans . friar francis is highly commended by the papists for three notable acts : first , for gathering worms out of the way . secondly , for calling all manner of beasts , as worms , and asses his brethren . thirdly , for taking lice off beggars , and putting them on himself , yea into his own bosom . see lewis owens running register , his unmasking of all popish monks and iesuites , and also his speculum jesuiticum . in the seventh book i speak of our union with christ , and the special benefits by him , adoption , john . . iustification , act. . , . sanctification , thess. . . col. . . rom. . . to the end . cor. . , , , . gal. . , , . ephes. . . to . philippians . . to the . in the eighth of the ordinances , where i shew the need of them , for the ablest christians here , and maintain the several ordinances . for that of baptism , why should the priviledge of infants under the gospel be straighter then it was under the law ? or actual faith be more required in all that are to be baptized , then it was in those that were to be circumcised , when cirlumcision as well as our baptism was a sacrament of admission into the church , and a sign and seal of the righteousnesse of faith , rom. . . in the ninth book i speak of the decalogue , where i acknowledge i have received much help from a manuscript of m. wheatleys for the four first commandments , and of m. bals for the first . see m. caudries second part of the sabbath . in the last i treat of glorification , mat. . . cor. . . see an excellent sermon of master thomas goodwins of this argument , stiled , the happinesse of the saints in glory on rom. . . i have not only gone over the several heads of positive divinity , but i have likewise handled many , if not most of the chief controversies betwixt us and the papists , the arminians , socinians , and also discussed several things about church-government , to make it more full , and generally usefull to settle men in the main truths . it is reported of david paraeus , that his labour was bestowed in polishing the body of christian doctrine , collected by zachary ursine , and that he desired not to die , till he had finished that task ; but when he had concluded it , he joyfully uttered these words , now , lord , suffer thy servant to depart in peace , because i have done that which i desired . i have cause to bless god , as for that good esteem which my other labours have generally found amongst both learned and pious christians , so for enabling me to accomplish this great work . some may perhaps blame me for gleaning some notions from such as i hear , as well as from the authors i reade . to that i might say , habes confitentem , sed non reum , i know no such guilt in it , if i do make use sometimes of some special observations i hear from the pulpit , though i hear often the same things from several persons . some hold that a mans sermon is no longer his own when he hath preached it , and i think the ears as well as the eyes are senses of discipline . besides many divines and some rabbies ( though i had but harsh language from one divine ) have acknowledged themselves beholding to me for my labours , therefore i hope none will grudge , if i do likewise benefit my self and also others by my collections in that kinde . i pray god to guide us all in the truth , and to preserve us from apostasie in these declining dayes . thy hearty well-willer edward leigh . imprimatur iune th , edmund calamy . prolegomena . hebrews vi. i. the apostle chides the hebrews in the former chapter for their ignorance and uncapablenesse of divine mysteries , from vers . . to the end . he tels them they were dull of hearing , and that their ignorance was affected ; they might for their time and means have been teachers , and yet now they must be taught ; and ( which is strange ) the very principles of the word of god. here in the beginning of this chapter he earnestly exhorts them to increase both in knowledge and obedience . leaving ] the apostle alludes to men running a race , they leave one place and go on forward ; we must leave the principles of religion , that is , not stick there , but passe on to a greater perfection . the apostle hath reference to the schools of the iews where he was trained up ; there were two sorts of schollers , . punies or petties . . proficients , perfectists . six principles are named , as so many heads and common-places of the ancient catechism ; not but that there were many other necessary principles ; yet they might be reduced to these : . two main duties , that is , . the doctrine of repentance from dead works , that every man is dead in sinne by nature , and therefore had need to repent . . the doctrine of faith in god , in his nature , as manifested in the word , and revealed in christ. . two means , . the doctrine of baptisms , by which in the plural number he means both the sacraments ; and also the inward baptism of christ , and that outward baptism of iohn , that is to say , of the minister , though some * referre it to the set times of baptism . . the imposition or laying on of hands , that is by a trope or borrowed speech , the ministery of the church upon the which hands were laid , not the sacrament of confirmation , as à la●ide expounds it : so cartwright in his harmony . see m. gillespies miscel. cap. . pag. , . and m. cartw. rejoynd . p. . . two benefits , resurrection of the dead , that the same numerical body shall arise again , that it dies not with the body ; and eternal judgement , so called metonymically , because in that judgement sentence shall be given concerning their eternal state , either in weal or woe . vide grot. in matth. . . not laying again the foundations ] three things are required in a foundation . . that it be the first thing in the building . . that it bear up all the other parts of the building . . that it be firm and immoveable . simply and absolutely in respect of all times , persons , and things , christ * only is the foundation upon which the spiritual building of the church is raised . the first principles of heavenly doctrine are named here a foundation , because they are the first things which are known , before which nothing can be known , and because upon the knowledge of these things all other parts of heavenly knowledge do depend . they must be so firmly laid and received at the first , as they should never be questioned more , not that ministers may not preach again of principles . those that deny fundamentals must of necessity destroy religion . perfection is building on the old foundation . in no age since the gospel dawned in the world , were all fundamentals in religion denied till now . the apostles are the foundation of the church , * ephes. . . revel . . . in three respects , . because they were the first which founded churches , and converted unbelievers to the faith . . because their doctrine which they received immediately from god by most undoubted revelation without mixture of errour or danger of being deceived , is the rule of faith to all after-comers . . because they were heads , guides , and pastors of the whole universal church . the proposition or observation which ariseth from these words thus opened , may be this , the principles and foundations of christian religion must be well laid . or thus : catechizing and instructing of the people in the principles of religion is a necessary duty to be used . the apostle illustrates this by a comparison , first , from schools ; secondly , from building , the foundation must be first laid . the excellent definition of catechising which the apostle here gives , yeelds us two good proofs of its necessity . . it is the doctrine of the beginning of christ , by some rendred not unfitly for the sense , which gives beginning in christ. . it is a foundation which bears up all the building ( without this , preaching is to no purpose ) which though it makes the least shew , yet it is of greatest use ; it establisheth men , and keeps them free from wavering . . this course is most agreeable , . to art ; all arts proceed from principles . physicians have their principles , lawyers their maxims , philosophers their chief sentences . . to nature , which first forms the vital parts , then the more remote . . it is sutable to reason . principles are , . easiest in themselves . . facilitate other matters . . are the most necessary doctrines of all the rest , they bear up all the rest . . are of continual and constant use ; principia sunt minima quantitate , maxima virtute . . gods order and practice hath been still to lay principles ; things might easily passe from one to another at first , they lived so long . cain and abels sacrificing is an evidence of catechising before the flood ; there was no word written then , therefore it is like their fathers taught them . it was practised by abraham , gen. . . the fruit of which observe in his sonne . gen. . . and servant , gen. . . god himself writes a catechism for the jews , describing a short compendium of religion in the two authentick tables of the law. hannah delivered samuel to eli his instructor so soon as he was weaned . iehoiada taught the young king iihoash . david and bathsheba practised it , chron. . , . psal. . . prov. . . & . . and salomon himself seems to give that precept out of the most experience of his own most excellent education , teach a childe the trade of his way , and when he is old he shall not depart from it ; though himself scarce did so ; and eccles. . . he draws all which he had said in his whole book to two heads , fear god and keep his commandments . catechizing was also practised by christ and his apostles , luke . . acts . . heb. . , , . christ allowed of h●sanna sung by children . he begins with regeneration to nicodemus , and he drew the whole law into two heads , matth. . . iohn and christ preacht faith and repentance , and the apostles a after them . theophilus was catechized , luke . . apollos , act. . . timothy , tim. . , tim. . . the apostle paul commends to timothies custody a patern of wholsome doctrine , which he cals b a form of doctrine , rom. . . and the analogy of faith , rom. . . that is , certain plain rules , unto which all others must hold proportion . the magdeburgenses observe from these places , and that heb. . that there was catechismus ab apostolis tra●itus , that the apostle drew the doctrine of the gospel into short heads for the instructing of the children of the church . this duty principally belongs to ministers , their office is set down under the name of catechizing , let him which is catechized make him that catechizeth partaker , gal. . . ministers must plant and beget as well as increase and build up , feed the lambs as well as the sheep ; they are compared to nurses , wise stewards , skilfull builders ; it must be performed by housholders also , ephes. . . god chargeth parents to perform this duty , deut. . , . rehearse them continually , whet them upon thy children , often go over the same thing , as a knife doth the whetstone . they are bound to bring up their children in the nurture and information of the lord ; children were to be taught the meaning of the passeover , exod. . . masters of families also must instruct their servants which are ungrounded , as children . christ instructed his apostles , he taught them how to pray , he being the master of the family , and they his family , as appeareth , because he did eat the passeover together with them ; and the law appoints that every family should celebrate that feast together . the reason why god specifieth not this point in the masters duty , is , because if it be performed by the father , it shall be needlesse , seeing it is done to the masters hand ; but if the father neglect it , surely the master which succeeds in the fathers room , and hath his authority , must see it done . for as a father in israel was bound to see his own sonne circumcised , so he was bound to see his servant circumcised ; and if to circumcise him , sure he must as well make him as his childe to know what circumcision meaned . and what christ did as a master of a family , that must every master of family do , seeing we must be followers of christ every one in his place ; therefore every one must instruct his ignorant servants in the truths of religion . the jews did use catechizing ; cyprian saith , optatus exercised it at carthage , and origen at alexandria , clemens alexandrinus had his poedagogus , lactantius and calvin their institutions , athanasius his synopsis , augustine his enchiridion , his books de doctrina christiana , and de catechizandis rudibus . catechizing is institutio viva voce , a kinde of familiar conference . the hebrew verb chanach signifieth to instruct or train up even from childehood ; and to initiate or dedicate , from which word holy henoch c had his name , importing nurture in the fear of god. the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to sound or re-sound as by an eccho , and is applied even by heathen writers unto that kinde of teaching which is by word of mouth , sounding in the ear of him that is taught , and especially unto the teaching of the first rudiments of any science whatsoever . it signifieth any kinde of vocal instruction , acts . , . viz. that whereby the principles of christian doctrine are made known unto the hearers , as luk. . . instructed or catechized , gal. . . taught or catechized . see acts . . rom. . . cor. . . catechizing is a plain and easie instructing of the ignorant in the grounds of religion , or concerning the fundamental principles , familiarly by questions and answers , and a spiritual applying the same for practice . whatever the catechizing in the primitive church was in private , for the publick it seems not to have been dialogue-wise d by question and answer , but in a continued speech , with much plainnesse and familiarnesse catechizing differs from preaching ; preaching is the dilating of one member of religion into a just treatise ; catechizing is a contracting of the whole into a summe ; preaching is to all sorts , catechizing to the young and rude . catechizing is , . plain ; that none might excuse themselves ; that the most illiterate might not say at the day of judgement , o lord , thy wayes were too hard for us . . that the manner of the teaching might be sutable to the hearers . . that no governours might pretend the difficulty of it . . instructing , which implieth that original ignorance and blindenesse we were born with . . it is such an instructing which is by way of distilling things in a familiar manner ; our saviour did not give the people whole loaves , but distributed them by pieces . . such an instructing as acquaints them with the meaning of things , and spiritually applies the same for practice . it is not enough to say the creed and lords prayer , but to understand the sense , and apply it to practice . . an instruction by way of question and answer , which is thereby made more plain and familiar . the exercise of catechizing hath been proved to be most ancient , and very necessary and usefull ; and therefore it should be alwayes continued in the church . . because there will alwayes be found babes which stand in need of milk , not being able to bear strong meat . . because as no building can stand without a foundation , and none can be expert in an art except he learn the principles thereof : so none can have sound knowledge in divinity , except he be trained up in the grounds thereof . the best way to perform this exercise , is , . by short questions and answers , the minister demanding the question , the people answering . . it must be done purely , cor. . . . plainly , cor. . . heb. . . . soundly , tit. . . . orderly . . cheerfully and lovingly , tim. . . praising the forward , encouraging the willing , patiently bearing with all , admonishing such as are unruly . amesius his christianae catechesios sciagraphia is usefull this way , and nowels catechism in latine ; in english there are b. ushers , m. bains , m. cartwrights , m. balls , and m. crooks guide , and now the assemblies . here is a fault that both teachers and hearers must share between them ; ministers do not teach principles sufficiently , happy is that man which can say with paul , i have kept back nothing that was profitable . . those are too blame which will not be taught , children and servants which are stubborn and unwilling to be catechized ; some say they are too old to learn ; but are they too old to repent and be saved ? some say , they are past principles , they are not now to be grounded ; but we may say with the apostle , whereas they ought to be teachers , they had need themselves to be taught . such people rebell against their minister or master , whose duty is to teach them , and god who commands it . let men be exhorted to practise this duty , ministers , masters , parents ; schoolmasters teach the a , b , c , and the grammer , suffer little children to come unto me . consider , . thou broughtst thy children into the world blinde and deformed . . thou canst not else have comfort in thy children or servants ; many are crost in their family for want of this , and many at the gallows will cry out , if they had lived where they had been instructed , they had never died a dogs death . greenham saith ; thy children shall follow thee up and down in hell , and cry against thee for not teaching them . he that will not provide for his family ( saith paul ) is worse then an infidell ; and he that will not teach them is worse then a beast . the old nightingale f teacheth the young to sing , and the old eagle her young ones to flie . children ill brought up were devoured by bears , to teach parents g , that since they have done lesse then bears , who shape their whelps by much licking and smoothing them ( though vossius * and dr. brown h deny this ) they therefore by bears were bereft of them . it is good therefore to season our children i with wholsome truths betime ; a vessel will long keep the savour of that with which it is at first seasoned , and the devil will begin betime to sow his seed . master belton upon his death-bed spake unto his children thus , i do believe ( saith he ) there is never a one of you will dare to meet me at the tribunall of christ in an unregenerate condition . it will be a great comfort to thee and benefit to them when they are instructed in the points of religion ; if thy children die , yet thou mayest have great hope of them , when thou hast acquainted them with the principall grounds of religion . the papists in the preface to the catechism of the councel of trent , confesse that all the ground we have got of them is by catechizing ; and let us look that we lose not our ground again for want of it . iulian himself could not devise a readier means to banish k christian religion , then by pulling down the schools and places of educating children . egesippus saith , that by vertue of catechizing there was never a kingdom but received alteration in their heathenish religion within fourty years after christs passion . all ignorant persons though they be grown in years must be willing to be instructed and catechized . ignorance in principles is a great sin : . the lord appointed a sacrifice for ignorance , heb. . . . he requires repentance for it . . it is the original of all the errours in a mans life , both in doctrine and worship , cor. . . ioh. . . such will be a prey to false teachers , col. . . . the ground of all instability in the wayes of god , ephes. . , . and of that non-proficiency that is in men , the way to damnation , act. . . theophilus a noble-man and of ripe years was catechized , as the greek word shews ; ignorance bringeth men to the very pit and gulph of destruction , hos. . . and vers . . pet. . . christians should be ready to give an answer to every man which doth ask them a reason of the hope which is in them ; the foundation is that which is first and surest laid , and hath an influence into all the building . men should do all upon trial and solid conviction , thess. . . ioh. . . the papists would have the people take things upon trust , they say , those places concerne the doctours of the church not the people , but compare the , and . vers . in the thessalonians , and . vers . with . in iohn , and we shall see the contrary . this trial is profitable , first , because truth then will have a greater force on the conscience . secondly , this is the ground of constancie , pet. . . thirdly , hereby we shall be able to maintain the truth , matthew . . the scriptures are fundamentum quo , the fundamental writings which declare the salvation of christians , iohn . . christ fundamentum quod , the fundamental means and cause which hath purchased and doth give it , iohn . . the m person we must build on is christ , cor. . . he is called the foundation of foundations , isa. . the doctrinal foundation is the written word of god , which is not only the object and matter of our faith , but the rule and reason of it . hold christ as your rock , build on him , the scripture as your rule and the reason of your believing ; this is general , there are some particulars . first , some things are simply necessary ; it were a notable work for one to determine this , how much knowledge were required of all . secondly , not absolutely necessary . some make the foundation too narrow , some again too wide ; some say that if a man nean well and go on according to the light he hath , though he know not christ , he shall be saved ; others say , that all are bound to know distinstly the articles of the creed . fundamental truths are all such points of doctrine which are so plainly delivered in scripture , that whosoever doth not know or follow them shall be damned , but he that doth know and follow these ( though erring in other things ) shall be saved . all the principles of religion are plain and easie , delivered clearly in . scripture , they are to be a rule to judge of other doctrines . . they are very few ( say some ) reduced to two heads , by iohn baptist , mark . . and by paul , tim. . . . in all principles necessary to salvation , there hath been agreement among all the churches of christ , ephes. . . though they may differ in superstructures . quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus creditur catholicam est . vincent . lyrin . these fundamentals ( said a reverend divine now with god ) are twelve ; three concerning god , three concerning man ; three concerning the redeemer , three concerning the means of attaining good by this redeemer . concerning god. . there is one god , which is an infinite , perfect , and spirituall essence . . this one god is distinguished into three persons or manners of subsistence after an incomprehensible way , which we believe but cannot perfectly understand . the father begetting , the son begotten , and the holy ghost proceeding . . this one god , the father , sonne , and holy ghost , is the maker , preserver and governour of all things , by his wisdom , power , justice , providence . concerning man. . that he was made by god of a visible body , and an immortal and spiritual soul , both so perfect and good in their kindes , that he was perfectly able to have attained eternal life for himself , which was provided as a reward of his obedience . . that being thus made he yielded to the temptations of the devil , and did voluntarily sin against god in eating of the tree forbidden , and so became a childe of wrath and heir of cursing , an enemy to god , and slave to the devil , utterly unable to escape eternal death , which was provided as a recompence of his disobedience . . that he doth propagate this his sinfulnesse and misery to all his posterity . concerning christ. . that he is perfect god , and perfect man , the second person in the trinity , who took the nature of man from the virgin mary , and united it to himself in one personal subsistence , by an incomprehensible union . . that in mans nature he did die and suffer in his life and death , sufficient to satisfie gods justice , which man had offended , and to deserve for mankinde remission of sins , and life everlasting ; and that in the same nature he rose again from the dead , and shall also raise up all men to receive judgement from him at the last day , according to their deeds . . that he is the only sufficient and perfect redeemer , and no other merit must be added unto this , either in whole or part . lastly , concerning the means of applying the redeemer , they are three , . that all men shall not be saved by christ , but onely those that are brought to such a sight and feeling of their own sinfulnesse and misery , that with sorrow of heart they do bewail their sins , and renouncing all merits of their own , or any creature , cast themselves upon the mercies of god , and the only merits of jesus christ , which to do is to repent and believe , and in this hope live holily all the remainder of their life . . that no man is able thus to see his sinnes by his own power , renounce himself , and rest upon christ , but god must work it in whom he pleaseth by the cooperation of his spirit regenerating and renewing them . . that for the working of this faith and repentance , and direction of them in a holy life , he hath left in writing by the prophets and apostles infallibly guided to all truth by his spirit , all things necessary to be done or believed to salvation , and hath continued these writings to his people in all ages . observe those places , act. . . tim. . . let a man hold this , that there was nothing but death in the world till christ came , and that he is come to save sinners , ioh. . . secondly , there are practical places , cor. . . titus . . let us , . see our selves dead without christ , and wholly trust in him . . let us be exemplary in our lives and conversations . there are other fundamentals which are only comparatively necessary , that is expected from one man which is not expected from another ; and more from those that live in the church . have these six principles of the apostle not only in your heads , but hearts . . that a man is dead in himself . . that his remedy lies out of himself . . know the doctrine of the sacraments . . the word of god. . have some apprehension of the life to come , . that there is a passage from death to life . . that there is a fixed and irrevokable estate after this life . . hold the doctrine of faith so , that christ may live in you , and you be delivered up into that forme of doctrine , lay hold on life eternal . secondly , there are some particular principles . there is a natural light and supernatural the light of nature teacheth some principles : that , you must do as you would be done by , that no man hates his own flesh , that one must provide for his family , that there is a god , and one god , that he is to be honoured and reverenced above all . . supernatural , let all our actions be done , . in love. . in humility . . in faith. . in god ; this the gospel teacheth . shew your selves christians in power , go beyond the heathen in practising the good rules of nature . . be carefull to make a wise choice of principles ; one false principle admitted , will let in many errours , and erroneous principles will lead men into erroneous practices . . labour to act your principles , if you captivate the light , god will put it out . . be sure you work according to your principles ; we pity another in an errour when he follows his principles . here is an apology for those teachers which tread in pauls steps , are carefull to lay the foundation well . it was the observation of our most judicious king james , that the cause why so many fell to popery , and other errours , was their ungroundedness in points of catechism . how many wanton opinions are broached in these dayes ? i wish i might not justly call them fundamentall n errours . some deny the scriptures , some the divinity of christ , some the immortality of the soul. errours are either o contra , against the foundation , which subvert the foundation , as that of the papists who deny the all-sufficiency of christs once suffering . . circa about the foundation , which pervert the foundation , as the lutherans opinion of the ubiquity of christs body . . citra meerly without , these divert the foundation , as in the controversies of church-government , whether it be social or solitary ; this strikes not at the foundation . laurentius saith , the apostle , cor. . , , , , . speaks not of heretical teachers , and those which erre in fundamentals , but of those which erre in lighter matters , because he saith of both , they build upon one and the same foundation , christ. see mr burgess of justific . p. . we should contend for a known fundamentall necessary truth , iude vers . . the common faith ; not every opinion entertained on probable ground . it is a great question in divinity , an magistratui christiano liceat capitales poenas de haereticis sumere ? whether hereticks are to be punished by the christian magistrate with death ? the papists say , haeretici qua haeretici comburendi , that hereticks for heresie sake , though they do not trouble the state , ought to be put to death . luther doth not approve of the capital punishment of hereticks , especially for the pernicious sequel of it among the papists against the protestants . he thinks it better that they be banished . the present lutherans hold the same almost concerning that question . meisner p doth distinguish between haereticus simplex , and haereticus seditiosus ac blasphemus , these last he saith may be punished with capital punishments . the socinians ( being themselves the worst of hereticks ) would have no outward forcible restraining of any errour , though never so grosse and pernicious . you must not look ( say the socinians ) into the old testament for a a rule of proceeding against false prophets and seducers : nor ( saith calvin and catharinus ) can you sinde in the new testament any precept for the punishment o● thieves , traitors , adulterers , witches , murtherers , and the like , and yet they may , or at least some of them be capitally punisht . for the protestants , hear what zanchy saith , omnes fere ex nostratibus hujus sunt sententiae , quod haeretici sint gladio puniendi . beza hath written a peculiar tract , de haereticis à magistratu puniendis . calvin also hath written aure●m librum ( as beza cals it ) of this very argument . we do deservedly condemn the cruelty of turks and papists , which go about by force alone to establish their superstitions . the church of rome and the pope , will judge what heresie is , and who is an heretick , and they appropriate to themselves the name of catholicks , and all such as dissent from them must presently be pronounced hereticks . the pope and canonists hold him to be an heretick , qui non in omnibus ac singulis papae decretis obtemperat . he that readeth the bible in his mother-tongue , will be esteemed an heretick with them . virgilius a germane bishop and a mathematician , was sent for to rome by the pope , and condemned of heresie , because he held that there were antipodes . because heresie is not easily defined ( as augustine saith ) and because faith should be perswaded not compelled , we conceive that all fair means should be first used to convince men of their errours and heresie which indeed is so ; therefore we will premise some things concerning the nature and danger of heresie , before we speak particularly of the punishment of hereticks . chillingworth thus defines heresie : it is ( saith he ) an obstinate defence of any errour against any necessary article of the christian faith . two things must concurre ( say some ) to constitute an heretick . . error in side , tim. . . . pertinacia , titus . . errare possum , haereticus esse nolo . see mr vines on pet. . . p. , . neque vero alia magis ratione definimus , quam si veterum trium symbolorum , vel si veterum quatuor generalium conciliorum ulli contraveniat . episc. and. tert. dr field q thus describes the nature of heresie . heresie is not every errour , but errour in matter of faith ; nor every errour in matter of faith ; ( for neither jews nor pagans are said to be hereticks , though they ●●●e most damnably in those things which every one that will be saved must believe ; and with all the malice , fury and rage that can be imagined , impugn the christian faith and verity ) but it is the errour of such as by some kinde of profession have been christians ; so that only such as by profession being christians , depart from the truth of christian religion , are named hereticks . secondly , for the danger of heresie . heresie is a fruit of the flesh , gal. . . an heretick after the first and second time reject , tit. . . heresie or false doctrine is in scripture compared to r leaven , and to a gangrene , for the spreading and infectious nature of it . the heresie of arius s was more dangerous to the church then the sword of all the persecuting emperours . it is compared to a land-floud , revel . . because it did overcome all presently . we need not to ask whether he joyn obstinacy to his errour , ( saith t dr field ) which er●eth in those things which every one is bound particularly to believe , because such things do essentially and directly concern the matter of our salvation , and he is without any further enquiry to be pronounced an heretick , and the very errour it self is damnable ; as if a man ( saith he ) shall deny christ to be the son of god , coessential , coequal and coeternal with his father ; or that we have remission of sins by the effusion of his bloud . they therefore who first hold pestilent heresies ; and secondly , who when before they professed the christian religion , and held the truth , have yet made a direction from the same , to such heresies ; and thirdly , who labour to infect others ; and fourthly , being convicted do yet obsti nately persevere in them , and in the manner before mentioned ; such are and ought ( say some worthy protestants ) to be punished by the christian magistrate with death . they reason thus from the office of the magistrate . every magistrate may and ought to punish offenders ; and the more pernicious the offenders are , the more hamous ought the punishment to be . that the magistrate is both custos ac vindex utriusque tabulae , these two scriptures do plainly evince , for he is the minister of god to thee for good : but i● thou do what is evil , be afraid , for he beareth not the sword in vain , for he is the minister of god , a revenger , to execute wrath upon him that doth evil , rom. . . & tim. . . for kings and all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , and are urged by calvin , beza , and divers others , to this very purpose . for if ( saith beza ) the magistrate have not power over hereticks , one of these two things must necessarily follow either that hereticks do not do ill ; or that what paul speaks in general must be restrained to a certain kinde of evil deeds , viz. to corporal sins . ubi lex non distinguit nec non distinguere debemus . from tim. . . both melancthon and beza collect , that the magistrate is constituted by god , not onely a preserver of the second table , but also and especially of pure religion , and the external discipline of it , and so a punisher also of the offences u against it . godliness and honesty makes kings guardians of both tables , as well of the first which containeth the worship of god , as of the second which is the fountain of publick honesty . d. hampton on luk. . , . vide episc. rosseus de potestate papae in rebus temporal . lib. . c. . pag. . that magistrate which takes care onely of honesty , doth but one and the least part of his duty . see chron. . , , . for the inforcing of this argument from these two scriptures , these reasons may be added : . the sins against the first table ( caeteris paribus ) are greater then those against the second table , and the magistrate is more to respect the glory of god then the peace of the commonwealth . heresies and corruptions in judgement are held by a reverend divine x to be worse then corruptions in manners ; his reason is taken out of levit. . . one that was leprous in his head was utterly unclean . there was a special dishonour put on him that had the leprosie in his head , there . v. compare with mic. . . . errours and heresies are called in scripture evil deeds , ioh. v. , . and hereticks evil doers , phil. . . divines generally hold , that such who erre blasphemously are to be put to death , such as arius and servetus in france . one saith the devil will think he hath made a good bargain , if he can get an universal liberty for removal of the prelacy . that which ierome wrote to augustine , quod signum majoris gloriae est , omnes haeretici te detestantur , may be applied to those of our times , who have been champions for the truth , such evil doers will malign them ; but if they mannage well so good a cause , it will bear them out . ierome was famous for confuting the heresies of his times , for writing against helvidius , iovinian , vigilantius , th● luciferians and pelagians . origen shews great learning in writing against celsus . basil opposing eunomius . cyprians writings against novatus , and hilaries against constantius , deserves praise . austine wrote excellently against pelagius , and gaudentius the arians , manichees . quis unquam ( saith one ) in ecclesia paulo eruditior , post ortam novam haeresin reticuit ? ea demum vera militia christiana est , haereses expugnare . the contents . book i. of the scriptures . chap. . of divinity in general . pag. chap. . of the divine authority of the scriptures . pag. chap. . of the books of scripture . pag. chap. . of the new testament . pag. chap. . of the books called apocrypha . pag. chap. . of the authentical edition of the scriptures . pag. chap. . of the seventy and vulgar translation . pag. chap. . of the properties of the scripture , pag. chap. . of the interpretation of scripture . pag. book ii. of god. chap. . that there is a god. pag. chap. . what god is . pag. chap. . that god is a spirit , simple , living , immortal . pag. chap. . that god is infinite , omnipresent , eternal . pag. chap. . that god is immutable . pag. chap. . that god is great in his nature , works , authority , a necessary essence , independent , wholly one. pag. chap. . of gods understanding , that he is omniscient , and of his will. pag. chap. . of gods affections , his love , hatred . pag. chap. . of the affections of anger and clemency given to god metaphorically . pag. chap. . of gods virtues , particularly of his goodness . pag. chap. . of gods grace and mercy , pag. chap. . of gods iustice , truth , faithfulnes . pag. chap. . of gods patience , long-suffering , holiness , kindeness . pag. chap. . of gods power . pag. chap. . of gods glory and blessedness . pag. chap. . of the trinity , or distinction of persons in the divine essence . pag. book iii. of gods works . chap. . of gods decree , and especially of predestination , and the parts thereof , election and reprobation . pag. chap. . the execution of gods decree . pag. chap. . of the creation of the heavens , the angels , the elements , light , day and night . pag. chap. . of some of the meteors , but especially of the clouds , the rain and the sea , the rivers , grass , herbs and trees . pag. chap. . of the sun , moon and stars . pag. chap. . of the fishes , fowls , beasts . pag. chap. . of the angels good and bad . pag. chap. . of man. pag. chap. . of gods providence . pag. book iv. of the fall of man. of sin original and actual . chap. . of the fall of man. pag. chap. . what original corruption is . pag. chap. . of the propagation of original sinne , and conclusions from it . pag. chap. . of actual sin . pag. chap. . of the evil of sin . pag. chap. . of the degrees of sin . pag. chap. . that all sins are mortal . pag. chap. . of the cause of sin . pag. chap. . of the communicating with other mens sins . pag. chap. . of the punishment of sin . pag. chap. . signs of a christian in regard of sin , and that great corruptions may be found in true christians . pag. chap. . two questions resolved about sin . pag. chap. . of the saints care to preserve themselves from sin , and especially their own iniquities . pag. chap. . of the cause of forbearing sinne , of abhorring it , and of small sins . pag. chap. . of some particular sins , and especially of ambition , apostacy , backsliding , blasphemy , boasting , bribery . pag. chap. . of carnal confidence , covetousness , cruelty , cursing . pag. chap. . of deceit , distrust , divination , division , drunkennesse . pag. chap. . of envy , error , flattery , gluttony . pag. chap. . of heresie , hypocrisie , idleness , impenitence , injustice , intemperance . pag. chap. . of lying , malice , murmuring , oppression . pag. chap. . of perjury , polygamy , pride . pag. chap. . of railing , rebellion , revenge , scandall , schism . pag. chap. . of sedition , self-love , self-seeking , slander . pag. chap. . of tale-bearing , vain-glory , violence , unbelief , unkindness , unsetledness , unthankefulness , usury . pag. chap. . of witchcraft . pag. book v. of mans recovery by christ . chap. . of mans recovery . pag. chap. . of christ. i. his person . pag. chap. . of christs being man. pag. chap. . of christs offices . pag. chap. . of christs double state of humiliation and exaltation . pag. chap. . of christs exaltation . pag. book vi. of the church , the spouse of christ , and antichrist the great enemy of christ. chap. . of the church of christ. pag. chap. . of pastors . pag. chap. . of ecclesiastical iurisdiction and government . pag. book vii . of our union and communion with christ. chap. . of our union with christ. pag. chap. . of effectual vocation . pag. chap. . of conversion and free-will . pag. chap. . of saving faith. pag. chap. . of the communion and fellowship be●ievers have with christ , and their benefits by him , & specially of adoption . pag. chap. . of iustification . pag. chap. . of the parts and terms of iustification , remission of sins , and imputation of christs righteousness . pag. chap. . of the imputation of christs righteousness . pag. chap. . whether one may be certain of his iustification . pag. chap. . whether faith alone doth justify . pag. chap. . of sanctification . pag. chap. . the parts of sanctification are two , mortification and vivification . i. mortification . pag. chap. . ii. of vivification . pag. chap. . the sanctification of the whole soul and body . pag. chap. . of the sanctification of the will. pag. chap. . of the sanctification of the conscience . pag. chap. . sanctification of the memory . pag. chap. . sanctification of the affections . pag. ib. chap. . of the particular affections . pag. chap. . i. of the simple affections . pag. chap. . ii. of love and hatred . pag. chap. . ii. desire and flight . pag. chap. . ioy and sorrow . pag. chap. . of sorrow . pag. chap. . of hope and fear . i. of hope . pag. chap. . ii. of fear , and some mixed affections . pag. chap. . of the sensitive appetite . pag. chap. . of the sanctification of mans body , and all the external actions . pag. some special graces deciphered . pag. book viii . of ordinances , or religious duties . chap. . something general of the ordinances pag. chap. . of ordinary religious duties ; first , of hearing the word . pag. chap. . of singing psalms . pag. chap. . of prayer . pag. chap. . the sorts and kindes of prayer . pag. chap. . of the lords prayer . pag. chap. . of the sacraments . pag. chap. . of baptism . pag. chap. . of the lords supper . pag. chap. . of the masse . pag. chap. . of extraordinary religious duties , fasting , feasting and vows . i. of fasting . pag. chap. . ii. holy feasting , or religious thanksgiving . pag. chap. . of a religious vow . pag. book ix . of the moral law. chap. . some things general of the commandments . pag. and the ten commandments in so many chapters following . book x. of glorification . chap. . of the general resurrection . pag. chap. . of the last iudgement . pag. chap. . of hell or damnation . pag. chap. . of everlasting life . pag. the first book . of the scriptures . chap. i. of divinity in general . in the preface or introduction to divinity , six things are to be considered , . that there is divinity . . what divinity is . . how it is to be taught . . how it may be learnt . . its opposites , . the excellency of divine knowledge . i. that there is divinity . that is , a revelation of gods will made to men , is proved by these arguments . . from the natural light of conscience , in which ( we being unwilling ) many footsteps of heavenly knowledge and the divine will are imprinted . . from the supernatural light of grace ; for we know that all divine truths are fully revealed in scripture . . from the nature of god himself , who being the chiefest good , and therefore most * diffusive of himself , must needs communicate the knowledge of himself to reasonable creatures for their salvation , psal. . . . from the end of creation ; for god hath therefore made reasonable creatures , that he might be acknowledged and celebrated by them , both in this life , and that which is to come . . from common experience ; for it was alwayes acknowledged among all nations , that there was some revelation of gods will , which as their divinity , was esteemed holy and venerable , whence arose their oracles and sacrifices . ii. what divinity is . the ambiguity of the word is to be distinguished . theology or divinity is two-fold , either first , archetypal , or divinity in god , of god himself , by which god by one individual and immutable act knows himself in himself , and all other things out of himself , by himself . or second , ectypal and communicated , expressed in us by divine revelation after the patern and idea which is in god , and this is called theologia de deo , divinity concerning god , which is after to be defined . it is a question with the schoolmen , whether divinity be theoretical or practical , utraque sententia suos habet autores . but it seems ( saith wendeline ) rather to be practical , . because the scripture , which is the fountain of true divinity , exhorts rather to practice then speculation . tim. . . cor. . . & . . iam. . , . revel . . . hence iohn so often exhorts to love in his first epistle . . because the end of divinity , to which we are directed by practical precepts , is the glorifying of god , and the eternal salvation of our souls and bodies , or blessed life , which are principally practical . wendeline means ( i conceive ) that the blessed life in heaven is spent practically , which yet seems to be otherwise . peter du moulin in his oration in the praise of divinity , thus determines the matter : that part of theology which treateth of god and his nature , of his simplicity , eternity , infinitenesse , is altogether contemplative , for these things fall not within compasse of action : that part of it which treateth of our manners , and the well ordering of our lives , is meerly practick ; for it is wholly referred unto action . theology is more contemplative then practick , seeing contemplation is the scope of action ; for by good works we aspire unto the beatificall vision of god. theology amongst the heathens did anciently signifie the doctrine touching the false worship of their gods ; but since it is applied , as the word importeth , to signifie the doctrine revealing the true and perfect way which leadeth unto blessednesse . it may briefly be defined , the knowledge of the truth which is according to godliness , teaching how we ought to know and obey god , that we may attain life everlasting , and glorifie gods name : or thus , divinity is a doctrine revealed by god in his word , which teacheth man how to know and worship god , so that he may live well here and happily hereafter . divinity is the true wisdom of divine things , divinely revealed to us to live well and blessedly , or for our eternal salvation . logica est ars benè disserendi , rhetorica ars benè loquendi , theologia ars benè vivendi . logick is an art of disputing well , rhetorick of speaking well , divinity of living well , tit. . , . iam. . , . it is such an art as teacheth a man by the knowledge of gods will and assistance of his power to live to his glory . the best rules that the ethicks , politicks , oeconomicks have , are fetcht out of divinity . there is no true knowledge of christ , but that which is practical , since every thing is then truly known , when it is known in the manner it is propounded to be known . but christ is not propounded to us to be known theoretically but practically . it is disputed , whether theology be sapience or science . the genus of it is sapience or wisdom , which agreeth first with scripture , cor. . , . col. . . & . . prov. . . secondly , with reason ; for , . wisdom is conversant about the highest things and most remote from senses , so divinity is conversant about the sublimest mysteries of all . . wisdom hath a most certain knowledge , founded on most certain principles ; there can be no knowledge more certain then that of faith which is proper to divinity . the difference lurketh in the subject ; wisdom or prudence is either moral or religious ; all wisdom , whether moral and ethical , political or oeconomical , is excluded in the definition ; and this wisdom is restrained to divine things , or all those offices of piety in which we are obliged by god to our neighbour . the third thing in the definition is the manner of knowing , which in divinity is singular and different from all other arts , viz. , by divine revelation . the fourth and last thing in the definition is the end of divinity , which is , . chiefest , the glory of god , . next , a good and blessed life , or eternal salvation , begun in this life by the communion of grace and holinesse , but perfected in the life to come by the fruition of glory . this end hath divers names in scripture , it is called , the knowledge of god , john . . partaking of the divine nature , pet. . . likenesse to god , john . . eternal salvation , the vision and fruition of god , as the chiefest good . the next end of divinity in respect of man is eternal life or salvation , of which there are two degrees , . more imperfect , and begun in this life , which is called consolation , the chiefest joy and peace of conscience arising , . from a confidence of the pardon of sins , and of freedom from the punishment of it . . from the beginning of our sanctification and conformity with god , with a hope and taste of future perfection in both . . more perfect and consummate after this life , arising from a full fruition of god , when the soul and body shall be perfectly united with god. iii. how divinity is to be taught . in the general it is to be handled methodically . there is a great necessity of method in divinity , that being usefull both to enlighten the understanding with the clearnesse of truth , and to confirm the memory , that it may more faithfully retain things ; therefore in divinity there will be a special need of art and orderly disposal of precepts , because the minde is no where more obtuse in conceiving , nor the memory more weak in retaining . there is a different way of handling divinity , according to the several kinds of it . divinity is threefold . . succinct and brief , when divine truth is summarily explained and confirmed by reasons , and this divinity is called catechetical , systematical . . prolix and large , when theological matters are handled particularly and fully by definitions , divisions , arguments and answers ; this is called handling of common-places , scholastical and controversal divinity . . textual , which consists in a diligent meditation of the holy scriptures , the right understanding of which is the end of other instructions . this again is two-fold , either more succinct and applied to the understanding of the learned , as commentaries of divinity , or more diffuse and popular , applied to the capacity and affections of the vulgar , as preaching , which is called patheticall divinity , and is especially usefull to correct the manners of men and stirre up their affections . iiii. how divinity is to be learned . there is need of a four-fold minde to the study of it : . of a godly and heavenly minde , most ardent prayers in our learning being frequently poured out to god , the fountain of light and wisdom , that dispelling the darknesse of ignorance and errour he would deign to illuminate our minds with the clear knowledge of himself ; we cannot acquire divine wisdom ( as we do the knowledge of other arts ) by our own labour and industry ; it is a praise to learn humane a●● of our selves , here we must be taught of god. . o● a sober minde , that we may not be too curious in searching out the profound mysteries of religion , as about the trinity , predestination ; we must be wise to sobriety , and not busie our selves about perplexed and unprofitable questions , being content to know such things which are revealed to us for our salvation . . of a studious and diligent minde ; other arts are not wont to be gotten without labour ; this being the queen of arts , requires therefore much pains both for its difficulty and excellency . . of an honest and good minde , luk. . . we must learn , . with a denial of our wit and carnal reason , not measuring the unsearchable wisdom of god by our shallow capacities ; . with denial of our wicked affections , pet. . , . . with a firm purpose of obedience , ioh. . . psal. . . prov. . . v. the things contrary to divinity , are . heathenism , being altogether ignorant of , and refusing the true and saving knowledge of god. . epicurism , scoffing at divinity . . heresie , depraving and corrupting divinity . vi. the excellency of divine knowledge , or the study of divinity appeareth in these particulars : . in the subject matter of it , which is divine , either in its own nature , as god and christ , a psal. . . ioh. . . or in relation to him , as the scripture , sacraments . it is called the wisdom of god , prov. . . & . . cor. . , . and that wisdom which is from above , jam. . . if to know the nature of an herb , or the sun and stars , be excellent ; how much more to know the nature of god ? aristotle held it a great matter to know but a little concerning the first mover and intelligences . paul desired to know nothing but christ and him crucified , cor. . . b that is , he professed no other knowledge . si christum discis , satis est si caetera nescis ; si christum nescis , nihil est si cetera discis . in this mystery of christ god is revealed in the highest and most glorious way , cor. . . there is more wisdom , holinesse , power , justice discovered in the mystery of the gospel , then was known before to men and angels . christ is the summe of all divine revealed truths , luk. . . acts . . here is the onely knowledge which is necessary to make the man of god perfect , col. . . the metaphysicks handle not things properly divinely revealed , but that which the philosophers by the light of nature judged to be divine . . in the end ; the principal and main end of divinity is the glory of god , that is , the celebration or setting forth of gods infinite excellency ; the secondary end is mans blessednesse , iohn . . . in the certainty of it ; gods word is said to be sure , and like gold seven times refined * , there is no drosse of falshood in it . the academicks thought every thing so uncertain , that they doubted of all things . . in the cause of it ; these truths are such as cannot be known , but by gods revealing them to us , all scripture was given by divine inspiration : flesh and bloud hath nor revealed this unto thee ; a humane light is enough to know other things . . in the holinesse of it , psal. . . by them thy servant is fore-warned , tim. . . the word of god is able to make us wise to salvation , and to furnish to every good work . christ makes this a cause of the errour and wickednesse in mans life , that they do not read and understand the scriptures . . in the delight and sweetnesse of it : iob . . preferred the word of god before his food ; david before thousands of gold and silver , before the honey and the honey-comb , psal. . . & . . and when he ceaseth to compare , he beginneth to admire ; wanderfull are thy testimonies . archimedes took great delight in the mathematicks . augustine refused to take delight in tullies hortensius , because the name of jesus christ was not there , nomen iesu non erat ibi . he sai●● in his confessions , sacrae scripturae tuae sunt sanctae deliciae meae . . in the excellency of the students of it ; . the saints of god in the old testament , the patriarks and prophets , pet. . , . . the saints of god in the new testament , matth. . . col. . . . it is the study of the angels and saints of god sn heaven , pet. . . ephes. . . . the natural knowledge and enquiry of the angels could never have discovered to them the mystery of christ in the gospel . . they know it by the church , that is ( saith oecumenius ) by the several dispensations of god to his people under the gospel . . in that the devil and hereticks oppose it ; the papists would not have the bible translated , nor divine service performed in the vulgar tongue . chap. ii. of the divine authority of the scriptures . two things are to be considered in divinity : first , the rule of it , the scripture or word of god. secondly , the matter of parts of it concerning god and man. principium essendi in divinity , is god the first essence ; principium cognoscendi , the scripture , by which we know god , and all things concerning him . i shall handle both these principles , but begin with the scripture , as many systematical writers do . it is necessary that the true religion have a rule , whereby it may be squared , else there could be no certainty in it , but there would be as many religions as men . it appears by the light of nature , the heathen had known rules for their rites , ceremonies and services ; the turks have their alcoran , the iews their talmud , the papists their decretals , every art hath its rule ; neither can any thing be a duty which hath not a rule . there are three general characters whereby we may know any word to be the word of god , and a religion to be the true religion : . that which doth most set forth the glory of god. . that which doth direct us to a rule which is a perfect rule of holinesse toward god , and righteousnesse toward man. . that which shews a way sutable to gods glory and mens necessity , to reconcile us to god. the word of god sets forth gods glory in all the perfections , and is a compleat rule of holinesse to god , and righteousnesse to men . all the wisdom of the world cannot shew what is more sutable to the glory of god and the nature of man , to reconcile god and men , then for him that is god and man to do it . god revealed himself divers wayes to the fathers , heb. . . the manner of revealing gods will is three-fold , according to our three instruments of conceiving , viz. understanding , phantasie and senses ; to the understanding god revealed his will by engraving it in the heart with his own finger , ier. . . by divine inspiration , pet. . . chron. . . heb. . . iohn . . and by intellectual visions , numb . . . to the phantasie god revealed his will by imaginary visions to prophets awake , and by dreams to prophets asleep , gen. . . & . , . acts . . & . . numb . . . to the senses god revealed his will , and that either by vision to the eye , or lively voice to the ear , gen. . . & . . & . , . exod. . , . & . , , . & . . and lastly , by writing . this revelation was , sometimes immediate by god himself after an unspeakable manner , or by means , viz. angels , urim and thummim , prophets , christ himself and his apostles . c the written word for the matter contained in it , is called the word d of god , rom. ▪ for the manner of record , the e scripture , john . . tim. . . pet. . . or scriptures , matth. . . john . . rom. . . pet. . . by an antonomasie or an excellency of phrase , f as the most worthy writings that ever saw the light ; sometimes with an epithete , the holy scriptures , rom. . . tim. . . the scriptures of the prophets , rom. . . some think that enoch the seventh from adam wrote : but iude . speaketh only of his prophesying , which might rather be by word of mouth then writing , because our saviour citing scripture , ever gives the first place to moses ; and undertaking by the scriptures to prove himself to be the messiah , that he ought to suffe● , began at moses , luke . . no doubt if there had been any more ancient then moses , our saviour would have alledged it , because all the scripture that was before him , was to give testimony of him . the author of the scriptures was god * himself , they came from him in a special and peculiar manner , commonly called inspiration , which is an act of gods spirit immediately imprinting or infusing those notions into their brains , and those phrases and words by which the notions were uttered , tim. . . all scripture is given by divine inspiration , or by inspiration of god. prophecy came not of old time by the will of man , but holy men of god spake as they were moved , or carried , by the holy ghost , pet. . . they did not write these things of their own heads , but the spirit of god did move and work them to it , and in it , sam. . . the spirit of the lord spake by me , that is , did immediately guide me , and tell me what matter to utter , and in what words . stephen saith , they resisted the holy ghost when they did disobey the scriptures . * the holy ghost by the mouth of david , and the mouth of isaiah spake , acts . . & . . & . . the inscriptions of many prophetical books and epistles apostolical run thus , the word of the lord which come to hosea , amos , ioel : paul , peter , iames a servant of god , and an apostle of christ. the proeme that is set before divers prophecies is this , thus saith the lord ; and the prophets inculcate that speech , the mouth of the lord hath spoken it ; because they would take off the thoughts of the people from their own persons , and lift them up to consideration of god the chief author . it is all one to say , the scripture saith , rom. . . & . . & . . gal. . . tim. . . and god saith , * rom. . . heb. . . & . . & . . and the word scripture is put for god speaking in the scripture , the scripture saith to phara●h , rom. . . and the scripture hath shut up all men under sin , galat. . . for which in another place god hath shut up , rom. . . all other disciplines were from god , and every truth ( whosoever speaks it ) is from the holy ghost ; but the scripture in a singular manner is attributed to the holy ghost ; he immediately dictated it to the holy men of god. the efficient principall cause then of the scripture was god ; the ten commandments ( of which most of the rest is an exposition ) were written after a secret and unutterable manner by god himself , therefore they are called the writings of god , * exod. . . secondly , all the rest which was written ( though men were the instruments ) was done by his appointment and assistance , exod. . . ●sai . . . ier. ▪ . the scripture is often attributed to the holy ghost as the author , and no mention is made of the pen-men , heb. . . the prophets and apostles were the pen-men of the scripture , whose calling , sending , and inspiration was certainly divine ; for whatsoever they taught the church of god , or left in writing , they learned not before in the schools , cor. . . the divine authority of the word may be defined , a certain dignity and excellency of the scripture above all other sayings or writings whatsoever ; whereby it is perfectly * true in word and sense ; it deserves credit in all sayings , narrations of things past , present and to come , threatnings and promises , and as superiour doth binde to obedience , if it either forbid or command any thing , tim. . . pet. . . iohn . . heb. . . rom. . . cor. . , . & . . & . . gal. . , , . though the things in mans judgement seem unlike or incredible , or the commandments hard and foolish to the carnal minde . hereticks have laboured to prove their corrupt and damnable opinions out of the scripture , and have received some books , if not all as divine . the turks at this day so esteem the five books of moses , as they will kisse such patches of paper as they finde having any part thereof written in the same . aristaeus an heathen , when he had determined to have disputed against scripture , confesseth that he was forbidden by god in a dream . plato is termed moses atticus , moses speaking greek . the holy scripture in it self is divine and authentical , though no man in the world should so acknowledge it , as the sun in it self were light , though all the men in the world were blinde , and could not or would not see it ; but in respect of us it is divine and authentical , when it is acknowledged and esteemed so to be . the scripture is the word of god , written by holy men as they were inspired * by the holy ghost , divinely containing all divine truth necessary to salvation , for the edification and instruction of gods church thereunto , and for the glory of god. the holy scriptures are that divine instrument and means , by which we are taught to believe what we ought touching god , and our selves , and all creatures , and how to please god in all things unto eternal life , robins . essayes th observ. divines have given almost fourty several arguments to prove the scriptures to be the word of god. that the scriptures were from god , may appear by several reasons : . intrinsecal , taken out of the scriptures themselves . . extrinsecal acts of god and works of providence about them . . intrinsecal . . from the excellency of their matter , which is heavenly , the divine and supernatural matter contained in it . it telleth us of such things as do far exceed the reach of mans reason , and which it was impossible for any man to counterfeit and feign , and which being told are so correspondent to reason , that no man can see just cause to call them into question ; as the doctrine of creation of all things in six dayes ; the doctrine of the fall of our first parents ; the story of the delivering israel out of aegypt , of the delivering of the law and ten commandments ; the doctrine of the incarnation of christ jesus , of the resurrection of the dead , of the last judgement , of the life to come , and of the immortality of the soul ; for though this last was taught also by philosophers , yet it is so doubtfully and unperfectly handled by them in comparison of the delivering thereof in scripture , that it is apparent , it was another spirit which guided the teachers of it here , then they were guided withall . what angel could ever have found out such an admirable temper and mixture of mercy and justice together , as the gospel revealeth in the reconciliation of god with man ? god hath declared himself to be most just , yet most merciful , rom. . , , justice requires that there should be no freeing of a guilty person without satisfaction ; sinne deserved an infinite punishment , that satisfaction could not be made by man himself , mercy therefore provides a saviour , which god bestows on him , vers . . god in giving and establishing his law , useth no other preface , but i am the lord , exod. . nor conclusion , but i the lord have spoken it ; upon his absolute authority without other reasons to perswade , commanding what is to be done , though it be contrary to our natures ; forbidding what is to be left undone , though pleasing to us ; he promiseth things incomprehensible , requiring faith ; he relateth and teacheth things strange , above likelihood , above mans capacity ; and yet will have them to be believed , to be understood . there is nothing in the law against reason or common equity . a jesuite reports in his history , that when his fellows came first to preach in the east-indies , the gentiles and indies there hearing the ten commandments , did much commend the equity of them . see sr walter rawleighs history . . it teacheth the nature and excellency of god , and the works of god , more clearly and distinctly than any other writings , nay , then any without god could have contrived , viz. that there are three persons and one god ; that god is infinite , omniscient , omnipotent , most holy ; that he created all things , that he doth by a particular providence rule all things ; that he observes all mens actions , and will call them to account , and give every man according to his works ; that he alone is to be worshipped , and that he must be obeyed in his word above all creatures . . it requireth the most exact and perfect goodnesse that can be , such as no man could ever have conceited in his brain , and yet such as being taught and revealed , the conformity of it to right reason will enforce any well-considering man to acknowledge it to be most true and needful ; for example , that a man must love god above all , and his neighbour as himself ; that he must keep his thoughts free from all the least taint of sinne , that he must lay up his treasures in heaven , not care for this life , and the things thereof , but all his study and labour must be to provide well for himself against the future life ; that he must not at all trust in himself , nor in any man , but only in god ; and that he must do all he doth in gods strength ; that he can deserve nothing at gods hand , but must look for all of free favour through the merits and intercession of another . . the end of the scripture is divine , viz. the glory of god , shining in every syllable thereof ; and the salvation of man , not temporal , but eternal . these writings leade a man wholly out of himself , and out of the whole world , and from and above all the creatures to the creator alone , to give him the glory of all victories : therefore they are from him , and not from any creature ; for he that is the author of any writing will surely have most respect of himself in that writing . the scriptures manifest gods glory alone , ier. . , . cor. . . ascribe infinitenesse of being , and all perfections to him , nehem. . . the doctrines , precepts , prohibitions , and narrations tend to the setting forth of his glory , and bring solid and eternal comfort and salvation to their souls which follow their direction . they make us wise unto salvation , tim. . , . shew the path of life , psal. . . guide our feet into the way of peace , luk. . . christ , iohn . . proves that he came from god , because he sought not his own glory , but the glory of him that sent him . . another reason is taken from the difference of these writings from all other whatsoever , in regard of their phrase and manner of writing . there is a certain authoritative or god-like speaking unto the creature from place to place . see the first chapter of isaiah , and . and the eighth chapter to the romans . the prophets and apostles propound divine truths nakedly and without affectation , cor. . . habent sacrae scripturae , sed non ostendunt eloquentiam . august . they expresse the things they handle with a comely gravity , the form of speech is fitted both to the dignity of the speaker , the nature of the thing revealed , and mans capacity , for whose sake it was written . all other writings use perswasive and flourishing speeches , these command , and condemn all other gods , all other religions , all other writings , and command these only to be had in request and esteem , and acknowledged as the will of god , without adding or diminishing , requiring every conscience to be subject to them , and to prepare himself to obedience , without any further objecting or gain-saying , and to seek no further then to them for a direction . both the simplicity and majesty of stile shew it to be from god ; the wonderfull plainnesse and yet glorious majesty ; the simplicity because it is plain , in no wise deceitful ; and because it describes great matters in words familiar and obvious to the capacity of the reader : the majesty , since it teacheth so perspicuousl● the chiefest mysteries of faith and divine revelation which are above humane capacity . whether we read david , isaiah , or others whose b stile is more sweet , pleasant and ●hetorical ; or amos , zachary and ieremiah , whose stile is more rude , every where the majesty of the spirit is apparent . there is an authority and majesty in them above all other writings of other authors ; the scriptures command all both king and people , ier. . . sam. . ult . and binde the heart to its good abearing . ierom could say , as oft as i read paul , it seems to me that they are not words but thunders , which i hear . iunius reading the first chapter of iohn was stricken with amazement by a kinde of divine and stupendious authority , and so he was converted from atheism , as himself saith in his life , divinitatem argumenti & authoritatem sentio . iohannes isaac c a jew was converted by reading the . of isaiah . our saviour spak● , as one having authority , not as the scribes ; so this book speaks not as men ; it simply affirms all things without proof ; other autho●s use many arguments to confirm the truth of what they say . therefore raimundus de d sabunda hence proves , that he who speaketh in the bible is of that authority , that his bare word ought to be believed without any proof ; whereas galen atheistically urged it the other e way . the socinians reject all things in religion which they cannot comprehend by reason , nihil credendum quod ratione capi nequeat . they hold , that a man is not bound to believe any article of faith , nor any interpretation of scripture , except it agree with his reason ; what is above reason cannot be comprehended by it . bernard in of his epistles , speaks of one petrus abailardus which vented the socinian doctrine in his time , christianae fidei meritum vacuare nititur , dum totum , quod totum deus est , humana ratione arbitratur posse comprehendere . cum de trinitate ( saith he ) loquitur , sapit arium , cùm de ●ratia pelagium , cùm de persona christi nestorium ; he was a man of a fair carriage , professing holinesse , conversatio●es , doctrina venenum . but abailar dus denies this in his works lately published . tertullian called the philosophers ( who followed reason ) patriarc●as haer●ti●orum , pessimum est illud principium recta ratio , non potest statuere de ●ul●u divino . there are these uses of reason , . to prepare us that we should hearken to the word . . after we have believed it will help us to judge of things . . to prevent fanatick opinions , mysteries of religion are not repugnant to reason . . that we may draw necessary consequences from truths revealed . * the philosophers called the christians by way of scorn credentes . iulian derided the christian belief , because it had no other proof , then thus saith the lord. there is an obedience of faith , rom. . . . another argument is taken from the experience of the truth of the predictions and prophecies thereof . for seeing it is generally confessed , that only the divine essence can certainly foresee things contingent which are to come many ages after , and which depend upon no necessary cause in nature ; therefore in what writings we meet with such things fore-told , and do finde them fully and plainly accomplisht , these writings we must confesse to have their birth from heaven and from god. now in the scripture we have divers such predictions . the two principal and clearest which are most obvious and evident , are , . the conversion of the gentiles to the god of israel by means of christ. for that was fore-told exceeding often and plainly , in him shall the gentiles trust , and he shall be a light to the gentiles . iacob lying on his death-bed said , the obedience of the gentiles shall be to him ; and david , all the ends of the earth shall see the salvation of god ; and isaiah , in him shall the gentiles trust ; and malachy , my name shall be great to the ends of the earth . see isa. . . & . , . scarce one of the prophets but have spoken of the conversion of the gentiles . now we see the gentiles turned from their idols a great number of them , and imbracing the god of the jews , and the scriptures of the jews by means of christ , whom they see and acknowledge to be the messias fore-told to the jews . again , it was fore-told that christ should be a stone of offence to the jews , that they should reject him , and so be rejected by god from being a people ; do we not see that to be performed ? the accomplishment of these two main prophecies so long before delivered to the world by the pen-men of holy writ , shews manifestly , that they were moved by the holy ghost . that promise gen. . . was made years before it was fulfilled , f as scaliger computes it . it was fore-told of christ , that they should cast lots about his garments , and that his bones should not be broken . look upon this in the inferiour causes , the souldiers that brake the other mens bones , and it seems to be a very hap and chance ; yet there was a special ordering of this in gods providence . the predictions of satan were doubtfull and g ambiguous , but these * are distinct and plain ; satans predictions are of things which might be gathered by conjecture , for the most part false , though satan cover his lying by likelihoods ; but these are above the reach of angels , most true and certain ; satans end was confirmation in sin and idolatry . . the commandments are , . most righteous and equal ; . impartial , they binde all men , and all in men , the affections , thoughts and consciences , and that perpetually . the severest law-givers never made laws for the thoughts , because they had no means to discover and controll them . cogitationis poenam nemo patitur ; we say commonly , thoughts are free , therefore it is the word of god which searcheth the heart , exod. . . true love to our selves is required , and we are to love our neighbour as our selves . the laws of men do not binde the conscience , at least , primarily and immediately , conscientia immediatè deo tantùm subjicitur . he onely can command the conscience , that knows it and can judge it . secondly , the threatnings are general , . in respect of persons . . in respect of things , deut : . , . . the promises are comprehensive blessings of all kinds , lov. . and strange , exod. . . of eternal life , mark . , . pet. . . . another reason may be taken from the antiquity h of the scripture ; many wonder at the pyramids of aegypt , being the most ancient structure in the world . the bible contains a continued history from age to age , for the space of four thousand years before christ , even from the beginning . no writer of any humane story can be proved to be more ancient then ezra and nehemiah , who wrote about the year of the world . amongst the grecians ( some say ) homer is the most ancient author that is extant , who lived long after troy was taken , for that was the subject of his poem . now those times were not near so ancient as those in which the scripture was written . homer was after moses i six hundred and odde years , saith peter du moulin . that which the aegyptians brag of their antiquity is fabulous ; by their account they were six thousand years before the creation , unlesse they account a moneth for a year , and then it maketh nothing against this argument . history is an usefull and delightfull kinde of instruction ▪ among histories none are comparable to the histories of sacred scripture : and that in their antiquity , rarity , variety , brevity , perspicuity , harmony and verity . dr gouge on exodus . . that song of moses , exod. . was the first song that ever was in the world . k orpheus , musaeus and linus , the most ancient of the poets were five hundred years after this time . . the power and efficacy of the scripture upon the l souls of men , sheweth it to be of god ; and the wonderfull alteration that it makes in a man for god ; when he doth entertain and believe it in his heart , it makes him more then a man in power to oppose , resist and fight against his own corruptions ; it brings him into a wonderfull familiarity and acquaintance with god. it puts such a life and strength into him , that for gods sake and his truth he can suffer all the hardest things in the world without almost complaining , yea with wonderfull rejoycing , psal. . . the holy ghost by means of this word works powerfully , m in changing and reforming a man , . it overmasters the soul. . it separates the heart from lusts , and the world . . alters and changeth the customs of men . . it keeps the heart up against all the power of the devil . it quickneth the dull psal. . , . comforteth the feeble , rom. . . giveth light to the simple , psal. . . convinceth the obstinate , cor. . . & . . reproveth errors , rebuketh vices , tim. . . is a discerner of the thoughts , cor. . , . and aweth the conscience , iam. . . . the candour and sincerity of the pen-men or amanuenses n , respecting gods glory only , and not their own ; and in setting down not only the sins of others , but their own slips and infirmities , doth testifie that they were guided by the holy ghost . moses shews his disobedience , numb . . . ionah his murmuring , ionah . . ieremiah his fretting , ier. . . david shames himself in his preface to the psalm . st mark wrote the gospel out of peters mouth , and yet the denial of peter is more expresly laid down by the evangelist saint mark then any other ; and paul sets down with his own pen his own faults in a sharper manner then any other . matthew o the evangelist tels us of matthew the publican . the pen-men of the holy scripture were holy men , called , sent , inspired by the spirit , which had denied the world with the lusts and affections thereof , and were wholly consumed with zeal for the glory of god , and salvation of men , pet. . . tim. . . matth. . . gal. . , . ephes. . , . they learned not of men what they wrote ; moses , david , amos , were herdsmen ; ieremiah was almost a childe ; peter , iames and iohn , were in their ships ; other apostles were unlearned before their calling , acts . . moses learned of the aegyptians , and daniel of the caldeans humane arts and sciences , but they could not learn of them the knowledge of the true god , they themselves being ignorant and grosse idolaters . neither could they erre in that which they delivered , for by them the spirit of christ , and christ himself did speak , pet. . . pet. . . acts . . cor. . . in their own judgement the most holy did erre , as sam. . . and nathan , sam. . which errour is truly related in the scripture , but when they spake according to the guidance of the spirit , which did ever assist them in the penning of the scripture , they could p not erre . i have learned ( saith augustine to ierom ) to give this honour only to the canonical books , firmly to believe that no author of th●m erred in writing ; from all others he expected proof from scripture or reason . . the wonderful consent , singular harmony and agreement q of the scriptures , shews that they came not from men , but from god , luk. . . acts . . iohn . . each part sweetly agreeth with it self , and with another , and with the whole , acts . . & . . luke . , . iohn . . matth. . . what was foretold in the old is fulfilled in the new testament . if there seem any contrariety either in numbring of years , circumstance of time and place , or point of doctrine , the fault is in our apprehension and ignorance , not in the thing it self , and by a right interpretation may easily be cleared . see d. willet on gen. . . doctor vane in his lost sheep returned home , chap. . saith , seeing no man is infallibly sure that all the answers used to reconcile the seeming contradictions of scripture , are true ; no man can be assured by the evidence of the thing , that there is that perfect harmony in the scriptures , nor consequently that they are thereby known to be the word of god. moreover if we were infallibly assured , that there were this perfect harmony in the scriptures , yet this to me seemed not a sufficient proof that they are the word , because there is no reason forbids me to believe , that it may not be also found in the writings of some men ; yea i make no question , but it is to be found , and that with lesse seeming contradiction then is in the scripture ; yet no man accounts that this proves their writings to be the word of god. after he saith , we believe it to be harmonious , because it is the word of god , not to be the word of god , because it is harmonious , which we do not infallibly see . how well this agrees with what i have in the margent quoted out of bellarmine , ( who urgeth that as an argument to prove the scripture to be from god ) let the intelligent reader judge . vid. aberic . gent. ad. . mac. disput. c. . these considerations strengthen this argument : . the length of time in which this writing continued , from moses untill iohn , to whom was shewed the last authentical revelation , which prevents all conceits of forgery , since they were not written in one , nor yet in many ages . . the multitude of books that were written , and of writers that were imployed in the service . . the difference of place in r which they were written , which hinders the writers conferring together . two other arguments may evince this truth , that the scriptures were from god. . miracles , both of . confirmation , which the lord shewed by moses , exod. . . & . . & . . the prophets , king. . . christ himself and the apostles for the confirmation of their doctrine , such as the devil was not able to resemble in shew . the raising of the dead , the standing still and going back of the sunne , the dividing of the red sea and the rivers , the raining of manna in so great a quantity daily , as to suffice all the multitude in the wildernesse ; the making of the barren fruitfull . my works testifie of me ( saith christ ) and believe the works which i do , if you will not believe me , see ioh. . . . preservation of the books of the scripture from the fury of many wicked tyrants which sought to suppresse and extinguish them , but could not . as god caused it to be written for the good of his people , so by divine providence he hath preserved the same whole and entire . here we have three arguments in one , . the hatred t of the devil and his wicked instruments against the scripture more then any other book . antiochus burnt it , and made a law , that whosoever had this book should die the death , macchab. . . yet secondly , it was preserved maugre his fury , and the rage of dioclesian , iulian and other evil tyrants . thirdly , the miserable end of iulian , antiochus epiphanes , herod , nero , domitian and dioclesian , and other persecutors of this doctrine . the books of salomon , which he wrote of natural philosophy and other knowledge , the profitablest books that ever were , the canon excepted , are perished u , but those alone which pertain to godlinesse have been safely kept to posterity ; which is the rather to be observed , since many more in the world affect the knowledge of natural things then godlinesse : and yet though carefull of keeping them , they have not been able to preserve them from perpetual forgetfulnesse ; whereas on the other side , these holy writings , hated of the most part , and carelesly regarded x of a number , have notwithstanding as full a remembrance as they had the first day the lord gave them unto the church . the roman empire for three hundred years set it self to persecute and extirpate this new doctrine ; and in all these troubles the church grew and in●●cased mightily , acts . . herod killed iames with the sword , yet v. . the word grew and multiplied . calvin with all his works since the time they were written , scarce made so many protestants in france , as i have credibly heard it reported , that the massacre made in one night . l. falk . reply about the infallibility of the church of rome . the miracles wrought in the confirmation of scripture differ much from the wonders wrought by the false prophets , antichrist and satan himself , mat. . . mat. . . thes. . . apoc. . , ▪ they are neither in number nor greatnesse comparable to these : . they differ in substance , divine miracles are above the force of nature , as dividing of the red sea , the standing still of the sunne ; the others seem wonderfull to those which are ignorant of the cause of them , but are not true y miracles , simply above the ordinary course of nature , but effected by the art and power of satan or his instruments by natural causes , though unknown to men , and many times they are but vain delusions . . they differ in the end , those true miracles were wrought by the finger of god , for the promoting of his glory , and mans salvation ; these to seal up falshood and destroy men confirmed in idolatry and heathenism , thes. . . see deut. . , , . those were not done in a corner or secretly , but openly in the presence of great multitudes , z nay in the sight of the whole world ; by the evidence of which an unknown doctrine before contrary to the nature and affections of men was believed . bainham said in the midst of the fire , ye papists , behold ye look for miracles , and here now ye may see a miracle : for in this fire i feel no more pain , then if i were in a bed of down , but it is to me as sweet as a bed of roses . the miracles a done by our saviour christ and his apostles , received testimony of the bitterest enemies they had . . the testimony , . of the church and saints of god in b all ages . . of those which were out of the church . . of the church both ancient and judaical , and the present christian church . . of the members of the church . . the church of the jews professed the doctrine and received the books of the old testament , and testified of them that they were divine ; which invincible constancy remaineth still in the jews of these dayes , who ( though they be bitter enemies to the christian religion ) do stifly maintain and preserve the canon of the old testament pure and uncorrupt , even in those places which do evidently confirm the truth of christian religion . . the christian church hath also most faithfully preserved the old testament received from the jews , and the new delivered by the apostles , as a depositum and holy pledge of the divine c will , col. . . . of the members of the church , the constant testimony which so many worthy martyrs by their bloud have given to the truth , rev. . . four things are to be considered in this argument , . the number which suffered for the same is numberlesse , many millions , that none can imagine it to arise from pride , weaknesse or discontent . more christians were slain ( as hath been observed ) under the ten bloudy persecutions , then paschal lambs were offered up under the state of the old testament . . the quality and condition of them which suffered ; noble and base , learned and d unlearned , rich , poor , old , young , men , women , children , those which were tender and dainty ; all these could not suffer out of vain-glory , that stubbornly they might defend the opinion which they had taken up . . the torments used were usual , unusual , speedy , slow , some hewed in pieces , burnt with slow fire , cast in to lions , given to be devoured by the teeth of wilde beasts , some beheaded , some drowned , some stoned with stones . . all this they endured constantly , patiently , with great joy , even a chearfull heart , and merry countenance , singing psalms in the midst of the fire , so that the madnesse of the enemy was overcome by the patience e of them which did suffer . luther reports of the martyr st agatha , as she went to prisons and tortures , she said , she went to banquets and nuptials ▪ that martyr hawks lift up his hands above his head , and clapt them together , when he was in the fire , as if he had been in a triumph . so that their testimony was not only humane , god enabling them so stoutly to die for the truth , phil. . . see the history of the councel of trent , pag. . and dr taylors sermon on dan. . , , . stiled , the roman fornace . martyrs of other sects differ from the martyrs of the true church . . they were fewer . . they suffered not with joy of conscience , which the godly martyrs did . . they were punished for their f errours discovered ; the martyrs were burned for having any part of the bible , and the bible sometime with them ; where the inquisition reigns it is death to have any part of the bible in the vulgar tongue . the gentiles also which were out of the pale of the church , did give testimony to sundry stories and examples in the bible . suetonius and tacitus speaks of the miracles of christ , pliny g of the miracles of moses , and of the wise mens starre ; macrobius of the slaughtering of the infants ; iosephus of the death of herod ; the poets of the floud ; plutark of the dove which noah sent out . iosephus ( a jew ) saith in his time there was a monument of the pillar of salt into which lots wife was turned . of sodoms destruction speaketh s●rabo , diodorus siculus , galen in his book of simples . pliny , solinus , polyst . hist. tacitus lib. ult . mela , acknowledging that the remainders of gods wrath are still to be seen there , as the dead lake , the fruit fair to the eye , but falling to cinders and smoke in the hand . the oracles of the sybillae were in greatest account among the heathen * ; and held as true of all men ; h and if those be they which we i have , there is nothing which can more plainly set forth the birth of christ , his life and death . k causabon makes it apparent , that those prophecies of sybil were counterfeited pieces , and at first entertained by such as delighted in seeing the christian religion strengthned with forreign proofs . hereticks also prove the scripture to be divine , for they quote that ; and therefore luther cals the bible librum haereticorum . experience teacheth , that all heresies either began or increased from the mis-understanding of scripture . some particular places of scripture have been much abused by hereticks . the arians laid their foundation upon prov. . . and much urged that ioh. . . the manichees perverted that place , phil. . , . he was found in the form of a servant . montanus , yea and the turks lay hold on that place ioh. . . i will send you another comforter , which the turks say is mahomet . the papists wrest that place to their purpose , matth. ● . . thou art peter , and upon this rock will i build my church . the familists bring that luke . . the kingdom of god is within you . the antiscripturists stick not to urge those scriptures ioh. . . cor. . . thirdly , the scripture it self doth give testimony to it self , * that it is divine ; it is called a light , psal. . . because it discovers it self ; the testimony , and the testimony of the lord : because it bears witness to it self . the prophets give testimony of moses , mal. . . the new testament of the old , pet. . , . peter gives testimony of pauls epistles , pet. . . and paul witnesseth that all scriture was given of god , l tim. . . which must be meant of all scripture even of the new testament , that being the last epistle which paul wrote , as appears chap. . . fourthly , none of all these arguments can undoubtedly perswade the heart certitudine fidei , that the holy scripture , or any doctrine contained in it is the word of god , till we be taught it of god , till the holy m spirit of god have inwardly certified and assured us of it . this is called , the scaling of the spirit of god , ephes. . . by this the scripture is imprinted in our hearts , as the sign of the seal in the wax . other arguments may convince , but this is absolutely necessary ; this is allsufficient to perswade certainly , matth. . . the holy ghost is the author of light , by which we understand the scripture , and the perswader of the heart , by which we believe the things therein to be truly divine , iohn . . it is the spirit that beareth witnesse , because the spirit ( i. metonymically the doctrine delivered by the spirit ) is truth . but he that is spiritual , saith paul , that is , the man enlightned with the holy ghost , judgeth all things , cor. . . that is , all things necessary to salvation . so to prove that there is a god , reasons may be brought from nature and the testimony of the church , but no man can believe it savingly , but by the holy ghost . it is hard to carry the matter even between the socinians reason , and the familists spirit . socinians will have nothing but reason , no infused habits , and so they destroy the testimony of the spirit ; the familists will have nothing but spirit , they rest wholly in an immediate private spirit , there art three that bear witnesse in earth n , blood ( that is , justification by the bloud of christ ) and water , i. sanctification by his grace , and the spirit ( say some ) witnesseth in these . but ye have an unction from the holy one , and ye know all things ; that is , ye have received from christ the holy ghost the comforter , and he hath taught and instructed you in all things which are necessary to the salvation of your souls , for you to know and be instructed in ; see vers . . the testimony is made up by arguing , whosoever believeth , and is sanctified , shall be saved . so the antiquity , efficacy , and majesty of the scripture , the fidelity of the pen men , and its wonderful preservation , prove it to be the word of god. the spirit of god witnesseth , that this word which hath these remarkable advantages above all other writings , is the word of god. the spirit doth neither witnesse concerning my salvation , nor that the scripture is the word of god immediately , but ultimately . because i am a believer , and my faith is sound , it assureth me that i am in the state of salvation , and so he maketh use of the excellencies in the word to irradiate my understanding . we are commanded to try the spirits ; true joy is first heard out of the word before it be felt , psal. . . spiritual joy is an affection proper to spiritual life , that life is by faith , and * faith cometh by hearing , job . . see ioh. . . some question whether every part and parcel of the scripture be divinely inspired , as those places n , touch him , and he will curse thee to thy face ; curse god and die , and that psal. . . some answer thus o , these places are historically inspired , not dogmatically . another question is , whether preaching be not divinely inspired , as well as the word written ? the preaching of the prophets and apostles was divinely inspired : but the preaching of our ministers , no further then it agrees with the word . some say , the scriptures are but a device of mans brain , to give assistance to magistrates in civil government . nothing is more repugnant to prudence and policy . what policy was it in the old testament to appoint circumcision ? to cut a poor childe as soon as he came into the world . two and twenty thousand oxen were spent at the dedication of one altar ; to sacrifice so many oxen and sheep , such useful creatures ? christ chose silly illiterate men to propagate the p gospel . this serves for information of our judgement , and assures us of divers truths . . that the scriptures are for themselves worthy to be believed , they have authority in and of themselves ( not borrowed from any persons in the world ) by which they binde the consciences of all men to receive them with faith and obedience , for their authors sake alone , and the divine truth which shines in them , though they should not be commended unto men by any authority of any creature . such as is the authority of the authour of any writing ; such is the authority of the writing it self ; for all the strength of the testimony depends upon the excellency of the person which gives the testimony ; now god is the author of these writings , thus saith the lord ; therefore such authority as he hath , such must they have , a supream , highest authority , which borroweth from none , and is subject to none . so this acknowledgment of their original teacheth that we must not believe them for the authority sake of any man or men , for gods word can borrow no authority from men , iohn . . i receive not testimony from man , saith christ ; that is , need no mans testimony . as the first goodnesse is to be loved for it self , so is the first truth to be believed for it self , saith aquinas . and as christ by himself could demonstrate that he was the messias ; so the word by it self can prove , q that it is the word of god. we affirm , that the scriptures are known to be of god by themselves ; the papists maintain , that we cannot be certain of the scriptures divinity by any other argument , then the testimony of the church , r which ( say they ) doth infallibly propound unto us , what is to be believed , what is not to be believed ; and hermanus saith , that the scripture is no more worth then aesops fables , without the testimony of the church . as in other sciences there are alwaies some principles per se nota & indemonstrabilia , whence other things are proved ; so in divinity all conclusions in point of belief and practice are proved by the scripture . the scriptures prove themselves by their own natural light , s manifesting their divine original whence they are , and their right meaning , how they must be understood . they are like light ( primum visibile ) which maketh all other things manifest , and it self too by its own proper qualities . . the church rather depends on the scripture , which is an object not principle of divinity ; the church ought to be subject to christ , ephes. . . the scripture is the word of christ , col. . . . all the words of the scripture are words of truth , dan. . . some words of the church are words of error , isa. . , . & . , . & . . but the authority of him that speaks alwaies truth , is greater then of him who sometimes lies : ergo , the authority of the scripture is greater then that of the church . goodnesse it self cannot deceive , wisdom it self cannot be deceived ; god is both , tit. . . the voice of the scripture is the voice t of god , tim. . . but the voice of the church is the voice of men , act. . . & . . & . . . faith and a firm consolation in temptations ought to relie on a sure , that is , a divine foundation , for every humane testimony is uncertain . . in vain shall we dispute against the wicked concerning religion and divine truth , if we shall say , it comes from god , because we affirm so . . this is proved by scriptures , iohn . , . christ in his humiliation did not receive the testimony of iohn , much lesse will he receive the testimony of others now he is glorified , ioh. . , , . cor. . , . ioh. . . . the authority proving is greater , more certain , and more known , then the conclusion proved by the same . authoritas probans is greater then probata . the papists to prove the authority of the church flie to the scriptures u . for i demand , whence do we understand that the church erres not in delivering the canon of the scripture : they answer , it is governed by the holy ghost , and therefore cannot erre in it's decrees . but how appears it , that it is so governed alwaies ? they answer , god hath promised it , and then they alledge those x places to prove it . obj. . the church is ancienter then the scripture , because it was before moses ; ergo , it hath greater authority . ans. . the prophets and iohn baptist were ancienter then christ , yet not of greater authority . . consider the word , . quoad formale y externum , as written z and cloathed with words ; so the church was before the scripture , . quoad formale internum ; the matter and sense or meaning : so the scripture was more ancient than the church , because the church is gathered and governed by it , pet. , . ioh. . . iam. , . semen semper sobole illa cujus est s●men , antiquius esse nec●sse est . in the thing it self , the being and substance of the word was before the church , although in this circumstance and manner of being it was after . obj. . non crederem evangelio , nisi me commoveret ecclesiae catholicae authoritas , saith augustine . ans. these words ( saith whitaker ) are so well known to the papists that one can hardly exchange three words with them , but they will produce them . it is true indeed , that we may at the first be much moved to receive and hearken to the scriptures , because the church gives testimony of them ; as the woman of samaria , by her speeches of christ , was a means of moving the samaritans to believe , but when the men of samaria had heard christ himself speak , they believed in him more for his own words then the womans , iohn . , . in which sense those words of augustine ( so frequently quoted by the papists ) are to be interpreted . augustine spake this of himself being a manichee a ; when he was a manichee he was first moved by the authority of the church to believe the gospel . his meaning is , that he had uever believed the gospel , if the authority of the church had not been an introduction unto him , not that his faith rested upon it as a final stay , but that it caused him so farre to respect the word of the gospel , to listen unto it , and with a kinde of acquisite and humane faith to believe it , that he was thereby fitted b to a better illumination , by force whereof he might more certainly believe it to be of god. but that the testimony of one father in one place in a matter of such consequence should be of that force , it is strange . we deny not the ministery of the church as an external means to move us to imbrace the word of god , but we deny the authority of the church to be the principal c means . when we call the scriptures canonical , we call them not so passively , because they are received into the canon by men , and accepted of ; but actively , because they prescribe a canon and rule to us . the office of the church in respect of the scripture stands in four things . . to distinguish canonical scripture from that which is not canonical ; although the determination of the church be not the only or chiefest cause why the apocrypha are rejected . . to be a faithful keeper of those books which are inspired by god , like a notary which keepeth publick writings . . to publish , declare and teach the truth , as a crier with a loud voice ought to pronounce the kings edicts , but to pretermit , adde , or alter nothing , matth. . , . acts . . tim. . . this church here is not that church which the papists make to be the judge of controversies , neither the church representative , which is a general councel ; nor the church virtual , which they imagine to be the d pope ; but the church essential e : the congregation of all faithfull believers , the house of god , as he calleth it . the apostle here speaks of a pillar , not more architectonico , understanding by it some essential piece of the building , but more forensi , such a post or f pillar on which tables and proclamations use to hang. in old time the gentiles used to write their laws in tables , and so hang them upon pillars of stone , that the people might read them , as proclamations are nailed to posts in market towns. the apostle describing the church , likeneth it to one of these pillars , whose use was to shew what hung thereon . it is a pillar , not because it holds up , g but holds forth the truth , as a candlestick doth a candle , revel . . . . to interpret the scripture by the scripture . since many things in scripture are doubtfull , and hard to be understood without an interpreter , acts . . it doth belong to the church to expound the same , to interpret and give the sense , nehem. . , . luke . . provided that this exposition be by the scriptures . some of the papists say , that the church may condere articulos fidei & facere canonicum quo ad nos , and though they talk of councels and fathers , yet all is as the pope concludes . the testimony and tradition of the church , especially the primitive church , is necessary to know that the gospel of matthew is divine scripture by an historical and acquired faith , to know this by a divine h and infused faith , ( besides the authority of the church ) the matter , character and contents of every book , and comparing of it with other scriptures , do serve as an inward cause to produce the said infused faith . object . we are sent to the church to determine all controversies , cor. . . sol. controversies are either dogmaticall , concerning faith ; or rituall , concerning true order ; the proposition is about these , not the first . secondly , from this fundamental truth , that the scripture is immediately from god , ( the basis indeed of all religion , cor. . ) the wickednesse of the church of rome is farther to be condemned , which will not suffer the scriptures to be read in their churches , but in an unknown i tongue , nor in private by the common people without special leave and certain cautions from their superiours . of old they would not suffer them to be read at all , of late they are forced to give licences to some , and they teach them , that they should not make the scripture judge of the doctrine and practice of the church , but the doctrine and practice of the church must be the interpreter and judge of the meaning of the scripture , that is , they must take the scripture to mean none otherwise ( whatsoever it seem to say ) then what is agree●ble to that which the pope doth teach and practise . there cannot be a surer sign of a bad cause , then that it fears to be tried by the writings which it self cannot deny to be written by god , for correction , for reproof , for instruction in righteousnesse . some papists are more modest herein , as bellarmine , lib. . de verb. dei. c. . catholica ecclesia statuit , ne passim omnibus concedatur scripturae lectio ; some more rigid , as huntly and hosius . the papists k object the obscurity of scriptures , as an argument to hinder lay-men from reading them , and account it a matter of profanation to allow men , women and children , and all promiscuously the use of the vulgar translation , and think they will rather be hurt then benefited by them , taking occasion of erring from them . hosius urgeth that , give not holy things to dogs , cast not pearls before swine , to prove the people must be barred from reading of the scriptures . it is pope innocents glosse , a beast might not touch the mount , a lay-man may not meddle with scripture . lindan saith , nihil noxae inferretur in ecclesiam salvo traditionis fundamento l , if there were no bible ; and another , scriptura citius faciet haereticum lutheranum , quam catholicum . because we will have all proved by scripture , and make that the compleat rule for what we believe or do in all theological matters , they call us scripturarios , scripture-men , and atramentrarios theologos ; and so to carry or read a bible is matter of m scoff ; we may stile them in tertullians phrase scripturarum lucifugae and traditionaries . st gregory ( who is blessed in their church ) exhorteth a lay-man to the serious study of the scriptures , that thereby he might learn the will of god , alledging that the scripture is the epistle of god unto his creature . quid est autem scriptura sacra , nisi epistola omnipotentis dei ad creaturam ? greg. lib. epist. . ad theodorum medi●um . proving further , that obscurity of scripture is so frothy an argument for perswading any devout christian not to reade it , that it should rather incite them to greater diligence therein ; and therefore he elegantly comp●res the scripture to a river , wherein ( saith he ) there are as well shallow fords for lambs to wade in , as depths and gulphs wherein the elephant may swim . chrysostom held it a thing necessary for all men daily to read the scriptures , audito quaeso saeculares , comparate vobis biblia , animae pharmaca . st ierom did exhort divers women thereto , and commended them for exercising themselves therein , he writes to laeta and gaudentia , and shews them how they should bring up their daughters , scripturas sacras tenebat memoriter . hieron . de paula in epitaphio . he commends the husbandmen about bethlem for being so perfect in the scripture , that they had the psalms of david by heart , and sang them as they followed the plow . arator stivam tenens cantat davidicum melos . epist. ad demetriad . the apostle would not have commended this in timothy , tim. . . that from his childehood he knew the holy scriptures , nor noted it to the praise of his grandmother and mother , that they had trained him up so , if he had not known that the holy scriptures are so plain that even a childe may be able to understand them . what may we judge of the other easier books , when the holy ghost would have the revelation the obscurest book of all the scripture , to be read , revel . ▪ ? the people took occasion of erring and blaspheming from the humiliation of christ , many abuse preaching and the sacraments . . by this reason the latine bibles should not be suffered to be read publickly , because many understanding latine from the reading of them may take occasion of erring . there is a greater reason to be had of gods elect which are edified by reading of the scripture , then of those who wrest them ; peter by this reason stirred up the faithfull to reade the scriptures with greater devotion , pet. . , , , . . this is common both to the ecclesiastical persons and laity , to take occasion of erring and blaspheming from the scripture . if we peruse the histories of times past , we shall finde that learned and ecclesiastical men , did oftner fall into heresies and blasphemies from misunderstanding and wresting the scriptures , then any of the common sort of people , who were often also by the learned drawn into heresie . the papists are not afraid the people should be corrupted by reading their legends , and lying fables , by their images , which doe naturally teach idolatry . the papists further object , that the hebrews did not permit young men to read part of genesis , canticles , ezekiel . we must know that the reading of those scriptures non ablatam hominibus , sed dilatam fuisse , was not taken away from them , but delayed only . they permitted all men before thirty to read all other chapters of holy scripture , and after thirty these also . . this tradition concerning the age of men did drive away as well the ecclesiastick as the lay persons . notwithstanding all this that hath been objected by the papists , we hold that the scriptures ought to be translated into the vulgar and mother tongues of each nation , and that all n men ought to read them and meditate diligently in them , and that for these ▪ reasons . . from the commandment and will of god revealed in scripture ; he hath commanded all that live in the church to study o the scriptures , and read them , deut. . , . ioh. . . he speaks not to the scribes and pharisees , but to the people in general , they must try all things . . from gods intention , which commanded it to be written for that end that it might be obvious to all , ioh. . . rom. . . . those are commended which did reade the scripture , as the eunuch , acts . . the bereans , acts . and dispraised which neglected it , as the israelites , hosea . . they are pronounced blessed who diligently meditate in the scriptures , psal. . . how unlike to peter , ● pet. . . are those whith pretend to be his successours ? . from the fact of the apostles , who as they publickly preached the mysteries of salvation to the people ; so also in their epistles they commended the whole doctrine of salvation to be read by them . the epistles of the romans , corinthians , galatians , ephesians were written to the people , therefore to be read by them . one epistle of iohn was written to gaius a lay-man , another to the elect lady . . from the profit and necessity of this study ; men are illightned and converted by reading of the scriptures , psal. . , . they are directed by them as most faithfull counsellors in all their waies , psal. . . they are armed p by them against the fiery darts of satan , eph. . . one seeing a youth read the scriptures , said , it was never well since such were permitted to turn over the bible ; but he answered him in the psalmists words , psal. . . . from the unanimous conse●t of all the fathers , chrysostom and ierom especially , who exhort the people to the private reading of the scriptures , and testifie that the scriptures were publickly read in their ecclesiastical assemblies , not in an unknown tongue , but in a tongue understood by the people q . it was decreed by the councel of nice , that no christian should be without a bible in his house . and the jews at this day suffer no house amongst them to be without the bible . christ and his apostles teaching and disputing before the people , appeal to the law and the prophets , without the name of the author , book or chapter , because they knew the bible text to be familiar to the israelites . in an unknown tongue they cannot profit the people , ergo , they ought to be translated into a tongue known to the people , r cor. . s the apostle in divers verses treateth of this subject , vers . , , . he saith , all things ought to be done in the church for the edifying of the people , that no man should speak in an unknown tongue , without an interpreter : and saith , that he had rather speak five words and be understood , then ten thousand words in an unknown tongue . those arguments before urged for the peoples reading of the scripture , prove this also ; for they cannot reade them in every nation unlesse they be translated into a tongue they understand . christ and his apostles taught the people the scripture in their mother t tongue . in the next age after the apostles ( saith grotius lib. . de veritate religionis christ. ) the new testament was translated into divers vulgar tongues , the syriack , arabick , aethiopick , and latine ; which versions are yet extant , and differ not mainly from the greek . in the elder and purer times , the scriptures were translated into innumerable , yea into all tongues usual amongst men . see gregories preface to the notes on passages of scripture . the plain and usual words , the phrase and manner of speech most frequented , the comparisons and similitudes in scripture most familiar , taken out of the shops and fields , from husbandry and houswifery , from the flock u and the herd , shew that the scriptures were written for the capacity and understanding of the unlearned , iohn . . a speciall place ; if it be indicative , it shewes the custome x of the jewes ; if imperative , it shewes what they ought to doe . many amongst us are to be blamed for not having the scripture in their houses , and for not reading it constantly in the same as they ought to do , or else they read it as other books , not with such respect to it as the greatnesse of its authour deserveth ; i mean with a desire and purpose to believe and obey all that they finde there , which must needs be the duty of those that confesse these writings come from god. y we should receive it with reverence , believe it with confidence , exercise our selves in it with diligence and delight , practise it with obedience . reading the scripture is a rehearsing out of the book such things as are there written ●arely without any interpretation . it is to be done publickly , as it was in the synagogues of the jews who had the reading of the law and prophets amongst them , the prophets were read in their ears every day , saith paul , and after the lecture of the law and the prophets , in another place . from hence hath been continued the custom of lessons of the old and new testament to the same purpose , saith mr thorndike . we honour god more by a publick then a private reading of it . . p●ivately , the godly jews of b●rea did search the scriptures , and both king and people are commanded to read the law , deut. . . and . . . . what is written in the law ? how readest thou ? luke . . matth. . . and . , . christ , peter and paul in their preaching quote not the chapter and verse , only say , isaiah saith , isaiah is bold , it is written in the psalms , because people should be so acquainted with the scripture , as to know where it is . see grotius on heb. . . some good divines hold that the scriptures barely read ( though preaching be not joined with it ) may be the instrument of regeneration , since the doctrine of the gospel is called , the ministration of the spirit , psal. . the law of the lord converteth the soul , it is so when not preached ; the word is a means of conversion , whether written , preacht or lived , * cor. . , . pet. . , . psal. . . but the word of god is made effectual by the spirit , more often , more ordinarily to beget a new life in the preaching ( that is , the interpreting and applying of it ) then in the b●re reading , tim. . . matth. . . christs custome was ( as we may collect out of luke . where one instance is recorded to make us conceive his ordinary practice ) when he had read , to interpret the scripture , and often to apply it . let us all learn constantly to exercise our selves in the writings of god , which if we strive to do in a right manner , we shall attain true knowledge of the way to heaven , and also grace and help to walk in that way . if the lord should deny to any man the publick helps of preaching and conference , yet if that man should constantly reade the word , praying to god to teach him and guide him by it , and strive to follow it in his life , he should finde out the truth , and attain saving grace , the word would illighten and convert ; but if god afford publick preaching and interpretation , we must use that too as a principal ordinance . let us all reade z the scripture . . with hearty prayers to god to direct us , and open the sense of it to us a , psa. . . prov. . . iam. . , . though christ himself was the preacher , yet he opened their understanding to conceive the scripture , luk. . . and with a resolution to put in practice that which we learn , iam. . . matth. . . iohn . . and we shall finde the word read gods power to our edification and salvation . only a spiritual understanding can discern an excellency in the scripture . nunquam pauli sensum ingredieris , nisi pauli spiritum imbiberis . bern. . diligently , attend unto reading , tim. . , . john . . search the scriptures ; whether the greek word be a metaphor from hunting dogs , or from diggers in mines , both import diligence . it was a solemn speech used in holy actions , hoc age . the passions of the martyrs may be read when their anniversary daies are celebrated , whence the name of legends . chamier . we should observe the scope and circumstance of the place , the use of the word and phrase , and compare one place with another . . orderly , that we may be better acquainted with the whole body of the scriptures . we should read on in chronicles and ezra , and other places wherein are nothing but names and genealogies , to shew our obedience to god in reading over all his sacred word , and we shall after reap profit by that we understand not for the present ; though it will be convenient to begin with the new testament as more plain , before we reade the old. . with faith , h heb. . . the word of god consisteth of four parts : . history , . commandments , . promises , . threats , every thing in gods word is to be believed . all truths taught in the history of the scripture ought to be believed . as that the world was made of nothing , only by the word of god , heb. . . and that the bodies of men howsoever they died , shall rise again at the last day , iob . . . all precepts , genes . . . abraham obeyed that commandment though strange . . all promises , as that god could give abraham when he was an hundred years old , a seed and posterity which should be as innumerable as the stats in the firmament ; gen. . . and that by sarah an old and barren woman , gen. . . abraham and sarah believed it , rom. . , . heb. . . . threatnings , as that gen. . , . though unlikely , noah believed it , pet. . . because god had said it , heb. . . and that ionah . . the people of nineveh believed , v. . in narrando gravitas , in imperando authoritas , in promittendo liberalitas , in minando s●veritas . spanhem . orat . de officio theologi . we reade therefore of faith in the promises psal. . . faith in the commandments , psal. . . faith in the threatnings , heb. . . but faith in the threatnings is not so much urged , because guilty nature in it self is presaging of evil . . constantly . cyprian was so much delighted with the reading of tertullian , that he read something in him every day , and called him his master , * da magistrum . let gods command , the examples of the godly , and our own benefit quicken us to a frequent reading of the holy scriptures . mr bifield hath a kalender , shewing what number of chapters are to be read every day , that so the whole bible may be read over in the year . the number of chapters while you are reading the old testament , is for the most part three a day , and when you come to the new testament it is but two c sometimes where the matter is historical or typical , or the chapters short , he hath set down a greater number . the martyrs would sit up all night in reading and hearing . after we have read and understood the scripture , we must , . give thanks to god for the right understanding of it , and pray him to imprint the true knowledge of it in our hearts , that it may not fall out . . we must meditate in the word of god understood , and so fix it in our minds . one defines meditation thus : it is an action of the soul calling things to minde or remembrance , and discoursing of them , that they might be the better understood , retained , affected and possessed . it is as it were every mans preaching to himself , and is a setting ones self seriously to consider in his minde , and apply to his own soul some necessary truth of gods word , till the minde be informed , and the heart affected , as the nature thereof requires , and is the wholsomest and usefullest of all exercises of piety . this is to ingraff the word into ones soul , to give the seed much earth ; this is to binde it to the tables of our heart , and to hide it in the furrows of our souls ; this is to digest it , and make it our own . . we c must apply to our own use whatsoever things we read and understand the precepts and examples of the law to instruct our life , the promises and comforts of the gospel to confirm our faith . it serves for thankfulnesse , . that now we have the scripture : the world was a long time without it ; it was the more wicked , because they had no canon of scripture . we are not like to erre by tradition , as former ages have done . . that we have so great a part of scripture , and in our vulgar tongue ; the martyrs would have given a load of hay for a few chapters of st iames or paul in english. . that we have so great helps for the opening of the scripture ; so many excellent expositors ; compare mollerus on the psalmes , with augustine . as the later thoughts are usually the more advised , so the later interpreters are generally the quicker sighted . all those are to be reproved which contemn or unreverently handle the scriptures . . atheists , f who impiously oppose the word of god , and all prophane wretches , who live loosely and wickedly , their doom is written in this book . iulian the apostate , when christians craved help against all their injuries , would ask with mocks and scoffs , why they did complain when the galilean their master bad them do good for evil : if any one would take away their coat , that then they should give him also their cloak . . papists , who . set up images and pictures in stead of the scripture ; the scriptures ( they say ) may teach men errors , but may not pictures ? . equal the apocrypha and unwritten verities , or rather vanities with the sacred scriptures . . charge the scriptures with insufficiency g and obscurity , allow it not to be a perfect rule . . make it of no force to binde our consciences unlesse the pope ratifie it . . give the pope power to dispense with things therein forbidden , yea and with oaths and vows , which no scripture dispenseth withall . . teach that the vulgar latine is to be received as authentick . . wrest and turn it which way they h please , isa. . . cardinal bellarmine in praefat . lib. de summo pontifice , and baronius , say , that by precious and corner stone in this place , the pope of rome , although lesse principally , is meant , who is a stumbling stone to hereticks , and a rock of offence , but to catholicks a tried , precious corner stone ; yet peter . . . & . expoundeth those words , not of himself , but of christ. bellarmine from matth. . feed my lambs and sheep i , would infer the popes universal dominion . baronius from the acts , kill and cat , psalm . . . under his feet , that is , say they , of the pope of rome ; sheep ] i. christians ; oxen ] that is , jews and hereticks ; beasts of the field , i. pagans ; fowls of the air , i. angels ; fishes of the sea , i. souls in purgatory . they have tapers in their churches in the day time , because christ saith , i am the light of the world : or because they had such at midnight , acts . . where paul preached . this is the great fault of the school-divines , that they handle paul and aristotle , suae curiositati litantes potius , quam pietati ; so that he is counted most learned amongst them who dares to seek , and presumes to define most things out of the scripture . what distinctions , orders , degrees and offices do they make of angels ? what curious questions do they raise ? what use would there have been of sexes , if adam had not sin'd ? whether christ should have been incarnate if there had been no sin ? and infinite such like . the schoolmen perverting the k scriptures have prophaned divinity with philosophy , or rather sophistry , and yet are called school-divines , l when they are neither scholars in truth , nor divines . behold two swords , luk. . . therefore the pope hath two swords , one spiritual , another temporal , cor. . . ergo , the pope judgeth of all things , and is judged of none . the papists stile the scripture regulam lesbiam , nasum cereum , evangelium nigrum , theologiam atramentariam . a lesbian rule , a nose of wax , the black gospel , inky divinity . bishop bonners chaplain called the bible , his little pretty gods book ; m giford and raynolds said , it contained some things prophane and apocryphall . leo the tenth the pope , when he admired at the money gotten by indulgences , he is reported to have said to cardinal bembus : bembe , quantum nobis profuit fabula de christo ? the same man when bembus brought a place out of the new testament to comfort him dying , said , apage istas nugas de christo. paraei medulla hist. eccl●s . many wicked men abuse scripture , they say they must not be too precise , and urge eccles. . . they bring that place , eccles. . . to justifie mixt dancing : that matth. . . for usury : that cor. . . for temporizing and complying with all companies , and many that were professors formerly deny scripture , they call it a fancy , a meer forgery , the bible a riddle . the rebels in ireland took the bibles , threw them into the chanels , n and cast them into the fire , and called it hell-fire , and wished they could serve all the rest so . but i may say of the gospel , as the french lady of the crosse , never dog barkt at the crosse , but he ran mad . contra rationem nemo sobrius , contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus , contra scripturas nemo christianus . thirdly , the brownists vainly and idly o quote the scripture , filling their margents with many texts of scripture , but nothing to the purpose , and misapply it ; they alledge those texts of isa. . . and revel . . . to draw men from all the assemblies of gods people , whither any wicked men do resort . fourthly , the antinomians or antinomists , who cry down the law of god , and call those that preach the law , legal preachers , and stand for evangelical grace ; the law is part of canonical scripture , and hath something peculiar in it , being written with the finger of god , and delivered with thunder and lightning . see master gatakers treatise on numb . . . and master burgesse his lectures on tim. . , . master bedfords examination of antinomianism . those that under a colour of advancing free grace , cry down the law of god , are enemies to god , to the people of god , to the gospel , . to god in crying down his law , this is to let every one be at liberty , and do what he list . ● . to the people of god , the law is to them a light , a guide , a rule , a councellor . . to the gospel , the law is subservient to it , . in discovering of sinne , by the law comes the knowledge of sin , and the malignity of it against god and the souls of men ; . in driving men to christ , gal. . . . in exalting free-grace , tim. . , . and the value of christs bloud . fifthly , stage-players , who jest with scriptures ; witches and others , which use charms , writing a piece of st iohns gospel to cure a disease , or the like , are to be condemned for abusing the scripture . per voces sacras ( puta evang. iohannis , orationem dominicam frequenter cum ave maria recitatam , symbolum apostolicum , &c. ) morbos curare magicum est . voetius . sixthly , printers , who print the bible in bad paper , a blinde print , and corruptly , are likewise to be blamed . seventhly , the heathens and jews . tacitus cals the doctrine of the gospel , superstitionem quandam exitiabilem . the modern jews call evangelium avengilion ▪ a volume of lies , word for word , the iniquity of the volume ; the blasphemous jews mean ( i suppose ) the volume of iniquity . elias levita in thisbi mentions this etymology or rather pseudology of the word ; but p. fagius abhorred to translate it . the jews think they shew great reverence to the bible , if they place it not under but above all other books , if they do not touch it with unwashen hands , especially after they have been disburdening of nature , if they kisse it as often as they open and shut it , if they sit not on that seat where the bible is , but they are not in the mean while sollicitous to do and perform what the bible teacheth , viz. faith , charity , justice , innocency of life , which are the chief parts of piety . they bend all their thoughts , not to draw out the true and genuine sense of the holy ghost out of the scriptures , but how they may by usury and other most unjust means extort money from gojim , that is , the gentiles . paulus fagius in his annotat. on deut. . . scripture arguments are the chiefest to convince an unbeliever . christ by divers arguments , iohn . labours to convince the jews that he was the messiah promised . . iohn bare witnesse of him , vers . . . his works bare witnesse of him , verse . . the father did bear witnesse of him , vers . . . he produceth the testimony of the scriptures , vers . . they are they which testifie of me . will you not believe iohn , my miracles , my word from heaven , then believe the written word . if we believe not the testimomy of scripture , nothing will convince us , though one rise from the dead ; nor christ himself , if he were here in the flesh and should preach unto us , ioh. . ult . the lord in executing of his judgements commmonly observes proportion and retaliation . antichrist is the greatest opposite to gods law and word , he is called therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thess. . . the lawlesse one ; he is without law , above law , against law ; he abuseth scripture , takes upon him to jud●● and interpret scripture , therefore it shall be his ruine , thess. . . god shall destroy him with the spirit of his mouth , id est , verbo suo . beza . god hath consecrated the word to this purpose ; the end of it is not only to save , but destroy , being the savour of death to some ; and it is a fit instrument for such a work . antichrists strength is in mens consciences ; only this will pierce thither , heb. . . god useth the word for the destruction of antichrist , these wayes : . it discovers him , his doctrine , his errors . . it hardens him . . it condemneth him , and passeth sentence against him . chap. iii. ii. the books of scripture . from the divine ●lows the canonical authority of the scripture . the books of scripture are called canonical books ( say some ) from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word is used cor. . . phil. . . gal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mark the double emphasis , this notable canon , because they were put into the canon by the universal church , and acknowledged to be divinely inspired by it , and also are made a perfect canon or rule of all doctrine concerning religion , credendorum & agendorum , of faith and manners , of all things which are to be believed or done toward salvation . but cameron thinks it is not termed canonical , because it is a rule , for that book ( saith he ) is called canonical , which is put into the catalogue ( which the ancients called a canon ) of those writings which are esteemed divine . becanus saith , they are called canonical a , both because they contain a rule which we ought to follow in faith and manners , and because they are put into the catalogue of divine books . the conditions of a canon are these . . it must contain truth , or be an expresse form and image of truth , which is in the divine minde . . it must be commanded , sanctified and confirmed by divine authority , that it may be a canon to us in the church . these books were sanctified , either commonly , all of both testaments , by the testimony of the spirit , and church , and canon it self ; or the books of the old testament were specially and singularly confirmed by word , signs and event , as the pentateuch , but the prophetical books and hagiographa before their carrying into babylon by extraordinary sign , the cloud and veil in the temple , king. . . levit. . . and gods answer by ephod , urim and thummim , exod. . . after their carrying away into babylon by singular testimonies of events . the books of the new testament are confirmed by the son of god revealed in flesh , by his sayings and deeds , heb. . . and by the powerful ministry of the apostles , by signs , vertues and miracles , mark . . there is a three-fold canon in the church , divine , ecclesiasticall , and false . the divine canon is that which properly and by it self is called the word of god , immediately inspired of god into the prophets and apostles . this according to the divers times of the church is distinguished into the old and new testament , cor. . , . this is a common division of the sacred bible among christians , as in the version of tremellius and iunius , testamenti veteris & novi biblia sacra ; and the geneva gives that title to their bible , la bible , qui est toute la saincte escriture du vi●l & noveau testament . augustine thinks they are better called , vetus & novum instrumentum . heinsius & grotius , vetus & novum foedus . vide grotii annotat. in libros evangelii . a covenant is an agreement between two ; a testament is the declaration of the will of one . it is called in regard of the form , convention and agreement between god and man , a covenant ; in regard of the manner of confirming it a testament . for . in a testament or last will the testators minde is declared , so is the will of god in his word , therefore it is called a testimony often , psal. . and . . here is a testator , christ ; a legacy , eternal life ; heirs , the elect ; a writing , the scripture ; seals , the sacraments . . because it is ratified by the death of christ , heb. . , . the books of the old testament are the holy scriptures given by god to the church of the jews , shewing them what to believe , and how god would be worshipped : the new testament containeth the books which treat of salvation already exhibited , and christ already come in the flesh . all the books of the old testament were written originally b in hebrew , because they were committed unto the hebrews , rom. . . except what daniel c and ezra wrote in the chaldee . the jewish church receiving them from god , kept them and delivered them to posterity . many grave authors hold , that the hebrew was the first tongue , and mother of all the rest ; and it may probably be collected from the names of our first parents . it was called hebrew ( saith erpenius ) not from heber of the posterity of shem , as iosephus , ierom , and others think , when it is manifest that he rather spake chaldee then hebrew , because abraham the patriarch , which drew his original from him was a chaldean ; but it was so called , saith erpenius d ( as all the rabbins , origen and others testifie ) from the hebrews , which people arose from canaan . it is honoured with the title of the holy tongue ( saith the same erpenius ) because the most holy god spoke it to his prophets , delivered his holy will written in it to the church ; and because it is very probable from the opinion of great men , that holy men shall use it with god hereafter in heaven . vide buxtorfium de linguae hebraeae origine , antiquitate & sanctitate . there are many hebraisms also in the new testament , many words and phrases rather used according to the manner of the hebrews then the greeks ; by which it is manifest that the same spirit was the author of the old and new testament . the knowledge of the hebrew much conduceth to the learning of those famous oriental tongues , the chaldee , syriack , arabick and aethiopick , by reason of the great affinity which they have with their mother . the books of the old testament may be divided several wayes ; in respect of the style , some were written in prose , some in verse : in respect of time , some were written before their being taken captives into babylon , as samuel , isaiah , hosea , and many others ; some in the captivity f , and some after , as haggai , zachary , malachi . the hebrews divide the bible ( ex instituto esdrae ) into three special parts * . . the law , the five books of moses . . the prophets . ● . the former , ioshua , iudges , two books of samuel , and two of the kings , so called because they speak of the first prophets . . the later . . greater , three . . lesser , twelve . . the hagiographa , for want of a more special name , by which title all the rest are understood , and they are eleven g . our saviour himself mentions this most ancient distinction , luk. . . calling all the rest of the books ( besides the law and prophets ) psalms . ubi psalmi ponuntur pro omnibus libris , qui hagiographorum parte continentur , ex quibus etiam in n. t. quaedam citantur , tanquam impleta . buxtorf . tiberias . cap. . in masora , quando vox aliqua ter duntaxat reperitur , & quidem in tribus his scripturae partibus , tum dicunt : ter occurrit , semel in lege , semel in prophetis , semel in hagiographis . id. ib. all the scriptures of the old testament ( in other places ) are comprized in the law and prophets , matth. . . & . . and . . & . . acts . . & . , & . . & . . rom. . . or moses and the prophets , luk. . . & . . or in the scriptures of the prophets , rom. . . or the prophets alone , luke . . & . , . rom. . . heb. . . the name prophet being taken as it is given to every holy writer . the jews and the an●ient reckon twenty two h books in the old testament , according to the number of the letters of the alphabet for memory sake . ruth being joyned with the book of iudges ; and the lamentations being annexed to ieremiah their author . hebraeis sunt initiales & medianae literae , finales quinque . quamobrem v. t. modò in . modò in . libros partiuntur . all the books of both testaments are sixty six , thirty nine of the old , and twenty seven of the new testament . some would have hugo cardinal to be the first author of that division of the bible into chapters , which we now follow . no man put the verses in the latine bibles before robert stephen ; and for the new testament he performed that first , being i holpen by no book greek or latine . vide croii observat . in nov. test. c. . this arithmetical distinction of chapters , which we have in our bibles was not from the first authors . of which that is an evident token , that in all the quotations which are read in the new testament out of the old ; there is not found any mention of the chapter , which would not have been altogether omitted , if all the bibles had then been distinguished by chapters , as ours k , distinguishing of the bible into chapters and verses , much helps the reader , but it sometimes obscures the sense . dr raynolds l gives this counsel to young students in the study of divinity , that they first take their greatest travail with the help of some learned interpreter in understanding st iohns gospel , and the epistle to the romans , the summe of the new testament , isaiah the prophet , and the psalms of david , the summe of the old , and in the rest they shall do well also , if in harder places they use the judgement of some godly writer , as calvin and p. martyr who have written best on the most part of the old testament . the books of the old testament are ; . legal , . historical . ▪ poetical . . prophetical . . legal ( which the hebrews call from the chief part torah , deut. . . & . . the grecians from the number pentateuch , that is , the five-fold volume ) the five books of moses , genesis , exodus , leviticus , numbers , deuteronomy , all written by moses ( as it is commonly agreed ) except the last chapter in the end of deuteronomy concerning his death , written by ioshua . in which five books are described the things done in the church from the beginning of the world to the death of moses . atque hîc finitur pentateuchum , historiam annorum . cum dimidio , ab initio mundi complectens . r. usserius in annal. v. t. cap. . vide sims . paras . ad chron. cathol . cap. . the sadduces ( as some say ) received no other scripture but these five books of moses ; therefore christ , matth. . . proves the resurrection of the dead , which they denied , out of the second book of moses ; but scultetus saith , that they rejected not the prophets , lib. . exercit . evang. cap. . see my annotat. on matth. . . anciently it was not the custome of holy writers to adde titles to what they had written , but either they left their works altogether without titles , or the first words were titles , the titles now in use , as genesis , exodus , were prefixed according to the arbitrement of men ; and the like is to be thought of those before the historicall books of the new testament , as matthew , mark , luke , iohn . with the hebrews the titles of books are taken sometimes from the subject matter or argument , as in the books of iudges , ruth , kings , proverbs , and others of that kinde ; sometimes from the authors or amanuenses rather , as in the books of ioshua and the prophets ; sometimes from the initial words with which the books begin , which ierom follows . the books of moses are denominated from the initial words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in principio . i. e. m genesis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . haec nomina . h. e. exodus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et vocavit . h. e. leviticus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in deserto . i. e. numeri . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . verba . sive deuteronomium . these are subdivided again into n fifty four sections , that the reading of them may be finished in so many sabbaths , which is signified , act. . . iunius , ainsworth and amama , with calvin , cornelius a lapide and piscator , have done well on the pentateuch . . genesis ] in hebrew bereshith , the first word of the book , by the septuagint it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which appellation the latine church retained , because it sets forth the first generation of things , chap. . . and of adam or mankinde , gen. . . it consists of fifty chapters , and contains a history of two thousand three hundred and sixty nine yeares from the creation of the world , to the death of ioseph . the best expositors of this book are mercer , rivet , paraeus , calvin , peter martyr on fourty chapters , willet , ainsworth . origen upon the canticles , and ierom o upon ezekiel say , that the hebrews forbad those that had not attained to the age of the priesthood , and judgement , viz. thirty years , to read in three books for their profundity and difficulty ; that is , the beginning of the world , which is contained in the three first chapters of genesis , the beginning and end of ezekiel , since that treats of the cherubins , and the divine majesty , this of the structure of the third temple ; and the song of songs , in which those things which ought to be understood of the divine authour , are easily through youthfull affection elsewhere drawne and wrested . this book of genesis is not onely profitable , but very necessary for doctrine ; as moses is the prince , and as it were , parent of divines : so genesis is the foundation and excellent compendium of all divinity , propounding evidently the chief parts of it . . exodus p ] the second book of moses is called in hebrew elle sh●moth , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word the latines have retained . it consists of fourty chapters , and contains a history ( say iunius and tremellius ) of one hundred fourty two years * , viz. from the death of ioseph even to the building of the tabernacle . the best expositors of it , are rivet , calvin , willet , ainsworth . . leviticus q ] in hebrew vajicra , in greek and latine leviticus , from the matter which it handleth , because it treats especially of the levitical priesthood , and the levitical or ceremonial laws in it . it consists of seven and twenty chapters , and contains a history of one moneth , viz. of the first , in the second year after their going out of aegypt . the best expositors of it are calvin , ainsworth and willet . . numbers ] in hebrew vaiedabber , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in latine numeri , in english numbers , because it begins with declaring the number of the people , and because many numberings are reckoned up in this book , as first , third , and thirty three chapters . it contains a history of thirty eight years , and consists of thirty six chapters . the best expositors of it are calvin , attersol , ainsworth . . deuteronomy r ] in hebrew haddebarim , from the first words , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latine retains , because it contains a second repetition of many necessary points of the law. it consists of thirty four chapters , and contains a history of the two last moneths of the year . some say concerning ch. . . that part of it was written by ezra contemporary with malachi . the best expositors of it are calvin , ainsworth , wolphius ; cornelius a lapide . . the historical books . . before the captivity , ioshua , iudges , ruth , samuel , kings . . after the captivity , both the chronicles , ezra , nehemiah . the sixth book in the old testament is called ioshua , because it contains a history of things done by ioshua the servant of moses , which he by the will of god put in writing , it being all written by him , except some of the last chapter , where mention is made of his death , and thought to be written by samuel . it consists of twenty four chapters , and contains a history of eighteen years , viz from the death of moses even to the death of ioshua . the best expositors of it are s masius and serarius for papists , drusius and lavater of protestants . the seventh book is called sophetim , iudges , because it contains things done under the government of the twelve judges . there is nothing certain of the author of this book , though some would have samuel : but he rather collected and compiled into one volume what was written by many . it describes the state of the government of israel , from the death of ioshua even to the priesthood of t eli. it consists of twenty one chapters , and contains a history of two hundred ninety nine years , say some ; of three hundred at least , saith spanhemius . the best expositors of it are peter martyr , drusius , lavater , serrarius . the eighth is ruth , the author of which book is unknown ; many think it was written by samuel , who added this as a part or conclusion of the book of iudges . it consists of four chapters , and is an history concerning the marriage and posterity of ruth . the best expositors of it are drusius , wolphius , lavater , topsel . the ninth in order are the two books of samuel u , which contain in them an history of an hundred and twenty years . the first beginning an history of eighty years , of fourty under eli , sam. . . and of fourty under samuel and saul , act. . . and consists of one and thirty chapters . the second book is a history of fourty years , even from the death of saul to the end of davids kingdom , and consists of four and twenty chapters . these two books in the original have two several titles : x the one is the first and second of kings , the other the first and second of samuel . the former title it hath received as it stands in relation to the two next books , and in opposition to that of iudges ; for as in that story the regiment of iudges was described in one book ; so in this story , of which these two are but one part , the regiment of kings is described : this is the reason of the first title . the other likewise of the first and second of samuel is given unto it , . because there is very frequent mention made of samuel therein , he being a principal subject of the first part thereof . . because it continueth the narration so farre , till the infallible truth of samuels principal prophecie ( which seemed to remain in great doubtfulnesse , at least when he ended his dayes ) was fully accomplished in establishing the kingdome upon the person and family of david the sonne of iesse . the best expositors of both the samuels , are peter martyr , drusius ; willet also hath expounded them , but not so well as he hath other books of scripture . the tenth is the two books of the kings , in hebrew melachim , in greek and latine the third and fourth of the kings , from the subject matter of them , because they relate the acts of the kings of israel and iudah . this history was written by divers prophets ; but who digested it into one volume is uncertain ; many ascribe it unto esdras , see menochius . the first book consists of twenty two chapters , and contains a history of an hundred and eighteen years . the second book consists of five and twenty chapters , and contains a history of three hundred and twenty years . the best expositors of both the kings are peter martyr , and gaspar sanctius . the eleventh book is the two books of chronicles , which is called dibrei hajamim , verba dierum , because in them the deeds of the kings of israel are particularly described . the greeks and latines divide it into two ; with the greeks it is called liber 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q. d. praetermissorum , the book of remains , because he summarily explains some things either omitted , or not fully described in the pentateuch , the books of ioshua , iudges , samuel , and the kings . of the latines liber chronicorum , q. d. chronologicum ; which appellation luther retains in the dutch version of the bible . there is nothing certain of the author y of these books , though esdras be thought to be the author . the first book consists of twenty nine chapters , and contains a history of two thousand eight hundred and five years , viz. from the creation of the world even to the kingdom of salomon . the second consists of thirty two chapters , and describes a history from the beginning of the kingdom of salomon , even to the return out of the captivity of babylon . the best expositor on both the chronicles is lavater . twelfthly , the two books of ezra , they are counted for one volume with the hebrews ; the greeks and latines divide them into two books , and assign the first to ezra , the second to nehemiah . ezra was so called from the author , which was a scribe , most skild in the law of god , as appears in chap. . v. , , and . the best expositors of it are iunius and wolphius . nehemiah a ] it is called by the latines the second book of ezra , because the history begun by ezra is continued in it ; but usually nehemiah because it was written by him , and also because it contains the re-edifying of the city of ierusalem , caused by nehemiah . it consists of thirteen chapters , and contains a history of fifty five years , viz. from the twentieth year of artaxerxes to the kingdom of the last darius . the best expositors of it are wolphius and pilkinton . the next book is esther b , called in hebrew megillath esther , the volume of esther . many of the jews think this book was written by mordechai , which those words in chap. . and . seem to favour . isidore saith , ezra is thought to have written esther , but some say it was composed after by another ; moses camius saith it was written by the men of the great synagogue . philo iudaeus saith , ioachim a priest of the hebrews , son of the high-priest , was the composer of it , and that he did it at the intreaty of mordecai the jew . it s remarkable , that though the book of esther contain most admirable passages of gods providence in delivering of his church , yet in this book alone of all the books of holy scripture the name of god is not so much as once mentioned . dr drakes chronol . the jews throw the book of esther to the ground before they reade it , because the name of god is not there , as their rabbins have observed . dr stoughtons love sick spouse . it consists of ten chapters , and contains a history of ten , or ( as others will ) of twenty * years , concerning the preservation of the church of the jewes in persia by esther . drusius , serrarius and merlin have done well on this book . . poetical books . iob , psalms , proverbs , ecclesiastes , canticles ; to which some adde the c lamentations . those parts of scripture which set forth strongest affections , are composed in verse : as those holy flames of spiritual love between christ and his spouse in the canticles of salomon . the triumphant joy of deborah after deliverance from sisera's army : of moses and miriam after the destruction of pharaoh : the afflicting sorrows of hezekiah in his sickness ; and the lamentations of ieremiah for the captivity of the jews : the book of psalms is as it were a throng of all affections , love , joy , sorrow , fear , hope , anger , zeal , every passion acting a part , and wound up in the highest strains by the spirit of god , breathing poetical eloquence into the heavenly prophet . so the book of iob. whose subject is sorrow , hath a composure answerable to the matter . passion hath most scope in verse , and is freest when tied up in numbers . iob ] there is great variety of judgement about the author and pen-man of this book ; some say it was one of the prophets , but they know not who ; some ascribe it to salomon ; some to elihu , many to moses ; hugo cardinal , suidas , and pineda conceive that iob himself was the author of this book , and it is thus proved , because when any book is inscribed by the name of any person , and there appears no urgent reason , wherefore it could not be written by him , such a person is to be thought the author , and not the matter of the book , as is manifest in the book of ioshua , and those of the greater and lesser prophets . the arabical speeches with which it abounds , note that it was written by some man living near arabia , as iob did ; neither doth it hinder , that iob * speaks of himself in the third person , for canonicall writers are wont to do this out of modesty , numb . . . iohn . . it is conceived to be the first piece of scripture that was written : if moses wrote it , it is probable that he wrote it before the deliverance of the people of israel out of egypt , while he was in midian . the main and principal subject of this book is contained in psal. . . many are the afflictions of the righteous , but the lord delivereth him out of all . we may divide the book into three parts , and so it sets forth : . iobs happy condition , both in regard of externals and internals , in the first five verses . . iobs fall , his calamity , from that to the seventh verse of the fourty second chapter . . iobs restitution , or restoring , from thence to the end . beza , mercer , pineda , drusius , cocceius have well expounded it . the psalms are called in the hebrew sepher tehillim , a book of divine praises , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so called from a musical instrument used in singing of the psalms , which name the latines have retained . vide menochinm . hymns is the general title for the whole book of psalms : for though it be translated , the book of psalms , yet every one that knoweth that language , knoweth the word is , the book of hymns . christ with his disciples sung an hymn , matth. . . mr cottons singing of psalms a gospel ordinance . c. . psalmi dicti sunt tehillim ab argumento praecipuo : etsi enim in libro hoc contineantur etiam petitiones , necnon precationes : hae tamen non adeo sunt frequentes , & his ipsis variae interspersae sunt laudationes dei , a iustitia summa , à misericordia & potentia dei desumtae . it contains sacred songs to be fitted for every condition , both of the church and members . it is called in the new testament , the book of psalms , luk. . . and . . acts . . no books in the old testament are oftner cited in the new , then isaiah and the psalms ; that sixty times , this sixty four . they are in all an hundred and fifty , in greek an hundred fifty one . augustine and chrysostom ascribe them all to david as the author , so do theophylact , ludovicus de tena . some think that after the captivity ezra collected these psalms , dispersed here and there , into one volume . there are ten authors whose names are put in the titles of the psalms , viz. david , salomon , moses , asaph , etham , heman , ieduthun , and the three sons of corah . odae istae davidis dicuntur , quod is multas veteres collegerit , multas ipse psallendi sciens addiderit , aut per homines idoneos addi fecerit . grotius . the book of psalms , though it be called from the greater part , by the name of davids psalms ; yet were not all the psalms in it composed by david ; but some of them by moses , psal. . some by heman , psal. . some of them by etham , psal. . some by others , psal. . mr gataker on psal. . , , . seventy four psalms are expresly entituled davids psalms , that some others which want titles expressing their pen-men were his also , see act. . . id. ibid. the hebrews divide the psalms into five books or parts . the first book hath the first psalms ; the second , from to ; the third , from to ; the fourth , from even to ; the fifth , from the to . vide genebr . in psal. . . tituli sunt psalmorum claves , the titles are keys as it were of the psalms , saith ierom. the best expositors on the psalms are musculus , mollerus , muis , calvin . the scripture is the choisest book ; the psalms the choisest piece of scripture , and the psalm the choisest part of the psalms . among verses in that psalm there are scarce four , or five at most , wherein there is not some commendation of the word . the psalms are frequently read both in the jewish synagogues , and in our christian churches ; the very turks themselves swear as solemnly by davids psalms , as by their mahomets alcoran , they have them in such estimation . of all parts of the scripture , the psalms have this excellency , that they do in a lively experimental way set forth the gracious works of god upon the soul. they have a respective direction , or comfort to every ones affliction or temptation . hence they have been called by some the little bible , or the bible of the bible . mr burgess of justification . p. . basil saith , if all the other books of scripture should perish , there remained enough in the book of psalms for the supply of all ; and therefore he cals it amuletum ad prosligandum daemon●m . our saviour christ himself cites the psalms , not only as canonical scripture , but as a particular , entire , and noble summe of that body , luk. . . no book of the old testament ( except the prophecie of isaiah ) is so like a gospel , so particular in all things concerning christ , as the psalms . dr donne on psal. . , . proverbs ] in hebrew mishle , the book of proverbs is compared to a great heap of gold-rings , rich and orient severally , and every one shining with a distinct a sense by it self : but other contexts of holy writ , to gold-chains , so enterwoven and linked together , that they must be illightned and receive mutual illustration one from another . the manner of it is usually to deliver two contradistinct propositions . it consists of one and thirty chapters ; it was written by salomon , saith augustine , chap. . of his book de civitate dei ; and iosephus in the th book and d chapter of his jewish antiquities ; and it is proved , king. . . though there indeed it is said only , he spake them , yet it is likely also he wrote them . prov. . . they are called the proverbs of solomon , because most of them are his . it is a treatise of christian manners , touching piety toward god , and justice toward our neighbours . the best expositors on it , are mercer , cartwright , dod , lavater . graece dicitur hic liber 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nimirum hebraeum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprie comparationem significat , & quia ex comparationibus curtatis plerumque fiebant proverbia , inde coepit sumi in significatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . grotius . ecclesiastes ] in hebrew b choheleth , the feminine hath respect either to wisdom or to the soul , the nobler part . see menochius . the author of this book was salomon , who either at his table , or in his familiar conference propounded these doctrines to his courtiers , as may be collected out of king. . . many of the hebrews say , that this book was written by salomon to testifie his repentance of his ill led life . it consists of twelve chapters . the summe and scope of the whole book is explained in the last chapter , or the first two verses , viz. that all things in the world are vain ; therefore that nothing is more profitable and necessary then to fear god and keep his commandments . the principal parts of it are two : the first concerning the vanity of humane matters and studies in the world : the latter of the stability and profit of godliness and the fear of god. the best expositors on it are mercer , cartwright , mr pemble , granger . canticles are called in hebrew shir ha-shirim , by the latins . cantica c canticorum , the song of songs , that is , a most excellent song , the hebrews having no superlatives . salomon was the author of it , kings . . many of the ancients refer it to the spiritual marriage between christ and the church , or every faithful soul. some think it was penned long after salomons marriage with pharaohs daughter , by comparing king. . . with cant. . . it consists of eight chapters , and perpetual dialogues . the jews had this book in such reverence and account , that before thirty years of age none would study it . the best expositors are mercer , brightman , ainsworth , doctor gouge , fenner . this book which treats of that spiritual and heavenly fellowship the sanctified soul hath with christ , cannot be throughly understood in the true life of it , but by those that are sanctified . . prophetical books . the greater prophets four , isaiah , ieremiah , ezekiel , daniel . the lesser prophets twelve , hosea , ioel , amos , obadiah , ionah , micah , nahum , habakkuk , zephany , haggai , zachary , malachi . grotius orders them thus : hosea , ioel , amos , obadiah , ionah , isaiah , micah , nahum , habakkuk , zephany , daniel , ieremiah , ezekiel , haggai , zachary , malachi . they are called prophetical books , because they were written by prophets , by gods commandment ; prophets were distinguished by the temples , some were prophetae priores , those of the first temple ; others posteriores , of the latter temple . isaiah ] is placed first , not because he is more ancient then all the rest ; for some say , that ionah d and amos were before him in time , others that hosea was before him , for isaiahs beginning was in the dayes of uzziah . now hosea was in the dayes of ieroboam , and ieroboam was before uzziah . this mr burroughs saith is one reason , why though he intends to go over the whole prophetical books , yet he rather pitcheth upon hosea first , because indeed he was the first prophet , but isaiah e was rather set first for the dignity of the prophetical oracles which he explains , and because his prophecy is longer then all the rest . he is eloquent in his speech , being a noble man , therefore the translation can hardly expresse his elegancy . he brings so many and such evident testimonies of the coming , incarnation , miracles , preaching , life , passion , death and resurrection of christ , that he seems rather to write a history of things past , then to prophesie of things to come , and one cals him the fifth evangelist . hence ( saith senensis ) our lord jesus christ made choice of this among all the prophets , first of all to read publickly , and expound in the synagogue of his own countrey ; and in the new testament , he is oftner cited , then all the rest of the prophets . he began to prophesie in the year , seven hundred years before christ was born , uzziah the king of iudah yet reigning , and came to the last times of hezekiah , isa. . . and . . therefore he was almost contemporary with hosea , amos and micah , and finished the course of his life under four kings of iudah , viz. uzziah , iothan , achaz and hezekiah : the hebrews say , he was of the blood-royal , and that he was sawed to death with a wooden saw by manasseh an idolatrous king , after he taught sixty years . his prophecy consists of sixty six chapters . the best expositors of it are calvin , scultetus , forerius , mollerus . ieremiah ] this book was alwayes esteemed as canonical , and written by ieremiah . he prophesied under iosiah , iehoahaz , ioachim and zedekiah . his prophecy consists of fifty two chapters . he prophesied partly in the land of iudea , and partly in the land of egypt . in the land of iudea he prophesied years , and afterward four years in egypt . see iackson on ier. . . p. , . the best expositors of it are bullinger , polanus . lamentations ] it is called in hebrew echa , i. quomodo , because it begins with this word ; the lxx translate it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. lamentationes vel fletus , for the subject or matter of it . it contains sad and mourning complaints of the state of the commonwealth of israel , into which it fell after the death of iosiah . it consists of five chapters . nazianzen the great never read this book but he wept abundantly . ieremiah is thought to be the author of it . this was the last prophet that the lord sent to iudah before the captivity . he was the fittest man to write a book of lamentations , he had seen the city besieged , stormed and sired , the temple destroyed , great out-rage and cruelty committed . the best expositors of it are peter martyr and udal . ezekiel f ] signifieth the strength of god , or one strengthned by god. he prophesied at the same time with ieremiah ; ezekiel in the city of babylon , ieremiah at ierusalem . it consists of eight and fourty chapters . the best expositors of it are iunius , polanus and villalpandus . this prophecy is full of majesty , obscurity , and difficulty . calvin spent his last breath on this prophet . daniel ] he wrote his prophecy after the captivity , chap. . . and . . while the visions are general , and not dangerous to the jews , daniel writeth in the syriack tongue , general over the east , from chap. . v. . * to the eighth chapter . all the chapters in daniel from chap. . . to the beginning of the eight , are written in the chaldee tongue , and from the beginning of that chapter to the end of the book , he writeth in hebrew ; for the affairs that fell under the chaldean monarchy ▪ he registred in the chaldee tongue : when the kingdom was destroyed , he wrote in his own native tongue , the hebrew . mr lightfoot . but when the oppressors are named the medes , and the jews plainly described to be the people whom god defendeth , then in the eighth chapter , and all after he writeth in hebrew , and hath a commandment to keep close to the plain exposition in chap. . . some reckon daniel among the prophets , but the jews place it among the hagiographa . it consists of twelve chapters , the six first of which contain matters historical , the six last prophetical . the best expositors of it are polanus , iunius , willet , broughton , huit . the latines give the first place to the greater prophets , the greeks to the lesser , because there are many among them very ancient . grotius . the twelve lesser prophets are so called , because their writings are briefer then the four first greater ; the hebrews have them all in one book ; the later prophets spake more plainly , precisely , and distinctly , touching the coming of the messiah , then the former daneus , gualter , ribera , tarnovius and drusius have done best on all the small prophets ; mercer and livelie have done well on the five first of them . hosea g ] is the first among them , whose prophecy although it consist of more chapters then daniel , yet the other is more prolix . hosheang noteth salvator saviour ; he is therefore so called , because he published salvation to the house of iudah , and spake of the saviour of the world , and was a type of christ our saviour ; he prophesied before the babylonish captivity ; in the time of king ieroboam , under four kings of iudah , uzziah , iotham , achaz and hezekiah , and was contemporary ( as some say ) with ionah , kin. . . isaiah , isa. . . amos . . and mic. . . all which prophesied destruction to the kingdome of israel : it consists of fourteen chapters . the best expositors of it are zanchius , tremelius , paraeus , rivet and livelie . diu vixit osee , & prophetam egit , ut volunt hebraei , per annos ita multos habuit prophetas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut isaiam , ioelem , amosum , abdiam , ionam , mich●am , ut notat hieronymus . ioel ] he prophesied in the time of hezekiah ; it consists of three chapters , which contain partly exhortation to repentance ; and partly comfort to the penitent . danaeus , paraeus , drusius and livelie are the best expositors of it . amos ] of a shepherd he was made a prophet , chap. . . and . . he was contemporary to isaiah and hosea . he prophesied to the kingdom of israel , or the ten tribes , chap. . . and . . and . . and . . he utters a few things concerning the kingdom of iudah , chap. . and . . it consists of nine chapters , danaeus , paraeus , livelie and drusius are the best interpreters of it ; dr bensi●ld hath done well on two chapters . obadiah h ] he was almost contemporary to ieremiah . it is but one chapter . d. rainold● hath well expounded this prophecy . the destruction of the enemies of the church is handled in the sixteen first verses , the salvation thereof by the ministery of pastors in the five last . ionah i ] he prophesied in the time of ieroboam , king. . . ierom proves by the authority of the hebrews that he was contemporary with hosea and amos. it consists of four chapters . abbot and king have both commented well in english on this prophecy . micah ] humiliatus , sic dictus propheta ab insigni & miranda humilitate . he prophesied in the times of iotham , ahaz and hezekiah kings of iudah , as appears by the inscription , chap. . . and was almost contemporary with isaiah , with whom he agreeth in many things . he exceeds all the prophets in this one thing , that he determines the place of christs birth , chap. . . it consists of seven chapters . danaeus and chythraeus have done well on it . nahum k ] it is probable that he lived before the babylonish captivity , and was contemporary to micah , but ninety years after ionah . it consists of three chapters , which contain both a prediction of the destruction of the assyrians , ch . . and also an explication of the causes of it , chap. . and . danaeus is the best expositor of this book : the hebrews think that both nahum and habakkuk wrote in the times of manasseh . both the order in which these books were anciently placed , and the things themselves which are contained in their writings do intimate as much . grotius . habakkuk . luctator . it is probable that he lived about ieremiahs time , or a little before . it consists of three chapters . grinaeus and danaeus have done well on him . zephany l ] he prophesied in the times of iosiah king of iudah , and was contemporary to ieremiah . he prophesieth especially of the overthrow of the kingdome of iudah . it consists of three chapters . danaeus hath done well on this prophecy . haggai m ] chag signifieth a feast in hebrew , his name signifieth festivus & laetus , aut festum celebrans , vel diligens , quòd templi hierosolymitani aedificationem post captivitatem maximè urserit . he began to prophesie after the babylonish captivity in the second year of darius king of persia , ezr. . . hag. . . grinaeus and danaeus have done well on this . zachary n ] he prophesied after the babylonish captivity , and followed haggai within two moneths ; he handleth the same subject , it consists of fourteen chapters . his book is more large and obscure then any of the twelve prophets . danaeus hath done well on the whole , and mr pemble on nine chapters . malachi ] nuncius seu angelus meus , mal. . , , he was the last prophet of the old testament . see grotius of him . tertullian cals him the limit and land-mark of both testaments , limes inter vetus & novum testamentum . it consists of four chapters : danaeus , and polanus , and stock have commented well on this book . so much concerning the several books of the old testament . chap. iv. of the new testament . the new canon is that which the christian church hath had written in greek , from the time of christ and his apostles , and it summarily containes the word published by christ , and his righteous acts . the history of which is in the four books of the evangelists , the examples in the acts of the apostles , the exposition in the one and twenty epistles , and lastly , the prophecy in the revelation . all the books of the new testament were written in greek a for divers reasons : first , because that tongue in the time of christ and his apostles was the most excellent of all , among the languages of the gentiles . secondly , because it was then most common , as latine is now . tully shews , orat. b pro archia poeta , how far the greek tongue spread . thirdly , because in this tongue all the philosophy and sciences of the gentiles were written . the greek tongue by the writing of philosophers , orators , historians and poets , was fraught with the best learning , which heathenism afforbed . it came to passe by the singular providence of god , that this testament was written in one tongue only ; for what nation else would have yielded to another , that the scriptures in their tongue were authentick , and so the seeds of debate might have been sown amongst them . all almost agree in this , that all the books of the new testament were written in the greek tongue ; it is only doubted concerning three of them , the gospel of matthew , mark , and the epistle to the hebrews . many affirm that the gospel of matthew was written by matthew in hebrew ; or rather in syriack , the language used by hebrews in the time of christ and his apostles , that the epistle to the hebrews was written in hebrew , and mark in latine . all the new testament is penned from god in greek . the reporters that st matthew wrote in hebrew , or st paul to the hebrews , never marked the greek styles of both in attique formes of speech , that salem hath not . and the holy ghost never translated books , but kept still the original of all that he would have translated . here be four dialects , the attique , judean , thalmadique and apostolique . by ignorance of which much darknesse covereth dealers with the new testament . broughtons lords family . it is certain that the primitive church from the first times , used the gospel of matthew written in greek c and counted it authentical . if any one say , that the latine edition of mark , in the vulgar , is not a version , but the first copy , he may easily be refuted from the uniform style in it with other latine gospels , and it will appear to any reader , that the gospel of mark , which the roman church useth , is later then the greek , and that the latine was made from it . for the epistle to the hebrews , though many among the ancient thought it was written in hebrew , yet all agree that the greek edition was in use thence from the first times of the church . glassius saith , matthew wrote his gospel first in greek , for his style agrees with mark. writers acknowledge that there is an ancient hebrew copy of matthew , but upon good ground deny that it is the original truth ; for besides that by received tradition ▪ it is held otherwise , matth. . . and other such like places do evince it ; for why should he writing in hebrew , interpret hebrew words , to them which understand that language . hieron . in quatuor evangelia , and salmasius hold , that matthew was written in hebrew , evangelium matthaei hebraicè ab auctore scriptum esse , nemo non veterum tradidit . hebraeum illud syriacum esse , quod in usu tunc temporis in iudaea fuit , hieronymus docet , qui evangelium matthaei scriptum fuisse testatur chaldaico syroque sermone . salmas . de hel●enistica . erasmus , cajetan , calvin , iunius , whitaker , gomarus , causabone , gerhard , deny that matthew was written in hebrew . chamier de canone l. . c. . saith , we have the new testament in greek ; for although some contend that the gospel of matthew , and the epistle to the hebrews was written in hebrew ; yet ( saith he ) it is very uncertain , and so propius f●lse . i think ( saith rivet d ) that the epistle to the hebrews was written in greek , a tongue then most common , and which was used by many hebrews , which were called hellenists . that mark e should be written in latine originally is improbable ; many of the reasons alledged to prove that matthew was not written in hebrew are of force here also ; the jews at that time of the writing of the new testament did speak syriack f and not hebrew , which language is mixt , consisting of hebrew and chaldee ; therefore ( saith whitaker ) it is more probable that matthew and he which wrote the epistle to the hebrews wrote in greek , because the greek tongue was not unknown to the jews , which were hellenists , act. . . and other apostles wrote in greek , which wrote peculiarly to the jews , as i●mes and peter . matthaeum hebrai●è scripsisse convenit inter antiquos . citat iren●um , origenem , athanasium , epiphanium , chrysostomum , hieronymum , vossius de genere christi dissertat . scripsit hebraea lingua quia praecipuè iudaeorum , quos viva voce hact●nus docuisset , haberet rationem id. ibid. vide grotium in libros evangel . it was needfull that the gospel should be written by many . first , for the certainty . secondly , for the perfection of it . amongst all the evangelists there is a general agreement , and a sp 〈…〉 rence ; they all agree in the main scope and subject , christ ; they d●●●●r in 〈…〉 al argument and order . all describe the life of christ , some more largely , some more briefly , some more loftily , some more plainly , yet because all were inspired by the same spirrit , they all have equal authority the difference of evangelists in some smaller matters proveth their consent in the greater to be the voice of truth ; for had they conspired all together to have deceived the world , they would in all things have more fully agreed . the doctrine of the covenant of grace is more plainly expounded ; the will of god and way to salvation more plentifully set down in the new testament , then ever it was in the dayes of moses or the prophets ; and in these books of the new testament all things are so established as to continue to the end , so that we must not look for any new revelation . all these books we receive as canonical , because they are divine for matter and form , divinely inspired by god , sanctified and given to the church for their direction , written by the apostles or apostolical men , sweetly con●enting with other parts of holy scripture , and with themselves ; received alwayes by the greatest part of the church of god. they were written after the death of christ , by the direction of the holy ghost ; the apostles by lively voice first preached , because it was needful that the doctrine of the gospel should by their preaching , as also by signs and wonders be confirmed against the contradictions and cavils of the jews and gentiles , and be allowed by the assent of believers generally before it was committed to writing , that we might be assured of the certainty of those things which were written . these books are acknowledged canonical both by us and the papists ; so that touching this matter there is no controversie between us and them . among the confest writings of the scriptures attested by all , and not contradicted by any ; the four gospels are first to be placed , and then the story of the acts of the apostles . see euseb. eccles. hist. lib. . cap. , . and lib. . cap. . and lib. . cap. . the epistles g doubted of by some for a while , were first , the epistle to the hebrews , the epistle of iames , the second epistle of peter , the second and third epistles of iohn , the epistle of iude , and the revelation ; of which i shall treat more when i come to handle the books of the new testament particularly . the story of the woman taken in adultery , hath met with very much opposition . see gregories preface to his notes upon some passages of scripture . crojus defends h the truth of it , observat. in nov. testam . c. . vide seldeni uxorem ebraicam cap. . the inscriptions and titles prefixed before the epistles are no part of holy scripture written by the apostles , but added to the epistles by some others . the subscriptions and postscripts also of divers books are false , counterfeit and erroneous ; not written by the apostles , but added afterward by the scribes which copied out the epistles . the subscriptions i of the later epistle to timothy , and also to titus , are supposititious ; they are neither found in the syriack nor in all greek copies , k nor yet in the vulgar latine translation ; these additions were made some hundred years after the apostles . the canonical books of the new testament are either historical , doctrinal or prophetical . . l historical , containing matters of fact , the history of . christ exhibited in the four evangelists or gospels , as they are stiled by god himself , mark . . matthew , mark , luke and iohn , called gospels , because they contain a message of joy and gladnesse . they all treat of one subject , christ jesus incarnate ; are most true historians , luk. . . ioh. . . . his apostles , in the acts written by luke , thirty years after christs ascention , so termed of the principal subject of the history , though the acts of others not apostles , are there recorded . . dogmatical or doctrinal , such as were written by the apostles for the instruction of the church of god in faith and manners , commonly called epistles , and that by warrant of the scriptures , thes. . . pet. . , . because they were sent to them who had already received and professed the gospel of christ. the apostles being oft times unable to instruct by their personal presence , supplied that by writing epistles . these are one and twenty , written . . by paul , . to whole churches . . gentiles , to the romans , to the c●ninthians , to the galatians , to the ephesians , to the philippians , to the colossians , to the thessalonians . . jews . to the hebrews . . to particular persons , . timothy . . titus . . philemon . . iames , one . . peter , two . . iohn , three . . iude , one . . prophetical , wherein under certain resemblances , the state of the church of christ till the end of the world , from the time of iohn the evangelist , is most truly and wonderfully described , and receiveth its name apocalyps of the argument . beza , piscator , calvin , erasmus , grotius , have done well on all the new testament . of the papists iansenius hath done well on the harmony ; of the lutherans , chemnitius and gerhard ; of the protestants , calvin . maldonate and de dieu , cameron , scultetus , and grotius have done well likewise on the evangelists . matthew and iohn were apostles of the twelve ; mark and luke evangelists . apostle m is a name of office or dignity . it notes one sent from another with command ; in special , certain famous embassadours of christ. the evangelists were comites & vicarii apostolorum , they accompanied the apostles in preaching the gospel , and had curam vicariam omnium ecclesiarum , as the apostles had curam principalem . the title evangelist is taken , . for such as wrote the gospel , . for such as taught the gospel ; and these were of two sorts , either such as had ordinary places and gifts , or such whose places and gifts were extraordinary , such evangelists were timothy and titus . smectymn . answ. to an humble remonstrance , sect. . matthew ] there was never any in the church which doubted of its authority . some say he wrote in hebrew , but that is uncertain ( as hath been already declared . ) he interprets the hebrew name emanuel , chap. . . and those words c● . . . therefore it is likely he wrote not in hebrew ; for why should one that writeth in hebrew interpret hebrew words to such as understand hebrew ? and how came this authenticall copy and prototype to be lost ? for it is not now extant . how ever , the greek edition is authentical , because it came forth when the apostles were living , and was approved by them , which the ancients confirm . of the time when matthew wrote , authors agree not ; eusebius n saith , that he wrote in the third year of ●ajus caesar ; others say he wrote after claudeus . he wrote his gospel in the fifteenth year after christs ascention , saith nio●phorus * ; the one and twentieth , saith o ●●en●us ; in the eighth year , saith theophylact p . it q consists of twenty eight chapters , in which the person of christ , and his three offices of prophet , priest and king , are described . the best expositors of it are hilary , musculus , paraeus , calvin . aquinas was wont to say , that he desired but to live so long , till he might see the golden-mouthed father st chrysostom his imperfect work upon matthew finished . dr featleys preface to his stricturae in lyndo mastigem . mark ] he was the disciple of peter , and wrote his gospel from him , in the fourth year of claudius caesar , say some . he wrote not in latine ( as bellarmine saith ) but in greek . concerning the archetypal language in which the gospels of mark and luke were written ; see mr selden in eutichii orig . it consists of sixteen chapters , in which christs three-fold office is also explained . the best expositors of it are calvin , beza , piscator , maldonate , iansenius . luke ] he was for countrey , of antioch ; for profession , a physician ; there is mention made of him , col. . . tim. . . philem. . he was companion to paul the apostle in his travels , and in prison . he only makes a preface before his gospel , that he may briefly shew the cause which induced him to write . the best expositors of it are calvin , beza , piscator , maldonate , iansenius . iohn ] in hebrew signifieth the grace of god ; he soareth higher then the other evangelists to our saviours divinity ; and therefore ( as nazianzen among the fathers ) he is called the divine , by an excellency , because he hath so graphically and gravely described the divinity of the son , and hath written also of things most divine and theological . melancthon called calvin a divine by an excellency , and then when calvin being but a young man did most gravely treat of divine matters . he hath the eagle for his ensign assigned him by the ancients . he was called presbyter , by reason of his age , being the longest liver of all the apostles . he wrote the last of all when he returned from the isle patmos ; therefore there is something more in every chapter of iohn then any other of the evangelists . he alone describeth the admirable sermon which our saviour made at his last supper , and his prayer . it is generally thought , and i think not untruly , that the blasphemous heresies of ebion and cerinthus ( who denied that our saviour was god , or had any being before he took flesh of the holy virgin his mother ) was one especial occasion of writing this gospel . mr wotton serm. . on ioh. . . it consists of one and twenty chapters , in which the person of christ , consisting of the divine and humane nature , is described . in his gospel is described : first , christs person ; in the first chapter . . his office ; in the second chapter , to the twelfth . . his death , from the twelfth to the end . the best expositors of him are calvin , beza , piscator , rollock , tarnovius , musculus . acts q ] luke in the proem of it makes mention of the gospel written by him , that he might profess himself to be the author of both . it consists of eight and twenty chapters . luke calleth his history , the acts of the apostles , though it be specially of their sufferings ; because even their passions were actions , they enlarged the kingdom of christ by their sufferings . the best expositors of it are brentius , de dieu , calvin , sanctius . the thirteen epistles of paul : one to the romans , two to the corinthians , one to the galatians , one to the ephesians , one to the philippians , one to the colossians , two to the thessalonians , two to timothy , one to titus , and one to philemon , the primitive church unanimously received into the canon , and never doubted of their being apostolical . they have their name epistles à forma epistolari qua conscriptae sunt . a lapide , estius , grotius and vorstius , have done well on all the epistles , imprimis estius ex pontificiis , saith voetius . the epistles are for the most part written in this order : they have . an inscription : wherein is the name of the writer , and of them to whom he writes , and his wish . . the matters of the epistle , which are sometimes meerly religious , concerning certain articles of faith , or piety of life , or about the use of things indifferent ; or else familiar things , witnessing their mutual good will. . the conclusion : in which are exhortations , salutations , wishes , or other familiar matters . there are epistles , fourteen written by paul , and seven more written by peter , iohn , iames and iude. concerning the time and place in which the several epistles were written , it is not easie to determine . i will premise something about the order of the epistles , before i speak of them particularly . some of pauls epistles were written before his imprisonment ; some in his bonds , both former and later . before his imprisonment , the first of all that was written , were both the epistles to the thessalonians ; they were written from corinth the th or th year of claudius . titus was written by paul in those two years that he stayed at ephesus . galatians ] at the end of the two years that paul was at ephesus , the epistle to the galatians seems to be written , cor. . . by which words the apostle seems to intimate , that this epistle to the galatians was written before that to the corinthians . corinthians ] paul living two years at ephesus , in the th and th year of claudius , the corinthians wrote to him , cor. . . and that by stephanus and fortunatus , which they sent to him ( chap. , . ) by whom paul seemeth to have written back the first epistle to the corinthians , for in that he exceedingly commends them of corinth . it was not written from philippi , ( as the greek superscription hath it ) but from ephesus , as the arabick interpreter hath it ; as is manifest , chap. . . the second epistle to the corinthians , and the first of timothy strive for priority , et sub judice lis est . both of them were written a little after paul departed from ephesus , and while he departed to macedonia , but it is not manifest which was the first . first epistle to timothy ] some think that this epistle was written by paul in his bonds ▪ but not rightly ; for he makes no mention of his bonds in it . it is probable that it was written from athens , as it is in the arabick subscription , when he came from macedonia to greece ; and so it was written after the first epistle to the corinthians . romans ] the epistle to the romans was written at corinth , when paul having spent three moneths in greece , sailed to ierusalem , that there he might gather the collections of the churches of achaia , asia and macedonia . this is manifest from rom. . , . these are the epistles which seem to be written by paul out of imprisonment ; the other were written in his bonds . pauls bonds were two-fold ; former and later . one only , viz. the later to timothy seems to be written in the later bonds of paul , a little before his martyrdome ; the others were written in his former bonds . epistle to the philippians . ] this seems to be the first of them all , which paul wrote in his bonds . when paul was captive at rome , the philippians being carefull for him , sent epaphroditus thither , who visited paul in his bonds , and ministred to him necessary helps for the preserving of his life , as appears by the second chapter , and verse of that epistle , and the fourth chapter , . and verses . paul sent him back again to the philippians , and commends him to them , chap. . . that the epistle was written in his bonds , is manifest from the first chap. v. , , . and from rome , not ierusalem , chap. . . the epistles to the colossians , ephesians , philippians , and philemon , were at the same time written from rome , and sent by the same , viz tychicus and onesimus . first , that the epistle to the colossians was written by paul in his bonds , it is manifest from chap. . v. . and . but it was sent by tychicus and onesimus , chap. v. , , . that to philemon was written at the same time with that to the colossians , since he salutes philemon in their name in whose he saluted the colossians , viz. in the name of epaphras , aristarchus , mark , luke , demas , as is manifest by comparing the fourth chapter of the epistle to the colossians , v. , , . with the . and of the epistle to philemon . for this and other reasons capellus supposeth they were both written at the same time . that the epistle to the ephesians was written also at the same time , it may be thus confirmed : . because it was written by paul in his bonds , viz. from rome , as is manifest chap. . . and . . . it was sent by tychicus , chap. . , . by which also that to the colossians was sent that these three epistles were written also by paul in his former not later bonds , it is hence manifest , because phil. . . and . and . . also in the verse of philemon , paul sheweth that he had a most certain hope , that he should be freed shortly . the epistle to the hebrews was written by paul from rome , toward the end of his former bonds . he expresly mentions his bonds , ch. . . and sheweth , that he hopes shortly to be set free , chap. . . the later epistle to timothy was the last of all pauls epistles , written by him in his later bonds , of which he writes , chap. . . and . . and from rome , chap. . ver . . a little before his martyrdome , which he seems to intimate , chap. . ver . , , . thus having by the help of capellus something cleared the order of pauls epistles for the time of their writing , i shall speak of them now according to the method wherein they are commonly disposed in our bibles . romans ] that epistle is first not in time of writing but in dignity , because of the majesty of the things it handleth , justification and predestination . it is rightly called clavis theologiae , or the epitome of christian religion . it consists of sixteen chapters . the best expositors of it are dr sclater on the first three chapters , and paraeus with peter martyr , and par on the whole . voetius saith , willetus est instar omnium . first to the corinthians . ] * how much authority the epistle to the romans hath in establishing controversies of faith ; so much the first of the corinths hath in establishing ecclesiastical discipline ; therefore antiquity hath placed it next the other . it consists likewise of sixteen chapters . the best expositors of it are paraeus , peter martyr , morton , dr sclater . the second to the corinthians a ] consists of thirteen chapters . the best expositors of it are musculus and dr sclater . galatians ] st ierom taketh the argument of the epistle to the galatians , to be the same with the argument of the epistle to the romans ; wherein the apostle proveth , that by the works of the law , whether ceremonial or moral , no flesh can be justified before god ; using the same words in both , rom. . , . and gal. . . it consists of six chapters . the best expositors of it are mr perkins and paraeus . ephesians ] ephesus was a mother-city in the lesser asia , famous for idolatry , and the temple of diana , as the b acts of the apostles testifie , so given to all riot that it banished hermodore , because he was an honest sober man ; yet here god c had his church . it consists of six chapters . the best expositor of it is zanchius , mr baines hath done well on the first chapter , and dr gouge on some part of the two last chapters . philippians ] the apostle had planted a church at philippi , which was the metropolis of macedonia , acts . . in this epistle he commends their godly study . it consists of four chapters . zanchy and dr airie have done well on this book . colossians . ] colosse was the chief city of phrygia in lesser asia ; the apostle directs this epistle to the inhabitants of that city . it consists of four chapters . bishop davenant , bifield and elton , have done best on this book . thessalonians . ] these were written to those which dwelt at thessalonica ; it is a chief city in macedonia , whither , how the apostle came , we may see act. . the first epistle consists of five chapters , the second of three . it was written first before any other epistle , or indeed before any book of the new testament . iraen . l. . c. . euseb. hist. l. . c. . zanchius and dr sclater have done well on both these epistles ; iackson and bradshaw also on the second . timothy . d ] signifieth the honour of god , or precious to god. he honoured god , and was precious to him . the first epistle consists of six chapters . barlow hath done well on three of them , and scultetus on the whole . the second to timothy ] this consists of four chapters . scultetus hath done well on it , and espensaeus on both those epistles . titus ] titus to whom this epistle was written , was a faithful minister , and beloved friend of the apostle , cor. . . and . . and . . paul sent his epistle to him out of macedonia , which is of the same subject with the first to timothy . it consists of three chapters . scultetus , espensaeus , and dr tailor have done best on this book . philemon e ] he was the minister of the church at colosse , vers . . it is but one chapter . scultetus and dike have well interpreted it . hebrews ] the epistle to the hebrews was rejected by some hereticks , as marcion and arius ; it is now received as canonical , because it was inspired of god , doth in all things fully agree with all other parts of prophetical and apostolical writings , and was received of the greatest part of the ancient church , though upon weak and slender grounds the latine church for a time did not receive the same . hieron . in catalogo scriptorum ecclesiasticorum , after he hath recited all the epistles of paul , at length he cometh to this epistle ; f but the epistle to the hebrews ( saith he ) is not thought to be his , for the difference of the style and speech , but either written by barnabas , as tertullian holds , or luke the evangelist , or clement . some ascribe it to tertullian , saith sixtus senensis . the diversity of the style and inscription of this epistle , and manner of reasoning , makes some doubt of the writer thereof ; and also something in the epistle shews that it was written not by paul , as the beginning of the second chapter ver . . the doctrine of salvation is confirmed to us by them which heard it , which seemeth to agree with the profession of luke in the beginning of his gospel ; whereas st paul denieth gal. . . that he received it of man. an ancient greek copy ( whereof beza speaks ) leaves out the name of paul in the title , and also divers printed books . augustine speaks often of this epistle , as if it were of doubtfull authority , as you may see in his enchirid lib. . c. . & lib. . de civitate dei , cap. . beza , hemingius , aretius , leave it in medio . calvin and marlorat deny that it was pauls . the reasons ( saith cartwright in his confutation of the rhemists ) moving us to esteem it none of pauls , are first , that his name is not prefixed , as in all the epistles undoubtedly known to be his . another reason is , that this writer confesseth that he received the doctrine of the gospel , not of christ himself , but of those which heard it of christ , heb. . . whereas paul received his doctrine immediately from christ , and heard it himself of christ , and not of them that heard it from him . to the first objection by fulk it is easily answered , the diversity of style doth not prove that paul was not the author of this epistle ; for as men have written divers things in divers styles in respect of matter and persons to whom they wrote ; as tully his offices , orations and epistles ; so the spirit of god could and might inspire one and the same man to pen in a different manner : . the other argument also against its being pauls , because his name is not prefixed , hath but little force in it . . if it be not pauls because his name is not prefixed , then it is nones , because no mans name is prefixed ; so ierom , and from him beza and bellarmine both thus answer . . the author of this epistle did conceal his name , that thereby he might not offend the weak jews to whom he wrote , with whom he knew his name was hatefull . . beza saith , he found pauls name g added to this epistle in all ancient greek copies , one excepted . other books have no name prefixed , as the first epistle of iohn hath not his name prefixed , and yet certainly believed to be his . for the last objection , beza answers , that he reckons himself among the hearers of the apostles , to avoid the envy of apostleship ; see pet. . . all the grecians , and many of the more famous of the ancient latines , as augustine , ambrose , gregory , and many modern writers of note , as beza , bellarmine , gerhard , capellus , martinius , hoornbeck , walter , cornelius a lapide hold it was written by paul , and for divers reasons : . the author of this epistle commends a certain famous disciple timothy , chap. . . but none had such an one but paul. . he remembers his bonds , chap. . . which is a usual thing with paul , phil. . . col. . . tim. . . philem. v. . & . . he hath many of the same axioms with paul , compare heb. . . & . with col. . , , , . heb. . . and . with cor. . . and . and divers other places . paul saith , by that sign his epistles may be known and distinguished from others , viz. that subscription , the grace of our lord , thess. . . which clause is found in the end of this epistle , chap. . . pauls zeal for the salvation of the hebrews , rom. . . makes it probable that he would write unto them . some think it may be gathered from that place , pet. . . beza having alledged four reasons urged by some why this epistle should not be written by paul , saith , opponitur his omnibus quae scribuntur , pet. . . quae certè videntur hanc epistolam velut intento digito mon● rare . beza concludes the matter very modestly : let the judgements of men , saith he , be free ; so we all agree in that , that this epistle was truly dictated by the holy ghost , and preserved as a most precious treasure in the church . vide waltheri officinam biblicam , & whitakeri controvers . . quaest. jam de script . cap. . & hoornbecks antisocinianismi , l. . c. . controvers . sect. . some think ( as i have touched it before ) that this epistle was originally written in h hebrew , but the style and phrase of this epistle doth graecam redolere eloquentiam , non hebraeam . . if it was written in hebrew , the hebraisms would appear in the greek version , which yet are rarer here then in other epistles . . the scriptures of the old testament are cited in it , not according to the hebrew fountains , but according to the version of the seventy . . the apostle chap. . i interprets the hebrew name m●lchised●ch , king of righteousnesse ; and salem , peace ; which he would not have done if he had written in hebrew . iunius k in his parallels holds it to be pauls , and written in greek . ribera and ludovicus a tena , two papists , have written on this epistle . paraeus and dixon have done best on the whole book , and mr deering on six chapters . voetius much commends gomarus . those seven epistles written by iames , peter , iohn and iude , have unfit titles prefixed before them , in that they are called sometime canonical , specially of the latine church ; and sometimes catholick l , chiefly of the greek church : neither of which were given them by any apostle or apostolick writer . yet though this title catholick cannot be defended , it may be excused and tolerated as a title of distinction , to distinguish them from the other epistles . also they may have this title canonical set before them , ( as some books of the old testament were termed hagiographa by the jews ) not because they were of greater authority then other holy writings , but to shew that they ought to be esteemed of , and imbraced as divine , howsoever in former times they were unjustly suspected . vide bezam . the second inscription of catholick is as unfit as the former ; therefore the rhemists unjustly blame us for leaving out that title in our english bibles ; for it is well known that that title is not given by the holy ghost , but by the scholiast who took it from eusebius . general , is a meer english term , and of no doubtfull signification ; catholick is both greek , and ( by their saying ) of double , and therefore doubtfull signification . the syriack interpreter hath this inscription of these epistles ( as tremellius sheweth ) tres epistolae trium apostolorum , ante quorum oculos dominus noster se transformavit , id est , iacobi , petri , & ioannis . for the syrians doe not esteem the second of peter , nor the second and third of iohn , nor the epistle of iude , canonical . the apostles iames , peter , iohn and iude have publisht seven epistles as mystical as succinct ; both short and long ; short in words , long in sense and meaning . iames ] for the difference which seems to be between iam. . , . and rom. . . and . . most likely this book was doubted of in ancient times , as eusebius and ierom witnesse . but yet then also publickly allowed in many churches , and ever since received in all , out of which for the same cause luther and other of his followers since him , would again reject it . erasmus assents to luther , and musculus agrees with them both in his comment upon the fourth of the romans ; both they of the romish , and we of the reformed church m with one consent admit this epistle for canonical . vide polani syntagma . i light upon an old dutch testament of luthers translation ( saith whi●ak●r against raynolds ) with his preface , wherein he writeth that iames his epistle is not so worthy as are the epistles of st peter and paul , but in respect of them a strawen epistle ; his censure i mislike , and himself ( i think ) afterwards , seeing these words in a later edition are left out . it is no where found in luthers works , that he called the epistle of iames , inanem & stramineam . edmund campian was convicted of falshood about that in england , where when he had objected that , he could finde no such thing at any time in the books he n produced . some in the preface of the german edition say that luther wrote , that it cannot contend in dignity with the epistles of paul and peter , but is strawy , if it be compared with them . which judgement of luther we approve not of , and it is hence manifest that it was disliked by him , because these words are found in no other edition from the year . luthers disciples now hold , that it is canonical and apostolical ; and they answer the arguments of those that are opposite thereto , as we may see in the exposition of that article concerning the scripture , by that most learned and diligent man iohn gerard. gravitatem ac zelum apostolicum per omnia prae se f●rt , saith walther . we may reply against the papists , who often object this opinion of luthers , that cajetan their cardinal o denieth the epistle to the hebrews to be canonical ; yea ( which is farre worse ) he affirmeth that the author thereof hath erred , not only in words , but in the sense and meaning of the scriptures . nay , caj●tan ( saith whitaker ) rejected iames , second of peter , and second and third of iohn and iude. it consists of five chapters . paraeus , laurentius , brochmand , and mr manton have done best on it . first of peter . ] this epistle is called in the title catholical , because it is not written to any one person , as that of paul to timothy , titus and philemon ; no● to any one particular church , as those of paul to the romans , corinths : but to the converted of the jews dispersed here and there , as appears by the inscription . it consists of five chapters . gerhard , laurentius , gomarus and dr ames have expounded both these epistles . bifield hath interpreted part of the first epistle . second of peter ] some in the primitive church doubted of its p authority , and the syriack hath it not ; but the church generally allowed it , and many reasons may perswade that it is apostolical , and was written by peter . . because the author of it expresly calleth himself simon peter , the apostle of jesus christ. he wrote it in his old-age to confirm them in the doctrine which before he had taught them . . it s inscription is to the same jews ( that the former ) viz. dispersed by the roman empire , and converted to christ , whose apostle peter was . . it shews an apostolical spirit . . it s style and composition is agreeable to the former epistle . . the author of this epistle witnesseth , that he was a spectator of the transfiguration in the mount ; chap. . vers . . now peter , together with iames and iohn were present with christ. . he makes mention of the former epistle , chap. . v. . . he cals paul his dear brother , chap. . v. . it consists of three chapters . first of iohn consists of five chapters . second and third of iohn . ] they were also in times past doubted of by some , as erasmus , cajetan : but there are good reasons to prove them canonical . . their author cals himself an elder ; so doth peter , pet. . . by which name an ecclesiastical office is often signified , but here age rather ; now it is manifest that iohn came to a greater age then the rest of the apostles . . the salutation is plainly apostolical , grace , mercy and peace . . in sentences and words they agree with the first epistle . . the fathers alledge them for iohns * , and reckon them among the canonical books . each of these epistles is but a chapter . iude ] this epistle also in times past was questioned by some ; but that it is apostolical , first the inscription shews ; the author expresly cals him a servant of christ , and brother of iames. . the matter , it agreeth both for words and sentences with the second of peter ; of which it contains as it were a brief summe and recapitulation . that the writer of the epistle doth not call himself an apostle is of no moment to infringe the authority thereof , for the judgement of the writer is free in that case ; that title was specially used by paul and peter ; iames and iohn quit the same title , yea paul in his epistles to the philippians , thessalonians and philemon doth not call himself an apostle , and yet those epistles were never doubted of . it is but one chapter . willet and mr perkins have done well on it . revelation q ] it is called according to the greek apocalyps , and according to the latine revelation ; that is , a discovery or manifestation of things which before were hidden and secret , for the common good of the church . eusebius l. . c. . saith , domitian cast iohn the evangelist into a fornace of scalding oyl , but when he saw he came forth unhurt , he banished him into the isle pathmos , where he writ this revelation . this book describeth the state of the church from the time of iohn the last of the apostles , untill christs coming again ; and especially the proceedings , pride and fall of babylon , the great whore , with all the kingdoms of antichrist . the subject of it is two-fold : . the present state of the church : . the future state of it , the things which are , and the things which shall be hereafter , revel . . . the three first chapters of this book contain seven several epistles to the seven several churches of asia , the other following chapters are a prophetical history of the church of god from christs ascension to his second coming . the holy ghost foreseeing what labour satan and his instruments would take to weaken and impair the credit and authority of this above all other books ( wherein he prevailed so far , as some true churches called the truth and authority of it into question ) hath backed it with a number of confirmations more then are in any other book of scripture . first , the author of it , is set in the fore-front or face of it , the revelation of iesus christ , chap. . vers . . who professeth himself to be the first and the last , vers . . so in the several epistles to the churches in several styles he challengeth them to be his . thus saith he , . that holdeth the seven starres in his right hand . . he which is first and last , which was dead , and is alive . . which hath the sharp two edged sword. . which hath eyes like a flame of fire , and his feet like brass . . which hath the seven spirits of god , and the seven stars . . he who is holy and true , who hath the key of david . . he who is amen , the faithful and true witness , the beginning of the creatures of god. secondly , the instrument or pen-man , his servant iohn the evangelist , the apostle , the divine , who for the farther and more full authority of it , repeateth his name at least thrice , saying , i iohn , chap. . . and . , . and . . whe●●●● in the gospel he never maketh mention of his name ; there he writes the history of christ , here he writes of himself , and the revelations declared to him . thirdly , in the last chapter are five testimonies heaped together , vers . , , , . . of the angels . . of god himself , the lord of the holy prophets . . of jesus christ , behold i come shortly . . of iohn , i iohn heard and saw all these things . . the protestation of jesus christ , v. . fourthly , the matter of the book doth convince the authority thereof , seeing everywhere the divinity of a prophetical spirit doth appear ; the words and sentences of other prophets are there set down ; part of the prophecies there delivered are in the sight of the world accomplished , by which the truth and authority of the whole is undoubtedly proved ; there are extant many excellent testimonies of christ and his divinity , and our redemption by christ. fifthly , the most ancient fathers , greek and latine ascribe this book to iohn the apostle . theophylact , origen , chrysostome , tertullian , hilary , austin , ambrose , iren●us . to deny then the truth of this book is contrasolem obloqui , to gainsay the shining of the sun it self . the chiliasts abuse many testimonies out of this book , but those places have been cleared long ago by the learned , as bearing another sense . see dr raynolds conf. with hart , c. . p. . calvin being demanded his opinion , what he thought of the revelation , answered ingeniously ( saith one r ) he knew not at all what so obscure a writer meant . se penitus ignorare quid velit tam obscurus scriptor . cajetane at the end of his exposition of iude , confesseth that he understand● not the literal sense of the revelation , and therefore exponat ( saith he ) cui deus concesserit . it consists of two and twenty chapters ; the best expositors of it are ribera , brightman , paraeus , cartwright , fulk , dent , forbes , mede , simonds , foord . . the scriptures written by moses and the prophets sufficiently prove that christ is the messiah that was to come ; the old testament may convince the jews ( which deny the new testament ) of this truth , iohn . . they , that is , those parts of scripture written by moses and the prophets ; there were no other scriptures then written . the of isaiah is a large history of his sufferings . we have also another book ( or testament ) more clearly witnessing of christ ; the gospel is the unsearchable riches of christ , ephes. . . so much may suffice to have spoken concerning the divine canon ; the ecclesiastical and false canon follow . chap. v. of the books called apocrypha . some hereticks utterly abolisht the divine canon , as the swingfeldians and libertines who contemned all scriptures ; the manichees and marcionites refused all the books of the old testament ( as the jews do those of the new ) as if they had proceeded from the devil . some diminish this canon , as the sadduces who ( as whitaker and others hold ) rejected all the other prophets but moses ; some inlarge it as the papists , who hold that divers other books called by us apocrypha ( i hidden ) do belong to the old testament , and are of the same authority with the other before named ; and they adde also their traditions and unwritten word , equalling it with the scripture ; both these are accursed , rev. . . but against the first we thus argue : whatsoever scripture , . is divinely inspired : . christ commandeth to search : . to which christ and his apostles appeal and confirm their doctrine by it , that is canonical and of equal authority with the new testament . but the holy scripture of the old testament is divinely inspired , tim. . . where he speaks even of the books of the old testament , as is gathered both from the universal , all writing , viz. holy , in the verse ; and from the circumstance of time , because in the time of timothies infancy little or nothing of the new testament was published . . christ speaks not to the scribes and pharisees , but to the people in general , to search it iohn . . this famous elogium being added , that it gives testimony of him , and that we may finde eternal life in it . . christ and his apostles appeal to it , and confirm their doctrine by it , luke . . rom. . . acts . . and . . and . . and . . the new testament gives testimony of the old , and peter , pet. . . of pauls epistles . the ecclesiastical canon ( which is also called the second canon ) followeth , to which these books belong , tobit , iudith , first and second of the maccabees , wisdom , ecclesiasticus , baruch , additions to * daniel and esther ; for these neither contain truth perfectly in themselves ; nor are sanctified by god in the church , that they may be a canon of faith ; and although abusively from custom they were called canonical , yet properly in the church they are distinguished from the canonical by the name of apocryphal . the false canon is that which after the authority of the apocrypha increased was constituted by humane opinion ; for the papists as well as we reject for apocryphal the third and fourth book of ezra , the prayer of manasses , the third and fourth of maccabees , as thomas aquinas , sixtus senenfis , bellarmine , and so the councel of trent confesse , when they omit these and reckon up the whole canon . the state therefore of the controversie betwixt us and the papists is , whether those seven whole books with the appendices , be sacred , divine , canonical . we do not deny but many of these , especially wisdom and ecclesiasticus are very good and profitable , and to be preferred before all humane tractates , but that they are properly , and by an excellency canonical , and of infallible truth , out of which firm arguments may be drawn ; that we deny . those books which the jews of old , and the reformed churches now reckon for truly canonical in the old testament , are received all even by our adversaries for canonical without any exception ; . for the canonical books of the new testament , there is no controversie between us , and so far we agree ; but in the old testament whole books are reckoned by them for canonical which we hold apocryphal . the reason why these books at first were added to holy writ , was this , the jews in their later times , before and at the coming of christ were of two sorts ; some properly and for distinction sake named hebrews , inhabiting ierusalem and the holy land ; others were hellenists , that is , the jews of the dispersion mingled with the grecians . these had written sundry books in greek which they made use of , together with other parts of the old testament , which they had in greek of the translation of the lxx , when they now understood not the hebrew ; but the hebrews receive only the two and twenty books before-mentioned . hence it came that the jews delivered a double canon of scripture to the christian church ; the one pure , unquestioned and divine , which is the hebrew canon ; the other in greek adulterate , corrupted by the addition of certain books written in those times when god raised up no more prophets among his people . drus. praeterit . l. . annotat. ad act. apost . c. . jun. animad in bell. cont . . lib. . c. . l. . c. . sect. . tertul ▪ in apol . c. . they are called apocryphal ( i. secret and hidden ) not because the names of the writers are unknown ( by that reason iudges and ruth should be apocryphal ) but because they were not wont to be read * openly in the church of god as the canonical books , but secretly and in private by private persons , or because their authority was obscure and doubtful with the ancient . these books our church rejecteth , as not written by divine inspiration for these reasons . all the canonical books of the old testament were written by the prophets ; a but none of these books were written by any of the prophets ; for . the last of the prophets of the jews was malachi , mal. . , . between whom and iohn baptist came no prophet . mark begins with the same words almost with which malachi ended ; a good argument to prove that the new testament is next to the old. but these books b were written by such who lived most of them after malachi . . all the prophets wrote in hebrew , the language which the jews understood ; but the fathers affirm , and papists acknowledge that most of these books were written in greek ; ergo , being not written by the prophets , they are not canonical . . all the books of the old testament were committed to the jews and safely kept by them , rom. . . our saviour christ which reproved the jews c for corrupting the sense of the scripture , did yet never reprove them for rejecting those books which were divinely inspired , which sacriledge he would not have concealed ; yea our saviour sendeth us unto the scriptures , as they received them , ioh. . . ezra after the captivity is reported to have gathered all the books of holy scripture , and safely to lay them up . if the jews should have rejected or not received any books being canonical , they had grievously erred , which the papists themselves will not affirm . yea there should have been some canonical books , which no church received ; for besides the church of the jews at that time there was none in the world . the canonical books of the old testament were divided into moses , d the prophets , and psalms ; with which agreeth the old distribution of the hebrews , into the law , prophets and hagiographa . . there are two wayes to know a book to be canonical ; one by the testimony of some prophet or apostle : the other by the certain testimony of them which did live when the book was published , who did witnesse that the book was written by some prophet or apostle . but these books are known to be canonical neither of these wayes ; they were rejected by the jews , who lived in the times when they were written ; our saviour christ nor his apostles never commend these books unto us as endited by the spirit . they are cited by christ and his apostles for the confirmation of their doctrine . all the canonical books in general , iohn . . and . . rom. . , luke . , . and chap. . , , . the most of all in special , genesis , matth. , , . exodus , mat. . , , , . leviticus , gal. . . numbers , john . . deuteronomy , acts . . ioshua , heb. . , . iudges , heb. . . ruth , mat. . . first of samuel , matth. . . second of samuel , heb. . . first of kings , mat. . . second of kings , luk. . . first of chronicles , mat. . , , , . second of chronicles , acts . . ezra , matth. . , . iob , cor. . . psalms , act. . . proverbs , heb. . , , . isaiah , matth. . . ieremiah , heb. . , . ezekiel , mat. . . daniel , matth. . . all the lesser prophets , acts . . and . , . hosea , mat. . . ioel , act. . . amos , act. . . ionah , mat. . , . micah , mat. . . nahum , rom. . . habakkuk , rom. . . haggai , heb. . . zachary , matth. . . malachi , luke . , . these books were not cited by christ and his apostles for confirmation of their doctrine . object . if they be not canonical , therefore because they are not cited ; then nahum and zephany are not canonical . aratus , menander , and epimenides , prophane poets , are canonical , because they are cited , acts . . cor. . . titus . . answ. they are not therefore not canonical only , because they are not cited , but especially because they have not the characters of divine scripture . . nahum and zephany are implicitely quoted , when the books of the prophets are mentioned , acts . . and . , . the poets are not cited as canonical , but the apostle applied himself to his hearers , who did much esteem their authority . some have well concluded from act. . . that the apocrypha are not to be received as canonical scripture , because they testifie not of christ. . those books which contain manifest untruths contrary to the word of god , and the books of holy scripture , were not inspired of god ; for as god is true , so is his word ioh. . . sweetly agreeing with it self , and every part with other ; these books commend false things as true , and approve things evil as right . iudith , chap. . v. . commends killing the sichemites against gen. . , . maccab. . razis is commended for killing himself , the fact is not only related but commended also in these words , nobly , manfully ; and this commendation doth plainly shew that the author thereof was not inspired e of god. when the d●natists out of this book urged that it was lawful for them to kill themselves as razis did , augustine f then was forced to acknowledge , that the authority of this book was uncertain and questionable , and proves it by the judgement of the jewish church , christ , and the christians . manifest fables are told in some of them for true histories , as that of g toby , iudith , bel and the dragon . if any desire a particular confutation of the several books of the apocrypha , i commend to his reading that learned treatise of dr raynolds de libris apocryphis , who hath so exactly handled this subject , that to write of it after him were to write iliads after homer , or to draw a line after apelles , . the most ancient fathers , and councels which lived the best and first five hundred years after h christ , rejected the same books which we doe . ierome on matth. . saith concerning a testimony cited out of the apocrypha , hoc quoniam ex scriptura nihil habet authoritatis , eadem facilitate rejicitur , qua profertur . because this hath no authority out of scripture , it may as easily be rejected as it is offered . all that the papists object for these books in the general , is , that the third councel at carthage , the florentire councel , and that of trent do approve the said books to be canonical , as also augustine and innocentius . to which it may be answered , . that the councel of carthage was but a provincial councel , and therefore it cannot binde the whole world . moreover in that councel there are divers things which the papists will not endure ; as in the canon , there is a decree that no bishop shall be called chief or universal bishop , no not the bishop of rome ; how should the papists binde us with the authority of that councel with which they will not binde themselves ? . the latine * fathers judged these books fit to be read for example of life and instruction of manners ; but not for confirmation of faith , or establishing any doctrine . . these books are not proto-canonical , truly and properly canonical , inspired by god , containing the immediate and unchangeable truth of god , sanctified by him , and given to the church to be a perfect rule of sound doctrine and good life ; but deutero-canonical or rather ecclesiastical , as they are styled . in this sense augustine and innocentius are to be taken , when they reckon these books among the canonicall . . no councel hath authority to define what books are canonicall , what not , seeing books truely divine receive authority from god himself , and are to be esteemed of undoubted truth , although all the world should bark against them . these two councels i are of too late standing to oppose against the other ancient councels , which reject these books . the councel of trent was gathered and kept against all civil and ecclesiastical right ; neither was there any forme of justice observed in it . . it was not kept in a lawfull place ; for whereas it was intended against the protestants , and the germans were the parties accused , it ought to have been kept in germany , according to the request exhibited by the body of the states of germany assembled at noremberg ; this equity was not observed , the parties accused being called into italy . . in that councel matters were concluded , and the sentence passed , the adversary not being heard speak , nor so much as present ; for the protestants might not be admitted to hearing , neither could they obtain to propound their opinion in the councel , much lesse to avouch it by lawfull reasoning . sleidan . fol. . and yet were condemned , against divine and humane law ; for they both forbid the condemning of any before he have lawfull liberty granted him to plead for himself . . in that councel the accuser and judge were the same : for the pope did accuse the protestants of heresie , he did convocate the councel , he by his delegates was president and moderator in it , and so together was accuser , judge and witnesse , whereas the reformation of the pope was the thing in question . lastly , all councels ought to be free ; but in this , protestants might not propound their cause , nor defend it , k neither might any thing be proposed , but according to the minde of the legates , or otherwise then they approved ; no man had any voice in the councel , but such as were sworn to the pope , nothing was there determined which was not first concluded of at rome by the pope in the colledge of cardinals , and sent from rome to trent ; whereupon this proverb arose , spiritum sanctum roma per peram mitti tridentum , the holy ghost came to trent packt up in a cloke-bag . we hope therefore since the apocrypha are justly rejected out of the canon , that hereafter they will neither have the honour to be bound with our bibles , nor read in our churches . the apocrypha was never received by the church of the israelites , before christ his coming ; nor of the apostolick and primitive church , for more then three hundred years after , as both eusebius out of origen , and the councel of laodicea , can. . confirmed afterward by the sixth general councel of constantinople sheweth for the greek church , and st ierom for the latine . chap. vi. of the authentical edition of the scripture . now we must enquire which is the authentical edition of holy scriptures , it being necessary that this heavenly truth committed to writing , should be delivered in some form of words , and in some language which may be understood . lawyers , from whom the use of the word authentick a seemeth borrowed , do call those instruments and writings authentick which have a certain and just authority in themselves . a book or writing is authentick either by divine or humane institution ; those are by divine appointment and institution authentical , which have from god sufficient and absolute authority to command and approve themselves worthy credit and faith , in as much as god himself doth approve them ; by humane institution such writings are held authentical , which by the opinion and sentence of learned men in their several professions may be esteemed worthy credit and belief for themselves , and for the truth in them . there is a great diversity of editions of holy scripture ; all cannot be simply and perpetually authentical , in , of , and for themselves , without reference unto another , no more then many draughts of the same lease or deed , or copy of one pardon can be . some amongst many are authentick , whence the others are transcribed ; yea it cannot be that there should be many ; but although there may be many counterpanes of the deed , yet there is but one or two principal deeds : so , amongst this great variety of editions one or more ought to be as principal and authentical . there is a question betwixt the church of rome , and the reformed churches about the authentick edition of scripture ; they say , that the edition of the bible in hebrew and greek is not authentical , but rather the vulgar latine . we hold , that the vulgar latine is very corrupt and false ; that the hebrew b for the old testament , and the greek for the new i● the sincere and authentical writing of god ; therefore that all things are to be determined by them ; and that the other versions are so farre to be approved of , as they agree with these 〈◊〉 . the ●ride●tin● councel thus c decreeth , that in all sermons , readings , disputations , controversies , the vulgar latine translation should be taken for authen●●●● before the hebrew or greek , and that no man should presume upon any oc●●●on to reject ●● , or to appeal from it . when the councel of trent saith the vul●●● latine i● authentical , it compares it with other latine translations , not with ●he hebrew . mu●s de heb. edit . author . ac ver . vide illum ibid , andradius ( the chiefest of the divines at the councel of trent ) thinketh that ●he councel of trent did not mean either to condemn the hebrew truth ( as he cal●●th it ) or to acquit the latine translation from all error , when they called it authen●●cal ; but only that the latine hath no such error by which any pestilent opinion in ●aith and manners may be gathered . this saith rainolds against hart , c. . p. . and chamier . tom. . l. . c. . the rhemists in their preface to the new testament , translated by them , prolixly extoll this latine edition , and contend that it is not onely farre better than all the latine versions , but then the greek it self , which is the pro●otype . before we come to defend our own or disprove that opinion of the papists , it is necessary first rightly and fully to state the question , and to premise some things concerning the several versions and translations of the scripture . we deny not that part of daniel and ezra which was written in the chaldee dialect to be authentical , because we know the lord was pleased that in that language as well as the hebrew some of his divine truth should be originally written . . for the more credit of the stories , the lord bringeth forth forraign nations and their chronicles for witnesses , least any of them should doubt of the truth thereof . . the lord would have some part of those stories come to the knowledge of the heathen , and it was requisite that the chaldeans should know the sins and impieties of that nations , and the judgements that should befall them , to testifie unto all the truth of god ; therefore in general the alteration of the terrene states and kingdoms is shadowed forth and published in the chaldee tongue , that the gentiles might take knowledge thereof ; but the particular histories ofthe of the coming of the messi●s , of his office and kingdom , and of the calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of god , are set forth in the hebrew tongue , as more especially concerning them . likewise it pleased god for the better credit of the story , that the history of those things which were said and done in chaldea should be written in the same language wherein they were first spoken ; and therefore the epistles and rescripts of the kings are delivered in the chaldee speech , as taken on● of their publick acts and d records ; and that the history in daniel set forth in the cha●dee speech gaining him respect with the chaldeans , might stirre up the jews to receive daniel as a prophet of god whom the heathens admired . if there be any footsteps of the chaldee and arabick in iob , as some learned say ; we do not exclude them from authentick authority ; for we say the whole old testament for the most part in hebrew , and few parcels in chaldee , are the authentick edition of the old testament . the greek copies of the new testament are also from god immediately , the very dialect wherein those prototypes were , which the pens of the evangelists and apostles did write . for the gospel of matthew , and the epistle to the hebrews being written in hebrew , and mark in latine , we have refuted that opinion already ; the greek edition of those three books , as well as of all the other of the new testament is authentical . the versions of the scripture are either the chaldee and greek of the old testament , the syriack and arabick of the new , the latine , italian , french and english of both testaments . all the versions c of the sacred scripture have so farre divine authority as they agree with the original tongue ; and to say that any translation is pure and uncorrupt , and that the very fountains are muddy , is both a foolish and impious blasphemy . the tongue and dialect is but an accident , and as it were an argument of the divine truth , which remains one and the same in all idioms ; therefore the faith of the unlearned depends on god , not on men ; although the translations , by benefit of which they are brought to believe , be perfected by the labour of men . gods providence and care of the church is such that he would never let it be long destitute of a fit translation f , which being publisht by learned men , and approved of by the church , however it failed in some things , yet following the truth constantly in the more principal and necessary things , might be sufficient to all for wholsome instruction . the versions differ often much among themselves ; arias montanus differs much from pagnin a learned translator , and vatablus from both ; from all these luther , and from him again the vulgar . ofiander , the lxx varie . the chaldee edition of the old testament is not a translation done word for word , but a paraphrase , and so called ; the chaldee paraphrase , by the jews g targum , though some conceive that there is some kinde of distinction ( to speak accurately ) between the chaldee paraphrase and targum . targum being a general word , signifying an interpretation or paraphrase , though it usually now by an excellency denoteth the chaldee paraphrase . there were three authours of it ( as it is reported , ) according to the three-fold difference of the hebrew books . r●bbi achilam or aquila , who is vulgarly called o●●glos upon the five books of moses ; rabbi ionathan the sonne of uziel upon the former and later prophets ; rabbi ioseph coecus ( or as some will , a certain anonymus ) upon some of the hagiographa . those paraphrases of onkelos and ionathan are the ancienter and certioris fidei ; that upon the hagiographa is farre later and lesse certain , it being doubtfull both who was the author , and in what age it was made . the common opinion concerning onkelos and ionathan is , that ionathan wrote a little before christ , the other a little after him . capellus lib. . de punctorum hebraicorum antiquitatecap . . helvicus de chaldaicis paraphrasibus cap. . vide paulii fagii praefat. in paraphrast . chald. vide buxtorf . de punctorum antiquitate & origine , parte . c. . rabbi ioseph coecus ( saith galatinus de arcan cathol verit . lib. . cap. . ) flourished almost years after christ suffered . ionathan ( saith broughto● ) was no lesse ancient then the holy apostles . these paraphrases among the jews ( saith helvicus ) sunt autoritatis plane aequalis ipsi scripturae hebraicae , neque fas habent illis contradicere . quorum paraphrasin nemo doctus non suspicit , saith capellus of onkelos and ionathan . the jews write that ionathan received his doctrine of the targum from zachary , haggai and malachi the prophets : onkelos his from rabbi elieser and rabbi ioshua , which also themselves received them from the prophets : they write that ionathan interpreting the scripture , all palestina was shaken with an earthquake , and a voice heard from heaven ; quis est iste , qui filiis hominum arcana mea revelat ? also that if by chance a flie or any other flying thing should have fallen upon him or his paper , whilst he was writing this work , they would presently have been burnt from heaven without hurting him or the paper . the use of these paraphrases are very great , . to illustrate the hebrew text by circumstances or a more full explication of it . . to confirm the integrity of the hebrew text , gen. . . . in controversies against the jews , in controversiis iudaicis praecipuum robur obtinent * , saith helvicus . the chaldee paraphrasts gen. . . both of them most excellently expound the place , which themselves understood not : being like therein to virgils bees , which make honey for others , and not themselves . first , onkelos interpreteth it in this manner : a magistrate exercising authority of the house of iudah , shall not depart , nor a scribe of his posterity for ever , till christ come , to whom the kingdom pertaineth , and him shall the people obey . the i other called the interpreter of ierusalem , thus : kings of the house of iudah shall not fail , neither skilfull law-teachers of his posterity , unto the time wherein the king christ shall come : unto whom the kingdom pertaineth , and all the kingdoms of the earth shall be subdued unto him . if christ came when authority was gone , and authority went away at ierusalems fall , needs must one coming of christ be referred to the overthrow of that city . the talmudici and later rabbins , rabbi sal. iarchi , rabbi dav. kimchi , expound it of the messiah , as buxtorf shews . there are many profitable explications in that paraphrase on the pentateuch * , but it is too late to be of authentick authority ; and the other chaldee paraphrases ( that excepted ) are besprinkled with jewish fables and * thalmudique toyes . the third paraphrase hath not expounded all the hagiographal books : for there was never seen any targum upon chronicles , nor daniel , nor ezra ; peradventure because much of the chronicles was expounded in the books of the kings , and a great part of daniel and ezra were written in chaldee , that there was no need of a new paraphrase . onkelos his paraphrase seldom merits that name , being indeed commonly nothing but a rigid version cudworths discourse concerning the notion of the lords supper . chap. . the third targum of the pentateuch is named hieerosolymitanum , either from the 〈…〉 seventy 〈…〉 〈…〉 ommandment ) were the authors 〈…〉 years after the death of the author of nehemiah , 〈…〉 before christ. they are said to be elders chosen 〈…〉 are commonly called seventy , although they were se 〈…〉 sheweth where he speaks of their edition , as the 〈…〉 hundred and five . ptolomeus philadelphus the most learned of 〈…〉 , had made a library at alexandria which he stored with many 〈…〉 books , and understanding that the divine books of the prophets full ●● all good doctrine , were kept amongst the jews , written in their tongue , by ●●e motion of demetrius phalerius the best grammarian of that age , whom ptolomy had appointed the library-keeper , he requested of eleazar the high-priest of the jews those books and interpreters , then seventy two elders of all the tribes of israel were sent unto them . all the latine translations of the bible ( except that of ierom ) were made from it . the evangelists n followed the version of the seventy in many things , which was in the hands of many , and of great authority amongst the hellenists , when they might do it without much swerving from the sense of the prophets , both to shew their liberty ; and that in things indifferent and of little consequence , they would not give occasion of cavil to the wicked , no● of scandal to the weak rainold . in lib. apoc. the lxx interpreters do manifestly swerve from the hebrew truth in reckoning of years , for gen. . they say that m●thusel●h was more then ● years old , whe● he begat lam●ch ; so that of necessity , they make him live fourteen years after the floud , which is false , for then were nine souls saved contrary to ●en . 〈◊〉 . vid● cape● critic . sac. l. . c ▪ the syriack translation of the new testament● comes next to be considere● 〈◊〉 is ancient , yet it is not certain who w●s the author thereof , no● in what time i● was made ; though cham●er thinks a little after christs time , the great elegan●● and purity of speech , doth shew 〈◊〉 it is ●n●ient . it is probab●e th●● i●●●s mad● about the beginning of the christian church , because the second of peter , with the second and third of iohn , iude , the revelation , are left out , which though they were written by inspiration , yet they were questioned by ecclesiastical writers , because they were omitted by the syriack translator . it is very profitable for the understanding of the greek testament . it well interprets those greek words , matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per panem indigentiae nostrae , and that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . the syriack hath two words maran atha , which signifie our lord cometh . the papists endeavour to establish their administration of the lords supper under one kinde from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . but that word is generally used for the whole action of the sacrament , viz. the distribution of the bread and wine . the syriack so renders it comedentes vos & bibentes . andreas masius in his syriack grammar saith , that the syrians do not write sinistrorsum toward the left-hand , as the hebrews , nor dextrorsum toward the right-hand , as the greeks and latines , but deorsum downward ; which manner of writing ( it is probable ) was then observed by christ , ioh. . . p because at that time the jews used the syriack tongue . the new testament in syriack is in latine of trostius his edition , the revelation was dieu's edition , the later epistle of peter , and two epistles of iohn , and that of iude , are m. pococks edition . it is manifest that christ and his apostles spake in the syriack tongue , since tabitha kumi , eloi , eloi , lammasabachthani , bethesda , gabbatha , golgotha , aceldama , are meer syriack ; yet the evangelists often call it hebrew , because it was the language of the hebrews , iohn . . and . , . acts . . and . . and . . the arabick translation . it is uncertain by whom it was made , or when ; sure it is , they had the scriptures in their own tongue ; and it were to be wished that that tongue were more common , and better understood ; that religion might be spread amongst the saracens , which for the most part speak that language . in the year . the new testament in arabick , was first divulged at rome . the arabick tongue ( saith walter ) is thought to be a branch of the chaldee and syriack proceeding from both , but that it exceeds them in six letters , there being eight and twenty in the arabick tongue . it was in use anciently with the ishmaelites and hagarens , who drew their original from abraham , and afterward would rather be called saracens from sarah . it is now used thorow all asia and africa ; mahumed who descended from the ishmaëlitish nation , wrote his wicked and blasphemous alcoran in this tongue . erpenius q ( who was excellently skill'd in this tongue ) saith , it is more necessary and excellent then either the syriack , aethiopick , persian , or turkish language ; he extols it for its antiquity , largenesse , elegancy and profit . the arabians ( saith he ) have many more accurate for geography then ptolomy ; avicenna and other famous physicians have written in this tongue . he saith thirty two thousand of arabick books were to be had in one library in mauritania . ioseph scaliger , raphelengius , isaac casaubone , emmanuel tremellius , and franciscus iunius , all learned men of special note , much esteemed this tongue , and promoted the study of it , as their writings shew . mercer , who was most versed in the hebrew and chaldee tongues , in his old age , a little before he dyed , thought to have travelled into the east , onely out of a desire to learn the arabick tongue . the latine translations were so many , that augustine r saith , they could not be numbred . that new version of tremellius and iunius both , is best for the old testament , and that of erasmus and beza for the new testament . see in chamiers first tome , l. . c. . his censure of all three . there is a great use also of the interlineary version put forth by arias montanus , for the finding out the sense , and genuine signification of all the hebrew and greek words . amongst many and divers latine translations , there was one more common then the rest of the old and new testament , usually called the vulgar , because it was of vulgar use , and received by many . who was the author of this edition , it is not manifest : some say it was more antient , then that of ierome ▪ ierome wrote pure s latine , being skilful in the latine tongue , but the vulgar translation is barbarous in many places ; therefore pagnine , t maldonate , estius , sixtus senensis , burgensis , valla , lindan , deny it to be ieromes ; that was translated from the hebrew by the greek , and not by ●erome , but by some uncertain and unknown author saith whitaker . bootius in the index of his sacred animadversions , ascribes it to ierome . the geneva translation for the french , and our last translation for the english , and deodate for the italian are the best , which is now set out in english , diodatus noster in eximia bibliorum i●alicorum versione , saith spanhemius * the question betwixt us and the papists , now cometh to be considered , which of these editions is authentical , that is , which of it self hath credit and authority , being sufficient of it self to prove and commend it self , without the help of any other edition , because it is the first exemplar or copy of divine truth delivered from god by the prophets and apostles . this , in respect of the old testament , is the hebrew , and in some chapters of daniel and ezra the chaldee , and in respect of the new testament is the greek ; all other editions are but of humane authority . this proposition true in it self , is yet divers ways opposed by the papists , whose opinions may be set down in three propositions : . that the hebrew and greek text are corrupt , and therefore not u authentical , for the fountain is to be preferred before the streams , if it come unto our hands uncorruptly . the book of moses x which by gods commandment was preserved in the ark , and that very gospel written by matthew : those autographs ( saith morinus ) are certainly the rule of all versions . the second proposition is , that the translaters , were not so much translators as prophets , who wrote by divine inspiration ; so that their translation had been authentique , if it had come to our hands and had not perished . the third is , that the vulgar translation is of authentique authority , and ought so to be received ; neither may any man presume to reject it upon any pretence ; they say it hanged between the hebrew and greek , as christ did between the two theeves . to these three propositions , we oppose three which are most true , and shall prevail . . the hebrew of the old testament , y and the greek of the new , is the authentique edition , and the pure fountain of divine truth . . the were not prophets , but translators . . the vulgar translations neither is authentique nor perfect , neither ought it in any case so to be esteemed . reasons proving that the hebrew of the old testament , and the greek of the new , are authentical and pure . to prove our first proposition , these arguments may be brought . . the hebrew of the old , and greek z of the new testament , are the very scriptures which came immediately from god ; the very particular , and individual writings , both for character and stile of speech , yea , the dialect as well as the matter of them is immediately by inspiration from above , and written by holy men , as they were moved by the holy spirit ; what edition therefore is worthy to be compared to this ? when we speak of the original and authentick text of the holy scripture , that is not to be so understood as if we meant it of the autographs written by the hand of moses , or the other prophets or apostles , but onely of the original or the primogenial text in that tongue , out of which divers versions a were derived according to the variety of tongues . . for a long time before the birth of christ , the hebrew was not onely the alone authentique copy , but the onely edition which was extant in the world . in the days of moses , the kings of israel and the prophets before the captivity , what edition of scripture had the church but the hebrew ? what did the jews read in their synagogues , and in their solemn meetings , but onely this hebrew edition ? after the time of christ , for the space of years , the hebrew edition of the old testament , and the greek of the new , were held authentique , and no other . . if any thing be erroneous , doubtful , less emphatical or improper ; or if in the articles of religion any doubt or difficulty arise , which cannot be decided out of translations , we must necessarily then have recourse to the hebrew of the old , and the greek of the new testament , as augustine b witnesseth , and ierome in lib. contra helvidium . bellarmine grants , that sometimes we must have recourse to the hebrew and greek fountains , . when in the latine edition there be any errors of the scribe . . when there are divers readings . . when there is any thing doubtful in the words or sentence . . to understand the force and energy of the word , because all things are more emphatical in the original . . if the authority of the authentical copies in hebrew , chaldee and greek , fall , then there is no pure scripture in the church of god , there is no high court of appeal where controversies c ( rising upon the diversity of translations , or otherwise ) may be ended . the exhortation of having recourse unto the law , and to the prophets , and of our saviour christ asking how it is written , and how readest thou , is now either of none effect , or not sufficient . the papists differ among themselves in this controversie d about the corruption of the originals : some of them say , that the hebrew of the old , and the greek of the new testament , is not generally corrupted , and yet is not so very pure a fountain , that whatsoever differs from it , is necessarily to be corrected by it . others e say , that the jews in hatred of the christian faith , depraved and much corrupted the hebrew text of the old testament . which opinion as absurd is rejected by bellarmine , and is easily refuted . i shall first lay down some reasons against the grosser opinion , and also that of of bellarmines , before i come to answer the particular objections of the papists . . ierome and origen thus argue , if the jews corrupted the hebrew text of the old testament , then they did this before the coming of christ , or after it : not before his coming , for there was no cause why the jews should do it , and our saviour christ would never have suffered so gross a crime to have passed without due reproof , when he was not silent for lesser faults . on the contrary , our saviour sendeth us to the scripture to learn the doctrine of salvation , luke . . and proveth his doctrine out of moses and the prophets . not after christs coming , then the testimonies cited by christ and his apostles , would have been expunged by them , and the special prophesies concerning christ , but they are all extant . the jews have , and yet still do keep the holy text of scripture most religiously and carefully , which may appear , since ( as iohannes isaac contra lindan ▪ l. . a learned jew writeth ) that there are above arguments against the jews opinion , more evident and express in the hebrew text of the old testment , then there be in the latine translation . from the days of our saviour christ until this time , the jews keep the scripture with so great reverence ( saith the same isaac ) ut jejunium indicunt si illa in terram ceciderit , they publish a fast if it fall upon the ground . this testimony of isaac levita is the more to be esteemed , because he was lindans own master , and professor of the hebrew tongue in the university of coolen , and hath written three books in the defence of the hebrew truth , against the cavils of his scholar . arias montanus for his rare skill of tongues and arts , was put in trust by king philip to set forth the bible in hebrew , greek and latine , wherein he hath reproved that treatise of lindan , and disclosed his folly . muis ( who hath written a commentary on the psalms ) a great hebrician and learned papist , hath written against morinus about this subject . the most learned papists , senensis , bannes , lorinus , pagnine , marinus brixianus , valla , andradius , bellarmine and genebrard , hold , that the jews did not maliciously corrupt the hebrew text. iosephus l. . contra appian ( who lived after our saviour ) saith , that the jews did keep the holy scripture with so great fidelity , that they would rather dye then change or alter any thing in it . euseb. eccles. hist l. . cap. . teacheth the same thing . the stupendious diligence of the massorites , in numbering of the words and letters , with the variations of pointing and writing ▪ least any place or suspition should be given of falsifying it , seems to be a good plea also against the jews wilful depraving of scripture : paulo post hieronymmm confecta est masora , quam utilissimum thesaurum arias appellat . chamierus . masora opus immensum , & herculeo labore elaboratum , quo omnia scripturae vocabula , syllabae , litterae , apices numerantur , illud rabbini usitata appellatione , legis vocant sepimentum dilher . elect. l. . c. . vide muis de heb. edit . author . ac verit . if origen or ierome ( the two f chiefest hebricians among the fathers ) had had the least suspicion of this , they would never have bestowed so much time in the learning of this tongue , nor have taken such indefatigable pains , in translating the bibles out of hebrew . yet morinus would seem to give answer to this , viz. that we might convince the jews out of their own books . ierome doth in a thousand places call it the hebrew truth , & fontem limpidissimum , and prefers it before the translation of the septuagint , and all other versions whatsoever . he calls the hebrew in the old and greek in the new testament , fontes veritatis . farther , if the jews would have corrupted the scripture , they could g not , for the books were dispersed throughout the whole world ; how could the jews then , being so far dispersed themselves , confer together , and corrupt them all with one consent ? the books were not onely in the hands of the jews , but of christians also , and in their custody ; and they would never have suffered the books of the old testament ( which are the foundation of faith and life ) to be corrupted . adde , if the jews would have corrupted the scripture , they would have corrupted those places which make most against them , concerning christs person , and office ; as that prophesie of dan. . of the messiahs coming before the destruction of ierusalem ; that hag. . . which setteth out the glory of the second temple , to be greater then the glory of the first , in regard of the presence of the lord in it ; that gen. . . who is such a stranger in the jewish controversies , as to be ignorant how stoutly and pertinaciously many of the jews deny , that by shiloh there , is understood the messias ? but the three fold paraphrase there , hath expresly added the word messias , and stops the mouthes of the jews , who must not deny their authority ; so that they fear nothing more , then to h contest with those christians , who read and understand the chaldee paraphrases , and interpretations of the rabbines . see mr. mede on that text. psalm . . where the vulgar latine hath apprehendite disciplinam ( quae lectio nihil magnificum de christo praedicat ) the hebrews read osculamina filium , which is more forcible i to prove the mystery of christs kingdom , and celebrate his ample dominion over all . that place isa , . contains both the prophecy , and whole passion of christ in itself . yet what is wanting there in the hebrew text ? is there a letter taken away or altered , to violate the sense of the mysteries ? isaac levita k saith , that this chapter converted him , that he read it over more then a thousand times , and compared it with many translations , and that more of the mystery of christ is contained in it , then in any translation whatsoever . he addeth further , that disputing with five rabbines at frankford , he urged this chapter against them , and thereby brought them into those straights , and so stopped their mouthes , that they could not reply to his arguments . we have the second psalm , the . the . and all others entire and compleat , in which there are most manifest l prophesies concerning christ. there are many besides the papists , who have stood for the uncorrupt truth of the fountains , and have defended the jews faithfulness in preserving the hebrew copies , as whitaker , lubbertas , iunius , ames , rivet and others . but none hath performed more for the vindicating of particular places , which are either suspected , or openly charged of corruption by certain papists , then solomon glassius a most learned man , who in his philologia sacra hath vindicated seventy two places of the old testament , and twenty of the new. all know , that that place in the th of isa. a virgin shall conceive , was constantly objected to the jews from the beginning , and yet they have left it untouched . chamier de canone l. . c. . objections of the papists against the purity of the hebrew text in the old testament . bellarmine m onely produceth five places of the scripture , in which he endeavors to prove , not that the hebrew text is corrupted by the labor or malice n of the jews ( that opinion he evidently and solidly refutes ) yet that it is not altogether pure and perfect , but hath its errors brought in from the negligence of the scribes , and ignorance of the rabbines . coton saith , the originals are miserably corrupted ; and that there is a multitude almost incredible of depravations and falsifications , made by the rabbines and masorites . but bellarmine , who was more learned then he , and from whom he hath stollen a great part of his book against the genevah translation , doth sufficiently confute him . object . psal. . . there is no christian , but he readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caru , they have pierced my hands and my feet , yet it is in the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caari , as a lyon. answ. this is the onely argument o which lindan hath of any shew , to prove that the jews have corrupted the hebrew text , saith rainolds against hart. whitaker saith , hoc unum posse ab illis probabile in fontibus hebraicis corruptelae indicium inveniri . the same say iohn isaac against lindan , muis against morinus , turretinus against coton . the jews ( they say ) corrupted that word pierced , because they saw that it proposed that manifest prophecy of the crucifying of christ. but it is easie ( saith whitaker ) to vindicate this place from their calumny , for first , learned men witnesse , that caru is read in many hebrew books . iohn isaac a popish jew , in his second book against lindan witnesseth , that he saw such a book . hoc idem ego iohannes isaac ipsa veritate & bona conscientia testari possum , quòd hujusmodi psalterium apud avum meum viderim , ubi in textu scriptum erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & in margine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 et ita omnia olim exemplari habuisse , hand dubito . hinc itaque manifestumesse puto , cur septuaginta & alii transtulerint , foderunt . siquidem illi non keri sed ketif sunt secuti . the massorites say , it was written caru in many exact copies . it is not therefore a corruption , but a divers reading in certain copies by the mistake of the scribes , as bellarmine himself confesseth . apparet ( saith he ) imprudenter quosdam , dum se hebraeos oppugnare credunt , ecclesiam ipsam oppugnare . si enim illae correctiones scribarumsunt hebraici textus corruptiones , sequitur apertè , vulgatam quoque editionem esse corruptissimam : quam tamen nobis ecclesia pro versione authentica tradidit . bellarm. l. . de verbo dei. c. secundo . genebrard the kings professor of hebrew in paris on the place , concludes that the jews did not corrupt this word . vide sis in loc . & hulsii annot. in loc . mr iohn foord ( who hath written an exposition of the psalms in latine ) gives divers reasons to prove that caru is a true reading ; one is this ; the history of the gospel witnesseth , that christs hands and feet were pierced by the souldiers with nails . secondly , the vulgar latine , the seventy , ierom , augustine , pagnine and vatablus , tremellius and iunius , arias montanus , and some other translators so reade it . the most learned hebricians teach in their hebrew lexicons , that it is so to be read . the chaldee paraphrast hath joyned both readings together , q. d. they have digged or pierced my hands and my feet , as a lion is wont to dig with his teeth . elias levita writes , that he observed all the words which are otherwise read and otherwise written , ( the hebrews call them keri and ketib ) and that he numbred eight hundred fourty eight , sixty five of which are in the law , four hundred fifty four in the prophets , three hundred twenty nine in the hagiographa . but buxtorf in his masoretical commentary . c. . observed many more words which differ in the reading and writing . morinus a learned papist hath written nine exercitations on the bible , and labors to prove from beza , amama , de dieu and other protestant writers , that there are many faults in the hebrew and greek copies which we now have . muis a learned papist also hath answered him . object . psal. . . the p hebrew books have , in omnem terram exivit linea eorum , their line is gone forth thorow all the earth , but the septuagint turn it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hierom , sonus eorum , their sound ; and st paul approved of this version , rom. . . answ. whitaker in his answer to this objection , follows genebrard in his scholia upon the place , and genebrard follows beza on rom. . . the hebrew word ( say they ) truly signifieth a line , but the septuagint interpreters respected the sense , and the apostle followed them . the scope of the psalm is , that gods people may see what documents are given unto them of god , whereby they may be brought and led to the true , certain and saving knowledge of god : to the seventh verse , it sheweth how they were taught by the works of god : thence to the end , how they were instructed by his word ; the apostle alledgeth this psalm to prove that the jews might come to know god by his word , and thereby might have faith in christ jesus ; the sense therefore is , not only the delineation and constitution of things created , but also the word of god , and the doctrine of the gospel , long since propounded to the jews , and so propounded as they could not but hear , because it was published openly to all the whole world by the mystery of the holy apostles out of the predictions of the prophets . paul interprets the comparison propounded by the prophet , and teacheth , that as certainly as the lines of heaven run forth into all the earth , so certainly in these last times , the doctrine of the gospel came forth into all the earth by the apostles preaching , and therefore the apostle did not rashly change the word of the prophet , because the hebrew text in the prophet was corrupt , but purposely in stead of delineation the apostle put in sonus , having respect to the present accomplishment of the promise , whereby god had fore-told , that all the gentiles should be converted to the communion of the gospel ; and to this end he did foreshew that he would give unto them preachers . coton urgeth two other places , to shew that the hebrew text is corrupted , mat. . . and mat. . object . mat. . . he shall be called a p nazarene , is no where found , though the evangelist say , that it is written , therefore it followeth ( saith he ) that the hebrew original which we have , is imperfect . answ. saint ierom saith , that this place was objected to him above a hundred times , and that he hath as often answered it , viz. that if the hebrew be imperfect having no such passage , then is also that of the septuagint and the vulgar ; so that the objection is not against the hebrew , but against the scripture in what language soever it be . maldonat , after he had well weighed divers opinions , holds that of ieroms for the most sure , which is to draw nazarene from netzer a branch , isa. . . iunius in his parallels ; piscator , dr taylor , mr dod go the same way . chrysostom and theophylact , because they cannot undo this knot , cut it , thus , saying that many of the books of the prophets are lost . bucer thinketh that place iud. . . is here noted , samson being a redeemer as he was a figure of christ , and the book of the iudges was composed by divers prophets . calvin , marlorat , beza , scultetus , and mr perkins seem to encline to this opinion . the last large annotations mention both these interpretations , but adhere rather to the former . object . the second place urged by coton , to prove the corruption of the hebrew , is matth. . . r the evangelist cites ieremiah for that which is to be found only in zachary . answ. iunius in his parallels , and dr taylor on the temptation bring six answers to reconcile these places . . some say it joyns together both , one place in ieremiah , chap. . , , . and that of zachary ; but there is little or no agreement between them . . some say , that it is not in ieremiahs writings which are canonical , but in some apocryphal writings of ieremiah which the jews had , and which chrysostom confesseth he saw , wherein these words were ; but it is not likely , that the holy evangelist would leave a canonical text , and cite an apocryphal , or give such credit to it , or seek to build our faith upon it ; and by our rule , that book should be canonical , which is cited by christ or his apostles . . some say that matthew forgat , and for zaechary put down ieremiah , so augustine and erasmus ; but with more forgetfulnesse , for holy men wrote as they were moved by gods spirit . . some think it the errour of heedless writers , who might easily so erre ; but all the oldest copies , and the most ancient fathers have the name of ieremiah . . some say that zachariah being instructed and trained up with ieremiah did deliver it by tradition from ieremiah , and so ieremiah spake it by zachariah , which might be true , because it is said in the text , as was spoken by ieremiah , not written . but sixthly , the most compendious and likely way of reconciling is this , that zachariah and ieremiah was the same man having two names , which was very usual among the jews , as salomon was called iedidiah , iehoiachim ieconias and coniah ; simon peter , cephas and bariona ; matthew , levi. so far iunius and d. taylor . see m. robert baily on zach. . . p. . and last large annotat. the best of the popish writers cannot deny , but that the name ieremiah the prophet is put for zachary , either through the negligence of the scribes , or else it was inserted into the text out of the margent , the evangelist saying no more , but that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet , as both iansenius and maldonat● in loc . do confesse . chamier distinguisheth of a two fold depravation , one of interpretation , herein we excuse not , nor defend the jews . second of the letter , herein they are to be patroniz'd against the papists , who thorow their sides , strike at the very scriptures , and labour to overthrow their authority . the hebrew edition then ( notwithstanding these and such like frivolous objections ) is sincere and uncorrupt , and if any errors crept in through negligence or ignorance of the pen-men , which copied out the books ; yet bellarmine himself granteth they are of no great moment ; in matters pertaining to faith and manners ( saith he ) there is nothing wanting in the integrity of the scriptures . vide capel . critica sac. l. . c. . haud negare ausim , & temporum injuria & descriptorum incuria errata quaedam & sphalmata in textum hebraeum irrepsisse . amama antibarb . bibl. lib. . c. . what reasons can the jesuites alledge , why the hebrew and the greek which kept their integrity four hundred years together after christ , amidst as bitter enemies as ever they had , as troublesome and tempestuous times as ever were since , should after in time of lesse danger , and greater quiet , lose not their beauty only , but their chastity also ! and we marvel that the jesuites are not afraid to suffer this blot to fall upon their popish government ; which boasteth and saith , it is the pillar of truth , and yet hath had no better care to preserve the truth . objections of the papists against the purity of the greek text in the new testament . object . they instance in rom. . . to be corrupt , the greek hath serving the time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for serving the lord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . answ. many of the ancient greek s copies and scholiasts have also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as salmeron the jesuite confesseth , serving the lord , and it appeareth in the syriack translation : and who seeth not , that it might rather be an oversight of the writer taking one word for another , rather then a fault in the text ; and the cause of the mistake ( saith beza ) was the short writing of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was taken by some for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas they should have taken it for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if we should admit the other reading , we must not understand the apostle as if he commanded us to be temporizers , or to apply our selves to the corrupt customs and manners of the times ; but to keep time in all our actions , and do them in the fittest season , as col. . . ephes. . . object . erasmus the best translator of all the later ( by the judgement of beza ) saith , that the greek sometimes hath superfluities corruptly added to the text of holy scripture , as matth. . the doxology , for thine is the kingdom , the power and the glory for ever and ever . he calleth these words trifles , rashly added to the lords prayer , and reprehends valla for blaming the old vulgar latine , because it hath them not . tertullian , cyprian , ambrose , ierom and augustine do expound the lords prayer , and yet make no mention of these words . beza confesseth it to be magnifi●um illam quidem & longè sanctissimam , a most high and holy form of expression , sed irrepsisse in contextum , & quae in vetustissimus aliquot codicibus graecis desit , it is not to be found in that vetustissimus codex by beza to the university library of cambridge ; that copy perhaps was corrupted by the hereticks . it is not presently trifles , whatsoever erasmus or any other man shall reject out of the greek copy under that name : and yet they do erasmus wrong , to say that he called that part of the lords prayer trifles absolutely ; for he stiles it so conditionally , if it be not part of the ancient text. . if erasmus had understood that that passage had been taken out of the book of chronicles written by the pen of the holy ghost , he would no doubt have taken heed how he had called this conclusion of the lords prayer trifles , for it appeareth manifestly , that this sentence was borrowed from david , chron. . . with some abridgment of the prophets words . . that cannot be superfluous without the which we should not have had a perfect form of prayer ; for since prayer standeth as well in praising of god and thanksgiving , as in petitions and requests to be made unto him ; it is evident that if this conclusion had been wanting , there had wanted a form of that prayer which standeth in praise and thanksgiving . . if to give a substantial reason of that which goeth before be superfluous , then this conclusion may be so . . for confirmation of this reading , we may alledge besides the consent of the greek copies , the syrian interpretation which is very ancient , chrysostom , theophylact and euthymius expound it . the lords prayer in luke is perfect in respect of the petitions , yet nothing hindereth but that in matthew might be added the confirmation and conclusion ; matthew hath many other things in his gospel , which luke hath not . salmeron reproves cajetan for calling this multiloquium , since there is a notable confession of four properties of god , his kingdom , power , glory and eternity . i should now shew , that neither the translation of the seventy , nor of the vulgar latine are authentical ; but there are two questions of great moment first to be discussed . the first is , whether any books of the scripture be lost . the second , whether the scripture of the old testament was punctata from the beginning . to the first question , that we may give a right answer , we must distinguish of the books of scripture , some were historical , ethical or physical , others dogmatical . the former might perish and fall away , but not the later . therefore that common objection of divers books mentioned in the old testament , whereof we finde none so entituled in the canon thereof , is easily answered . either they were civil and commonwealth stories , whether the reader is referred , if it like him to reade the stories more at large , which the prophets touched shortly ; or else they are contained in the books of the kings , which are manifes●ly proved to be written by divers prophets in their several ages , wherein they prophesied . salomons books which he wrote of general philosophy , fell away , but all the other books of the scripture do still remain . first , they are all of god , all whose works remain for ever , therefore the holy scriptures being not only his handy-work , but as it were the chief and master-work of all other , must have a continual endurance . secondly , they all are written generally for our instruction , and more particularly for admonition and warning , for comfort and consolation , unlesse we will say that god may be deceived in his purpose and end wherefore he ordained them ; it must needs be , that it must continue whatsoever hath been written in that respect . thirdly , if the lord have kept unto us the whole book of leviticus , and ( in it ) the ceremonies ( which are abolished , and whereof there is now no practice ) because they have a necessary and profitable use in the church of god ; * how much more is it to be esteemed , that his providence hath watched over other books of the scripture , which more properly belong unto our times ? fourthly , let us hear the scripture it self , witnessing of its own authority and durableness to all ages ; moses thus writeth of it ; the secret and hidden things remain to the lord our god , but the things that are revealed to us and our children for ever . david also professeth , that he knew long before , that the lord had founded his testimonies for evermore . but our saviour christs testimony is of all other most evident : that heaven and earth shall passe , but that his word cannot passe : and yet more vehemently , that not one jot , or small letter u of his law can passe untill all be fulfilled , rom. . . therefore none of those which were written for that end , are lost . origen in praefat. in cant. canticorum , augustin . lib. . de civitate dei. cap. . thought it could not neither stand with the divine providence , nor with the honour of the church , that any canonical books , and given for such to the church , should be lost . of this opinion are many worthy modern divines . iunius , chamierus tom . . lib. . cap. . polanus , wendelinus , waltherus , spanhemius , cartwright , gerardus in exegesi loci primi de scripturasacra , cap. . joh. camero tomo . in praelectionibus de verbo dei. cap. . rivetus in isagoge ad s. script . cap. . & in summa controversiarum tom. . tract . . quaest. . altingius . but chrysostom and whitaker , also bellarmine l. . de verbo dei. cap. . gretzerus and becanus hold that some canonical books are lost . i rather subscribe to the judgement of the former reverend divines who held the contrary . the second question is , whether the scripture of the old testament was punctata * from the beginning ; or whether the hebrew text had vowels or points from the beginning , as now it hath . controversiam de punctorum antiquitate vel novitate , inter viros eruditos disceptatam , non attingo . * sententia utraque suos habet assertores , & magni quidem nominis . cevalerius , buxtorfius , marinus , iunius , and other very godly and learned men have defended the antiquity of the pricks , which to the hebrews are in stead of vowels , and say that the bibles were punctata in our saviour christs time , and that he approved of the same matth. . * . others hold , that the invention of the pricks , and the massoreth is to be ascribed to the tyberian massorites , who flourished about five hundred years after christs birth ; this opinion divers learned men have defended with most weighty reasons , as martinius in technologia , luther , mercer , scaliger and drusius , calvin upon zach. . zuinglius in his preface on isaiah raynolds in his censure of the apocryphal books . but above all capellus in his book entituled arcanum punctationis revelatum , hath so strongly confirmed that opinion , and hath so solidly confuted the reasons which are commonly brought to the contrary , that he hath drawn some learned divines to his opinion , which before did stifly adhere to the contrary opinion , and left others very doubtful : he hath well answered that place , mat. . . l. . c. . this book is now answered by learned buxtorf . but ( as amama saith ) if any will not be moved from the other opinion , that the puncta were invented by the prophets ( which many godly divines do out of a good zeal stand for ) suum cuique liberum sit judicium . vide fulleri miscel. sac. lib. . cap. . mercerum ad gen. . . & drusium ad difficiliora loca genes . buxtorfii dissertationem de ebraeorum literis , & librum de punctorum antiquitate & origine . our saviour saith , matth. . . that not one jot or prick of the law shall perish ; whereby it should appear that the law and the prophets ( for of both he speaketh immediatly * before ) had vowels and pricks : whereunto also belong all those places of scripture , which testifie of the clearnesse and certainty of the scripture , which could not at all be now , if it lacked vowels . yet this is not b. ushers judgement , as he himself told me . the jews thought there was abundance of mysteries in every one of those tittles of the law : christ alludes to this opinion though he allows it not . non est improbabile argumentum ex mat. . . * luc. . . ubi per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; puncta & accentus commodè intelligi posse docti opinantur : inter quos broughthonius in daniel , p . & polanus syntagm . lib. . cap. . quamvis argumento illi nolimus insistere . voetius tom. . disputat . de authoritate scripturae . buxtorf in his answer to capellus saith , that there are three degrees in general of antiquity , the chiefest , those which referre the original of the points to adam , middle of those which referre them to moses , lowest those which referre them to ezra . buxtorf . de punctorum antiquitate & origine par . . c. . sine punctis legere ( saith drusius ) paucis hodiè concessum . serarius de rabbinis , saith , elias hutter a lutheran writes thus , è mille praedicantibus ne unum quidem esse , qui etiam punctatissima possit hebraea legere , nedum absque punctis . an impudent jesuite came to conradus graserus , to conferre with him about the hebrew text of the bible , which he said was corrupt and could not be held authentick ; to whom desiring the original text , graserus gave the hebrew bible without pricks ; he took the book and turned over the leaves , and the book upside down , and was so ignorant or little skilled in the original , that he could not distinguish betwixt the right and wrong end of the book : which his arrogance a young scholar of graserus's perceiving , he could not forbear laughter , and graserus himself had much ado to conceal it . melchior ▪ adam in vita conradi gr●seri , pag. . chap. vii . of the seventy and vulgar translation ▪ now i proceed to shew that neither the translation of the seventy , nor the vulgar latine are authentical . . the greek translation of the old testament , which is commonly ascribed to the seventy interpreters , is not divinely a inspired . the chief pillars of the primitive church ran into this errour , whence sprung many other errors . the greek fathers , who were generally unskilful both in hebrew and latine ( some few excepted ) were the lesse to be blamed here , since they made use of no other editions , therefore they more confidently affirmed their own to be authentical . augustine , tertullian , and many of the latine fathers ( whom divers divines follow ) ascribed too much to the seventy interpreters . yet there was a controversie between augustine and ierom concerning their authority , as is evident by both their epistles . bellarmine b is large in commending this version , saying , that it is most certain , that those interpreters did very well translate the scripture , and had the holy ghost peculiarly assisting them , least they should erre in any thing , so that they may seem rather to be prophets then interpreters . gretzer bestoweth a prophetick spirit upon them , because they did so agree and absolved their task in so short a space of time , viz. in c dayes . they are said to have been put a part in cels , and to have all agreed in their translation , and the ruines thereof were ( as is reported ) shewed a long time after at alexandria . but hierom and many of the * papists held this to be a fable of the cels , since neither aristaeus , who was a chief man about king ptolomy , that set the seventy interpreters on work , nor iosephus , ( who was most desirous of the honour of his nation ) maketh any mention thereof . and as touching the interpreters themselves , ierom saith , aliud est vatem agere , aliud interpretem . it is one thing to be a prophet , another to be an interpreter . and as for the translation , he saith , germana illa & antiqua translatio corrupta & violata est . that ancient and true translation d of the septuagint , is corrupted and violated , which ( as hierom saith ) was agreeable to the hebrew , but so is not the greek copy now extant , which is full of corruptions , and seemeth to be a mixt and confused translation of many . if the seventy , as well as the hebrew , had been authentical , the lord would have been careful to have kept it pure and uncorrupt unto our dayes , as well as he hath done the hebrew . there is indeed a greek edition extant , which goeth under the name of the seventy ; but whitaker e saith , that the true seventy is lost , and that this which we now have is mixt and miserably corrupted . danda lxx interpretibus venia , ut hominibus ; juxta jacobi sententiam multa peccamus omnes . hieron . ad pamach . the apostles and evangelists writing in greek , often followed the version of the septuagint then common amongst the greci●ns ▪ and cited it sometimes where there is a most manifest difference from the hebrew text , but yet they did not alwaies use that translation , which they would have done , if they had esteemed it divine and authentical . spanhemius dub. evangel . part . . dub. . and amama antibarb . bibl. lib. . both think that conjecture of heinsius ( in his holy aristarchus ) very probable , viz that the fable of the number and consent of the interpreters , took its original from exod. . hence ( saith heinsius there ) without doubt the history concerning ptolomy ; hence those famous cels which ierom scoffs at ; hence that invention , that none of all that number differed in their interpretations . therefore since that version when pure was but a humane , not divine work , and proceeded from interpreters not prophets ; it could be neither authentical , nor side digna , any farther then it agreed f with the hebrew text. the ancients themselves commenting upon scripture , used not the septuagint edition as authentick , from which it would not have been then lawful to depart ; but rather often correct it , as origen and ierom from the hebrew fountains : which every one knoweth that is versed in their works . they are most bold in changing numbers without any reason , as genes . . to s●th , enos , cainaan , malaleel , they give each a hundred years beyond the hebrew truth . in the chapter of genesis for seventy souls they say seventy five . the seventy reade prov. . . in the beginning god created me ; for , in the beginning god possessed me , whether because they mistook the hebrew word chava for cava , upon their likenesse in the hebrew characters , or their translation was at the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possedit , possessed , and the copies slipping in one letter , made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 creavit , created , as bellarmine after zanchy thinketh . the vulgar edition is not authentical . we are now come to shew , that the vulgar latine edition g is not authentical , a thing of it self manifest , but yet to be proved by some arguments , because our adversaries stand upon it . our arguments are these : . it was not divinely inspired in respect of ma●ter , form , speech , as the hebrew of the old testament , and the greek of the new were , but was translated by humane endeavour , and therefore it is against both religion and reason to say it is authentical ; a work of men cannot in perfection be equal with a work of god ; for as ierom saith , aliud est esse vatem , aliud est esse interpretem . it is the office of an interpreter , to translate the authentical scripture , no● to make his translation authentical ; for both ierom and every other interpreter might erre , so did not the prophets and apostles ; the councel of trent first decreed that this translation should be authentical : before it many learned papists themselves did disallow that translation , as paulus brugensis , valla , eugubinus , i●idorus clarius , iohannes isaacus , cajetan , erasmus , iacobus faber , i●●dovio●s vives , and divers others . . the vulgar translation doth oft change the sentence of the holy ghost , yea , it doth dangerously and heretically deprave the sense of holy scripture , and translate senslesly many times , therefore it is not to be held authentical . gen. . . ipsa for ipse , viz. christ , or ipsum , viz. semen , which place it seemeth was corrupted idolatrously to extoll the praises of the virgin mary , and to prove her patronage and protection . this reading drew bernard into this opinion , maria abstulit opprobrium matris evae , & patri pro matre satisfecit quod promittitur , gen. . . ipsa conteret ; & cui servanda est victoria nisi maria ? b●rn . see bedels answer to wadesworths letters , ch . . vide capel . crit. sac. l. . c. . ho● conteret , tremel . & alii , that is that same seed , rather he , viz. that one person . hier. ipse conteret caput tuum , accordingly in the septuagint and our translation , gen. . . major est iniquitas mea quam ut veniam merear , a corrupt translation serving to countenance the errour touching merit de congrno . in the hebrew there is nothing which hath the least signification of merit ; it should be translated ut feram vel sustineam , vel remissionem consequ●r . translatio ista potest tolerari si sumatur mereri pro consequi , ut saepissimè olim apud veteres . chamier . exod. . . the vulgar hath videbant faciem mosis cornutam , h for radiantem which the hebrew word signifieth ; the translate it ( the apostle paul approving of it , cor. . , ) was glorified . this interpretation of the vulgar is reprehended by valla , vatablus , arias montanus , ste●chus , cajetan , ferus , ol●aster , ●ho . aquinas and bellarmine himself de ecclesia triumphante , l. . c. . which is also confirmed by the text it self , for the scripture witnesseth , that the people could not behold the face of moses for the brightnes thereof , exod. . . and therefore his whole face , not the highest part of his forehead , or his head was covered with a vail , v. . of that chapter , cor. . . iob . . the vulgar latine hath , voca ergo si est qui tibi respondeat , & ad aliquem sanctorum convertere ; hence the papists would prove invocation of saints , whereas it should be translated voca quaeso , seu voca jam an sit qui respondeat , & ad quem è sanctis respicies ? q. d. ad neminem . the vulgar makes it a simple speech without any interrogation ; the meaning of eliphaz is , q. d. go to i pray thee , call or bid any one appear or come , that by his consent approves of thy opinion , try whether any one is of thy minde , which acknowledgest not that great calamities are inflicted by god for great sins ; to which of the saints that ever have lived , or yet do live in the earth , wilt thou turn , by whose testimony thou shalt be helped in this thy complaint against god ? psal. . . the vulgar hath apprehendite disciplinam , apprehend discipline or instruction , whereas in the hebrew it is , osculamini filium , i kiss the sonne . thus an evident place against the jews for the second person in trinity is obscured and overthrown , by the corrupt latine text. to say the sense is the same , is in vain ; for an interpreter ought not to change the words , and then say he hath kept the sense ; neither is the sense of the words the same ; who will say , to kiss the sonne is the same with lay hold of discipline ? we must needs imbrace the doctrine of christ , if we acknowledge him to be our messiah ; but hence it doth not follow that these two are the same , for then all things which agree should be one and the same , which will not stand . the chaldee paraphrast favouring that reading , doth it to defend the errour of the denying the deity of the eternal sonne of god. saepe codices hebraei magis iudaeos ve●ant quam graeci , aut latini . certe in psal. ● . latini & graeci habent , apprehendite disciplinam , ne irascatur dominus , ex quo nihil aperte contra iudaeos deduci potest : at in hebr●o est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 osculamini filium ne irascatur , id est , reverentiam exhibete filio dei , ne ipse irascatur , &c. qui locus est invictissimus contra iudaeos . bellarminus de verbo dei. lib. . cap. . psalmi videntur data opera versi in contumeliam latini sermonis . chamier . ierom praefat . in prov. saith , that he had allotted himself but three dayes for the translating of the three books of salomon , viz. the proverbs , ecclesiastes , and the canticles ; which yet a man will hardly be able to reade over well and exactly in a moneth , by reason of the great difficulties he will there meet withall , as well in the words and phrases , as in the sense . and neverthelesse ( if the pretences of the church of rome be true ) this little three dayes work hath been so happy , as to be not only approved and esteemed , but even canonized also by the councel of trent . now whether the will of god be that we should receive this translation of his , as his pure word , or not , i shall leave to those , who have a desire and ability to examine : however i dare considently affirm , that saint hierome himself never had any the least thought or hope that ever this piece of his , should one day come to this honour , it being a thing not to be imagined , but that he would have taken both more time , and more pains in the thing , if ever he had either desired or foreseen this , daille , du vrai usage des peres , l. . c. . the vulgar latine of the new testament is no lesse corrupted then of the old. matth. . . the english papists at rhemes ( who translated the new testament into english , not out of the greek text , but out of the vulgar latine ) reade , give us to day our super-substantial bread , the latine hath it , panem super-substantialem for quotidianum , daily bread . the rhemists note upon the same is , by this bread so called here according to the latine and greek word , we ask not onely all necessary sustenance for the body ; but much more all spiritual food , viz. the blessed sacrament it self , which is christ the true bread that came down from heaven , and the bread of life to us that eat his body . our saviour christ which condemned vain repitition , and by a form of prayer provided against the same , is made here of the jesuites to offend against his own rule : for that which is contained in the second petition , they teach to be asked in the fourth . secondly , they lodge in one petition things of divers kindes , and farre removed in nature , spiritual and corporeal , heavenly and earthly ; yea the creature and the creator . thirdly , hence it should follow , that he taught them expressely to ask that which he had neither instituted , nor instructed them of , and whereof his disciples were utterly ignorant . salomon , from whom our saviour seemeth to have taken this petition , confirms that exposition of things tending to uphold this present life , prov. . . lechem chukki , the bread which is ordained for me . the jesuites will never be able to justifie the old interpreter , which translateth one word the same both in syllables and signification , in one place supersubstantial , and in another , viz. in luke , quotidianum or daily , against which interpretation of his , he hath all antiquity before that translation , and some of the papists themselves retained the words of daily bread. bellarm. l. . de bonis operibus , c. . prefers quotidianum , and defends it against the other . tostatus applieth it to temporal things . the syriack saith panis indigentiae , vel sufficientiae nostrae . luke . . plena gratia for gratis dilecta , as chrysostome renders it , hail mary full of grace , for freely beloved . the word signifieth not any grace or vertue inherent in one , but such a grace or favor as one freely vouchsafeth and sheweth to another ; the word retained by the syriack in this place is taibutha , and signifieth happiness , blessedness , goodness , bountifulnes . tremellius turneth it gratia , which may and ought to be englished favour , as the greek word signifieth , and is expounded by the angel and the virgin mary themselves , the angel adding in the same verse , the lord is with thee , meaning , by his special favour ; and in v. . saying , she had found favor with god. the virgin in her thankful song magnifying the mercy of god toward her , that he had so graciously looked on her in so mean estate , as to make her the mother of her own saviour , after so marvellous a manner . they foolishly salute her , who is removed from them by infinite space , and whom their hail cannot profit , being in heaven , as the salutation of the angel did and might do , whilst she was here in the vale of misery . their alchymie also is ridiculous , to make that a prayer unto her , which was a prayer for her ; to make it daily , that served in that kinde for one onely time ; to make it without calling , which the angel durst not do , unless he had been sent . ephes. . . a vulg. sacramentum hoc magnum est , and the rhemists , this is a great sacrament , for great mystery . sacraments are mysteries , but all mysteries are not properly sacraments . how can it be a church sacrament , which hath neither element , nor word of promise ? secondly , sacraments are the peculiar and proper possession of the church of christ ; how can that be a sacrament , which is ( and lawfully may be used ) out of the church , amongst the turks and jews , to whom the benefit of matrimony cannot be denied ? the old interpreter , coloss. . . translateth the same word a mystery or secret . chemnitius reckons this place among those which the papists abuse , not among the corrupted ; for b sacrament is the same with the ancient latine divines , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is with the greeks . chamier . heb. , . the vulgar hath , & iacob adoravit fastigium virgae , the rhemists adored the top of his rod ; whereas the words are , he worshipped upon the top of his staff , and not as they have falsely turned it ; so also doth the syrian paraphrast read it . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used elswhere in the new testament for a walking staff , agreeth fitly unto iacob , who being both old and sick , had need to stay himself thereupon , whilst he praised god. ioseph was no king , and therefore had no scepter to fall down before . in the hebrew , gen. . for top we read head , which by a metaphor , signifies the top , because the head is the end and highest part of man , and consequently of any thing else . and for staff we now read in the hebrew bed , which fell out , because the word mittah there extant , pricked with other vowels , signifieth a staff , for in the hebrew matteh is a staff , and mitteh a bed . the septuagint whom the apostle follows , read it matteh , and so translated it staff , otherwise then we now read it in the hebrew text. if we follow the hebrew text , as it is now extant , the sense will be , that iacob , because he could not raise his body out of his bed , therefore he bowed his head forward upon his beds head , and so worshipped god. beza speaking of the divers latine translations of the new testament onely , he saith of the vulgar latine , that he followeth it for the most part , and preferreth it before all the rest . maxima ex parte amplector & caeteris omnibus antepono . he speaks of the new testament onely , and of that latine translation of the new testament , in comparison of all other latine translations which were before him , as erasmus , castalion , and such like . these places may serve to shew , that the vulgar latine is corrupt , no book being entire or free from error . isidore clarius brixianus ( praefat . in biblia ) a great learned man of their own affirmeth , that it hath places , in which the sense of the holy ghost is changed . since the councel of trent , two popes have set forth this vulgar edition diversly ; which of these shall be received as authentical ? how often do the papists leave the vulgar in all their controversies , when it is for their advantage so to do ? it is a matter ordinary with them , and needless to be proved there is no edition ancienter then the hebrew ; if the latine hath been used a years in the church , the hebrew hath been used almost years ; the chaldee , arabick , syriack and greek editions also have been used above a years , and so should be authentique by the papists argument . having spoken of the authority of the scriptures , the canonical books , and the authentical editions ; i now go on to treat of the end of the scripture , its adjuncts or properties fitted to that end , and interpretation of scripture . the end of the scripture comes next to be considered , of this i have spoken somewhat afore , but shall now inlarge my self . the end of the scripture is considered , . in respect of god. b . in respect of us . in respect of god , the end of the scripture is a glorifying of him , iohn . . cor. . . by it we may learn to know , love and fear him , and so be blessed . the glory of god is the chief end of all things , prov. . . in respect of us , the end of the scripture is , . intermediate , temporal edification , which is fitly referred to five c principal uses : the two first respect the minde , the other three the heart , will and affections . it is profitable for doctrine , it serves to direct to all saving truth ; nothing is to be received as a truth necessary to salvation , but what is proved out of scripture . where that hath not a tongue to speak , i must not have an ear to hear : hoc quia de scripturis non habet autoritatem , eadem facilitate contemnitur , qua probatur , hieron . . reproof or confutation , to refute all errors and heterodox opinions in divinity . by this sword of the spirit , christ vanquished satan , mat. . . . . by the scripture he opposed the jews , iohn . . . . & . . by this he refuted the scribes and pharisees , mat. . . and . . luke . , . . matth. . . and . , . the sadduces , matth. . . thus apollus convinced the jews who denied jesus to be the christ , acts . . thus the apostles convinced those which urged circumcision , and the observation of the jewish law , acts . . h●reticks are to be stoned with scripture-arguments , lapidandi sunt heretici sacrarum literarum argumentis . athanasius . by this austin refuted the pelagians , irenaeus the ualentinians , tertullian the mareionites , athanasius the arrians . . correction of iniquity , setting straight that which is amiss in manners and life . . instruction to righteousness , instruunt patriarchae etiam errantes . basil saith , the psalms are a common store house and treasury of good instruction . the title of the and some other psalms is maschil , that is , a psalm of instruction . . comfort in all troubles , psal. . . and . . and . the greek word for gospel , signifieth glad-tidings . the promises are the christians best cordials ; as gods promises are the rule of what we must pray for in faith , so they are the ground of what we must expect in comfort . all things which belong to the gospel are comfortable : . god the author of the gospel , and revealed in it , is the god of all comfort , cor. . . . jesus christ the subject of the gospel , is called consolation in the abstract , luke . . . the holy ghost , which breathes in the gospel , is called the comforter , iohn chap. . . . the ministers or ambassadors of the gospel , are the messengers of peace and comfort . . ultimate and chiefest , our salvation and life eternal , iohn . . and . . tim. . . it will shew us the right way of escaping hell , and attaining heaven : it will shew us what to believe and practise , for our present and eternal happinesse . this was gods aim in causing the scripture to be written , and we shall finde it fully available and effectual for the ends for which it was ordained by god. chap. viii . of the properties of the scripture . the properties which the scripture must have for the former end , are these : it is , . of divine authority . . true and certain . . the rule of faith and manners . . necess●ry . . pure and holy. . sufficient and perfect . . perspicuous and plain . . it s of divine authority , d we must believe it for its own sake . it is divine . . in its efficient cause and original , which is god the father dictating , in his son declaring and publishing , by his holy spirit confirming and sealing it in the hearts of the faithful . he wrote the decalogue immediately with his own finger , and commanded the whole systeme , and all the parts of scripture , to be written by his servants the prophets and apostles , as the publique actuaries and pen-men thereof ; therefore the authority of the scripture is as great as that of the holy ghost , e who did dictate both the matter and words : those speeches are frequent , the lord said , and , the mouth of the lord hath spoken . . in the subject matter , which is truth according to godliness , certain , powerful , of venerable antiquity , joyned with a sensible demonstration of the spirit , and divine presence , and with many other things attesting its divine authority . whence it follows , that the authority of the holy scriptures is . infallible , f which expresseth the minde and will of god , to whom truth is essential and necessary . . supreme and independent into which at last all faith is resolved , from which it is not lawful to appeal . by which singular authority the scripture is distinguished , both from all prophane and sacred writings , and paul honors it with this elogie , a faithful saying and worthy of all acceptation , tim. . . a more sure word , pet. . . the comparative for the superlative , in which there is no doubting and uncertainty , but all things firm . as god is iehovah of himself , so is his word authoritative of it self , and is true and to be obeyed , whether thou think it scripture or no. there is no higher authority for thee to appeal to , it is above opinions of men , conscience , and therefore it must determine all controversies . . it is true g and certain , verity is affirmed of the scriptures primarily , interternally , and by reason of it self , which is called the truth of the object ; which is an absolute and most perfect agreement of all things delivered in the scripture , with the first truth or divine will , of which the scripture is a symbole and lively image , so that all things are delivered in it as the holy ghost hath dictated , whence those honorable titles are given to it , the scripture is called a sure word , pet. . . psal. . . the scripture of truth , dan. . ult . words of truth , eccles. ● . ▪ yea , truth it self , iohn . . having the god of truth for the author , christ jesus the truth for the witness , the spirit of truth for the composer of it , and it worketh truth in the hearts of those which hear it , pet. . . the apostle prefers the scripture , before the revelation made by angels , gal. . . christ commend● the certainty of it above all other sorts of revelation , pet. . . above information from the dead , luke . . the word of god is not onely true , but eminently true , truth it self , prim● veritas , and pura h veritas . the scripture hath a twofold truth : . of assection , it containeth no error . . of promise , there is no unfaithfulness in it . the first truth refer ▪ to the matter which is signified , properly called truth o● verity . the second refers to the in●ention of the speaker , which is properly called veracity or fidelity , the latter is implyed , psal. . thy testimonies are sure , and so th● sure mercies of david ; the former is implyed , in that the word is purer then gold seven times refined . there are two signs of truth in the scripture : . the particularity of it , it names particulars in geneolagies , dolosus versat●r in generalibus . . impartiality toward friends and their adversaries ; the most holy men have their faults described , they give due commendation to their adversaries . the truth of scripture is , . more then any humane truth of sense or reason . . above all natural reason ; as the doctrine of the trinity , the ●ncarnation of christ , justification by faith in christ. . a truth which evidenceth it self . . the standard of all truth , nothing is true in doctrine or worship , which is not agreeable to this . . the scripture is the rule of faith and manners . it is termed canonical generally by the fathers of the word canon , i which signi●ieth a rule , because it contains a worthy rule of religion , faith and godliness , according whereunto the building of the house of god must be fitted . these properties ( saith suarez ) are required in a rule . . that it be known and easie , the scripture is a light . . that it be first in its kinde , and ●o the measure of all the rest . . it must be inflexible . . universal . . it is a perfect rule of faith and obedience , able to instruct us sufficiently in all points of faith or doctrinals , which we are bound to believe , and all good duties or practicals , which we are bound to practise . whatsoever is needful to believe or to do to please god , and save our souls , is to be found here ; whatsoever is not here found , is not needful to beleive and practise for felicity . christ proveth the resurrection of the dead , being an article of our faith against the sadduces , mat. . . and the use of the sabbath being a rule of life against the pharisees , by an inference made from the scripture , mat. . . the heads of the creed and decalogue , are plainly laid down in scripture , therefore there we have a perfect rule of faith and manners . it is a rule , . for faith. ierome in his controversie with helvidius saith , credimus quia legimus , non credimus quia non legimus . we believe because we read , we do not believe because we do not read . christ often saith , have ye not read , is it not written , what is written in the law ? luke . . faith and the word of god must run parallel . this we first believe , when we do k believe ( saith tertullian ) that we ought to believe nothing beyond scripture . when we say all matters of doctrine and faith are contained in the scripture , we understand as the ancient fathers did , not that all things are literally and verbally contained in the sripture , but that all are either expressed therein , or by necessary consequence may be drawn from thence . all controversies about religion are to be decided by the scripture , deut. . . and . . iosh. . . franciscus de salis a popish bishop , saith , the gospel was honored so much , that it was brought into the councel , and set in the midst of them , and to determine matters of faith , as if christ had been there . erasmus in his epistles , tells us of a dominican , that when in the schools any man refuted his conclusion , by shewing it contrary to the words of scripture , he would cry out , ista est argumentatio lutherana , protestor me non responsurum , this is a lutheran way of arguing , i protest i will not answer to it . . it is a perfect rule for our lives and practice psal. . . and l psal. . . in scriptures there are delivered remedies against all vices , and means are there laid down for the attaining of all vertues . we must follow the scriptures exactly , and not swerve to the right hand or left ; a metaphor taken from a way or rule , saith chamier . when linacer a learned english man , heard the beginning of the of matthew read , blessed are the poor in spirit , &c. he broke forth into these words , either these sayings are not christs , or we are not christians . . it is a perfect , not a partial and insufficient rule , as the papists make it : as god is a perfect god , so his word is a perfect word ; if it be but a partial rule , then it doth not perfectly direct , and he that should perfectly do the will of god revealed in scripture , should not yet be perfect . secondly , if the scripture be a partial rule , then men are bound to be wise above that which is written ; that is , above the law and gospel . regula fidei debet esse adaequata fidei , aut regula non erit . whitakerus . . all addition and detraction are forbidden to be made by any man to the word , deut. . . and . . deut. . . gal. . . . the scripture is said to be perfect , to beget heavenly and saving wisdom , psal. . . tim. . , , . . men in the matter of faith m and religion are sent to the scripture onely . . the scripture is an infallible rule , luke . . of which thou hast had a full assent . regula rectè definitur mensura infallibilis quae nullam vel additionem vel detractionem patitur . . it is a just rule . lastly , it is an universal and perpetual rule , both in regard of time and person ; ever since the scripture hath been , it hath been the onely rule : in the old testament , to the law and the testimony ; in the new , they confirmed all things by the old , it directs in every case . . to all persons , this is able to make a minister , yea , a councel , a church wise to salvation ; to reform a yong man whose lusts a●e unbridled , psal. . . to order a king , deut. n . , . object . faith was before the scripture , therefore the scripture is not the rule of faith. answ. the word of god is twofold . . revealed , that preceded faith . . written , that did not . though it be a rule , yet first , it doth not exclude other ministerial helps , as prayer , preaching , the knowledge of the tongues , and the ministery of the church , these are means to use the rule , and subordinate to it , we need no more rules : therefore it is a vain and absurd question of the papists , let a man be lockt up in a study with a bible , what good will he get by it if he cannot read ? . there must be reason and judgement to make use of it , and apply it : iudge what i say , saith paul , cor. . . the scripture should rule our hearts , thoughts , and inward cogitations , our words and actions ; we should pray , hear , receive the sacrament according to the directions of it , buy , sell , cloathe our selves , and carry our selves toward all , as that bids us , sam. . . the people of god wrote after this copy , followed this rule , psal. . , , . because they desired in all which they did to please god ( now god is pleased when his own will is done ) and to glorifie him in their lives , and therefore they framed themselves according to his statutes . we cannot better express an high esteem of god and his excellencies , then by following him in all things . every one esteems that person most excellent , to whom he gives up himself most to be ruled and ordered . the scripture is necessary . in respect of the substance thereof it was always necessary ; in respect of the manner of revealing it is necessary , since the time that it pleased god after that manner to deliver his word , and shall be to the worlds end . it is not then absolutely and simply necessary , that the word of god should be delivered to u● in writing , but onely conditionally , and upon supposition . god for a long time , for the space of years , unto the time of moses , did instruct his church with an immediate living voyce ▪ and had he pleased still to go on in that way , there had been no necessity of scripture now , more then in that age ; there was a continual presence of god with them , but now there is a perpetual absence in that way ; and the word of god was written . . for the brevity of mans life . see the & the chapters of genesis . the patriarchs were long lived before and after the flood , to the times of moses ; they lived some centuries of years , therefore afterward the purity of the word could not fitly be preserved without writing . by writing we have the comfort of the holy word of god , which from writing receiveth his denomination , in being called scripture , which is nothing else but writing o . . that the church might have a certain and true rule and canon , whereby it might judge of all questions , doubts and controversies of religion , luke . . every mans opinion else would have been a bible , and every mans lust a law. . that the faith of men in christ which was to come , might the better be confirmed , when they should see that written before their eyes , which was done by the m●ssias , and see all things that were foretold of him , verified in the event . . that the purity of gods worship might be preserved from corruption , and the truth propagated among all nations . . to take off excuses from men , that they did not know , rom. . . civil laws are written and published that offenders may be inexcusable . the pen-men had a command from god. . a publike and outward command , as ieremie . . and . . moses , exod. . . and . . and iohn was commanded twelve times in the revelation to write , rev. . . and . . . , . and . ch. . . and . and . . and . v. . & . . . an inward command by private inspiration and instinct , pet , . . . the scripture is pure and holy , it commands all good , and forbids , reproves , and condemns all sin and p filthiness ; it restrains not onely from evil words and actions , but thoughts , glances . those are frequent adjuncts of the word of ●od , holy , pure , and clean , psal. . . and . . and . . prov. . . it is pure in its narrations , it speaks purely of things evil and unclean . it is termed holy , q rom. . . and tim. . . . from its efficient principal cause , god who is the holy of holies , holiness it self , isa. . . dan. . , he is the author and inditer of it , luke . . . in regard of the instrumental cause , the pen-men of it were holy men , pet . . prophets and apostles . . from its matter , the holy will of god , acts . . the scripture contains holy and divine mysteries , holy precepts of life , holy promises , psal. . . holy histories . . from its end or effect , the holy ghost by the reading and meditation of the scripture sanctifieth us , iohn . . it sanctifieth likewise all the creatures to our use , so as we may use them with a good conscience , tim. . . from the purity r of it , the scripture is compared to a glass , iames . . to fire , ier. . . to light , psal. . . the reason of it is , because god himself is pure , most pure , psal. . ult . hab. . . it is pure . . subjectively in it self , there is no mixture of falshood or error , no corruption or unsoundness at all in it , psal. . . prov. . , , . . effectively , so as to make others pure , iohn , . it begets grace , iames . . pet. . . and preserves and increaseth it . acts . . ephes. . , . the assertory part is pure ; what it affirms to be , is ; and what it denies to be , is not ; psal. . . and . . iames . . . what it promiseth shall be performed , and what it threatneth shall be executed , numb . . . sam. ● . . zach , . . what it commandeth is good , and what it forbiddeth is evil . deut. . . psal. . . and . , . rom. . . in other books some truth is taught , some good commmended , some kinde or part of happiness promised : but in the inspired oracles of god , all truth is taught , all goodness commanded , all happiness promised ; nay , we may invert the words with hugo de sancto victore , and say , quicquid ibi docetur est veritas , quicquid pr●cipitur bonitas , quicquid promit●itur felicitas . all that is there taught is truth , all that is there commanded is goodnesse , all that is there promised is happinesse . it is a wonderful thing , that all the particulars which the canticles contain , being taken from marriage , s are handled so sincerely , that no blemish or spot can be found therein . therefore the scriptures should be preached , read and heard with holy t affections , and should be reverently mentioned . the jews in their synagogues will not touch the bible with unwashed hands , they kiss it as often as they open and shut it , they sit not on that seat where it is laid , and if it fall on the ground , they fast for a whole day . the turk writes upon the outside of his alcorar , let no man touch this book , but he that is pure : i would none might meddle with ours ( alcoran signifieth but the scripture , you need not be afraid of the word ) but such as indeed are , what other men do but think themselves . . the scripture is perfect u . the perfection of the scripture is considered two ways : . in respect of the matter or the books in which the holy doctrine was written , all which ( as many as are useful to our salvation ) have been kept inviolable in the church , so that out of them one most perfect and absolute canon of faith and life was made , and this may be called the integrity of the scripture . . in respect of the form , viz. of the sense or meaning of these canonical books , or of divine truth comprehended in them , which books contain most fully and perfectly the whole tru●h necessary and sufficient for the salvation of the elect , and therefore the scriptures are to be esteemed a sole adequate , total and perfect measure and rule both of faith and manners , and this is the sufficiency of the scriptures , which is attributed to it in a twofold respect . . absolutely in it self , and that in a threefold consideration . . of the principle ; for every principle , whether of a thing or of knowledge , ought to be perfect , since demonstration and true conclusions are not deduced from that which is imperfect , therefore it is necessary that the holy scripture , being the first onely immediate principle of all true doctrine , should be most perfect . . of the subject , for it hath all essential parts , matter and form , and integral , law and gospel , and is wholly perfect : both . absolutely , because for the substance , it either expresly or analogically contains the doctrine concerning faith and manners , which is communicable and profitable for us to know ; which may be proved also by induction , that all necessary opinions of faith , or precepts of life , are to be found in the holy sc●ipture . . relatively , because as it hath a perfection of the whole , so of the parts in the whole ; that perfection is called essential , this quantitative . for all the books are sufficient with an essential perfection , although integrally they have not a sufficiency of the whole , but onely their own , yet so that at distinct times every part sufficed for their times ; but all the parts in the whole are but sufficient for us . . in its effect and operation it makes men perfect , tim. . , . rom. . . iohn . ult . & . . . as opposed to unwritten . traditions , all which it excludes by its sufficiency ; but we do not understand by traditions generally a doctrine delivered in word and writing ; but specially all doctrine not written by prophets or apostles , whether dogmatical . historical or ceremonial ; for a perfect reason of the primary opinions belonging to faith and manners , is delivered in scripture ; and those things which are out of , beside , or against the scripture , do not binde the conscience . . historical , the sayings and deeds of christ and the apostles , are perfectly contained in the scriptures , as many as suffice us for our salvation , iohn . , . those things which are delivered out of scripture are to be esteemed mans writings . . ceremonial or secondary opinions concerning ecclesiastical rites and customs are for essentials , substantials and fundamentals , generally contained in the word of god ; the accidentals , accessaries , and circumstantials are free and mutable . if traditions agree with the scripture they are confirmed by it ; if they oppose it , they are disproved by it . the perfection of the scriptures is not , first , infinite and unlimitted : that is an incommunicable property of god ▪ every thing which is from another as the efficient cause , is thereby limitted both for the nature and qualities thereof . secondly , we do not understand such a perfection as containeth all and singular such things as at any time have been by divine inspiration revealed to holy men ▪ and by them delivered to the church of what sort soever they were ; for all the sermons of the prophets , of christ and his apostles , are not set down in so many words as they used in the speaking of them ; for of twelve apostles , seven wrote nothing , which yet preached , and did many things ; neither are all the deeds of christ and his apostles written , for that is contradicted , iohn . , . and . . but we mean onely a relative perfection , which for some certain ends sake agreeth to the scripture as to an instrument , according to which it perfectly comprehendeth all things which have been , are , or shall be necessary for the salvation of the church . thirdly , the several books of scripture are indeed perfect , for their own particular ends , purposes , and uses , for which they were intended of the lord ; but yet not any one book is sufficient to the common end ; the whole scripture is compleat in all the parts thereof , one speaking of that which another doth wholly pass over in silence , one clearly delivering what was intric●te in another . paul speaks much of justification , and predestination in the epistle to the romans , nothing of the eucharist or resurrection fourthly , since god did reveal his will in writing those writings which by divine hand and providence were extant in the church , were so sufficient for the church in that age , that it needed not tradition , neither was it lawful for any humane wight to adde thereto , or take therefrom ; but when god did reveal more unto it , the former onely was not then sufficient without the latter . fifthly , the holy scripture doth sufficiently contain and deliver all doctrines which are necessary for us to eternal salvation , both in respect of faith and good works , and most of these it delivereth to us expresly , and in so many words and the rest by good and necessary consequence . the baptism of infants , and the consubstantiality of the father and of the son , are not in those words expressed in scripture , yet is the truth of both clearly taught in scripture , and by evident proof may thence be deduced : that article of christs descent into hell , totidem verbis , is not in the scripture , yet it may be deduced thence , acts. . some papists hold , that we must not use the principles of reason or consequences in divinity , and require ▪ that what we prove be exprest in so many words in scripture ▪ these are opposed by vedelius in his rationale theologicum , l ▪ . c. . , . . and l. c. . . and also by daillè in his book entituled , la●foy fondee sur les sainctes escritures , partie , he shews there , that christ and his apostles , and the ancient fathers in disputing against their adversaries , used consequences drawn from the scripture , mat. . . acts . . . and , . acts . . opening and alledging . st luke there useth two words very proper for this subject ; the first signifies to open , the other to put one thing neer another , to shew that the apostle proved his conclusions by the scriptures , in clearing first the prophecies , and in shewing the true sense , and after in comparing them with the events ; the figures with the things , and the shadows with the body , where the light of the truths of the gospel of it self shined forth , mat. . , , . he blames them for not having learned the resurrection of the dead by this sentence of the scripture ; therefore they ought to have learned it : now the sentence which he alledgeth , saith nothing formally and expresly of the resurrection of the dead , but infers it from what he had laid down , hic dominum uti principiis rationis & naturae adeo manifestum est , ut ne veronius quidem magister artis negandi , negare illud possit , vedel . rat. theol. l. ● . c. . vide plura ibid. &c. . the ancient fathers prove by consequences drawn from scripture , that god the father is without beginning , against the sabellians ; and that the son is consubstantial with the father , against the arrians ; that christ hath two natures , against the eutychians . the papists will not be able to prove their purgatory , and many other of their corrupt opinions by the express words of scripture . we shall now lay down some propositions or theoremes about the sufficiency of scripture : first , in every age of the church , the lord hath revealed so much supernatural truth as was for that age necessary unto salvation , his wayes he made known to moses , psal. . . and his statutes to israel , deut. . . psal. . . heb. . . therefore that is an erroneous opinion , that before the law written men were saved by the law of nature , and in the time of the law by the law of moses , and since in the time of the gospel by the word of grace . secondly , the substance of all things necessary to salvation , ever since the fall of adam hath been , and is one and the same , as the true religion hath been one and unchangeable . . the knowledge of god and christ is the summe of all things necessary to salvation , ioh. . . col. . . but this knowledge was ever necessary , ier. . . act. . . the fathers indeed saw christ more obscurely and aenigmatically , we more clearly , distinctly and perspicuously , but yet they knew him and believed in him unto salvation , as well as we , ioh. . . . the covenant of grace which god made with man is an everlasting covenant , therein the lord hath revealed himself to be one and unchangeable ; as in nature so in will , heb. . . rom. . . shewing that as god is one in nature , truth and constancy , and that as well toward the gentiles as toward the jews , so he would justifie both the circumcision and uncircumcision , the jew and the gentile by one way of religion ; that is to say , through faith and belief in his sonne jesus christ. . christ and his apostles professed and taught no new religion , but the same which the scriptures of the old testament did before instruct , matth. . . iohn . . acts . . luke . , , , , . acts . . and . . and . . and . . rom. . . therefore the believing jews and the converted gentiles are stiled the children of faithfull abraham , being justified by faith as abraham was . whence we may conclude , that before , under , and after the law , since the fall of adam , there was never but one true catholick religion , or way to heaven and happiness . thirdly , the word of god being uttered in old time sundry wayes , was at length made known by writing ; the lord stirring up , and by his holy spirit inspiring his servants , to write his will and pleasure . fourthly , so long as there was any truth in any age , necessary to be more fully and clearly known then was already revealed in the books of moses , it pleased god to stirre up holy men whom he divinely inspired , and sufficiently furnished to make the truth known unto the church ; thus after moses during the time of the law , the lord raised up prophets , who opened the perfect way of life unto the church of the old testament more clearly , then it was before manifested in the books of moses , the time and age of the church requiring the same . the church of the jews in the several ages thereof was sufficiently taught , and instructed in all things necessary to salvation by the writings of moses and the prophets , which appears : . in that our saviour being asked of one , what he should do that he might inherit eternal life ? answered , what is written in the law and prophets ? how readest thou ? luke . , . and out of the scripture he declared himself to be the saviour of the world , fore-told and promised , matth. . . and . . luk . . and , , , , . ioh. . . . the answer of abraham to the rich man , sending his friends to moses and the prophets , sheweth that they sufficed to instruct the faithful jews in all things necessary to salvation , luk. . , . by them they might learn how to obtain life and escape death , when he saith , let them hear them , he meaneth them only , as that place is meant , mat. . . the jews themselves acknowledged the sufficiency of those writings , to lead them unto life and happiness , ioh. . . fifthly , the prophets did expound the law of god , and speak more plainly , precisely and distinctly touching the coming of the messias , then moses did ; but the last full and clear will of god touching the salvation of man was not manife●●ed by them ; that was together , and at once to be published and taught by the messias , who also at his coming did establish that order in the church of god , which was to continue therein for ever . for . christ was ordained of the father to be the great doctor of his church , a prophet more excellent then the rest that were before him , both in respect of his person , office , manner of receiving his doctrine , and the excellency of the doctrine which he delivered . . this was well known not only among the jews , but also among the samaritans , insomuch that the woman of samaria could say , i know when the messias is come , he will tell us all things . joh. . . . the time wherein god spake unto us by his sonne , is called the last dayes or the last time , heb. . . pet. . . to note that we are not hereafter to expect or look for any fuller or more clear revelation of divine mysteries then that which was then delivered . . christ is called a mediator of the new testament , or the new covenant , heb. . . because all things are established by him as they ought to continue for ever ; for that which is old decayeth and is ready to vanish , but that which is new abideth , heb. . . . it pleased the lord in great wisdom to reveal the covenant of grace to the church that she might not despair ; but obscurely at the first , that she might earnestly long for the coming of that messiah , who was to make known what he had heard and seen of the father , which dispensation was needful , that the grace of god might not be contemned , as haply it would have been , if god had fully revealed and made known his bounty unto man , before he had seen his misery , and the necessity thereof . our saviour christ for substance of doctrine necessary to salvation , taught nothing which was not before in some sort contained in the writings of moses and the prophets , out of whom he confirmed his doctrine ; but that which was in them more obscurely , aenigmatically and briefly , he explained more excellently , fully and clearly ; the apostles proved their doctrine out of the book of moses and the prophets , act. . . and . . luke . . rom. . . act. . . sixthly , all things necessary in that manner as we have spoken , were taught and inspired to the apostles by our saviour christ , and there were no new inspirations after their times ; nor are we to expect further hereafter , which we prove , . by places of scripture , ioh. . . he that teacheth all things , omitteth nothing ; christ said all things to his apostles , as appears , iohn . . and . . iohn . . . by reasons drawn from thence , . the plentiful pouring forth of the spirit was deferred till the glorifying of christ ; he being glorified , it was no longer to be delayed ; christ being exalted on the right-hand of god , obtained the spirit promised , and that was not according to measure , and poured the same in such abundance , as it could be poured forth and received by men , so that was fulfilled which was fore-told by ioel . . acts . . iohn . , . acts . , . . the scripture and the prophecies of the old testament do teach and declare , that all divine truth should fully and at once be manifested by the messias who is the only prophet , high-priest , and king of his church ; there is no other revelation promised , none other needful besides that which was made by him , isa. . . act. . , . ioel . . vide mercerum in loc . therefore the last inspiration was made to the apostles , and none other to be expected . the doctrine of the law and the prophets did suffice to salvation ; yet it did send the fathers to expect somewhat more perfect , pet. . . but to the preaching of the gospel nothing is to be added , we are not sent to wait for any clearer vision . . so long as any truth needful to be known , was unrevealed or not plainly taught , the lord did stir up some prophet or other , to teach the same unto the church ; therfore the lord surceasing to speak since the publishing of the gospel of jesus christ , and the delivery of the same in writing , is unto us a manifest token , that the whole will of god is now brought to light , and that no new revelation is to be expected . our seventh proposition is , christ and his apostles were able to propound and teach by lively voice , that doctrine which pertains to perfection , iohn . . and . , . iohn . and the apostles perfectly taught all things which are or shall be necessary for the church , acts . . gal. . , , . the doctrine of repentance and remission of sins in the name of christ , doth summarily contain all things necessarily to salvation , act. . . and . . but this doctrine the apostles preached , act. . , . luke . . the word of god is not only milk for babes , but strong meat for men of ripe years , cor. . , . heb. . . and . , . therefore it containeth not only matter of preparation , but of perfection . our eighth proposition is , the summe and substance of that heavenly doctrine which was taught by the prophets and apostles , was by them committed to writing ; the holy ghost giving them a commandment , and guiding their hands therein , that they could not erre , so that the word preached and written by them is one in substance , both in respect of matter , which is the will and word of god , and inward form , viz. the divine truth immediatly inspired , though different in the external form and manner of delivery . our ninth proposition is , that nothing is necessary to be known of christian over and above that which is found in the old testament , which is not clearly an● evidently contained in the books of the apostles and evangelists . our last proposition is , that all things which have been , are , or shall be necessary to the salvation of the church to the end of the world , are perfectly contained in the writings of the prophets and apostles , long since divinely inspired , writte● and published , and now received by the church of god , so that no new reveltion or tradition beside * those inspired , published and comprehended in the scripture are necessary for the salvation of the church . there are three opinions , . of the papists who altogether deny it . . of the socinians which would have all things expresly contained in scripture , and if it be ●●● totidem verbis they reject it . . of the orthodox , who say it contains all things expresly or by consequence . crocius in his antiweigelius , cap. . quaest. . shews , that private revelation dreams , conferences with angels are not to be desired and expected in matters ●● faith , the canon of the scripture being now compleat . the weigelians talk of ●● seculum spiritus sancti , as god the father had his time , the time of the l●● christ his time , the time of the gospel ; so ( say they ) the holy ghost shall ●●● his time , when there shall be higher dispensations , and we shall be wiser then the apostles . see mat. . . and . . cor. . . see mr gillesp. miscel. c. . some say the scriptures are but for the training up of christians during their ●●nority ( as grammar rules for boyes ) and are not able to acquaint the soul ●● the highest discoveries of god and truth . and most corruptly they serve themsel●●● with that expression of the apostle , cor. . . this glasse ( say they ) is ●●● scriptures ; through which we see something of god indeed ( whilst we are ●●●●dren in understanding ) but very obscurely and brokenly ; and therefore ( say the●●● if ye would discern of god clearly , and see him as he is , ye must break the glasse , and look quite beyond scriptures ; when ye become men ye must put away these childish things . blow at the root , p. , . the expresse testimonies of scripture , forbidding even angels to adde * any thing to those things which are commanded by the lord , do prove the perfection of the scripture , deut. . , . and . . and . . and . , , . and . . ioshua . , . prov. . . wherefore the apostle commands , that no man presume above that which is written , cor. . . tim. . , . divers reasons may be drawn from this last place to prove the perfection of the scripture . . the apostle teacheth , that the scriptures are able to make a man wise to salvation : therefore there needeth no further counsel nor direction thereunto , a but out of the scriptures . . the scriptures are able to make the man of god , that is the minister of the word , perfect and compleat unto every work of his ministery , whether it be by teaching true doctrine , or confuting false , by exhorting and putting forward to that which is good , or dehorting from that which is evil . paul would not have us think that all and every writing , viz. of plato , aristotle , is divinely inspired , for in ver . . he not only useth the plural number , calling them the holy writings ; thereby to note the word of god , and not one sentence or book , but all the sentences and books of the scripture , and also useth the article , which hath force of an universal note , therefore the greek words , the whole scripture , signifieth the whole altogether , and not every part severally in this place . . no one part of holy scripture is able to make the minister perfect , therefore it must needs be understood of the whole body of holy scripture , wherein this sufficiency is to be found . the ancient fathers and other divines , have from this place proved the perfection and sufficiency of the scripture in all things necessary to salvation . we do not reason thus ( as the papists charge us ) it is profitable , therefore it is sufficient ; but because , . the scripture is profitable for all these b ends ( viz. to teach sound doctrine , to refute false opinions , to instruct in holy life , and correct ill manners ) therefore it is sufficient ; c or it is profitable to all those functions of the ministery , that a minister of the church may be perfect ; therefore much more for the people . argumentum non nititur unica illa voce ( utilis ) sed toto sententiae complexu . chamierus . hitherto of the perfection of the scripture absolutely considered , now follows the sufficiency thereof in opposition to unwritten traditions or verities , as the papists speak . d davenant premiseth these things for the better understanding of the sufficiency of the scripture . . we speak of the state of the church ( saith he ) in which god hath ceased to speak to men by the prophets or apostles divinely inspired , and to lay open new revelations to his church . . we grant that the apostles living and preaching , and the canon of the new testament being not yet sealed , their gospel delivered viva voce , was no lesse a rule of faith and worship , then the writings of moses and the prophets . . we do not reject all the traditions d of the church ; for we embrace certain historical and ceremonial ones ; but we deny that opinions of faith or precepts of worship can be confirmed by unwritten traditions . . we call that an opinion of faith ; to speak properly and strictly , when a proposition is revealed by god , which exceeds the capacity of nature , and is propounded to be believed , as necessary to be known to salvation . fundamentall opinions are those which by a usuall and proper name are called articles of faith. . what is not in respect of the matter an article of faith , may be a proposition to be believed with a theological faith , if you look to the manner of revealing , as that the sun is a great light , the moon a lesse , gen. . . that rachel was beautifull , leah blear-eyed . the papists do not cease to accuse the scripture of imperfection e and insufficiency , as not containing all things necessary to salvation . the councel of trent , sess. . decret . . saith , that the truth and discipline is contained in libris scriptis , & sine scripto traditionibus . the papists f generally divide the word of god into the word written and traditions . they affirm , that there are many things belonging to christian faith , which are neither contained in the scriptures openly nor secretly . this opinion is maintained by the papists , but it was not first invented by them . the jewish fathers did use the traditions of the elders , and it hath been said of old , mark . matth. . . for their errors and superstitions , yea , at length they affirmed that god gave to moses in mount sinai the scripture and the cabala , or a double law , the one written , the other g unwritten . the tridentin fathers , s●s . . do command traditions to be received with the same reverend affection and piety with which we imbrace the scripture ; and because one bishop in the councel of trent refused this , he was excluded . in the mean space , they explain not what those traditions are which must be so regarded , none of them would ever give us a list and catalogue of those ordinances , which are to be defended by the authority of unwritten traditions , not of the word committed to writing ; onely they affirm in general , whatsoever they teach or do , which is not in the scripture , that it is to be put into the number of traditions unwritten . the cause of it self is manifest , that at their pleasure they might thrust what they would upon the church , under the name of traditions . vide whitak . de script . contro . quaest. . c. . see also moulins buckler of faith , p. . lindan the papist was not ashamed to say , that it had been better for the church , if there had been no scripture at all , but onely traditions . for ( saith he ) we may do well enough with traditions though we had no scripture ; but could not do well enough with scripture , though we had no traditions . baldwin saith , a testament may be either scriptum or nuncupativum , set down in writing or uttered by word of mouth . but a nuncupative testament , or will made by word of mouth without writing , must be proved by solemn witnesses . the solemn witnesses of christs testament are the prophets and apostles . let papists , if they can , prove by them , that part of the testament of christ is unwritten . any indifferent reader will conceive , that the scriptures make most for them , who stand most for their authority and perfection , as all the reformed divines do , not only affirming , but also confirming , that the scripture is not only a most perfect , but the onely infallible rule of faith , titus . . rom. . . god cannot lie , and let god be true , and every man a lier , that is , subject to errour and falshood . every article of divine faith must have a certain and infallible ground , there is none such of supernatural truth but the scripture . because our adversaries h do contend for traditions not written hotly and zealously , against the total perfection of the scripture , that they might thrust upon us many points ( by their own confession ) not contained in scripture ; and usurp to themselves irrefragable authority in the church , it shall not be amisse largely to consider of this matter : and first to enquire of the signification of the words greek and latine , which are translated tradition ; and then to come to the matter which is controverted between us and the papists . the greek word signifying tradition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the new testament is used onely in these places , matth. . , , . mark . , , , , . cor. . . gal. . . colos . . thess. . . and . . and in the vulgar latine is rendred traditio , mat. . , , . mark . , , , , . gal. . . col. . . thess. . . and . . and praecepta , cor. . . whereto the rhemists translation ( which seemeth to be but a bare translation of the vulgar latin ) doth wholly agree , using the word tradition every where , excepting cor. . . where they use the word p●ecepts , but set in the margent the word tradition . arias montanus in his interlineal translation doth render it traditio . beza doth commonly express it by the word traditio . in the english geneva bible , we translate it by the word instruction , tradition , calling mens precepts traditions , the apostles doctrine , ordinances or instructions , not that we feared the word tradition but because we would not have the simple deceived , as though the unwritten verities of the papists were thereby commended , or as though we had some honourable conceit of them ; and what we did herein , the signification of the word doth give us free liberty to do ; in our last english translation we use the word tradition , as often as the vulgar latine or the rhemists have done ; not that we were driven by fear or shame to alter what was done before , but because we would cut off all occasion of carping at our translation , though never so unjust . first , we contend not about the name i tradition , the word may lawfully be used , if the sense affixed thereto be lawful . . all traditions unwritten are not simply condemned by us . . the apostles delivered by lively voice many observations dispensable and alterable , according to the circumstances of time and persons , appertaining to order and comelinesse ; only we say that they were not of the substance of religion , that they were not general concerning all churches . . we receive the number and names of the authors of books divine and canonical , as delivered by tradition ; but the divine truth of those books is in it self clear and evident unto us , not depending on the churches authority . the books of scripture have not their authority ( quoad nos ) from the approbation of the church , but win credit of themselves , and yield sufficient satisfaction to all men of their divine truth , whence we judge the church that receiveth them to be led by the spirit of god ; yet the number , authors and integrity of the parts of those books , we receive as delivered by tradition . . the continued practice of such things as are neither expresly contained in scripture , nor the example of such practice expresly there delivered , though the grounds , reasons , and cause of the necessity of such practice be there contained , and the benefit and good that followeth of it , we receive upon tradition , though the thing it self we receive not for tradition . of this sort is the baptism of infants , which may be named a tradition , because it is not expresly delivered in scripture , that the apostles did baptize ●nfants , nor any expresse precept there found that they should so do ; yet is not this so received by bare and naked tradition , but that we finde the scripture to deliver unto us the ground of it . bellarmine and maldonat k both do confesse , that the baptism of infants may be proved by the scripture ; and therefore maldonat concludes , nobis verò traditio non est . bellarmine l ( as whitaker shews ) contradicts himself ; for first , he saith , that the baptism of infants is an unwritten tradition ; and after , that the catholicks can prove baptism of infants from the scriptures . to this head m we may referre the observation of the lords-day , the precept whereof is not found in scripture , though the practice be . and if for that cause any shall name it a tradition , we will not contend about the word , if he grant withall , that the example apostolical hath the force of a law , as implying a common equity concerning us no lesse then it did them . if any man shall call the summary comprehension of the chief heads of christian doctrine contained in the creed , n commonly called the apostles creed , a tradition , we will not contend about it . for although every part thereof be contained in scripture ; yet the orderly connexion , and distinct explication of those principal articles gathered into an epitome , wherein are implied , and whence are inferred all conclusions theological , is an act humane , not divine , and in that sense may be called a tradition . but let it be noted withall , that we admit it not to have that credit as now it hath , to be the rule of faith ; for this is the priviledge of holy scripture . the creed it self was gathered out of scripture , and is to be expounded by the scripture ; therefore it is not given to be a perfect canon of faith and manners . by tradition is noted , . whatsoever is delivered by men divinely inspired and immediately called , whether it be by lively voice , or by writing . . in special it notes the word of god committed to writing , cor. . . . it signifies rites expresly contained in writing , act. . . . it betokens that which is not committed to writing but only delivered by lively voice of the apostles . . it signifieth that which is invented and delivered by men not immediately called . in scripture tradition is taken , . in good part , for any rite or doctrine of god delivered to his church either by word or writing , whether it concern faith and good works , or the external government of the church , thess. . . cor. . . and . . in ill part , it noteth the vain idle and unwarrantable inventions of men , whether doctrine or rites , mat. . . mar. . , . when the fathers speak reverently of traditions , by the word tradition , either they understand the holy scripture , which also is a tradition , it is a doctrine left unto us ; o or by traditions , they understand observations touching ecclesiastical policy . du moulin . reasons confirming the sufficiency of scripture against popish traditions . . the whole church is founded upon the doctrine of the prophets and apostles ; which were not true if any doctrine was necessary to salvation not revealed by the prophets and apostles . . the prophets , and christ and his apostles condemn traditions , isa. . . mat. . , . col. . . therefore they are not to be received ; christ opposeth the commandment and scriptures to traditions , therefore he condemns traditions not written . if the jews might not adde to the books of moses , * then much lesse may we adde to the canon of scripture so much increased since . . those things which proceed from the will of god only , can be made known to us no other way but by the revelation of the scripture ; all articles of faith and precepts of manners , concerning substance of religion proceed from the will of god only , mat. . . cor. . , , . p gal. . . as in this place , the apostle would have nothing received besides that which he preached , so cor. . . he will have nothing admitted above or more then that which is written . see act. . . iohn . ult . whence it is manifest , that all necessary things may be found in scripture , since full and perfect faith ariseth from thence , which eternal salvation followeth . bellarmine saith , iohn speaks only of the miracles of christ , that he wrote not all , because those sufficed to perswade the world that christ was the son of god. those words indeed in ver . . are to be understood of christs miracles , but those in ver . . rather are to be generally interpreted ; for the history only of the miracles sufficeth not to obtain faith or life . the question betwixt the papists and us is , de ipsa doctrina tradita , q non de tradendi modo , touching the substance of the doctrine delivered , not of the manner of delivering it , and of doctrine delivered as the word of god , not of rites and ceremonies . they maintain that there be doctrinal traditions , or traditions containing articles of faith , and substantial matters of divine worship and religion , not found in the holy scriptures , viz. purgatory , invocation of saints , adoration of images , papal monarchy . bellarmine ( and before him r peresius ) distinguisheth traditions both from the authors and the matter . from the authors , into divine , apostolical and ecclesiastical . from the matter into those which are concerning faith , and concerning manners , into perpetuall and temporall , universall and particular , necessary and free . divine traditions , that is , doctrines of faith , and of the worship and service of god , any of which we deny to be but what are comprized in the written word of god. apostolick traditions ( say they ) are such ordinances as the apostles prescribed for ceremony and usage in the church , as the observation of the memorial of the nativity , death and resurrection of christ , the alteration of the seventh day from the jews sabbath , to the day of christs resurrection . ecclesiastical , ancient customs which by degrees through the peoples consent obtained the force of a law. traditions concerning faith , as the perpetuall virginity of mary the mother of christ , and that there are onely four gospels ; of manners , as the sign of the crosse made in the fore-head , fasts and feastings to be observed on certain dayes . perpetual , which are to be kept to the end of the world. temporal for a certain time , as the observation of certain legal ceremonies , even to the full publishing of the gospel . universal traditions , which are delivered to the whole church to be kept , as the observation of easter , whit sontide and other great feasts . particular , which is delivered to one or more churches , as in the time of augustine fasting on the sabbath-day , which was kept only at rome . necessary traditions , which are delivered in the form of a precept , that easter is to be celebrated on the lords day . free , which are delivered in the form of a councel , as sprinkling of holy water . object . the scripture is not perfect with a perfection of parts , because many parts are either defective or excessive . . some labour with a defect , as genes . . . a person is omitted in the genealogy of canaan , which was the sonne of arphaxad , but it is reckoned in luke in christs genealogy , not in the old testament , therefore there is a defect . answ. luke reckons it according to the vulgar opinion of the jews ; iunius in his parallels would have the fault to be in the septuagint , whom luke followed , not approving of their errour , but yielding to the time , least the gospel otherwise should have been prejudiced ; but beza's opinion is rather to be approved of , that this word is inserted from the ignorance of those who undertook to correct this text , according to the translation of the seventy interpreters . for in an ancient manuscript which beza followed , this word canaan was not to be found , therefore he omitted it in his translation , and so hath our great english bible . object . there is something found in the scripture against the commandment of god , deut. . . therefore there is excess as well as defect ; for many books which we believe to be canonical , are added . answ. he doth not forbid adding by gods command , but from the will of man , for god himself added afterward . the papists arguments for traditions answered . object . bellarmine saith , religion was preserved for two thousand years from adam to moses onely by tradition ; therefore the scripture is not simply necessary . ans. by the like reason i might argue , that religion was long preserved , not only without the pope of rome , but also without baptism and the lords supper , with the like institutions ; therefore they are not simply necessary ; yet none of ours hold the scriptures simply necessary . . it is false , that religion was preserved all that while by ordinary tradition only ; for the living voice of god sounded most perpetually in the church , and the doctrine of religion was conveyed successively from the father to the son ; which living voice of god by little and little ceasing , writing afterward succeeded , and hath the same necessity now which gods living voice had before . object . whatsoever things are commended from scripture are necessary , but so are traditions , ergò , they are necessary . iohn . . i have yet many things to say unto you ; but ye cannot bear them now ; therefore ( say they ) the lord spake many things which are not written . answ. . he saith not , that he had many things to tell them , which he had not taught them before , but which they were not now so well capable of : for it appeareth that he taught them that which they understood not , and therefore they needed to be further taught of them by the holy ghost , which should not teach them any new thing that christ had not taught , but onely make them understand that which they had been taught of our saviour christ. . if the holy ghost did teach them any thing which our saviour christ had not before spoke unto them of , yet that makes nothing for traditions ; seeing that which the holy spirit taught them , he taught them out of the scriptures . . if the holy ghost should have taught the apostles some things which neither christ had told them of , nor the scriptures had taught them , yet this is rather against the papists . for that which the holy ghost taught them , they undoubtedly left in record unto the church , as being faithful stewards , and revealing the whole counsel of god unto the people . . it hath been the practice of hereticks ( as augustine affirmeth ) at all times to cover their dreams and phantasies , with this sentence of our saviour christ. lastly , if it be asked , what were those grave and great mysteries , which the apostles could not for their rudeness bear ; they are forsooth oyl and spittle in baptism ; candles light at noon dayes ( which was not in the darker time of the law ) baptizing of bels , and such like gue-gaws , as the grossest and carnallest men are fittest to receive . object . thess . . therefore brethron , stand fast , and hold the traditions which ye have been taught , whether by word , or our epistle . from these words ( say our adversaries ) it appears that all things were not written , et nullum papistae in scripturis locum probabiliorem inveniunt , saith whitaker . the hereticks ( say the rhemists on this place ) purposely , guilefully , and of ill conscience refrain in their translations , from the ecclesiastical and most usual word tradition , evermore when it is taken in good part , though it expresse most exactly the signification of the greek word ; but when it soundeth in their fond phantasie against the traditions of the church ( as indeed in true sense it never doth ) there they use it most gladly . here therefore and in the like places , that the reader may not so easily like of traditions unwritten , commended by the apostle , they translate instructions , constitutions , ordinances , and what they can invent else , to hide the truth from the simple or unwary reader , whose translations have none other end , but to beguile such by art and conveyance . thus farre the rhemists . paul taught the thessalonians some things by word of mouth , which he taught them not in his two epistles which he wrote unto them ; therefore he taught some doctrins which he wrote not , as if that paul wrote no more epistles then these two ; whereby that which he taught not them in writing unto them , he taught them by writing unto others . secondly , how followeth this argument ? paul wrote not all the doctrines of god unto the thessalonians , therefore they are not all written in the prophetical and evangelical writings : whereas it is plainly testified , that the old testament containeth a perfect rule of the doctrine of salvation ; the new being written for a declaration of the fulfilling and further clearing of that in the old testament . thirdly , it appeareth manifestly in the acts , what was the summe of that which paul taught the thessalonians by word of mouth . for there it is witnessed , that paul taught out of the scriptures , that it behoved christ to suffer and rise again from the dead , and that jesus was christ ; this teaching then by word is there limited to the scriptures of the law and prophets . neither ought it to seem strange , that this was the summe of all which the apostle taught at thessalonica , where he he tarried so small a while , when amongst the corinthians ( where he remained longest of any place , and consequently taught most ) he sheweth that he taught nothing but christ and him crucified . fourthly , the apostle himself , in this very place , calling ( vers . . ) whatsoever he taught by word , or wrote by the name of the gospel , doth declare evidently , that he taught nothing but that which is contained in scripture , seeing the apostle defineth the gospel which he preached , to be that which is contained in the scriptures . fifthly , that the thessalonians had some part of christian doctrine , delivered by word of mouth ; that is , by the apostles preaching at such time as he did write unto them , and some part by his epistles , the text enforceth us to grant . but that the church at this day , or ever since the testament was written , had any tradition by word of mouth necessary to salvation , which was not contained in the old and new testament , we will never grant . the papists s do commonly abuse the name of tradition , which signifieth properly a delivery , or a thing delivered ; for such a matter as is delivered onely by word of mouth , and so received from hand to hand , that is , never put in writing , but hath his credit without the holy scripture of god , as the jews had their cabala , and the scribes and the pharisees their traditions besides the law of god. for the justifying of our translation , it is true , that we alter according to the circumstances of the place , especially considering that the word tradition , which of it self is indifferent , as well to that which is written , as to that which is not written , hath been of us and them , appropriated to note forth onely unwritten constitutions , therefore we must needs avoid in such places as this , the word traditions , ( though our last translation useth it ) where the simple might be deceived , to think that the holy gho●t did ever commend any such to the church , which he would not have committed to writing in the holy scriptures , and in stead of the word so commonly taken ( although it do not necessarily signifie any such matter ) we doe use such words as doe truely expresse the apostles meaning , and the greek word doth also signifie ; therefore we use these words ordinances , or instructions , institutions , or the doctrine delivered , all which being of one or near sense , the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie , and the same doth tradition signifie , if it be rightly understood . object . timothy . . o timothy , keep that which is committed to thy trust . by the name of pledge ( saith bellarmine ) not the scripture , but the treasure of unwritten doctrine is understood . depositum ( say the rhemists ) is the whole doctrine of christianity , being taught by the apostles , and delivered their successors . answ. though other learned men interpret this pledge or gage to be the gift of the holy ghost , yet we willingly acknowledge , that it is to be understood of the doctrine of christianity , as that which hath best ground both by circumstance of this , and conference of other places . whence we inferre , that the doctrine of truth is not the churches decrees , but the lords ; given to the church to keep only , wherewith the title of a pledge cannot stand , unlesse one may lay to pledge a thing in his own hands , since in popery the church her self maketh the doctrine which her self taketh to pledge : herein they handle it like a pledge , that they lock it up fast , where the people of god , for whose use it is given to be kept , cannot come unto it . what had become of the law of god , if others had not been more faithful keepers of it then the priests , to whom the principal copy thereof written with the finger of god himself was committed ? there are some points of faith not contained in the scripture , neither in the old nor new testament ; therefore it is not perfect . in the old testament , no doubt but the females had some remedy , whereby they might be purged from original sin as well as the males ; circumcision was instituted only for the males , the scripture mentions not what was instituted for the females . in the new testament , the perpetual virginity of mary the mother of christ. two things are considered in circumcision , t . signum . . res signata , or the end and use of the sign . answ. the thing signified or efficacy of the outward sign of circumcision , was common both to males and females ; the very institution of circumcision teacheth that ; for it was a sign of the covenant , the covenant belonged to all which were of the seed of abraham , if they renounced it not . although there were no decision of the other point out of the scripture , yet would it not thence follow which the jesuites pretend , that some necessary point of christianity wanted the ground of holy scripture , it being sufficient for us to know , that she was a virgin when our savio●r christ was born of her , as the prophets did foretel . yet ( as chamier said well ) we believe that she continued a virgin all her life time , for in those things ( said he ) which are not properly de side , we hold the authority of the church is great , if it contradict not scripture , or produce no other absurdity . vide riveti apolog●am pro virgine maria , l. . c. . helvidius would gather from those words , matth. . . until , and first-born , that mary after u had children by her husband : the word till doth not import so much . see gen. . . and . , sam. . sam. . . matth. . . he is called the first-born in scripture , which first opens the womb , whether others follow or no. . the scripture is plain and perspicuous . the perspicuity of the scripture is a clear and evident manifestation of the truth delivered in it . it is perspicuous both in respect of it self and us . . in respect of it self , as appears : . in the things delivered , which although they seem obscure for their majesty and dignity , yet they carry the light of truth before them , y therefore the scripture is frequently termed a light , psal. . . and . . deni . . . prov. . . pet. . . cor. . , , . the scripture is a most bright light : the nature of a light is first to discover it self , then all things else . there are two things in gods revealed will , verbum rei , the word , and res verbi , the mystery . the scriptures are hard , if we look to the mystery , but not if we look to the word ; as for example , the scripture teacheth that there is one god in three persons , the words are plain and easie : every man understands them , but the mystery contained in those words pas●eth the reach of man ; we may well discern these things to be so , though we cannot fully conceive how these should be so . . in the manner of delivering , or kinde of stile , which is fitted to the things and persons ; shewing the greatest simplicity both in words , either proper or figurative ; and in the clear sense and most perspicuous propriety of signification ; viz. that one which is called literal and grammatical . . in respect of us , because the scripture is to us the principal means and instrument of faith ; every principle ought to be by it self , and in its own nature known and most intelligible ; and there being three degrees of faith , knowledge , assent , and full assurance , these cannot consist without the perspicuity of the scripture ; the divine promises also of writing the law in our heart , and concerning the spreading abroad , and clear light of the gospel , should be to no purpose , if the scriptures should not be plain in things necessary to salvation . all difficulty z in understanding the scripture ariseth not from the obscurity of it , but from the weakness of our understanding , corrupted by natural ignorance , or blinded by divine punishment and curse ; therefore it no more follows from thence , that the scripture cannot be an infallible and onely rule of faith and life , ( because some obscure things are found in it , not understood of all ) then that the books of euclide are not perfect elements of geometry , because there are some abstruse theoremes in them , which every vulgar geometrician cannot demonstrate ; or that aristotles organon is not a perfect systeme of logick , because a fresh sophister understands not all its subtilties . more distinctly we say , that the scriptures are plain , and obscure in a threefold respect . . they are plain and easie to be understood by all men in fundamentals , and the special points necessary to salvation , as the decalogue , the apostles creed , the lords prayer , and the like , unless by those whose mindes the god of this world hath blinded ; if they be obscure in some less principal and circumstantial matters , there is need of interpretation , that the meaning may be more clearly unfolded . . a difference of persons is to be considered , either more generally , or more specially . . more generally , as they are elect and regenerate , or reprobate and unregenerate ; to those the scripture is plain and perspicuous , to whom alone it is destinated , and whose mindes the holy ghost will inlighten by the scripture , iohn . . rom. . . cor. . . psal. . matth. . . and . . psal. . , , , . yet the flesh and unregenerate part in them puts in impediments , but that ignorance is removed at last , luke . . the reprobates continue involved in perpetual darkness and blinded with ignorance , hypocrisie , covetousness , pride and contempt of divine learning , even seeing they see not , psal. . . isa. . . ier. . . isa. . . cor. . . there is a vail over their hearts , cor. . , . which is the cause why in so many ages under the papacy , the scriptures were not understood , because they preferred a lye before the love of the truth . thess. ▪ whose ignorance is a deserved punishment of that contempt , which they shewed to the scriptures and their authority . . more specially , the persons are distinguished according to the diversity . . of conditions of life and vocations , for so many places of scripture are hard to this sort of men , which are more easie to another , neither is it required that all things be understood of all men ; the knowledge of more places is necessary in a minister , then a trades-man and husbandman ; yet it is an infallible rule to every one in his vocation . . of capacities and wits , for every one hath his measure of gifts ; so among ministers , some understand the word more obscurely , some more plainly , yet it is to all a perfect rule according to the measure of gifts . . of times , all things are not equally obscure or perspicuous to all ages , many things are better understood now then in times past ; as the prophecies and predictions of christ , and the times of the gospel : so in the mysteries of the revelation the exposition rather of modern interpreters then fathers is to be received ; because in our times , not theirs , there is an accomplishment of those prophecies , and many things were more clearly known by them in those days , the ceremonies and types of moses his law were better perceived by the jews then us . god the author of the scripture , could speak perspicuously ; for he is wisdom it self ; and he would speak so , because he caused the scripture to be written to instruct us to our eternal salvation , rom. . . and he commands us to seek in the scripture eternal life . we do not account the prophecy of isaiah touching christ , which the eunuch read , to be a dark and obscure prediction ; but we know it was clear and plain enough , though the eunuch , a raw proselyte , understood not the meaning of it . the fathers proved their opinions out of the scriptures , therefore the scriptures are more clear then the writings and commentaries of the fathers . to every one which readeth ( with humility and invocation of god ) the book of the apocalipse , the obscurest * and hardest book to understand of all other , blessedness is promised , when it cannot befal to any that understandeth nothing , it is manifest that the promise of blessedness includeth a warrant of understanding of it , so much as is necessary to salvation . we affirm , that many places a in the scripture are very obscure , and that either from the obscurity of the things , as in the prophecies of future things , the event must interpret them , as daniels prophecies of the four monarchies were in times past very dark , but easier since , when all things were fulfilled ; so the coming of antichrist in the new testament , drew the fathers into divers opinions ; so even yet there are many things obscure in the revelation b which are not accomplished . so those things which are spoken of the messiah in the old testament are either not understood , or not fully without the new testament . sometimes the ambiguity of words breeds a difficulty , as i and the father are one , the arians understood it of a union of will , as when christ prayed , iohn . that the disciples might be one . hitherto may be referred those places which are to be understood allegorically , as the canticles , the first chapter of ezekiel , . some places are obscure from the ignorance of ancient rites and customs , as that place , cor. . . * of baptizing for the dead is diversly explained by interpreters , both old and new . there are six interpretations of it in bellarmine l. . de purgatorio c. . viginti praeter hujus loci expositiones deprehendo , saith one in a theological disputation , de baptismo veterum . ambrose saith , paul had a respect to that custom of some , who baptized the living for the dead . piscator and bucane say , the custom of the ancient church is noted here , who baptized christians at the graves , that so it might be a symbole of their belief and confession of the resurrection of the dead : tarnovius proves that that rite was not in use in the apostles time ; calvin interprets it of those who were baptized , when they were ready to die ; but beza thinks by baptizing is understood the rite of washing the bodies before the burial , that ablution used upon the dead , as if the apostle should thence confirm the resurrection of the dead , q. d. that that is a cold , vain and foolish ceremony , if the dead should not rise again . and truly it is certain , that those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being considered in themselves , may as well be rendred super mortuos , as pro mortuis . andreas hy●●rius sheweth in a particular tract what various opinions there are about this place . voetius hath written a tract d● insolubilibus scripturae . estius and dr hall on the hard places of scripture . divers reasons may be rendred , why god would have many things in the scripture obscure and difficult . . to make us diligent both in prayer to him , to open to us the meaning of the scriptures , and likewise in reading , meditating , searching and comparing the scriptures . . to remove disdain from us ; we quickly slight those things that are easie . . that we might more prize heavenly truths gotten with much labor . . to tame our arrogance and reprove our ignorance , ioh. . . . god would not have the holy mysteries of his word prostituted to dogs and swine ; therefore many a simple godly man understands more here then the great rabbies . . that order might be kept in the church , some to be hearers , some teachers and expounders , by whose diligent search and travel , the harder places may be opened to the people . here the lamb may wade , and the elephant may swimme , saith gregory . the scriptures have both milk for babes , and strong meat for men , saith augustine . it is a note of a learned interpreter , that the benefit of knowing the prophecies concerning the church , christ before he was slain had it not so as he had after his death ; it was the purchase of the blood of christ to have those things opened . we do not therefore hold , that the scripture is every where so plain and evident , that it needs no interpretation , as our adversaries do slander us , and here they fight with their own shadow . we confesse , that the lord in the scriptures hath tempered hard and easie things together . but this we affirm against the papists : first , that all points of faith necessary to salvation , and weighty matters pertaining to religion are plainly set forth in the scriptures . secondly , that the scriptures may with great profit and to good edification be read of the simple and unlearned , notwithstanding the hardnesse of some places , which in time also using the means they may come to the understanding of . therefore i might save that labour in answering the arguments of our adversaries , since they are of no force against us , nor indeed touch our cause , proving onely that some places in the scripture are difficult which we deny not ; but i shall first take off their answers , whereby they would evade the strength of our reasons for the perspicuity of the scripture , and then refute their own objections . first , when we urge divers places to prove the scripture to be a light , the use of which is to dispell darknesse , which it would not if it self were obscure . bellarmine answereth , that those places are not to be understood of all the scripture , but only of the commandments : and that these also are called a light , not because they are easily understood ( although that be true ) but because being understood and known , they direct a man in working . . if it be understood of all the scriptures , they are called light , not because they are easily understood , but because they illustrate the minde when they are understood . but the apostle peter speaks not only of the precepts of the decalogue , but of all the scripture of the old testament : which , if it be light , much more shall the scripture of the new testament , and therefore the whole body of scriptures which the christians now have ▪ shall be light. secondly , that place , psal. . . doth not speak of the precepts alone ▪ [ of thy words ] by which is signified the whole c scripture ; in psal. . david speaketh of the word of god in general , which he adorneth with many titles , the law or doctrine of the lord , the testimony of the lord , the statutes of the lord , the precepts of the lord , the fear of the lord ; it is so called metonymically , because it teacheth us the fear and reverence of the lord , he saith , this doctrine is perfect , converts the soul , and makes wise the simple , therefore he understands the whole scripture , the teacher of true and perfect wisdom . . it is called a light , because it hath light in it self , and because it illightneth others , unless they be quite blinde or willingly turn away their eyes from this light . thirdly , if the commandments be easie , the rest of the scriptures is likewise , as the prophets and historical books , being but commentaries and expositions of the decalogue . that evasion of the papists will not serve their turns , that the scripture is a light in it self , but not quoad nos ( as if the scripture were a light under a bushell ) for that the scipture is light effectivè , as well as formaliter , appears by the addition , giving understanding to the simple . it was a smart answer , which a witty and learned minister of the reformed church of paris gave to a lady of suspected chastity , and now revolted ; when she pretended the hardnesse of the scripture ; why , said he , madam , what can be more plain , then thou shalt not commit adultery ? the scriptures and reasons answered , which the papists bring for the obscurity of the scripture . object . pet ▪ . . peter saith there , that in the epistles of paul there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some things hard to be understood , which they that are unlearned aend unstable wrest , as they doe also the other scriptures unto their own destruction . answ. first , peter restraineth the difficulty of pauls writings to that point himself then wrote of , touching the end of the world ; therefore it is unreasonable that for one hard point in the epistles the people should be debarred the reading of all the rest . secondly , even in that point he affirmeth , that some things only are hard , and not all . thirdly , the understanding of the scriptures dependeth not principally on the sharpnesse of mens wits for their learning , but on the spirit of god which is given to the simple that humbly seek it by prayer ; therefore though the whole scripture were hard to be understood , yet that is no good cause to bereave the people of god from reading of his word . fourthly , peter assigning the true cause of errour and abuse of the scripture , to be the unstability and unleardnesse of such as deal with them , cannot thereby be understood to speak that of the body of the church , and of the people . laurentius in his book intituled , s. apostolus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , explicatio locorum difficilium in epistolis paulinis , reckons up fourty hard places in pauls epistles . rom. . , , . and . , , , . and , . and , , , , , , . and . , , and . , , , , , . and . , , , , . and . , . cor. . . cor. . , , , , . cor. . . and . . and . , . cor. . , , , , , , , . cor. . , . and . , . cor. . , . and . , , . galat. . . and . . and . . thess. . , , . tim. . . heb. . , , . and . . they say the scriptures are difficult also in the manner of writing as well as in the matter , for which they alledge psal. . . the eunuch , and luk. . . also the divers expositions of old and new writers . the first place is directly against them : for teaching that it is the gift of gods holy spirit obtained by prayer to understand the scripture , the spirit through prayer , being as well obtained by the simple as learned sort , yea , rather by them then the others , it followeth that the reading of them belongeth to the simple as well as unto the learned . the like answer serveth for the place of luk. . for by that abuse of the place , they may wring the reading of the scriptures from all men , even ministers of the word commanded to attend the reading of them , since they of whom they say , that they understood not the scriptures , were ministers of the word , and that in the highest and most excellent degree of ministery in the world , which was the apostleship . the cause of want of understanding then was this , the spirit of god was not given because christ was not glorified , which can have now no place . besides that , in saying they understood not the scriptures concerning the suffering and glory of christ , it must needs be understood comparatively , that they did not clearly , particularly , and sufficiently know them . for that place act . it is to be understood comparatively , viz. that a man faithfull and already gained to the truth , as this eunuch was , cannot understand the scriptures by the bare reading of them , so well and throughly , as when he hath one to expound them . the lord which helped the endeavour of the eunuch searching the scriptures by sending of philip ▪ will n●ver suffer those which seek him in careful reading of his word , to go away ashamed without finding that which they seek for , in directing unto him some lawful and sufficient ministery to instruct him by . the mystery of the gospel then ( indeed ) fulfilled , remained notwithstanding unpublished to the world by the apostles , which is now by their preaching and writings laid open and made more manifest . the eunuch which professed that he could not understand the scripture without an interpreter , did notwithstanding busie himself in reading of it . the multitude of commentaries * was not so necessary ( because the scripture might have been understood without them ) although they deserve singular respect amongst all those that are desirous to understand the scripture , who write learned and elaborate expositions on the scripture . that was a witty speech of maldonates on luk. . . nescio an facilior hi● locus fu●sset , si nemo eum exposuisset ; sed fecit multitudo & varietas interpretationis , ut difficilis videretur . secondly , these commentaries are publisht , that the scriptures may better and more easily be understood . thirdly , the papists confesse that the articles of the apostles creed being necessary for all , are easie ; yet there are many commentaries of the ancients upon the creed , as russinus , augustine , cyril , chrysostome , chrysologus ; and of papists also . some scriptures are hard for the matter which they handle , as are the books of daniel , ezekiel , zachary ; or throng of much matter in few words , as are in the old testament the poetical books , wherein no doubt the verse hath caused some cloud , and amongst them the proverbs from the tenth chapter , and the prophecie of hosea . chap. ix . of the interpretation of scripture . this a question divides it self into three parts . first , concerning the d●vers senses of the scripture . secondly , to whom the chief authority to expound scripture is committed . thirdly , what means must be used in the interpretation of scripture . . of the divers senses of scripture . the interpretation of scripture is two-fold , one of the words , which is called version or translation , this hath been handled already . . of things , which is called explication , the finding out of the meaning of any place , which is more theological , the other being rather grammatical . and this signification of the thing they commonly call the sense , neh. . . interpreting scripture is , . ancient , n●h . . . . honourable , mar. . . the scripture hath often two senses , one of which the later divines call literal , grammatical or historical , another mystical or spiritual . the sense of the scripture is that which god the author of the scripture in b and by the scriptures gives to men to know and understand . ratio divina in medulla non in superficie . tertul ▪ de resurrectione carnis . nec putemus in verbis scripturarum esse evangelium , sed in sensu , non in superficie sed in medulla , non in sermonum foliis , sed in radice rationis . hieron . in epist. ad gal. . . the right expounding of scripture consists in two things . . in giving the right sense . . in a right application of the same , cor. . . the literal sense is that c which the letter it self , or the words taken in their genuine signification carry . and because the genuine signification of the words is that , in which the author useth them , whether speaking properly or figuratively , therefore the literal sense is subdivided into plain and simple , and figurative , which ariseth from the words translated from their naturall signification into another , as where christ saith , ioh. . . i have other sheep which are not of this fold ; whereby he understandeth other people besides the jews . the mysticall or spirituall d sense is that in which the thing exprest in the literall sense signifieth another thing in a mystery , for the shadowing out of which it was used by god. the waters of the floud , with which the ark was upheld , signified baptism , by which the church is saved under the new covenant , as the apostle teacheth , pet. . . that history exod. . it is a passeover unto the lord , is spoken figuratively , the other words properly . the mystical sense is , the bones of christ were no more broken then of the paschal lamb , which did signifie christ. the papists say , the literall sense is that which is gathered immediately out of the words , the spiritual which hath another reference then to that which the words doe properly signifie . the last they subdivide into allegorical , tropological , anagogical , they say that the scripture beside the literal sense , may have these also . the allegorical sense is , when the words of the scripture besides the plain historical , and literall meaning , signifie something in the new testament , which belongs to christ or the church , as gal. . besides the truth of the story of the bond and free-woman , s. paul applieth it unto the two testaments . tropological when the words and deeds are referred to signifie something which belongs to manners ; as paul cor. . teacheth from that place , deut. . thou shalt not muzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn ; that things necessary are to be allowed to pastors . anagogical , when words or deeds are referred to signifie eternal life , as psal . i sware unto them they should not enter into my rest , this is literally understood of the rest in canaan , but applied by paul , heb. . to life eternal . becanus e saith , as there are three theological vertues , faith , hope and charity , so there are three mystical sences . the allegoricall answers to faith , the analogicall to hope , the morall to charity . ierome ( saith he ) excelled in the literal sense , ambrose in the allegorical , augustine in the anagogical , gregory in the moral . the papists erre three wayes in this subject . . in that description which they make of the literal sense . . in that they hold there are divers literal senses of one place . . in their division of the mystical sense into allegorical , tropological , anagogical . . that is false which bellarmine saith , literalis sensus est quem verba immediatè prae se ferunt . what then shal the literal sense of those words be , ps. . . let them shew the lion which christ did tread on , and what shal be the literal sense of those places , isa. . , , . & . ult . and what literal sense shall those words of christ have , mat. . . origen f ( though otherwise he allegorized much ) interpreted that place according to the letter , but foolishly . that therefore is rather the literal sense which ariseth from the words , whether properly or figuratively taken ; as for example , this is the literal sense of those words , the seed of the woman shall break the serpents head , viz. christ shall overcome satan and subdue all his force and power , although the devil neither be a serpent nor hath a head . secondly , we hold that there is but one true proper and genuine sense of scripture , viz. the literal or grammatical , whether it arise from the words properly taken , or figuratively understood , or both . for that there should be divers literal senses of one and the same place , is against the truth , the text , g and reason . . the truth , because of one and an individual thing there is one constant truth and not various ; verum & unum convertuntur . . the text , because it draweth away from its one true sense . . and lastly reason , because this is the chiefest reason in explaining the text , that the true literal sense of it may be found out . the literal sense then can be but one in one place , though a man may draw sundry consequences h à contrariis , à similibus . . we do not altogether reject the third , for we hold there are allegories , anagogies and tropologies in the scriptures , yet these are not many and divers senses of the scripture ; but divers collections from one sense , or divers applications and accommodations of one sense . besides the tropologies and anagogies are unfitly opposed to an allegory , since they are certain kinds of it . haec nominum curiosa distincti● , ex scholarum potius morosiuscula diligentia , quam ex ulla eorum vocabulorum necessitate , itaque salmero agnoscit esse quid novum , & à posterioribus patribus traditum . chamierus tomo de sensu literali & mystico . lib. . cap. . gal. . the apostle saith not that there is a double sense ; but that it may be allegorically applied , which is historically set down . there is then but one sense of the place ; part whereof consisteth in the story , part in the allegory : so that the whole sense is contained in them both . so for the second example of the tropological : there is not a two-fold sense of that place , but one general sense , that as the mouth of the ox was not to be muzled , so the minister of the gospel must be provided for . likewise of the anagogical kinde : it is not one sense to understand the rest of canaan , another the kingdom of god : but there is one whole sense , that as they for their idolatry were deprived of the land of promise , so we should take heed least by our disobedience we lose the hope of the kingdom of heaven . so we conclude that those are not divers senses , but one sense diversly applied . the literal sense is the only sense of the place , because out of that sense only may an argument strongly be framed : wherefore seeing allegories and tropes do not conclude , they are not the senses of the place ; and allegories devised beside the sense prove not , though they may illustrate . it is manifest that is always the sense of the holy ghost , which is drawn from the very words . but we are not so certain concerning any mystical sense , unlesse when the holy ghost himself teacheth us ; as for example , it is written hos. . . out of egypt have i called my sonne ; and exod. . . ye shall not break a bone of him . it is evident that the first place is understood of the people of israel , the later of the paschal lamb. who durst have applied those things to christ , unlesse the holy ghost had first done it , and declared his minde and meaning to us ? viz. that son in the first place doth not only signifie the people of israel , but christ also , and by bone in the later place , not only the bone of that lamb , but of christ also is understood . secondly , to whom the chief authority to expound scripture is committed . it was decreed in the councel of trent , that scripture should be expounded , as the church expoundeth it , and according to the common and unanimous consent of the fathers . if the fathers agree not , the matter is referred to a generall councel : if there it be not determined , we must have recourse to the pope and his cardinals . we say also that the church is the interpreter of scripture , and that this gift of interpreting resides only in the church , but we deny that it belongs to certain men , or is tied to a certain place or succession of men . the ministry of judgement i the lord hath given to his church , cor. ▪ . and . . ioh. . . act. . . cor. . , , . but the soveraignty of judgement he hath reserved to himself . the holy scripture knows not , the ancient fathers acknowledge not , as long as we have the scripture there needs not any such standing judge in the church . these three things mr down proves in his not consent of fathers , but scripture the ground of faith . p. . to . the holy ghost is the judge , and the scripture is the sentence or definitive decree . we acknowledge no publick judge except the scripture , and the holy ghost teaching us in the scripture . he that made the law should interpret the same , cor. . . ioh. . . arguments brought by the papists for their opinion . object . . they object that place , exod. . , . answ. moses was a prophet indued with singular wisdom , adorned by god with extraordinary gifts , sent immediately by him , and commended by divine testimonies to the people , the pope is not so . he had chiefest authority from god over all the israelites ; but the pope hath not so over all christians . moses his authority was extraordinary , no man succeeded in his place ; ioshua was a captain only , or judge in civil things . aaron only a priest to administer in things sacred , but moses exercised both functions . object . . they urge that place , deut. . . answ. here the civil magistrate and the judge are joyned together , as vers . . if it will follow hence that the pope must be supreme judge in all ecclesiastical matters , the emperor ought to be as well in civil . . the pope doth not hold the same place among christians , that the high-priest did among the jews . for he was the chiefest , having all the rest of the priests subject to him ; but the pope is one amongst all , having collegues , many bishops as at first , or a few patriarchs as after . object . . eccl. . . if the chief pastor in the old testament had such authority , much more the chief priest in the new. answ. this one pastor k signifieth neither the high-priest in the old law , nor the pope in the new ; but jesus christ the high shepherd for our souls . object . matth. . . christ saith to peter , to thee will i give the keyes of the kingdome of heaven ; therefore the pope hath authority to expound scripture . answ. first , by the keyes here is meant commission to preach the gospel ; not authority of interpreting the scriptures . when the gospel is preached , the kingdome of heaven is opened to the beleevers , and shut to the unbeleevers . secondly , that authority of the keys was not committed to peter only , but to the other apostles also , mat. . , . there is a two-fold judgement , . of discretion , cor. . . . of authority , as the parliament judgeth capital crimes . if the papists understand the word iudge to signifie discerning ( as when we judge of meats by the taste ) every faithful person ought to pray unto god for grace to judge , to discern , and to know the true sense of the scripture . but if by judging they understand to pronounce decrees , definitive and infallible judgements , touching the sense of the scriptures , thereby to binde other mens consciences ; there is no man in the world that hath that power . see moulins buckler of faith. we have a more compendious way , to come to the understanding of the scripture . it were too long when we doubt of any place , to stay till we have the general consent of the pastors of the church , or to expect a general councel , or to go up to rome . but the word of god is amongst us ; the scriptures themselves , and the spirit of god opening our hearts , do teach us how to understand them . and yet we say not ( as the papists fals●y charge us ) that we allow every private mans interpretation of scripture , refusing the judgement of the pastors of the church . l panoruitan saith , m the opinion of one godly man ought to be preferred before the popes , if it be grounded upon be●ter authority of the old and new testament , pet. . . no prophecy of the scripture is of any private interpretation . stapleton saith , iuterpretation is private , either ratione personae , when the man is prviate , or ratione medii , when it is not taken out of the context and circumstances , or ratione finis , when it is for a false end . now private interpretation in regard of the person , if it be publick in regard of the means , is not forbidden ; for it is lawful for one man with scripture toti resistere mundo , saith the glosse of the canon-law ; the meaning of this place is , that the prophets were no interpreters or messengers of their own mindes , but gods. the catholicks hold ( saith chamier , meaning still by that title the protestants ) that the scripture is to be interpreted by private labour and industry , viz. of augustine , ierom , chrysostom , but not in a private sense , that is in a sense arising from the brain of the interpreter . it is true ( saith cartwright against the rhemists ) that the scriptures cannot be expounded of every private spirit , nor ( which is more ) of any private spirit , nor yet of all private spirits together , but only of those which are inspired of god , viz. the prophets and apostles , which are here opposed unto private interpretation . and therefore it is evident , that the exposition of the scripture , ought not to be fetched from ecclesiastical either fathers or councels , which speak not by inspiration , but from the scriptures themselves ; what he meaneth , he declareth in the next verse , where he sheweth the reason of his saying ; namely , that it must be interpreted , as it was written , and by as high authority . seeing therefore it was first spoken by holy men , which spake as they were led by the holy spirit , and were inspired of god , it followeth , that it must be interpreted by the same authority . the interpretation therefore that is brought out of the apostles and prophets , is not private , although it be avowed by one man only . on the other side that interpretation which is not brought from thence , although it have the allowance of whole general councels , is but private . this is a principal meaning of our saviour christ , when he willeth that we should call no man father or master in the earth , that is , in matter of doctrine , we should depend upon the authority of no man , nor of all men in the earth , but only upon christ , and upon god. our reasons by which we prove , that the chiefest judgment and authority of interpreting scriptures is to be given not to the church , but to the scriptures themselves and the holy ghost . . that which only hath power to beget faith , that only hath the chiefest authority of interpreting scripture , and of determining all controversies concerning faith and religion ; but the scriptures onely and the holy ghost have this force , rom. . . the holy ghost onely can infuse saving faith into our hearts , which is called by the schoolmen infusa fides . the faith which we have from the church is acquired , and sufficeth not to a certain perswasion . . the scriptures cannot be interpreted but by the same spirit wherewith they were written ; n that spirit is found no where but in the scripture ; whosoever have promises from god to understand the scripture may interprett it , but so have all the faithfull . . christ himself makes the scripture a judge , iohn . . and still appealed to it . . although the fathers were men indued of god with excellent gifts , and brought no small light to understanding of the scriptures : yet learned men in our dayes may give a right sense of sundry places thereof which the fathers saw not , yea against the which perhaps they consent . hath any man living read all the fathers ? nay , have all the men living read them ? nay , can they shew them ? can they get them ? i had almost said , can they name * them ? in the exposition of those words , tu es petrus , & super hanc petram , almost every one of the fathers , at least the most part of them , and the best expound it of peters faith ; yet the papists understand it , non de fide sed de persona petri. here they disagree themselves from the fathers . iohn . . by the title of one shepheard , augustine , chrysostome , ierome , cyril , theodoret , theophylact , euthimius , rupertus , cyprian , and other fathers agree , that christ is theredesigned ; but stapleton saith the pope is there meant . in the division of the law , they go clean contrary to the greatest part of the fathers : for they divide the commandments as we do , but the papists make the two first one , and the tenth two . . they have no father to countenance them in this , but augnstine . revet . de authoritate patrum , c. , , . there were no writings of the fathers for a time , many of them wrote years after christ , but some and years after christ ; what rule had they before that time of interpreting scriptures . the fathers were given too much to allegorizing , cajetane therefore in the preface of his commentaries upon the books of moses , saith ; that the exposition of the scripture is not tied by god to the sense of the fathers ; therefore he admonisheth his readers not to take it ill , if he sometime dissent from the stream of the fathers . . the doctrine of the church must be examined by the scriptures , acts . . if pauls doctrine , much more may the decrees of the pope , church , councels be examined by the scriptures . . the interpretation of the scripture is a gift freely given by god , for the edification of the church , rom. . . cor. . . therefore it is not tied to a certain kinde of men , but common to the faithful . . the faithful are commanded diligently to try and examine every doctrine , thess. . . iohn . . which cannot be altogether done without interpretation . what means must be used in the interpretation of scripture . the end of the scripture ( we heard ) was to direct the church to all saving truth . the means to be used for the attaining of that end , by the minister , is diligent study and humble prayer ; by the people , attentive reading , hearing , prayer and meditating . first , the teachers must pray earnestly to god for his spirit to inlighen them , mat. . , , . rom. . the scriptures are understood by that spirit that dictated them . secondly , the pastors and teachers of the church must diligently and painfully study the scriptures , giving themselves to read , compare place with place , a iohn . . search the scriptures , it is a metaphor taken from such as search for gold and silver oar in the earth , who will search and sift , and break every clod to finde out the gold . solomon useth the same metaphor , prov. . . and to this diligence in searching doth the apostle exhort timothy , tim. . . this diligence of often exprest in scripture in the old testament , by the phrase of meditating in the word , iosh. . . psal. . . thirdly , they must labour for a competent knowledge in the original tongues the hebrew and b greek , in which the scripture was written , that so they may consult with the hebrew text in the old , and the greek in the new testament ; and see with their own , not anothers eyes ; as gen. . . the papists read it corruptly , she shall break , here the original soon determines the controversie , wherein the pronoun hu , can signifie nothing but he , or it , both which are all one in effect in this place . fourthly , they should likewise be expert in all the liberal arts , especially in grammer , logick , rhetorick , general philosophy and history . all the treasures c of wisdom and knowledge are hid in the scriptures ; the treasures of natural phylosophy in genesis , of moral phylosophy in exodus , deuteronomy and ecclesiastes ; of the politicks in the judicials of moses , and the proverbs of solomon ; of poetry in the psalms ; of history in the books of chronicles , iudges and kings ; the mathematicks in the dimensions of the ark , of the temple ; of the metaphysicks , in the books of the prophets and apocalyps . fifthly , they must consider : . the several words . . the phrases . in the several words they must consider : . whether the word be taken properly or tropically , and that they may the better understand the words , an inspection , . of lexicons d is needful , some of which observed the order of the alphabet , but so as they distinguished between the roots , and the derivatives , as pagnine hath done for the hebrew , and stephanus for the greek . the best lexicons for understanding the hebrew text , are buxtorf , avenarius , forster , schindler , mercer on pagnine , and marinus brixianus his arca noae ; for the greek , are stephanus , budeus , scapula ; my own two critica ( i hope ) may be useful for understanding both testaments . . of concordances , e some much extoll buxtorf for the hebrew , kirchers is a very useful one both for the hebrew and the septuagint , stephanus for the greek is the best . cottons concordance ( as it is now inlarged by newman ) is esteemed the best for the english. see dr. featlies and dr. gouges prefaces to it commending it and shewing the use of concordances in general . they must , . consider the text exactly in it self , the grammer of it must be sifted , the nature of every word by it self and the alteration it admits in diversity of construction . . the rhetorick , whether any word leaving the proper signification receiveth a borrowed . . above all the logick , as to know what he proveth , and by what . . compare paralel places , and obscure with plainer . to interpret that place , this is my body , f make use of that other , the bread which we break , is the communion of the body of christ , because both places are not onely concerning the eucharist , but also one and the same kinde . illyricus calls the conference of places , ingens remedium & saelicissimam expositionem sanctae scripturae . paul is much in this , compare heb. . , , , . with chap. . , , — . ye shall see he makes out the sense of psal . . by comparing it with other scriptures . . make use of paraphrases and versions , among which the chaldee and the septuagint for the old testament , the syriack and the arabick for the new excel . . for the knowledge of the phrase , they must proceed the same way ; and to understand the better both the words and phrases , they must diligently consider of the scope and circumstances of the place , as the coherence of that which went before , with that which follows after , and of the matter whereof it doth intreat . . all expositions ought to agree with the analogie of faith , g rom. . . analogy is either of faith , comprehended in the doctrine of the creed , l p. command . sac. and gathered out of evident places of scripture , or of the text , by the coherence of antecedentia & consequentia , by the propriety of the phrase . . the jewish expositors , the ancient fathers , and other interpreters , ancient and modern , popish and protestant , are useful for the right understanding of the scripture , if they be read with judgement . not many , but a few , and those the best commentaries , are to be consulted with : of the hebrew interpreters and rabbins ? two were most learned , r. david kimki , and rabbi aben ezra , saith dr. rainolds . the pure masters of the hebrews ( saith mayerus in philologia sacra ) are specially maymonides , rabbi david kimchi , wise aben ezra , rabbi solomon iarchi , although the last two much favor talmudical dreams . the cabalists and many of the rabbines are very fabulous , and men in a burning fever cannot dream of things more ridiculous , then some of the rabbines have seriously written and taught , saith h muis against morinus . vide spanh●m . dub. evangel . parte tertia . dub. . & dub. glass . philol. sac. l. . partem primam . tract . . thalmud liber fabulosissimus . chamier . abarbanel hath done well on the greatest part of the old testament . scriptor fam●sissimus , saith buxtorf of him in d●●alogo . iudaeorum doctissimus l'empereur on dan. authorest perquàm solidi ingenii & doctrinae , muis , assert . . veritat . heb. yet he was unknown ( it seems ) to mercer , for he doth not mention him . the most curious that ever handled the tongue , though not the soundest , saith broughton . the jews say of rabbi moses ben-maymon , that from moses to moses there arose not such a moses . he was the first of the rabbines that ceased to dote . maimonides antiquus & celeberrimus inter iudaeos scriptor . capellus de literis ebr. mr. gregory stiles him the very learned maimon . the church of god is much beholding to the hebrew rabbines , * being great helps unto us for understanding holy scripture in many places , as well of the new testament as the old. vide capel . critic . defens . p. . there are divers places both in the old and new testament , which cannot be well understood , unless we borrow candle-light from the hebrew doctors , as exod . . ruth . . . isa. , . & . . ier. . . ezek. . . and . . matth. . . and . . and . , . and . . mark . . rom. . . iohn . . and . . tim. . . rev. . cálverts annotat. on the demonstrat . of the true messias . . the fathers , doctores scil . probati antiquae ecclesiae qui scriptis fidem suis illustrarunt , as vo●tus speaks , not one of them but hath his error , because god would have them known to be but men . of the right use of the fathers . see daille's excellent 〈◊〉 . they are called fathers in respect of their age , they preceding our times many hundreds of years , and in respect of their doctrine , which they diligently inculcated to those that then lived and endeavoured to propagate ; many of their worthy labours being transmitted to posterity . rivet . de patrum authoritate cap. . there was an eminency of office and dignity in them , because they were pastors and teachers in the church ; of time , because they were neerer to the apostles ; of science , because they were more learned then many of those that succeeded ; and of conscience , because they were of an unblameable life , lesse subject to ambition , covetousnesse , envy , and other evil affections , with which the succeeding generations were too much tainted . those fathers a of the first six hundred years we reverence more , and rather admit then those of the thousand years following , because they were freer from error , as living neerer the apostles , and before the first discovery of antichrist , which was about the six hundred and seven , when boniface the third purchased of that bloudy tyrant phocas the title of universal bishop , and with it the supremacy over all churches . erasmus ( accuratissimus patrum vetustiorum censor , ) was much exercised in the writings of the fathers , and hath bestowed great pains in restoring and illustrating ierom , * augustine , and others of them . for the fathers , ierom among the latines , and origen among the greeks were learned in the hebrew , saith chamier . ierom b w●s the chiefest among them , for skill in the hebrew , chaldee , greek , latine tongue , and the most diligent searcher of the jewish affairs , he spared no labour , cost nor time , that he might attain to skill in that tongue . he made use of the jews for that purpose , and the skilfullest amongst them , whose labour he purchased with a great deal of money , this he often witnesseth of himself ; five times , saith morinus , he made use of them . that one labour of his deserveth eternal praise , that he translated the scripture out of the hebrew into latine . that was a most laborious work * of origens in gathering together divers editions of scripture . . the greek of aquila , symmachus , the septuagint and theodosion into one volume distinguisht by four columns , called tetrapla , to which he after added two more , one in hebrew , the other in greek characters , and called it his hexapla ; at last he joyned two other editions , and then called it octapla ; by them one might have compared the several greek editions together , and with the hebrew text. vide erasm. epist. l. . p. . it is manifest ( saith buxtorf ) that the most and best of his writings are lost . it was said of him , ubi benè nemo melius , ubi malè nemo pejus . quod attinet ad origenem , meacertè nihil interest quid ille senserit : quem scio theologum fuisse a●daciorem , quam saniorem . chamierus tomo . de s. trinitate . cap. . salmasius , whitaker , sixtus senensis , and others say , origen b was skilfull in the hebrew . he wrote so many books , that ierom saith , quis nostrum tanta potest legere , quanta ille conscripsit ? vir tantae fuit eruditionis & ingenii , ut ei parem doctissima graecia faelicissimorum ingeniorum parens , nunquam habuerit . sixtus senensis bibliothecae sanctae , l. . he saith much more there in his commendation . tantum in scripturas divinas habuerit studium , ut etiam hebraeam linguam contra aetatis gentisque suae naturam edisceret . hieronymus de viris illustribus . he lived a little after the year two hundred . augustine c for the latine church , and golden mouth'd chrysostom for the greek church , were most famous . he is abridged by theophylact. a father so ancient , so learned , so godly , so skilfull in the scriptures , saith rainolds of chrysostome . augustine for disputations , ierom for the tongues , gregory for morals . augustine , vir supra omnes , qui ante eum & post eum huc usque fuerunt mortales , admirabili ingenii acumine praeditus , omnibus liberalibus disciplinis instructus , divinis scripturis longè omnium eruditissimus , & in earum explanatione ultrà , quam dici queat , incomparabili subtilitate sublimis , omnes latinae ecclesiae scriptores scribendi labore , & l●cubrationum multitudine superavit . sixtus senensis bibl. sanct. l. . subtilissimus patrum augustinus . d. prideaux lectione . gregory nazianzen the learnedest of all the greek fathers , and firnamed the divine . d. featleys transubstantiation exploded . he lived about the year . chrysostomus habet nescio quid submolestae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gregorius nazianzenus nonnihil affectatae argutiae in verbis , in basilio nihil est quod off●ndi● . erasm. epist. l. . reginaldo polo . irenaeus ( saith capellus ) was almost the ancientest of all the fathers , whose genuine writings are extant . he was polycarpus his disciple , and lived about the year after christ. tertullian was one of the latine fathers most ancient , and very near the apostles , ●lourishing in the reign of severus the emperour , about two hundred years after christs birth , and not past one hundred after the death of iohn the evangelist . ierom being urged with his authority , said , de tertulliano nihil aliud respondeo , quam ecclesiae hominem illum non fuisse . in graecia celebres agnosco patres , clementem , athanasium , cyrillum & damascenum . montacutius analect . eccles. exercit , . sect . cyprian the martyr was of great authority amongst all for his holiness of life . dr hall cals lactantius , the christian cicero . ierom cals him eloquentiae tullianae fluvium . epist. ad paul. tom. . and m. selden de dis syris cals him politissimum patrum . he lived about the year . sententious tertullian , grave cyprian , resolute hierom , flowing chrysostome , divine ambrose , devout bernard , heavenly augustine . bishop hals th decade of epist. epist. . vide hieron . epist. ad paulinum de institutione monachi . one saith , he that looks upon the fathers works would think they did nothing but write ; he that looks on their devotions would think they did nothing but pray ; he that lookes on their learning would thinke they did nothing but reade . bernard was a worthy man in the corrupt age in which he lived , but bernardus non vidit omnia , say the papists . bernardum non admitto , utpote recentiorem , & longè post confirmatam romani pontificis tyranidem , scribentem ex more & errore sui temporis . chamier . de canone lib. . cap. . & cap. . danda venia bonis illis & sanctis patribus qui ignorantia linguarum multa saepe aliena à germana scriptura senserunt , pio alioquin attulerunt . . for prot●stant interpreters . calvin is not onely commended by our own writers , but by the very papists . i would content my self among the new writers with mr calvin , who performeth best of all others that which he of himself professeth , that a man in reading his expositions reapeth this benefit , that for the shortness he useth , he departeth not far from the text it self . cartw. letter to m. hildersham . calvin was the notablest instrument that the lord hath stirred up for the purging of his churches , and restoring of the plain and sincere interpretation of the scriptures , which hath been since the apostles times . cartw. reply to dr whitgift , in defence of the admonit . p. . name me one papist who preached so often , and wrote so accurately upon the holy scriptures , as calvin . dr featleys stricturae in lyndo-mastigem , c. . i so honour the judgement of reverend calvin , that i reckon him amongst the best interpreters of scripture , since the apostles left the earth . dr hals revelation unrevealed , p. . piscator hath done well in his scholia on all the bible . he follows iunius for the old testament , and beza for the new , and in his aphorisms he follows calvins institutions ▪ piae & venerabilis memoriae propter eruditionem textualem singularem , & sanctitatem parem , joan. piscator , saith dr twisse . bucer d also was an excellent divine . he hath written a two-fold exposition on all the psalms , one more large and paraphrastical , the other briefer and ad verbum . francis iunius e the very oracle of textual and scholastical divinity , as dr hall cals him , epist. . decad. . vatablus his annotations upon the old testament , and beza's on the new are commended by zanchy in his miscellanies : but arnoldus boot in his index autorum before his animadversiones sacrae , saith robert stephens , and not vatablus was the author of those scholia which are in vatablus his bible . doctus vatablus prae caeteris quos adhuc videre contigit omnibus , abstrusa quaequ● in psalmis explicuit ; partim suo sano judicio , partim doctissimorum hebraeorum testimonio : quem etiam admirandus calvinus studiose sequitur ferè ubique , quasi à sententia vatabli non tutum esset discedere . foord . in ps. . . quid hac phrasi denotetur optimè exposuit d. beza suis in novum testamentum nunquem satis laudatis notis . constantin . l'empereur in dan. . . see more of him in zanchies epistles . amama , paulus fagius , drusius , ludovicus capellus , livelie , cameron , ludovicus de dieu , have been great lights , and by their skill in the tongues , have excellently interpreted scripture . peter martyr , lavater , musculus , zanchy , paraeus , rollock , rivet are sound expositors . ex omnibus antiquis & recentioribus medullam variarum interpretationum , & circa eos disceptationem collegit willetus in hexaplis ad genesin , exodum , leviticum , danielem , epistolam ad romanos ( in libros samuelis sibi dissimilis est , & compendio atque alia plane methodo commentatur ) optandum esset telam illam à willeto tam foeliciter coeptam , eadem methodo in reliquos scripturae libros pertexi . voetius biblioth . theol. lib. . cap. . . for popish expositors . aquinas f is esteemed by the papists as the oracle of the romish school , g whom for his profound learning and search into the mysteries of all divinity they sirnamed * angelical . he was the first thorow-papist of name that ever wrote , and with his rare gifts of wit , learning and industry did set out popery most . maximo & altissimo ingenio vir , cui ad plenam absolutamque totius tam divinae , quam humanae eruditionis gloriam solus defuit linguarum & eloquentiae usus , quem eruditi istius saeculi , utpote sublimioribus studiis intenti , neglexere . sixtus senensis . vide plura ibid. luther on gen. . chiefly commends lyra for following the literal sense . nicolau● lyranus , vir tanta tamque pura , vera & germana sacrae scripturae scientia praeditiu , ut in illa exponenda nullum habeat illius temporis parem . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . praelect . . vide plura tom. . praelect . . he was a jew converted . ex antiquioribus tanquam universales & communes commentatores habiti fuerunt lyranus & glossa . voetius in biblioth . theol. jansenius eruditus & moderatus a interpres . neque pontificiorum quisquam doctius interpretatus est evangelicam historiam . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . praelect . . cajetane went over all the scripture , b saving the canticles and prophets , which dying he left begun , and the revelation , quam de industria attingere noluit . he was both a learned and moderate papist , as chamier and whitaker both shew . he was chiefly intent on the literal sense , c and that according to the hebrew truth , of which tongue he had little knowledge , but had by him those that were skill'd in the hebrew , who would interpret ad verbum , not onely exactly , but superstitiously , and often absurdly , which often drew the like expositions from the cardinal . tostatus was admirable for his deep skill and almost incredible pains in interpreting holy scripture . there are now five papists joyned together in several volumes on the whole scripture , immanuel sa , estius , gagneius , tirinus and menochius ; the last of which grotius commends in his preface to his annotations on the old testament . estius doth excellently on all the epistles . the commentaries of immanuel sa the jesuite upon the bible , are shorter then the text it self . familiam ducant inter commentatores jansenius & maldonatus . montac . analecta exercit. . sect. . maldonate doth well on the evangelists , but was a most supercilious writer ; and no marvel , since he was for his countrey a spaniard d , and his profession a jesuite . masius e hath written learnedly on ioshua . quanta vir ille linguae graecae , sed praesertim hebraicae , rabbinicae , & syriacae cognitione fuerit imbutus , nemini docto opinor incognitum . morinus lib. . exercitat . . c. . & exercit . . c. . andraeas masius linguae hebraicae & syriacae peritissimus , atque in lectione rabbinica egregiè exercitatus . the popish postils are the burden of many camels ( as lipsius speaks of the books of the law ) and are sitly stiled by godly divines , pigrorum pulvinaria . vide zepperi artem habendi & andiendi conciones sacras . lib. . cap. . pag. , . &c. ministers to all the means formerly mentioned for the interpreting of scripture , must adde a conscionable practice of what they know , and must in all humblenesse of minde seek the peoples edification . the means to be used by the people , to understand the scripture , and finde out the sense and meaning of it . . if they be learned , they may make use of most of the former means prescribed to ministers . . such as are unskilfull , and know not how to make use of those means , are . diligently to read the scripture , in which are to be considered , . antecedent preparation , that they come to the reading and study of the scriptures with prayers and greatest reverence , relying on the divine promises for the inlightening of their minds by the holy ghost . the scripture may well be called the revelation of christ , rev. . . see rev. . . . the adjuncts of reading , which are , . chiefest attention in reading , and a pious disposition and spiritual frame of the heart , that they may not understand only , but cordially affect what they understand . . application of all things to the examination , correction , and amendment of their own lives . . diligent meditation . . conferring of it with others , and catechizing . . they ought to have recourse to those that are more skilfull then themselves , and to consult with the best commentaries and expositions of the scripture , and reade them judiciously . we teach concerning our means , that they all together do make a perfect way whereby we may finde the right sense of the scripture . our adversaries prescribe this method and course to be taken in expounding of scripture , which consists in four rules : the general practice of the church , the consonant interpretation of the fathers , the decrees of general councels ; lastly , the rule of faith consisting partly of the scriptures , partly of traditions unwritten . in all these means the pope is implicitely understood , for the rule of faith is that which the pope approves : the practice of the church is that which the pope observes , the interpretation of the fathers is that which the pope follows , the determination of councels , what the pope confirms ; so that the pope must interpret all scripture . but divers reasons may be alledged to shew that the true interpretation of scripture is not to be sought for from the popes of rome . . because the popes of rome have frequently and grosly erred in interpreting of scripture , as in rom. . . those that are in the flesh cannot please god ; that is , those that are married , said siricius the pope . innocent so expounded those words , iohn . unlesse you eat the flesh of the son of man , and drink his bloud , you shall have no life in you ; that he thence concluded , that there is no salvation without receiving the eucharist , and that it is to be given to infants . pope boniface interpreted luke . . of the temporall and spirituall sword delivered to the pope . . because the popes of rome doe differ among themselves in interpreting of scripture , as matth. . . some popes say rightly that by the rock , christ , or the confession of faith given by peter concerning christ , is meant ; others interpret it of the person of peter the apostle , others expound it to be the romane seat or chair . . because many of the popes of rome have not only erred , but been grosse and wicked hereticks ▪ liberius the pope about the year was an arian , and subscribed to the unjust condemnation of athanasius , and afterward as an obstinate heretick was deposed . honorius the first was a monoth●lite , he held that christ had but one will , and so but one nature , and for this heresie was condemned in three general councels . some popes were atheists , as leo the tenth , who called the gospel fabulam de christ● . one cals the pope that great heteroclite in religion ; another saith , the pope is the worst of cardinals , who are the worst of priests , who are the worst of papists , who are the worst of christians . that the general consent of fathers is no good rule for interpreting scriptures , see ia●●●us laurentius his singular tractate entituled reverentia eccles. rom. erga s. pat. veteres subdola artic. . & proposit. . in his auctarium he proves , that the protestants do more esteem the fathers then the papists and jesuites . for councels . gregory the pope equalizeth the four first general councels to the four gospels , not in respect of authority , but in respect of the verity of the articles defined in them : he saith not , they could as little erre , but they did as little erre in their decisions ; or to speak more properly , that their doctrine was as true as gospel , because the determinations in those first general councels against hereticks , are evidently deduced out of holy scriptures . dr featley's stricturae in lyndomastigem concerning the sac. for if these four general councels be of equal authority with the four gospels , the popes authority ( as papists say ) being above the authority of the councels , it followeth , that his authority is greater then the evangelists ; then which what can be more blasphemously spoken ? we say , the true interpretation of scripture is not to be sought from general councels . first , because even universal councels have erred ; the chalcedonian councel , g one of the four so much magnified by pope gregory in rashly preferring the constantinopolitane church before that of alexandria and antioch . those that condemned christ were then the universal visible church , matth. . . iohn . . see act. . . secondly , general councels have been opposite one to another , that of constance to the other of basil ; whereof one setteth down , that councels could erre , and so also the pope , and that a councel was above the pope ; the other affirmeth the quite contrary . thirdly , there were no general councels after the apostles for three hundred years till the first councel of nice , when yet the church had the true sense of the scriptures . fourthly , the general councels interpreted scripture by scripture , as athanasius and ambrose teach concerning the first councel of nice . fifthly , because they cannot be so easily celebrated to declare any doubtfull sense of scripture . they have expounded but few places of scripture , neither is it likely the pope will assemble them to expound the rest . the papists say , that the scripture ought to be expounded by the rule of faith , and therefore not by scripture only . but the rule of faith and scripture is all one . as the scriptures are not of man , but of the spirit ; so their interpretation it not by man , but of the spirit like wise . let councels , fathers , h churches , give their sense of the scripture , its private , if it be not the sense and interpretation of the spirit . let a private man give the true sense of the scripture it s not private , because its divine ; the sense of the holy ghost , and private , in pet. . . is not opposed to publick , but to divine ; and the words are to be read , no scripture is of a mans own interpretation ; that is , private , contrary to divine . the word is interpreted aright , by declaring , . the order , . the summe or scope . . the sense of the words , which is done by framing a rhetorical and logical analysis of the text. in giving the sense , three rules are of principal use and necessity to be observed . . the literal and largest sense of any words in scripture must not be imbraced farther , when our cleaving thereunto would breed some disagreement and contrariety between the present scripture , and some other text or place , else shall we change the scripture into a nose of wax . . in case of such appearing disagreement , the holy ghost leads us by the hand to seek out some distinction , restriction , limitation or figure for the reconcilement thereof , and one of these will alwayes fit the purpose ; for gods word must always bring perfect truth , it cannot fight against it self . . such figurative sense , limitation , restriction or distinction must be sought out , as the word of god affordeth either in the present place , or some other ; and chiefly those that seem to differ with the present text , being duly compared together . the end of the first book . the second book . of god. chap. i. that there is a god. having handled the scripture , which is principium cognoscendi , in divinity , i now proceed to treat of god , a who is principium essendi ; or thus , the scripture is the rule of divinity , god and his works are the matter or parts of divinity . this doctrine is , . necessary , . because man was made for that end , that he might rightly acknowledge and worship b god , love and honor him . . it is the end of all divine revelation , iohn . . . to be ignorant of god is a great misery ; being alienated from the life of god through the ignorance that is in them . . profitable , our welfare and happiness consists in the knowledge of god , ier. . . iohn . . the knowledge of god in the life to come , is called the beatifical vision . . difficult ; god being infinite , and our understanding finite ; betwixt which two there is no proportion ; who knows the things of god , save the spirit of god ? a created understanding can no more comprehend god , then a vial glass can contain the waters of the sea . his wisdom is unsearchable , rom. . iob . . and . . the holy fathers thought no word lawful concerning god , which he hath not in his holy word granted us to use . euclide answered very fitly to one asking many things concerning the gods , coetera quidem nescio , illud scio , quod odêre curiosos . simonides being asked by hiero , what god was , required some days time to be given him to think of it , and as many more at the end of them , still doubling his time for inquiry ; till at last being by hiero asked a reason of his delays , he answered him , because ( saith he ) quò magis inquiro , ●ò minus invenio , how much the more i inquire , the less i understand . the glorified saints in heaven , though they know god to their own perfection , being spirits of just men made perfect , yet they shall never know god to his perfection : none but god himself can know god perfectly , iohn . . tim. . . tunc enim dicitur aliquid comprehendi , quando pervenitur ad finem cognitionis ipsius , & hoc est quando res cognoscitur ita perfectè , sicut cognoscibilis est . aquinas , part . . quaest. . art. . qui prè infinita prosequitur et si non contingat aliquando , tamen proficiet prodeundo . h●l . de trin. l. . we know god per viam eminentiae , negationis , causationis . . all perfection which we apprehend must be ascribed unto god , and that after a more excellent manner then can be apprehended , as that he is in himself , by himself , and of himself ; that he is one , true , good , and holy . . we must remove from him all imperfections whatsoever ; he is simple , eternal , infinite , unchangeable . . he is the supreme cause of all , ier. . . there is a threefold knowledge of god. . an implanted knowledge , which is in every mans conscience , a natural ingrafted principle about god , o anima naturaliter christiana ! said tertullian , apologet. c. . . an acquired knowledge by the creatures , psal. . . that is the great book , in every page thereof we may behold the deity . praesentemque refert quaelibetherba deum . . revealed knowledge of faith , spoken of heb. . . and this is onely sufficient to salvation . the heathens had the knowledge of god in a confused manner , they might know there was a god , and that he was to be worshipped , but could not learn who god was , or what kinde of god he was , and how to be worshipped tim. . . rom. . , . and . . a practical knowledge , v. . which shew the work of the law written in their hearts , not the gracious writing promised in the covenant ; the light of nature is not sufficient to bring men d to salvation , onely in ludah is god known , psal. . , . and ● . . see iohn . . and ● . . ephes. . , . the heathens might know gods nature and attributes , that he was the creator of the world , that by his providence he did preserve and rule all things , but they could not by the most industrious use of all natures helps , attain unto any the least knowledge of god , as he is mans redeemer in christ ; they know not the truth as it is in jesus , ephes. . . vide barlow exercitat . metaphys . de deo exercit . . in god we will consider : . his nature . . his works . in his nature two things are considerable . . that he is . . what he is . that god is , is the most manifest , clear , evident , ungainsayable truth in the world . it is the first verity , and the principal verity ; from which all other truth hath its original ; and it is the foundation of all true goodness and religion truly to believe it ; so saith the author to the hebrews , he that cometh to god , to do him any service , or to receive any benefit from him , must believe , that is , be firmly and undoubtedly perswaded , that god is . some think this is a needless subject to treat of , but it is necessary : . because the most universal and incurable disease of the world is atheism , psal. . . fond surmises are wont to grow in the hearts of all , where religion is not setled : foundation-stones indeed cannot be guarded so much by argument as divine testimony . . supreme truths should be laid up in the greatest certainty ; if the principles of religion were firmly assented to , confidence would follow of its own accord . . it is good often to revive this truth of the being of god : the forgetfulness of god is a kinde of denial of him , psal . . and . by a god , we mean an essence better then all other things , and before all other things , and of whom all other things are ; such a first essence is god , and such an essence there must needs be ; neither is any thing of absolute necessity but this one thing , even the divine essence . reasons to confirm this , that there is a god , are taken from authority or testimony , and reason . the testimonies are , . of god himself . . the creature . . general of all men . . particular of each mans conscience . reasons may be drawn from two chief places ; viz. the effects and the contrary . the effects are either , . ordinary , and those : . natural , both general , the making and preserving of the world ; and special , the framing or maintaining of each man or other like creature in the world . . civil , the upholding and altering the states of kingdomes , and particular countreys . . extraordinary , miracles . arguments from the contrary are two : . the being of the devils . . the slightness of the reasons brought to disprove this truth or to shew the contrary . though no man can prove â causa , why there should be a god , yet every man may collect ab effectu , that there is a god : by that wisdom , which we see to have been in the making ; that order in the governing , and that goodness in the preserving and maintaining of the world . all which prove as effectually , that there needs must be a god ; as either warming or burning , that the fire must needs be hot . that there is a god , is proved . . by testimony . . by reason . . by the testimony of god c himself , he that testifieth of himself , either by word or writing , is . god hath written a book to us , in which he affirms of himself that he is ; every page almost , and line of scripture point to god. he begins his book with himself , saying , in the beginning god made heaven and earth . he concludes this book with himself , saying , if any man shall take ought from this prophecie , god shall take away his part out of the book of life . in every particular prophecie , he testifieth the same thing , saying , thus saith the lord. . by the general testimony of all men , by the universal and constant consent of all nations in the world , rom. . . it is called a law written in their hearts ; all publikely confess and profess their belief of god ; we never read nor heard any so barbarous and uncivil , which acknowledged not a deity . there is no history which sheweth the manners of any people , but sheweth also their religion . all commonwealths had always something which they worshipped , and called in their language god ; this principle is written by god himself in the table of every mans soul. that which is written in the hearts of all men , which with one mouth all acknowledge , must needs be a truth , seeing it is the voyce of reason it self . munster in his cosmography , and orteli●s in his theatrum orbis , have delivered unto us not onely a cosmographical description of all countreys , but also a tropographical description of their manners , yet neither of them hath noted any nation to be without all religion , f none to be profest in atheism . idolatry it self ( as calvin observes in his institutions ) is hujus conceptionis amplum documentum , a sufficient testimony of a deity , men will rather have false gods then none , and worship any thing then nothing . hinc , quod homines naturaliter hanc propositionem tenent , deus est , nata est omnis idololatria , quae sine cognitione divinitatis non venisset in mundum , lutherus in cap. . ad galat. see isa. . , . porrum & caepe nefas violare ac frangere morsu . o sanctas gentes , quibus haec nascuntur in hortis . numina — iuvenal . satyr . . pythagoras , plato , and all the poets began their works with gods name . a iove principium musae . socinus affirms , that there are whole countreys found at this day , which have no sense or suspition of a deity ; which is very false , for god never suffered the gentiles so to walk in their own ways , as to leave himself without all witness among them . acts . , . the very canibals are found to believe the immortality of souls , and highly to prize their priests . the heathens lifted up their eyes & hands to heaven in any distress that came upon them . see iohn ▪ vide lud. viu . de ver . fid. christ. l. . c. . & voss. de orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. . rom. . , . acts . , . . by the particular testimony of each mans conscience . gen. . , . conscience * proclaims a law in every heart , and denounceth a punishment for the breach of gods law. conscience is a natural ability of discerning the condition and state of our actions . whether good or bad ; and that not alone in respect of men , but of some other thing above men ; for when one hath done things unlawful , though such as no man can accuse us of , because no man doth know ; yet then he is accused and tormented , then he hath something in him threatning , arraigning , accusing and terrifying ; a deputy of god , sitting within him , and controlling him ; a man must therefore confess , there is a higher power and supreme judge , to whom that conscience of his is an officer . that which the conscience of every man beareth witness unto , is sure a truth , for that is a thousand witnesses . the fears of an ill conscience , the joy and security of a good conscience proves this , that there is a god , a revenger of sins , and a rewarder of vertues , nero having killed his mother agrippina , confessed that he was often troubled with her ghost . caligula at the least thunder and lightning would cover his head , and hide himself under his bed ; whence statius saith — primus in orbe deos fecit timor ; on the contrary paul and silas could sing , and peter could sleep securely in prison ; david could triumphantly rejoyce in god , in the greatest dangers , sam. . . austine calls peace of conscience , the souls paradise ; and solomon● continual feast , prov. . . — hic murus aheneus ●sto , nil conscire sibi , nulla pallescere culpa * . . divers reasons may be brought to prove that there is a god , from the effects and the contrary . from his effects ordinary . extraordinary . . ordinary , natural . civil . . natural . . general , the creation and preservation of the world . . creation , or making all things . the world must needs be eternal , or must be made by it self , or by some thing which was before it self ; and therefore also was far better then it self ; but it could not make it self , for what maketh , worketh ; what worketh , is ; but what is made , is not till it be made : now nothing can be , and not be at the same time ; for both the parts of a contradiction can never be true together ; neither could it be eternal , for a thing compounded of parts , must needs have those parts united together by some other thing beside it self , and above it self ; and if they be compounded wisely , artificially , strongly and excellently , by some wise , strong and excellent worker , it is inimagible how each of these parts , being not reasonable , should come together of themselves ; therefore sure there was some worker , which did so handsomly dispose and order them ; and this worker must needs have a being , before he could so work , and therefore also before the conjunction of them ; and so things in such sort made by composition of parts , could not be eternal , for that neither hath , nor can have any thing before it ; therefore it must needs be made by some thing which was capable of being from eternity . what is eternal ; is of it self what is of it self is god ; the world is not god , because the parts of it are corruptible , therefore it is not eternal ; and what is finite in quantity , cannot be infinite in continuance . it could not be made by any creature in it ; for the part cannot possibly make the whole , because it is of far less vertue then the whole , and because it hath its being in and of the whole ; wherefore it must needs be made by some thing better then it self , which is no part of it self , and that is no other then god ; so the making of the world proves a god. what created the world , is , and is better then the world , and before the world , and above all creatures in the world : god created the world . when we see the glorious frame of heaven and earth ; the excellency , magnitude and multitude of natural things , the beautiful order and harmony , so great variety , we cannot but conclude that there is a god , who made and ordereth all these things . . the preservation and continuance of the world in that order which we see , maketh it manifest , that there is a god which preserveth and ordereth it , heb. . . for either it must be preserved , ruled and ordered by it self ; or by some more excellent thing then it ; not by it self ; for what could not make it self , cannot of it self keep and uphold it self , seeing no less power is required to its continuation then to its constitution ; for it could not continue , if each of the parts did not so work as to help and uphold the other in some respect or other . now these several parts could not so work for one common end , if they were not guided thereto by some common and understanding guide , which were acquainted with , and had power over each of them , therefore it hath one ruler and upholder . that which is effected by the constant , orderly and subordinate working of innumerable particulars for one common end , whereof no one of them hath any knowledge or acquaintance , must needs be wrought by some common ruler and governor which knows the motion and working of each , and rules all , and each to that end in their several motions . what upholds the world is ; but god upholds the world , therefore he is . . this is aquinas his reason , natural bodies which want knowledge , work for a certain end , because they frequently work after the same manner ; therefore there must be a minde , understanding and governing all things , and directing them to that special and chief end . the whole world doth aptly conspire together for the attaining of one end , the good and benefit of man. all creatures incline to their proper operations , the stone down-ward , the fire upward , the seasons of the year constantly follow each other . . particular effects , the framing and maintaining of each creature in the world ; the heavens and man especially ; these two were most artificially made , as the scripture shews . the psalmist calls the heavens , the works of gods fingers , psal. . because they were made with greatest ease and with exquisite art , heb. . . whose builder ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 artifex ) is god , speaking of the heavens . david spends the psalm in admiring gods goodness to him , in the framing of his body , there is a multitude of members , and they have distinct offices , and one member sympathizeth with another , i am fearfully and wonderfully made , ver . . curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth : the hebrew word is very emphatical , it signifieth embroidered , or wrought with a needle , that is cunningly wrought with nerves , veins ▪ arteries . galen upon the contemplation of the admirable workmanship in the body of man , breaketh out into an hymn , in the praise of him that made g him . the infusing of the soul , eccles. . . and sustaining the infant in the womb ( where it cannot breath ) and the taking it out of the womb , are wonderful , psal. . . and . . . the creation of the heavens proves , that there is a god. the largeness , roundness , pureness , solidness , the continual and constant motion of the heavens ; doth excellently declare the glory of god. the very name of astronomy ( whose object is the motion of the heavenly orbs and stars ) in exact signification importeth that the stars observe a law * in their motion ; which law is given unto them onely by god himself , who is their true law-giver . suidas affirmeth , that even abraham himself was first occasioned , to seek after god by considering the motion of the stars ; for he being by nation a chaldean , ( who , as aristotle observeth , are naturally given to that kinde of contemplation ) and observing in their motion a wonderful order and variety , and yet no less a constancy , he presently collected that these strange revolutions were directed and guided by some god. the sun is a representative god , the brightness of his beams shews the majesty of god ; his influence , the omnipresence of god ; his indefatigable motion , the eternity of god. . the creation of man proves this truth , that there is a god. . a man may reason from his own framing in the womb , and preserving in the world . man is framed in the womb , by some most noble , wise , and excellent workman . the parents frame him not there , for they know nothing of his framing , neither when , nor how he was so formed ; therefore some more excellent thing then a man did frame him there , and doth daily and hourly frame other men ; and that is a wise worker , which is alike wise and potent in all places of the world at all times ; seeing there is something more excellent then man which hath set down this order for producing of men , and so a god . the nobility and excellency of the soul , sheweth plainly , that it is of divine original ; h it being spiritual and incorporeal , could not but proceed from that which is incorporeal . the effects cannot be toto genere better then the cause ▪ divers works are done by man , arts invented , zach. . . the immortality of the soul proves that there is a god , the soul is quick and lively , when the body is sick and dying . . the being and preservation of each particular man. each particular man in the world , may reason from his own being thus ; either there must be an infinite number of men ▪ or else there must be a first man , which was the beginning of all men ; but an infinite number of particular men is not possible , seeing there can be no infinite number at all ; for every number begins with an unity , and is capable of being made greater by the addition of an unity ; therefore there cannot be an infinite number of particular men . therefore we must come to some first man , and that first man could not make himself , nor be made by any inferior thing to it self ; therefore it must be made by some thing more excellent then it self ; viz. one infinite thing , from which all particulars had their original . . god is manifested in the consciences of men , as was touched before : . by the ministry of the word , by which he powerfully worketh on their consciences . . by the inward checks of conscience after sin committed . . in the godly , sam. . . and sam. . . in the wicked , matth , . , , . . civil effects . states and kingdoms consist , and are governed by a few magistrates and rulers . there are innumerable more men , that wish and desire the overthrow and ruine of the state , then that would live under government , and be subject to order . this effect must have some cause , either the wisdom and goodness of the governed , or of the governors , or of some higher cause then they both . now it cannot be attributed to the wisdom of the governors , as being often times foolish , and men of mean understanding , at the best , such as cannot prevent the conspiracies of those under them : nor yet doth it arise from the goodness of the persons governed , most of which most times are wicked , and unwilling to come under government : therefore it must be of god ; that is , a common superior which holds all in awe . . extraordinary effects , miracles . there is a work of miracles , for all stories both of scripture , and other countreys , do agree in relating divers ▪ miracles . now the worker of a miracle , is he that can lift nature off the hinges , as it were , and set it on again , as seemeth best to himself ; and therefore is above the course of nature , and the commander of the course of nature , and so is the author of all things under himself , under nothing ; and that is none but god. the certain and plain predictions of future contingents long afore , whose events could by no wit of man , be either gathered from their causes , or conjectuced from their signs . miracles are wrought beyond , and above the course of nature ; therefore some supreme power must work them . secondly , arguments may be drawn from the contrary , to prove that there is a god. reasons , from the contrary are two : . from the being of devils . there is a devil , an enemy to god , which sets himself against god ; and desires , and strives , and prevails in many places , to be worshipped as god ; therefore it must needs be there is a god , to whom the service and honor is due , of being confessed and adored as god ; which these do unduly affect and seek . again , the devil is a creature for strength , wisdom , nimbleness , able to destroy all mankinde quickly , and out of his malice and fury very willing to do it . yet he cannot do it , it is not done ; of this restraint there is some cause , therefore there must be something , which over-commands , and over-rules him , and that can be no other then a god ; that is , something of higher power , and in wisdom far beyond him . now there are devils , it is apparant by the horrible temptations , which are cast into the hearts of men , quite against and beyond their natural inclinations , as blasphemous suggestions , and as appeareth by the practices of conjurers and witches , who practise with the devil ; and of those countreys which worship him instead of god. vide lod. viu . de ver. fid. christ. l. . c. . . from the slightness of the reasons brought to disprove this truth , or to shew the contrary . the reasons produced to shew there is no god , are fond and weak ; and what is opposed alone by weak and false reasons is a truth . . if there were a god , some man should see him , and sensibly converse with him . this is a brutish reason , what cannot be seen is not , then man hath no soul : god is above sense , more excellent then to be discerned by so poor , weak and low a thing as sense is . . god daily makes himself , after a sort , visible to men by his works . . if there were a god , he would not suffer wicked men to prosper , and oppose better men then themselves ; nor himself to be so blasphemed as he is . those things that to us seem most unjust and unfit , if we could see the whole tenor of things , from the beginning to the ending , would appear just and wise . look on the whole story of ioseph , and then it is a rich peice . all divine religion ( say the atheists ) is nothing else but an humane invention , artifically excog●tated to keep men in aw ; and scriptures are but the device of mans brain , to give assistance to magistrates in civil government . this objection strikes at the root and heart of all religion , and opposeth two main principles at once : . that there is a god. . that the scripture is the word of god , which though it be but a meer idle fiction ; yet it prevailed too much with some learned men . tullie and seneca were the chief patrons of that conceit , tha● religion is no better then an humane invention . . religion is almost as ancient as man ; when there were but three men in the world , we read that two of them offered up their sacrifices unto god. . the universality of religion , declareth that it is not a humane invention , but a divine impression ; yea , and a divinity-lesson of gods own heavenly teaching . lactantius accompteth religion to be the most proper and essential difference between a man and a beast . . the perpetuity of religion proveth also that it was planted by god. for the second part of the objection about the scriptures , i answer : nothing is more repugnant to prudence and policy . what policy was it in the old testament , to appoint circumcision , to cut a poor childe , as soon as he comes into world ? two and twenty thousand ox●n ▪ and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep were spent by solomon , at the dedication of one altar . to slaughter so many oxen and sheep ( such useful creatures ) was enough to bring a famine . they were to give away the seventh part of their time to god. christ was not the son of the emperor augustus , to commend him to the grandees of the world , but the supposed son of a poor carpenter ; a star leads the wise men to a stable , though that shined gloriously without , yet there was nothing within , but what was base and contemptible . christ fell on the pharisees , the great doctors , mat. ● . called them fools and blinde , and threatned them with hell ; he cryed down the ceremonial law , the ministry which had been practised divers hundred years ; the jews were naturally tenacious of their customs , christ chose silly unlearned men to propagate the gospel . nothing crosseth humane wisdom more , then the whole scripture from the beginning to the end . martin fortherby i bishop of salisbury , ( who wrote atheomastix ) addes another reason , to prove that there is a god , and it is taken from the grounds of arts : there is no art ( saith he ) neither liberal nor illiberal , but it cometh from god , and leadeth to god. . from metaphysicks he urgeth , that the bounding of all natural bodies , is the work of god ; to be unlimitted and boundless , is onely the prerogative of the maker of all things . every finite body being thus limited , must needs have those bounds prescribed unto it by some other thing , and not by it self . for every thing by nature , seeking to inlarge it self as far as it is able ; if it had the setting of its own bounds , it would set none at all , but would be as infinite as god himself is , who hath the setting of limits unto all things . who could circumscribe all things within their limits , but onely god himself , who is both the maker and ruler of all things ? psal. . . iob . . . from philosophy . every thing that is , must needs have a cause , and nothing can be the cause of it self , and among all the causes , there can be but one first and principal cause ; which is the true cause of all the rest , and of all those effects which proceed from all of them : then the first cause can be nothing else but god ; for what can that be , which giveth being unto all things , but onely god ? . all motion depends on some mover , the motion of subluna●y things depend ▪ on the motion of the heavens , and their motion must needs be caused by some supreme first mover . therefore we must necessarily come at last to some first mover , which is moved of no other , and that is god. this was the common argument of plato , aristotle , and all the best philosophers . every thing hath a peculiar end appointed , whereunto it is directed by nature ( as the bird to build her nest , and the fox to make his den ) the director of nature her self herein must be something above nature , which is god. ▪ others adde these reasons to prove that there is a god : . the heroick motions and prosperous success of some famous men in undertaking and acting those things which exceed the common capacity of humane nature ; the gifts of minde in aristotle , achilles , alexander . . the hainous punishments inflicted on particular men , families and kingdoms for great offences , some of which were wonderfully brought to execution , when by their power and subtilty they thought they could escape the magistrates sword. . there are vertues and vices , therefore there must be some law : there can be no eternal reason in the things themselves . if we speak of atheists strictly and properly , meaning such as have simply denied all deity , and denied it constantly , tullies sentence is most true , that there was never any such creature in the world , as simply and constantly to deny god. the name of an atheist in this sense , is nomen ociosum ; a name without a ●●ing . if we speak of atheists in a larger sense , for such as have openly ( though not constantly ) denied the divinity , of such professed atheists , there have not been past two or three . if we speak of atheists in the largest sense , meaning such as denied gods providence , justice , goodness , though they have done it but weakly , rather upon some suddain passion , then any settled resolution , their number hath scarcely amounted to a score , i mean of such open atheists , as have made any publike profession of their atheism , though but even in these secondary points . those atheists that denied a god , spake what they wished , rather then what they thought , or else they opposed the heathenish gods , or to shew their a wit ▪ diagoras ( the chiefest of them ) did b potius gentilium d●os r●dere , quam deum negare : he rather derided false gods , then denied the true ; 〈…〉 he was not a meer atheist , appeareth in that he thus began his p●em● quod a numine su●●no reguntur omnia . it is reported of him , that at the first he was very devout , and a great worshipper of the gods , but having committed some certain money unto a friends keeping , and afterwards demanding it again , his friend loath ●o forego such a booty , forswore that he had received any , whom when diagoras●aw ●aw , notwithstanding his horrible perjury , to thrive and prosper , and no divine judgement to fall upon him , he presently turned atheist , and enemy to the gods , and then labored by all means to bring other men to like impieties . athenians also condemned protagoras for an atheist ; yet not for denying god , but for seeming to doubt of him : because in the beginning of his book he propoundeth this probleme , de diis quidem statuere nequeo ; neque an sint , necn● . for this the athenians banished him , and decreed , that his books should be publiquely burned . theodorus ( who for his notable prophanenesse was sirnamed atheos ) though at the first he was noted of c atheism , yet at the last he fell into autotheism , professing himself a god , as laertius reporteth ; though carrying god in the name , he was an atheist in his opinion , saith fuller in his prophane state of this theodorus . a pope * dying said , now i shall be resolved of three things , . whether there be a god ; . whether the soul be immortal ; . whether there be an heaven and hell. some indirectly deny god by denying his providence , as epi●urus , who denied not gods essence , but only his providence . he granted that there was a god , though he thought him to be such an one as did neither evil nor good . but god sitteth not idle in heaven , regarding nothing that is done upon the earth ( as the epicure conceiteth ) he is a most observing god , and will reward and punish men according to their actions . first , this serves to blame and condemn the miserable corruption of our evil hearts , which are so farre over-run with atheism ; though this be the very first truth which god hath engraven into the soul of a man , that there is a god , yet we weakly hold this conclusion ; for all sinne may and must be resolved into the ignorance of god and atheism ; haereticus disputat contra fidem , malus christianus vivit contra fidem . a●g . we should be humbled for our thoughts of atheism , for saying in our hearts th●t there is no god ; the devil in judgement never was an atheist , because of the sense he hath of gods wrath , iam. . we should take notice of , and bewail this foul vice . there are few atheists in opinion , more in affection , and most of all in life and conversation , titus . . we should beware of opinions and practices that strike at the being of god : . opinions that tend directly to atheism : . to think men may be saved in all religions , ephes. . . micah . . . to deny the particular providence of god , and exempt humane actions from his determination . . to hold the mortality of the soul. . practices which seem most contrary to the being of god , . hypocrisie , that is a real blasphemy , revel . . . psa. . , , . an hypocrite denies gods omniscience and omnipresence . . epicurism , this comes from and tends to atheism , psal. . . scoffing in matters of religion , and applying of scriptures to prophane occasions , pet. . . secondly , we should oppose this atheism , and labour to grow more and more in the knowledge of god , and to strengthen our faith in this principle . that god is ; meditate and ponder of his works , and be perfect in those lessons which the common book of nature teacheth , pray to god to clear the eye of our minde , and to imprint a right knowledge of himself in us ; the papist is a make-god , and the atheist is a mock-god ; the papist deludeth his conscience , and the atheist derideth his conscience ; popery comforteth the flesh , and atheism suppresseth the spirit . as the heathen emperors took upon them the title d of god , so doth the pope , dominus deus noster papa . his decrees and canons are called oracles ; oracle signifieth the answer of god , rom. . . and . . and his decretal epistles are equalled to the canonical epistles . deal with thy heart , as iunius his father dealt with him : he seeing his son was atheistical , he laid a bible in every room , that his son could look in no room , but behold a bible haunted him , upbraiding him , wilt thou not reade me atheist ? wilt thou not reade me ? and so at last he read it , and was converted from his atheism . the often meditating in the scriptures will ( through gods blessing ) settle us in these two great principles , . that there is a god ; . that the scripture is the word of god ; that god which made heaven and earth is the only true god ; we must beleeve that this god which we reade of in scripture is the only true e god ; so it is not enough to believe there is a god , but that f the scipture of the old and new testament is the word of god. chap. ii. what god is . in him consider , first , his nature . secondly , his works . in his nature two things are considerable : first , his essence . secondly , the distinction of persons in that essence . . of gods essence . god is an infinite essence which is of himself a , and gives being to all other things : or thus , he is a spirit , in and of himself , infinite in being , glory , blessedn●sse and perfection , all-sufficient , eternal , unchangeable , incomprehensib●● ▪ every where present , almighty , knowing all things , most wise , most holy , most just , most merciful and gracious , long-suffering and abundant in goodness and truth ▪ so the assembly in their larger catechism . some things have their being wholly in another , as accidents , whitenesse in the wall , wisdom in the minde . . some things have a being by themselves not inhering in another , as substances , which are of two sorts : . bodily substances , which have dimensions , length , breadth and thicknesse , possessing a place by commensuration of parts . . spiritual , freed from dimensions and from all circumscription of place ; god is not an accident , that is , the most weak and imperfect being , nearest to a not being , and most easily reduced into nothing , as if the grasse and flower fade , then the colour and fashion of it cometh soon to nothing . god is not in any other thing , but all things are in him . god is a spirit , a being void of all dimensions , circumscriptions , and divisiblenesse of parts . other spirits are compounded of substance and accidents at least , and exist in a place by limitation of essence by which they are here and not there ; but god is an essence altogether simple and immaterial , utterly free from all manner of composition any way , in whom are no qualities , nor any limitation of essence . he is a spiritual , simple , and immaterial essence . his essence is substantial , an essence which hath a being in it self , not in another , simply and wholly immateriall ( he is one most pure b and meer act ) but incomprehensible , goes quite beyond our knowledge , so that we cannot comprehend his essence , nor know it as it is . he only perfectly knows himself , but he may be known in some sort . . by his names . . by his attributes . the word god is attributed . first , properly to him who is essentially god , isa. . . ● cor. . . and either personally , commonly , without a determination of a certain person , iohn . . or singularly to some one person by a synecdoche , iohn . . acts . . tim. ▪ . secondly , improperly to those which by nature are not god , cor. . . gal. . . and that n●me is given to these , either from gods ordination , for the dignity and excellency of their office , as to angels , psal. . . to magistrates , psal. . . to moses , exod. . or from their own unjust usurpation , as to the devil , who is called the god of the world , cor. . . or from the erroneous perswasion of men , as to idols , cor. . , . for the ten hebrew names of god ( having handled them in another * place ) i shall say but li●tle of them here . the name iehovah , iah , ehejeh , signifie gods perfect , absolute and simple being of and by himself . . such a being as giveth being to other things , and upon whom they depend . . such a god as is true and constant in his promises , ready to make good whatsoever he hath spoken . his names el , elohim , schaddai , adonai , signifie a god all-sufficient in himself , strong and powerful , able to blesse , protect and punish . the jews in pronouncing or writing the names of god were reverent even to superstition . d fulk against martin . in the new testament gods most frequent names are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god and lord. the title of lord so often given to christ in the new testament , doth answer to the title of iehovah in the old testament . some reverend divines conceive the apostles did purposely use the title of lord , that they might not offend the jews with the frequent pronouncing of the word iehovah . compare deut. . . with mat. . . & deut. . . with mat. . . d. cheynels divine tri-unity . he is also called the father of lights , iam. . . the essential names of god , are , . proper , * which agree to no creature not analogically . . common , which are applied to others , but agree to god principally by way of excellency , as god , king , and good. the name of god is used five wayes in scripture ; first , essentially for god himself , isa. . . secondly , for the power and efficacy which comes from god , psal. . , , . thirdly , for the command and authority of god , sam. . . fourthly , passively for those actions whereby he is acknowledged by us , mat. . . that is , nothing but worshipping and calling upon the father , son and holy ghost , for assistance . lastly , for that word whereby he is distinguished from creatures , and by which we are to have our thoughts directed about him . . god may be known by his attributes and essential properties , of which some shew , . what he is in himself , . what he is to us . they are called attributes , * because they are rather said to be attributed to god ( that we might by them better conceive what he is ) then to be in him in such a way . they are that one most pure essence diversly apprehended of us , as ▪ it is diversly made known unto us , isa. . . iohn . . or they are those divine perfections whereby he makes himself known unto us . they are called properties , because they are peculiar to his majesty , and are so in him , as they are not in any creature . some do distinguish of gods attributes and properties . attributes are those which belong to the essence , and properties to the persons themselves . a property * in god is an essential attribute in him , whereby his nature is known in it self , and is distinguished from all other things . some rules are to be observed in attributing these to god. first , they are all essential to god ; for in him is no accident at all ; whatsoever is in god , the same is god. gods wisdom is himself , and his power is himself . god punishing the wicked , is the justice of god ; god compassionating the miserable , is the mercy of god. all these are also one in him ; his mercy is his justice , and his justice is his mercy , and each are his essence , only they differ in our apprehension , and in regard of their different objects and effects . secondly , they are all absolute properties in god , and so distinguished from those respective properties whereby every person in the trinity hath his own subsistence . thirdly , they are all equal to all the three persons , and alike affirmed of all . the father eternal , most holy , almighty , merciful ; so is the sonne and holy ghost . fourthly , these attributes are altogether in god alone , and that in the highest degree and measure , yea above all degree and measure ; they are eternal and infinite in him . he alone is good , matth. . . and onely wise , rom. . . and king of kings , tim. . . they are affirmed of him , both in the concrete and abstract ; he is not only wise and good , but wisdom and goodness it self , life and justice it self . fifthly , they are all actually and operatively in god. he doth know , live and will ; his holiness makes us holy . every attribute in god , as it is an excellency in him , so it is a principle to conveigh this to us . gods wisdome is the fountain of wisdome to us : we are to seek eternal life from his eternity , rom. . . . all these are in god objectively and finally ; our holiness looks upon his holiness , as the face in the looking glasse on the man , whose representation it is ; and our holiness ends in his . the attributes of god are everlasting , constant and unchangeable , for ever in him , at one time as well as another . the qualification of every service we perform ought to be taken from the attribute of god which we would honour . he is a great king , mal. . . therefore great service is due to him . the attributes of god are the objects of our faith , the grounds of our prayer , and the matter of our thankfulness . if one cannot pitch upon a particular promise in prayer , yet he may bottome his faith upon an attribute , chron. . . iohn . . this may minister comfort to gods people ; gods attributes are not mutable accidents , but his very essence : his love and mercy are like himself , infinite , immutable and eternal . in the midst of all creature comforts , let thy heart rise up to this , but these are not my portion . . if god at any time take away the comforts from thee , say , satis solatii in uno deo ; his aim is when he takes away creature-comforts , that you should enjoy all more immediately in himself , matth. . , . this shews that the saints self-sufficiency lies in gods all-sufficiency , gen. . . prov. . . exercise faith therefore upon every attribute , that thereby thou maist have the use and improvement of it , ephes. . . and give unto god the praise of every attribute , psal. . . . we should imitate god , and strive to be immutably good and holy as he is , levit. . . mat. . . these attributes are diversly divided : they are affirmative and negative , as good , just , invisible , immortal , incorporeal . proper and figurative ; as god is good , wise ; members and humane affections are also attributed to him . absolute and relative , without any relation to the creatures ; as when god is said to be immense , eternal ; he is likewise said to be a creator , king , judge . some describe god , as he is in himself ; he is an essence spiritual , invisible , most simple , infinite , immutable and immortal . some as he is to us , he is omnipotent , most good , just , wise and true. some declare gods own sufficiency ; so he is said to be almighty , infinite , perfect , unchangeable , eternal ; others his efficiency , as the working of his power , justice and goodness over the creatures ; so he is said to be patient , just , mercifull . some are incommunicable and agree to god alone ; as when he is said to be eternal , infinite . others are communicable in a so●t with the creatures , as when he is said to be wise , good. the communicable attributes ( of which there are some resemblances to be found in the creature ) are not so in us as in god , because in him they are essential . the incommunicable attributes are communicable to us in their use and benefit , though not in their nature ; they are ours per modum operationis , the others per modum imaginis , his omnipotency acts for us , pet. . . these properties in god differ from those properties , which are given to men and angels . in god they are infinite , unchangeable and perfect , even the divine essence it self ; and therefore indeed all one and the same ; but in men and angels they are finite , changeable and imperfect , meer qualities , divers , they receiving them by participation only , not being such of themselves by nature . god doth some great work when he would manifest an attribute , when he would manifest his power he created the world , when he would manifest his holinesse he gave the law , when he would declare his love he sent his sonne , when he would shew his goodness and mercy he made heaven , when he would discover his justice and hatred of sinne he made hell , psal. . . and . . arminians and socinians indeavour to corrupt the doctrine of god in his essence , subsistence , and decrees . under the first covenant three attributes were not discovered , . gods pardoning mercy , that was not manifested till the fall : . his philanthropy or love to man , hebr. . . . the patience and long-suffering of god , he cast the angels into hell immediately after their sinne . all the attributes are discovered in the second covenant in a higher way , his wisdom was manifested in making the world , and in giving a law , but a greater wisdom in the gospel , ephes. . . the truth and power of god were more discovered under the second covenant . it is hard to observe an accurate method in the enumeration of the attributes . zanchy , d. preston and m. stock have handled some few of them , none ( that i know ) hath written fully of them all . chap. iii. that god is a spirit , simple , living , immortall . god in respect of his nature is a spirit ; that is , a substance or ●ssence altogether incorporeal . this the scripture expresly witnesseth , iohn . cor. . . an understanding spirit is either created or uncreated : created spirit , as the soul of man or an angel , psal. . . cor. . ult . uncreated , god. whatsoever is affirmed of god , which is also communicable to the creatures , the same must be understood by a kinde of excellency and singularity above the rest . angels are spirits , and the souls of men are spirits , but god is a spirit by a kinde of excellency or singularity above all spirits , the god of spirits , numb . . . the father of spirits , heb. . . the author of spirits , and indeed the spirit of spirits . the word spirit in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in hebrew ruach , is used chiefly of god , and secondarily of the creatures ; when it is used of god , it is used either properly or metonymically ; properly , and so first essentially , then it signifieth the god-head absolutely , as iohn . . or more restrictively the divine nature of christ , heb. . . pet. . . secondly , personally for the third person in the trinity , commonly called the holy spirit or ghost , cor. . . if the word be taken metonymically , it signifieth sometimes the effects of grace , either the common graces of gods spirit , prophetical , sam. . , . miraculous , or the sanctifying graces , ephes. . . angels and mens souls are created spirits , but god is an infinite spirit , the word is not applied to god in the same sense , nihil de deo & creaturis univocè dicitur , say the schoolmen : god is not simply invisible , but in reference to us , angels and saints above see him , they behold his face . he is invisible to a mortal eye , as the apostle speaketh . reasons . first , god is a spirit , because a spirit is the best , highest and purest nature ; god being the most excellent and highest nature , must needs be a spirit too . secondly , god is a most simple and noble being , therefore must needs be incorporeal ; angels and souls have a composition in them ; their essence and faculties are distinguished ; they are compounded of subject and accidents , their nature and qualities or graces ; but gods holiness is his nature . thirdly , god is insensible , therefore a spirit . spirits are not subject to senses , iohn . . this confutes , . tertullian a who held god to be corporeal , then he should consist of matter and form . . the anthropomorphites who ascribed to god the parts and members of a man ; they ●lled●e that place , gen. . . but some think the soul is the only subject and seat , in which the image of god is placed ; grant that it was in the body likewise , it being capable of immortality , yet a man was not said to be made after the image of god in respect of his corporal figure , but in respect of knowledge , righteousness and holiness , ephes. . . col. . . not in respect of his substance , but qualities . object . god is said to have members , face , hands , eyes , in some places of scripture , and yet in others he is said not to be a body , but a spirit ; and consequently to have no hands nor eyes . answ. the word hand and eye is taken figuratively , for the power of seeing and working , which are actions , that men perform with the hand and eye as an instrument ; and so it is attributed to god , because he hath an ability of discerning , and doing infinitely more excellent then can be found in man. sometimes again , those words are taken properly for members of the body of some such form , fashion , making ; so they are not to be attributed unto god ; who because he hath no body , cannot have an hand , an eye . a body is taken three wayes , . for every thing which is opposite to a fancy and notion , and so whatever hath a being , may be called a body ; in this sense tertullian attributes a body to god. . for that thing which hath some composition or change ; so god onely is incorporeall . . more strictly for that which consists of matter and form , so some say angels are incorporeal . . this shews the unlawfulness then of painting the god-head ; cajetan disliked c it . bellarmine b argues thus , man is the image of god , but man may be pictured , therefore the image of god may be pictured . man is not the image of god , but in the faculties of his soul , which cannot be pictured ; therefore the image of god cannot be pictured . although the whole man may be said synecdochically to be pictured ; yet is not man called the image of god in his whole , but in a part , which is his reasonable and invisible soul , which can not be pictured . . we must call upon god , and worship him with the spirit ; our saviour christ teacheth us this practical use , iohn . . blesse the lord , o my soul , psalm . . whom i serve in the spirit , saith paul. the very heathen made this inference , si deus est animus , sit pura mente colendus . . the lord chiefly cals for the heart , prov. . . his eye is upon it , ezekiel . . . he abhors all services done without the heart , matth. . . . it hath been the great care of gods people to bring their hearts to these services , phil. . . motives to excite us when we draw neer to god to bring our hearts : . it is this only which will make the service honourable , gal. . . . this only makes it acceptable , p●t . . . hos. . . . this only makes it profitable , tim. . . heb. . . rom. . . . this only will make it comfortable , all true comfort flows from the sweetness in fellowship with god and christ , revel . . . . else in every service we tempt god , acts . . isa. . . how to know when i serve god in my heart , or worship him in spirit : . such a ones great care in all services will be to prepare his heart before-hand , chron. . . . then the inward man is active thorowout the duty , revel . . . pet. . . . then one keeps his thoughts intent throughout , matth. . . , the grief after the duty done will be that the heart was so much estranged from god in duty . . god though invisible in himself , may be known by things visible : he that seeth the sonne hath seen the father , joh. . . we should praise god , as for other excellencies , so for his invisibility , tim. . . . learn to walk by faith , as seeing him who is invisible , heb. . . . c labour for pure hearts , that we may see god hereafter . . d here is comfort against invisible enemies , we have the invisible god , and invisible angels to help us . . god hath immediate power over thy spirit , to humble and terrifie thee . he is the father of spirits , he cannot only make thee poor , sick , but make thy conscience roar for sin : it was god put that horrour into spira's spirits . he is a spirit , and so can deal with the spirit . lastly , take heed of the sins of the heart and spirit , ignorance , pride , unbelief , insincerity , cor. . . thess. . . such as not only arise from , but are terminated in the spirit . these are first abhorred by god. he is a spirit , and as he loveth spiritual performances , so he hates spiritual iniquities , gen. . he punisht the old world , because all the imaginations of the thoughts of their hearts were evil . . most contrary to the law of god , which is chiefly spiritual . . sin is strongest in the spirit , as all evil in the fountain , mat. . . ● . spiritual evils make us most like the devils , who are spiritual wickednesses . all sin is from satan , per modum servitutis , these per modum imaginis . we should therefore also take heed to our own spirits , because of the danger we are in from these spiritual adversaries : . they are malignant spirits , iohn . . and . , . . the spirit of a man is most maligned by satan , all he did to iobs name , estate , posterity , was to enrage his spirit . . the spirit of a man is frequently and very easily surprized , few men are able to deny temptations that are sutable . . when the spirit is once surprized one is ready to ingage with and for the devil , mat. . . . the spirit will then bring all about for the service of sin , the excellent parts of the minde , wit , memory , strength , rom. . . and . , . iames . . matth. . . . it is hard for such a sinner to be recovered , prov. . . god is most simple , ens simplicissimum , simplicity is a property of god , whereby he is void of all composition , mixtion and division , being all essence ; whatsoever is in god , is god. simpleness is the first property in god , which cannot in any sort agree to any creature . god is simple , because he is free from all kindes of composition , which are five . . of quantitative parts , as a body . . of essential parts , matter and form , as a man consists of soul and body . . of a genus and difference , as every species . . of subject and accidents , as a learned man , a white wall . . of act and power , as the spirits . every creature is subject to composition , and consequently to division . all things which are created , are made by joyning together more things then one in one , and so they consist of divers things . some have a more grosse and palpable composition of parts , both essential and integral , as a man of soul and body , and the body of flesh , bloud , bone , and such parts . the spirits which have not so plain a composition , are yet compounded of substance , and accidents sustained by that substance , and inherent in it ; for the substance of an angel and his faculties , and qualities are different things ; his life is one thing , his reason another , his will another , his power , wisdom , nimblenesse , other things . so the soul of a man , and all created things , are made up of many things conjoyned in one . god is absolutely simple , he is but one thing , and doth not consist of any parts ; he hath no accidents ; but himself , his essence and attributes are all one thing , though by us diversly considered and understood . if he did consist of parts , there must be something before him , to put those parts together ; and then he were not eternal , isa. . . in god to be , to will , and to doe are the same , iohn . . compared with iohn . . and iohn . . compared with ioh. . . where to have life , and be life ; to be in the light , and be light , are the same . god is therefore called in the abstract light , life , love , truth , iohn . . iohn . . this is one reason why god is so perfect , because he is ens simplissimum . in every kinde a thing is so much perfect , by how much it is more simple and pure . whence the same c hebrew word signifieth both simple and perfect . . no accidents are in god ; when we affirm that god is good and gracious , we mean it not as when we say so of men ; in men they are qualities , vertues , in god they are his essence . . we should be simple as doves , matth. . . simplicitas columbina , non asinina . carthusian , eph . . cor. . . it is called godly sincerity , which god worketh , and which is pleasing to him . simplenesse and simplicity of heart is the main thing in * christianity , eph. . . col. . . . here is matter of joy and comfort to the good ; mercy and love are gods essence , isa. . . and of fear and terror to the wicked , because gods anger and justice are his essence , and he is unchangeable . god is living . he is often called the living god in opposition to dead idols : turn from idols to serve the living god , gen. . . & . . & . . deut. . . ruth . . iud. . . isa. . . ier. . . ezek . . dan. . . matth. . . acts . . he is called life , iohn . . the fountain of life , psal. . . he hath his name in greek from life ; he saith often of himself , i live ; as if he should say , i alone do truly live , and he often adds for ever , deut. . . the oath which the father 's used , is most frequent , the lord liveth , jer. . . and . . for they swore by him , who truely and alwayes lives . he himself swears by nothing but by his life and holinesse , iud. . . ruth . . this oath is used fourteen times in ezekiel , zeph. . . jer. . , , . isa. . . deut. . . numb . . , . god is called the living god. . to distinguish him from the false gods of the gentiles , which were dead and senslesse stocks , acts . . thess. . . . to represent unto us the f active nature of god , he is all life . . to direct us to the fountain or well of life , from whom all life is derived unto the creature by a threefold stream . . nature , god is the author of the life of nature , gen. . . acts . . we could contribute nothing to natural life . . grace , he is the author of that life , iohn . . ephes. . . . glory , he is the author of the life of glory , rom. . . a reasonable life ( to which god resembleth his ) is a power to perform variety of regular and limited actions , to a certain known end , and that out of choice and councel . gods life is his power of working all things according as seems good to himself after his own councel for his own glory ; to say he liveth , is to say he doth perpetually work . the life of god is an essential property of the divine nature , whereby it is , and is conceived of us to be in perpetual action , living and moving in it self , and of it self . life in things bodily ariseth from the union of the body and the soul together ; and in things that be not bodies but spirits , from the perfection of the matter and qualities of them . our own life is a power , by which we are able to produce lively actions ; gods life is that power , whereby he is fit to work or produce all sorts of actions suitable to the perfect essence of his divine majesty ; or it is that whereby he knoweth , willeth and affecteth , and can doe all sort of actions , beseeming his excellent nature . reasons . first , from the effects of life , god understands , wils , loves , therefore he truly lives ; for these are all the properties of livers , therefore aristotle often concludes from this , that because god understands all things , he lives a blessed life . secondly , those things live which move and stir themselves ; god doth all things by himself , he is the first and perfectest cause of all ; therefore he most properly lives , and that a most blessed life . thirdly , from his name iehovah , he is iehovah , who is by himself and most perfectly , and of whom all things are which are and live ; god therefore so lives , that he is the author of all life to all livers , and therefore he is called our life , deut. . . iohn saith of christ , in him was the author of life , and acts . ye have killed the author of life . amongst the creatures which are subject to our sense , there is a threefold kinde of life : two more imperfect ; the third more perfect . the former is the life of vegetation or growth ; by which things are able to doe what is requisite for the attaining and maintaining of their full strength and nature , and the propagating of their kinde , according to their severall kindes . the second is the life of sense , whereby things are inabled to discern things hurtfull to them , and things good for them ; to shun the one , and to seek the other . these are imperfect kindes of life , because they are inherent after a sort in the bodies of things , accompanying a corporall being , which is the meanest being . but thirdly , there is a more worthy and noble kinde of life called reasonable , such as is seen in men and in angels , which is an ability to proceed reasonably and understandingly in all actions , for the attaining of good and shunning of evils , fit for the welfare of the person endued with reason . now we must not conceive in god any such imperfect thing as growth or sense , for he is a spiritual , a simple and immaterial essence ; but his life is to be understood by the similitude of the life of reason , for he is a perfect understanding . to the being then of god adjoyn reasonablenesse in our conceiving of him , and we conceive his life somewhat aright . gods life differs from the life of the creature : . his life is his nature or essence , he is life it self ; their 's the operation of their nature , he is life , they are but living . . his life is his own , he liveth of , and by , and in himself ; their life is borrowed from him , in him we live and move , acts . , . he is life , and the fountain of life to all things . . his life is infinite , without beginning or ending ; their life is finite , and had a beginning , and most of them shall have an end . . his life is entire altogether and perfect , their 's imperfect , growing by addition of dayes to dayes . he liveth all at once , hath his whole life perfectly in himself , one infinite moment . . he liveth necessarily , they contingently , so as they might not live . . his life is immutable , their 's mutable and subject to many alterations . first , this serves to blame those which carry themselves no otherwise to god , then if he were a very dead idol , not fearing his threats , or seeking to obey him . secondly , to exhort us all often to revive in our selves the memory and consideration of his life , by stirring up our selves , to fear his threats , respect his promises , obey his commandments , decline his displeasure , and seek his favour . let us serve , fear , and trust in him , which liveth for evermore . provoke not the lord by your sinnes ; for it is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god , heb. . . thirdly , here is comfort to all the faithful servants of this god , which desire to please him ; for they have a king which liveth and hath lived for ever , a king eternal , immortal , invisible and onely wise ; in his life they shall enjoy life ; though friends die , god ever liveth . his life is the preserver , upholder and comforter of your life . god living of himself , can blesse you with natural , spiritual and eternal life , iohn . . rom. . . . life is better then all the comforts of it . men will give skin for skin , and all that they have for life . it is reported of one , that he offered to redeem his life , thrice his weight in silver , twice in gold , once in pearl . but we do little for the living god , and communion with him in the life of grace , and for obtaining eternal life . it were better we had never had any life at all , then only the life of nature , mat. . . and . . eccles. . . god is immortal and incorruptible , he liveth for ever in like perfection . the scripture confirmeth this : . negatively , when it removes mortality and corruption from god , rom. . . tim. . . and . . . affirmatively , when it giveth life to god , genes . . . deuter. . . ier. . . the property of gods life is , it is endlesse , incorruptible , deut. . . life is essential to god , he is life it self , but the life of other things is accidental . his life is also effective , he gives life to all living creatures . . god is of himself eternal , of himself , and absolutely immortal and incorruptible . he only hath immortality , tim. . . angels are not immortal in and of themselves , they have not original or absolute immortality ; their immortality is dependent and derivative . . because he is void of all composition , therefore he is free from corruption . . because he is simply and every way immutable . . this is proved from the nobility and perfection of the divine essence . living bodies are more perfect then such as do not live ; but god is the most perfect and noble being , iohn . . . because he is blessed , therefore he is immortal , ezek. . . . this comforts all gods people , who have the living god for their friend ; who liveth for ever , and they shall live eternally with him ; the life of god comforted iob . . let them trust in the living god. this should comfort us against spiritual weaknesse and deadnesse , though we be dull and dead in prayer , god is life , and will quicken us . . we miserable men for sin are all subject unto g death , sam. . . psalm . . . psal. . . iob . . iob describes there the brevity , frailty , instability , and manifold miseries of this life ; therefore let us place all our confidence and hope in god , who is immortal and incorruptible ; our soul is immortal , and made for immortality , it is not satisfied with any thing nor resteth but in god , who is immortal and incorruptible . a thing may be said immortal two wayes : first , simpliciter , absolutè , per se , suaque natura , so that there is no outward , nor inward cause of mortality ; so only god. secondly , which in its own nature it may be deprived of life , yet ex voluntate dei neither dies , nor can die ; so the soul and angels are immortal . chap. iv. that god is infinite , omnipresent , eternal . god is truly infinite in his nature and essence , actually and simply , by himself , and absolutely he is infinite . it is a vain conceit , that there cannot be an infinite thing in act. he is not infinite . in corporal quantity and extension , but in essence and perfection . . not privativè but negativè , he hath simply no end . . he is infinite not according to the etymon of the word , which respects an end only ; for he is both without beginning and end ; although the word be negative , yet we intend by it a positive attribute and perfection . the scripture demonstrates god to be infinite : . affirmatively , psal. . . . negatively , in the same place . . comparatively , iob . . isa. . , . dan. . . . reason proves this : the perfection of god ; whatsoever thing hath not an end of its perfection and vertue , that is truly and absolutely infinite . infinitenesse is to be without bounds , to be unmeasurable , to exceed reason or capacity ; it is opposed to finite . infinitenesse is such a property in god , that he is not limited to any time , place , or particular nature and being ; or it is that whereby god is free altogether from all limitation of time , place , or degrees . he hath all good things in him in all fulnesse of perfection , above all measure and degrees , yea above all conceivable degrees by us . he hath all wisdom and power , above all that all creatures can conceive and think , ephes. . . that goodnesse which is in him is infinite , h his love is infinite , his mercies are infinite , and so is his anger . that which is of it self cannot be limited by any thing . every creature is limited and hath certain bounds set to it by its causes , especially the efficient and the matter ; but god is no way limited , he hath not any bounds of any kinde , but is altogether infinite or boundlesse , isa. . , , . every creature hath a three-fold limitation : . of kindes of being . . of degrees of its being . . of circumstances of its being . first each thing is set in its own rank or order with other things , some being of one kinde , some of another ; some things are simple , some compounded , some corporeal , some incorporeal , some things living , some things void of life , some things sensible , and some things senslesse , and so in the rest . the maker of all things hath as it were sorted them into divers kinds , for the greater beautifying i of the whole , and demonstration of his wisdom in this variety . again k things of the same kinde , and of other kinds too , differ in the degrees of being ; some have lower , some higher degrees of what they have , some a more lively life , some a quicker sense , some more power , some lesse , some greater degrees of wisdom . god is not limited to any kinde of being , but hath in himself all kindes of being , not subjectively but eminently . he l hath a being beyond all degree and measure , whence all his properties are infinite , all-sufficiency , omnipotency , omniscience , infinite wisdom and truth , and all in him incomprehensible and infinite . he is unlimited in regard of time or duration , and so is eternal ; in regard of place , and so is immense or omnipresent , in regard of degrees of all things that are in him , and so is perfect . infinite in stability , immutable in his power , omnipotent . gods infinitenesse makes all wonderful , his mercies are infinite , his love infinite , his goodnesse and excellencies infinite . a thing may be said to be infinite , either absolutely and in the whole kinde of being , so god , all good is in him formally or eminently . . in some certain kinde only ; as if there were infinite quantity , it were only infinite in the way of a body ; it would not contain all other things in it . from gods infinitenesse ariseth his all-sufficiency , he is enough for himself and all things else , to make them happy and perfect in their several kindes ; his all-sufficiency is that whereby god is of himself all-sufficient for himself to make himself most blessed , and to satisfie all other things , and make them happy in their severall kindes ; god hath therefore taken this name upon him , and by the commemoration of it did comfort abraham , and encourage him to be his servant . but dr preston hath written so largely and well of this attribute , that i shall need to say but little of it . god is an all-sufficient good , because he is a perfect good . he hath enough in him to supply all the wants , and satisfie all the desires of his people both in this life and that which is to come . . to supply wants : . he that hath god for his god hath all things , mark . . revel . . . . there could not be a self-sufficiency in the saints if there were not an all-sufficiency in god , cor. . . but there is a self-sufficiency in them , phil. . . tim. . . . there is enough in god to supply all our wants here : . for provision , he may have all in god , and he needs none else , ierem. . . . protection , he is a shield , zech. . , . psal. . . zech. . . . for pleasure , iob . . psal. . . . for glory and honor , psal. . . ier. . , . . for society , iohn . . . for a pattern to imitate , ephos. . . . for reward , gen. . . secondly . to satisfie all your desires , . here , ier. . . . in the life to come . psal. . ult . god in covenant makes over himself as all-sufficient : . he promiseth himself to his people in his all-sufficiency , psal. . . and . . hosea . , , . . the people of israel in the wilderness had neither bread nor water , provision nor protection , yet having an all-sufficient god , they wanted none of these , deut. . , , . reasons , . his love , which is the ground and bottom of the covenant , and of all mercies : love is bountiful , iohn . . thess. . . gods great end in the covenant of grace was , his manifestative glory ; if he will have the highest glory , he must make out the highest manifestation , therefore he made over himself and his all-sufficiency , because he had not a better to bestow . . in regard of the insufficiency in all things else for supply , ier , . . . because god would have the happiness of the creature concentred in himself alone , isa. . . pet. . . object . the angels and saints see the essence of god , therefore it is not infinite , matth. . . cor. . . iohn . . answ. . we must distinguish between vision and comprehension , god is seen of the angels and saints , but not comprehended . . the finite understanding knoweth god beatifically , not by the force of nature , but by a supernatural illumination of the holy ghost , and benefit of grace . . this is a terror to wicked men , his anger and hatred are infinite , therefore his anger is compared to all things terrible . . serves to reprove their folly who will lose god to get any pleasure or profit , infinite glory and happiness , for finite things . . exhorts us not to pronounce rashly of his decrees and attributes , for this onely can be comprehended of god , that he cannot be comprehended ; we must not measure gods infinite power and wisdom by our shallow capacities : the endeavoring to measure the nature and decrees of god by our humane reason , hath been one main cause of many desperate errors in the world ; therefore paul rom , . silenceth high and inquisitive disputes by this exclamation , oh the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of god , how unsearchable are his ways ! . what is a sinful mortal man in comparison of god , isa. . , , . therefore he should humble himself before him , and acknowledge his nothingness . all the whole world compared to the infinite god , is but as a point ; let us therefore stand amazed at the consideration of this infiniteness , and say with david , psal. . . and . . a we should love god intensively with our chiefest affection , and extensively above all things . he is an infinite ocean of all joy and happiness , he is a continual object of joy and delight to the saints and angels in heaven , they are not weary of him ; our desires are fully satisfied with him alone that is infinite . b god is immense or omnipresent , psal. . , , , . iosh. . . iob. . . ier. . , . immensity is taken . largely , so it is the same with infiniteness , signifying that god is neither measured by place or time , nor by any other thing , but is in his own nature and essence infinite and immense . immensum proprie est quod non possis metire . . strictly , so it differs from infiniteness , as the species from the genus , there being two kindes of infiniteness , immensity and eternity . c immensity is such a property of god , by which he cannot be measured nor circumscribed by any place , he fills all places without multiplying or extension of his essence . he is neither shut up in any place , nor shut out from any place , but is immense , he is without place , and above place , present every where , without any extension of matter , but in an unspeakable manner . he is above all , in all , and through all , ephes. . over all ( men ) by his power , in all the ( saints ) by his spirit ; and through all ( the world ) by his providence . god is every where by his essence , presence and power ; enter , praesenter , deus hic & ubique potenter . . by his essence , because he fills d all places and spaces with his immensity , ● kings . . isa. . . acts . . . by his presence . . by his power and operation , because he works all in all , cor. . . this immensity and omnipresence of the divine essence , is proved to be essential to god. . from scripture , and that . affirmatively , when he is said to be every where present . david proves it by a particular enumeration of places , heaven and the grave , the farthest parts of the earth , yea , all things , psal. . , , , . he compares places most opposite together , and shewing that god is present in them , he understands , that he is present in the places between , amos . . iovis omnia plena . . negatively , when he is denyed to be concluded and comprehended in a certain place , king. . . chron. . . and . . acts . . and . , . . symbolically , isa. . . acts . . . from reasons , . from the simplicity of the divine essence , god is a pure act ; therefore altogether indivisible ▪ and therefore he is in every thing , and in every part of every thing , whole and undivided . . whatsoever is in its essence infinite , that also is every where present , else it should be terminated in place . god is infinite in his essence and being , therefore also of an infinite presence . e each creature is limited by place , though spirits do not fill up a place by commensuration of parts , yet they have a certain compass ( as i may call it ) beyond which their essence extendeth not : they are so here , that they are not there ; so in heaven , that they are not the same time on earth . but god is altogether above place , he is omnipresent , not by any material extension , but after an incomprehensible and unexpressible manner . he is quite above all place , wholly without , and within all and every place , and that without all local motion or mutation of place . he is every where totally and equally , he was as well in the jewish synagogues , as in the temple of ierusalem , or holy of holi●s , as well in earth or hell , as in the heavens in respect of his essence . gods being in every place , is not first by multiplication ; there is not a multiplication of his being , as loaves were multiplyed , so that they held out to do that which otherwise they could not ; for then there should be many divine essences ; nor secondly by division , as if part of his nature , were in one part of the world , and part in another ; but he is wholly wheresoever he is . nor thirdly , by commixtion , as if he came into composition with any creature . he is not the air or fire , but he is every where effectively with his essence and being , repletively he fills all places , heaven and earth : yet he fills not up a place as a body doth ; but is present every where , by being without limitation of place ; so that he coexists with every creature . he is every where ineffably ; where any creature is , there is he more then the creature ; and where no creature is , there is he too : all the sins that we commit , are done in his presence , and before his face , isa. . . psal. . . as if a thief should steal , the judges looking on . we should set the lord therefore always before us , as david , psal. . . we should be comforted in troubles , and patient , phil. . . a childe will not care so long as he is in his fathers presence , psal. . . object . god is said to descend and ascend . answ. this hinders not his being every where . . he is said to descend , as often as by any visible shape objected , he testifieth his presence , as gen. . . exod. . . when god withdraws that presence , he is said to ascend , as gen. . . . when god by the destruction of his enemies , and deliverance of his own , testifieth to his church that he is with it on earth , isa. . and the contrary , psal. . . object . if god be every where , how is he then said to dwell in heaven ? psal. . . from those places , isa. . . mat. . . vorstius thus argues , the scripture placeth god there , therefore he is there onely . answ. in respect of his essence , god is every where , and in every thing , as well as in heaven ; but he doth more manifest his glory , wisdom , power and goodness , and bestows his grace more liberally on his angels and elect in heaven , then he doth here below . object . how can god be said to depart from man , if he be every where . answ. he departs not in respect of his essence , but in respect of the manifestation of his presence . the schoolmen say , god is five ways in the creatures : . in the humanity of christ , by hypostatical union . . in the saints , by knowledge and love . . in the church , by his essence and direction . . in heaven , by his majesty and glory . . in hell , by his vindicative justice . . this may teach the godly to be sincere and upright , because they walk before god. gen. . . he is present with them , understands their secret thoughts and imaginations , psal. . . , ier. . , . this should curb them from committing secret sins , and incourage them to perform private duties , mat. . . approving themselves to their father , who seeth in secret . solitariness should not imbolden us to sin , nor hinder us from well-doing . it was iosephs reason to his mistress , how can i do this great evil ? though they were alone , god was present . two religious men took two contrary courses with two lewd women , whom they were desirous to reclaim from their ill course of life ; the one came to one of the women , as desirous of her company , so it might be with secrecy , and when she had brought him to a close room , that none could prie into , then he told her , that all the bolts and bars which were , could not keep god out . the other desired to accompany with the other woman openly in the street ; which when she rejected as a mad request , he told her , it was better to do it in the eyes of a multitude , then of god. . this serves to confute the lutherans , who hold ubiquity to be communicated to christs body , and therefore they say his body is in the sacrament , and every where else , because it is assumed by god ; but this is false ; for the reason of gods omnipresence is the infiniteness of his nature , and therefore it can be no more communicated to the body of christ then the godhead can ; for his humane nature might as well be eternal as every where . christs body is a finite creature , and though it be glorified , yet it is not deified . it is an incommunicable attribute of the deity , to be in many places at one and the same time , totus christus est ubique , but not totum christi , whole christ is every where , but not the whole of christ , totus christus est homo , sed non totum christi , whole christ suffered , dyed and rose again , but not the whole of christ ; that is , both natures . . let us esteem god a greater good then any creature ; friends are distant one from another , god is with us in our journies and families . he onely is the object of prayer , for he is every where to hear thee ; and so are not angels . god himself comforts his people , by promising his gracious presence , gen. . . exod. . . iosh. . . isa. . . . no man by wit or policy , flight or hiding himself , can escape the hand of god ; for he is every where present , amos . . . this is a terror to the secret devisers of wickedness , their plots are discovered . god is eternal . eternity f is a being without limitation of time , or a being without beginning , ending , or succession . time is the continuance of things past , present and to come , all time hath a beginning , a vicissitude , and an end , or may have , but gods essence is bounded by none of these hedges . time is nunc fluens , but eternity is nunc stans , a standing moment . first , he is without beginning , he is before time , beyond time , behinde time , as it were , and above all circumscription of time . from everlasting to everlasting thou art god. he is what he is in one infinite moment of being , as i may ●peak . i am alpha and omega , rev. . . in the beginning god made all things , and he that made all things could not have a beginning himself . what hath no beginning , can have no succession nor end . we cannot properly say of god , that he hath been , or that he shall be , but he is . to him all things are present , though in themselves they have succession . he is an everlasting king , everlastingly powerful and glorious ; as the conclusion of the lords prayer sheweth . he is called the king eternal , tim. . . and the eternal god , rom. . . the maker of times , heb. . . he inhabiteth eternity , isa. . . god onely is properly and absolutely eternal : angels and mens souls are said to be eternal , à posteriori , or à parte post , god à priori & à posteriori , ex parte ante & post , since he hath neither beginning , succcession , nor end . the scripture confirms this eternity of god divers ways : . with a simple and plain asseveration , gen. . . isa. . . and . . dan. . . rom. . . . by denying to him time and succession , iob . . isa. . . psal. . . pet. . . . by attributing to him eternal properties and operations ; his mercy is said to endure for ever , psal. . . and . . eternal counsel is attributed to him , psal. . . eternal kingdom , exod. . . eternal power , dan. . . rom. . . eternal glory , pet. . . his dominion is an everlasting dominion , dan. . . his righteousness is everlasting , psal. . . and his truth . . by a metaphorical description , days and years are attributed to him ; but most distinct from our days and years , iob . . dan. . , . he is called the ancient of days , psal. . . thy years are not consumed . sam. . . he is called eternity it self ; christ is called the father of eternity , isa. . . most emphatically , to signifie that he is eternity it self , and the author of it . the french stile god in their bibles l' eternel , because he onely is perfectly eternal . reasons . . god is the best that is , therefore it must needs follow that he is an eternal essence ; for that which is eternal , is better then that which is not . . else he should depend on something else , if he were not eternal , and then he were not god. . if he were not eternal , he must have a beginning , and then something else must give it him , and so be better then he . . god created all things , even time it self , heb. . . he is therefore before all things , and without beginning , rom. . . and whatsoever was before time , must needs be eternal . . he is the author and giver of eternal life to those that have it , therefore he must needs be eternal himself ; for whatsoever can give eternity , that is eternal . object . if god were eternal , where was he before the world was ? and what did he before he made all things ? and * why did he make the world no sooner then a few thousand years since ? answ. these are curiosities , but for answer , as he was of himself , so was he in and with himself . he is that himself , to and in himself , which to us our being , time and place are found to be . . he injoys himself , and his own happiness . . he made the world no sooner , because it did not please him . object . is not the creation of the world past with god , when he made it in six days , and the day of judgement to come ? answ. gods acts are twofold : . immanent , terminated in himself , ephes. . these have no succession , god plotted not , nor devised one thing after another . . outward , in and upon the creature , as creation , providence , vocation , sanctification , glorification , phil. . . there we must distinguish between the action it self , and the work . gods act in creating is the act of his will , that such a creature should stand up in time , creatio is but essentia divina relatione ad creaturam , aquinas . but if we consider opus , the work it self , so the creatures have a being one after another . the creature is limitted by the circumstance of time , by which it hath its being measured out as it were by parcels , past , present and to come ; it had beginning , hath succession , and may have an end . the most glorious angel , as well as a worm , is thus limitted by time ; once he was not , then he began to be ; that which is past , is gone , and that which is to come is not yet , and he hath but a little time present . but gods essence had no beginning , hath no succession , can have no end . we cannot say of it properly , it was or shall be , but alone it is , exod. . . iohn . . he hath his whole being at once ; not some after , some by parcels , one following another , gen. . . and . . psal. . . . isa. . . eternity is the continual existence and duration of the divine essence . the creatures being is a flux or perpetual flowing from one moment to another . god is a being above time , hath his being measured by time , but is wholly eternal . . gods love and electio● are also eternal , and he will give eternal life to all believers . that which is eternal , is perfect at once , therefore he should be adored and obeyed , his counsel followed . old men are honored for their wisdom . god saith to iob , where wast thou when i laid the foundation of the earth ? . let it be a foundation of comfort to us , as psal. . . though friends dye , goods be taken away , god remains for ever , he fails not . . it must incourage the people of god to serve him , and do his will faithfully , for he will recompense it ; whatever we hazard or lose , he liveth for ever to requite , isa. . . cor. . , . . it is a terror to the wicked , he shall be ever to make them everlastingly miserable ; as heaven is an eternal palace , so hell is an everlasting prison . he whom thou dishonorest , is an eternal god , then all thy sins are always present before him , no sin past or to come . when christ was made a curse for us , god looked on him as bearing all the sins past , present and to come of all his elect , isaiah . . and he chargeth the guilt of all sins at once upon the damned in hell : he looks on your sins now , as he will hereafter , chargeth them all on thee at once , as on christ , and the damned , there is nothing to come to him . . his preparations of wrath have been from eternity , as of glory for his people , matth. . . how dreadful will the execution be , isaiah . . and god bears with the sins of men so long , because he hath eternity to reckon with them in . . we must carefully and earnestly seek him , place our happiness in him that is everlasting , all other things are fleeting ; if we get his favor once , we shall never lose it , he will be an everlasting friend , his truth and mercy remaines for ever . . every one should resolve in his own thoughts , and covenant with god , to spend but one half quarter of an hour every day , in meditating of eternity ; renew these thoughts every day , this body of mine , though frail and mortal , it must live for ever ; and this soul of mine , it must live eternally , nulla satis magna securitas ubi periclitatur aeternitas , minde such things that are eternal , col. ▪ . . cor. . . . upon this inch of time eternity depends , eccles. . . iohn . . . god sent you into the world for this end , that you might provide for eternity , luke . . tim. . . eternal life is one of the principall articles of our creed , tim. . . chap. v. that god is immutable . god is in himself , and in his own nature immutable , numb . . . sam. . . immutability is that whereby any thing in its essence , existence or operation is unchangeable . gods unchangeableness is that whereby god in his essence , properties and decrees , is unchangeable . the scripture proves the immutability of god , both affirmatively , exod. . . psal. . . and negatively , mal. . . iames . . immutability is twofold : . independent and absolute , and that is onely in god. . dependent and comparative , this may belong to some creatures , which they have from god , but yet infinitely different . . god is unchangeable originally and of himself , these from him . . in the manner , god is in his essence immutable , that and his being are all one , therefore he is both potentially and actually so ; the creatures are onely actually . . god is so from eternity , they onely from their first being . all other things are subject to change and alteration , they may lose what they had , and attain something which before they had not ; even the immortall spirits are thus mutable , they may fall into sin , be annihilated ; but in god there is no change , he is what he is , always the same , void of all mutation , corruption , alteration , and local motion , psal. . . and . , , tim. . . psal. . . heb. . . and . . a reasonable creature may be changed five ways : . in respect of existence , if it exist sometimes , and sometimes not . . in respect of place , if it be moved from one place to another . . in respect of accidents , if it be changed in quantity o● quality . . in respect of the knowledge of the understanding , as if it now think that to be true , which before it judged to be false . * . in respect of the purpose of will , if it now decree to do something , which before it decreed not to do . god is not changed any of these ways : not the first , because he is eternal , neither beginning nor ever ceasing to exist . not the second , because he is present every where , not newly beginning to exist in any place . not the third , because god is a simple essence , and there is no accident in him . not the fourth , because he is omniscient , and cannot be deceived in his knowledge . not the fifth , because he changeth not his decrees , since he most wisely decrees all things . god is unchangeable every way : . in essence or being , he cannot be changed into another nature , neither can that nature which he hath , be corrupced and decay . . in essential properties , his mercy endureth for ever , he doth not love and after hate . . in his will and counsel ; psal. . . rom. . . the councel of the lord shall stand , prov. . . . in place , the sun runs from one place to another , but god doth not remove from one place to another ; but is always where he was , and shall be always ; viz. in himself . . in his word and promises , isa. . . cor. . . rom. . reasons , . from his perfection , all change is a kinde of imperfection ; there is indeed a change corruptive and perfective ; but the perfective alteration supposeth the subject to be imperfect . . he is uncompounded , therefore altogether immutable , a pure act . . he is truly and properly eternal , therefore immutable ; for he is truly eternal , who is always the same , without beginning , change or end . . if god should change , then either he must change for the better , and then he was not best and perfect before ; or for the worse , and then he is not best now . if he should be changed , it must be from some other thing stronger then himself , and there is none such . nothing without him can change him , because he is omnipotent ; and nothing within him , for there is no ignorance in his minde , inconstancy in his will , nor impotency in his power . object . god doth repent , gen. . . sam. . . sam. . . psal. . . ier. . . & . . to repent imports a change . answ. god is not said properly to repent ; but after the manner of * men , not affectivè but effectivè . god doth that which men use to do when they repent , they forbear to do what they have done , and do the contrary , change their actions ; gods repenting of the evil in those places , is a putting on a resolution not to do the evil he had threatned , or not to persist in doing that which he had begun to do . there is a change in the creature , but no change in god , either in respect of his nature or decree ; therefore in other places it is said , he doth not repent ; that is , not change or alter his minde . god wills * a change , but changeth not his will. the change is in us , not god ; as houses and trees seem to move to them which are in a ship , but the ship moves and they stand firm . one may with the same will continuing immutable ( saith aquinas ) will that now , this thing be done , and after the contrary ; but the will should be changed , if one began to will , what he willed not before . object . god promiseth and threatneth some things which come not to pass . * answ. those threatnings and promises were not absolute , but conditional ; and howsoever the condition was uncertain in respect of men , yet it was most certain in respect of god. his promises are made with condition of faith and obedience , deut. . . and his threatnings with an exception of conversion and repentance , psal. . . object . god is reconciled with men , with whom he was offended before . answ. the object is changed , god is still the same ; as the sun which was troublesom to sore eyes , is pleasant to them being healed ; the sun here is not changed , but their eyes . object . why are prayers or means , if god be immutable ? why do i pray or hear ? answ. god immutably wills both the end and the means , and therefore as he wills thy pardon , so he wills thy prayer . object . god created the world , and so christ was incarnate and made man ; now he that was made something he was not before , or did make something he made not before , seems to be changed . he is a man , he was not so once ; he is a creator , he was not so from eternity . answ. christ did onely assume and take to himself an humane nature , he was not changed into it . creation is nothing but gods will from eternity , that the world should exist in time , so that the creature hath something now , which it had not before , but gods will hath not . god is not changed any way , though he change his actions according to his good pleasure . . this is terrible to wicked men , god is unchangeable , which hath threatned to curse them , and bring destruction upon them ; they must change , or else there is no repealing of the curse . the wicked hope he will change , the godly fear he will change . . it comforts the godly , to whom he hath made many promises , numb . . . heb. . . he is constant and will perform them . he told adam , that the seed of the woman should break the serpents head : he was long , but sure , for it was fulfilled at last . his covenant is everlasting , isa. . . i am god and change not , therefore you are not consumed , mal. . . we should labor for gods love , it is a free hold , and like himself , immutable ; whom he loves once , he loves for ever : gods people shall never fall from grace , never be wholly overcome of temptations . . we should imitate gods immutability in a gracious way , be constant in our love to god and men , in our promises and good purposes ; as the martyr said , rawlins you left me , and rawlins you finde me ; we should pray for the establishment of our faith and patience . . we should admire the glorious nature of god ; for what an infinite glorious god must he be , which hath had all that happiness and glory from eternity . . worship the true god , because he is immutable , and we shall be so hereafter , being made most like to him , psal. . . . it confutes the eutichians and ubiquitaries , which held , that the god-head became flesh ; can a spirit be a body , and both visible and invisible ? chap. vi. that god is great in his nature , works , authority , a necessary essence , independent , wholly one. god is exceeding great , kings . . sam. . . psal. . . and . . and . , . and . . tit. . god is great and greatly to be praised , and who is so great as our god ? he is great : . in his nature and essence . . in his works . . in his authority . his name is great , ier. . , . iosh. . . his power is great , psal. . . his acts are great , psal. . . his judgements are great , exod. . . he is great in counsel , ie ▪ r. . . and mighty works , deut. . . there is a double greatness , . of quantity or bulk , and that is an attribute of a body , by which it hath very large bodily dimensions , as a mountain is a great substance , the sun a great body ; and this cannot be found in god , who is not a body , but an immaterial essence . . of perfection , worth and vertue , and that is abundance of all excellencies and largeness of whatsoever makes to perfection of being , and this is in god. he is so perfect every way that he stands in need of nothing . god is absolutely and simply perfect , because he hath all things which are to be desired for the chiefest felicity . he is perfect : . in the highest degree of perfection , simply without any respect or comparison . . he is perfect in all kindes , iohn . . iohn saith , he is light , in which there is no darkness , * that is , perfect and pure without the least mixture of the contrary , the author and cause of all perfections in all the creatures , they are all in him , but more perfectly , and in a perfecter manner . god is most absolutely perfect , iob . . psal. . . matth. . . the words in scripture , attributed to god , which signifie this , are . schaddai , which is as much as one sufficient to help himself , or one that gives nourishment to all other things , and therefore ( gen. . . ) when god was to make a covenant with abraham , to leave all earthly things , and so trust in him onely , he brings this argument , that he is such was sufficient god. . gomer , the verb is used five times in the psalms ; * as much as perfect from the effect , because god doth continually preserve to the end . . tom , iob . . it signifieth both simple and perfect . . calil , à col. omnis , that in which all good things are . god is perfect : . essentially , he is perfect in and by himself , containing in him all perfections eminently , matth. . . he hath all needful to a deity . . nothing is wanting to him , he hath no need of any other thing out of himself , iob . , . psal. . . originally , he is the cause of all perfection ; what hast thou , which thou hast not received ? iames . . . operatively , all his works are perfect , deut. . . a thing is perfect : . negativè , which wanteth nothing which is due by nature to its integrity . . primativè , which wanteth no perfection , and so god onely is perfect . . god is great in his works , deut. . . psal. . . iob . . gods perfection stands in an infiniteness of goodness ( matth. . . ) wisdom ( rom. . . ) power , ( gen. . . ) perfect wisdom , goodness , righteousness , moderation , holiness , truth , and whatsoever may possibly be required to grace , and commend an action , that is found in the whole course and frame of gods actions ; the work of creation is a perfect work , he made all things in unsearchable wisdom ; no man could have found any want of any thing in the world , which might be reasonably desired ; no man could have found there any evil thing worthy to be complained of . the work of providence is perfect , all things are carried in perfection of wisdom , justice and goodness . so is the work of redemption likewise perfect . the perfectest measure of justice , wisdom , truth , power , that can be conceived of , doth shew it self forth in that work . reason . such as the workman is , such must the work be , a perfect artists workmanship will resemble himself . the perfection of god , is his incomprehensible fulness of all excellencies , he is absolutely and simply perfect . object . why doth god use the help of others ? ans. not out of need , as the artificer his instruments , so that he cannot work without them ; but out of choice and liberty , to honor them the more . hence sometimes he will use no means at all , sometimes contrary means , to shew that they help not , and that we should not rely upon them . object . why is there sin in the world , seeing god needs not any glory that comes to him by christ , and by his mercy in pardoning of sin ? why doth he suffer it . answ. because sin is not so great an evil , as christ is a good , and therefore god would not have suffered sin , if he could not have raised upto himself matter of honor ; god makes an antidote of this poyson . object . how comes it to pass , that god makes one thing better then he did at first ? as in the creation , all things had not their perfection at first . answ. those things were perfect ex parte operantis , he intended not they should have any farther perfection at that time ; the essence of nothing can be made better then it is , because it consists in indivisibili . god makes not our graces perfect in us , because he aims at another end . gods perfection hath all imperfections removed from it , tim. . . titus . . iames . . there be six imperfections found in every creature : . contingency . . dependence . . limitation . . composition . . alteration . . multiplication . now god is free from all these . he is . a necessary essence . . independent . . unlimited . . simple . . unchangeable . . wholly one . three of these , viz. gods simplicity , unlitedness in respect of time and place , and unchageableness , i have handled already ; i shall speak of the other three , when i have dispatched this attribute of gods greatnes or perfection . . god is great in his authority . i have shewed already that he is great in his nature and essence , and also in his works ; now his greatness in authority is to be considered . he is a great king , he hath soveraign , absolute and unlimited authority over all things , they being all subject and subordinate to him ; for at his will they were and are created . this is signified by the title of the most high , so frequently given him in scripture . he is the high and lofty one , isa. . . . in respect of place and dwelling , he is in heaven , eccles. . . above the clouds . . in respect of essence , he is high indeed , unexpressibly high , the high god , gen. . . the lord most high , psal. . . . in respect of attributes , he hath more wisdom , power , justice , mercy , then all creatures . . in respect of state and dominion ; he is exalted in authority , power , jurisdiction ; he is above all , as commander of all . god hath supreme dominion and power over all creatures , to order them as he pleaseth , iob . . and . , . and . , . ier. . isa. . . dan. . . rom. . the . last verses . and . , , , . dominion in the general is twofold : . of jurisdiction , whereby he ruleth all subject to him , as he pleaseth . . of propriety , whereby he having a right to every creature , may order it as he pleaseth . the first is implyed in that of iames . . there is one law-giver , who is able to save and to destroy . the second , in that he is called the lord of the earth ; and all the beasts of the field are said to be his . gods dominion is that absolute right and power , whereby he possesseth all things as his own , and disposeth of them as he pleaseth , god over all , rom. . . ephes. . . reason . the supreme excellency of his nature ; whereby he is infinitely above , not onely those things which are actual , but likewise possible . gods first dominion of jurisdiction hath these parts : . to command . . to forbid ; as adam the eating of the tree . . to permit : thus he suffers sin to be , being supreme lord. . to punish or reward . secondly , his dominion of propriety consists in these particulars : . that he can order every thing as he pleaseth for his honor and glory , psal. . . the strange punishments laid on pharoah , were for this , god raised him up to shew his glory . . he is bound to give none account of what he doth ; that is true of god , which the papists attribute falsely to the pope , none may say to him cur ita facis ? . he can change and alter things as he pleaseth , dan. . . as when he bid abraham kill his son , and the israelites take the egyptians goods . . he can distribute his goods unequally to whom , and when he pleaseth , to one health : sickness to another . the adjuncts of this dominion : . it is independent on any other , he hath this dominion of himself , as he is god of himself , dan. . . ezek. . , . . universal ; it comprehends all places , times ; this kingdom is everlasting , god rules in heaven , earth , hell , iames . . . full and perfect , chron. . , . his dominion is infinitely greater then all others . . it extends to the soul and heart ; god is called the father of spirits , the hearts of kings are in his hand ; he can terrifie the conscience . we should first prefer god above all things : the greatest person in any society is set before the rest . the sun is respected above other stars ; the king above other persons ; we should highly esteem his favor , isa. , . there is a lofty description of gods greatness . secondly , we should perform all duties to him with the greatest care , diligence and reverence , and in the highest degree ; love him greatly , fear him greatly , praise him with all our might , yield unto him a service proportionable to his incomprehensible greatnesse , great is the lord , and greatly to be praised , chron. . . psal. . . and to be feared , psal. . , . thirdly , it is a terror to all those to whom this great god is an enemy . the wrath of a great king is terrible , he must needs inflict great punishments on such a● rebel against him . fourthly , here is great consolation to those to whom he is a friend and father ; he will do great things for their good , they shall have great happiness . we should choose the lord to be our portion , for in him alone is true happinesse , and contentednesse to be found ; in our wants we should confidently go to him for help , he being perfect can supply them . we should place all our confidence in god alone , expect all good things from him , since he is an inexhausted fountain of all good things ; we should imitate him , be perfect as our heavenly father is perfect . let patience have her perfect work . let us perfect holinesse in his fear . those which would be excellent orators propound to themselves cicero and demosthenes to follow . paul pressed on forward ; labor first to be perfect in heart , psal. . . then in your wayes . this may serve also to comfort the godly against their weaknesses ; god will make his works perfect . he that hath begun a good work in them , will perfect it ; they should be comforted therefore against all their imperfections to which they are subject in this life , and seek perfection from him . he will supply all their wants , bear with them here , and make them perfect in the other life , cor. . . the understanding shall have perfect sight , the will perfect goodnesse , the heart perfect joy . we should not mutter under any affliction ; for he himself cannot do better then he doth , he makes all things perfect , eccl. . . every thing beautiful in its season , this is the most perfect state and condition for thee , and so account it , god hath perfect wisdom , power , love . let us not be puffed up with any thing we do to him ; the papists abound in this when they maintain merit ; for that supposeth some eminency , as if god needed their graces , obedience and service ; but let us walk more humbly ; say rather , if i had no corruption in me , if i could do every duty required with as much purity as angels ; yet this would adde nothing to thee ; thou art a perfect god , perfectly happy , though i were not at all . gods works are wonderful great ; farre exceeding the power of all creatures , either to do the like to them , or to stop and hinder them . let all the men on earth lay their hands and heads together , let all kings unite their counsels and their forces ; can they make an earth-quake , a whirlwinde ? can they make the thunder to roar ? can they cause the flashes of lightening to flame out ? it is not a mortal worme to whom the course of nature will submit it self . and if god will that these effects be wrought , what can any man , all men do for the hindering thereof ? . gods works are unsearchable , and past finding out , iob . . who can dive into the secrets of nature , and tell us the true reason of the winde , the earthquake , the thunder , the rain , the snow ? we cannot dive into the bottom of gods works , nor finde them out by any study or wisdom . . we should so much the more honour , dread , and wonder at god , by how much we can lesse comprehend his works . . let us learn often to contemplate god in his works ; see his goodnesse , greatnesse , wisdome , power in them , and so we shall profit much in the knowledge of him . the exaltation of god is a terror to those who will needs be his enemies , and slight and disesteem him , as the greatest part of men do . o how unhappy are they , that have so high and so a great a person to be their enemy , seeing they have nothing to save themselves from his wrath . . we should labour to exalt him now , by striving to form and fix in our selves a most reverent esteem of him , and by exercising in our selves this vertue of honouring god , often reviving in our mindes these thoughts , how high is god , and making them familiar with him ; oh how excellent is he that hath made and governs all ! why do i not esteem him more and more ! the more we can lift up our hearts to exalt god , the more we shall grow in all holinesse and righteousnesse . . his friends and servants shall also be exalted at last , though for a time despised and set light by . we should often and seriously consider of this great perfection of gods nature , authority and works . the very saints and angels have a negative imperfection , though not a privative ; they are not deprived of that which should be in them , but there are many perfections which they have not . god is simply and universally perfect ; and he only hath all kinde of perfection , according to his essence . god is a necessary essence . contingency is found in the essence of every creature , it might not have been , as well as have been ; it may not be , as well as be ; there was once a possibility of its not being ; as there is now a possibility of its not being ; yea , there was an equal or greater possibility of its not being , then its being . god is a necessary essence ; it is absolutely necessary that he should be , and he cannot but be , and be as he is , and his actions upon himself are altogether and simply necessary ; they must be as they be , and cannot but be so . god is independent , isai. . . revel . . . and . . and . . rom. . , . every creature as a creature , is dependent , and hangs upon some other thing then it self , and ows its being and continuance to another , nehem. . . it hath causes of its being , from which , of which , by which , and for which it is ; and further then these causes did , and do contribute to its being , it cannot be . the angels have an efficient cause and end , and they do as much stand indebted to god for their being and continuance as the poorest worm ; and would no more have been without god , nor continue to be , then the silliest gnat ; but god is altogether independent of himself , by himself , for himself ; he hath no causes , but is to himself in stead of all causes . he is what he is , without any help from any other thing ; as himself shews in his name , i am that i am . there are many things which have a beginning from some other thing ; there must be something therefore that is of it self , or else we should wander infinitely , a self-essence and subsistence . gods being is neither ab alio , ex alio , per aliud , nor propter aliud . we should acknowledge god to be a necessary and independent essence . . god is wholly one , deut. . . gal. . . tim. . . hos. . . mal. . . all creatures are subject to multiplication ; there may be many of them , and are many ; many angels , men , stars , and so in the rest . not one of them is singular and only one so ; but one might conceive that there should be more ; for he that made one of them , can make another and another , and as many as he pleaseth ; but god is simply one , singular and sole essence ; there neither is , nor can be more then one god , because he is the first and best essence ; and there can be but one first , and one best . he is infinite , and there can be but one infinite , because either one of them should include the other , and so the included must needs be finite , or not extend to the other , and so it self not be infinite . there was a first man , and a first in every kinde of creature , but not any absolute first save god : one eternal , and one incomprehensible , saith athanasius in his creed . there can be but one chief good , which we desire for it self , and all other things for it , say the moral philosophers ; and this must needs be god , for no infinite good can be conceived but he. some places of scripture simply deny other gods ; and others exclude all but this one god ; though there be gods many , and lords many ; that is , that are so called , and reputed by men , who deceive themselves in their own imaginations ; yet to us ( in the church ) there is but one god. zech. . . after christ shall come , the gentiles with the jews shall all worship one and the same true god. that which is perfect in the highest degree can be but one ; because that one must contain all perfections ; that which is omnipotent can be but one ; if one can do all things , what need is there of many gods ? if there were more gods then one , we might and ought to do service to more then one , to acknowledge them , praise and love them , and be at least in minde ready to obey them . if they should command us any thing , we might lawfully seek to them for what we need , and give thanks to them , for what we received . but the lord professeth himself to be a jealous god , and cannot endure any copartner in worship . the romans refused christ , because they would have had their gods with him , and he would be worshipped alone without them . he is one god not numerically , * as one is a beginning of number ( for that is a quantity ) but transcendently , as ens and unum are counted only one , solely and alone god ; there cannot be two infinites in essence , for then one should not have all the other hath in it ; god is infinite , for of his greatnesse there is no end . secondly , others would be imperfect or superfluous , he being infinite and perfect . thirdly , from his absolute lordship , and dominion over all ; he is king of kings , and lord of lords . my god ( said luther to the pope ) will make your god know , that you are too weak for him . if there were two gods , there would be a strife between them ( as between caesar and pompey ) who should be the greater and chiefest of all . god may be said in a special manner to be one , two several wayes . . for the purity and simplicity of his substance , which is not compounded with any thing else . for that is most truly and properly one , which is nothing but it self , and hath no other thing mixed with it . god is so pure and simple an essence , that he is not compounded so much as of parts . . from his singularity , because there are no more gods but one , god is not only one , but he is also the only one. he is such a one as hath no copartners in worship . both which titles are expresly ascribed unto god in the scriptures : both that he is one , and that he is the only one. god is not only unus , but also uni●us , or to use st bernards word , unissimus . if that word may be used , he is of all things the onest . socrates and plato in their definition of god , ascribe to him unity , with particular respect unto his singularity . pythagoras his advice to his scholars was to search the unity . there is a threefold unity ; * first , of persons in one nature , so there is one god , deut. . . the second , of natures in one person , so there is one christ , cor. . . thirdly , of sundry natures and persons in one quality ; so there is one church , cant. . . the socinians reject these three unions , because they so far transcend reason , and they receive not those things , which their reason cannot comprehend . the more we content our selves with god only , the happier we are ; he is the only infinite riches , wisdom , goodnesse ; how happy are they that have him in quo omnia ? spend all thy pains in getting him . . if he be your enemy , there is none else to rescue you ; he is god , and there is none else ; he will destroy , and none shall be able to deliver out of his hands . . it shews the wickednesse of those , which set up other gods , besides the true god. the epicure makes his belly , and the covetous man gold his god . some worship stocks and stones ; this is a great dishonour to him : the papists worship the crosse , invocate saints and angels , make a god of the pope . the heathens were guilty of polytheism , * they worshipped many gods : they had their dii majorum , and minorum gentium . hesiod reckons up thirty b thousand gods ; they had their dii mortui idols , mortales men , and mortiferi lusts . the romans had their capitol full of gods , yet the geese preserved it , whom augustine thus derides , dii dormiebant , anseres vigilabant . the manichees said there were two gods : the tritheites that there were three . the heathens multiplied gods , because men cannot be happy without associa●●s they thought god could not see , isa. . , . this is the very first of all gods commandments , thou shalt have no other gods before me . if there were more , for us not to acknowledge , adore and honour them , were a wrong and act of injustice against them ; so the first and foundation of all the rest of the commandments , should be a most injurious and unlawful command ; and therefore we must either conceive of him , which gave that commandment , as a most envious , vain-glorious , arrogant and self-seeking god , that could not endure that other gods , perhaps his equals , should enjoy their due glory and homage ( which were most absurd and blasphemous ) or else we must needs confess that which is the truth , that he forbad us to make any other , because there is no other , c and he would not have us mis-place our devotion and service , by tendring it to that which is not god . if there be many gods , then either they must all be subordinate , one being superiour ; or else coordinate each being equal to other . if one be inferiour to another , that which is at the command of another , or exceeded by another , is not god ; if coordinate and equall , then one of them may crosse another ; or many may hinder one , and what can be hindered in its working is not god. if there be more gods , they cannot be eternal ; for an eternal being admits not of multiplicity ; for that is eternal which is simply first ; and that which is simply first hath nothing of as long a continuance as it self . god united heaven and earth , and made them one world , the sea and the land , and made them one globe ; soul and body , and made them one man ; jews and gentiles , and made them one church ; adam and eve , and made them one flesh , nay , god and man , and made them one christ. chap. vii . of gods understanding that he is omniscient , and of his will. the next attribute in god is his understanding ; which is the divine a essence , understanding , and knowing all things alwayes , and by one act . it is called also science , knowledge and omniscience . god knows all things , because first he knew himself b directly in himself , by himself , and primarily as a most perfect object ; which knowledge in god , is of absolute necessity ( for he could not exist without the knowledge of himself ) and infinite apprehending an infinite object , psal. . . secondly , because he knows the creatures all c and singular d viz. all things which have been , are , or shall be , might have been , and may be ; not only the substances , but all the accidents of creatures , not only things necessary , but also contingent , all good things by himself , and all evils by the opposite good ; and that infallibly without error . for the manner of divine knowledge , god knows all things by his essence , not by species abstracted from the things ; for so things should be before the disvine knowledge , on which yet they depend . god doth not understand by dicoursing from a known thing to that which is unknown , in a doubtful and successive reasoning ; but by looking on them , and by one most simple individual and eternal act comprehending all things . he apprehends by one act of his understanding , and by himself simple things without species , compound without composition and division , syllogisms and consequences without discourse ; lastly , he most perfectly understands all the multitude of things without distraction , and distance both local and temporal , without distinction of former and later , past or future , according to the beginning , progresse and end , possessing all things together , and alwayes present ; which with us are revolved in time , dan. . , . cor. . , . isa. . . rom. . . heb. . . psal. . , , . the scripture proves gods omniscience . . affirmatively or positively , iob . . sam. . . he is called by hannah in her song , a god of knowledge , sam. . . king. . . psa. . . he knows from eternity , by one simple act , before all time , before there was a world ; secondly , certainly ; he cannot be deceived . . negatively , iob . . psal. . . heb. . . . metaphorically and figuratively , for when eyes and ears be given to god , his omniscience is signified , chron. . . psal. . . when he is called light , ● iohn . . . it is proved by reason . . by way of negation , ignorance is a defect and imperfection ; but god is most perfect , therefore all ignorance is to be removed from him . . by way of causality ; god governs all things in the whole universe , and directs to convenient ends even those things which are destitute of all knowledge and reason . therefore he fore-knows and sees all things ; all creatures are gods works , and an artificer knows his work ; the prophet knew what was in gehezi's heart , god revealing it to him . god made the heart ; shall not he know it ? . by way of eminency . god hath made creatures intelligent and full of knowledge , viz. angels and men ; therefore he knows and understands in a far more perfect and eminent manner , psal. . . he knows . . the substantial natures of all other things ; as of angels , men , beasts , plants , gen. . he saw all things which he had made . matth. . he is said to take care of sparrows , which could not be without knowledge . . their accidentals , as actions and passions with the circumstances of them . hence he is said to know the hearts and try the reyns of men ; and there is nothing hid from him . mat. . the father which seeth in secret . . he knows things which are to come , not as if they were to come ; for to him all things are present . god makes this an argument of his divinity , when he bids them see , if their gentile gods can tell what is to come . he doth not only know what things naturally shall be , but likewise what is possible . by his prophets , he hath often foretold future things . . he is privy to all our actions , psal. . . iob . , . . knows our words , kings . . psal. . . matth. . . . he knows our thoughts , prov. . . iob . . . sam. . . psal. . . god is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sees and knows the heart , gen. . . psal. . . and rom. . . apoc. . . he made the heart , and will judge men for their thoughts , he gives laws to the heart , saying , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house ; else god were not infinite in knowledge , if he knew not the heart . our understanding differs from gods many wayes : , we have our knowledge from others , from him ; he his from himself . he understands by himself without any help ; man needs many helpers , his senses , fancy , and intelligible species . . in extent ; we know but some things , he all , general and particular . . our knowledge is simply finite , but gods infinite . . we understand things by species or images , abstracted from them : he by his essence . . we understand things successively one after another , with pains of discourse , proceeding from an unknown thing to a known , or from a lesse known to a more known : but god knows all things together , and by one most simple , immutable , and eternal act of understanding . . he knows himself , and all other things perfectly , all things past , present and to come , open , secret , certain , contingent , that which shall be , which shall never be ; we cannot shew the causes nor properties of an herb , and understand onely those things which are , or at least have been , and we know doubtingly . there is in god ( say the schoolmen ) scientia visionis & simplicis intelligentiae . the object of the first is all things possible , of the other only things which really are , have been , or shall be . visio enim terminatur ad existentiam rei , non ad solam possibilitatem , saith bellarmine . . this is a terror to the wicked , who is ignorant of god , thess. . . the study of the knowledge of god , and our lord jesus christ , is the highest , noblest , the most soul-perfecting and exalting knowledge that can be ; all other knowledge without this will nothing advantage us . . it is necessary for us to be ruled by him , who is so full of knowledge , and to believe all which he saith by way of relating , promising , threatning . . this may comfort gods people , my witnesse is in heaven , said iob : if they know not how to expresse themselves in prayer , god knowes their groans . to gods understanding are referred his wisdome , or prudence , and prescience . the wisdome or prudence , and counsel of god , by which god rightly perceives the best reason of all things which are done . hence it is that all things are joyned and knit together in a most perfect harmony , and beautiful order , so that they well agree , both amongst themselves and with god. god is wisdom it self , prov. . his wisdom is , . infinite , psal. . . and unsearchable iob . . . essential to himself . he is the only wise god , rom. . . tim. . . he is wonderfull in counsel , and excellent in working , isa. . . . he is perfectly , originally , unchangeably wise , isa. . . . the fountain of all wisdom ; was there such wisdom in adam , to give names to things according to their natures ? and in salomon to discourse of all things ? and is there not much more in god ? wisdom e is an ability to fit all things to their ends . he that worketh for a worthy and good end , and fitteth every thing unto it , worketh wisely . god doth four actions to all his creatures as creatures , viz. . he made them . . sustaineth them . . actuateth them . . guideth and disposeth them all wisely ; aiming at a noble end , viz. his own glory , content and satisfaction . he hath set also to each of them special ends , to which they serve in nature , and that end is the mutual preservation one of another , and common beautifying of the whole workmanship , in subordination to that high end of his glory ; and so he hath sitted each thing for that particular end he made it ; and all for the universal end , to which he intended all . the sun was made to distinguish day and night , and the several seasons , it is most fit for that end , it is most fit for the end in its quantity , quality , motion , and all that pertain to it . god made grasse for the food of beasts , it is fit for that end ; so in the rest . wisdome hath two principal acts , fore-sight and fore-cast , by which a man can before hand see what will be after to make his use of it ; . disposing and ordering things , by taking the fittest means and opportunities to attain his own good and right ends . this vertue is infinitely in god , for he doth fore-see all things eternally ; and in time disposeth of them most fitly , by the fittest means and opportunities for the best that can be , to his own glory , which is the highest end that he can and should aim at ; for to that which is the best of all things , must all things else be referred ; therefore god is the onely wise god. gods knowledge differs from his wisdom , in our apprehension thus . his knowledge is conceived as the meer apprehension of every object , but his wisdom is conceived as that whereby he doth order and dispose all things . his knowledge is conceived as an act ; his wisdom as an habit or inward principle ; not that it is so , but only we apprehend it in this manner . gods wisdom is seen in these particulars : . in making of this great world , cor . ● . all things therein are disposed in the best order , place , time , by the wisest architect . how doth david in the psalms admire the wisdom and power of god , in making of the world , psal. . . and . per totum . much wisdom and art is seen in the sun , stars , creeping things ; salomon in all his glory was not comparable to one of the lilies ; for that is native and imbred , his adventitious . . in particular , in making of man , the little world . david is much affected with this , psal. . , . . in the order which is in these things , god hath made every thing beautiful in his season , saith salomon . he is called the god of order . psal. . the heavens are said to have a line , which is likewise called their voice , because god by this exact order and art , which he shewed in making of them , doth plainly declare to all the world , his glory and power . . in that nothing is defective or superfluous . . in contriving things by contrary means . he brings about contrary ends , by contrary means ; by death he brought life to believers , by ignominy and shame the greatest glory . by terrors for sin , he brings the greatest comfort , and leads men by hell to heaven . . by catching those which are wise in their own craftinesse , psalm . . iob . . . in finding out a way to save man by christ , ephes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wisdom in many curious passages , pet. . . the very angels desire to pry into this mystery ; and indeed here was so much wisdom , that if the understanding of all men and angels had been put together , they could not have devised a possible way for mans salvation . . in the church , in the oracles of scripture , exceeding all sharpnesse of humane wit , in the original , progresse , change , and migration of the church , and other mysteries of the gospel , the profound and immense wisdom of gods counsels shines . . in the particular passages of his providence to his children , about their outward condition ; in taking david from the sheep-fold to be a king ; but how much misery did he undergo before he was setled ? so to iacob , abraham and paul ; in doing them good by their sins , making them wary . . in heaven , in which the counsels , acts , decrees , and promises of god ( all obscurity being removed ) shall be most clearly unfolded . dost thou want wisdom , go to this fountain , iam. . . psal. . . all the wisdom of men and angels comes from him . the godly have a most wise teacher , iob . . . take heed of trusting in thy own crafty wisdom , cor. . . . gods wisdom cals for our fear ; the people feared salomon for his wisdom ; and praise , rom. . . . the order and variety of things ariseth not from nature , but the divine working . . we should be content with the portion which god gives us , that weather which he sends , those troubles he brings on us ; since he is wisest , and knows best what is fittest for us , and when is the best time to help us . . admire that in the works of god which we understand not : gods wisdom is unsearchable , and his counsel like unto the great depth . . be constant and diligent in reading and pondering upon the scriptures ; they will make you wise to salvation , to which adde prayer and practice . a holy close conversation , walking according to the rule of the gospel , is a christians only wisdome , ephes. . , . fifty times in the proverbs a godly man is called a wise man , and every wicked man a fool ; see prov. . . reasons . . such a conversation is most conformable to the rule of wisdom , the word of god. . all the properties of wisdom are to be found in it . . a great part of wisdom is to choose that which is a real good , to propound the greatest good for his end , eccles. . . . a wise man searcheth into the bottom of things , sees them inwardly ; many things appear good that are not so , this is onely found in a holy conversation . . another property of wisdom is to take a right way to attain his end . . he will loose no opportunity , but pursues the chiefest good with all his might , a wise mans eyes are in his head . a fool hath a price in his hand , but no heart to it . . he will part with a lesser good for obtaining a greater . . wisdom acts men by the highest principles , and is seen in a right judging and esteeming of things and persons , daniel . . puts men upon the noblest actions , prov. . . gods prescience or fore-knowledge is that , whereby god fore-knew all future things necessarily , certainly , immutably , and from everlasting . neither fore-knowledge f nor remembrance are properly in god , all things both past , and to come , being present before him . although gods prescience bring not a necessity upon events , yet it is necessary for all things to happen so as god hath fore-told , because god so fore-knows , as he hath decreed and wil'd it shall be ; but his decree give existence . a certain science and prediction of future and contingent things , is that first mark by which we are taught to distinguish the true god from idols , isa. . . vide voet. thes. de scientia dei , p. , , . so much for gods understanding ; his will follows ; by which god g freely , immutably , and efficaciously wils and approves of good , and that only , both the chiefest and first , viz. himself and his own glory , as the end , prov. . . and rom. . . iohn . . and also the secondary , inferiour and subordinate good , viz. that of the creature , as farre as it hath an image of that chiefest good , and tends as a mean to that ultimate end . god wils , . most freely ; for as liberty is essential to every will ; so it is chiefly proper to the divine , because it is a will especially ; yet god wils good necessarily with a necessity of immutability , but not with a necessity of coaction ; for he is necessarily aud naturally good , and that which he once willed , he alwayes wils immutably and yet freely ; . god wils efficaciously ; for no man resisteth , nor can resist his will , daniel . . rom. . . voluntas dei semper impletur aut de nobis aut à deo in nobis . augustine . . for a faculty or power of the soul whereby we will ; so we say there are these faculties in the soul , the understanding and the will. so for that faculty of willing which is in god , so it is one with gods essence . . for the act of his willing called volitio : so it is one also with his essence . for as he is eternal and immutable , so is also his will. . the object or thing willed , so iohn . this is the will of my father , that is , that which he willeth and hath decreed . so we say , it is the princes will , that is , that which the prince willeth ; he willeth his own glory chiefly . gods will is his essence h whereby he freely willeth good , and nilleth evil ; or it is a faculty whereby god chooseth all and only good , and refuseth all and only evil . the will of god is : . most holy , rom. . . psal. . the rule of justice , lam. . : ephes. . . deut. . . isa. . . . eternal , rom. . . . unchangeable , mal. . . rom. . . the will of god is one and the same , but it is i distinguished . in respect of the object into voluntatem beneplaciti & placiti . god wils good things , and good effects with the will of his good pleasure , approving them first of all , and by himself , he intends their end and means , ephes. . . but evil and evil effects as they are evil , he nils , disapproves and dislikes . yet he voluntarily permits evil , and as there is a good end of it , he wils it with the will of his pleasure , for it is good that there should be evil , psal. . . acts . . cor. . . divines thus distinguish , there is volitio mala & mali , to will sin to be , is not sinful , it had never come into the world if god had not will'd it . . in respect of application to the creature , into . absolute k , when god willeth and concludeth any thing concerning us without any condition in us . . conditional , when he wils , some condition being put in us ; so god would have all men saved on this condition , if they can believe . the first of these is by another name called voluntas beneplaciti , the last voluntas signi . gods will is : . secret , voluntas propositi , that whereby he hath absolutely , and freely determined with himself what he will do , permit or hinder . . revealed , voluntas praecepti , that whereby god hath manifested what he would have believed , done or left undone by his reasonable creatures , mark . . thess. . . that distinction of gods will into beneplaciti & signi , differs little from this . signi is the same with revealed . beneplacitum is the decree properly so called , which may be either hidden or manifest . it serves first to comfort us in adversities ; god is a most free agent , therefore he is not bound to second causes , so as he cannot help without them , psal. . . secondly , to exhort us to sobriety in our judgement of gods works . he is a most free agent , therefore we should not rashly exact of him a reason of his deeds . . we should labour first to know gods will ; so did eli , sam. . . . our wils should be pliable to the will of god. all goodnesse and truth in the creature is a conformity cum archetypo , say the schoolmen , of truth to the minde of god , and of goodnesse to the will of god , the first truth and goodnesse is in him ; those passages therefore in some mens writings had need to be well weighed , quaedam volita quia bona , & quaedam bona quia volita , god wils some things because they are good , as if some things were antecedently good to the will of god. his will is the rule of all goodnesse , non ideo volitum quia bonum , sed ideo bonum quia volitum . the power of grace mainly consists in a ready submission to the will of god. reason . . grace is the law written in the heart , ier. . . when there is a disposition there suitable to every commandment , praebendo vires efficacissimas voluntati , saith augustine . . the highest subjection of the soul to god is the subjection of the will. he will be obeyed as well as worshipped , as a god : . you are his servants his will should be subdued to his masters ends , he is to have no will of his own . . you are said to be married to god , hos. . . the woman is to subject her will to her husband , gen. . . . because the act of the will only is the act of the man , actus voluntatis est actus suppositi , psal. . . that is an act of a man , which if he were free he would choose to do , psal. . . . the main power of sinne lies in the will , the blame is still laid upon that , israel would have none of me , you will not come to me that you may have life , i would and you would not ; i am bound ( saith augustine ) meaferrea voluntate . . the main work of the spirit in the omnipotency of it , is seen in subduing the will , eph. . . psal. . . . our sanctification shall be perfect when our wils shall be perfectly subjected to god , heb. . . we should be careful : . to do his will cheerfully , speedily , sincerely , constantly ; a christian makes god in christ his portion , that is his faith ; and the word of god his rule , that is his obedience . . be patient under the hand of god in all afflictions , for nothing can befall us but that which is the good pleasure of our heavenly father . . we should not depart from the word of god , but make that the warrant of all our actions ; for there is nothing sinne but what god forbiddeth ; and nothing acceptable , but what he commandeth . a man may with a good will , will that which god nils ; as if a good sonne desire his fathers life whom god would have die , and one may will with an ill will , that which god wils with a good will , as if an ill sonne should desire his fathers death , which god also wils . . pry not into the lords secrets , they belong not unto thee , but be wise unto sobriety . . we should be afraid to sinne against god , who can punish how he will , when he will , and where he will ; god wils seriously the conversion of all men , by the preaching of the word , voluntate approbationis , by way of allowance , but not voluntate effectionis & intentionis , not effectually , by way of full intention to work it in them . it is one thing to approve of an end as good , another thing to will it with a purpose of using all means to effect it . gods commandments and exhortations , shew what he approves and wils , to be done as good ; but his promises or threatnings shew what he intendeth effectually to bring to passe . under gods will are comprehended affections which are attributed to god , and are divers motions of his will according to the diversity of objects . yet they are not sudden and vehement perturbations of god * as they are in man , rising and falling as occasion serves , but constant , fixed , tranquil , and eternal acts and inclinations of the will , according to the different nature of things , either contrary or agreeable to it . there are in man some habitual and perpetual affections , as love and hatred , much more hath the eternal will of god eternal affections , whiles it moves it self to the objects , without alteration , impression and passion . god is so far affected toward particulars , as they agree or disagree with the universal and immutable notions and idaeas of good existing in god from eternity ; so god hates evil and loves good , both in the abstract and universal idaea , and also in the concrete in particular subject as farre as it agrees with the general . chap. viii . of gods affections , his love , hatred . the affections , which the scripture attributes to god , are . love which is an act a of the divine will , moving it self both to the most excellent good in it self , and to that excelling in the reasonable creature , approving it , delighting in it , and doing good b to it , iohn . , . rom. . . in which definition two things are to be noted . . the object of gods love. . the effect or manner of gods love. the primary object of gods love is himself , for he taketh great pleasure in himself , and is the author of greatest felicity and delight to himself . the father , son and holy ghost , love one another mutually , matth. . . and . . iohn . , . and . . and . . and . . and . . the secondary object of gods love is the reasonable creature angels and men . for though he approve of the goodnesse of other things , yet he hath chosen that especially , to prosecute with his chiefest love : for these reasons . . for the excellency and beauty of the reasonable creature , when it is adorned with its due holinesse . . because between this onely and god , there can be a mutual reciprocation of love , since it onely hath a sense , and acknowledgement of gods goodnesse . . because god bestows eternity on that which he loves ; but the other creatures besides the rational shall perish . gods love to christ is the foundation of his love to us , matth. . . ephes. . . god loves all creatures with a general love , matth. . , . as they are the work of his hands ; but he doth delight in some especially , whom he hath chosen in his son , iohn . . ephes. . . psal. . . god loves his elect before they love him ; his love is actual and real in the purpose of it to them from eternity . there are four expressions in scripture to prove this : . he loves his people before they have the life of grace , ephes. . . iohn . . rom. , . . before they have the life of nature , rom. . . . before the exhibition of christ , iohn . . . before the foundation of the world was laid , ephes. . . tim. . . therefore god loves the elect more than the reprobate , and our love is not the motive of his love . object . how could god love them when they were workers of iniquity , hab. . . psal. . , . he loved their persons , but hated their works and wayes . god loved christs person , yet was angry with him when the guilt of our sins was upon him . he loves his people , . before conversion , amore benevolentiae , with a love of good-will and of pity , which is properly shewed to one in misery , ezek. . . . after conversion , with a love . of sympathy , isa. . . heb. . . and . . . of complacency and delight , psal. . , . that psalm is a prophecy of christ , see ephes. . . this love of his delight is discovered four wayes : . by his valuing of his people , since thou wast precious in my sight thou wast honorable . . by his commendation of his church and people , as often in the canticles . . by his frequent visits , luke . . rev. . . . by revealing his counsels to them . iohn . . . the effect or manner of gods love is , that god makes the person happy whom he loves . for he doth amploy reward that joy and delight which he takes in the holinesse and obedience of the elect , while he pours plentifully upon them all gifts , both of grace and glory . this love of god to the elect is : . free , hosea . . he was moved with nothing but his own goodnesse , ezek. . . . sure , firm , and unchangeable , rom. . , . iohn . . iohn . . and . . infinite and eternal , which shall never alter , iohn . . it is without cessation , psal. . . diminution , cant. . . interruption , rom. . . to the end , or alteration , every created thing is imutable . . effectual , as is declared both by his temporal and eternal blessings , iohn . . dei amare est bonum velle . . sincere , it is a love without any mixture , love , and nothing but love . this is the motive which perswades gods to communicate himself , and act for his people isa. . . rev. . . and hath no motive but it self , deut. . , , . iohn . . god hath no need of us , or our love , nor doth not advantage himself by loving us , iob . . . great and ardent , iohn . . and . . rom. . , . god bestows pledges of his love and favor upon them whom he hath chosen , and sometimes he sheds the sence of his love abroad in their hearts , transforms us into his own image , cant. . . and . . see zeph. . . we must love god appreciativè , love him above all things , and in all , psal. . . mat. . . intensivè and intellectivè , with all our might and strength . affectu & effectu , love him for himself , and all things for the lords sake : else it is not , . a conjugal love , . not an equal love , to love the gifts , and not the giver . we should love : . all the divine persons in the trinity , . the father , ye that love the lord , hate evil . . christ , for taking our nature upon him . he gave himself to us , and for us , cant. . . . the holy ghost , for drawing our hearts to the knowledge of this great mystery , rom. . . . all the divine properties and excellencies , whereby god makes himself known to the sons of men : love him for his holiness , es. . beginning , fidelity , cor. . . omniscience and dominion , the scepter of thy kingdom is a righteous scepter . . we should love all his ordinances , psal. . . and . beginning , and all his discoveries to us in his word , thess. . . we should expresse our love to him by our care in keeping his commandments , iohn . . iohn . . and . . and earnest desire of his presence , psal. . , . . our love should be conformed to gods , in loving the saints , psal. . . gal. . . iohn . . pet. . . and christ above all , desiring to be united to him , cor. . . pet. . . . we should admire the love of god , iohn . . for the sureness , greatnesse , and continuance of it , it passeth our knowledge , ephes. . . he hath given his son for a price , his spirit for a pledge , and reserves himself for a reward . that tantus so great a god , should love tantillos so little creatures as we before we were , rom. . . tales when we were enemies , rom. . . tantum so much . means to love god : . beg this love much of god in prayer . . study much to know him , his nature , attributes , excellencies . . labour to injoy communion ▪ with him . . mortifie other loves contrary to this , inordinate self-love , and love of the world , iohn . . there are many promises made to the love of god : . of temporal blessings , psal. . . rom. . . . spiritual , all the comforts of the gospel , cor. . . . of heavenly and eternal blessings , iames . . and . . . god is maximè amabilis , he is truly lovely . . consider the great benefits we receive from him , psal. . . . he desires us to love him , deut. . mark . , ▪ this affection onely and joy abide for ever , corinth . . ult . the second affection in god , contrary to love , is hatred , which is an act * of the divine will , declining , disproving and punishing of evil ' , prevailing and reigning in the reasonable creature . in which definition three things are to be noted : . the object of gods hatred . . the cause and condition of the object hated . . the effect of gods hatred . . the object of gods hatred is the reasonable creature , for that onely sins . he hateth iniquity , psal. . . hab. . . prov . . and the creature which ob stinately and stubbornly persisteth in evil , so that he doth rejoyce in the calamity and destruction thereof , psal. . . and . . prov. . . . the cause and condition of the object hated , is sin ; for which god abhors the delinquent creature ; onely the reasonable creature hath left his station , and defiled himself with the filth of sin ; all the rest of the creatures , whether brute beasts or insensible creatures , persist in the state of goodnesse wherein they were created , although perhaps not in the same degree of perfection and excellency for mans sin : but although god cannot hate the creature , unlesse as sinful , yet not every degree of sin , but a high measure of it , makes the person hated . it is true that god abhors the least sin , yet he doth not abhor the persons of the godly , in which are the reliques of sinne , as he doth those of the wicked in whom sinne reigns . . the effect of gods hatred is to punish the person whom he hates , psal. . . whom when once it is rejected by god , troops of evil do invade , god both permitting and commanding ; and this actual hatred or outward manner of manifesting it , it may not unfitly be referred to the divine justice . hatred in god is a vertue and fruit of his justice , and not a vicious passion . consider , . the unsupportable horrors of conscience , prov. . . . the painful death of little children , rom. . . . how grievously god punisheth the sins of the elect in his own son , when he was made sin he was made a curse . . how small sins have been punished : the angels for one aspiring thought were cast into hell ; uzza struck dead for touching the ark , fifty thousand bethshemites for looking into it . mr. peacock felt a hell in his conscience for eating too much at one meal . . the appointing of everlasting torments . we should hate sin ( for god hateth it ) and that with the greatest hatred , even as hell it self , rom. . sin is the first , principal , and most immediate object of hatred . paul mentioning divers evils , saith , god forbid . i hate vain thoughts , saith david , our affections must be conformable to gods. he hateth nothing simply but sin , and sinners for sinnes sake . . sin is , as most injurious to god , so most hurtful to man ; therefore it is in it self most hateful . the ground of hatred of any thing is the contrariety of it to our welfare , as we hate wild , fierce , and raging beasts , for their mischievousnesse , toades and serpents for their poysonfulness , which is a strong enemy to life and health . sin is the most mischievous and harmful thing in the world . just hatred is general of whole kindes , as we hate all serpents , so we should all sins . means to hate sin : . pray to god , that his spirit may rule and order our affections , and set the same against evil . . exercise our selves in meditating of the infinite torments of hell , which sin deserveth , and the fearful threats denounced against it in the word of god , of all sorts of evils . . we should labor to get out of our natural estate , for the unregenerate man hates god , psal. . . rom. . . christ , iohn . . and good men , eo nomine , as cain did abel , iohn . , . they hate gods ways and ordinances , prov. . , . this hatred is . causelesse , psa. . . . , intire , without any mixture of love . . violent , psal. . . . irreconcilable , gen. . . chap. ix . of the affections of anger and clemency , given to god metaphorically . other affections which are given to god metaphorically , and by an anthropopathy ; are . anger , * and its contrary , complacency or gentlenesse , which are improperly in god , for he is neither pleased nor displeased ; neither can a sudden either pertubation or tranquillity , agree to god ; but by these the actions of god are declared , which are such as those of offended and pleased men are wont to be ; viz. god by an eternal and constant act of his will approves obedience , and the purity of the creature , and witnesseth that by some sign of his favour , but abhors the iniquity and sin of the same creature , and shews the same , by inflicting a punishment , not lesse severe , but far more just then men are wont to do , when they are hot with anger , exod , . . now therefore , let me alone , that my wrath may wax hot against them , and that i may consume them , and i will make of thee a great nation . gods anger is an excellency of his own essence , by which it is so displeased with sin , as it is inclined to punish the sinner ; or a setled and unchangeable resolution to punish sinners according to their sins . god is greatly moved to anger against all impenitent sinners , especially the unjust enemies of his people , rom. . . and . , . cor. . . ephes. . . and col. . . deut. . . psal. . , because such wrong god : he cannot be hurt , for that were a weaknesse ; but he may be wronged , for that is no weaknesse , but a fruit of excellency , seeing nothing is more subject to be wronged then an excellent thing or person : for wrong is any behaviour to a person not suitable to his worth . and the more worthy a person is , the more easie it is to carry ones self unseemly . sin wrongs god : . in his authority ; when a just and righteous governor hath made just and right laws ; then it is a wrong to his authority , a denying and opposing of it , to neglect , dis-regard , and infringe those laws . sin is a transgressing of gods law , and impenitent sin , doing it in a very wilful manner , with a kinde of carelesnesse , and bold dis-respect of the law-maker . god should not have shewed himself wise , just , good , careful of mankinde ; that is to say , of his own work , if he had not made his law ; for it is a rule tending to guide man , to order his life most fitly for that which was the main end of it , the glory of his maker , and that which was the subordinate end of it , his own welfare . . it wrongs him in his honor , name and dignity ; it is a denying of his perfect wisdom and justice . . in his goods , abusing them : . in his person , sin being offensive to the purity of his holy person . lastly , the opposing of gods people wrongs him , in those that are nearest him . the properties of gods anger : . it is terrible : he is called bagnal chemah , the lord of anger , nahum . . his wrath is infinite like himself , rom. . . if we consider it , . in regard of its intension , for god is called a consuming fire , heb. . . it pierceth the soul , and the inmost part of the spirit . . in respect of its extension , it comprehends in it all kindes of evil , corporeal , spiritual , * in life , death , after death ; it reacheth to kingdoms , as well as to particular persons or families ; to the posterity , as well as to the present generation . . in respect of duration , it continueth to all eternity , iohn . . it is unquenchable fire . . irresistable , compared to a whirlwind . god is most wise , of great and perfect understanding . he is slow to anger , never moved till there be great cause ; therefore he holds out in his anger . great persons inflict great punishments on those with whom they are displeased . object . fury is not in me , isa. . . answ. take fury * for unjust , undue and excessive anger , which riseth too soon , worketh too strong , and continneth too long ; so it is not in god ; but a discreet and well advised motion against any offender , by which one is moved to punish him according to his offence ; anger so taken is in him . anger , wrath and rage , a ( or fury ) are sometimes promiscuously put one for another , and sometimes distinguished . anger is a boyling of the blood about the heart , causing a commotion of the spirits that are near . wrath is the manifestation of that inward distemper by looks , gestures or actions tending to revenge ; but rage is the extremity of both the former , prov. . . this may humble and astonish impenitent sinners , hos. . . psal. . . we must quench gods wrath as men do fire at the first , by casting in water , and taking away the fewel ; by repentance and reformation ; pour out water , sam. . . ier. . . psal. . . pray earnestly to him , zeph. . moses by prayer turned away gods hot anger from aaron and israel . . let us take heed of sinning , and so provoking god to anger ; and let us be angry with all sin , as he is . he is angry sometimes at the best people , israel his peculiar treasure , iudges . num. . . at the best of his people , with moses , aaron , and miriam , mic. . . exod. . . . at the best of their performances , their prayers , psal. . . gods meekness or clemency is a property in him , whereby he doth so moderate his anger , that it doth not exceed , yea it doth not match the hainousnesse of the offence ; or , it is a property , whereby the lord in judgement remembreth mercy , not laying such grievous punishments , or of so long continuance upon his creatures , as their sins deserve , no not when he doth correct them , sam. . . ier. . . ioel . . iohn . . , . queen elizabeth said , next the scripture she knew no book did her so much good as seneca de clementia . her clemency was such , that her brother king edward was wont commonly to call her , his sweet sister temperance . magistrates and ministers , and all christians should labor for this grace , they should be slow to anger , and moderate wrath . magistrates should rule , and ministers instruct in meeknesse . no vertue is so generally commended , tim. . . titus . . iames . , . humblenesse of minde , and meeknesse of spirit , are often in scripture set down together , ephes. . . coloss. . . god takes to himself also grief and joy . gods grief is his aptnesse to be displeased with a thing , as a man is with that which grieves him . joy is the excellency of his nature , by which he is well pleased with other things . so god attributes to himself desire and detestation , hope and fear . desire is that wherby he useth fit means to effect any thing . detestation is that whereby he useth fit and due means to prevent any thing . god is said to expect or hope for that which he hath used due means to effect , and therefore requireth that it should be . to fear what he hath used due means to prevent , and so will order the means that it may not be . chap. x. of gods vertues , particularly of his goodnesse . so much concerning the affections attributed to god , his vertues follow ; which as they have their seat in man , in the will and affections ; so it is not inconvenient for methods sake to refer them to the same in god. gods vertues * are his essence considered , as it always worketh orderly , fitly , and agreeably to perfect reason . they are not things differing from his essence as in us , but we must conceive of them according to our capacity , and handle them distinctly . by vertues we understand first in general the idea of vertue , or the chiefest moral perfection , by which god is in himself absolutely the best , and in respect of which all the vertues of angels and men are onely slender shadows and representations . for god is summum bonum , the chiefest good , and most perfect goodnesse , both metaphysically and morally ; so that his nature and will is the first rule of goodnesse and rectitude , with which , as far as things agree , so far they are , and are called good . . he is the cause of all goodnesse in the creatures , which have so much goodnesse as god works and keeps in them . gods goodnesse is an essential property whereby he is infinitely , and of himself good , and the author and cause of all goodnesse in the creature . gods goodnesse is considered as he is good in himself , yea , goodnesse it self , exod. . . psal. . . or as he is good to his creatures , which is his bounty , which being referred to his creatures , either as having goodnesse communicated to them , is his love ; or as being in misery , is his mercy , or as having deserved no good thing at the hands of god , but rather the contrary , is his grace . goodnesse * is the perfection of things for which they are desirable ; good and appetible are convertible : what is good is to be desired . god is to be desired of all , he is the chiefest good . the properties of which are these : . it is propter se amabile , to be desired for it self ; so onely god. . it is able to satisfie the soul , and that satisfaction which it gives is perpetual . in god there is both satiety and stability ; satisfaction of the appetite , and continuance of that satisfaction . . god is causally good , worketh all goodnesse in the creature , and doth good to them , psal. . . . eminently and absolutely good , the onely good . there is a goodnesse in the creature , its nature is good , but goodnesse is not its nature ; so there is none good but god ; viz. essentially , originally . our saviour matth. . . reproved one for calling him good ; not that he is not so essentially , but because he thinking him to be no more then a prophet , did yet call him so . god is onely good essentially , independently ; comparatively to god the creature is not good ; as a drop is no water compared to the ocean . the scripture proveth gods goodnesse , . affirmatively , when it affirmeth that god is good , and commends his goodnesse . . negatively , when it denieth that there is any evil in him , psal. . . deut. . . . symbolically , when it celebrateth the riches of his goodnesse , rom. . . . effectively , when it affirms that all the works of god are good , gen. . . it was said of every thing particularly when it was made , the lord saw that it was good ; and in the conclusion of the whole creation , god saw all his works that they were good , yea , very good ; that is , commodious for the comfort of man , and all other creatures . he made all things good , therefore he is good himself . this may be proved by the goodnesse which still remains in the creatures ; each creature hath yet remaining in him a power and fitnesse to do much good , and bring much comfort to man , as daily experience proves ; therefore he , that notwithstanding the rebellion of man hath continued yet much good in the world , is surely good ; the beasts do good to their yong , man to his children ; this power they received from god. . god is to be loved , honored , praised , and served by man , therefore he is good ; or else he were not worthy this respect from the creature . the goodnesse of god is either considered ad intra and absolutely , or else ad extra and respectively . for the first , god in himself is good . this appears : . in reckoning up all the kindes of good things that are ; for there is . bonum utile , the profitable good ; now how happy must they needs be who have him , which can command all things ; if thou hast him , thou hast all things else in him . . there is bonum jucundum , taste and see how sweet he is , at thy right hand are pleasures for evermore . . bonum honestum , he is the holy god , the author of all holinesse , and the exemplar of it . . this goodnesse of his cannot be increased , it being his essence , it cannot be made better ; for god hath in him , not onely all the actual , but all the possible goodnesse that is in the creatures ; any creature still may be better ; thy riches , honors , comforts may be better , but thy god cannot be a better god ; therefore we should infinitely affect him more then all creatures . . it is independent goodnesse , he is omnis boni bonum ; hence he is said to be onely good , that is , essentially and immutably . . it is essential ; the essence and goodnesse of the creatures is different ; goodnesse in the angels the perfectest creatures , is a superadded quality to them , they may be good , but ille bonus suo bon est , he is good with his own goodnesse , he cannot be god if he be not good . . it is illimitted goodnesse , infinite , without all bounds , above all that can be conceived , he being essentially so , and not limited to this or that being , neither is his goodnesse . . it is immixed goodnesse , iohn . . he is light , and there is no darknesse in him , not the least evil of sin . . it is the samplar and form of all goodnesse in the creatures : so far a thing is good as it doth resemble him . all the good of a creature is in god always : . eminently , as you consider it in its kinde , without imperfection . . efficiently , as he is the author and cause of all the good the creature hath . . exemplarily , as he is the rule and patern of all goodnesse . . finally , as he is the chiefest good of all creatures , so that all terminate their desires in him . secondly , god is good respectively in what he doth to the creature : that appeareth in the good things bestowed upon them . he gives to all liberally , especially the rational creatures , as men and angels , partake of his goodnesse , being made capable of enjoying him for ever . . in the evil he keeps off from the elect ; as he will withhold no good things , so he will let no evil befal them . object . god is infinitely good ( say the arminians ) therefore he cannot but naturally will good to the creature . sol it doth not follow ; for out of his goodnesse he made the world , his goodnesse freely communicated , not out of necessity , then it will follow that he naturally made the world . . god is infinitely just , therefore he also naturally wills the perdition of all sinners , which they will not admit . . he is infinitely good in himself , not therefore so to his creatures , for so he should will all good to them , and actually communicate it , and so should save all . notwithstanding gods goodnesse of nature , he suffered man to fall ; but yet he was so good that he would not have suffered it , unlesse he could have shewed as much goodnesse to man another way ; and indeed christ is a greater good to us by faith , then adams innocency could have been ; but yet since that evil is come into the world , how many calamities might befal thee , did not gods goodnesse prevent it ? that the earth swallows thee not up t is gods goodnesse . the goodnesse of god is so great , that no creature should suffer punishment , but that the justice of god doth require the same , or else some greater good may be drawn from thence , ezek . . object . how doth it agree with gods goodnesse , that it is said psal. . . with the froward he will shew himself froward ? answ. in the general , the meaning is onely , that gods judgements shall agree with mens manners , and david shews not how god is in himself , but relatively how he is to us . we should . love god because of his goodnesse , for it is the proper object of love . that which is the chief good , ought to be the principal object of all the powers of our souls . god is the principal good : o that we could account him so , and accordingly carry our selves toward him . sine summo bono nil bonum , there is no thing good , without the chiefest good , psal. , . . imitate him , be good as he is good , be like our heavenly father , good to all , summae religionis est imitari quem colis . aug. de civ . dei , l. . c. . it is a chief point of religion to imitate him whom we worship , rom. . . cleave to that which is good , we should still be doing or receiving good . . gods goodnesse will support his children in their calamities , nehem. . . and arm them against poverty , and the fear of death it self . i do not fear to dye ( said ambrose ) because we have a good lord. nec pudet vivere , nec piget mori , quia bonum habemus dominum . we are much to be blamed for sleighting , despising or neglecting him the fountain of all goodnesse . man is a most loathsom creature that hateth , and foolish , that sleighteth this chief good . here is a ground of thankfulnesse to gods people , which enjoy the goodnesse of god in part here in the creature , and shall hereafter immediately and fully . god is good to all in bestowing upon them gifts of nature , of body or of minde , but he is especially good to some , whom he hath chosen to life eternal . we may see the great evil of sin ; nothing is so opposite to this attribute of gods goodnesse as sin ; the devils are not evil as creatures , but as sinful . chap. xi . of gods grace and mercy . so much in general of gods vertues . secondly , in special , the vertues which imply not imperfection in the reasonable creature , are attributed to god. the principal of which are , . bounty or graciousnesse , by which god shews favor to the creatures freely , and that either commonly or specially : . commonly , when he exerciseth beneficence and liberality toward all creatures , pouring upon them plentifully all goods of nature , body , minde and fortune , so that there is nothing which tasteth not of the inexhausted fountain of his blessings and goodnesse , matth. . , . psal. . , . gods bounty is a will in him to bestow store of comfortable and beneficial things on the creature in his kinde . this bounty he shewed to all things in the creation , even to all spirits , all men and all creatures , and doth in great part shew still , for he opens his hand , and filleth every living thing with his bounty , he gives all things richly to enjoy . . specially toward the church , by which he bestoweth eternal life on certain men fallen by sin , and redeemed in christ , titus . . and . . as this is exercised toward the whole church , so in a special manner toward some members of it , as toward enoch , moses , iacob , paul , and especially abraham , who is therefore often called the friend of god ; he made with him and his seed a perpetual league of friendship , and he constantly kept his laws and statutes , iohn . , . gods graciousnesse is an essential property , whereby he is in and of himself most gracious and amiable , psal. . . god is onely gracious in and of himself , and whatsoever is amiable and gracious is so from him . gods graciousnesse is that a whereby he is truly amiable in himself , and freely bountiful unto his creatures , cherishing them tenderly without any defert of theirs , psal. . . and . . gen. . . pelagius taught , that grace is given to men in respect of their merits , gratia dei datur secundum merita nostra , he said that gods will had respect to merits foreseen , for this pelagius was condemned for an heretique in three synodes . s ● austin refuteth this error , and referreth the matter to gods will and purpose onely . b. carleton against mountague , ch. . vide bellarm. de gratia & lib. arbitrio l. . c. , , . iohn scotus was the greatest pelagian that lived in his time ; for it was he that brought in the doctrine of meritum ex congruo , he teacheth that faith , charity , repentance , may be had ex puris naturalibus , which some of the most learned papists do confesse to be the true doctrine of pelagius , vide bellarminum de gratia & libero arbitrio l. . c. . god is gracious to all , psal. . , , . but especially to such whom he doth respect in his well-beloved son , jesus christ , exod. . . isa. . . luke . . gen. . . cor. . . gods free favor is the cause of our salvation , and of all the means tending thereunto , rom. . . and . , . ephes. . , . and . . rom. . . titus . . heb. . . rom. . . cor. . , . the gospel sets forth the freenesse , fulnesse , and the powerfulnesse of gods grace to his church , therefore it is called the word of his grace , acts . . and . . the gospel of the grace of god , acts . . deus expandit gratiae immensum coelum , luther . gods graciousnesse is firm and unchangeable , so that those which are once beloved can never be rejected , or utterly cast off , psal. . . god bestoweth , . good things . . freely . . plentifully , psal. . . . in a special manner he is gracious toward the godly . love is . grounded often on something which may deserve it ; the grace b of god is that love of his which is altogether free . . grace is such a kinde of love as flows from a superiour to an inferior ; love may be in inferiors toward their superiors . we should be also liberal in our services toward god , in our prayers and good works . we should desire and strive to obtain the grace and favor of god. david often calleth on god to cause his face to shine upon him , and to lift up the light of his countenance upon him . the holy patriarchs often desired to finde grace in the eyes of the lord. it is better then life to him that hath it ; it is the most satisfying content in the world , to have the soul firmly setled in the apprehension of gods goodnesse to him in christ. it will comfort and stablish the soul in the want of all outward things , in the very hour of death . . it is attainable , those that seek gods face shall finde him . means of purchasing gods favor : . take notice that your sins have worthily deprived you of his favour , and presse these thoughts upon you till you feel your misery ; meditate on the law , to shew you your cursednesse . . consider of the gracious promises of the gospel , and see the grace of god in christ. his grace was exceeding abundant , saith the apostle . . confesse and bewail your sins , with a full purpose of amendment , and cry to god for grace in christ. . this stayes our hearts , when we apprehend our own unworthinesse ; god is gracious , and shews mercy to the undeserving , the ill-deserving . . we should acknowledge that all grace in us doth come from him the fountain of grace , and should go boldly to the throne of grace , and beg grace of him for our selves and others , heb. . paul in all his epistles saith , grace be unto you . the apostle , ephes. . . and so on , speaks of redemption , vocation , justification , glorification , and all this , saith he , is to the praise of his glory , and . . verses , we should give god the praise of all : he is the first cause , and last end . the arminians will seem to say , that all comes from grace , and that faith is the grace of god , but they say it is a power given to all , and that god hath done alike for all , onely some improve the power of reason and will better then others , without any special discriminating grace from god ; then god is not the first cause , that i believe it is the free working of god within me . we should take heed of encouraging our selves in sin , because god is gracious ; this is to turn gods grace into wantonnesse . we should frequent the ordinances where god is graciously present , and re●dy to bestow all his graces on us : the word begets grace , prayer increaseth it , and the sacraments seal it . it refutes . the papists , which boast of their own merits , by the grace of god i am that i am , cor. . . rom. . . by grace we are saved , ephes. . . they distinguish grace into that which is gratis data freely given , as the work of miracles , the gift of prophesying , and that which is gratum faciens , making us accepted , as faith and love are graces making us accepted ; but the grace which maketh us accepted , is freely given , therefore they are not opposite members . there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grace , and the gift of grace , they differ as the cause and the effect , as lux in sole , and lumen in aere , one is in god subjectivè , the other in man objectivè . . the arminians ( the patrons of mans free will , and enemies of gods free-grace ) who say that a man may so far improve naturals as to merit grace , and that god gives effectually grace to the wicked which * shall never be saved , to iudas as well as paul. how is that effectual , which moving men unto faith and repentance , doth never bring them to one nor other ? it seems these remonstrants never learnt this lesson , arminio praeceptore ; for he defines effectual grace to be that qu● sortitur effectum , which obtains the effect . they say that a man without gods grace may keep all the commandments , whereas christ saith not ( as augustine * notes ) iohn . . without me you can do little , but , without me you can do nothing . never had the church of god ( saith dr. featly in his pelagius redivivns , . parallel . ) since the apostle st. paul , a more valiant and resolute champion of grace then st. augustine . pelagius would change himself into divers forms , as is manifest by the history of him ; although sometimes he seems to restrain the whole operation of grace to external perswasions ; yet being pressed by augustine and others , both he and his disciples have often been compelled also to confesse the inward gifts of grace and the holy ghost . it comforts us against sin and fear of eternal death , rom. . , . paul and silas sung in prison . we ought to love and reverence god above all ; and return praise to him for his free goodnesse ; gracious and amiable men win love and reverence from others . some divines think david is called a man after gods own heart , especially for his frequent praising of god in the psalms . we should learn contentation and patience also under gods hand , and to bear losses quietly in these times , since all that we have we received freely from god. this was iobs argument , the lord hath given , and the lord hath taken , though he was plundered by the chaldeans and the sabeans . . mercy , which is , at it were , a sense of another misery , with a prompt and ready inclination of the will to help the creatures freely in their miseries . this affection god challengeth as proper to himself , and glories in it . heroick and noble spirits are most gentle and merciful ; cruelty is a sign of a weak and base minde . this merciful nature of god , although it principally appear toward man , as appears by the laws given concerning orphans , widows , strangers , poor , and others oppressed with any calamity , yet his mercy is exercised also toward the bruit beasts , dent. . , , . exod. . , , . mercy is a disposition toward the creature considered as sinful and miserable by his sin . it is a readinesse to take a sit course for the helping of the miserable , or it is an attribute in god * whereby the lord of his free love is ready to succor those that be in misery , iudges . . & . . he is called the father of mercies , cor. . . said to be abundant in mercy , pet. . . rich in mercy , ephes. . . he hath a multitude of mercies , psal. . . is said to be of tender mercy , psal. . . luke . . to have bowels of mercy , psal. . . gods mercy in scripture usually hath some epithets , matchlesse , jer. . . great , sam. . . psal. . . and . . nehem . . everlasting ▪ psal , . . luke . . free , ephes. . rom. . , . sure , isa. . . gods mercy to his church shines in these things : . in passing by her insirmitimes , exod. . . . in accepting her endeavors . . in correcting , . sparingly . . unwillingly . . in providing all things needful for it . mercy in god is not any passion or quality , as it is in men , but it is the very divine essence it self , and therefore * perpetual and infinite , such as no tongue can expresse . mercy in god and in us differ : . it is in him essentially , in us as a quality . . in him primarily , in us secondarily . gods mercy is the cause of all mercy , it is without motive or worth in us , natural , free , rom. . . boundlesse , extends to a mans soul , body , this life , the next , to a man and his posterity , exod. . , . it is above all his works , psal. . . it is beyond his promise , and our expectation . he doth acts of mercy with delight , ier. . . mic. . . counts it his glory to shew mercy , ier. . . reasons : . whatsoever good and commendable thing is to be found in the creature , that must needs be found eminently and excellently in the creator , from whom it is derived to the creature ; and who could not derive it to the creature , if he had it not more perfectly in himself . now mercy is to be found in all good men , and it is a lovely and commendable thing in them , such as begets good will and liking towards them ; therefore it is much more fully in god. . he hath great mercy in him ; if god be merciful at all , he must needs be merciful in great measure , yea , above all measure , beyond all degrees , in all perfection ; for the essence of god is infinite , and his wisdom , power , and mercy are infinite . see gen. . . isa. . . and . , . he gives and forgives far beyond us . first , he exceeds us in giving . . our curtesies are often extorted from us , luke . . he gives freely , isa. . . rom. . . iehn . . . we give but small gifts , god the greatest , himself , his son , his spirit , iohn . luke . . rom. . . iohn . . . we give with self-respect , iob . . . we give to our friends and relatives , sam. . . matth. . . . we are soon weary of giving , but so is not he , iames . . sam. . , . . we give at death , when we can keep no longer , rom. . . secondly , he exceeds us in forgiving . . man is revengeful to those which wrong him , so is not god , exod. . . hos. . . ier. . . . we forgive when it is not in our power to avenge our selves , sam. . . we are always in gods power . . we are hardly drawn to forgive , neh. . . psal. . . ephes. . , , . isa. . . luke . . . we cannot forgive often , mat. . . god doth , gen. . . . if we forgive , we do not forget , ier. . , , . mark . . there is a mercy of god , which extends to all his creatures , psal. . . luke . . god is merciful unto all men as men . first , to the worst of men , his foes : . in giving the good they do not deserve , but abuse . he gives abundance of outward blessings to them , . in their bodies , firm strength , psal. . . . their estates , fills them with hid treasures , psalm . . . in liberty , they are free from fear , iob . . . in their posterity , iob. . . . in forbearing that evil they deserve and provoke him every day to inflict , acts . . yet he perfectly knows their sins , and hates sin infinitely , psal. . . and hath power in his hand to execute vengeance on sinners : when wicked men abuse all these forbearances , slight his threats , isa. . . rom. . and his own people are much offended with this forbearance of his , ierem. . . hab. . . secondly , to his own children especially , is god rich in mercy ; all his mercies and forbearances to the wicked are for the good of his own , he hath saving , sanctifying , pardoning , cleansing mercies for his saints : . in all ages . . to them of the lowest form , zach. . . matth. . . . in their saddest condition , psal. . nlt. the special mercy of god is offered unto all within the church , ezek. . , acts . , but is bestowed onely upon some , viz. such as receive christ , iohn . , . this life is the time of mercy , wherein we obtain pardon for sin ; after this life there is no remission or place for repentance . all blessings spiritual and corporal are the effects of gods mercy . common blessings of his general mercy , speciall blessings of his special mercy . the effects of gods special mercy , are , . the giving of christ for us . his word . . justification . . sanctification . . giving his spirit for a comforter in our griefs and afflictions ▪ iohn . . . the sacraments . mercy must accord with wisdom , justice , and truth ; therefore those that stoop to justice by acknowledging their offence , and worthinesse to be punished for it , and are sorry they have so offended , and resolve to offend so no more , and earnestly also implore gods mercy , shall partake of it . the lord is plenteous in mercy to all which call upon him , and the lords delight is in them which fear him , and hope in his mercy . judge your selves , and you shall not be judged ; humble your selves under the hand of god , and he will exalt you . on these terms he will shew mercy universally to all , which submit to him thus , and seek to him for mercy , without any exception of person , fault , time . quest. whether mercy and justice be equal in god , and how can he be most just and most merciful ? answ. mercy and justice may be considered ad intra , as they are essential properties in god , and so he is equally just as well as merciful . . ad extra , as he puts himself forth into the outward exercise of mercy and punishment . in this latter sense , we must distinguish between this present time , where mercy triumphs against judgement , iames . . and the day of judgement , that is a time of justice and retribution to the wicked ; and so david speaking of this present time , saith , all thy ways are mercy and truth , psalm . and that of the schools is true , remunerat ultra condignum , punit infra . gods justice and mercy are both infinite and equal in him , * onely in regard of man there is an inequality : for god may be said to be more merciful unto them that are saved , then just to them that are damned ; for the just cause of damnation is in man , but of salvation is wholly from god. in himself and originally they are both equal , and so are all his attributes ; but in respect of the exercise and expression upon his creatures and abroad in the world , there is some difference . mr. bolton on prov. . . justice seeks a fit object , mercy onely a fit occasion ; justice looks on those which deserve , mercy onely on those which need . . we should believe this point , labor to be fully perswaded in our hearts that gods mercies are great and many ; he hath preventing mercies ; how many sins hath he preserved thee from ? . sparing mercies ▪ * lam. . ▪ behold gods severity * towards others , and mercy toward thee . . renewing mercies . . pardoning mercies . he is willing and ready to help us out of misery ; therefore we should praise him for this attribute : how excellent and desirable a thing is mercy ? therefore give him the glory of his mercy . . it is full of comfort to a childe of god , he need not be dismayed with any thing , not his imperfections , since the devil himself cannot hurt him ; for god is more merciful to help him , then the devil can be malicious to hurt him . . we should be encouraged to seek to him for mercy , seeing there is so great store of it in him . there is an infinitenesse of mercy in god , so that whatever my sins have been , if now i will turn , he will accept me ; if i strive to turn he will enable me ; therefore i will now run to him * for mercy , i will fall down before the throne of justice , and confesse i have deserved wrath , and nothing but wrath , but will cry to him for mercy . the great motive to draw sinners to repentance , is gods mercy , isa. . . acts . , . this will . keep men from despair , psal. . ▪ and carnal confidence , isa. . . cor , . . . it lays the greatest obligation on men , tit. . . and gives the clearest satisfaction , rom. . . . it is the great aim of the scripture to draw men by mercy , exod. . . neh. . . luke . . isa . . ier. . . . it is the aim of providence , and all gods dispensations , psal. . . those that have and do seek , should give him the glory of his mercy , and take comfort themselves in the confident hope of finding mercy . praise him for his mercy to others , and he will give thee some comfortable hope of finding it thy self . . we should be merciful like god , to our selves and brethren , their souls and bodies , imitate his mercy , be you merciful to the afflicted and distressed , shew mercy freely and constantly , and then we shall obstain mercy , mat. . . . we should labor to be qualified for mercy . . confesse our sins , and forsake them , prov. . . . fear god , his mercy is on them that fear him , luke . . psal. , ▪ , . . love god , he shews mercy to them that love him , exod. . . . trust in god , then mercy shall compasse us , psal. . . . think on good things , then we shall have mercy , prov. . . . keep close to the rule of gods word , gal. . . chap. xii . of gods iustice , truth , faithfulnesse . a third vertue in god is iustice , by which god in all things wills that which is just ; or it is the attribute whereby * god is just in and of himself , and exerciseth justice toward all creatures , and giveth every one his due , isa . . psal. . . gen. . . zeph. . . rom. . , . pet. . . thess. . , . tim . . iohn . & . . justice in man is a setled will to do right in every thing to every person , so god hath a setled will to do right , shall not the iudge of all the world do right ? and , are not my ways equal ? god stiles himself by this title , and gives himself this attribute , zeph. . . gods justice is twofold : . disposing , by which , as a most free lord and supreme monarch of all , he disposeth all things in his actions according to the rule of equity , and imposeth most just laws upon his creatures , commanding and forbidding onely that which is fit for them in right reason to do and forbear . . distributive , which renders to every one according to his work , without respect of persons , psal. . . iob . , . prov. . . ier. . . ezek. . . mat. . . deut. . . chron ▪ . . acts . . ephes. . . gal. . . and this distributive justice is also twofold , praemii , & paenae , of reward and punishment . . of reward , when god bountifully rewards the obedience of the creature with a free reward , thess. . , . mat. . , . mark . . god bestows this reward not onely on the godly , both by heaping divers mercies on them in this life , and by the fulnesse of glory and felicity in the life to come , but also on the wicked , whose moral actions he rewards with temporary rewards in this world , as the obedience of iehu , the repentance of ahab . . of punishment , by which he appointeth to the delinquent creature , the punishment of eternal death for the least sinne , gen. . . rom . . which death is begun in this life , in divers kindes of miseties and punishments , which for the most part are proportionable to their sins , gen. . . and . ▪ but is perfected in the life to come . when the full wrath of god is poured upon it , iohn . . thess. . . this justice is so essential * to god , immutable , and ( as i may so speak ) inexorable , that he cannot remit the creatures sins , nor free them from punishment , unlesse his justice be satisfied ; god cannot dispense against himself , because sins do hurt the inward vertue of god , and the rule of righteousnesse , the integrity therefore and perfection of god cannot stand , if he satisfie not that ; yet through his bounty and goodnesse he hath found out a way by which due satisfaction may be given thereunto ; viz. by christ , who hath born a punishnent equivalent to our sins , for us . the scripture proves the justice of god , . affirmatively , when it calls him just , a revenger , holy , right , and extols his justice , exod. . . psal. . , ier. . . . negatively , when it removes from him injustice and iniquity , respect of persons , and receiving of gifts , and also all the causes and effects of injustice , deut. . . & . . dan. . . iob . . . affectively , when it attributes to him zeal , anger , fury , exod. . . & . . numb . . . which are not in god such passions as they be in us , but an act of the immutable justice . . symbolically , when it calls him a consuming fire , deut. . . compares him to an angry lyon , an armed souldier , isa. . . . effectively , when it affirms that he renders to every one according to his works , sam. . . gods justice comprehends his righteousnesse and truth , he is just in words and deeds . gods justice * is considered four ways : . as he is free lord of all , and so his decrees are just , rom. . . . . as he is god of all , and so the common works of preserving both the good and bad are just , tim. . . mat. . . . as a father in christ , and so he is just in performing his promises , and infusing his grace , and in bestowing the justice of his son , iohn . . . as judge of all the world , and so his justice is not onely distributive , but corrective . his justice is , . impartial ; he will not spare , . multitude , all s●dome and gomorrha , and the old world perished . . great ones , the excellency or greatnesse of any creature will not exempt it from punishment ; the angels and adam fell , he spared not the angels , but threw them into hell . adam was cast out of paradise for one sinne . . neernesse ; the jews , gods people formerly , are now cast off ; moses and david were punished . . general , it extends to a mans posterity ; god will visit the iniquity of fathers upon their children . . inexorable , no sinners can escape unpunished ; the sins of the godly are punished in their surety christ , and they are afflicted in this life . god is justice it self , justice is essential to him , his will is the rule of justice : a thing is just because he willeth it , and not he willeth it because its just . he will right the wrongs of his children , thess. . , , . he cannot be corrupted nor bribed . gods justice comprehendeth two things under it : . equity , in that he directs men equally , and requites them equally , commanding all and onely good things , such as they in reason ought to do , promising and threatning fit and due recompences of their obedience and disobedience . . truth , whereby he declareth nothing to them but as the thing is ; and fidelity , whereby he fulfilleth all that he hath spoken . the arminians urge , how can god in justice command a man by his word , the performance of that which cannot be done by him , without the inward help of the spirit , and yet in the mean time god denies this inward grace unto him ? god may without blemish to his justice , command man to perform his duty , although he have now no strength to do it , because once he had strength , and he hath now lost it precepts and exhortations ordinarily signifie the approving w●ll of the commander , and his duty to whom they are propounded , although sometimes the duty rather of the hearer , then the will of the speaker be declared by them . rescrip . ames . ad responsum . grevinch c. . deus jubet aliqua quae non possumus , ut noverimus quid ab illo petere debeamus , aug. de grat . & lib. arbit . c. . gods commandments and exhortations shew what he approves and wills to be done as good , but his promises or threatnings shew what he intendeth effectually to bring to passe . mr. pemble of grace and faith. da domine quod jubes , & jube ▪ ●uid vis , said austin . god giveth thee , although thou be unable , a law to square thy life by for three causes , ut scias quid acceperis , ut videas quid amiseris , ut intelligas unde repetendum sit quod amiseris . it reproves such as live in sin , exod. . . psal. . . gal. . . if god be merciful that he may be feared , much more is he just that he may be feared . . we must take heed of justifying the wicked ; we should be just in our actions to man , in buying and selling , in rewarding and punishing , magistrates , ministers , masters , parents should be just . we should not murmure at gods disposing justice in making us poor , and should yield to his directing justice , obeying his commandments seem they never so unreasonable . mauritius the emperor , when his wife and children were murthered before him , and his own eyes after bored out , uttered this speech , iustus es , domine , & recta judicia tua . we should get christs righteousnesse to satisfie gods justice for us , and to justifie us . the consideration of gods justice , should afright us from hypocrisie , sinning in secret , keeping bosom sins . it ministers comfort to the godly , who are wronged by the wicked , they shall have an upright and just judge , who will uphold them in a good cause , psal. . . it may serve to exhort us to glorifie gods justice , both in fulfilling of his promises , and punishing wicked men , psal. . . and . . . god is true. truth or veracity is , by which god is true as in himself , so in his sayings and deeds . he revealeth himself to his creature such a one as indeed he is . real truth , or the truth of things , is a property of them by which they are the same indeed which they seem . it is an agreement betwixt the being and appearance of things ▪ it is double , . essential , or of the very substance of things . . accidental , of the qualities and actions of things ; and this , as it is referred to the reasonable creature ( for such truth can be no where but in it ) is inward and outward according as the actions are . inward truth of understanding , is an agreement betwixt its conceit of things , and the things themselves , contrary whereto is error , or misjudging , and of the will contrary to hypocrisie and dissimulation . outward , . of word , which is logical , when i speak as the thing is ; moral , when i speak as i conceive the thing to be ; and also in the matter of promises , when i mean as i say , and hold still that meaning till i have actually made good my words . . of deeds , when they are such in the intention and meaning of my minde , as in the outward pretence , and are agreeable to the promises i have made . god is true in all these respects : . his essence is real and true , he is a god indeed , not in imagination alone ; the scripture calls god the true god , to know thee , saith our saviour christ , the onely true god , and whom thou hast sent , iesus christ. he is the true god , not a bare conceit of our own head or siction : he hath not an imaginary and counterfeit , but a very real being ; he is indeed such he saith he is ; for that which gives being to other things , must needs it self be in very deed . the other supposed gods alone in name and in fancy of the worshippers , but he is . . he hath a true , not an erroneous conceit of things , he knows all things most exactly , he is indeed a willer of true goodnesse . . he speaks nothing but as the thing is , and as he doth conceive it ; he means what he promiseth , and doth what he means , the lord dissembleth not with men ; he is true in his word , and his whole word , whether narrations , promises , threats , visions , or predictions : he is abundant in truth , exod. . . what he telleth , it is as he telleth it ; what he promiseth or threatneth to do , he intendeth , and will perform , psalm . , , deut. . . cor. . . promissa tua sunt ; & quis falli timeat , cum promittit veritas ? aug. confes. l. . c. . . god is true in his works , they are not done counterfeitly , as those of the devil , but truly , psal. . . rev. . . the scripture proves the truth of god , . essentially , when it affirms god to be true in his works , deut. . . psal. . . rev. . . & . . . in his words , which is proved both affirmatively , iohn . . sam. . . and negatively , num. , . sam. . . heb. . . reason . all lying and falshood ariseth from weaknesse * and imperfection , or wickednesse , neither of which is in god , seeing to be god is to be perfect and absolute . he is the lord god of truth , psal. . . his son is truth , iohn . . his holy spirit , the spirit of truth , iohn . . the gospel is the word of truth , col. . . god is the chief and first truth , the author of truth , truth is in him essentially and immutably , psal. . . onely true , rom. . . this distinguisheth him from false gods , chron. . . iohn . . god is worthy to be trusted , honored , and esteemed , ergo most true . where it is said , god seduced the prophets , it is not so understood , as if god inspired a false prophecy and an error ; but that he delivered them to the devil to be seduced . . it serves to reprove the wicked , who believe not threats ; and the weak christians , who in temptations and desertions doubt of promises . . it exhorts us to desire the manifesting of this truth , psal. . . we should be true like god. zach. . . in our words and deeds , keep our vows with god , and promises with men . god loves truth , as in himself , so in his creatures , but abhors dissimulation and hypocrisie , prov. . . the true church is the pillar of truth , gods word the word of truth , psal. . we should therefore believe gods word , and depend upon his promise , seem it never so unlikely or impossible , give him the glory of his truth ; he that believeth , setteth to his seal that god is true , he that believeth not , maketh god a lyer . will you receive the testimony of men ? and will you not much more receive the testimony of god ? he that believeth gods promises , will surely do the things to which the lord by promises encourageth him : he that believes the threats , will forbear the thing which god by his threats seek to deter him from . this is matter of solid comfort for all the true children of god ; if he be faithful , they must be happy . truth is that vertue of the will by which it is moved to goodnesse for gods sake , when the thing moving us to be good , is gods commandment , and the end whereat we aim is the glorifying and pleasing of god , then we serve god in truth . . god is faithful , rev. . . first , in himself , by an uncreated faithfulnesse . secondly , in his decrees , isa , . , . thirdly , in all his ways and works , psal. . . . of creation , pet. . ult . . of redemption , heb. . . . of justification , iohn . . . of protection and preservation of his church , rev. . . fourthly , in all his words and speeches : . his commandments are the rule of truth and faithfulnesse to us , psalm . . . his predictions are all faithfully accomplished many thousand years after , as christs incarnation in the fulnesse of time , so gen. . . . his menaces are most faithful . . his promises , exod. . . heb. . . there is a difference between faithfulnesse in the creator , and in the creature . . this is the ocean and fountain from whence all faithfulnesse and truth in men and angels issue . . this is the rule and measure of that , and the nearer it comes to this , the more compleat it is . . it is unchangeable in him ; the angels that fell were faithful , but soon changed , so adam . . it is in god in most high perfection . reasons . . because of his most just and righteous nature , whose most righteous will is the rule of all his ways , psal. . . . he is most perfect and unchangeable in perfection . . because of his most pure and holy affection . . there is no imperfection in him to hinder his faithfulnesse . gods faithfulnesse is the ground of all true religion . . we must ground all the doctrine of faith , all the articles of faith , all our judgement and opinion in matters of faith upon this faithfulnesse of god , and this by holding fast all the faithful word , titus . . rom. . . . all our obedience of faith must be grounded on this , iohn . . heb. . . & . , zeph. . . heb. . . . all our prayers of faith must be grounded on gods faithfulnesse , dan. . . iohn . . pet. . psal. . . . all sound profession of faith must be grounded on this , genes . . . psal. . . . all true perseverance in the faith , cor. . . & , . we must be faithful : . to god , by being faithful in his covenant , as the psalmist speaketh . . to men for gods sake in our several places , in friendship as david and ionathan . moses and christ were faithful , the apostle saith , in stewards it is required that they be found faithful , cor. . titus . . cor. . . ephes. . . col. . , . sam. . . sam. . . nehem. . . tim . . faithfulnesse is required and commended in all sorts of men . reasons : the welfare and prosperity of all estates dependeth upon mans fidelity and faithfulnesse , it will be impossible for any good to be done amongst men , if each in his person and place be not faithful ; this therefore is required of all men . faithfulnesse is that vertue by which a man is careful to perform constantly and in truth all those duties to which either his place or promise , or both , do binde him . or , it is that vertue by which a man is as good as his word , when one doth speak good , and is in deed as good as in speech , this is faithfulnesse . it hath two parts : . the agreement of his meaning with his words at the time that he speaketh , when he purposeth to do according as he speaketh . . the agreement of his actions with his words and meaning , when he continues constant in his purpose till he have done what in him lies to effect it ; as it is said of boaz , that when he had said the thing , he would not be quiet until he had brought it to passe . a promise is the proper subject of faithfulnesse , in the well making and well keeping of that standeth fidelity . chap. xiii . of gods patience , longsuffering , holinesse , kindenesse . god is patient , psal. . . iob . . gods patience is that whereby he bears the reproach of sinners , and defers their punishments ; or it is the most bountiful will of god a , whereby he doth long bear with sin which he hateth , sparing sinners , not minding their destruction , but that he might bring them to repentance . this is aggravated : . in that sin is an infinite injury offered to him , therefore in the lords prayer it is called a trespasse . . he is infinitely affected b with this ; hence in the scripture he is said to be grieved with our sins , to be wearied , as a cart full of sheaves ; he is said to hate sin , for although he be such a perfect god that none of our sins can hurt him , yet because he is a holy and just god , he cannot but infinitely distaste sinners . psal. . , , . he can be avenged immediately , if he please : men many times are patient perforce , they would be revenged , but they know not how to compasse it . he apprehends at the same time what he hath done for us , and withal our unthankfulnesse , unkindenesse , and yet endured cain , saul , iudas a long time . . he beholds the universality of sin , all men injure him , the idolatry of the heathens blasphemy among christians , the prophaner sort are full of oathes , adulteries ; the better , negligent , lazy , cold . men make it their businesse to sin against him . ier. . . . god not onely not punisheth , but still continues his benefits ; the old drunkard is still alive . . he sets up a ministry to invite us to come in , and we have that many years ; forty years long was i grieved with this generation . . in christ patience was visible , there was living patience . . he afflicts lightly and mercifully to win us ; he makes thee sick and poor , to see if it will make thee leave thy sinning . object . god seems to be very impatient by his severe judgements inflicted on persons , families , churches , nations . answ. . such are very few in comparison of those to whom he shews great patience . . he is long patient to them , before he come upon them in justice . . he proceeds very deliberately and leisurely , when he doth punish such . . when at last he comes in judgement , it is in goodnesse to mankinde , and that they might be a warning to others . god must punish sometimes , to evidence . that his patience is a powerful patience , proceeding from riches of goodnesse , rom. . . not a patience perforce . . to shew that it is a knowing patience , and comes not from ignorance ▪ . that it is a just patience . . that it is a holy patience , psal. . . . god is longsuffering , exod. . . longsuffering is that whereby he expecteth and waiteth a long time for repentance ; or it is the most bountiful will of god , not suffering his displeasure suddainly to rise against his creatures offending , to be avenged of them , but he doth warn them before hand , lightly correct , and seek to turn them unto him . christ endured iudas till the last . long-suffering is a dilation of revenge , though we be provoked ; it is a further degree of patience , patience lengthened out further , rom. . . god endures to wonderment above measure , beyond all expectation . reasons . . that men might not despair , tim. . . . for his glory . . from his love ; a husband will forbear his wife . . to leave men without excuse , gen. . . and . . pet. . . god cannot properly suffer , for all things are active in him . it denounceth a woe to all those who despise and abuse the riches of gods patience to us ; the apostle calls it , treasuring up wrath ; that is , as a man lays up something every day till at last he get a great sum , so thou addest still to thy damnation ; god will so much more severely damn thee , by how much he hath dealt more kindely with thee . we should glorifie god for sparing us so long , and waiting for our repentance ; we should be like him , slow to anger , * patient , not easily provoked , rom. . . magistrates , ministers , and all must be like god , wait for repentance ; eccles. . . it reproves them that hence take liberty to sin ( patience abused turns into fury ) and are the worse for gods forbearance , matth. . . luke . . christian patience is that grace of god whereby a man is enabled through conscience of his duty to god , to bear what evils god shall lay on him , and to wait for the promises not yet performed , it is the fruit of faith and hope . faith and patience are often coupled together . as by faith we enjoy god , and by love we enjoy our neighbor ; so by patience we enjoy our selves , saith a father . we had need of patience , that our faith may be lively , and our hope continue to the end . without patience we cannot worship god , believe in him , love him , pray , hold out , deny our selves , suffer losses , bear reproaches . god will exercise us with many trials , defer the bestowing of good things , therefore we have need of patience . there is a threefold patience , . in working , rev. . . hab. . . to be able to go through the difficulties which clog holy duties . . in waiting , to wait gods time in fulfilling the promises , hab. . . . in suffering , when we quietly submit to the will of god in bearing our own burthen , levit. . . a christian in these suffering times way write this as his motto , sit miser , qui miser esse potest . let him be miserable that can be miserable , cor. . , . and . . . god is holy , the holy one , isa. . . hosea . . hab. . . job . . he is called the holy one of israel , above thirty times , see isa. . . & . . that is , israels most eminently and incommunicable one , or his god. the holy one of iacob , isa. . . holy is his name , luke . . . i the lord am holy , and , be you holy as i am holy , psal. . isa. . . it is three times repeated , holy , holy , holy ( or , the holy one , the holy one , the holy one ; the lord of hosts ; so rev. . . where according to some greek copies it is nine times ( that is , thrice three times ) repeated . as isa. . the angels ascribe holinesse to him , so do the saints in heaven , rev. . . and the godly on earth , exod. . . sam. . . all the persons of the trinity are holy , god the father is called the holy one of israel , christ is holy , dan. . . psal. . . the spirit is the spirit of holinesse . holinesse in the general nature of it is the moral goodnesse of a thing . holinesse in man is that vertue whereby he giveth and yieldeth himself to god , in doing all for and to him , in regard of which the actions he doth are acceptable to god. holinesse in the creature , is a conformity to the holinesse in god , in respect of the principle , rule , pattern and parts of holinesse . gods holinesse is that excellency of his nature , by which he gives himself ( as i may say ) unto himself , doing all for himself , and in all , and by all , and above all , aiming at his own pleasure and glory ; or it is the absolute purity of his nature , and his abhorring of evil , exod. . . revel . . he is holy without iniquity , psal. . , . and . . sam. . . hab , . . zeph. . . the lord is said to swear by his holinesse , psalm . . amos . . that is , by himself . holinesse is in god essentially and originally , sam. . . he is the author of all holinesse ; he is called holinesse it self , isa. . . all the holinesse in saints or angels comes from god , and is a quality in the creature . he is holy of himself , men and angels are sanctified by him ; his holinesse is a substance , in men it is an accident . the essence of many angels continues , though their holinesse be lost ; most men never had holinesse , and the man would remain , though his holinesse were lost . . holinesse is in him without measure , in the highest degree , mans may be limited , it is in him immutable and infinite , like himself , and cannot be lessened or augmented . . he is holy formally and subjectively , holinesse is a conformity to the will of god ; how holy then must he needs be , when his nature and will are all one ? . objectively , he is the object of all holinesse , for there is no holinesse but what hath him for the object . . exemplarly , be ye holy , as i am holy , so christ bids us learn of him , for he was meek and humble . he as mediator was impeccable ; he was god and man in one person , actus est suppositi ; he discovers unholinesse in the best of the creatures , iob . . and cannot be tempted with sin , iames , . or take pleasure in that which is evil , either in persons , or actions , hab. . . god is holy in heaven , holy in earth , holy in hell it self , holy in glorifying angels , holy in justifying men , holy in punishing devils , holy in his nature , word works , glorious in holinesse , exod. . reasons of gods holinesse : . this is the foundation of all his other excellencies ; for if he were not thus taken up with himself , he could not be perfect in wisdom , power , justice , mercy , neither could he carry himself to the creature as were fit , if he did not first carry himself to himself as were fit . if a king do not duly regard himself in his royal authority , he can never duly govern his subjects . . else he could not be perfectly happy , whatsoever thing looks to somewhat without it self , to make it be well and contented , and enjoy it self , that is but imperfectly happy , because not happy without another . that alone is capable of perfect blessednesse , which hath all things in and of it self , without respect to any other thing , by which it enjoys it self . god is holy in these particulars : . in his will ; whatsoever god wils is holy , whether it be his secret will and purpose , or his revealed will and word . . in all his works , ephes. . he hath predestinated us to be holy , this is the end of all his graces , to make us like himself ; this is likewise the end of his ordinances , his word and sacraments are to make us holy , so his works of justice , christs death . . in his laws and commandments , psal. . his commandments are just and right , and require holinesse of heart , not suffering the least sinful motion , thou shalt not covet . . what ever relates to him is holy : . the place of his habitation , psal. . . & . . cor. . . . his attendants : . the angels , luke . . mat. . . . his people , lev. . . dan. . . . all his services are holy , chron. . . psal. . . holinesse is the beauty of all gods attributes , without which his wisdom would be subtilty , his justice cruelty , his soveraignty tyranny , his mercy foolish pity . this distinguisheth him from all heathen gods which were wicked , holinesse distinguisheth between angels and devils , heaven and hell. holinesse is the working of god to his own end in all things suitable to his nature . when the saints in heaven glorifie god for his chiefest excellency , it is thus , holy , holy , holy : we finde not in the scripture any of gods attributes thrice repeated , wise , wise , wise , or almighty , almighty , almighty , but holy , holy , holy , because the excellency of god consists chiefly in that . master burrh . iac. seed . the holinesse of god is an universal attribute , something of holinesse runs through all the attributes ; his power is holy , isa. . . his truth . psal. . . his mercy , acts . it is unchangeable , he is so holy , that he cannot be tempted to evil , iames . . he is the principle and patern of all holinesse in the creature : . the principle , levit. . . and . , . he conveys holinesse by ordinances and sabbaths , deut. . . and afflictions , isaiah . . see thessalon . . . and . . . the patern of holinesse , pet. . . the more any have been holy , the more they have eyed the holinesse of god , rev. . . ephes. . . his holinesse is a rule to it self , we should have the law written in our hearts . amongst the turks , jews , indians , persians , and the papists themselves at this day , the most zealous and holiest , as they conceive them in their religion , are most esteemed and honored , and onely in the greater part of the protestant churches , the most knowing and tenacious of the evangelical truth , and the most strict and godly in their lives are hated , nicknamed , disgraced and villified . sir simonds d' ewes primitive practice for preserving truth , sect. . . this condemns the pope , who proudly arrogates the title of the most * holy , and holinesse it self ; the high priest was to be holy , numb . . . but he will be termed most holy . . hypocrites , civil honest men , and prophane men , who scoff at purity and holinesse which is gods excellency , it was the devils device to bring that slander on earthly holinesse , a yong saint an old devil . angelicus juvenis senibus satanisat in annis . erasmus ( in his pietas puerilis ) saith , that proverb was devised by the devil himself ; it is contrary to that of solomon , prov. . it was a great commendation of origen , that he learned the scripture of a childe , eusebius . the like paul saith of timothy , tim. , . . confutes merits , the angels are impure in his sight . . we should be holy like god , not in degree ; but in resemblance , pet. . , . we should be holy in our affections , actions . holinesse should be prized and admired ; the seraphims sing one to another , holy , holy , holy , isa. . . they choose this out of all gods attributes to praise him for . we should pray to god with pure hearts , worship him holily , iohn . . zach. . , . that is , men should be holy in those ordinary natural actions of eating and drinking . . this ministers comfort to the saints , and assures them that they shall finde favor with him ; and is for a terror to the unholy , which are altogether carried to themselves , led by themselves , and set up themselves , and these things below . they love that which god loathes ; god must necessarily hate sin , because it is so contrary to him : that he doth so , it appears , . in his depriving man of an infinite good , infinite glory and happinesse . . in inflicting on him infinite torments . a holy heart may draw much comfort from gods holinesse . . he will distinguish between the precious and the vile , they have to do with a holy god , num ▪ . , . mal. . ult . . thou hast communion with this holy god , there is sweetnesse and comfort in conversing with holy men , after this life they shal behold the beauty of gods holinesse , and give him the glory of it . . he will take special care of them , that they shall not be polluted , exod. . , . . what holinesse is there in any of their services , it shall be accepted , and their holinesse begun shall be perfected . . we should labor after holinesse , . to go quite out of our selves and all creatures , and go wholly , as it were unto god , making him the ground , measure and end of all our actions , striving above all things to know him , esteem him , and set all our powers upon him . this is the felicity of the creature , to be holy as god is holy ; this is the felicity of the saints in heaven , they care for nothing but god , are wholly and altogether carried to him and filled with him . he is all in all unto them , as he is all in all unto himself . in being thus carried to him , they are united to him and enjoy him , and are blessed . there are saints on earth , as the scripture shews , psal. . . and . though the papists deny this . men are said to be saints here : . in regard of sacramental holinesse : baptism is called the laver of regeneration , tit. . sanctum , quasi sanguine tinctum . isidore . such are dedicated to god , and set a part for a holy use . . in regard of inherent holinesse , the denomination is from the better part , so man is called a reasonable creature , from his reasonable soul ; and men ( though in part corrupt ) are called saints from the image of god , in the better part . . in regard of imputed holinesse ; christ is made to us wisdom , righteousnesse , sanctification . sanctification is . the end of our election , ephes. . . . of our redemption , luke . . holinesse is . a beautiful thing , psal. . . therefore christ calls his spouse the fairest of all women . . a beneficial thing makes one bear all afflictions easily , makes all our services acceptable to god , will give us a sight of god , matth. . . . god is kinde , exod , . . keeping kindenesse for thousands , so it should be rendred ; he spake of gods mercy in the sixth verse , see ephes. . . titus . . it is called , great kindenesse , neh. ▪ . marvellous kindenesse , psalm . . merciful kindnesse , psalm . . everlasting kindenesse , isa ▪ . excellent loving kindenesse , psalm ▪ . multitude of loving kindenesse , isa. . . we should shew loving kindenesse unto christ , and one unto another , peter . . corinth . . . some mention two other vertues : . gods jealousie , by which he will have all due glory given to him , and suffers not the least part of it to be communicated to the creature . this care of his honor and fame is manifest by the grievous punishments inflicted on those who have dared to arrogate part of the divine glory to themselves , as on the building of babel , gen. . ● . the bethshemites , sam. . . nebuchadnezzar , dan. . , . and herod , acts . , . . his humility , by which god descends to our capacity , and graciously provides for our weaknesse , examples of which are both gods familiar conversing and conference with moses and abraham , interceding for sodom , with david and others , and especially the incarnation of christ. chap. xiv . of gods power . so much be spoken concerning gods will , affections , and vertues : there followeth power in god , by which god by the bare beck of his will , effecteth all things which he will , and howsoever he will , perfectly without labour and difficulty , and can do perfectly all things which he wills ; this is called absolute * power , by which he can do more things then either he doth or will. actual a power is when god causeth those things to exist which he will have exist . both gods absolute and actual power is active b onely , and no way passive . this power of god is infinite , first , in respect of the divine essence , since it slows from the infinite nature of god ; for it is a most certain rule , that the faculties and powers of the subject slow from the form , and agree with the form . secondly , in respect of the object c and effects , for god doth never so many and so great works , but he can do more and greater ; although we must hold that god cannot make a creature of infinite perfection simply , or creatures indeed infinite in number , for so they should be gods ; for the divine power is so farre exercised on the object , as the passive power of the object extends it self , but infinite perfection imports a pure act. thirdly , in respect of duration , which is perpetual as his essence is , therefore this force and power of god is deservedly stiled omnipotency , iob . . gods power is not only potentia , or multipotentia , but omnipotentia , for degree infinite ; shall any matter be hard for the lord ? the scripture confirms the omnipotency of god , . affirmatively , when it cals god abbir , job . . shaddai alsufficient , gen. . . deut. . . psal. . . gibbor powerful , deut. . . . effectively , when it witnesseth , that god can do all things , mat. . . & . . mark . . luk. . . eph . . hitherto belong all the works of the divine power and supernatural miracles . . negatively , when it denies any thing to be difficult to him , muchlesse impossible , gen. . . ier. . , . luke . . matth. . . . symbolically , when it gives him a strong right hand , a stretched out arm , chron. . . ier. . . ephes. . . reason proves it also : . his essence ( as was said ) is infinite , therefore his power . . he is most perfect , therefore most powerful . . whatsoever good thing is to be found in any creature , the same is perfectly and infinitely in god. some observe that this is expressed seventy times in scripture , that god is almighty . he is the onely potentate , tim. . . the psalmist saith , power belongs to god. the first article of our faith teacheth us to believe that god is omnipotent . god can work by weak means , without means , contrary to means . it shews one to be a skilful artist , when he can effect that by an unfit instrument , which another can scarce do with a most fit one : as it is reported of apelles , that with a coal taken from the fire he so exprest him by whom he was invited to ptol●mies dinner , that all at the first sight of it knew the man : but it is no wonder for god to perform what he will with unfit instruments , since he needs no instruments at all to effect what he pleaseth . gods power is , essential and independent , it is the cause of all power , iohn . . it reacheth beyond his will , mat. . . . it extends to things that are not , nor never will be , as to raise up children of stones to abraham , matth. . . to give christ more then ten legions of angels . the object of divine power are all things simply and in their own nature possible , which neither contradict the nature of god , nor the essence of the creatures ; those which are contrary to these are absolutely impossible ; such things god cannot do , because he cannot will them , nor can he will and do contrary things , as good and evil , or contradictory , as to be , and not to be , that a true thing be false , that any thing while it is should not be ; god cannot sinne , lie , deny , change or destroy himself , suffer , for all these things do ex diametro , oppose the divine , immutable , simple , most true and perfect essence . god cannot create another god , nor cause a man to be unreasonable , nor a body to be infinite and every where , for these things contradict the essential definitions of a creature , of a man , and a body ; not to be able to do all these things is not impotency , but power , for to be able to do opposite things , is a sign of infirmity , being not able to remain altogether in one and the same state . god is therefore omnipotent , because he cannot do these things which argue impotency , as if i should say the sun is full of light , it cannot be dark . yet it is not so proper a speech to say god cannot do these things , as to say , these are acts too mean , base , and worthlesse to be effects of divine power , haec non possunt fieri , rather then , deus non potest facere , saith aquinas . gods omnipotence lies in this , * that he is able to do whatsoever is absolutely , simply and generally possible . a possible thing is that , the doing of which may be an effect of gods wisdom and power , and which being done , would argue power and perfection ; an impossible , that which cannot be an effect of wisdom and power , but if it should be done , would argue weaknesse and imperfection in god , the arminians say , that god is often frustrated of his end , which derogates from his power . . in respect of manner , he doth it with a word , let there be light , saith he , and there was light . . he can do all things of himself , without any creatures help . gods power is stiled , might of power , ephes. . . and it is seen in his works of creation , making all things of nothing , therefore that follows the other in the crred . . in his works of providence . christ is a mighty god and saviour to his people , isa. ▪ . psal. . . isa. . . heb. . . rev. . . he is strong in himself . he was mighty : . in suffering , he bore the revenging justice of god , he suffered the wrath of god upon the crosse. . in doing : . made all , iohn . . col. . . . preserves all , col. . . . as he is the head of the church . . he is strong in his saints : . in the gathering of his church . . in upholding it . . in raising all people out of their afflictions . . in his ordinances , prayer , sacraments , word , rom. . . . in his graces , faith , heb. ● . love , cor. . gods power is limited and restrained : . by his nature , he cannot contradict himself . . regulated by his wil , he cannot do evil . . by his glory , he cannot lye , he is truth it self , nor be tempted of evil , iames . . there is a difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , potentia and potestas : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or potestas is properly authority , right to do a thing , as a king hath over his subjects , a father over his children , a husband over his wife , a master over his servants , of which christ speaks , iohn . . mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or potentia is properly strength to do something , as some great king may have power to overcome his enemies over which he hath no authority . a lay-man hath power to give bread and wine , but he hath not potestatem , a calling or right to do it . it serves both for a spur to do well , since god is able to save , gen. . . and a bridle to restrain from evil , seeing he hath power to destroy , we should therefore humble our selves under his mighty hand , pet. . . luke . . it reproves the wicked , which care not for gods power , but provoke the almighty god , matth. . . and so contend with power it self , none shall deliver them out of his hand , cor. . . and it condemns the godly , which distrust the power of god , num. . . iohn . . remembring not that he hath unlimited power . the lords prayer ends thus , for thine is the power . this ministers comfort to those which have god on their side , they need not fear what man or devil can do against them . he can strengthen them in spiritual weaknesses against sin , and unto duty , all the devils in hell are not able to pluck them out of his hands . mat. . . iohn . , . if a people fall from him , he is able to graff them in again , isa , . . rom. . . they are kept by his power through faith to salvation , pet. . . he can protect them against their enemies , though they be never so many , dan. . . psalm . . he can and will make you strong in his power to bear patiently all afflictions . god is able to raise them up again , when they are rotten in the grave , at the general resurrection , heb. . . we should not despise a weak christian , god is able to make him strong ; we should by this strengthen our faith in gods promises , as abraham , rom. . . it is prefixed in the creed , as the prop of our belief in the articles of our christian faith . that commandment , be strong in christ and in his power , includes a promise , that he will give us his power , if we seek to him , and rest on him ; for it were a very mocking to bid us be strong in him , if he would not communicate his strong power to us ; if we have any strength either of body or minde to do any thing , we must return to him the glory of it , and be ruled by him in the use of it , because we have it from him , and hold it at his meer pleasure . oh saith god to iob , can you do this and that ? and then who made the clouds ? by which qustion he would cause iob to see his own impotency , and gods omnipotent power . chap. xv. of gods glory and blessednesse . from all these before mentioned attributes , ariseth the glory or majesty of god , which is the infinite excellency of the divine essence , heb. . . exod. . . psal. . . this is called , the face of god , exod. . . and light inaccessible , tim , . . which to acknowledge perfectly belongs to god alone , yet the revelation and obscurer vision thereof is granted to us in this life by the ministery of those things which are seen and heard , the clearer in the life to come , where we shall see god face to face , cor. . . mat. . . god is and ever shall be exceeding * glorious , exod. . . deut. . . glory is sometime taken for outward lustre and shining , as one glory of the sun ; sometimes for outward decking and adorning , as long hair is a glory to a woman ; but the proper signification of it is , excellent estimation by which one is preferred before others . it is the splendor , clarity or shining of a thing , resulting and rising from the perfection , eminency , or excellency it hath above other things . the glory of god is the perfection of his nature and attributes , infinitely surpassing and outshining the perfection of all creatures . things that are good we praise , things that are excellent we honor , and things that are transcendently good we glorifie . glory is used metonymically for that which is the ground and matter of glory , as prov. . . & . . sometimes the glory of god signifieth the very essence and nature of god , as exod. . . sometimes it is used to signifie some of gods attributes , ephes. . . that is his grace and good will , by shewing forth of which he makes himself glorious . sometimes it is put for some work of god which is great and marvellous , iohn . . that is , the grace and powerful work of god in raising up thy brother lazarus unto life again , exod. . . & . . that is , some extraordinary splendor , as r. moses expounds it , which god created thereby to shew forth his magnifience and glory . glory is essential , so it signifieth the incomprehensible excellency of the divine nature , exod. . . or else it signifieth manifestatively the acknowledgement and celebration of his excellencies ; and this is called properly glorification : this may have more or lesse . or secondly , much to the same purpose , the glory of god may be taken two wayes : . for the inward excellency and worth whereby he deserves to be esteemed and praised . . for the actual acknowledging of it , for glory is defined a clear and manifest knowledge of anothers excellency ; therefore the glory of god is twofold . first , internal , which is again twofold : . objective , that glory of god is the excellency of his divine nature , for such is his majesty and excellency , that he is infinitely worthy to be praised , admired and loved of all . . formall , is his ●own knowledge love and delight in himself ; for this is infinitely more the glory of god , that he is known and beloved of himself , then that he is loved and praised by all creatures , men or angels , because this argueth an infinite worth in gods own nature , that an infinite love and delight is satisfied with it . god hath this kinde of glory objective and formal , most fully even from all eternity ; therefore when he is said to make all things for himself or his glory , it is not meant of this inward glory , as if he could have more of that . secondly , external ; and that again , . by way of object , viz. when he made the heavens and earth , and all these glorious creatures here below , which are said to shew forth his glory , psal. . that is , objectively , they are the effects of his glorious wisdom and power , and so become objects of mens and angels praises of him ; and as the glory of men consists in outward ornaments , so gods glory consists in having such creatures , men and angels to be his followers . . formal , when men and angels do know , love and obey him , and praise him to all eternity . the scriptures every where extol the majesty and glory of god : . essentially , when it calls god great , most high , glorious , the god of glory , acts . . king of glory , psalm . . father of glory , ephes. . . . efficaciously , when it affirmeth that all the earth is full of the glory of god , isa. . . and propounds the glorous and wonderful works of god to be considered by us , exod. ● . . he means he will shew him so much of his glory as it is possible for a creature to behold and live , we cannot behold the fulnesse of it . god is glorious in his nature , cor. . . his glory obscureth all other glory , isa. . . gen. . kings . . his glory is manifested : . extraordinarily , ●n the cloud , in apparations and visions . . ordinarily , in his word and works . * the law sets forth the glory of his justice , and the gospel that of his mercy , cor. . . it is called his glorious gospel , luke . . all his works set forth his glory , both those of creation , and preservation or providence , psalm . the whole creation must needs shew forth his glorious power and wisdom , the sound is said to go over all the world ; that is , all creatures must needs gather , that if the heavens be such glorious heavens , the sun so glorious a sun , how much more must that god be a glorious god , who is the author and worker of them . the whole platform of saving the church by christ , sets forth gods glory principally , phil. . . luke . . glory to god in the highest . in some works the excellency of gods power , in others the excellency of his wisdom , patience , but in this all the attributes of god shine out in their utmost perfection . . his wisdom , that all the three persons of the trinity should joyn in one work , to one end , wherein mercy , power , grace , justice , patience , all meet together . . power , in upholding christ to undergo the weight of gods vindictive justice . . free-grace , to do all this without any motive in the world but himself , nothing was foreseen in them , and some rather then others were saved . . his revenging justice and wrath here were manifested , as much as they be in hell it self . . his holinesse , he can have no communion with those that are unclean . . his majesty , none may be admitted to speak or come nigh to him , but in the mediation of christ. the gospel is the glorious gospel of the blessed god , tim. . . that is , the glory of all the attributes of god doth appear in the gospel more brightly , then in all the works which god hath made , mr. burrh . god is glorious in all his works upon the hearts of believers , he puts a glory upon them , so that in this sense he is effectually glorious , ephes. . a glorious church , and psalm . the kings daughter is all glorious within ; this glory is grace , when god makes one holy , heavenly minded , meek , zealous ; hereafter we shall have glorious bodies and souls . god made all things for his glory , for of him and to him are all things , rom. . all the unreasonable creatures are for gods glory . . in that they are serviceable to man , for herein god is glorified , in that they can accomplish those ends for which they were made , and that is for man , gen. . the sun and stars are for him , as well as creeping things : these creatures are for a twofold use : . to give him habitation and to be means of his corporeal life . . to be continual quickners of him , to praise gods glorious power and wisdom ; god is said acts . not to leave himself without witnesse ; the reasonable creatures are made chiefly for his glory , because they know and love him . that god is glorious appears : . god hath made many of his creatures glorious , dan. . . so there is one glory of the sun , another of the moon ; the king clad with gorgeous attire , and being arrayed with the ensigns of his soveraignity is glorious , so solomon . . this glory shall continue for ever , because god hath it from himself , and deriveed it not from another . he is a perfect being , independent , all things are under him ; the inferior cannot work without the superior . there is a double glory in things : . inherent in themselves , which is partly visible , as that of the sun ; partly intelligible , an excellency in a thing which affects the understanding . . from without , given by others ; so there is a kinde of glory and excellency in some precious stones which affect a man with a kidde of wondering ; so in an angel a great shining , as in that which appeared to zachary ; so in the vision that paul saw , and when god appeared to moses . there is an inward glory standing in being worthy of highest esteem , and an outward glory standing in being highly accounted of ; god is worthy to be esteemed above all , and is so by the saints . the chiefest and highest cause of any benefit shewed to us , is not our selves , but the name of god , even his glory , and the clear declaration of his own excellencies , ezek. . . . . psalm . . ezek. . . reas. . the thing which induced god to make all things , must needs be the cause of all other benefits bestowed after the creation ; now he made all things for himself , and his own name ; for neither had they any being , nor could they have any before , and therefore could not be any moving cause to their own creation , therefore neither of any other thing . . all creatures are nothing , and lesse then nothing in comparison of god , therefore he could not by them be moved to work any thing , but doth it for his own names sake . things mean and trifling are not fit to be the highest end of an excellent work . god is most high and glorious , and all creatures are lesse then nothing before him , therefore himself must be moved by himself , not by them chiefly to do any thing for them ; for as god hath no efficient , material or formal cause at all , but is to himself instead of all these , because he is of himself , so neither can he have any final cause but himself ; for if he have any other end then himself , that is , his own glory , he were some way dependent upon some other thing , which is impossible . if it be objected , how is it said then , that god doth this or that for abraham , isaac and iacobs sake , as often moses presseth him in his prayers . the answer is , he looks upon them still in subordination to his own name , so that they are motives but in reference to his name , and no otherwise . he glorifieth himself , and aimeth at his own glory , in keeping covenant and promise with them . gods glory is the end of predestination , both reprobation , prov. . . and election , ephes. . , . of the creation and administration of all things , rom. . . of all benefits obtained in christ , cor. . . and should be of all our actions , cor. . . quest. whether the infinite glory which god hath as god , be communicated to christs humane nature . answ. that being a creature , cannot have that glory which is due to the creator . it is true , christ is infinitely to be glorified , because he is god and man , but not therefore his humane nature . our divines distinguish between a glory meerly divine , and a mediators glory , which is next to divine , far above all creatures . object . christ prayed for the glory which he had before the beginning . answ. christ had it in decree and predestination , and that was not gods essential glory , which is a property , for he requires he may have it now , which could not be if he had it from eternity . we glorifie god , not by putting any excellency into him , but by taking notice of his excellency , and esteeming him accordingly , and making manifest this our high esteem of him . there is a twofold glory : . essential , infinite , everlasting ; this is called gloria , it receives neither addition nor diminution by any created power . . accidental , finite , temporary , called glorificatio ; this ebbs or flows , shines , or is overshadowed , as goodnesse or gracelesnesse prevails in the world . it serves , . to shew the vilenesse and basenesse of all wicked men , which oppose gods glory , and strive to obscure it , dishonor this glorious god , setting light by him in their hearts , and blaspheming him with their tongues ; a sinner in sinning lifts up himself above god , preferring his own wisdom before gods , and his will before his ; therefore david worthily concludes the psalm with an imprecation against sinners , god will gain glory of them in despight of their hearts by magnifying his justice . . we should labor to partake of gods image , that we might be partakers of his glory ; we must earnestly desire that gods glory may be communicated to us , that he would send forth his spirit of glory to rest upon us , by which means we shall commend our selves to god , christ , the angels and saints , and our own consciences . . we must learn to contemplate the glory of god with admiration ; by this one principally differs from a beast . he hath not a capacity to behold the excellency of gud , the saints in heaven are even taken up and filled with beholding gods glory ; set your eyes round about to behold gods works and his glory in them , so as you may admire god , this will make your souls to enjoy god. paul saith , in the mystery of the gospel we behold as in a glasse the glory of god ; be much in this exercise . . we must long to go out of this world to behold gods glory * fully , iohn . . raise up your hearts to heavenly desires , wish earnestly to be in heaven . every one would be willing to go to heaven when he dyeth , but we must desire to leave this life to go thither . . this should comfort us : . against reproaches and contempt in the world ; if god be glorified , we must sacrifice our names as well as our lives to him . . against death , then we shall no more dishonor god. . the day of judgement should be longed for , because it is gods glorious day , thess. . . we run to glorious sights on earth , as the queen of sheba . . we should ascribe all glory to god , the fountain of glory , chron. . , . psalm . . god challengeth this from men , give unto the lord glory and strength , give unto the lord the glory due to his name . he is very jealous of his glory , and will not suffer the least part of it to be given to the creature . . take heed of those tenets which oppose gods glory ; as . the lawfulnesse of giving religious honour to images ; the popish doctors have wearied themselves and wracked their brains to coin distinctions , how divine worship may be given to images , but the second commandment forbids image-worshipping , and god acknowledgeth himself a jealous god , and saith , he will not give his glory to another . . attributing too much to our free-will , or setting up our merits , * this is robbing god likewise of his glory . let us first live to his glory , and do all for his glory : . because he intended it . . he hath joyned our happinesse and his glory together . . it is infinitely more worth then all the world . . it is his condescending , that he will take this for glory . . he will have glory of us against our wills . . the creatures glorifie god in their way . . how much glory do we give to things of an inferior nature ? . god will hereby give us glory . we should do all we do for him and to him , even to shew forth our apprehension of his name . doing whatsoever good we do , and leaving whatsoever evil we leave , that we may declare our high esteem of him , and make it appear that we do judge and repute him most wise , good , just , excellent , worthy all the service that we can do , and more too . and whatsoever is not thus done with reference to the name * of god , as the motive and end of it , doth want so much of goodnesse as it wants of this reference . nothing is good , farther then it hath reference to god the chiefest good . if we aim at onely or chiefly , and be moved onely or chiefly by temporal benefits and respects of this kinde , looking to our selves , our deeds are hollow and seemingly good alone , not real . if we look to our selves alone even in respect of eternal benefits , and not above our selves , to him and his name , that also is but hypocrisie . but this is truth , to make our ends and motives the same with gods , and to have an eye still above and beyond our selxes , even to gods name , that we may cause it to appear to him , and our selves , and others , that we know him and confesse his great name . omnibus operibus nostris coelestis intentio adjungi debet . aquinas . it is a great question among the schoolmen , and some of our divines , whether one should actually propound the rule , and intend the end in every service , adam and christ did so , though lapsed man cannot do it : it is a duty neverthelesse , it is good to do it as often as possibly men can . in serious and solemn actions our thoughts should be actual , in lesser the habitual intention sufficeth . god glorified himself , iohn . . christ glorified him , his whole life was nothing but a seeking of his fathers glory , iohn . . * see phil. . . the saints and angels spend eternity in setting forth his glory , isa. . . rev. . , . & . , . all the creatures do glorifie god in their kinde , psalm . . & . the worm is not exempted , therefore that man ( saith chrysostome ) which doth not glorifie god , is baser then the basest worm . this is all the first table of the decalogue , and above half of the lords prayer ; the three first petitions concern gods glory , and the conclusion likewise hath reference to it . we should glorifie god in all conditions , in adversity as well as in prosperity , psalm . . in all the parts of our bodies , in our hearts , pet. . . with our mouthes , rom. . . in our lives , cor. . alt . mat. . . let us often think of the personal glory and excellency which the saints shall enjoy when they come to heaven . . in body . . in soul. the bodies of the saints in heaven shall be , . perfect , free from all blemishes , and every way for the souls use . . incorruptible , not liable to sicknesse , weaknesse , * mortality . . spiritual , . in regard of state and condition , because they shall be upheld by the spirit of god , without the use of meat , drink and sleep . . in regard of quality and operation , active and agile as a spirit , they shall move swiftly upward , downward , any way at the command of the soul. . glorious , the bodies of the saints shall then shine as the sun , and be like the glorious body of christ. the soul shall be totally freed from all spiritual evils , all reliques of sin , and all possibility of sin ; the corruption of the understanding , will , affections , conscience shall , be quite taken away . . from all apprehensions of wrath and eternal death . . it shall perfectly enjoy all spiritual good : . the image of god shall be absolutely perfect in every one of the glorified saints , every faculty of the soul shall have all grace that faculty is capable of , and that in the highest degree . the minde shall have all intellectual vertues , the will and affections all moral vertues , and that in the highest degree they are capable of , cor. . . the understanding uno intuitu shall know omne s●ibile , the will shall be fully satisfied with god , the conscience filled with peace , the affections of love and joy shal have their full content , the memory shall represent to you perpetually all the good that ever god did for you . god is most blessed , cor. . . rom. . . tim. . . & . . cor. . . yea , blessednesse it self , he is blessed in himself , and to be blessed by us . gods blessednesse is that by which god is in himself , and of himself all-sufficient or thus , gods happinesse is that attribute whereby god hath all fulnesse of delight and contentment in himself , and needeth nothing out of himself to make him happy . the hebrews call blessed ashrei in the abstract , and in the plural number , blessednesses , psal. . . & . . because no man ( saith zanchy ) can be called and be blessed for one or another good , unlesse he abound with all goods . blessednesse is a state of life wherein there is a heap * of all good things . the greeks called blessed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that is not subject to death , miseries . by the etymologies and significations of these two words , it appears ( saith zanchy ) that there are two parts of blessednesse , one to be free from all miseries , another to abound with all goods , and so to abound with them that thou desirest nothing more . a third particle ( saith he ) is to be added per se & sua natura , and a fourth condition , that he well know his own blessednesse . so that he is truly blessed ( saith zanchy ) which of himself and from his own nature is alwayes free from all evils and abounds with all goods , perfectly knowing his own felicity , and desiring nothing out of himself , but being fully content with himself , which description agreeth only to god. god is blessed essentially , primarily , originally , of himself such , and not by the help of any other thing . reasons . . he that is the fountain * of all blessednesse to others , how can he be but infinitely blessed himself . he makes all those things happy to whom he vouchsafeth in any sort to communicate himself . wherefore as that which maketh hot and light , that is more hot and light then that which is made so ; so must he exceed all other things in blessednesse , which makes all those persons blessed which have any part of blisse . . either he hath blessednesse , or there should be none ; for if it be not found in the first and best essence and cause of all other essences , it cannot be found in any other thing . all men and things affect it , therefore such a natural and universal inclination cannot be wholly in vain , as it should be if there were no blessednesse to satisfie it . the happinesse of every thing stands in the perfect enjoying of it self , when it hath all which it inclineth to have , and inclineth to have all and only that which it hath , then it is fully satisfied and contented , and full contentment is felicity . goodnesse filleth the reasonable appetite of mans soul , therefore must he needs be happy whose will is filled with good , for then he enjoyes himself , then is his being truly comfortable to him , and such as he cannot be weary of . nothing is happy in enjoying it self , and of it self , but god alone ; all other things do enjoy themselves by help and benefit of some other thing besides themselvs . and if they enjoy themselves by help , favour , and communication of a perfect , lasting , constant , eternal and full goodnesse , then have they a real , solid and substantial happinesse ; but if by a vain , short , momentany , partial , defective goodnesse , then have they but a shew and resemblance of happinesse , a poor , weak , feeble , imperfect , nominal happinesse . the happinesse of a man consists in enjoying himself by vertue of the possession of the greatest good , whereof he is capable , or which is all one , by enjoying the greatest good ; for enjoying it he enjoys himself in and by it ; and enjoying himself by it , he doth enjoy it , these are inseparably conjoyned . so when a man is possessed of such a thing as doth remove from him all that may be discontentful and hurtful to him , and can fill him full of content , then is he happy , and that is when he hath possession of god as fully as his nature is capable of possessing him . accordingly we must conceive gods happinesse to be in the enjoyment of himself ; he doth perfectly enjoy his being , his life , his faculties , his attributes , his vertues . i say himself in himself and of himself doth perfectly enjoy himself , and this is his perfect happinesse . he liveth a most perfect life , abounds with all perfect vertues , sets them a work himself in all fulnesse of perfection , and in all this enjoys himself with unconceivable satisfaction . blessednesse or felicity is the perfect action or exercise of perfect vertue in a perfect life . the lord hath a most perfect life , and perfect faculties , and also most perfect vertues , and doth constantly exercise those perfect vertues and faculties . he is blessed because he is strong , and enjoyes his strength , wise and enjoyes his wisdom , just and enjoys his justice , eternal and enjoys his eternity , infinite , perfect , and that without any dependence , reference or beholdingnesse to any other . god is happy . first , formally in himself , which implies : . that there is no evil of sinne or misery in him , neither is he lesse happy because men offend him . . that he abounds with all positive good , he hath infinitely himself , and after a transcendent manner the good of all creatures ; this is implied in that name , when he is called a god all-sufficient ; he made not the angels or the world because he needed them . . that he is immutably happy because he is essentially so . happiness is a stable or setled condition ; therefore saints and angels also are happy but dependently , they have it from god. gods happinesse is more then the happinesse of any creature . the creatures are happy by the aggregation of many good things together , they are happy in their knowledge , in their love , joy , and these are divers things ; but now god is happy by one act which is the same with his essence . a man here on earth is happy , but it is not in act alwaies , it is sometimes in habit . secondly , those acts by which angels are happy are successive , they have one act of understanding , one of love , one of joy after another ; but gods happinesse can be no more multiplied then his very nature or being can . thirdly , he is happy effectively , he makes his children happy , deut. . . happy are the people whose god is the lord. he can blesse the conscience with peace , though hell and devils rage , the soul with grace , he is the author of all blessednesse , all the blessednesse in heaven is from him . fourthly , he is objectively blessed , god the only object and good thing , which if a man have , he must needs be blessed . god is also to be blessed by us , which blessing adds nothing to his blessednesse , but is therefore required of us that we may somewhat enjoy his blessednesse . the reasonable creature ought to blesse god , that is , to observe and know his blessednesse , and to do two things to him . . to applaud it . . to expresse and acknowledge it . in scripture-phrase to blesse signifieth two things : first , to praise a person for those things which are praise-worthy in him , as gods name is said to be above all blessing and praise . blesse the lord , o my soul , and all that is within me blesse his holy name . secondly , to wish well to it , that my soul may blesse thee before it die , pronounce and wish thee blessed . we cannot pronounce any blessing upon god , nor bestow any benefit upon him . he is too excellent to receive any thing by way of promise or performance from us , but we must perform these two things , viz. wish well to him , speak well of him . wish well to him , that is , acknowledge his exceeding happinesse , and will that he may be ever what he is , as we know he ever will be . for to wish a thing continue being that is , is possible , and to will gods eternal , blessed and glorious being , that is one of the most excellent acts of the creature , and in doing so we blesse god so much as a creature can blesse him . perfect happinesse is not to be had here , but so much happinesse as can be had here is to be had in him , he can give himself to those which seek him in some degrees , and then are they in some degrees happy ; he can give himself to them in the highest degree , and then they are in the highest degree happy , according as he doth communicate himself to us more or lesse , so are we more or lesse happy . . we have little minde to wish well to god , or rejoyce in his welfare , or to acknowledge and speak of it . . we should stir up our selves to bless god , and say , how blessed art thou , and blessed be thy name . we should set our mindes and our tongues awork to set forth to our selves and others his exceeding great excellencies . when we see and know excellent abilities in any man , we cannot but be oft talking with our selves and others of his great worth : so we seeing and knowing the infinitenesse of god must be often telling our selves and others what we do know by him , thereby to stir up our selves and others more and more to know him , and we must declare before the lord his goodnesse , and his loving kindenesse to the sonnes of men . . we must learn to seek happinesse where it is , even in god , and in his favourable vouchsafing to be ours , and to give himself to us . it is not possible for the creature to be happy and enjoy it self , unlesse it enjoy the best and greatest good , whereof it is capable , and which will fully satisfie all the longings and inclinations of it . we should , . see our misery , that being alienated from god must needs be miserable till this estrangement be removed . . set our selves to get true blessednesse by regaining this union and commuoion with god the fountain of all blisse , and hate sinne which only separates between god and us , and hinders us from enjoying the blessed god. . we should place all our happinesse in him , and in him alone , for he is not only the chief but the sole happinesse ; we should use the world , but enjoy him , psal. . . we should use the means which may bring blessednesse , psal. . . matth. . , to . if we live holily we may look for happinesse . all the promises in the scripture belong to godly men , they shall be blessed here and hereafter , who serve god in sincerity . we must expect and look for happinesse only in our union with and fruition of him . augustine alledgeth out of varro two hundred eighty eight several opinions of philosophers concerning felicity . aristotle made it to consist in the knowledge of the summum bonum , seneca in the possession of vertue , and epicurus in the enjoying of delight . vide ludovic . viv. de veritate fidei christianae l. . c. . & aquinam am secundae , quaest. . art. , , , , , , . blessednesse is the enjoying of the soveraign good , now what that is , we must judge by these two characters * , it must be . optimum the best , otherwise it will not sistere appetitum give us content , we will be ever longing . . maximum the most compleat , otherwise it will not implere appetitum , we shall not be satisfied therewith ; god is optimus maximus . some say five properties must concur in that which shall be unto a man the chief good : . summum bonum est tantùm bonum , there is no mixture of evil in it , as there is in all the creatures , iob . . there is none good but god , that is essentially . . summum bonum est bonum universale , contains all good , revel . . . it must be a self-sufficient good . . summum bonum est bonum proprium , the chief good must be ones own good , he must have a propriety in it , god even our own god shall blesse us . . summum bonum est bonum incommutabile , the chief good is an eternal and unchangeable good . . summum bonum est appetitus quietativum . aquinas , the chief good must be a satisfactory good , it must satisfie without satiety , i shall be satisfied with thy likenesse , ps. . ult . see joh. . . that god which is the happines of the angels in heaven , and to the souls of just men made perfect , and to christ as mediator , psal. . ult . nay which is his own happinesse by his self-sufficiency will be an all sufficient portion . perfect blessednesse consisteth in the immediate fruition of the chief , perfect , and all-sufficient good , even god himself . the good to be desired simply for it self is god only , who being the first cause of all things , the first essential , eternal , infinite , unchangeable and only good , must needs be the chief good , and therefore the last end intended by man , given by god , who being not only desired but enjoyed , of necessity must fully satisfie the soul that it can go no further , not only because the subject is infinite , and so the minde can desire to know no more , but also because fulnesse of all good that can be wished is to be found in god. therefore our happinesse is compleat and perfect when we enjoy god , as an object wherein the powers of the soul are satisfied with ▪ everlasting delight . this may suffice to have spoken concerning gods essence and attributes , by which it appears , that god is far different both from all feigned gods , and from all creatures . the consideration of the divine persons followeth , for in one most simple nature of god there are distinct persons . chap. xvi . of the trinity or * distinction of persons in the divine essence . vve say god may be known by light of nature , quod attinet ad unitatem naturae , but not quod attinet ad trinitatem personarum . we cannot by the light of nature know the mystery of the trinity , nor the incarnation of jesus christ. cor. . , . aquinas par . . summae theol. quaest. . art. . conclus . saith , impossibile est per rationem naturalem ad trinitatis divinarum personarum cognitionem pervenire . it is impossible by natural reason to come to the knowledge of the trinity of the divine persons . he there shews that he which indeavours to prove this mystery by natural reason , derogates from faith in respect of drawing others to believe . cum enim aliquis ( faith he excellently ) ad probandum fidem inducit rationes quae non sunt cogentes , cedit in irrisionem infidelium . credunt enim quod hujusmodi rationibus innitamur , & propter eas credamus . when a man to prove any article of faith urgeth reasons that are not cogent , he exposeth himself to the derision of infidels . for they suppose that we rely on such reasons , and believe because of them . we think ( saith cloppenburg in his answer to bidel , argum . ) that the mystery of the holy trinity ( as many mysteries of faith ) can neither be demonstrated nor refuted by reason , cor. . . adam in the state of innocency was not able by natural reason to finde out the trinity . but when by faith we receive this doctrine we may illustrate it by reason . the simil●es which the schoolmen and other divines bring , drawn from the creature , are unequal and unsatisfactory , since there can be no proportion between things finite and infinite . two resemblances are much used in scripture , the light and the word . the light which was three dayes before the sunne , gen. . and then condensed into that glorious body , and ever since diffused throughout the world , is all one and the same light. so the father of lights which inhabiteth light which none can approach , iam . . and sunne of righteousnesse , mal. . . in whom all the fulnesse of the god-head dwelleth bodily ; and the holy ghost the spirit of illumination are all one and the same god. again , it is the same thing that the minde thinketh , and the word signifieth , and the voice uttereth : so is the father as the minde conceiving , the son as the word conceived or begotten , the holy ghost as the voice or speech uttered and imparted to all hearers ; and all one and the same god. a studious father meditating on the mystery of the trinity , there appeared unto him a childe with a shell lading the sea into a little hole ; he demanding what the childe did , i intend , said the childe , to empty the ocean into this pit . it is impossible , said the father ; as possible , said the childe , as for thee to comprehend this profound mystery in thy shallow capacity . the mystery of the trinity is necessary to be known and believed of all that shall be saved ; it was not so plainly revealed to the jews of old , as it is to us in the new testament , a perfect and full knowledge of this mystery is not attainable in this life . although trinity in its native signification signifie the number of any three things , yet by ecclesiastical custome it is limited to signifie the three * persons in the trinity . this is not meant as if the essence did consist of three persons , as so many parts ; and therefore there is a great difference between trinity and triplicity . trinity is when the same essence hath divers wayes of subsisting ; and triplicity is when one thing is compounded of three as parts , they are three not in respect of essence or divine attributes , three eternals ; but three in respect of personal properties , as the father is of none , the sonne of the father , and the holy ghost of both ; three persons but one god , as to be , to be true , to be good , are all one , because transcendents . the acts of the persons in the god-head ( say some ) are of three sorts : . essential , in which all the persons have equal hand , opera trinitatis ad extra sunt indivisa , the outward works which concern the creature , belong to one person as well as the other , as to create , govern . . some ad intra , opera propria , the personal properties or internal works are distinguished , as the father begets , the son is begotten of the father , and the holy ghost proceeds from the father and the son. . appropriata , as the schools speak , acts of office , more peculiarly attributed to one person th●n another , eph. . . so the father is said to give the son , the son to redeem the world , to be made flesh ; the holy ghost is the bond of union . see dr hampton on gen. . . & pet. . . gods plot in the work of redemption , was not only ( say some ) to exalt the attributes of the nature , but to glorifie the persons distinctly according to their appropriated acts . there is in the trinity alius & alius , another and another , but not aliud & aliud , another thing and another thing , as there is in christ ; the father is another person from the sonne , but yet there is the same nature and essence of them all . they differ not in their natures as three men or three angels differ , for they differ so as one may be without the other ; but now the father is not without the sonne , nor the sonne without the father , so that there is the same numerical essence . the father in some sense is said to be the onely god , iohn . . that is , besides the divine nature which is common to the three persons , there is not another god to be found , the word ( onely ) is opposed to all feigned gods , to every thing which is not of this divine nature ; so when it is said , none knoweth the father but the sonne , and the sonne but the father , that excludes not the holy ghost which searcheth the hidden things of god , but all which are not of that essence . though there be no inequality in the persons , yet there is an order , not of dignity but of beginning * . the father in the sonne by the holy ghost made the world , not as if there were so many partial causes , much lesse as if god the father were the principal and these instrumental , but only meer order . a person is diversus modus ha●endi eandem essentiam . subsistentia in schools signifies a being with an individual property , whereby one is not another ; person ( say some ) is a law term , it is any thing having reason with an individual property . a person is such a subsistence in the divine nature , as is distinguished from every other thing by some special or personal property , or else it is the god-head restrained with his personal property . or it is a different manner of subsisting in the god-head , as the nature of man doth diversly subsist in peter , iames , iohn , but these are not all one . it differs from the essence as the manner of the thing from the thing it self , and not as one thing from another ; one person is distinguisht from another by its personal property , and by its manner of working . we have no reason to be offended with the use of the word person , if we adde a fit epithete , and say , the father is a divine or uncreated person , and say the same of the sonne and holy ghost . the word person signifies an understanding subsistent , cor. . ▪ persona , quasi per se una . this word doth expresse more excellency then the word subsistence , as one doth import , for it is proper to say , that a beast doth subsist , but it is absurd to say a beast is a person , because a person is an understanding subsistent . dr cheynels divine trin-unity . the personal property of the father is to beget , that is , not to multiply his substance by production , but to communicate his substance to the sonne . the sonne is said to be begotten , that is , to have the whole substance from the father by communication . the holy ghost is said to proceed , or to be breathed forth , to receive his substance by proceeding from the father and the sonne joyntly ; in regard of which he is called the spirit of the father , and the spirit of the sonne both , gal. . . the father only begetteth , the sonne only is begotten , and the holy ghost onely proceedeth ; both procession and generation are ineffable . when gregory nazianzen was pressed by one to assign a difference between those words begotten and proceeding . dic tu mihi ( said he ) quid sit generatio , & ego dicamquid sit processio , ut ambo insaniamus . distinguere inter processionem & generationem , nescio , non vel●o , non sufficio . aug. in the manner of working they differ , for the father worketh of himself , by the sonne , and through the holy ghost ; the sonne worketh from the father by the holy ghost ; the holy ghost worketh from the father and the sonne by himself . there is so one god , as that there are three persons or divers manners of being in that one god-head , the father , son , and the holy ghost . . whatsoever absolutely agrees to the divine nature , that doth agree likewise to every person of the trinity . . every person hath not a part , but the whole deity in it self . a person is one entire , * distinct subsistence , having life , understanding , will and power , by which he is in continual operation . these things are required to a person : . that it be a substance ; for accidents are not persons , they inhere in another thing , a person must subsist . . a lively and intelligent substance endued with reason and will ; an house is not a person , nor a stone or beast . . determinate and singular , for man-kinde is not a person ; but iohn and peter . . incommunicable , it cannot be given to another ; hence the nature of man is not a person , because it is communicable to every particular man ; but every particular man is a person , because that nature which he hath in particular , cannot be communicated to another . . not sustained by another , therefore the humane nature of christ is not a person , because it is sustained by his deity . . it must not be the part of another ; therefore the reasonable soul which is a part of man , is not a person . that there are three persons in the deity , viz. father , sonne , and holy ghost , is manifest by expresse testimonies of scripture , gen. . . let us make man in our image after our likenesse . deus qui loquitur ad deum loquitur : ad patris & filii imaginem homo conditur , nomen non discrepat , natura non differt . hilary lib. . de trin. vide plura ibid. gen. . . then the lord rained upon sodom and gom●rrah brimstone and fire from the lord out of heaven . the lord rained from the lord , the son from the father . mercer on the place saith , sed efficaciora in iudaeos , aut alios qui trinitatem negant argumenta sunt proferenda . num quid ( saith hilary de trin. ) non verus dominus à vero domino ? aut quid aliud quàm dominus à domino ? vel quid praeter significationem personae in domino ac domino coaptabis , & memento quod quem solum verum deum nosti , hunc eundem solum justum judicem sis professus . adime filio quod iudex est , ut auferas quod deus verus est . vide plura ibid. psal. . . the lord said unto my lord , sit thou at my right hand , untill i make thine enemies thy foot stool . rabbi saadia gaon on daniel interprets this of the messias . vide grotium in matth. . . it is of christ that he speaks , so peter , paul and christ himself shew mat. . . and the pharisees acknowledge it , since he cals him his lord , although he ought to descend of his race , and should be called the son of david . psal. . . there three are named , the word , the lord , and the spirit , isa. . . holy , holy , holy. but this truth is most clearly taught in the new testament , matth. . . luke . . the first person in the trinity utters his voice from heaven , this is my beloved sonne ; the sonne is baptized in iordan , the holy ghost descends in the shape of a dove upon christ. pater auditur in voce , filius manifestatur in homine , spiritus sanctus dignoscitur in co●umba . aug. tract . . in joh. adde to this the history of christs transfiguration , described mat. . . mark . . luke . . in which likewise the voice of the father was heard from heaven , this is my beloved son , the son is transfigured , the holy ghost manifests himself in a bright cloud . matth. . . the apostles are commanded to baptize in the name of father , son and holy ghost . cameron thinks that is the most evident place to prove the trinity . but that it is as apposite a place as any for this purpose , iohn . . for there are three that bear record in heaven , the father , the word , and the holy ghost . the arrians wiped this place out of many books , cor. . . the grace of the lord iesus christ , and the love of god , and the communion of the holy ghost be with you all . the arrians , samosate●ians , sabellians , photinians , and others deny the trinity of persons in one essence of god. servetus a spaniard was burnt at geneva in calvins time , he denied that christ was gods son till mary bore him . * servetus trinitatem idolum , item cerberum tricipitem vocabat . the ministers of transylvania ( in a most pestilent book of theirs ) often contumeliously call him deum tri-personatum , whom we holily worship . hoornbeeck anti-socin . l. . c. . sect . . p. . those of polonia ( in their catechism ) say , that there is but one divine person , and urge iohn . . cor. . . ephes. . . zanchy long since hath vindicated the truth and refuted them . socinus cals him , deum tripersonatum , ridiculum humanae curiositatis inventum . infaustus socinus omnium haereticorum audacissimus , saith rivet . see cheynels rise of socinianism , chap. . and ch . . p. . some glory in this as a great argument against the three persons in the trinity . if there be persons in the trinity , they are either something or nothing , nothing they cannot be , non entis nullae sunt affectiones , if something , they are either finite or infinite , finite they cannot be , nor infinite , then there should be three infinites . it is , . plain in scripture , there is but one god , cor. . . . the scripture speaks of father , sonne and holy ghost or spirit , these are said to be three , iohn . . . the god-head is attributed to all , and the essential properties belong to all . . something is attributed to one in the scripture that cannot be said of all . the sonne was made flesh , and the sonne is begotten , this cannot be said of the other ; the sonne and the spirit are sent , but this cannot be said of the father . it is not strange among the creatures that a father should be distinguished from himself as a man , the persons are something and infinite , each of them infinite , as each of them is god , yet not three infinites nor gods ; so athanasius in his creed . a person is essentia divina cum proprietate sua hypostatica , the divine nature distinguished by an incommunicable property , though we cannot expresse the manner of this great mystery , yet we should believe it . the ground of arminianism and socinianism is , because they would examine all the great truths of god by their reason . that saying of bernard here hath place , scrutari haec temeritas est , credere pietas est , nosse vero vita aeterna est . that the father is god , is confessed by all , and it is manifest from scripture , we are directed to pray to him . the apostle saith , grace to you , and peace from god our father , philem. v. . see rom. . . cor. . . ephes. . . that christ is god , is proved . by clear texts of scripture affirming this truth in so many words . the prophet fore-telling of him saith , this is his name by which you shall call him , iehovah , or the lord our righteousnesse , jer. . . and the mighty god , isa. . . paul saith , rom. . . who is god over all , blessed for ever ; and st. iohn saith , iohn . . this is very god ; and st. paul saith , tim. . . great is the mystery of godlinesse , god manifested in the flesh ; and accordingly thomas made his confession , ioh. . . my lord , and my god , which title he accepteth and praiseth thomas for believing , and that he could not have done without extream impiety , had he not been god , vide bellarm ▪ de christo l. . c. , , , , , . . by evident reasons drawn from the scripture . he hath the name , titles , works , essential attributes and worship of god ascribed unto him in scripture . . divine names and titles are given to christ ; he is the only blessed potentate , tim. . . the king of kings , revel . . . and lord of lords , apoc. . . and . . he is called the image of the invisible god , col. . . the brightnesse of his glory , heb. . . the word and wisdom of the father , prov. . . and . . he is called the word , because he is so often spoken of and promised in the scripture , and is in a manner the whole subject of the scripture ; he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum articulo , joh. . . act. . . tim. . . the great god , titus . . the true god , john . . god over all , or blessed above all , rom. . . the most high , luk. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which name the septuagint have expressed iehovah the proper name of god alone , iohn . . my lord , jude . the only lord , acts . . the lord of all , cor. . . the lord from heaven , cor. . . the lord of glory , cor. . . the lord of heaven and earth , matth. . . these titles are too high and excellent to be given unto any meer man whatsoever , god therefore who will not have his glory given to another , would never have given these titles to another , if he were not god. . the works of god , even the principal and most eminent of all , which are proper to the lord only , are ascribed to christ. . the work of creation , even of creating all things , iohn . . and col. . . he for whom , and by whom all things were created , is very god. for christ and by him all things were created , therefore he is very god. heb. . , , . the foundation of the earth , and the creation of the heavens , and the change which is to happen to both at the last day , are attributed to the sonne of god. . the work of preservation and government is attributed to him also , he is before all things , and by him all things consist , heb. . . he who upholds all things by his powerful word , is god. so doth christ , therefore he is god. . the working of divine miracles , raising up the dead by his own power is given to him , ioh. . . and ioh. . . he that can quicken and raise the dead is god. so doth christ , therefore he is god. . redeeming of mankinde , luke . . matth. . . ephes. . . revel . . . . sending of the holy ghost , iohn . . and . . and of angels , is ascribed to him , mat. . . revel . . . he forgives sins , mark . , . he gives eternal life . . the principal and incommunicable attributes of god are given to him . . omniscience , iohn . , . he knew all men , and he knew what was in them , ioh. . . lord , thou knowest all things . . omnipotency , revel . . . and . . and . . phil. . . . eternity , ioh. . . revel . . . iohn . . isa. . . * he is called the everlasting father . . omnipresence , matth. . . . unchangeablenesse , heb. . , , . and . . he that is omniscient , omnipotent , eternal , omnipresent , unchangeable , equal to the father in majesty and glory , phil. . . is god. so is christ , therefore he is god. lastly , worship due to god is ascribed to him , heb. . . let all the angels of god worship him , revel . . . the lamb , that is , christ , hath the same worship rendred to him that the father hath . we are commanded to call upon his name , to believe and trust in him , iohn . . & . . & . . to hope in him , isa. . . we are baptized in his name , matth. . . act. . . and swear by him , rom. . . the mystery of the sons generation is so profound , that it is difficult and dangerous to wade further in it , then we have clear ground from scripture : that the sonne was of the father begotten from eternity , and is one with him , and of equal power and dignity , seems clear from prov. , , . iohn . . & . . and . . phil. . . but modus quo genitus fuerit , seems to some beyond humane reach . some of our divines say , christ is begotten of the father by a communication of the divine essence ; if this be granted ( say others ) it will be hard to defend the god-head of christ. he that is god must have his being from himself , à se deus , à patre filius . mr wotton on ioh. . goes this way , and some others . but some say then he should be his adopted son. vide bellar. de christo l. . c. . the athanasian creed hath it , god of god , and christ saith of the holy ghost , that he shall receive of him . illud arctè nobis tenendum , à persona patris per generationem filio esse communicatam essentiam ingenitam . r. usser . ignat. & clem. interpolator haeresi suspectus . cap. . that christ hath his god-head from the father , makes not against his god-head but for it , if he hath the same god-head which the father hath though from the father , then he is the same god with the father . object . matth. . . christ denieth that he was good because he was not god. answ. christ applieth himself to * him to whom he spake ; now he called christ good in no other sense then he would have done any other prophet , and in this sense christ rebuked him for calling him good . object . ioh. . . god the father is called the only true god. answ. some referre both these to god himself and christ , but others give a general rule , that the word alone is not opposed to the other persons , but to the creatures , and feigned gods , and so ioh. . . the woman is not excluded , but her accusers ; the added expressions shew him to be god , because it is life eternal to know him as well as the father . object . ephes. . . answ. the word father is not there used relatively or personally , for the first person in the trinity ; but essentially , as mal. . is there not one father of us all ? and so he is god , called father in regard of his works ad extra . object . iohn . . my father is greater then i. answ. as he was man only or mediator , the father was greater then he , but as he was god , that is true , iohn . . * i and my father are one ; not in union of will ( as ioh. . . ) but in unity of nature . see phil. . . object . prov. . . ariu● * objected this place , the lord possessed me in the beginning of his way . answ. this place much puzled the fathers for want of skill in the original tongue ; it is in the hebrew , possessed me the beginning of his way . so arius montanus reads it . see vers . . it is spoken of christ as mediator . object . col. . . christ is called the first-born of every creature , therefore he is a creature . here the arrians say , christ is imanifestly called a creature . cum christus prim●genitus omnis creaturae sit , eum unum ● numero creaturarum esse oportere necesse est . ea enim in scripturis vis est primogeniti , ut primogenitum unum ex eorum genere , quorum primogenitus est , esse necesse est . catechis . eccl. polon . c. . de persond christi . ans. there are three answers given to this text in the annot. edit . . vid. bez. in loc . it is a figurative speech , christ had the pre●eminence over the creatures , was lord over them as the first-born . an arrian executed at norwich for blasphemy against christ , in the dayes of queen elizabeth , being moved to repent that christ might pardon him , replied to this effect : and is that god of yours so merciful indeed as to pardon so readily those that blaspheme him ? then i renounce and defie him . the socinians deny christ to be god , and oppose his merits and satisfaction unto god for our sins , they hold christ is god salvo meli●ri judicio , or prout mihi videtur , till they can examine it better . they are more vexed with athanasius , then with any other , and call him for athanasius sathanasius , he stood against three hundred bishops in a councel , and maintained the divinity of christ against the arian faction . he hath written also most copiously against the arrians , and hath solidly refuted their arguments against the divinity of christ. the gospel of s. iohn was chiefly penned for this end to prove the deity of christ , christ there gives a resolute and constant testimony of himself , that he was the son of god , and very god , never any creature took this title upon him to be called god , but the fearful judgements of god were upon him for it . mr perkins on the creed ; see him also on iude. vide lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . & . many hereticks denied the god-head of christ , as ebion , cerinthus , arrius , the jews also and mahometans , some denying him to be god , others saying , that he was not absolutely god , but inferiour to him . he is god , not by office , nor by favour , nor by similitude , nor in a figure , as sometimes angels and magistrates are called gods ; but by nature , he is equal and co-essential with his father , there is one god-head common to all the three persons , the father , the sonne and the spirit ; and therefore it is said , phil. . . that he was in the form of god , and thought it no robbery to be equal with god. lo an equality to god the father ascribed to him , he is not god in any secondary or inferiour manner , but is in the very form of god equal to him , the god-head of all the three persons being one and the same . to beat down arius his heresie the first councel of nice was called , the nicene creed made . the difference between the councel of nice and arius was but in a letter , whether christ was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ● . like in essence ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coessential to the father . the arian heretick presseth augustine to shew where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read in scripture . angustine asketh , what is homoousion consubstantiall , but , i and my father are one . see of arius his heresie and end . heilins geograph . pag. . amphil●chius a worthy bishop petitioned theodosius the emperour , that the arians might not have publick meetings in the city , but in vain . shortly after , he coming to the court , and finding arcadius the emperours sonne , whom theodosius had newly made emperour together with him , standing by his father , he reverently bowed to the father theodosius after his usual manner , but gave not the like respect to his sonne , but coming near to him he spake to him as unto a young boy , salve mi fili , saith he , and with his hand stroked his head . theodosius being here with provoked to anget , chode amphilochius with indignation for so sleighting his sonne , and not honouring him equally with himself , and withall commanded him to be cast out reproa●hfully . as he was carrying away , he turned and said , think , o emperour , that the heavenly father is thus angry with those who honour not the sonne equally with the father , and dare say , that he it inferiour in nature to him . the emperour hearing this , called back the bishop , begs pardon of him , admires his act , makes a law presently against the meeting of the arians , and forbad their publick disputations , and the emperour himself was hereby more confirmed in the true religion , in which he wavered before . vedel . proleg . ad lib. de prud. vet . eccles. c. . thirdly , that the holy ghost is also god * , is proved by the same arguments . . the names and titles of god are given to him , cor. . . three times doth the apostle call the holy ghost god , cor. . , . the taking of the shape of a dove , and fiery tongues , are acts of a distinct person . act. . , compare act. . . with act. . . numb . . . with pet. . . he is called the spirit of glory , pet. . . secondly , divine attributes are given to the holy ghost . . omniscience , he knoweth all things , cor. . , . ioh. . . . omnipresence , psal. . . rom. . . ioh. . . . omnipotency , heb. . . . eternity , heb. . . thirdly , the works of the true god are given to the holy ghost . . creation , iob . . psal. . . . preservation and sustentation of all things created is attributed to the holy ghost . gen. . . zech. . . . redemption , cor. . . . the power of working miracles is ascribed to the holy ghost , matth. . ● . act. . . rom. . . the resurrection of the flesh is ascribed also to the holy ghost , rom. . . . disttibuting of graces according to his pleasure , cor. . . and . instructing of the prophets , pet. . . governing of the church , and making apostle● , act. . . and . . fourthly , divine honour and worship is given to him , apoc. . . we are baptized in his name , as well as in the name of the father and sonne , matth. . . we are commanded to believe in him , and call upon him . blasphemy against the holy ghost shall never be forgiven , mat. . . therefore he is no lesse religiously to be worshipped then the father and the son. in the first constantinopolitan councell assembled against macedonius who denied the divinity of the holy ghost , there were an hundred and fifty bishops . vide doct. prid. lect. . de s. s. deitate & personalitate . the arminians and socinians ( as peltius sheweth in his harmony ) say , the holy ghost is only vis & efficacia , the power of god , but not a distinct person , god himself , but cor. . . as he ( i. the spirit ) will , therefore he is a person as well as the father and the sonne , ephes. . . the spirit of promise , who is ( so the greek may well be rendred ) the ●arnest of our inheritance . the communion and distinction of these three persons is to be constdered . . their communion ; the same mumerical essence is common to the three in one god , or of one essence there are three persons , by reason of which community of deity all the three persons remain together , and are co-eternal delight to themselves , prov. . , . ioh. . . . the persons differ : . from the essence , not really as things and things , but modally , as manners from the things where of they are manners , as degree● of heat from heat , and light from light . . they differ amongst themselves , as degrees from degrees , a● relations in a subject from other relations in the same ; as for example , if three degrees should remain distinctly in the same heat , this is a distinction not of degree , state or dignity ( since all the persons are equal ) but in other respects , and it is either internal or external . internal is three-fold : . in order , the father is the first person from himself , not from another , both in respect of his essence and person . the sonne is the second person from his father in respect of his person and filiation , existing by eternal generation , after an ineffable manuer , and is so called god of god. the holy ghost is the third person , proceeding or flowing co-eternally from the father and the son in respect of his person . . in the personal property unchangeable and incommunicable , which is called personality , and it is . of the father , paternity , and to beget in respect of the sonne ; to send out or breathe in respect of the holy ghost . . of the son , generation or to be begotten of the father , psal. . . heb. . . ioh. . . & . . ioh. . . absque ulla essentiae , temporis , gloriae imparitate , chamier . in this generation we must note . that the begetter and begotten are together in time . . he that begets communicates to him that is begotten , not a part of his essence , but the whole essence ; that which is begotten is within , not without the begetter . in respect of this generation , the sonne is called the word of the father , john . ● . not a vanishing , but anessential word , because he is begotten of the father , as the word from the minde . he is called the word of god , both internal and conceived ( that is , the divine understanding reflected upon it self from eternity , or gods knowledge of himself ) so also he is the inward wisdom of god , prov. . because god knows himself as the first and most worthy object of contemplation ; and external or uttered , which hath revealed the counsels of god to men , especially the elect ; that we may know the father by the sonne as it were by an image , iohn . . so also he is the external wisdome , instructing us concerning the will and wisdome of the father to salvation , cor. . . and vers . . . the property of the son in respect of the holy ghost is to send him out , iohn . . hence aro●e the schisme between the western and the eastern churches , they affirming the procession from the father and the sonne , these from the father alone . to deny the procession of the holy ghost from the sonne , is a grievous errour in divinity , and would have grated the foundation , if the greek church had so denied the procession of the holy ghost from the sonne , as that they had made an inequality between the persons . but since their forme of speech is , that the holy ghost proceedeth from the father by the sonne , and is the spirit of the sonne , without making any difference in the consubstantiality of the persons , it is a true , though an erroneous church in this particular ; divers learned men thinke , that a filio & per filium in the sense of the greek church , was but a question in modo loquendi in manner of speech , and not fundamental . . the personal propriety of the holy ghost is called procession or emanation , iohn . . bellarmine proves the procession of the holy ghost from the sonne by ioh . . and from iohn . . by that ceremony augustine and cyril say , christ would signifie that the holy ghost proceeds from him , and bellarmine produceth fifteen latine , and as many greek witnesses , who most evidently taught ( before the grecians denied the procession of the holy ghost ) that the holy ghost proceeded from the father and the son. bellarm. de christo l. . c. . neither hath the word defined , nor the church known a formal difference between this procession and generation . the third internal difference among the persons is in the number , for they are three , subsisting truly , distinctly and per se , distinguished by their relations and properties , for they are internal works and different , and incommunicably proper to every person . there follows an external distinction in respect of effects and operations which the persons exercise about external objects , namely the creatures ; for though the outward works are undivided in respect of the essence , yet in respect of the manner and determination , all the persons in their manner and order concurre to such works . as the manner is of existing , so of working in the persons . the father is the original and principle of action , works from himself by the son , as by his image and wisdom , and by the holy ghost . but he is said to work by his son , not as an instrumental but as a principal cause distinguished in a certain manner from himself , as the artificer works by an image of his work framed in his minde , which image or idea is not in the instrumental cause of the work , but his hand . to the son is given the dispensation and administration of the action from the father by the holy ghost , cor. . . iohn . . & . . to the holy ghost is given the consummation of the action which he effects from the father and the son , iob. . . cor. . . the effects or works which are distinctly given to the persons , are , creation ascribed to the father , redemption to the sonne , sanctification to the holy ghost ; all which things are done by the persons equally and inseparably in respect of the effect it selfe , but distinctly in respect of the manner of working . the equality of the persons may be proved , . by the work of creation , joyntly , psal. . . severally ; for the father , those places prove it , cor. . . heb. . . the sonne , iohn . , . col. . . the holy ghost , iob . . . by the work of redemption , the father sends and gives the sonne , the sonne is sent and given by him , the holy ghost perfects the work of conception and incarnation , luke . . . by the work of sanctification , the father sanctifieth , iohn . . iude v. . the son , ephes. . the holy ghost , thess. . . pet. . . . by the worship of religious adoration . the father is religiously adored often in the scripture , ephes. . . the sonne , acts . . heb. . . the holy ghost , act. . , . rom. . . this is a wonderful mystery rather to be adored and admired then enquired into ; yet every one is bound to know it with an apprehensive knowledge , though not with a comprehensive . no man can be saved without the knowledge of the father ; he hath not the father who denieth the son ; and he receives not the holy ghost who knows him not , ioh. . . . we must worship the unity in trinity , and trinity in unity , as it is in athanasius his creed . we must worship god as one in substance , and three in persons , as if thomas , iohn , and matthew , had one singular soul and body common to them all , and entirely possessed of every one ; we were baptized in the name of father , son and holy ghost . we worship another god then the idolaters could imagine their god to be ; they conceived him to be the creator and governour of all things , omnipotent , eternal , but they worshipped not one god in three persons , the father who accepts , the spirit who works , and the sonne who presents our services . one main intendment in the new covenant was not onely to honour the attributes of the nature , but the glory of the persons , ephes. . , , , . . all the persons have a special hand in the salvation of a sinner , and every believer hath a special interest in the promises of the persons , ioh. . . . the order of working in the persons is sutable to the order of their subsisting , the father is first in order therefore in working , therefore adoption is reckoned by some divines , as the first of spiritual benefits , then redemption and sanctification . . we should walk in the love of them all , ioh. . . see iohn . . & . , & . . and fear to offend them all , not only the father , but the son , ezek. . . and the spirit , ephes. . . . we should praise god for revealing this mystery to us in his word , and be assured that what he promiseth or threatens shall be accomplished , being confirmed by three witnesses . prudentius hath exercised his poetry well in defending and illustrating the whole christian religion against the jews , heathens and hereticks , and in celebrating the holy trinity . the end of the second book . the third book . of gods works chap. i. of gods decree , and especially of predestination , and the parts thereof , election and reprobation . having spoken of the scripture , and god ; the works of god in the next place are to be handled , which some make two ; the decree , and the execution of the decree : others , three , decree , creation , providence . the works of god , whereby he moves himself to his creatures , are three ; decree , creation , providence ; not three individually ; for so they are innumerable , but in the species and kinds of things . the works of god , are , . before time or eternall , his decree . . in time . . past , creation of all things . . present , gubernation and sustentation , government and preservation . or thus ; gods works are , . internall , which are in the very will of god from eternity , and they are called the decrees of god , by which god determined from eternity , what he would do in time : we follow the received phrase of divines , when we call the decrees , the works of god , and speak of god after our capacity . therefore we call decrees of god , his works ; because the decrees of man are works , or actions from man , and really distinct from his understanding and will , by which we conceive the decrees of god , or rather god decreeing . . externall ; creation , and providence . . of gods decree . decree is a speech taken from the affairs of men , especially princes , in the determination of causes between parties at variance , whose sentence is called a decree : or secondly , it is a resolution of things consulted of , either negatively , or affirmatively , according to the latter use of the phrase , it is applied to god , esay . . decretum in the latine is indifferent , to signifie either in the abstract , gods decree ; or , in the concrete , a thing decreed . gods absolute decree a , is that whereby the lord , according to the counsell of his own will , hath determined with himself what he will do , command , or forbid ; permit , or hinder , together with the circumstances of the same , acts . . and . . luke . . iohn . . or , gods decree is an eternall and infinite act of the divine essence , by which he doth determine to do , or not to do , whatsoever is , or shall be done , from the beginning to all eternity , that good is ; and to permit or suffer whatsoever evil is done , or shall be . gods decree is called counsel b , because it is done most wisely ; all things being so ordered , as is most agreeable to truest reason ; as if things had been long de bated , or consulted of before ; though the divine nature be free from all need of consulting ; and it is called the counsell of his will ; because his will doth determine all things agreeably to that counsel . it is an eternall determining of all things which have been , are , or shall be , so as himself saw fittest to have them , upon best reasons known to him , though not to us . the decree of god extends to all things good and bad ; and the rule of it his own wisdome , and good pleasure guided by his wisdome : the end is for his glory ; that is , the manifestation of his excellencies . his mercy moved him to decree , his wisdome orders the decree , his power perfects it , and brings it to passe . the properties of gods decree . . it is compleat , that is , it comprehends the determination of every thing , whatsoever the creature it self works , or god concerning it , that was decreed from eternity so to be , mat. . . it reacheth to greater matters ; the incarnation and coming of christ , psalm . , , . compared with heb. . , , . the kingdome of christ , psal. . . to lesse matters , in things which befall the church , as the ordering of things in egypt , when the israelites were in captivity . nothing comes to passe but what god hath decreed shall come to passe ; and nothing comes to passe otherwise then as he hath decreed it shall come to passe , we do not onely subject res ipsas , but modos rerum to the will and decree of god. neither hath god decreed onely good things , but even justly the evil works of evil men ; for evil in respect of gods ordering it , habet rationem boni . * viz. that by it the glory of god may be revealed in his justice and mercy . he doth order , determine , and direct the sinfull actions of men , but not effect them . . it is most wise , ephes. . . tim. . . rom. . . in decretis sapientum nulla litura . . just. rom. . , . . free , rom. . . nothing moved the decree of god without , or beyond himself : even so , o father , saith christ , because it pleaseth thee . . certain , firm , tim. . . infallible , unchangeable , matth. . . . eternall , acts . . ephes. . . tim. . . it was one of vorstius prodigious doctrines , to maintain , that gods decrees are not eternall ; then he would be changeable . . absolute ; not so as to exclude means , but causes , merits , and conditions . the decree is two-fold . . common and generall , which concerns all creatures , the decree of creation , and government , or providence . so that nothing comes to passe unawares , but it was ordered by an eternall decree , zach. . . mountains of brasse ; that is , stable and eternall decrees . . speciall , which belongs to reasonable creatures , angels and men ; and orders their eternall estate . it is called the decree of predestination , psal. . . and it consists of two parts ; viz. of a decree of election , about saving : and of reprobation about damning some angels and men. the execution likewise of the decree is two-fold . . common ; the execution of the decree of creation , which is creation : and of government , called providence . . speciall : . the execution of the decree of election , in good angels , their confirmation in that state , and in elect men . redemption , and restauration , and all the gracious works of god. . the execution of the decree of reprobation , partly in evil angels , casting them out from their state and condition , and their punishments in hell ; partly in men , viz. their rejection , obduration , and all effects of divine anger upon them . but i shall handle the speciall decree first , called predestination , and speake briefly concerning the two parts of it , election and reprobation ; and then proceed to treat likewise of creation and providence . of predestination . to predestinate * , is to decree the attaining of some end , by such like means as counsel shall prompt us with . it differs from election ; election is in the will ; predestination in the understanding , act. . . election is onely of the end , this is of the means also . by divines , predestination is used to signifie the decree of god concerning the eternall and supernaturall estate of angels and men , or of men elect and reprobate : although predestination concern angels and men alike ; yet the scripture especially inculcates to us men the predestination of men . predestination in scripture ( say some ) is all one with election almost every where , as rom. . . when they are distinguished , election is especially and properly referred to the end it self , predestination to the means . with the ancient latines , destinare , is used of punishment as well as reward ; and ancient divines make a predestination to punishment , as well as to glory . predestination is the sentence , or decree of god , according to counsel , determining with himself from all eternity , to create and govern man-kinde for his special glory , viz. the praise of his glorious mercy , or excellent justice . or thus ; predestination is the secret and immutable purpose of god , whereby he hath decreed from all eternity , to call those whom he hath loved in his son christ , and through faith and good works , to make them vessels of eternal glory . or thus ; predestination is the * infallible purpose of god , whereby he hath made choice of some , and rejected others , according to the pleasure of his own will. it is part of providence , pet. . . there is a double difference between predestination and providence ; . in respect of the object ; all things are the object about which providence is conversant ; reasonable creatures onely are the object of predestination : . in respect of the end ; providence directs all things , as well to natural as supernatural ends , but predestination onely directs reasonable creatures to their supernatural ends . the lord hath not onely decreed in general , that he will save some which believe , and condemn those which continue in infidelity : but he hath determined whom , and how many he will bring to holinesse , and life eternal , for the praise of his grace , and how many he will leave to themselves , and punish for sin , for the praise of his justice . the ancient fathers call that verse , rom. . . the golden chain of our salvation . the parts of predestination are two ; election , and reprobation . this doctrine of election is profitable to be taught in the church of god ; for it sets forth the profound depth of the lords love , the glory and riches of his grace and mercy , ascribing the whole praise of our vocation , justification , adoption , and glorification , to the mercy of god ; it holds forth the wonderful wisdom of god , rom. . . it sets out his power and soveraignty , rom. . . the word election signifieth . . the chusing or taking of one into some office , sam. . . luke . . and . . either in the common-weale , psal. . . or church , iohn . . . the making choise of a nation to be gods peculiar people , upon whom ( passing by others ) he will bestow his laws , ordinances , and singular pledges of his love , d●ut . . . and . . and . . and . . rom. . . . . it is put for the elect themselves , as rom. . . . it notes electionem & salutem , the eternal decree of god , separating some men to holinesse and glory , for the praise of his rich grace , ephes. . . . tim. . . tit. . . particularis & completa electio , neminem spectat nisi morientem , say the arminians . . it is taken for the execution of gods eternal decree , or the separation of certain men in time by effectual vocation , luke . . col. . . apoc. . . election is the decree of gods good pleasure , according to counsel , whereby he hath from eternity chosen and determined with himself to call some men to faith in christ , to justifie , adopt , sanctifie , and give them eternal life , for the praise of his incomprehensible grace , and rich mercy . or , it is an action of god ordaining some men out of his meer good will and pleasure to eternal life , which is to be had by faith in christ , for the manifestation of his grace and mercy . or it is an unchangeable decree of god , whereby he hath out of his own free-will in christ appointed some angels and men to holinesse and happinesse , for the praise of the glory of his grace . . a decree of god in christ , ephes. . . and . . christ is first elected as the head , we as the members . . of certain angels and men , they are called elect angels ; iacob have i loved ; moses his name was written in the book of life , rev. . . and . . it is unchangeable , zach. . , , . it is to the means as well as the end , ephes. . . pet. . , . a decree founded on gods free-will , ephes. . . . the general nature of it , it is an action of god ordaining . . the impulsive cause , of his meer good will , ephes. . . rom. . , . there can be no other reason given , when men have wearied themselves out in disputes , but onely gods will , * even so father , because it pleaseth thee , matth. . god will have mercy on whom he will have mercy . gods meer free ▪ will makes us differ in naturals ; thou art a man , and not a toad ; how much rather must it make us differ in supernaturals ? to flie to a scientia media , or a congrua motio divina , or to the preparation and use of free-will , is to wander , and to say any thing in man makes a difference . . the object of election , whether man absolutely considered , or respectively , as good by creation ; miserable by sin . some make homo * condendus , man to be made , the object of election , some man made , but not fallen ; some man made and fallen . but these opinions may be reconciled , for those who hold homo condendus , or massa pura to be the object , do extend election further then the latter do , even to comprehend in it a decree to make man , and to permit him to fall ; but as for that actual election and separation , austin , calvin , beza , rivet , hold it to be from the corrupted masse ; and so doth b. carleton and others ; of which opinion these reasons may be given . . we are chosen , that we might be holy and unblameable ; this supposeth that we were considered in election , as sinners , ezek. . . . election is of god , that sheweth mercy , and we are called vessels of mercy ; mercy presupposeth misery . . we are elected in christ as our head ; and he is a mediator and saviour which presupposeth sin ; he came to save sinners , mat. . . the means of salvation are given to few , few are holy , the effect of election , matth. . . . man simply considered is the object of predestination , in respect of the preordination of the end ; but man corrupted , if we respect the ordination of the means which tend to that end ; or man absolutely , in respect of the supreme or last end , not in respect of this , or that subordinate end . . the end of election is two-fold : . near and immediate , eternal life . . farther off and ultimate , the glory of his name , ephes. . , , , . . the means to bring about these ends , christs merits apprehended by faith . consider also the adjuncts of this decree , the eternity , immutability , and certainty of it . there is a certain and determinate number of the elect , which cannot be diminished , or augmented . christ prayed to his father that the faith of his elect might not faile , iohn . , . it is impossible they should be deceived , mat. . . the papists think that the certainty of immutable election begets in a man carnal security and prophannesse : but peter thinks far otherwise , peter . . god was not moved by any thing outwardly to choose us to eternal life , but it was onely the meer will of god. some of the papists say , god did choose man to eternal life upon the foresight of his good works , and his perseverance in them . the lutherans * say for faith foreseen , not because of any dignity in faith , but for christ apprehended by it . object . if god should not predestinate for some thing in us , he is an accepter of persons , for all were alike , iudas was no more opposite then peter ; why then should one be elected and not another ? ans. . this makes the doctrine of election such a depth , that god loveth iacob and hateth esau ; in the angels , some are elected , and some fallen . . to accept of persons is then when we prefer one before another , and ought not to do so ; now that god chooseth some , it is of his meer grace , for all deserve eternal damnation . vide dav. dissert . praedest . p. , . obj. predestination or election is grounded on gods foreknowledge , rom. . , ▪ pet. . . ergo , say the papists , god out of the foresight of mans good works , did elect him . and the arminians say that god elected them out of the foresight of mens faith and perseverance ; so election and predestination shall be grounded on the will of man. answ. the foreknowledge of god is , . permissive , so he foresaw all mens sinnes , the fall of angels , adam . . operative , so he foreknows all the good that is in men , by working it : god foresees to give men faith , and then they shall beleeve ; perseverance , and then they shall hold out . there can be no difference till elective love make it : when god hath decreed to give grace , he foreknows that man which beleeves . . predestination is not onely an eternall act of gods will , but of his understanding , ephes. . . act. . . . there is a twofold foreknowledge of god , . generall , whereby he foreknew all things that ever were . . special , a foreknowledge joyned with love and approbation , as pet. . . mat. . ● . arguments against the papists and lutherans . that which is the effect and fruit of election , that cannot be a cause or condition , for then a thing should be a cause to it self . but these are effects , ephes. . . it should be according to them , he hath chosen us because we were foreseen holy , acts . . a man is not ordained to eternal life , because he beleeveth , but he beleeveth because he is ordained to eternal life , acts . . and . . rom. . . secondly , then we should choose god , and not he us , contrary to that ioh. . . thirdly , infants are elected , who cannot beleeve or do good works . this argument ( saith rivet , disputat . . de causa electionis ) although it be puerile by reason of the subject , yet it is virile if we respect its weight ; for the adversaries cannot avoid it , without running into many absurdities , by denying that infants are saved , against that of matthew ; and by affirming that some are saved which are not elected , against rom. . fourthly , if man were the cause of his own election , he had cause to glory in himself , election should not be of grace . see master bailyes antidote against arminians p. . to . all the sonnes of adam without exception are not elected ; for election supposeth a rejection . he that chooseth * some , refuseth others . see esay . . iohn . . whom god electeth he doth also glorifie , rom. . . but all are not glorified thess. . . & . . chosen out of the world , john . . therefore he chose not all in the world , but some . . saving faith is a true effect of gods election , peculiar to the elect , and common to all the elect which live to be of age and discretion , but many are destitute of faith for ever : therefore they must needs be out of gods election . . the scripture saith expresly , that few were chosen ▪ matth. . , rom. . , . few saved , luke . . the elect considered apart by themselves , are a numberlesse number , and exceeding many ; in comparison of the wicked , they are but few , even a handful , mat. . , . & . . luke . ● . though some of the places of scripture may be expounded of the small number of beleevers in the daies of our saviour , yet some are more generally spoken , shewing plainly that onely few do finde the way to life . at this day , if the world were divided into thirty parts , nineteen of them do live in infidelity , without the knowledge of the true god. the mahometans possesse other six parts of the world . amongst them which professe christ , scarce one part of those five remaining do embrace the true religion : and many more do professe with the mouth , then do with the heart beleeve unto salvation . the arminians say there is an election axiomatical , not personal : they acknowledge that there is a choise of this or that particular means to bring men to salvation . god ( say they ) hath revealed but two waies to bring men to life , either by obedience to the law , or by faith in christ. but they deny that there is an election of this or that particular man. god hath set down with himself from all eternity , not onely how many , but who shall lay hold on christ to salvation , and who not , ● pet. . . speaks of an election personal , rom. . , . of both elections , axiomatical and personal . see iohn . ▪ tim. . . some hold that gods election is so uncertain and changeable , as that the elect may become reprobates , and the reprobate elect . there is ( say they ) a constant and frequent intercourse of members between christ and satan , to day a member of christ , to morrow a member of satan . rom. . . all things work together for their good , then nothing shall work for their greatest hurt , that is , their damnation . and ver . . he saith , those whom he predestinated , he hath called , justified , glorified ; not others , but those whom he hath predestinated , these he called and justified . gods election is most firm , certain , and unchangeable , iohn . . & . . matth. . . by the arminian doctrine there can be no certainty of election , for they hold that absolute election onely follows final perseverance in faith , and that faith may be totally lost , and faile finally . so much concerning election . in the scriptures reprobate , and to reprobate are referred rather to the present conditions of wicked men , then gods eternal ordination concerning them . but the decree of reprobation is exprest in such tearms as these , god is said not to have given them to christ , not to shew mercy on some , not to have written the names of some in the book of life . reprobation is the purpose of god to leave the rest of men to themselves , that he may glorifie his justice in their eternal destruction . est decretum aliquod quo destinavit alicui deus damnationem . twiss . the schoolmen and others distinguish between a negative , and positive or affirmative act of reprobation . the negative act is called preterition , non-election , or a will of not giving life . the positive or affirmative act is called pre-damnation , or a will of damning the reprobate person ; so there are two parts of election , viz the decree of giving grace , by which men are freed from sin by faith and repentance ; . of rewarding their faith and repentance with eternal life the word reprobation is taken three waies , saith b. davenant out of iunius , . for preterition and damnation joyntly . . for the alone decree of damnation : so ▪ to be reprobated , is to be appointed to eternal torments , . as it is opposed contradictorily to election , so it is taken for preterition onely or non-election . daven . dissertat . de praedestinat . c. . the object of it are some sinful men , or the greatest part of sinful men , which are called vessels of wrath fitted for destruction , rom. . . that there are more damned then saved , is proved , matth. . . matth. . . the end of reprobation is the declaration of gods justice in punishing of sin . there is no cause of reprobation in the reprobate , that they rather then others are passed by of god ; that is wholly from the unsearchable depth of gods good pleasure , but that damnation whereto they are adjudged , is for their own sins . there are five dreadful consequences of reprobation or preterition , . such whom god passeth by , he never calls , or not effectually ; calling is according to purpose . . he deserts , leaves them to follow their own corrupt lusts . . hardens them , rom. . . they shall prove apostates , tim. . . . they are liable to that dreadful sentence , matth. . . obj. tim. . . who will have all men to be saved . ans. that is , god would have some * of all sorts of men to be saved ; so all men is taken , verse . let prayers be made for all men , that is , all manner of men ; he instanceth in one kinde , viz. kings . all , is likewise here to be taken , not pro singulis generum , but pro gen●ribus singulorum . so austin expounded this place above a thousand yeers since . all manner of men of all nations and qualities . all , in this place doth not signifie universally , every man in every age and condition , but all opposed to the jews onely ▪ all indefinitely , and that in the times of the new testament , of which the apostle speaketh . obj. pet. . ▪ not willing that any should perish , but that all should come to repen tance : therefore there is not an election of some , and reprobation of others . ans. he speaks there onely of the elect ; and he would have none of them to perish . he speaks that for the comfort of the godly , and includes himself amongst them , long-suffering to us-ward : therefore he means those in the same condition with himself . he shews why god staies the execution of his wrath , because all his elect are not gathered . see pet. . . there is nothing doth more set out the glory , excellency , and sufficiency of god then his decree . o the infinite depth of the wisdome of god , which hath fore-seen , decreed , and determined with himself , the innumerable things that ever did or shall come to passe . we should not search into the depths of his counsels , deut. . . but in all things professe our dependance on him , and refer all to his decree , psal. . . they are justly blamed that ascribe any thing to chance , fate , fortune , or good luck , as also such as are impatient under any crosse . admiring the methods of gods eternal counsel , and the execution of it for the salvation of our souls , will be a great part of our work in heaven ▪ that is a desperate inference : if i be predestinated , i shall be saved , * though i neglect and scoff at sanctity . god hath predestinated the means as well as the end ; he hath decreed us to be holy as well as happy , pet. . . ephes. . . christ laid down his life not onely to save us from the guilt of our sins , but to sanctifie us , tit. . . the spirit of god is a spirit of sanctification , thess. . . in good things the devil strives to sever the means from the end ; in evil , the end from the means . we must not reason whether we be predestinated , but use the means , prove our election by our calling , we should judge of our predestination , not so much descendendo , by prying into gods secret counsel , as ascendendo , by searching our own hearts . it was good counsel that cardinal poole gave to one who asked him how he might most profitably reade the epistle to the romans . he advised him first to reade the twelfth chapter to the end , and then the beginning of the epistle to the twelfth chapter . because in the twelfth chapter the apostle falls on matter of duty and sanctification , which is the onely way to attain to the knowledge of those great mysteries handled in the beginning of predestination . take heed of abusing this doctrine . . quarrel not with gods justice , because he hath determined not to give grace to some , rom. . . that any are saved it is from gods mercy , there can be no injustice in refusing , when it is the meer mercy of god to take any : as if of many traitors the king spare some , and hang up the rest : neither have the elect a just cause to glory , nor the reprobate to complain ; since undeserved grace is shewed to the one , due punishment inflicted on the other . it bewraies no more want of mercy in god , that he takes but such , then it did want of power , because he made not many worlds , since the exercising of one and the other , is determined by his wisdome . it were unjust ( say the polonian churches in their catechisme ) to punish any one because he hath not done that which by no means he could do . but when god punisheth the wicked and those that are refractory to his word , what doth he do else but punish those which do not do that which they cannot do ? see more there , cap. . of the same branne . . this may comfort the people of god , who may be certain of their election and salvation , rom. . . . paul had not this by immediate revelation , because he concludeth upon such arguments as are general to all the godly , see ioh. . . certainty of mans election and salvation is not such as we have of arts and sciences , yet the truths of god are more to be adhered unto then any humane principle . . nor is it such as we have of doctrinal truths , we are not so perswaded of gods favour in particular to us , as that there is a god , and that there is jesus christ , because the dogmatical truth is contained in the scripture , the other is but a practical conclusion drawn from the general . . it is not such an assurance as expelleth all doubting and wavering , mar. . . yet doubting is a sin , and we are to bewaile it : but the papists teach doubting , and praise it under the name of humility , and say it keeps us from presumption . they say we can have but a conjectural and wavering knowledge of our salvation ; justly therefore did luther terme the romish doctrine concerning uncertainty of salvation , non doctrinam fidei sed diffidentiae , no doctrine of faith but distrust . . it is not such as presumption and carnal security , excluding all use of the means , work out your salvation with fear ; those which have been most perswaded of gods love to them , have been most active for him : the love of christ constraineth us . . it is more then probable , conjectural , or moral . . it is not of our own conscience and spirit onely , but inabled by the spirit of god thus to conclude and determine , rom. . the spirit witnesseth with our spirit . those that finde this in themselves should feed upon this eternal comfort , it is absolute , eternal , immutable , nothing shall oppose it , who shall lay any thing to the elect ? it is full of love and grace . we may make our election sure by our calling , rom. . , . and our effectual calling by two things : . by a new light . . a new life . cor. . . pet. . . iohn . . ephes. . . we have a new knowledge wrought in us of our selves , we see our misery by sin , and our inability to help our selves , rom. . . . of god , god in jesus christ is discovered to us , pet. . . we see our need of christ , and know him to be a mediatour , who must reconcile god and us . . a new life is wrought in us , ephes. . . we now die to sin , and live to god , . by faith , rev. . . these three are put together , faithful , chosen and called . . by new obedience . . it is every mans duty to give diligence to make his election sure , both for the glory of god and the comfort of his soul , but in gods way , and according to his ordinance , first calling , then election . . when he hath used his utmost diligence , if he cannot make it sure , it is his misery not his sin . . when the spirit of god reveals to a man either the truth of his own graces , or else gods eternall love to him , then a man is bound to beleeve it . it is . a certain assurance . . secret , rev. . . . exceeding sweet , rejoyce in that your names are written in the book of life . . it is an imperfect assurance , the assurance of faith not of sight , it may be eclipsed . chap. ii. . the execution of gods deeree . god executes his decree by actions , creation , and providence . gods works are in time . past , creation of all things . . present , government and preservation . creation is taken , . strictly , when god makes any creature of nothing , meerly of nothing , not as if nothing were the matter but the terme , so the souls of men and angels are created of nothing . . largely , when of some prejacent matter , but very unfit and indisposed , a creature is made , as adam of the earth . creation is the action of god , * whereby out of nothing he brought forth nature it self and all things in nature , both substances and accidents , in and with the substances , and finished them in the space of six daies , both to his own glory and the salvation of the elect. or , it is an action whereby god the father by his word , and holy spirit made all things exceeding good for the glory of his name . or thus , creation is a transient or external action of god , whereby in the beginning he made the world by a meer command out of his own free will in six dayes space to the glory of his name . . an action , ] not a motion or change , motion argueth some succession , but in the things created , the fieri & factum esse is all one , nor is it a change , because that supposeth some alteration in the agent . . transient , ] it passeth from the agent to the thing created , whereas in immanent actions , as gods will , decrees , and personal actions , they abide in himself . . of god , ] the efficient cause of all things is god the father , son and holy ghost . creation is the proper work of god alone , so that he is god which created the world , and he created the world who is god , ier. . . it is without controversie , that the work of creation agrees to god the father , the same is expresly given to the son , iohn . . col. . . and to the holy ghost also , psal. . . he brooded on the waters , gen. . , . aquinas parte prima qu. . artic. . hath this question , utrum sit necessarium omne ens esse creatum a deo. the schoolmen much dispute , whether god may not give a creating power to a creature ; and answer , no creature can be so elevated as to concur to the execution of an almighty act . in scripture it is alwaies made the work of god , gen. . . prov. . . psal. . . , . creation is an act of omnipotency . the apostles when they dealt with the heathens , urged the works of creation , acts . . & . . rom. . , . . in the beginning , ] by the scripture it is a matter of faith to hold that the world was not from all eternity , in the beginning notes not that there was time first , and then god created the world ( for time is a creature and concreated ) but it denotes order , that is , at first . . the world , ] that is , the heaven and earth and all things contained in them , act. . . and . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that well ordered , decent , beautiful and comely frame of heaven and earth . . by his meer command , ] as appears gen. . let there be light , let there be heavens , which argues his omnipotency . . out of his own free will , ] for god did not need the world , and therefore he created it no sooner . he was happy enough in himself without men or angels , psal. . . prov. . . . the final cause , to the glory of his name , rom. . . three attributes especially manifest themselves in this work of creation , gods power , wisdome , goodnesse ; his power in that he made all things by a word , and of nothing , isa. . . his wisdome is seen in the order and variety of his works , psal. . . and their exceeding wonderful and particular uses ; his goodnesse , in that he would communicate being to the creatures . plutarch writeth , that the old philosophers , the ancientest divines amongst the pagans , were wont to describe pourtrayed out in stone , wood , and other matters , the images of their gods , with musical instruments in their hands , not that they would teach others , or did beleeve it themselves , that the gods were fidlers or pipers , or used to solace themselves with lute or viol , but because they held nothing more fit or answering to the nature of god , then to do all things in sweet harmony and proportion ; which the wiseman calleth in number , in measure , and in weight . mountague against seld. c. . the work of creation ( say some a ) is set out generally in a general proposition , in the beginning b god created the heavens and the earth ; which proposition he after explains by its parts . that the world was not from eternity , but was made by god , these arguments may perswade . first , and principally faith , heb. . . which is grounded upon divers places of scripture , c as the first and second chapters of genesis , & chapters of iob , and some psalms almost whole , as & . this also is the first article of our creed , that the world was created in time by god. the apostle paul , acts . . & . . doth point out god to the heathen by this work above others . the doctrine of creation is a mixt principle , partly discovered by nature , and chiefly in the word . consider it , . ex parte rei , so the thing it self was known to the heathens . . ex parte modi , faith onely teacheth what it is : the manner and circumstances of the creation , how and wherefore the world was made , was wholly unknown to them , because these things are not matters of sense , but depend on the limitation of gods will ; nor matters of reason , but depend on the exuberancy of his power . the same individual assent to the same truth may be both cognitio scientiae , and cognitio fidei . by faith we know that the worlds were made , and assent to it . and by demonstrations it may be proved , that the world was made ; and these also are sufficient to perswade assent . now we from both grounds ( jointly ) assent to this proposition , that the world was made . the which assent in respect of the ground ( propter evidentiam rei ) is an assent of science or natural knowledge . in regard of the other ground ( propter anthoritatem dicentis ) is an assent of faith , or supernatural knowledge . mr. wallis truth tried , ch . . secondly , and probably , the light of nature shining in these reasons . . the original of nations laid down by moses , gen. . and elsewhere , which could not be fained by him , since some memory of them was then extant among many , which yet in progresse of time was extinguished . . the beginning of arts , the first inventers whereof are known , and in what time they flourished : for it is not probable that so many ages before , mankinde lived without arts , and that in these last times they were all both invented and perfected . . the newnesse of all heathenish histories , the ancientest of which tell of nothing before noah's flood , or the beginning of the assyrian empire under ninus . the holy history it self is only of yeers or thereabout , which neverthelesse is the greatest mouument of antiquity . now it would be a most unworthy reproach and contumely cast upon all those men who had lived so many infinite ages ago , to say they were so ignorant that they could not , or so slothful that they would not deliver in writing what was done in their times . . the decay of mans body and age , which from a great strength , quantity , bignesse and time of life , is now come down to a narrow scantling , which if had decreased so alwaies in infinite ages , it would by this time have been brought almost to nothing . . the certain series and order of causes and impossibility of their proceeding in infinitum : for it must needs be that there should be one first , which is the universal cause : but first it is not unlesse it be one , nor one except it be god. . as a thing is , so it works , but god doth not depend upon another in his being , therefore neither in working doth he require a pre-existent matter . . art presupposeth nature , and nature matter ; but god in working is a more excellent cause then art or nature , therefore presupposeth nothing in working . . the first cause , viz. god is infinite , therefore he can do whatsoever implyeth not a contradiction , but the creation of things in time implieth it not . . whatsoever perisheth hath a beginning : the world doth perish , because all its parts decay , and are subject to corruption , therefore the whole . the angles and souls of men are changeable by nature , as appears by the fall of the devil and mans fall . . either the world was eternal or had a beginning ; it could not be eternal , . because it is compounded of divers parts , and those in nature contrary one to another , which could not meet together in that order themselves , therefore it was made by some-what , and then either by it self , which could not be : for that which makes , is before that which is made ; and the same thing cannot be before it self , or else it was made by some creature , which could not be ; because that is but a part of the whole , and therefore meaner then it considered as whole , and not able to make it . . the world could not be eternal , because it is limited in respect of place , quantity , power , therefore it is not infinite in time . that which is eternal is the first thing , and consequently the best , therefore god is only so , having no parts , nor being subject to corruption . by these reasons it is evinced , that the world is not eternal , but was created by the chief work-man of all things in time . but concerning the time of the yeer , when the world was made , whether in summer , autumn , or the spring , we will not raise any curious and unprofitable questions . see sarsans chronologia vapulans , page . let it suffice to know that it was created by god in the beginning , gen. . . that is , in the beginning of time , or rather together with time then in time ; for the instant and moment of creation was the beginning of all following , but not the end of precedent time . hitherto concerning the efficient cause , there followeth the matter of creation . of the first and immediate creation , there was no matter at all , the * divine power drew out nature it self , not out of any pre-existent matter , but out of meer nothing . materiam noli quaerere , nulla fuit . nothing but nothing had the lord almighty , whereof , wherewith , whereby to build this city . thus were created all incorporeal and immaterial substances ; the angels , the reasonable soul , and the highest heaven ( as some say ) for those things which are void of matter , cannot be framed out of matter . . the mediate creation is , when a thing is brought forth of a praeexistent matter ; yet so rude and indisposed , that it may be accounted for nothing : so adams body was created of the dust or slime of the earth , gen. . . beasts and birds out of the earth , gen. . . which god did meerly of his good pleasure , no necessity compelling him , nor the matter he took any way helping him in working ; it was nothing privatively , as they call it . divines observe four things in gods creation . . his command ; whereby he said , let there be light , and there was light . gods words are things . . his approbation ; whereby all things are acknowledged as good . god sa● they were good . they were so in respect of their own kinde and nature . . in respect of the universe , that is , apt for the end * for which they were made , free from all defect and deformity . god made all the creatures to be serviceable one to another , especially to man , tim. . . i cannot tell by what logick we call a toad , a bear , or an elephant ugly , they being created in those outward shapes and figures , which best expresse those actions of their inward forms . and having past that general visitation of god , who saw that all that he had made was good , that is , conformable to his will , which abhors deformity , and is the rule of order and beauty . d. browns religio medici . . ordination and appointment , whereby he assigned unto all creatures their use , ier. . . he made nothing in vain . . a sanction of a law and decree which the creatures must alwayes observe , called a covenant with day and night . hitherto of the efficient cause and the matter , there followeth the form of creation , which may be considered either in respect of god , or in respect of the things created . . the manner of creation in respect of god is this , he did not create the world by a necessity of nature , but according to the eternal and immutable ; yet most free decree of his will. . by his word and beck alone , without any change , weariness or toil , he made and established all things . the form of creation in respect of the things created , is two-fold . . internal ( viz. ) the very force and power of nature imprinted by god both in all things in a common manner and respect , and in the several kinds according to the particular essence and condition of every thing , by which they are made powerful to proper or common operations . . the external form is two-fold , partly a suddain and momentary production of all things , partly a most beautiful disposing and excellent order of all things produced , both in themselves , and among one another , gen. . . there is order , . in making them : in simple things as the elements , god began with those that are most perfect , the light or fire , the purest creature , psal. . . and then went on to the lesse perfect , in mixt bodies , he began with things more imperfect , first made things that have being and no life , then plants , after beasts and men . . in disposing all things in their proper places for the beauty and service of the whole , the beasts in the earth , the fishes more in number and greater in bulk in the sea. the world hath its name in greek from beauty , god could have created them all at once , but he made them in the space of six a dayes , that he might shew , . his power in producing whatsoever effects he would without their general causes , while he enlightened the world , made the earth fruitful , and brought plants out of it , before the sun and moon were created . . his goodnesse and liberality while he provides for his creatures not yet made , and brings the living creatures into the earth filled with plants and nourishment , men into a world abundantly furnished with all things for necessity and delight . . that we might thereby more easily conceive , that the world was not made confusedly or by chance , but orderly , and by counsel , and might not perfunctorily but diligently consider the works of creation . how should we deliberate in our actions b which are subject to imperfection ? since it pleased god not out of need to take leisure . so much for the form of creation , there remains in the last place the end , which is two-fold . . the last and chiefest , the glory of god the creator , in manifesting his goodnes , power and wisdom , which excellencies of god shining forth in the existence , order and wonderful workmanship of all creatures , and in the wise government and administration of them , god would have acknowledged and praised by reasonable creatures , psal. . . & . . prov. . . isa. . . rom. . ▪ & . . the next end for the work it self , that all things should serve man , and be useful to him , especially to further the salvation of the elect , gen. . . psal. . , , . cor. . , . it serves to confute sundry errors : . the arians , which said the world was made by christ , as the instrument and secondary cause , that place rom. . . doth not prove an inequality of persons . . the manichees , which held two beginnings contrary to themselves , god the author of good things , and the devil the author of evil , this is blasphemy against god , and is contrary to what moses saith , gen. . . . aristotle , that held the world was eternal ( as ludov. viv. de veritate fidei christ. l. . c. . saith , ) though some d say he did not . democritus who held that the world was made by a casual concourse of atomes , and that there were infinite worlds , when the scripture speaketh but of one ; god sent his sonne into the world , not worlds ; see the discovery of the world in the moon , proposit. . mr rosse opposeth those atomes refutat . of dr browns vulgar errors , c. . ubi sunt , aut unde ista corpuscula , cur illa nemo praeter unum leucippum somniavit , à quo democritus eruditus , haereditatem stultitiae reliquit epicuro . lactant. divin . instit. l. . de falsa sapientia p. . vide plura ibid. & . galen , who having read the fifth chapter of genesis , said , that moses said much , but proved little . . it condemns . . those which set their affections on the creature , if there be beauty in that , what is in the creator ? . those that abuse the creatures by cruelty , or pretended lordship . . those which mock at the parts of any man ; if born lame or deformed ; this is to despise the workman , to murmur at the potter . . it shews that god hath first , chief , absolute , and perpetual soveraignty over all his creatures ; so that he can use , command , and do with them as in equity seems good to his henvenly wisdom . . when we'behold the heavens , the earth , air and sea , how they are filled , what use and commodities they have , we should contemplate god in these things we see with our eyes . . we should learn what a one god is , . eternal , he that made heaven and earth , is ancienter then both . . almighty ; great works cannot be brought to passe without great strength : he must needs be infinite in power , which made heaven and earth , and hangs the earth as a ball , without any pillar to support it . . most wise ; strength separated from wisdom , is little worth : god knows all things , the nature of the heavens , earth , water perfectly ; because he put such a nature into them : tell your selves , that god is a wise understanding essence , can order all to the best . . exceeding good ; he hath infused goodness into the heavens , waters , earth , they are helpful and serviceable to man : how much more goodness is there in god! he is good and doth good , psal. . . see his love in making man * best of the creatures here below : we should honour god in our mindes , account him the chiefest and onely good , and his favour the chiefest felicity , bring our wils to long after him , to desire him above all other things , chusing him as our happinesse , loving him and desiring to enjoy him fully : learn to fear him above all , not daring to offend him , acts . . and obey and please him ; what more agreeable to reason , then that the maker of all should be ruler of all ? we are more his , then a childe his parents , a servant his masters . we should also acknowledge that he made us , psal. . and praise him : gods great works call for great praise ; commend him with our tongues , and speak good of his name , psal. . . the heavens declare the glory of god , i. e. give occasion to man of declaring it . . this is a comfort to those who acknowledge god to be such a one as he is ; is not he rich enough to maintain them ? wise enough to direct them ? strong enough to protect them ? if thou want goodness , he can create in thee a new heart ; it may comfort the godly in regard of the resurrection ; god can raise them up at the last day . . it is a great terror to the wicked , which do not fear but despise him ; god will hate , despise and destroy them : god can do it ; he made heaven and earth , and he will do it , because he is true , he hath threatned it ; oh the misery of that man which hath him for his enemy ! . we may learn from all the creatures in general , . to bewail our rebellion against god , which all of them reprove , for they all stand in their kinde and station in which god set them at first . the sunne rejoyceth to runne his course : the sea keepeth her bounds ; the earth stands upon her foundation ; the heavens keep their motion , and declare gods glory ; the very windes and seas obey him . . all of them teach a the invisible things of god , rom. . . as was before-shewed . . we should make a right use of the creatures : use them , . devoutly , tim. . . in faith , rom. . . & ult . with prayer and thanksgiving , mat. . . act. . . soberly , cor. . . . thankfully , tim. . . having handled the works of creation in general , i now proceed according to moses his method , to a more particular enarration of each dayes work . the whole first chapter of genesis may be thus divided : . the author of the worlds creation , god. . the work. . the approbation of it . verse . in the beginning of time , or being , therefore the world was not eternal . iohn begins so , and took it hence : but beginning there may mean from eternity : or as here , christ did not begin then , but was then , prov. . . bara elohim , gods created b . that difference between the noun plural , and verb singular ( saith rivet ) signifieth not the mystery of the trinity , but is an idiotism of the hebrew tongue , in which such enallages are frequent , as numb . . . most of our men take the joyning of a singular verb with the plural elohim , for a mystical expressing the holy trinity . but the jewish grammarians make it an enallage of number , chiefly to expresse excellency in the persons , to whom it is refer'd . mr seldens titles of honour , part . . chap. . however , there is no difference in the thing it self ; for the name of gods being taken here essentially , ( not personally ) is common to the three persons ; gods created , is as much as the father , the sonne and holy ghost created : for elsewhere it is manifest from scripture , that not only the father , but the sonne and holy ghost also created the world . created , signifieth an act of infinite power , and is not communicable to any creature . i. ex nihilo fecit , & quidem potentissimè ac magnificentissimè . junius . heaven and earth . in the first day were created heaven and earth ; as it were the foundation and roof of the building , psal. . . isa. . , . the work of the first day , was . heaven , under which name are comprehended partly the empyraean first and immovable heaven , which is called in scripture , the third heaven , and heaven of heavens , ephes. . . chron. . . acts . . and partly the celestial spheres , which it is probable were made the first day ; but without those lights of the stars , with which at length in the fourth day , they were adorned : the hebrew word for heaven being of the dual number may imply both . the heavenly intelligences or angels , the inhabitants of the invisible heaven were then made , as is probable , saith chemnitius , coelum , id est , extimum illum hujus universitatis ambitum cum super coelestibus incolis illius & spiritualibus formis atque intelligentiis , gen. . . job . . iunius in loc . . the four first simple things or elements , as some think , earth , water , air , fire , and the fitting of them for use , by making day and night . though others hold , that the air and fire are comprehended under firmament , the work of the second day . for the earth , there is he emphatical ; this earth which we dwell in , though then unpolished . the earth is described in the second verse , it was without form and void , informity and vacuity in the original , without inhabitants and without ornament , the earth and waters were joyned together among themselves ; the waters at first did encompasse and cover the earth round about , as it were a cloathing and garment , psal. . . darknesse was on the face of the deep ; that is , the waters , which inclosed the earth in themselves . vers. . there is an extraordinary light mentioned ; ( the ordinary fountain of light is the sunne ) which in what subject it did inhere is not certain : some say water in the thinner parts of the superficies , some the heavenly spheres , others say the element of fire : for that ( say they ) is either included under light , or we know not whether to referre it ; and god created not accidents without subjects . the works of the second day were twofold : first , that most vast firmament , viz. that space between the earth and skie : the hebrew word signifieth the extending of any thing , or the thing it self . secondly , the division of the waters above , from the waters below c , that is of the clouds which are in the middle region of the air , from the fountains , rivers and sea , which remain under the lowest region . but by the name of clouds and waters above the firmament , we may understand all the meteors , both watery and fiery , which were created then in their causes , ier. . . the approbation given of other dayes , is here omitted in the hebrew , not because hell was created on this day , as the hebrews d say : but because this work of distinguishing the waters was yet imperfect and finished on the third day . the work of the third day was threefold . first , the conflux , or gathering of the waters below into one place in regard of the greater part of them , called sea , that so they might not overflow the earth : and by this command of gods , they still continue so : luther said well , that all a mans life upon the earth is as great a miracle , as the israelites passing thorow the red sea. secondly , the drying of the earth , to make it habitable , and fit for nourishing plants and living creatures . thirdly , the producing of herbs and trees of all kindes . the works of the fourth day were , the lights both greater , as sun and moon ; and lesser , as the other stars , placed in the heavens as certain receptacles or vessels , wherein the lord did gather light , which before was scattered in the whole body of the heavens . secondly , the use of them ; they were to give light to the world , to distinguish the night from the day , the day from the week ; as also to distinguish seasons , summer and winter , spring and autumne , seed-time and harvest . they are signs : . natural : by them we may guesse of the weather , matth. . , . from the colour and figure of the moon , some will conjecture what weather is like to be . . civil : husbandmen , gardners , fishermen , mariners , gather observations from them . . ecclesiastical : to know the new moons , and strange apparitions in them are signs of gods anger , as extraordinary eclipses c , blazing-stars . the works of the fifth day ; were , the fishes of the sea , and fowls of the air , divers in nature , shape , qualities ; vertues and manners of living : the fishes were appointed to increase , multiply , and fill the waters : and the fowls to increase , multiply , and flie in the air . the work of the sixth day is two-fold : . all terrestrial bruit creatures , beasts f , cattle , and every thing which creepeth upon the earth in their kinde , having vertue and power from god to increase and multiply . . man , male and female , adams body of the dust of the earth , viz. that he might have in his own bosom an argument and incentive of humility , lest for his excellency he should wax proud against god ; eves body out of a rib of adam , for a sign of most near conjunction , and love betwixt man and wife . the creation ceased in man , as in the master-piece of gods skill , and as in the end to which all other things were destinate . for all other creatures , by the bounty of the creator , were to serve adam , as their lord and prince . chap. iii. of the creation of the heavens , the angels , the elements , light , day and night . i shall now insist more largely on the particular creatures , and draw some consectaries from them , saying little of the reasonable creatures , angels and men ; because i intend more fully to treat of them by themselves . the creation of the heavens is a great and wonderful work of god ; the heavens were not alwayes , neither came they by chance , or any other way , but by the wonderful power of god creating them . so the scripture telleth us often , psal. . . isa. . . & . & . . & . . & . . god frequently challengeth to himself the glory of this exceeding great work , alledging it as an effect of his wonderful power and greatness . the excellency and greatness of this work appears in divers things : . the abstruseness of the matter . . the perfection of the form . . the exceeding hugeness of its quantity . . the height of it . . it s swift motion . lastly , the excellent usefulness of it for the creatures here below , and all other things contained in it . first , the matter of the heavens is dark and hidden , and goes beyond the power of mortal creatures , certainly to determine of it . philosphers know not what to say here ; some of them do think , that the upper heavens are made of the same matter with these inferiour bodies ; and some again do deny it , and think it consists of another , which they call the fifth essence ; because they perceive it to be of such different working and qualities from the things below . secondly , the perfection of the figure g of the heavens , and all the starres of heaven doth marvellously grace it : for it is of an orbicular or round form , a circle encompassing the earth and waters round , which is of it self also for the main orbicular ; and this concerning the stars our senses do declare , and concerning the whole heavens the motions of the stars , which our eye doth tell us : for the sun riseth every morning over against the place it did set the evening before , and so evinceth that its course is round h : the round figure is the most beautiful , strong , perfect and capacious figure , and this may minde us of gods infinitenesse , perfection , and unchangeableness . thirdly , consider the hugeness of its i quantity : for who can measure the back-side of heaven ? or tell how many miles space that mighty circle doth contain ? the globe of earth and water is very great , but all that is , as it were , an undiscernable point , compared to the whole globe of heaven : how incomprehensibly great is he which hath made a building so great ? the whole circuit of the heavens , wherein are the fixed stars , is reckoned by astronomers to be a thousand and seventeen millions of miles at least . fourthly , it is a high and stately building , iob . . an hundred and sixty millions k of miles high from earth to heaven : it is so farre by the astronomers rules . it is a wonder ( saith l one ) that we can look up to so admirable a height , and that the eye is not tired in the way . if this ascending line could be drawn right forward , some that have calculated curiously , have found it five hundred years journy unto the starry heaven . * this putteth us in minde of the infinite mercy and goodness of god , psal. . . and of his majesty ; the highest heavens are a fit palace for the most high , psal. . . fifthly , it s admirable swift motion and revolution in four and twenty hours , which our conceits cannot follow ; teacheth us , that god is farre more swift and ready to help us in our need . a bullet out of a musket flies swiftly , it will slie an hundred and eighty miles an hour according to its motion . the sun moves swifter , m miles in one hour ; the fixed stars some of them two and fourty millions of miles each hour . macrobius saith by hercules the driver a way of evils , is meant the sun , whence porphyry interprets those twelve labours of his so often celebrated by the poets , to be the twelve signs of the zodiack yearly run thorow by the sun. the philosophers have ascribed certain intelligences to the orbs to move them , but there is no warrant for it in scripture ; they say the orbs move regularly , which cannot be without some understanding mover : there is the same order in inferiour creatures , and that which worketh by nature worketh equally alwaies . archimedes the great mathematician did make sphaeram automatam , a sphere to move it self , which many yet imitate . poterit ergo sine angelis movere sphaeram suam homo , non poterit deus ? saith ludovicus vives , vossius also denies it . lastly , the use of it is admirable , the motion of the heavenly bodies is the cause of generation and corruption here below : if they should cease moving , the being of sublunary bodies would cease . the inferiour heavens are fitted for the generation of meteors , rain , snow , thunder , lightning , by their fit distance as it were from the earth and stars . here is room for the making and shewing of them all . the lower part of it also , by reason of its thinnesse and subtilty , is fit for the flying of birds , and for the breathing and the living of man and beast ; and it is fitted to be enlightned by the sun-beams , and to receive that illumination and heat , without which the creatures here below could not subsist , and the stars , chiefly the sun , are placed at a convenient distance ; and it is sitted for the swift motion of the heavenly bodies , in regard of its rarity and subtilnesse , which if it were thick and grosse , could not have so speedy a passage through , or about the same ; especially the highest heavens are fitted for the in habitation of those immortal persons ; some of which do , and others shall inhabit a being so spacious , bright , and every way glorious , that the multitude of those happy persons may have space enough to see the beauty of god. the philosophers divide the region of the world into two regions , the celestial , and elementary region . the celestial , they divide into divers orbs , or globes : for the heaven of heavens , sedes beatorum , the seat of the blessed saints and angels , they had little knowledge of , if any at all . the first moveable , as they termed it , the highest orbe , by the unspeakable swift circumrotation of which , they thought all the other orbes were carried from east to west , in the space of hours . this is the tenth globe or orbe ; the next they call the chrystalline or watery orb , because it is clear bright , and apt to shine through as water . a the next is the starry heaven , which hath eight spheares , one for the fixed stars , and seven other for the planets , each planet having ( as they say ) his distinct orbe . saturne is the uppermost , next iupiter , then mars , in the middest the sun , then venus , next mercury , the last and lowest of all is the moon . so is the division of the heavenly region ; the elementary they divide into the region of fire next to the moon , and of aire next to that ; and that they distinguish into three regions , the highest , middle , and lowest ; then that of the water and earth , compounded together ; so they : but now the scriptures divide the world into two parts , heaven , and earth , as you reade in the first words of the bible , in the beginning god made heaven and earth . by earth , it meaneth this globe of earth and water , where men , beasts , and fishes are . by heaven , all the space from the earth upward ; and of this heaven it maketh three parts : . the highest heaven , the heaven of heavens , kings . . the habitation of god himself , and all his saints and angels , iohn . where god reveals his glorious presence to them for ever . this is called by paul the third heaven , cor. . . for its scituation , above the aire and skie , both which have the name of heaven , and paradise b , cor. . . because the earthly paradise was a figure of it ; and because it is a place of endlesse joy and pleasure . . the starry c skie , where the stars are ; it is described ie iob to be firm as a molten looking-glasse . . the lower heavens ; all that place above our heads to the starry heaven . hence the clouds are called the clouds of heaven , and the fowls of heaven , and birds are said to flie in the face of the heavens . every one is to fall out with himself , and blame himself for slighting and neglecting the consideration of this work , that offers it self so constantly to our eyes , even this so curiously wrought curtain , which god hath spread forth , especially let us blame our selves for not seeing god in the workmanship of heaven ; that we take not notice of him , as the author of it , and raise our hearts higher then the heavens , to him that measures them forth as with a span : we should beleeve that he is so great , good , and wise , as this heaven proclaimeth him the maker thereof to be . let us see and bewaile this blindnesse ; there is no place in the earth , which hath not the heavens spread over it . oh that we could put our selves in minde of him that did spread out the heavens , and remember , that be sees us every where ; for where any work of his is to be seen , surely there is himself to be seen ; and there he sees all things that are there ; especially , let us learn to presle this knowledge upon our will and affections , that it may be get in us obedience , love , fear , joy , considence , and other holy vertues ; without which , all talking , yea and thinking of god , is idle and fruitlesse . let us presse our selves to become subject to him , who hath the heavens at command , because he made them , to love him that hath formed , for our use , so excellent an house , so richly vaulted above ; see the invisible things of him that made all in these things which you behold , thy conversation should be there where christ is , col. . there is thy fathers house , thine own country , thy inheritance . it is a great deale of comfort to gods people , that have such a father , who can so easily stretch out heaven , trust in him for house-room , that can build a world with so much ease . for the angels ( because i intend to speak more largely of them afterwards ) i shall here only answer one question about them . why are they not spoken of in the creation , where man and beasts are mentioned , and why is not the special day named wherein they were made ? answ. not so much , for fear the jews , a people prone to idolatry , should have worshipped them : for then by the same reason moses should have forborn to have mentioned them in the whole story of genesis , which was publisht at the same time , and to the same people , that the first part of it : but it may be to give us to understand , that god did not use any of their help in the creation , and had no need of them at all , but made the whole world without them , or because he relates the making of sensible things * only , but that they were created , appears , col. . . the scripture hath not so clearly expressed the precise time and day of their creation , therefore ambrose and danaeus confesse that they know not when they were created . but it is probable they were made with the highest heaven , the first day of the week . as man was then first made , after his habitation the earth was made and adorned ; so it is probable that the angels were made together in a great multitude , after the heavens their habitation was finished . chemnit in loc ▪ commun . gen. . . the heavens and all the host of them . it is plain from iob . . that they were made before the earth . when god laid the foundations of the earth , and laid the corner ▪ stone thereof : then the sons of god ( that is , the angels , iob . ) shouted for joy . an element is that whereof any thing is compounded , and it self uncompounded . each element is superiour to other , not more in place then dignity . the dry land is called earth , which is a firm , cold , and dry element , round and heavie , hanging unmoveably in the midst of the world , fit for habitation . the psalmist describes the creation of the earth , psal. . who hath laid the foundation of the earth , or founded the earth upon his basis , that it should not be iremoved for ever . the earth is the heaviest and lowest element . it is so made that it doth stand firm in its place , so that neither the whole earth is moved out of its place , nor yet the great parts of it . this is an exceeding wonderful work of god to settle the earth so upon certain foundations , that it is not shaken out of its place . take a little piece of earth not bigger then ones fist , ●ay then ones eye , or the apple of it : hold it up in the aire , let it fall , it will never cease moving till it come to lye upon some solid body , that it may hold up and stay the motion of it . now how is it , that this whole lump of earth , the whole body i say of the earth hangeth fast in the wide and open aire , and doth not sway and move now hither and now thither ? what is it that holdeth it up so sted●ast in the very midst of the aire ? it is gods work who hath founded it on his basis that it cannot be moved . this work is often mentioned in the scripture , iob . . there is nothing which might hold it up , and yet behold it hangeth still and qu●et , as if it had some pillar or base upon which to rest it self . the lord doth in larger words commend it to the consideration of iob , when himself comes to speak with him , iob . . & . god there compareth himself to a builder that layes the foundation , and then sets up the building by line and measure , and convinceth iob of his weaknesse , that knoweth not how this earth should be set up or founded , whereas the lord himself effected this building long before iob was . david telleth of it , psal. . . as a ground of gods right unto it , and to all things that are in it : for saith he , he hath founded it upon the seas , and established it upon the flouds . and solomon mentions it , prov. . . and . . eccles. . . this is a great work , because it is both necessary and unsearchable . it is necessary , for it is the cause of the order of things in all the world , and of their not being jumbled and confounded together . if the lowest part of any building be not firm , all that is built upon it will totter and tumble , and come down quickly : so if the earth , this lowest part of the world should shake or reel , and be apt to move hither and thither , the things that be upon it by nature , or that are built upon it by the workmanship of man , could not possibly subsist or endure , rivers and channels would be daily altered , dry ground would ever and anon become sea , and sea dry ground : trees would often totter and fall , or else be chan ged from place to place : buildings and houses would still be falling and tumbling down off the earth , did it not keep its own room : nay heaven and earth would come together , utter confusion would overcome the face of the earth , and men , beasts , and all things below would come to nothing . so needful it was for this great architect to set the corner-stone of the earth fast , firm , and immoveable ▪ but the cause of it is unsearchable , who can finde out to the full , the reason of this so necessary a work ? every heavie thing we see must have something to keep it up , something on which to rest it self , that it may go no further but abide where it is : but what doth this earth rest on ? how is it held so even in the very midst , and sweyed neither one way nor another ? who can tell me a full , just , satisfactory reason in nature ? we must not think that god doth hold it up by an immediate , violent , supernatural , or miraculous working , but in a natural way , by ordering the principles of nature so , that they shall necessarily concur to effect this setlednesse . philosophers give this reason of it , they say , the simple bodies were made , some of a light , subtil , thin , and spiritual nature : and their property is to ascend , to go upward still , so as the light still flies higher ; and some of a more grosse , thick , and heavie nature , and the property of these is to move downward , and still the heavier to make it self a way through the lighter , and to presse toward the center , that is the middle point of the whole round of the world ; for it must be confessed that the world is round . wherefore seeing every part and portion of the earth presseth toward the very middle point of all , it cannot be , but that all must stand fast in the midst , seeing each part thronging the other , and leaning upon the other toward the very middle : all will be quiet if the parts be even poised . but now how heavie things should be made so to move toward the center , and how each part should so evenly move , and a number of other questions more , let them answer that are able , especially seeing the earth doth not carry in it self to sense , a perfect , even , and smooth roundnesse , it is hard then to answer to the question which god propounded to iob , upon what be the sockets of it fastned ? it is a work of god exceeding our capacity , and must therefore quicken and call up our admiration . we should blame our selves for so seldome putting our selves in minde of this great work , to stir up our selves to magnifie the author of it , and make it an argument of our blessing his name , for which david speaketh of it , psal. . or of humbling our selves before him in acknowledgement of his power and wisdome , and of our weaknesse and folly , to which end it is mentioned in other places , or indeed to any good purpose of informing our selves the better , either of his nature or our duty . oh how brutish and blockish are we ! so strange and so mighty a work is done and continued in our sight , here it was done before i was here , and here it will remain and be continually done after i am gone hence . i enjoy the benefit of it as well as any other , and with all others , and yet when did i take it into consideration ? when did i once offer it to the serious meditation of my mind ? when did i say to my self , how doth this great ball of earth remain unmoveable in the midst of this wide and spacious heaven ? why doth it not reel or totter toward the north or south , the east or west , or now upward , now downward ? what hand doth hold it up , and that so stedfastly , that for thousands of yeers it hath not moved ? surely some potent and intelligent workman hath in such a wonderful manner reared up and founded this building . this is he whom we call god ; why do i not fasten in my self a more sure and firm notion of his being , and a more lively , firm , and effectual acknowledgement of his excellency ? we are worthy of great blame that have scarce ever directed our minds to the contemplation and fruitful meditation of this great act of god among the rest , for any good , spiritual , and holy intent . scholars sometimes in their philosophical studies stumble upon these questions , and set their wits on work to finde out the natural reason of them , but alas in how unsanctified a manner , so as not at all to inforce the thing upon their souls , for making of them more thankful and obedient ! but for the plain man that is no scholar , though he have wit enough for all things else , yet he hath no wit to enter upon these cogitations : and when he findeth the matter so far above his reach , yet to tell himself that this is one of gods works , and so to call on himself to fear , know , and obey him , this , this is that we must every man lament in himself , as a just and due cause why the scripture should ascribe brutishnesse unto us , and we unto our selves , and why we should present our selves before the divine majesty with bashful and lowly confessions of our wrong done to god , in robbing him of the honour due unto him for his works which our selves have the fruit of . secondly , to our selves , in depriving our selves of the best and most excellent fruit of them , which is to be led by them above themselves vnto him . this may exhort every one of us to take this work of god from david , and to make it as it were our theame , or the object of our meditations . whosoever applieth himself to raise up such thoughts , shall finde a great unaptnesse in himself , and a kinde of wearinesse to them with a vehement inclination to entertain other ●●ncies , and the devil will take occasion hence to disswade him from doing the duty at all , as if it were as good omit it , as perform it so weakly : it is a fal●e tale which satan tels , for god hath promised acceptance to the weakest endeavours , in calling himself a father , but to accept of the non-performance he hath never promised , for even a father cannot do that . lastly , we must learn to seek unto god , and trust in him for spiritual stability of grace in our souls , and must thus importune him . lord , when there was never an earth , thou mad'st one , and didst lay the foundation of it so sure , that no force nor skill can move it . o , thou canst also create a frame of holinesse in my heart and soul , and so stablish , settle , and confirm it that it shall never be mov●d . i beseech thee do it , and trust that th●u wilt do this as thou hast done the former . one prime use to which we must improve these natural benefits , is to quicken our prayers , and confirm our faith in begging , and expecting such as are spiritual . when god will confirm the faith of his people , and win them to call upon him for good things , he puts them in minde of these wonders in nature , they must make use of them therefore for this purpose . the second element is water * , so necessary a creature , as nothing can be more dangerously or uncomfortably wanting to the life of man. it is an element moist in some degree , and cold in the highest , therefore it cools the body , and tempers the heat that it grow not excessive . it hath manifold uses constantly . triplex maxime aquarum est usus , in irrigando , in abluendo , in navigando , vossius . . we and our cattel drink of it , and neither can continue without water or something made of it , our bread must be kneaded with it , and our meat boyled with it . . it serves to wash our bodies and the apparel we weare : if our hands and feet were never washt , what an evil smell should we carrie about ? . it makes the earth fruitful . the husband-man looseth his labour , if after sowing there come no rain ; it is . of large and common use , no country can want it , neither rich nor poore , man nor beast . . of constant use , we must have it daily , or something made of it , and our beasts also . . very profitable , we drink it , and wash with it , and our meat is prepared by it , and beasts drink it . because of so many good things in water , god himself in his word hath so often ●ompared the grace of his spirit with it , isa. . . iohn . . rev. . . divine grace purgeth the soul from sin , extinguisheth the heat of anger , lust , and other perturbations , satisfies the desires of the soul thirsting after god. it reprehends us , that so ungratefully enjoy and devoure this benefit without lifting our hearts up to god , and praising him for it ; a secret atheisme prevails in our hearts , which is the cause of this great blockishnesse and ingratitude , and corrupts all things to us , and forfeits them , and provokes gods justice against us , say , lord , thou mightest justly choak me for the time to come , for want of water , that have not been particularly thankful to thee for this mercy . we should bring in the parcels of gods goodnesse for bread , water , fire ; when thou washest thy hands , let thy heart be lifted up to god that made the element ; stay , o that i could praise , love , and obey him , that hath done this for me . the usefulnesse , abundance , and easinesse to come by ; doth highly commend this benefit , and the giver of it , shewing water to be very good , and our selves much beholding to him that giveth it . anciently , in th●se warmer countries especially , water was the usual drink of men ; therefore in the description of the cost of families in house-keeping , when we reade of so many oxen and sheep slain , and so much meale and fine flower , we reade not of any wine ; which would have been mentioned , if it had been usually drunk . . the aire or all the void place between the clouds and the earth , giving breath of life to all things that breathe , this is the third element , light and subtil , moving upward , not downward , because it hath no heavinesse in it . it is divided into three regions or stages . the highest is said to be exceeding hot , and also dry , because it is neer the fiery element and stars , by the force of whose beams it receiveth the heat , which is much encreased by following the motions of the heavens . the lowest region is ( they say ) hot and moist : hot by the reflection of the sun-beams meeting with the earth , and moist from its own proper nature , and by reason of the vapours exhaled out of the earth and water : or rather it is variable ; now hot , now cold , sometime temperate , differing according to times and seasons of the yeer , and places also , or several climates . the middle region of the aire , is cold in respect of the two other , because it cannot follow the motions of the heavens ( as the upper region doth ) being hindered by the tops of mountains . . being free from the reflex beams of the sun , by which the lower region of the aire is made hot . the aire is most thin , without light or colour , but apt to receive heat , light and cold , heavier then the fire , lighter then the earth or water , placed in the midst of them , fit for breathing , seeing , smelling and moving . this element also leads us to god. for . it truly and really subsisteth though it be not seen : so also the lord , the maker of it , hath a real , but invisible existence . . it is every where within and without us , so is god every where present . . it is the preserver of my life , and we may say of it truly , as the apostle of god himself , in it ( under god ) we live , move , and have our being . . fire , which is ( some say ) to be understood in light , an adjunct and quality of it , scaliger would prove a fiery element because fire tends thither . first , god made the elements of the earth and water , which in geography make one globe . others say light neither is that element , nor proceeds from it , but the sun : however i shall handle it here among the works of the first day . without light gods other works could not have been discovered by men . light is an excellent work of god , tending to manifest his excellency to men , it is a comfortable thing to behold the light , psal. . . who coverest thy self with light as with a garment , that is , createdst the light : thereby shewing his excellency as a man doth by making and wearing a rich and glorious suit of cloths : he made and doth maintain the light in its perfection . god expresseth his greatnesse above iob , in that he could not make light , nor knew not what it was , q. d. iob , thou art a mean creature , thou dost not create nor order the light , neither dost thou know the nature and working of it . the greatnesse of this work appears principally by two considerations . . the hidden , abstruse , and difficult nature of it . philosophers cannot tell what to say of it , whether it be a substance or accident : and if a substance , whether corporeal or incorporeal and spiritual , it is a quality ( say they ) which makes other things visible : that is the effect of it . this word , light , in english , signifieth both that which the latines call lux . and that which they call lumen , which yet are two distinct things : the first being in the sun or moon properly , the second in the aire , and an effect of the other . some think that it is a substance , and one of the simple substances , which they call elements ; of which compounded substances are made , by mixing them together ; and is nothing but the element of fire , which philosophers speak of ▪ being more subtil theu the aire . and as the water compassed the earth , and the aire the water , so did light the aire , and was far greater then the aire , as that was then the water and earth , so as this is the highest of all the elements . see sir kenelm● digb . treatise of bod. c. . . it is very useful , needful , and beneficial ; for first it carrieth heat in it , and conveigheth heat , and the coelestial influences unto all other things . . it distinguisheth day and night each from other : without it , what were the world but a dungeon ? . it is exceeding necessary for the dispatch of all businesse . . to make the beautiful works of god visible , heaven and earth , and dissipate those sad thoughts and sorrows , which the darknesse both begetteth and maintaineth . . we cannot see light without light , nor know god without his teaching . . this serves to condemn our selves which cannot see god in this light , though we see it with content , we should lament this blindnesse . when the day begins to peep in at your windows , let god come into your thoughts , he comes cloathed and thus attired , tell your selves how beautiful and excellent he is . . it may exhort us to labour to raise up our hearts to god in hearty thankfulnesse for the light , how merciful and gracious art thou , who givest me light and the sight of it ! take heed of abusing it to sin , and thy eyes , whereby thou discernest it , especially magnifie god that giveth you spiritual light , and sight . christ is the light of the world ; natural darknesse is terrible , light comfortable , what is spiritual ? light is so pure , faire and cleare , that nothing can pollute it , a resemblance of gods infinite purity . the creation of day and night , and the distinction and vicissitude of both , is the last thing in the first daies work . day is the presence of light in one half of the world , and night the absence of it in the other . so that the dispute whether day or night were first , seems superfluous , seeing they must needs be both together : for at what time the light is in one half of the world , it must needs be absent from the other ; and contrarily , for all darknesse is not night , nor all light day : but darknesse distinguished from light , that is night , and light distinguished from darknesse , that is day ; unlesse we will take day for the natural , not the artificial day ; that is , the space of hours , in which the sun accompl●sheth his diurnal motion about the earth . darknesse is nothing but the absence of light . night is the space of time in every place , when the light is absent from them . day is the space of time in every place , when the light is present with them ; it is not simply the presence of light , but presence of light in one half of the world , when the other is destitute of it ; and night is not simply the absence of light , but the absence of it from one half of the world , when the other half enjoyeth it . god made the sun the chief instrument of continuing the course of day and night for ever , by its diurnal and constant motion . this is a wonderful work of god , and to be admired . the scripture notes it , the day is thine , and the night also is thine , saith the psalmist , and the ordinances of day and night cannot be changed . the greatnesse of this work appeareth in the cause of it , and the beneficial effects . first , for the cause , it is the incredibly swift motion of the sun which goeth round about the world in thes ace of . hours , that is , the space of miles every houre in the earth , but how many thousand miles in its own circle or circumference , for the earth is a very small thing , compared to the sun. the body of the sun is times ( as it is thought ) greater then the earth , therefore the circumference that it goes must needs be at least so much larger then the compasse of the earth , therefore its course must needs be at least times miles every houre , that is , almost miles every houre , that is , miles every minute . the celerity of this motion * is incredible , it goes beyond the thoughts of a man to conceive distinctly of the passage through every place ; if a man should divide the circumference of the circle of the sun into certain parts , he could not so soon have thought of them , as the sun runs through them . god doth this great work , it is thought to be caused by the turning round of the highest sphere or the firmament , which pulling along with it self the inferiour orbes , makes them to move according to its course : but who can give a reason why that sphere it self should go so swiftly , even much more swiftly then the sun , because it is far higher then the sun , as much as that is higher then the earth : but the immediate power of god who doth move all in moving this one . but that god should make the sunne fulfil such a daily race to make day and night , it highly commends the work . again , the usefulnesse of it is great : for if it should be in any place alwaies night , what could they do ? how should they live ? how would any thing grow , seeing the nights are cold , light and heat being companions , and cold and darknesse companions . if no light had been in the world , the world would not have been a place fit for living things . but if one half onely of the world should have had light with it alwaies , it would have caused excessive heat , and so would have burnt up and consumed all things , and been no lesse harmful then the defect of heat : but now the succession of one of these to the other , viz. light and heat to darknesse and cold , doth so temper them by a kinde of mixture , that it is in such proportion in every place , as is necessary to bring forth all sorts of living things , especially the fruits of the earth . so god hath assigned such a way and race to the sun , which by his presence makes day , and by his absence night , as was fit , and onely fit for the quickning , enlivening , and comfort of every kinde of living creature , so that upon this course the wel-being , yea the very being almost of all things doth depend . we should lament and bewaile our exceeding great blindnesse , that live day after day , and night after night , and yet busie not our selves about this work , nor se● god in it , though it be so constant as it was never stopped but twice s●nce the beginning of the creation , viz. in hezekiah's time by going back of the sun , and in ioshuah's time by stopping of the sun for a certain time by the immediate power of god. we have the profit of the day and of the night , but neither in one nor other do we mark the wisdome , goodnesse , and power of god. in the night men rest and refresh their bodier with sleep , wilde beasts then wake and hunt for their prey . in the day men and tame creatures make and dispatch their businesse , and eat and drink , and wilde beasts then rest in their dens . god is still working for us , our thoughts are still idle towards him : thir is a proof of our atheisme and estrangement from him ; this is the blindnesse of our minds , a not being able to discern of things by discourse of reason , and the power of understanding ; for the conceiving of which , just and plain reasons are offered unto us . there is a natural blindnesse of the eye , when it is unable to discern things by the light of the sun : this is felt and complained of , but spiritual blindnesse of minde is , when it is unable to discern supernatural truths which concern the soul , and another and better life , by the use of reason , and help of those principles which are as light unto it : this is not felt nor lamented , but it is therefore not felt , because it is so natural to us , and because we brought it into the world . the beginning of the cure of spirituall blindnesse , is to see it : let us see it therefore , and be troubled at it ; why do not i see gods great work in making night and day to succeed each other ? let us look up to god in this work , and meditate on it at fit times , in the morning so soon as we are awake , and begin to see the darknesse vanquished , and the light conquering , and that the sun is raised above our horizon , and is come to visit our parts again , it were a fruitful thing to think thus . how great a journey hath the sun gone in this little time wherein i have been asleep , and could observe nothing , and now returned again as it were to call me up ? say , lord , thou hast made night , i have the benefit of it , and now light visits me . o that i could honour thee , and magnifie thy power and the greatnesse of thy hand and use the light of the day to do the services that are required at my hand in my place . again in the evening a little before we sleep , we should think of the great work of making day , for these many hours the sun hath been within our sight , and shewed its beams and light unto us , and hath run a long race for our good , bringing with it lightsome cheerfulnesse , the companion of the day . now it is gone to the other part of the world to visit them , that god might shew his goodnesse to one place as well as to another . where a multitude of things concur to one effect , with which none of them in particular is acquainted , there we cannot but know that one common wisdome ruleth them all , and so it is in the working of the sun , moon , and stars , to make the seasons of the day and night , and of summer and winter , therefore some common wisdome must over-rule all of them . there is a spiritual light in our horizon : whereas judaisme and tur●isme is darknesse , and popery , a glimmering light . we should pray to god to give us spiritual light , and be thankful for it . he makes day and night also in respect of prosperity and adversity : weeping may continue for a night : this vicissitude keeps the soul in growth , in good temper , as the other is profitable for the body , pray to god to send . christ to them which sit in darknesse and in the shadow of death , and vouchsafe to make it day with them as well as with us . he hath said in his word , that he will discover the glory of his son , and all the earth shall see it together . chap. iv. of some of the meteors , but especially of the clouds , the rain , and the sea , the rivers , grasse , herbs , and trees . by the name of clouds and waters above the firmament , gen. . we may understand all meteors both watery and fiery , which were then created in their causes , and so by clouds and winds , psal. . . must be understood all the meteors , the great works of god by which he sheweth himself and worketh in this lower heaven . they are called meteors , because they are most of them generated aloft in the aire . zanchius saith there are foure sorts of meteors , others make but three sorts . . fiery , which in the supreme region of the aire are so enflamed by the fire , that they are of a fiery nature , as comets , thunder . . airy , which being begotten of dry vapours of the earth , come near the nature of aire , as winds . . watery , which retain the nature of the water , as snow and rain . . earthly , which being begot of earthly vapours , are also digged out of the earth , as metals , stones . the efficient cause is god , according to that of the psalmist , haile , snow , ice , winde and storm do his will. the remote matter of the meteors are elements , the next matter are exhalations , which are two-fold , fumus & vapor , smoak is of a middle nature between earth and fire , vapour between water and aire . if it come from the earth or some sandy place , it is fumus a fume or kinde of smoak : if it come from the water or some watery place , it is a vapour . vapours or exhalations are fumes raised from the water and earth by the heavenly bodies , into one of the three regions of the aire , whence divers impressions are formed according to the quality and quantity of the exhalations . thunder is a sound heard out of a thick or close compacted cloud , which sound is procured by reason of hot and dry exhalations shut within the cloud : which seeking to get out with great violence rend a the cloud , from whence proceeds the tumbling noise which we call thunder . the earth sends out partly by its own innate heat , and partly by the external heat and attraction of the sun , certain hot and b dry steams , which the philosopher cals exhalations : and these going up in some abundance , are at last enclosed within some thick cloud , consisting of cold and moist vapours , which finding themselves straightned , do with violence seek a vent , and break through the sides or low part of the cloud . there is first a great conflict and combate there of the contrary qualities , a great rumbling and tumbling and striving of the exhalations within the cloud , until it break forth into a loud and fearful crack . then the exhalation by its heat incensed in the strife , proves all on a slame as it comes in the aire , and that is lightning . lastly , the exhalation falling down upon the earth is so violent , that sometimes it breaks trees , sometimes it singeth and burneth what it meets with , it kils m●n and living creatures , and in the most abundance of it , there is a thunder-bolt begotten through exceeding great heat hardning the earthly parts of it . god hath power over the thunder . he commands it , rules it , orders it , for time , place , manner of working , and all circumstances , the thunder in egypt at the delivering of the law proves this . therefore in the scripture it is called the voyce of god , and the fearfulnesse and terriblenesse thereof is made an argument of the exceeding greatnesse of god , that can at his pleasure destroy his enemies even by the chiding of his voyce ; in egypt he smote them with haile , lightning , thunder , and with stormy tempest . at the delivering of the law , mighty thunder-claps made way to the lords appearance , and were his harbingers to tell of his coming , and prepare the hearts of the people with exceeding great awfulnesse and obedience to receive directions from him . the lord puts down iob . . with this question , canst thou thunder with a voyce like god , speak terribly , and with as big and loud a voice as thou canst ; and if thy voice be answerable to loud thunder , either in terriblenesse or loudnesse , then will i confesse my self to be thy equal ; and elihu reasoned for god by consideration of this great work . david , psal. . sheweth the greatnesse of god in the greatnesse of this mighty sound . but it pleaseth god to effect this work , not immediately but mediately , using natural and ordinary causes according to his own good will and pleasure for the effecting thereof . there do arise from the ends of the earth as the scripture speaks , that is , from all quarters of this inferiour part of the world , consisting of earth and water , certain steams or fumes partly drawn up thence by the heat and influence of the sun and other planets or constellations , partly breathed out of the earth by the natural heat thereof . whereof some are hot and moist , being us it were of a middle nature betwixt water and aire : some hot and dry being of a middle nature betwixt fire and aire , as some philosophers think , of which two , as of the matter , are brought forth these strange things which we see in the aire , and among the rest , thunder . though thunder be first in nature , being by the violent eruption it makes out of the cloud the cause of fulgurations , yet we see first the lightning before we hear the thunder , because of the swiftnesse of the fire above the aire , and because the eye is quicker in perceiving its object then the ear . this is done for the benefit of the world , that by shaking of the aire it might be purged and made fit for the use of man and beast , being cleansed from those ill and pestilent vapours , which otherwise would make it too thick , grosse , and unwholsome for our bodies , for this is one special end of winds , thunders , and the like vehement works that are in the aire , besides the particular work for which god assigneth them , and therefore with thunder likely is joyned much rain , because the cloud is dissolved at the same time , and sometimes violent winds and tempests , because the exhalation inflamed , snatcheth with it self such windy fumes as it meets withal in the aire , and so by violent stirring the aire purgeth it , and openeth the parts of the earth by shaking and moving it . . we must turn all this to a spiritual use , viz. to instruct us in the fear of him that is lord of hoasts , who shews his greatnesse in these mighty deeds of his hand , to which purpose alwaies the scripture speaks of it , exhorting the mighty to give unto the lord glory and strength in regard of this . . we must observe god so in this and all his great works , as to cause our minds to increase in the knowledge of his excellency , and our hearts in the love and fear of him . all his works are therefore exhorted to praise him , because we by all should learn his praise and greatnesse . how able is god to destroy sinners ! how quickly and in a moment can he bring them to ruine ! let him but speak to the thunder , haile , tempest , and they will beat down and consume his adversaries before his face . o then tremble before him . . we must learn to put our confidence in god , and boldly to promise our selves deliverance when he promiseth it . god is wonderful in making and ruling the clouds . this is a work which god doth often alledge in scripture to prove his greatnesse , iob . . he binds the waters in a garment , prov. . . that is , makes the clouds . how as it were by an even poysing of one part with the other god makes these clouds to hover a great while over the earth before they be dissolved , is a thing worthy admiration , and greatly surpasseth our knowledge , iob . . psal. . . and prov. . . psalm . . the cloud is water rarified drawn upward till it come to a cold place , and then it is thick , and drops down . they are but nine miles ( say some ) from the earth , but they are of unequal height , and are lower in winter then in summer , when the sun hath the greater force , then they ascend higher , and in his smaller force they hang the lower . vide vossium de orig . & progress . idol . l. . c. . let us consider the causes of these clouds , and the uses of them . the efficient causes are thought to be the heat and influence of the sun and the stars which doth rarifie the water , and draw thence the matter of the clouds , as you shall perceive if you hold a wet cloth before the fire , that a thick steame will come out of it , because the fire makes thin the thicknesse of the water , and turns it into a kinde of moist vapour , and the earth hath some heat mixed with it through a certain quantity of fire that is dispersed in the bowels of it , which causeth such like steams to ascend out of it , and the coldnesse of the middle region doth condensate and thicken these steams or breaths , and turn them again into water at length , and at last to thick clouds . . the matter is the steams that the waters and earth do yeeld forth by this heat . the uses of it are to make rain and snow , ( snow is nothing but rain condensated and whitened by the excessive cold in the winter time as it is in descending ) for the watering of the earth and making it fruitful , or else for the excessive moistning of the earth to hinder the fruitfulnesse of it , if god see fit to punish . the earth without moysture cannot bring forth the fruit that it should , and some parts of the earth have so little water near them below , that they could not else be sufficiently moystened to the making of them fruitful . god hath therefore commanded the sun among other offices to make the vapours ascend from the sea and earth , that he may poure down again upon the forsaken wildernesse or other places , whether for punishment or otherwise . obj. how can it be conceived , that the clouds above , being heavie with water , should not fall to the earth , seeing every heavie thing naturally descendeth and tendeth down-ward ? ans. no man by wit or reason can resolve this doubt , but only from the word of god , which teacheth that it is by vertue of gods commandment given in the creation , that the clouds fall not , gen. . . let the firmament separate the waters from the waters : by force of which commanding word the water hangeth in the clouds , and the clouds in the aire , and need no other supporters , iob . , . setting out the majestie and greatnesse of god in his works , here beginneth , that he hangeth the earth upon nothing , he bindeth the waters in the clouds , and the cloud is not rent under them . philosophy is too defective to yeeld the true reason of this great work of god , which commonly attributeth too much to natura naturata , nature ; and too little to natura naturans , the god of nature . now we must here also blame our own carelesnesse and folly which forbear to consider of this work that hangs over our heads . the clouds are carried from place to place in our sight , and cover the sunne from us . they hinder the over-vehement heat of the sunne from scorching the earth , and yet we never think what strange things they be , and what a merciful creator is he that prepared them . not seeing god in the works of nature , shews great stupidity , and should make us lament . let us endeavour to revive the thoughts of god in our minds by his works . when we see the clouds carried up and down as we do sometimes one way , sometimes another swiftly , then let us set our heart a work to think there goes gods coach , as it were , here he rides above our heads to mark our way , and to reward or punish our good or bad courses with seasonable rain for our comfort , or excessive showers for our terror . o seek to him and labour to please him , that he may not find matter of anger and provocation against us . when the clouds either favour or chastise us , let us take notice of gods hand in these either comfortable or discomfortable effects , and not impute it all to the course of nature . by means of the clouds god waters the earth , yea the dry wilderness : without moisture there can be no fruitfulness , without clouds no rain , without that no corn or grasse , and so no man or beast . rain a is as it were the melting of a cloud turned into water , psal. . . it is a great work of god to make rain , and cause it fitly and seasonably to descend upon the earth . it is a work often named in scripture , deut. . . & . . levit. . . ier. . . it is noted in iob divers times , ch . . . he maketh small the drops of water . god propounds this work to iob , as a demonstration of his greatness , iob . , . see ier. . . psal. . . now this work is the more to be observed in these respects . . the necessity of it in regard of the good it bringeth , if it be seasonable and moderate , and the evil which follows the want , excesse or untimelinesse of it . . in regard of mans utter inability to procure b or hinder it , as in the dayes of noah , all the world could not hinder it ; and in the dayes of ahab none could procure it . the hebrews say , god keeps four keys in his own hand , . clavis pluviae , the key of the rain , deut. . . . clavis cibationis , the key of food , psal. . , . . clavis sepulchri , the key of the grave , ezek. . . . clavis sterilitatis , the key of the womb , gen. . . . in regard of the greatness of the work in the course of nature , for the effecting of which so many wonders concur . first , without this drink afforded to the fields , we should soon finde the world pined and starved , and man and beast consumed out of it for want of food to eat . it is the cause of fruitfulnesse , and the want of it causeth barrennesse , and so destruction of all living creatures that are maintained by the increase of the earth . as mischievous and terrible a thing as a famine is , so good and beneficial a thing is rain which keepeth off famine . secondly , it procureth plenty of all necessaries , when the heavens give their drops in fit time and measure , the earth also sends forth her off-spring in great store and fit season , and so both men and beasts enjoy all things according to their natural desire , this so comfortable a thing as plenty is , so worthy a work of god , is the effect of rain , i mean rain in due season and proportion . terra suis contenta bonis , non indiga mercis , aut iovis , in solo tanta est fiducia nilo . lucan . egypt no rains nor merchandize doth need , nilus doth all her wealth and plenty breed . the romans accounted it their granary . lastly , the greatnesse of the works which must meet together for making and distributing of ram , doth magnifie the work . the sunne by his heat draws up moist steams and breath from the earth and water , these ascending to the middle region of the air which is some what colder then the lower , are again thickned and turn into water , and so drop down by their own heavinesse : by drops , not all together as it were by cowls * full , partly from the height of place , from which they fall , which causeth the water to disperse it self into drops , and partly because it is by little and little , not all at once thickned and turned into water , and so descends by little portions , as it is thickned . so the sun and other stars , the earth , the water , windes , and all the frame of nature are put to great toil and pains as it were to make ready these clouds , for from the ends of the earth are the waters drawn which make our showrs . god is the first efficient cause of rain , gen. . . it is said there , god had not caused it to rain , iob . . ier. . . zech. . . the material cause of it is a vapour ascending out of the earth . . the formal , by the force of the cold the vapours are conden●ed into clouds in the middle region of the air. . the end of rain , to water the earth , gen. . . which generation and use of rain david hath elegantly explained , psal. ▪ . the cause of the rain bow is the light or beams of the sun in a hollow and dewy cloud , of a different proportion , right opposite to the sun-beams , by the reflection of which beams , and the divers mixture of the light and the shade , there is expressed as it were in a glasse the admirable rain-bow . we should be humbled for our unthankfulnesse and want of making due use of this mercy , the want of it would make us mutter , yet we praise not god nor serve him the better when we have it , ier. . . intimating , without gods omnipotency working in and by them , they cannot do it . if god actuate not the course of nature , nothing is done by it ; let us have therefore our hearts and eyes fixed on him when we behold rain , sometime it mizleth , gently descending , sometimes fals with greater drops , sometime with violence , this ariseth from the greater or lesse quantity of the vapour , and more or lesse heat or cold of the air that thickneth or melteth , or from the greater or smaller distance of the cloud from the earth , or from the greater purity or grosnesse of the air by reason of other concurring accidents ; either we feel the benefit or the want of rain likely once every moneth . let not a thing so admirable passe by us without heeding to be made better by it . want of moisture from above must produce praying , confessing , turning , king. . , . the colours that appear in the rain-bow are principally three , . the cerulean or watery colour , which notes ( they say ) the destroying of the world by water . . the grassie or green colour , which shews that god doth preserve the world for the present . . the yellow or fiery colour , shewing the world shall be destroyed with fire . dew consists of a cold moist vapour which the sunne draweth into the air , from whence when it is somewhat thickned through cold of ●he night , and also of the place ( whether the sunne exhaled it ) it falleth down in very small and indiscernable drops to the great refreshment of the earth . it falleth only morning and evening . hath the rain a father ? or who hath begotten the drops of dew ? out of whose womb came the rain and the hoary frost of heaven ? who hath genared it ? saith god to iob , chap. . , . a frost is dew congealed by overmuch cold . it differs from the dew , because the frost is made in a cold time and place , the dew in a temperate time ; both of them are made when the weather is calm and not windy , and generated in the lowest region of the air. hail and ice is the same thing , viz. water bound with cold , they differ only in figure , viz. that the hail-stones are orbicular , begotten of the little drops of rain falling , but ●ce is made of water continued , whether it be congealed in rivers , or sea , or fountains , or pools , or any vessels whatsoever , and retains the figure of the water congealed . though ice be not crystal , yet some say crystal is from ice ; when ice is hardned into the nature of a stone it becomes crystal ; more degrees of coldnesse , hardness and clearness , give ice the denomination of crystal , and the name crystal imports so much , that is , water by cold contracted into ice . plinie a in his natural history saith , the birth of it is from ice vehemently frozen . but dr brown * in his enquiries into vulgar errors , doubts of it . the windes are also a great work of god , he made and he ruleth the windes b . they come not by chance , but by a particular power of god , causing them to be , and to be thus , he brings them out of his treasures , he caused the windes to serve him in egypt to bring frogs , and after locusts , and then to remove the locusts again . he caused the winds to divide the red sea that israel might passe . he made the winds to bring quails ; and the winds are said to have wings for their swiftness , the nature of them is very abstruse . the efficient causes of them are the sun and stars , by their heat drawing up the thinnest and driest fumes or exhalations , which by the cold of the middle region being beaten back again , do slide obliquely with great violence through the air this way or that way . the effects of it are wonderful , they sometimes carry rain hither and thither , they make frost and they thaw , they are sometimes exceeding violent , and a man that sees their working can hardly satisfie himself in that which philosophers speak about their causes , the winde bloweth where it listeth , we hear its sound , but know not whence it cometh , nor whether it goeth . it is a thing which far surpasseth our understanding to conceive fully the causes of it . they blow most ordinarily at the spring and fall , for there is not so much winde in winter , because the earth is bound with cold , and so the vapour the matter of the winde cannot ascend ; nor in summer , because vapours are then raised up by the sun , and it consumes them with his great heat . these windes alter the weather , some of them bringing rain , some drinesse , some frost and snow , which are all necessary ; there is also an universal commodity which riseth by the only moving of the air , which air if not continually stirred , would soon putrifie and infect all that breath upon the earth . it serves to condemn our own blindnesse that cannot see god in this great work ; the winde cometh down unto us , it is near us , we feel the blasts of it , and yet we feel not the power and greatnesse of god in it . when god doth so plainly , and so many wayes discover himself to us , yet blinde wretches we perceive him not . we are now to stirre up our mindes to the consideration of god in this his mighty work . see him walking through the earth , and visiting it in the swift wings of this creature . it hath also an apt resemblance and image of god in it , . in the subtilnesse and invisible nature of it , the swiftnesse of the winde may note his omnipresence , who is said to ride on the wings of the winde . . in its powerful motion and efficacy which no man can hinder or resist . . in the freedome of its motion , iohn . . . in the secresie of his working of mighty works , the windes are invisible . the consideration of the windes , leads us into our selves , and that . for humiliation ; for who knoweth the nature of the winde , the place of the winde , the way of the winde , to see in it our own vanity , iob . . psal. . . . instruction : shall so fierce a creature be at a beck , and shall not i ? see the miserable estate of wicked men , on whom destruction and fear shall come as a whirle-winde , prov. . . they shall be as stubble or chaffe before the winde , psal. . metals * are mineral substances , fusible and malleable . they are commonly distinguished into perfect and imperfect ; perfect , because they have lesse impurity or heterogeneity in them , as gold and silver : imperfect , because they are full of impurities , as iron , copper , tin and lead . gold of all metals is the most solid , and therefore the most heavy . it will lose none of his substauce neither by fire nor water , therefore it will not make broth more cordial , being boiled in it . the second place is given to silver amongst metals , because next to gold it is the most durable , and least endammaged by fire . precious stones ( in latine gemmae ) are esteemed for their rarity , or for some vertue fancied to be in them , or for their purenesse and transparentnesse . those pearls are preferred which are most white , bright , round , light , especially if naturally they be pierced . rueus l. . c. . de gem. the psalmist declares the great work of god in distinguishing the waters from the earth , and making sea and dry land . the waters at the first did encompasse and cover the earth round about as it were a garment , and overflow the highest parts of it altogether , so that no dry ground was seen or could be seen in the world , this was the first constitution of them , as moses relateth , gen. . . the deep was the whole orb of waters which inclosed the earth in themselves . but then god pleased to divide the waters from the earth , so as to make dry land appear , and for that end , . he drave the waters into one place , spreading the earth over them , and founding it upon them , psal. . , . god by his mighty power ( compared there to a thundering voice ) did make the waters to gather together into the place that he had appointed for them under the earth , and that by raising up hils and mountains , and causing dales and valleyes , then god appointed the waters their bounds , that they should still continue in these hollows under the earth , and not return to cover the earth , as else of their own nature they would have done . there are divers profitable questions about these things : . whether the sea would not naturally overflow the land , as it did at the first creation , were it not with-held within his banks by divine power ? the answer is affirmative , and the reason is evident , the water is lighter then the earth , and heavier things are apt to pierce through the light , and the light will take to themselves an higher place , and give way to the heavier things to descend through them ; mix a great deal of dirt and water , and let it stand a while and take its own proper course , and the dirt will sink to the bottom , leaving the water above it self . aristotle and others say , that the sea is higher then the earth , and they can render no reason why it ( being apt to runne abroad ) should be kept from overslowing the land , whence he proves gods providence ; but vossius de orig. & progress . idol . l. . c. . and others deny that the sea is higher then the earth . secondly , whether there be more sea or land. the multitude of waters made by god at first did cover the earth , and inclose it round , the sea therefore must needs be farre greater then the earth . the mapps shew it to be greater in quantity then the earth . thirdly , whether the deepnesse of the sea * doth exceed the height of the mountains . it was a great work of god to make mountains and valleys , hils and dales . the scripture often mentions it , prov. . . psal. . . & . . & . . psal. . . amos . . therefore are the mountains exhorted to praise god , psal. . . isa. . . he is said to have weighed the mountains in scales , and the hils in balances , that is , to have poised them even , so that the earth might remain unmoveably in the parts of it as well as in the whole . the greatnesse of this work appears : . in the strangenesse and hiddennesse of it . how should so heavy a thing as the earth thus heave up it self into so great ascents , to give place unto the waters under it ? the immediate power of god is the cause of it , psal. . . & psal. . it may be some hils were made by the fury and violent motion of the waves of the waters of noah's floud , but the most and greatest were created on the third day . see gen. . . . in the usefulnesse of it . . for beauty and ornament , it gives a more delightful prospect to see hils and dales , then to look upon all one even and flat piece of ground without any such risings . . it conduceth to the fruitfulnesse of the earth . the vales are much more fruitful then if they were flats without hils , because of the dew and moisture that descendeth upon them from the hils , and some things grow better upon the higher places , on the sides or tops of the mountains . . without such hils and mountains there could not have been room for the waters which before did swallow up the earth in its bowels , neither could the dry land have appeared . . without such hils and dales there could not have been rivers and springs running with so constant a course . . hils and mountains are the receptacles of the principal mines for metals and quarries for all kinde of useful stones , deut. . . & . . they are for boundaries betwixt countrey and countrey , kingdome and kingdome . we should tell our selves how admirable and useful this kinde of frame and scituation of the earth is . . whether * islands came since the floud ? see dr browns vulgar errors refuted by mr rosse , c. . . what is the cause of the saltness of the sea ? the water of the sea is salt , not by nature but by accident . aristotle refers the saltish quality of the sea-water to the sun , as the chief cause , for it draws up the thinner and fresher parts of the water , leaving the thicker and lower water to suffet adustion of the sun-beams , and so consequently to become salt ; two things chiefly concurre to the generation of saltishnesse , drowth and adustion ; therefore in summer , and under the torrid zone , the sea is salter . our urine and excrements for the same reason are also salt , the purest part of our nourishment being imployed in and upon the body . lydiat attributes it to under-earth or rather under-sea fires of a bituminous nature , causing both the motion and saltnesse of the sea. vide voss. de orig . & progress . idol . l. . c. . the sea is salt , . to keep it from putrifaction , which is not necessary in the flouds , because of their swift motion . . for the breeding and nourishing of great fishes , being both hotter and thicker . . what is the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the sea ? there have been many opinions of the cause of the ebbing and * flowing of the sea. de quo plura pro ingeniis differentium , quam pro veritatis fide expressa . some say it is the breathing or blowing of the world , as strabo , albertus magnus one said it was because the waters getting into certain holes of the earth , were forced out again by spirits remaining within the earth . macrobius said it was by meeting the east and west ocean . cicero seems to ascribe it only to the power of god ; others for the most part ascribe it to the various light or influences of the moon , which rules over all moist bodies . some attribute it to certain subterranean or under-sea fires . the final cause of the seas motion is the preserving and purging of the waters , as the air is purged by windes . isaiah alludes to the ebbing and flowing of the sea , chap. . . coelius rhodiginus ( antiq. lect. lib. . cap. . ) writeth of aristotle , that when he had studied long about it , at the last being weary , he died through tediousness of such an intricate doubt . some say he drowned himself in euripus , because he could finde no reason why it had so various a fluxion and refluxion seven times a day at least , adding before that his precipitation , quoniam aristoteles non coepit euripum , euripus capiat aristotelem . since aristotle could not comprehend euripus , it should comprehend him . but dr brown in his enquiries * seems to doubt of the truth of this story . and vossius lib. . de orig . & progress . idol . cap. . denies that decumani fluctus are greater then the other nine , for he saith , that he and his friends often observed it at the sea that they were no greater then the others . other questions there are concerning rivers . what is the original of a springs and rivers ? what manner of motion the running of the rivers is , whether straight or circular ? as one part of the waters , and the far greater part , is gathered into one place , and much of it hidden in the bowels of the earth , and there as it were imprisoned or treasured up by making the sea and dry land , so another part of them was appointed to run up and down within the earth , and upon it in springs and rivers , which rivers are nothing but assembling of the waters into divers great chanels from the fountains and springs , which the psalmist describeth by its matter and use or effect , psal. . . he sendeth the springs into the valleys which run along the hils , that is , he made the springs and fountains to conveigh waters from place to place , the use of this is to give drink unto the beasts , even unto the wilde asses who quench their thirst there , vers . there be many other uses of springs and rivers , but this is noted as the most manifest and evident . another use is for the fowls , which have their habitation in the trees which grow near , and by means of these springs , and there they sit and sing , vers . . these springs bring up so much moisture to the upper parts of the earth , as causeth trees to grow also for fowls to build and sing in * . some of the waters were drawn up into the middle region of the world , and changed into clouds , that so they may be dissolved and poured down again from thence upon the hils also and other places which cannot be watered by the springs , that so the whole earth may be satisfied with the fruit of gods works . iohn baptista scortia , a jesuite , hath published two books of the river nilus . wendeline hath written a book , which he calleth admiranda nili . it seemeth not without cause that the name paper is derived from papyrus , growing in nilus ; so much paper hath been written thereof . purchas his pilgrimage , lib. . cap. . the soyl of aegypt is sandy and unprofitable , the river both moistning and manuring it . yea , if there die in cairo five thousand of the plague the day before , yet on the first of the rivers increase , the plague not only decreaseth , but meerly ceaseth , not one dying the day after . id. ibid. the name nachal , a torrent , is given to this river in the bible , numb . . . iosh. . . isa. . . chron. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the name nilus is derived from it . the poets feigned that iupiter , neptune and pluto divided the universe , and that neptune had the sea for his part , which is called neptunus , either à nando from navigation , or a à nubendo , from covering , because the sea covers the earth : and pontus ; the nations about pontus thought no sea in the world like unto their own , and doubted whether there were any other sea but that , whence pontus was used for the sea in general . the sea is a wide and spacious place , psal. . . the great deep , the womb of moisture , the well of fountains , the great pond of the world . the reason of the greatnesse and widenesse of it is the multitude of waters which were made by god at the first , which because they did cover the earth , and inclose it round , it must needs be farre greater then the earth , and therefore when god saw fit to distinguish the dry land from the earth , must needs have very great ditches cut for it in the earth , and caverns made to hold it ; and therefore the earth in the scripture is said to be spread out upon the sea , because a great part of it is so in respect of the waters that are under it . again , the principal use of the sea and waters thereof was , that it might supply vapours for making of the clouds by the attraction of the sun , and native heat of the sea , in respect of some fire which god hath mixed with the earth and waters that they may be more fit to give life to living things . now if the superficies of the sea were not very large and wide , the sun could not have power enough by its attractive heat and warmth , by which it doth attenuate and make thin the waters into vapours : which after the cold of the air , when they come into the middle region of it , doth again thicken and turn it into waters . i say , the sunne could not else have power to draw out of the sea sufficient store of these vapours for watering the earth with showrs . so the multitude of the waters and the necessity of having much of them drawn up for rain required , that they should not have little receptacles , but one so great and spacious a receptacle , which we call the sea. oceanus , the ocean is that general collection of all waters which environeth the world on every side , mare the sea is a part of the ocean , to which we cannot come but by some strait . in the sea are innumerable creatures , small and great , there walk the ships , there play the leviathans . what living monntains ( such are the whales , some of which have been found six hundred foot long , and three hundred and sixty foot broad ) rowl up and down in those fearful billows ! for greatness of number , hugeness of quantity , strangeness of shapes , variety of fashions , neither air nor earth can compare with the waters . another use of the sea is , that there go the ships , as the prophet speaks in a kinde of wonderment . the whole art of navigation is a strange art , the lord fitted the sea for this purpose , that it might be useful to transport men from place to place . and other things from countrey to countrey . men build moveable houses , and so go thorow the waters on dry ground : they flie thorow the sea by the help of windes gathered in fitly with sails , as birds do thorow the air : and having learnt of birds to steer themselves in the sea , they have an helm , at the which the master sitting , doth turn about the whole body of his ship at his pleasure . the swiftnesse of the motion of a ship is strange ; some say , that with a strong winde they will go neer as fast as an arrow out of a bow. the lord hath given understanding to man to frame a huge vessel of wood cut into fit pieces , and to joyn it so close with pitch and rozin and other things mixt together , that it shall let in none or but a little water , and it shall carry a very great burden within , and yet will not sink under water ; and hath given wisdom also to man to make sails to receive the strength of the wind , and cords to move them up and down at pleasure , and to make masts to hang on those sails , and hath given men a dexterity to run up to the tops of these masts , by means of a cord framed in fashion of a ladder , that can but even amuze an ordinary beholder , and all this for a most excellent use , viz. of maintaining commerce betwixt nation and nation , and of conveighing things needful from one place to another , that all places might enjoy the commodities one of another . to this art of navigation do kingdoms owe most of their riches , delights and choise curiosities , a great part of solomons riches came in this way ; it is the easiest , safest and quickest way of transportation of goods . how obnoxious are we to god , therefore we should not be bold to offend him , how much danger do we stand in if he should let the waters take their own natural course , and exalt themselves above the mountains . at the floud he gave leave to the great deeps to break their bounds , and permitted the waters to take their own place , and the waters were some seven yards higher then the tops of highest mountains . he can do as much now for the demonstration of his just wrath , for though he hath promised that the waters shall never overflow the whole earth , yet not that they shall never overflow england which stands also in the sea. . let us praise the goodnesse of god which preserveth the whole world alive by a kinde of miracle , even by keeping the water from overflowing the earth . god would convince us that we live of his meer favour , and that his special power and goodnesse keeps us : the waters if they were left to their own natural propensity , would soon overwhelm the earth again , but that god locked them up in the places provided for them . this work is mentioned in divers places , iob . . & . . psal. . . prov. . ier. . . first , it is absolutely useful for the preservation of the lives of all things that live and breathe out of the sea. secondly , it is a strange and hidden work , god effecteth it by some setled reason in the course of nature , but we cannot by searching finde it out . perhaps this may be it , the natural motion of every heavy thing is toward the center , and then it will rest when it hath attained to its own proper place . now the earth is stretched over the flouds , and it may seem that a great part of them doth fill the very bowels and concavity of the earth in the very place where the center or middle point of it is seated . hence it is , that they will not be drawn up again , nor follow the upper parts which tosse themselves up and down , but rather pull down those rising graves again , especially seeing it is most evident in nature by many experiments every day , that it is utterly impossible there should be any vacuum , as they call it , any meer empty place in which nothing at all is contained , because that would divide the contiguity of things , and so cause that the world should be no longer an orderly frame of divers things together : for the parts would not be contiguous and united together if such a vacuum should fall out , therefore water will ascend , air will descend , and all things will even lose their own nature , and do quite contrary to their nature , rather then such a thing should be . now it may seem the lord hath hidden the water in the earth with such turnings and windings , some places in which it is , being larger , some lesse large , that the larger places having no open vent for air to succeed the water , cannot be so soon filled from below , as they would empty themselves upward , and so there must needs be vacuity , if they should not return back again , and stop their course , and therefore they must needs stop as it were in the midst of their career . and this also may seem to be a great and principal cause of the flux and reflux of the sea , which if it were not , the waters having their course alwayes one way , must needs by little and little return again to cover the earth . if this be the cause ( as is probable ) it is wonderful , that god should set such an inclination into all parts of the world , that they will suffer any crossing of their own particular natures , rather then not maintain the general course of nature in the close joyning together of things : for if they might be sundred one from another , at length the whole must needs be quite out of frame , and a general confusion would follow . we must even chide and reprove our selves for our extream stupidity that are so little ( if ever a whit ) affected with this work so great in it self , and so behoveful for our very life and being . how are we daily and hourly preserved from the swelling waves ! how comes it that in all this length of time the sea hath not broken in upon us , and over-topped the earth ? we do not tell our selves of our debt to god for commanding the waves not to be so bold as to drown us . it may exhort us to fear him that hath appointed the sands for a bound of the sea , and will not let the waves prevail over us for all their tossing and tumbling . he is of great power , and can over-rule so furious an element , and fear not though the waters roar , and though the mountains were cast into the midst of the sea. this commends unto us gods greatness who doth so infinitely surpasse the seas greatness , and who hath made so much water for it , and it a place for so much water . let us think of it in particular , and dwell a little upon it , that we may also know our nothingness . what a great thing is the sea in it self considered ! what is this island in comparison of the sea , and yet we call it great britain ? it must needs be greater then the earth , for the waters did round about involve and encompasse the earth , what then is the whole globe of earth and water , and yet that whole globe is a thing of nothing in comparison of heaven , and yet all that is nothing in comparison of god. oh how great is he , and how much to be admired ? great , not in quantity and extension of dimensions , but in perfection of essence . how great is he that is beyond earth , sea and world , and all more , then these are beyond nothing ! and let us a little compare our selves with this great and wide sea. the sea is but part of this globe , yet hath in it water enough to drown all the men that are in the world , if either it were suffered to overflow , as once at noah's floud , or else they were cast into it , so that all men are but a small trifling thing in comparison of this sea , and then what am i must every one say to himself ▪ and what compared to god the maker of the wide sea and this wide world ? oh how nothing is man , am i my self among other men , and why am not i humble before god ? why do i not cast down and abase my self in his presence , and carry my self to him as becometh so poor mean and small a creature , to so infinite and great a creator ? let us morally use the things we see , else the natural knowledge will do us no good at all . we may see in the sea a map of the misery of mans life , it ebbeth and floweth , seldom is quiet , but after a little calm a tempest ariseth suddenly . so must i look for storms upon the sea of so troublesom a world . for the great work of navigation , and so of transportation of things by sea , and for the fitnesse of the sea to that use we must praise god , every man hath the benefit of it . by vertue of it we have pepper , cloves and mace , figs and raisms , sack and wines of all sorts , silks and velvets , and all the commodities of other kingdoms distant a thousand of miles from us , and by this they have from us such commodities as our land affords above theirs . there is no art which helps more to enrich a nation , and to furnish it with things for state , pomp and delight . and yet how is it abused by mariners , who behold gods wonders in the deep , being the worst of men , and never good but in a storm , and when that is gone , as bad or worse then ever ? the materials of a ship are wonderful ▪ first , it is made of the strongest and durablest wood , the oake and cedar . * now it is a strange work of god to make such a great tree out of the earth . secondly , the nails in it are made of iron , that the pieces may be closely compacted . thirdly , tarre and pitch to stop every crevise , that no water or air might enter , this they learned of god himself , who bid noah to plaister the ark within and without with pitch . fourthly , cords made of flax , a multitude of strange things concurre to this work . what pity is it that souldiers and mariners ( as was said ) who are so subject to dangers , and have such frequent experience of gods goodness and mercy to them in their preservation , should generally be so prophane and forgetful of god. for the souldier it is an old saying , nulla fides pictasque viris qui castra sequuntur . and for the mariner , nautarum vota , is grown into a proverb . in the third dayes work were likewise created grasse , herbs , plants and trees . the first is grasse , or green herb , which is that which of it self springs up without setting or sowing . . herb bearing seed , that is , all herbs which are set or sown , and encrease by mans industry . the third , trees and plants , which are of a woody substance , which bear fruit , and have their seed , which turns to fruit in themselves . god by his powerful word , without any help of mans tillage , rain , or sunne , did make them immediately out of the earth , and every one perfect in their kind , grasse and herbs , with flowers , and seeds , and trees with large bodies , branches , leaves and fruits , growing up suddenly , as it were in a moment by gods word and power . the great power of god appears in this , he is able to work above nature without means , the fruitfulnesse of the earth stands not in the labour of the husbandman , but in the blessing of god. he also caused the earth to yeeld nourishment for such divers herbs and plants , yea herbs of contrary quality will grow and thrive close one by another , when those which are of a nearer nature will not do so . the herb was given at first for mans use as well as beasts , gen. . . psal. . . herbs are one wonderful work of god. the greatnesse of the work appeareth in these particulars : . the variety of the kinds of herbs . . the variety of their uses , of their shapes and colours , and manner of production , and of their working and growth . some come forth without seed , some have seed , some grow in one place , some in another , some are for food , some for * medicine , and some for both . that out of the earth by the heat of one sun , with the moisture of one and the same water , there should proceed such infinite variety of things , so differing one from another , is a wonder ; some are hot in operation , some cold , some in one degree , some in another , some will draw , some heal , some are sweet , some four , some bitter , some of milde tasts . in the bowels of the earth the lord created gold , silver , precious stones , and the face of the earth above was beautified with grasse , herbs and trees , differing in nature , qualities and operations . plants grow till they die , whence they are called vegetables . at the first , herbs were the ordinary meat of men , gen. . . and they have continued ever since of necessary use , both for meat to maintain life , and for medicines to recover health . solomons wisdom and knowledge was such , that he was able to speak of the nature of all plants , from the cedar tree that is in lebanon , even unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall , not that he spake of the greatest tree and lest plant , as some interpret it , because some trees are greater than the cedar , and some plants lesser than the h●sop , but because he discoursed of noble and baser plants . it is likely ( saith bartholinus de latere christi cap. . ) salomonem ad crucem christi ejusque per hysopum contemptum respexisse , that solomon had respect to the crosse of christ , and his contempt , by hysop . we must here condem our stupidity and blindness of minde , that are not provoked many times by this particular to magnifie the name of god. when a man hath occasion to travel thorow a close or ground , how great store of herbs seeth he , whose nature , yea names he is ignorant of , yet admireth not god in them , nor confesseth his power and goodnesse . secondly , we are to lament the fruit of our sinne , which hath made us blinde , there is nothing hurtful to mans body , but some herb or other rightly applied would cure it . it is a great and worthy work of god to make grasse on the earth * . psal. . , . & . . he maketh grasse to grow upon the mountains ▪ the omnipotent power of god was exercised to make this creature , else it could not have been , and at his appointment it came forth . this is one of the benefits which god promiseth to his people upon their obedience , deut. . . zech. . . there are many things considerable in this work of making grasse . first , the plenty , store and commonnesse of it : it groweth every where , and in abundance , covering the face of the earth , and hiding the dry and naked face thereof . secondly , the colour of it . it is of a green and somewhat of a dark green colour , which is neither over-light nor over-dark , but of an indifferent and middle nature , and so most fit to content and delight the eye , refresh and preserve the sight . thirdly , the usefulnesse of this creature for the cattel , it is a soft covering to make the lodging of the poor beasts more easefull for them , even as it were a matteresse for them to lie upon . it hath a sweet juyce and verdure in it by which it is pleasant to the tastes of the beasts , as any dainty meat can be to us , and is fit to nourish them to be turned to bloud and flesh , so to make them fat and well liking . fourthly , the wayes , means , and manner for bringing it forth for this use , the whole course of the heavens , sun , moon and stars , which run a large race daily with great swiftnesse , and the great works done in the air for producing divers meteors , do tend in great part for the bringing forth of this grasse . the grasse it self hath a life and vigour in the root of it , by which it draws from the earth that moysture which is agreeable to it , and disperseth it likewise . . we are dull and blinde , and behold not god in this great work , when we go into the fields , and can scarce tread beside it : we do not consider gods greatnesse and goodnesse in making so beneficial a thing so common : we let this work of god perish in respect of any spiritual use we make of it , to make our souls the better . . let us stirre up our selves to observe gods hand in this work with others , and confesse our debt to him , that gives us commons and pasture for all our cattel . trees are certain plants springing from a root with a single trunk or stemme ( for the most part ) shooting up in height , and delineated with lims , sp●igs or branches . leaves are ornamenta arboris , & munimenta fructus , they serve to grace the tree , make it pleasant to behold , and defend the fruit from the injury of the weather . the philosopher saith , homo est arbor inversa , a man is a tree turned upside down , for a tree hath his root in the ground , and his branches spread above ground , but a mans root is in his head , therein is the fountain of sense and motion , and there doth he take in nourishment , but the arms and legs are branches of this tree , they spread downward . the psalmist compares a good man to a tree , psal. . . the palme-tree grows in aegypt all along the shores of the red sea. it is said to yeeld whatsoever is necessary to the life of man. the pith of it is an excellent sallet , better than an artichoake , which in taste it much resembleth . of the branches they make bedsteds and lattices ; of the leaves , baskets , matts , fanns , of the outward half of the codde , cordage , of the inward , brushes . it is the nature of this tree , though never so huge or ponderous a weight be put upon it , never to yeeld to the burden , but still to resist the heavinesse thereof , and to endeavour to lift and raise it self the more upward ; for which cause it was given to conquerours in token of victory . hence figuratively it is used for the victory it self , plurimarum palmarum homo : and for the sign of it , — palmaque nobilis terrarum dominos evehit ad deos. revel . . . with white robes , in token of their innocency ; and palms in their hands , in token of their victory . it is reported that the arms of the duke of rhoan in france , which are lozenges , are to be seen in the wood or stones throughout all his countrey , so that break a stone in the middle , or lopa bough of a tree , and one shall behold the grain thereof ( by some secret cause in nature ) diamonded or streaked in the fashion of a lozenge . fullers prophane state , l. . c. . it was a great work of god in making all sorts of trees to proceed out of the earth , psal. . , . the nature of the trees is wonderful in these respects principally . first , the way and manner of their growing and being . an oak comes from an acorn , an apple-tree from a kernel . what a kinde of power and vertue is that which god hath put into a kernel being so small a thing , that it should pull to it self by an unknown way the juyce of the earth , and should send some of it downward into little small strings as it were to fasten it self in the earth , and send some upward to spread it self above the ground ; and yet it should distribute the moysture so fitly , as to grow in due proportion within the earth and without ; that it should frame to it self a body , and divers branches in such fashion , that it should bud and put forth leaves , that it should cause a fruit to grow upon it , or seed , and that in great numbers , every one of which is able to make another tree , and that tree to yeeld as much more ! secondly , the great variety of kinds of trees ; we in our countrey have divers oaks , elmes , ashes , beech-trees , chesnut-trees , sally , willow , maple , syecamore , besides apple and pear-trees of divers kinds , cherry-trees , hazel , walnut-trees . some trees are of huge growth , as oaks , cedars , elms , some low as the thorn , the nut. some of one fashion , colour , making and manner of growth , some of another : this sheweth an exceeding great measure of wisdom in him that made them all . the use of trees in the next place is manifold : . they serve for fruit : what great variety of fruit do they yeeld , what pleasant and wholsome fruit , what store and plenty of fruit ? some summer fruit that will be gone quickly , some winter fruit that will last most part of the year , and some all the year . . for building both by land and sea , to make us houses both strong and stately , warm , dry and cool , under which we may rest our selves , in summer free from scorching heat ; in winter and stormy times , free from pinching cold , and the injury of the weather . with wood also we make floating and fleeting houses , with which we may dwell upon the face of the waters , and passe through the deep sea , as upon dry ground . . it yeeldeth fuell too , by which we do both prepare our food , and keep our selves warm in the winter , and in the time of weaknesse and sicknesse . had we not something to burn , we could neither bake our bread , nor brew our beer , nor seethe our meat , nor roast it , nor at all make use of flesh , to eat it as now we do . . for delight : how comfortable a shade doth a spreading ash or oak yeeld in the hot summer , how refreshing is it to man and beast ! how pleasant a place was paradise , and what made it so ? but the artificial order , fashion , and growing of all sorts of trees fit for food and shadow . we must observe our own faultinesse with sorrow and humiliation , for that we have not observed more seriously and usefully this work of god. we have perpetual use of timber and fuel : we eat much fruit from these trees , we reap the benefit of this work of god from time to time . we sit upon wood , we feed upon wood , we dwell under wood , under trees cut down and fitted for our use : we cannot step out of doors but our eyes are fixed upon some tree or other , great or small : but we take not notice of god in this work , and praise his name that made all these trees . let us mend this fault , and stir up our selves to consider god in this work , praise him for fruitful trees , and all other kinds of trees . let us acknowledge his power , wisdom and goodness in them , and his exceeding bounty and tender care to man that hath so furnished the world with innumerable sorts of trees . let us be careful of preserving these works of nature for our own use , and the use of posterity , let us set and plant trees for * after ages . chap. v. of the sun , moon and stars . on the fourth day were made the sun , moon . and stars , which are as it were certain vessels wherein the lord did gather the light , which before was scattered in the whole body of the heavens . the hebrew word translated lights , signifieth lamps , torches , or other things which shine forth and give light . it was a great work of god in making and ordering the sun , moon , and other heavenly bodies . this work is often spoken of in scripture , gen. . . psal. . , , , , . psal. . , , . psal. . he calleth upon the sun , moon and stars of light to praise god : and psal. . he saith of the sun , god hath set a tabernacle for the sun. in another place he saith , he guideth the stars , and calleth them by their names . the wonderfulnesse of these works of god is seen , first , in the very matter and substance of them , which is wonderful and inexplicable , who can tell what the sun is made of ? . in their quantity , both in respect of multitude and greatnesse . for multtiude they be innumerable : and for magnitude , many of the stars are far greater then the earth . . in their qualities , which are principally three . . their figure , the fittest for motion and use , round and orbicular . . their brightnesse and shining , especially the splendour of the sunne and moon . . their durablenesse : they do not change . . in their motion which is very swift and regular . . in their effects , working so constantly and variously in the seasons of the year . the most beautiful bodies of the stars which we see fastned in heaven , are not gods , as plato in timaeo called the stars , by the worshipping of which the blinde gentiles , and the jews also horribly polluted themselves : but excellent works of god , by the contemplation of which we ought to be stirred up to acknowledge and celebrate the majesty , glory , wisdome and power of the creatour , psal. . , . first , for the sunne that is called the greatest light , and that most truly and properly , both for the body and substance of it , and also for the brightnesse and abundance of light which is in it . for the most skilfull mathematicians have demonstrated , that the very body of the sun doth exceed the whole earth in bigness a hundred sixty six times , others say a hundred and fourty times . the sun * is the glorious servant of all the world , therefore it hath its name in hebrew from serving . the sun is the fountain of heat and light , the life of the universe , the great torch of the world , and the ornament of heaven . it s beauty , magnitude , the swiftnesse of its course , and its force are commended by david : . beauty , it comes forth as a bridegroom out of his chamber , psal. . . . strength , it is compared to a giant . . it s swiftnesse , v. . goes ten hundred thousand miles , say the mathematicians , in an hour . . it s force and efficacy upon the inferiour bodies , there is nothing hid from the heat thereof . the sun is fitly scituated , being in the midst of the six other planets , neither too high nor too low . altius egressus coelestia tecta ●r●mabit , inferius terras : medi● tutissimus ibis . ovid. lib. . metamorph. the philosophers conceive that the sun and moon are not actu calidi , only they have a vertue , and by way of eminency as it were , they do produce heat below , and are not hot themselves . to contain any thing by way of eminency , is a property of god , he contains all things eminenter , these faculties which he hath not actually , habitually and subjectively in himself , as faculties , yet he contains them eminently , as being able to produce all ; but no creature can produce any thing but by some vertue put into it . dr stoughtons burning light. if the stars be not fiery , why are waters ( saith vossius ) placed above the heaven , as moses , and in other scriptures , but to temper their burning heat , least the heavens should be destroyed by their burning ? vossius de orig . & progress . idol . l. . c. . vide c. . secondly , the moon is also called a great light , not for the bignesse of the body of it , but because it is the lowest of all the planets , and nearest unto the * earth , and therefore appears biggest of all next unto the sunne , and gives to the earth a greater light then any of the stars , which are far greater in substance , and brighter in light . some say it is the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , for it agreeth exactly with the revolution of the moon , it causeth it , . by its motion , as it brings its beams , . by its beam , as that brings the influence . . by infusion , as that stirs the waters . it is called in latine luna à lucend● , saith tully , or because solâ lucet nocte , saith varro . in hebrew iareach and ierech , which words signifie a moneth , because it is renewed every moneth . a star is the thicker part of heaven , round and full of light . in the day the glistering light of the sun ( say some ) obscures all the stars , but in the night how many hundred thousand of them do we see , besides those that are hidden from us in the other part of the sphere which is not seen by us ? the number of stars set upon the globe are . and divers of them have proper names . all the stars of the heaven are not numbred nor cannot , since divers of them are so small : but these . are the principallest amongst them , and all that have ever been accounted of . philosophers distinguish them into fixed stars and planets . the planets are apparently seven , saturn , iupiter , mars , then the sun in the midst as it were the king of all , after venus , mercury , and the moon . neither moses , iob , nor the psalms ( the most frequent in astronomical observations ) mention any of the planets but the sun and moon . of these stars some are greater then other , and are distinguished into six sorts of quantities . their proportions are thus delivered , viz. a star of the first bignesse or magnitude , is a hundred and seven times bigger then the earth . a star of the second magnitude , ninety times bigger then the earth . a star of the third bignesse , seventy two times bigger then the earth . a starre of the fourth bignesse , is four and fifty times bigger then the globe of the earth . a star of the fifth magnitude , is six and thirty times bigger then the earth . a starre of the sixth bignesse , is eighteen times bigger then the globe of the earth . we are to bewail our own great solly and blindnesse , that we have not more admired , honoured , feared , loved that great worker to whom these creatures do point us . we do not often enough tell our selves , this moon , this sunne , these stars could not , nor did not make themselves . they could not possibly be without any beginning at all , for they are but parts of the whole world , and no part of any whole can be eternal , because there must be something before that did unite those parts together ; wherefore they were made by some superiour essence , and more excellent then themselves , and that is god. how great , how wise , how good , how infinitely excellent is he whose hand framed and ordered these things ! the sunne ariseth to us constantly , the moon also keeps her course with like constancy . doth not that mighty army of stars which in a clear night shew themselves , even speak to us as it were to consider of his incomprehensible excellency , which made and rules them ? see iob . , , . let us accustome our selves hereafter to these meditations , if god had not beautified heaven with these excellent bodies , light and heat could not have been equally and in due quantity conveyed into all the quarters of the world . we must observe this work so as to praise god for it , to inform our selves of his nature , and strive to work more love , fear , obedience and confidence in our selves towards him . the apostle saith , that in the times before the gospel , the gentiles might have found god as it were by groping , act. . . now we that have the scripture to direct us as in the day-light , shall not we find god out by these illustrious works of his ? chap. vi. of the fishes , fowls , beasts . the fifth dayes work was the creation of all living creatures which live and move in the two moist elements , the water and the air , viz. fishes * and moving creatures , which live and move in the waters ; and all kind of fowls which flie in the open region of the air , divers in nature , shape , qualities , and manner of living . the hebrew verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is here translated the moving creature , is derived ; is used as here , so in other scriptures frequently , first to signifie creeping or moving forward without feet , as gen. . . & levit. . . and secondly also to bring forth abundantly as here , and also exod. . . fishes breed and bring forth young in great abundance , more then any other creatures do , by the multitude of spawn they would encrease beyond all measure and number , if by one means or other the spawn were not devoured and consumed . who can render a reason of their ability to swimme so in the waters , to support themselves in the midst of the waters , and convey themselves up and down in it ? fishes are in scripture termed reptilia , psalm . . in the great and wide sea there are things creeping innumerable both small and great , so called , because things when they swim seem to creep along in the water . as birds have their wings and trains by means whereof they cut their way , and make smooth passage through the air , so fishes are furnished with fins wherewith they guide themselves in their swimming , and cut the current of the streams and waves for their more easie passage , wherein their course is directed by their tail , as ships are conducted by their helm . the sea gives more and greater dainties then the earth , those that did most affect to please their palate of old , set great store by fishes , and paid dearer for them then flesh . god hath furnished them with a strong power of encreasing . birds bring forth some four or five in a nest , some three , and some but two , the most but twenty , as the little wren , for being so little , the kinde would be consumed by the things which devour such weak creatures , if those that be did not bring forth very many : but every fish brings forth a great multitude , many hundreds , as we may see in their spawn . that god should give unto these things a power to multiply so very fast , is wonderfull , and it is agreeable to reason too , for the fishes do more devour one another then the beasts do , the greater being much more ravenous then any beast , as being bigger ; and their stomacks by an antiperistasis of the cold water more vehement in digesting . they are said to be without number , psa. . . not simply , but to us , for we cannot tell the number of them , though god ( which made them ) do know the particular number of them . he can tell how many fishes there be in the sea , though to us they exceed the power of counting , yet he hath the precise and exact number of them . we know not the kindes of fishes , how much lesse the particulars ! there be ( saith pliny ) of fishes and other creatures living in the sea ; one hundred seventy and six severall and distinct kindes . what philosopher can tell how many dolphins , herrings , whales , sword-fishes there be in the sea ? a crocodile equals eighteen cubits , it comes from an egge as bigge as that of a goose : nec aliud animal ex minori origine in majorem crescit magnitudinem . pliny lib. . cap. . from so small a beginning it encreaseth to eight or ten yards in length . their bodies are not much longer then their tails , which is of like use with them , as the proboscis is to the elephant ; their mouths are very wide , at one gulph able to swallow horse or man. the name is taken a croceo colore , or per antiphrasin quòd crocum timeat . the ichneumon steals into his belly , and gnaws his guts , whilest he opens his chaps to let the little troclill pick his teeth , which give it feeding . herb. trav. l. . the echeneis , remora , or stop-ship , but half a foot long is able to stay the greatest ship under sail . keckermannus humori frigido à remora fuso adscribere videtur qui aquam circa gubernaculum conglaciet . in disput. physic. the cramp-fish torpedo is able to benumn and mortisie the arms of the lustiest and strongest fishers that be by touching onely the end of any part of an angle-rod , which they hold in their hands , although they stand aloft and a great way from her : hence it hath its name , quod torpore manus afficiat , because it benummeth the hands . see voss. de orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. . both of the remora and torpedo . the naturalists tell us of one fish which they call the uranoscope , which hath but one eye , and that in a verticall point , on the top of the head , directly upward : by which it avoids all rocks and dangers . there have been known whales six hundred foot * long , and three hundred and sixty foot broad , some like mountains , and some like islands . god himself speaking of his own power over all the creatures , rehearseth only two , the behemoth , job . . to the end , that is , the elephant ; and the leviathan job . per tot . that is , the whale , this being the greatest among the fishes , as that among the beasts . the sword-fish hath a beak or bill sharp-pointed , wherewith he will drive through the sides and planks of a ship , and bore them so , that they shall sink withall . the dolphin is said to be a fish of such exceeding great swiftnesse , as that oftentimes he out-strippeth a ship under sail in the greatest ruffe and merriest winde , in swiftnesse of course . in this fish is propounded to us an example of charity , and kinde affection toward our children , as plinyb in his description of the nature of this fish sheweth , and aelianus l. . c. . as also of his singular love toward man , whereof aelianus produceth strange examples . it may seem strange that it should please the pope to forbid flesh to men rather then * fish , that is , the lesse dainty and luxurious , before the more : for what is by some alledged , that the curse fell upon the earth , and not the seas , is fondly affirmed , seeing when it is said , cursed be the earth , by earth is meant the whole globe of the earth consisting of sea and dry land. some fishes are exceeding small , and for their smalnesse and workmanship bestowed upon them , admirable . in the sea the cockles , a little kinde of shell-fish , yet in its kinde very artificiall , somewhat resembling a cre-fish , which are dainties for rich men . those little and small things are made with so many joynts and parts and turnings , such a proportion and shape , and every thing so exact and suitable , as would stir up astonishment in any beholder . gods power is likewise seen in the greatnesse of some fishes , as the whale , some of which are . yards long , their eyes are as big as an hogshead , and their mouth so wide , that a man sitting on horseback might be held in it . god hath created the fowls of heaven among other creatures , psa. . . gen. . , . the things wherein the fowls differ from other creatures are . . that they be winged , having feathers and wings by which they are covered , and by which they do passe through the air , and the place wherein they fly , viz. in the open firmament in this lower heaven . their creation is wonderfull in divers respects . . their making is wonderfull , far differing from that of beasts , fishes , and men . . they have great variety of kindes , some wilde , some tame , some great , some little , some sea or water birds , some land birds . . their manner of breeding , they lay egges and hatch them , and out of a kinde of confused substance , that to us seems void of life , by the heat of their bodies they doe bring forth their young naked at first , which after by the same cherishing of warmth , do bring forth feathers to cover them . many of them are so beautifully adorned with their feathers for colour , and are so glorious , as a man cannot but look upon them with wondring and delight , for where doth nature shew more variety , and a pleasinger composition of colours then in doves neck , a peacocks tail , and some other like birds ? . for their swiftnesse of flying , that they can with such celerity passe through the air . . they are many waies serviceable to many : they are a dainty food for weak stomacks , they pull up many kindes of worms and vermine , that else would be harmfull to us . fowls or birds are more worthy then fishes , because they do more participate of air and fire ( the two noblest elements ) then of water and earth . all birds are mastered under the name of fowls as under their genus . there are examples of vertues in the fowls propounded for us to imitate , and of vices for us to shun . in the phaenix an example of the resurrection : in the stork of loving affection : in the dove of innocency and conjugall faith : in the crows and estridges of unnaturalnesse . we should imitate the storke , crane ond swallow c in acknowledging the seasonable time of our repentance . the stork hath her name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , love , and the * hebrew word is near of kin * with another , which signifieth bowells of compassion , as which indeed are most tender in her . a story whereof a we have in the description of the netherlands , viz. of a stork , that when the house was on fire where her nest was , kept the fire off from her young ones with her own body and wings so long till she was burnt her self . it is loving to mankinde , delightfull to build in the tops of houses and chimneys , as is usuall to be seen in germany . it is the embleme of a gratefull man : for at her departure from the house where she builds ( as some report ) she usually leaveth a young one behinde her . aelian lib. . de animal . cap. . writeth of a storke which bred on the house of one which had a very beautifull wife , which in her husbands absence used to commit adultery with one of her base servants ; which the storke observing , in gratitude to him who freely gave him houseroom , flying in the villains face , struck out both his eyes . it is recorded also of the stork , that when the dams are old , the young ones feed them ; and when through age they are ready to faint in their flying , the young ones help them ; and when they are past flying , the young ones carry them on their weak backs . the eagle is reckoned the soveraign queen of all fowls , as the lion is reputed the king of all beasts . it is altivolans avis , an high soaring bird , that sometime flyeth so high a pitch as she transcendeth the view of man , whence the proverb , aquila in nubibus , she makes her nest also in the high trees or rocks , lest her young ones should be hurt of the lesser birds , ier. . . she flies also swiftly , iob . . she sees acutely when she is so high that men can scarce see her , she sees ( they say ) fishes swimming in the sea. — tam cernis acutum , quam aut aquila aut serpens epida●r 〈…〉 . she hath a tender care of her young , when they be ●l●sh and ready for flight ▪ then she stirreth up her nest and fluttereth over them ; yea she taketh them on her wings , and so soareth with them through the air , and carrieth them aloft , and so freeth them from all danger . in that she carrieth her young ones rather upon her wings then in her ●alons , she sheweth her tender care and love that she beareth unto them , exod ▪ . . deut. . . the hebrew name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is translated fowl , gen. . . signifieth in generall every living thing , which by help of wings flieth above the earth in the air : so that not only birds , but also bees , wasps ▪ hornets , and all other winged things may here be understood : bees are principall among the insects ; bees are notable , . for their good husbandry , she is very painfull , she flies to every herb and flower , and seeks and searches into every corner of the same . she so abhors idlenesse that she punisheth the idle drone , and will not give it any quiet harbour in the hive . . she is thrifty , which is another part of good husbandry , what she hath gotten in the summer , she charily laies up in her cells , and doth not spend it till she must needs . . for their cleanlinesse and neatnesse , mundissimum omnium hoc animal , they will not suffer any sluttery within if they may go abroad , neither can they endure any unsavorinesse without nigh unto them , pliny l. . c. . & . . for their care of the common good , she is an admirable lover of that , she labours , eats , fights in common , and all her pains is directed to the common good , she will with unresistable courage assail any enemy though never so strong , which shall offer to wrong the common body . . for their concord , bees of the same hive are linked together in the bond of amity , though they be many of them , yet they know and love each other , and keep peace among themselves , and fly domesticall sedition , unlesse the rulers be multiplied , and by their disorders set the rest of the bees at variance . . for their dutifullnesse to their king or prince ( for they have a monarchy , as the ants a democracy ) * they are most loyall subjects to him , they labour for him , and build him more then one palace , and that more large and stately then their own , they fight for him , and go abroad with him . the workmanship of god is more excellent in some insects , as bees , and others little creatures , then in those of great bulk ; see pliny l. . c. . and . . austin prefers a fly ( in regard of its life ) before the sun. but some things ( saith vossius ) are not so much to be valued for their form , as their end , which is more excellent in the sun , then in any perfect living creature , man only excepted . we see and use the fowls , and eat their flesh , and lye upon their soft feathers , and yet contemplate not the goodnesse of god in them . we have divers kinde of tame fowl in our back-sides , they bring us young , and we kill and dresse them , and let them upon our tables and feast with them . they lay egges , and we eat of them : they sit and hatch and cherish their young , and we see that admirable manner of drawing actuall life out of a potentiall life by the working of heat . and we have many wilde fowl , but who seeth gods wisedom , power , bounty , in giving them to us ? let us stir up our selves to give god his due glory , in respect of this kinde of creature . amongst other creatures , the lord hath stored the world with divers kindes of four-footed beasts , which move and walk upon the face of the earth , psa. . , . these were created on the sixth day . gen. . . these beasts are creatures endued not with life alone , but with sense also : yea , they excell man in quicknesse of sense , nos aper auditu praecellit , ar●●ea ●●ctu , vultur odoratu , lynx visu , simia gustu . they consist of a body and of a sensible soul , and besides the life of vegetation which is to be found in plants , by which they grow and are nourished ; they have also a soul whereby they discern divers bodily objects , and can both discern and follow that which is good for them , and shun what is evill , and so preserve themselves alive by using things helpfull for them , and avoiding the contrary . all these beasts were made to walk upon the ground with . feet , having their heads bowing down to the ground to seek their diet , without which they could not live , and which is provided for them upon the face of the ground . this work is wonderfull in respect of the divers sorts of these beasts , some great , and some small , some of one shape and nature , some of another . we see great variety of them in our own countrey , and there is far greater variety abroad in the world which we have never seen . that out of the same earth and water all these kindes should grow by a word spoken with the mouth of god , let it be so , is a strange and wonderfull thing . by vertue of these words , there were sheep , goats , kine , horses , camels and dromedaries , elephants , lions , bears , dogs , tygers , wolves , foxes , deer . what are all these but a most artificiall mixture of earth and water put into a certain shape or form of members , having head , feet , back , breast , belly , brain , liver , heart , guts , and other intrails , and having power to see , hear , to touch , smell , taste , to eat , drink , go , generate , to remember , to have a kinde of thought of things within , to imagine and discern , having also affections and passions . they carry us , feede us , cloathe us , till the ground for us . how full of tedious and toilsome pains would our lives be , if we had not a horse to bear us up and down from place to place , and horses or oxen to conveigh all manner of things for us ! we must magnifie the name of god , and frame our selves to sincere thankfullnesse unto him who hath made such a multitude of creatures inferiour to our selves , and given to us the use of them . o what a wonderfull skillfull workman is he , that out of the earth could produce such a number of such creatures ! and how good was he to us , that he did not give reason unto them as well as sense ; for if they had reason to know their own strength and our weaknesse , we should never keep them under as we do . let us not abuse creatures of god to bad purpose , or use them in a cruell and inhumane manner : they are our fellow-creatures , made of a little courser earth ; and since they obey us with all chearfullnesse , let us be likewise obedient to god. there is no creature among all the beasts of the world which so aptly demonstrates the power and wisedom of almighty god as the * elephant , both in respect of his proportion of body and disposition of spirit . he is by the hebrews called behemoth , by way of excellency , as the latines for the same cause call him bellua , and by iob . . he is likewise called behemoth in the plurall number . behold now behemoth which i made with thee , he eateth grasse as an oxe . the lxx and chaldee by behemoth understand all earthly beasts of great bulk , but the hebrews think the elephant is only meant , whom thomas aquinas and nicolaus lyranus follow ; god stirs iob up to consider well of this huge beast , as if he had said , if thou dost not yet understand how weak a man thou art , and how unfit to grapple with me , see how thou canst deal with this great beast . vide vossi . de orig. & progress . idol . lib. . cap. , . he is wittily called by iulius scaliger , bestiarum heros : and by iob in the same chapter , vers . . the chief of the waies of god , that is , the greatest , strongest , and most understanding of all earthly irrationall creatures , as deodate interprets it . vide fulleri miscel . sac. l. . c. . elephas peregrinum est apud nos animal , indis & aliis notissimum & obvium , certè turres olim armatorum in praelia ferebant , johnstoni thaumatographia . the elephants were usefull in the wars , they caryed towers , whence ten or fifteen souldiers did cast darts or spears , see mac. . . if by accident in their fury they kill him that feeds them , they so mourn for it afterward , that they die through hunger , saith strabo : the like i have heard reported of an elephant here in england . aristotle l. . de hist. animal . c. . makes mention of a memorable thing to make men fly incest . the king of scythia had a mare of a most excellent race , which brought forth most excellent colts ; among the rest she had one which excelled them all ; the king was desirous that this colt might horse his damme , that so he might have an excellent race of them : but the colt when he was brought to his damme , would not horse her ; the king seeing this , he caused them to cover the damme that he might not know her . but he perceiving afterwards that it was his damme , ran away and cast himself over a steep rock , and brake his neck . vide vos . de orig . & prog . idol . l. . c. . there are many things wonderfull in the dog , his sagacity , docility , fidelity : of this creature and the horse is plinies elogie . fidelissimi ante omnia homini canes atque equi . a dog in epyrus in a great assembly of people , knowing the man that had murdered his master , flew upon him with open mouth , barking and snapping at him so furiously , that he was ready to take him by the throat , untill he at length confessed the fact , that caused the dog thus to rage and foam against him . vide voss. de orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. . alexander the great being on his voyage toward the indies , received for a present a very great dog which the king of the albanians sent him , with advice , that he should not set his dogge against wolves , bears or bores , but against lions and elephants . alexander desiring to see some sport , made a lion to be brought , whom the dog overcame , and with a trice tare in peeces . then he commanded to set an elephant upon him , longing to see the issue of that fight . the dog seeing his adversary , begins to bustle himself , and to bristle his hair all his body over , and casting out a furious bawling , maketh the elephant turn tail , and proceedeth so couragiously , to the great applause and astonishment of all that beheld it . pliny l. . c. . see camerar . histor. meditat . l. . c. . & voss. de orig . progres . idol . l. . c. . the dogs which be near unto nilus lap of the river , running still , and never stay while they are drinking , for fear of the greedy crocodiles . aegyptio canes è nil● nunquam nisi currentes lambitant , dum crocodilis insidias cavent . it happened , that upon a narrow thin plank that lay for a bridge , one goat met another , both coming from divers parts : now by reason that the place was so narrow , that they could not passe by , nor turn about , nor yet retire backwards blindely , considering how long the plank was , and so slender withal ; moreover the water that ran underneath , ran with a swift stream , and threatned present death if they failed and went besides , mutianus affirmeth , that he saw one of them to lie flat down , and the other to go over his back . in sibaris there was a young man named crathis , which being not able to retain lust , but forsaken of god , and given over to a reprobate sense , committed buggery with a female goat , the which thing the master goat beheld and looked upon , and dissembled , concealing his minde and jealousie for the pollution of his female . afterward finding the said young man asleep ( for he was a shepheard ) he made * all his force upon him , and with his horns dashed out the buggerers brains . alexander the great had a very strange and rare horse called bucephalus , * eithr for the greatnesse of his head , or else from the mark or brand of a bulls head , which was imprinted upon his shoulder . he would suffer no man to sit him , nor come upon his back but alexander , when he had the kings saddle on , and was also trapped with royall furniture , for otherwise he would suffer any whomsoever . when he was dead the king solemnized his funerals most sumptuously ; erected a tomb for him , and about it built a city that bare his name bucephalia . that is a lofty description of a horse , iob . . to . by which words it is signified , that that terrible strength of the horse is from god , that neighing almost like to thunder , that mettle , when not being able to stand still , he hollows the earth with his hoofs , goes on undaunted into the battell , neither is terrified with so many darts falling near him and his rider , and runs with that swiftnesse that he seems to swallow up the earth , and rejoyceth at the sound of the trumpet stirring up the souldier to battell . if banks a had lived in elder times , he would have shamed all the inchanters of the world ; for whosoever was most famous among them , could never master or instruct any beast as he did his horse . he would restore a glove to the due owner after his master had whispered that mans name in his ear ; he would tell the just number of pence in any peece of silver coin barely shewed him by his master , and obey presently his command in discharging himself of his excrements whensoever he bad him . that story of androdus and the lion b is commonly known : vide auli gellij noctes atticas , l. . c. . and vossius de orig . & prog . idol . l. . c. . relates a strange story out of aelian , of the sagacity of the lion ; a bear in the mountain of thracia entring into his den , and killing the young lions , the old he and shee-lion returned at last home from hunting , and seeing this spectacle , they pursued the bear , and the bear getting up into the next tree , the lionesse stayed at the tree , and the lion wandered about all the mountains , till he met with a carpenter , who at the first sight of him out of fear let the hatchet fall from his hand , but the lion fawned upon the man , and with his foot shewed him the hatchet , that he might take it up , and at length with his tail embracing the man he brought him to his den , and the lionesse came thither , both shew the destruction of their whelps , and also looked up to the tree where the bear was , then the carpenter conjecturing that the bear did this injury , cut down the tree , that falling with the bear , the lion and the lionesse presently tear the bear in peeces , and the lion brought back the man safe to the place where before he did cut wood : see more of the lion in that chapter , and . of vossius his book before-cited . it is a great token of gods goodnesse to us , that from the vety serpents ( which are poysonfull for mans sin ) a threefold profit redounds to man. . in respect of nourishment , in africa , as pliny relates lib. . cap. . men feed on them . . they serve for medicament : see vossius de origine & progress . idol . lib. . cap . ▪ they are a preservative against poyson , amoletum ab amoliendo , or as they commonly write it amuletum . treacle is made of the flesh of a viper , the oyl of scorpions is good against the sting of scorpions . being bitten by a serpent , if you anoint the wound with spittle , it will hinder the poyson from spreading any farther . chap. vii . of the angels good and bad . among the works of creation , the principal are the reasonable creatures , angels and men. the name angell comes of the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a messenger , sent forth from some superiour person or state to deliver a message , and to declare the minde of him or them that sent him . the hebrew name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the name of an angell in the old testament , signifies also a messenger ; but yet in a more full and large sense : for it signifies such a messenger as doth not only deliver and declare a message by word of mouth , but also doth act and execute indeed the will of him that sent him , and doth perform his work enjoyned as a faithfull minister and servant . first of all , it signifieth that chief and principall messenger and embassadour of god , his sonne jesus christ , who is called malachy . . the angell of the covenant . secondly , pastors are called angels , rev. . and . ch. being gods messenger sent to the church . thirdly . this word is most frequently used to signifie the heavenly spirits , who are so called , because they are both ready to be sent on gods message , and often are sent out to do the will of god , gen. . . psa. . . . mat. . . that there are angels is proved out of scripture . where they are often mentioned , psa. . . dan. . . col. . . and , . heb. . . and by the manifold apparitions of them , gen. . . cherubims , that is , angels , appearing in the form of flying men to keep the entrance into the garden . abraham entertained angels unawares . they were sent to destroy the filthy sodomites , and the cities about them that ra● into the like exorbitancies . an angel stopped abrahams hand which he lifted up according to gods commandment to slay his only son isaac . a abraham told eleazar that god would send his angel with him to prosper him in the businesse of taking a wi●e for his son isaac . an angel of the lord met hagar and sent her back to her mistresse , when through discontent she had plaid the fugitive . an angal appeared to zachary and foretold the conception and birth of iohn the baptist. an angel acquainted the blessed virgin that she should conceive our saviour in her womb by the over ▪ shadowing of the holy ghost . a multitude of angels celebrated the nativity of our blessed saviour with an hymn of joy . angels ministred to christ after his temptation in the wildernesse , and in his bloudy agony in the garden . an angel also set peter at liberty when he was imprisoned between two souldiers . an angell shook the foundation of the prison wherein st paul and si●as were laid fast in the stocks , an angell shewed unto iohn the vision of the revelation at the appointment of our lord jesus christ. now besides these and many more apparitions of the heavenly spirits , we reade that the angels of god are many thousands , yea millions , and of the company of innumerable angels , and of angels pitching their tents about the righteous , and holding them up in their hands , and chasing the wicked and destroying them . and besides the testimony of scriptures , the heathens also had some notions of them , as appears in their writings ▪ but indeed it was in some respect a false notion ; for they conceived them to be a certain kinde of petty gods , and did perform worship unto them , the evil angels beguiling them : and if there be evil angels , there must needs be likewise good . the angels are diversly called in scripture : spirits , psal. . . to express their nature ; and angels to express their office , as messengers sent from god : they are called sons of god , job . . & ▪ . yea elohim , gods , psal. . cherubims , gen. . . ezek. . . from the form they appeared in , viz. like youths . caph is a particle of similitude , and rabiah signifies a young man in chaldee , witness r. david . but ludov. de dien in his animadversions upon mr. medes clavis apocalyptica saith , hoc est puerile & frivolum . seraphim , isa. . . burning quasi accensi ardore justitiae divinae , they execute those things which god commands when he sits in the throne of his justice , and according to it judgeth mankinde . not from their burning love toward god , as some imagine . watchmen , or the watchfull ones , dan. . . . being in heaven as a watch-tower , and keeping the world . starres of the morning ▪ job . . from their brightness of nature . a flaming fire , psal. . . because god useth their help to destroy the wicked . in the new testament they are called principalities for their excellency of nature and estate ; and b powers for their wonderfull force . reasons why god made angels . the will and power of god , therefore they are , because god saw it fit to make them , yet two reasons may be rendred of this work . . god saw it ●it to raise up our thoughts from meaner to more excellent c creatures , till we came to him : first , things ( say some ) were made which had no life ; then living things without fense , as plants and trees , then sensible , then reasonable . . it was convenient that every part and place of the world should be fill'd with inhabitants fit for the same , as the air with birds , the earth with beasts and men , the sea with fishes , and the heavens which we behold with stars , and the highest heavens with angels . god is the maker of angels . these glorious creatures which shall have no end , had a beginning as well as the silliest beast , bird , or fish , and they are equally beholding ( nay more , because they have received more excellent endowments ) unto god for their being , with the silliest worm . and though moses mentions not in particular either the act of creating them , or the time ; yet st paul saith , that by him were all things made , visible and invisible : and it is evident by discourse of reason , that the angels were made by god. that is too bold an assertion of mr. hobbes his in his leviathan , part . c. ▪ concerning the creation of angels there is nothing delivered in the scriptures : see more there . what can be meant but the angels by thrones , and the words following , col. . . vide grotium in loc . for either they must be made by god or some other maker , or else they must be eternal ; for whatsoever is not made by some maker , cannot be made at all ; and whatsoever is not at all made , is eternal . now if the angels were eternal , then were they equal with god in self-being , they might be called self-subsisting essences , and so should be equal with god , standing in no more need of him then he of them , owing no more service , homage and praise to him , then he oweth to them , and so they were gods as well as he ; and then we should have multitude of gods , not only one god , and so should not god be the first and best essence , there being so many others beside him , as good and omniscient as he ; wherefore they must be made by some maker , because they cannot be eternal : and if made , then either by themselves or some other thing besides themselves , not by themselves , because that implies an absolute contradiction : and if by some other thing , then by a better or worse thing , not by a more mean , for the lesse perfect cannot give being to a more perfect thing , for then it should communicate more to the effect then it hath in it self any way , which is impossible that any efficient cause should do , not by any better thing then themselves , for excepting the divine majesty which is the first and best , there is no better thing then the angels , save the humanity of our lord jesus christ , which could not be the maker of them , because they were created some thousands of years before the humanity was formed in the virgins womb , or united to the second person in trinity . we are not able to conceive of their essence , they are simple , incorporeal , spiritual substances , therefore incorruptible . an angel is a spiritual , created , compleat substance , indued with an understanding and will , and excellent power of working . an angel is a substance . . spiritual , that is , void of all corporeal and sensible matter , whence in scripture , angels are called spirits d , psal. . . heb. . . therefore the bodies in which either good or evil angels appeared , were not natural to them , but only assumed for a time , and laid by when they pleased , as a man doth his garments ; not substantial , but aerial bodies : they were not essentially or personally , but only locally united to them , so that the body was moved , but not quickned by them . the hebrew , greek and latine words for spirit , signifie breath ; there is no more subtill being that we are acquainted with then breath , being condensed by the cold indeed it may be seen . the angels good and bad are spirits , because . they are immaterial and incorporeal . . invisible , tim. . . that was a foolish fancy of the disciples , luke . . if christ had been a spirit he could not have been seen . . impalpable , luke . . compared with vers . . . incorruptible and immortal , they end not of themselves , and no creature can destroy them . god alone hath immortality , tim. . . origine in himself , so as to communicate it to others . . they are intellectual beings , all understanding . . their spirituality appears in the subtilty of their moving . it is a question whether they do transire ab extremo ad extremum , without going through the middle parts , yet they ●ove like lightening . . in respect of their strength and power , there is a great deal o●●orce in a natural spirit extracted , isa. . . . created , by which name he is distinguished from the creator , who is an infinite spirit , iohn . . nihil de deo & creaturis univocè dicitur . . compleat , by which an angel is distinguished from the reasonable soul of man , which also is a spiritual substance , but incompleat , because it is the essential part of man. . indued with . an understanding , by which an angel knoweth god and his works . . a will , by which he desireth or refuseth the things understood . . an excellent power of working , by which he effects what the will commands , this is great in them , psalm . . see kings . . the angels are most excellent creatures , when the highest praise is given of any thing , it is taken from the excellency of angels , psal. e . . cor. . . they are called holy angels , luke . . mark . . therefore they are cloathed with linen , dan. . . to signifie their purity , and are called angels of light , cor. , . to note the purity wherein they were created . all the individual angels were made at once ; and as god made adam perfect at the first , so they were made of a perfect constitution . they have all our faculties , save such as be badges of our weakness : they have no body , therefore not the faculties of generation , nutrition , augmentation . they have reason , conscience , will , can understand as much as we do and better too , they have a will , whereby they can refuse evil and chuse good , a conscience , reasonable affections , though not such as depend upon the body . they are endowed with excellent abilities , know more of god , themselves , us , and other things then we do ; love god , themselves and men , are obedient to god. the good angels obey god. . universally , in all things , psalm . . . freely and readily , make hast to do what he would have done , therefore they are said to have harps , revel . . ▪ as a sign of their chearfull minde . . with all their might , they serve god with diligence and sedulity , therefore they are said to have a wings to fly . . constantly , rev. . . & ▪ . they have incredible strength , and therefore by an excellency they are called strong in strength , psal. . . angels of the power of the lord iesus , thes. . . powers , ephes. . . col. . . one angel is able to destroy all the men , beasts , birds , and fishes , and all the creatures in the world , and to overturn the whole course of nature if god should permit it ; to drown the earth again , and make the waters overflow it ; to pu● ▪ the sun , moon , and starres out of their places , and make all a chaos : therefore we reade of wonderfull things done by them , they stopt the mouths of lions that they could not touch daniel ; they quencht the violence of the fire that it could not touch so much as a hair of the three childrens heads , nor a threed of their garments ; they made peters chains in an instant fall from his hands and feet ; they can move and stir the earth ( say the schoolmen ) as appears matth. . . the angels shook the foundation of the prison where paul and silas lay , and caused the doors to fly open , and every mans bands to fall from him . they destroyed the first born of aegypt , sodom and gomorrah . one angel slew in one night in the host of senacherib an hundred fourscore and five thousand men . reas. their nature in respect of bodily things is wholly active not passive , they are of a spiritual nature , what great things can a whirl-winde or flash of lightning do ? they are swift and of great agility , they have no bodies , therefore fill not up any place , neither is there any resistance to them , they move with a most quick motion , they can be where they will , they move like the winde irresistibly and easily , without molestation , and in an unperceivable time ; they move more swiftly then the sun , can dispatch that space in as few minutes which the sun doth in twenty four hours . they have admirable wisdom , sam. . . & . . the knowledge of the good angels is increased since their creation ; for besides their natural knowledge , they know many things by revelation , dan. . , . matth. . . luke . . either immediatly from god or from his word , ephes. . , . pet. . . luke . . by experience and conjecture , ephes. . . so perfectly knowing are they , as that the very heathen philosophers have stiled them by the name of intelligences , as if their very being were made up of understanding . how an angel doth understand is much disputed , their understanding is not infinite , they know not all things , mar. . of that day the angels know not : again , they cannot know future contingent things any further then god reveals these things to them , neither can they know the secrets of mans heart , kings . . psal. . . for that is proper to the lord alone . they are said indeed to rejoyce at the conversion of a sinner , but that is no further then their inward conversion puts it self forth into outward actions . they do not know the number of the elect , nor the nature of spiritual desertions , the manner of mortifying sin , unless by the church and ministry of the word . so again , for the manner of their knowledge , that of the schools about their morning and evening knowledge , is vain : but it is plain they know discursivè as well as intuitivè : though some say they are creaturae intelligentes , but not ratiocinantes . there are three degrees of their knowledge ( say the schoolmen b ) . naturall , which they had from the creation , iohn . . some abode in the truth , others fell from it . . revealed , pet. . . ephes. . . the greek word signifies to look into it narrowly . piscaetor thinks it hath reference to the cherubims who did turn their faces to the propitiatory which was a type of christ. . experimental , which they have by the observation of those things which are done among us , so they know the repentance of the godly , luke . . . the will of angels is to be considered : will in the good angels is that whereby they desire good things known , and forsake evil . the angels would never have sinned if they had not been voluntary , for although the good angels be now so confirmed in holiness , that they can will nothing but good , yet that hinders not liberty , no more then it doth in god or christ himself ; to be a free agent is a perfection , to sin is a defect , and ariseth not from the liberty , but the mutability of the will. . their motion and place . that they are in a place is plain by scripture , which witnesseth that they are sometimes in heaven , and sometime on earth , as their service and office doth require . they are not in a place as bodies are , they are not circumscribed by place : for a legion of devils was in one man , luke . . they are so here , that they are not there , and therefore one angel cannot be in many places , although many angels may be in the same place , and they move not in an instant though they move speedily . they continue in the highest heavens , unless they be sent thence by the lord to do something appointed by him : where being freed from all distractions and humane necessities , they behold the glorious presence of god , their understanding and will being pitcht upon him . mat. . . & . . ps. . . luk. . . . their society and communion : for it cannot be conceived that these glorious spirits should not signifie to one another their meaning : but how this should be , it is hard to determine ; they say that the angels make known their mindes to one another by their meer will. . their multitude and order . that there are many angels appears , dan. . . and heb. . . an innumerable company of angels , rev. . . matth. . . that is , seventy two thousand , as ierom computes it . the fathers generally thought that the number of the angels which fell , should be made up by the elect saints : some think that heb. . . seems to speak little lesse . some say the good angels exceed the number of the wicked angels , by how much evil men exceed the good ; the greatest number of evil angels that we reade of is but legion , the good very many , as those places in daniel , mattthew , hebrews , and revel . . . will shew . as for their order , the apostle indeed , colos. . sheweth that there is an order among them , so that one may be above another in dignity , but not in power and command : hence they are called an host , which word signifieth chiefly what hath a compleat order . dionysius areopagita makes nine c orders of angels , and distinguisheth them into threes . the first containing cherubims , seraphims , thrones . the second dominions , armies and powers . the third , principalities , arch-angels and angels . much more modest is augustin : qui fatetur se rationem hujus distinctioni● ignorare . cont . priscil . c. , &c. . enchirid ad lau. see doctor prideaux on mat. . . for their nature , properties , order and ministry . the papists say there are different degrees of angels , and that this is founded in their nature . the protestants say that this difference lies not in natura angelica , but in officio , as they are drawn forth to more eminent imployment . the scripture makes mention only of two orders of angels , angels and archangels , heb. . . thes. . . seraphim is a common name unto all angels : they are all described to be flames of fire , psal. . . and all the angels are cherubims , as is evident by the curtains of the tabernacle which were set forth and garnished with cherubims only , exod. . . signifying the presence of the angels in the assembly of the church , as the apostle expounds it , cor. . . it is evident ( saith mr cartwright ) that the apostle , col. . . heapeth up divers d words of one and the same signification , thereby the more effectually to set forth d the supereminent power of our saviour christ above all . . the names of the angels . the first and most common name is that of angel , which name is common to the good and evil angels , yet in a farre different sense . the evil spirits are seldome called so simply , though they be sometimes , to note the excellency of their original , because they fell from their blessed condition , cor. . . iude . the evil spirits are called angels , the name which was first given them : otherwise they are not absolutely called angels , ( that name being peculiar to the angels which stood ) but angels of the devil and angels of satan , viz. because they are sent by the devil their prince . some as proper names are given to certain angels , michael , dan. . . which is compounded of three hebrew particles , mi-ca-el , who is like or equal to the strong god ? it signifieth the power of god , because by him god exercised his power : and gabriel , dan. . . & . . luke . . that is , the glory of god , who executed the greatest embassages in gods name to men . vide sculteti exercitat . evangel . l. . c. . . the angels ministry and service . their service may be considered either in respect of god , the church , or the enemies of the church . respecting god , and the church , and the people of god , they have divers services . the office of good angels in respect of god : . they enjoy god and glory , e matthew . . & . . this implieth their great purity and happinesse , and withall their ministry : what god bids them do they are ready to do . they shall attend christ when he comes to judgement . . they praise god and celebrate his name , cleave inseparably unto him , and obey his commandments , isa. . psalm . . , . & . . dan. . . iob . . they see the worth and excellency of god , that he deserves more praise then they can give . . they praise and worship christ as the head of the church , apoc. . , . heb. . . phil. . . also as his ministers , matth. . . luke . . matth. . . they stand alwaies ready to do him service , so in his agony an angel comforted him . . their service in respect of the church and people of god. . they are glad for the good which befals the elect : so when christ came into the world how glad were they , luke . they cried glory be to god on high : they rejoyce at their conversion , luke . . . they reveal unto them the will of god , dan. . . rev. . . . they keep the elect from dangers both of soul and body , so farre as is expedient , gen. . . & . . & . . & . . . psal. . . & . . numb . . king. . . king. . . & , , . both in the curtains of the tabernacle , exod. . . and the wall of the temple cherubims were painted up and down , to signifie ( as judicious divines think ) what protection the people of god have in serving him . . they comfort them in distress , heaviness and distraction , gen. . , . & ● . , . isa. . . luke . . & . . matth. . . acts . . & . , . iudges . . & . . dan. . . matth. . . & . , . . they suggest holy thoughts into their hearts , as the devil doth evil and unclean thoughts : resist satan , as in iude. . they carry the souls of the elect into heaven at the end of this life , luk. . . and at the day of judgement they shall gather the elect from the four windes , and separate between the elect and reprobate , matth. . . & . . . their services against the wicked * and all the enemies of the church . they are ready to execute vengeance upon the enemies of gods people , isa. . . an angel smote bloudy persecuting h●rod , acts . at the last day the angels shall hurry the wicked to christs tribunal , and cast the reprobate into hell , matth. , , , , . . the speech of angels . angels and devils communicate with god , and one with another ; not by speeches , a for language requires bodily instruments , which these spirits want : but as they apprehend every object without senses , so they express it without language in a secret way . we come now to some profitable questions about the angels . the first is this , if the angels be so beneficiall to us , whether may they not be prayed unto ? the ground and cause which brought in praying ●o angels , is laid down col. . . where you have a general prohibition of religious worshipping of angels , with the cause of it . there are three causes why they attempted this . . they entred into things which they did not know , as the papists , how can they tell whether the angels pray for us , whether they know our wants ? . they follow their carnal minde , because they see in the world that to great magistrates we use mediators and intercessors , they dare not go of themselves , so here . . humility , for this they talk as papists do now , we are unworthy to go directly to god , and therefore we need the help of angels : but this is vain , for christ is nearer to us then angels are , ephes. . . tutius & jucundius loquar ad iesum , quam ad aliquem sanctorum . we say that all lawfull and moderate reverence is to be given to angels , which consists in these particulars . . we acknowledge the great gifts of god in them , and praise god for them . we confesse it is his mercy that he hath made such noble creatures to be serviceable to us , and then for themselves in our judgements . . we honour them and judge them more noble creatures then man , they have greater wisdom , holiness and power then man hath . . for our will and affections , we love them because they love us and delight in our good , being ready to help us every where . . we should be carefull of our carriage because of their presence , we should not sin because of the angels . . we desire to make them examples of our lives , that we may do gods will as they do . . if angels should appear visibly to us , we should honour them as more excellent creatures , but yet still keep within the bounds of civil or sraternal honour b as to our fellow servants ; but yet above us , and not honour them with religious worship . the papists c say a religious worship is due unto them , but ( yet that we may do them no wrong ) not indeed such as is due to god , but secondary ; yet still religious ; and so they say they intercede ●or us , not as christ , but in an inferiour way : and in this sense they hold they may be worshipped and praied unto . now we will refute their arguments , and then confirm the truth with strong reasons . for the first , all law●ull reverence is commanded by the sust table , and that is religious ; or else by the second , and that is civil : but that manner and degree of their worship is required in neither , therefore it is meerly invented . secondly , by general consent , religious worship is that whereby we do acknowledge god to be the primum principium , the ultimum finem , and summum bonum , now this is but one : and we may as well say there is a summum bonum secundariò , as there is a secondary religious worship . thirdly , there is the same reason of a religious worship , as there is of a divine act of faith , love and hope : but if a man should say , we may with a divine faith beleeve in god primarily , and angels secondarily , it were ridiculous , therefore here if religious worship were due because of supernatural excellencies , then every godly man were religiously to be worshipped . our arguments in generall against this are these . . matth. . . thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve . heb. . it is applied to christ. . the promise is to those only which call upon him , psal. . call upon me . . it cannot be of faith , for how shall i know whether they hear me , whether they be present ? . colos. . . it is condemned for will-worship , so that idolatry is here committed , that kinde of it quando divinè colitur id quod non est verus d●us . iohn was reproved for this , rev. . . & . . now iohn might have distinguished , i do not worship you religiously , as god , but in the second place . the second question is , whether every man hath his peculiar angel ? this is not a question of faith , but yet the more to be suspected , because it was generally held among the heathens , who did ascribe to every man born a bad angel to afflict , and a good one to defend him : a good and ill genius as they called them . becanus brings places of scripture to prove it , but there is altogether silence in the scripture concerning it : for when the angels are charged to have care over us , it implieth that it is all their care . the chiefest place which most seems to favour that opinion , is act. . . where they said that it was his angel : now to this some answer , that the men spake according to the opinion of men then generally received , and not according to the truth , as we may give an instance concerning the blinde man , when they asked whether he or his parents had sinned , that he should be born blinde : how could he sin before he was born ? but some answer , that there was an opinion generally received , which all the platonists held ( and so origen and many of the ancients ) that the soul was created before it was put into the body ; and as it did good or ill it was put into a well ▪ tempered or a maimed body : especially they thought these angels did appear a little before or after mens death . calvin thinks that it was an angel peculiarly destinated to peter for that time of his imprisonment . if it were a peculiar angel , then it would follow , that he spake and had the same gestures that men have to whom they belong . therefore it may well be rendred it is his messenger , as the word is elsewhere translated . but you will say then , they thought the messenger spake like him ; no , but it might fall out , that they thought rhode did mistake : and when he said , i am peter , they might think he said i am come from peter , and so it may be answered . if every man have one angel , why did more then one carry lazarus his soul to heaven , and he hath given his angels charge over thee , that is , many over one particular man cameron tom . . praelect . vide rainold . de lib. apoc. tom . . cap. . & voet. th●s . de angelis . the third question , what is the meaning of that , let her be covered because of the angels ? where the apostle commands a woman in publike duties to have power , that is , covering , in sign of her subjection to god , and that because of the angels . some understand this properly of the angels the heavenly spirits , but differently , some because they are present at our assemblies : and if you ask what need that , seeing god and christ are there ? they answer , that he mentioned god and christ before , and now addeth these as inseparable servants which are sent for the salvation of beleevers : others as probably make it a new argument from the angels , isa. . as they covered their feet before god to shew their subjection , so should these . others understand it of the ministersdwho are called angels , because they are the messengers of god , and so they compare this place with that , eccles. . . before the angele , there is he notificative , by which is signified the high priest , before whom vows were made , levit. . . some interpret it generally of all good men , for we ought to be as so many angels . the fourth is , what is the meaning of those places , acts . . & gal. . . ●earned iunius renders the words , acts . . you have received the law in the midst of the ranks of angels , viz. who f accompanied god their sovereign lord when himself came to deliver the law. the same answer may be made , as it is by the same learned writer ( among angels ) they attending god when he ordained and delivered it . it seems improper that angels in the plural number g should have been imployed in speaking of the law : for without extraordinary guidance of god many speakers at once would have bred confusion of sounds , and by an extraordinary guidance one would have sufficed . there is no necessity to ascribe the delivery of the law of the decalogue to h angels , exod. . there is not so much as a word of the angels in the whole matter . the earthquake , thunder , lightening on mount sina were raised by the angels ( saith cameron ) who can easily change the state of the elementary region . the fifth , what is the meaning of that story , iude v. . michael striving with the devil : the apostle aggravates the sins of those who speak evil of dignities , by an argument from the greater to the lesse , the archangel durst not do so , where you have the chief cause , michael , which is as much as who is like god , and then you have the adjunct , he is the archangel , that is , a chief among the angels , therefore it cannot be meant , say some , of i christ , because christ is expresly distinguished from him , thes. . . now what this dispute was , and where the apostle had it , it is hard to say : but that there was such a thing done is plain . the matter of the strife was moses dead on mount nebo , deut. . . which is added either by samuel , ioshua or ezra : some make this to be the body of christ , and therefore called moses his , because he prophesied of it : very likely the dispute was that it should not be buried to occasion idolatry , the archangel rails not on him , but leaves him to god. now , deut. . . where it is said the lord buried him , that is to be understood by the means of the archangel , and no man knew his burial , that divine honour might not be given him , and the devil might say how fit it was such a man should be solemnly buried . the sixt , what is meant by the voice of an angel , thes. . . where the apostle describes the great and glorious coming of christ to judgement , from some circumstances which commend his power and majesty ; the lord himself shall come down in his own person with a shout : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that voice which marriners and souldiers use when they call one another to put to their strength , so that it is no more then a great command of god that all be ready , matth. . like that , there was a voice , behold the bridegroom comes , or like that , ioh. . all that are in theeir graves shall hear his voice ; so it shall be the instrument to raise them up as it was lazarus ; for this may be compared with matth. . the voice and the trump of god are all one , that is a great noise expressed by this metaphor , so that it should go to all in their graves . the seventh , whether they have any efficacie in our conversion . though they be sent heb. . for the salvation of those that beleeve , yet they have no efficacious power on the heart of man , for it is god only that can turn the heart ; and therefore it is a wicked opinion of some , who give god no more efficacie in moving the heart to conversion , then good angels have , which can be but by perswasion : it is true , in the scriptures you may reade of their admonishing and comforting , so an angel comforteth elias , and christ himself as he was man ; ioseph was admonished in a dream : but then you must know this was a sensible appearance or like it , viz. in dreams . but now you may reade of the devil tempting in scripture iudas and david without such a way : the change of our hearts is to be ascribed to god. the eighth , whether the angels need christ as a mediator . some say no , they never sinned and therefore need not a mediator k to reconcile them to god , tim. . . heb. . . a mediator is where two parties do disagree . as for that place ( say they ) ephes. . . he hath reconciled all things in heaven and earth : some do mean by those things in heaven , the souls of those departed ; the greek word signifieth briefly to recollect the things which were more largely spoken , and so a sweet consent of all things together : as by sin god was angry with us , so were the angels , for they hated whom god hated ; but by his death it is otherwise . but though angels needed not such a reconciliation as supposeth a breach of peace , yet they needed such a one as consists in the continuance of that peace which they had before . the lord hath now so fully revealed himself and his excellencies unto them , and his love and favour , and the necessity of their being obedient , that they cannot but continue to obey and serve him , they were not so far inlightened and sanctified at the first creation , but that then in respect of themselves there was a possibility of sinning as well as of those that did sin , but now they are so confirmed l by the clear sight they have of god , that they cannot be willing to sin against him . the angels by christ obtained , . a glorious head : men had a head at their creation , adam . the angels stood by vertue of their personall covenant . . from his becoming their head they are confirmed in grace ; they were created perfect , but mutable , iob . . . by christ their nature was elevated above what it was in it self ; electio sive hominum sive angelorum , extra christum intelligi non potest . a●optati sunt in silios dei propter christum . . they have an honourable imployment , by this means they serve christ in his humane nature . the angels which abode in the truth are called good angels , not only in respect of the righteousnesse which god bestowed upon them at their creation , but also in respect of the obedience which they performed , and ●●eir confirmation in that good estate . the causes why they abode still in the tru●● ▪ are the firm and unchangeable decree of god , tim. . . his free grace , phil. . . wherewith they were holpen , and their own free choice of will cleaving f●rmly unto god. the ninth and last question concerning angels is , how can they be happy in enjoying gods face , and yet be on the earth , matth. . . by heaven there is not meant the place , but their heavenly estate and condition : now though they go up and down doing service , yet this hinders not their happinesse , for they do not this with distraction : and these things are appointed as means for the end , viz. enjoying of god , and as the soul is not hindred in its happiness by desiring the body again , so it is here . . we should imitate the angels . . it shews us how much we are beholding to christ , no angels could love us if it were not for him . how much are we to love god who hath provided helps for man , especially christ who took our nature upon him , not that of angels . gods angels are our angels to defend and keep us . god hath committed the care of us to these ministring spirits . . it shews the wofull condition of the impenitent , when christ shall come with all these angels , when those great shouts shall be , come thou swearer , drunkard , how terrible will this be ? the more potent god is in himself and in his ministers , the more wretched are they , and the surer is their destruction . . this confutes the papists in three errours . . in that they hold nine orders of angels , they are distinguished ratione objectorum & officiorum , in respect of the object and message they go about . . they would have them worshipped , but the angel forbad iohn . . they say every one hath his good angel to keep him , so bucan thinks in his common places . . the saducees , who said there was neither angel nor spirit , acts . . but held good angels only to be good thoughts , and evil angels to be evil lusts and affections . their names , offices , actions , apparitions shew plainly , that they are not bare qualities , but true substances . it serves for instruction , . to see the blindness and erroneousness of mankinde , in that a great number of men of learning and wit and parts good enough , and that such as lived in the church and acknowledged the five books of moses to be divine , should yet make a shift to wink so hard , as to maintain that there were no angels . what falsehood may not the devil make a man entertain and defend , and yet seem not to deny the authority of scripture , if a man confessing moses writings to be true , will yet deny that there be either spirits or angels , which are things so plainly revealed by moses , that a man would account it impossible to receive his writings and not confess them ? but if god leave man to the devil and his own wit , he will make him the verier fool because of his wit , and he will erre so much the more palpably , by how much he seems better armed against errour , even as a mans own weapon beaten to his head by a farre stronger arm , will make a deep wound in him . see we our aptness to run into and maintain false opinions , m and let us not trust in our own wits , but suspect our selves , and seek to god for direction . secondly , let us learn humility from this , and by comparing our selves with these excellent spirits , learn to know how mean we be , that we may be also mean in our own esteem . so long as a man compares himself with those things and persons which are baser then himself , he is prone to lift up himself in his own conceit and to think highly of himself ; but when he doth weigh himself in the balance with his betters he begins to know his own lightness . the lord hath set us men in the midst , as it were , betwixt the bruit beasts and the celestial spirirs , we do so far exceed them as the angels exceed us ; as for bodily gifts , the beasts in many things go beyond us , some are more strong , swift , have more excellent sight and smell then we , but in few things do we equal the angels . they are swifter and stronger then we , and their excellent reason goes beyond ours in a manner , as the understanding which is in us excelleth the fancy of the beasts , they know a thousand things more then we do or can know , one angel can do more then all men , can speak more languages , repeat more histories ; in a word , can perform all acts of invention , and judgement , and memory farre beyond us . thirdly , since god hath made angels to serve and attend him , should not we that are far inferiour to them be content also to serve him , yea exceeding glad and thankful that he will vouchsafe to admit us into his service . doth he need our service that is served with such ministers and messengers ? let us frame our selves to obedience , and do gods will on earth with all readiness and cheerfulness , seeing there is so great store of more worthy persons in heaven that do it . an angel will not esteem any work too difficult or base , why should we ? fourthly , the angels which wait about the throne of god are glorious , and therefore the lord himself must needs excell in glory , isa. . , . ezek. . . of the devils or evil angels . the angels which persisted in the truth , are called good angels , luke . . but those which revolted and kept not the law were called evil angels , or evil spirits , angels of darknesse n , luke . . & . . and angels absolutely , cor. . because they were so created of the lord. in respect of their nature they are called spirits , king. . . matth. . . luke . . in respect of their fall they are called evil spirits , sam. . . luke . . unclean spirits , matth. . . zach. . . not so much because of their instigation to lust , as because their natures are defiled with sin : lying spirits , king. . . iohn . . devils , levit. . . cor. . . the hebrew names for the devil are . satan an adversary , sam. . . of satan to oppose and resist , pet. . . belial , cor. . though some reade it beliar unprofitable . he is likewise called beelzebub , or beelzebul , which word comes of bagnal dominus , a lord or master , and zebub a fly , the idol of the o achronites , because they thought these best of those pestiferous creatures , or else because the devils were apprehended as flying up and down in the air ; but if it be read z●bul , then it signifieth by way of contempt a dunghill god , levit. . . the devils are called shegnirim the hairy ones , because they appeared to their worshippers like hairy goats and in the mountains . the devil is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to accuse , because he accuseth men to god and god to men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scio , because they know much by creation and by experience . the devil is called an enemy or the envious man , matth. . . the tempter , matth. . . thes. . . a destroyer , apoc. . . the old serpent , apoc. . , . a roaring lion , pet. . . the strong man armed , matth. . . the prince of the world , three times , iohn . . & . . & . . nay the god of this world , cor. . . . their nature . the evil angels are spirits created at first entire and good , genesis . ult . vide aquin. part . . q. . art. , . but by a willing and free apostacy from their creator , are become enemies to god and man ; and for this eternally tormented , iohn . . it was a totall , wilfull , malicious apostacy from god with spite and revenge : . totall , because god never intended to offer to the angels a second covenant , heb. . . . with despight and revenge ; therein lies the formality of the devils sin , and of the sin against the holy ghost , iohn . . that they are spirits appears by the opposition , ephes. . we wrestle not with flesh and bloud ; and this is to be opposed to those that deny that there are any spirits , or that the devils are incorporeal . for their sin , what , when , and how it was , it is hard to determine . that they did sin is plain , but the sin is not specified . some say it was lust with women , misunderstanding that place , the sons of god saw the daughters of men , for it is plain the devils were fallen before . chrysostome and our divines p generally q conclude it was pride , from that place in timothy , tim. . . though there be different opinions about what this pride shewed it self , whether in affecting a higher degree then god r created them in , or refusing the work and office god set them about ; which ( some conceive ) was the ministration or the guardianship of man , which trust they deserted or scorned . zanchius thinketh their sin was , that they were not contented with the truth of the gospel concerning christ propounded to them at the beginning , and that they chose rather to leave their heavenly mansion , then subscribe to the truth . an inordinate desire of power to be like god in omnipotency , say the schoolmen . pride seems to be the devils sin by his first temptation of man to be like god. concerning the time when the devil first sinned , it is uncertain , tempus lapsus non definit scriptura ; it seemeth they continued in their integrity till the sixth day was past s , gen. . . it is likely that neither man nor angel did fall before the eighth day , gen. . , . the devils stood not long , iohn . he was a manslayer from the beginning : they fell before man , that is plain . . how the devil sinned , seeing his understanding and will were perfect . it was initiatively in his understanding , and consummatively in his will. many of them fell , as appeareth luke . . there was a legion in one man : one of the chiefest ( as some conceive ) fell first , and drew the rest with him by his perswasion and example . that one great angel ( now beelzebub ) did first fall , and then drew after him the rest , is likely enough . capel of tentat . part . c. . it was in all likelihood some prime angel of heaven that first started aside from his station , and led the ring of this highest and first revolt ; millions sided with him , and had their part both in his sin and punishment . b. hals invis . world . l. . sect. . vide aquin. part . . q. . art. . yet voetius seems to doubt of this . they fell irrecoverably t being obstinate in wickedness . the schoolmen and fathers give reasons why they fell so , and not man. aquinas gives this reason from the condition of an angels will ; whose nature is such ( they say ) that what it hath chosen with full deliberation , it cannot refuse it again : but this is no good reason , because the choice made cannot alter the nature of the will. the fathers give these reasons , . the devil sinned of himself , but man was tempted . . in mans fall all mankinde would have been damned , but in the angels fall , not all angels . the best answer is this , when they had sinned , god out of his justice refused to give them any help of grace , by which they might rise from sin , and without which it was impossible for them to recover : and this is the apostles argument , if god were so severe that he would not give these so great and noble creatures time of repentance , neither would he others . the angels were intellectual spirits , dwelling in heavenly places in the presence of god , and the light of his countenance , and therefore could not sin by error or misperswasion , but of purposed malice , which is the sin against the holy ghost and irremissible . but man fell by misperswasion , and being deceived by the lying suggestion of the spirit of errour . the devils malice against mankinde appears , gen. . where there is an imbred enmity in the devil , as likewise , pet. where he is said to be a roaring lion , a lion roars when he hath got his prey , by way of triumph , or when he is hungry and almost starved and so most cruel . this malice of his appears in his going up and down the whole world to damn men , and that though he get no good by it , nay , though his condemnation be so much the greater , and therefore if god should let him do what he would against us , he would first bring all outward misery as upon iob , and then eternal damnation . and though he knows god will defend the godly , yet he never leaveth to vex them , to tempt them to sin , to overwhelm them with grief and dispair , so that he is opposite to god. the devils malice is beyond his wisdom , else he would never oppose the people of god as he doth , since he doth hereby advance their glory and his own ruine . the devils are subtill creatures ; . in nature . . they have perfect intelligence of all things done in the world . . they have gotten subtilty by long experience , iob . . . they have strong delusions and great stratagems , cor. . . . their subtilty appears by their prevailing over the wises● men in all ages , and by making choice of the sittest instruments to accomplish their designs : when he would deceive eve he made choice of the serpent ; when he would deceive adam he made choice of the woman . the devils design was to draw iob to curse god , therefore he spared him two things , his tongue that he might be at liberty to curse god , and his wife to be a counsellour to him thereto . their craft is seen likewise in their divers and sutable temptations , cor. . . we reade of his methods , eph. . and depths , rev. . his first stratagem and device is to observe the naturall constitution of every mans minde and body , and to sit his temptations thereunto . . to observe our natural abilities and endowments , and accommodate his temptations thereunto . . to apply his temptations to mens outward estate , condition and place . . to tempt us by method , beginning with questionable actions , thence proceeding to sins of infirmity , and so to wilfull transgressions , and at last to obstinacy and final impenitency . . to bring us from one extream to another . . to perswade that his suggestions are the motions of gods spirit . . to make advantage of time by alluring every age to the peculiar vices thereof , as children to idlenesse and vanity ; youth to lust ; perfect age to violent and audacious attempts , old age to covetousnesse , and every one to the sins of the time . the devil is called the tempter , because of his trade and way . he takes advantages , tempted eve when she was alone ; our saviour in the wildernesse , and being hungry . he hath variety of temptations , if one will not take another shall , if not presumption then dispair ; and strives to prevail by his importunity . he assaults the saints ardentius , the wicked liberius . the devil is very powerfull a eph. . . the devils are called principalities and powers . alexander of hales saith they have as great power as the good angels ; wicked men may be stronger then the saints . peccatum non tollit naturam , say the schoolmen . yet the schoolmen generally say , that the lowest order of good angels is stronger then the highest order of the evil angels . and aquinas part . . qu. . artic. . saith , boni angeli habent praelationem super malos . he is said ephes. . . to be the god of the world which rules in the children of disobedience . he is called the strong one , matth. . . he hath a strong power over every one by nature , iohn . . the lord represented this spiritual bondage by the egytian and babylonish bondage . but here is our comfort , christ is stronger then he . he hath bruised his head , col. . he hath led them captive , and triumphed over them ; and their power is wholly limited by god. the devil is chained up as it were ; he could not enter into the swine without a permission . he cannot produce any substance , or change one substance into another , he cannot call the souls of men out of their place and unite them to the body again , he cannot turn the will of man , as he pleaseth , nor do that which is properly a miracle . the works of the devil are called wonders* , thess. . . in respect of the work it self , they are for the most part feigned though not alwayes , but in respect of the end they alwayes tend to deceive and beguile . the devil can . hurry bodies up and down in the air , matth. . . luke . , . . raise tempests , iob . , . . bring diseases both of body and minde , luke . . & . . . overthrow houses and buildings , iob . . . break chains and bars , mark . . they are used as instruments by god , to punish the wicked , and exercise the godly ; as we may reade in that story where god sent one to be a lying spirit in the mouth of the prophet ; and so paul had one , cor. . to humble and try him . therefore in all thy temptations , in all the sad exercises and buffetings of satan , still remember this , he is at gods command , he bids him go and he goeth , leave off and he leaveth . that is a difficult place , cor. . . paul repeateth the first words in that verse twice , as a thing worthy to be observed , least i should be exalted above measure , there was given to me a thorn in the flesh , the messenger of satan ( so we reade it ) it may be rendred with beza the angel of satan to buffet me . some interpret this of a bodily disease , others of the concupiscence of the flesh ; others think he meaneth some inward suggestion of satan working upon his corruption , whatsoever it was . i proceed to resolve some questions concerning the devils : quest. . whether the devils have all their punishment already ? no ; what are thou come to torment us before our time ? and they are reserved in chains . they have the beginning of eternal wrath , although the aggravation and increase of it shall be hereafter , as mens souls damned are full of gods anger , yet shall have greater torment at least extensively when soul and body are united at the day of judgement , and while they are in the air and go up and down tempting , they have not all they shall have , but hereafter they shall have the accomplishment of all ; and shall never be received into favour again , although origen held otherwise . quest. . how can they be punished with fire ? seeing the fire is corporeal , how can it work upon immaterial substances ? some therefore to answer this , do deny that there is material fire in hell , only the torments thereof are set forth by what is most terrible , and the worm is metaphorical ; others say by gods power it is elevated . mark , , . the same thing is three times repeated . the never dying worm is the spirit of god by the co-active power of the law holding a mans sins before his eyes , and filling him with self-convictions , and so with perfect fear and despair for ever . the unquenchable fire is the wrath of god immediatly upon the whole soul , especially the conscience . the scripture often sets forth the wrath of god , and the effects and impressions of it by fire , deut. . . & . . quest. . whether the devils shall torment the wicked after the day of judgement ? this is handled by the schoolmen ; i see no reason ( saith voetius ) why the affirmative may not be admitted , although it is not to be made an article of faith. the scripture saith to be tormented with , not by the devil and his angels . gerhard in his common-places de inferno propounding this question , an daemones futuri sint damnatorum tortores ? thus resolves it , the devils before judgement , and in this life torment men , but after judgement they themselves shall be tormented in the bottomlesse pit , therefore they shall be companions in torment , not executioners of it . the object of this wrath in hell is the soul , and the punishment upon it must be its destruction , thess. . . the devils cannot fill all the corners of the soul with wrath , god only can correct and destroy the spirit . the wrath of god shall be the great and immediate executioner of the ungodly hereafter , cor. . . he shall dispense himself immediatly in heaven and hell . the schoolmen dispute , whether the devils that have been incentores in culpa , shall not be tortores in poena . the ministry of the evil angels shall last no longer then that of the good angels , that shall be laid down at the day of judgement . vide calv. in cor. . . quest. . what is the meaning of those stories , possessed with devils ? more were possessed with them in the time of the gospel , then ever before or after . see matth. . . & . , . & . . & . . & . . & luke . . act. . . the reason is because as our saviour had spiritually , so he would corporally or externally manifest his power over devils . this possessing was nothing but the dwelling and working of the devil in the body : one was demoniack and * lunatick too ; because the devil took these advantages against his body , and this hath been manifested by their speaking of strange tongues on a sudden . the causes of this are partly from the devils malice and desire to hurt us , and partly from our selves who are made the slaves of satan : and partly from god who doth it sometime out of anger , as he bid the devil go into saul ; or out of grace , that they may see how bitter sin is , vide voet. thes. de energ . quest. . the meaning of christs temptation by satan , and how we shall know satans temptations ? matth. . the devil carried christs body upon the pinacle of the temple . it is hard to say whether this were done in deed or vision only , although it seem to be real , because he bid him to throw himself down headlong : but now this was much for our comfort , that we see christ himself was tempted , and that to most hideous things , satan was overcome by him . damascene of old , and some of our divines say , that satan in his temptations of adam and christ , could not have accesse to their inward man to tempt them , therefore he tempted adam by a serpent and audible voice , and christ by a visible landskip of the world . satans temptations ( say some ) may be known by the suddennesse , violence and unnaturalnesse of them . all these are to be found in the motions of sinne which arise from ones own heart , original sinne will vent sinne suddenly , isa. . . violently , ier. . . and it will break forth into unnatural lusts , blasphemies against god , and murders against men , mark . , . mr liford saith , if they seize upon us with terrour and affrightment , because our own conceptions are free , it is very difficult to distinguish them : when thoughts often come into the minde of doing a thing contrary to the law of god , it is an argument satan is at hand . the devil tempts som●●o sinne under the shew of vertue , iob. . . phil. . . omnis tentatio est assimila●●●●o●i , say the schoolmen . some under the hope of pardon , by stretching t 〈…〉 ds of gods mercy , lessening of sinne , propounding the example of the multitud 〈…〉 e●ting before men what they have done , and promising them repentance hereafter before they die . the difference between gods temptations and satans , they differ : first , in the matter : the matter of gods temptations is ever good , as either by prosperity , adversity , or commandments , by chastisements which from him are ever good : but the matter of satans temptations is evil , he solicits us to sinne . secondly , in the end , the end of gods temptation is to humble us and do us good : but of satans , to make us dishonour god. thirdly , in the effect ; god never misseth his end , satan is often disappointed . a question is made by some , whether satan may come to the same man with the same tentation after he is conquered ? mr capel resolves it that he may , part . of tentation , cha . . pag. , . it is also a question , an omnia peccata committantur tentante diabolo ? john . , . every work of sin is a work of falshood , and all falshood is from the devil ; and likewise it is questioned , whether man might not have sinned if there had not been a tempter ? to that it is answered , he might , for satan fell without a tempter , the angelical nature was more perfect then the humane . . nature is now so depraved that we cannot but sin , iam. . . non eget daemone tentatore qui sibi factus est daemon , saith parisiensis . fourthly , what is meant by delivering up to satan , cor. . ? some with chrysostome think it was a corporeal delivering of him , so that he was vexed of him by a disease or otherwise , and that they say is meant by destruction of the flesh , and so expound that mark . they had power over the unclean spirits , that is not onely to expel them , but to put them in whom they pleased ; but this is not approved , therefore others make it to be a casting out of the company of the faithful , and so from all the good things that are appropriated unto that condition , and therefore to the destruction of the flesh , they expound to be meant of his corruption , for so flesh is taken in scripture * . sixthly , whether the devils may appear , sam. . he which appeared was . subject to the witches power , therefore it was not the true samuel . . if samuel had been sent of god , he would not have complained of trouble no more then moses did , matth. . . the true samuel would not have given countenance to so wicked a practice , to the magick art. . true samuel would not have suffered himself to be worshipped as this did . . saul never came to be with the soul of samuel in blisse : yet he saith 'to morrow shalt thou be with me . . god refused to answer saul by prophet , vision , urim or thummim , therefore he would not answer him by samuel raised from the dead . . true samuel after his death could not lie nor sinne , heb. . . he said saul caused him to ascend , * and troubled him , if he had been the true samuel , saul could not have caused him to ascend , if not , he lyed in saying he was samuel , and that he troubled him . if god had sent up samuel the dead to instruct the living : why is this reason given of the denial of the rich mans request to have one sent from the dead ? because if they would not believe moses and the prophets , they would not believe though one rose from the dead . in so doing the lord should seem to go against his own order . the souls of saints which are at rest with the lord , are not subject to the power or inchantment of a witch : but samuel was an holy prophet now at rest with the lord. bellarmine answereth , that samuel came not by the command of the witch , but by the command of god , and that rather impeached then approved art magick , which he proveth , because the witch was troubled . but the scripture expresly teacheth , that her trouble was , because it was the king : who ( having lately suppressed witches ) had now in disguised apparel set her on work , and so deceived her . bellarmine objecteth , the scripture still calleth him that appeared samuel , as if it were not an ordinary thing in scripture , to call things by the names of that which they represent , or whose person they bear ; the representations of the cherubims are called the cherubims . and things are often called in scripture not according to the truth of the thing , or scriptures judgement thereof , but according to the conceit and opinion of others . the angels which appeared to the patriarchs are called men , gen. . the idols of the heathen are called gods , gen. . because they were so esteemed by those which worshipt them . first , we must walk warily and watchfully against satans temptations . we should be sober , thess. . , . strong , cor. . . pet. . , . watchfull , tim. . . matth. . . prov. . . wise , heb. . . prov. . , . and of good courage , josh. . . chron. . . taking unto our selves the whole armour of god , ephes. . , , . that we may be able to stand in the evil day . secondly , believe not satan though he flatter , cor. . . tim. . . foar him not though he rage . pet. . , . hearken not to him though he tell the truth , cor. . . acts . . for if he transform himself into an angel of light it is to s●duce . he assaulted our first parents in innocency , and christ himself , cor. . . but . he cannot hurt the people of god , iohn . . . all his assaulting is by leave , luk. . . see matth. . . he hath not onely a general warrant to tempt , but a new commission for every act of temptation . compare iob . . with . . . god looks after him still . . this opposition of satan is more for the honour and safety of our spiritual life . . he is a foiled enemy , christ hath conquered him , col. . . . wait till death , and thou shalt then have a full conquest over him , pet. . . rom. . . thirdly , see gods great goodnesse , who offers us repentance , and christ , when he absolutely refused the devils . fourthly , see the exact justice of god , no greatnesse can priviledge one from punishment , none can be greater , nearer , holier , then angels : yet if they sinne they shall be tumbled out of heaven . therefore we must leave all sin if we desire to go to heaven , it would not hold the devils when they had sinned , no unclean thing shall come thither . fifthly , be not like the devils , then thou art one of his children : wicked men are called sons of belial . certain particular sins make us like the devil . . a liar or murderee is like to him , john . . . a slanderer or an accuser of another . . envious and malicious persons , as witches . . he that tempts others , or perswades them to sin : the devil is called the tempter , eve spoke for the devil , therefore she hath two punishments more then man , sorrow in childe-bed , and subjection to her husband . . he that goes about to hinder others from godlinesse , as elimas , act. . thou childe of the devil . . a drunkard , sam. . , . . a proud person : especially take heed of pride in spiritual illuminations and gifts . sixthly , see the folly of those who do the devil service , how ill will he repay them ? never did any trust in the devil , but he deceived him , even for the base things of this life . witnesse all witches ( his most devoted and professed servants ) if ever he made any one of them wealthy : all ages are not able to shew one . seventhly , satans great businesse in the world is to study men , hast thou considered my servant iob ? when he comes near to us in his temptations , there is something in us to take part with him , iohn . . there is abundance of self-love , self●lattery , and natural blindenesse , cor. . . he hath a strange power to make all his suggestions take with us , they are called fiery darts : fire will quickly take : we are led captive to doe his will. he comes to us sometimes in the name of god , and can transform himself into an angel of light , cor. . . he can raise up in mens spirits strange ravishments , and can swallow them up with joy as well as sorrow . chap. viii . . of man. vvhen god had created heaven and earth , he rested not in heaven nor any heavenly thing : neither in earth , nor any earthly thing , but only in man , a because he is a heavenly thing for his soul , and earthly in regard of his body . prometheus fashioned the bodies of men out of clay , but was fain to steal fire from heaven for the quickning of them with souls . man is a living creature made after the image of god , gen. . . the efficient cause of man was the holy trinity , god the father , sonne and holy ghost . in the creation of man three things are considerable : . the consultation of the trinity , let us make man , gen. . ▪ quia rationalis creatura quasi cum consilio facta videretur . . the work made , not an hermaphrodite , as some would have 〈…〉 adam comprehended both sexes ) but he is distinguished into both sexes 〈…〉 lows after , male and female . the man was made of the dust of the earth , the woman was made of the mans rib , to shew the near and social conjunction between man and wife . she was not made of his head , because she should not rule over him ; nor of his feet , because she should not be servilely subject to him . so aquinas . . the patern of it , the image of god , cor. . . col. . . bellarmine distinguisheth between an image and similitude ; the first ( saith he ) consists in natural endowments : the other in supernatural graces : rather image and similitude represent an exact likenesse . these two words are in an inverted order joyned together , chap. . . iam. . . mentions only likenesse , leaving our image , which is a certain sign , that there is no difference between them , but that the second is added to insinuate the perfection of the image . mans primitive and pure condition was the enjoying of gods image , gen. . . his apostate condition is the losse of gods image , his renewed condition is the repairing of gods image , cor. . ult . his blessed condition in the state of glory , is the perfection of gods image , psal. . . the image of god in adam and the saints is not specifically distinct ▪ though his image was conveyed to him by god immediately , and ours by a mediator , rom. . . the old image is renewed in his people , col. . . man is said to be after gods image , gen. . . in that he was indued with perfect knowledge , and with true holinesse and righteonsnesse , col. . . ephes. . . there is a four-fold image or likenesse ▪ first , where there is a likenesse with an absolute agreement in the same nature , and so the son of god is called the expresse image of the father . secondly , by participation of some universal common nature , so a man and beast are like in the common nature of animality . thirdly , by proportion only , as when we say , the governor of a commonwealth , and the pilot of a ship are like . fourthly , by agreement of order , when one thing is a patern or exemplar , and the other thing is made after it : now when man is said to be like god , it is meant in those two last wayes , christ was the essentiall image of god , mans was imago representantis : aliter imago imperatoris in nummo , aliter , in filio , augustine . the image of god in which man was created , is the conformity of man unto god , . in his soul. . in his body for his soul. . in the whole person for the union * of both . the soul of a man is conformable to god in respect of its nature , faculties and habits . first , in respect of its nature , essence or being , as it is a spiritual and immortal substance . the scripture witnesseth , . that the soul of a man is a spirit , mat. . . acts . . as appears by comparing the pet. . . with heb. . . in peter god is called the creator of souls , in the hebrews , the father of spirits , in the same sense . . that it is immortal , cor. . . phil. . , . pet. . . the sadduces indeed denied the immortality of the soul , this opinion of theirs began on this occasion , antigonus sochaeus , the disciple of simeon the just said , we must not serve god for hope of reward or wages . hence his disciples sadok and baithos took occasion to teach that there is no reward or punishment after this life , whereas antigonus meant , that there ought to be in us so great love of the divine majesty , and of vertue it self , that we should be willing to serve god , and ready to suffer any thing , without looking for any reward or wages . reasons of its immortality : . because it cannot be destroyed by any second cause , mat. . . . being severed from the body , it subsists by it self , and goes to god , eccl. . . luk. . . . because it is a simple and immaterial substance , not depending on matter : the minde works the better the more it is abstracted from the body , when it is asleep or dying . . because it transcends all terrene and mortal things , and with a wonderful quicknesse searcheth after heavenly , divine , and eternal things . there is an invincible argument for the thing secretly imprinted in the instinct and conscience of the soul it self . because it is every good mans hope that it shall be so , and wicked mans fear . . the food of the soul is immortal , pet. . . the evident promises of eternal life prove the soul to be immortal , he that beleeveth in me hath eternal life : and to day thou shalt be with me in paradise . nothing can satisfie the soul but god. . man is capable of vertue and vice , of immortal desires and affections . . the souls of adam and eve were not made of any matter , but came by immediate creation , in whom god gave a specimen what he would perpetually do with other men . that is but a cavil , that solomon , eccl. . . speaks only of our first parents . see dr rainolds of the passions , c. . children are called the fruit of their parents body , to note , that they are only fathers of their flesh : they have another , namely god , which is father of their spirits . s. paul teacheth it , heb. . . and the use of it . and this checks their opinion who will have souls propagated no lesse then bodies . many collect the immortality of the soul , and salvation of iobs children , because they were not doubled as the rest of his estate was . the soul of man is as it were the breath of god : god did not say of mans soul as of other creatures , let it be made , let there be a soul in mans body . no , but when he had formed the body , he breathed the soul into him . it was to note , that the soul of man had a more heavenly and divine original , then any of the other creatures that are here in this world . vide bellarm. de amis . gratiae , lib. . cap. . see sir walter rawleighs ghost , lib. . per totum . and master rosse his philos. touchstone , conclusion . . the soul of man is conformable to god in respect of its * faculties , in its understanding , will and memory , is like the trinity . . in the qualities , graces and admirable endowments of it . in the understanding there was , first , an exact knowledge of god and all divine things , col. . . knowledge is a principal part of gods image , by reason he was inabled to conceive of things spiritual and universal . secondly , a perfect knowledge of all inferiour things , adam knew eve , and imposed names on the creatures sutable to their natures . he had most exquisite prudence in the practical part of his understanding , in all doubtful cases . he knew what was to be done . . in the will there was holinesse , ephes. . . god had the highest place in his soul , his glory was his end . his liberty then stood not in this that he could stand or fall , a possibility to sin is no perfection . thirdly , the image of god in our affections stood in four things : . all the affections were carried to their proper objects ; adam loved , feared , and desired nothing but what god had commanded him to love , fear and desire . . they were guided by a right rule , and carried in a due proportion to their objects . adam loved not his wife more then god. . they were voluntary affections , he loved a thing because his will made choise of it . . they were whetstones of the soul in acting . from this image did necessarily follow peace with god , fellowship and union . he knew god to be his creator , and to love him , in all good things he enjoyed god , and tasted his sweetnesse , mans body also after a sort is an image of divine perfection . observe first , the majestical form of it , of which the heathens took notice ; by the structure of the body a man should be taught to contemn the earth which his feet tread upon , and to set his heart upon heaven whether his eyes naturally tend . it was convenient for man to have an erect stature , . because the senses were given to man not only to procure the necessaries of life , as they were to other living creatures , but also to know , . that the inward faculties may more freely exercise their operations , whiles the brain is elevated above all the parts of the body . aquinas part . . quaest. . artic. . he gives two more reasons there of it . secondly , gods artifice in it , psal. . . * thou hast curiously wrought me , and i was wonderfully made ▪ vide lactantium de opificio dei. materiam superabat opus , of the basest matter , dust , god made the noblest creature . thirdly , the serviceablenesse of every part for its end and use . fourthly , there is matter of humiliation , because it was made of the dust , gen. . . iob . , . & . . the greek name makes man proud , cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bids him aspire , look up , but the hebrew b and latine humble him , bids him stoop , look down . adams body was mortal conditionally , if he had not eaten of the tree , there could be no outward cause of his death , for gods protection kept that off ; nor no inward cause because original righteousnesse was in his soul , and for old age and weaknesse , the tree of life would have preserved him from that . . the whole person ( consisting both of soul and body ) was conformable to god , in respect of his felicity and dominion over the creatures , gen. . , . the image of god doth not principally consist in this , but secondarily , therefore though the man and woman were created perfectly after gods image in other respects , yet in this respect the woman had not the image of god , as the apostle sheweth . the power which adam had over the creatures , was not absolute and direct ( that god reserved to himself ) but it was for adams use , then the stoutest and fiercest beasts would be ruled by adam , this dominion since the fall is lost for a great part , because of our rebellion against god , the creatures rebellion should minde us of ours : we may see sometimes a little childe driving before him an hundred oxen or kine this or that way as he pleaseth . for the infusing of the soul , it is most probable that the body was first made as the organ or instrument , and then the soul put into it , as god did make heaven and earth before man was made . god did not create all the souls of men at once , but he creates them daily as they are infused into the body , for that the reasonable soul is not ex traduce . baronius in his philosophia theologiae ancillans . exercit. . artic. . proves it well . there are these two questions to be resolved : . whether immortality was natural to adam ? . whether original righteousnesse was natural to adam ? for the first . a thing is immortal four wayes : . absolutely , so that there is no inward or outward cause of mortality , so god only , tim. . . . when it is not so by nature , but immortality is a perfection voluntarily put into the constitution of the creature by the creator , so angels are immortal . . not by any singular condition of nature but of grace , so the bodies of the saints glorified . . when it is mortal inwardly but yet conditionally it is immortal , that is , if he do his duty , and so adam was immortal . for the second question . the properties of it are these . first , it is original righteousnesse , because it is the natural perfection of the whole man and all his faculties , for distinction sake we call it original righteousnesse . it is so both in regard of it self , for it was the first in the first man. secondly , in regard of man , because he had it from his very beginning . thirdly , in regard of his posterity , because it was to be propagated to others . secondly , it is universal , it was the rectitude of all parts , it could not else be an image of god , unlesse it did universally resemble him in all holinesse . his understanding had all things for truth , his will for good , his affections for obedience . thirdly , harmonious , every faculty stood in a right order , the will subject to the understanding , and the affections to both . fourthly , it was due to him , not by way of desert , as if god did owe adam any thing ; but conditionally , supposing god made adam to enjoy himself , and by way of means . fifthly , natural , . subjective , that which inwardly adheres to the nature of a thing from its beginning . . perfectivè , that which perfects nature for its end and actions . . propagativè , when it would have been propagated in a natural way , if man had continued in innocency ; but constitutivè and consecutivè supernatural . the papists deny that that was natural to man in innocency , and therefore they say mans nature is not corrupted by the fall , because a supernatural gift only is taken from him , all his naturals being left , which is the opinion of the pelagians , who affirm , that the nature of man fallen is perfect before the committing of actual sins . paradise is spoken of in gen. . some of the ancients ( as origen , philo ) yea and of later authors have turned all this into an allegory , but now that it was a real corporal place , we may prove , . because god planted a garden , and put adam into it , and there went a river out of it which was divided into four streams ; but these were visible , and corporeal as euphrates and tigris ; and in the third chapter , it is said , that adam hid himself with the leaves of the tree , therefore the trees in paradise were real and not allegorical , and lastly adam was cast out of it . the ground of allegorizing all these things ariseth from the vanity of mans mind , which thinketh these things too low for the spirit of god to relate , and therefore endeavours to finde out many mysteries . . in what part of the earth it was . some have thought it to be the whole world , but that cannot be , for it is said , god took adam and put him into it , and likewise that he was cast out of it : others thought paradise to be a very high place reaching to the very globe of the moon , but that cannot be habitable for the subtilty of the air . others ( as oleaster and vatablus ) think it was in mesopotamia only , and that it hath lost his beauty by the floud . a lapide , willet , rivet , zanchius , and others , say it was about mesopotamia and armenia , because . there are the rivers euphrates and tigris . . because eden is part of babylonia , and this part of mesopotamia , as is manifest from ezek. . . isa. . . . these regions are in the east , and most pleasant , and so agree with the description of paradise , gen. . but the safest way is not to trouble our selves any further then moses text , which saith it was in the region of the east , in respect of iudaea , egypt or arabia , and as for the limits and bounds of it , they cannot now be known . vide bellar. de gratia primi hominis , c. , . homer had his invention of alcinous gardens ( as iustin martyr noteth ) out of moses his description of paradise , gen. . and those praises of the elysian fields were taken out of this story , ver erat aeternum , &c. ovid. metam . lib. . and from the talk between eve and the serpent , aesops fables were derived . thirdly , whether the waters of the floud did destroy it ? bellarmine * , and generally the papists will not admit that it was destroyed by noahs floud , and it is to maintain a false opinion , for they say , that enoch and elias ( who are yet in their bodies ) are the two witnesses spoken of , and that they shall come when antichrist shall be revealed , and then he shall put them to death ; and therefore they hold that enoch and elias are kept alive in this paradise which they say still remaineth ; but that this is a meer fable , appeareth , because iohn baptist is expresly said by christ to be the elias that was to come , because he came in the spirit of elias . therefore we hold that wheresoever paradise was , yet in the great floud it was destroyed , not but that the ground remaineth still , only the form , beauty and fruitfulnesse is spoiled , gen. . . paradise signifieth a garden , the word being translated out of greek into latine , and so into french and english ; in hebrew it is called heden , which signifieth delights , a garden of all manner of delights , a place beset with all kinde of fruitful and beautiful trees . paradise was a little model of heaven , and a sign of the great heaven , assuring adam , that if he continued in obedience to god , he should be translated into heaven , to enjoy god supernaturally , as there he did enjoy him naturally ; for the law saying , do this and live , means it of everlasting life . so mr wheatley held , but m ball seems to differ from him in his book of the covenant . man was to die if he disobeyed , gen. . . which implies strongly that gods covenant was with him for life if he obeyed . in several other scriptures the promise is annexed , this do and live , negatio fundatur in affirmatione , the life promised must be answerable to the death threatned , that was not only a miserable condition , but a separation from god for ever in hell , therefore the life promised was not only a happy condition , but a translating of adam to heaven , and his injoying of god for ever there . how long adam should have lived before he had been translated , is not determined . there is an innate desire in the soul after the full enjoyment of god here , this instinct was not put in men in vain , rom. . . and come short of the glory of god. the word signifies to fall short of the race , that price and crown he ran , for the full and perfect enjoyment of god ; see heb. . and what man fell short of by sinne , if he had not sinned he should have obtained . this is the received opinion of divines ; that if adam had not sinned , then as soon as the number of saints had been accomplished , men should have been translated from the earth to heaven , from their natural life to spiritual life , as we reade of enoch and elias , heb. . . king. . . dr hampton on gen. . . though menasseh ben israel de fragil . hum . sect. . saith , that common opinion , that enoch was translated with his body and soul to heaven , doth not take place with them , and saith , that r. solomon , abrabanel , aben ezra interpret gen. . . of a short death . see more there . there were two special trees in it , one called the tree of life , the other of the knowledge of good and evil . some say * it was called the tree of life from the effect , because of the hidden power and force it had a of sustaining and prolonging mans life . although it be a dispute , whether it had this force as meat to prolong life , or as a medicine to prevent death , old-age and diseases , as likewise whether this power in the tree were natural or supernatural . vide menass . ben israel de fragil . hum . sect. . therefore others say it was called so not from the effect , but signification , because it was an outward sign , that god would give them immortality if they did continue . it is questioned , whether the tree of life was a sacrament ? paraeus answers , that it was a sacrament three wayes : first , as an admonition to them , that the life which they had , they had it from god , for as often as they tasted of it , they were to remember that god was the author of life . secondly , as it was a symbol of a better life in heaven , if he did continue in obedience . thirdly , sacramentally of christ , as in whom adam and angels did obtain life , revel . . . he is called the tree of life in the midst of paradise , but that is only allegorical and allusive , so that what the tree of life was to adam in innocency , the same is christ to us in our corrupt estate . . the tree of good and evil. it was not so called from any internal form , as if it self were knowing good and evil , nor from the effect , as if by eating thereof it would have procured wisdom in man , and made him wiser ; nor yet was it called so from the lying promise of the devil , concerning omniscience , for god called it so before they met together , therefore it was named so from the event , for god by this name fore-told what would follow , if man did not abstain from it ; that he should experimentally know what was good , and what was evil , he should practically feel what he had lost , and what evil he had plunged himself into . some have thought , that those words gen. . . should not be understood historically but allegorically , that is , that god gave him no hopes of coming into this place again , but the text contradicts that , some have understood by cherubims , some species and images of terrible creatures , as we call scare-crows , but that is simple to think that adam was so childish to be afraid of those ; others interpret it of the fire of purgatory . the more probable interpretation is , that by cherubims are meant angels , who did after a visible manner shake up and down this fiery sword , moses doth therefore call them cherubims , because the jews knew what he meant , having such forms over the ark. therefore it is taken for angels , not simply , but as they appeared in some shape . it is a curiosity to enquire how long they staid there , although it is certain they ceased when paradise was destroyed , which was by the floud . therefore this serves , . for information to instruct us . . that every man and woman hath a soul , there is a body , and a spirit which enlivens and acts the body for all performances of the compositum , we must glorifie god in both , cor. . . . it is immortal by gods appointing ( but in it self endable , because it hath a beginning ) that it may be capable of everlasting weal or woe . . it is so immortal that it admits of no cessation or intermission , the anabaptists say , it is asleep when it parts from the body till the day of resurrection , as soon as it leaves the body , it goes either to abrahams bosome , or a place of torment . this opinion of the souls sleeping is repugnant to the holy scriptures , luk. . . phil. . ▪ and an heresie long since condemned in the church . the soul lives after death , and in a state of separation , psal. . . and we flee away , that is , the soul as a bird out of the shell , eccles. . . revel . . . cor. . , , . see ioh. . , . cor. . . and b. halls invis . world , l. . sect. . . at the last day it shall be united with the body , and the body raised up for it , and both be happy or miserable for ever . . be thankful to god that hath given us our souls , and redeemed them by the bloud of his son , propter hanc deus fecit mundum , propter hanc filius dei venit in mundum , chrysost. blesse him especially for soul-mercies , eph. . . ioh. . , . and let the soul praise him , psal. . & . first and last . we should love our souls , psal. . . david calleth his soul his darling , it is the immediate work of god. chap. ix . of gods providence . two things are to be discussed about it . . that there is a providence , whereby the world is governed . . what it is . . that there is a providence which governeth the world , and that nothing is done in the world without the certain and determinate counsel of god , is thus proved , first , faith which leans and rests on testimonies of holy writ , psal. . . & . . the psalm wholly , and psal. . , , , . act. . , . eph. . . heb. . . at the feast of tabernacles , the jews were wont to reade the book of ecclesiastes , principally because it speaks so much of the works of gods providence . . certain demonstrative reasons , taken . from the causes , viz. the attributes and nature of god. . there is a god : therefore providence , because he is a most powerful and wi●e king , isa. . , . epicurus granted that there was a god , yet he denied providence , then which ( saith lactantius ) what can be more repugnant ? etenim si est deus ; utique providens est , ut deus ; nec aliter ei potest divinitas attribui , nisi & praeterita teneat , & praesentia sciat , & futura prospiciat . lactant. de ira dei. . the omnipotent will of god , whereby all things are done , without which nothing can come to passe . . his infinite wisdom , whereby he can be present with all things which are done in his kingdom , ephes. . . . his justice in distributing rewards and punishments , and goodnesse whereby he communicateth himself to the creatures . . his fore-knowledge of all things , unchangeably depending on the counsel and decree of god , prov. . . . he regards the ends of things , therefore also the means to those ends . . he is the first cause : therefore on him depend the second causes . there is a concurrence of the first cause with all the acts of the second causes , causa prima concurrit immediatè cum omni agente creato , say the schoolmen . dan. . . the lord took not away actum primum , the nature of fire , but actum secundum , suspended his own concurrence . . from the effects : the works of god , iob . . . the most wise order of things both natural and politick , which could not be setled , much lesse preserved by blinde nature , chance or fortune . aristotle judiciously observes , if any one should come out of darknesse into this light of the world which he never saw before , nor heard of , and should consider the courses of things , he could not doubt that all these things were ordered by the care and counsel of a most wise and powerful prince . secondly , natural notions , or the law of nature in the difference of honest and dishonest things . thirdly , peace or torment of conscience from keeping or violating the law. fourthly , punishments and rewards agreeable to mens deeds : which prove there is some judge of the world , and revenger of sins , whose severity we cannot shun , psal. . . fifthly , heroick motions , vertues , and singular gifts given by god to princes , magistrates , inventers of arts , artificers and others , for the common benefit of mankinde . lastly , by the same reasons it is proved , that there is both a god and providence . . what providence is ? it is an external and temporal action of god , whereby he preserveth , governeth and disposeth all and singular things which are and are done , both the creatures , and the faculties , and actions of the creatures , and directeth them both to the mediate ends , and to the last end of all , after a set and determinate manner , according to the most free decree and counsel of his own will ; that himself in all things may be glorified . . the matter or object of gods providence , is the whole world , and whatsoever is b in it , for god eares for , and governs all things , substances , accidents , things great and little , necessary and contingent , good and evil , heb. . . nehem. . . the care of god for the bruit beasts , living creatures , all meteors , is described , psal. . iob. . . & . matth. . . also concerning voluntary things and actions of men , good and bad , as prov. . , . ier. . . psal. . . psal. . . concerning things that are contingent , exod. . . prov. . . matth. . , . the least and smallest things are by the god of heaven ordered and disposed of according to his own pleasure and wisdome for very good purpose ; not so much as a sparrow fals to the ground without gods providence ; he saith , the hairs of our head are all numbred . qui numeravit porcarum set as , multò magis numerabit sanctorum capilles . tertul. he feeds the young ravens , and hears them when they cry . some say , when the young ravens are a little grown up , and too numerous for to feed , the dam casts them off , and that the lord by his providence feeds them so cast off . therefore cicero was out when he said , magna dei curant , parva negligunt : and the poet , non vacat exiguis rebus adesse iovi . qui curat angelos in coelo , curat vermiculos in coeno . the reasons of this are these : first , god is infinite in all excellencies , infinite in wisdom : there may as much wisdome be seen in little as in great things : all things in the world , yea even all things which might have been as well as those that have fallen out , are subject to his wisdom and power , nothing so small , but it is a fit subject of knowing and ordering . secondly , there is a necessary connexion and mutual dependance between great and small things , the one supporting and upholding the other , so that it is not possible to conceive how any thing should be ordered by god if all things were not , the little things being like the pins of a house which hold the building together , or the hinges of a great gate , upon which the whole is moved . thirdly , the meanest creature works for an end which it understands not , amos . . a serpent doth not bite without a command , the lion that slew the prophet but medled not with his carcase . object . these things are so small , as it is an abasement to the divine majesty to intermeddle with them . answ. it is his highest commendation to be infinite , so that nothing can be hid from his knowledge : the lords manner of working in the smallest things is so wise and excellent , as it serveth sufficiently to free him from all imputation of basenesse in regarding them . no philosopher would count it a base thing to be able to dispute accurately of the nature of a flea , and to give a reason of its making and working : why therefore shall it be an impeachment to gods glory , in a more perfect manner then we can conceive of both to know and guide them ? object . cor. . . doth god take care for oxen ? answ. he doth not take care for oxen chiefly and principally , but subordinatly as his care is toward the other bruit creatures , psal. . . & . . paul doth not simply exempt the oxen from gods care , but denieth that the law , thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn , was especially written for oxen , but rather for men , that they may understand what their duty is to the ministers of the gospel , whose labours they make use of . the government of the world is in the hand of christ as mediator , isa. . . iohn . . when adam fell by the breach of the covenant , the world must else have perished , lying under the curse of the first covenant . god the father looking on man as a sinner could not dispense himself immediately any more . he therefore hath committed a two-fold kingdom to christ as mediator , first , a spiritual kingdome , whereby he rules in the hearts of his saints , revel . . . secondly , a providential kingdom , whereby he is the king of nations , ephes. . . christ rules and governs the world by his spirit , which tertullian cals vicarium christi , ezek. . . he hath as great a hand in the providential as spiritual kingdom , in the government of kingdoms and nations , as well as in the hearts , of his people , zech. . . the angels are the instruments of the spirit , and used by christ in his providential kingdom , these are the living creatures , compare ezek. . . with . . they . rule all things for the saints , heb. they make one church with them , . they pray for them , zech. . . . the kinds of gods providence . . the providence of god , is either . general and common to all creatures , that whereby god taketh care of the world , and all things therein according to their nature , acts . . heb. . . gen. ▪ , , ▪ psal. . . . special , that which doth peculiarly appertain to creatures endued with reason and understanding , viz. men and angels : and among them he looks chiefly to his elect with a fatherly care , tim. . . and of this providence is that place before-noted , cor. . . to be understood . the lord hath promised his people a special interest in temporal salvation , isa. . . & . . the devil envies this , and complains of it , iob . . this peculiar providence in temporal salvation consists in these things : . their temporal salvation slows from electing love , the same principle that their eternal salvation , isa. . . . it is grounded on the highest relation , exod. . , . ier. . . & . . . it is grounded on a promise , psal. . . . it flows from the headship and priesthood of christ , acts . . ezek. . . . it comes out of sion , psal. . . & . ult . they have it as a return of prayer , and a fruit of their communion with god in ordinances . . it is a reward of their graces , ps. . , . . they have the presence of god with them , isa. . . dan. . . . all their salvation works for their good , isa. . . rom. . . . gods providence is either , . mediate , when god governeth creatures by creatures , as by means and instruments . but god useth them , . not necessarily for want of power in himself , but of his own free-will in the abundance of his goodnesse . whatsoever the lord works by means , he can work by his own immediate hand without means . he is independent in working as well as being . the effect shall be more gloriously produced by his own hand immediately , then by the concurrence of second causes . . god well useth evil instruments besides and beyond their own intention , as the jews , act. . . and iosephs brethren , gen. . . . immediate , when god himself without the ministry of the creatures doth preserve and govern things ; this is called the making bare of his arm , isa. . . thus the apostles were called , gal. . . thus god made the world immediately without any instruments . though the lord delights to use means in his providential administrations , yet he worketh sometimes without them . first , to discover his own almighty power , the hearts of men would else be apt to be terminated in the creature . secondly , to keep up in the remembrance of his people a creating power . god hath the same power in the administration that he had in the creation of all things . thirdly , to shew that he useth the creatures voluntarily not necessarily , hab. . , . fourthly , to accustome our hearts in the meditation of heaven , when all means shall cease , and god shall be all in all . . gods providence is : . ordinary and usual , when god governeth the world and things of the world according to the order and laws which himself set in the creation . . extraordinary and unusual , when he worketh either against or beside that order so appointed , as in working miracles , psal. . . rom. . . . the degrees and parts of gods providence : . conservation , ioh . , . psal. . . it is that whereby god doth uphold the order , nature , quantity and quality of all and every creature both in their kinde and in particular , untill their appointed end , psal. . , . & . . & . . psal. . , . & . . he conserves those things quoad species , which are subject to death in their individua , as trees , herbs , bruit beasts , men ; he preserves things quoad individua , which are incorruptible , as angels , stars . this sustentation or preservation of all things in their being , is rightly by the schools called divina manutenentia , act. . . . government , it is that whereby god doth dispose and order all things according to his own will and pleasure , so that nothing can come to passe otherwise then he hath determined , psal. . , , . eccles. . . psal. . , . gubernatio quâ prospicit actioni rei ad finem dan. . , , . conservatio quâ prospicit esse rei . it is a great work of god to continue a succession of living creatures in the world , psal. . . this is that for which god took order in the beginning ; when having made the several things , he bad them increase and multiply , and fill the face of the earth , gen. . . god challengeth this work to himself in his speech to iob . . one generation comes and another goes . it is noted as an act of divine blessing to increase the fruits of the cattle and the flocks of sheep and kine , deut. . . psal. . , reason . if this work were not wrought , the world would be empty of living creatures within one age : beasts , birds and fishes , and all would fail within a few years , and so should men be deprived of that help and benefit which they enjoy by them . secondly , the power of propagating kindes is a wonderful work no lesse then that of creation , done by a wisdom and power infinitely surpassing all the wisdom and power of all men . let us sanctifie god in our hearts by contemplating this great work . we see the truth of one part of the narration of scripture , in the increasing and multiplying of creatures , and we see it done by a secret and hidden way , let us therefore believe his promises . can god promise any thing to us more exceeding our reason , to conceive how it should be effected , then it exceeds our reason to think how the kinds of things are increased and continued in the world for so many hundreds of years ? we can see no reason how an egg by the hens sitting upon it for a few dayes should be made a sparrow , starling , hen , or other bird. god prepareth fit nourishment for all the creatures to eat , and conveyeth it to each of them in that quantity and season which is fittest for them , psal. , . & . . & . . & psal. . . reasons . he that provideth food for all , must know their number , their nature and places of abode , and their several needs , and he that knows these particulars , must be none other but god : he must know the quantity of the thing provided for food , and the quality of it , and the season of it , and none can do these things but an infinite essence , that is to say , a god. . god in providing for the creatures , provideth for man who feedeth on them , and he declareth his own wisdom and goodnesse in continuing the kinds of things , and continuing them in welfare . this should teach us faith in gods promises , by which he hath undertaken to seed and to provide for us , so our saviour argues mat. . . object . the adversity of the good , and prosperity of the wicked seem to oppose gods providence . if there were any providence , god would see that it should be bonis benè , & malis malè : si deus est , unde mala , si non est , unde bona ? answ. there is no man absolutely good or absolutely evil , but as the best have some evil , so the worst have some good , and therefore god will punish that evil which is in the good with temporal punishments , and give temporal blessings to the evil for the good that is in them : that seeing all good must be rewarded with good , and all evil with evil : the good of the good might have an everlasting reward of good : and on the contrary , the evil of the evil might have an everlasting reward of evil ▪ the godly are many times brought to great straights : . that their sufficiency may be in god alone , and that they may live by faith. . that he may make them partakers of christs sufferings , rom. . . . though they be in wants , god is all-sufficient to them in the losse of all things , cor. . . hos. . . the wicked often have great abundance , psal. . . but they receive these things ex largitate , from an over-flowing bounty , not from any interest and propriety in god. . these things are their portion , psal. . . they are but solatium to the godly , and praemium to them , as prosper speaks , as afflictions are justi exercitium , and injusti supplicium , saith he . . these outward things are often their snare , iob . . . it refutes the fancy of atheists and epicures , which pretend that the observation of such slender matters , holds no correspondence with gods greatnesse . aristotle said , it was as unfit for gods knowledge to descend into these inferiour things , as for a prince to know what is done in the kitchin . whereas it is gods greatest greatnesse to be infinite , the light of the sun extends to every little hole . . some say he cares for universal things only , and not singular ; but then he should not care for himself , and his knowledge should not be infinite . he takes care for all things as if they were but one , and for every thing as if that one were all . . we must admire and adore the excellency of god which knoweth all things . david contemplating this point , confesseth this knowledg is too wonderful for him . . let us often put our selves in minde of this truth , that it may work in us a reverent care of ordering all our words and actions aright in his sight , that nothing may slip from us unworthy his eye and ear , offensive to his most great and pure majesty , and all-seeing eye . how careful are we of our speeches and actions , when we know that they are marked by some one of note and quality ? . god hath a general providence about all things , yea even in sins . god determines sin in regard of time and measure , and orders it : and evils of punishment , iob . . & . . the lord hath taken away , when the sabaeans spoiled him . amos . . is there evil in a city , and the lord hath not done it ? god preserves the persons and estates of his people in evil dayes . they are called the hidden ones , psal. . . see isa. . . esth. . that the king should not sleep that night , and that then he should call for a book rather then any thing else , and that book of the chronicles , and that in that book ●e should light on that place which specified mordecai's service . . the lord decrees their preservation from eternity , there is an election to preservation as well as to salvation : see isa. . . dan. . . . in evil times the lord sets his mark upon them , ezek. . & revel . . he will order all things so that the judgement shall not come till they be secured . . he so orders all things that every thing shall tend to their deliverance . . the lord will speak to the hearts of those that are the instruments of vengeance that they shall shew kindnesse to them , the great rule of god in the world is over the spirits of men , ier. . , . . sometimes god raiseth up the spirits of his people that they overcome their oppressors , isa. . . zech. . . . by ordering of counsels , reports and apprehensions . a philosopher could say in danger of shipwrack in a light starry night , surely i shall not perish there are so many eyes of providence over me . we shall never feelingly applaud and acknowledge gods wisdom , justice , goodnesse , or other excellencies , if we contemplate not the exercise of them in the works of his providence , but in observing these , we shall surely attain an high esteem of him , and be ready to confesse his worth . when gods works imprint not in our hearts a reverent fear of him , a hearty love to him , a confident trusting in him , a dutiful submission to him , and the like vertues , they are fruitlesse to us , and we receive no profit by them . in respect of god , there is no confusion , but he rules wonderfully in the midst of all disorder that seems to be in the world , wisely disposing of the same to the glory of his great name , eccl. . . & . . isa. . , . iob . . it teacheth us thankfulness and patience , if things make for us , to praise god ; if against us , to be humbled . if thou beest hungry and in penury , murmur not nor repine , but say with the blessed martyr , if men take away my meat , god will take away my stomack . merlin during the massacre at paris , some fortnight together , was nourished with one egg a day laid by an hen that came constantly to the hay-mow where he lay hid in that danger . the whole power almost of france being gathered together against the city rochel , and besieging them with extremity who defended the town , god in the time of famine and want of bread , did for some whole moneths together daily cast up a kinde of fish unto them out of the sea , wherewith so many hundreds were relieved without any labour of their own . be of good comfort brother ( said ridley to latimer ) for god will either asswage the fury of the fire , or else strengthen us to abide it . in the time of the massacre at paris , there was a poor man , who for his deliverance crept into a hole , and when he was there , there comes a spider and weaves a cob-web before the hole ; when the murtherer came to search for him , saith one , certainly he is got into that hole : no saith another , he cannot be there , for there is a cob-web over the place ; and by this means the poor man was preserved . let us observe the signal acts of gods providence amongst us . he studies not the scripture as he should , which studies not providence as he should ; we should compare gods promises and providences together . what we hear of him in his word , with what we see in his works . there is a three-fold vision of god in this life , in his word , works , and in his son : answerable to our vision of god will be our communion with him . the very providence of god is sometimes called prudence : nullum numen habes si sit prudentia , sed nos tefacimus fortuna deam , coeloque locamus . juven . sat. . prudence in man is a vertue some way like providence in god. prudens dicitur quasi porrò videns . isid. in lib. etym. austin preaching once forgat what he had purposed to utter , and so made an excursion from the matter in hand , and fell into a discourse against the manichees . possidonius and others dining with him that day , austin told them of it , and asked them whether they observed it . they answered that they observed it , and much wondered at it . then austin replied , credo quòd aliquem errantem in populo dominus per nostram oblivionem & errorem curari voluit . two daies after one came to austin before others , falling at his feet and weeping , confessing also that he had many years followed the heresie of the manichees , and had spent much mony on them ; but the day before , through gods mercy , by austins sermon , he was converted , and then was made catholike . the end of the third book . the fovrth book . of the fall of man , of sin , original & actual . chap. i. of the fall of man. having in my treatise of divinity handled three principal heads there , viz. the scripture , god , and the works of god : i shall now proceed to speak of mans apostasie and restauration , or of the fall and recovery of man. there is a four-fold estate of man to be considered . . that happy estate wherein he was made , ecc. . . . that miserable estate whereto he fell , rom. . . . and . . . that renewed estate whereto by grace he is called , pe. . . . that glorious estate which is in heaven reserved for him , ioh. . . having spoken already of his estate of innocency or primitive condition , i shall now speak of his corrupt estate , in which i shall consider , . the cause of it , the devils temptation , and our first parents yeelding to it . . the parts of it , sinfullnes●e of nature and life , and the punishment of sin here and hereafter . . the properties of it , . generall , . irremediable . though i shall not perhaps handle the last . the apostasie of man is his fall from the obedience due to god , or the transgression of the law prescribed by god. in which two things are con●●derable . . the transgression . . the propagation of it . our first parents being seduced by satan sinn'd against the known law of god in eating of the forbidden fruit . adams sinne was against his own light , and therefore a presumptuous sin , so some interpret that place , rom. . . death reigned from adam to moses , even over them that had not sinned after the similitude of adams transgression ; that is , those which had not the law clearly revealed to them , yet he was seduced by satan , whereas satan sinned without temptation , thence he is called the old serpent , because by the serpent he seduced eve. when god saith , gen. . . behold , adam is become like one of us , knowing good and evill ; it confuteth s. augustines conjecture , that he beleeved not the serpent , but consented to his wife out of matrimoniall indulgence ; etsi credendo non sunt ambo decepti , peccando tamen ambo capti sunt & diaboli laqueis implicati : and sheweth manifestly that adam also was circumvented with errour , wherefore doth god else upbraid him so ironically , that he is now like unto god : that sarcasmus in my understanding is a taxation of his credulous temerity in beleeving the serpents promise . when s. paul tim. . . saith that adam was not deceived , but the woman , he meant not to extenuate the mans offence , or to exempt him from the fraud of the devil , but to shew whether sex was more credulous or like to be seduced , doctor hampton on rom. . . the consummation of that transgression was the eating of the forbidden fruit , or of the tree of knowledge of good and evill by adam , gen. . . as the beginning of it was looking on it by eve , saith paulus fagius on gen. . . . the tree was no better then the rest , only god forbad him to eat of it , for the triall of his obedience . the lesser the thing was required to shew his obedience , the greater was his fault in disobeying . it is called disobedience , rom. . . and offence or fall , rom. . , , . some say the devill as an unclean spirit could not have accesse to adams inward man to tempt him , therefore he tempted him by a serpent and audible voice , as he did christ ▪ b by a visible landskip of the world . the time of adams fall is not certain . some say he fell the same day he was created : neither angels nor men did fall the sixth day before the sabbath , for then god looked upon all his works and they were very c good , gen. . . and therefore could not as yet be bad and evill by any sin or fall . the objections against this from iohn . . and psa. . . are easily answered . some learned divines ( as simpson in his chronology observes ) conjecture that adam and eve were cast out of paradise the eighth day after they were created . the space of eight daies was sufficient somewhat to try the felicity of their state . adams sin was a great sin . . in the nature of it . . in the severall aggravations of it . . in the nature of it . it was . a transgression of a positive law , wherein god gave to adam a clear discovery of his will , it heightens sinne when it is against great light , heb. . psa. . king. . . . a command wherein the minde of god was much , mens legis est lex , we must measure sin by the intention of the law-giver . . of so easie a law , the fathers * aggravate it from this , praeceptum tam breve ad retinendum , tam leve ad observandum , god gave adam liberty to eat of all the trees in the garden save one , there was no cause why adam should break it . . a commandement much for his advantage , life here and eternall was promised , as eternall death was threatned . . a symbolicall precept , god gave him this whereby he should testifie his obedience unto all the rest of the commandements . . in the severall aggravations of it . . it was a sin against the clearest light , there was no darknesse at all in adams understanding , he knew the law , the danger of the sin , that he stood for himself and all his posterity ; god had adorned him with sufficient grace and holinesse . . it was a sinne against the greatest goodnesse , being in paradise where god set him . . against the greatest trust , the covenant was made with adam and all his posterity , he forfeits this trust , rom. . . hos. . . but they like adam have transgressed the covenant , so grotius . . against a threatning , in dying thou shalt die , certitudinem denotat & durationem . . it was voluntary , the more there is of the will in sinne , the worse it is , satan could not force them to sin , but only allure and perswade them . first , adam admitted and received the temptation of satan , whence followed blindenesse of understanding , forgetfulnesse of gods benefits , doubting of his truth , affectation of excellency , giving credit to satan , corrupt beholding of the fruit , and an inclination of the will and affect●ons to eat thereof . theee were these sins in this offence , infidelity , idolatry , contempt of god , discontent , ingratitude , curiosity , blasphemy , murdet , and apostasie . there were many sins in that one sin . . desperate unbelief , eve beleeved the devil before god. . pride , they desired to be like god , not only in knowledge , but in state and condition , to be independent . . unthankfullnesse , though god had given them such glorious excellencies . . vain curiosity to know more then they did know . . disobedience in respect of that particular command . . spirituall murder , this sin would have damned all mankinde , though there had been no actuall sin : primordialis lex est data in paradiso quasi matrix omnium praec●ptorum , that first law ( saith tertullian ) given in paradise , was the summe and comprehension of the whole divine law that was published afterwards . therefore in the breach thereof all manner of offences are contained . that first sin of his ( excepting only the sin against the holy ghost ) was in sundry respects the most hainous sin that ever mortall man did commit , hildersam on psal. . . lect. . vide aquin . q. . art . . there are * that call this sinne omnium gravissimum , and that except none but that against the holy ghost , robroughs doct , of iustific . cleared . par . ▪ . & . ch. next unto the sin against the holy ghost and contempt of the gospel , this is the greatest sin , shep sincere convert . c. . the dangerous and wofull consequents of adams sin were five . . a perfect obliteration of the image * of god , rom. . . of original righteousnesse , and casting out of paradise . . a totall depravation of mans nature , the devils image is introduced . iohn . . cor. . . every man is de suo satanas de deo beatus . aug. . it sets up the devils kingdom and dominion in the world , his dominion lies in sin , eph. . . and death heb. . . . it hath destroied all the creatures , they groan under bondage , rom. . , . . it had brought damnation on all mankinde , had not christ died and rescued them . the wicked angels were intrusted but with their own portions , but adam had the estates of all his posterity put into his hand , and he knew if he sinned he should draw a thousand souls after him . in adams act there were three things ; an actuall fault , a legall guilt , and a naturall pravity : according to these three came the participation of the fault , the imputation of the guilt , the propagation of the naturall filthinesse . in adamo tanquam in radice totum genus humanum computruit . greg. sin came upon all by adam . . by imputation , the lord in justice imputing the guilt of that first sin to all his posterity , rom. . , , . cor. . . see . . there were two men by whom all fall and rise . adam was the head of the covenant of nature , if he had stood none of us had fallen ; and so christ is the head of the covenant of grace , if he be not risen we cannot rise , ver . , . . by propagation , the lump and root of mankinde being corrupted , so are the branches , rom. . . gen. . . iob . . m. lyf . princ. of faith and good conscience . c. . all mankinde sin'd in adam , because we were all in his loyns , rom. . . cor. . . heb. . , . and as adam received integrity for himself and us , so he lost it for himself and us , saith m. ball in his larger catechism . the arminians and socinians deny the imputation of adams sin , therefore they say corruption of nature is a punishment but not a sin , for man can have no nature but what god gives him , that was a corrupt nature . we are all guilty of this sin for these reasons . . the covenant or promise do this and live , belonged not to adams person only , but to all his posterity , and doth still stand in force , the covenant was not only made with adam , but with us in him , therefore the breach of it is not only by him , but by us in him , rom. . . . the spirit of god clears this , that the nature of man is defiled by one man , and by one offence of that one man , rom. . . compared with the . ver . because he was a publique person before he broke this covenant . . the curse of the sin came upon all , therefore the guilt of the breach of the covenant , patet culpa ubi non latet poena . prosper . . all men by nature are under the law as a covenant , gal. . , . it was gods mercy to enter into covenant with us , he might have dealt with adam in an impe●iall way , therefore he might order the covenant as he pleased . . adam entred into covenant on these conditions , that his righteousnesse should be hereditary to all his seed in case of obedience , and his sin in case of disobedience . . there is an after consent on our part to adams treason , imitation is a kinde of consent , isa. . . . the offering of another adam to thee in the church , shews that the dispensation is not rigorous , so you may share in his obedience as well as the others disobedience . it is as agreeable to the wisedom and justice of god by the first adam to introduce death , as to the wisedom and grace of god by the second adam to introduce life . the first covenant makes way for the second . . there is a parallel in scripture between the first and second adam , isa. . . rom. . . john . . christ is caput cum foedere , as well as the first adam . object . this sinne of adam being but one , could not desile the universall nature . socinus . ans. adam had in him the whole nature of mankinde , cor. . . by one offencr the whole nature of man was defiled , rom. . , . object . adams sin was nor voluntary in us , we never gave consent to it . answ. there is a twofold will , . voluntas naturae , the whole nature of man was represented in adam , therefore the will of nature was sufficient to conveigh the sin of nature . . voluntas personae , by every actuall sin we justifie adams breach of covenant . rom. . . . seems clear for the imputation of adams sinne . all were in adam , and sinned in him , as after austin , beza doth interpret that , rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so our last translators in the margent : and though it be rendred ( for that all have sinned ) by us , the syriack , eras. va●ab . calv. pisc. yet must it so be understood that all have sinned in adam , for otherwise it is not true that all upon whom death hath passed , have sinned , as namely infants newly born , it is not said all are sinners , but all have sinned , which imports an imputation of adams act unto his posterity . vide bellarmine tom. . l. . de amiss . grat . & statu peccati c. . peccatum adami ita posteris omnibus imputatur , ac si omnes idem peccatum patravissent , id. ib. c. . and again , c. . peccatum originale , tametsi ab adamo est , non tamen adami , sed nostrum est . some divines do not differ so much re as modo loquendi about this point , they grant the imputation of adams sin to his posterity in some sense , so as that there is a communication of it with them , and the guilt of it is charged upon them , yet they deny the imputation of it to posterity as it was adams personall sin : but it is not to be considered as adams personall sinne , but as the sin of all mankinde , whose person adam did then represent . it was one that made us sinners ; it is one that makes us righteous : prior in semine , alter in sanguine : it was man that forfeited , it is man that satisfied , d. hampton on rom. . . the parts of this corrupt estate . sinfulnesse of nature and life , and the punishment of sin here and hereafter . the division of sin into original and actual is gathered out of rom. . . and i shall first treat of originall sin or the corruption of nature . sin is an absence of that righteousnesse which should be in us , in our nature , as originall sin , in our actions , as actuall sin , a morall inconformity or difformity in nature or life to the law of god. this vitiousnesse of nature is not unfitly called sin , rom. . . . ex causa , it is the fruit and effect of that first transgression of our father adam . . ex effectu , it is the root , seed , spawn of all actual transgressions in every one of us ; originall sinne is against the whole law which is spirituall , and requires perfect integrity in man , more specially against the first and last commandments . that there is original sin , a defilement in every mans heart as soon as he is born , which were enough to destroy him , though he break out into no outward acts of rebellion , is proved . by scripture , gen. . , . iob . . & . , , . psal. . . sunt qui dicunt quod per hoc innuitur eva , quae non peperit nisi postquam peccavit . porchetus . rom. . . eph. . . . by the effects . . mans desperate contrariety to good things even from his youth ; psal. they went astray from their youth up . in isay , transgressors from the womb . a childe is opposite to any good duty , and ready to imitate all evil . . the lord instituted circumcision to shew the filthinesse we are begotten and born in , and which should be cut off : therefore ( saith bellarmine ) it was commanded to be done in that member in which the effect of that sin doth more violently appear , and by which mankinde is propagated , and by propagation infected . the use of baptisme also is to take away the guilt and filth of nature : the woman that had a childe was to go offer as unclean . . it is demonstrated by sicknesse , other crosses and death , even of infants , rom. . . . the unserviceablenesse of the creatures proves that there is original sin . . because there must be a change of our natures . . every man is born guilty of adams sin . . every man is born dead in sin , ephes. . . . every natural man is born full of all sin , rom. . . as full as a toad of poison . . what ever he doth is sin . . his thoughts , gen. . . . his words , psal. . . . his actions . . civil , prov. . . . religious , prov. . , . & . . the vile nature of man is apt to commit most foul and presumptuous sins , rom. . , , , to . v. mark . . reas. . from mans self , sin hath come over all together with death . . the devil laboureth to bring men to the most notorious sins , that he may render them most like to himself , ephes. . . . the world is full of such things and persons as may induce an evil nature to most horrible deeds . . god in justice gives men over to work wickednesse with greedinesse . chap. ii. what original corruption is . these names are given to orignall sin in scripture . it is called sin , rom. . . the sinning sin , rom. . . sin that dwelleth in us , rom. . . sin that doth easily beset us , heb. . . the body of sin , rom. . . a law in the members , and the body of death , rom. . . it is also called flesh , joh. . . rom. . . the old man , rom. . . ephes. . . col. . . the law of sin , rom. . . the wisdom of the flesh , rom. . , . the law of sin and of death , rom. . . the plague in ones own heart , king. . . the root of bitternesse , heb. . it is called by the fathers , original sin . it is not a meer want of original righteousnesse , carentia justitiae originalis debitae in●ss● . the papists make adam fallen to be the man in the gospel that was wounded as he was going to iericho , by theeves , and lay half dead . the scope of that parable is to teach who is to be accounted our neighbour . our nature is not only void of gods image , romans . . but fertill of all evil , genesis . psalm . & . acts . . ephesians . . it is hard to determine what kinde of positiveness can be in sinne . there are two kindes of privations , . simple , which doth meerly deprive , as darkness doth light . . compound , which besides the meer privation includes the contrary form , privatio male disponens ; as sickness , besides the meer privation of health , includes the humours abounding . health is affectus corporis ad actum benè agendum , disease is the contrary . we call it positive , because the scripture describes it by habitual deprivation , ier. . . when we say such an one is a drunkard , it is not only a meer privation of sobriety , but a readiness to that sin , because of the inhesion of it , and to denote the efficacy of it . original sin is an affection ad actum malè agendum . it is both a privation of the habit of original righteousnesse , and also an evil disposition and proneness to all manner of sinne infecting all the parts and faculties of the soul. b. down . of justificat . l. . c. . vide hoornbeeck . anti socin . l. . c. . sect. . it is . an internal uncleanness , titus . . it is called concupiscence , which is the act of the will. . an abiding uncleanness , it never ceaseth so long as a man liveth , to provoke him to sin , rom. . . actual sins are but transient acts , an affront to gods commands : original sin is a rooted contrariety to his nature . . an abounding uncleanness , psal. . rom. . it defiles all men and all of men . in the first covenant adam was made a root of all mankinde , therefore all sinned and died in him , being all in his loins , heb. . . hence all that descend from him are children of wrath , ephes. . . sin came upon all by adam two waies : . by imputation ; the lord in justice imputing the guilt of the first sin to all his posterity , rom. . , , . cor. . . see , . verses . . by propagation , the lump and root of all mankinde being corrupted , so are the branches , gen. . . iob . . rom , . . they are dead in sins , matth. . . luke . . ephes. . . tim. . . under the power of sin naturally , under the guilt of sin legally , rom. . , . therefore regeneration is called a creation and resurrection , rom. . . iohn . . ephes. . , . . all the faculties of the soul are dead , the minde blind , zach. . ult . cor. . . ephes. . . and vain in its apprehensions , resolutions , thoughts , ier. . . . reasonings , the will most desperately shut against christ and duty , matth. . . & . . luke . . iohn . . violently evil , isa. . . the memory retains toys and lets go solid things . the affections are not carried to their right objects ; we love sin , are angry with those that reprove us , or not in a right measure , we over-love , over-joy , col. . . they are contrary one to another , and inconstant : the conscience is not active in accusing or excusing , titus . . tim. . . & . . ephes. . . . they are dead in respect of spiritual duties , thes. . . heb. . the sabbath is a burden . . in their profession , rev. . . iude . . in their whole conversation . . an active powerfull uncleanness , rom. . . it is peccatum actuosum , though not actuale , it acts continually , gen. . . sinfull acts and habits both flow from the pravity of our nature . . a diffusive or infectious uncleanness like a leprosie or plague , psal. . . it makes all bad that we meddle with ; to the defiled all things are defiled . it may well be called the sinning sin , not only because it is the punishment of sin and the cause of sin , but because it self is sin , as austin . next unto the sin against the holy ghost and contempt of the gospel , original sin is the greatest sin . mr shepheard . all the sins of our lives are but original sin exercised and multiplied . the will of man is more wilfull then the understanding blinde . see mr fenners epist. ded. to his hidden manna or mystery of saving grace . the seat or subject of this sin is the whole man : some say only the passions , that we have ●ound reason and and free will , every faculty of the soul and member of the body is corrupted , but principally the soul , eph. . , , , . rom. . , . thes. . . and in it the understanding , will and affections , ephes. . . the will is primarium peccati subjectum , rom. . . the manichees and illyricus a lutheran , make original corruption to be the essence and substance of a man ; those places of scripture where it is called the old man , a body of death , and the flesh , give no warrant for it , but the scripture useth them . to shew how near it is to us , and inseparable , even as our hands and feet , and that we have it from our birth . . to teach us that in all repentance , and so in the graces of sanctification , the greatest matter lieth within . the pelagians out of hatred to this opinion ran too farre into another extream , holding that as man was born sine virtute , so also sine vitio ; and they say that original sin is derived , not by propagation but imitation and example . we are by nature ( not imitation ) the children of wrath . pagans and heathens never heard of adam , and many sins are commitred that adam never did , and they imitate not him , the first drunkard and adulterer had no example . the ancient fathers against the pelagians , and the orthodox against the arminians hold , that original sin is propagated from adam to all his posterity : . god chargeth this on all the sons of men , ezek. . beg . isa. . . compared with . therefore it comes to them by natural inclination . . the saints who have studied their own spirits , have confest this to be in them , psal. . . rom. . . . adam in his fallen condition must communicate such a nature as he had , viz. defiled , iob . . adam infected nature , and after nature infected the person . the continual actings of the depravedness of our nature in our conversation , psal. . . and the misery that lay on all men by nature , even infants , prove this , rom. . . and the necessity of regeneration , iohn . . the faculties of the soul only ( not the substance thereof ) are corrupted , otherwise the soul could not be immortall , neither could christ take our nature upon him . the substance of man abstractedly considered is gods creature since the fall and therefore good , tim. . . regeneration restores not the substance of man but the qualities . dr. ames saith that grevinchovius denied original sin , and dr. twisse a proves by this argument that the arminians deny it . as many as teach that all the posterity of adam have as much power to every thing that is good as adam in innocency , they deny original sin ; but the arminians teach that all the posterity of adam have as much power to every thing that is good as adam had in the state of innocency , for they hold that all adams posterity have such power to every good work , that they want no other help but the perswasion and the concourse of god , which adam himself needed to every good work . the semipelagians also , the socinians and anabaptists deny this original venome or blot to be a sin ; the anabaptists that they might wholly take away pedobaptisme denied original sin , that there might not be a cause why infants should be baptized . the denying of this fundamentall article of original sin is dangerous , what need then of the gospel , what need of christ himself ; if our nature be not guilty , depraved , corrupted ? these are not things in quibus possimus dissentire salva pace ac charitate . aug. about which we may dissent without losse of peace or charity . the papists say . original corruption hath not rationem peccati , but is only a privation of original righteousness . the councel of trent b decreeth it not to have the nature of sin . bellarmine saith it is a simple thing to be humbled for original sin . pighus saith it is no sin at all . andraedeus , it s the least of sin . . that the concupiscence and lust which riseth from the corruption of our nature , the motions unto evil that we feel in our selves , are no sins ( but are called so abusively or metonymically , because they are from and incline to sin ) till we consent unto them and obey them , till they reign in us . see the rhemists in their annotat. rom. . . and iames . . bellarm , de statu peccati , c. . . when our divines urge that concupiscence is called sin several times in the sixth , seventh and eighth chapters to the romans , bellarmine saith the apostle doth not say it is peccatum propriè , de statu peccati , c. . . that original sin after baptism is done away . si quis asserit non tolli in baptis●●ate totum id quod veram & propriam rationem peccati habet , anathema sit . decret . . sectionis concil . trid. . that the virgin mary was not conceived in sin . piè ac rectè existimatur b. virginem mariam singulari deo privilegio ab omni omnino peccato fuisse immunem . bellarm. de amiss grat . & statu pecc . l. . c. . the spirit of god in the holy scripture expressely calleth the corruption of our nature sin , as psal. . . and in the sixth , seventh and eight chapters of the romans fourteen times at the least , heb. . . . the scripture saith expressely , our original corruption is the cause of all our actual sins , iames . . peter . . . infants that are baptized , which have no other sin but original , and who never consented to it nor obeyed it in the lusts thereof , do dye , rom. . . therefore it must needs be sin , and may be truly and properly so called ; for sin is the only cause of death , rom. . . whatever holdeth not conformity with the rule of righteousnesse the law of god , is sin , it hath the nature of sin in its irregularity and defect of good , and the effects of sin . . the scripture expressely teacheth us , that this concupiscence even in the regenerate , these evil motions that rise in us , though we consent not unto them , though we resist them , are yet a swerving from the law of god and a breach of it , luke . . nay in the regenerate this corruption of our nature doth not only swerve from the law of god , but opposeth and resisteth the spirit of god , rom. . . gal. . . therefore it must needs be sin . this argument convinced pauls conscience , rom. . . he means those motions unto evil which the heart doth not delight in nor consent unto . when the apostle saith , rom. . let not sin reign in your mortall bodies . by sin ( saith their cardinal bellarmine ) all men understand concupiscence : and ribera on heb. . . saith , that by sin the apostle understandeth concupiscence , calling it so with an article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is the sin , a note of singularity . cajetan in rom. . calleth it formally a sin . vide cassand . consult . art . . tit. de concupisc . p. . the proper definition of sin being this , a transgression of gods law , therefore concupiscence is sin , see exod. . . object . cant . . iohn . . ezek. . . ephes. . therefore the regenerate have no sin left in them . answer , the church in this present world is said to be all fair , as it wholly shines ▪ with its spouses beauty which it puts on . concupiscence in respect of its own nature is a sin ; but in respect of the person ( who is a party regenerate in whom the guilt is pardoned ) it is as no sin . when the fathers say that lust is taken away in the regenerate , they understand according to the guilt , not the thing . . original sin after baptism is not done away , children are perverse ; death cannot seize where there is no sin : how comes it to passe that infants baptized die before they come to actual offending , if baptism have abolished in them their original stain ? . the virgin mary was not conceived without original sin ; in her song she rejoyceth in god her saviour , luke . . & . . christ came to save that which was lost , matth. . . see iob . & cor. . . rom. . , . & . . gal. . . all the ancient fathers , as far as we can learn out of their writings , believed that the blessed virgin mary was conceived in original sin . vide rivet . de patrum autoritate , c. . daille of the right use of the fathers , l. . c. . the dominicans generally hold that she was conceived in sin . all are infected with adams sin : . the heathens , pagans , infidels , rom. . , , , , , to the last . . the jews , rom. . latter end . . christians , rom. . from . to . . infants , rom. . , . they are innocent in respect of actual transgression , not in respect of original pollution , are born blinde , lame . . children of beleeving parents . all men are equally guilty of original sin . . in reference to adam , rom. . , . . they are equally deprived of gods image , rom. . , . reprobate to every good work . . are equally depraved and corrupted , rom. . , , . reasons , . all men are equally in adam , one was not more in his loyns then another , rom. . , . . all men equally partake of the humane nature , are men as much as other men , isa. ● . . acts . . . totall privations are equal , all men are spiritually dead . though the seed of all evil be in every mans heart by nature , yet even among natural men , some are better or rather less wicked then others , as one weed is less noxious then another . this corruption shews it self less , because of restraining grace : . in moral and civil men , whose lives are void of gross offences ; as amongst the gentiles , cato , aristid●s the just : among christians , paul unconverted , and the young man who said he had kept all the commandments of god from his youth up . . in such who reverence god and his ministry , as herod was better then ahab who hated micaiah . . in such as are loving and abhorre all malice and quarelling , then the malicious who are like the devil , matth. . to whom it is a torment not to vex and torture men . . such as are of a true and plain heart . . such as preferre the publick good before their private . yet such ( though comparatively good ) are not good in a saving way : . because their heart is not renewed all this while . . they are not for the powerfull exercise of all duties . . they have not a zeal to reclaim others . . they understand not the injoying of god in all his ordinances . yet . their condemnation will be lesse . . god bestows more blessings on them . . they have more peace . chap. iii. of the propagation of original sin , and conclusions from it . how original sin is propagated . nihil est peccato originali ( saith austin ) ad praedicandum notius , nihil ad intelligendum secretius ; that is , nothing is more known then that original sin is traduced , and nothing more obscure then how it is traduced . it is propagated from the soul as well as the body , gen. . . iohn . . ezek. . . a spiritual substance cannot take taint from a corporal . this conceit led some learned fathers into that errour , that the soul comes from the seed , they conceived not the conveyance of original sin but so . the scruple a long time stumbled s. austen too , he knew not how else to answer the pelagians . d. clerk on eccl. . . when we say the soul by conjunction with the body is desiled with sin , we mean not that the body works upon the soul and so infects it , as pitch doth desile with the very touch : but that at the same instant at which god gives the spirit , puts it in the body , adams disobedience is then imputed to the whole person , and so by consequent corruption of nature and inclination unto evil , the pain of sin by gods just appointment follows . god is a creator of the soul in respect of the substance , so it is pure ; but he is also a judge , and so he creates the soul not simply as a soul , but as the soul of one of the sons of adam , in which respect he forsakes it touching his image which was lost in adam , and so it is deprived of original justice , whence followeth original sin . corollaries from original sin . we must make it part of our businesse daily to consider of this natural corruption ( that we may be daily humbled in the sense of it ) and to beseech god to help us against it , to keep it down , yea to bestow his grace upon us to mortifie the deeds of our flesh . we have three great enemies , the world , that by profit , pleasure enticeth us . . the devil , he makes use of the things of this world to draw us to sin ; he can but solicit us to sin , cannot compell the will. . our own slesh and corrupt nature is our a worst enemy , it is an inward and constant enemy , iames . . we must therefore every day give a hack at the old man , prov. . . ier. . . use the ordinances to this purpose . . prayer , pray in faith , out of a sense of our own misery , and a confidence that god is able and willing to help us . . the word , that is the scepter by which christ rules , the sword of the spirit , iohn . . there is a purging vertue in the promises , cor. . . . the sacraments : . baptism , it is not only for what is past , rom. . . we must make constant use of that to crucifie sin . . the lords supper , there christs death for our sins is lively represented , and it is a strengthening ordinance . . look to the outward seuses , iob made a covenant with his eyes . david saith , turn away mine eyes from beholding vanity . . keep the heart with all diligence , prov. . . ier. . . mat. . . those that are regenerate should often think of their estate by nature , what they were before conversion , cor. . . ephes. . . titus . . paul much presseth christians in all his epistles , to look backward , what they were by nature , and he himself often tels us what a great sinner he was before his conversion . reasons , . to prevent spiritual pride , what hast thou which thou hast not received . god hath therefore left the remainders of spiritual death in us , to keep down pride ; it 's one great branch of the covenant of grace , they shall remember their evil waies , and lo●th themselves for their abominations . . to exalt the doctrine of gods free-grace , the godly know by experience the corruption of nature , and therefore reject that conceit of free-will . . that you may admire the love of christ , cor. . . we need preventing as well as subsequent grace . . that we may not be altogether without hope for our friends that are dead in sin , since god hath quickened us who were so . secondly , be thankfull to god if he have bridled it in some good measure in our selves and ours : paul is often on this ; and pity those that are in the state of nature . thirdly , if we have run into any loathsome crimes we should repent of them , and turn to god that we perish not in them . fourthly , there is no reason for any one to boast of his natural birth , though never so high , unlesse he partake of the new birth b , ephes. . . we all enter into the world equally naked , vile , helplesse ; our continuance in the world is equally uncertain , and when we dye we shall carry nothing out of the world , tim. . . see eccles. . . & . . isa. . . fifthly , it informs us of the great condescension of christ that he would assume our nature and purge it ; and of the difficulty and excellency of the work of regeneration , the plaister of sanctification is as large as the sore of original sin , it daily eats up the proud slesh . from the apostles time to austens for three hundred years and more ( saith moulin enodat . gravis . quaest. de peccato originali ) ecclesiasticall writers wrote not so accurately of original sin , and therefore seem sometimes more prone to pelagianism , which austen l. . in iulianum c. . excuseth , because ( saith he ) tali quaestione nullus pulsabatur , & pelagianis nondum litigantibus securius loquebantur . austen himself ( saith moulin ) at the first spake inconsideratly of this point , but after his con●lict with the pelagians he accurately handled this question like a stout champion for the truth , whom prosper and fulgentius followed . chap. iv. of actual sin. this distinction of sin into original and actual is according to scripture , deut. . . matth. . , . & . , . luke . . it is a hard thing for any to tell exactly what sin is , iohn . . sin is the transgression of the law . the greek word is a privative word , an anomy , irregularity , illegality . the greek and hebrew word for sin signifies a missing the mark , peccare est quasi transilire lineam , actus indebitus contra debitum finem . ambrose saith it is a prevarication of the divine law . austen a saith it is dictum , factum , or concupitum contra aeternam legem , a saying deed or thought against the eternal law . it may be defined thus , ▪ it is a defect , declination or aberration from the law or will of god , obliging to eternal death . or thus , it is a transgression of the law of god , by omitting some duty which it requireth , or doing of some act which it forbiddeth , rom. . . chemnitius hath gathered eight names of sin out of the old testament , and eight out of the new : gerhard hath added eight more , twenty four in all . see exo. . . psa. . . it is called a turning away from god , a defection , rebellion , abomination , filthinesse and lewdnesse , ezek. . . stubbornnesse , deut. . . perversenesse , isa. . . provocation , the metaphoricall names are innumerable . the divers distinctions of sin . many have written great volumes about the divisions of sin , who can set : out the severall kindes of it ? they may be taken from the persons which commit it , or the object against whom they are committed , god immediatly , as those of the first table , irreligion , unbelief , our neighbour , injustice , oppression ; and our selves , as gluttony , intemperance ; from the subject wherein they are , the outward and inward man , cor. . . inward of the minde , will , and affections only , eph. . . tit. . . heb. . . psal. . . or outward committed by the members of the body also , rom. . . eph. . . gal. . . isa. . . psa. . , . and . , . from the canses that produce it ignorance or knowledge , iam. . ult . sins . of ignorance , when a man doth evil not knowing or marking it to be evil by reason of his ignorance of the law , or of the fact done , lev. . . luke . . tim. . . psal. . . . of knowledge , when a mans sins , knowing that which he doth to be evill , rom. . , . from the acts of sin , of omission when a good prescribed is left undone in respect of substance , manner or measure : of commission , when a thing forbidden is committed , eze. . . and both these are either against the law , rom. . . or gospel , heb. . , . thes. . , . from the manner of committing them out of infirmity or obstinacy , secret or open sins , tim. . . a sin of negligence or infirmity , when a man is overtaken or prevented with some sin before such time as he doth seriously consider of the fact , gal , . . heb. . , . of obstinacy or purpose , when a man upon deliberate counsell and purpose of heart doth do that which he knows is offensive in the sight of god. this division is in expresse words laid down , numb . . . psa. . , . pet. . a presumptuous sinne is . against light . . it is done with deliberation usually . . they bear themselves upon the mercy and free grace of god. some say , there are two things in sin , the blot or blemish , whereby the soul is stained . . the guilt of it , whereby we become actually obnoxious to the curses of the law. others say , there are four things in sin , . culpa the fault , , macula the stain . . reatus the guilt , . dominium the reign of sin . the fault is so essentially inseparable to a sin , that it can never be taken away but covered , the other three are taken away by christ , rom. . . titus , . heb. . . answerable to these three powers of sinne are christs three offices , . his kingdome takes away the reign of sinne , his priesthood the guilt of sin , and his prophetical office the stain of it , psa. . . secondly , the stain of sin . the defilemen● , blot , and blacknesse of sin is the absence and privation of that morall rectitude , the want of that whitenesse and righteousnesse which the holy law of the lord requireth to be in the actions , inclinations , and powers of the soul of a reasonable * creature . the soul is deprived of that native beauty it had in the sight of god. sin is compared to a menstruous cloth , a plague-sore , vomit , mire , called an excrement , iam. . . it defiles the soul and the very land , hos. . . the sanctuary of god , ezek. . . the sabbaths of god , exo. . . the name of god , exo. . . god himself in the eyes of the people , ezek. . . facinus quos inquinat , aequat . it is compared to the leaven which hath three properties say the fathers , ser●it , infla● , inficit ; to a leprosie which was loathsome , secret , lurking in the bloud , lev. . . spreads , infects , see and chapters of lev. . the guilt . some what which issueth from the blot and blacknesse of sinne according to which the person is liable and obnoxious to eter●all punishment . there is a twofold guilt , sinfull and paenall , reatus culpae & poenae , the guilt of sin as sin , this is all one with sin , being the very essence , soul , and formall being of sin , and is removed in sanctification . . reatus poenae , reatus formalis seu actualis , the actuall guilt or obligation of the person who ●ath sinned , to punishment , this is fully removed in justification . there is a double guilt of sin . . ●●reditary , this comes on all by adam . . personall , by the actings of sin . this is likewise twofold , . intrinsecal , the merit of sin , this is inseparable from it , it deserves eternal wrath . . extrinsecall , a guilt which god hath added to it , a power which it hath to binde over the sinner to the just vengeance of god , untill he hath made him an amends . there is a four-fold guilt of sinne , . reatus culpae , which is an inseparable consequence of the offence , there is as necessary a connexion between the sin and guilt , as between the precept and the curse in the law. . reatus poenae an obligation and ordination to punishment , this may be separated from the sinne : the damned in hell blaspheme god , but are not punished for it : cor. . , . reatus personae , a guilt that comes upon the person , this is taken off by christ the surety , rom. . . . reatus conscientiae , jer. . . the whole man is the subject of the pollution of sinne , conscience of the guilt , heb. . . and . . the properties of this guilt . . it is in its own nature incurable by all the power of the creature , he that breaks the precept of the law , can never break through the curse of it , rom. . . iude . . it is universall , morbus epidemicus , rom. . . john . . . hereditary , conveighed from parents to children , rom. . , . by one man and one offence . . lothsome and stinking , psa. . . . very troublesome , a small sin in the conscience is like a mote in the eye . . of an infectious and spreding nature , rom. . ult . ep . iohn . christ was that true scape-goat , lev. , . who expiated the sins of all the elect laid upon him , and carried them far from the sight of god , that they never appear , that is explained by the prophet , isa. . isa. . and is confirmed by the apostle , cor. . . if christ had not taken our guilt upon himself , ( saith sanford de descensu christi ad inferos , lib. . ) we had been guilty to this day . there are things ( saith he ) in sin , the name , the fault , the guilt which may be imputed : the fault , that is , the fact it self cannot be imputed but to us sinners , so either the guilt ( saith he ) is imputed to christ , or only the empty name of our sin . fourthly , the dominion of sinne . there is . a virtuall dominion in sin , so originall sin reigns . . actuall , every mans darling and bosome sin . . the darling sin keeps christ out of the soul. . all other lusts are serviceable to it . these things make a reigning sin . . soveraignty in the sinne . . absolute and uncontrolled subjection in the sinner . soveraignty is a throne of sin set up in the heart , three things concur to this . . a conquest , yet that alone makes it not a raigning but a prevailing sin . . possession , a standing power in the heart . . the exercising of that power . secondly , on the sinners side there must be a willingnesse , rom. . his servants ye are whom ye obey , often in that chapter of the romans , iude . there is a going on notwithstanding warning in the way , an obstinacy in sin . . they ran greedily or powred out themselves , there is a free giving of the will to it . sins of ignorance and omission may be raigning sins , hos. . . thes. . . not so much the greatnesse of the sin as the manner of committing it makes it a raigning sin . secret sins may be raigning sins . in the eastern countries the king was seldome seen abroad , hos. . . an oven the more it is stopt the hotter it is , ignorance of the act makes it not a raigning sin , but of the right doth , if one be bound to know it . sins of thought may be raigning sins , therein the heart is the throne , isa. . . pray that the thoughts of thy heart may be forgiven thee . little sins , such as the world cals little may be committed with a high hand . every man hath some peccatum in delicijs , as the fathers call it , some bosome or darling sin , as modern divines term it , matth. . . tim. . . a man is proner to some sins then others , in regard of his temper of body , manner of life , education , age , place of living , state , calling , and the like ; one mans bodily temper inclineth him to anger , anothers to lust , a third to carnall sorrow , a fourth to fear , a fifth to carking and worldly cares . as envy in saul , covetonsnesse in iudas , ambition in absalom , uncleannesse in herod . this is called in scripture a mans right eye , his own inquity , the stumbling block of his iniquity . how to know a mans darling sin . . nothing is so pleasing to the soul , nor so much ingros●eth his thoughts as it , ma●k what thy soul is most prone to take pleasure in , iob . . and what thou most thinkest of , mat. . . iob . . hos. . . what the spirit of god in thy most secret soul-searchings discovers to thee , or thy private friends most tell thee of the guilt of it , doth most affright thy conscience when it is awakened . . what it is thy heart is most careful to hide , iob . . men have several distinctions and excuses for it . . it is the same which most interposeth in holy duties , ezek. . . how to know when ones darling sin is mortified . quod non placet non nocet , rom. . . what displeaseth us shall never hurt us . sin reigneth not , . if we have purpose against it . . if we have grief for it . . if we seek for strength against it . bains spirit , armour . a diligent and constant care to resist a mans own corruption is a sure proof of uprightnesse , and such a one shall enjoy the comfort of his sincerity in due time . this is satans great bait , and by this sin thou dost most dishonour god and wound conscience , because this sin sets up another god against god. chap. v. of the evill of sinne. . in regard of god it strikes not only at his soveraignty , psa. . . but his being , psa. . . it is contrary to the whole nature of god , lev. . . col. . . if we look on the soveraignty of god , sin is rebellion ; if on his justice , sin is iniquity ; if on his goodnesse sin is unkindenesse ; but it especially wrongeth the holinesse of god in respect of its defilement . zech. . . amos . . hab. . . psa. . , . if we consider gods holinesse as a rule , sin is a transgression , if as an excellency , sinne is a deformity . it is a separation or aversion of the soul from him in these respects . . it is a taking off the soul from the love of god as the greatest good , and the fear of god and delight in him , ●elying on him , committing our selves to him , ler. . , . iam. . . . a separation from the law of god as our rule , therefore it is a going besides , a being without the law. iohn . . mat. . . in the law there is . . a rectitude , i have esteemed thy commandements in every thing to be right , sin is a croookednesse , psal. . . . a wisedom , wisedom is justified of her children , there is a folly in sin , the wicked man is called a fool often in the proverbs , jer. . . . there is a purity and holinesse in the law , thy commandements are very pure , therefore thy servant loveth them , rom. . . sin is filthinesse it self . . there is a harmony in the law , sin is a disharmony . . there is a liberty in the law , iam. . . sin is a bondage , tim. . . . the keeping of the law brings a reward , but sin , shame and death , rom. . , . . it takes away the soul from the dominion of god , we will not have this man to rule over us , therefore it is often called rebellion . . defaceth the image of god , it doth this not only meritoriè but physi●● , not only provokes god to take away his image , but in the nature of it blots it out , gal. . . as one contrary expels another . . it severs us from communion and fellowship with god , ier. . . psa. . . iob . ▪ it makes much for the eternall separation . . it severs us from the conformity and likenesse we had with god in our first creation , it 's a disconformity of our judgements to the judgement of god , and a disagreement of our wils from the will of god. . it alienates the soul from god , and turns it against him as an enemy , col. . . men are stiled therefore haters of god , rom. . . evil only should be the object of thy hatred , there is no evil in god , fighters against god , act. . . there is an infinitenesse in sin objectivè though not subjectivè , it is committed against an infinite god , though it be in a finite creature . secondly , in respect of all creatures , all the antipathics betwixt the creatures came in by mans sin , gen. . . man had an admirable dominion over them before the fall , they took delight to obey him , now they will not be subject to him . they are all fading , deceiving , and desiling , eccl. . . tit. . . thirdly , the reasonable creatures , it hath defiled the angels iob . , . the devil is called the evill one. it poisoned all mankinde at one draught , rom. . , . who can reckon up the particular evils that befall him by reason of sin . the evil of sin goes through the whole man. it is expoliatio gratuitorum say the schools , a stripping of the soul of all those supernatural excellencies that god gave unto man in his creation . . vulneratio naturalium , the wounding of the soul in things morall and natural , naturae vires non sunt ablatae sed diminutae . a mans soul is carried after truth and good , accompanied with difficulty or delight . as the soul is carried after truth , it is called the minde , as after good the will , as after good that is difficult there is facultas irascibilis , heat in the affections , as the good is accompanied with delight there is facultas concupiscibilis . the minde is now carried after errour , and there is an unrighteous frame of spirit , one can resist no temptation , there are inordinate affections . it brings many calamities on the outward man , many diseases , some are born blinde , others dumb , some reckon up three hundred diseases of the eye ; every age discovers as new corruptions in the souls of men , so new diseases in their bodies : these are not from the condition of our nature , as the pelagians say , but the demerit of our sins , naturall evils , hunger , thirst , nakednesse , shortnesse of life , there is a certainty of dying , yet an unwillingnesse to die . austin saith , after his friend was taken away , he was continually afflicted , taedio vivendi & metu moriendi . adde to this the losse of heaven , glory , and the torments of hell , that god ( who is love it self ) should judge his creature to eternall torments , sin meritoriously caused hell and maintains it . fourthly , it appears from the names of it , it is called evil in the abstract , psa. . . and psa. . . it is evil , the worst evil , all evil , either formaliter , efficienter , or meritoriè . there is more evil in our sin then good in all the creatures in heaven and earth , matth. . . one sin will undo the s●ul which all creatures cannot ransome , because they cannot make god satisfaction in point of good or honour , sin is both damnum and injuria , a soul is lost and a wrong offered to god. fifthly , from the nature of it . that which is only and perfectly contrary to the greatest good ( god ) must be the greatest evil , and that which is contrary to all good , hath all evil in it . . it is contrary to god the greatest good , col. . we are said to be enemies to god , and rom. . . haters of god. it is contrary , . to his glory , both essential , that which is in himself , and shines forth in christ , heb. . and manifestative , that glory which he hath manifested in all the works of creation and redemption , prov. . . . it denies the glory due to god , rom. . . tit. . . . despiseth his glory , psa. . . ezek. . . . reproacheth god and all his excellencies , his justice , rom. . . turns his mercy and grace into wantonnesse , abuseth his patience , all his dispensations . . misemploy●th his glory , gives it to ones self , to men , the very devil , he casts out devils by beelzebub . . it wrongs god in his nature and being , psal. . every sinner wisheth there were no god , he hates god for himself , so the devil and damned . . it is contrary to the rule of goodnesse , the law , it is a transgression of it , it looks upon it as a vain thing , prov. . . as a needlesse thing , heb. . . thes. . . as a burden or yoke , psa. . . isa. . , . as a hatefull thing , lev. . . as an unreasonable thing , psa. . . sixthly , it hath been alwaies counted the greatest evil by those that are able to judge . . by god he hates nothing but sin , he loves himself , his son , his people , all his creatures : but his hatred is set on sinne only , therefore he counts nothing evil but sinne . . christ was content to undergoe all other evils . . the saints counted nothing evil in comparison of sin , heb. . . the martyrs chose rather to lay down their lives , then to admit of any thing against their consciences . mallem , ego mundus à peccato gehennam intrare quam peccatorum sordibus pollutus regnum coelorum tenere , saith anselme . one should rather venture the salvation of all mankinde , then commit one sin to save them . seventhly , there is more evil in sinne then in all sufferings whatsoever , they are but the issues of sin : moses chose rather affliction , then to enioy the pleasures of sin for a season . for suffering , . we have gods warrant , are called to it , pet. . . . his command to take up our crosse. . christs example , he hath left us a copy to write after . . the end of sufferings is glory , of sin shame . . by suffering we lose some outward good , by sin the soul. . god hath promised to be with us in suffering , never in sinning . sin made hell , rom. . , ● . and is worse then hell. . god is the authour of all punishment and of hell it self : tophet is prepared , but he is not the authour of sin , iam. . . . some say christ underwent the torments of hell in the essentiall parts of them , the wrath of god immediatly upon his soul , but would not admit of the least sinne , psa. . ult . . in hell there is some good , the vindicative justice of god is glorified , there is no good in sin . . hell is contra bonum creatum against a created good , sin contra bonum increatum , against an uncreated good , the glory of god. eighthly , every sin is after a sort the greatest evill as god is the greatest good . after a sort ( i say ) non datur summum malum , quod sit causa omnis mali ; say the schools . for it would then follow , that there are two first principles of things good and evil , which was the heresie of the manichees . . god is per se bonus , so sinne is per se malum , evil in it self , and good in no respect . . as god is to be loved for himself because he is the chiefest good , so sin is to he hated for it self , one should hate sinne as sinne , and then he will hate every sin , à quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . . god is the great reward of himself , and sin the great punishment of it self , hos. . . austin speaks of a poenalis vitiositas . ninthly , every one sin doth virtually contain in it all sins , an idle word the sinne against the holy ghost , rom. ▪ . the sin of adam is called one mans offence . see heb. . . chap. vi. of the degrees of sinne. it was an errour of the a stoicks which tully refuted , and of the jovinians which ierome refuted , that all sins were equall . though all sins be mortall yet they are not equall . they are distinguished in name and really , there are severall punishments , one sin may be heavier and greater then another in divers respects . in respect of the object , sam. . . zech. . . psal. . . prov. . . exod. . . act. . . idolatry is a greater sin then theft , the cause lev. . . and . . the law , quality , prov. . , . the matter , the soul sinning , mat. . . and . . luke . . iohn . . the sin of a professour or publike person ; the time , sam. . . iohn . . the place , effects , end , and manner of sinning , as when one knows it to be a sin and commits it , when sins are lived in , one committed in the neck of another , or the same sin is often committed . there are fautores , actores , and authores . sins against the first table caeteris paribus are greater then sins against the second . a sin against god in that respect is greater then a sin against man. . from the object who is so infinitely excellent . . the graces which have reference to god , are farre more then the duties to our neighbour . . there is a lesse motive to offend god then our neighbour . . it doth therefore become a sin , because god is disobeyed whose law is to love our brother . . by proportion , if a sin against our neighbour be lesse which is against his goods then his life , because it is a greater good , then much more concerning god : life is a greater good then riches , god is to be more esteemed then life or goods are . . that which is against a higher end , is a more hainous sin ; there are sensuall and spirituall lusts , eph. . . cor. . . sins of the soul are greater then the sins of the body in that respect , though otherwise there are greater aggravations , therefore the heart is called the good or bad treasure , because it gives all the sinfulnesse to the action . inward sins are greater then outward sins , mat. . . psa. . . . they are the causes of outward sins , mat. . , . and . . iohn . . . they are the corruption of the chief part of a man , the understanding , judgement , thoughts , mat. . . hence the apostle praies for sanctification in the spirit , eph. . . . they are against the chiefest part of gods law in regard of the obligation of it , rom. . it is spirituall , his law looks to the spirit and soul of a man. . from the contrary , inward obedience is farre more acceptable , that is a great complaint by the prophets , this people draw nigh with their lips , but their heart is far from me . . the sins of the spirit do most imitate and resemble the devil , he cannot be a drunkard , an adulterer , because he is a spirituall substance , therefore his sinnes are pride , malice , and envy , rom. . . the devils are called spirituall wickednesses , eph. . all sin is from satan per modum servitutis , spirituall sins per modum imaginis . . where there is the greatest delight and union , there is the greter sinfulnesse , they rejoyced to do evill , amos . sins of the heart are worse then of the life . . they are more abundantly in the heart then in the life , out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks . . they are continually in the heart . rom. . sin that dwels in me . evil thoughts are . a transgression of the law as well as outward acts , the law saith , thou shalt not lust , deut. . . some sins are perfected in the thought , as envy and malice , though they come not into act , the devils wrath , malice , envy , make him an unclean spirit . . we are called to repent of thoughts , and ask pardon of them , act. . . see i●● . . . the heart is the seat of the thoughts , god cals for the heart . . consider the multitude of our vain thoughts . . they are as incompatible with grace and sanctification as outward grosse sinnes are , for that is a holy nature , and regeneration is chiefly in the understanding and will. . they do more strongly oppose the spirit of god which works upon the soul first and the intellectuall parts . . the cure of these is harder , partly because they are more rooted , and partly because they are more unperceivable , and also because there are not those bridles to curb them which might be in outward sins : there disgrace hinders , and the laws of men : there are peccata carnalia & majoris infamiae , & spiritualia & majoris culpa ▪ gerson . yet outward sins in some respects are above these . . because they are more scandalous and offensive . . outward acts strengthen inward corruptions more . . they sometimes argue a more senselesse and cauterized conscience . . there are greater means and motives against these , a mans natural conscience tels him that these outward acts are sins . sins of omission are great sins , there are great threatnings against them , ier. . . they fit the heart for doing evill , psal. . . the not doing of good is the doing of evill . they are the great sins of our lives , and go beyond sinnes of commission in these particulars . . the greatnesse of the evil of sin is to be measured by the greatnesse of the law , that is the greatest law in which the minde of the law-giver is most . in every commandement there is a precept and prohibition , the precept commands duty , the prohibition forbids sin , omissions are against the precept the main thing , the curse is but the accidentall part . he breaks the first commandement , hath not jehovah for his god , who doth not love , fear , trust in him ; as well as he that sets up an idol to worship him . . the first and main evil of sin was in the omission . sin first draws away from god before it enticeth , iam. . . ier. . . to speak exactly , there is no sin but that of omission , it is a deficiency and coming short of the rule . . the state of unregeneracy lies mainly in the sins of omission , there is much more evil in a state of sin then in the act of it , eph. . . the reign of sinne is more seen in omission then commission , there is a higher act of soveraignty in the negative voice , then in any positive law. . the ground of every sin of commission is a sin of omission , turning away the soul from god , psa. . , . iob . . iam. . . negligentiam in orando semper aliqua notabilis transgressio sequitur , iohn . , . rom. . . compared with . thes. . . . the greatnesse of sin is measured by the mischief it doth the sinner , sins against the gospel are greater then those against the law , sins of commission make the wound , sins of omission keep you from the plaister , iohn . ult . . these are the sins which christ will mainly enquire after , mat. . , . we should loathe sins of omission which in the world are little made of , sam. . . wo unto me if i preach not the gospel , saith paul. peter and iohn say , we cannot but speak the things which we have heard . these omissions directly oppose the will , law , and honour of god , as well as the committing of foul faults . . they will damn us as well as commissions . . they will make way for grosse evil deeds . there are three sorts of omissions , . totall , non-performances , not praying , reading , hearing , meditating ; psal. , ● . . seldome performances , intermission or performing of duties unevenly , thes. . . col. . . . sleighty performances , when we keep a tract of duty , but do it customarily , pray not fervently and spiritually , rom. . . sins against the gospel are greater then sins against the law. . the more laws are transgrest the greater the sin . there are three sorts of laws . . the law of nature , which teacheth to do good to them that do good to us . mat. . . . the morall law , which requires subjection to whatever god commands . . the law of faith , rom. . . which requires subjection to god in his son : all these are broken by sinning against the gospel . . the more of the minde of the law-giver is in the law , the greater is the sinne , mens legis est lex : gods minde is clearly seen in the gospel , viz. the exalting of himself in his son , pro. . . . the more any one sins against light , the greater the sin , there was never such a discovery of the filthinesse of sin , nor of the justice of god upon sin , it could not be purged but by the bloud of god , acts . . see ephes. . . never such a discovery of gods grace as in the new covenant , a second covenant was never tendred to the devils . . they are sins against higher love ; god loved adam and the angels amore amicitiae , they had never offended him , he loved us amore misericordiae , rom. . . he loved adam and angels in themselves , us in christ , eph. . . . these sins make way for the sin against the holy ghost , matth. . . objectum hujus peccati non est lex sed evangelium . the sins of gods people are greater then others sins . in eadem specie peccati gravius peccat fidelis quam infidelis , grace aggravates and heightens sin . they sin . against the highest light , ps. . . . the highest love , peculiar goodnesse , electing love . of all sins to be without god , or out of covenant with god , is the greatest sin ; it is against the great command in the law , the first commandment , and the great promise in the gospel . those sins wherein a mans self is the object are the worst of all sins , self-deceit is the worst of all deceits , and self-murder is the worst of all murders . the degrees of sin in a mans own heart , or the conception , birth and perfection of sin there . first , injection or suggestion from satan , which stirs up the lusts in the heart , iohn . . secondly , the soul receives the thought , there must be partus cordis as well as seminarium hostis . bernard . iob . . thirdly . delectatio , the soul is pleas'd with such thoughts , so eve. fourthly , upon this the will consenteth , then lust is conceived . fifthly , there is a consultation in the soul how to bring this into act , rom. . . chap. vii . that all sins are mortal . the schoolmen a and their followers the jesuites b distinguish sins into venial and mortal . some sins say they are sua natura , in their own nature venial , others mortal , of which they reckon up seven . veniale quod est praeter , mortale quod est contra legem . as all sin except that against the holy ghost mark . . is venial in christ , so without him is all mortal and deadly , cartw , on mat. . . all sinne deserveth eternal death , rom. . . as appeareth by the opposition of life everlasting , which the apostle joyneth in the same verse , id. ibid. there is the merit of hell in every idle word , because the wages of sin as sin is death . every transgression of the law is worthy of death , gal. . . every sinne is a transgression of the law , iohn . . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . cap. . & . see deut. . . & . . ezekiel . . iames . . numbers ▪ , , . cor. . . bellarmine seeks to elu de these and that other place with these glosses , the soul that sinneth , that is , mortally , shall die ; the wages of sin , that is , of mortal sin , is death ; and the sting of death is sinne , that is , deadly sinne ; these are tautologies ; as if the prophet had said , the soul that sinneth a sinne unto death shall die ; and the apostie , sinne that deserveth death deserveth death ; he saith they are venial ex natura sua , such as if god please to remit the temporal punishment , they are so little that he cannot inflict eternal for them , they are venial propter parvitatem materiae , & imperfectionem actus . quodvis peccatum peccantem in rigore l●gis morte involveret , si persona absque misericordia dei in christo judicaretur . episc. daven . sins may be termed venial or mortal : . either comparatè in comparison of others ; or simpliciter simply and in themselves , and that either , . ex natura sua of their own nature . . ex gratia by favour or indulgence . . ex eventu in the issue or event ; in the two last respects all the sins of the elect are venial , but no sins ex natura sua are venial , that is , such as in their own nature deserve pardon , nullum peccatum est veniale dum placet : sicut nullum mortale si verè displicet , august . ambrosius saith , all mortal sins are made venial by repentance . object . mat. . . there are two punishments lesse then hell fire , therefore all sins are not mortal . answ. that which our saviour speaketh here of three several punishments , is spoken by allusion to the proceeding in the civil courts in iudaea , and all that can be gathered from thence is but this , that as there are differences of sins , so there shall be of punishments hereafter . . maldonate the jesuite ingeniously confesseth that by councel and judgement the eternal death of the soul is understood , yet with this difference , that a lesse degree of torment in hell is understood by the word judgement then councel , and a lesse by councel then by hell fire . object . mat. . . & . . & luke . . cor. . . some sins there are compared to very light things , as hay , stubble , a mote , a farthing . answ. . some sins in comparison of others may be said to be light , as a mote is little to a beam , a farthing to a pound , yet no sinne committed against god may be simply termed light or little , zech. . . being committed against an infinite god , and having cost an infinite price . . a mote if it be not taken out of the eye hindereth the sight , so the least sinne hindereth grace and is sufficient to damn the soul. . christ by the farthing matth. . understands the last paiment of debt , not sinne ; and the apostle light and vain doctrine by hay and stubble : purgatory is to cleanse men from their lesser sins , but precious doctrines or good works are there tried by fire . object . james . . sin when it is perfected brings forth death , therefore not every sin , not sin in every degree . answ. the apostle there sets forth the method and order how sin comes to the height ; the word he useth for sin is of the feminine gender , speaking of the conception and production of sin , he saith , sin when it is finisht brings forth death actually , the least sin merits death ; or the apostle shews when death appears to us most , not in its conception and production , but when it is finisht . object . mat. . . he saith not , we shall be condemned for every idle word , but only that we shall be called to answer for it . answ. the same phrase is used concerning all kinde of sins , yea those that are greatest and most grievous . object . there is a mortal sin , iohn . . therefore a venial sin . answ. he speaks of a mortal sinne , not by nature , or by merit , but by event , the event of which shall certainly be death , and the person out of all hope of pardon . vide bezam . of all words sin hath no diminutive , not in any tongue known to us commonly only the spaniard hath his peccadillo , a petty sin . dr clark. sinnes considered in reference to the object are all great , so peccata sunt aequalia . . the least sin that ever was committed had in it the whole nature of sin , it is tam peccatum , as truly sin as the greatest . chap. viii . of the cause of sinne. sin properly is nothing formally subsisting or existing ( for then god should be the author of it ) but it is an ataxy or absence of goodnesse and uprightnesse in the thing that subsisteth , psal. . . iohn . . iohn . . hab. . . iob . . the church of rome * slanders the protestants , and saith , that they maintain god to be the cause of sin , but we hold that the devil and mans corrupt will are the cause of it . sin in man at first came from satan , iohn . . & . . iohn . . matth. . . the cause of sinne now man is fallen , is from our selves , matth. . . god hath no hand in the acting and approving of sinne , rom. . . & . . he is of purer eyes then to behold iniquity with approbation ; he is the wise permitter , powerful disposer , and eternal avenger of it . god cannot sin , or cause others to sin : . because his will is most holy and pure , and the rule of perfection , isa. . he is holy in his nature , actions , he hath so confirmed his angels in holinesse that they cannot sin . . to sinne is to turn away from the chiefest and last end , therefore he cannot sinne . . god threatens sinners in his word , and punisheth them , therefore he allows it not . . all deservedly hate the manichees , marcionites and libertines , who would make that sacred and dreadful majesty the cause of their detestable enormities , therefore bellarmine doth wickedly in imputing to protestant divines that which they detest with the greatest loathing . that is a great question in divinity , an deus author peccati ex reformatorum placitis statuatur ? four several kinds of power though not in , yet over sinne , may be ascribed to god , a permissive , desertive , restrictive and disposing power . first , a permissive power , else it could not be ; he may permit what he is not bound to hinder . secondly , a desertive power , it would not be if he withdrew not his grace ; sinne needs no efficient cause no more then darknesse , causa deficiens in moralibus efficiens . thirdly , a restraining power , there may be an act of restraining grace on the devil . fourthly , a disposing power , whereby he disposeth and ordereth sinne to some excellent and good end , his glory : when god doth dispose or order the sin of any man , . he doth not infuse this evil but use it . . he useth it not as an evil or sin , but as an instrument . . he would not use it to such an end , but that he is able to raise more good by it , and to counterpoise all the evil in the action . . god did not infuse malice into iosephs brethren , but made use of it rather to a sale then a murder , he sent him before to save much people alive , gen. . . in the beginning of sin gods will is exercised : first , by way of inhibition in giving a law against it . secondly , by way of permission , leaying a lawlesse man to a lawlesse way . in the progresse of sin , god either hinders or over-rules it , in the end , he either punisheth or pardoneth it . and all this without sin , or the least blemish of sin . for in the beginning of sin he sheweth his wisdome : in the progresse he sheweth his power : in the end , he maketh manifest both his justice and his mercy . mr wischart on the lords prayer , petit. . those places acts . . sam. . . besides a permission do expresse an active providence ; he is said to harden and deceive . gods permission is not otiosa but efficax permissio . . god permits sin . . cooperates to the act as natural . . decreed it . . as a just judge he denieth grace . . as the supream judge he useth all these as instruments of his glory . papists and arminians allow god no other power about sin , but what is barely permissive or desertive at most . there are two ordinary similitudes , one from a halting horse , the rider which makes the horse go is not the cause of his halting , but of his going only ; but it is a question whether this clears the doubt , for the rider is but an outward moving cause to the other , he doth not work to the motion of the horse as immediatly as the horse himself doth , therefore this simile were good and fit if that opinion were true , god doth only give being , but not immediately work to the effect it self ; and if the simile were to the purpose , it would be , that the rider besides this outward motion did as immediatly help to going as nature it self . as for the other about a dunghill , the sun-beams that work upon any boggy places and make them smell , but yet they themselves are not defiled : this would illustrate well for all the sins men runne into since the fall , but how will it answer about the first sinne ? for adams nature was not a bog . the best way is to hold these two truths : . god doth not sin nor is not the author of it . . that he hath a providence about it , and for the manner it is hard to determine . object . god bid shimei curse . ans. that was an improper command , and implieth only that god used shimei's tongue as a whip to scou●ge david . object . ezekiel . . wherefore i gave them also statutes that were not good , and judgements whereby they should not live . there god seems not only to permit , but also to command sin . iunius interprets it , ipsis incommoda noxiaque , and mentions some particulars . i gave them in the wildernesse decrees and ordinances , that were not good for them but hurtful ; and judgements that did sentence them to death : so the great annotations , instancing there in some of those judgements . weems understands it of the ceremonial statutes , and nicely distinguisheth between not good and evil : see psal. . , , . the ceremonial statutes were good in their kinde , and in respect of the end for which god ordained them , col. . . some say god did deliver them over into the hands of wicked princes , he gave them over in judgement to obey their idolatrous laws , the statutes of omri : others hold the genuine meaning to be that of the chaldee paraphrase , they observed statutes which were not right , and customs whereby they should not live . some protestant authors have used some incommodious and harsh phrases , yet . they do most of them use but the scripture-phrase , and bellarmine himself useth worse in this matter ; with what face can bellarmine lay to calvins charge that he makes god the author of sin , when he wrote two books against the libertines , as bellarmine himself acknowledgeth . de statu peccati , c. . when the protestants professedly handle the question , an deus si● author peccati ? they determine it negatively , therefore it is not fair for their adversaries to conclude that they hold so by some passages in their writings which may seem to sound that way . chap. ix . of communicating with other mens sins . no godly man ought to partake or communicate with other mens sins , isa. . . ephes. . . cor. . , . tim. . . revel . . . vitia aliorum si feras , facis tua . we are guilty of other mens sins , or communicate with others , first , negatively and privatively , and that . by sinful silence : the heathen knew not the exactnesse of godlinesse , when he said , he repented him often that he spake , but never that he held his tongue . . when one omits to do his duty with that life , courage and zeal which he ought ; as eli reproved his sons , but not sharply enough , and punished them not for their sins . . when one doth not pray for a reformation , psal. . or humble himself for the sins of others , cor. . . cor. . . secondly , more directly and positively : . he who commands or perswades isa. . . as ieroboam who made israel to sin was a cause of all the peoples idolatry , there was not one of the one and twenty kings of the house of israel that departed from the sins of ieroboam . balaam inticed the people of israel to fornication and idolatry ; the devil by being a tempter becomes guilty of all the sins committed by men : eve became a tempter to adam , tim. . . . he who is a minister and servant to execute the evil commands of others , the three worthies in daniel refused to obey nebuchadnezzar , and the apostles would obey god rather then men ; doeg is cursed by god for this , ps. . kin. . . ier. . , . . he that gives consent and allowance to it , levit. . , . though he do not act it , rom. . ult . . he who defends , praiseth and encourageth others that have sinned , he that breaks one of these least commandments , and teacheth others so to do . cajetan holds that to drink till a mans head be giddy is no sin , or a venial one : another holds that there is a lawful idolatry : the papists canonize such acts , to murder and poison princes : the pharisees encouraged the people in sin . . those that familiarly converse with wicked men , cor. . . thess. . . our very presence in idolatrous service is evil , cor. . . permission and connivance at evil , levit. . , . qui non vetat peccare cum potest , jubet . this concerns magistrates and other superiours , if they restrain not sinne when they have power and authority in their hands , sam. . . . provoking to sin , kin. . . ephes. . . gal. . . . giving ill example , as when magistrates and ministers swear , ieroboam by his ill example as well as precepts made israel to sin , mat. . . not that they killed abel , but they went on in their predecessours steps . chap. x. of the punishment of sin . god punished adams sin with originall and actual sinne : see gen. . , , , . the lord sent adam forth from the garden of eden , there is losse of communion , and vers . . he drove out the man as a testimony of his wrath and displeasure . before sin is committed it is inimicus blandiens . in committing it is dulce venenum , after committed it is scorpio pungens . that speech of abner is true in sin , sam. . . it will be bitternesse in the later end . ubi peccatum ibi procella , saith chrysostome , sin alwayes brings a storm with it , lam. . . raro antecedentem scelestum deseruit pede poena claudo . sometimes sins are punished a long time after they were committed , sam. . . the bloud of christ was visited on ierusalem fourty years after ; the wickednesse of eli's sons was visited on the whole family in the dayes of saul : iob saith , thou makest me possesse the sins of my youth . god would shew patience as well as justice , therefore he spares long to see if men will convert without blows . all evils of misery are but the issue of sin , first sin entred into the world , and by sin death . . temporal evils . all publick commotions , wars , famine , pestilence , are the bitter fruits of sin , deut. . there is gods curse on the creature , mans body , all his relations . . spiritual : terrours of conscience , horrours of death , cor. . . are the effects of sin . what an evil is a condemning heart , an accusing conscience ! yet this is the fruit of sin , a wounded spirit who can bear . some will bear outward evils stoutly , nay suffer death it self boldly , but sin will not so easily be born , when the conscience it self is smitten . see this in cain and iudas , many a one maketh away himself to be rid of this vexation . this sils one with shame , iohn . . fear , gen. . . and grief , acts . . the greatest torment that in this life can be fall a sinner is desperation ; when the soul of a man convinced in her self by the number of her hainous offences , loseth all hope of life to come , and casteth her eyes wholly on the fearful torments of hell prepared for her ; the continual thought and fright whereof do so amaze and afflict the comfortlesse soul , that she shrinketh under the burden , and feeleth in her self the horrour of hell before she come to it . . eternal : the everlasting absence of all good , thes. . . and the presence of all evil , mark . . are the consequents of it . iustum est , quòd qui in suo aeterno peccavit contra deum , in aeterno dei puniatur . sin is finite in the act and subject , but of infinite * demerit , being committed , . against an infinite good , therefore it deserves infinite punishment , . the obligation of the law is everlasting . this was the first doctrine which was published to man , that eternal death is the punishment of sinne , gen. . . the devil opposed it , gen. . . the belief of the threatning would have hindered them from sinne . the socinians say , that man should have died in the state of innocency , although he had not sinned , and therefore that death is not a punishment of sinne , but a condition and consequent of nature . the holy ghost assigns death to sinne as the cause . see of it rom. . . & . . our bodies were not mortal till our souls were sinful . arminians say , that there is neither election nor reprobation of infants , and that ●o infants can be condemned for original sin . iacob was in a state of election in his mothers womb , rom. . . all men in the counsel of god are either elect or reprobate , but infants are men or part of mankinde , therefore they are either elect or reprobate . . infants are saved , therefore there is some election of infants , for salvation is a fruit of election , and proper to the elect , rom. . . there is a manifest difference among infants , between those that are born in and out * of the church , gen. . . acts . . & . children of unbelievers are unclean , cor. . . and aliens from christ and the covenant of promise , ephes. . , . . that opinion , that no infants are condemned for original sinne , seems to be contrary to that place , ephes. . . if this were true , the condition of a turks childe dying in his infancy is farre better then the condition of abraham , isaac or iacob living , for they might fall from grace ( say they ) and be damned , but a turks childe dying , according to their opinion shall certainly be saved . the worst punishment of sinne is to punish it with sin , and so god punisheth it sometimes in his own people , isa. . . mar. . . a judicial blindnesse and hardnesse is the worst . see ezek. . rom. . , . revel . . . concerning national sins . sins though committed by particular persons , may be national : first , when they are interwoven into the policy of a state , psa. . . when sin is established by a law , rev. . . & . . & . . ier. . . secondly , when they are universal and overspread the whole kingdom , ier. . , . isa. . . thirdly , when the people that professe the name of god are infected with those sins , gen. . , , . fourthly , when few or none in the nation bewail them , ier. . . fifthly , when they are openly countenanced and tolerated , kings . . when there are no masters of restraint , iudg. . . sixthly , when they are the predominant humour of the nation at that time . the sins of gods people which commonly provoke him to break a nation . . their omissions , that they stand not in the gap , ezek. . , . improve not their interest in him . . when their hearts are inordinately set upon the things of this world , chro. . . mat. . . . when there is a great unfruitfulness and lukewarmness in the things of god , hos. . . . when divisions are still fomented amongst those that fear god , isa. . . desolations in a state follow divisions in the church . the sins which may provoke god against a nation : . idolatry , ier. . . when the true god is worshipped in a way that he hath not appointed . . intestine divisions , isa. ult . compared with . . . incorrigiblenesse under lesser judgements , isa. . . ▪ wearying of god , isa. . , . . unworthy and wicked compliances , hos. . . chap. xi . signes of a christian in regard of sinne , and that great corruptions may be found in true christians . of the first . signs of a christian in regard of sin : first , he is convinced of sin iohn . . the greek word signifies to evidence by demonstration , the spirit so demonstrates it , that a man hath nothing to object , psal. . . secondly , he is free from its dominion , as paul saith , sinne shall have no dominion over you , for you are not under the law but under grace ; and after , being freed from sinne . whosoever is born of god sinneth not , john. they do no iniquity , david . they serve not sin * in the lusts thereof . he hath not an habitual resolution to continue in sinne . thirdly , he is troubled and wearied with the reliques of it , and driven to christ for pardon and help . he is weary of sin , and every sin so farre as he knoweth , specially his own sin , and that iniquity which cleaveth closest to him . his flesh is inclined to it , but his spirit is a verse from it , and even tired and burdened with it , so that he often sighes out in himself the complaint of st paul , o miserable man that i am . still as he prevails more against sin the remainders of it do more afflict him : sinne in it self considered is his greatest unhappinesse , that he hath so vile a nature , is prone to so vile deeds , and doth in many things so foolishly offend , this troubleth and disquieteth him even then when he hath no other crosse to trouble him , and many times imbitters all his prosperity . fourthly , he is grieved with the sins of others , ier. . . ezek. . . ezra . , . see cor. . . david was the great devotionist of the old testament , psal. . ▪ phil. . . the greatest sinners when once converted are most compassionate to others , because they have experience of the power of sin , and have most sensibly felt the goodnesse of god. god is dishonoured by the sins of others , as well as by our own sins , the godly hate sin both in themselves and others , psal. . . of the second : very great corruptions in heart are yet to be found in sincere christians , chr● . . . very few men are recorded in scripture , but their great sins are recorded as well as their graces , except iosiah and some few * others . davids adultery and murder , king. . . some think he was given to lying , psal. . remove from me the way of lying . salomons grosse idolatry , king. . . peters shameful apostasie , mark . . asa's persecution , chron. . . first , for inward corruptions , there is the body of all sins remaining in the soul of every gracious person , though it be mortified and broken , it doth not rule in him . paul writeth to the ephesians and colossians , and wisheth them to put off the corrupt old-man . secondly , for actual , we may say with iames , in many things we offend all ; our infirmities are mingled with our best duties , we break out many times into things we know to be evil , slagitious crimes . the people of god are freed , . from the sin against the holy ghost , iohn . . . from sin raigning . . from a total apostasie , ier. . . they cannot lose all saving grace , pet ▪ . . . from final impenitency , psal. . . godly men may fall into other sins : . the state of grace cannot exempt them , iohn . . . the truth of grace cannot preserve them , their actions come from a mixt principle . . no degrees of grace can preserve them , phil. . . nothing will perfect our sanctification but the beatifical vision , iohn . . they may fall into the grossest errors in judgement , and foulest evils of practice . in the church of galatia some denied justification by the righteousnesse of christ. in the church of corinth some denied the resurrection , revel . . . tertullian fell to montanism . luther to consubstantiation : david into murder and adultery : salomon to idolatry : peter to deny his master with execration ▪ true believers may fall grievously and hainously : . into sins not only quotidiani incursus . august . of daily incursion : but such which do vastare conscientiam , as the schoolmen speak , though they do not excutere fidem . . so as to wound the consciences of their brethren , rom. . . . to wound their profession , tim. . beg . rom. . . . they may strengthen the hands of sinners , sam. . . . they may greatly grieve the spirit . . they may contract a damnable guilt , psal. . . . they may fall so as to bring on themselves great temporal afflictions , ezra . . psal. . . ier. . . . they may be chastened with spiritual afflictions , psal . . . god may in them punish one sin with another . david was punisht with carnal adultery for his spiritual security . . they may lose , though not jus ad regnum , yet aptitudinem regnandi . yet there is a great difference in their sinning between them and the wicked , their spots are not alike : . they have not such a full inward principle to sin . david committed adultery not as zimri with his whole heart , the other had a principle checking him , totus homo sins , but not totum hominis , there is a principle of grace . . they do not constantly sinne , they live not in grosse sins ; it is one thing to fall into the dirt as a sheep , another thing to wallow in it as a swine doth . . these are bitter sins to them , and minister much matter of humiliation afterwards ; david was a murderer and a bitter penitentiary for it , psal. . deliver me from bloud guiltinesse . . they are in a combat and fight with their ordinary infirmities of passions , as paul rom. . & gal. . it makes them often pray , it puts them into sad agonies , as rom. . what they would not do they do , therefore o wretched man that i cannot pray , be humble . . they do at last come out of these with the contrary graces , and delight in them , they mortifie and subdue their lusts , rom. . the law of the spirit frees them from the law of sin , yea they delight in the contrary graces , his delight is in the law of the lord. . they do not only come out of them themselves but set against them in others , the woman of samaria called her neighbours ; lydia her family ; then will i teach transgressors thy wayes . it is a great mercy for the holiest men to be preserved from grosse and scandalous sins , pet. . . reasons . hereby all the actual exercises of grace are suspended , one hath no more use of grace then if he were an unregenerate man , psal. . , . there is a deliquium gratiae as well as animae . . there is a suspension of all the priviledges of grace when one fals into grosse sins , there is an interdiction though not an intercision , a sequestration though not an ejection , psal. . . he alludes to the purging of the leper under the law , he had a right and title to his house , but not an actual enjoyment of it , a man hath communion with god here by the acts of grace and consolations of the spirit , these are suspended . . grosse fals in gods people are commonly penal , the punishment of other sins , sam. . . matth. . , . as sin cannot be called by a worse name then sinne , rom. . ● . so god cannot punish sin worse then by sin . . it leaves a blot on a man which shall never be wiped off . peters denial is spoken of where ever the gospel is publisht ; ieroboam that made israel to sin ; this is that ahaz ; iudas the traitor . . hereby you grieve the hearts of the saints , and strengthen the hands of the wicked . . though god pardon the sin , yet he will not take off the temporal judgement from the person and posterity . the execution of judgement shall begin with them , amos . . pet. . . god will punish his people with greater * severity , lam. . . mat. . . six sorts of godly persons are in danger : first , men in the highest place , magistrates , ministers , david , peter . secondly , men of great parts , knowledge puffeth up . augustine saith of licinius , one of great parts but of a corrupt judgement , cupit diabolus à ●● ornari . thirdly , men of the greatest graces , god leaves sinne in men to keep them low , therefore when men are high in grace he leaves powerful lusts to exercise them . fourthly , men that are carnally confident , as peter , dr pendl●ton . fifthly , those that are censorious against the fals of others , gal. . . sixthly , those that are used to great visions of god ; salomons heart departed from the lord that appeared to him twice , eclipsis lunaris nunquam contingit nisi in plenilunio . the saints of god are often gainers by their sinne , rom. . . good comes to them this way by accident , the lord over-ruling it by his wisdom and grace . first , hereby a man is discovered to himself , sees that in his own heart which he never saw before , chron. . . secondly , the work of his humiliation and repentance is perfected ; this use paul made of his grievous sins , i was a persecutor , saith he . thirdly , the work of regeneration is perfected , luke . . fourthly , he exalts the grace of god : so paul. fifthly , it makes him watch over his own heart , and shun the occasions of sinne the more . sixthly , it makes him the more compassionate to others when they fall , gal. . . chap. xii . two questions resolved about sinne . quest. . how can grace and corruption stand together , so that corruption poisons not grace , nor grace works out corruption , when the admitting of one sin by adam kill'd him presently ? answ. perfect holinesse cannot stand with any corruption , but when the first lines only of gods image are drawn they may stand with corruption . if corruption should destroy grace , or grace corruption formally , yet they may be mixed together in gradu remisso . god hath undertaken not to withdraw himself from them . god ( though he could take away the seeds of sins ) yet suffers such remainders of corruption to abide in his people for divers good reasons : . because the lord delights in this world rather to shew grace to the persons of his servants then to their natures . . because he would humble them * ( as paul when exalted above measure ) and have them live on free grace , pet. . . the devil tempted adam ( though he was created perfect ) telling him he should be as god ; if from a state of sin there should be such a sudden change to perfection , men would be apt to swell . the antinomians will have nothing to do with the law , and then ( since by the law comes the knowledge of transgression ) they think they are without sin , and after , that they are perfect , like god. . he delights in their fervent hearty prayers , he would have his children daily begging of him . . he would have them long to be dissolved and to be at home with him . . that he might magnifie the power of the in-dwelling vertue of his spirit , that a little grace should dwell amidst great corruptions . . that we might deal gently with our brethren when they fall , gal. . . quest. . wherein lies the difference between a man sanctified and unsanctified in regard of the body of corruption ? answ. there are these apparent differences : . an unregenerate man hath a body of corruption in him and nothing else , all his thoughts in him are only evil continually , a regenerate man hath a body of grace as well as of corruption . . the natural man carries the guilt of it with him , the reward of his body of sinne is death and destruction , but in the regenerate man the guilt ( that is , the power to binde him over to the wrath of god ) is wholly done away in the bloud of christ : gods displeasure doth not redundare in personam , the person is pardoned though the sin remain . . the body of corruption hath the whole rule in the unregenerate man , it is the active principle from which all is wrought , but in the other grace strugleth against it . the papists say , . there is no such body of corruption left in a man when he is regenerate , in baptism , or when regeneration is wrought the body of corruption is taken away : . they say , concupiscence never was a sin , but was in adam in the state of innocency : . that the good workes of regenerate men are perfect . this may minister consolation to the people of god who finde these reliques of corruption , they are unteachable , sinful , can do nothing well . . this is the condition more or lesse of all the servants of god. . these corruptions are not imputed to thee , the lord loves thee as well as if thou wert rid of them . . thy loathing thy self for them is as pleasing to god as if thou couldst perform perfect duties . . christ will reign in thee in the midst of these his enemies . . he will deliver thee from these reliques of corruption when he hath done good to thee by them . . this should make thee humble and watchful . chap. xiii . of the saints care to preserve themselves from sin , and especially their own iniquities . gods people must and will carefully preserve themselves from wickednesse . . they must bend their care most against their own sins . the first proposition is proved out of iohn . . our saviour saith , take heed to your selves of the leven of the pharisees , and take heed of covetousnesse , take heed to your selves that your hearts be not oppressed with surfetting and drunkennesse . paul bids timothy to keep himself pure , cor. . . among other fruits of godly sorrow the apostle begins with care or diligence , which is the duty we are now speaking of , viz. a care not to sin , psal. . i hid thy law in my heart , that i might not sinne against thee , i took pains to with-draw my self from sinne , let every one that nameth the name of the lord depart from iniquity . reasons . why the people of god ought to keep themselves in this manner . . why they can and will do so . first , they are bound to do so in divers respects : . because of the many advantages which sinne hath against them , in regard of which they will be miserably overtaken with it , if they do not look to themselves : . a naughty nature within them by which they are apt to all sinne , as occasion , temptation , and their natural ability doth serve , which if it be not opposed will break forth very much . . we have an enemy the devil , who doth observe and watch us with all subtilty and malice , with unwearied diligence , it is his businesse to draw us to sinne , to suggest evil fancies into us , and to work upon our corruption , we see how he impoisoned our first parents when they were not careful . . the world is stored with variety of means to draw a man to every sin , objects to every sense , incouragements , provocations , examples . great danger of sinning requires great diligence to prevent the danger . . we must consider of the hurt that will befall us from sinne , if through our carelesnesse we suffer it to get the better of us , not to speak of the mischief of eternal death , a holy man may run into great sins , and shall surely do so without great care and watchfulnesse , and those will be very hurtful unto him , they will break off his communion with god , interrupt the peace of his conscience , deface gods image in him and disable him from praying or doing any good duty , and fill him full of doubts , fears and horrours , and make him grow worse and worse . . with due care and diligent observing of our selves ; a godly man may much prevail to keep himself innocent from great transgressions , and unspotted of the world . secondly , the saints can and will keep themselves from sin . reasons , . because they have received the divine nature , by which they shun the pollutions that are in the world through lust , by which they are made sensible of the evil of sin , and framed to a loathing and hatred of sin ; every true christian hath the spirit which will make him lust against the flesh . the wisdom of the world is to keep themselves from misery , the wisdom of saints is to keep themselves from that which is the cause of all misery , and the worst of all misery , from iniquity . the godly will not only be carefull to abstain from evil acts , but to subdue their lusts , to crucifie sin in the thoughts and desires , rom. , . . the chief dominion of sin is in the heart , there is the evil treasure , the root . . this is contrary to the chief part of the law ; the letter of the law is against the acting of sin , the spirit of it is against lusting . . this is the strongest part of sin and hardliest subdued , cor. . . the way to keep our selves from sin , . often and earnestly call upon god to keep you by his spirit of wisdom and strength , for you are not able to keep your selves . . often renew and settle in your own hearts a resolution of not sinning , and that upon spiritual grounds and considerations taken out of gods word , pet. . . david saith , i hid thy word in my heart that i might not sin against thee . this hiding the word is a calling to minde , and serious pondering the commandments , threats , promises , exhortations , examples and reasons of gods word against sin in the generall , and against such and such sins in particular , and pressing them upon our selves till they have wrought in us a setled and determinate resolution , i will not sin , i will not do this and this evil . . it is requisite to observe and oppose the first rising of sin in the motions and desires thereof , in the thoughts of it , with a sigh , groan , ejaculation , calling to minde some text of scripture against it , and stirring some detestation of it , and calling upon our selves to keep our former resolutions against it : the conception of sin is by the stirring and moving of ill desires within . . shun the occasions of evil , gen. . . prov. . . all those things which our selves have found in our experience to provoke and stir our corruptions and to give them advantage against us , solomon saith , look not on the wine when it is red , prov. . . secondly , our care of avoiding sin must shew it self specially against our own sins , ezek. . cast away all your transgressions by which you have transgressed , psal. . . reasons , . where the danger is greater , the care of preventing must be most used . every man is soonest and most easily overtaken with these sins . . what will be a greatest proof of his truth and sincerity , and so the surest foundation of his comfort , that should he be most carefull to practise ; this will make it appear that he strives against sin because it is sin , when he striveth against those evils that are most pleasing to him . . what will most further him in the works of sanctification and amendment of life , that ought he most diligently to indeavour ; now in prevailing against ones corruptions he shall most further the work of grace and holiness in himself , kill that sin , and the rest will be more easily killed . . there we should bestow most pains , in which if we do not use care we lose our labour in other things . means were prescribed before to be used against sin in generall , you must apply these in particular against your particular sins . pray often against these , meditate and resolve most against these , observe and resist most the first rising of these , shun the occasions of these first . a diligent and constant care to resist a mans own corruption , is a sure proof of uprightnesse , and such a one shall enjoy the comfort of his sincerity in due time . chap. xiv . of the cause of forbearing sin , of abhorring it , and of small sins . the main cause of our forbearing any sin should be the sinfulnesse of it , that is , because it is repugnant to gods will , and offensive to him , isa. . . so ioseph , how shall i do this great evil and sin against god. loe what did curb him from that wickednesse which in the verdict of carnall reason he had so much cause to have committed , and he might have done with so much safety and assurance , even this , it was a sin against god , ier. . . nehem. . . psal. . . psal. . . reasons , . this is the very proper cause of all the other evil effects of sin , and herein doth the very evilnesse and vilenesse of it consist . the foul nature of sin stands in this , that it is offensive to god and opposite to the will of that excellent majesty to whom all creatures ought to be subject . . our forbearance of sin is no otherwise a fruit and effect of love to the divine majesty , then if we forbear it on this ground , and further then it ariseth from this ground it is nought worth to our comfort , nor shall bring us any everlasting reward , ezra . . eadem velle & nolle , ea demum firma est amicitia . . unlesse this thought make us flye from sin we shall never forbear it constantly nor universally , because no other motive will still and every where hold . we must not only avoid sin but abhorre it , psal. . . isa. . . rom. . . david saith , i hate vain thoughts . paul mentioning divers evils , saith , god forbid . the wicked , and much more wickednesse , is an abomination to the just , sam. . . rom. . . sin is often exprest by abomination ; 't is so to god , it should be so to men . reasons , . because our affections must be conformable to god's . prov. . . he hateth nothing simply but sin , and sinners for sins sake . . sin in it self is most hatefull , because most hurtfull to man and injurious to god : the ground of hatred of any thing is the contrariety of it to our welfare ; as we hate wilde , fierce and raging beasts for their mischievousnesse ; a toad and serpents for their poisonousnesse which is a strong enemy to life and health : so we hate thieves and murderers . sin is the most mischievous and harmfull thing in the world . our hatred against sin must have these properties . . it must be universall , we must hate all sins , psal. . . iames . . pet. . . our own as well as others sins , gainfull and profitable sins , as well as others : hatred is of the whole kinde , see iob . . . sutable to the nature of sin , hating those sins most which are most palpably sinfull . . moderated with pity and compassion toward the sinners . there are many arguments to deterre us from small sins . . quia difficilius caventur , it is a thing more difficult to avoid them then greater . . quia difficilius curantur , because the wound given by them is the more difficultly cured , as a prick made with a bodkin or steletto , if it be deep , is more dangerous then a wound given with a greater weapon . . quia ad majora viam muniunt , because they are a preparation and disposition to greater offences , as little theeves which creep in at the windows and open the door to the greater . . quia parva peccata crebra it a nos praegravant ut unum grande , small sins with their multitude as much hurt the soul as great sins with their weight , greatest rivers are fil'd by drops . dr feately . see psal. . . how shall we do to get the heart affected with secret sins , affections follow knowledge . four considerations may get a remorse in the soul for these things . . think of the holinesse of god , iob . , . sam. . . . your own pronenesse to sin , psal. . . sins in the whole course of your conversation , sins in prayer , recreation , businesse . . the exact purity of the law , which condemns every irregular excesse and defect , lust , motion . . consider the strictnesse of the last account , cor. . . chap. xv. of some particular sins , and specially of ambition , apostacy , backsliding , blasphemy , boasting , bribery . ambition is an inordinate desire of outward promotion to places of honour and wealth . it is inordinate , . when it is carried after such honours as may not lawfully be possessed by him that desires them . . when to an higher place then that one hath already ; as every one must be content with his goods , so with his place . . when the desire is overvehement a , such as makes him to take irregular courses to satisfie them , or to be extreamly discontented , if he fail of his purposes . absaloms ambition made him basely to crouch to the people . . when it seeks alone it self and not the glory of god and publick good . the pharisees were very ambitious , matth. . , , , . luke . . matth. . , . the jesuites have most traiterously cast the platform , and do go about so much as the wit of man can devise , to bring all kings , princes and states under their subjection . pars. quodl . of relig. and state , quodl . . answ. to th artic. see more there , and answer to the th article . in his answer to the th article , he saith , the jesuites have given it out for england by name , that it should be made an island of jesuites . tertullian cals ambitious men animalia gloriae & famae negotiatores . the whole world satisfied not b alexander . unus pellaeo juveni non sufficit orbis , aestuat infaelix angusto limine mundi . juvenal . sat. yet diogenes was more ambitious in refusing all honours , then alexander in rejecting none . we must labour to mortifie it , by telling our selves often and seriously . of the vanity of this outward greatness which is but a bubble ; those that are advanced highest for worldly greatness , are as full of discontents as any other men under heaven . . by convincing our selves that ambition is a damnable sin . . of our unworthinesse of any good thing , and the danger of high places . see rom. . . phil. . . psal. . , . qui bien se cognoit , pe● se prise . . labour to be ambitious of honour from god and our consciences , rom. . . the greek word signifies an high ambition to preach the gospel . the same greek word is used also to the like purpose , cor. . . & thes. . . there is a holy ambition , habet & sapientia sui generis superbiam . lactantius . it should be our ambition to serve god in the highest way of duty , and to obtain the highest degree of glory . apostacy . apostacy and backsliding are usually confounded ; yet some distinguish them , and say , apostacy is a totall and finall departure from the faith once professed . backsliding is a falling again into our old sins for a time , out of which we recover through gods grace , being renewed again by repentance . apostacy is partiall or totall , particular or universall , temporall or finall , of the head , heart , and life . the question is not whether grace being a creature be defectibilis , in its own nature defective , whether a creature being left to himself may fall off ? grace where it was perfect , was not able to defend it self . the angels and adam ( we know ) fell . bishop carleton against montague , ch . . thus states the question , whether they that are according to gods purpose predestinated , called and justified , may lose these graces of their predestination , calling and justification : this ( saith he ) the orthodox church hath alwaies denied . the arminians who admit no other predestination but conditional , affirm it , and none but pelagians and arminians . eminent professors that have attained only common grace , may fall from a form of godlinesse , acts . . compared with tim. . we must distinguish betwixt gifts or common graces , and true sanctifying graces ; the first may be lost , not the other . in sanctifying graces there may be an intermission of the act , a remission of the degree , rev. . . & . . but not an utter and totall amission of the habit . a godly man may fall fearfully and dangerously , when god withdraws his assistance , but not totally and finally ; he may decay in the degrees of grace , that he may never recover it to his dying day , neither the strength nor comfort of grace that he formerly had : perpaucos invenies qui redeant ad gradum pristinum , bernard ; yet it is a great sin for a godly man to fall from any pitch of grace obtained , heb. . . rev. . . our own times afford many sad instances of apostates , professors turned apostates , nay pleaders for apostacy . these things premised i shall indeavour to prove that a true beleever cannot fall totally and finally . scripture proves it , psal. . . cor. . . prov. . . not totally , ioh. . . iohn . . nor finally , iohn . , . pet. . . god and christ have agreed to uphold him . perseverance in grace to the end is a gift of god given to true beleevers , rom. . , , . the chain is so linked together that it cannot be separated . he whom god purposed to predestinate must needs be predestinated , he that is predestinated must needs be called , he that is called must be justified , he that is so justified must be glorified . but no man can come to glory without perseverance to the end . mr. burgesse in his treatise of grace and assurance , sect. . serm. . on iohn . , . saith , this place is brought to prove perseverance in grace , and no strength of wit hath yet been able to overcome it ; and he interprets it , sinneth not as one who is of the devil his father , all within him is not corrupted , so that he makes sin his trade , his custom and delight . he cannot fall into the service of sin totally and finally . whether this seed of god be faith , or the word of god , or the grace of gods calling according to his purpose , or the spirit , or any of these , or all these , it proveth our purpose , that all is not fallen away , then the man in whom it abideth cannot fall totally . b. carlton against mountague . iohn . . hath everlasting life , it shall be as truly given him as if he had it already in possession . st austen hath observed out of the exposition of the lords prayer made by cyprian , that almost in every petition we pray for perseverance . so then that prayer will uphold the doctrine of perseverance , as the articles of the creed do generally that of assurance . objections answered . first , if one degree of grace may fail , why not another , and so grace wholly decay ? answ. some say all the degrees of grace which a godly man obtains by trading with grace as a talent , may be lost , but the first stock which god gave him to trade withall , called incorruptible seed , the seed remaining cannot be lost . he may be brought to the first stock that god gave him to trade withall . secondly , we reade many examples in scripture of forward disciples that seemed to be sanctified , and fell , iudas an apostle , d●mas and alexander companions of paul , and nicholas the deacon . answ. these were only temporary beleevers not true converts . common graces may fail , but not sanctifying . thirdly , the scripture speaks of those that denied the lord that bought them , pet. . . answ. that text is the strongest for apostacy ; he means bought in respect of externall profession and esteem : some say their services were bought , not their persons . fourthly , others urge that place much , ezek . , , , , . this text ( saith plaifere in his apello evangelium , c. . ) by no evasion can be avoided , if the comparison there between a righteous man and wicked be well observed : for deny you any wise that a righteous man can turn away from his righteousnesse and dye , and i will deny likewise that a wicked man can turn from his wickednesse and live ; and so we shall solvere scripturas , make void the holy word of god : if a supposition putteth nothing in the one it putteth nothing in the other ; if the wicked there whom the text speaks be truly and legally a wicked man , then the righteous there is truly and evangelically a righteous man : for legally righteous the scripture knows but one . if it be ever seen that a wicked man turns from his wickednesse and lives , then it may as well be seen that a righteous man may turn from his righteousnesse and dye . there are several answers given to this objection . the scripture here considers a man as of himself , and what he is by his own power , not what he is by a covenant of grace , which is only per accidens and ex hypothesi a meer extrinsecall and accidentall thing to a man. some say this place in ezekiel is to be answered as heb. . . if any man draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . such threatnings do not suppose that the regenerate and true beleevers shall ever fall away , but are means to preserve them from it , by filling their hearts with holy fear , luke . , . rom. . . heb. . ult . gods promises do not make way to his threatnings , but his threatnings make way to his promises : god doth therefore threaten that he may not fulfill , but doth therefore promise that he may fulfill . mr. bridge on rom. . . the scope of the place ( say some ) is to answer a most unjust calumny that the jews in their captivity cast upon god , that he visited the iniquity of their fathers upon them ; thence they said the waies of god were not equal : the prophet clears the justice of god , and tels them god punisheth no man for anothers sins of which he is not guilty . god may inflict a temporall death on a righteous man , and that in displeasure for falling from the degrees of his righteousnesse , as on moses and iosiah . dr. feately in his pelagius redivivus gives three answers to this place , the last is , that the prophet speaketh here of actual righteousnesse which may be lost , and is lost by the committing of any wilfull grievous sin against conscience , not of habitual which cannot be lost . others say this place and that ezek. . . only speak of the temporal destruction of gods own people . i delight not in your ruine as a tyrant that delights in cruelty , or as an inexorable judge . secondly , these places only shew the possibility and acceptation of repentance , not gods inward purpose ; as a holy god he delights not in sin , as a mercifull god he delights not in judgement . object . . there are exhortations and threatnings , that if you forsake god he will forsake you ; so david to solomon , and take heed you lose not the things you have wrought ; watch stand fast . answ. the perseverance of gods people is certain , yet morall not physicall , therefore exhortations , admonitions and threatnings may well be used to stirre up gods fear in them , which is a means to make them hold out to the end . object . . those examples of david when he committed adultery and put uriah to death ; and peter when he so shamefully denied his master , are urged also to prove apostacy . ans. but i may say of david and peters faith , and others that fell into enormous sins , with tertullian , caepit arescere , sed non exaruit . mota fuit , sed non amota ; concussa , sed non excussa aut extincta . the . psalm , and christs prayer for peter prove the same more fully . see dr. prideaax his ephesus backsliding . mr. robbinsons essayes , observ. . the fals of eminent professors should make the people of god afraid , luke . . rom. . . cor. . . heb. . . cor. . . tim. . , . god hath recorded the fals of his people , . ut ostendat infirmitatem nostram . . ut ostendat judicium suum . where there is a principle of grace a man will fear sin as the greatest evil , eccl. . . pauls great fear was not to suffer , but sin . . the saints finde by experience that there is the same corruption in themselves that in others , prov. . . rom . , , . . because they know themselves liable to the same temptations , neminem prorsus dei gratia intentabilem facit . prosper . . they are liable to the same desertions from god ; the saints of god may fall into cursed opinions and very sinfull practises , sam. . . . the greater the person is that fals , and the more dreadfull the fall , the greater ground of fear , neh. . . matth. . . rev. . , . there are divers grounds and roots of apostacy . . unbelief , heb. . . & ult . faith unites the soul to christ , and preserves it in him ; by it we stand . . the love of the world , tim. . . iohn . . . living in the practice of a known sin , thes. . , . . carnall security . . needlesse society with wicked men , and base fear . remedies against apostacy . . labour to be well principled in the grounds of religion . . keep your hearts in continual fear , blessed is he that feareth alwaies ; this will keep a man low in his own eyes : pride of parts and gifts betrayes men to errour . . be sincere , live up to your knowledge , tim. . . he that begins in hypocrisie , many times ends in apostacy . blasphemy . according to the notation of the greek word , it signifies to hurt ones fame or credit ; yea in the hebrew also a blasphemer of god is said to strike through the name of jehovah , lev. . . it was so detested of old , that whereas it had a name , yet they did expresse it by an antiphrasis , and used the word blessing instead of cursing , king. . . the jews were wont to rend their garments at the hearing of the name of god blasphemed , isa. . ult . & . . acts . . to expresse the rending of their hearts with grief and indignation . the school divines thus describe it , if one deny any thing concerning god which agrees to him , or affirm any thing of him which doth not agree to him ; or when that is attributed to the creature which belongs to the creator . vide aquin. secunda secundae q. . art. . the name of god is blasphemed in regard of the matter and manner . in regard of the matter god is blaspheamed two waies ; either privatively , by taking away from him that which is due unto him , and wherein his honour consisteth . or positively , by attributing that unto him which is unbeseeming his majesty , dishonourable to his great name . in regard of the manner , when any thing is spoken of god ignominiously , contemptuously , as exodus . . kings . . dan. . . i would i were able to resist god , said francis spira . gregory the th reckoned three famous impostors of the world , moses , mahomet and christ. iulian blasphemed christ living and dying . the heathens would never suffer their gods to be blasphemed , but punished such as were guilty thereof by the power of the magistrate . socrates was put to death for blaspheming their multiplicity of gods. master burroughes irenicum chap. . the very turks who account of christ but as a great prophet and powerfull in word and deed , inflict death upon that man that speaketh blasphemies against jesus christ. hereticks ought to be put to death now , as well as false prophets under the law ; the equity of the judicial law remains , of putting blasphemers to death , cartw. against whit. when servetus condemned zuinglius for his harshnesse , he answers , in aliis mansuetus ero , in blasphemiis in christum non ita , in other things i will be mild , but not so in blasphemy against god. for immediate blasphemy against god himself , it was capitall , levit. . . the civil law herein followeth the divine law , blasphemi ultimis suppliciis afficiantur . others have punished this sin with cutting off , or plucking out the tongue , and that deservedly ; for that tongue is unworthy ever to speak more that shall dare once to speak against its creator . lewis the th , king of france , stiled the saint , publisht an edict for the burning of blasphemous persons in the lips ; a noble man having offended in that kinde , and being brought to the king , many interceded for him , that such an infamous punishment might be changed to another . the king would not hearken to their requests , but said , he himself would take it for an honour to be marked so on his forehead , if by that means he might drive away that enormous sin out of his kingdom . helps against it . . labour for a distinct , well-grounded knowledge in the principles of christian religion , iude . . receive the love of the truth , thess. . . . walk in the truth , iohn . cor. . . tim. . . . pray earnestly , iude v. . it s a question among the schoolmen , utrum damnati blasphement ? aquinas thinks it credible , that after the resurrection they shall vocally blaspheme , as the saints shall vocally praise god : and some say damnati dum blasphemant deum , in hoc peccant , because they are bound to an eternal law . after this life the demerit of sin ceaseth , you shall give an account for the things done in the body , cor. . . the soul sins after , but shall not be judged for those sins ; as in heaven good actions pertinent ad beatitudinis praemium ; so in hell evil actions pertinent ad damnationis paenam , saith aquinas in the same place . of blasphemy against the holy ghost . it is called the great transgression , psal. . . and blasphemy against the spirit , matth. . blasphemy against the spirit is , when a man doth maliciously and proudly revile and despite the truth of the gospel and word of god , which he certainly knoweth . it is called the blasphemy against the spirit , because it is against the knowledge wherewith a man is lightened by the spirit of god , cartw. on matth. . . it is called the sin against the holy ghost , not that it is only against the third person in the trinity , the three persons make but one divine essence ; but because it is a direct opposition and resistance of the light of knowledge with which the holy ghost hath enlightened it . non dicitur blasphemia spiritus ratione personae illius : sed ratione propriae ipsius in hominibus energiae , quatenus spiritus sanctus est is , qui in veritatis lucem introducit . rivet . in exod. . vide thom. aquin. da dae quaest . . artic. , , , . it is called sin against the holy ghost , not in respect of the essence , but of the office of the holy ghost ; this sin is all malice , wilfull without any infirmity , he being pleased with malice for it selfs sake . capell of tentat . part . . c. . origen ( as bellarm. l . de paenitentia c. . alledgeth ) thought that every sin committed against the law of god after baptism , was the sin against the holy ghost ; so novatus . austen makes it finall impenitency . the shoolmen say any sin of malice . it is conceived by some that the presumptuous sin in the old testament is the same with , or answers to the sin against the holy ghost in the new : and that which leads to this apprehension is , because no sacrifice was appointed for that under the law , as this is said to be unpardonable under the gospel , heb. . . but by psal. . . it seems to be a pitch of sinning beyond presumption . it is described to be a general apostacy and revolt of a man wilfully fallen from the truth known , even to a malicious persecuting and blaspheming of it . mr. bedford of the sin unto death , out of iohn . . mr. deering on heb. . , , . saith , it is a general apostacy from god with wilfull malice , and an unrepentant heart to persecute his truth to the end . mr. white in his treatise of this sin , thus describes it , it is a wilfull , malicious opposing , persecuting and blaspheming the truths of god , against knowledge and conscience , without ever repenting and grieving for so doing , but rather fretting and vexing that one can do no more . it is a totall falling away from the gospel of christ jesus formerly acknowledged and professed , into a verball calumniating and a reall persecuting of that gospel with a deliberate purpose to continue so to the end , and actually to do so , to persevere till then , and so to passe away in that disposition . it is a spitefull rejecting of the gospel , after that the spirit hath supernaturally perswaded a mans heart of the truth and benefit thereof . it is a sin committed against clear convincing , tasting knowledge , with despight and revenge , heb. . . . it must be a clear knowledge ; an ignorant man cannot commit it . . such a knowledge as le ts in a tast of the goodnesse as well as discovers the truth of the gospel , heb. . . yet goes against this knowledge with despight , opposeth the motions of gods spirit with rage , this puts a man into the devils condition . compare heb. . , . with . , . it is a voluntary way of sinning after one hath received , not only the knowledge , but the acknowledgement of the truth , so much knowledge as subdues the understanding . the will is chiefly in this sin , he sins wilfully , he trampleth under his foot the blood of the son of god , sins maliciously and with revenge . the jews put christ to death with the greatest malice . the conditions of that sin are , . hatred of the truth . . a settled malice . . an obstinate will. . an accusing conscience . therefore this sin is distinguished from other sins by three degrees . . that they all fall toti . . à toto . . in totum . . toti , because they fall from god and his gifts , not out of infirmity or ignorance , but out of knowledge , will and certain purpose . . a toto , because they cast away and oppose the whole doctrine , his authority being contemned . . in totum , because they are so obfirmed in their defection , that they voluntarily oppose and seek to reproach the majesty of god. but the specificall difference of this sin is , that they reproach those things which the holy ghost hath revealed to them for true , and of whose truth they are convinced in their minde . this sin necessarily supposeth the knowledge of the mediator : wheresoever there is any mention of it in the new testament , there comes with it some intimation of the works of the mediator . in matth. . they opposed christ in his miracles : in heb. . paul instanceth in their crucifying again of christ , heb. . speaks of their trampling under foot the son of god. the devils sinned against light and with revenge , but not against the light of the second covenant , this sin is purely against the gospel , heb. . & . , , . objectum hujus peccati non est lex sed evangelium . matth. . . he that commits this sin shall neither be pardoned in this world , in foro conscientiae , nor in the world to come , in foro judicii , neither in this world per solutionem ministerii , by the ministry of the word , nor in the world to come , per approbationem christi . when once the means of recovery by the gospel are neglected , contemned and despised , then there is no place for remission ; see heb. ● . . the sacrifices in the old law were effectual in their time to the expiation of sin , if joyned with faith . the sacrifice of christs death was alwaies effectuall ; but if this also be despised , this being the last , there is no more sacrifice for sin , and yet without sacrifice no remission . it is called the sin unto death , not because it may kill , for no sin but may kill if it be not repented of , but because it must kill . divines observe two sorts subject to this sin . some have both known the truth and also professed it , as saul , iudas , alexander the copper-smith , all these made profession of the gospel before they fell away : others have certain knowledge of the truth , but yet have not given their names to professe it , but do hate , persecute , and blaspheme it , such were the pharisees , matth. . all they who fall into this sin , first do attain unto a certain and assured knowledge of the truth , though all do not professe it . absolutely to determine of such a one is very difficult , neither is there any sufficient mark but the event , viz. finall impenitency . but the grounds of suspition are such as these . . prophannenesse . . doubting of every saving truth and impugning it . . envying anothers grace and happinesse . . blasphemy . . want of good affections . many christians are ready to a suspect that they have sinned against the holy ghost . some divines give this as a rule , if the lord give you a heart to fear that you have sin'd against the holy ghost , then you have not . boasting . a man boasts when he is full of that which he thinks excellent , and to adde worth and excellency to him , psal. . . & . . & . . it is one of the sins of the tongue , sam. . . a high degree of pride , see ezek. . , . rom. . . there is vera and vana gloriatio , the highest act of faith is to glory in god , we make our boast of god all the day long , psal. . but to boast of god when one hath no interest in him , is vain . bribery . a bribe is a gift given from him which hath or should have a cause in the court of justice , to them which have to intermeddle in the administration of justice . bribery or taking gifts is a sin , exod. . . the same is repeated , deut. . . isa. . . prov. . . psal. . . hos. . . amos . . micah . . reasons , . from the causes of it , . covetousnesse . samuels sons inclined after lucre and took gifts . . hollownesse and guile . . a want of love of justice . . a want of hatred of sin . . the effects . . in the parties self that offends . . in others . . in himself , the bribe blindes the eyes of the wise , sam. . . exod. . . it makes him unable to see and finde out the truth in a cause . . it perverts the words of the righteous , that is , it makes them which otherwise would deal righteously , and perhaps have had an intention of dealing righteously ; yet to speak otherwise then becomes , it exposeth the offender to condigne punishment . solomon saith , a gift prospers whither ever it goeth , and it makes room for a man , meaning , that otherwise deserve h no room . for the punishment of it , see iob . fire shall devour the tabernacles of bribery , meaning , that god will not fail by some or other means to bring destruction upon those families that shall thus augment their estates . for others , . it doth make all that are rich bold to sin , because they hope to bear it out . . it makes rich men also bold to do wrong . . it grieveth the heart and spirit of the innocent that is in low estate , and makes him call to god to be his avenger . . it overthroweth the throne , prov. . . it brings publick desolation . it is lawfull to pacifie an angry foe with a gift , so did iacob ; but to hire and corrupt a judge with a gift is unlawfull . he cannot lawfully take , therefore neither thou lawfully give , seeing these two are mutual causes and effects , and therefore can hardly be separated in their guiltinesse . cambises caused a bribing judge to be flaid quick , and laid his skin in his chair of judgement , that all judges which should give judgement afterward should sit in the same skin . chap. xvi . of carnal confidence , covetousnesse , cruelty , cursing . carnal confidence . confidence in generall is that affection of the soul whereby it rests it self in the expectation of any good from any thing . therefore carnal confidence is a vice whereby the heart of man rests it self in the looking for any good of any kinde from any thing but god alone . he is carnally confident which promiseth himself any thing desirable , as health , deliverance out of trouble , long life , because he hath such or such outward means , which he thinks are able to bring forth such safety unto him . the scripture cals it making flesh our arm : a man is said to make that his arm which he thinks himself strong and safe if he have ; and so he is said to make riches a strong tower in the same sense . men are prone to this sin of false confidence . david trusted in his strong hill . asa in the physicians . the israelites in egypt for chariots and horses , sam. . , , . luke . . the grounds of it are , . ignorance of god , whose strength and greatnesse together with his grace and goodnesse the minde apprehends not , psal. . . . ignorance of these earthly things , their weaknesse , mutability , and disability to help and comfort , isa. . . the prophet brings in the leud men of his time flattering themselves and soothing up their own hearts with fair words , and promising all safety to their own souls in derision and despight of all his threats , if a plague come through the land it should not touch them ; by vanity and falshood they meant wealthy friends and outward support , which the prophet here cals by this name ironically . this is a great evil , . it is a denying of god , iob . . trust is only due a to him , such a one sets up another god , ion. . . a covetous man is therefore called an idolater , ephes. . . and covetousnesse idolatry , col. . . . it is the ground of all our miscarriage in practice , iohn . , , . the world is a great hinderance to our keeping the commandments . . it is the ground of all disquiet , if you would live a happy life seek a fit object for your trust , psal. . , . & psal. . . expect all good things from god alone . abraham looked for a childe from god when nature failed him . this confidence in god is shewed , . by preferring his favour above all things . . by making his name our refuge in all troubles . . by using all good means and only good to get any good thing , and that without carking and vexation . . by comforting our selves in him when all means fail us , sam. . . signes of false confidence . . the inordinate desire of any earthly thing . what a man desires more then he should that he looks for some good by . . immoderate joy when he hath gotten it . he that findes great joy in any thing , doth therefore joy in it because he thinks he shall be better for it . . impatience in the absence of it , iob . , . . to grow bold to do evil and carelesse of doing good in respect thereof . the cure of carnal confidence . . consider how pernicious this vice is , it withdraws the heart from the lord , ier. . . and brings his curse on the soul and body . . it makes one unable to use well that which he hath . . consider the weaknesse and uncertainty of all outward things . . meditate on those places , psal. . . & . . tim. . . covetousnesse . is an insatiable desire of having , or an inordinate love of money , avarus quasi avidus aeris , isidor . it lies in the heart , but is reckoned by the apostle among outward grosse sins , because it is consummate by outward fordidnesse . it is taken two wayes . . for detaining or taking other mens goods in an unlawfull way , and so it is opposed to justice . or . for an inordinate desire to get and hold , though god call for it , and it opposeth liberality . the desire is inordinate , . for the measure of it , when it is vehement and strong , seeing wealth is a thing of a base and contemptible nature , not worthy any earnestnesse of desire . . for the quantity of the object , the summe of wealth desired , if he suffer his desires to be carried after more then that which is sufficient for the providing of meat drink and cloth for himself and his in a comfortable sort , affecting an overplus : the proper end of riches is comfortable maintenance . . for the end of ones desiring , when it is to serve and set up himself , and is not to fit himself to do god service , and to profit mankinde . laban and nabal , whose names anagramatize each other , are examples of avarice . it is a great and dangerous sin , isa. . . hab. . . col. . . sam. . . prov. . . ier. . . the same prophet complains of the people in his time , that from the least of them to the greatest of them , they were all of them coveting covetousnesse , as the words are ; that is , given unto it , did yeeld their hearts to a desire of gain ; which complaint also he renews , ch . . . and in both places alleadgeth it as a cause of great sins , ezek. . . the lord so hates it that the godly should not company with such , cor. . . in the body when the spleen swels all other parts decay and consume ; so when the heart swels with desire of riches , all the graces of god consume and fade away . when all other sins wax old , this waxeth young in thee . reasons , . from the causes of it , . ignorance of the goodnesse , mercy , power and excellency of god , and of the faithfulnesse , profitablenesse , desirablenesse of things heavenly and spiritual . he knows not god nor the worth of the graces of gods spirit , nor the excellency of his heavenly kingdome , who is glewed unto these earthly , deceitfull vanities : and withall he doth not conceive of the worthlesnesse of these trifles , who suffers his heart to be deceived with the same . . errour : he is in a strong and palpable errour concerning them , imagining them to be of more power and ability to profit him then in truth they be , he overprizeth earthly things , and imagineth riches to be a strong tower and castle of defence . . he puts his trust in riches , and dreams that he shall be so much the more happy by how much the more rich , yea that he cannot be happy without riches . . the effects of it . . the evils of sin which slow from it generally ; it is the root of all evil , it will make a judge corrupt , as sam. . . a prophet deal falsly with the word of god , as ieremiah complains ; it will make a man to lie , deceive and couzen in his dealing ; it will make a woman unchast . more particularly , . it choaketh the word of god. . it causeth that a man cannot serve god , for it is impossible to serve god and mammon . it causeth that he cannot desire heaven nor set his heart on the things that are above ; it sets a quarrel between god and man , for the love of the world is enmity to god. . the evils of punishment that ensue upon it . paul saith , it pierceth a man through with many sorrows : they fall into perdition and destruction ; they shall be damned . covetous men are ranked in scripture with whoremongers , drunkards . how shall i know that my heart is covetous ? . if a man be alwaies solicitous in caring about the things of the world ; our saviour describes covetousnesse by carking and divisions of heart : this is to minde earthly things . . if joy and fear do depend upon the good successe of these outward things , rejoyce when riches increase , but are dejected otherwise . . if a man be quick in these things , and dull to any good thing . . if the service of god be tedious to thee because thou wouldst fain be in the world : when will the new moon be gone ? . if he be distracted in gods service , if their hearts run after their covetousnesse . . if one esteem those that are rich for riches sake . . nigardise , prov. . . eccles. . . means to mortifie this sin . . be affected with your spiritual wants , psal. . . let the heart be deeply sensible of the want of christ and his sanctifying power in the heart , these outward things are such great wants unto thee , because spiritual wants are not apprehended , rom. . ult . . labour for spiritual delights and joy , psal. . , . . consider the shortnesse of thy own life , iames . , . . these outward things cannot stand thee in stead at the day of judgement : riches cannot deliver a man from death , much lesse from damnation . . remember that god requires the more of thee ; salomon therefore saith , he hath seen riches kept for the hurt of the owners : as you increase your revenews so you increase your account , you will have more to answer for at the day of judgement . . christs kingdom is not of this world , therefore he calleth upon his disciples to prepare for a crosse. . meditate upon the word of god prohibiting covetousnesse , and turn the precepts thereof into confessions and prayers . to apply the reproofs , threatnings and commandments of the word of god agrinst any sin is a common remedy against all sins , and so also against this . . seriously consider of gods gracious promises for matter of maintenance in this life , that you may trust in god , psalm . and . . and . . heb. . . be as much for the world as thou wilt , so thou observe three rules . . let it not have thy heart . austen speaks of some who utuntur deo & fruuntur mundo , use god and injoy the world . . do not so eagerly follow it that it should hinder thee in holy duties . . let it not hinder thee from works of charity . one compares a covetous man to a swine , he is good for nothing till he be dead . cruelty . cruelty is a great sin , gen. . , . sam. . , . psal. . rom. . . the bloud-thirsty men shall not live out half their dayes : bloud defiles the land. seven things are an abomination to god , the hands which shed innocent bloud is one of them . halto bishop of mentz in a time of famine shut up a great number of poor people in a barn , promising to give them some relief : but when he had them fast , he set the barn on fire , and hearing then the most lamentable cries and screechings of the poor in the midst of the slames , he scoffingly said , hear ye how the mice cry in the burn . but the lord the just revenger of cruelty sent a whole army of mice upon him , which followed him into a tower which he had built for his last refuge in the midst of the river rhene , never leaving him , till they had quite devoured him . the romans were so accustomed by long use of warre to behold fightings and bloudshed , that in time of peace also they would make themselves sports and pastimes therewith : for they would compell poor captives and bondslaves either to kill one another by mutual blows , or to enter combate with savage and cruel beasts , to be torn in pieces by them . in the punishment of certain offences among the jews there was a number of stripes appointed , which they might not passe , deut. . . so doth the lord abhor cruelty under the cloak of justice and zeal against sinne . this law was so religiously observed amongst the jews , that they would alwayes give one stripe less unto the offender , cor. . . the highest degree of cruelty consists in killing the bodies of men , and taking away their lives for revenge , lucre or ambition : murder and cruelty cry in gods ears , the voice of thy brothers bloud crieth unto me , gen. . reasons . . it is most directly contrary to the love and charity which god would have to abound in every man , love doth no evil to his neighbour . . it is most contrary to the law of nature which ought to rule in all mens lives , to do as they would be done to , we abhor smart , pain , grief , hurt , losse of limbs , of life . . this sinne is contrary to the sweetnesse of humane nature which god hath pleased to plant in it in the very frame of the body , in regard of which it is justly termed inhumanity and savagenesse , and to the graciousnesse and gentlenesse that is in god. . it is a sinne against the image of god as well as against his authority , for he hath pleased to imprint a kinde of resemblance of his own excellent nature upon man more a great deal then upon any other creature of this lower world . a fox is a cruel beast as well as a lion , for though he kill not men , yet he kils lambs and pullen , and if he were big and strong enough he would set upon men also ; yea a weezle is a devouring beast as well as a fox , for he kils young chickens , and the lik● , he is cruel according to his kinde . cursing . it is to wish evil to a thing or person , it virtually ▪ * contains in it all evil , as blessing contains in it virtually all good . the holy ghost notes it of unsanctified men , their mouths are full of cursing and bitternesse , rom. . . reasons . . abundance of contempt of god and uncharitablenesse in the heart . . the devil stirs up cursed conceits in mens mindes when they are angry : iames , their tongues are set on fire of hell , therefore with it they curse their neighbours . we must learn to blesse and not curse , as s. peter exhorteth , because we are heirs of blessing , as our saviour exhorteth , blesse them which curse you ; strive to reverence god and love thy neighbour . consider of the commandments of god which forbid it , and his judgements , cursing shall clothe thee as thou didst love it . there is a double cursing , one is a warrantable , lawful , needful duty , when any man doth in gods name , and by gods authority pronounce or denounce evil against any thing or person , withall praying that the thing may fall out accordingly ; thus christ cursed the fig tree , and elisha the children . the other sinful , the vomiting out vile and disgraceful speeches , mischievous and wicked wishes . the ancients observe , that when god gave the devil leave to afflict iobs body , he spared his tongue , that feeling his pain he might easily raile and curse . chap. xvii . of deceit , distrust , divination , division , drunkenness . deceit . deceit is when we make shew of one thing and do another . it is that vice by which men are apt to make shew of good they intend not , and again to hide the shew of that evil they do intend , or by which men cover over bad purposes with fair pretences , that they may the more easily accomplish them , as in saul to david , whom he desired to thrust upon his own ruine in fighting with the philistims , and his pretence was to honour his valour by making him his sonne in law . iacobs sons used it against the sichemites , iudas against christ , he came with a kisse when he meant nothing but mischief . it is a great sinne , david blameth this fault in doeg , psal. . see psal. . . it is a sinne condemned by nature , for no man can choose but complain if he meet with it in others ; and by scripture more , mark . . rom. . with their tongues they have used deceit , rom. . . pet. . . deceitful men shall not live out half their days , david . the bread of deceit shall be gravel in the belly , salomon , the deceitful man shall not rost what he took in hunting . of all vices it takes up most of the lodgings about us , . our spirits , psal. . . . our thoughts , psal. . . . our hearts , prov. . . . our mouths , pet. . . . our lips , psal. . . ● . our tongues , psal. . . . our bellies , iob . . . our feet , iob . . all our members , acts . . there is fraud in bargaining and conversing ; davids whole carriage to achish was nothing but a pack of fraud , abraham helped himself by deceit , saying of his wife , she is my sister . isaac practised the same deceit with lesse probability or shew of truth . plain iacob was drawn by his mother to use deceit to get the blessing . reasons . . the causes of it are want of the fear of god , and of charity to men : a christians faith and love must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without dissimulation , s. paul saith it twice of both . . it is an abuse of a good gift , yea one of the best natural gifts , wit , reason and understanding , corruptio optimi pessima . . it overthrows the welfare of humane societies , and is contrary to charity , equity , and all well-ordered laws . distrust . it is a kinde of shaking or loosnesse of the heart for want of something to stay upon for attaining of good or avoiding evil , isa. . . . we must not distrust god , as ahaz did in isa. . and sarah when she heard of her having a son , and the israelites when they murmured in their tents , and said , they should perish in the wildernesse ; and david , i shall one day perish by the hand of saul . . we must not distrust men without cause , thinking they will not do such things as they have promised or undertaken , or as they seem willing to do , which was the fault of saul , who distrusted the loyalty both of david and of the people , onely because they in their song ascribed to david ten thousand , and mistrusted ionathan also as if he had been disloyal . . we must moderately distrust our selves and our own wit and sufficiency , as salomon did , saying , i am but a childe , and i cannot go in and out before this great people : and paul when he said , i am not sufficient to think any thing as of my self . we must not so distrust our selves , as to be disheartned from attempting to do our duties , which was moses his fault , that because he was not eloquent refused to go to pharaoh , but alone in such measure , as to make us seek more earnestly to god for his help and assistance . divination . divination is quaedam praenunciatio futurorum , saith aquinas . in general is a course , way or proceeding to effect strange and unwonted effects by means not allowed or ordained by god , either in the course of nature , or any special institution ; as for example , to finde out secret and hidden things , who did this or that , where such a thing is which is lost , what shall become of such a man in such a businesse , and to hurt a man and strike him with a disease , or to help another and cure him of a disease , or the like . of these strange effects some are plainly diabolical , which are done by a manifest , direct and personal concurrence of satan and association with him , such as all sorcerers , conjurers and witches use , and those which have familiar spirits , who raise up the devil himself to appear in likenesse to them , and answer and do things for them , and such as were used of old in oracles , where the devil disguised himself under the appearance of a god . . mixtly natural and diabolical , when satan is not directly consulted withall , but certain natural things are imployed to the end whereto in nature they serve not to cover the devil from mens eyes , and so to work more secretly , as in all those which are termed curious arts , act. . . such as are the use of charms , and spels , and divinations of all sorts , and the casting of figures , and observation of heavenly bodies , out of them to pick the knowledge of contingent events , which because they have no certainty in their nature , therefore cannot be collected out of these natural things , upon which alone certain and necessary things do follow . this art of divination and all the rest are nought , for they came from satan and serve to set him up in mens mindes , and to quench the respect and fear of god. division . all creatures in their natural estate are severed and divided one from another . . they are divided from god the only and chiefest good . . from the angels , cor. . . . one from another , isa. . begin . . from themselves . we are joyned to satan and comply with the idols of our own hearts , ezek. . begin . . the nature of this division is not only local , as that of reuben ▪ judg. . , . by the river iordan , or in externals , but spiritual which is the worst , as spiritual union is the best . this makes the difference in mens mindes , judgements , wils , consciences , acts . . iohn . beg . divided in the very ends they propound , and the means that lead to those ends , and the rule . the causes of it are sad , the lusts and sins of our own hearts , the just indignation of god. these sins especially , . idolatry , iudg. . . . covenant-breaking , levit. . . . pride , ier. . . compared with . . hypocrisie , isa. . . . apostasie . arguments against division and falling into parties : first , divisions are a judgement of god upon a nation , zech. . . secondly , consider the several sins that falling into parties puts men upon . . it puts them on great thoughts of heart , iudg. . . . men break forth into bitter censuring and reviling of those which are not of their own party , prov. . . iames . . they set up their own will in opposition to god. . it causeth men to be glad to hear evil one of another , and take up any report for truth , nehem. . . and glad of any mischief that shall befall them , ezek. . . . this layes upon men a necessity of joyning with any to oppose that party , though they be never so contrary in religion or affection . thirdly , falling into parties is a certain way of ruine . . in the just judgement of god , hos. . . . in the nature of the thing , iudg. . . in cause of religion every subdivision is a strong weapon in the hand of the contrary part , hist. of councel of trent . lib. . pag. . two earthen pots floting with this inscription , si collidimur , frangimur , if we knock , we crack , were long ago made the embleme of england and the low countries ; but may now be extended to all christians . we shall finde in our english chronicles , that england was never destroyed but when divided within it self , our civil divisions brought in the romans , the saxons , danes and normans . though our civil and ecclesiastical breaches be very great , lam. . . yet god can and will heal all the breaches of his saints . . because he hath promised to do it , isa. . . & . , , , , . & . . & . . & . . ezek. . . ier. . . zeph. . . zech. . . . christ hath prayed for it three times in iohn . viz. , , . verses . . christ died to make his people one , ephes. . from . to the later end . see cor. . rom. . to the end . there are some cementing or reconciling graces , faith , repentance , charity , col. . . and humility . there is much talk of peace and unity , peace with truth , or peace and holiness are joyned together in scripture . we should pray to christ to heal our divisions , that he would make us one , we should put on love which is the bond of perfectnesse , col. . , . see phil. . , . drunkennesse . drunkennesse is a great sin , isa. . . deut. . . prov. . , , . the scripture condemns it , be not drunk with wine ▪ saith the apostle ; salomon forbids to keep company with a wine bibber ; the prophet denounceth a woe to the drunkards of ephraim . drunkennesse is one of the fruits of the flesh , and a drunkard one of those whom paul excludes from heaven ; nature condemns it , it trampleth under ▪ foot at once the whole law and gospel too . first , for the law it violates each commandment ; the first , the drunkard makes his belly his god , he cannot exercise knowledge of god , love , fear , confidence , remembrance of sin , or any vertue . it breaks the second commandment , it is a direct breach of our vow made in baptism , and renewed in the lords supper , for this is one of the works of the devil which we then renounced . again it hinders a man from praying , reading , meditating , or doing any good and religious duty . it breaketh the third commandment , because it is an abuse of one of gods creatures , and so takes gods name in vain , it causeth that one can neither see god in his works , nor do any works to his glory , nor shew forth thankfulness for benefits , nor patience in crosses , and because it fils the mouth full of foul and desperate oaths . the fourth , he is unfit to sanctifie the sabbath ▪ and if one be drunk on the lords-day , it is a great prophanation of it , for it is farre from a holy work . the fifth , it makes one despise parents , magistrates , all governors , it makes him abuse wife , children , servants , and all his inferiours , it makes him lift up himself above his equals , and despise all in comparison of himself . the sixth , it is a hurt to his own body , and breeds vile diseases , dropsie , fever , rednesse of eyes , makes him rail , revile , quarrel and kill , and commit all insolent injuries , and hazards himself to untimely death , gal. . . the seventh , for it fils heart and tongue and all full of filthinesse , it inflames the body to lust , a drunken lot will commit incest , rom. . . the eighth , it is a wasting of time and goods , and a robbing of a mans self and family , it often enciteth to cozenage and beguiling , it is grosse injustice . the ninth , it makes him full of bragging and boasting and backbiting , his tongue is as full of vanity as his head of vapours . the tenth , it fils the minde full of leud imaginations , and exposeth him to satans suggestions . perkins on revel . . . shews that popery breaks every commandment . mr paget in his admonition touching talmudique allegations , pag. . to . shews how the jewish rabbins break every commandment . it is against the gospel , it oppresseth the heart and takes away reason , that a man grows hard-hearted , and fils men full of presumption . there was a street in rome called vicus sobrius , the sober street , but is there a village in england that may be called villa sobria , the sober village ? if a man ( though he loaths drunkennesse ) should ( to symbolize with wicked company ) drink immoderately , yet it is drunkennesse : it is true he is not ebriosus , an old soaking drunkard , yet he is ●brius , he hath committed the sinne of drunkennesse . there is a two-fold privation of reason : . aptitudinal , when a man drinks so immoderately , that there is a disposition to disturb reason , yet because he is of a strong brain and constitution , he can bear it without any disturbance , and this hath a woe , woe to those that are strong to drink , that have strong brains and bodies to carry their liquor away , and never cry out with him , duos soles video . . actual , either total and compleat , when reason is fully intercepted , and that is to be stark drunk , to be a vivum cadaver , as chrysostome cals it well , a breathing carkasse ; one cals them ventri-d●mones , belly-devils , who like d●genes could live in a barrel all their life time . . partial , when a mans fancy is not wholly disturbed , yet he is so farre tipled , that both his fancy and judgement are darkned , and the house runs round with him . means to avoid it : . shun the company of drunkards , and all occasions . . cry to god to help you against this vice , and consider the terrible threats against it , cor. . . . get thy sensual appetite mortified . . taste of christs wine , the sweetnesse of having communion with him , ephes. . . chap. xviii . of envy , error , flattery , gluttony . envy . envy is a grief for the prosperity of others . est * aegritudo suscepta propter alterius res secundas , quae nihil noceant invidenti . the first instances that we have of sinne , are adams pride and cains envy . envy is the mother of strife , they are often coupled rom. . . & . . cor. . . cor. . . gal. . . iam. . . natural corruption doth most of all bewray it self by envy . the devil first envied us the favour of god , and ever since we have envied one another . the children of god are often surprized with it , numb . . . iohn . , . it breaketh both tables at once ; it beginneth in discontent with god , and endeth in injury to man. macrobius l. . sat. c. . saith acutely of mutius a malevolous man , being sadder then he was wont , aut mutio nescio quid incommodi accessit , aut nescio cui aliquid boni . the heathens when they saw an envious man sad , they would demand whether harm had happened unto him , or good unto his neighbour . aristotle cals it the antagonist of the fortunate . parum alicui est si ipse sit foelix , nisi alter fuerit infoelix . livor semper lippus est , saith petrarch , this humour is alwayes ill-sighted . all blear-eyed men are offended and hurt with the light , so envy is provoked at anothers good and honour . the better the party envied is , the better he behaveth himself , the more bitter the envier doth grow against him , and the more his hatred increaseth . saul had still a more violent spleen against david by how much he discovered more wisdom , courage , and the more the hearts of his servants were set upon him . who can stand before envy ? saith salomon , prov. . . it is the rottennesse of the bones , pro. . . and so the justest of all vices , because it bringeth with it its own vengeance . sed videt ingratos , intabescitque videndo , successus hominum , carpitque & carpitur unà , suppliciumque suum est . ovid. met. . fab. . as the rust consumes iron , so this vice the envious man. anacharsis cals it serram animae , and socrates , ulcus . when hercules had vanquished so many fierce monsters , comperit invidiam supremo fine domandam , he grapled at last with envy as the worst . erasm. lib. . of his epist. in an epistle to sir thomas more , saith of conradus goclenius , invidere quid sit , ne per somnium quidem unquam intellexit : tantus est ingenii candor . the objectum quod of it , is , good of any kinde , true , apparent , honest , profitable , pleasant , of minde , body , fortune , fame , vertue it self not excepted ; the objectum cui , is generally any other man , superiour , inferiour , equal . we envy a superiour because we are not equalled to him , an inferiour least he should be equal to us , an equal because he is our equal . men of the same trade or profession envy each other : figulus figulo invidet , faber fabro . death frees a man from it , extra omnem invidiae aleam . pascitur in vivis livor , &c. the chief cause of it is pride and inordinate love of a mans self : the impulsive cause is manifold , as if he be an enemy , a corrival . hatred ( when one loaths and wisheth ill to another ) agrees with envy , . in the subject , alwayes he which envies another hates him , but not on the contrary . secondly , in the efficient cause , which is pride , and a blinde love of a mans self . it differs from it : first , in the subject , for hatred may be in one in whom envy is not . secondly , in the objectum quod , which in envy is only good , but in hatred it may be evil . thirdly , in the objectum cui , which is larger in hatred then envy , for we envy men only , not god , nor our selves but others , but we may hate not only other men but our selves and other creatures , yea god himself . error . error is to judge otherwise then the thing is , taking truth for falshood , or falshood for truth , usquequaque fidei venena non cessant spargere , saith augustine of his times . in gregory nazianzens dayes there were six hundred errors in the church . selat . on cor. . , . the doctrine onely of the trinity * remains undefiled in popery . obstinately to defend an error in things indifferent , makes a man a schismatick ; and in points necessary and fundamental , an heretick . it is the greatest judgement in the world to be given over to error , revel . . . iud● v. . thes. . . all the primitive fathers spend most of their zeal and painful writings against heresies and errors . all the primitive churches to whom the apostles wrote epistles , areexpresly warned either positively to stand fast in the truth , to hold fast their profession ; or negatively to beware of , and to avoid false teachers , and not to be carried about with divers and strange doctrines . see mr gillesp. misc. c. . & . it is not difficult to enumerate those heresies which gave occasion for the introducing of every article in the creed . vide sanfordum de descensu christi ad infer●s , l. . p. , . it was well concluded in the session of the councel of constance , that every tenth year at the farthest , there should be a general councel held , to reform such errors in the church as probably in that time would arise . preservatives from error : . have a care to be established in the truths of god , pet. . . specially the main truths of religion ; look to repentance , faith , daily examination , matth. . . rom. . . corrupt teachers beguile none but unstable souls . . get experimental knowledge , ephes. . . and mourn to see the truths of christ corrupted , revel . . . . love not any sin , tim. . . . try the spirits , iohn . . every man pretends to speak by the spirit , bring their doctrine to the rule , try to what end the doctrine tends , whether to exalt god and abase man , matth. . , . or to set up the dark wisdom and proud will of man , as free-will , universal redemption , the denying of gods decrees and perseverance , sub laudibus naturae latent inimici gratiae . aug. . beware of communion with false teachers , rom. . . titus . . epist. iohn . . make use of the ministry . flattery . flattery is a speech fitted to the will and humors of others for our own advantage . one may please others much , and yet not flatter them , when he seeks not his own advantage in it , cor. . ult . we flatter , first , when we ascribe to them good things which they have not . or secondly , applaud their evils as goodnesse . or thirdly , amplisie their good parts above their merit . or fourthly , extenuate their evil more then is meet , isa. . . flatterers are men that dwell at placenza , as the italian saith , isa. . . they may well be called caementarii diaboli , the devils daubers , ezek. . . dionysius the tyrant had flatterers about him , who like dogs would lick up his spittle and commend it to him to be as sweet as nectar . diogenes compared flattering language to a silken halter , which is soft because silken , but strangling because a halter ; and saith , as tyrants are the worst of all wild beasts , so are flatterers of all tame . none can be flattered by another till he first flatter himself . canutus king of * england and denmark well repressed a flatterer at southampton , who bare the king in hand that all things in the realm were at his will and command . he commanded that his chair should be set on the shore , when the sea began to flow , and then in the presence of many , said to the sea as it flowed , thou art part of my dominion , and the ground on which i sit is mine , wherefore i charge thee that thou come not upon my land , neither that thou wet the cloathes or body of thy lord ; but the sea according to his usual course flowing did wet his feet , then he said , none was worthy the name of a king but he to whose command the earth and sea were subject , and never after would be king. chalac in hebrew signifies either blandus smooth , or mollis soft , because the flatterer useth smooth and soft speeches ; or dividere to divide , because in flatterers the tongue is divided from the heart . see prov. . . & . . open hostility is better then secret flattery . an ungodly mans sins are acts of hostility , his duties acts of flattery , psal. . . we should shut our ears to flatterer● , and rather seek to do what is commendable , then to hear our own commendation . plus ali●● de ●● , quam tu tibi , credere noli . gluttony . gluttony is a sinne , isa. . . amos . it is an immoderate delight in meats and drinks . this was dives his sinne , one of the sins of s●dom , fulnesse of bread ; and of the old world . this sinne is committed five wayes : praeproperè , lautè , nimis , ardenter , studiosè . reasons . from the causes of it , it ariseth from sensuality , a brutish vice where by one metamorphoseth himself into a swine in disregarding the divine , spiritual , excellent , supernatural good offered to his reason , and by that alone to be conceived , and placeth his happinesse in corporal delights and pleasures that tickle his senses . such a one that so feeds , eats not to live , but lives to eat , and in that sense is said to serve his own belly , and not the lord. secondly , the effects of this vice are very bad : . it hinders mercy and liberality to the poor . lazarus could not have the crums of the rich mans table , either they have no heart to give , or nothing to spare . . it often overthrowes estate , he that loves wine and oyl shall not be rich . . oppresseth the heart and burieth all good meditations and affections , for fat is alwayes senslesse . . draws men to the practice of unjustice , as sam. . . a christian must take heed of all excesse in food , cor. . . reasons . first , a moderate diet keeps the body healthful , that we may glorifie god and have ability of strength to serve him . secondly , excesse of diet will breed lusts , and further the power of concupiscence in men . thirdly , the body is to be an instrument of the soule in all service to god : glorifie god in soul and body : much eating unfits , and is sinfull . fourthly , we must eat to the glory of god when we are hungry , that hereby god may be glorified in our calling . fifthly , it is idolatry to minde the belly , phil. . . rom. . . such belly-gods were the monks , and many of the romans . sixthly , it is a sin against the body , the apostle aggravates fornication from this consideration . seventhly , it indisposeth to any spiritual duty , luke . . a full belly cannot study , impletus venter non vult studere libenter . in scripture a fat heart is as much as stupid and senslesse . first , many like iosephs master potiphar take account of nothing but what they must eat and drink , that they may be sure to fare well ; our feasts usually are turned meerly to an exercise of this vice . secondly , all should exercise temperance in diet , let a little content thee , let the end of thy eating be strength and health , not a pleasing of thy tooth : the rich must inure themselves sometimes to a hard short meal , that they may do more good to others . motives . first , gluttony is a beastly sin , yea it makes men worse then beasts , for they can take delight in such things , yet will not exceed . secondly , it is an abuse of the creatures which are given to us for our good . thirdly , injurious to the poor . chap. xix . of heresie , hypocrisie , idlenesse , impenitence , injustice , intemperance . heresie . i dolatry was the prevailing sinne of the old testament , and heresie of the new. it is a pertinacious defending of any thing which overthrows the fundamentall doctrine of faith contained in the word of god : an obstinate errour against the foundation . dr halls case of consc. th case . it was a wilde fancy of the weigelians , that there is a time to come ( which they call seculum spiritus sancti ) in which god shall by his spirit reveal much more knowledge and light then was revealed by christ and his apostles in scripture . mr gillesp. miscel. c. . the gnosticks had their name propter excellentiam scientiae , from profound knowledge and greater light : they which pretended to know above all others , yet were but a prophane sect , as the ancient writers tell us . the socinians doctrine is , as it were , a filthy sink , into which all the heresies of former and later ages have emptied themselves . they will receive no interpretation of scripture nor article of faith unlesse it agree with reason . scriptura est norma , recta ratio est judex , all is ultimately resolved into reason . infaustus socinus omnium hareticorum audacissimus . rivet . what doth socinus think more highly of christ then the turks of mahomet ? yea what doth he think better of christ then the turks , which esteem christ a holy prophet of god who taught us his will ? socinianisme is a complication of many ancient heresies condemned by ancient councels . a doctrine that undermines the merit and satisfaction of our saviours death . arminlanism gratifieth the pride of will ; popery the pride of outward sense , and socinianisme the pride of carnal reason . dr hill on prov. . . the socinians deny the deity of the lord jesus christ , the deity of the holy ghost , the trinity of persons , they deny that jesus christ hath merited or satisfied for his people . the papists , besides some fundamentall errours , as justification by the merit of our own works , are most abominably idolatrous in their worship . of all hereticall and false teachers this last age hath afforded , i know none more pernicious then these two , . libertines , that teach to neglect obedience , as in every respect unnecessary . . justitiaries , that presse obedience as available to justification . dr. sclater on rom. . . antinomianism is the most dangerous , plausible errour that almost ever invaded the church , insinuating into well-meaning mindes , under a false pretence of advancing christ and free ▪ grace . mr baxt. inf. church-memb . part . . sect. . the original of the antinomians seems to be from the old katharoi called puritans , who being justified , affirmed they were perfect and free from all sin , as the glorified in heaven . m. rutterf . surveigh of the spirit , antich . part . . c. . the antinomians say repentance , grief , sorrow for , sense or conscience of sin in a beleever , is legal , carnal , fleshly , from unbelief and the old adam , and that it is contrary to faith and gospel-light to confess sins , and was a work of the flesh in david . id. ib. c. . vossius in his historia pelagiana , saith , that pelagius was humani arbitrii decomptor , & divinae gratiae contemptor , a trimmer of nature and ●n affronter of grace . the pelagians say , that a man may by strength of nature convert himself ; that adams sin did hurt himself alone ; that no hereditary stain came to h●s posterity by it ; that in infants there is nothing of sin ; that men die not for the punishment of sin , but by the law of nature . they were so called from one pelagius a welchman , his name was morgan , which signifies the sea , but he chose rather to be called pelagius . he dwelt by the sea . vide r. episc. usser . de britan. eccles. primord . c , , . he seemed to some to have excelled in such great eminency of knowledge and learning , that some thought that place , rev. . . was to be interpreted of his fall . against this heresie austin and ierom disputed much . christ doth not say , iohn . . without me you can do little , but without me you can do nothing . aug. in ioan. tract . . sententias vestras prodidisse refutasse est , patet prima fronte blasphemia , said ierom of pelagius and his opinions . austin gives the reason why pelagianism did spread so much , because there were pelagiani fibrae in every man naturally . austin termed the pelagians inimicos gratiae dei , prosper ingratos , ungratefull and ungracious men , contra ingratos . the arminians too much follow the pelagians . of arminius and his opinions vide praefat. ad eccles. act. synod . dordrecht . the five articles of the remonstrants do exalt mans free-will . in the first article god is said to have chosen them which would beleeve , obey , and continue in faith and obedience . in the second it is affirmed that christ obtained reconciliation with god and remission of sins for all and every one , if by faith they be able to receive these his benefits . in the third and fourth article the efficacy of conversion depends upon mans will , so that it is efficacious to conversion if a man will , and inefficacious if he will not . in the fifth article perseverance in faith is ascribed to mans will , which is to derogate from the fathers free election , the sons redemption , and the holy ghosts conversion . hypocrisie . hypocrisie is that vice by which men content themselves to seem good , but are not carefull to be so in very deed ; that is a good description of it , tim. . , . see matth. . . & . . in that measure we like of sin , in that measure is hypocrisie in us . greenham . there are two kindes of hypocrites . . such as are grosse and know they do dissemble . . such as have great works of gods spirit , as knowledge , joy , sorrow , and reformation of their sins , which do take these to be true graces , because they come near them and are like them ; as the foolish virgins . a very hypocrite may make some account of serving god. saul durst not fight till he had offered sacrifice , sam. . , . a man may hear and that with joy , and beleeve , and bring forth a blade of forward profession , and yet be an hypocrite . the pharisee boasted that he paid tithe of all that he possessed , that he fasted twice a week . paul was unrebukable according to the law , and after a sort conscionable in exercises of religion . psalm . god tels the hypocrite he will not reprove him for his sacrifices , this way he was not much behinde hand . reasons . . a certain natural spark of the knowledge of god is left in man since the fall . . it is a credit to be somewhat religious . . it is fit to feed their pride and a conceit of their own goodnesse . . this is a means of nourishing him in his false and presumptuous hope of salvation . the difference between the religion of the hypocrite and true-hearted : . in the matter , the one meditateth in the word read and heard , applying it to himself , by turning it into matter of sorrow or joy , confession or petition ; the hypocrite will never thus apply the word of god unto himself in the several parts of it . . the hypocrite hath alwaies a false or evil end in his devotion ; either he aims at praise amongst men , or earning heaven to himself notwithstanding his bearing with himself in some sins , he aims not at the pleasing of god and getting grace and power to himself that he may overcome sin . . they differ in the fruit and manner of performing these exercises ; the hypocrite neither hath nor careth to have the power of these acts working mightily in his heart . the pharisees contented themselves to wash the outside of the cup and platter , and to be zealous observers of the letter of the law , being yet within full of all wickednesse . the most accomplisht hypocrite cannot expresse . the life and power of a christian , . nor the joy of a christian. the open prophane man may be worse then the hypocrite in some respect , he dishonoureth god more , and sinneth with a higher hand , and with more contempt of god , and also with more hurt to ●●en by his example , then the wicked man doth . yet the hypocrites case in other respects is worse then the state of the prophane man , . in this life , he is hardlier brought to a sense of his sin , and to repentance for it , matth. . . . in the life to come , because they have sinned against greater means and light , they shall receive the greater damnation , matth. . . many an hypocrite will . constantly hear and frequent the best ministry , isa. . . ezek . , . . will keep a constant course in prayer , and that not in ordinary prayer only , but even in extraordinary too , luke . . compare zach. . . & . . together . . is a strict observer of the sabbath day , luke . , . iohn . . . loveth the sincerity of religion and hateth popery , will-worship and idolatry , with all the reliques and monuments of it , rom. . , . . goeth a great deal farther in the reformation of his life , then the civil man doth , pet. . . luke . . we should labour for a spirit without guile , psal. ? . . that spirit is . an humble spirit before , in , and after duty . . an honest spirit , carried equally against all sin . . a plain spirit . idlenesse . idlenesse is a vice of spending time unprofitably . it is vivi hominis sepultura . salomon often condemneth sluggishnesse , prov. . , , . which saying he repeats again , proverbs . see proverbs . . an idle man is a burden to himself , a prey to satan , the devils cushion , semper aliquid age ut te diabolus inveniat occupatum . a grief to gods spirit , ephes. ● . . . bodily sloth you cannot bear , and soul-sloth christ cannot bear , matthew . . sins accompanying idlenesse . . inordinate walking , thess. . , . . talebearing , tim. . . prov. . . . theft , ephes. . . thess. . . . drunkennesse , amos . . . filthinesse , see sam. . ezek. . . idlenesse is the mother and nurse of lust . quaeritur aegistus quare sit factus adulter , in promptu causa est , desidiosus erat . otia si tollas periere cupidinis arcus . ovid. water standing still will putrifie and breed toads and venemous things , so ease will breed diseases . the punishments of idlenesse . . diseases . cernis at ignavum corrumpunt otia corpus ? . dulnesse , idlenesse is the rust of wit. . poverty , prov. . . & . , . & . , . & . . . shame , prov. . . & . . & . . it is against the order of nature which god set in all his creatures at the first , the heavens stand not still but by miracle ; adam laboured in paradise , much more since the fall ; iob . . the rust fretteth unused iron , and the mothes eat unworn garments . this is the sin of great persons who ●●ve received great mercies from god , cretians , idle , slow-bellies . this sin is condemned , . exceedingly in the word , by salomon , prov. eccles. isaiah , and by paul , and in morall philosophy . . it is a mother-sin , as was shewed before . . produceth many plagues , rheums , obstructions , and other inconveniences , as hath been also shewed , and exposeth one to great danger . a good remedy against idlenesse is diligence in some honest calling . iacob and his sons , moses and david were shepherds , sam. . , . let him that hath an office wait upon it . this humbleth the minde , profits the estate , and makes a man able to do good to himself and others , interests a man to the things of this life ; he that labours not must not eat , in all labour there is abundance . it fits him for religious duties ; if it be moderate , makes the life cheerfull , prevents evil fancies . impenitence . impenitence is a great sin under the gospel , acts . . the longer one lies in any sin the more is the heart hardened , ier. . . ephes. . , . he which hardeneth his heart against many reproofs , shall surely perish ; obstinate , impenitent sinners shall be destroyed , sam. . . impenitence perfectly conforms one to satan , who is in malo obfirmatus , and sins without remorse , in malo perseverare diabolicum . reasons , . repentance is gods gift , therefore denying of it is gods curse . . hereby the highest favour of god is despised , the offering of repentance is a mercy that belongs to the second covenant ; obstinacy in sinning is a denying of gods justice , and abusing his mercy . . so long as one lives in any sin without repentance , so long god looks on him as continuing in that sin , his minde is not changed . . without repentance a there is no remission , acts . . luke . . therefore the sin against the holy ghost is unpardonable , heb. . . because one cannot repent . . final impenitency is a certain evidence of ones reprobation , rom. . . heb. . . . under the gospel there are the greatest arguments and motives to repentance , matth. . . acts . . christ himself sent iohn before him to preach the doctrine of repentance , and he himself did also preach it ; he bad men amend their lives , because the kingdom of god was at hand : and his apostles also preacht the same doctrine of repentance . he is a wilfull sinner which either holds in himself a purpose that he will sin , or is irresolute and not settled in a firm purpose of not sinning , or that purposeth to mend but not till hereafter . injustice . injustice is a sin . every man is to have his own , and to be permitted the quiet enjoyment of that wherein he hath interest . they execute no judgement . salomon saith in the place of judgement there was iniquity . i looked for judgement , and behold oppression , isaiah . reasons . . the excellency of the thing abused , judgement is a part of gods authority . it is gods judgement which you execute , saith iehosaphat ; therefore it is a foul thing to abuse a thing so sacred and of such high respect . . the causes of it are covetousness , distrust of gods providence , shaking off the fear of god , and extinguishing the light of nature , denying gods lordship over the whole world . . the effects of it are bad . . it defiles a mans conscience : iudas cast away the thirty pieces which he came unjustly by . . it will ruinate his state and family : a man shall not rost what he caught in hunting . . it blemisheth the name and stains a mans reputation : the publicans were in such hatefull esteem among the jews , that they were ranked with the very harlots , and most notorious sinners , because they cared not what nor from whom they gat . . riches deceitfully gotten is vanity tossed to and fro by them which seek death , a man shall be damned for unjust gain , unlesse repentance and restitution come between . the apostle saith , god is an avenger of all which do such things ; know ye not that the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of god ? intemperance . it is an inordinate appetite or immoderate desire and use of meat and drink , and this is when a due mean is exceeded , either in the costly preparation of them for our selves or others , or in the too liberall and excessive use of them so prepared . degrees of intemperance . . more secret . . when mens thoughts run after what they shall eat or drink , matth. . . when animus est in patinis , rom. . . . when we delight too much in it ; as philoxenus who wisht he had a neck like a crane , that he might take the longer delight in swallowing of his meat and drink . . when we feed securely , iude . are too much taken up with the creatures . . more notorious . . when men eat more then their stomacks will digest , prov. . , . when they are too dainty , nothing will down but what is delicious and costly , as the rich man in the gospel . . when they eat and drink unseasonably , as isa. . . amos . , . when they eat one meal too hastily after another , not allowing nature sufficient time for concoction , and those that will be still tipling . helps against it . . reade , hear and practise the word . . pray . . joyn fasting with prayer . . consider the bounty of the lord in giving us good things and for what end , viz. strength . chap. xx. of lying , malice , murmuring , oppression . lying . lying is a voluntary uttering of that which is false against a mans knowledge and conscience , with an intention to deceive , see proverbs . . . & . . in respect of the end it is distinguished into perniciosum , officiosum , and jocosum , a hurtfull , officious , and merry lie . august . in enchirid. ad laurent . aquinas ª ae quaest . . art. . the end of a pernicious lie is to hurt , of an officious lie to profit , of a merry lie to delight . we must not tell a lie for gods glory , iob . . much lesse for to help my neighbour . officious lying is neither permitted nor approved in the word of god. god threatens to destroy all those that speak leasing , psal. . . see prov. . . matth. . . ephes. . . col. . . rev. . . & . . the very heathens themselves abhorred all lying , aristotle saith , a lie is evil in it self and to be dispraised . it is a great sin . reasons . . the law of god is against it ; the ninth commandment , and the gospel , col. . . . it is against the nature of god , the father is the god of truth , iohn . . the son is truth , iohn . . the holy ghost is the spirit of truth , iohn . . and the word of god which is the word of truth , ephes. . . it makes us like the devil , iohn . . . it is against natural conscience ; a little childe will blush at a lye . . it is basely esteemed of by all generous men , they abhorre above all things the imputation of lying . it was in great reproach among the persians , saith brissonius . . it is contrary to all civil society , takes away all commerce betwixt man and man. mendax hoc lucratar ut cum vera dixerit ei non credatur , it is the just reward of a lier not to be beleeved when he tels truth . . omnibus peccatis cooperatur , aug. it hath an influence on all sins . lying and stealing are joyned together , ephes. . . the punishment of it is great , as we may see in gehezi , ananias and saphira . psal. . and often in the proverbs a the lord abhorres it . rev. . . & . . liars are joyned with great sinners . see isa. . . & prov. . . popery is a doctrine of lies , tim. . . the great honour of the saints is to walk in the truth , iohn . see ephes. . : buy the truth and sell it not . erasmus had such an antipathy with lying , that from his youth he would usually tremble at the sight of a noted liar . malice . it causeth a man to receive pleasure in the practice of cruelty ; so the brethren of ioseph , and cain , sam. . , to the . reasons , . it is most of all contrary to charity , therefore it must needs bring forth quite contrary effects to it ; and as that makes a man to take pleasure in doing good , so this in doing evil , for both vertues and vices cause him in whom they rule to take content in those things wherein they are exercised , and by which they are strengthened and increased , as both charity is by well doing , and malice by doing evil . . where malice doth rule , the spirit of god is quite gone , and the light of nature extreamly dimmed , and a man is given over into the power of satan ; for in giving place to wrath a man gives place to the devil . . it distempers the judgement , will and affections . murmuring . it is first , a sin reproved by god , and a provocation of him , ion. . . the israelites were very guilty of it , see numb . . . psal. ▪ . secondly , it is a high degree of sin . . hereby thou exaltest thy will above gods , and makest it the rule of goodnesse . . you put god out of his throne , out of government ; in every murmuring against his dispensations thou deniest his sovereignty . . hereby thou makest thy self wiser then god in divine things . . this is a way to provoke god to greater displeasure , amos . . arguments against murmuring and discontent under gods administrations . . it is a christians duty to be content with the things present , heb. . thess. . such a one can never be thankfull . . all your murmurings are against god , numb . . . & exod. . . you charge god with folly , iob . ult . . this will heighten your sin and add to your plagues , rev. . . isa. . . . if the lord should hearken to your murmuring , you would quickly destroy your selves , hos. . . oppression . oppression is a great sin , isa. . . psal. . & . . amos . . mic. . . hab. . , . & . . ier. . . & . , . pride and unjustice in the extremity meet in an oppressour . the prophet cries out of them which grinde the faces of the poor , of them which are like the wolves in the evening , of them which covet fields and take them by force , because there is might in their hands . reason , it is an abuse of a special gift of god quite contrary to his appointment which gave it , god made the stronger therefore to be the stronger , that he might defend the weak , as the greater sims and bones of the body hold up the burden of it . chap. xxi . of perjury , polygamy , pride . perjury . perjury is mendacium juramento firmatum , a lie confirmed with an oath ; so peter lombard distinct. . the same thing by the addition of an oath that a lie is in a bare promise , saith b dr. sanderson . it is double . . when a man affirmeth or denieth upon oath that which he beleeveth in his own heart to be quite contrary . . when he bindeth himself by oath to do or forbear that which he for the present time hath no purpose nor intention to perform . the old saying is , once forsworn , ever forlorn . no casuist doubts of it that a turk may be guilty of perjury , and for it be punished by the true god , if he forswear himself , though he swear but by mahomet a false prophet . such a one that compels a man to perjury is a murderer , saith austin , duplex homicida , say the schoolmen . a fellow hearing perjury condemned in a pulpit by a learned preacher , and how it never escaped unpunished , said in a bravery , i have oft forsworn my self , and yet my right hand is not a whit shorter then my left ; which words he had scarce uttered , when such an inflammation arose in that hand , that he was constrained to go to the chirurgion and cut it off , least it should infect his whole body ; and so his right hand became shorter then his left , in recompence of his perjury , which he lightly esteemed of . the theatre of gods judgements , c. . of perjuries . the small successe that the emperor sigismund had in all his affairs ( after the violation of his faith given to iohn hus and hierom of prague at the councel of constance , whom though with direct protestations and oaths he promised safe conduct and return , yet he adjudged to be burned ) doth testifie the odiousnesse of his sin in the sight of god. polygamy . lamech first brought it into the world , abraham into the church by sarahs means , iacob was forced to it by a kinde of necessity . it is a sin , and is evidently blamed by moses , levit. . . that is , ye shall not take more at once : that this verse is meant of monogamy is proved by analogy with vers . . and salomon by way of recantation after his excessive faultinesse therein ( having had a thousand wives ) saith prov. . . rejoyce with the wife of thy youth , wife not wives , the first to whom thou didst joyn thy self in youth . the scripture cals second wives in polygamy vexers or enviers , gen. . . sam. . . the prophet mal. . , . in the old testament , and christ in the new , mat. . , . reproves it : if one be guilty of adultery that puts his wife from him , and marries another , then also if he keep her and takes another to him besides her , cor. . . his proper wife . it is a swerving from gods first institution . secondly , the conjunction of one man and woman is sufficient for the ends for which matrimony was first ordained , viz. mutual helpfulnesse and increase of mankinde . thirdly , it is the best way to quench lust and order the appetite . there are two kinds of polygamy simultanea and successiva , the having of more wives successively , or at one time . the montanists and the novatians held , that if a man buried one wife he might not marry another , and the church of rome forbiddeth the blessing of second marriages in the church , but this polygamy is not only allowed rom. . but in a sort commanded also tim. . . and the fathers justifie it . it is only the having of many wives together that is condemned by the old and new testament and fathers . we read not that iacobs marriage with his two sisters , nor lots daughters incest with him was condemned , yet they were sins . the patriarchs lived and died in the sin of polygamy , not through any impiety , the lord testifying their hearts were upright , but meerly through the mistaking of that place , levit. . . taking the word sister for one so by bloud , which was spoken of a sister by nation , as those clauses to vex her , and during her life do evince , prov. . . but no such place was extant in abraham and iacobs time . that polygamy though so common and connived was in the mosaical law inhibited , levit. . . in those words , a wife to her sister , that is , one to another , as that form is commonly taken , seems evident enough , and so iunius takes it . that of god by nathan to david , sam. . . seems not to be any approbation , but that all which was sauls came by the disposal of god into davids power , though it appeareth not that david made such use of that power which yet he might have done without any such notorious wrong unto any , as he offered to uriah . pride . pride is a great sin , prov. . . psal. . . it is a vice whereby one makes a high account of himself , isa. . , . it makes a man some body in his own esteem , it makes one count himself some thing , as paul saith , he that counteth himself something when he is nothing , deceives himself , galat. . . it is called being great or high in ones own eyes , a lifting up or exalting ones self . initium omnis peccati superbia est : quid est autem superbia , nisi perversae celsitudinis appetitus ? aug. de civit . dei , l. . c. . it is inordinatus appetitus propriae excellentiae , an overweening conceit of a mans own excellency , self is his god , his chiefest good and utmost end ; the greater the excellency is the higher the pride , it is a greater pride to be proud of gifts and parts then to be proud of riches and honour , and to be proud of grace then of gifts , of ones own righteousnesse . the root of all other sins ( saith * aquinas ) ex parte aversionis is superbia , ex parte conversionis avaritia . pride refers to self-excellency , covetousnesse to creature-excellency . pride is the measure of corruption , and humility of all grace . what swelling and ambitious titles are those in the styles of the roman emperors , invictus , victor , defensor , triumphator , and the like ! those of the pope , as universal bishop , prince of priests , supream head of the universal church , and vicar of christ here upon earth ! of the great turk and some other mighty princes ! this is one of the sins which the fear of god will make a man to hate , prov. . . one of the sins of sodom which procured unto her that strange overthrow , ezek. . . see isa. . . ier. . . rom. . . tim. . . a vice whose name is comprehended in a monosyllable , but in its nature not circumscribed with a world . reasons . . it is a most absurd and unreasonable vice for such a mean creature to swell , mean in his creation , vile since his corruption . . a most harmful and pernicious vice ; this causeth the man in whom it is to be loathed of god , the proud in heart is an abomination to the lord , prov. . . and haughty eyes are one of the things which his soul hateth , he resisteth the proud , it makes men to despise him , and count him base , he is by it made uncapable of doing and receiving good . . it is a great sin against the gospel of jesus christ , matth. . ult . christs whole life was a constant lecture of humility . . it opposeth god as god , other sins set against gods justice , mercy , his law ; but this against god as he is god , it is to make ones own will the supream rule of all things . . it is a sin which runs out in many kinds and objects , it may arise from our very graces , so that a man will be proud , because he is not proud , it was mr. fox his speech , as i get good by my sins , so i get hurt by my graces , the more universal any sin the more dangerous . pride hath three degrees : . close and secret pride , when though it be retired as a king into his closet , yet it rules ier. . . it bears rule in all unsanctified men , for they dare oppose gods commandments , crosse his directions for their lusts sake , murmur against him , this is to prefer themselves above him . . more open , when being fed fat with wealth , learning , it makes a man plainly to count himself some worthy person , this is high-mindednesse , tim. . . and being puffed up , cor. . . . most open , when it dares even contest with god , and sets light by him in plain terms , as pharaoh exod. . . nebuchadnezzar , dan. . . the king of tyre , ezek. . . antichrist , thes. . and some heathen emperors would be worshipped as god. amongst all vices there is none that discovers it self sooner then pride ; for the speech , we reade of a proud mouth , iude v. . for the gate , we reade of a foot of pride , psal. . . for apparel , of a crown of pride , isa. . . of a chain of pride , psa. . . many that know not the man , yet point at him as he walks in the streets , and say , there goes a proud fellow , which men usually pronounce of no vice beside but the drunkard , and therefore doth the prophet habakkuk . . joyn them both together . it bears rule when it is not constantly observed and resisted with sorrowful confessions and self-judging and earnest prayers to god against it . the effects of it in all estates : . a proud man cannot brook a wrong without chafing and distemper . . it breeds contentiousnesse , aptnesse to strive , to fall out , to be and continue to be at variance with other men , only by pride cometh contention , prov. . . . such a one worketh in proud wrath , when he is angry he carries himself haughtily , and cares not what he sayes , with whom he is angry , to deal in proud wrath argues a proud man. . headinesse and high-mindednesse and self-willednesse ; paul joyns headiness and high-mindednesse together , the better a man thinks of himself the more apt he is to be ruled by himself , and not regard the counsel of others ; it is said of the proud builders of babel , this they did and would not be stopped . secondly , in prosperity he brags and boasts and sets up himself , never fears any alteration , but is secure and saith , he shall not be moved . thirdly , in adversity he whines and mutters , and is full of complaints , and is ready to use ill shifts , and cannot frame himself to a usefull and patient bearing of it . lastly , consider the hurt it doth in the world . first , it hinders men from receiving good either from god or man. . it hinders the good of illumination , god teacheth the humble : see ier. . . prov. . . psal. . . . the good of sanctification , except you become as little children you cannot be my disciples . . the good of comfort , to him will i look who is of a contrite spirit . . it is the main impediment of conversion . see exod. . . iob . . mal. . . luke . . secondly , it depriveth us of all the good we have received , and unfits us for doing service . thirdly , it is the mother of all sins , covetousnesse grows on it , hab. . . it whets revenge , esth. . . helps against it : . pray to god to shew it and make it hateful . . meditate of your own meannesse and basenesse , bodily and spiritual , in this life and another . . be diligent in some vertuous calling . . observe gods judgements on pride , either upon your selves , or those that are near you , dan. . . cor. . . it is the sure fore-runner of ruine . . draw out the spirit of christs humiliation , phil. . , . . let every act of pride be accompanied with a subsequent act of humility , chron. . . chron. . . . treasure up some holy principles , and keep them alwayes present and ready in your thoughts , psal. . . the only way to exaltation is not to affect it , he that humbleth himself shall be exalted , jam. . . . the ornament of an high estate is not outward splendor , but a lowly mind , iam. . . when one can be minimus in summo . . those that are most worthy of praise doe most despise it , prov. . . . take heed of those things which nourish pride , idlenesse , voluptuousnesse , delighting in earthly vanity , looking much abroad to others faults , promising our selves much prosperity , long-life , in the abundance of outward things . chap. xxii . of railing , rebellion , revenge , scandall , schisme . railing . railing is a great sin . our saviour having condemned rash anger , proceedeth to blame this evil effect of it , saying , he that saith raka , or he that calleth his brother fool , plainly enough intimating , that commonly distempered and inordinate anger doth bring forth such language . see what companions the holy ghost hath yoked with railers , cor. . . & . . psal. . david saith , he heard the reproach of many . saul railed on ionathan , and called him the son of the perverse rebellious woman , as much as if in plain english he had called him whoreson varlet . nabal railed on david and his servants which were sent unto him ; and rabshekeh railed on the living god ; the jews railed on christ , saying , thou hast a devil . shimei on david , sam. . , , , . railing is the uttering of such words and terms against any man as do aim at his disgrace , to make him appear contemptible , hateful and vile . not only those rail which call others vile names , as rogue , fool , asse , this is the highest degree of railing , but all vilifying terms , thou , what art thou ? a pinne for thee , thou art this and that , casting in a mans teeth his faults and imperfections , yea or any words tending to reproach , is railing . reason why it is so great a sin : . it is contrary to equity , which requires that a man should deal no otherwise with his neighbour then he would have his neighbour to deal with him , no man can brook railing terms , but abhors them . . it is against charity : . it is a fruit of bitternesse and wrath in him that doth it , and shews that he is provoked and inflamed ; now charity is not provoked . . it tends to the disgrace of another to blemish his name , and make him appear vile and contemptible to others , which is against the rules of charity , for charity covers faults , and this layes them open . . in some cases it is contrary to truth and verity . men are prone to this sin , because they are full of pride , passion , bitternesle , uncharitablesse , which ingender it . a man should be able to hear himself railed at . . because we deserve greater evil at gods hand . . we are never the worse for it . . because it argueth folly and pride to be troubled at anothers railing on us , folly in thinking our selves the worse for such speeches , pride in that we cannot endure to be despised . rebellion . rebellion is two fold . against god. . against man. . against god. a wilful practising of known transgressions , or neglecting of known duties . it is dishonourable to god as rebellion against a prince . samuel told saul that rebellion was as the sin of witchcraft , the witch makes the devil a god , the rebel makes himself a god . as he that entertaineth in his minde a false conceit of things is guilty of errour , but if he settle himself in this false conceit , and hold it fast , that is a prejudice , a rooted and grounded errour : so he which in his will entertains a deliberate purpose of sinning against his knowledge , or the evident means , is guilty of rebellion : he that stands to his purpose still and still , and goes on in it against reproof and admonition , he adds stubbornesse to his rebellion . three things concur to the making of rebellion : first , a person subject to authority that in duty ought to be under the government of another . secondly , a governour that hath a just and lawful title to govern and rule . thirdly , acts of that inferiour crossing , thwarting , opposing the commandments of that governour . so it stands between god and us when we sin . . we are his subjects , persons that in duty ought to be at his command , and to order our selves according to his will , because he made us and preserves us , and giveth us all things which we have upon condition of obedience , therefore it is equal we should be guided by him , and rebellion is unreasonable , we shall not get but lose by it . . he hath absolute right over us . . sins do contradict the commandment and laws of god which he hath revealed and made known , thus sin is like rebellion , therefore so termed in scripture , psal. . . sam. . god saith often of israel , they are a rebellious house . it is an actual refusing to be under the soveraign ▪ authority of god our lord and king. reasons , it is an actual denying of gods soveraignty , and as it were a deposing of him from his government of the world , a robbing him of the honour of his wisdom , justice , power , authority , it is an opposing of our will to gods will , by holding in our selves a purpose of doing what he forbids , and not doing what he commands , for our pleasure , profit or credit sake , as saul spared the cattel for his profit which god would have killed . . against man. it is a great fault for children or subjects to be disobedient to their parents or princes . many of the kings of israel did fall by the treason of their subjects , as the story recordeth . mordecai when he knew of two eunuchs which plotted against the life of ahashuerus , was careful to reveal the matter to esther , and she unto the king , whereby the conspirators were punished and he escaped . a wretched and untimely death befell elies sons for not hearkning to their fathers admonitions , and other sins . the causes of rebellions , conspiracies , treasons and insurrections are alwayes naught and evil , they have their original from one of these three vices , ambition , discontentment or superstition , most of the conspirators which are noted in the stories of the kings of israel to have slain their masters , and reigned in their rooms , were ambitious : now all these three are foul faults , and therefore rebellion which flows from them . the effects also which follow upon this fault are most loathsome and evil . . the practisers seldom or never fail to bring on themselves mischief and destruction , as sheba who rebelled against david , and divers others , the kings of israel which came in by treason , their sons still by treason likely thrust them out , so that even iesabel could say , had zimri peace which slew his master ? . it brings misery to a whole nation , it brings likely with it civil war , and so all manner of confusion . reasons . . it is plainly and often condemned in scripture , and therefore crosseth cleer and many precepts . . it is a great fault in regard of the mischievousnesse of it , for it tends to overthrow all the comfort of mens lives , and to destroy the welfare of humane societies . . it is a great sinne in respect of the persons against whom it is committed , a father is the name of the greatest sweetnesse and goodnesse , and a king of the greatest power and majesty , the one being also a common father , and the other a domestical king ; the one is a lively picture of gods goodnesse , the other of his greatnesse . . in regard of the great obligations by which the persons offending stand bound to their duty ; the one , the childe is bound by the strongest bond of nature seeing he is as it were a piece of the father which oweth to him his being , education , preservation and maintenance : the other the subject is bound by the strongest civil bond , viz. an oath . how many malefactors when they come to be hanged , have most bitterly complained of their undutifulnesse and disobedience to their parents , as the cause of all their misery ! the pope of rome and his jesuited faction teach and maintain rebellion and treason in subjects against their princes , giving to the pope power in order to things spiritual to depose kings , and to free their subjects from the oath of allegiance which they have taken . revenge . men for the most part are very revengefull , prone to revenge , as cain , iosephs brethren , esau , absolom , haman : the sons of iacob bitterly avenged the wrong done to their sister . saul sam. . . & . . the pharisees who perverted gods commandment ; for when god said , thou shalt love thy neighbour , they added another sentence to it , as if it had necessarily followed thereupon , but shalt hate thine enemies , as if god had enjoyned love onely to neighbours , that is , such as did dwell quietly by us , and used us in a kinde and neighbourly fashion , but that he allowed us to hate such as were our enemies and did misuse us ; to this purpose they perverted another saying of the law , a hand for a hand , as if god had there given way to revenge , and allowed every man to return evil for evil , whereas that is spoken of the magistrates duty in punishing wrong-doers , not of every mans own liberty as if he should do wrong . reasons . . carnall reason perswades us this is a thing very equall and righteous , because it seemeth to approach somewhat near to that which is indeed a known and approved rule of equity , viz. to do as we would be done to , wherefore corrupt reason a little varieth that maxime , and alloweth us to do as we are done to , and saith why should i not use him as he used me ? . carnall reason doth also perswade it is a course of safety and security for ones self . for by this means one shall make men more afraid ( thinketh that reason ) to do me wrong , if i return their wrongs upon them . . pride possesseth all men naturally , this stirreth men up to revenge . . every mans heart aboundeth with self-love , and love cannot endure to see evil done to the person loved . . we are all void of charity and love to our brethren , hence there is an aptnesse to be provoked and do them hurt if we seem to have any cause . . it gives a kinde of pleasure and satisfaction to hatred or envy , of which it is a kinde of exercise , as scratching doth to him that hath the itch . revenge is a requiting of evil for evil , a doing hurt again to them from whom one hath received hurt , and measuring ill measure for ill measure . a dog in the law was an unclean beast because he was revengefull . . revenge transgresseth the plain light of nature which bids us do as we would be done to , and every man would be forgiven and not have revenge taken upon him . . it is a manifest enemy to peace and concord which we should seek and follow after . . injurious to god , a preventing of him , as if he were not carefull enough to execute justice . the best and wisest heathen writer of morall vertues , hath delivered it as a generall principle , that a man must not hurt any other but with this caution and limitation , unlesse he be first provoked by some injury . phocion when he had done great service for athens , yet they ungratefully putting him to death , he charged his son at his death that he should never remember the athenian injuries . the king of france after would not revenge the wrongs done to him before when duke of orleance . signs of revenge . . a pittilesse disposition , by which one is rather glad then sorry for anothers evill . . excesse in punishing . some directions or means for the crucifying of this unruly affection . . you must subdue pride , and labour to make your selves base and vile in your own eyes , being worthy of all the wrongs and indignities that can be offered to us in regard of our own sinfulnesse . . you must observe god in wrongs , as david , the lord hath sent him to curse . . you must often consider of the goodnesse of god in forgiving your sins many and hainous , eph. . . and . . . you must often ponder of the necessity of this duty which appears by three things . . the clear and expresse commandements given about it , matt. . . resisting evil , that is , by doing the like evil to him which he doth to thee , but prepare thy self to bear that and another , rather then by doing the like to repell the former , whereby he meeteth with the cavils which flesh doth enforce to justifie revenge , or else i shall be perpetually obnoxious to wrongs , be it so , saith our saviour , thou must rather bear it then resist , rom. . . and . thes. . . no man may render to any evil for evil , that is , evil word for evil word , evil deed for evil deed , taunt for taunt , blow for blow . . the great danger if it be not mortified , our sins shall never be pardoned , we pray in the lords prayer , forgive as we forgive , he therefore which forgiveth not , can never have any true assurance of being forgiven , mat. . , . ●o as manifest a promise and threat as any the scripture containeth or can be made . now to forgive a wrong and requite it with some evil done to the wrong-doer , are as quite contrary as any thing in the world , so that he which will do the one doth not the other , as he which sues and imprisons a man for debt doth not forgive his debt , so he that recompenseth a man evil for his evil doth not forgive his evil . . the worthy examples which we have of good men that have gone before us in mortifying it , as christ and other saints . to these meditations adde fervent praiers to god that he would vouchsafe to season our hearts with humility , meeknesse , forbearance ; that he would strengthen us to passe by wrongs , injuries , indignities , that he would give us his spirit to crucifie this as well as the other lusts of the flesh . scandall . a scandall or offence is that which is or may be in it self an occasion of falling to another . any thing whereby we so offend another , as that he is hindred from good , drawn into or confirmed in evil , is a scandall : one saith it is an indiscreet or uncharitable abuse of my christian liberty . there is scandalum datum , acceptum , a scandal given , when a man doth that which is in it self unlawfull , or else if it be lawfull he doth it in an undue manner , rom. . , . first , scandals given , . when men by corrupt doctrine endeavour to justifie wicked practises , rom. . . . by sinfull practises , prov , . . and . . . by giving just ground of offence in appearance of evill , thessal . . . c●● . . , . . in the abuse of lawfull liberty go to the utmost bounds of it , rom. . per tot . secondly , a scandall or offence taken , when men take offence at that which is good , where there is neither evil nor any appearance of it , ioh. . . pet. . . men take offence at true doctrine and good actions , the disciples at christs doctrine of the resurrection . . when their sins are reproved , lev. . , . schisme . schism in the church is much like sedition in the state : as the name of heresie though it be common to any opinion whereof one makes choice whether it be true or false ( in which sense constantine the great called the true faith catholicam & sanctissimam haeresin ) yet in the ordinary use it is now applied only to the choice of such opinions as are repugnant to the faith : so the name of schism though it import any scissure or renting of one from another , yet now by the vulgar use of divines it is appropriated only to such a rent or division as is made for an unjust cause , and from those to whom he or they who are separated ought to unite themselves and hold communion with them . tota ratio schismatis , the very essence of a schisme consists in the separating from the church , i say , from the true and orthodoxall church . it is a renting or dissolving of that unity which ought to be amongst christians ; see m marshall's sermon on rom. . , . it was a memorable speech of calvin , who said , he would willingly travell all over the seas and countries in the world to put an end to the differences that were in the reformed churches . cameron well distinguisheth of a double schisme , . negative , which is a bare secession or subduction , and is unlawfull , non separatio sed causa facit schismaticum , cassand . . positive , when there is a certain consociation , which useth ecclesiasticall laws , the word of god and administration of the sacraments separatim , which he calleth setting up an altar against an altar ; this is called schism antonomastic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , de eccles. different forms of churches and church-government in one state must needs lay a foundation of strife and division therein . it is no wisedom ( saith m. durie in a letter ) in a state , to reject an approved way of government , which all the best reformed churches have received all this while , and acknowledged to be gods way , and by experience found to be safe , sound ; and instead of it to take up another , which it is not yet known what it is , nor was ever tried but in two or at the most three churches , and that for the space of a few years . the slighter the cause of separation , the greater the fault of schisme ; when men hold the same faith and orthodox truths , yet separate for lesser matters . the true saints in the . churches of the revelation were never bid go out of them though they were very corrupt , as they were out of babylon , m. vines . the first separatist in the scripture ( saith one ) was cain , gen. . . enforcements to love are clear , cor. . . that question of separation in scripture is dark . see m. gillespy miscel . c. . and . and m. manton on jam. . . schisma est secessio in religionis negotio vel temeraria vel injusta , cameron de eocles . schisme is a causelesse : separation from externall communion with any true church of christ : m. ball against separation c. . schism is a breach of the unity of the church . d. field l. . of the church , c. . we do not leave communion of true churches for corruptions and sins , but only abstain from the practice of evil in our own persons , and witnesse against it in others , still holding communion with the churches of christ. you send me unto such a book of m. robinson as himself doth begin to revoke pubpubliquely as being unsound in divers things , whereas i refer you unto a later book of his * made with riper deliberation , and in no part that i hear of publikely revoked . his book which you send me unto , being his iustification of separation , is sick of king iehorams incurable disease , the guts of it fall out day by day , yea , he openly plucks out some of the bowels thereof with his own hands . this is to be observed by them especially who much follow m. robinson . chap. xxiii . of sedition , self-love , self-seeking , slander . sedition . sedition is a sin whereto people are much inclined . it is to leave our present governours which rule us according to law , and follow other governours who rise up of their own accord : to leave a david and follow a sheba . the israelites raised sedition against david by means of absalom and achitophel , and proceeded so farre in their rebellion that they brought it to a pitcht field , and would not give over till their captain with twenty thousand more were slain in the battell , sam. . corah , dathan , and abiram , stir up a great multitude against moses and aaron . at another time of themselves they rose against moses , and were ready to stone him because they wanted water . at another time they cry to have a captain and return back to egypt . m. hobbs in his rules of government c. . reckons up these two ( among other wilde ones ) as seditious opinions , that the knowledge of good and evil belongs to each single man , and saith , legitimate kings make the things they command just by commanding them , and those which they forbid unjust by forbidding them , this is to make subjects beasts and the magistrate god : . that faith and holinesse are not acquired by study and naturall reason , but are supernaturally infused and inspired unto man : which if it were true ( saith he ) i understand not why we should be commanded to give an account of our faith , or why any man who is truly a christian should not be a prophet . this opinion is so contrary to scripture and the judgement of all sound divines , that i need not spend time to confute it , see phil. . . eph. . . heb. . . one indeed saith , the habits of faith , hope , and charity , are infused after the manner of acquisite , god having ordained not to infuse them , but upon the means of hearing , praying , caring , studying , and endeavouring . some say , there are no graces wrought in us but severall actings of the spirit , as the spirit acteth with us , where grace is wrought we need the spirit to excite and draw it forth , but the scripture is plain for infused habits , grace is called a good work in us phil. . . the law written in our hearts : god is said to shine into our hearts , cor. . . we are said to be partakers of the divine nature , pet. . . see eph. . . . it is a sin it is plain by scripture , how severely did god punish it in korah and his accomplices , making the earth to gape wide and swallow them up ! solomon condemns it , saying , meddle not with such as be given to change ; gal. . . yea it is a great sin , as is evident , . it is contrary to the light of scripture , in the law he that cursed , that is , railed upon , or used ill wishes against the ruler of his people , was to be put to death , how much more then he that shall rise up against him ! the scriptures of the new testament are full of precepts for duty and subjection , rom. . . pet. . . . give unto caesar that which is caesars , saith our blessed saviour , give to every one his due ▪ fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour belongeth , you must needs be subject for conscience sake ; and the apostle willeth titus to put them in minde to obey principalities , and powers , and be subject to magistrates , and ready to every good work ; as if a man were unfit for any good work , if he be not duly subject to authority . the jesuites are still tampering about kingdomes , monarchies , common-wealths , and temporall states , how to bring them into mutinies , contentions , seditions , rebellions , and uproars . watsons quodlibets of religion and state , quodl . . answer to the fourth article . they are like unto aesops trumpetter who being taken in war made his lamentation , saying , that he never drew his sword against any , nor shot at any : but the enemy answered , thou hast animated others , thou hast put courage , rage and fury into all the rest . saint peter and iude do blame them which despise government and speak evil of them in authority . secondly , it is contrary to the light of nature , for even among those nations which never had any divine revelation , yet the necessity of duty to magistrates was alwaies maintained as a thing which they perceived absolutely requisite for the welfare of humane societies , seeing without government the societies of men could never continue in a good estate . no man could possesse his own goods , enjoy his own lands and house , live comfortably with his own wife and children , or give himself to any profitable calling and endeavour . thirdly , it is contrary to those principal vertues by which all men ought to govern themselves in the course of their lives , unlesse they will be bruitish , appetite ruleth beasts , reason ought to guide man , and a setled habit agreeable to right reason ; now the main and fundamental vertues are religion , justice , charity and prudence , against all which sedition doth evidently oppose it self . religion tieth our souls to god , and commandeth us to give him his due , god is not duly feared and honoured if his ordinance of magistracy be despised . . justice bindeth us to men , and requireth to give every man his due , which we do not if we deny subjection to the magistrate , by whose power all men else should be helped to the attaining of their right . . charity bids us do good to our neighbours as to our selves , and how will he do good to other neighbours , who will not perform his duty to his governours who are appointed for the common good ? . discretion and prudence advise to take that course which is most requisite for our own and the common happinesse , seeing no member can be long safe if the whole be not kept in safety . it is quite contrary to the common welfare , and consequently to a mans own at length , that the body be rent asunder with sedition . fourthly , it is a great sinne , since it proceedeth from bad causes and produceth ill eff●cts ; ambition , envy , and discontent at the present estate , and foolish hopes to have all remedied by a change , are the mothers of sedition . . the effects of sedition are lamentable ; where envying and strife i● , there is sedition and every evil work , james . envying and strife likely bring sedition , and sedition cometh accompanied with every evil work , viz. with civill war which puts the sword into the hand of the multitude , and makes them bold to kill , spoil , bu●n all which lies in their way without difference or respect of persons , religion and justice are exiled , and fury and passion do what they please . the reason why men are so prone to this sin , is because they are naturally full of those vices which are apt to breed it , viz. ambition , envy , discontent , fond hopes . self-love . it is a vehement and inordinate inclination to ones own content in things carnall , earthly , and sensuall , tim , . see cor. . there is . a naturall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or self love , by which every one from the instinct of nature loves himself , his own body , soul , life , eph. . . the scripture doth not condemn this . . a divine self-love by which every one that is born again by the holy ghost from the instinct of the spirit , loves himself , as is fit●ing , to the glory of god and good of the church , these two kindes of self-love were in christ. . a devilish self-love , whereby one by the instinct of corrupt nature and inflamed by satan , so loves himself that he loves no other truly , and seeks only his own things . effects of it . . to praise our selves , prov . . and boast of our selves as the pharisee . . to be imbittered against reproofs . . to attempt things above our power and place . remedies against self-love . we should love our best selves , mat. . luke . . and consider what reason we have to love god above all . the right knowledge of god and our selves will cure this corrupt self-love . consider the basenesse of our originall , and our evils as well as excellencies , and the purity of god , iob . , . it is lawfull . to will our temporal good with moderation . . to prefer our necessities before the necessities of others , to defend our own lives rather then the lives of others , unlesse he be a magistrate , thou art better then ten thousand of us . . to maintain our reputation and just priviledges . self seeking . it is an evill at all times to seek great things to a mans self . reasons . . god hath written a treatise * of purpose to take men off from the creature . . there are divers commands to the contrary , phil. . . prohibitions , mat. . . sharp reproofs eph. . ●am . . . . god is much delighted with such a disposition of the soul , as it is taken off from creature-comforts . psa. . the greatnesse of this evil . . it is the root of all other sins , the first sin that came into the world . . it is an errour circa finem , nay , an errour concerning the utmost end , therefore the more dangerous . . self as standing in opposition to god , is that against which all the curses of the law are denounced , isa. . , . and . . . for these self-seekers only the torments of hell are prepared , cesset propria voluntas & non erit infernus , bern. god hath ever set himself against self-seekers to destroy them and their house , prov. . . isa. . . psa. . . isa. . , . ier. . . hab. . . this is especially evil in the calamities of the church , numb . . , . what is this self compared with the churches good ? this is condemned in baruch , it is unseasonable . we reade not of any saint in the scriptures given to covetousnesse . . hypocrites were given to it , saul , demas , iudas . gods prerogative is , . to have high esteem from the creature as the chiefest good , to this self-love is opposite . . to give laws to the creature as an absolute soveraign , to this self-dependance is opposite . . to have the trust of the creature as an independent essence , to this self-will is opposite . . to be the utmost end as the supream cause , to this self-seeking is opposite . signs of it . . when one puts himself on the profession of religion for some worldly advantage , gen. . , . iohn . . . when men are enemies to christs crosse , phil. . , . . envy to others . gal. . . remedies against it , consider , . the greatnesse of the sin , god should be the chief end , to set up self in his room , no man lesse enjoys himself then he that seeks himself . . you will have the greater judgement , mat. . . . frequently pray against it , and cast back the praises given to thee unto god. phil. . . may not our things and the things of christ consist together - . all men are not christs nor led by his spirit . . many that professe themselves to be christs , are none of his , rev. . . . those that are spiritually quickned keep not close to christ , see mat. . . slander . slander is a great sin , psa. . . rom. . . it was the sin of ziba , haman against mordecai , detractio est alienae famae per verba denigratio , aquinas ● . ae quaest. . art. . the smiting of a mans good name , the latines call it detractio , because it is a kinde of theft , in that it stealeth from a mans good name . see ames . de consc. l. . c. . the cause of it is flattery , envy , and twatling , uncharitablenesse , or malice , or both is the prime cause of it , uncharitablenesse is the bare absence of charity , malice is a disposition quite contrary to charity , either because a man loves not or hates his neighbour . charity doth no evil , we should do as we would be done to . the effects of it are bad , it sets one man against another , and so doth mischief to both , slanderous tongues that told saul in secret david sought his hurt , made him to persecute him so vehemently . the slanders of haman caused ahashuerus to make a decree for the destruction of all the jews in his kingdom , iosephs mistresses slanderous accusation brought him into much trouble . principall parts of slander . there are four principall parts of slander . the . and worst , when a man doth purposely forge a lie against his neighbour , without any so much as shew or ground , as mephibosheth was served by his naughty servant ziba , and as david himself was served by the bad courtiers about saul . . when there hath been such a thing done or said , but he misreports it , adding or diminishing , wresting and perverting it , and so makes it seem evil that was not so in the intention and practice of the doer , as they wrested our saviours words to a blasphemous sense . the third kinde , when one reports a false report that he hath heard and taken up upon trust , as tobiah said it was reported , and such a one did speak it , that nehemiah meant to rebell . . when men complain of a good deed as if it were ill to them that will account it so , as the enemies of the three children accused them to nebuchadnezzar , and those that told iesabel of obadiahs hiding the prophets . helps against it . . speak nothing of any man that tends to his hurt and disgrace , of which you are not certain , which you cannot prove to be true , report is a lyar , therefore trust it not . . though you do know any evil of your neighbour , yet report it not but when duty bindes you , and only to such as duty bindes you , i mean chiefly of private faults , or of publike , if they be such as cannot be made better by speaking of , nor do good to others by being known . . be not tatlers , persons full of tongue , apt to be still speaking , he that speaketh much , will speak much evil , and among the rest , some slanders , when other talk faileth he will fall upon the faults of men . . when you talk , forbear medling with other mens matters , be not busie-bodies . he that . is of few words , . when he speaks medleth as little as may be with others matters , . forbears to talk of their faults , but as much as he must needs by the bond of duty , and then is sure to say nothing but what he knows and can prove , that man shall not prove a slanderer . make not your selves petty devils by slandering and false accusing , many have learned that evill precept of accusing boldly because something will stick . chap. xxiv . of tale-bearing , vain-glory , violence , unbelief , unkindenesse , unsetlednesse , unthankefullnesse , usury . of tale-bearing . tale-bearing , it is a sin easily to beleeve false tales , as saul had an open ear to those sycophants which were ready to accuse david to him of treason and conspiracy , ahashuerus to haman who traduced the jews as a people carelesse of the kings laws , david to ziba . reasons . . it is an encouragement and hearkening unto those whose trade is to invent and beleeve lies . . it makes a man guilty of those lies to which he hath given furtherance and countenance , and so he is partaker of anothers sins . . it is against the clear principle and rule of all actions , viz. to do as we would be done by , one is offended if another readily receive false tales against him . men are subject to this fault , because they are not so perfect in wisedom and charity as they ought to be , uncharitablenesse , evill suspitions , guiltinesse , willingnesse to have other faulty , and imprudent temerity , are the causes of this over-hasty crediting tales . a good man neither taketh up nor receiveth a slander against his neighbour , psalm . . let thy countenance be like the northwinde to back-biting tongues . vain-glory. vain-glory is a great sin , iohn . . matth. . beg . we are naturally prone to it gal. . . it is when either by vain means which deserve not praise , or when by good duties in themselves praise-worthy , men seek the praise of men , more then the glory of god , iohn . . but by holy means to seek a good name amongst men , with intentional reference to the glory of god , is not to be vain-glorious , see phil. . it is an inordinate desire of account and esteem from men . the philosophers ( which ierome was wont to call animalia gloriae & popularis aurae mancipia ) in those very books which they wrote against vain-glory , whiles they did underwrite their own names , are condemned as guil●y of that vanity which they seemed to oppose . it is inordinate , . when a man desires to be esteemed for those things which are in truth so vile , mean , base , that they do not at all commend , grace or countenance him which hath them , as riches , high place in the world , learning , wit , strength , beauty , nimblenesse , eloquence . . when a man desires esteem from men , with a neglect of the esteem and account which he should desire to have with god. as mr. fox was going along london streets , a woman of his acquaintance met him , and as they discoursed together , she pulled out a bible , telling him that she was going to hear a sermon , whereupon he said to her , if you will be advised by me , go home again ; but ( said she ) when shall i then go ? to whom he answered , when you tell no body of it . one must deny himself in all vain-glory attributed to him , rom. . . cor. . . see acts . , . rev. . . he must . be nothing in his own esteem , cor. . . he must judge aright of his estate , indowments and actions . . he must be content to be nothing in the thoughts of other men , zach. . . motives to shun vain-glory . . there is no greater folly in the world then flattery , and there is no greater flattery then self ▪ flattery . . this disposition will betray a man to divers enemies . . it will make a man exalt himself . . it will strengthen a mans heart against admonition . . it s easie for the vilest men to keep up a credit in the world ; the pharisees were counted the only saints . . god will be highly displeased if we take to us false honour , as he was with herod . how to distinguish real glory and vain-glory . . all true honour is grounded on real excellency , and that which is so in gods account , pet. . , . . true honour must be à laudato viro , from one that is praise ▪ worthy . . from persons that know you . violence . violence is a great sin . it is unrighteousnesse born forth with strong hand , with strength of body , wit , or purse of friends , unjustice maintained and backed with strength . two things must concur to it . . an unequal and unrighteous intent and practice . . a prosecuting such intent and practice with might of any kinde , as in one instance the prophet noteth , they covet fields and take them by force . a man of violence is he who will bear out a bad matter with mony , favour , wit , strength , or any outward helps he can use for that purpose . that this is evil appears by that place where david affirms of god , that the man which loveth violence his soul hateth , that is , he hates him in all extremity , with an utter hatred , the reason is , because he hath sold over himself to sin ; he sins of wilfulnesse , is an obstinate sinner , a despiser of god , he hath buried all justice and equity , love and charity , and shamefully abuseth those gifts to mischief , which god hath furnished him with for better purposes , it begins in very children , the stronger , bigger , and craftier , will wrong the weaker and sillier . violence bursting forth into any extremities of dealing , was in the old law punished with the like of that that was done lev. . . unbelief . infidelity was the first sin , gen. . ▪ and is the mother of all sins , heb. . . the evil heart is called the heart of unbelief , as faith is the fountain of all graces , act. . . our saviour often checks his disciples for this , matth. . . it is against those most lovely and soul-ravishing attributes of god , his mercy , goodnesse , free-grace , longanimity , patience , bowels of compassion . it is called a provocation , psal. . . heb. . which notes the highest act of displeasure ; the unbeliever is abominable to god and good men , psal. . . it is a departing from god , heb. . . see iohn . . christ marvelled at it , mark . . it is hard to finde out unbelief to be a sin , not that unbelief whereby we assent not to the doctrine of the scripture , but that whereby we do not apply christ for our only saviour , for seeing the law of god is partly ingra●ted in our nature , we easily beleeve that what opposeth that is a sin , but the gospel being wholly supernaturall and meerly by divine revelation , therefore what opposeth that is not presently acknowledged to be a sin , the scripture discovers this unbelief . the spirit convinceth us of unbelief and the sinfulnesse of that state , iohn . . . it discovers the nature of it , and therein our ignorance , cor. . . . in respect of the reality of the gospel , that there is such a thing as pardon , a reconciled , justified state , faith , hope . . in respect of the glory of the gospel , cor. . . cor. . ult . christ is precious to them that beleeve . . shews the distance that unbelief makes between god and us in our approaches to him , heb. . . . discovers our rebellion and opposition to god and the righteousness of christ , rom. . . by cavilling , objecting , and hard thoughts of christ. secondly , the spirit convinceth us of our unbelief in respect of the objects and effects of it . . its objects . . christ as he hath all merit and satisfaction , in our approaches to god we cannot set that which is in christ by way of satisfaction against our own guilt . . we are not able to see pardoning promises speak pardon to us through the bloud of christ ; as that promise , isa. . . . we improve not the covenant , we look not upon christ as the head of it . as he is the party that makes good the covenant with god for us , though i have many miscarriages , yet he hath fully satisfied and made reconciliation with god for me , as he is the head of the covenant also to us , what need i doubt but i shall have strength ? pardon is given into the hands of my mediator . . in reference to the effects of unbelief . . the spirit shews a man what weaknesse and corruption he lies under still by reason of unbelief . . le ts him see how much terrour and guilt he still lies under , he cannot call god father , heb. . . . discovers the comforts and joyes of beleevers , both from scripture and the experiences of others of gods people , iohn . . & . . and yet much wrath and guilt still lies upon his conscience . . the spirit convinceth of unbelief by a saints often being at a losse in the things of the gospel . . he goes a long time together , and cannot meet with one promise to suit his condition . . when he hath a promise he can make no use of it , cannot plead it with faith and expectation . . he cannot walk in the strength of a promise . lastly , gods spirit convinceth us also of the sinfulnesse of unbelief . . by clearing up to the soul that he lies under the breach of the great gospel-command . . by shewing what it is to neglect the love and grace of the gospel , heb. . . matth. . . . by presenting to the soul how ill god takes it when we will not beleeve him . there are divers aggravations of this sin . . other sins deserve damnation , but this formally opposeth the way of salvation . some say only unbelief damns a man , which is not true in a rigid sense , for every sin damns a man unrepented of , but only unbelief is more opposite to the way of curing then other sins . . it is opposite to the chiefest grace faith , illud est optimum cujus privatio est pessima : the scripture honours faith , giving remission of sins , the righteousnesse of christ , and salvation it self to it . . it dishonours god and christ , and the holy ghost ; it is the glory of gods love that he becomes thy god , though he so great and thou so vile , this is the honour of christ to thee , a son is born , a childe is given , god shews the riches of his free-grace here , thou grudgest him the honour to be the pardoner of thy sins . . it is most rooted in us ; hence the lord so often checks his disciples for their unbelief ; and faith is called the work of god in a speciall manner , because of the difficulty of it , and the contrariety of our natures . hence comfort you , comfort you , again and again , because the heart of man terrified for sin doth utterly refuse all true comfort in a right way . . it hath more fair pretences for it , more arguments then any other sin ; that is a dangerous sin which comes upon us as a duty , i am unworthy . . it puts the lie upon god , iohn . . god saith he will be thy god , christ saith he will put away thy sins , thou saiest he will not . . the devil most tempts a godly man to this sin , as the incestuous person , the devil had almost tempted him to finall despair , as he would hold the prophane man in security , so the penitent sinner in irksome unbelief . . it hath the most terrible and sad effects , it breeds daily unsetlednesse and tossings of heart , therefore doubting and uncertainty is opposed to faith , at last it will breed secret impatience and grudging against god , and in the end open hatred of him . unkindnesse . unkindnesse is a fault . this is contrary to a plain precept , put on kindnesse ; and be kindly affected one toward another . reasons . . it springs from bad causes , some habitual distempers of self-conceit , pride , malice , or ill education , and a kinde of testy and pettish temper , or some present passion of anger , grief or fear , which withdraws the minde from the consideration of that which is comely and convenient . . the fruits of it are evil . it discontenteth and offendeth those to whom it is shewed . we must consider of our slips in this kinde and be humbled for them . . let us learn to mend this fault , and to be plentifully constant in the practise of the contrary duty , even to be kinde , affable , and gentle in our whole carriage , and at all times to all men , so far as just occasion offers it self , and not to give over our selves so farre to any passion either of grief or anger , as not to exercise this vertue . unsetlednesse . see gen. . . iames . . such christians as are unstable are easily seduced , tim. . . pet. . . one theophilus bishop of alexandria was nicknamed euripus because of his ebbing and flowing . one sort of sect●ries there is which will not ingage to hold any thing , but are known by beleeving nothing ; these passe now under the name of seekers . the usual way in these daies is to play the scepticks , and question almost every thing in religion , and hold nothing , or else to place religion in some new opinion . unstedfast christians are rotten-hearted , psal. . , . and will never hold out in time of danger . rivet . discus . grot. dialy si sect. . p. . taxeth grotius of great inconstancy . causabone epist. . to scaliger , saith thus of lipsius , omnino magnam literae jacturam in eo fecerunt , majorem tamen facturae , si quam verbis docuit constantiam , vita exhibuisset . such christians should be carefull to wait on the ordinances , the ministry , ephes. . . pray to god to stablish them , see thess. . ult . & thess. . ult . and frequent the company of setled and stablished christians , and take heed of seducers . unthankefulnesse . unthankfulnesse to god or man is a great sin . it is contrary to plain precepts , col. . be ye thankefull ; and in respect of god he saith , in all things give thanks . the nine lepers are secretly taxed by our saviour for not returning to give thanks unto him , when he had delivered them from that foul and infamous disease of the leprosie : the apostle also taxeth the gentiles for it , saying , that they glorified not god as god , neither were they thankfull . reasons . . it springeth from evil causes , either from the strength of pride and self-conceit , in that a man thinketh himself worthy of all that which is done for him and more , and conceiveth that all should serve his turn , or from notable folly and unreasonablenesse , that he wanteth wit to consider of his own need of benefits , or at least from some sudden and vehement passion and distemper . . the effects of it are also naught , it offendeth men , it causeth them to repent of their labour , cost , love ; and if it be practised toward god it offendeth him also , and hindereth him from bestowing benefits . let us blame our selves and be humbled for our unthankfulnesse in defrauding god or men of their due praises and acknowledgement for mercies received ; unthankfulnesse to god shews great blindnesse of minde , great want of humility in the consideration of our own un worthinesse and want of faith in gods providence , let us be humbled for it and crave pardon of it . . let us be carefull to reform it , and be constant in the contrary duty . usury . usury ( say some ) is a lending for gain . one describes it thus , usury is when a man makes a gain of lending and binds the party borrowing without consideration of his gains or losses to repay the principall with advantage . it is hard to desine some vices , as heresie , sacriledge , and also usury . it is matcht with theft , ezek. . . with adultery , vers . . and with violence , vers . . it is condemned there amongst the great transgressions of the moral law , therefore that law , levit. . . is not judicial , as some say , but moral , see exod. . . & deut. . . psal. . . to borrow a thing on usury is to covenant with the lender to return him not only the thing lent in the full quantity of it , but something over and above only in liew and recompence of the lending of it ; which is unlawfull , saith mr elton on the eighth commandment , and he proves it by ier. . . and answers there the chief objections brought for usury of any kinde . sir francis bacon c cals it the bastard and barren imployment of money , and the bastard use of money . vel minimus fructus ex pecunia percipi non potest sine dei offensione & proximi injuria . calvin . epist. . see his epist. . where he gives strict cautions to those that take use . see b. and. theologic . determinat . de usuris , & b. downames treatise on psalm . . against it , and knewstub on the eighth command . thom. aquin. ª , ae . quaest . . artic. , , , . and theatre of gods judgm . part . . c. . and especially dr. fentons book . rivetus in catholico orthodoxo , tractatu quarto , quaest . . salmasius de usuri● , c. . and zanchy on ephes. . and mr. perkins on th cammand . and dr. ames on psal. . and de consc. l. . c. . and dr. hall in his cases of consc. seem to allow of it in some cases . yet dr. hall in his practicall cases of conscience saith , all usury which is an absolute contract for the meer loan of mony is unlawfull , both by law natural and positive , both divine and humane . there is not a toleration of usury by that act eliz. . c. . but a limitation of it ; the title of it is an act against usury , and it calleth it a detestable sin . chap. xxv . of witchcraft . vvitchcraft is a great sin , chron. . , . god would not have witches to live , therefore he would not have others to use their art and counsell , deut. . , . he forbids all to consult with familiar spirits , and more plainly , levit. . . reasons . . the cause which moveth any to seek unto them , is distrust in god , or impatience under gods hand , or some inordinate desire of knowing or doing things which the lord allows not to know or do , things secret and strange . . the persons sought to are in league with the devil , and so are an abomination to god , deut. . . . the effect of seeking unto them is dangerous , it works confidence in them , and so in satan whose vassals they are , and withdraws the heart from god. bodin lib . daemon . proveth by many examples and confessions of witches , that witchcraft hath no power upon the regenerate , or upon magistrates , who execute the laws against them ; which is fully confirmed by king iames , daemonol . l. . c. . b. carletons examinat . of sir christ. heyd . book . c. . saul was convinced of the evil of witchcraft , his zeal ran out against witches , yet after he himself went to a witch . the end of the fourth book . the fifth book . of mans recovery by christ , wherein are handled , his names , titles , natures , offices , and twofold estate of humiliation and exaltation . chap. i. of mans recovery . secondly , mans restauration or recovery from his miserable estate that he had plunged himself to by sin . . what this recovery is . . the causes and parts of it . of the first , it is a part of gods special providence , whereby man is recovered out of the state of sinne , and slavery to satan , death and hell , to an estate of grace , life and glory . death and sin entred by the first adam , the second adam brought life and immortality to light by the gospel , rom. . , . rom. . , . cor. . . god still delighted to deal with a common person in the name of all the rest , in both the covenants there was a principal contracting party , a common representee , adam in the covenant of works , christ in the covenant of grace , either of these was to communicate his estate to his posterity . both these were common parents , authors of life to their seed , cor. . , . but they differed , . in the dignity of their persons , adam was a holy man , yet but an earthly creature , christ is the lord from heaven . see rom. . , , . . in the degree of the publick office , adam was a common person , but not a surety for them . christ was a surety , heb. . . able to give his a new heart . . in the manner of representation , adam took nothing from us , and conveyed nothing to us but sinne . christ took sinne from us , made our transgressions to be his , and his obedience is become ours , cor. . . this work of mans recovery is gods master-piece , all other designs are subordinate to this ; all his attributes shine out in this . god manifested great love to man at the first , in making him happy , in stamping his image on him , and in making himself his end , but he discovered greater love in the work of redemption , iohn . . he discovered great power in creating the world of nothing , but greater in mans recovery ; it is greater power to restore a creature when fallen , then to uphold it at the first : all other acts of power were but over the creature , this was over his son , iohn . . never was there such an act of grace to take the creature into personal union with the god-head , zech. . . god discovered great wisdom in making the creatures , and in his law ; but that prescribed not a way how to satisfie god and sanctifie man , and that so easily , heb. . . see rom. . . he declared also his holinesse and justice , rather then sin should go unpunished his own son was punished . . the cause of it : it comes wholly and onely from the free grace and favour of god , ephes. . . by grace you are saved , through faith , not of your selves , it is the gift of god. the ground of mans restitution was the bringing in of the second covenant , god vouchsafing to deal with man as a rational creature , was pleased to deal with him in way of a covenant , the covenant of works being broken , and it being impossible to enter into heaven that way , rom. . . god made a new and better covenant , called the covenant of grace , of which isaiah , ieremiah and ezekiel speak . this is the way of gods bringing lost man to life and happinesse by a mediator . the first covenant was gods way of bringing man to life by his obedience . the righteousnesse required to bring a man to life in the second covenant , is not his own righteousnesse , but the righteousnesse of a mediator . . this covenant of grace was ever one and the same . christ the same yesterday , to day and for ever , all that obtain life , obtain it the self same way . the same covenant that was revealed to adam when he sin'd , was revealed after to abraham and noah , the prophets , and to us . . although for substance this covenant be one and the same in all ages , yet the external administrations of it were different , in one manner before christ exhibited , in another after . then it was administred by prophecies , promises , sacrifices , t●pes , shadows : after christ exhibited in the flesh , it was administred only in the ordinances of preaching , and the sacraments . their types , shadows , sacrifices , washing , circumcision , eating rosted lambs , held out the same christ that our sacraments hold out . . the administration of the covenant of grace since christ was exhibited is far more glorious ; theirs was called the old covenant , ours the new one . this lies in three things : . it is more universal , a great while the other was onely in abrahams family , and after appropriated to the nations of the jews , and some that turned proselytes , now the utmost isles of the world see the salvation of god. . now the covenant of grace is revealed more clearly , the things about christ were then dark , babes may now understand those things that their doctors did not . . a greater measure of grace and holinesse is now communicated . . the parts of this recovery are two , saith mr richardson . . the work of mans redemption . . the application of it . the work of redemption is the purchasing of man from his undone condition by a redeemer or mediator ; or the recovery of man from his estate of sinne and misery by a full price paid for him by a redeemer . . the application of it is whereby it is made ours by imputation . these two are joyned together , iohn . . mark . . the one of these is the sufficiency of mans recovery , the other the efficiency ; paul and peter speak often of a price paid for us . i shall therefore shew , . who this redeemer is that hath paid this price for us . . what the price is that he hath paid for us . our lord , jesus christ , immanuel , the word made flesh , god and man united in one person , is the person . the price that he hath paid was the subjecting of himself in our stead to do what we should have done , and suffer what we should else have undergone , mat. . . luk . . rom. . , . tim. . . all the ceremonies and sacrifices under the law had relation to christ , they were but the shadow and he was the body . first , the nazarite must be sanctified in his mothers womb , to signifie , that jesus the true nazarite should be conceived without sinne in the womb of the virgin. secondly , his two natures were signified by the goat that was killed , and the scape-goat , and by the two sparrows , the one killed and the other let go . his offices of king and priest typed by the high-priests crown , garments and ornaments . his death by the sacrifices , and his lifting up upon the crosse by the brazen serpent . his burial by ionahs lying in the whales belly three dayes . his resurrection by the first fruits , cor. . . every thing in the temple was a type of christ , the vail was a type of his flesh , heb. . . the golden altar of his intercession , revel . . . and the brazen altar of his passion , the temple it self was a type of christs body , iohn . . the tabernacle was built with three distinct rooms : . the most holy place , in which were the ark and cherubims , the most holy place signified heaven , the ark christ , as he is received up into glory , sitting at his fathers right hand , protecting his church , and using the ministry of his angels for their good and welfare . the second was called the holy place , and this did signifie the true invisible church of the elect of god here militant on earth , into which none entered but the priests , which signified the elect people of god , which are a holy and royal priesthood unto him , here was a golden candlestick , which having lamps was dressed every evening , and gave light all night , to signifie the work of christ by his spirit affording the true light of saving knowledge of himself , and of his spiritual benefits to them , when it is dark night to all the world besides ; here was the golden table which had ever upon it bread and incense , signifying christs giving himself as spiritual food to his people to strengthen and confirm their hearts in obedience , and also giving the pure frankincense of his merits unto them , by which they become acceptable unto his father . the third room was the utter court where all the people came , and it signified the church visible , wherein are elect and reprobate , true and false christians mixt , there was the offerings of buls , goats and other beasts ; and sprinkling of bloud in all the services to be performed , signifying the revelation of god himself in the ministry of his gospel to the sons of men that they might be brought to believe in him . the whole doctrine of christ in his person , works , the benefits which the church receives by him , are all the free gift of god , isa. . . titus . . rom. . , , , . gift is a transferring of right from one to another by free will , or the free interesting of another in that which is my own : only i forego my own property when i give it another , but god hath still the same right in his sonne when he gives him to us . first , christ is the great gift of * god , the greatest that ever he gave four things meet in him which shew him to be the greatest gift . . he is the dearest and most precious to him that gives him , iohn . . iohn . , . the heart of god was infinitely set on christ , prov. . . a metaphor taken from two mates and companions that are born and bred together , and sport themselves in each others society . . of all things that were in the power of god to give there was nothing we so much needed , set fancy aside no man needs any thing in the earth but food and raiment , we are miserable for ever if we fail of christ. . it is the comprehension of all other gifts , if we look on the intrinsecal worth of the gift it self , by him we have pardon , grace , glory , he is god-man , a prophet , priest and king , the true trismegistus . . this is an everlasting gift , not only the gift lasts , but the minde of the giver , he lends thee but other things . secondly , christ is the free gift of god. . there is no one particular concerning christ and our salvation by him , but there are scriptures to prove it , that it is the free gift of god ; he gives the spirit to unite us to him , iohn . . and the means , ephes. . . and faith to lay hold on him . . what ever may argue a gift to be free , meets in the lords giving of christ. . when the giver hath no motive to stirre him to it but his own will. . when the party doth it out of no need , he is no whit the richer or happier . . he gives him to them who have no more , why they should partake of christ , then others on whom he doth not bestow him . . when there is no condition in the receiver , but meerly that he do accept it , he works in our hearts consent of his good pleasure . . when he is pleased with this gift , and takes more content in giving then any soul can take in the receiving . there was a transcendent excellency in the love of christ to the saints in giving himself for them . . he loved them with the love of all relations , with the love of a brother , friend , husband , father , god. . he loved them above all the creatures here below , he hath made them the first fruits of all his creatures , in some sort more then the angels . . in regard of your nature which he took . . in regard of the relation wherein he stands to you , the angels are his servants but not his members . . in regard of his righteousnesse bestowed upon you , it was not the essential righteousnesse of god , but such a righteousnesse as the god-head gave an excellency and efficacy to . this love of christ comforts the saints under the greatest afflictions . they look on this love of his as the fountain of all blessings , it works a conformity in them to christ. we may judge of the love of christ by these marks : first , suitable to the manifestation of himself is the love of christ to thy soul , iohn . . secondly , the more grace he bestows on a man the more he loves him . thirdly , the greater communion we have with him the more he loves us , iohn . . fourthly , the more he keeps thee from those ordinary snares that others fall into , eccl. . . rev. . . fifthly , the more every thing works to thy spiritual good , ep . ioh. . sixthly , according to thy measure of fruitfulnesse , ioh. . . seventhly , observe the glimpses of christ to thy soul , psal. . . eighthly , the more powerful our prayers are with god , dan. . , . christs kingdom was set up in opposition to satan , when he was born all the oracles ceased . the time was come mentioned iohn . . the night was past and the day was come , and therefore such birds of darknesse were not to prevail , as in times past they had done . as by the rending of the vail of the temple of salomon , was signified the abolishment of legal worship , so by the prodigious destruction of satans throne or chiefest temple at delphos , was sealed the irrevocable overthrow of ethnicism . some say the heathens by the light of nature , by the knowledge of the sunne , moon and stars , might come to a saving knowledge of god , and urge that place , heb. . . he that comes to god must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him , and say , that men might know gods being and bounty by his works . others urge rom. . . & act. . . the scripture is the only means of knowing god savingly , therefore it is called salvation , heb. . . see tim. . . quid erit mundus ▪ sublato verbo , quam infernus & merum satanae imperium . luther . loc . commun . . clas . cap. . if that were true doctrine , then men may be saved without christ ; or they may be saved by christ who either know him not or believe not in him , for the works of god can never reveal christ. solus christus medium & speculum est per quod videmus deum , hoc est , cognos●inus ejus voluntatem . luther . loc . commun . clas . . c. . non solum periculosum , sed etiam horribile est de deo extra christum cogitare . id. ibid. no man comes to the father but by me . see iohn . . acts . . col. . ephes. . . saith . that the gentiles were without hope , and without god in the world , therefore they could not conceive hope of remission of sins from the creatures , rom. . . the invisible things of god , viz. his power and god-head may be known by the contemplation of the creatures , but not his mercy in pardoning sins , and the hope of salvation by redemption . for that power and god-head strikes a fear into a man , and requires perfect obedience , but doth not promise remission of sins . it is true that god instructed the heathens by his works of creation and providence . but never any yet could instance in one of them , and say assuredly , that by using well their naturals , he came to eternal life . zuinglius said , that god did extraordinarily work grace and faith in the heathens , which opinion of his is much exagitated by the lutherans , and he is justly forsaken by the orthodox in this point . the papists and arminians say ▪ that god gives an universal sufficient grace to all men , even to pagans . paul rom. . speaking of them all , saith , they became vain in their imaginations . that is an excellent speech of augustines , qui dicit hominem servari posse sine christo , dubito an ipse per christum servari possit . see mr burgesse of grace , sect. . serm. . it were a worthy work for one to collect the several places in scripture , where the relations of christ to his church are mentioned , his various denominations also and representations are expressed , they being all great props of faith . chap. ii. of christ . i. his person . in christ we must consider two things : . his a person . . his b offices . in his person also we must consider two things : his natures and the union of them . his natures are two : the god-head , and the manhood . the union of them is such as is called personal , which is a concurrence of two natures to make one person , that is , an individual subsistence , as the soul and body in one man. i shall therefore treat of these three things : the god-head of christ. the manhood of christ. the uniting of these two in one person . concerning the god-head , having shewed that christ is god , even the second person in trinity , i now will shew how he is god , and why he was to be god. he is god the son , the sonne of god , he calleth himself the son , and is so called of his church . not the father nor the holy ghost , but the son took our nature upon him , for we are admitted into the church with this faith , being baptized into the name of the father ▪ sonne and holy ghost . he became our saviour , that he might make us sons unto his father . but consider how he is god , not by office , nor by favour , nor by similitude , nor in a figure , as sometimes angels and magistrates are gods , but by nature , he is equal and co-essential with his father , there is one god-head common to all the three persons , the father , the sonne and the spirit , and therefore it is said , that he was in the form of god , and thought it no robbery to be equal with god , phil. . . loe an equality to god the father is ascribed to him , he is not god in any secondary or inferiour manner , but is in the very form of god equal to him , the god-head of all the three persons being one and the same . in the next place i shall shew why he must be god. there are four reasons of it : . that he might be able to suffer . . to merit . . to do those things which must be done after suffering and meriting . and . for the further manifestation of gods love to man. first , i say , that he might be of power to suffer what was to be suffered by our redeemer , that is , the punishment due to our sins . for our redeemer must no otherwise redeem us then by being our surety , standing in our very stead , supplying our room , and sustaining in his own person that punishment which all our sins had deserved at the hands of gods justice . he must be a propitiatory sacrifice for sinne , he must be made sinne for us , our iniquity must be laid upon him , and he must bear our sins in his body upon the tree . christ must suffer for sin . now the punishment due to our sins was the horrible wrath of god , a burden so heavy as no shoulder of any meer creature could bear it , for there is no proportion betwixt the weaknesse of man , and the anger of god. wherefore he was to be god , that the omnipotent power of the god-head might uphold the frailty of the manhood , to the end that it might not be oppressed with the weight , and sink down in despair , discouragement , impatiency , dejectednesse , or the like inconveniences , which had he been driven unto he had sinned , and so should have lost himself in stead of redeeming us . this seems to be meant by the brazen altar upon which the sacrifice must be burnt , and which was made with wood but covered with brasse ; so christ was man , but the weaknesse of the humane nature was covered with the power of the deity , that it might not be consumed . wood would have been burnt with fire , brasse would not , man would have been swallowed up with those sufferings , had not the divine power upheld the same . secondly , he must be god , that the god-head might give worth , value , meritoriousnesse unto the sufferings and obedience , both which the humane nature performed : to the end that one man might stand in the stead of all men , and that god might account himself as much satisfied in his justice by his sole and short sufferings , as if all men had suffered everlastingly , and as much honoured by his obedience , as if all men had obeyed , it was requisite that that one man should be made more excellent then all men put together , and so he was made by being god and man. for the humane nature of christ in that it is personally united unto god , and hath the god-head dwelling in it bodily , so that the body is the body of god , and more worth then all the race of men besides , and so god is satisfied by his sufferings and obedience , so that he may be and is in justice ready to forgive the sins of men for his sake . hence we are said to be the righteousnesse of god , not of man or angels , because it is such a righteousnesse as god accepts of as equivalent to that dishonour offered him by sin . this may seem to have been signified by the fabrique of the ark , table , incense , altar , all which signified christ , for they were all made of wood , even shittim-wood , a wood not subject to corruption , but this wood was overlaid with gold , to expresse that the meannesse of the humanity was hidden out of gods sight , and the excellency of the deity causeth the church to be so acceptable to the father , and to come so near unto him . therefore the apostle saith , that god redeemed us with his own bloud , had it not been gods bloud , we should not have been washed from our sins by it . so the scape-goat carried away all the sinnes into the wildernesse , the goat that was slain did it not . this scape-goat signified the god-head , which though it self did not suffer , yet made the sufferings of the humanity available to wash away our sins , as one man of great quality and place is sit to be set in balance with ten thousand common souldiers , and his life alone fit to be a ransome for them all , so it is in this case , else we could never have been redeemed . thirdly , christ must do some things after his redemption , which cannot be done but by god , he must pour forth the gift of his spirit upon us , baptizing us with the holy ghost , as iohn baptist taught , and none can send the spirit of god into the hearts of whom he will , but he that is god. again , he must overcome sinne in us , and satan for us , and guide and govern his church to eternal life through all the multitude of those enemies which lie in wait to hinder their salvation , which no lesse power and wisdom could do then the power and wisdom of god , even infinite wisdom and infinite power . he must vanquish principalities and powers that must save us , so could none but god himself . lastly , it made most for the commendation and honour of gods infinite grace , that he would imploy so eminent a person in the businesse of our redemption , being a work of so iufinite abasement and difficulty . suppose that some angel had been able to do this work , and to do it perfectly , yet it more exalts the excellency of gods love to mankinde , which he intended to shew in this work , that he might convince satan of lying when he chargeth him with not loving men , that he would seek no meaner person but his own and onely sonne . herein is the love of god made manifest , that he sent his sonne into the world ; and herein is love , that he loved us and gave his sonne to be a propitiation for our sins . as a king might equally dispatch a businesse for the ransoming of his servant by a meaner person if he would , but to grace him the more , and to shew greater respect to him , he effecteth that treaty by the most honourable personage of the court. we give the best gift we have to them we love most , though another might serve the turn , so god gave the best thing he had or could give to redeem us , his onely sonne . so much of this that christ is god , and how and why he must be god. chap. iii. of christs being man. now i am to shew in the next place that he was man. christ is set forth three wayes in the scripture : . christus in promisso , so the patriarchs and saints beheld him under the old covenant , he was set forth unto adam in the seed of the woman , gen. . . to abraham as the seed in whom all nations are blessed , to iacob as s●iloh , to iob as goel , to david as the messiah , to zachary , as the man whose name is the branch , to malachi as the sunne of righteousnesse with healing in his wings . . christus in carne , joh. . tim. . . . christus in evangelio , christ as he is discovered and set forth in the gospel , that is the glasse wherein we behold the glory and excellency of christ , cor. . . but i am now to speak of his incarnation , or his being a true man. . he had the name of a man. . he came of the race of mankinde . he is called man , tim . . luk. . . the son of man , dan. . . matth. . . & . . mark . . apoc. . . this the scripture foretold before , in saying , that the seed of the woman should crush the serpents head , and that in the seed of abraham all nations should be blessed ; and that a branch should spring out of the root of i●sse : therefore the apostle saith , he was made of the seed of david according to the flesh . and he that confesseth not that iesus christ is come in the flesh , is not of god. more particularly christ is called the son of mary , luke . , . the holy ghost goes further and shews of what tribe he was , heb. . . nay of what family , rom. . . . he had the birth and growth of a man , he was conceived in the womb of his mother as a man , luke . . he was born in the usual time as a man , luk. . . swadled like a man , luk. . . he grew up as a man both in respect of body and minde * luk. . , . and therefore he was a true man. . the same thing is proved evidently by the story of the gospel , which ascribes to him the parts , the sufferings , the actions and affections that are peculiar to man. he had the essential parts of a man , a body , as it was written , a body thou hast given me , and they took his body from the crosse and laid it in a sepulchre , a soul matth. . . & . , . luke . . iohn . . & . . knowledge , understanding , wisdom and will which are proper to the reasonable soul are given unto him . he did dispute and reason . he had the integral parts of a man , as bones , flesh , hands and feet , they pierced his hands and his feet , a spirit hath not flesh and bones as you see me have . they crowned his head with a crown of thorns , and one of the souldiers thrust a spear into his side , and forthwith came out water and bloud , he lift up his eyes to heaven , he kneeled on his knees and prayed , sure he was very man that had all the parts of a man. . he had the infirmities which accompany the whole nature of mankinde . he was hungry , matth. . . thirsty , iohn . . wept , iohn . . was weary , he died , as other men do , giving up the ghost , iohn . . . he had the actions of a man , he sate down to meat , he drank of the fruit of the vine , he sate upon the well , he went from iericho toward ierusalem . he opened his mouth and taught them , he touched the leaper , saying , i will be thou clean , he did sleep , he cried with a loud voice and gave up the ghost . so he took upon him the very nature of man , and was made in all things like unto us , but without sinne . . he had likewise the affections of a man , his soul was heavy to death , he sighed in his spirit , he was straitned in his spirit , and testified that one of them should betray him , he mourned and wept for lazarus , he looked upon them angerly , he cried out , i thirst . joy , luk. . . anger , mark . . grief , mat. . . love , mark . . ioh. . , . zeal , ioh. . . fear , heb. . . as in a man were found in him . now there are divers good reasons why christ was to be man. first , he was to be a mediator , a middle person betwixt god and man , and therefore was to take upon him mans nature , that he might familiarly converse with man , and acquaint them with the whole counsel of his father , and therefore the apostle saith , there is one mediatour betwixt god and man , the man christ i●sus . and st iohn , that which we have heard , and have seen , and have looked upon with our eyes , of the word of life . he must be man that he might converse with men and be subject unto their senses , and so was a fit person to interpose himself , and make concord betwixt god and man. secondly , he was to be man , . that he might satisfie gods justice in suffering for man the things which mans sins did deserve , and which were to be in●●●cted upon man according as it was threatned , in the day thou sinnest , thou shal● dye . mans nature had sinned , mans nature must suffer for sin , that as by a man came sin , and so death , so by a man might come righteousnesse and the resurrection from the dead . the godhead was too strong to suffer , for it is not possible that the excellent essence of god should endure or bear any punishment , any evil , any misery , without which yet mans sins could not be expiated ; therefore did the godhead cloath it self with flesh , that he might suffer in the humane nature , that which it was impossible it should suffer in that high and superexcellent nature . the manhood was too weak to bear and overcome in suffering , and to deserve by suffering . the godhead was too strong to bear or suffer , wherefore the godhead was to borrow weaknesse , as i may so say , of the manhood , and to lend power to it , that that great work might be done which could not be effected without a wonderfull concurrence of exceeding great weaknesse and exceeding great power . the justice of god required that the same nature should be punished that had offended , rom. . . he could not else have suffered the penalty , gen. ● . . see heb. . . & . . without shedding of bloud there could be no expiation of s●● ; there must be active obedience performed in our stead to the law , gal. . , . else he could not have communicated to us . union is the ground of communion , ephes. . . titus . . . that he might honour and dignifie the nature of man , by advancing it farre above all principalities and powers , yea above every name that is named , and so god might declare his infinite and unsearchable grace to that frail and feeble nature which came of the dust , by making it the chief of all his workmanship and head over all : therefore hath he attained by inheritance a more excellent name then angels , being called the sonne of god , in carrying , as i may term it , the humane nature to the divine , that nature was exalted above all other natures . a woman of some place is dignified by matrimony with a king above all those that were her superiours before ; so that now of all natures next to the divine nature , the humane nature by being so nearly united to it , is become the most excellent and glorious nature . so god willing to shew the height and length , the bredth and depth of his love which passeth all understanding , hath thus glorified the seed of abraham , even above the nature of angels , for he took not the nature of angels , but took the seed of abraham . thirdly , this was done to foil , crush and confound satan so much the more , in causing that nature which he envied , supplanted and polluted , to become so pure , perfect and glorious , and to triumph over him and lead him captive ▪ and tread him under foot and make a shew of him openly . the lord would punish satan in his envy , and make him feel the effect of his power and goodnesse , in doing so very much against him by a man , to fulfill that , that the seed of the woman should crush the serpents head , and to cause him to fall from heaven like lightening before the second adam , how much soever he gloried , as it were , in his conquest over the first adam . last of all , the lord pleased to do this for our greater consolation and assurance , that we might know without all doubt we should finde him a faithfull and a mercifull high-priest . for in that he suffered temptation , he knows how to succour them that are tempted . christ was to be a man of sorrow , and to have experience of infirmities , that by bearing our sorrows he might be fitted to relieve and succour us in all our sorrows ; for he that hath indured any misery himself , is made more tender in compassion , and more able in knowledge to afford comfort unto them that must after taste of the same afflictions . he knows the weight of sin , the intolerablenesse of gods wrath , the violence of satans temptations , and the trouble of being wronged and abused by men . we can bring no misery to him but what himself bare or the like , so now we are assured to finde him most pitifull to us , that for our sakes was content in our nature to be most afflicted . you see now that christ was man , and why he was to be so . consider how he was made man , and that was wonderfully miraculous above the course of nature and beyond the common custom , that he might be wonderfull in his entrance into the world , who was to be wonderfull in the course of his life . for he was not made of the seed of man by copulation as other persons are , but a virgin did conceive and bring forth a son. mary descended by direct line from david and abraham , a mean and contemptible maiden whom no man regarded , because she was poor , she was a chosen vessel to be the mother of our saviour , and the holy ghost did over-shadow her , and the power of the most high come on her to frame a man in her womb of her substance , as you have the angel telling ioseph in the first of matthew , and mary in luke . . this was so done , . ( say some of our divines ) to free the manhood from the stain of sin wherewith those are polluted which are begotten by carnal generation , though the holy ghost could as easily have sanctified the substance of a man as of a woman , to frame of it the humane nature of christ. . to shew the greatnesse of his love to man by transcending the course of nature for his restitution , and that the making of the second adam might no lesse commend the power of god then the making of the first , for it is no more beyond the power of nature to produce a man of a virgin , then to frame a man of the dust of the earth . this is a great mystery , god manifested in the flesh , tim. . . the second person did assume humane nature to it , so as these two make one person , iohn . . rom. . . the second person ( i say ) for it is not proper to say that the divine nature was made flesh , but the second person , though the second person have the divine nature in him and is god. for though god was made flesh , yet it was not the divine nature in all the persons that was incarnated , but the very person of the son subsisting in the godhead . the schoolmen have divers curious questions , . whether it was convenient for god to be incarnate . . whether it was necessary for the repairing of mankinde , that the word should be incarnate . . whether god should have been incarnate , if man had not sinned . aquinas part . . quaest . . artic. , , . that christ should have come although man had not sinned , will scarce be made good . the scripture acknowledgeth no other cause of christs coming in the flesh but to save sinners , and redeem them who are under the law , and so subject to the curse , matth. . . & . . & . . gal. . . christ was born of a virgin , but such a one as was espoused to a man , luke . . and that for these reasons . . to avoid the infamy and suspition of immodesty . . that her virginity might be the better evidenced , viz. he bearing witnesse to whom it specially belonged to understand how things were , and who was most worthy to be beleeved in that matter . . that she might have a most intimate helper in bearing all other cares and troubles . . to represent our spiritual conjunction with christ , for we are espoused to him , and yet we ought to be virgins , cleansed from all pollution both of flesh and spirit , cor. . . see cor. . . rev. . . the place where christ was born was bethlehem , which signifies a house of bread , the best place for the bread of life ; and in ephratah a most fruitfull place . in the year . say some , others say it is uncertain in what year . in the year of augustus his reign . for the moneth there is great difference also . epiphanius thinketh he was born in the th of ianuary . beroldus at the middle of september . clemens alexandrinus at the spring-time . others at the th of december . scaliger objects that the winter time was not fit for a master of a family to undertake so long a journey with his wife to be taxed ; also that shepherds are not wont in the night time to watch their flocks at that time of the year . vossius de natali iesu christi . dr drake in his chronology gives probable grounds why christ was not born in december , but rather about august or september . god of purpose concealed the time of christs birth , as he did the body of moses , as well foreseeing how it would have been abused to superstition , had it been exactly known . interpreters indeed render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vigilare or excubare , but it may be better translated sub dio agere : it properly notes to live in the fields , as the original of the word shews , which agrees to the day-time , as well as to the night . in england ( saith vossius ) we have travelled both before and after the nativity of christ. for the day of our saviours nativity , it is not certain this was the day which we celebrate . some learned divines gather from the computation of the time when the angel saluted our lords mother ( being the sixth moneth , luke . . ) that this cannot be the day , though 't is true the tradition is ancient . scultetus thus concludes the fourteenth chapter of his delit. evang. tac●nte scriptura taccamus & nos , & christum servatorem in tempore natum adoremus , et si , in quo temporis puncto natus sit ignoramus . a late writer a saith that opinion of the romans is true , which held that christ was born on the day of december , and undertakes to demonstrate it . as for the day , saith scaliger , unius dei est , non hominis de●inire . this jesus of nazareth perfect god and man , is that messiah promised of old . what ever was said of the messiah was accomplished by him and him alone . the first christians beleeved in him , luke . . christ much instructed his disciples in this great truth , luke . , , , , verses . the apostles proved this great doctrine , acts . , . & . ▪ . & . . arguments that prove this jesus to be the messiah . all the times of exhibiting the messiah delivered in the old testament are expired , acts . . see pet. . . the old testament speaks of a twofold coming of christ , in a state of humility , and glory : the jewish rabbins could not reconcile these two ; the talmudists distinguished of a twofold messiah , ben-israel or ben-ephraim , and ben-david . the prophets speak not of several persons but of several states of one person . see ezck. . . gen . . the power of ruling and authority of judging is departed from iudah and hath been a long time , therefore shiloh ( the messiah ) is come . hag. , . . the outward glory of the first temple was greater , all the vessels of the first temple were beaten gold , dan. . , . of the second brasse ; but christ honoured the second temple by his own presence , doctrine and mira●les . 〈…〉 jews confesse that there were five things in which the latter temple was in●●●●●ur to the former , first , heavenly fire came down visibly on their sacrifices . they had the ark of the covenant : the cloud , a witnesse of the divine presence . urim and b thummim : and lastly a succession of prophets , which the latter temple wanted . rain . in loc . & de lib. apoc. tom . . praelect . , . dan. . , . seventy weeks are determined upon thy people , and upon thy holy city , to finish the transgression . that is , the time that the jews were to live in their own land , and enjoy their own worship after their return out of captivity . we are wont to apply the seventh number to daies , that a perfect week should comprehend seven full daies . so dan. . . levit. . . the prophecy cannot ●e understood in this common and usual manner , so seventy weeks rise but to four hundred and ninety daies , within which space of time none of those things were consummated of which the angell so specially prophesieth . weeks are also taken in scripture for years not daies , so that every week makes seven ordinary years ; so that phrase is used , gen. . . levit. . . so it is here taken by interpreters generally , and they fill up the summe of four hundred and fifteen years , in the space of which the god of heaven would work wonderfull things which the angel gabriel recites here particularly . montac . appar . . by this the times of the messiah are past , for when the messiah came the sacrifice was to cease , and there was a sealing up of the vision and prophets , this is ceased ; there is now no vision nor prophecy among the jews . here only in hebrew and twice here . & . verses , messias cometh , a meer proper name , hence made famous , iohn . . & . . broughton on dan. . . some hereticks opposed christs deity . arius said christ was an excellent creature , but not of the same substance with the father . paulus samosatenus , more fitly semisathanas , held christ was but a meer man ; so did ebion . he was homo verus , but not homo merus , augustine on iohn . a true man , but not a meer man : he was truly god , equal to the father ; and truly man , like to us in all things , sin only excepted . servetus a spaniard burnt at geneva in calvins time , denied that christ was gods sonne till mary bore him . he said , christ was not the eternal son of god , but the son of the eternal god. if this be truly believed that christ is the son of god and saviour of the world , it will work a resolution to cleave to christ , though all the world forsake him , nothing will make us shrink from christ though it cost us our lives , and all our comforts . . if we believe this because it is written in the bible , in the old and new testament the word of truth , then we must forbear what the word forbids , and give our selves to be ruled by him , and expect salvation from him according to the direction of that word , then we will believe the whole word , if we believe this which of all other parts of it hath least of sense and humane reason . some hereticks opposed christs manhood . . the marcionites which held that christ had not the true substance , but only the semblance or shew of a man , alledging phil. . . but there a true not counterfeit likenesse is understood , even as one man is like another , and rom. . . similitude is not referred to flesh , but to sinful flesh , iohn . the word was made flesh , not by mutation , as the water was turned into wine , iohn . . nor by confusion , by mingling the god-head and manhood together , but the second person of the trinity took a humane body and soul into his divine nature . secondly , the manichees , which said , he had the true substance of man , but that he brought his body from heaven , alledging cor. . . and had it not by birth of the virgin mary , but that is spoken of the person of christ not of his manhood itself . thirdly , the valentinians who held that christ had an aerial body , and assumed nothing of mary but only passed as thorow a chanel . fourthly , apollinaris confessed the flesh of a man in him , but not the soul , but that this deity was in staed of his soul. see matth. . . the whole man must be redeemed , and in its own nature , the soul is the principal part of man , sinne specially adheres to it , and it is a true rule , what christ did not assume he did not redeem . fifthly , the ubiquitaries will have his manhood every where , and so they destroy the very being of his manhood . each nature retains their several essential properties , and it is the property of the humanity to be contained in one place at once . the papists also offer indignity to christs manhood , in that they would have his body to be in divers places at once . . others held his body impassible . his body was not immediately created by god , nor did he bring it from heaven , but he was a man of our stock and nature , heb. . , , . he is often called the son of man. . the jews look for a messiah to come in outward pomp , yet some of their rabbins say in regio messiae nihil mundanum aut carnale . by those arguments , iohn . . acts . , . & . . rom. . . one saith , many jews have been convinced . so you see what the scripture tels of the incarnation of christ , and how he was made of the seed of david according to the prophecy that went before . now we are to speak something of the union of these two natures . they are united in a personal union , such i mean , as that both natures concur to the constituting of one individual subsistence , as it is evident by this , that the works and sufferings proper to one of the natures are ascribed unto the whole person , which could not be truly affirmed , if both of these natures were not conjoyned in one person . the actions or properties of the god-head and manhood both could not be given to whole christ , if the god-head and manhood both do not constitute one person of christ. for the second person in trinity did assume to it self that frail nature so soon as ever it had a being , but had no personal subsistence in it self , so that it personally subsists by vertue of its so close and near an union with the person of the son , and so whole christ might be the sonne of god , and the god of glory might be crucified , and the bloud of god might redeem us , and so whatsoever was done or suffered might be attributed to the whole christ , the god-head being interessed into that which the humanity did and suffered , because of this unspeakable union betwixt them . union ordinarily and in things natural is the joyning together of two things by one common bond , but this union is not so effected , but it is performed by the voluntary and powerful act of the one of the things to be united , assuming and taking to it self the other after a manner incommunicable . there have been many similitudes to make us conceive how god should become man , from iron thorowly fired , there is iron and fire too , of the soul and body which make one person , of the scion ingraffed in the tree , of the jewel in a ring , of a planet in its orb , all which may something illustrate ; but there is as much dissimilitude as similitude in them . only there are these rules which are good to observe . first , there are two natures but not two persons , aliud & aliud , but not alius & alius , as there are in the trinity , it is a union of natures * , yet not a natural but a supernatural and mystical union . secondly , the scripture expresseth it , iohn . the word was made flesh , it was not turned into flesh as the water was made wine , not by any confusion , as if the divine nature were made the humane , or the humane the divine . when we say the divine nature took our humane nature upon him , we must not think that that humane nature consisting of a soul and body was one entire person , as it is in us , for though it was particular , yet it did not subsist of it self before the union of the god-head to it . thirdly , this personall union is inseparable , for when christ appeared like man in the old testament that was n●● an incarnation , because separable . fourthly , by this means the virgin mary is truly called * deipara the mother of god , so in scripture she is expresly called the mother of the lord , for she brought him who was god and man , though she did not bring forth his deity , the whole person of christ was the subject of conception and nativity , though not all that was in that person . consider lastly , the end of this incarnation , which is this , god and man became one in person , that god and man might become one in the covenant of grace , gal. . , . before this , man was at as great a distance with god , as the apostate angels , but now by this means as he is made sinne for us , so are we made righteousnesse by him , not that this benefit extends to all , but onely to those men who are under the covenant ; and therefore gal. . all the mercies which abraham had are limited to a spiritual seed ; therefore as the mystery is great for the truth , so for the comfort of it , and why should faith think it such an unlikely matter to adopt for his children when god hath united our nature to him ? chap. iv. of christs offices . so much may serve concerning christs natures , both what they be , manhood and god-head . and secondly , how they are united into one person by a personal union . christs offices in the next place are to be treated of . wherein consider , . his calling to his office. . the office to which he was called , or which is all one . the efficient cause of these offices , and the matter or parts of them . for the cause of the lords undertaking these offices , it was the will and calling of his father who is said to anoint him * , that is to say , to appoint him to them , and sit him for them , and himself saith , him hath god the father sealed , that is to say , ratified and set apart to that work , as a prince by his seal doth give commission to any of his subjects to undertake such and such a work , furnishing him with authority to fulfill the same . and therefore the apostle to the hebrews saith particularly concerning his priesthood , that he did not make himself a priest , but he that said unto him , thou art my sonne , this day have i begotten thee ; and this calling was ratified with an oath , saying , that the lord hath sworn and will not repent , thou art a priest for ever , to let us know the certainty and immutability thereof . now this observation makes to the exceeding great commendation of the goodnesse of god , that he himself would take care to provide for us a perfect and sufficient helper against this our misery . if we had bethought our selves of a remedy , and procured it for our selves , so much lesse had been the glory of his grace . but when he to whom it little pertained in regard of any good he should get by it , but that he counts it a benefit to manifest his grace by doing good to us ; when he ( i say ) bethought himself of a way to effect this work , and took order to send a person that was perfectly sufficient to work it out : now this honour is enlarged exceedingly , and the glory of the work redoundeth wholly to him , and then it must be confessed to be altogether of his grace . it is true indeed that justice and mercy do meet together in this work , and each shew it self in perfection , for that he pardoneth our sins and saveth us . now that jesus christ hath deserved pardon of sin and salvation for us , it is a part of righteousnesse . for he is righteous ( saith the scripture ) to forgive us ; but in that he himself found out a means to satisfie his justice , and after a sort to tie his righteousnesse to do this for us , this is of meer mercy and grace , for mercy is the beginning and first cause of our deliverance , but yet mercy sees justice satisfied , and so accomplisheth the whole work , not with any wrong , injury or offence to justice , and with the help of it . so we see our lord jesus christ came to undertake this work , the manhood of his own accord did not put himself to do it , the angels did not perswade him , we did not intreat him or hire him . nay we nor any other creature had an hand in assigning him to it , but the father being offended with us , and finding the way of his justice shut against us by our sins , made a covenant with the sonne that he should undertake it , and appointed it to be done by the way of taking our felsh , resolving that that person should be the raiser up of lost and fallen man to happinesse and felicity . now for the offices themselves which christ undertook , we must learn them by the titles which the scripture giveth unto him . these titles are a saviour , a redeemer , a mediator , a surety , a christ , a lord , and in explicating these six titles , i shall sufficiently declare the offices of our lord. first , i say he was a saviour , a saviour is a person that undertaketh to free any that are in distresse through the want of good things , and the presence of evil , from that misery under which they lie , by taking away those evils from them , and conferting those good things upon them . now he is therefore called by the name of iesus * which signifies a saviour , because he was to deliver his people from that misery whereinto adam and themselves had plunged themselves , removing those extream evils which lay on them , and bringing unto them those great benefits wherof they were deprived . even among us when any city or commonwealth is oppressed by a tyrant who spoileth them of their liberty and lands , and holds them in slavery and beggery ; if any person arise and put down that tyrant , and restore every man his goods and liberty , free them from their miseries , and restore them the free use of their countrey and laws , this man is a saviour of such a city : so is the lord jesus to us . therefore is he frequently entituled , the salvation of god : mine eyes have seen thy salvation , and all the ends of the earth shall see the salvation of god , and our god the god of our salvation . so was he figured by all the judges whom god raised up to help his people , for it is said , god raised them up saviours which saved them out of the hands of their enemies , and god raised them up a saviour , even such and such a one , they were types of christ the great saviour , that saveth us out of the hands of our enemies , as that holy man telleth in this song . this is the first title jesus , and the reason of it , and it was his name by which he was commonly known and called , and now known and called , a name of infinite sweetnesse to us , of infinite honour and praise to him ; for how much comfort did oppressed nations receive at the hearing of such a deliverer ? how much honour did they shew unto him ? and therefore when the apostle telleth us of our subjection unto christs authority , he ascribeth it unto this name , as shewing us , that this is the foundation of his requiring , and our yeelding all honour and obedience to him . he takes not upon him to be honoured onely , because he will be honoured , or because he is in himself worthy of it in regard of excellency , but because he hath deserved it at our hands , and is perfectly worthy of it in regard of the things he hath done for us . baptism saves representatively , ioshua temporally , ministers instrumentally , jesus principally . christ delivers his people from their spiritual slavery , the bondage of sin , satan , the law , death , hell. the slavery of sin and satan is all one , the devil hath dominion over the soul only by sinne , our lusts are his strong holds , satan is cast out when sinne is broken , tim. . . see ioh. . . where he comes to be a saviour first , he breaks all the yokes of sinne , rom. . , . & . . he delivers his servants , . from the guilt of sin , whereby the sinner is bound over to punishment , christ hath discharged the debt for us , rom. . . gal. . . . from the stain and defilement of sinne , cor. . . and that partly by repairing the image of god in the soul which sinne had defaced , and by imputing all his righteousnesse to them , so that the soul stands covered over before god with the beauty of christ jesus , revel . . . . from the reigning power of sin by his spirit , rom. . acts . . titus . . pet. . . secondly , christ delivers his people from the yoke of the law both ceremonial and moral . . he hath totally delivered his people from the ceremonial law , those ceremonies that concerned the publick external worship of god , and their private conversation , multitude of observations , and some costly . . he hath freed them from the burden of the moral law , . from it as a covenant of life , they have life by christ. . from the curses of it , gal. . . . the rigor of it . . as it brings wrath and the spirit of bondage , tim. . . . from the irritation of it , for by accident it provokes a mans corruption , rom. . . . as it increaseth the guilt of sin , christ hath taken all the guilt upon his own shoulders . thirdly , christ sets all his servants free from the yoke of death and hell , the first and second death ; this is proved out of cor. . , , . ioh. . . revel . . . & . . thes. . ult . christ delivers his people from the curse of death . . meritoriously by undergoing death , heb. . , . in morte christi obiit mors , he endured the wrath of god due to all gods people . . he effectually applies this to his people in the administration of the covenant of grace . the papists abuse the name of jesus four wayes : . in making it a name of wonder , using it idly and foolishly in their talk , o iesus ! . in a superstitious worshipping of the letters and syllables , bowing at the sound of the word , vox iesus , vel audita , vel visa , is worshipped by them . they say this is the name which god gave his son after he had submitted to death for us . this name jesus was given to christ long before his exaltation . it is common to others , iesus the sonne of syrach , and ioshua heb. . . they doe not bow at the name of christ or immanuel , or at the mention of any other person in the trinity . . in making it a name of a sect , the jesuites are so termed from it . vide bezam in cor. . . they should rather be called ignatians of ignatius the first author of their society and order . . in abusing it for a charm to cast out devils . the scripture indeed saith , by thy name , but the meaning is by thy power have we cast out devils . they abuse that place , acts . . his name hath made this man strong , that is , say they , the apostles pronounced the name jesus , and the pronunciation of this name hath a force of driving away devils , or doing other miracles , the name of christ there is christ himself or his power . the jews out of the word iesu make the number of ● . by the letters , and there they have curses and blasphemies scarce to be named . calverts annot. on the blessed jew of morocco . the arminians say , salvation may be had without knowledge of , or faith in christ jesus . vide musaeum contra vedel . c. . act. . . some of the ancient fathers before the rising of the pelagian heresie , who had so put on christ , as lipsius speaks , that they had not fully put off plato , have unadvisedly dropt some speeches , seeming to grant , that divers men before the incarnation , living according to the dictates of right reason , might be saved without faith in christ. the quession is not , whether a gentile believing in christ may be saved ? but , whether a man by the conduct of nature without the knowledge of christ , may come to heaven ? the assertion whereof we condemn as wicked pelagian socinian heresie : and think that it was well said of bernard , that many labouring to make plato a christian , do prove themselves to be heathens . the patriarchs and jews believed in christum exhibendum & moriturum , as we in him exhibitum & mortuum . gen. . . & . . psal. . . & . bowing at the name of jesus is defended by mountague , orig. eccles. part . . pag. . and parre on the romans seems from zanchy and paraeus to justifie it , but it is generally disliked by the soundest divines . the second title by which he is termed , is a redeemer , by which is expressed in part the manner how he saved us , even by buying us out of the hands of our enemies . for to save signifieth to deliver without intimating the means of delivering , but to redeem noteth also the way how the deliverance was accomplished , even by paying a price , a valuable consideration , in regard of which the party captived , and forfeited to death or bonds should be restored to his liberty and good estate again . and this kind of deliverance is the fairest deliverance , & the only way of procuring deliverance , when a person is made miserable by his own default , and fallen into the hands of justice joyned with perfect strength , so that there is neither reason to use violence against him , nor possibility to proceed by violence . it was so with us , our misery came in regard of god from our own default , so that he was tied by the rules of his own justice to cast us off from himself , and from the enjoyment of those benefits that he had once bestowed upon us . and such is the weighty power and omnipotent arm of the most high , that it was impossible to pull us from out of the hands of his justice , whether he would or no. wherefore then remained alone this way of buying us out of his hands , by laying down a sufficient ransome for us , and so did jesus , he laid down his life as a ransome for many . one was made free among the romans , vi , precio , manumissione . christ by force hath delivered us from sinne and satan , col. . , . paid the price to his father , tim. . . a price every way equivalent to the debt , and hath manumitted us also from the justice of god. the price which he paid to redeem us was no lesse then that of his own most precious bloud , as peter tels us , by which it came to passe that justice being satisfied , the lord god of heaven willingly released us from his curse and wrath , and the punishment due to our sins . indeed in regard of satan and the flesh we are to them in unjust captivity , as i may speak , as was israel in egypt to pharaoh . the devil had by fraud , craft , subtilty , guile , made us his slaves , and by force kept us under his servitude , wherefore god dealeth not with him by way of composition but compulsion , drawing us out of his power in spight of his heart , but with his father he effecteth our deliverance another way , even by compounding and paying for our deliverance . you see why and how he is a redeemer , and therefore this title is often given him , the lordthy redeemer , and thy redeemer the holy one of israel . all that is in god is offended by sin , and all in sin , yet two attributes of his are especially offended by it : . his justice , that whereby he cannot but punish sin where ever he finds it under the guilt of it . . his holinesse , whereby he cannot but hate sinne where ever he finds it in competition with him . there are two things in sinne , the commanding and condemning power of it , vis dominandi & vis damnandi , rom. . . in christs death there are two things ; . the price or value of it . . the power and efficacy of it . the price of christs death takes away the condemning power of sinne , and so gods justice is satisfied , the power of christs death takes away the commanding power of sinne , and so his holinesse is appeased . faith layes hold on the price of christs death which takes away the condemning power of sin , by new obedience we partake of the vertue and efficacy of christs death whereby the commanding power of sinne is taken away . christ is a saviour by his merit and power . he doth conquer for us by his merit , and in us by the efficacy of his spirit . christs merit is necessary : . in regard of the difference of the enemies , god and the law are our enemies by right , the devil and the world out of malice . god could not be overcome , therefore he must be reconciled ; the law could not be disanulled , therefore it must be satisfied . in regard also of the devil that fights against us as a tempter , so christ was to overcome him by his power , and as an accuser , so christ was to overcome him by his merit , rom. . . secondly , because of the different quality and respect in which satan is an enemy . . he had a legal right as gods executioner , ephes. . . . he had an usurped power , iohn . . the lord made him an executioner , we made him a prince , by the merit of christ satan is put out of office . secondly , christ is a saviour by power , and the efficacy of his spirit , cor. . . rom. . . iohn . . . it is bestowed upon us by vertue of christs intercession , heb. . . rom. . . zech. . . . it is sued out by prayer , rom. . . . it is conveyed to us in the ministry of the word , psal. ▪ . isa. . . rom. . . cor. . . . this power is received and given by faith , pet. . . but the third title followeth , he is called a mediator betwixt god and man , and a mediator of the new covenant . a mediator is a person that laboureth to set at agreement two or more parties that be at variance , and therefore it is required that he be interessed into both parties , and have such a right in both , that in reason both should and so farre as they are good and wise both will hearken and consent unto him . so christ is a middle person betwixt god and man , that he might fitly discharge the great work of making a peace betwixt god and man whom sinne had set at odds , and of reconciling the one to the other that were grown to be at enm●ty one with another . the first covenant the covenant of works was such as needed no mediator , and therefore it was made without a mediator by the persons covenanting alone without any coming betwixt , for there was perfect amity betwixt them , and that covenant gave laws for the continuing and perfecting of that amity . for the creator loved the creature as he needs must , because there was nothing in the creature that came not from his own work , and so must needs be pleasing to him , for it is impossible that the creator should hate the creature so long as nothing is found in it , but that which he puts in him : and the creature also loved the creator , perceiving in him nothing but love and favour , by which he had done much good for him already , and was willing to do more , and not willing to do him any evil except himself should pull it upon himself by sinning , which he had not yet done , and which he knew himself able to forbear doing . so this first covenant needed no mediator , the persons being perfectly united in good accord and love . but the second covenant was to be made betwixt parties mortally offended , and exceedingly fallen out one with another . for god the creator was justly become an enemy to man , that is , incensed against him , and fully resolved to punish him with great and heavy punishments , and man the creature was unjustly become an enemy to god the judge , hating him and muttering against him , because of the just punishment which he was to feel from him for his sins . wherefore this covenant must be made by a * mediator , a person that could and would as it were go between these two , offer to either reasonable conditions of agreement and labour to win them to accept of these conditions , that so enmity might cease and peace be setled between them . so did christ , he came betwixt his father and us , offered to his father the condition of satisfying his justice , and to us the condition of being accepted into favour notwithstanding our sin , upon our conversion to him . the lord most good is exceeding willing to imbrace the condition , yea he did offer it to christ upon that condition , that his justice might be duly satisfied some other way without mans ruine , he would save him , only man stands off and is not willing to return to god again , and christ hath more to do to perswade us to accept of favour on his terms , then to perswade him as it were to accept us on those terms : yet he doth perswade , win and draw all those to it to whom the benefit of this covenant redoundeth , therefore is he a mediator of the new covenant . christ is the treasury of all that riches of grace which god in his eternal pleasure intended to bestow on his elect , iohn . . ephes. . . acts . . it was gods great plot to make christ canalis grati● to all the reasonable creatures , to the creature fallen the channel of the grace of reconciliation , to the angels the channel of the grace of confirmation . reasons why god would have all deposited in the hand of a mediator , . man fallen could receive no good thing from god immediately , the change of the covenant brought in a change of the government , ioh. . . all must come to us by vertue of a covenant , god dealt with man at first in a covenant-way , adam and christ were both heads of the covenant , cor. . . god appointed them . . nothing can be conveyed to us without a paiment in reference to the old debt , and a purchase in reference to the new benefit , onely a mediator could do this . there is more righteousnesse required to justifie man fallen then adam had in innocency , or the angels have in heaven : that answered but the precept of the law , yours must answer the curse ; you are bound to the precept as a creature , to the curse as a transgressour , and there is more holinesse required to your sanctification , not only a conformity to god in his law , but a destroying of the old image . all the holinesse of the angels could not mortifie one sin . christ had an instrumental fitnesse for the office of a mediator , to answer all gods ends , which were either , i. principal which respect god , first , the manifestation of his own excellencies to the creature , . his manifold wisdom is declared in the gospel . . his love to take a humane nature to an actuall union with the godhead . . the mercy of god was never before discovered . . his justice in bruising his own son. . soveraignty , for christ to be his servant . secondly , the communication of his goodnesse to the creature , the ground of communication is union , there is the fullest union betwixt god and christ. ii. lesse principal . in reference to man , so god hath two ends , reconciliation and communion , luk . . . reconciliation , tim. . . a price every way answerable to the wrong god hath sustained by sin . . communion , christ in his bosom the seat of love and secrecy , by christ we have a manuduction to god. he was near to god whom he would accept , and near to us whom we may trust , he pleads with god for us , and treats with us for god , he was faithful to him and merciful to us , tender of his honour and our salvation . there is a controversie between the papists and us , an christus sit mediator secundum utramque naturam ? bellarm. tom. . de christo mediatore , c. , , . & , , , . aquinas part . . quaest. . art. . say , christ is mediator only as man , not as god , they urge that text tim. . . we say , christ as god-man is mediator , christ cals himself the sonne of man , is he not therefore the sonne of god ? in christo solus deus non est mediator , nec solus homo , sed deus homo , saith à lapide in tim. . . the god-head concurred with the manhood in all the acts of mediatorship , and that place tim. . . proves that christ qui fuit homo which was a man is our mediator , but not qua homo as a man. the papists say that saints are mediators to god , see tim. . . there is one mediator ( say they ) of redemption , but of intercession there are many . the papists make the saints mediators of satisfaction , redemption is nothing else but the paiment of a price of satisfaction . see iohn . . ephes. . . & . . why may not the manichees so defend their two principles ? although it be said there is one god , they may elude it by saying there is but one good god , and the scriptures are to be understood of him , but there is another evil god. no man ( saith sadeel against the papists ) must expect integram salutem à christo diviso . we are to understand that place tim. . . exclusively , one , and but one , as in the former part of the verse , there is one god , one and but one . vide estium ad loc . you may as well say an intercessor of mediation , as a mediator of intercession : for intercessour and mediator are both one . the papists received this from the gentiles , the devils ( their gods ) which were reputed of the lower sort , were made as means to come unto the higher , whence they were called also dii medi●ximi , that is , gods only for intercession , as if neptune would speak to iupiter , he made mercury his means and intercessour . mr deering upon the th chapter to the heb. v. , , . christ is also called a surety of the new covenant . now a surety a is a person that undertaketh some thing , therefore it is used of a person that undertaketh to see another mans debt satisfied , and it is applied to those which present a childe to be baptized , because they undertake to do that for the childe which is specified in the charge , to use the means there mentioned of bringing them to believe and repent . i say a surety undertaketh some things . he that is a surety in case of debt b undertaketh the debt , he that is a surety of any covenant undertaketh to see the covenant performed , and undertaketh to and for both parties , that one may not doubt of the other in regard of any insufficiency or other hinderance . so christ is a surety in his fathers behalf to us that he should undoubtedly pardon us if we turn , let us not be farther carefull about that , but only strive to believe , and he will deserve remission of sins , and do that for us which shall without fail procure his father to accept and pardon us . again he undertaketh for us too that we shall repent and turn to him , and he will cause us to come to him , and will make a sufficient atonement . he undertaketh , i say , that there shall be a sufficient atonement made , and that we shall turn to him , and for him that he shall accept the attonement ; so that all the labour and pains for the effecting of the agreement lieth upon christ , and he hath done it all , god would not trust us , for he knows that we cannot satisfie his justice , nor would ever turn to him . christ saith well , i will cause them to turn . we would never trust god through the conscience of our sins which knowing him to be angry doth bitterly accuse , but christ undertaketh , let us not fear he will pacifie him and free us , onely let us turn . so you see the reason of this title , a surety of the new covenant . for christ could not be a mediator by any other means but by being a surety , seeing without him neither could god in justice accept us , nor would , nor could we yeeld him satisfaction , or turn to him . it is a question between the papists and us , an christus aliquid sibi morte meruerit ? the papists say christ merited something for himself , viz. corporis gloriam & nominis exaltationem , the exaltation of the name jesus , wherein he was despised , that men should bow to it , and all the good things he was possest of after death . the scripture seems to oppose this isa. . . zech. . . iohn . . cor. . . he suffered for our sins , and rose again for our justification . he went to the father to prepare a place for us , to intercede for us , and that we might sit together with him in heavenly places . the surety quà surety cannot do or suffer any thing for himself but for those for whom he is a surety . all that christ did was for us , he was a prophet and priest for us . the humane nature when it is united to the godhead is worthy of all the glory . bellarmine urgeth that place , ephes. . , , . his humiliation is not held to be the meritorious cause of his exaltation , but his exaltation is described as a following reward of his humiliation . by the name jesus christ is meant jesus himself , as estius confesseth , see act. . . . now follows the title christ to be considered , the word signifies * anointed , john . . & . . quis nescit christum ab unctione appellari ? august . anointing is pouring oyl upon a thing or person ; this oyl was used to kings , as saul , david , salomon , iehu , ioash ; and to priests , as to the high-priest at the time of his admission to succeed in his fathers room , and to all the priests when they were first admitted unto their function for them and theirs ; and it was also used to prophets sometimes , and to holy things that were to be consecrated to god. thus the tabernacle and other instruments were anointed . it served to set these things apart to cause god to accept them for his own use , and so to design those persons to those offices , assuring themselves and others , that god would accept and assist them in their places , that he did give them authority and would give them gifts fit for that place . now therefore our lord jesus is called christ , because he was anointed with the spirit , the oyl of gladnesse , above his fellows , as the apostle speaketh , in which title are comprehended three special offices of his , a priest , prophet and king. christ had the wisdom of a prophet , the holinesse of a priest , and the power of a king. he was a king to take away our rebellion , a prophet to take away our ignorance , a priest to take away our guilt . some were priests and prophets , so was samuel : some a priest and a king , so was m●lchisedech : some a prophet and a king , so was david : none but christ was a priest , a prophet and a king , trismegistus , a great king , a great priest , and a great prophet . there is a difference between the anointing of the kings , priests and prophets of the old testament , and the anointing of christ. . in the efficient cause , they were anointed mediately by other prophets and priests , christ immediately by god himself . . in respect of the matter , they were anointed with external oyl , he with internal , that is , invisible of the spirit . . in respect of the end , they were anointed for an earthly and worldly kingdom , he for an heavenly and eternal . . in respect of the effect , christs anointing profits us , the anointing of the spirit descends from him as the head upon us his members , ioh. . . he was anoin ted , . extensivè , so as king , priest and prophet . . intensivè , others were but sprinkled , psal. . now for his priestly function , it is the first in order of nature , though in time of executing it be not first . for god must be first reconciled unto the creature by the taking away of sinne , afore any good thing can be done to him , or for him . he is called our priest , psal. . . a great high priest in the house of god. heb. . . & . . a faithful high-priest . heb. . . a high-priest of good things to come , heb. . . our advocate , john . . a ransom , tim. . . the lamb of god , john . . the lamb slain from the beginning of the world , revel . . . a propitiation , rom. . . our peace , ephes. . . the kingly and prophetical office are both grounded on his priestly office , the end of this was to apply the fruit and benefit of all , though christ entered upon all his three offices at once . this priesthood must be considered in its properties and parts . the properties of christs priesthood are these : . it is not a typical but a real priesthood , in which not the shadows of things which cannot take away sin are offered , but the thing which it self was the complement of all the shadows , so it differs from the aaronical priesthood , for it was but a type for the time being . . this is an eternal priesthood not to be determined sooner then this whole world must determine ; christ is called a priest for ever . see heb. . . & . . the vertue of this priesthood began with the first sinner that was pardoned , and continues to the last , by him are all accepted that are accepted , and without him none were nor can be accepted . the fathers that lived before he was offered enjoyed the benefit of his offering as well as we that live after , neither was the fruit any other , or lesse to them then to us , because that bloud was reputed by god as shed from the beginning , and the priesthood a priesthood that hath no end in regard of the efficacy of the sacrifice . . it is a holy priesthood , heb. . . & . . it behoveth us to have an holy priest separate from sinners ; the high-priest offered for his own and the peoples sins , but christ was stricken for our iniquities . he was holy in his nature , harmlesse in his life , undefiled in both . all the sacrifices of the law were to be without blemish , the priests were to be without corporal blemishes , a type of christs moral holinesse , cor. . ult . . it is an unchangeable priesthood , because it was made not after the law of a carnal commandment , but according to the power of an indissoluble life . this priesthood receiveth not any alteration in regard of the person sustaining it , not in regard of it self , for as there is one priesthood so one priest. the levitical priests died , and the son succeeded the father , so that though the priesthood continued and was of long continuance , yet the priest did not continue , but our priest continues one as well as the priesthood , so it is an unchangeable priesthood , and therefore compared also to melchisedech , of whom we hear once for all and no more , a shadow of the unchangeablenesse of the priesthood of christ , who therefore is called of that order , for melchisedechs priesthood was never derived , but christ was likened to it , and he resembled christ in it . you have the properties of the priesthood , consider its parts . the acts to be done by the priest are parts of the priesthood . the parts of the priesthood of christ are two , . to expiate or make propitiation for sin , or to perform the work of our redemption , and to apply it , for thus he doth expiate . he performeth it by two things , the offering of his own self once for all to his father , as in all the sufferings of his life , so in the last and worst of all in the garden and on the tree , whereon he bare our sins , and was made a curse for us according as it is written . his person was the priest god and man. the sacrifice was the humanity , the lamb of god that sin-offering , trespasse-offering , burnt-offering of a sweet savour , acceptable unto god , and the altar which consecrated the sacrifice was the godhead , by vertue of which merit was added to the sufferings of the humanity , so he purged our sins by himself , and made his soul , that is , himself a sacrifice for sin . and besides this offering of himself , he first took upon him the form of a servant , that is , was made obedient to his fathers will to keep the law in all things as one of us should have done , and that in our stead . he was made under the law for us , and hath brought in eternal righteousnesse . for we must not alone satisfie god for our unrighteousnesse , but also perform perfect righteousnesse , else we could not be admitted into his favour ; wherefore the sacrifice of the law was first washed , and then the parts laid on the altar in the burnt offering . and though christ considered as a creature , his humanity must needs be subject to his father , yet in such sort and manner by being made under the law given to adam , as the prince must be subject to his father , but not in the quality of groom or squire , that were an abasement to him , and more then could be required of him , but for some offence . now this work of christ whereby he offered himself to his father , . is perfect and exact obedience to the law , as if he had been a son of adam alone , not god and man. . in suffering of his wrath and curse and just punishment , as if he had not fully kept , nay as if he had fully broken the law. i say this offering did satisfie his justice , and make as it were perfect recompence and amends for the sins of mankinde . god was as much honoured , and his law as much magnified in that it was so performed , and he so obeyed by this one person so great and worthy , as if all men had perfectly obeyed that law in their kinde , and the justice of god in hating sin , and perfection of his authority in binding to punishment those that would not obey , was as abundantly demonstrated in that so admirable a person suffered for it , as if all mankinde had suffered to all eternity . socinus saith , the dignity of the person makes nothing to the value of the suffering . grotius replies , poenam hanc inde fuisse aestimandam , quod is qui poenam ferebat erat deus , etsi eam non ferebat qua deus , & citat act. . . cor. . . the dignity of the whole person , saith he , contributes much to this estimation , therefore it is emphatically called in scripture , the bloud of the lord , cor. . . the bloud of christ , heb. . . the bloud of iesus christ the sonne of god , john . . grot. de satisf . christi . c. . now after the making of this satisfaction follows the application of it . for the sin-offering was not alone killed , but also the bloud of it sprinkled upon the offerer , and no man was esteemed purged from his sinne , till the bloud of the sacrifice was sprinkled upon him . therefore david saith , wash me with hysop and i shall be cleaner then snow , and we are said to be chosen to life through the sprinkling of the bloud of christ , that is to say , the giving of the vertue and merit of christs death unto us , signified by that sprinkling . now this application of the sufferings and obedience of our saviour to us is done in time , and severally and particularly to and for each when he pleaseth to bestow himself upon him , and it is inseparably and immediately joyned in time and nature with justifying faith , which at what time he workethin us , at that time he maketh all he hath ours , and in present possession giveth us his flesh and bloud , that is to say , the merit of his passion and the work of our redemption which in that flesh and bloud he accomplished . this is the first part of his priesthood , redemption : the second is intercession whereby he pleadeth our cause in the presence of his father , partly having done it already , in the day of his flesh he offered up prayers for us , and partly for ever , when sitting at gods right hand he intercedeth for us , that is , presents himself with the merit of his life and obedience as ours , done in our behalfe , and imputed unto us to take away the stain of our sins , and to cause the lord to accept us , and our prayers and services , and passe by all our sinnes and offences . christ appeareth in heaven for his people : . as an agent , a lieger embassadour , so paraeus interprets heb. . . christs agency in heaven is a continual intercession ; which should it cease but for a moment , what should become of his people here upon earth ? should christ cease to appear in heaven for us ( as he must do , if he should come and abide here upon earth a thousand years together ; for he cannot in his humane nature appear both in heaven and earth at the same time ) all that time heaven must be without an agent , an intercessour . . as an advocate , ioh. . . appears for us . . as an attourney , revel . . . as a solicitour . m. brinsleys christs mediatorship . christs intercession consists in these particulars : . christ represents our persons to god the father before the throne of grace , heb. . . he appears as an attorney for his client , exod. . , . he tenders all his sufferings to god in our behalf . christ prayers ex vi pretii , we ex vi promissi . he tenders to god all his promises , and the ancient decrees and purposes , iohn . . . he addes his own desires that they may be accomplished , iohn . . . he makes answer to any thing which is objected against any of these : as the devil is an accuser , so he is an advocate , iohn . . . christ doth this constantly and earnestly , rev. . . . he tenders also your desires , mixeth his incense with your odours , and he tenders them as his own , as truely as he bears your sins he prayes your prayers . christs intercession : . began immediately upon the fall , he began to be intercessour when he began to be a priest , this was part of his priestly office , revel . . . heb. . . before he came in the flesh he interceded vi pretii praestandi , since he ascended into heaven , he intercedes vi pretii praestiti . . his intercession was effectual in all ages of the world , ever since there was a golden altar , and an altar of incense , one referred to christs oblation , the other to his intercession , heb. . . rev. . . . his intercession is of as great extent as all gods promises and christs purchase , lev. . , . ioh. . . . all the long prayers christ hath made for the accomplishment of the promises and necessities of the church god hath heard , zech. . , . & . . ioh. . . see . because . christ hath with god the father one and the same will , ioh. . . . because of the acceptation of his person , ephes. . . cant. . . . they are all offered on the altar of his godhead , heb. , . so christs priesthood hath two parts : . the work of our redemption . . the applying of it , by intercession forus , and then by bestowing his bloud upon us to purge our consciences , and actually to justifie us , for these two go still together , that the whole work may be christs . the effects of this priestly office : . satisfaction , this is implied in all those places where christ is said to lay down his life as a price for sin , and to become an atonement for our iniquities . justice is satisfied by declaring a due measure of hatred against sinne , and a due respect of his honour who is wronged by it . . reconciliation with god , god is reconciled with us in christ. . obtaining of remission of sins . . communication of his spirit and graces , by his stripes we are healed . the priestly office of jesus christ is the greatest magazine and store-house of comfort and grace on this side heaven to all christians . paul opens and presseth it on the hebrews labouring with unbelief the priestly office of jesus christ. both the kingly and prophetical offices of jesus christ are principiated in this , revel . . , . see vers . . antichristianism is an invasion on the priestly office of christ , the masse ( that incruentum sacificium ) is a derogation to the sacrifice of christ , their prayers to saints to his intercession , their satisfaction to his satisfaction . the pope is styled pontifex maximus , christ did by one sacrifice perfect for ever those that are sanctified . this office of christ is set up out of meer love and compassion for the relief of distressed souls . christs princely office is for terrour , psal. . there is a mixture of terrour in his prophetical office , the light shined in darknesse , and the darknesse comprehended it not . the covenant of grace is laid upon the satisfaction of christ , heb. . , . he made full satisfaction to divine justice for all our sins , else the lord might come on the debtor if the surety had not made full satisfaction to the creditor , ephes. . . christ did more fully satisfie god and divine justice then if all we had gone to hell , and been damned to all eternity , the debt was now paid all at once , not by a little weekly , the divine justice would have been satisfying , not satisfied by us . we are not able to make any atonement for sin , micah . , . psal. . , . the jews to this day believe , that god is atoned by sacrifices ; the papists , that he is pacified by penance , and works of supererogation : but god now rejects all those things of his own appointment , heb. . , , , , , . and christ is set forth as a propitiation for sinne through faith in his bloud . the arminians although in words for shew they professe the satisfaction of christ , yet indeed they ( no lesse then the socinians ) deny and overthrow the satisfaction of christ , and the efficacy of his merit . they place not the nature of christs satisfaction in that he on the crosse sustained the person of the elect ( for this they deny ) and so satisfied god the father for them , as if they had satisfied him in their own person ; but in that , that he got the father a right and will of entering into a new covenant with men , which he might make with them upon any condition as well of works as faith . also they deny that the end of the satisfaction or merit and death of christ is the application of the reconciliation and remission of sins . sacrifices of the old testament were , . living things . . not living , but solid , as bread . . not living , and liquid , as wine and oyl . there was alwayes destructio rei oblatae , if it was a living thing it was slain , answerable to which christ is said to be a lamb slain , heb. . . if it were not living and solid it was bruised , so christ was bruised for our iniquities , if it was not living and liquid it was poured out , so christ. some object against the equity of this , how could god punish an innocent person for the nocent ? this was equal since all parties were agreed , . god the father , matth. . . . christ , heb. . . there was the ordination of the father and free submission in christ. it is no injury to require the debt of the surety . again , some object this , how could christ being one person expiate the offences of so many thousands ? adam by vertue of his publick capacity could ruine all , rom. . . to the end , therefore christ might much more expiate the offences of many , because of the dignity of his person . and for this reason his sufferings though but temporary might compensate justice for the eternal torments of sinners , sith sufferings are not finite in their merit and efficacy though discharged in a short time , act. . . god was more pleased with his sufferings then displeased with adams sin . the socinians make this the only cause of christs suffering to be an example to us , this is the lesse principal . they say , god may have that liberty which man hath , a man may forgive his neighbour offending without satisfaction , and so may god. god could have pardoned sin without satisfaction , quid omnipotente potentius ? saith austin . but this way of christs suffering was expedient first , in reference to god : . that god might manifest , . his hatred of the corruptions of his elect . . the truth of his threatnings , in the day that thou eatest thou shalt die the death . . the exactnesse of his justice , both in punishing those that are out of christ ( when christ himself suffered so much from his father ) and in pardoning his people , rom. . , . give christ unto us , but of justice to pardon those that were in christ. . his mercy mixt with justice to all men that are saved , now justice is satisfied , and mercy magnified , that which is done by our surety is counted as done by our own persons . secondly , in reference to christ : . to declare the transcendency of his love , rather then we should be forsaken for ever he would undergo for a while the losse of his fathers love , mat. . . in his apprehension . . to shew the reality of his incarnation , he had not only the excellency of our nature , but all the common infirmities . . to shew his great condescention , he denied himself in all his glory for a time . . to declare the compleatnesse of his satisfection , he had all manner of calamities in sense , and the losse of his fathers love , the divine vision was suspended . . that he might by all this declare himself to be a perfect mediator . thirdly , in reference to satan : that he might answer all his objections , he desired nothing more then the death of christ , he had his desire and his kingdom was overthrown by it . fourthly , in reference to his children : that they might have encouragement to come to god by him , that they might have strong consolation our remission is more honourable , to be forgiven on satisfaction , sets the person offended in the same state of innocency that before : our happinesse is more sure , being by the bloud of the son of god. christs death is not only to merit but also to satisfie , for there is a difference between merit and satisfaction merit properly respects the good to be obtained , satisfaction the evil that is to be removed . as a man merits a reward which is good , but satisfieth for that fault which is committed . . merit properly respects the good of him that meriteth , or him for whom he meriteth , satisfaction respects the good of him for whom the satisfaction is made . three things make up satisfaction . . ordination of the judge . . submission of the surety . . acceptation of the sinner . satisfaction is nothing but that quo alicui plenè satissit . this the scripture expresseth by redemption , expiation , reconciliation . satisfactionis vocabulum in hoc negotio scriptura non usurpavit , rem tamen ipsam docuit manifestissimé rivet . disp. . de satisf . christi . the word satisfaction is not found in the latine or english bibles applied to the death of christ : in the new testament it is not at all , in the old but twice , numb . . , . but the thing it it self intended by that word , is every where ascribed to the death of our saviour , there being also other words in the original languages , equivalent to that , whereby we expresse the thing in hand . it is a term borrowed from the law , applied properly to things , thence translated unto persons , and it is a full compensation of the creditor from the debtor . hence from things real it was , and is translated to things personal , isa. . . the word nasa argueth a taking of the punishment of sin from us , and translating it to himself , and so signifieth satisfaction , so doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by peter , pet. . . in the room thereof . mr. owen of redemption , l. . c. . of christs priesthood you have heard , now you shall hear of his prophecy , a work annexed to priesthood , for the same persons were to teach the people that were to offer up sacrifice for them , although some did teach that might not offer up sacrifices . these titles are given to christ in respect of this office. he is called , dan. . . palmoni , the revealer of secrets . the doctor , matth. . . law-giver , jam. . . counsellor , isa. . . revel . . . chief prophet of his church , act. . . & . . that prophet , by an excellency , mark . . john . . & . . & . . & . . the angel of the covenant , mal. . . the apostle of our profession , heb. . . a faithful witnesse . apoc. . . a witnesse , isa. . . the light of the church , and of the world , isa. . . luk. . . and the author and finisher of our faith , heb. . . he is the great prophet like unto moses , yea farre above moses , whom god hath raised up in his church to teach them all truth . the prophets office was to teach the people the things which pertained to their duty , that they might please god and attain his promises . now christ is also the teacher of the church which taught the will and whole counsel of god concerning our salvation , that prophet whom moses did foretell , and whom the people expected for this end in that time that he lived , as the words of the samaritan woman shew . see deut. . . iohn . . & . . the matter or parts of this prophetical office was teaching or revealing the will of god : this teaching of christ is double , external and internal ; externally he taught , . by the ministery of his prophets in the times that went before his coming into the world , whom he raised u● for that end , that they might reveal so much of his will as was necessary for them to know . peter telleth us that he spake to the spirits that were then in prison , and that the gospel was preached to them that were dead , meaning his prophets in former time , whom christ by his spirit stirred up for that end . . he taught himself in person when he had taken our flesh upon him for the space of three yeers and a half , or as some think of four yeers , going up and down and teaching the doctrine of the kingdom , saying , repent and believe the gospel , and confirming his doctrine with miracles and signs of all sorts to the astonishment of all that heard the report of them , as the story of the gospel written by the four evangelists doth plainly shew . . he taught by his apostles , evangelists and prophets , men which he stirred up with extraordinary gifts and power to preach every where , sending them out first whilst himself lived , into all the countrey of iudaea , and then after into the whole world , and not only so , but moving some of them to write in books , and leave to the churches use those holy scriptures which are the perfect rule of our faith and obedience , and do sufficiently , plainly and perfectly instruct the whole church and each member of it to the saving knowledge of god and christ , so that if there were never another book extant in the world , yet if a man had these writings for all substantial points truly translated into a tongue understood by him , and had no other helps to make him understand the same but his own reason and understanding according to the true principles of it , by reading only and barely those writings he should come and that certainly and infallibly to the knowledge of all things necessary for his salvation . neither is any thing requisite to the right understanding of the scriptures in points of necessity to life and salvation , but alone the diligent perusing and meek receiving of the same . and yet christ performeth this outward teaching in a fourth degree by the ministry of his servants from time to time , the pastors and teachers of all ages , whom he raiseth up and instructeth in the knowledge of his truth that they may instruct the people . and this is the outward teaching , the inward is noted where he saith , you shall be all taught of god , it is the work of his spirit putting into the minde a light to conceive the things taught , and inclining it to hearken and consent to them ; of which there are two degrees , the first fainter and lesser , breeding a kind of belief or opinion ; the second is more deep and stable by which men are rooted and grounded in faith , and do firmly believe the known truth , and are guided and ruled by it . the properties of christs prophetical office are two : . he is a great prophet , as the people say luk. . . indeed the greatest of all the prophets , that reveals all things , as the woman of samaria could say , he shall shew us all things . . he is a faithful prophet in all his house , as moses also was faithful , and his faithfulnesse stands in this , that he did acquaint his church with the whole will of god without adding and diminishing , as moses did , and that he did as fully accomplish all the things typified , as moses did declare and set them down ; but it stands not in this , that he gave a particular direction for all external things about his worship and government , as moses did , for that we are sure he hath not done in his gospel , neither indeed was to do . the pope opposeth christ in his prophetical office , in making himself infallible , he brings in new sacraments unknown to christ and his apostles , christ is the onely absolute doctor of his church , matth. . . see matth. . . revel . . , . the church of rome hath added traditions , will-worship ; humane inventions to the scripture . mahomet is extolled by many as the great prophet of the world . so you have the prophetical office of christ , now follows the third , viz. he is king , to which we may adde that of lord , because his kingdom and lordship signifie in a manner the same thing , both serving to expresse the power and authority which he hath , and exerciseth in and over his church , psal. . per tot . isa. . . micah . . tim. . . there is a three-fold kingdom of christ mentioned in the holy scripture : the first is his kingdom of power or excellency , whereby he being god is the supream lord of all things , psal. . . . the kingdom of his grace , whereby he rules in the hearts of all his elect ever since the world began , psal. . . zech. . . ier. . . ezek. . . luk. . . & . . . of glory , whereby he himself is now in endlesse and perfect felicity , and of which happinesse his saints shall one day partake , luk. . . & . . luk. . . cor. . . pet. . . crakanth . of the p●pes tempor . monarc . cap. . see more there . this government is a right of immediate executing the soveraign authority of god over all creatures , in ordine ad salutem , in order to the salvation of his elect , ioh. . , . christ was born a king , but he entered not into his kingly office till after his resurrection , psal. . , . he was a priest and prophet on earth . yet this is that which brings in the benefit of all the other offices , and makes us partakers of all the good in christ. of which the means are outwardly his word and the ministery thereof , and inwardly his holy spirit worketh in and by the word . the parts of it are , first , governing and guiding his subjects in the wayes which he hath appointed them to walk in , and subduing the temptations of satan , and the world , and lusts of the flesh to them , and rewarding them at the last with eternall glory . secondly , confounding and destroying all his enemies , and treading them under his feet . the properties of it are , . it is not a civil or earthly , but a spiritual kingdom , iohn . . cor. . . rom. . . which doth look to the spirit , reacheth to the conscience and spiritual things , it is not carnal nor of this world , nor looketh to the outward man alone . the king is spiritual , viz. the lord from heaven , the subjects are spiritual , viz. the church regenerate , the law whereby the church is governed is spiritual , viz. the gospel , the goods bestowed upon the church are spiritual , as remission of sins , the spirit of grace , and the manner of government is spiritual . . universal , and that in four respects , . in respect of all ages and times , other kings have the time of their rise and fall , this dominion is eternal , it shall have no end . . in respect of all places , rev. . . to the end . . in respect of all creatures , rev. . . in respect of all things and actions . for him hath god the father made lord and king , and he doth powerfully administer his church to the sanctification , preservation and salvation of those which refuse not to submit . christ doth one thing more then all kings for their subjects , for he maketh his subjects , seeing all by nature are his enemies , but by his word and spirit he subdueth them to the obedience of his will , cor. . . that he may glorifie himself and his father in their salvation . . absolute , rev. . christ is lord paramount , tim. . . he is a king by a threefold right : . of birth , gal. . . . of donation , psal. . . ioh. . . . conquest , rev. . . he is king in heaven in respect of his glory , in earth in respect of his grace , in hell in respect of his justice . christ as mediator is the churches a head , cor. . . ephes. . . & . . & . . col. . . & . , . he is their head b , ratione unionis , ratione regiminis , ratione influentiae , . in respect of union . . in respect of guidance . . in respect of influence . the government of the church is upon his shoulders , isa. . . & . , . matth. . , . ephes. . , . psal. . . he is the onely head and king of his church , the government of the church is part of his kingly office. he as mediator hath the government of the church committed to him . . the church mystical , the number of all the saints of god whether militant or triumphant . . the church political , particular churches gathered with their officers , as the seven churches in asia . christ is the head of both . the original and fountain of all government is god the father , sonne and holy ghost , he hath a primitive and absolute soveraignty over all men . . as he gives them what being he will. . as he appoints them what end he will. . as he gives them what law he will , this is regnum essentiale , thine is the kingdom . secondly , all the persons of the trinity have committed or delegated this power into the hands of christ as he is mediator , both god and man , mat. . , . dan. . , . four things qualified christ for this : he hath . a spirit of wisdom and counsel , isa. . . . of courage there to , and isa. . . . of meeknesse and moderation . . is faithful , isa. . . thirdly , christ delegates this power ( as he hath the government of the church ) three wayes : . to the angels , they are principalities and powers . . to the magistrates , by him kings reign . . to church-officers , ephes. . , . these are to continue so long as his mediatory kingdom shall last . it is fit that christ and he alone should govern the church . first , because the church is his own , his own body and house , rom. . . cor. . . ephes. . . heb. . . it is his , . by purchase , he hath purchased to himself a peculiar people . . by covenant , i entred into covenant with thee , and thou becamest mine . . by regeneration , they are one spirit . secondly , the church is his great depositum , and praemium . . the great pledge god hath committed to his trust , iohn . . . the great reward of all his services , eph. . , . . there is none qualified for the churches government but he . this soveraignty of christ as mediator is two-fold : first , in the spiritual kingdom , by which he rules in the hearts of all , especially his saints , luk. . . rom. . . this consists in six things : . he sets up a throne in the souls of his people , that they look on him as a king , rev. . . . as a spiritual king he gives laws to the soul , rom. . . . he will punish their enemies , ioh. . . . he bestows both gifts and graces , rev. . . . he rules in their hearts and wayes , ioh. . . . he hath the key of heaven and hell , rev. . . secondly , he hath a soveraignty committed to him as mediator god-man , i● the providential kingdom , psal. . , . compared with heb. . . ephes. . . pro. . . , . . all the great things in providence are ascribed to christ mediatour ; he brought the floud , gen. . . compared with pet. . , . he destroyed sodom and gomorrah , he gave the law , heb. , . . he shall accomplish all the prophecies , rev. . . he shall judge the world , act. . , . therefore he rules it , else he could not proportion to men rewards and punishments , if he did not imploy them . . he shall give up his kingdom to his father , cor. . . the lord jesus hath all this soveraignty for the saints sake , that they might have interest in it , ioh. . . & . . we should take heed of doating on an earthly christ , kingdom , inheritance , or preferment by christ ; the apostles expected earthly preferment ; the millenaries say , christ shall destroy all monarchies , and be monarch alone , and his saints shall be great persons here . the jews deny christs kingly office , they say , he shall be an earthly king , and shall conquer all nations , and bring them into the land of canaan , and there shall blesse them with abundance of all things . the papists speak of a carnal presence of christ in the sacrament . the pope hath invaded christs kingly office by making laws which shall immediately binde the consciences of men . he saith he is christs vicar , and the head of the church . they say , there is a two-fold head of the church , . imperial , principal , invisible : so christ. . ministerial , secondary , visible : so the pope : this is a meer contradiction . to be head argueth preheminence , to be ministerial argueth subjection and inferiority . most in the world oppose the kingly office of christ , his laws , psal. . . see phil. . . there are three kingdoms contrary to the kingdom of christ , that of sin , satan , and antichrist . christ is our lord : this name is often given to christ , psal. . . mat. . . iohn . . act. . . cor. . . & ▪ , . the apostle takes delight still to mention this title the lord , col. . . cor. , . & . . iude v. . it is called the table of the lord , and the body and bread of the lord , because we are so ready to forget christs authority , therefore he is very often called lord in the new testament , rev. . . phil. . . christ is lord : . as god , ioh. . . . as man both in respect of the hypostatical union , and by the merit of his passion , by which he hath gained a dominion to himself over men redeemed by him , luk. . . . from gods ordination , act. . . phil. . , , . he is lord by right , . of creation , ioh. . . . of redemption , cor. . . pet. . . . preservation and government , ephes. . . he is lord two wayes : . in general , as over all creatures , king of nations , ier. . . . in special , as head of his church , king of saints , rev. . . the king is lord over all the subjects , but in special manner over the queen , by a double right , as king and husband , ephes. . penult . there are three priviledges of his lordship . . he is lord alone , he hath no co-partner , ephes. , . . is lord over all creatures inwardly and outwardly , the good to defend them , the wicked to offend them . . is lord for ever , this attribute when given to god the father or christ , usually signifieth his soveraignty and dominion , thus saith the lord god , that is , he that hath soveraign power over you . when this title is given to christ in the new testament as a distinctin between god and the lord , cor. . . ephes. . , . phil. . . it signifieth that christ is he through whom all good from god is derived to us , and through whom all our services are offered to god , that he is our mediator . we should pray , let thy kingdom come , labour for a true personal reign of christ , that christ and he only may be lord of our souls , we should be glad to have him raign in our families , publick assemblies , his truths , ordinances and government . if we receive christ into our hearts , we must receive him onely and absolutely upon his own terms , and in all his offices , and into every room of our hearts , and that for ever . we become the servants of god four wayes : . by an act of election in god , act. . . . by purchase , cor. . . & . . . by conquest , servus quasi servatus in bello , luke . , . . by mutual covenant , we at last choose god for our lord and master . to be a servant hath two things in it : first , inward reverend affection . secondly , ready outward subjection . we must first do the work of god , christ did his fathers work , iohn . ● . psal. . , . secondly , do his work onely , we cannot serve two contrary masters . chap. v. of christs double state of humiliation and exaltation . hitherto of our lords natures and offices , now of his acts by which in those natures he fulfilled those offices . they are all brought to a dichotomy by our lord himself , when he saith , ought not christ to have suffered and to enter into his glory ? and by the apostle st paul , saying , he humbled himself , and god hath greatly exalted him . first then for his humiliation , it was of necessity for our redemption , because he that is to satisfie for sin must bear punishment . the bearing of punishent , as being a suffering of some evil and undesirable thing , cannot be but an abasement . this abasement was two-fold : . in submitting himself to obey the whole law in our behalf in the form and quality of a servant , even as if he had been no other then a bare man , so that he was found in fashion as a man , and made in the likenesse of men , that is , was put to serve and obey as meer men are . to be subject to god and obedient to the author of being , is no abasement at all , but to be in such sort and degree subject , as if he were a meer sonne of adam , of no more excellency then a man , this was an abasement . that the heir of some noble-man or great person be inferiour to his father , and do whatsoever he shall imploy him in sutable to his quality and condition , is no abasement ; nay it is an honour to him , but if some slave whom the son did please to affect should play the thief and runagate , and the son requesting his fathers favour in his behalf , should be answered , i am content to pardon him for your sake sonne , upon condition that you will be scullion in his room this seven years , and hereupon should serve his father in that homely office of the kitchin for the term appointed , this now were a great abasement for the sonne . so for our lord jesus christ in his humanity to be subject and serviceable to his heavenly father in an obedience sutable to his worth and dignity , had been no humiliation ; but to be subject in the quality of a meer man , nay a sinfull man , and be put to obey the law , and such a law , and so to obey it as if he had been of no higher off-spring then the loins of his mother , this was a great abasing . he submitted himself to be under the authority of his mother , as another childe , and to live as a prentice to iosephs trade , as another childe to go up to the feasts to be circumcised , to bear injuries , to pray with weeping tears for sins , but our sins , and so in the rest ; here was a great and chief part of his humiliation , so our apostle witnesseth ; god sent his sonne made of a woman , made under the law , that he might redeem them that were under the law , and as by the disobedience of one many were made sinners ; so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous . psal. . . he alludeth to the civil ordinance , exod. . , . both his ears were bored thorow , his obedience was double to that of others . dr hampton on rom. . . but this obedience was not so great a humiliation as was requisite , a more difficult burden was required at his hands and a labour more tedious , he must suffer also those evils of all kindes which we should have * suffered , as if the fore-mentioned sonne of some noble personage for the winning of his fathers favour to a run-away servant , should not be put alone to serve an apprentiship in the scullery , but also to be grievously whipped with rods , as the slave himself should have been for his offence . the sufferings therefore of our lord jesus come to be considered of , which o that we could seriously consider . it were impossible for any man not to repent , not to believe , not to obey that would addresse himself to the frequent and serious meditation of these sufferings , if withall he were informed of the motive , end , and fruit of the same . now all of the things endured by christ may be referred to those of his infancy and elder time . first , to be born of a poor and mean parent , void of all earthly honour and state , although she were the heir of the greatest family and noblest bloud in the world , and had as due right as was possible to a rich and honourable kingdom . the virgin mary and ioseph both were of the famous linage of david , he the next heir male , she the next heir female to the crown of israel and iudah , but usurpers had laid violent hands upon that principality , and the whole tribe of iudah , specially the linage of david was so farre depressed and obscured , that now the heir to the crown was unknown and neglected , and the family of such honour even raked up in the dunghill of meannesse and contempt , glad to apply themselves to base and carnal occupations , as the carpenter or the like . this was an abasement to christ that he was not born of davids posterity all the while it was of esteem , note and honour in the world , but now that the scepter was quite departed from the tribe , now that it was even cast down to the dust , and no man of note or power in it ; now must he be born of that family , now must he take flesh of that linage . secondly , the manner of his birth also was very base and beggarly , for his father and mother coming to bethlehem upon occasion of taxing ( when there was à great concourse of people to that little town ) were so coursly entertained , that her time of travel being come perhaps a little before she looked for it , she was thrust into an out-house , an odd corner , a poor stable , there to cry out and be delivered without any attendance or regard . what could be more ignoble and contemptuous ? the sonne of god was born in a stable and laid in a manger , as if he had been worthy of no better esteem then a very vagrant . thus was he born and in this simple fashion did he enter into the stage of the world , as if he had been a person of no esteem or reputation . and thirdly , no sooner was he born , and the thing made known to the world , but that his life was sought for by the malice and craft of herod , who had usurped that kingdom which was due unto him . for he having notice that the king of israel was born ( as is the manner of tyrants to seek the destruction of the right inheritor ) dissembled with the wisemen , pretending that his purpose was to come and worship him , and learning by them what he could for that purpose , intended in very deed to have made him away , by which means he was compelled for the saving of his life to take a long and tedious journey down into aegypt , no question with great labour and wearinesse to himself as well as to his parents . thus you have the sufferings of our saviours infancy ; next consider his whole life , and what was it but a suffering of all misery , both in the whole course of it , and in the conclusion of all at his death . for the course of his life it was private and publick . for his private life untill his thirty years he lived a carpenter * he that was sufficient to have governed all the monarchies under the sunne , to have ruled the whole world , to have led mighty armies , and to have read a lecture of wisdom to angels and archangels , he was servant to his father , a carpenter , and spent his time obscurely in a manual occupation , handling the mallet and chezil , and doing the work of a mean labourer , burying as it were all his divine excellencies under the thick and dark cloud of a poor trade , and not shewing forth so much as a glympse of his heavenly glory , but that at one time at the age of twelve years he peeped a little out of the cloud , when at a feast in ierusalem he disputed with doctors to the astonishment of all the hearers and beholders . he was cast down from all honour and made to inherit contempt and basenesse . but come we to his publick life , where he was to take upon him a glorious function fit for himself , even to be the minister of the circumcision , a prophet to the people israel . first , he entred into this function with a great toil and labour , for by and by after his baptism and calling to publick view , he was thrust forth into the wildernesse there to be tempted of the devil , not for a few hours or dayes , but for full fourty dayes together . there he did challenge all the powers of darknesse , and hand to hand did enter the lists to fight a combate with all the devils of hell . there was he singled forth , and they let loose to try the utmost of their mighty and subtil temptations , three principal ones are mentioned , but no question he stood not against so little as three thousand , for what would not satan assay to do him mischief ? what evils did he not by word or suggestion labour to draw him to ? when he had him for so long a space of time at so great a disadvantage all alone in the wildernesse and fasting , he would strain himself to the utmost of his wicked wit to have poysoned him with some taint of wickednesse , that he might have killed the whole body of his church in him the head thereof , as he destroyed all mankinde in the first adam the common root of it . it is certain that our lord was armed with power and wisdom to discover and resist his temptations , and knew he should , could and would be victorious , but no doubt the combate was troublesome and tedious , and filled his righteous soul with unspeakable dolour and anguish . let a vertuous and honourable matron be shut up so many dayes together in one room with a base and loathsome adulterer , there to suffer all his impure solicitations , will not her misery be so much the greater in sense by how much her self is more shamefac'd and honest , and more abhorrent from all such impurity ? so it was with the soul of our blessed saviour . that great and foul polluter of himself and mankinde the devil , had liberty given him to try what ever he could do with all his crafty and abominable temptations to draw our lord jesus from his god , and to make him as all other men were , a sinner . the most valiant person in the world armed with the best weapons for defence , and furnished with so much prowesse and skill that he knew he should be conquerour and unwounded , would yet finde it unspeakably troublesome to ward oft the multitude of blows of ten thousand at once , assailing him with such fiery darts and poisoned weapons , that each of them had they but fastened to draw bloud would have been mortal unto him . had any of satans temptations fastened on the soul of christ , he had been made a sinner , and so separated from the union with the second person , and so himself with all his members that depended upon him had perished eternally . doubtlesse though he knew he should overcome , yet the bearing off , putting by and resisting so many mighty blows and subtil thrusts must needs be extreamly tedious and bitter unto him , by how much he was more perfectly holy , and did more detest all such manner of temptations . thus his sufferings from satan were horrible , though in the issue harmlesse , yea and glorious , but now thinke what he bare in his whole life after . five things are most intollerable to the nature of man in passing of his life , poverty , reproach , labour , danger and sorrows , he was laden with all these in all extremity . first for poverty , though he were very rich ( saith st paul ) yet he became poor for our sakes ; he had been no slothful nor prodigal person in his private life , but he was a servant to his father in law , and the calling was poor , so that he could get nothing but from hand to mouth , and therefore being to leave his trade , and become a minister and preacher of the gospel , he had no house nor home of his own to dwell in , no stock nor revenues to live upon , but was fain to live of pure alms , and though he was no beggar a , yet as if he had been a beggar , to maintain himself altogether by the kindenesse of others . b the foxes have holes , the fowls nests , but the sonne of man hath not whereon to rest his head . we reade of a bag he had , but it was not filled with the fruits of his own hand or stock , but with the gifts and alms of others . he had it , but he had it of alms : it was enough , but at other mens voluntary cost . what ingenuous spirit doth not feel it an abasement to be so maintained ? you see his poverty , he was of so low estate that indeed he had nothing at all , but what good people would bestow upon him . again , for reproach , how insufferable a thing is that to worthy natures to be standered , reviled , ill-spoken of , and laden with false accusations and calumniations ? doth it not seem unto us a heavier thing then death ? who is not so tender of his good name that the least blemish and aspersion cast upon him , seemeth more smarting then the cutting of a sword ? but our saviour had all manner of disgraces cast upon him , not by mean , base , beggarly and despised companions ; but by the scribes , pharisees , elders , high-priests and rulers of the city , men of most fame and reputation not for command and wealth alone , but also for learning and piety . these did seek to discredit him out of their repining envy , these vilified his person , depraved his best actions , and did cast the worst imputation they could upon him . they vilified our saviours person by the basenesse of his parents , his kindred and profession , is not this iosephs son , is not mary his mother , and his brethren iames and ioses , simon and iude ? is not he the carpenter ? they gave it forth that he was a drunkard , a glutton , a rioter , a companion with the basest fellows , even publicans and sinners , they depraved his actions : . his doctrine as heretical crossing moses his law , and treasonous that he forbad to pay tribute unto caesar. . his miracles as magical , they reported that he did all those miracles for which the people did so much honour him , not by the power and singer of god , but by the black art of hellish conjuration , even by the aid and working of beelzebub the chief of devils . these said he was a wicked and prophane fellow , a man that did not regard the sabbath of the lord. these were bold to lay to his charge that horrible and sacrilegious crime of blasphemy , saying , why doth this man blaspheme ? and for thy blasphemy we seek to stone thee . lo ! to be traduced of men famous for knowledge and religion , and for honour and wealth , as a boon companion , as a wine bibber , a fellow for harlots , a prophane polluter of the sabbath , an horrible blasphemer of god ; this was the bitter cup which our lord jesus was fain to drink . could he suffer greater and more intollerable ignominy ? nay at one time they were so audacious as to tell him to his face , thou art mad and hast a devil ? now consider thirdly his labour , his travel on foot , many a weary step and long journey from galilee to ierusalem , from ierusalem to galilee , and from quarter to quarter , and countrey to countrey , sometimes on foot with sweat and toil till he was even weary and tired again , glad to sit down and rest him , as once at the well of iacob , sometimes by sea in a ship when the furious windes conspired against him , and raised such a storm , as if the ship must have been swallowed up in the vast belly of the waves , and as if the devil would have watched his opportunity to have drowned him sleeping ; for as for riding upon a beast he never took that ease unto himself except alone one time , and that the last of all that he went to ierusalem , and then poorly mounted upon the bare back of a silly fole of an ass that was never accustomed to the saddle before , with a jerkin or a coat or two cast on him in stead of better furniture . a toilsom life indeed to do nothing else but go afoot from city to city , and sometimes also to be ready to be prest to death with the throng of a rude and unmannerly multitude . you have his labours , now consider fourthly , his dangers . he lived in quietnesse and safety enough during his carpenters imployment , but when he came to be a minister he was still persecuted . at nazareth his own city where he was not born but bred up , the first sermon ( as i think ) that ever he preached there , because he was somewhat plain in telling them of their faults , they laid violent hands upon him , and would have broke his neck down a steep hill on which the town was built . after as he grew more famous for wonders , so he was more hated and maligned by the rulers , many times they conspired to take and intrap him , sent officers to apprehend him , took up stones to dash out his brains , and commanded that whosoever knew where he was should make it known that they might apprehend him , and that he which would confesse him to be the christ should be excommunicated , insomuch that he was called a stone of offence , and a sign to be spoken against ; and he saith , the world hateth me , yea they have hated me without a cause ; insomuch that he could not walk openly amongst them , but was fain to hide himself after a sort , and to flie for his life , for they were scarce ever without some or other device to take him and put him to death . you have heard of his perils , let us speak fifthly of his sorrows , he was a man of sorrows , full of grief and tears , for he was not a stone or a piece of iron that all these things did not touch him , but he was sensible of these evils , and felt the heat of his fathers displeasure against him for our sins , for which he had undertaken to answer in all these things , and especially the memorial of his last passion did wonderfully grieve and trouble him , luk. . . how am i straitned or pained till it be accomplished ? not with such a grief as made him unwilling to come to it , but with such as made him desire that it were once over . he often set his thoughts a work upon his last sufferings , he foretold his disciples of it some four or five times , no question but he considered of it himself many hundred times , and not one of them without a vehement working of sorrow , as if one of us should know that some two or three year hence he must be put to the rack , or burned at a stake , he could not but bestow full many a heavy thought upon that hour ; so did our lord , without all controversie , with many frequent requests , and humble , tearfull , mournfull prayers , supplicating to god for aid and help against that hour , according as the many complaints and praiers made by david his type in the psalms , do manifestly evince . now come we to the last scene of this tragedy , his end : the conclusion of his life ( just like a tragedy ) was most distressed and lamentable of all the other parts , whether you consider the things he suffered from god immediatly ; or the things he endured before , in , and after his death . the first and great work of his passion was the agony and bloudy sweat , grief , astonishment and extream heavinesse which he sustained in the garden . he began to be heavy and greatly grieved , saith one evangelist : and to be astonished , saith another : and he was in an agony , saith the third ; in so much that great drops of bloud trickled from him to the ground . the two tormentingst passions that man doth wrestle withall in this life , more insufferable then any rack or disease of the body are sorrow and fear , which if they be in the greatest extremity that can be are the greatest miseries that can be . now so they were in him , for the word saith , he complained thus , my soul is sorrowfull round about even to death ; so much as was enough to have killed him , not with the suddennesse of it , for that kils easily and quickly , but with the extream inwardnesse and weight of it , and his fear is called astonishment and amazement . there is . an amazement of wonder in regard of the strangenesse of some accident beheld , as the people were amazed at christs miracles and doctrine . . an amazement of horror , when a man stands agast and astonished at the greatnesse of some evil befalling him or like to befall him , and so was our saviour taken with the highest degree of fear , even amazement , mark . . it was not such a fear as did drive him out of his wits , or take away from him the use of reason , but such as did even surcharge his soul and so afflict him , ( that as we use to say ) he knew not what to do nor how to bear it , these two passions put him in an a agony , that is to say an extraordinary great strife or wrestling . the infinite wrath of god due to him for our sins , as much as if he had committed them ( for the surety is as much liable to the paiment of the debt , as if he had in person borrowed the mony himself for himself ) did discover it self to him in all extremity , procuring to him the extreamest sorrow that might be , because he felt the tediousnesse of it for the present , and the extreamest fear that might be , because he feared the continuance of it for the future , not with a fear of reason that did doubt of the event of his sufferings , but with a passion of fear , which the beholding of a terrible thing , so terrible as gods infinite anger will stirre up in a creature , though he be never so sure to escape it , and hence came that extream conflict which dissolved his flesh and made him sweat b bloudy drops , whilst his faith and obedience strove against his fear and sorrow to keep him from murmuring or impatient fits , from all repenting of his having undertaken the work , from all doubting or despairing of gods love or unwillingnesse to go through with the work , but to hold his heart still in the highest pitch of obedience , which he shewed , saying , matth. . . not my will , that is , natural desire , not resolute purpose be fulfilled , but thine . hence the schools distinguish of a double will in christ : . his divine will , so as god he desired the same thing with his father . . humane , and that is either voluntas desiderii naturalis , the bent of nature to its own conveniency ; or veluntas desiderii rationalis & deliberati , his sanctified judgement submitted the desires of humane nature to the will of god. here is no repugnancy but a diversity of wills . christ is to be considered under a different relation , in the first part of the prayer he speaks as man ; in the second as mediatour , see matth. . . heb. . . . if we consider christ as man , there is no repugnancy of wills ; we must distinguish between the innocent vellieties of humane nature , and the resolutions of reason . this prayer was conceived , . with submission , if it be possible , not my will. . drawn forth upon convenient reason . if it be objected , how could this stand with christs holinesse , the law requires a conformity in the first motions and the very inclinations of the heart ? it may be answered , . that christs sufferings were rather appointed by gods decree then his law. . suppose gods decrees were a law to christ , as they were to him being a mediator , yet positive laws blot not out natural affections : though abraham was commanded to sacrifice his son , yet he was to have a natural affection to save his life . christ was indeed obliged to this , and it was a duty in him to declare . his bitter sense of gods wrath , psal. . . . the reality of his humane nature , by abhorring what was destructive to it . . to shew his esteem of divine consolation . now gods justice was satisfied , now his name was honoured with an obedience as honourable to him as all the service of all the men in the world could have been . thus did our blessed saviour suffer in the garden from god alone . then follows from the jews , his apostles and friends , and his enemies , and the common people . his apostles , one betraies him , sels him for ready money , and for a little too , the price of a slave , thirty silverlings , so many half crowns , in all three pound fifteen shillings . lo the goodly price at which the pharisees and this iudas valued him , o infinite indignity ! but what did the other disciples , most of them left him and fled : the shepherd was smitten and the flock was scattered ; they afforded him no more assistance then a company of sheep would to him that tended them , if theeves come to murder him ; but runne one this way , another that , and left their saviour all alone ; in the same sort did all his friends that had received so many and great benefits from him by his miraculous cures of themselves or their friends , they all disappeared , not one would open his lips to defend and justifie him against the leud aspersions that were cast upon him ; but one of his disciples among all the rest denies him , forswears , abjures him . now for his enemies the pharisees , first they send their ministers and servants with the traitor to take him , who coming to the place laid violent hands upon him , and binding his hands behinde him , like a thief they carry him away to them that had appointed them that service . secondly , themselves hire false and perjured wretches to bear witnesse against him of many things , and when that course would not take effect , at last upon his own most true , holy and constant consession , that he was ( as indeed he was ) the son of god ; in solemn manner , with pretended gravity and grief , and with rent garments , the high priest stands up and condemns him of blasphemy and unto death , to which sentence each of the elders gave his suffrage . then the servants buffet him with their gracelesse hands , spit on him with their slovenly mouthes , and mock and jest at him with their petulant tongues ▪ and thus they passe away the time abusing him all night , till in the morning early the high priests ( quickly up for a bad businesse ) bring him to the civil governour , and there accuse him of the falsest crimes that might be , sedition and treason , as if he forbad to pay tribute , moved the people , and sought to make himself a king ; besides his blasphemy in counterfeiting ( as they interpreted it ) to be the son of god. now see what he suffers from the gentiles and jews both together . pilate c to rid his hands of him sends him to herod , herod intertains him with mocks and taunts , and sends him away scoffingly araied in purple . pilate dares not loose him , but to please the people and asswage their rage by a little yielding causeth him to be sorely scourged d with rods , according to the manner of the romans , till his back was all gore bloud , and his skin and flesh torn with wounds and wailes , and then clapping a crown of piercing thorns upon his head , he brings him forth in this fashion to be gazed upon by the people , who all shouting and hooting at him out of disdain , as accounting him undoubtedly a blasphemous impostor , because pretending to be the messiah , from whom they looked for the restitution of their earthly kingdom ; he was so farre from doing that , as now he could not ( so they thought ) deliver himself from the hands of men . then pilate sets him in balance with a seditious murderer , and they require the murderer to be saved and him to be crucified ; renouncing him and denying him before pilate , as not the lawfull king of the jews , but a grand impostor , and will have no nay , but with importunate clamours inforce the timerous judge to condemn him . now is sentence solemnly pronounced upon him , that for as much as he was a seditious person , a traitor , and one that went about to usurp the kingdom against the royal dignity of c●sars imperiall majesty , therefore he should be taken by the roman officers and led to a place without the city , where malefactors ▪ used according to the fashion of the romans , with their basest slaves to be nailed to a crosse , and so hang till they were dead . no sooner was the sentence passed but that it began to be executed . the souldiers seize upon him , and having gotten him as a dove among kites , a sheep among lions , they sport themselves with mocking , deriding and abusing him by words and gestures of counterfeit honour , which are the greatest dishonours , thereby upbraiding him with folly that would needs make a king of himself . to the place of crucifying they lead him bearing his own crosse , till he being spent with watching , bleeding , wearinesse and grief , was no longer able to bear it ; then they compelled another whom they met to bear one end of it after him . so being arrived at the dismall place of dead mens skuls , they offer him the potion of malefactors , wine mingled with myrrhe , as it is thought to intoxicate his brain , which he refusing , they stretch his hands and legs till all his bones might be told , and so nailing one hand to one horn of the crosse , the other to the other , and his feet to the stump at the bottom , they leave him hanging , and that also betwixt two theeves , with a scornfull superscription of his fault , i. n. r. i. ierusalem was chosen for the place of his suffering , ibi peractum est verum hoc & summum sacrificium , ubi reliqua legis sacrificia umbrae istius . ludovic . viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . his soul was filled with unspeakable grief in the sense of the curse of the law which there he bare , and so vehement was his anguish that he cried out for thirst , when they gave him the cold comfort of a little vinegar and gall , with a scoff to make it relish the bitterer , let us see if elias will come . all the people wagge their heads at him ; the pharisees they insult over him , with oh thou that didst destroy the temple . his poor mother and some friends stood by and lamented him , till at the end of three full hours , he mightily crying did give up the ghost into his fathers hands . so he died a most vile and shamefull death , a most hard and painfull , a most execrable and cursed death , the death of the crosse. the death of the crosse was . a shamefull f death , heb. . . & . . isa. . . a filthy death , alexander ab alexandro so termeth it , mors turpissima , bernard . therefore iulian called christ the crucified or staked god : and the jews continue still in railing on christ and cursing him , and ignominiously call him talui , him that was hanged , in which the christians glory , gal. . . they teach their children to curse christ. the turks mock us at this day with our crucified god. he died in medio latronum tanquam latronum maximus . he was counted a malefactour by wicked men , matth. . . good men lookt on him as an impostor , luk. . . god lookt on him as a malefactour , heb. . . tully saith , facinus est vincire civem romanum , scelus verberare , quid dicam in crucem tollere ? it is a great offence to binde a citizen of rome , a greater to beat him , the greatest to set him on the crosse. . it is a painfull death , he endured the crosse , heb. . . christs strong cries like womens in their travell , argued strong pain , acts . . see lament . ● . . bruising hath pain , gen. . . isa. . . he was nailed in the hands and feet the most sinewy and sensitive parts , psal. . . . it was a cursed death , gal. . . that is , yielded himself to a cursed death for us ; so the fathers glosse it . it was a cursed death by the decree and appointment of god , deut. . . christs hanging on the crosse seems to be prefigured by the heave offering , of which the law makes mention : and the brazen serpent , numb ▪ . . was a type of christ crucified , iohn . , . & . , . the reason was , that he might free us from the curse of the law , being made a curse for us , gal. . . the prince of darknesse would not let so great an advantage passe without proving once more whether in this last hideous pang of death he might not prevail to have fastened some stain of sinne upon the pure soul of that immaculate and now dying lamb of god. he could not have fitly been said to have triumphed over them on the crosse , if he had not properly grappled and fought with them there , wherefore assuredly the whole band of that hellish kingdom of darknesse was let loose upon our saviour , he having at once the creator and the creatures , men and devils against him , and yet maintaining himself in perfect faith and patience , might indeed make a full satisfaction to the divine justice for the miserable disobedience of man. christ died for the reprobate five waies . . by way of proclamation , remission of sins is proclaimed to thee if thou wilt beleeve , luke . . act. . . & . . . by way of obligation , thou art bound to beleeve that thy sins may be forgiven thee in christ , mark . . rom. . . . by way of obsignation . . by way of generall merit , iohn . . . by way of special intention too , for all that thou knowest , act. . . m. fenners hidden manna . that is an argument of great fame but little credit used by the arminians h , quod unusquisque tenetur credere , hoc verum , &c. that which every one is bound to beleeve , is true : but every one is bound to beleeve that jesus christ died for him , therefore it is true that jesus christ died for every one . the first object of faith is not to beleeve that christ died for us , but that there is salvation in no other , act. . . to beleeve that christ died for me is one of the heights of religion , rom. . . gal. . . faith is grounded on the word , assurance on experience . a wicked man going on in sin is not bound to beleeve that christ died for him . adams disobedience is generall and universall , not in power alone , but in act too , it maketh all sinners . the obedience of christ hath a potentiall universality , and is sufficient to make all righteous , but actually it justifies the faithfull only , dr hampton on rom. . . every man is bound upon pain of damnation to beleeve in christ according to the first degree of faith , iohn . . that is , by a true and lively assent to beleeve , that jesus is the saviour of all that truly beleeve in him , and having this faith thou art bound to beleeve that he is thy saviour , that he died for thy sins , and rose again for thy justification ; but every individual person is not bound to beleeve that christ died for him , for then the greater part of men should be bound to beleeve untruths , so some answer it . others say that all generally have the offer of christ to whom the gospel is preached , act. . , . yet christ died not alike for all as the arminians hold , but for the elect more especially , so as not only to save them if they beleeve , but also that they may beleeve and so be saved , iohn . , , . acts . . phil. . . vide davenant . dissertat . de morte christi . mori pro aliquo , propriè est , morte sua aliquem à morte liberare , seu mori alicujus loco , ut ipse vivat . sam. . . rom. . , . cor. . . joh. . . & . . act. synod . nation . dordrecht . artic. . exam . vide plura ibid. testatur scriptura christum pro omnibus mortuum , nusquam autem pro singulis , nec disertis nec aequivalentibus verbis . quamobrem omnes in hac propositione , aut not at gentes pariter & iudaeos , rom. . . aut not at varia hominum genera , ut tim. . . aut denique omnes & singulos fideles , ut cor. . , . id. ib. p. . vide plura ibid. ponit enim aliquando scriptura pro omnibus multos . gen. . . & . . aug. de civit. dei. l. . c. . now after his death follow two things more for his further humbling , viz. his burial and his descending into hell . for his burial , the scripture is plain in it , matth. . , . luke . . and there are good reasons for it . . to fulfill the scripture , isa. . . . to shew that he was truly dead , for none but those that are dead use to be buried ; and pilate would not grant that he should be buried , untill by diligent search he found that christ was dead . . to bury sinne , rom. . . . that his resurrection might be the more evident , to which the manner of his buriall belonged ; for therefore was he laid in a new sepulchre , in which none yet ever lay , least they should say that he rose again not by his own vertue , but by the touch of some other there buried , king. . . . to sanctifie our burial , and sweeten the grave to us . . that he might conquer death in his strongest hold , iob . . it was an honour to be buried of so worthy a man and with such store of ointment , but to be put prisoner into the dungeon of death the i grave , and to seem to be swallowed up of death by giving so farre way unto it , that it might also bear him as it were captive into its strongest hold , this was an abasement . had our saviour rose again so soon as the souldier had run him through the midriff with a spear ; or so soon as ioseph had taken him down from the crosse , and then shewed himself in glory in an instant , all his enemies would have been dismaied , and he should have put them to confusion ; but in tarrying so long afore he rose till he might be laid in a tomb as other dead men are , he even yielded himself , as it were , for a space to the flouts of his enemies , this was to abase him yet lower then dying . now for christs descending into hell there is a deal of quarrelling about it k , in so much that one saith , it is a kinde of descent into hell to reade the controversies about it . this article is grounded on most evident words of scripture , psal. . . acts . . st austin might justly say , quis ergo nisi infidelis negaverit fuisse apud inferos christum ? and all men agree in this ( as bellarmine de christo l. . c. . hath well observed ) that christ some way descended into hell , but the question ( saith he ) is altogether about the exposition of this article , for the whole difficulty lieth in the word hell. the word scheol is taken four waies in scripture . . for the grave , psal. . . . for the place of the damned , luke . . . for the torments of hell , sam. . . . for extream humiliation or abasement , isa. . . in like manner ( saith l altingius ) to descend into hell is taken four waies . . to be buried , gen. . . . to come into the place of the damned , numb . . . . to feel the torments of hell , sam. . . . extreamly to be abased , matth. . . i shall rehearse four severall expositions of this article , and deliver my judgement at last . first , some interpret it of the inward sorrows of christs soul , which were very great , as the scripture testifieth , mark . , . and as appears by christs prayer thrice repeated to his father that the cup might passe from him , by his agony and bloudy sweat , luke . . by his words uttered upon the crosse ; and lastly by that testimony of the apostle , heb. . . the word hell is often put metaphorically for great and grievous troubles here suffered , psal. . . & . . psal. . . ionah . . but this exposition can in no wise stand with the order and series of the creed , for since there is mention made of christs descent into hell after his death and burial , it cannot be understood of that which happened before his death . they which expound this article thus , give this reason thereof . the former words , was crucified , dead and buried , do contain ( say they ) the outward sufferings of christ. now because he suffered not only outwardly in body , but also inwardly in soul , therefore these words may be so interpreted . but this reason is invalid , for neither is it true , that by the first words only bodily torments are expressed , but those of the soul also are meant ; for christ was wounded for our transgressions , bore our iniquities , and made his soul an offering for sin : and by the words of david and peter ( whence this article hath its foundation and originall ) it is most evident that these words ought to be understood of that which christ suffered after death : for the word hell is not to be taken otherwise in the creed then in those places of scripture whence the creed is taken ; but it is manifest to any one that is not altogether blind , that david and peter speak of that which happened to christ after his death . secondly , others say that christ after his passion upon the crosse , did really and locally descend into the place of the damned . many of the ancient fathers , the papists , some lutherans and protestants follow this exposition . one reverend divine , now with god , held that christ descended locally into hell to suffer in his soul the miseries of the damned , and urged for his opinion ephes. . . where the apostle ( saith he ) makes christs descending into the lowest parts of the earth in such a kinde of suffering in the locall hell , opposite to his ascending farre above all heaven , as the highest degree of advancement and lowest degree of abasement that could befall a creature . and acts . . . to take soul ( said he ) there for the dead corpse is so hard a kinde of phrase , that howsoever it must be yielded to in some places where the circumstances of the place and the thing spoken of compelleth , yet so to take it in a place where there is no such necessity , seemeth unreasonable . the literall text therefore here ( saith he ) is agreeable to those texts which speak of christs sufferings , he made his soul a sacrifice for sin , which could not be so well done any way , as by giving it to suffer the fulnesse of gods wrath in the place of extreamest torment , which might seem to be signifed by burning the sin-offering after it was killed * , to shew that not alone death was suffered by our saviour , but also the torments of hell ; and the words of m david ( saith he ) thou wilt not leave my soul in hell , may very fitly import so much , when he speaks of it as of a strange thing that a soul should be in hell and not left there . and peter , acts . . telling us , that god did loose the pains of death , might seem to import so much , seeing the pains of death may well be interpreted , those pains which follow after death , and in regard of which to those that know what death is , death is only painfull ; otherwise from the pains of natural death , christ was no more freed , neither were they more loosed from him then from every other man , seeing every man sees an end of his outward torments by dying . paul also might mean this in mentioning of a cursed death , and saying , he did bear the curse for us : the greatest part of the curse of the law is , to be cast into the place of the damned , and into their torments , though not into the sinfull things that accompany their torments . david as a figure of christ saith in one psalm , thou hast delivered my soul from the lowest hell : now the lowest hell is not the grave , but the infernal pit which is farre lower then the grave : this ( saith the same worthy divine ) commends gods justice and mercy , and christs love , and shews the abominablenesse and vilenesse of our sins , more then any thing else could do . all this notwithstanding , others hold that christs locall descent into hell is an unwarrantable conceit , and contrary to the word of truth and sound reason . vide sandford . de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. , &c. neither in the creed nor scriptures , where mention is made of hell with relation to christ , is the word gehenna used , which is alwaies restrained to the hell of the damned ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word designes the state of the dead in generall , and is used of all with no difference . in all the new testament it occurres but once , luke . . where necessarily it signifies the hell of the damned ; and yet not there from the force and propriety of the word ( for it is of larger extent ) but from the circumstances which are there used . for as bucer learnedly notes , the rich man is not simply said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in inferno , seu in gehennâ , because in torments and in flame . . the evangelists have professedly delivered to us the history of our saviour even to his ascension , neither yet have they made even the least mention of this his descent into hell , which they would never surely have omitted , if they had judged it a thing necessary to salvation . moreover , blessed luke in the preface of his gospel , tels theophilus , that he having had perfect understanding of all things from the first , would write to him in order , that he might know the certainty of those things wherein he had been instructed , ad verbum , in which he had been catechized , but of descent ne gry quidem , whence it appears that it was no part of the catechism which theophilus learnt and certainly knew . . blessed paul , cor. . , , , . where he rehearseth certain chief heads of the gospel , which he had preached to the corinthians , rehearseth the death , burial and resurrection of christ , but not this descent into hell , yet that was a fit place to have rehearsed it in if he had preached any such thing . therefore it is manifest enough that he preached it not nor is it necessary to be known ; he affirmeth to the corinthians that which he preached would suffice them to salvation , if they were not wanting to themselves . . if christ did go into the place of the damned , then either in soul or in body , or in his godhead . but his godhead could not descend , because it is every where ; and his body was in the grave till the third day ; and as for his soul it went not to hell , but presently after his death it went to paradise , that is , the third heaven , a place of joy and happinesse , luke . . which words of christ must be understood of his manhood , or soul ; and not of his godhead . some think by paradise no certain place is designed , but that is paradise where-ever christ is , and wheresoever god may be seen ; because therefore the soul of the thief was to follow christ and to see god , it is said to be with him in paradise . many modern interpreters ( saith sandford de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. . ) much favour this opinion , and cite austin and beda as authors of it , quam verè ipsi viderint . he saith he cannot approve this interpretation whosoever is the author of it ; for christ spake of that paradise where then he was not . but if paradise be nothing but the place whence god was seen , when the thief hung on the crosse he was in paradise . paradise is put often for heaven in the new testament , rev. . . cor. . . there is an analogy between the first and second adam . the first adam was cast out of paradise the same day he sinned , therefore the second adam did enter into heaven the same day he made satisfaction . some say that to descend into hell is a popular kinde of speech which sprung from the opinion that was vulgarly conceived of the receptacle of the souls under the earth . as we use to say commonly , that the sunne is under a cloud , because it is a vulgar form of speech , and yet it is farre enough from our meaning for all that , to imagine the cloud to be indeed higher then the sun . thirdly , some almost confound this article with christs burial , and make one sense of both , because those words sheol , hades , infernus , often in scripture note the grave . both many ancient and modern divines have taken christs descent into hell in that sense . this seems to some to be the reason wherefore the nicene creed mentions only christs burial and no descent into hell ; and athanasius his creed , his descending into hell without speaking a word of his burial : neither irenaeus , augustine , tertullian nor origen , when they recite the rule of faith , mention christs descent into hell . vide rivet . cathol . orthodox . but this seems not so probable an interpretation , . because he was buried goes next before these words , neither can these be added exegetically because they are obscurer then the former . . it is not likely that in so succinct and short a creed the same article should be twice put , or the same thing twice said by changing the words . vide chamier . contract . â spanh . tom. . lib. . c. . & calvin . institut . l. . c. . sect. , , . & bellarm. de christo , l. . c. . fourthly , some interpret this article of christs descending into hell , by his going to the dead , and for a time ( viz. even to the resurrection ) continuing in the state and under the dominion of death ; and this seems to be the most genuine exposition of all , for it keeps both the propriety of the words and the distinction of the articles , and it is drawn from peters words , nor is this opinion urged with any great difficulty . hell signifieth the state of the dead , the condition of those that are departed this life , common to good and bad , the being out of this land of the living , when the soul and body are separated and do no more walk upon the earth to be seen of men and converse with them . the hebrew , greek and latine words for hell , both in the scripture and other sit authors are used for the state of the dead , psal. . , . psal. . . isa. . , . cor. . . peters words , acts : . sufficiently confirm this exposition . the whole state of the dead is called a descent , because although some of the dead ascend into heaven , yet all which are buried descend into the earth , whence from the first condition of the descent of carkasses the whole other state of the dead is called a descent . to descend often in the acts of the apostles noteth not a descent from a higher place into a lower , but only a deporture from one place into another . sometimes it signifieth to passe from a lower place to a higher . see iud. . . & . . so iuvenal , — praecordia pressit . ille senis , tremulúmque caput descendere jussit in coelum . chap. vi. of christs exaltation . hitherto of christs humiliation . the first of these kinde of actions he did to fulfill his great offices in his person consisting of two nature● god-head and manhood . i proceed to the second kinde of actions needful to the same purpose . for if christ had not overcome his humiliation , but had been overcome of it , then had he not been a perfect saviour , then had he not been the son of god , nor the king of israel , for a king , lord and god must conquer . now this glorification is the raising of himself to a most high and honourable estate , for so it is said , he was to suffer and to enter into his glory , that is , that glory which god had appointed for him , and he by submitting himself to such meannesse for gods honour sake , fully deserved for himself and all his members with him . therefore the apostle saith , god hath greatly exalted him , for this is the mighty one upon whom god had laid strength , and he was to divide the spoil with the mighty according to isaiahs prophecy . now this glorification of our saviour ( say some ) hath three a degrees , resurrection , ascension , sitting at the right hand of the father . four degrees , say estey and others , of which two are past , viz. his resurrection and ascention , one is present , viz. his sitting at gods right hand , the last is to come , viz. his judging of all the world . for his resurrection , that is the first degree of his glory , death had separated his soul from his body , and carried his body for a time prisoner into the sepulchre , but it was impossible he should be held of it , saith the apostle ; and therefore god having loosed the sorrows of death did raise him up again no more to return to corruption . of this resurrection we have large proof in the scriptures . first , each of the evangelists insisteth upon the narration of it , and the apostles in their epistles do frequently mention and affirm it , and in their several sermons declare and publish it unto all the people . matth. . . describes it thus , in the end of the sabbath , that is , the jewish sabbath which was saturday , as it began towards the first day of the week , came mary magdalen , and the other mary to see the sepulchre , and behold there was a great earthquake : and mark thus chap. . . early in the morning the first day of the week , they came unto the sepulchre at the rising of the sunne : and luke thus , chap. . . now upon the first day of the week very early in the morning they came unto the sepulchre bringing the spices which they had prepared . iohn thus , chap. . . and the first day of the week cometh mary magdalen early when it was yet dark unto the sepulchre , and seeth the stone taken away from the sepulchre the women when it was very early upon our lords day in the morning came out of the city , and by that time the sunne was rising they came to the very sepulchre and found christ risen before : for so soon as the morning did peep , and the first day of the week began to shew it self , he reduced his soul unto his body , and raised it up , the angel at the same time rolling away the stone , and astonishing the keepers , and before the women could come into the sepulchre he was departed thence . so he was part of three nights and three dayes in the grave , and rose the third day according to that he had foretold . he died upon friday about three of the clock , and was buried that even , and lay in the grave that part of friday , taking the day for the natural day . all saturday he lay in the grave the night and the day . the first day of the week in the morning he lay but a very short space , and in the very beginning of it rose , that it might appear he lay there not out of necessity , but because he thought it fit to stay so long there to make it appear that he was truly dead . the women came and sought him but were inform'd by the angels that he was risen , yet could not make the apostles beleeve it . this peter did preach acts . this paul preached acts . this paul inculcateth cor. . and peter in his epistle also . it is so necessary a point of our christian faith , that without it all our faith is vain and falleth to the ground . david fore-told it in all the parts of it , as peter interprets him , acts . his soul was not left in hell , nor did his body see corruption , that is , putrifie at all . a man consists of two parts a soul and a body , there can be no resurrection after the separating of these two , unlesse the soul be re-united to the body again , and both lifted up out of the state of death , therefore did the god-head to whom both soul and body were united , restore the soul to the body again , preserving it from putrifaction , that it might be a fit dwelling place for the soul , and so having joyned them together , the body rose and went abroad and shew'd it self to the apostles , no longer a weak , feeble , mortal and corruptible body , but a glorious , impassible , incorruptible and most beautiful body , for it lost all its imperfections in the grave . and this resurrection fell upon the third day after his death , as himself said , iohn . . the third day he should rise . the day began as we ordinarily account , howsoever perhaps by special institution the sabbaths may be accounted to have begun otherwise , at the peep of the morning when men begin to stir about businesse then did christ stirre also , he was to lie no longer then the first day of the week , because he intended to challenge that day to himself to be the lords day , and the christian sabbath , whence it came in processe of time to have that name ; before the third day he was not to rise , that he might shew himself truly dead , and stay a sufficient while under the arrest of death for the accomplishment of our satisfaction . now this resurrection was performed by the power of his deity , for all the while that he continued dead , his soul and body were both united to the god-head , as it were a sword pulled out of the scabberd , which the man holdeth still one in one hand the other in the other , and so can easily put the same together again . for the apostle saith , rom. . . he was declared to be the sonne of god with power according to the spirit of sanctification by the resurrection of the dead , that is , by that his resurrection which is virtually the resurrection of all , seeing by vertue thereof all his people rise to glory . therefore is he termed the first fruits of them that die , cor. . . and the first begotten from the dead , col. . . because by vertue of his resurrection the saints rise to glory and enjoy from him this prerogative of overcoming death , as the first fruits sanctifie the lump , and as the first-born hath the priviledge above all the children . in time some rose before him , but in vertue none , for all that rose did rise by the efficacy and merit of him , and his rising again . and this resurrection was necessary for divers purposes : . to make way for his farther glorification , that he might raign as lord of lords , and king of kings , for he could not have possessed fulnesse of glory had he not been still in the sepulchre . the soul indeed might have been perfectly glorified , but whole christ could not have been fully glorified , if the body had not risen to partake of the glory of heaven with the soul. now seeing the body was helpful to and in the performance of the work of redemption , suffering great abasement , it was not equal that it should be any longer deprived of the reward when once justice was fully satisfied upon it . it was necessary also to fulfill the prophecies and types that went before : davids prophecy peter presseth , thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption : the type of ionah our saviour telleth of , matth. . . and both were to be ac●omplished . lastly , it was necessary for the confirmation of our faith , that we might be assured he was the sonne of god and had perfectly accomplished this great work he undertook , therefore paul saith , that he rose again for our justification , that is , to declare and prove that he had perfectly fulfilled all that was necessary to satisfie for our sins , and to procure for us , as the apostle calleth it everlasting righteousnesse . when the surety is apprehended for the debtor , there is no getting out of the creditors hand till he have discharged the whole debt , therefore when the surety gets out of prison and is at large , the debt is fully satisfied ▪ so it is in this case , so that we could not have rested upon him as a full and perfect saviour , if he had not risen ; but now our faith doth evidently acknowledge him to be a perfect saviour , and hath full assurance to ground upon since in him salvation is to be had . and for the end and use of this resurrection , it was to quicken our soul , first that we might rise to newnesse of life , as the apostle st peter saith , and at length to quicken our mortal bodies too , pet. . . that the head being risen the members might rise with him . the resurrection of christ should work on us so that we should live to him , cor. . . ephes. . , . and that four wayes . from the knowledge of his resurrection we should be assured : . that the lord will raise the church or us out of our lowest afflictions , hos. ▪ , . isa. . . ezek . , . and that should ingage us to improve all our power for him . . that christ hath likewise power to raise up our souls to spiritual life , as our first rising is by the life of christ as he recovered his life , so the increase of it is by the improvement of his resurrection by faith , phil. . . rom. . , . . it assures us of the resurrection of our bodies , rom. . . cor. . ioh. . . . of an inheritance and glorious estate , pet. . , . now you have the doctrin of the resurrection as the scriptures deliver the same . the second degree of christs glorification is his ascension , which was a change of place , a transferring of his glorified body and soul into the upper region of the world out of this lower room thereof . a body cannot be in more places then one , because it is circumscriptible , and our saviours body though glorified retaineth yet still the nature of a body , though it have laid aside all the natural imperfections of a body , and therefore our saviours body could of it self move upward , because it was rid of that grosse weightinesse which doth alwayes accompany a natural compound body . now this ascension of our saviour is in scripture often related , two of the evangelists tell of it , and st luke again in the acts of the apostles . mark hath it thus , chap. . . he was received up into heaven . luk. thus chap. . . he was parted from them and caught up into heaven . again in acts . , , . while he spake thus he was taken up , and a cloud received him up out of their sight . now this ascension be fell fourty dayes after his resurrection , act. ▪ . when he had conversed with them and informed them of all things necessary for their apostolical function , both that he might thus confer with them of all such necessary things , and that by often shewing himself he might give sufficient and undeniable proof of his resurrection . and after this was done luke telleth how an angel spake to them about it , and told them of his returning again , and that the heavens should contain him till the time appointed . thus did he fulfill the prophecy that went before concerning this matter , for david had said long before , psal. . . thou hast ascended up on high , thou hast led captivity captive , thou hast given gifts unto men . this was also typed by the high-priests entring into the most holy place upon atonement day after the sacrifice of expiation offered , therefore christ the true high-priest entered into the holy place not made with hands , even into very heaven , there to appear before god for us , heb. . . & . . & . the cause of his ascending was , because the earth was no fit place for a person so glorious to abide in , for either he must shew forth that glory of his , and then men could not have endured to converse with him : or else he must not shew it forth , and then he had deprived himself of his deserved glory . wherefore it was necessary that he should betake himself to a place and company capable of that glory , even into the highest heavens , where he might enjoy and declare that infinite great glory which his father was to bestow upon him for a reward of his sufferings . and this his ascension was even a taking possession of that glorious estate for us , that we might be fully assured of his drawing us his members after him , that at last in due time we might be where he is to behold his glory , and therefore he told his disciples , that he went to prepare a place for them , and that in the fit season he would return again to take them with him that head , and body might be both together . and in the mean space this his ascension is become a means of drawing our hearts after him to a longing desire of being with him , that we might set our affections on things above where christ our head is . for seeing christ our lord did leave earth to go into heaven , it is evident that earth is a far meaner place , and heaven a far more excellent . wherefore it is necessary for us to raise up our hearts to that which is the most happy place and state . now the third degree of his glorification follows , that is , his sitting down at the right hand of his father , whereof many scriptures also make mention , heb. . . & . ▪ & . . & . . ephes. . . now this is a figurative kinde of speech , and denoteth the high advancement of his humanity next to the divinity above all other creatures , both in respect of admirable gifts and boundlesse authority . for to be at gods right hand signifieth a state of excellent glory , as he that is next the king in honour standeth or sitteth at his right hand , gen. . . king. . . psal. . . matth. . , . this is called a sitting at the right hand of the majesty on high , it is the dwelling of the fulnesse of the god-head in him bodily , in that very body of christ the god-head hath poured forth all sorts of excellencies as much as a creature is possibly capable of , and he is actually invested with all power in heaven and earth . christ hath a name above all names farre above all principalities and powers , and thrones , and dominions . where he must abide till he make all his enemies his foot-stool . our lord jesus christ is adorned with more abundance of wisdom , power , goodnesse , love , joy , mercy , holinesse , and whatsoever qualities tend to make him in whom they are excellent , glorious and happy , then all the creatures of god laid together , so that all the heavenly army worship and adore him , and cast themselves down at his feet , and are most ready to yield him absolute and perfect obedience , knowing him to be preferred by his father to that dignity . that so he might receive a most ample reward for that exceeding great abasement to the lower parts of the earth , to which he did voluntary submit himself for his fathers glory sake , and that he might become a fit head and king to his church , able to guide and rule them at all times , and to sub due all their and his enemies under him and them , dan. . . & . , . mar. . . rom. . . ephes. . , . i should now speak of christs judging the quick and dead at his second coming , which some divines make the last degree of his glory , but there will be a fitter place to handle that elsewhere . i shall therefore in the next place draw some usefull corollaries from the glorification of our blessed saviour . first , we must labour so seriously to contemplate this unutterable glory of our head christ jesus , till we be translated into the same image from glory to glory , endeavouring to shew forth the power of his resurrection and ascension in rising to newnesse of life , and in ascending up on high in our desires and affections ▪ we must be raised up together with him , and with him sit together in heavenly places . if the resurrection of christ have not a powerful impression on our souls , to make us rise out of the filthy grave and rotten sepulchre of a wicked life to a holy and godly conversation ; if his ascension and sitting at his fathers right hand , have not a like powerful impression upon our souls to raise us up to all heavenlinesse of minde , making us in desire and will even as it were to ascend after him , and sit there with him , the bare saying that we beleeve these articles , shall little avail to our happinesse ; i beseech you therefore , let us all endeavour to make a practical use of these heavenly and supernatural truths which are revealed to us . christ is risen , say to thy self , why do not i rise with him from all loosnesse , vanity , wickednesse , uncleannesse , injustice and abominable lusts ? christ is ascended and hath taken his place in heaven , why do not i cast off all earthly base affections ? and lift up my soul and aspire to that high-place . we say we love christ , and that we are his members , let us shew our love to him , and union with him by being thus made conformable to his resurrection and ascension . yea let us long for his appearance , and thirst after the great day when he shall come to judge the quick and dead . what good wife would not ▪ often long for the coming of her absent husband , and for her going to partake with him in his state of glory ? this world is a dunghil , and all the things in it are baser , compared to that estate of christ , then dirt and dung compared to gold . o let us shew that we know and beleeve these things by filling our souls with holy and heavenly desires and affections ! contemplate our lord jesus christ rising out of the grave , contemplate his ascending up to his father , contemplate him sitting at the right hand of his father , contemplate him coming to judgement , till these things have banished all love of sinne in thee , all earthlinesse of spirit , and made thee in some measure like unto him in these things . if the spirit of grace and glory rest upon us , it will thus glorifie us and raise us up . a christian man is not glorious , because he hath obtained more outward preferment or wealth , but because he hath obtained a more effectual and working knowledge of christ his head , and is made more and more suitable to the spiritual glory of such a mediatour . hitherto should our chief desires and indeavours runne . what do we musing , tiring and tormenting our selves in studying earthly things , nay evil and sinful things ? do these studies and cogitations accord with the heavenly nature , which our blessed saviour maketh them partakers of , that are ingraffed into him by faith , and enlivened by the mighty work of his spirit . in vain do we call our selves christians , and look to be brought to that glorious estate , wherto he hath already assigned all true christians , if we do not shew our selves thus in our measure for the present glorified with christ. but secondly , let this thought make us to loath our sins , and heartily to lament them when we consider of them , because they offend so great and wonderful a person that is so highly advanced over all and withal so good and glorious , and one that hath done so much for us , and doth so particularly know and observe us and all our actions . that lord of lords , and king of kings , that only blessed potentate who inhabiteth eternity , who dwelleth in that light which is inaccessible , whom no creature saw nor can see ; this eminent person he seeth us at all times , in all places and companies , he is a witnnesse of all our actions that shall be the judge , he taketh particular and precise notice of our whole carriage . o shall we dare to offend his pure and glorious eyes with things so abominable to him , as those must needs be , for which himself was put to suffer , such things as he did suffer before he entred into his glory ! do we not think that christ hateth sinne with a most perfect hatred , and shall not we strive to conform our selves to him , and to please him that is so incomparably much greater then all other creatures ? do but think what an one our lord is , and how displeasing sinne is in his sight , and then it is not possible for us to love it if we either love our selves or him . and it is a sure truth , that god will sanctifie these meditations to such , as will exercise themselves therein to beat down sinne in them , and to work an hatred of it in their souls ; oh rhat each of us could retire our selves often from the world , and put himself in minde of christs glory , and say to himself , if i follow voluptuousnesse , and give my self to wantonnesse , drunkennesse , gaming , idlenesse , riot or unthriftinesse , these are the things that glorious saviour of mankinde abh orreth , and shall i dare to provoke him against me ? we are careful to shunne those things which we know will offend great men in the world , not alone kings and princes , but men of inferiour rank , that are of place in the countreys where we dwell , and shall we not avoid that which will displease him , whose greatnesse is so great that all height set in balance with his is meer meannesse , basenesse and contemptiblenesse ? admonish thy self often of this point , beseech him that knows how loathsom sinne is to himself , to make it abominable to thee for his sake and this will cause thee to loath it . the true knowledge of christ to conceive him to be so exceeding excellent as he is , will force any reasonable creature to study to please him , and to cast away farre from him all that will provoke him , and that is all sinne and wickednesse , for that his soul hateth , and then is our leaving of sinne and casting away evil deeds truly acceptable to him , when it hath its original in this knowledge of him , and love to him . thirdly , this glory of christ following his sufferings must become a pillar to our faith , and a sure argument to make us trust perfectly upon him and him alone . for is he not able to the utmost to save those which come unto god by him , hath he not made it more then manifest , that he hath fully satisfied his fathers justice , and answered for our sins . he bare the sins of mankinde even of the world , as the scripture speaketh indefinitely , that no man should through unbelief exclude himself . i say he bare all the sins of men upon his body on the tree , there he undertook to offer up a perpetual sacrifice , and to make an atonement to his father for us . now you see him no more in an agony , no more crucified , no longer lying in the grave , but entred into his glory . o rest upon him , rest upon him , rest upon him perfectly ! how many , how great soever those sins be that you have committed , for his entring into glory maketh it manifest , that he hath satisfied for them all to the full , and if you renounce your selves and all other merits , he can and will cause them all to be pardoned and blotted out of the debt-book of his heavenly father . if we can go to christ for pardon of sinne , he is so glorified that his intercession applying his redemption to us shall surely make us safe . to him therefore runne , on him cast thy self , on him rely for the plenary and certain remission of all thy sins , all aggravations of them notwithstanding , yea go to him and rest upon him for power against them all , and for strength to overcome them , and to vanquish all satans temptations , and to make thee a perfect conquerour ; for this glory hath he received as the head of the church for the use and benefit of his church , and of all and each of those in his church that shall seek to him and beleeve in him . he will justifie , he will sanctifie , he will save . he can do it perfecty , he will do it certainly , onely so that we rest upon him for it , and seek to and call upon him for it . all that call upon the name of the lord shall be saved , all that long and desire to be saved and do trust in him , and cry to him to be saved from the guilt , power , punishment of their sins , shall be saved , for therefore hath he ascended and is glorified that he might become a perfect saviour to his church . if he had not entred into glory by sufferings we should have had no benefit by his glorification , but because he did in this manner conveigh himself to glory , therefore is he become a captain of our salvation , as the author to the hebrews speaketh . let us runne to him in all our fears , doubts , temptations , weaknesses , for doth not the scripture tell that he hath received gifts for men ? even gifts to bestow upon men , not to keep to himself alone , but with a liberal hand to distribute unto men , yea even to the rebellious that god might dwell among them . cleave to christ , rest on him , stay upon him , he should lose the glory of his glory , the subordinate use of his glory , if he did not save them from whom he did both so suffer , and so enter into his glory . again , let all the saints learn to adore , admire , honour , love , serve , obey this glorious person , this surpassing excellent person , the mediator god and man , even the man whom god hath so exalted , let us see him by faith as they by sight see him in heaven , that we may honour , praise , magnifie and exalt him as they do , and obey him , submit our selves to him in our measure as they . faith , faith must be our guide , we see not christ with this mortal eye , we must see him by the eye of faith. i mean by a lively and full apprehension and perswasion of this his glorious being which the scripture doth set forth before our eyes , and if we unfeignedly and undoubtedly beleeve that he is such a one , the great glory whereunto he is entred will make us to glorifie him , highly to esteem of him , devoutly to worship , to bow the knees of our soul alwayes , and of our body on fit seasons to him , and to count it out happinesse to be subject unto a person so highly advanced by god. this is the whole work of those immortal and blessed spirits which are nigh unto him , because their knowledge is more full and perfect too , but the more we inform our selves of the excellency of christ , the more shall our souls stoop to him , and the more shall we esteem it not our duty alone , but our felicity to be at his command . god is ascended , our lord jesus is ascended with the joyful voice of all saints and angels , which with a divine and heavenly musick entertain him there , they sing all honour be unto the lamb ; let our souls sing for ever , let us cast our selves down before him , let us exalt his great and glorious name , let our hearts , tongues and lives confesse to him , that he is the lord of glory to whom all glory is to be given , that by glorifying him we may glorifie the father that sent him , for he that honours not the son , doth not neither honour the father . christ glorified hath not laid down any of his offices : first , because certain acts of office are to be performed in heaven , iohn . . secondly , christ hath not yet given up his kingdome to his father , cor. . . thirdly , it appears by enumeration of the several acts that christ performs as mediator in heaven in reference to each of his offices : i. to his prophetical , so . he gives gifts to men , furnisheth them with abilities for the churches service , ephes. . , . . he sends them forth , and will uphold them , rev. . . the witnesses shall prophesie till they have finisht their testimony . . he takes the measure of the truths taught , ezek . . his businesse is to resine doctrines . . he concurs with his messengers in their ministery , cor. . . & . . isa. . . heb. . , . . when ungodly men prevail against any the lord raiseth up others in their spirit and power . ii. to his priestly office , so . as a publick person he represents your persons , heb. . . see exod. . , . by this means you are made accepted , ephes. . . . you have a memorial , psal. . . god is alwayes mindful of you . . the high-priest was to sprinkle the bloud before the mercy-seat , levit. . . christ offers there the price of his own bloud , whereby you obtain mercy , and have it continued , for the bloud was carried into the holy place to abide alwayes before the lord. . he hath taken possession for you as your priest , this gives actual right , as the price paid a meritorious right . . he is careful to receive your services , levit. . , . to sanctifie them , exod. . . revel . . , . and to offer them to his father , the smoke of the incense comes up out of the angels hand . iii. to his kingly office , mat. . . eph. . , . . in his present dispensations : . in protecting his people from danger , isa. . . mic. . . . in preserving his truths and ordinances , rev. . , . . by confounding his enemies . . in his preparations for the time to come : . he prepares grace for his people , col. . . ioh. . . . prepares prayers for them , luk. . , . . prepares glory for them , cor. . . ioh. . . gods people should exercise faith on christ as glorified , and in office in heaven : . an act of perswasion , that he takes care of them still . . of reliance for thy self and the church , ioh. . . psal. . . . look upon none but christ , prov. . . . quiet thy soul in trouble , psal. . . . triumph over dangers . the end of the fifth book . the sixth book . of the chvrch the spouse of christ , and antichrist the great enemy of christ . having handled the work of redemption in the nature and person of it , i should now speak of the application of it by the holy ghost . but because many divines do treat of the church after christ , i shall follow that method , and likewise speak somewhat of that great adversary of christ before i come to the doctrine of the application of christ. chap. i. of the church of christ . the principal matter required of our parts in the apostles creed , is , to believe things concerning god and the church . god is the first object of our faith , we must know and believe in him so farre as he is revealed in his nature , properties and works . malè vivitur , si de deo non benè creditur . august . de civit . dei lib. . cap. . after articles concerning the several persons in the trinity , followeth this , i believe the holy catholike church . this was added to the former ( saith august . enchirid. cap. . ) upon special consideration . for the right order of a confession did require , that after the trinity the church should be mentioned , as the house after the owner , the temple after god , and the city after the builder . and he cannot have god for his father , which hath not the church for his mother . . the act of faith , in these words ( tacitly implied ) i beleeve . . the object of this faith , the church , described by two properties , vi● . . sanctity , in that it is called holy. . universality , in that it is stiled catholick . concerning the act of this faith [ i beleeve ] though it be not prefixed to the beginning of this article , as neither to the rest which follow it ; yet it is to be understood ; the former [ i beleeve ] which precedes the article of the holy ghost , communicating it self to this and the subsequent , and that chiefly for two reasons : the one to teach us , that the principal object of our faith is god himself , considered in unity of essence , and trinity of persons , and therefore to each of the persons , there is either a [ beleeve ] prefixed , or the particle ( in ) set before , to shew that on them we are to build the certainty and assurance of our hope ; but as for these articles of the church , the forgivenesse of sins , the resurrection of the body , and the like , they being creatures are but the secondary objects of our faith , not to be trusted upon immediately in themselves , and therefore have not a credo , a [ beleeve ] apart to themselves , but prefixt to one of the persons , i beleeve in the holy ghost . the other , to set out and divide by this means unto every of the persons a special work , creation to the father , redemption to the sonne , sanctification to the holy ghost . question is made , what the words are which are to be supplied in this article , the holy catholick church , whether i beleeve , or i beleeve in ? i beleeve , as is generally determined by the orthodox . kahal in hebrew ordinarily translated ecclesia , sometimes synagoga , is taken for an assembly or congregation , and that sometimes in the evil part for an assembly of wicked men , as gen. . . psal. ● . . sometimes in the good sense for an assembly of men gathered together for a holy or civil use or end , nehem. . . sam. . . chron. . . deut. . , , . psal. . , . gnedah or hedah ordinarily translated synagoga , doth also signifie an assembly or congregation gathered at set hours and places appointed . sometimes it notes a rebellious , tumultuous and evil assembly , psal. . , . numb . . . and sometimes an orderly and lawful congregation , as psal. . . ier. . . exod. . , . gnedah signifieth something more noble then kahal , as being the special . ecclesia in prophane authours signifieth an assembly of citizens , which by the voice of the crier was called from their domestick affairs , and the rest of the multitude to hear the sentence of the senate : so it is all one with concio which is derived * à ciendo , because all were called by publick edict into the assembly . in the new testament it is once taken for a disorderly and confused assembly , act. . , , . but that one place excepted , it is ever taken for a multitude or society with a disposition or relation to religion . and so it notes , . the company of all the faithful , mat. . . ephes. . , . & . . & . , . col. . , . ephes. . , . it is also taken indefinitely for every multitude and society of beleevers in christ , act. . . gal. . . cor. . . & . . act. . . & . . . more particularly it signifieth any assembly gathered together for the worship of god , act. . . & . . cor. . . the church in its primary signification may be defined , a multitude or society of faithful men called out of all mankinde corrupted by the ministery of the word according to the good pleasure of god , united as living members to christ their head , and in him partaking of grace in this life , and glory in the life to come , to the praise of gods wisdom , power , and riches of his mercy . . it is a multitude , cor. . . and that out of every nation , language , tribe and people , apoc. . . . it is a society of men not of angels , heb. . . see ephes. . . l'empereur in his theses saith , if the word church be generally taken , it is certain that the angels also belong to it , for the church is the body of christ , ephes. . . but christ is the head not only of men , but also of angels , col. . , , . they are our fellow-servants , revel . . . and fellow-brethren , iob . . by christ ephes. . . . a society of the faithful called effectually and savingly out of the world or mankinde corrupted , by the gospel . the church is either jewish or christian , the christian either primitive or successive , and they again in respect of manners are pure or impure , in respect of worship , sound or idololatrical ; in respect of doctrine , orthodox or heretical ; in respect of mutual communion , catholick or schismatical . there are divers and glorious elogies of this church visible in the scriptures , it is called , the city of god , heb. . . the heavenly ierusalem , there also . ierusalem which is from above , gal. . . the house of god , the pillar and ground of truth , tim. . . christs sheepfold , john . . the spouse of christ , cant. . . cor. . . revel . . . the body of christ , eph. . , . col. . . the church is triumphant or comprehensorum , and militant or viatorum . . triumphant , viz. that part of men who having overcome the flesh , the world and the devil , now reign with god and christ gloriously in heaven . . militant , viz. that part of men which yet conflict with those adversaties . that distinction relies on the words of the apostle , ephes. . . the apostle speaks of the triumphant church , tim. . ● , . heb. . . revel . . . hence their errour is refuted who think , that the souls of the dead do sleep even to the resurrection , or who think that the souls of the godly and faithful till that time are excluded from the vision of god and heavenly glory . see cor. . , , . phil. . . revel . . . the apostle speaks of the militant church , tim. . . that which is spoken to one is understood of all , gal. . . pet. . . iohn . . ephes. . , . the church is militant either in deed or in shew only and profession , those indeed belong to the militant church which are called according to purpose , viz. the truly faithful and elect . those are the true members of the body of christ , who by faith are united to christ and ingraffed in him , who are partakers of the holy ghost , who draw grace and spiritual life from christ , rom. . . col. . . ephes. . , , . but the wicked and hypocrites onely in name and profession belong to the church , for they have no true communion with christ , they no more belong to the mystical body of christ , then a woodden thigh or dry arm to the body of a natural man. for they want life , sense and motion , and receive no influence from the head , they are ( as is commonly said ) in the church not of the church , iohn . . hence arose the distinction of the church into visible and * invisible . the invisible church consists only of those who are endued with true faith and holinesse , but these are known to god and christ alone , tim. . . iohn . . . therefore in respect of us that church ( which alone truly and properly is the church on earth ) is called invisible . the church is a society of men , not as men ( for so a number of turks , or a nest of arians might be the body of christ ) but as beleevers : and therefore the church as the church cannot be seen , but beleeved . bellarmine himself saith , videmus coetum hominum qui est ecclesia , sed quod ille coetus sit vera christi ecclesia , non videmus , sed credimus ; and what say we more ? that is the visible church which consists of men professing the true faith and religion any way , whether in truth or counterfeitly and falsly , of good and evil , of elect and reprobate . this church is mixt , whence it is compared to a great house in which there are not onely vessels of gold and silver , but also wood and clay , some for honour , some for reproach , tim. . . to a field in which there are tares as well as wheat , matth. . to a net in which fishes of all kinde , good and bad are gathered . see dr featley against fisher about the visibility of the church . iacksons raging tempest on matth. . . p. . dr taylor on rev. . p. . mr baxters infants church-membership , pag. . par. on rom. . vers . . pag. , . again , the church is either particular , viz. a company of the faithful which is contained in some particular place , cor. . . & cor. . . col. . . or universal ( catholick ) which consists of all that every where call upon the name of god , cor. . . the apostle cals it , the general assembly , heb. . . it is general . in respect of time * , it had a being in all times and ages ever since the giving of the promise to our first parents in paradise . . in respect of the persons of men , it consists of all sorts and degrees of men , act. . . . in respect of place , because it hath been gathered from all parts of the earth , specially now in time of the new testament , revel . . . . in respect of doctrine therein professed . this name catholick is not given to the church in scripture , but was imposed by men , yet consonant to the scripture . the church was first intituled catholick in opposition to the visible church of the jews , act. . , . the full importance of this term catholick is set down , revel . . , . this catholick church is called holy , cor. . . & revel . . . because christ the head of it is holy , heb. . . and he makes the church partaker of his holinesse , iohn . . because it is called with a holy calling , and is separated from the world , tim. . . because the holy word of god is committed to it , rom. . . object . but the church doth not only contain in it those that are holy , but also hypocrites and such as are openly wicked , how therefore is it holy ? answ. hypocrites and prophane persons are but in name and outward profession of the church , indeed and in truth they are not , those which are truly of the church are holy , and therefore the church is rightly called , and is holy . . although the visible hath good mingled with evil , yea almost overwhelmed with their multitude , yet it is deservedly denominated from the better part . as we call that a heap of corn where there is more chaff then corn . it is the priviledge as well as duty of gods people to be holy , deut. . . & . . it comes in by way of promise , reward , priviledge , revel . . . the reasons of this are taken from the cause , the nature and effects of holinesse . first , from the cause of it , it flows from union with god , iohn . , . pet. . . & . . secondly , the nature of holinesse consists in a likenesse and conformity to god , be ye holy as i am holy , levit. . , . there is a four-fold holinesse : . of dedication , so the vessels of the temple and tabernacle were holy . . of exemplification , so the law being the epistle or exemplification of gods will was holy , rom. . . . by profession , as cor. . . . by participation or communion . the people of god are holy all these wayes : . they are dedicated to god , rom. . . . by exemplification , they are the epistle of the lord jesus christ. . by profession . . by participation . thirdly , if we consider the effects of holinesse : . upon our selves , it is the end of our election , ephes. . . of our vocation , thess. . . redemption , luke . . . upon others , even the enemies of it , wicked men , . affectation , the hypocrite affects it , that there are so many pretenders to it though but in shew , discovers the dignity of it . . that awfulnesse which it strikes in the hearts of wicked men . saul stood in awe of samuel . herod of iohn baptist , mark . . . envy , it works this in the worst , iohn . . quest. whether every one which sincerely professeth the belief of this article of the holy catholick church be bound to beleeve , that he himself is a true lively member of the same church ? answ. no , all men are not bound to beleeve that they are actual or real members of the catholick church , for none can truly beleeve thus much of himself , but he that hath made his election sure , and is certain that his name is written in the book of life . a note , mark or character , is that whereby one thing may be known and differenced from another : that which is proper to a thing , and peculiarly found in it , may serve as a note or mark of distinction . the marks of the church are an entire profession of the gospel and saving truth of god , the right use of the sacraments , holinesse of conversation , the sound preaching of the word of life , servent and pure calling upon gods name , subjection to their spiritual guides , mutual communion in the ordinances of worship , christian fellowship with all saints and true visible churches of jesus christ. all these are proper to the church but not perpetually to be found in it , no● alike pure in all ages . where all these notes are to be found purely , the church is excellent , for degree pure and famous , where any of these are wanting or impure , the church is so much defective or impure , though it may be pure in comparison of others . but all these things be not of equal necessity to the being of a true church . the profession of the word , and so the preaching of it in some sense or other is simply necessary , that wheresoever it is , it maketh the church in which it is a church . to them who demand where our church and faith was before luther , we answer , it was in the same place then wherein now it is . our church was in the present romish church obscurely , indistinctly , confusedly in it , not as an entire visible church distinct from it , nor as any natural or integral member of it , in it as good corn in a field of tares ; luther did not erect a new church , but refine a corrupt church , nor preach a new faith or doctrine never preacht before , but purge the old faith once delivered to the saints from all new inventions and errours . rome hath departed from the churches of god , we have not first and willingly separated from the church of rome , it hath apostatized from the true faith she did once professe . the question may fitly be retorted on themselves , where was your church ? where was your trent doctrine , and articles of the roman creed , received de fide before luther ? first , in regard of true doctrine ; what heresies doth she hold about the scripture , about the church , about grace , free-will , justification ? secondly , in regard of worship , which is the apostacy or falling away spoken of by paul to timothy , an admitting of angel-worship . thirdly , in regard of government or discipline . her errours are now so fundamental that we are commanded to come out of her , and not to partake of her sins ; and we depart no farther from her then she hath done from god. their apostacy * is incurable , in that they hold , . that their church cannot erre , as laodicea . . that there is no visible judge to correct errours but the pope . therefore the reformed churches in england , scotland , france , germany did justly separate from the church of rome . the church of rome casts off all christians and churches from all hope of salvation who subject not themselves to their way , therefore they are most schismaticall . causa non secessio facit schismaticum . the cause ( say the canonists ) not the separation makes a schismatick . they who have given just and lawful occasion to others to separate themselves from their corruptions are the schismaticks , and not they that took the occasion . he is well no schismatick though in schism , that is willing to joyn in communion with the true church , when it appears to be so to him , as he is no heretick , though he holds heretical opinions , who holds them not obstinately , that is ( i suppose ) with desire to be informed if he be in the wrong . my lord falklands discourse of infallibility . for the papists several marks of a church , our writers that oppose bellarmine , do answer him so fully , and dr hampton so solidly in a sermon of his on iohn . . treateth of this argument that i shall say nothing of it . see dr taylor on rev. . p. . to . those notes of succession , continuance , visibility , unity are not proper , agreeing only and alwayes to the church , therefore they are not certain and infallible . bellarmin . de notis ecclesiae , cap. . maketh them in themselves to be but probable . it is a question , an ecclesia visibilis possit errare , whether the visible church may erre . the papists deny it , and urge matth. . . & matth. . . & ti● : . . see the rhemists on that place . the invisible church ( which consists only of the elect and true beleevers ) cannot erre damnably , matth. . . the visible church whether virtual the pope , or representative , a general councel may erre damnably . see revel . . and . chap. if particular men may erre , then also the church which consists of such , but the first is true cor. . . psal. . . heb. . ● . rom. . . secondly , this is the difference between the militant and triumphant church , that this is freed from sinne and errour , but that is not , for it prayeth continually , forgive us our trespasses . the church of rome is incurable : . because she holds she cannot erre . . if she should , onely her self and the pope must reform her . chap. ii. of pastours . . their names , in the old and new testament he is called a man of god , he is called in the old testament also , a servant of the lord , a seer , a prophet , a priest , a watchman , and a shepherd . in the new testament they are called prophets , ministers of god , pastors , teachers , elders , gods stewards . titus . . gods embassadours . rev. . . angels , revel . . , . apostles , evangelists , that men might regard them , and they be put in minde of their duty . he was to be of some years before he entred into that function : our saviour was thirty years before he entred into the ministery , luk. . . see numb . . . basil and gregory ( saith russinus hist. l. . c. . ) spent thirteen years in searching forth the hidden sense of scripture barely , before they would make shew of their profession . there is an office of the ministery instituted by christ in the churches of the new testament . first , the lord hath expresly instituted such an office , cor. . . ephes. . . this was one of his royal gifts in the day of his inauguration . the socinians say , cum adhuc nova & inaudita esset evangelii doctrina , &c. the apostles had a call when the gospel was newly published ; there needs not a ministery now that the gospel is generally taught , and it is promised we shall be all taught of god , if we should look for a ministery where shall we finde it ? our ministers were ordained by bishops , they by the pope , therefore their calling is antichristian . that there is such an institution of christ , and this to continue till the worlds end may be thus proved , first , there are some to whom the word of reconciliation is committed , and not to others , cor. . . ram. . . there is a peculiar mission , men cannot preach as the embassadours of christ unlesse sent , ioh. . . gal. . . secondly , because a special authority is committed to such by vertue of their office , they have the keys of the kingdom of heaven , isa. . . matth. . . there is a double power , . supream which belongs to christ only , revel . . . . subordinate and delegated . ministers are the embassadours of christ , and so are to be received as christ himself , we bes●ech you in christs stead , and he that despiseth you despiseth me . thirdly , there is a special trial that in order to such an imploiment they are to undergo , tim. . . there is a trial required to the exercise of the meanest office , the deacon . fourthly , the lord hath appointed them a reward for the performance of such in office. he hath ordained that those which preach the gospel should live of the gospel , see act. . . tim. . . fifthly , they are to give a special account for the souls of all that are under their charge . secondly , this office is to continue till the end of the world . . from the institution of christ appointing this office , cor. . . in the last and purest times , revel . . . the twelve foundations are the twelve apostles . . from the promise made to it , which supposeth that the subject of the power shall remain , mat. . ult . see ier. . . & isa. . . . the necessity of this office is as great now as ever . the ends of it are two , the gathering and perfecting of the saints , ephes. . , . so long as one saint is to be converted , and one grace to be compleated there needs a ministery . for that part of the objection , that their calling is antichristian . in these licentious dayes several truths in pamphlets are called antichristian , baptizing children , frequenting ordinances , the ministery , the doctrine of the trinity , that magistrates should meddle with matters of religion , that we prove our justification by our sanctification , meeting-places or churches for the people of god to assemble publickly in . the papists say , we have no true ministery , because at the reformation we received it not from rome . the brownists say , our ministers are not rightly called into their offices , because we received it from rome . not every thing ordained by antichrist is forthwith to be rejected , but onely that which he doth quà antichristus , as he is antichrist . but b●shops were before ever antichrist appeared in the world . hilary against the arians saith . quisquis christum , qualis ab apostolis est praedicatus negavit , antichristus est . nominis antichristi proprietas est , christo esse contrarium . that church , ministery and sacraments where christs holy spirit is graciously , effectually and savingly present , can no more be denied the name of a true church then that man can be denied the name of a true man , who eateth , drinketh , walketh , speaketh , reasoneth and performeth all the operations of sense , motion and understanding ; we may feel in our selves the power and efficacy of our ministery and sacraments . brown the father of the brownists was the first of note that did separate himself from the church of england , and said , that we had not a church , he meant a true church . but after he went into france , and being at geneva , he saw the sabbath much prophaned , and the wafer-cake given in the sacrament in stead of bread , whereupon he began to think better of the church of england , and returning home he became pastour of a church in northamptonshire , called achurch . the church of rome was a true church , the reformed churches separated from it becoming a false church . though ministers were ordained in the most corrupt estate of the church of rome , yet if they forsake the corruptions of the church of rome they are true ministers , as the church of rome it self if it would cast off its corruptions , should be a true church . it is a necessary act of a ministers call to be ordained by other ministers , not necessarily a bishop , the reformed churches beyond seas used not that , but the imposition of presbyters : and in england no bishop could ordain alone , but presbyters besides him were to lay hands on the man ordained . of the ministers calling . some say the inward calling of a minister is a work of gods spirit , inwardly inclining a man to imbrace this function for the right ends , gods glory and mans salvation . see act. . . simon magus refused , his heart was not right or straight before god. not sufficient inward gifts of minde , of knowledge , learning , and vertue , is the inward calling to the ministery , because all these things may befall such an one as ought not to undertake the ministery at all ( as a king ) but should sin grievously against god , if he undertake that function , yea all these may befall a woman who may not be a minister , i permit not a woman to exercise authority , or to speak in the church . for the outward calling , there is no particular manner or kinde of calling binding the conscience to that and no other , because bare example without a precept doth not binde . he hath the outward calling to the ministery , who is appointed to this by such who are intrusted with this care . paul left titus in creet to ordain elders , that is , ministers . there is a double calling necessary to a dispenser of the mysteries of salvation , inward and outward . the inward inableth them , the outward authorizeth them to discharge their sacred function . where there are gifts , if god encline the heart of the party to enter into the ministery , there is an inward calling ; yet this alone sufficeth not without an outward calling , either ordinary or extraordinary ; we are not now to expect extraordinary callings since miracles are ceased . the ordinary calling is by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery , ier. . . & . . rom. . . no other ordination was heard of for fifteen hundred years , or at least approved of . doctor featleys distinction of clergy and laity . the calling of men to the ministery , is either immediate and extraordinary , such as the prophets had in the old testament , and the apostles had by christ himself mediate and ordinary , such as is now a days of pastours , both are divine , every minister is as truly called , though not as immediately as in the primitive times , matth. . . act. . . munus apostolicum , the apostolical function is ceased , because the apostolical gifts are ceased , speaking by an infallible spirit , speaking all languages , having care and rule of all nations . ordinary presbyters are appointed by the holy ghost , ephes. . . pastours who have an ordinary mediate call , are made the gift of god , as well as the extraordinary offices , they are both equally divine , but they differ in three things : . those which are immediately called have god only for the authour , as paul saith , called by god and not by men . . those which are immediately called , are for the most part endowed with a singular priviledge of not erring , and gifts of miracles , though sometimes it be otherwise . . they are not tied to one particular church , but are sent to all indefinitely : an immediate call is not now to be expected . the nature of a ministers call consisteth in two main things , election and ordination . in the reformed churches of france and geneva , the people give no voices in the election of ministers , but are only permitted if they have any causes of dislike or exception , to make them known to the pastours and guides of the church , and the power of judging such exceptions resteth wholly in them . when one morelius a phantastical companion sought to bring the elections of bishops and ministers to be popular , and swayed by the most voices of the people , he was condemned by all the synods in france , as beza sheweth , epist. . some say the original power is in the church , acts . & . the formal in the ministers ; as to see is originally in the whole body , but formally in the eye . others say , the ministers originally receive their church-offices , not from the people but christ himself , who is the fountain , there being not the same reason of a natural and voluntary action . there is a question , whether the church or the ministers be first , because the ministers are the instrumental cause of the conversion of the church , and the church of the choice of their ministers , which is something like the philosophers question , whether the egge or the hen were first , for as the egge comes of a hen , so the hen comes of an egge . and as that is resolved by the consideration of the creation , then god made the hen first , so is this question by consideration of the first institution and setting up of the evangelical catholick church , then we finde that christ set up the officers first to convert men to be beleevers , and they being converted to the faith of christ are bound to submit themselves to christs ministers in the lord. if a minister of this or that congregation be not a member of the church catholick visible , then he is no minister out of his own congregation , and therefore cannot preach or administer any sacrament as a minister out of his own congregation . yea if any members of another congregation should come and hear a minister preach in his own congregation , he could not preach to them , nor they hear him as a minister , but onely as a gifted brother . they of the separation , and if not all , yet sure some independents place the whole essentiality of a ministers calling in election , accounting ordination to be no more but the solemnization of the calling . we say , permissio potestativa , or the power and commission given to a man by which he is made of no minister to be a minister , is not from the church electing him , but from the lawfull ordaining him . election doth but design such a person to the ministery of such a church . in scripture we finde election and ordination frequently distinguished , not only as distinct acts , but oft times in distinct hands , deut. . . the people choose them who shall be rulers , but moses makes them rulers , act. . . the people choose , the apostles appoint the deacons . the choosing of a person to an office , is not the authorizing of the person elected , but the designation of the person to be authorized . ordination is to be distinguished from election , for the whole church may choose but not ordain . ordination is an ecclesiastical act of government , but election is not so . some say , the bishop only is to ordain , heb. . . tim. . . tit. . . ierom saith , excepta ordinatione , what is it that a bishop doth which a presbyter may not d● ? or at least no ordination should be without a bishop . others say , it is to be done by presbyters . it is in the directory described to be an outward solemn setting apart of persons for the office of the ministery in the church by preaching presbyters , numb . . , , , , . act. . , , . it is the setting of men apart to the work of the ministery , the commending of them with fasting and prayer to the grace of god , and the authorizing of them to perform things pertaining to god ; which others neither may nor can do : wherein the ceremony of imposition of hands is used , . to expresse the setting of them apart for sacred imploiment . . to let them know that the hand of god is with them in all that they do in his name , and by his authority ▪ to guide , strengthen and protect them . . to note out the person upon whom the church by her prayers desireth the blessings of almighty god to be poured in more plentiful sort then upon others , as being to take charge of others . the socinians acknowledge it is fit for order and decency to retain ordination in the church . peradventure many of the sectaries of this time will hardly acknowledge thus much . the papists ordination faileth divers wayes : . in the end , for the bishop bids them take power to offer up christs body as a sacrifice to god. . they want the institution , for christ hath appointed no priests in his church to sacrifice . . they fail in the outward form , for they have many foolish ceremonies added to their consecration . the brownists * fail in the main , which is the imposition of hands by the presbytery . some think that the ceremony of laying on of hands may be omitted . sometimes we must be tied to example in the least gesture , though not prescribed , & yet men presume to dispense in a circumstance expresly prescribed tit. . . timothy was ordained by laying on of hands : & enjoyned to lay hands on others in their ordination tim. . thus were the deacons ordained act. . . and thus were paul and barnabas set apart for the execution of their calling , act. . . their duty : it is laid forth , . by titles , as watchmen , ezek. . . & . . labourers . matth. . . light and salt , matth. . , . shepherds , iohn . . good scribes , matth. . stewards , cor. . . nurses , thess. . . . in commandments act. . . tim. . , . he must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gal. . . he must teach and tread the way to heaven . he must feed the flock , tim. . . pet. . . in the ministery of the word and sacraments , and by praying for them both publickly * and privately . ministers must teach sound and true doctrine , tim. . . & . , . they must preach , . zealously , iohn . . . compassionately , matth. . . & . . . convincingly , col. . . . feelingly , according to the nature of the doctrine . the best way to speak to the heart is to speak from the heart , cor. . . . frequently , * in season and out of season , luk. . ▪ act. . . . gravely , cor. . tit. . . homilies were first allowed in the church , not to uphold or maintain an ignorant ministery , or to supply his defect that should take pains but would not , much less to shut out preaching , but to supply the casual defect of preaching through the weaknesse and infirmity of the minister . bishop andrews caused to be engraven about the seal of his bishoprick those words of s. paul , and who is sufficient for these things ? bishop iewel being very weak , as he was going to preach at lacock in wiltshire , a gentleman meeting him , friendly admonished him to return home for his healths sake , telling him , that it was better that the people should want one sermon , than be altogether deprived of such a preacher : to which he replied , oportet episcopum concionantem mori , a bishop should die preaching in a pulpit , that being the last sermon he preached . it is one part of a ministers duty to pray for his people , sam. . . moses prayed for israel . he and aaron more then once stood in the gap . ieremiah prayed so much and earnestly for the people , till god was even fain to discharge him . paul almost in every epistle tels them to whom he writeth , that he maketh mention of them in his prayers : and the apostle tels the colossians that epaphras a minister of theirs did labour for them fervently in his prayers . reasons . . it is one of the most excellent means to make their other labours prosperous by procuring a blessing upon them from god. . this is the next way to provoke in his heart a holy , christian and spiritual love of them . let any man accustom to pray to god fervently for any person , and it will increase an holy and heavenly affection to them , as much as any one thing in the world , graces grow and increase by exercise , prayer is an exercise of love and charity . . this is the best way to prevent discouragement in ones labours . we may communicate with evil ministers , see sam. . , . & . . our saviour hath taught us to hold communion with wicked men for the godly's sake that were among them ; yea with such as were tied in the cords of sinne , with such as did manifestly live and die in their sins without repentance , iohn . , . with luk. . , . of the brownists mr paget in his arrow against the separatists chap. . shews , that both ainsworth and barrow hold that baptism administred by papists is to be retained . ministers must be faithful in their calling : christ was a merciful and faithful high-priest . his faithfulnesse consists in these things : first , in revealing the whole counsel of god , acts . . and only the counsel of god. secondly , in dwelling among their people , and using their best indeavour to know them well , prov. . . iohn . . acts . , . phil. . . thess. . . col. . . heb. . . one saith , it is but the least part of a ministers work which is done in the pulpit . paul taught them from house to house , day and night with tears , act. . , . to go daily from house to house to see how they live . ministers must be themselves of an unblameable life , matth. . . act. . . & . . & . . they must frame their lives answerable to their doctrine this was typed by aarons urim and thummim , which he was to carry in the brest-plate upon his heart : for the one betokened light and verity of doctrine , the other uprightnesse and integrity of life . the same was also signified by the golden bels and pomegranates hanging round about upon the hemme of his priestly vestment : for the bels are no other then the sound of wholsom preaching ; and the pomegranates , then the fruits of good living . peaceable , not given to sutes and contentions with the people , tim. . . they should be couragious and bold , as luther . painful . their calling is a labour , thess. . . and a travel , thes. . . those that labour in the word and doctrine . i laboured more abundantly then they all . send forth labourers into thy harvest . verbi minister es , hoc age , was mr perkins motto . see tim. . . he must be diligent and painfull both in study and preaching . melancthon said there were three hard labours , regentis , docentis , parturientis . i have heard it as a certain truth concerning reverend mr bains , that every sermon cost him as much in his sense ( as he thought ) as it did ordinarily cost a woman to bring a childe into the world , i travel in birth till i see iesus christ formed in you . chrysostome saith , the work of a minister is more laborious then that of a carpenter . when he hath wrought hard all day he goes home and comes again in the morning , and findes his work as he left it ; but we hew and take pains , and leave our people and come again , and finde them worse then before . the honour and dignity of this function . although the ministery above all callings be most subject to the contempt and disgrace of prophane men , yet the function is a worthy and excellent work , and as god himself hath greatly honoured them , so can they not but be honoured of all those , who are the children of god. . the subject of this office is the souls of men , their far better and more worthy part , the spiritual , immortal and most heavenly part of man ; other functions are conversant about the body or estate . . the proper end of this is to procure gods greatest glory in subduing souls to him , and in bringing men to the greatest happinesse whereof they are capable , even to grace here and glory hereafter . this is to establish the spiritual kingdom of grace in the hearts of men , to convert them to god , and make them heirs of everlasting happinesse . at the last day shall andrew come in with achaia by him converted to the saving knowledge of the truth , iohn with asia , thomas with india , peter with the jews , and paul with the gentiles . see thes. . . a minister is called a man of god , sam. . . tim. . . & . , . his chief busines is to deal with god , and to be his messenger unto men , the man of his counsel who was admitted to be familiarly with him , yea whose whole life was to be consecrated to a specia●●ttendance upon god and his special service of making his waies known unto the sons of men . they are called messengers of the lord of hosts , mal. . . embassadours of christ , cor. . . angels of the churches , fathers of their people , cor. . , . god tels levi he will be his inheritance , deut. . , . god protects them , revel . . christ holds the starres in his hand . we are commanded to receive them in the lord , to hold them in reputation , to esteem them very highly for their works sake , to hold them worthy double honour , and to obey them . good men have loved faithful ministers , chron. . . & . . & . . mat. . . act. . . aquila and priscilla preferred pauls safety before their own . obadiah hid the prophets with the hazard of his life , king. . . see against the contempt of them as ministers , chron. . . luk. . . of their maintenance . a sufficient maintenance is due to the minister , cor. . , , , . the stipend of ministers must be sufficient , honourable and stable , but the quota pars is not determined . tim. . . honour there , is maintenance , the elder is the minister . if they be worthy to receive , then it is not in the pleasure of man to pay as he list . if the maintenance must be honourable , then it must not be of benevolence : for that is commonly both scant and uncertain , which is a thing miserable not honourable . tenuitatem beneficiorum sequitur ignorantia sacerdotum . it is a great question , an decimae ministris jure divino sint solvendae ? the schoolmen are generally for the negative , and so are many able protestant divines , rivet . in gen. . exercit. . and in his iesuita vapulans . capel . in thes. theol. salmur . mr cartw. against the rhemists on heb. . . and in his necessity of discipline . mr dod. bishop carleton , dr prideaux , dr sclater and mr. whateley , were for the affirmative . the question ( saith mr. mede on act. . , , . ) should not be , whether tithes are due to the ministers of the gospel , meaning as a duty of the people unto them , but rather whether they be not due unto god ; for so is the style of the scripture , all the tithes are mine ; these i give to levi , and not you . there are many other uses for the imploiment of bona sacra , if they be more then is competent for them and theirs . of preaching . it is in a setled state of things , the publick interpretation and application of scripture by a minister assigned to the office to a congregation assembled for that purpose . or it may be defined , a sound explicating of gods word with application of it in the way of power and office by him who is thereunto called , . an explication of gods word , nehem. . . the levites when they read the law of god , or gave the distinct sense and meaning of the words : so must the minister , he is commanded to divide the word aright . see luke . , . . sound or right explication , for there is a depraving of the scripture . . with application , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine , see cor. . . tim. . . . by office and power in him that is called . so the general duty which lies on every christian may be distinguished from the peculiar office ●● a minister , private christians are to teach and admonish one another , there is an exhortation charitative and potestative which belongs to him that is called . one saith , it is an ordinance of christ , whereby persons have received gifts from heaven , and are separated to that office to make known the will of god for the perfecting of the saints . the efficient cause is , . supream and principal , jesus christ. . instrumental , persons which have received gifts from heaven , are called and set a part to the ministery . secondly , the material cause of it , the doctrine of salvation . thirdly , the formal , making it known and applying it . fourthly , the final , for the perfecting of the saints . by the word preached : . light shines in unto men , psal. . . to the end . . it helps the saints to mortifie their corruption , psal. . . . by it we conquer the devil , ephes. . . we overcome the world , iohn . . it inableth us to perform the duties of our relations , col. . . to bear all crosses , rom. . . . fils us with consolation , and keep us from being apostates . the word is interpreted aright , by declaring . the order . . the summe or scope . . the sense of the words , which is done by framing a rhetorical and logical analysis of the text. preaching consists of these ingredients : . right understanding . . true dividing . . faithful interpreting . . zealous uttering . . powerfull applying . it is not , i suppose , simply necessary one should take a set text. christ when he executed the office of a minister here on earth , and taught the people , sometimes interpreted a place which he took out of the scripture , as lu● . . . out of isaiah , sometime without any set text he spoke those things which were most apt for the edifying of the church . for the most part christ preached sitting , as matth. . . matth. . . luk. . . iohn . . so did others who came to great place and dignity in the church ordinarily preach sitting too , and therefore their churches were called cathedral , because they preached sitting in chairs . the apostles were wont more often to stand , as is manifest from act. . and other places . christ sate to shew his great and eminent authority . the apostles stood to shew their respect to gods people , raynold . de lib. apoc. whether private persons not in office may preach ? if they have a calling , either it is ordinary or extraordinary ; if ordinary then they are not only gifted , but tried and separated to it . that men though gifted without being called to the ministery , and by ordination set apart for it , should take upon them the office or ordinary exercise of preaching , seems repugnant to those scriptures , rom. . . heb. . . tim. . . christ therefore frequently urgeth this , that he was sent from his father . punishments have been inflicted on those that have medled beyond their call , as uzziah . three places are alledged for lay-mens preaching , rom. . . cor. . . act. . . for their venting their experiences , as they call it . for the first place he means those that are by office prophets and ministers or deacons , they must preach , not those that have abilities only , for then it will follow those that have ability may baptize and rule too . the word gift is used in scripture for the office it self , or gifted calling , ephes. . , . two things are required to a calling , gifts and authority , iohn . , . for cor. . some think paul speaks in that place , not of ordinary preaching , but of prophesying by the spirit , that is , by revelation . mr cotton tels us , these were not ordinary , private men , but such as had extraordinary gifts , the gift of tongues , and the like liberty of preaching is not allowed them that want the like gifts . see cor. . , , . that place act. . may receive answer from my annotations on acts. . . a like place . some learned divines , though they hold none may enter into the ministery without a peculiar call , yet do say , that a private man sufficiently gifted ( if he have the approbation of the church ) may teach publickly , they build it on that place cor. . where when the beleevers did meet together , they are allowed to prophesie . mr lyford in his apology for our publick ministery and infant-baptism , conclus . . pag. , . proves by three reasons that the prophesying cor. . was extraordinary , and not a standing ordinary gift in the church , and others are of his judgement , as mr. norton in his answer to apollo●ius , chap. . and vers . . of this chapter proves as much . the scriptures lay down these rules , first , no man must preach except he be sent , take any office upon him unlesse he be approved ; a gospel-order is to be preserved , the deacon ; the meanest order is to be approved . a man is not to call himself , nor to be a judge of his own sufficiency . secondly , people are admonished to take heed what they hear , mark . . and whom they hear , john , . thirdly , some will undertake to be teachers though they be never so ignorant of the things they teach , tim. . . fourthly , under this pretence false prophets go forth into the world to corrupt the truths of god , and poison the souls of men , cor. . . ministers must preach often , especially on the sabbath . our saviour preacht every sabbath day , luk. . . so did paul , act. . see tim. . . the fathers preacht twice every lords-day , and almost every week-day . paul bids the minister preach in season and out of season , the sabbath by reason of the publick meeting is a season of preaching , it is requisite therefore for him to preach every sabbath . again , christs custom was to go into the synagogue every sabbath-day , and so the apostles . . the sanctifying of the sabbath must be done in the best manner that may be , both by minister and people , the minister must be helpful to the people in the sanctifying of it , he may then preach if he will give himself to reading and study , as he is commanded . . his duty is to labour in the word and doctrine , that is , to take great pains in it , therefore he must preach sabbath after sabbath . . every one is required to be plentifull in the work of the lord , therefore the minister in his special work of preaching must be plentifull , and this he is not unlesse he preach at least every sabbath , and if his strength will serve him twice , both morning and evening . ministers must in their preaching denounce gods wrath against sinners , sam. . . how comminatory are our saviours words , o generation of vipers , how can you escape the condemnation of hell ? and , woe unto you scribes and pharisees , hypocrites : and , woe unto the world , because of offences : and , woe be unto you that are rich , and that laugh , there shall be weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth . paul is sharp , cor. . , . for such things sake the wrath of god comes upon the children of disobedience . tribulation and anguish shall be upon every soul that doth evil . moses dischargeth many vollies of curses upon those which break the law of the lord. reasons . . because there is in every man an old man to be beaten down , the threats of the word are a necessary instrument for working in a man a hatred of sin . . there remaineth in the best of gods servants much presumption , whereby they are apt to imbolden themselves in sinning , the law must make way for the gospel , the threats of the word are a most needful means of humiliation . this is the most fruitful and profitable teaching . it is good for the impenitent to make him repent , and for the penitent to make him repent more , if they wisely limit the threats they utter . there is a frierly kinde of preaching to presse resemblances and similitudes too farre , and a jesuitical * preaching to declaim much against hereticks , and urge some things of morality . but the best preaching is to convince men of their misery by sin , and to shew them the way to avoid it . plain preaching is most profitable for a mixt auditory . he is the best scholar that can teach christ plainliest : and for my part if i would set my self to be idle , i would choose that kinde of preaching which is counted so laborious . dr taylor on tit. . paul ( saith he there ) being the greatest schollar of all the apostles , was the most fearful to make the least shew of it . doctor preston being asked , why he preached so plainly , and dilated so much in his sermons : answered , he was a fisherman : now fishermen , said he , if they should winde up the net , and so cast it into the sea , they should catch nothing , but when they spread the net then they catch the fish ; i spread my net ( said he ) because i would catch the fish , that is , i preach so plainly and dilate so much in my sermons , that i may win souls to christ. ministers must preach in the evidence and demonstration , not so much of art or nature , as of the spirit and grace . many turn sound preaching into a sound of preaching , tickling mens ears like a tinkling cymbal . king iames * resembled the unprofitable pomp of such self-seeking discourse , stuft with a vain-glorious variety of humane allegations , to the red and blew flowers that pester the corn when it stands in the field , where they are more noisom to the growing crop , then beautiful to the beholding eyes . there is a kinde of fine , neat , dainty preaching , consisting in well-sounding words , and of strains of humane wit and learning , to set out the skill and art of the speaker , and make the hearer applaud and commend him ; which a man may well doubt , whether ever god will blesse to the winning of souls . these self-preaching men that make preaching little else but an ostentation of wit and reading , do put the sword of the spirit into a velvet scabbard that it cannot prick and wound the heart . the word of god seems to be most conveniently applied by handling it after the manner of doctrine and use ; this course is of all other the fittest for the memory of speaker and hearer , for the capacity of the simple , and for the profitable making use of all learning and reading . it giveth least scope to wander from the text , and holdeth a man most closely to the revealed will of god. it hath the clear example of christ , who luk. . having read his text , first interpreted it , then observed the points of doctrine , saying , this day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears . then he began to apply it by way of reproof , which he illustrated with ●it examples out of scripture , and so would have proceeded , but his hearers moved with rage interrupted him . the doctrine must be soundly deduced out of the text , and then substantially handled . it is a proposition either expressed in the text , or else concluded from it . it must be proved by a text or two of scripture , and confirmed by reason taken from the causes or effects , or some other logical argument . the use is a proposition syllogistically inferred from the doctrine , as the doctrine is from the text. the chief kinds of uses are . confirmation of truth . . refutation of error . . reproof of sin mixed with terror and dehortation . . instruction mixed with exhortation to do well . . consolation or strengthening for and in well-doing . all doctrines will not yeeld all these uses , but some one , some another , wherefore those must be taken that are fittest for time , place or matter . the preaching of all doctrines is to end in use and application . when christ had laid down all the speculative considerations about the day of judgement , he bids them make use of it , matth. . ● . exhortation is so necessary that all the ministerial work is called by this name , act. . . & . . see tim. . . & . . in all the epistles after the doctrinal part followeth the hortatory , tit. . . see iohn . . we have divers examples of such as applied the word particularly to the hearers , king. . . hos. . . mal. . . luk. . . this preaching is enjoyned to ministers under the gospel , isa. . . tit. . . god doth work most mightily with such preaching , ioh. . , . act. . , . reasons . . every man ( through the self-love and hypocrisie that is in his heart ) is apt to put from himself to others general doctrines and reproofs , matth. . . see , . verses . . till mens sins be effectually discovered to them , they can never attain to any saving grace , iohn . . tit. . . . practice is the end of knowledge , and nothing is perfect till it attain its end , if you know these things , happy are you if you do them . truths are never fully and exactly known , but in the experience and practice of them , hence that expression , tast and see . chap. iii. of ecclesiastical iurisdiction and government . that there is an ecclesiastical government distinct from the civil , it is apparent , seeing the church and the state are distinct , their governments must be also distinct . yea the church may be not only distinct but separate from the state , neither the supream nor subordinate powers being incorporate in the church , but meer aliens from it , and perhaps enemies to it . god hath established two distinct powers on earth , * the one of the keys committed to the church , the other of the sword committed to the civil magistrate . that of the keys is ordained to work on the inward man , having immediate relation to the remitting or retaining of sins . that of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man , yeelding protection to the obedient , and inflicting external punishment upon the rebellious and disobedient . some call it the power of the keys , others ecclesiastical discipline , others church-government . that there is a church-power appeareth plainly by christs giving them the keys , matth. . , . iohn . . and also in the titles of shepherds , governours , rulers and guides , heb. . , . cor. . . god hath set in the church , the other things there reckoned are all peculiar to the church . there is a two-fold ministerial power , . potestas ordinis , which consists meerly in preaching the word and administring the sacraments . . iurisdictionis , whereby they govern in the church , by binding the impenitent , and losing the penitent . the object of this spiritual power are religious things in a religious consideration , but it is not an absolute supream power . the ministerial power manifests it self : . in doctrinal decisions of matters of faith . . in making wholsom ecclesiastical laws . . in executing church-censures . but though they have power of declaring gods will concerning matters of faith and worship to the people , yet they cannot make any new article of faith , nor propound any thing as necessary to be beleeved to salvation . it is a great question , penes quos sit potestas ecclesiastica ? who are the subject of this ecclesiastical power ? the community of the faithfull ( much lesse two or three separated from the world , and gathered together into the name of christ by a covenant ) are not the proper and immediate subject of power ecclesiastical , matth. . , . iohn . , . & . , . were spoken to special persons , not the whole community . the apostle act. . speaks unto the presbyters of ephesus , and saith , that they were appointed overseers by the holy ghost , that they might govern the church of god. m. rutherford saith , the keys were given for the church , but not to the church . mr. norton * urgeth act. . . to prove the power to be in the fraternity , it is said there , that presbyters were ordained by paul and barnabas in every church . they were ordained in the churches , but not by them . he urgeth also act. . that proves nothing but that the election of officers doth some way belong to the people , but that their authority depends on the people cannot be thence collected . mr. norton , chap. . of that book , saith , quod exercetur nomine christi , recipitur immediatè à christo. at officium rectorum exercetur nomine christi , cor. . . here he not only grants but also proves rectores ecclesiae esse immediatum subjectum potestatis , against which he asserted and argued in his fourth chapter . and after in the same fifth chapter , he saith , multitudo non committit potestatem ecclesiae rectoribus , tantum designat personas , therefore it is not the first and immediate subject of ecclesiastical power , which he endeavoured to prove chap. . excommunication is the greatest and last censure of the church , iudicium maximum & tremendum . see mat. . . mat. . & . cor. . this ordinance is usefull : . to the whole church , hereby the honour and beauty of the church of christ is preserved from the defilement and scandal which such an offence would bring upon it , otherwise the evil example would infect , cor. . . this was typified by the leper whom god would have shut up in his tent , least the rest of the congregation should be infected . . gods people are hereby made more watchful . . it is useful to the offender himself , for the saving of his soul is the end of it , cor. . . and that he may not commit the like fault again , tim. . . the power of excommunication formaliter & executivè is proper to the company or assembly of governours and rulers in the church derived from christ , to be exercised as christ shall go before them , but with notice to , and due regard had of the whole society . the parts of excommunication , are first , admonition , thess. . . . this must be for a sin reprovable . . for scandalous matters , not infirmities which are mourned for . . managed with wisdom , zeal and love , gal. . . secondly , excommunication , which is to be executed on men , for corrupt opinions , titus . , . revelat. . . . sinful practices , thess. . . cor. . . it is a question , an episcopus prasit presbytero jure divino ? a bishop is a man chosen out among the ministers to have chief authority in the ordaining of ministers in a certain circuit , and overseeing them with their flocks . the christian world saw no other government for fourteen hundred years after christ. some urge this for the lawfulness of their office by gods word . by proportion of the chief priests under the law , and of the apostles under the gospel . the high priest was set over the other priests , and over the levites , numb . . & . chapter . the twelve apostles were more eminent then the seventy disciples , and not only exceeded in excellency of gifts , but in amplitude of authority and power . now ( say they ) it is the constant doctrine of all the fathers , that the bishops succeeded the apostles in the ordinary government of the church , as also the presbyters succeeded the seventy disciples . episc. dav. determinat . . see b. barlow antiq and superiority of bishops . ierom saith , the order of bishops came in by meer custome of the church , to avoid schisms which arose for want of heads , but how can that be when it was practised at alexandria by mark the evangelist ? christs meaning is not luk. . , . to make an equality among ministers , but to set a difference between kings and the ministers of the word , that none should invade the right of princes under the pretence of their ministery . doctor hampton on that place . see more there . we confesse , saith bishop davenant , determinat . . that according to christs appointment all the apostles were equal in degree and power , but we deny that that parity among the ministers of the gospel is here or any where established , which they maintain who oppose the episcopal dignity . for notwithstanding this command of christ , the twelve apostles were superiour in dignity and greater in power then the twelve disciples , and the chief pastours were appointed by the apostles in the church of ephesus and crete , which had power of jurisdiction over the presbyters of those churches . the apostles had no superiority over the disciples either of ordination or jurisdiction . . the question is concerning officers of the same kinde , and the instance is of officers of different kinds , amongst whom there may be superiority and inferiority , as there is amongst us between presbyters and deacons . the apostles were superiour to evangelists and pastors , but one apostle had not superiority over another , or one evangelist over another . smectymn . answer to an humble remonstrance , sect. . adde to this , armachanus , bishop iewel , dr whitaker and saravia with others , make bishops and presbyters the same order though different degrees . learned divines both protestants and papists hold , that bishops and presbyters differ rather in execution of some acts of their order appropriated to bishops only , then in their essential order . a bishop hath an eminency of degree in the same order , but his ecclesiastical order is the same with the presbyters or priests . d. featley in a conference with everard a popish priest. there is ( saith beza ) episcopus divinus , humanus , & diabolicus ; by the divine bishop he means the bishop as he is taken in scripture , which is one and the same with a presbyter . by the humane bishop he means the bishop chosen by the presbyters to be president over them , and to rule with them by fixed laws and canons . by the diabolical bishop he means a bishop with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , lording it over gods heritage , and governing by his own will and authority . smectymn . answ. to humble remonst . quer. about episc. see m. bains dioc. trial , and cartw. against whitg . m. gillesp. aarons rod blossom . l. . cap. . and . and gers. bu● . and mr seld. e●tych . the pope would be oecumenical bishop , and pleads that monarchy is the best government . but chamier . tom. . de romano pontifice , lib. . cap. . though he acknowledge that monarchy simply excels all other kinds of government , because all things created are governed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. by god alone , and so that they cannot be more wisely , powerfully and profitably administered , yet ( saith he ) this makes nothing for the popes cause , for in that ( saith he ) we do not consider monarchy simply , but described with its certain circumstances , viz. of the persons which rule or are ruled , and the government it self , so that is to be judged the best kinde of government which is most profitable to those who are governed . there can be conceived but three forms of government , episcopal most conformable to monarchy , presbyterial to aristocracy , and independent , as they term it , to democracy . presbyterial is no elder then the reformation in geneva , and independent then new-england . episcopacy was either planted by the apostles or their immediate successors in the first and best ages of the church . d. featleys sac. nem . it is a question , an ecclesiae regimen sit monarchicum aut aristocraticum , whether the government of the church be monarchical or aristrocratical ? the government of the church in respect of its head , christ , is a monarchy ; in respect of the pastours that govern in common , and with like authority amongst themselves , it is an aristocracy , or the rule of the best men , in respect that the people are not secluded , but have their intrest in church-matters , it is a democracy or popular estate . cartw. reply in defence of the admonit . p. . he saith the same on ephes. . . whitaker hath the like cont . . de rom. pontif. q. . c. . of councels or synods . the name of synod doth in in his primary and large acception agree to every assembly , so doth the name of councel to every assembly of consultation . the former being derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is all one with coetus , and imports the assembly of any multitude which meeteth and cometh together . the later being derived of cilia * ( whence also supercilium ) imports the common or joynt intending or bending their eyes both of body and minde to the investigation of truth in that matter , which is proposed in the assembly . but both these words being now drawn from those their large and primitive significations , are by ecclesiastical writers and use of speech restrained and appropriated to those assemblies of ecclesiastical persons wherein they come together to consult of such matters as concern either the faith or discipline of the church . dr crakanth . vigilius dormitans , cap. . coetus qui ecclesia nomine ad decidendas controversias convocatur , synodus seu concilium appellatur . wendelinus . a synod is an ecclesiastical meeting consisting of fit persons called by the churches , and sent as their messengers , to discover and determine of doubtfull cases , either in doctrine or practice according to the truth . hookers survey of church-discipline , part . . c. . if councels had been simply necessary , christ or his apostles at least would somewhere have commanded them to be celebrated : which yet we reade no where done by them . besides the church and faith remained safe for three hundred years without a general councel from the time of the apostles even to the synod of nice . for this is the difference between a church and commonwealth , that a commonwealth stands in need of humane councel , and cannot stand without it , but the church is governed and preserved by god , and though a councel conduce to its externall state , yet the life and satiety of the church doth not consist in it . a councel which represents the universal church , as it is compounded of particular churches , is called universal or oecumenical . the councel which represents a particular church ( as it consists in one assembly ) is called a presbytery or ecclesiastical senate . when it represents a particular church , as it is constituted out of the consociation of many assemblies , it is called either a national councel , if embassadours come from all provinces into which the nation is dispersed to that ecclesiastical meeting ; or a provincial councel if the churches send onely from one province deputies to the same assembly . the most famous , lawful and oecumenical councels were those four : the first nicene councel called by the emperour constantine the great against arius , who denied the deity of christ. the first constantinopolitan councel called by the emperour theodosius the elder against macedonius who denied the deity of the holy ghost . the first ephesine councel called by the emperor theodosius the younger against nestorius who held that there were two persons in christ. fourthly , the chalcedonian called by the emperour martian against eutyches , who held that the one nature in christ consisted of the divine and humane . these councels were celebrated within five hundred years after christs birth . councels there have been called ancient , because lesse modern ; and general , because lesse particular : for the first was not till more then three hundred years after christ , nor to the largest appears it , that ever any were summoned beyond the bounds of the ancient roman empire , though christianity were much far extended . rainold . part . . plenariis conciliis quorum est in ecclesia saluberrima authoritas . augustin . epist. . cap. . that a synod be general and lawful three things are necessarily and essentially required . . the first which concerns the generality of it , is , that the calling and summons to the councel be general and oecumenical . quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari debet . the lawfulnesse of synods consists partly , in their orderly assembling by lawful authority , and partly in their orderly government and proceedings when they are assembled . crakanth . vigil dormit . c. . the nature of synods is all one , when they be provincial , national or oecumenical , and they only differ as greater or lesser . their power is not meerly consultatory and swasive , but authoritative , and to be submitted unto by those for whom their delegation is , so farre as their acts are according to the word of god. in synodo est authoritatis apex , totius ecclesiae unitas , ordinis firmamentum . leyd . profess . de concil . a few private men , yea one man or woman may counsel , advise or perswade . m. hudsons vindicat. c. . it is a question between us and the papists , cujus sit congregare concilia ? who hath the power of calling a councel ? the papists generally say the pope . vide bellarm. de concil . lib. . cap. , . we the emperour and other christian princes . the four first general councels were called by four emperours , as was before mentioned . the pope of rome out of his own province hath no right nor authority of calling a councel . the true cause ( saith doctor ames ) why general councels were called by the authority of the emperour , was because the emperour alone , not the pope , had universal power . it is a question between us and the papists , quinam sunt ad concilium convocandi ? who are to be called to a councel ? the papists hold only the clergy may be of the councel , and of the clergy only bishops as judges . men that are famous for wisdom , holinesse of life , and experience of things , men that are inflamed with a zeal to god , and to the salvation of men , with the love of the truth and peace . from acts . . & . it is manifest that not only the apostles , but also the elders , and the people likewise , and the whole church were present , and had their voices in this councel , see acts . . that famous paphnutius was a lay-man . a general councel represents the universal , therefore there ought to be present there some of all kinds and orders of men . an concilia possint errare ? whether general councels may erre ? every assembly which consists of members subject to errour may be seduced : but general councels are assemblies consisting of members subject to errour , for all men are so , rom. . . secondly , if the determination of general councels were infallible , all christians were necessarily bound to stand unto them , and to submit to their authority . thirdly , if general councels may contradict the one the other , they may certainly erre . the general councel held at laterane under leo the tenth contradicteth the councel of constance in the point of the councels superiority above the pope . fourthly , that which hath befallen some general councels may befall any other , unlesse they can alledge some special priviledges to the contrary . see kin. . . mat. . . ioh. . . & mark . . bellarmine saith they cannot erre if confirmed by the pope . de concil . lib. . cap. , , , . that general councels though gathered and confirmed by the pope may erre , not only in fact , as the papists confesse , but also in faith and manners . vide whitaker . controv . . de concil . quaest. . in eo pontificii se praebent ridendos , nam papae confirmatio sequitur concilii decreta non praecedit . cameron . the rhemists bring iohn . . & luk. . . some urge matth. . . for this purpose . none amongst them is like to luke , nay all of them gathered together are not like him , he was an extraordinary instrument of the holy ghost . iohn . . speaks not of the church , but of the apostles , but if it be applicable to the church , yet it belongs only to the spouse of christ , not that she doth not sometimes erre also even in doctrine , but not deadly , she shall not erre in things which are necessary to salvation . see cameron . miroth . in lo● . if from this promise an infallibility of judging might be gathered , it would agree not only to bishops gathered together , but severed , neither only to the pope of rome , as the jesuites would have it ; but also to the successours of the rest of the apostles , saith b. davenant . that place mat. . . means any particular assembly of the saints . vide calv. in loc . act. . . is also brought . this councel consisted of apostles which had an extraordinary assistance and illumination of gods spirit , there is not the like authority of other councels . panormitan the great popish canonist and lawyer saith , plus credendum est simplici laico scripturam proferenti , quam toti simul concilio . there is another great controversie , not so much ( as whitaker * hath well observed ) between us and the papists , as between the papists themselves , an concilia sint supra papam ? whether councels be above the pope ? many amongst them , and those of great note prefer a general councel before the pope , but others a pope before the councel . if peter himself ( saith whitaker in the place before-quoted ) be sent to the church , as to a certain superiour judgement and tribunal , and be commanded to bring the faults and offences of others to it , then it follows that the church is greater and superiour to peter , or any other in authority . the assumption ( saith he ) relies in expresse words of scripture , the consequence of the major is evident from the confession of the adversaries . for they say , that a church is represented in a councel . secondly , the universal church is called the mother of all the faithful , and christians , gal. . . the pope is the churches son if he be faithful , but the son is not above his mother , only god and his word is above the church of god. pius secundus when as before he preferred general councels before the pope , now being pope , he did decree , that no man should appeal from the high bishop of rome to any general councel . the councel of constance ( in which were bishops , arch-bishops , cardinals ) did hold it necessary for the pope to submit himself unto a councel . b. mort. appeal l. . c. . sect. . the councel also of basil condemneth the advancing of a pope above the authority of a councel for a pernicious heresie . veritas est catholicae ●idei , sacrum generale concilium supra papam & alium quemvis potestatem habere . concil . basil. conclus . . whether a combination of many churches under the government of classes and synods be to be approved of ? or whether every church hath an independent power ? so spanheme in his epistle to buchanan propounds the question so , and saith , that as there were particular synagogues in all cities , so they did appeal to a higher tribunal erected at ierusalem , deut. . . chron. . , . psal. . , . and that hereby the power and authority of particular churches is not destroyed , but other preserved and strengthned , since every particular church appears in a synodical assembly , and there hath his suffrage , neither doth the power of particular churches more cease herein ( saith he ) then the power of cities , when there is a parliament called , and each city sending its delegates to it , and from it proceed obligatory and decisive decrees . spanheme concludes , miror viris piis non displicere vel solum independentis * ecclesiae nomen , quod à modestia christiana mihi per quam alienum videtur . a ground and patern of a synod is laid down act. . & . which is acknowledged to be a synod and warrant for it by m. cotton of the keys , chap. . and is called an occumenical councel by chamier . in postrat . tom. . lib. . cap. . sect. and whitak . controvers . quaest. . and generally by our protestant divines , and is abundantly proved by the london ministers in their ius divinum , part . . cap. . & . we have one instance of excommunicating in the church of corinth , and one here of a synod , why should not this be as sufficient as the other ? yet some take away all jurisdiction and judicial power from synods . quod non est ecclesia , non potest exercere iurisdictionem ecclesiasticam , saith norton respons . ad apol. c. . but that may be thus answered , that which is not a church may exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction , not formally but eminently ; as the parliament contains in it eminently the jurisdiction of every inferiour court. besides that proposition may be denied , if by the church the whole multitude of the faithful be understood , for ecclesiastical jurisdiction is not in the whole multitude , but in the presbytery . a non-communion he allows , but what if another church shall nothing regard that punishment of non-communion , or non-communion that also ? however , that punishment is no greater then what may be inflicted by any private person . for every one may , and also if there be just cause , ought to deny his communion to another , thes. . , . of antichrist . antichrist may signifie either in stead of christ , or contrary to christ. that the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek signifieth both contrari●tatem & vicem , is sufficiently proved by many of our learned writers , so that antichrist from the force of the word is such an one who in the place and name of christ doth oppose christ. it means any one that is an enemy to christ , either open and professed , as the jews , turks , infidels ( in which sense the word is not used in the scripture ) or else covert , professing themselves christians , and under the name and profession of christ , oppugning christ and his truth . b. down . of antich . l. . c. . he is called , the man of sin , that wicked man , merum scelus , saith beza , from the force of the hebrew phrase , the son of perdition . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lawlesse one , one that will not be subject to the law of god , but doth what he list , dan. . . iohn cals him the whore for his most wicked life , but especially for his false religion . he makes himself equal with christ. stapleton cals gregory the th supremum interris numen . he is especially described in three places , viz. in thes. . in revel . . from vers . . to the end , and in revel . . he usurps christs offices : . prophetical , dispensing with the law of god , they make the pope an infallible teacher . . kingly , he is the head of the church , and can make laws to binde the conscience . . priestly , they take away christs priestly office by their merits , satisfactions , and especially that abominable masse . the constant opinion of the learned is this : that of the revealing or manifest appearing of antichrist there were two principal degrees , the first about the year , when boniface the third obtained the supremacy over the universal church . the second after the year , when he claimed and usurped both swords , that is , a soveraign and universal authority , not only ecclesiastical over the clergy , but also temporal over kings and emperours . down . of antichrist , lib. . cap. . it is a question between us and the papists , an petrus primatum romae exercuerit ? whether peter exercised a primacy at rome ? there is a primacy , . of order and degree . . of authority and jurisdiction , the first with st hierom. protestants will easily ascribe unto st peter , but not the other . b. mort. appeal l. . c. . sect. . those words matth. . . luke . . & iohn . . were not meant or intended to peter alone , but to the rest of the disciples with him . for the first place , the rock and keys signifie the same thing , but the keys and all the power thereof was given to all alike , to all the apostles , viz. remitting and retaining , mat. . . iohn . . is given to them all , what matth. . was promised . cyprian , ierom , theophylact , anselm , augustine , cyril , hilary expound the rock either of christ himself , or the faith and confession which peter held . that luke . . was spoken to peter in regard of the sinne whereunto he fell shortly after , yet it containeth nothing which our saviour meant not to the rest , he prayed for them all , that their faith should not fail , john . , , , . and their very office of apostleship bound them to strengthen their brethren , matth. . . the third text iohn . . belongeth likewise to all the apostles ; to feed is to preach the gospel , see ephes. . . sheep and lambs are the people , and not the apostles properly . dr white . matth. . . if peter were the first , then he had the primacy . for although the reason be not so plain in english , because we have not so fit a word derived from our english ( first ) as primatus primacy from primus in latine , but he that is first hath the firstship ( if i may so speak ) that is to say , the primacy . this is such a primacy as a fore-man of the quest is wont to have in j●ries : not a primacy of power , as over inferiours : but a primacy of order , as amongst equals . dr rainol . against hart c. . p. , . the pope succeeds peter as night doth the day , a tempest a calm , sickness health . he succeedeth peter only in denial of christ. m. perk. on iude. the painter pictured peter with a red face , as blushing at his successours vices . an pontifex romanus sit antichristus ? whether the pope of rome be antichrist ? papa or papas among the greeks signifieth a father , and is the appellative that little children beginning to speak are wont to give to their parents , and in like sort among the latines , noteth a father or grand-father , hence the christians in ancient times did use to call their spiritual fathers and bishops papes or popes . so that the name of pape or pope was common to all bishops . ierome writing to angustin calleth him pope , and writeth to the most honourable pope who yet was bishop of little hippo only , therefore that name of pope doth no way prove every one that is so called to be universal bishop . d. field of the church , l. . c. . vide cham. de oecum . pontif. l. . c. . the pope hath appropriated to himself the very name of papa , that is , pope , which formerly ( saith their jesuite azorius ) was common unto other bishops , b. morton protest . appeal l. . c. . sect. . we stand not upon this word pope , it is but father , it was given to pastours , to those that were worthy pastours , ascribed to fathers in epistles and superscriptions , as to augustine a poor bishop , and to paulinus a poor deacon . a name of reverence now grown odious . d. fentons treatise against reconciliat . to the church of rome . every pope at his entrance doth change his name : which custom began an. dom. . when he whose christian name was os porci , forsook it to be called sergius . b. mort. ubi supra . i will not conclude it as an article of faith , that the pope is antichrist . i am not of his minde that said , it was as clear that the pope was antichrist as that christ was the messiah . learned chamier saith , quicunque homo omnes capit notas antichristi quas scriptura delineavit , is est antichristus : at episcopus oecumenicus capit eas omnes notas . he to whom all the notes given ( by the scripture ) of antichrist , jointly agree , he is antichrist : but to the pope all the notes given of antichrist joyntly agree . others go this way also , they say , it is not enough to prove that christ was the messiah , because he was born at bethlehem , but because what ever was spoken of the messiah agrees to him ; so likewise it is not enough to prove the pope to be antichrist , because one of the notes given about antichrist belongs to him , but because all . but i suppose that those two main circumstances of the time and place of antichrist agreeing to the pope , it is a weighty argument to prove that the pope is antichrist , . the place , the seat of antichrist is described revel . . ult . which is rome , and the time when he that letteth was taken away , which was the emperor . in these two things the ancient fathers agree . antichrist as god , sitteth in the temple of god , shewing himself that he is god , thess. . that is , he shall rule and tyrannize over the church of god , making himself head of the church . nero was cruel against believers , but he ●ate not in the church . to sit here is to take and exercise judiciary authority in the church of god. vide grotium in luc. . see mat. . . the popes authority is called sancta sedes . the apostasie of antichrist is described thess. . . there shall be an ecclesiastical falling away from the true worship of god to idolatry , tim. . . this apostasie doth imply their former imbracing of the truth , their faith was formerly known to all the world , as now their heresie and idolatry is , therefore in this respect no heathen emperour , nor the turk can be antichrist . he shall not only apostatize , but shall seduce many , and make them drunk with that deadly poison . see m. medes apostasie of the later times . the miracles of antichrist are set forth thes. . , . their end is to confirm a false doctrine . in transubstantiation there is miracle upon miracle . the priest if he please can turn all the wine in the town into christs bloud . how often have the people seen bloud in the bread ? the vices of antichrist might also be urged : . his pride , he shall exalt himself above all that is called god , that is , prin●es : so the pope . he takes the titles of universal bishop , head of the church , and vicar of christ. bellarmine is not ashamed to apply that in isaiah to the pope , behold i lay in sion a foundation stone , isa. . . . his cruelty , the whore is said to be drunk with the bloud of the saints : so the pope . and rev. . it was given him to kill whoever would not adore the image of the beast . . covetousnesse , he shall with feigned words make merchandize of many : so the pope . adde to this the opinion of the reformed churches generally , of b. iewel , of whitaker , downam , perkins , fox , abbot , brightman , rainolds , powel , and dr sclater on thes. with divers others . for the judgement of the fathers * herein it is not much to be valued , because they lived before the times of antichrist , and did not dream of such an antichrist as afterwards rose up . it is a question between us and the papists , an antichristus sit singularis homo ? whether antichrist be one person ? bellarmine saith he is . the pope is one person not in number and nature , as one certain and singular man , one at once by law and institution , though successively so many as have enjoyed the papacy . the papists when they say , that the pope hath been the head of the church , and vicar of christ this years , do not mean any one pope , but the whole rabble of them since the year . so antichrist is one person , not at once ordinarily , but continued in a succession of many . when we say the pope , the emperour , the king , the priest , the minister , the eye , the hand , we mean not one particular , but the whole kinde . it cannot be an individual man , in that it is said , thes. . the mystery of antichrist did then begin to work , and yet it should hold till the very coming of christ , where is the man that lived so long ? it is a question , an papa sit christi vicarius ? whether the pope be christs vicar ? innocent the third said , i am the bridegroom , because i have a noble , a rich , a gracious spouse , viz. the church of rome , which is the mother of all believers . it is a question , an papa praesit aliis episcopis ? whether the pope be above all other bishops ? the title of universal bishop of the church , which bellarmine calleth notable and proper to the bishop of rome . st gregory sometime bishop of rome did renounce in himself , and detest in all others , calling it a title of novelty , errour , impiety , blasphemy , pronouncing any one that shall presume to challenge it , to be the fore-runner of antichrist . b. mort. appeal l. . c. . sect. . the universal bishop of the church necessarily betokens an absolute monarchical jurisdiction of some one over all other bishops of the church , but bishop of the universal church signifies the care and study any bishop hath for the universal good of the church , as cor. . . so the king of spain is styled the most catholick king , or king of the catholick church , not universal king and soveraign over all other kings in the church . there is another question , an papa possit conferre bullas & indulgentias ? whether the pope can confer buls and indulgences ? their own learned authours plainly confesse , that there is not found any one expresse testimony for proof hereof , either in scriptures , or in the writings of . ancient fathers . . that there was no use of indulgences in the primitive church : but that afterwards the fear of purgatory hatched indulgences . . that the first who extended indulgences unto purgatory , was pope boniface the th , more then a thousand years after christ. luther began his opposition unto rome in reprehending their article of * indulgences . he would have set down at the first , if the matter of indulgences had been granted , but god led him on to declare against the whole doctrine of popery . the indulgences whereof we reade in the ancient fathers were mitigations of some censures of the church before inflicted on the living for their amendment . these now granted by the pope are relaxations from satisfactory pains in purgatory flames after this life . it is a question , an papa possit leges condere quae obligent conscientias ? whether the pope can make laws to binde the conscience ? conscience is said to be bound , when it is charged by him who hath power and authority over it to perform its duty , to bear witnesse to all our actions unto god , and according to the quality of them to accuse or excuse us , rom. . . god is the only binder of conscience , iam. . . he is greater then the conscience , rom. . . affirms only that conscience is bound , but determines not that mans laws binde it . bellarmine saith , mens laws binde , non minus quam lex divina . we deny not rem , but only differ from them in modo , they binde not immediately but mediately , not primarily but secondarily , not in them , and of their own power , but in the force and vertue of divine law. they say , if the pope determine vice to be vertue , they are bound to believe it , yea tolet saith , a man should merit of god in so believing . there be these questions , an papa sit supra reges ? whether the pope be above kings ? an possit reges excommunicare ? whether he can excommunicate kings ? he hath soveraign dominion ( say they ) over all princes in temporal cases indirectly . but espencaetis ad titum cap. . pag. . confesseth from that scripture , rom. . . that chrysostome , theodoret , theophylact , and all the greek doctours , and in the latine church gregory and bernard do from thence teach , that every apostle , and prophet and priest , was commanded to acknowledge a subjection unto emperours . the pope hadrian the th was not only angry with frederick the emperour , but for a while denied him the imperial crown , because he held his right stirrop when he should have held his left , which errour he excused , because he was unaccustomed to such services . bellarmine saith the pope hath power in temporal things indirectly only , but his book should have been burned for it . object . christ had a natural dominion over all kingdoms , therefore the pope his vicar hath also . answ. tertullian cals the holy ghost the vicar of christ upon earth . see iohn . there is another question , an papae solius sit statuere de controversiis fidei ? whether it belongs to the pope alone to determine controversies of faith ? we deny not but a judge and a law might well stand together , but we deny that there is any such judge of gods appointment . had he intended any such judge he would have named him , lest otherwise ( as now it is ) our judge of controversies should be our greatest controversie . chillingworth part . . cap. . sect. . pag. . it is a question , an papa possit remittere peccata ? whether the pope can pardon sins ? trecelius affirmed , that if a man had lien with our lady the mother of christ , and had gotten her with childe , yet the popes pardon was able to set him free . the pharisee said true though he misapplied it , luk. . . who can forgive sins but god alone . there is another question , an papa possit errare ? whether the pope may erre ? the pope ( say they ) as a private person or doctour may erre , but not as the vicar of christ , and the successour of peter in the chair , yea judging from the chair he may erre in questions of fact , but not in questions of faith ; nay he may erre in discussing questions of faith , in respect of the premisses , not in respect of the conclusions . e cathedra docens ( hoc est , ex tripode oracula fundens ) nullo modo errare potest . summus pontifex ( saith bellarmine de rom. pont. lib. . cap. ) cum totam ecclesiam docet , in his quae ad fidem pertinent , nullo casu errare potest . see our rhemists on luk. . . the high-priest of the old testament ( saith bellarmine de pontifice l. c. . ) had on his brest-plate doctrine and truth according to the vulgar version , therefore the high-priest of the new testament the pope , when he teacheth the whole church in these things which belong to faith , cannot erre in any case ; how well that argumentation proceeds from the high-priest of the old testament to the high-priest of the new , let the learned judge . nescio cur non possit dici , quòd gregorius papa , cum homo fuerit & non deus , potuerit errare . durand . l. . distinct . quaest. . of the iesuites and monks . of the jesuites . the pope in divers buls cals them beloved sons , in which title they much glory . the jesuites ( above all other regulars ) make to the pope a vow of present and absolute obedience , to do whatsoever he shall command them , to go whithersoever he shall send them , to turks , infidels , hereticks , without excuse , denial or delay . they are to the pope what the janizaries are to the turk , and uphold him chiefly . their order was erected in the year . hospin . de orig . iesuit . l. c. . they are the frogs spoken of in the revelation that croke in kings chambers to provoke them to warre . as in ancient time there was no play without a devil in it ; so in these later dayes there is scarce a treason , but a jesuite is an actor in it . in my preface to my saints incouragement and the first chapter , i have spoken of the cruelty of the papists and jesuites . beckman in his orations saith , from the time that the sect of the jesuites arose even to the year , that is , in little more then thirty years , nine hundred thousand christians were killed in the low-countries , france , england , italy , spain , and amongst them there were two hundred thirty five barons , a hundred fourty eight earles , and thirty nine princes . they do not so much stand upon their devotion , and therefore saith ignatius loiola in his constitutions , that they should make no matter if other orders did exceed them in zeal . iesuitae sunt omnium ordinum praeter suum maximi contemptores . chamierus . they are contemners of all orders but their own . there have been but twoof that order cardinals , bellarmine and tolet. the jesuites say , it is a great miracle that ignatius loyola an illiterate souldier could institute such a society as the world never saw before . they think their society miraculous , because in sixty years they were dispersed through all the coasts of the world . their principal vow is , per omnia & in omnibus , to obey their general ( as they call him ) and superiour , and this is alwayes a spaniard . loyola who was the first general amongst them was a spaniard . leynes the second also a spaniard . everard the third of the low-countreys , heretofore subject to the spaniard borgia the fourth general was also a spaniard . aqua viva the fifth general of that order a neapolitan . they pray daily for the king of spain , and their great design is to make him monarch of all the christian world , it is their usual speech , unus deus , unus papa , & rex unus christianitatis , magnus rex catholicus & universalis . one god , one pope , and one king of christians , the great catholick and universal king. ad excogitandum acutissimi , ad audiendum impudentissimi , ad efficiendum acerrimi , saith arnaldus in that excellent oration against the jesuites . dr prideaux * saith , none can be an absolute papist , but if he thorowly understand himself , and live under a christian prince , that hath renounced the popes authority , must needs being put unto it , be an absolute traitor . b. davenant in his determ . of his quest. proves that iesuitae pontificii non possunt esse boni subditi , that jesuites cannot be good subjects . see rom. . . and . verses . they may be more fitly called iesuvitae then iesuitae . haud cum iesu itis , qui itis cum iesuitis . the monks . they are so called , because they chose a solitary life , who purposed to live in this way . they called themselves religious , as if they only were so , and the rest of the people god were irreligious . there was no man among the papists though an emperour , that died , but he desired to be buried in a monks coul , as hoping to be saved thereby . they compare it to baptism , and say , that a monk newly entred into his profession is absolved from all his sins formerly committed , and if he die presently he shall certainly go to heaven . they attribute perfection unto that state , because of the vow of poverty , grounded as they say upon that saying of christ unto the young man , mat. . . which if it be applied unto us doth not require alwayes an actual but an habitual relinquishing of worldly wealth , signifying a christian resolution in every one which shall hope for life , to be prepared alwayes rather to lose all worldly wealth , then to forsake the profession of christ. bishop mortons appeal l. . c. . sect. . bellarmine a to dignifie the state monastical , entitles the apostles the first monks in christianity , but their bishop espencaeus in tim. disliketh the orders of begging monks , as repugnant to the example of the apostles , for the apostle thes. . . pronounceth all such disordered who will beg and not work . there is a double kinde of monastical poverty , one consisting in the renouncing of the dominion , possession and property of their goods ; yet in a community enjoying the use of them : as the common sorts of monks . the second is a forsaking of the property , and of all use of riches , these are called the mendicants or begging friers . b. mort. appeal . bellarmine brags that luther , bucer , pellicane , munster , musculus , oecolampadius , martyr , and others were monks ; but this makes no more for the papists , then it doth for the manichees , that augustine ( who after was a great enemy to them ) was first himself a manichee . bellarmine and maldonate triumph in iohn the baptist. joannem baptistam monachorum , & eremitarum principem fuisse , scribunt ferè omnes patr●s , saith bellarmine b , they prove by his diet , garments , by the place where he was , the wildernesse , that he was a monk. locusts was the usual meat of the inhabitants in the east , his garments and diet were mystical , he came not eating or drinking . there were towns in that wildernesse , chron. . , . isa. . . ioh. . . we grant iohns austere life , but here was an extraordinary call , and it is one thing by the call of god to live a poor life for the discharging of his office , and another thing voluntarily to do so . they say , christ had not where to lay his head , so that he had nothing but by begging . this is false , for although christ had nothing , yet he did not beg , but those that were devout did give him something . iudas had a bag wherein the treasure was gathered . christ did eat and drink , and frequent publick places . the eremitical life is contrary to the nature of man when it was uncorrupt , for whom it was not judged good to be alone , gen. . eccles. . . as this solitary life is an enemy to mankinde , so is it to the communion of saints in the church of god , matth. . . the example of the primitive church is against it , act. . . the uncleannest and most hateful birds covet desolate places . cartw. on mat. . . they may rather be called fratres manducantes , then mendicantes , we use proverbially those speeches , tun-bellied monk , an abbots face , as fat as an abbot , an abby-lubber . the mother of dominick the monk ( saith their martyrology ) before he was yet born , dreamed that she was delivered of a whelp with a fire-brand in his mouth , with which he set the whole world on fire , and their learned doctours have interpreted this dream , that dominick should be that dog that should vomit out a fire which should consume the hereticks . he was a great persecutour of the waldenses and their doctrine . the order of benedict hath been so fruitfull , that they say of it , that all the new orders , which in later times have broken out , are but little springs or drops , and that order the ocean , which hath sent out fifty two popes , two hundred cardinals , sixteen hundred arch-bishops , four thousand bishops , and five thousand saints approved by the church , yet if they be compared to the jesuites , or to the weak and unperfect types of them , the franciscans , it is no great matter that they have done . dr. donnes ignatius his conclave . a rich merchant in paris in meriment told the friers of saint francis , that they wore a rope about their bodies , but saint francis should once have been hanged , but was redeemed by the pope on this condition , that all his life after he should wear a rope , but they in earnest got judgement against him that he should be hanged for it . doctor taylors romish fornace . the monks and friers are no where mentioned in scripture , unlesse apoc. . . locusts issued out of the bottomlesse pit , they by their smoaky tradiditions obscure the light of the gospel . to prove their cardinals a divine ordinance , they urge that place , kings . domini erunt cardines terrae . see polyd. virg. de invent. rerum , lib. . cap. . pag. . they consist for most part of personages nobly descended , they are admitted to kisse the popes mouth , they onely elect the pope , and from them onely the pope elected must be selected . saint peter had no cardinals about him . a certain friar wittily preached to the people at lions in france , when he said , that the hogonots ( so the protestants are called in france ) did agree with the church of rome in all the articles of faith , but that there was one wicked word solùm , onely , at the noise of which the warre was kindled , for they onely beleeved what the rule of faith hath from the holy scriptures , but the romane church required something more to be beleeved then what is contained in the rule of faith or holy scriptures , because the authority of of the church will have it so . junius de eccles. cap. . de eccles. roman . corollaries from the church and antichrist . first , from the church . christs great interest here below is the church , it is his hephzibah , his delight is in her ; it is as shew-bread continually before him ; the people of god are his segullah , his peculiar treasure , his jewels mal. . . all the rest of the world being but as lumber in comparison , for them the world stands ; the church is the fulnesse of christ , ephes. . . the great blessings are out of sion . the interest of christ extends to all churches , where a people love the lord jesus in sincerity . the donatists would include the church in their parts of africk , the papists say they only are the church ▪ christs interest is not limited to any forms , cor. . . none are true members of the invisible church of christ , but only those which have the spirit of jesus christ in them , really holy , and united to christ the head. there is a great controversie about qualification of church-members , therefore apollonius and spanhemius have begun their dispute with this question . some say , the members of every particular church are obliged at their first admission to shew to the whole congregation convincing signs of their regeneration and true grace . some urge that the scripture in the description of a godly man rests not in the negative rom. . . and that a bare profession is not enough , or to say , i know no evil by him , or that he is not scandalous , they urge thes. . . and thes. . . they say the church is not only termed holy from the better part , but the particular members are commended for holinesse , thes. . . phil. . . we are strict ( say they ) in taking a wife or servant , enquire after them , and are not satisfied that we hear no ill : so a judgement of severity is to be used in admitting church-members , and because we may be deceived therein , the more care is to be used . others say , if they be willing to give up their names to christ it is enough , because the church is a school , there they are admitted , non quia docti , but ut sint docti , not because they are learned , but because they are willing to learn. would you have church-members real saints , crosse to the texts , the floor and drag-net , or such as by the exactest scrutiny that can be made , we may judge to be saints really ? i desire your texts for this . d. ames saith , falsum est internas virtutes à nobis requiri , ut aliquis sit in ecclesia quoad visibilem ejus statum . bellarm. enerv. tom. . l. . c. . sect. . the apostles at the first gathering of the church of the new testament never required any more then the profession of the faith of christ in fundamentals , and that they were willing for the time to come to walk in gospel-rules . iohn baptist received publicans and sinners , souldiers , scribes , pharisees , when they confessed their sins , and desired to be admitted into the faith of him whom iohn preached . see act. . , . vide calvin ad mat. . many a one that may have real grace , yet out of bashfulnesse , and because he hath but weak parts may not be able to evidence it to others , and others ( who have greater gifts ) may carry it away when they are not inwardly wrought upon . i suppose therefore , those are to be received into church communion which prosesse the faith of christ , and subject to the rules of the gospel , if they be freed from damnable errors and scandalous conversation . some conceive the gathering of churches out of churches to be unwarrantable , and think it is confusion , cor. . . where is there ( say they ) any warrant from moses and the prophets , or from christ and his apostles for any such thing , though yet in their times many church-members were as ignorant and prophane as now ? to be a member of the church of christ is a great priviledge , the communion of saints is the only good fellowship . the communion of the saints consists in three things : first , in the communion of their graces ; what graces they have they have not only for their salvation , but in trust for the good of the body , the members of the body should be helpful to one another . secondly , in the use of gods ordinances , this was the beauty of the primitive times , act. . . there was no such separation then . thirdly , in the performance of all mutual offices of love , serve one another in love . our union with christ is the ground of this communion . as all men are one in the first adam , so all the saints are one in the second adam . this union is wrought on gods part outwardly by the word , and inwardly by the spirit : on mans part , outwardly by our profession , inwardly by faith , rom. . . by communion of saints is meant their common partaking in christ their head , and all his benefits , and their mutuall interest one into another . there is no such good fellowship in the world as in the church of christ. secondly , from antichrist : that the popish doctrine tends to the extream dishonour of gods word , i have shewed in my first book of the scriptures . secondly , it tends to the extream dishonour of christ , . in making other intercessours . . in making each man his own saviour by his own works . . in feigning a purgatory . thirdly , it tends to the damnation of mens souls . . in drawing them to put confidence in their own works . . in making them content with lip-labour in stead of prayer . . in mocking them with counterfeit confession . . in teaching them to commit idolatry . . in teaching them the doctrine of venial sins , and that these may be pardoned without either confession or contrition . there is a double way of advancing antichrist : first , in way of worship and superstition ; some conceive that course was taken here formerly when there was so much cringing and bowing toward the altar . secondly , by publishing and maintaining the doctrines of popery , the most refined doctrines , conditional decrees , free-will , auxilium sufficiens omnibus ad salutem , media scientia in god , and universal redemption in christs intention , final apostasie : these are the jesuites doctrines , arminius had it from them . christians that have cast off popery should be so farre from returning again to babylon , that they should pray for the destruction and utter ruine of that man of sinne , and with confidence expect the accomplishment of the prophecies in that kinde . the end of the sixth book . the seventh book . of our vnion and communion with christ , and our spiritual benefits by him , and some special graces . chap. i. of our union with christ. having handled the work of redemption in the nature and person of it , now i shall speak of the application of it by the holy ghost . that is a special part of gods providence whereby those things which jesus christ hath purchased are by the operation of the holy ghost made effectual to all those for whom they were appointed . four things are considerable in it : . the foundation of it . . the efficient cause or worker of it . . the persons who shall be made partakers of it . . the parts of this work : . union and conjunction with christ. . communion with him . the ground work of it lies in three things : . the donation of god the father , iohn . . all that my father hath given me shall come to me . . the intendment of christ in all the work he wrought , iohn . . for their sakes do i sanctifie my self , that is , separate my self to the work i undertook . . the fathers accepting it done for them as heartily as if they had done it in their own persons , cor. . . . the efficient cause of it the holy ghost , that is , the third person in the trinity , who is equal to the father and the son. the making of man was in some respect appropriated to the father , redeeming him to the son , the making it effectual and applying it was the work of the holy ghost , , , and . chapters of iohn . i will send the holy ghost , the comforter , he shall lead you into all truth , convince you of sinne , righteousnesse and judgement . there is no one branch of our partaking of christ , but what is totally ascribed to the holy ghost . the sending of the gospel is by the holy ghost , they are the gifts and graces of the holy ghost , faith , union with christ , and communion with him in all his offices are from the holy ghost , the spirit teacheth , governeth , comforteth . reason , because no inferiour person could effect it , ephes. . , . thirdly , the persons to whom this work of application belongs , or who shall be made partakers of christ , but the decree of election and reprobation have been handled already . there are a certain number whom god hath appointed to come to life by christ , the spirit of god will make the means effectuall to all his . fourthly , the parts of this work : . union and conjunction with christ. . communion with him , ioh. . . i shall first speak of our union with christ. christ is said to dwell and abide in us , and we are said to be christs , to be partakers of christ , to be cloathed with christ , and abide in him . the spirit of god sets it out in five similitudes : . of food made one with the body , ioh. . , . . of head and members , ephes. . , . . of the foundation and building , ephes. . , , . pet. . , , . . of the stock and branches , ioh. . , , , . . of the husband and wife , ephes. . , . we must be one with christ as we were one with the first adam ( say some ) two wayes : . naturally , as we bore his image . . voluntarily , as we consented to his covenant ; so with the second adam , . naturally by receiving of his spirit . . voluntarily consenting to his covenant ; though it is not easie to conceive , how we can be said to have consented to his covenant , but as being in him , and so his consent did include ours . the union begins on christs part , he layes hold on me by his spirit , rom. . . phil. . . gal. . , . iohn . . this spirit works a principle of faith in us that layes hold on christ , and accepts him for our head and husband for ever , iohn . . ephes. . . he will take christ : . with all his offices , for a lord as well as a saviour . . with all his graces . . with all his inconveniences , christ with poverty , with disgrace , with the stake . there is a three-fold union between christ and a believer : . mystical with christ as a head , the fruit of that is intimacy . . moral with christ as a patern or example . . judicial with christ as a surety , whereby we are concerned in every act of christs mediation , the fruit of this is interest . this union between christ and us is wrought by the spirit , ephes. . . he unites god and us , and us one with another . he works it by the ministery of the word , cor. . . iohn . , . and a religious use of the seals , cor. . . rom. . , . cor. . . some make our union with christ to be only a relative union , others an essentiall personall union , as if we were godded with god , and christed with christ. i a would not be too bold with those expressions of nazianzen , because i see they are abused , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . first , there is more then a relative union , as that place cor. . b . forcibly proves . . these reasons . . this union is set forth by similitudes which shew a real union , iohn . . cor. . head and body . . because our union with christ is compared to the mystery of the trinity , and is like to the union of the persons in the divine nature , ioh. . . & . . & . , , . we are one not in the same kinde or degree of union , nor in so high and glorious a manner . . because it is not a union founded only in terms of scripture , but really wrought by the spirit of god , cor. . . . because there are real effectual comforts and graces derived to us from hence , rom. . . phil. . . secondly , it is not an essential union : . because the union is mystical not personal ; the two natures in christ are essentially united , because they are made one person , it is a union of persons , our persons are united to christ , yet not a personal union , we make not one person , but one body with christ , and not one body natural but mystical , cor. . . . those that mingle and confound the persons make the mystical union higher then the personal , the personal union did not confound the natures , make the man god. object . the whole church is called christ cor. . . and we are made partakers of the divine nature . answ. we must not apply that to union which is proper to communion , communion is the common union of all the members with christ. it is folly to apply that to one part which is proper to the whole body , head and members is christ mystical , the parts are of the body , but not the body . there is a great deal of difference between the divine nature , as it was in christ , and as it is in us , col. . . compared with that of pet. . . he had the fulnesse of the god-head , we are only partakers of the divine nature , the god-head dwels in him personally , in us spiritually , iohn . . there is a likenesse wrought in us to the divine nature . this union between christ and us , is . real , though he be in heaven we on earth , because the same spirit that dwels in him dwels in us ; it is not only notional nor moral as betwixt friends . . mutual , i am my beloveds and my beloved is mine : and total , whole christ god and man is ours , and the whole man soul and body must be his , psal. . . therefore we are said to eat his flesh , drink his bloud . . spiritual , christs spirit is communicated to us , and abides in us . . operative , where christ dwels by his spirit he casts out satan , and takes possession of the soul , and furnisheth it with his graces , repairs his image in us , communicates his life to us , gives us strength to bear crosses . . intimate , iohn . . cant. . . it was not enough to say , my vineyard , but my vineyard which is mine . . strong and inseparable . death dissolves marriage , not this union , rom. . , , , , . it brings us nearer christ , by vertue of this mystical union with christ the dead bodies of the saints are raised up at the last day . this union with christ is one of the deep things of god , one of the great mysteries of the gospel , ephes. . , . our saviour in his preaching began with the doctrin of repentance . mat. . . then went to that of sanctification in general in the fifth , sixth and seventh chapters of matth , then he proceeds to the doctrin of faith , sixth , seventh and eighth chapters of iohn , and lastly to his union with the saints , fourteenth , fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of iohn . there are three mystical unions not to be understood by a creature ; . the mystery of the trinity , wherein three distinct persons make but one god , deut. . . . wherein two distinct natures make one particular person , so there is one christ , cor. . . . when two distinct natures and persons are united by one spirit ; so there is one church , cant. . . how to know whether i am united to christ. i have then received the spirit of christ , iohn . . rom. . . he walks in the spirit , lives by the spirit , is led by the spirit . two rules to know that : christ is then , first , a spirit of mortification , he . helps thee to subdue thy darling sins , iohn . . . helps thee to overcome thy secret spiritual sins , the power of natural conscience may keep under grosse sins , but what power have you to subdue contempt of god , impenitency , hardnesse of heart , pride , envy ? secondly , christ is also a spirit of sanctification , pet. . . . in renewing the inward man , that which is of the spirit is spirit . . in transforming the outward man : . he is willingly ignorant of no truth . . he lets it break forth into practice . . layes out whatever is dear to him for christ , as nehemiah , esther . benefits which flow from our union with christ : . reconciliation , god looks not upon us as enemies , luk. . . . union with the holy trinity , god the father , christ dwels in god , and god in him , thes. . , . the spirit , he is said to abide in them , and they in him . . he hath an interest in all christs relations , iohn . i go to my father and your father , my god and your god , this gives boldnesse and accesse to the throne of grace . . the promises come to be yours by your union with christ , cor. . . they are made with christ and with you in him : he is primus foederatus , say some ; yet others say , christ is mediator of the covenant , but not a party with whom the covenant is made , i will forgive their iniquities , &c. this they say is not made with christ who knew no sinne . besides they urge that it is expresly said , i will make a new covenant with the house of israel , &c. and all spiritual priviledges , ioh. . . this is the ground of all imputation of righteousnesse . . we are presented to the father through christ , he not onely presents your services , but persons , exod. . . heb. . , . eph. . . phil. . . the end or intendment of this union . . to be the highest exaltation to his people that their persons are capable of , the angels are not so united to christ as the saints , they are his servants not his members . . that this might be the foundation of all communion betwixt christ and the soul ; he is the head we the members , by vertue of the hands union with the head are all living operations . he is the foundation , we the building ; he the stock , we the branches ; he the husband , we the spouse ; by vertue of this conjunction he looks for duties from us ; there is a living in him , a bearing fruit in him ; and we for priviledges from him , we partake with him in his righteousnesse , victories , graces , inheritance . directions to preserve our union or conjunction with christ : he is united to us by the in-dwelling vertue of his spirit , cor. . . iohn . . & . and by faith , iohn . . . do not grieve gods spirit , ephes. . delicatares est spiritus sanctus . tert. if he counsel , rebel not . . maintain thy faith , beleeve strongly against all doubts and apprehensions of thy own unworthinesse , the spirit comes by faith , gal. . and it is kept by it ; faith is the bond of union on our part , as the spirit on gods. . use the ordinances , iob . . in every duty and act of worship look to enjoy god. get some excitements to grace , resolutions of obedience , displeasure against sinne , use a holy boldnesse in thy addresse to god , heb. . . ephes. . . we come not to a tribunal of justice as malefactors , but as friends and favourites to a throne of grace , iob . . use . prayer , psal. . . . attend on the gospel , reade it , meditate on it daily . . the sacraments , make use of thy baptism , we were baptized into christ , and frequently use the lords-supper . we should praise god when he meets with us in duties , and repent his with-drawing himself , lam. . . . we should be one with all believers , because we are one with christ. christ seldom speaks of his peoples union with him , but he speaks of their conjunction one with another , and seldom presseth them to brotherly love , but from this union with christ , cor. . per tot . & . . ephes. . chap. ii. of effectual vocation . our union with christ by the spirit is wrought in our effectuall calling . this is the first work which god works upon the soul , it is temporalis electio , john . . it is the act of god the father , ioh. . , . cor. . . ephes. . , . he hath called us with an holy calling . it is the act of gods free grace and almighty power , whereby souls are gathered out of the world into the kingdom of christ to be made one with him , and holy and happy by him . it is an act . of gods free grace , called according to gods free purpose , rom. . . see , . verses . . of his almighty power , a moral perswasion will not do it , ephes. . . ioh. . . this grace works powerfully , therefore god is said to draw , yet sweetly and secretly , therefore man is said to come . this power of god is put forth on the understanding by enlightening it , ier. . . iohn . . it apprehends the guilt of sin , the horror of gods wrath , sweetnesse of communion with him . . on the will , effectually inclining it , ier. . . psal. . . to embrace and follow those glorious objects the understanding represents . . whereby souls are gathered out of the world into the kingdom of christ. all mankinde are brought into two ranks , either they are men of the world , or called out of it , iohn . . the elect themselves while they are in their natural condition are men of the world , ephes. . . fiunt non nascuntur christiani . col. . . the scripture expresly witnesseth that god works in us both to will and to do , phil. . . that faith and repentance are the gift of god , ephes. . . tim. . ult . . the end of vocation is to be made one with christ , iohn . . and holy and happy by him , pet. . . thes. . rom. . . regeneration ( saith dr twisse ) is to be preferred before salvation , the one a translation from the state of nature into the state of grace , the other is only a translation from the state of grace into the state of glory . by the one we are made the sons of god , by the other we only obtain the inheritance of the sons of god. first , the causes of vocation : . the principal efficient cause is the holy ghost ; man is not the authour of his own conversion . . instrumental , the ministery of the word . secondly , the subjects or persons on whom it is wrought , all the elect , ioh. , other sheep have i that shall hear my voice . thirdly , the manner how this vocation is wrought . the spirit of god works after such a mighty manner that it is irresistible ( though the word be grounded on acts . . yet some dislike it ) but the lord brings them not in violently against their wils , he takes away prevailing obstinacy . he never made any creature too hard for himself . he cals them once for all . there is more in it then a moral swasion , iohn . . a real efficacy . god circumciseth our hearts , quickens us , raiseth us from the dead , gives a new heart . fourthly , the parts of this work of vocation wherein it stands , in two things , . the lord makes a gracious offer of christ to the soul. . the soul accepts of christ when and as he is tendred . christ is offered in the gospel , first , externally , matth. . . this is a declaration or publication of the great goodnesse of god to a poor lost sinner , willing to be reconciled to him in christ. it stands in four particulars : . god hath sent his son christ , who by his own obedience hath paid a sufficient ransom for the most miserable wretches . . god is willing to make this good to all poor sinners who will take him on the terms he is offered . . the terms on which christ is offered in the gospel are most free , and nothing required but only freely to receive him . . because the humble and broken sinner is most ready to be discouraged , therefore he declares that those which are vilest in their own eyes are most welcome to him . secondly , internally , rom. . . which is the work only of the spirit of god , act. . . marks of an effectual calling : first , god breaks the heart by some preparatory conviction to make the soul fit to receive the grace of god , the proper call is by the gospel , thess. . . but the previous work of the law is conviction of sinne , and the evil of it , hos. . . gal. . . see iohn . . this conviction hath not the like effects in all , in some anxiousnesse , in others horror , all see themselves in a wretched condition . the second note may be taken from the instrument or means of conversion , thess. . . most usually it is by the word preacht , though it may not work always in the time of hearing , cant. . , . mat. . . ioh. . . thirdly , when the heart is over-powred and prevailed with to obey the call , when we answer his call , iohn . . gods call is the offer of grace , our answer is the receiving of it , iohn . . ier. . the direct answer to a call is the consent and full purpose of heart to take christ upon his own terms . fourthly , the disposition of the soul in making this return , and in answering this call of god , godly sorrow , ier. . . holy wonders , pet. . . free resolution and confidence , come what will come they will obey god , luke . . fifthly , the fruits and effects of a call , it infers a change from the former state in heart , the whole heart ; it now finds comfort and satisfaction in god , and hates sin , hos. . . ephes. . . i know there is little difference between effectual calling , conversion , and regeneration , yet because some of our divines handle the work of grace under the notion of conversion and effectual calling too , i shall speak of conversion in the next place . chap. iii. of conversion and free-will . i. of conversion . conversion is a coming back again to god from whom one departed by sin , hos. . . turning is a word borrowed from travellers , who being out of the way get into it again by turning , that is , by leaving the way in which they did walk , and taking another different way from it , contrary to it , if one have gone the quite contrary way . there is , first , habitual conversion , the first infusion of life and habits of grace , conversion from a state of sin , act. . . secondly , actual , the souls beginning to act from that life and those habits , a conversion from some particular grosse acts of sinne , luke . . it is so called because of the great breach grosse sins make on ones justification , . puts a damp on all his graces , psal. . . . there is a suspension of all the comforts of grace . vers . . so that one may be said quodammodo excidere , in respect of the use and comfort , isa. . , . mans aversion from god by sinne , and conversion to god by grace , is the summe of all divinity . a sinner departs from god two wayes : . as the chief good . . as the utmost end , therefore conversion is a change of these two , when one makes god his chiefest good , and his glory his utmost end . a man in turning to god , first , makes god the chief good : . if he make him the chief object of his contemplation , psal. . . where our treasure is there will our hearts be also . . if he choose him as his portion , iosh. . . psal. ▪ . . if he desire all things else in subordination to him , prov. . . sine summo bono nil bonum . . judgeth of all times or persons according as they have this good or are serviceable for it . . fears sin above all things which will separate between god and him . secondly , he makes gods glory his chiefest end ; this is gods end , prov. . he makes god the utmost end of his being , rom. . . and acting , cor. . . rom. . . from him ] as the first cause , to him ] as the last end . god is our chiefest good , therefore must be our utmost end . see psal. . , . it is the first question in the assemblies catechism , what ought to be the chiefest and highest end of every man in this life ? the properties and qualities which ought to be found in true conversion . it must be . present and seasonable , while it is called to day , call upon the lord while he is near , and seek him while he may be found . the present time is the only time of converting , not the future , now at this instant time god offers mercy , exhorts , cals , to day if you will hear his voice harden not your hearts , the future time is uncertain , we cannot assure our selves of another hour . we have many examples daily of the falshood of late repentance . the longer we defer it the more difficult it will be , as a sore without a plaister the more hardly it is healed . . universal or general ; we must turn from all sinne without exception or reservation of any , and chiefly from our own sins , grace is called light , leaven . the law of god forbiddeth all sinne , god hateth all sin , christ died for all sin , the conscience condemneth all sin , and in our covenant with god we renounced all sinne , cast away all your transgressions , hate every false way . . it must be hearty , sincere , unfeigned ; god complains of some that turned unto him feignedly . . constant , persevering to the end , a continuing still more and more to convert , a daily renewing these acts , and reforming our faults , we must cleave to the lord with full purpose of heart . the order and manner of this work , how and in what measure it is wrought in the saints . first , the doctrine of the gospel is propounded and made known in both the parts of it , viz. that which concerns mans misery in himself , and the perfect and only remedy in christ to all penitent sinners . secondly , the soul is enlightened and enabled to assent unto this doctrine . thirdly , it is yet further stirred up to consider of this doctrine so beleeved , and to give heed to it , as lydias minde was wrought upon when paul preacht . fourthly , it begins to apply that doctrine to it self so farre as to be affected with the sense of its misery , but so as there is wrought also a hope of getting out of this misery , and a perswasion that he shall be accepted , and hereupon follows conversion . for he that sees himself in an ill state , and sees also a certain way out of it , being perswaded that he may by such and such means escape and avoid , will undoubtedly apply himself to seek his own good , and the spirit of god by working this perswasion converts the soul : we may plainly see this order in davids renewing of his conversion after his sinne , and in the hearers of peters sermon , act. . where first they heard and marked peter , then were pricked in heart , then asked , what they must do to be saved ? and being instructed by peter to convert , did so , and were saved . marks or signs of conversion : . such a one hath had experience of the discovery of sinne as the greatest evil , and of misery to himself by sin , sin revived and i died . . the lord hath wrought in him a glorious discovery of christ , and an instinct after union with him which is faith , phil . . . he is brought under the guidance and power of the spirit , ioh. . . cor. . . mat. . . gospellized , brought under the power of it , hath a spiritual bent in his soul , a new principle , new ends , cor. . . he sees things with another eye . he hath a new law planted within him which will make all duties easie and sweet to him , ier. . . . he is made like to god , every saint is a living image of god. he will love persons the more he seeth of god in them , and ordinances the more pure they are . . where there is life there will be growth , pet. . . they will grow up as willows , as calves of the stall , mal. . true conversion differs from false : . in the efficient cause , for first the true spring comes from the spirit of god by means of faith in the gospel , stirring up a desire of gods favour , and freedome from sinne for attaining that favour : the false from a natural desire of ones welfare , that he may escape the punishment of sin . . in the formal , or manner of doing ; true conversion is a willing and deliberate act out of choice , false a forcible act done out of compulsion . . final , the true seeks to please god , the false to ease it self . motives to , and means of conversion : by motives , i mean certain considerations and arguments that in all reason should prevail to make men resolve upon the work . by means , some things tending to enable men the better to do it , when they have resolved upon it . . motives to conversion : they may be taken from every place , heaven , earth , and hell. from heaven , look to god , his angels and saints . from earth , look to your selves , the godly and ungodly , nay the beasts . from hell , look to the devils and damned ghosts . from heaven : first , look to god , the father , son , and holy ghost . is it not a most desirable thing to turn to him , seeing he is so rightful a lord , so great a prince , and so gracious a father , so willing to accept us , and hath given us means , time and commandments , and encouraged us with promises of acceptance , and threatned us if we do not , and complains that they have not turned to him who smote them . god hath sent his son into the world that converts might be graciously received . secondly , christ himself is a weighty argument of conversion , for if we refuse to turn then we do what in us lies to frustrate his death , and to make him shed his bloud in vain , seeing it is intended for the benefit only of such as turn . in christ you may see the hatefulnesse of sinne from which you are to turn , and the graciousnesse of god to whom . thirdly , the holy ghost striveth to bring you to this turning in his ordinances , gen. . . and will you suffer him to prevail ? secondly , the blessed angels will rejoyce at the conversion of a sinner . all the saints in heaven have given you examples of converting , and are now glad of their pains bestowed that way . secondly , look to the earth , and there to your selves first , consider . that you are out of the way , psal. . & . & . ult , and know that you are so . . that you have bound your selves by covenant to convert when you were baptized , and as often as you come to the supper . . you have and do daily make profession of converting . . you can by no means save your selves out of the hands of gods justice , if you do not submit and convert to him . secondly , the duty it self is , . most reasonable and equal , because the wayes are evil from which , and good to which we are wished to turn . . most needful , without it we cannot escape the greatest misery . . most profitable , turn and live ; by continuing in our evil wayes we may get a little perishing profit , vanishing pleasure and bewitching credit , by turning from them we shall gain pardon of sins past , peace and joy of soul for the present , and eternal life hereafter . when the sinner turneth , i will blot out all his sins out of my remembrance . . likely to succeed if we set to it in earnest , prov. . . let us labour to grieve for our sins by a serious applying of the threats of god , humbly confesse them , and resolve by gods help to leave them . you will not come to me that you may have life . secondly , look to the godly in the world , they pray for it , they will further it , rejoyce in our conversion , they will love and esteem us when converted . to the ungodly , by this means we may perhaps win them , or shall leave them without excuse . yea look to other creatures , in the bad we hate incorrigiblenesse in evil , we dislike the creatures which have gotten an evil quality and will not leave it . we like and praise obedience in the good . thirdly , look upon hell : . on the devil , he seeks to hinder thy conversion , will be vexed at it , he is most loathsome , because obstinate in evil . the devils worst property is , that he is now so hardened in evil , that there is no possibility of change in him : wilt thou be like the devil in that which is the worst thing in him ? besides thou abusest and neglectest grace offered , and so doth not he . . the damned ghosts , who because they did not convert are damned , and blame themselves for not turning when they had time , and now it is too late . . means of conversion . first , take notice of your own strayings and unconvertednesse , and your peril thereby . secondly , acknowledge your utter inability to convert your selves , and therefore cry earnestly to god to convert you , as the church doth , turn me and i shall be turned . turn presently , and begin with that sin which hath most drawn thee away from god. . remove hinderances : . outward , . ill company . . the occasions of sin ; salomon adviseth the young man not to come near the corner of the harlots house , and the drunkard not to look on the wine . . inward , . love of earthly things : . presumptuous and despairful fancies : . hardnesse of heart and wilfulnesse in sinning . . use all helps and furtherances : . outward , good company , attend on all gods ordinances , hearing , reading , psal. . conference . . inward , cherish and practise good motions , ponder on the law and gospel , think often and seriously on those quatuor novissima , death , judgement , heaven and hell. of free-will . the word it self is terminus ecclesiasticus , not biblicus , not a scripture-term , but such a one as godly men in the church took up for more convenient expression , as they have done the name trinity and sacrament . to render liberum arbitrium into english is not proper , for arbitrari and arbitrium is an act of the understanding , but use hath applied it to the will. a mixed power of understanding and will , saith mr perkins . it can be onely in an intelligent nature , as bellarmine proves , lib. . de grat. & lib. arb. c. . and the understanding though it be not formally free , yet it is radically , and the liberty of the will ariseth from the indifferency of the judgement . the liberty of the will properly consists in choosing that which the understanding judgeth best . radix libertatis constituta est in libero rationis judicio . aquin. there is in the will a double freedom : . natural , a power that a man hath to choose or refuse as it seemeth good to himself , and this is so annexed to , or dependant on his reasonablenesse , that they cannot be separated , and this he hath not nor could loose by corruption . . sanctified , an inclination to use the former liberty well by choosing that he ought to choose , and this he hath lost , when now he will choose and refuse what he ought not . or thus , free-will may be considered either in the essence and being of it as it is an immediate faculty of the soul , and the same with the will : we have this free-will , for adam by his fall hath no more lost this then he hath lost his very nature ; it is therefore a great calumny of the papists , when they say , that we deny free-will , and make man no better then a beast ; for take free-will thus , as it is a natural power in a man , so it remaineth still . the free-will of man after the fall is not so corrupted , that it is not capable of the grace of regeneration . tolle liberum arbitrium , non erit quod salvetur ; tolle gratiam non erit unde salvetur . bern. there is a threefold power , . activa , an ability to concur to the operation of the spirit in a mans self : so those that are for free-will , agimus nos , sed acti ; volumus , sed ipse facit ut velimus . . passiva , able to receive , man in conversion is meerly passive to grace , but hath in him a principle of resistance . . obedieneialis , as in the unreasonable creature . secondly , free-will may be considered in its operation and working about some objects , then we distinguish about the objects which it may will : for first , they are either such as belong to our animal life , as to walk , eat , shut or open our eyes , and here we have the exercise of free-will . secondly , our outward civil conversation and obedience to the laws required by a magistrate , here again we have free-will . thirdly , they are holy actions , and they again are either . externally holy , which concern the outward exercise of religion , as to come to church , to hear and reade , and here still a man hath free-will . or , . internally and spiritually , as to know god , to beleeve in him and love him , and so we must distinguish the states of men . man in the state of innocency had an excellent power and strength of free-will to serve god and love him , but in the state of corruption , though his liberty not only in the nature but use of it remaineth about natural , civil and external religious actions ; yet for internal and spiritual actions , he hath wholly lost his freewill , iohn . . matth. . . iohn . . therefore augustine lib. . contra julianum , cals it servum arbitrium . and luther called it not a free but enthralled and enslaved will to sinne , and wrote a book de serv● arbitrio , homo libero arbitrio malè utens , & se perdidit & ipsum . august . ad laurent . thirdly , man in his estate of renovation hath again some power and free will , being first freed by the grace of god from the power of sin , iohn . . volunt as in tantum est libera in quantum est liberata . august . in joh. tract . . yet this freedom is not perfect , but wonderfully opposed and hindered , gal. . . the free-will must be as the understanding and will are , saith chamier , but that the understanding and will are both corrupted in a natural man. vide chamierum contractum per spanhem . tom. . l. . c. . & . there are several kinds of freedom or liberty : . from compulsion , when no external principle can compell to work , but there must be an inward inclination to work , from such coaction , not only men but beasts are free . . from obligation or debt to another , and so no creature can be free , because all that we have is gods. . from sin , when the flesh is subdued so that the spirit can and doth prevail over it . . from misery , which the apostle speaketh of rom. . . from necessity , when the agent is determined from an inward principle of nature to one object , as the fire to burn . immutability and liberty may stand together , as god doth most freely will the creation of the world , yet unchangeably , the angels and saints in heaven are so confirmed in good , that what they will they will unchangeably but freely . every man naturally cannot but sin , yet he sins freely in regard of freedom from coaction and natural necessity , though not in regard of freedom from immutability , and as for the other liberties from obedience , sin , and misery ; he is obedient to god , and under sin and misery . the will hath no freedom to spiritual things . the papists though they say that the grace of god is requisite , yet as a partial cause , and that we are workers with the grace of god in our conversion , as appears by their similitudes of two men carrying a great burden , and the man half wounded . against which opinion these arguments may be alleadged : . the slavery and servitude of our wils to any thing that is good , those who are so defiled that they are nothing but flesh , they cannot possibly have any power to what is good , but so are all by nature gen. . . iohn . . rom. . . to will is of nature , to will ill is of corrupted nature , but to will well is of sanctified nature . bernard . . those which can do nothing but sinne have no freedom to what is good , every unregenerate man doth nothing but sinne , matth. . . an evil man out of the evil treasure of his heart bringeth forth evil ; without faith it is impossible to please god , to the unclean all things are defiled . a man by nature non potest non peccare etiam damnabiliter . pet. lombar . . a man cannot turn himself to god , ioh. . . cor. . . therefore nature hath no power to dispose and prepare it self for grace , nor can there be merits of congruity or condignity . . regeneration and conversion is attributed only to god , as ezek. . . ier. . . see ezek. . . ephes. . . & . . a stone cannot soften it self , no more can our nature . see deut. . . . a man hath not the least thing to glory in cor. , that place cor. . . moved augustine much , but if i had power of my own to do that which is good , or to receive grace when it is offered , then i might glory in my own strength . . conversion and power to do good is prayed for , turn us , o lord , therefore not in our own power , it were vain to pray to god , to convert or change me if i will , if i have this of my own , what need i go and pray for it , or pray for others conversion ? they might convert themselves , psal. . . before pelagius his time the fathers spake too liberally of mans free-will . nondum nato pelagio securius loquebantur patres . august . epist. . which after upon his heresie they reformed , and by scripture abundantly confuted the pelagians , and especially * augustine , ierome , prosper , fulgentius , hilarie , and others . the first presumptuous advancer of free-will contrary to the doctrine anciently received in the church , is by vincentius lyrinensis noted to be pelagius the heretick . in the ancient church there were two sorts of hereticks concerning the point of free-will . the manichees denied free-will : the pelagian hereticks affirmed it , and both were condemned by the catholick church . the manichees denied free-will in sinne , and in the committing of evil . the pelagians affirmed a power and ablenesse of free-will for the performance of righteousnesse and doing of good . in the meaning wherein the manichees denied free-will , we affirm and teach it , and in that meaning did st augustine write his books of free-will purposely against the manichees ; we deny free-will onely in that meaning wherein first the pelagians and since the papists have affirmed it , in which meaning st augustine notably wrote against it . the summe of the controversie is , whether the grace which first moveth and exciteth the will unto good motions , doth work the consent alone , or whether the will have in it self any power freely to consent and resist every such motion . the romanists plead for the power of mans will , but protestants for the efficacy of gods grace . if the question be moved , whether free-will may resist grace ? it is apparent naturally in the unregenerate it may resist , according to that acts . . but if the question be moved of them that are called according to gods purpose , whether they resist the grace of their calling , then removing the humour of contention the truth will easily appear . the question is , whether nature in this case doth resist the omnipotent power of god ? deo volenti salvum facere , nullum resistit hominis arbitrium . there is a twofold resistance of the will , say the schoolmen . . connata , born with it , there is possibility to sinne in the best creatures , as creatures . . actualis , the spirit of god by an almighty power overcomes this , psal. . . the arminians have revived the old pelagian heresie , they say they magnifie gods free grace * , and it was free grace for god to give christ to be a saviour , and to send the gospel to a place , but then ask them about gratia discriminans , why simon peter receives the gospel rather then simon magus , they say god determines no mans will , but because peter receives it , and the other rejects it , it ariseth wholly from his determining himself , then christ should do no more in his own and fathers intention for a sav'd then a damned person . no man hath power to receive christ when he is offered unlesse it be given him from above . object . why then doth the lord exhort us to receive him , or complain of us , and threaten damnation if we receive him not ? answ. the lord useth these reproofs and exhortations as a means to work upon them whom he purposeth to save . . to shew that some work is to be done on our part , though not by our own strength , it must be done à nobis , though not ex nobis . so the papists argue from gods commands ; god would not command us to do good works , if we had not power to do them . when our saviour saith , make the tree good , and then the fruit will be good ; he doth not imply that it is in our power to do so , but only sheweth what our duty and obligation is . see rom. . . gal. . . god gave the law for these ends : . to shew man his duty , the obligation that lies on him , i may put my debter in minde of his debt though he be turned bankrupt . . to shew him his disability . . to shew him the misery he should be in if god would urge this debt on him to discharge it himself . . to shew the riches of his grace in providing a means to satisfie his justice , and also the exceeding love of christ in fulfilling the law for him . object . the arminians say , how can the will be free , when it is determined ? how can omnipotent grace and free-will stand together ? and some talk of a libertas contrarietatis , when one can will good or evil . this is a great controversie as between the jesuites and dominicans , so between us and the arminians . answ. the freedom of the will doth not consist in this , that it is free and indifferent to choose either good or evil : for so god and the good angels should not be free , seeing they cannot will any thing but that which is good . there is no true liberty but unto that which is good , because it is a perfection , to be able to sinne is an imperfection , cor. . . ubi non est spiritus domini non est libertas arbitrii . august . a power to stand or fall was not a part of adams liberty , his power to fall came from his mutability not liberty . it is a question , an faci●nti totum quod in se est ex naturae viribus , dentur insallibiliter auxilia ad salutem supernaturalia ? whether god will give supernatural grace to him that useth well his natural abilities ? let any man use the power that god gives him , and he shall have more . there is not such an infallibilis n●xus , that god hath bound himself in the use of our natural abilities to adde supernatural graces . mr f●nn●r on ez●k . . , . a man in his natural condition can doe nothing but what is offensive to god. no man ever yet by the right use of naturals obtained evangelical grace , that is a vain power which is never reduced into act . it is a question , an naturae viribus possit aliqua vera tentatio superari ? whether a man by strength of nature be able to conquer corruption or resist temptation ? before conversion we cannot resist sinne as sinne , but exchange one sinne with another . we cannot discern good from evil , sinne is connatural to us , ier. . . no more are we able to resist temptation without grace . all temptations are to draw us to the enjoyment of some temporal good , or to the declining some temporal evil by leaving god. till a man be perswaded that god promiseth a greater good , and threatneth a greater evil then the world can do , he cannot resist such temptations , we are saved by faith , and stand by faith . we had need all to pray , lord lead us not into temptation , and keep back thy servant from presumptuous sins . see ephes. . . some speak of reconciling free-will with gods decree , grace and sin . others of the concord of it , and gods prescience and providence . tully thought prescience and free-will could not stand together , and therefore that he might assert the freedome of mans will , he denied the prescience of future things , atque ita dum vult facere liberos , facit sacrilegos . chap. iv. of saving faith. faith in the new testament is taken . . for the doctrine of faith , iude vers . . such are sound in the faith , that are orthodox . this is the catholick faith . . for the habit or grace of faith whereby we receive christ and accept him for our saviour , so it is often used in the scripture . faith in its general nature is any assent unto some truth upon the authority of him that speaks it , and the general nature of divine faith is to assent to the truth because god sayes it . our assent and perswasion of the truth in matters of religion may be either huma●e meerly because of custome , education , and the authority of the church : or divine , being enclined and moved thereunto , because of divine authority . many protestants have no more then a humane faith . it is the religion of their fathers , and of the place where they live . in the grace of faith there are three things : . an act of the understanding , an assent to the truths of christ , that he is such a one in respect of his natures , offices , works , as the scripture reveales him . . an act of the will , consenting that christ should do for me what the lord sent him to do for poor sinners . . a siducial assiance and dependance on him . the soc man by faith in christ understand nothing but an acknowledgement of the veracity of the sayings and the promises of christ which ought to be given them , not because christ is true god with the father , but because god after his death raised him from the dead , which he also foretold before , and for this reason he was worthy to be believed in what he commanded or promised . this is their doctrine of justifying faith and justification , as if christ had come into the world and suffered such things for no other cause , but that he might perswade us that an eternal reward is propounded to the obedient , that being allured with the hope of reward we might obey him . bellarmine * saith , justifying faith is not so much knowledge as assent , and it is not a confidence of gods mercy , but an assent to all things which are contained in the word of god. faith is more then a bare assent to the truth , there is in it a fiducial acquiescence and a resting upon jehovah , as it is expressed in the hebrew ; he rolled himself upon god , as a man being weary of a burden casts himself and that upon something that sustains him , prov. . . isa. . . & . . & . . the chief act of the soul in true faith , wherein the essence of it mainly consists , is a resting and relying upon christ and him alone for the obtaining of favour and eternal life . in respect of this property faith is oft called a believing in or on christ , and his name , iohn . , , . iohn . . & . . a trusting in christ , ephes. . . a resting upon god , chron. . . a resting upon his promise , chron. . . a relying upon god , chron. . . a cleaving and sticking close unto him , act. . . mr hilders . on psal. . . lect. . there is in faith : first , an act of acceptation , one is willing to receive christ on his own termes . secondly , of resignation , it gives up the whole man unto christ. the proper object of justifying faith ( saith dr. * ames ) is not some axiome , viz. god is favourable to me , or my sins are pardoned ; but ens incomplexum , as they speak , viz. christ , or the mercy of god in christ , and so the proper act of justifying faith is incumber● or acquiescere christo. not barely the promises but the person of christ is the object of faith , we are not to rest in the promises alone , but to close with christ in those promises , acts . . the saints take comfort in christ and prize his person above all his benefits . first , because that is the greatest gift in which god shews most love , ioh. . . secondly , he is the person in whom all good things are deposited , cant. . . iohn . . thirdly , the great thing the soul fals in love with , is the person of christ , cant. . phil. . . it is a great dispute among divines , what is the proper object of saving faith ? some say the evangelical promise which holds out christ , others christ himself ; in a strict sense only christ himself is the object of saving faith , iohn . . no proposition nor promise saves me , only christ. the common object of faith is every revealed truth , but of justifying faith , as it justifies , that is , in the act of justification , reconciliation in christ , with a certain confidence . there is fides quae , faith which saves the soul , this closeth with every divine revelation , promise , threatning , story , sides qua as it saves me , closeth onely with christ. faith which saves the soul hath for its object the whole word of god , but as it saves the soul it closeth only with christ. there is nothing in scripture but it hath relation to christ , the types and old sacrifices were shadows of him , the moral law is preparative for christ , yea there is something of him in every story and miracle . faith is an instinct after union with christ , iohn . . he lives in me by faith , iohn . . gal. . . this receives christ , iohn . . it is the condition of the covenant , and so the qualification of them which shall have interest in christ and his benefits , iohn . . acts . . & . . faith carries the consent of the whole man , a chron. . . quid est credere nisi consentire ? he that would receive christ , must . know that christ is designed by god , and tendred as a saviour to him in the gospel . . must consider the reality and fulnesse of the promise , and give consent to this prose ; this is the very act of faith . . none can thus receive christ , but those whose hearts the lord hath opened to close with christ , iohn . , . acts . . man sell by self-exalting , and ariseth in a self-abasing , which is by beleeving . . faith is the only way to dissolve the plots of the devil , we fell by beleeving the devil rather then god , and rise by renouncing him , and by beleeving in the grace of god in christ. what is the act the soul doth when it beleeves ? there are three acts of faith , notitia , assensus , fiducia . mr. hildersam * saith , the effence and being of justifying faith consisteth in four acts of the soul , whereof the former two are acts of the understanding , the other two of the will. first , i must know christ aright , and that which the gospel revealeth to us concerning him . secondly , the assent of the minde to this , tim. . . heb. . . thirdly , the consent of the will , iohn . . fourthly , a resting and relying upon christ and him alone for the favour of god and eternal life . knowledge comes three wayes : . by sense . . reason , as that the part is lesse then the whole . . from testimony which is faith , and relies wholly on witnesse , faith is weak when it relates to humane testimony , yet there is no such knowledge as that of faith when it relates to the testimony of god , that is more sure then sense or reason . god is so wise as he cannot be deceived himself , and so good as he will not deceive others . knowledge and faith are ordinarily all one in scripture , and joyned together as things inseparable , isa. . . iohn . . iohn . . iohn . . iohn . . . & . , . a beleever is set forth by the terms of an enlightened man and wise man , ephes. . , . i know whom i have beleeved . bellarmine saith * faith is better defined by ignorance then knowledge , fides melius per ignorantiam quam per notitiam desinitur . it captivates reason unto the word of god ; that is , carnall and rebellious reason , but the true light of reason is increased and augmented by it . this knowledge which faith works in the heart is distinct and certain . . assent , they beleeved god and the prophets , that is , they gave assent and credit to it , because of the authority of god who is most true and cannot deceive , not for humane motives . this assent is . firm , therefore called the riches of assurance of understanding , and so opposite to doubting . . absolute and illimited , beleeves precepts , promises and threats . some expressions of scripture seem to lay much upon assent , as iohn . . & . . cor. . . matth. . . the truths of god at first suffering under so many prejudices , the gospel was a novel doctrine , contrary to the ordinary and received principles of reason , persecuted in the world , no friend to natural and carnal affections , and therefore apt to be suspected . assent now is nothing so much as it was then . . there is a consent to the goodnesse as well as an assent to the truth , the one is the act of the understanding , the other of the will. the soul upon the information that gods spirit gives me of the excellency of christ , and his suitablenesse to me , assents to the truth of it , and consents to the goodnesse of it , and makes choice of him for its portion . faith is the consent of the whole soul to receive and accept of christ as god the father hath offered him in the gospel . . a resting and relying upon christ alone for grace and salvation , psal. . , , . psal. . . iob . , . rom. . . the soul leanes on christ as a feeble man on a staff , chron. . , . prov. . . psal. . . what the old testament cals trusting , the new cals beleeving . this confidence of special mercy is the form and essence of faith , without which faith is not faith , nor justifies the sinner . the papists and arminians cannot endure this that faith should be such a special confidence of the remission of sins . they say it is a confidence that god may remit , and a good hope that he will , or it is a conditional confidence that god will remit if we shall be constant in piety to the end of our life . the doctrine of faith is in three things : . there is a necessity of relying on christ alone . . there is an allsufficiency of ability in him being god and man to be an high-priest , to make intercession for us . . of his willingnesse that we should have pardon , grace , comfort and salvation by him . there are promises ▪ . of free-grace , that god will justifie the ungodly and pardon sin for his own names sake . . of grace , that god will give faith , repentance , love and a new heart . . unto grace , that if we beleeve and repent we shall be saved . these promises are all we have to build our faith on for our eternal salvation . in all recumbency it is not enough to regard the strength of the act and rightnesse of the object ; carnal men will say , i place my hope in jesus christ for salvation , micah . . but there are other circumstances to be observed : first , the method and order of this recumbency , the resolution of an humbled sinner to cast himself upon christ , the main end and use of faith is to comfort those that are cast down . faith is exprest by taking hold of christ or the covenant isa. . . by staying our selves upon , or leaning upon god , which supposeth a sense of misery . secondly , the warrant and ground of it , we must go to work considerately , understand what we do , tim. . . psal. . . natural conscience may pretend fairly to trust in christ , but have no ground for it , ier. . . thirdly , the effects and fruits , it cannot stand with a purpose to sin , ioh. . . heb. . . we are said to be justified by faith , to live by it , to be saved by it , to have it imputed unto us for righteousnesse : all which is to be understood not principally , immediately , meritoriously in regard of any worth or dignity of it ; or efficaciously in regard of any power or efficacy in it self , but mediately , subserviently , organically , as it is a means to apprehend christ his satisfaction and sufferings , by the price and merit whereof we are justified and saved , and stand as righteous in gods sight , and as it hath a special respect and relation thereunto . there are divers degrees of faith , little faith , mat. . . great faith , mat. . . full assurance of faith , rom. . . first , there is some unbelief in all the servants of god , because there is not in any man in this world a perfection of faith , faith is mixt with unbelief . secondly , many have a true faith , yet a very weak faith . christ will not break the bruised reed , christ chides his disciples for their weak faith , and peter , mat. . o you of little faith : and how is it that you have not faith ? luk. . see iohn . and matth. . moses , david , abraham , isaac were subject to great weaknesse of faith . reasons . . sense and reason do in many things contradict the conclusions of faith , to beleeve in the mercy of god when we have so much sin . . the knowledge of god in the best of gods people ( which is the pillar and foundation of their faith ) is but imperfect . . satan above all things most opposeth the faith of gods saints , because he knows that in this their very strength lies , ephes. . . tim. . . and they resist him by their faith , pet. . . iohn . . in two things the weaknesse of faith most discovers it self : first , in thinking that we shall not finde the good things which god promiseth to give . secondly , that we shall not be delivered from the evil things which he hath undertaken to deliver us from . faith in gods threats must be confirmed as a principal means of beating back sinful temptations , faith in gods promises must be confirmed as a principal means of keeping us in comfort and obedience . all holy exercises serve to strengthen faith , especially two , first , prayer with the apostles to the lord to increase our faith , and to fill us with joy and peace through beleeving . . meditations specially directed to that end , of the omnipotency of god , his perfect truth , and his accomplishment of his word formerly to our selves and others . there is a twofold state of faith , a state of adherence , and a state of assurance . first , a state of adherence , affiance and recumbence , the act of the soul accepting christ , and giving it self to him , isa. . . luk. . . there is a great peace in a faith of adherence , heb. . . . in respect of the guilt of sinne , it shewes the lord jesus as a sacrifice for sinne . . in reference to god , i have heard ( saith such a one ) that the lord is a god pardoning iniquity , transgression and sinne ; there is tranquillity when one casts his sinne on christ , and ventures his soul on the free-grace of god , isa. . . secondly , of assurance , iohn . . when one hath obtained the witnesse and sealing of the spirit . . one may have the faith of adherence ( roll his soul on christ , and be willing to accept him ) that hath not the faith of evidence , as heman psal. . the fearing of god and obeying his voice cannot be without faith , yet he may walk in darknes , as in that place of isaiah before quoted . . the soul which hath the faith of adherence , and wants that of evidence , is in a justified condition ; many things have a reall being that have no visible appearing to us . if one could not be justified but by faith of assurance , then if one lose his assurance he loseth his justification . . when faith of adherence hath attain'd to faith of assurance , yet many times the assurance is lost , psal. . beg . psal. . . christ on the crosse had faith of adherence , my god , my god , not clearnesse of evidence . . when the soul hath lost the faith of evidence it cannot lose the faith of adherence , the fire may be so smothered in ashes that there is no light , yet it alwayes hath heat if there be fire , iob . . psal. . . . the faith of adherence alwayes abiding and bringing the soul to heaven , that soul ( though it want assurance ) is bound to praise god , if thou wouldst be more thankfull for the faith of adherence , the lord would bring in strong consolation . . faith of adherence will certainly end in faith of evidence , if thy soul have chosen christ , and thou wait for him , thou shalt at last meet with him . faith layeth hold on the promise as being true , affiance or hope expects the thing promised as being good . b. down . of justif. l. . c. . we beleeve things past , present and to come : but hope for things to come only . we beleeve both promises and threatnings , both rewards and punishments , in the order set by god : but hope onely for things desirable . robins . ess. observ. . the end and great priviledge of faith is to bring us to everlasting life , heb. . . pet. . . iohn . . reasons . . by faith we are made sons , children , iohn . . and so may expect a childes portion ; faith makes us sons , . in a juridical sense , iohn . . . in a moral and real sense , pet. . . secondly , these are the terms of the eternal covenant between god and christ , iohn . . & . . heb. . . thirdly , it is the mother of obedience , the way to be made happy is to be made holy . fourthly , faith begins the life which is perfected in glory , iohn . . it anticipates heaven , rom. . . & . . we should act faith in order to everlasting life : first , accept christ in the offers of the gospel , acts . . mark . . col. . . secondly , beleeve the great promises of heaven , heb. . . consider . the riches of gods mercy , he will give like himself , an infinite and eternal reward , cor. . . . the sufficient merits of christ , rom. . . thirdly , get your own title confirmed , tim. . . fourthly , often renew your hope by serious and distinct thoughts , heb. . . col. . . phil. . . fifthly , earnestly desire and long after a full accomplishment , rom. . . faith is wrought by the word , rom. . , , . ephes. . . acts . , . & . . pet. . . but besides the outward preaching there must be the spirit within , intimus magister , as augustine cals him . the word is but a moral cause or instrumenr , whereby the spirit worketh not necessarily but at pleasure , cor. . . faith is called the gift of god , ephes. . . phil. . . the work of god , iohn . . see iohn . . ephes. . , . the word can do nothing without the spirit , the spirit can work without means , as in children and those that cannot hear . god convinceth a man of his sinne and misery , and need of mercy , iohn . , , . rom. . . and then shews him that there is mercy and salvation to be had in christ , that he is a mighty saviour , able to free him from all evil , and that he is tendred to him in the gospel , isa. . , . matth. . . iohn . . iohn . . act. . , , . discovers the infinite love of christ , his excellencies and the benefits we shall enjoy by him . the anabaptists say , that faith is given not by means of the word , but by illumination and immediate working of the spirit . the arminians say , that preaching of the word is able to beget faith in a man , and to turn him unto god without the inward working and teaching of the holy ghost , usually the word and spirit go together , cor. . . the preaching of the gospel is called the rod of his power , psal. . . some pretend above others to magnifie the spirit , and to be all for the spirit , yet vilifie the word which is the means whereby to obtain the spirit ; cornelius and them that were with him received the spirit by the word , acts . . thess. . , . gal. . . the ministery of the gospel is called the ministration of the spirit . manasseh his conversion , chron . , . was wrought by means of affliction setting home upon his conscience that word of god mentioned in the verse immediately preceding . affliction doth not convert without the word either going before or accompanying it , psal. , . iob . , . faith is an excellent grace , pet. . . it is a fruit of the spirit , gal. . . the gift of god , the work of god by an excellency , iohn . . an effect of gods almighty power , ephes. . . a sign of gods electing love , acts . . called the faith of gods elect , tit. . . justifying , saving faith . first , it is the only condition of the covenant of grace and life , beleeve and thou shalt be saved . secondly , the grace that matcheth us to christ , ephes. . . christ is the great remedium , and faith the great medium . thirdly , it brings us to near relation with god , iohn . . fourthly , it is the instrument of justification , rom. . , , , . & rom. . . by it the righteousnesse of christ is imputed , rom. . , , , , , . and our sins discharged , acts . . fifthly , it is the grace which pleadeth with god , and challengeth him of his word , gen. . . in which thou hast caused me to trust , and gives god in christ all the glory in the great work of salvation by a mediator . . faith quickens the soul , gal. . . . sanctifies it , acts . . by it we conquer sinne , rom. . . & . . the devil , eph. . . the world , iohn . . . by it we obtain what ever good we stand in need of , and god hath promised , be it unto thee according to thy faith . . it carries away the good of all ordinances , in the supper , by it we have communion with god : the word profited not , because not mixed with faith . . it comforts in all troubles , hab. . . in desertions , when god hides his face , isa. . . iob . . by faith we stand , by faith we live , by faith we walk , by faith we die , by faith we are saved . faith is an infused not an acquired habit . grevinchovius saith , that habitual faith is begot in us by frequent acts of faith proceeding from the special grace of god , as by often acts of justice and liberality the acts of justice and liberality are produced in us . this opinion of his is not only contrary to the doctrine of the schoolmen and modern divines both papists and protestants , which with unanimous consent call theological vertues infused habits , but also is subject to divers inconveniencies ; that place heb. . , must needs be understood of the habit of faith ; for if it be to be understood of the act of faith , it will follow that the regenerate when they sleep , and do not actually beleeve , do displease god , and are not in a state of grace . that faith is the gift of god , the apostle teacheth , ephes. . . phil. . . & . . see iohn . . to come to christ is to beleeve in christ , witnesse christ himself , ver . . whether actual or habitual faith be in infants ? some call it efficacious faith , some a principle , others an inclination . some dislike the word habit , that is more proper to faith grown and ripe , the word seed or principle is better , iohn . . some think the question about infants beleeving is unnecessary and curious , and that they must be left to the free-grace of god , mark . . such places do not onely concern grown persons . the lord promiseth grace to infants , isa. . . and glory , matth. . . & . . compared with mark . . see cor. . . pelagians say , infants are saved by gods fore-sight of those good works which they should have done if they had lived ; augustine refutes this opinion , cor. . . every one is to be saved according to what he hath done . the lutherans would have them saved by an actual faith though it be unexpressible . beza saith , the faith of the parents is imputed to them by vertue of the covenant of grace . mr. down hath a treatise of the faith of infants , and how they are justified and saved , and goes much that way , but denies that they have habituall or actuall faith. whether faith be in the saints when they are translated into heaven , and see god face to face ? some say , there is a kinde of faith in the blessed saints , since they both beleeve things past , all things which christ hath done for our sake , and things to come , viz. the second coming of christ , the resurrection of the flesh , the last judgment , and the perfection of the church , and this knowledge of things past and to come , depends upon the authority of god. the office and imployment of faith shall cease , though the nature of it doe not . it is a great question , an sides justisicans in decalogo praecipiatur ? whether justifying faith be commanded in the decalogue ? adam had a power to beleeve what god propounded as an object of faith , the righteousnesse of christ was not propounded to him , it is commanded there therefore not directè , because not revealed to adam , but redisctivé . it stood not with adams covenant , he was to be righteous himself , not to look for the righteousnesse of another . adam in the state of innocency had a power of many things , which in that state could not be reduced to act , he had the affection of sorrow , but could not mourn for want of an object : so the angels had a power to beleeve in christ for their confirmation , though christ was not made known till the second covenant . there was a power then given not only to obey god in the duties of the first covenant , but to submit to god for the change of the covenant when the will of the lord should be : not to submit to the change of the covenant in man fallen , is a sin , gal. . . therefore adam had a power to submit to it . whether faith or repentance precede ? to repent is prefixed before beleeve , mark . . in the order of things repentance must needs be first in respect of the act of contrition , acknowledgemement and grief for sinne , the law precedes the gospel , and one is not to be raised before he knows himself to be cast down . and although saving repentance considered compleatly according to all its acts be not without faith , yet it precedes it according to some act . christians should indeavour to live the life of faith : first , the necessity of it . it is a question , an sine speciali revelatione possumus credere mysteria fidei ? whether without a special revelation we can beleeve the mysteries of faith ? the arminians cry down faith , and call it scripturarum tyrannidem , & theologorum ludibrium , and cry down all infused habits , would have none but acquired . there is a necessity of faith in respect of divers truths of scripture that are to be beleeved . . the resurrection of the body , none of the heathens beleeved this . see act. . . matth. . , . some that profest the christian religion perverted this doctrine of the resurrection , tim. . . the disciples themselves were long in beleeving it , luk. . . ioh. . . . the depravednesse of the soul , and the enmity of natural reason to the things of god. the philosophers saw clearly the common principles of justice and injustice , but not the corruption of nature , rom. . . the wisdom of the flesh is enmity against god. . the necessity of renovation of the soul and body , the great doctrine of regeneration , iohn . . when our saviour had brought arguments to prove this doctrine , and answered objections against it , how blinde still is nicodemus ? v. . of that chapter . . the necessity of a mediator , and that christ is this mediator , tim. . . the devils and damned beleeve these truths with a common faith . but we need faith to beleeve these truths savingly . . we need faith also to bring us unto god , rom. . . we cannot come to god but by christ , nor to christ but by faith . . to conform us to gods image , acts . . . without the life of faith we cannot abide with god , matth. . . heb. . . . . we cannot take fulnesse of delight and complacency in god but by faith , heb. . . we cannot please god , nor he us , till we beleeve . the life of a christian is to please god , and to be well pleased with him . secondly , what it is to live by faith . . it is to beleive the goodnesse of all that which god commands , as well as that which he promiseth , and the real evil of all that evil he forbids as well as threatens . the precepts of god are good and for our good as well as his promises , deut. . . psal. . ult . the devils tremble at gods threatnings , but they beleeve not the evil of sin which he forbids , for then they would not rebell against god. . to look after those things principally that are future rather then the things that are present , luke . . & . . psal. . ult . an unbeleever will venture upon future evils to be freed from evils present . a godly man fears two things chiefly , sin in this world , and wrath in another , cor. . . . to live more to things invisible then visible , heb. . . cor. . ult . heb. . . the invisible things are the great things , angels , mens souls ; the great glory god promiseth his people is invisible , cor. . . . to beleeve those things to be certain which are incredible to nature , rom. . . psal. . begin . that the saints are happy in all their miseries , and the wicked miserable in all their happinesse . . to keep to the word of faith in all our conversation , isa. . . gal. . . psal. . , . psal. . . . to beleeve that all the providences of god are subservient to his promises , even when they seem to be against them , heb. . . . to beleeve so the fulfilling of gods promises , that we make not haste , but wait gods time for the fulfilling of them , isa. . . since god will . certainly perform what ever he hath promised . . he will fulfill it in his own season , luke . . . his season is the fittest . therefore it is most reasonable we should wait gods time and not make haste . two things make faith strong , knowledge and affiauce , when these are strong faith is strong , though there be not assurance . by the woman of canaan , mat. . . and the centurion , mat. . . it appears that four things shew what a strong faith is : . the more it relies on a naked word , the lesse it hath of sense , heb. . . . when it bears up the soul against great opposition , rom. . . the woman of canaan would take no denial , still she cries lord help me ; though he kill me ( saith iob ) i will trust in him . . when it finds out arguments to support the soul. the son of david ( saith the woman of canaan ) is sent to gentiles as well as iews , and the dogs eat of the crums that fall from the masters table . . when it draws out the heart to earnest and incessant prayers , and perseveres therein , psal. . . gen. . . it is a common mistake , that where there is no joy of the holy ghost ▪ no assurance , there can be no strong faith . god usually proportions mens afflictions according to the greatnesse of their faith : afflictions are therefore called the trial of faith , pet. . . see isa. . . ier. . . spiritual desertion is the greatest affliction that can befall a godly man , it befell christ when he cried out , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? therefore they have the greatest strength that are most exercised with afflictions . . this is the way the lord takes with his people many times , to try them after assurance , by hiding his face from them . mens graces are r●pened not only by communion but by desertion . therefore there may be strong faith and more grace where there is no assurance . motives to get faith : first , this grace brings god most glory : it doth that to god in a way of duty , which god doth to the creature in a way of grace . god justifies , sanctifies , glorifies . faith first justifies god , isa. . . luke . . against the accusations of the world , and fond surmises of our own hearts , heb. . . . it sanctifies him . . it glorifies god , rom. . . secondly , it doth us most good : . our life stands upon it , gal. . . . brings peace , rom. . . . glory , pet. . . helps to faith : consider thy condition , while an unbeliever thou liest under the guilt of all thy sins , and the wrath of god , what ever thou dost is displeasing to him . secondly , labour to lay hold on the promise of god , iohn . . be convinc'd . of the truth . . of the goodnesse of it . . seek earnestly to god to work this grace in thee . chap. v. of the communion and fellowship believers have with christ , and their benefits by him , and specially of adoption . this is the highest intimacy between christ and his people , a fellowship , iohn . . a friendship , iohn . . the church is called , the lambs bride , husband and wife make but one flesh , christ and a believer make one spirit , cor. . . communion with god through christ by the spirit is the great duty and priviledge of the gospel , cor. . . iohn . . it is begun by faith , carried on by fear and love , perfected in heaven . consider first , the honour of this communion : christ hath our nature , our sins , our wrath and shame , thou hast his titles , nature , spirit , priviledges . he is one with god , thou art one with him . he is gods fellow , zech. . . thou his fellow , psalm . . . god is christs god and our god , his father and our father . secondly , the comfort of it , iohn . . this joy differs from the joyes in heaven , not in kinde but in measure , psal. . ult . cor. . . hos. . , . thirdly , the priviledges you enjoy by this communion : . liberty of accesse to god , rom. . . heb. . . they come to him sitting on a throne of grace , heb. . . . an interest in gods particular providence , and a sanctified use of the creatures , cor. . . . the influences of grace , cor. . . iohn . evidences of this communion : . holinesse , iohn . , . & . . iohn . . rom. . . . heavenlinesse , phil. . . col. . . . delight in god , deut. . . psal. . . . reverence toward god and humility toward men . . a constant dependance on god for direction , comfort and strength , iohn . . . living to his glory , and consecrating all we have to him . whole christ is ours , and we are all his , cant. . . he is ours by his own grant , and we his by our consent . the benefits which believers partake of through christ , are either in this life or in the life to come . in this life , . relative , which make a change of our state . . moral , which concern the change of our persons . first , relative , which concern the change of our state and condition . . adoption . . justification . secondly , moral , which concern the change of our persons , sanctification . some say adoption is the first of all the priviledges communicated to us ; others say justification . of adoption . as soon as a soul is by faith united to christ , he is made the childe of god in the sonship of christ , iohn . . god is said to have three sorts of sons : . by nature or generation , so christ. . by creation , the angels . . voluntarily , made his son , his adopted childe . it is little mentioned in the old testament , in the new frequently , because the romans who had then the empire of the world had subdued the jewes to them , and communicated their customs to them , it was an ordinary custome among the romans . it is a gracious sentence of god the father on a believer , whereby for christs sake he cals believers his children , and really admits them into the state and condition of children . he cals us sons gal. . . & . , . and admits us into the state and condition of sons , i will be their father , and they shall be my children . it is amongst men a remedy found out for the solace of a father which hath no childe , by taking one to the right of an inheritance who by nature hath no claim to it . . there is the election of him that would have him . . the consent of the adopted . . he called him son in the court ; when the lord makes believers his children he thus adopts them . there is a difference yet between divine and humane adoption : . man puts not a new nature into the party adopted ; god when he adopts he makes them new creatures . . man is moved to this many times by some perfection or apprehended excellency in the party ; so pharaohs daughter because she saw moses a fair childe took him for hers ; but it is not so with god , there is no good but what he works , ezek. . . . they adopted for their comfort , and because they had no sons on whom to bestow their inheritance ; but god infinitely delighted in his own natural son , and he needed not us , he hath his angels to glorifie him . how this adoption is wrought : it is done by applying of christs sonship to them . the applying of christs righteousnesse to us makes us righteous , and the applying of his sonship to us makes us the sons and daughters of god. christ being the first-born is heir , and all gods people co-heirs with him , rom. . , , . what benefits have we by it ? all the whole work of our redemption is sometimes exprest by it , iohn . . the glory of heaven is laid down in this one word rom. . . we groan that we might receive the adoption of sons . the benefits thereof are brought to two heads : . we are really cut off from the family from which we sprung , old adam , sin , hell , we are now no more in a sinful condition . . we are ingraffed into gods family , and have all the priviledges of a natural son . by the law of the romans one might do nothing to his adopted childe , but what he might do to his own begotten son. by this means , . they receive the spirit of sanctification , rom. . . . they have the honour of sons , iohn . . . they have the boldnesse and accesse of sons , may cry abba father ; they may come to god with open face , as men freed from condemnation , ephes. . . . they have the inheritance of sons , rom. . . they have a double right to heaven titulo redemptionis & adoptionis . three things will shew our adoption : . likenesse to the spirit of christ , thou wilt be holy as he is . . thou wilt bear an awful respect to god , the childe honours the father . . there is the spirit of prayer , the childe comes to the father to supply his wants . chap. vi. of iustification . this word is used in scripture sometimes to celebrate with praise , luke . when they heard this they justified god. . to commend ones self , being puffed up with the thoughts of our righteousnesse ; so the lawyer willing to justifie himself . . to be freed , as he that is dead is justified from sin . . it is taken for the declaration of our justification , as some expound that , was not abraham justified by works ? justification or to justifie in scripture is not to infuse in a man righteousnesse , by which god will pronounce him righteous , but is taken for gods absolving of him in the court of free-grace , not laying his sins to his charge , and withall giving him the right to eternal life , because of the obedience of christ made his . it is a judicial act , psal. . . . it is opposed to condemnation , a law term , prov. . . rom. . , . taken from the courts of judicature , when the party accused and impleaded by such adversaries is acquitted . there is a great difference between vocation and justification , vocation precedes , justification follows . justification praesupponit aliquid , viz. faith and repentance ; effectual calling ponit haec , non autem praesupponit . the doctrine of predestination is handled in the ninth chapter of the romans , and the first of the ephesians ; of justification in the third and fourth chapter of the romans ; of the first sinne of adam in the third of genesis , and fifth of the romans ; of the lords supper in cor. . of the office of ministers , tim. . of excommunication , cor. . of assurance ● ep . iohn . some say justification hath a twofold notion : sometimes to justifie us , to make us just , thus god did make adam just , and justified him by making him a perfect , holy , good creature ; this is called the justification of infusion . but properly it is a law term , and to justifie is to declare one just and righteous . thus we are said to justifie god , that thou maist be justified when thou judgest , we do not make but pronounce him just . justification is a judicial act of god the father upon a beleeving sinner , whereby his sins being imputed to christ , and christs righteousnesse to him , he is acquitted from sin and death , and accepted righteous to eternal life . in which description there are four things : . the authour , who it is that justifieth , god the father rom. . , . & . . it is god that justifieth , and it is done by god as a judge of the quick and dead . . the object of it , who it is that is justified , a believing sinner , rom. . , . iohn . . . the matter of it , the righteousnesse of christ imputed to him , the righteousnesse of immanuel , of god made man , cor. . . he is the lord our righteousnesse . . the form , it is a sentence pronouncing or declaring us free from sin and death , and accepted of god. there is an imputation which ariseth from inherent guilt ; so our sins were not imputed to christ , cor. . . . which is founded in a natural union ; so adams sinne is imputed to us : but neither the filth nor guilt of adams sinne were conveyed to christ , he came of adam in a singular dispensation by vertue of that promise , the seed of the woman shall break the serpents head . . by way of voluntary susception , christ submitted to our punishment , he was made sin by covenant , by treating with his father . the debt of a believing sinner is reckoned to christ , and the obedience of jesus christ is really reckoned to a believing sinner . the result of which exchange is the acquitting of a sinner from sinne and death . all the punishments due to us for our sins are reckoned to christ by vertue of those transactions between god and him . christ became our surety , god layed on him the iniquity of us all , cor. . he became sinne for us , and his righteousnesse is imputed to us ; that phrase is repeated eleven times of gods imputing christs righteousnesse to us . faith is said to be imputed for righteousnesse , but not as a grace or quality in us , for that faith is but one grace , but the law requires an universal righteousnesse , even an entire conformity to the law of god , by faith in christs bloud we obtain justification . . to justifie is to absolve or pronounce righteous , we cannot be so from our own righteousnesse which is imperfect , the scripture cals christ our righteousnesse cor. . . rom. . . as adams sinne was made ours by imputation we being in his loins , so christs righteousnesse is made ours we being in him the second adam . * piscator and mr vvotton make justification to be nothing but the remission of sins , and imputation of righteousnesse and the remission of sins the same thing ; a man being therefore accounted righteous , because his sins are not imputed to him , and they deny that the scripture ever saith christs righteousnesse is imputed to us . mr. baxter in his aphoris . p. . confesseth that the difference between justification and remission of sins is very small . mr. gataker in mr. vvottons defence , pag. . and also in his animadversions upon the disputes between piscator and lucius , and in his answer to gomarus , seems to distinguish between justification largely taken , and remission of sins . the righteousnesse by which we are justified and stand righteous before god , is not our own righteousnesse , but the righteousnesse of christ , phil. . , . cor. . . not the righteousnesse of christ as god the second person in trinity , but as mediator , god-man . in which there are two things : . the perfect holinesse of his humane nature , heb. . . . the perfect righteousnesse which he performed in doing and suffering according to the law , this is imputed to us . christs active obedience , his good works and holy life could never have been meritorious for us , nor brought us to heaven , if he had not died for us , therefore our justification and obtaining of heaven is ascribed to his bloud , as if that alone had done both , rom. . . heb. . . revel . . , , . his intercession and prayers had not been meritorious for us , if he had not died for us . the parts of justification : first , imputation of christs righteousnesse , that is , god accounting his righteousnesse ours , as if we had in our own persons performed it , rom. . , , . as there is a true and real union between us and christ ; so there is a real imputation of christs righteousnesse to us , cant. . . revel . . . a soul triumphs more in the righteousnesse of christ imputed , then if he could have stood in the righteousnesse in which he was created . the imputation of christs righteousnesse was first rejected by the jesuites . carl. consens . eccles. cathol . contra trid. de gratia c. . secondly , from thence there follows a forgivenesse of sins , cor. . . psal. . this is called hiding ones sins , blotting them out , burying them in the sea , dan. . . some say not imputing of sinne and imputing righteousnesse are not two parts , but one single act , there is the term from which and to which . there are two sorts of contraries , such which have both a real being , as white and black in colours . . privatively , as light and darknesse ; darknesse hath no being but the absence of light , so sinne and righteousnesse are two contraries , but sinne hath no being , for then god should be the authour of it , introduction of light is the expulsion of darknesse , not imputing sin , and imputing righteousnesse is one thing , else the apostles argument ( say they ) would not hold rom. . . where he alledgeth psal. . he brings that place which speaks of not imputing sinne to prove that we are justified by christs righteousnesse imputed . this they esteem their argumentum palmarium , saith gomarus * . thus they argue , paul here proves by the testimony of david , that justification is an imputation of righteousnesse , either by his words , or by words that are equipollent : not by his own words , therefore he proves it per verbornm aequipollentiam , and consequently those speeches , to impute righteousnesse , and forgive sins are equipollent , but a thing may be proved also , saith gomarus , by force of consequence , and m. g●taker saith the argument is weak . christ dying is the deserving and satisfactory cause to gods justice , whereby we obtain justification and remission of sins . some hereticks hold god was never angry with man , only men were made enemies by their own sins , and do therefore conclude that satisfaction by christs bloud , as by way of a price is a falshood , and all that christ did by dying and suffering , was only as an example to teach us in what way we are to obtain remission of sins , and therefore according to them justification is a pardoning of sin without christ as a mediator . arguments to the contrary : . christ is called a redeemer , rom. . . cor. . . and iob , i know that my redeemer liveth . he is a redeemer , and we obtain our justification by this redemption , therefore he is the meritorious and deserving cause of it , he hath redeemed us by his bloud , and we are bought with a price . . he is a mediatour tim. . and he is the mediatour of the new testament . these things are implied in that . that god and men were equally disagreeing , god was alienated from men , and men from god. . christ came that he might pacifie god angry with us , and convert our hearts who were rebels against him . . the means by which this was done , the death of this mediator , as appeareth heb. . , . . from those places where christ is called a propitiation , iohn . . in allusion to the mercy-seat , exod. . . & numb . . . two things are implied here , . that god was exceeding angry with us for our sins . . that christ did pacifie him by his bloud . the mercy-seat was called also the oracle , because god answered by it ; and the covering , because it covered the ark , in which were laid up the tables . christ is compared to this both in regard of his prophetical office , because god doth by him declare his will , as also in regard of his priestly office , because by this god is pleased . . from the places where christ is said to be a sacrifice , ephes. he gave himself an offering and a sacrifice ; and in the hebrews , christ was once offered ; whence note , . that christs death is a true offering and sacrifice . . it was done in the dayes of his flesh for the destruction of sin . . all those places must needs prove christ to be the meritorious cause where christ is said to take away our sins , and the punishment from us , isa. . he bore our iniquities , cor. . . when were we justified , seeing justification is a change not of our quality but state ? some say it was an eternal transaction before all time , onely manifested to us by the spirit . there are four set periods of justification : first , in gods purpose , which reacheth as far as the eternal transactions between god and christ , such as were set down in the lambs book . secondly , when christ did in the name and stead of sinners perform that which was the matter of their justification , but in neither of these periods was the soul translated out of the state of nature into the state of grace . thirdly , actually , at that moment when we come to own christ as a saviour by beleeving . fourthly , when the spirit which translates the soul out of the state of nature into the state of grace , makes it known to the soul. others say there are five ( as it were ) periods or degrees of justification : . when the lord passeth a sentence of absolution on men at their first conversion , immediately upon their union with christ , act. . , . . he that is justified fals into daily transgressions , therefore there must be a daily imputation and application of the death of christ , iohn . . . there is a high act of justification after great and eminent fals , though there be not an intercision , yet there is a sequestration , such cannot then plead their right . davids sinne of adultery and murder made a great breach upon his justification , therefore he prayes god psal. . to purge him with hysop , to apply anew the bloud of christ. . there follows a certification , a sentence passed in the soul concerning mans estate , iohn . . rom. . , . . justification is never perfected till the day of judgement , act. . . then sentence is passed in open court before men and angels . of preparatory works to justification ; the th article of the church of england saith , works done before the grace of christ or justification , because they are not done as god hath commanded them , we doubt not but they are sins . matth. . a corrupt tree brings forth corrupt fruit . heb. . without faith it is impossible to please god. tit. . . to the defiled all things are defiled . whether these works without faith merit ex congruo ? potest homo nondum reconciliatus per opera poenitentiae impetrare & mereri ex congruo gratiam justificationis . bellarm. l. . de grat . & lib. arbit . c. . the papists say , one must dispose and sit himself by alms and repentance to partake of christ , this they call meritum ex congruo , and then ( say they ) one receives primam gratiam . see cor. . . rom. . , . we confesse that god is not wont to infuse saving grace , but into hearts fitted and prepared , but he works these preparations by his own spirit . see b. dav. determ . of quaest. . whether works with faith deserve grace ex condigno ? we say not ( as bellarmine * chargeth us ) that the works of the regenerate are simply sins , but in a certain respect . the papists say , after one is made a new-creature he can perform such works as have an intrinsecal merit in them , and then by their good works they can satisfie for their smaller offences . secondly , they have such a worth that god is tied ( say some of them ) by the debt of justice : others say , by the debt of gratitude to bestow upon them everlasting glory . some say , they deserve this ex natura operis : others say , tincta sanguine christi , being died with the bloud of christ this is a damnable doctrine , throws us off from the head to hold justification by works . our good works as they flow from the grace of gods spirit in us , do not yet merit heaven . . from the condition of the worker , though we be never so much enabled , yet we are in such a state and condition that we are bound to do more then we do or can do , luk. . . we cannot enter into heaven unlesse we be made sons , come ye blessed of my father ; and the more we have the spirit enabling us to good , the more we are bound to be thankful rather then to glory in our selves ; againe , we are sinners , the worker being a servant , sonne , sinner , cannot merit . . from the condition of the work , those works that merit heaven must have an equality and commensuration as a just price to the thing bought , but our works are not so , rom. . . those sufferings were the most glorious of all ▪ when paul was whipt , imprisoned , ventured his life , he doth not account these things considerable in respect of heaven . see rom. . . iam. . . ioh. . . rom. . . & . , . ephes. . . and d. s●lat . on rom. . p. . to . they say , the protestants so cry up justification by grace that they cry down all good works , at least the reward of them ; we say , there is a reward of mercy psa. . lat . end . bona opera non praecedunt justificandum , sed sequuntur justificatum . aug. bona opera suxt occultae praedestinationis indicia , futurae foelicitatis praesagia . bernard . de gratia & libero arbitrio . extra statum justificationis nemo potest verè bona opena satis magnificè commendare . luther . more hath been given in this land within these threescore yeares to the building and increase of hospitals , of colledges and other schools of good learning , and to such like workes as are truly charitable , then were in any one hundred years , during all the time and reign of popery . dr. willet confutes the calumny of the romanists , charging our doctrine of justification by faith only , as a great adversary to good works . for he proves that in the space of sixty years since the times of the gospel lb lb hath been bestowed in the acts of piety and charity . whether we be justified by inherent or imputed righteousnesse ? we do not deny ( as the papists falsly slander us ) all inherent righteousnesse , cor. . . nor all justification before god by inherent righteousnesse , kings . . but this we teach , that this inherent righteousnesse is not that righteousnesse whereby any poor sinner in this life can be justified before gods tribunal , for which he is pronounced to be innocent , absolved from death and condemnation , and adjudged unto eternal life . the church of rome holdeth not this foundation , viz. the doctrine of justification by christ , cor. . . . they deny justification by the imputation of christs righteousnesse , yea they scorn it , and call it a putative righteousnesse . . they hold justification by inherent righteousnesse , that is , by the works of the law , gal. . . the papists * place the formal cause of justification in the insusion of inherent righteousnesse . the opinion is built upon another opinion as rotten as it , viz. perfection of inherent righteousnesse ; for if this be found to be imperfect ( as it will be alwayes in this life ) the credit of the other opinion is lost , and that by consent of their own principles , who teach that in justification men are made compleatly righteous . cor. . . our sinne was in christ not inherently but by way of imputation , therefore his righteousnesse is so in us . see act. . , . phil. . . the papists acknowledge all to be by grace as well as we , but when we come to the particular explication there is a vast difference , they mean grace inherent in us , and we grace without us , that is , the love and favour of god. arguments against them : . that grace by which we are justified is called the love of god , rom. . . not love active whereby we love god , but love passive , that is , that whereby we are loved of him , rom. . all our salvation is ascribed to the mercy of god , which is not something in us , but we are the objects of it , titus . those words imply some acts of god to us which we are only the objects of . to be justified or saved by the grace of god is no more then to be saved by the love , the mercy , the philanthropy of god , all which do evidently note that it is not any thing in us , but all in god. . grace cannot be explained to be a gracious habit or work , because it is opposed to these rom. . . titus . . ephes. . . by grace is as much as not by works , not of our selves . . it appears by the condition we are described to be in when justified , which is set down rom. . a not imputing sin , a justifying the ungodly ; the apostle there instanceth in abraham who had so much inward grace in him , yet was considered in justification as unholy , and he was justified in this , that god imputed not to him the imperfections he was guilty of . for the imputation of christs righteousnesse there is justitia mediatoris that is imputed , not justitia mediatoria , as they say in logick , natura generis communicatur , non natura generica . the righteousnesse by which the just are justified before god is justitia legis , though not legalis , isa. . he bore our sins in his body on the tree ; he was made sin for us . see rom. . . to speak properly , the will or grace of god is the efficient cause of justification , the material is christs righteousnesse , the formal is the imputing of this righteousnesse unto us , and the final is the praise and glory of god ; so that there is no formal cause to be sought for in us . some say , but falsly , the righteousnesse by which we are formally justified before god is not the righteousnesse of christ , but of faith , that being accepted in the righteousnesse of the law , fides tincta sanguine christi . whether inherent justice be actual or habitual ? bishop davenant cap. . de habituali justitia , saith , a certain habitual or inherent justice is infused into all that are justified , iohn . . cor. . . gal. . . cor. . , . pet. . . all those that are justified do supernatural works , ergò , it is certain that they are endued with supernatural grace and holinesse . we are said to be righteous , from this inherent justice we are said to be just , and that by god himself , gen. . . heb. . . luk . . & . . pet. . . bellarmine , lib. . de iustificatione , cap. . prop. . saith , propter incertitudine●● propriae justitiae , & periculum inanis gloriae , tutissimum est fiduciam in sola dei misericordia & benignitate reponere ; by which saying he overthrows all his former dispute about inherent righteousnesse . whether we be justified by the passive obedience of christ alone , or also by his active ? in this controversie many learned divines of our own differ among themselves , and it doth not seem to be of that importance that some others are about justification . we are justified in part by christs active obedience , for by it we obtain the imputation of that perfect righteousnesse which giveth us title to the kingdom of heaven . seeing it was not possible for us to enter into life , till we had kept the commandments of god , mat. . . and we were not able to keep them our selves , it was necessary our surety should keep them for us , dan. . . rom. . . rom. . . the scripture seemeth to ascribe our redemption wholly to christs bodily death , and the bloud that he shed for us , eph. . . rev. . . but in these places the holy ghost useth a synecdoche , it putteth one part of christs passion for the whole : . because the shedding of his bloud was a sensible sign and evidence that he died for us . . this declared him to be the true propitiatory sacrifice that was figured by all the sacrifices under the law. some urge this argument , by christs active obedience imputed to them , the faithful be made perfectly righteous , what need is there then of his passive righteousnesse ? need there any more then to be made righteous ? christ fulfilled the duty of the law , and did undergo the penalty , that last was a satisfaction for the trespasse which was as it were the forfeiture , and the fulfilling the law was the principal , psal. . . ior. . . gal. . . some to avoid christs active obedience , question , whether christ as man was not bound to fulfill the law for himself ? all creatures are subject to gods authority . yet this detracts not from his active obedience , partly from his own free condescension , and partly because his whole person god and man obeyed . chap. vii . of the parts and termes of iustification , remission of sins , and imputation of christs righteousnesse . justification is used so largely in the scripture , as to comprehend under it remission of sins ; but if we will speak accurately there is a difference between remission of sin , and the justification of the sinner . the justification of a sinner properly and strictly is the cleansing and purging of a sinner from the guilt of his sins by the gift and imputation of the righteousnesse of his surety jesus christ , for which his sins are pardoned , and the sinner freed from the punishment of sinne , and received into the favour of god. remission or forgivenesse of sins may be thus described . it is a blessing of god upon his church procured by the death and passion of christ , whereby god esteems of sinne as no sinne , or as not committed . or thus , it is an act of grace acquitting the sinner from the guilt and whole punishment of sin . every subject of christs kingdom hath his sins pardoned , isa. . ult . this is one of the priviledges of the church in the apostles creed , acts . , . and all his sins totally pardoned , exod. . , . micah . , . this is a great priviledge , psal. . . exod. . . it is no where to be had but in the church , because it is purchased by christs bloud , and is a fruit of gods eternal love . remission of sins is the principal part of redemption , col. . . ephes. . . one of the chief things in the covenant , ier. . heb. . the holy ghost seldom names it without some high expression , psal. . ephes. . remission of sins , and of which . this remission is both free and full , isa. . . ezek. . , . heb. . . manasseh , salomon , paul , mary magdalen were great sinners , yet pardoned . god doth of his own free grace and mercy forgive us our sins , psal. . . rom. . . eph. . . ioh. . . the word remitting or forgiving implies that sinne is a debt or offence , as christ cals it in his form of prayer . god is said to forgive when he takes away the guilt , and frees us from condemnation , isa. . . secondly , the inward cause in god which moves him to it is his grace , for god might have left all mankinde under the power of their sins , as he hath done the devils . thirdly , the outward meritorious cause is the bloud of christ. paul in the epistle to the hebrews largely shews , that it was the bloud of christ typified by the sacrifices that purgeth us from our sins , by christs merits gods grace is obtained . fourthly , the instrumental cause is faith , rom. . . & . . not considered as a work , but as an act of the soul receiving and applying christ to us , not going out to him as love doth , for then it were a work . fifthly , the immediate effect of it is sanctification , and the healing of our nature , rom. . . to be cleansed or washed from sin implies both the taking away the guilt of it , and giving power against our corruptions . for these six thousand years god hath been multiplying pardons , and yet free grace is not tired and grown weary . our sins are covered , psal. . . as a loathsom sore , cast into the sea , micah . . as pharaoh and the aegyptians , blotted out as a debt in a book , isa. . . psal. . . object . we have forgivenesse of sins upon a price , therefore we are not freely forgiven . answ. forgivenesse of sins and christs satisfaction may well consist , whatsoever it cost christ it costs us nothing . . it was infinite grace that god should ever intend to pardon a wretched sinner , ephes. . . . that he should give his son for this , and that this sinner should be pardoned , and not another . object . god will not forgive except we repent and beleeve , acts . . & . . answ. god promiseth forgivenesse to such only as repent and beleeve , but they have forgivenesse meerly from the grace of god , not from the worthinesse of their beleeving or repenting , hos. . . these graces are freely given them , to you it is given to beleeve , and god hath given repentance to the gentiles . to whom it appertains to remit sins . the power of remitting sins belongs only to god , i , even i blot out thy transgressions , isa. . . that is true in the gospel , though not well applied , who can forgive sins but god only ? because it is an offence against him , that you may know who hath power ( saith christ ) to forgive sins , i say unto thee , walk ; he only by his own power can forgive it , who by his own power can remove any judgement the effect of sinne . ministers are said to remit sins , iohn . . but that is because they have a special office to apply the promises of pardon to broken hearts . see luk . acts . . the ministery of reconciliation is committed to them as to the embassadours of christ , cor. . , , . an confessio auricularis sit necessaria ad remissionem peccatorum ? whether auricular confession be necessary to the remission of sins ? the church of rome a will have it necessary for every one to confesse unto a priest all his deadly sins ( and such indeed are all whatsoever without the mercy of god in christ , rom. . ult . gal. . . ) which by diligent examination he can finde out , together with the severall circumstances whereby they are aggravated . nothing will suffice to procure one that is baptized remission of sins without this confession , either in re , or in voto , as bellarmine b doth expound it . this is no small task which they impose upon the people of christ , quid molestius , quid onerosius ? saith bellarmine ; therefore sure they had need to have good warrant for it , especially being so peremptory as to anathematize all which shall refuse to subscribe unto them . no general councel untill that of laterane under innocent the third ( about twelve hundred years after christ ) decreed a necessity of auricular confession . erasmus ad act. . affirmeth , that it was not ordained by god , nor yet practised in the ancient church after christ. the hinge of the question is not concerning confession of sins in general unto a minister , but of particular sins ; neither whether we may , but whether we ought necessarily purpose a manifestation of every known mortal sin , and the grievous circumstances thereof , or otherwise stand hopelesse of all remission of our sins . b. mort. appeal , l . c. . s. . there is no ground in scripture for it , but much against it , in that the scripture in many places sheweth it sufficient , except in some cases , to confesse unto god only . besides such confession as papists require , viz. a particular enumeration of all mortal sins with their several aggravating circumstances , is not possible , and therfore not of divine institution . cardinal cajetane on iam. . acknowledgeth , non agi de sacramentali confessione . that confession matth. . . . was not made of every one apart , of every particular fault they had committed , and secretly in st iohns ear . . the greek word signifieth confession of known faults , and overthroweth the recital of secret sins which ear-confession requireth . . it is contrary to the nature of the meeting , which was publick . . to the nature of a sacrament administred , which being publick required a publick confession of mans corruption . . this was but once , and before baptism , and not as the papists have it here , and before the lords supper . cartw. in loc . the apprehension of the pardon of sin will sweeten every condition : . sicknesse , mat. . . . reproach , cor. . . . imprisonment , rom. . . . it will comfort one in the remainders of corruption , rom. . . . deadly dangers , the angel of god ( saith paul ) stood by me this night , whose i am , and whom i serve . . it will support us at the day of judgement , act. . . reasons . . because sin in the guilt of it doth imbitter every condition , even death it self , cor. . . then one looks upon every crosse coming from god as an avenger , ierem. . . and upon mercies as given him to fat him to destruction . secondly , this makes a man look upon every affliction as coming from a fathers hand , when he can look on sinne as pardoned , heb. . . there is an ira paterna . thirdly , remission of sins gives him boldnesse at the throne of grace , ephes. . . iohn . . how to know whether our sins be pardoned : . did you ever repent for sin , that is a necessary condition ( though not a cause ) of the forgivenesse of it , act. . . . examine your faith in christ , rom. . . being justified by faith we have peace with god. . remission and sanctification go together , heb. . . . there is a witnesse of bloud , iohn . . the spirit of god gives testimony of our justification as well as sanctification . whether peccata remissa redeant ? whom god justifieth , rom. . . that is , forgiveth their sins , them he glorifieth . the remission of sins is perfect , it makes as if the sin had never been , it is called blotting out and throwing into the bottom of the sea , taking of them away ; there is much difference between taking away the guilt and power of sinne , the later is taken away by degrees and in part , but the guilt of sinne is quite discharged , he will remember them no more ; the godly who have their sins fully remitted , do feel the sting and terrour of it in their consciences , as david psal. . yet it is not because it is not forgiven , but to make us humble and taste of the bitternesse of sin , thou maist yet take as much comfort in the pardon of all thy offences as if they had never been acted by thee . when god hath pardoned the fault all punishment is not necessarily taken away , but only punishment which is satisfactory to gods justice . remissa culpa remittitur & poena , isa. . . how are we healed , if notwithstanding christs passion and satisfaction , we are to be tormented for our sins with most bitter torments ? god is fully reconciled by christs satisfaction with the truly penitent , rom. . , . the chastisements of gods people come from a loving father , and are medicinal not penal . this overthrows , . popish indulgences , viz. relaxations from satisfactory pains in purgatory flames after this life , which rivet fitly termes emulgences . . prayers for the dead . where sins are forgiven , whether only in this world ? that parable matth. . is brought by some to prove that they are not only forgiven here ; this man who was forgiven ( say they ) because he did not do as he should , therefore had he all his former debts laid to his charge : nothing is argumentative from a parable , but what is from the scope and intention of it . this is the time only wherein a sin may be forgiven ; the foolish virgins would have got oyl when it was too late , but then they ran up and down to no purpose ; thus it is with all after death , then comes judgement , to day is the time of repentance , reconciliation , it is too late to cry out in hell , thou wilt be drunk , unclean no more . chap. viii . ii. imputation of christs righteousness . to impute in the general is to acknowledge that to be anothers which is not indeed his , and it is used either in a good or bad sense ; so that it is no more then to account or reckon . it is the righteousnesse of christ imputed to us and accepted for us by which we are judged righteous . blessed is the man to whom the lord imputeth right co●snesse without works , and again , that justifieth the ungodly . there is no appearing before god without the righteousnesse of christ , revel . . . if we be sinners by the imputation of adams sin , then are we also righteous by the imputation of christs righteousnesse , rom. . , . because his disobedience is imputed to us . peccatum adami it a posteris omnibus imputatur , ac si omnes idem peccatum patravissent . there is some difference between the imputation of our sins to christ , and his righteousnesse to us , for though our sinne was by imputation his , as his righteousnesse by imputation ours ; yet the manner of this imputation is not to be urged , as bellarmine would stretch it by our tenets , as by christs righteousnesse imputed to us , we are righteous truly though not inherently , yet christ by our sins cannot be called a sinner truly , he was reckoned among sinners , and god laid our sins upon him , yet he cannot be called a sinner , because he took our sins upon him not to abide but vanquish them , he so took them on him that he took them away , but his righteousnesse is so made ours as that it is to abide in us . object . the righteousnesse of christ as it flows from him being god and man is infinite , but we need no infinite righteousnesse , for we are not bound to do any more then adam was , he was not bound to be infinitely righteous . answ. christ must needs have infinite righteousnesse to be a mediatour , and to satisfie the justice of god , but for that righteousnesse which is communicated to us , it is so farre given as we need it , therefore some partake of it more , some lesse . three things will help us to judge whether we have christs righteousnesse : . if thou laist hold upon christ by faith , and choosest him to be thy lord , and adherest to him with all thy heart . . if thou loathe thy self in thy approaches to god , as the publicane , luke . . where ever christ puts on the soul imputed righteousnesse , he fails not to give inherent , cor. . . tit. . , . means to get the righteousnesse of christ : . labour to be thorowly convinced of thy own miserable condition , what a vile sinner thou art , rev. . lat . end . . study much the holinesse and purity of gods nature , iob . . study much christs righteousnesse . see mr burr . on matth . . . how beautiful a garment is the righteousnesse of god. . christs willingnesse to have thee put it on by faith . . put it on by faith , rely on christ , venture thy soul on him . whether god sees sin in justified persons . god is not so affected with the sins of his people ( to whom he is reconciled ) as to be an enemy to them for them , but he is angry with them for their sins , exod. . . deut . . reproves them , numb . . . and often punisheth them for them , kings . , , . cor. . , . they are said to be committed in his sight , psal. . . that text numb . . . is sufficiently vindicated from the antinomians by m. gataker in his treatise on the text , and * elswhere . that place hab. . . & . agrees with that in numbers , videt visione contemplationis , non visione comprobationis , he sees it because he beholds it , but not without displeasure and detestation , although he bear for a time . god could bestow such a measure of grace on his people , and so guide them with his spirit that they should not sin , but he doth not dispense his grace and spirit in such a measure as to keep his people free from sin , for then they should have no use of the lords prayer to beg remission of sins . the priests in the old testament offered first for their own sins , and then for the sins of others ; and christ taught the apostles in the new testament to pray , forgive us our debts , as we forgive our debters . chap. ix . whether one may be certain of his iustification . the scripture holds out assurance in reference , . to faith , heb. . . . hope , heb. . . . love , iohn . , . our knowing our justification is called the first fruits of the spirit , rom. . . the witnesse of the spirit , rom. . . the sealing of the spirit , ephes. . . the earnest of the spirit , cor. . . one may be certain . of his justification , isa. . . . of his adoption , isa. . . . of his perseverance in gods favour unto the end , psal. . . . that after this life he shall inherit eternal glory , cor. . . iohn . . there is a three-fold certainty , . moral , this consists in opinion and probability , and admits of fear . . of evidence , either external of things particular and obvious which comes by the senses , or internal , by the understanding and energy of principles . . of faith , this certainty is the greatest and exceeds the evidence of the outward senses , or the knowledge and understanding of all principles , because that full assurance of faith relies on the divine promises . faith is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ephes. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plena certioratio , heb. . . words that signifie a sure and certain establishment . assurance of gods grace and favour to save a mans self in particular is wrought in the hearts of those that have it in truth , in three degrees . first , they apprehend a possibility of it , when the heart is convinced of sinne , and wounded with sinne , when the law cometh in such power , the sinne reviveth and a man dieth , that is , findeth himself dead or in a damnable estate , even then the promises of the gospel being believed and acknowledged for first true , do cause the dejected spirit to support it self with this thought , the lord can forgive , can accept me , be a saviour to me . there are mercies enough in him , merits enough in christ , it is not impossible but that i even i also may be taken into grace . so the leper came to our saviour , saying , lord if thou wilt thou canst make me clean ; and the blinde men being asked by christ , believe you that i can do this for you ? said , yea lord ; to which he replied , be it unto you according to your faith . secondly , they apprehend a probability of it , not alone god can save me , but it may be also that he will , who can tell but god will have mercy upon us that we perish not ? as did the ninevites ; and hezekiah did wish that isaiah should cry mightily , if so be that the lord of heaven would hearken to the words of senacherib and deliver them . when bartimeus the blinde man came crying after christ , at first he was perswaded that christ could cure him , but then when he called him , and the people told him so much , he cast off his cloak and came running with more life , he began to be perswaded then that like enough christ meant him some good , and would restore him his sight . thirdly , they apprehend a certainty , a mans soul concludeth , the lord will pardon , will save , is reconciled , will deliver : god is my shepherd , i shall not want . thus doth assurance grow in the saints from weak beginnings ; first , he saith , i am sure god can save , and therefore i will run to him , then hopes god will help , and therefore i will continue seeking ; lastly , i am sure god will save , therefore i will most confidently rely upon him . there is a three-fold assurance : . of evidence , it is the duty of every christian to attain this . . of affiance which god doth accept of . . of obsignation , which god vouchsafes to some in bounty , whereby god doth so firmly seal the faith of some , as if he had told them that he did die in particular for them , this assurance really excludes doubtings , and is given to men after long and fiery trials , when they have stood in an eminent way for christ , as did the apostles and martyrs . some have been so swallowed up with joy , that they have cried out , lord humble me ; one to whom god revealed his election could neither eat , drink nor sleep for three dayes space , but cried out , laudetur dominus , laudetur dominus . gods people may have an infallible and setled assurance of their being in the state of grace , and their continuance therein . this may be proved , . from scripture . there is an expresse promise to this purpose , isa. . . see cor. . . heb. . . iohn . . to . & . . & . . ep. . . reason , . from the nature of this estate the state of grace is called life , translated from death to life , and light , life and light cannot be long hidden . again , a man is brought into this condition by a great change and alteration , and many times also sudden , great changes chiefly being sudden will be easily perceived . it is a passing from death to life , a translating from the power of darknesse into the kingdom of his dear sonne . the state of grace doth alwayes bring with it an earnest combate and conflict between two things extreamly contrary one to the other , flesh and spirit , this battel cannot be fought in the heart , but the man will feel it . in the state of grace christ dwelleth in the heart by faith , and by his spirit , and the word dwelleth there , the inhabiting of such guests is evident , a king goes not in secret with his train , nor the king of glory . . the lord hath afforded such helps to his servants , as may bring them to the knowledge of their own estate and their certain continuance therein . the word of god layes down the general proposition , all that turn shall live , all that believe shall be saved , the sacraments bring the general promises home to each particular soul , being a particular word , as much as if god should come and sayto the child , if thou be not careles to seek regeneration , and to come to me for it , i will surely regenerate and wash thee . the lords supper is an actual word too , as if god had said , if thou hast confessed thy sins with sorrow and dost labour to be perswaded of my will to pardon them in christ , be they pardoned , be they healed . the spirit of god worketh with the word and sacraments to make both effectual , and to stablish , strengthen and settle the soul that it shall not be moved . it sealeth them up to the day of redemption , that is , not only marks them for gods own , but as an earnest of their inheritance assures them , that by the power of the spirit they shall continue so . thirdly , god requireth of them such duties as it were in vain or impossible to do if they might not be assured of their estate and the perpetuity thereof , cor. . . pet. . . to what purpose were proving or trying , if the matter by no means could be brought to any infallible evidence ? how can our calling and election be made sure , unlesse a man may be assured that he is in the state of grace , and shall continue therein for ever ? we are bound to love and desire the last coming of christ , which we cannot do untill we be certified of his love . lastly , we are bound to rejoyce in god and that alwayes , and that in tribulation , rom. . . pet. . . and when we are persecuted for well-doing , which no understanding can conceive to be possible , unlesse the soul be assured of life eternal , that is to say , that he both is and shall continue a true christian. can one be glad to suffer the hardest things for christ , if he know not whether he intend to save or destroy him . we should have confidence in prayer , ioh. . . cry abba father , rom. . . that is , speak it with confidence and courage , there should be perfect love to god , ioh. . , . the triumph of faith , rom. . it is the proper work of the spirit to settle the heart of a believer in the assurance of eternal happinesse , cor. . . rom. . . cor. . . there is a three-fold work of the spirit : . to reveal unto us the things of christ , to enlighten the minde in the knowledge of them , iohn . . . the spirit draws the image of these upon the soul , conforms our hearts to the whole tenour of the gospel , in the work of regeneration and progresse of sanctification . . it brings in evidence to our souls of our interest in these things , gal. . , . rom. . . it is difficult to attain assurance : . from our own corrupt nature which enclines us to both extreams contrary to this , to presume or despair , prov. . . ps. . . rev. . . . from the world , our friends flatter us , and others load us with slanders and discourage us , as iobs friends did him . . from satan whose chief engine next to hinder our conversion , is to keep us from assurance , and to delude us with false assurance , and he joyns with our unbelief to make us despair . see ephes. . . . the nature of the thing it self is very difficult , because it is a matter of great largenesse , one must forsake all sinnes and creatures , true and false graces are very like , lukewarmnesse and the smoaky flax ; there is a variablenesse of minde even in the converted , gal. . . there are three means of difference , whereby presumption and the true sense of gods love are distinguished : first , presumption grows from a carelesnesse of ones estate in that he examines it not by the word ; true assurance follows the most serious examination of ones estate . secondly , presumption goes without book ; true assurance rests it self upon the evidence of gods word . thirdly , presumption imboldens to sinne , and makes carelesse of good duties ; true assurance encourageth to all goodnesse and withdraws the heart from sinne . the proper and natural fruits of assurance : . an undervaluing of all things here below , psal. . , . it is spoken of christ who lived on the alms of his servants . . this will comfort us under all afflictions , psal. . . . our love will be the more abundant to god , cant. . . . it will make a man to prepare for glory , iohn . . . one will desire daily to be dissolved that he may be with christ. motives to get assurance : first , every wise man will labour to get a good thing as sure as he can . many will question our title to eternal life ; satan follows believers with many objections and temptations , our hearts will joyn with him . secondly , when this is once got , the soul is possessed of the most invaluable treasure of this world . to walk in the light of gods countenance is a priviledge , . of honour . . comfort , iohn . . assurance is useful in life and death , for doing and suffering . thirdly , the devil most opposeth it and labours to keep men in the dark , that is an uncomfortable doubtful condition , isa . . fourthly , it may be attained in gods ordinary dispensation , under the gospel the whole church had it , cor. . . means to get and keep it : i. to get it : first , as doubts arise get them satisfied , and as soon as sins are committed get them pardoned , iohn . . be frequent in proving thy self , the word is the rule of this trial and examination , proving is a comparing our selves with the rule , the precepts and promises of gods word , to see whether we be such as they require or not ; david saith , commune with your own hearts upon your beds . cor. . . the necessity and utility of it will prove it sit to be done . the necessity of it , because of our exceeding aptnesse to deceive our selves and mistake , and satans diligence to beguile us . else if we be false we shall slatter our selves in vain , if true we shall want the comfort of it . but often proving will chase out hypocrisie . . an humble , patient , self-renouncing heart is that frame of spirit from which this assurance will never long be absent ; never did god reveal himself more to any then paul , who was vile in his own eyes , the least of sinners and greatest of saints . . labour to get a high esteem of this priviledge , think how happy thou shouldst be if god were thine in christ , mat. . . psal. . . & . . & . . and beg this assurance at gods hands . . labour to know faith above all other graces , all assurance comes into the soul by faith ; know the nature and object of faith , the promises the lord hath made to imbolden thee ; say with paul , i know whom i have believed ; renew acts of faith , and treasure up experiences . frequently meditate on gods commandments to believe , and on his faithfulnesse . ii. to keep it : by what means assurance may be held fast and confirmed more and more . . for the judgement . . for practice . the judgement must be rectified in some things : first , it must be concluded as a truth , that a man may be the true childe of god , and have true faith and holinesse in him , and yet not enjoy this assurance , iohn . . to believe in the name of the son of god , and to know one hath life , are not one and the same thing . secondly , one must know that such doubts and objections which are raised up against his being the childe of god without ground out of the word , are to be rejected and sleighted . thirdly , one must be rightly informed of the difference betwixt the obedience which the law and the gospel require , for both require obedience ( faith establisheth the law and makes a man become a servant of righteousnesse ) but the difference is exceeding great , the law exacteth compleat obedience , the gospel expecteth upright obedience . . for practice : first , renew repentance often , god often cloatheth such with garments of joy as tumble themselves in ashes , blessed are the mourners , for they shall be comforted . secondly , study sanctification , he must follow after holinesse that will see god , psal. . . constantly exercise grace , iohn . . thirdly , renounce all confidence in your own righteousnesse , and labour to be found in christ , having his righteousnesse , rom. . . fourthly , often and earnestly beg for the spirit of adoption to seal thee up to the day of redemption , and to reveal unto thee the things that are freely given thee of god. fifthly , communicate thy fears and doubts to thy brethren which be of understanding , and can consider and observe the consolations of god given them . chap. x. whether faith alone doth justifie . god justifies judicially , christs bloud meritoriously , faith instrumentally , works declaratively , rom. . , . rom. . . mar. . . luke . . act. . . the papists , socinians and remonstrants all acknowledge faith to justifie , but by it they mean obedience to gods commandments , and so make it a work , and not consider it as an instrument receiving christ and his promise . a papist , a socinian , a protestant saith , we are justified by faith , but dispositive , saith the papist , conditionaliter , saith the socinian , applicativè , saith the protestant . faith justifieth not as a quality * or habit in us , as the papists teach , ipsa fides censetur esse justitia , for so it is a part of sanctification , but as it is the instrument and hand to receive christ who is our righteousnesse , much lesse as it is an act , as socinus and his followers teach , as though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipsum credere , did properly justifie , if we should be justified by it as it is an act , then we should be justified by our works , and we should be no longer justified actually then we do actually believe , and so there should be an intercision of justification so oft as there is an intermission of the act of faith , but justification is a continued act . we are justified only by faith , for what else in scripture mean those many negatives , not by works , rom. . . gal. . . titus . . not of works , rom. . . ephes. . . not according to works , tim. . . without works , rom. . . not through the law , rom. . . not by the works of the law , rom. . ▪ without the law , rom. . . not but by faith , gal. . . how can a man be justified by his works when he himself must be just before the works can be , gen. . . good works make not a man good , but a good man makes a work good , and shall that work which a man made good return again and make the man good ? when we say , faith alone doth justifie , we do not mean fidem solitariam , that saith which is alone ; neither do we in construction joyn sola with fides the subject , but with justification the predicate , meaning that true faith though it be not alone , yet it doth justifie alone , even as the eye , though in respect of being it is not alone , yet in respect of seeing , unto which no other member doth concurre with it , it being the only instrument of that faculty , it is truly said to see alone , so faith though in respect of the being thereof it is not alone , yet in respect of justifying , unto which act no other grace doth concur with it , it being the only instrument of apprehending and receiving christ , is truly said to justifie alone . when we say by faith only , this opposeth all other graces of the same order , but not the merits of christ , or the efficacy of gods grace , the apostle rom. . makes it all one , to prove a man justified by grace , christ , and by faith . it is to be considered as alone in the act of justification , but not in the subject justified , therefore that is a reproach cast on protestants to call them solifidians . what the judgement of the catholicks before the councel of trent was in this matter of justification , b. carlton proves out of contarenus . we are said to be justified by faith , to live by it , to be saved by it , to have it imputed unto us for righteousness : all which is to be understood not principally , immediately , meritoriously in regard of any worth or dignity of it , or efficaciously in regard of any power or efficacy in it self , but mediately , subserviently , organically , as it is a means to apprehend christ his satisfaction and his sufferings , by the price and merit whereof we are justified , saved , and stand as righteous in gods sight , and as it hath a special respect and relation thereto . mr. gataker against saltmarsh , shadows without substance , pag. . in the covenant of works , works are considered as in themselves performed by the parties to be justified and in reference unto ought done , or to be done for them by any other ; whereas in the covenant of grace , faith is required and considered , not as a work barely done by us , but as an instrument or mean whereby christ is apprehended and received , in whom is found , and by whom that is done , whereby gods justice is satisfied , and life eternal meritoriously procured for us , that which carrieth the power and efficacy of all home to christ. object . faith is a work , therefore if we be justified by faith , then by workes . answ. with faith we must joyn the object of it , viz. christ , fides justificat non absolutè , sed relativè sc. cum objecto , non efficiendo sed afficiendo & applicando . the scripture saith , we are justified by faith , and through faith , but never for faith , or because of our faith , per fidem , ex fide , non propter fidem . we can only be justified by that righteousnesse which is universal and compleat , faith is a partial righteousnesse , phil. . . and as imperfect as other graces . object . gal. . . knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law , but by the faith of iesus christ. answ. but is adversative , that is , by faith alone . . only faith receives christ and a promise . faith justifies by the meer ordination of god , that on the receiving of christ , or resting on him we shall be justified . the proper act of faith which justifieth , is , the relying on christ for pardon of sin . to justifie doth not flow from any act of grace , because of the dignity and excellency of that act , but because of the peculiar nature , that it doth receive and apply , therefore to receive christ and to believe in him is all one , and faith is alwayes opposed to works . bellarmine objects , that to apply is a work or action ; it is true , it is a grammatical action , but a predicamental passion . but saith bellarmine , love layeth hold on christ , and by love we are made one , but yet there is a difference , love makes us one with christ extramittendo , faith intramittendo , and besides love joyneth us to christ after we are made one by faith , so that it cannot justifie us . paul and iames do not contradict one another ; paul sheweth what is that which justifieth , and iames sheweth what kinde of faith justifieth , viz. a lively effectual faith . iames sheweth that faith justifieth quae viva , paul sheweth that it doth not justifie qua viva , which is a great difference though the remonstrants scoffe at such a nicety , who would give a lemmon-paring for the difference ? whether sanctification precede justification . bishop downame in his appendix to the covenant of grace , doth oppose my worthy tutor m. pemble for holding this opinion , but perhaps a distinction may solve all . as sanctification is taken for the act of the holy ghost working holinesse into us , so it goes before faith and justification , so the apostle puts it before justifying , saying cor. . . but ye are sanctified , justified ; but as it is taken for the exercise of holinesse in regard of amendment of heart and life , so it follows justification in nature , but it is joyned with it in time . the apostle rom. . . placeth vocation before justification , which vocation is the same thing with the first sanctification or regeneration . see act. . . chap. xi . of sanctification . having spoken of the relative change , or of our state in adoption , justification , i shall now speak of the moral change of our persons and qualities in sanctification . although we distinguish between justification and sanctification , yet we acknowledge that they are inseparable , and that one doth necessarily follow the other . to sanctifie sometimes signifies first , to acknowledge the holinesse of a thing , so god is said to sanctifie himself , and his own name , or to use it according to its holinesse : so we are said to sanctifie the lord and the sabbath-day , that is ; use it holily . secondly , to make holy , so a person or thing may be said to be made holy three wayes : . when it is separated from a common use . . when it is devoted to god , made peculiar to him , so one might sanctifie a house or beast . . when it is cleansed and purged from all filthinesse and naughtinesse . in the two first senses it is opposed to common and prophane , in the last to unclean in scripture , such are goods , houses , the temple . what sanctification is . some describe it thus : it is the grace of god dwelling in us , by which we are inabled to live a holy life . it is a supernatural work of gods spirit , whereby the soul and body of a beleever are turned to god , devoted to him , and the image of god repaired in all the powers and faculties of the soul. it is a resolution of will and endeavour of life to please god in all things , springing from the consideration of gods love in christ to mankinde revealed in the gospel . sanctification is a continued work of the spirit flowing from christ as the head , purging a man from the image of adam , and by degrees conforming us to the image of christ. . it is an act of the spirit . the special work of the father is creation , of the sonne redemption , of the holy ghost sanctification . the father proposed and plotted the work of reconciliation . christ undertook the service , but the spirit is the unction that takes away all enmity that is within us . the spirit dwels in the saints virtually and operatively by his gifts , graces , comforts , and by exciting them . some dislike that passage of luther * , habitat ergo verus spiritus in credentibus non tantum per dona , sed quoad substantiam , though others of our divines follow him . the spirit of god is the efficient cause of sanctification . the sanctified are called such as are in the spirit , and walk in the spirit , if we mortifie the deeds of the flesh by the spirit we shall live . if any be led by the spirit he is the son of god ; and if any ▪ have not the spirit he is none of his , eze. . . the holy ghost useth the word of god , the doctrin of the gospel as its immediate instrument to work this holiness of heart and life . christ sends his spirit that by the word works faith and all graces . an act of the spirit flowing from christ as the head , common works of the spirit flow not from christ as the head , iohn . . col. . . christ is the common treasury of all that grace god ever intended to bestow , iohn . . the intendment of union is communication . . a continued work of the spirit to distinguish it from vocation , conversion , regeneration , it is stiled vocation , because it is wrought by a heavenly call , conversion , because it is the change of a mans utmost end , regeneration because one receives a new nature and new principles of action . the carrying on of this work in blotting out the image of old adam , and by degrees introducing the image of christ is sanctification , cor. . . therefore we must have supplies of the spirit , psal. . . sanctification is answerable to original corruption , and intended by the lord to be a plaister as broad as the sore . that was not one sinne , but a sinne that had all sinne : so this is not one distinct grace , but a grace that comprehends all grace . it is called the new man in opposition to the old man , because it makes us new , changing from the natural filthinesse of sinne to the righteousnesse and holinesse whereof we were deprived by the fall of adam , and to note the author of it , which is the spirit of god working it in us , called the holy spirit , because he is so in himself , and works holinesse in us , the divine nature , because it is a resemblance of that perfection which is in god , and the image of god for the same cause , because it maketh us in some degree like unto him . the moving cause is the consideration of the love of christ to mankinde revealed in the gospel , the matter of it , a resolution and constant endeavour to know and do the whole will of god revealed in his word , psal. . . & . . the forme ▪ a conformity to gods law or whole will so revealed , psal. . the end principal to glorifie and please god , secondary to attain his favour and eternal happinesse . the extent must be in all things , the subject of it is the whole man , the whole soul and body . sanctification reacheth to the frame of his heart . david hid the law of god in his heart , the inward man , therefore called a new-creature ; and outward conversation , therefore called a living to god , thess. . . the parts of it are two , mortifying and crucifying the old man with its lusts and affections , quickning the new man , bringing forth the fruit of the spirit . the properties of it : . it is sincere . . constant , therefore it is called a walking in the way of the lord. . imperfect here . . grows and proceeds toward perfection . a godly life is distinguished , . from the false goodnesse of the hypocrite , for that is willing sometimes to do gods will , not with such a setled will as to indeavour it , and willing in some things , not in all things to do gods will. the motive to that is only love of himself , or some outward thing . . from the perfect goodnesse which was required in adam in the covenant of works , for that was not only a will and endeavour to know and do , but an actual knowing and doing . they differ as much as shooting at the mark and hitting it . purity consists in freedom from mixture with that which is of a baser nature , as when silver is mixed with lead or drosse it is impure . all godly men must be pure , titus . . the apostle paul describes godly men by this epithete ; our saviour telleth his apostles , now are you clean , or pure ( all is one ) by the word which i have spoken unto you , joh. . . mat. . . ps. . . cor. . . he that hath this hope purisieth himself as he is pure . reasons . . because he hath to do with a god of pure eyes which can abide no iniquity nor unclean thing , and therefore one must be pure , else he cannot possibly be accepted with him , nor have any of his services favourably entertained . . the lord jesus by his spirit and word , and by faith doth dwell in the heart of his people ; now faith , the word and spirit , will purisie , all these are clean and pure things , of a cleansing and purging nature , therefore he in whom they be must be pure . purity or being purged is opposed to foulnesse and uncleannesse . uncleannesse is a deformity cast upon a thing through the cleaving to it of some thing worse and baser then it self . sinne is the uncleannesse of the soul which defiles it , and makes it deformed and unpleasing to god , so that he can take no delight in it , not admit it into any society and familiarity with himself ; purity is a freedome from sin , because that is the only thing which can pollute the soul. there is a double freedom from sinne , one when it is not at all in the soul , nor no spots or stain of it , and so no man is pure ; another when no uncleannesse is suffered to remain , but is washed off and purged away by the application of the bloud of christ , and the water of true repentance , so that no stain of sinne is there allowed or suffered to rest upon the soul , and this is the purity meant , sam. . . when a man is careful to observe , lament , confesse , resist , crave pardon of , and strive against all the sinful and corrupt fruits of his evil and naughty nature which cannot be altogether repressed . how far this purity must extend : . to the heart , which salomon wisheth a man to keep with all diligence , and of which the apostle saith , that faith purifieth the heart , because god searcheth the heart , and his pure eyes do principally look unto the inside . . to the tongue likewise ; salomon saith of the pure , his words are pure . . to the actions , psal. . . he then is a pure man which doth with such due care oppose and resist the sinfulnesse of his nature , that either it doth not break forth into sinful thoughts , words and deeds , or if it do , he labours presently to purge himself by confessing and bewailing the same before god , by humble begging of pardon , by renewing his purposes and resolutions of amendment , and by labouring to rest upon the bloud and merits of christ for pardon . he that doth this is altogether as free from sinne in gods account , as if he had not sinned , god esteeming him as he is in christ. the excellency of the work of sanctification : christians look on the grace of adoption , justification and spiritual wisdom , as high priviledges , but through the devils policy they look on this as a drudgery , whereas there is not a greater priviledge or higher favour ; all the subjects of christs kingdom are holy , isa. . . & chap. . they have gods image repaired in them , which consists in righteousnesse and true holinesse . holinesse is a conformity of the frame of the heart to the will of god. christs life is communicated to them , whereby they die to their corruptions , and labour to live according to the rules of the gospel . this is a great priviledge to be a saint . reasons , . because holinesse is the lords own excellency , it is his great attribute , he is glorious in holinesse ; the cherubims ( isa. . ) sing holy ; and the church sings so in the revelation . . it is the image of god wherein he created man , when he intended to make him a beautiful creature . see ephes. . . . it is a great part of the happinesse which the people of god shall enjoy in heaven to all eternity , ephes. . . . a soul that is empty of it is abominable in gods sight , psal. . . hab. . . there are but two sorts of creatures capable of holinesse , angels and men , the angels as soon as they were sin'd ▪ for ever thrust out of heaven , as soon as man sinn'd , god cast him out of paradise , and god left the greatest number of men to perish . . god every where pronounceth such blessed , and makes great promises to them . this priviledge is communicated to every one under the dominion of christs grace , isa. . from vers . . to . pet. . , . and to none else , the world is satans kingdom . this serves to comfort and cheer the soul , what ever god doth for any he never gives a greater pledge of his love then to sanctifie them . god gives holinesse for the onely great standing evidence of his favour ; holinesse is the evidence of thy election , calling , justification , adoption : justification and adoption have comforts which sanctification hath not , yet this cleares them to me . the work of sanctification is imperfect in all the servants of god , while they are in this world , rom. . per totum , the seventh and eighth chapters . cor. . . ephes. . . to the end . first , those gracious qualities which the spirit of god hath wrought in the soul , are but feeble and initial , cor. . we know , love , and beleeve but in part . secondly , there remains still a body of corruption , a depravation of all the faculties of the soul , which consists in aversnesse from that which is good , and pronenesse to all evil , therefore sanctification consists in mortifying those reliques of corruption , col. . . rom. . lat . end . iohn . lat . end . thirdly , while gods people are in this world no good things they do are perfect , yea they are all tainted with corruption , isa . . the lord could as easily make sanctification perfect , as justification . he hates the stain of sinne as well as the guilt , and the law requires a pure nature as well as pure life , but god suffers the work of sanctification to be imperfect , and these reliquiae vetustatis ( as augustine cals them ) remain . . because he would have his people fetch their life from the intercourse they have with christ , the exercise of faith , and delights that his people should stand in need of christ , if sanctification were perfect , christ should have nothing to give . . he would exercise his people in prayer and confessions . his people ask for themselves in prayer the destroying of corruption and perfecting of grace . . god loves to have his people nothing in themselves ; all christs course on earth was an abased condition , god would have his people like christ low and base . . the lord hath appointed that this life should be to his people a warfare . iob . . their great conflict is with their own lusts . . because he would have his people long to be in heaven , cor. . . . that he might thereby magnifie the grace of the new covenant above all that he gave in the old ; god gave perfect grace to angels and to adam and his posterity ; but that vanished away , yet now a spark of graces lives in a sea of corption . . hereby gods patience and forbearance is much exalted to his own people , numb . . , . therefore it is hard to discern whether the work of sanctification be wrought in us or no , because of the reliques of corruption . evidences of sanctification : . a heart truly sanctified stands in awe of the word ; sanctification is the law written in the heart , a principle put into the soul answerable to the duty the law requires , iohn . , . . the remainders of corruption and the imperfection of grace will be his continual burden , rom. . . cor. . . . there is a continual combate maintained betwixt sin and grace . . where there is true sanctification it is of a growing nature ; living things will grow , pet. . . mal. . , . . where there is true grace you shall especially see it when god cals you to great trials , natura vexata seipsum prodit , gen. . . means to get holinesse . only the spirit of christ bestowed upon thee by faith , ioh. . . the apostles arguments to holinesse are taken from their interest in christ. titus , the grace of god that brings salvation . faith in the bloud of christ , heb. . . see act. . . the word , john . . pet. . . the word read , heard , meditated in , transformeth the soul into its likenesse . the sacrament is a sanctifying ordinance , the death and merits of christ set before us , prayer , pray more for gods sanctifying spirit , thess. . . chap. xii . the parts of sanctification are two , mortification and vivification . i. mortification . vvhere grace is truly wrought it will be the daily study and practise of those that are sanctified , to subdue the body of corruption . this is called a dying to sinne , putting off the old man , crucifying the flesh , most usually the mortifying of it . there is a twofold mortification , and so vivification , say the schoolmen , . habitual and more internal , the work of gods spirit in our first regeneration , gal. . . whereby the dominion of sinne is subdued and brought under the power of gods spirit , this and internal vivification are the two parts of our conversion . . actual , practical and external , our own work , the daily practice of a childe of god , while he lives on earth , this flows from the other . every godly man walking according to christianity , doth daily in his ordinary course mortifie the body of corruption that dwels in him , rom. . , . ephes. . , , . col. . . gal. . . rom. . . mortifie ( or make dead ) is a metaphor taken from chiturgeons whose practice is when they would cut off a member to apply such things as will eat out the life of it , so our care must be to make the living body of corruption instar cadaveris . practical mortification , is the faithful endeavour of the soul to subdue all the lusts and motions which are prone to spring from our sinful flesh . it stands in three things : . a full purpose or bent of the heart ( the minde and will ) against sinne , when my will doth nolle peccatum , though it may be active . . in shunning all the occasions that serve as fewel to it . . in applying all such means as may subdue his corruptions . the practice of mortification is . a necessary duty . . one of the most spiritual duties in all christianity . . the hardest duty . the popish exercises of mortification consisting in their kinde of fasting , whipping , pilgrimage and wearing of hair-cloth next their skin , will never work true mortification in the heart , yet baals priests exceeded them in cruelty to themselves , king. . . see rom. . . col. . , tim. . . in these cases one doth not mortifie his corruptions : . such a one as lives in the voluntary practice of his sins , rom. . . the body of corruption may be wholly unmortified though it break not out in the ordinary and constant practice of any grosse sin , the seat and throne of sin is in the soul , the slavish fear of shame and punishment from men , or eternal damnation from god may keep a man from grosse sins . i shall lay down . motives or several meditations to quicken us to the study of this work every day . . means which god will blesse to one that is willing to have his lusts subdued . i. motives . consider . this is the great thing god requires at our hands as our gratitude for all the goodnesse he bestows on us , that for his sake we should leave those wayes that are abominable in his sight , rom. . . ephes. . , . peter . begin . deut. . . secondly , how deeply we have obliged our hearts to it by vow , oath , covenant in baptism , we have there covenanted to die to sinne , put off the old man , and so in the lords supper we shew forth the lords death , and when we have been in danger . thirdly , the manifold evils of unmortified lusts abiding in the heart . what makes thy soul loathsom and unclean in the eyes of god and angels but sin : what grieves god , pierceth his sonne , fights against him but this : what brings any evil upon thee but this : what is the sting of any affliction but onely thy sins : what strengthens death but it ? it is only thy sins that keep good things from thee , thy unmortified sins . fourthly , the absolute necessity of this work , if we mean to escape hell and everlasting damnation , de necessariis non est deliberandum , rom. . . cor. . . grave maurice at newport battel , sent away the boats , and said to his men , either drink up this sea or eat the spaniards . fifthly , the wonderful gain that will come to thy soul if the lord teach thee this duty . . in mortifying and destroying thy beloved lusts thou destroyest all other enemies with them , they all receive their weapons from thy sins . . all other mercies flow in a constant current , if thou mortifie thy corruptions , gods favour , the whole stream of the covenant of grace . ii. means of mortification . some use moral motives , from the inconvenience of sinne , death , the fear of hell and judgement , some carnal motives as esteem and advantage in the world ; others natural , moderate in things indifferent , and shunning the occasions of sinne , the meditating on the death of christ is the purest and most effectual way of mortifying sinne , pet. . . look upon christs death not only as a pattern but cause of mortification , iohn . . heb. . . . look upon sin as the causes of christs sufferings , zech. . . act. . . . consider the greatnesse and dreadfulnesse of his sufferings , rom. . . . the fruit of his sufferings , col. . . . reason must argue from the end of christs sufferings which was mortification as well as comfort and pardon , iohn . . ephes. . . improve the death of christ : . by faith , rom. . . & . . . by prayer , heb. . . . a preparation to this duty . labour daily to finde out thy sins ; we are naturally very prone to entertain a good opinion of our selves and discern not many evils in us . . study the law , rom. . i was alive without the law , but when i saw the inward motions of sinne were abominable to god , i died ; compare thy own soul with it . . study thy own wayes , when thou art crost , how art thou troubed ? say , is not this anger , when others reproach thee , how art thou troubled ? say , is not this pride and self-love ? . have an ear open to the admonition of faithful friends , leave not thy heart till it plead guilty . . make use of ordinances , the word read and heard , prayer , the sacrament : after he had commanded them to put off the old man , colos. . he saith , let the word dwell plentifully in you . david begs of god to strengthen him . . take heed and shun all the occasions that foment and cherish thy corruptions , . inward , thy own thoughts ; we cure the itch by cleansing the bloud . iob . . why should i think on a maid ? . outward , there are two of all sins , . idlenesse the devils cushion . . evil company . . upon special seasons there must be the solemn exercise of fasting and humiliation , because we must mortifie the inclinations of sin , iam. . . chap. xiii . ii. of vivification . there are two parts of a christians duty , dying to sinne and living to god. it is called living to god , rom. . . gal. . . to holinesse , the life of righteousnesse , rising to christ. it is first habitual , when the spirit of god infuseth such principles , where by we are able to live unto god. secondly , practical vivification is the constant endeavour of a beleever to exercise all those graces which the spirit of god hath planted in him . the life of a thing is the acting according to the principle of it , so something daily draws out the exercise of those holy graces the spirit of god hath wrought in him , prov. . . practical vivification reacheth to all things which concern christianity , but consists in two things : . the active bent and propensenesse of the inward man to the things of gods kingdom . . strength and ability to act according to the rule . the school-divines make this spiritual bent to stand in five things : . in oppugnatione vitiorum , the same with practical mortification . . in contemptu terrenorum . . in repulsione tentationum . . in tolerantia afflictionum . . in aggressione bonorum operum quamvis arduorum . this strength comes . from the principle within , the life of the habits . . the spirit of god dwels in them , and stirs them up to act . this new life is christs rather then our own . he is the root and author of the life of grace , iohn . . the gospel is the ministration of life , col. . . iohn . , . tim. . . there is a threefold life : . natural or personal . . politick . . divine or spiritual . . the natural life flows from the union of soul and body . . the politick life comprehends all those things which people perform one to another by vertue of their relations and associations of people together by lawes . thirdly , spiritual life which ariseth from the intercourse between god and the soul. there is a great similitude and dissimilitude between also the natural and spiritual life . they agree in these things , . natural life supposeth some generation , so doth spiritual life , therefore it is called regeneration , iohn . . . what the soul is to the body in the natural life , that is god to the soul in a spiritual life . as the soul is the principle of all the actions and operations in the body , so in the spiritual life christ works all but by the man. . so long as the soul is in the body , one is an amiable creature , when that is gone he is but a carkasse ; so , so long as god is with the soul it is in good plight . . where there is life there is sense and feeling ; spiritual life is seen by the tendernesse of the heart , ephes. . , . it is sensible of injuries done to it by sin , rom. . . or the decayes of it by gods absence . . where there is life there is a nutritive appetite , an instinct to preserve life , pet. . . this life is nourished by the ordinances and constant influences of the spirit . . where there is life there will be growth ; gods people grow more wise , solid . they differ thus . the union between the soul and body is natural , between god and the soul from free grace . . in the natural life there is an indigence till the soul and body be joyned , but there is no want on gods part though he be not united to the soul. . the soul and man united make one person , so do not god and the soul. . the natural life comes wholly from corrupt principles , and it is a fading life , iam. . . but he that lives this one life once , lives it for ever , ioh. . . this divine spiritual life stands in two things : first . we by our apostasie are fallen off from god , when god restores us to life , he restores us to his favour , ephes. . from v. . to the end , and so sin and the curse is removed . secondly , there is wrought in the soul a sutable frame of spirit to do the thing● agreeable to the will of god , an inward principle of holinesse , the repairing of gods image in us , ephes. . ch . quickned by him . christ is our life , and the fountain of this spiritual life three wayes : . he is the meritorious cause of it , he hath purchased all this for us by his bloud , he bare the wrath of god for us by his active and passive obedience . he hath merited that all this life should be communicated to us . . he is the efficient cause of it , works all this in and to us ; he sends his holy spirit into the souls of all those whom he means to save , applies to them their peace and pardon , and quickens them . . as he is the exemplar , rule and copy how our life should be led . the preaching of the gospel is the ministration of this life thus : . in the letter of it , though delivered by never so faithful ministers it is able to do nothing , therefore these things are often preacht and men not bettered ; when the spirit accompanies it , it is efficacious : see rom. . . phil. . . the preaching of the gospel is , . the only means of the revelation of this life , tim. . . . it is the divine seed , whereby the lord conveys this life , and begets it in the soul , pet. . , . this work of the gospel consists in five things ; . the preaching of the gospel opens the understanding , makes us see the misery of sinne , and the excellency of christ , and the things of god , ephes. . cor. . . it makes the will and affections to relish christs sweetnesse , perswades the heart to chuse him , and consent that god and they may be united in a league of friendship , this is the work of faith . . turns the heart from all evil wayes it walkt in ; men are said to be pull'd out of the power of satan . . creates in the soul , and stampes in it all the graces wherein gods image stands . . by administration of the promise and instruction fortifieth the soul , and makes one do all things belonging to this life . arminians give too much to man , and too little to christ. antinomians and familists give too much to christ , and too little to man. they give so much to christ that they abolish the nature and act of the creature , they say , christ must do all , and we can do nothing . they dream of an insensible motion without us , place grace in a naked apprehension , there must be not onely a work for us , but in and by us . the work of the father is in heaven , of christ on the crosse , of the spirit within us , col. . . they deny not onely mans work , but the spirits work in us , rom. . . secondly , they say , christ must do all , and we after we have received grace , nothing , there is not a coordination but subordination of our wils to his grace , though at our first conversion we were meerly passive , yet when grace is received we may act , motion follows life . col. . . the familists deny all inherent graces in the saints , because it is said we do not live , but christ , he ( they say ) beleeves , repents , as if we lived not at all , and he is formally all habits and graces ; but the scripture grants habits and graces to be in a man , iohn . . matth. . . iohn . . . the sins of our actions then could not be charged on our selves , but on the faint operations of his grace . marks and evidences of spiritual life : first , every creature which lives values life , a living dog is better then a dead lion. if one values his life he will prize , . pabulum vitae , attend on the ordinances , the word , sacrament , prayer , communion of saints . peter . as new born babes . cantic . . latter end . . he will avoid what is destructive to life ; beware of grieving and quenching the spirit , ephes. . . thess. . . by neglecting the motions of it , or noysome lusts . . he will endure any evil and part with any good rather then part with life . secondly , this new life brings alwayes a great change along with it : when a childe quickens in the mothers womb she findes a great change , so when paul and manass●h and the blinde man , ioh. . were converted , unlesse they were religiously trained up , as timothy from their youth . thirdly , sense , a spiritual sense in the soul , senses exercised , savour the things of god , rom. . fourthly , every life hath some kinde of motions and actions that are sutable to it , as in this spiritual life . . that inward work of adhering to christ as their chief portion , the fountain of all their good , a true faith . . repentance , labouring to cast out corruption , and to turn to god. . the spirit of prayer , you have received the spirit of adoption whereby you cry abba father . our law judgeth a childe alive that was heard to cry . . the minding of heavenly things , col. . , . . life hath a sympathy , a fellowship with those that are members of the body , the same quickning spirit lives in all christians , weep with them that weep , and rejoyce with them that rejoyce . . if we be regenerated we do that to god which children do to their father . . honour him and stand in awe of him . . rely on him as the fountain of all our good , as children do on their parent● for a supply of all their wants . . are obedient to him . motives to live to god : . it is a dishonour to god when the creature seeks to exalt self , that which i make my utmost end i make my god , phil. . . . consider the self-denial of christ , he came from heaven to do the will of him that sent him , rom. . . means of spiritual life : . labour to get thy miserable condition by nature set close upon thy spirit , how thou art dead in sin . . study to get into christ , iohn . . onely he can quicken , he is never got but by faith , luke . the prodigal is the pattern of a converted soul. see vers . . chap. xiv . the sanctification of the whole man soul and body . vve should live more to the soul then body , psal. . . & . . & . . & . . . the soul is distinct from the body , as the operations of it shew . . it lives when the body dies , eccles. . . mat. . . . it is far better then the body . . the concernments of the soul are higher then those of the body , pet. . beginning . . the sicknesse and death of the soul is worse then that of the body , king. . . ioh. . , . . we never live to any purpose but when the soul lives . . of the faculties of the soul. grace spreads it self through all the faculties . a faculty is an ability of producing some effect or operation agreeable to our nature and for our good , implanted in man by nature . there are three reasonable faculties proper to men alone : . the understanding , by which we know truth . . the will , by which we desire good . . conscience , a power of ordering our selves to and with god. i. of the understanding . it is that power which god hath given a man to acquaint himself with the being , properties and differences of all things by discourse . or , it is that faculty by which we are able to inform our selves of the general natures of things . sense alone perceives particulars , the understanding abstracts things and forms in it self the general natures of things . i see this or that man , but understand the nature of man. the object of it is omne intelligibile . truth in general in the utmost latitude and universality of it is the object of the understanding , good in the general in the universality of its nature is the object of the will , therefore till it come to enjoy god , which doth eminently contain all good in him , it can never come to have full satisfaction . light was the first thing in the creation , and so in the new creature , eph. . . he hath a new judgement speculative and practical . . speculative , he apprehends and discerns those reasons and arguments against sin and for grace , more then ever he did , he is amazed to consider what darknesse and folly he lived in before , cor. . . . practical , he applies the things he knows for his humiliation and exercise , he so knoweth truths that he loves them and delights in them , he knows them experimentally . conversion of a man is a divine teaching of him , isa. . . ierem. . . iohn . . the properties of this teaching : . it is necessary , without this all other teaching is in vain ; david often prayes that god would teach him his statutes , open his eyes ; the ministers teach the ear , god the heart . . efficacious , iob . . . clear and distinct , hence gods word is called a light , and it is called the riches of the assurance of understanding . . practical , it is an acknowledgement after godlinesse , verba scripturae non sunt verba legenda , sed vivenda , said luther . . abundant under the gospel , all shall know me from the greatest to the least . knowledge shall cover the earth as the waters do the sea. a great part of conversion lieth in the renewing of the minde , rom. . . ephes. . , . phil. . . this renewing consists first , in knowledge , and that . doctrinally , of the truths to be beleeved , this is the very foundation , and that which is called historical faith , that is , a knowledge with an assent to those truths which are recorded in scripture ; many may have this and more which yet are not converted ; but yet where conversion is , this must necessarily precede , cor. . . whom god converts he enlightens , iohn . . cor. . . mans whole conversion is called a teaching . . practically , partly of our own filthinesse , iohn . it was necessary for nicodemus to know his natural filthinesse , partly of christ , sinne will overwhelm the soul without this , rom. . , . ephes. . , . one must know his own poverty and christs riches , his own guilt and his satisfaction . . it makes the heart beleeve and assent to these truths , the understanding doth not only need converting grace to turn , but to assent and firmly to adhere to the truths revealed , to the promises manifested , for the heart doth not turn to god by knowing the promises , but by firm relying on them , and this is that which is called trusting so much in the psalms . . the judgement is induced to approve of gods word , his precepts and promises a● the best . he accounts those things best and worst which the word doth . the converted man esteems of gods favour and freedom from corruption more then all the glory and riches of the world . . the minde is in part sanctified in regard of the thoughts , they were roving , distracted , impertinent and very frothy ; now the minde is renewed about them , so that it hath more holy thoughts , more composed , more profitable and united in all duties and performances , more low thoughts of our selves , and high thoughts of christ. . it looketh then only to gods word , my sheep hear my voice ; to the law and the testimony . . their minde is renewed in respect of consultations . paul consulted not with flesh and bloud , he subjects all to the glory of god and this word . . he invents holy purposes , means and wayes to propagate gods glory . . he discerns things that differ , rom. . . chap. xv. of the sanctification of the will. gods great work in conversion is in the will , isa. . . revel . . . ps. . . ephes. . . when ever he converts the soul he subdues the will , chron. . . phil. . . grace is a resignation of our selves to the will of god , rom. . . cor. . . though the will of man be subdued in conversion , and made free , yet it is not perfectly made free , as a degree of blindnesse that remains in the understanding , so a degree of bondage in the will. the work of conversion is never perfected till the will be gained , it begins in the mind , ephes. . . but ends in the will , deut. ● . . all liberty must proceed from liberum judicium , a judgement of the understanding not mislead by sensitive objects . aquinas . the will is renewed in a godly man in these particulars : . it is made flexible , so paul when he was converted , lord , what wilt thou have me to do ? psal. . . & . . this will is broken which before was contumacious and stubborn , isa. . . . tender , it was hardened before , this is implied in that , a fat heart , that hath no sense or feeling , either of gods displeasure or the fearful e●●a●e it is in ; the man converted hath a heart of flesh , ezek. . . which is opposed there to a stony heart that is , senslesse and stupid . . it is moved upon pure motives for the holinesse of the precepts . david prizeth gods word above thousands of gold and silver ; for the spiritual profit of it , it would quicken and enlarge his heart , support him in afflictions . . it is established and setled in a good way , the honest heart holds fast the word of god , cleaves to the lord with full purpose of heart . . it is made efficacious and fervent in holy things , their services are free-will offerings , chron. . . rom. . . . in regard of its acts , . in its election and choice it is sanctified , preferring holy and eternal things before sinne and temporal , heb. . moses chose the reproaches of christ before the treasures of aegypt : election is an act of the will about the means , and answereth to consultation in the understanding . . in its consent , it consents to god and christ , isa. . . cor. . . rom. . . . in regard of the power it hath over the other faculties , for it commands the other powers of the soul , as on the understanding , to make it think and reason about this or that , pet. . . it sets the understanding on searching the truth and finding it out , and the will delights it self in good things . . it is adorned with those habitual graces which are necessary for it . . fiducial recumbency and trusting in god , the will renewed rol● it self upon jesus christ , and hath confidence and boldnesse . . love to god above all other things , therefore he saith , i will circumcise you , that you shall love the lord your god with all your heart . . a divine hope which keepeth up the soul in all difficulties , lam. . . obedience is the vertue of the will by which it is flexible to gods will in all things , and for his sake . here coeca obedientia , blinde absolute obedience is as necessary and commendable , as in friars to their superiours it is foolish and unreasonable ▪ vide daven . determ . quaest. . there is a two-fold obedience : . legal , so to keep gods wayes as to do all which the ten commandments require at all times , in all fulnesse , without any the least failing in matter or manner which was the bargain made with our first parents adam and eve , and which by nature lies on us , do this and live ; such a keeping of the law is utterly impossible , for paul saith , that which the law could not do in as much as it was weak through the flesh . the law cannot bring us to heaven , because our flesh in breaking it disableth it from giving us the reward which is promised to absolute perfection , and by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified ; if we could perform such an obedience , we needed not any mediator . . evangelical , a true striving to perform the former obedience , it is an upright and hearty endeavour after the fore-named perfect obedience . for the gospel doth not abolish the law from being the rule of our life , but alone from being the means of our justification , and so from bringing the malediction of the law upon us , but it establisheth the law as a rule of good life , tying and inabling us to labour with uprightnesse and sincerity to perform all things written in the law in all perfection . the obedience of the law excludes all defects , that of the gospel all wilful defects and allowed sins . this obedience is two-fold : . counterseit , false and feigned , when the will in some things yeelds to gods will , not because it is his will , but because his will doth not much crosse the motions of theirs , this is the obedience of hypocrites . . true and hearty , when for gods own sake principally the will frames it self in all things to stoop unto him . of this there are two degrees , one perfect when the will is wholly carried after gods will without any gainsaying , with the full sway and whole swinge of it , this was only in adam . . imperfect , when the will opposeth it self to its own disobedient inclinations , and doth consent to obey , and is displeased with its own disobedience . we must all set our selves to yeeld true obedience to god , how often and earnestly doth moses inculcate this , deut. . . & . . if ye love me , keep my commandments , saith christ. peter saith , we must yeeld our selves to god as those that are risen from the dead , meaning quickened in soul by vertue of christs resurrection , king. . , . reasons . first , from god. . in regard of his right to rule , he is the author of our being and continuance , he hath also redeemed us , wherefore it is pressed on the people of israel , that they ought to obey god above all people , because he redeemed them out of the hand of pharaoh . secondly , his fitnesse to rule : . he is most wise and just to make good , righteous and equal laws . . most careful to observe the carriage of men . . most bountiful to reward obedience . . most severe to punish disobedience . thirdly , he hath done us already so much good , and laden us with so many benefits that we are ingaged . fourthly , to this adde the excellency of his holy nature for wisdome and goodnesse . secondly , from our selves : who are . subject to him , as being his children , servants , subjects . . foolish and weak in our selves , subject to many enemies , dangers . thirdly , from the commandments which we must obey : . they are most just , as holding perfect agreement with right reason and equity , teaching us to give god and man his own . . they are fitted to our good as well as to gods glory , confusion would follow if every one might hate and kill whom he would . . obedience is most necessary , acceptable , profitable and possible , praying , hearing , knowledge of god , faith . the rule of it must be the word of god , the extent , the whole law in every point , deut. . . levit. . ult . psal. . . act. . . col. . . the whole will of god , the form of it is conformity to the word and will of god. the end , principal , that we may honour and please god , mat. . . as you have received of us how you ought to walk and please god , saith paul. the properties of it : . generality or universality , it must be entire , luk. . . . constancy , i will incline my heart to thy testimonies alwayes to the end . . sincerity , it must be grounded on gods authority and aim at his glory . motives to obedience : consider , . the majesty and excellency of him whose servants you are , he is the king of kings . constantinus , valentinianus , theodosius three emperors , called themselves vasallos christi . moses my servant , peter , paul a servant of christ. . the honourablenesse of the work , his service is perfect freedom . . the great priviledges and reward of this service . ii. means : . take notice of and be abased in the sense of our own disobedience . . pray to god to give his spirit to encline our hearts to his testimonies . . consider the necessity , fruit , excellency and equity of obedience . chap. xvi . of the sanctification of the conscience . conscience is taken . more strictly and properly when it is joined with other faculties of the soul , as titus . . tim. . . in the first it is differenced from the minde , in the later from the will. . more largely , when 't is put alone , and so it stands for the whole heart , soul and spirit , working inwardly upon it self by way of reflex . so acts . . it is a distinct faculty , the apostle seemeth to make it so , when he saith of unbelievers , that their mindes and their consciences are defiled , and because it hath the name of the whole heart given unto it , sam. . . iohn . . and because in the working of it , it hath a certain general and universal command over all the other faculties . it s proper work is to dispose a man aright to gods word , and to set a work all the rest of his powers for that purpose . conscience is an ability in a man to judge of his estate and actions according to a rule prescribed by god ; it is no further therefore liberty of conscience ( but licentiousnesse ) then it is regulated by the word , for the conscience is regula regulata . est liber animae ad quem emendandum scripti sunt omnes libri . bern. what conscience is it is hard to finde , as in mens dealings the use of it , some making it a distinct faculty from the understanding , some an habit , some an act ; it is the understanding reflecting upon its self in its acts in regard of the goodnesse or badness of them . or , the judgement that a man gives of himself in reference to the judgement of god. there is a kinde of syllogism , he that believes in christ shall be saved : but i believe in christ. he that loves the brethren is passed from death to life : but i love the brethren . converting grace reneweth a mans conscience : . whereas it is naturally cauterized , tim. . . it puts feeling and apprehension into us , this is the first work of grace converting upon the soul when it begins to be tender , act. . . and is not able to endure those heavy burdens of sinne , which before ; though mountains , it never felt , is also now active that was silent , dan. . . ezra . . . whereas naturally it is self-flattering , it will accuse when it ought , naturally it stirreth in a false way , promising heaven and salvation when there is no such matter , deut. . . davids heart soon smote him , and psal. . he acknowledged his sinne and bewailed it ; and again , i and my house have sinned . conscience speaketh the truth , thus often thou hast prophaned the sabbath , abused thy self , and that in all the aggravations , this makes the godly lie so low in their humiliation . . the erroneousnesse of it is taken away , the mischief of an erroneous conscience is seen in popery and other heresies , how they make conscience of worshipping that which is an idol , if they should eat meat on a fasting-day , not odore the sacrament , how much would their hearts be wounded ; this erroneous conscience brought in all the superstition in the world , but the godly obtain a sound judgment , conscience is to be a guide . . the partial working of it about some works but not others , is taken away , as herod . psal. . those that abhorred idols did yet commit sacriledge ; they neglect the duties of one of the tables , as the civil mans conscience is very defective , he will not be drunk , unjust , yet regards not his duty to god , is ignorant , seldome prayeth in his family , the hypocritical jews and pharisees would have sacrifice but not mercy . secondly , inward motions and thoughts of sinne as well as outward acts , his conscience now deeply smites and humbleth him for those things which only god knoweth , and which no civil or worldly man ever taketh notice of : so paul rom. . how tender is pauls conscience ! every motion of sin is a greater trouble and burden to him , then any grosse sinne to the worldling . hezekiah humbleth himself for his pride of heart . matth. . the word condemneth all those inward lusts and sins which are in the fountain of the heart , though they never empty themselves into the actions of men , the conscience of a godly man condemneth as farre as the word , it is not thus with the natural mans conscience , nor with the refined moralist , he condemneth not himself in secret , he takes not notice of such proud earthly motions , they are not a pressure to him . thirdly , in doing of duties to take notice of all the imperfections and defects of them , as well as the total omission of them , his unbelief , lazinesse , rovings in the duty . i beleeve , lord , help my unbelief : all our righteousnesse is a menstr●ous ragge . a godly man riseth from his duties bewailing himself . fourthly , to witnesse the good things of god in us as well as the evil that is of our selves , it is broken and humbled for sinne , yet this very mourning is from god. fifthly , about sins of omission as well as commission , whereas the wicked if they be drunk , steal , have no rest in their consciences , but if they omit christian duties they are not troubled , mat. . . sixthly , in the extremity of it , being rectified from one extream , fals into another , from the neglect of the sacrament they fall to adoring of it ; this is rectified by grace , it will so encline him to repent as that he shall be disposed to believe , so to be humble as that he shall be couragious . seventhly , converting grace also removes , . the slavishnesse and security of conscience , and puts in us a spirit of adoption , rom. . all the men in the world could not perswade cain but that his sins were greater then could be pardoned . . that natural pronenesse to finde something in our selves for comfort , men think if they be not their own saviours they cannot be saved at all , phil. . i desire to know nothing but christ and him crucified , and count all things dung for his righteousnesse . . the unsubduednesse and contumacy in it to the scripture . conscience is wonderfully repugnant to the precepts and holinesse of gods law , in the troubles of it contradicts the scripture way of justification . chap. xvii . sanctification of the memory . memory is a faculty of the minde whereby it preserves the species of what it once knew , chron. . . memory is the great keeper or master of the rols of the soul , ●rari●m animae , the souls exchequer . sense and understanding is of things present , hope of things to come , memoria rerum praeteritarum , memory of things past . it is one part of the sanctity of the memory , when it can stedfastly retain and seasonably recal the works of the living god. a sanctified memory consists in three things : first , in laying up good things concerning god , christ , gods word , his works , experiments . mary laid up these things in her heart . secondly , for a good end , sinne to be sorry and ashamed of it , thy word have i hid in my heart that i might not sinne against thee ; remember the sabbath to sanctifie it . thirdly , in seasonably recalling them , thy personal sins on a day of humiliation , gods mercies on a day of thanksgiving , good instructions where there is occasion to practise them . a sanctified memory is a practical memory , as the lord sayes , remember the sabbath-day to keep it holy . psal. . . a countrey-woman after the hearing of a sermon , met as she was going home , with the minister , he asked her , where she had been , she told him at a good sermon , he asked her the ministers name and text : she answered , she knew not him nor remembred the text , her memory was so bad , but she would go home and mend her life . another complained that for the expressions , and other things delivered in a sermon he could remember but little , but he had learned by it to hate sin , and love christ more . chap. xviii . sanctification of the affections . the affections were called by tully perturbations , by some affectiones , or affectus , by others passions . the affections are different from the vertues which are called by their names . they are certain powers of the soul by which it worketh and moveth it self with the body to good and from evil . or , they are powers of the soul subordinate to the will , by which they are carried to pursue and follow after that which is good , and to shun and avoid that which is evil . they are the forcible and sensible motions of the will according as an object is presented to them to be good or evil . . motions rom. . . anger , love , joy are the putting forth of the will this or that way . the scripture cals them the feet of the soul , psal. . , . eccles. . . . motions of the will. some philosophers place them in the sensitive soul , but angels and the souls of men separate from the body , have these affections , pet. . . iam. . . . sensible , . because they have their operation chiefly on the sensitive part of man , manifest themselves there , and forcible , because they move with force , chron. . . . according to the object propounded : affections are but the shaping or forming of the will in several motions according to the object presented . their use is to shunne evil and pursue good . the manner of doing is by certain stirrings , motions , workings of the bloud and spirit about the heart . they are commonly called passions , iam. . . because they imprint some passion on the body by working . in the infancy they are affections , in the youth and age passions , when they over-rule reason perturbations . passions abstractively considered , are neither good nor bad morally , but as they are determined to this or that object , as they are in man the subject who is wholly flesh and dead in sinne , his affections and passions are defiled with sinne , as well as the understanding and the will. the papists , though they say , the superiour faculties of the soul like the upper region are altogether clear and undefiled , yet the inferiour faculty , viz. the sensitive appetite in which are lodged the affections ( they say ) is vitiated with sin . their sinfulnesse appears : . in that they are not carried to the right object , the object of love was god and his law , of hatred sin , now these passions are clean contrary . . if to the right object , then inordinately : they cannot joy but overjoy , love but overlove , ephes. . . . there is a contrariety in them , this is implied in that phil. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be careful for nothing ; the word implies a tearing and torturing of the heart . . in their distraction ; this differeth from contrariety , that is , when one passion sets against another , this when one passion is too inordinately set upon his object , then the other cannot do his proper office , because the heart is finite , the apostle would have us hear and pray without wrath , since the heart hereby is so distracted that it cannot attend . . the importunity of passion , ahab fell sick because of naboths vineyard , quicquid volunt valde volunt . . their tyranny over the will and understanding , iam. . . . their incertainty and inconstancy , as ammon loathed tamar after he had his desire more then he liked her before . to be above passions will be our happinesse in heaven , rightly to order them should be our great care here . first , the scripture bids us not cast off but rectifie our affections , colos. . . iohn . . secondly , they are natural faculties planted in the soul by god himself , and so in themselves good , christ which was free from all sinne was not without affections . he was angry , did grieve , rejoyce . now we must not dare to abuse any power which he did sanctifie . thirdly , affections rightly ordered much further and help our course in godlinesse . if we joy not in prayer , delight not in obedience , the work is tedious ; but good affections make the work delightsom , they are spurs in our sides , which whosoever wanteth goes on but in a dull and slow pace . fourthly , manifold are the evils which come from disordered passions . . they blinde the judgment . perit omne judicium cum res transit ad affectum , impedit ira animum ne possit cernere verum . if the spectacles be of green or red glasse , all things through them seem to be of the same colour . . they seduce the will , for the will sometimes is guided by reason , it is often also carried away by passion . . they fill the heart with inward unquietnesse ; they interrupt prayers , pet. . . and hinder the working of the word , pet. . . they disturb reason and hinder a man in meditation , whereby his heart is quieted . when fear , anger , jealousie begin to stirre , then is judgement disturbed and hindered . again , these passions fight one with another , fear with anger , and anger with fear , joy with sadnesse and sadnesse with joy , one passion carries a man one way and another another way . passion can never be satisfied . . they often ( when they are excessive ) hurt the body , some by immoderate joy have ended their dayes , because the spirits slie out too suddenly to the object , and so leave the heart destitute of them ; more by grief and fear , because the bloud and spirits so hastily slie to the heart that they choak it ; anger hath stopt many a mans breath , envy is the rottennesse of the bones . the regenerate man is renewed in all his passions , as we may see in davids love , psal. . . in his hatred , psal. . . in his desire , psal. . . in his fear , psal. . . in his delight , psal. . . & psal. . . in his sorrow , psal. . . some make zeal to be sanctified anger . there are in repentance , melting affections , sorrow for sinne , zech. . , , . shame before god , ezra . . lam. . . . sear of offending him , prov. . . marks of sanctified affections , . they must be universal , carried to all good and against all evil . some love to hear the word , some to reade , some to pray , but they are not as carefull to subdue passion , they will be angry , pettish , discontented , they will give way to doubting . the affections are regular when they are set on their right objects , inlarged when they take in the whole object . he that loves god , loves whole god , loves him not only as gracious , merciful , but as just , holy , faithful ; he that hates sin , hates all the evil of it , ephes. . . . they are subjected to grace in the rise , measure and continuance of them , they must rise and fall , ebbe and slow at the command of faith , according to the nature of the thing presented . faith will make us affect things according as the lord doth , in cases which concern his glory affections must be raised up to the highest pitch . adams passions were subject to reason , . in their rise , they were commanded by him . . in their measure . . in their continuance . . sanctified affections do constantly and most immediately discover themselves in meditations , projects , inward desires and indeavours of the soul , if thy thoughts of sin be pleasant , thou hatest it not . . the true metal of sanctification is sincerity , and the edge of it zeal in every faculty . motives to get the affections sanctified : . all christians are really as their affections are , and god judgeth of them by their affections . a man that is carnal in his affections , is judged a carnal man , and one who hath his affection set on heavenly things is judged a spiritual man , i am my beloveds , and my beloved is mine ; he doth not say , i am christs and christ is mine . . without sanctified affections one is no christian at all , deut. . . . most of the gospel promises are made to the affections , mat. . . and so to love , fear , delight and confidence in god. . holy and enlarged affections from god are one of the greatest meanes to keep one from backsliding : ephesus did bear with the bad , and had lost her first love . the right means to sanctifie the affections : . sanctified affections are not to be found in any unregenerate man , deut. . . pray therefore much for a new nature . , conversing much with christ and pondering of him will keep thy affections right . . let not out thy affections much on any thing in the world , col. . . . affections are not only ordered but much quickned by knowledge , iohn . . psal. . . ignoti nulla cupido . . pray constantly to god , say , lord unite my heart to thee that i may fear thy name , love thee . chap. xix . of the particular affections . some affections are chearing and comforting , as love , joy , hope ; some disquieting , afflicting , as anger , sorrow , fear , despair : to afflict the soul at a fast is to awaken some or all of these afflicting passions , the soul is only afflicted by it self ; in heaven all afflicting affections cease in their acting , in hell they are all exercised . according to their subject they are divided into those of the concupiscible and irascible appetite . concupiscible , whereby the soul is carried to that which is good . when the object is good , the desiring faculty draws the heart toward it : if it be present good it is joy , if the present good be near at hand it is called love , if easie to be obtained desire , if difficult hope , if impossible despair . irascible or shunning faculty from evil , if the evil be present it is grief , if it make an attempt on the heart , if it be vincible it is courage , if invincible horrour . mans affections are linked together in their working . love is the chiefest , next is desire of attaining the thing loved , after comes joy if one have it , grief if he have it not , anger against those that crosse us of it , kindenesse toward those which further us in it , fear to lose it , and courage to keep it , shame if he have it not , boldnesse if he have it . the chief of the affections are of two sorts : . some simple , which are exercised upon good or evil it self , viz. i. on good , considered . simply in it self , love , a motion of being united to it , of complacency and liking . . respectively to its . presence , joy a motion of injoying it , an inlargement of the heart to receive good . . absence , both in regard of . the good it self , desire , a stirring of the heart to use means to get it . . the likelihood of attaining or not attaining it , which are . hope , a moving and lifting up of the minde toward it . . despair , a falling from the future good . ii. on evil , considered . simply , hatred a motion of separating from that which is counted evil , as when we see a toad . . respectively , to its . presence , sadnesse , a pulling together of the heart in the sense of a present evil . . absence , considered . in it self , flight , detestation if it come , a motion of flying from it . . in its likelihood of being shunned or suffered . . if we conceive it avoidable , courage , a motion of rising against it , and making resistance . . as it is likely not to be escaped but suffered , fear , a kinde of perplexednesse or shrinking from it . . some compound , being the divers workings of two or more of these together , and they respect other things for good or evil , viz. . the possessors thereof , whether i. our selves , . shame for evil or turpitude , in regard of evil working by motions of fear , hatred , grief . . boldnesse for good we have done or got in regard of the good esteem of it , motions of the contrary affections . ii. others , . for good we think we see in them , reverence differing from simple fear , looking to a thing conceived as excellent , a joynt working of fear , love , desire , joy. . for evil , contempt , a motion of vilifying and abasing , disdaining one by joynt working of contrary passions to those fore-named . . the furtherances or hinderances thereof , viz. i. the things which further good hinder evil , viz. . kindenesse , well-pleasednesse , a melting of the heart toward the thing or person which hath done us good , or kept us from evil by the joynt motions of love , desire , joy. . confidence , staying of the heart upon any thing or person for good , or deliverance from evil , by a mixt work of love , courage , and desire supporting hope . ii. the things which further evil and hinder good from us , viz. . anger , a motion of punishing or hurting that thing so to remove it , or put it away in hatred , grief , desire . . diffidence , a shaking and wavering of the soul from any thing which should but cannot help him to good or against evil , and is mixt of fear , abomination and hatred , overthrowing hope and pulling away the heart from them . all these affections which respect good , and the furtherances to it , and possessors of it , should be exercised on god , and one also which doth look to evil , because god considered as angry , is the creatures greatest evil of misery . i shall handle them thus , among the simple affections i shall rank three pairs under the concupiscible appetite : . love and hatred . . desire and flight . . joy and sorrow . chap. xx. i. of the simple affections . the two first and fundamentall passions of all the rest are love and hatred . . love , this is the master bee which carries all the swarm with it , a cardinal affection , iohn . , . it is the opening or letting out of the heart after some good proportionable to it self . or , it is an affection by which the soul setleth it self in the liking of what is esteemed good , as it is good . the schoolmen say , it is not only vinculum ligans , but pondus inclinans , quod pondus in corporibus id amor in spiritibus . amor meus pondus meum . aug. in confess . it should be an equal weight , greatest to the greatest good ; our love to all other things should be subordinate to that . fecerunt itaque civitates duas amores duo , terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum dei , coelestem vero amor dei usque ad contemptum sui . augustin . de civitate dei , lib. . cap. . the image of god in this affection was the placing of it on its proper object for measure , weight , intention , order , degree . god is the great and proper object of it , from the knowledge of his excellencies , and the sense of his ravishing goodnesse . adams heart was wholly carried to him as his chief good . . the love of concupiscence or desire made out to the possession of god. . the love of complacency took wonderful pleasure in him . . the love of friendship was willing to do what god would have him . . the love of dependance expected good from no other . the soul did this , . freely without violence . . superlatively . the second object of mans love in his pure condition was himself , all his love to himself was to take delight in that in himself which was most lovely , gods image in himself . thirdly , all the rest of the creatures save the devil , as any creatures did set out gods glory , or was a means to bring him to the fruition of the chief good , all creatures were loved in a sweet order and subordination to god. . the image of the devil in our love . first , this love of god is wholly rooted out of the heart , naturally men are haters of god. . we have no desire to enjoy him , we like not to walk in the wayes that may bring us near god. . for complacency , we would not have god to be such a one as he is . . for friendship , a natural man abhors to do what should please god. . for dependance , though we are upheld by him , yet we will rather trust to any thing then god. secondly , we are fallen from that love god would have us bear to our selves for our being like him . thirdly , we hate the creatures as they are like god , the saints , gods ordinances . our depraved love is beastly or devilish , it is bestowed on things which we and the beasts love alike , sensual delights or spiritual wickednesses . the work of gods grace in sanctifying this affection , consists . in turning the bent of the affection toward those things which god at first made its proper object . . in guiding and directing it proportionably to every object , to god , the creatures , and self , in due measure , method , order and degree . it carries the affection of love to god in the first place , . in a love of union . . in a love of complacency . . in a love of friendship . . in a love of dependance . secondly , it carries it next to god to love our selves , and to love that in our selves which god would have us love , the regenerate part . thirdly , the creature , those to which we have any relation , so much as is of god in them . how to know whether our love be sanctified so as to be carried unto god as it ought . all men will professe they love god. it is the first and great commandment to love god above all , the first in order of time and eminency of nature , it comprehends in it all the other commandments , rom. . . marks of this love : . when we love him with all the heart , soul and strength , a superlative love , such a love that in comparison of it all other love is hatred , when a thing is lesse loved it is said to be hated in scripture , iacob hated leah . we love not god perfectly , we know and believe but i● part . a true childe of god loves him with a fervent and unfeigned love , though perhaps he finde not this in time of temptation . . then the soul loves him with all those kindes of love he is capable of , first , with a love of union , phil. . . in other objects called the love of desire or concupiscence . four things are to be found in such a one : . his soul is carried with earnest desire after all the means that would bring god and him nearer , and he declines all those things that would separate between god and him , the wayes of sin . . he is troubled for ●●●● of him . . the soul longs after the full fruition of him in heaven , heb. . lat . end . . a love of union and desire of nearest conjunction with the people of god , iohn . . secondly , with a love of complacency and delight . we may know whether we make god our chief delight and love him with a love of content and sweetnesse . . if we desire to be presently possest of him , his presence is life , and his absence death . . next to god himself we will take delight in those things which are love-tokens from him , cant. . . and those thing : that are most like him , nearest to him , his saints , psal. . . . the tongue will delight to be talking of him , and telling of all his wondrous works . thirdly , with a love of friendship . the whole covenant of grace betwixt god and us , is but a league of friendship . all that god doth for us from his election to glorification are fruits of his love , and what we do to god after we know him is from the law of love . six things will discover whether we love the lord with a love of friendship : . friends take great delight in being together , they have two souls as it were in one body , there is none then so constantly in thy tongue and thoughts as god. . this love will make thee suffer and endure great matters for friendship ▪ sake , cor. . . . the love of friendship is a most bountiful affection . david called all to contribute toward the temple , and himself gave three hundred cart-load of silver , and yet said he did it of his poverty . . this makes a man sympathize with his friend in his condition . moses was much provoked when god was dishonoured , rivers of tears run down mine eyes , because men keep not thy law. . this is the fountain of all obedience to god , one will then be carefull to please god , and fearfull to offend him , if you love me keep my commandments . . it can be satisfied with no recompence but love for love , cant. . thy love is better then wine . psal . . thy loving kindnesse is better then life . fourthly , with a love of dependency . every creature capable of an affection of love is carried to that from whom it receives its good ; so is the heart carried with delight to god from whom it expects all good , this is the sweetnesse of faith . we shall know this love by these signs , . all other creatures are not able to give any subsistence or satisfaction to us . in our fall we lost god and closed with the creature , and we never think of returning to god till he have taught us the vanity of all other things , there must be satisfaction in the judgement , that there is in the lord christ what ever will serve my turn , and fully content all my faculties . . the heart hath sweetnesse , joy and comfort in its portion , god is all-sufficient . . it is taken off from depending on any thing else . next to god ( though he be to be loved transcendently , supereminently ) there is a holy self-love . no man ever hated his own flesh ; our love to our selves is the rule and measure of our love to our neighbour , i must love him as my self . inordinate self-love is a great part of our original corruption ; men shall be lovers of themselves ; if any one will be my disciple , he must hate and reject himself . all the arguments god useth to winne men to love and fear god and walk with him , are drawn from love of our selves , that it may be well with thee . how to know whether the love wherewith i love my self be a sanctified self-love . . who ever loves himself aright , it is the regenerate self which he accounts himself . adam while he stood had but one self , so all unregenerate men . in one renewed by grace there is a double self , flesh and spirit , the corrupt self is lookt on as an enemy , rom. . lat end . i delight in the law of god in the inward man , and concludes , but i my self ( that is , his sanctified self ) serve the lord. mark what it is that thou esteemest in thy self : is it grace , gods image ? and what thou dislikest and strivest to destroy , is it the body of sin ? . then that love is subordinate to the love of god. god to every sanctified man is the summum bonum & ultimus sinis , therefore all other things are but media subordinata , none of us must live to himself . . such a one loves himself for those ends god allows him . . that he may be happy for ever . god presseth us to duty by this argument , that we may have eternal life . . he would have thee get more knowledge , grace , experience , that thou maist be more serviceable here . the third object of our love is our neighbour . marks to know whether my love to my neighbour be a sanctified love : first , when it is subordinate to the love of god , when i love him under god , we must love our neighbour in god and for god. secondly , i must love there specially where god loves , those that have most of god in them , all my delight is in the saints ; christ calls this a new commandment . thirdly , there will be a performing of all second table duties , love is the fulfilling of the law. i will give him that respect which is due unto his place , i will strive to preserve his life , chastity , estate , good name . i shall be content with my own and rejoyce in his welfare . it is the nature of love to seek the preservation of the thing beloved . the fourth object of our love is the rest of gods creatures which he hath given to us . marks to know whether our love to the creature be right or no : . when the beholding god in the creature draws the heart out , the delighting to behold the wisdom and power of god in the creature . . mark for what end thou lovest the creature . every creature must be delighted in as it brings us nearer to god , or serves as an instrument to honour him , thou lovest the creatures because they are a means to keep thee in a better frame for duty . chap. xxi . ii. of hatred . the affection opposite to love is hatred . . the nature of hatred . . the image of god in it ▪ . the extream depravation of it by sin . . the work of grace sanctifying it . of the first . hatred in a reasonable soul is a motion of the will whereby it flies from that which it apprehends to be evil , and opposeth it , indeavouring to hurt it . it ariseth from a discord and disconformity of the object . there is a two-fold hatred : . odium abominationis , a stying only from a thing . . odium inimicitiae . whereby ● pursue what is evil . there was little use of this affection in our primitive pure estate , there was nothing evil to man or in himself , a concord in all . there are dive●s causes of this hatred , . antipathy . . what hinders us from attaining good , envy , jealousie , there was nothing then to work this but the sinne of the devil only , which whether man knew it or no is uncertain , yet this affection was in him and sanctified . first , he was prone in his spirit to shunne a real evil , sinne in that degree it was evil . secondly , the depravation of this affection , the image of the devil . as much of our original corruption is found in this affection as any . the greatnesse of the depravation of this affection , appears in three things . . the object of it . . the quality of it . . the fruits . only sin is the proper object of it , but now our hatred is wholly taken from sin , it abhors nothing that is evil . the second object of it now is that which is truly and properly good , . god himself primarily , all wicked men hate him , psalm . . . rom. . . in all his glorious perfections , justice , holinesse . . christ , iohn . . & . ●h . . all good men , you shall be hated of all men for my names sake . . all gods wayes and ordinances , fools hate instruction , prov. . secondly , the quality of this affection . it is . a causlesse hatred , christ saith , they hate me without a cause , and so the saints may say . . perfect , entire without any mixture of any love . . violent , psal . . . cruel , psal. . . . durable , irreconcilable . thirdly , the effects of it : . all sins of omission . . abundance of actual wickednesse , contempt and distrust of god , his wayes and children . fourthly , the sanctification of this affection of hatred . the work of grace in every faculty is destroying the power of corruption , and creating in it those principles of grace that turn it again into the right way . . it is taken off from those objects to which it was undeservedly carried afore . . it is ordered aright for measure . . it brings forth that fruit which god requires . first , what the work of gods grace carries the affection of hatred * to . . it makes all our opposition to god and his ordinances cease , it ceaseth to hate good , and hates that which is evil . . it is carried to the right object , which is every thing that is really evil to us , the will shuns and opposeth it . two sorts of things are really evil : . what ever is opposite to our natural being , our life , peace , wealth , name , as sicknesse , affliction , death . . what is contrary to our spiritual being , as sin . all evils of the first nature come from god. gods will is the rule of all holinesse , therefore we should submit , . our will to god to do what he pleaseth . that is the greatest evil which is against the greatest good , god : sin and wicked men oppose him , the greatest evil must have the greatest opposition , i hate every fal●e way , sin strikes at the being and excellency of god , we must dislike wicked men for sins sake . . the work of grace appears in the degree and measure of working when it sanctifieth any affection . it is according as the light of understanding guided by gods counsel orders the spirit , of evils sin is to be more hated then punishment , and the greater the sin , the greater should be the opposition . . the work of gods grace in sanctifying this affection is much seen in the fruits of hatred . this stands in two things : . hatred is a sentinel to the soul to keep out evil , it makes the soul warily shun and avoid those things which are really evil to me , it is a deep and severe passion , not sudden as * anger . . it quickens the soul to the destruction of the thing hated , it maketh it endeavour its ruine . signs . i. of hatred . speaking against a thing still , and disgracing , it is displeased at its company , and cannot endure its presence . ii. of sanctified hatred : . if it be sanctified , thou ceasest to be a hater of god. this makes a creature so like the devil that no man will believe he hates god. hatred is an opposition to love , love of god makes us endeavour an union with him , thou carest not for a knowledge of god or being nigh him . . a desire that another may not be so excellent as he is , wicked men would not have god have a being or so excellent a being , would not have him be so holy , pure , just . . a great sign of hatred is contrariety or opposition of wils . gods will is revealed in his word , when there is an opposition to it , we sinne against him , exod. . d commandment , those that love me and keep my commandments , those hate god that do not keep his commandments . god chooseth holinesse , you filthiness , if thy will be contrary to the choice he makes , thou hatest him . . that which is feared , unlesse it be with a reverential fear , is hated . to stand in awe of god a● the indians of the devil , who dare not but offer sacrifices lest the devil should hurt them . secondly , for the evil of punishment , how far sanctified hatred may be carried against crosses . we may use all lawful means to have the crosses removed , but with a quiet resignation to the will of god , if he will have it so . if our hatred be sanctified , then it is carried against sinne primarily and properly , because it is gods great enemy and ours , and the great evil in it self . how to know whether our heart be rightly carried against sin . this is a great part of repentance . repentance is the turning of the affections , especially those two great affections of love and hatred in our lost condition . our hatred was against god , and our love set on sin , now contrarily , . where ever this affection of hatred is carried aright against sinne , the minde judgeth of sinne as gods wotd doth , counteth it the greatest abomination , and dislikes it not onely because it brings damnation , but because of the nature of it . the scripture cals it our deformity , uncleannesse , nakednesse , a running issue . . here sinne is grieved for as the greatest evil , if one have an antipathy against a creature , yet if that be farre enough there is no great trouble , rom. . wretched man that i am . it is the greatest spiritual , though not sensitive grief ; we are most troubled at those evils which most affect the body , have the greatest sense of grief for them , as the ●amp , gont , stone , but here the intellectual nature is most offended with sin , chuseth more to be rid of it then trouble , and judgeth himself more abominable for it . . a constant hatred of sin . . it endeavours to ●uine and destroy it , the scripture often expresseth it by killing of sin , mor●isi . ●our members . . it hates it upon those grounds that god hates it , because it is a rebellion against god , crucifieth christ , grieves the spirit , is at enmity to the grace of god in me , i hate it upon such spiritual grounds . . where ever sin is truly hated , there we hate it most in those that are nearest to our selves . hatred of sin is one half of repentance , sin is a hatred of god , and a loving of sinne ; in repentance our love is turned to god , and hatred set on sinne . means to get our hatred of sin sanctified : first , study to get a right information of sin , what ever can be the object of hatred meets in sin in the highest degree , in crosses there is something evil , but in sin there is nothing good , it is not only evil , but hath in it all kinde of evil . . a defiling evil . . deprives us of all other good , robs us of god , peace , comfort . secondly , principally get thy heart filled with the love of god and his wayes , you that love god hate that which is evil , psal. . i love all thy commandments ▪ therefore i hate every evil way , love the holy spirit , and thou wilt hate filthinesse . chap. xxii . ii. desire and flight . the next affection is that of desire . it differs no more from love then the act from the habit , it being the exercise of love . the surest character you can make of a man is by his desires a , as much as the physician can judge of his patients condition by his appetite . in this affection four things are considerable : . the nature of it . . the image of god in it before the fall . . how extreamly depraved our desires are in their natural condition . . the work of grace in sanctifying of it . desire is the going out of the will endeavouring after that we love , a good thing not yet enjoyed or not perfectly , the making out of the soul for the fruition of that good . there are three affections conversant about good , say some , love about good in general , present or absent , desire about good absent , joy about good present . des cartes saith , not only the presence of good absent , but also the conservation of a good present is desired . god gave to the soul of man when he created it a two-fold appetite : . sensitive or natural , whereby the desires are carried violently after their own preservation . . rational , or the will , these rational desires are exercised about spiritural things in the fruition of which one placeth his happinesse . of the image of god in our desires in our innocent condition . the understanding then lookt on god as his only absolute good , and the will of man did adhere to him , and acquiesce in him . he desired , . a more perfect fruition of god , and that he might lay out himself more for him . natural desires were few , moderate , subordinate to this , to be helps and furtherances of the perfect enjoying of god. . the depravation of this affection . a great deal of our original corruption is vented out this way , the corruption of the understanding , will , love , hatred , thoughts , fall in here . . the object of the desire , whereas god should be only desired , in our sinful condition we have no desire after him , only vellieties , faint wishings and wouldings . though the soul be full of desires , they are taken off from god and wholly carried to some poor empty creature . . the qualities or properties of these sinful desires . . the woful fruits of them . the qualities of our corrupt and carnal desires . . the vanity of them , which appears in three particulars , . there is no reason to be given of our corrupt desires , as samson , give me her , she likes me . . the things that we desire appear to be toyes . . the innumerablenesse of them . . they are intense and violent , the soul pursues such things . . they are insatiable . . the woful effects and fruits of them . . these corrupt desires have got the regiment of the soul , they enslave reason the most noble faculty of it . . destroy all hope of profiting , they take up our time and study , the soul is ever imployed about some of these unworthy desires . . they make the soul extreamly unthankful for the mercies already received , they make the soul and spirit of a man base . . the work of gods grace in renewing or sanctifying our desires . the activity of grace appears chiefly in our love and desire , for the good things of christians are not yet enjoyed , and therefore is this affection so much exercised . . in general , the work of grace is to renew that which our original corruption spoiled in the affections , or to repair the image of god once stamped there . it takes off the desire from the creature and turns it to the proper object of it in a due order , method and measure . . particularly . . the true object of a sanctified desire , primary and ultimate , is god , christ , and all the graces of his spirit , and the means of grace , the ordinances , and in a due place moderately the creature , and what ever is helpful to me . we ought to desire , . for our selves only good things , prov. . . god chiefly , psal. . . & revel . . . christs righteousnesse and the vertues of the spirit , the means and helps to grace , as the sincere milk of the word , and the company of the saints , and the like helps , as paul desired to see timothy , places and occasions of doing good if we finde our selves furnished for them , tim. . . natural benefits and good things , health , liberty . we ought to desire for others , their conversion , rom. . . and growth in grace and salvation , the welfare of the church . secondly , the act or measure of it carried to its proper object , god and christ , with greatest intensnesse , called hungring and thirsting , as the hart pants after the water brook , and moderately carried to the things of this world , grace is a spur to our desires for spiritual things , and a bridle to them for earthly . we must . desire spiritual things more then temporal , mat. . . . among spiritual things those most which may do us most good , as paul bids us covet spiritual gifts , chiefly that we may prophesie . . the publick good more then our own . there is no evidence of grace so constantly to be found in a gracious heart , as the holinesse of their desires , nehem. . . the desire of our hearts is toward thee , rom. . cant. . draw me , and we will run after thee . reasons . . because their good is absent from them , the heart which cannot say , i pray and believe , can say , i desire to pray and believe . the true desire of grace is grace it self in a degree . . the saints of god have ever pleaded their desires as an evidence of their interest in god , when they could plead nothing else , my soul longeth for thy salvation . marks to try whether our desires after these things be sanctified : first , then thou desirest all that is good , christ , grace , the ordinances ; the gospel holds out christ to be good to me , therefore one may somewhat desire this , and not be sanctified . i must desire him to be my king and lord as well as my saviour . secondly , it hath five properties : . it is the greatest and strongest the soul hath of rational not sensitive desires , therefore set out by hunger and thirst , panting after god , whom have i in heaven but thee , and in the whole earth in comparison of thee ? desires put out on election and counsel are put out most on these things . . it is accompanied with sadnesse and languishing if it attain not the thing desired , hope deferred makes the heart sick . . they would enjoy the object presently . balaam could desire it at later end ; if i desire a thing as an end , i cannot but desire it presently . . these desires are constant till the thing be fully enjoyed , ioh. . . . such desires are operative , otherwise if they put us not on the use of means , they are not right . such an one will be at any cost for exalting , adorning that thing . what is a mans happinesse , end , glory , he desires to make as excellent as may be . who ever truly desires spiritual things , desires them as their glory , they will give all for the glory of christ , and the beauty of the gospel . how to know whether our desires after the things of this life be sanctified , try that by two things : . in the point of subordination , as they may stand with subordination to the great things he desires . as farre as these outward things may be usefull and helpfull to the things of gods kingdome . one thing have i desired , saith david , as an end . ze●h . . , . whether you eat or drinke , or what ever you doe , and so desire , do all to the glory of god. . you shall try it by the moderation of your spirit , if you desire these things as inferiour goods , cor. . . means or directions to keep your desires strong and vigorous after spiritual things , and to moderate your desires after earthly things . of the first , . labour for a thorow knowledge and acquaintance with these spiritual things , knowledge of a thing stirs up the appetite . two men did vehemently desire a spiritual communion with god , moses and paul , and none knew more of christ then these . study the things of god , of christ , and gods kingdom , not only a speculative knowledge but a practical taste of god , rest not till thou hast some experience of this supernatural object . other truths quickly ●loy , when one understands an art or tongue , the knowledge of spiritual things quickens the appetite and enlargeth the soul. . labour to be acquainted with thine own emptinesse , how empty of all grace , and full of corruptions thou art , tecum habita , labour to get a sense of these things , what a great evil an hard heart is , and what it is to be deprived of god , so the lord counsels the angel of laodicea . . hope of attaining is the whetstone of desiring , study those promises , he will satisfie the hungry soul , and those that thirst after the well of life , and open thy mouth and he will fill it . directions how our desires after the things of this life may be sanctified . in general . the sanctification of these desires stands in their moderation we must have a care that they be not inordinate . first , labour in general for a contented minde , heb. . be without covetousnesse , get a contented spirit which may stand in an indifferency to these things . . rules : . let thy desires be fully let out after the things of heaven , this will moderate them to all other things , because they will satisfie them . . labour to be rightly informed what all these worldly things are , and thy soul will be moderate toward them , know six things of them . . none of all the things of this life have any good in them to us further then they are useful . there is a necessity of food and raiment to uphold our natural being , but otherwise all these things are but useful in a subordinate way , not good further then of good use . . they are of no use at all to the saving of thy soul ; i am going to a place , said the martyr , where money is nothing worth , the thing i am to look after is the saving of my soul. . they are all by gods own appointment most inconstant and fading things ; riches take themselves to their wings , they are but flowers , these three considerations limit the good in them . . they are all vain , empty not simply , but entitatis debitae , a well is empty , though it be full of air , if it have no water in it salomon challenged all the world to finde more in learning , pleasures , then he did , what can the man do after the king ? . they are vexation of spirit , either in getting , keeping , fear of losing or real parting . . they beguile , bewitch and make us worse , . blinde the judgement with erroneous principles , that they are prone to think amisse of god and his wayes . . draw the heart from god , he ( who is the great disposer of all earthly blessings ) out of his fatherly love will measure out of all these mercies the best portion unto thee , therefore be careful for nothing , but let your request be made known to god. the affection opposite to desire is * flight . this was moses his fault , exod. . . it is a stirring of the soul to get away from the evil before it come too near , and have surprized a man. we have an example of it in him that owing a man money , knowing or thinking that he will come to such a place , findes a kinde of lothnesse to meet with him , and is moved to go out of the way , or absent himself that he may not meet with him . it must be exercised on such things as are fit to be loathed and shunned . . such things as may be hurtful to us : . all manner of sinful actions , luk. . , . tim. . , . & pet. . . cor. . . & . . . all manner of occasions and sollicitations to sin , ioh. . babes keep your selves from idols . prov. . . ioseph ●●ed from his mistresse . . the familiarity and friendly society of sinners , chiefly such as would and do sollicite us to sin , prov. . . & . . away from me you wicked , saith david , tim. . . thess. . . rom. . . . natural evils , when we are not put upon them by necessity of our calling ; as poverty , disgrace , danger of limb or life , liberty and the like , and such things as may be hurtful to others . . things unprofitable , vain and uselesse , tit. . . for measure of working we ought . to loathe and shun spiritual evils more then temporal , sin then danger . . to loathe publick evils and shun them more then private , the hurt of the commonwealth or church more then our own losse or danger , as david did when he went against goliah . . to shun those natural evils most which most hinder goodnesse , vertue and the discharge of the duties of our place , as the losse of life more then of goods , of good name more then of liberty . chap. xxiii . iii. ioy and sorrow . the next pair of affections are joy and sorrow . the philosophers make these two the ground of all our vertues and endeavours . of joy. four things are to be considered in joy : . the nature of the affection . . what the image of god was in this in our primitive condition . . the corruption of it in our apostate condition . . what the spirit of god doth to the repairing of this in our conversion . . what the nature of joy is , joy is acquiescentia cordis in bono sibi congruenti , the acquiescence of the will in the presence of a sutable good . it is either . bodily , then the content the soul takes in it is called voluptas pleasure . . spiritual , then the content the soul takes in it is called gaudium joy . these things are required to make up this affection . . it must be a sutable good which gives satisfaction . . proper , one must have an interest in and a title to it . . present , the desire accomplished is the joy of the soul. secondly , mans joy in his primitive condition . then it was our happinesse , because in that pure estate man was not only freed from all evils which might molest him , but was compast about with all good sutable to him . he enjoyed god himself and all things which might conduce to his happinesse . . the holinesse of this joy. the image of god in this affection stood in the sutablenesse and proportionablenesse which was betwixt all the good which man enjoyed and this affection . the rectitude of any faculty is when the faculty and the object meet : god is the only absolute , adequate and supream good , therefore the greatest joy of the soul of man was placed in the enjoying of god , he found a sutable joy in all other good things , yet so that he did above them all prize god , and by them all did rise up more and more to the service of god. . mans joy in his fallen condition . the object of it . privatively , is not in god. . positively . it is much placed , . in the deeds of darknesse , rom. . . they take pleasure in unrighteousnesse . . in all things wherein bruit beasts and man do agree . . in meer fictions , chymaeraes , fancies and imaginations . . the comforts that the rest of the creatures may give the soul , it is irregular in all . the properties of sinful joy : . it is unlimited , we place all our happinesse in these things , psal. . . the rich glutton , soul , take thy ease . . vain , an immortall soul cannot finde reall satisfaction in an imaginary object . . various , the soul rests not in any one of these comforts , but slits from one thing to another . thirdly , the woful effects of these depraved joyes . . they wholly keep the soul from seeking or accepting the only good which may give rest to it , all ordinances , the motions of the spirit , the thoughts of god and goodnesse are in vain proposed to the soul , eccles. . . like the ivy that seems to adorn the tree , but eats away all the sap of it . . they leave a sting and venome of sorrow after , prov. . . iob . . the end of that joy is sorrow . fourthly , what is the work of grace in sanctifying this affection ? although gods people actually enjoy not the benefits of this affection , as of some others , because of the weaknesse of grace , yet a great part of our happinesse lies in this . the spirit of god turns it from the corrupt to the right object , and helps the affection to act in the measure and order upon that object as it deserves . he turns the stream from rejoycing in those sensual and imaginary things , cor. . . it rejoyceth not in iniquity , . is turned to god in christ , hath interest and communion with christ. we are the circumcision who rejoyce in christ iesus . i will go to god ( saith david ) who is my exceeding joy . see psal. . lat . end . he is the full object of a regenerate soul. god in christ is not here to be enjoyed immediately , but in and by the ordinances , the more of god is in them , the more joy doth the soul take . there are divers commandments to rejoyce in god , psal. . . & . , . phil. . . it is for the honour of god that his servants rejoyce . it was not lawful to be sad before the persian kings , they thought it to be a disparagement to their graciousnesse and honour . see col. . , . phil. . . gal. . . rom. . . we are as much bound to make god our joy as sinne our grief . we cannot love god with all our strength , unlesse we rejoyce in him . it is not only a duty but a priviledge to joy in god : what is your happinesse in heaven but joy in god which is begun on earth ? . it is a priviledge peculiar to justified persons , rom. . . adam after he fell , saith , he heard the voice of god and was afraid . see psal. . , . . it is the highest priviledge that saints can enjoy on this side heaven , god is the chiefest object for this joy to be placed upon , and joy in god is the chiefest of all joyes , psal . . secondly , the spirit of god makes the soul close with the object in that measure and proportion that the object deserves , therefore joy in god and christ are the most transcendent ; it is called ioy unspeakable and glorious ; rejoyce exceedingly you righteous , ephes. . . this is often called the joy of the holy ghost , rom. . that is , not only joy which is sutable to the spirit of god , but that joy which the holy spirit works in us . there are seven things which every childe of god hath received from god , that give him occasion to rejoyce abundantly though he be in tribulation . . all their sins are pardoned and freely done away in the bloud of christ , isa. . begin . christ said to the man sick of the palsie , son , be of good chear thy sins are forgiven thee . . they are covered with the perfect robes of christs righteousnesse before the lord , isa. . , . they may rejoyce in their inherent righteousnesse , their sorrow for sinne , love to the lord and his people , much more in the imputed righteousnesse of christ , revel . . the guests were to rejoyce at the brides marriage , much more the bride . . because they are reconciled to the lord , and all their services accepted notwithstanding their mixture of corruption . . all evil is removed from them ; sorrow is the apprehension of the heart , because of some evil object , psal. . no evil shall come nigh his dwelling that is under the protection of the almighty . . the lord hath undertaken in his covenant to supply them with all good , and to provide him whatsoever shall be needfull for him , whilst he lives in this world . . when this life is ended there is provided for them a glorious condition in heaven , the angels will carry thee thither , and christ receive thee , mat. . rejoyce and be exceeding glad , for great is your reward in heaven . . all these things are kept for them by christ , thou art therefore more happy then adam in paradise , or the angels before they fell , they had the image of gods grace , yet in their own power to lose , and they did lose it , the properties of this joy : . it is spiritual , its working is in the inward and most spiritual faculty of the soul , the intellectuall nature , of the same nature that the joy of god and christ is . . it is given for the time of afflictions and trial especially , rejoyce in tribulation , cor. . exceedingly rejoyce in all our troubles . . it is built on such things as will never fail , on pardon , free favour , unchangeable promises . . everlasting , everlasting joy shall be upon their heads . motives to sanctified joy : . the lord cals for the exercise of this affection as frequently and earnestly as any ; we are not more frequently exhorted to fear god , to love him , to desire and seek after him , then to rejoyce in him . . god is offended if his people rejoyce not in his service , deut. . . . joy breeds thankfulnesse , the psalmist often joyns these two together , joyfulnesse and singing of psalms . . it breeds spiritual strength , the joy of the lord is your strength , neb. . . . this is a great honour to the profession of religion , and glory to christianity , it will satisfie others that there is some secret excellency in that way . . the example of other men who rejoyce in vanity , and wilt not thou rejoyce in christ ? marks and evidences of spiritual and sanctified joy : first , by the antecedents of it . . it is promised to the mourners in sion , isa. . . matth. . . till sinne be our sorrow we shall never have this joy , iohn . . the first work of the comforter is to convince the soul of sin , and so of sorrow . . to believing in christ , one is not capable of gospel-joy till he believe in christ , rom. . . pet. . . phil. . . secondly , by the object of it , it is christ and the things he brings with him , the sutablenesse betwixt these and our souls is the joy . in what proportion any creature brings christ with it , in that proportion we rejoyce , as david , ieremiah , iob ; in the word , because there is abundance of christ in preaching , the sabbath is christs visiting-day , therefore their delight ; prayer because there is an intercourse betwixt god and the soul , communion of saints . thirdly , by the companions of it , the rest of the fruits of the spirit , gal. , . they come by clusters , love , meeknesse , patience , temperance . . it is jealou● and fearful lest it should be mistaken , the two disciples believed not for joy . fourthly , by the fruits of it . . hereby we are fortified against sinning . . it will make one readily part with any thing for christs sake , endured with joy the spoiling of their goods , heb. . psal. . . ignatius said , bring the lions , i shall make brave bread when i am ground . means to get our joy sanctified and to keep it . it is gotten in the new-birth , all affections are sanctified at once . how we may come to make god in christ our supream joy . . thou must labour to know god and jesus christ , mat. . . when he found the treasure and saw the worth of it , he rejoyced , know how good , merciful and gracious the lord is . . faith will produce joy , strengthen faith and strengthen joy , pet. . , . rom. . . and hope likewise , rom. . rejoycing in hope . . beg it much at gods hand , pray him that thou maist rejoyce , iohn . . say , lord in mercy fill my soul with the light of thy countenance . . meditate of the things thou hast heard and learned concerning the lord jesus christ , ponder on the good things given thee of god in christ , ponder how excellent it is to be a pardoned man , to be accepted of gods son , to have the promises of the gospel belonging to thee . . labour to preserve uprightnesse of spirit in thee , no man can rejoyce in god that doth not walk with him , true righteousnesse may be without joy , but true joy cannot be without righteousnesse . . frequently renew godly sorrow , carnal mirth ends in sorrow , godly sorrow ends in joy , this will keep thee low in thine own eyes . . for maintaining of your joy , be careful of your bodies , next to sin nothing is more to be shunned then to be under the power of melancholy . how our joy may be sanctified in respect of the outward mercies and good things of this life . god allows his children to take joy and comfort in all the things of this life , in wine , musick , live joyfully with the wife of thy youth . this joy is sanctified : . when we take joy in every creature , so as we finde god in it , see his love to us . . as any creature bears gods image . david loved salomon because he was a iedidiah . . be as if not in all the joy that thou takest in them , cor. . be moderate . . let not thy heart draw thee from god. . all the joy thou takest in the creatures must be in due season as well as in due degree , not in time of mourning , rejoycing alwayes in the lord. see mr wheatleys oyl of gladnesse . chap. xxiv . of sorrow . the opposite passion to joy or delight , is grief and sorrow . it is a passion which doth tie up , binde and streighten the heart through the apprehension of evil present . grief in it self is a good affection planted by god in mans nature at the first to be a means of causing him to avoid things that were evil for him , and would procure his hurt . it is procured by the gathering of the worst and grossest bloud about the heart , which causeth a dulnesse in the spirits , and consequently unlivelinesse in all the other parts , for the bloud and spirits are the instruments of all affections . to grieve is natural , to grieve for sinne is a strain above nature , grace doth not destroy but correct nature . contrition of spirit is called the sacrifice of god , psal. . . he will not despise it , that is , will most favourably accept it . see isa. . . this was signified by the meat-offering of fine flower mixed with oyl which was to be joyned with their burnt offerings . that fine flower did type forth this contrition , by which the heart is as it were ground to pouder that it may by the holy ghost be offered up unto god , levit. . . isaiah speaks of this chap. . . contrition of heart is that grace whereby a mans soul is truly humbled in the sight of his sins , matth. . . it differs somewhat from the grace of humility . for humility was in adam during his innocency , and should have been in all of us if we had never sinned , and ( as some think ) is in the angels , for all creatures that are truly good , do cast down themselves before god , and make no account of themselves in regard of him , which to do is to be humble : but contrition of spirit doth necessarily presuppose sin , and when the soul doth so apprehend the nature of sinne , and its own sinfulnesse , that it is thereby cast down , abased , afflicted , this is brokennesse of heart . it differs also from terrour of conscience , stiled attrition by the schoolmen , that looks to the punishment of sinne , this chiefly to the evil of sinne as it is sinne , and to the very fountain of all sin , the corruption of nature from which all actual sins arise . few affections or graces contribute more to a christians welfare then this ; a great part of gods image and the practise of holinesse lies in it . there is a two-fold sorrow : . sensitive , expressed in a sensible manner . . intellectual . the sorrow of the will or rational sorrow is a being displeased with a thing as having the heart distasted and disliked with it , a feeling of sinne as evil with an aversnesse of the will. passionate sensible sorrow is such a stirring of the heart as brings forth tears , this follows the bodily temper . not so much the greatnesse of the sorrow as the efficacy of it must be looked unto , and the motive of it that it be the consideration of the spiritual mischief of sin in provoking god and causing his displeasure , the smallest measure of sorrow thus grounded and working is repentant . the work of gods grace in sanctifying it : . the author of it . . the true object . . the gracious effects . first , of the authour of it . it is the holy spirit that is the worker of all godly sorrow . it infuseth such a principle that it turns it from all evil objects , and sets it on the right objects in that measure and proportion that the thing requires . secondly , the true object of it . we must grieve , first , for the sins of others , even of particular men , and the publick sins , psa. . . david saith in another place , he beheld the transgressours and was sorrowfull ; and ieremiah saith , he would weep in secret for their pride , jerem. . . pet. . . secondly , for the miseries and calamities of others , which is pity , chiefly publick calamities of the church and state , as nehemiah and mordecai . thirdly , our own crosses and afflictions which befall us in our selves and others , as iob did mourn when the evils befell him , and david when he was threatned his childe should die , and paul was sorry for the sicknesse of epaphroditus . fourthly , our own sins and offences for which we are called to afflict our selves and mourn , and to turn unto the lord with tears and lamentations . . the measure of our sorrow . . simply all our sorrows must be proportionable to their cause . . moderate , not as men without hope neither for friends nor crosses , nor continue overlong . . comparatively , we ought to grieve more for our sins then crosses , for the faults of others then their afflictions . we should grieve most for sinne appretiativè , if not intensivè . it should be a christians best sorrow for quality , if not his greatest for quantity ; sorrow for sinne is more intellectual and durable , semper dolet & de dolore gaudet , the matter of this sorrow still continues , yet a christian is to testifie his godly sorrow , sometimes more then another , sam. . . zechary● ● . , . the objects of it , are such things as are principally and properly matter of grief to him , either the absence of that wherein their real goodnesse lies , or the presence of a real evil . . the want of gods presence in his favour and grace , the want of his image and ordinances . . the presence of that which is really evil , gods wrath and displeasure . david and heman could have no peace , because god was angry . to lie under the guilt of sin , psal. . to be under the power of corruption , rom. . when gods name is dishonoured . psalm . . rivers of tears runne down mine eyes , because men keep not thy law , rom. . i have great heavinesse of heart , because my brethren are cast off . the gracious effects or fruits of godly sorrow . eccles. . . that is , by the sadnesse of the heart exprest in the countenance , the heart is made better , cor. . , . . in general , it is a marvellous help to repentance , it brings forth repentance never to be repented of . there are two comprehensive duties faith and repentance , repentance is the turning of the soul from evil unto good , it stands chiefly in our affections , and consists in turning them from evil , godly sorrow and hatred do this . . more particularly , it worketh great care and fear of being overtaken with sin , indignation and zeal , it makes the soul very humble . . it is an excellent help to patience and meek subjection to the hand of god , i will bear the indignation of the lord , because i have sinned against him . some think it is a crime to mourn for their own sins , and those that would be counted christians of the higher form , they say ▪ ministers which presse this duty are legal , the gospel taketh not away the conscience of sinne , though it doth the fear of damnation . to scoff at mourning and humiliation was once a badg of prophanenesse ; those that say justified persons must not mourn for sins , may as well say they must not have an heart of flesh . marks of godly sorrow : consider , . when we mourn , whether we grieve for sinne when we are quiet from crosses , and when our sinne is kept from the world , and when we have no terrours of conscience , then our sorrow for sin is because we have offended god. sin is made grievous indeed by the other effects , and when they come the sorrow is made more and more troublesome . . for what sins we mourn , if for such sin as will not bring discredit in the world , yet if they offend god more we grieve more , this is a good sign . . in what sort we behave our selves in mourning , if we go to god , complain against our selves to him , confesse to him , lament before him , seek to reconcile ourselves to him . iudas ran crying to the high-priest ; peter wept to god in secret . motives to godly sorrow : first , it is a great evidence of thy love to god , ezekiel . later end , the church mournes when he was pacified to her , to thinke how she had grieved him . secondly , often meditate of the wonderful fruit godly sorrow brings forth in the soul of man , the mournfull christians which grieve when god cals for sorrow , are the most fruitful in afflictions . means or helps to godly sorrow : . meditation , . of the necessity and profit of it , if we bewail not our sins we cannot attain pardon of them , for christ is sent to binde up the broken in heart , to comfort mourners , to refresh and give rest unto the weary soul , zech. . , . & . iames . , . voluntary sorrow or remorse of heart whereto the soul doth of it own accord strive to work it self by taking pains with it self , is exceeding medicinable , it hath a purging power , a healing vertue , gods spirit doth work with and by it , to the making clean of the heart and hand ; godly sorrow breedeth repentance , that is , reformation of heart and life . only the bloud of our lord jesus christ can cleanse from the guilt of sinne , and deserve by way of merit the remission of the punishment thereof , but the tears of penitent sorrow will help to wash away the stain and filth of sinne , and to break the dominion of it from off the soul , and to confirm the heart against it , a man must grieve for his sins here , or howl for them hereafter , and by this he shall prevent many chastisements , and be armed against carnal sorrow , and be made capable of sound consolation . . prayer to god that he would perform his promise of taking away the stony heart , and giving a fleshy heart in stead of it . . a good man must represent his sins unto his own soul , as exceeding grievous and dangerous and loathsome . he must aggravate sinne to himself , and cause his understanding to apprehend it a very vile thing , worthy to be lamented and wept for more then any thing in all the world besides , and to that end he must consider , . how exceeding many and innumerable his sins are ? . the greatnesse of some of them in regard of aggravating circumstances , most grosse and palpable for matter , presumptuous for manner , against plain and evident light , conscience , reproofs , purposes , vows and all helps , made even a trade of them . i know your great sins , saith the prophet ; and this people hath committed a great sin , saith moses ; and so david , forgive mine iniquity for it is great . . the hatefulnesse of sin in regard of the vile effects thereof . first , it doth wrong and offend god in his soveraign authority and greatnesse , and in his wisdom , and in his right to the creatures who is so excellent and great . secondly , it hath brought much misery upon all the creatures , the earth is barren , the sea troubled , the air infected , and every thing out of order , because of sinne . we have lost the state of innocency , are cast out of paradise , deprived of gods favour , his image , the dominion over the creatures that we had , forfeited our right to heavenly glory , lost our knowledge of god , and of all his excellent creatures . the soul of man is dead in sins by reason of sin , and his body mortall , and both subject to eternall death . we are cursed in all that we put our hands to , because we have transgressed the law of god. thirdly , consider christs sufferings , in which we may see the odiousnesse of sinne . fourthly , the torments of hell which the damned do suffer , because they did not in time bewail their transgressions , and we shall endure if we grieve not . fifthly , call to minde the examples of those which have mourned for sins , david , peter , mary magdalen . the affections of the irascible appetite follow , viz. those which respect their object with difficulty of attaining or avoiding of it . chap. xxv . hope and fear . i. of hope . . the nature of this affection . philosophers call it extentionem appetitus naturalis . it is an earnest and strong inclination and expectation of some great good apprehended as possible to be obtained , though not without difficulty . it is a great question , whether it be more difficult to trust in god for spiritual or temporal blessings ? the promises for temporal things are not so expresse , and they are not fulfilled in the letter . on the other side , there are more natural prejudices against pardon of sinne then daily bread . we do not so easily believe gods supply of temporal blessings , because bodily wants are more urgent . he that will not trust in christ for provision for his body , will not trust in him for salvation of his soul. first , the object about which it deals is some great and sutable good , especially salvation , gal. . . col. . . the good is thus qualified : . it is futurum , hope is of good things to come . joy is in a good present , fear is of evils to come . . possibile , else we never expect it , herein it differs from despair . . difficile , because it ever looks on the good it waits for , as not to be obtained by its own strength . secondly , the act of what the soul doth in reference to this object , an expectation , this the scripture expresseth by waiting , patient abiding . all hope is either humane , the expectation which the rational creature hath from some second cause , this the scripture cals a vain hope , a spiders-web , a lie . divine , the expectation of the will to receive good from the hand of god. the ground of such a hope must be the word of god , by which alone his power and truth stand ingaged to us , and to hope for any thing but from them , is vain . so we must either have a general or particular promise * of the thing hoped for , or else it is idle to expect it . therefore david repeateth it more then once , that he hoped in gods word , psal. . . & psal. . , . so abraham had gods promise for a son in his old-age before he expected one . the measure of hope . it must be strong and firm without wavering , so as to hold out even against hope , all likelihood . the continuance of it . it must hold out against all delaying and procrastination , pet. . . this is waiting on god , which is commanded . . the image of god in this affection . there will be no use of hope at all in glory , there was little use of it in the primitive condition of man. the object of his happinesse was present and enjoyed , god , his favour and communion , and all things in him , but this did not continue . . the corruption of this affection . . the corrupt object of our hope when we are depraved . . the woful effects and cursed fruits it brings forth . first , the object , that which is the only excellent object of it a wicked man hath wholly lost , god , his image , favour , grace , ephes. . . & . . that object though sutable is not lookt on by him under that notion . . there is no declaration of the will of god to reach out this unto him . although there be no real hope , yet there is a bastardly hope which the scripture cals presumption , the hope and vain expectation of the wicked will be cut off , it is an ungrounded confidence whereby a sinner without warrant will promise himself all good . secondly , the woefull effects which this false hope produceth in the soul of man. . it is a great means to draw them violently into the wayes of sinne . young men are therefore easily beguiled , because they are full of hope . . this corrupt hope wraps up the soul in a cursed carnall security , iob . , . . when this is cut down it usually ends in bitter despair , because the confidence it had to uphold it self was a meer sigment . . the sanctification of this affection : because the greatest part of a christians good is unseen and unenjoyed in this world , therefore hope must have a great influence on a believers life to comfort , stay and refresh him , rom. . , . the work of gods spirit in sanctifying this affection : . in turning it to its right object , and upon a right ground . . in producing the right , proper , and natural effects of it ; hope thus rectified is the establishing of the soul in all storms . it looks at two things ▪ the good to be enjoyed , and the means whereby it is to be enjoyed . god in christ , and the spirit , is the principal object that hope closeth with , ier. . . rom. . . col. . . pet. . . . the lesse principal are the promises concerning this and a better life , heb. . or rather the things promised . secondly , the means , the good will of god , the intercession of christ , the ordinances . the ground of hope is faith in the word ; the act of hope is expectation , the putting out of the rational appetite in the expectation of a future good which is difficult , not a vain uncertain expectation , but a sure expectation of it , the object is sure , if i believe it , this makes the soul possesse it self in patience , rom. . , . heb. . . faith looks at the truth as present , hope closeth with it as future . there is a certainty ▪ . of the object , when the thing i believe or hope for is infallible . . of the subject , when the thing is made sure to my soul. two things are contrary to hope , despair and presumption : despair is a falling of the heart from the future good conceived , as inattainable at least to the parties self . it is a soul racking it self with what is , and what will be . see iob . . we must despair of attaining any good thing by our own industry without gods special help . we must not despair of attaining any good thing by gods gracious blessing , favour and mercy , viz. power against sinne , pardon of it , deliverance out of crosses and life eternal . it is not a bare absence or privation of hope , but a passion contrary to hope , as love to hatred . francis spira in the despair of his soul , cried out , verily desperation is hell it self , he said , my sin is greater then gods mercy . presumption , which is the excesse of hope ; the papists expect heaven as a reward of their obedience . it is a taking of things asore-hand , or a looking for that god hath not promised . what the proper use of this holy affection is to gods people whilst they live in this world . . to be a stay and safeguard to their souls in all times of difficulty , heb. . the anchor of the soul. . it is while we are in this world all the possession we have of the other world , rom. . we are saved by hope . marks of a sanctified hope : . the holy scripture breeds it , rom. . . col. . . it discovers thy desperate condition in thy self , lam. . , . . it is grounded upon true faith in christ , rom. . . col. . . . such a one minds heavenly things more then earthly , heb. . , . . he that hath true hope to go to heaven will be careful to prepare and fit himself for it , cor. . . ioh. . . psal. . . because the soul expects good from god , it labours to walk acceptably with him . . it carries the soul chearfully on in the use of all those means which the lord hath appointed for attaining that end , heb. . . . the use of it principally appears when storms and difficulties arise , the real use of it is to stay the soul ; when troubles come , it quiets the soul and makes it patient and content under pressures , tim. . . motives to hope : first , there is a necessity of it , we cannot live without it ; it is an expectation of an absent good , we shall be dasht on the rocks continually if we have not this anchor of our lives , prov. . . pet. . . secondly , when this grace is wrought in the soul it will keep it in a quiet calm condition . thirdly , it will be a great help to holinesse . he that hath this hope will puririsie himself as he is pure . one cannot have a gospel-hope , and lead a wicked life . fourthly , this hope will never deceive you , or make the soul ashamed , rom. . . the hope of the wicked is like a spiders-web , and the giving up of the ghost . means to get a sanctified hope : in general you must labour to be new-creatures , the spirit of god must work it . . let thy hope never rest on any thing but a word of god , rom. . . there is no bottom for this anchor but that . . meditate on the all-sufficiency of god who hath given thee that word , rom. . , . psal. . . . on gods almighty power , how infinitely able he is to help . . on his free grace , on his own accord he makes and keeps the promise . . his mercy , goodnesse and faithfulnesse . . experience of gods dealings with others , iam. . . and our selves , psalm . . rachel when she had one son , she called him ioseph , saith she , god will adde another . psal. . , . the servants of god of old did write some special name on their deliverance , or named the place so as to remember it , to help them both to praise god for mercies received , and to strengthen them to hope in god for time to come , as eben-ezer , the stone of help , iehovah-jireh , the valley of berach● , psal. . , . . the examples of his mercy and favour to others , psal. . . & . , . . such a one must be careful to walk in holinesse and righteousnesse before god , ioh. . , . iob . . chap. xxvi . ii. fear . it is that passion which makes the heart to shrink and withdraw it self from an imminent evil which it conceiveth it self now unable to escape or suffer . first , it must be exercised alone upon fit objects . the things we may and must fear are real evils . . natural , as poverty , shame , danger , death , when god or our lawful governour threaten them against us , for we must fear gods threats and tremble at his word , or when god or the magistrate executes them , therefore when we hear of the punishment of sinners , also it must make us fear . iacob feared esau , and david saith , he feared reproach , that is , due and just reproach . . spiritual , at all times , viz. sinne , gods anger and eternal damnation , we must fear to sinne , to incurre gods anger , and bring our selves to death , as ioseph feared , how shall i do this great evil ? and paul saith , having this terrour , we perswade men ; and iob feared the judgement of god , and durst not wrong his servant . so long must we fear eternal punishment of sin till we be freed from it by christ , and then we must fear it no more . secondly , the measure of our fear in two things . . all our fears of what things soever ought to be moderate , so farre as to awaken wit , courage and care to avoid peril , and no farther . for all the affections of man were planted in him to further his welfare , and they must be fitted to that end in the measure of their working . as we see in iacobs fear of esau , and in christs fear in the garden ; yea our fear of gods anger and eternal death should be so moderate as only to move us to use the right means of escape , even of submitting our selves to god. only in one case excessive fear is no sinne , but alone a fruit of weaknesse , viz. when god shews himself extraordinarily in terrible signs , or when an angel shews himself . . we must fear spiritual evils more then natural , sinne more then mans displeasure or any losse , and damnation above all other evils whatsoever , as the saints of god and martyrs in former times have done . david saith , i will not fear what man can do unto me ; and i will not fear though i walk in the valley of death . we must not fear . the causlesse anger or reproach of men , nor imaginary evils , the wicked stie when none pursueth . the noise of a leaf shall chase them , levit. the shadows of the mountains seem men to them , iudg. . . more real evils when they oppose us in a way of our duty , fear not them that kill the body ; fear not any of these things that thou shalt suffer . . the evils against which god hath secured us by his gracious promise , as the lord bids ioshua not to fear , and the people are commanded not to fear when they shall see a great army . david said , god is my light and shield , i will not fear what man can do unto me . a christian reconciled to god should not fear any outward danger , for he hath god ingaged to him to save and deliver him in all extremity . the fearfull must to hell , those which fear when and what they should not . the way to rectifie this passion is to get faith in god , true fear of god and a good conscience toward god ; pray to him to sanctifie it . the affection of fear must be distinguished from the grace and vertue of fear . though where ever this vertue is there the affection by power of the vertue will be ordered also aright , yet they must be distinguished , for the affection of fear is in all men naturally , yea in the very devils , but the grace of the fear of god is a part of sanctification , and cannot be found but in the elect childe of god. the fear of god may be thus defined . it is a grace whereby a man is so overawed with the apprehension of gods greatnesse and presence , that he dare not offend him , deut. . , , . eccles. . . prov. . . the fear of god is an excellent grace , sam. . , . mal. . . ier. . . i will shew you whom you shall fear , him that can cast soul and body into hell fire , saith christ. there is not any one vertue more frequently commanded nor abundantly commended in scripture . it is the first and chiefest point of wisdom , prov. . . & . . psal. . . fear of the lord is taken . generally for all graces and gracious dispositions , eccles. . . as faith in the new testament carries all graces with it , so fear in the old : compare those two proverbs , prov. . . with . . . for that affection whereby the soul in a filial manner is overawed with the greatnesse and goodnesse of god , hos. . . reasons . . from god , he is in himself every way surpassing excellent , having in him a perfect mixture of greatnesse and goodnesse , able to destroy , and yet willing to save and help , and in respect of us he hath an infinite and unlimited soveraignty , as being a creator who hath full and absolute power to dispose of the creature which he hath made of nothing , he can save and destroy , he hath authority to command , and reason to be displeased , if any thing be done by us otherwise then becometh us . secondly , from our selves , we are mean and vile in comparison of god , no way able to resist him or flie from him , or to deliver our selves out of his hand , and worthy to be subject to him in the lowest degree . thirdly , the effects of this fear are most excellent . . it interests him in whom it is to all the gracious promises of god for this and a better life , it plainly proves a man to be regenerate and sanctified , and to be gods true childe and faithful servant . . it worketh a great tranquillity of minde , and a most setled quietnesse of heart , it armeth the heart against all carnal and inordinate * fear of other things , exod. . . isa. . , . luk. . , . and strengthens against all temptations . there is a double fear : . of reverence , a reverent respect to god , this is kept up by considering gods attributes discovered in the word , psal. . . iob . begin . isa. . . exod. . . hab. . . . of caution or circumspection in our conversation . this is stirred up by considering , . the strictnesse of the law , psal. . . it condemns not only acts but sinfull lusts and motions , psal. . . cor. . . . the sad fals of the saints when they have laid aside the fear of god. peter fell by a damsels question . there is a servile fear of god as a judge , and a filial fear of him as a father , the one is ne puniat , the other ne deserat . aug. courage or boldnesse : it is a passion quite contrary to fear , which stirreth up and quickneth the minde against evil to repel or bear the same without dejectednesse . saul , david , and davids worthies , ionathan , caleb and ioshua were couragious . a godly man is bold as a young lion. be of good courage , be strong , saith god to ioshua . caleb and ioshua would have gone up to possesse the land notwithstanding the strength of the canaanites . there is a double resolution : . in sinne and iniquity , ier. . . the devils are consirmed in wickednesse . . in the truths and wayes of god , dan. . . this is an almighty work of gods spirit , whereby a christian is able to do and suffer glorious things for god and his cause , dan. . . act. . nehemiah , esther , athanasius , luther and others were thus couragious . there is boldnesse with god that flows from innocency , iob . . and that flows from slattery , a boldnesse that ariseth from a seared conscience , deut. . . and from a reprobate conscience , heb. . . iohn . . it must be well ordered : first , for the object of it , it must be exercised against all sorts of evils , natural , which may come upon us in the way of our calling and duty , as david used courage against goliah , sam. . . ionathan against the philistims , and esther against the danger of death ; the judges of israel were couragious ; and paul in his sufferings , and chiefly christ jesus , when he set himself to go up to ierusalem and to bear the curse of the law. it must be withdrawn from unfit objects , we must not be couragious against gods threats , nor great works , as thunder , nor against our betters , nor against the evil of sinne and damnation . to be bold to do evil , and to despise gods threats is hardnesse of heart . this was the sinne of the old world , and the philistims when the ark came against them , and of pharaoh . secondly , for the measure of our courage , it must be alwayes moderate , so as to resist and bear such evils as do necessarily offer themselves to be resisted and born , not to provoke danger . . it must be used more against publick enemies and evils then private , and against spiritual evils then natural ; we must resist satan , strong in the faith . motives to true christian courage : . it is both munimentum , the armour of a christian , and ornamentum the honour of a christian. . consider what examples we have in scripture of this vertue , moses , exod. . . ioshua , daniel , esther , peter , paul. means of getting courage . . see your fearfulnesse with grief and shame , and confesse it to god with sorrow , for in the acknowledgement of the want of grace begins the supply thereof . . consider of the needfulnesse , worth and excellency of this grace . . beg of god the spirit of courage . . take heed of self-confidence , heb. . . frustra nititur qui non innititur . bern. remember peter and dr pendleton . in the last place i shall handle some compound affections , anger , reverence , zeal . it sutes well with gods attributes and his dispensations , that we should love , joy , and be confident , and yet fear , psal. . matth. . . god discovers different attributes of mercy and justice , on which we are to exercise different affections . his dispensations also are various , as there is a fatherly love , so there is ira paterna , deut. . . jude . see phil. . . of anger . anger is a most powerful passion , and hath by an excellency engrossed the general name of passion to it self . the most usual name used by the hebrews to signifie anger is aph , which signifies also the nose , and by a synecdoche the whole face , either because in a mans anger the breath doth more vehemently and often issue out of the nose , which is as it were the smoke issuing from the flame kindled about the heart , or else because in the face anger is soonest discerned . the grecians used two names to expresse this affection 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the latine it is called ira , because it maketh a man quasi ex seire , as it were to go out of himself ; ira furor brevis , it is the rising of a mans heart against one that behaveth himself amisse , to punish him . it is a mixt affection compounded of these three affections , hatred , desire , grief . . there is hatred in pure just and innocent anger , of the sinne and fault principally , and a little for the present , of the faulty person : but in corrupt anger of the fault little or nothing , of the person most of all . . there is grief in pure anger at the dishonour done to god , in corrupt anger at the wrong done to ones self or his friend . . there is desire in pure anger of using means according to our vocation of bringing the party to repentance , and hindering the infection of the sinne : in unjust anger of revenging our selves upon the party , and delighting in his smart , therefore it is so violent a passion , because it is composed of those three , all which affections are fiery . it is easie to perceive all these three concurring in every angry person . therefore such as are in love or in pain , or in sorrow or hungry , in deep studies , are very teachy and soon moved to anger , for in all these there is an excessivenesse of some one or two of these passions , whereof anger is made , and therefore anger is soon provoked , seeing that these will soon breed a third , as wood and fire will cause a slame with a little blowing . the formal cause of it , is when any thing is highly esteemed by us , and that is contemned by another . i. the rectitude of it . in the state of innocency there was little use of it , while man did not offend god , nothing offended him . christ was perfectly holy and yet angry at the hardnesse of mens hearts , and the pollution of the temple ; so man might have been angry at the sin of the devils when he knew it . then it would have been no perturbation to his spirit nor blinding of his minde . ii. the corruption of it . wherein observe . the object this corrupt anger is conversant about , and the measure of it . . the causes which produce it . . the many cursed effects it produceth in mens lives . of the first . there are many objects of anger . the right object is dishonour done to gods name , sin , that only displeaseth god. the object of it is mistaken , . when i am angry with god , he is exempted in regard of his excellency and spotlesse holinesse . ionah was faulty this way , and salomon notes it of men who have perverted their wayes , that they fret against god. . when i am angry with my superiours , it being the passion of correcting , punishing , the faults of such should grieve us not anger us , therefore ionathan was not altogether blamelesse for being angry against his father saul in the behalf of david . . when i am angry with an innocent party , where there is no fault there should be no displeasure . lastly , in most cases to be angry with unreasonable or senslesse creatures which are too mean to be the objects of anger , as balaam was wroth with his asse ; so to be angry with a horse for stumbling or starting , unlesse when they be exorbitant from their natural goodnesse , as when the lion and bear would worry a sheep . secondly , one offends in the measure or quantity of anger , when he is angry more then enough . the proper end of anger is to awaken courage and set it a work to chastise evil , or to resist and beat it down that the minde may not be surprized with it ; such a moderate stirring of this passion as doth serve thus to set the minde a work to resist and oppose a fault or evil thing , is allowable , but if it come to a greater heat or flame then so , then it exceeds and is naught . if it be more vehement where the offence is less , then it is excessive . there may be a fault in the defect , when we are not moved , a just occasion of anger being offered , as in admonishing , reproving or correcting . secondly , the causes which produce it . since the fall the natural humours of the body . the immediate cause of it is pride and arrogancy the fruit of self-love , proud and haughty scorner is his name that deals in fierce wrath , should such a one as i be thus dealt with ? . our low esteem of others in comparison of our selves . . those things which should cause us to be meek and quiet , as learning , wisdom , any affront done to that excellency which god hath given us , whereas these should cause us to be meek , our weaknesse ( which should also make us meek ) puts us into passion , simple and sick folks are most passionate . thirdly , the cursed effects and fruits of this passion of anger . . it produceth a great deal of sorrow and woe in this world , the angry man never wants woe ; who hath reproaches , enemies ? . it disarms the soul of its own force , and layes it open to be invaded by an enemy , in patience possesse your souls . prov. . ult . . puts out the eye of our reason , ira furor brevis , eccles. . . impedit ira animum , ne possit cernere verum . ionah said to god , i do well to be angry to death . . it hurries all the other passions of the soul it s own way . . it is destructive to one of the principal ends of mans being , to humane society , prov. . . . it sets the tongue on fire , whence comes reviling , raging , moses when he was angry spake unadvisedly with his lips . . it produceth abundance of wicked actions , swearing , cursing , quarrelling , hurting and rude carriage , crying , stamping , staring . . it hinders a man from any communion with god : . from hearing , receive the ingrasfed word with meeknesse . . prayer , tim. . . unbelief and anger hinder our prayers . . the sacrament , that is a feast of love . . it quencheth all the motions of gods spirit and closeth with the devil , he by it possesseth the very soul , ephes. . , . mans nature is enclined to causlesse , ungrounded and excessive anger , sam. . , . eliab was angry with david , when he spake valiantly . nebuchadnezzar raged against the three children for not worshipping his golden image , and against the wise-men of babel for not being able to declare his dream . herod also was wroth against the wisemen , because they returned another way , and brought him not word back again concerning the childe jesus whom they came to enquire of and worship . a godly man may fall into passionate fits , be over-cholerick , as david and ionah . reasons why man is so prone to this unreasonable distemper . . the abundance of those vices in every one which concur to the working of unjust anger . . self-love which makes one prone to anger , because it is so wakeful , jealous , observative . . folly , anger rests in the bosom of fools ; a fool in the day of his wrath is known : an angry man exalteth folly , gives it a high room in his heart , makes it a great ruler and commander within him , now all men are in the corruption of nature fools , and have that title given them by the holy ghost . . pride , by pride alone cometh contention , saith salomon . . anger is a common fault , therefore salomon saith , make no friendship with an angry man , lest thou learn his wayes . . men make small account of it , a little passion , choler , they say . . the bodily temper in the farre greater number furthers it , the fiery choler which is in a mans body is the instrument of this hot vice . so having a soul defiled with those vices which beget anger , a body consisting of such humours as will set anger on work , finding many examples of it , and making little account of it , no wonder if a man do prove a wrathfull creature . this anger is greatly disgraced in scripture , prov. . . & . , . & . . & . . & . . & . . it is a fruit of the flesh . lastly , the work of grace in sanctifying anger . . the efficient cause of holy anger . the principal cause is the spirit of god in planting a new nature in the soul , and so in this affection . morall philosophy may go a great way in moderating anger , but the spirit of god only makes it holy . . sanctified reason is the immediate caller of it out and orderer of it : if it be holy anger it is a grace , and therefore must be called out by reason . secondly , the motive or occasion of it , we are angry for what we should . grosse and presumptuous sins done wilfully , openly , as christ was angry with the pharisees and peter . sins grosse for matter , presumptuous for manner , and mischievous in effect , not common imperfections , weaknesses . . insolencies against the church and commonweal . . for wrongs offered to us in a publick place , a place of authority , as moses . thirdly , the object about which it is conversant , only sinne , the persons with whom we may be angry , are our inferiours , or near equals , not our eminent superiours , though they do us some wrong , eccles . . it is an affection of punishing , and we may punish no others , least of all must we be angry with god , prov. . . fourthly , for the quicknesse of it , we must be slow to anger , eccles. . . pro. . ▪ . mat. . . not without a cause or unadvisedly . fifthly , the measure of it . . it must be alwayes temperat , so much as to quicken spirits , not darken reason . . it must not exceed the proportion of the evil , when god is much dishonoured it must be more , as in moses . sixthly , for continuance . it never must be long , the sunne must not go down upon our wrath , it must not be a bed-fellow . there must not be more anger then is requisite for the true and proper end of anger . the corrupt end of corrupt anger is revenge . but the true and proper end for which god did plant it in the heart was twofold . . that it might serve as a means to inable the body and minde more to procure its just defence against any evil or hurt that should be offered it , especially against any sinful temptation : christ was angry with the devil when he tempted him to worship him ; iacob with rachel , gen. . . . to stir us up when need is to use earnestnesse for the reforming of sinne in others which have committed it , so christ was angry against them that did buy and sell in the temple , and often against the hypocritical pharisees , which made him so sharp with them oftentimes . marks of sanctified anger : . what is the thing which stirres this passion ? is it because god is dishonoured ? moses his spirit was never stirred above twice in his own cause , but he was impatient when the israelites worshipped the golden calf . the zeal of gods house consumed christ. . such a one is most of all angry with himself , because he knows no man commits more injuries against that which is dear to himself , gods glory , his own peace , against his own wanderings , failings . . he observes that rule , be angry and sin not , because it is against sin . . holy anger will provoke him to his duty , nehemiah was troubled when the sabbath was prophaned . . it doth not exceed for measure . means . . to provoke this affection against sin , . to bridle our inordinate passion about things for which we should not be angry . of the first . consider first how amiable a thing it is for a man to be impatient for god , a great part of our holy zeal ( which is the edge of the soul ) is anger against sinne . it is intensus gradus purae affectionis , zeal is a composition of love and anger . secondly , god himself is extreamly angry with sinne , and the workers of iniquity . he is jealous , wrathfull , he drowned all the world , burned five cities , made his sonne drink of the cup of his wrath , was never angry for any thing but sinne . thirdly , rightly understand the nature of sinne , what ever may call out anger meets only in sinne , it is an injury against god , a contempt , an ingratitude against him , who is the holiest , wisest , excellentest in heaven and earth : who are they that do this , base creatures , worms , potsherds , that receive every thing which is good from him ? secondly , how to bridle our inordinate passions : . take heed of pride and overweening thy self , pro. . . & . . david was much provoked at nabal , but suffered shimei to rail at him , there is nothing to be esteemed but the glory of god , his favour , communion with him . . avoid suspition , love which is opposite to anger , is said not to be suspicious . . abstain from all occasions of anger , take heed of tale-bearers , resist it in the beginning . . consider the excellency of meeknesse and long-suffering , rightly understand the hand from which every injury comes , real or supposed : shimei cannot curse david , but god bids him , he orders it . . look to thy own thoughts , passe the thing over , doe not think of it , matth. . . . consider the glorious examples of moses , david , christ himself . . often disgrace this vice unto your selves , call to minde how earnestly god hath condemned it , how he hath vilified it , and those that give themselves unto it . anger rests in the bosom of fools ; the holy ghost bids us put away anger and wrath , bitternesse , crying and evil speaking ; he bids us , walk not with an angry man , nor have fellowship with a furious man ; he saith , an angry man aboundeth in transgression , it is opposite to love , the best of vertues , a very drunkennesse , and disgrace thy self to thy self . reverence . it is an affection by which the soul is stirred to entertain the good which appeareth to be of some worth or excellency according to its worth . it must be exercised upon fit objects , things and persons reverend . the holy things of god , his sanctuary , sabbath , word , sacraments and other ordinances in which men draw near unto him , levit. . . the image of god consisting in righteousnesse and holinesse . salomon saith , that wisdom shall give a comely ornament . the persons to be honoured , are . the godly and vertuous , whom we must respect for the image sake of god that is in them . . governours and rulers of all sorts , commandment th . . the ministers of the gospel . . aged persons having a stamp of gods eternity . reverence is properly exercised upon a person esteemed excellent and eminent in grace and vertue , especially if it be also joyned with soveraign authority . if authority be separated from vertue , yet in well considering men it will beget reverence , for the place will be loved , though not the party . if vertue be separated from authority , that will beget a great measure of reverence in a well-judging soul. secondly , for the measure , we must honour and reverence things and persons more or lesse , as they are more or lesse reverend , every person and thing according to its degree . we must not reverence : . idols and false gods , i mean the image of any god-head set up to worship or any conceited imaginary god. to kisse the calves ( a sign of reverence ) was a sinne . . vile and base men of sinful and wicked carriage , in regard of wealth , wit , beauty and other paintings . masters , parents , kings must be reverenced for their authority , but not for other vain things . zeal . zeal is by some defined the heat and intention of all the affections , as varnish is no one colour but that which gives glosse and lustre to all , act. . . it is a holy warmth wrought by the spirit of god , whereby all the affections are drawn out unto the utmost for the lord and his glory . it is nothing but heat or warmth , whence zealous men in scripture are said to burn in the spirit , but it is a spiritual heat wrought in the heart of man by the holy ghost , improving the good affections of love , joy , hope , for the best furtherance of gods glory ; using the contrary affections of hatred , anger , grief against gods enemies . dr holland when he went any journey was used to say to the fellows , commendo vos dilectioni dei & odio papatus . all the servants of god should be zealous for the lord , revel . . . this is required in the minister , act. . . the hearer , luke . . of them that would pray with comfort , iam. . . in every part of the service that we do unto god , rom. . . it is in general required of us in our whole profession and practice of religion , tit. . . iehosaphat is praised for it , chron. . . see chap. . . king. . . reasons . god is a spirit , a pure act with whom we have to do , therefore we must be spiritual : he would not accept the first-born of an asse , because it is a dull sloathful creature . secondly , it is conversant in matters of religion which are of highest concernment in the world , all the heart , soul and strength , are to be laid out about them . thirdly , this is an excellent grace , . because it is the best evidence of a christian , the spirit of god works like fire . . the greatest means to draw out the soul to service for christ , isa. . when he was toucht with a coal from the altar , then he cries , send me . . it will save a sinking church , numb . . . ier. . . . it is the glory and beauty of all our services , as varnish adds a lustre to all other colours , makes them amiable . two cautions . . it must be guided by knowledge , rom. . . zeal without knowledge is like mettle in a blinde horse ; knowledge without zeal is like a precious stone in an old toads head . . mannaged by wisdom , we must not go beyond our calling . signs of holy zeal : . one is impatient for injuries done against god , so moses , exod. . . it is ready to be imployed in any service which may advance god , as isa. . . it makes a man do it couragiously ; a zealous man is bold for god , shall such a man as i flee , said nehemiah . . he will spare no cost in the cause of god , cant. . . . what ever it hath done for god it never thinks it hath done enough , phil. . , . . this heavenly fire shines abroad , but burns most within . . makes one take pleasure in the zeal and forwardnesse of others , i would all the lords people were prophets . chap. xxvii . of the sensitive appetite . thus i have done with sanctifying the intellectual nature , the understanding , will , conscience , memory and the affections . now i come to appet●tus sensitivus , the sensitive appetite . it is an inclination of the soul to imbrace those things which are good or evil according to the judgement of the sense . there are five external senses , seeing , hearing , smelling , touching and tasting ; and three internal , the memory , fancy , common sense . in these men and bruit beasts are alike . in man this sensitive appetite differs from that in a bruit beast in three things : . that in a bruit beast is all the soul which he hath , but in man it is not a distinct soul , but an inferiour faculty of the reasonable soul. . the motions of a bruit beast according to sense , are not guided by reason . . in a bruit beast his sense is all the guide he hath by which he is to make his judgment : mans rule is reason guided by god. all the motions of the will which the soul takes upon the representation of the senses , is the bruit part . . the rectitude of it before the fall or the image of god in it . it was wholly at the command of reason , is was to be a servant to the soul , only to bring intelligence and represent all the things which were done abroad . a man in his pure condition had not a desire to a thing till reason had judged of it . since mans fall , much of our depravation lies in this low brutish faculty , the scripture saith , every man is a beast . the apostle ten times in the sixth , seventh and eigth of the romans , cals concupiscence sin . some think it is but the depravation of this he there means . man falling off from god and making him his portion , turns to the creature , and makes it his portion . . the power which this brutish part hath over reason . . over the will and affections . . the abominable fruits which slow from both these . of the first . whereas reason should impartially take all things without prejudice , and weigh them in the right balance ; it puts out the eye or deludes it . . it takes up the will before any thing be propounded to reason , it often ravisheth the will , which the scripture expresseth by madnesse . . the woful fruits of this . hereupon man who was made after gods image , and most like him , becomes a carnal , earthly , brutish man , the spiritual part is drowned , iude v. . his joy is in his musick , wine , horse , garden , cloaths . though he have an intellectual nature , yet his reason invents wayes and means to follow some sensual good , and to avoid some sensual ev●l , and in this case are all natural men . corruption first came into the soul by the sensual appetite : eve by seeing the fruit , hearing the serpent , touching and tasting the fruit , and by imagining what good might come to her by it , was deceived . scholars and wise men when corrupt are often taken up more with the things which work upon the senses , then with what works upon reason . many among the arabians are learned in the tongues and mathematicks , yet their happinesse and all their religion from mahomet is what pleaseth the sense . popery is a meer pompo●s sensual religion . men often do vertuous things that they may have the reward of vertue , and hate punishments because they are sensual . the work of gods grace in sanctifying this part . the proper office of it was to present the intellectual nature with what of god may be found in the creature . the sanctification of it stands in two things : . god by his grace spoils the relish of that good which is presented to us by the senses , it discovers to the soul better good to feed upon , the taste of spiritual things , the consolations of christ. . the soul is not much troubled at the evil which the senses present , sicknesse , reproach . though grace do not so far subdue the appetite that it shall not be medling , yet it stayes the will. in a gracious man the dictates of reason and conscience conclude the businesse , as in samsons love of an uncircumcised philistim , if grace had prevailed that had soon ceased . there is a great deal of wickednesse in the sensual appetite , it is impetuous since the fall . . it is a great debasement for a man to be under that which should be his slave . directions how to get this faculty sanctified : . we shall never get it under the yoke untill we can get the soul to finde satisfaction in better things , communion with god. paul could abound and want . all the philosophy in the world cannot take thy soul off till grace doe , their own rules took not their hearts off , because they had not better things to satisfie it . . watch diligently over thy senses , satans cinque-ports , what undid achan ? i saw a fine garment , and then i coveted . the whore in the proverbs allured the young man by inveigling most of his senses . i made a covenant with my eyes , saith iob. . we must be careful of our inward senses , our thoughts of earthly things . . pray much to the lord that he would keep us in his holy fear . the vegetative soul is a power of attracting , concocting and expelling what is superfluous , it was not gracious in innocency , nor sinful by the fall , the perversness of it was brought in by sin , but sub ratione poenae . chap. xxviii . of the sanctification of mans body , and all the external actions . the body as well as the soul was redeemed by the price of christs bloud , taken into union with him , and shall be glorious to all eternity . i shall here handle four things : . the nature of the body . . the image of god in it before the fall . . it s corruption . . it s sanctifying by the spirit . of the first . it is one of the most curious pieces of all gods workmanship , psal. . , . the operation of the soul much depends on the temper or distemper of the body . . what the image of god was in mans body before the fall . god is a spirit , how can the body be his image ? the schoolmen say it stood in three things : . in the admirable frame and composure of it , this is not probable . . in its majesty which carried a beam of god in it , bruit beasts did stoop to him as their lord. . it bore gods image significativè , it was the vessel wherein the soul did act that holinesse which was gods image . the comlinesse of any mans body depends not on outward decking , but when it is imployed in the works of holinesse . . the depravation of the body since mans fall . it is a great question , wherein the sinfulnesse of the body lies , because there is no sin in it till the soul comes , nor when it is gone : yet that there is sin in it appears by thess. . . it s sinfulnesse consists in three things : . in its fitnesse to sin , rom. . . . in its readinesse to sin ; there is not only a passive fitnesse , but an active readinesse in the members to sinne , act. . . the feet are swift to shed bloud . . in its greedinesse to the service of sin , deut. . . the whole body of original corruption dwels in our bodies , rom. . let not sin reign in your mortal bodies . this corruption desiles the body within , and issues out likewise , sometimes it will inwardly burn with lust and anger . the members of our bodies are the instruments of sin : the tongue was given man to be an instrument of gods glory , therefore david calleth it his glory ; since our fall the spirit of god saith , it is a world of wickednesse . one hath written a large treatise of the sins of the tongue , with that we curse god and rail on men , much uncleannesse is acted by it . one reckoneth up four and twenty several sins of the tongue , lying , swearing , ribaldry , scoffing , flattering , quarrelling , deceiving , boasting , tatling , &c. it is compared to a sharp two-edged sword , to a razor , to sharp arrows , to an adders sting , to the poyson of an asp , to fiery coles , to the fire of hell . eyes ] eyes full of adultery , pet. . an evil eye , a covetous eye . ears ] a deaf ear to that which is good , itching ears . hands ] full of violence , oppressing . feet ] swift to shed bloud . . the work of grace in sanctifying mans body . when the whole work of sanctification is intended ; god sometimes names onely the sanctifying of mans body , rom. . thess. . , . rom. . , . cor. . , . the work of grace in sanctifying the body , stands not in making it the immediate and proper subject of grace , that being spiritual cannot have its seat in mole corporea , but in these particulars . . it shall be no longer at the command of the devil or a lust , cor. . . iob . . psal. . . . it is consecrated to the lord , rom. . . cor. . , . it is made the temple of the holy ghost ; where the holy ghost resides he will spiritually adorn it that it shall be no more inthralled to sin . . it is taken into a real and indissoluble union with god himself , cor. . your bodies are the members of christ. . our bodies are the instruments by which the spirit of god and our souls work sanctification , rom. . give up your members as instruments of righteousnesse , cor. . . david often calleth on his tongue to blesse god , naming it his glory ; it exalts gods praises , ministers grace to the hearers . psal. . . the bridling of the tongue standeth , . in forbearing words , . sinful simply , whether . impious against gods . being , authority and greatnesse . . worship and word . . name and honour . . sabbath and rest. . injurious against . those that we have relation to . betters , irreverent . . equals , comparing and disgracing . . inferiours , vilifying , contemning . . all men , viz. . unkinde , passionate , provoking and bitter words against the sixth commandment . . impure , unclean against the seventh . . fraudulent and deceitfull against the eighth commandment . . whispering , slandering , flattering , bragging , backbiting against the ninth commandment . . superfluous , too many prov. . , . tim. . . . impertinent , not to the purpose , not concerning ones self , psal. . . . idle , to no purpose , matth. . . . unseasonable , uttered out of time and place , as to apply the comforts of the gospel to him which is not at all humbled , or denounce the terrours of the law against one who is too much already pressed with the sense of his sins . . in using speech , which is . alwayes gracious , viz. . discreet . . gentle. . lowly . . true. . often religious . motives to preserve our bodies in purity . consider first , what an excellent piece the body of man is in the lords creation of it , wherein the power , wisdom and goodnesse of god appears . secondly , rather then it should be lost , christ hath bought it with his precious bloud , cor. . thirdly , thy body is joyned to christ , and all the members are made members of his body . fourthly , the holy ghost dwels in it . god hath two thrones the highest heavens and the body and soul of a believer , god would not let any natural filthiness be amongst them while he was present with them . fifthly , thy body shall be raised out of the dust and made like the glorious body of our lord jesus christ. sixthly , look upon thy body in the relation it stands to thy soul , it is to be the vessel thy soul should use , by defiling it and regarding it more then enough , you make the soul a slave to it . seventhly , consider that our bodies without a great deal of looking to and watching over will never be kept clean ; originall sinne hath over-spread them . eighthly , a small temptation prevails over our bodies , they are more subject to spiritual then bodily evils . ninthly , satan well knows , that although god most looks at the grace and corruption which acts in the inward man , for judging of the inward goodnesse or badnesse , yet when grace breaks out in the body it is majoris gloriae , and when corruption appears there it is majoris infamiae & turpitudinis . tenthly , in the judgement of god the greatest beauty and comlinesse to be found in our bodies is to have them thus devoted and consecrated to god , and thus imployed . the bravery of our cloathes , washing , and trimming , is to set out our bodies , because we would not appear deformed in the eyes of others , prov. . , . means to possesse our bodies in purity : . take heed of over-loving or over-valuing the body , then i shall not put my body on any duty of mortification , the body is but a scabberd , the soul is the tool . . above all look to thy heart within , keep that in a right frame , and the body will easily be kept . ierom saith , i left the city and went into the wildernesse , but i took my wicked heart thither . . look to the senses , sinne came into the world by our senses , the devil spake slattering words to the ear , shew'd the fruit to the eye , she touched it and tasted of it , and perhaps smelt to it , prov. . the harlot kist him for his touch , she had the attire of an harlot for his eye , perfumed her bed for his smell , her words dropt as the honey comb for his ear . . keep the body as well as the soul in frequent communion with god , exercise thy hands , eyes and ears in prayer . . because our bodies being filthy vessels ever since our fall , and prone to be defiled , our care must be to wash them in clean water , cor. . . heb. . , . we must daily renew our faith and repentance , psal. . besprinkle we with ●ys●p and wash me . for our external actions , they are . sinfull , and here is all new , the grosse sinfull actions are removed , old things are past away : ye were sometimes thus , but ye are washed , cleansed . hence they are called saints , and called from the world , let him that stole steal no more . . common infirmities are much subdued , and what is yet remaining is much bewailed , gal . . you shall not see the same anger and love as before . he that was a very nabal before is turned to a meek moses , and he that was a tiger before is changed into a lamb. . natural and civil actions , they are altered . they are put upon a right end , whatsoever you do do all to the glory of god ; so that as god made all things for himself , so we desire to live to him ; whereas naturally a man doth all these actions for himself , as the utmost end ; we eat , drink , and do every thing to the glory of god , either immediately when we give him the glory and acknowledge him the author of these mercies we partake of , or else mediately , when we do imploy and lay out the strength , comfort and profit we have , in the way which god hath required at our hands . . they are made but the accessary , and heavenly things the principal , matth. . seek first the kingdom of heaven , john . labour not for the meat which perisheth : and what will it profit a man to gain the whole world ? naturally a m●● i● so ●●t on the world that he is taken up with it ; if there were no heaven , no soul , no better thi●gs to be looked after it were another matter , but the conversation of the godly is in heaven , and their affections are set upon things above . . in the use of all these they live by faith , hab. . the just shall live by faith , it is thrice repeated in the new testament , a man depends upon gods promise in the most trouble some straights , believeth in god as a father , matth. . who will provide for him ; care and distractions what thou shalt do , how thou shalt live , oppose the work of converting grace . paul knew how to abound , and how to want ; he saith , he had all things , because he that by faith hath god as his , hath all things of god , his wisdom , power . . their religious actions , they are altered for , . these are done with the inward man , with inward sorrow and delight ; people think that praying and doing other duties is godlinesse it self , but here if any where grace makes a great change ; for whereas before these duties were done out of custom and more verbally , now he performs them with more sense of his unworthines , the spirit making groans unutterable , and taking away the s●onin●s of our hearts , now they are earnest and ●ervent in prayer , and hear the word diligently . . they are effects of faith reconciling us to god , whereas before his conversion all his duties were abominable things , yet he had high conceits of them , now they are accepted , converting grace working faith in them , which laying hold upon christ , doth cover them all with his worth and excellency : before they were but the meer desires of nature , such as any heathen would make , and they did no more prevail , and if god did hear them it was in a common way of providence , such as he shewes to the ravens when they cry to him , but now they are the prayers and duties of those which are in christ in whom god is well-pleased . there is as much difference between a beleevers prayer and a naturall mans prayer , as between lazarus dead , and him risen again . . they are done eff●●aciously to make us grow more , and to get more strength , that is the end of prayer , of hearing the word , of the sacraments , partly to cleanse us , and partly to further us in the way of salvation ; the godly man faithfully using these ordinances , findeth them such bread , that in the strength of them he liveth and groweth : but the natural man is never reformed by these though he live under the minstry , he retains the same old lusts and sins . . they are so done as that we go out of them and relie on christ only . this is a wonderful change wrought on the godly mans heart , that he goeth out of all his prayers , all our righteousnesse is as a menstruous cloth ; naturally a man relieth on these , and till god make us see the spiritual purity of his law , and all the inward filth of our hearts , it spoils all our duties , and it is impossible that we should depend upon christ and go out of all . general rules for the sanctifying of meats and drink , apparel , sports and labor . . all these being in themselves neither morally good nor evil , but indifferent , we may use and desire them too much or too little , therefore we should be moderate in the use of them . . they should be sanctified by the word and prayer , tim. . the word shews us the warrantable use of them , and teacheth how to use them , prayer obtains a blessing upon them , cor. . . . our liberty in the use of them must not be a scandal to our brethren . chap. xxix . some special graces deciphered , i. bounty . bounty or liberality is the vertue of spending riches well . it is an aptnesse to give good things abundantly and freely . the object of it is riches , the proper act of it is to spend them well . it is a very commendable thing , he that hath a bountifull eye shall be blessed , saith salomon , see chro. . . & . , . mat. . , . paul commends the church of macedonia for it in the thessalonians and philippians . reasons . . it shews that a man rightly understands the nature and end of wealth , viz that it is but an instrument of well-doing , and all the good of it stands in using it well . . it is a useful vertue amongst men , therefore praise-worthy , it brings forth many good effects , it feeds and cloathes men . the occasions of this bounty are these , . to a superiour in times of some solemnities , or when we have occasion to deal with them to shew our subjection to them . thus the people gave presents to saul , those which came to salomon brought gifts * , and those which came to david . . to an enraged enemy to pacifie him , as iacob to esau , for a gift in secret doth pacifie great wrath . . to a wronged friend or neighbour , to make satisfaction , as abimelech restored abrahams wife with gifts . . to an acquaintance to nourish love and kindenesse , especially in times of solemnity , as they sent gifts to each other in celebrating the daies of purim . . to any one which hath shewed himself careful of us , and done us much good to requite him , as saul brought a present to samuel . . to such as we have occasion any way to use or imploy for our good , that they may more willingly help us , as sam. . . the goods of this world are well spent and bestowed : . when the object is good , in good works , chiefly mercy and religion . not to spend much is to be bountiful , but to spend upon things that are good , usefull and profitable : we must learn to maintain good works , tim. . , . . the quantity or measure of it , so much as the nature of the thing , and the ability of the person doth bear . . the manner of giving must be free and willing , prompt and ready , rom. . . cautions . . a gift must not be a bribe to pervert justice . . one must not rob the poor to give to the rich , refuse to pay debts that he may have to give , this is not liberality but robbery . the matter of bounty must be goods honestly and justly gotten . . a man must not overcharge himself with gifts . . the motive and end must not be vain-glory , applause and conceit of merit , matth. . the offering of our hands , a giving part of our goods to god to maintain his worship and service is required , for he will not be served alone with the tongue and ear , but hand also . we must as well give to him as receive from him , that we may declare our homage unto god , prov. . . the chief of all thy increase shews it undeniably that he means it not of common honouring him by a right imploying of them in thrift and liberality , but by a special honouring him in devotion , for the chief of ones increase denotes a gift to the god of his life , the chief lord of all , psal. . . bringing of gifts is required to a true real testification of our fear of god as well as vowing and performing our vows . we have also clear examples of it . the princes and people offered to the building of the tabernacle , and at the dedication of it . david and his princes and people offered to the building of the temple . also the wise men matth. . . offered to christ gifts and presents , as a real acknowledgement of their faith in him . act. . . paul thought that something was to be offered to god as well as given to the poor . it is not meant of his offering for his vow , for he came not to ierusalem for that purpose , but agreed to do it by advice of the apostles after he was come , the end of his coming is by him named to be bringing of alms and offerings , it is meant therefore of such things as divers among the gentiles had given to maintain the worship of god at ierusalem , as well as alms to maintain the poor . a voluntary occasional offering and giving what we see good of that god hath blessed us withall , either upon special occasion of using cost for gods service to maintain it , as david to the building of the temple , or for acknowledgement of some special blessing , as we see they did after great victories . rich men must chiefly be bountiful but not onely , a cup of cold water from him that hath no greater a gift , hath promise of a very great reward , the widows mite out-weighed all the rich gifts of the wealthier persons . motives to bounty : . from god who hath commanded it and promised to reward it , and punish the contrary . . all creatures invite us to it , the sun , the sea , the earth , the flowers , all creatures , and especially the creator who gives us all things abundantly to enjoy . christ poured out his heart-bloud for thee . . from wealth , which is fickle and uncertain , and which we must all part with and which will give no comfort nor bring no credit it self , there is no comfort in having but in well bestowing a large estate . . from our selves which must part with all at last , and why should not we use our goods well , we are but stewards and must give an account of the using of them and all that we have of gods , of thine own have we given thee . . what cost have we been at for our lusts ? . we expect that christ should be every day at cost with us ; we look for a full table , a great deal of gods spirit and love . . consider the cost that the jews were at in all their services , and that many papists and mahumetans are at . means to get this vertue : . chase away the hinderances of it , covetousnesse , love of money , such a one will be unwilling to part with it for good purposes ; frugality cuts off sinfull and superfluous expences in cloathes , fare . . fall to prayer and practice , lay out on christ , his saints , ordinances , truths , relieve the poor . it is a question amongst learned men , whether of the two extreams of liberality , prodigality in the excesse , or covetousnesse in the defect be worse ? covetousnesse is the worse , because . it is the root of all evil , iudas sold christ for it . . the covetous doth good to none , nor to himself neither , the prodigal doth good to many . . age is some remedy as against other vices , so against prodigality , covetousnesse then grows young . ii. humility . it is that grace whereby a man doth make little or no account of himself , iob . . ezek. . . or , it is a grace of the spirit of god , whereby a man out of true knowledge of himself , his state and condition , accounts himself vile and walks accordingly before god and man. every good man is humble , prov. . . luke . . poverty of spirit is the first step to heaven , matth. . . high in worth and humble in heart , saith nazianzen of athanasius . all the stars the higher they are the lesser they appear , so must all the saints . humilitas virtus christianorum , prima , secunda , tertia . aug. augustin being asked , what vertue was most to be desired ? he answered , humility : being asked , what was the second ? he answered humility : which was the next , he said still humility . primislaus the first king of bohemia kept his shoes by him to put him in minde from whence he rose . we reade of agathocles that king which was at first but a potters son , and after advanced to the kingdom of sicily , that he would , together with his plate of gold and silver have earthen vessels on his cup-board , to put him in minde of that condition he was in before . iacob saith , i am lesse then the least of all thy mercies . abraham cals himself dust and ashes . david terms himself a dead dogg , sam. . . a flea , that is , a poor , mean , base , worthlesse person . paul terms himself , the least of all sainis , and the chiefest of sinners , tim. . . though i be nothing ( saith he ) and i am the least of all the apostles , not worthy to be called an apostle . god often cals for this grace , ephes. . . col. . . phil. . . god teacheth the humble , exalts the humble . he hath two thrones , one in the highest heavens and the other in the lowest heart . humility hath the promise both of temporal benefits , prov. . . and spiritual , prov. . . grace , prov. . . wisdome , prov. . . the fear of god , and finally blessednesse , matth. . . reasons . . because a godly man knows gods excellency , the foulnesse of sin , and his own littlenesse and sinfulnesse , therefore must needs be mean in his own eyes . iob . . isa. . . secondly , there is no way to exalt mercy but by abasing self , it will not be prized unlesse self be abased , deut. . . the whole have no need of the physician , but the sick . marks of this excellent grace : . we may judge of it by the efficient cause , the spirit of god must be the worker of it . god when he converts a man shews him his own misery and the excellency of christ. . the effects of humility . it discovers it self in its carriage to god upon his dispensations toward us , if his waies be waies of mercy and enlargement , it admires free-grace in them all , chron. . lat . end . that i should enjoy such blessings , if god send afflictions he acquits his severity , and saith , the lord is righteous , and submits to him . . such a one rejects himself as vile and abominable in the sight of god. paul after his conversion saith , i know that in me dwels no good . . such a one willingly imbraceth every service belonging to his relation . christ washed his disciples feet . queen bathsheba taught salomon her son . . he is far from censuring and undervaluing of others . be not many masters , iam. . . the whole design of the gospel lies in two things : . to make the creature nothing . . to make the grace of god in christ all things . quickning motives to provoke us to get humility . meditate on three things : . the absolute necessity of it . . the difficulty of it . . the excellency of it . . the necessity of it . god takes no pleasure in men , till he hath brought them into such a frame . humility is necessary also for every condition of life , if god send crosses thou wilt never bear them till he have humbled thy spirit . . the difficulty of it . it is hard to get the heart into such a temper , all that is in thee is against thee ; the grecians and philosophers thought humilitie was not a vertue but a despondency of spirit , all thy corruptions are against it , thy excellencies , wit , authority , thy graces against it , grace will be against grace , thou wilt be proud because thou art humble . . the excellency of it . thy heart shall be gods temple , a broken spirit is in stead of all sacrifices , it will nourish all graces in thee , a humble man seems to creep , but he flies to heaven , saith parisiensis , not one administration of god will passe without doing thee good if thou hast an humble spirit . means to get it : first , see thy pride , all sin is resolved into pride , ier. . . secondly , meditate , . of the basenesse of thy beginning and original , thou comest immediately from the slime of thy parents loins , and mediately from the dust of the earth , and just nothing . . consider thy extream sinfulnesse . how little do we know in comparison of what we should know , how little do we love , serve and obey god in comparison of that our duty bindeth us ? what a deal of atheism , blindenesse , vanity is in our mindes ? how forgetful are we of god and our later end , how foolish and sensual . . we must put our selves in minde of our death and later end , we must shortly rot , putrifie , stink and crawl with worms , we must return to the dust , lie down in the grave , must be without wealth , honour , beauty , strength , wit , learning , knowledge , celebrate thy own funerals . . consider of the torments and wofull condition which we have deserved , to which we must go , if we be not humbled in the sense of our having deserved it we cannot escape . thirdly , adde to these meditations hearty prayers to god to humble you , to convinte you of sinne , to open your eyes to know your selves and him . the knowledge of gods holinesse , excellency , majesty , glory , will also abase us , isa. . . iob . , . the worst pride is an overweening of our selves because of our graces . consider , . that this holinesse is received from god , cor. . . . it is imperfect . . it is in its own nature defective , being a creature : grace is depositum as well as donum , a talent or pledge that the lord hath left with you , as well as a gift . iustice. iustinian defines it thus , est constans & perpetua voluntas suum cuique tribuendi , he begins his institutions so . d. ames de consc . lib. . cap. . saith , it is a vertue by which we are inclined to perform all due offices to our neighbour . d. hall * saith , justice comprizeth all vertue , as peace all blessings . antiochus of asia sent his letters and missives to his provinces , that if they received any dispatch in his name not agreeable to justice , ignoto se has esse scriptas , ideóque eis non parerent . see speed in the reign of henry the th concrning his justice , p. . scepters born by kings and the maces of all magistrates , are straight , emblems of justice . d. clerk. the rules which must be observed in executing of justice : . the doer must have a calling and authority to it ; peter had none when the high-priests servants came to lay hold on christ , and he cut off the ear of malchus . . he must indifferently hear both parties . philip kept an ear alwaies for the defendant , therefore suetonius justly chargeth claudius with injustice for precipitating his sentence before he had given a full hearing to both parties , nay sometimes to either , pronunciabat saepe altera parte audita , saepe neutra . . he must lay all he hears in an even balance , and poyse them together : res cum re , causa cum causa , ratio cum ratione concertet . . he must maturely advise and seriously consider of the matter before he passe sentence , iudg. . . . the person punished must be indeed an offender or guilty person , not made so to appear by forged cavillation , as naboth ; nor so reputed out of the rage of the punisher , as the priests of nob in sauls conceit , but having indeed done some , and being duly convicted to have done some thing worthy of stripes , bonds , imprisonment ; for else to strike the innocent is abominable to god. . the punishment must be proportioned to the sinne , as a plaister to the sore , a lesse punishment must be inflicted on a lesse sinne , and a greater on a greater , with this proviso , that the greatnesse of the sinne be not measured alone by the matter of the thing done , but also by other circumstances considered together with that , and chiefly by the mischiefs which will ensue upon the doing thereof , and so those faults must be punished with capital punishments , which are either in themselves very enormous , or in their consequents and effects very mischievous . . the motive and end in punishing must be a single eye to the stopping and preventing of sinne , that god may not thereby be dishonoured , not any self-regard . severity is the executing of punishment fully without sparing in any part of the punishment , and speedily without too long deferring and putting it off , deut. . . & . . ezek. . . salomon tels us , that a wise king * turneth the wheel over the wicked , that is , is severe to them : see psal. . . a parent must correct his son , and not spare for his much crying . god therefore often saith , i will not spare , nor mine eyes shall not pity : we must be just as our heavenly father is , as well as merciful as he is . reasons . . in respect of god we ought to shew a love to him and conformity to his judgement , and a detestation of that which he detests , and a care to please him in doing what he commands . . in respect of the sinne , it is a thing wholsome and profitable for their souls , the welfare of which is to be preferred before ease . punishment to a fault is like a medicine to a disease , or a plaister to a ●ore . . this is requisite for the good of others , as the scripture expresly noteth , that others may hear and fear , and do no more so wickedly . . it is requisite for the publick safety , for what sins are not duly punished , will grow frequent , ordinary , general . . for the honour and credit of the laws and law-makers , if they did well in appointing such a correction for a fault , why is not their order observed and put in practice ? if ill , why did they make the law ? . the governour is guilty of the sin if he forbear to punish when there is no just and due cause of sparing . david and eli were sharply punished for failing herein . knowledge or wisdom . wisdome is , . intellectual , which consists in the knowledge of the languages , and the liberal arts and sciences . . moral , which consists in a gracefull , comely and discreet carriage of our selves , ephes. . . col. . . . civil , which consists in an orderly government of corporations and societies committed to our charge . . spiritual , which consists in the knowledge of the true god , and in the serving of him in a true manner , prov. . . chron. . . the knowledge of god and christ is the ground of all our good , pet. . . col. . . conversion it self is wrought in a way of conviction and illumination , iohn . , , . therefore it is called illumination , heb. . . vocation comes in by knowledge , ephes. . , . justification , isa. . . glorification , iohn . there is a two-fold knowledge : . speculative , whereby we assent to the truth revealed , this is found in the devils in as large and ample measure as in the saints , they being knowing spirits , know and assent to the truth of every proposition that a childe of god knows . . experimental , whereby we do not only know that it is so , but taste and see it to be so , heb. . . phil. . . where this is there must needs be faith . we should labour not only to know god as god in the creatures by the light of nature and reason , but to know him in the gospel by the light of revelation , and christ in the excellency of his person , as god-man , and the sufficiency that is in him , the riches of his grace and satisfaction , and our communion with him , matth. . , . to know god and christ , as calling and converting us , ephes. . , , . col. . . such a knowledge of god and christ will fill us with high thoughts of them , and high apprehensions will breed strong affections to them , and increase all graces , exod. . . isa. . , . col. . . the devil much opposeth this knowledge , cor. . . eph. . . whenever god intends good to any soul , he brings it to the means . wisdome is an excellent endowment , a principal , and one of the cardinal vertues , much to be desired and esteemed . wisdome is the chiefest , saith salomon , he speaketh of spiritual wisdome , but the proportion holdeth fitly ; as spiritual wisdome is the principal among spiritual graces , so natural wisdome among natural . the excellency of a thing , saith salomon in another place , is wisdome , and who is as the wise man ? and also , wisdome maketh the face to shine ; as light is better then darknesse , so is wisdome then folly . a poor wise childe is preferred before an old foolish king. wisdome is one of the principal attributes of god for which he is most exalted by his saints , to the onely wise god be glory for ever and ever . to the onely wise god our saviour be glory and majesty , dominion and power for ever . wisdome is one principal part of the excellency of the holy angels , as they excel in power so in wisdome , so saith the woman to david , my lord is wise as an angel of god , intimating that wisdome is an angelical thing . salomon being put to his choice , asked wisdome at gods hands , and god himself approved and commended his choice , and rewarded it also with an addition of other things , as it were advantages and appendices to it , giving him , as a wise heart , so likewise store of riches and honour . reasons . , it perfecteth the best faculty of the best part of the best creature , of all that god hath made in this inferiour world ; wisdome is a gift peculiar to men , beasts have strength , swiftnesse , beauty ; wisdome also is a quality that pertaineth to the best part of man , his soul , it perfecteth reason , the understanding , and the will too , making the one to judge and discern rightly , and the other to choose rightly ; the one to see the best things , the other to take the best and leave the worst , and to persist in using the best means for attaining the best things ; for wisdom standeth in these two things , in ability to discern what is most beneficial and good , and what helps do most conduce to the getting of it , and to sway the soul to a ready choosing of those means , and right using them for the gaining of those benefits . by wisdome the holy ghost meaneth not so much the speculative wisdom , which is called learning , the universal knowledge of all things humane and divine , the understanding of great and wonderfull things , as one defines it , but that which is termed prudence , the ability of managing affairs discreetly , the vertue of getting things necessary for our welfare . the scripture telleth us of two sorts of wisdome , a good wisdome and a bad , the good properly so called , because it is worthy that name , the bad improperly , because of some resemblance it hath in some respects unto the good . the good wisdome is first and chiefly spiritual , by which the minde is enabled to see and attain its chiefest , highest , most noble end , its fellowship with god , its eternal welfare and happinesse , called , a being wise to salvation . . natural , which is an ability to see and obtain the natural good , even those benefits which god hath provided for men to enjoy in this world . secondly , evil wisdome , called by st iames , earthly , sensual and devilish ; termed so from the objects of it , the things about which it worketh , even about earthly , sensual and devilish things . wisdome is an excellent gift for these reasons also ; three things commend a thing and make it appear most excellent . . rarity . . difficulty . . usefulnesse and profit . first , it is a rare thing , eccles. . . secondly , it is a most difficult thing to get , therefore the holy ghost bids us dig for it , cry for it , search for it as for hid treasure . thirdly , it is most usefull and beneficial in regard of himself that hath it , and others too . . he that hath it gets by it comfort , good successe and constant prosperity . . it is an honour to him before all men , the wise shall inherit glory ; it will make the face to shine like an ointment ; solomons wisdome commended him to all the world . dr. hall cals him the oracle , the miracle of wisdome . vvhere shall we find a wise man like this ? said pharaoh of ioseph . . it makes him very beneficial to others ; a poor wise man delivered a city that was besieged by a mighty man. a skill to perform things well and fitly , that is meant by the word wisdome in scripture ; bezaleel was filled with wisdome : a wise master-builder , saith paul. it is such a knowledge of things as inableth a man to order his actions and whole life aright . wisdome , whether natural or spiritual , all good wisdome is gods gift , the inspiration of the most high giveth wisdome , out of his mouth cometh understanding . the chief ground , the beginning of wisdome is the fear of the lord. a good understanding and obedience have all they which do his precepts . this is the foundation of spiritual and true natural wisdome , without which a man may have wit and craft , but wisdome he cannot have , except such wicked wisdome as st iames describes . these vertues of fearing god and obeying him , are both main parts of wisdom , and the foundation of it . some common means for attaining both these kinds of wisdome . first , see our own want of wisdome , together with the worth of it , that we may earnestly desire it ; for spiritual wisdome , paul saith , if any would be wise , he must become a fool that he may be wise , his meaning is , he must take notice of his own folly , king. . . secondly , we must pray for it earnestly , iam. . . spiritual wisdome was never obtained without it , and the other is not else sanctified to a man. thirdly , converse with the wise , prov. . . fourthly , oppose those things which are contrary to it , . strong passions , especially wrath and anger ; this dwels in the bosom of fools and exalts folly . . conceitednesse of ones self , there is more hope of a fool then one that is wise in his own conceit . . rashnesse , in doing things hastily and on a sudden , and of his own head , without deliberating with himself , and consulting with others . . voluptuousnesse , he that follows the idle is destitute of heart . the special means of getting spiritual wisdome : . to be constant and diligent in reading and pondering on the scriptures , gods oracles , prov. . . psal. . , , . these writings will make us wise to salvation , and teach us also how to be wise in the world , and to order all our affairs with judgement . to which adde prayer and practice . manifest signs and fruits of wisdom : the scripture gives some general rules of discretion , first , to take the due time and fit season of things , as the ant labours in summer against winter , so salomon saith , the wise man will labour in harvest . secondly , to be wary and deliberate , walking by advice and counsel , and not follow his own head , a wise man is of a cool spirit . in the multitude of counsellors is peace . thirdly , to use due secrecy , to know how to keep such things to ones self as should be reserved . fourthly , to be somewhat hard of belief , a fool believes every thing , but a wise man will enquire into matters . fifthly , to know and preferre the most needfull things in the first place . sixthly , will take reproof well , rebuke a wise man and he will love thee . great natural wisdome separated from holinesse makes a man the more wicked and mischievous , as ahitophels wisdome , sam. . , . enabled him to do more mischief . the apostle saith , the wisdome of this world is foolishnesse with god ; and st iames tels us , that this wisdome is earthly , sensual and devilish . we may see it evident in the devil , who is of great understanding , but utterly unholy , and therefore the worst of all gods creatures . reasons . . this wisdome looks only to the things that are inferiour , and false goods , and so carry a man further from god the chiefest good . . such wisdome inableth a man better to devise and contrive sinful enterprizes , so that he can finde out means fit and apt to bring to passe any evil design or intention which is within him . . it knows , how if need be , to hide and conceal sin and cover it with fair pretences and shifts , and to excuse and defend it . . it causeth him in whom it is to be more regarded by others , they listen to his counsel , and are ready to take and follow it . the understanding of divine truths revealed in scripture may be found in a greater measure in some hypocrites then some true saints , because of their greater natural abilities , more ample instruction and better education . we know ▪ saith paul , that all men have knowledge . he that knows his masters will and doth it not , saith our saviour . to him that knows how to do well , and doth it not , saith iames. thus the pharisees bragged of the knowledge of the law , upbraiding the people with ignorance . those that shall alledge prophesying in the name of christ , had a large measure of knowledge . st paul yeeldeth to the jews , that they had a form of knowledge out of the law. but the difference between the knowledge of a godly and wicked man stands chiefly in these things . . in the matter of this knowledge : the true christian is ready to know all truths that god doth offer to his knowledge , submitting his reason and understanding wholly to god , and not detaining any part of the truth in unrighteousnesse , not willingly winking or refusing to know , but the hypocrite refuseth knowledge in some things , and will wink with his eyes , as the pharisees would not understand that christ was the messiah , and of the mockers peter saith , of this they are willingly ignorant . . the hypocrite is most studious and inquisitive into the niceties of the scripture and of religion , as i may term them , matters of doubtfull disputation , speculative points . but the true christian is solid in his knowledge , cares to know nothing but christ and him crucified , the substantial and essential points of christian religion , concerning faith , love and a good conscience , which tend to practise . secondly , in the manner , the knowledge of the hypocrite is confused , of the true christian is distinct . the knowledge of the one is only literal , the others is a spiritual knowledge . a wicked man may have apprehensions of the truths of the gospel , as great and good : the other hath an application of them as good to him . thirdly , in the effects of it . . the christian applies his knowledge to himself , to discover his own wayes and to rectifice and teach himself , but the hypocrite only to teach and instruct others , and to censure , or only to talk and discourse with applause . . the christian man fals to practise his knowledge , he hears and does , the hypocrite only talketh , and though he know how to do well doth it not , building upon the sand . lastly , the hypocrites knowledge puffs him up , cor. . . and makes him despise those which do know lesse then himself . these people which know not the law are accursed , thou art altogether born in sin , and dost thou teach us ? but the true knowledge of the sanctified man humbleth him . motives to gospel-knowledge : consider first the necessity of it , no knowledge no grace , iohn . , . ephes. . . col. . . . humility comes by it , isa. . . . strength to bear afflictions , heb. . . no knowledge no duty , our service must be reasonable , god regards not blinde obedience , chron. . . ioh. . . without knowledge the heart is not good . secondly , the possibility of it , god hath appointed the ministery for this very end , acts . . observe how the promises runne , psal. . . ier. . . isa. . . thirdly , the dignity of it , it is a noble study , the excellency of the knowledge of christ , it is the highest wisdome to know god in christ , cor. . . . in the matter of it , onely the bible teacheth this knowledge . . the way god alone must teach you , you must see god by his own light . the jews were honoured above all other nations for their knowledge of the true god. . it is very profitable : . it hath a healing vertue , heals the understanding . . makes every one spiritually wise that hath it . . will keep the mans soul from every evil way , prov. . . the devil much opposeth it , he would have the bible burnt or corrupted . mercy . a godly man must be a merciful man , sam. . , . our saviour imitating or alluding to these words of david , saith , matth. . blessed are the mercifull . st paul bids the colossians , as the elect of god holy and beloved , to put on humblenesse of minde and bowels of mercy . you see what apparel we must wear , if we will approve our selves to be chosen and beloved of god , that is , what vertues we must get and practise as constantly as we put on our cloathes to keep our bodies warm and decent , one is bowels of mercy , tender mercies , mioah . . i will have mercy and not sacrifice . god prefers it before all sacrifices isa. . . see cor. . . . . queen anne of bullen , besides the ordinary of a hundred crowns , and other apparel which she gave weekly a year before she was crowned , both to men and women , gave also wonderful much prime alms to widows and other poor housholders continually till she was apprehended , and she sent her subalmner to the towns about where she lay , that the parishioners should make a bill of all the poor housholders in the parish , and some towns received seven , eight or ten pound to buy kine withall , according as the number of the poor in the towns were . she also maintained many learned men in cambridge . she carried ever about her a certain little purse , out of the which she was wont daily to scatter abroad some alms to the needy , thinking no day well spent , wherein some man had not fared the better by some benefit at her hands . mr fox himself was so zealous in his love to the poor , that he was in a holy manner cruel to himself , to give the very cloathes off his back , rather then the naked should not be cloathed . my lord harrington gave the tenth of his allowance to the poor , and other good uses , his allowance being lb lb per annum . master whateley did the like , as master schudder relates in his life , he was both very bountifull himself , and did much stirre up others to that duty in his preaching . the like did mr. iohn underwood of all-hallows in bread street . every year when he made up his books , and had summed up his debts and gains , he would constantly reserve the tenths , and write himself , so much debtor to god. the better tenth of his estate he gave to god also in his last will. reasons . first , this is to be like god who is good in himself , and does good to others . secondly , god hath therefore given to us , that like good stewards we may give to others . thirdly , faith if it produce not charity is a dead and counterfeit faith , it works by love ; this grace is a most necessary , proper and inseparable fruit of true christian charity . fourthly , all devotion and religious worship of god is feigned and hypocritical , if destitute of mercy , iam. . . religion must be tried by mercy , our worshipping of god by our mercifulnesse to our neighbour . fasting is no otherwise acceptable to god then as it is joyned with mercy , isa ▪ . , , , . as christ hath joyned alms , prayer and fasting together , matth. . so must we , acts . , . fifthly , without it we cannot attain mercy from god , his mercy is limited to merciful men , sam. . he shall never finde mercy with god that shews not mercy to men ; judgment without mercy shall be to them that shew no mercy , iam. . . we should be merciful , . in all our relations , christ was a merciful and faithful high-priest . . to the poor and needy , heb. . . to our enemies , mat. ▪ , . . to the dumb creatures , exod. . . prov. . . . to our selves , to our own souls , and next , to the people of god , gal. . . to their names , states , lives , liberties , bodies , souls . we should shew mercy , . in giving that which is good , ministring to the necessities of the saints . . in forbearing one another , ephes. . begin . . in forgiving one another , eph. . la● ▪ end . . in forgetting injuries , as god doth our offences . . in pitying and praying one for another , heb. . . cor. . . see cor. . . heb. , . mercy is a vertue by which men order themselves rightly to the miserable for their help and comfort . the object of mercy is a person miserable , the end of mercy is the help and comfort of such a person ; the proper act of mercy is to cause a man to order himself aright for that end . misery is the being obnoxious to some evil of pain , at least to some evil that makes him unhappy . a man is miserable either in deserving or in act ; in deserving , when he hath done something that makes him obnoxious to misery , subject to it , that bindes him to it , for it is a misery to lie open to punishment , to be in such a case that he may and must suffer it . in act a man is miserable when he doth now suffer evil of any kinde . mercy takes order either to prevent this misery that it come not in some cases , so farre as is agreeable with justice and equity , or to mitigate and ease it when it lies on , or to remove it so soon as is fit . there are two verses , one for outward , and the other for spiritual alms . the first is , visito , poto , cibo , redimo , tego , colligo , condo . the other is , consule , castiga , solare , remitte , fer , ora. there are seven works of corporal alms , and six of spiritual . the fathers and schoolmen hold that spiritual alms coeteris paribus are more excellent and acceptable then corporal , because . the gift is more noble in its own nature . . the object more illustrious , mans immortal soul. . the charity more heavenly , which aims at our brothers endlesse salvation . the poor is he who hath not enough of his own to maintain life , or to maintain it with any chearfulnesse and plenty . there are three sorts of poor , . the devils poor . . the worlds poor . . christs poor . and there are three degrees of necessity , . extream , when there is nothing left , but they will starve if they be not supplied : in such a case the most wicked should be helped . . grievous , when something is left , but they are in great want : in this necessity the worlds poor should be relieved . . common and ordinary , christs poor should then be releeved . aquinas hath this question , utrum ille qui est in potestate alicujus constitutus , possit eleemosynam facere ? whether he which is under power may give alms ? and resolves it negatively , because inferiours must be regulated by their superiours . but saith , if a wife hath any thing besides her dowry , or gains any thing her self , or gets it any other lawful way , she may give moderate alms of that , without requiring her husbands consent , otherwise she ought not to give alms without her husbands consent , either expresse or presumed , unlesse in case of necessity . dr. gouge in his domestick duties resolves this question much after the same manner . motives to mercy : first , consider the exceeding plainnesse and frequency of the commandments which cut off all excuse of ignorance , the exercise of this grace is so commanded that other commandments must give place to it , mat. . . secondly , we can do no service that the spirit of god more delights in next to the snatching of souls out of hell then this , isaiah chap. . & . micah . , . heb. . this shews love to christ to releeve his members . it discovers and adorns all our graces , col. . . isa. . . & . begin . thirdly , god rewards no work more then this when done in a spiritual manner , and to a right end , psal. . . matth. . . he that gives to the poor lends unto the lord. i. in this world . . to their own persons whilst they live , eccles. . psal. . . . to their posterity , psal. . . isa. . . ii. at the last day we shall meet with all in heaven what ever we do in this kinde , i was naked and ye cloathed me . see luk . , , . & . , . fourthly , they are commended often in scripture who abounded in alms , as tabitha , act. . . and cornelius , act . fifthly , god hath threatned judgement without mercy to the unmercifull , iam. . . sixthly , thou desirest to find mercy both with god and man when thou art in any distresse ; we should do as we would be done unto , matth. . . we our selves may be as miserable and afflicted as any . god promiseth to forgive us as we forgive others . means to make one merciful : first , meditate and ponder upon the motives , till they have brought you to sorrow and repentance for not having been merciful . the plaister must be applied that it may cure the sore . the word must be pondered upon , that the soul may receive the impression of it , and be made obedient to it . take some time to call to minde gods commandments , promises , and threats . secondly , you must adde prayer to meditation , and confesse to god your unmercifulnesse , beseech him to pardon the fault for christs sake , and to make you merciful like himself hereafter . to beg pardon of a fault and help against it from god is the way to mend it . thirdly , we must adde thereto resolutions and purposes of our own , saying , by gods help i will be more merciful , i will even stirre up my self to shew mercy , is it not my duty ? will it not be my profit ? shall i not have the benefit of it ? must i not obey gods commandments ? away objections , away fleshly reason , i must be merciful , and by gods help i will be merciful , i can no further be a true christian then i am merciful . lastly , must follow practice , a man must consider of some present occasion , that requireth the exercise of mercy , or if he finde none he must open his purse and lay aside some pence , or shillings , or pounds , as his estate will afford , and say , this i will sequester from my self , and lay aside for the performance of the next work of mercy i meet with occasion of performing : if one have not done so already , he must begin now , and put aside some such summe as his present abundance may well spare , and say , this shall be by me till the next opportunity of a merciful deed , and then will i bestow some or all of it as need requireth . this is the way to make you merciful , meditate , pray , resolve , practice , these four things will work any grace and increase it . the chiefest impediments to mercy remov'd , . taken from our selves . . from those we should shew mercy to . . from others . first , from our selves , one is , i have little enough for my self and mine own , i have such a charge , and but such an estate , and what would you have me do ? if i should give still i might soon give all away . to which i answer . first , dost thou think thou shalt have the more for thy self and thine , because of pinching from works of mercy ? hath not god said in his word , he that saveth more then enough it is only for poverty ? nay thy saving from works of mercy will cause god to crosse thee in other things with sicknesse , ill debters , losse of cattel , unfaithful servants , riotous children , with some or other losse in thy body or state , but if thou wouldst give to the poor , thou shalt be blessed and have abundance . . this is a self-loving heart , thou maist have for thy self and thine ; hast not thou some overplus too , if thou wouldst think any thing enough for thy self and thine ? secondly , some object they have not wherewithall to be merciful in so great quantity . answ. he that hath wherewithall to fare well and go well himself , and to dispatch any other thing that he desireth , hath wherewithall to shew mercy too if he want not will ; when thou wantest any thing for thy self , thou canst finde wherewithall to supply thee , but when god cals for it in works of mercy , thou hast it not , this is to adde lying to unmercifulnesse , and to go about to mock god as well as disobey him . . from others . i am as merciful as such and such . i answer , . thou canst not tell what another doth in secret . but . suppose thou art so . god hath not given the liberality or mercy of men to thee for a patern and president of mercy , but his own , be mercifull as your heavenly father is mercifull . . what harm is it if thou shouldst outstrip others in mercy , and gain a greater blessing to thy self then they do seek after . objection . from the persons to whom . their faultinesse and unworthinesse in regard of ill carriage in general or to ones self . first , they are idle , unthrifty , carelesse . i answer , art thou sure of it , or dost thou think so , or hast heard so ? take heed of following thy own conceit , and receiving others slanders , for then thou wilt adde slandering to thy unmercifulnesse : hast thou ever admonished them heretofore , and laboured to amend them ? if not , it is not hatred of sinne that makes thee withdraw from shewing mercy , but unwillingnesse to shew mercy that makes thee pretend hatred of sin , and so here is hypocrisie as well as unmercifulnesse , but if thou hast told them , and they would not amend , then admonish and help too , for so doth god to thee , or else thou must perish . and if thou alledge particular injuries against thy self , or unthankfulnesse , know that of all persons to whom one should shew a work of mercy , none should be prefer'd before such a one , for this is most nearly to resemble god in mercy who doth good to those that rebell against him . and his mercy is not spiritual that cannot hold out to be merciful to his enemies . here is the perfection of a christian mans goodnesse , he will do good to them that do evil to him . patience . patientia est malorum , quae aut inferuntur aut accidunt , cum aequanimitate perlatio ▪ lactan. l. ▪ de iustitia . it is a grace of the sanctifying spirit of god , whereby the soul doth silently and freely submit to the will of god in bearing its own burden without inordinate sorrow or fretting discontent . . a grace of the sanctifying spirit , not a natural or moral patience , but wrought by gods spirit , gal. . . the foundation of it is laid in regeneration . . it is a silent submission to the will of god. david had a great trial by his sons treason and subjects rebellion , yet he submits to gods appointment , sam. . . levit. . . . it is a free submission , act. . . paul lookt on his sufferings as a sacrifice ▪ phil. . . therefore it was to be voluntary . . must submit to god in bearing his own burden , the object of it is malum triste , a man must take up his crosse , ezek. . . lam. . . . he must bear it without inordinate sorrow or anger . marks of patience : . such a one will finde matter to blesse god in the greatest evils he lies under . nemini mirum debet videri , si pro nostris saepè delictis castigamur à deo. immo vero , cum vexamur ac premimur , tum maximè gratias agimus indulgentissimo patri , quod corruptelam nostram non patitur longius procedere ; sed plagis ac verberibus emendat . ex quo intelligimus esse nos deo curae ; quibus quoniam peccamus , irascitur . lactant. l. . de justitia . . such a one more desires the right use of the crosse he lies under , then to be freed from it . . such a one will not give over serving god , loving and fearing him for any evil he lies under . . he will seek deliverance only in gods way , heb. . . if god will not help saul he will seek to a witch . flectere si nequeo superos , acheronta movebo . . a patient heart will wait gods time as well as go his way , hab. . psal. . lat . end . . till deliverance do come , he can finde matter of joy and comfort in god in the midst of all pressures , hab. . . paul and sylas sang in the stocks . motives or arguments to perswade the heart to patient bearing of afflictions : i. from god , consider . his absolute soveraignty over us and all creatures , he may throw thy soul and body into hell if he will , psal. . . his infinite wisdome , he doth nothing rashly , but knows how to order all things for the best , his will is a wise and holy will , the rule it self , good is the word of the lord , said hezekiah , when ill tidings came . . his will is good to thee , all the wayes of god are mercy and truth , he aims at the good of his even when he corrects them . . consider that this god which hath laid this upon thee affords thee all the good things thou enjoyest , thou hast one crosse , and perhaps ten thousand mercies , all these come from the same hand , iob . . . this god beares with thee every day , else what will become of thee ? ii. from our selves : we have reason to stoop to gods will even when he pleaseth to correct us , because . we have provoked him by our sins to strike us , and have deserved farre more evil then we suffer . . we cannot ease or any way deliver our selves from miserie by murmuring . this is , . a worthy service , a childe that quietly bears the stripes which his father sometimes laies upon him , pleaseth his father as much as he that readily goes about the things he is bidden . christ himself learnt obedience by sufferings . the principall part of his merit stood in that he submitted himself to be made of no reputation , and became obedient even to the death of the crosse. . it is a most profitable dutie , turning evil into good , and making evils easie to bear , and procuring a safe and speedy issue out of evil . . from the grace of patience it self . . the necessity of it , thou canst not live without it , we cannot perform a duty ▪ mortifie a lust , bring forth fruit , without patience ; the good ground brings forth fruit with patience . . the excellency of this grace , it makes thee most like to god , it is a great part of his image , to christ : he was patient to death , ▪ pet. . , . it will make one enjoy himself in the worst times , luk. . . it will be helpful to all graces and duties , make thee an amiable christian , it will strengthen thy faith , subdue thy flesh in thee , bridle thy tongue . magna & praecipua virtus est patientia , quam pariter & vulgi voces publicae , & philosophi , & oratores summis laudibus celebrant . lactant. l. . de iustitia . . from the things we suffer , the right consideration of the nature of afflictions . . afflictions , whether upon the soul , state , friends , name , are no evidences at all of gods displeasure , for they are the lot of all gods people , his dearest servants , prov. . . iob . , . heb. . , . . . god really intends his peoples good , and doth them a great deal of good by afflictions , heb. . , . . hereby christ makes all his people conformable to himself , rom. . . . he purgeth out the reliques of corruption , takes down our pride , self-love , love of the world . . he exerciseth abundance of grace in his people , pet. . . . makes them grow in grace , more heavenly-minded . . god will uphold thee in afflictions , cor. . . . we shall have a most seasonable and merciful deliverance out of afflictions , psal. . . and god will do his people good according to their afflictions , leave in them an excellent frame of spirit . iob and david were rare men after afflictions ; god makes the hearts of his people more holy and chearful after , most of all do they finde the fruit of their afflictions when they come to heaven , for though that be given of free-grace , yet god rewards them proportionably to their good services and afflictions , cor. . . if we suffer with christ ▪ we shall reign with him . means to get patience : first , the frequent meditation of the former motives , studie those arguments . secondly , get faith , study to know thy interest in christ : . know the nature of the covenant , how fully and freely christ offers grace to thee . . give thy consent that christ should be a saviour to thee , that he should sanctifie thee as well as pardon thy sinne ; faith is an assent to the truth and consent to the goodnesse of it , that christ should be my saviour , psal. . . peace . peace in the general notion and nature of it , is the correspondency or harmony of one thing to another , working in its proper place to the common end , the good of the whole . it is a kinde of sweet , divine and heavenly concent , harmony or beauty of things subordinate one to another . d. gauden . if the world be a ring , peace is the diamond of it . the hebrews use it often for all prosperity of soul and body , they use shalom in their letters , and say ordinarily , peace be to this house , that is , all happinesse attend you . it was henry the th usual preface in his treaties , that when christ came into the world peace was sung , and when he went out of the world peace was bequeathed . sir francis bacon . the apostolical benediction is grace and peace . more properly it signifies concord , unity and reconciliation . firm and stable peace is and must be the fruit of righteousnesse , heb. . , . first king of righteousnesse , then of peace , isa. . . jam. . . righteousnesse is the qualification of the person to whom god will grant peace , it takes away all the matter which provokes god to wrath . no peace is to be had without christ , isa. . ult . all peace by him . . with god , rom. . . . in our own consciences . . with all the cereatures , ezek. . . hos. . perseverance . all agree that perseverance is necessary to the end that one may be saved , mat. . . the negative may be gathered from the affirmative , that no man therefore shall be saved which shall not continue to the end , heb. . . but all do not agree what is the ground of perseverance , and to whom it belongs . reasons and grounds of the perseverance of gods people : . the eternal love of god , psal. . . iohn . . he loves his people with an everlasting love , rom. . , . see iohn . , , . & . . . the covenant that is betwixt god and them , is a stable and everlasting covenant , ier. . . & . * . hosea . . samuel . . the covenant made at first with the angels and adam might be broken , but this cannot , christ is the surety of it . . the union between christ and the faithfull is indissoluble , iohn . . iohn . . . the intercession of christ for them , heb. . . luke . . iohn . , . god the father hears him alwaies , iohn . . object . though christ have purchased the spirit , and bestowed it upon us , yet we may cast off the spirit . answ. we have the witnesse of the father , isa. . . and of christ , ioh. . . that the holy ghost shall never depart from us . st augustine hath observed out of the exposition of the lords prayer made by cyprian , that almost in every petition we pray for perseverance . b. carlet . against mount. c. . see more there . . the perpetual inhabitation of the spirit of god , iohn . . he is christs deputy . object . christ prayed conditionally , keeps them if they will , if they be not wanting to themselves , and he prayes for the apostles . answ. there is no condition , and he prayes for all those which his father had given him , iohn . . . the lord hath ingaged his omnipotency to uphold them against all difficulties , iohn . , . that is a fond exception , that none can take them away whilst they remain sheep , but they may cease to be sheep , for that cannot be done except they be snatched out of christs hand , whose sheep they are . see pet. . . self-denial . all christs disciples must deny themselves , matth. . . and mark . . luke . . there is a three-fold self : . natural self , a mans being and well-being , life , learning , parts , riches , possessions , relations , these must be denied upon supposition , if the glory of god , and the good of the church call for it , acts . . . sinful self , all sinfull desires , temptations , iam. . . these must be bsolutely and utterly denied without any reservation or limitation , and above all a mans da●ling sin , hos. . . rom. . , . & . , . . renewed self , which consists in habits infused by god , faith , hope , love , or in the acting and improving of these , all these must be denied when they come in competition with the righteousnesse of christ , either that i should expect acceptation of my own righteousnesse , or look upon my self as the spring of life . the extent of this duty : . in regard of the object and thing to be denied . we must especially deny our selves where the wisdome of the flesh works . i. in our understandings or wits , in three several things : . in the mysteries of salvation which are above our reason . . in the means of grace which are against them , the foolishnesse of preaching . . in the dispensations of providence which are beyond them . ii. in our wils : . in what we do by self-resignation , as abraham . . in what we suffer , iam. . . . in what we have and are , paul a patern of contentment , phil. . . iii. in our affections : . in principling them . . in right ordering them . . our excellencies of parts and outward priviledges . . our own comforts and carnal interest . secondly , in regard of the subject . all callings , sexes , ages , degrees . . magistrates ; ioseph had no great possessions in aegypt ; ioshua in dividing the land of canaan took his own lot last , iosh. . . . ministers of all men must denie their own ends , in their learning , parts . . private men must be content to suffer losse for publick and pious reasons , luk. . . acts . . . women must deny themselves in the delicacies of life , that they may not wax wanton against christ. god will try every christian some time or other in this duty , genesis . . matth. . . prayer and praise is a practice of self-denial , prayer an humble appeal to mercy , praise a setting the crown on christs head . this is a difficult work , its hard to conquer the world and satan , more to resist and conquer a mans self ; self-love is natural , proximus egomet mihi . . this self-love is universal , all men agree in seeking themselves . . self is subtil and deceitful , gets into religion , gen. . . acts . , , , . & . . mat. . beginning . reasons . . no man can be a disciple of christ , but he that enters in at the straight gate , which is conversion ; the great thing god hath to deal with in regeneration is self . . whosoever will be a disciple of christ must close with him in a work of faith , there is no benefit by christ unlesse we be united to him , iohn . . faith is the great instrument of union , it receives all from another , therefore supposeth an emptinesse in ones self , isa. . . one goes out of himself for righteousnesse , cant. . . phil. . , . to deny self-righteousnesse is to deny the highest part of self , rom. . . therefore it is so hard to convert hypocrites and temporary believers , because they look on themselves as such who need no repentance , phil. . . secondly , faith returns all to another , upon him is all our fruit found , he works all our works for us . thirdly , he that will be christs disciple must follow him , iohn . . all that he did in a way of moral obedience was for our example , pet. . . what ever he did he did in a way of self-denial , so must we , phil. . . he was obedient to his parents , subjected himself to the creatures , denied his own glory , iohn . . and ease . fourthly , all the saints went to heaven by self-denial , abraham , isaac and iacob that lived in tents . see numb . . . rom. . . fifthly , christs disciples are not their own men , rom. . , . we are servants , such are not sui juris ; children , such are under government ; the spouse of christ , tim. . . rules to know whether we deny our selves : . such a one is carried purely with respect to god and community though there be nothing for self . . he shuts out private interests if the good of community come in the way . . he is content to be nothing in service , kings . . . is contented that others be exalted , though he be abased , sam. . . . he is meek towards all men , rom. . . . he is willing to his utmost to do that service which others refuse , phil. . . motives to self-denial : first , your condition both as creatures and saints cals for it . . as creatures , god hath absolute soveraignty over you ; he is the first cause therefore should be the last end , rom. . . . as saints , you were created for him , psal. . . secondly , self-opposition to god makes us like the devil , tim. . . pride is an overweening of a mans self , thess. . . thirdly , self supports satans kingdome , revel . . . cast down self and you cast out satan . fourthly , the spirituality of religion chiefly consists in self-denial , abraham and iohn baptist denied themselves and christ himself for you . fifthly , this is a general or universal grace , not a particular grace , as faith , love , hope , joy. there are three universal or general graces which have an influence upon all the rest , sincerity , zeal , self-denial . it fits a man to do or bear any thing from god ; god onely honours such as deny themselves , luke . , . sincerity . it is the grace of the will , whereby it refuseth evil and chooseth good for gods sake , when one laboureth to walk well out of this intention and purpose to please god , thess. . . when the thing moving us to be good is gods command , and the end whereat we aim is the glorifying and pleasing of god , then we serve him in truth . iosiah pulled down the images of baal and broke his altar , so did iehu too , but alone for his own sake , to establish his kingdome by pulling down the religion which ahab had set up , but iosiah was upright , because he did it to please god and for gods sake . this grace is much commended , psal. . . & . . iohn . . isa. . . cor. . . ephes. . . david being an upright man is entituled , a man after gods own heart , sam. . . such a one as god would have him to be , all the promises are made to such , blessed are the upright in heart , lord , do good to those which are upright in heart , it becometh upright men to rejoyce , no good thing will he withhold from them that walk uprightly . it is a defence , . at time of death , so to hezekiah , remember , o lord , how i have walkt before thee in truth and with a perfect heart . see iob . . the devil will tell thee all thy holy duties were done in hypocrisie , the devil laboured to perswade iob all was false . . in calumnies and reproaches of men , so paul was slandered by false apostles , but saith he , we have the testimony of a good conscience that we did it in sincerity . signs of it : . he is fearful of himself , fulfilling his salvation with fear and trembling . . such a one will presse gods commandments and threatnings upon himself in secret , and laments before god , and confesseth , and resists the secret evils of his heart and life . . extends his desire and endeavour of doing good and shunning evil , to all kinds and degrees of evil and good , to all times * and places , psal. . . desiring in all things to live honestly . . is still humbled for his imperfections and failings . . gives the praise of goodnesse he hath attained to god alone . . it makes him easie to see and confesse a fault in himself . . rejoyceth to see others exceeding him in good , and pities those that are bad . . loves him that plainly admonisheth him , and is thankful for the admonition . . is at peace with those that differ from him in judgement . . suffers wrongs patiently . there are three main signs of it : . such a one is set against every known sin , especially his darling sin , psal. . . . hath universal respect to all the commandments , psal. . . . he is much in examination of himself , and jealous of his own heart , ps. . . the right causes of it : the spirit , the word , faith , love. the right ends , the pleasing and glorifying of god and obtaining his favour . the right subject , both the inward and outward man too , the will is chiefly the seat of it . we are perswaded ( saith the apostle ) that we have a good conscience ( which is never separated from this uprightnesse ) willing in all things to live honestly . it is a firm purpose of the will , not a slight , weak and sudden qualm or motion , as was sometimes in saul to leave persecuting david , and in pharaoh to let israel go , but a well-grounded , stable , setled , lasting , durable purpose , which holds out constantly , and is rooted in the heart , such as david noteth in himself , saying , i have sworn and will perform it , to keep thy righteous judgements . motives to it : . the lord hath pleasure in uprightnesse , chron. . . iob . . isa. . , , psal. . . . god will be upright with thee , if thou wilt be upright with him , psal. . . if you be upright in the waies of obedience , he will be upright in his rewards , psal. . . means to get truth or sincerity : . see ones want of it . . to see the great danger of wanting it . . to desire it , and to pray to god for it . . to muse and meditate much of the goodnesse of god in his great worthiness in himself , and to accustom our selves to direct our thoughts and intentions actually to him in the particular deeds we do . the end of the seventh book . the eighth book . of ordinances , or religious duties . chap. i. something general of the ordinances . how a christian stands affected to the ordinances of divine worship , the exercises of religion in general . . he makes great account of them , and finds more good , benefit and comfort by them , then by any other thing , as david saith , he loves the place where gods honour dwelleth ; and when he could not enjoy his ordinances , his life was no life , he envied the swallows . one thing have i desired , that i may live in the house of god all the dayes of my life , and enquire in his temple , he loves them as the babe the brest . . he findes god and the power of god in them , else he is not satisfied , he rests not in a bare outward performance of them , but looks for the efficacie of them to unite him to god , and to strengthen and confirm his soul , and to make him grow by them in godlinesse . david saith , that he may enquire in his temple ; and peter , that he may grow thereby . his life is sweet and joyful when he feels the ordinances of god in power , that they work on his heart to humble , reform him , beat down his flesh , edifie him in grace , then he is like a healthy man with a good stomack at a good meal . . this respect to gods ordinances is joined with a care of righteousnesse , mercy and charity to men also , and the more forward he is in religion , the more he abounds in all other parts of good conversation , iam. . ult . christ is present in his ordinances : . in majesty , revel . . , . . in beauty , revel . . . david cals it the beauty of gods house . . in communion , exod. . . . in waies of bounty and communication , gods people are transformed into his image , that place in exodus proves this also . ordinances shall continue in the most flourishing times and most glorious estate of the church , matth. . , . i am with you , ] not your persons but successours , with you ] preaching and baptizing , ephes. . , , . the ministry is to continue till all the saints be perfected , therefore till christs second coming , cor. . . you shew the lords death till he come , viz. to judgement , therefore the ordinance of the lords supper must continue till christs coming to judgement . some in these dayes cry down all ordinances , as things carnal and unbecoming a spiritual and raised estate , they call them low administrations , and our walking by them to be a walking by moon light . they say , these had their time , and may be of some use to some low sort of people , but it is but an abasement for seraphical and spiritual men to use them . the papists deny the prohibition of the second commandment , they set up image and angel-worship ; these the precept of it , it enjoyns instituted worship . christ and the apostles made use of the ordinances , and pressed them upon the churches . see mat. . . acts . and . ch . they urge isa. . . which speaks not of the scripture but prosperity . see ier. . . amos . . they also urge that place rev. . . brightman understands it not of the church militant , but of the jewish synagogues , they shall not worship god after their own manner and worship , when the jews are converted . . god hath chosen these to be canales gratiae , the conduit-pipes whereby he derives himself and his graces to his people , cor. . . . he hath commanded us to wait upon them , attend to reading , search the scriptures , ioh. . . be baptized for remission of sins , do this in remembrance of me , pray continually , despise not prophesying , thess. . . paul there intimates an aptnesse in men under the notion of magnifying and advancing of the spirit to despi●e prophesying , and sheweth also that the means to quench and extinguish the illuminations of the spirit is to have low and unworthy thoughts of the word of god , and of prophesying according to the analogy and proportion of that word . we use the ordinances not only for the enjoyment of god in them , but as a testimony of our obedience . god gave not the spirit for this end to be the onely rule for man to live by , but to help him to understand the rule , and enable him to keep it . . god hath limited us so to them , that we have no warrant to expect the communication of grace but by the ordinances . . he hath threatned a curse to those that reject them , heb. . , . observe the punishment both of jews and gentiles which slighted the ordinances , cor. . , compared with v. . if these therefore be children which set so light by the ordinances , they will not live long without bread . god hath given up the leaders of this errour to borrid blasphemous opinions , they think they have no need of christ : some think that they are christ : others that they are god , and that they are glorified , and cry down sanctification as an idol . this may suffice for the ordinances in general , of the ministry and preaching of the word i have spoken already , the other particular ordinances i shall handle and defend afterwards . others run into another extream , and make idols of the ordinances . . by resting in a bare formal attendance upon them , as the harlot in the proverbs , i have had my peace-offerings to day . we must remember they are but means , the end is communion with god and christ , and therefore we should not rest in the work done . . by leaning too much upon them , they are means to which we are limited , but we should not limit the lord , when thou hast done all loathe thy self and all that thou hast done , and rest on free-grace . we should be careful of duty as if there were no grace to justifie us , and so rest upon grace as if no work were to be done ●y us . the ordinances are either . ordinary , as hearing the word , singing of psalms , prayer , receiving the sacraments . . extraordinary , fasting , feasting , vows . chap. ii. of ordinary religious duties , and first of hearing the word . i. that we must hear the word . hearing of the word preached is a duty that lies upon all saints , ephes. . . heb. . . pet. . . & . , . it is a necessary and beneficial duty : . necessary , it is seed to beget and meat to nourish , pet. . . it is ●eedful in respect of our ignorance , ephes. . . forgetfulnesse , heb. . , . isa. . . pet. . . this is the word by which we are to examine our estates , and by which god will judge us at the last day , cor. . , . all the persons of the trinity speak to you in every truth discovered . the father , iohn . . the son , heb. . . the spirit , hear what the spirit saith to the churches . . beneficial : . souls are converted unto god , as death comes by hearing so life , rom. . . revel . . . . it is a great means of salvation , rom. . . it is called salvation it self , the one thing necessary , iam. . . . the spirit is conveyed by it both in the gifts and graces , cor. . . rom. . . . growth in grace comes by it . . satans kingdome is overthrown by it , he fals from heaven like ligh●●ning . object . i can reade the word at home which is more truly the word then what others preach . if he were a man of an infallible spirit it were something , but they may erre as well as we , some therefore will hear none , but look for apostles . answ. if they were men of an infallible spirit thou must try their doctrines by the word . if god should send you prophets and apostles you must take nothing upon trust from them , gal. . . iohn . . ii. how we must hear the word . some things must be done , . afore hearing . . in hearing . . after hearing . i. afore hearing . thou must pray for thy teacher that he may so speak as he ought to speak , ephes. . . col. . , . and for thy self , that thou maist hear profitably and be blessed in hearing , prov. . , . psal. . . & . , , . ii. in hearing . . one must set himself as in gods presence , when he is hearing of the word , deut. . . so luk. . . thess. . . so did cornelius acts . . . attend diligently to what he heareth , luke . . gods people are oft called upon to attend , mark . , . & . . it is seven times repeated , revel . . he that hath an ear to hear let him hear , so did lydia acts . . attentivenesse implies , . earnestnesse and greedinesse of soul , bibulae aures , james . . pet. . . so the people that slockt after christ. . the union of the thoughts , and all other faculties of the soul , it is called attending upon the lord without distraction , cor. . . . hear the word with understanding and judgement , matth. . . psal. . . tim. . . . he should hear with affection and delight , deut. . , . mark . . acts . . . he must take every thing as spoken to himself , matth. . , . & . . iohn . . iii. after hearing . . we must meditate of what we have heard , acts . . . apply it to our selves . to apply the word is to take it as that wherein i have an interest , psal. . . every precept , promise and priviledge . the life of preaching and hearing both is application . if one could repeat the bible from one end to another it would not make him a knowing christian. when our saviour told his disciples , one of them should betray him , they all ask , is it i ? a good hearer , isa. . . is said to eat , which notes an intimate application , the stomack distributes to every part what nourishment is sutable to it . . conferre of it with others , ier. . . see iohn . , . mark . . & . . & . , . conference is that whereby we communicate to others what we have learned , or learn of others what we are ignorant of , or strengthen one another in that which already hath been taught us , prov. . . & . . pet. . . . practise it in our conversation , psal. . . matth. . . luke . . rev. . . if you know these things happy are you if you do them . habits are perfected by action . knowledge , a good understanding have all they that do thereafter . faith and love are perfected by works , this glorifies god , galat. . matth. . . pet. . . motives to diligent attention in hearing : . it is gods word , thus saith the lord , and the word of the lord. . it is of special concernment , the matter of it requireth attention , it is the word of life , of righteousnesse , it will sanctifie us and make us grow in grace . . it is the introduction , . to understanding , mat. . . act. . . . to obedience and reformation , therefore hear is often in scripture put for obey . . to memory , iam. . , . . it is necessary to bring in and build up gods people , iam. . . mark . . . there are particular promises to it , . god will give them strength to overcome their greatest corruptions , psal. . . . god will work peace in their consciences , isa. . . chap. iii. of singing psalms . a psalm is a strict composition of words in measure and number fit to be sung to some tune . singing of psalms hath been of ancient and commendable use in gods publick worship . it was used in moses his time , exod. . . and in the times of the judges , iudg. . . and in the dayes of samuel , sam. . , . in davids and salomons time , chron. . . in the dayes of iehosaphat , chron. . , . and of hezekiah , chron. . , . and after the captivity in nehemiahs time , nehem. . . yea in the new testament our saviour himself and his apostles used it , matth. . . and prescribed it to gods people , col. . . see cor. . . & . ephes. . . yea it was the exercise of the holy angels themselves , luke . , . the people of god in the psalms are provoked , quickned and stirred up to this duty , psal. . . and the psalme specially destinated for the sabbath . it was used at gods publick worship , chron. . . and at their private prayer , acts . . most usually they did sing davids psalms in the worship of god and those that are accounted his , chron. . . ezra . , . nehem. . . the psalms of david were in such continual use with the people of israel , that the boyes learnt their hosannah from that , with which they cried to christ in the temple , which is a familiar acclamation with the hebrews , as io triumphe with the romans , for the jews on the feast of the tabernacles carrying leaves and boughs according to gods commandment , did continually sing hosannah . the psalms of david contain the very spirits , as it were , and are an abstract of all the whole word of god , the choisest works of god , the choisest promises , threats , instructions , comforts . some have the inscription , and that worthily , of jewels or golden psalms , because they comprehend most precious matter . reasons . . god hath often shewed himself to take great delight in this part of his worship , chron. . . & . . . it is a singular help and means to stir up in us holy affections in gods service , eph. . , . acts . . reformed churches use to begin and end with a psalm , and to sing davids psalms in order , that the people of god might be acquainted with them all , and professors used to sing psalms in their families , psal. . . the protestants in mountaban in france , when they ( being besieged ) were compelled to fight in their own defence , they alwayes went out to fight singing of psalms , and grew so terrible to the besiegers , that in the end , as soon as they heard their singing voice lifted up within the town ; before the portcullis was drawn up , or the gates were opened , their hearts would fail them , and they used to cry out , they come , they come , and even fled away for fear . m. martial on psal. . . the church of rome have abandoned this point of christian devotion from all both publick and private use , because they sing not in a known tongue . some think we ought to use as much or rather more devotion , attention and reverence in singing of psalms , as in making of prayers or hearing , and that to sing a psalm well and as we ought , is one of the hardest exercises of christian religion , because it requireth most attention and most affection . we should sing in a right manner : . with understanding , psal. . . cor. . . which condemns latine chanting in the popish service . . with feeling , col. . . . to the lord , lifting up our hearts to him in this service , psal. . . . to edifie our selves by it , ephes. . . . in a decent manner , observing the tune , that the whole congregation may be as one man in this service . it were good to learn by heart some choice psalms of most use and plainnesse , that if we should be cast into dungeons and dark places , and could not enjoy a book or light , yet we might be able to edifie or solace our selves in such extremities , as divers of gods people have done . as we may lawfully sing scripture psalms , so also songs and psalms of our own inditing ( say some ) agreeable to scripture , sing unto the lord a new song , framed on a fresh occasion , therefore cor. . . a psalm is named among those things which they had for the use of the church . for seeing a psalm is but a musical praier for the most part , therefore we may make songs for our selves agreeable to the word of god as well as prayers , and god knowing the efficacie of poetry and musick , to help memory and stirre up affection doth allow his people to use it for their spiritual comfort as well as natural . the apostle speaketh of psalms , hymns and spiritual songs , ephes. . . & col. . . who can shew any reason to limit his speech to scripture-psalms ? why may not one praise god in a song for our deliverance in , or the gun pouder treason ? whether instrumental musick be lawful in the church of god ? bellarmine pleads for it , lib. de bonis operibus c. , . d burgess who wrote in defence of the ceremonies , and some other of our divines defend it . they say musick used in the old testament was no figure , type or ceremony , but a real thing for elevation of the soul , types had their principal use in signifying something to come , but the first time we hear of a psalm we hear of tymbrel too , therefore they were used to it before , else they could not have played presently , therefore that precept , psal. . praise god with flute and harp , they think is moral and binds in respect of the thing it self , and warrants in respect of the manner . musick ( say they ) is a natural help to devotion , which doth not further it by any mystical signification but by a proper and natural operation , and therefore is not a typical ceremony . nature it self and god have fitted it to accompany a holy song . paul bids us edifie our selves in psalms , and a psalme is a song upon an instrument . not only dr ames opposeth it , but aquinas , rivet , zanchius , zepperus , altingius and others , dislike of organs and such like musick in churches , and they do generally rather hinder edification . chap. iv. of prayer . it is a calling upon god in the name of christ with the heart , and sometimes with the voice according to his will for our selves and others . or , it is a calling upon god in the name of christ with petitions and thanksgivings , joyned with confessions of sinne , and deprecations of punishment * . or thus : prayer is a lifting up of the heart to god our father in the name and mediation of christ through the spirit , whereby we desire the good things he hath promised in his word , and according to his will. first , it is a lifting up of the heart to god by way of desire , and this is represented by those natural gestures of lifting up the hands and eyes to heaven . see lam. . . psal. . . to thee , o lord , do i lift up my soul. which phrase implieth , . that the soul is sluggish and pressing downward for sensible helps . . it denotes confidence , a heavenly temper . it is not your eyes , voice or bodies lifted up , but your hearts and spirits ; thy heart in prayer must be with god in heaven , thy heart must beleeve , lay hold on the promise . to pray then is a difficult duty , how hard is it to call off the heart from other things , to get it united in prayer , to seek the lord with our whole hearts ? if there be distraction , lazinesse or deadnesse , we cannot say , with my whole heart have i sought thee . secondly , the object of prayer is only god , rom. . . faith and calling upon god are linked together , as none but god is the object of faith , so neither of prayer ; as it is the property of god to hear our prayers , psal. . , . so invocation is a worship proper to him alone , therefore the papists prayers to saints , angels and the virgin mary , are sinful , since prayer is a divine religious worship , and so may be given to none but god himself . all worship is prerogative , and a flower of his rich crown , from whom lies no appeal at the last hour . therefore we dare not from his garland steal , to make a posie for inferiour power . herberts poems , the church . to pray to one supposeth in him two things , . omniscience , knowledge of all hearts , of all our wants , desires and groanings . . omnipotence , power in his own hand to help , and these are peculiar to god alone , psal. . . kings . . m. lyf . princip . of faith and a good consc . c. . therefore our saviour when he informs us how we should pray , he bids us say , our father , luk. . . rom. . we cry abba father ; it is a familiar intercourse between god and the soul. thirdly , all our prayers must be made in the name of christ , iohn . . & . , . themistocles when the king was displeased brought his sonne in his arms : there is no immediate fellowship with god. as god and man are at variance , christ is medium reconciliationis : as reconciled , he is medium communionis , ephes. . . the father is the ultimate object of our faith and hope , christ the intermediate by whom we come to god , iohn . . the priest only in the law burnt incense to god , exod. . revel . . . see chap. . . by the incense our prayers are shadowed out and figured , psal. . . the sacrifice was to be brought to the priest , and to be offered by his hands , levit. . , . we must pray to the father through the son , by the holy ghost , deus oratur à nobis , deus orat in nobis , deus orat pro nobis . some say , the prayers of gods people are not only to be directed unto god , but christ as mediator , luke . . mat. . iesus thou sonne of david , not son of god , afterwards she cries , lord help me ; all the petitions in the canticles they say are directed to christ as the churches husband . they give these reasons for their opinion , . we ought to beleeve in christ as mediator , ioh. . . see rom. . . therefore we ought to pray unto him as mediator . the worship of all the reasonable creatures is appointed to him , heb. . . . the saints have directed their prayers to him , . before his incarnation , abraham , gen. . iacob , gen. . . . in the dayes of his flesh , the woman of canaan , matth. . . the thief on the crosse. . since his ascension into heaven , acts . . there is a double object of worship : . materiale , whole christ , god man in one person , heb. . . . formale , the god ▪ head of christ , when we pray to him we pray to his person , but the ultimate and proper object of our prayers is the divine nature . . in all our duties we are to take in the whole object of faith , iohn . . . this is the right way of honouring the father according to the plot of the gospel , iohn . . & . . . this is the onely way to come to the father to obtain any mercy of him , iohn . . & . . . this answers the grand design of the gospel , that each person of the trinity may be glorified with a distinct glory . in him onely we are accepted , pet. . . we need no other mediators nor intercessours . they who pray to god without a mediator , as pagans , or in the name of any other mediator but christ , as papists , pray not aright . we bear a natural reverence to god , we must honour christ also , iohn . . put up our requests into christs hand , that he may commend them to his father , and look for all supplies of grace to be dispensed in and through him , ephes. . . and . . rom. . . in which three places the word rendred accesse is one and the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it properly signifies a manuduction , or leading by the hand . the israelites under the law were tied to pray either in the tabernacle and temple , deut. . , . psal. . . or else towards the same , chron. . . kings . , . psal. . . dan. . . yet now , all such distinction and difference of place being but ceremonial is abolished . for that one place of prayer and sacrifice was a type of christ jesus the alone altar ; and the praying in or towards the same did figure out thus much , that only in the mediation of jesus christ we are to call upon the lord. b. down . of prayer , ch . . there is a two-fold form of prayer : . accidental , a form of words , this may be various . . essential , in the name of christ , iohn . . col. . . fourthly , by the spirit of god , rom. . . . he helps us to call abba father , ephes . . iude v. . see zech. . . cor. . . . in regard of our natural estate we have no ability to pray , cor. . . . in our regenerate estate , we are no longer able to do any good thing then the spirit helpeth and assisteth us , phil. . . . our prayer will not be acceptable to god except it come from his spirit , rom. . . fifthly , whereby we desire those good things he hath promised in his word . some things we are specially to pray for , for things of our souls , matth. . . that we may be more holy and heavenly , and enjoy more communion with god. for the church , pray for the peace of ierusalem , psal. . . for the propagation of the gospel ; this is one main thing in that petition , thy kingdome come . col. . . sixthly , according to his * will , iohn . . the incense was made exactly according to gods will , exod. . , . the matter of our prayers or things asked must be according to gods will , for the glory of god , mat. . , . for the good of our selves and others . one must ask things temporal alone conditionally , as our saviour , if it be possible , yet not my will : and things spiritual simply , but in both one must refer himself to the wisdome of god , for the time , means , and measure of granting his desires . secondly , for the manner and end of ones asking ; one must ask , . faithfully , striving to bring his soul to a certain and firm perswasion that he shall be heard in due time , iam. ▪ . let him ask in faith : and whensoever you pray believe ; think on that place psal. . , . hence an infidel cannot pray because he hath no faith ; as this is strong or weak , so prayer is more or lesse successfull . we must acknowledge , . that god is , and that he is a rewarder of those which seek him . . that he will grant our requests notwithstanding our sins , and this is the faith chiefly meant , as appears in that st iames saies , he upbraids not , and so in the woman of canaan . . fervently , iam. . . the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man prevaileth much : it is called a pouring out of the heart * , as if the whole soul were breathed out in desire to god , and a crying , exod. . . sam. . . job ▪ . . matth. . . psal. . . & . . & . . & . . & ▪ , . & . . jon. . . wrestling with god , gen. . . striving , rom. . . renting the heart , joel . . a groaning in spirit , rom. . . . constantly and continually , ephes. . pray alwayes , thess. . . pray continually , when occasion and duty requires , as that was called a continual sacrifice which was twice a day . . purely , pet. . . the prayer of the wicked is an abomination to the lord. he hears not sinners , heb. . . revel . . . pure heart and hand , iob . . tim. . . . sincerely , with respect more of gods glory then a mans own satisfaction , psal. . . & . . . with an united heart , cor. . we must attend upon the lord without distraction , and we must be sober and watch unto prayer , intimating that there are many enemies against it . . with a quiet submissive spirit , as our saviour , not my will , but thy will , you must not prescribe god what and when he shall do , but pray , and then resign up your selves to be guided and governed by him . . reverently and humbly * , psal. . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . chron. . . so did david , sam. . . dan. . . abraham , gen. . . iacob , gen. . . paul , tim. . . the publican . luke . we may from hence observe the imperfections and defects that are to be found in our prayers , all which may be brought to two heads : . omission of the duty . . failing in performance . of the first . not only a total omission , when one doth not pray at all for a long time together , is a fault , but the not being so frequent in it as we ought to be , and as leisure and occasion doth require , iob . . isa. . . we should pray continually , we should be ever ready for this work upon every opportunity , but we many times neglect it , when we have time enough , and cause enough , and helps enough , yet out of a meer indisposition to so gracious a work we let it passe and slip it over , even because we want will. secondly , the faults in performing this duty are of two kinds : . some such as do so totally blemish and corrupt our prayers , as to make them loathsome to god , and these are in respect . of the persons which have an interest in prayer . . of the prayer it self . there are three persons interessed in this duty : . he to whom prayer is made . . he in whose name it is made . . he by whom it is made . failing in these marre the prayers quite . first , if one pray to any other but the true god his prayer is sinne , he gives gods glory to another thing , and is a grievous idolater , because as paul saith , gal. . . he doth service to that thing which by nature is not god. prayer is a service which god cals for to himself , if we leave him the fountain of living water , and go to cis●erns that can hold no water , we displease him exceedingly . thou art a god that hearest prayers , to thee shall all flesh come , so that if we go to any other we do manifestly break his commandment , and dishonour him . it is to no purpose how we mince the matter with distinctions , and say , we pray to other things , not as the chief authors of the good we ask , but as intercessors for it to him . for if we go to them so in way of praying , we doubt of his goodnesse and mercy , give them his honour to be a hearer of prayers . indeed we may request one anothers prayers , god allowes us that , but we may not pray to them , the church of rome , therefore offends against the object of worship in praying * to saints and angels . secondly , if we pray in any other name but christs , our prayer is loathsome . there must be but one mediator as there is but one god. if men make distinctions of mediators , saying , some be of expiation , some of intercession , yet the scripture makes no such distinction , one mediator as one god. expiation and intercession are not distinct offices , making two kinds of intercessors , but distinct parts of one mediatorship . a mediator must make expiation and intercession after , and he that cannot do both must do neither . christ saith , no man can come to the father but by him ; and saith , if you ask any thing in my name you shall have it , he never sendeth to any other name , nor maketh any such promise , and the apostle saith , by him let us offer to god the sacrifice of praise , and therefore also of prayer , therefore the prayers of all romanists which do offer up their services in another name , are altogether abominable to god. thirdly , if the person praying be an impenitent sinner , a man that hath not turned to god by repentance , but doth proceed to allow and serve sin in himself , his prayer is abominable to god , for it is plainly said , the prayer of the wicked is an abomination to god ; and what hast thou to do to take my name into thy lips , and hatest to be reformed ? all that an impenitent man doth is loathsome , if he pray not he sins because he omits a duty , if he pray he sins , his prayer is defiled with his sins , so that till a man truly repent he cannot pray acceptably . these are faults in respect of the three persons interessed in prayer , which do abolish prayer and turn it into sin . some other there be in respect of the frame of the prayer it self . . for matter . . for manner . . for end of praying . first , for matter , if one either ask or give thanks for things simply sinfull and unlawfull , as if a thief pray to god to speed him in his theft , or give thanks for the successe he hath had in it , or the like , this is manifestly to offer a dead polluted and defiled thing upon gods altar . such prayers must needs be abominable to god , and they seek to make him partake with mens sins . secondly , for manner , when one asketh meerly with the lip and tongue , for they worship god in vain that draw near to him with the lip , and the heart is farre from him , as the prophet chargeth the people . to tender to god a meer sound of words , as if he were pleased with breath , when one taketh no care to understand the words , and to have his heart affected with them , this is to mock god not to serve him . we are commanded to draw near to the throne of grace with a true heart , heb. . . he saith , my sonne , give me thy heart , that being not offered to him all is loathsome , wherefore mumbling over of words not at all understood , and to which the heart cannot be joined ( such as are the common devotions of the church of rome ) is a sinning against god , not a serving of him . lastly , prayers made to wrong ends are odious , acts . . iames . . for example , he that prayes onely to be seen of men , and hath none other drift in his prayer but to win applause and commendation of men , he hath his reward , god loathes him . the end of prayer is not to win praise of men , but to humble our selves before god. when we pray for spiritual blessings to be eased , our desires in asking should suit with gods ends in giving , ephes. . . we should desire these things , viz. pardon of sinne , grace and salvation , that god may be glorified by them . when we desire outward protection and provision meerly that we may live more comfortably . agur had an eye to gods glorie still in his requests , prov. . , . another ill end is to satisfie gods justice or to deserve heaven , or the like , this is like them that said , shall i give my seed for my sinne ? this is to put christ out of office and offer strange incense to god. if all must be put up in the name of christ , then sure we must not dream of satisfying or meriting by prayers . prayers must be humble , but they are proud when we dare conceit such worth in them as to satisfie gods justice for sinne , or to deserve heaven . whosoever prayes so his prayer must needs be abominable to god. these be the things which utterly spoil prayer ; there are some other things which do somewhat blemish and fully this dutie , as it were , but make it not wholly displeasing , if they be observed with humiliation and trusting upon the intercession of christ for acceptance . these are brought to three heads . . in respect of entrance into prayer . . in respect of continuance in it . . in respect of the frame of the prayer it self . first , there are two faults in regard of the entrance into prayer . the one , backwardnesse , dulnesse , aversnesse , when one hath no inclination to it , doth it against the hair , and puts it off still , and is manifestly unwilling to it . if god loves a chearful giver , surely then a man that comes to prayer willingly . this likely ariseth from some guiltinesse or unbelief , or estrangement from god , he draws not near with confidence that is so backward and loth to come to it . another fault in entring is to come rashly before god , forbidden by salomon , be not rash with thy mouth , neither let thine heart be hasty to utter a thing before god , eccles. . . when men rush into gods presence without any consideration of gods greatnesse and their own basenesse , without any endeavour before , at least with some few short thoughts , such as the time and occasion will permit , then he doth not declare a due esteem of god , as if a man would break into the chamber of his prince without knocking or using some means to make a fit entrance , for though god be ever equally at leisure , yet we cannot be fit without some preparing of our hearts by some preconsideration of him . for continuance of prayer there are two faults : first , when one is even weary of prayer , tired with it , and is even at a non-plus , knows not how to go forward , nor what to say next to god , no not so much as to sigh , groan and crie to god , sometime abundance of desire hinders the orderly placing of words , this is no sinne in solitary devotions , sometimes a kinde of negligence and indisposition causeth that a man is at an end before he begin , and hath no heart to proceed , this comes from deadnesse of spirit , and shews senslesnesse of our state , hardnesse of heart and unbelief , and customarinesse , and cannot but be a great fault . another fault is chiefly in publick prayer , when a man goes beyond the limits of time , and by an unseasonable length of prayer , thrusts out other occasions to the hinderance of himself or others , overlong praying specially with others , and with our selves out of season when other occasions require us , is a fault , and this is often but a spirit of carnal devotion , by which the devil seeketh to bring prayer in disgrace . indeed when a man hath fitted his occasions , then if with our saviour he spend the night in prayer , he doth well , but all unseasonable length is blame-worthy . now for the frame of the prayer it self , one may offend in the matter and manner . there are four faults for matter of prayer : . when one is very much still in petitions , and hath but few and short thanks , we should pour forth supplications with thanksgiving , and in all things give thanks , when the parts of prayer have not some proportion , it is like an ill spunne thred , too great in one place , too little in another , it shews too much seeking our selves in prayer . the second fault is , when our prayers be almost altogether for temporal things , corn , wine , forgetting the more excellent , grace , holinesse , yea much more for pardon of sinne then grace to mend , a plain fruit of carnal love to our selves , and carnal seeking of our selves . the third , when one asketh things without due warrant , prayes god to kill him , to end his daies , it differs from asking things simply sinfull . some things are not so fit for us when we beg them , as that i may be speedily delivered out of this crosse , or the like , a weaknesse no doubt arising from want of due stooping to god. . asking we know not what , begging what we our selves do not well understand , as the sons of zebedee did . these are great blots to prayer . for manner there are also four faults : first , inattentivenesse , when a mans heart is through carelesnesse and want of bending his minde to the work in hand carried away to other things . orantis , quasi non orantis , inania vota ; sic audit , quasi non audiat illa , deus . owenus in epig. there is a double distraction , one forced and compelled either by outward occasions of noises , or the like ; or by inward oppositions through terrible and violent suggestions of satan : these are not sins if resisted , there are some distractions that have a kinde of voluntarinesse in them , when a man suffers his thoughts to wander from the thing in hand out of a kinde of negligence , and not striving to bend his minde to the work , and so perhaps even drops asleep , as peter did when christ bid him watch. this is a great weaknesse , and he cals on god but with half a heart that prayes so . another fault in prayer is coldnesse , heavinesse , dulnesse , customarinesse , when one prayeth indeed , and useth good words , but without any power of affection , he is not warm nor zealous , he praies not fervently ; this causeth suits to be denied , and if one stirre not up himself will end in prayerlesnesse , and often makes one ready to fall asleep , yea the minde may be thus chill when in publick prayer a man may seem zealous , here is a sacrifice without fire . a third fault is doubting in our asking , when we ask but hold not fast a desire to be perswaded of gods gracious acceptance , and his will to hear us . such a ●easure of doubting as makes a man give over praying and be very inconstant in it , doth cause prayers to do no good , but doubting resisted so that a man continues to pray still , though it cut not off the fruit of our prayers , yet it is a weaknesse . we ought to lift up pure hands to god without wrath and doubting , as st paul tels us , tim. without giving our hearts leave to be carried away with contrary discourses . lastly , irreverent behaviour of body or minde is a great fault , when the heart hath lost the apprehension of gods greatnesse and excellencie , and the body is loose and unmannerly , wandring eyes , gazing hither or thither , leaning this way , if the minde forget god the body will too , this is a very slighting of god ; christ praying fell on his knees , and lift up his eies to heaven . the heart should be kept in such an apprehension of god , as even to have a fear in it , least it should offend him any way , and that will keep every part of the bodie in tune , but when the heart hath let the consideration of his presence go , then the bodie is strait out of frame . there are some more failings in regard of our carriage after praier . a man hath not done all his businesse about praying when he hath said amen . some thing more is to be done , which so much as he faileth of , so many faults there be that need pardon . the first fault after praier is , neglecting to wait , and to mark the speed which we have in praying , as if praier were alone a dutie , and not a means of attaining things from god , as if we had alone a commandment to pray , and not a promise to be heard . this not waiting on god and observing how we speed , whether we be heard or not , hinders us much of the successe of our praiers , shews much formalitie in our praiers and little fervencie . david praied and looked up , and the church hearkned what god would say to his people . as david saith , he lifted up his eyes to god , as the hand-maiden to her mistresse . we do not so idly present our petitions unto governours and rulers . . conceitednesse of our praiers , if we think we have done them in any thing a good manner . this is a fault common to praier with other holy duties , we are apt to think highly of our selves , but as that knowledge which puffeth up proveth that a man knows nothing as he ought to know ; so that praier which puffeth up , proveth that he hath not praied as he ought to pray . praier should be an humbling of our selves before god , if it make us lift up our selves specially with thoughts of comparing our selves with others by which we depresse them , then we do not pray so well as we should have done . another fault is to be discouraged in respect of our wants in praying , and for want of successe to our praiers . when we conclude as good not pray at all as in this poor weak manner that we do , and we have so long and so long praied , and therefore not having been heard for such a space , we lose our labour in praying , and shall not be heard . this is because we consider not of gods wisdome and mercie , nor of the intercession of christ. we should be humbled , but not made heartlesse by our own weaknesses or by gods deferring . it was the churches fault to think god had cast her off , because she was not heard so soon as she would . another fault is forgetting to return thanks at least often and earnestly enough for those special benefits which have been granted unto our praiers . the fault noted in the ten lepers , of whom our saviour speaketh , ten are made whole , but where are the nine ? none is returned to glorifie god but this stranger . what we have earnestly and often asked , if we do but seldome and slightly give thanks for , we shew that we seek our selves too much in praying , and the glorie of god too little ; this is a failing in our praiers , and may be an hinderance at least to our speedy attaining of our suits afterwards . three corollaries from the defects of our praiers : . to teach us the vanitie of the popish church which put praiers and such a multitude and number of them upon men by way of a penance , by which they must satisfie gods justice for their sins , and by which they must deserve and merit grace and salvation . how can our praiers satisfie for others faults , seeing themselves are defective and faultie many waies ? and how can that deserve heaven which when god heareth he must forgive , or else it will be hard with him that makes it ? what a madnesse is this , that when we have the satisfaction and merits of christ , we should not be satisfied therewithall , but should thrust our own most imperfect services into that room ? let us pray , let us fast , let us give alms , let us do good works in obedience to god , in assured faith of obtaining his promises , and being more then abundantly requited for our service . but what should this proud fancie of merit and satisfaction be added to our praiers ? why will we not suffer our selves to be made to see the weaknesse and frailties of our best services , why should we stand upon such terms with god as to think rather to satisfie him and earn of him , then to receive things that be good of his free favour in christ , and to attain pardon of things that be sinful for his meer mercie sake in the mediation of his sonne , and for his satisfaction sake which he hath made ? woe unto them that seek to draw gods people from resting wholly upon christs merits and satisfaction , to rest in part upon their own poor , weak , and many waies defective services , which further then they be washed with the bloud of christ must needs be unacceptable , much more then when they are offered to such an intent as would utterly marre them were they otherwise never so perfect . what is if this be not to bring strange incense , strange fire , strange beasts and strange sacrifices unto the altar of god. but thanks be to god that hath freed us from this amongst other errours of that church by which they do cut off all possibility of salvation from those that continue to beleeve their lies . for if any trust to the goodnesse of his own praiers , or other services by them to satisfie gods justice , and to deserve heaven , lucifer himself shall as soon sinde favour as he continuing thus , because he doth not seek to be found in christ but in himself , and because as yet he is not poor in spirit , nor broken , nor contrite , nor heavy laden , and so not capable of christ. but secondly , let gods people learn to apply themselves to the work of praying with very great diligence and careful observing of themselves , to prevent as much ●s may be those many defects whereto they are subject , and those many faults which they are apt to commit . if we set our selves with the best diligence we can to call on the name of god , we shall not escape some , nay many faults , but if we fall to make roving praiers , as it were , looking to nothing , but the bare deed done , and thinking all is well if a few words be said over , and if so much time be spent in uttering some good speeches , o how much sinne will this ill carriage bring upon us ! let us therefore in praying pray , that is pray with all earnest and heedfull observation of our selves , yea let us not think our selves sufficient to make our own praiers , but let us humbly beseech the lord to assist us with his spirit of praier , without which we cannot pray as we ought in any sort . to pray as one ought to pray is a difficult , a hard , a painful work . it requireth the whole man and the greatest labour , and even more then a man. no wit , no learning , no good parts will suffice to make a good praier , unlesse we have the spirit of praier poured upon us from above . if praier were only a framing and composing of words handsomly together and pronouncing them distinctly and fully , it were an easie matter to pray , but the affections of the soul must be set in a good frame as well as the words . the eye must see god , the heart must stoop to him , the whole man must be made sensible of his presence , a man must conferre with his maker , lift up his soul to god , pour forth his heart before him , and he knows not himself that knows not this to be more then he can do of himself . wherefore we must not only take great heed to our selves when we come to pray , but we must even trust upon god , and call upon him for the assistance of his spirit to help our infirmities , or else our praiers will not be such as may give us comfort . thirdly , this should teach poor saints not to be discouraged at the manifold failings of their praiers , but alone to be humbled . it is one of the faults accompanying praiers to be made heartlesse thereby , king. . . salomon requests of god not alone to hear , but when he heareth to pardon . god will pardon and passe by all those weaknesses of our praiers which we labour to see and are carefull to resist and bewail , and cast our selves upon christ for acceptation of . if we should finde our selves never so much assisted in praying , so that we could scarce say what it were that we ought to blame , yet if we do trust to our praiers and their worth , god cannot be well-pleased with them , for he is not well-pleased but in christ. on the other side , if we can renounce our selves , though our praiers have many weaknesses , those praiers shall be heard , because those faults in christ shall be forgiven . christ is our mediator and intercessor , and he sits at his fathers right-hand , by the sweet incense of his merits , as a thing most acceptable to god to do away the rank smell of our carnalnesse , which shews it self in praying . we are therefore to trust on him , stay in him , rest in his supplications and intercessions . this thing which salomon praied for , he the true salomon hath praied for , and will procure . wherefore be not heartlesse , and make not any such perverse conclusion , surely these petitions cannot be heard , cannot be regarded . consider them in themselves they cannot , consider them as they are perfumed with the incense of christs intercession they cannot but prevail . christs intercession doth not make our services meritorious , that were to put them into the room of his own righteousnesse , which he never intended to do , but he makes them as effectual and available , even as if they were meritorious , because in him all their faults are pardoned therefore do not suffer thy soul to give it self a denial , and to pronounce against it self a rejection of thy sutes , but flee to christs intercession , then thou shalt be heard and forgiven . but especially take heed your discouragement go not to such an extremity as to make you resolve not to pray , because you cannot pray well . there be some things sinful for matter , these we must not do for fea● of sinning against god ; there be some things sinful in regard of manner , and other circumstances , those we must do as well as we can , and not omit altogether for fear of doing them amisse . better a great deal offend through failing in good things , then by a total omission of them : there may be upright obedience shewed in doing them as well as we can , there is nothing but disobedience shewed in omitting them . it is a carnal sense of weaknesse , and comes from the devil and the flesh that drives from the duty , that alone is a spiritual sight and sense of weaknesse that drives to more care in the duty , and more humility after , and more earnest longing after christ , and high prizing of him . oh but i shall get nothing by these praiers ! first , say thou shouldst get nothing , yet thou shalt do a thing that god bids thee , and so obey him , and we must obey god though we get nothing by it . but secondly , if thou dost not pray surely thou canst get as little by not praying as by praying weakly and distractedly . and lastly , if thou praiest thou shalt be heard and pardoned , and that is to get something . wherefore ascribe so much to the infinite and fatherly goodnesse of god , and to the perfect and constant intercession of christ , as to come with confidence to the throne of grace , even with those praiers which are full of faults . the father loves to see his childrens letters though they cannot yet write a fair hand . motives to praier : first , the lord will take it kindly . christ is the churches advocate , the saints are the churches sollicitors , isa. . . . psal. . secondly , praier is the most principal part of gods worship , let us worship and fall down ; it is sometime in scripture put for the whole worship of god , being a principal part of it , ier. . there is a visible advantage due to praier above preaching in the publick assemblies , because it is a means nearer the end of both . it cannot be denied that all preaching is to the purpose of informing the minde , or moving the heart to desire that which is good indeed : but praier being the actual desire of it , is the exercise of the means which god ordaineth to procure it . m. thorndikes service of god at religious assemblies , c. . the word of god is the great instrument in the hand of the spirit by which all things are managed in the world , praier is the great instrument in the hand of faith by which all things are managed in the new man. when the spirit comes in , it is a spirit of sanctification , and makes way for the spirit of supplication , and that for the spirit of illumination , psalm . . psal. . ult . ier. . . thirdly , it is honourable , . to god , acknowledgeth the souls dependance on him , his omniscience , bountie , goodnesse , omnipresence , faithfulnesse in performing his promises . . to us , to have the princes ear still open to our petitions . fourthly , necessary . the necessity of it appears , . in that hereby we are trained up in the conviction of our unworthinesse ; praier is a discoverie of our beggerie , thou hast not grace nor strength if it come not from heaven ; god would have this seen not only in those great precious priviledges , but likewise in our daily bread , thy praiers ought to make thee humble , if thou hast grace of thy own , why dost thou pray for it ? it is daily pardon and favour , and these must be sought for . . all the best grace and strength we have is imperfect , cor. . perfecting holinesse , our faith and righteousnesse hath much corruption mingled with it , we had need to pray that god would defend us against temptations , the christian praying and alwaies seeking to god is seldome overcome . . every thing becomes sanctified by praier , tim. . . all sermons , sacraments , mercies , afflictions become hereby sanctified , it makes the word lively , the sacraments efficacious . . it keeps off many blows , phil. . . therefore paul a stout christian was much in praier , and desired philemons and others praiers . . it is gainful , a key that opens all the treasures of god , king. . , . iam. . , . matth. . . iam. . . ioh. . . revel . . the light as well as life of a christian is laid up in another . omnia in christo sunt capitalia , say the schoolmen . whatever is in christ is in him as a head with reference to the bodie , cant. . . ephes. . . . it is very powerful , it prevaileth over all creatures , yea with the creator himself . god never left granting till abraham left asking . gen. . ps. . . & . . psal. . . ioh. . . & . . ioh. . . & . . vinculum invincibilis . bern. vis diograta . tertul. apol. praier not only obtains the thing , but brings a sanctified use of it , it turns it to the good of those that receive it , it gives efficacie to other means , or if they fail , it doth it it self , it hath not this efficacie from any intrinsecal vertue or merit to be found in it , the efficacie is wholly from god. praier is available three waies : . as it is a petition put up to god , and so it avails via impetrationis . . as it is an exercise of the soul , and of the graces in it , and so it avails via causationis . . as it is a commanded dutie and a principal part of gods service , wherein we give him the glorie of his omniscience , mercie , power and wisdome , and so it avails via retributionis . m. carter on exod. . , . the efficacie of praier comes . from god the father , he is infinite in goodnesse , and of his own nature much more prone to give good things then we to beg them , as appeareth by his daily lading us with such comforts as we never so much as craved at his hands , yea by casting of innumerable benefits upon his enemies . . christ , he hath deserved all good things by the infinite and invaluable merit of his most precious life and death , yea he hath commended us to his fathers love and care by many fervent praiers made for us in the daies of his flesh , and now he ceaseth not to make perpetual intercession for us at his fathers right-hand , by presenting his own merits to the eies of his father , that they may actually speak in our behalf , and do away all the defects of our praiers . . the holy ghost stirreth up in us earnest desires and groans , and doth as it were dictate our praiers for us . . from our selves , the people of god by praying are fitted to receive those benefits which they pray for , in the exercise of praier increasing in themselves , faith , humblenesse of minde , an aptnesse to be thankful for them , and an abilitie to use them well to gods glorie and their own good . helps and means : one must prepare his heart , that being naturally unfit for communion with god , which lieth first , in removing impediments , hardnesse of heart , want of sense and feeling of the wofull estate we are in , the command to pray alwayes , implies that the soul should be alwaies in a praying frame . . impatience , fretting , pray without wrath . secondly , in bringing the positive furtherances , . heavenly-mindednesse , if god be in heaven there must our hearts be . praier being an humble discourse of the soul with god , which art in heaven . the natural gesture of lifting up our eyes and hands to heaven , implieth this ; this is opposed to worldly cares and earthlinesse , these are clogs ; this made david say , it is better to be one day in thy house then a thousand elsewhere . call in the help of the spirit , rom. . . . consideration of gods benefits , it is good to have a catalogue of them . . study much the fulnesse and all sufficiencie of god , and his making over himself to you in his all-sufficiencie , gen. . . . acquaint your selves with your own necessities , let the word of god dwell richly in you , col. . . the ground of praier is gods will , acquaint your selves with the precepts , promises . . give your selves to praier , psal. . . but i praier , so the hebrew ; oratio ego , so montanus . helps against wandring and vain thoughts in holy duties , and especially in praier : . set a high price upon it , as a great ordinance of god , wherein there is a communion with him to be enjoyed , and the influence of the grace of god to be conveyed thorow it . . every time thou goest to praier , renew thy resolutions against them , till thou comest to a habit of keeping thy heart close to the duty . . set the presence of god before you in praier , his glorie , and consider that he converseth with thy thoughts , as man with thy words . . be not deceived with this , that the thoughts are not very sinful ; whatsoever thoughts concern not the present duty , are sinful . . blesse god for that help if thine heart hath been kept close to a duty , and ou hast had communion with god. the godly must pray , by this title the scripture describes true christians , acts . . and paul saluteth all the faithful that call upon the name of the lord , cor. . . a heart full of grace is also full of holy desires and requests , cant. . , , . it is called the spirit of supplications , zech. . . suitable to the spirit of grace is the spirit of supplication . they must pray daily , psal. . . & . . dan. . . luk. . . thess. . . tim. . . reasons . . it is equal that part of every day be given and consecrated to him who is the lord of the day , and of all our time ; they had a morning and evening sacrifice in the time of the law. . praier is a singular means of neer and heavenly communion with god , therein the godly enjoy the face of god , talk familiarly with him . . praier sanctifieth to us ( that is , obtaineth of god for us a lawful and comfortable use of ) all the things and affairs of the day . . every day we stand in need of many things belonging both to temporal and spiritual life . . we are every day subject to many dangers . a gracious heart is full of holy requests to god , psal. . . revel . . . rom. . . ezek. . . iohn . . iude v. . reasons . . praier is an act of religious worship , dan. . . . because of the great things spoken of praier , isa. . . rev. . . deut. . . isa. . . . the saints have received the spirit of supplication , zech. . . every godly man must be constant and assiduous in praier , persevere in it , psal. . . psal. . , . psal. . , . will the hypocrite alwaies call upon god ? saith iob : daniel would not forbear the daily exercise of this service , although it were with the hazard of his life , dan. . . aquinas a , ae quaest. . artic. . determines this question , utrum oratio debet esse diuturna ? reasons . . from god , who hath signified approbation of this service by commanding it expresly , saying , pray continually ; and christ spake a parable , that we should be constant in praier and not faint , luk. . . . this hath been the practice of all the saints of god. iacob wrestled with god and praied all night . the canaanitish woman had several repulses , yet persevered in praier . moses held up his hands , which implies the continuance of his praier , isa. . . christ praied thrice , and yet more earnestly , luk. . . . from our selves : first , we have great need , for we absolutely depend upon god , and he hath tied himself no further to do us good then we shall seek it in his ordinance at his hands . secondly , we have great helps , even such as may enable us to perform the dutie notwithstanding any weaknesse that is in our selves , for we have gods word and spirit . if a man doubt to whom to direct his praiers , the scripture cals him to god , to thee shall all flesh come , psal. . . if in whose name , it leads him to christ , whatsoever you shall ask in my name . if for what to pray , for wisdome , for the spirit , for patience , for daily bread , for remission of sins , for deliverance from evil , for the honouring of gods name , in a word for all good things : if for whom , for kings , for rulers , for our selves , for others , for all men , except him whom we see to have sinned a sinne unto death ; if where , every where lifting up pure hands : if when , at all times , continually : if how oft , why , morning , noon , night : if on what occasion , in all things by praier and supplications : if in what manner , why , fervently with an inward working of the heart in praier , with understanding , in truth and in faith , and without fainting . . god will assist us with his spirit , all those which addresse themselves to perform this work according to the direction of his word , and beg the spirit of praier , to help them in praying , the spirit maketh intercession , rom . jude v. . praying in the holy ghost . thirdly , constant supplicating to god doth honour him , and actually confesse him to be the universal lord , the ruler and disposer of all ; yea to be liberal in giving , to be omnipotent in power , to be present in all places , to see and hear all persons and actions , to search our hearts , and to sit at the stern of the whole world , so that he observeth also each particular creatures need and wants . fourthly , it is exceeding advantagious to our selves , seeing it acquaints us with god , and breeds a kinde of holy familiaritie and boldnesse in us toward him . . it exerciseth , reneweth and reviveth all graces in us : in drawing near to god , and calling upon him , we grow like to him , this sets a work and increaseth knowledge of god , humilitie , faith , obedience , and love to him . fifthly , because praier it self is not only a duty but a priviledge , the chief purchase of christs bloud . sixthly , because if we persevere and faint not , god will come in at last with mercie , in the fourth watch of the night christ came , in the morning watch , the night was divided into four watches . iacob wrestled all night with god , but in the morning he prevailed . both the wicked and godly are weary of praier and fasting . . the wicked are weary of praier and fasting : . because they want the principle of grace to carry them thorow . . they want the spirit of adoption . . they have no love to these duties . . they relish not the sweetnesse in praier and fasting . . they have a mean esteem of these duties . . they want grace to wait . the godly also are quickly weary of these duties : . from the abundance of corruption in the best christians , exod. . moses his hands were heavy . . from the misapprehension of praier and fasting , they look upon them as legal duties , but they are chief gospel-duties , matth. . . cor. . . they call them beggarly forms ; christians ( they say ) must be above forms , the ordinances are vehicula christi , canales coeli . . from the often and long continuance and easinesse of obtaining these fasting daies . motives to persevere in praier and fasting : . have a high and honourable esteem of these duties . . let not the frequencie of them take away the reverence and powerfulnesse of them . persevere , . in private praier , psal. . . cant. . . . in publick , . god commands it , ephes. . , . the saints have practised it , lam. . , , . psal. . . . there are many promises , mat. . . luk. . . it is a good and commendable thing in the saints of god to be able to hold out long in their private praiers , sam. . . in publick praier with others , respect must be had as well to others as to ones self , and here we must conform our selves to their abilitie , that we tire not their devotion : but in our private and secret praiers betwixt god and our own souls , it is good to be large , sam. . . daniel continued his solemn fast ( not in abstaining simply from all food , but from all pleasant and delicious fare ) for daies together , and therefore it is sure he spent a great deal of time in praying . david psal. . praid day and night . christ spent a whole night in praier . object . long praiers are condemned in the pharifees . answ. not the length but the hollownesse of their praiers is blamed , because under shew of long praiers they devoured widows houses , seeking to gain the reputation of men extraordinary devout , by drawing out their praiers , and they were publick not private praiers . object . eccles. . . salomon bids that in consideration of gods greatnesse and our basenesse our words should be few . answ. not all length in praier , but hastinesse and tediousnesse without affection is there condemned ; he saith , be not hasty nor rash , but let thy words be few , requiring that the words have their ground in a well advised judgement , and then they are few in his sense though they be otherwise many . luke . . paul wisheth to persevere in praier , watching thereunto , meaning it not alone of constancie in praier and spirituall watching , but of the holding out in praier . reasons may be added to what have been formerly delivered : . in regard of our selves : we have much matter for praier , many sins to confesse and lament , many graces to ask , many wants to be supplied . . many reasons to enforce , and many objections to answer , and therefore ought sometimes to inlarge our selves . secondly , in regard of god , by this meanes we shall declare a great love to god , and to this exercise , when we carry our selves to him as to a friend , with whom we are not willing to leave conferring , but take delight to confer much with him . the way to continue in this duty is much to muse of our wants and sins , and gods promises , and labour to have our hearts earnestly affected with these things , and to take advantages of such occasions as the lord affords ●s for this purpose , and let us propound the example of christ and samuel , and other godly persons , and strive to follow their president when time doth serve . four cautions must be observed in long praiers : . that in our meetings with christians we affect not to be long to get applause thereby , and to shew how far we excel others in this gift , mat. . . . that we be enabled by god with understanding , and use not vain repetitions , matth. . . . that our hearts be able to hold out as long as our tongues do , iam. . . . that we have respect to them that joyn with us , cor. . . in praier , particular confession of our sins ( so far as we can come to the knowledge of them ) is requisite , and for unknown sins a general confession will serve , psa. . . see gen. . . dan. . , . ezra . , , . psal. . , . iosh. . . confession is put for praier . the acknowledgement of our own unworthinesse becomes the presence of god , king. . . iob . , . & . , , . . confession is a solid disclaiming of the first covenant , when we make grace our claim we must disclaim works , psal. . . in every part of praier some affection should be exercised , in confession , shame . micha . . grief , luk. . . in requests , hope and desire , in giving thanks , joy and love . confession is but an act of the sanctified will displeased with the remembrance of sinne . objections of libertines and others against praier . . they think it needlesse , they cannot alter god. answ. we should obey gods command . by prayer there may be a change in our selves , it betters our hearts , makes us trust in god. . god hath inseparably linked the means and the end . we pray not that gods will may be altered but accomplished in his own way , his judicial sentence may be altered though not his counsel . . others think they are above praier , this is an inferiour duty for men of their rank . have neither they nor the church any necessities ? christ who had fulnesse of grace , often praied , matth. . , . see revel . . , . gods people are called his suppliants , zech. . . a generation of them that seek him , psal. . . . others will not pray but when the spirit moves them . this is not to come till god send for us . god withholds grace because we seek it not in his own way . . others think they need not be so frequent in praier , they say , the hours of duty are not determined . the expressions for prayer are comprehensive , pray continually , tim. . . chap. v. the sorts or kinds of prayer . prayer may be distinguished according to the matter and manner thereof . in regard of the matter , the apostle tim. . . maketh four severall heads : . supplications or deprecations , which are for the removal of evil . . praiers , which are for the obtaining of good . . intercessions , which are in the behalf of others . . thanksgivings , which are for benefits received . these four he referreth in another place to two heads ▪ . requests . . thanksgiving . the most general and usual distinction is grounded on thess. . , . petition , phil. . . tim. . . thanksgiving , phil. . . tim. . . petition may be divided according to the things or persons in respect whereof it is made . the things which it respecteth , are either good to obtain them , which is most properly praier or apprecation : or evil , to remove them , which is deprecation . the persons are our selves or others . praier will bring in all the good things gods people stand in need of , iohn . , . the jews have a proverb , sine stationibus non star●t mundus , without standing before god in praier , the world would not stand ; light and direction comes in by praier , prov. . , . the godly man hath his daily bread as the fruit of the promise , and that leades him to his union with christ , the fountain of all promises . object . the matter or object of our praier must be good , how then can it admit a distinction in respect of good or evil . answ. amotio mali habet rationem boni , removal of evil hath the reason of good : therefore the benefits of god are either positive or privative . b. down . of praier , chap. . praier is the great instrument of removing all evil from soul and body , psalm . . often . . thanksgiving , which is a gratefull acknowledgement of a kindenesse received . there are other distinctions of praier in regard of the manner : . mental , vocal . . sudden , composed . . conceived , prescribed . . publick , private . . ordinary , extraordinary . in this distinction of praier according to the matter i shall first speak of petition for good things , and deprecation against evil , intercession for , and imprecation against others , and then of thanksgiving . for petition , which is the most principal kinde of praier , there are two things considerable in it , . what things we are to crave . . after what manner we are to crave them . these have been handled partly in the matter and manner of praier , therefore i shall but touch them . the things which may be asked , must be lawful and good , matth. . . those things are so which are agreeable to the will of god , a thing is therefore good because it is willed of god , heb. . . iohn . . gods glory is first and most of all to be desired , cor. . . petit. . of the lords prayer , and the means whereby it may be effected in the d petition , and the manifestation of it in the d. our own good in the next place is to be looked after , in regard of which we may ask all needful things , temporal concerning these frail bodies of ours while we live here in the th petition , or spiritual , and that either respecting our justification , the principal part whereof is a discharge of that debt , wherein , through sinne , we are bound unto god , in the th petition ; or our sanctification in keeping us from the pollution of sin , and preserving us safe from all evil unto salvation , in the th petition . . in what manner we are to crave good things . things must be beg'd as they are promised , faith hath an eye to gods promises , and resteth thereon : as god hath promised any thing , so the faithful ask it in prayer . things absolutely promised may be absolutely askt ; things not absolutely promised , we must pray for with subjection to gods will and wisdome . so much for petition for good things , for deprecation against evil things we have expresse warrant in the th and th petitions of the lords prayer : and also in the example of christ , heb. . . and in the many promises which god hath made to deliver us from evil . evil to be praied against , is either of fault or punishment . the evil which we do deprecari , that is , desire to be delivered from , whether in whole , ut avertatur , that it may be averted ; or in part , ut mitigetur , that it may be mitigated if it be upon us ; or to be kept and preserved therefrom if we be in any danger thereof , ut antevertatur , that it may be prevented , it is either the evil of sin or the evil of punishment . b. down ▪ of prater , c. . evil of fault is sin , the first and greatest of all evils , in regard of this evil . three things are to be prayed against : . the guilt of sin , in the th petition . . the power of it . . temptations thereunto , in the th petition . against the guilt and power of sinne , we must simply , absolutely and instantly pray , and never cease till god hear us . against temptations we are to pray especially , that we be not given over unto them , and overcome by them . evil of punishment is three-fold : . temporal . . spiritual . . eternal . temporal punishments are all outward judgements , miseries and plagues in this world , the effects of sin ; absolutely they are not to be prayed against , but we are to pray either to have them removed , or else sanctifi●d unto us . one may not pray for afflictions as they are a fruit of the curse , but as they are part of the inheritance of the saints under the second covenant , matth. . . and in reference to the sweet effects that slow from them , ier. . . so some hold they may be prayed for . spiritual punishments are , slavery under satan , the world and the flesh , a feared and ● dead conscience , hardnesse of heart , blindenesse of minde , c●rn●ll security , impenitency , infidelity , and such like , these are to be prayed against as hell it self . eternal damnation is absolutely to be prayed against . intercession or praying for others , in the next place , is warranted from those petitions in the lords prayer , which are set down in the plural number , give us , forgive us , deliver us . the apostle also expresly commandeth us to pray one for another . . it amplifieth gods glory , in that we call upon him for others as well as for our selves ; we acknowledge him to be not only our own father , but also the com●●m father of others , therefore christ hath taught us to say , our father . . this is a principal duty of love , matth. . . . it is very profitable , we cannot be more ben●fici●l to any ●●●● in an● by p●●●er . austin saith to ambrose , frater , si pro to solum , o●us 〈…〉 bus eras , omnes pro te orant . motives to pray for others : . it is a character of the saints ; paul prayed much for others , 〈…〉 phil. . , . col. . , . and almost in every ep●s●le ●e begs the prayers of others for himself , rom. . . phil. . . heb. . . . this is the condition of gods promises , 〈…〉 god 's performances . when he delivered his 〈…〉 mightily to him , and he stirred up a ●pirit of 〈…〉 vered them out of babylon , dan. . ▪ . jer. 〈…〉 . . it is the armoury of saints , 〈…〉 . . & . ● . who those be that are to be praye● for , all of all ●o●ts . all in general are to be pr●●ed 〈…〉 . object . the pope of rome is antichrist , and he is that man of sin which is the son of perdition . answ. we may not conceive any particular man to be antichrist , but rather that seat and state where the pope sitteth , or the hierarchy , the head whereof the pope is , or the succession of popes one after another . the first in order to be prayed for are saints , the whole community of them , ephes. . . ioh. . . col. . , . . publick persons . . magistrates , tim. . . psal. . . . ministers , eph. . . act. . . & . . mat. . . . those to whom we are more nearly related , rom. . . philem. v. . friends , husbands for wives , parents for children , masters for servants , the minister for his people , ephes. . , . . strangers , gen. . . . enemies , mat. . . luke . . now i shall shew who are not to be prayed for . . all such as are dead matth. . . sam. . . such prayers are vain and fruitlesse , for gods determinate judgement passeth on every one so soon as they die . bellarm. de purgatorio lib. . cap. . saith , it can neither adde any thing to the blisse of them that are in heaven , nor take away any part of punishment from them that are in hell . moses in the law prescribed no prayers , no sacrifices for the dead . the papists practise praying for the dead . they pretend for this the fairest precedents of the church , and of the whole world . the heathens they say did it ; and the jews did it , and the christians did it . the heathens prayed for an easie grave and a perpetual spring . the jews prayed that the soul of their dead might be in the garden of eden , that they might have their part in paradise , and in the world to come . the christians prayed for a joyful resurrection , for mercy at the day of judgement , for the hastening of the coming of christ , and the kingdome of god : but yet , the prayers for the dead used in the church of rome are most plainly condemned , because they are against the doctrine and practices of all the world . ignorant and superstitious persons likewise among us , if mention be made of any of their friends departed , use presently to say , the lord be with his soul , gods peace be with him , with the like . if any reprove them for it , they say , what hurt is it ? it is hurt enough that there is no good in it , it is vain and idle , mat. . . there is no commandment , example of any good man , or promise in all the scripture to prayer for the dead . . they which sin against the holy ghost , ioh. . . the fourth and last branch of prayer is imprecation against others , which is a kind of prayer whereby judgement and vengeance is desired . expostulation may be used in prayer , where there is no imprecation as well as when there is , ier. , . expostulation with god is a reasoning the case with him , it is usual in the psalms , psal. . . & . , . & . . psal. . , , , , , , . psal. . , , , . & . , . psal. . , , , , . psal. . , , . reasons . . venting of our selves to god giveth ease , psal. . , . . complaints move both god and man. . by using strength we get strength , by discussing gods waies our faith is confirmed , psal. . . gods people differ from the wicked : . in the rise of their expostulatiosn they are bottomed on faith , they reserve to god all his glory . the wicked question gods providence . . in their progresse , the godly proceed in humble praier , self-abasing , the wicked are not sorrowful nor humbled in their hearts . . in the successe , they are confirmed in their principles of gods excellencie , are comforted , the wicked are steeled in their atheism and seared in their wickednesse . no man must imprecate or pray against himself , we have no warrant for it , and it is against nature it self , ephes. . . peter offended in this , matth. . . see matth. . . the jews were so fearful of uttering imprecations , that when in their oaths they had occasion to use them , they would either expresse them in general terms , god do so to me and more also , sam. . . or else , leave them clean out , and make the sentence imperfect , as , if i do this , or , if i do not that , or , if this be so , and there stay . quest. whether is it lawful , and how far to pray against others ? there are divers imprecations , . & . & . psal. . the psalmist was not only a servant of god , but a prophet , he did not with a private spirit fore-tell their destruction . . he wisht that their evils might be destroyed , not their persons , psal. . , . & . . we may rejoyce in vengeance upon the wicked ( psal. . . ) as it is an act of gods justice ; this is the proper and direct answer to all the imprecations of david , o god to whom vengeance belongeth , shew thy self ; the israelites praised god for the overthrow of the wicked , revel . . . & . . we must . pray for our enemies , but against gods enemies , psal. . . compared with . . see numb . . . psal. . . . we may lawfully pray against their designs , though not against their persons , sam. . . that their secret councels and plots may be frustrated . . we may pray against their persons indefinitely , though not particularly , as psal. . . . we may pray against their persons in particular conditionally though not absolutely , . we are to pray for their conversion : and then if maliciously and wilfully they persist in their obstinacy , in the second place for their confusion , psal. . , . hitherto of those several kinds of prayer which are comprized under request . the next kinde is thanksgiving . we ought to render to the lord the calves of our lips , speaking good of his name , psal. . , . eph. . . tim. . . thess. . . reasons . . from god , to whom thanks must be given , he is the author of benefits to us , . many . . great . . constant. . free. . many . so many limbs as we have about our bodies , so many joynts as are in a limb , so many veins , sinews , gristles and muscles as are requisite to the moving and using of every joynt , so many benefits , so many faculties as our souls are endued with of reason , sense and vegetation , so many benefits . how many nights rest , dayes quiet ? how many journeyes safety ? how many dangers escaped , contents enjoyed ? . great , because we stand in great need of them , and attain much good by them , and can by no means attain them without god. . constant , from the beginning to the end of our lives . . free , . he gives meerly of his own accord to exercise his goodnesse without respect to any thing that we had done before to deserve , or could do after to requite . . all that god doth for and to us , is that he may be glorisied , psal. . . ult . it is gods due , he is the great landlord of the world . secondly , from man , by whom thanks must be given . . in that we stand in continual need of gods new favours , and are totally dependant upon him , and unable to recompence the old . . from the duty it self , it is to god very acceptable , psal. . . & . , . this is all he expects for his benefits , to us very profitable * , and in it self needful , excellent , pleasant and possible , a man hath understanding and speech , and a christian hath the scriptures to direct him . true thankfulnesse doth import two things : an acknowledgement of the benefit , and ones engagement for it , and then a ready willing minde if occasion serveth to requite it . paul scarce ever gives a precept concerning prayer ( though he give many ) but he is carefull to joyn thanksgiving with it , phil. . . colos. . . tim. . . thess. . . examples of thankfulnesse we have , noah , gen. . lat . end . moses and miriam , exod. . & . judg. . esth. . david , sam. . . there is this distinction between the papists and protestants in france , the huguonets are called the singing or praising people . it is an excellent and transcendent duty , a most honourable service . see psal. . vers . . . a most immediate conversing with god ; when we praise god we ascribe something to him . in thanksgiving a man separates himself from himself , and all things to god , and so he doth draw nearest to god in this duty . it is a comprehensive duty , all duties runne into it ; we pray that god may deliver us , and we may glorifie him , psal. . . therefore it is called the sacrifice of praise , psal. . . as if it were instar omnium . we reade , conferre and hear that we may praise god , heb. . . it is the end of all our duties , and of all gods works and counsels , prov. . . it hath the largest object of any duty ; faith hath for its object promises and experiences , fear , threatnings and judgements ; love what is lovely , praise every good thing , thess. . . col. . . ephes. . . tim. . , . it doth exercise and increase the principal graces of gods spirit in us , knowledge of god , love to god , faith in him , for all vertues are augmented by practice and exercise . it must be . to god alone , for there is the same object of petition and thanksgiving , psal. . . hos. . . therefore it so fals out , that those who have divided their prayers between god and others , doe also share their praises between god and others , as in poperie * they doe as often praise the saints as pray to them . . in the name of christ , in every thing give thanks through iesus christ , for without his mediation and atonement our very prayers and praises will become most loathsome unto god. . by the help of the holy ghost , for as we cannot pray so neither praise god , but by his enabling of us . open my mouth , o lord , and my lips shall shew forth thy praise . . for good and lawful things , as we are to pray for nothing but what is according to gods will , so neither to praise god for any thing that is evil , for that were to make god the authour of sin . the manner in general , it must be . with grace in the heart , psal. . . . with understanding in the mind , psal. . . . with faith in the will , david was most thankful when he believ'd god to be his , and to have heard his prayer . . with joy and thankfulnesse , is any man merry ? let him sing psalms . . with holinesse of life , a real praising of god. . by preferring spiritual mercies before temporal . . with engaging our selves to god to walk more to his praise , chron. . . . with humility and self-abasement , psal. . rejoyce with fear and trembling . we should praise god , . intensivè , with the greatest ardour and intension , psal. . . & . . . extensivè , with all praise , psal. . . and for all mercies , psal. . , . we must be thankful , . in our hearts , psal. . , . there must be a consideration of the benefits we have received , psal. . . col. . . . we should value and truly esteem of them , cor. . . thess. . . ezra . . psal. . . & . . . have a sense of gods love in our hearts , col. . . . joy in the goodnesse of god to us in the mercies he vouchsafeth , sam. . . chron. . . motives to praise god : . the freenesse of gods love to us either in personal or publick mercies . . our desert of the contrary . . the glory of god is all he looks for , and therefore he commands this . . it is a practical duty . . it breeds in the heart love to god. . it is a duty which contains all excellencies in it , psal. . . . good. . profitable to us , the way to get more blessings ▪ phil. . , . ingratitude forfeits blessings , deut. . , . tim. . . . pleasant , . to god , psal. , , . ephes. . , . . to us , . joy is the ground of it , we never thank god till our hearts be warmed , luke . , . . true joy is the consequent of it , phil. . , . . comely , a debt . . it is all we can do to god , sam. . , . . it is all god requires , thess. . . hitherto of the distinct kinds of prayer in regard of the matter . now follow the distinctions of prayer in regard of the manner . first , it is either mental or vocal . mental praier is an inward opening of the desire of a mans heart to god , without any outward manifestation of the same by word , as gen. . . exod. . . sam. . . nehem. . . this may be as fervent as if it were uttered . vocal praier is that which is uttered with words , as kings . . see psal. . , . & . . words are used , . that men might know the desires of one anothers heart , and so partake of the mutual praiers one of another . . because they not only declare , but also stir up and increase the affection of the heart . . they are a special means to keep the minde from wandering , and to hold it close to the matter . . because god is to be glorified not only by our minds , but also by our bodies , and so with our voice , cor. . . our tongue is called our glory , psal. . . & . . because it is that instrument by which we are to set forth gods glory . secondly , it is sudden or composed : sudden praier is when upon some present occasion the heart is instantly lift up unto god , whether it be only by some sighs in the heart , or by some few words uttered , neh. . . these sudden praiers are called ejaculations , upon all occasions we must lift up our hearts unto god. composed praier is when a christian setteth himself to make some solemn praier unto god , whether it be in church , family , closet , field , or any other place , dan. . . thirdly , praier is conceived or prescribed : conceived praier is that which he who uttereth the praier inventeth and conceiveth himself , as are most of the praiers recorded in scripture . prescribed praier is when a set constant form is laid down before-hand , and either conned by heart or read out of a book or paper by him that uttereth it , and that whether he be alone , or in company . a set and prescribed form of praier is lawful : . because god prescribed a set form of blessing for the priests constantly to use , num. . , . see deut. . . christ himself prescribed his disciples an excellent form of praier which hath been used in all ages of the church since his time , luke . . that is , do it in haec verba . st paul observes a set form of blessing in the beginning and end of his epistles . . many weak ones who have good affections , but want invention and utterance , are much helped by prescribed forms . . prescribed forms of praier in the publick worship is a good means to maintain uniformity in severall churches . see calvins epist. protectori angliae , and cartw. catech. all the reformed churches use to sing the same psalmes , not only as set forms , but set in meetre , that is , after a humane composure . beza ordinarily before his sermon used an entire praier out of the geneva liturgy . see his lectures on the cantic . the spirit of god is no more restrained by using a set form of praier , then by singing set hymns or psalms in meetre . see mr hildersam on psal. . , . lect. . that a set form of praier is lawful . doctor preston of praier . master ball of this subject . the spirit of god assists us in praier , not by immediate inspiration , as he guided the words and matter of prophets and apostles , but by sanctifying our abilities , for otherwise every mans praier should be like that of the prophets and apostles . m. norton in his answer to apollonius , cap. . saith , the use of forms prescribed lawful in themselves , may be unlawful from unlawful circumstances , as the tyrannical manner of imposing them repugnant to christian liberty . he doth not disallow the imposing of them simply , but only the tyrannical manner of imposing them , as repugnant to christian liberty . and after he saith , formula praescripta potest adeo componi , ut adsint omnia in precatione legitima requisita , & absint omnia repugnantia . therefore this very thing , that it is a prescribed form , is not repugnant to a lawful prayer . he saith , there is not an approved example of set forms in scripture . nor is there an example of the contrary practice , viz. that in the ordinary meetings of the church prayers were then conceived . he saith , formula praescriptae patrocinantur ministerio inidoneo . not the prescribed forms , but a churches contentednesse in such a state , in which it is not lawful to use other then prescribed forms , gives occasion to that inconvenience . he addes , si sufficiat ex libro precari , quid non & ex libro concionari sufficiat ? it is one thing for a prescribed form of prayer to be lawful , another to be sufficient . fourthly , prayer is either publick or private : publick invocation is the prayer of a congregation , as of a colledge , or the like . the children of israel three times a year publickly worshipt at ierusalem , beside their synagogue-meetings , christ and the apostles went frequently to their publick assemblies . see heb. . . & . . act. . . we should make special account of publick prayer . . the more publick prayer is , the more honourable and acceptable it is to god , mat. . . david saith , i will praise thee in the great assembly . . it is more powerful : see ioel . , . ionah . . vis unita fortior , there is a double promise to publick ordinances , exodus . . of communion and benediction . . it is an especial means of mutual edification , for thereby we stir up the zeal and inflame the affection of one another , the saints enjoy a great part of their holy communion one with another . amyraut in apol. pour ceux de la relig. sect. . saith , there ought to be publick assemblies where the whole world may be instructed in common by those to whom god hath committed the charge , and that those which separate from these assemblies crosse the ordinance of god and break the unity of his church . and this was judged so necessary by the apostles and ancient christians , that they alwaies practised it notwithstanding the edicts of emperours , and all the persecutions they made to hinder them : deserere conventus est initium quoddam defectionis , contra in ecclesiis deus auget sua dona . grot. in heb. . . the turks and mahometans have their stata tempora , set times of worshipping god. the papists their canonical hours , so called because they are appointed by their canons , which are therefore to be condemned , because they place religion in them , as though those hours were more holy then others . divine service in publick ought only to be celebrated in the vulgar tongue . see cor. . the patriarchs and prophets under the law , the apostles and primitive church did alwaies pray in a known tongue . neither can any sound testimony or approved example be produced to the contrary for six hundred years after christ. private prayer is that , which is made by some few together , kings . . luke . . acts . . or by one alone , which may be called secret prayer , matth. . . i will here give reasons both for praier in a family , and also for secret praier . i. for praier in a family : . there is a need of it . the family hath need of peculiar blessings which are to be sought by prayer , and it receiveth many blessings , for which peculiar thankes are to be given in the house . . there is profit and honour in it , it bringeth gods blessing into his house , sam. . . a christians house is hereby made gods church , rom. . . philem. v. . the apostle there cals the families of certain godly people churches , because they had this domestical service of god , as well as the church their ecclesiastical . see cor. . it is said ier. . . cursed be the families which will not call upon thy name , as well as the kingdomes . and again , they shall mourn over him every family apart . our saviour went about with his apostles ( which was his family ) to pray . this is made one of the reasons why husbands should dwell with their wives , that their domestical praiers be not hindered , pet. . . it is requisite also to adde secret praier both to publick praier in the church , and private praier in the family . first , praier is a part of gods worship ; the scripture bids us , pray continually , manifestly alluding to the continual burnt sacrifice which was twice each day offered . see exod. . , . & . , . therefore every man should pray by himself twice a day ; christ teacheth us in the th petit. to pray every day , that is , every day of our life . secondly , every morning we have received gods special blessing , and every evening we have need of it , therefore are so oft at least to addresse our selves to solemn praier . thirdly , all things must be sanctified by praier and thanksgiving , therefore the common labours of the day and rest must be so sanctified . fourthly , we may so more freely pour out our whole hearts unto god : every one hath particular sinnes to acknowledge , and particular wants to be supplied . fifthly , this both gives the best evidence of the uprightnesse of a mans heart , and argueth a great familiarity with god , and is most comfortable . it is not meet to utter secret praier so loud , as any other should hear it . fifthly , praier is ordinary or extraordinary : extraordinary praier is that , which after an extraordinary manner , even above our usual custom , is poured out before god. this consisteth partly in ardency of affection , and partly in continuance of time . . ardency of affection , ion. . . exod. . . luke . . compared with heb. . . . continuance of time , when praier is held out longer then at usual and accustomed times , gen. . . sam. . . luke . . iosh. . . continuance in time must not be severed from fervency in affection . for though praier may be extraordinarily fervent , when it is not long continued , as christs praier , luke . . yet ought not praier long to continue , except it be hearty and fervent ; for then it will be no better then much babling , mat. . . extraordinary praier is extraordinarily powerful and effectual , either for preventing and removing great judgements , or for obtaining singular blessings . another thing considerable in praier is the gesture : gestures have the force as it were of speech in praier ; kneeling or prostrating the body speaks humility : beating the brest , smiting upon the thigh , are significations of sorrow ; lifting up the eyes and hands to heaven argue a fervent and attentive spirit . we have the examples of gods servants , dan. . . ezra . . acts . . & . . & . . and our saviour christ himself for kneeling in praier on the bare ground , luk. . . and paul also acts . . the holy ghost expresseth the duty of praier in this phrase of kneeling unto god , isa. . . & . . m. hildersam on psal. . . lect. . we should ( if conveniently we may ) kneel at praier because we have no gesture in use amongst us so fit to expresse our humility by , there is a plain commandment for it , psal. . . . they that cannot kneel should stand or shew as much reverence with some other gesture and posture of their bodies as they can : for standing there are directions , nehem. . . mark . . and for the bodily reverence that they should strive to shew which can neither kneel nor stand up , we have old and weak iacobs example , gen. . . m. hildersam . sitting , though among us it do not seem a fit gesture in publick praier , yet privately it hath been and may be used , sam. . . kings . . b. downame of praier , ch . . our gesture in praier must be reverend and humble , psal. . . ezra . , . kneeling is the fittest gesture to expresse both these , and most proper to praier . if conveniently we cannot kneel , then stand . this gesture christ warranteth , mark . . luke . . the poor humble publican stood when he praied . to pray sitting , leaning , with hat on head , or any such like gesture , when no necessity requireth , argueth little reverence and humility . doctor gouges whole armour , part . sect. . the jews did pray with bended knees , especially in the act of adoration or repentance , when they begg'd pardon of sins from god , kings . . notent hoc ●ulici delicatuli qui cum iudaeis unum genu christo flectunt . cornel , à lapid . in matth. . . we must use that gesture which may best set forth and declaae our humble heart and holy affection unto god. m. perkins . our saviour christ praied kneeling , luke . . sometimes groveling , mat. . . sometimes standing , iohn . . luke . . the praying towards the east was ancient , but afterward changed , because of the abuse of the manichees , who superstitiously worshipped the sunne rising in the east , yet was it afterward revived again by pope vigilius about the year . b. morton . protest . appeal , lib. . cap. . sect. . vide voss. de orig. & progress . idol . lib. . c. . the jews praied toward the west , ezek. . . the gate of the tabernacle looked toward the sunne . the holy of holies opposite to it was turned toward the west . whence they necessarily adored the west , which moses did for that cause , lest if they had turned toward the sunne , they should have adored the sunne it self rather then god. but christians ne viderentur judaizare , praied toward the sunne rising , neither only for that cause , but because christ was called by the prophets , the east , luke . . so the lxx . translated the hebrew word , ier. . . zech. . . & . . scaliger . elench . trihaeres . serar . c. . tertullian in his apologie writes , that the heathens thought that the sunne was adored by christians , because they praied turning toward the sunne . vide seldenum de dis syris , syntag. . c. . for the place of praier , we must know that the praier sanctifies the place , and not the place the praier . we reade of the saints praiers made in the temple , kings . . in their own houses , acts . . on the house top , acts . . in the open field , gen. . . in a mountain , luke . . in a ship , ionah . . in the midst of the sea , vers . . in a fishes belly , ionah . . in a journey , gen. . . in a battell , . chron. . . that promise , matth. . . is not made to the place , but to the persons gathered together by common consent in christs name . for the time. it was an ancient custome ( saith drusius de tribus sectis iudaeorum , lib. . ) to pray thrice a day , psal. . . which hours they define , the third , the sixth , and the ninth . the third answers to nine before noon . the sixth is our twelfth , the ninth the third after noon . the papists place religion in their canonical hours , as though god were more ready to hear one time of the day then another . b. down . of praier , c. . vide bellar. de bonis operibus in partic . l. . c. , , . after praier there must be a waiting upon god , and we must observe whether he grants or denies our requests , that we may accordingly either be thankful or humble , psal. . . & . . & . , . & . , . hab. . christ saith , iohn . father i thank thee that thou hast heard me . reasons why the people of god should specially observe the returns of their praiers . first , praiers are the chief actions of our life , the first fruits of our regeneration , acts . . paul being a pharisee praied before , that was no praier to this . secondly , the greatest works of god are done in answer to praier ; all the promises and threats are fulfilled by it , revel . . , . & . . thirdly , whatsoever is given to a man in mercy is in the return of praier , iohn . , . fourthly , every return is a special evidence of our interest in christ , and of the sincerity of our hearts . god answers his peoples praiers sometimes in kinde , he gives the very things they ask , as to hannah , sam. . , . sometimes he denies the thing , yet grants the praier . first , when he manifests the acceptation of the person and petition , gen. . , . secondly , when he gives something equivalent or more excellent , as strength to bear the crosse , heb. . . a heart to be content without the thing , phil. . . sam. . . thirdly , when he upholds the heart to pray again , psal. . . lam. . . fourthly , when thy heart is kept humble , psal. . . fifthly , when he answers cardinem desiderii , the ground of our praiers , cor. . . when god hath heard our praiers , we should return to him : . a great measure of love , psal. . . . praise , what shall i return to the lord , i will take the cup of salvation . . we should fear to displease him , psal. . . . we should be careful to pay our vows , sam. . , . . we should pray much to him , psal. . . chap. vi. of the lords prayer . christ delivered the lords praier at two several times , and upon several occasions ; in the former he commands it as a patern and rule of all praier , saying , pray after this manner , but in the later ( say some ) he enjoyneth it to be used as a praier , when ye pray , say , our father , if so , then would it not follow , that whensoever we pray , we should necessarily ( necessitate praecepti ) use that form ? robinson in his treatise of publick communion , and his apologia brownistarum cap. . saith , neither do the two evangelists use the very same words , neither if that were christs meaning ( to binde men to these very words ) were it lawfull to use any other form of words . for he saith , when you pray , that is , whensoever you pray , say , our father , yet he adds , though i doubt not but these words also , being applied to present occasions , and without opinion of necessity , may be used . what is objected against using this as a praier , may be said of using the precise words of our saviour in baptism and the eucharist . as a just weight or balance serves both for our present use to weigh withall , and also for a patern to make another like the same by it . so the lords prayer serves for a patern of true praier , and also for our present use at any time to call upon the name of the lord with those words . the reformed churches ( saith d. featley ) generally conclude their praiers before sermon with the lords praier , partly in opposition to the papists who close up their devotions with an ave maria , partly to supply all the defects and imperfections of their own . object . we never reade , that the apostles used this prescript form of words in praier . answ. it is absurd negatively to prove from examples of men , against that which god in his word so expresly either commanded or permitted ; for we may as well reason thus , we do not read that the apostles or the church in their times did baptize infants , ergò , they were not then baptized . or thus , we do not reade that the apostles did pray either before or after they preacht , ergò , they did it not . though the apostles did not binde themselves to these words , yet this doth not prove , that they never used the same as their praier : they might pray according to their several occasions , according to this rule , and yet with the words of the rule , so paget . here two extremities are to be avoided : the first of the brownists , who think it unlawful to use the prescript form of these words . the second of the papists , who superstitiously insist in the very words and syllables themselves . unlesse it be unlawful to obey the expresse commandment of our saviour christ , luke . . it is lawful to use these words , yet when christ matth. . commandeth to pray thus , he doth not tie us to the words but to the things . we must pray for such things as herein summarily are contained , with such affections as are herein prescribed . b. downam on the lords praier . object . . this praier ( say some ) is found written in two books of the new testament , ( viz. matth. . luke . ) but with diversity of termes , and the one of these evangelists omits that which the other hath written . how then ought we to pronounce it ? either by that which is expressed in s. matthew , or that which is couched by s. luke . answ. if this argument might take place , when we celebrate the lords supper , we must never pronounce the words which jesus christ spake in that action ; for they are related diversly in four divers books of the scripture . when one of the evangelists saies , remit us our debts , the other expounds it by saying , forgive us our trespasses . it is indifferent to take either of these two expressions : both of them were dictated by jesus christ. our saviour christ propoundeth this praier as a brief summe of all those things which we are to ask . for as the creed is summa credendorum , the summe of things to be believed ; the decalogue , summa agendorum , the summe of things to be done : so the lords praier is summa petendorum ; the summe of things to be desired . tertullian cals it , breviarium totius evangelii . cyprian , coelestis doctrin● compendium . if a man peruse all the scripture which hath frequently divers forms of praier , he shall finde nothing which may not be referred to some part of the lords praier . luther was wont to call it orationem orationum , the praier of praiers . in this form are comprized all the distinct kindes of praier : as request for good things , deprecation against evil , intercession for others , and thanksgiving . these rules are to be observed in the exposition of the lords praier . . each petition doth imply some acknowledgement or confession in respect of our selves . . where we pray for any good , there we pray against the contrary evil , and give thanks for the things bestowed , evils removed , bewailing our defects with grief . . if one kinde or part of a thing be expressed in any petition , all kinds and parts of the same are understood , petit. . . where any good thing is praied for in any petition , the causes and effects thereof , and whatsoever properly belongs to the said thing , is understood to be praied for in that petition , and so when evils are praied against , their causes , occasions and events are praied against . . what we pray for , we ask not for our selves alone , but for others , specially our brethren in the faith . there be three parts ( say some a ) of the lords praier , the preface , the praier it self , and the conclusion . others b say two , the preface , and the praier it self , consisting of petitions and the conclusion , containing a confirmation of our faith joyned with the praising of god , and also a testification both of our faith and the truth of our desire , in the word amen . the preface is laid down in these words , our father which art in heaven . the petitions are six in number , all which may be reduced unto two heads , . gods glory . . mans good . the three first petitions aim at gods glory : as this particle thy , having relation to god , sheweth . the three last petitions aim at mans good : as these particles , our , us , having relation to man , imply . of those petitions which aim at gods glory : the first desireth the thing it self , hallowed be thy name : the second , the means of effecting it , thy kingdome come : the third , the manifestation of it , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven : of those that aim at mans good , the first desireth his temporal good , give us this day our daily bread . the two last his spiritual good , and that in his justification , forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespasse against us . . in his sanctification , and leade us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil . in the conclusion or form of praise three things are acknowledged : . gods soveraignty , thine is the kingdome . . gods omnipotency , and the power . . gods excellency , and the glory . all these are amplified by the perpetuity of them , for ever , which noteth out gods eternity . the entrance or preparation to the praier contains such a description of god as is meet for us whensoever we addresse our selves to praier , to have him in our hearts . christ leads us here to direct our petitions in the terms of affection , faith and fear : in the terms of affection while we call god father : in the terms of faith whilst we call him our father , and by faith make him to be ours in christ jesus : and in the terms of fear , whilst we acknowledge his power in heaven and earth . m. wischart on the l. p. the preface containeth a description of god to whom we pray , taken , . from his relation to us , that he is our father . . from the place where his majesty principally appears , that he is in heaven : the former signifying especially his love ; the other , his power , the one his goodnesse , the other his greatnesse , therefore he is both able and willing to grant our requests . a due consideration of these both together is a special means to preserve in us both confidence and reverence . our father ] father is taken , . personally , my father is greater then i. . essentially , so here . god is a father to us only in christ , and in him only w● are adopted and born again , ephes. . . iohn . . gal. . , . adoption is an act of the free grace ▪ of god the father upon a believer accounting him a sonne through the sonship of christ. all by nature are strangers and enemies to god , have lost their sonship ; adoption is to take a stranger and make him his son , extranei in locum liberorum samuntur , saith the civil law. . it is an act of the free grace of god the father , none but he hath power to adopt , ephes. . . iohn . . men adopt because they want a posterity . god had a natural sonne , and the angels which never sinned were his sonnes by creation . . an act of god upon a believer , none are adopted but believers , iohn . . gal. . . till then we are enemies to god. . the nature of adoption lies in accounting a man sonne , and that by god , iohn . . . through the sonship of christ , imputing christs righteousnesse to us makes us righteous , god accounts you also sons through christ , he gives you the priviledge of sons , iohn . . it is lawful and sometime profitable for a childe of god to say in his praier , my father , to declare his particular confidence not his singular filiation , yet it never ought to be so used exclusively in respect of charity , but we ought usually to call upon god as our father in common . in secret praier which a man makes by himself alone , he may say , my father , or my god , but not in publick , or with others : yet in secret praier there must be that love and affection toward others , which must be expressed in publick , and with others . if god be your father , know your priviledges , and know your duty . . know your priviledges , a father is full of pity and compassion , psal. . . a father is apt to forgive and passe by offences , father forgive them , said christ , matth. . . a father is kinde and tender , good and helpfull , you may then expect provision , protection , matth. . . an inheritance from him , luke . . as he gave his sonne in pretium , for a price , so he reserveth himself in praemium , for a reward . tam pater nemo , tam pius nemo , saith tertullian * . gods love towards us is so much greater then the love of earthly parents , as his goodnesse and mercy is greater , isa. . . & . . psal. . . luke . . . know your duty , where is the filial disposition you expresse towards him ? do nothing but what becomes a childe of such a father . rules to know whether i am the childe of god , or have received the spirit of adoption : first , where ever the spirit of adoption is , he is the spirit of sanctification , iohn . , , . secondly , where the spirit of adoption is , there is liberty , corinth . . . psal. . . thirdly , the same spirit that is a spirit of adoption , is a spirit of supplication , rom. . . fourthly , this works in that mans soul a childe-like disposition , makes one tender of his fathers honour , willing to love and obey him . fifthly , it raiseth up a mans heart to expect the full accomplishment of his adoption , acts . . iohn . . rom. . . he desires to partake of the inheritance to which he is adopted . heaven is a purchase in reference to the price christ hath paid , an inheritance in reference to his sonship , isa. . . which art in heaven ] in heaven sets forth his greatnesse , psal. . . gods being , majesty , glory , ioh . . heaven is all that space which is above the earth : of which there are three parts , coelum aëreum , gen. . . aethereum , gen. . . empyreum , acts . . the first , air , in which are the birds , fowls of heaven . the second is that heaven wherein the stars are , which are called the hoast of heaven . the third is the seat of the blessed , and throne of god , called coelum empyreum , because of the light , tim. . . and the third heaven , cor. . . in respect of the two lower , and the heaven of heavens , psal. . . king. . . but this place is especially to be understood of the third heaven , which is the place of the lords habitation , kin. . . his throne , mat. . . god is every where repletivè , filling all places , ier. . . but yet so every where totus , wholly . yet after a more special manner , he is said to be in heaven , psal. . . & . . because there he manifesteth his glory , thence he sendeth down his blessings and judgements , rom. . . from heaven , especially the glory of his power , providence , justice , mercy , and other attributes , is declared , psal. . . & . . psal. . , . iam. . . the reason of gods dwelling in heaven is double : . because he hath fitted that place for this purpose . . because he hath fitted those persons which are there for the beholding and enjoying of his glory , for here we cannot see god and live , but there it shall be our life to see and behold him . what an excellent place is heaven then ! how blessed , glorious ! that must needs be the best place in which the most excellent persons do inhabit , now god dwelleth there , that therefore is the best and most desirable place . there nothing is wanting that may set forth the glory of his majesty , and may conduce to the compleat blissefulnesse of those that are admitted thither . the felicity of heaven is known and apprehended under this notion , that it is gods dwelling place , and that his glory shineth there more clearly then the light of the sunne shineth here . we should therefore labour , first , to get heaven assured to our selves , that we may know certainly that we shall have an inheritance there , and our habitation with god. we must not live ever in this lower world , of necessity we must depart out of this place , and be translated into another . wherefore our care should be , that when we depart hence , we may be received into those everlasting mansions . nature teacheth every thing to labour after its own perfection , and to strive after that which is the best thing whereof it is capable , for when it hath once obtained that , then doth it finde it self fully satisfied and contented , and not till then . now the being with god and beholding his glory in heaven , is the best thing whereof a reasonable creature is capable . wherefore we must put forth our desires and endeavours to get this most perfect and absolute estate , then which there cannot be a better thing bestowed upon us , our life is hid with christ in god ; this is the inheritance of the saints in light , and of those that are sanctified by faith in christs bloud ; we must therefore seek to get such a faith in christ as shall sanctifie us , and then it will also save us . we are said to be made meet for this inheritance ; we are not made meet for heaven but by being made holy . holinesse is a being separated to god , when the minde is wholly given up and set upon god ▪ so that it endeavoureth to know , love , fear and delight in him above all things , then it is holy , and faith in christ , if it be true , will work this sanctity , and draw up the soul thus to god , and knit it to him . secondly , when we have gotten assurance of it , we must take comfort in it , rejoycing in the hope of the glory of god , as those do which are justified by faith . we must enjoy heaven by hope before we come unto it , we must sill our selves with a certain expectation of coming in due time into the glorious palace , and this expectation must enlarge our hearts with consolation , so that we may alwayes , and in all estates account our selves happy , and be satisfied in the certain looking for of our admission in due time into this blessed place of glory , where we shall see god face to face . thirdly , we must learn also most earnestly to desire to be in heaven : whosoever hath hopes of any good thing , he cannot but long for the satisfying of his hopes . if heaven be gods dwelling-place , sure all that love him must desire to be where he is , that they may see his glory , and be happy in seeing it . we must long to be uncloathed of this flesh , and to be cloathed upon with our house which is from heaven . yea we must sigh and groan earnestly after the revelation of this glory and participation of this blisse . paul longed to depart , or to loose and to be with christ , he compareth himself to sailers , or men that in a ship lie waiting for a fit winde to carry them unto that place for which they are bound . heaven is our countrey , our inheritance , there is our father , our eldest brother , there be all our brethren and sisters , there is our head , and ought we not long to be there ? thus we must be heavenly-minded , because god is in heaven , whom to enjoy is better then to enjoy all that is besides in earth and in heaven . a bad man when he cannot tarry any longer here , out of a confused conceit , that heaven is a good place , would fain go thither , but a good man out of the apprehension of the presence of god there , must even wish to leave earth at the best , and to be with god in heaven . indeed this desire must not nor will not be an impatient desire that cannot brook delayes , but a staid desire , that is willing above all things to be there , but contented to be here so long as god will , out of the assurance that he shall come thither at last , and in due time . now the petitions follow , which are six * in number . they are all most brief , yet so that in their manner they comprehend all things to be desired , and that in a most fit order . either they concern more properly and immediately the glory of god , without respect of our own profit : or else our own good , and mediately the glory of god. in the three former we say , thy name , thy kingdome , thy will ; in the three later , us and our . those which immediately concern the glory of god , are set down in the first place , and without a copulative , the three later which concern our good are tied together with conjunctions . this order teacheth us , that the main end of all our desires and actions should be the glory of god. petition . hallowed be thy name . the name of god is that whereby god is made known . for that is the end and use of a name , to make known and distinguish that person whose name it is . by the name of god all those things are meant whereby he is made known to us . . his titles , exod. . , . & . . these two lord , god , are most usual in our tongue . . his attributes , exod. . , , . . his holy ordinances , psal. . . tim. . . his word doth most clearly , distinctly and fully make him known to us , iohn . . see acts . . and . . . his works , rom. . . of judgement , psal. . . isa. . . of mercy , isa. . , , . . gods name is his glory , exod. . . psal. . . so name is taken , gen. . . & . . to hallow or sanctifie signifies either to make holy , or to acknowledge and declare holy , the later is here meant . that which is holy in it self is said to be hallowed by esteeming , acknowledging and declaring it to be as it is , this is all the hallowing or sanctifying that can be done to the creator . we sanctifie the name of god , when in our hearts , words and deeds we do use it holily and reverently . to sanctifie god is . to know him to be a holy god , prov. . . and to keep this knowledge alwayes active in us . out of him no evil can arise , he can take no pleasure in sin , he favours it in none , he loves all holy persons and things ▪ is the fountain and rule of holinesse in the creature . we should keep this knowledge alwayes active in us , it should be the matter of our meditation day by day ▪ the angels continually give god the praise of his holinesse . . to observe and admire his holinesse in all his waies and works , levit. . . exod. . . . to come into the presence of god in all services with a holy heart , heb. . . the acceptation of the person is before acceptation of the service in the second covenant . . in our coming into gods presence to look on gods holinesse as the fountain of holinesse to us , exod. . . . to strive to be spiritually pure in the inward man , isa. . . pet. . . . to eye the rule of holinesse in every thing we do , levit. . . . to be humble and abased before god in all our holy duties , because of their imperfections , act. . . semper peccamus etiam dum benefacimus . . to bring the lord jesus christ with us still into gods presence , peter . . petition . thy kingdome come . in this second petition we have the primary means by which the name of god is sanctified among men , viz. by the coming of his kingdom . this word come is diversly to be expounded according to the divers significations of the kingdom of god. the universal kingdom , or kingdom of power is said to come , when it is manifested and made apparent that all things are guided by the power and providence of god. the kingdom of grace is said to come unto us , when it is either begun and erected in us , or continued and increased amongst us . the kingdom of glory , when the number of the elect is accomplished , and all gods enemies subdued , and all the saints possessed of that glorious place . kingdome in general is a government or state of men , wherein one ruleth , and others are subject to him for their good . the kingdom of god is a state in which god hath supream power , and men are so subject to him that they partake of eternal happinesse by it . to come properly notes a motion , whereby a man goeth from one place to another . five things are meant in this petition : . let the gospel , the scepter of this kingdom be published and propagated . . let the subjects of this kingdom be converted . . let the graces of this kingdom be increased . . let the enemies of this kingdom be subdued . . let the glory of this kingdom be hastened . christs kingdom is two-fold : . his universal kingdom by which he ruleth over all creatures , even the devils themselves , called the kingdom of power and providence , so he is called king of nations , ier. . . . peculiar , his mediatory kingdom , which he exerciseth over his church as king of saints , revel . . . which is such an order , wherein christ doth rule , and the faithfull obey to their special good and benefit , or that government in which god most graciously ruleth , and we most willingly obey to our everlasting good . this is two-fold , . of grace , in the church militant . . of glory , in the church triumphant . the former is the way to the later . the kingdome of grace is that government whereby the lord doth effectually rule in our hearts by his word and spirit . the kingdom of glory is the blessed estate of the godly in heaven . the particular things which we desire are these : . that god would cast down the kingdome of satan , all men by nature are his subjects untill they be brought out of his kingdom into the kingdom of god , and then gods kingdom is said to come to them . . that god would plant both outwardly and inwardly the external face and inward substance of his kingdome where it is not yet , cant. . . . for them that are planted we pray that god would supply to them what is wanting , and continue and increase what good they enjoy . . for the church in persecution , that the ministers of the gospel may be enabled to preach and professe the truth with all courage , be faithfull unto death . the gospel is called , . the word of the kingdom , mat. . . . the keys of the kingdom . . the entrance into the kingdom . . the means whereby men are set in it , therefore we pray that it may runne swiftly , thess. . . and be a light to the world , and that god would by his spirit ( cor. . , . ) make it efficacious , that men may see their misery , the glory of the kingdom , and give themselves wholly to god , that god would make magistrates nursing fathers and mothers , isa. . . that the seminaries of learning may be pure and religious , rightly ordered , religiously governed , and well seasoned with truth : for ministers , that the lord would send forth labourers into his harvest , and give them utterance , that they may open their mouth boldly to make known the mystery of the gospel . christs kingdom is carried on by degrees , psal. . . cor. . . it is a growing kingdom , isa. . , . the scripture seems to intimate , that in the later dayes there shall be a greater enlargement of christs kingdome , rev. . . and that it shall begin with the calling of the jews , micah ▪ , but christs great imperial day when all creatures shall be brought into a subjection to him , is at the day of judgement , isa. . . phil. . . petition . thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . the will of god though but one , is considered several wayes : first , as secret . this will of god is ever just although the reason of it be incomprehensible to us . but the petition is not meant of this , . because no man can know it till it come to passe , whereas knowledge is necessary to the doing of this will. . because it is irresistible and cannot be withstood by any man , prov. . . rom. . . . there are no promises for the performing of that , seeing a man may do the secret will of god and perish , as iudas . . a man may do the secret will of god , and yet sinne , and desire * what is disagreeable to the secret will of god , and not sin , deut. . . vide scultet . exercit . evang. l. . c. . secondly , as revealed . the will of god setting down what we ought to do , believe , and leave undone . that very same will of god , which being hidden from us is called the secret will of god , being manifested to us is called his revealed will. there is , . the will of gods purpose , called voluntas beneplaciti , this is to be admired and adored . there is no reason of this but his own pleasure . this is infallible , rom. . . called the counsel of his will , acts . . immutable and effectual , shall take place in all ages , tim. . . . of his word , called voluntas signi , what ever it is by which he hath declared his purpose , his counsel , commands , prohibitions , threatnings , promises ; ●●s commandments are to be obeyed , his counsels to be followed , his threatnings ●● be feared , and his promises believed . . of his providence ; this consists in his permission of evil and oper 〈…〉 good ; the one is to be submitted to , the other to be acknowledged , heb. 〈…〉 life is worthy the name of life till we be subject to god , then we live the 〈…〉 f grace and comfort . he is better and wiser then our natural parents , and our 〈…〉 on to him stronger . be done ] it is set down impersonally to shew the extent of our desire . in earth ] that is , by men dwelling upon earth * . as it is in heaven ] by the creatures in heaven , the angels , their habitation being put for them , psal. . , . as here is not a note of equality , but of quality and likenesse , as iohn . . forgive us as we forgive them that trespasse against us , not that our forgiving is a patern for god. the angels , . in all their worship have high and glorious apprehensions of christ , isa. . . & ezek. . . especially of his holinesse , isa. . . revel . . see chron. . . cor. . . . they are not acted by their own spirits in their services , ezek. . , . see cant. . . rom. . . . they are abundant and constant in duty , psal. . , . they cry day and night . . they are harmonious in their worship , ezek. . . the curtains in the tabernacle had their hooks and t●ches , see zech. . . . they are zealous in all their services , therefore they are called seraphim , they go and come as lightening , ezek. . . see rom. . . . after all their services they give an account to god , ezek. . . here we pray for grace and strength to obey gods will in all things . this petition depends on the first as it is a means tending to that end which is there proposed , on the second because it is an effect and complement also of that kingdom . gods will is . really good , deut ● . . . essentially , originally , the measure and rule of goodnesse , omnis boni bonum . . perfectly good without any mixture of evil , rom. . . . immutably and infinitely good , iob . . . effectually , he brings good to passe , psal. . . . supreamly and ultimately . petition th . give us this day our daily bread . our saviour according to the use of the scripture ( which commonly handleth the shortest first ) dispatcheth this petition that concerneth the preservation and maintenance of this present life . a man must live before he can live vertuously , therefore we pray for the maintenance of this present life . we are first taught to ask temporal things : . because it is an easier matter to depend upon the providence of god for the maintenance of this life , then to relie on his mercy for the salvation of our souls : and therefore the lord would have faith trained up by the easier , that we may learn to repose our trust in him for the greater . . because the things of this life are amongst those things which we ask of the least value , therefore they are cast into the middle rank , this order is inverted , prov. . , . this is an expresse petition for good , as the three former are : but the two last are deprecations from evil . it was therefore requisite that all the good things to be craved should be mentioned before the evils against which we pray . the things craved in the two last petitions are to be obtained in this life . in this life if pardon of sinne and freedom from satans power be not had , they can never be had , it is meet therefore that life be first prayed for , and such things as are requisite for the preservation thereof . the lord by placing temporal blessings , whereof we are more sensible , before spiritual , doth endeavour by degrees to raise up in us a desire of spiritual blessings , which though they be more needful , are lesse sensible . the ruler whose sonne christ healed , was thereby brought to beleeve in christ. to give is freely to bestow , and so it implies two things : . that the thing given be good , for a giftlesse gift is no gift . . that it be bestowed freely . by us is meant every one , here we beg for our selves and others . this day ] that is , as luke expounds it , for a day : quantum huic diei sufficit , so much as sufficeth for this day , or as others expound it , according to the day : that is , give unto us that which is fit and convenient for us in this our present estate . our daily bread ] bread is said to be ours , . when we are in christ * and have title to it in him . god put all things in subjection under him , heb. . . when it is gotten by good means in a lawful calling , ephes. . . . when it is lawfully left or given us , or we are born to it . . that which we lawfully possesse and use to the praise of god , that is not ours which we should give to the poor . by bread some understand christ , because this is set before the two other petitions . so mr finch in his sacred doctrine of div. on the l. p. and gives divers reasons for it . others expound it of the sacrament , cor. . but this being a platforme of prayer , earthly blessings must necessarily be here expressed , otherwise there should be no petition for earthly blessings . daily ] that is , that bread which is fit and meet for our substance , and our condition and state of life , answerable to that prov. . . some expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supersubstantial , or above substance , that is , that bread which is above substance , and better then all wealth and riches , meaning thereby our saviour christ , iohn . . but the word it self , if we derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifieth rather agreeing to our substance , then exceeding above substance , as the greek authors . as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word like unto this , was first devised by the septuagint , so was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this prayer made by the evangelists in imitation thereof ; neither of both being any where to be found but in scripture only . the prayer of agur prov. . , . lechem chukki the bread of my competent allowance , is the same with this here , which tremellius well observing in his most elegant hebrew catechism , renders this petition in those very words of agur , as though our saviour had reference to them . m. medes diat . par . . on prov. . , . some say that both this place and that pro. . , . are taken from that place , exo. . , , . we pray in general , that the outward blessings and comforts which we doe possesse may be given us of gods free love and favour , that they may be gifts of the covenant , hosea . . and that we may taste his love in them . particularly , . we beg contentation . . love of justice and righteousnesse . . sanctification of whatsoever we enjoy . consider ones self as one man , so we pray for first , life and the continuance of it , life makes us possesse the other comforts , and length of dayes is a gift of wisdom , prov. . . secondly , for food the prop of life without which it cannot stand . the utter want of food subjects us to temptations , that the minde cannot think of any thing else , matth. . . thirdly , raiment , clothes to cover our nakednesse , they are necessary , . to keep us from cold . . to hide our uncomely parts , to make us comely . fourthly , fitting sleep , which is necessary , because . it much refresheth the minde . . cheereth the body . . preserveth health . . is the most natural recreation . fifthly , health , strength of body and vigour of minde . sixthly , gods blessing on our food , apparel , sleep , physick , labours . as we are members of a family , we pray for these blessings : . peace and quietnesse in the family . . good and comely order . . blessing on the governours , good servants that are faithful , diligent , trusty , laborious , wise . . governours are to beg faithful servants , inferiours that they may be lawfully protected , rewarded and respected according to their pains . as members of a commonwealth we pray for . protection by the magistrate from all wrongs . . that we may possesse our own with quietnesse . . that we may quietly reap what we have sowed . petition th . and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespasse against us . in the former petition we are taught to ask temporal blessings for the maintenance of this present life . now in this petition and in the last our saviour teacheth us to ask spiritual blessings for the obtaining of a better life . of spirituall blessings in this life , there be two chief heads whereunto all the rest may be referred : viz. our justification and sanctification . for in these two , the covenant of grace , and the benefits which in this life we receive by christ do consist , heb. . , . see luke . . to forgive is so to passe by an offence , as neither to exact nor to expect any thing either in way of recompence or punishment for it . both recompence and punishment are counted a kinde of satisfaction , which is directly contrary to remission . god doth freely and fully discharge us from all our sins . forgivenesse being an act of god , it must needs be both free and full . for whatsoever god doth he doth freely for himself , without any former desert , without expectation of any future recompence . in this prayer we do not only get further assurance of the pardon of our sins ( as some conceive ) but a real forgivenesse of our daily sins , that saying , our sins past , present and to come are all forgiven at once , is true * . . in respect of gods purpose . . in respect of the price of our redemption . . in christ our head , yet sins to come cannot actually be forgiven to the person before they be committed . pardon supposeth alwaies an offence past , rom. . . ier. . . remembrance is of that which is past . . confession and repentance is constantly joyned with pardon of sinne in scripture , acts . . iohn . . therefore remission of sinne is of sins past , one cannot repent of that which is to come . . to the pardon of sinne the lord requires faith in a mediator . in the law they confessed their sins on the sacrifice , put the sins on the scape goat . . remission of sin is a judicial act , justification respects god as a judge , he cannot pardon sin before it is committed . . this doctrine that all sins to come are pardoned , layes the foundation of two corrupt principles , . that justified persons need not confesse sins . . that they may take as much comfort in the grace of god in all their sinful courses , as if they walked never so holily . in respect of sins past and formerly pardoned , we pray for greater assurance of that pardon , or rather for the continuance of assurance we have received , because this daily petition is a means appointed by god to work that assurance , but for the sins that daily are committed , it is the direct pardon of them which we desire of god in this petition . and if these words forgive us do signifie , make us to know that thou hast long since forgiven us , as the antinomians say , then why shall not the next words , as we forgive , receive the same interpretation ? and why should it not also hold in the th and th petition ? this doctrine overthroweth the heresie of the novatians , who do deny the forgivenesse of sins after baptism . the original word which we translate trespasses , properly signifies debts . st luke setting down this form of prayer , thus expresseth this petition , forgive us our sins : for we also forgive every one that is indebted to us , that is , which hath offended us . sins are called debts , because for them we owe punishment . for as in the law there are two things : . praeceptum , commanding or forbidding , and . sanctio , threatning punishment against the transgression of the precept : so in every sinne there are two things answerable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fault transgressing the law , and the reatus binding over the transgressour to the punishment . in respect of which punishment every offendour of the law is a debtour , untill either the debt be remitted him , or else he hath born the punishment , which is without end . when we pray therefore that the lord would forgive us our debts , we do not only desire that the lord would forget the fault , but also that he would remit the punishment unto which the guilt of our fault doth binde us over . the papists hold that the lord many times forgiveth the fault and retaineth the punishment . but sin is called a debt in respect of the punishment which we owe for it : and therefore this debt is not remitted if the punishment be retained . again , the mercy of the lord pardoneth no sin for which his justice is not satisfied . sinne is like a debt : first , in the nature of the thing . a debt is the not paying of some thing which is due and reason a man should pay and perform . so sin is the not tendring unto god the due service and homage which we are bound in reason and conscience to perform unto him , since we are his creatures , and have received all from his bounty , and that upon condition of obeying him , we are bound to obey and serve him in and with all , seeing the same goodnesse which gave them doth also continue them to us . secondly , in the effects of it , which are principally two : . a man is still liable to actions and suits for it in the courts of humane justice , and to writs and arrests for that purpose , and therefore he cannot be in quiet and freedom if his creditors will still stand upon their right : so are we by sinne made liable to the bitter and terrible accusations of our consciences , and to divers punishments and miseries as it were arrests or writs , summoning us to appear before gods tribunal , whither at length also death will drag us in spight of our hearts there to answer for our sins , but with this difference , that there is no shifting or escaping these arrests . . a man not having to pay , forfeits his body to imprisonment by the just sentence of the judge . so we have forfeited our souls to the suffering of gods most ●itter wrath and displeasure , and to the suffering of eternal torments in hell . thirdly , in the discharge . a debt is discharged upon two considerations , either paiment and satisfaction or free pardon . and paiment is either made by the parties self , or by some other in his behalf with the consent and acceptation of the creditour . we our selves can make no satisfaction nor paiment to gods justice , but christ our surety hath made satisfaction to his fathers justice , and he was accepted for us . as we , or , for we forgive . this noteth not any deserving , to have our sins forgiven by reason of our forgiving them that offend us . but it is added for our instruction , to teach us that the lord requireth this at our hands to be merciful , because he is merciful ; and for our comfort to assure us , that if we pardon others , god will pardon us . equality is not here to be understood , but likenesse , for although we cannot be equal with the lord , yet we must be like him , although we cannot forgive and love in the like measure , yet we must in like quality , we must forgive truly as god doth perfectly . so that the meaning is , we desire the lord to forgive us ; for even we also unfeignedly forgive our brethren . our forgivenesse of others cannot be a samplar by which the lord should pardon us , for we desire better pardon then we can shew to others . . our brother cannot offend so much against us , as we do against god , therefore we beg a greater pardon . it is to be understood , but . as an argument to presse the lord to pardon us . . as a qualification of one that would be pardoned , if we would be pardoned we must pardon . . it is a sign whereby we may conclude that we are pardoned . in trespasse there are two things , damnum & injuria . a damage , this may be so great as we may seek satisfaction , but we must pass by the wrong . there are divers reasons why we should forgive our brethren the injuries they offer to us . first , from god , who not only commands it , but hath given us an example to imitate , for he is plentifull in forgivenesse , exod. . . he so great and infinitely excellent above us , pardons us farre greater indignities then the injuries offered to us . secondly , from our selves . we have more grievously offended god then any can us , and some other men perhaps as much . thirdly , from our brethren which have offended us ; they are our brethren , men and women as we are , have one religion , serve one god , and trust in one saviour . forgive we pray thee ( said iosephs brethren to him ) the trespasse of the servants of the god of thy father . those which offend us are the servants of the god of our fathers , even of the same god whom we and our fore-fathers have worshipped . fourthly , from the duty it self . . in regard of the danger that will follow if we do it not , being excommunicated , as it were , from gods house and all his ordinances , forgive us as we forgive others , but we forgive not others . . our prayers are turned into sin , for we lift not up hands without wrath . . we hear in vain , having not put off the superfluity of naughtinesse . . we come to the sacrament to no purpose , for we have not purged out the old leaven , mat. . . . we are uncapable of any comfortable assurance of the remission of our sins , matth. . . and consequently of life everlasting . . in regard of the good we shall obtain if we do it . . we may know by this that god hath forgiven us , we love , because he first loved us , john . . and we forgive because he first forgave us . . we may hereby comfort our souls in the day of temptation , when the conscience is perplexed with doubting of pardon . we shall be forgiven , we have gods promise for it , matth. . . our forgivenesse doth not deserve forgivenesse , but it is only a sign and assurance of it , our services are acceptable , and our souls capable of eternal felicity , it brings a great deal of ease and quietnesse to the minde . for so farre as any man can forgive a wrong , so farre it ceaseth to vex him , not the injuries we receive disquiet our hearts , and interrupt our peace , but the frowardnesse of our spirits which cannot pardon and passe by these wrongs . petition th . and leade us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil . in the former petition we begged the grace of justification , in this we crave the grace of sanctification . in the former we asked freedom from the guilt of sin : in this we crave deliverance from the evil and corruption of sin , and strength against tentations alluring us thereunto . this petition well followeth the former . for when it pleaseth the lord to forgive sin , he delivereth them from being hardened therein . knewstub on the lords prayer . leade us not into , or rather bring or carry us not into . it is one thing to tempt , and another thing to leade into tentation . we do not desire not to be tempted , but when we are tempted to be delivered from evil , that we quail not in the tentation . and so our saviour praieth , iohn . . therefore these two branches are not to be distinguished into two petitions , as the adversative particle but sheweth . as if we should say , o lord , do not thou give us over to the tempter , nor leave us to our selves ; but with tentation give an issue , that we be not overcome in the tentation , but preserved and delivered from evil . temptation is that whereby we take knowledge or proof of any thing , deut. . . temptation unto sin is here meant , whether it arise from satan , our selves , or other men . the principal thing against which we are here taught to pray is the power of temptation , as is evident by this particle into . in that god permitteth and instigateth tempters to tempt men , and withdrawing his grace which is sufficient for them , leaveth them who are not able to stand of themselves , he is said to leade them into temptation . god tempts us : . to prove us , deut. . . that we may know our selves . . to humble us . . to do us good in the end . . by leaving us to our selves , that we may know how weak we are , chron. . . . by extraordinary commandments , gen. . . . by outward prosperity , prov. . . god leades us into temptation : . by withdrawing his grace and holy spirit . . by offering occasions . . by letting satan and our own corruptions loose . the devil moveth , allureth and provoketh man to sinne , exod. . . deut. . . psal. . , . hence he is called the tempter , matth. . . he tempts , . by inward suggestions , iohn . . being a spirit he hath communion with our souls , and can dart thoughts into us , so he filled the heart of iudas . . by outward objects , matth. . , , . he sits his baits to our constitutions , the tree of knowledge was present to the eye , pleasant and good for food , there was an outward occasion . the world tempts by persons in it , or things of it . the flesh tempteth , when we are enticed by our own corruption , iam. . . temptation hath five degrees : . suggestion . . delight . . consent . . practice . . perseverance or constancy in sinning . god preserves his people from satans temptations six wayes : . by laying a restraint on satan , that he cannot tempt them . see iob . . and luk. . . god will not give satan a commission to tempt them . . when he preserves them from occasions of evil without . satan doth not only stir up lust within , but lay a bait without , iam. . . god will not suffer satan to lay a bait for them , psal. . . eccles. . . . when he so strengthens their graces that a temptation shall not take , gal. . . col. . . . when he layes affliction upon them , as preventing physick , iob . , . the crosse keeps them from sin , hos. . , . . he shews them the beauty of holinesse , by which the glory and sweetnesse of sin vanisheth , psal. . . . by casting into the soul quenching considerations . but deliver us from evil , or , out of evil . by evil we are to understand all the enemies of our salvation , the flesh , world , and the devil , sinne and hell , and all punishments of sinne , but especially the devil , who in the scriptures is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the evil one , though not only him , as scultetus seems to interpret it , exercit. evang. l. . c. . under evil is comprized , . satan the principal author of evil . . all other kinds of evil . satan in other places is styled the evil one , iohn . , . and this word evil is oft put for every thing that is contrary to good , and that with the article prefixed before it , matth. . . rom. . . thess. . . iohn . . now as this title good is of a large extent , so on the contrary is evil , gen. . . the greatest evil of all is sin , mark . . judgement also for sinne both temporal zeph. . . and eternal luke . . are stiled evil . in this large extent is the word here to be taken . and because it compriseth under it all manner of evils , it is fitly set in the last place . evil in scripture hath three significations : . afflictions and crosses , so the time of old-age is an evil time , eccles. . . . by evil is meant the devil , matth. . . . by evil is meant sin especially the power of it , and so it is taken here not excluding the devil . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deliver signifieth two things : . to keep and preserve , to protect and defend from evil , that we fall not into it , as thess. . . . to deliver , and as it were to pull us out of the hands , that is , power of our spiritual enemies : as the word is used , luke . . matth. . . romans . tim. . , . this deliverance which we orave is either inchoate in this life , or perfect in the life to come , both by christ , luke . . but deliver ] these words are a limitation or explication . but couples like things together . we desire in this petition , that we may not be exercised with trial in our estate , good name or body , if god so please , or that he would support us if we be tried . the deliverance which we crave is either inchoate in this life , or perfect in the life to come : both by christ , luke . . some from these words , deliver us from evil , hold that one may pray for perfection of holinesse , to be freed from the very being of sinne , the words mean ( say they ) to be delivered from all sinne , and all degrees of it . they alledge also other places to prove this , viz. cor. . , . col . . heb. . . thess. . . though these prayers ( say they ) be not fulfilled in this life , yet one should say up prayers for absolute perfection . . because thereby the manifests his perfect displeasure against sinne , and perfect love to the commandment of god. . hereby he manifests the truth and sincerity of his heart , he would not onely not have sin reign , but he would have it not to be in him . . hereby he doth his duty in striving after perfection , phil. . . herein he makes his heart and the law even though his life and it be not . . his prayer shall be answered in degrees , though not in perfection : as there are severall degrees of accomplishing prophecies , so of answering prayers . . your prayers are of an everlasting efficacie , because they are offered to god by the eternal spirit , heb. . . upon the same altar that christs sacrifice was offered , therefore christs righteousnesse is everlasting because it was offered to god by the eternal spirit . others say , such perfection may be desired , and were to be wished , if it might be had , yea must be set before us as an exact copy to write after , white to aim at , with endeavour to come as near it as we can , but they see no ground to pray for it , since they cannot pray in faith , because they have no promise ; nay it is not a state compatible with this life since the fall , and they think it is too great a presumption to pray for that which they have no promise for , and ambition to affect such a prerogative as no childe of god ever since the fall here enjoyed , or is like to doe . hitherto of the petitions : now followeth the conclusion of the lords prayer in these words , for thine is the kingdome , the power and the glory for ever and ever amen . for howsoever this clause is omitted of the latine interpreters , and is rejected by erasmus * , yet was it added by our saviour , and registred by matthew . for . the greek copies have it . . the syriack paraphrast translateth it . . the greek writers expound it , as chrysostom and theophylact. and . it is not only consouant with the rest of the scriptures , but also in this prayer hath a necessary use . for praise is to be joyned with prayer , the petitions contained a specification of our desires , this conclusion partly a confirmation of our faith joyned with praising god , in these words , for thine is the kingdome , and the power , and the glory , for ever and ever : and partly a testification both of our faith , and of the truth of our desires in all the former petitions , in the word amen . it appeareth manifestly that this sentence was borrowed from the prophet david , chron. . . with some abridgement of the prophets words . . without this we should not have had a perfect form of prayer ; it consisteth of thanksgiving as well as petitions . it is both a doxologie , a giving praise , and an aitiologie , a rendering a reason , therefore our confidence is in thee , and thou wilt doe for us according to our requests . god in this reason is set out by his attributes , for these words , kingdome , power , glory , for ever , doe point out four distinct attributes of god , which are , . soveraignty , psal. . . kingdome . . omnipotency , ier. . . chron. . . power . . excellency , psal. . . and isa. . . glory . . eternity , psal. . . isa. . . for ever . these attributes are applied to god by a special property and excellency . so much doth that particle thine , and the article the import . as if he had said , thine and thine only are these . thine they are originally of thy self , and that in an infinite measure and degree . though the particle thine be but once expressed , yet by vertue of the copulative particle and , it is particularly to every of the other properties . as for the th attribute eternity , intimated in this clause , for ever , it is so expressed , as appertaining to all and every of the other three . for gods kingdome is for ever : his power for ever : his glory for ever : and whatsoever else is in god , is , as god himself , for ever . there is a two-fold kingdom of god : . universal , which some call the kingdom of his power , whereby he ruleth and governeth all things , psal. . . chron. . . . special , the kingdome of grace in this life , and of glory in the life to come . in the former he communicateth grace to his servants , ruling in them by his word and spirit . in the later he communicateth glory to his saints , vouchsafing unto them the fruition of himselfe , who shall be to them all in all . gods only is truly and properly power , his is the power , see psal. . . gods power is his ability to do any thing , it extendeth it self to every thing that by power may be done , gen. . . ier. . . see luk. . . mar. . . in this respect he is styled god almighty , gen. . . and the glory ] whereby is meant that excellency which is in god. for the excellency of a thing , that which causeth it to be in high esteem , and procureth a name , fame , and renown unto it , is the glory of it . cabod the hebrew word signifieth also weightinesse . the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fama , gloria , both fame and glory , for glory causeth fame . for ever . the kingdome , power , and glory of god are amplified by their unchangeable continuance . this phrase [ for ever ] implieth both eternity and immutability . the phrase in the original , to translate it word for word , is for ages . the original root ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) doth properly signifie that which is for ever . now because an age is the longest usual distinction of time , the same word that signifieth eternity is put for an age . and when there is no end of that which is spoken of , the plural number indefinitely without any limitation thus for ages , is used to set out the everlastingnesse of it . amen . ierom cals it fitly , signaculum orationis . it is the ratification of all , the testification both of our faith and of the truth of our desire . it signifieth two things , a a wish of the heart to obtain what hath been uttered , or else a perswasion of heart b that the thing shall be obtained , both here . the meaning of it is thus much : as if we should say , as i have made these requests unto thee , o lord , so do i both unfeignedly desire the performance of them , and also truly beleeve that thou in thy good time wilt grant my desires so farre forth as they stand with thy glory and my good : and in this perswasion i rest , attending thy good pleasure . it is an hebrew word signifying truly , even so , or , so be it , and yet continued in all languages , and by the use of it as well known as any other english word . some good divines have held it to be an oath , it is an asseveration , and seems to be the same with yea , yea. vide fulleri miscell . sac. lib. . cap. . et dilherri electa l. . c. . since our saviour teacheth us to end our prayers with amen , it is our duty to say amen , nehem. . . cor. . . vide bezam in loc . see deut. . . chron. . psal. . . it is a common subscribing as it were unto the petitions and thanksgivings which are offered unto god. . hence it followeth that prayer should be made in a known tongue , else how should we consent or say amen ? see. cor. . , , , . chrysostom celebrated the eucharist among the grecians , in greek , and ambrose amongst the latines , in latine ; the same may be said of basil , nazianzen , ierom and other fathers . in italy , greece , asia and aegypt , the liturgy is celebrated in the same tongue in which the sermons were preacht . the armenia●s , ethiopick and muscovite churches now perform their divine service in the vulgar tongue . see b. daven . deter . of quest. . . men should be attentive when they pray with others , how canst thou otherwayes say amen , and assent to the prayer ? . we should wait upon god for the accomplishment of our desires . mr perkins on the lords prayer , saith , it is of more value then all the prayer besides . his reason is , because it is a testification of our faith , whereas all the petitions beside are testifications of our desires . chap. vii . of the sacraments . i. the name . the word sacrament ( being latine ) is not found in the scripture , but the thing is there . divines agree not what it properly signifies , and how it came to be applied to this ordinance . the oath that the old roman souldiers took to their general to live and die with him , was called sacramentum . see moulin . of the eucharist . some think it is so called , because it is to be received sacramente . tertullian was the first that used this word , the church hath used it a long time , it being above fourteen hundred years since he wrote . some think the names of gods appointing are better then what are given by ecclesiastical custom . ii. the proper nature of a sacrament . it is an applying of the covenant of grace to gods people for their good by visible signs . signum est , quod praeter speciem , quam ingerit sensibus , aliud quidpiam in cognitionem inducit . a sign is that which represents one thing to the eye and outward senses , and another to the minde . circumcision is called a sign and a seal , rom. . . see gen. . . some signs are only significant , as the ivie of wine , some obsignative , as the seal , the thing contained in the writ , some exhibitive , as anointing the prophetical , kingly or priestly office : the sacraments do not only signifie the promise of grace in christ , but also seal and exhibit the thing promised . vossius de sacramentorum vi & efficacia . the sacraments are signs to represent , instruments to convey , seals to confirm the covenant . others thus distinguish of signs : first , some only serve to signifie and call to remembrance , as the picture of a man is such a sign as cals him to remembrance . secondly , a ratifying sign , as a seal , if one conveys lands or goods to another , and sets his seal to it , this further clears his title . thirdly , which exhibit , the putting on a cap or ring makes him a master or doctor , the delivering of one a staff is the making ▪ of him a lord chamberlain , the sacrament is all these . christ cals to thy remembrance , and sets before thy eyes all the benefits that come by him , and shews thee all thy duties thou owest him . . it is a sealing sign , so circumcision is called ; christ , grace , the promises , heaven are thine . . it is an exhibiting sign , brings christ to the beleever , communicates him more to him . what ever other ordinance the church hath wanted , ever since the lord had a church on earth , it hath had this . when man was perfect , god gave him sacraments even in paradise , the tree of life , and the tree of knowledge of good and evil. some sacraments god gave unto man , . in his innocent estate , which were two , . the tree of life . . the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. . in his corrupt estate : . either before christ , prefiguring him ▪ . or after christ , as memorials of him . the sacraments before christ were . either such as did belong to all sorts of people , . the flood and noahs preservation in it . . the rainbow . . such as were peculiarly appointed to the jews : . extraordinary , during but for once , or a short time , and answering either to baptism , as cor. . . the red sea. . the cloud . or to the lords supper , . manna . . the water flowing out of the rock . . ordinary , as . circumcision answering to our baptism , col. . . . the passeover answering to the lords supper . the sacraments after christs coming to continue till the end of the world were . . baptism . . the lords supper . iii. what is the use of the sacraments in the church , and what benefit the people of god receive from them . they convey the mercies of the whole covenant of grace , therefore circumcision is called the covenant , gen. . all the benefits of christ are applied in the sacraments , the water out of the rock is called christ , cor. . god doth nothing by the word or prayer , but this ordinance doth the same thing , the one of the sacraments is for begetting of life , the other for confirming it . it is an application of the whole covenant of grace in a sign . iv. the parts of a sacrament . a sacrament taken in its full extent comprehendeth two things in it : . rem terrenam , that which is outward and visible , which the schools call properly sacramentum . and . rem coelestem , that which is inward and invisible , which they term rem sacramenti , the principal thing exhibited in the sacrament . . this sign must have the expresse commandment of christ , for none can institute a sacrament but he that can give the inward grace . . there must be a promise of divine grace , else it is no seal , and it must be annexed to the sacrament by god. the command is for our warrant , the promise for our encouragement . in baptism . the signum is washing with water ; . the signatum , the bloud of christ applied by the spirit , iohn . . tit. . . this was represented by the vision at our saviours baptism of the holy ghost descending upon him in the similitude of a dove . as in our natural birth the body is washt with water from the pollution it brings with it into the world , so in our regeneration or second birth the soul is purified by the spirit from the guilt and pollution of sinne . see ezek. . , . and iohn . . . christs command is matth. . . go and baptize . . his promise is , he that beleeves and is baptized , shall be saved . so in the eucharist * the outward and visible sign is the bread and wine . . there is an analogy between bread and wine which nourisheth the body , and christs body and bloud which nourisheth the soul. . a promise of saving grace to all that use the outward rites according to christs institution , matth. . . v. the necessity of the sacraments . they are necessary only necessitate praecepti not medii ; men may be saved without them . that is necessary to the salvation of man without which he cannot possibly be saved . these things are either . simply necessary on mans part , acknowledgment of sinne , faith in christ jesus and repentance . . so farre necessary , as that the contempt or neglect of them bars a man of salvation . such are the sacraments and outward profession . the neglect of circumcision and of the passeover , and the abuse of the sacrifice of peace-offerings by eating the same in uncleannesse wittingly , was to be punished with cutting off . no man was circumcised in those fourty years in which the israelites were in the wilderness , but many were born and died in that time . mark . . he saith , he that beleeves not shall be condemned , not he that beleeves not and is not baptized shall be condemned . see that place , iohn . . answered in my annotations . vi. the efficacy of the sacraments : the papists say the sacraments conferre grace by the work wrought , as the pen of itself writeth the hand of the writer moving it : so the sacraments of themselves sanctifie being administred by the minister . they hold the efficacy of the sacraments to be so great , that there needeth no preparation or qualification of the receiver . the reformed churches maintain , that except the receiver be thus and thus qualified , he loseth the benefit of the sacraments . see acts . . sacraments do not conferre grace by the actual doing and exercising of them , the elements are changed relatively in respect of their use and end , though not substantially , they are not meer signs , but such as besides their signification seal unto us our remission or sins and gods favour . but , . the word it self doth not profit without faith , much lesse the seals of it . . people are exhorted to examine themselves before they come to the sacrament , cor. . therefore the very use of the sacraments conferres not grace , though the heart of man put forth no good motion at that time , we should not there relie upon the external acts of receiving , there is panis domini and panis dominus . object . act. . . repent , and be baptized every one of you in the name of iesus christ , for the remission of sins . answ. they are said to be baptized for the remission of sins , not that baptisme , ex opere operato doth remit sins , but because it is a signe and seal of the pardon of them . the sacraments receive their power from the lords own institution . some signs signifie by nature , as smoke is a sign of fire , the picture of my friend makes me remember him . . other signs come wholly from institution , as the heap of stones called galead between iacob and laban , there is a kinde of resemblance and aptnesse in the things which god hath chosen to signifie , but the efficacy of them depends on the institution of christ , which contains two things , . a word of command to do such a thing for such an end . . a word of promise that it shall be effectual for such an end . a piece of wax annexed as a seal to the princes patent of pardon , or other like deed , is of farre other use and greater efficacy and excellency then any ordinary waxe is , though it be the same still in nature and substance with it . so the bread in the lords supper being a seal of gods covenant , and of christs last will and testament is of farre other use , and of farre greater efficacy and excellency then any ordinary bread is , though it be the same still in nature and substance with it . relationes non faciunt realem mutationem in subjecto , sed tantum in usu . vii . why hath the lord made choice of such an applying the covenant of grace by signs , and vouchsafed such an ordinance as this in the church , seeing the same things are done by preaching of the word and prayer ? there are excellent reasons of it : . it is a great part of christs soveraignty to make any thing though never so contemptible a part of homage to him ; no reason can be given of it , but only his will , as a lord will have land passe by delivering a wand or twig . . it is a glory to his power that he can make a little water or wine , sign and seal the conquering of my sins , and salvation of my soul. . christ hath herein exceedingly condescended to his peoples weaknesse in applying the covenant of grace by signs , while we are in the flesh to have sensitive things to represent spiritual , these signs inform the judgement , work on the affections , help the memory wonderfully , recal the covenant of grace , act faith and other graces , a naked word is enough to a strong faith , but these are great props of our faith in our weaknesse , so gideon was confirmed , thomas when he put his hand into christs side . he acts the things before our eyes that he saith in his word . viii . since god hath had a constituted church in a visible body segregated from all mankinde , he hath had some standing sacraments , even since abrahams time . the sacraments of the jewish church and ours agree in these things : . they have the same authour . . serve for the same spiritual ends . they had two , so have we , circumcision was for infants , so is baptisme , the passeover for men grown , so the lords supper . circumcision was once administred , the passeover often , so baptism once , and the lords supper often . m. bedf. treat . of the sac. par . . c. . they differ thus , theirs were praenuntiativè of christ to come . ours annunciativè of christ ex●ibited , so austin . theirs were given to the jews , ours not to one but to all people . the matter of both theirs and our sacraments is one , they ate and drank the same spiritual meat and drink , that we do , that is christ. the effects also are the same in kinde and nature , which is a partaking of christ , they differ in the manner . christ is more plentifully partaked in ours , more sparingly in theirs . cartw. on rhem. test. circumcision is the same with baptism for the spiritual part , it was the seal of the new-birth , deut. . . so baptism , tit. . . col. . . circumcision was a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , rom. . . so baptism , acts . it was the seal of the covenant of grace , so baptism , it was the way of admittance and entrance into the church , so baptism , matth. . acts . it was the distinguishing badge between them who were gods people and the rest of the world , so baptism , cor. . . it was but once administred , so baptism . none might eat the passeover till they were circumcised , exod. . nor are any to be admitted to the lords supper till they be baptized , acts . , . circumcision was a seal of the covenant , gen. . , . so baptism : that being the nature of a sacrament , it was a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , so baptism , acts . , . . it was the sacrament of initiation under the law , so is baptism now under the gospel , mat. . . . it was a distinguishing badge under the law , so is baptism under the gospel . . it was the sacrament of regeneration , deut. . . so is baptism , titus . . col. . , . . it was partaked of but once , so baptism . our sacraments differ from the sacraments of the jews accidentally onely , in things concerning the outward matter and form , as their number , quality , clearness of signification , and the like ; not essentially in the thing signified , or grace confirmed , cor. . , , . ioh. . . cor. . . phil. . . col. . . ix . the sacraments of the new testament are only two . * all christians agree that christ hath established baptism and the lords supper . all the reformed churches concurre in this , that there are but two onely to which properly the definition of a sacrament doth belong , though there may be many in a metaphorical sense . the papists say they are seven , adding orders , matrimony , confirmation , penance , extream unction . the fathers do commonly use the word sacrament for a mystery or sign of a holy thing , so there may be many sacraments . but as the word ( sacrament ) is taken in a straiter signification to note the visible signs instituted by christ for the assurance and increase of grace in the faithful , so there are but two . the schoolmen themselves who were the first authours that raised them up to the precise number of seven ( for we find it not in any of the fathers or other writers whatsoever before a thousand years after christ ) have shewed that the seven are not all sacraments , if the name of sacrament be taken properly and straitly . rainolds against hart. the number of seven sacraments was not determined untill the dayes of peter lombard , which lived years after christ. none but christ onely can institute a sacrament . their schoolmen alensis and holcot have denied confirmation to be from christ his institution ; their hugo , lombard , bonaventure , alensis , altisiodorus have affirmed the same of extream unction : which in the primitive church ( by the judgement of their cassander ) was not so extream . matrimony and confirmation were held by the schoolmen to be no sacrament . iohn the evangelist notes that out of the side of christ , being dead , there came bloud and water , hence arose the sacraments of the church . paul twice joynes them both together , cor. . . & . , . the fathers intreating precisely of the sacraments of the new testament , do only expresse two , baptism and the eucharist , so ambrose in his treatise properly written of the sacraments ; and cyril in his book entituled a catechism : onely baptism and the lords supper in the new testament were instituted by christ , matth. . . therefore they onely are sacraments of the new testament . christ did onely partake in these two . paul acknowledgeth but these two , cor. . , , . matrimony . being ordained before the fall , can be no sacrament , which is a seal of the promise and covenant of grace after , and by reason of the fall . . it is not proper to the church as sacraments are , but common to jews , turks and infidels . . every sacrament belongs to every member of the church , but this belongs not to their priests and votaries . see m. cartw. rejoynd . par . . p. , . cajetane denies that the text of iohn . . and ephes. . . and iam. . . ( being the sole grounds of scripture which papists have for three of their sacraments , auricular confession , matrimony and extream unction ) do teach any such thing . it came not from the lord to ordain one sacrament for the clergy , as orders ; a second for the laity alone , as marriage ; a third for catechized ones , as confirmation ; a fourth for sick ones , as unction ; a fifth for lapsed ones , as penance . these are no scripture but tradition sacraments . the councel of trent thus argues , there are seven defects of a man , seven degrees of the body , seven aegyptian plagues , seven planets , seven dayes in the week ( they should adde also seven heads of the beast ) therefore there are seven sacraments . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . art. . x. the use of the sacraments of the new testament . . to quicken our dulnesse and stirre up our care in performing the duties whereto the gospel bindeth us , viz. to endeavour and labour to repent and beleeve and obey out of an assured confidence that god will accept and help our endeavours . . to confirm and stablish our hearts in faith , that we may setledly beleeve , that god hath and will perform the good things sealed up , viz. remission of sins , sanctification and salvation , all the spiritual blessings of the new covenant . the uses or ends of the sacraments are especially three : . to strengthen faith . . to seal the covenant between god and us . . to be a badge of our profession . atters . of the sac. l. . c. . xi . whether any other but a minister . lawfully called and ordained , may administer the sacraments , baptism and the lords supper ? it is held by the reformed churches , and by the soundest protestant writers , that neither of these sacraments may be dispensed by any , but by a minister of the word , lawfully ordained . . god hath appointed the ministers of the word lawfully called and ordained , and no other to be stewards and dispensers of the mysteries of christ , cor. . . tit. . , . . he hath appointed them to be pas●ors or shepherds , to feed the stock of god , ier. . . ephes. . . acts . . pet. . . much of this feeding consists in the dispensation of the sacraments . . christ gives a commission to the apostles to teach and baptize , and extends the same commission to all teaching ministers to the end of the world , matth. . . . ephes. . , , . neither of the sacraments have efficacy , unlesse they be administred by him that is lawfully called thereunto , or a person made publick and cloathed with authority by ordination . this errour in the matter of baptism is begot by another errour of the absolute necessity of baptism . mr. hendersons second paper to the king. the scripture joyneth together the preaching of the word and dispensations of the seals , both belonging to the officers who have received commission from jesus christ , mat. . . cor. . m. ball. heb. . . no man takes this honour but he which is called , as was aaron ; which sentence doth manifestly shut out all private persons from administration of baptism , seeing it is a singular honour in the church of god. cartw. d reply , th tractate . the example of zipporah either was rash or singular , and also no way like womens baptizing , circumcision was then commanded the head of the family , baptism belongs only to ministers , matth. . she circumcised her son when he was not in danger of death , as these baptize . chap. viii . of baptism . baptism is taken sometimes for the superstitious jewish ablutions and legal purifications , as certain representations of our baptism , as mark . , . and heb. . . sometimes by a synecdoche for the ministery of the doctrine and baptism of iohn , mat. . . acts . . sometimes for the miraculous and extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , acts . . sometimes by a metaphor for the crosse and afflictions , matth. . . luke . . lastly , for the sign of the covenant of grace , mat. . , . mar. . , . our lord took baptism ( as some have observed ) from the jews baptizing of proselytes , and washing of themselves from uncleannesse , which was known and usual among them . and he chose the lords supper likewise from a custom observed among the jews at the passeover : at the end of the celebration whereof the fathers of families were wont to take a cake of bread , and after the blessing thereof , to break and distribute it to the communicants : as also after that a cup of wine in the like sort : whereunto that may have reference , ps. . , . iohns . pref. to his christian plea. this custom nestrezat tableandu sacrament de la saincte cene also mentions , and saith , the master of the family in giving the bread to every one of his domesticks set at a table , used these words , hold , eat , this is the bread of the misery which our parents did eat in egypt , and he quotes deut. . . baptism is the sacrament of our initiation or ingraffing into christ , of our entrance into the covenant and admission into the church , rom. . . our insition and incorporation into christ is signified and sealed up by baptism : and hence it is once administred , and never again to be repeated because of the stability of the covenant of grace . baptism is a sacrament of regeneration , wherein by outward washing of the body with water in the name of the father , the sonne and the holy ghost , the inward cleansing of our souls by the bloud of christ is represented and sealed up unto us , tit. . . mat. . . ephes. . . d. gouges catechism . it may be thus briefly described : it is the first sacrament of the new testament , wherein every one that is admitted into the covenant of grace being by christs minister washed in water , in the name of the father , sonne and holy ghost , is thereby publickly declared to belong to christs family , and to partake of all the benefits that belong to a christian. first sacrament , because first instituted and by the lords order first to be administred , being a sacrament of our new birth . . of the new testament , because the old sacraments ended with the old administration of the covenant , wherein the way to the kingdom of heaven is more clearly revealed . . instituted by christ himself the authour of it . . the subject , it belongs to all persons who can lay claim to the covenant . . to be administred by one of christs ministers , matth. . . he never gave commission to any to administer this sacrament to whom he gave not authority to preach . . the form , to wash with water in the name of the father , son and holy ghost . see aquin. partem tertiam quaest. . artic. . utrum in nomine christi possit dari baptismus . see also the 〈…〉 e there . . the use and end of it is to be a publick declaration from god , that one belongs to christs family , and partakes of all the benefits that concern a christian. see of the uses of baptism perk. cas. of cons. l. . p. . to . a converted pagan which makes profession of his faith , and a childe not baptized may have right , but this is a solemn declaration of it . this washing with water in the name of the father , sonne and holy ghost , properly and by the lords appointment notes the washing with the holy ghost . iohn . . tit. . . mat. . . the spirit descended like a dove , not only to confirm the godhead of christ , but to shew the fruit of baptism , heaven is opened and the spirit poured out abundantly . the lutherans and papists say we make it signum mutile , it is not a naked and bare sign . the great gospel promise was the pouring out of the holy ghost , and the sign water , isa. . . zech. . . the analogy lies in this , the first office done to a new-born childe is the washing of it from the pollution of the flesh which it brings from the mothers womb ; so the first office gods spirit doth is to purge us from our filthinesse . in the eastern countreys when they would shew no pity to their childe , they threw it out unwasht , ezek. . . baptism is a publick tessera or seal of the covenant : first , the priviledges of the children of god by baptism are many . . i am united to christ and ingraffed into that stock , his spirit poured out on the soul is the bond of union between christ and the soul , therefore we are often said to be baptized into christ , rom. . . gal. . . . hereby we are declared to be the sons of god , we are said to be regenerate by him , that is sacramentally ; baptism is a publick standing pledge of our adoption . . it is a constant visible pledge that all our sins are done away in the bloud of jesus christ , therefore these are joyned together in scripture , mark . act. . . see act. . . rom. . . ephes. . . . it seals to us a partaking of the life of christ , our regeneration and sanctification . see acts . beginning ; it is called the laver of our regeneration , titus . . it seals to us the mortifying of all the reliques of corruption , and that we shall rise out of our graves to enjoy that eternal life purchased by christs bloud . . it gives us a right to all gods ordinances . secondly , the duties baptism doth ingage us unto . all that christ requires of his people either in faithfulnesse to him or love and unity to his saints , rom. . we are buried with christ in baptism , therefore are obliged to walk holily , ephes. . when the apostle presseth the people of god to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , he saith , there is one baptisme . baptism serveth for two uses : . to teach us our filthinesse that have need of washing , and to binde us to seek to god for the spiritual washing . . to assure us by pawning the truth and fidelity of god unto us for that end , that upon our so doing we shall be washed with the bloud and spirit of christ . we should make use of our baptism : . to resist actual temptations , i have given up all to christ , cor. . . . as a cordial in all dejections of spirit , shall i doubt of the love of god and pardon of my siu sealed to me in baptism ? . in our prayers to god , he hath given us his hand and seal , sam. . . in baptism we devote our selves to god : it s an oath of fealty to christs laws : as therefore baptism is a pledge to us of what we may look for from god , so it is likewise a pledge of what he may expect from us , it will be a witnesse against us if we make not right use of it , psal. . . see ier. . . and act. . . the turks say , what , a mussel man , one that is a professed servant of mahomet ( as we say baptized ) to do this ! see rom. . . luther tels a story of a pious gentlewoman , that when the devil tempted her to sin , she answered satan still , baptizata sum , i am baptized . ex veteri ecclesiae consuetudine in baptismo renunciatur satanae & pompis ejus . vossius de orig . & progres . idol . we cannot serve both god and the devil , such contrary lords , mat. . . see cor. . . baptism is administred but once , the use of it continueth as long as we live . we should make use of it : . to quicken our repentance , have i so long ago promised to renounce all sin , and yet am i hard hearted and impenitent ? the scripture cals it the baptism of repentance for remission of sins , because it serveth not alone as a bond to tie us to seek to god for repentance , and to set upon that work , but also to tie the lord god unto us to give us the grace of repentance when we seek it at his hands , and endeavour to practise it , and whereby we are said to put on christ , and to be baptized into christ and his death , because the lord will as assuredly ingraffe us into christ and cloathe us with his righteousnesse , as we have the outward washing , if we deprive not our selves thereof by our own carelessnesse . . we should stirre up our selves to walk cheerfully in gods commandments : hath he promised to sanctifie me , and shall i live as the men of the world ? the parts of baptism : the essential parts of baptism , are the matter and the form. that the matter of baptism is water it appears from the word baptizing , which signifies washing , the ministery of iohn and the apostles of christ , matth. . iohn . , . that answers to the flood , the red sea , and divers purifications of the law , cor. . pet. . heb. . it also well agrees with the thing signified , viz. with the bloud of christ , and the washing away of sins by his bloud . the first baptism in the new testament was in the river water , and at the river iordan , mat. . . afterward some were baptized in fountains , as the eunuch , acts . . some in rivers as lydia , acts . . some in particular houses as the gaoler in the prison , vers . . of the same chapter . vide voss. in thes. see m. bedf. on the sac. par . . c. . some object acts . . & . . as if it were enough to baptize onely in the name of christ. part there by a synecdoche is put for the whole , it being a form of baptism known in those times . id est ( saith grotius in act. . . ) in nomen patris & filii & spiritus sancti . baptism borrowing a ceremony from exorcising , which in those dayes was a gift in the church of casting out devils by adjuration , it signified thereby not that men before baptism are possessed with the devil , but first what they are by nature , that is , children of wrath and servants of the devil ; and secondly , what they are by grace ( whereof baptism is a sacrament ) that is , freed from the bondage of satan , and made coheirs of the kingdom of heaven . d. chalon . in the west ( or latine ) church , the minister speaketh thus to him that is baptized , ego baptizo te , &c. in the east or greek church , baptizetur iste , &c. but it is no material difference . beza likes that form of the latines best . the rites or ceremonies of baptism . in the beginning christians had no chruches nor fonts in them , and there being many hundreds , nay thousands to be baptized together , there was a necessity that this sacrament should be administred in rivers , or such places where was store of waters , iohn . . the rites of baptism in the primitive times were performed in rivers and fountains , whence the person to be baptized stood up and received the sacrament . this manner of baptizing the ancient church entertained from the example of our saviour who baptized iohn in iordan , this was convenient for that time , because their converts were many and men of years . hence it is that we call our vessels which contain the water of baptism fonts or fountains . ridley of the civil law. zanchius and mr perkins preferre ( in persons of age and hot countreys where it may be safe ) the ceremony of immersion under the water , before that of sprinkling or laying on the water , as holding more analogy to that of paul , rom. . . that we are buried with christ in baptism . d. burges of the cerem . sprinkling of water is no instituted ceremony distinct from that washing which christs apostles used . it is very probable also that the apostles going into the colder part of the world did use sprinkling . dr. ames against dr. burges , par . . pag. . the allusion of burying with christ in baptism is for us rather , we lay men in the grave with their faces upwards , and do not plunge them into the dust and earth , but pour and sprinkle dust and broken earth upon them . cobbet of baptism par . . c. . sect. . those expressions which the anabaptists so much insist upon , being born of water , iohn . . buried by baptism , rom. . . and buried through baptism , col. . . are meerly figurative and do not binde us to any literal observance . it is the received doctrine of all the protestant churches now ( as their practice , together with their catechisms , and divers of their liturgies , sufficiently demonstrateth ) that it is a thing indifferent whether baptism be performed by immersion , a total washing of the body , or by sprinkling the head or face only . the ceremony used in baptism is either dipping or sprinkling , dipping is the more ancient , at first they went down into the rivers , afterwards they were dipped in the fonts . in colder climates , and in case of weaknesse , the custom of the church hath been to pour water on the face . the substance is washing , hence baptism is termed washing , ephes. . . tit. . . to wash the body either in whole or part , and so that this be done the manner is dispensable by the church . dipping over head and ears is hurtful to the life and chastity of man , many in hotter climates at some times of the year cannot be plunged over the head in cold water without hazard of life or health . . sacraments are to be celebrated in the face of the congregation , it is a scandal for naked men to go into the water with women . master baileys second book , chap. . the necessity of baptism : this grows from gods command and our weaknesse : not the compelled want , but the carelesse neglect and wilful contempt of it doth damn . some who are baptized are neverthelesse condemned , because they believe not : and some who believe are saved though they be not baptized . augustine held that children dying unbaptized are necessarily damned , and in that regard was stiled durus pater infantum . it was the opinion of pelagius ( saith austin . de haeret. c. . ) that children dying unbaptized do enjoy a certain blessed life out of the kingdom of god. augustine in that doctrine in which he dealt with the pelagians ( saith rivet ) bended the tree too much the other way , that he might make it straight . the papists make baptism absolutely necessary . vide bellarm. de statu peccati , l. . cap. . but circumcision ( being the same in use and signification with baptism ) was omitted in the wildernesse fourty years . david doubted not of his uncircumcised childes salvation , and children are holy in the root through their believing parents , cor. . . . grace is not tied to the word , therefore not to the sacraments . . they were separate in the first and greatest minister of baptism , iohn himself , who confessed that he could not baptize but with water . . then every baptized party should be truly regenerate , but the contrary appears in simon magus , ananias and sapphira , and others . . some are justified before baptism , as abraham was , rom. . . cornelius , act. . . the eunuch , v. . . some after baptism , as many who are daily converted , some out of popery , some out of prophanenesse . the opinion of tying grace to the sacraments , overthroweth . the highest and most proper cause of our salvation , which is gods free election to which only grace is tied . . the only meritorious cause of our regeneration , which is the bloud of christ properly purging us from all sin . . the most powerfull , next and applying efficient , which is the holy ghost , titus . . the papists thrust the souls of such babes as die without baptism into a limbus puerorum , a place very near hell , and their bodies out of christian burial ( as they call it ) into an unhallowed place . the thief on the crosse wanted the outward baptism , yet was saved , luke . . he that beleeveth and is baptized shall be saved . see m. perk. cas. of consc. l. . p. . to . baptism is necessary not only as a thing commanded , but as an ordinary means of salvation , yet that necessity is not so absolute , that the denial of baptism even to infants should be a certain argument of perdition . the persons who must baptize : the papists say , those that are not ordained , and women in case of necessity may baptize . no woman is a fit minister of baptism . for . the minister in his ministerial actions sustaineth the person of christ , which a woman cannot do . . those which are called to baptize are called also to preach , for the sacrament without the word is a dumb ceremony , and as a seal to a blank ; and paul who would not permit a woman to teach ministerially , would much lesse suffer her to baptize . if any man should set the kings broad seal to any instrument but the lord keeper , his fact were high treason , and is there lesse danger in counterfeiting the great seals a of gods covenant ? aquinas parte tertia quest. . artic. . saith , lai●us potest baptizare , and art. . mulier potest baptizare . that place matth. . is as strong against womens baptizing , as it is against their preaching . for the ministery of the word and sacrament cannot be pulled asunder which the lord hath joyned together from time to time . the priests and levites which were appointed to teach the people , were also appointed to sacrifice and minister b other sacraments in the church . cartwright denieth women and laicks power . whitgift and hooker plead for it , but k. iames would have it appropriated to the c minister . the ordinary minister of baptism is a person consecrated ; baptism being the solemn rite of initiating disciples , and making the first publick profession of the institution , it is in reason and analogy of the mystery to be ministred by those who were appointed to collect the church , and make disciples . d. taylors divine instit ▪ of the offices ministerial . sect. . zippora circumcised her sonne before her husband moses , which was a prophet of the lord , and to whom the office of circumcision did appertain . . she did it in choler . if the essentials of baptism be observed , viz. washing in the name of the father , sonne and holy ghost , it is baptism . the baptism of hereticks is baptism , and therefore it is imputed to cyprian for an errour , that he affirmed , baptizatos ab haereticis esse rebaptizandos ; and the donatists are esteemed hereticks for that reason . no man may baptize himself , smith was a se-baptist , he baptized himself , which neither iohn baptist nor any did before him . how christs baptism and iohns differ : there was the same doctrine , the same rite , the same oblation of grace , in the baptisme of iohn and christ , therefore it was the same baptism for substance , and of the same efficacy . vide scultet . exercit. evangel . lib. . cap. . the persons who are to be baptized : infidels converted to the faith , and the infants of one or both christian parents . some deny baptism , they acknowledge not the baptizing of infants or others , but onely the inward baptisme d of the spirit . see matthew . , ▪ mark . . the scriptures teach that this sacrament is necessary for infants , iohn . the scriptures shew that infants are in covenant , ezek. . . that is , at the birth his by vertue of the covenant , and were in times past sealed with the seal of the covenant ; they witnesse that the kingdom of heaven belongs to infants , matth. . by baptism christians are admitted into the society c of this kingdom . antipoedobaptists acknowledge from matth. . . rom. . . that infants are saved . see psal. . . christ commands all nations to be baptized , infants are part of a nation , mat. . . i think the apostle doth plainly hold , col. . that baptism hath succeeded in the room of circumcision , which is also the common and received opinion of divines . gillesp. miscel. c. . infants of christian parents ought to be baptized , because the children of the jews in covenant were circumcised , for let the particular differences between circumcision and baptism be never so many , yet in this they agree , that they are both sacraments of initiation , and so belong to them that be in covenant , the faithful and their seed . m. ball. vide rivet . in gen. . that which confirms me f in the belief that the apostles did baptize infants where they baptized housholds , where fathers and children were together , is , because of the continued practice of it in the church of god ever since , of which we have as good evidence as of any controverted point in ecclesiastical history . supposing infant-baptism a nullity , i cannot understand how any in the world should this day be lawfully baptized , unlesse it can be made good that a person unbaptized himself may be a lawful minister of baptism to others ; for certainly untill the anabaptists arose in germany , all the baptized world were baptized while they were infants , and consequently the first anabaptist was baptized by an unbaptized person , and so in conclusion we must all turn seekers , and be content without baptism till christ give some extraordinary commission from heaven unto some men to be apostles in this businesse . m. martials def. of infant-bap . p. . a man by embracing one errour undertakes for all of the same cognation and line ; as for example , he that is entangled with the errour of those who deny the lawfulnesse of infant-baptism , stands obliged , through his engagement to this one errour , to maintain many erroneous and anti-evangelical opinions . where ever god takes parents into covenant , he takes their children also . see deut. . , . . infants are as capable of the benefits of baptism as men , there is no benefit of baptism , but the party that receiveth it is passive , we are said to be baptized into christ , to be made one with him , the union begins on his part , so to receive remission of sin . . infants while they are so , may be truly members of a visible church , luke . . one hath better ground to go by to administer baptism to a childe of believing parents , then to men of years ; a mans profession may be unsound and hypocritical , for the other i have gods promise , i will be thy god , and the god of thy seed . the anabaptists , . frame a covenant that god never made , with parents without their seed : the covenant of grace alwayes was with parents and their seed , in the first discovery of it , gen. . . therefore eve is called the mother of us all : so before the floud , gen. . . and after . . . by this means there is great injury done to infants , for of such is the kingdom of heaven * ; it is a great evil to seclude any from the ordinances that have a right , gal. . . the covenant of grace is also a testament , there is no childe so young but he may have his name put in his fathers will , cor. . . . hereby the practice and prayers of the church are slighted , consuetud ▪ matris ecclesiae in baptizandis parvulis nequaquam spernenda est , neque ullo modo supers●ua deputanda . august . de genes . ad literam c. . the pelagians of old and anabaptists of late are to be condemned therefore , who deny baptism to be administred to children . the main arguments to disprove baptizing of infants , answered . object . every one that is baptized is first to be made a disciple by teaching , because christ saith plainly matth. . . go teach all nations and baptize them , thereby intimating that they should not baptize those who were not made disciples by teaching . infants cannot be made disciples by teaching , ergò , infants may not be baptized . answ. the major is false , and the proof brought for it doth not confirm it . for christ doth not here prescribe a course to his apostles to be observed toward all , but alone toward those nations which were to be newly converted unto christ , and there is a great difference betwixt these , and the infants of beleeving parents . to the minor , i answer , by distinguishing ; there are disciples made actually and virtually . infants cannot be made disciples by teaching actually , but they are made such virtually by their parents accepting of the doctrine of the gospel . object . all that are to be baptized have actual faith and repentance . see mar. . . acts . . onely such were baptized by the apostles , as appears in divers places , whosoever believeth and is baptized , &c. now infants have not actual faith , but only an external profession of faith , therefore they must not be baptized . answ. all that are to be baptized have not an actual faith , but onely an external profession of faith , as appeareth , because even hypocrites are baptized that only make a shew to believe and repent . infants have an outward profession of faith in their parents which bring them to baptism , and desire baptism for them , for the profession of faith made by the parents is to be taken also for the childe . the places which shew how the apostles baptized believers , do not prove that all must in their own persons make actual profession of faith , but only that such ought as are there spoken of , viz. men of years , to be converted from another religion to christianity . for in all places where mention is made of the apostles baptizing believers , they have to do with persons converted from some other religion to the religion of christ. therefore those places prove only that all such ought to make profession of actual faith in their own persons , but they prove not that this is absolutely required of all to be baptized . object . christ was not baptized till he came to years , therefore we should defer it till then . answ. he was circumcised in his infancy , and so did partake of all ordinances , ( luke . . ) in the jewish church , as a member of the same , therefore he could not be then baptized , because the time of bringing in gospel-administrations was not yet come . . there is not the same reason for us ; this ordinance was commanded by christs institution , and commended by his example . object . what hath neither example nor precept , nor just consequence out of the word to warrant it , that is evil , gods word is generally a lanthorn to our feet , and a light to our paths . answ. baptizing of infants hath a general and implicit precept for it , though not expresse and direct in so many words , matth. . . baptizing them ; by them our saviour doth not mean only the persons themselves that are made disciples , but them and theirs considered as a whole body , and a nation to be made a church to him . the believing gentiles are graffed into the good olive , in stead of the unbelieving jews cut off , therefore in what sort those jews stood in that olive before their cutting off , in the same state stand these gentiles since their graffing , seeing they are equally made partakers of the root and fatnesse of the olive , rom. . . now the beleeving jews stood so in the olive , that every one did bring his seed into the same participation of the olive with himself , so the whole body was counted to be in that alone , as well infants as others . for the apostle saith , the promises are made to you and to your children ; and moses saith , that the little ones did enter into a covenant with god , that he should stablish them for a people to himself , and that he might be unto them a god , deut. . . & . , . wherein infants as parts of the whole body must be conceived . therefore it will follow that when a nation or people by believing and being baptized do avouch god for their god , and are avouched by god for his people , then the whole body of the people so doing , their infants and all comprehended are to be accounted so to avouch him , and are avouched of him , which being proved , we have here a precept to baptize such , because they also are part of the nations made disciples , not actually but virtually , as the israelitish infants could not actually make a covenant with god , but virtually in their parents . secondly , we have most probable examples , for we reade of housholds baptized , and therefore also children which were a part of the houshold , yea act. . . it is said the gaoler and all his were baptized , not all that beleeved , but all his , whereby it is most probable that he had infants which were baptized , for else why is it said all his , not all those that believed or received his word ; or if he had no such infants it is all one : for had there been infants , this shews they should have been baptized seeing they were some of his . indeed it is said , he did preach the word to all in the house , but they were not all his , and perhaps not all baptized , for it is not said , they did believe ; but whether they did or no , he did , and whether they were baptized all of them or no , yet all his were . for it is no news for a goaler to have more in his house then be his , even strangers from his family . acts . . cor. . . the apostles baptized whole houses without any exception and distinction of person and age , that infants are comprehended under houses and families , it is evident by the use of the whole scripture , gen. . . & . . prov. . . luke . . acts . . & . . parents must bring their children therefore to baptism with an high esteem of that ordinance , and with fervent prayers to god for his blessing upon it , that it may be effectual for their regeneration . set a day ( at least some good time ) apart to seek the face of god , to confesse thy sins , chiefly the original sinne which thou hast derived to thine infant , lament it in thy self , and lament it in and for him , baptism cannot be reiterated as the lords supper , therefore what thou canst do but once for thy childe , be careful to do it in the best manner . parents should offer their children to god in baptism : . with earnest prayers to god for a blessing on his ordinance . . in faith , plead your right with god , he hath promised to be the god of his people and of their seed , there are promises which sute with the ordinance , deut. . . isa. . . . with reverence , gen. . , . sam. . , . their hearts should be affected with that great priviledge , that god should take themselves and their seed into the covenant . the baptism of infants without a weighty cause , and in a sort compelling , is not to be deferred : first , because the equity of the eighth day appointed for circumcision hinders the procrastination of it . secondly , because this delaying of it shews a kinde of contempt of the ordinance . it was a common but an erroneous practice even in the primitive church , to deferre their baptism till they were old , so some of the christian emperours , because an opinion prevailed upon them that baptism discharged them of all sinnes . i think that the delay of baptism which constantine and some others were guilty of , did creep in among other corruptions , and was grounded on the false doctrines of those hereticks that denied forgivenesse of sinne to those that fell after baptism , which afrighted poor people from that speedy use of it which the scripture prescribeth . mr baxt. inf. church-memb . par . . c. . constantine much esteemed and favoured eusebius who was a very subtil and malicious arian , and yet constantine even to his death extreamly hated and detested arianism , one token of which love was his receiving the sacrament of baptism at his hands , when he was extreamly sick , and near his death . crakanth defence of constant. c. . see p. . to . & , . but constantine received baptism at eusebius his hands , when he was a catholick professour , and earnest in that profession . the apostles and christ himself held communion , and received the sacrament with iudas , matth. . . &c. so long as he kept the outward and catholick profession , though in his heart he was an apostata , yea devil , id. ib. p. , . chrysostom and gregory nazianzen ( saith grotius ) were not baptized till they were twenty years old at least . plerosque baptismum suum distulisse in articulum mortis , res est notissima ex historia ecclesiastica ; unde clinicorum nomen . maresius de precibus pro mortuis . augustine , ierome and ambrose , were baptized when grown up men , yea , but when they better understood the point , they disallow neglect of childrens baptism , as the parents sinne , as ierom in his epistle to laeta , and augustine frequently , and so ambrose , all one for poedobaptisme , as an ordinance of god , and so as counting it sinne to neglect it . cobbet of baptism , part . . sect. . some hold that only infants of church-members are to be baptized . but although the parents of those infants be not members of any particular church , yet if they be members of the universal church , as they are certainly if they be baptized and professe the catholick faith , that is enough for the administring of baptism to their infants , otherwise there will be no difference between their infants and the infants of turks , which is not to be admitted . we admit children to baptism : . by vertue of their remote parents , who may be good though their immediate parents be bad , act. . . . they may be admitted by stipulation of others to see them educated in the faith into which they are baptized , be the parents themselves never so wicked , vide ames . cas. consc. l. . c. . whether the use of witnesses be necessary . peter martyr in loc . commun . cals it utile institutum , a profitable constitution . in ancient time the parents of children which were heathen and newly converted to christian religion , were either ignorant and could not , or carelesse and would not bring up their children agreeably to the word of god , and the religion which they newly professed . hence it was thought meet , that some persons of good knowledge and life should be called to witnesse the baptism , and promise their care for the childrens education . it is an ancient commendable practice continued in the church of god above the space of twelve hundred years . m. perk. cas. of consc. it was but a bare prudential thing in the church , whether it were hyginus of rome , that first brought in god-fathers and god-mothers about the year of christ , . as platina and others write , or some other , it is not greatly material . ford of the covenant between god and man. vide zepperum de sac. some urge isa. . , , . for it . because from the beginning those that were of years when they were to be baptized were asked divers questions , whether they believed ? whether they renounced the devil ? the same custom also remained even then when infants alone were offered : and the papists cannot be moved from thence , chamier . de canone lib. . c. . the churches by an unadvised imitation drew the interrogatories ministred in the primitive church to those which were of years to professe their faith in baptism unto young children . cartw. on mat. . whether the immediate or remote parents give the children a right to baptism ? some * say immediate parents only can give the children a right . because if we go higher to remote parents , where shall we then stop ? may we go to noah or adam ( say they ? ) where shall we stay ? why may not the children of jews and turks then be admitted into the church , since they formerly descended from believers ? this objection carries some force with it , and there is a very strong objection likewise against this opinion , since those for the most part that maintain this , say , the parents that give the federal right to their children must be visible saints or church-members , as they phrase it . the argument then is this , the wickednesse of a jew could not prejudice the childes right that was to be circumcised , therefore neither the wickednesse of a christian a childes right that is to be baptized . and whether their baptism be not null which had no right , and so they ought to be rebaptized , should be seriously considered by them that hold that tenet . quest. what if the immediate parents be believers only in shew ? answ. . the profession of the faith is sufficient : . children have right to baptism by vertue of the first covenant with abraham , in whom we have as true an interest as the jews ever had , act. . , , . with . . gal. . . rom. . . so that the wickednesse of the immediate parent doth not prejudice the right of the childe : for then hezekiah should not have been circumcised , because he had a wicked father . master lyfords principles of faith and good conscience , chap. . object . the children of the faithful only are to be baptized , because only those infants are judged to be in the covenant , and only holy . answ. . we are not to regard the ungodlinesse of such as are their natural parents of whom they were begotten , but the godlinesse of the church , in which and of whom they were born : for the church is as it were their mother . . we must consider not only their immediate parents but their fore-fathers and ancestors which have led a godly life , rom. . . by the name of root in that nation of the jews , he doth not understand the next parents who peradventure were prophane and ungodly , but those first parents of that people , viz. abraham , isaac and iacob , to whom the promise was made , and the covenant confirmed . they are to be baptized who in charity may be thought to be in the covenant . such are all that professe them to be of the christian faith , and also their children act. . . cor. . . d. gouge his catechism . parents being in the church by the profession of christian religion , their children are within the covenant , ezek. . . so that the impiety of the parents prejudiceth not the childe that is born in the church . . by parents are to be understood not those alone of whom children are immediately begotten and born , but their progenitors and ancestors also who feared god and lived in the church , though many generations before . for god made not his covenant with abraham and his immediate seed only , but with all his seed after them in their generations , gen. . . lastly , be the next parents whosoever they will be , yet their children being born in the church , the church is their mother , and the faith and piety of the church investeth such as are born in her unto the covenant . down of the faith of infants . either by baptism men are admitted into the particular church , or the whole church , or no church : but not into the particular congregation , no man is baptized into the particular congregation , it is not the seal of the particular covenant : therefore it is into the whole or none : if a heathen be converted in a congregation , first he receives baptism , afterward is admitted a member of the particular congregation . m. huds . vindicat. c. . see him c. . p. , . a baptized person is baptized not to that particular church onely , but to all churches , and in every particular church where he cometh he hath all the priviledges of a baptized person . all circumcised persons had right thereby to eat the passeover in any society , exod. . , . deut. . , . in the place where god should choose to put his name there : so all baptized persons have right to the lords supper , in every church where god hath set his name . m. ainsworth to m. paget . sealing the promise by an initial sacrament , is not onely in reference to a particular church , either national or congregational , but principally in reference to the catholick church . churches divine warrant of inf. bapt. m. ball in his catechism hath this passage . baptism is a sacrament of our ingraffing into christ , communion with him , and entrance into the church , for which he citeth matth. . . acts . . and afterwards explains himself ; it doth ( saith he ) solemnly signifie and seal their ingraffing into christ , and confirm that they are acknowledged members of the church , and entred into it . and that we are thereby admitted members , not of a particular congregation , but the catholick church , appears , because we are baptized into one body , cor. . . see m. huds . ib. quaest. . p. . see p. . whether the children of infidels ( viz. jew● , turks and pagans ) may be baptized ? baldwin a luther an cas. cons. l. . c. . cas . ▪ maintains it lawful to baptize the children of professed infidels , if jure belli , * or the like way they come to be under the power of christians , but he saith , si infans valetudinis sit satis firmae , utile est , ut prius in principiis doctrinae christianae instituatur , quàm ad baptismum afferatur . rivet on gen. . allows the baptizing of the children of meer pagans , if they be in the power of christians to dispose of them as their own , in that abrahams servants bought with money , or born in his house were to be circumcised . there is a large promise to abraham , stretching covenant to his seed , not only to the children of his own body , and to his proselyte servants , but also to all them that were born in his house , or bought with money , gen. . , . which happily may grant so much liberty to a christian sponsor , that if a stranger or wicked man should give him his childe from his infancy to be brought up as his own , it may be baptized as his own . whether the children of papists may be baptized . many hold that the children of papists being either offered by them , or in the tuition of others , are not to be excluded from baptisme , since the papists ( though grosly erroneous ) do professe the substance of christian religion . baptism celebrated in the church of rome is true baptism , because albeit the papacy be not the true church , yet the true church is in the papacy , god preserving the remnants of it in the middest of the bowels of antichrist . attersol of the sacrament , lib. . cap. . see cap. . vide balduinum de cas. consc. lib. . cap. . cas. . i dare not wholly take away the name of a church from rome . i know that antichrist shall sit in the temple of god : that baptism cannot be administred out of the church : and when the entire form of baptism is observed , st augustine is resolved , non haereticus , sed haeretici manu christus baptizat . therefore the councel of nice determined very gravely , that there should be no rebaptization of such as were baptized by hereticks . doctor hampton in his sermon on iohn . . although there be many devises of men sinfully annexed to baptism in the church of rome , and some wicked opinions erroneously held concerning it among them : yet baptism both was there , rom. . . & . . as gods ordinance , before these corruptions and errours , and so hath been continued in that church to this day ; and ought also still to be retained : the corruptions only and the errors being renounced and rejected . iohnsons christian plea , ch . . p. . there is one baptism , as there was one circumcision . and baptism had in the apostate churches of christians , is answerable to circumcision retained in israels apostasie . now circumcision being once received in the apostasie of israel , was not repeated again at their returning to the lord , and leaving of their idolatrous wayes to serve him according to his word : but they that were so circumcised were ( without any new circumcision of the flesh ) accepted at ierusalem , and admitted to the passeover , of which none might eat that was uncircumcised . in like manner also , baptism being once received in the apostatical churches of christians , is not to be repeated again , when any so baptized return unto the lord , and forsake their idolatries , submitting themselves to the truth of the gospel , iohns . ibid. c. . p. . whether the children of such as are excommunicated , may be baptized ? m. cotton and m. hooker oppose this , the sacraments ( saith he ) are given to the visible particular churches of christ jesus , and to the members thereof ; such therefore as are cut off from their member-like communion with the visible church , are cut off also from the seals of that communion , baptism and the lords supper . as therefore we do not receive an heathen to the fellowship of the supper , nor their seed to baptism , so neither dare we receive an excommunicate person ( who is to us as an heathen ) unto the lords supper , nor his children to baptism . m. perkins in his cases of conscience , lib. . cap. . gives several reasons to prove that children of parents which are professed members of christ ( though cut off for a time upon some offence committed ) have right to baptism . attersol of the sacraments , l. . c. . saith , the children of excommunicate persons may be baptized . repetition of baptism , or rebaptizing . there is but one baptism , as there is but one body , ephes. . . reasons against rebaptization of such as are rightly baptized : . baptism is primarily and properly the sacrament of our new-birth , tit. . . of our insition into christ which is done but once * . . in no place where the institution of it is named , is there any mention directly or by consequence of any rebaptizing of it , nor any order taken about it , whereas in the other sacrament we have a quotiescunque in the very institution . . baptism succeeds circumcision , which was but once administred , nor to be administred any more , as is clear from the total silence of the scripture , and ●osh . . . it is numbred among heresies in the ancient church to reiterate a baptism , which was acknowledged to be valid . m. martials def. of infant-bap . p. . the errour of rebaptizing arose upon a corrupt understanding and interpretation of that place , act. . . they are not the words of luke the writer , but of paul the speaker , continuing his speech of iohns disciples and hearers , and are not to be understood of the twelve disciples . some prove from that place that iohns baptism and christs do differ , but few urge it ●or the reiterating of christs baptism . baptisma est irreiterabile sacramentum . galatinus de ar●an . cathol . verit . lib. . cap. . the anabaptists ( or antipoedobaptists ) themselves will rather deny our baptism to be a sacrament , then grant a necessity of rebaptizing . private baptism . from st iohns preaching and baptizing in open meetings , we conclude that both preaching and baptizing ought to be in publick assemblies . the baptism of midwives and in private houses , rose upon a false interpretation of iohn . . where some do interpret the word rather of the material water wherewith men are washed , whenas christ takes it there by a borrowed speech , for the spirit of god , the effect whereof it shadoweth out , cleansing the filth of sin , and cooling the great heat of an unquiet conscience , as water washeth the thing which is foul * and quencheth the heat of the fire . it is not a private action of faith , but publick , and of the whole congregation , whereby another member is received into the visible church , and as it were incorporated into the body , all ought to have their part in it , as they are members of the same church , and so it ought to be then done when all may best t●ke knowledge of it . as in corporations both of the universities and also of the cities and towns , none are admitted in them but in a full congregation , or in a publick assembly where all may be present , and give their consent : so in the visible church by baptism they ought then to be incorporated when the assemblies are greatest , and when all may most conveniently be present , which is the lords day . there was no publick assembly when the eunuch acts . and the goaler , acts . were baptized . whether wanting water , we may baptize with sand , or water distilled and compounded ? this came at first from that opinion , that they are damned which die unbaptized . the minister may not baptize with any other liquor and element , then with natural , common and ordinary water . we may allow mixture of water with wine in the lords supper , as well as the mixture of compound water with common in the sacrament of baptism . if no composition may be used , then much lesse may any other sign be used , and so the element clean changed , and the ordinance of god altered : for the church of god hath no liberty to bring in any other sign in place of water . see levit. . . whether it be lawful to use the sign of the crosse in baptism ? in st augustines time , yea before it , the christians as they used to sign their fore head with ●he crosse in token that they were not ashamed of christ crucified , ( whom the jews and gentiles reproached for the death which he suffered on the crosse ▪ ) so they brought thereof into the sacraments , and used both the figure of the crosse , and crossing in other things of god also . doctor rainolds against hart , p. . in the revelation the worshippers of the beast receive his mark , and the worshippers of the lamb carry his mark , and his fathers in their fore-heads . hence came the first use of the crosse in baptism , as the mark of christ , into whom we are initia●ed , and the same afterwards used in all benedictions , prayers and thanksgivings , in token they were done in the name and merit of christ crucified . mede on ezek. . . had not the popish abuse and superstitions about the crosse made us jealous of all use of it , who would not have thought this a decent ceremony at the administration of baptism , to reminde all the congregation of their christian profession and warfare to which the sacrament it self doth oblige them ? d. burgesse . see weemses christian synagogue , p. . and boyes his remains , p. . and masons sermon on cor. . . the unconformists dispute against the surplice and crosse , not onely as monuments of idolatry , but as signs analogical of mystical or sacramental signification , in nature and use , one with the jewish ceremonies , a will-worship , having no ground nor warrant from the scripture , and against the second commandment . m. ball. the heathens did object to the christians in time past in reproach , that the god which they beleeved in was hanged upon a crosse. they thought good to testifie therefore that they were not ashamed of the sonne of god by the often using of the sign of the crosse. but we now live not among turks that contemn the crosse of christ , but papists which esteem more of a wooden crosse then of the true crosse of christ , that is , his suffering . we ought therefore to take away the use of it , to take away the superstitious estimation of it . cartwrights reply to d. whitgift in defence of the admonit . pag. . see parker of the crosse per totum , and part . . cap. . pag. . against symbolical , sacramental , signifying signs in the worship of god , he urgeth that of the civil law , nemo est signandus in fronte , quia non debet facies hominis ad similitudinem dei formata foedari . chap. ix . the lords supper . there are divers names and appellations of it , of which casaubone speaks ex. . ad annal. eccles. baron . this sacrament is called the a supper , from the time of its institution , because it was instituted by christ after a common supper , and the eating of the paschal lamb , in the night in which he was betrayed , cor. . . this word coena is not liked of the roman church , because it signifies a common supper , and by consequent cannot be applied to private masses , nay nor to publick masses neither , in which oftentimes the priest eats all alone . scena est planè , non coena dominici corporis & sanguinis id quod agitur . sacerdos ad altare assistit , theatrali veste magnificè indutus . post multas gesticulationes manuum , multas corporis gyrationes , tandem crustulum manibus supra caput elatis , elatum à populo aversus ostendunt . audiunt qui ad sunt quod non intelligunt , vident quae non percip●unt , adorant quod nesciunt . simplicii varini . epist. de libro postumo grot. p. . the lords supper , cor. . . b because instituted by christ our lord. the fathers often call it so . cyprian hath written a tractate , de coena domini . the breaking of bread , acts . . & . . the breaking of the eucharist , so the syriack in both places . vide de dieu , because it representeth the crucifying of christ. the eucharist , so it was called not long after the apostles , because the evangelist luke and the apostle rehearsing the institution of this sacrament , do write that christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did give thanks , luke . . cor. . . and it is also still celebrated in the church with thanksgiving . this title is used by the fathers and reformed churches . the table of the lord , cor. . . because our lord christ instituted this sacrament , and celebrated it at a table , and the apostles received it there . see mat. . . mark . . luke . . iohn . . a communion , cor. . . because it is a bond of that mutual charity and symbole of the brotherly unity which is among all the faithful , cor. . . the papists acknowledge no communion in participating of this sacrament , no marvel therefore if they dislike the name . it is called by the ancients syn●xis , which is a greek word , and signifies the same with congregation , or a meeting together , cor. . . it is a collection , gathering together , or assembling of the faithful . the papists call it a masse , the sacrament of the altar , and the sacrifice . some things are necessary in their nature , as love and fear of god ; some only by a law are necessary to our life , so all institutions of christ. paul cals it the lords supper , which imports christ the author , as indeed he was , as the evangelists do witnesse . see cor. . . it is a standing ordinance , he enjoyns the use of it , till the lord come , ver . . which cannot be meant of coming in the spirit , for so he was already come according to his promise made before he departed from the world . the lords supper is thus described by one : it is an institution of christ or second sacrament of the new testament , consisting of bread and wine , wherein by performance of divers acts about it the covenant of grace is confirmed to every worthy receiver . this is too obscure and confused . others thus : it is the second sacrament of the new testament instituted by christ himself , wherein by taking and eating of bread , and by taking and drinking of wine , the covenant of grace is confirmed to every worthy receiver . it is the eating and drinking of consecrated bread and wine given to seal up our feeding and nourishment in christ jesus . doctor featley in his grand sacriledge of the church of rome , c. . thus defines it , it is a sacrament of the new testament , sealing unto us the perfect nourishment of our souls , by the participation of the sacred elements of bread and wine . doctor go●ge in his catechism thus defines it , it is a sacrament of our spiritual nourishment , wherein by receiving of bread and wine according to christs institution , our communion with christ is represented and sealed up unto us . it is a sacrament of our nourishment and our growing up in the lord jesus , and therefore it is appointed by him to be frequently used , as being one of the standing dishes which the lord christ hath provided for the daily diet , and the houshold provision of his faithful ones who are of his family , cor. . , . bread sustains the hungry , wine refreshes the thirsty , both satisfie to the full : christ saves perfectly all that come unto him . hookers survey of the summe of church-discipline , part . c. . here we have more immediately to do with the person of christ : we draw high to god in prayer , but we become one with him in the supper , cor. . . here are the sweetest refreshings that ever we receive , other duties seem rather to be our work , this is our meal : all other duties are to fit us for the supper , examination , the word , prayer . this is a duty of the highest and most mysterious signification , epitome evangelii : here are the benefits of the covenant in one rite , cor. . . the whole contrivance of salvation is represented in a bit of bread and drop of wine , it is a duty wherein god seals up to his people the assurance o● his love and special favour , iohn . . the lords supper is , . a spiritual medicine to cure the remainder of corruption . . spiritual food to strengthen our weak graces . . a spiritual cordial to comfort our distressed consciences . . a strong obligation to all acts of thankfulnesse and obedience unto jesus christ. what are the special and spiritual ends for which the body and bloud of christ is exhibited and applied in the lords supper ? . in the transacting of the services there done the whole covenant of grace is sealed and personally applied , the body and bloud of christ may be held forth in a sermon , god renews unto them all that he hath promised , matth. . ▪ this cup is the new testament in my bloud , as the new testament is founded in the bloud of christ , so it is exhibited and sealed therein . . it serves for the nourishing and building up of his people in all graces , it is called eating and drinking , he that eats my flesh and drinks my bloud . two things are comprehended under nourishment : . the maintenance and preservation of the stock of spiritual life which we have got already , as by our meat and drink we are preserved and continued in our life . . in children it serves to augment their parts , make them larger , stronger , the lords supper was appointed by christ to be one of the great means of our spiritual augmentation . the sacraments are not properly seals unto our faith , but of the covenant . they may be said to be seals of our faith consecutivè , by a consequence of speech , because as seals confirm a thing , so faith is confirmed and strengthened by receiving ; but they are not formaliter , in a true proper sense , seals unto any thing but the covenant . all graces are nourished and increased by the lords supper , because the new covenant is sealed , but three cardinal graces especially , as in the body : nourish the stomack , liver , brain , heart , lungs , nourish them and you nourish all the rest . . the in-dwelling vertue of the spirit of god , they receive an increase of the spirit . . faith , nourish that and you nourish all , it is called the life of faith . faith is the condition of the covenant , and we seal to our condition . . love to god and his people , it doth enflame thy love to god and his people , it is a communion , we are all made one spirit . this sacrament doth not beget but increase and strengthen grace where it is already wrought . christ is conveyed in this sacrament by way of food . the word was appointed to work conversion , faith cometh by hearing ; this ordinance is not appointed for conversion , but it supposeth conversion , it seals mens conversion ; therefore in the primitive times they let all come to the hearing of the word , and then when the sermon was done , there was an officer stept up and cried , sancta sanctis , holy things for holy men , and then all others were to go out , and therefore it was called missa ( though the papists did corrupt it , and so called it the masse afterwards , by mixing their own inventions in stead of the supper of the lord , but it had that name at first ) because all others were sent away ; and only such as were of the church and accounted godly stayed . reasons . . the nature of it , being the seal of the covenant of grace requires it , it must be supposed that all which come hither must be in covenant with god. the condition of the covenant of grace , is , believe and be saved , therefore it is appointed for believers . secondly , it is the ordinance of spiritual nourishment , there must be first life before there can be any nourishment received in . if it be appointed to nourish and increase grace , then surely there must be grace before . thirdly , we are required to examine our selves , cor. . and of our godliness , examine what work of god hath been upon the soul. fourthly , it is a sacrament of communion with god and with the saints , and what communion hath light with darknesse ? or , what fellowship hath christ with belial ? all ignorant prophane scandalous persons , and such as are meerly civil are hence excluded . conversion is sometimes ( and that improperly in scripture , as matth. . . ) taken for the renewed exercise of faith and repentance in one that is already converted , but the question is , whether the first work of regeneration , the infusing of the first habits , principles and seed of grace , be effected by the lords supper received ? it is one thing to be converted at a sacrament , another to be converted by the sacrament ; there is some expounding , praying . it is one thing intentionally to convert as an institution , and another accidentally to convert as an occasion . philip goodwins evangelical communicant . the assembly upon these grounds thought it fit that scandalous sinners ( though not yet cast out of the church ) should be suspended from the sacrament . . because the ordinance it self must not be prophaned . . because we are charged to withdraw from those who walk disorderly . . because of the great sinne and danger both to him that comes unworthily , and also to the whole church . the scriptures from which they did prove all this were matth. . . thess. . , , . cor. . . to the end of the chapter , compared with iude v. . tim. . . another proof added by the assembly , was this , there was power and authority under the old testament to keep unclean persons from holy things , levit. . . numb . . . chron. . . and the like power and authority by way of analogy continues under the new testament , for the authoritative suspension from the lords table , of a person not yet cast out of the church . wicked men ( saith master hildersam ) should not be admitted to the table of the lord , ezra . . holy things are prophaned thereby , ezek. . . cor. . . there should be a publick confession for scandalous sins . david was more honoured for this , psal. . then dishonoured for his sinne . salomon left his ecclesiastes as a monument of his repentance . paul frequently mentions his faults , tertul. de poenit . and others speak of it . ebrius , infantes , erroneus , atque furentes , cum pueris , domini non debent sumere corpus . it was their great sinne in the church of corinth , that they did not cast out the incestuous person , and it was a commendation to that church , revel . . that they could not endure the nicolaitans . a prophane person in augustines , chrysostoms time , tertullians and cyprians time , in pauls , in iohns time , could not come to the sacrament . they are called tremenda mysteria , mysteries which the soul is to tremble at , the fathers call it the most terrible day and hour , as if it were a day of judgement . this suspension is called by the schoolmen , excommunicatio minor . the power of suspending one from the sacrament , is given not uni , but unitati , to the eldership , not to any one either minister or elder . m. gillesp. aarons rod bloss . l. . c. . church-officers should not admit all promiscuously , but be careful whom they admit to the supper . that they be not cruel to the souls of them they admit , and to the nation , and their own souls , by being guilty of other mens sinnes . pareus said to those of heidelberg , when i see your sacrament prophanation , i wonder not at the warre . of receiving with the wicked . it is lawful to joyn with a known unsanctified man in the service of god , sam. . , , christ knew iudas to be an hypocrite , a devil , a traitor , yet admitted him to be at the last passeover which ever he received , though not to the supper ▪ for that was not administred till his departure , not because it had been unlawfull to have received with him . because the lord who commandeth his worship , never puts in any such limitations and exceptions , unlesse a wicked man be present . object . christ was the son of god , and as so knew the theft and hollowness of iudas , and therefore his example in this case cannot be our warrant . answ. though he did know as god his wickednesse , yet he did receive the passeover with him as man , and how he came by the knowledge of his faultinesse it matters not , since he knew him faulty . therefore our saviour also went up to the usual feast , and to the temple , when he was sure to meet there with the most abominable scribes and pharisees , sam. . . hannah and elkanah went up to the house of god to shiloh to worship there with the sons of eli , hophni and phineas , there not alone with wicked people but priests they did partake in divine service . some endeavour to prove out of sam. . . that wicked men by coming to the sacrament do pollute it , because the sinful carriage of eli's sons , caused men to abhorre the offering of the lord : but note the reason why the offering became abominable , because they offered not the sacrifice according to the commandment of god , they would not have sodden flesh but raw : if the doctrine of the sacrament be corrupted , if it be celebrated under one kinde , if water be mingled with wine , this is to pollute the ordinance . object . we are commanded to separate our selves from the wicked , and to come out from amongst them . cor. . . answ. we must indeed come out from amongst those which do serve false gods , and separate our selves from the familiar society of wicked persons , but other separation was never practised by any prophet or apostle , or ever meant . immediately there it follows , touch not the unclean thing , that is , do not joyn with others in their pollutions , ephes. . , , . some say he speaks to professours of christian religion concerning heathens , to leave familiar fellowship with them , as joyning in marriage , and the like , which is the thing he had spoken of immediately before . to have none good is the property of a church malignant , to have all good and none bad is the property of the church triumphant , to have some good and some bad is the property of the church militant . men openly wicked and scandalous should be cast out of the congregation of saints , but it follows not that because such should be cast out and be not , therefore others should abstain from the assemblies of the saints . the brownists abstain from coming to the word and sacrament amongst us , because many openly prophane and known wicked men are admitted to our assemblies , therefore they think they cannot with good conscience serve god with such persons , but no good man in the scripture did therefore withdraw himself from the temple or their synagogues . see m. hilders . on iohn . . this ordinance ( saith m. burroughes a ) must be received in a holy communion , or in a communion of saints , cor. . , . therefore all that come to receive the sacrament , must so come as they must be one body , one spiritual corporation . this sacrament ( saith he b ) is not defiled to the right receivers of it , meerly because wicked men are present there , but because the congregation neglects their duty of casting out the wicked from thence , when they discover themselves . the example of the incestuous corinthian , cor. . ( saith he ) is a plain place for it , a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump . the lump there is the church communion , and the leaven the incestuous person ; while this leaven continues , if you do not your duty to cast out this scandalous person , your whole lump , your whole communion will come to be defiled . particular persons and communicants come to be defiled in this , if they neglect the duty that belongs unto them as christians , matth. . , , . if thou ●ast done this duty to all scandalous persons in the congregation , then the sinne be upon the church , thou maist receive the sacrament with comfort , though wicked men be admitted there . as i never found one word in scripture where either christ or his apostles denied admittance to any man that desired to be a member of the church , though but onely professing to repent and believe ; so neither did i ever there finde that any but convicted hereticks , or scandalous ones ( and that for the most part after due admonition ) were to be avoided or debarred our fellowship m. baxters saints everlasting rest , c. . sect. . see more there . the rest of the congregation is not polluted by the mixture of unworthy persons with them , unlesse they be consenting to their wickednesse , no more then in the duties of hearing and prayer with the wicked in a mixt congregation . m. l●fo . princip ▪ of faith and a good consc. c. . for that objection , a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump . answ. this is a metaphorical speech , the meaning of it is not , that one or two sinners cause the whole congregation to be so corrupt and unpleasing to god , that whosoever joyneth with them is polluted , but alone this , one sinner suffered and not punished , the infection spreads farther and farther . objection . we are commanded not to eat with a brother , if he be so and so . answ. it signifieth to have familiar civil society with them , in inviting them or feasting them . but if one may not have familiar civil conversation with such , much lesse may he eat with them at the sacrament . it follows not , for in withdrawing our selves from them we punish them , and shew our dislike of them , but in withdrawing our selves from the sacrament , because of them we punish our selves . the church of israel in the time of hophni and phineas was a mixt multitude . in the time of christ the church of ierusalem , for they plotted christs death , and had decreed to cast out of the synagogue every one that should confesse him . mr downame * saith , none ought to refrain coming to the lords table , because they see scandalous sinners and unworthy guests admitted . for . the apostle , cor. . . doth not enjoyn us to examine others but our selves . . because the apostles , yea even christ himself did joyn with those assemblies in the service of god , and particularly in the use of the sacraments which were full of corruptions , both in respect of doctrine and manners , as viz. this church of corinth it self . see cor. . . the word usually signifies to be drunk , and here they are sharply reproved for a great fault . . because one mans sinne cannot defile another , nor make the seals of the covenant uneffectual to him who cometh in faith and repentance , and even hateth that sinne which he seeth committed , especially when he hath no power committed unto him by god and the church , of repelling the wicked from this holy communion . . because the punishment denounced against unworthy receivers is appropriated to them who thus offend , and reacheth not to the innocent because they are in their company , cor. . . it were much to be desired ( saith m. downame ) that all wicked persons were excluded from this outward communion with the saints ( for what have dogs to do with holy things , or swine with pearls ? ) and it were a great comfort to the godly if none but such as are like unto themselves , had fellowship with them at this feast ; our love , zeal , and devotion is more enlivened in this action by our mutual prayers , when with one minde and heart we joyn together , yet it should not wholly discourage us from coming to this sacred feast ( though wicked persons be there present ) if we our selves be duly prepared . for though we would not willingly eat with slovenly persons , nor permit them to put their unclean hands into our dish , yet if we have a good appetite and cannot help it , we will rather admit such inconvenience then for want of food pine with hunger . theodosius the emperour being a man guilty of rash effusion of bloud , coming upon a sabbath-day to the place of publick worship , would have received the sacrament : ambrose seeing him coming , goes and meets him at the door , and speaks thus to him , how dare those bloudy hands of yours lay hold on the body and bloud of christ , who have been the shedders of so much innocent bloud ? which speech did so startle him that he went away and was humbled for his sinne , and afterwards came and made his publick confession , and then was received in . whence we may see that kings , yea emperours have been kept back from the sacrament . * the canons of our church ( can. . ) straitly charge every minister , that he shall not in any wise admit to the communion any of his flock which are openly known to live in notorious sin without repentance . whether iudas received the sacrament of the lords supper ? m. gillespie in his aarons rod blos●oming , chap. . holds he did not , and chap. . questions , whether he received the sacrament of the passeover that night in which our lord was betrayed : and chap. . saith , if it could be proved that iudas received the lords supper , it maketh nothing against the suspension of known wicked persons from the sacrament . one saith , the evidence of this fact hath ever appeared so fully to the church , that this alone hath been ground sufficient to deduce their right of free admission . d. drake in his barre to free admission to the sacrament , pag. , . urgeth reasons that iudas did not receive the sacrament , and saith , that it makes nothing for free admission if he did . m. selden de synedriis veterum ebraeorum cap. . saith , seriò perpendatur , judam ipsum , furem , proditorem , scelestissimum , hisque nominibus satis notum & publicè peccantem in ipsa institutione cum reliquis undecim , sacramenti eucharistiae , juxta plerosque & veterum & recentiorum , participem fuisse , nec omninò ea interdictum . he hath much more there out of divers ancient and modern writers to confirm that opinion . at what time the lords supper was instituted : christ instituted it at night , because occasion so required : we have not the like occasion , therefore are not bound unto it . in trajans and tertullians time christians did celebrate the sacrament before day , * tempore antelucano , because of persecution they durst not receive it in the day time ; in st augustines time , tempore antemeridiano , so now . it behoved that christ should suffer at the time of the passeover , to shew himself the true passeover , cor. . . and immediately after the eating of the last passeover should institute this sacrament , to shew that now he abrogated the jewish ordinance , and did appoint this in stead of it . a fair intimation that baptism follows in the room of circumcision , as the lords supper doth the passeover . the consideration of this circumstance should be of great force to make us respect and reverence the sacrament , seeing christ instituted it then when he was about to depart out of this life , and to suffer death for us : we usually remember the words of a dying friend . the elements of the eucharist : they are two , not only differing in number , but also in their kinde , bread and wine , the first of which is solid and belongs to meat , the later liquid and serves for drink . the body is sufficiently nourished if it have bread and drink . christ cals himself both , iohn . . bread because it strengtheneth the body is therefore called christs body , and wine because it turneth into bloud , is therefore called christs bloud . isidor . these two creatures are , . of ordinary use , not rare , gotten in every countrey . . such creatures as god of old made representations of his grace , isa. . . and . . . they are creatures best in their kinde , of all things we eat , bread is most nourishing and universally necessary for all kinde of bodies , panis à pascendo , and wine of all drinks . cor. . . we are all one body , in as much as we are partakers of one bread . the analogy standeth thus , as many grains of corn make one loaf of bread , and many grapes make one measure of wine in the cup : so , many christians partaking faithfully of this sacrament become one mystical body of christ by the union of faith and love . the lord hath appointed those elements to shew that men should come with an appetite and thirsting , to receive the sacrament in ancient times was as much as desiderare , è cujus manu desideravit . in baptism we have one sign as the material part , in the supper we have two signs , partly to note out our whole , full , and perfect nourishment in christ , having whatsoever is requisite for our salvation ; and partly to shew a fuller remembrance of his death , for the wine which is a figure of his bloud , doth as it were represent it before our eyes . attersol of the sacr. l. c. . vide aquin. sum parte . quaest. . art. . there are two representing signs in the sacrament of the lords supper : . that we might know tha●●● christ w● have whole and perfect spiritual nourishment , and whatsoever is ●●q●isite to ●al●●●ion . . for a more ●●vely representation of christ his death and p●ssion , in which his bloud was separated from his body . these elements are to be administred in both kindes severally ; christ at his last supper delivered first bread by it self , and then wine , and not bread and wine together in a sop , or bread dipt in wine . in the sop the wine is not d●un● but eaten . of receiving the sacrament in both kindes , bread and wine . the communion was instituted by christ in both kindes , as three evangelists shew mark . . & luke . . matth. . . it was administred by the apostles in both kindes , cor. . , . & . . it was received in the ancient church for the space of fourteen hundred years in both kindes , as it is confessed by their own councel of constance , and that of trent also . this was constantly practised in the church for divers hundred years , untill the councel of constance in the year of the lord . some northern councels there are ( saith bellarmine tom. . de sacr. eccles. l. . c. . ) where wine is not to be had , therefore for uniformity sake the church thought fit that every where the sacrament should be administred but in one kinde . although there be not wine or wheat in some countreys , yet it may easily be carried to all , as much as sufficeth for the use of this sacrament . aquinas part . . quaest. . art. . object . some ( saith bellarmine ) are abstemious and abhorre wine , they cannot endure it , and it may offend sickly persons . answ. extraordinary cases must not justle out ordinary laws and custom , vinum in modica quantitate sumptum non potest multum aegrotanti nocere . wine moderately taken cannot much hurt the sick . aquin ubi supra . object . whosoever shall eat this bread or drink this cup unworthily , shall be guilty of the body and bloud of christ , the conjunction or ( say they ) doth so dis-joyn both kindes , that it is free to take one without the other . answ. if this be true , then it shall be lawful also to take the cup without the bread , that disjunctive is put not for that it is lawful to take one kinde and omit the other , but that greater caution may be used , and he spake of both severally , because irreverence may be used in both signs , and to shew that it sufficieth not to carry our selves holily in part , unlesse we finish the whole action holily , otherwise in the same place bread and wine are joyned together eight times . object . act. . . & . . answ. suppose the bread of the lords table be there meant , yet it is a synecdoche whereby the part is put for the whole , otherwise you may as well say they had no thanksgiving , because luke maketh only mention of prayers , as to say they had not the cup , because mention is made only of bread , vers . ▪ speaking of the common table ( from the similitude whereof the lords table is taken ) he useth the same phrase of breaking of bread without making mention of any drink , he saith breaking bread they took bread , which can hardly be said of the lords supper . christ as fore-seeing the sacriledge of the papists commandeth all , not to eat of the bread , but to drink of the cup , matth. . . mark . . cor. . . and mark saith , they all drank of it . certainly i perswade my self , that our saviour expressed the note of universality , viz. in delivering the cup to all , saying , drink you all of this : and not so in giving the bread , of set purpose , to prevent that abuse which the romish church of late hath brought , by taking away the cup. as in like manner the apostle saith of marriage , it is honourable in , or amongst all men , heb. . . and he saith not so of virginity or single life , although it be honourable , because the holy ghost foresaw , that some hereticks would deny marriage to be honourable amongst all , and prohibit it to some , viz ▪ the clergy . which two texts of scripture the romanists leudly pervert , and ridiculously contradict themselves in the interpretation of them , extending all to the laity in the one , and excluding the clergy ; and extending all to the clergy in the other , and excluding the ●aity : marriage is honourable among all , say they , that is , all , save priests . drink you all of this , that is , all , save the people . doctor featleys grand sacriledge of the church of rome , ch . . drink you all of this , saith the author of the sacrament : he saith not expresly , eat you all of this ; as foreseeing that impiety , which in time humane presumption should bring in upon and against his own institution , fulfilled in the church of rome at this day . b. mountag . answ. to the gagger of protest . sect. . the papists say , that the universal particle all belongs to the twelve apostles , who were priests , say they , and alone present at the institution of this first supper , and therefore it belongs only to priests , not lay-men , and they receive the bloud with the body ratione concomitantiae . by this reason they may as well take away the bread from the people . the apostles in the first supper did not represent the order of priests , but the whole church of communicants , and christ administred the sacrament to them not as apostles , but as disciples , therefore paul extends this particle all , to all the christians in the church of corinth , and to men of all order , condition , state and sex , cor. . , , , , . the sacrament represents christs death and his bloud shed out of his veins , matth. . , . that helena of concomitancy , which the lutherans also admit , ( as we may see in * gerhard ) doth abound with so many absurdities , and was so unknown to antiquity , that it is a wonder that judicious men will defend it , only that they may maintain their figments of consubstantiation and transubstantiation . this argument from concomitancy proveth as well that they may drink the wine only , and not receive the bread . . though christ wholly be sealed to us in the use of the bread really , yet not wholly sacramentally . vide p●cher . de missa cap. . object . bellarmine de eucharist l. . c. . saith , there is a plain difference between the bread and cup , for cor. . he saith of the bread absolutely do this , but of the cup conditionally , as oft as ye do it , therefore those words do not signifie that the cup should alwayes be given when the sacrament is administred , but they only prescribe the manner , that if it be so , then it should be done in memory of christs passion . answ. but this is a most frivolous cavil , for the words do both command the thing , and also shew the end of doing it . in the verse immediately following the apostle hath those words , speaking as well of the bread as cup. as often as ye eat of this bread and drink of this cup. therefore there is one and the same reason of both , the bread and the cup. we must take and eat the one , and take and drink the other , and whensoever we do so we must do it in remembrance of christs death . object . more irreverence will be shewed to the sacrament by spilling of it , to which in a great multitude of communicants the wine must needs be subject to . answ. reverence due to the sacrament consists in a religious partaking of it , not in a necessary abstinence from one of the elements . the papists have cut out their sacrament according to the measure of their doctrine , for as they teach christ to be but half a saviour , by making their works joynt-purchases of their salvation with him , so they minister half a sacrament of salvation . cartw. against the rhem. on iohn . our practice and profession is the receiving the communion in both kindes : for which i joyn issue with all papists living ; that it is the prime , original institution of our saviour , which giveth birth and being to a sacrament ; that it is sacriledge to alter it therefrom ; that it was never otherwise used in the church of god , for above two thousand years after christ. let all the papists living prove the contrary , and i will subscribe to all popery . b. mountag . answer to the gagger of protest . sect. . this was the custom in all the fathers times , as i could deduce almost out of every one . this is every where the custom in all the world unto this day , but in the romane exorbitant church , as cassander saith ; and was not quite abolished in that church till about thirteen hundred years after christ , and by much art , colluding and fine forgery , was retained from being cast out of that church in the late conventicle of trent , only kept in for a faction , but mightily opposed by learned , honest and conscionable catholicks . id. ibid. first , if none may drink of the consecrate wine but the priests , then none should eat of the bread but priests , for to whom christ said , take and eat , to those he gave the cup , and said , drink ye : the signs being both equal , all communicants must drink of the one , as well as eat of the other , there being the same warrant for the one that there is for the other . secondly , the cup is a part of christs will and testament , galat. . . hebr. . , . the dead mans will may not be changed . the lords supper is a sacrament proper to the new testament , luke . . thirdly , the bloud of christ shed upon the crosse belongeth not onely to the pastors and teachers , but to all the faithfull that come to the table of the lord , matth. . . luke . . why then should the cup of the lord be barred from them ? fourthly , all the faithful that come to the lords table must shew forth his death untill be come , and this is done by them as well by drinking of the cup as by eating of the bread , therefore all the communicants must receive the sacrament under both kinds . to which these reasons may be added : . from the institution , for christ commanded them to drink the wine as well as to eat the bread , therefore this is a violation of gods command . . the apostle bids every one to try themselves , and so to eat of that bread and drink of that wine , so they did not only eat and drink then , but they were commanded so to do . . to celebrate the sacrament otherwise , is to make void christs two main ends in appointing the sacrament , . to represent his death and bloud shed out of the veins . . to shew that christ is full nourishment to the soul , as bread and drink to the body . the bread and wine being the matter of the sacrament may not be changed in the lords supper . reasons . . the institution of the supper , and the example of christ himself , whom the church is to imitate and follow , cor. . . . no other signs are so significant and effectual as these are for this purpose , to strengthen and comfort them that are in trouble and almost in the present estate of death , psal. . , . prov. . . . the matter and form of every thing do constitute its essence : so it is in the sacraments , where the signes are the matter , and the words of institution the form . . if the bread and wine might be changed in the supper , and yet the sacrament in substance remain : then in like manner , water in baptism might be changed , and yet be true baptism : but the minister cannot baptize with any other liquour or element , then with water , as the matter of that sacrament . . if we grant a change in the signs at the pleasure of men , why may we not also change other parts of the sacrament ? why may we not in stead of the minister appointed o● god and called by the church , admit private persons , and receive other alterations inforced upon the church by the papists ? bucan institut . loc . . beza epist. . think , that where there is no store of bread and plenty of wine sufficient for this purpose , some other thing may be taken in stead of them . thus it may come to passe ( saith attersol ) that we shall have nothing which christ commanded and sanctified by his example , and yet boast that we have his supper , and do that which he appointed . for whereas we make four outward parts of this sacrament , the minister , the word , the signs and the receiver : there are which hold there is no necessity of the minister : others , that there is no necessity of the words of institution : others , that there is no necessity of the signs : others , that there is no necessity of the receiver : so if we once admit any alteration in any of the parts , we open a gap to all innovation , and being in great uncertainty in the sacraments . whether the breaking of the bread be an indifferent ceremony . some make the breaking of the bread to be simply necessary , and an essential part of the supper , so that without it there can be no sacrament . . because the sacrament is called the breaking of bread , and this breaking of bread is said to be the communion of the body of christ , ● cor . . . others make this breaking to be meerly indifferent and not necessary ▪ accidental , and not of the substance . . others * hold a middle way between both extreams , that it is necessary , yet not as an essential but an integral part . the ceremony of breaking bread was continually observed by christs first institution , by the practice of the apostles , by the ancient and universal custom of the whole church of christ , as well greek as latine . this act of breaking of bread is such a principal act , that the whole celebration of this sacrament hath had from thence this appellation given to it by the apostles to be called breaking of bread ; it is also a symbolicall ceremony betokening the crucifying of christs body upon the crosse , corinth . . . but the papists yet doe not break it but g●ve it whole , and this they pretend to doe for reverence sake , least some crums of bread should fall to the ground . three evangelists mention the breaking of the bread . it is not material whether the bread be broken or cut , but it is more probable that christ broke it from the custom of the jews , saith vossius : but balduinus the lutheran a saith , they receive a perfect sacrament who intermit this fraction in the use of the supper , because christ broke the bread that he might distribute it , therefore say gerhard b and he , perinde est , sive in ipsa actione coenae , sive antea ●rangatur . balduin quotes beza , aretius , zanchius to that purpose , to shew that ●raction may be omitted in the very act of the supper . but zanchy in an epistle to a noble man hath this passage . the bread is to be broken before the people after the example of christ , the apostles and all the ancient church , and also to expresse the mystery of the passion and death of christ which are lively represented by that action . the breaking of the bread signifies : . how we should be broken in humiliation for our sins , and the pouring out of the wine , how our bloud and life should be shed and poured out for our sins , if we had that we deserve . . they represent unto us how the body of christ was broken , and his bloud poured out for our sins . m. perkins . not the palatine , the french or english churches have lately invented or brought in the breaking of the bread , but the whole apostolical , ancient church above years ago , and since that time have used it according to christs command , do this . paraeus de ritu fractionis in s ▪ eucharistia . c. . see his th chapter , where he shews how frivolous that argument is , frangere , hebraica phrasi nihil aliud est , quàm distribuere , and gives this rule , where ever in scripture the word break concerning bread is put alone , it is an hebraism , and signifies to distribute , because the hebrews above other nations used not to cut bread with a knife , but to break it with their hands , when they took it themselves , or gave it to others to take , but when the word ●ive is expresly added to it , it signifieth the true breaking or dividing of the whole bread into parts , as matth. . . mark . . luke . . matth. . . mark . . and in the institution of the supper , mat. . . mark . . luk. . . it is not necessarily required , that the lords supper be administred in unleavened bread . for bread is often times named and repeated : but the word ( unleavened ) is never added . wherefore as it is in it self indifferent whether the wine be red or white , and whatsoever the kinde or colour be ( if it be wine : ) so it is not greatly material whether the bread be leavened or unleavened , so it be bread . attersol of the sac. l. . c. . the papists pretend the institution of christ , who ( say they ) made the sacrament of unleavened bread , instituting it after he had eaten the passeover , which was to be eaten with unleavened bread , according to the law of moses , neither was there any leaven to be found in israel seven dayes together . we deny not ( saith attersol a ) but christ m●ght use unleavened bread at his last supper , having immediately before eaten the paschal lamb , yet no such thing is expressed in the gospel . the evangelists teach , he took bread : but make no mention or distinction what bread b he took , nor determine what bread we should take , no more then limit what wine we shall use , but leave it at liberty to take leavened bread or unleavened , as occasion of time , place , persons , and other circumstances serve , so we take bread . if christ on this occasion used unleavened bread : it was because it was usual , common and ordinary bread at that time , as we also should use that bread which is common . it is therefore no breach of christs ordinance , nor a transgression of the first original institution of the lords supper , to eat either the one or the other . the papists give a mystical reason why the bread must be unleavened , because hereby is signified our sincerity , but this is ridiculous , for if unleavened bread because it is unmixed must signifie my sincerity , then the wine because it is mingled with water must signifie my duplicity and hypocrisie . whether it be leavened or unleavened bread , we will not strive , but take that which the church shall according to the circumstance of the times and persons ordain , yet this we dare boldly say , that in the use of leavened bread we come nearer to the imitation of christs action then those which take unleavened . for our saviour took the bread that was usual and at hand , there being only unleavened bread at the feast of the passeover , and no other to be gotten . we therefore taking the bread which is in ordinary use , and causing no extraordinary bread to be made for the nonce , are found to tread more nearly in the steps of our saviour christ. therefore ( unlesse you will renew the jewish passeover of banishing all leaven at the time of the holy communion ) your precise imitation of unleavened bread is but apish a . although azymes were used by christ , it being then the paschal feast , yet was this occasioned also by reason of the same feast which was prescribed to the jews : protestants and papists both grant it not to be of the essence of the sacrament that it be unleavened , but in its own nature indifferent b . when the ebionites taught unleavened bread to be necessary , the church commanded consecration to be made in leavened bread . the grecians use leavened bread , the papists unleavened , and that made up in such wafer-cakes that it cannot represent spiritual nourishment . we hold either indifferent , because in the institution we reade of bread without commanding leavened or unleavened . de panis qualitate nos non contendimus , si modo verus sit & solidus panis ; quod de hostia papistarum , vix potest affirmari . ames . bell. enerv. tom. . disp. . cassander himself complaineth that the papists bread is of such extream thinnesse and lightnesse , that it may seem unworthy the name of bread . whereas christ used solid and tough bread which was to be broken with the hands , or cut with the knife . the custome of the christian church by the space of above a thousand years , was to put upon the sacred table , after christs and the apostles example , a solid loaf which was broken into pieces among the communicants : for all the people did communicate . now this quantity of bread is reduced into round and light wafers , in the form of a peny , whereof they give this mystical reason , because that christ was sold for thirty pence , and because that a peny is given for a hire unto those that have wrought in the vineyard , matth. . . upon these hostes they have put the image of a crucifix . pet. du moulin of the masse , lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . the use of the wafer-cake is defended by the papists and some lutherans , as gerh. loc . commun . tom. . de sacra coena , c. . but christ used it not whose action is our instruction , and also there is no analogy , or a very obscure one between the sign and thing signified . whether it be necessary to mingle water with the eucharistical wine . aquinas * saith , water ought to be mingled with wine , but it is not de necessitate hujus sacramenti . some papists for mingling water with wine pretend the antiquity of councels and fathers : but we say , . there is no such thing in the institution . . the authority of these is not divine but meerly humane . . it was an ancient custom in tertullians time to give milk and honey in baptism to the infant , yet the papists themselves do not keep it : so that unlesse we had christs institution we cannot do it , especially knowing that it is dangerous to add to any essential part of the sacrament such as the wine is . but then they are most ridiculous , when they will make a mystical signification in this , that the union of the water with the wine must signifie the union of the people ( which is denoted by waters , revel . . ) with christ ; thus bellarmine . but it signifies not this union either naturally , for then it would signifie so in common feasts : nor by divine institution , for then then the scripture would have delivered it . besides rev. . great waters ( not a few drops ) signifie the people , and that not of believers , but heathens , and if it signifie the communion of the people with christ , why do they deny it them ? the drink then used being called the fruit of the vine , matth. . . it is evident that there was no mixture of water , for then it had not been the fruit of the vine , but another drink compounded of water and wine . some say this reason is not of force , for he that drinks vinum dilutum ; drinks the fruit of the grape as well as he that drinks merum . and therefore that our saviour christ and his apostles ever mingled water with wine in the sacramental cup , cannot be shewed by any testimony out of the word of god. as for the water gushing forth with the bloud out of our saviour christ , it is frivolous : the wine in the cup is not a sacrament of the bloud of christ which was shed after that he was slain , but of the bloud which he shed before his death . this was an ancient custom , iustin martyr makes mention of it , and cyprian pleads for it , yet iansenius doth ingeniously confesse that there are evident testimonies of scripture for wine , but none for water , though bellarmine * impudently affirm , that there is as much proof for the one as the other , viz. tradition for both , scriptures for neither , and labours violently to wrest the plain places another way , yet at length he doth not deny , but it is calix domini , though there be no water in it , and he tels us that the greater part of divines hold , that water is not de necessitate sacramenti . iansenius saith , it appears by scripture , though not expresly , yet implicitely , that there was water in the cup which christ consecrated , because there was wine in it , and in those hot countreys they used not to drink meer wine , but allayed with water , this is an uncertain conjecture . the beginning of it was lawful , because there were in the church that could not beat the strength of the wines , especially in the east and south countreys where the wines are strong . the christians in the primitive church had a custom of mixing water with the wine ( as there came water and bloud out of christs side ) which how ever it might have a natural reason because of the heat of the countrey to correct the heat of the wine with water , yet it was by them used for a mystical sense to expresse the mixture ( whereof this sacrament is an effectual instrument ) of all the people who have faith to receive it with christs bloud , water being by the holy ghost interpreted for people and nations . the aquarii used onely water in the eucharist in pretence of sobriety which cyprian confuted onely upon this ground , viz. that this practice was not warranted by the institution of christ , wherein christ ordained wine and not water only . in the scripture we finde the fruit of the vine , but not water , therefore we account not that to be of any necessity in the celebration of the lords supper . in the primitive church water was used first of sobriety , then of ceremony , at length it grew to be counted of necessity . dr fulk against martin . of the consecration of the elements . christs actions in the administration of the sacrament were four : first , he took bread into his hand , and so likewise wine , which signifies the purpose of god decreeing to give jesus christ in the flesh to work out our redemption . secondly , christ blessed it , and gave thanks , and sanctified it to that use by his own prayer to god , which as it is effective to make the elements now fit for a spiritual use , so it is significative representing the action of god , wherein he fitted christs manhood in the fulnesse of his spirit and power , to work out our redemption . thirdly , he brake the bread , which signifies the action of god satisfying his justice in christs manhood for the sins of all the elect by breaking him in the garden , and on the crosse especially , besides other sufferings throughout his life , and by rending his soul and body asunder . fourthly , christ gave it to every one , signifying that god doth offer particularly to every one , and give to the elect the body and bloud of christ , with the merit of . it , and power of the same to blot out their sins , and free them more and more from the same . the text saith of the bread , he blessed it , and of the cup , when he had given thanks . by the which word blessing he implieth a consecration of this sacrament . the papists attribute it to the repetition of these words , hoc est enim corpus meum , for this is my body , for this is my bloud . hence they call them verba operatoria , and say , there is such a power and operation in them , that by them the bread is turned into the body of christ. the elements of which the sacrament is composed are natural , the things having nothing of themselves whereby they may be sacraments , and therefore an institution is necessary , whereby they may be made what they are not . now we say this is done by reciting the institution of christ , and by prayer . the papists order that the priest should reade all the other words with a loud voice , yet when he comes to this , for this is my body , he speaks it secretly , so that none can hear him , and this is one of their reasons , because christ prayed alone , what is this to the consecration ? did he so at the sacrament time ? . the minister or priest speaks it secretly , because if he speak aloud , he cannot be so intent to what is said ; why then do they command such loud noise by their organs in singing ? how can they be attentive then ? . least that form of words should be vilified , why not then in baptism ? it is most expedient , . for the receiver to receive the bread and cup into his hand : this custome ( saith vossius ) was long in the ancient church . it is unseemly to have the bread put , or the wine poured into the mouth by the minister ; this custom came from a superstitious worshipping of the signs . . the receiver must eat the bread and drink the wine , which signifies the particular applying of jesus christ with all the benefits of his mediation to ones own soul. whether christ be corporally present with the symboles in the eucharist ? corpore de christi lis est , de sanguine lis est . lis est de modo , non habitura modum . christ is ascended into heaven , and he is contained there , acts . . till he come to judgement , therefore he is not there under the shape of bread and wine . see matth. . . iohn . . acts . . . all the circumstances about the first institution of the sacrament do declare that christ was not bodily there , especially christ eating and drinking of it himself , which cloppenburg a , peter du moulin b and d. featley c hold , urging matth. . . & mark . . for that purpose . those words ( say they ) necessarily imply , that before he uttered them he had drunk of the cup which he gave to them . aquinas d also holds this , and the fathers likewise , saith peter du moulin . the nature of the action ( saith peter du moulin in the place last quoted ) required that christ should communicate to shew the communion he had with us , as also he did partake of our baptism , matth. . . from whence cometh the custome of the church , that the pastor first communicates , and the people afterwards . when the publick authority of this land were for the papists , subscription was not urged upon such violent and bloudy terms unto any articles of their religion , as unto that of the real presence . d. iack. epist. to the read. for the same christ was not visibly at the table and spake , and yet invisibly under the bread and wine , he did not eat and drink himself . the end of the sacrament is a remembrance of christs death , do this in remembrance of me , and you shew forth his death till he come . now how can there be any remembring of him when he is present . his corporal presence and eating is made unprofitable , iohn ▪ . though christ said , his flesh was meat indeed , yet he did not mean that it should be eaten and and drunk corporally : the flesh profiteth nothing , but his words are spirit and life . our union and conjunction with christ is inward and spiritual , which consists in faith and love ; it is true we are united to his body , but not after a bodily manner . it is against reason and sense : we believe christ to be present spiritually in the hearts of the communicants , sacramentally in the elements , but not corporally . real is , . opposed to that which is imaginary , and importeth as much as truely . . to that which is meerly figurative and barely representative , and importeth as much as effectually . . to that which is spiritual , and importeth as much as corporally or materially . the presence of christ in the sacrament is reall in the two former acceptions of real , but not in the last , for he is truly there present and effectually , though not carnally or locally . doctor featleys transubstantiation exploded . really and corporally are not all one , that which is spiritually present is really present , unlesse we will say that a spirit is nothing . the bloud of christ is really present in baptism to the washing away of sinne . christ is really present to the faith of every true believer , even out of the sacrament . downs defence against the reply of m. n. we deny that christ is so present in the sacrament under the forms of bread and wine , as that whosoever receive the sacrament , do truely receive christ himself . the papists say , christs natural body is present ; we , that the merit and vertue of his body broken upon the cross and of his bloud shed upon the cross is present to the believing soul in the sacrament . the body of the sun is in heaven in its sphere locally and circumscriptively , but the beams are on the earth . and when the sun beams shine into our house , we say , here 's the sun , though it be the beams not the body of the sun. so the scripture saith of the sacrament , this is my body , christ ascended up into heaven : as for that exception , he is visibly in heaven , but invisibly here , it answereth not those testimonies which prove he is so there that he is not here , mat. . . q. d. he could not be in both places at once , an angelical argument . aquinas saith , it is not possible by any miracle , that the body of christ should be locally in many places at once , because it includeth a contradiction by making it not one , for one is that which is not divided from it self . it is impossible ( say the papists ) according to the course of nature , but not absolutely impossible , by divine miracle it may be . consubstantiation overthroweth the grounds , . of reason , the body of one and the same man cannot be present in many places all together , but must needs remain in some definite and certain place . . religion , because christ was taken up into heaven , there to abide till the end of the world . it was above a hundred years before transubstantiation . they did adore christ as co-existent with the bread which perhaps gave occasion to averroes to say , that christians did adore their god and then eat him . averroes his resolution was , quandoquidem christiani adorant quod comedunt , sit anima mea cum philosophis . the quarrel between luther and zuinglius was about christs presence in the sacrament , which luther held to be by way of consubstantiation , which how it could be unlesse the body of christ were every where , zuinglius and others could not conceive . luther being pressed therewith , he and his followers not being able ▪ to avoid it , maintained that also . but how ? by reason of the hypostatical union and conjunction thereof with the word . for the word being every where , and the humane nature being no where severed from it , how can it be , say they , but every where ? the humanity of christ according to its essence or natural being is contained in one place , but according to its subsistence or personal being may rightly be said to be every where . zanch. misc. iud. de dissid . coen . dom. and d. field , lib. . c . of the church . the papists constant doctrine is , that in worshipping the sacrament they should give unto it , latriae cultum qui vero deo debetur , as the councell of trent hath determined , that kinde of service which is due to the true god , determining their worship in that very thing which the priest doth hold betwixt his hands . this is artolatry , an idolatrous worship of the bread , because they ado●e the host even as the very person of the sonne of god. it is true , they conceive it not bread , but the body of christ , yet that doth not free them from bread-worship , for then if the heathen did take his stone to be a god it did free him from idolatry . hence , saith a * jesuite , if the bread be not turned into the body of christ , we are the greatest and worst idolaters that ever were , as upon my soul , saith he , it is not . adoration is not commanded in the institution of it . . nothing is to be worshipt with divine worship but god. of transubstantiation . the word transubstantiation ( as the papists grant ) was not used of any ancient fathers , and it was not so named among them before the councel of laterane , which was years after . vocabulum ante concilium lateranense inauditum . the jesuites ( which call protestants in scorn tropists , because they defend a tropical and figurative sense in that speech of christ , this is my body ) are yet themselves constrained to acknowledge six tropes in the other words of christs institution of this sacrament , a figure in the word bread , another in eat , a third in given , a fourth in shed , a fifth in cup , a sixth in testament . b. morton of the masse , lib. . cap. . sect. . the papists to avoid one signe runne into many strange ones ; by the demonstrative hoc , they understand they know not what , neither this body nor this bread , but an individuum vagum , something contained under the accidents of bread , which when the priest saith hoc , it is bread , but when he hath muttered out meum , it is christs body . by the copulative est , is , they understand either shall be as soon as the words are spoken , or is converted unto , or by body , they understand such a body as indeed is no body , without extension of place , without faculty , sense or motion . the very term matth. . . manifestly evinceth the truth . this , what ? that which he took , viz. bread , therefore it must needs be a figurative speech , cor. . . the apostle speaking of the bread being consecrated , still calleth it * bread , six times at least . he calleth it indeed the bread , and this bread , to shew the difference of it from other bread , and the excellency of it above other bread , but yet bread . therefore it is still bread of the same substance as other bread is , though in respect of use incomparably better . and so for the wine matth. . . after consecration , he saith , i will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the vine . he doth not say in general , of the fruit of the vine , but particularly with a demonstrative pronoun , of this fruit of the vine , viz. that which he had blest and delivered to the apostles . transubstantiation was first occasioned by the unwary speeches * of damascene and theophylact , they were hyperbolical in their expressions about the real presence of christ in the sacrament . some of the ancient fathers speaking of the sacramental elements after consecration , being then set apart from common use , called it a mutation , saying that the elements were changed into another nature , but withall they expresse their meaning to be , not the changing of their substance , but their use , from being common bread and wine to become sacramental or sacred . cor. . . the apostle distinguisheth these four things , bread , body , cup and bloud , the bread and wine therefore receive no other change , but that of use , signification and relation , cor. . . he distinguisheth also bread from the body , bread is the subject of the proposition , and the communion of his body the predicate . reasons against transubstantiation : first , then christ must hold himself in his own hands , eat and drink his own flesh and bloud , for the papists say , he did eat the sacrament with his disciples . secondly , christ must needs have two bodies , the one broken and having the bloud separated from it in the cup , the other whole and having the bloud in it which holds the cup. thirdly , christs bloud then should be shed before his crucifying , and so a propitiatory sacrifice offered to god before the sacrifice of christ upon the crosse. fourthly , one body should be now in a thousand places at a time . fifthly , a true body should be without bignesse , void of all dimensions . corpus non quantum . sixthly , accidents should be without a subject , but aristotle saith , accidents are entis rather then entia . accident is esse est inesse , the very essence of an accident as it is an accident , is to be in some subject . vide aquin. a ; ae . quaest . artic. . seventhly , the same thing should be and not be at the same time , or should be before it was . eightly , this is an inhumane thing , none eat mans flesh but cannibals . ninthly , then the senses should be deceived , we see bread , we smell bread , we touch bread , and taste bread . tenthly , there is no alteration in the sign of baptism , and there is the same use of the sign of the lords supper . matth. . iesus took bread , and blessed , and brake it , and gave it to his disciples , and said , take , eat , this is my body . what our saviour took , that he blessed ; what he blessed that he brake ; what he brake , he delivered to the disciples ; what he delivered to them , of that he said , this is my body . but it was bread that he took , the evangelist so saith , and bread therefore that he blessed , bread that he brake , bread that he delivered , and bread consequently of which he said , this is my body . the universal custom of the scripture in all places where like kinde of speaking is used , plainly leades us to a figure , see cor. . . the hebrews wanting a proper word to set forth that which we mean by signifying , do ever in stead of that use the word is . when ioseph had heard pharaohs dream , he saith , the seven years of good corn are seven years of plenty , and the seven thin ears seven years of dearth , gen. . , . so the seven fat kine are seven years , that is , by way of signification and representation . so ezek. . . & dan. . . & . . whence it comes that in the new testament where the manner of speaking by the hebrews is imitated , the word is in matter of signs , is used for the word signifie . so in the parable , that which is sowed upon stony ground is he that heareth , and after . the seed is the word , luk. . . the reapers , the angels , so , i am the vine , revel . . . the ten kings are ten horns . hagar is mount sinai in arabia . . the apostle paul clearly goes before us in this interpretation , for he saith , the bread which we break is the communion of the body of christ , because it was appointed for a certain means of making us partakers of his body . our saviour said long before , viz. john . . that the flesh profiteth nothing , that is , the flesh by eating of it profits nothing , for in no other sense can it be said to profit nothing . see cor. . , . their legend tels us , that some boyes getting by heart , and pronouncing the words of consecration , hoc est corpus meum , turned all the bakers bread in the street into flesh . in the book of the conformities of st francis there is a miracle recorded for transubstantiation ; that on a time prier francis saying masse , did finde a spider in the chalice , which he would not cast out , but drink it up with the bloud . afterward rubbing his thigh and scratching where it itched , the spider came whole out of his thigh without any harm to either . it is a spiritual eating because it is wrought by the aid of the holy ghost , and this mystery is perceived by faith , which the spirit of god works in our mindes , and this excellent nourishment belongs to a spiritual and eternal life . sadeel de spirit , manducat . corporis christi . c. . a conjunction includes a presence , and as the conjunction between christ and us is spiritual , so also is his presence . of the keeping of the eucharist . we grant that in antiquity there was a custom of breaking of some pieces of bread which was blest , and sending of it home to some that were sick , or to other parishes as a testimony of communion , but this is nothing to that reservation of it in the pix , and to carry it up and down for adoration . now we say contrary , that the sacraments are no longer then the meer use of them , that they are not absolute and permanent things , but relative and transient . now that all such reservation is unlawful , appeareth . by the expresse precept even for the eating as well as the taking of it , so that if it be not taken it is no sacrament . . a promise is not to be separated from the precept , now the sacramental promise is only to the bread in the use of it , take , eat , this is my body , that is , this bread so blest , so distributed , so eaten . . the bread is called a body in reference to us , now as a stone which is a bound-mark , removed remaineth a stone , but ceaseth to be a bound-mark : so here . . as the water in baptism is not an actual sacrament till sprinkled ; so neither bread and wine unlesse used . the reserving of the eucharist which the primitive christians used for the benefit of those who either by sicknesse or persecutions were withheld from the meetings of the christians ( as in those dayes saith iustin martyr many were ) is by the papists now turned into an idolatrous circumgestation , that at the sight of the bread the people might direct unto it the worship that is due only to the person whose passion it represents . of the circumgestation of the sacrament , and the popish processions . for the solemn circumgestation of this sacrament , cassander hath confessed , that seeing it is but a late invention , it may well be omitted without any detriment unto the church , yea with emolument . some among our adversaries have noted these pompous processions to have proceeded from an imitation of heathenish rites and ceremonies , and to be most ridiculous and sotish as they use them . the ancient fathers concealed heretofore , as carefully as they could , the matter and the rites used in the celebration of the holy sacrament , the papists shew it now openly , and carry it publickly abroad every day through the streets , and sometimes also go in solemn procession with it : which custom of theirs is of very late standing among christians , and heretofore would have been accounted rather prophane and unlawful . daille of the right use of the fathers , l. . c. . chap. x. of the masse . the papists call the lords supper by this name , which implies horrible idolatry . the fathers using of the word was the occasion of that dangerous errour , if we would keep out the errour we must likewise keep out the name . the very name of masse is against private masse , and quite overthrows it . for missa is as much as missio , or dimissio , à dimittendis catechumenis antequam sacrificium inchoaretur . it signifies as much as dimission or sending away of such out of the church , as were not prepared and fit to receive , before the sacrament began to be celebrated . probabilissima est bellarmino eorum sententia qui missam dici volunt à missione seu dimissione populi . d. prid. de missae sacrificio . rhenanus in tertul . l. . advers . marcion . picherellus and sadeel think it is a latine word , which signifies as much as missio , so remissa is used for remission both by tertullian and cyprian . chemnitius in parte secunda exam. derives it from the chaldaical signification of the word missa , for the sufficiency of the papists is from the masse . una & potissima quaestura regni pontificii est cauponatio & nundinatio privatarum missarum . chemnit . ubi supra , vide drus. in deut. . . some dispute hard to derive the word masse from an hebrew root , either gnasah to do , and sometimes to sacrifice , or from misbeach an altar ▪ others fetch it from mas a tribute . but the learned papists , as bellarmine and others , do wholly reject this , for this reason , if it had been an hebrew word , the apostles and grecians afterward would have retained it , as they have done amen , hallelujah , and hosanna , but they did not . dr taylor saith , the word is neither hebrew , greek nor latine , nor taken from any other language of any nation , but raked out of the bottomlesse pit without all signification , unlesse it agree with our english word ( masse ) that is , an heap , a lump , a chaos of blasphemies and abominations . the masse is like a beggars cloak patcht up with many pieces , whereof some were put in an one time , some at another : one pope puts in one patch , another another : and it was not fully patcht up as now it is , till twelve hundred years after christ. acts and monum . p. . christ hath ordained the holy communion in remembrance of himself . men do neither retain any remembrance of christ nor yet communion , but have changed all the whole matter into a gay shew , and almost a stage-play . paul saith , that christ hath once entred into the holy place , and hath with one only sacrifice , and with one oblation made perfect all things : men say , that they can sacrifice christ himself again every day in very deed , and that in infinite places . b. iewel on pet. . . for the thing it self . it is a work in which the priest in whispering over those five words , hoc est enim corpus meum , makes christ of the bread ( as the papists suppose ) and offers him to the father , as a sacrifice for the expiating of the sins of the living and the dead . first , as soon as he hath rehearsed the words of consecration , and by the uttering of them made his maker , as they conceive , he presently bowing his knees adores the host consecrated by him , and likewise the cup. after he hath worshipped it he riseth up , and turning from the people with great reverence , lifts up the host with both his hands over his head , and shews it to the peoples view , that they may worship it as christ himself , and in the like manner after also the cup. while the sacrament is elevated a little bell rings , by which as by a signe given , the people with great veneration worships the sacrament as christ himself . we acknowledge that in the sacrament there is a solemn praising of god which sometimes is called a sacrifice , as likewise that the believers did offer up charitable alms which sometimes is called a sacrifice , as likewise that there is a representation and commemoration of christ who was our sacrifice : but to hold that here by the priest is offered up again the body and bloud of christ though after an unbloudy manner , is a falshood , and many that swear by the masse know not the horrible impiety of it . they hold that the offering up of this to god is efficacious for the quick and dead , and those in purgatory . the fathers oft term the lords supper a sacrifice , partly in regard of the spiritual sacrifice therein offered ; and partly because it is a lively representation and commemoration of christs sacrifice once offered on the crosse ; and partly also because it succeedeth in the room of the passeover , and those other sacrifices that in the old testament were offered . but that they ever dreamed of any other sacrifice distinct from the sacrament , no papist shall ever be able to prove . m. gatak . of transub . p. . in sacrificiis offerimus , in sacramentis accipimus . beza . a sacrifice and a sacrament cannot stand together , for by a sacrifice something is offered to god , but by a sacrament something is received from god. therefore the paschal lamb was not a sacrifice , as the offering up of bullocks and lambs , but only a sacrament and sign of our redemption by christ , heb. . . there needs no other expiatory oblation , why should i offer then to expiate sin when it is expiated already ? the papists say , it is a sacrifice properly so called . the whole essence of a sacrifice depends upon the institution of christ , say suarez and salmeron , if any sacrifice had been instituted , it must have appeared by some word or act of christ , neither of which can be found , cor. . after the words , do this . paul , ver . . immediately expounds what was meant by doing , expressing the acts of doing , as often as you shall eat , which was spoken generally to all the faithful in corinth , not to the sacrificing priests . they prove it from virgils calf , cum faciam vitulâ pro frugibus ipse venito . see iansen concord . c. . p. . & rhemists on luke . . object . almost all things are by the law purged with bloud : and without shedding of bloud is no remission , heb. . . but in the sacrifice of the masse there is no effusion of bloud , therefore there is no remission made for sins , and by consequent it is not a propitiatory sacrifice . . nothing therein is properly sacrified , not the bread and wine , for they are transubstantiated ( say they ) before the sacrifice ; not christs body , for no living thing can properly be sacrificed unlesse it be slain , but christ being once dead dieth no more . . the papists say , it is an external sacrament , yet christ there appears to no sense , but is concealed under the accidents of bread and wine . . they say it is sacrificium incruentum , an unbloudy sacrifice , yet christs bloud is there truly and really shed and drunk by the communicants with the mouth . . it is a perfect and allsufficient sacrifice , yet they repeat it daily . propitiatory is either that which pacifieth the wrath of god , and pleaseth him by its own vertue and efficacy , which is only the sacrifice of christ in his own self , or else by gods gracious acceptance and indulgence , rom. . . heb. . . phil. . . heb. . & . the apostle from the iteration of sacrifices doth conclude the insufficiency of them , for if christ be offered again and again , he is an imperfect sacrifice , and we need something else . the apostle also in those chapters doth often inculcate the once offering and once oblation , by christ offering up of himself once , we are free from the guilt of our sins , heb. . . the entrance of christ into the heavens is compared with the old high-priests entrance into the holiest of holies , and therefore as none but the high priest might go in there , so none could offer this sacrifice but christ himself , and withall it implieth that to the perfection of christs sacrifice is required his continual appearing in heaven for us . malachy . . useth the word offering , which was properly a part of the service used in the church in his time to signifie the gospel-service which succeeds in the new testament , and to expresse it more particularly , he cals it a pure offering , no longer carnal and grosse , but wholly spiritual . irenaeus by the pure offering in mal. . . understandeth the eucharist now in use , and many of the ancients suppose it resembled in that action of melchisedech , gen. . . and they call it the christians sacrifice succeeding in the room of the jewish sacrifices ; the sacrifice , i say , of the eucharist , not their sacrifice of the masse . m. gatak . of transub . the pure prayers and worship of god that should be in all churches under the gospel , as tertullian , eusebius , ierom and augustine expound it . m. sh●p . reply to m. ball. vide grot. in loc . there was a controversie of late years fomented by some through popish compliances , that the lords supper might be stiled a sacrifice , the table an altar , which produced in the discussion of it ( as all controversies do in the issue some further truth ) the discovery of this true decision of it : that it was not a sacrifice , but a feast after and upon christs sacrificing of himself . participatio sacrificii , as tertullian cals it , a sacrificial fe●st commemorating and confirming all those ends for which the only true and proper sacrifice of christ was offered up . private massing , or the alone communicating of the priest , is not according . to the institution of christ , saying in the plural to them , drink ye all of this . . to the practice of the apostles , act. . . the councel of trent saith , we commend the priests communicating alone , which is as good as conferring or covenanting alone . the apostle cor. . . requires that every man first examine himself , and then eat , and he testifies vers . . that what he delivered he received also of the lord. and so we know that the lord himself gave unto all which were present with him , and suffered none only to be by and look on . . it is against the nature of the sacrament , for it is a spiritual feast . . it is against the name of the sacrament , for it is commonly called a communion , which name seems to be fetched from cor. . , . but what communion is there when one alone receiveth and not them which are present with him . . against the canon of the masse , the priest ever speaks in the plurall number . the words of our saviour , take , eat , this is my body , mat. . . were spoken to all future communicants , as well as to the apostles then present , for they contain in them an institution of a sacrament to be celebrated in all christian churches , till the end of the world , as the apostle teacheth us from cor. . from vers . . to . especially at the . vers . as often as ye eat this bread and drink this cup. ye shew the lords death till he come . this the apostles in their persons could not fulfill , for they lived not till christs second coming : they must of necessity therefore be extended to all that in succeeding ages should be present at the lords supper , who are as much bound by this precept of christ to communicate with the priest , or dispenser of the sacrament , as the apostles were to communicate with christ himself , when he first in his own person administred it ; otherwise if the precepts , tak● , fat. do this in remembrance of me ▪ appertained to the apostles only , what warrant hath any priest now to consecrate the elements or administer the sacrament ? nay , what command have any faithfull at all to receive the communion ? the sacrifice of the masse being idolatrous , it is not lawful to be present at it . cor. . . in their masse-book they call the crosse it self , our only hope . those texts are against going to masse , psal. . . cor. . , . cor. . , , . ioh . . many will say , they keep their hearts to god though they be present at a masse . this is as if a man should catch his wife in the act of adultery , and she apologize , that the other had her body , but he her heart , cor. . . rom. . . gods people have their knees for god as well as their hearts , kings . origen said , he could not bend the knees of his body to god , and the knees of his heart to satan . see b. daven . determ . . revel . . . they have a mark in the fore-head , because they must not be ashamed of their profession , that mark is obvious to all the world . our saviour by this policy might have over-reacht the devil himself , who required only externall bowing , keeping his heart still unto god , matth. . . in some case a man may be present at masse and not sin : as . when he is there by violent comp●lsion , this is not his sinne but theirs . . if in travel a man be in a fit place to see and observe their folly , so as he shews no reverence at all or approbation by bending his knee , uncovering his head , or otherwise . king edward the th would not suffer the lady mary to have masse in her house . foxes vol. . p. . the bowing of naaman spoken of in king. . . was genuflexio obsequii , not imitativa , a bowing to the king , not to the idol . . elisha's words do not necessarily import an approbation or permission of that which was propounded , but a meer form of valediction , as if he had said in our language , adieu or farewell , or there may be an enallage temporis very usual in the hebrew , and have relation to the time past . of private receiving of the lords supper . the passeover was to be eaten in such a family , exod. . . to signifie that the church was then but a handful or houshold , in respect of the fulnesse of the gentiles which were to follow : but the lords supper was not to be eaten in a private separated family , but the church was to come together , and to stay one for another , cor. . . that in the confluence of the people and publicknesse of the action the increase and multitude of the church might be expressed . cor. . . paul opposeth the congregation wherein the lords supper should be taken , unto a private house , where men satisfie their hunger . it is noted of a christian jew , desperately sick of the palsie , that he was with his bed carried to the place of baptism . the purest and best reformed churches this day , in savoy , germany , france , and divers others , administer the sacraments only in the ordinary meetings . in my judgement ( saith master cartwright ) it is unmeet to administer either of the sacraments in private houses , and it is lesse tolerable in the holy supper , which hath a special mark and representation of brotherly communion , more then baptism . the necessity of the eucharist . the administring of the communion to infants is a rite as ancient as cyprians time , and a rite that did continue in the church above years . innocentius the first and augustine concluded a necessity of childrens receiving this sacrament from iohn . . it may well conclude for those which are of years , and capable of that mystery , for though it speaketh rather of a spiritual eating and drinking , yet because the sacramental is a sign and pledge of that , and whosoever doth indeed spiritually eat the flesh of christ , and drink his bloud , cannot choose but also be willing and forward to do it sacramentally when opportunity is offered , and there is no impediment to hinder . christ requireth in all persons about to communicate three principal acts of reason , one is before , and two are at the time of receiving ; the first is cor. . let ● man examine himself ; the second , to discern the lords body ; the third is , to remember the lords death untill his coming again . all which three being acts of judgement cannot agree unto infants , being persons void of judgement . the ends for which god hath instituted the sacrament of the lords supper . they are four : first , the remembrance of the death of christ , luke . . this do in remembrance of me . . christs person , phil. . , . we can have no interest in his benefits till we be united to him , cant. . . to the end . . his actions and sufferings , cor. . , . . the benefits that flow from these all that christ did and suffered was not only satisfactory but meritorious , luke . . with what affection christ instituted this sacrament , his bowels were then full of compassion to his people , it was the last solemn act of his life . secondly , it is a strengthening ordinance , the lord hath appointed it onely for those that are new-born , the elements there are our greatest matter of nourishment . thirdly , it is a sealing ordinance , the new testament in my bloud . fourthly , an ordinance of the communion of saints whereby that should be renewed , all are one bread and one body , iohn . . cor. . , . the lords supper is . a badge of a christians profession . . a seal of the covenant of grace . . a map of heaven . . a means and pledge of our communion with christ , cor. . . the supper promotes this communion : . because it is a visible profession of our union with christ. . a lively resemblance of it , meat and drink are converted into our substance , made a part of us , there are significant rites invested with a promise , and the assurance of a blessing . . it is a pledge and seal , christ is there conveyed over to a believers use , this is my body , a pledge whereby whole christ with all his merits , and all that he is , is made over to a believer . . a means of exhibiting christ to the soul. the sacraments are instrumenta quadantenus moralia , they are accompanied with the power and vertue of the holy ghost . we must therefore receive the sacrament : to confirm our faith , communion with christ , and all saving graces in us , to keep in * remembrance the lords death untill he come again , and to testifie our love one towards another . . our faith. god is able and willing to save us : . able to save to the utmost , look upon him . in his natures , god-man , man that he might suffer , god that he might satisfie . . in his offices , he is a prophet , priest and king , mat. . . . willing , he died to save humble and penitent sinners , rom. . . & rom. . ult . if he spared not his life for us , he will spare nothing else . there is merit and grace enough in him ( what ever my sins are or have been ) for pardon of them and salvation . . communion with christ and all saving graces in us . gods end in instituting of ordinances is that we might meet him there , and have communion with him , exod . . it should be our end in frequenting ordinances . gods eye is specially on our end in all religious duties , matth. . , . hos. . . zech. . . . he pondereth the heart . . he judgeth of our actions by the end . . the answer will be sutable to our end . the sacrament is the nearest and visiblest communion with christ on earth . we come to god by christ in prayer , as our intercessour , in the word as our teacher , in the supper as the master of the feast , rom. . . . to keep in remembrance the lords death until he come again , cor. . . that is , . the doctrine of it ; the bread represents his body , the wine his bloud , we shew our belief of this doctrine . . the necessity of his death , we hereby testifie to god our consciences , fellow-christians , the world , our need of christ , as bread is necessary for our bodies . . the sufficiency of christs death , no two creatures are more universally sufficient for all sorts of men then bread and wine , therefore god made choice of them for this purpose . . the application of christs death ; it is the receiving of bread and wine into our stomacks that nourisheth us , when the conscience beginneth to be oppressed with the hainousnesse of sinne , and the fear of gods vengeance , we should consider christ bare the curse for our sins upon his body , that we might be delivered from them , and made perfect satisfaction to his fathers justice , that we might be received into favour , rom. . , . . to testifie our love one toward another , that i shall speak of afterward . of du● preparation for the sacrament . we must labour to perform all holy duties in a right manner . god requires preparation to every service , to the sabbath , sacrament . some say the scope of the first commandment is , that iehovah alone must be our god whom we must worship ; of the second , that he must be worshipt alone with his own worship ; of the third , that he must be worshipt after his own manner . god is more delighted with adverbs then nouns . none might approach to the holy things of god having his uncleannesse upon him . nadab and abihu through carelesnesse , or hast brought common kitchin fire , whereas it should have been heavenly fire , therefore god punisht them . god makes admirable promises to prayer , yet if we perform it not in that manner which god requires , he abhors it , psal. . . the word is the power of god to convert and strengthen us , cor. . . the sacrament is a seal of the covenant , yet if it be received unworthily it is a seal to a blank . iudas took the passeover at least , and the devil entred into him . see cor. . , . so the great duty of fasting if not rightly performed is unacceptable , isa. . . see chro. . . and prayer prov. . . reasons . . because the lord requires and orders the manner as well as the matter , our obedience must have gospel-perfection , sincerity and integrity . in the passeover the lamb must be perfect , of the first year , the man and the lamb prepared , and it offered in the appointed time . see exod. . . chron. . , . there were four dayes preparation for the passeover , the lords supper both succeeds and exceeds it . the ark was to be carried on the priests shoulders , chron. . . god made a breach on them because they sought him not after the due order . . the manner of performing the duty is the most spiritual part of it , non tantum considerandum est id quod agimus , sed etiam quibus * circumstantiis . this shews the true cause why our attending upon god proves so unprofitable and uncomfortable to us , because we rest in the work done . secondly , we should labour to perform the ordinances aright , and that we may do so . the person must be accepted , god had regard to abel and his offering . cains sacrifice for the matter was as good as abels , the person is onely accepted in christ , this is my beloved son in whom i am well-pleased , in him with us . . ever bring god the best thou hast , in thy approaches to god bring the best devotion , affection , cursed is the deceiver that hath a whole one , and brings a blemished one , mal. be troubled thou canst bring no better . . come in faith , rest upon the promise of christ that thy services shall be accepted , mingle faith with hearing , prayer . . bring an humble spirit . let thy soul be rightly possest with the majesty and holinesse of that god to whom the duty is tendred , revel . . . the lord is to be lookt on as a king in his glory , in his throne , we have a principle of envy in us , whom we envy we undervalue . . bring a right estimation of the excellency and ends * of the ordinance , isa. . . hear and thy soul shall live : take heed how you hear , with what measure you mete it shall be measured to you again , according to your diligence in the duty will god measure out his blessing . . there must be a serious meditation before-hand of the spiritual manner of performing the duty , heb. . . do not utter indigested prayers , a minister should speak as the oracles of god. . one should labour to stir up the graces sutable to the duty , and keep down the sins opposite thereto , pet. . , . iam. . , . it is the duty of christians in a special manner to examine themselves , that they may come prepared to the lords supper . cor. . . to the end , the apostle proves the necessity of preparation , both from the nature of the ordinance , or the institution of it , the benefit that we reap by coming prepared , and the mischief that befals those that come unworthily , and the scandal given to others . our hearts are deceitful , ier. . . sinne is deceitful . satan is full of stratagems . the holy ghost often warns us , be not deceived , let no man deceive you , james . . of all deceit self-deceit is the worst . vers. . examine himself ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is borrowed from civil affairs . for among the athenians before any were admitted to any office or place of magistracy , they were examined whether they were fit or no. and so let him , &c. ] do it in christs manner , and to his end , eccl. . . sam. . . chron. . . the church of christ in all ages have required solemn preparation for the sacrament , as the liturgies and directories of reformed churches shew . in the primitive church there was rather an excesse then defect . zanchy observes that it was the occasion of instituting of lent , because of their coming to the sacrament at easter . the ancient fathers and primitive christians the night before they received sate up and prayed , which they called their vigiliae . reasons . first , because of god the lord and master of the feast , iob . . prov. . . observe five things in that parable , matth. . . the king comes to see his guests , god observes what hearts we come with into his presence . . he makes diligent enquiry , takes notice of every one personally , there was but one without the wedding garment , and he could not lie hid . . mark his impartiality , as soon as he espies him , he saith , friend , how ca●●est thou in hither ? . how inexcusable those are that abuse the ordinance : when he was charged that had not the wedding garment , he was silent . . the rigour and indispensablenesse of the sentence , v. . secondly , because of the feast it self , being heavenly and for the soul. at this ordinance we have the highest and most solemn intercourse with god that we have in any ordinance , we renew not the covenant in prayer and reading the word . thirdly , christs practice before his institution doth teach as much , in that he washed his disciples feet , iohn . fourthly , our hearts are naturally prophane and wicked and indisposed to this duty , if we were so perfectly holy as we should be , we should be ever ready for holy performances , but our hearts gather soil exceedingly . purge out the old leaven before you come to eat christ our passeover that was sacrificed for us , cor. . . what he meaneth by the old leaven he telleth you in the next verse , it is the leaven of malice especially that we must be carefull to purge out . according to our preparation will our profit be , if one come fitly it is a means of a great deal of good , communion with god , sealing the covenant , the lord and we are made friends under seal , partaking the body and bloud of christ. it is like our evidences in the time of trial , when our land is questioned chron. . . our hope in the resurrection lies in this , iohn . . it seals our initiation and exhibits our growth in christ. a sermon will confirm but one particular grace , as patience or the like , but the sacrament confirms the body of graces , and a man receives an influence of grace into his whole soul. the apostle in the conclusion of the cor. . appoints this as a great remedy to prevent the judgement of god for their abuses about the sacrament , to judge our selves , . self-abasing will follow self-judging . . justifying god , rom. . . . sin will be bitter to such an one . . he will not judge others , rom. . , . a childe of god may receive unworthily : . by coming carelesly and negligently to the sacrament . . by coming in the guilt of any one sin unrepented of . fifthly , because of the danger of coming unprepared , matth. . the devil will enter into ●s as into iudas , luk. . . compar'd with iohn . . if we receive not christ we receive satan . cyprian saith of the lords supper , p●tro remedium , iudae venenum , cor. . . , , . the staying away will not prevent the danger , matth. . those that would not come to the supper when invited , were destroyed as well as those that came without the wedding garment . not to come is to starve our souls , to come unworthily is to poison them . one is said to be guilty of the bloud of christ , cor. . . that is , a murtherer of christ , divers wayes . . christ is really present , though not corporally and locally , he looks upon the injury done to the elements as done to himself , if one wrong insignia majestatis , the kings coin , or the like , it is treason . . the same bent and disposition of heart that carries a man to prophane the elements , would carry him to crucifie christ : christ is sacramentally united to the bread and wine . . in the sacrament christ is set forth as crucified , gal. . . isa. . . our sins crucified him ; he whose heart is not affected with such an object allows the deed of the jews , is an accessary post factum ▪ . there is a great resemblance between iudas his act and yours . . he was a disciple , so thou a christian. . he did betray christ for a small matter , zech. . , . so thou preferrest a base lust before him . . he betrayed him with a kisse , thou at the sacrament . . thou wouldst make christ die in vain , christs death is useful for satisfaction and sanctification ; satisfaction of gods wrath and sanctification of our hearts , we trample his bloud under our feet as unholy , that is , common . vers. . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation , or judgement to himself . damnation if he be a reprobate and impenitent hypocrite , judgement though he be regenerate and a true beleever . m. hilders . god punisheth this sin in his children with inward and outward chastisements . the lord abhors the like offence in the sacrifices , mal. . . this worthy receiving is not a legal worthinesse , secundum absolutam dignitatem , wherein one can plead that the thing he doth deserves the thing he would have , but an evangelical worthinesse , secundum divinam acceptationem the original of all our worthinesse is the change of the covenant , exod. . . every man by nature is under the covenant of works , he that was uncircumcised might not partake of the jewish passeover . circumcision notes two things , . a change of the covenant . . sanctification of a mans nature , col. . . he that was uncircumcised was out ●of abrahams covenant and unregenerate . this change of the covenant comes by the change of your head , your union with christ , gal. . ult . corpus christi non edunt qui de corpore christi non sunt . we must seriously examine our state , whether we be in the state of grace , cor. . . the children of god mistrust their own searching , and desire god to search them , psal. . lat . end . thou must be a new creature cut off from the old stock , and ingraffed into a new , thou must close with christ and accept of him , and then vertue will come from him , gal. . . bread and wine are turned into the substance . when the sacrament is received without due and diligent preparation , it is received unworthily , vers . . the apostle prescribes this remedy against unworthy receiving ; we should diligently prepare for every religious duty . we should be much in examination , the strongest acts of grace are reflex acts , this is a gospel command , therefore carries with it a gospel-promise , it is a duty at all times . our examination is a setting our selves in the presence of god , and passing sentence on our wayes , as god would have us . there is a twofold preparation required , . habitual , standing in the having of all such dispositions and graces as qualifie a man for the work of receiving , knowledge , faith and repentance , love , obedience , this is at our first conversion , ephes. . . & . . . actual , which stands in the exciting and awakening of those graces and dispositions , and renewing of them when one is to receive . both these must be in him that will receive in due order . actual preparation consists . in the solemn sequestration of a mans self . . in examination of our sins and graces . . in being humbled for our sins , and in renewing and quickning the former graces . . in raising and stirring up in our selves strong desires after christ. . in stirring up in our selves a strong expectation of the benefit of the sacrament . . in seeking god in special , and more then ordinary manner by prayer . . a solemn sequestration of the soul from all other avocations whatsoever . there must be some sitting of a mans self for the duty , from the time that a man hath notice of the sacrament to be administred . but at the day before , a man should at the least toward the end of the day separate himself from all other thoughts and occasions , and minde wholly the work of preparation to the sacrament . this sequestration of a mans self stands in two things , . in setting aside all lawfull thoughts , occasions and businesses of our callings . . in summoning , calling and collecting together all the powers and faculties of the soul to attend upon the businesse now in hand . examination of our sins and graces , of the multitude and hainousnesse of our sins , of the truth of our graces , the growth of them , and our wants . i shall lay down the rules of examination , and the things to be examined : . the rules whereby we are to examine our selves are the law and gospel . . for finding out the number of our sins . . the uses of them for finding out the measure of them . the things to be examined , are our sins and graces . i. of the rules . the law. the summe of the law is set down in the ten commandments , and they are divided into two tables . the commandments of the first table are the four first , and they teach us our duty which we owe unto god immediately . the commandments of the second table are the six last , and they teach us our duty which we owe unto our neighbour . our duty to god is to love him with all our hearts , with all our strength , with all our might , with all our thoughts . our duty to our neighbour is to love him as our selves both in soul and body , goods , good name , person , chastity . the first commandment is , thou shalt have no other gods but me , or , before me . the general duty of it is to make god my god , by yeelding unto him all such respect as appertaineth to him in regard of his being our creator , and the first fountain of all being . this is a total and general subjection of the whole man unto him . duties required herein , are . of dependance , whereby we make god the chief and principal object of all the powers of our whole man , so far as they are capable of him . . of conformity , whereby we order all our powers toward other things in that manner and measure that he doth require , and so become subject to that authority , power and command that he hath over us as a creator . . duties of dependance . we must set all the powers of the soul principally upon him . . the understanding , . to know him as he hath revealed himself in his word and works . . faith to believe him , that is , to think things true , because he saith them . . humility , acknowledge him to be the first and best essence , rightly discern the infinite distance and difference between him and us , and confesse his unspeakable excellencies above us , and our most vile basenesse in comparison of him . . the will , willing his glory above all things , and then choosing his favour and grace . . the imagination or thinking power , to be thinking of god more plentifully , largely , constantly , then of all other things . . memory , perpetually to remember him , and to set him at my right hand , as david saith . . the affections of love , fear , joy , confidence , must be set upon him with all their strength . we should also speak more abundantly of god and his excellencies , then of all things else besides . . duties of conformity . all the powers of man are to be set on other things according to his direction and appointment . . the understanding , . to know his will. . to believe his promises and threats . . to make use of the things we know . . to esteem of heavenly things above earthly . . conscience , or a knowing with god , in which . the acts it is to perform . . the rule which it must follow in performing those acts . the acts it is to perform are twofold : . in regard of our estate to acquit and condemn . . in regard of our actions . i. before the doing , if need be to admonish me to them . . if sinful , to restrain me from them . . if indifferent , to leave them to our wils . ii. after the doing . . to comfort in them if commanded . . to check for them if forbidden . the rule which it must follow in performing these acts is the revealed will of god. iii. in the manner of doing . . sincerely in checking for one sin as well as another . . tenderly , for a little thing . . effectually , so as not to suffer corruption to gain-say ▪ . peaceably , to drive to god not from him . . the will to be flexible to gods will. . obedience , a full purpose to do all that god requires , and leave all that he forbiddeth for his sake . . for good things received , thankfulnesse , for evil , patience . . the thinking power , memory , speech , senses and affections to be exercised more abundantly on heavenly things then earthly . the general duty of the second commandment is to perform such solemn worship to god as he requires in his word , to worship him in spirit and truth . divine service must be according to gods command : . for matter of it , in regard . of the person worshipped , the living god alone , conceived of in the pure apprehension of the minde , without any sensible representation . . the parts or kindes of worship , that they be by him appointed , which are . ordinary , such as are to be done constantly , and in a setled course , which are three-fold , . publick . . private . . indifferent . . publick . preaching of the word . . the administration of the sacraments , baptism and the lords supper . . private . conference . . meditation . . indifferent . prayer . . reading the scriptures or other good 〈…〉 . . catechizing . . singing of psalms . . extraordinary , such services as are t● be ●●ne now and then upon special occasions . . fasting . . fea●●ing . . vows . . the manner of the performance of divine service is three-fold , . a due preparation before . . a right carriage in them , doing them . truly and sincerely upon the right motives , causes , gods commandment and will , and our own duty and need , and for the right ends , viz. the pleasing of god , and procuring of grace and increase of vertue in our souls . . reverently , with a special apprehension of gods presence and greatnesse . . faithfully , with a believing of gods truth therein , and promising to our selves the blessing he hath promised . . devoutly , that is , with a diligent attention of the minde to the words and matter , and whole work in hand . . a right making use thereof after . the third commandment enjoyns the common worship of god , that is , the right carriage of our selves to his honour in all our common affairs , so far forth as we have any thing to do with him therein . the general duty of it is to live holily . to sanctifie god , . inwardly , by seeing him in his works , . of chastisement , to be patient , penitent . . of mercy , to be thankful and obedient . . outwardly , . in word , by the lawful use of an oath , by a reverent mention of gods titles and attributes upon any occasion , by good conference , and making confession of his truth . . in our deeds and actions , . in general , to aim at his glory in all our works , and live to him and not to our selves . . more particularly , in two things , . in suffering persecution cheerfully for righteousnesse sake . . by a sanctified use of gods creatures , of any thing whatsoever we do , whereto four things are required , . knowledge out of the word of god concerning the lawfulness of our doing such things . . craving gods blessing in the use of meat , drink , marriage . . returning thanks to god for his goodnesse . . moderation in the use of them . the fourth commandment appoints the consecrating of a special time , viz. every seventh day after six of labour to holy and religious exercises . the full summe of it , is , after thou hast bestowed six dayes in ordinary and common businesses , thou shalt bestow the seventh day in exercises of piety and religion . the things commanded in this precept are two . preparation to the sabbath , in the word remember , which is done two wayes , . all the week long by diligence , fore-sight , moderation in the labours of our calling . . on the sixth day towards the end of it by a seasonable breaking off our labours , and making all things ready for the sabbath . . celebration of the sabbath , not only observing and keeping it our selves , but preserving it , and looking that our inferiours and others under us at the least outwardly keep it . we must . rest from thoughts , words and deeds that concern worldly things , but only for necessity and mercy . . sanctifie it by bestowing it in the exercises of religion , which for the manner are to be done cheerfully , consecrating the sabbath unto the lord as a delight . the fifth commandment enjoyns the performance of all such duties as appertain to men in regard of their place , that we shew due respect to our superiours , equals and inferiours . our duty to our governours is to honour and reverence their persons willingly , to obey all their lawful commandments , to bear their reproofs and chastisements submissively , patiently , and fruitfully . the particular duty of children to their parents , besides these common duties , is . to love them very much , to maintain them if need be in sicknesse and age , and to be guided by them in marriage . the particular duty of servants is to be trusty and painfull in the busisinesse committed to them by their governours , as well in their absence as presence . the particular duty of subjects to their kings and inferiour magistrates , is to defend their persons against all violence offered to them by any according to their places , and to render them willingly all due services and paiments . the duty of people to their teachers and spiritual pastors , is to submit to their ministery , and to reward them with plentiful maintenance . the duty of the younger to their betters in age , is to behave themselves toward them reverently , and to take their good advice . our duty towards our betters in gifts , is to take notice of their gifts and to respect them accordingly . the common duty of all governours towards those that are under them , is to rule them wisely , mildly , and equally , taking care by their authority to plant true religion among them . the particular duty of parents toward their children , is to give them fit instruction and correction , to help them to some honest calling , to dispose of them fitly in marriage , and to lay up for them according to their meanes . the particular duty of masters toward their servants , is to use them justly and mildly for work , diet , reward and chastisement . the duties of man and wife each towards other , are these both must love each other above all other persons ; he must cherish her as his own body , and she must be an helper to him , and yeeld to him as her head. the particular duty of kings and other magistrates , is to make fit lawes , and to see them duly executed for the maintaining of peace , honesty and godlinesse . the duty of ministers toward their people , is to guide them in the right way by life and doctrine , to oversee their carriage , and to administer the sacraments duly to them . the duty of the ancienter toward their younger , is to further them in goodnesse , by grave carriage and good counsel . their duty that have better gifts then others , is to use the same readily and humbly for the help of such as want them . the duty of equals is . to think better of their equals then themselves , and to esteem of them above themselves . . in giving honour to go one before another . . to be glad and well-satisfied at the raising and advancement of their equals to places above themselves . the sixth commandment enjoyns all due care of our own and neighbours safety , temporal and spiritual . for our own temporal safety we must shun all distempered passions and needlesse perils , using food , rest , and other means of health and strength , cheerfully and moderately . for our spiritual safety , we must carefully ●lee all sins , and the occasions of them , and use all means of getting grace and salvation . for our neighbours natural safety , we must keep wrath , malice and hatred out of our hearts , heartily loving all men , even our enemies . we must also pity and help the distressed , shew kindnesse and meeknesse to all , even those that hurt us , not revenging our selves , nor hurting or grieving any by evil deeds or speeches . for our neighbours spiritual safety , we must exhort , comfort and admonish one another with all meeknesse , and must pray one for another . the seventh commandment requires all care to preserve our own and our neighbours chastity . to preserve our own chastity we must abhorre all impure desires , behaviours , speeches and deeds with all occasions provoking thereto , and must use temperance and sobriety with fasting and praying at fit times , and diligence in our calling . we must preserve our neighbours chastity by modesty and shame-fac'dnesse in attire , words , countenance and gesture . the eighth commandment requires a right carriage of our selves in regard of our own and our neighbours goods . in respect of our own goods , we must get them justly , and keep them thriftily from evil and idle expences , use them liberally for good purposes , and not set our hearts upon them . for our neighbours goods , we must neither take nor keep any thing from any man ( whose own it is ) by force , fraud or unequal bargains , we must seek the profit of our neighbours as our own profit . . we must do to them as we would have them do to us , and not corrupt justice and equity by partiality and self-love . the ninth commandment requires all due care of maintaining our own and our neighbours good name and credit : . our own by lowlinesse and esteeming meanly of our selves , accounting others better then our selves , by being true , sparing and holy in our speeches , innocent and humble in our carriage , slying ill company and all appearances of wickednesse , and abounding in good works . . our neighbours by judging and speaking the best of them , their words and deeds , praising their vertues and defending their innocency . the tenth commandment requires that we be fully contented with our own condition , and keep out all inclinations and motions after the things that pertain to others . ii. the gospel . the law holds forth the holinesse and purity of god , the gospel holds forth the grace and favour of god , rom. . . there are two great ends of the gospel and the ministery of it : . union with christ , cor. . . . reconciliation with god , cor. . . the angels sang ( when christ was born ) on earth peace , and good-will toward men . the gospel hath two parts , as some say . . all are cursed and damnable sinners . this must be believed so firmly , as that we assent to the particular , comprehended under the general , bringing it home to my self , and saying to my self , i am a cursed and damnable sinner . . jesus christ is a perfect and all-sufficient saviour , he can and will save all penitent sinners , and me also among the rest upon my turning to him . he hath sealed this to me in baptism , which is the baptism of repentance for remission of sins , which doth assure me , that upon repentance shall by the bloud of christ attain full remission of all my sins , this is ●● believe the gospel . we have gone asiray like lost sheep , but he hath laid upon him the iniquities of us all . rom. . , . for all have sinned , and come short of the glory of god. being justified freely by his grace , through the redemption that is in iesus christ. the terms of the gospel are three : . to choose christ as he is there offered , iohn . . . to receive the gospel with readinesse , act. . . mat. . . . that we should give up all for christ , and to him . rom. . . it requires three things especially of us : . true repentance for sins committed . . true faith in the mediator , which expiates sins . . a sincere desire to obey god which hath pardoned us our sins . impenitency , unbelief and disobedience then are sins against the gospel . sins against the gospel are greater then sins against the law , heb. . . because committed against greater light and greater love , the love of the father in sending of christ , of christ in coming , of the spirit in manifesting , therefore the curses and punishment of the gospel are grievous , mat. . . mark . . he that loveth not the lord iesus , let him be anathema maranatha . psal. . . christ is the best friend and worst enemy . his wrath is . the wrath of a mediator and deliverer , who then shall speak a good word for you ? psal. . . . he is able to execute his wrath , he hath all power in his hand as well as all love in his heart . two sorts of sins ripen men for wrath : . sinning against ordinances , ezek. . . amos . . . sinning against the gospel , matth. . . having laid down the rule , viz. the law and gospel for the finding out the number of our sins , i shall now shew the uses of them for finding out the measure of them . first , for the law , we must not be content to rip up our sins by the law , but aggravate them . . by the greatnesse of the commander , the great god of all the world that gave the law with thunder and lightening is offended . he is glorious in his essence , subsistence , working sinne provokes the eyes of his glory , isa . . . by the latitude and extent of every commandment , psal. . . it bindes the conscience and commands the heart , forbids all sins at all times , together with their causes , occasions , provocations , signs . . consider the filthinesse and sinfulnesse of sinne * , it is called filthinesse it self , and is worse then hell , for that is of gods ordaining . persons and things are termed evil from it , evil angels , men , times . . consider the price of the bloud of christ , and the greatnesse of his punishment , sin was such a hainous and notorious thing that nothing else could satisfie god , all the angels in heaven could not expiate one sin . . aggravate sinne by the person sinning , from the evil circumstances and unprofitable ends , by the effects , giving scandal , sam. . . by the manner of committing it , wilfully and with a high hand ▪ secondly , we should labour especially to mourn for gospel-sins . . because the sins of the gospel carry the greatest guilt . . they are against the second covenant , the heathens perish under the guilt and curse of the first covenant , the second covenant was never offered to the devils , when they fell from god they had never a second offer of mercy . . they are against the bloud of the son of god , heb. . . & . . to sinne against god in his son , is a greater sin then to sin against the law , the law is subservient to christ in the gospel . . no man lies under such fierce wrath , cor. . , . no condemnation is confirmed by an oath but theirs , heb. . , . . that which should have been for your welfare becomes your snare , acts . . heb. . . isa. . . the gospel is like paracelsian physick , if it do not cure it will kill . . none do lose such high services , matth. . , . they do not the work of the gospel with a gospel-spirit , and out of a gospel ▪ principle . . satan will insult and triumph over none so much as gospel-sinners , matth. . , . . the worm of conscience will not feed so fiercely on any , mar. . when he compares his former hopes with his present irrecoverable condition , because no sinners had those helps , nor were raised to those hopes . ponder on your own sins what they are and what they have deserved . look on original corruption , the foul sea of all wickednesse , which is called a body of sinne , rom. . . a law in our members , rom. . . consider that thou hast a naughty nature , whereby thou art averse from god and goodnesse , and extreamly prone to all sin , psal. . . isa. . . all men in every part are under the guilt and power of it , rom. . , . . humble thy self ; labour to be base for this , though thou hast not committed such foul sins as others , yet if god should leave thee to thy self and thine own evil heart thou wouldst soon be as bad as the worst . . call to minde likewise the grosse actual sins thou hast committed before or since thy calling : wast not thou given to all manner of pollution before the lord gave thee knowledge of him , and since thy calling ? . consider thy continual daily slips and infirmities , thy sins of omission and commission ; how apt thou art to be angry , impatient , thy carnalnesse in good duties , and distraction in the performance of them , thy forgetfulnesse of god , and thy later end . . consider also whether there be not some unknown secret fault that thou hast not yet repented of , and pray to god to discover it to thee . lastly , call to minde what sins thou hast committed since the last sacrament , and bewail them . meditate also on the sufferings of christ for these grosse sins and daily iniquities . his great abasement , psal. . , , . to . v. isa. . , , , , . to the . v. he was born like a beggar , lived like a beggar , the devil tempted him , he was falsly accused , betrayed by one of his disciples , denied by another , forsaken by the rest . he was amazed with fear , and incompassed with sorrow , mark . . two of the most tormentful passions , was in an agony , and did sweat drops of cloddy bloud in such abundance as it fell to the ground , was condemned , mocked , spit upon , whipped with rods after the manner of the romans * , crowned with thorns , laden with the crosse , nailed on it , stretched and retched in all his joynts . he suffered much in his body , but his chief sufferings were in his soul , isa. . , , . he took our soul as well as body , and came to redeem it , that being the chief part , quicquid induit christus , obtulit . he suffered . as a publick person , as the second adam , rom. . . . for our sakes and benefit , isa. . he is said six times to bear our iniquities . . not only for our good , but in our room , heb. . . not onely nostro bono , but nostro loco , tim. . . mat. . . for otherwise he should have suffered no more then other men ; the martyrs suffered for the good of the church , col. . . tim. . . . he took upon him the burden of our sins by way of imputation , pet. . . cor. . . smite on your brests , and say , for my worldlinesse , anger , all these evils befell my saviour : lord , for thy mercy sake in christ pardon and heal me , shall i pollute my body with uncleannesse , when christ suffered so bitter things ? shall i ever be angry again ? o lord by thy grace i will not : let me have thy power to kill these sins . see the strictnesse of divine justice , and the dreadfulnesse of gods wrath , god spared not his own sonne , and when his fathers wrath lighted on his soul , he was much troubled , and the great evil of sinne , it caused christs humane nature to be ●●raid , matth. . . the desert of sinne is seen in christs suffering , . in respect of the person who suffered for it , gods only son who never provoked him . iohn . . rom. . . . in respect of the penalties he underwent for sinne , it made him to cry , sweat and pour out strong supplications , isa. . . the law shewed the filthinesse and evil of sinne by the many sacrifices and aspersions of bloud which it required , but they were of beasts and their bloud ; but the gospel shews the demerit of sinne more fully , and how odious it is to god , since christ must die to expiate it , and also the abundant love both of the father in delivering his own sonne to death for the salvation of sinners , iohn . . iohn . , . rom. . and of christ in taking upon him our nature , and in exposing himself to so much misery here on earth , and at last to an accursed death for us , phil. . , . we are to remember christ in the sacrament : . because the lord will have in the sacrament of the new testament , the great end of the passeover to be accomplisht , exod. . . . that we may answer the goodnesse of christ to us , he hath us alwayes actually in remembrance , exod. . , . . because if we have any benefit by this sacram nt god must remember christ for us . . upon our actual and affectionate remembrance of christ depends all our benefit by this sacrament . we have dispatched the examination of our sins , in the next place our graces are to be examined . the graces that must be tried * and examined , are our knowledge , faith , re 〈…〉 , love , and hungring after christ , the truth , growth or wants of them , 〈…〉 examined . the truth of them . . knowledge . the words , examine , shew forth , discern and judge , all betoken knowledge . we must get knowledge : . of the law of god. . of the doctrine of redemption by jesus christ. . of the nature , necessity and use of the lords supper . we must know our estate by nature and by grace : . because otherwise we cannot be thankful to god for his benefits as we ought . . in the sacrament christ is offered , and the covenant sealed . by nature we are dead in sin and bondslaves of satan , by grace we come to be children of god , and heirs of salvation . we must know what the elements and actions in the sacrament signifie . that the bread signifies the body of christ , and the wine his bloud , that the breaking of bread betokens the crucifying of christ , that the giving of the bread and wine notes the action of god the father offering christ to all and bestowing him effectually upon every worthy receiver , the receiving of the bread and wine signifies our receiving and feeding upon christ by faith . . faith is required in those that come worthily to the supper of the lord. there must be an active and lively faith in the sacrament to take christ by an a of confidence , and give up our selves by an act of resignation . the great spiritual graces of the gospel are faith and love : . faith is the great command of the gospel , believe in the lord iesus . . it is the great promise of the gospel , ephes. . . . it is the great condition on which all the promises hang , isa. . heb. . . faith empties the soul more of it self then all other graces , it gives all the glory to god , rom. . . and often besides in that chapter . it is the eye of the soul whereby we discern christ , heb. . . cor. . ●lt . it is the stomack of the soul. christ describes believing by hungring and thirsting , it is the foot of the soul whereby we approach unto christ , heb. . . he that comes unto me shall never hunger , and he that beleeves in me shall never thirst . it is our hand to imbrace the promises , heb. . . therefore believing is often called eating and drinking , iohn . he that eats my flesh and drinks my bloud hath eternal life . gal. . . faith makes christ precious , pet. . . and the soul also to christ , pet. . . faith is an assent to all truths revealed , yet the special act of justifying faith is our closing with christ , our rolling our selves on him . it is a cleaving to the whole word of god , and an obediential resting upon christ alone for salvation . this is the only grace that jus●ifieth , whom he hath set forth for our propitiation through faith in his bloud . no grace brings so much comfort to the soul , the just shall live by his faith . reasons why we must bring faith to the sacrament : . it is the table of the lord , therefore none must be admitted , but those which are of his family , gal. . . christ hath instituted it that he might give himself by it , he gives himself only to his members , true believers . . it is a seal of the covenant of grace , therefore belongs to none but such as are in covenant , none are in covenant with god and christ but believers , iohn . . . because the sacrament was instituted for the confirming and further strengthening of our faith , it begets not faith but presupposeth it , rom. . , . & . . . the word profits not without faith in them that hear it , heb. . . the same thing is held forth in both . christ is held forth in the word sounding to the ear , and offered in the sacrament by the promise , there he is visible to the eye of faith , iohn . , . and is offered for spiritual nourishment . faith is the hand and mouth of the soul , whereby we receive and feed on christ , iohn . . iohn . . in bodily feeding there is , . sense of want , so in spiritual of the want of christ. . apprehension of the sutablenesse of the food to ones condition , so here . . appetite , earnest desire in the soul after christ. . taking of food , so the soul of christ. . eating . . digesting . . distribution of the nourishment . . no benefit is to be expected from any ordinance but by faith , christ himself profits not unbelievers , tit. . . we cannot receive the sacrament to our comfort without it . cor. . . of all texts in the scripture there is none so full for the trial of this grace as this , here are three several words to presse this duty . interpreters generally say , the meaning is , whether you have faith or not , but this is a higher expression , acts . . rom. . , . we say of a very malicious man , such a one is in malice ; and of one that is drunk , such a one is in drink . pet. . . the trial of faith is precious , . by this trial we attain to a certainty . . by this it attains purity : god tries it by affliction , men by examination , by both it is refined . . the trial of gold is but for a little time , by faith you lay hold on eternal life ; the purer the faith , the surer the hold . . by trying it hath a higher esteem , revel . . . the trial of gold makes it the more precious in your esteem , and the trial of faith makes it more precious in gods esteem . marks of faith. first , know whence we had faith , god gives it , and whether we have received it in the ordinary way by which god ▪ works it , the word , iam. . . faith comes by hearing , and it is increased by the same means by which it is begotten , dost thou highly prize the word ? hath it wrought faith in thee ? secondly , try by what steps and degrees faith hath been wrought in thee . . such see their misery by sinne , and their inability to help themselves , acts . . . god reveals to such the excellency of christ. he is held forth to us as every way able to do us good , isa. . . hereby one is brought to deny himself and his duties , and to have recourse to him , and rest on him for comfort . thirdly , from the effects , where faith is it will shew it self . . it purifieth the heart , he is clean in heart and life , cor. . . acts . . & . . overcomes our spiritual enemies , the world , this is the victory whereby we overcome the world , viz our faith , john . . satan , iohn . . & . . gal. . . . it works by love , ephes. . . fourthly , true faith is ever growing , a true faith may be weak , but all living things grow though one do not perceive it . do you trust god now the better for the many experiences you have of him ? art thou sensible of thy doubting and unbelief ? motives to perswade men to believe : consider , . who offers christ , god , how will he take it if he be refused ? . the gift , the greatnesse of the good offered in the gospel , heb. . , . tim. . . . the excellencies of faith , but that i have shewed before . . the hainousnesse of infidelity , iohn . . a sin both against the law and gospel . the first commandment commands us to believe what ever god shall reveal , it is the condemnation , with a witnesse , iohn . . it exposeth us to the temptations of satan , heb. . . . to the fearful judgements of god , iohn . ul● . to his displeasure , prov. . . heb. . . to eternal wrath , iohn . . mark . . . it makes all the ordinances of god ineffectual , the word , heb. . . afflictions , the sacrament , cor. . . . the willingnesse of god to receive a poor sinner . . god alone provided the medicine that should cure us , rom. . . . he wrote it in the gospel , this is a true saying . . propounds christ , hath set him forth . . invites sinners , matth. . cor. . . he commands you to believe , ioh. . . threatens if you refuse , iohn . ult . . christ consented to all this , he voluntarily came into the world to save sinners , he hath paid the ransome , hath promised that those which come to him he will in no wise cast away . means to get and improve or strengthen faith : . to get it . . labour to see your selves in a lost condition . . know that there is no way in the world to save you but by christ. . bewail your condition to god , tell him that you are a lost creature , and say , lord , help me to believe . . plead the promises , there are promises of grace as well as to grace ; say , lord , thou hast said thou wilt be merciful , and why not to me ? . wait upon god in the use of the means , hearing and the like , rom. . acts . . . to improve and strengthen it . you that have faith , labour to improve it , thess. . , . i shall premise four cautions : . there is a common , dead faith , an ungrounded presumption gotten by the devil and mens false hearts , which is rather to be destroyed then increased . when men put all their confidence in christ , and yet can live in all kinde of ungodlinesse , whereas true faith is wrought by the spirit of god , and brings forth a holy life . . among true believers there are several sizes as it were of faith , some are strong and some weak in the faith . . the weakest faith , if true , will certainly save the soul , the weakest believer is united to christ , adopted , reconciled , justified , hath the spirit , all promises belong to him , and shall partake of glory . . there is none of gods servants in this world do attain so much faith as they might , the apostles luke . . make this their joynt petition , lord increase our faith . . it increaseth in the use of it , to him that hath shall be given . spiritual things increase by exercise . . diligently attend on all the ordinances , and treasure up experiences . . study thy self daily , see what a wretched , worthlesse creature thou art , what a dead barren heart thou hast , real self-abhorring makes a man to hang on christ. . the more thou knowest christ , the more thou wilt believe in him , psal. . . study to know christs person , offices , the tenour and indulgence of the covenant of grace . . labour to get some evidence of the work of faith in thee , that thou art in a league of love with christ : if the wayes of christ be sutable to thy spirit , and the bent of thy heart be against all sins , and especially thy bosome sinne , it is a good sign . . remove all impediments . ii. repentance . it is taken sometimes largely , and so it comprehends all the three parts of conversion , contrition , faith and new obedience . . strictly for contrition alone , act. . . in general , it is a turning from sinne to god : or thus , it is a supernatural work of gods spirit , whereby the humbled converted sinner doth turn from all sinne with grief and detestation of it , because thereby god is offended , and to the wayes of god , loving and embracing them , and resolving to walk in them for the time to come . . the efficient cause or authour of repentance is gods spirit , acts . . & . . tim. . . it is a supernatural work , such a work as never is nor can be wrought in any but by the almighty work of gods spirit in a way above corrupt nature , ier. . , . a man can do something toward legal duties , but one hath no principle for evangelical duties , but something against them . . the subject in whom this grace of repentance is found ( say some ) is an humbled and converted sinner , . humbled , that is , legally sensible of the misery it is brought to by sinne . . converted , that is , by god , one whose inward man is changed , ezek. . . repentance seems rather to precede conversion , act. . . though full repentance be conversion . . the general nature of it , a turning with the terms from which and to which , an aversion from sin , and a conversion to god , ioel . . ezek. ▪ lat . end . . the manner of it , with detestation of sinne with delight in gods will and wayes , hos. . ▪ surely , shall one say , in the lord i shall finde righteousnesse and peace . it is a mourn●ng for sinne as sinne , as it is offensivum dei , aversivum à deo , as it is an act of disobedience , an act of unkindnesse . there are several kindes of repentance : . antecedent , which goes before remission and justification , acts . . & . . & . . . consequent , repentance , melting of the heart toward god after assurance of pardon , luke . . tim ▪ . , , . ezek. . ult . initial repentance when one is converted , act. . . . continual , rom. . . iohn . . . personal or ecclesiastical . some say the parts o● repentance are to eschew evil and do good , psal. . . isa. ▪ , . & . . amos . . rom. . . in sinne there is an aversion from god , and a conversion to the creature . . in repentance there must be an aversion from the pleasures of sinne , and a returning to communion with god. the vertue and grace of christ is not onely to mortifie but vivifie , rom. . . sinne must be mortified before the image of god can be superinduced into the soul , col. . . in renouncing of sinne four affections are to be exercised , true humiliation is begun in fear , continued in shame , carried on in sorrow , and ends in indignation . . fear ariseth from application of the curse to the provocation , we compare the sins we have committed with the threatnings of the word , iob . . heb. . . shame ariseth from comparing filthinesse , psal. . . ezra . . rom. . . sorrow ariseth from thoughts of gods goodnesse and our own unkindenesse , zach. . . ezek. . . luke . . indignation ( the highest act of hatred ) ariseth from the unsutablenesse of it to our interest in christ , isa. . . hos. . . rom. . . fear looks on sinne as damning , shame looks on it as defiling , sorrow looks on it as offensive to god , indignation looks on it as misbecoming our profession . in turning to the lord : . there is a serious and solemn consideration of our state and danger out of christ , psal. . . & . . hab. . . . a firm resolution , luk. . . psal. . . & . . . a mutual exercise of holy affections , desire , hope and delight , psalm . . . . a consecration or resignation of our selves to god , rom. . . cor. . . . a constant care of making good our ingagement , prov. . . hos. . . dr twisse against corvinus saith , there are three parts of repentance , the confession of the mouth , contrition of the heart , and amendment of life . m. calamy on acts . . p. . saith , it consists in five things : . there must be a true and right sense of sinne , as to gospel-faith there must be a true sight of christ , iohn . . so to gospel-repentance there must be a right sense of sin . . sorrow for sin , a spirit of mourning goes along with gospel-repentance , zec. . . ezek. . . hos. . . a sorrow according to god , cor. . . . a self-judging , psal. . . condemning his acts , and judging himself worthy of all the curses of the law. . a turning from sin to the lord , hos. . . dan. . . . it must be grounded upon the apprehension and hope of mercy , isa. . . poenitentia non est sola contritio , sed sides , luther . therefore the lutherans commonly make faith a part of repentance , it is the foundation of it , non pars sed principium . p. martyr . one saith , true repentance consists in four things : . in a humble lamenting and bewailing of our sins , our sinful nature and wicked lives , whereby we are subject to gods wrath and eternal death , even a giving our selves so to consider and feel the cursed effects of sinne , in that it angers god , and enforceth his justice to punish us , till it makes our hearts to ake and be troubled , perplexed and disquieted , sam. . . psal. . . ioel . . iam. . . so david and peter wept for their sins . . a confessing the same to god particularly , prov. . . psal. . , . judging our selves worthy to be destroyed therefore , and to perish eternally . david saith , i will confesse mine iniquity , and be sorry for my sin : and iohn , if we confesse our sins he is faithfull and just to forgive us our sins . . an earnest crying to god for pardon of sinne , and for power against it in the name of christ. david , psal. . saith , sprinkle me with hysop , that is , forgive me for his bloud sake whom that hysop represented . we must take words , and beseech the lord to receive us graciously . . a hearty and sincere purpose to reform our heart and life , to cast away all our transgressions , to resist and forbear the practice of sinne in all things , and to exercise our selves in all righteousnesse , i. e. a firm purpose to leave all the evil that i know condemned , and to do all the good that i know required , a fixed resolution of heart so to do in consideration of gods goodnesse and grace that hath sent christ to save the penitent . the antinomians say , the saints of god once justified and in christ , need not repentance , they cry down this as an un ▪ gospel-like practice , and dislike mourning for sinne , they would have nothing but faith in christ , and rejoycing in him . to be troubled for sinne ( they say ) is a dishonour to the grace of god and satisfaction of christ , our repentance and humiliation indeed cannot satisfie god , christ hath done that , laid down a price answerable to the debt , but the lord hath inseparably annexed repentance and remission . act. . . & . . & . . and he requires not only an initial repentance in reference to a mans state , but a daily repentance in reference to the acts of sinne , he must daily wash his feet . see gal. . . the sinne against the holy ghost is therefore unpardonable , because the lord will not give repentance , heb. . repentance is evangelical , and a duty in regenerate persons : first , because it is a fruit of the holy ghost , act. . . secondly , because none but regenerate persons can perform it , to bewail sinne , and aggravate it , justifying god , condemning themselves , and laying hold on christ. thirdly , the gospel enjoyns it , and threatens the neglect of it . some places joyn repentance and pardon together , act. . . luke . . some it and faith , mar. . . act. . . fourthly , christ , iohn baptist and all the apostles preacht repentance , mat. . . & . . mark . . fifthly , because it may and doth work most kindely in and with faith , when they look upon christ whom they have pierced , and consider that they have crucified him . sixthly , because it conforms us to god and christ , in hating and subduing sinne in us , it breedeth in us a loathing of sinne , and gives us a victory over it . what the pump is to the ship , repentance is to the soul , it keeps it clean . seventhly , because we have still flesh in us to be awed , as well as the spirit in us to be cherished . object . justification is but one indivisible act of grace pardoning all sins past , present and to come . there is a two-fold forgivenesse : . in foro poli , in the court of god , so all sins past , present and to come are actually pardoned at the first act of believing and repenting . . in foro soli , in the court of conscience , so they are not pardoned , we shall have no comfort or assurance of their pardon till we actually repent of them . repentance is a part of the exercise of our whole christian conversation , and a work to be ordinarily practised , though there be one great and universal repentance for the change of our state . in revel . . & . chap. among the duties god requires of the seven churches which were all converted , of four of them he requires the exercise of repentance , revel . . . & . , . but there are some special seasons wherein god in a more special manner cals his people to repent , when he would have the practice of it more full and extraordinary , cor. . . when we should more strictly examine our selves , and our sorrow should be much inlarged , sam. . . iudg. . there are five special times for renewing of repentance : first , the time when gods hand is upon us in any special correction . . god expects and requires it then , isa. . the first verses . zeph. . begin . . the servants of god have ordinarily practised it then , ieremiah , iob , david , lam. . , . . god hath severely threatned them when they have not repented at such times , chron. ▪ . ier. . . amos . the reason is , because the lord hath appointed this exercise of repentance as the only means to remove the rod , or turn it to a blessing . secondly , another special time when god would have his servants to renew their repentance , is upon their fall , when they have committed any grosse sin , as david after defiling urijahs wife , psal. . and when he had fallen into the sin of numbring the people , sam. . so ezra . when the people had married with strange wives , they wept exceedingly . so when the church of corinth had wrapt themselves in the guilt of the incestuous persons sin , cor. . peter when he had denied his master . our sorrow doth not make god amends , or pacifie his wrath when it is kindled ; it is only a condition of the covenant of grace ; the exercise of repentance , it satisfieth not god but the church , it is a help to our own souls whereby our sins are subdued . thirdly , when the lord cals any of his people to any special service that he would have them do for him and the church , then they ought to renew their repentance : when god called his people to renew their covenant , there was a special humiliation before , ezra . . isa. . when ioshua was called to build the temple , and be an high-priest to god , zech. . when they were to come to the sacrament they were to examine themselves thorowly and judge themselves , so exod. . . else our unworthinesse may stand as a bar that we shall not comfortably go on in the work of the lord , gen. . begin . fourthly , when we look to receive any special mercy , when we either need or expect by vertue of a promise , that god will do some great thing for us , as isaac when he lookt for his fathers servant to return with a wife . dan. . the whole chapter is the humblest exercise of repentance that we reade of , the occasion was , he expected that the lord would now break the babylonian yoke . moses called the people to deep humiliation and repentance when they were to possesse the land of canaan . fifthly , the time of death , when we expect our change , then is a special time for the exercise of the duty of repentance , that is a fitter time to finish then begin repentance a , then we should specially look to our hearts and examine our wayes . it was the commendation of the church of thyatira , that their last works were best ; and it is the last time that we shall have to do with repentance ; we carry love and joy to heaven , and most of the graces except faith and hope , there shall be no use of them ; when we go hence we go to the greatest communion with god that the creature is capable of . esther the night or two before she went to lie with ahashuerus , was most carefull to have her body perfumed and oiled . motives to provoke us to the practice of repentance , two especially , which are the great motives to any duty . . the necessity of it : . the utility of it . i. the necessity of it . repentance is necessary to remission , . necessitate praecepti , ezek. . . . necessitate medii , one must condemn his sinne , and loath himself , and prize a pardon afore he obtain it , ezek. . . luke . . the schoolmen demand , why repentance should not make god satisfaction , because it hath god for its object as well as sin , cor. . . the offence takes it measure from the object , the good duty from the subject , therfore christ only could make satisfaction . it is necessary , because every man must appear before the judgement seat of christ , and receive an everlasting doom , and our plea must then be either that we have not sinned , or else that we have repented , except ye repent ye shall all perish , while one remains impenitent , his person and services are abominable in the sight of god , isa. . & isa. . liable to all the curses written in the book of god. the jews have a proverb ( saith drusius ) uno die ante mortem poenitentiam agas , repent one day before death , that is , every day , because thou maist die tomorrow . there is an absolute necessity of repentance for a fruitful and worthy receiving of the sacrament . first , without this there can be no true desire to come to this supper ; faith is the hand , repentance the stomack ; by a sight of sin we see our want and need of christ. secondly , without it there can be no fitnesse to receive christ. we must eat this passeover with bitter herbs . thirdly , all should labour to have assurance of the pardon of their sins , this cup is the new testament in my bloud for the remission of sins , without repentance there is no remission , act. . . fourthly , because sinne is of a soiling nature , and doth de●ile gods ordinance to a mans soul , and if we come in sinne , we cannot profit by the lords ordinance . ii. the utility of it . the necessity of it should work on our fear , the utility of it on our love , the two great passions of the soul. first , it is infinitely pleasing to almighty god , luke . per totum . the intent of three parables there is to shew what content it is to god to see a sinner to turn from his evil wayes , him that had lost his groat , his sheep , and the prodigal sonne . secondly , the benefit of it is unspeakable to thine own soul. . it will remove all evil : . spiritual , all the guilt of sinne , and the defilement of it , iohn . lat . end . isa. . , , . no more prejudice lies against thee then if thou hadst never sinned against him . mary magdalen was infamous for her uncleannesse , yet christ first appeared to her after he rose from the dead , all the curses due to sin are laid on christ. . outward evil , when i speak concerning a nation , if they repent i will repent of all the evil i thought to do . see ioel . . b●ing all good , it brings gods favour , that flows on the soul , god hath promised grace and means of grace to such , ier. . , , . prov. . . temporal blessing , iob . everlasting life is their portion , it is called repentance unto life , act. . . unto salvation , cor. ● . . it is a means conducing to that end . means of repentance : . diligently study to know how miserable your state is without it , reade over thy doings that have not been good every day . see the evil and danger of sin , acts . . & . , . & . . ier. . . tim. . . . repentance is the gift of god * , he granted also repentance to the gentiles , beg earnestly at gods hand that he would make sin bitter to thee , and cause thee to hate it , zech. . they mourned apart , then god poured on the house of david the spirit of supplication , ier. . . turn me lord , and i shall be turned . . attend upon the ministery of the word , the preaching of the word is called the word of repentance , the preaching of the law , gods word is a hammer to break the hard heart , especially the preaching of the gospel , the discovery of christ , they shall look on him whom they have pierced . rom. . the goodnesse of god should leade thee to repentance . . faith in the bloud of christ ; when thou seest thy self lost and undone , venture thy self upon the free grace of god revealed in the gospel , faith in christ will purifie the heart , acts . that is , instrumentally , the holy ghost is the principal agent , you have received the spirit by the preaching of faith . three things are required in repentance : . the sight of sin by the law. . hearty and continual sorrow for sin by considering the filthinesse and desert of it , gods judgements due for sin , his mercies bestowed on us , christs suffering for our sins , our own unthankfulnesse notwithstanding gods benefits . . amendment , an utter and well-advised forsaking of all sin in affection , and of grosse sin in life and conversation . renewing of repentance , lies . in renewing a mans humiliation and godly sorrow . . in renewing his obligation to duty . the consideration of our saviours death for our sins should be unto us a most powerful motive to repentance . two things are necessary in the point of repentance , for sins past to confesse and lament them before god , humbly craving pardon , and for the time to come to reform and amend our lives , casting away all our transgressions , and applying our selves to all holinesse and righteousnesse . now to the performance of this duty the death of christ must needs be to him that considers of it , the most effectual argument and mighty motive in the world . do we not here see that the sins we have lived in are most loathsome to god , for had he not hated them with infinite hatred , would he have inflicted such horrible punishments upon our saviour his only son by them ? do we not see that they are most dangerous to our selves , exposing us to the suffering of intollerable evils , unlesse by vertue of christs death we be freed from them , which can never be but upon our repentance . god hath in the death of christ discovered such infinite abomination of sin , and withall such infinite grace to the sinner , that this should prevail with us . paul saith , all we which are baptized into christ are baptized into his death , and we are buried with him by baptism into his death , and we are crucified together with him , that the body of sinne may be abolished . we must be made partakers of the death of christ , if ever we will be made partakers of his resurrection ; we must be made conformable to his death , if ever we will live and reign with him . marks to know whether our repentance be right : . if it be speedy and without delay , satan alwayes saith , it is either too soon to repent , as in youth ; or too late as in old-age . . constant , not cast it aside , because we repented at our first conversion . . voluntary , and so a filiall not a forced repentance , voluntary repentance speaks love to god , forced love to our selves . . it must be deep and thorow repentance sutable to our sins : the greatest sinners if gracious , have the greatest sorrow , and their joy is the more full after , psa. . . sam. . . iii. love. this is a special grace of the gospel , it is a longing desire for the good of our brethren , or a willing that good to one which is proper to him . there is a double union : first , mystical with christ the head by faith , and with one another by love . secondly , moral , an agreement in judgement and affection , ioh. . . see , , . v. act. . . christ was , . incarnate for this end , that his people might be one , ephes. . . . this is often inculcated in christs sermons , iohn . . he came from heaven on purpose to propound to us a patern of charity , ephes. . . unity is the beauty , strength and safety of the church , act. . . see isa. . . . christ died for this end , isa. , . . christ aimed at this in his ascention and pouring out of his spirit , ephes. . . . it is the end of christs ordinances in the church , of baptism , cor. . . and of the lords supper , cor. . . every one is bound to love four things , saith augustine . first , god who is the chiefest good , and therefore deserves the chiefest love . secondly , himself , god gives no commandment for one to love himself , because he commands one to love god as the chiefest good , and so to love him as to enjoy him , which one cannot do without love of himself . thirdly , to love man as man , thess. . . fourthly , to love all the * saints , the brotherhood , pet. . . those which love saints as saints , or because saints , must needs love them all , ephes. . . col. . . philem. . our love must be , . sincere or without hypocrisie , rom. . . it is so when we cleave to what ever is good in him , and abhor what is evil in him . . fervent , pet. . . . constant , a friend loveth at all times . we must also love our enemies , matth. . , . it is reported of iohn , that in his old-age being unable by weaknesse to speak long unto the congregation , he would stand up , and ●n stead of a long sermon ingeminate this precept , diligite filioli , diligite , little children love , love one another . the subject of his epistle is love , iohn . . he is called the beloved disciple , because he was so full of it himself . christ cals it the new commandment , because excellent , or because solemnly renewed by him , iohn . . these are my commandments that you love one another , this is the great grace which distinguisheth the children of light from the children of darknesse , iohn . . he that loves not is not of god. there are high elogies of it , cor. . we must love our neighbour as our selves , iam. . . we must neither wish nor do them any more hurt then we would wish or do to our selves . . we should really promote his good as our own , cor. . we are , . to pray for them , heb. . . . counsel them , heb. . . . relieve them in their wants , mat. . lat . end . the sacrament is a seal of our communion , that we are all one bread and one body . it is evident that christ upon his death instituted that supper ; as , to be a seal of that covenant of grace between god and us , ratified thereb● ; so also to be a communion , the highest outward pledge , ratification and testimony of love and amity among his members themselves . m. thomas goodwins , christ the universal peace-maker . part . . sect. . yet the great wall of separation between the papists and us , is the sacrament of the altar , and those that are called lutherans and calvinists the lords supper . and this is a grace pressed with the like necessity toward man , that saith is toward god. the christians in the primitive church did kisse each other at the sacrament ; this was called osculum pacis , the kisse of peace in sign of love . d. clerk. some keep themselves from the sacrament , because they are not in charity . these men shew manifest contempt to christ and his blessed ordinance , that rather then they will forsake their malice they will want it . . such professe they will live still in malice , and have no desire to be reconciled , for if they had they need not refuse to receive , cor. . . the love-feasts were appointed to signifie their mutual love one to another , they were immediately before the receiving of the sacrament , cor. . . st chrysostome makes the love-feasts to be after the taking of the eucharist . they were used to have a great feast , to which all the poor people were invited on the charges of the rich . this they did partly in imitation of our saviour , who instituted the sacrament after a full supper , and partly in expression of their perfect love towards all men . these agapae , or love feasts of the ancient christians , were so called of their end and purpose , or effect . albeit they had divine toleration , yet they had not divine institution and introduction . for it is not shewed out of holy writ , or consent of antiquity , that they were commanded by christ or his apostles warrant . we may well say they had : for without check or controlment of their use , without alteration for their being , they were in the apostles times , and there is mention of them in scripture ; only they are taxed that did abuse them , and made themselves unworthy of such holy meetings . st paul is commonly understood of these feasts , cor. . . which were concomitant unto the holy sacrament then , but st iude in expresse words doth name them , vers . . maculae in agapis vestris . both prove but a practice abused , and reformed again by st paul , not an ordination from god or the apostles . these love-feasts were general meetings of the whole church , at least representative of as many as did communicate , unlesse some great occasion did with hold them . iv. hungring after christ , and desire of gods favour . we must come poor and hungry to the lords table , psal. . . luke . . revel . . , . the promises are made to the hungry . isa. . . & . . prov. . . luke . . mat. . . ier. . . iohn . . heb. . . luthers paradox is , none come worthy , but those that come unworthy , that is , in their own sense and feeling . hunger and thirst imply , . a want of those things which should support our bodily life . . an afflicting sense of the want . . an eager desire of the supply of it . so we must apprehend : . our own emptinesse , our lost condition . . we must be sensible of the wrath of god due to us for our sins . . we must earnestly desire gods favour , to be reconciled to him . hunger and thirst are both expressed , iohn . . to shew the thorownesse of the apprehension and supply . reasons . . these only can relish christ , he is sweet to hungry souls , matth. . . those that are affected with the sense of their sins can best taste of gods mercy . . these only suit with christ , follow me for i am lowly and meek . . this will awake desires , the hunger-bitten beggar will be importunate with god. . this will make you welcome to god , he fils the hungry with good things . open thy mouth wide and he will fill it , isa. . . psal. . . compared with the . we must desire gods favour heartily and continually , because . it is necessary , for it were better for one not to be , then to be out of gods favour . . because it is excellent , for gods favour and the light of his countenance is better then life it self . that we may stir up this desire in us , we must consider . our need of christ his fulnesse and perfection . . the necessity and excellency of the sacrament . . the benefits we have therein , and the helps thereby to quicken and confirm our faith . having dispatched the consideration of the truth of certain graces we are to examine before we come to the lords table ; i shall in the next place speak of the growth or wants of our graces . i. of the growth of our graces . as we ought to examine our selves of the truth of our graces when we go to the lords supper , so likewise of their growth and strength : true grace will grow . the lords supper is a sealing and strengthening ordinance , therefore presupposeth life , we should then know the degree and strength of our graces . grace is a supernatural and peculiar quality wrought in the people of god by his spirit , whereby they are inabled to please god in all things . . a quality in us , sometimes it signifieth grace in god , being justified freely by his grace . . supernatural , inableth us to do things above nature . . peculiar , to distinguish it from common graces in reprobates which are supernatural , as the grace of god working miracles . . wrought in us by the spirit , it is not in us by nature or education , it is the grace of god , he is the god of all grace . . to please god in all things , we must have respect to all his commandments . the scripture speaks much of abounding and growing in grace , psal. . . cor. . . the word abounding is taken from rivers , the other from all sorts of vitals or plants . the apostle cals upon the corinthians to be strong , and upon timothy to be strong in the grace which is in christ jesus , and upon the ephesians , to be strong in christ , and in the power of his might . paul prayes for the ephesians , that according to the riches of his grace the lord would strengthen them by his spirit with all might in the inward man. bodily strength is a natural gift common to man with beast , yet many brag of it , spiritual strength is far more excellent . see heb. . . ephes. . . there is alwayes a furthermore in christianity , thess. . . ubi incipis nolle fieri melior , ibi etiam de sinis esse bonus . bern. epist. . reasons why christians should strive to grow in grace . first , god commands it , phil. . . ephes. . . colos. . . pet. . . heb. . . secondly , god commends it , o woman great is thy faith . stephen was full of the holy ghost , acts . . thirdly , the saints of god have practised it , . prayed for the increase of grace , phil. . . . laboured for the increase of it . fourthly , from the similitudes to which a childe of god is compared in scripture , to trees , psal. . . & . . isa. . . hos. . . plants grow till they die , whence they are called vegetables . fifthly , from the nature of grace , where there is truth of grace it will grow , matth. . . because it puts a man into christ , whosoever is in him must needs be fruitful , iohn . . if the body of christ did not grow as well as the head it would be a monstrous body , col. . . ephes. . . sixthly , according to the measure of your grace shall be the degree of your glory , pet. . . he that soweth liberally shall reap liberally . motives to get strength and grow in grace : . we need more strength , revel . . . grace is the elevation of the soul. . it is more honourable to have a great measure of grace , revel . . . christ checks his disciples for their little faith . . if we grow not in grace we decrease , heb. . . compared with v. . all christians ( saith ierome ) are like the angels in iacobs ladder , they all ascended or descended , qui dixit sufficit deficit . john . . . fruitfull christians are in a happy condition , heb. . . god is much honoured by them , iohn . , . phil. . . he will delight to dwell with them , at the day of judgement they shall receive publick approbation and remuneration , matth. . . marks of the growth of grace : . it is a proportionable growth , a growth in all the parts , our faith is sutable to our knowledge , our love to our faith , and practice to both . . constant , at least in our desires and endeavours . . it will grow against all hinderances . the infallible signs of growth in grace , are these . when we grow more spiritual : . in our aims , when we have pure intentions in every action . . in our duties , when the minde is more enlightened to minde spiritual duties , and to resist spiritual temptations , when we oppose thoughts and lusts , not only morally but spiritually evil , and when we relish the more spiritual part of the word , cor. . . . in our motives , when we resist sin , not because it will damn us , but because it is against gods law , purity , and defiles us . . when we grow more solid and judicious , cor. . . phil. . . growth is not to be measured by the intensnesse and vigour of the affections , that is more in young christians . . when we grow more humble , by long experience reflexive light is increased , one is more able to look into conscience , and see his own defects , prov. . . the lowest degree of growth in grace may be discerned by two marks : . by longing for food , pet. . . . by being humbled for want of growth , mark . . it is a good degree of our growth in grace to see how much we want . there is difference between growth in gifts and graces , cor. . , . many in these dayes grow in gifts : gifts are for others , and but for this life : growth in gifts often puffeth up , but growth in grace humbleth . a christian may grow either quoad amplitudinem scientiae , or efficaciam scientiae , the enlargement of his knowledge may be both in respect of the matter , he may know more things then he did , as also in the manner , more clearly , evidently and firmly then he did , or else in the efficacy of his knowledge , he knoweth them more practically . . means of our spiritual growth : . general , the word , pet. . . it is compared to rain , deut. . . and such things as will further growth , isa. . , . milk ; children never grow so much in so short a time , as when they are sed with milk , sincere milk , not mixed with errour , cor. . ult . . particular helps : . we should labour to live under the means of growth and prize them , zech. . . the * sacrament is a strengthening ordinance . . we should overcome our lusts , iam. . . pet. . , . the good ground hears the word with a good and honest heart . . we should be daily questioning our selves how we do grow , cor. . ult . heb. . . . be often in the use and exercise of that grace wherein we desire to grow , tim. . , . the right hand and foot are stronger , because they are more used , improve thy knowledge by teaching others , and zeal when the name of god is dishonoured , and faith by depending on god in all occurrences , by applying the promises , exercise repentance , cor. . . humility , god gives grace to the humble , self-denial , love , that sets obedience on work , cor. . . constant prayer for gods blessing on the word , and all other means , iude v. . the disciples said , lord , increase our faith , luk. . . praying christians will certainly be growing christians . strength of grace is discovered by two things : . when duties are easie , rom. . . . when crosses are light , bonds and afflictions abide me where ever i come , saith paul , yet none of these move me . strength is an ability of working powerfully , we must have it from christ , isa. . . col. . ult . all graces shew their vertue and efficacy two wayes : . when they strongly and lively produce their own acts , as a strong assent , and most firm and fixed acknowledgement of any truth shews a strong faith . . by a laborious and earnest resisting their contrary , as a strong casting away , and loathing , and abhorring doubting conceits , shews faith also to be strong . christ by his spirit , . increaseth graces in us , faith , love , humility , self denial . . acts the graces received , cant. . . rom. . . . brings to our mindes the truths of god and former works of god , heb. . . . renews our comforts , and freshly imprints the love of god upon the soul , rom. . . iohn . obedience flows from love , so he strengthens us . we should labour to grow , first , in knowledge , hos. . . grace increaseth by the knowledge of god , isa. . . pet. . . & pet. . . our fairest portion in heaven is the satisfaction of our understanding in the knowledge of god , psal. . knowledge is the great promise of the new covenant , ier. . . we should grow in the knowledge of the truths of christian religion , of god , christ , the sacraments , justification , sanctification , and labour to get a powerful , practical , experimental knowledge of these truths , know the power of christs death and resurrection , phil. . . knowledge is the first and chief part of gods image , col. . . see chap. . . growth in knowledge is rather to be reckoned by the degrees of knowledge then by the objects and matters known , prov. . . i know god and christ more practically , savingly , the covenant more distinctly , heb. . . we must not from an expectation of new light be hindered from being establisht in the present principles . secondly , in faith , matth. . . luk. . . rom. . . because faith of all graces is most defective ( things in religion are so rare and excellent ) and most assaulted by satan , and growth in all other graces depends on the increase of faith . see luke . . we should labour to grow in the assurance of faith , heb. . . in the exercise of it , heb , . . gal. . . the people of god here must live a life of holinesse , as our faith is so is our conversation . must bear christs crosse , as our faith is so will our carriage be under the crosse , iohn . . . they should be full of peace and joy , this will be according to our faith . lastly , we should search and finde out what our wants are that we would fain have supplied there , what we stand in need of , we partake of the body and bloud of christ for the supply and augmentation of those graces we stand in need of , luke . . the sacrament is a grace-increasing ordinance , consider what graces therefore are most defective in you , and come to christ for a supply of them . quest. whether the communicants ought to come fasting ? it is superstitious to think it irreverent receiving if a man have eaten any thing before , christ instituted it after supper . the papists take it in the morning and fasting , it cannot then be called the lords supper , since it is rather a breakfast . ii. directions for our carriage in the duty . by faith we come to see that the sacraments are the lords ordinances , and that those things which he promiseth in the covenant of grace , and sealeth in the sacrament , are farre better then all profits and pleasures in this world . by it we come to be stirred up to desire and long after these benefits , and so to covet them , that nothing in this world will satisfie us without them . we should exercise faith at the lords table , view the arguments the ordinance it self affords . . here is christ crucified before thine eyes , and he clearly offers it to thy soul in particular , he applies it to thee , this is my body which was broken for thee , and my bloud which was shed for thee . run over the sad story of christs agony , and say , this was done by my lord for my poor soul. . the lord cals thee hither on purpose , because thou art weak . he will cherish weak beginnings , mat. . . for our affections we must behave our selves with joy , comfort and reverence . see chron. . . & mat. . . thy heart should be cheerful in god and thankful , praise him . thankfulnesse and joy are the effects of faith ; the ordinances are often compared to feasts and banquets , because of the spiritual delight and rejoycing which the soul ought to take in them . hence the very sacrament is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of the giving thanks unto god for his mercies . the outward duty is comfortable , circumcision was a bloudy rite , yet this is nothing to the inward sweetnesse , iohn . . in one of the evangelists it is said , christ blest the bread , in another it is said , christ gave thanks , christ when he instituted this sacrament gave thanks to god the father that he was pleased to send him into the world to die for poor souls . fear is proper to the duty of the supper , because of those excellent mysteries . chrysostom cals this table , horribilis mystica mensa , psal. . . mixt affections do best in a mixt state in the whole worship of god , psal. . . hos. . . for our thoughts : we must meditate , . on the outward signs , and what they signifie . . on the dainties prepared . . the love of him that prepared them . . on our communion with christ , his graces and faithful people . the effect of these affections and thoughts will be stirring up the heart to thanksgiving . when we taste the wine we should consider its properties , psal. . . iudg. . . so there is satisfaction to god and comfort to the creature in the bloud of christ , wine ingenders new spirits , warms and refines them , the bloud of christ infuseth a new vigour into the soul. our communion with christ in the supper is not only with his gifts and graces , but with his person , whole christ. there are two elements to signifie this , bread his body , and wine his bloud . our communion is with his whole person , with christ invested with all kinde of offices to do us good , and furnished with rich graces and comforts , iohn . . we partake of his wisdom as a prophet , righteousnesse as a priest , grace and glory as a king. what must be done after the sacrament ? we must endeavour to finde an increase of faith , love , and all saving graces in us , abounding more and more in well-doing . we should speak of the sweetnesse of christ to others , psal. . . some disciples have gone from this supper triumphing , and trampling upon satan as lions breathing fire ( saith chrysostome ) terrible to the devils themselves . if we finde not the fruit of this ordinance presently , either it may come from want of preparation , or from trusting in our own preparation , chron. . , . or want of thankfulnesse for our preparation , chron. . . or from want of stirring up the graces we have received in that duty , isa. . . tim. . . or , because we were not humbled for former neglects , psal. . , . god may deny us the present sense of our benefit : . to train us up to live by faith , cor. . . . to try our graces . . that we may more diligently search into our own souls , psal. . . how oft ought the sacrament to be received ? amongst the papists the people communicate only once a year , viz. at easter , which superstitious custom many of our ignorant people follow . calvin . institut . . & . roundly professeth , that it behoveth that the eucharist be celebrated at least once a week . the christians in some parts of the primitive * church took the sacrament every day , because they did look to die every day . now in many places it is administred every moneth . object . the passeover unto which the lords supper succeedeth was celebrated once a year , and therefore once only for this sacrament is sufficient . answ. god ordained that the passeover should be celebrated but once only in the year , and on a certain moneth and day , the jews had many other visible signs to represent christ and his benefits , they had sacrifices every day , and legal washings , but he hath appointed that this feast of the lords supper should be often solemnized , and that we should come often unto it , cor. . , . that the frequent celebration of the sacrament is a duty , is inferred from this text by peter martyr , calvin , musculus , aretius , hyperius , toss●nus , pareus , piscator , dickson and mr pemble . see iohnsons christian plea , chap. . in the time of the apostles the purest age of the church , they solemnized it every lords day , acts . . yea it was their daily exercise , as often almost as they had any publick meeting for the service of god , acts . . and this custom long continued in the primitive church after the apostles times , not only in the dayes of iustin martyr and tertullian , but also of chrysostom and augastine , as appeareth by their writings : untill by mans corruption and satans malice , the commonnesse of the action exposed it to contempt . we should come often to the sacrament , there is no exception , but want of occasion or some just impediment . there was in old time a custom , there should be a communion every lords day , every one not receiving without lawful excuse , being excommunicated , which charls the great in some sort renewed , and which bucer advised k. edward in this land to restore again . whether if an ordinance , and namely the sacrament of the lords supper ( though there seems to be the like reason in other ordinances ) cannot be so administred , but that by some which partake of it , it will notoriously be prophaned , that be a sufficient reason for the non-administration of it ? or , whether for want of order and government to keep off such as are notoriously unworthy , the administration of the sacrament may and ought to be suspended ? again , whether a minister may lawfully and with a good conscience continue there in the exercise of his ministery ( having a pastoral charge ) where he hath not power to administer the sacrament of the lords supper ? there is a treatise lately published by one master ieanes , entituled , the want of church-government no warrant for a total omission of the lords supper . he saith there pag. . next unto god and christs glory , the good of the saints was the main end of this sacrament : it was principally intended for the godly , for their use , comfort and edification , and therefore they are not to be deprived , although it is much against their wils ; accidentally prejudicial unto wilfull and presumptuous intruders . pag , . that which gives a right in foro dei , is faith , but in foro ecclesiastico , profession of the faith . now where church-government is not setled , there are many who are beleevers and professours of the faith , ergò , many that have right unto the lords supper . and we may argue from the right to the administration . pag. , . some think that the supposed sinne of giving the lords supper unto unworthy persons , is easily avoided , if the minister give not the sacramental elements to each communicant out of his own hand ; but the communicants divide the elements among themselves . there is not in either the evangelists , or the cor. . any the least mention of our saviours distributing the sacramental elements particularly and severally out of his own hand to each communicant : nay , the contrary rather is probable , because he speaks unto these whom he gave the supper unto , onely joyntly and in general , take , eat , drink . pag. . only such dogs and swine are to be denied the lords supper who are such juridically . for though ( saith m. ball ) in course of life they may be dogs , yet in publick esteem they are not to be reputed dogs , nor used as dogs till the church have so pronounced of them . page . . breaches of the command and rule of christ in the administration of the lords supper are of two sorts , material or personal . . material , when the worship it self is corrupted , as in the popish masse , where there is but one element . . personal , when the worship it self is in every respect pure , but the persons communicating ▪ wa●●●ing in requisite qualifications ; the former are chargeable upon the minister administring the lords supper , not the later , so he prevent them so far as in him lieth . pag. . he quotes this passage out of m. ball , in coming to gods ordinance we have communion with christ principally who hath called us thither , is there present by his grace and spirit to blesse his ordinance ; and with the faithful , who are there met together at gods commandment , in the name and by the authority of jesus christ : with the wicked we have no communion , unlesse it be external and by accident , because they are not , or cannot be cast out . internal and essential communion we have with christ and the faithfull only ; external , with the wicked . our communion with christ and his faithful people is not free and voluntary , but necessary , enjoyned by god , not left to our will or pleasure . our communion with the wicked in the ordinances is unwilling on our part , suffered not affected , if we knew how to hinder it lawfully . whether it be meet upon one and the same day to have a solemn fast , together with the celebration of the lords supper ? no , since the nature of them is so different one from the other . the one is a fast , the other a feast . the one is a sign of solemn testification of sorrow , the other of joy , iud. . . esth. . . compared with mat. . , . luk. . , . cor. . , , . they were wont in the primitive churches to have love-feasts with the lords supper , as may appear cor. . , . & iude v. . tertul. apol. c. . of the gesture at the sacrament . some have written books for a kneeling at the sacrament , others against b it . calvinc speaking of the reverence of kneeling , saith it is lawful if it be directed not to the sign ▪ but to christ himself in heaven , which was the resolute profession of our english church in the use of this gesture . some much urge our saviour christs example , and a table-gesture for sitting . christs example hath not the force of a commandment : for . it is not certainly expressed what gesture he used in the act of receiving . . it hath not the force of a commandment in any other part of his service , as preaching , praying , therefore neither in this . . it hath not the force of a commandment in other circumstances of this action , therefore neither in this . . it is apparent that the gesture was taken up occasionally , therefore the example of christ therein doth not tie us . we receive not the sacrament with our meals , as christ and the apostles at first did , therefore we are not tied to the gesture of meals . it was the manner of those times and long before at meals to lie on their beds , leaning on their elbows , and supporting themselves with pillows , so the evangelists words signifie . chap. xi . of extraordinary religious duties , fasting , feasting and vows . i. of fasting . since god in the old testament by moses commanded the jews a solemn and anniversary fast in the tenth day of the seventh moneth , numb . . . lev. . . & . , . since there are examples of many pious persons fasting in the scripture , and since in the new testament there is a frequent commendation of fasting , matth. . . & . . & . . cor. . . & cor. . . act. . . & . . & . . it is plain that the doctrine of fasting doth belong to religion and piety , and the worship of god. in it self it is not any worship of god , but only as it tends to some holy end , to pray the better , to humble our souls the better , for though it pleaseth god , yet every thing that pleaseth him is not presently worship . the phrase which st luke useth , chap. . . doth no more urge us to make fasting worship , then st pauls phrase act. . . doth make temptations a special kinde of worship . fasting may be called worship by a trope , as being a special adjunct of some extraordinary worship . doctor ames against d. burgesse . part . pag. . bellarmine lib. . cap. . defines fasting to be cibi abstinentiam secundum ecclesiae regulam assumptam , making no mention of the end of fasting , though it be especially to be judged of by the end , and it is meer hypocrisie if it be only undertaken to satisfie the commandment of the church , as it is usual among the papists , who think they have fasted well when they have abstained from meat or flesh on such dayes as it is forbidden without any consideration of a just end . there are several sorts of fasts , natural , civil and metaphorical . but a holy or religious fast is a voluntary abstinence from all our lawful refreshments to some religious end . m. fenner and m. ball thus define it . a holy fast is a religious abstinence from all the labours of our calling , and comforts of this life , so farre as comlinesse and necessity will permit , that we may be more seriously humbled before god , and more fervent in prayer , cor. . . ioel . , , . dan. . , , . & . , , . ezra . . it hath the name of fasting from one most sensible part , viz. the abstinence from food denominating the whole exercise . we must abstain , . from bodily labours and worldly businesse . for the time of the fast hath the nature of a sabbath . it is called by the prophet ioel , a solemnity or day of prohibition ioel . . & . . wherein men are forbidden to do any work , as the lord expoundeth that word , lev. . . deut. . . . food , there must be a total abstinence from meat and drink , so farre as our health will permit , sam. . . ezra . . esth. . . ion. . . act. . . . from sleep in part . david lay upon the ground all night , sam. . . see esth. . . ioel . . . from costly attire , exod. . , . heretofore they wore sackcloth and lay in ashes , and used all those actions which might humble them in gods presence . . carnal delights , ioel . . cor. . . . the end must be religious , to be better fitted for prayer and seeking of god. the ends of a fast are two , humiliation and reconciliation , as appeareth , levit. . . to . the things in which the fast must be spent are exercises fitting these ends . the means , . of humiliation , are natural or spiritual . the natural are forbearance of food both meat and drink , so farre as it may stand with our ability , and not hinder ut from praying and good meditations , as also of work and labour , wherefore it is called sanctifying a fast , levit. . . ioel . . and all natural delights otherwise lawful , ioel . . cor. . . and lastly of costly attire , ionah . . to appear in a mean habit is a natural help of abasing our selves , but in private fasting we are bid to anoint our selves , matth. . that we may not appear to fast . the spiritual helps are chiefly four : . examining our hearts and lives that we may finde out our manifold sins , lam. . . . the aggravation of our sins by considering their hainousnesse in regard of the ill effects , and the like . . confessing them , and judging our selves for them . . praying for the spirit to humble us , bemoaning our own hardnesse . these are means for humiliation . the means secondly of reconciliation are two , first , to plant in our selves a firm purpose of leaving sinne , isa. . , . by considering the necessity , profit and difficulty of leaving sinne ; and gods promises to help us , and by fervent prayers to him to encline our hearts to his testimonies , and to strengthen us that sin may not overcome us . secondly , to settle our hearts in a stedfast confidence of his mercy in christ , pardoning and accepting us . this may be wrought by considering the multitude of gods mercies , the infinitenesse of christs merits , the largenesse of gods promises , and the examples of those whom he hath pardoned , and then by crying earnestly to him to strengthen our faith , and seal up our adoption to us by his spirit . the usual time of a fast is a natural day from even to even , or from supper to supper , iudg. . . sam. . . & . . iosh . . we reade of a three dayes fast in nineveh , ●onah . . and in esther and her maids , and in paul , acts . . and of seven dayes fast , sam. . , , . and of daniels fast ( abstaining from all pleasant bread and drink , and giving himself to prayer and humiliation ) for three whole weeks , daniel . , . and we reade of fasting alone till even , iudges . , . & . . samuel . . & . . such a fast may either be kept of many together , a whole congregation publickly , or by a few , that is a family or two privately , or else by one alone secretly , as we may perceive in the former examples . in private and solitary fasting we should carry the matter so , that it may be private , and we may not appear to fast. some think it not therefore convenient for so many to meet in a private fast , as may make the face of a congregation , and that go beyond the number of a usual family or two , for this ( say they ) is to turn a private duty into a publick . the times for fasting are first , when gods judgements are ready to fall upon us , either personal or publick judgements , then there is reason for a private or publick fast , so ezra's fast was because of the great desolations upon the church , and esthers because of the bloudy proclamation to kill all the jews . secondly , when we desire to obtain any publick or particular good , so act. . when they desired publick good on the ministery , they fasted and prayed . so hannah for her particular , she fasted and prayed for a childe . when we undertake any great and dangerous businesse for which we need gods help . see matth. . . & . . act. . . & . . thirdly , when we are pressed with some speciall sinne , corinth . . . cor. . . a man is not bound to an acknowledgement of all his particular sinnes , when he comes solemnly to humble himself before god. he hath not such clear light to discern sinne , not so faithful a memory to retain it , nor is not so watchfull to consider his wayes , psal. . . & . . eccles. . . a general repentance sufficeth , because he that truly repents of all known sins repents of all sins . after some scandalous fals we must be more particular , psal. . david chiefly spends his sorrow on that great sin . in deep distresse we must search diligently to finde out the sin that provokes god , psal. . we should rise early on a fast , sam. . . ioel . . it is probable that for this cause some lay on the ground , others in sackcloth in the night of their fasts , not only to expresse , but further their humiliation by keeping them from sleeping overmuch or oversweetly . preaching was used by gods people at their solemn fasts , to quicken them to prayer , nehem. . . compared with . . ier , . , . it is not unlawful to fast privately on the lords-day , the service of the ordinary sabbath is not contrary but helpfull to the exercise of mourning and godly sorrow ; and when we conceive greatest sorrow for sinne , it is not unlawfull to rejoyce in our redemption by jesus christ : christ forbad it not on that day , it not convenient for a publick fast since it should be consecrated unto god onely for that purpose . we should remember the poor on that day , isa. . . quod ventri subtrahitur illud pauperi detur . the popish fast is a mock fast , worse then the pharisaical , which yet is condemned by christ. first , fasting is made in the church of rome a worship of god , and a work of righteousnesse . iunius had much a do to keep a poor woman from despair , because she did eat flesh on some fast-day , it lay upon her as if she had committed some grievous and unpardonable sin . secondly , it is religiously tied to fixed and certain times and dayes , whereas true fasting is pro temporibus & causis . tertul. de jejun . thirdly , they think to perform it by forbearing only flesh , when wine and other delicates are not forbidden , which ierom justly calleth a superstitious fast. the fourty dayes fast , which moses , elias and our saviour christ did fast , were miraculous , and therefore not to be imitated . neither did they fast fourty dayes every year , but once only in all their life . augustine doth sometimes write of the fourty dayes fast , that it hath a divine authority , but meaneth not an authority of precept , but of example , as elias , moses and christ. we observe fasting-dayes , as we call them , by abstinence from flesh ( indeed not fasting-dayes but fish-dayes , as the law doth rather call them ) not with any opinion either for the day , or for the abstinence of any holinesse therein , or religion toward god , but only by way of obedience to politick laws and duty to our prince , the law it self professing it self to be politickly intended . abbot against bishop . in stead of mundayes and thursdayes used in the synagogue , the church appointed wednesdaies and fridaies for that purpose , holding in them a convenient distance from the lords-day as these other did from the sabbath . m. thornd . service of god at religious assem . c. . the papists allow a break-fast , and they are allowed to eat all variety of roots , fruits , fishes , and whatsoever-junkets which have not any affinity with flesh . they are licensed to drink wine without exception , so that they eat and drink without intemperate excesse . yet bellarmine ( l. . de bonis operibus c. . ) saith , vinum cal●faciendo corpus incitat in libidinem , prov. . . wine is luxurious , and in that respect it was called by the very heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the milk of venus . a childe partaking once of their delicate fast , not many daies after longing for the former kinde of dainties , cried to his mother , saying , good mother when shall we fast again ? b. mort. appeal l. . c. . see d. fulk on rhem. test. col. . . bellarmine reports a story which makes much against him , of spiridion a godly man , who had a guest come to him on a fasting-day , and he set flesh before him having nothing else , i will not eat , saith the guest , because i am a christian ; nay therefore ( said he ) eat , and make no difference , because thou art a christian. chap. xii . ii. holy feasting or religious thanksgiving . an holy feast is an extraordinary thanksgiving for some notable deliverance out of some desperate danger , testified with feasting before god , with joy and gladnesse , sending presents to our friends , and portions to the needy . or thus : it is the bestowing of an artificial day in the exercise of rejoycing , for the testifying and increasing of thankfulnesse for some special benefit . there were three feasts every year , and at least two of them to continue seven dayes apiece ; but onely one time of fasting , and that but for one day . god would have us to abound more in joy then sorrow , therefore he saith , rejoyce alwayes , phil. , . but not so of mourning . this our saviour may seem to mean in luke , when he saith , no man when he hath drunk old wine presently drinks new , for the old is better . fasting is new wine , not so good , nor comfortable , nor wholsome , as old . godly joy is good of it self , and the end whereat godly sorrow aimeth ; godly sorrow is good alone by accident , as it prepares the way and fits the soul for godly joy . godly sorrow is the medicine of a christian soul , godly joy the food , and food is better then physick . a day of fasting and prayer is a sweet day : a thanksgiving day sweeter : for in a day of fasting and prayer we deal with the anger , wrath and displeasure of god. in a day of thanksgiving with the love and mercie of god. in a day of fasting and prayer we exercise grief : but in a day of thanksgiving we exercise love and joy . in a day of fasting and prayer our eye is upon our sins , in a day of thanksgiving upon our graces , to be thankfull for them . m. bridge on thess. . . not only publick feasts of the church , but private feasts of some family were in use in the church of israel , and are very lawful , sam. . . the exercises which must help our thanksgiving on such dayes , are partly natural , partly spiritual . the natural are , . to eat the fat and drink the sweet , that is , to fare of the best , and that liberally , as nehem. . . at which time the rest should be sent to the poor . . to have helps to mirth and cheerfulnesse . the spiritual , are singing of psalms , meditating and talking of gods benefits , and prayers to god , consisting most of praises , and the like . as no abuse of idolaters can make it unlawfull to fast , even in those times when they did fast superstitiously : so neither can any abuse of idolaters make it unlawfull to use such feasts ; onely provided that we take heed of surfetting , drunkennesse and superstition . chap. xiii . iii. of a religious vow . the word vow is used ambiguously , sometimes for the matter vowed ; and sometimes formally , for the promise it self ; and sometimes again for prayers which did accompany their vow . a vow made to god is either general , and common to all , as that in baptisme ; or special and singular , proper to this or that man ; by which he alone is bound which hath made the vow . the matter of a vow , or the thing vowed , ought not to be evil * and unlawfull ; but either good , just , and holy , or at least indifferent , which is not repugnant to the law of god , in our power . the papists hold that nothing can be matter of a vow , which was due before the vow was made ; but that is false . genesis . . iacob was bound to have god for his god before ; our baptisme is a vow , though the matter contained in it be a duty before . some say , such things as come sub praecepto , are not to be vowed : but such onely as are left to our choice , to do or not to do them , as we will. gregory nazianzene made a vow unto god , that he would never swear all his life long ; which vow he kept all his daies , as writeth gregory presbyter in his life . augustine in psalm . saith we may vow moral eternal duties . vowing is an extraordinary part of gods worship , whereby a man doth firmly and solemnly binde his conscience unto god , to the performing or not performing of something otherwise indifferent , for his help and furtherance in godliness . it is a promise made unto god of things lawful , by such as have power so to do , and thereby to testifie their affection and duty towards him . master down of vows . a binding of ones self to god by a solemn promise , or rather oath , to do or not to do something lawful , possible , and useful for our increase in godliness . to vow , swear , and to covenant , say some , are in scripture equivalent , importing the same thing , numb . . . sam. . , . it is called a covenant , king. . . an oath , numb . . . though there be some difference between a vow and an oath , an oath is properly by god to men , for it is to end a controversie among men : but a vow is a promise immediately to god. a vow is more then a single purpose : for in it there is , . a purpose to do a thing . . a binding our selves to do that we purpose , and to the lord , deut. . . it is a part of gods worship , because it immediately and directly tends to express our homage unto god , even as the word and sacraments , as being a means effectual to further , help , strengthen , confirm , and increase our inward conformity with his will , specially in the matter of thankfulness , and nature it self dictates it for that purpose ; for heathen men would use this as a means of shewing their thankfulness and confidence in their god. some make it not a part of gods worship , but a help to the parts of gods worship ; but these things may be called helps and furtherances to worship , which tend to the same end that worship doth , but indirectly , as the circumstances of the action adjoyned and annexed to them , but a vow tends in the same manner ; that is , directly ; and to the same end ; that is , the increase of vertue in our hearts , that the word and sacraments do ; onely it is an extraordinary part of gods worship , as fasting , feasting . . it is a firm binding of the conscience unto god , numb . . , it is a swearing by god unto god , and so contains implicitely a prayer unto god , to punish us severely and sharply if we fail to perform it , deut. . . there are affirmative and negative vows . abraham lifted up his hand unto god , that is , vowed and sware unto him by himself , that he would not take so much as a shooe-latchet of the sodomites goods ; and iacob vowed to offer the tenth at bethel , and there solemnly and publickly to serve god. but evermore the thing must be in it self indiferent ; therefore the lord commanded that none should by vow dedicate the first-born , because it was gods before . the end of a vow must be furtherance in godliness . it must be made to the lord , he is the object of it , iudg. . , . abraham lifted up his hand to him , david vowed and performed to him , deut. . . psal. . . where the scripture speaks of vows it mentions him. reasons , . it is an act of religious worship ; therefore god onely must be the immediate object . . there is no example in scripture of any that vowed to saints . bellarmine therefore might well say , there is no doubt but the hereticks ( by which he means protestants ) do judge us idolatrous , because we make solemn vows to the saints ; and indeed , acknowledging vows to be religious worship , they are much troubled to free their actions from idolatry . at last they pitch on this , that since saints are gods by participation , and have his image , therefore we may vow to them : but then we might vow to magistrates , for they are gods so ; and then we might also sacrifice to the saints , which yet they allow not . a vow hath these special uses : . to be a confirmation of our faith and confidence in god in the time of need , chiefly in afflictions and temptations . . to restrain corruption of nature , by avoiding things lawful , if inticements to sin . . to provoke our selves to the performance of such duties as we find our selves naturally slack unto . rules to be observed in making a vow : . for the matter of the vow , that we vow nothing but things lawful in themselves , and to us in respect of our condition . . a thing of some weight and moment , either in it self or at least to the party vowing ; therefore the lord forbade the price of a dog , because it is a vile and base creature ; it had also a mysterie , for he was a type of a backslider , from which god will accept of nothing . . it must be a thing possible , and in our power to do or not to do . the manner of vowing : . it must be done with understanding and advisedly , which was iephtha's failing : . with humiliation , th●t we have so often dealt perfidiously with god ; and with joy also , that god will take us to him again , though we have denied him , neh. . . chron. . . . with full purpose of heart to perform , psal. . . the very end of vows and promises , is to binde our unstable hearts , and to knit our souls more closely to god. . ●n faith , being reconciled with god. the vows of poverty and continency in the popish church are to be condemned , because they are not done in faith , but to the overthrow of it , for hereby they think they do a more meritorious act , and that by these vows as they please god the more , so god is more obliged to bestow heaven upon them . . we must not be over often in vowing , it is an extraordinary duty . . we must not make perpetual vows ; therefore in the vow of the nazariteship god would not have them make a perpetual vow , but rather for a time . certain ceremonies were appointed to be accomplisht by those that were ordinary at the end of their vow , by which he doth not onely presuppose , but injoyne a set time . we reade of no perpetual nazarites , but extraordinary two , sampson and samuel . popish votaries in all respects abuse this sacred ordinance ; they vow to saints , vow things unlawful and trivial , to go in gray , things not in the compass of mens power , to be perpetually continent , hope to merit by vowing , and imagine a perfection to themselves from it . they make children to vow which cannot deliberate , and bind them to keep it whether their parents will or no. it is a question between us and the papists , an dentur consilia evangelica à praeceptis distincta ? whether there be evangelical counsels , or counsels of perfection distinct from precepts ? the papists say , that in gods word there are commands which belong to all , and counsels which do teach some excellent heroical actions , which if a man do not he sins not , but yet if he do he shall have a greater reward in heaven . they call them one while evangelical counsels , because they are not commanded in the law of moses , but onely commended in the gospel of christ ; another while counsels of perfection , because they place a most perfect state and degree of christian life in the observation of them ; superogatory works are good works done over and above enjoyned duty . they mention three principal and substantial counsels , continence or single life , voluntary poverty , and blinde obedience . now they say , god doth not command these things at all , but he counsels them as the best . hence those only that do thus are called religious men , spiritual men , and perfect men ; and those that do these things , they say do better and more things then god doth command . this doctrine is suitable to flesh and bloud , which would have god to be a debtor to it . a thing may be indifferent as a counsel in the general nature of it , yet in particular to this or that man , it is a precept : as marriage is not a command to all , yet in particular to him that thinks the not marrying is a greater advancement to gods glory , and he hath the gift to do it , then it is a command to him , so paul though he took nothing for the preaching of the gospel as yet he might have done , yet because of that particular case he was in he was bound to do it . . when god hath appointed one end , he hath left divers waies or instrumenss to attain that end , it is left then to a mans choice to take which he will , onely he is bound to strive to attain the end . . in good actions there is the inward work of the heart , and the outward circumstances , which being singular are not commanded , we cannot do more then the word of god requireth for the inward , and for the outward the number i● not determined , as to pray three or four times , to give so much or so much . these vows are not lawful , because they are not in our power , and because they are repugnant to christian liberty and the common vocation of all christians . continence is not in our power , but is a singular gift of god : to submit ones self to any mortal man by a certain blinde obedience , as the monks do , is repugnant to christian liberty . to live by begging and the labours of others , doing nothing , is repugnant to the common vocation of men , to whom this ought to be a certain rule , he that doth not labour , let him not eat . therefore it is not lawfull to vow such things ! . they are not profitable , much less necessary ( as they are used by the papists ) but pernicious to the christian church . from the vow of continence arose abominable filthinesses of all kinds in the monks cloysters . from the vow of feigned poverty arose so many kinds of unprofitable drones , which devour the honey of the sedulous bees . from the vow of blinde and absolute obedience , flow such execrable insolencies against the lives of princes , and such horrible treasons as have frequently been perpetrated by the jesuites . of the vow of continence . the papists much prefer a single life before a wedded estate , holding that the very indifferent actions of a votary , viz. to eat or drink , are to be preferred before the best actions of the conjugall estate , as to pray , hear , or receive sacraments , and that the entring into this estate is as good as baptism ; so that whosoever should die immediately after that vow , should certainly be saved . the vowed single life among the papists , is so far from being a state of perfection or supererogation , as that it is for the most part a sinful estate in respect of making the vow . for it is a sin to vow that which a man doth not know to be lawful , or not in his own power , matth. . . the vow of continence , whereby a man promiseth to god to keep chastity alwaies in single life ; that is , out of our state of wedlock . against this vow makes that cor. . . cardinal campegius doubted not to say , that it is a greater sin for priests to be married , then to keep many harlots at home . abraham was twice married , the rest of the patriarchs were married men , and so the priests , the prophets and apostles , and almost all the scripture setteth before us , as examples of perfection . religious single life is angelical , rhem. on matth. . . it is a slender praise to be like unto the angels in that they neither marry nor are married . for since the angels have no aptness nor ability unto the company of women , as those which have no bodies , it can be small praise unto them to abstain . married persons have not been inferiour unto virgins in their prompt obedience unto gods will , wherein the angels are set up for patterns unto us , as abraham , isaac , iacob , moses , david , hezekiah , peter . cartwright on rhem. test. vide spanhem . de dub. evang. dub. . the papists hold marriage an unclean thing , and yet make it a sacrament . if marriage be unclean , adam sinned in his perfect esta●● , he sinned before the f●ll , he sinned before he sinned . the pope and priests in detestation of the marriage of ministers , do for this cause brand protestants with the terms of carnal , fleshly , and beastly ministers . iohn haymond our epigrammatist told queen mary her clergie was saucy , if they had not their wives they would have lemmans , the popish votaries , according to the french proverb , have a law not to marry , and a custome not to live chaste . dr. taylor , that couragious martyr , said at his parting , blessed be god for holy matrimony . that proverb , si non caste saltem caute , came first from the papists . the greek church saith , he cannot be in holy orders that is married : the reformed church saith , he may be in holy orders that is married , and convertibly . ii. of the vow of poverty . it is a blessing of god to be in a state to give rather then to receive , psal. . . therefore to renounce that state wherein god hath made one able to give , is wilfully to renounce the blessing of god. that place is unanswerable , eccles. . . because hereby more good may be done . the person vowing poverty is either rich or poor ; if poor , he voweth to leave all , when he hath nothing at all to leave ; if rich , and voweth to give away all for merits sake , he sins against faith , because he sets up his own merits as if christs were not fully enough . . poverty is in it self an evil , therefore agur prayes against it , prov. . because of the temptations that are in it . it is unlawful for a man to put himself willingly into that condition in which there are many dangers of sinning . . this hinders a greater good , as the offices of charity and liberality , and therefore may not be vowed . for the blinde obedience of superiours , i have touched upon that before , and the mentioning of it is a sufficient confutation . the jesuites vow to their generals and their superiours , not onely an obedience of will , but also of judgement , which they call a blinde obedience . they are a kinde of regulars professing obedience to the pope and their general , at whose sending they must of free cost preach wheresoever they be sent . they may rather be called jebusites . mr. ball in his larger catechisme , after the handling of the ordinances , before he treats of the commandments , speaks of the spiritual combate , and two other fruits of faith ; which method i shall here the rather follow , because i have not yet discussed that subject . the first question then to be resolved , is , what follows the purifying of the heart by faith ? ans. a fighting and combating against sin and corruption , rom. . ult . gal. . . a law in the flesh and in the spirit ; there is alwaies bellum , though not alwaies praelium betwixt the flesh and the spirit . in the state of nature men are wholly in the flesh , and not in the spirit ; in the state of glory they are wholly in the spirit , and not in the flesh ; in the state of grace there is both flesh and spirit . as long as there is a mixture of principles , there will be a mixture of our actions , a christians life is nothing but a checker-work of light and darkness . the flesh resists divine admonition before , and in , and after conversion ; but though it may resist god exhorting , yet it cannot resist god regenerating , as dead flesh cannot resist god raising it from the dead . in the first moment of conversion the flesh cannot lust against the spirit , since that is filled up by introducing the spirit and regenerating the man. the nature of this fight , first , it is the contrary renitency between the flesh and the spirit , in the whole course of a mans life . . there is an habitual enmity of one against the other in the bent of ones spirit , he is disposed both waies all the daies of his life , the will doth will and nill sin , and grace , loveth god and sin , there is a proneness to both sides . . an actual opposition , when the faculties of the soul are to act on any thing that fals under a rule , they both close with it in all holy actions or sins . both these have their seconds to joyne with them , grace hath its second , and corruption its second , the devil and world side with the one , and the spirit of god and holy angels side with the other . the devil by suggesting to the flesh sinful thoughts , presenting objects and taking all advantages . the world joynes with it , . all wicked men . . things and state of the world , prosperity and adversity , iohn . , . they feed these lusts , riches , honours , pleasures . the power of god , the intercession of christ , the in-dwelling vertue of the holy ghost joyne with grace , the holy ghost by his exciting and assisting grace , by chasing the devil away . a natural conscience may fight against sin as well as a renewed , when a mans conscience is tempted to sin often , and satan and corruption will take no denial ( when conscience yet resists ) this is properly a fight , this may be in natural conscience , numb . . . dav. psal. . . the difference between the fighting of the natural conscience , and of the renewed conscience with sin : . the conflict in a natural man is between conscience and the will and affections , the will carries the soul one way , conscience another , pet. . . in a regenerate man the fight is in the same faculty between conscience and conscience , there is sin and grace in every faculty , a party in the will for grace , and another for sin , this is properly the fight between the flesh and spirit in the regenerate , id patiebar invitus quod faciebam volens ang. the angels and saints in heaven are all for good , the devils and damned all for evil . one saith it is an apparent errour to affirm , that a godly man cannot sin with a full consent of will , gal. . . sanctification is in every faculty , thess. . . iohn . . two things will make it plain , . an antecedent and concommitant willingness and unwillingness ; before the sin one may seem very unwilling while the lust and objects are kept asunder , but bring them together , the natural conscience presently sins . . there is a willingness perse , and per accidens , a wicked man loves sin but for hell. . the fight in a natural conscience never puts sin out of dominion , rom. . , . there may be in natural man an opposition of flesh against flesh , corruption against corruption ; he may strive against all sin from the dictates of his understanding and his conscience , but his will is never troubled at it . this opposition is but weak and treacherous , he hath no will to any good , but a kind of woulding that is but now and then ; the opposition of the spirit to the flesh is everlasting and irreconcileable . why doth not the prevailing party keep the other under when it hath gotten the victory ? a good man hath a twofold strength : . habitual , a readiness to that which is good and against evil , by the work of regeneration which gives him a will. . actual strength , the assisting power of the holy ghost , which calleth out the graces that are in us , strengthens them ; god is a free agent , when his assistance is withdrawn sin prevaileth . nature opposeth sin with worldly weapons , carnal considerations , i shall lose my credit ; the spirit with heavenly weapons , the word of god , i shall offend god , grieve the spirit . the flesh gets the better of nature , and at last prevails ; the flesh is worsted by the spirit . sanctification is an imperfect work in this world , we are adopted , reconciled , justified , as much at first as ever , but sanctified by degrees . the imperfection of sanctification stands in three things , . all the habits of grace are weak . . there remaineth still a whole body of corruption . . all the acts which they perform here are mixt . a wicked man may have fighting about corruption , as pilate had a conslict with his own soul before he gave sentence against christ. there is a fivefold difference ( say some ) between the war in the godly and this in the wicked : in the regenerate man there is the flesh against the spirit , and the spirit against the flesh ; in the unregenerate there is only flesh contending with it self on several considerations , on the one side flesh lusting after a present content , and at the same time flesh fearing an after reckoning . . in the unregenerate the strife is betwixt reason and conscience inlightened , and the inordinate affection ; but in the regenerate man faculty against faculty in the whole man , in the will somewhat which closeth with sin , and somewhat which abominates it . . in the matter , in the unregenerate the contest is onely about gross sins ; the gracious heart is against sin , as sin , and consequently against every sin . . in the end they propound , the unregenerate man to stop the clamours of his conscience , and secure his soul from the danger of hell ; the godly man , to destroy the body of sin , and please god in all things . . in the effects , the unregenerate man is given up to walk in the waies of sin ; but in gods servants , the longer the warre is continued , the more corruption is mortified , and grace grows in him . it seems their estate then in the second adam is not better then it was in the first adam , where there was no such mixture ; adam's happiness consisted in the perfection of his sanctification , theirs in the perfection of their justification , ephes. . . . his happiness continued but a while , theirs shall last for ever . . this state conduceth much to gods glory and their own spiritual good . . they live in a continual dependance , slie to god still , and rely on him . . they are kept humble , and long for a full fruition of christ , rom. . . & . . cor. . . those actions they perform are in some respect more acceptable then that of adam in innocency , or the angels in heaven , because done with conflict and self-denial . the other fruits of faith are : . a renouncing of all evil in affection , and of gross sin in life and conversation , iohn . . then in a gospel-sense we are said not to sin when we cast off , and are free from all gross and scandalous sins , and do carefully avoid and make conscience of the least and most secret sin , sam. . , , . luke . . the schoolmen and casuists agree with the protestants in this , that converting grace cannot stand with the voluntary practice of any one sin . every saint lives in the practice of sin through ignorance , and is often overtaken with known sin : through the strength of temptation ; as david did often lie , some think it was the sin of his nature , remove from me the way of lying , but he makes not choice of a way of sin . no godly man allows himself in the practice of any known sin , iohn . . sinneth not ] he means it not of acting sin , see . . but alloweth not himself in the practice of known sins ; see chap. . , , & . verses , & . . cor. . , . gal. . , . ephes. . , . thess. . , rev. . . ul● . & . . mark . . to the end of . reasons , . whoever is effectually called , is called to turn from all sin , ezek. . , . . he is called to turn to god , ier. . . . the authority of god is violated as well by the allowance and willing committing of one sin as by all , iam. . , . he that gave one command gave the rest , quod propter deum fit aequaliter fit . . christ denies salvation to those that do not repent , and it is no repentance except we turn from all sin , rom. . . tit. . . . there are many helps against outward gross sins , tim. . . god is much dishonoured by such sins ; men generally condemn such as wicked , they say such a man is a drunkard , a whoremaster . some christians have attained to that perfection , that after their repentance they have not deliberately committed any gross sin , as paul , zachary , and elizabeth , luke . . iob , and they may attain to it , yet it is not so necessary to repentance as it must be in all , then we shall shut our david , noah , ionah , and lot , because god is pleased to shew the variety of his grace . ii. a love and delight in that which is good , joyned with a sincere desire , purpose and indeavour , daily to amend whatsoever is amiss , and to lead a life according to the law of god , thy testimonies are my delight , psal. . . isa. . , . cant. . . & . . isa. . , . psal. . . obedience to christ flows from faith. rom. . it is called the obedience of faith , it flows from faith three waies : . because faith joyns the soul to christ , from whom alone we receive strength for every good . . because it teacheth the soul to acquiesce and rest constant with those arguments that the lord useth to perswade us . . faith commands all other graces , i believed , therefore i spake , and so , i believe , therefore i hear and meditate , christ is my husband , therefore i must obey him . david a man after my own heart , he will fulfill all my will , heb. . . gods will should not onely be the rule , but reason of our actions . we may do the will of god , and yet not do it because he wils it . . the people of god are redeemed wholly from the ceremonial law , col. . . when christ the substance was come , these shadows ceased ; it is a great mercy to be delivered from these rites , burdensome to the jews , and impossible to the gentiles , acts . . they are not delivered from the law as a rule , then . there would be no sin or duty , but men might live as they list , rom . . . if the law were blotted out , the image of god might be blotted out , which consists in holiness and righteousness , it is gods immutable image , heb. . . . christ died that we might have grace to fulfil the law , rom. . , . phil. . . we are ( notwithstanding our defects ) bound to strive after perfection , the indeavour is required , phil. . , . that is , our state after the resurrection . . we are obliged to bemoan every defect and failing , . these weaknesses thus bewailed ( where there is sincerity ) shall not hurt us . god speaks of such as are upright and sincere , as if they had satisfied the law , king. . . kings . . . then are we sincere , when we have constant care to love and please god , and our weaknesses not allowed but resisted , and bewailed if we fall , ier. . . faith doth not single out its object , nor obedience its command , psal. . . faith believes all promises , all truths , and obedience respects every precept . the end of the eighth book . the ninth book of the moral law. chap. i. some things of the commandments in general . the law was delivered with thunder and lightening , exod. . . heb. . , , , . so that the mountain quaked , and moses also trembled , to shew that those which break it should be terribly punished , whether it was delivered by god immediately or by the ministery of angels . vide grotium in exod. . see also l' estrange of the sabbath , pag. , &c. the latine word for law is lex , so called , either à legendo , because the laws were wont publickly to be read , or à ligando , because the law binds all those to obedience to whom it is delivered , or à deligendo , because it makes a choice of things to be done and omitted , to be sought and avoided . the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 torah comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iarah , which signifieth first to teach , the law is a doctrine . secondly , iaculari , to cast a dart , to signifie , that the law ought to be as a mark to all , to which we should aim in all our actions . the law in the largest signification is nothing but the rule of mans obedience . a law is a certain rule of life prescribed by a supream governour to those which are under him for the well-ordering of their actions to their own , and the publick welfare . by reason of the efficient or the authour some laws are called divine , some humane ; divine , those which were established by god ; humane , those which were established by men . secondly , by reason of the matter , divine laws are divided into moral , ceremonial and judicial , deut. . , . mr hudson in his divine right of government , l. . c. . ( if he were the author thereof ) saith , the ceremonial and judicial laws of moses are but commentaries on that part of the first and second table of the ten commandments , which relates to outward actions , setting down more ample and particular rules of instruction , whereby to order and regulate the outward actions of publick societies in matters concerning worship and policy , according as the moral law had done in brief and general terms , for regulating the external actions of every private man in particular in relation to the same end . the law of god is that rule of life which he hath enjoyned to man his reasonable creature for the ordering of his actions to his own and the common good , and the glory of the maker of all . it is called the moral law , because it setteth down all duties for manners of mankinde . the ten commandments are a perfect platform of obedience summarily delivering in ten words , the whole substance of all that duty to which the sons of men stand bound in conscience before god , if they be out of christ , to do it without fail or else to be damned ; if in christ , to strive with all their main to perform it perfectly . the law is the whole will of god , and the whole duty of man. it was written by god upon a tables of stone , to shew the perpetuity and stability of it , hereby also was signified , the hardnesse of the jews heart which could not easily receive that impression of the law. it was after delivered to moses to be kept in the ark of testimony , as a figure of christs accomplishing them for us . the summe of the moral law is extant in the decalogue b , as the tenth humber is most perfect and capacious , so also the moral law comprehended in ten words by the most wise god is most perfect . some say , they were so many according to the number of our fingers the most familiar instrument of numbring , peter martyr well resembled the decalogue to the ten predicaments , because as there is nothing hath a being in nature , but what may be reduced to one of those ten ; so neither is there any christian duty , but what is comprehended in one of these . there is a twofold division of the decalogue laid down in scripture . first , into two tables . secondly , into ten words or precepts , deut. . . matth. . . first , the decalogue is divided into two tables , exod. . . & . , . deut. . . & . . eph. . , . the first table declareth our duty to god immediately , the second declareth our duty to our neighbour for gods sake . the first table prescribes offices of piety toward god , the second offices of charity toward our neighbour . christ himself teacheth this , matth. . , , , . holinesse and righteousnesse are often joyned together , luke . , . eph. . . in the former table are the four first commandments , in the later the six last . it is confessed by all that there are ten commandments , and they divided into tables c . but it is a question between us and the papists , how many precepts are to be assigned to each table ? we assign four precepts to the first table , six to the second , they three to the first table and seven to the second . vide aquin. ● , ● quaest. . art. . see b. and. large exposit . of the command . the lutherans follow them , they joyn together the precept of not having other gods with that of not making graven images , & they divide the last commandment into two , so that one forbids the lusting after another mans wife , the other lusting after other things . of this opinion was austin , whom many others followed , but especially the papists , almost all , and those which some call lutherans . vide maresii colleg. theol. both thought that conjunction to be fit , that they might excuse their sacriledge by which they are wont to raze out of their books that commandment of not making nor worshipping religious images , that so also the number of the ten precepts may be manifest , even that appendix , as they call it , being also taken away . others would have four commandments in the first table , six in the second , therefore they say those two commandments are different , that of not having other gods , and this of not making graven images , and that the forbidding of the lusting after both wife and house is but one commandment , which opinion our churches commonly imbrace and confirm by reasons drawn out of scripture , and by the authority of many of the ancients . the first reason is taken out of the collation of those places of exod. . . & deut. . . where the commandment of not lusting is repeated ; for when it is so uttered in the first place , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou sh●lt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man-servant . in the second the words are so inverted that the wife is put in the first place to whom the house , field , servant are added , by which translation of the words about coveting anothers wife and house , they rightly inferre the precepts were not distinct . the second reason is derived from that , that these things are different , who is to be worshipped , and how he is to be worshipp●d , therefore there is a double precept , one concerning the●rue object of worship , the other concerning the manner and reason how he ought or ought not to be worshipped , therefore distinct kindes of idolatry are forbidden , one more grosse by which we erre in the object , when the true god either is not worshipped , or not alone worshipped ; the other , when he is not worshipped in spirit and truth , or in that manner which he hath prescribed in his law , which make distinct prohibitions . st ierom and generally all the ancients , as well jews as christians before augustine were of that opinion . vide musc. los. commun in prael . . zanch. decalog . l. . c. . thes. . those which think otherwise here urge the word which is repeated , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife ; whence they infer that they are two distinct precepts . but the law concerning concupiscence is one , which forbids thoughts and desires contrary to sound contentment : for the object of this commandment is one , and the clause is general in these words , nor any thing that is his . if for the variety of things falling under desire we shall make divers precepts , two will not suffice : the apostle rom. . . citing the last commandment , cals it the commandment not commandments . augustine quaest . in exod. fancied a mystery , that the number of three commandments touching godmight betoken the trinity . there is a great question about the moral law , which was first written in mans heart in the time of his creation , the law that was proclaimed by gods own mouth upon mount sinai , which we call the ten commandments , whether it be in force in the christian church ? first , take the true state of the question betwixt us and the antinomians that deny the law to be in force , in these distinctions : . you must distinguish betwixt the law given to adam in paradise , as a covenant of life and death , and as it is given in the hand of a mediatour , the lord jesus christ. . you must distinguish betwixt the things that are contained in the law , and the binding power of the law. . you must distinguish betwixt the principal law-giver , and the ministerial law-giver . . you must distinguish betwixt the law given by god , even by the hand of moses in the true intent and meaning of it , and between the interpretation that the jewish doctors could make of it . . you must distinguish betwixt the law it self , and the sanction of it . the only question is about the binding power of the law , that is , whether the things contained in the ten commandments are by the lord ( the great law-giver ) commanded now to christians ? the antinomians hold the contrary , quid nobis cum mose ? the only rule ( say they ) they are under , is the free spirit of god , enclining them by a holy renewed nature to do that which is good in his sight , they are acted by a law of love , and they do the things of the law , but not because commanded in the law , they urge rom. . . tim. . . but on the other side , the orthodox divines say , that it is true , our light is only from christ , and the spirit of god dwelling in us is the fountain of all the good we doe ; but yet , say they , the lord hath commanded his holy law to be our rule , which we must look to , which if we transgresse we sinne , and are to account every transgression of it a sinne , and so are to be humbled for it , and to walk as those which have offended a gracious god. reasons to prove the moral law still in force to believers : first , some places of scripture prove it , as mal. . . eccles. . . matth. . . think not ( saith christ ) that i am come to destroy the law , i am not come to destroy d but to fulfill it . so matth. . . rom. . . rom. . . rom. . . iam. . , , . ephes. . . revel . . . which scriptures make it clear that believers are under the moral law. secondly , if believers be not under the law , then they do not sin if they do contrary to the law , or neglect the things commanded in the law , for where there is no law there is no transgression . thirdly , because the lord when he doth promise in the old testament the new covenant , he doth in that covenant promise to write his law in their hearts , there should be such a sutablenesse between their spirits and the law of god that they should carry the counterpane of it in their hearts . it is a presumptuous speech to say , be in christ and sinne if thou canst , for davids murder after he was in christ was a sinne , sam. . . in many things we offend all , jam. . . joh. . . some object and say that this is an argument we are freed from it , because their heart is so willing to conform to gods will , that they shall need no other rule to walk by but their own spirit . answ. if there be that conformity in them , yet the readinesse of the childe to obey his fathers will doth not take off the command of the father . fourthly , the moral law is in effect nothing but the law of nature , we owe it to god as our creator . beleevers are freed from the law : . as a covenant of life , do this and live , they have no need to look for life that way , they have it at a better hand and a cheaper rate , for eternal life to them is the gift of god , and the purchase of jesus christ. . from the rigour of the law. . the irritation and coaction of it . . from the condemning power , and the curses of it . the law is : . a glasse to reveal and make known unto us the holinesse of god , and the will of god ; and secondly , to make our selves known to our selves , by the law comes the knowledge of sin , rom. . . . it is a foil to set off christ , it drives them out of their own righteousnesse , and makes them highly prize christ and the benefits by him , rom. . , . . it is a perfect rule e of all our obedience . . the meditation of the terrours of the law , and the threatnings and curses which the lord hath denounced against them that break it are one of the sanctified means of grace for the subduing and beating down of corruption , luk. . . cor. . . the antinomians cry away with the law , and what hath the law to do with a christian ? and they say , that such a one who preacheth things out of the moral law is a legal preacher ; they say , the love of god shed abroad in our hearts , and the free spirit is our rule . none ought to be legal preachers , that is , to preach salvation by keeping of the law , only the papists are such . see rom. . . col. . . but the law must be preached as a rule of obedience , and as a means to discover sin and convince men of their misery out of christ , gal. . . the law habet rationem speculi , fraeni , regulae . the moral law is a glasse to reveal sinne , and the danger of it , a glasse to discover it , and a judge to condemn it . . a glasse to reveal sin . . a bridle to restrain it . . a rule both within and without . first , a glasse to reveal sin . it discovers . original sin , i had not known lust but by the law. . it sets before us the primitive righteousnesse wherein we were created ▪ . that there is something in us perfectly contrary to all this , colos. . . acts . . . it discovers to us the dominion that this sinne hath over us , rom. . , . & . begin . . shews a man the filthinesse of this sinne , corinth . . . iames . . titus . . . shews that this sin hath seminally all sins in it , iam. . . iohn . . . it discovers the deceitfulnesse of this sinne , ier. . . iam. . . act. . . iude v. . . shews a man the demerit and miserable effect of this sin , rom. . . . actual sin , it shews . every sin dishonours god , his glory is denied , debased . . the perfection of the rule , rom. . . . the harmony of the rule , iam. . . . it s spirituality , it discovers the thoughts and intents of the heart . . the infection of sin to a mans self if it be inward , to others if outward , it is called rottennesse , plague , leprosie . . that one act of sin will destroy the whole world , as in the angels , adam , all sin is virtually in every sin . it is also a judge condemning sin , iohn . . ezek. . . it passeth sentence on mens estates and actions , cor. . , . heb. . , . & . ▪ mortifies their corruptions . tit. , . cor. . . the spirit mortifies sin not only by infusing a new principle of grace , but by restraining the old principle of sinne , rom. . . psal. . . secondly , the law habet rationem fraeni , hath the nature of a bridle to check and restrain sin . . by setting before men its perfection , psal. . , . iam. . . . by exalting in a mans heart its authority , iam. . . . by shewing the danger of the curses in it , iob . . . by setting before men its preciousnesse , psal. . , . . by shewing us that god observes what respect we bear to his law , isa. . , . thirdly , the law is arule to direct in the way of duty . it is , . a rule within , ordering a mans inward disposition . the spirit of god in the work of regeneration stamps the law of god in the heart , and makes use of it to change the inward disposition , rom. . . psal. . . see ier. . . act. . . grace is given by the gospel , but it makes use of the law , fides impetrat quod lex imperat . aug. . it is a rule without to guide a mans way , a rule of all gospel-obedience , . because the gospel sends us to it for a rule , luke . . iames . . and . . . christ hath left us an example of all obedience , matth. . . iohn . . . so far as the best men come short of the law they sin , ioh. . . . it hath all the properties of a rule , it is , . recta . psal. . . ▪ promulgata , published , hos. . . . adaequata , psal. . . shall be our judge hereafter , rom. . , . god requires not only abstinence from evil , but the doing of the contrary good , isa. . , . psal. . . rom. . . reasons . . in regard of god , . he hates evil and delights in good . . the divine mercies are privative and positive , psal. . . . in regard of the principles of spiritual life , we must have communion with christ both in his death and resurrection , rom. . . the law as a covenant of works is in all these respects a servant to the gospel and gospel-ends . i. as a glasse and a judge : . by exalting free grace , paul and luther being cast down with their sins exalted free grace , tim. . , . . by exalting the bloud of christ , the more one apprehends his sinne , the more orient will the bloud of christ be to the soul , philip. . , . rom. . , . . by qualifying the soul and preparing it for christ , luke . . matth. . . . by making a man pliable to god ever after the discovery of our sin and misery by the law , and of free grace , works a childe-like obedience , isa. . . . by making a man fear sin ever after he hath been under the hammering of the law , psal. . . hos. . . . by making one set a high price on the spirit of adoption , res delicata spiritus christi . tert. ii. as a bridle , the law is the gospels servant in restraining sinne , the gospel can use the law above its nature , and contrary to the use that sinne makes of it . the law cannot give grace to assist in duty , and to restrain in sin . restraining grace serves the ends of the gospel : . in respect of wicked men , though the law restraining kils not sin in the ungodly , yet the very restraint of the action is a great mercy . . it makes a man lesse wicked . . keeps men from corrupting others . . lessens their torments , the common graces of the gospel making use of the restraints of the law , keep some wicked men from those grosse enormities that others run into . . in respect of the godly ▪ . preserves them from sinne before their conversion . . it restrains their lusts , act. . . and after their conversion keeps them from sin , psal. . . by the restraints of the law and the gospel . i shall in the next place lay down certain general rules , which may direct us in the right interpretation of the ten commandments . . because the law doth comprehend all our duties to be performed both to god and man , luk. . . therefore the interpretation of it must be sought and fetcht out of the sermons of the prophets and apostles , and the doctrine of our saviour . . whereas some laws are laid down in the form of a command , and most of them ( viz. eight ) in the form of a prohibition , we must conceive that under every command there is implied a prohibition of whatsoever is contrary to what is commanded , and in every prohibition a command of all duties opposite to that which is forbidden . for example ; in the second commandment , which under the name of images forbids the inventing or using of any form of worship of mans devising , there is withall commanded the worship of god according to his own will in the use of the ordinances prescribed , and warranted by his word , as prayer and hearing of the word , receiving the sacraments . and in the third commandment , under the prohibition of taking gods name in vain , is commanded the taking up of it with all holy reverence and fear . thou shalt have no other gods ▪ that is , thou shalt have me for thy god. keep holy the sabbath , that is , do not break it . . every commandment of god is spiritual f , and doth binde the inward man as well as the outward , humana lex ligat manum & linguam , divina verò ligat animam . original sinne is condemned in the whole law , but it seemeth to be directly g condemned in the first and last commandment ; for these two concern properly the heart of man , the first respecting it so far as it concerneth god , the last so far as it concerns man , whether himself or others . . in respect of the authority that commands , all the precepts are equal , iames . . in respect of the objects of the duties commanded , the commandments of the first table are of greatest importance , matth. . . if equal proportion be observed and comparison made , because the services therein required are more immediately directed unto god , and consequently he is more immediately concerned in them then in the duties of the second table , sam. . . isa. . . the negative commandments h binde us more strongly then the affirmative , for they oblige us alwayes and to all times ; the affirmative although they binde us alwayes , yet they binde us not to all times . a man is not bound alwayes to worship god , but he is bound never to exhibit divine worship to a creature . he is not bound at all times and in all places to professe his faith , but he is alwayes bound not to deny his faith and religion either by word or deed . a man is no● bound alwayes to speak the truth , but he is bound never to lie , seign or play the hypocrite . all the commandments are delivered negatively save the fourth and the fifth . . the lord that gave us his law made none for himself , and being the law-giver , he is above his own law , and may dispense with it upon his own will and pleasure ; as he did to abraham , commanding him to offer up his onely sonne in sacrifice , which being commanded was to him just and honest by speciall prerogative , which in another had been dishonest and unjust . . the meaning of every precept must be taken from the main scope and end for which it was given , and all those things to be included without which the precept cannot be performed , therefore one and the same work may be referred to divers precepts , as it pertaineth to divers ends . . under one vice expresly forbidden all of the same kinde , and that necessarily depend thereon , as also the least cause , occasion or incitement thereunto , are likewise forbidden , mat. . , , , , . thess. . . under one duty expressed all of like nature are comprehended , as all meanes , effects , and whatsoever is necessarily required for the performance of that duty . the cause is commanded or forbidden in the effect , and the effect in the cause . . where the more honourable person is expressed as the man , let the woman understand that the precept concerns her , where the duty of one man standing in relation to another is taught , there are taught the duties of all that stand in like relation one to another , as when the duty of one inferiour toward his superiour is taught , there is taught the general duty which all superiours owe to those that be under them , which inferiours owe to those that are over them , and which equals owe one to another . . the law forbids the doing of evil in our own persons , and the helping or furtherance of others in evil , though but by silence , connivence , or slight reproof , and it commands not onely that we observe it our selves , but that we preserve it , and what lieth in us , cause others to keep it . thou , thy sonne and thy daughter , must go over all the rest of the commandments as well as the fourth . . the law is set forth as a rule of life to them that be in covenant with god in jesus christ : god in christ is the object of christian religion , and of that obedience which is prescribed in that covenant . that immediate worship and service which we owe to god , and must perform according to his prescription , which is usually called piety or godlinesse , is taught in the commandments of the first table . our saviour reduceth the summe of these commandments to this one head , thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , soul , strength and thought , that is , whatsoever is within thee , or without thee , even to the losse of thy life , goods and good name , all must yeeld to the lords calling , whensoever he will make trial of thy love towards him . this particular duty may well comprehend all the rest : for , as is our love , so is our faith and obedience . god is loved above all things when in all that he promiseth he is believed , and in all that he commandeth he is obeyed . the general sins against the commandments of the first table , are . impiety , which is a neglect or contempt of gods true worship and service inward and outward , isa. . , . . idolatry , which is the worship of false gods , or of the true god after a devised manner of our own , amos . . that duty which we owe unto men by the lords commandment and for his glory , which is usually called honesty or righteousnesse is taught in the commandments of the second table . our saviour bringeth them to one head , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self ; that is , without fainting , coldnesse , delay , or feigning from the heart , fervently , when and so long as occasion is given . by neighbour is meant not only our friend or kinsman , but whosoever , and of what countrey soever that wanteth our help , especially he that is of the houshold of faith . the general sins against the commandments of the second table , are . inhumanity and injustice , when we disregard our neighbour , or deal injuriously with him . . partiality in affection , when we love our friends but hate our enemies ; favour some for carnal respects , contemn others that are to be respected . six commandments are set down in many words , and four nakedly in hare words , as the sixth , seventh , eighth and ninth , because men will easily be brought to yeeld to them . the scripture shews to man two wayes of attaining happinesse , one by his own works called the law , the other by faith in christ called the gospel . the law driveth us to christ , and faith doth establish the law , rom . . the summe of the law is abridged in the ten commandments which god delivered on mount sinai , and after wrote in two tables . this declareth our whole duty , . to god immediately , which is in the first table , . principal , to make him our god , command . . . lesse principal , in regard of . sorts of worship to be performed unto him , which are two . solemn , command . . common , command . . . the giving of a set time to him , comman . . . to god mediately and immediately to man for gods sake in the second table , here his duty is shew'd . . severally to . some kinde of persons specially , command . . to all generally , in regard of . their persons , for . life , command . . chastity , command . . . the things of their persons , both goods , command . . good name , command . . . joyntly to all these in regard of the first motions of the minde and will , in command . . chap. ii. of the first commandment . thou shalt have no other gods before me . some divines * judge , that those words , i am the lord thy god which brought thee out of the land of egypt , do contain the affirmative part of the first precept , and the latter , thou shalt have no other gods before my face , the negative . for these two sentences are elsewhere often joyned together as they be here ; and our saviour citing the first commandment , rehearseth it thus , hear , o israel , the lord our god is one lord. besides ( say they ) if the words be not conceived as a form of commandment , yet it must necessarily be understood to command the worship of the true god , and it so pertains to the understanding of the precept , that it cannot be separated from it . other divines hold the first words to be a preface to all the commandments , buxtorf de decalogo saith these words contain an enunciative not an imparative speech , therefore they are not a precept , but rather a general preface to the whole decalogue , in which reasons are brought why we are bound to obey him that commands . wherefore ( saith he ) they may be added to the first precept , yet so as they are not to be excluded from the other precepts , but by an ellipsis to be understood in every one of them . other divines say these words are a perswasion to the keeping of the first commandment , and that threefold , the first taken from the name and soveraignty of god , he is iehovah , an eternal being in and of himself , who giveth being and continuance to all things , and mightily performeth whatsoever he hath promised . the second , from the right of federation and covenant , thy god , he is in special manner the god of his church , which he hath chosen to be his peculiar treasure in regard of the covenant of grace made with them , isa. . . . ier. . , . isa. . . the third from a notable particular benefit lately conferred ; which brought thee out of the land of egypt , which he mentions ( saith zanchi● ) . for the freshness of the mercy . . for the greatness of it . . because that egyptian bondage was a type and figure of our spiritual bondage . this that is here spoken ( saith grotius on the decalogue ) is not the law , but the preface of the law. seneca approves not of a law with a preface , because it should command , not perswade ; the philosophers ( plato , philo , ) thought otherwise . media via optima est ( saith grotius ) ut breve sit quod praemittitur , auctoritatem non disputationem praeferens . the two first grounds of obedience are common to us with them , god is now as much the lord as ever , and hath pleased to accept us into the same ( or a better ) covenant with himself then once he admitted them ; and for the last , although in the thing it self it touch us not , yet in the spiritual meaning of it it concerns us as well as them . magna beneficia auctoritatem conciliare debent praecipienti , grotius in c. . exod. see deut. . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo iihieh leka elohim acharim gual panai there shall not be to thee other gods , or strange gods before my face . . the person spoken to , thou . every particular person for himself , be he of what state or condition soever . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acher signifieth another god , rather then a strange god , or the god of a strange people , which are thought and called gods , when they are not . in truth there is but one true god ; but in the opinion of men that erre and be deceived , there be many gods . cor. . . psal. . , . exod. . . cor. . . deut. . . lev. . . men may in conceit and imagination account something a god which is not , and carry themselves in such sort toward that which is not god , as if it were so . to have another god , is to have any thing in opinion or affection for god that is not god , and to worship it as god , either alone or with the true god. for this is a work of the minde , to have or esteem any for god , sensus est : non modo non pro vero deo substituendos alios , sed nec assumendos ad eum alios , quod multi faciebant , ut reg. . . grotius . before my face ] it is as much as against , before , or besides me , coram me , id est , praeter me , grotius ; as moses saith after , with me . the lxx render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeter me ; cyprian , absque me . see deut. . . it implieth all time and place : as , before the sun , psal. . , is so long as the sun endureth : so here , before me , is so long as i am , for ever and ever . so that first the lord signifieth , that he would have no companion to be thrust upon him , or to be placed in his sight , who should be worshipped with him , deut. . . again , that in thought or secret affection we must not admit any strange god , psal. . , . lastly , a thing is said to be done in the sight of god , which is done openly with contempt of god , and so here it seems to import the indignity * of the thing , and the peril adjoyned . we cannot have another god , but we provoke the true god to his face ; as if a woman should joyn her self to another man in love , her husband looking on , which should be most impudent and dangerous . our principal duty to god is injoyned in the first commandment , in which all the rest of the commandments are virtually contained , in so much that no man can transgress any one of them , but withal he transgresseth that , neither can any of them be broken , if that be observed . the meaning then of this commandment is : that whereas other people and nations frame and take to themselves innumerable a gods , as the ammonites chose molek , or melcom , to be their god ; the zidonians , ashteroth ; the philistims , dagon ; the moabites , chemosh ; the syrians , rimmon ; the assyrians , nisroch ; the ekronites , baalzebub ; the babylonians , bell ; the persians , the fire ; the barbarous masagete , the sun ; the egyptians , almost all kinde of beasts and birds ; the grecians , dead men ; the romans , whom it pleased the senate to consecrate of ancient times , and of late whom it pleased the the pope to canonize . wherefore though other nations had other * gods , the true israelites chosen out of the world to be the lords people , should acknowledge no idol of any nation to be their god , nor frame to themselves any idol of their own devising , or any other thing to be their helper and redeemer , their stay and buckler , which they profess to be no god ; but that they cleave to the lord their god , who is the onely lord that hath created all things , and adopted them to be his sons , deut. . . our carriage to god-ward is in one word expressed , when we are commanded to give our selves unto god , rom. . . & . . it standeth in a total and perfect subjecting of our whole souls and bodies to him . the general duty of this commandment is , that in mind , will , affections , and the effects of all or any of them , we take the true god in christ to be our god ▪ soveraign , helper , portion , and redeemer , almighty , most wife , righteous , just , true , holy , good , gracious , merciful , long-suffering , and patient . for god must be known , acknowledged and worshipped , according as he hath revealed himself in the covenant of grace , but he is our god in jesus christ. also the formal consideration of the object , to wit , why such acts of worship are and ought to be performed unto god ; are the wisdome , goodness , justice , grace , mercy and power of god , specially in the face of jesus christ , and acts performed of him by them , and according to them . the promise implied in this precept is , that god will be our god , king , protector and father ; that he will use his power , wisdome , goodness , and mercy , for the effecting of our salvation , the supply of our wants , the pardon of our sins , the defeating of our enemies , the perfecting of his graces in us , and the full accomplishment of happiness in the kingdom of heaven . one reverend divine ( now with god ) saith , the duties required more particularly , may be referred to two heads : some respect the essence and nature of god , some the authority and dominion of god , even as subjects owe some things to their prince in regard of his person , some things in regard of his power of government ; so do we the creatures to our king and creator . the former may fitly be tearmed duties of dependance , because they do naturally flow from that total dependance upon god the first being , which must needs be found in all secondary beings , and because they be certain necessary acknowledgements of our such dependance . the latter may be termed duties of conformity , because in and by them we do conform our selves unto the will and authority of god , and by both become perfectly subject unto him . duties of dependance in general , are those by which we exercise all the powers of our souls upon god , principally and above all other things , ( so far as his excellent nature is fit to be their object ) for seeing he is the most excellent of all things , and doth please to make known unto us his excellencies , we should labour to be wholly united to him that is so excellent . duties of conformity in general , are all those by which we order the powers of our souls toward other things , according to his good will and pleasure made manifest unto us . our duty concerning god , is to know him and his will , to believe in him according to his promises , to remember him alwaies , and to esteem him above all things , to trust wholly upon him , to love , desire , fear , and delight in him above all other things , and with all our hearts . our duty in respect of good things spiritual and temporal , is to exercise our wils , affections , thoughts , speeches , much more on spiritual good things then temporal , and to keep them very moderate towards earthly benefits . our duty concerning sin , is to hate it , fly from it , grieve for it , be ashamed of it , and angry with it more then any natural evil thing . the particular duties here required are : . perfect knowledge of god in christ , which is a conceiving and apprehending of him to be such a one as he hath revealed himself in his word and works , specially in the covenant of grace , and that for measure and degree fully . we cannot comprehend god as he is in himself , but as he hath manifested himself we ought to know him , for knowledge is the guide of the affections , the beginning of grace , the ground of worship . when we know god as he hath manifested himself , then do we come to believe , desire , fear and love him , and trust in him , as he requireth . we cannot have god our god till we come to know him in christ , therefore it is promised to all the godly in the new covenant , they shall all know me . . acknowledgement , which is an effectual and affectionate perswasion of the heart , not onely that god is , but that he is the onely lord , eternal and almighty , most wise , most holy , most righteous , most gracious and merciful , most faithful and true ; the creator , governour , and preserver of all things , the supreme soveraign judge of all the world , and peculiarly the god and saviour of his people that he hath chosen unto himself , and with whom he hath entred covenant of his free mercy in jesus christ. . estimation , which is a most high prizing of god according to his worth and dignity , as the chief good , and our onely all-sufficient portion : the estimation we have of any thing must be correspondent to the goodness of it . but god is good above measure , and our estimation of him should know no measure . . faith , which is a lively motion of the heart , whereby the soul doth invincibly cleave and stick unto god in christ , and unto the word of his covenant , as containing the chief good of man. to believe is not barely to assent to the thing which is propounded , to be believed for the authority of the speakers , who cannot lie , as the assenter is perswaded : but to adhere to the word of truth as certain , good , and sweet , both simply and in comparison . two things are required in faith : something true and good to be believed ; and a firm certain assent and adherence to it . thus we are commanded to believe in god through jesus christ ; neither doth faith respect the promises , narrations and prophecies of the word onely , but the commandments and threatnings also , psal. . . chron. . , , . ioh. . . by faith we possess the lord as our own , and hold fast unto him in whom all help and comfort is to be found . . confidence , or affiance , whereby we trust , lean , rely , or stay upon the grace of god in christ jesus , with assured security in the way of his commandments for pardon of sin , deliverance from all evil , and the supply of all good temporal and spiritual , according to his faithful and never-failing promise . this is ever joyned with the true knowledge of god , and in nature is of great affinity , or rather all one with justifying faith. who so reposeth all his confidence in god , he taketh him in so doing for his god. we are to trust in god for the giving and maintaining of all our good both temporal and eternal , leaning on him for all defence and deliverance from evils spiritual , yea and corporal ; casting all our care on him , having no confidence in the flesh ; no duty is more frequently pressed in scripture , then this of confidence in god. hope in god is an inseparable companion of trust , which is an assured quiet expectation of what good promised is not yet accomplished , grounded upon the free and undeserved kindness and grace of the lord in christ jesus , psal. . . heb. . . lam. . . rom. . . hope is commanded in many passages of scripture , commended by many promises , psal. . . & . . & . . lam. . . psal. . . & . . & . . mic. . . isa. . . psal. . . isa. . . psal. . . & . . & . . isa. . . psal. . . psal. . , . psal. . . & . . psal. . . & . . . psal. . . isa. . . & . . . love of god in christ , which is a spiritual motion in the reasonable part , presupposing knowledge and affiance , whereby the soul goeth forth to embrace and possess god as the chief good , and with most pure , earnest , and constant affection to maintain communion with him . love is an affection of union , it knits to the thing beloved , and would not want the possession of it . love ( we see ) makes man and woman one , and so doth couple us to god. the body is carried by weight into his proper place , so is the soul by love , which is the weight of the soul , * unto its proper object . many promises are made to them that love the lord , psal. . . & . . psal , . . iohn . . iohn . . iohn . . iohn . . & . . rom. . . psal. . . deut. . , . corin. . . tim. . . iames . . & . . god is the proper object of love , he is the chief good , absolute , allsufficient , the rest and stay of the minde , beyond which nothing can be desired , in whom incredible joy and comfort is to be found and possessed for evermore . god by covenant is our god , our father , our husband ; he hath loved us , and we ought to love him again . his love to us is free and of meer grace ; our love to him is debt , many wa●es due from us , and deserved by him . adam was to love god his creator and happiness : but christians must love god as he is become their god in christ , in whom they are knit unto him . the object of charity is god in christ , god is to be loved in christ , in whom he is well pleased , and greatly delighted in us . love of god must be most fervent , and abundant more for degree and measure then to our selves or all creatures ; yea it must be with the whole power of our souls , it is the summe of the law , matth. ▪ . luke . . . fear , which is a retiring or flying back from a thing , if good , because it is too high and excellent , above the reach and without the extent of our power and condition ; if evil , because it is hard to be escaped . the fear of god is an affection of heart , arising from the apprehension of gods infinite majesty and absolute soveraignty , both by creation and covenant , whereby we are drawn to behave our selves more reverently , dutifully , uprightly , respectively , before him , then before the greatest monarch in the world , and stand prepared to walk before him in holy manner , shunning his displeasure , and avoiding whatsoever might procure it . god is to be feared in respect of his incomprehensible greatness , absolute soveraignty as lord and father ; and exact righteousness , whereby he judgeth every man without respect of persons ; great power and tender mercies , whereby he is ready to pardon them that humble themselves , and intreat his favour . god is absolutely called fear , isa , . , . as unto whom all fear and dread is due . thus iacob sware by the fear of his father isaac , gen. . , . reverence differs from simple fear , which respecteth a thing as evil , and so we are not bound to have it working , but when we have occasion to conceive of god as angry , and doth look to things as excellent , and therefore must move so often as we have occasion to conceive of his excellency , heb. . . . humility , when rightly discerning the infinite distance and difference that is betwixt god and us , acknowledging his unspeakable excellency , and our most vile baseness in comparison of him ; his riches of grace , and our poverty ; his power , and our weakness ; his free undeserved mercy , and our misery ; we submit our selves to the good pleasure of his will , wholly depend upon his grace , and ascribe every blessing we receive to his meer favour , every good thing in us , or that is done by us , to his free goodness . . patience , which is a full purpose of heart , arising from the acknowledgement of gods wisdome , majesty , power , goodness , providence and mercy , with all quietness , and without any pining , reluctation or fainting , revolting or tempting of god , though the senses and appetite cannot but feel a repugnancy , to sustain any evil that he will inflict upon us . . joy , whereby the soul doth receive comfort and content in a good thing , and is moved to embrace and possess the same . and because god is the chief good , therefore ought the soul to be moved with more vehement and fervent motions of gladness , for his love , favour , good will , and excellent glory , then for any or all other things whatsoever . what we make our chiefest joy , that is our god : for the heart resteth principally in that with which it is most delighted , iob . . it appears evidently by gods word , that as a father would have his children to live cheerfully , so would god , and therefore doth he so much call upon them to rejoyce , psal. . . & . . psal. . . & . , . . zeal , or fervour of will , whereby the soul is moved and carried towards god with the strongest , hottest , and most fiery inclinations , willing his grace , favour and glory , infinitely above all things , because it is the highest of all things that are to be loved , willed , desired , or cared for ; and detesting , loathing , abhorring , whatsoever tendeth to his dishonour . examples of thi● zeal we have in moses , phineas , lot , elias , david , iohn the baptist , and christ himself . in ieremy , paul , peter , and many others . . an earnest and constant desire of gods presence in heaven , cant. . phil. . . rev. . . each thing by nature doth covet perfection in its kinde ; and what nature hath taught every thing in its proper kind , that grace hath taught christians in the best kinde , viz. to desire perfect communion with god , in whose presence is fulness of joy for evermore , it cannot be that god should be known to be good , clearly , distinctly , certainly , and not be desired . and if we know god to be the chiefest of all good things , we cannot but set our affections upon him , and covet above all things in the world to dwell in his presence . hitherto of those particular duties whereby we take god to be our god in minde , will and affections : now let us hear what be the effects of these . . meditation , which is a staying of the minde in the serious thought and consideration of gods power , goodness , grace , mercy , love and wisdome , shining in the word and works of god , specially in jesus christ the brightness of his glory , with an holy delight and admiration at that most perfect and divine excellency which casteth forth the comfortable beams thereof , upon the soul of him that so thinketh upon them . each particular duty before mentioned calleth for meditation , knowledge is not gotten without meditation , meditation kindleth love , and love carrieth the thoughts after it . reverence is not raised without meditation , and being raised keepeth the heart within compass , that it doth not straggle up and down . the glory of god as it shineth in jesus christ is most amiable and delightsome , that if once it be truly discerned , we shall take great pleasure to behold and view it . what actual sight is to the eye , that thought is to the mind : glorious pleasant objects draw the eye after them , and what is apprehended to be divine , excellent , pleasant , beautiful and comfortable , that will take up the mind . if all thoughts affect and profit according to the nature of the object about which they are exercised , then seeing god is the best , most excellent , most glorious object , the minde that is most serious in the meditation of his grace , power and love in jesus christ , is best refreshed and most perfected . we should think upon god in most serious manner , constantly upon all occasions and opportunities with livelihood and power , being most affected and taken up with the thought of god in jesus christ. . perpetual and continual remembrance of god , whereby we call back to minde what we know and have learned of god , his power , mercy , love , long-suffering , and represent him as present to the soul. the name of the lord is most sweet , the remembrance of his holiness , the prop of confidence , the solace of the heart in time of distress . see sam. . . . reverent and faithful invocation , wherein we request of god in the name of christ all good things whereof we stand in need , and that both in prosperity , and adversity , thess. . . ephes. . . iames . . psal. . . & . matth. . . . thanksgiving or celebration of gods name , whereby we magnifie his power , goodness , wisdome , grace and mercy , freely acknowledging every good and perfect gift to come from above . god is the highest majesty , who oweth nothing to any man , from whom we receive body , soul , life , and whatsoever we injoy , unto whom we are unable to requite the least kindness vouchsafed . our tongues should be more plentifully busied in speaking of gods excellencies to his honour , then of any or of all other things . mans speech should more readily , constantly , largely be set on work in talking of god to his glory , then of the whole world besides , . holy and religious swearing , which is a calling of god to witness that we speak as our minde conceiveth . . religious and divine adoration , psal. . . the greek word notes as much as to fall upon the knees , or to worship by falling down at the knees of another , matth. . . adoration is implied in this . one evangelist saith , that the leper worshipped christ ; another reciting the same history , that he kneeled down unto him ; and a third , that he fell upon his face . in hebrew there be divers words to express it , which signifie to bow the whole body , to kiss the mouth , to bend the knee , to fall prostrate on the face . but in all three * languages it noteth an outward reverence , shadowing the internal affection of the heart , adoration implieth in it three acts : first , an apprehension of the excellency of that which is adored . secondly , an act of the will , desiring to do something to testifie our acknowledgement of this greatness , and our subjection and inferiority . thirdly , an outward expressing of the same . . seeking the lord and his favour , specially if we have turned away from him . to seek the lord , is to bend all our senses and strength to know god aright , have communion with him , enjoy his favour , and worship him purely according to his ordinance , chron. . . iob . . ezra . . . . offering and making vows unto the lord alone , isa. . . psal. . . & . . gen. . . deut. . , . profession of gods name , deut. . . isa. . . & . . psal. . . & . . . free and voluntary submission of minde and conscience to the lord alone , as the onely law ▪ giver , king and saviour of his people . this commandment is broken two waies : . by failing to give god that honour which is due unto him , and that either for substance or degree , matter or measure , in whole or in part . . by giving his divine honour unto any other in whole or part , absolutely or in degree , in profession or truth . the special sins condemned are : . atheisme , when the heart denieth god in his deity or divine attributes , as wisdome , justice , mercy , omnipresence . and this is secret or open : open , when a man maintaineth that conceit expresly in his minde : secret and in the bud , when he is over-ruled with this vice , though he form not such a proposition in his minde . atheism is an high transgression of this commandment , for he that denieth the godhead , cannot glorifie god in spirit and truth . besides , every atheist maketh himself god , in that he thinketh he is of and by himself , and not of and for the lord that made heaven and earth . . ignorance of god in christ , under which dulness to conceive of him , and carelesness to seek after the knowledge of him , are comprehended . ignorance of god , so far as he hath obscured himself from us , is no sin , prov. . , . rom. . . ignorance of the secrets of god is a holy ignorance , deut. . . we must know all that we need , and all that we may , but must not presume above that which is meet to understand . that ignorance of god , so far as he hath most clearly and carefully revealed himself in his works and word , is that which is here condemned . this ignorance is privative or corruptive : both sinful in nature , though not equal in guilt or danger . privative ignorance is the simple want of that knowledge of god and christ that should be had : corruptive is joyned with a perverse disposition , whereby the minde is not onely blinded , but become grossely carelesse of the knowledge of god and godlinesse , if not perverted with false and sinfull opinions . . curiosity , when men busie themselves in prying into the secrets of gods nature and works , or turn their search after him into meer disputes and idle speculations . this perverse desire of knowing the truth is a disease that hath endangered many . our first parents were bewitched with a desire of more knowledge then the lord knew to be good for them , and so attempting to do what was forbidden , they fell from that good estate in which they were created . the lord hath fully manifested himself in the face of jesus christ , so far as it is needfull or profitable for us to know him : and it is our duty to contain our selves within the bounds and limits prescribed of the lord. . errour or heresie concerning god and christ , as when we conceive amisse of the properties of god , his covenant , the unity of essence and trinity of persons ; the person and office of christ. heresie is idolatry , for it transformeth the majesty of god , the person or office of christ : every lie of god is a kinde of idolatry , but heresie ascribeth unto god devised properties , turneth his glorious essence into a lie . . want of acknowledgement , when god is known in a sort , but not with affection and effect , as he ought to be , and that either for substance or degree . the sons of eli were sons of belial , they knew not the lord ; we cannot think them to be utterly destitute of all knowledge of god : but they did not acknowledge his power , love and soveraignty as they professed . it is noted as the sinne of israel , that they understood not the wonders of the lord , that is , they did not wisely consider or acknowledge them . . disesteem or contempt of god in christ , when his favour is not esteemed or not according to the worth and excellency . contempt of god is discovered by contempt of his word , luk. . . & . . iob . . & . . psal. . . prov. . . if we regard not instruction , cast behinde our backs , despise his threatnings , neglect his promises . . incredulity , when the heart is dis-joyned from god by unbelief ▪ of this there be divers degrees . the first is , doubting through weaknesse , a disease which the weak christian laments and would fain have amended in himself . the second , when explicitely and in act those things be not firmly , distinctly manifested . the third is flat infidelity with misbelief , when the corrupt minde of man denying to yeeld assent to the truth of god , doth foster false or presumptuous conceits of gods majesty contrary to that he hath revealed . . distrust , wavering or shaking out of fear of not obtaining what the lord hath promised , whether it concern this life or the life to come , and that either for want of the things themselves , or of the causes which we judge necessary for the obtaining of what is promised . . desperation of gods power , mercy or both . . presumption and carnal security , when men rashly hope that they shall obtain their desire of god , but not according to his promise . . defect or want of love , whether in respect of quantity , quality , act or continuance , cor. . . . want of fear or reverence , when men live without reverence , care or fear of god and his judgements against sinne , whether for substance or degree . . pride , being a lifting up of our selves above and against god , over-valuing our selves , and undervaluing him , timothy . . . psalme . . isaiah . . . impatience , when we will not rest in the will of god nor expect his aid , and the accomplishment of his promises , but mislike the lords doings , grudge under his crosses , blame his government , and faint under the burden . . carnall joy , when men take more pleasure in sinne , wealth , friends , lands , wife , children , wit , and such like , then in the favour of god , or at least joy so in these things , as that their joy is in whole or part with-drawn from god. . lukewarmnesse , when men receive and professe the truth , but want the heat of love and zeal , revel . . . . sensuality , when men eagerly pursue their contentment in earthly things , but regard not the love or favour of god , or at least are willing to be strangers from him for ever , so they may enjoy the desires of their souls here below . . loosenesse , when the minde is carried from god , and doth range abroad in idle thoughts , or abundantly pursue , and follow thoughts of earthly and transitory things . . forgetfulnesse , when men put god out of minde and carelesly cast away all remembrance of him , when it should do us good , or we should give him glory . . neglect of prayer , he robs god of his glory that runs not unto him in all necessities by hearty supplication . . invocation of false gods , wood , stone , or saints departed . herein the papists teach the breach of this commandment , in that they perswade and commend the invocation of saints departed , as intercessours to god by their prayers and merits . and not only so , but they pray to them that are no saints , but rather hypocrites , to them that never were , and to the crosse , saying to the dumb stock , arise , it shall teach me . . dulnesse or hardnesse of heart , when the soul is so stupid and senslesse , fast locked up , that the mercies of god , and his sweet promises do little or nothing effect . it is a spiritual sottishnesse or distemper , that neither the word nor works of god c●n kindly work upon us . . unthankfulnesse , when men devour the blessings of god , and return no praise unto him for them . . idolatrous swearing by idols or false gods , by the saints departed or any meer creature . . divine adoration of that which is no god . the papists adore , . the pope , to whom they attribute divine honour . . images , with the same adoration with the samplar , appointing only a respective difference , viz. that the principal is worshipped simply and for it self ; but the image in regard of the similitude and reference to the principal . . the bread and cup of the eucharist . . the saints departed . . neglect to seek god , or return unto him when we have gone astray , or be warned by his prophets or corrections . and enquiring after or seeking unto strange gods . chap. iii. the second commandment . thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image , nor the likenesse of any thing that is in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the waters under the earth , thou shalt not bow down to them nor serve them . for i the lord thy god am a jealous god , visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth generation , of them that hate me , and shewing mercy to thousands of them that love me and keep my commandments . moses himself explains this precept , deut. . , , , , . this commandment hath two parts , a prohibition and a confirmation . the prohibition hath two parts , forbidding two things . the first is propounded , thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image , nor the likenesse of any thing . where is , . the person prohibited , thou ] any man whatsoever . . the thing forbidden , making a graven image ] that is , an image artificially carved with any tool . an image is the picture or representation of some other thing artificially made of any matter in any form . likenesse of any thing ] is more general , for though every image be a likenesse , yet not contrarily , and the lord doth deliver this commandment so generally to prevent all mistaking . no image or picture nor any manner of likenesse must be made . whether it be an idol or image , if it be a likenesse , it is forbidden here . . here is the end , for thy self , or to thy self , that is , to the use of any man , it must be understood of religious use for the service of a god , either true or imaginary , or to thy self ] that is , of thine own head a . thus this part is propounded , it is inlarged by a distribution of things whereof images or likenesses are to be made . of things in heaven above ] meaning the highest heavens , called the heaven of the blessed , and so the images of god the father , or god the son , or god the holy ghost , and of our lord jesus god and man are excluded , as also of holy angels and saints , for all these are in heaven . . the heavens of the stars , and so the image of the sunne , moon , planets , or any constellation or starre is condemned . vide voss. de orig. & progress . idol . l. . c. . . the inferiour heavens called the air or place where the fowls of the heaven flie , so as pictures of feathered fowls are condemned . again he saith , of things on earth ] here are all men and four-footed beasts living and walking , and all kinde of creeping things together , with herbs , plants , trees , and so all images of them are blamed . . the waters under the earth are named , and thereby are signified all manner of fishes . the waters are said to be under the earth , because god made the earth hollow , that there the waters might be contained , psal. . . and god particularly nameth all these places , besides which there is no other place , that we might fully conceive , that his meaning is to forbid all manner of images of all things whatsoever , whether of god , of creatures , of what sort and kinde soever . the gentiles abused the images of most of all these , rom. . . this is the first part of the prohibition , the second is , thou shalt not bow down nor serve them , that is , to any such image . quibus verbis omnem omnino cultum , quocunque modo idolis tribuatur , prohibet . scultet . to bow down notes the outward gesture of the body used of men to shew reverence , and is used to denote all manner of reverent behaviours , which either nature hath ordained , or custom of countreys authorized to expresse respect and regard of things , as worthy of honour and account . vox hebraea gestum honoris indicem significat . grot. in exod. . to do service noteth all manner of actions to be accompanied with such reverent gestures , the former is a circumstance of service , the later the substance of it . so no manner of account is to be shewed to pictures , neither by any outward gesture of body , nor by any kinde of service at all . zanchy de decalogoc . . doth otherwise distinguish between these two words . hitherto the prohibition , the confirmation is taken from the lords interest , i am the lord thy god. . from one attribute of his jealousie . see exod. . . jealousie is that property of a husband or wife whereby they cannot endure that the yoke-fellow should give either their affections or body to others beside themselves , consortis impatiens , ut mariti , grotius . it noteth the holinesse of gods nature that cannot away to have that service which is due to him communicated to images , or to any other thing with or besides himself , it is love joyned with anger , sith god cannot away with this , we should not practise it . . there is an argument from gods effects of visiting the sins of the fathers on the children to the third and fourth generation , of them that hate him . visiting is twofold , . in love and favour , luke . . . in displeasure to punish , as here . punishing b is the laying of misery upon any one that hath done a fault , proportionable unto his fault . the object of this punishment are the children of them that hate god even to the third and fourth generation , as in the babylonish transportation . et nati natorum , & qui nascentur ab illis . for a man may live to see his posterity to the fourth generation , iob . . and so see himself punished in them . so aquinas a , ae quaest. . artic. . kellet . miscel. lib. . cap. . and others . some say the wrath of god descends from fathers to children onely in case the children imitate , and write after their fathers copy ; supposing these words [ in them that hate me ] to relate to the children . but this is expresly against the words of the text , and the examples of the thing : god afflicts good children of evil parents for their fathers sins , and the words are plain and determinate : god visits the sins of the fathers , in tertiam & quartam generationem eorum qui oderunt me , of them , of those fathers that hate me . doctor taylor on exod. . . par . . the cause moving to punish is the sins of the fathers . now god punisheth the sins of the fathers on the children , by giving up the children to follow or exceed their parents in sinning , that so he may bring upon them a more full vengeance , to shew his detestation of his fathers sins . seeing no man would have his posterity to be plagued , himself must not sin in breaking the former prohibition . they hate the lord which do not worship him as he hath commanded them , but after their own fantasies , and after the traditions of men . god in no other commandment but the second threatens to punish the sins of fathers upon the children , because superstitious worshippers of all men are strengthned by the tradition of their fathers , o our fathers did thus and thus , shall we be wiser then our fore-fathers ? m. burrh . on hos. a second effect of god is shewing mercy , that is , doing good and helping out of evil , and the object of this to thousands ; the promise is opposed to the commination , but is of larger extent . rabbi salomon hence observes that the goodnesse of god doth as much exceed his severity , as fifty exceed one , viz. because his severity is restrained to four generations , but his goodnesse is extended to thousands , two thousands at the least . non mille , sed multa millia : ita ostenditur , quanto largior sit deus in benefaciendo , quam in puniendo . grot. in exod. . of them that love him and keep his commandments ] not that pretend to love him indeed and shew their love by obedience to his revealed will. there is a great difference between keeping gods commandments and fulfilling his commandment . keeping noteth a truth , fulfilling a perfection : this christ only had ; but the truth every christian must have . the scope , end and summe of this commandment is to order us in the solemn worship of god , called heb. . . ordinances of divine service , and usually termed religious exercises . for the constituting of a solemn worship of god three things are required : . that it be done with immediate reference to god , and that himself or something in his stead be made the object thereof , and so therein we draw near to him , and he to us . . that it tend in the doers intention directly and of it self to the honouring of god and pleasing him , and getting of grace from him , by exercising of some or all the vertues required in the first commandment . . that there be a separating of our selves from all other businesses to be wholly and altogether imployed about such acts in which the difference between common and solemn worship doth seem to stand . worship consists in three things : . there must be a right knowledge and high apprehension of god , the person to be worshipt . . a reflexion of this knowledge . . an abasement of the creature under the reflexion of this knowledge , revel . . christ is represented as sitting on a throne . the people of god are there brought in as compassing him about , they have high apprehensions of the person of christ , his glory and holinesse . . they reflect these excellencies . . they abase themselves , fall on their faces , vers . ult . every religious exercise or ordinance of divine service hath usually divers particular acts , that be as parts of the whole , and in the orderly uniting of which the whole is accomplished . and whatsoever is done in any such exercise of religion , for the end and purpose of pleasing god , and getting grace from him with respect of conscience to him ( as esteeming that he must and will have it so , or else the service shall not be well-pleasing and acceptable to him ) this is a part of worship , or of divine service . for example , a man brought an ox or a ramme , a lamb or such like thing , and presented it to the priest , he did offer it unto god , and that directly with intention of exercising obedience and faith to god. likewise this offering was to be made by a certain person in a certain place , at a certain time , with certain garments and rites : so all those observations became parts of this worship ; for in these also the intention of the doer was directly carried to god , hoping and purposing by them to please god and exercise faith and obedience , and other graces , as well and as much as by the very offering it self , and accounting the service not to be acceptable to god without them . the things commanded here are of two sorts : . for the performance of divine service . . for the preservation and continuance thereof . for the right performance of divine worship , some things are to be looked unto for the substance and circumstances of it . for the substance of worship also , some things are required for the matter of it . manner of it . for the matter , some things are required , for . the object of the service . . the subject of it , that is , the kindes and parts of it . for the object , two things are required , . that it be to the true god alone . . for the parts that they be such as are prescribe and appointed by the true god. for the object , it must be only the true god the father of our lord jesus christ , which is the maker of heaven and earth , the sonne of god our blessed saviour and mediatour , the blessed spirit our sanctifier , which god hath manifested himself to us in the scriptures , to him and him only must we tender our worship , which is so essential to worship , that it cannot be true unlesse it be appropriated unto him , according to the words of the law repeated by our saviour , saying , thou shalt bown down to the lord thy god , and him ( alone ) that exclusive and confining particle our saviour addeth by way of interpretation , shalt thou serve or worship , for so that word which in the original is , thou shalt serve , christ rendereth , thou shalt worship . and great cause that he alone should be worshipped who alone is worthy of worship . seeing this worship is a solemn acknowledgement of his deity we testifie that we esteem him the onely true god upon whom we depend , and to whom we give our selves as servants . secondly , this true god must be the object of our worship purely , and by a clear work of the understanding conceived of in his attributes and properties , not represented to the eye , or any way pictured forth or imagined under any visible or sensible form or representation , because there is no possibility of resembling him to the life by any similitude that any man or creature can invent or frame , yea all resemblances fall so farre short of his perfection that it will prove an imbasing of our conceits concerning him to attempt any such resemblance , and therefore deut. . . is expresse , telling israel , that they heard a voice alone in the time that god came amongst them to deliver the law , and saw no manner of image or likenesse , and therefore they ought not to corrupt themselves by making any image or representation . god is not a body but a spirit and essence , a spirit whose being is every way above all that all creatures can attain and reach to proportionably to the excellency thereof by the most deep contemplation of their minde . and therefore also the prophets do cry out against the picturing of god or worshipping him under any such form or picture , saying , whereunto will ye liken me ? what similitude will ye make of me ? isa. . . the way to cure this evil : . purge your hearts more and more from carnal affections , psalm . . . matth. . . . beg the assistance of the holy ghost to raise your apprehensions of the divine ▪ essence , cor. . , , . the spirit gives us light , and makes it powerfull to change the heart . . be much in the study of the scriptures , they are the image of christ , and he is the image of god , cor. . . & . . . be obedient to divine institutions ; god knows what worship is best for himself , col. . obedience to gods will keeps up the repute of his essence . see sam. . . nihil adeo offendit hominum mentes ac simplicitas divinorum operum . tertul. . consider your experiences of grace , exod. . . mic. . . luk. . . . often view god in his stupendious works , psal. ▪ observe the bounding of the sea , the hanging of the earth upon nothing , iob . . the beauty and motion of the heavens , the order of all the creatures , hosea . latter end . see psal. . . . when you make use of sensitive things to increase your knowledge of god , you must proceed by way of negation and argument , and not by representation . see isa. . . . labour to get a more perfect and clear notion of god , follow on to know the lord , hos. . . heaven consists much in the vision of god. for the parts of worship , it is required that they be all prescribed unto us by the written word of god , that he may not have cause to except against us , saying , who required these things at your hands ? for seeing we do them to him , we must from him know whether they will be acceptable unto him , yea or no. his own will is the right rule of his own worship , what is not conformable to the rule cannot be true worship . wherefore the lord chargeth israel that they should not adde any thing to the thing by him prescribed , but keep themselves strictly to his appointment , doing alone that very thing which he required without swerving to the right hand or to the left , deut. . . iosh. . . prov. . . if god had left us without a patern in the wayes of his worship we should have wandered in incertainties ; the heathens by the light of nature knew that there was a god , and that he was to be worshipped , yet they did but grope after him because they wanted a rule of worship . humane inventions in matters of worship have been brought in . by satan , he knows . that they take away the glory of worship , that only is excellent which it plenum sui . . that they take away the majesty and authority of it ; god shews no such majesty any where as in his ordinances but in heaven , revel . . . . that they take away the power of ordinances , matth. . . all the power of ordinances consists in gods presence in them . . that it hinders their acceptation , revel . . . . by the minister . a spirit of uncleannesse works in the prophets , zech. . . . a great deal of pride , col. . . . a vehement desire of drawing proselytes after them , gal. . . . horrible hypocrisie , matth. . , . . worldly wisdom and fleshly ends , king. . . . a constant ignorance and idlenesse in them , while they slept the envious man sowed tares . . cowardise , gal. . . . by the people , thess. . , . hos. . . amos . . three things about the worship of god are to be considered : . the kindes of it , that is ( as was before said ) certain orders of actions to be performed . . the parts of it , that is , each action of each kinde , so receiving the lords supper is a kinde of worship , the action of giving , taking , eating , drinking , with the things hereby represented , are parts . . there are certain circumstances and solemnities for the manner of celebrating those parts and kindes : now the two former must be expressely commanded . the later must not be forbidden nor condemned , onely a thing of solemnity is changed into a part when a religious necessity is imposed upon it , and a spiritual efficacy conceived to be annexed unto it , as appears in the priests garments in the law. thus for example : prayer is a kinde of gods worship , the confession of sins , petition and thanksgiving for benefits be parts of this kinde of worship , and so are the person to whom , and the person in whose name necessary things for the matter of the worship . but now , whether i pray in such or such a place , whether with eyes lift up or cast down , whether kneeling or standing , whether with mine head covered or uncovered , these are certain points of solemnity ▪ as it were adjuncts of the exercise . and here it is sufficient , that i use no such circumstance as is condemned , nor neglect any that is commanded , but if i do esteem it a matter of religious necessity to god-ward , to pray in such a place rather then such , and conceive that my prayers shall be more effectual for my good there rather then elsewhere , not having any such warrant from god , i do now turn the circumstance into a part of worship , and seeing it is not from god , of false worship . the several kindes and parts of gods worship , are either ordinary or extraordinary . i. ordinary , . publick . . private . . indifferent . first , publick , such as ought to be usually and onely performed in publick assemblies of whole congregations in one known appointed place , as being open and publick professions of our allegiance to god. such are two alone . . preaching of the word , which hath two main parts : . the explication and declaration of any part of holy writ , or any point of doctrine contained in holy writ . . the application of that part of holy writ or point of doctrine so contained in scripture to teach , admonish , exhort , correct , comfort , for which things it is most fit and convenient . the second publick worship is administration of the sacraments , that is , of the seals of the new covenant of grace , which are two alone , . the seal of ingra●fing into christs body , called baptism , where the parts are ▪ outward , washing with water , inward , bestowing the bloud of christ to wash and purge the soul. . the seal of our nourishment in christ , whereof the parts are , outward , on the ministers part taking , blessing , breaking , distributing bread and wine : on the receivers , taking , eating and drinking bread and wine : inward , certain works of god in giving his sonne , and of the receiver in receiving him . this is publick worship . secondly , private , two . meditation by ones self alone of the word of god , or the parts of it in any particular matter ; the parts of which are , consideration of the truth thereof , and application of the same to ones self . . conference with a few others , which is a mutuall propounding of mens judgements of any part of scripture or point of religion for their mutuall edifying , as paul went up to conferre with peter and with the chief apostles . thirdly , indifferent , which may be done both publickly and privately , yea which must be done both in private by each person and family , and also may be done , and most of them must be done by the whole assemblies of men professing true religion . these are ordinary which must be of constant and continual practice day by day as occasion serveth , which are four , . reading the scriptures and good books , or hearing them read , which is an intentive observing of the things contained in the word , or such godly books as tend to make the points of doctrine in the scripture contained , more plain and usefull unto us . . catechizing , which is a particular teaching the principles of religion by question and answer , necessarily required of all housholders and ministers to the young or ignorant people of the parish . for the housholders it is apparent in that commandment , that they should whet these things upon their children ; for ministers , let him that is catechized in the word make him that catechizeth him partakers of all good things : where catechizing is made a part of the ministerial function of a pastor in regard of which maintenance is due unto him . . prayer , pray continually , saith the apostle ; for private prayer , enter into thy closet and pray , saith our saviour christ ; and mine house shall be called a house of prayer , saith the lord himself for publick worship . . singing of psalms , whether scriptures , or other conformable unto scripture made by godly men , ones self or others , it is not material , as some think , for so saith david , sing unto the lord a new song ; and so saith the apostle , edifie your selves with psalmes and hymnes and spiritual songs ; the word translated hymnes signifieth such a song as is uttered with voice alone , but spirituall songs and psalmes are such as are sung to the tune of any well tuned instrument of musick , but must be so performed as may be for edification . and these are ordinary services . the extraordinary services are such as are to be performed upon particular and special occasions , either publick or private , such are . fasting , which is the setting of an artificial day at least apart to the work of humiliation and reconciliation . . feasting , which is the setting of so much time apart to the work of rejoycing . . vowing , which is a tying of ones soul by gods name unto gods self to do , or not to do a thing lawful for his furtherance in godlinesse . these be all the kindes of worship which god in his word requireth , and the performance of them each in their place and order is required at the hands of all gods people by vertue of this commandment , so that each man and woman stands bound in conscience constantly to perform the publick and private , as god gives ability , and the extraordinary upon such extraordinary occasions as fall out to require the performance of them . and so much for the matter of true worship . the manner followeth ; which is as carefully to be looked unto as the matter ; neither shall any service we perform be acceptable unto god , further then the manner of performing the ●an●● is agreeable to his will. know , four things are required to the right performing of gods services in this kinde : . sincerity . . diligence . . faith. . reverence . and when we do worship truly , diligently , faithfully , reverently , then we also worship him acceptably and fruitfully . for sincere worshipping of god we may learn it by the apostles denying it of some that preached christ of contention : what we do for a right end , attain●●g of grace , and for the right motives , gods commandment and honour , that is done truly ; for truth in this case is the agreement betwixt the shews we make and meaning we have . to the sincere performing of the acts of worship , three things are requisite : . that we do it upon a right motive , which must be gods commandment , because he requireth us so to serve him , not pray to be seen of men . . for a right end , which must be the shewing of our obedience to god , and winning of grace from him according to his promise . . with the joyning together of the inward and outward man , the soul and body . the scripture requireth this in prayer by special name , saying , that god is neer to all those that call upon him in truth ; that is , with a true intention to please him , and a true desire to get grace from him . the thing which ought to make a preacher preach , is , that he may be gods instrument in converting and edifying souls , seeing god hath appointed to do this work by the ministry of men . the thing which should make the people come to church , is , that by hearing their souls may live , seeing god hath appointed preaching to save men . when we do in our souls aim at the right end of the several kinds of worship we perform , seeking to approve our selves to god so in them , that by them we may profit according to his institution , this is truth . the second thing is diligence , which will follow upon truth , and is joyned with it , for alwaies they go together as the contrary vices , and therefore in the hebrew one word signifies both negligently and guilefully , in that speech , cursed be he that doth gods work negligently . he that would serve god acceptably , must serve him heedfully , eccles. . , . mark ▪ . , . heb. . , . reasons . . because of gods peculiar presence in his ordinances , ezek ult . ult . revel . . . he is there present , . in majesty , exod. . . chron . . isa. . . the ordinances of the gospel are compared to a wedding feast , matth. . where the king comes in , therefore we are said to come to a throne of grace . , in holiness , isa. . . psal. . . ezek . latter end , rev. . . . as a judge , ezek. . . rom. . . iob . , . in jealousie , as in the second commandment , which is quicksighted , iosh. . . . look to the rule of all your converses with god , rom. . . word-service it may be rendred , as pet. . . it is . a straight rule , psal. . . one may quickly go awry . . a spiritual rule , rom. . . . an harmonious rule , iam. . . . consider the evil frame of your spirits that are to walk with god in this rule , . there is much enmity in them to every duty . . much inadvertency in the things of god. . looseness and vanity in the thoughts , ier. . . . god is more honoured or dishonoured in your religious duties , then in all the actions of your lives , there they actively , intentionally , and solely intend his glory , therefore more of their spirits should be laid out in these duties then in all their other actions , psal. . . . the devil is there present , matth. . . . as an accuser , as of iob. . as an opposer , zach. . . . as an executioner , isa. . , . this diligence is a setting ones self to procure to ones self the benefit of the exercise , an indeavour and striving in good earnest to have the graces wrought in us which these exercises are to work . this diligence consists in three things : . a taking pains to fit and prepare our selves for these exercises before hand . . a due carriage of our selves in them . . a due use-making afterwards . for the first , we must all know that there is a very great natural unfitness in our hearts to perform any religious work , any good work at all ; that which is of it self unfit to effect any thing , must be fitted for the work before it be imployed in the same . the heart of the best man is very apt to be out of tune as it were for prayer , meditation , hearing ; when it is exercised about worldly matters , it is made very unapt to matters of godliness , because it cannot converse in the world in that holy and discreet manner it ought , wherefore it must be new tuned , and that is to be the first pains of a good man , without which his following labour is lost . this preparation is double : . common to all exercises of religion . . proper to some special exercises . the common preparation stands in four things : . in knowledge of the exercise to be performed , both that it is by god required , and what good he intends by , and how he would have u● perform it . for it is impossible that any man should well worship god in anything , who hath not received convenient information of the nature and use of that thing . no man can pray except he know what it is , to whom to be made , in whose name , and what good he shall attain by it : nor reade , nor hear , unless he know the needfulness and nature of these ordinances . for it is the word of god by which all things are sanctified , in that our minds are thence instructed of the lawfulness and manner of performing them . this is the foundation which must be first laid to all that follows , to be made acquainted what the exercise is , what good it will bring , how necessarily required , that so a man may do what he does out of this knowledge , and not serve god he knows not with what . . a man before he comes into gods presence about such works must repent of his sins , yea renew his repentance , bethinking himself of the several things which he latest committed , to work a fresh measure of grief in his soul , with a full determination of heart to strive more against them ; for god cannot endure to be served with a foul hand . the sprinkling water must be sprinkled upon us , and we must purge our selves from all uncleanness if we draw near to him . so in the old law they were to wash their clothes after some pollution , and when god came to them to put off their shooes . and that is it which david saith , i will wash mine hands in innocency and compass thine altar . a man must bring an undefiled spirit ; if he will pray , he must work his heart to sorrow , and resolution to amend his late sins , for he cannot be welcome into gods presence , that is not cleansed from his wickedness , or hateth to be reformed , we must be pure if we will come into gods presence . . prayer to god for his blessing must be prefixed to all religious services , for our better inabling thereto , for of our selves we can do nothing , all our sufficiency comes from him who hath promised to hear us when we pray , and to grant our petitions ▪ so that without seeking a blessing we cannot expect to finde it ; and therefore the apostlē saith that all things are sanctified unto us by prayer , even exercises of religion , the word , the sacraments , and the like , yea and prayer too , by praying god first for his spirit of prayer . therefore he that will serve god aright , must first crave his help and grace to serve him . the fourth and last part of common preparation is by a preconsideration of the exceeding greatness of the lord before whom we come , and of our vileness , baseness , unworthiness to come before him , that so we may be rightly affected with the regard of him , levit. . . so cornelius saith , that he and the rest were all there before god to hear what peter should say unto them , they had considered with themselves that god came to speak unto them , and that they came to hear him ; for in what service we do not make account that we have to deal with the lord our god and maker , and do not put our selves in minde what a one he is , we shall not carry our selves aright towards him . abraham said he was dust and ashes when he prayed to god , therefore the lord hath set down a preface before the lords prayer , acquainting us what a one god is , because by the thinking of him , and striving to bring our hearts to conceive of him as such a one , we should be better fitted to make the requests and supplications following , the heart then must put it self in minde what it goes about , and to whom it tenders a service . i come before the lord almighty that hath my soul in his hand , to hear him speak to me , or to speak to him . i draw near to the king of heaven and earth , i present my self before his face , let me frame my self so as befits his holy and all-searching eyes . and this is the common preparation for our religious duties . now special preparation for special services follows to be spoken of ; that is , to the word , to prayer , to the sacraments , and to a vow . for the word . the heart is to be framed to a resolution of obeying it in all things , this is the honest and good heart whereof our saviour makes mention in describing the good ground , concerning this it is that our lord saith again , if you will do my will , you shall know it . this will give a man a good memory and a good judgement , and the lord to recompence this obedient resolution will become as he hath promised , a teacher to the humble ; so shall he be taught of god that comes with a firm purpose to be guided by god , and that in all things . before you come to church you should spend some time with your hearts , to encline them and bow them to the testimonies of god , and to say unto your selves , i am going to hear what the lord will say unto me , seeing he is my maker i will not harden my heart against him , but i will be ready to know what he teacheth , and not gainsay any thing that shall to my conscience appear truth , and i will undoubtedly yeeld to that i know in practice , for it is the word of him that is lord of the spirits of all flesh ; then will the word be powerful to make us able , when we resolve before whatever it be to be willing . . before prayer a threefold consideration is necessary , of our special wants , and sins , and benefits , that we may accordingly mention them in our prayers , the lord hath promised he will grant us whatsoever we shall ask , we must bethink our selves therefore what be those things that for our present estate we do stand in need of . what sins had need to be pardoned and healed , what benefits continued , or new given , and what we have already to give thanks for , that we may with more earnestness pray when we know for what we will pray . in the next place we must consider of gods gracious promises that he hath made unto us to help , and of his exceeding mercy , goodness , and power , by which we are sure he is able and willing to help , even of those excellencies of god which the title , our father which art in heaven doth offer unto our consideration , but principally gods promise to hear and accept is to fill our mindes when we come before him as suppliants . thirdly , for the sacraments , the special preparation is , . by examining and judging our selves , as the apostle speaks , that is , a more narrow and diligent search for our estate , and for our particular offences if we have forgotten any , if through carelesnesse or guile we have let passe the sight and acknowledgment of any , that now the old leaven may be cast out . so saith the apostle , examine your selves , and again , if we would judge our selves god would not judge us . . we must labour to get a good appetite to this spiritual food , to stir up in our selves an earnest hungring and thirsting after christ and his benefits there . god cals all that thirst to come and eat . as a good stomack is a necessary preparation to our natural meals , so to these spiritual meals is a good desire and longing for the grace there offered , remission of sinnes past , and power to live more blamelesly and holily hereafter . then when a man hath by special examination and judging himself found out his faults and humbled himself for them , and also hath brought his heart to long for christ jesus to be his saviour , and to save him from the punishment and power of them by his body and bloud , he is now fit to come to the lords table . he must meditate on christs sufferings . lastly , for a vow , because this is a very solemn bond betwixt god and us ( i speak it not of imposed vows , but assumed ) wherein we enter , it behoves us very carefully to weigh the nature of the thing , and our sufficiency for the same , that we may not be rash with our lips to speak before our maker , which is principally spoken of vowing by salomon ; for better not vow then not perform , for want of which care many men have so intangled themselves , as their vows have been occasion of exceeding much misery unto them , as we have one fearful example for all in iephta who though he did not so bad as is vulgarly thought ( for can any man imagine that the newly reformed church of israel at that time after so special a blessing could have endured to see gods holy altar by any of his priests polluted with so fearfull an abomination , and so expressely forbidden ) yet he procured himself and his daughter great reproach in that he was fain to consecrate his only daughter to god as a perpetual nazaritesse . whence followed at least in the opinion of those times a necessity of remaining a virgin and child lesse , so that his example must warn us before vowing to consider distinctly and seriously what we vow . thus we have shewed you what diligence is required before the worship . in the worship is * required as great diligence , rom. . . first , with our understanding and thoughts to make them attentive , that we may heed what we do , and apply our thoughts and conceits alone that way , that so there may be an agreement betwixt body and minde . thus in praying we must mark what it is that we ask , confesse or give thanks for , so that we understand our selves , and be able to approve that we have asked nothing but what we might . in hearing we must listen and attend that we may carry away the word , and let it not leak , we must binde our mindes to give heedful attention , according to that , let him that hath an ear hear what the spirit saith . hear , o israel , saith moses often . hear , o children , saith david . so in the sacraments we must mark each action , and busie our mindes in observing the thing signified as well at our eyes in the thing that is outward . when we see the bread , consider of christs presence and power to nourish ; when we see the wine , of his presence and power to comfort ; so in the other actions , when we see the breaking of the bread think of his death ; when we see the giving , consider of gods offering him , and so in every action we must serve the lord with our whole heart , whereof one part is this , observing , attending , marking the action . secondly , we must bring our affections to be so moved as the nature of the exercises requireth , which is that which is commended in the good iosiah , his heart melted in hearing threatnings , and the thessalonians received the gospel with joy ▪ in prayer we must be fervent , and in the sacrament we must bring our hearts to a feeling sorrow for christs death and our sins , and to a joyful remembrance of the great work of our redemption ; so it must be a sweet mixture of joy and sorrow , so must we worship god with our whole heart , for then we worship him with our whole heart when our minde and affections are taken up with the matter of his worship , as hath been said , so in prayer , david cried unto god , was earnest about his requests . this earnestnesse of affection is a very necessary thing to make the worship of god we perform acceptable , and this is diligence in the worship . there must also be diligence after the worship in a care to make good use of it , and to observe our growth by it , and to perceive what proceedings we make in godlinesse by all the services we perform , seeing all that we do tends to this end , the sacrament , word , prayer should nourish grace , all to confirm and strengthen the grace of the inward man. all duties to god must be done with all the faculties of the inward man. . with the intention of all the faculties . the demeanour of the body lies in this , that it is a fit instrument to serve the soul. the turks worship mahomet more reverently then christians the true god , a vain carriage of the body is an evident argument of a vain minde . . the soul should be active , the whole inward man , the understanding should be ready to apprehend truth , the will to choose it , the memory to retain it , the conscience to submit unto it , isa. . . cor. . . reasons why the inward man must be active in worship : . god will be worshipt according to his nature , iohn . . . the soul is the man , the main of sinne lies in the soul , mic. . . . the soul only is the seat of grace , ephes. . . . the end of all christian duty is communion with god , he can have no communion with the body . . in this doth the glory of all a christians duties consist , mark . . revel . . . . this onely makes the duty fruitful , the fruit of the duty lies in the activity of it . after the duties done there should be . an impression of gods holinesse upon us , exod. . . acts . . a savour of the duties we have done . . when we have found out god in a duty , we should ingage our hearts to that duty ever after , psal. . . and it should encourage us in all the services god requires , gen. . . . we should be very thankful to god for every good motion , thought , new discovery , chron. . . the special duties after the word , prayer , and a vow , are these . after the word to call our selves to account what we remember , and so to search if it be true , and ponder upon it our selves with a chewing of the cud , and the life of hearing depends on it . this is digesting the word , this is causing it to take root , this is ingraffing it in the heart , and if we have convenient means of company we ought to conferre of it , and advise together about it , that one may help another , so did the bereans searching the scriptures after pauls speaking the gospel to them . the next for prayer is as david saith , to wait on god , to look for and continue though we be defer'd , to look for what we have begged , and to observe how it is granted , that accordingly we may be thankfull or humbled , and increase our earnestnesse . when a man prefers a petition to the king he gives his attendance to see what successe , so must we to god. our eyes must behold him as the eyes of the handmaids the mistresse , so that we may be able to see , whether he be angry against our prayers , or condescend to them , and if he do seem angry , yet we may not faint but follow him still : if we have praid against a temptation , we must look for power against it ; and if we feel power , rejoyce in god that gave it , if not pray again , and still wait renewing our supplication : so if we have desired any grace or benefit either temporal or spiritual according to gods word , we must not make haste or be heedlesse , but even wait and attend his leisure , as one that is infinitely better and wiser then our selves . next for vows , the uses must be , a special care of our vow to fulfill it , for the word is expresse , thou shalt pay thy vows , and thou shalt not go back if the vow be of things lawful , else we must not stand to it , but with great repentance for the vow perform gods commandment rather then our vow . thus you have heard of truth and diligence : there are required two things more , faith , * which is a believing of gods truth shew'd in the exercise we perform according to the nature of it , heb. . . in praying we must believe that god can and will grant our requests , asking with boldnesse and assurance , when you pray believe , saith our saviour . when we reade the word and hear it we must believe that each thing is true , and shall accordingly be performed , both predictions , promises , threats , in the like manner we must believe that god will blesse those his ordinances to our spiritual good , and in general we must assure our selves that god will accept us in his ordinances , and bless them to us for our good . truth aims at the right end , diligence labours so to do them that we may not misse that end , faith assures us that our diligence shall be prosperous , and so these three things hang together , and fitly , one for the help of another . if the word be not mixed with faith , if prayer , sacraments , every worship be not so mixed , then it will not be profitable unto us , for the wavering minded shall receive no good . the last point is reverence , levit. . . & . . which will follow doubtlesse upon the former , indeed this should have been named first . we must worship the lord with reverence , saith david in psal. . and he cals even upon kings and princes to have this affection , saying , serve the lord with fear . a true apprehension of gods greatnesse and our own basenesse will work fear . this reverence is double : first , inward of the heart which is a framing our selves to a special apprehension of gods goodnesse and greatnesse over us , hos. . . deut. . . isa. . . a mixt working of love and fear , love to god and desire to please him , fear lest we should displease . for so reverence seems to be a compound affection of these three . we are still in gods presence , and therefore should walk in fear of him continually , but we come near unto him even before him , if we addresse our selves to religious services , psal. . . wherefore there ought to be a fresh renewing and augmenting of our reverence in such cases . secondly , the body must also be reverent before god , and therefore come and worship before the lord , and bow down and kneel ; all worship is termed bowing . in all services the outward man must be composed in a more stayed , quiet and still manner then in any other exercise , if we kneel it must be reverent , if we stand that must be reverent , if we sit that must be reverent , and what usual outward testifications of submission we would practise before our betters in worldly respects , we must much more practise before god when we draw near to worship him . thus much for the performing of true worship for matter in regard of object , parts , for manner also in practising diligence , sincerity , faith and reverence . concerning performance of gods solemn worship we have spoken . now god would that his worship should also be preserved and upheld for continuance of time generation after generation , and that in purity and credit . to this purpose two things are necessary , church-maintenance and church government . for without these two things , allowance of means for their livelihood that attend any work , and a due observation of good order by them that are imployed any way in that work , no work or service can have an honourable and respective continuance in the world . for the first , viz. maintenance , the apostle saith , let him that is taught make him that teacheth him partaker of all his goods ; and it is gods will that those should live of the gospel which preach the gospel . the ministers maintenance should be competent , honourable , certain . for the second , discipline or government it concerns . the ministers . . the people . for the ministers , the government is to provide fit men for fit offices . . to censure those which be disordered in the ministery . . to depose those which be of scandalous life and erroneous doctrine . for the people , the discipline is either private or publick . the private consists in . admonition . . complaint . . withdrawing themselves . . acknowledging their offences . publick , it is . admonition . . excommunication . . receiving in again the penitent . so much for those duties which are commanded in this second commandment . now we will speak of the things forbidden therein , which are of two sorts , sins of omission and sins of commission . the sins of omission are in regard of the performance of gods worship , and in regard of preserving and continuing it , for performing either in regard of the matter o● manner , and for both either total or partial . the total omission for matter is when we do even altogether neglect the services commanded of god in his word , or at least the most of them , and that with a kinde of contemning them as fruitlesse and unnecessary , as when men absent themselves from the congregation , and care not at all , or not usually to come to the hearing of the word or receiving of the sacraments , or when they never reade , pray , meditate or use any good conference , thinking these things needlesse , which is the sinne of prophanenesse condemned by the apostle , when he saith , heb. . . let there be no prophane person amongst you as esau. partial omission for the matter , is when one doth these sometimes and sometimes omits them , by starts and sits performing gods worship , and then leaving them again , either all of them or some of them , which is a degree and disposition toward prophanenesse , as those who would fast for a day , and then after cared no more for gods service . total omission for the manner is , when men do wholly neglect that sincerity , faith , reverence and diligence which is required , making no preparation at all , giving no attention , nor caring at all to have their affections moved , nor at all observing the fruit and benefit they reap by gods ordinances , so that they perform the thing it self , they little or nothing regard in what fashion , and so become hypocritical or formal servants of god , either wholly moved by custom and example ; or at least by a kinde of superstitious inclination , and so either aiming at credit , and pleasing of men onely , or else misaiming at better things , hoping by the thing done in some form though without all power and zeal to please god , this formal , hypocritical and irreverent worship is to be taxed , when men do the things but alone in outward fashion and carelesly , and for custom and mans sake , not aiming at the true end● which god hath appointed . these are omissions for the performance of gods worship , there is a fault also in omitting the preservation thereof . first , by niggardice in not cheerfully allowing of things necessary to uphold the worship of god and his ministers , tendering such allowance pinchingly and grudgingly if at all . secondly , by carelesnesse in church-discipline , when there is not due care for the choosing of good ministers , or rejecting of evil , viz. when offenders are winked at , not admonished , not excommunicated ; or in private , when men do not admonish , complain of , or withdraw themselves from scandalous offenders . in a word , when many of these things are either in whole or in part omitted that are appointed , then is this commandment broken . so that according to the number of duties commanded , so must the breaches of this commandment be numbred in case any of them be wholly or in part neglected . now i come to shew the sins of commission , that is , the doing of things contrary to the duties commanded , even things that are forbidden . sins of commission are here of two sorts , . direct . . indirect . the former being simply and of themselves sins , the other sins by a consequent , and in some respect annexed to them . direct breaches of this commandment are in regard of performing these ordinances , and in regard of preserving and continuing them . for performance here are two things forbidden . the tendering of a false worship , or abasing of the true . false worship is a worship not enjoyned by god , for the measure of gods worship is the manifestation of his will , wherefore what agrees not with that as being inconformable to the right rule of worship , is worship alone in shew and appearance , that is feigned and counterfeit , like bad coyn not true and right . now worship is false in regard of the object and parts of it . for the object it is false ▪ first , when the true god himself is intended to be worshipped but under some visible or sensible representation , when i say god set forth by any picture or image is worshipped , or when any such image is used as a means to derive and convey honour unto him by . this was the sinne of the israelites in the wildernesse * , for they purposed in their intention to serve that god which brought them out of aegypt , but for the better helping of them in this worship , and to stir up their devotion , they would set up the image of an ox ( a most beneficial creature , whose labour did yield them through gods blessing the best means of maintenance and living ) somewhat to represent god unto them , and to bring his benefits unto their mindes . so aaron professeth , when he saith , to morrow shall be an holy day to the lord. this was likewise the sinne of micah the ephraimite , he made a teraphim , and had an house of images . teraphim was the image of a man , ●e made this to worship god in and by , for he saith , now i know iehovah will blesse me , it must needs be that he purposed to worship that god , of whom he did expect a blessing for his worship , and his mother had vowed the silver to iehovah to make a graven and molten image , wherefore this image vowed to iehovah must needs be intended to serve iehovah by . this was the sinne of ieroboam , who said of the calves , these are thy gods that did bring thee out of the land * ; as if he had proclaimed that he intended to do service to the god of their fathers , but he thought it convenient to have him represented to them by these figures , and under these images to have service tendred unto him . and therefore david chargeth the israelites to have changed their glory , meaning god ( who was indeed their glory ) into a similitude of a calf , that is , to have set up an image of a calf to represent him by ; and paul saith the same of the wiser heathen , that they did worship god but not as god , but changed the glory of that incorruptible god into the similitude of a corruptible man , that is , they went about to set out and represent to themselves the glorious maker of all things by sueh base and inglorious pictures , as if there could be any proportion betwixt god and a dead image , the workmanship of mans hands , which is indeed a great embasing of their apprehension of his majesty , causing them at last to think as meanly of god as of a thing that could be so set forth , yea this is the sinne the prophet so findes fault with in gods name , saying , what similitude will you set up to me ? and whereunto will you liken me ? and this is the sinne of the popish church which they continually commit and maintain , and by which they have so corrupted themselves that they even cease to be the true church of god , and are turned into a company of spiritual adulterers , for that church with the wine of her fornications hath made almost all nations drunken , to whom hath she not conveyed the infection of this foul idolatry ? god must be worshipped under the picture of an aged man , the holy ghost under the similitude of a dove , the sonne of god under the similitude of a man hanging on the crosse , all foul idolatries , for seeing that christ is god as well as man , he is no more to have an image set up to him then the father or holy ghost , seeing the divinity is not representable , and the humanity without the deity is not christ , so that it is nothing but a strong fancy makes men take any picture for christs picture ; for seeing his natural physiognomy is wholly concealed in scripture , and no approved story hath acquainted us with it , and seeing his deity is wholly irrepresentible , why should any picture drawn by man be called a picture of christ rather then of the thief that hanged by him ? it must needs be a very dead devotion that a dead picture can provoke . this is the first falshood of worship for the object , when the true god is intended as the object , but under some picture or representation , for god represented by an image is now become an idol , seeing the true god hath disavowed all such representing . this is the first kinde of idolatry . another is , when a creature hath these kindes of worship performed to him ( or any like them ) which god hath appointed to himself , and so becomes the object of worship : so paul to the galatians defines idolatry to be a serving of the creature , or of those things which by nature are not gods. he useth the word serving which utterly overturns that fond distinction of worship and service mentioned by papists to shift off the blame of this sinne ; to serve that which by nature is not god , is flat idolatry . now there are divers creatures which have been and are worshipped with the worship due to god or something like it , and coined in imitation of it . first , angels , which thing began in the time of the apostles and is by paul writing to the colossians condemned as a base will-worship . secondly , saints departed , which grew into the church long after by degrees , and was rife since four hundred years after christ amongst many ( though not allowed by the authority of the church-governours , as after it was ) by building churches , dedicating altars and dayes , and offering incense and the like to these , all which are still in use and practice among the popish churches , yea are by them maintained as very devout and profitable exercises , for what more common then invocation of saints with them , pretending that they may so honour them as gods friends ? whereas gods worship is to be given alone to god , if christ might be heard above the pope . thirdly , the sunne , moon and stars have been worshipped by heathen men , under a conceit that there were certain spirits rulers of the world under god assistant to them , whereas they are created by god for the use of mankinde , and do move by their own natural inclination as other things , not by any such external mover . fourthly , the pictures of god , christ , saints ( so supposed to be i mean ) have been and are still worshipped , which is the very particular made choice of in this commandment , to include all other spiritual uncleannesse , as the sinne of adultery in the seventh to include all other bodily filthinesse ; for indeed this is the very grostest of all to worship a dead stock , whatsoever shifts men have , as if they did purpose not to worship the thing for its own sake , but for the thing represented by it . such things jews and gentiles did alledge for their excuse , but god rejects their counsels , and saith , in spight of all their denials , that their idols were gold , meaning and nothing else but gold , and that they worshipped the work of their own fingers , he counted alone the wood or stone served , what ever they dreamed of a further deity represented . and this idolatry also the church of rome maintaineth , and hath by her tyranny thrust upon all these quarters of the world at such times as she had somewhat established her usurped supremacy . lastly , the devil personally hath been and is worshipped by services invented by himself of witches and sorcerers , to whom he did appear in bodily shapes , which is of all idolatries the most searfull and hainous , because here gods professed enemy is openly set in his place and room . and thus much for the falsnesse of worship in regard of the object ; now it may be also for the kindes and parts , that is , when any action or actions are performed to the pleasing of god and working of spiritual grace in our selves , that god hath not assigned in his word for that end , which is to worship god after the commandments of men , which the apostle forbids , tit. . saying , that men must not give heed to the commandments of men which do subvert the truth . the same thing is by him condemned under the name of will-worship * , for what i do out of a religious conscience to god , with an intention i mean to please and honour him thereby , and hoping to win grace to my soul , by that i in my minde intend to worship him , and if there be no other warrant for this but my own will , this is now to serve god after the precepts of men which he cannot endure . and with such will-worship the church of rome abounds , they have their vows of canonical obedience , chastity , poverty , and a number more ; it is our great happiness that we are delivered from the bondage and slavery of them . thus you see the false worship forbidden ; now follows the second branch of things forbidden in regard of the performance of gods solemn worship , which is the abuse of the true worship , and that worship of god is abused both in the matter and manner of it . first , for the matter , by taking away any of those parts from any kinde of worship which god hath commanded to be performed ; as for example , the church of rome hath taken away the cup from the sacrament , and so maimed the seal of gods covenant , yea they have taken away the reading of the scripture in private altogether , and will not suffer men to exercise themselves therein ; and they have taken away the whole power of the scripture , in subjecting it to the church , and not the church to it , and in causing it to be read in an unknown tongue . secondly , by adding any part of worship unto those which god hath appointed ; as for example , to the sacrament of baptism they adde oyl and spittle , and the sign of the crosse * , i say , added these things , because they have not appointed them as matters of meer solemnity or order , but as matters of religion , profitable to the soule and needfull in conscience to god. so much for the abuse of gods worship in the matter thereof : it is abused for the manner , first , when it is performed hypocritically , meerly out of fashion , and out of a desire of winning credit and good estimation from men ; yea , or out of a conceit of meriting and deserving at gods hand , for this last conceit is as false an end of worship as the former , and the aiming at it no lesse hypocritical , because i neither intend to shew subjection unto god , nor to gain grace , but in the one to win credit , in the other to binde god to men , and make him as it were in my debt . so the pharisees were hypocritical both wayes , for they did all their things to be seen of men , and yet withall they hoped to get salvation as by desert for the work sake done , as it appeareth in the proud pharisees prayer : and paul confesseth as much of himself , when he saith , that the things which before were gain to him , meaning in his conceit such as would bring him to heaven , now he renounceth , to relie wholly upon christ , and to be found in him . secondly , when it is performed in formality , the outward thing done without any care of preparation , attention or affection , only with some outward gestures and behaviours , carrying a shew of these things , such as was the service of the jews in their sacrificing , i mean the hypocrites among them , and such is all the religion of the popish church in publick , where all is done in an unknown tongue , and such is the worship of our dissembling time serving protestants , which care for nothing but the very outward act , look to nothing else , and have an hope that that shall serve their turn to bring them to heaven . lastly , when it is performed rudely , irreverently , carelesly , with an open manifestation of contempt and neglect , which is one of the worst abuses for the manner of all other . these be sins in regard of performing gods worship , when it is ill performed for matter and manner . now those things follow which are forbidden in regard of the preserving of it , which are first , sacriledge , that is the turning of holy substance and wealth to common and prophane uses . there must be some things holy , else there can be no sacriledge . next follows the abuse of church-discipline , and that is in regard of the ministers and people . in regard of the ministers four-fold . first , when a false ministry is erected and set up in the church of god. a ministry is nothing else but a relation to certain spiritual actions tending to the souls good directly ( for we speak of ecclesiastical ministry ) binding some man upon whom that relation is put to the constant attendance upon those actions : now when men are appointed to such actions which have no warrant out of gods word , neither are indeed profitable for the soul , this is a false ministry . such is the ministry of the church of rome , where men are appointed to say and sing the word , psalms and prayers in an unknown tongue , a service unhallowed not ordained of god ; so when men are appointed and assigned to offer a propitiatory sacrifice for quick and dead , that is , as they call it , to celebrate masse , for christ never appointed a sacrificing ministry in the new testament , nor any other sacrifice but the sacrifice of prayers , thanksgivings , alms , and of our selves : and this is the first abuse of church-discipline . the second is , when those that are not ministers are allowed to intermeddle in ministerial functions , and actions proper to the ministers , that is , to men set apart by a known and publick order to give attendance unto some ecclesiastical function : as for example amongst us , once women were admitted to baptize , and so if any do take upon him to preach or administer the sacrament that is not admitted to the order of the ministery : this is a great abuse of church-discipline , and to joyn with such , knowing them to be such , is a sinne . a third fault in the church-discipline for the ministery is , when wicked , erroneous , scandalous men are let in , and suffered to abide in , yea or any without due care of trying them , for timothy was to lay hands upon none rashly . a fourth fault is , when good and able men are either kept out or thrust out for things of no moment . and these be the abuses of church-discipline in regard of the ministry : the abuses of it in regard of the people follow , as first , in the governours publickly , when either excommunication is abused , or when too much rigour is used toward the penitent . now excommunication is abused three wayes , . when it is put into the hands of too few , especially such as have nothing to do with it , which was the fault amongst us formerly , for the chancellour or official , or his deputy , as the deputy of the bishop , took all the matter upon him , some ministers names ( though not the pastour to the offender ) being set to alone as a cipher for fashion sake . this being a chief part of governing the church , belongs to the pastours of the church . paul did not himself excommunicate , but appointed that the corinthians should excommunicate the incestuous person . indeed he did deliver hymeneus and alexander to satan , as it seemeth himself , but this was because they themselves were pastours , and so would not excommunicate themselves , or taking upon them to be teachers of the church at large , were not to be medled with by any particular governours of any particular church . but if the apostles did alone do this in regard of their supereminent authority , it follows not that others may do it now ; for in this unlimited and supereminent power the apostles were not to finde any successours , because they had no successours in the eminency of gifts , without which such authority must needs prove mischievous in any one mans hands . secondly , excommunication is abused when it is pronounced against men for small and trivial offences , to pronounce a man a child of the devil , and out of the state of grace , because he will not pay a small summe of money for a fee , or because he forgets to appear at the court-day , or for such toyes ; but most of all it is abused , when it is pronounced against men for well-doing , as it was against the blinde man , and as diotrephes abused it against those that would receive iohn the apostle and his epistles ; as often heretofore amongst us it was abused against those that refused rashly and unadvisedly to swear , when they were willed so to do , and against those that went to hear the word preached abroad , when they had it not at home , and the like . the last abuse of excommunication is , when it is done privately before one or two , before the judge and his man , or his mans deputy : so the most solemn censure of the church is denounced against a man , no man knowing of it . so much for the abuse of church-discipline in regard of excommunication ; now it is also abused in regard of too much rigour to the offendor , when upon his repentance he is denied to be received in again to the church ; which was the fault of some few men in austerer times , or when too much bodily exercise of humillation was cast upon them , as a penance to last seven yeers , and the like ; this was to turn sound repentance into an outward form , for so soon as ever the penitent did shew sound humiliation , and sound purpose of amendment , after some convenient time of his trial , lest he should be swallowed up of grief , he should be taken into the church again , as a member of it . now the private discipline pertaining to every man is abused , . by contemning and setting light by the censures and admonitions of the church , which if they be rightly passed they are terrible , and should not be despised . . a free conversing with offendors and sinners that are scandalous , and having familiarity with them . indeed the natural bonds betwixt father and mother , master and servant , prince and subject , cannot be dissolved by any wickedness , no nor by excommunication , but the bonds of familiarity are so far as may be without neglect of duty in regard of these places . a father must keep his child though excommunicated , and not suffer him to perish , a childe his father , and so in the rest ; but familiarity , loving and kinde society , even in such cases is to be denied , and where these bonds are not , so much as may be all society , but to converse with them , be merry with them , play , eat and drink with them that are notorious offendors , chiefly excommunicate , is a great offence against god , and endangering of ones self to infection by them . lastly , obstinacy against church-discipline and publick or private admonition , viz. a refusing to confess ones fault , and to shew publick repentance for publick sins , private for private , is a great disorder , which was the offence of the incestuous person at the first , for he stood in his sin , and cared for no reproof . and paul blames those of the corinthians that being admonished by his betters , had not repented of their fornication , drunkenness , he must needs mean of publick repentance for their known offences in this kinde , because if they had been private , he could not have told of them , and whether they had in private repented or no how could he tell ; but yet it is sure there is no true private repentance when men are not willing to shew it publickly in such case . on the other side he greatly praiseth them , because they had received titus sent by him for this purpose , with much fear and trembling , and so consequently with all obedience had submitted themselves to his admonition , to do any thing he required for the giving of the church satisfaction in regard of their offences , cor. . . these be the sins condemned in this second commandment directly , now indirectly some things are forbidden also not for their own sakes , but for some evil consequent that may follow upon them . as . all occasions of idolatry and superstition to our selves and others , for what is of that nature will in likelihood draw both our selves or others to great sin , though it be not simply a sin , yet it is in that respect sinful , and therefore cannot be done without sin , unless some other greater respect countervailing that evil consequent , come betwixt to take away the sinfulness of it . now such occasions of idolatry are these principally : . keeping of idols , that is to say , of images and pictures which have formerly been worshipped , or at least have been by superstitious persons made for that end and purpose , this is bad if it be in private places , because a man doth not know who may come thither hereafter , and so what mischief may be done ; but worst of all when these are suffered to stand in publick or religious places , though the purpose of those which suffer them to stand there , be not , that they should serve for worship , but onely for historical and memorative use . for the nature chiefly of the common sort of people being strongly inclined to idolatry , and we so much desiring to have our senses pleased in the worship of god , it shall be very hard and almost impossible that such things should stand long without being worshipped of some at least , without being made instruments of worshipping god or christ in or by them . wherefore s. iohn wisheth , as babes beware of idols , not alone of idolatry , but of idols , because from having idols , to worship them , or god by them , it is a very easie step ; wherefore the godly iews did demolish idols , and were commanded to do so , and so i suppose ought all magistrates and governours to do in the place where they have power . a second means of occasioning idolatry , is familiar society , leagues of amity and friendship , and mutual help , ( for leagues of peace with such are lawful ) especially joyning with them in matrimony , which was the fault of the iews in the time of neh●miah , and which was the beginning of solomons great * fall , for though the commandment of not marrying with the people round about , were in that respect jewish , as it did make a nullity of the marriage , yet now also to be unequally yoked with idolaters as well as any other infidels , cannot be warrantable neither for man nor woman . a third occasion of idolatry , is furnishing idolaters with means of their false worship , as making idols for them , printing their idolatrous books , or any thing like to this , by which they are furthered in their abominations . these are occasions of idolatry . now appearances are chiefly two : . to be silent and hold ones peace , and not manifest a dislike of their deeds when occasion serves , for hereby he strengthens the hands of the offenders , as if he did not dislike his ill practice . . to joyne with them outwardly for fear or the like respects , though inwardly a man dislike of their wickedness and folly , as it seems solomon did alone go with his wives for fashion sake to their idol-temples , though after he might in likelihood have been drawn further . and such was the offence of those that would in corinth go to the idols temples and sit among their old acquaintance in their idolatrous feast , eating and drinking with them , trusting that this was no fault because they knew an idol was nothing in the world , which yet paul doth blame in them , as having communion with devils in so doing . and such is the case of those that will needs go see mass , and there carry themselves in all reverent so●t as if they liked all , when inwardly they condemned them . chap. iv. of the third commandment . thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain , for the lord will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his name in vain . the lord having injoyned to mankinde that principal service which he most delighteth in , and which for it self he doth approve and require , commands also the less principal both for the kinds and sorts of it , and for a special time to be dedicated thereunto . the sorts of this worship are twofold . . solemn . . common . the solemn worship is that whereto men do wholly give themselves , setting themselves apart from all other things to attend it wholly . the common is that which is to be performed to god joyntly in and with our other affairs , so far forth as in them we have any thing to do with him or any thing of his . it sufficeth not to honour god in the orderly performance of all religious services commanded by him , but even then also when we are busied in our common affairs , it is our duty to carry our selves so respectively to him-ward , that we may make it appear that we do indeed make him our god ; and that due carriage is prescribed in this commandment , by forbidding one thing contrary thereto . for the explication of the words , we are to know , that by the [ name of god ] is meant himself , so far forth as he hath made himself known to us , and all those things by which ( as men are known by their names ) he hath pleased to manifest himself unto us . these are all referable to two heads , his word , and his works ; his works are of two sorts , common to all his creatures , as creation , providence , and special to his church , as election , calling , justification , sanctification , adoption , glorification , and in a word the whole world of our redemption . under the title of his word are comprehended the holy scriptures themselves , the true religion therein contained , and his holy titles and attributes ; see tim. . . all of these are meant by the name of god. to take up this name of god , is to meddle with them , or have any thing any way to do with any of them . in the solemn worship of god we are as it were taken up of god and of his name , but in common life we have occasion in divers respects to make use of the name of god , either in word , deed , or thought , and so to make use of them , is to take them up . to take this name in vain , or for vanity , is so to use them , as the use of them serveth not for any spiritual good to our souls , or any special honour to him . for all things are idl● and fruitless which serve not for these purposes . that is , ( saith deodate on exod. . . ) thou shalt not make use of it in oaths , and other kind of frivolous , unprofitable , rash , false and impious speeches . so then as the substance of the first commandment was to require piety , and of the second true religiousness , so the scope of this is to require a godly or holy conversation ; that is , behaving of our selves holily and godly in the course of our lives , even then when we are not busied in performing any duty of religion . that in our common and usual speech and actions , we declare what a worthy and reverent estimation we have of the lord ; as by speaking all good of his name , word , and works ; and in our lawful callings , by ordering and behaving our selves wisely and graciously . rogers seventh treatise of the commandments , c. . thus b. downame and wollebius also interprets this commandment . the gracious heart sees god in every thing , exod. . , , . deut. . ult . iudg. . , . sam. . , . in afflictions i held my peace , because it was thy doing , saith david , in mercies , gen. . . see ver . . & psal. . . reasons . . the lord promiseth this as a great mercy , matth. . . see god in all his dispensations here , and beatifically in heaven . . this will set one in heaven , matth. . . the saints in heaven injoy god in all . . the lord requireth this of us , he alone should be exalted , isa. . . rev. . , . now we will proceed to shew what things are . required in this commandment . . forbidden in this commandment . the things required may fitly be drawn to these two head . . a due and right use of such holy actions as fall out to be performed in and with our common affairs , by which we do call god himself as it were to intermeddle with our businesses and affairs . . a right and due behaviour in our common affairs , so far as they may any way touch god , or concern him . for the first , there are ( say some , though this be controverted ) two holy actions , whereof we have many occasions to make use of in our ordinary dealings ; these are an oath , a lot. an holy action is that which hath god for the next and immediate object , and which is done for the exercising of holiness either in whole or in part , as for the next immediate end thereof ; which description doth sufficiently distinguish the thing described from all other things , and agrees to all such things which are of that kinde ; and this description doth equally agree to these two forenamed things , viz. a lot and an oath , both of which are holy . . for an oath , i will declare . the nature . . the use of it . for the nature of an oath , there are the essential or proper parts of it , and the next and proper end whereto those parts are to be applied in the taking of an oath . the parts of an oath i tearm those several and distinct acts which are included in it , and each of which must be conceived to be done at least implicitely when we take an oath . there are four in all . . an affirmation or negation either narrative or obligatory ; that is , either barely declaring what is or is not , or else binding one to or from some thing , and this it hath common with common speech . . a confession of gods omniscience , omnipotence , justice , authority , and other like holy attributes , all included in the mention of his holy life in that usual form of swearing , the lord liveth . . invocation of gods name , or a calling upon him to shew these holy attributes of his in bearing witness to the truth of that which we do swear . assumere deum in testem dicitur jurare , quia quasi pro jure introductum est , ut quod sub invocatione divini testimonii dicitur , pro vero habeatur . aquin. secunda secundae , q. . art . . . imprecation against our selves , or a putting over our selves into his hands , to be by him punished according to his power and justice , if the thing we affirm be not true , or if we do any way falsifie our oath . wherefore these two parts are frequently expressed in an oath , though they be most times omitted , and the bare name of god mentioned , saying , the lord liveth . the apostle saith , god is my witness , whom i serve with my spirit in the gospel of his son. and , i call god to record against my soul. and ruth takes her oath in these tearms , the lord do so to me , and more also , if any thing but death shall separate betwixt thee and me . so solomon , god do so to me and more also , if adonijah have not spoken this word against his own life . these are the parts of an oath . the end or purpose to which these all must be applied , is the ending of some doubt or controversie , and so setling of peace and quietness , for so saith the apostle , heb. . . an oath for confirmation is to them an end of all controversies . for god is so great a lover of peace and concord amongst men , that he is well pleased that they make use of his name for the preventing of dissention and establishing of peace . to these two things must be added , a third , that we may fully know the nature of an oath , and that is the object of it , or the person to be sworn by , which should have been named in the first place , and that is god himself , as witnesseth the prophet , jer. . thou shalt swear the lord liveth . so deut. . . thou shalt fear the lord and serve him , and swear by his name , & . thou shalt cleave to the lord , and swear by his name . these things now laid all together , give us to understand the true nature of an oath , viz. that it is an holy action , wherein we refer our selves unto god as a competent witness and judge , for the confirmation of the truth of our speeches , to make all doubts and controversies cease . see robinsons essayes , observ. . hitherto we have seen the nature of an oath ; let us search into the use of an oath , and shew . upon what occasions it is to be used . . in what manner it is to be used . the occasions of using an oath are for the satisfying of one that requireth or will accept it in a thing of some weight , either for it self or for the consequents , whether it be before a magistrate judicially , or in private speech , as also for the tying and binding ones self to do or not to do a thing of some moment , which i might else by some occasion be altered in . in all these cases we have examples of good men that have used swearing , and therefore we may also lawfully swear . to satisfie another that requires it , abrahams servant took an oath about the taking of a wife for isaac , and ioseph about burying his father in canaan , and the israelites about burying iosephs bones . to satisfie another that would accept the same , paul swore to the romans and corinthians of his good affection to the one , and the cause of his not coming to the other . to binde himself , solomon sware to put adonijah to death ; and ruth , to go with her mother ; and the prophet elisha , not to leave eliah . so when it falleth out , that in a matter of some moment there is cause of satisfying another , in giving him assurance that i speak truth , or of binding my self to speak truth , and accomplish the truth of my words , then it is an honour to god that we interpose his name to assure others and tie our selves to speak the truth . these are the occasions of swearing , the rules of swearing upon these occasions are three , as the prophet ieremiah hath set them down , ch . . . . truth . . iudgement . . righteousness . truth is opposed to falshood or perjury : judgement to rash and common swearing ; righteousness to unjust and unlawful oaths . . truth , that is , when the words of the mouth agree with the meaning of the heart , and both with the thing it self whereof the speech is , and that without all doubting , halting , equivocating , shifting , according to the meaning that we would seem to have to him which giveth or requireth the oath of us . he that indeed intendeth what he pretendeth in the words of his oath , sweareth truly in a promissive oath ; and in an assertive oath , he that sweareth what he knoweth to be or not to be . . iudgement is a serious consideration of the nature of an oath , and of the thing which we do swear about , and it is opposed to rashness , headdiness , and unadvisedness , that we may swear with due respect to the great name of god , which we do take into our mouths when we swear . . righteousness is when we do swear so as to give god and man his due in our oath , having due reverence to god , and swearing about things good , honest , and lawful , that we may settle peace betwixt our selves and others , and so may declare our honourable account of gods name ; but the principal point of righteousness in swearing , is , when we swear onely to good and honest things , for good and honest purposes , and accordingly stand to our oaths ; and the prophet pu●s judgement in the middest betwixt these two , because it is an help to both , seeing he that sweareth rashly cannot tell but he may soon stumble upon falshood and unrighteousness , so that judgement respecteth the manner of swearing chiefly , and truth and righteousness the matter . thus you see the nature and use of an oath , and to swear thus is a most worthy service of god. we must speak now of a lot , and shew also the nature and use thereof , to the constituting of a lot three things must concur : . some controversie or matter in doubt not agreed upon . . a casual act , that is , such an act as in regard of the event , dependeth not upon the will , or wit , or activity of any man or creature , but upon the secret disposing of gods providence , which men do fondly thrust out of sight by the name of luck or chance . . a referring of the determination of that controversie to the event of that casual act , whether by the mutual consent of parties , or appointment of some superiour . and in this reference there are contained and implied the same things that before were contained in an oath , viz. . a secret acknowledgement of gods infinite wisdome and authority over us , viz. that he knoweth how to dispose of all things in the best manner , and that all men ought to be content without any more ado to stand to his determination . . an invocation , or calling upon him to exercise his authority and wisdome in the disposing of the casual event so as shall seem best to him for the determining of the present controversie according to his minde . . a binding or tying of the parties to stand to his determination , a profession that he will be satisfied with such determination as he shall please to make by disposing of the lot. so the casting of a lot is none other thing in effect , but an actual expressing of such a form of words as these : lord , thou knowest in all cases what is best and fittest to be done , and we here are all equally subject unto thee , wherefore there being a thing in controversie betwixt us , which we cannot so well agree upon our selves , but that there will be some discontent betwixt us , we are willing to stand to thy determination , and as thou shalt shew thy own pleasure to be by ordering this casual event ( which nothing but thy secret providence can order ) so shall we rest satisfied ; and we beseech thee now to declare thy mind herein accordingly . the casting of a lot is but a compendium , or abridgement , or actual expressing of such a prayer , wherefore also the apostles to the casting of a lot for the choice of an apostle , did adde such a prayer , acts . shew whether of these two thou hast chosen . by this which hath been said it is evident , that a lot and an oath are both of the same nature , and that the due use of them is a special honour to god in the exercising of humble submission to him , and faith in his providence , truth and goodness . this is the nature of a lot , it follows to declare the use both in regard of . the occasions of using . . the manner of using . . the occasions of using a lot can be none other then to determine something in controversie . all controversies must needs be about matters past present to come as who is to do or have such or such a thing , who hath done , or who doth it . now for the determining of things past and present , a lot doth not serve at all , once or twice it was used for that extraordinarily , but it is not ordinary for that purpose . but doubts about things to come are of two sorts : . contingent , doubtful , and uncertain events and accidents , as haman by lot would foreknow how his device against the iews should speed ; and for these a lot is not ordained . . dispositions or distributions of labours , offices , rewards , punishments , possessions , or the like , and for these purposes was a lot appointed , as solomon noteth , saying , prov. . . the lot parteth , or maketh division among the mighty . but we must put our selves in minde , that doubts and controversies about such things are of two sorts : some made by men of their own will , and not existent in nature of themselves ; some existent in nature , and not onely made by men . now if men will needs make a doubt for satisfying of their own fancies , where none is or need to be , the thing being already by other means put out of doubt , it is a presumptuous boldness to put such a doubt to god to umpire , seeing no wise superiour would take it well to be so imployed by his inferiour , but would utterly refuse to intermeddle in such decisions . for example , a man gave unto his four servants l l a piece , or so many pence , and they will needs make such a bargain among themselves of this l l , one of us shall have twenty marks , the other l l , and the other l l , and the other just nothing , and the remainder shall be to relieve the poor , wherefore they come to their master to tell who of the four shall have the forenamed summes , and who just nothing , would he not be discontented with them and reprove them , and not have any hand in such a division , as being foolish and unequal ? and so stands the case in all lotteries , and yet they are bold to use a lot to determine the matter ; that is , to refer themselves to gods providence in this case , and to make him their umpire ; is not this an abuse of him ? wherefore in such coined doubts god must not be made a determiner , unless we will be bold to draw him into the participation of our folly . but of true and real doubts existent in nature there are also two kinds ; for . some are trivial and of no weight . . some are of weight and moment . i shall propound the opinion of a reverend divine seeing the thing is much controverted , and leave it to the wise to judge . to put trifling and toyish differences , sportful and ludicrous controversies unto gods determination ( saith he ) is surely to abase and abuse him , seeing a lot is an implicite invocation , as i said , where a man would abhor it to profaness ; to make such a prayer in word as any heart would in a trifling thing , there it were also profaness to make it an act , or by signes to signifie it , as it is done in a lot . but in differences that either of themselves , or in regard of the consequents of them , be of moment and weight , there a lot may and must be used , that peace may be setled amongst men , none having to finde fault with the division , unless he will be so bold and wicked as to finde fault with god. so in the division of the land of canaan , of the priests offices , of the work of fighting and victualling the camp a lot was used , as also in the choice of an apostle in iudas room , and of the tythe lambe in the fold . for because infinite heart-burnings and quarrels might have grown betwixt the priest and people for tythe ▪ lambs , if either the one should have taken , or the other have given which he would , and that the order of their yeaning could not certainly be known , therefore that also was a matter of great weight , in regard of the consequents thereof for the constant and universal order and course of tything , though for the particular difference betwixt some one or other lamb , the matter was not great . so the due occasion of using a lot , is a real difference of some moment about the divisions of something to be divided betwixt such or such that may seem to have reason to challenge each what would best content and satisfie himself . the manner of using a lot upon such occasions follows , and that must be thus : . with a reverent careful observation of gods providence in the event of the thing , and disposing of the controversie so , as a mans heart may say within it self , thou lord hast done this , or that not by the wit and skill , or will of any man , but the hidden work of thine own providence without any such thing coming betwixt , and thou hast manifested to me thy good pleasure , that things should be distributed thus or thus . . it must be used with a quiet submission of our will to gods will so manifested , giving up our selves to be ruled by that hand and providence without murmuring . for seeing the disposition of a lot is of god , therefore we cannot grudge at the falling of it out so or so , but that we shall seem to pick a quarrel with god. hitherto of the right use of such holy actions as come to be used in and with our common affairs . it follows to shew how we must order our selves in our common affairs , so far forth as in them we have to do with god , or any of those things by which he makes himself known to us . this is double . . inward . . outward . the inward also is double in regard of . gods actions . . our actions . that which respecteth gods actions is also double , . to see him in them . . to make a good use of them . the first thing we are bound unto for the sanctifying of gods name , is to see him in all his actions , that is , to take notice of him as the authour of them , informing our selves that he hath wrought them , as david doth psal. . . & . . & psal. . , , . psal. . , . iob . . ioseph , gen. . , . psal. . . all things that are done in all the world , natural , supernatural , common , special , of mercy , of justice , good , bad , of what kinde soever , must in some sense ( even the bad so far as they be actions and means of good ) be ascribed to god , and man must speedily take notice of gods providence and working in them , and say , the lord hath done this or that , be it never so small or trifling , for his providence extendeth to every motion of every creature , seeing in him we live , move , and have our being . . the second thing we are bound to in regard of gods actions , is to make a good use of them , by building up our selves thereby in the knowledge of god , and in all holy affections of love , fear , confidence toward him , and of hatred of sin , love of righteousness , and the like ▪ as when the people saw that great miracle wrought by the lord by the hand of eliah , they cried out , the lord is god , the lord is god , king. . . so david saith , psal. . . i love the lord , because he hath heard the voice of my supplication . so david having said , psal. . , . that god hath made all things , addeth , let all the earth fear the lord , let all the inhabitants of the world stand in awe of him , for he spake and they were created . so the lord himself saith ▪ jer. . . fear ye not me , saith the lord , will ye not tremble at my presence , which have placed the sand for the bound of the sea ? when we see gods works , we must see in them the clear demonstration of his wisdome , power , justice , mercy , and other holy attributes , that we may grow in knowledge of him , and love , and fear , and other vertues . now this is a general use to be made of all , but there are two special works which he useth to do to mankinde , works of mercy and justice , which require two special uses . . a thankful receiving of the works of mercy . . a patient and penitent bearing of corrections . thankful receiving of mercies is , so to taste and feel the goodness of god in them , that we provoke our selves by them to serve and obey him with more cheerfulness , willingness , and readiness . each benefit and blessing we enjoy , must cause us to be more careful of pleasing him that gave us all those benefits , and should make us renew in our minds such thoughts as these ; it is god which feedeth me , preserveth me , o why should not i respect , honour , love , serve him ; lord , i will give my self to thee , i will obey thee , thou deservest it . the duty of thankfulness is required in the first commandment , the improving of all good things to the increase of this thankfulness is a special sanctifying of gods name required in this commandment . psal. . . & psal. . . he meaneth there that he will apply himself to the practice of all righteousness because of gods graciousness in delivering him out of affliction . the want of this god blameth , deut. . . and so are good things to be used . . the patient and penitent bearing of afflictions , is a framing of our selves willingly and without grudging to undergo the same because god hath done them , yea to humble our selves before him , and turn unto him with repentance . so david did , psal. . . & . , . so iames wisheth , ch . . v. . and peter , pet. . . so doth eliphaz advise , iob . . when we meet with any evil from god , if we consider , god hath sent this upon me , and therefore frame to be well pleased with it , and to humble our selves and renew our repentance before him , confessing our sins , and supplicating to him for favour , and resolving to cast away our sins and amend our lives , this is an excellent use of his chastisements , and happy is he whom god so chastiseth and teacheth his way , so much for our right carriage in regard of gods works , whereby we sanctifie his name . now we must also sanctifie him in regard of our works , by referring them all to his glory , as the main end of them , intending in the doing of them to shew our obedience to him , and faith in him ; for this end , and in this consideration doing them , because he either commands or allows them ; and with this purpose and intention of heart , that we may witness our due regard of him . this is to live to god , and not to our selves , which that we may do , christ died for us , cor. . . and this the apostle plainly requireth , cor. . . so our saviour saith of himself , iohn . . i have glorified thee , i have done the work thou hast given me to do . when in each action of ours we consider god would have us do it , therefore we will do it that we may please him , and declare our duty to him , this is to glorifie him , else we do not honour him by our actions , as by eating , drinking , labouring in our callings , and the like . so much for the right carriage of our selves to god inwardly . we must behave our selves aright also outwardly , and that both in . words . . deeds . the right ordering of our speech standeth principally in four things : . by uttering good wishes sincerely and heartily . . by a reverent mention of his titles and attributes . . by good communication of his word and works . . by bold confession of his truth . first then we must utter , as occasion serves , good wishes and desires , whereby we may shew the moving of our will to godward , to do some good or remove some evil that is to be done or removed . these good wishes are of two sorts , for they respect either . our selves . . others . whether . our brethren . . other creatures . for our selves , if any sudden peril threaten us , and we do suddenly dart out , as it were , the desires of our souls servently and faithfully , saying , lord help me , or the like , this is a due honouring of gods name , it is not a solemn prayer , but a sanctified use of gods name . so iehosaphat being in great danger by the aramites who furiously assailed him , mistaking him for the king of israel , could not in that case frame to any set form of solemn prayer , yet he cried unto the lord , that is , sent up these fervent desires in words to this purpose , lord help me , lord deliver me , king. . . chron. . . so our saviour being in extremity of torment on the crosse , could not make a set solemn prayer , but he uttered such a short complaint as contained a submissive request to his father , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? this is an allowable taking of gods name into our mouths , so it be done heartily and respectively . secondly , now for others also , even our brethren , if upon occasion of meeting them we open our mouths with good salutations , wishing a good day , or the like prosperity to them , so that it be done sincerely and with the motions of our mindes , looking to god-ward , it is a good service of god , as boaz saluted his reapers , saying , the lord be with you , ruth . . and they returned him alike good wishes , saying , the lord blesse thee : if such salutations be heartily uttered it is a right exercise of our faith in gods providence and goodnesse . and not onely so , but if we blesse other things , as corn , grasse , cattle or the like with the like blessing , so that we have our hearts only carried to god , it is a good and acceptable using of his name , as appeareth in psal. . . where he saith of the corn growing on the house-tops , that those which passe by do not say , we blesse you in the name of the lord , shewing evidently , that it was a good and commendable custome of the people of god then , to crave gods blessing on the corn , grasse or other fruits which they saw upon the earth in these or the like words , god blesse it , or god save it . these wishes if they proceed from the heart duly apprehending the nature of god , whom they mention , are evident declarations of our faith in god , and of our depending upon him for all good things . so much for good wishes . secondly , we must mention the titles and attributes of god with all due respect and reverence , when we have any occasion at all to mention them . if it fall out that we use this word , god , lord , christ , iesus , or the like , we are to have our hearts affected with some reverend regard of those divine persons that are so termed , our hearts must entertain honourable conceits of them , and must submissively be carried towards them ; this is that which moses meaneth in part , saying , deut. . . fear this glorious and fearfull name , the lord thy god. the name of god must be with fear and reverence taken into our mouths , and we should not once speak of him , but with due apprehension of his gloriousnesse . this is an excellent exercising of that worthy vertue of the fear of god , when we do so regard him that at any occasional mentioning of him our hearts do homage unto him . thirdly , we must use good communication as we go about our other affairs , imploying our tongues as occasion may offer it self to talk of his word or works , deut. . . & . . iudg. . . therefore we are commanded that our communication be alwayes gracious , col. . . & ephes. . . such communication must passe out of our mouths as is good to the use of edifying , that it may minister grace to the hearers . see prov. . . psal. . . a good man is to be ready upon all occasions to speak of good things , the works of god , the commandments of god , his promises , his threats , and all such things as may help to increase grace in himself or others . when his hand is on earth as his heart , so if he have a companion , his tongue must be in heaven . fourthly , we ought boldly to make confession of the truth of god in whole or in part , as any occasion shall be offered ; so saith st peter , pet. . . be ready alwayes to give an answer to every one that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you with meeknesse and with fear . and this is a thing of so great necessity that no appearance of danger , no terrour , no threatning must affright us from it , if we have a due calling thereunto ; wherefore our saviour requireth , that we should confesse him before an adulterous and crooked generation , saying , matth. . . whosoever shall confesse me before men , him will i confesse before my father which is in heaven ; and st paul commendeth timothy , tim. . . because he had professed a good profession before many witnesses , and setteth before us in the next verse , the example of christ who before pontius pilate witnessed a good confession , boldly averring that he was the sonne of god , and saying , that he was sent to bear witnesse to the truth , john . . and the lord saith of st paul , that he had called him to bear his name before the gentiles and kings , and before the people of israel . and so must we order our selves in regard of our words . it follows to shew what our carriage must be in regard of our deeds , and that both . generally . . particularly . in general there are also required two things : . to walk worthy the gospel . . to suffer for righteousnesse sake , and for the name of christ. first then every one which is called by the name of christ must walk as becometh the gospel of christ , urging himself to such behaviour of life in all things that religion may be well spoken of by means of his good carriage . this is to have our life shine forth so before men that they may see our good works , and glorifie our father which is in heaven , mat. . . see pet. . . & . . phil. . . ephes. . . thess. . , . a man professing to be of the christian religion , is to honour that name by a special care of all his wayes , that he may shew forth such goodnesse as all men may be allured to love and like religion for his sake , and is to deny himself some lawfull things , that he may not open the mouths of those which are willing to speak evil ; and when out of a desire to make religion well thought and spoken of , we do thus look to our selves , we honour the name of god exceeding much . secondly , every man is bound resolutely and cheerfully to suffer for well doing and for defence of the truth , as christ saith , matth. . . blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake ; and after , rejoyce and be glad when all men speak all manner of evil of you , for great is your reward . see phil. . . tim. . . & . . heb. . . matth. . . our saviour saith , that his disciples must take up their crosse and follow him , that is , must resolutely make account with themselves to bear tribulation for his sake , and all that will live godly in christ iesus must suffer persecution , tim. . . and paul saith of himself , to them which by weeping sought to withdraw him from going up to ierusalem ( where it was fore-told that bonds and imprisonment did abide him ) that he was ready not alone to be bound at ierusalem , but also to die for the name of the lord iesus , act. . . according as in the former chapter , acts . . that he counted not his life dear so that he might finish his course with joy . now this suffering if it be to bloud , is called martyrdome , which is one of the most glorious services that a man can do for god , and shall be most plentifully rewarded , in which cup stephen had the honour to be the first that ever pledged our lord jesus christ , as it is recorded act. . . and thus must we order our lives in general by being careful to excell in doing good , and yet chearfully to suffer as if we did evil . now more particularly we must use sanctifiedly all the creatures of god , and do in a sanctified manner all that ever we do , and this sanctified use of the creatures stands in four things , first , in doing all things out of a well informed conscience , having knowledge out of gods word concerning the lawfulnesse of our doing or enjoying this or that . this is to have things sanctified to us by the word of god , as the apostle speaketh , tim. . . viz. to have our hearts grounded upon the word concerning the lawfulnesse of them , and this well-grounded perswasion of the warrantablenesse of our actions is the faith , without which he that doth any deed sinneth , as we learn rom. . ult . and therefore the apostle saith in the case of meats , and the like rom. . . let every man be thorowly perswaded in his own minde . for as a childe or servant doth greatly dishonour his parent or master , if he will adventure to do any thing that pleaseth himself , never regarding whether his governour like or dislike it : but it is a sign of good respect if he dare not adventure upon a thing unlesse he have some good reason to make him conceive , that his master or parent will approve thereof ; so standeth the matter betwixt god and us ; wherefore it is an honouring of god thus to take his warrant with us in all things . secondly , we must crave gods leave for , and blessing upon the use of good things in particular , when we know in general that we may lawfully use them . so paul tels us , that meat , drink , marriage and all things else are sanctified by prayer , tim. . . that is , by calling upon god for his license to use such benefits or to do such things and to have his blessing upon them . thus we do sanctifiedly use them when we thus ask leave of god and help from him to do them . men look that he which would use any of their goods should crave their good will , and that those which would enjoy their help in any thing should request it ; for it is a poor thing that is not worth asking , and leave is light ; so doth god look that we should carry our selves toward him , and by using all things in such sort we do acknowledge our dependance upon him , confesse his providence , soveraignty and power over our selves and all things , and so worthily exercise the principal graces of god in our souls , for he that will not dare to meddle with any thing in the house till he have requested the good will of such a one , doth by this deed confesse him to be the lord of the house , and of all things in it . thirdly , we are to return thanks to god for his goodnesse , when we have enjoyed any good thing from him , for so also the apostle tels , that things are sanctified to us by thanksgiving , tim. . . when we have lent one any of our goods , we look that he should bring them home again with thanks ; so must we give back to god thanks for the use of his creatures , though the things themselves are allowed us still to retain them . and this also is a notable acknowledgement of his soveraign lordship over all creatures , and our absolute dependance upon him . so when the disciples returned reporting what great things they had wrought , our saviour gave thanks to his father , saying , luke . . i thank thee , o father , lord of heaven and earth . so when abrahams servant had found great successe in his journey , he bows himself , worshipping the lord and saying , blessed be the lord god of my master , gen. . . and after also v. . lastly , it is required that we use all the creatures of god moderately , proportioning the measure of our use of them to the true ends for which god in nature hath ordained them . if a man give his servant leave to take his key and fetch so much money out of his coffer as will serve to buy such and such things which his master would have bought , he is bound to take just so much and no more to a farthing if he know the summe , if he do not particularly know the summe , as near as he can guesse thereabout , and in keeping himself to his masters direction here , he shews that he accounts not himself but his master the owner of these goods . so when the lord hath appointed meat and drink to strengthen and refresh nature , attire to keep the body warm , and to adorn men , according to the distinction of their places , and other like things for like purposes , he that is carefull as near as he can to keep himself so within compasse , as to use no more of these things then are requisite for these ends , so near i say as he can guesse , doth behave himself like a servant in the use of these things , and by so using them doth give to god the honour of being the lord and master of them : so temperan●e in meat and drink , and all such things is a needfull duty for the sanctifying of gods name in the use of his creatures . and so much of the things commanded in this third commandment ; now of the things forbidden herein which all come to two heads : . the abuse of those holy actions which are sometimes mingled with our common affairs , viz. an oath . a lot. . disordered carriage of our selves in our common affairs . of the abuse of an oath we must speak first . it is abused two wayes , in regard of the . taking , for the . matter of it , in the . object or thing sworn by . . subject or thing sworn to . . manner , contrary to . truth by a false oath . . judgement by swearing . . ignorantly . . rashly or causlesly . . irreverently . . ragingly . . keeping by not performing a lawfull oath . . keeping by performing an unlawfull . the first abuse of an oath is in regard of the thing sworn by , and that is double , swearing . by an idol . . by a meer creature . to swear by an idol is a great abuse of an oath , wherein gods honour is given to his utter enemy , which the prophet condemns in the jews , ier. . . thy children have sworn by them that are no gods , that is , by false and feigned gods , and ier. . . he condemneth the jews for having learned of the gentiles to swear by baal , and the prophet zeph. . . saith , that god will visit , that is ( punish ) them which swear by the lord , and by malcham . for seeing an oath is a due and true worship of god , how should he endure to have it translated to a false god ? surely those which swear by them do bear some respect to them in their hearts , and make honourable mention of them with their lips , which is condemned , exod. . . also to swear by a creature , is to do more honour unto it then ought to be done to it , for seeing an oath is to be taken by the greater , as the apostle saith , that is , one which hath authority over men to punish them if they swear amisse , and that no creature is so much greater then man , that he can discern to punish the disorders of his heart in swearing , it is a wrong to god to set them in his room when we swear , yea when god doth plainly say , the lord liveth , jer. . . and saith , thou shalt swear by his name , deut. . . & . . it seemeth to me that this bidding to swear by him , forbiddeth to swear by any thing besides him . here two things may be objected , first , that usual form of swearing which was accustomed by the people of god when they sware , to say , the lord liveth , and thy soul liveth , sam. . . to which we answer , that in mentioning this living of the soul they do not swear by it , but alone wish well unto it , swearing by god , and yet mentioning the soul of that party sworn unto , for proof of their love and good desires of its welfare , is as much as if they had said , i swear by god , whom i desire also to preserve thy soul. further the apostle cor. . . may seem to swear by his rejoycing in christ , when he saith , by our rejoycing which we have in christ iesus our lord , we die daily . to this i answer , that this is as much as if he had said , by jesus christ in whom i rejoyce , so that christ is here the sole object of the oath , and his rejoycing is mentioned as an effect of christs power , the more honourably to convey the oath unto him . see mr manton on iam. . . and m. lyfords princip . of faith and good consc. p. . so this is the first abuse of an oath to swear by a creature , or an idol , or false god . an earnest protestation may , it seems , be made by a creature , as to say , as sure as i live , or the like ; but this must not be conceived as a swearing by them , or calling them to bear witnesse to the truth of our speeches . there is one main difference between a protestation and an oath , that we may lawfully protest by a creature , but without sinne we cannot swear by a creature , gen. . . compared with chap. . . seems to shew that those words by the life of pharaoh , were but a protestation . capel of tent. part . . c. . the second abuse of an oath is in regard of the thing sworn to , and that is double . . in an assertive oath . . in a promissive oath . it is in an assertive oath when it is trivial of a small light matter of no worth and value , neither in it self nor in the consequents of it . for seeing an oath is a calling god to be witnesse and judge of our speech , he must not be called to witnesse for meer trifles and toyes , and he that so sweareth doth not swear in judgment , but rashly and inconsiderately , for what is , if this be not to take the name of god in vain , when the matter is light and vain which occasioneth us to take it up . also in a promissive oath there is an abuse if one swear to do that which is sinfull and wicked , or not to do that which is commanded and required at his hand by god , for this is not to swear in righteousnesse , but unjustly . therefore david in swearing to kill nabal did greatly offend , and so did herod in swearing to do for herodias whatsoever she should ask , not excepting unlesse it were sinfull and wicked that she should ask . and such also it may seem was the oath of the other tribes , when they sware not to give any of their daughters to wife to benjamin , for this was to cut off one tribe from israel which they ought not to have done , and therefore afterwards they were compelled to use tricks to break that oath , giving the benjamites authority to steal wives that so they might have them , and yet the parents not seem guilty of this oath , because they did not give them with their consent and good liking . and thus much for the abuse of an oath in regard of the matter . now the abuses in regard of the manner of swearing follow . the first abuse in the manner of swearing is against truth , when men do swear falsly or deceitfully . this is condemned psal. . and by zechary chap. . . love no false oath , for these are things which i hate , saith the lord. so a false oath we see is abominable to god. this is to defile the name of god , and to draw him into fellowship with our lying so farre as may be . now falshood is when a mans words do not agree with the conceits of his minde , or his conceits with the things which he speaketh of . so there is a double falshood , one witting , the other unwitting . the witting falshood is , when a man utters things contrary to his own thought and meaning . and this is also double , . plain , and palpable , and flat falshood . . cloaked , coloured and painted falshood . palpable falshood is when a man doth not so much as labour to cast any colour of truth upon his oath , but swears that which is evidently false , and this is in an assertive oath , when a man swears a thing to be or not to be , which he either knows or thinks to be otherwise . this was the fault of peter when he denied his master with an oath . this was done by him in a passion of fear , yet did it not wholly excuse his sinne , but it is worse when it is done premeditately and upon deliberation , as the false witnesses did which iezabel appointed to swear against naboth , and this is so grievous a sinne , that it doth plainly prove a man to be an atheist in heart , for who that acknowledgeth god would call him to witnesse a lie ? and it is all one in this case whether a man think the thing only to be false , or it be so indeed , for if his words disagree with his thoughts , though his thoughts agree with the thing accidentally and by chance , there is the most blame-worthy and condemnable falshood . also there is palpable falshood in an assertive oath , when a man sweareth to do that which he hath no minde , purpose nor meaning to do , nay nor perhaps doth not know what it is that he swears to , but takes the oath for example or custome , for no man can have a true meaning to do he knows not what . and if any man should know anothers meaning not to be such as his words pretend , he would surely condemn him of perjury , therefore in the like case he must needs also condemn himself . this is open and palpable falshood ; coloured falshood is when a man makes a shew of truth , but hides his meaning with craft , as in equivocations , reservations , and the like : for example , when a man intends his oath in another meaning then that which is expressed to him by the persons which cause him to take the oath , and which he knows they do take him to mean , and which he would have them to take his meaning in . for a good man must speak the truth in his heart , and therefore also must swear it . now he doth not so when he sweareth thus deceitfully , so deceit is not a remedy against falshood , but alone a cloak for falshood , which maketh it lesse seen , but not lesse sinfull . and the grossest kinde of deceit this way i think is that of equivocations and reservations , when a man of purpose takes the words of his oath in another sense then they are intended , as , are you a priest ? i swear no , meaning a priest of venus , though i be a popish priest : or when he reserves something in his minde , which being added to the words of his mouth make up a truth , but being taken by themselves contain a falshood , as , are you a priest ? no , meaning not to tell you . surely the words of ananias and saphirah were no lie if this kinde of jugling were good , yea peter was unjustly charged to have sworn falsly , if this were a just defence , for he might easily mean , i know not the man , meaning to tell you of it at this time . but onely popish persons which are willing to strive for their safety will maintain this falshood , wherefore we take it for granted to be naught and wicked , what is if this be not to swear deceitfully which is blamed psal. ? now there is also an unwitting falshood more pardonable of the twain , and yet bad enough , when a man swears that which he thinks is true , but indeed is not true , he being deceived in his opinion . and this kinde of falshood is often brought into an oath by reason of rashnesse , when men take not their oath in judgement they often offend against truth . the conceits of things going alone are not the measure of words , but the things themselves also , and if the words agree not to both , there is not perfect truth in them but some admixture of falshood . this is the first abuse of an oath , for the manner against the truth . other abuses there are contrary to judgement . and first , when a man swears ignorantly , not knowing the nature of an oath , and must of necessity abuse it , in that he cannot have the regard of it which he should , if he know not the nature of it . secondly , when he swears rashly and causelesly in his common speech and talk , the things being such as require no oath ; which is plainly condemned by our saviour , zach. . . matth. . . and by his apostles , iam. . . counterfeit oaths and vehement affirmations , as being more then yea and nay , are naught and blame-worthy . thirdly , when a man swears ragingly in his choler and passion , which is to pierce through the name of god , as the wicked wretch did in the camp of israel , for which he was stoned , levit. . . fourthly , when he swears irreverently , without any due regard of god when he hath just cause of swearing , for this is contrary to fearing of an oath , commended , eccles. . . so much for the abuse by taking an oath . it is also abused in regard of keeping . first , when men break lawful oaths , as zedekiah did , for which he was punished , ezek. . . and so did the princes and people , ier. . and saul sinned in breaking the oath of ioshua made long before , seeking to slay the gibeonites , sam. . , . for the oath of a man in such case is not performed , but binds him and all that do succeed him in that place . secondly , in regard of keeping it is abused , when men do keep a wicked oath , as herod did in beheading iohn baptist , whereas such an oath is a nullity , and therefore david kept not his oath to kill naball ; yea , if one under government have sworn to do a thing without the consent and privity of his governour , and after the governour knowing it , refuse to give way unto it , he or she under gevernment is not to keep the oath , as appears numb . . and therefore also in such case to stand upon tearms of an oath to disobey a governour , is a sin . and so much for the abuse of an oath . now follows the abuse of a lot , and that is two waies , either for the matter about which it is used , or the manner of using . for the matter : first , when it is used in meer sport and pastime , in matters trivial and idle , nec deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus , gods holy providence must not be called to determine toyes ; his providence rules the least things , but we must not put a trifle to the determining of his providence , for then gods name is taken up idly and to no purpose , because no use can be made of the falling out of such trifles . so when men cast lots who shall be together in play , who shall begin first ; yea when they use games consisting of lottery , as are cards and dice , games , if we consider of them aright , as unlawful ( say some ) as it is unlawful to swear in jest , or in common talk , for there is a manifest lot in every game of these : in the cards , the shuffling and dealing is an apparent lot , for here are all the three things which are named in the affirmative part ; first , a controversie or doubt who shall begin , this man or that . . a casual act , shuffling and dealing , which , unlesse there be foul play , is so ordered , that no wit , skill , nor activity of men , but meer chance ; that is , gods secret providence , can dispose of it . . the appointing and using of this casual act to end that controversie , or the putting of it to god to determine . so likewise in tables , the cast of the dye is a meer casual act , and this casual act is appointed to determine a controversie , viz. either what kinde of remove , or what particular remove each man shall make , for they will not let each other choose their removes ; so that there being all the things which constitute a lot , to deny it the name is fond and absurd . indeed the main controversie is determined in part also by skill , but as the mixing of gold and lead together , cannot cause but that gold is gold : so the mixing of a lot and skill together , cannot cause but that a lot is a lot , and therefore here a lot is abused to a matter of pastime ; that is to say , men play with holy things , which cannot be denied to be a sin . this is the first abuse of a lot. secondly , a lot is abused when it is used to end a counterfeit controversie which is made by mens pleasure for sinister respects , and is not at all in nature , as in all gaming by lot , where two men lay the money in common that before was proper , and then will needs cast a dye ( that is , a lot ) who shall have both ; so in lotteries of all sorts , where many men put that money which of right appertained to each of them severally , in one purse as it were , and then a lot must be cast who shall have of that summe a little , who much , who nothing , when god had before by the disposition of his providence given each his portion : now for men unnecessarily to make a controversie , that some may get by the loss of others , surely this is a dallying with god , and an abusing of his name . no wise father would suffer himself to be made umpire so betwixt his children , therefore will not god take it well that himself should be made a determiner of such lust-coined doubts . if it be said , that the end is good , viz. the bestowing of the overplus of the money to some good use , as relief of the poor , or the like : i answer , the lot is abused for all that , because it is used to a wrong end ; for the end to which god appointed a lot , was not to get money out of mens purses , for the doing of some charitable action , but for the keeping of unity and concord among them in doubts not so well otherwise determinable . for why ? it is an high honour to him in such case to be made as it were the chief judge of all matters ; so that these lotteries be flat sins ( as some conceive ) and the using of them as bad as common swearing , because they are the abusing of a thing which is holy , as an oath is holy . and thus a lot is abused for the matter about which it is used . now for manner likewise it is abused , first by collusion and deceit , when men seem to use a lot , yet by some close and underhand-dealing dispose of the act themselves , as in cogging a dye in false dice , in all those tricks of oiled cards , and over-long and over-broad cards , and the like , where there is a manifest mocking of god , by dissembling to make him determine of what we purpose not to intrust him withal ; where a lot is also abused doubly , because here is both collusion and trifling . but if in a matter of weight a man will seem to cast lots , and yet have some secret trick to turn the lot as he list , not committing the disposition thereof to god , he doth grievously offend god. secondly , a careless using of a lot , imputing to i know not what chance and luck , without any heeding of god in it , is an abusing of it , so when men do make an excuse of their sin in sporting with lots , it becomes an aggravation of it , for they say that they never intend to put gods providence to trouble , but mark the falling of the dye , and there is an end . whereto is answered , that they ought not to let slip gods providence so negligently , but seeing he takes the whole disposing to himself , they should see his care in it ; and if the matter be so trifling , that they fear to mark gods providence in it , then it is too base to have a lot imployed about it . thirdly , a chasing and fretting at the falling out of a lot , is a gross abuse of it , as if one should charge god with want of wisdome , or tell him that he had done wrong ; for god is so absolute a soveraign , that when he hath manifested his good pleasure all should be husht and ended , and therefore after that he which will fume and take on , doth offer indignity to god , and neglect his due subjection to that soveraign prince of his life , whom he ought above all things to regard . and so much for the abuse of those holy things which are intermingled with our common affairs . now it follows to speak of the dishonour done to god in disordering of our common actions so far as they touch himself , and the things by which he hath manifested himself to us . now these are : . inward . . outward . inward , in regard of gods works or our own . in regard of gods works first , by ascribing them wholly and principally to other causes , without taking any notice of him , at least any diligent notice . as for example : first , to fortune or chance , good or bad ; if a man go and finde a thing of price to his enriching , or so have any other sudden and unexpected benefit coming unto him , this he doth in his minde ascribe to good luck , and saith that he had great good fortune . contrarily , if he go on the way , and there lose something of value and price , he storms and saith he had bad luck ; or if any occurrent fals out that disappoints his present hopes , he in his minde looks no higher , but thinks it ill luck ; as the priests of the philistines told the princes , that if the kine did not carry the ark directly towards the way of bethshemesh , then all the misery which had befaln them by mice and emerods , was but some chance that had befaln them . again , men impute gods works sometimes to the course of nature , so as to thrust out him the authour of nature , or else to tie him to any inferiour cause in nature . thus the atheist saies it comes by nature , that some years are unseasonable , and some again seasonable . nature is gods instrument , being nothing else but that common course which he hath established in things , if men therefore would from nature ascend higher to the authour , maker , ordainer of nature , which hath by his great wisdome established that course herein , they would not sin , for god doth work things according to his own determination by usual and natural means most commonly ; but to be so intentive to nature , as to have no thought , or but weak , few , and slender thoughts of god , this is a grievous profaning of his name . a third thing which men do impute gods works to , to his dishonour , is their friends and foes , their benefactors out of good will , and their malicious adversaries out of their uncharitableness , as the israelites looked to assur , not to god , in whose hand assur was as a rod , and contrarily being succoured by their well-willers , they ascribed all to their policy , wisdome , and friendship . lastly , men ascribe things to their own wisdome , care , industry , pains , courage , thinking within themselves , that their hand hath gotten much , that their sword hath saved them , as the king of assur boasted what great matters he had done , and nebuchadnezzar boasted that it was great babel which he had built . now when any of these things , fortune , nature , our friends , our foes , our selves , are so thrust betwixt god and us , that we see not god because of our fond doating on these either feigned or subordinate causes , here god is exceedingly dishonoured . another way of dishonouring god in his works , is by perverting them to evil and vile purposes and ends , . by hardening our selves in our sins from his long-suffering , patience and forbearance , as solomon saith most men do , because sentence against sinners is not speedily executed , therefore are they fully bent upon mischief , and as the apostle chargeth them , rom. . to heap up wrath to themselves against the day of wrath , by turning gods grace thus into wantonness . . when men charge gods actions with unjustice , and so either deny or blemish his providence , especially in case of crosses befalling them , so taking occasion to murmure and be impatient , as iob was by fits , and as it is often seen in good men ▪ but most of all in bad , as they said , where is the god of judgement ? when men take occasion from any of gods works to repine against , or entertain hard conceits of him , this is a grievous sin , and a dishonouring of him in his works . . when men grow proud of his benefits , thinking highly of themselves because of those good things he hath undeservedly bestowed upon them , and are lifted up as if they had not received them , for god gives his mercies to better purposes then to swell the heart : as some man because he hath wealth , thinks himself better then all that have less , thinks that he may be dispensed with in sins , that he should not be called upon to such and such duties , and contemns others in comparison of himself . so did nebuchadnezzar abuse gods advancement of him to be lifted up ; yea davids heart was somewhat lifted up , and be grew secure , and therefore proud , and uzziah also ; for this is a disease marvellous hard to escape , which is the true cause why the lord is fain to be narrow-handed toward his servants in regard of these things , because he would not have this pernicious disease to grow upon them , and sees that out of abundance it would come forth , such is their weaknesse . the last abuse of gods works is by hardening our hearts against them , and a wilful refusing to be brought unto that amendment , which we might , if we would see plainly that he intends , as pharaoh hardened his heart against the wonderful works done by moses , and the wicked pharisees hardened their hearts against all christs miracles , then which what greater despight can we offer to god , to resolve we will not go though he leade , and though he drive us , or that we will go on though he hold us back with a kinde of violence ? and these be the principal waie● of dishonouring god in his works . . we dishonour him in our works by mis-intending them , either to ends lawful in excessivenesse , or to unlawful ends ; as for example , when men labour in their calling onely , or chiefly , to be rich ; when men do eat onely to fill the belly ▪ most of all if men do these for wrong ends , as to do a work in ones calling to anger another , or the like ; for herein we do sinfully pervert the order that should be observed , and cast our eyes from him upon whom they should alwaies be fixed ▪ as iehu in exalting of justice in ahabs family aimed at nothing but the lifting up of himself , and establishing the kingdome to his own house . this is a living to ones self , and a serving of ones self , whereas we ought no longer to live to our selves ▪ but to him which hath redeemed us . the common sin of mankinde , and that which doth stain and defile all the moralities of unsanctified men , causing that those things of theirs are abominable before god , which to men carry the most glorious appearances that may be . and thus god is dishonoured in heart . now he is dishonoured outwardly , and that . in tongue . . in action . in word , by all such kinde of speeches as are contrary to those four kinds ( wherein our words touch good any way ) that were named in the affirmative part . as first , contrary to good and charitable wishes , there are . formal wishes , as when men in a form say , god bless you , god save all ; much more when it is in falshood , the tongue speaking peace when the heart wisheth mischief , as david complains of his enemies that came to visit him , and then wished him all welfare in tongue , but were so contrary minded , that after they wished he might never recover , and so were bold to utter their malicious conceits when they came forth . . contrary to these good wishes are curses , imprecations , and execrations against ones self or others , especially such as wherein the devil hath his name honoured , as the devil take thee , the devil go with thee : or though god be wished to be the authour of the evil , as god confound thee , or the like . it is a token of an evil heart to be apt to curse , they which love cursing shall have enough of it , these bad wishes will fly back to the nest where they were hatched . the apostle delivers it as a token of an unregenerate man , that the gall of aspes is under his lips , and that his mouth is full of cursing and bitterness ; it is a proof of a soul very much void of the fear of god , when a man dareth to speak to god to become his hangman or executioner , and a most horrible boldness when a man dare invocate the devil for revenge . s. iames speaks of it as a wofull and grievous crime , that a man should with the same mouth bless god and curse man , who was made after the image of god ; yea not alone to curse men , but to curse any creature , wishing pox or plague upon it , or murrain , or the like , is a fearful abusing of god from whom we dare ask such things , unless we curse in gods name , being armed by his authority and warrant , for if god bid his servants curse they must curse , i mean by pronouncing a curse ; yea by praying god according to his truth to fulfill his curses . but of wicked and unwarrantable cursing we have an example in the proud goliah , who cursed david by his gods , and of shimei who cursed david with a horrible and bitter curse . and these be against good wishes . . against respective mentioning of gods titles and attributes there are two faults , the one is a light and foolish speaking of them by way of wonderment or otherwise , as o lord god , good god , when a man thinks no more of god nor his goodness , then he thinks of the devil or pope ; so in other like occasions . . there is a mentioning of gods titles by way of vilifying and abusing him , as who is god , that i should let israel go ? and , what god can deliver out of my hands ? and a mentioning of him by way of blaspheming , speaking evil of him in such fearful accusations as are not to be named , as raging against his justice , truth , and wisdome , and charging him with the contrary imperfections , as some in their distemper have done , a most hideous and fearful sin ! contrary unto good conference of gods word and works , there are four faults . . vain jangling , a discoursing of gods word or works onely to shew wit , and win applause , or to dispute of them onely to try masteries and get victory , especially if a man choose out nice points , or genealogies and idle needless questions . if a man do jangle and wrangle about the most useful points , it is a great fault ; but if he fill the world with controversies about trifles , this is a greater abuse , and more dangerous , because these matters will most easily breed doubt upon doubt . . when men make jests of gods word , alleadging any place of scripture in merriment to procure laughter , or make a mock of any of gods special works , as the people did of the apostles , speaking in strange tongues , as if it had been nothing but the vent of new wine overabundantly swallowed . . when men misapply gods word and works , as by mis-alleadging them to countenance sin and maintain wickednesse ; or contrarily , putting off gods testimonies , and mis-interpreting scripture , as that wicked syricius would have no ministers marry , because those that were in the flesh could not please god , and as the popish cardinal would have the pope take upon him to punish , because it was said to peter , slay and eat , and such like . but especially the making spels of verses of scripture by the words written , spoken or hanged upon ones neck , to cure agues or the like ; and so by misapplying gods works to any wicked conclusion , as if he did not hate sin , because he is patient in not punishing of it . any wrongful wresting of the scriptures or any of gods works , is a shameful abusing it to gods dishonour . cavilling and despitefull objecting against gods word , as if it were false and repugnant to it self , or a meer invention of men ; and against his works , as if they were not righteous and just ; picking a quarrel with god in either of these two , is an high dishonouring of him , and very displeasing to his majesty . and all these are directly contrary to the holy and good conference which we ought to have together of gods word and works . now some other things are contrary to the confessing of the true religion , and these are : . denying and disavowing the same , principally if it be against the light of a mans own conscience , and after some professing and maintaining of it before , for christ saith , that if any man deny him before men , him will he also deny before his heavenly father . so peter denied that he knew christ , but we know how dear it cost him afterwards . . there is opposing the truth of god , setting ones self by shifts and devices to impute falshood unto it , and to pull down the pillars of it , as the wicked iews opposed themselves to the faithful and sincere preaching of paul , and did dispute against those things which he spake , labouring to make it appear that all he spake was but a meer lie and falshood , which is therefore a very wicked thing , because it tends to make others also hang back from believing the truth , and most wicked , when it is done contrary to a mans own knowledge or conscience , and so that he himself knows it is truth which he opposeth ; but most of all abominable , when it is as it was in the forenamed iews , joyned with actual persecuting of them which do stand for the truth , and labour to uphold the same . lastly , when men strive to maintain falshood , or false religion and false faith , indeavouring by coloured and cloaked reasons to get unto it the colour of truth , which is heresie when it is joyned with obstinacy ; and then a most damnable thing , when a man is condemned of his own conscience , and yet will persist in the maintaining of his lying imaginations , not suffering his mouth to be stopped , though his own heart sees and knows that he is answered , and that it is but a lie which he stands for with so much earnestnesse . and these be the most hainous disorders of the speech whereby god is dishonoured . now follows to speak of actual dishonours , and these are twofold , . generall . then speciall . generally to live a scandalous and offensive life , in the profession of true religion to make a shew of fearing ; yea to fear god in truth , and yet so little to regard the name and honour of god , as to give occasion to those which desire matter of obloquy and reproach , which is charged upon the wicked iews , that by their means the name of god was evil spoken of among the gentiles . their lewd and ungodly , and unrighteous life , made that truth and sound religion which they did professe , to become a by-word , and to be contumeliously spoken of by all those which knew them ; and so the wickedness of david in that foul sin of his , opened the mouths of the enemies , and gave them matter to speak evil of . he that being of gods house , causeth it by his ungodly demeanour to have an ill name brought up upon it , as if his religion would no more sanctifie men then if they had it not , he doth exceedingly dishonour god , as a bad servant discrediteth his masters house ; for it gives suspition of ill government , when the people are of a disordered conversation . yea , and those which do hinder others also from imbracing the true religion , and cause them which are godly to receive some blemish and aspersion , as if they were equally wicked , though they be more wary and crafty to keep it in . and that is in general . now in special it is done two waies . . by persecuting any for righteousnesse sake , seeking to hurt them in body , goods , or name , because of their good life , because of their refusing to joyne in sinful actions or the like , as the pharisees did persecute the apostles , and as paul was persecuted by the iews , himself having first been a persecutor , and as herod took and slew iames , and would have slain peter also , here gods name , his truth , is with great violence as it were defaced and made hateful amongst men , and therefore this of all sins is counted most grievous , and likely doth bring with it a severe and speedy judgement . this is to fight against god with drawn sword , as it were , to come into the field with weapon in hand against him . . sin is committed to the dishonour of god , when his natural benefits and ordinances are abused ; and this is done four waies , . when a man enjoyes them with a doubting conscience , or against his conscience , then and in that manner doing or using them upon the example of others or the like , when he in his own heart , though erring through mis-information of judgement , doth suppose them to be unlawful ; to offend against the conscience , is to set light by god. i mean when the conscience seems supported by some place of scripture , that it cannot well answer , otherwise if an idle scruple be objected through satans temptation without any ground from gods word , or when a man perceives it sufficiently answered and cleared , then it must not be taken as the voice of conscience , but as the voice of satan by his crafty temptations troubling and molesting conscience , and then a man is not to heed it , but to break through it , so to winne his own liberty and dash those needlesse fears out of countenance . but when a man grounding himself upon any place of scripture , doth esteem any thing unlawful , because he thinks so , and cannot see the matter yet in his judgement cleared from that appearance , but thinks still that the scripture condemneth it , then to do it is to sinne against god , and so the apostle paul , saith , i am perswaded that nothing ( meaning no indifferent thing either in regard of levitical ordinance , as hoggs-flesh and bloud , or of idolatrous abuse , as meat offered to idols ) is unclean , but to him ( saith he ) that esteems any thing sinfull to him , it is unclean . and it may fall out in this case that a man shall be so perplexed that in doing the thing he shall sin , because he goes against his conscience , in not doing it he shall sin , because he may by some other bond be bound unto it , it being a duty commanded which he takes to be a sin forbidden . and so much for offending through an ill informed conscience . secondly , the creatures of god are abused prophanely when a man rusheth upon them with brutish boldnesse , not caring to crave license from the god of heaven , nor regarding to give him thanks for them , having taken the benefit and comfort thereof . if a man eat and drink , sport himself , use marriage or the like , and do not intreat of god a liberty to use these things , and having enjoyed them goes away and never opens his mouth or lifts up his heart to render praises unto god , this is as it were a challenging of a kinde of property and interest in these things , as if they were our own , this is a denying of gods soveraignty and peculiar right over them , an intruding and incroaching upon them , and no better then a stealing of them from the lord. beasts which have no manner of reason to discern of their creator , which never conceived of a supream and infinite ruler of all things , they do thus fall upon all they meet , and take it at all adventures . and thieves deal so with men , all is their own they lay hands on whether they have the good will of the owner yea or no , and he that so doth playes the thief and the beast with god , not acknowledging his title , and preheminence in and over all things . thirdly , these creatures of god are abused superstitiously , and that two wayes : . by placing religion in them , doing them as things which will of themselves specially please and honour god , and profit our souls , or abstaining from them as from things which will defile our souls and offend god , as those in the colossians which laded themselves with observations , touch not , taste not . and so those which after the abrogating of the ceremonial law would not eat the meats formerly forbidden . if a man do abstain from a thing for some civil respect or end , or do a thing for the like , knowing also that it pleaseth god , it is all one which way so ever he do it ; in regard of the thing it self he offends not , but if it be out of a conscience to god-ward to eat or not to eat , placing religion in using or abstaining from any of these common things , meat , drink , apparell , or the like , then is he very fond , foolish and superstitious . . by applying them to certain supernatural effects and purposes to which god hath no way fitted nor assigned them , as to divine of things to come , to finde out hidden secrets , and here comes in all manner of divination , fortune-telling , and the like , by certain odde and idle observations from the stars , from the aspects of the heavenly bodies . natural effects which are grounded upon certain causes may be fore-told by the knowledge of these bodies , but contingent effects depending upon the will of men as their cause cannot so be fore-told , or those which depend upon other as uncertain causes , as mans will. here comes in also all observing of the flying of birds , and of such like things as are taken fondly for ominous presages of good or evil , for god hath forbidden these kindes of foolish observations to his people . also there was other supernatural effects which men may misapply things to , as to drive away devils by holy water , imagined to be holy by the sign of the crosse , or the like , and to cure diseases in a supernatural way , as to cure an ague by some baubling toyes which some have invented , of paring ones nails , and putting the parings in a dunghill , and let them rot , and so shall the disease go away . all which be but sacraments of the devil , either no effect can follow upon them , or if any do it is from the operation and work of the devil which blindes mens eyes from seeing himself by these trisling observations . but most of all , if a man deem to merit remission of sins by these natural actions of casting holy water , of crossing himself , of abstaining from food , of whipping himself , or of going in course attire , or the like ; this is the most superstitious and fond abusing of them that can be , for then they become as it were competitors with the bloud of christ , which is the only sacrifice for sin , by offering of which he hath made perfect for ever them that do obey . and this is the superstitious abuse of these things . now follows the last , and that is excessive , prodigal and licentious abusing of them ; the chief things abused by intemperatenesse , are meat by surfeting , drink by drunkennesse , sports by voluptuousnesse , attire by sumptuousnesse : when a man contents not himself to take such a quantity of any of these as agree to the end which god hath in nature appointed them for , viz. meat to feed and refresh his body , drink to quench thirst and comfort his body , apparel to cover his nakednesse and adorn the body according to the difference of degrees amongst men , and shelter from the cold , and sports to fit the tired minde for the calling and exercise of the body , that diseases may be prevented , but seeks to content his own inordinate appetite , or follows the fond custom and example of others , or the like , then doth a man shamefully abuse one of gods works which is his name , for he serves the devil and the flesh with those things which god hath made , and hinders himself from being able to do good by that which should further him , and doth expose himself to many evils by that which should not be a snare unto him . here the riotous , voluptuous , prodigall liver , specially the drunkard , which must drink healths till he have no consideration of health , and pledge as much as any man will drink to him ▪ till he have inflamed himself , and be unable with discretion to consider any thing , is a grosse abuser of the name of god , for he takes no notice of god in his creatures , nor doth serve him in using them as he ought , for in the end and measure of using gods creatures , whose directions should we follow but gods ? chap. v. the fourth commandment . remember the sabbath-day , or the day of rest , to keep it holy . six dayes shalt thou labour and do all thy work , but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god , in it thou shalt do no manner of work , thou , nor thy sonne , nor thy daughter , nor thy man-servant , nor thy maid servant , nor thy cattle , nor the stranger which is within thy gates : for in six dayes the lord made heaven and earth , the sea and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , wherefore the lord blessed the sabbath-day , and hallowed it . these words contain the fourth commandment of the decalogue , being the last of the first table concerning our duty to god immediately . the summe of it is to appoint unto men a set and solemn time wherein they should wholly give themselves to the study of holinesse , and to the performance of holy exercises necessary for that purpose . the sanctity of the whole man required in the first commandment , is the chief thing which god looketh for , to the attaining and increasing whereof the lord saw good to require some special kindes of services , viz. solemn in the second commandment , and common in the third , and the addicting and bestowing of a special time , viz. every seventh day . the end therefore of this commandment is the maintaining and increasing of sanctity in men , the summe , that every seventh day must be specially set apart to this purpose . let us proceed to handle this commandment , and to that end , . explicate the words of the commandment . . speak something of the perpetuity of the commandment . . shew the duties herein required , and the sins forbidden . for the first , the commandment hath two parts , as the words themselves do plainly shew to each attentive reader . first , the precept is briefly propounded . secondly , it is somewhat inlarged . it is propounded in these words , remember the sabbath-day to sanctifie it . remembrance is properly of things past , but here according to the usual acceptation of the word , it signifies a diligent consideration of the thing before hand , as where the young man is commanded , eccles. . . to remember his creatour in the dayes of his youth , that is , seriously to consider of him . it is all one as if he should say , diligently observe , for so he interprets himself deut. . . think upon and accordingly provide for the observation of this holy rest , by dispatching all the works of thy calling , that nothing might be undone which providence and diligence might prevent , that might hinder thy rest on the seventh day . men are apt to forget the creation of the world , therefore the lord appointed the fourth commandment ; and to forget christ , therefore he appointed the standing ordinance of the lords supper , luk. . . the sabbath-day ] or the day of rest , and ceasing from labour , as the word properly signifieth , which is repeated again in the conclusion of the commandment . it must not be bestowed as other dayes , but then they ought conscionably to forbear those things which on other dayes they might lawfully perform , for rest is a cessation from doing things . to sanctifie it ] or keep it holy , that is , to imploy the day in holy duties of gods immediate worship , to sanctifie it , to set it a part to holy uses and purposes . so two things are required , . the remembrance of the time , which is a serious preconsideration to prepare for it . . a carefull celebration , consisting in resting and sanctifying it , for a bare rest is not enough , but such a rest as tendeth to and endeth in the sanctifying of it . thus the duty is briefly propounded , it is further enlarged , and that two wayes : . by an explication of some things which might seem doubtfull . . by an argument of confirmation or reason to ratifie the precept . the explication shews two things answering unto two questions , which upon hearing of the precept so briefly delivered , must needs arise in the minde of the hearer , needing therein to be satisfied . the one , which is the day of rest ? the other , what must be rested from ; and who must rest ? to the former the lord makes a full answer , by shewing the time as distinctly as might be , saying , six dayes thou shalt a ( that is , thou maist , i warrant thee , and give thee good allowance for it ) labour and do all thy businesses , that is , all the works of thy particular calling for thy profit , but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god , that is , which the lord thy god requireth thee to rest in . so the matter is defined particularly , after six dayes bestowed in labour , and the works of thy calling of all sorts , followeth the seventh day , and that is the day of rest , which i appoint thee to observe . here you have the matter of the commandment explicated , every seventh day succeeding six of labour in a constant course of reckoning must be given to god for a day of rest . the seventh day b following six of labour and still coming between six of labour , must in a setled and constant course be yeelded unto god for an holy rest , the time being particularly determined . seneca saith , the iews were a foolish people , because they lost the seventh part of their lives . another question remains , what must be rested from , and who must rest ? to which the lord also makes answer , saying , in it thou shalt do no work ; that is , none of thy works or businesses , none of the labours of thy calling wherein thou dost warrantably bestow thy time upon the six daies , and the rest must be celebrated by the master of the family and his wife , comprehended both under the name [ thou : ] nay the king , magistrate , father , or any superiour , is meant by sons and daughters , by men-servants and maid-servants , yea and by the cattel too , because their labour will require the labour of men attending them ; and by all strangers within thy gates , whose labour will induce thee to labour , and be an occasion of thy labouring also . turbasset ordinem civilem , & damnum attulisset israelitis , si alii inter ipsos viventes permissi essent opus facere . grotius in exod. . so have we the commandment explicated ; now it is confirmed by a reason taken from gods institution , and of this institution we have the ground and parts , the ground from gods behaviour in the beginning , who in six daies did make heaven and earth , this universe , as in gen. . the seas and all things in them , and upon the seventh day did rest from creating any more things ; and out of a will to have the creation kept in a perpetual memory to the worlds end , did institute a day of rest , which institution standeth in blessing the day of rest and sanctifying it . the holy ghost saith that twice of the sabbath , gen. . . & exod. . . that he never said of any other day , that the lord blessed that day . to blesse is to appoint and make it effectual for a means of blessing ; see isa. . , . & . , . and to sanctifie is to sequester or set apart for holy purposes . so the whole argument stands thus , if god having himself made all things in six daies , and rested from making on the seventh , did hereupon appoint the day of rest * by blessing and sanctifying it , then must thou remember the day of rest to sanctifie it , as i said at first ; but so hath the lord done , therefore must thou remember the sabbath day to keep it holy . now having expounded the words of the commandment , let us come briefly to handle the question , whether this commandment be perpetual , binding all men in all ages , or whether temporary binding onely the men which lived before the resurrection of christ , and no further ? it is manifest that the laws given in the old testament are to be distinguished in regard of their continuance into these two kinds . for the will of the law-giver ( from which the force , extent , and continuance of the law hath its original ) was that some of them should be observed but till the resurrection of christ and no longer , and again that some should continue in force from the time of their making to the worlds end . now concerning this fourth commandment , it is apparent that the law-giver did intend that it should binde all men for ever from the time that he gave it . for how could he declare his minde in this behalf more plainly then by equalling it in all things with those precepts which are known to be of everlasting continuance , and by separating it from , and exalting it above all those other which are known to have been but temporary . it was promulgated in the same majestick manner with the same voice , at the same time , and in the same place that the other nine . it was delivered to the same person to be laid up together in the same ark , and so is a part of the same covenant , whence those tables are called the tables of the covenant , and that ark the ark of the covenant . what commandment , therefore is a part of the eternal covenant , and is by god graced and commended with all those signs of commendation wherewith all the rest are graced , cannot , i think , be made of less continuance then the rest ; for what did their writing in tables of stone , and laying up in the ark signifie , but their durablenesse and eternal continuance , and full accomplishment for us in christ. the lord hath separated this precept from all temporary precepts , by giving it those priviledges , as it were , and notes of honour , which all of them wanted , and god hath equalled it with the perpetual and everlasting precepts , by communicating to it all those testimonies of force and continuance which they had , therefore we are bound to believe that he would have this to continue in force as much and as long as the rest , even to all men in all ages , so long as this world shall last . there is one argument that carries some shew of force for the overthrowing of this doctrine of the perpetuity of the fourth commandment , viz. that we are not now bound to do the thing it requireth , nay we are bound not to do it . for our sabbath is not the seventh but the eighth from the creation . to which i answer , that this fourth commandment doth not require to rest and sanctifie the seventh from the creation , nor from any other period or date of time , but alone the seventh after six of labour , or coming betwixt six of labour , in a setled course of numbring from any period that god should appoint ; and so in the meaning of the commandment we do now and ever must rest the seventh day , for the seventh is that part in order of numbring which doth still come betwixt six , having six before it and six after continually , and so our day of rest hath , and therefore we also rest the seventh day . indeed the period from which we take the beginning of our account , is not the same but another , for they did reckon from the beginning of the creation and so forward , we from the resurrection and so forward ; but ours is as truly and surely the seventh as theirs , though reckoned from another period ; and for the period from whence the count must be made , we have no word at all in this precept . he saith not six daies from the creation thou shalt labour , and the seventh from the creation is the sabbath of the lord , in it thou shalt do no work , but six daies shalt thou labour ; and he saith not after , the lord blessed and sanctified the seventh day from the creation , but the sabbath day ; that is , the seventh after six of labour . indeed the lord by a special institution given to adam , gen. . . had for the times before christ appointed that they should reckon from the creation , which was the cause of that special institution ; but this is no part of the commandment ; and in that institution god did two things : . he appointed the period from whence the seventh should be accounted , which else adam according to the law infused into him would have taken otherwise , for those ten were written in adams heart , as is signified by the writing them in tables of stone , and calling them the tables of the covenant , for god did not make one covenant with israel another with adam but one and the same with both . indeed the covenant made with israel was put in the ark , to shew christ to be the end of the law , but yet it was the same covenant for matter , and so all the parts of it were written in adams heart . but adam looking to the law of his heart , and finding it written there ( as some hold ) i must labour six daies and rest the seventh , would have begun his life with six daies labour , and then in course have consecrated the seventh , but the lord by a speciall institution prevented him , requiring him to begin his life with an holy rest , and to sanctifie that seventh day from the creation , and so forward . this was of speciall institution , the assigning of that speciall date or period . and in this another thing was done , viz. the establishing also of the law of sanctifying the seventh after six of labour ; wherefore in the reason confirming the commandment god seemeth to have reference to this institution , but so that he maketh it manifest he looked not to that period , but to the number and order of the day ; and so saith , he blessed and sanctified the sabbath day ( which he had before determined to be the seventh after six of labour ) not the seventh day , as it is said in the words of that institution . and the lords reason is not this , what day i rested that thou must rest , but i rested the seventh from the creation , therefore so must thou ; but thus , what day i upon occasion of my labouring six and resting the seventh did blesse and sanctifie , that day thou must rest : but i upon occasion of my so labouring and resting , did blesse and sanctifie the sabbath day , that is , the seventh after six of labour indefinitely , as the words before expresse , not from the creation onely , therefore thou must remember the sabbath day to sanctifie it . so then this reason i take to be fully answered . and for our better satisfaction we must know , that we keep the sabbath just according to this commandment word for word , in that we labour six and rest the seventh , and so must do to the worlds end , but that we have taken up a new reckoning from a new period , even the resurrection ; we have it from christs appointment , as is plainly shewed us , because this day is called the lords day , that is , the day which he appointed to be kept constantly . this name of the day shews the authour of the day the lord , and the end the remembrance of him our lord , as the lords supper by that name is signified to be also from him and to him . and so by the wisdome of god it cometh to passe , that because men do labour six and rest the seventh , we do eternize the memorial of the creation according to this fourth commandment ; and because we reckon from the resurrection , we do also eternize the memorial of that work , which is greater then the creation . we must not think any thing more to be commanded then what the words do set down expresly or intimate . now neither expresly , nor by any necessary consequence or intimation are we pointed to a set period of numbring , or to a seventh from this or that date , but alone to the seventh after six of labour . as for the period , it being established by the institution mentioned gen. . no question needed to arise about that ▪ if any still argue , that day which god did rest , blesse , and sanctifie , is here commanded : but god did rest , blesse , sanctifie the seventh day from the creation , ergo , that is here ratified : we answer , that the proposition is to be understood with limitation , the same day which god did rest , blesse , and sanctifie , the same for order and number , not the same for the period or point from whence the number is beginning . for so himself doth shew his meaning to be , in that he insists upon this order and number , saying , six daies shalt thou labour , the seventh shalt thou do no work , and doth not once mention the period from the creation , as he could and would have done had that been his intention . now the same point concerning the perpetuity of this law is confirmed plainly by s. iames iam. . where he saith , he that keepeth the whole law , and faileth in one point , is guilty of all . whence i reason , the whole law and every point of it was of force when s. iames wrote this epistle , for how can a man break a law that is abrogated , or be guilty of all by breaking any one point , if the whole be not , and each part equally in force . now this epistle was written by s. iames to those which lived under the gospel , wherefore at that time , and to those persons the whole law and each part of it was in force . and if any doubt grow what s. iames meaneth by the law ; it is plain , he meaneth the decalogue or ten commandments , thus ; he that speaketh of a whole law , and after instanceth in particular members of the law , must needs mean the whole number of precepts , whereof those two brought in for instance are members and parts . now for instance , s. iames brings in two members of the decalogue ; ergo , by the whole law and each point , he must needs mean the decalogue and every precept thereof , as will appear further by his manner of speaking and reasoning after , for he saith thus , he that said , thou shalt not commit adultery , said also , thou shalt not kill ; if then thou commit not adultery , but killest , thou art a transgressor of the law. here we have a plain enthymeme , and a proposition must needs be understood to make up the argument , and having one proposition and the conclusion , no man which hath reason can choose but adde the proposition understood , viz. to this effect , what things were spoken by the same lawgiver , do binde so equally , that though a man keep one of them , and yet break another , he is a transgressor of that law given by that law-giver . now these two , thou shalt not commit adultery , and thou shalt not kill , were so spoken . may not one adde to the same proposition , but this , thou shalt sanctifie the sabbath , was so spoken , and so conclude , therefore if thou keep all the rest , and break this , thou art a transgressor . it is therefore i think manifest by this place , that the fourth commandment as well as any other point of the law is now in force . i confess that all the jewish sabbaths are abrogated according to the speech of paul elsewhere , but not the sabbath in general . the jewish weekly sabbath is abrogated , viz. the seventh from the creation , but the sabbath in general , that is , the seventh after six of labour , is not abrogated . if the sabbath in general were abrogated , viz. the resting and sanctifying of the seventh day after six of labour , then neither the apostles nor the church could have appointed the lords day , nay nor christ himself , unlesse he would be contrary to himself . indeed he might have appointed a day of publick service , but he must have altered the number and order , and not have taken the seventh in constant course after six of labour for a new date , for this would have been still to have appointed a sabbath , but to appoint a sabbath and abrogate all sabbaths , are contradictory . and so much for the clearing of the perpetuity of this precept . now i come to handle the things therein commanded and forbidden . the things required in this commandment are of two sorts : . preparation to it . . celebration of it . the preparation to it is required in the word remember , for such is the nature of this commandment , that it cannot be well kept unlesse ca●e be had of it before hand . now this preparation is twofold , general . special . the general standeth in a due ordering of our businesses , that we may not bring upon our selves any occasion of interruption and disturbance in the sanctifying of the sabbath , by moderating our selves in our businesses , not clogging our selves with so much as we cannot dispatch without incroaching upon the sabbath ; for seeing god hath said , six daies shalt thou labour and do all thy businesse , it is requisite , and we are hereby tied to frame and order our affairs so , what in us lieth , that they may be dispatched in the compasse of six daies , which will not be so if we over-fill our hands with work . . that businesse we have we must with diligence and foresight dispatch in the compasse of six daies , for so we are wished , six daies shalt thou do all thy businesses , which doth so serve to limit out the day of rest , that it doth also direct us to preparation for this rest , for seeing god hath allowed us to labour six daies , it follows that we must wisely and diligently follow our businesses therein , that ( as far as may be attained by our care ) all may fitly fall within that compasse of time , and nothing may remain to disquiet , clog and disturbe us in the day of rest . the more special preparation is on the end of the saturday , by making all things ready for that day , and so a seasonable betaking our selves to rest , that we may be fitter for the sanctifying of it . what ordinary businesses may be dispatched before all the week we must do , what special things are to be made ready against the sabbath , that so much as may be no labour may be put upon us on that day , must also be done . and so it appeareth that the church of the iews did understand this precept , and had on the day before the sabbath a time of preparation for the sabbath * , luke . . that day was the preparation , and the sabbath drew on . we ought to be as careful of preparing for our sabbath called the lords day , as they for theirs surely ; and this we are not , if we do not take care the evening before to set all things in a readinesse for the preventing of occasions of labour that day , as by fitting our houses , our attire , our food , so far as may be conveniently , so as little or no more then needs may , remain to be done about them , for our comfortable use of them on the lords day , and fitting our bodies with convenient sleep for the whole work then to be done . all this is injoyned in the word remember , for it must not be a carelesse remembrance , but remembrance joyned with a care of doing the thing to be remembred , and therefore also with all needful preparation to it . hitherto of preparation . the celebration of the sabbath stands in two things : rest. sanctification . the rest of the day is appointed in regard of the sanctification chiefly , being of it self nothing acceptable to god ; for a meer rest , that is , a cessation from doing work if it be not referred to an holy end , and joyned with a holy use , is idlenesse , and so rather a sin then a duty , and therefore he saith , remember the day of rest to sanctifie it , exod. . . see deut. . . ezek. . . shewing that the rest must have reference to the sanctification . about which rest it will be needfull to shew , . who must rest , and these are the governours and all under their government , both publick and private ; and not onely so , but even also the beasts , and consequently all other things of the like nature , which must be attended and followed by the labour of man , such as are mills , fire-works , and the like , in which god aimed lesse principally at the benefit of the creatures , but chiefly at mans good , by following these things he must not be hindered from the sanctifying of this day . . from what they must rest , and that is . from labours . . from sports . from labours first . all labours or works are of two sorts , some religious , tending to the service of god , these are not understood here , as not being our works * but gods , and therefore they are not forbidden . some are civil or natural , tending to the commodity of this present life , such as are specially the labours of our ordinary callings , buying , selling , travelling , pleading , making any handy-work , or the like . now all these are here forbidden , yet not simply but with limitation . for . works of mercy may be done on the lords day without sin , and might ever , for mercy must take the upper hand of all external acts of religion , as being more essentially and intrinsecally good then any of them , hence christ saith , it is lawfull to do good on the sabbath day , meaning by good works works of mercy , and so he justifieth the pulling of an oxe or an asse out of a ditch upon the sabbath day , and himself did cure those diseased people which came unto him on the sabbath day ; so that if either man or beast be in distresse , it is lawful to work , labour , and take pains for their help , succour and relief ; and this prohibition must be understood not to reach to such things , and therefore the lawfulnesse of doing them cannot impeach the perpetuity of this commandment . . works of necessity may be done , such i mean as are requisite for the preventing of imminent danger , as elijah did flie for his life divers dayes , whereof some must needs fall out on the sabbath ; and in the time of warre men may fight on the sabbath-day , and so they may quench a fire if it happen , or the like , or stop an inundation of the sea , or prevent any other like imminent peril which cannot be prevented without labouring presently . . works needfull for the comfortable passing of the sabbath , as dressing of moderate food , and the like , may be done on the sabbath-day ; for seeing christ allows us to lead the ox to the water , and requireth not to fetch in water for him over night , he alloweth us to dresse meat , and requireth not to dresse it over night . for the order in the law of not kindling a fire pertained alone to the businesse of the tabernacle , and that order of dressing what they would dresse on the sixth day , pertained alone to the matter of manna . and for this we have christs clear example , who being invited went to a feast on the sabbath-day , which he might not have done if it had been unlawfull to dresse meat and drink on the lords day , for a feast sure was not kept without some preparation of warm a meat . this example of christ we have luke . , , . which verses compared make it apparent that it was a feast whereto he was bidden amongst divers others . so then all labours and businesses except in these three cases are unlawful , for mercy , necessity , and present needfull comfort . and not alone the labour of the hand about these things , but also the labour of the tongue and of the heart , in speaking and thinking of these businesses out of the cases excepted , is condemned , as the prophet isaiah doth plainly shew b , commanding to sanctifie the sabbath to the lord , not doing thine own wayes , nor finding thine own pleasure , nor speaking thine own words ; our own words must be forborn , and our own pleasure , and consequently our own thoughts , for indeed words and thoughts of worldly businesses are as opposite to the sanctifying of the sabbath as works , seeing the soul can no better be imployed in holy exercises if it give it self to them , then if the whole body were so bestowed . so the true keeping of the sabbath requireth the turning of hand , tongue and heart from our own wayes , and thoughts , and words , that is , such as concern our own worldly matters and affairs . secondly , sports and pastimes , and natural wonted recreations , such as may be used on the week day are also forbidden , and therefore in the place alledged before , it is forbidden to seek ones own pleasure c or will , and sure he that taketh leave to use pastimes seeks his own pleasure as he that followeth his businesse . indeed when work is forbidden , sports can hardly be allowed which are never lawfull , but as sauce for work , only the spiritual pastimes of singing holy psalms and songs as a spiritual recreation is allowed to prevent all wearinesse . indeed the exercises of the day are of such divers kindes , that nothing but meer fleshlinesse can cause a man to be weary . but it must be shew'd thirdly , how long this rest must continue , to which the answer is for a whole natural day d , for of what quantity the foregoing six are , of that must the seventh be which cometh betwixt six in numbring , even four and twenty hours . if it be demanded at what time the day must begin and end : it is answered , when the first of the six following beginneth , and seeing gods intention was not to binde all nations to begin and end their dayes at one period , and that we cannot tie the seventh day , but we must in like manner tie the daies before , and after , to a set period of beginning and ending ; it is apparent that by this commandment we are not tied to any set beginning or ending , but must follow the common computation and reckoning of other daies which is amongst us , from twelve of the clock at night to twelve the next night , for we say twelve at night , and one a clock in the morning . neither is it any inconvenience that in some countreys the sabbath shall be in being before and after the being of it in others , for the same inconvenience must needs follow upon any kinde of beginning or ending either by sun-set or sun-rising ( unlesse god had named a special hour which he hath not ) for the sunne riseth and setteth in some places three or four , five or six hours sooner then in others , for a good space of the year at least . yea in some countreys they have but two sun-risings and sun-settings in one year , that is , one half-year day , the other night . see cartw. catechism . and so have we one part of the celebration of the sabbath-day concerning resting , the next follows concerning the sanctification of it . time is sanctified by bestowing it in holy exercises tending to work , increase , and exercise sanctity in man. so this day is sanctified when the time wherein men surcease the labour of their callings ( which they followed all the six daies before ) is imployed in exercises of holiness . these exercises are of two sorts : . publick . . private . for the publick they are the hearing and reading of the word , praying , partaking of the sacraments and all such like services of god , for the reverend and orderly performing of which men are bound on this day as god giveth opportunity to assemble together , and each man is to appear before god in the land of the living , as david saith . it is manifest that our saviour christs custome was still to go into the synagogues , and teach them on the sabbath-daies , as appears luke . . and it is apparent that moses was read and preached in the synagogues every sabbath-day , act. . . see act. . , . and that the custome of the ancient church was on their sabbaths to meet as we now do twice a day , it is to be seen in the ordinance of the morning and evening sacrifices which were appointed to be as many more for the sabbath as for the other daies . upon the lords-day god is to be publickly served of the whole church in their several congregations , and all the particular members of each church are bound , unlesse they have some very just cause to come in due season to the congregations , and attentively and reverently to joyn with them , and continue so doing till the end , and that not only in the morning but also in the evening . secondly , the churches are then to make collections for the use and behalf of the poor and other acts of mercy , as the apostle appointed them to do in corinth , cor. . , , . and as he saith , he had ordained in all churches . these are publick duties . the private are some with reference to the publick to prepare for it , and make use of it before and after , fitting our hearts to hear by prayer and meditation , and the like , and by praying and meditation applying that to our selves which we have heard , as the bereans examined the doctrine of paul ; some again without such reference , as all holy exercises of singing of psalms ▪ prayer , meditation , reading , together with actions of mercy , in laying aside as god hath blessed us for the use of the poor , and in visiting and relieving the sick , comfortlesse , needy , and the like ; all which are acts as well of holinesse toward god , as of mercy toward men . especially we must know that it is our duty to meditate upon the great works of our creation and redemption , and our eternal rest in heaven , seeing the sabbath is given us as a memorial of the two former , and an assurance of the later , that being the excellent rest , our entring into which this holy rest doth point at and help unto . we must not onely keep the sabbath in the church-meetings and solemn assemblies ( though it be specially appointed for the publick worship ) but at home in our houses , levit. . . we must awake with god in the morning , begin with him , rise early , spend not much time in dressing of our selves that day , it is the sabbath of the lord , have holy thoughts while we are dressing our selves , pray to the lord to pardon all our sins , and to put us into a holy frame , and yet finish all this so soon that we may be with the first in the publick assembly . we may after the first sermon eat and drink , but for spiritual ends and purposes , that our bodies being refreshed we may be the fitter to serve god , but must take heed of spending too much time , or feeding too liberally , which may cause drousinesse . we must then season all with heavenly discourse , luke . from v. . to . we must not speak our own words . after the publick worship is ended we must call our families together and repeat what we have heard , and catechize them in the principles of religion , heb. . , . the fourth commandment , sing psalmes and pray . at night we should blesse god for the mercies of the day , lie down with a great deal of soul-refreshment , sleeping in the bosom of jesus christ. and this is the matter of the duties to be performed , the manner is to consecrate the same as a delight f unto god , with comfort and joy serving him on that day , as we do with comfort and cheerfulnesse follow our common businesse on the week dayes , as the prophet isaiah chap. . . expresly requireth . and call the sabbath a delight ] call , that is , make or count , an hebrew phrase often used in isaiah : sabbath ; some by it understand the extraordinary sabbath or day of fast , because in the beginning of the chapter there is an expostulation about it , levit. . . but the lord is now speaking of an entire reformation ; my holy day , the sabbath , agree not so properly to an arbitrary sabbath : a delight ] lxx thy delicate things , i. one of the choisest priviledges god hath given thee . these are common duties . the duty of superiours specially is to look to their inferiours , and at least to keep them from prophanation of the sabbath , and so farre as their authority will bear , to drive them at least to the outward celebration of it , by resting and by joyning in the publick exercises of religion , as the good nehemiah did cause the people to sanctifie the sabbath in his time , and forbad merchants to bring wares to ierusalem on that day , and as we see in the very words of the commandment , the governour is appointed to rest , and not himself alone , but his whole family . there is . no liberty granted more to the superiour then to the inferiour , but all of what state or condition soever must sanctifie the lords day . . every superiour standeth charged before god , not onely for himself , but for all those which the lord hath put under his government , that both he and all they sanctifie the lords sabbath or day of rest . ford on command . . this delight is spiritual in god as the proper object , and in the ordinances , as the onely means to lead us unto god , iob . . psalm . . . cantic . . . isa. . . reasons . . because the duties of that day are higher , we have then all the means of communion with god : . we have them in a more raised solemn way without any interruption , there is then a double institution , not only of the worship but the time . . it s a spiritual feast , a day of gods appointment , our recompence as well as our duty , neh. . . ordinances are fodinae gratiae , isa. . . . this day we come to remember the highest favours of god to the creature , to contemplate the works of creation , gods rest , and of redemption , christs rest , pet. . . and our own eternal rest , heb. . . the sabbaths of the faithful are the suburbs of heaven , heb. . . the lords supper is heaven in a map , luke . . mat. . . . many of the duties of the day are but spiritual recreations ; meditation is the solace of the minde in the contemplation of gods works , psa. . . singing of psalms is a vent for spiritual mirth , iam. . eph. . , . then god should be solemnly praised , ps. . , . . it is the temper of the people of god to delight in his solemn worship , psa. . cor. . . male concordat canticum novum & vetus homo . aug. psal. . , . psal. . . . delight in the sabbath is the best way to discharge the duties , . with comfort , delight sweetens all , how will men toil at their sport ? neh. . . . with profit , isa. . . god will not send them away sad which come into his presence with joy . means to delight in the sabbath : . labour after the assurance of the pardon of your sins . . solemnly prepare for the duties of the sabbath . . wean the heart from temporal pleasures , psal. . . & . . . esteem the sabbath a priviledge , that after six dayes of labour , god should appoint us a day of rest , he might have taken all our time . . treasure up the experience of former sabbaths , psal. . begin . . in case of deadnesse plead with your souls , as david doth psal. . shall i go with grudging in the highest communion that a creature is capable of . the fourth commandment then requireth , . preparation . . general , . diligence in our businesse all the week . . discretion in our businesse all the week . . moderation in our businesse all the week . . special , by fitting all things for the sabbath on the end of the day precedent . . celebration of it , which is both . common to all , for . matter , both to . rest from what labors . sports . who , all . how long , one whole day . . sanctification , to do all with delight publickly . privately . . manner . . special , to superiours , to look to inferiours . six arguments prove the commandment of the sabbath to be moral : . it was delivered to adam before the fall , when there was no ceremony , gen. . . which is not spoken by anticipation , but the context sheweth it was then sanctified to him , v. . . moses takes it for granted , it was known to be moral , and known before the law was given , exod. . . . unlesse this be moral there cannot be ten commandments , deut. . . . god would not put a ceremonial law in the midst of the morals , and urge it with more words , reasons , repetitions , and particulars , then any of the morals , as he doth the sabbath , exod. . , , , . . christ speaking of those daies when all the ceremonial law was dead and buried , sheweth the sabbath stands still , matth. . . . the prophet prophesying of the dayes of the gospel when christ should be revealed , isa. . . pronounceth a blessing on them in those times that keep the sabbath from polluting it , vers . . and putteth the keeping of the sabbath for the whole obedience of the covenant , vers . . which he would not do if it were ceremonial , sam. . . m. fenner on the command . there is one general way of breaking this commandment by denying the morality of this law , and cashiering it among other levitical ceremonies . indeed the sabbath is in part ceremonial , figuring both our rest of sanctification here , and glory hereafter , but that contradicts not the perpetuity of it , for it is not a ceremony leading to christ , and at his coming to determine , as appears matth. . . i came not to dissolve the law , vers . . he that shall break the least of these commandments , where each of the ten commandments is ratified , and consequently this fourth : luke . . they rested according to the commandment ; and luke writ that divers years after the resurrection of christ , the things were done after his death when all levitical institutions lost their power of binding , iames . . therefore the whole law and each principle thereof doth binde us under the gospel , as the time of instituting a particular date of time for the beginning of the sabbath of the old law , viz. in innocency . . the writing of it in tables of stone . . putting of it into the ark prove it moral . that term is not given to any other thing in the new testament , but to the supper , and the day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , revel . . . this day was so sacred among christians , that it was made the question of inquisitors of christianity , dominicum servasti ? hast thou kept the lords-day ? to which was answered , christianus sum , intermittere non possum . i am a christian , i cannot intermit it . see act. . . cor. . . so much of the commandments of the first table enjoyning our duty to god ; now follow the precepts of the second table concerning our duty to our selves and our neighbours . chap. vi. the fifth commandment . honour thy father and thy mother , that thy daies may be long upon the land which the lord thy god giveth thee , exod. . . there are three things to be considered in it : . the subject , father and mother . . the attribute , honour . . the reason of the precept with a promise , that thy dayes may be long , &c. by the name of father and mother , first and principally those are understood of whom we are begotten , heb. . . not only father but also mother is expressed , least any should think that for the weaknesse of her sex , and the subjection of the woman , the father only were to be honoured , and not the mother . the precept is repeated , deut. . . & levit. . . where the mother is put first , because the childe begins to know her first . all superiours also are comprehended under this title , magistrates , gen. . , . ministers , king. . . & . . cor. . . masters of families , kings . . elders in years , act. . . tim. . , . yet god makes mention of parents : . that he might propound that superiority for an example which seems most amiable and least envious . for as in the negative precepts he useth odious words to deterre men from sinne , so in the affirmative he chooseth words full of love , by which we are to be allured to obedience . . the same at the first in the beginning of the world were both parents , magistrates , masters and schoolmasters . . he names parents , because their power and government which was the first is as it were the rule by which all others ought to be framed . hence all superiours are taught to carry themselves as parents , and all inferiours as children . he saith , father and mother , disjoyning them , to shew that there is a duty peculiar to both these persons . he saith not simply father and mother , but thy father and mother , therefore thou shalt honour the father , because he is thy father of whom thou art begotten and bred , therefore thou shalt honour the mother , because by her not without sorrow and pain thou wast brought into this life . whatsoever they be they are therefore to be honoured , because they are thy parents . the law-giver sets down the duty of the childe toward the father , and not the duty of the father toward the childe , because the affection of a father toward the childe is naturally greater , and hath lesse need of incitements then that of a childe toward the father , amor descendit non ascendit . it is proper to love , to descend not ascend , the reason is , because love began in heaven , god was the first that loved . charity , i say , begins in heaven , and descends on the earth ; and in this it differs from faith , which begins on earth and ends in heaven . the inferiour is commanded rather then the superiour , because the inferiour hath more cause to neglect his duty then the other , it is easier to be honoured then to give honour . . the attribute honour . the hebrew word in kal signifieth to be heavy , in piel to honour , because we do not esteem them as light or vile whom we honour . it signifies not only a right esteem of the excellency and prerogative of parents , and a right judgement of their person and office manifested also by outward signs of reverence , but love and obedience , and a readinesse to relieve them in their necessity . we honour men , when taking knowledge of that excellency which is in them , we bear our selves accordingly towards them . in as much as the unreasonable creatures also love their little ones , and are loved of them , the law-giver would have this natural affection ( which ought to be in a man ) of a more noble quality then that which is found among the very beasts . the beasts are capable of natural affections , but only man is capable of honour . . in some respect a man ows more affection to his wife and his children then o his father or mother , but in honour the father and mother have alwayes the preheminence . the honour due unto superiours of all sorts , is reverence of minde , declared by some civil submission , as of rising before them , and giving them the honour of speaking first . . the reason of the precept , that thy dayes may be long ▪ which promise if we respect the words in the hebrew , may be read two wayes : either so that thy dayes may be long upon the land which the lord thy god giveth thee , for then he did as it were give it to them after he had delivered them out of aegyptian bondage : or word for word , that they may prolong thy dayes , viz. thy parents , both readings have the same meaning , but this later hath a special emphasis , for it sheweth that with our parents after a sort is the prolonging of our life , that we may be the more incited to love and honour them . dayes ] signifies time , because a day was the first sensible distinction of time . god promised life in this commandment rather then any other kinde of blessing , because we received life from our parents , therefore life is promised to him which honours those from whom he hath received it . this commandment enjoyns the performance of all such duties as appertain to men in regard of their place , that is , which respect a special relation which passeth betwixt some men more then others in some special and particular bond , binding them mutually one to another . the summe of the commandment is to shew , what duties we owe one to another , in respect of their and our place , gifts and calling . this is made the summe of all the duties the childe oweth to his parents , honour thy father and mother , because this is the chief duty of all others , yea this is the fountain of all other duties a childe can performe , malachy . . deut. . . the duties required of the natural childe are comprehended under these three heads , reverence * , obedience and thankfulnesse . . reverence . this reverence must be both inward and outward , in the heart and in the behaviour . the inward reverence is commanded levit. . . ye shall fear every man his mother and father . god begins there where obedience is best tried . secondly , reverence in outward behaviour , as bowing to them , in standing bare , and putting off before them , in an humble and lowly countenance and behaviour , when the parents speak to them , or they unto their parents . . they must obey their parents , col. . . ephes. . . . in doing the things which they command if they be lawfull . . in quiet and patient bearing their admonitions and corrections , prov. . . & . . . they must be thankfull to their parents , which thankfulnesse consisteth in two things : . in relieving their parents when they be in want , gen. . . . in praying for their parents , tim. . . children must be obedient to their parents , so was david , sam. . . christ went down with his parents and was subject to them . reasons . first , it is a duty most * equal that they should be obsequious to them , by whose means they are , they were the instruments of thy being . secondly , it is a profitable duty , that is the promise , that it may be ●well with them , and their dayes may be long on the earth , a prosperous and long continuance upon the earth is the reward of dutifulnesse ; the rechabites were highly commended of god for their obedience to their parents , and received this promise from him as a recompence of their obedience , that ionathan the sonne of rechab should not want a man to stand before him for ever . thirdly , it is well pleasing to god , col. . . the bounds and limits of it . it must be a very large obedience , extending it self to all those things which god or some superiour joyntly over father and childe hath not forbidden . stubbornnesse and disobedience to parents much displeaseth god. when the apostle would ▪ reckon up the foul sins of the heathen , for which the wrath of god was manifested against them from heaven , he reckons among the rest disobedience to parents ; and when he would describe the ill qualities of those which should live in the later perilous times , he saith , disobedient to parents . the apostle also setteth forth childrens disobedience by a metaphor taken from untamed , head-strong beasts , that will not be brought under the yoke . the word therefore is not unfitly translated unruly : and it is somewhat answerable to an hebrew phrase given to disobedient children , viz. sons of belial , which is according to the notation as much as sons without profit ; or , as some will have it , sons without yoke ; that is , such children as refusing to be in subjection unto parents , are no way profitable , but work much mischief , and cause great grief . cursed be he that despiseth father or mother , and let all the people say amen . they must not so much as attempt to bestow themselves in marriage without the consent of their parents , gen. . . & . . exod. . deut. . . wives were given by their parents to all the patriarchs in the old testament . erasmus in one of his epistles speaking of levinus that got a wife , neglecting the counsel of his friends about it , and so proving unhappy , he saith , res calidè peracta est magis , quam callide , they should imitate what is good in their parents , ephes. . . though the consent of parents in second marriages be not absolutely necessary , yet it is to be thought fit and convenient , because children in some regard exempted from parents authority , do notwithstanding owe duty to them , and they are to testifie it by being advised by them in some sort in their after bestowing of themselves in marriage . elton on the fifth commandment . the duties of parents to their children are either in their tender years or riper age , common to both , or special . the fountain of parents duty is love . this is expresly enjoyned to them . many approved examples are recorded thereof , as a abrahams and b rebecca's , and others . reasons . great is that pain , cost , and care , which parents must undergo for their children ; if love be in them , no pains , cost or care , will seem too much . contrary to love in the defect , is want of natural affection , which is reckoned in the catalogue of notorious sins , rom. . . tit. . . in the excesse is too much doting upon children . parents are apt to exceed in their love to their children , and be extreme fond in their affection ; so eli , isaac to esau , iacob to ioseph and benjamin , david to absalom and adonijah . reasons . . affection is natural and grows in the heart it self , and so grows the bigger and stronger ; natural affections can hardly be moderated . . it is ancient , it comes into the world with the childe , nay begins when the childe is in the wombe . . it is much nourished , for it is the property of all , both affections and habits to grow very strong by exercise , and to wax mighty by frequent acts . but yet this fond affection is evil , . because it is an undecent thing for a man to suffer his reason to be blinded by his affection . . it is dangerous and hurtful , . to parents , in hindering them from doing that which is good for their childrens souls , and so causing them to neglect the best and most necessary offices of a parent , viz. to watch over them , to observe their faults and reprove them , and to beat down the corruptions that will be growing in them : it indangers the parents to sin against god , and honour their children above him , and to be too worldly for them . . to the children , they will grow bold on their parents love , and so much more carelesse of them . the parents common duty to their children in their tender years and childhood , is , . to instruct them in religion so soon as they are able to speak and have the least use of understanding , prov. . . ephes. . . god hath commanded parents to have a care of the souls of their children , deut. . . abraham had so , gen. . . . to give them correction , prov. . . & . . & . . & . . . to blesse them , so abraham did isaac , and isaac iacob , and he his children . the especial duty of the father is to give the name unto the childe ; of the mother , is to nurse up her own childe , if god hath given her ability thereunto , gen. . . sam. . . luke . . sarah nursed isaac , rebecca iacob , anna samuel . else the mother will not so ardently love the childe , nor the childe the mother , for her love increaseth by kissing it often at her breast . her milk ( which is but white bloud ) of which the childe consists , and with which it was nourished nine moneths in the wombe , is more familiar and natural to the childe , then that of another woman . he resembleth his nurse often in manners , mores animi sequuntur temperamentum corporis . plato gives this as a reason why alcibiades was so stout though he was an athenian ( which naturally are fearful ) because a woman of sparta , a couragious and valiant nation , was his nurse . tacitus writes that the germanes are among all nations great and valiant , because their own mothers , which are of great stature , do nourish them . a lamb sucking a goat , or a kid sucking of an ewe , change their fleece and hair respectively , say naturalists . see dr. willet on gen. . . and dr. gonge of domestical duties , on ephes. . . sect. . to . so much for the duties which parents must perform to their children in their tender years . now those follow which they must perform to them when they grow to riper age . . to bring them up in some profitable and lawful calling , by which they may live honestly and christianly ; so adam brought up one of his children in husbandry and the other in keeping sheep , both profitable and lawful vocations . adam in paradise is appointed to dresse the garden . see dr. gouge's domestique duties , ephes. . . § . . to . a vocation or calling is a certain condition , or kinde of life ordained and imposed on man by god for the common good . . to provide for the disposing of them in marriage , and that in seasonable and due time . . to lay up something for their children , cor. . . now follows the duties of servants and masters . first of servants . servitude came in by sin . conditio servitutis jure intelligitur imposita peccatori , nomen istud culpa meruit non natura . aug. de civit . dei. l. . c. . vide plura ibid. there are two kinds of servants : . such as were absolute , those that were conquered in war , the conquerour had an absolute power over their lives ; the apostle speaks of these col. . . and bids give to them that which is equal . . by compact and agreement , such as our servants are now . servants are with care and faithfulnesse , as in the presence of god , to bestow themselves wholly on the times appointed , in their masters businesse , coloss. . . , , . three things exceedingly commend a servant : . diligence . . obedience . . prudence and discretion . the former two belonging especially to a mans place as an inferiour , the third indifferently agreeing to every place , i shall handle the two first . first , a servant must be diligent in his businesse . seest thou a man diligent in his businesse , he shall stand before princes , not before men of lower rank . solomon speaks this principally of one in the place of a servant , if he be diligent he shall finde good contentment with men of best note , sam. . . to . such a one was the servant of abraham , which shewed so much care , painfulnesse , constancy , discretion , fidelity , in that great businesse of choosing his masters sons wife , as nothing could be more . such a one was iacob to laban , whom he served with all his might , ioseph to potiphar . reas. . because in so doing they will please god himself who is the authour of this subordination of men in the family , that some should be masters , some servants , therefore paul saith they must do it as to the lord , not to men ; and saith , of god they shall receive the recompence of inheritance . . for the quiet sake of the family , else he shall become like vinegar to the teeth and smoak to the eyes . . they must do it for their own sakes , because they shall live with most comfort , cheer and content themselves , as having the good will first of god , then of their governours , and the good esteem of all which do know them . he that is slothful walks on a thorn hedge and pricks himself . a sloathful servant is . a thief , he steals from his master wages , meat and drink , which he receiveth , but dischargeth not his work painfully . . a dissembler , an hypocrite ; if he allow this idlenesse he cannot be a faithful servant to god whom he never saw , who is not faithful to his master whom he sees daily . secondly , a servant should be obedient and dutiful , doing the things which his master appoints him , as the places before quoted in the colossians and ephesians shew . paul wished timothy to tell the servants that are under the yoak , that they must do service to their believing masters ; and he willeth titus to exhort servants to be obedient to their masters in all things , to please them well ; and peter commandeth servants to be subject to their masters with all fear , and that not alone to the good and gentle , but also to the froward . reas. . god hath communicated a great part of his authority unto masters , for the good of that little society and all which flow thence . . servants are placed in a lower room , in a place of inferiority and subjection , and so are bound to perform obedience , seeing in all places the superiour must rule , and the inferiour be ruled , or else neither superiour nor inferiour shall with any comfort enjoy the places allotted unto them by god. . servants do receive meat and drink , and as the case goes with us , also wages , at the hands of their masters , and these are badges of obedience , tying them necessarily to do service to them from whom they receive these recompences of their service . when servants are stubborn , unruly , masterful , this sin hath its original in pride and self-conceitednesse , they tread gods power and authority under feet in treading their master's . the masters duty consists in two things chiefly . first , in choosing good servants , such as be godly and of an honest and blamelesse conversation . reasons . . if the servants be not faithful to god , they will never be faithful to their master . . a wicked person is very contagious , and will infect the family with his lewdnesse . . he brings gods curse upon his masters state and family . secondly , in using his servants well . his chief duties are : . to use his authority and interest that he hath in the hearts of his children and servants , to draw them to go with him to the ministry of the word , sam. . . king. . . . he must use his skill and indeavour to make the ministry of the word profitable to his family by examining them , making things plainer to them , and applying them more particularly , matth. . . mark . . deut. . . a master was called by the ancient romans , pater-familias , the father of the family , because he was to look over all those of the houshold with a fatherly tendernesse , as being committed to his trust and custody . a master should reward a good servant . so ioseph's master set him over the whole family . a wise servant shall rule over a foolish son , and as he that dresseth the fig-tree shall eat of the figs , so he which attendeth on his master ( saith solomon ) shall come to honour . reasons . . this will incourage others to vertuous behaviour , when they see it so rewarded . . equity requires it , the equity of the judicial law binds us , the faithful servant must not go away empty ; all men will complain of a bad servant , few will requite a good one . so much for their duties that be further off from equality in the family , as parents and children , masters and servants . now those that are more equal are husband and wife , whose duties are either common to both , or more particular to either of them . the common duties are of two sorts : . in respect of themselves . . in respect of their families . for themselves , they owe to each other love , trustinesse , and helpfulnesse . . yoakfellows must love each other , the wife the husband and he her . the apostle commands husbands to love their wives and not be bitter to them , col. . . the heathens in their sacrifices to iuno the maker of marriages , took all the gall out of the beast , to shew that all bitternesse must be absent from that condition . a husband in that he is a man should be far from all bitternesse ; hence humane and humanity , the cords of a man , all these imply sweetnesse and facility . it is noted of elkanah , that he loved hannah , and isaac that he loved rebeccah , gen. . . and the apostle requires of women that they be lovers of their husbands and children , tit. . . reasons . . god hath joyned man and wife in many and neer bonds , they have one name , house , off-spring , one bed , one body , and should they not have one heart ? . this is necessary , . to make all the duties of marriage easie . . to make all the cumbers of marriage tolerable , such shall have trouble in the flesh , in regard of many domestical grievances , troubles from each other , children , servants . what a deal of misery had iacob in his married estate , and so david , therefore an happy condition in heaven is described to be that wherein they neither marry nor are given to marriage . i will in the next place shew , . what properties their love must have . . by what means it must be gotten and increased . their love must have three properties . . it must be spiritual , their affection must be grounded on spiritual respects , and shew it self in spiritual effects , it must be a love founded on gods will and commandment , which requireth them to love one another , that so it may be a sound and durable love , being grounded upon a lasting and durable foundation , and may be able to prevail against all difficulties and impediments . secondly , it must shew it self in all spiritual effects , of seeking the good of each others souls , and if they love one another because god commands it , they will love one another so as god commands ; that is , so as to respect the eternal good of themselves . . it must be plentiful , that is to say , for the measure exceeding all other loves , the husband must love the wife and she him , more then father , mother , children , brethren , friends , there being most neer bonds of union betwixt them , they are one flesh . let the husband so love his wife , even as himself , not meaning it as the phrase is used , when it is spoken of the love we bear to our neighbour , that he must love her with a love which hath the same properties that our love to our selves , for then there were no special matter in it , but they must love their wives ( saith a reverend divine ) even as themselves for measure , as much as themselves , as christ loved his church . . this love must be a binding love , limiting and tying their matrimonial affections and desires solely to each other . erre in her love continually , and let her breasts satisfie thee ; and , why shouldst thou , my son , imbrace the bosome of a stranger ? desire not the beauty of a stranger in thy heart . means of attaining this love are of two sorts , natural and spiritual : the natural are , sociablenesse and familiar conversing together in the same house , at the same table , in the same bed ; therefore god appointed that a new married man for the first year should not be sent abroad to warfare , or to any other publick service , but should remain at home with his wife , that so through the constant society of one whole year their souls might be inseparably united in affection . therefore those take a very bad course that dwell asunder , and fare asunder , and lie asunder , as for state and pomp is the custome of the greater sort of people . . spiritual means must be added to the natural , or else little good will be done , and these are two : . let them pray often to god to link their hearts together . . let them be frequent in performing all holy exercises one with another , and specially in praying one with and for another . spiritual exercises breed spiritual affection , and nothing is more binding then * religion . religious duties do both expresse and increase the image of god , and that is amiable . so much for love . now follow trustinesse and helpfulnesse , both which we will put together , as solomon doth , saying of a good wife , prov. . , . that the heart of her husband doth trust in her . and again , she will do him good and not evil all the daies of his life . god did make man and woman for the good each of other , her to be his helper , and him to be her guide . this trusty helpfulnesse must be to each others bodies , souls , names , and states . bodies , in the careful avoiding of all things whereby they may bring sicknesses or diseases each on other , and the willing and ready providing of all things that may continue health and recover it , as attendance , physick , and the like . souls , in shunning all such carriages as may provoke each others passions or other infirmities , and using all good means of loving advice and admonition to help each other out of the same . namely , in concealing each others infirmities , and keeping each others secrets . states , in joyning together in diligent labour , wise fore-cast , and vertuous thriftinesse . thus for themselves . now in regard of their families they must joyn together in the planting of religion amongst them , by instructing and teaching them , and by reading and praying with them , the man as chief , the wife as his deputy in his absence ; also they must oversee the waies of their family , by looking what is done by them , and seeking to redresse by admonishing and correcting what is amisse . in regard of children they are . to bear moderate affections toward them , rachel and hannah immoderately desired them , others mutter because they have so many . . to train them up in the fear of god ; solomon , who was the tender beloved , the darling of his parents , makes this the instance of their love , in that they taught him wisdome , and acquainted him with the laws of god. it was said of herod , that it was better to be his hog then his son . . to reprove and chasten them for their iniquities ; ely , a good man , came to a fearful end for neglecting this . so much for their joint duties . now the several duties of each come to be handled ; and first we begin with the wife , and then proceed to the husband . the wife ows in one word subjection , and this twofold , to the husbands person , and to his authority . to his person . . by acknowledging her self to be his inferiour ; god saith to eve , her desire shall be subject to her husband , and he shall rule over her . the female sex is inferiour to the male , and every woman , as a woman , is lower and meaner then a man , as the apostle proves , because the woman was after the man , and for the man , and she was first in the transgression , therefore she may not use ecclesiastical authority , not speak in the church as a minister : but to her husband , not as a woman onely , but as a wife , she is inferiour , and bound in conscience to be subject to his power and jurisdiction , for this is a word of eternal and constant truth , he shall rule over thee ; which she that will not yeeld to , is an enemy to god and nature , and cannot be a good wife . . she is to reverence her husbands person , both inwardly in heart , and outwardly . inwardly , ephes. . ult . she must fear him , not with a flavish but awful fear ; that is , she must have her soul so disposed to him , as to be afraid to offend or displease him . she must shew outward reverence also in her gesture , behaviour and speech . this is subjection to the husbands person . now to his authority . she owes . cheerful obedience to all his lawful commands , as the church obeys christ. . a quiet and fruitful receiving of his reprehensions , as the church also is patient toward christ. thus we have heard the wives duty . the husbands duties are : , wisely to maintain his authority , not so much by force as by vertuous behaviour , avoiding especially bitternesse and unthriftinesse . . he must wisely manage his authority : the end of using his authority must be the good , benefit , and comfort of his wife and family , for all government is by god ordained for the good of the whole , not the pleasure of the governour . the husband must use his authority to edification , and hearken to her when she speaks the word of god , as abraham to sarah , isa. . . . the things in which he is to use his authority , he is to command what is to be done , and forbid what is not to be done , and reprehend where she offends . . the manner of using his authority is with three vertues , wisdome , mildnesse , justice . . wisdome , in commanding nothing but what is useful and weighty , and grounded upon good and due reason . . in his reproofs he must choose fit time when he and she are calm ; and fit place , when none is present . . mildnesse or gentlenesse , rather perswade then command , if he chide her , let it be with compassion and without bitternesse . . justice , in willing allowing of maintenance to her according to his place and means ; in cherishing what is good , and seeking to reform what is evil . he must walk in all wisdome and knowledge , pet. . . he should be an example of judgement , gravity , holinesse , and wisely passe by many imperfections , because they are fellow-heires of grace : if there be not this wise carriage their prayers will be hindered , contentions hinder such duties . thus much for private persons , viz. parents and children , masters and servants , husband and wife . now follow the duties belonging to publick persons , which are either in church or common-wealth . in church , as minister . people . in common-wealth , as magistrate . subject . of ministers and people . the duty of the people . . they ought to reverence their ministers for the place in which god hath set them , isa. . . rom. . . . they ought exceedingly to love them , gal. . , . thess. . , . . they must obey their doctrine taught truly out of the word of god , heb . . . they must yeeld sufficient maintenance unto them , cor. . . rom. . . gal. . . tim. . , . the anabaptists deny that ministers may receive a stipend , so doth weigelius , he cals them , stipendiarios praecones . vide crocij ante-weigel . part . . cap. quaest . . . they must defend them against the wrongs of bad men , rom. . . the duty of ministers to their people . their duty is laid forth . by titles , as watchmen , ezek. . . labourers , matth. . . light and salt , matth. . , . shepherds , joh. . . good scribes , matth. . stewards , cor. . . nurses , thess. . . . in commandments , act. . . tim. . , . . he is to be a good example and pattern unto his people , in love , faith , patience , and in every good work , tim. . . pet. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 walk aright , gal. . . . he is to feed the flock diligently and faithfully , to divide the word of truth aright , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 talk aright . matth. . . woe to me if i preach not the gospel . popish writers call our ministers in disdain , praedicantici . . to dispense the sacraments , go teach and baptize . . to go before them , and take heed to the flock . one saith , a good minister should have five properties : . be sound in the faith . . of an unblameable conversation , tim. . . acts . . . of competent abilities . . diligent and painful , verbi minister es , hoc age , was mr. perkins's motto . . not usurp the office , but be called in an orderly way , ioh. . . rom. . . ier. . . heb. . . papists say our ministry is a nullity , the separatists say it is of the devil and antichrist . there is first the inward calling of a minister , a work of gods spirit inwardly inclining a man to imbrace this function for the right ends , gods glory and mans salvation . not sufficient inward gifts of minde , of knowledge , learning and vertue , is the inward calling to the ministry , because all these things may befall such a one as ought not to undertake the ministry at all , as a king , but should sin grievously against god if he undertake that function ; yea all these may befall a woman , who may not be a minister ; i permit not a woman to exercise authority , or to speak in the church . . outward , to be appointed to this office by such who are intrusted with this care . paul left titus in crete to ordain elders ; that is , ministers . the nature of this call consists in two main things , election and ordination . thus much for those superiours which have authority in the church , and their inferiours . the superiours and inferiours in common-wealth follow ; and those are magistrates and subjects . the chief duties of the subject are honour and submission , command . . & rom. . . in heart to reverence , and outwardly to obey the magistrate . this honour and reverence includes within it a triple act . . of the minde , in a due estimation and valuing of their place and dignity . . of the will , in an humble inclination thereof unto them because of their excellency . . of the body , in outward behaviour and carriage towards them . good subjects must willingly obey the supreme and lawful magistrate . reas. . from the authority put upon him by god , he hath intrusted them with a portion of his own authority , and made him commander in his own stead ; in obeying him we obey god , if he abuse not his authority against him , and contrary to his will and the trust reposed in him . . from the end of government , the common good and the preservation of the welfare and society of the good . but . this obedience must not be absolute and illimited , god onely hath an authority over us , it is better to obey god then man. . so far must obedience be yeelded to their commands , as they do not evidently tend to the overthrow and ruine of the common society . subjects are willingly to pay tribute to a prince or state. david had tribute . rom. . , . render to caesar the things that are caesar's . reasons . . the state of princes needs such support and supply . . the fruit , profit , and benefit of his labours redoundeth to his subjects . . the duty of magistrates . . that there should be magistrates . . what is their duty . it is the will of god that some men should rule over others , sam. . , . civil magistracy is a divine institution , dan. . lat . end , prov. . . rom. . , . reasons . . god hath given some more eminent titles then others , they are called , the foundations of the earth , psal. . . the pillars and shields of the earth , pastors , shepherds , saviours , the stay of our tribes , cyrus my shepherd , fathers ; iob saith , i was a father to the poor . . gods appointment , by me kings reign , god led israel by moses , ruled them by judges and kings . . he hath given them authority , the judgement is not yours but gods. . he gives them ability to rule . in the heavens there are two great lights , and they not equal ; in the earth there is the lion among beasts , in the sea the leviathan among fishes , in the air the eagle among the fowls . god hath not equalled men in their naturals , stature , senses , in their intellectuals nor graces . government was necessary . . in innocency ; god appointed order among angels . . in the corrupt estate , societies need it for restraining evil , hab. . , . supporting good , else shame and fear , the curbs of sin , will be taken away . man is a sociable creature . . in the state of grace , tit. . . object . the apostle peter , pet. . . cals magistracy a humane ordinance or creature . sol. it is ordinatio divina secundum substantiam , humana secundum modum & sinem , it is divine in regard of the chief authour , but humane subjectively or objectively , because it is about the society of men , and finally because it was instituted for the good of men . magistracy in general is appointed by god , but the particular form ( whether monarchy , aristocracy , or democracy ) is a humane institution . crocius in his antiweigelius , part . c. . quaest . . proves that , verè fidelis magistratum potest gerere , and answers the arguments against magistrates . evil magistrates are a scourge to a people . a certain holy man , they say , expostulated on a time with god , why he had permitted phocas , being so cruel a man , to be emperour ? to whom a voice answered , that if a worse man could have been found , he should have been set over them , the wickednesse of the world requiring it . . the duties of the magistrate . zanchius saith there are three offices of a magistrate : . to ordain both those things which belong to religion and the worship of god , and to publick peace , honesty , and justice . . to judge impartially , or ( as the prophets speak ) to do justice and judgement . magistrates of all men should be just , sam. . . in regard of their eminent place , justice will secure them . . to punish evil doers with the sword , rom. . . casaubon in his commentaries upon polybius , reports of one hiero king of syracuse , that he obtained that large empire not by right of succession ( although in times past obtained by his ancestors ) nor by violence , but from the admiration of his vertue ; and that he administred that kingdome after he had got it , alwaies with clemency , dexterity , and faith , and lived about . yeers integris omnibus sensibus . it may be questioned how far the magistrate may use compulsory power for suppressing of heresies and grosse errors . . he must use no violent course till care be had of an information , tit. . . . in things indifferent , and matters of lesse moment , christian toleration takes place , rom. . . ephes. . . so far as it may stand with faith ( salva fidei compage , aug. ) . a grosse error kept secret comes not under the magistrates cognizance , cogitationis poenam nemo patitur , saith the civil law , while it is kept in . . errors according to their different nature and degree , meet with different punishments , ezra . . . blasphemies , idolatry , and grosse heresies , are to be put in the same rank with grosse breaches of the second table , because it is to be supposed , they sin against the light of their consciences , tit. . , . that therefore they are not punisht for their consciences , but for going against their consciences . baals prophets were slain , king. . . see exod. . . levit. . . magistrates ought not to plant or propagate religion by arms. the cruelty of the spaniards upon the indians is abhorred by all . true religion should be planted by true doctrine , instruction , example , but it may be defended by arms. mariana the jesuite saith , princeps nihil statuat de religione . but the publick magistrates chief care should be concerning god and the things of god , iob . , , . ezra . , , . it is prophesied of the new testament , isa. . . & isa. . . that magistrates shall be nursing fathers to the church . god promiseth zac. . . to cause the prophets , and the unclean spirit to passe out of the land. see ver . , . they are shepherds , isa. . . fathers of their country , the lords servants , rom. . . pollutions in doctrine and worship make way for the destruction of a state , and the ruine of the governours thereof , ezra . . magistrates are officers under christ the mediator , therefore as christs officers they must not onely do his work , but aim at his end . they must serve god not onely as men , but as magistrates . the connivance and toleration of magistrates in things of religion , hath brought in the greatest judgements and cruellest persecutions . the christian emperours connived at the arrian heresie , and when they got head , they more cruelly persecuted the orthodox christians , then the pagans or turks . iulianus haereticis libertatem perditionis permisit . aug. in epist. that is now stiled liberty of conscience . the insurrection of the arminians in the netherlands , and of the anabaptists in germany , is sufficiently known . object . this is to make the magistrates judgement a rule in matters of religion , and will subject us to a continual change . answ. there is a threefold judgement in matters of religion , . propheticum . . politicum , a magistrate must know how god will be worshipt . . privatae discretionis , as a man must believe for himself , so he must know for himself . object . . this is to teach men to persecute the saints . answ. persecution is suffering for righteousnesse sake , not for poysoning mens souls . the magistrate is not to determine matters of faith , there is one rule for him and the people , to the law and to the testimony , isa. . . but he ought to see that the rules of the gospel be observed , . none are to preach but prophets . . the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , cor. . . so much for superiours authority . the superiours without authority follow , and their inferiours : which are either in gifts . age. duties of inferiours are : . to acknowledge their gift and reverence them for the same . . to imitate them . duties of superiours . they must use their gifts for the good of others , rom. . . thus much for superiours and inferiours in gifts , those in age follow . duties of younger persons to those that are ancient . . to conceive reverently of them , and to carry our selves respectively toward them , levit. . . duties of elder persons are : to give a good example , tit. . . and by a wise and grave carriage to procure reverence to themselves . the duty of equals , is to live together sociably and comfortably , not to exalt themselves above their fellows , but in giving honour to go one before another , rom. . . chap. vii . the sixth commandment . thou shalt not kill , or , thou shalt do no murder . this commandment respects the person of our neighbour , requiring us to procure his welfare and safety both in soul and body , and to avoid all kinde a of cruelty b , and unmercifulnesse . we are forbidden to do any violence , injury or wrong to the body and life of our neighbour , and commanded to defend , maintain and cherish the same . knewstubs lect. . on exod. . see more there . it enjoyns all such common duties as appertain to our selves and our neighbours , in regard of their and our person . the substance is , thou shalt by all good means procure , and by no ill means hinder thine own or thy neighbours personal safety . there is no lawful taking away of life but in these three cases : . of enemies to ones countrey in a just warre by souldiers appointed to that end . . by the magistrate . . by a private man in his own true and just defence . this commandment is set next to the former for two reasons : . because the lord having in that established degrees amongst men and humane societies , nothing is more necessary for the continuance and safeguard of humane societies , then that the life of man be preserved . . because murder commonly comes from the breach of the fifth commandment . cains murder came from a desire of superiority , because he thought himself not so greatly favoured of god as abel , so esau , so iosephs brethren . and it is set before the other four because the greatest hurt and wrong that can be done to a man is touching his life , iob . . death taking away a mans being simply which other wrongs do not . this commandment and the rest following are all negatives , and the lord beginning here with the greatest trespasse that one man can possibly commit against another , even murder , proceedeth by degrees downward , from a great offence to a lesser , till he come to the least desire that is in mans heart to covet any thing that belongs to our neighbour , and forbiddeth them all . he forbids here the killing of a man not of a beast or plant , as the manichees understood it ( vide august . de civit . dei , l. . c. . & . ) and that appears from the hebrew word , for ratsach agrees to man alone , whereas charag is used generally . our neighbour is the object of the second table whose life is provided for , all the interpretations of this law are referred to man only , yea it seems to be a repetition of the law given , gen. . . this word sometimes comprehends all the causes and occasions of murder , and all ill will conceiv'd against the life and health of my neighbour . therefore in this he treats of all those things which are called man-slaughter in the scripture . christ in matth. , , , , , . shews , that this precept is violated not by outward works only , but also by the inward motions of the heart , by words and gestures , anger , malice , envy and desire of revenge are the inward things that hurt and hinder the life of man. mark . . luke . . & rom. . . the sixth and seventh precepts are brought in , in an inverted order , thou shalt not commit adultery , thou shalt not kill . in the hebrew books they are constantly rehearsed in this order that they are placed in the decalogue , as matthew hath disposed them , chap. . . the transposition of them is free out of the tables of the law , where the things themselves onely are considered , and many precepts heaped together in one verse . . we are forbid to kill without any specifical determination either of persons , manner , number or instrument : for the law giver doth not say , let not the man kill ; or , let not the woman kill ; or , kill not thy father , kill not a citizen . thou shalt not kill publickly , thou shalt not kill with a sword or club ; or , thou shalt not kill many , but in general , thou shalt not kill , that killing in general may be understood to be forbidden . . the commandment being negative accuseth the corruption of our nature , by which we are prone to kill . the affirmative meaning of this precept is propounded in that epitome of the whole second table , to love my neighbour as my selfe . object . god commands abraham to kill his son isaac , gen. . . answ. god is an absolute soveraign over all the creatures , his law is grounded in his soveraignty , to give a law is an act of soveraignty , his soveraignty is not bound by the laws he gives , as he works miracles sometimes , and goes beyond the rule in natural things , the fire burns not , the sunne stands still , nay goes backward , so in moral things . . the will of god is the rule of goodnesse , iohn . . in actionibus divinis nihil est justum nisi quia volitum , therefore that may be a duty to one which is a sinne to another , and a duty at one time , but a sinne at another , as in circumcision . . divers acts in scripture declare that what is by a general rule a duty , may be sometimes a sin , and so on the contrary , gods immediate discovery was loco specialis mandati , as in that of ehuds stabbing eglon , moses killing the aegyptian , samsons killing himself , eliahs calling for fire from heaven , luke . . yet gods will is not changed though he change his commands . . this crosseth not the sixth commandment which forbids me to take away the life of my neighbour unjustly . . god had most holy ends in this commandment , . to shew that his soveraignty over the creature is not bound by the laws he gives , gods laws set bounds to us , not to him . . he did it to try the faith and obedience of abraham , heb. . . gen. . . that he might give to the world example of an experiment of the power of grace , it will obey not only in ordinary but in extraordinary cases , as god dealt not with iob in his afflictions according to a ruled case , iob . . to give the world an experiment of his patience . murder is a grievous sin , and will lie upon a mans conscience , as may be seen in the example of cain , abimelech , saul , absolom , and specially of iudas . clamitat in coelum vox sanguinis , & sodomorum vox oppressorum : merces retenta laborum . genesis . . & . . exodus . . iames . . there lived in the east a kinde of men called assassins , dwelling upon certain woody mountains under the subjection of a lord , that had no other name but the old or great of the mountain . this lord ( by the skilful making of a fools-paradise of carnal delights and pleasures wherewith he held his subjects bewitched ) had gotten such a hand of them , being very many in number , that they made him a solemn promise to kill all the princes that were adversaries to their religion : many of the christian princes in their voyage for the winning of ierusalem and the holy land , were much annoyed by them . therefore the italians and french have ever since ( for their sakes ) called all those that wilfully attempt or execute any murder , assassins . camerar . historio . medit. l. . c. . reasons . first , it is a most manifest sinne evidently discovered to the conscience of every man not alone by the clear prohibitions of it in scripture , but also by the very light of nature , as appears by the laws made against it in all common-wealths , and because it manifestly contradicts the most undeniable principle of practice , which is engraven in every mans heart , do as you would be done to . now it is certain every mans soul tels him that he would not have his bloud causlesly shed by another . secondly , the effects of murder are exceeding bad , the chief of them may be referred to two heads , injuriousnesse to many , mischievousnesse to the committer . first , it is extream injurious to god and also to men , to god in three respects : . it transgresseth his law and violateth his authority by doing that which he hath absolutely forbidden to be done . . in that it defaceth his image , for man was made after gods image , and doth yet retain some lineaments thereof ( as i may call them ) though very much blotted and bl●rred by his fall , yet such as should make every man to shew more respect unto them ) then in a rage or otherwise to cancel and demolish it quite , that which is yet in some degree a representation of the glory of god. . it usurps upon gods royal and divine prerogative , for as he alone can make a man , so hath he assumed to himself the priviledge or power of unmaking men , no man should adventure to do it without his special warrant and appointment . secondly , it is injurious also to men as well as to god , both to private persons , and also to publick . of private persons : first , the person murdered is wronged with a great wrong , and that which goes beyond all satisfaction , in that he is at once robbed of friends , and goods , and honours , and all the benefits of this life , which in the taking away of life are taken away from him , and he from them ; and also for that his soul is either deprived of that increase of glory which he might have had in heaven by the continuance of his life , if being godly he had lived , or else deprived of that possibility which during life remained to him if he were not yet godly . next the friends and well willers , brethren , kindred , wife , children of the murdered are greatly wronged , in that both their hearts are filled full of grief and heavinesse , for the untimely and violent death of one that was near unto them , and also deprived of all that good they had by him , or of all that they might have hoped to have enjoyed by his means if he had lived . furthermore publick persons are injured , both the magistrate , in that the laws and orders by him justly made are like mounds by an unruly beast troden down and broken ; and the whole common-weal , in that both the peace and quietnesse thereof is disturbed , and seeds of discord and enmity sown among the members thereof , for most times the murder of one breeds a quarrel amongst many that survive , and also a member thereof is cut away to the hindring it of that service which his sufficiencies either for the present did , or for the future might have afforded it . and lastly , a stain and blot is cast upon the face thereof , and that such a stain as cannot be washed away but by the bloud of him that did cast it on . it is also mischievous to the committer , exposing him either to a violent death by the hand of the magistrate , or to fearfull punishments * by gods hand , for the bloud-thirsty man shall not live out half his dayes , and to everlasting damnation at last , for murderers must be without unlesse repentance come betwixt . murder hath often been strangely discovered , by dogs , cranes , crows . see the theatre of gods judgement , chap. . psal. . . habakkuk . . and camera . histor. meditat. l. . c. . luther reciteth a story of a certain almaigne , who in travelling fell among thieves , which being about to cut his throat , the poor man espied a flight of crows , and said , o crows , i take you for witnesses and revengers of my death . about two or three dayes after , these murdering thieves drinking in an ●nne , a company of crows came and lighted upon the top of the house , whereupon the thieves began to laugh , and say one to another , look yonder are they which must revenge his death , whom we dispatched the other day . the tapster over-hearing them told it to the magistrate ; who presently caused them to be apprehended , and upon their disagreeing in speeches and contrary answers , urged them so farre , that they confessed the truth , and received their deserved punishment . see goularts memorable histories , p. , . to . self-murder is a great sinne , and a manifest breaking of this commandment . for as in all the other commandments the lord doth forbid men to wrong themselves as well as their brethren , so likewise in this , no man may sinne against his own honour and dignity , no more then against the honour and dignity of another . no man may defile his own body , nor waste his own goods , nor blemish his own name more then his neighbours , therefore neither may he kill himself . the killing of ones self is the highest degree of violating this commandment , because it crosseth the nearest of all bonds , and observes not the rule of charity there where most charity is due , for love should alwayes begin at home . . this fact crosseth the strongest inclination of nature and clearest principles of reason , for nature makes a man desirous of his own being , and studious of his own preservation . this is then contrary to the two strongest laws and rules of life , the law of god and nature . . the causes of doing it are very naught . first , it comes from extremity of pride and impatiency . he will not be at gods command , nor at his direction , nor be at all unlesse he may be as he will himself , and so it ariseth from an untoward mixture of high-mindednesse and base-mindednesse . base-mindednesse because he hath not strength enough of resolution to bear some evil which he feels or foresees : high-mindednesse , because he will not stoop unto the ruler of all things , to bear the burden which he layes upon him . . another cause of this sin is horrible despair , infidelity . a third cause of it is an enraged conscience , as in saul , iudas , achitophel . . the vehement temptation of satan taking advantage either of a melancholick constitution of body , or of the affrightments of conscience . thirdly , the effects of it are bad , for by this means a man wrongs god , himself and the world . he wrongs god first by breaking his commandment . . by defacing his image . . by leaving his standing wherein he was placed by him without and against his will. secondly , he wrongs himself , for he extreamly hazards himself to damnation , if not certainly casts himself into hell , for he runs upon a most palpable and fearfull crime , and leaves himself no leisure at all to repent of it . it is a hard thing to hope that he should be pardoned who willingly thrusts himself out of the way of repentance , and doth commit such a fault that we never read of any in scripture * that did commit it but damned reprobates . lastly , he doth great wrong to others also , his friends and well-willers , to whom he gives occasion of the greatest grief that can possibly befall them about the death of their friend , in that the manner of dying is so uncomfortably wretched . besides to all the world it leaves a miserable scandal , seeing all think and speak hardly of him that hath so done , and it leaves a bad example to others . sauls murdering of himself made his own armour-bearer do it . iudg. . . samson by publick calling as a judge , and singular divine calling , as a type of christ and deliverer of the church , did pull the house down on himself and the philistims , that by his death he might deliver unto death the publick enemies of the church , heb. . . besides , it cannot be said that samson killed himself , indeed he died with them , but the end he propounded , was not that he might die , but he sought revenge upon the enemies of god , which was the work of his calling , and that which was like to bring and procure it . as a zealous and diligent preacher , who by his pains and study in his ministery impaireth and spendeth his health and strength , cannot be said to be the procurer of his own untimely death , for he hath spent his strength in his calling to which end god gave it him . see elton on this command . and m. baxters saints everl . rest , par . . sect. . the heathen philosophers have adorned this fact , as cato is extolled for it , see therein the vanity of mans reason and wit that can fall in love and liking , yea admiration with such a monstrous wickednesse . amongst the donatists there were the circumcelliones * who gloried in casting themselves down from rocks , into the fire , or by yielding themselves to death other wayes , because it is written that the flesh is to be mortified , and he that hates his life shall finde it . with us the self-murderers are accustomed to be cast out in high-wayes , or else in places where none else are usually buried , and to have a stake knocked into them for the great horrour of the fact , and to warn others . helps against this sinne : . maintain the peaceable and pure estate of your consciences , this will make life sweet to him that hath it : . endeavour to confirm your faith in gods gracious promises both for pardon of sinne and deliverance out of all afflictions , for this faith will hold up the chearfulnesse of the spirit , and so make it able to sustain it self in all hard times . . labour for an humble and patient heart , be willing to bear any crosse . . take heed of carnal sorrow and discontent . . if this temptation begin to seize upon you , speedily reveal it , and carefully resist it by opposing the sixth commandment , and by hearty requests to god to keep you from murder . luther saith , he was so tempted to self-murder that he repeated this commandment three hours together . it is a question worth resolving , whether a duell or single combate be lawfull ? by a duell in this question every single combate , or monomachy , or fight betwixt two is not to be understood ( for so the necessary defence of ones own life against the invader of it should be called into question ) but onely that single combate which is directly and voluntarily undertaken upon compact , with the danger of killing or laming . that kinde of duell is simply to be condemned , both in the accepter and challenger , although the fault of the challenger be the greater . there are . publick combates undertaken in publick quarrels , as to finish a battel by duels , and so save bloud , there is no example found of this in all the holy wars of good men , therefore not safe . . it may seem to be a weaknesse in men to refuse the battell , for why should not every man be couragious as well as one ? but if the armies cannot agree to fight other wayes , they shall not offend in using such due●s , and he of the combatants which hath right on his side sinneth not that killeth the other , for he goeth armed with publick authority to do what he doth . secondly , private , undertaken in private quarrels , which is two-fold : . legal , such as the laws of countreys allow , as ours doth in some cases , when a man according to the law doth challenge his adversary in case of tryal of right or of appeal . this legal trial by combate seems unlawfull : . because in them the magistrate resigneth over his right to the subject , who is thereby made malicious and revengeful . . the scripture doth not at all lead us to any such triall , yea it forbids private men to meddle with the sword in their own causes , therefore the magistrate may not bid them kill one another if they can . . in cases of division a lot would do better then the sword , and would more easily and safely determine the businesse . . irregular and lawlesse , when one man of his own head for a particular wrong challengeth another , such challenges are sinfull , against the law of god , being meer acts of vain-glory and revenge , the laws of the * countrey which punish the doers of such deeds . . the law of nature , because they attempt to punish a little wrong with the greatest of all punishments , ubi morim●r homicidae , as st bernard expresseth it , occisor laeth●liter peccat , occisus aeternaliter perit . he that lives lives a murderer , he that is murdered dies a murderer , because he would have been one . two entirely loving brothers in italy walking one evening , and beholding the sky full of stars , one of them jesting said , utinam mihi tantum esset bovum , quantum in coelo stellarum , i would i had as many oxen as there are stars in the firmament : the other merrily answered ; utinam verò mihi pratum esset coeli amplitudine , i would i had a pasture as large as the element ; and then turning to his brother , saith he , ubi tuis bobus sis inventurus pascua ? where will you finde pasture for your oxen ? in tuo prato , said the other , in thy medow . his brother replied , quid si nollem ? what if i will not ? etiam te invito pascerem , said the other , i would have pasture there whether thou wouldst or no. and so differing , they grew to that passion at last , that they drew out their weapons and became each others murderer . object . a man is utterly disgraced if he decline the combate when he is challenged . answ. to a christian this should be enough , prov. . . & . . sin against god is more to be feared then shame amongst men , and true christianity is to be preferred before idle manhood . chap. viii . the seventh commandment . thou shalt not commit adultery . these two commandments the sixth and seventh are immediate to each other , and of the greatest cognation , for anger and lust work upon one subject , and the same fervour of bloud which makes men revengeful will also make them unchast . this commandment enjoyns the right ordering of our selves in regard of the power of propagation . some things it requireth directly , some indirectly . directly it commands some things inward , and some things outward . inward , it enjoyneth an ability to restrain that desire even in the very heart and the thoughts of it , that it be not excessive and vehement and inordinate , carried toward any whom god hath not granted particular leave and license to desire or to enjoy . the lord would have mans desires of this kinde cool and moderate , and so well ordered that they might be under the command of his own will , and subject to the power of his reason , arising no further , nor to none other then the lord shall give allowance : for seeing by his gracious gift mankinde is increased , and the increase of mankinde is the end of this action , and it is not fit that mankinde should increase , but according to his pleasure , therefore he would have the heart carried even in this matter , and able to hold its thoughts and inclinations in due compasse for object and measure . this grace is called continency in scripture , a power of keeping our thoughts from unlawfull ranging in this kinde , and this is the grace which the apostle commends , saying , we should be able to possesse our vessel , that is , our body , in holinesse and honour , and not in the lust of uncleannesse or passion of lust , as the gentiles . and this is the vertue of the heart : that of the outward man is double . . out of marriage . . in marriage . out of marriage , something is required in regard of the means inducing to this act , something in regard of the act it self . in regard of the things inducing to it in word and in deed . in word , modesty of speech , that is , an abstinence from all grosse and broad words and phrases either in speaking or writing , which have an aptnesse in them to provoke or satisfie this desire in our selves or others , and a care of using such phrases when we have need to expresse this action as may be farre from stirring up evil desires in us , even an affected purity of phrase , whereof we have clear example in the scripture . also in deed there is required a carefull holding of the whole body and all the members of it from all gestures and motions that may stirre up , provoke and incite this desire in our selves or others . secondly , in regard of the act it self there is required an utter abstinence from using that power so long as a man continues in single life , and a preserving our selves pure and untouched , as it is spoken of the virginity of rebekah , that she had not known man. and these be the duties out of marriage , now in marriage there are required , . a right contracting of it . . a right use of it . first , i say , a right contracting of it ▪ for it is not in the power of a man or woman whether they will marry or no , but if they cannot contain let them marry , for it is better to marry then to burn . if any man or woman finde themselves unable to hold their desires in due measure and compasse , they are then bound in conscience to pray to god , and use means to attain the help of a lawful yoke-fellow . if god have called any man to a single life in regard that he cannot attain an help this way , doubtlesse he will help and assist him in a single life , but when god leaves it at his choice , and gives him not the gift of continency , then doth he call him to another estate , and he must know that he shall sinne , if upon unbelief or worldly considerations he refrain from following gods ordinance . in contracting matrimony , he must proceed according to gods direction , in making a right choice of a yoke-fellow , and in making a right proceeding in it , not marry another of a contrary religion , nor within degrees of the consanguinity or affinity forbidden , or without consent of parents . some things are necessary for the proceeding , the agreement of the parties , and a contract ( as some hold ) which is a passing of the right of two fit persons either to other by a serious promise of marriage . there is likewise required a right use of matrimony , which consists in a communicating of themselves to each other in the marriage-bed , and a mutual dwelling and abiding together for that purpose ; and a total abstinence from all dallying behaviour toward any other whatsoever . this is the chastity of the married estate , and these things are directly commanded . indirectly there are commanded in regard of our selves : . shamefac'dnesse . . temperance . . painfulnesse . . shunning occasions ▪ of time , place and company that may solicite . in regard of others , sober and modest carriage and attire . first , shamefac'dnesse is a disposition whereby a mans heart irks and refuseth to give him leave for blushing to do any act that may savour of uncleannesse , chiefly in the presence and sight of others , a great curb to restrain lust , and must be maintained , the contrary being condemned in the leud woman , that she had an impudent countenance , and shamed not to utter her evil passions . secondly , painfulnesse is a constant attendance upon the works of a mans calling , whereby one is so imployed that he hath no leisure to be inordinate this way . thirdly , temperance is moderation in meats and drinks , framing our selves to such a measure and quality or way , as may be most fit to give strength to the body without increasing evil desires ; and for shunning evil company , places , times , who cannot tell what it is , and how needfull , that hears salomon giving warning of the corner of her house ? the last thing is a sobernesse and modesty of carriage and attire , such as may expresse gravity , and a disposition farre from willingnesse to be that way either assaulted or overcome . these be the duties which this commandment requires , it forbids many sinnes . some things it forbiddeth directly , some things indirectly . directly it forbids some things inwardly , some things outwardly : inwardly it condemns inordinate lust . lust is inordinate in three respects : . for the degree of it . . for the object . . for the end. for the degree , when it comes to be burning , that is , a desire so sharp and eager , that it is not under the power of will and reason , yea that it detains the soul under its tyranny , and makes the will to runne along with it so vehemently that all other thoughts and desires are almost devoured by it . for seeing the action is a mean action and shamefull , and a meer bodily action , and doth not essentially pertain to the felicity of man , therefore the desire of it should be moderate , and give place to other more necessary desires ; but when it wastes the soul , takes up all the room to it self , consumes all holy inclinations and desires , and carries away the soul with a kinde of irresistible violence , this is sinfull and displeasing to god , though it be not directed to any particular person , but much more when it is to a particular person , which is that thing men usually call being in love with some body , as amnon and iosephs mistress were sick with their lust after others . when lust grows so violent that a man cannot represse it without distemperature and unquietness of minde , when it wins the consent of his will to evil , and carries his desire headlong , then it is sinful , and this is that the apostle means by the passion of lust . secondly , this inclination is inordinate for the object , when it tends to one whom god hath not authorized a man to desire , viz. any but that woman who is at least in the mutual purpose of both sides with the allowance of superiours assigned to be his wife , for god hath limited the desires of a man to one woman alone , and of a woman to one man alone , and he that is destitute of a yoke-fellow may lawfully wish that he had such a single woman to his wife , and having hers and her friends consent may lawfully desire in due time to enjoy her , neither are those inclinations which he shall finde toward her in the interim betwixt the motioning and consummating sinfull , but all desires assented to that one would put in practice if he had means towards any other , but a party to whom he is thus interessed , are sinful and wicked ; for he that looks upon a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery with her already in his heart . thirdly , there is an inordinatenes in lust in regard of the end , when a mans desires of that way tend not to the lawful ends of procreation , and of preventing fornication , but alone to the pleasure of the action , and satisfying the voluptuous motions of his heart without any more ado . for this is to be brutish , the unreasonable creatures that have not capacity to conceive of the end of their actions , are carried to them by a kinde of violence , a strong motion in which the pleasure of their senses over-rules them , but man should not be so sensual , yea his desires should be ordered by his reason , and he should know and consider why he desireth any thing , and be carried in his desires by right motives and inducements . these be the disorders of lust , or desire of generation , in regard of the measure , object , and end thereof . now follow the outward disorders , in word and deed. in a word , all wanton and uncleanly speeches , phrases , songs , that may be and is called wanton , which tends to satisfie unlawful lust in ones self , and to provoke it in another . words that may enkindle and enflame , grosse words , tales of unclean acts , and sonnets that have such a kinde of description of those actions as tend to set the minde on fire with them . this is that which the apostle cals rotten communication , when he saith , let no corrupt or rotten communication come out of your mouths ; and again , it is a shame to name the things that are done of them in secret . when a man talks of any impure action with delight , when he maketh mention of any impure part or deed with intent to stirre up others , especially when he doth sollicite another unto this deed by such speeches or means ; this is an horrible sinne , for nothing then stands betwixt words and deeds , but want of opportunity . this is the breach of this commandment in word . now follows the breach of it in act or in deed. and that is in regard of things leading to the action , or the action it self . . in regard of things leading to the action there is wantonnesse or lasciviousnesse , so the scripture cals it , in the several parts of the body , the eye , the ear , the foot , the hand . and . in the whole body , as all impure imbracings and kissings , which is called by the apostle dalliance or chambering , and mixed dancing * of men and women , especially if it be a wanton dance with a wanton ditty . thus is this commandment broken by actions leading to the leud deed . now by the deed it self , either out of matrimony or in matrimony . out of matrimony by two sins : . uncleannesse . . fornication . uncleannesse is all strange kinde of pleasure by this act where it is done otherwise then according to the rule of nature , this is either with others , or with ones self . there is a self-pollution : . speculative , in wicked and unclean thoughts , therefore god is said to be the searcher of the heart and reins , which are the center of those lusts , matth. . . . practical , in unclean acts . some divines say , polluting of ones self is a greater sinne then the polluting of others , because it is against a greater relation , but in polluting others they pollute themselves , therefore that is the greatest sinne . fornication is , when two single persons that have not entred into a covenant of marriage do abuse each others bodies . it is called fornication * à fornicibus in quibus romae solebant meretrices prostrare , from the vaulted houses where such strumpets used to prostitute themselves . cor. . the apostle hath several arguments there to prove fornication to be a great sin , vers . . . it crosseth the end of gods creation , the body is not for fornication , but for the lord. a third argument is drawn from the glorious resurrection , vers . . glory and immortality shall be put on the body , therefore it should not be polluted here . a fourth argument is drawn from the spiritual relation between the body and jesus christ , it is a member of his mystical body , ver . . a fifth from the spiritual union between the body and the lord , vers . , . a sixth from the intrinsecal pollution that is in the sinne of fornication above other sins , vers . . no sins are more against ones own body . a seventh argument is taken from the inhabitation of the spirit in them , vers . . they are dedicated to the lord , no unclean thing might come into the temple when it was dedicated to the lord , cor. . . the eighth is drawn from the voluntary resignation that the people of god have made of themselves , soul and body unto god , ye are not your own , vers . . therefore gods , it is an act of justice suum cuique tribuere . the ninth is drawn from the act of redemption , v. . you are bought with a price . christ hath purchased the body as well as the soul , therefore you should gratifie god with both . it is a fearful sinne , no fornicatour shall enter into the kingdom of heaven , cor. . . & . . reasons . . it is a cause of many other sins , prov. . . . a punishment of other sin ▪ , eccles. . . prov. . . rom. . , , . . it is directly opposite to sanctification , thess. . , , , . . no sinne is committed with such delight and pleasure as this is , and therefore it must bring in the end more bitternesse to the soul , therefore the scripture speaks so often of the bitternesse of this sinne , heb. . , . iob . . these tricks of youth will be bitter to men one day , prov. . , . eccles. . , . see iob . . prov. . , . heb. . . rev. . . the turks thus punish whordom , they take the pa●ch of a bea●● new killed , and cutting a hole thorow , thrust the adulterers head in this dung-wallet , and so carry him in pomp thorow the streets . some countreys punish it with whipping , others with death . the punishment which in the old testament was appointed to be executed against it by the civil magistrate , was death , levit. . . thus is this commandment broken out of marriage ; in marriage it is broken by the married in regard of others or themselves . in regard of others by the sinne of adultery , which is coming near another mans husband or wife ; for whoremongers and adulterers god will judge ; and those that do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven . he that committeth this sinne doth his neighbour greater wrong then if he had robbed and spoiled him of all other his goods and possessions whatsoever . therefore the lord in the decalogue hath placed that commandment as a greater before that of theft , and salomon prov. . , . maketh the adulterer farre worse then a thief , because he may make satisfaction to a man for the wrong he hath done him , so cannot the adulterer . that is a dreadful text , prov. . . the mother of peter lombard the master of the sentences , and gratian the collector of the decrees , and peter comestor an authour of school-divinity , was but a whore , and she being near unto death confessed her sinne , and her confessour reproving the crime of her adultery committed , and exhorting her to serious repentance ; she answered , she confessed adultery was a great sinne ; but when she considered how great a good followed thence , since those her sons were great lights in the church , she could not repent of it . a papist in queen maries time taken in adultery in red-crosse-street , said , yet i thank god i am a good catholick . sylla sirnamed faustus , hearing that his sister had entertained two adulterers into her service at once , which were fulvius fullo and pomponius , whose sirname was macula , he put it off with a jest upon their names , miror ( inquit ) sororem meam maculam habere cum fullonem habet . of this sinne there are two kindes : first , single adultery , when one alone , either man or woman is married , and the other not married , as if ioseph had abused his mistresse , here if the woman were either married or contracted , both were to die : if the woman be single we reade no law of death : there is also a double adultery , when both the man and woman are married , as david and bathsheba which deserves death also by the law , so married folks do break this law in regard of others . also secondly , in regard of themselves , both for the entrance into matrimony and use of it , for entrance by a sinfull choice , and a sinful proceeding . choice , if one choose one within degrees prohibited , as he in corinth his fathers wife , his step-mother ; or one formerly contracted , and not justly severed from another . also for manner of proceeding , when it is without consent of parents , such a marriage is unlawful . and so much for the breach in the entrance , in the use it is by aversnesse to each other , and by abuse . these are the things directly forbidden in this commandment , indirectly there are forbidden all occasions of filthinesse , and all appearances of it : occasions to ones self and others . to others by garish and overcostly attire , especially the manner of the attire when it is light and fantastical , also by impudent and immodest carriage . occasions of lusts to ones self are chiefly three : . idlenesse and sloth , when men do give themselves leave to neglect their calling ; this we have examples of in sodom , david , and this the heathens by light of nature have discovered , quaeritur , aegystus quare sit factus adulter : in promptu causa est , desidiosus erat . secondly , intemperance provokes and nourisheth lust , whether it be in meat or drink , the sodomites after fulnesse of bread fell to strange flesh , especially drinking wine and strong drink to the inflaming of the body . drunkennesse and uncleannesse commonly go together , hosea . . ephesians . . iames . . pet. . . reasons . . the body is enflamed , and the minde then made uncapable of those wise and holy considerations which should resist satans temptations ; wine takes away the heart , the reason , turns a man into a swine , and then into a goat or horse . . intemperance banisheth modesty which is the keeper of chastity , prov. , , . tit. . . thirdly , another occasion of lust to ones self is indiscreet venturing upon solitary places , chiefly in the dark , and conversing with such persons as a man findes himself inclin'd unto in this affection , for then is a man out of gods protection , then the angels cease to guard him , and the spirit to confirm him . these be occasions of evil , appearances also are light behaviour , light attire , suspected company . lust is , . unseemly for man , it makes us unlike god and the holy angels . alexander knew by two things that he was not god , by his lust and sleep . . it makes us unlike christians and like heathens , thess. . . the turks keep their festival-day on venus-day , and the happinesse they did look for is a paradise of bodily pleasures , nay this makes you like the beasts . . full of vanity , it doth not satisfie , ezek. . , , . messalina was tired but not satisfied with her lust . . full of vexation , how many are the fears , jealousies and quarrels , in the pleasures of lust ! chap. ix . the eighth commandment . thou shalt not steal . the sixth commandment gave charge for preservation of mans life , the seventh for the honesty and chastity of the body , to keep it holy and undefiled ; now the lord cometh a degree lower , and sheweth , that he doth not onely care for our lives and for our bodies that they may be kept holy , but also for our goods and cattel , our corn , our wares , our gold and silver , and whatsoever they have , that they may be in safety . this commandment enjoyneth men a due carriage in regard of worldly goods . this carriage is . inward , in judgement , will , thought , affections . . outward , which concerns the goods of every mans self and of others . for our own goods , in regard of getting , keeping , using . for getting , here is required the having of a lawful calling , and using it lawfully , with diligence , discretion , cheerfulnesse and moderation . for keeping , is required thrift ; for using , liberality . now for the goods of others , there is required justice ; that is , the vertue of giving every one his own . the common rules of which are , do as you would be done to , and , serve each other in love ; and the parts are , truth and fidelity , plainnesse and equity . there are several kinds of iustice. . commutative , consisting in a right exchange of one thing for another ; the principal sorts of which are , . buying and selling . . setting and letting , with taking . . borrowing and lending . . hiring , and labouring for hire . . partnership . . distributive iustice stands in a right division and parting of things ; all things civil , in four chief things , matter of law about meum and tuum , publick lands and stocks , publick payments and forfeitures , and in things sacred . things profane and common , wherein we have to deal with man , must be rightly distributed ; and so must things sacred , wherein the lord of heaven is interessed . but one * observes , that it is an error to be noted among the expositors of the decalogue , that they rank sacriledge as a sin of the eighth commandment , when it is a sin of the first table and not of the second ; a breach of the loyalty we immediately owe to god , and not of the duty we owe to our neighbour . to steal or alienate that which is sacred , is to rob god not man , for he is the proprietary of things sacred , mal. . , . he that commits this sin , indirectly and by consequent robbeth men too , viz. those who live of gods provision . iulian the apostate robbed the church of the revenues thereof , and took away all contributions to schools of learning , that children might not be instructed in the liberal arts , nor in any other good literature . he exaggerated also his sacriledge with scornful jests , saying , that he did furth●r their salvation by making them poor ; seeing it was written in their own bibles , blessed are the poor , for theirs is the kingdome of heaven . all manner of stealing is expresly forbidden , ier. . . ephes. . . theft is a taking away secretly of another mans goods , the owner not knowing of it . one is guilty by consenting and agreeing with a thief , rom. . or giving him counsel , or hiding his fact . this is so peculiar a sin in servants , as the latine words which now signifie theeves , did at first signifie servants onely , as fur was , a servant . quid facient domini audent cum talia fures ? so latrones , robbers , were first those which did à latere stipari . object . god commands the israelites to borrow of the egyptians , exod. . . to borrow and not to pay is a sin against this commandment , psal. . . answ. . the use onely of things is in us , the propriety is still in god , sam. . . hos. . . therefore god may take away one mans estate , and give it to another . . the egyptians had forfeited what god had given them , therefore it was just with the lord to take it away . . he might do it not onely as an act of vindicative justice to the egyptians but as an act of remunerating justice to the israelites , there being no magistrates to do them justice , and reward them for their service , gen. . ▪ . . the hebrew word there used , signifies to ask or desire , and iunius and ainsw . on . . render it not to borrow . it may be questioned whether it be just to punish theeves with hanging , when the law of god hath not appointed this punishment , exod. . some therefore think our law hath been too severe that way , and too remisse in case of adultery . chrysostome saith , ubi damnum resarciri potest non est homini adimenda vita , yet by the law of moses , he that stole a man , though he could restore him , was punisht with death . but there is no comparison ( say some ) between goods and the life of a man : yet those thieves that either assault a mans person on the high-way , or break open a mans house to rob him , are great * offendors . draco the law-giver of athens appointed death to be the punishment of theft . solon mitigated that rigour , and punished it with double restitution . the locrians put out his eyes that had stolne ought from his neighbour . the hetrurians stoned them to death . there was no common-wealth where this sin was not highly detested , and sharply punished , except the lacedemonians , where it was permitted and tolerated for their exercise of warlike discipline . mr. gage in his survey of the west-indies c. . saith , in nicaragua they adjudged not a thief to death , but to be a slave to that man whom he had robbed , till by his service he had made satisfaction : a course ( saith he ) truly more merciful , and not lesse just , then the losse of life . mens excuses for it . first , it is but a small matter . . thou art the more to be condemned ; is it but a little matter , and wilt thou venture that which is more worth then all the world , thine own soul for it ? . thou then maist the better forbear it . . hadst thou a tender conscience it would much trouble thee ; austin was troubled for his stealing of apples when he was a boy , and this he records in his confessions too , he thought it so much . . by this little the devil will carry thee to greater , it may be in consequence great , a great tree groweth from a little mustard-seed . secondly , they do it for necessity . solomon saith , if a man steal for necessity , men will not much condemn him ; but he speaks it comparatively with the sin of adultery ; there can be no necessity to sin , though when a man steals that hath enough , it is a greater offence . thirdly , they have enough from whom they steal . this doth not therefore warrant them to pervert all right and justice , as if they were magistrates , or god himself , to appoint how much every one should have . fourthly , they do it secretly , they shall not be known nor discovered . god and thy own conscience are enough to manifest it to all . chap. x. the ninth commandment . thou shalt not bear false witnesse against thy neighbour . hebr. word ●or word , thou shalt not answer about thy neighbour a testimony of falshood . that is , thou shalt not answer in judgement ei●her for or against thy neighbour falsly . the word [ answer ] is sometimes in scripture taken more generally for [ speak ] as prov. . . matth. . . and so it is here to be taken ; as if it had been said , thou shalt not speak any thing whereby thou maist hurt the good name and credit of thy neighbour . the former commandment was concerning our own and our neighbours goods : this requireth , that we hurt not our neighbours nor our own good name , but ( as occasion shall be given ) maintain and increase it . by neighbour he understands any man , for every man is neer to thee by nature , of the same blood and flesh , act. . . isa. . . the secret and inward breach of this commandment consisteth in ungrounded suspition , and unjust judging and condemning of our neigbours , contrary to the expresse commandment of our saviour , matth. . . the outward breach of it is either without speech or with speech . without speech , either by gesture or silence . by gesture , when one useth such a kinde of behaviour as tends to vilifie , mock and disgrace his brother , psal. . . by silence , when one holds his peace , though he heareth his neighbour slandered , and he can testifie of his own knowledge , that the things spoken are false and injurious . by speech this commandment is broken , either by giving or receiving . by giving out speech either true or false . one may slander another by reporting the truth , if one speak it unseasonably , and his end be evil and malicious ; this was doegs fault , sam. . . in speaking that which is false , either concerning ones own self or another . concerning himself . . in boasting and bragging , rom. . . . by excusing those faults we are charged with , or are guilty of . . by * accusing , as when men in a kinde of proud humility will deny their gifts , with an intent to get more credit . so much for breaking this commandment , by speaking that which is false concerning themselves . now it follows concerning others , and that is either publick or private . publick , when the magistrate or judge passeth false sentence , in any cause that comes to be heard before him . herein also may counsellors offend , when they uphold and maintain an evil cause for their fee. witnesses also do offend this way , when they come before the judges , and give a false and lying testimony . this is a hainous sin , as appears by the punishment , deut. . , . . private , either in unjust accusing , or unjust defending . that unjust accusing privately is called slandering and back-biting ; when one will speak ill of his neighbour , and falsely behind his back . the causes of detracting or back-biting are : . want of consideration of our selves , gal. . . we are not humbled for the world of corruption that is in-bred in us . . uncharitablenesse and malice , iam. . a malicious heart and reviling tongue go together . . pride and envy , the pharisees could not give our saviour one good word , because of their en●ie against him , whose way , doctrine , and conversation , did contradict and obscure theirs . . an hypocritical affectation of holinesse above others , ex hoc uno pij sumus , quod alios impietatis damnamus , so the pharisee dealt with the publicane , so the papists traduce us as vile , they are the onely saints . there are divers waies of back-biting or detracting . . to impose falsely a fault upon the innocent party , as when the pharisees charged christ , that he was an impostor and wine-bibber ; so when potiphar's wife forged that tale against ioseph , that he would have been naught with her . psal. . , . . when it is a true fault , but secret , and they divulge it , matth. . . they should first inform the party , to see whether he will be humbled or no , publish it not in ashkelon , nor tell it in gath. . when they augment their faults , and make them worse , lev. . . . when they deny their good actions to be done well . . when they interpret doubtful things in the worst part ; charity is not suspicious , ier. . . . when they acknowledge their good things , yet not heartily ; to praise coldly is as bad as a vehement dispraise . it is hard to tell ( saith bernard ) whether the detractor or he that hears him willingly shall burn hotter in hell , the one hath the devil in his tongue , and the other in his ear , prov. . . psal. . . thus this law is broken by unjust accusing . . it is broken also by unjust defending of wicked men and bad causes , when one will use his wit , credit , and testimony , to grace evil men and dishonest causes , prov. . . & . . chap. xi . the tenth commandment . thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man-servant , nor his maid servant , nor his oxe , nor his asse , nor any thing that is thy neighbours . thou shalt not covet ; that is , thou shalt not inwardly think on , and withall have thine heart inclined to with pleasure and delight , and long after ▪ that which belongs to another or others , one or more , to his or their losse or hinderance , or misliking , though they will give no assent to get it or to seek after it . the word neighbour is here to be taken as in the ninth commandment ; for any one of the same flesh , and of the same nature , which is any man or woman whatsoever . house ] this is put in the first place , not because it is more dear and near then the wife , but because this injury in desiring the house , extendeth it self to the husband , to the wife , to the children and servants ; yea to the beast also and cattel . the hurt thereof is more general then of the rest , therefore it is placed in the first place . nor his wife ] this is added as the next chief thing , in desiring whereof our neighbour is grievously wronged , nor his man-servant , nor his maid-servant ] god sets down the servants before the cattel or any other wealth , because they are more to be accounted of then riches . nor any thing that is his ] the lord comprehends in these words every thing , how small soever in our account , that belongs to our neighbour . this commandment is no where repeated in the gospel by our blessed saviour , but it is inserted in the repetition of the second table , which s. paul mentioned to the romans . the thing here forbidden ( saith dr. abbot against bishop ) is lust and concupiscence , as the root and fountain of all sin and wickednesse ▪ and therefore the apostle setteth down for the whole effect of this commandment , thou shalt not lust , rom. . . and calleth it often , the commandment , ver . , , . to note that it is but one commandment , which saith , thou shalt not lust . he exemplifieth lust in the commandment by some objects , leaving the rest to be understood ; but if we will divide the commandment of lusting , because the things are divers which are lusted after , there must be a necessity of making more commandments , because as there are lusts tending to covetousnesse and lechery , so there are also which tend to disobedience , to lying , and slandering , and such like . whereas the papists make the ninth commandment , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , and the tenth , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , which order may not be broken according to their division ; yet moses himself alters it exod. . . though deut. . . it be so ; which indifferent placing of those two branches , infallibly prove that they are not two commandments , but one onely . although thou shalt not covet , be repeated , yet lyra witnesseth , that according to the hebrew , one commandment onely is contained . this last commandment ( saith mr. dod ) forbids the least thoughts and motions of the heart against our neighbour , though there be neither consent nor yeelding of the will. and requireth such a contentednesse with our estate , as that we never have the smallest motion tending to the hurt of our neighbour in any sort . yea , that we have such a love of our neighbour , as never to think of him , or any thing belonging to him , but with desire of his good every way . to covet ( saith he ) in this place signifies , to have a motion of the heart without any setled consent of will. the first motions unto sin are here forbidden , though we never purpose or consent unto them . mr. lyf . principles of faith and good conscience . the summe of the tenth commandment ( saith master downame ) is , that every one rest fully pleased with that portion which god seeth good to bestow upon him , rejoycing and taking comfort in it whether it be great or small , heb. . . tim. . . phil. . . the contrary whereof is covetousnesse , longing after that which is our neighbours , or none of ours , though it be without seeking of any unlawful means to come by it , as ahab did , king. . ▪ this commandment ( saith he ) hath commonly another sense of forbidding onely the first lusts and motions of sin , but the words are evident . the rest of the commandments of the second table have all of them a common and familiar understanding , such as every man at the first hearing doth conceive . this therefore must have the like . the law ( say the talmudists ) speaketh according to common use . let any man indued onely with reason and understanding be asked what this should mean , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house : he will certainly answer , we must be content with our own . . the hebrew word that moses hath deut. . . signifies to long after a thing , and to have ones teeth water at it , so it is used micah . . and in many other places . . the particular instances , thy neigbours house , wife , man-servant , maid , oxe , asse , or any thing that is his , declare manifestly , that goods and possessions are the proper subject of this commandment , for which cause , exod. . . the wife of our neighbour ( his most precious possession , prov. . . ) cometh not in the first place , but is set in the midst of other possessions , that by the very marshalling of the words it might appear that this commandment reacheth not to the desiring of ones wife for filthinesse and uncleannesse sake . . the order of the commandments going by degrees from the greater to the lesse , and so continually falling , till you come to this sin of coveting , which is the first step and beginning of all wrong and deceit , and yet differeth in nature from them both . . the corruption both of nature and desire is forbidden in every one , so as this cannot be restrained to a several degree of sin , but a differing and distinct kinde of sin from those that went before . . our saviour christ , the best interpreter of the law , doth so expound it , mark . . when reckoning up all the commandments of the second table , in stead of thou shalt not covet , he saith , thou shalt not deprive ( or , bereave a man of ought he hath ) that is , covet or desire to have any thing that is his , though it be neither by wrong nor fraud , which two are forbidden in the words next before , but rest in that which god hath given thee . mr. lyford therefore adds , the particular coveting here forbidden is discontentednesse with that we have , wishing and longing after that which is anothers . christian contentation is the inward quiet , gracious frame of spirit , freely submitting to , and taking complacency in gods dispose in every condition . it is said of socrates ( though he were but a heathen ) that whatever befel him , he would never so much as change his countenance ; he got this power over his spirit meerly by strength of reason and morality . all contentment ariseth from conjunction of suitables . this is the difference between contentment and satisfaction , contentment is when my minde is framed according to my condition ; satisfaction is of a higher nature , when a mans condition is fitted to his minde . motives to contentednesse ▪ . from god. . from our selves . first , from god. consider , . whatsoever we have more or lesse , is the portion which god hath allotted us ; and whatever portion he allots any , it is from his free grace . . he is infinitely wise , and regards not one man alone , but his purpose which he hath to all men , cor. . . . he hath just reason to give us no more , because we provoke him . . god hath given to every christian such things as they are bound to be content withal . he hath freely pardoned them , he hath given them the promise of eternal life , and he doth all this in a continual exercise of free and rich grace . secondly , in respect of our selves , we have reason to be contented . consider , . the good we have had from god already . . remember the submission we made to god in the day of our conversion ▪ levit. . , , . luke . . & . . . it is our wisdome to be contented , because it is to make a vertue of necessity . . there is nothing so unhappy , as for a man to have his portion in this life , psal. . lat . end . . we are freed from many and the worst temptations if god keep us low , a full body is subject to diseases . . we shall use the good things god gives us the better , phil ▪ ▪ . . we need not much , give us this day our daily bread , nature is content with little , grace with lesse . the way to get contentednesse . . aim at a right end in thy life , viz. the glory of god , this cannot be crossed . . get humility , think your selves worthy of no good , all evil . . use discretion in considering indifferently both what good thou hast as thou art , and what evil thou shouldst have if thou hadst thy deserving , and weigh thy comforts and crosses together . every christian is to make conscience of his thoughts , isa. . . reasons . . they fall under the notice and judgement of god , psal. . . amos . . matth. . . . most of gods displeasure hath been declared on men for their evil thoughts , gen. . . ier. . . luk. . . . one of the chief things taken notice of in the day of judgement is , mens thoughts , cor. . . . because of all sins thoughts are most considerable . first , for the danger of them . . they beget carnal affections , first we think and then we love , they blow up the sparks of lust . . they are the ground of actions , isa. . . secondly , in regard of their number , isa ▪ . . . because one is best known by his thoughts , prov. . . they are the most native off-spring of the minde , and freest from constraint , isa. . . the principal lust ingrosseth the thoughts . . it is a great note of sincerity to make conscience of our thoughts , phil. . . prov. . . & . . psal. . . . gods eye is especially on them . the cure of evil thoughts . . pray for a new heart , a principle of regeneration , ephes. . . . get those sins mortified which specially ingrosse the thoughts , pride , envy , covetousnesse , uncleannesse , revenge , prov. . . . get a stock or treasure of sound knowledge , the minde of man is alwaies working , my reins instruct me in the night season , prov. . . deuter. . , . matth. . . . inure your selves to holy meditation , psal. . , . . be diligent and industrious in some lawful imployment , a soft and easie life is full of vanity and temptation ; too much imployment hinders duty , and too little furthers sin . . constantly ▪ watch over the heart for suppressing evil thoughts , prov. . . and over the senses for preventing of them , iob . . . be much humbled for evil thoughts , they grieve the spirit , his residence is in the minde , acts . . we should labour to approve our thoughts to god , as well as our actions to men , psal. . . the law of god cannot be perfectly fulfilled in this life . the papists say a man may fulfil the law. we say the perfect fulfilling of the law to man fallen is impossible ; originally it was not so , but accidentally it is . see down . of justification , l. . c. . there is a difference between the keeping or observing of the law , and the fulfilling of it , which the papists seem to confound . all the faithful by their new obedience keep the law according to the measure of grace received , ephes. . . but none fulfill it , iohn . , , , . & . , . they have received a new and divine nature , by which they are made like unto god and christ ; god puts his spirit within them , and inableth them to keep his commandments , and to walk in his judgements and to do them . the law is spiritual . . it requires a holy nature , luke . . with all thy strength that god gave thee , and the law requires . . it requires holy inward dispositions , deut. . . . holy actions , gal. . , , . there is more required of an unregenerate man , then of adam in his innocency , as the righteousnesse which will justifie an angel will not justifie a sinner . the precept of the first covenant is not abolished by the law , but the lord requires of every man out of christ perfect , personal and perpetual obedience , as he did of adam in the state of innocency . . because the soveraignty of god is still the same : when he gave adam a law , it was an act of soveraignty . . the law is the same it was before the fall , just , holy , and good . . mans obligation to god under the law is the same . . god ever intended to keep up the authority of the law. the end of the ninth book . the tenth book . of glorification , of the general resurrection , the last judgement , and everlasting misery of the wicked , and happiness of the godly . chap. i. of the general resurrection . resurrection from the dead and eternal judgement , are two of the principles of the apostles catechism , heb. . . there shall be a resurrection of the body . in the new testament the thing is so perspicuous and obvious , that it would be too long to rehearse the several places . matth. . . iohn . , . acts . . & . . revel . . , . paul proves it by divers arguments , cor. . tertullian hath written a famous book of this subject , and begins his book thus , fiducia christianorum resurrectio mortuorum . the confidence of christians is the resurrection of the dead . . of the self-same body , the apostle cor. . . speaks by way of demonstration , and as it were pointing at his own body , this corruption must put on incorruption . credo resurrectionem hujus carnis , said the old christians , iob . . non enim resurrectio dici potest , nisi anima ad idem corpus redeat , quia resurrectio est iterata surrectio : ejusdem autem est surgere & cadere . aquinas supplem . . part . quaest. . artic. . . it shall be genoral , of the good and bad , matth. . , . dan. . . iohn . , . the wicked rise in virtute christi iudicis , the godly in virtute christi capitis , the wicked shall arise to death and shame ; the resurrection of the saints shall be glorious , they shall rise first , cor. ▪ . every one of them shall have a perfect body without defect or deformity , they shall arise in perfect beauty . . their body shall be immortal . . spiritual and glorious , like christs body , phil. . ult . aquinas shews that subtilitas est proprietas corporis gloriosi , supplem . . part . quaest. . art. . and that it is ratione subtilitatis impalpabile , ib. art. . vide ibid. qu. . art. . & qu. . art. , . the resurrection may be proved by reason : . from the power of god , he made us of nothing , therefore he can raise us out of the dust . facilius est restituere quam constituere . qui potest facere potest reficere , saith tertullian , mat. . ▪ phil. . . . his justice , the body is partner with the soul in sin or holinesse . . christ rose again , and he rose as the publick head of the church , luke . , . he rose as the first-fruits , cor. . . he bought soul and body , cor. . . he is united to a whole believer , iohn . . . that the glory of god , and christ , and the saints may be manifested . the world derides the resurrection of the body , the philosophers could not attain to it , but it is the christians chief consolation , iob . . hope and resurrection of the dead are joyned together , act. . . & . . there are as great things past as to come , our bodies may as well be in heaven , as christs body be in the grave , rom. . . although the resurrection shall be by the power of the whole trinity , yet it shall be peculiarly by the voice of christ , the dead shall hear the voice of god and live , by an archangel ministerially . the end why christ shall raise them all , is to bring them to judgement . the schoolmen say , omnes resurgent in eadem aetate , and urge ephes. . . but christ rose ( say they ) in his youthful age about thirty three years ; but the fathers interpret that place otherwise . the godly then need not fear persecution , it toucheth but the body , matth. . . nor death it self : it is but a sleep , act. . * . thess ▪ . the grave a bed of rest , isa. . . those that sleep likely rise , so shall thy body be raised up at the last day . chap. ii. of the last iudgement . bernard * distinguisheth of a three-fold coming of christ : . ad homines , john . . . in homines , matth. . ult . . contra homines , revel . . . the usual distinction is of his first coming in great humility , when he was incarnate , and his second coming in majesty , when he shall openly manifest and declare his excellent glory in the sight of all his reasonable creatures , angels and men , good and bad . the knowledge of the time is reserved to god alone , acts . . the day is appointed by god the father , and not revealed to any creature saving the humanity of christ , and was not revealed to that it seemeth while he lived in the earth in basenesse . christ shall suddenly descend from heaven with the voice of an archangel , with a mighty shout , and with the trump of god , and then shall he cause all the saints to rise , and with the living saints shall cause them to meet him in the clouds , and after he shall cause all the sinners to arise also , and there publickly shall adjudge all his saints to his heavenly kingdom , making known and rewarding all their good deeds , but shall adjudge all the wicked to eternal damnation , making known to all the world all their wicked and ungodly deeds , words and thoughts , even those which before were most secret , which having done he shall then yeeld up the kingdom to god his father , not ceasing to be lesse glorious himself , because he hath shewed the infinite glory of god , to which all things are to be referred as their proper end , but perpetually enjoying glory and blisse with him in another manner , and in no lesse full measure , even as a mighty man under some great prince , having conquered some kingdom against whom his prince did send him , then resigneth the office of lord general , because there is no farther use of it , but yet liveth in as much honour in the kings court , as that military title and function would afford him . so our lord and all his members with him after the last day shall remain for all eternity unspeakably glorious , though the manner of administration of things which is now in use by gods appointment shall be finished and determined , that god may be all in all . two things are to be considered : . that all universally are to be judged . . that christ shall be judge of all . for the former , there is a two-fold judgement : . particular and private , which is given concerning every one immediately after death . . universal and publick , when all men shall be judged together , called the day of revelation , rom. . . and of this judgement the creed speaks , when it saith , from thence he shall come to judge the quick and dead : from thence , viz. heaven , he , that is , christ jesus the second person in trinity , shall come to judge the quick and dead , that is , all men that ever were or shall be . that in the end of the world there shall be a day of judgement , and that all men shall then be judged , it appears , first , from scripture , eccles. . . matth. . . & . . & . . acts . , . apocal. . . isaiah and daniel write of it ; christ in his sermons speaks of it . see matth. . , . matth. . , a . matth. . the parable of the tares , matth. . . b he cals it regeneration , not that men shall be then converted , but because all things then shall appear new . enoch taught this doctrine before the floud , iude v. . it is called that day , cor. . . rom. . , . paul saith of onesiphorus , god grant him mercy on that day , gods day , pet. . . the day of the lord , vers . . the day of christ , phil. . , . it is called absolutely and simply judgement , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is that universal , final and ultimate judgement , which god shall exercise in the end of the world , whose object shall be not some men only , but all men altogether , ps. . . eccl. . . pet. . . and with an addition , the last judgement , because it shall be that last and immutable judgement of god , in which those which are acquitted shall be for ever acquitted , and those which are condemned , shall be for ever condemned . it is called the last judgment also , because it shall be exercised in the last day . secondly , the very conscience of man which reproves the evil-doer , proves a judgement , rom. . . neither are those infernal furies celebrated by the poets any other thing then the terrours of conscience . some deny the general judgement , and say , there is no other judgement but what passeth in our own consciences . a third reason is taken from god , the saints , and the wicked . first , from god , that his decree may be fulfilled , act. . . . that his honour may be vindicated , eccles. . . . his justice cleared , rom. . . isa. . . tim. . . eccles. . , . therefore god takes such exact notice of all the wayes of men , iob . . deut. . . because he will call them to an account for all . secondly , in respect of the saints , that their innocency here traduced may be made manifest . . that their works may be rewarded , therefore it is called a day of restoring all things , all things shall then be set straight . thirdly , in respect of the wicked , that their unrighteousnesse may be fully punished , cor. . , . and that as the body did partake with the soul in sinning , so it may also share with it in punishment , cor. . . nature had some blinde knowledge of a day of recompence , the course of providence shews it ; vertue hath not yet a full reward , nor vice a full punishment . sinne is sometimes punished , to shew that there is a providence , and sometimes let alone , to shew that there is a judgement to come . the course of gods justice , and the wisdome of his counsels must be solidly applauded . the judgement to come will work on shame , hell on fear . the day of judgement will be terrible to the wicked , it is called the terrour of the lord , cor. . . and by the ancient fathers , tremendum judicium dei. . in respect of the manner of the judges coming , with many thousands of angels , matth. . . & . . iude v. . . in respect of the judge himself who hath infinite anger . . both in the intention , extention , and protention of the punishment . . in the intention of it , it is without any stop or measure . . the extention of it , to all the soul and body . . in the protention of it , to all eternity . the suddennesse also of it strikes the greater fear and terrour into ungodly men , it is resembled to three things , the first deluge , a thief , and a snare laid by the fowler , all which come unexpectedly , and when there is greatest indisposition and security . it is comfortable to the godly , the scripture seldome speaks of the day of judgement , but it cals on them to rejoyce , lift up your heads , luke . . it is a phrase implying the comfort , hope and boldnesse that the people of god have , or ought to have : comfort your selves with these words . it is compared to a day of refreshing , to the meeting of the bridegroom , all which imply , that that time is matter of joy and consolation to the godly , it is their marriage and coronation day . all the reasonable creatures shall then be judged , angels and men , do not ye know that we shall judge the angels ? we must all appear before the judgement seat of christ. the things for which they are to be judged , all actions any way liable to a law , all moral actions , for what ever they have done in the flesh , whether it was good or evil , every secret thing , cunctaque cunctorum cunctis arcana patebunt . no man knows the precise time of the day of judgement , matth. . . mark . . yet god hath appointed the set time , act. . . concerning the place , the air , say most ; the rabbins generally say in the valley of iehoshaphat . so aquinas c seems to hold , though there be little ground for it . ioel . . is urged , and because christ ascended from mount olivet , act. . christs great throne shall be fixed in the clouds , and the judgement shall be in the air . some speak of fifteen signs before the day of judgement . others say , these great things are to be accomplished before the day of judgement . . the gospel is to be preacht more generally to all the world , not only as the world is taken in opposition to the jewish nation , but as it signifies the several nations , the utmost parts of the earth must be given to christ. . a national conversion of the jews , rom. . , . cor. . , . some d say they shall be called by vision and voice from heaven , as paul was , and that those places zech. . . matth. . . seem to imply it . see daniel . , . . the falling of antichrist , the ten kings that gave their power to him shall withdraw it from him , revelat. . . & . . & . . see romans . . and . . . more pure and glorious times in the church , isa. . . revel . . . when the jews and gentiles shall be one flock , and more outward peace , isa. . . & . . & . , . ezek. . . some distinguish of two sorts of signs before christs coming : . some are more remote and transient , the man of sin to be revealed , that is past , false prophets shall arise , and say , i am christ ; wars and rumours of wars , matth. . , , , . great divisions in matters of religion ; men shall say , lo here is christ , and lo there is christ , mat. . . . some more immediate and near at hand , the general resurrection , the conflagration of the whole frame of nature . some say , god hath promised to accomplish six things in the latter end of the world . . he is pouring out his vials upon the sun , revel . . . . is breaking the horn that pusht ierusalem , zech. . . . is taking away the images of jealousie , ezek. . that is , some abuse in the publick worship of god. . he will build ezekiels temple , a glorious temple in the latter end of ezekiel , never yet seen in the world , it is spiritually to be understood , it shall be said , the tabernacle of the lord is with men . . god is reforming of government all the world over , ezek. . . the princes shall oppresse the people no more . . the lord is making way for that glorious promise , dan. . . the solemn preparation to this judgement stands in . the solemn comming of the judge to the assises ; immediately before his comming shall be the signe of the sonne of man , which what it is , is uncertain ; whether some mighty brightnesse to irradiate all the world , or what else , is a great controversie . . christ shall come cloathed with all the glory and majesty of jehovah , matth. . . besides the glory of his person , he shall come accompanied with a most glorious train of millions of angels , which shall come visibly , and all the saints departed : all the rest alive shall likewise be caught up to come along with him ; then he shall pitch his throne in the clouds . daniel saith a fiery stream issued from it , dan. . . see rev. . . the onely judge at the great day is jesus christ , the second person in the sacred trinity , made man , the head and spouse of the church : daniel saith , the sonne of man , the ancient of dayes : christ saith often , ●he shall come to judge the quick and dead , matth. . acts . . & . . it is called the judgement seat of christ , cor. . . it is part of his kingly office as he is the fathers prorex and rules for him : he that hath performed all the acts of ministry , will not be wanting in that of majesty . . it is an honour fit for none else , to be judge of the whole world ; as he is the king and law-giver , so judgement belongs to him . . the lord hath great ends in it . . that he may honour the sonne , ioh. . . he was abased and judged in the world , god will justifie him before all his enemies . . that gods justice thereby may be made glorious , ioh. . . and the judiciall processe might appear in its visible form , rev. . . . that so destruction may be more terrible to the wicked , who have abu●●● christs patience , and despised his mercies , luk. . . . for the greater comfort and honour of the saints , their husband is their judge : christ upon this ground presseth men to the greatest services , mat. . . & . . & . . cor. . . there are four things to be considered in judgement . . judiciary power . . the internall approbation of good , and detestation of evil . . the retribution of reward , all these agree to all and every person in the trinity . . externall sitting upon the tribunall , and publishing of sentence ; and in this respect the father judgeth no man , but committeth all judgement to the sonne , joh. . . christ shall judge the world as god-man . . as god , else he could not know the decrees of god , rev. . . nor the secrets of men , rom. . . . he judgeth as man too , ioh. . . god , christ , and the saints , are said to judge the world . god judgeth in respect of the authority of jurisdiction , christ in respect of the promulgation of sentence , saints in respect of approbation . the authority is gods , the execution christs , the approbation the saints . one may judge comparatively , see matth. . . after this manner even the wicked shall be able to judge , viz. others worse then themselves , ver . . . interpretativè , or by approbation . . assessoriè , see matth. . . . authoritatively , so christ alone shall judge . the manner how this great judgement shall be carried on . . the saints are to be judged , as they shall arise first , so they shall be first judged ; the good and bad shall be all gathered and brought into one place , but yet separated before the judgement begin , the godly shall be set all together , and the wicked all together . the judgement of the godly , shall be an acknowledgement and rewarding of all the good that ever god wrought by them , every prayer , endeavour , shall be discovered , acknowledged , justified , rewarded , matth. . , , , . then being acquittéd , they shall sit down with christ , and as assessours own and approve of his righteous judgement . all the sinnes which the wicked are guilty of , all the sinnes that ever they committed , with their aggravations , shall be brought to light , eccles. . . iude vers . . god will have all witnesses heard against any wicked man , and they shall receive a just punishment according to the several degrees of their sins , mat. . , , . there are two books wherein all is recorded : . every mans conscience , it records all the actions that ever they did . . gods omniscience , these things thou hast done . it is a great question , whether the sins of gods people shall be manifested at the day of judgement ? some think that all their secret sins shall then be opened and brought to light , yet without the least reproach , because the scripture speaks of all giving an account , and for every secret thing , eccl. . . cor. . . thin●● shall not be suddenly up , as carnal thoughts imagine , viz. at this day first christ shall raise the dead , and then the separation shall be made , and then the sentence past , and then suddenly the judgement day is done : no , no , it must take up some large quantity of time , that all in the world may see the secret sins of wi●●●d men , the kingly office of christ in judging the world may probably last longer then his private administration now in governing the world . mr steph. sinc. convert . c. . when the judgement is past , the godly shall go with christ to heaven , and the wicked be thrust from him to hell , never till then shall that text , phil. . , . be fulfill'd . corollaries from the last judgement : we should not only habitually yield to the truth of this opinion ( that there is such a dreadfull day of judgement ) but believe it so as to carry the thought of it in our mindes , and walk as those that do believe and expect a judgement to come . tertullian ( one of the ancientest of the fathers ) observed of all those that profest christianity in his time , none lived loosly , but those who either firmly believed not the day of judgement , or put the thought of it out of their mindes . it is reported of a certain king of hungary , who had a brother that was a gallant : the king being carefull about his soul , and sad when he thought of the day of judgement , his brother told him , these were but melancholy thoughts , and bad him be merry . the manner of that countrey was , when the king sent his trumpeter to sound at anothers door , he was presently to be led to execution ; that night the king caused his trumpeter to sound at his brothers door , whereat he was exceedingly astonished , and presently went to the king , and casting himself at his feet , askt him , what offence he had committed that he should deal so with him , and humbly beseech him to spare him . the king told him he had committed no offence against him , but alwayes carried himself as a kinde brother , but if he were so afraid of his trumpet , why should not he much more fear when he thought of the day of gods judgement ? secondly , we should judge our selves , our estates and wayes , corinth . . . thirdly , strive to get an interest in the judge , and to evidence the same to our selves . fourthly , lay up prayers for it , that we may finde mercy by christs means at that day , tim. . . fifthly , we should be industrious by imploying the talent the lord hath given us , matth. . sixthly , we should look for , wait and long for that day , phil. . . rev. . . tim. . . tit. . . thy kingdom come . chap. iii. of hell or damnation . . there is a hell or state of misery to come after this life . this is proved , . by scripture ; our saviour teacheth it in the parable of dives and lazarus , and in that of the last judgement , matth. . . and often in revelations . . by the conscience ; wicked men finde in themselves an apprehension of immortality , and a fear of some punishment after death . . the heathens though they have corrupted this truth with innumerable follies , yet held that there was a hell , a being and place of misery to wicked men after this present life . . clear reason proveth it ; since god is just , therefore many abominable sinners enjoying more prosperity in this life , then those which live farre m●re innocently , must be punished hereafter according to the multitude and hainousnesse of their sins , psal. . . . the nature of the misery there suffered in regard of the matter or parts , properties and circumstances . the parts are two , privative and positive : . privative , matth. . . poena damni , the absence of all manner of comfort , here they drink the pure and unmixed cup of vengeance , it is a darknesse without any light , called outer darknesse , not a drop of cold water there to cool dives his tongue . divines unanimously concurre , that this is the worser part of hell , to be for ever totally separated from all gracious communion with god , thess. . their being is upheld by gods power , his wrath and vindictive justice are present with them , but they have no comfortable communion with him . whence follows , . an everlasting hardening in sinne , because they are separated from him which should soften them . . everlasting despair , they shall have an apprehension of their losse , which shall be more then the sense of pain . . positive , the presence of all manner of torments , which may be referred to two heads , the sense of gods anger , and the miserable effects thereof , isa. . . for these things sake the wrath of god comes upon the children of disobedience . tribulation and wrath , indignation and anguish shall be upon the soul of man that doth evil . three drops of brimstone if it light upon any part of the flesh , will make one so full of torment that he cannot forbear roaring out for pain , how extreamly troublesome will it be then , when the whole man is drowned in a lake or river of brimstone ? the wrath of god is insupportable , and is therefore compared to fire which is more hard to bear then any rack . . the effects of this anger on the soul and body of the sinner , the soul is affected with the horrour of its own conscience which takes gods part against the sinner , and in a most rageful manner accuseth him . the worm of conscience in hell is the furious reflection of the soul upon it self for its former offers , mis-spent time , by-past joyes , and now miserable , hopelesse condition . from the sense of gods anger , and this rage of conscience , follow extremity of grief , fear and despair , then which the soul cannot meet with greater tormenters . the spirits grieve with the anguish of what they do feel , and fear and tremble at the apprehension of what they shall feel , and are in utter despair of escaping or well bearing , they cannot be hard-hearted there if they would . but when the soul and body shall be joyned , then shall the body bear a part in the torment , which flows from the sense of gods anger , and shall feel as much pain as any rack or fire could put it to , and both soul and body covered up with horrible shame and confusion , in that it shall be made manifest to all creatures , how wicked they have been , and for what sins the lord doth so avenge himself upon them . secondly , the properties of this misery are chiefly two , extremity and eternity . . extremity . the torments are great , as falling upon the whole soul and body without any mitigation or comfort , the length of time makes not these pains seem lesse , but still they continue as extream as at the first to the sense of the feeler , because they do so far exceed his strength , and the power of gods anger doth so continually renew it self against them . . eternity . this misery continues for ever in all extremity , the things that are not seen are eternal , these shall go into everlasting punishment , their fire never goeth out , their worm never dieth , this is the hell of hell , endlesse misery must needs be hopelesse , and so comfortlesse : it is just that he should suffer for ever , who would have sinned for ever , if he had not been cut off by punishment . see ier. . . they wilfully refused happinesse ; if heathens , they have wilfully transgrest the light of nature ; if christians , they have carelesly neglected the offers of grace , ier. . . their desires are infinite . socinians say , there will come a time when angels and the wickedest men shall be freed . augustine speaks of some such merciful men in his time . gods intention from everlasting was to glorifie his justice as well as his mercy , rom. . , . the covenant under which unregenerate men stand , and by which they are bound over to this wrath is everlasting . all a mans sufferings are but against the good of the creature , every sinne is against the glory of the creatour . they will never repent of what they have done , voluntas morientis confirmatur in eo statu in quo moritur . thirdly , the circumstances of these torments , are a miserable place , and miserable company , a pit , a dungeon , a lake , a pit of darknesse , and no light , which is below , as ●arre removed from god , and good men as can be ; the scripture speaks of hell as a low place , pet. . . most remote from heaven . . not one person there free from the like torment , all wail , and weep , and gnash their teeth , they curse and accuse one another , this company adds to their misery . of purgatory , limbus infantium & patrum . because the papists divide hell into four regions . . the hell of the damned , the place of eternal torment . purgatory , where ( they say ) the souls of such are as were not sufficiently purged from their sins , while they were upon earth , and therefore for the thorow purging of them are there in torment , equal for the time to that of the damned . . limbus infantium , where they place such infants as die without baptism , whom they make to suffer the losse of heaven and heavenly happinesse , and no pain or torment . . limbus patrum , where in like manner the fathers before christ ( as they hold ) were , suffering no pain , but only wanting the joyes of heaven ; and because i have not yet spoke of these , i shall handle them here , being willing to discusse most of the main controversies betwixt us and the papists . of purgatory . bellarmine saith , there are three things to which the purging of sins is attributed , and which may therefore be called purgatories . . christ himself , heb. . . . the tribulations of this life , mal. . . iohn . . . a certain place , in which as in a prison souls are purged after this life , which were not fully purged in this life , that so they being cleansed may be able to enter heaven , into which no unclean thing shall enter ; about this ( saith he ) is all the controversie . therefore whereas we distinguish the church into militant here on earth , and triumphant in heaven , he adds , and labouring in purgatory . we believe no other purgation for sinne , but only by the bloud of jesus christ , iohn . . through the sanctification of the holy ghost , tit. . . the papists charged luther that he spake of purgatory , such a purgatory , there is , said he , meaning temptation , hoc purgatorium non est fictum . if there be a purgatory , it should be as well for the body as the soul , because it hath been partaker of those pleasures and delights for which the souls pay dear in purgatory fire , but they deny any purgatory for the body . epiphanius saith , thus shall the judgement of god be just , while both participate either punishment for sinne , or reward for vertue . origen excepted , all the expressions of the fathers this way , appear clearly to have been understood , not of a purgatory , but only of a probatory fire ; whether they meant that of affliction , or of the day of judgement . my l. digby in his answ . to sir ken. digb . we say with augustine , we believe according to the authority of god , that the kingdom of heaven is in the first place appointed for gods elect , and that hell is the second place where all the reprobate shall suffer eternal punishment . tertium locum penitus ignoramus , imò nec esse in scripturis sanctis invenimus . the third place we are utterly ignorant of , and that it is not we finde in the holy scriptures . it is not yet agreed among the papists , either for the fire or the place , or the time of it , only thus farre they seem at length to concurre , that souls do therein satisfie both for venial sins , and for the guilt of punishment due unto mortal sins , when the guilt of the sin it self is forgiven . dr. chaloner on matth. . . see dr. prid. serm. . on matth. . . pag. . to the end . mr. cartwrights rejoynd . pag. ● , & c. ezek. . . micah . . iohn . . rom. . . if our sins shall not be so much as mentioned , surely they shall not be sentenced to be punished with fire , ier. . . from which text we thus argue , all their sins * whom god pardoneth shall be found no more , then to be purged no more , especially after this life . the learned romanists generally accord , that purgatory fire differeth little from hell but in time , that the one is eternal , the other temporal , they believe it to equalize , or rather exceed any fiery torment on earth . the apostle calleth the church the whole family in heaven and earth , whence we reason thus , all the family whereof christ is head , is either in heaven or upon earth . now purgatory is neither in heaven nor upon the earth , but in hell , wherefore no part of the family of christ is there . papists will not grant that god imputeth to us the merits and sufferings of his sonne , although the scripture is expresse for it , and yet they teach that merits and satisfaction by the pope may be applied to us , and that they satisfie for our temporal punishments . purgatory is described by gregory de valentia , and bellarm. l. . de purgat . cap. , . & . to be a fire of hell adjoyning to the place of the damned , wherein the souls of the faithful departing in the guilt of venial sins ( or for the more full satisfaction of mortal sins which have been remitted ) are tormented , which torment is nothing differing from the punishment of the damned , in respect of the extremity of pain , but only in respect of continuance of time , which may be ten or a hundred , or three hundred years , or longer , except they be delivered by the prayers , sacrifices or alms of the living . and the confession of this purgatory ( saith bellarmine lib. . de purgat . cap. . ) is a part of the catholick faith. the principal places of canonical scripture which they urge for it are these . in the old testament , psal. . . isa. . . micah . . zech. . . mal. . . in the new , matth. . , . luk. . . acts . . cor. . , . cor. . . pet. . . all which places have been taken off by learned papists . and also by calvin in his institut . lib. . cap. . and chemnit . in his examinat . concil . trident. and others . if the scriptures before urged had been so evident for purgatory , father cotton the jesuite needed not to have enquired of the devil a plain place to prove purgatory , as some of the learned protestant divines in france affirm . i shall conclude therefore with that saying of bishop iewel in his defence of the apology of the church of england , part . cap. . the phantasie of purgatory sprang first from the heathens , and was received amongst them in that time of darknesse , long before the coming of christ , as it may plainly appear by plato and virgil , in whom ye shall finde described at large the whole commonweal , and all the orders and degrees of purgatory . of limbus infantium & patrum . limbus signifies a border or edge , and is not used in the scripture , nor any approved author in their sense . limbus infantium is a peaceable receptacle for all infants dying before baptism . this is so groundlesse a conceit , that the very rehearsal of it is a sufficient refutation . limbus patrum is a place where the papists say the souls of the godly that died before christ were . but col. . . god could reconcile none to him in heaven but the faithful which died before christs ascension . revel . . . blessed are the dead which die in the lord from henceforth , presently , from the time of death . . christs death was efficacious to believers before his coming as well as since , heb. . . . the faithful before christ expected heaven when this life was ended , heb. . , , , . . the believing thief was with christ in paradise that day , luk. . . which bellarmine de beatitud . sanctorum , l. . c. . interprets to be heaven ; this was before christs ascension , luke . , . abrahams bosome is a place of comfort , for abraham was there comforted . . there is a great chaos , which signifies an infinite distance between abraham and the rich glutton , which utterly overthrows the dream of limbus , which signifies a border or edge , and supposeth that place to be hard adjoyning to that of torment . chap. iv. of everlasting life . the last prerogative of the church , is life everlasting , which being the summe of all desires is fitly placed in the last place . here are two things : . life it self . . the continuance of life , noted in the word everlasting . see acts . . eternal life is three wayes promised : . as the free gift of god , without any respect of any worthinesse in us , rom. . ult . iam. . . . as our inheritance purchased by christ , ephes. . . . as a free reward promised and given to obedience , rom. . . in the first respect our salvation and all the degrees is wholly to be ascribed to the gracious favour of god in christ. in the second to the mercy of god and merit of christ. in the third to the mercies of god redoubled and multiplied upon us , and not to any desert of ours . b. down . of justification , lib. . cap. . life is that whereby any thing acteth , liveth and moveth . it is either natural or spiritual , and that last hath two degrees , the life of grace and glory . first , that there is everlasting life is proved , . from the love of god to his servants , that is everlasting . . because god will be eternally glorified . . it is the aim of the saints , cor. . . pet. . . it is , . a transcendent or surpassing life , it exceedeth natural and spiritual life . . a satisfying life , psal. . . there shall be all good , and perfect good , and perfectly injoyed . god shall be all in all , he is a satisfaction to himself , much more to us . . a glorious life , there is a glorious god , a glorious christ , there are the glorified saints and angels . . a most joyful life , enter thou into thy masters joy , we shall delight in god , and he in us . . eternal life , eternity heightens either happinesse or misery . it is called eternal life not properly but by a catachresis , it hath a beginning but no end , it is not temporary , defined by any certain term , obnoxious to any change , it shall continue for ever without end . some question , whether one may propound eternall life as an end to aim at ? it is lawful for christians ( that most deny themselves ) to make eternal life the great scope they aim at ; nay it is needful for them so to do . . from the glorious precepts of god obliging the soul to propound such an end , tim . , . phil. . . pet. . . cor. . . . the promises of god encouraging , matthew . , . timothy . . matth. . . . we have the presidents of believers that denied themselves in this world , heb. . , , . & v. , . iude v. . . eternal life was gods end , heb. . . pet. . . it was the end of christs incarnation , suffering , ascention , intercession , iohn . . & . . we should aim at gods end . . it was gods design from all eternity to bring men to eternal life , cor. . . . the great condition on which god promiseth eternal life , is that we might seek and endeavour after it , rom. . . . we are much concerned in it , what proportion is there between time and eternity ? how to know whether we make eternal life the end of this life . . then we will have high thoughts of eternity , the comforts that are eternal are worth regarding , and the miseries that are eternal should chiefly be avoided . . we will then seriously enquire after the way to heaven , ier. . . ps. . ult . david often begs of god to teach him his waies . . we will then make it our main work to come to heaven , phil. . , , . one thing is necessary . . we will be content with no reward on this side eternal life , psal. . lat . end , & . . . we will rejoyce in the hope of the glory of god , tim. . . titus . . iude v. . . it will be our aim then to overcome the fear of death . . we will often review our evidences for heaven , heb. . . and desire god to search and try us , psal. . ult . it is a question , an sancti fruantur beatitudine ante ultimum judicium ? it was a current opinion among most of the fathers , if not all . that the souls of men after their death do not go immediately to heaven , but are in a receptacle or mansion-place till the day of judgement , and some of late have followed it , especially the anabaptists . the souls immediately departed have not the compleat fulnesse of that happinesse which they shall have , yet they are not excluded from the enjoying of god , luk. . . cor. . . phil. . . some say there is a difference of those that are raised again , as lazarus and some others ; for it is likely ( say they ) that their souls went not into heaven , but were detained by god , who would unite them again to shew forth his glory . the accidental joy of the saints ( say the schoolmen ) shall be greater , both extensively , because it shall be in soul and body , and intensively , because the soul shall rejoyce to see the body glorified . . the essential glory shall increase extensively , because it shall redound unto the body . the souls of the godly immediately after their departure hence from the body , are said to be in rest , heb. . . in consolation , luke . . in security , iohn . , . therefore they presently go to heaven , to god and christ. consider the names given to the state of glory : it is called life , these shall enter into life ; rest , finde rest , go to rest ; our home , our fathers house ; a purchased and glorious inheritance ; a kingdom , the kingdom of heaven ; ioy , our masters joy , everlasting joy ; glory , weight of glory , eternal weight of glory ; the city of our god. the scripture cals it paradise , a place of all delight and pleasure , alluding to that paradise planted by gods own hand , to make it a delight for the innocent state of man , and abrahams bosom , wherein the saints receive refreshing , which is a borrowed speech taken from fathers carrying and cherishing their little one , in their bosome , so the elect are cherished in the bosome of the father of all the faithful . there is perfection , perpetuity , immutability , there is foelix securitas , secura foelicitas . bernard . blessednesse is the fruition of the essential , absolutely chief , first , eternal , independent , perfect , only sufficient good , and chiefly to be desired . the object of this blessednesse is god himself , psal. . . & . iohn . . for all these properties agree to him and none other , gen. . . psal. . . and he being the first cause of all things , must needs be the chief good and last end . blessednesse is two-fold : . incomplete ( beatitudo viae ) as iam. . . . perfect ( beatitudo patriae , as the schools call it ) which consists in the enjoyment of a good commensurate to all our desires . nothing but the divine essence can make us happy in the life to come : . not the glorious place of heaven . paul was taken up thither , yet after had a messenger of satan to buffet him . . not the company of saints and angels . . not the perfection of grace , cor. . . perfection of grace is rather a consequent of felicity , cor. . . . not a perfect injoying of christ the mediator , because he as mediator hath his happinesse in another , psal. . ult . it is spoken of christ. the highest object of faith must be to the soul the highest ground of joy , the essence of god is the ultimate object of faith , pet. . . this only perfects the graces , iohn . . matth. . . gives rest and satisfaction to the soul , psal. . ult . in beatitudine complebitur omne desiderium beatorum . aquinas . the essence of god cannot be seen by creatures glorified with bodily eyes , tim. . . though the body then be spiritual it shall not lose its essential properties , we shall see christ then , iob . . it is an intellectual vision , yet this is cognitio apprehensiva not comprehensiva , as the schoolmen speak , iob . . there shall be fulnesse of fruition , frui est cum gaudio uti , to requiesce with delight in the thing obtained , therefore mediis uti , fine frui dicimur , psal. . ult . vide aquin. sum. part . . . quaest. . art. , . but though their solemn and substantial happinesse lies in god , psal. . . & psal. . , . cor. . . yet it is an additional comfort to enjoy the company of the saints , all the patriarchs , prophets , apostles and martyrs , matth. . . heb. . . we love to be in the assemblies of the saints on earth , to pray , fast and receive with them , then we shall more delight in them , when we shall converse with none but real saints , ( here the sheep and goats are mingled together ) and they perfect , we shall all agree in the same work and aim , communion with them will be constant . the communion between the blessed spirits will not be mental only but vocal , cor. . . paul speaks not so much of what he saw as what he heard , whether every man shall be understood by others in his own tongue , or whether they shall speak hebrew , as act. . . is uncertain . the place of this happinesse is the highest heavens , farre above all heavens , a place that no philosopher ever wrote of , a place which god from all eternity appointed to be his throne , where he would shew all his glory , and for a receptacle of his saints . the society the saints shall there have , are innumerable multitude of elect angels , and all the glorified saints which god hath called out of the world . all their knowledge shall be by vision , sight , not by faith , discourse , the will perfectly conformable to god , the affections which have any perturbation shall cease , as hope , desire , care , grief : love and joy shall continue , the whole church shall then see and enjoy god immediately , and this vision and fruition of god is properly heaven . first , vision , they shall see his face , mat. . . the happinesse of heaven is often exprest by knowledge , they shall see god , it is called the beatifical vision . . all the faculties shall be glorified , the minde is the most noble faculty , the soul enjoyes pure content in the contemplation of any truth , psal. . . . our fruition increaseth by light , as our light is , so is our love , iohn . . god presents himself immediately to the understanding , cor. . . iohn . . secondly , fruition , they shall enjoy god , possesse him , he shall be all in all . they shall not see him with bodily eyes ( so the deity cannot be seen ) but with the soul so far as the understanding can be enlarged , it doth simul & semel behold all the glorious perfections of god , christ and the trinity , knows him as he knows us for the kinde , cor. . . the true christian is thus disposed toward heaven , he prizeth it above all things , it is his inheritance ▪ portion , he conceives of it as a place where god doth give himself to him fully . . he would willingly be there , it is the end of his race and hope , cor. . . if he might enjoy all the benefits of this world for ever according to his desire , he would willingly leave all to be with christ. . he hath his conversation in heaven , travels the way that leads to it . the way to obtain eternal life : . we must seek it of god in an earnest and serious way , matth. . . luke . . pet. . . it is called striving , cor. . , . we strive for an incorruptible crown , saith paul. see phil. . . we must take great care lest in this we come short , cor. . ult . . we should take heed of our darling sin , cor. . , . . we must be guided in this life by the counsel of god , psal. . . . we should have our conversation in heaven before hand . . we should keep our spirits in a continual readinesse , luke . , . col. . . because all that handle the commonplace of the glory of heaven , handle that question , whether the saints there shall have the like degree of happinesse , therefore i shall speak something of it . the generality of the fathers , schoolmen , and modern divines , are for diversity of degrees . the papists lay the degrees of glory on the several merits of men , and tell us of seven crowns . this preheminence of glory the schoolmen term aureola , that is , an additament of felicity to that essential glory in the vision of god , which they term aurea : this aureola or coronet to be added to the crown of glory , they ascribe to three sorts of persons ; to virgins , to martyrs , and to doctors or prophets . vide aquin. supplem . . part. quaest. . artic. , , , , , , , , , , . god rewards a man not propter , but secundum opera , according to the matter of his work , so shall be the substance of his reward , according to the manner of his work the kinde of his reward , and according to the measure of his work the degree of his reward . as a man soweth , so shall he reap , that 's for the kinde , and he that soweth sparingly shall reap sparingly , he that soweth bountifully shall reap bountifully , that 's for the degree . doctor hackwell on dan. . . those arguments that are usually brought out of scripture do not necessarily inferre it , the places brought to prove it , are daniel . . cor. . . matth. . . iohn . . some think that no place carries it more fully then that corinth . . . every man ( they say ) shall receive a reward , not only according to the quality of his works , but according to the measure and degree of them , which that place seems to intimate , therefore there shall be different degrees of glory according to their different degrees of grace . peter martyr on cor. . . is against it , and a worthy divine of our own follows him . cameron disputes this question at large . tomo do praelect . in matth. . . and holds that there shall not be different degrees of glory . spanhem . dub. evang. part . . dub. . handleth the question learnedly and largely , and is for the negative . altingius in his d tome , part . . probl. . disputes this question , and holds the affirmative . davenant , rivet , b. hall , d. hackwell and divers others for the affirmative . as in heaven there is gradus foelicitatis , so cognitionis , paraeus . it is such a controversie ( as rivet well observeth ) in which men may hold either way , salvo fidei fundamento , because both sides alledge probable reasons . henry the th ( as sir francis bacon shews ) had a three-fold right to his crown , by birth , victory , and marriage . a christian hath a four-fold right to eternal life : . by gift . . by birth . . by marriage . . by victory . aquinas hath this question , utrum beati qui erunt in patria , videbunt poenas damnatorum ? and resolves they shall , because it makes to the perfection of their blessednesse , opposita juxta se posita magis elucescunt . they shall perfectly see the punishment of the wicked , that their blessednesse may the more content them , and they may give more abundant thanks to god. the schoolmen say at the day of judgement the damned shall see the glory of the saints partly propter invidiam , because they shall envy at their prosperity , and partly propter privationem . it is usually said , that grace and glory differ not specifically but gradually , that grace is glory begun , and glory grace perfected : therefore grace is called glory , cor. . lat . end . but say there was perfect grace in adam and christ , though they were not received into glory , and that perfect grace is not glory , though it can be in none but such as are glorified . christ in respect of his soul was comprehensor , though viator in respect of his body . vide aquin. par . . qu. . art. . adams grace was perfect in suo genere , but not simpliciter , the same also may be said of that grace , wherein the apostate angels were created . whether the blessed saints after the end of this world shall inhabit this earth , or at least often visit it , curiosè quaeritur & doctè ignoratur . voet. biblioth . studi●s . theol. l. . c. . d. willet upon the romans holds the affirmative ( as i remember ) and grounds it on that place of mat. . . some urge that place in peter , a new heaven and earth wherein dwelleth righteousnesse , that is , righteous persons . finis . this about shame should have come in among the compound affections after zeal , book vi. pag. . and was sent heretofore , but came too late . that i may not emit any main affection ( though i mentioned before but three compound affections ) i shall adde something of shame . of shame . it is sometimes a vertuous habit and disposition in the minde , consisting in a mediocrity between two extreams , impudence , ier. . . and bashfulnesse or cowardise , luke . . so men are said to be modest or shamefac'd , ephes. . . . a perturbation of the minde , when our hearts smite us for some grievous sin , ezra . . . . it is taken for infamy and publick disgrace , when a man is made a spectacle of shame and derision to others , zeph. . . so men are ashamed , put to shame , hab. . , . shame is a meer confusion , as the hebrew word signifies , a jumbling together of passions . it is a stirring of grief , fear , hatred , distrust , anger , against some reproachful thing in regard of our selves or others , therefore shews it self by blushing , weeping . it makes a man hide himself , and he dare not look upon another . we must be ashamed of , . foul , sinfull and unclean deeds . . the company and fellowship of sinners . . the deserved punishment of sin . . the shews and appearances of sinne . we must not be ashamed : . of good deeds , as paul was not of the gospel . . of reproaches for well-doing , we should contemn such contempt . . of good men suffering such punishments and reproaches ▪ as o●esip●●rus was not of paul , phil. . . of poverty or affliction . an alphabetical table . a abarbanel commended , l. . p. aben ezra commended , ib. actions . how we dishonour god in our common actions , l. . p. , acts. acts of the apostles , why so called , l. . p. who are the best expositors of it , l. . p. . adam . adam , his first sinne was a great sinne , l. . p. , , the time of his fall uncertain , l. . the evil consequents of that first sinne , l. . p. adoption , l. . p. , adultery , what , l. . p. , affections : affections , how they are called , and what they are , l. . p. , god doth his people good by them , l. . p. , & their finfulnesse , l. . p. , marks of sanctified affections , and means to sanctifie them , l. . p. , particular affections , l. . p. , , the simple affections , l. . p. , the compound , l. . p. . to affections in god , l. . p. agony , what , l. . p. air divided into three regions , and the use of it , l. . p. , all-heal , an herb very medicinal , l. . p. . m. all sufficient . god is all sufficient , l. . p. , amazement double , l. . p. ambition , l. . p. , amos , when he wrote , who best interpret him , l. . p. auabaptists confuted , l. . p. . l. . p. , , , , amen , an hebrew word , and what it signifies , l. . we should say amen to others prayers , ibid angels . angels , why not spoken of in the creation , and when made , l. . p. their names , nature , and divers questions about them , l. . p. , , , , , , , , , , do not move the heavens , l. . p. angelici a sect of hereticks , l. . p. anger . anger , what in god , l. . p. , what in us , the several names of it , its rectitude , corruption , sanctification , l. . p. . to annointing , what it signifies , l. . p. , . m. , antichrist . antichrist , what it signifies , l. . p. he usurps christs offices , ib. several degrees of his discovery , ib. not one person , l. . p. corrollaries from antichrist , l. . p. anthropomorphites , what , l. . p. antinomians . antinomians , what they are , and who write best against them . l. . p. confuted , l. . p. see p. antinomianism a most dangerous errour , l. . p. appetite , its rectitude , corruption , and sanctification , l. . p. , apocalyps . apocalyps , why so called , l. . p. questioned by some , but is canonical , l. . p. , apocrypha . apocrypha , which books are so called , l. . p. . and why , ibid. reasons why those books are not divinely inspired , nor canonical , l. . p. , , , apostasie . mans apostasie what , l. . p. apostasie a sin , l. . p. , , , apostle , what it signifies , l. . p. . see m. aqua , whence derived , l. . p. aquarii , why so called , l. . p. aquinas commended , l. . p. arabick . the arabick trannslation , l. . p. arians confuted , l. . p. arius his perjury , l. . p. . m. ariminans . arminians confuted , l. p. , , . m. and text , p. , , . arminianism what , l. . p. . l. . p. arts , all arts come from god , l. . p. ascend , christ ascended , and why , l. . p. . to assurance . assurance of salvation , l. p. one may be certain of his justification , l. . p. , , of election and salvation , l. p. the kindes and degrees of assurance , l. . p. it is difficult to attain assurance , l. . p. the means to get and keep it , l. . p. astrology and astronomy what , l. . p. atheists . several sorts of atheists , l. . p. , , have come to some evil end , l. . p. , their objections , that there is no god answered , l. . p. , attributes . attributes of god , why so called , l. . p. how distinguished from properties , l. . p. , what rules are to be observed about them , ibid. how divided , and how they differ from those properties that are in men and angels , l. . p. augustine commended , l. . p. , . l. . p. authentical . authentical , what it is , l. . p. authentical edition of scripture , l. . p. . to the hebrew for the old testament , and the greek for the new testament , l. . p. , , not the translation of the septuagint , l. . p. , nor the vulgar latine , l. . p. , , authority . the greatnesse of gods authority wherein it consists , l. . p. the difference between power and authority , l. . p. , b baptism . baptism , what it signifies , and how it may be described , l. . p. the priviledges of gods children by baptism , l. . p. the duties baptism engageth us to , l. . p. , the essential parts of baptism , l. . p. whether dipping or sprinkling be to be used in baptism , l. . p. the necessity of baptism , l. . p. whether women and laicks may baptize , l. . p. , how christs baptism and iohns differ , l. . p. , who are to be baptized , ibid. the baptizing of infants proved , and the objections against it answered , l. . p. , , it was a common practice in the primitive church to defer their baptism till they were old , and why , l. . p. , baptism celebrated in the church of rome , true baptism , l. . p. whether immediate or remote parents give children right to baptism , l. . p. , whether the children of infidels and papists may be baptized , l. . p. , whether the use of witnesses be necessary in baptism , l. . p. beasts . beasts , their usefulnesse , l. . p. , in the outward senses excell man , ib. bees for what they are notable , l. . p. , bernard a devout man , and good for that corrupt age wherein he lived , l. . p. beza commended , l. . p. bible . bible , why so called , l. . p. . m. who first distinguished the bible into chapters and verses , l. . p bishop what he is , and whether above a presbyter , l. . p. , , blasphemy against the holy ghost , l. . p. , blesse , &c. blesse , what it signifies , l. . p. god is most blessed , l. p. blessedness what , l. . p. , , blindenesse spiritual the worst , l. . p. boasting , l. . p. bounty , l. . , , bread. what meant by daily bread in the fourth petition of the lords prayer , l. . p. , , bribery , l. . p. bucer commended , l. . p. buried , christ was buried , and why , l. . p. c cajetane commended , l. . p. calling . effectual calling stands in four things , l. . p. marks of it , ibid. calvin commended , l. . p. canon . why the scripture is called a canon or canonical , l. . p. . & the conditions of a canon , l. . p. . , a three-fold canon in the church , l. . p. some abolish , some adde to the canon , l. . p. the canonical books of the new testament how divided , l. . p. , why seven epistles are called sometimes canonical , and sometimes catholick , l. . p. canticles . canticles , how called in hebrew and latine , l. . p. , who the author of it , and who the best interpreters of it , ib. cardinals of rome , what they are , l. . p. carual-confidence condemned , l. . p. , catholicks , the papists falsly so called , l. . p. , . m. ceremonies under the law had relation to christ , l. . p. , chaldee paraphrase . the chaldee paraphrase of the old testament , why so called , of great esteem with the jews , l. . p. , when written , l. . p. , some part of the old testament written in chaldee ; l. . p. . m. & . m. change. a reasonable creature may be changed many wayes , l. . p. god is unchangeable every way , ibid. chiliasts condemned , l. . p. christ. christ is the great and free gift of god , l. . p : , is god , l. . p. . to why , and how he is god , l. . p. , , was man , why and how he was man , l. . p. , , why born of a virgin , l. . p. , when and where he was born , l. . p. he was the messiah promised of old , l. . p. god and man in one person , l. . p. , he was a saviour , redeemer , mediator , surety , christ , a lord , l. . p. . to he merited nothing by his death for himself , l. . p. a priest , l. . p. , , a prophet . l. . p. , a king , l. . p. . to christs double state of humiliation and exaltation , l. . p. . to he died not for all , l. . p. he died in our stead , l. . p. . m. how he is begotten of the father , l. . p. chronicles , who the authors of them , and the best expositors of them , l. . p. chrysostom commended , l. . p. church . church , what it signifieth , l. . p. why catholick and holy , l. . p. , the true church hath given testimony to the scripture in all ages , l. . p. , we are first moved to hearken to the scriptures , because of the churches testimony , l. . p. it hath a four fold office in respect of the scripture , l. . p. the church of rome will not suffer the scripture to be read in a known tongue without special leave , l. . p. the marks of the church , l. . p. whether it may erre , l. . p. , the church of rome apostatical , l. . p. , there is a church government , and who have the power , l. . p. , , how church-members are to be qualified , l. . p. , circumcision , two things considered in it , l. . p. clemency , what in god , l. . p. , clouds , a great work of god , l. . p. , colosse the chief city of phrygia , l. . p. colossians , who best expound it , ibid. combate . the spiritual combate between the flesh and spirit , l. . p. , , coming . christs several comings , l. . p. how his first and second coming agree and differ , ibid. commandments . commandments , general rules for interpreting them , l. . p. , the general sins against the commandments of each table , l. . p. , the division of the commandments , l. . p. the first commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the second commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the third commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the fourth commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the fifth commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the sixth commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the seventh commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the eighth commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to the ninth commandment interpreted and handled l. . p. . to the tenth commandment interpreted and handled , l. . p. . to communion . communion with christ , l. . p. communion of the saints , wherein it consists , l. . p. concordances , which the best , l. . p. concupiscence a sin , l. . p. , confession . auricular confession not necessary to the pardon of sin , l. . p , we must make a confession or profession of the truth , l. . p. , confidence , l. . p. , conscience . conscience , what it is , l. . p. and the force of it to prove that there is a god , ibid. contentednesse . contentedness required in the last commandment and de●cribed , l. . p. motives and means , l. . p. , conversion . conversion , what it is , l. . wherein it differs from false conversion , l. . p. the properties of it , l. . p. , motives to and means of conversion , l. . p. , corinth , the metropolis in achaia , l. . p. corinthians , the best expositors of both epistles , l. . p. , councels . the florentine and trent councel censured , l. . p. , the true interpretation of scripture not to be sought from general councels , l. . p. who hath the power of calling councels , and who are to be called to them , l. . p. whether general councels may erre , and whether they be above the pope , l. . p. , courage . courage , what it is , its kinds , l. . p. it must be well ordered , l. . p. motives to , and means of christian courage , ibid. covetousnesse , l. . p. , creation . creation taken two ways , l. . p. described , and the description explained , ibid consectaries from the creation , l. . p. ● . to creature . every creature is limited , l. . p. crocodile , its huge bignesse , l. . p. the meaning of that proverb , crocodili lacrymae , ibid. cruelty a great sin , l. . p. crystal and crystal-glasses , l. . p. cursing , l. . p. cyprian commended , l. . p. d danger , christs danger , l. . p. daniel . daniel , when he wrote his prophecy , l. . p. wrote much of it in chaldee , ibid. & p. the best expositors of him , ibid. dates , why so called , l. . p. day . day , what it is , l. . p. its creation a great work and usefull , ibid. & p. its names in greek and latine , l. . p. . m. debts , why sins are called debts , l. . p. , deceit , l. . p. , decrce . decrce , what it is , l. . p. , gods decree described , ibid. the properties of it , ibid. it is two fold , l. . p. consectaries from it , l. . p. deity . hereticks that opposed christs deity , and the holy ghosts , l. . p. , . & l. . p. , demonstration . two kinds of demonstrations , l. . p. . m. descend . descend into hell , what that article in the creed means , l , . p. . to desire , the nature of it , gods image in it , its corruption and sanctification , l. . p. . to despair , what it is , l. . p. . devils . devils , their names and nature , l. . p. , their sin , and why they fell irrecoverably with the time of their fall , l. . p. , they are malicious , subtil , powerful , l. . p. , questions about them resolved , l. . p. . to deuteronomy . why the fifth book of moses is so called , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ib dew what , l. . p. how we dishonour god inwardly and outwardly , l. . p. . to discipline , wherein it consists , l. p. wherein abused , l. . p. , , distrust , l. . p. divination , l. . p. , divinity . divinity that it is , l. . p. what it is , l. . p. , its definition and several kindes , l. . p. how it is to be taught , l. . p. how to be learned , ibid. the opposites of it , l. p. its excellency , ibid. the rule and matter of it , l. . p. division , l. , p. , dogs faithful to men , l. . p. dolphin very swift , l. . p. a great lover of man , ib. dominion . dominion , what it is , l. . p. god hath supream dominion over all creatures , l. . p. drunkennesse , l. . p. , du●l unlawfull , l. . p. , e eagle flies high , sees acutely , and is tender of her young , l. . p. earth . earth , whence that word is derived , l. . p. the creation of it a special work of god , l. . p. , . it s circular motion refuted , l. . p. . m. & l. . p. . m earthquake . earthquake , the cause of it ▪ l. . p. . m. it is general or particular , ibid. ecclesiastes . ecclesiastes , why so called , its author , l. ● . p. the summe of it , and the best interpreters of it , ibid. election . election , what the word signifies , l. . p. it is described , ibid. and the description explained , l. . p. , what the object of it , l. . p. neither foreseen faith , nor foreseen works the cause of it , l. . p. all are not elected , l. . p. , , there is an election of persons , l. . p. element what , and the number of the elements , l. p. , elephant , his magnitude and understanding , l. . p. empty , no vacuum or meer empty place , l. . p. ▪ l. . p. epicure confuted , l. . p. , epistles . epistles , why so called , l. . p. how they are divided , and who best expounds them , l. . p. , in what order they were written , l. . p. , ephesians , who best expound it , l. . p. erasmus commended , l. . p. . & m. & . m errour , l. . p. , esther . esther , why so called , and by whom written , l. . p. who are the best expositors of it , ibid. eternity . the world not eternal , l. . p. , . & l. . p. god is eternal , l. . p. , , what eternity is , l. . p. evangelists . evangelists , who , l. . p the harmony and difference between them , l. p. ● evil. evil , what it is , l. . p. what deliverance from evil means , l. . p. excommunication , what it is and its parts , l. . p. exodus . exodus , why the second book of moses is so called , l. . p. contains a history of above a hundred years , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ibid. expositors of scripture , who are the best among the jews , fathers , papists , protestants , l. . p. , ezekiel . ezekiel , what it signifies , l. . p. when he prophesied , ibid. the best expositors of it , ibid. ezra . ezra , who the author of it , l. . p. the best expositor of it , l. . p. ● f faculty . faculty what , l. . p. three reasonable faculties in man , ibid. faith. faith , what it is , l. . p. , how taken in the new testament , l. . p. , three things in it , l. . p. its object and acts , ibid. it s subject , l. . p. , the degrees of faith , l. . p. faith of adherence and assurance , l. . p. , its end is everlasting life , l. . p. how it is wrought , ibid. how it differs from hope , ibid. it is an excellent grace , l. . p. whether infants have faith , and whether it be in the glorified saints , l. . p. , whether justifying faith be commanded in the decalogue , whether it or repentance precede , l. . p. christians should endeavour to live by faith , and what it is to live by it , l. . p. , motives to get faith , and helps to it , l. . p. whether faith alone doth justifie , l. . p. , , fruits of faith , l. . p. , , , faithfull . god is faithfull , l. . p. , what faithfulnesse is , l. . p. , ministers must be faithfull in their calling , l. . p. fall of man , l. . p. , familists . familists rest wholly in an immediate private spirit , l. . p. confuted , l. . p. fasting . what religious fasting is , l. . p. , what we must abstain from , l. . p. the ends and means of a religious fast , l. . p. , the usual time of a fast and for fasting , l. . p. the popish fasting condemned , l. . p. fathers . fathers , what they were , l. . p. , some of them commended , l. . p. . to fear . fear , what it is , the kindes of fear , the measure of it , l. . p. how it is taken , its object and effects , l. . p. , christs great fear , l. . p. feasting . holy feasting , the nature of it , and helps to it , l. . p. fire , l. . p. fishe● ▪ a great work of god , l. . p. , flattery . flattery , l. . p. flight , what it is , l. . p. forgiveness . forgiveness of sins what , l. . p. every one of christs subjects hath his sins forgiven , l. . p. the forgivenesse of sins is free and full , l. . p. , god only forgives sins , l. . p. what is the meaning of the fifth petition of the lords prayer , l. . p. , , , auricular confession not necessary to forgivenesse of sins , l. . p. , fowls , their nature and use , l. . p. . free-will , l. . p. . to frost , what it is , l. . p. g galatians , who best expound it , l. . p. genesis why the first book of moses is so called , l. . p. contains a history of above two thousand years , ibid. the best expositors of it , ib. why the jews might not reade in the beginning of genesis , the beginning and end of ezekiel , nor in canticles , ibid. the first chapter of it divided , l. . p. , , gentiles . gentiles , many predictions of their conversion , l. . p. some of them give testimony to sundry passages in the scripture , l. . p. ghost . the holy ghost is god , l. . p. ● glory . glory , what it is in god , and its several acceptions , l. . p. , the difference between praise , honour and glory , l. . p. gloria , whence derived , ibid. how gods glory is manifested , l. . p. a double glory in things , l. . p. consectaries from gods glory , l. . p. , glorious . god is glorious , l. . p. , , , , gluttony , l. . p. , god. how he is called in several languages , l. . p. that there is a god , l. . p. . to the knowledge of god is necessary , profitable , difficult , l. . p. , we know god three wayes , l. . p. there is a three-fold knowledge of god , ibid. what god is , l. . p. , how the word god is taken in scripture , l. . p. the several name of god , l. . p. his attributes , wh●● they be , ibid how they di●●●● from properties , and what rules are to be observed in attributing them to god , l. . p. how his attributes are divided , l. . p. good. god is good , the chiefest good , l. . p. , goodnesse . goodnesso , what it is , and what in god , l. . p. the properties of his goodnesse , and the difference between his goodness and that in the creature , l. . p. , gospel . gospel was written by many , and why , l. . p. why they are called gospels , l. . p. its ends and parts , the terms of it , l. . p. , sins against the gospel greater then against the law , l. . p. government ecclesiastical in whom , l. . p. , gracious , god is gracious , l. . p. , grass , a great work of god , l. . p. great . god is exceeding great in nature , works and authority , l. . p. . to greek . the greek translation of the old testament is not authentical , l. . p. , the greek text of the new testament is not corrupted , l. . p. , growth of grace , l. . p. , , guilt of sin , what . l. . p. h habakkuk , when he wrote , and who best interpret him , l. . p. haggai , when he wrote , and who best interpret him , ibid. hail , what , l. . p. , hatred . hatred in god what , l. . p. , what in us , and upon what it should be exercised , l. . p. , the nature , kinds and causes of it , l. . p. the object , quality and fruits of it , l. . p. , the sanctification of it , ibid. hearing . hearing the word a duty , l. . p. how we must hear , l. . p. , heathens . heathens might by the light of nature know that there was a god , and that he was to be worshipped , but could not know him savingly , l. . p. nor be saved by the light of nature , l. . p. , . & p. heaven . the creation of the heavens is a wonderful work of god , l. . p. . to how the heavens work upon inferiour ●●●●●s , l. . p. . m the philosophers divide heaven into divers orbs , the scripture mentions only three heavens , l. . p. , we see not god in that great work of the heavens l. . p. heaven is an excellent place , l. . p. , hebrew . hebrew , why so called , l. . p. the first tongue and a holy tongue , ibid. most of the books of the old testament were written in hebrew , ibid. the jews corrupted not the hebrew text , l. . p. to the hebrew text in the old testament authentical , l. . p. , whether the hebrew text had vowels or pricks from the beginning , l. . p. , hebrews . hebrews ▪ that epistle is canonical though rejected 〈…〉 some hereticks , and pauls , l. . p. , , and written in greek , l. . p. who best expound it , ib. hell , the torments and place , l. . p. , herbs , their variety and use , l. . p. , heresie , l. . p. , hereticks . hereticks , wrest the scripture , l. . p. hereticks which opposed christs god-head and man-hood , l. . p. , history . history p'easant , l. . p. none comparable to that of the scripture , ibid. what books are called historical in the new testament , and why , l. . p. holy. the scripture is holy , l. . p. , , the general nature of holiness , l. . p. what in man , what in god , l. . p. , hope . hope , what it is , the object , act and measure of it , l. . p. the image of god in it , its corruption , sanctification , ibid. marks of a sanctifiea hope , motives to , and means of it , l. . p. horse . horse , an elegant description of him , l. . p. bucephalus , alexanders and banks his horse , ibid. hosea . hosea , what it signifies , and when he prophesied , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ib. humility what , an excellent grace , l. . p. , husband and wife , their mutual duties , l. . p. , to hypocrifie , l. . p. , i iames. iames , this epistle was doubted of in ancient times , and why , l. . p. what luthers opinion was of it , l. . p. who best expound it , ib. iansenius commended , l. . p. ierom commended , l. . p. idlenesse , l. . p. idolatry . idolatry , what it is , l. . p. a great sin , l. . p. ieremy . ieremy , when he prophesied , and who best expounds him , l. . p. iesus . iesus , what it signifies , l. . p. , the papists abuse that name four wayes , l. . p. , iesuites , the popes great pillars , but traiterous subjects , l. . p. , iews . iews corrupted not the hebrew text of the old testament , l. . p. . to their enmity to the gospel , l. . p. who were the best interpreters among them , l. . p. , image . image and fimilitude the same , l. . p. a four-fold image or likenesse , and wherein the image of god consisted , l. . p. . to immortal . god is immortal , l. . p. , a thing is immortal two wayes , ibid. the soul of man immortal , and the reasons of it , l. . p. . to immutable . god immutable , l. . p. . to impenitence , l. . p. , imperfection . six imperfections in all creatures , l. . p. imposition of hands why used , l. . p. imputation . imputation what , l. . p. of adams sin , l. p. , of christs righteousnesse , l. . p. , incest . incest , a strange example of a horse about it , l. p. independent . god is independent , l. . p. infinite . god is infinitt , l. . p. , injustice , l. . p. intemperance , l. . p. , inspiration . inspiration , what it is , l. . p. every part of scripture is divinely inspired , l. . p. intercession . christs intercession what , l. . p. . to interpretation . interpretation of scripture , l. . p. . to who the best interpreters , l. . p. . to means to be used for understanding the scripture , l. . p. . to invisible . a thing is two wayes invisible , l. . p. . m iob. iob , who the authour of it , l. . p. very ancient , ibid. how divided , and who the best expositors of it , l. . p. ioel. ioel , when he prophesied , and who best expound him , l. . p. iohn . iohn called the divine by an excellency , l. . p. describes our saviours divinity more expresly then any of the rest , ibid. who best expound the gospel , ibid. who best interpret the epistles , l. . p. they are canonical , l. . p. ionah . ionah , when he prophesied , and who best interpret him , l. . p. ioshua . ioshua , why so called , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ib. ioy. ioy , the nature of the affection , gods image in it , its corruption and sanctification , l. . p. , the properties of sanctified ioy , motives , marks and means of it , l. . p. , irenaeus commended , l. . p. isaiah . isaiah elegant , oftner cited in the new testament then any of the prophets , l. . p. the best expositours of him , l. . p. of the bloud-royal , ibid. iude. iude , that epistle is apostolical , l. . p who best expound it , ib. iudges . iudges , why so called , and who its authour , ibid. the best expositors of it , ibid. iudgement . the last iudgement , l. . p. all are to be judged , and by christ , l. . p. . to the day of iudgement terrible to the wicked , but comfortable to the godly , l. . p. , the time uncertain , the place and signs of it , l. . p. , the preparation and performance of it , and corollaries from it , l. . p. , iunius commended , l. . p. iurisdiction ecclesiastical , l. . p. , iustice. whether inherent iustice be actual or habitual , l. . p. iustice , what it is , l. . p. , iust. god is iust , l. . p. . to whether god see sinne in the iust , l. . p. iustification . how the word is used in scripture , and what iustification is , l. . p. the difference between it and vocation , ibid. whether all one with remission of sins , l. . p. the parts of iustification , l. . p. . to one may be certain of his iustification , l. . p. , the several periods of iustification , l. . p. iustified . whether we be iustified by inherent or imputed righteousnesse , l. . p. , whether we be iustified by christs active and passive obedience , l. . p. , whether faith alone iustifies , l. . p. , k kimchi commended , l. . p. kinde . god is kinde , l. . p. kingdom . kingdom of god two-fold , l. . p. the meaning of that petition , thy kingdom come , l. . p. , kings . kings , why they are so called , the authors of those two books , and best expositors of them , l. . p. knowledge , l. . p. . to l labour , christ underwent hard labours for us ▪ l. . p. lactautius commended , l. . p. lamentations . lamentations , why so called , l. . p. where and how long ieremy prophesied , ibid fit to write lamentations , and why , ib. the best expositors of it , ib. latine . the vulgar latine translation , why so called , l. . p. which are the best latine translations of the new testament , ib. law. law , what it is , l. . p. the moral law , l. . p. . to there are four precepts in the first table , and six in the second , l. . p. the moral law is in force in the christian church , l. . p. , , it is a glasse , bridle , rule , ib. the law cannot be perfectly fulfilled in this life , l. . p. , legends , why so called , l. . p. leviticus . why the third book of moses is so called , l. . p. , the best expositors of it , ibid. lexicon . which are the best lexicous for understanding the hebrew and greek text , l. . p. liberty . the willing good necessarily hinders not liberty , l. . p. . & . m. life . several kindes of life , l. . p ▪ , . & l. . p. . how gods life differs from the life of the creatures , l. . p. , what spiritual life is , ibid. wherein natural life and it agree and differ , ibid. evidences of spiritual life , motives to it , and means of it , l. . p. , life everlasting , l. . p. . to light. light , an excellent work of god , l. . p. , its abstruse nature and excellent use , ibid. limbus insantum , l. . p. lion. a strange story of a lion , l. . p. living . god is living , l. . p. . to long-suffering . god is long-suffering , l. . p. lot. the nature and use of lots , l . p. , when abused , l. . p. . to love. love , what in god , l. . p. , the properties of it , l. . p. our love to him , ibid. the affection of love in us what , l. . p. gods image in it , ib. it s corruption and sanctification , l. . p. . to luke . luke only makes a preface before his gospel , and who best interpret him , l. . p. the difference between lumen and lux , l. . p. the lutherans confuted about the ubiquity of christs body , l. . p. lying , l. . p. , lyranus commended , l. . p. m maimonides commended , l. . p. malachy , when he wrote , and who best expound him , l. . p. maldonate commended , l. . p. malice , ibid. man made after gods image , l. . p. mark. mark wrote in greek , l. . p. , , when he wrote , and who best exp●und him , l. . p. martyrs . divers suffered for the truth , l. . p. , how true martyrs differ from false , l. . p. masius commended , l. . p. masse . masse , why so called , the evil of it , l. . p. . to private masse unlawful , l. . p. , it is not lawful to be present at the masse , l. . p. massorites their exact diligence in numbering the words , and letters , and points of scripture , l. p. , masters their duty , l. . p. matthew . matthew wrote in greek , l. . p. 〈…〉 never any doubted of the authority of 〈…〉 〈…〉 when he wrote , and who best expound 〈…〉 〈…〉 mediatour . mediatour who , and how christ is our mediator , l p. ●● , whether christ was a mediatour according to both his natures , l. . p. , meditation . meditation , what it is , l. . p. when it is fit to meditate of the creatures , l. . p. , marks to try when we meditate fruitfully of the creatures , ibid. meek . how god is meek , l. . p. memory , what it is , its sanctification , l. . p. mercy . mercy , what in god , l. . p. . to how his mercy differs from mercy in us , l. . p. on what terms and to whom he will shew mercy , l. . p. what in us , l. . p. . to metals . metals what , l. . p. which most precious , ib. m. meteors what they are , their several kindes and matter , l. . p. , micah . micah , when he prophesied , and who expound him well , l. . p. , minister . minister his calling , l. p. . to the minister afore the church , l. . p. his duty , l. . p. , the honour of that function , and their maintenance , l. . p. , miracles . miracles of confirmation and preservation , l. . p. , how true and false miracles differ , l. . p. , what they are , l. . p. , monks . monks , why so called , they are highly honoured by papists , l. ▪ p. , moon . moon , how called in latine and hebrew , l. . p. it is the cause of the seas ebbing and flowing , ibid. mortification ▪ l. . p. . to mountains a great work of god , l. . p. murder . murder , what it is , l. . p. a crying sin , l. . p. , self-murder a great sin , l. . p. , murmuring , l. . p. , mystery . mystery of the trinity a great mystery , l. . p. n nahum . nahum , when he wrote , and who expound him best , l. . p. name . what is meant by gods name , l. . p. what it is to take gods name in vain , ibid. navigation . the art of navigation a great work , l. . p. , useful , l. . p. nazianzen commended , l. . p. necessary . the scripture is necessary , l. . p. , god is a necessary essence , l. . p. nehemiah . nehemiah , why so called , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ibid. night . night , what , l. p. its usefulnesse , l. . p. numbers . numbers , why the fourth book of moses is so called , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ibid. o oath . oath , the nature and use of it , l. . p. . to the abuses of it , l. . p. . to obadiah . obadiah , when he prophesied , l. . p. dt rainolds expounds him well , ibid obedience . obedience , what it is , l. . p. its kindes , ibid. obey . we should obey god , and why , l. . p. . & l. . p. , obscure . many things in the scripture obscure and difficult l. . p. . to and why , l. . p. the difference between mare and oceanus , l. . p. omnipotent . god is omnipotent , l. . p. . to omnipresent . god is omnipresent , l. . p. christs body is not , l. . p. omniscient . god is omniscient , l. p. . to one. god is wholly one , l. . p. . to oppression , l. . p. ordination . ordination of minister● , l. . p. , distinguished from election , l. . p. origen . origen commended for his diligence , l. . p. censured , l. . p. p palm-tree what , l. ▪ p. papists confuted , l. . p. . & l. . p. , , paradise . paradise , where , l. . p. whether destroyed by the floud , ibid. paraphrase . the use of the chaldee paraphrases is very great , l. . p. parents duties to their children , l. : p. , , pastors . pastors their names , they were of years before they entred into that function , l. . p. their office vindicated , l. . p. . to patient . god is patient , l. . p. what patience is in us , ib. paul a great champion of grace , l. . p. peace , l. . p. , pearls which best , and why they are called uniones in latine , l. . p. perfect . the scripture is perfect , l. . p. . to god is perfect , l. . p. , person . person in the trinity , the word used in scripture , l. . p. the word may well be used , ibid. what a person is , l. . p. several things required to a person , l. . p. the communion and distinction of the persons in the trinity , l. . p. , pelagius . pelagius mentions grace often but hides his meaning , l. . p. he saith , grace is given for our merits , l. . p. pelagians confuted , l. . p. pentateuch . pentateuch , why so called , l. . p. contains a history from the beginning of the world to the death of moses , ibid. who have written well on it , l. . p. . see l. . p , people , the duty of people to their ministers , l. p. , perjury , l. . p. perseverance , l. . p. , peter . whether he exercised a primacy at rome , l. . p. peter , who best expound both those epistles , l. p. . philemon , who best interpret him , l. . p. philippians , who best interpret it , ibid. piscator commended , l. . p. , plain . the scripture is plain in fundamentals , l. . p. , . to polygamy , l. . p. poor . christ was poor for our sakes , l. . p. , postils . postils , what they are , l. . p. . m. censured , l. . p. prayer . prayer must be to god alone , not saints , l. . p. , and in christs name , ibid. kindes of prayer , l. . p. mental and vocal prayer , l. . p. , sodain and composed prayer , l. . p. set and prescribed prayer , ibid. what gesture we should use in prayer , l. . p. the place and time of prayer , l. . p. , what we must do after , ibid. the lords prayer opened , l. . p. . to corollaries from the defects of our prayers , l. . p. , , motives and means to prayer , l. . p. ● , the efficacy of prayer , l. . p. , the godly must pray and persevere in prayer , l. . p. , objections against prayer answered , l. . p. who not to be prayed for , l. . p. preaching . preaching , what it is , l. . p. , whether private persons not in office may preach ▪ l. . p. , ministers must preach often , and denounce gods judgements against sinners , l. . p. , predestination . predestination what , l. . p. how it differs from election and providence , ib. the parts of it , l. . p. the errour of the predestinati . l. p. prescience . gods prescience or fore-knowledge , l. . p. distinguished , l. . p. pope . pope , what the word signifies , l. . p. whether the pope of rome be antichrist , l. . p. , whether he be christs vicar , above all other bishops , above kings , can make laws to binde the conscience , determine controversies of faith , l. . p. , , whether he can pardon sins , l. . p. the papists make the pope a god in divers particulars , l. . p. present . god is every where present , l. . p. , , presumption , what , l. p. pride . pride a great sinne , l. . p. , , principle . a double principle in divinity , l. . p. how principles may be demonstrated , l. . p. prophaneness what , l. . p. prophets . how the prophetical books are divided , l. . p. why twelve prophets are called the lesser , ibid. who expound the lesser prophets , ibid. proverbs . proverbs , by whom written , their excellency , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ibid. providence . providence , whence , l. . p. . m. that it is , and what it is , l. . p. , the object of it , l. . p. , the kindes of it , l. . p. . to psalms . psalms , how called in hebrew , l. . p. often quoted in the new testament , ibid. who the author of them , ibid. and how divided , ibid. the best expositors of it , ibid. a choice book , ib. & p. the turks swear solemnly by davids psalms , l. p. pure . the scripture is pure , l. . p. purgatory confuted , l. . p. , r rabbins , some censured , others commended , l. . p. rain . rain a great work of god , l. . p. , rain-bow , the cause of it , l. . p. it s several colours , ib. railing , l. . p. reading . who are commanded to reade the scripture , l. . p. the scripture is to be read publickly and privately , l. . p. what reading the scripture is , ibid. the scripture read may be the instrument of regeneration , ibid. how the scripture is to be read , l. . p. , reason . reason , the uses of it in matters of religion , l. . p. rebaptizing condemned , l. . p. rebellion against god and man , l. . p. , recovery . what mans recovery is , l. . p. . to redeemer . redeemer , christ how , l. . p. , redemption , what , l. . p. religion . three characters of the true religion , l. . p. remora , able to stay the greatest ship under sail , l. . p. repent . how god is said to repent , and how not , l. . p. repentance , what in us , l. . p. , reproach . christ reproached for our sakes , l. . p. , reprobation . reprobation , what it signifies , and what it is , l. . p. the word taken three wayes , and five evil consequences of it , ibid. resurrection . christ rose from the dead , and why , l. . p. to our resurrection , l. . p. , revelation . the manner of gods revealing his will threefold , l. . p. the book of revelation , why so called , l. . p. it is canonical , l. . p. , difficult , ibid. the best interpreters of it , l. . p. revenge , l. . p. , , reverence . reverenco , l. . p. ; in worship , l. . p , , righteousnesse . whether original righteousnesse was natural to adam , l. . p. the properties of original righteousnes , l. . p. christs righteousnesse is ours , l. . p. , marks to try whether we have it , and means to get it , ibid. rivers . rivers , their original use and motion , l. . p. , the river nilus , l. . p. . & romans . romans an excellent epistle , l. . p. who best expound it , ib. rule . the properties of a rule , l. p. , the scripture is the rule of faith and life , ibid. & ruth . ruth by whom written , l. . p. the best expositors of it , ibid. s sacraments . sacraments , their name and nature , l. . p. , the church hath ever had sacraments , l. . p. ▪ the use of sacraments , and their parts , l. . p. , the necessity and efficacy of the sacraments , l. . p. , how the sacraments of the jewish church and ours agree , and how they differ , l. . p. , the sacraments of the new testament only two l. . p. sacraments are to be dispensed only by a minister , l. . p. the use of the sacraments of the new testament ibid. sadduce● confuted , l. . p. . & samuel . the authors of the two books of samuel , and the best expositors of them . l. . p. sanctification . sanctification , what , l. . p. , ● its parts and properties , l. . p. why all godly men must be pure and holy , l. . p. the excellency of sanctification , l. . p. it is imperfect here , and why , l. . p. , evidences of sanctification , and means to get it , l. . p. the sanctification of the whole man soul and body , l. . p. , of the minde , l. . p. of the will , l. . p. , of the conscience , l. . p. , of the memory , l. . p. of the affections , l. . p. , to of the sensitive appetite , l. p. , of mans body , and all the external actions , l. . p. ▪ to satisfaction . christ satisfied for us , l. . p. ▪ it was convenient christ should satisfie for us , l. . p. , the difference between merit and satisfaction , ibid. saviour . christ is our saviour and how , l. . p. ▪ scandal , l. . p. schism , l. . p. , schoolmen taxed , l. . p. scientia media , an errour , l. p. . m scripture . it is the rule of divinity , l. . p. three general characters to know any word to be the word of god , ibid. god revealed himself divers wayes to the fathers , ibid. the divers epithetes of the scripture , l. . p. , why called the word of god , l. . p. . m why the scripture , ib. the divine authority of the scriptures proved by many reasons , l. . p , . to a description of the scripture , l. . p. the scripture is not repugnant to humane reason and policy , l. . p. it is for it self worthy to be believed and known to be of god , by it self , ib. it hath its authority from it self , not the church , l. . p. , it is to be read by the common people , l. . p. , how it is to be read , l. . p. , , many contemn and unreverently handle the scripture , l. . p. , , the canonical books of scripture , l. . p. of the old and new testament , l. . p. . to what parts of scripture have been questioned , l. . p. the authentical edition of scripture , l. . p. . to whether any books of the scripture be lost , l. . p. , whether the scriptures of the old testament had points from the beginning , l. . p. , the end of the scripture , l. . p. the properties of the scripture , its divine authority , truth , it is the rule of faith and life , necessity , purity , perfection , perspicuity , l. . p. to the interpretation of the scripture . . it s divers senses . . to whom belongs the chief authority to expound scripture ▪ . the means which must be used in the interp●e●ation of it , l. . p. . to sea. sea , a great work of god , the making of it , l. . p. , , why called m●re , ib. m. divers questions about it answered , l. . p. , , sedition , l. . p. , , self love , l. . p. self-denial , l. . p. self seeking , l. . p. , septuagint . septuagint , the greek translation of the old testament , l. . p. is not authentical , l. . p. , serpents . serpents , a three-fold profit redounds to us from them , l. . p. , why satan is called the old serpent , l. . p. servants . two kindes of them , three things commend a servant , l. . p. , severity , l. . p. , ship , the materials of it wonderful , l. . p. , signs , several sorts of them , l. . p. , simple . god is most simple , l. . p. , sincerity , l. . p. singing of psalms a duty , and how to be performed , l. . p. , sinne. sin , what it is , l. . p. divided into original and actual , ibid. & l. . p. that there is original sin , its names , and what it is , l. . p. , , the subject of it , l. . p. it is not the substance of a man , l. . p. , many hereticks extenuate it , ib. all equally guilty of original sinne , l. . p. , how it is propagated , l. ▪ p. , we are all guilty of adams sin , l. . p. , what actual sin is , l. ▪ p. distinguished , l. . p. four things in sin , ibid. a raigning sin what , and how known , l. . p. the evil of sin , l. ▪ . to the degrees of sin , l. . , sins of omission worse then sins of commission in some respects , l. . p. what sins make us like the devil , ● . . p. sins against the gospel greater then against the law , l. . p. , all sins are mortal , l. . p. to god not the cause of sin , l. . p. . to how we communicate with other mens sins , l. ▪ p. , the punishments of sin , l. . p. . to national sins what , l. . p. signs of a christian in regard of sinne , l. . p. ● he may have great corruptions , ibid. & two questions about sin resolved , l. . p. , the saints are carefull to preserve themselves from sin , and especially their own iniquities , l. . p. . to the sinfulnesse of ●●n should chiefly cause us to forbear it , l. p. we must not only avoid but abhorre sin , l. . p we must take heed of little sins and secret sins , l. . p. how god punisheth the sins of parents in their children , l. . p. sitting . what christs sitting at the right hand of his father means , l. . p. , of sitting at the sacrament of the lords supper l. . p. socinians . socinians reject all things in religion which they cannot comprehend by reason , l. . p. confuted , l. . p. sorrow . christs sorrow godly , l. . p. , sorrow in us what , and its sanctification , l. . p. , spectrum unde , l. . p. . m spirit . spirit what , l. . p. , god is a spirit , ibid. & angels are spirits , l. . p. starres how distinguished , l. . p. steal . steal , what it is , l. . p. it is forbidden , ibid. stork . stork , why so called , l. ▪ p. her love to her young ones , and theirs likewise to her , l. . p. , subjects . subjects , their duty , l. . p. , sufferings . christs great sufferings , l. . p. . to s●n , the making of it a great work , l. . p. , superstition . superstitian whence , and what , a great sin , l. . p. supper . the divers names of the lords supper , l. . p. , how described , l. . p. the ends of it , l. . p. it is to be taken in both kinds , l. . p. , scandalous persons are to be kept from it , l. . p. yet one may receive with the wicked , l. . p. whether iudas received the sacrament of the lords supper , l . p. , at what time the lords supper was instituted , and its elements , l. . p. , the elements may not be changed , l. . p. , the breaking of the bread in the supper , not an indifferent ceremony , l. . p. , ● it is not material whether the bread be leavened or unleavened , l. . p. , whether it be necessary to mingle water with the eucharistical wine , l . p. , , the consecration of the elements , l. . , the elements must not be adored , l. . p. , the sacrament is not to be carried up and down l. . p. the necessity of the lords supper , l. . p. and why we must receive it , l. . p. of preparation for it , l. . p. . to there must be due carriage at it , l. . p. , and after , l. . p. how oft it ought to be received , and the gesture at it , l. . p. . to surety . surety what , l. . p. , christ is our surety , ibid. sybils were counterfeit pieces , l. . p. synods . synods , what they are , and their kindes , l. . p. what required to them who are to be called to them , and whether general councels may er●e l. . p. , whether councels or synods be above the pope , l. . p. syriack . syriack ▪ it was spoken in our saviours time , l. . p. the syriack translation of the new testament , l. . p. , t tale-hearing . tale-hearing , hearkning to tale-hearers is ●●in l. . p. , targum why so called , l. . p. tempter . tempter , the devil so called , and why , l. . p. his wayes of tempting , ibid. how to know his temptations , l. . p. , christ was tempted by him , l. . p. , how the devil and world tempt , and how god preserves his people , l. . p. , theology , what it is , and its several kinds , l. . p. thessalonica , a chief city in macedonia , l. . p. thessalonians , who do best on both , ib. testament . the scripture is distinguished into the books of the old and new testament , l. , p. , why the scripture is called a testament , l. . p. the books of the old testament for the most part were written in hebrew , l. . p. and how divided , ibid. of the new in greek , l. . p. and why , ibid how divided , l. . p. ▪ to thanksgiving . see feasting . thought . a christian is to make conscience of his thoughts l. . p. the cure of evil thoughts , l. . p. ● thunder , what it is , and its use , l. . p. , timothy , who do best on both books , l. . p. titles . titles of books not used heretofore , l. . p. , whence the hebrews take the titles of their books , l. . p. titus , who best expounds him , l. . p. torpedo hath a benumming quality , l. . p. tostatus commended , l. . p. traditions . traditions what they signifie , l. . p. , reasons against the popish traditions , l. . p. . to the several kinds of them , l. . p. , translate . the scriptures ought to be translated into vulgar tongues , l. . p. , the several translations of scripture , l. . p. , to transubstantiation refuted , l. . p. , to trees . trees , their nature and use , l. . p. , to the tree of life and knowledge of good and evil in paradise , why so called , l. . p. whether the tree of life was a sacrament , ib. trinity . trinity , the word hath sufficient ground in scripture , l. . p. the mystery of the trinity cannot be known by the light of nature , l. . p. yet it is necessary to be known by them that will be saved , l. . p. a difference between trinity and triplicity , ibid. the doctrine of the trinity explained and applied , p. . to true. the word of god is true and certain , l. . p. god is true , l. . p. , truth , what it is , and the several kinds of it , l. . p. v vain glory , l. . p. vatablus commended , l. . p. versions . the several versions of scripture , l. . p. , to what authority they have , l. . p. vertue , what in god , what in men , l. . p. violence , l. . p. virgin. the virgin mary why called deipara , the mother of god , l. . p. visiting two-fold , l. . p. unbelief , l. . p. , vivification , l. . p. . to understanding . what gods understanding is , l. . p. , differs from ours many wayes , l. . p. what our understanding is , and its sanctification , l. . p. , union . union of two natures in christ described , l. . p. 〈…〉 our union with christ , l. . p. , not only relative , nor essential or personal , l. . p. , three mystical unions , l. . p. marks of our union with christ , and means to preserve it , l. . p. , unkindeness , l. . p. unsetledness , ibid. unthankfulness , ibid. vocation or effectual calling , l. . p. . to vow . what a religious vow is , l. . p. how it is distinguished from an oath , ibid. its ends and uses , l. . p. rules to be observed in vowing , and the manner of it , l. . p. the popish vows of perfection , continence , and poverty condemned , l. . p. . to uranoscope , what , l. . p. usury , l. . p. vulgar , the vulgar latine edition not authentical , l. . p. . to w water a necessary element , its nature and use , l. . p. whales a great work of god , l. . p. . & will. what it is , l. . p. its properties , and how distinguished , l. . p. the meaning of that petition in the lord ▪ prayer , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven , l. . p. the will of man is desperately evil , l. p. , a double will in christ , l. . p. the sanctification of the will , l. . p. , willet commended , l. ● . p. windes a great work of god , l. . p. wisdom . wisdom what , l. . p. 〈…〉 : wherein seen , 〈…〉 godlinesse is true wisdom , l. . p. , the grace of wisdom , l. . p. , witchcraft a great sin , l. . p. witness-bearing . false-witnesse against ones self or other evil , l. . p. , whether the use of witnesses be necessary in baptism , l. . p. , word . why the scripture is called the word , and why the word of god , l. . p. why the word of god was written , l. . p. works . works of god distinguished , l. . p. whether works without faith merit grace ex congruo , and with faith ex condigno , l. . p. good works flowing from the grace of gods spirit in us , do not merit heaven , l. . p. , protestants no enemies to good works , ibid. world how divided by philosophers , and how by the scriptures , l. . p. worship . worship , what is required to it , l. . p. what to the matter and manner , l. . p. . to we must not worship god under any form or picture , l. . p. how humane inventions in worship have been brought in , l. . p. , the several kinds and parts of worship , l. . p. the manner of worship , l. . p. . to preparation to worship , wherein it consists , l. . p. , to the word , prayer , sacraments , vows , ibid. false worship , what , l. . p. , true worship abused , l. . p. , worship solemn and common , l. . p. z zechary , when he wrote , and who best interpret him , l. . p. zephany , when he wrote , and who best interpret him , ibid. errata . reader , i suppose ( if thou hast published any thing thy self ) thou art not ignorant , that it is almost impossible ( though one be never so carefull and diligent ) to free a book wholly from errours : in a large treatise , consisting of many marginal quotations , it is more difficult to avoid them . i might apologize likewise for my self , my absence twice while the book was printing , my reading much of it by candle-light , and my having but one copy , the making use of divers books besides my own for the composing of it , must needs render it a harder province also to observe those faults that have passed . i do not approve of all those things i alleadge , as viz. p. . it cannot then be called the lords supper , since it is rather a break-fast . by this reason it should be necessary to eat before we receive the sacrament , yea to receive it in the evening . nor that p. . in . the sixth and seventh commandment , are otherwise , &c. nor that p. . of the jews being called by vision . i mention not false interpunctions , figures , misplacing of things , or the omission or change of a letter . some things are twice in the same page . p. . à jove principium . p. . in epist. dedicat. p. . l. . and our deborah . epist. to the read. p. . l. . i treat not . l. . fewer . p. . l. . dele the last sanctification p. . l. . wolves and asses . p. . l. . last labour . prolegom . p . l. . dele first most . & l. . apostles . m. protectori . p. m. controversam . p. . m. statut. . l. . errours and discover the danger of them , and that he termed heresie , &c. l. . tort tort. p. . l. . nec nos . l. . roffens . m. called masters or heirs . judg. . . in the book , p. . m. scavoir . p. . l. . conversatio mel . m. alius aliqua . p. . m. non persuadent sed cogunt p. . m. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . talitha . p. . l. . osculamini . m. splendidius . p. . l. . that which follows after possessed me , dele p. . l. . the interpretation . p. . m. ordinatè . p. . l. . necessary . p. ● . m. annis . mayerus in philol. sac. ut sciunt qui in commentariis hebraeis versati sunt sacris , &c. p. , m. determinatur à sagittante . p. . m. dele non . p. . l. the object of the last is all things possible , of the first only , &c. p. . l. . gods will is taken , &c. p. . l. . dele iob . . & l. . make it , sam. . . p. . l. . dele mark . . p. . m. eluceat . p. . m. fruenda . p. . m. respiciens . p. . m. ames . coron . p. . m. dele electio completa , &c. p. . l. . disserentium . p. . m. susi ineri . p. . l. . dele ierech . p. . m. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . m. not more . p. . m. bono . p. . l . out . p. . m. vide plura ibid , should be after cap. . p. . m. eramus . p. . m. sin● hoc . p. . l. . dele rom. . ult . p. . m. dele amos . . p. . l. . one hath written a book of , &c. p. . l. . all men . p. . m. log . p. . l. . that he might be able to undergo the suffering . p. . m. ●i . ● . l. . we have travelled in the night . p. . l. . dele ephes. . . p. . l. . phil. . , , . p. . m. bore . p. . l. . numberer of secrets . p. . l. . dele gal. . . p. . l. . dele not . p. . l. . dele luke . , . p. . l. . dele col. . . p. . l , . the disciples . p. . l. . safety . p. . l. . rather . p. . m. ipsas . p. . solum . p. . l. . in english free will. p. . l. . do only concern . p. . l. . for the righteousness . p. . m. dele body . p. . l. . scraphims . l. . ●in'd were for ever . p. . m. sue to the mercy of god in christ. p. . l. . at some times more then other . p. . m. dele we have no power over the world and satan . p. . l. . lam. . , , . p. . l. . it is set down so . p. . to l. . adde suggestion is only the act of the tempter , the rest of the tempted . p. . m. significatu . p. . l. . ostendit . p. . m. de panis qualitate , &c. dele , it being in the text. p. . l. . dele luke . . p. . l. . christ is able . p. . l. . of a dayes fast in nineveh , and three dayes in esther . l. . sam. . , , . p. . m. dele and those in the reformed churches . p. . m from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . m. dele anglic. volunt hommi●s . l. . work . p. . l. . to do some good that is to be done . p. . m. . he admonisheth us of our forgetfulness in the best things , when he saith , remember . p. . l. , . matth. . . m. dele philol. p. . l. . , . it is designed for god. p. . m. prima . books printed for william lee , and to be sold at his shop , at the turks-head in fleetstreet , together with the prices of some of them . annotations upon all the new testament , by edward leigh esq master of arts of magdalen-hall in oxford , . a systeme or body of divinity , in ten books , wherein the fundamental and main grounds of religion are opened , by edward leigh esq master of arts in magdalen-hall in oxford , in fol. . about . sheets . the saints encouragement in evil times in . . written by the said author edward leigh . an exposition of the prophecy of haggie , in fifteen sermons , by that famous divine iohn reynolds d. d. in . . an exposition of the psalms of degrees . the young mans tutor , both writ by t. stint in . heresiography or a description of all the heresies and sectaries of these later times , by ed. pagit . . with new addit . . contemplations , sighs and groans of a christian , published by w. stiles esq of the inner temple . . the saints comfort in evil times . . gods revenge against murther in thirty tragical histories , by l. reynolds , in fol. sylva sylvarum , or a natural history , in ten centuries : whereunto is newly added , the history of life and death , or the prolongation of life : both written by the right honourable francis lord verulam . in fol. . the magnetique cure of wounds . nativity of tartar in wine . image of god in man. also another treatise of the errours of physicians concerning defluxions : both published in english by d. charleton physician to the late king. . . the darkness of atheism dispelled by the light of nature , written by the said author , in . . a discourse concerning the king of spains surprizing of the valtoline , translated by the renowned sir thomas roe , many times embassador in forain parts . the roman foot and denaries , from whence as from two principles , the measure and weights may be deduced , by iohn greaves of oxford . . . a treatise of the 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instructing men in their carriage to be beloved of the people , in . youths behaviour , or decency in conversation amongst men ; with new additions of a discourse of powdering of hair , of black patches and naked brests . . the tillage of light , a treatise of the philosophers stone , . the right of peace and warre , in three books , written in latine by the illustrious hugo grotius , together with the life of the said author , will shortly be published in english , in . large . books printed for w. lee ( and some others ) and are to be sold at the turks-head in fleetstreet , together with the prices of the said books . the christians warfare against the devil , world , and flesh , by iohn downam . fol. s. a commentary or exposition upon the second epistle of st peter , by tho. adams . fol. . s. a sixfold commentary upon genesis , wherein six several translations are compared , by andrew willet , in fol. s s the theater of plants , or a large herbal ▪ by iohn perkinson apothecary . lb. 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. . s. d. statuta pacis , containing all the statutes in order of time , as concern a justice of peace , in . s. d. kelawayes reports . fol. s. the laws resolution concerning womens writs , in . s. the english lawyer , by judge dodridg . vicesimo primo iacobi , & primo & tertio caroli . fol. an ancient , learned book of the law , called britton . the names of such books as this author hath formerly written . . a treatise of the divine promises . . . critica sacra on the hebrew of the old testament . . critica sacra on the greek of the new testament , both in fol. . annotations upon all the new testament fol. . the saints encouragement in evil times . . . analecta , or observations on the twelve first caesars , in . . a philological commentary : or an illustration of the most obvious and usefull words in the law , in . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e quod per omnes ecclesias receptum est , disputando velle in controversiam vocare est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . grotius in loc . orthodoxus is videlicet qui de rebus fidei rectam opinionem habet . drus. spicileg . nec etiam illi duntaxat heterodoxi , vel non orthodoxi vocari possunt , qui doctrinam aliquam ab ecclesia apertè damnatam vel rejectam amplexi sunt , sed & qui vel erroneum dogma vel inutile tuentur , quod cum scriptura non consistit , aut sibi non constat . aliud etiam est simpliciter orthodoxum non esse , aliud talem non esse in hoc vel illo capite . spanhem . exercitat . de grat. univers . annotat. in sect. . amicus socrates , amicus plato , sed magis amica veritas . jer. . . jude v. . cor. . . nullus enim suavior animi cibus est , quam cognitio veritatitis , cujus asserendae atque illustrandae septem volumina destinavimus . lactant. de falsa religione . l. . accepi à fide dignissimis , cum illi ex consuetudine oblati essent eo die quo coronabatur in regem , tres gladii , in signum quod esset trium potentissimorum regnorum angliae , franciae & hiberniae monarcha : quod tandem dixerit , deesse adhuc unum , & cum interrogassent principes , quisnam ille sit : respondit , esse sacrorum bibliorum volumen . ille liber , inquit , gladius spiritus est , & gladiis his omnibus longe anteferendus . baldaeus de script . brit. cent. . speed. chro. c. . p. . baldazza● a germane divine , writing to oecolampadius , saith , venia● verbum dei & submittemus , etiamsi nobis essent sexcenta colla . ego quidem sine verbo ne in paradisa optarim vivere , cum verbo etiam in inferno facile est vivere . luth. t●m . ●hr . . . in regum solenni & publica inauguratione , inter alias ceremonias , quoque liber legis in manus ipsis datus fuit , & sub isto symbolo veritatis coelestis in eo comprehensae protectio commendata , reg. . . ubi per testimonium , tam hebraeorum , quam christianorum interpretes , librum legis intelligunt . buxt . epist. dedicat. ad anticritica . hist. eccles. . * ista ita se habere , sine ulla alia curiosa indagatione pro certo credimus . noli ergo in his quae fide duntaxat rectè intelliguntur curiosè refutandis laborem frustra consumere , quaerereve quî ista fieri aut non fieri possint . quod si credis , mihi quaed●m sciscitanti responde . quibus obstupefactus philosophus , credo , inquit . et gratiis illi actis , quod ipsum devicisset , non solùm eadem cum sene ipse sentire , verum etiam consilium dare coepit illis , qui perinde erga fidem christianam atque ipse antè , affecti erant , ut jam doctrinae christianae assentirentur : atque jusjurandum adjecit , se non modo sine numine divino mutatum esse , sed etiam vi ac virtute quadam inexplicabili ad religionem christianam conversum . doctrina dei & quidem praecipua pars evangelii fuit non tantum in dubium vocata , sed etiam damnata , doctrina nimirū de perseverantia sanctorum in fide , ex qua pendet articulus de certitudine salutis nostrae per christum . haec verò doctrina de perseverantia pendet à doctrina de immutabili sanctorum electione ac praedestinatione , sine qua doctrina articulus de gratuita per christum justificatione , nullo modo consistere potest . zanch. discept . cum marbachio . tota haec doctrina christi est & apostolorum , explicata ab augustino , recepta ab ecclesia catholica renovata à luthero & bucero totius germaniae duobus luminibus . id. ibid. * anno intercedente cardinali contareno , à paulo iii. petierunt , ut vitae illud institutum . pontificia autoritate confirmaret : qui addita hae cautione , illud ratum habuit , ne plures quam viri , ad eam societatem adscriberentur . sed cum postea animadverterent , illam vitae rationem ad restituendam & resarciendam nutantem & labascentem pontificiam ecclesiam prae caeteris ordinibus maximè idoneam esse , . anno decrevit , ne ullis vel locorum terminis , vel personarum vumero , societas haec iesu nomine insignita circumscriberetur . chemnit . in exam . part . . decret . conc. trid. praef. certò constat regem hispaniarum si selum angliam cum belgio donare posset , toti●s europae magnaeque partis mundi monarcham citò evasurū . iam verò ad evertendos anglos nihil tam conducit , quam dissensio & discordia inter illos excitata , tum perpetuoque nutrita , quod citò occasiones meliores suppeditabit . campanellae de monarch . hisp. discur . c. . equidem nulla opportunior aut major potentia est ad opponendam classem anglicam , quam potentia hollandiae & zelandiae . nam hae non solum navium numero , sed etiam experientia maritima omnes alias multis parasangis antecedunt , ut taceam jam de ferocia & divitiis gentium . campan . ib. c. . notes for div a -e * si quis locus ipsis objiceretur , respondebant , nos literae minimè obnoxios esse , sed spiritum qui vivificat , sequi oportere . calv. adversus libertinos , c. . vide plura ibid. juvenal . satyr . aug. de civ . dei l. . c. . lomb. * de civit . dei l. . c. . ludov. viv. in august . loco citato . psal. . . * see d. arrowsmith on that text. see his , , , , , ▪ . & . chapters . deus creavit hominem rectum , naturarum autor non utique vitiorum , sed sponte depravatus justéque damnatus , depravatos , damnatosque generavit . omnes enim fuimus in illo uno , quando omnes ille unus corrupit , quia per foeminam iapsu● est in peccatum , quae de illo fa●ta est ante peccatum . august . de civit . dei , l. ● . ● . . doctor twiss against hord. nam ista colluvies ab aliis haereticorum sectis in eo differt , quod non tantum certis in rebus erraverit , verum sit immensum quoddam stupendorum deliriorum mare : adeò ut vix unius anabaptistae caput reperiri possit , quod non sit imbutum aliqua opinione diversa à reliquis . calv. instruct. advers . anabaptistas . laeti compend . hist. univers . period . german . art. . p. . i had this salutation from one judicious divine , sir , you study to make us idle . notes for div a -e . god takes notice of the time of mens enjoying the gospel . . he expects proficiency according to this time . . men that live under the gospel ought not only to be instructed , but teach others according to that condition wherein god hath set them , not by way of office . . such must be first instructed themselves in the principles of religion . . there are principles of religion , fundamentals , such doctrines on which all godlinesse is built , cor. . . and all superstructions must agree thereto . . there is an order and method to be observed in bringing men to the knowledge of the gospel , viz. to instruct them in the principles first . . those that are not instructed in principles are not capable of higher doctrine . . ignorance in principles is a just ground of reproof , and a great matter of reproach to those that live under the gospel . mark . . this takes in the right knowledge of the law , and sinne the transgression of it , its nature & desert , that one must mourn for it , and turn from it . * apostolus baptismorum meminit , quia ad statos inter veteres baptismi dies alludit , paschae nimirum & pentecostes , ubi plures simul bapti●ari consueverant , vel quia de plurium baptismo simpliciter loquitur . spanhem . unum est judicium irr●tractabile valens in perpetuum . grot. see m. foorths exposit. of the apost . cat. * dr. field of the church , l. . c . isa. . . cor. . . * quod est ab ipsis positum & praedicatum . jun. ad bellar. cont . . lib. . cap. . the prophets and apostles are not fundamenta fundantia , but fundata , such foundations as themselves had a foundation , even the lord christ ; the ground of a christians faith is , thus saith the lord , thus it is written . the observation . sermo qui rudes in christo inchoat . fundamenti vocabulum est metaphoricum , ab aedificantibus sumptum , atque denotat illud totius structurae firmamentura in imo positum , quo sustentatur aedificium quoque subducto corruit protiu●● , & in frusta dilabitur . davenant . adhort ad pacem eccles. c. . extet communis formula cetechismi in usum puerorum , & ●● qui erunt rudiores in populo : sic ipsa veritas illis familiaris reddetur , ac ●imul eam ipsam discent ab imposturis & corruptelis discernere , quae sensim apud cessantes irrepere sole●t . plane enim tibi persuasum esse oportet , ecclesiam dei cateches● carere non posse , &c. calvinus epist. pro lectori angliae . sam. . ▪ prov. . . see prov. . prov. . . which is meant chiefly of instructing her family . mat. . . matth. . . & . . a act. . , & . chap. and in their epistles . mark . . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word borrowed from the making of an impression by a stamp or seal . john . . act. . . it is good to have the principles of the doctrines of faith and rules of life drawn to brief heads . it is used to draw arts and sciences , plentifully laid out into compendious heads , and some few general rules and principles . luther profest he was still discipulu● catechismi , that he studied the principles . psal. . . tim. . . the practice of this duty is represented in the whol book of the proverbs gen. . , omnis christi actio christiani instructio . dr. reynolds called aquinas his sums , that absolute body of divinity . dr. twiss doubting conscience resolv . prov. . . c chanoe . gen. . . so the hebrews interpret that gen. . . his trained or instructed servants , those which he taught in piety ; the word comes from chanach . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vox graeca est , quam latina ecclesia pro sua coepit usurpare . martinius . eusebius saith , one was set apart on purpose for this office in the primitive church , called the catechist . hinc catechumeni dicebantur qui catechismu● discebant , catechistae qui catechismum docebant . dietericus . catechizing what it is . catechesis est elementaris institutio christianae religionis viva docenti● voce tradita , & ● discentibus repotita . altingius . d m. pemble . m. greenham . at sermons and prayers , men may sleep or wander , but when one is asked a question , he must discover what he is . herberts remains chap. . it is to be performed either by the minister in publick , or the governours in private , or some able body in their place . verba scriptura non sunt verba legenda , sed vivenda , said luther . su●●●●um christianae fidei brevi libell● complex●● est genevae joan. calvinus , quam itali , gallt , belga , scoti , &c. publice in ecclesiis suis interpretantur . eandem , sententia ubique servata , fusi●● apud anglos & ●uculentius expressit vir non vulgari doctrina & facundia pr●dit●● alexander noellus . ad. hamilton apostat . sueton. orthodox . respons . consectaries of reproof . . of exhortation . see gen. . . & . . young people have great temptations , tim. . . their souls are precious . f aristot. de hist. animal . l. . c. . g caussins holy court , eighth reason of his first book . * de orig . & progress . idol . l. . c. . h lib. . c. . of his enquiries . prov. . . & . . i non minus placet deo hosanna puerorum , quam hallelujab virorum . the holy ghost hath composed some psalms according to the order of the hebrew alphabet ( as , , , . ) that parents might teach their children the first elements of religion as well as learning . see mr gataker on psal. . . & menoch . de rep. heb. l. . ● . . in octonariis prolixioris omnium psalmi , ad singulorum versuum initia recurrentes eaedem literae , ostonariis ipsis per ordinem alphabeti dispositis , sunt locali memoriae ad sententias retinendas . alphabetariis igitur , ut ita dicam , mysteriorum christi , sic minutatim particular rerum dispensari con●enientissimum est . guil. rivet . vindic . evangel . parte secunda , cap . we have discharged our duty , our prayers and instructions may be as seed sown , and our reward shall not be onely in heaven , but in the doing of our duty . psal. . . k euseb. eccles. hist. lib. . cap. . see m. pembles sermon of ignorance . luk. . . jer. . . there is generally a great ignorance of christ , . few men seek after the knowledge of christ , john . . . few believe in him because they know him not , john . . . men are estranged from him in their conversation , ephes. . . . they go on in their former lusts , pet. . . nescientia dicit simplicem scientiae negationem , haec in angelis esse potest , ignoraatia importat scientiae privationem , dum scilicet alicui deest scientia eorum , quae aptus natus est scire . aquin. a , ae quaest. . artic. . vide plura ibid. heb. . . one being examined , affirmed blindely , that none had died or should die for him . another , that the sunne shining in the firmament was he son of god that died for him . m the papists make the pope their personal foundation . see dr field of the church , l. . c. . and m. rous his catholick charity , chap. , . some dislike the beginning of the athanasian creed , whosoever will be saved , &c. upon pain of damnation thou art bound to know the articles of thy faith , to know god in christ , and the holy catholick church by the word of god written . the ten commandments , to know what works thou shouldst do , and what to leave undone . christs prayer , which is an abridgement , epitome or compendious collection of all the psalms and prayers written in the holy scripture . in which thou prayest for the remission of sinne , as well for thy self , as for all others , desirest the grace of the holy ghost to preserve thee in vertue , and all others , givest thanks for the goodnesse of god towards thee and all others . he that knoweth lesse then this cannot be saved , and he that knows no more then this , if he follow his knowledge cannot be damned . b. hooper on the command . fundamentalem articulum habendum sentio , qui ex voluntate dei revelantis ad salutem & aeternam beatitudinem consequendam est adeò scitu & creditu necessarius ut ex illius ignorations , ac multo magis oppugnatione , aeternae vitae amittendae manifestum periculum incurratur . davenant . de pace ecclesiastica . about fundamental points there may sometimes arise such disputes as are no way fundamental . for instance , that god is one in essence , and three in persons , distinguished one from another : that the sonne is begotten of the father ; that the holy ghost is the spirit of both father and sonne ; that these three persons are coeternal and coequal : all these are reckoned in the number of fundamentals : but those school-niceties touching the manner of the sons generation , and the procession of the holy ghost , are not likewise fundamental and of equal necessity with the former . b. daven . opin . of the fundam . points of relig. certa semper sunt in paucis , saith tertullian . certain and undoubted truths are not many , and they are such as may be delivered in a few words . in absoluto ac facili stat aeternit as . hilary . that the doctrine of the trinity is a fundamental and necessary to salvation . vide voet. thes. p. , &c. articuli cognit●● & creditu necessarii ad salutem , such articles as are necessary to know and believe to salvation , are not such truths as are meerly speculative , but such only as have a necessary influence upon practice , and not all those neither , but such as have necessary influence upon the act and function of christian life . principia theologia , or fundamentalia dogmata & fundamenta salutis , are not the same , but differ formally , though some of them may be materially coincident . mr mede in a letter to mr hartlib . as there are in points of saith , fundamental articles , so there are in points of practice , fundamentall duties . master raynolds on hosoa . , . the foundations of religion must , . be held with great certainty . . speculative foundations , john . . we must hold one god in three persons , christ the mediator . . practical , john . . we must be convinced of the sinne of nature , the righteousnesse of christ , and the necessity of a holy life , and suspect those opinions , which advance nature , depresse christ , decry good works . . we must be earnest about the particular explication of these truths , cor. . . errour in matter of justification is dangerous . corollaries . n haeresis est pertinax defensio erroris in fide , opinionem aliquam pugnantem cum fundamento ejus ponentis . voet. haereticus non est , nisi qui inverbum fidei peccat . luther . in epist. galat. c. . v. . haereticum tota ecclesia christiana inde ab initio in hunc usque diem vocavit cum , qui haeresiarcham aliquem sequ●tus , negat doctrinam aliquam fundamentalem & ad salutem necessariam , inter christianos controversiam . vedel . de arcan . armin. lib. . cap. . vide plura ibid. there are damnable heresies , pet. . . and errours that are capital , not holding the head , col. . . and such as destroy the faith , tim. . . o vide altingii loc . com . part . . p. . et z●nc . misc . de magist. non omnis error est baeresis , sed illa tantum quae est contra fundamentum a●t in fundamento fidei & pertinaciter defenditur . voet. some errours do not touch the foundation , others do concutere , and others do evertere . we hold the lutherans to be true churches , agreeing with us in fundamental points of faith , and likewise in being free from idolatry ; for albeit they have images in their churches , which we conceive to be a very dangerous thing , yet they do not worship them ; and although they hold reall presence in the sacrament , yet they do not adore it . dr twiss his doubting conscience resolved . my lord faulkland in his reply to him that answered him about the romane infallibilitd , pag. . to . seems to hold the negative . bellar. tom. . l. . c. . t. aquin. part . . quaest. undecima , articulo tertio . vide gerhardi loc . commun . de magistratu . p part. . philos. sob . sect. . q. . zanch. tom . . misc. in cap. de magistratu . aretius hath written the history of valentinus gentilis put to death at bern. there was a statute against lollardi in england , and hugonots in france . haereticus ego tibi , & tu miht . see statut. of qu. eliz. c. . propriè heretici vocantur qui ea pertinaciter rejictunt , quae in sacris scripturis docentur . daven de judice controv . haeresis est error pugnans cum ●undamento religionis christianae , isque pertinax . altingius tom. . problem . theol. part . . prob. . heresie is an errour in the foundation of christian religion , taught and defended with obstinacy . perk. on gal. . . see more there . q lib. of the church , ch . . see d. prideaux his sermon on cor. . . vide grotium in tit. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicuntur ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eligere , praeferre , est enim haeresis priv●●a aliqua opinio , quam quis prae dogmate christiano , & fide catholica sibi amplectendam eligit , eamque pertinaciter defendit . gerh. loc . commun . de ministerio ecclesiastico , c. , ut quis sit propriò dictus haereticus , requiritur , . ut sit person● in ecclesiam visibilem per baptismi sacramentum recepta , cor. . . act. . . . ut erret in fide , , sive errorem illum noviter introducat , sive ab alio acceptum amplectatur ( quamvis illud haeresiarchae hoc vero haeretici proprium videri possit . ) . ut error directè in ipsi fidei fundamentum impingat . . ut errori conjuncta sit malitia ac pertinacia , per quam etiam aliquoties admonitus nihilominus obstinatè errorem suum defendat . . ut dissensiones & scandala in ecclesia excitet , ejusque unitatem scindat . id. ibid. haeresis consideratur vel in doctrina , vel in persona ; haeresis doctrinae , est quando id ipsum quod proponitur est contra sidem catholicam & orthodoxam . haeresis autem personae , quum quis haeresin doctrinae ita proponit ut asserat etiam convictus . cham. de occ. pontif. l. . errours are practical or doctrinal onely , fundamental or circa-fundamental , or neither of the two . r see master clarks sermons on matth. . . and master cranfords haereseomachia on tim. . . s arius in alexandria una scintilla fuit . sed quoniam non statim oppressus est totum orbem ejus flamma populata est . aquin. t ubi supra . cum agitaretur de ista quaestione ( an morte mulctandi & cogendi haeretici ) in synodo quadam londini . & perrogarentur singulorum sententi● , surrexit quidam senex theologus , atque hoc planum esse asserit ex ipso apostolo . haereticum hominem post unam aut alteram admonitionem d● vita . de vita inquit , ergo manifestum est haereticos istos homines post unam aut alteram admonitionem ● vita tollendos . erasm. annotat. in tit. . vel sola modestia potuisset , vitam redimere , said galvin of servetu●●n opusc . here the spirit of god sets forth , . the office of a magistrate , to bear the sword . . the end , which is double , . the minister of god for thy good , in general . . to execute wrath on him that doth evil . god never committed to any that charge of the body onely , and not proportionably the charge of the soul , as to masters , parents , heirs judg . . u magistrates in the scripture ( in the hebrew ) are called masters of restraint . qui non vetat peccare cum potest jubet . sene. x m. hildersam on psal. . . lect. . as all blasphemous hereticks levit. . . so seducing hereticks are to be put to death . the whole chapter of deut. is spent about the seducing of false prophets . are not moses moral laws of perpetual equity , and therefore to be observed in all ages ? is blasphemy more tolerable in the new testament ? mr. cotton on rev. . third vial. we are not obliged ( saith beza ) to the judicial laws , as they were given by moses to one people , yet so farre we are bound to observe them , as they comprehend that general equity which ought to prevail every where . by the judicial laws of the jews the false prophets and idolaters were to be put to death , deut. . , . & . , . where there is a moral equity in the precept , it is perpetual . notes for div a -e . that there is divinity . rom. . , . . & . , * omne bonum est sui diffusivum , ergo maximè bonum est maximè sui diffusivum . ut se habet simile ad fimile , ita se habet magis ad magis , locus topicus . . what divinity is . theology , if thou look after the etymology of the word , is a speech of god : and he is commonly called a theologer or divine who knoweth or professeth the knowledge of divine things . peter du moulin theology is so named from its end , god , as other arts are called humanity , because man is the end of them . the whole doctrine of religion is called theology , that is , a speech or doctrine concerning god : to signifie , that without the true knowledge of god , there can be no true religion , or right understanding of any thing . befield on the creed . lactantius de ira dei. . what divinity is . tit. . . tim. . . col. . . tim. . . theologia est doctrina de deo ac rebus divinis . divinity is the knowledge of god. theologia est scientia vel sapientia rerum divinarum divinitus revelata ad dei gloriam & rationalium creaturarum salutem . walaeus in loc . commun . de genere theologiae est quaestio : quod idem ab omnibus non assiguatur . nam illis arridet scientia , aliis sapientia , aliis prudentia . litem hanc dirimere nostri non est instituti : etsi verè scientem , verè sapientem , verè prudentem eum judicamus , qui verus & sincerus est theologus . wendelinus christ. theol. lib. . cap. . . how divinity is to be taught . . discenda est theologia imprimis textualis . . systematica seu dogmatica . . elenctica & problematica . voetius bibl. theol. l. . c. . . how divinity is to be learned . job . , . mat. . . john . . deut. . . rom. . . & . . tim. . . mat. . prov. . . & . , . & . . . . the opposites of divinity . . the excellency of divinity . a paul cals it the excellency of the knowledge of christ , phil. . psal. . . christ is the principal subject of the whole bible , being the end of the law , and the substance of the gospel , m. perkins . quicquid est in suo genere singulare & eximium , id divinum . b agreeable to which is the french proverb , ministre ne doit scavior que sa bible , a minister must know nothing but his bible . * psal. . . mahomet would have had others believe , that he learned the doctrine of his alcoran from the holy ghost , because he caused a pigeon to come to his ear. origen saith of the devils , there is no greater torment to them , then to see men addicted to the scriptures , num. hom . . in hoc eorum omnis flamma est , in hoc ●runtur incendio . in theologia principium duplex , estendi & cognoscendi , sive quo quid est aut cognoscitur ; illud con , tituit scibile & objectum , hoc gignit scientiam , & perficit subjectum : illud est deus , hoc dei ipsius verbum , videlicet ut in sacra scriptura expressum & consignatum est . hoornbeeckii antisocinianismus l. . c . controv . . sect. . of the scripture . c the scripture is called , the word of god , ephes. . pet. . . the counsel of god , act. . the oracles of god , rom. . . the law of god , psal. . . the minde of god , prov. . . d it is called word , because by it gods will is manifested and made known , even as a man maketh known his minde and will by his words ; it is also said to be the word of god , in regard , . of the author , which is god himself , tim. . . . of the matter , which is gods will , ephes. . . . of the end which is gods glory , ephes. . . . of the efficacy , which is gods power , rom. . . e so it is called the bible or book by an excellency , 't is the only book , as f august . de civit . dei lib. . c. . ita usus obtinuit ut sacra ista scripta , quibus tanquam tabulis perscripta est ac consignata dei voluntas , nomine scripturae per autonomosiam intelligantur , beza in joh. . . the scriptures exceed all other writings in divers respects ; . because all these writings were inspired by the holy ghost , so were no other writings . . they contain a platform of the wisdom that is in god himself . . because they were penned by the greatest , wisest , holiest men , the prophets , apostles , evangelists . . they are more perfect , pure and immutable then any mans writings , mat. . . tim. . . pet. . mr bifield on pet. * the principal author of all scriptures is god the father in his son by the holy ghost , hos. . . pet. . * acts . . c●● . . . the father hath revealed , the sonne confirmed , and the holy ghost sealed them up in the hearts of the faithfull . exod. . . deut. . ● . cor. . . john . . heb. . . ez● . . , . rom. . . isa. . . evangelium dicitur sermo christi . col. . utroque respectu , & authoris & materiae , davenantius * rainoldus in apologia thesium de sacra script . & eccles . * tria concurrunt ut hoc dogma recipiam , scripturam esse verbum dei. esse quosdam libros canonicos , & divinos , atque hos ipsissimos esse quos in manibus habemus . primum est ecclesiae traditio , quaeid affirmat , & ipsos libros mihi in manum tradit ; secundum est ipsorum librorum divina materia , tertium est interna spiritus efficacia . episc. daven . de iudic. controvers . cap . what the divine authority of the scripture is . * formale ob 〈…〉 generaliter & absolutè consideratum est divin● revelatio in tota sua amplitudine accepta , seu divina authoritas cujuslibet doctrinae à deo revelatae , sive ea scripta sit , sive non scripta . at formale objectum fidei illius qua creduntur ea quae in scriptura credenda proponuntur , est ipsius scripturae divina & canonica authoritas , baronius adversus turneballum . the description of the scripture . rom. . . pet. . , . pet. . , . * tim. . . rom. . . scriptura est verbum dei ejusdem voluntate à prophetis , evangelistis & apostolis in literas redactum , doctrinam de essentia & voluntate dei perfectè ac perspicuè exponens , ut ex eo homines crudiantur ad vitam aeternam . gerh. de script . sac. ●o● . . scriptura est expressio quaedam sapientiae dei afflata è sancto spiritu piis hominibus , deinde monumentis literisque consignata . pet. martyr . loc . commun . l. . scriptura est instrumentum divinum quo doctrina salutaris à deo per prophetas & evangelistas tanquam dei actuarios in libris canonicis veteris & novi testamenti est tradita . synop pur . theol. scriptura est instrumentum sacrum , quo doctrina divina ac salutaris à deo per prophetas , apostolos & evangelistas sideliter , perspicuè a● plenè in libris canonicis veteris a● novi testamenti est tradita . walaeus lo● . commun . vide traict● de l'escriture saincte par mestrezat . ● . . what power of humane understanding could have found out the incarnation of a god , that two natures , a finite and an infinite , could have been concentred into one person , that a virgin should be a mother , that dead men should live again ? d● taylor on rom. . . . the person and offices of iesus christ the mediator are both altogether wonderful , isa. . . tim. . & . . god and man united in one person , to unite god and man in one covenant . the purity and integrity of the law shew the divinity of it , mat. . . & ● ▪ . ch . per tot . and the sublimity of evangel●cal mysteries , eph. . , , , . cor. . , . rom. . . the holinesse and purity of the law of moses , in that it accuseth and condemneth all men of sin , and prescribeth perfect righteousness . herein it surpasseth the laws of all countreys , common-wealths , kingdoms what soever . mr perkins , how to live well . triplex ratio est , qua nobis innotescat sacrorum librorum authoritas . prima ecclesiae testimonium , eos libros approbantis , recipientis & commendantis . secunda interna spiritus sancti persuasio , eam ipsam authoritatem cordibus nostris ins●ulp●ntis , cert●que persuadentis . terti● ipsorum librorum , ut ita dicam , genius ! summum gradum obtinet testimonium spiritus , in●imum verò testimonium ecclesiae . chamierus de canone . l. . c. . john . ▪ and . . and . , . all other writings teach a man to place felicity at best in himself and in his own vertue . these lift up to god , and bid him place his felicity in him . philosophers set their own names to the books which they wrote against vain-glory , and therein sought it themselves . there are lumina orationis in the sermons of the prophets which surpas●e the eloquence of all the heathen . a augustine was so delighted with the oratory of ambrose , that he contemned the scripture as neither learned nor eloquent enough , yet a●terward whe● he saw his own shallownesse , he admired the profundity of gods holy oracles , and held the stile of them very venerab●e . b licet tam verba quam res ●manu●n●ibus suis spiritus sanctus dict●vit , attemperavit tamen & se cujusque amanuensis s●ylo & ●ujusque saeculi dialecto , unde alius est iesaiae , alus amosi stylus , alia mosis , alia jobi , alia davidis , alia ezraei , haggaei , danielis , &c. dialectus . amama anti-barb . bibl. l. . totus sermo ● medio sumptus est , vulgatus & usitatus , & quamvis altiori & grandisono genere uti poterat christus , tamen humili contentus est . lege geneseos librum , quàm sunt omnia submiss●● equidem arbitror nullam linguam , adeò inaffectatam esse , adeò ●implicem & familiarem . hin● dialogismis , narratiun●●lis , similitudinibus plena sunt omnia biblia . hum●redus de interpretatione linguarum , l. . p. , . c hoc ego ingenuè prositeor , caput illud . isa. ad ●idem christianam me adduxisse . johan . isaac contra lindan . augustine heard a supernatural voice , saying , tolle lege , tolle lege . he fi●st fell upon that place , rom. . , . confess . . c. . d scriptura simpliciter absque probatione omnia dicit & affirmat ; in aliis libris probantur omnia quae ibi dicuntur per rationes & argumentationes . biblia affirmant deum creasse coelum & terr●m : affirmat mundum habuisse principium , & nihil probat ; hoc significat illum qui loquitur in bibl●is & dicit ista verba , esse tantae authoritatis , quod ei debet credi simplici verbo fine aliquo probatione . raimund . de sabund . in theol. naturali . e moses multum dicit , sed nihil probat . * vide voe● . thes. de ratione humana in rebus fidei , & pr●cipuè vedel . rationale theol. lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap . & per totum . est divinatio , ergo sunt del. t●lly . the fore-telling of future things is an evident sign of a divinity , and for that cause this kinde of prediction is called divination ; as if to tel what events are to happen , were a proper sign of a divinity or deity ; see sr walter rawleighs ghost , l. . c. if there be a god , he ought to be worshipped , & he cannot be worshipped , unlesse he manifest himself unto us , as he hath done in the scripture . vide kimedoncium de scripto dei verb. l. . c. . the lord is therefore careful to set a star or sclah to the fulfilling of predictions ▪ thirty times in the new testament it is said , then was fulfilled , that which was fore-told by such a prophet , idoneum testimonium divinitatis , veritas divinationis . tertullianus apolog. c. . f cyrus was prophesied of an hundred years before he was born . isa. . . iosias three hundred before his birth . king. . . g the oracles of the gentiles needed delio natatore , the swimmer apollo to expound them . verba oraculorum fermè ambigua , & quae fac●lè interpretationem ex qualicunque eventu acciperent . cicero de divinatione . . utrum eorum accidisse● , inquit , verum oraculum fuisset . grotius do veritate religionis christianae . lib. . * the predictions of the prophets differ much from the devillish prophecies of the heathen . deu. . , psalm . the promises and threatnings exceed the limits of any mortal power , to bestow or inflict everlasting life and death , and to assure the accomplishment , this is the only reason , the lord hath spoken , or , the zeal of the lord of hosts will do it . h primum quodque verissimum . tertul. the jewish nation was the most ancient of all , therefore the scripture which was delivered to them ▪ cameron de verbo dei. i between orpheus his writings , which was the heathens ancientest poet , and moses , are at least five hundred years . b. andrews . moses antiquissimus & fidelissimus historicus . erpenius . vide vossium de philologia . l. . & simson parascev . ad chron. cathol . c. . k mr burroughs on hosea . hoc primum est omnium canticorum quae fuisse unquam facta , vel cantata , sive in sacris , sive in exoticis literarum monumentis proditum sit . sims . chron. cathol . par . . l see the powerfull working of it in pharaoh , foelix , those in acts . . & . see rom. . . cor. . . & . . isa. . , , , heb. . . ps. . . m non movent , sacrae literae , sed non persuadent cogunt , agitant , vim inferunt . legis rudia verba & agrestia , sed viva , sed animata , flamm●a , acul●ata , ad imum spiritum penetrantia , hominem totum potestate mirabili transformantia . picus mirandula ad hermolaum barbarum . n they did , as it were , transcribere animas , publish their own faults . dr preston . they dispraise all mankinde , abase man and make him the vilest of all creatures except the devils . tim. . . revel . . . o matth. . . the writers of the scriptures wrote them when the world bare greatest hatred against them , and yet never any durst write a book against moses in his time , or against the gospel in these dayes . acts . . dan. . exod. . . levit. . . ezek. . p solls canonicis d●b●tur fides caeteris omnibus judicium . lutherus . q incredibilis quaedam & planè divina conspiratio , atque concordia tot virorum , qui diversis locis , temporibus , linguis , occasionibus sacra volu mina conscripserunt , ut non tam ipsi scriptores diversi , quam uuius scriptoris diversi calami fuisse videantur . bellar. tom. . d● verbo dei l. c. . amicae sunt scripturarum lites . the socinians hold dari in scriptura res leviores , minoris & nullius momenti , in quibus scriptores sacri facilè errare potuerint , & dissidere inter se atque pugnare ; whom hoornbeck . in his antisocinianismus confutes . l. . c. . controv . . sect. . & . &c. this is one of the three hundred sixty seven places , or as others ●eckon three hundred and seventy which are cited out of the old testament , in the new , dr prideaux on acts . . see bifield on pet. . r ezechiel prophetans in babylone concordat cum ieremia prophetante in iudaea . see dr hals passion sermon . . arguments extrinsecal ; acts of god , and works of his providence about the scriptures . num. . . & . . mark . . joh. . . & . . & . . acts . . joh. . . in caecitate & surditate natis , christus videndi & audiendiusum , non quem amiserant reddidit , sed largitus est omniuo novum . deambulavit super ●umentes undas , ut nos super solidam terram : imperavit ventis , mari , tempestati , & parucrunt dicto . expulit daemones ex humanis corporibus , abstulit l●pram , roboravit membra , & compages humani corporis dissolutas , sanavit omne genus morborum , reddidit lucem & vitam mortuis . lod. viv. de veritate fidei christ. lib. . cap. . many of the bibles were taken from christians , and burnt in those cruel persecutions ●nder dioclesian and maximinianus his collegue . deut. . . jer. . , , . & ult . t veritas odiunt parit . u cartwright in his preface to the confutation of the rhem. annotations on the new testament . tertullian said , that gospel must needs be good which nero persecuted . x many delivered the bible to the emperour to be burned , whence the name of proditores & traditores bibliorum . sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae . foecundi sunt martyrum cineres . vide lod. viv. de verit . . fid. lib. . cap. . de verb. . people by seeing the sufferings of the martyrs came more to look into and understand that profession then formerly , which made them patiently endure such torments . qui enim scit illum , intelligere potest non nisi grande aliquod bonum à nerone damnatum . terrul . apolog. cap. . a precious gospel that was purchased by the bloud of christ , and sealed with the bloud of martyrs . miracula quae sunt à deo , mu●tis notis distinguuntur à fictis miraculis daemo●●m . nam daemon , ut qui deum odit , & nos à deo vellet avertere , omnia quaecunque potest divina aemulatur : et tanto accuratius miracula , quod videt eam rem maximè ad potentiam divinitatis accedere , quae est supra naturam . lod. viv. de verit . fid christ. l. ● . c. . miracula has habent notas rei ipsius , veritas , essentia , qualitas , modus actionis , causa efficiens , causa movens ante rem , finis . ad hos tanquam ad lapides lydios examinanda sunt miracula , tum christi & sanctorum , nempè divina : tum ficta & diabolica . idem . ibid. vide plura . y they are miranda non miracula . a ma●vel or wonder is nature mightily improved ; a miracle is nature totally cross'd , if not contradicted . if miracles be ceased , yet marvels will never cease . dr hals select thoughts . z there were six hundred thousand witnesses of the seas rising up in wals . deut. . . see mat. . . a see dr willet on exod. . . what a miracle is , and how true and false miracles differ : and dr prideaux on psal. . . the distinction between miracles , signs , prodigies , and portenta , out of aquinas . christi miracula tanta & tam manisesta suerunt orbi , ●t nulla unquam gens fuerit , vel tam impudens , vel tam christo inimica & infensa , ut ea sit negare ausa . itaque gentiles , iudaei , agareni , omnes grandia & mirabilia esse edita opera consitentur , sed alii alias in causas referunt . agareni deum authorem illorum fatentur , iudaei & gentiles daemonem . sed res ipsa clamat apertissimè , deo authore atque approbatore illa omnia esse acta . lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . b when many agree in a thing , and they wise and learned men , and one generation after another , this is much . all those generally which professe christian religion , consent in this main truth . to which testimony these things give weight . . to them were committed the oracles of god , ro. . . they have constantly professed the truth in great misery , whereas by the only denying thereof they might have been partakers both of liberty and rule . . notwithstanding the high-priests and others persecuted the prophets , while they lived , they yet received their writings , as prophetical and divine . c vide croii observat . in novum testamentum , cap. . by universal tradition we know much better that those books were written by christs disciples ( who are sufficient witnesses of what he taught ) then the aristotelians know that these were aristotles works ; or the academicks knew plato's ; since christians have both kept them with more care , and in the acceptance of them used more caution , as thinking them so much more important . my l. falkl. reply concerning the infallibility of the church of rome , part . . ecclesia totum mundum convertit sanguine & oratione . luther . christian religion's chiefest glory is , that it increaseth by being persecuted , and hath that advantage of the mahumetan which came in by force . in the two dominions of france , and the seventeen provinces , within the space of little more then five years under charles the ninth of france , and philip ▪ the second of spain , two hundred thousand suffered as martyrs . see foxes martyrology , meteranus de rebus belgicis , and fullers prophane state , of the duke of alva , p. . d a martyr answered bishop bonner , my lord i cannot dispute , but i can die for the truth . iohn hus said , when he had a cap of paper , wherein were devils painted with the title haerefiarcha , shall i grudge to wear this paper cap for christ , who wore a crown of thorns for me ? e in the primitive times they were wont to call martyrdom by the name of corona martyrii , the crown of martyrdom ; and stephen the protomartyr had his name in greek from a crown . erant torti torquentibus fortiores . cyprian . reformati ligneas sanctorum papistae vivas dei comburunt imagines . qui primi relictis patriis ritibus ac lege , qui abjectis & repudiatis rebus omnibus , quae solent esse hominibus in vita gratissima & charissima , christum sunt sequuti , qui ilii no●a atque admirabilia dicenti fidem tribuerunt , gravia , dura praecipienti obedierunt , denique cervices suas obtulerunt pro illius doctrina & gloria , aliquid certè in co majus & excellentius animadverterunt humana sapientia & potentia . lod. viv ▪ de verit . fid. christ l. . c. . f non paena sed causa facit martyrem . g lib. . c. . meminerunt mosis & diodorus siculus & strabo , & plinius , tacitus quoque , & post eos dionysius longinus de sermonis sub limitate . iamnis autem & mambris qui in aegypto mosi restiterunt praeter talmundicos plinius & apulcius . grotius de verit . relig . christ. * bish. andrews in his large exposition on the ten commandments . h credite me vobis folium recitare sybille . i vid. spanhem . dub. par . . dub. . sect. , . k exercit. . ad annal. bar. * isa. . . psal. . the authors often testifie that they speak not of themselves , or by any humane instinct , but from gods command and the spirit inspiring . l christ commends moses , the prophets and psalms , by which names are meant all the books belonging to the canon of the hebrews . m the holy ghost inwardly witnesseth in the hearts of the faithfull , that the scriptures are the word of god , joh. . , . cor. . , , . & . . joh. . . & . . isa. . . isa. . . rom. . . the inspiration of the spirit is considered as an efficient cause , which disposeth our faculties to believe the truth , and not as an argument of the truth . the pelagians say , the faculties of the soul are well enough disposed to understand and believe the things of god without the inward inspiration and illumination of the spirit . scripturam tanquam mortuam literam intuentur & meros spiritus inflatis buccis crepant , interim tamen neque verbum , neque spiritum retinentes . hic autem audis paulum scripturae testimoniis , ut firmissimis , potissimum nit● , &c. luth. in cor. . , . quocirca noli esse immodicus jactator spiritus si non apertum & externum verbum habueris , neque enim bonus e●● , qu●m jact●s , spiritus , sed ipsissimus diabolus . id. ibid. omnes homines quantumvis illustrati spiritu sancto , tamen manent discip●li ●erb● . luth. tom. . the work of the spirit now is not to perfect scripture , or to adde any thing to its discovery , or to be ●● st●a● of a scripture where it is wanting , much lesse where the scripture is : but to remove the darknesse from our understanding , that we may see clearly what the scripture speaks clearly : before the scripture was perfected , the spirit did enlighten the prophets and pen-men of scripture both wayes . but now i know no teaching of the spirit , save only by its illuminating ●● sanctifying works , teaching men no new lesson , nor the old without book , but to read with understanding what scripture , nature , creatures and providences teach . mr baxters saints everlasting rest , part . sect. . n john . . john . . * fides christiana non acquiritur sed infunditur . n leviculum est quod objiciunt qui contra sentiunt . si omnis scriptura divinitus sit inspirata , sequuturum inde etiam graecorum & gentilium scripturas esse divinitus inspiratas ; nam ut benè respondet theophylactus , oportebat eos novisse quod paulus ante dixerat , sacras literas nosti . rivet . isag. ad script . sac. o aliud sanè prop●●tas hoc vel illud scripsisse , aliud verò scripsisse ut prophetas . spanhem . vide lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . p nothing crosseth humane wisdom more then the scripture . authoritas sine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scriptur● . illud authenticum dicitur , quod sibi sufficit , quod se commendat , sustinet , probat , & ex se sidem ac authoritatem habet . whitaker . q every principle is known by it self . the scripture is the primum credendum , the first thing to be believed ; we must believe it for it self , and all other things for their conformity with it . r eccius reckons this among heretical assertions . major est scripturae , quam ecclesiae authoritas . s nisi deus hominibus placuerit non erit deus , said tertullian in apol. if god please not man , he shall not be god ; as truly and certainly as god is god , so truly is the scripture the scripture . spiritus sanctus spiritus veritatis , loquitur semper in scriptura ; in ecclesia verò quandoque spiritus humanus , spiritus erroris . rainoldus , thesi. . l. . t see chami●rs sixth book de canone , divers chapters , and mr pembles vindiciae gratiae , pag. . to . u superfluus mihi labor videtur eorum , qui adco sollicite illud quoad nos inquisiverunt : quia n● cogitari quidem potest ulla corum librorum authoritas , nisi quoad nos . cham. x matth. . & . . john . . & . . y scriptura est vel ipsa scriptio , & literarum per lineas certas , pictura : vel ipsa doctrina per eas scripturas significata , & in iis literis contenta : scriptione fatemur ecclesiam esse antiquiorem , sed negamus esse antiquiorem ea doctrina , quae significatur ea scriptione . chamier . tom. . l. , c. . z fuit scriptura ante moysen materialiter non formaliter . quibus lect is verbis adeo exultant , quasi reperissent id quod pu●●i in faba se reperisse clamitant : tamque considenter , ac ●i ad plenum victoriae fructum sola triumphi gloria deesset . chamierus . a so musculus , calvin , peter martyr and whitaker expound those words ; observe the composition of the word , it signifieth to move with other things . b gerson saith , he taketh the church for the primitive church , and that assembly which saw and heard christ. c ecclesi● non habet magisteri●●m supra scripturas , sed ministerium circa scripturas . there are two causes why the apocrypha are cast out of the canon . . external , the authority of the church decreeing , and the quality of the authours . . internal , the style , the fabulous and wicked things . chamier . d ecclesiae , id est , romano pontifici vel soli , vel cum concilio magisterium tribuunt summum , adeo ut solennis sit apud eos formula , indicet magister sidei . amesius . e dr chalonero credo ecclesiam catholicam . ecclesia dicitur fundamentum metaphoricè & impropriè , fundamentum secundarium . f rivet and dr preston . de sensu horum verborum vide cameronis myrothecium , & collocationem rainoldi cum harto , c. . p. . g an allusion ( saith bedel ) to the bases and pillars that h●ld up the veils or curtains in the tabernacle . that distinction of authoritative in se , but not quoad nos is absurd , because the authority the scripture hath , is for and because of us . h dr white of the church . the spirit witnesseth , the scripture co-witnesseth , and the church sub-witnesseth . i ut olim caligula , occlusis omnibus horr●is , publicam populo inediam & famem , ita illi obturatis omnibus fo●tibus verbi dei , sitim populo miserabilem induxerant . illi hominibus famem , ut ait amos propheta , sitimque attulerunt : non famem panis non si●im aquae : sed audiendi verbi dei. juel . in apol. eccl. ang scio maximam partem galiorum qui appeliantur catholici , ita abstinere à bibliorum lectione u● multos viderim & audiv●rim , qui deo gratias agerent , quod libros illos nunquam contigissent , & se id diligemer in posterum curaturos ne id fa●●rent , etiam juram●nto adhibito protestarentur : non al●a ratione permoti quàm romana prohibitione , & periculi metu quod eis à suis concionatoribus & confessoribus incutiebatur . rivet . apologet. pro vera pace eccles. pag. . k scripturae obscuriores sunt , quam ut possint ● laicis intelligi . bellarm. & rhemist . praefat. in no● . test. & annot. in act. . . & in cor. l populus non solum non caper●t fructum ex scripturis , sed etiam caperet detrimentum , ac●●peret enim facillimè occasionem errandi . bellarm. de verbo dei , l. . c. . m si populus rudis audiret , lingua sua vulgari legi ex canticis canticorum , osculetur me osculo oris sui , et : laeva ejus sub capite m●o , & dextera illius amplexabitur me , et illud oseae : vade & fac tibi silios fornicationum ; n●●non adulterium davidis , incestum ▪ thamar , mendacia judith , & qu●madmodum joseph fratres suos inebriavit , sara , lea & rachel dederunt ancillas v●ris suis in concubinas , & multa alia ●orum , quae in scripturis magna cum laude comm●morantur , vel provocaretur ad hujusmodi imitanda , vel comemneret sanctos patriarchas ut olim mani●haei , vel putarent mendacia esse in scripturis . bellarm. de verbo dei , lib. . cap. . audivi ab homin● fide digno , ●um in angli● à ministro calvinista in templo legeretur lingua vulgari capitulum ecclesiastici : ubi multa dicuntur de malitia mulierum ; surrexisse foeminam quandam , atque dixisse , istudne est verbum dei ? immo potius verbum diaboli ●st . bellarm. ibid. hujus historiae fides omnis penes sit bonum illum virum , à quo bellarminus eam acc●pit . whitakerus . the scriptures were written to give knowledge to the simple , and wisdom to the unlearned , psal. . . prov. . . that is a special promise isa. . . for this purpose . origen being but seventeen years old had a fervent desi●e to be mar●y●ed for christ , and writes thus to his father leonides ( who suffered in the fifth persecution ) cave tib● ne quid propt●r nos aliud quam martyrii constanter faciendi propositum cogites . his father brought him up from his youth most studiously in all good literature , but especially in the reading and exercise of holy scripture , wherein he had such inward and mystical speculation , that many times he would move questions to his father of the meaning of this or that place in the scripture . insomuch that his father divers times would uncover his brest being asleep and kisse it , giving thanks to god which had made him such a happy father of so happy a childe . fox●s acts and monum . vol. . pag. . davenant . determinat . . n vorstius in his answer to bellarmine joyns these two together , the promiscuous reading of the scripture , and the turning of it in linguas vernaculas . o daven . deter . quest. . & in c. . epist. ad colos. v. . ingratas esse ecclesiae romanae editiones vernaculas inde apparet , quod in illis locis ubi pontisicis maxime obtinent placita , ut in hispania , non procurant pontisicii homines tales editiones , & ab aliis procuratas ferro & flammis prosequuntur . ames . bellarm. enerv . c. . see col. . . & thes● . . . joh. . . scripturae scriptae sunt ut inde p●tamus illuminationem mentis quoad credenda , directionem vitae quoad agenda . p quod omnes tangit , ab omnibus tractari deb●t . q whitaker . contr . . quaest . . c. . makes mention of very ancient english translations , and turretine of old french translations . vide estium ad tim. . . r the word of god was written by the prophets and apostles , linguis vernaculis , viz. to the hebrews in hebrew , to the greeks in greek . s vide cajetanum in cor. . t vernaculum teste . v●lla ●leg . lib. . cap. . dicitur , quod est domi nostrae , vel in nostra patria natum ; ut lingua vernacula , quae vulgo dicitur lingua materna , dictum à verna , qui est servus ex ancilla , domi nostrae natus . ebr●is ergo lingua ebraea fuit vernacula , graecis graeca , lati●is latin● . hoc tempore nulli sunt populi , quibus vel hebraea , vel graeca pura , vel latina lingua sunt vernacula . rive● . isag. ad sac. script . u prov. . . by a man of understanding ●● meaneth every one that is ●odly , as by the ●●ol the wicked x consectary . 〈◊〉 omnes 〈◊〉 illud quod scriptum est ▪ i ▪ scrutamine ●●ripturas , ●ri●●●●● .. y see mr torsh●ls womans glory , cha. . about womens reading of the scripture . the churches of africk had this custom , as augustin sheweth , first , they read a lesson out of the prophets , then out of the epistles and gospel , with a psalm between . act. . . lectio mosis sabbathina perantiqua est . tempore christi & apostolorum usitatam fuisse liquet , act. . buxtorf . * a man may be converted by reading , as luther saies he was ; and iohn huss by reading of wickliffs books . there is a blessing that may be looked for by reading , rev. . . but this is very rare . mr fenner on rev. . . the scripture doth expressely mention baruch to have read the word in a church-assembly without adjoyning any interpretation to it , ier. . , . the very reading of the word it self was an ordinance in the church of israel , though no exposition followed , deut. . , . . deut. . . to . mr cotton , singing of psalms a gospel-ordinance , chap. . christus scripturas scrutari jubet , vel potius iudaeis hoc testimonii perhibet , quod illas scrutentur . joh. . . zepperus . z scripturam sacram à legendo cara●oc●●t ●oc●●t & mic●a , quo● in ea legenda , cognoscenda , operae non parum ac temporis pon●ndum sit . ideo praecipiunt , ut ●omo annos aetatis suae dividat in tres ' partes , quarum tertiam lectio●i tribuat sacrarum l●terarum . d●usius ebraic . quaest . karaim lectores scripturae sacrae secta olim fuit , quae nudo textui biblico addicta erat , ac traditiones omnes rejiciebat . buxtorf . de abbreviat . hebr●i● . a benè orasse est benè studuisse , luther . he hath studied well who hath prayed well . mr pemble of the persian monarchy . in reading of the scriptures men must read not here and there a chapter ( except upon some good occasion ) but the bible in order throughout , and as oft as they can , that so by little and little they may be acquainted with the histories , and the whole course of the scriptures . rogers treat . . c. . h verbum scriptum est objectum fidei adaequatum , primum fundamentum , à quo capit initium , & ultimum illud in quod resolvitur . amesius de circulo pontificio . prima veritas est fidei objectum formale quo ; & deus ipse sive absolute , sive in christo est ejusdem objectum formale quod . ●d . ibid. * divinas scripturas saepius lege , imò nunquam de manibus tuis sacra lectio deponatur . hieron . ad nepotian . de vita cleric . c bifields directions for private reading the scriptures . see practice of piety , p. . what meditation is . see mr fenner on hag. . . a young disciple asking an old rabbi , whether he might not have time to learn the greek tongue , he said , if he would doe it neither by night nor by day , he might , because by night and day he was to study the law , ps. . . c meditatio est actus religionis seu exercitium spirituale , quo deum & res divinas intenta , experimentali , & effectuosa cognitione recordamur , nobisque applicamus . voetius . consectary . some gave five marks for a book . fox . quo juniores eo perspicaciores . salmeron . consectary . f speculative and practical atheists . speculative atheism in the judgement consists in maintaining corrupt principles : practical , in going on in wayes which deny gods attributes . it argued a prophane spirit in politian , who said , that there was more in one of pindars odes then all davids psalms . g iis , qui maximè sibi christianorum , catholicorum nomen venditant , nihil tam solenne est , tamque vulgatum , quam scripturas calumniari . chamier . h quam verè dixerit olim polydorus virgilius , doctores quosdam pontificios sacras literas , quo volunt , retorquere , instar sutorum , qui sordidas pelles suis dentibus extendunt . i pasce oves meas , hoc est , regio more impera . thomas ex aristotele , patribus , conciliis , & barbara bibliorum versione magnum illud system● compilavit , cui titulum summae fecit : liber sententiarum & summa thomae , tanquam duo testamenta , in pulpita introducti sunt . amama . k cum mose ●ugnant , cum prophetis , cum apostolis , cum christo ipso , ac deo patre & spiritu sancto , qui sacras literas & oracula divina contemnunt . bellar. de verb. dei. l. . c. . l d● clerk. m dr rainolds against hart. n dr iones his remonstrance . see s ● iohn temple of the irish rebellion , pag. . o non d●bet scriptura quacunque occasione detorqueri à genuino sensu . imò quod●mmodo foedius est , ●itando detorqu●re : quia indicium est , nos tum scriptur is abuti ad arbitrium & tanquam regulam lesbiam pro nostro commodo ●uc illuc de●orquere . hoc verò quum semper verum est , tum maximè in disputatione : quantum enim illud ●rime● est , ut qui aliorum me●d●●i● refutare profitetur , ipse se ita gerat , ut falsarius appellari possit ! chamier . de canone , lib. . c. ● . how the jews wrest and pervert places of scripture . see dilheri electa , l. . c. . dum scripturas interpretari aggred●●ntur , coribantum s●mn●● & imaginationes , non hominum sanorum expositiones afferunt . buxtorf syntag. iudaic. c ▪ . satan indeavours in this later age to enervate the word two wayes , . in labouring to weaken the authority of the old testament , tim. . . given by inspiration , and profitable go together . . men deny all consequences out of scripture , will have nothing scripture but what is there in so many words , matth. . ult . iames . . see iohn . . there were no other scriptures to search then but only those of the old testament , for none of the new were written till after christs death and resurrection . see mr cooks font uncovered for in●ant baptisme , pag. , . hujus generis inter papistas , sunt brevia collo appensa ave maria cum oratione dominica in globulis , a● certum numerum recitat● . ames . lib. . de conscientia , cap. . iud●i evangelium dici volunt , qua●i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aven gilion , id est , mendacium seu in●quit●tem voluminis . gualtperius . cor. . . consec●ary . it is a gradation . luk. . . tum antiqui theologi , basilius , chrysostomus augustinus ; tum recentiores , celeberrimi nominis inter adversarios , thomas aquinas , ferus , andradius , aliique scripturam canonis nomine designāt , aut designatam asserunt , tanquam intellectus & voluntatis regulam ad ●uncta , seu credenda , seu agenda , perfectissimam . rainoldus thesi . m ● hobbes in his leviathan part . . chap. . saith , those books only are canonical , which are established for such by soveraign authority . then in the times of popery the apocrypha were canonical . a scripturae dicu●tur canonicae , quia quid nos credere , & quemadmodum vivere oporteat , praescribunt , ut huc fidem omnem , vitamque nostram referamus , quemadmodum l●p●cida aut architectus ad amussim & perpendiculum opus suum exigit . whitakerus de script . controvers . prima quoestione prima . cap. . libri sacrae scripturae c●nonici dicuntur : quia fidei morumque regulam continent . whitakerus & scharpius de sacra scriptura . proprii canoni● dicti univocè due conditiones sunt inseparabiles , quod verit●tem divinam contineat divinitus materia & forma , & quod authoritate divina publicae ecclesiae datus & sancti●icatus , ut ●it canon sive regula ipsius , atque hic verè divinus canon , jun. animadvers . in bellarm. est mater ecclesia & ubera ejus duo testamenta divinarum scripturarum . aug. tract . . in epist. joh. b ut veterum librorum ●ides , de hebraeis voluminibus examinanda est , ita novorum veritas graeci sermonis ●ormam desiderat . august . c from the fourth verse of the second chapter of daniel to the end of the seventh chapter ; and from the eighth verse of the fourth chapter of ezrah unto the end of the seventh , the chaldee dialect is used . omnes libri canonici veteris testamenti ebraicè scripti fuerunt . daniele & ezra sunt quaedam partes chaldaicae , nempè quae ab iis ex publicis annalibus & fastis regni desumptae fuerant , in quorum monarchia tum vivebant , ut observavit doctissimus junius . d erpenius orat . de ling. ebr. dignitate . some say the hebrews were so called from abrahams passing over euphrates . id. ibid. vide bocharti geogr. sac. l. . c. . f as ezekiel , daniel . ierom hath followed this division of the hebrews . * buxtorf . tiberias , c. . g both the chronicles , the psalms , proverbs , iob , ruth , daniel , ecclesiastes , canticles , lamentations , esther , ezra and nehemiah , counted for one book . mark . . john . . . in ea parte scripturae quae proph●tas continet , in volumine prophetico . buxtorf . tiberias c. . h joseph . contra appian . l. . euseb. l. . c. . hieron . praef. in lib. reg. some of the jews reckon four and twenty . see sixtus senensis his biblioth . lib. . sect. . some twenty and seven . waltherus in officina biblica , p. . as the massorites reckoned all the words and letters , so some christians all the verses of the bible . i henric. steph. lect. in concordant . graec. n. t. grotius de iure belli , l. . c. . rivetus . isag. ad script●sac . c. . k we are not too superstitiously to adhere to our late division . see heinsius prolegom . ad exercit . l dr raynolds his letter for the study of divinity . usitata divisio sacrorum librorum in capita , & ab hominibus est , & recens ; sicut demonstravit sixtus senensis . rainold . de roman ▪ eccles. idol . admonit . ad lectorem . nos codices quosdam ita scriptos vidimus , ut nulla in illis extet vocum distinctio , sed singulae lineae , uno tenore scriptae sint , atque unicam vocem constituere videantur . croii observat . in n. t. cap. . vide plura ibid. & c●p . , . pentateuchum à quinque voluminibus dicitur : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e●im graecis quinque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 volumen vocatur . isid. l. . in iudaica ecclesia , etsi summa fuerit omnium librorum veteris testamenti , dignitas & authoritas , maxima tamen fuit quinque librorum mosis . rivetus . spanhem . dub. evangel . parte tertia ▪ dub. . in prologo galeato . m nomina horum quinque librorum ab hebraeis sumuntur de primis verbis librorum , graeci & latini denominant hos libros à materia de qua ▪ agitur in principio libri . bellarminus . sims . parasc . ad chron. cathol . c. . n see my epistle to my heb. critica sacra , and thorndike of religious assemblies , chap. . pag. , . two thousand three hundred and eight saith sixtus senensis . o hieron ▪ in prologo in eze. & epist. fam . l . epist. . eustochio , mercer . praefat . in gen. & cantic . vossius in thesibus de creatione . vide estium ad ezec. . . p significat exitum siliorum scilicet israel de ● egypto , ut in terram chanaan prosiciscerentur . menochius . * an hundred fourty six , saith senensis . q barbara turcarum gens hodie mosis doctrinam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehensam , non aliter quam divinam veneratur , adeo ut etiam chartarum lacinias , quibus al●quid ejus fortè inscriptum sit , deosculetur . paraeus praefat . de libris mosis . evangelistae & apostoli in novo testamento , centies quinquagies & amplius in narr●tionibus & concionibus suis mosaici canonis authoritatem adducunt , ut suum cum mose & prophetis consensum comprobent . id. ibid. r est enim deuteronomium sive ut philo loquitur epinomis , nihil aliud quam lex & historia summatim repetita in lorum gratiam qui promulgationi legis rebusque illis non inter●u●rant . grotius in exod. . the hebrews divide the books into four classes . the first is called thorah , that is , the law , containing the five books of moses . s de cujus ingenti at perquam solida eruditione , raraque & accurata diligentia nunquam satis dici potest . muis assert . . heb. ver . the second nebiim reshonim , the books of the former prophets , as ioshua , iudges , samuel , kings . the third nebiim a●haronim , later prophets , isaiah , ieremiah , ezekiel . and the lesser being twelve but one book . the fourth sepher ketubim the hagiographal books . it was written as 't is likely , by divers prophets matth. . ult . vide bezam , bucer . & calvin . in loc . t petrus martyr in praefat . com . in lib. iud. scribit , alios putare unumquemque judicem suorum temporum res gestas conscripsisse , quaepostea samuel ( eorum monumenta cum dissecta essent ) in unum quoddam corpus seu volumen coegerit . aliqui hujus libri auctorem faciunt ezechiam regem , alij esdram , alij samuelem , que opinio verior videtur , & pluribus nititur conjecturis , & graviores habet assertores , & etiam plures . menochius . u the authors of these books of samuel , are thought to be samuel , nathan and gad : samuel of the first book to the twenty fifth chapter , where his death is rehearsed , nathan and gad continued it , chron. . . x they are called the first and second of kings by the greeks and latines . they contain a large history of things done by kings , the history of samuel being preposed . the ordinary glosse saith , he wrote a good part of the first book . scriptor horum librorum quatuor hebraeorum eruditissimis creditur esse ieremias . sermonis forma non discrepat . eum credibile est usum commentariis illis nathanis & gadi● prophetarum , quorum mentio , paral. . . grotius . because they reckon the first and second of samuel also among those of the kings . esdras and ieremiah are thought to be the authors of the kings . munster rendred it , the books of annals , libri praeteritorum appellantur ab hierenymo . ab esdra scriptos hos duos libros constans semper fuit apud hebraeos fama : qui hos libros vocant verba dierum ▪ id est , excerpta ex regum diurnis . grotius . y auctor ignoratur , alii esdrae tribuunt , alii ioremiae ▪ certi nihil habemus ex scriptura . menochius . tempus quo historia paralipomenon edita , & canonicis scriptoribus adjecta sit , non possum pro certo indicare . suspicor autem post antiochi persecutionem , qui saevierat in libros divinos , abbreviatorem ex annalibus regum epitomen excerpfisse , praemissis genealogiis ab adam usque , & additis quibusdam generi davidico , ut continens temporum series haberetur vulgò usque ad sua tempora . bibliander de optimo generum explicandi hebraica . ezra signifieth an helper , nehemiah a comforter . certum est libros paralipomenon , esdrae & nehemia esse post reliques ferè omnes sacros veteris testamenti libros conscriptos , capel . critica sac. l. . c. . a nehemiah in english is a comfort sent from god , to comfort his people in those troublesome times . b nomen huic libro est à potiore persona . martinius . aben esra docet , historiae hujus scriptorem fuisse mardochaeum , idque ex ultimo capite hujus libri colligit . hanc sententiam tanquam veram amplector tamdiu , donec contrarium probetur . mayerii dissertat . theol. de lxx . hebdomatibus danielis . p. . lxx huic historiae somnium quoddam mardoc●aei praemittunt quod non est in hebraeo . grotius . drusius ammad . l. . c . * martinius . c grotius reckons the lamentations among the poetical books . mr caryl on job . v. . pag. . singula in ●o verba plena sunt sensibus . hier. quis libri scriptor fuit inc●r●ū est , nec nisi levissimis conjecturis nititur , quicquid de ea dici potest . beza . vid. grotium & menochiū . walther . in officina biblica & ludov. de tena isag ad totam sac. script . the apostle cor. . . proves it to be of divine authority . * chap. . . ante legem datam floruisse satis iude videtur constare , quod vir ob justiciam atque pietatem incomparabilem celeberrimus , vict●mas , filiorum nomine , totie , obtulerit . cl. selden de jure naturali . & gentium l. . c. . vide plura ibid. est liber iste iobi omnium sacrorum librorum difficillimus , ut qui non modo theologum , verum etiam hebraeae , chaldaicaeque linguae poetices , dialectices , rhetorices , astronomiae , physices denique , bene peritum interpretem requirat . bez. in epist. ad exposit . merc. vide sims . parasc . ad chron. cath c. . the book of iob is supposed to have been written before moses time , and the jews in the talmud say , that iob lived in the time of iacob . aben ezra and iarchi on iob . say , he descended of the sons of nachor , abrahams brother , and generally by most he is held to be more ancient then moses . mr nettles answ. to the jewish part of mr seldens history of tithes sect. . iobi liber antiquior est lege quemadmodum docetur copiose à doctis sixto senensi , mercero , aliisque , ut in eo non sit necesse insistere . rain . de lib. apoc. praelect . . liber psalmorum complectitur quicquid utile est in omnibus scripturis : haec sacra poe●is est elegantissima legis prophetarumque epitome sola brevitate & numero à reliquis discrepans , cum commune promtuarium earum omnium est , quae nobis necessari● sunt . tremel . & jun. opus omni laude majus , & universae sapientiae divinae atque humanae exiguum quidem , sed eo etiam nobilius , atque admirabilius compendium : ea sermonis elegantia , numerorum & harmoniae suavitate , sententiarum eruditione & gravitate , ut nihil majus dici possit . erpenius orat . de ling. ebr. dignitate . quisquis psalmos ita ordine digessit , ut nunc habemus eos in unum volumen collectos , sive hezra fuit , sive aliquis alius post reditum è babylone ; conatus est psalmos ejusdem authoris , aut ejusdem argumenti , aut ejusdem temporis colligere & conjungere . foord . in psal. . according to the hebrew account the psalms have verses . beza psalmos vario latinorum carminum genere elegantissimè & suavissimè expressos orbi christiano dedit . melchior . adam in ejus vita psalterium buchanin . latinum , opus planè divinum & ad usum scholasticae juventutis egregiè elaboratum . graserus exerci●●in c. . dan. a mr bolton on prov. . . sententiae , verba , five dicta graviter & paucis concinnata , quae in omnium animis haerere & in ore versari debent , denique speculum sunt totius vitae & administrationis nostrae . junius . what special prerogatives this book hath above the rest of canonical books , see mr cawdrey on prov. . . b quod in eum librum collectae sunt omnes scientiae : vel quòd sapientia salomonis hic homines congreget ad ipsam audiendam . martinius . the proverbs were salomons ethicks . ecclesiastes his physicks . canticles his metaphysicks . proverbia scripta sunt potissimum pro aetate juvenili , ecclesiastes pro virili , canticum pro senili . the jews compare the three books of salomon to the three parts of his temple , they liken the proverbs to the porch , ecclesiastes to the holy place , canticles to the holy of holies . opinor salomonem in senectute postquam à lapsu resipuisset , scripsisse , . novem ª capita libri proverbiorum , & librum qui ecclesiastes dicitur , ut ex cellatione concipi potest . . librum canticorum , ut ex eo libro colligere licet . . psalmum istum quasi compendium libri canticorum . foord in psal. . liber ille salomonis disputationem continet de summo bono , quod desinit esse conjunctionem cum deo , ac perpetuam dei ●ruitionem simps . chron. cathol . parte tertia . c id est , summum & praestantissimum , vide gen. . . est autem haec generalis totius libri inscriptio , libri argumentum scriptoremque exponens . argumentum est epithalamium excellentissimum sive connubiale canticum , quo schelomo decantavit sacram illam , augustissimam , & beatissimam desponsationem conjunctionemque christi cum ecclesia . jun. d learned men conclude from king. . . that ionah prophesied first of all the sixteen prophets . dr hill in a sermon on the lord of hosts . isaiah prophesied years , saith alsted , saith cornelius a lapide . he prophesied with elegancy , alacrity , fidelity , variety . e jeshagneia , quasi dicas , salus domini vel dei , quòd prae caeteris plenus sit vivificarum consolationum . non tam propheta dicendus ●it , quam evangelista . hieron . praefat . in isa. quicquid de physicis , ethicis , logicis , & quicquid de sanctarum scripturarum mysteriis potest humana lingua , mortalium sensus accipere , complexus est summa prae caeteris prophetis venustate sermonis , & urbanae dictionis elegantia . hieron . isaias , quem ex regia ortum familia novistis , tanta eloquentia librum suum contexuit , ut omnes latinos graecosve oratores longo post se intervallo relinquat . waser . i● praef . ad grammaticam syram . vide plura ib. i● sermone suo discrtus est , quippe vir nobilis & urbanae eloquentiae , nec habens quicquam in eloquio rusticitatis admixtum . unde accidit ut prae caeteris , florem sermonis ejus , translatio non potuerit conservare . ita universa christi ecclesiaeque mysteria ad liquidum prosecutus est , ut non putes eum de futuro vaticinari , sed de praeteritis historiam texere . hieron . praefat . inter cos vates , qui de messia scripsere , perquam disertus est isaias : oratio ejus erudita ubique , & majestatis plena , facilè ostendit , qua esset natus origine . vir enim nobilissimus , & principum consanguinitate clarus , artes omnes scientiasque didicerat , quibus ingenia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur . liber autem ejus non tam vaticinia continere , quam evangelia videtur . res esse pridem gost as , non futuras , putes canaeus de repub. heb l. . c. . admirabiles omnes in scribendo prophetae sunt , & parem meriti fidem : sed eminet in isaia sublime quiddam ingeniosum , vehemens , urbanum , quod majore voluptate , admirationéque lectorem teneat . maldonat . in joh. . lodov. de tena . iirmijah celsitudo , vel excelsus domini , quod magnalia dei animo magno atque forti docuerit . or ramah iah , the reject of the lord , so he was in regard of his condition . ieremiae omnis majestas posita in verborum neglectu est . adeo illam decet rustica dictio . cunaeus de repub. heb. l. . c. . simplicitas cloqui● , à loco ei in quo natus est , a●ci●●● . fuit enim anathotites , qui est usque ●odiè viculus tribus ab hicrosolymis distans milibus . hieron . praefat. in hi●r . jer. . . . and . . f iechezkel ●ortitudo sive robur dei. stylus ejus nec satis disertus , nec admodum rusticus est , sed ex utroque temperatus . senensis . sermo ejus nec satis disertus , nec admodum rusticus est , sed ex utroque mediè temperatus : sac●rdos & ipse fuit , ficut hicremias : principia voluminis , & finem magnis habens obscuritatibus involuta . hieron . praef. in hier. dei judicium ad cujus exactam cognitionem necessaria est multiplex chaldaeorum , graecorum & ●atinorum historia . hieronymus . * broughton on dan. . . danielem hebraei prophetis non adscribunt , non magis quam davidem , non quòd non mult● eximia praelixerint , sed quia vitae genus propheticum non s●ct abantur , sed alter rex erat , alter satrapa . in graeco codice praecedunt prophetae minores , sequuntur majores , & in his daniel , grotius . vaticinandi virtute nemo prae dani●le est , docet enim quo tempore sit venturus m●ssi●s , & regum edisserit sequentium series , annosque numerat ; & ne quid dosit , etiam praenuntia addit signa . quae omnia ejusmodi sunt , uti porphyrius , cui studium fuit ista ●ludere , nesciverit quo se verteret , quippe arguebat eum manifesta rerum fid●s : igitur ad calumniandum redactus est . cunaeus de repub. heb. l. . c. . vide plura ibid. all the prophets had not so many visions of providential alterations as he . prophetae postr●mi in u●●● librum conj●●cti fu●r● , n● parvitate 〈◊〉 distra●erentu● , aut perirent . hinc capiendum illud act. . . in libro prophetarum , id est , prophetarum minorum , nempe amos . . buxtorfij tiberias cap. . g in the order of the twelve prophets all give the chief place to hosea , the hebrews make ioel the next to it , amos the third , obadiah the fourth , ionah the fifth , micah the sixth , nahum the seventh , habakkuk the eighth , zephany the ninth , haggai the tenth , zachary the eleventh , malachi the twelfth . but the septuagint make amos the next to hosea , micah , the third , ioel the fourth , obadiah the fifth , ionah the sixth , the seventh nahum , the eighth habakkuk , the ninth zephany , the tenth haggai , the eleventh zachary ▪ the twelfth malachi , drus. observ sac. . . c . non est idem or do duodecim prophetarum apud hebr os , qui est apud no● osee commati●us est , & quasi per sententias loquens . iohel planus in principiis , in ●ine obscurior & usque ad malachiam habent singuli propri●tates suas . hieron . praefat. in duod . proph. gnamos , on●s , because he is a vehement prophet which denounceth a hard burden , that is , most grievous punishment to the people for their impiety . h gnobadeiah servus dei , a minister of god. ieremy chapter , and ezek. . took many things out of this prophecie . i columba , quemodo dictus videtur a mansuetudine & facilitate morum . ionas ordine quintus numeratur inter duod●●im prophetas qui minores vocantur ; tempore verò illis omnibus prior & ani●quior fuit . id r●g . . . liquet , ex co quod de pace & salute israelitarum sub ieroboamo futura vati●inatus est , antequam calamitosam corum captivitatem denunciasset oseas & amos , cum isaia . itaquo temporis ratione eum primo loco collocari oportuit . livelius in aunotat . in ion. k nomen hebraeum nacum significat & poenitentiae doctorem & consolatorem , quo utroque munere is defunctus est , illo erga ninevitas hoc erga iudaeos . waltherus in offi●ina biblica . l tsphan●iah secretarius vel speculator domini . m he excites and earnestly exhorts the people to the restoring of the temple . n zechareiah memoria domini , sortassis quiae per ipsum deus sui memoriam populo suo refricare voluerit , & testari seipsum quoque meminisse ejusdem , aut quia & ipse domino charus extitit , & quasi in recenti memoria . a lingua graca tunc temporis in orbe terrarum maxime erat communis , quam tamen ob ebraismorum mixturam eruditi hellenisticam , quod ea iudaei hellenistae uterentur vocare amant , amama antibarb . bib. l. . c. . qui dubitat ●tylum novi testamenti esse hellenisticum , is scepticum mihi videtur agere in philologia sacra , h. e ▪ dubitare de ca re quae notissima omnibus , qui stylum lxx interpretum & evangelistarum ac apostolorum vel per transe●●●m asp exerunt , ac cum stylo purè graeco contulerunt . mayerus . vide salmasium de hellenistica . b walterus in offici●a biblic● ▪ graeca leguntur in omnibus ferè gentibus , latina suis sinibus exiguis sanè continentur . rivet . isagog . ad scrip. sac. c. . novum testamentum graecum esse non dubium est , excepto apostolo matthaeo , qui primus in iudae● evangelium christi hebraicis literis aedidit . hieron . praefat. in quatuor evangelia . matthaeus quidem hebraicè scripfisse traditur à magnis authoribus , & per jacobum apostolum in graeciae sermonem translatus . bibliander de optimo genere explicand● hebraica . matthaeus ebraice scripsit , id est , syriacè , seu lingua in quam ebraica post captivitatem degenerasset , quia & syriaca dicta est & ebraica : graecam autem versionem alii jacobo , alii joanni apostolo , ip●i matthaeo alii tribuunt . selden . ux●r ebraica , l. . c. , c memorabilis est de lingua , qua evangelium matthaei ab ipso conscriptum est , controvers●a ; quidam enim hebraam , alii graecam esse contendunt . ac prior quidem sententia , si plurium auctorum consensum spectemus primas obtinet , sin verò rei veritatem , posterior amplectenda , ut examen demonstrabit . gomarus de evangelio matthaei . cajetanus initio suorum commentariorum severè monet evangclium matthaei non fuisse scriptum hebraicè argumento non i●cpt● ab interpretatione vocum hebraicarum , ut capite primo emanuel , quod est si i●t●rpreteris , nobiscum d●us mat. c. . . no● poterat . n. hebraica editio sic interpretari . d in exo. . . e sixtus senensis saith expresly that mark wrote in greek bibl. sanct. l. . f lingua syria ca servatori nostro , & apostolis vernacula fait . de dieu . vide whitakeri controversiam primam de scripturis quaestionis secundae capite quinto . cum legimus in actibus apostolorum paulum allocutum esse iudaeos cap. . . lingua hebraea , intelligendum est de hebraica lingua , quae tunc in usu erat apud iudaeos , id est , syria●a . nam & dominus nost●r ea usus est , ut apparet ex omnibus locis evangeliorum , in quibus aliquid prolocutus est lingua vernacula . salmasius de hellenistica ad quartam quaestionem . princeps & caput & regula divinorum oraculorum , & salutisere ac necessariae veritatis est christi evangelium , quo caeteri sacri libri omnes censentur , & precium accipiunt , t●m veteris instrumenti , quam novi . lod. viv. de ver . fid. christ l. . c. . parvae interdum in evangeliis diffi●entiae argumentum praebent veritatis , ne ex composito videantur scripsisse , si per omnia consentirent . chrysostomus . ex omnibus iis qui acta christi & doctrin●m literis mandarunt , antiquissima illa & prima ecclesia illorum temporum pene aequalis , solos quatuor tanquam sacro sanctos & ●irmissimae fidei ac veritatis approbavit , ac retinuit : matthaei & joannis qui rebus omnibus interfuerunt ; marci , ex relatione petri : lucae , tum ex pauli revelatione , tum relatu aliorum qui erant cum domino versati . lod. viv. de verit . fid . christ. l. . c. . g sunt san● in ●o , quo nunc utimur , volumine , libri aliquot non ab initio pariter recepti , ut petri altera , ea quae iacobi est , & iudae , duae sub nomine ioannis presbyteri , apocalypsis , & ad hebraeos epistola : sed ita tamen ut à multis ecclesiis sint agniti . grotius lib. . de verit . relig. christ. p. . vide plura ibid. the book of esther and canti●les were doubted of by some . vide bellar ▪ de verb. dei. l. . c. , , . joh. . see in the annotat . in loc . h vide calvin . in loc . & chamier . tom. . l. . c. . saepe falsissimae sunt epistolarum paulinarum subscriptiones . capellus . i vide scultetum & bezam . k timothy is expresly by the apostle called an evangelist , tim. . . therefore titus having the same charge in crete , as he had in ephesus , they were both evangelists . cartw. on the title of the epistle to the romans . see him also on the title of the first epistle to timothy . l we call them historical in which is contained an historical narration of things done ● for although in them there be many things pertaining to doctrine , yet the chiefest thred and scope of the speech containeth a narration of an history done , hence they are called historical . the grecians call the letters sent from one to another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epistles , wotton on joh. . the holy ghost styles it a prophecy . rev. . . & . . . , . see rev. . . ex lutheranis satis commendari nequit harmonia , à chemnitio ad stuporem usque dexterrimè capta , à lysero fideliter continuata , & à gerhardo dexteritate & fidelitate pari consummata ; ex pontificiis , jansenius ; ex calvinianis calvinus . waltheri officina bibl. m apostle when it is properly taken , extendeth it self not only to all the ministers of god , being sent of god , but to the embassadour of any prince or nobleman , or that is sent of any publick authority , and it is used in the scripture by a synecdoche for the twelve that our saviour christ appointed to go thorowout all the world , to preach the gospel , unto the which number was added st paul , and as some think barnabas , these were , . immediately called by god , gal. . . . they saw christ , cor. . . . they had the field of the whole world to till , they were sent into all the world . cartw. reply to dr whi●gist in defence of the admonition , p. . apostolatus ●rat functio ▪ quae post fundatas semol ecclesias , successionem non admisit ; sed cum ipsis apostolis des●●t . down . diatrib . de autich . vide lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . n in chronica . vide seldenum de jure naturali . * lib. . c. . o lib. . c. . p lib. . c. . q tertullian cals matthew , fidelissimum evangelii commentatorem . de serie annorum , quibus scripti sunt libri novi testamenti , satis est curiosum animosè contendere . tamen video apud veteres non esse unam eandemque sententiam . chamierus . vide sixti senensis bibliothecam sanctam . walther ▪ in officina biblica . postremus omnium evangelistarum scripsit , ut colligeret quae aliis erant omissa , vel brevius perstricta , chamier . de eucharistia , l. . c. . iohn in his epistles was an apostle , in his apocalyps a prophet , in his gospel an evangelist . in his gospel he writes more expresly then the res● ▪ of the deity of christ , and in the revelation of the coming of antichrist . q acta apostolor●●m sunt chron●●ca quaedam pri●nae ecclesiae in novo testament● . sic dicuntur , quia r●s primis ecclesiae christianae temporibus maximè ab apostotis gestas describunt . martinins in memoriali bibli●● . paulus ad roman ▪ undecim capitibus fidem ▪ fundat , & quinque cap. deinde mores superaedi●icat . ad galatas quinque fidem , uno & sexto mores docet . sic in aliis quoque epistolis facit . lutherus tomo . in s ● pauls epistles this order is kept : those epistles are set first , which were written to whole churches , and then those which were written to particular persons . in both these sorts the comp●ler of them seemeth manifestly to have had respect of setting the epistles in order , according to their length . cartw. ordo epistolarum paulinarum respectu scriptionis alius est , quam respectu positionis in bibliis . waltherus in officina biblica . ludovicus capellus historia apostolica illustrata . epistolae paulinae non temporis ordine locatae sunt ab iis qui e●s primi in unum volumen compegerunt : sed pro dignitate corum ad quos scriptae sunt . ideo praecedunt quae ad ecclesias ; sequuntur quae sunt ad singulos . grotius . c●a . . . capellus ibi● . acts . . capellus ubi supra . capelli histori● apostolica illustrata . inter epistolas quae sunt ad ecclesias , prima est quae ad romanam ob urbis ejus majestatem . grotius . * the city of corinth was a famous metropolis in achaia , notable for wisdome ; one of the seven wise-men is celebrated for a corinthian . tully calleth it lumen graeciae . a it was famous also for riches and merchandize ; and for pride , luxury , lust : whence the proverb , non cuivis homini contingit adire corinthum . lais there asking a great sum of money of demosthenes for a nights lodging with her , he answered , non emam tanti poenitere . b acts . and . , . c bayne . see ephes. . . see phil. . . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honoro & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deus ▪ q. d. cultor dei vel honorans deum . sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magni aestimo , in pretio habeo , honoro . pasor . e plena roboris & lacertorum est tota epistola , & singulis ejus verbis mirifica quaedam argumentandi vis latet recondita . scultetus . f duplex dubitatio de hac epistola fuit , una de auctore , altera de authoritate ejus . bellarm. l. . de verb. dei. c. . vide drusium ad titulum ad hebraeos . de side est , epistolam ad hebraeos esse scripturam canonicam . cornel. a lapide . dr fulk against martin . multo facilius dicere , quis istius epistolae non sit author , quàm quis sit author . cameron . tomo tertio praelect . in epist. ad heb. ubi multis rationibus probare conatur paulum non fuisse illius authorem . tantum vellemus epistolam ad hebraeos non adscribi paulo , quam firmis argumentis persuasi simus alium esse auctorem . calvinus in epist. it hath pleased the spirit of god in wisdom to conceal from us the names of the authors of some books , both in the old and new testament ; god would have us believe his word , though we know not the authors , it is written by the spirit of god , though we know not whose hand god guided . dr holsworth on luk. . , . g sciebat nomen suum invisum hebraeis esse , quamvis ad fidem jam conversis , propterea quod ipse prae caeteris legem veterem esse abrogatam acerrimè disputabat : cujus legis illi adhuc aemulatores erant , actorum vigesimo primo . bellarminus ex hieronymo haec citat . l. . de verbo dei ▪ cap. . vide bezam in titulum illum , epistola pauli apostoli ad hebraeos . certè non pauca sunt in hac epistola quae alibi apud paulum totidem penè verbis scribuntur . beza . compare pet. . . with pet. . . other books have no name prefixed , and yet they are certainly believed to be canonical , as iob , iudges , ruth , chronicles . h epistola pauli ad hebraeos hebraico , id est , sermone tunc in syria usitato scripta fuit , & ab alio versa , quem quidam clementem fuisse volunt , alii alium . salmasius de helenistica . i waltherus in officina biblica & bellarminus ubi supra . k jun. parallel . lib. . cap. . pag. . vide waltheri officinam biblicam . l epistolae aliorum apostolorum catholicae dicuntur , quia generatim ad omnes ●ideles & in omnes quasi mundi partes missae sunt , & ista inscriptione à paulinis distinguuntur , quae vel ad certas ecclesias vel ad certos homines missae fuerunt . rivetus in catholico orthodoxo . hieron . epist. fam. m ● pemble on justification . sect. . ● . . m this may be seen in the harmony of confessions . n rivet . iesuit● vapulans , c. . waltherus in officina biblica . sect . waltherus also in officina biblica holds it canonical . o rainoldus de lib. apoc ●om . . praelect quarta . vide etiam pr●olectionem tertiam . p as eusebius and ierom witnesse . chap. . , . eusebius l. . & . . zanchy hath done well on the first epistle , calvin on all three . * irenaeus , tertullian , athanasius . vide euseb. l. . c. . l. . c. . erasm. in anno. it is reckoned among the canonical books , and cited by athanafius , tertullian , cyprian , origen , ierom , under iudes name . iohn neither in his epistles nor revelation cals himself an apostle . this short ( yet general ) epistle was written the last of all the epistles , and is therefore called by some fasciculus . it was written by iude the brother of iames , and kinsman of christ , he lived longer then all the rest of the apostles save iohn . besides the dedication and preface , it contains two things , . warnings of the church against false doctors . . woes against false teachers . q vocatur ist● liber apocalypsis seu revelationis , quia in eo continentur ea quae deus revelavit ioanni & ioannes ecclesiae . ludov. de tena . sextus senensis idem ferè habet bibliothecae sanctae l. . apocalypsis iohannis tot ●habet sacrament● quot verba . hieron epist. fam. lib. . epist. . nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teste . hieronymo soli scripturae est proprium & apud ethnicos non usitatum , sonat revelationem earum rerum , quae prius , non quidem deo , nobis autem occultae & minus manifestae fuerunt . peculiare est iohanni prae reliquis librorum n. t. scriptoribus filium dei vocare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; confer joh. . . and . iam verò candem appellationem tribuit filio dei ●n hoc libro apoc. . v. . gerardus , waltherus . vide bezae pr●legomena in apocalypsin . non illud receptum est quod ex verbis apocal. cap. . colligerunt chiliastae , qui ab ecclesia explosi sunt ut haeretici , sanctos nempe in terris cum christo regnaturos annis mille . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . praelect . . r mr selden of tithes , cap. : ex bodin . meth. hist. see mountag . against him , c. . p. . see broughton on apoc. p. . apocalypsin iohannis commentationibus i●tactam se relinquere fatetur lutherus , quod dubiae sit interpretationis & arcani sensus ; in qua etsi periculum sui multi hactenus fecerint , nihil certi tamen in medium protulisse . zepperus . mr perkins on the first three chapters . consectaries from the books of scripture . see luke . , . acts . ▪ & . . ●otum vetus testamentum rejiciebant manichaei , tanquam à deo malo profectum . duos n. illi deos impiè singebant , quorum unus bonus , malus alter esset . whitakerus de scripturis . libri digni qui abscondantur magis quam qui legantur . athanas. in synops. sac. script . stephen act. . . cites a book of the twelve lesser prophets , and so confirms the authority of them all , being in one volume . luke . . vide whitakeri controv . . quest . . c. . p. . * the history of susanna , dan. . and bel , cap. . and the song of the three children , dan. . ezra is accounted by some as the apocrypha of the apocrypha , because it was never owned for canonical , either by the jewes , romish church in general , or protestant writers . the apocryphal books are either purer , as syrach , wisdom , b●●●ch , the first of maccabees , and the prayer of manasses : or more impure , as the rest , toby , iudith , the second of maccabees , the supplement of esther and daniel . nos quidem non negamus horum librorum plerosque , sapientia● praesertim & ecclesiai●icum esse valde bonos & utiles , & omnibus tractationibus praeserendos ; sed propriè & per excellentiam cano●icos esse , & i●sallibilis veritatis , è quibus sirma ducantur argumenta , id verò inficiamur . rainold . de lib. apoc. praelect . . see mr lightfoot on luk. . . p. . & . acts . . & . . & . . solebant pueri praeparari & excoli ( ad audiendas sacras scripturas ) libris sapientiae & ecclesiastici , quemadmodum qui purpuram volunt , prius lanam insiciunt , ut in quit cicero . rainol . de lib apoc. tom . ● . praelect . . * chamier . de canonc l. . c. . musculus , waltherus . a because they were the scriptures of the prophets , rom. . . a prophetical speech , pet. . , . and luk. . . and . . and . , , . b these books in question were never admitted into the canon of the jews , they are not comprehended under moses and the prophets , as iosephus ( contra ap l . ) hieron . in prolog● gal. origen . ( in psal. . ) epiphanius ( de pond . & mens . ) testifie , as sixtus senensis and bellarmine confesse . sapientia quae vulgo salomonis inscribitur , & iesu filit sirach liber , & judith & tobias , & pastor non sunt in canone . hieron . praefat . in lib. reg. c eus. hist l. . c. . aug. epist. & . euseb. eccles. hist l. . c. . whit. de scrip. controv . . q. . c. , . d luk. . . aug. cont . faustum . l. . c. . bellar. de verbo dei , l. . c. . iosephus , ierom , origen . duo genera causarum sunt ob quas libri apocryphi sunt à canone rejecti ; unum externum , alterum internum . externae causae sunt , authoritas ecclesiae decernentis , tum ipsorum autorum qualitas ; quippe qui ejusmodi non fuerint ut fidem merereutur . internae sunt , quae ab ipsorum librorum examine diligenti desumuntur , primum stylus , deinde res ipsae , nempe vel fabulosaevel impie . chamier . de canone , l. . e he craves pardon of his reader , which is not fitting for the holy ghost . f aug. controv . . epist. gaudentii . c. . g chap. . . that the heart and liver of a fish , broiled upon coals , doth drive away the devil from man or woman , that he shall trouble them no more , contrary to mat. . . see euseb. l. . hist. c. . & l. . c. . h car●w . in his preface to the confutation of the rhemish testament . est duplex canō fidei , morum : the jews rejected the apocrypha à canone fidei , the church admirs it into canonem morum . they are given us to be read , non cum credendi necessitate , sed cum judicandi libertate . austin . * ierom and augustine . i florentinum & tridentinum concilium , ne mihi objeceris , quibus ego nec teneri nec urgeri volo : antiquiora saniora , sanctiora desidero . whitak . cont . stapl. florentinum concilium habitum est ante annos . & tridentinum atate nostra , cujus habendi ea ratio ac consilium fuit , ut omnes ecclesiae papisticae errores stabiliret . eram haec duo non legitima christianorum concilia , sed tyrannica antichristi conventicula ad oppugnandam evangelii veritateni instituta . whitak . controv . . q. . c. . de scripturis . reus extra provinciam producendus non est ; ibi n. causa agenda ubi crimen admissum est . see the review of the councel of trent , l. . c. , , , , , , , . and b. iewels epistle concerning the councel of trent at the end of that history , and dr featl●ys case for the spectacles , c. . p. , . rex christianissimus negabat se habere hunc consessum ( viz. conc. trident. ) pro o●cumenica & legitimè congregata synodo , sed magis pro conventu privato . thuanus tom. . hist. l. . p . concilium tot acclamationibus ebuccinatum & sub annulo piscatoris tam solenniter firmatum , non admiserunt galli , nec magni fecerunt doctiores è pontificiis : aliqui refutarunt , kemnitius , gentiletus , calvinus ex parte historiam ejusdem edidit , paulus suivius venetus , technas aperiit gallus , à d. l. anglicè redditus orat in eohabitae uno prostant volumine è quibus pat●at , non ad lites componendas , sed ad christianis imponendum conductos , & seductos fuisse tot doctos à pontificibus , in hoc ultimo ab illis probato o●cumenico . dr prid. concil . synops. c. . k sleidan . l. . this councel was not general , divers kings & nations protested against it , viz. the king of england , and the french king , and would not send their bishops and embassadors to it . b. carleton . in prologo galeato , l. . c. . a authentieum est quod ex se fidem facit , sua authoritate nititur , ab iis de quorum authoritate constat comprobatur . to be authentical is to have authority of it self . respectu materiae in sacris illis libris contentae , caelestis nimirum doctrinae , versiones omnes fideliter & cum accuratione factae dici possunt authenticae , non respectu ●ormae , seu verborum & phraseon quibus doctrina illa fuit primùm scripto tradita ; hoc enim respectu soli textus originarii graecus & hebraeus sunt revera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , divini , authentici , quia illi soli sunt à spiritu dei immediatè prophetis & apostolis dictati . capel . crit. sac. l. . c. . b hebraeis ●●aecisque textibus concedatur utilitas maxima , laus maxima , exemptio de 〈…〉 corrupt●●●s absolutissima : ●● vehementey approbo . morinus in epist. ad diatribeu . c latina vetus vulgata editio in publicis lectionibus disputationibus , praedicationibus & expositionibus pro ●uth●n●ica habeatur , & nemo illam rejicere quovis protextu audeat , aut praesumat . concil . trident. sess . decret● do . pr●●●gi●sum certè decretum & cujus cordat●ores ponti●icios & tunc cum illud ●uderetur pudu●rit , & etiamnum dispudet , ●●●●ma antibarb . bibl. iunius . d nec obstat , quaedam in . ieremia , daniele & ezra , idiomate chaldaico co●●ignata esse , e● n lingua ab hebraea inflexione saltem differt , & ab eadem tanquam matre , nascitur , ac demum post captivitatem baby lon●c●m iud●is coepit esse famili ●ris . waltherus in offici●a biblica . sciendum quippe est danielem maxime & ezram hebraicis quidem literis , sed chaldaico sermone conscriptos , & unam hicremiae pericopen , iob quoque cum arabi●● ling●● plurim●m habere societatem . hieron . praefat. in da● . qu● omnes scripserunt hebraicè , praeter danielem , qui secundo & d●inceps quinqae capitibus chaldaicè exponit r●● in chaldaea gestas : praeterque ezram , qui capite quarto ac deinde usque ad octavum decre●a regum persicorum chaldaicè resert . una etiam sententia verbis chaldaeis exprimitu , hierem. . cap. per mim●sin assyri● dialect● . pa●c●●e quoque dictiones in iob ponuntur syris & arabibus concedendae bibli●nder de op●i●o genere explica●di hebr●ica . 〈◊〉 jun. in dan. . & prelog . ●n dan. c singulae versiones habe●t suas taudes , suas labes . amama antibarb . bibl. l. . c. . multo purior ( inquit ipse hieronymus ) manat fontis unda , quam fluit rivuli aqua . see mr vines on pet. . . p. , . f the accurate inspection of the hebrew bible teacheth which translation hath most exactly exprest the meaning of the holy ghost . g targum chaldaicè significat interpretationem , item paraphrasin , quando non tam verba quam sensus ex alia lingua redditur . significatio hujus vocis est generalis , ad omnes linguas se extendens , sed tamen usus jam obtinuit , ut per targum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intelligatur solum chaldaica bibliorum vet. testamenti translatio . helvicus de chald. paraph. nomine targum non significatur semper chaldaeus paraphrastes , verum eo vocabulo interpretem in genere notant . rainoldus de libris apocryphis tomo . cap. . vide schickardi bechinath , &c. et capel . critic . sac. l. . c. . ista targum . translatio , est tantae auctoritatis apud iudaeos quod nep●andissimum est eis ei contradicere . porcheti victoria adversus hebraeos , parte . c. . abrahamus princeps patriarcharum , natione chaldae●● , omni disciplinarum genere , praesertim verò mathematicarum , non tantum excelluit , sed ●●s quoque aegyptios in lingua chaldaea doc●it . daniel & esdras magnam partem chaldaeè conscripti crant . waserus praefat. ad grammaticam syrain . vide plura ibid. lingua chaldaica hebraeae omnium vicinissima , teste mercero & wasero . vide b●xtorf . de abbreviat . heb. p. , . ea lis adhuc sub judice haeret , ebraeaue au chaldaea fit reliquarum mater ▪ & certè chaldai pro sua non levibus militant argumentis . erpenius . observa quaso pie & christiane lestor , à paraphraste nostro expresse hic poni nomen m●ssiae , qui per vocem hebraicam schilo intelligitur , quod certè multum facit pro tutanda confirmandaque fide ac religione nostra christiana , contra impudentes quosdam iudaeos , qui impiè contendunt hunc locum non esse de messiah se● christo intelligendum . ideoque variis stultis , frivolis , tortis & impiis expositionibus conantur nobis eum obscurare . fagius annotat in paraphras . chald in pentateuch . vide plura ibid. * illud solum considera , terrori iudaeis eos christianos esse , qui in thargum & rabbinis mediocriter versati sunt ; non enim ignorant , pleraque hodierni iudaismi fulera in iis vebementissimè concuti , imò convelli . quo magis doleo haec utilissima studia adeo iis in locis jacere , ubi iudaei catervatim habitant . amamae consilium de studio ebraico bene instituendo . i livelie in his chronology of the persian monarchy . chaldaica lingua in vet. test. periude ut & syra in novo , purior longè est , quàm ea quibus paraphrases chaldaicae conscriptae sunt . waltherus . talmudh propter ejus magnitudinem nunquam legit hieronymus , ficut nec targum ob syrae linguae imperitiam . wakfeld . orat de laudibus & utilitate trium linguarum arab. chald. & heb. the rabbins generally however they interpret siloh , confesse it notes the messiah . ioh. isaac . l . contra lindanum . * targum , hoc est paraphrasis onkeli chaldaica , in quinque libros mosis ex chaldaeo à paulo fagio versa ; quibus adjecit breves doct asque annotationes . melchior adamus in vita ●agii . * rainoldus de lib. apoc. helvicus . 〈…〉 n 〈…〉 ow●s 〈…〉 . ● . 〈…〉 apel . 〈…〉 l. . 〈…〉 uitur ; apostoli usi sunt ca editione , ergo ost authentica sive divina . nam paulus usus est etiam propha 〈…〉 rum testimo●●is , qui tamen propterca non sunt divini . caeterum quia scripserunt graecè apostoli , facilè usi sunt c 〈…〉 tum sola 〈…〉 raecis crat cognita . chamier . non ideo apostoli in citationi●●s suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. x. x. tran●●ationem grae 〈…〉 sunt , quod eam existimarent esse divinam , & ● dei spiritu immediate profectam , sed quòd ●am ad fidei & mo 〈…〉 ctrinam quod attinet , sinceram satis esse nossent , quodque ●● esset maximae ●●●i iudaeos auctoritatis , quam repudi●r● 〈…〉 e , nulloque co ore aut prae textu posse●t , ●●po●● à viris iud●is , 〈◊〉 ●erme ante christ 〈…〉 apparatu , procurante summo iudaeorum 〈◊〉 adorn●●●m . ●●●pel . cri●●● . sac. l. . c. . . 〈…〉 . syriaca lingua quasi proles quaedam est hebraicae & ●haldaicae linguae : hebraei siq●idem , qu● usque ad captivitatem babyloni●am hebraicè solum , id est , lingua sua loqui consueverant , cum abducti essent in babylonem , caeperunt oblivisci linguam propriam , & addiscere alienam , id est , chaldaicam , quia tamen non perfectè eam pronunciare poterant , & semper aliquid ex hebraica retine ▪ bant , factum est , ut lingua quaedam tertia nasceretur , syriaca , dicta à regione . bellarminus . modum in scribendo à dextra versus ●inistram introrsum omnes populi orientales sequuntur exceptis aethiopibus qui à sinistra dextram versus scribunt . waltherus . p piscator . schol. in loc . & walther . in officina biblica . novi testamenti syram editionem magni faciunt omnes docti . chamier . lingua syriaca servatoris nostri ore sanctificata est , cui , dum in terris versaretur , vernacula fuit atque domestica . waser . praefat. ad grammaticam syram . ●ingua syra hodiè antiochena & maronitica dicitur , à locis , ubi ea oreberrimi inter i●colas est usus . est enim haec ex hebraea & chaldaea conflata coepitque circa cyri , persarum monarchae tempora , aut non ita multo post , regnante videlicet dario histaspis f. post servatoris aetatem primostatim nascentis christianismi saeculo , vel ab apostolis ipsis , vel à discipulis corum , paraphrasis syra in novum testamentum erat conscripta . cujus praestantissimae paraphrasoos antiquitatem cum incorrupta sermonis elegantia , tum defectus epistolae petri ii , iohannis ii , & iii , sancti iudae , apocalypscos , & accusationis adulterae apud iohan , quae ipsa apud ●hrysostomum quoque , theophylactum & nonnum desideratur , sa●is superque confirmant . waser . ubi supra . antiquissimum illud monumentum , nec unquam satis laudatum , versio syriaca . fuller . miscel. sac. l. . c. . vide fuller . miscel. sac. l. . c. . the arabick testament was set out by erpenius . erpenius saith , the arabick is ancienter then the syriack . walther . in officina biblica . q orat. . de ling. arab. dignitate . de lingua arabica agitur , act. . . arabism is referti sunt scripturae libri poeticl , iobi maximè , ut pridem observavit hieronymus , bochartus geogr. sac. par . . l. ● . c. . epeni us orat . prima & secunda de ling. arab. dignitate . mr. cudworth cals mr. selden the glory of our nation for oriental learning . r qui ex hebrea lingua scripturas in graecam verterunt numerari possunt . latin● autem nullo modo . august . de doctrina christina l. . c. . s maldon . ad luc. . . & estius ad cor. . . & ad ephes. . . t hieronymus latinitatis auctor est non contemnendus , qui in omnibus scriptis suis sermone utitur grammatices puro . quam barbara contra sit versio vulg . res ipsa loquitur , ut v●●rum sit iesuitas elegantiae latinae aliàs studio●issimos , vulgatam illam . translationem vel hoc nomine non improbasse . waltherus ●● o●●i●ina biblica . vide whit●kerum de scripturis quoest. secund . controversiae . cap. sexto . & waltheri officinam biblicam . * clarissimus vir joh. diodati in aureis suis annotationibus , q●as versioni suae italicae ( operi profecto nunquam satis laudando ) bibliorum annexuit ved . rationale . theol. l. . c. . u bellarm. l. . de verbo ●●i c. and ●hemists preface before the new testament . x fateor equidem & à me dissentiet opinor , nemo , apostolorum & prophetatum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regulam esse & amussim ad quam versiones omnes exigendae sint . morinus exercit . bibl. l. . exercit . . c. . y scriptura hebraea in u. t. & graeca in n. t. ab hieronymo rectè vocantur fontes veritatis . z in ecclesia christiana nulla unquam suit editio authentica , excepta hebraica veteris , & gr●ca novi testamenti . nam id opinor in ecclesiae catholica dicendum est authenticum , quod apud omnes authoritatem habet , chamierus . a rivetus in catholico orthodoxo . scriptura dupliciter intelligitur ; vel enim significat ipsam literarum picturam & sic accipitur exod. . . vel res ipsas , quae significantur per eas voces ut matth. . . aeque biblia sacra nuncupantur codices illi qui passim circumferuntur latinè , gallicè , chaldaicè , syriacè ; ac qui hebraicè & graecè , ●●it longè alii sint literarum ductus & syllabarum compositiones . chamierus de canone l. . b d● doctrina christiana l. . c. . si translatio ab originali dissentit , ei linguae potius credendum est unde in aliam per interpretationem facta est translatio . augustinus l. . de civitate dei c. . c hieronymus & coaevus ei augustinus difficultatibus obortis , jubent in versionibus nos rec●r●re ad ipsos fontes , erpenius . d b●llarm . lib. . de v●rbo dei cap. . morinus exercit . bibl. l. . exercit . . c. . . . e as canus l. . c. . de locis theologicis lindanus . l. . c. . de optimo genere interpret . notissimum est , nulla in re suisse iudaeos tam curiosos , pios & religiose observantes , quam ut biblia sua casta , pura , inviolataque conservarent . nam illud mandatum dei , quod deut. c. . v. . legitur , non solum de quinque moysis libris dictum esse interpretantur , sed in universum de omnibus libris & verbis quae per spiritum sanctum prophetae iudaeis communicarunt , intelligunt . i●super multis ab ipsis iudaeis sancitum est legibus , eum , qui aliquid in bibliis mutet , peccatum committere inexpiable . quin & hoc ad jecerunt : siquis velex ignorantia & impietate unum vocabulum mutet , ne totus propterea mundus p●reat , & in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vertatur , periculum esse . has autem sententiae suae causas adduxerum , quod credant deum opt. max. propter solam scripturam sacram ( quam ipsi opinionem variis modis probant ) hunc mundum creasse . iohanues isaacus contra lindanum l. . p. . . . vide wakfeld . syntagma de hebraeorum codicum in corruptione . ab hoc mendo praeservavit deus locum gen. . . ubi primum de christo evangelium , ubi in omnibus ebraicis bibliis , nullo omnino codice excepto , mansit masculinum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum vau mavet ergo deo solida laus , & sontibus debitum aestimium . amams disserta . de k●ri & khetib . tu illos accede , & urge disputatione ; ducenta tibi argumenta ex bibliis contra illos suppetunt , quae in textu hebraeo clariora & dilucidiora , quam ulla conversione inven●untur . id. ib p. . r. ben. maimon saith , if in the copying of the hebrew bible , one letter were written twice , or if one lttter but touched another , that copy was not admitted into their synagogues , but onely allowable to be read in schools and private families . masora est doctrina critica , à priscis hebraeorum sapi●ntibus , circa textum hebraeum sacrae scripturae , ingeniosè inventa , qu● versus , voces , & literae ejus numeratae , omnisque ipsarum varietas notata , & suis lotis cum singulorum versurum recitatione indicata est , ut sic constans & genuina ejus lectio conservetur , & ab omni mutatione aut corruptione aeternum praeservetur , & valide praemuniatur , buxtorsii tiberias , c. . f paucissimi ex antiquis patribus linguae hebraicae periti fu●runt , graeci graece , latini latinè scripserunt : et omnes , exceptis origine & hieronymo , linguae hebraicae imperitissimi , graecis & latinis interpretationibus , quas ad manus habuerunt , contenti fuere , adeo ut d. hieronymus de origine scribat , illum hebraeam linguam contra aetatis gentisque suae naturam didicisse . buxtorf de punctorum antiquitate & origine parte prima c. . g non potu●runt iudaei scripturas corrumpere . augustinus ex exemplarium bibliorum multitudine id probat l. . de civitate dei cap. . absit ( inquiens ) ut pruders aliquis iudaeos cujuslibet perversitatis atque malitie tantum potuisse credat in codicibus tam multis , & tam longè latèque dispersis . potissima ratio à fingulari providentia divina deducitur . glassius l. . tract . de textus heb. in v t. puritate . sect. secunda , h amama antibarb . bibl. l. . i ipse bellarminus fatetur , ex textu hebraeo iudaeos sortius constringi & vexari saepius posse , quam ex versione latina . iudaei reliquerunt in suis lebris quae maxime pro nobis contra ipsos faciant , i. e. quae mysterium trinitatis comprobant , qua cum iudaei nihil habent commune , & de christo testimonium perhibent , hieron . si falsandi aliquem locum iudaeis causa unquam fuit , certè esaiae cap. . in quo ita de christi , domini nostri morte ac passione esaias vaticinatus est , ut ejus coram spectator fuisse videatur . at totus iste locus integer relictus est , habetque in hebraeo codice prorsus , quomodo in graeco & latino , muis de heb. edit . author acver . k lib. . contra lind p , . l quid illustrius de christi messiae nostri dici potest exhibitione , quam istud esa. . . esa. . . quid de passone ejus accerba & resurrectione gloriosa splendidus dici potest , quam quod in esa. . cap. dicitur , itemque in psal. . nec tamen corruptelam vel his , vel permultis aliis scripturae locis ullam fuisse à iudaeis illatam deprehendere possumus glas. philol. sac. m l. . de verbo dei c. . n aliis occurrendum videtur , qui zelo quidem bono , sed nescio an secundum scientiam , omni●o contendunt , iudaeos in odium christianae fidei studiose depravasse & corrupisse multa loca scripturarum . bellar. de verbo dei l. . c. . if the old testament be corrupted , god gave it not , for gods providence would keep pure all books he would have continued . broughton . o nullum habet lindanus argumentum , quod vel faciem quandam veritatis habeat praeter hoc . ut veritatem fateamur , hoc vocabulum ab annis decem non parum nos torfit , maximamque suspicionem praebuit , ut omnino corruptum esse crederemus . iohannnes isaacus contra lind. l. p ego profectò ausim praestare praeter locum psalmi . in totis hebraeis codicibus inveniri nihil , quod optimam , cohaerentem ▪ ●iam & christanae fidei prorsus congruentem non habeat sententiam . muis de hebraicae editionis authoritate ac veritate . voici l' unique lieu , en tout l' hebrieu , qui semble aveir apparence d● r●ison , pour faire penser à une malici●use entreprinse de iuiss . benedict . turretin response à la preface de coton . nullus , deum testor , veteris instrumenti seu doctrinae codex hebraicus , quem variis in regionibus videre potui , sive is vetustissimus ac integerrimus , scriptus ac membranaceus fuerat , sive impressus & papyriceus , etiam regulatus , & artificioso judicio seu subtili consideratione castigatus ac correctus , caru , id est soderunt , habebat , sed omnes ad unumusque caa●i , id est , quasi leo , wakfeld . syntag de hebraeorum codicum incorruptione . caari his extat , & sub duplici significatione , semel psal. . . & i●●rum isa. . . ubi cùm absque ullo dubio & contradictione propriam significationem , sicut leo , obtineat , necessariò in psalmo ali●m significationem habebit , quod invictum est contra iudaeos argumentum , aliquid peculiare ibi in ista voce latere , & aliter illic omnino explican●um esse quàm in isaia . buxt . clav. mas . c. . vide hotting . thes. philol. l. . p. . readings are eight hundred fourty eight in the hebrew , where the text and the margent are both pure and from god. our lords family by broughton . p vide river . in comment . & glassium in philol. sac. the chaldec paraphrast agrees with the hebrew . profectò haec res , ut ingenuè fatear , me quoque aliquando tor●it . amussis , quae funiculo constat , non omnino voce caret , siquidem architecti & alii artifices , quando aliquid signare aut metiri volunt , dum amussim vel funiculum extendunt , & deinde mittunt , sonum quendam edere consueverunt . isaacus levita lib. . contra lindanum . illa coelorum linea , vel ut tremellius transtulit , delineatio , id est illa machina , structuraque orbium caelestium , quodammodo ad amissim expolita , infinitam artificis potentiam , sapie●tiamque praedicat . whitakerus . p vide river . in comment . et glassium in philol. sac. isaiae undecimo , est in hebraeo vox netzer quae alludit ad nazaraeum , imò est ab eadem radice ; proinde poterit , si quis velit , eo referri ; aut certè non erit versio sed allu●io . itaque melior eorum videtur sententia qui indicatum potius censent decimum tertium caput iudicum , ubi praedicitur samson futurus nazaraeus : fuisse enim illum typum christi nemo dubitat . chamier . tom. . de canone . lib. cap. . ex isai. . . & zach. . . commodissimè videtur posse exponi . casaub. in exercitat . r omnes interpretes locum illum à matth. citatum ad ea quae scrip●it zacharias re●ulerunt , nec aliqui eorum de omisso aliquo ieremiae prophetico libro cogitarunt . nisi quod unus est inter iesuitas qui locum existimat ex duobus conflatum , nempe ex ieremiae cap. . & zach. cap. . & hoc esse usitatum in scriptura exemplis probat , ut cum verba & testimonia duorum sunt , aut altero omisso alterius tantum nomen exprimatur , aut totum testimonium , quasi unius tantùm esset , significetur . haec ie●uita sanctius ( in zach cap. . hieronymo baec maximè placit solutio , quam baromus amplectitur , ut & iansenius , mald●natus , & suarez , matth●um suo more tantum pos●isse quod dictum est per prophetam , ab aliquo autem in margine scriptum fuisse ieremiam , quod postea scriptorum incogitantia inter textum irrepserit . ad hoc facit quod in syr● versione nomen prophetae omittitur . rivetus in catholico orthodoxo . citantur sub nomine ieremiae , vel quia zacharias ea à ieremia , cujus discipulus fuerat , acceperat , vel quia idem binominis fuit , pr●sertim , cum utriusque nominis sit ●adem significatio . id. ibid. ieremiah and zachariah differ not much in significatiō , one signifieth the commemoration of god , the other the exaltation of god. hic nodus vetustissimos quosque interpretes torsit . beza . in literarum compendiis facile potuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mutari . rivetus . aliqui dicunt esse errorem calami & librariorum indiligenter oscitanterque exemplaria sibi proposita aut legentium aut exseribentium , ut si quis hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legerit , id est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam sententiam syrus & arabs videntur consirmare . sed vetustas ipsa consensus omnium & exemplarium , quae jam olim versata sunt in patrum orthodoxorum manibus , videtur nobis meritò hoc defensionis genus ex●orquere ; quod etiam agnovit memoria sua hieronymus . junius in parallel . vide sixti senensis lib. sextum annotat. . non exhibetur nobis semper & ubique in hodierno textu hebraeo prima atque vetustissima quae in ipsis s. sriptorum fuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 codicibus lectio , sed quae fuit omnium omnino in universum librorum sors & conditio ) humana fragilitate in transcriptione tot exemplarium quae alia ex aliis , tam longo tot saeculorum curriculo , descripta sunt ab hominibus errori & lapsui obnoxiis , irrepsit in sacros codices , qui j●m exstant , multiplex varia lectio , quae manifestam arguit codicum , iis in locis , in quibus invicem discrepant , à primi● autographis dissensionem atque discessionem . capel . crit. sac. l . c. . vide l. . c. . sect. . s the greek scholiast , oecumenius , so read chrysost. theophylact. and basil. see par. in loc . franciscus lucas testatur se sex graecos codites vidisse in quibus esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & beza asserit ita legi in probatissimis quibusque . arias montanus , non tantùm in textu posuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed etiam in apparatu nullam adnotavit lectionis varietatem , quo satis ostendit se nullos legisse codices graecos , in quibus esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : alias non omissurus opinor , qui lo●ge leviora collegit . chamier . see mr gregory his observations upon some passages of scripture , c. . cartw. in his answer to the rhemists preface . coronis precationis dominicae , quia tuum est regnum , &c. etsi in multis graecis codicibus & apud syrum quoque interpretem reperitur , tamen , bezâ reserente , in vetustissimis aliquibus graecis codicibus deest , & à nemine exponitur , praeter à vulgato & à chrysostomo . deest quoque in versione arabica , nec in ullis latinorum exemplaribus visitur : ut non immerito erasmus conjectet , ex solemni consuetudine à graecis adjectam , & postea in textum ipsum fuisse transtatam . scultetus in locum . spanhem . dub. evang. parte tertia . dub. . codices sacros in excidio hierosolymitano prorsus intercidisse commentum est , non veritas . id. parte secunda . dub. . that was too confidently spoken by whitaker ( though otherwise a worthy writer ) canonica quaedam periisse , credo esse , enminem qui dubitct , cartw , in his answer to the preface of the rhem. test. nego canonem , id est , numerum librorum sacrorum , ex quo confectus est , unquam fuisse majorem , quam sit hodié . chamierus . psal. . . vide alting . problem . theol. partem . . & . prob . drusium de quaesitis per bpistolam epist. see b. ushers body of divinity , p. . deut. . . psal. . ● . matth. . . mat. . . mat. . . luk. . . u cui ignorata non scrupu●osa tantùm sed & superstitiosa prorsus iudaeorum anxietas , non in libris tantùm sed in apicibus librorum sacrorum numerandis conferendis , custodiendis ? & tantum abest ut volumen sacrum integrum interversum voluerint , ut contra profiteantur totum mundum ruiturum in tohu va bohu antiquum , si vel una vox in scriptura mutetur . spanhem . dub. evangel . parte secunda dub. , * apices vocali● christi tempore nondum adscripti erant , ac ne hodie quidem scribuntur cum lege . qui viderunt volumen legis in synagogis iudaeorum ; sciunt me verum dicere . drus. praeterit . in luk. . . * spanhem . dub. evangel . par . . dub. . vide d. prid. lect. . de punctorum hebraicorum origine . buxtorfius punctorum patronus fortissimus . capellus . * piscat . in locum . puncta ista hebraica à masorethis sunt excogitata , & textui sacro addita circa christi annum . aut saltem post . capellus de punctorum heb. antiq lib. . amama . dissertat . de iehova . vide riveti isagog . cap. altum in omnium antiquorum patrum graecorum & latinorum scriptis , de punctis silentium , ut ne minimus quidem apex de illis apiculis in iis extet . capellus l. . c. . sciendum quod nec moyses punctavit legem , unde iudaei non habent eam cum punctis , i. cum vocalibus scriptam in rotulis suis ; nec aliquis ex prophetis punctavit librum suum ; sed duo iudaei , quorum unus dictus est nephtali , alter verò ben ascher , totum vet●s testamentum punctasse leguntur ; quae quidem puncta cum quibusdam virgulis sunt loco vocalium apud cos . raymundi pugio fidei adversus iudaeos part . . dist. . c. , vide vossium de orig ▪ & progressu i dol . lib. . c. . hoc tam certum est , quam quod certissimum , nullos hebraeorum antiquius sentire de punctorum origine quam cabalistas . buxtorf . de punctorum antiquitate & origine , part . . cap. . * b. ushers body of divinity , p. . * christus eo loco proculdubiò respicit non ad puncta , v●calia & accentus , quitum nulli fuerunt ; sed ( uti rectè observat hieronymus ) ad figuram literarum , & ad cornicula illa , quibus literarum capita in hodierna scriptura ( quâ in scribendo legis volumine utuntur iudaei ) armantur : hocque duntaxat vult , se non venisse ( quod de eo falsissimò calumniabantur iudaei ) ad evacuandam & abolendam legem , ut contra potius venerit ad eam perf 〈…〉 issimè implendam . capelli diatrib . de literis ebr. apicibus & accentibus nec vetussimi graecorum nec vetustissimi hebraeorum usi sunt . hujusmodi virgularum apicumque notae , quibus hebraei nunc pro vocalibus & accentibus utuntur , non in illa primaeva sanctae linguae origine excogitatae fuerunt , imò nec extiterunt ab initio legis , sed noviciae sunt , atque ad ejus integritatem usquequaque pertinent minimè . wakfeld . syntag. de hebraeorum codicum incorruptione . a in editione graecā librorum mosis , psalmorum & prophetarum , nihil fermè est quod peregrinum non sonet , & quod hebraicam non ol●at loquendi rationem . croii observ . augustinus hanc versionem ait esse f●ctam divina dispensatione , eamque apud ecclesias peritiores maximi fieri , cum tanta spiritus sancti praesentia hi interpretes adjuti esse dicantur in interpretando , ut omnium & unum fuerit . vide capel . critic . sac. l. . c. . b lib. . de verb. dei , cap . c valido stomacho opus est , ut concoqui possit narratio de lxx cellulis , de consensu illo miro , & de exiguo temporis intervallo , quo totum opus confectum fertur . spanhem . dub. evang . part . . dub. . * masius praefat . in graec. edit . josuae & bellarm. lib. . de verbo dei. cap. . d * distinguimus nos inter versionem lxx . primaevam purioremque , & inter posteriorem corruptam . hac auctoritatis est perexiguae , illa autem meruit quidem quondam auctoritatem aliquam ▪ waltherus in officina biblica . e de script . controversiae primae quaest . secunda c. tertio . aut haec graeca versio , quae ad nostra tempora pervenit , non illa est quam septuaginta iudaici seniores ediderunt , aut est tam infinitè faedéque depravata , ut authoritatis perexiguae nunc sit . nam ne ipse hieronymus puram habuit translationem graecam septuaginta interpretum . illam ●nim , quam habuit , corruptam vitiosamque esse , saepe in commentariis conqueritur . whitakerus ibid. vide bezam in matth. . . f graeci ab hebraeis sapè recedunt . mercerus ad job . . vide drusium in gen. . & fulleri miscel. sac. lib. . cap. . pag. . mendas in chronologicis numeris habet complures . see dr willet on gen. . and chamiers first tome de canone , lib . cap. , , . libri mosis omnium sunt optimè translati : & psalmi omnium deterrimè . chamierus ib. cap. . psalmo primo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 postilentes pro irrisoribus & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non resurgent impii in judicio : periculosa amphibolia , ne fortè videantur à resurrectione excludi impii ; debuit autem verti , non consistent in judicio , nimirum quia condemnabuntur . chamierus ibid. vide capel . critic . sac. l. . c. . et r. episcopi usserii ad illum epistolam . quod ipsi ario , ut ait epiphanius , erroris principium . g de vulgata latina translatione , vide collationem rainoldi cum harto , c. . p. & cap. . p. , . & cap. . p. . & drusium in num. . cap. . & cap. . rivetus in catholico orthodo●o . wendelin . in christiana theologia . gerh. loc . prim . de script . sac. with learned papists hold that it was not ieroms translation . capel crit sac. l. . c. . saith it was . de latina editione longè animosissima catholicis est & papistis controversia . cham. tom. . l. . c. . hebraici libri constanter legunt hu , gen. . septuaginta haben 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chaldaica paraphrasis hanc lectionem confirmat : temque quidam codices vulgatae editionis retinent ipse , quidam ipsum . postremò pondus ipsum sententiae postulat , ut hoc de semine mulieris , non de mulicre intelligam . whitak . h ex voce hebraeapotest emendari prava vulgi consuetudo , qui duobus cornubus pingunt mosen ; rident igitur nos & execrantur iudaei quoties mosen in templis cornuta facie depictum aspiciunt , quasi nos eum diabolum quendam , ut ipsi stultè interpretantur , esse putemus . sixtus sene●sis biblioth . sanct. l. . annot. . vide grotium in loc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lxx . i invictum in hoc loco prout in hebraeo extat , contra iudaeos pro dcitate christi argumentum situm esse agnos●unt pontificii . amama antibarb . bibl. lib. . proculdubio e●●iro illo erga christum dei silium odio , profecta est illa ebraei●textus detorsic , potius quam interpretatio ; ringi enim videas iu●aeos , cum audiunt , messiam dei esse filium . mayerus in philologia sacra . illustre est vaticinium de christo faedissimè obs●uratum à graeco & latina interprete à quibus neutra vox est expressa . chamier●s de canone , l. . c. . supersubstantialem , id est , ad substantiae nostrae conservationem necessarium . eman. sa. omnes veteres latini scriptores panem quotidianum legcrunt , itaque ineautè quidam nostro tempore in vulgata editione pro quotidiano supersubstantialem posuerunt , quod corporis cibo quem à nobis peti probavimus , minimè convenit . maldonatus , & jansenius idem ferè habet harm . cap. . their own dictionaries and doctors expoūd the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratified or undeservedly , accepted , or whō gods singular favor had made acceptable . a non habet ex hoc loco prudens lectora paulo , conjugium esse sacramentum , non enim dicit sacramentum sed mysterium hoc magnum est . the apostle saith , he speaketh not of corporal marriage of a man and his wife , but of the spiritural marriage of christ and his church . b erasinus dicit an fit sacramentum olim dubitatum erat à scholasticis , certè ex hoc loco non possit effici ; nam particula adversativa ego autem satis indicat hoc mysterium ad christum & ecclesiam pertinere , non ad maritum & uxorem . mark. . . vide salmeronem & riberam in loc . praefat in nov . test. dr fulk against martin . vide whitakeri controversiam primam quaest . secundum cap. . . & . de scripturis . sixtinus amama censuram vulgatae versionis in pentateucho caepit , telam pertexturus nisi morte fuisset praeventus waltherus in officina biblica . sixtinus amama haereti●us , & versionis sixtinae , inimicissimus , ut proinde meritò dici possit anti-sixtinus . tract . joan d ● es ieres de text. heb. disput. . dub. b god in christ or god and christ is the object of christian religion ; without knowledge of christ we cannot know god savingly , iohn . . in iudah onely is god known . no man cometh to the father but by me . the ultimate object of fai●h is god pet . . c tim. . . rom. . . the word of god is profitable five ways : . for confirmation of true doctrine , or teaching men the truth . tim. . . the apostle tells us of four ends of scripture : the first two are commonly referred to doctrinals ; the last two to practicals : if any of these be wanting , a christian is not perfect , so much as in the perfection of parts ; he is but half a christian , who is an orthodox believer , if he be not practical also ; and he is but half a christian , who is practical , if he be not an orthodox believer . mr gillesp. miscel . c. . reproof of error , tit. . rectum est index sui & obliqui . quibus principiis veritas astruitur , iisdem principiis falsicas destruitur . tertullian calls the scripture machaera contra haereses . aufer haebreticis quaecunque ethniri sapiunt , ut de scripturis solis quaestiones suas sistant : et stare non poterunt . teicul . de resurrectione carnis . in comitiis vindelicorum , cum episcopus albertu● , aliquando leger●t biblia ( referente luthero in sermon . convival . ) & interrogasset quidam è consiliariis , quid libri hic esset : nescio equidem ( respondet ) qualis sit liber , sed omnia quae in eo lego , nostrae religioni planè sunt contraria . dr prid. orat . octava de vocatione ministrorum . . correction of ill behavior . . instruction in a good behavior . . consolation in troubles . rom. . . psal. . . vide zepperi artem habendi & audiendi conciones . l. . c. p. . . d divinae autoritas scriptur● est infallibilis veritas in verbis & sensibus , ob quam omnes fidem ei & ob●dientiam debent . altingius . exod. . . tim. . . pet. . . heb. . joh. . . . e divina auctoritas suam trahit originem una ex parte ex immediato spiritus s. afflat● , & ex alterâ ex sublimitate rerum quas exponit . waltherus in officina biblica . f mat. . . scriptura est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fide digna , & propter se cr●denda , quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , divinitus inspirara . hic illud pythagoricum valet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we must take heed of believing scripture to be the word of god , because there is the greatest reason for it , but for its divine authority . matth. . ▪ g the material parts of scripture are true historical narrations , all the histories ther● related , are undoubtedly true , that of the creation , fall , of christ. ● . threatnings the eternal torments in hell are sure as if thou wast already in them . . promises , the scripture calls them the sure mercies of david . . predictions and prophesies , in daniel , revelation , as the downfall of antichrist , they speak therefore of things to come in the present tense , to note thereby the certainty of the accomplishment , isa. . . apoc. . . veritas est conformitas rei cum arche●ypo . that is a great excellency of the word of god , to be the word of truth , ephes. . ● . iames . . acts . . it is so called , ● . in opposition to the shadows and types in the law ▪ iohn . . by way of exclusion of all falshood , i● comes from the god of truth . . it contains all needful and transcendent truths . h ego in hu●usmodi quorumlibet ●ominum scripti● liber sum quia solis ●anonicis scripturis debeo fine ul●a recusatione consensum . august . de natura & gratia . c. . the essential form of the word is truth informing the whole and every part , all divine truth is there set down . i scripturae sancta appellatur canonica , & to●um ejus . corpus canon . rationem nominis aut omnes , aut ferè omnes esse testantur , quia ●it regula fidei . chamierus . the scripture is therefore called canonical , because it prescribes a rule of our faith and life , phil. . . gal. . . tertullianus appellat scripturam regulam veritatis . augustinus de doctrina christiana l. . c. . ait in scripturis inveniri omnia quae continen● fidem moresque vivendi . advers . helvid . cap. . sacra scripturae regula credendi certissima tutissimaque est . bellarm. de verbo dei l . c. . k hoc primum credimus , cum credimu● , quod nihil ultra credere debemus see mr. anthony bur●●● on mark . , . deut. . . isa. . . l verba scripturae non sun● legenda sed vivenda . doctrinae sa●itas servatur confirmando verum , refellendo ●alsum , vitae sanctimionia fugiendo malum , saciendo bonum . satis habet scriptura quo veritatem doceat , errorent redarguat , iniquitatem corrigat , instituat ad justiciam . nec haec●●tiliter praestat solummodo quae sophistarum cavillatio , sed etiam sufficienter , nempe ut perfectus ●it homo &c. rainoldus . m deut. . . isa. . . luke . . acts . . christians shall be judged by that hereafter , iohn . . thess. . . n iudaei docen● exhoc loco te●eri regem sua ma●● sibi legem describere , etiamsi aliàs cum privatus esset , descrip●isset chamierus regula fidei est quasi causa exemplaris fidei , quam videlicet fides in omnibus sequi , & cui se conformare debet . formale objectum ●idei est causa objectiva fidei , seu est principium propter quod fotmaliter & principaliter credimus . baron . contra turnebul . nos discamus ex verbo non tantum sapere , sed etiam loqui . be ●●●● epist. . david , psa. desires , that all his counsels , thoughts , manners , actions , might be directed according to gods word . the scriptures contain , . a necessary doctrine , viz. of the law and gospel , mat. . iohn . . without which we cannot be saved , rom. . . it is . necessary in respect of the efficient cause , of the form , matth. . . . the end iohn . . o writing doth a larger good to a greater number and for a longer time then speaking , psal. . vox audita perit , litera scripta manet . to shew how much a more faithful keeper record is , then report , those few miracles of our saviour which were written , are preserved and believed ; those infinitely more that were not written , are all lost and vanished out of the memory of men . p among the turks polygamy is lawful , theft was permitted among the spartans . q literae sacrae dicuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scripturae ut non solùm à saecularihus & pro●anis lit●ris . sed etiam a quibuscunque , quae de sacris rebus agunt discerna●tur . r mahomet said his doctrine came from god , but the blasphemy and villany therein contained , sheweth it came from satan , whereas the purity and ▪ perfection of the doctrine contained in the scripture , sheweth that it is from above . mahomet puts in some ingredients of the flesh , gives them liberty to revenge themselves , and to have as many wives as they would . there is in the precepts of philosophers , little condemning of fornication , and of the desire of revenge . dr featleys preface to newmans concordance . s the general view of the holy scriptu●es notatur verecunda & casta scriptur● loquutio ex genere per synecdochen , designantis specialem congressum , sic cor. . . non est bonum tangere & gen. . . ingredi ad filias hominum . quo major est spurcities eorum , qui ex sacris scripturae loquendi formulis ansam arripiunt sermonis impuri cartw. in harm . evang. in matth. . . quidam hebraeorum linguam hebraeam , linguam sanctam dici putant , eò quod nulla propria vocabula in ea inveniantur , quibus pudenda utriusque sexus egestio , aliaque obs●●na significantur , paulus fagius annotat. in deut. . . t sancta sanctè mr gregory in his preface to observations upon some passages of scriture . u luke . . iohn . . psal. . and . augustinus affirmat , omniaquae contin●●t fidem & mores , in illis inveniri , quae apertè posita sunt in scriptura . chrysostomus manifesta itidem in divinis scripturis esse perhibet , quaecunque necessaria . tertullianus adorat scripturae plenitudinem , et vae denunciat hermogeni si quid iis quae scripta sunt vel detra●●t ▪ vel adiiciat . rainoldus thesi. deut. . . and . . de scripturae plenitudine & perfectione , qu●● sentiat maldonatus , vide ad joan. . . de scripturae integritate vide estium ad galat. . . see bishop ushers body of divinity ▪ p. ▪ . , . tim. . , . john . . acts . . be●e habet , ut iis quae sunt scripta , contentus si● , hilary ? in every age there was revealed that which was sufficient to salvation , and yet now no more then is sufficient ; the word it self is not now , but the revelation only is more perfect . the old testament was sufficient for the jews , but both the new and old make but one compleat body for the church now . sing●li libri s●●t sufficientes sufficientia p●rtium ad quam ordinatio sunt ; ●●●●●●rò s●rip●ur● est sufficiens essentiali sufficientia per ●i bros singulos su●● . iun. animad . ●● bellarm con●r●● . p●tmae , c●pi●● quarto . the scriptures are a perfect rule for matters of faith , but not a perfect register for matters of fact . mr geree . whitakerus de script . c. sexto ▪ quaest . . stapleton and serrarius are more wary then some other papists ; we are abused ( say they ) when we are said to hold that the scriture is not perfect ; for ( say they ) a thing is said to be imperfect , not when it wants any perfection , but when it wants a perfection due ; as a man is not imperfect , if he have not an angels perfection , because this is not due unto him ; they say it is not a perfection due to the scriptures , to teach us every thing necessary to salvation . perinde sunt ea quae ex scripturis coll guntur atque ea quae scribuntur . g. eg . nazia●zen . l. . theol. mat. . . catholici in perfectione scripturae , papistae in imperfectione , totius causae , id est , omnium controversiarum de religione proram & puppim constituunt . chamierus tom. . de canon● lib. . cap. . cor. . , , mat. . . luk. . . gal. . , , . rom. . , . some papists say the scrip●u●es are not imperfect , because they send us to the church which is he perfect rule , and therefore they are perfect implicitè , though not explicitè : but so i might say every rustick were a perfect rule of faith , because he can shew me the pope , who is the infallible judge . if the scripture send to the church to learn that which is not in the scripture , by this sending she confesseth her imperfection . see moulins buckler of faith , pag. . joh. . . & . . isa. . , . heb. . . & . act. . . mat. . , . mat. . . joh. . . luk. ● . , montanus held that there was no sufficient instruction given by the apostles unto the church , but that there were only certain principles of religion given by them , being unperfect , and were afterward to be finished and polished by the comforter , which himself did forge . tertullian was a montanist , he often likeneth the church of god in the apostles time unto a tree whose fruit was not bloomed , and unto one which is in his base age cartw. reply to whitgifts d answer . * additio ad scripturam fit tripliciter . . in quo additum est contrarium , & est error●s . o. in quo additum est diversum , & est praesumptionis . o. in quo additum est consonum , & est fidelis instructionis . * that doctrine of religion , to which god would have nothing added , and from which he would have nothing taken away , must needs be perfect . illud perfectum in suo genere cui nihil in eo genere aut addi , aut diminui potest . psal. . . the hebrew word signifieth that perfection cui nihil deest . a salus nostra christus est , salutis via fides , viae dux , scripturae . raynoldus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is taken collectivè not distributivè . si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non totam sed omnem significaret , eo fortius futurum argumentū nostrum : nam si partes singulae sufficerent , tum multo magis omnes . chamierus . king. . . tim. . , , . b nullus papista aptè & plenè huic argumento unquam respondit , aut respondebit . whitak . c is not the scripture ( said hawks the martyr ) sufficient for my salvation ? yes , saith one of bonners chaplains , it is sufficient for our salvation , but not for our instruction . hawks answered , god send me the salvation , and take you the instruction . fox . martyrol . episc. daven . de iudicé controvers . cap. . d notandum hoc loco verbum dei , scripturis seu scripto verbo definiri , quod enim prius dei verbū seu serm●nem , nunc scripturas appellat , adversus pontificios , qui verbum dei ad non scriptas traditiones & pontificum etiam decreta transferunt . sed verbum dei scripturis cingi & terminari apparet , rom. . . deinde tim. . . denique ex hoc loco , cum vitam aeternam conferat , eamque in se inclusam habeat scriptura , quid est quod ad cam accedere aut adjungi potest ? hanc enim iudaeorum , de vita aeterna scripturis comprehensa , opinionem , christus ipse comprobat . cartw. in harm . evangel . in joh. . . e minima veritatis particula in scripturis continetur . charronaeus . f bellarm. de verbo dei , lib. . cap. . rhemists annotat . in joh. . sect . . & aunot . in thess. . . & annot . in act. . sect . . & in apoc. . sect . . g asserimus in scripturis non contineri expressè totam doctrinam necessarian● , five de side five de moribus & proinde praeter verbum dei scriptum requiri etiam verbum dei non s 〈…〉 . id est , divinas & apostolicas traditiones . bellarm. lib. . de verbo dei non scripto . omnes libros veteris & novi testamenti , ne● non traditiones ipsas tum ad fidem tum ad mores pertinentes , tanquam vel ore tenus à christo , vel à spiritu sancto dictatas , & continua successione in ecclesia catholica conservatas pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia suscipit ac veneratur . tridentina synodus . sess . . sect . . h bellarmin● ha●h a whole book de verbo dei non scripto , of the word of god unwritten do we not allow of all the apostolical traditions , which agree unto the scriptures ? nay more , do we not translate the word traditions in the scripture , when the text will bear it , according to the greek original look upon mat. . and in three several verses , , , . we use the word tradition . look upon the th of mark , and in four severall verses , vers . , , , . we translate traditions . look upon st paul to the colossians . . gal. . and upon st peter , pet. . . and in all these in the translation joyned with your rhemish testament , you shall finde the word traditions . dr featley's case for the spectacles , ch . . i the word originally may import any thing which is delivered howsoever , either by word or writing . thus whatsoever we have received in the scriptures , was first tradition as delivered by word , and still is tradition because it is delivered in writing . but though the word in it self have this general and indifferent signification of anything that is delivered , yet in our disputation it is restrained to one onely manner of delivering by word and relation only , and not by scripture . we deny that either in the law or gospel there was any thing left unwritten , which concerneth us to know , for attaining of true faith and righteousnesse towards god. abbot against bishop . k in mat. . l vide whitakerum de scrip. c. . quaest. . p. . & . in his book de verbo dei standing for unwritten traditions , as a part of the word of god , he will have baptism of infants to be one ; but when he disputes for baptism of infants against anabaptists , then he heaps up texts of scripture . mr blakes birth-priviledge . m exstat nomen diei dominicae , mat. mar. apoc. . exstat exemplum apostolicae ecclesiae quae eum diem solennem habuit celebratione coenae , praedicatione verbi dei , collectione el●emosynae , act. . cor. . . quod exemplum suum & ecclesiae praxin cum apostoli nobis repraesentant in suis scriptis , quis non videt eos praecipere imitationem sui ? vedel . 〈◊〉 epist. ignatii ad magnesios c. . vide plura ibid. n symbolum apostolicum ex traditione est secundum formulam rationemque verborum ; at secundum substantiam est scriptura ipsissima . junius animad . in bellarm. controv . . l. . negamus ullum esse in toto symbolo vel minimum articulum , qui non disertè constet , ac totidem penè dixerim verbis , in scripture sancta : adeò ut merito dici possit opus tesellatum , u●pote constans ex variis loc is hinc inde excorptis , atque in unum collatis , artificioséque compositis . chamier . thess. . . hoc suit primum pharisaeorum dog ma , quòd negarunt omnia quae spectant ad religionem scripta esse . joseph . antiq. l. . o traditiones istae non scriptae pharisaeorum nunquam in n. test. dicuntur simpliciter & absolutè traditiones , sed notantur semper aliquo clogio , ut quum dicuntur , traditiones seniorum , traditiones humanae ; siquando traditionis vox pon●tur simpliciter , sum●●ur in bonam partem , & ipsum dei verbum traditio est . camer . in mat. . ephes. . . apoc. . . christ taxeth the ignorance of scri●ture , commends the knowledge of it , was careful to fulfill the scripture , did interpret it , and gave ability to understand it . * deut. . . and . ult . p locus est egregius , coque nostri omnes utuntur , qui contra papisticas traditiones aliquid scribunt , whitakerus . longè illustrissimus lacus est . chamierus . q nobis adversus papistas non de quibusvis traditionibus controversia est , sed duntaxat de traditionibus dogmatum , quibus continentur fides & mores , hoc est , de ipsa doctrina . chamierus lib. . de canone cap. . r vir & ob ingenium laboremve , & ob episcopatus dignitatem inter papistas non postremi nominis . chamierus . vide maldonat . ad joan. . . & estium ad rom. . . received from christ himself teaching the apostles . illud erat explicandum , quo discrimine istae . traditiones tam multiplices graduque habendae sunt . nullum discrimen faciunt , forsan ergò volunt , ecclesiasticas etiam traditiones parem cum divinis scripturis authoritatem habere . script . cap. . quaest. . traditionum janua perniciosa est , hac semel aperta nihil est quod non inde erumpat in ecclesiam . chamier . chro. . . luk. . . eorum mihi videtur sententia samor , qui negant vel è lxx , vel à luca nomen cainani suisse insertum , existimantes potius al●unde irrepsisse post evangelium à lucâ conscriptum , eujus suae conjecturae rationes habent non leves , ut videre est apud cornelium à lapide in cap. . genes . rivet . isag. ad scr. pt . sac. cap. . vide plura ibid. lib. . de verbo dei , cap. . vix ullum videas de traditionibus agentem , qui non hic magno fastu immoretur chamie●us . distinguenda sunt & tempora & personae ; non erant necessariae scripturae ante legem , ergo ne quidem post legem , non erant necessariae apostolis , ergo ne nobis quidem : negatur consequenti● . ratio est , quia aliter israelitas doceri voluit post legem deus , aliter ante legem : aliter christus evangelium voluit apostolis revelari , aliter nobis praedicari . chamierus . john . . jansenius affirmat , haec multa non suisse diversa ab illis , quae hactenus docuerat , sed illustriorem illorum explicationem , & ●uc adducit illud appositè , quod habetur cor. . christus testatur se discipulis suis omnia tradidisse , joan. . . nihil ergo tac● . it . hic locus omnium celeberrimus est ; papistisque nostris inter primos in deliciis . chamierus . vide grotium in loc . tim. . , luk. . , act. . . what the tradition was he preached is expressed , thess. . . cor. . . d. fulk against martin in his preface . s papistae maximi , qui unquam fuerint traditionarii . chamier . syrus interpres habet praecepta sive mandata . cartw. annota . on the rhem. test. hic achilles est papistarum magno fastu ostentatus ab omnibus & singulis qui versantur in hac controversia . chamier . de canone , l. . c. . t cicumcifio faeminarum continetur sub illa masculorum . signum in solis masculis crat , pro utrisque tamen saci●bat , si finem & usum ejus spectes . mariae perpetua virginitas non est fidei articulus , ideò libenter amplectimur eam sententiam quae jam ab initio ●mer christia●os videtur invaluisse , ut virgo fuerit , hoc est , pura à coitu viri non tantùm in toto christi generationis mysterio , quod sanè ut credamus necesse est , sed etiam toto deinceps vitae tempore . chamierus de canone l. . c. . u quam pertinaci●èr ludebat helvidius in primogenito mariae & fratribus christi : ut negaret perpetuam virginitatem . chamierus . augustinus dicit , nihil ad fidem necessarium obscurè in scripturis doceri , quin idem apertioribus locis aliis explicetur . non est traditum evangelium obscurum & difficile ad intelligendum , tanquam paucissimis profuturum , sed facile , dilucidum , apertum , exp●situm omnibus , ut nemo esset quin petere illinc posset , & tanquam de fonte haurire , quae salnti suae expedirent . lod. viv. de ver . fid. christ. l . c. . vide plura ibid. y verbum dei collatam cum liue , analogia multiplex , lucis est dispelier● tenebras , omnia manifestare , ●l●is lac●re nō sibi ; l●renihil purius , illustrius , gra●ius , utilius , faecundius , caelest is ejus cr●go , odio habetur sape à malis , est bonum commune plurium , penetrat sordes sine inquinamento . sphanhemius dub. evangel parte tertia dub. . scriptura seclaram prositetur tum formaliter tum effectivè , ●umi●osam & illuminantem . id. ibid , isa. . . jer. . . and . . z difficultas dut à rerum ipsarum natura est qu● percipiuntur , aut ab ipfis percipientibus , aut ab its quae intercurrant mediis , res quae percipiantur natura sua intellectu diffic●les sunt , aut per obscu● it atem , ut res futurae , aut per majestatem ipsarum , ut mysterium s. trinitatis . sic quid sole clarius ? quid difficilius aspectu ? nam hebescit ac●es oculorum nostrorum vi radiorum illius . a percipientibus difficultatem esse quis sanus neget ? nam res quae sunt spiritus homo naturalis non potest capere a mediis quae deus ipse ecclesiae obtulit , id est , à scriptura , negamus difficultatem esse junius . the fundamentals in scripture are plain to the elect , who are all taught of god so much as is necessary for their salvation , iohn . . the least as well as the greatest . i believe , that toward the evening of the world , there shall be more light , and knowledge shal be encreased , dan. . and many things in scripture better understood , when the jews shal be brought home , and the spirit of grace and illumination more abundantly poured forth , mr. gillesp. miscel . c. . see rev. . . in the first times of the church , there were no commentaries upon the scriptures , the fathers had them without , and yet then the scriptures were understood . origen ( who lived years after christ ) was the first that wrote any commentary upon scripture . the pure text of scripture was ever read to the people , and never any commentaries , and yet was understood by them apoc. . . * solet obscuritas lectores absterrer● : quo modo ajunt olim quendam dixisse authorem obscurum à se removentem , tu non vis intelligi , neque ego te intellige●e . a especially in genesis , iob , canticles , ezek. daniel , and the revelation . in regard of the manner of writing , there are many abstruse phrases in scriptures , as divers hebraisms , which perhaps were familiar to the jews , but are obscure to us . all the skill of all the men in the world ( from the beginning to the end thereof ) wil not be able to finde out all truths contained in scripture , either directly , or by consequence ; the full opening of the book of scripture , and of providence , will be a great part of the saints work and happiness in heaven . dr drake in his preface to his chronol . mr bolton hath almost the same in his four last things . there are many things very difficult and hard to be understood in the prophecie of ezekiel , and especially in those chapters , which are written of the temple ; as hierome observeth on chap. . and the jews themselves confess , that there are many things here expressed , which they conceive not ; but say , that eliah when he comes shall expound them ; as r. kimki notes on ezek. . and . . and . . aben ezra thus writes , urim & thummim quid suerunt , ignoramus . b the chapter especially camierus de canone l. . c. . plato , aristotle , euclind , have their nodos , and the scriptures have their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pet. . . in them are dark sayings , psal. . . ridles , ezek. . . parables , mat. . . mysteries , mat. . . mr. greenhil . that is a very difficult place , cor. . . see laurentius , augustin saith , this is one of the places of which peter speaketh , pet. . . and that heb . . pet. . . the last , luther and beza say , is one of the obscurest places in the new testament . vide tarnovium in exercitat . bib. & cameronis myroth . evan. * see laurentius , and d. featly on the place , in the last large annotations on the bible . non desunt primarii apud judaeos scriptures , qui dicant insaniae ●initimum esse sperare cognitionem certam in animalibus immundis , in qua tamen observationem ordicus haeret judaeorum superstitio , bibliander de optimo genere grammaticorum hebraeorum . locus sanè obscurus siquis alius & explicatu difficilis , qui multos torquet & vicissim ab illis torquetur . augustinus de doctrina christ. lib. . cap. . ita scripturas dicit à deo temperatas , ut locis apertioribus sami occurreretur , obscurioribus fastidia detergerentur . idem augustinus ait , nos apertis scripturae locis pasci , obscuris exerceri . apoc. . . , mr burroughs on isa. . . bellarm. l. . de verbo dei , c. . psal. . . and . . pet. . . 〈…〉 c genebrardus testatur aliquos de tota scriptura locum interpretari , nec loquitur de nostris , sed aut suis , aut autiquis , hieronymus quidem à parte est ejus opinionis , & lyranus , & alii multi . whitak . mr durant . dr halls peace-maker , sect . . he saith not in which epistles , but in which points and heads of doctrine , i. those things which are obscurely set down in saint pauls epistles , may be , and are elsewhere in holy scripture more perspicuously delivered . act. ● . . * there was a time when the scriptures were read without cōmentaries , and there was a time when they were hardly understood with commentaries . d. ames . cartwrights letter to master hildersham for the study of divinity . a the interpretation of the scripture is necessary in the church of god. . because it i● commanded by christ , iohn . . cor. . , . . it is commended to the faithful by the holy ghost , thess. . , . . it conduceth much to the edification of the church , cor. . . . it was used by christ and his apostles , luk. . . and . . mark . . b glassiu● phil. sac. lib. . part . . tract . . c literalis sensus est is , quem spiritùs sanctus autor scriptura intendit . chamier . rainold . de lib. apoc. est ille literalis sensus qui proximè per ipsa verba sive propria , sive figurata sunt , significatur ▪ vel ut glassius , quem intendit proximè spiritus sanctus . amama . d sensus secundarius , diversus à literali , similis tamen . chamier . not the letter but the right sense and meaning of the scripture is gods word , ioh. . litera gesta docet quid credas ▪ allegoria moralis quid agas , quotendas anagogia ▪ e in manuali controvers . cap. . de script . quaest. . f origenes sic paradisum terrestrem allegorizat , ut historiae auserat veritatem , dum pro arboribus angelos , pro fluminibus virtutes caelestes intelligit , & tunicas pelliceas adae & evae , corpora humana interpretatur . bellarm. ex hieronymo concedit bellarminus ex solo literali sensu peti posse argumenta efficacia . to prove any matter of faith or manners , no sense must be taken , but the literal sense . aquinas . g chamier . tom. . de scripturae sensu . lib. . cap. . h confundunt pontisicij sensum scripturae cum applicatione sensus , & accommodatione ejus ad usus apostolicos . tim. . . dum vel cum literali & mystico sensus alios introducunt , vel mysticum subdividunt in allegoricum , tropologicum , & a●●gogicum , & totidem diversos sensus in scriptura dari contendunt , confundendo heterogenea , sensum & applicationem sensus . spanliem . dub. evangel . par . . dub . theologia symbolica non est argumentativa . this is a good reasoning , the oxes mouth must not be muzled , ergò the minister must be maintained , because it is part of the sense . the fathers were too much addicted to allegories . ierom sometimes went out of the way through a liking of allegories , as a great reader and follower of origen , who handled the scriptures too licentiously . rainolds against hart. sess. . i iudicium est triplex . . directionis quale habet minister . . iurisdictionis quale habet ecclesia . . discretionis quale habet privatus , ut act. . . dr prid. there is iudex supremus , and iudex ministerialis visibilis but not supremus , and iudicium practicae discretionis , which is left to every one . b. downam . primo non sequitur à lege ad evangellum . secundò non sequitur à mose ad episcopum romanum , qui hic non eundem locum tenet inter christianos , quem moses inter iudaeos . chamier . k hieronymus in locum ait : etsi plures verbum dei do●●ant , unus tamen est illius doctrinae author , nempe deus ; ubi manichaeos refellit , qui unum statuerunt authorem veter● testamenti , alterum verò novi . alii spiritum volunt esse hunc unum pastorem , ut vatablus . alii christum , ut mercerus ; papam nulli , praeterquam insulsi papistae , whitakerus . interpretes omnes de deo exposuerunt , cum veteres tum recentes , etiam papistae . chamierus . vide geier . comm. in coh . in loc . l cap. significasti de elecl . review of the councel of trent , l. c. . p. . m deum atque homines testamur , cum plurima nobis in papismo displiceant , tum hoc omnino intolerandum videri , quod scriptur as quili●et apud eas doctorculus , it a sibi in manum traditas arbitretur ut eas sursum deorsum versare queat , quid libet inde confecturus suo arbitrio ; suo , inquam arbitrio , suo marte , quidlibet excogitans & commentans . ita enim evenit , ut qui maxim ▪ praese ferant detestari privatum spiritum , ii huic ipsi indulgeant omnium maxime . enimverò quis docuit prophetiam illam ● psalmo . adorabunt cum omnes reges terrae , omnes gentes servient ei , impletam esse in leone decimo . chamier . ●●● . . de scripturae interpretatione ; l. . c. . vide cameron . ad pet. . . mat. . , , . matth. . . soli scripturae vel spiritui in scriptura loquenti competum requisita summi iudicis , quae tria sunt ; . ut certo sciamus , veram esse sententiam , quam pronunciat . . ut ab illo ad alium judicem non liceat provecare . . ut nullo partium studio ducatur . wendelinus in prolegom . christ. thcol. cap ▪ . n cathedram in coelo habet qui corda docet . aug. luk. . , . jer. . , . convenit inter nos & adversarios , scriptur as intelligi debere eo spiritu quo factae sunt , id est , spiritu sancto . bellarm. lib. . de verbo dei , cap. , . * dr rainolds against hart. the number of ancient fathers ( whose works are yet extant ) who lived within six and seven hundred years after christ are recorded to have been about two hundred . bishop morton of the masse , lib. . cap. . nos in hoc romanenses absque iniquitate summa culpare non possunt , qui quà non libertate , sed temeritate patrum authoritatem rejiciant , quoties ea ipsis contrariatur , non jam dicam cùm id antea à viris doctissimis , nominatiw à cl. riveto in tractatu de auctoritate patrum , & viro doctissimo jacobo laurentio in conscientià iesuitica cauteriata praestitum abundè sit . vedelii . rationale theologicum l. . c. . the fathers wrote some things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to consute the adversaries with whom they had to deal , and in these they erre sometimes ; somethings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to praise the saints of god , and stir up others to their vertue , wherein they overlash . rainolds against hart. of the means to finde out the true sense of the scripture . oratloni lectio , lectioni succedat oratio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a there must be a comparing of obscure places with such as are more evident , gen. . . with gal. . . of like with like , exod. . and cor. . . unlike with unlike , iohn . . with deut. . . b contra ignota signa magnum est remedium linguarum cognitio , & latina quidem linguae homines duabus alliis ad scripturarum cognitionom opus habent hebraica & graeca august . tim. . . tit. . c dr. featley in a sermon on psal. . . logick teacheth the preacher to analize and divide his text. it teacheth to collect true and proper doctrines from it , assisteth him in confuting of heresies , and in resolving all questions . d lexicon chaldaicum , talmudicum , & rabbinicum , opus immensi laboris atque fructus , & incomparabili multorum annorum industria patris atque filii johan . buxtorfii claboratum . bootius . e concordantiae bibliorum hebraicae , editae à joh. buxtorfio juniore , magni patris majore filio . arnoldus bootius . henrici . stephani maximae & absolutissimae concordantiae . f this bread is my body , . the communion of my body . the prophets explain the books of moses , and the new testament interprets the old. g analogia fidei nihil aliud est ▪ quam constans & perpetua sententia sc●ipturae , in apertis & minimè obscuris scripturae locis : quales sunt articuli fidet in symbolo , quaeque continentur in oratione dominica , in decalogo . whitakerus . rainoldus de lib. apoc. plura rabbinis debemus , nos praesertim qui accuratum istud interpretandi genus sectamur , quam quisquam existimet . drus. observ . sac. l. . c. . h censura in exercit . ● . . morini c. . doctissimus hebraeorum grammaticus idem que interpres kimchius . fuller misc●l . l. . c. . vide l. . c. . & l. . c. & l. c. . david kimchius è cujus grammatica & lexico sive radicum libr● , tanquam ex equo trojaxo prodiit , quicquid grammaticorum & lexicorum hebraicorum ubique videmus . morinu● l. . exercit . . c. . ebraeorum interpretum coryphaeus kimchi , amama antib . bibl. r. david kimchi , sive kamius , scriptor tersus & styli biblici aemulus , scriptor ●or●atior et à thalmndicis fab ▪ li● alienior . amamae consilium de studio ebraico feliciter in ●ituendo . ingeniosissimus ille hebraeorum doctorum david kimchi hispanus , dictionario suo hebraico nunquam satis laudato , quod inscripsit sepher has●hurschim , librum radicum . waserus de num . heb l. . c. . aben ezra meritò audit philol. sac sapientissimus ebraeorum , mayer●s in r aben ezra hispanus , chacâm , sapiens seu doctus cognominatur waserus d● num . heb. l. . c. . vide bux●o●sium abber●iat . de hebr. p. rabbi solomon iarchi , campensis gallus , tantae est apud hebraeos authoritatis , ut cog●omentum retulcrit raschi , quasi capitis tribuam israel , ac universa biblia hebraica doctissimis quidem , sed argutis ad moaum commentariis illustravit . was. ubi supra one of special credit among the jews , and therefore usually stiled with an epithe●e , aben ezra the wise man , nettles answer to the jewish part of the history of tythes . sect . aben ezra , utait sixt senens . sapiens cognomento dictus est ab hebraeis , commentariis versati sunt , is est qui i● grammaticus , philosophus , ●strologus , & theologus magnus ●erte ut sciunt , qui in hebraeis sacris scripturis ex intima lingua cognitione , quod atti●●t ad verba , omnium rabbinorum scientissime est versatus , rainold . de lib apoc. praelect . a mose ( propheta ) ad mosen , ( hunc ● aegyptium ) non surrexit sicut moses , qui seilicet doctrina & cruditiòne mosi legislatori esset aequiparandus . dilherus elect. l. . c. . ebraeorum communi judicio , doctissimus rabbi moses aegyptius , saith rivet of him exam. animad . hugon . grot. is anno is ab hinc amplius quadringentis scripsit , fullerus . in aegypto educatus & studiis consecratus , unde vocatur moses aegyptus buxtors . de abbreviat . hebraic . rabbi ben maimon ( commonly called rambam ) the most judicius rabbin that ever was known to the christian world . dr. casaubones treatise of use and custom . r. mose ben nachman , ●uem ramban per nu● in fine , qui & moses gerundensis , cum alius . r. mose ben maimon , qui rambam , per mem in fine vocatur , sit ; qui r. moses aegyptius dicitur ; uterque vir insignis , mercer in gen. ralbag , that is , rabbi , levi ben gerson , he wro●e commentaries upon all the bible , on radak , that is , rabbi david kimchi rashi , that is , rabbi solomon , iarchi , he hath commented upon all the bible , and almost all the talmud . solent judaei ad hunc usque diem , cum notantur initialibus literis quaedam vocabula , ex illis vocem unam conficere , ut quia primariae literae rabbi solomon iarchy sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , solent appellare rashi , & rabbi moses ben maimon , quoniam quatour hae voces incipi●nt , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iudaei eum appellant rambam , rainold . de lib. . apoc. praelect . . quid suerint urim & ●●umnum , ne rabbinorum quidem principes jamdiu s●ire po●uerunt . chamierus . a neque enim n●g●nt ad ad●●rsarii ●psi qui natribus aliquando videntur nimium tribuere , quo magis apostolorum vicini fuerunt , co etiam majoris esse authoritatis . quo plus enim homines ab apostolorum temporibus recesserunt , eo plus sumpserunt audaciae . apud omnes autem orthodexos in confesso est ; signum publicè erexisse intichristum post sexcentos à nato christo annos , regnante phoco , à quo , pontifici romano tyrannica in omnes episcopos potestas est confirmata , &c. iure igitur ●oannes juellus anglus , episcopus sarisburiensis , qui ad patrum authoritatem pontificios provocavit ▪ edito scripto , in praecipuis horum temporum controversiis ●nodandis , non egressus est sexcentorum à nato christo annorum limites , quibus negavit probari posse authoritate antiqui alicujus patris receptos fuisse viginti septem articulos , in quibus ho● tempore pontifici● rei christianae summam constituent . rivet . de patrum authoritate , c. . * neque vereber illud vel ●ure●uran lo confirmare , minoris ipsi hierony●no const●●isse suas scripsisse lucubrationes quam nobis restituisse & illustrasse . e●as● . lib epist. . leoni decimo . the fathers had their naevi , their errors , as daille du vrai usage des peres , & rivet . de authoritate patrum . & laurentius in rever . eccl. rom. erga pat. subdola shew . summi ●rant homines , sed tamen homines erant . ●ook in his censura quorundam scriptorum veterum ; and rivet . in his criticus sacer , shew which of their works were spurious and supposititious . see burrh . on hos. . . b vix ullum habet & ipsa docta graecia , quem cum hoc viro queat ●●mponere . q●● tam in illo romanae facundiae ? quanta linguarum peritia ? quanta om●is antiquitatis , omnium historiarum not●●●a , quàm sida memoria , quàm foelix rerum omnium mixtura , quàm abs●luta mysticarum literarum cognitio ? super omnia quis ardor ille , quam admir●●i●is divini pectoris afflatus ? ut unus , & plurimum delectet eloquentia , & doceat eruditione , & rapiat sanctimonia , erasm. epist. l. . leoni decimo pontifici . in cognitione sacrarum literarum adeo praefero hieronymum augustino , ut vehementer impudens arbitrer , alterum cum altero conferre . e●●sm . eckio , l. . epist. vide plura ibid. dexterrimus ille literarum sacrarum interpres . glassius . hieronymus solus inter patres fuit doctus hebraeas literas , quas quia reliqui ignorabant , saepè in v. testamento explicando lapsi sunt . tarnov . exercit . ●ib . * opus laboriosum & divinum , maximo ecclesiae damno amassum , eujus operis jacturam deplorare possumus , compensare nunquam possumus . whitak . vid. whitak . de author . script . l. . c. . b inter antiquos ecclesiasticos auctores graci generis non tantum primus , sed ferè solus hebraicè fuit doctissimus . salmasius de modo usurarum . autor non purus , ut vix unquam nominari possit in rebus fidei absque praefatione . chamierus . c magnus augustinus ingenio , cruditione , san●●itate , zelo , &c. quo res tantam illi meritò authorita●em conciliarunt , ut nemo sit antiquorum qui in scholis nostris aut pont●si●iis pluris aestimetur aut aestimari debeat . rainoldus de libris apocr . tom. . praelect . . augustinus habitus theologorum veterum acutissimus , neque immerito . id. quid habet orbis christianus aurelio augustino vel magis aureum vel augustius ? ut ipsa vocabula nequaquam ●ortuit● , sed numinis providentia videantur indita viro. erasm. ep. l. . leoni decimo po●tisici . vide plura ibid. joannes chrysostomus , mellitissimus ille concionator christique praeco indefatigabilis , cui jure optimo ob sapientissimam cloquentiam & eloquentissimam sapientiam , oris aurei cognomen tri●utum est . era●m . epist. l. . pag. . vide etiam pag. , &c. graecorum disertissimus chrysostomus . fullerus . tulit eadem f●rme aetas aliquot summa ●acundia parique doctrina ac pietate vi●os athanasium alexandrinum episcopum , gregorium nazianzenum basilii pyladem , ac studiorum sodalem , joannem chrysostomum & ipsum basilio familiarem , ac fratrem gregorium nyssenum episcopum . horum suis quisque dotibus summus erat : a●hanasius ad docendum accommodatissimus . nazianzenus floridum & argutum orationis genus amplexus videtur . chrysostomus lic●t pul●re suo cognom●ni respondens , alicubi verbis redundat , & in digressionibus videtur immodicus . nysseno placuit pia simp●icitas . erasm. epist. l ▪ . p. . vide plura ib. de basilio . magnus ille ecclesi●e propugnator , ac pro sui nominis augurio pacis ecclesiastisticae vindex . spirant illius scripta illum evangelii vigorem , ac phrasis arguit pectus martyrio paratum . fuit vicinus apostolorum temporibus , quum adhuc martyrum triumphis ●●oreret ecclesia . nam puer audivit polycarpum in asia . polycarpus autem joannis evangelistae fuit discipulus : hujus viri de christo deque christi discipulis s●rm●nes , irenaeus pu●r avi●issimis imbibit auribus , ac penitus inscripsit cordi suo , sic ut senexetiam horum omnium vividam ac praesentem reti●e● memoriam . era●m . epist. l. . p. . see a great commendation of tertullian in iacksons raging tempest , pag. . vir pro●ectò acris ac v●hem●ntis inge●ii , multo latino eloquio eleganter scripsit , sed stylo nimium elaborato ac dur● , & propter inusitatam vocum novitatem obscuro . sixtus senensis . vide vincent . ly●in . c. . versor nunc in tertulliano emendando & illustrando duro quidem scriptore , nec ubique orthodoxo , sed plane inter omnes , tum graecos , tum latinos theologos admirando . beza exist . . de patribus . s●ptimus tertullianus fuit omni genere literarum peritus , sed in eloquendo parum ●acilis , & mi●●● comptus , & multum obscurus fuit , ergo ne hic quidem satis celebritatis invenit . lactant. lib. . de iustitia . cyprianus unus est mult●rum i●star veterum habendus , sive spectes eloquentiam , sive doctrinam , sive pastoris dignitatem , sive pectus apostolici spiritus vigorem ubique fragrans , sive martyrii gloriam . pectus ardet evangelica pietate , & pectori respondet oratio : loquitur diserta , sed magis fortia quam diserta : neque tam loquitur fortia quam vivit , ut ipse meminit alicub● . erasm. epist. lib. . pag. , , &c. unus praecipuus & clarus extitit cyprianus , quoniam & magnam sibi gloriam ex artis oratoriae professione quaesierat ; & admodum multa conscripsit in suo genere miranda . erat enim ingenio facili , copioso , suavi , & ( quae sermonis maxima est virtus ) aperto ; ut discernere ●equeas , utrumne ornatior in eloquendo , an facilior in explicando , an potentior in persuadendo fuerit . lactant. lib. . de iustitia . augustinus copiosus est , hieronymus su●cinctus : lactantius ciceronem imitatur , tertullianus obscuritatem amat : chrysostomus ornatus & apertus est , nazianzenus pressus & acutus . whitak . de script . in athanasio suspicimus scriam ac sedulam docend● perspicuitatem . in basilio pr●ter subtilitatem , exosculamur piam ac mitem suaviloquentiam . in hujus sodali chrysostomo sponte profluentem orationis copiam amplectimur . in cypriano spiritum v●neramur martyrio dignum . in hilario grandi materiae parem grandiloquentiam . atque ut ita loquar , cothurnum adm●ramur . in ambrosio dulces quosdam aculeos , & episcopo dignam amamus verecundiam . in hieronymo divitem scripturarum penum optimo jure laudamus . in gregorio puram nulloque fuco picturatam sanctimoniam agnoscimus . erasmus lib. . epist. praesat . in august . patrum latinorum propè ultimus . bern. mercerus in gen. ex scriptura ipsa calvinus ita scripturam interpretatus est , u● inter aequos rerum judi●es , doctis●imi interpretis nomen jure meritus fit . rivetus in catholico orthodoxo . d quo nemo aetate sua solidier & nervosior theologus . whitakerus in concione ultima . non immeritò aliquando magnus scaliger dixit , ab apostolorum temporibus hactenus parem theologum nullum vidisse seculum . innumera loca primus illustravit , l'empere●r in dan. . . e incomparabilis illa editio tremelliana , opera & cura doctissimi theologi francisci junii elucubrata & expolita pluribusque scholiis locupletata . fuller . miscel. sac. l. . c. . vide bootii censuram in indice autorum . animadversionibus sacris praefixo . in novo testamento laboravit erasmus roterodamus non inutiliter , cum vertendo , tum paraphrasi explicando , tum annotando . chamierus de canone , l. . c. f papa innocentus primum locum tribuit thomae post scripturas , & meritò , nam melius de papatu meruit quam omnes patres . rainoldus . b. morto●s appeal , l. . c. . sect. . papistarum homerus thomas aquinas . rainold . de lib. apoc. g rainolds against hart. thomas aquinas adhuc infans chartam versa●s , imò comedens , significabat quam studiosus foret adultior factus . cornel. a lapide in gen. . . * omnium pontificiorum quasi communis quidam pater est , & propter prosundam eruditionem atque eximiam pietatem divus thomas , doctor seraphicus , doctor angelicus , vulgo salutatur . quicunque beati thomae doctrinae impugnat , semper fuerit de veritate suspectu● , salmer . laurent . rever . eccles. rom. erga pat. subdola artic. . sect. . a spanhem . dub. evang. part . . dub. . vide ibid dub. . pag. , . b chamierus . c cardinalis cajetanus omnes epistolas novi testamenti & actorum librum recensuit ad veritatem graecans & annotationibus illustravit , intra spatium circiter decem men●ium . chamierus tom. . de canone , l. . c. . vir meo judicio quam vis papista , tamen candidus plurimumque distans ab ea pertinacia , quam in reliquis deplorare cogimur . idem de canone l. . c. . vide whitakerum de scripturis , p. , . & . andradius mentione cajetani sacta subjungit , omnes illum aetatis suaelonge superasse . d maldonatus hispanus , quae gente nulla gens confidentior sui ; & iesuita , qua secta nulla secta magis despiciens aliorum . chamier . de euchristia l. . c. . e andraeas masius papista quidem , ac sanior & dexterrimus scripturae sacrae sanctae interpres . glassius o●omat . postillae voce barbara significant ●aciles & breves expositiones . rainold . de lib. apoc. one well observeth that there are three starres to direct us in reading a book of scripture , the persons , time and place ; the more one observes these three , the better he will be able to carry on the series of the discourse . prov. . . joh. . . deut. . , . praxis ecclesiae , patrum consentions interpretatio , conciliorum praescripta & decreta , regula fidei . the custome of the church is but the custom of men : the sentence of the fathers is but the opinion of men : the determination of councels , but the judgements of men , what men soever . whitaker . more credit in matters controverted between rome and us is to be given to the churches and fathers of that first age after christ , then of the later , when the mystery of iniquity ( rising by degrees ) had gotten too great both height and breadth . robins . essayes observ. . inter pontisices romanos multi fuerunt scelerati , ex quorum improba vita plus red●it ad christianos scandali , quam ex eorum authoritate aedificationis . non potuit vir humani ingenii non fremere , cum legenti pontificum romanorum vitas tot occurrerent monstra scelerum . chamier . de canone lib. . cap. . vide plura ibid. absit ut unius homuncionis , & quidem infirmissimi , arbitrio stare credamus vel cadere veritatem dei. chamierus ibid. cap. . g plus credendum est simplici laico scripturam proferenti , quam toti simul concilio . panormitanus . h mr greenhill on ezek. . ▪ p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . analysis . grammatica quae proprias , . rhetorica quae tropicas dictiones excutit . . logica quae scopum , quae antecedentium & consequentium seriem , probationumque vi● indicat . altingius . notes for div a -e a illum graece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant , latini post eos , & ab iis deum dixere : galli , itali , hispani , mutuato à latinis nomine , dieu , dio , dios , appellant . germani , angli , belgae got. vel god eum nuncupant . b acts . . rom. . , ▪ c ephes. . . there is no equal proportion between the faculty and the object . deum dignè aestimamus dum inaestimaabilem dicimus , cyprian , de idol . vanit . de deo etiam dicere vera periculorum est . ruffin . in exposit . symb. lod. viv. de verit . fidei l ▪ . c. . things that excel in scripture phrase , usually are said to be things of god , psal. . . and . . iohn . . all excellencies are originally , essentially and infinitely in him . q●●d est totus mundus nisi deus expli●●tus ? k some urge this , what moses was to the jews , christ in the new testament , that was philosophy to the heathens ; enough to save them . erasmus had much ado to forbear saying , sancte socrates , ora pro nobis : but omnis doctrina philosophorum sin● capite , quia deum ignorabant , lactantius , & extra ecclesiam nulla salus . v●de montac . analect . eccles . exercit . . sect. . see matth. . . co● . . . and dr. prideaux in his eighth lecture de salute ethnicorum . to believe there is a god , is the foundation of all religion . caput est primum divin● legis , ipsum deum nosse . lactantius . it is a question , whether a man by the light of nature may know that there is a god. though this be denied by the socinians , yet those scripture , rom. . . and psal. . beg . seem to prove it . cardinal perron having in an excellent oration before henry the king of france , proved , that there was a god , and his auditory applauding him , he offered ( if it pleased the king ) the next day to prove the contrary ; whence ( saith voetius de atheismo ) he was commanded to depart the court ; because ( saith vedelius in his rationale theologicum . l. . c. . ) he favoured that opinion of not admitting the principles of reason in arguments of faith : hence it was easie for him from that foundation to plead for atheisin , since it is impossible to prove that there is a god , without the principles of reason . principles can onely be demonstrated testimonis , effectis , & absurdis , shewing the absurdities that will else follow . there are two kindes of demonstrations or proofs . . a demonstrating of the effects by their causes , which is a proof à priori . principles cannot be demonstrated à causa and à priori , because they have no superior cause . . a demonstrating of causes by their effects , which is a proof drawn à posteriori . so principles may be demonstrated . all principles being prima and notissimae of themselv●s , are thereby made indemonstrable , vide aquin. part . . quest. . art. . & . quod fit deus . c the weightiest testimony that can be brought to prove there is a god , is to produce the testimony of god speaking in his word . none other in the world can have equal authority , iohn . , . yet this testimony is not allowed by the atheists . for as they deny that there is a god , so they deny likewise that the scripture is his word . atheomastix , l. . c. . see rom. . . nulla gens tam effera ac barbara quae non cognoscat ●sse deum . cicero de natura deorum . epicurum ipsum , quem nihil pudendum pudet , tamen deum negare pudet . mornaeus . numen esse aliquod sumitur à manifestissimo consensu omnium gentium , apud quos ratio & boni mores non planè extinct● sunt inducta feritate . grotius de rel . christ. l. . inveniuntur qui sine reg● sine lege vivunt , qui sub dio degunt , qui nudi ferarum instar sylvas oberrant , avia quaerunt & obvia depascuntur . qui religionis specie , qui sacris , qui numinis sensu planè , carerent nulli inventi sunt , nulli ctiammon inveniuntur . mornaeus de veritate christianae relig . c. . * the most pregnant and undeniable proof of the god-head with the heathen , was the voyce of conscience . the scripture sheweth , that the wicked were much terrified in their consciences , after the committing of hainous sins , rom. . . isa. . , . mark . , so doth common experience teach in murtherers , theeves , and the like . richard the third , after his murthers , was full of horror and fear ; the night before he was slain , he dreamed that the devils were tormenting him , credo non erat somnium , sed conscientia scelerum . polyd. virgil. wicked men may be without faith , they cannot be without fear . isa. . . they are afraid after committing of sin , though in secret , because they know there is a supreme judge , who can call them to account , psal. . , . quid resert vemin●m scire si tu scias . vide grot. de relig . christiana l. . * acts . . and . . psal. . . and . , . si fractus illabatur orbis impavidum ferient ruinae horat. every effect hath its cause , whatsoever is wrought or done , is wrought or done by some thing , which hath ability and fitness to produce such an effect ; seeing nothing can do nothing , and what hath not sufficiency to produce such and such effects , cannot produce them . of whom there be works and effects , he is ; of god there be works and effects , therefore there is a god. as god is to be felt sensibly in every mans conscicience , so is he to be seen visibly in the creation of the world , and of all things therein contained . man , the best of the creatures here below , was not able to raise up such a roof as the heavens , nor such a floor as the earth . doctor preston , iob . . serviunt omnia omnibus , uni omnia . mundi creatio est dei scriptura , cujus tria sunt folia ▪ coelum , terra , mare . the sun , moon and stars move regularly ; yea , the bee and ant according to their own ends , wonderfully . the creatures which have no reason , act rationally ; therefore some supreme reason orders them . finis in sagitt● determinatur a sagittante , say the schoolmen . vide bellarm. de gratia & libero arbitrico . l. . c. . vos . de ●●ig . & progres . idol l. . c. . the preserving and ordering of the world , and humane societies in it ; the planting and defending of the church . a number of wheels in a clock , do work together , to strike at set times , not any one of them knowing the intention of the other ; therefore they are ordered and kept in order by the care of some wise person , which knows the distance and frame of each , and of the whole . an army of men could not meet together at one time , and in one place , to fight for , or against one city , if the wisdom of one general did not command over all . a number of letters cannot all fall orderly together , to make perfect sense , without some composer . protogenes by the smalness of a line drawn in a table , knew apelles the chiefest artificer . he that sees but the shape and effigies of man presently thinks of a painter . nec terram propter se vel sol calefacit , vel nubes irrigat ; nec terra vel tepefacta à sole , vel madesacta à pluvia , sui gratiâ herbas ac fructus producit , sed propter muta animantia , ac hominem imprimis , qui mentis altae capax in ●oetera dominatur . non suo id confilio faciunt . alius igitur est qui dirigat universum , voss. de orig . & progres . idol . l. . par . . c. . pulchra sunt omnia faciente te : et ecce tu inenarrabiliter pulchrior , qui fecisti omnia . aug. confess . l. . c. . hic compo●o canticum , in creatoris nostri la●dem . s● humani corporis admirabilem constructionem intus extráque conspicimus , & ut omnia ibi etiam minima suos usus habeant , nullo studio , nulla industria parentum , arte verò tanta , ut philosophorum ac medicorum praestantissimi nunquam eam satis possint admirari , ostendit hoc opificem natur● esse mentem excellentissimam : qua de re videri potest galenus , praesertim qua parte oculi & manus usum examinat . grotius de relig . christ. l. . * astrology is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the speech of stars , astronomy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the law of the stars . the sun is moved by another , by whom he is tyed unto such a strict and unalt●rable morion , that astronomers can surely tell ( unto the very minute ) all the eclipses , that shall ever fall out so long as the world it self shall last . h the heathens called the soul of man divinae particulam aurae , a parcel of the divine essence ; but that speech must be taken cum grano salis . civil effects . ●olitiae & leges pro●ant men●em esse divinam intelligentem , illas hominibus tum monstra●tem tum cons●●vantem , ne diaboli & impiooum o●io & machinationibus dissolutae corruant ; deus enim est ●eus ordinis . miraculous effects . exod. . . psal. . . and . . i●a . . a miracle is a work of infinite strength , or omnipotency ; surpassing the whol● power of created nature , as to turn water into wine , to multiply seven loaves to the ●eeding and satisfying of me● , to give the use of sight to one born blinde , to raise up a man indeed dead , to cure a leprosie with the word . miraculum proprie dicitur quod sit praeter ordinem totius naturae creatae . aquin. part . . quaest. . artic. . & ibid. quaest . . artic. . the bridling of wicked spirits and men . plutarch saith , some men were converted from atheism , by seeing of ghosts and apparitions . attende totum & laudabis totum . aug. non est judicandum de operibus dei ante quin●um actum . pet. mart. the atheists third objection , that religion is but an humane invention . it is the actual acknowled●ement of god which preserveth his resp●ct in the world . gen. . . g●n . . . so●●● homo sa 〈…〉 uctus est ut religionem solus intelligat , & haec est hominis atque mutorum , vel praecipua , vel sola di●●antia . lactantius de ira dei. mat. . ● . i he spends his whole second book about this reason . the greeks insinuate , that all arts come from god ; in making mineroa , the daughter of iupiter , and to have had her generation in his divine brain : as god the son is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so grammer , logick , rhetorick , carry upon them the same name . there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verbum , that is grammer ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio , that is logick ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oratio , and that is rhetorick . the sea is bound up in a sandy girdle . all second causes depend on the first , and we cannot proceed in infinitum . all the reasons of the natural philosopher for this purpose , may be reduced to three principal heads ; viz. ex motu , ex sine , & ex causa efficiente , arguments drawn from the motions , ends , and the efficient cause of crea●u●es . bunnys resolut . part . . ch. . quicquid movetur , ab alio movetur . some derive deus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fear , because the fear of him is planted in the very natures and consciences of all reasonable creatures , others a dand● ; in english god , quasi good ; his daily mercies and blessings shew that there is a god , acts . . the pure atheist ( according to the propriety of that name ) is he , which generally and constantly denieth all deity , and believeth as he saith . the stoutest atheist that ever lived , cannot resolutely and constantly believe there is no god. a diagoras made a very eloquent oration , that there was no god ; but the people coming to him , applauded him , saying , that in his oration ●e had almost perswaded them , but he did i● so eloquently , that they thought he was the god . b morneus cap. . de verit . relig. p. . anonymus quidam , qui praesente calvino i● hospi●io omnem dei cultum , spem melioris vitae deridens , subi●de nefariè ing●minabat , blasphemam scripturae detorsionem atheis u●itatam coelum coeli domino , terram autem dedit filiis hominum , à deo diris torminibus rep●●e dercussus est , quo sactum , ut ●●binde magno boatu vociferaretur , ô deus , ô deus , cui quidam ex hospitibus homo probut sed facctus : tune deum invocas ? an philosophiae tuae oblitus es ? cur non in suo coelo sinis deum quiescere ? et quoti●s ille to●abat ô deus , hic alter subsannans regerebat , ubi nunc est illud tuum , coelum coeli domino ? sic calvin . comment . in psal , . vo●t . theses . de atheismo part . . c when he wanted fire he took one of hercul●s wooden images , and made a fire of it , saying , go to , hercules , thou shalt now go thorow thy thirteenth labour . * clement the seventh . psal. . . and . . so genebrard and muis expound that ps. . of indirect atheists , who deny gods providence . heb. . . it is not only innatum , sed etiam in animo insculptum , esse deos. cic. l. . de natura deorum . no atheists almost can be named , neither in the holy scriptures , nor in ecclesiastical histories , nor in heathen writings , which came not unto some fearfull end . see atheomastix . lib. . c. . the saints of god have still stuck to principles , psal . . and jer. . . * marbury on gen. . . d so demitian , dominus deus noster , sic fieri jubet . suetonius . edictum domini deique nostri . martial . more caligulae , dominum se , deumque vocar● coegit . aurelius victor . e psal. . . f isa. . , . quid sit deus . a ●ùm dicunt multi ex antiquis pa●iter & recentioribus de●● esse à seip●o : hoc intellig●●●um est neg●●ivè , ad ex cludendum principium externum : ita ut deus dicitur esse à seipso , hoc est , ab alio nullo habeat esse : non autem positivè , seu affirmativè , pon●ndo principium internum , quasi revera à se duceret originem : cùm manifestum sit deum esse absolutè , & initium omnino nullum habere posse , vel à se , vel ab alio . barlo . exercit . . b intelligences are acts , not pure acts , because it may be said potuerunt esse . job . , . and . . * in the epistle to my hebrew ▪ critica sacra , and in the book it self . being is gods excellency . the being of the creatures is no being compared with god , isa. . iudaei in legendis & scrib●ndis nominibus dei oppidò quam superstitiosi sunt , interpretantur tertium praeceptum , nomen iehovae non esse pronunciandum , & librum in quo integrè scriptum est , nudis manibus non esse contrectandum . of those two greek names , see my greek critica sacra . * as iehovah , iah , eh●eh , exod. . . * vocantur attributa quia ea sibi attribuit deus nostrâ causâ . zanchius de attributis l. . c. . attributa illa dei dicuntur , vel negativa , ut immensus , immutabilis , &c. vel relativa , orta ex dei variis extra se tendentibus actionibus , ut creator , salvator , &c vel denique absoluta & posit●va , deo extra relationem & ordinem ad creaturas sem ●r convenientia : qualia esse sapientem , bonum &c. hoornbeeck . antisocin . l. . c. . attributum est divinae simplicissimae essentiae pro diversa agendi ratione , diversa , & vera habitudo & conceptio nobis expressa . mr stock of gods attributes . * proprietates divinae naturae , seu essentiae , sunt attributa dei essentialia , quibus essentiae divinae veritas ac majestas nobis innotescit , & ab aliis distinguitur . wendelinus . god revealed his simple undivided essence under several attributes , because he would be honoured in every attribute . these attributes differ not among themselves , nor from the divine essence . isa. . . for my self , not for my mercy ; to teach us , that his mercy is himself , and not different from his essence , as it is with us . these divine properties are most perfect in their kinde , ergo , equal in perfection . . they are all one and the same real and individual divine essence . god is so light that in him there is no darknesse at ●ll ioh. . . john . . john . . psal. . . ●am . . . psal. . . and . . psal. . . namb. . . propri●tates dei sunt primi vel secundi generis . primi generis propri●tates sunt , quae ita deo competunt , ut earum contrariae , omni infint croaturae . cujusmodi sunt independentia , simplicitas , immutabilitas , immensitas , aeternitas . secundi generis sunt , quae ita deo competunt , ●t earum expressae imagines in creaturis reperiantur . wendelinus christian. theol. l. . c. . god is called a spirit , . negatively , because he is not a body . . analogically , or by a certain likenesse , because there are many perfections in spiritual substances , which do more shadow forth the divine nature , then any bodily thing can . d ● ames ▪ medul . theol. at enim quem colimus deum nec ostendimus , nec videmus . imm● ex hoc deum credimus , quod eum sentire possumus videre non possumus . minut. fel. octav. god is of a pure and spiritual nature . to be a spirit implies , . invisibility . . efficacy and activity , ezek. . . simplicity . god is invisible , luke . . col. . . iohn . . a i●b ▪ adver . pr●● . & de a●●ma . rom. . . 〈…〉 ‑ 〈◊〉 , a so●t of ●e ●●i●ks so called , because they misconceived that god had a bodily shape like man. consectaries . psal. . . zech. . . quod de deo dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intelligi debet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dextra dei significat potentiam & majestatem dei : oculi & aures omniscientiam . the scripture referring eyes to god , by them intends , . his knowledge , and notice of things , prov. . . . his care , psal. . . . his direction , psal. . . c lib. . de imag. sanct. cap. . consectaries from gods being a spirit , and invisible ▪ see phil. . . rom. . . rom. . . c matth. . . d invisibile aliquid dicitur dupliciter , inquit chamier ; primò , per se , & ipsa sui natura ; ut deus , ut spiritus sunt invisibiles . secundò , per accidens ; cum quid in se tale est quidem ut possit videri : sed aliqua externa superveniente causa , sit invisibile iis à quibus vel alias potuit , vel etiam debuit videri : quomodo ils qui sunt ad septentrionem invisibiles sunt stellae ad austrum , quomodo stellae quaedam minutissimae sunt invisibiles . preferre spiritual excellencies , priviledges and comforts , be spiritual in duties and performances . the divine essence is simple and altogether uncompounded . simplex propriè dicitur quod compositum ex diversis non est . cor. . . the gospel and the wayes of it are not simple , as simplicity is opposed to the the depth of wisdome ( for therein is made known the manifold wisdom of god. ephes. . . ) but as simplicity is opposed to mixture . every thing the more simple ( in this sense ) the more excellent . in deo idem est esse & essentia , viveus & vita , quia deus non vivit per aliud essentiae superadditum , sed vitam habet in seipso , & est ipsa vita , vivit a scipso & per seipsum . unum quodque quo simplicius co deo similius , say the schoolmen . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consectaries of gods simplenesse . simplex quasi sine plicis . sin●erus sine cera . see prov. . . * a great french pear is called le bon chrestien , the good christian , because ( they say ) it never rots in the core , matth. . christ opposeth a single eye and corrupt one , an israelite in whom is no guile , is worth an ecce , a rare man : mistresse elizabeth iuxton said , she had nothing to comfort her but poor sincerity . lactantius observes that the heathens counted it the greatest honouring of their gods to be like unto them , one would be drunk , because he would be like bacchus . joh. . , psal. . , . psal. . . rom. . . graeci deum vocant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à vivendo , quoniam solus verè vivit & omnia vivificat , ut meritò sic ut vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ita appellari possit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jer. . . f vivere est esse actuosum in se per se , singulari vi ; unde & latinis vivo à vi , ut graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur . deut. . . act. . . gen. . . god lives because life is originally in him , psa. . . iohn . . in him was life . a man hath four kindes of faculties in the exercise of which he liveth ; and life in him is an ability to exercise them . he hath understanding , will , affections , and a power to move and work outwardly . the living god sees it sit to ascribe all these to himself . their life hath a cause , his none . his life consisteth in rest , and he possesseth all his life in one instant , our life is a flux and succession of parts . consectaries from gods life . dan. . . heb. . , . rev. . , . psal. . . this upheld luther amidst his opposition , christus vivit & regnat . st augustine prefers a flie before the sun , because a flie hath life , and the sun hath not . g the latine word for men , is mortales , ipso vocabulo suae conditioni● admonentur . erasm. in coll● . psal. . . zanchius de immortalitate l. . c. . col. . . exod. . , , . psal. . . spiritu infinitus , non corpore ; non inquam quantitate , magnitudine , mole , sed qualitate , virtute , bonitate , & siquid praestantius ab homine de deo dici vel cogitari potest . mornaeus cap. . de veritate relig. christ. infinitas absoluta est essentiae dei proprietas qua neque causae neque me●surae ullius terminis finitur . gomarus . dupliciter potest aliquid dici infinitum . primò , in ratione entis , sic deus est absolutè infinitus , quia scriptura divina tribuit ipsi absolutam infinitatem , psal. . . & . . secundò , in certo genere . estius . g infinitenesse is that , whereby god cannot be limited , measured , or determined of any thing , being the first cause from whom , and the end wherefore all things were made . h all his properties are infinite . limitatio est duplex , in natura & naturae . limitatio in natura , in deum solùm non cadit . omnes enim creaturae in natura terminum habent . limitatio vero ●aturae , est ad situm , & haec in creatura corporea locum habet . sanford . de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. . i nature triumpheth in nothing so much as in dissimilitude . k all creatures have such a measure and degree , as the author of them would communicate unto them . l infinite power is that whereby god can do more then all creatures can do , yea more then all creatures can conceive he can do ; infinite understanding by which he knows more then all creatures do know , or can conceive ▪ that he doth know . gen. . this one attribute of gods all-sufficiency may answer all the scruples of a christian. consectaries from gods infinitenesse . see gen. . . isa. . . god is infinitely go●● , therefore deserves all our love and obedience ; the best angel in heaven cannot love god according to his excellency ; we should love him with a love , . of union . . complacency . . friendship . . dependance . b this attribute of gods being every where , is called immensity ▪ omnipresence , or ubiquity . c immensitas est proprietas dei qua omnes essentiae terminos excludit , ubique quoad essentiam simul in caelo & in terra , imo & extra caelum est : absque ulla tamen expansione vel multiplicatione . wendelinus christ. theol. l. . c. . d the jewish doctors call god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , place , as containing all things , himself being not contained of any thing . deus non solum est infinitus ratione essentiae & perfectionis : sed etiam ratione praesentiae , ( ut loquuntur ) ita ut essentia ejus nullo spatio finito limitari poterat ; & hic gradu● infinitatis divinae dicitur immensitas . barl. exerci . l. . deus aut nusqu●m est & nunquam , aut ubique & semper : aut est alicubi , & alicubi non , & aliquaendo , & aliquando non . sin nusquam dicitur esse & nunquam , oportebit cum nihil omnino esse : si vero tantum alicubi , & aliquando ; ergo definitur loco & tempore , sed quia horum omnium falsitas manifesta est à sufficiente divisione ; sequitur q●od deus ubique , & semper est . raim . pug. f●d . adversus iud. . part . dist. . c. . k the angels are in an ubi though not in a place properly ▪ in english we cannot so well distinguish these words : they are limitted , & confined to some space , an angel cannot be at the same time in heave● and earth . deus ubique est secundum modum ineffabilem , nazianzenus in orat . sua . de tbeol . dicit disquisitionem de modo quo deus ubique est , quasi fructum arboris vetitae , esse nimis curiosam putat , sanfordus de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. . god is said to descend and ascend two ways : cameron praelect . in psal. . . psal. . . and . . matth. . . john . . acts . . cùm scripturae dicunt deum esse in coelo , hoc intelligendum ●st positivè solum & affirmativè , quod ibi ●it : non exclusivè , quasi alibi non sit , reg. . . . deus est in coelo secundum excellentiam , nempe modo eminentiori , angelis & sanctis revelatus . barlow exercit . . confecta●ies from gods immensity , or omnipresence . iob. . . nos protestaentes omnes dicimus contradictionem esse inter has duas propositiones , datur purgatorium , & solus sanguis christi purgat nos ab omni peccato : illam propositionem romanensem contradicere huic quae est verbi dei. sic nos reformati dicimus enunciationem hanc corpus christi est ubique , non solùm ideo falsam esse , quia ibi contradictio in adjecto in eâ enunciatione , sed etiam quia ista enunciatio corpus christi est ubique contradicat multis enunciationibus scripturae , quae quidem non formaliter ei , sed tamen contradicunt , ut christus ascendit in coelum , christus est venturus &c. vedel . ration theol. l. . e. . some when they hear god is essentially every where , and in every creature , labor to comprehend this great mystery , and infer , that every creature is god ; but god is not divided nor mixed with any creature : all creatures compared to him are as nothing . f bootius defines eternity to be interminabilis vitae tota simul & perfecta possessio . l. . de consol . pros . . the schoolmen define it to be duratio interminabilis , indivisibilis & independens ; interminabilis quia excludit terminum à quo & ad quem ; indivisibilis quia excludit omnem successionem temporis ; independens quia excludit omnem imperfectionem & mutationem . philosophi distinguunt inter aeternitatem , aevum & tempus : et aeternitatem principio & fine carentem tribuunt soli deo : aevum solo fine carens , creaturis nunquam defituris : tempus nec principio nec fine carens creaturis aliquando defituri● . wendelinus . est duratio semper praesens , est unum perpetuum hodie , quod non , transit in praeteritum aut futurum , drexel . de aeternitate considerat . . sect. . vide barlow exercitat . & dr prid. lect. . de christi deitate . isa. . . job . . his purposes are eternal , ephes. . . heb. . . thou lord remainest for ever , say the scriptures often , prov. . . he was said to be before the world , psal. . . eph. . . of necessity there must be a first cause , and therefore must be something without a beginning . * vide augustini confess . l. . c. . agebat aut● mundum , & ●ine mundo , quod m●ne cum mundo , in sua foelicitate scipso contentus , & sufficiens , plenus bonorum omnim , & ab aeterno constituit mundum procreare , atque ea condere quibus beatitudinem communicaret suam : sed tunc , non antea , nec post , quia sic illi est visum , ludov. viv. de veritate fidci christianae , l. . c. . compare gods eternity with the duration of the creature , tim. . . ps. . fore & fuisse non est in ●o , omnia sunt praesentia , cut hoc esse nostrum vix competit , lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . gnolam from gnalam , because the beginning and end of eternity lieth hid . consectaries from gods eternity . who can speak of eternity , without a solecism , or think thereof , without an extasie , browns religio medici . we should ascribe eternity to god , iob . . deut. . . psal. . . . endeavour to make it known to others , psal. . , . . we should make it the ground of our confidence , isa. . . psal. . , . isa. . . hab. . , . zeuxis the painter , was exact and curious , because he did pingere aeternitati . we are to pray , live , speak , and do all for eternity . crede , stude , vive aeternitati . cornel à lap. in evangel . dr●xelius a jesuite hath written well of eternity . psal. . . and . . heb. . . precious are the serious thoughts of eternity ; the treasures of eternity , are opened in the times of the gospel . tim. . . dicamus deum immutabilem non modo mutatione substantiali , quia esse , & vivere , non modo nunquam definet , ( qued & angelis competit , & animabus rationalibus ) sed & fieri non potest , ut definat . dicimus etiam ne accidentalis mutationis capacem esse , quia transferretur à potentia ad actum aliquem accidentalem twis . animadvers . in colat. arm. cum iun. propofit . . sect. . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . artic. , . quaest. . art. . iob. . . and his augels he charged with folly , the good angels with possible , though not actual folly . * ge●h . loc commune martinus de deo , & wendelinus christ , theol. l. . c. . psal. . , . heb. . . mat. . . * cum nos paenitet , destruimus quod fecimus . sic deus pae●tuisse dicitur secundum similitudinem operationis , in quantum hominem quem fecerat , per diluvium à terrae facie delevit● aquinas quaest . artic. . partis primae . * mutat facta , non mutat consilia , august . aliud est mutare voluntatem aliud velle mutationem . aquinas quaest. . art. septimo partis primae . * jer. . . and . , . windelinus christ. theol. l. . c. ● . consectaries from gods immutability . sam. . , . adam supported himself with that one promise . gods promises are faithful and firm words . what good thing the lord hath promised , what grace or priviledge ( as christians ) any ever received , or succo● found , the same may the faithful iook for . gal. . . tim. . . cor. . ult . queen elizabeths word was semper eadem . deut. . . nihil magnum , ni●i magnus deu● of gods perfection . greatness is attributed to god metaphorically and denoteth an incomprehensible and unmeasurable largeness of all excellencies . * the apostle by an hebrew pleonasm , saith the same thing twice illustring it by the contrary . reasons of gods perfection . . that which is the chiefest being and independent , is most perfect . . that which is infinite in essence , can want nothing . . the more simple a thing is , the more perfect . * psal. . . and . , . and . . psal. . . and . . rom. . . perfect in the general , is that to which nothing is wanting , therefore that is most perfect , to which agreeth no imperfection . little works of nature and of providence have a greatness in them , considered , as done by god. sam. . . all gods works are perfect , gen. . . alphonsus was wont to say , if he had been of councel with god in the making of his works , he should have made some of them melius & ordinatius , ezek. . . iob . , , . isa. . . elihu alledgeth gods works to iob , to shew his greatness , iob . . , . and . . to . reasons why gods works are great : . he that worketh most universally , unlimittedly , supremely , must work great things . . he that works most wisely , must needs do great things , psal. . . . he that works most mightily and powerfully , must needs do great things , isa. . . . he that does all this most easily , must needs do great things . psal. . . god is great in his authority . he is king of kings , the only potentate . god is most high . the greatness of gods authority standeth in two things : . the universality of it , gods authority reacheth to all things ; the whole world , and all creatures in it are subject to his will and disposing . . the absoluteness of it , what he willeth must be done . absolute dominion is a power to use a thing as you please , for such ends as you think good . god hath a double power and authority over the creature : . as an absolute lord. . as a judge , according to which double power he exerciseth two kindes of acts , actus dominii , and iudicii . . he hath an absolute soveraignty over all the creatures , and hath no rule to govern the creature by , but his own will , dan. . , . ephes. . . he can do the creature no wrong in any of his dispensations . four things he doth to the creatures , as an act of soveraignty . . he gives the creature what being he pleaseth . . he appoints it to what end he pleaseth , rom. . . . he gives it what law he will , here come in acts of justice and mercy . . orders all their actions by his effecting or permitting will. . he resolves to govern these creatures modo connaturali , suitably to their own natures : he gives reasonable creatures a law , which they must know and approve , and the service they perform to him must be reasonable . gods soveraignty here below is seen in ordering . . natural causes , which act from an instinct of nature , and are carried to their end by a natural necessity . . in acting them according to their natures , for the ends he appointed them . . in restraining their acting sometimes , that fire shall not burn . . in acting them above their natures , the rock shall yield water . . in acting them contrary to their natures , fire shall descend . . voluntary causes , acting from a principle of reason , and the liberty of will , prov. . . psal. . . prov. . . in ordering their thoughts , apprehensions , counsels , affections . rom. . . rom. . . heb. . . consectaries from gods greatness in his nature . corollaries of gods perfection . deut. . . matth. . . psal. . . cor. . . consectaries from gods great works . there is a twofold greatnesse in the works of god. . in the bulk or quantity of them , as the work of creation . . of quality or vertue , gen. . . the moon is a great light , in regard of light and influence , excellency and usefulnesse to the world . see iob , , . consectaries from gods being most high . mihi verò dicendum videtur nihil extra deum esse absolutè necessarium , sed tantum ex hypothesi . attamen esse necessarium secundum quid , viz. ex hypothesi , reicuique fateor , vel contingentissimae poterat accidere . twiss . animadvers . in collat . armin. cum iun. indepēdentia est proprietas dei , qua quoad essentiam , subsistentiam & actiones à nulla aelia dependet causa , cum à seipso fit , subsistat & agat . wendelinus . john . . act. . . ab independentia dei non differt sufficientia , qua ipso in se & à se sibi & nobis sat habet , nullaque re indiget : cum omnia alia uti à deo dependent , ita sibi ips●s minimè sufficiant . proprietatem hanc indigitat nomen dei schaddai . gen. . . & . . wendelinus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. il. β rex unus est apibus , & dux unus in gregibus , & in armentis rector unus ; multo magis mundi unus est rector , qui universa , quaecunque sunt , verbo jubet ratione dispensat , virtute consummat . cyprian . de idolorum vanitate . vide grot. de relig. christ. l . p. . psal. . . and . . deut. . , . and . . psal. . , . isa. . , . ephes. . , . pet. . . mark . , , . cor. . . john . . sam. . . isa. . . and . . and . . and . and . , . hinc disces ( inquit plato epist. . ad dionysium ) scribam ego scriò necne : cum scriò , ordior epistolam ab uno deo ; cum secùs , à pluribus . unde igitur ad homines opinio multorum deorum persuasióve pervenit ? nimirum ij omnes , qui coluntur ut dii , homines f●erunt , & idem primi , ac maximi reges : sed cos aut ob virtutem , qui profucrant hominum generi , divinis honoribus affectos esse post mortem ; aut ob beneficia , & inventa , quibus humanam vitam excoluerant , immortalem memoriam consecutos , quis ignorat ? lactant de ira dei. in respect of some excellent majesty , and glory above others , angels are called gods , heb. . . and psal. . . and magistrates , psal. . . in respect of usurpation , the devil , cor. . . cor. . , . primò omnis multitud● revocanda est ad unitatem . cum igitur in mundo multae fint creaturae , revocari eas oportet ad unum primum creatorem . secundò , res omnes sunt per aliud , ergo reducendae erint ad unum per se. that latine phrase ( si diis placet ) is a more ciceronian then christian expression . mat. . . we must love him only , have one heart for one object . * unity here noteth not number but rather a denial of multititude ; for unity as it denotes number , leaves also a place for a second and third , at least in apprehension and conceit ; though there be but one sun , yet we may conceive of a hundred . deus est monarcha mundi . rex unicus est● . homer . essentia dei unica est unitate absolutissima , non generis , speci●i , subjecti , accidentis , causae , consensus , sed numeri quae unitas est restrict issima . vide cornel. à lapide in deut. . . atheomastix lib. . cap. . deut. . . is● . . . he is god , and there is none else , deut. . . and . . un●m non superaddit enti aliquid po●itivum , but notes only negationem compositionis & divisionis . one god in opposition to multitude , there is none besides him , and to mixture , quicquid est in deo est deu● : so zech. . . his name one , that is , his worship shall be without humane mixture , and without multitud●s , one way of worship . all christians , iews and turks agree that there is but one god. * dr rainolds against hart. consectaries from gods unity . christians should be one in affection , as god is one in essence . mal. . . john . . eph. . . to . act. . . * the gentiles although they were polytheists , yet are called atheists , ephes. . . not worshipping him which is the only true god , they worshipped none , gal. . . b august . lib. . de civitate dei. et va●ro lib. . de rebus divinis . c cum praeter unum israelis deum in scriptura aliorum quoque deorum fit mentio , vel fictitii intelliguntur dii ; quales gentilium fuerunt vel impropriè dicti dii , quales sunt summi magistratus , qui dei in hisce terris vices gerunt . psal. . . wendelinus . apollinis oraculum apud porphyrium legitur , quo ait caeteros deos aereos esse spiritus , colendum autem unum hebraeorum deum ; cui dicto ●i parent apollinis cultores , jam tales esse desinunt : si non parent , suum deum mendacii accusant . grotius . variety is the pleasure of nature , but unity is the businesse of nature . holiday . a in homine differunt intellectus tanquam facultas , scientia tanquam habitus intellectus , cognitio tanquam actio à facultate per habitum proficiscens . in deo omnia sunt unum , & tantùm nostro concipiendi modo distingunntur . b matth. . . cor. . . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . art. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . c see iohn . . heb. . . d de singularibus , qualia sunt , hic angelus , hic homo , haec planta , olim multi philosophi dubitaru●t an deus haec nosset . sed manifesta veritas est . creavit enim deus singularia ; judicia sua exercet circa singularia ; reddit cuique secundum opera sua , supputat numerum stellarum , & nominibus suis singulas vocat . psal. . . vide psal. . . & matth. . . pertinet huc totus psalmus . wendelinus . simul & semel , uno actu & uno ictu . psal. . , , , , , . act , . . john . . psa. . , ●● ▪ and . . and . . per totum ▪ prov. . . psal. . . god is totu● oculus quia omnia videt . august . it was said of christ , he knoweth what is in man. he pondereth the heart of every man , prov. . . he knows , . the general bent and inclination of the heart , deut. . . . what graces are in the heart . . what actings of grace there are in the heart . . what ends the heart hath in all its undertakings . he is primus intelligens and primum intelligibile . against worldlinesse . matth. . , . great in counsel , ier. . . rom. . . iob . . the wisdome of god is sometime taken personally , and so the sonne of god is called wisdom , prov. . . sometime essentially which is common to all the persons in the trinity . e wisdome is a vertue of right understanding things to be known , and making right use of that knowledge to the ordering of himself and his actions for the best . wisdome is such a knowledge of things , as they are absolutely in themselves , and comparatively with others , that a man is thereby perswaded unto that which will be his own true good for ever . there is a twofold act of wisdome , and both most eminent in god. the first is knowledge in the nature of things , which is properly called science . the second is knowledge how to order and dispose of things , and it is called prudence . it was a blasphemous speech of alphonsus , si ego deo adfuissem mundum m●lius ordinassem . m●ramur artificium hujus corporis ad vitam , id est ad rem temporariam : quantum est artificium foetus in utero ad novem menses ? quantum formicae & musc● , & papilionum , & flosculi eodem dic p●rituri quo nascitur . lud. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. ● . prov. . , . eccles. . . prov. . , , . cor. . . ephes. . . ephes. . . rom. . . matth. . . dan. ● . christ is made unto believers wisdome , cor. . . he taught us wisdom while he was on earth in his own person ; now he teacheth us wisdom by the written word of the old and new testament , col. . . tim. . . . makes it effectual to us by his spirit , iohn . . and . chapters . . we shall understand so much as shall certainly make us happy . . we have not a perfection of wisdome in this world , cor. . . . this is the alone wisdom , prov. . . psal. . , , . act. . . f it is called prescience , not in respect of god but men , gen. . . and . . praescientia dei est cognos●itiva , non causativa . act. . . rom. . . pet. . . g voluntas , qua deus seipsum vult per se , & extra se omnia propter se seu suam gloriam . wendelin . job . . psal. . . and . . dan. . . exod. . . rom. . , . cor. . . god created all things , because he would , he redeemed us of his good pleasure , sheweth mercy to whom he will shew mercy . god is , . most perfect . . truly blessed , therefore most free . licet angelos atque homines agentia libera esse dicamus , deum tamen solum primum agens liberum ( sicut aequum est ) pronunciamus ; à cujus voluntate sicut omnis creaturae libertas dependet , ita etiam à motione dei , omnis libertatis creatae in actum productio . twiss . contra corvinum , cap. . sect. . nulla causa datur voluntatis dei , quoad actum volentis . aqui● . qu. ● . art. , . & this is the opinion of all the schoolmen , saith doctor twisse . h the scripture often ascribes a will to god , isa. . . rom. . . iohn . . the will of god is an essential property whereby the lord approveth that which is good , and disproveth the contrary , matth. . iames . . psal. . . i every distinction of gods will , must be framed ex parte volitorum , no● ex parte volentis , dr iackson . see dr prideaux his sermon on chr. . . p. . k piscator negat ullam dei voluntatem esse conditionatam . negat etiam bradwardinus , demonstratque omnem dei voluntatem esse absolutam . est ista m●o judicio sententia accuratior . sed voluntas dei potest distingui in voluntatem absolutam & conditionatam ; nimirum non quoad actum dei volenti● , sic omnis dei voluntas est absoluta , sed quoad res hoc dei actu volitas . vult enim deus ut alia absolutè eveniant , alia verò non sine conditione , sic fidem hominis & regenerationem & resipiscentiam vult deus absolutè elect is suis , hoc est , vult ut ista iis contingant absolutè , at ut salus eis absolutè co●ting at non vult , sed duntaxat sub conditione fidei & resipiscentiae , sinalisque in iisdem perseverantiae . twiss . contra corvinum cap. . sect. . vide plura ibid. & cap. . sect. . miro & in●ffabili modo non fit praeter ejus voluntatem quod etiam contra ejus fit voluntatem , quia non ●ieret si non sineret , nec utique nolens sinit , sed volens . nec fi●cret bonus fieri malè , nisi omnipotens etiam de malo facere possit benè . august . e●chir . ad laurent . c. . psal. . . ephes. . . rom. . . called the will of god concerning us . rom. . , , . psal. . deut. . . psal. . psal. . . revel . . . levit. . . job . . psal. . . psal. . . prov. . . sam . . and . . aug. ench ad laur. c. . deut. . . rom. . . eccl. . , . mr pemble , vindiciaegratiae , p. , . apostolus tim. . . non intelligit singulos homines , sed quosvishomines , hoc est , omnis generis homines , genera singulorum , non singula generum . * god pleaseth to ●scribe to himself our humane aff●ctions , not because he hath any perturbation , or passion , or troublesom stirring , and working within , as we have ; but because he hath an aptnesse to produce such effects , as we out of those passions do accustom to produce , but without any manner of those weaknesses or distempers , which accompany us in such actions . a it is an attribute , whereby god loveth himself above all , and others for himself . b amor dei est , quo se oblectat in ●o quod approbat , eique bene vult , & sibi unit , wendel . god is first affected toward himself and his own glory . passiones deo tribuntur non quoad affectum , sed quoad effectum . love is not a passion or perturbation in god as in man , iohn . . john . . ezek. . . amor divinus est . . naturalis quo deus necessariò amat seipsum , . voluntarius , . universalis , quo omnes creaturas aliquo modo deus diligit . amare enim est velle alicui bonum , matth. . . . specialis , quo deus inaequaliter amat has & illas creaturas , respectu boni in●qualis , quod iis vult ; sic magis diligit creaturas rationales , & inter illas electos , & christum . wendelinus . some dispute whether god loves all creatures with an equal love , ex parte actus divini , he doth not : ex parte boni voliti , he wils heaven to some . john. . . john . . rom. . . mal. . . ephes. . , . ioh. . , . ier. . . rom. . , . and . . john . . psal . . god is the onely immediate and proper object of love . he is diligibilis natura . beatus qui amat te , amicum in te & inimicum propter te . aug. conf . l. . c. . minus te amat , qui te cum aliquid amat , quod non propter te amat . aug. confess . l. . c. . vide ames . l. . de conscientia . c. . mr bradford when others we●e merry at table , fell a weeping , because he could not get his dull heart to love god. * gods hatred is that whereby he is ready to do that which we do when we hate , even to separate a thing from himself , ezek. . . rom. . . psal. . . and . . isa ▪ . . hatred is of things contrary ●o us , as god hates sin , being contrary to his . nature . . law. . honour . psal. . . gods love hath variety of objects , he loves himself , his son , his saints , all his creatures ; he hates nothing but sin ; and his hatred is as infinite as his love : . he forbids nothing but sin , and all degrees of it , ier. . . therefore it is set forth in scripture by most odious names , whatsoever is shameful or hurtful . . all his judgements are denounced against sin . prov. . . hatred in a reasonable creature is a motion of the will , whereby it flieth from that which it apprehends to be evil and opposeth it . it ariseth from a disconformity of the object there is a twofold hatred : . odium abominationis , a flying onely from a thing . . odium inimicitiae , whereby i pursue what is evil . as much of our original corruption is found in this affection as any . * anger is given to god , non secundum turbationis affectum , sed secundum ultionis effectum , say the schoolmen , gods wrath is his revenging justice ; which justice of god , as it simply burns against sin , the scripture calls his anger ; when it doth most fiercely sparkle out , it is called his wrath ; the same justice when it pronounceth sentence , is called his judgement ; when it is brought into execution , it is called his vengeance . mr. marshal on king. . . irasceris domine tranquillus , fur is pacatus . gerson . gods anger signifieth three things : . the eternal decree , whereby god hath purposed in himself to take vengeance upon all evil doers , iohn . . rom. . . . his menacings or threatnings , psal. . . ionah . . hos. . . . it is put for the effects of his anger , for punishment and revenge , rom. . . ●●ath . . . ephes. . . dr benfields sermon . on heb. . . see nehem. . . heb. . . rev. . , . see those words zagnam , zagnath , & charad in my hebrew critica . * to this belongs the catalogue of curses repeated deut. . and levit. . god is infinitly just , a perfect hater of sin . * the word chamath in the original is rendred excandescentia , burning or fiery wrath , which the last translation fitly calls fury . a dr burges on psal. . . consectaries from gods anger . deut. . psal. . . god commandeth meeknesse in his word ; christ paterneth it in his life and death ; the holy spirit produceth it in our hearts . mat. . . much what the same with desire and detestation . * vertues in men are certain excellent and confirmed habits , by which they are made apt and prompt to use their faculties well and orderly . deus est summum bonum simpliciter ; & non solum in aliquo genere , vel ordine rerum . aquinas . luke . . matth. . . some say god comes from good. for god onely is essentially and perfectly good , nos germani usque à majoribus nostris ( praeclarius perfectò & pulchrius quam ulla alia lingua ) deum à bonitatis vocabulo , sermone nobis vernaculo vocamus , quippe qui sons perennis sit & perpetuo scaturiens , affluentissimis bonis exundans , & à quo omne quicquid uspiam boni est dicitur & emana● . lutherus in catechismo majore . exod . . psal. . ▪ . & . . & . . rom. . . * bonum est id quod omnes appetum , aristotle seu , quod natura sua appetibile est . goodnesse is a property of things by which they are fit to produce actions requisite for their own and the common welfare . david seemeth to give us this description of gods goodnesse , psalm . . bonitas dei est , qua deus in se maximè perfectus & appetibilis , omnium que extra se appetibilium & bonorum causa est . wendelinus goodnesse is the fitnesse of every thing for its own end , and for the actions which for that end it ought to perform . whatsoever thing is excellent in the creatures , is much more in god , iames . . psal. . . there are naturally the good heavens , the good sun , and moon , good food and raiment ; spiritually , good angels and men , because there is a good god. god is abundant in goodnesse , exod. . . this will appear by considering , . the various kindes or sorts of his goodnesse , in giving , iames . forgiving , forbearing , and mitigating evil , psal. . . . the freenesse of it , he gives where there is no obligation , nay , a disobligation , matth. . . . his multiplying the acts of goodnesse , often giving , forgiving , many times sparing , mitigating evils . . the continuance of it , it is a lasting , nay , an everlasting goodnesse , psal , . . psal. . james . rhetor fortis . bonitas dei ●●ga creaturas 〈…〉 i merè volun●●ri● atque ar●●ri● , nisi quum ●●● aliquid in creatura quod ●●●●rat de●ima 〈…〉 m qua sanctas est . 〈…〉 ion potest ●● creaturam suam non amet ●● qu● refulgere videt imaginem suam , at cum aliquid est in creatura ab i●la imagine abhorrens & ci repugnans , tum sa 〈…〉 moderatur bonitatem . cameron praelect . in matth. . . confectaries from gods goodnesse . two things make men happy in heaven : . because they will nothing but what is good . . they enjoy what they will , gal ▪ . . paul calls it the riches of gods goodnesse , rom. . . and maketh ●● is use of it , that i● should lead us to repentance , to consider , . what we were originally , good , the creator be 〈…〉 creature must needs be ; . what we are n●w , unlike him . isa. . . luke . , gods bounty . god is like a most liberal housholder , which takes order that nothing in his house or about it shall want that which is necessary , farther then the fault is in it self . he gives more then we ask , and before we ask . uberior gratia quam precatio . chron. . ▪ isa. . . james . . a gratia est , qua deus in seipso est a nabilis , sueque creaturae fa●et & bene facit ▪ unde hoc respecta gratia dei c● favor quo creaturas suas & imprimis homines prosequitur ▪ wendelinus . the arminians speak much of gods offering mercy , all giving christ and faith , is with them , but an offering of christ and faith , if we will receive them . god doth not onely conditionally offer them , upon such performances of ours , but actually gives them to his people , pet. . . and he gives them absolutely , he sees no lovelinesse in us to invite him thereunto . b dr. iackson of gods attributes . l. . c. . consectaries of gods graciousnesse . psal. . , . pet. . . n●h . , . rom. . , . it is called free-grace . . à liberalitate , because god gives it freely , isa. . . . à liberatione , because it frees us from sin , luke . . rom. . , , . ephes. . . tim , . . bona mea dona tua . aug. l. . confess . c. . every one is born with a pope in his belly , men had rather be saved by something of their own , then be beholding to christ for salvation . ignorant people say , they hope to be saved by their good deeds and meaning , * dr. twisse in a manuscript . * in iohannem tract . . vide aquin. part . , . quaest. . aatic . . quantum vis audierit & merito suo , pelagius , gratiae inimicus ; subinde tamen gratiae meminit , ●amque iuculeavit , nec à verbis orthodixis abstinuit , quamvis sensum , contrarium occultarit , saepè etiam aliis verbis expresserit , & re ipsa docuerit . rivetus , disput. . de efficacitate grati● & conversionis modo . vide plura , ibid. st. augustine precisely in that time and place delivered the orthodox doctrine of grace , when and where pelagius began to spread his heresie . gratia praedestinatos usque ad gloriam perducit . augustine . we should learn of austin ( who may truly be said to have written rather ex gratia , then de gratia , so graciously doth he write of grace ) totum deo dare , qui voluntatem hominis bonam & praeparat adjuvandam , & adjuat praeparatem . euchir . ad laurent . pauls heart was so full of the apprehension of gods free-grace , that he could not hold on his discourse begun , ephes. . . without mentioning gods grace , v. . and v. . tanquam silius gratia , saith bradwardine , he always commends it . exod. . . psal. . . exod. . . isa. . . lament . . . titus . . exod. . , . ephes. . . rom. . . and . , . the schoolmen dispute , whether mercy be in god , passion being not in him , ( say they ) compassion cannot be in him , a● it is defined agritudo animi de malis alienis : so it is not in him , or as it is a perturbation , it is far more glorious and transcendent in him , then in us . vide aquin. part . . q. . art. . conclus . * misericordia est , qua propensus est deus ad succurrendum sui● creaturis in aliqua miseria constitutis , iisque re ipsa succurrit . wendelinus . the scripture hath there notable words to expres●e the fulnesse of gods mercy in christ , ephes. . . rom. . . tim. . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s put upon gods mercy . luk . . . psalm . , . and . . * ephes. . . pet. . . mercy and compassion differ onely in the excrinsecal denominations taken from different objects . compassion is good will toward others , provoked from notice of their misery ; mercy is an excesse of bounty not estranged from ill deservers in distresse . that god hath mercy in him . he is ready to forgive more sins then we can imagine . luke . . * exod. . . the mercy of god which reacheth to the pardon of sin , is peculiar to the catholick church , isa. . . luke . , titus . . luke . , . lament . . alhis thoughts are thoughts of mercy to his people , ier. , . all his designs are projects of mercy , deut. . toward the latter end , the ways whereby he comes down to their souls preventing , convincing , converting mercies , psal. . . and whereby they ascend to him , in their communion with him , isa , . . on what terms god will shew mercy . . to whom he will shew mercy . * etsi omnes homines deus damnaret uno excepto , tamen adhuc major esset misreecordia quam judicium , 〈◊〉 quia nullunt sit judicii divini effectum nisi propter merita eorum qui damnantur : at miscricordia nullainvenit meritita . chamier . tomo . lib. . ● ▪ ▪ misericordia & iustitia dei ●●se & quatenus in deo sunt , partes sunt ▪ respectu effectorum & objectorum major est miscricordia . wendelinus . * ●●l . . . god will spare his in all their weaknesses and services , sparing mercy in some respects is as great as pardoning mercy . matth. . . * the papists seek to the virgin mary , and other saints , maria mater gratiae , mater miscricordiae , tu nos ab hoste protege & horâ mortis suscipe . psalm . . . luke . , . luke . . * iustitia est qua deus in se justus est , & extra se conūanti voluntate suum cuique tribuit .. wendeli-genes . . . isa . . psal. . . iustitia disponens , qua deus universa & singula justo ordine disponit & gubernat . deut. . . psalm . . & . . & . . pet. . . 〈…〉 m. . from the . to the . cor. . . col. . . rev. . . iustitia distribuens est gratiae velirae : illa est promptissima voluntas praestandi promissa : ista , voluntas implendi comminationes . wendelinus . mat. . . god assigns fit rewards for well and evil doing . dogma est armyraldi , quod peculiari libro propugnavit , deum posse , il●ibataisua justitia , prosuo summo jure , torquere cruciatibus ●ternis animam sanct●a●n & innocentem . si dixisset , deum posse anim ●●● sanctam destruere , cam reducendo ad nilulum , quanquam inutilis est qu●stio , & temeraria , ●olim tamen pertinaciter super e● re du●●re contentionis sunem . sed bene est quod amyraldus libro adve●sus : spanhemium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●t si●● contradi●● , dicit enim , deum non posse ● s● impetrare quin peccata condonet resipisceti . molin . praefat . ad iudiciu a de amyr . lib. adversas sphanhem . * gods justice is not a quality or accident in him , but his very nature , essential to him a man may be a man , and yet unjust ; but god cannot be god , and be unjust . gerh. loc . com . * the righteousnesse of god is taken divers ways in scripture , sometimes for the essential attribute of god , sometimes for the righteousnesse of faith , which is called the righteousnesse of god , because it is such a righteousnesse as god doth approve of , and with which we may appeal boldly in his presence . again , righteousnesse is taken for his truth and faithfulnesse in promises . david prays god to do good to him for his righteousnesse , he means , his faithfulnesse in his promises . see mr. burrhows on mnt. . . god hath not lost his right to command , though we have lost our ability to obey . a drunken servant is not disobliged from service . see phil. . . the apostles often incu●●a●e th●● , believe and repent , yet they hold faith and repentance to be gifts of god , dei m●ada●a non sunt m 〈…〉 , sed regula officij , declaratio debiti , & materia precum . molinus contra amyraldum . consectaries from gods justice . chron. . . nehem. . . psall . . . dan. . . rom. . . rev. . . john . . god is aeterna veritas & vera aeternitas . if god ( said one ) were to be corporeal , he would have light for his body , and truth for his soul. truth is originally from god , the first idea , rule or standard of truth , is gods will , which is veritas dei. whereby he is what he is , essentially , simply , immutably , by which he wills all things to be what indeed they are , and knows them to be such as they are most certainly . veritas rei , entitatis , whereby things are such as god would have them to be , and so are true and good . magna vis est veritatis , quae cum per se intelligi non possit , per ca tamen ipsa quae ei adversantur elucent : ut in natura sua immobilis manens , firmitatem naturae suae quotidie dum attentatur acquirat . hoc enim ecelesiae proprium est , ut tum vincat , cum laeditur , tum intelligat cùm arguitur , tum obtineat cum deseritur . hildrius l. . de trinitate . an idol is nothing in the world . matth. . . john . . which truth of god in his promises may be referred to justice , because it is just to perform what thou hast promised . tim. . . * if i speak falshood out of error and mistake , i am weak ; if wilfully , i am wicked : if i keep not promise , it is either because i cannot , and then i am weak ; or will not , then i am wicked ; therefore god cannot possibly lye , kings . . ezek. , . consectaries from gods truth . ephes. . . heb. . . we should observe how gods truth is fulfilled , gen. . . luke . . . this heightens gratitude , psal. . . & . . . it strengthens faith , psal . . & . , . for this end , . we should get an interest in christ , cor. . . the promises are the churches dowry , as she is christs spouse . . observe all providences , and compare them with promises , col. . . especially observe the fulfilling the promises , . when god makes good the letter of them , iosh. . . kings . . . when you have pleaded them in prayer , psal. . . & . . all the saints are heirs of all the promises , yet many of the temporal promises shall not be fulfilled unto them in this life , as the ungodly are heirs of wrath , and subject to the curses , yet they are not all accomplished on them here . god bestows the promises in a kinde of prerogative way . . god will exercise the patience of the saints , in not accomplishing many temporal promises . patience is shewed in waiting as well as in suffering . . those to whom god denies temporal promises in this life , he will make them amends to all eternity , they shall be gainers , not onely by their services and sufferings , but deprivements . consectaries from gods faithfulnesse . heb. . . & . . what faithfulnesse is . nahum . . . isa. . . a patientia est , qua ita iram suam modoratur deus erga creaturas , ut vel poenas disserat , vel iram uno momento non essundat . wendelinus . b god is sensible of the wrong offered to him , and provoked to wrath thereby , pet. . . he not onely restrains his anger , but gives them time to repent . master bolton saith , if but any tender-hearted man should sit one hour in the throne of god almighty , and look down upon the earth as god doth continually , and see what abominations are done in that hour , he would undoubtedly in the next set all the world on ●ire . amos . , . when man begins through gods forbearance , to have high atheistical thoughts about him , psal. . . and to strengthen himself in a way of sinning , eccles. . . and to grow to that height as to mock at his judgements , isa. . . pet. . , . matth. . . this is in effect the same with patience . num. . . nehem. . . pet. . , , . longanimity is toward them of whom we can , patience toward them of whom we cannot be revenged . nisi deus expectaret impium , non inveniret quem glorificaret pium . aug. consectaries from gods patience and long-suffering . * prov. . . posse & nolle nobile . the discretion of a man deferreth his anger , and his glory is to passe by an offence , saith solomon . what patience is . it is a grace of the sanctifying spirit of god , whereby the soul doth freely submit to the will of god in bearing its own burthen without inordinate for row or fretting discontent . patience is . commanded , luke . . iames . . . it is commended to us by special examples : . of christ , heb. . . rev. . . . of all the saints , pet. . , . iames . . periissem nisi periissem . there is a twofold holiness : . original , absolute , and essential in god , which is the incommunicable eminency of the divine majesty exalted above all , and divided from all other eminences whatsoever . for that which a man taketh to be , and makes an account of as his god ( whether it be such indeed or by him fu●cied onely ) he ascribes unto it , in so doing , a condition of eminency above and distinct from all other eminencies whatsoever , that is of holinesse , psal. . . isa. . . habak . . . . derived or relative in the things which are his , properly called , sacra , holy things . mede on matth. . . there is a threefold holinesse : . essential , the holinesse of god , all one with god himself , exod. . . . habitual , an inherent holinesse , such as it the holinesse of righteous men , so abraham , iob , david , and all the patriarchs , are called saints and holy men ; this the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines sanctimonia . . relative , a peculiar relation which a thing hath unto god , in regard of propriety of possession , or speciality of presence : that which is holy after this manner , the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines sacrum , for persons , things , times . mr. mede on deut. . . our holinesse is terminated in him . exod. ●● . . why god must be holy . god hath manifested his holinesse , . in his word , his precepts . . by instituting the sabbath to be kept holy , isa. . . . by causing a holy tabernacle and temple to be erected , wherein were all holy thing . . by instituting holy priests . . by inflicting his judgements on those which prophane holy things , sam. . . and . , . in his works : . of creation , acts . . eccles. . ult . . of providence , psal. . . & . . unusquisque operatur ut est . mr scudder . holinesse is ( as it were ) the character of christ jesus , the image of god , the beauty , the strength , the riches , the life , the soul of the soul , and of the whole man. it is a very beam of the divine light , called therefore by the apostle , the divine nature . * qua de re iepida fabula acci●isse narratur in concilio tridentino , de quodam episcopo , quem offendit ille pap● titulus propterea , nam si deus inquicbat tantum sanctus , quomodo cjus vic●●i●us dici potest sanctissimus ? adut magnum periculum ●ade causa . drusius in . num , c. . consectaries from gods holinesse . see eccles. . . psal. . . it is a great honor to seek the lord betimes , m●ason was an old disciple , see rom. . . this of all attributes is the most over-awing to a sinful creature . we should especially think of the holinesse of god , when we worship him , iohn . , . psalm . because then we draw nigh to god. levit. . . and his end in ordering ordinances is , that we might be partakers of his holinesse . if we may judge of the privation by the habits perfection , how great an evil must sin be , when god is so great a good . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q●●st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l●y the e●ym●logists , holy is as much as not earthly . holinesse is a separation both from sinne and the world . the will of god is the rule of holinesse , as his nature is the patern of it , sec act , . . this attribute of kindenesse is the same with goodnesse before spoken of , viz communicative goodnesse . isa. . . & . . exod. . . psal. . , . gen. . sam. . . god is omninipotent . cor. . . revel . . . luke ▪ . matth. ▪ . ephes. ● . . * matth. . . phil. . . a psalm . . & . . b ephes. . . . in se & per se quia idem est cum essentia divina . wendel . c potentia ●ei infinita est respectu objectorum , quia innumera sunt , quae produci ab eo possint . respectu actionis infinita est : quia nunquam effectum producit tam praestantem , quin praestantiorem possit producere . wendelinus . culices & muscas ipsas per omnipotentem voluntatem producit , aeque ac elephantum & cetum , quamvis non aeque illa nobis in utrisque forte manifesta fiat . omnipotens est deus ( ait august . de temp. serm . ) ad facienda majora & minora : magnus est in magnis , nec parvus in minimis . rescript . ames . ad responsum . grevinchov . c. . luke . . revel . . . omnipotent is often put for god. ruth . . , . iob . . & , . & . . god is called almighty one and thirty times in iob. there is strength in angels , men , beasts , and all creatures in their kinde , therefore it is much more perfectly and eminently in god from whom they have it . power is gods originally and primarily , all power of all creatures is derived from him , and continued and ordered by him . god can do all things , quae habent rationem factibilitatis , quae contradictionem non implicant . titus . . tim. . . there are impossibilia naturae which exceed natures sphere , as to make a thing of nothing , to raise the dead to life , these god can do ; and impossibilia natura , those things which are by themselves simply impossible . god cannot will the same thing at the same time to be and not to be , nor cause that which hath been not to be , this would argue inconstancy . propterea quaedam non potest , quia omnipotens est . there is impossibility ex parte dei , & ex parte rei . see dr. willet on gen. . . asylum haereticorum est omnipotentia dei. chrysost. vide vedel . rationale theologicum , l. . c. . matth. . . in scholis aristotelicis percrebuit illud , deum , & naturam nihil ●acere frustra , deum fine suo frustrari nihil aliud est , quam deum praestare non posse ut fiat , quod fieri vult , quod quid aliud est , quam divinam omnipotentiam convellere . nam & nos quecunque & vol●mus & possumus , praestamus . twiss . contra corvinum c. . sect. . consectaries from gods power or omnipotency . whatsoever god hath promised or uttered , we may be sure shall be fulfilled , acts . . mat. . . ephes. . . prov. . . john . . rom. . . tim. . . this power of god is not idle , but creates , sustains , and governs all things . of all the attributes of god , this onely is mentioned in the creed , i believe in god the father almighty , and ●itteth at the right hand of god the father almighty , because our faith is especially to be fixed on the power of god and christ. glory is not so much adistinct attribute ( say some ) as the lustre of all his attributes together , the excellency which results from all . see mr. strongs sermon on sam. . . about mans honoring of god , and his honoring of man. * isa. . . ezek. . . numb . . . exod. . . non perceperunt vim gloriae qui eam de●imerunt notitiam claram cum laude ; nam si ita se res haberet , ne ita quidem deus gloriosus esset , volo dicere praeditus gloria , nam latinis gloriosus superbus est . cameron . de ecclesia . gloria quasi claria , saith aquinas , it is the manifestation and shining forth of excellency . god is said to glorifie himself , when he manifesteth his unspeakable and incomprehensible excellency . num. . . psal. . . levit. . . angels and men glorifie him when they extoll his greatnesse , and testifie their acknowledgement of his glory , isaiah . . . psal. , . luke . . revel . . . exod. . . ezek. . . * exod. . . fearful in praises , because gods majesty is so excellent , that even with trembling we are to praise him , but especially because he works such miraculous deliverances , and sheweth his terrible power . solomons glory was in part visible , the shining of his throne , his glittering apparel , but his wisdom and understanding were not ; god perceives his own glory , and that it shal continue for ever ; the apostle beheld the glory of christ as of the onely begotten son. john . . consectaries from gods , glory . those that do not take notice of gods name , lose the chief fruit of his works . * it is said of fulgentius when he came out of africa to rome , that he said , quantum fulges coelestis hierosolyma , cum adeo splendet terrestris roma ? it is a comfort to gods people when they go to him for any favour . let them not be out of heart because they finde nothing in themselves upon which to ground their prayers or faith . there is enough in his own name , the lord doth not look upon any thing in us , but upon himself for argument of doing good to us . his name is the more magnified by how much we are more vile . we should ascribe unto his name all the inercies we enjoy , giving all the praise from our selves wholly to him . god for his names sake hath made and redeemed us . * hereby we may judge which is the true religion , what doctrine is sound , pure , and of god , and what corrupt and from men . that doctrine which letteth forth the praise of god commeth from heaven , but that which is from men advanceth the power , pride , and merit of man. john . . ephes. . . & . . rom. . . * duobus modis referri aliquid ad dei gloriam dicitur . primum formaliter & explicitè , quando aliquis cogitat cum animo , hoc sibi agendum esse , quia nomini divino sit gloriosum . de●●de virtualiter & implicitè , cum quis divinae studens gloriae , eoque nihil facere decernens nisi quod legi congruat , & ad hoc gratiam dei quotidic exposcens , boni quippiam facit , de universali fine actu non eogitans ; sed solùm particularis finis bonum intendens . vossius in thesibus . though we cannot actually intend gods glory always in every thing , yet we should virtually . vide aquin , . . quest. . artic. . * christ glorified his father , . by denying himself and his own glory , iohn . . heb. . . . by his word , by his preaching , luke . . by his prayer , iohn . . mat. . by his confession , iohn . ● and . . . by his works or miracles , mat. . . & . . mark . . luke . . & . . & . . & . . . by his sufferings , iohn . ● . to glorifie is to manifest ones excellency , as appears iohn . . compared with verse . see of glorifying god church his miscellanies , p. . to . * cor. ● . , . there is ( say the schools ) beatitudo objectiva , so whatever is the chiefest good of the soul , is the souls blessednesse . . formalis , when the soul and its beatifying object are united , as the fruition of god. the soul is here united to god remotely and imperfectly , there immediately and perfectly . sam. . . king. . . paul entituleth him , god blessed for ever , the only blessed potentate . vide amesium in psal. . . * beatitudo status est omnium bonorum aggregatione perfectus boetius de consol . phil. tim. . . * he that is the cause of al welfare to other things , and makes them in their several kinds happy , he must needs be therefore most happy himself . god is the author of all blessednesse , psal. . . . dicimus nos ea re frui , quam diligimus propter se ▪ & ea re faciendum nobis esse tantum qua efficimur beati : caeteris ver● utendum . lombard . lib. . distinct. . happinesse is taken two wayes : . objectively , for the object wherein one is happy . as gods infinite essence is the object both of gods , angels , and mens happinesse . . formally , for those acts whereby we possesse that object . god is happy formally , because he knoweth , loveth , and enjoyeth himself ; therefore it is said , our goodnesse extendeth not to him ; so angels and men are formally happy , when they know and enjoy god. beatitudo objectiva consists in the vision of god , and the glorious excellencies that are in him . beatitudo formalis is that glory which shines from god to the creature , by which he is made conformable to god in holinesse and happinesse for ever . we should praise god , . intensivè , psal. . . and . . . extensivè , with all praise , psal. . . and for all mercies , psal. . , . dicique beatus ante obitum nemo supremaque funera possit . vide aquin. summam , . quaest. . art. consectaries from gods blessednesse . happinesse consists in two things , when the soul enjoys a proportionable good ; and a good that it hath a propriety in , a good of his own . the happiness of man consists in the enjoying of god. all other things are no otherwise means of happinesse or helps to it , then as we see and taste god in them . we must account our selves happy in this thing wholly and onely in that god is ours . happinesse is the enjoyment of good commensurate to our desires . ad perfectam beatitudinem requiritur , quod intellectus pertingat ad ipsam essentiam primae causae : et sic perfectionem suam habebit per uniouem ad deum sicut ad objectum in quo solo beatitudo hominis consistit . aquinas ● , ae , quaest. . art. . * bishop lake . man in the state of blessednesse cannot see god absolutely as he is in himself ; for that which is infinite cannot be comprehended of that which is limited . visio beatifica est cognitio non comprehensiva sed quid ditativa but god doth manifest himself so far forth as a creature is able to know him . as a vessel may be filled with the water of the sea , but it cannot contain all the water in the sea. the apostle saith , we shall know god even as he also is known . but as is not a note of equality , but of likenesse . as god knoweth me after a manner agreeable to his infinite excellency , so shall i know god according to my capacity . * the word essence or trinity are not found in scripture , but essence is duly derived thence ; for seeing god saith that he is exod . essence is fitly ascribed to him . trinity hath a sufficient ground , there are three that bear witness in heaven , john . . and the most ancient fathers use the word . the word person is extant , heb. . . therefore these words are rightly used in the church . calvinus ait , in trinitate non comprehendi essentiam , quasi una ●it ex numero tr●um , sed includi in omnibus tribus , quod quidem verissimum est , atque utinam sic semper erraret calvinus . bellarm. de christo l. . c. . origo verbi hebraei & radix non fine arcano ternarii divini , cujus potestate omnia consistunt , tribus literis notatur . bibliander de optimo genere grammaticorum hebraicorum . omne thema seu primogenium hebraeae linguae constat tribus literis substantialibus , ficut per totum dictionarium cernis , idque non sine magno mysterio . nam ut una est dictio , & ea tribus subsistit literis substanti alibus , ita una est divina essentia , tribus personis realiter distincta forster . praefat . ad dictionarium hebraicum . par. on rom. , . vix contuli unquam cum aliquo ex iudaeis , qui vel aliquantulum esset s●piens in oculis aliorum qui non concederet deum trinum & unum : verum personae nomen , & patris & filii unanimiter omnes usque adeo detestantur , ut nullatenus valeat eis pulchrum fieri tale aliquid de deo etiam somniare . raymundi martini pugio fidei adversus iudaeos part . cap. . vide plura ibidem . iudaeorum populus maximè ad idololatriam pronus erat , ne igitur in eorum qui plures deos colebant , errorem incid●rent : cautè à divina providentia factum est , ut ipsum divinae trinitatis arcanum non explicitè , sed implicitè eis traderetur . sed quoniam idololatria per messiam penitus explodenda erat : universusque orbis ad unius dei cultum reducendus , idcirco mysterium illud trinitatis explicitè atque apertè revclandum , ad dies messiae reservatum suit . galatinus de arcanis cathol . verit lib. . cap . exod. . . cor. . . * si rectè dicuntur tres elohim , etiam rectè dici possit tres dii ; nam elohim latinè sonat dii vel deus . drusius de quaesitis per epistolam . epist . vide drusii tetragrammaton , cap. . sic concidit gravis quaerela & expostulatio viri docti adversus libri cujusdam ▪ titulum , de tribus elohim . non enim voluit author libri illius voce elohim propriè significare personas , ac proinde tot esse elohim quot fides christiana agnoscit esse personas in d●vinis , cum scriptura apertè contrastet , quae testatur deum nostrum esse deum unum . non sic erravit , aut caecutiit doctus ille theologus , ut diceret & doceret tres esse , propriè loquendo , elohim . sed quoniam vocis illius terminatione plurali scriptura innuere voluit s. s. trinitatis mysterium , ipse huc respicient , & et volens in libri ( quem de s. s. trinitate scribebat ) titulo alludere cata●hre●i non infrequenti , sed ordinaria . capel . davidis lyra. vide illius diat . de nomine elohim , cap. . & . & rivet . grot. discus . dialys . sect. . in deo una substantia , sed tres persone : in christo duae substantiae , sed una persona : in trinitate alius atque alius , non aliud atque aliud ; in salv●tore aliud atque aliud , non alius atque alius . vincent . contra haeres cap. . * mat. . . john . , . the father is the fountain and original of all the deity , and the cause of the sonne , which the very word father signifieth ; therefore he is said to be unbegotten ; and hence the name god is often peculiarly , and by an excellency given to the father in scripture . he is usually called fons divinitatis & operationis . modum istum subsistendi diversum , haud alio nomine , quam personarū expressit hactenus in hoc ●rticulo , consentiens catholica ecclesia . dr prid. lect. . de s. trinitate . qui personam vocant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , modum subsistendi , non existendi ; illi non intelligunt modum nudum , sed substantialem ac entitativum , ut scholastici loquuntur . bisterfeldius contra crellium , lib. . sect. . cap. . iudaei nomen personae in deo plurimum detestantur audire , trium namque personarum audito nomine trium mox concutiuntur errorc deorum , pariter & horrore . raym. pug. advers iud. par . . distinct. . cap. . psal. . . proves that the father begets , and the son is begotten of the father . gal. ▪ . see joh. . . & . . quomodo autem deus pater genuerit filium , no●o discutias , nec curiosius ingeras in profundo arcam , ne forte dum i● accessae lucis fulgorem pertinacius perscruteris , exiguum ipsum , qui mortalibus divino munere concessus est , perd●s aspectum . ruffinus de symbolo vide plura ibid. haec est differentia inter essentiam divinam & personam divinam ; essentia divina est communis pluribus divinitatis personis . persona autem una alteri non est communicabilis . unde pater non est filius , nec filius pater . . essentia divina est una , person● plures . wendelinus . * persona est individuum subsistens , vivum , intelligens , incommunicabile , non sustentatum ab alio , nec pars alterius . persona igitur non est essentia qua pluribus est communicabilis . personae v●x non his significat officium aut relationem ( ut persona principis ) vel vultum & visibilem speciem , gestum , vel formam alterius representantem ut personae in drammate , sed modum quo essentia divina subsistit . there are three distinct rational authors of action , three hees , john . , . qui nescis trinitatem , ita ad iordanem . quando antitrinitarii adversus sanctissimum illud mysterium inferunt , id falsum esse , quia v. g. tria non sunt unum ; ibi tum pronunciat ratio ex se ipsa de hac connexione , & dicit eam falsam esse . nam novit lumen rationis id axioma intelligendum esse de iis , ad quae per se ratio exsurgere potest . vedel . rational . theol . lib. . c. . see joh. . . the hereticks that are antitrinitarians . see joh. . . psal. . * vide placei disput ▪ de argumentis ; quibus efficitur , christū prius ●uisse , quam in utero beatae virginis secundum carnē conciperetur . paulus samosatanus , more fitly semisathanas , held christ was but a meer man. matth. . . see act. . , , , . & joh. . . those that deny the godhead of christ must deny , . the satisfaction of christ . the purchase of christ , he that is but a man cannot merit . . that christ shall judge the world . no creature can redeem us from hell , nor satisfie infinite justice . god purchased his church with his bloud , acts . . joh. . , . dignum est haereticos non jam apostolicis viris , sed daemonum clamore convinci ▪ clamāt enim & saepè clamant , luc. . quid mihi & tibi est jesu fili dei altissimi ? invitis veritas elicuit confessionem , & naturae potestatem testatur dolor , obediendi virtute vincuntur , cum possessa diu corp●ra deserunt : honorem reddunt , dum naturam confitentur . dei se inter haec filium christus & opere testatur & nomine . h●●arius de trin. lib. . joh. . . gen. . , iehovah is christ whom abraham cals the judge of heaven and earth . cor. . . by the apostle christ is expresly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he takes the god-head as his own right , phil . . divine works . no man can of himself , and by his own power do divine works , unlesse he be truly god : christ doth works by his own power , and the same with his father , iohn . , . he governs his church . ephes. . . pet. . . matth. . . compared with king. . . christ cured those that were born blinde . john. . . see rev. . * mirum est adversarios hunc locum ubi agitur de patre aeterno , ad filium referre , quem constat secundum eos ipsos patrem non esse . so the polonian catechism : but the text it self shews this place speaks of christ , who is a father not in respect of his person , but in relation to his church . he is the author of their spiritual life and being . . in that he is the author of everlasting life to his , iohn . , , , . he is stiled the everlasting father , in hebrew , the father of eternity . the septuagint hath it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pater futuri saeculi . vide raymundi pugionem fidei adversus iudaeos , part . . dist. . cap. . john . . psal. . . joh. . . filius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur , quia habet essentiam divinam quae est à seipsa , non verò quia eam habet à seipso ; habet enim à patre joh. . zanch. vide voet. theses . * iuvenls aste , quamvis in iesu majus homine uthil agnosceret , sperabat tam●●● eo monstrante se perventurum ad possessionem ejus boni quo vita aeterna paratur , quasi ad eam rem monstratore tantum eg●r●● , caetera per se confecturus . at iesus occurrens huic errori , simulque modestiae nobis praebens exemplum , ait non esse multos boni fontes , sed unicum , deum scilicet , hoc ips● indicans , non satis esse bonum nobis monstrari , nisi deus mentem illustrans vir●s nobis suggerat . grotius in loc . see rom. . . cor. . ephes. . . debitus patri à filio honor redditur , cùm dicit : te solum deum : non tamen se filius à dei veritato secornit cum adjungit : et quem mi●isti iesum christum . non habet intervallum confessio credentium , quia in utroque spes vitae est . hilarius lib. . de trinitate . the words are to be read ( as we render them ) that they may know thee ( to be ) the only true god , not , that they may know thee only ( to be ) the true god , according to the first reading , the predicate is common to the father and the son. vide bezam . * hoc testimouio utuntur omnes patres contra arian●s , ut probent u●am esse essentiam patris & filii . bellar. de christ. l. . c. * ariu● stumbled at the greek text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lord created me , and on that corrupt translation grounded his heresie , that christ was a creature . christ is god by nature , gal , . . which place was strongly urged by mr cheynel against earbury , who held , that the saints have the same fulnesse of the god-head dwelling in them , as it doth in christ , and that the spirit is but the power of god in the man christ an account given to the parliament by the ministers , sent by them to oxford . in the first nicene councel gathered together against arius the prince of all hereticks who denied the divinity of christ , there were bishops . a man would think that there were but small difference ( it is but a little iota ) between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet the right believers could never be brought ( as theodoret witnesseth ) either to omit the one , or admit the other . dr prideaux ephesus backsliding . iustinus . imperator edicto praecepit , ut ne quis vel unicam syllabam in doctrina ecclesiae orthodoxae de trinitate mutaret , addita hac ratione , quod in ipsis syllabis veritas fidei contineatur . vedel . de prud. vet . eccles l. . c. . * vide bellarm. de christo l. . c. , , , , , , . the holy spirit , . works grace in the hearts of all gods people , that is done by an almighty power , ephes. . . therefore ●e i● an omnipotent essence . . dwels in the hearts of all gods people , therefore he is omnipresent . . assists the people of god in their prayers , and increaseth their graces , therefore he is an omniscient god. in the apostles creed , as i believe in the father , and in the sonne , so in the holy ghost . credimus multu● , sed in ●ibil praeterquam in deum credimus . quid est in aliquem credere , ●isi ●● per omnia assentiri , atque in ●o omnem spem & ●iduct●m coll●cdr● ▪ hoc autem ●●lli creaturoe sed deo duntaxat conven●● ▪ pet. . . he is called the spirit of truth , iohn . . the spirit of adoption , rom. . . the spirit of sanctification , rom. . . the spirit of renewing , tit. . . rom. . . una tautum est in deitate persona & spiritus sanctus est , ut verba christi ad apostolos indidicant . luc. . . cate●h . eccles. polou . c. . vide plura ibid. the father ●s prima persona , in order , not in dignity . . the fountain and original of the derty unto the sonne and the holy ghost , unto the son giguendo , unto the holy ghost , together with the son spirando . . he is unbegotten , and proceeding from none . mr dow● on iohn . . proprietates patris personales , quibus à filio distinguitur & spiritu sancto , sunt duae . . esse à se ; pater enim ab alio non est . . gignere filium ab aeterno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wendelinus . quinque dicuntur de deo , paternitas , innascibilitas , filiatio , processio , & communis spiratio . august . paternitas & innascibilitas conveniunt solummodò patri : filiatio tantummodò filio : spiritui verò sancto processio : communis spiratio patri & filio respectu spiritus sancti . raym. mart. pugio adversus iudaeos part . . dist. . c. . cartwright in his harmony saith , hic locus eximius est ad asserendum processum spiritus à filio , meaning iohn . . the holy ghost is called the spirit of christ , and of the sonne , rom. . . gal. . as he is called the spirit of the father , mat. . . because he is breathed from both . vide aquin. sum. theol. part . . quest. . art. . . in ecclesiaveteri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in templo ca●tari solebat quam orthodoxi hoc modo 〈◊〉 : gloria patri & filio , & spiritui sancto in secula seculorum . ariani autem glorioe filii & spiritus sancti detpahe●tes fic eam concipiebant : gloria patri per filium in spiritu sancto . vedel . de prudentia veteris ecclesioe l. . c. . dr field somewhat qualifieth this opinion of the grecians , and saith , they differ but modo loquendi , they held ( saith he ) that the holy ghost was not à patre & filio , but à patre per filium . see dr halls peace-maker , sect. . cor. . . rom. . . heb. . , . nec periculosius alicubi erratur , nec laboriosius aliquid quaeritur , nee fructuosius , aliquid invenitur . aug. . de trin. simon magus was the first man that denied the trinity of persons , he saith they were diversa nomina sub diversa operatione . irenaeus the turks at their prayers use often to reiterate these words , hue , hue , hue , that is , he , he , he alone is god , or there is but one only supreme power ; which they do in derision of christians , who ( as they say ) adore three gods. he who denies any one person doth not worship the true god , as the jews and turks , and too many others in these dayes , iohn . . iohn . , . no man can know the father , nor believe in him , iohn . . but by christ. vide vedel . de deo synagoga , l. . c. . notes for div a -e there are two sorts of the works of the lord. . immanent , terminated in himself , his decree . . transient , the execution of his eternal decree in time . . quid nominis . . quid rei . a decretum dei est definita ejus sententia de rebus omnibus per omni potentiam & secundum confilium suum efficiendis . ames medulla theol. ephes. . . b decretum dei est actio illius interna atque aeterna , quae ex rebus possibilibus atque indefinitis , ea omnia & sola , quae jam fuerunt , sunt , & erunt , secundum sapientiae suae judicium , immutabili liberrimae voluntatis placito , ut ita fierent , ad suam gloriam rectè praefinivit . gomarus in thesibus . decretum est actio dei ex confilio & proposito suae voluntatis omnia omniumque rerum circumstantias omnes ab aeterno in se certò & immutabiliter , & tamen liberè defimens . remonstrantes absolutum nullum admittunt decretum de futuro quovis contingenti , sed conditionatum tantum . ames . cotan . though the lord hath decreed sin to be , yet he decreed it not as sin , but as a means of the manifestation of his justice on the wicked , and grace on the saints . ipsum peccatum , quamvis non qua peccatum praefinitur , in ipsa tamen praefinitione certò videtur , & aliquo modo dici potest decreti illius consequens , effectus autem nullo modo . vult deus actus bonos , & qua actus & qua bonos : malos qua actus non qua malos . rescript . ames . ad responsu● grevinch . c. . acts . . and . . gen. . , , . cor. . . * habet rationem boni triplici respectu : o. ut est poena peccati , poena enim est bonum m●ral● quia justitiae opus est . o. ut est mera actio ab ipsa creatura producta . º , ut est castigatio atque exercitium fidei , act martyrium vel satisfactio pro peccatis ; ut mors christi . creavit omnia bona , & mala ex bonis oritura praescribit . aug. unde factum est ut tot gentes unà cum liberis eorum infantibus aetern● morti involveret lapsus adae absque remedio , nisi quia deo ita visum est ; decretum quidem horribile fateor . calv. instit. ● . ●● , in aeternitate nihil est prius & posterius : there is not something first and something after , but there are quaedam subordinata in gods decree , p●t . . . * to predestinate , signifieth to decree , appoint , and design a thing before it come to passe : and also to separate a thing to this , or that use . praedestinare nihil aut majus aut minus significat quàm destinare . chamierus . arminius & arminiani nudum praedestinationis nomen retinentes postdestinationem revera introduxerunt , imò sub inani titulo praedestinationis nihil aliud intelligunt quam voluntatem admittendi fideles in regnum coelorum , & excludendi infideles , concepta in deo tum demum quoad singulares , cum pr●vid●ret eos ad extremum usque , five in ●ide five in sua infidelitat● perseverasse . daven . dissert . de proedest . c. . praedestinatio dei in scripturis aliud nihil notat , quam dei ante conditum mundum de hominibus decretum ejusmodi , quod iis , qui in ipsum credere●t , eique ●bedire●t , dat●rus esset vitam aeternam : ●os verò qui in eum credere , & ei par●re recus●rent , aeterna damnatione puniturus esset . catech. eccles. polon . c. . si quae hodi● est controversia religionis , in qua cauto & suspenso pede sit ambulandum , ea n●co judicio est , in qua ●e praedestinatione agitur . caussab . epist. . eckius ventures upon the highest and most mysterious question of predestination , ut in ●á juveniles possit calores exercere . austin is observed by occasion of the errour of pelagius , to have examined more diligently , and more exactly discerned the truth in the points of predestination and free-will , then others his ancients . robins . essays , observ. . ephes. . , . rom. . , . tim. . . * praedestinatio , quatenus pro objecto habet homines , est aeternum & immutabile dei decretum de futuro hominum statu aeterno . wendelinus . matth. . . john . . dan. . . ezek. . . exod. . . john . . pet. . . that is a full place for election , epes . . , , , . rom. . . mal. . ● , . joh. . . ro. . . eph. . . tit. . the doctrine of election is . one part of gods counsel , acts . . . it will support us in trouble , to consider that every thing falls out by gods decree : yet it ought to be taught wisely . rom. . psal. . . ● thess. ● . . ephes. . . rom. . ●● . ephe● ▪ ● ▪ ▪ ▪ . electio est volun●as ●●●vina con●●r●udi glori●m . singularibus quibusdam personis cum praeteritione ali●rum . daven . dissertat . de praed . c. . electio est praedestinatio hominum quorundam ad vitam aeternam in christo per fidem obtinendam , ex solo dei ben●placito ad declarandam in ●is miserecordi●m divinam . wendelinus . est decretum dei quo destinavit alicu● salutem , twiss . * quare deus hu●● trahat & illum non trahat , noli velle judicare si non vis errare . august . vide bell. de grat. & libero arbit●io . l. . c. , , , , , . that scientia media which the jesuites glory of as a new light , is but the very old errour of natural man , which looks upon things contingent , as not decreed and determined by the will of god. mr. gillesp. miscel . c. . illud de futuris contingentibus per mediam quandam & conditionatam scientiam cognoscendis , novum est . fons●c● & ●imilium iesuitarum commentum , quod & logicis & theologicis principiis adversatur . a. mes . cum grevinchov . de arm. senten . ▪ scholast . disput. . vide d ▪ prid. praelect . de scientia media & voetii thes. de scientia dei , p. . , , , . * dr. twisse . objectum circa quod versatur electio ; est massa nondum condita , nam considerare tanquam conditum quod conditum non est , nam tam est considerare quam fingere . twissus contra corvinum . c. . digress . . if men extend the decree of election to the creation of man , and the permission of his fall , then man created and fallen , could not be the object of election so called , but the effect of it rather . ephes. . , . i● him , that is , christ as a mediatour , christ as god comes not under the act of his will. . take notice of the order of our election , you in him , he was first beloved . . according to this order of election is the order of gods benediction , unica tantum est electio totius corporis christi mystici . there are three great ends god aims at in his electing love , as may be proved out of that first of the ephesians . . his own glory . . the glory of his son. . the holinesse and happinesse of the saints . eligi à christo nihil aliud est , quam ordinari vel ad gratiam , vel ad gloriam obtinendam per christum , non ut christus hoc ipso statuatur causa electionis sed salutis duntaxat ●ive gratiae , ●ive gloria twiss . animadvers . in collat. jun. propos . armin. c. . sect . . finis electionis est patefactio divinae misericordiae in graetuita quorundam peccatorum salute . wendelinus . ephes. . . ▪ tim ▪ . . & . . vid. daven . dissert . de praedest . c. , , , , . * a man is elected ( say they ) on foresight that such a man will beleeve and persevere in this , and if he do not so , he shall not be elected . laudet misericordiam dei qui liberatur , non culpet judicium qui punitur . august . epist. . see rom. . . and . . nostri theologi dicunt deum primò deceruere alicui salutem deinde verò fidem , quia fidem statuunt medium ad salutem , & omnis ratio sobria confirmat intentionem finis priorem esse iutentione mediorum ad finem . twissus contra corvinum , cap. . object . . sect. . v. plura ibid. cum fideles dicuntur vocari in scriptura , intelligendum idem , terminativè , non objectivè , hoc est , terminus in quo acquiescit & definit dei vocati● ut in effecto , est fides qua aliquis constituitur fidelis , non autem objectum circa quod vocatio dei versatur , ut aliquid praesuppositum . camero in collat. cum tilen . de grat ▪ &c. vide molinei enodat . gravis . quaest. tract . . de praed . c. , , . * elegit qui è multis aliquos legit , the very word election signifieth a separating and culling out of some from the rest , iohn . . thess. . . matth. . : rom. . . rev. . . & . . heb. . . multitude is not then a good mark of the church . br●rewoods enquiries touching the diversitie of languages and religions . reprobatio est praedestinatio quorundam ad ●ternam mortem , propter peccata infligendam ; ad declarandam justiti●m divinam . wendelinus reprobavit deus propter voluntatem , damnavit propter peccatum . rom. . . electio comple●a neminem spectat nisi morientem . * qui quosvi● homines vult servari . god doth no● will that simply every man should be saved , but all given to christ , whom god doth call externally , them he doth seriously ▪ invite to come unto him that they may be saved , and doth approve of their conversion , but doth not effectually move every particular man to beleeve . the greek word here used answereth to chaphets ; the hebrew word used by samuel , sam. . . david , psal. . . i●rem . . . ezek. . . and signifies not onely to will , but also to agree to a thing and to be pleased . consectaries of gods decree . psal. . . & . . jam. . . consectaries of predestination , eph. . . praedestinatorum haeresis ( inquit sigebertus ad annum christi . ) hoc tempore coepit s●rpere : qui ideo praedestinati vocantur , quia de praedestinatione & divina gratia dispu●●ntes asserebant , quod nec piè viventibus profit bonorum operum labor , si à deo ad mortem praedestinati fuerint , nec impiis obsit quod improbè vivant , si à deo praedestinati fuerint ad vitam . quae assertio & bonos à bonis avocabat , & malos , ad mala provocabat . camero collat. cum tileno . consectaries of gods electi●n and reprobation . austin and some others which have written largely of election , write sparingly of reprobation , because there appears more seeming offensive harshnesse in the doctrine of reprobation , then in that of election : the first being known gives light to the other . this doctrine of absolute election is very comfortable and useful , eph. . , , the apostle there inculcates it three times in one chapter , rom. . . it is absolute as it opposeth cause or condition in us , not as it opposeth means . licet electio non sit conditionata , tamen per electionem constituit deus ut salus non contingeret adultis nisi sub conditione fidei . twissus contra corvin . it is the duty of christians to make their election sure by their calling , peter . . make it your main study : there is the adverb of correction rather : you would rather look after other matters , but study this most . the apostles exhortation shews it is a thing possible . . it is necessary , of great concernment , use all diligence . it is profitable , such shall never fall utterly , an entrance shall be ministred unto them abundantly into the everlasting kingdome of our lord and saviour iesus christ. gods external works . psal. . . heb. . . * creatio est actio dei externa , qua in principio temporis , sex dierum spatio , mundum produxit solo voluntatis suae imperio , ad nominis sui gloriam . wendelinus . creation is a work of god , wherein in the beginning of time , he did by the word of his mouth , make all things of nothing exceeding good , in six dayes , for his glory . gen. . . and the beginning of the apostles creed , the father is said to work all things by his word and spirit , not as by an instrument , but as by a principal efficient of the same substance and equal with himself . vide ludov. viv . de veritate fidei christianae , l . c. . plus apud me valent illa quitique verba : in principio creavit deus coelum & terram quàm omnia aristotelis coeterorumque philosophorum argumenta quibus docent mundum carere initio . eras. epist. pellicano . l. . rom. . . ephes . . psal. . . a fareus & alij . acts . . col. . . b dubitare non potest primum fidei articulum , quo credimus in deum creatorem coeli & ter●e , extructum esse ex hoc . mosis aphorismo . pareus . prov. . . john . . ephes. . . pet. ● . . vide gatakeri adversaria miscell . l. . c. . c quamvis naturall lumine demonstrari posset mundum à deo fuisse conditum , tamen rectè augustinus de civit. dei. l. ● . c. . quod deus mundum fecerit , nulli tutius credimus quam ipsi deo. si mundus sit opus dei , necesse est ut creator ejus fit aeternus , rom. . . alioquin fuisset ipse factus , & consequenter pars mundi . nam per mundam intelligimus compagem five aggregationem rerum creatarum . t will . contra corvinum , cap. . sect . . master pemble in his treatise of the providence of god. vide ludov. viv. de veritate fidei christianae . l. . c. . august . de civitate dei , l. . c. . plin. l. . c. . aul. gell. l. . c. . iuven . sat. ● . see the several reasons urged by the philosophers and their followers to prove the eternity of the world , answered by raymundus in his pugio fidei adversus iudaeos parte primae , c. , , , , . see also ibid. c. , , . lactantius . that the world is so compounded our senses tell us , seeing some things are heavie , some light , some hot , some cold , and one of these is apt to destroy another , as is the nature of contraries . what is eternal , is without beginning , mutation , succession , or end , so onely god. see doctor hackwels apologie of gods providence , p. . . de qua re inter duos rabbinos est controversia , r eliezer , & r. josue ; altero mundum in martio : altero in septembri contendente conditum esse . quod quia nobis scriptura non exprimit , tanquam curiosum relinquamus . mercet . if the question were asked indefinitely , whether the world began in the spring , the summer , the winter , or the autumn , the answer must be , that it began in all . for so soon as the sun set forth in its motion , the seasons immediately grew necessary to several positions of the sphere , so divided among the parts of the earth , that all had every one of these , and each one or other at the same time . gregorie de eris & epochis , c. . iulius scaliger saith , mundum primo vere uatum sapientes autumant , & credere par est . so the most part maintain , and for the best reasons . and if it were not otherwise evident , nature it self is very convincing , whole revolutions begin and end in the vernal aequinox ▪ id. ib. mundi , adeoque anni primi initium circa vernum aequinoctium fuisse non dubito . unde astronomi omnes coelestium motum initia à primo arietis puncto sumpserunt . haec opinio firmata est omnium scriptorum ecclesiasticorum consensu , atque veterum theologorum calculo comprobata . sims . paras . ad chron. cathol . c. . vide plura ibid. & voet. thes. de creatione partem secundam , p. , , , . * this is a kind of contradiction in logick , the matter was no matter , but true in divinity . nothing negatively , a thing that never had a being . * silvester . when we say god made the world out of nothing , our meaning is not , that nothing was the matter whereof the world was made : but only that it was the terminus à quo , non materia ex qua . god made some things immediately perfect , as the angels and highest heavens which were made the first day , other things he made by degrees , as the inferiour creatures . * bonitas rei creatae est illa perfectio , qua apia fit ad usum , cui inservit , amesius . haec bonitas duplex est , . generalis omnium creaturarum , viz. integritas & per●ectio omnium donorum & virium naturalium , quarum beneficio suas operationes exercere possunt conformiter ad divin●● voluntatem & ordinate ad proprios fines . . specialis , creaturae rationalis , angelorum & hominum ; qui donis supernaturalibus ornat● sunt , quae vocantur uno nomine sanctitas five imago dei. gen. . . the manner of gods producing all things , by the word of his mouth , he spake not so many audible words , let there be light , this word was nutus dei , an actual putting out of the will of god. mr pemble , ubi supr● . a that opinion of augustine , that god made all things in a moment , and distributed them into dayes , because of our better understonding , is exploded by all . although creation was done in a moment , in respect of the particular bodies severally considered , yet in respect of all , it was not perfected in an instant , but in the space of six dayes ; which spaces of dayes , note not a temporal succession of the same , but the order of divers works . some alledge , gen. . . but it is not unusual in the scripture to comprehend many dayes under the name of one . vide aquin. part . , quest. . artic. . b frstina lent● . magnitudo creaturarum ducit nos ad dei potentiam : ordo verò , & pulchritudo ad ejus sapientiam : bonitas autem , gubernatio atque conservatio , ad benignitatem . raymund . pug. adversus iud. parte . dist. . cap. . consectaries from creation in general . d albertus magnus , et ●● major discipulus , thomas aquinas . persuasum nobis cupiverunt ●on tam propositum aristoteli fuisse aeternitatem mundi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac invictis rationibus comprobare quam illud solùm ostendere , mundum non esse genitum , hoc est non incepisse per motum , quae philosophorum priorum sententia erat . vossius in thesibus de creatione . vide plura ibid. et hackwell apol. pag. , , . vide raymundi pugionem fidei part . . c. . jer. . . & . rom. . . he bounds the sea with his word only ; god instanceth in the work of creation to iob , to shew his power his wisdom shines in the exqui●ite workmanship , variety , order , and subordination of them one to the service of another . * man was magni●ied , in creation , in being made so excellent a. creature , psal. . . and in having so many excellent creatures made for him , psal. . , , , . luther in his comment upon magnificat relates a story of two bishops , that ●i●ing to the councel of constance , and espying by the way a poor countreyman weeping , turned toward him , asked him , why he wept , he answered , i weep to see this toad ( that lay upon the ground before him ) because i never blessed god sufficiently , for that he made me so beautiful a creature , and not so ugly as that toad , at which one of the cardinals admired , and said that speech of austins was true , surgunt indocti & coelum rapiunt , & nos cum doctrinis nostris sine corde , ecce ubi volutamur i● carne & sanguine ? but may it not be said of this speech ( though the intention were good ) what lactantius wittily saith of plato's thanking nature , that he was a man rather then a beast , a male rather then a female , a grecian rather then a barbarian , an athenian , and born in the times of socrates . ego planè contenderim , nunquam quicquam dictum esse in rebus humanis deliries . quasi vero si aut barbarus , aut mulier , aut asinus denique natus esset , idem ipse plato esset , ac non ipsum illud , quod natum suisset . lactant. div. instit. de fals . sapient . l. . there are special occasions when we should think of the works of creation . . when we are not affected with the majesty and glory of god , let us see his excellencies in the creatures , psal. . . . when we are haunted with the thoughts of atheism , the world could not make it self , that which is supported by another must needs be framed by another . . when we doubt of the promises of god , because of appearances to the contrary , isa. . . & . , . psal. . . . when our hearts doubt in respect of our provision , matth. . , . . when we would greaten the priviledges of our covenant-interest , ionah . . cor. . , . marks to try when we meditate fruitfully of the creatures : . then our hearts will be more apt to praise the lord , revel . . . . then the heart will be drawn off from the creatures to god. . there will be a greater fear of god , ier. . , . . there will be more love to god for all his kindnesse , and more obedience to him ; what interest hath the lord in you , who made you out of nothing , and sustains you by his providence ? and you will trust in him more . peter . . isa. . . a he that studies the creature much shal finde much of god , and of himself . some conceive isaac , gen. . . studied the book of the creatures . b aliis scripturae locis ap●rtiùs & expressiùs potest trinitas con●irmari & essicacius adversum iudaeos est pugnandum ne nos illis ridiculos praebeamus linguae corum imperiti● . mercer . in loc . ego cum calvino , mercero , & aliis , in ea re sentio , ex sola voce elohim terminationis pluralis , conjuncta cum verbo singulari , non posse solidum duci argumentum pro tanto mysterio , quia rationes allatae mibi videntur aliis adductis pro sententi● contraria praeponderare . etsi existimem laudandum esse pium illorum studium , qui aliter sentiunt , & ex hoc loco sic intellecto mysterium trinitatis probare conantur ; sed quia non agitur de intentione eorum , quam piam & bonam censemus , ver●●m de mosis proposito in hujus vocis usu , missa eorum intentione , rem ipsam in se spectantes , judicamus solidiora consectanda esse argumenta quam quae à vocula aut constructione aliqua grammatica deducuntur , quam iudaeis & haereticis proclive sit eludere , & quasi de re ipsa triumphata , ex taltum argumentorum refutatione gloriari . rivetus in loc . vide galatin . de arcanis cathol . verit . l. . c. . pha●us vet. test. sect. . capel . diatrib . de nomine elohim , c. . & . non puto argumentum esse admodum solid●m ; siquidem scripturae consuctudo id habere videtur , ut nomina illustrium personarum ponantur in numero multitudinis , licet verba retineant numerum singularem . quam consu●tudinem nos itali exparte imitamur , dum viris gravibus non dicimus , tu , sed vos : licet unum , non multos ●lloquamur . bellarm. de christo l. . c. . vide plura ibid. per coelos intelligendum esse statuitur omne quod in coelo supra lunam est : per terram verò , omne quod in terra infra lunam est , ita ut hisce duobus comprehendatur creatio universi mundi , menasseh ben israel problem . . de creatione . easdem habes voces hebraicas jer. . . vide heb. . picherellus in cosmopoeiam annot. it is questioned whether this light was spiritual or corporeal , a substance or accident . vide fulleri misc. sac . l . c the out-spread thing expansum in latine , estendue in french. c this made some hold that there were waters above the skies , as br●ntias saith , alledging that place , psal. . . the schoolmen understand it of the crystalline heaven . d mere. in gen. vide voss. ●c orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. . eccles. . . job . . & . . psal. . . gen. . . pallida luna pluit , rubicunda stat , alba serenat . rouge soir & blanc matin , cest le plaisir du pelerin . s●●● plinies nvtural hist. lib. . cap. . see iosephus , and luke . . c as at christs death , which eclipse dionysius areopagita , a great astronomer , beholding , and little knowing of christs death , cryed out , aut deus naturae patitur , aut mundi machina dissolvetur . f the beasts of the earth are here distinguished into three ranks . . cattel , that is , all tame and domestical beasts . . creeping things , wherby are understood those which have no feet . as serpents , or those which have but very short feet , as worms , ants. . beasts , whereby are understood all wilde beasts , which have their name from life in the hebrew . the jewish rabbins gather from gen. . . that the first man was both man and woman , both male and female , an hermophrodite . paget of talmud . alleg. cap. . all philosophy is in the first chapter of genesis ; basil , ambrose , zanchy , plotinus , have drawn discourses of philosophy hence . du bartas hath most excellently described the creation of the world in his week . ronsard being asked , what he thought of that book , answered wittily , mounsieur du bartas à plus fait en une sepmaine que je n'ay fait en toute ma vie : bartas hath done more in one week , then i have done in all my life . g among all geometrical figures , the sphaerical , or the round is the most perfect , & amongst all natural bodies , the heaven is the most excellent . it was therefore good reason the most beautiful body should have the most perfect and exquisite shape . mr pemble . h the earth it round but not precisely : there are hils like warts , and vallies like wrinkles in a mans body . exact roundnesse it not found in any body but the heavens . i how else could it contain the sun , moon & stars , in convenient distance from the earth , one from another . prov. . . the philosophers think that the highest heaven must be their primum mobile , because they finde no motion beyond , it is not necessary that every heaven must move . k mr greenhill on ezek. pag. . l bishop hall in his contemplations on the creation . vide vossium orig. & progress . idol . lib. . cap. . * vide fulleri miscellanea , lib. . cap. . insita à deo vis quae in scripturis saep● appellatur praeceptum domini est causa motus . m mr greenhill ubi supra . philosophers say , the heavens work up on inferiour bodies by three instruments , viz. l●●ht , motion , ●●iluence . the ancients speak of the musick of the s●heres , caused , as they conceived , by their circumvolution , audible as they affirmed , but not heard , or rather not discerned , because we heard it alwaies . philo saith it is not audible to us men , and the reason why god would not have it audible , he faith is , left men ravished with the sweetnesse of it , should give over all care and thought of worldly affairs . casaub. treatise of use and custome , p. . . a some say the orbs are contiguous each to other , and closely infold each other as the skins of an onyon contain one another ; and others think there is no such variety or multitude of orbes , but alone one first moveable , in which they conceive the fixed stars to be placed , and they think the planets move not in orbes but of themselves , as birds flie in the aire . b it is called the paradise of god , rev. . . c it is called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is altogether shining , because of the great number of stars in it . the sanctum sanctorum was laid within with gold , a most glorious place , and the type of heaven . psal. . . there he alludes to gen. . . let there be a firmament or stretching forth . god made the heavens with as great ease as one can stretch out a curtain when it is folded up . anaxagoras , ●um ab ●o quaerer●tur , ●ujus rei causa natus esset , respondit , coeli ac solis v●●●●●i hanc vo●●m ●●●irantur omnes , ac philosopho dignam jud●cant . at ego hunc puto non invenientem quid responderet , esfudisse hoc passim , ne taccret quod quidem secum , si sapi●us suisset , commentatum , & meditatum habere debuit : quia si quis rationem sui neseiat , non homo sit quidem . sed putemus non ●o tempore dictum illud effusum . vid●amus in tribus verbis quot & quanta peccaverit : primum , quod omne hominis officium in solis oculi● posuit , nihil ad mentem reserens , sed ad corpus omnia , &c. lactant. divin . instit. l. . de falsa sapientia . consectaries f●om the angels . angel● non sunt praetermissi in illa prima rerunt creatione , sed significantur nomine coeli , aut etiam lucis . ideo autem vel praetermissi sunt , vel nominibus rerum corporalium significati . quia moses rudi populo loquebatur , qui nondum capere poterat incorpoream naturam . et si els fuiss●● expressum aliquas res esse super omnem naturam corporcam , fuisset eis occasio idololatriae , ad quam proni erant , & à qua moses ●os praecipuè revocare intendebat . aquin. prima parte quaest. . artic. . * quia moses ruditati se nostrae accommodare voluit , ideo quae altiora nostro captu erant praetermissis , ●a tantùm commemoravit quae sub oculis sunt . zanchius de symb. apost . ego mosen puto voluisse populo creationem rerum aspect abilium proponere , & nihil de invisibilibus dicer● , unde in toto sex dicrum opere ne unius quidem invisibilis creaturae mentionem fecit . mercerus in gen. . . ide● habet in caput secundum versum primum ; & idem habet par●us . vide menass . ben. isr. probl. . & . de creatione . vide aquia . partem primam quaest. ● . artic. . gen. ● . . job . . see sir kenelm digbies treatise of bodies , ch . . the german erde and the english earth as the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a base is the lowest part of a pill●r . nec circumfuso pendebat in acre tellus ponderibus librata suis. ovid . met . carpenter in his first book of geog. ch . . saith , the earths circular motion is probable . copernicus said , that the earth moved , and the heavens stood still . see more of this after about day and night . and in fullers miscel , sac. l. . c. . at terram ( quae immota in perpetuum manet ) locum mutare incongruum puto & rationi rect●e contrarium : non moror ingeniosa copernici commenta , quae nervosè convellit libert . fromondus in sua vesta ; ubi copernici , galilei , kepleri , moestlivi , lanbergii hortensii sophismata ad examen revocat , & suam terrae quietem restituit . barlow exercit. . aristotle would have earth-quakes to proceed from a spirit or vapour included in the bowels of the earth ( d. of his meteors ch . ) which finding no way to passe out , is enforced to turn back , and barred any passage out , seeks every corner : and while it labours to break open some place for going forth , it makes a tumultuous motion which is the earth-quake . it is . universal , which shakes the whole earth in every part , at least in the upper face , the cause whereof is not natural , but the immediate and miraculous power of god ; such a one happened at our saviours passion . . particular , that which is limited to some one or more particular places . what thunder is in the clouds , the earthquakeis in the earth . exod. . . numb . . ● . king. . , ● . * aqua , quasi ●qua , of the equal and plain face and superficies thereof , or as lactantius , quasi à qua ●ata sunt omnia , because hence all things are bred and nourished . because waters are either without motion , as in lakes , or of an uniform motion , as in rivers ; or divers , as in the sea ; the heathen ascribed a trident , or threefold scepter to neptune , their supposed sea-god . purchas . pilgrimage , l. . c. . sect . . lysimachu● ( in plutarchs apothegmes ) for great thirst yeelded up himself and his army , and being captive , when he drank , said he , o d●● , quam brevis voluptatis gratia ●e ●x r●ge feci ser●um . the qualities and use of the aire . act. . . fire is a most subtil element , most light , most hot , most simple , and immixt . therefore the persians worshipped fire as a god , the chaldeans adored ur , and the romans worshipped holy fire . vide vossium de orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. , , . job . . . bonaventure hath seven opinions , de quidditate luminis , it is an old saying , non constat ex lumine natur● quid sit natura luminis . see sir walter ral●gh's history of the world , l. . c. . sect. . if this light be not spiritual , it approacheth nearest unto spirituality : and if it have any corporality , then of all other the most subtil and pure ; for as it is of all things seen the most beautiful and of swiftest motion : so it is most necessary and beneficial . sir walter ralegh . it is a great paradox to think light to be a body , which yet is maintained by sir kenelme digby in his treatise of bodies . but that light should be a spiritual substance , is much more absurd , for how then should it be visible . vide aquin. partem primam quaest. . art. , , . consectaries . the eye cannot see any thing without a double light lumine innato , an inward light in the chrystalline humour of the eye . . lumine illato , an outward light in the aire , and on the object gen. . , . the day is in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gentle or tame ; because it is appointed for tame creatures , or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i desire , because it is to be desired . in latine it is dies à deo of god , as a divine thing . the night is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to strike , as in latine nox à nocendo of hurting . this incredible swiftnesse gave occasion to c●pernicus and others to conceive the globe of the earth did rather move , and the sun stand still . see dr. hackwels apologie , and carpen●ers geography . some think there is a greater probability the earth should move round once a day , then that the heavens should move with such an incredible swiftnesse , scarce compatible to any natural body . others deny it , grounding their opinion upon scripture , which affi●ms the earth to stand fast , so as it cannot be moved ; and upon sense , because we perceive it not to move : and lastly upon reasons drawn from things hurled up , and let f●ll upon the earth . mr. pemble in his brief introduction to geography , p. . vide wi●helmi langi de annis christi , l. . c. . the night easeth the burthen of the day ; and the day driveth away the terrour of the night . consectaries from day and night . night is the time of rest . sleep is the parenthesis of our troubles . psal. . . , , . spiritual blindnesse . sol exprobrat dormientem . erasm. esay . . the glory of the lord , that is , christ in the doctrine of the gospel : shall be revealed , that is , made publick and openly known : and all flesh shall see it , that is , men generally and universaliy in the far greater number , and in a manner all the nations , together , at one and the self same time . * meteora à loco , quia in sublimi regione pendent , brierwood . there are three sorts of meteors , one of fire , and hot , the other of ai●e or water , and cold , the other mingled . he sendeth snow like wooll . vapor est calidus & humidus , oriturque ex acre & aqua , exhalatio calida & sicca , oriturque ex igne & terra . zab. a like chesnuts or eggs breaking in the fire . b cum exhalatio calida & sicca in nubibus occurrit humidae & frigidae , illam violenta eruptione perrumpit , atque ex hac collisione fragor oritur qui tonitru dicitur , atque accen●io & inflammatio exhalationis , quae fulgur nominatur . arist . l. . meteor . c. . & . job . . sam. . . psal. per tot . & . . a winters thunder is a summers wonder . in autumn or spring are oftner meteors seen then in the summer and winter , except in such places where the summer and winter are of the temper of spring and autumn . job . . to . plutarch in the life of flaminius reporteth that there was such a noise made by the grecians after their liberty was restored , that the birds of the ai●e that flew over them were seen to fall down by reason that the aire divided by their ●●y , was made so thin , that there was no strength in it to bear them up , therefore the thunder must needs rarifie and make thin the aire ▪ if it be a great cloud it is called nubes , if but a little one , it is called nubecula , ab obnubendo , operiendo coelum . the clouds are called the bottles of heaven , iob . . the windows and flood-gates of heaven , gen. . . & mal. . . the fountains of the deep , prov. . . and the watery roof of gods chambers , psal. . . the pavilion , chariot , and treasure of the lord , psal. . . sam. . . swadling bands for the sea , iob . . the cloud is a thick & moist vapour drawn up from the earth by the heat of the sun to the middle region of the aire , and by the coldnesse there further thickened , so that it hangeth , until either the weight or some rosolution cause it to fall down . mr. perkins on jude . consectaries . job . . to 〈…〉 . job . . psal. . . psal. . . a great rain is called nimbus , small rain imber . amos . . b though all men should unite all their wits , purses and hands together , to make or to hinder one showr of rain , they are unable . rich men , great , wise men have not these waters at command : the lesse a creature can do to effect it , the more doth the greatnesse of god shine forth in it . in aegypt there is seldom rain , it is made fruitfull by the inundation of nilvs . in iudaea rain is not so frequent as with us . ierome saith , he never saw rain there in the moneths of iune and iuly : hence rain in harvest was there unusual , prov. . . sam. . . * as they do in the indies . verbum dei comparatur pluviae , deut. . . ideoque hebraei uno verbo jorah , & doctrinam , & pluviam efferunt . mollerus . thaumantis filiam dixere iridem ●oetae ; colores ejus tam exacti , ut vix artificis possit exprimere manus . confectaries from the rain and rain-bow job . , , . jam. . , . see gen. . . hos. . . valesius de sacra philosophia . the art of glasle-making is very highly valued in ve●●ce , for whosoever comes to be a master of that profession is reputed a gentleman , ipsa arte , for the art sake ; and it is not without reason , it being a rare kinde of knowledge and chymistry to transmute the dull bodies of dust and sand , for they are the only main ingredients , to such a diaphanous pellucid dainty body , as we see crystal-glasse is , which hath this property above gold and silver , to endure no poison . howel of venice , p. , . a lib. . ch . . * lib. . c. . b psal. . . & . . it is a dry and hot fume ascending upward , and beaten back again by the coldness of the middle region and some comes downward again sideling , with more or lesse violence , as the fume is larger or subtiller , and the cold more or lesse . ventus à violentia & vehementia nomen habet , quòd veniat abundè , & magna vi irruat in uaum aliquem locum . mag. ph. some think the angels cause the winds to blow , rev . . but that is but a conceit . prov. . amos . . ' the profit of the winde . dr fulk of meteors . it made adam tremble when god came in the winde . cor. . . matth. . . jer , . . * metalla , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , which is ingendered or bred about , or with some other thing , as gold about silver , and silver about brasse . pliny , lib. . chap. . metals naturally grow ( as some observe ) in lands most barren : nature recompensing the want of other things with these hidden treasures . purchas his pilgrimage , l. . c. . sect. . see more there . of metals gold is esteemed most precious , as most enduring both age and fire , and least subject to rust . latini uniones vocant , non quia nun quam duo simul reperiantur , ut solino proditum , & isidoro : verùm , quia , ut melius ait plinius , nulli duo reperiantur indiscreti . voss. de orig . & progress . idol . lib. . cap. . third dayes work . psal. . , . * it is called mare either from the latine amarum , or the chaldee marath fignifying also bitter , because the sea-water is bitter and salt . for the use of man and all other living creatures god made a separation of the earth and water , causing the water to sink down into huge hollow chanels prepared to receive it , that so the dry land might appear above it . we must consider the earth and waters , . absolutely , as they are elements and solid bodies , so the water hath the higher place , being ●●●n●er . . in respect of the superficies of either , so the superficies of the earth is higher . carpenters geography . if we campate the coasts and the nearest sea , then the land is higher then the sea : but if we compare the land and the main sea , then the sea is higher then the land , and therefore the sea is called altum , where ships flie faster to the shore then from it . nos vivimus in ipso mari , & sicut aquae diluvii qui●decim cubitis superiores fuerunt altissimis montibus ; ita etiam num oceanus superat terram trium ulnarum altitudine . sed quare non obruit nos ? quia deus posuit terminum mari . idem videre est in omnibus furoribus mundi tumultuantis adversus ecclesiam . lutherus in genes . . * carpenter in his second book of geography , cap. . saith the perpendicular height of the highest mountains seldome exceeds ten furlongs . see sir walter rawleighs history of the world , l. . c. . sect. . and purchas his pilgrimage , lib. . cap. . sect. . nothing is to be seen but snow at the top of the alpes , which hath lain there beyond the memory of man , and as some say , ever since the floud . raymunds mercurio italico , p. . * ins●●lae portiones terr , sunt o●●ano ●●n●lae ortus varia ha●ent principia . emersere quaedam ex mari , ac continenti av●lsae quaedam aggesta nonnullis ortum dedit materia . johnston . thaumatographia naturalis . duo maxima quae mari tribuuntur mira , sa●●c●o & reciprocatio . johnstoni thaumatographia naturalis . a●●●●alsedine quidem salum vocatur poetis ob amar●rem autem dictum est mare . na● & mare & amarus veniunt ab hebraeo ●●● quod notat amarum esse . vossius de origine & progress . idol . lib. . cap. . * it is called reciprocatio & aestus maris , because it is caused by a hot exhalation boyling in the sea , or because the sea suffers , as if it boiled again with heat . brierwood de meteoris . see purchas his pilgrimage , l. c. . sect. . vide voss. de orig & progres . idol . l. . c. . * lib. . cap. a see dr iorden of bathes , c. . purchas his pilgrimage , l. . c. . sect. . rivers are said to be ingendred in the hollow concavities of the earth , and derive both their birth and continual sustenance from the air ; which penetrating the open chinks of the earth , and being congea●ed by the extream cold of that element , dissolves into water , as the air in winter nights is melted in a pearly dew sticking on our glasse windows . * h●c est origo fontium & fluv●orum , ut salomon etiam apertius indicat , eccles. . . hoc tamen n●s●ivit doctus aristoteles , rerum naturalium diligentissimus indagator . foo●d in psal. , , , . dr halls contempl . it must be large to contain so many creatures . amos . . & . . psal. . . . , , , , . dr halls contempl . psal. . king. . . & . . consectaries from the se● . see the history of canutus in camb●en . the safety of this kingdom consists much in its wooden wals . our navy exceeds all others in the world in beauty , strength , and safety . * see plinics natural history , lib. . c. . he that carries his life in his hand must carry grace in his heart . docto. sibbs in his epistle to sir horatio vere prefixed before his bruised reed . qui nescit orare discat navigare . latini distribuunt plantas in tria genera , herbam , fruticem , & arborem . hebrai aliter in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mercerus in primum caput gen. . . voluit deus per primam germinationem terrae non modo pastui animantium , sed etiam immortalitati speciei consuluim . paraeus . * a poor man in kent mowing of peason did cut his leg with a sithe , wherein he made a wound to the bones , and withall very large and wide , and also with great effusion of bloud ; the poor man crept unto this herb , which he bruised with his hands , and tied a great quanity of it unto the wound with a piece of his shirt , which presently stanched the bleeding , and ceased the pain , insomuch that the poor man presently went to his dayes work again , and so did from day to day , without resting one day untill he was perfectly whole , &c. gerrards herbal book . chap. . of clowns wound-wort , or all-heal . job . , . ezek. . , . joel . . hag. . . gen. . , . vide mercer . in gen. . . before the floud both herbs & fruits of trees were so wholsome and good , as that man needed no other food , after it the earth was so corrupted by the inundation thereof , and mans body became so weakned , that he stood in need of more solid and nourishing meat . * gen. . , it is a carpet upon the earth to adorn and beautifie it . see rare things of a tree called coquo in doctor primrose on the sac. p. . and purchas his p●●grimage , l. . c. . pag. . . the palm is a famous tree which bringeth forth dates , and is so called because upon the top the boughs are thick and round , extending out like fingers , from whence it is called dactylus , that is , a finger . travels of the patriarks . rem mirandam . arist. in ● . problematum , & plutarch . in ● . sympofiacorum dicit . si supra palmae ( inquit ) arboris lignum magna pondera imponas , ac tam graviter urgeas ut magnitudo oneris susti●ere non queat , non deorsum palma cedit , nec infra flectitur , sed adversus pondus resurgit , & sursum nititur recurva●urque . aul. gel. noct. attic. lib. ● cap. . iosephus acosta writeth of a tree in america that on the one side being situated towards great hils , and on the other being exposed to the hot sun ; the one half of it flourisheth at one time of the year , and the other part at the opposite season . corollaries . * serunt arbores , quae prosint alteri saeculo . cicero . gen. . , . chron. . jer. . . deut. . . * sol ufitatissimè hebraeis dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schemesh à ministrando ( quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schimme●ch ) quia dei minister in natura clarissimus : aliter à calor● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chammah . graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. splendore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; latinis sol , vel qui● solus ex omnibus ●ideribus est tantus , vel quia quum est exortus , obscuratis aliis solus appareat . martinius . see dr browns enquities , lib. . cap. . * non tam ad magnitudinem corporum , quàm splendoris eorum respexit moses , & ad popularem captum & aspectum , qui haec judicat esse maxima sydera in caelo juxta sensum . mercer . see doctor hackwels apology of gods providence , pag. , . . dominatur corporibus humidis ; as over women ( the brain ) sh●ll-sish . from the new moon to the full , all humours do encrease , and from the full to the new moon decrease again . to think that the brightnesse of the suns body above , doth drown o●● discerning o●●he lesser ligh●s , is a popular errour ; the sole impediment being that lustre , which by reflection doth spread about us from the face of the earth . sir henry wottons elem. of architect . part . . only god can number the stars , psal. . . it is impossible for man to number them , which god intimates to abraham , gen. . . cor. . . all stars are not primae magnitud●nis . corollaries . ethnici colebant solem & lunam prius quam alias creatur as terres●res : usque a●●● ut moses , deut . . notans duos sontes idololatriae , prius facit mentionem solis & lunae , deinde similitudiuem viri aut soemin● , a●t qua●rupedis , job . . ●er . . , . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . praelect . . sol ab antiquissimis , ut deorum maximus col●batur : nominaque jovis , saturni , martis , liberi , ari , osiridis , aliaque multa solem significarunt . qu● d● re macrobius l. . saturn . c. . voss. in maimon . de idol . c. . gen. . , , . * the fishes were appointed to encrease and multiply , and to fill the waters : the fowls were appointed to increase & multiply and flie in the air. plinies naturall history , l . c. . quidam hoc unum animal quam diu vivit , crescere arbitrantur . pliny l. . c. . naturalists write of the crocodile that it grows as long as it lives . scribunt humanum caputà crocodilo ob crassitiem ossis non posse devorari . cum vero persentiat medullam , hoc est , cerebrum cranio subesse , lacrymas in id effundere quarum vi suturae protinus dissipentar : inde medullam exsorberi à truculentissima bestia . abiere hinc in proverbium , lacrymae crocodili , quae non a commiseratione sed ab immanissima crudelitate proveniu●● . wendelinus de admirandis nili . c ▪ . vide plura ibid. &c. . plinies naturali history , l. . c. . id. ibid. iohnstoni thaum atographia . * pliny ibid. four acres long in the indian sea. idem l. . c. . amama antibarb . bib. l. . chamierus tom . l. . c. . plin. ib c. . ante omnia nihil velocius habent maria ut plerumque saliente transvolent vela navium . solinus c. . * pisces deus noluit sibi offerri , tum quod extra aquam non vivant ( nihil autem mortuum ex animalibus offerri sibi deus velit ) tum etiam quod ex serpentum genere cense●tur pisces : serpentum vero genus universum damnatum est à deo , proptereà quod per serpentem deceptus fuerit homo , fuitq● serpens organon diabelt , gen. . danaeus isag. christ. l. . c. . the orderly course of birds in breeding their young ones is most remarkable . after they have coupled they make their nest , they line it with mosse , straw , and feathers ; they lay their egges , they set upon them , they hatch them , they feed their young ones , and they teach them to fly t all which they do with so continuate and regular a method , as no man can direct or imagine a better . sir kenelm digbies treat . of bod. c. . job . . one cannot say of the phoenix being only one in the world , encrease and multiply , there were two of all creatures went into the atk , therefore there is no phoenix . aldrovandus and pliny . vide voss. de orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. . c job . , , , . lam. . . ier. . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a she is somewhat like a hern having a long neck and feet . doctor twisse against doctor iackson . petronius arbiter & solinus call the stork pictatis cultricem . they count it there a happy omen for the stork to build in their houses . job . , , . see of the nightingales singing . pliny l. . of naturall history , c. . and famianus stradas pr●lusions . inter omnia infecta principatus apibus , & jure praecipua admiratio , solis ex eo genere hominum causa genitis : plin. nat. hist. l. . c. . nomen insectis datur ab incisuris , quas habent , quasi annulos . vossius de orig . & progres , idol . l. . when bees are most angry in swarming , cast but a little dust upon them , and they ar● presently quiet , and leave their humming . practise the fedulity of the bee , labour in thy calling : and the community of the bee , beleeve that thou art called to assist others : and the purity of the bee , which never settles upon any foul thing . d. donne on prov. . . see butler's history of bees . vide voss. de orig . & progres . idol . l. . c. ▪ de apum prudentia in fabricando alveari deque tota corum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * see plinies natural history , l. . c. . vide moufetum de insect is l. . corpora bello . objectant , pulchramque petunt per vulnera mortem . virg. . georg. corollaries . there are not known to be of beasts and creeping things above the number of kinds , probably there are not many nor great that are not known . plin. nat hist. l. . gesn. de animal . there are dive●s kindes of brute beasts differing in nature , qualities , figure , colour , quantity , voice . * utrum ea vox elephas ab eleph bos , a● verò potius ab alaph quod syris & ebraeis discere est , derivata sit , meritò dubites , adeò verisimi ▪ lis utraque sententia est ; nam quod primam attinet , in confesso est apud graecos & latinos , nobilitatam semper fais●● bovis pra ceteris terrestribus animantibus magnitudinem . ita credibile est , ebraeos , syros & phaenices cum hoc animal & mole & figuratione corporis ad bovem quàm proxime accedens primò vidissent , bovis nomine appellasse . quod ad alteram attinet , quis ignorat ea , quae de hujus belluae docilitate narrat plinius , l. c. . . . cicero epist. famil . . . & plena manu lipsius . centuria prima epist. . amama antibarb . bibl. l. . vide plin. hist. l. . the elephant is for growth and understanding , chiefest of unreasonable animals . they go two , sometimes three years with young , and havn extream torm●●●●● in their labour : they grow till fifteen , in that time mounting to . foot , yet lie down , dance , and prove very active . herberts trav. l. . plinies nat . hist. l. . c. . see camerar . hist. meditat . l. . c. . id. ib. plinies●●● ●●● . hist. l. . c. ● . a memorable story of the punishment of buggery . * topsell de quadrupedibus . * bucephalus signifieth an oxe head . vide vos . instit. orat . l. . c. . sect. . plin. nat . hist. l. . c. . l. . c. . aul. gel. noct. att. l. . c. . this horse is also celebrated by plutarch and q. curtius . a sir walter rawleigh . b hic est leo hospes hominis ; hic est homo medicus leo●is . see d. willet of the camell on lev. . quest . . the ape is so docible , that he will learn to play at chesse . see plin. nat . hist. l. . c. . vide plura de simia . voss. &c orig . & prog . idol . l. . c. . angelorum nomen graecum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim est nuncius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nunciare graecum nomen angeli , europaeae gentes ferè retinent , nisi quod id inflectart ad terminationem suam & galli id 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicunt ange , germani a in ● mutato engel . martinius de creatione . angeli ex ministerio quod regi suo praebent , nuncupantur . ludov. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. ● . c. . that there are angels . omnes apparitiones veteris testamenti ad illam apparitionem ordinatae fuerunt , qua filius dei apparuit in carne . aquin. part . . quaest . . art . . a esse angelos vel h●●c l●quet , quòd sint in rerum natur● quae nullis possint adscri●i causis physicis , unde necesse est spiritus esse unde illa proficiscantur . tum etiam videtur ipse ordo universi id requirere ut sint angeli , nempe certum est naturam esse corpoream , & certum ●●em est mediam esse naturam , quae nempe partim corporea , partim incorporea sit ; consequens igitur est ●● sit natura quemadmodum m●re corporea , sic etiam merè incorporea . scriptura vero ●on probat esse angelos , quemadmodum neque probat ammam ●sse immortalem , sed hoc sumit . cameron ●om . . praelect . the peripaterick call them immaterial substances , intel●igences , abstracted and separated forms . the angels are material . . they are perfect effects , therefore must have all the four causes . . finite , therfore terminated in their essence : nothing terminates things but matter & form . barlow in hierons last farewell . zanchy & others hold otherwise . b col. . . & . . c angels are a mean betwixt god and man , as man was betwixt the angels and the beasts . god made the angels , psal. . . solus deus est ens per suam essentiam , omnia verò alia sunt entia per participationem ; omne autem quod est per participationem causatur ab eo quod est per essentiam ▪ sicut omne ignitum causatur ab igue : unde necesse est angelos esse cr●●tos . aquin. part ▪ . ● quaest. . artic. . qui apti essent ad generandum , eos non oporteb●t condi universos pariter , nam super●iua fuisset generandi facultas attributa . angeli , quibus gignere datum non erat , uno sunt vel●t partu editi . lud. viv. de veritate fidei christ ▪ l. . c. . their nature . an angel defined . wendelinus . d they are spirits , heb. . . glorious spirits , heb. ▪ . heavenly spirits , matth. . . spirits●u ●u . . for their nature or substane they are called spirits , for their property o● quality glorious , for their place or abode heavenly , for their continuance immortall . e the bread of the mighty , or angels food , not because they brought it , but because it was most pleasant , so that should angels need food , they could not feed on better . see rivet & willet on exod. . their faculties . matth. . . a angeli alas habere dicuntur propter velocitatem & celerem in cuncta discursum . hieron . in isa. . & vento alas quoque adfingunt ob candem causam . drus. in observ. sac. l. . c. . acts . . mark. . . the angels have not only cognitionem concreatam & infusam , but acq●●sitam say the schoolmen . b tum veteres patres , tum etiam doctores scholastici triplicèm cognitionem trib●●●nt angelis , ex patribus augustinus triplicem in angelis statuit rerum cognitionem : unam , qua res in verbo , in filio scilicet dei vident , alteram qua ●as cernunt in earum naturis : tertiam , qua cas norunt in suis mentibus , casmanni angelographia . ista necessitas quae scilicet ex suppositione sit optimè conspirat cum libertate . deus mundum creavit liberè , & tamen supposito dei decreto de mundo aute annorum millia condendo , necesse fuit ut deus mundum crearet , non tamen ut crearet necessariò sed liberè . sic proposito dei decreto de non frangendis ossibus christi , necesse fuit ut ab iis frangendis abstinerent milites romani , non tamen ut abstincrent necessariò sed libere ; nam proculdubio quàm libere fregerunt ossa latronum , tam libere abstiuebant à frangendis ossibus christi . twiss . contra corv. c. . sect. . gratia non ausert libertatem arbitrii , licet vera & physica operatione determinet arbitrium , sed potius libertatem illi ad bonum restituit & confirmat . dicimus enim determinare voluntatem ad bene agendum liberè . id. ibid. the terms definitivè & circumscriptivè being meer words , and on this occasion insignificant , passe only in latine , that the vanity of them may be concealed . for the circumscription of a thing , is nothing else but the determination or defining of its place ; and so both the terms of the distinction are the same . hobbes his leviathan , part . c. . but we must be content with those terms ( for want of better ) to distinguish between bodies and angels being in a place : though sanford de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. . cals it distinctionem nuperam , of a bodies being in a place circumscriptivè , the soul desinitivè , and god repletivè ; and saith he dare affirm hujus acuminis prorsus nihil cognitum fuisse ante scholasticorum tempora . isa. . they cry one to another , holy , holy , holy . vide aquin. part . . q. . art. , , , , mighty princes are attended with many followers . see job . . numerus lapsorum in scriptura non est desinitus . quod scholastici cum thoma definiunt ex , reg. . . plures angelos permansisse in gratia , quàm peccasse , parum soliditatis habet . voet. disput. de natura damon . there are degrees of them , col. . . rom. . . thes. . . some are named angels , some arch-angels , thes. . c that ancient and high soaring ( though counterfeit ) dionysius describes the hierarchy of angels , as exactly as if he had dwelt amongst them ▪ delivering unto us nine orders of them ▪ out of nine words , found partly in the old , partly in the new testament , and tels us the several natures , distinctions and properties of them all . master mede on zach. . . see more there . he that was rapt into the third heaven can tell us of thrones , dominions , principalities , angels and archangels , in that region of blessedness . we cannot be so simple as to think these to be but one classe of spirits , doubtlesse they are distinctions of divers orders ; but what their several ranks , offices , employments are , he were not more that could tell , then he bold that dare speak . i do verily beleeve there are divers orders of celestial spirits ▪ i beleeve they are not to be beleeved that dare to determine them ; especially when i see him that was rapt into the third heaven , varying the order of their places in his several mentions of them . compare ephes. . ● . with col. . . b. halls invis . world . l. . sect . d cartwright on ephes. . . in his annotat. on the rhem. test. quatuor iis vocabulis thronorum , dominationum , principatuura , & potestatum , apostolus complexus est universam caelestem societatem . quid inter se dictant quaetuor illa vocabula dicant qui possunt , si tamen possunt probare quae dicunt , ego me ista ignorare confiteor . august . enchirid. ad laurent c. . vide aquin. part . q. . artic. , , , , , , . cameron tom . . praelect . e they are called thrones ( saith a school man ) because they do attend on the throne of god. they love themselves and one another , ●● the creatures , yet they love god above all . angelus deum p●●●quam se diligit . aquinas ▪ their happiness consists in ●●sione & dilectione ●●● . heb. . . the angels are next to christ in ruling the visible world , and therefore called shinan in the hebrew , dan. . . next to the first ; and principalities and powers in the greek , col. . . that is , chief governours next to christ in reference to all the creation beside . lockier on col. ● . . psalm . . . exod. . . gen. . . matth. . . joh. . act. . they are present at our assemblies , eph. . mysteries are made known to them , and the woman must be covered because of the angels . * an angel defeated scnacheribs army . revel . . a m● . bayly on zach. . . p. . see doctor preston on prayer . origenes angelos docet invo●andos cer●amque inv●●uionis formulam pras●ribit . homil. in eze●h . erant ex iudaei● , qui cum docerent legem , angelos colendos asserent , quippe qui d●cerent legem per a●gelos esse traditam . apostolus ad col●ssenses sccundo reprehendit ●orum impictatem , rainold . de lib. apoc. christiani veteres , & seorsim , & juncta , & prose singuli , & alii pro aliis , deum precabantur ; mutuò etiam , ut id sier●t , rogabant ; verùm quem pr●sentem nescirent , srve angelus , sive anima for●t defuncti , minimè invocabant : quia de cujus praesentia non constaret , cu● cum sidu●ia auditionis , ut de extuditione nihil dream , minimè invocare auderent : praesertim cùm cjus rei in scripturis nec prae●●ptum haberent ne● ex●mplum . vossius de orig. & progres . dol . l. . part● altera c. . vide plura ibid. b cultus sratern● soci●tatis . c rhem. ann●● . in apoc. . s●● mr. car●w . rej●ynd . to the marqu●sse o● worc●ster , p. , , , , . there were a sort of hereticks called angelici , who professing true christianity and detestation of idolatry , ( as having learned that god only is to be worshipped properly ) yet reserved a certain kinde of adora●ion to the blessed angels . ang●lici vocati quia angelos colunt . i sid orig. in l. . c. . scriptura piis tantum angel●rum custod●●m & ministerium attribuit , psal. . . heb. . . impiis non item . imò plures angelos indefinitè circ● p●os excubar● docet , non umum , psal. . . spanhemius . matth. . . undeconcludunt tum patres tum ●cholastici , singulis pueris , atque adultis etiam certos angelos esse attributos . sic interpretati sunt bunc locum chrysostomus , angustinus , hieronymus & alii , casm●nnus . it is greater both dignity and benefit , that every one of the faithfull have many angels appointed by the lord for his guard , whereof the proof is manifest , psal. . . & . . an host of angels pitch th●ir ten●s round about them . as many reprobate angels seek the destruction of one only man , mark . . & . so the lord encount●eth them by a number of his elect angels cartwright . magister sent ▪ a●t , unum quemque habere ad sui custodiam unum bonum angelum , & unum malum ad exer●itium . i●st quidem antiqua ista sententia , verum hanc sententiam scripture non tradunt ; manavit hic error ex somniis rabbinorum rainold . de lib. apoc. luke . . that is , some angel which god hath sent for his deliverance . mr. dering on heb. . ult . see mr. cartw. rejoynd . to the marq. of worcester , p. , , . singulis hominibus singuli angeli ad custodiam deputantur , quia angelorum custodia est quaedam executio divine providentiae circa homines . aquinas part . . quaest. . artic. . vide etiam artic. . cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see the last large annotations . 〈…〉 might be a mistake of the ●●anscribers to ●●uble the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for if it were read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the sense be , women in publike assemblies must wear a vail , by reason of the companies of the young men there present ; it would be no ill exchange for the losse of a letter , to make so probable , so clear a sense of the place . dr. taylor 's liberty of prophesying , sect. . tertullianus de velandis virginibus , c. . mulier●s velandas ait propter angelos ▪ ne ipsarum forma illecebra illis sit ad libidinem . fuit e●im veterum quorundam ea absurdissima sententia , viz. angelos amore mulierum corruptos caelo occi●isse . vide tertull. de habitu muli●bri , c. . justin martyr orat. ad gentes . lactant. institut . l. . c. . ortus hujus erroris est ex gen. . . viderunt filii dei filias hominum & ingr●ssi sunt ad cos , ubi per silios dei intelligebant angelos . vide august . de civitate dei , l. . c. . cyril contra ju●●an . l ▪ . ● unicus , quod sciam , ex veteribus ambrosius , & ex nostris unicus beza , angelos exponunt , sacerdotes , s●u pastores ecclesie , rectissime omnes alii , tum veteres , tum recentes , intelligunt ipsos angelos , eosque bonos ac sanctos . laurentius . mal. . . revel . . . ● beza in loc . ministers ( saith laurentius ) are not any where in the scripture called angels absolutely , but alwaies with addition . j●nius negat dari per angelos sel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem , inter angelos . vide grotium & aquin. part . , . quast . . art . jun. paral. l. ● . par . . ipse deus locatus est immediatè ad mosem praesentibus ac testibus angelis , laurentius . see willet on exod. . . ●u ▪ ●st . ordination is put for ministration . ● mr. palm●r and mr. caudery of the christian sabhath , part . ▪ c. . h grotius & rivet & d. whits say , god spake not immediatly but by an angel. see psal. . . dan. . . i cartwright on the rhem. test. interprets it of christ. see m. perkins on iude. michael apud patres & rabbinos est è numero angelorum ; apud magos , daemonum : in scriptur â verò arbitror esse ipsum iesum , dominum nostrum ; idque satis patere mihi videtur , tum ex nomine ipso , cùm ex iis quae de eo reseruntur . primum enim nihil apud hebraeos vox haec sonat plusquàm , quis sicut deus ? atqui non est verisimile , ut nomen hoc tribuatur alii , quam illi , qui & ipse deus est . deinde dan. . mentio sit hujus michaelis , voc●●urque princeps magnus , qui stat à populo dei contra perditos & impios ecclesiae hostes . huc accedunt ca quae reseruntur à zacharia c. . unde iudae verba sumpta esse videntur : ibi enim angelus ille , qui causam agit iosuae summi pontificis , dicitur iehovah , quod nomen , ut omnes sciunt , nulli angelorum vel homini tribuitur , sed solius dei est proprium . croius in conject . apud hebraeos , graecos , & latinos veteres populus convocabatur classic● . ad id exemplum , cùm deus homines convocat , dicitur id facer● per tubam , psal. . . isa. . . jer. . . & . . & . . os. . . joel . . zach. . . idem in apocalypsi , in omnibus dei judiciis dantur angelis tubae , quia vero hoc judicium omnium est ut postremum , ita maximum atque generalissimum , i●o● hic iuba datur , non angelo , sed ali●ui angelorum principi , qualis michael dan. . . grotius in loc . k angels are the best creatures , yet they are mutable creatures , they were created blessed ( as the schools determine ) . with a natural blessednesse , not with a supern●●●●● , which consists , in the vision of god , for then they had never fallen . the good angels indeed have obtained by christ a supernatural blessednesse , though he be not a redeemer , yet he is a confirmer , a supporter of the holy angels . in reference whereunto he is called the head of all things , eph. . . & . . col. . . and that last place is not to be ●estrained to men , but takes in all things both in heaven and earth . mr. caryl on ●ob . ● . as christ is to us medium reconciliationis , ●o he is to ●●e angels medium confirmationis & clevationis say the schoolmen . col. . . a head notes eminentiam . in ordine naturae , as christ was man he was below them , in ordine gratiae he was above them . ● . influxum . . gu●ernationem . l in bono confirmatio non tollit bonorum angelorum liberum arbitrium . bernardus triplicem ostendit è sacris literis libertatem , quarum unam vocat libertatem à peccato , cor. . . alteram vocat libertatem à miscria , rom. . , . tertiam appellat libertatem à necessitate , hoc est , à coactione ; necessitas enim hic non opponitur voluntario , sed coactioni . ca●mannus . the standing of the angels and saints in heaven consists in manuto●entia perpetui infiuxus b●ati●i●i , say the schoolmen . wheresoever the good angels are ( though imployed about the affairs of this lower world ) yet do they still see and enjoy the vision of god , bishop h●lls invis . world , l. . sect. . con●ect●ries from angels let us not by our ill carriage thrust away our guard . one angel would quickly destroy all the wicked if god should charge him to do it . see elton on colos. . and cameron on act. . objectant nobis iudaei , quod saducaei libros mosaicos agnoscerent pro divinis , ubi saepius commemoratur , ut angeli apparuerint . verùm verisimile mihi sit saducaeos eludere haec solitos : cujus ratio nunc gemina occurrit . una est , ut per eas non aliud intellexerint , quàm qualitates à deo product as in imaginatione ejus , quem de re aliqua velit edocere . altera est , ut putarint deum producere spiritus , quando eorum opera uti velit , post●a eos dest●uere , ac producere quidem separand● quiddam ab anima mundana , quod postea redeat in naturam generalem . voss. de orig. & progres . idol . l. part altera . c. . m superbi sunt nec noverunt moysis sententiam , sed amant suam ; non quia vera est , sed quia sua est . aug. confess . l. . c. . they have a glory which flows from their own obedience as they stood in integrity , and an additionall glory , as they have received a commission from christ to be the saints guardians , heb. . . some angels fell from god , john . . pet. . . jude . n there is but one word ( dajiva ) in the syriack for the raven , ink , and the devil , because commonly he appears to men in some black and terrible shape . weemes . o quia civitatem accaron invocatus à civibus , à muscis liberarat . cornel. à lap. they have figurative names likewise in the scripture , as lion , scrpent , dragon , the accuser of the brethren . it is written in the law of mahomet , that god created the angels of the light , and the devils of the flame . dr. stoughtons happinesse of peace . he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wicked one , matth. . . which notes a special wickednesse . god is called by the prophets in the old testament the holy one , because he is infinitely and altogether holy ; so the devil because he hath the most wicked nature is called the wicked one . . they fell of themselves and made themselves wicked . . they persist in their wickedness , joh. . . . they labour to make others wicked like themselves , they are wicked subjective & effectivè . p verisimile est ex superbia daemones esse lapsos , quod filium dei contempserunt , & se ei voluerunt anteferre , lutherus in primii cap. gen. . doctor ames . q downam . mr. ball. r mr. caryl on job . . some bring that place , isa. . . that is literally meant of the assyrian king. it is probable the devils sin was pride , seeing man was enticed to offend with an argument drawn from the promise of excellency , gen. . , . vide voet. disputat . de natura & operationibus daemonum . diabolus volint se parificasse deo is peter lombards expression . austin saith the sin of the angels was quod ab illo qui summè est ▪ aversi , ad scipsos conversi sunt . the devil would not yield to this , that the second person of t●●nity for the salvation of mankinde , should become flesh , and that in him the nature should be advanced above that of angels . bishop down . of justif. c. . some say his sin was envy , but that rather followed and was a kinde of punishment : post peccatum superbiae consecutum est in angelo peccante malum invidiae , secundùm quod de bonum hominis doluit , & etiam de excellentia divina . aquinas parte ▪ q. . art . he is called the envious man ; he envied . that mankinde should be restored , when they were cast off . . that the nature of man should be taken into glorious union with the son of god , and that thereby the image of god should be repaired . s some collect from joh. . that the devils fell the first day . see mat. . . rev. . . & . . t hoc est angelis casus , quod est hominibus , mors . damascen . four things aggravate the devils first sin . . if we consider their nature , they were spirits , spiritual substances , and so had the greater power and advantage against sin , they might more easily have kept themselves pure , because their natures were so simple , a great deal of the power of mans temptation rose f●●m the flesh , the fruit was beautifull to look on and pleasant to the taste . . they sinned no● having any tempter or soliciter without ; there was no tempter till they themselves became tempters , therefore they fell by the meer freeness of their will , every sin the more it hath of will in it the greater it is . . they were indued with a great deal of knowledge , and so sin●d against more light . . they were highly exalted above man in their creation . the angels are not by propagation one from another , but were created all at once , so that of them some might fall and others stand , but men descend by generation from one stock or root , and therefore the first man falling and corrupting his nature , derived to all his posterity a sinfull nature . vide amesii medullam . l. . c. . his malice is against all mankinde , but especially against the saints , gen. . . rev. . . . because god hath set his love upon them . . because they are members of christ , his kingdom was set up in opposition to satans . . because they bear the image of god. . they conquer him here , and shall judge him hereafter . hence the devil is compared to a serpent , what subtilty did he shew in beguiling of eve. leonem agit & saevit , draconem agit & fallit . diabolus metuendus magis cum fallit quam cum saevit . aug. the strength of a temptation lies in the repetition of the motion . luther was so often tempted to self-murther that he durst do nothing but repeat the commandment , thou shalt not kill . he tempts first by inward suggestions , for being a spirit he hath communion with our souls and can dart thoughts into us , so he filled the heart of iudas . . by outward objects , he hath one temptation for the proud , another for the timerous . he tempts us , . from duties , as unseasonable and unfit . . in duties , ezek. . , , & . latter end . . by duties , to rest upon them , prov. . . bonaventure reckons up six kindes of satans temptations . . those which are so sudden that they do judicium rationis praevenire . . they are often so secret that one cannot spy out where the temptation lies , they do subterfugere rationem . . some of his temptations are so impetuous that they do vires transcendere . . they are importunate in respect of their continuance . . the way is so dark that misery and transgression lie at the door . . those fraudulent temptations wherein he prevails over us to be our own tempters . the saints may yet be comforted , . that a restraint is put on satan in all his temptations , cor. . . . they shall tend to the increase of their graces ; satans temptations and accusations increased iobs graces . . they have experience of the power of christ within them ; experimentall knowledge is knowledge upon trial , cor. . . . hereby they know the power of christs intercession , luk. . , . and their own prayers , rev. . , . . this quickens their wisdom and watchfulnesse , pet. . . . his temptations and accusations shall increase their glory hereafter . a the devi's power is not a physical but a moral power only , that is , by suggestions and temptations from sutable objects . astutiam suadendi , non potentiam cogendi habet diabolus . austin psal. . . & . . the devil is magnipotent but not omnipotent , saith luther . daemones n●● possunt quicquam crea●e , sed pos●unt cr●ata spec●● tenus muta●● . qu●ma●modum docet augustinus de ●●●it . dei lib. . cap. . et ex co theologi scholasticique uno consensu . rainold . de lib. apoc. * they are so . ratione causae , they proceed from the devil who is the father of lies . . ratione formae in manner of working , they are but delusions . . ratione sinis . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . artic. . & quaest. . art. . the schoolmen say the angels ( if god would suffer them ) could tear the fabrick of heaven and earth in pieces . the devil is . a creature . . a chained creature . . a cursed creature . . a conquered creature . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cameron saith paul was beaten black and blew by some angel of satan . see my annot , in loc . quocunque volitant gehe●nam & cat●nam suam portant , say the schoolmen . respectu culpae suae , their proper place hell , respectu exercitationis humanae , they have their principality in the air , saith aquinas . interpretes recentiores paulum metapboricè dicunt in aere daemones collocasse : quasi hostes è loco superiori cervi●ibus nostris imminentes , ut reddamur cautiores . sanfordus de descensu christi ad inferos , lib. . pag. . in p●nam suam , inquit bernardus , in canti● . ●●rm . . diabolus locum in aere isto medium in●●r coelum & terram sortitus est , scili●et ut videat & invideat . they that go to hell shall finde the fire no metaphor , b. bilsons full redemption of mankinde by the death of christ , p. . vide sanford . de descensu christi ad inferos , p , , &c. nobis certum , ignis & flammarum in inferno nihil esse nisi metaphoricum , & pueriliter nugari quicunque corporea , sive ●●terialia sunt imaginati . chamierus tom . . lib. . cap . aquinas supplem . part . . quaest. . artic. . holds it to be co●poreal , yet ibid. art. . he holds the worm to be metaphorical . * these daemoniacks mentioned in scripture were no other then such as we call mad-men ; and lunaticks , as appears by iohn . . matth. . . compared with luke . mr mede on john . . m● elton on the tenth commandment gives two rules to know . if the temptations ●e against the light of nature corrupted , as for one to kil a parent without any cause . . blasphemo●s thoughts , gen. . . tim. . . sam. . cor. . . tentare est propriè experimentum sumere de aliquo diabolus semper tentat ut noceat in peccatum praecipitando , & secundum hoc dicitur proprium officium ejus tentare . aquinas part . . quaest. . arti● . . it seems to be taken from sam. . . * rom. . . gal. . . satanae tradi idem est atque ex ecclesia ( extra quam regnat satan ) ejectum declarari quempiam , non tanquam apud satanam permansurum , & cum eo periturum , sed contra ut miserrimi sui status sensu permotus , resipis●at : at que ita carne abolita quae antea ipsi dominabatur , spiritus superior evadat , ut ita salvus fiat . beza de excommunicatione . spectrorum vox est à veteri verbo specio , h●c est , video , unde species , item speculum , composita item inspicio , conspicio , alia . graecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur mat. . . & marc. . graecanicam vocem vulgatam retin●it interpres : sed spectrum praetulit erasmus . vossius de orig . & progros . idol . lib. . parte altera , cap. . agrippa hoc ipso exemplo pythoniss●e samuelem e●ocantis consir●●are conatur , posse spiritus fanctorum arte magica evocari . rainol . de lib. apoc. tom . . c. . vide plura ibid. ' as yesterday is put for the time past , though long ago , gen. . . exod. . . josh. . , , so to morrow is put for the time to come , not the next day only , exo. . . mat. . . * isa. . . rev. . . that it was not samuel himself which appeared , but the witches familiar spirit in his likenesse : these reasons prevail with me , . neither by witches nor devils could the souls of the saints be commanded , or disquieted from their places , when they are in rest and peace . . we are assured by the doctrine of our saviour , luk. . that god will send none from the dead to instruct the living . . that which appeared received adoration at sauls hands , which the angel refused at st iohns , revel . . and the soul of samuel neither might nor would have accepted . . saul forsaken of god could not after death rest in the same place with samuel the elect and approved servant of god. lastly , the fathers do for the most part resolve it was an illusion of satan to st●ike saul into desperation . bishop bilsons redempt . of mankinde , &c. pag. , . luk. . willet . in loc . bellarm. de purg l. . c. . vi●e illum de christolib . . c. . bellarm. de purg . l. . c. . scriptura deos appellat qui nihil minus erant , cor. . ideò quòd gentiles crederent deos esse , & ut deos ipsos venerabantur . ita scriptura diabolum samuelem vocat , ideo quod saul illum samuelem esse putaret . lavater de spectris , part . . cap. . gen. . . & . . corollaries . the devils have an angelical nature , therefore are more dangerous adversaries . . they are more spiritual . . undiscernable , he discerns us , but we cannot discern him , luk. . . . they are very agile , swift in motion , ps●l . . . act unweariedly , iob. 〈…〉 . . terrible . . potent , ephes. . . pet. . . per caliginem intelligunt nonnulli miserimam & horroris plenam vitae conditionem , sumpta translatione à facinorosis damnatis , qui in carceris pedore retinentur constricti , dum ad ultimum judicium protrahantur . casmanni angelographia . john . , . persisting in sin makes one like the devil . humanum est errare , in error● perseverar● diabelicum . perkins on heb. . cor. . . a vocabulum homo est duarum substantiarum fibula . tertullian . man was made last , because he was worthiest , the soul was inspired last , because yet more noble . dr halls contempl. of paradise . man was created after gods image . . to awe the creature , whose soveraign he was . . that he might acknowledge god to be his lord , and do him homage , and that god and he might delight in each other : ad imaginem ac similitudinem , id est , imaginem valdè similem . eman. sa ad loc . significatur absoluta similitudo utraque voce , qua quid sit ita effectum ad exemplar alterius , ut proximè ad illud accedat , & quam maximè exprimat ac referat , ut in co agnoscas illud ipsum archetypon ad cujus effigiem sit factum . mercer . in loc . cum ibi sermo fiat in numero plurali faciamus , sunt multi thecologi , qui angelos ideo convocatos esse dicant , non ut consulat illos , cùm nemo fit tam rudis , qui 〈…〉 consilio , sed ut indicaret velle se efficere longè nobilissimam illam creaturam . aut voluit forsan deus 〈…〉 tudinem ostendere . menass . ben isr. de fragilitate humana , sect. . quoniam haec duo synonimicè pro ●odem usurpantur , verto , ad imaginem sive similitudinem nostram . quod autem ejusdem sint significationis , ne quis in his vane philosophetur , nimium liquet ex eo quod proximè in repetitione , & cap. . . infra tantum dicitur imò & repetetur , ad imaginem dei , ut & col. . ● . picherellus in cosmopoeiam annotat. vide molin e●odat . gravis . quaest. ● . de dei imagine . the schoolmen make images and similitudes divers ; and again they distinguish between imaginem dei and ad imaginem dei. vide aquin. parte . quaest. . art. . & . et bellarm. de gratia primi hominis , cap. . * quamvis imago propriè resideat in anima , tamen ratione animae totus homo rectè dicitur conditus ●d imaginem dei. scriptura non dicit gen. . . factam esse animam ad imaginem dei , sed factum esse hominem . bellarm. de amiss . grat. l. . c. . verily either my eyes be dim , or there is not much set down in precise terms , wherein adam his perfection did consist . the image of god is that high perfection of whole adam , and the integrity of all the powers both o● his soul and body , and that conformity that he had with god his archetypus . dr hampton on gen. . . this was a great cōtroversie between hierom and augustine . an anima sit ex traduce , an immortalis ? hierom held the immediate creation of it , and this is most suitable to the perfection and simplicity of the soul. austin did at least incline to the later , that it is by propagation . that of zech. . . & heb. . makes it the more probable opinion , that it is by immediate creation , and for that of original sinne , the soul is created as part of man , & ●o justly deprived of that original excellency . bishop lake on ps. . . see num. . . ps. . . isa . . etiamst fuerint nonnulli apud ethnicos qui putarint animam esse mortalem , epicuri de grege porci , qui animam dixit sui da●am pro sale ne putr●sc●r●t : tamen omnes paulò saniores , & agnoverunt animae immortalitatem , & ●irmissimis documentis stabilire sunt cona●● . rainold . de lib. apoc●om ●om . praelect . . illud autem maximum argumentum immortalitatis est , quòd deum solus homo agnoscit . in mutis nulla suspicio religionis , quia terrena prospiciunt . homo ideo rectus coelum aspicit , ut deum quaerat . an potest igitur non esse immortalis , qui immortalem desiderat . lactant. divin . institut . e●it . * imago divinae sapientiae in intellectu effulsit , imago bonitatis , man●uctu●●nis , tolerantiae in ejus animo , imago charitatis & misericordiae in cordis affectibus , imago justitiae sanctitatis & puritatis divinae in voluntate ; imago comitatis , benignitatis & veritatis in gestibus & verbis , & imago divinae potentiae in dominio concesso super omnia animalia . rivetus . see mr burgess on tim. . . lect. . p. , , , , . adam was by his natural frame and disposition apt and ●it to know , do , and forbear all that god would have him know , do and forbear , gen. . . os homini sub●ime dedit , &c. man only hath a hand , which is the instrument of instruments . all other creatures but man have only four muscles , one to turn downwards , another to hold forwards , a third to the right hand , a fourth to the left : only man hath a fifth muscle in his eye to roll it up to god. columb . de re anatom . god hath shewed admirable power and wisdom in the countenances of men and women , in that within little more then the compasse of an hand breadth , he hath made such variety , as that among millions of millions , there are none either much unlike or absolutely like in all lineaments , and also in the variety of voices . see s ● walter rawleighs ghost , l. . c. . mr. ross his arcan● microcosmi . * cum primis verò jobus & regius psaltes stupendum illud conceptionis , ●ormationis ac nutritionis in utero miraculum accuratiùs expendiss● videntur , unde verbis admodum emphaticis , de eo loquuntur , job . , , , ● , . psaltes ps. . . gerh. loc . commun . de conjugio . vide illum ibid. verba hebraea optimè , c. . explicantem . dr. clerk. b adam ab adamah , hom● ab humo . nobilissimis creaturis , & inter eas homini , vilissima nomina deus imposuit , tanquam fraena superbiae , & humilitatis documenta . sic & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 homo ab adama , id est , humo . sunt quidem & alia animantia ab humo , sed quia non indigent istis documentis , nec capiunt , adeo ab humo non sunt denominata . amama . experienti● docet multò excellentius in statu innocentiae habuisse hominem hanc potentiam , quam in statu peccati . tunc subjectio animalium erga hominem fuisset perfecta , quae nunc difficilis est , & non obtinetur nisi adhibita cura maxima & assiduo labore sunt enim quaedam animalia fera & indomita , quae nunquam cicurantur . vide gen. . . uno verbo imò nutu etiam ursos & leones fugasset adam . hodiè habemus quidem defensionem , sed planè horribilem . opus enim est ad eam gladiis , hastis , bombardis , muris , sepibus , fossis , & tamen vix possumus cum nostris in tuto esse , luth , loc . commun . . ●lass . loc . . ●ide 〈◊〉 de gratia primi hominis c. . et aquin. part . . qu. . art . . affirmativam sententiam tu●●ntur evangeli● contra pontisi●ios . vide bellarm. de gratia primi hominis cap. . & , , . rivet . exercit . . in gen. . scholastici disputant , quod justitia originalis non fuerit co●●aturalis , sed c●● ornatus quidam additus homini , tanquam donum : ut si quis f●rmose p●●ll● coronam imponat , corona certè non est pars virginis naturae , sed quoddam separatum à natura , quod ab extra accedit , & sine violation● naturae potest ●●erum a●imi . quare disputant de homine & daemonibus , quod etsi originalem justitiam amiserint , tamen naturalia pura manserint , sicut initio condita sunt . sed haec sententia quia peccatum originis extenuat , ceu venenum ●ugienda est . quin haec statuimus , justitiam non fuisse quoddam donum , quod ab extra accederet , sed fuisse verè naturalem , ita ut natura adae esset diligere deum , credere deo , agnoscere deum . luth. loc . commun . . classis loc . . see sir walter rawl●igh in the history of the world , pag. . multi quia locum à m●se hic descriptum reperire nusquam potu●runt , ●●●tum , arbores , ●●●mina , aquas , & omnia haec in allegorias transform trunt , qued rectè august . re●ellit , quamvis & ipse se idem sensisse fateatur . alii eodem decepti errore paradisum sinxerunt proximè sphaeram lunae id aëre suspensum . paraeus in loc . vide bellarm. de gratia primi hominis , cap. . & . mihi dubium non est , terram canaan fuisse delicias totius orbis terrarum , itaque facile illis accedo , qui eo in loco fuisse ante diluvium paradisum putant . solus ille locus est , in quo postea deus voluit ecclesiam & populum suum esse . luth. in gen. . as the scripture borroweth the term of tartarus from the heathen , pet. . . so it is thought by tertullian and gregory nazianzen that the heathens took the ground of their elysian fields from the scripture-paradise . it is certain that paradise was near or about mesopotamia and babylonia , as besides the consent of the best writers , the rivers tigris & euphrates which compasse mesopotamia , and which watered the garden , do infallibly demonstrate . dr crak . defence of constant. c. * de gratia primi hominis , c. . & . see kellets miscel. l. . c. . * paraeus in gen. . . a the poets from the tree of life took their nectar ; and ambrosia , nectar , signifieth making young , and ambrosia immortality : therefore they are said to be the meat and drink of the gods . paraeus . arbor scientiae boni & mali sic nominata propter eventum futurum : quia post ejus esum homo per experimentum poenae didicit , quid interesset inter obedientiae bonum & inobedientiae malum , aquin. part . . quaest. . artic. . hanc arborem hoc nomine à deo appellatam non legimus : sed ab eventu moses appellavit : quo adamus & heva , si ex hujus fructu comedissent , aeternum erant victuri , c. . . infra . picherel . in cosmop . annotat. corollaries from gods goodnesse to man in his creation . . it serves to blame mankinde for his wonderful naughtinesse in striving against god , who hath bestowed so great and undeserved benefits upon him . . let us seriously consider of our selves and of our making , that we may come to a due knowledge of god , of our selves . one saith , the soul is not altogether immaterial , for what hath accidents , hath matter , nothing but that is the subject of accidents . . what is finite is material : seeing sinitenesse is the attribute of matter by which it is contained within its own limits : but it subsists , lives and works , being separated from the body , therefore it is immaterial . vide raymundi pugionem adversus iudaeos , part . . c. . it is a strange impudence in the author of the leviathan ( whose ignorance in divinity cont●steth with his presumption , and i know not which may get the victory ) to deny eternity of torments unto the damned , by wresting the expresse words of scripture , and rejecting the general consent of the whole church . but i must confesse this assertion is sutable to another of his abominable principles , that the rational soul hath no subsistence out of the body , so that herein he is consentaneous to himself , though opposite to all the world besides , denying what hath been generally received , as well by the choisest philosophers in the school of nature , as by christians in the school of grace . these are doctrines well agreeing to the title of his treatise , the kingdome of darknesse . master samwaies his devotion digested , pag. , . moses affirmeth gen. . that god rested from all the works which he had made , that is , from creating new species , but he creates individua daily , and both governs and preservesthem , and the species or kinds of things already made , ioh. . . requies dupliciter accipitur , uno modo pro cessatione ab operibus . alio modo pro impletione desiderii . et utroquo modo dicitur deus requievisse die septimo . primò quidem , quia die septimo cessavit novas creaturas condere . alio modo secundùm quod rebus conditis ipse non indigebat , sed s●ipso fruendo beatus est . aquin. part . . quaest. . art. . providentia latinè dicitur à videndo , at hebraicè , ut & latinè vox à sensu ad intellectum transfertur . rivetus . in its proper signification it may seem to comprehend all the actions of god , that outwardly are of him , that have any respect unto his creatures , all his works that are not ad i●tra , essentially belonging to the deity . mr owens display of armin. c. . see more there . god by his prophet infallibly foretold future contingents . the devil would else overturn all , and the godly would be of all men most mible , joh. . . it is the execution of gods decree , whereby he upholdeth and governeth all things according to the counsel of his will. it is continuata quaedam creatio ; creation gives esse primò , providence esse porrò . b god observeth all our particular speeches and actions , seem they never so small and trifling . god therefore pleaseth of purpose to put into writing things that seem not otherwise worthy the registring . see psalm . . & . god is maximus in minimis . matth. . , . gods providence is chiefly exercised about the noblest creatures angels and men , psa. . . prov. . . god is an understanding essence , present in all places at all times , with all persons , therefore he must needs observe and know all their motions . . all things are spoken and done by an influence of power derived from him . he is the most principal worker of every action , without a special and immediate operation of whose might the secondary cause would be dead and powerlesse . . god hath given us a law to order men in all their words and carriages , little and great . . he is the judge of all the world : he must judge certainly , infallibly and perfectly . the saints are under gods peculiar providence , zach. . . the lord orders every thing for their good , psal. . nothing can do them hurt , psal. . luke . . isa. . . the creatures are instrumentum arbitrarium not necessarium . he is the governor of nature , else he could not cross nature . neh. . . heb. ● . . act. . tres sunt gradus divinae providentiae , . conservatio , actio dei , qua essentias creaturarum quoad species vel individua , continuat , corumque agendi vires conservat . . gubernatio , actio , qua prae summa sua autoritate , potentia & sapientia , de rebus omnibus disponit casque pro arbitrio suo regit . . ordinatio , qua deus pro admirand● sua sapientia & potentia omnia in ordinem redigit , fines certos & bonos constituendo , & media ad fines disponendo , & disposita regendo , isa. . , . wendelin . god turns the misery of the godly to their special good , and the prosperous estate of the wicked is an occasion of their woe . consectaries from gods providence . satis constat epicurum , quem admodum animorum immortalitatem , ita dei providentiam sustulisse . voss. in maimon . de idol c. . gods providence is like a well-drawn picture which eyeth each in the room . o tu bone omnipotens , qui sic curas unumquem . que nostrum tanquam solum cures & sic omnes tanquam singulos . august . confes . lib. c. . his providence is conversant about sin , but without sin . the story of ioseph is one of the fairest draughts of providence , a lie cast him into prison , and a dream fetcht him out . eliz. young. vide histoire universelle du d' aubigne tome premier , l. . c. . & . p. , . &c. . p. . i trust god which hitherto hath preserved and led me by the hand , will not now of his goodness suffer me to go alone q. elizabeth . stow chron. psal. . . & . . psal. . , . psal. . ult . psal. . . austin travelling on the way mistook it , and thereby saved his life , escaping an ambush of the donatists . see a special providence in mr clarks life of mr dod. p. . totum vit● meae curriculum plenum est mirandarum divinarum liberationum ex magnis morbis , periculis , calamitatibus , nullum elementum est à quo non infestatus sum . scultet . praefat , ad curriculum vitae . notes for div a -e res adoo cognitu necessaria atque utilis , ut in duorum istorum adami christique rectanotitia , à quo primo peccatum & maledictio , ab altero gratia omnis & salus , summam religionis bene constituat , augustinus hoa●beek anti-socin . l. . c. . sect. . gen. . . eccl. ult . causa prima peccati erat diabolus , cor. . . secunda adam . rom. . . & . . attende ordinem progressum humanae perditionis : primò deus dixerat : qu●cunque die comeder●●is ex eo , morte mori●mim . deinde mulier dixit : ne fortè moriamur . novissimè serpens dixit , nequaquam moriemim . deus affirmavit , mulier quasi ambigendo illud dixit , ●iabolus negavit . lomb. l. . distinct . . rev. . . and . . adae peccatum primum non fuerit , quod fructum ederit ; peccatum antè conceperit , quo prolectus & quodammodo protractus ad edendum suit : cumque eo animo esset , etsi fructum omnino non attigisset , tamen peccasset graviter , quemadmodum quidam etiam scholastici concedunt . sed hujus peccati extremus quasi actus suit , edisse quod ●itatum erat . whitakerus l. . de peccato originali c. . transgressionis perpetratio consummata fuit in esu fructus arboris prohibitae , quae dicta fuit arbor scientiae boni & mali : sed hujus inobedientiae primus motus ac gradus necessaraò antecedebat externum illum actum comestionis : ita ut rectè dicere liceat , hominem fuisse peccatorem , antequara externum illum actum comestionis perfecerat . peccatum illud fuit consummatum , quoad humani generis defectionem in adamo . adam enim propr●è fuit principium humani generis , non eva ; hinc est quod de secundo adamo legimus in scripturis , sed non de secunda eva. ames . medul . l. . c. . it was praeceptum exploratorium . the serpent of all beasts was the best to creep into the garden unseen of adam who was to keep the beasts out of it , and to creep out again . b the evil one findes nothing in me , saith christ , and eph. . if we had stood in our integrity ( say they ) satan could have suggested objects to the senses , but he could not have dealt immediatly with the spirit . shepheards theses sabbaticae . septimo die cum per●ecisset deus opussuum quod fecerat , qui 〈…〉 ab omni opere ; & diei septimo benedicens , sabbatum instituit & consecravi● , gen. . , . quippe in quo respiravit & re cred●i● se : nec dum ( ut videtur ) peccato admisso , aut p●na sontibus ( vel angelis , vel hominibus ) à deo insticta . usserii annales veteris p●●●amen●● p. . non est veri●imile , tam multa & varia , quae inter creationem ejus narra●tur ●acta , in dimidium ferè u●ius 〈…〉 simps . c●●on . cathol . par . . vide cl. ●a●aker● cinnum . vide plura ibid. lib. . cap. . * hoc itaque de uno cibi genere non edendo , ubi aliorum tacita copia subjacebat , tam leve praeceptum ad observandum , tam breve ad memoria retinendum , ubi praesertim nondum voluntati cupiditas resistebat . quod de paena transgressionis postea subsecutum est , tanto majore injustitia violatum est , quanto faciliore posset observantia custodiri . aug. de civ . dei. l. . c. . vide bellarm. l. . de statu peccati . ca. . & . rom. . . that is , those which had not the law clearly revealed to them . gen. . . & . , . col. . . that man adorned by god with such excellent gifts of knowledge and holinesse , created in integrity , did yet sin in a matter wherein he might so easily have abstained , it much heightens the sin . the place also where the fault was committed aggravates the offence , for adam sinned in paradise , a holy place , apoc. . . and a type of heaven , gen . . m. ball. nota hic ordinem & gradum peccati . . est incredulitas . . addere & detrahere verbo domini . . blasphemia . . contrarium dicere quàm habeat verbum dei. . cupiditatis seu concupiscentiae sensus . . ipsum opus quod sequitur sensus mortis . p. fag . in gen. . * as d. whitaker . extensivè it is not greater then originall sin , but intensivè it is , aqu. * we lost . things in reference to god when we ●●ll , gods image , gods favour , and gods fellowship . adam made genus hum ●num damnationis traducem , tert. stetit homo ille ut radix & caput , principium omnis naturae ; hoc quidem duplici titulo ; ut caput naturale , ex quo tota n●t●ra proseminanda erat , act. . . et morale , in eujus obedi●ntia , aut inobedientia stabat , ruebatque vniversae naturae nostrae aequa sors . inde derivatur nostra natura , hin● naturae moralitas . ex isto venit quod homines sumus ; ex hoc , quales , sive boni , sive mali . hornbeeck . anti-socin . l. . c. . sect . ● . the first adam represented all mankinde , and the second all the elect. god might as well ground an imputation on a naturall as on a mysticall union . the law cannot give life now , because it was broken by the first man. omnes erimus unus ille homo , august . therefore the sin of that one man is the sin of us all , the children of bondmen are bondmen , of traitors are traitors : beneficium transit cum onere ; adam stood for us and fell for us . d. rainolds . our first parents were not so much parentes as peremptores , bernard . adams personall sin did infect the whole nature , and ever since the nature hath infected the personal actions . it was poenalis vitiositas . aug. in which ( adam ) all bave sinned . so it is expounded by hilary , ambr. chrys. theoph. ita in adam prop●er peccatum , tanquam in semine vel radice , omnis humana caro damnata est , & quemadmodum vitiato semine aut radice omnes deinceps fructus nascuntur vitiati , ●ic in vitio adae , quoniam ex eo omnes sumus . quapropter generatio hominis facta est pudenda : quod ostendit naturalis pudor in ostensione genitalium , ideoque ea solum texerunt adam & eva , namque ubi senserunt vitium de illis crubuerunt . lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . vide garissolium & rivetum de imputatione peccati adami . see also the nationall synod held at charenton pag. . sinne in generall . non est idem peccatum & vitium . peccatum enim est nom e● operationis malae , quae opponitur operationi virtutis : vitium autem est nomen habitus mali , qui opponitur virtuti , ut virtus habitum significat . bellarm. controv . . de statu peccati . l. . c. . peccatum differt a malo , quia illud potest esse poenae & divinae justitiae actus ( cum deus peccati author absque blasphemia non statuatur ) à vitio etiam distinguitur , quia illud inanimatis & brutis ; peccatum vero rationabilibus tantum competit . d. prid. scholast . theol. syntag. mnemon . c. . it is called sin. psal. . m. bedford on rom. . that there is such a vilenc●s in all our natures which ought to trouble us more then any thing else in the world . your very cloathes tell you of original sin , as often as thou sweatest so often doth it shewits effects . alensis cum bonaventuram puerum sub discipli●a haberet , solitus est dicere , in hoc adam non peccavit . chemnit . loc . commun . mr bradford would never look upon any ones lewd life with one eye , but he would presently return within his own breast with the other eye , and say , in this my vile breast remains that sin , which without gods special grace i should have committed as well as he . hoc verbum in scripturis non habetur , neque in patribus vetustissimis , sed res ubique tamen in scripturis occurrit , gen. . . & joan. . . et patres vocabulis usi sunt ejusdem significationis . augustinus ut haberet certum aliquod in quo pelagianis resisteret , originale passim nominavit . unde hoc nomen doinceps in ecclesia frequentatura est . whitakerus de peccato originali . l. . c. . peccatum originis s●u originale peccatum augustinus constanter & ferre ubique ita appella● , non ab origine humanae naturae , sed cujusque personae . chemnit . originale dicitur , non quòd ●ons & origo peccatorum sit ( quanquam omnia in nobis peccata ex hoc fonte aut potius sentin● hac fluant ) sed quia propagatione perpetua atque haereditaria nostram naturam maculavit , atque in nobis statim , ut primum homines sumus , insedit , atque in nos naturae & originis instinctu ac lege derivatum est , ut non nisi peccatores & silii irae nascamur . whitakerus ubi supra . originale peccatum potest vel ad causam comparari à qua contrahitur , vel ad effectum , vel ad subjectum , si ad causam , vel ad propinquam , sic peccatum originale dicitur quia à partente contrahitur , vel immediatam , & sic dicitur lex carnis quia à carne contrahitur . si ad remotam , dicitur languor naturae . si autem comparatur ad effectum , vel erit hoc prout est in dispositione remota , & sic dicitur concupiscibilitas ; vel prout in propinquiori , & sic vocatur fomes : vel prout in propinquissima , & tunc vocatur concupiscentia . si verò comparetur ad subjectum , tunc vel comparabitur ad rationem , & sic dicitur tyrannus , vel ad naturam , & sic dicitur lex naturae : vel ad carnem , & sic est lex membrorum . raymundi pugio fidei adversum judaeos part . . dist. . c. . peccatum originale dicitur , ratione habita originis nostrae à generatione , potius quam respectu originis in adamo , quamvis nec haec omninò excludatur , distinguunt aliqui originans , quod fuit peccatum in adamo , & originale , vel originatum : inde in nobis duplex est origo naturae nostrae humanae , eaque arcessitur ab adamo , & hominis cujusque personae in individuo singulari ; eaque arcessitur ab al● . hoornbeck . anti-socin . l. . c. . sect. . malum hoc originale nomen suum habet vel ratione inherentiae , & à modo inessendi , quia ab ortu nobis inest , adeo ut mali sumus pene priusquam sumus . vel secundò potest dici originale ratione efficientiae , quia ipsa haec culpa est radix & origo unde reliqua mal● infausto ortu enascuntur . vel tertiò ratione termini , nempè boni privati , prout est privatio justitiae originalis debitae inesse . et ut mihi videtur , causa primaria & principalis cur hoc malum dicatur originale , est haec ultima . barlow exercit. . malum originale duo includit , defectum justitiae originalis , & affectum pravum , quod communiter asserunt non solum pontificii varii , s●d & reformati . id. ibid. sicut ●gritudo corporalis habet aliquid de privatione , in quantum tollitur aequalitas sanitatis , & aliquid positivè , scilicet ipsos humores inordinatè dispositos : ita peccatum originale non est pura privatio , sed quidam habitus corruptus . thomas . . quaest. . art. . respon . ad . peccatum originale includit in se . defectum physicum . . affectum moralem . . effectum quasi politicum , hoc est deordinationem , maculam , & reatum ad paenam obligantem . istud autem peccatum est vel primum vel à primo ortum . primum fuit originans , nempè adami factum , contra pactum & mandatum creatoris , quod non contaminavit solum perso●am , sed naturam omnibus communicandam posteris . sic quod in illo fuit originans , in illis evasit originale , quod originem comitatur , & usque ad vitae periodum haeret quasi lateri lethalis arundo . dr prid. lect. ● . de peccato originali . partes peccati originalis sunt tres ; primò , participatio peccati primorum parentum , illud enim fuit commune peccatum totius generis humani . secundò , carentia originalis justitiae , id est , defectus donorum , tum intellectus , tum voluntatis , quibus adamus & eva ante lapsum ornati sunt . tertiò , propensio vel inclinatio ad malum . baron . philol. theol. ancill . exercit. . art. . corruptio originalis veneno suo pr●cipuè 〈…〉 t nobilissimum opus generationis . ideò statim post lapsum primi parentes , non manus , non pedes , sed pudenda texerunt . chemnit . loc . commun . insana manichaeorum haercsis toties à patribus damnata . barlow exercit. . malum originale in scripturis habet nomina substantialia , dicitur vetus homo , cor durum , animalis caro , cor lapideum . hoc non est tanti ut solutione indigeat . siquidem nemini ignota ex hac parte scriptur● phrasiologia , quae tropos suos & metaphoras usu frequenti adhibet ; & attributis substantialibus utitur , cum non substantiam ipsam sed qualitates indigetat . id. ibid. illyricus peccatum originale essentiam esse hominis opinatur , certè substantiarum & naturarum omnium creator deus est : peccatum autem neque à deo creatum est , neque omnino creatura aut substantia , aut essentia est . adamus post peccatum eandem naturae suae essentiam retinuit , quam antè habuit , idemque homo fuit ; & nostra essentia neque peccato neque gratia in aliam mutatur . whitakerus de peccato originali l. . c. . vide bellarm. de amiss . gratiae & s●atu peccat . l. . c. , . et crocii antiweigelium . c. . q. . original righteousnesse was not a superadded grace in adam , but the natural rectitude of adams faculties of his soul , so original corruption is not a superadded sin , but the natural defect of all the faculties in working : erras si existimas nobiscum nasci vitia , supervencru●t , ingesta sunt . seneca epist. . vide bellarm. tom . . l. . de statu peccati . c. , , , , , , , . rom. . . politicus machiavellus in quaestionibus suis hominem nasci vult aequè ad virtutem , quàm vitia pro●um . atqui hoc manifestè repugnat divinis literis , gen. . . hoc est , ab ●o tempore , quo prodit è ventre suae matris . nam simul ac ubera sugit concupis●●ntiam suam sequitur , & adhuc infans , occupatur ab ira , invidia , odio , ac caeteris vitiis , quibus tenera illa aet●● est obnoxia . menas . ben. i●r . de frag . hum . sect. . qualis post lapsum ▪ ●●● homo , tal●s & liberos pr●●reavit , corruptus n●mpè corruptos , corruptione ab adamo in omnes post●ros solo christo excepto non per imitationem ( quod pelagi●ni v●lu●runt ) sed per vitiosae naturae propagationem , justo dei judicio , deriva●a . allae synod . dordrecht . in tertium & quartum doctrinae ●aput de hominis creatione & conversione . a contra corvinum c. . sect. . peccatum originis nullum prorsus est , nec enim è scriptura id peccatum originis doceri potest : & lapsus adae cum unus actus fuerit , vim eam , qu● depravare ipsam naturam adami , multo minus verò post●rorum ipsius posset , habere non potuit . catech. eccles. polon . cap. . vide plura ibid. b the councel of trent , sess. . can. . saith , o. i. ▪ inal sin is not true sin , but only the froth and scum of sin . est minimum omnium peccatorum & quovis veniali minus thomas in . distinct . . q. . art . . hoc possum testari meo exemplo , me cum multos annos doctor theologiae suissem , hanc doctrinam nondum scivisse : disputabant quidem de peccato originis , sed dicebant in baptismo sublatum esse . luth. l●c . . cont . . class . de peccato originali . see mr pemble of justificat . sect . c. . p. . & c. . p. , . vide episc. daven . de justitia habituali . c. . & & . nomine concupiscentiae intelligimus corruptionem intelligentiae nostrae , voluntatis & affectuum , cum motibus ind● procedentibus legi divinae repugnantibus ; sive consideremus radicem , five truncum , sive ramos , five fructus inde enascentes , nihil est in toto , vel in ulla parte saui . sunt varii gradus , in unoquoque tamen est aliquid culpandum , imò peccatum propriè dictum , quod per se dignum esset morte , si deus rigidè nobiscum ageret , & nos in nobis ipsis non in christo , ipsiu● justitia t●ctos consideraret . rivet . cathol . orthod , tract . . quaest. . fatemur concupiscentiam esse quandam iniquitatem & obliquitatem non solùm contra dominatum mentis , sed etiam contra legem dei. stapleton l. . de iustific . c. . b. mortons appeal l. . c. . sect. . see m. pemble of ●ustificat . sect. c. . p. . declarat tamen haec ipsa sancta synodus , non esse suae intentionis comprehendere in hoc decreto , ubi de peccato originali agitur . b. & immaculatam virginem , mariam , dei genitricem . vide bellarm. de amiss . grat ▪ & statu pecc . l. . c. . agnoscit suum redemptorem , ergo & peccati statum ; christi alia prorsus est ratio , non enim descendit salvator ab adamo genera●te activè sed passivè tantum , & materialiter semen suppeditante , quod purgavit in ut●ro virginis spiritus sanctus , & ineffabili modo formavit . doctor prid. lect. ● . de peccato originali . originale peccatum est aequaliter in omnibus . psal. . . sine hoc intelligatur de matri communi quae fuit eva ; sive de sua solùm david hoc dixcrit ; significare voluit esse peccatum quasi natura & inseparabile in hac vita . menasseth ben israel d● fragilitate humana . impotentia itaque ista , ad quam sequitur obnoxietas ad iram & damnationem naturalis est & vocari debet , ephes. . . non secundum naturam creatam à deo , sed secundùm naturam corruptam ab homine , psalm . . quia itaque malum istud & à natura , scilicet corrupt● est , originaliter , & in natura tota est subjectivè , & propagatur cùm generatione carnali transitivè , nec exui potest nisi per gratiam supernaturalem , naturam ipsam restaurantem , non minus naturalis , ista impotentia est & vocari debet , quàm venenum naturale est serpenti , rapacitas l●po . spanhem . exercit. de gratia universali . annotat. in sect. . anima non est ex traduce verum à deo , ut vulgò dicitur , creando infunditur & infundendo creatur , ab origine prorsus imp●lluta , in carne autem sine semine peccatum quod est spirituale sedem non habet , & si haberet quomodo corpus spiritum inficeret ? non potest ( inquit bellarminus ) intelligi , neutro verò corrupto quomodo unio labem induceret , maximè torfit haec objectio perspicacissimum augustinum , ut patet in epistolis ad hieronymum & opta●●m . anima non extra nec ex , sed in corpore satis prepara●a à deo , sine labe ●reata contrahit labem , quae inibi seminalit●r latebat in ipsa unione . dr. prid. lect. . de peccato originali . this troubled and staggered aug. l●pist . . for if the soul be not naturally traduced , how should original sin be derived from adam unto it . dr. rein. of the pass . quo pacto siat haec propagatio cognosc●re arduum est , & desinirc periculosum . molinaeus . see doctor reinolds on the passions , c. . and master pemble de origine formarum : and baronius his philos. theol. ancil . exercitat . art. , , , , &c. corpus & anima perinde ab adamo fluunt , modo tamcu propagandi di●tari : illud quidem ex traduce est , haec verò ex infusione , quae hoc respectu à parente est , quod non anima● creat deus , qua animam simpliciter , sed qua unius de adami siltis anima est . deus non solum ut creator considerandus est , sed ●tiam ut judex . creator est animae quoad substantiam , cujus respectu cum creatur pura est . iudex est praeterea deu● , dùm animam creat , quoad hanc circumstantiam scilicet , quod non anima simplicitèr ei sit creanda , sed unius ex adae siliis anima . hoc respectu justum est , animam d●s●r●re , quoad imaginem , in adamo amissam : ex qua desertione , sequitur carentia justitiae originalis , ex qua carentia peccatum ipsum originale propaga●●r . sandford . de desc. christ. ad infer . l. . animae nostrae à deo creante neque accipiunt puritatem seu justitiam & sanctit●tem , neque impurit●tem & propensionem ad malum , sed tant●m essentiam spiritualem & proprictates ab essenti● dimn●ntes . sed animae co ipso instanti , quo creantur , sunt impurae , simul enim creantur & uniuntur substantialiter cum corporibus contagiosis , ex quibus labem contrabunt . baron . philos. theol. ancil . exercit. . artic. . vide etiam molin . enodat . gravis quaest. de peccato originali . we should be humble , not only for the sinnes of our lives , but for our original sin , so david , psal. . and paul , rom. . latter end : the pollution of nature in us : all sin is in our natures virtually , though not formally . a the lusts of our own hearts are greater enemies then the world and satan , propter continuam , & intr●nsccam a●herentiam , bonar . . because of their multiplicity and variety . titus . . . their great activity , our thoughts are swifter then the sun . . their pride and sovereignty . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith greg. nazianzene , the new birth is the noblest birth . some say that by the death of christ all mankinde are restored , and that infants have no need of regeneration ; that men when they grow up fall from the principles which they had in their infancy , and when they return to that condition they were in in their infancy , then they are well ; and urge matth. . . to prove that infants have principles begun in them , by which they may turn to god. see of actual sins , rom. . . jam. . . they are called the deeds of the old man , evil works , dead works , the works of darknesse . see ainsw . on deut. . . what transgression is . a contra faustum l. c. . augustinus & hieronymus ita ponunt , peccata cordis , cogitationum , oris , verborum , operis , membrorum . prov. . . jer. . . that is an infirmity in the body which a man makes not choice of , takes not pleasure in , and labours to cure , and so in the soul. it is called a spot , deu. . . see psa. . . rev. . ● . the stain of sin is that silthiness whereby the precious soul being tu●ned from god is defiled and become unclean , mat. . . cor. . ● . jam. . . lyf . princ. of faith and good consc. * rutherfords triall and triumph of faith , serm. . macula●● ( si quae sit quae in iustificatione tolli dicitur ) mihi ignotam esse ingenuè fateor , nec à quoquam exponi posse quae tandem sit , ●xistimo . theologi pontisicij , quum in hujus maculae natura investiganda quingentos propemodum annos summo studio & diligentia elaboraverint , nihil reperire potuissent quod verum esse ulla ratione demonstraverint , aut demonstrare co●●ti suerint . wotton d●● reconcil . par . . l. . c. . ne concilium quidem tridentinum quicquam de macul●e natura d●sinitum reliquit im● eam ne no●ina●●t ' quidem , nedum explicavit , etsi tam multa sess . . de justific . disseruerit . id. ib. c. . macula importat quendam desec●um nitoris propter recessum à lumine rationis vel divinae legis . aquin. . . quae . . art . . the guilt of sin is properly in the conscience , but every part is defiled with it , rom. . , , . this is also hard to discover , some make it a middle thing betwixt culpa and poena . rutherfords triall and triumph of faith . serm. . reatus poenoe vel ad poenam is the chief thing which is commonly called guilt , and therefore guilt is obligdtio ad poenam . he proves it also there out of the fathers l. . p. , the division of sin into sin reigning or not ruling is taken out of rom . , . rom. . . the reigning powe● of sin lies mainly if not only in the will. there is a fourfold act in the will , and sin reigns by every one of them . . election when one chooseth what sin commands . . consent to all the laws of sinne . . fruition , ephes. . . . the imperium of it , it is the commanding faculty of the soul. sam. . psa. . . ezek. . . every mans bosome sin ariseth from the inordinate love of some earthly thing , joh. . . licitis primus omnes . see m. burgess of grace and assurance , sect . . ser. . god is not in all his thoughts , or , al his thoughts are , there is no god. in peccato duo attenduntur ▪ s●ilicet conversio ad commutabile bonum , quae materialiter se habet in peccat● : & aversio à bono incommutabili , quae est formalis & completiva ratio peccati . aqu. . qu. . art . . two things manifest the enmity of the heart to god. . a mans averseness from christ and the way of the gospel . . his unwillingnesse to ●ely upon god alone for succour . omne peccatum est deicidium : say the schools . it strikes at the very essence or being of god ; every sin saith , i would have no god , rom. . . abstractum de●●tat essentiam . rom. . . there is a double curse come upon the creatures , not only a generall curse on them all in the fall , but a particular curse , the figtree lay under a generall curse , and it would have withered with that , but because of the particular curse it withered presently . vide lombard . l. . senten . dist . . & aqu. , . qu. . art . . sins proper end is the dishonour of god , and the ruine and abasement of the nature where it is , the law hath put another end on it , the manifestation of gods justice , but christ puts a new end on it , the lord will exalt his grace and mercy in the pardoning of it . sin hath defiled the soul in point of purity , and disquieted it in point of serenity . the soul of man in its creation exceeded th● sun in glory in its greatest splendour . it is called evil ●ine adjecto , rom. . the holy ghost could not call it by a worse name then it self . but sin that it might appear sin praedicatio identica , and after that sin by the commandment might become exceeding sinfull hyperbolically sinfull . the damned in hell hate god because they are sealed up in their obstinacy against him , isa. . . rev. . . aquinas brings that place to prove it , psa. . ult . aquin. part . . qu. . art . . proves , that culpa habet plus de ratione ma●i quam poena ; quia ex malo culp● s●t aliquis malus , non ex malo poenae ; quia deus est auctor mali poenae , non autem mali culpae . gods greatest punishment is to punish sin with sin ; he that is filthy let him be filthy still , the greatest punishment in hel● is sin , as the saints obedience in heaven is pars praemij , so the blasphemy of the wicked in hell is pars poenae , say the schoolmen : there is more evil in the cause then the effect . see field on the church , p. . perk. vol. . p. . b. bilson dislikes this in his full redem . of mankinde by the death of christ , from p. . to . b. bilson p. saith , that hell pains were never added to christs crosse for years since the apostles time . a the stoicks thought all sins were of an equall nature , because to sin is transilire lineas , to passe the bounds , but some may shoot wider then others , though both miss the mark . the scripture evidently confutes this opinion , ioh. . . tim. . . ezek. . . pet. . , . some sins are compared to camels , others to gnats , some to beams , others to motes , some to talents , others to farthings . as there are degrees of graces and vertues , so of sins . he that commits adultery by carnall copulation is a greater sinner then he that looks upon a woman to lust after her : he that cals his brother raca is not so great a murtherer as he that takes away his life . see shepheards sincere convert , c. . peccata spiritualia sunt majoris culpae quam peccata carnalia , non quasi quodlibet peccatum spirituale sit majoris culpae quo●ibet peccato carnali , sed quia considerata hac sola differentia spiritualitatis & carnalitatis graviorae sunt , quam caetera peccata , caeteris paribus ▪ aquinas . . qu. . art . . v. plura ibid. all evill is worst in the fountain , mat. . . a caution . sensuall lusts deprive us of communion with god , we can never give them content , they are disquieting and debasing lusts . spirituall lusts usually assault the highest persons , men of greatest parts , rom. . ▪ elymas , achitophel , ieroboam , machiavel , and of high condition , the very saints are apt to be proud of spirituall gifts , these lusts are more subtle and deceitfull then sensuall lusts , they are not easily discerned , and have specious pretence● , one is not soon convinced of spirituall pride . the operation of spirituall lusts is more vehement and impetuous , the body moves slowly but the thoughts swifter then the sun. sensuall lusts make us like a beast , spirituall like the devil , iudas is called satan , there is in christ both active and passive obedience , his active answers the precept , his passive your transgression of the prohibition . poena damni in hell answers to sins of omission , as sensus to those of commission . when satan tempted eve , he first turned the heart from god. malum commissionis & omissionis in aliquibus conveniunt & in aliquibus differunt , conveniunt qund utrumque contra legem . quod utrumque etiam est privatio rectitudinis debita & per legem requisitae . differunt tamen quia malum omissionis est contra praeceptum affirmativum : commissionis contra praeceptum negativum . differunt ratione fundamenti ; quia malum commissionis immediatè semper fundatur iu actu aliquo aut habitu ; malum omissionis non sed in ipsa anima , nullo actu , aut habitu ita , medio . barlow exercit . . a sin of omission is an aversion of the heart from god and duty in some thing commanded , as that of commission is a conversion or turning to the creature an something forbidden , iud. . . ier. . . thes. . , . cor. . . there is en aversion from god before there is a conversion to the creature , iam. . . by the greatnesse of the precept we may judge of the greatnesse of the transgression , mat. . . . fomes seu depravatio inhaerens . . suggestiones cogitationum & affectuum , id est , quando depravatio originalis movet se aliqua inclinatione . . delectatio . . consensus . . ipsum opus . chemnit . loc . commun . lex dei prohibet omnia etiam levissima peccati quae venialia vocabulo autiquo , sed ineptè & impiè ab adversariis usurpato , vocantur . baronius disput. theol. de peccato mortali & veniali . sectione . vide plura ibid. sectione . & . a aquinas ª , ae quaest. . arti● . , &c b bellarm. de amiss . grat . & statu peccati , l. . c. , &c. see dr halls no peace with rome ; and dr pri● . serm. . on mat. . . p. . to . mr pemble of justification , sect. . cap. . pag. , , . and mr burgesse of justification , pag. , . and doctor featleys vertumnus romanus , pag. , . bellarminus distinguit i●ter peccata quae sunt contralegem , & quae sunt praeter legem , ut peccata venialia . sed excogitatum est commentum nullius momenti & ponderis , ubi enim in tota scriptura reperient aliquid esse peccatum quod sit praeter legem , nisi fortè opera supererogationis esse peccata venialia censeant , quae praeter legis mandata esse dicunt . certè furari obolum ( quod exemplum bellarminus affert ) directè pugnat contra mandatum non furaberis . mentiri vel jocosè vel officiosè est contra mandatum , non dices falsum testimonium . johannes fisherus ▪ roffensis episc. planè luthero concessit , peccatum esse veniale tantùm ex misericordia dei. venialia appellantur quaedam peccata ab eventu , quia condonantur , non quod per se venia digna sint . agnoscimus joannem , io. . . distinguere inter peccatum ad mortem , & non ad mortem , sed in hac oppositione per peccatum ad mortem , non intelligit quod mortem non meretur , sed in quo aliquis non moritur , vel quod ta●c non est , ex quo peccator non possit revocari ad meliorem mentem . si autem intelligi hoc deberet de peccato mortali quod pontificii à veniali distinguunt , sequeretur nullas preces fieri debere in ecclesia nisi pro iis qui vemaliter peccaut , quod ipsi absurdum judicabunt , ut contrarium sua praxi confirmant . riveti cathol . orthod . tract . quart quaest . . this place bellarmine urgeth , de amiss . grat . & statu peccati , l. . c. . bellarmin . ubi supra . the papists have devised smoaky distinctions of peccatum simpliciter , and secundum quid , they say , venial sinne is not properly sin , but imperfectly and analogically , no transgression , but praetergression of the divine law , and that it is pardoned without repentance , even by the outward sprinkling of holy water . omnis transgressio legis est quiddam admissum contra legem , sed omne peccatum est transgressio legis divinae , joan. . . peccatum est dictum , vel factum vel concupitum contra legem dei. augustinus contra faustum , lib. . cap. . sic bernardus , omne peccatum contra legem dei praesumitur , de praecepto & dispens . cap. . sic inter ipsos pontificios durandus , gerson , vega , aliique . vide bellarm. de iustif. l. . c. . . omnia peccata venialia ●ege divina prohibentur , ergò sunt contra legem . . rectae rationi adversantur , recta ratio enim dictat verba ot●●sa , cogitationes inordinatas esse mala illicita & fugi●uda , ergo contrariantur legi divinae episc. dav. de justitia actuali , c. . vide plura ibid. perkins cas. of consc. in peccato nihil positivum , say the schoolmen vide calvin . institut . l. . c. . god is not the author of that whereof he is ultor . fulgentius . actor in malo not author mali . vix ullus unquam extitit adeò superlativè impius qui asseruit deum esse authorem peccati , se● mali moralis , ut sumitur pro malitia ipsa , nec ethnicus quidem nedum christianus . barlow . exercit. . * bellar. de amiss●grat & statu peccati , lib. . cap. , , , &c. rhem. annot. in mat. . . & jam. . . papistae clamitant à catholicis sieri deum authorem peccati maximè calvino , martyre , beza : hos enim docuisse , illum authorem esse omnium scelerum , & flagitiorum . bellarminus praesatione in controversias ; & quidem ita authorem , ut cor hominis imp●llat & incitet ad malefaciendum , adeò ut incestus absolomis verè uerit illius opus . chamier . ●om . lib. . cap. . de script . vide whitak . c. . q. . controv . c. . non est eadem ratio futurorum bonorum & malorum ; bona enim sunt ex vir tute positiva quae semper cum suis effect is , ab efficaci dei voluntate fluit : sed mala ex defectu sunt oriunda , atque adcò quà talia non pendent ab efficaci aliquo decreto . quicquid ha●ent entis positivi , ab efficaci decreto pendet● quicquid purae negationis , ex ejusdem decret negatione sequi-i tur , quicquid verò pr●●ationis & pravitatis in sese continent , peccatoribus ipsis debetur in solidum . rescrip . ames . ad responsum grevinchov . c. . vide plura ibid. mal●m es●e bonum est , saith austin● and again , non fit aliquid nisi omnipotens fieri velit , vel sinendo ut fiat , vel ipse faciendo . peccatum sieri deo permittente bonum est , saith bellarmine . the arminians have blasphemous expressions , qui non vetat pecca●● cum potest jubet , say they , why doth god complain of sin , he might have kept it out of the world . see m● manton on iam. . from p. . to . god hardened pharaohs heart , exod. . . & . . . he infused no hardness , nor stirred up the inward propension in him to evil , neither did he harden him by bare prescience , or by an idle permission , it was gods will that pharaoh should be hardened , and he disposed all his providences to that end . he withdrew his grace , and left him loose to the swinge of his own heart , psal. . ● . sam. . . he delivered him up to the power of satan , king. . hic nodus sic solvetur , si dicamus per mala statuta , vel intelligi leges ethnicorum , quibus deus iratus popuiam suum subjecerat : idque videtur innuere oppositio versus vic●simi tertii , ubi deus dicit se dedisse populo suo statuta , quae quisquis impleverit vivet per ea , opponens malas istas leges suae legi : vel si dicamus per mala statuta intelligi legem dei moralem & caer●monialem : quae quidem mala vocari potest accipiendo malum non pro injusto , sed pro noxio & in pernici●m cessuro . huic interpretationi adstipulatur subjecta clausula : additur enim , statuta per quae non pos●ent vivere . nam per legis impletionem nemo unquam salutem adeptus est . molin . enodat . gravis . quaest. . cap. . de dei providentia . mentem iis ademi , ita ut meis legibus contemptis , ipsi sibi leges facerent duras atque mortiferas , ita chaldaeus hic . grotius . mr ar●her indeed saith , that god is not only the author of sin , but also of the sinfulnesse , the very formality , the anomy , the ataxy , the pravity of sinne , whence his book was burnt . numb . . . dan. . , . sam. . . act . . sam. . . king. . . sam. . . hab. . . athaliah counselled her son to do evil . communicating in our congregations with ignorant and prophane people , makes us not partakers of their sins ; communion is a common union , their sins are not the common thing , we are united then in . vide bellarm. de statu peccati , l . c. , , , , , . poena est aliquid damnosum quod infligitur ob peccatum . cameron . d● eccles. ●ain is so allied to sinne , that in the hebrew tongue one word signifies both ; that in cains speech the translator knows not whether he shall english it , gen. . . my sinne is greater then can be forgiven , or my punishment is greater then can be born . dr clark. see d. halls holy panegyrick , p. . horace . before sinne came into the world there was no evil , gen . . but when sin came ( which was the first and is the chiefest evil ) it brought with it all other evils . when adam sinned all other creatures should have been destroyed , they were all cursed for mans use . there is a curse on mans body , . weating and wasting labour : . mutilation : . deformity , want of that beauty which god bestowed on him : . sicknesse : . old-age . bish. bilsons redempt . of mankinde by the bloud of christ in conclus . to the reader , for the clearing of certain object . spiritual plagues are the greatest , . in respect of the subject , they light on the soul ; mercies to the soul are the greatest mercies . . they are not only judgements from god , but for sinne in us , isa. . . . they are the greatest evidences of eternal wrath , iohn . ult . gregorius l. . moral . it is such a stain as cannot be got out but by a remedy that is infinite , isa. . . all the tribulation in the world cannot do it , ier. . latter end the bloud of bul● and goats could not purge the conscience from dead works , nothing could get it off but the heart bloud of jesus christ , ier. . later end . heb. . , . hell fire will not do it . * in peccato duo sunt : quorum unum est aversio ab incommutabili bono , quod est iusi●●●um , unde ex ha● parte peccatum est infinitum . aliud quod est in peccato , est inordinata conversio ad commutabile bonum : & ex hac parte peccatum e●i sinitum , non enim possunt esse actus creaturae infiniti . exparte igitur aversionis respondet peccato poena damni , quae etiam est infinita : est enim amissio infiniti boni , scilicei dei : ex parte autem inordinatae conversionis respondet ei poena sensus , qu● etiam est f●●●ta . aquinas ● , ● . quaest. . art . peccatum non formaliter , sed materialiter , & objectivè est infinitum , quia peccato majestas infinita violatur . the pelagians ( whom the socinians follow ) say , mors est conditio naturae , non peccati argumentum vel poena ; death is rather the condition of nature then the fruit of ●in . * de extraneis judicare vetat apostolus co. . . ideoque hos infantes libero dei judicio relinquimus : non audemus salutem cuiquam permittere manenti extra foedus christi . molinaeus . arminiani dicunt neminem damnari propter originale peccatum , hoc est , turcarum , sarac●norum , ethnicorum liberi in infantia defuncti regnum coelorum ingrediuntur , & consequenter meliori conditione sunt , quam sun abrahamus , aut moses , & virgo maria , dum in terris agerent . poterant enim illi perire juxta sententiam vestram , non possunt turcarum liberi in infantia defuncti . et tamen omnes & singulos irae filios nasci profitetur apostolus ; & quae ratio sub imaginationem cadit , quare non moriantur ●●iam silii irae ? twiss . cont corvinum , c. . sect . . three things fill up the measure of the sins of a nation , universality , impudence , obstinacy . * proinde bonus si serviat , liber est : malus autem etiam si regnet , servus est , nec unius hominis , sed quod est gravius , tet dominorum , quot vitiorum . august . de civit . dei , l. . c. . m. burgess makes the opposing of sin , and abstaining from it , one of his signs of grace . see his treatise of grace , sect. . serm. . christians go to god for justification , ne peccatum damnet , that the damning power of sin may be taken away . for sanctification , ne regnet , that the raigning power of sinne may be destroyed . for glorification , ne sit , that the very being of it might be abolished . * god hath preserved some of his people from shameful sins and stains , enoch , abraham , caleb , ioshua , and many others , and we are commanded to be careful to live without just reproach , pet. . m. rogers in his treat . c. . see m. hildersam on psal. . the title . they may lose their peace psal. . . wound their own consciences , prov. . . weaken their graces , be a reproach to all the saints . see jer. . , , . deu. . mi●a . . . * . they are nearer unto god then other men , mic. . . ier. . . . their sins provoke him more then the sins of others , being committed , against more light , isa. . . & . . inward light , psal , . . against greater mercies , those of the new covenant , the bloud of a son , the graces of the spirit , am. . . . their sins dishonour god more then the sins of others , rom. . . prov. . . eccles. . . john . . it was much disputed whether carthage should be destroyed in regard it had been such a great enemy to rome , and had sent forces to the very walls . but some opposed it , because then rome would degenerate into luxury , and there would be divisions among themselves , when they had no common enemy to encounter . vide livium & aug. de civ . dei , l. . c. . * god humbleth his people three waies , . by love melts them with his goodnesse . . by suffering . . by sinning , that is the worst way , as the other by his love is the best . gods people have principles of love to melt their souls , ezek. . . hos. . . there are two aggravations of their sins , . that they should sinne against the sweetnesse of grace , iohn . . . that they should sinne against the power of grace , psalm . . a swine is where he would be when he is in the mud , but so is not the sheep . the empresse eudoxia sent chrysostome a threatning message , to which he answered , go tell her , nil nisi peccatum timeo . iudaeos à carne suilla abstinere deus jussit , id potissimum voluit intelligi ; ut se à peccatis at que immunditiis abstinerent . est enim lutulentum hoc animal , & immundum ; nec unquam coelum aspicit , sed in terra toto & corpore & ore projectum , ventri semper & pabulo servit . lact. l. . divin . instit. de vera saptentia . vide plura ibid. a reverend and religious man had this written before his eyes in his study , saith mr gataker , noli peccare , nam deus videt , angeli astant , diabolus accusabit , conscientia testabitur , infernus cruciabit . there were five men met together that asked one another what means they used to abstain from sin . the first answered , that he continually thought upon the certainty of death , and the uncertainty of the time of it , and that made him live every day as it were his last day . the second meditated of the severe account he was to give at the day of judgement , and of the everlasting torments of hell , and this kept him from sin . the third , of the vilenesse and loathsomnesse of sin , and of the excellency and beauty of grace , and this made him abhorre sin . the fourth , of the everlasting rewards and pleasures providest for those that abstain from sin , and this prevailed with him . the fifth and last continually meditated of the lord jesus christ and of his love , and this made him not to sin against god. this last is the greatest motive of all . mr calamy on ezek. . . if i were to preach one sermon in all my life for the humbling of men for sin , i would take a text that might shew the great price that was paid for it , and therein open the breach that sin hath made between god and mans soul. mr. burroughes on hos. . . a christian woman was possessed at a theater , satan giving this reason why at that time he entred into her , quia invenerat eam in suo . tertul. lib. de spectac . vide august . confess . l. . c. . sam. . . if the sinfulnesse of it make me forbear it , i shall refrain , . from secret sinnes which men cannot know nor see . . from sins to my self very pleasing and beloved . . from sins countenanced and favoured in the world . . in the daies of prosperity and welfare , when the rod is not upon me . unregenerate men may fly from sin for some evil that comes by it , peccare non metuunt , sed ardere . aug. bern. god hates all sin & alwaies . see pro. . . we must hate sin odio aversationis & inimicitiae , not only with the hatred of flying from it , but of enmity , pursuing it . not being is the bounds of hatred , where there is true grace it will seek the ruine of sin . there is no sin simply little , the least offence is committed against an infinite god , and therefore deserves infinite punishment . . the least sin cost the shedding of christs blood . . there is great disobedience , desilement and unthankfulnesse in a little sin . . the wages of sin , as sin , is death , and therefore of every sin . mr. calamy on jer. . . psal. . rom. . . tripliciter appetitum hominis contingit esse inordinatum . uno modo , per hoc quod aliquis appetit testimonium de excellentia , quam non habet , quod est appetere honorem supra suan● proportionem . alio modo , per hoc , quod honorem sibi cupit non reserendo in deum . tertiò , per hoc quòd appetitus ejus in ipso bonore quiescit , non referens honorem ad utilitatem aliorum . ambitio autem importat inordinatum appetitum honoris . aquin. , ae . quaest. . artic. . a latini ambitiosum vocant , utpote modum non tenentem in ambiendis honoribus . steph. thes. graec. b alexandro in reg●o macedo●●ae nato , hoc est , graeciae angulo , orbis hic non erat satis . illachrymasse dicitur ad mentionem plurium mundorum , quum de hoc ipso philosophi apud eum dispuut●rent . lod. viv. de verit . fi● . christ. l. . c. . there are three qualifications of a holy greatness of minde . . a holy independency . . a holy magnanimity . . a holy self-sufficiency ille propriè est apostat● qui fidem veram antea professus , ab c● in totum recedit . apostata enim idem sonat quod desertor & transfuga . talis fuit iulianus , qui cognomen habuit apostatae : talis sunt qui ex christianis vel iudaei vel mahumeta●i sunt . ames . de consc. l. . c. . the first disturbers of this uniformity in doctrine , were barret and baro in cambridge , and after them thompson . b. carleton ch . . never was there any among us , before mr. montague , that published this errour of the apostacy of the saints , in print , but only thompson a dutchman , fellow of clare-hall in cambridge , a man of an excellent memory , and of great learning , but of little grace , and of a deboist , loose and voluptuous life . mr. prinne of the perpetuity of a regenerate mans estate . p. . petrus bertius cacotheologus leydensis librum edere haud veritus est titulo certè ipso execrabilem , de apostasia sanctorum : homo esse videtur ex arminii schola , abbo●us de perseverantia sanctorum . see deodate in loc . see joh. . so barlow in his discourse of spiritual stedfastnesse and others . pet. ● . . joh. . . see the annotat . on that place . see b. mount. appeal ch . . mr. goo●w . redemption redeemed . c. . pestilentes sunt magistri qui negant id fieri posse quòd deus & fieri posse & realiter à s● puniri testatur , grotius in v. . tanti hunc locum faciunt bellarminus , bertius , & alii ferè omnes qui pro apostasia fidelium pugnant , ut in prima acic , primoque locum illum semper ostentent . ames . anti-synod . script . de persev . sanct. c. . see m. burgess of justificat . p. , . promissionum & comminationum eadem non est per omnia ratio . comminationum ratio est in homine & ex homine ipso , & ideo proponitur maxima ex parte , ut homo mutetur ab co quod est ratio minitandi , ex qua mutatione minitatio illa suum finem habet , atque adeo cessat , eodem planè modo quo mandatum illud quod tentandi causa proponitur , mandati vim amittit post horam tentationis . promissionis alia est ratio & alius finis . ames . cor●● . artic. . de pers●v . c. . quaestio fuit , utrum filii justi lu●r●nt paenas peccatorum patrum suorum ; id est , utrum israelit●e qui tunc temporis vivebant morte pl●ctebantur absque suo merito . deus hoc sensu negat se v●lle mortem peccatoris , ita scilic●t ut velit mortem cuiquam infligere propter alienam culpam . haec est clar● & cert● explicat●o ex an●lys● contextus fluens . ames . anti-synod . script . de persev . . professa est remonstrantium sententia , nullam in v●t●r● 〈…〉 to ●●aram exstare promissionem vitae aeternae , atqu● adeo nec comminationem mortis aeternae . se● norunt remonstrantes s●r●ire ●●●n●e . id. ibid. fear is animae praefidium ; superbia est haereticorum mater luther . see doctor willet on lev. . quaest . . & ridley of the civil law , p. . foxes d vol. p. . dr gouge of the sin against the holy ghost . see more there , and alsted . theol. cas. c. . c. . the turks abhorre blasphemy , not only against god and mahomet , but also against christ and the virgin mary , and other saints , and they punish blasphemers of whatsoever sect. purchase his pilgrimage , l. . c. . secunda secundae , quaest . . artic. . recepta sapientum opinio est , in inferno non peccari : quae & certissima ratione nititur . etenim disertè paulus , qui mortuus est , à peccato liber est , rom. . . quod ambrosius non immeritò ad omnes naturaliter m●rtuos extendit . nec bonis voluntas nec malis facultas peccandi esse potest . aug. enchir. c. . anima damnati hominis ita paenis obruitur , ut ne cogitationem quidem ullam concipere possit , quae ad peccatum vergat , apoc. . . sanfordus de descensu christ● ad inferos , lib. . pag. . non quivis homines sunt peccati illius subjectum , sed ij tantum qui illuminati sunt à spiritu sancto . . qui ex deliberata malitia contra dictamen spiritus , bellum indicunt veritati cognitae . . qui ex odio id faciunt & blasphemiam negationi addunt . river . in exod. . . in spiritum sanctum blasphemi sunt , qui agnitam per spiritus illuminationem & in conscientia approbatam evangelicam veritatem destinato consilio abnegant cum pertinaci impugnatione , addentes voluntariam blasphemiam , atque adeo ejusdem hostes publici sunt . rivet . in exod. . . it is a wilfull , malicious and obstinate denying of the foundation , viz. that jesus is the mediator and redeemer of the world . it is a totall apostafie from the faith , when the whole man revolteth from the whole christian religion wholly , with an obstinate resolution never to return to it any more . mr. downe in a letter . dr. donne . dr. gouge . some conceive the sin against the holy ghost could not be committed under the law , because the spirit was not given but under the second covenant . mr. bedford . this sinne is not pardoned , . because it is never repented of , heb. . , . . the means of pardon are rejected , heb. . . christ jesus offered in the gospel . . god is utterly renounced . john . . paul before his conversion walkt on the brink of the sin against the holy ghost , but because he sin'd ignorantly , he was pardoned . a discant nostri homines quid sit peccare in spiritum sanctum ne se decipiant . cadit saepe in homines bonos metus ne hoc peccatum commiserint . dicunt enim , ego scivi hoc vel illud esse peccatum , & tamen feci . ergo commisi peccatum in spiritum sanctum . discite quaeso quid sit peccare in spiritum . non est facere quod scimus malum esse , sed est ideò aliquid facere , quia scimus malum esse , vel ideò aliquid persequi , quia scimus bonum esse . stresom . in act. . . conc. . a lacedemonian generall complained that he was driven out of asia by a thousand archers , he meant by the king of persia's mony , an archer was the stamp of the persians coyn . so in the late civil warres in france , many were said to have been pelted with spanish pistols , a pistol is an indifferent word both for a certain coyn and a small piece . b. smith . see that proverb bos in lingua in erasmus his adagies ; and that story of demosthenes is famous , who was fee'd one way , and after receiving a fee from the adverse part , pretended he had the squinancy and so could not speak ; but one said it was not the cold but gold which hindered him from speaking . one trusts in that which he makes the argument of his obtaining good , or escaping evil . a confidence must be withdrawn from all other things but god , in respect of the principall and full worth of it . therefore we are forbidden to trust . in man , isa. . . jer. . . psal. . . . in riches , psal. . . mark . . tim. . . . in chariots , horses , psal. . . & . . . in our own wits , prov. . . & . . . in our own righteousnesse , ezek. . . luke . . phil. . , . we may in some sense trust in man , that is , be perswaded that he will deal honestly with us , and rely upon him for performance of his promises , and for doing what in him lieth for our good : but we may not in this sense trust in him , that is , stay upon him as a sufficient help to do us good , but only we must look to him as an instrument , and rely upon god as the chief cause , because all men are changeable , and all things weak and uncertain . philosophers make covetousnesse a vice in the defect not in the excesse , it is the excessive carriage of the soul toward riches , but this is easily reconciled , take the excesse and defect as they stand in the habit to vertue , then covetousnesse is a defect to liberality , but take it according to the objec● , so it is rather in the excesse then the defect . dr. stoughton . see mr. wheatlies caveat for the covetous , on luke . . dr. sclater on rom. . . p. , , &c. ames de conscicu . l. . c. . capel of tentat . part . . c. . mr. perkins . greenham . illa peccata dicuntur carualia quae perficiuntur in delectationibus carnalibus , illa vero dicuntur spiritualia , quae perficiuntur in spiritualibus delectationibus , & hujusmodi est avaritia , delectatur enim avarus in hoc quòd considerat se possessorem divitiarum . aquinas ª ● quaest . . artic. . aquinas makes it a greater sin then prodigality , ª , ae q. . art. . tim. , . signes of it . mat. . , . meditate of the nature of earthly things , . their unprofitablenesse . . uncertainty . . the dangerousnesse of them . riches are but the blessing of gods left hand , prov. . . of his footstool , earthly blessings , under-ground blessings , but bodily blessings ; thy soul is not the richer for all thy wealth , such blessings as god gives to the worst of men , those which he hates . the mines of gold and silver are among the indians who worship the devil . agur praied against riches , prov. . . they are called thorns and thick clay , deceitfull , uncertain riches . psal. . solius temporis honesta est avaritia . avarus nihil rectè facit nisi cum moritur mimus publianus . vide aquin. ª ae quaest. . artic. . & . sam. . , , . isa. . . god often upbraids the israelites with this , that their city was full of bloud , and that cruelty and oppression did lodge in it . it is a will to do hurt to a creature further then it deserves . there is scarce a vice but being entertained and served will end in bloud . superstition will breed such mad zeal as will account it self the more pious , the more bloudy , and will think it doth god service in killing others , as paul before his conversion . the duke of medina said , that his sword could finde no difference betwixt an heretick and a catholick , his businesse was to make a way for his master which he meant to do . ambition careth not to kill the person and all his kindred in whose stead it hopeth to be advanced , as the stories of the kings of israel , and heathen stories also testifie . envy will count no drink sweeter then bloud . lust will make way for its own satisfaction by the death of a husband , wife or corrival . covetousnesse and revenge will provoke a man to cruelty . fear of shame hath made many a hatlot kill her own infant . these vices make a man the more bloudy , because they extinguish the light of nature , and choak the check of conscience . * the plague , pox , vengeance , the devil take thee . the mention of the devil makes it appear how devilish thou art . see dr gouges whole armour . the sichemites judg. . goliah , sam. . . sbimei , the mother of micah . those rash and vulgar maledictions are very sinful , pestis te abripiat , abi in malam rem , utinam suspensus esses . dr ames cas. of consc. est propriè per dolum in verbis , per fraudem in factis . all the latine lewis the eleventh would have his son charls the th to learn , was this , qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare . fraus oritur ex similitudine . alchimy is like gold . the italians have a proverb , he that deceives me once , it s his fault ; but if twice , it s my fault . de divinationis nomine nolim multum contendere . tantum dico , divinationis nomen mihi quoque videri impropriè astrologicis praedictionibus tribui , quoniam is verè dicitur divinare , qui interno quodam impulsu , non autem ex causis aliqua praedicit . beza epist. . augurium est divinatio quae ex avium volatu , cantu aut pastu capitur , diciturque augurium quasi avigerium , quia ex gestu avium sumebatur , inde tamen transfertur ad quamlibet divinationem ▪ cornel. a● lap. in num. . modu● quo exequuntur has divinationes ineptus est , & meritò à maximis ingeniis etiam inter tenebras derisus : per garritus aut volatus avium , per pastum pullorum , per exta animantium , per stridorem soricum , per voces temere jactatas . lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . vid. thom. aquin. ● , ae quaest. . artic. , , , &c. primum bonum summae trinitatis est indivisio . the unity in the trinity is the chiefest thing , and the devil among the vulgar is known by his cloven foot . the pythagoreans have set a note of infamy upon the number of two , because it was the first that durst depart from unity , numerus binarius infamis est , quia primus ausus est discedere ab unitate , elegantly ; for nothing is so diabolical as division , nothing more divine than unity . dr stoughto●s happinesse of peace , p. . studium partium est maxima pars studiorum . see isa. . . ierusalem was destroyed by division of them into parties . iosephus . dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur . tacitus . it was machiavels maxime , divide & impera ▪ see mr calamies sermon on mat. . there is no union or division like that in religion . the breach between the ten and two tribes began on a state-businesse , yet ieroboam laid the foundation in religion . speciosum quidem nomen est pacis & pulchra est opinio unitatis : sed quis ambigat eam solam ecclesiae atque evangeliorum unitatem esse , quae christi est ? hilarius adversus arianos . sect ▪ in quas iudaei divisi scindebantur , & quasi scholae oppositae , tres olim ex●●●erant nomina●●ssimae . nam si quae erant aliae ab istis tribus ▪ inde velut propagines effloruere . erant autem illae tres , phari●aeorum prima , sadducaeorum secunda , tertia essenorum . montac . analect . exercit. . sect. . hos. . . luk. . , . it is magna animae submersio . august . it is vitium maximae adhaerentiae , as the schoolmen say , seldom left . proverbium est in sa●●edri● , in●rat vinum , exit arcanum . d●u● . adag . . decur . . in vino veritas . drunkennesse doth both make imperfections and shew those we have to others eyes . d ▪ halls contempl. the spartans to make their children loath it , were wont to present to their view some of their vassals when drunk , that seeing their beastly demeanour they might learn to detest it . plutarch . drunkards live ( like fishes ) in liquido , in the water , they make the tavern their temple , indian smoke their incense , sack their sacrifice . i never heard other commendation ascribed to a drunkard , more then the well-bearing of his drink , which is a commendation fitter for a brewers horse then for gentlemen or serving-men . l. cecil to his sonne . germanorum bibere est vivere , in practice as well as in pronunciation . a professor of hebrew reproving another that was drunk , he answered to him , ego ebrietate mea tantum meum caput turbo , tu ebrietate tua turbas israelem . arminius reproving baudius a professor of l●yden ( who would be often drunk and sometimes rendred this as a reason why he could not read his lecture that day , prop●er ●●ster●am crapulam ) he said thus , baudi , tu dedecories reipublicae : & tu ecclesiae , replied the other . germania tota super ebrietate malè audit . scalig. orat. ● . cont . erasm. germani possunt cunctos tolerare labores , o utinam possent tam benè ferre fitim . vide lansii orat. cont . germaniam . isa. . . pet. . . see hackwels apol. p. , , . wards woe to drunkards . ames . de consc . l. . c. . by solons law it was punished with death in every one though he were a magistrate or prince . no civil state but have made severe laws against it . if chrysostom were now alive , the bent of all his homilies should be spent to cry down drunkennesse , as he did swearing in antioch . vide aquin. ª , ae qu. . artic. , , & . aristotle said , every drunkard was worthy of a double punishment , both because of his drunkennesse , and the evils afterward . in the scripture we have two notable instances of gods loathing this s●n , in noah and lot , gen. . . & . . though many excuses might be brought . consider . that the power of wine was not so well known . . noah used constantly to drink water . . it was but once . . he was aged , old men ( saith aristotle ) are sooner drunk , because of the weaknesse of their natural heat , which is easily overcome by that of wine . lot being sad and solitary took wine perhaps to refresh him . * tul. l. . tusc. quaest. invidia ab in particula intensiva & video , quod invidus oculos continuò fixos habeat in alienam foelicitatem . livor ● colore livido qui plerumque in invidis cernitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veluti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod invidus vel semet animi agritudine quodammodo interficiat , vel necem optet ejus cui invidet . sanderson in leo. vide voss. instit. orat . lib. cap. . cain kill'd his brother , esau threatned to kill his , and iosephs brethren intended to kill him . envy was the original and moving cause of it in them all . see rom. . . see dr willet on gen. . . & exod. . . par. on rom. . . cartw. on prov. . . and master wheatleys prototypes on iacobs wives . the spirit of a man lusteth after envy . see the difference between envy and hatred . d. willet on gen. . . error in judgement is worse then in practice , then the conscience takes part with sin , and a man thinks he ought to do what he doth . * mihi quidem totam locorum theologiae communium seriem anim● peragranti , vix ulla occurrit theologiae particula ( si ab unico s. triados mysterio discesseris ) quam pontisici● non foedis aliquot erroribus conta●in●●unt . down . diat . de antichrist● part . . lib. . cap. . vide ibid. cap. . catalogum errorum romana ecclesiae . call no man father on earth , christ speaks it in respect of doctrine , see revel . . ● . try their doctrines by the rule of the word . nemo se palp●●● de su● satanas est ; de deo beatus est . aug. see d. halls holy panegyrick , pag. . communiter nomen adulationis attribui solet omnibus , qui supra debitum modum virtutis volunt alios verbis vel sact is delectare in communi conversatione . aquin. ● ae ae quaest . ● . artic . * cambden in hampshire . nolo esse laudator , ne videar esse adulator . tully . pessimum inimicorum genus laudantes . notae illorum voces sunt : ita domine , ita est , rectissimè factum , nec aliter debuit , jus & fas à te stant ; benè , bellè , praeclarè , pulchrè & festivè , magnifi●è , divinè , non potuit melius . drexel . tom. . de adulat . cap. sect. . this sin hath been so proper to this nation of england that one puts voraces for an epithete of angli ; and another when he will say he is full even to the brim , expresseth it thus , si saul comme un anglois , he is glutted like an english man. smindyrides , perditissimus ille junenis jactare solitus est , se à viginti annis solem , nec orientem , nec occidentem vidisse , assiduè scilicet in lecto aut in mensa occupatus . drexel . aeternit . prodromus , c. . sect. . clemens alexandrinus writeth of a fish which hath not a heart distinguished from the belly as other fishes have , but it hath the heart in the belly . so these gluttons which make a god of their belly have a heart in their belly . one seeing so many young gentlemen follow epicurus at his first setting up , said , the cause was it was young mens philosophy that was professed in that school . nomen sobrictatis sumitur à mensura . dicitur enim aliquis sobrius , quasi briam , id est , mensuram servans . aquinas , ae . quaest. . artic. . heresie is contrary to faith , schism to charity . aquinas and others . heresie opposeth the truth of a church , schism the peace of it . see mr vines on pet. . . concordiae sraternae vel ambitiosos decet esse christianos , sed multo magis studios●s nos esse convenit veritatis caelestis & salutaris . nam concordia ( sicut & amicitia ) colenda quidem est , sed usque ad aras , & arae colendae non sunt usque ad concordiam . colimus itaque veritatem , quoad ejus fieri potest , citra pacis jacturam ; quod si non sine dispendio pacis atque amicitiae redimi possit veritas , quovis pretio , etiam odio nostri , & salutis temporalis discrimine redimenda est . twist . in corv. defens . armin. all false teachers should be discountenanced . see zach. . , . nolo in suspicione haeresios quemquam esse patientem . hieron . ad pammach . vide acta synod . nat . dordrecht . exam. artic. . remonst . p. . pelagiorum est ●aerefis hoc tempore recentissim● , à pelagio monacho exorta . hi dei gratiae in tantum inimici sunt , ut sine hac posse hominem credant sacere omnia divina mandata , &c. aug. c. . de haeresibus . vide plura ibid. pelagius was born in britain the same day that austin was in africk . jacobus arminius vir doctus & acri ingenio , sed qui parum tribuebat antiquae ecclesiae judicio , nihil reformatae . episc. dav. diss●rtat . de praedestinat . cap. . jacobus arminius vir ingenij excitatioris , verum cui nihil arrideret , nisi quod aliqua novitatis specie se commendaret . praefat. ad eccles. act. synod . dordrecht . hypocrisie is when a man seems outwardly to be that which he isnotinwardly . perkins on rev. see dikes deceitfulnesse of heart . c. . p. dr sclater on rom. . . pag . constantius the father of constantine , to try his courtiers , commanded all to sacrifice to idols , pretending to discard all that refused so to do , but contrarywise those that obeyed , he put from the court , saying , quomodo fidem imperat●ri praestabunt inviolatam , qui deo sunt perfidi . eusebius . how will they be true to their prince who are disloyal to god ? james . . hildersam on p●al . . . p. , . quo quis sanctior est hypocrita , eo deterior est evangelii hostis . luther . see m. wheatly of the example of the sodomites . magna pars vitae clabitur malè agentibus , maxima nihil agentibus , tota ferè aliud agentibus . senec. consol. ad polyb . c. . cùm ad extrema vencrimus , serò intelligemus miseri , tamdiu nos , dum nihil agimus , malè occupatos fuisse . id. ibid. maximae profecto laudis est , non tantùm à diabolo nunquam , sed nec à morte otiosum inveniri . drexel . aeternitatis prodromus . cap. . sect . . vita ignava & otiosa nec placita unquam nobis : & ne ejus aliquando necessitas vel voluntas adveniat , serio deprecor . casaub. epist. . stuckio . christ spent all his daies in labour . rebeccah and sarah were good housewives . diogenes , that he might not seem idle in the midst of businesse , would needs be doing , though it were but by rolling of his tub. a the promises of the gospel appertain to those only who walk not after the flesh but the spirit , who are heavy laden , and take christs yoke upon them , to those which confesse their sins , and leave them , which mortifie the deeds of the flesh by the spirit , for with these or such like conditions they are limited . democritus said that intemperate men were valetudinis suae proditores , betrayers of their own health , and killers of themselves by their pleasures , so that sybaritica mensa and sybaritica calamitas , are for the most part inseparable . the philosopher could say the intemperate man is seldom a penitent man. mendaciam à menda . mendacium nominatur ex co quod contra mentem dicitur . et idco si quis salsum enunciet , credens id esse verum , est quidem falsum materialiter , sed non formaliter : quia salsitas est praeter intentionem dicentis . aquin. ● ae quaest . ● . artic. . see elton on col. . . when one utters a speech , reserving the other part in his minde , it is no better then lying ; when that which one speaks is false , it will not be helpt with that which is reserved , else no man or devil can have the lie given him . arius subscribing to the councels decrees , sware it was true as it was there written ( meaning the paper kept close in his bosom or sleeve . ) just like to the jesuites absurd equivocating , or counterfetted perjuries and cousenage in abusing the words of st paul , factus sum omnia omnibus , ut omnes lucrifaciam . wats . quod. of religion and state , quodl . d answ. to th artic. the papists tell us that st francis had five wounds of christ made in his flesh by an angel , with the nails sticking therein and continually bleeding till his dying day . their golden legend was compiled by a leaden brain , and published by a brazen forehead . neque potest esse in ullo libro accrvus mendaciorum major , quam in legenda illa plumbea , quae de persecutione anglicana apud vos circum fertur . ibi legas catholico● insus●s ferarum pellibus à rapidis canibus dilaniari ; ibi glires pelvibus inclusos catholicorum viscera exedentes ; ibi catholicos ad equorum praesepia relegatos , faeno ibi pascendos : nec legas solum , imò & vid●as , are enim ibi sculptae imagines . falsa , sicta , fucata omnia . episc. and. tortura torti . thomas walsingham a monk of st albanes , saith it was a good argument in his daies in every mans mouth , hic est fraier , ergo mendax , sicut & illud : hoc est album , ergo coloratum ; such a one is a frier and therefore a lier , as that , this thing is white and therefore coloured . levit. . . a prov. . . & . . well said a godly man of cain , he had half killed and consumed himself with malice before he killed his brother . malice is commonly hereditary , and runs in the bloud , and ( as we say of rennet ) the elde● it is the stronger , d. hall. the heathen man held that between militia and malitia there was as little difference in sense as in sound . see dr. willet on exod. . quaest. , . murmuring comes from pride , the devil is the proudest creature and most discontented with his condition . it is a taxing of god , it is in effect to say this is not well done . we are creatures and guilty creatures , god is too just to do us wrong . see m. calamy of covenant-breakers , on tim. . . cooke on littleton p. . b. and knowles his turkish history , p. . b de iuramenti promissorii obligatione praelect . . sect. . est vel mendacium juramento sirmatum , vel violatio juramenti : vel dolosa jurati● cùm inter jurandum cogitat se non servaturum . chemnit . loc . commu● . a●ii simulationem quam perjurio etiā texorat in apertum produxit dominus . nam cùm ille suis ac gregalium suorum artibus tantum perfecisset , frustra reclamante alexandro constantinopolitano episcopo , & aliis piis qui fraudem hominis intellexerant sed side●s non invenerant apud potentiores , ut sequente die cum ingenti dolore piorum in communionem ecclesiae solemniter constantinop●li introducendus esset : prae●●dente vesperá ante solis occasum necessitate naturae compulsus in latrinas secess●t , & ibi intestina effudit , adcoque , ut sozomenus ●●t , & com●●unio●e ecclesiae & vita sua confestim privatus fuit . quod cùm constantinus inaudisset , miratus id constantinus est , & ex eo pro certo agnovit , arium pej●rasse . atque ut soc●ates refert , inort● arii mag is etiam in orthodoxi fide consirmatus suit , revera à deo ipso testimoniam sic accepis●e sidem nicenam dixit , ac laetatus est eo casu . vedel de prud. vet . l. ● . c. . the doctrine of the councel of constance is , that a man ought not to keep faith with hereticks . id. ib. nos cum ii● sentimus qui judicant polygamiam simultaneam semper fuisse illicitam , utpotè juri divino & naturali contrariam , & contrajura illa peccasse lemechum primum polygamum assercre non dubitamus . rivet . in gen. . exercit . . vide plura ibid. ex prima illa conditione qua uni mari foeminam non nisi unam deus attribuit , satis apparet , quid optimum fit deoque gratissimum : & hinc sequitur semper id fuisse egregium ac laudabile : non tamen ut aliter facere nefas esset : quia ubi lex non est , ibi non est leg is transgressio , at lex de ea re nulla ill is temporibus exstabat . grotius de jure belli ac pacis , l. . c. . vide plura ibid. et cl. seldenum de iure natural . & gentium , l. . c. . et montac . analecta eccles. exercit . . sect. . b. lake . some think that the patriarchs had a special dispensation for their polygamy , as conceiving that such as abraham and david could not be perpetually ignorant of gods minde in a point of such concernment . mr. huits anatomy of consc . chap. . cajetanus asserit pluralitatem uxorum nusquam à deo prohiberi , adeóque paulum cum episcopum vetet habere plures uxores , reliquis concedere . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom . . praelect . . see cartw. on prov. . . mr. whately in the sodomites . it was one of the first sins in heaven , tim. . . one of the first sins in paradise , and one of the first sins that springeth up in us . a frenchman therefore compares it to the shirt which is the first put on , and the last put off . the schools say humility is vacuum spirituale , and pride plenitudo diabolica . superbia in communi est , qua quis inordinatè supergreditur illud quod est . unde etiam definiri solet , propriae excellentiae affectatio inordinata . ames . de consc . l. . c. . vide plura ibid. et aquin. ª , ae quaest. . artic. . & . the spaniards are very proud ; a cobler there dying bid his son keep up the majesty of his family . * , ae qu. . art. . prov . . & . . & . . & . . psal. . . jam. . . the first judgment was occasioned by this when the angels entertained ambitious thoughts against god. it is commonly the sinne of young men , covetousnesse of old folk . d. hackwell . when diogenes saw plato to delight in neatnesse and cleannesse , and to have his beds well dressed , he went and trod upon his beds , and said , calco platonis fastum , but plato replied , sed maj●rifastu , with a greater pride . when plato saw diogenes go with an old cloak full of holes , he said , he saw his pride through the holes of his cloak . the pope styles himself servus servorum , yet takes upon him to be lord of lords , to depose kings . multo deformior est illa superbia quae sub quibusdam humilitatis signis latet . nescio enim quomodo turpiora sunt vitia quae virtutum specie celantur . hieron . l. . epist. . romanensis ecclesiae superbia & supercilium quantum sit , test is sit doctrina suorum meritorum . test is item sit flatus & fastus vitae . humf. iesuit . par . . de ●atura eccles. ratio tertia . it entertains crosses with anger , and blessings with disdain . mal. . . the remedies of pride . why art thou proud , dust and vanity , vile earth , stinch lapped up in silk , magnified dung , gilded rottennesse , golden damnation ? dr. white in a sermon at the spittle . matth. . . sam. . . see isa. . , psal. . . sam. . . to . the th commandment . sam. . . sam. . . & . , . eccl. . see pro. . & . . & . . quid bonis in eo regno sperare jam licet , ubi optimi duo reges religionis obtentu parricidarum ficis sunt confossi ? quanquam non universa gallia in hoc parricidium consenfit , verum oppido pauci superstitione depravati , & omnis legitimae potestatis osores acerrimi . casaub. epist. . thankfulness is accounted a heavy burthen , revenge a sweet refreshing , therefore men naturally are more prone to revenge a wrong then requite a good turn . proniores ad vindictam sumus quam ad gratiam bodin . gratia on●ri vindicta in quaestu habetur . tacitus . non minus mali , referre injuriam , quam inferre . lactant. lib. . de vero cultu . qui enim referre injuriam nititur , eum ipsum , à quo laesus est , gestit imitari . id. ibid. i can ho●d there is no such thing as injury , that i● there be , there is no such injury as revenge , and no such revenge as the contempt of an injury . dr. browns religio medici . verè magni est animi quasdam injurias negligere , nec ad quorundam convicia habere v●l aures , vel linguam . erasm. epist. lib. . aegidio . dictum aut factum minus rectum , praebens occasionem ruinae . vide aquin . . . ● . q. . art. . scandalum est dictum vel factum aut exemplum quo alius fit deterior . zanch. scandalum est quo quis impellitur in ruinam & evertitur . cameron praelect . in matth. . . vide plura ibid. bona res neminem scandalizat nisi malam mentem . tertul. mat. . . see d. prid. eph. back s●id . crakenthorp's virgilius dormitan● . c. . the donatists divided themselves from the then catholique church , because it was not pure enough for such sanctified communicants , they cried up liberty of conscience when they were under power , but were much against it after . 〈◊〉 est ●adem opinantem & eodem ritu utentem solo congregationis delectari dissidio aug. and again , schismaticos facit non li●er●● fides sed ●ommu●●nis disrupta socictas . independentes illi quos ( cum nihil familiari nobis cismari●is lingua edide●●●● ) usque nun● nisi de nominis infamia nosse non licuit . blondel . de iure plebis in regem , eccl. dissert . p. . pagets arrow against the separat . of the brownists , c. . p. . * religious communion . paget ubi supra p. . see more there of m. ainsworths unchristian errour against private communion with the godly , and his harsh censuring all , and those that hold communion with the church of england , and c. . p. . m. paget holds them guilty of schisme that forsake communion with the church of england . vide scult . annal . dec. . p. , . nihil unquam magis detestatus sum quam seditionem , nec adhuc ulla in re mecum pugno . eras. epist. l. . floriano motino . see sam. . , . plaiser's apello evangelium . c. . ignorant men and those that are raised from a mean condition are apt to think too well of themselves . god and nature teach us to love our selves . matth. . . thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self , self in subordination not in opposition to god regular self . zanchius in eph. . . see d. gouge on that place . self is the great idol , self-conceit , self-love , and self-seeking : self-conceit in the understaning , self-love in the affections , and self-seeking in the whole conversation . * ecclesiastes . false accusers , tim. . david was slandered by saul , christ was called a glutton , drunkard , a companion of publicans and sinners , yea , an impostor and deceiver , and what not ? but he bare all ▪ and we never reade of any complaints he made for this abuse . regium est male audire cum bene feceris . slandering is against the fifth commandement , because it robs him of the honour and dignity which is due unto him : against the ninth commandement , because it blemisheth the good name and fame of another : and the sixth , it is contrary to charity . iesabell took away naboths life by a slander . se accusasse sufficiat , nemo ●ri● innocens . see joh. . . thess . . saul saith to samuel , honour me before the people , see sam. . . haman would be worshipt with religious worship . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 semper vulgatissima pestis est in mundo quod etiam gent●les poetae & historici vehementer reprehenderunt . non est pagus , in quo non reperiatur unus atque alter , qui praealijs non velint sapere & magnifieri . praecipuè tamen hoc vitio laborant homines ingeniosi , qui de eruditione & sapientia certant . hic nemo vult alteri cedere , juxta illud , qui volet ingenio cedere , nullus erit . pulchrum est enim digito monstari , & dicier hic est . sed in privatis hominibus , imo etiam magistratum gerentibus , non tam pernic●osa est , ut in his , qui ecclesiae praesunt . lutherus in . cap. ad galat. potest gloria dici vana tripliciter . uno modo ex parte rei de qua quis gloriam quaerit , put● cum quis quaerit gloriam de co quod non est , vel de eo quod non est gloria dignum , sicut de aliqua re fragili & caduca . alio modo , ex parte ejus à quo quis gloriam quaerit , puta hominis , cujus judicium non est certum tertio modo , ex parte ipsius qu● gloriam appetit , qui videlicet appetitum gloriae suae non refert in debitum finem , put à ad honorem dei vel proximi salutem . aquinas ● , ae quaest. . artic. . labour to have your names in heaven , luk. ● . . rev. . . and be contented with the praise that comes from god only , cor. . . joh. . . & . . sam. . . hildersam . see ball of faith , p. . there is a two fold unbelief , . purae negationis , negative , as in pagans and turks . when one barely wants faith , having not the means of grace , eph. . . . pravae dispositionis , positive , he that lives under the means of grace and rejects them , as isa. . . . thess. . . omne peccatum formaliter consist it in aversione à deo , unde tanto aliquod peccatum est gravius , quanto per ipsum homo magis à deo separatur . per infidelitatem autem maximè homo à deo elongatur . aquin. ● , ae . quaest. . artic. . insidelium quidam sunt , qui nunquam susceperunt sidem , sicut gentiles & iudaei , & tales nullo modo sunt ad ●idem compellendi , ut ipsi credant , quia credere voluntatis est ; sunt tamen compellendi à sidelibus , si adsit facultas , ut sidem non impediant , vel blasphemiis , vel malis persuasionibus , vel etiam apertis persecutionibus . aquin ibid. artic. . facta est sides temporum potius quam evangeliorum , annuas atque menstruas deo fides decernimus . hil. ad constantium augustum . ecebolius constantij tempore prae se ferebat magnum zelum religionis christianae , sub iuliano autem acrem in paganismo . se ostendit . mortuo iuliano rursus sub christiano imperatore christianam religionem pro●iteri statuit : in eum que sinem ante templi portas pronura abjiciens sese & pedibus cuntium ac redeuntium sese exponens vociferatus est : calcate me salem insipidum . theodoricus gotthorum rex arianus diaconum quendam habebat orthodoxum , diaconus relicta fide orthodoxa ad arianismum transiit , ratus se hoc pacto theodorico regi gratiorem etiam fore , ac rem acceptissimam praestiturum . at rex cognito hoc facto cum quem antea tantopere dilexerat confestim capite mulctari jussit dicens . si doo sidem non servasti , quomodo homini since●am conscientiam servabis ? vedel . de prudentia vet . eccles. l. . c. . see dr willet on exod. . quaest. . that usury is simply unlawfull , yet all gain by the loane of mony ( saith he ) is not unlawfull , see his quaest . . see him also on levit. . pag. , , . usura dicitur , quasi usu aera , id est , usus aeris , & est commodum certum quod propter usum rei mutuatae recipitur . cookes th report , claytons case . c henry the th p. . & . ab hoc usuram exige quem non si● crimen occidere . ambrose . a councell hath defined that to say usury is not a sin , is no better then heresie . see dr willet on exod. . . that witches ought to die . never did any trust in the devil , but he deceived them , even for the base things of this life , witnesse all witches ( his most devoted and professed servants ) if ever he made any one of them wealthy : all ages are not able to shew one . perkins on heb. . the hebrew word exod. . . signifies a woman witch , as menasseh ben israel de creatione and others have observed : which shews . that women are most prone to witchcraft . . that though the witch be a weak woman , yet she must die without mercy . sennertus gives these reasons why women are more inclinable to this sin then men . . because they are of weaker judgement , and therefore more easily deceived by satan . . they are desirous of revenge , and therefore old women if they hate any are ready to use all means to hurt them , practic ▪ med. l. . part . . c. . notes for div a -e when the parson once demanded about mans misery , since man is so miserable , what is to be done ? and the answerer could not tell , he asked him again , what he would do if he were in a ditch ? this familiar illustration made the answer so plain , that he was even ashamed of his ignorance , for he could not but say , he would haste out as fast as he could . then he proceeded to ask , whether he could get out of the ditch alone , or whether he needed a helper ? and who was that helper . master herborts remains , cap. . rom. . . who was the figure of him that was to come . gal. . . see my annot. on cor. . . christ was called adam , because he did partake of our nature , the second adam , because he was another common representee in whose acts we are infolded . man could not come to the favour of god again unlesse the justice of god were satisfied , there must therefore be a price paid for him , and he must be bought again that was fallen from his lord and master . the heathens had some obscure notice of the fall , but could not dream which way the remedy should come , ephes. . . they spake of vertue and vice in a moral way , but not of righteousnesse and sinne as they related to the law. john . . acts . . & acts . . john . , . o foelix culpa quae talem meruit habere redemptorem . greg. bern. luk. . . quae legem praecesserunt , variis modis christum praesigurabant , ejusque actiones , vitam , mortem , regnum , ecclesiam : ut in morto abelis insontis , in diluvio , & reliquiis humani generis à noë servatis : in fide abrae , in obedientia isaac , in simplicitate jacob , in invidia & exaltatione joseph , in agno phase , in egressu aegypti , in transitu maris rubri , in introductione ad terram promissam patribus . quae omnia quòd umbrae essent regni christi , idcirco tam diligenter est ea moses persecutus . lod. viv. de verit . fid . christ l. . c. . christus est sal & vita , & lux veteris testamenti , qui mortuis rebus vitam attulit , & sativit insipida . id. ibid. justification , rom. . . adoption , ioh. . gal. . . regeneration , jam. . . cor. . . repentance , acts . . faith , ephes. . . phil. . . * john . . the happiness of the persons is the infinite satisfaction they take one in another . ante adventum christi victus videbatur à daemonibus deus , occ●paverat ●n●●●ultus corun● non solum gentes , sed etiam non obstante dei prohibitione in maxima parte iudaeos ; sed per messiam salvatorem nostrum sibi tunc deus praevaluit , cum christus missis apostolis , & aliis discipulis in mundum universum tot per cos miracula secit , quod omnes serè gentes ad cultum dei convertit & idololatrium penitus extirpavit . raymund . pugio adversus iud. par . . dist. . c. . ●ententia amyraldi est , cognitionem dei quae potest haberi ex creaturis & operibus providentiae esse gratiam sufficientem objectivam , per quam homines expertes cognitionem christi pro nobis mortui , possunt servari si ●a benè utantur . molin . de amyr . advers . spanh . lib. iudicium . l. . c. . vide plura ibid. etiam c. . & . et vedel . de deo synagog● , l. . c. . et riveti synopsin doctrinae de natura & gratia . c. . non est coarctandus iesus christus , quasi non servator extitisset , quod delirant manichaei , prius quam in iordanc baptizaretur , aut clamaret in cruce , consummatum est . sed erat i●●e modorum illorum multorum , temporibus & mensura diversorum , dispensator unus & promus condus , in quo solo , ut nunc , servantur , qui servabuntur , ita quoque & olim servati sunt , quicunque sunt salutem consecuti ▪ rectè igitur augustinus , accuratissimus in sid●● dogmatibus discernendis & in disputandis solertissimus , fieri olim potuisse pronunciavit ▪ quin & revera suisse saepè sactum , ut praeter israelitas , alii quoque interdum ad salutem pervenirent : nullos tamen sine christo , nullos per legem , non per philosophiam aliquos , cum non esset aliud sub coelo nomen praeter illud iesu christi , in quo consequi salutem possent homines . montac . appar . . p. . vide plura ibid. pag. seq . a john . . & . . b isa. . , . luk. . . there is not so full a description of christ in so few words in any place of the bible , as in isa. . , . . his person is described in which are two natures , . humane , a childe is born . . divine , a son is given . . his offices : . kingly , the government shall be upon his shoulders . . prophetical , the counsellor . . priestly , the prince of peace . he is called the only begotten sonne , iohn . . & iohn . . & iohn . . gods own sonne , rom. . . gods only sonne two wayes : . in time , no son was ever before him . . in dignity no sonne was ever like him . angels and adam were gods sons by creation , iob . luk. . . we by adoption , rom. . . christ by eternall generation of the substance of his father . there was no priority inequality or division in this begetting , the father was not before the sonne , better then the sonne , or another besides the sonne . vide scultet . delit. evang. c. . this is ultimus conatus divini amoris , he could do no more then lay aside the glory of the deity for our sakes . christi servatoris mors refertur ad ineffabilem ipsius erga nos charitatem , joh. . . gal. . . ephes. . . & . nam quae fuit illa charitas , si ( quod socinus eavillatur ) non mori non potuit christus quia homo fuit ? annon potius quàm dilectionem suam demonstraverit christus infirmitatem , si non ben●volentiae affectus , sed naturae fuit conditio quod moriebatur . rivet . disput. . de satisfactione christi . quoad substantiam poenae nihil plus perpessus est christus , quàm quod per legem debebatur : neque enim vel amor patris , vel etiam justitia permittere potuit , plura filio ▪ ut impo●erentur quàm quae illi necessariò , tanquam sponsori , ferenda erant . quoad circumstantias autem , patientis personam , patiendi causau● , passionis efficaciam ; plusquam sufficiens satisfactio christi & à nobis dicitur . neque enim requirebat lex ut de●s moreretur , neque ut sine peccato proprio quis moreretur , neque requirebat denique mortem talem , tantae efficaciae quae esset , ut non mortem aboleret solùm , sed etiam vitam introduceret , eamque illâ , quam adamus terr●strem p●rdiderat , multis gradibus praecellentiorem . sanford . de descensu christi ad inseros , l. . p. . hominem factum fuisse christum , docent scripturae , dum primò eae ipsi tribuunt nomina quae naturam humanam designant , hominis rom. . . cor. . . tim. . . seminis mulieris , gen. . . filii hominis , dan. . . mat. . filii abrahae , matth. . . davidis ibid. & mariae virginis , isa. . . matth. . . & cam deinde nobis per omnia similem factum fuisse , heb. . . & . . carni & sanguini communicasse , omnesque veri hominis proprietates habuisse praedicant rivet . disput. . de satisfactione christi . vide matth . . & . . & . . & . , , , . & . . fuit eisdem temporibus iesus , sapiens vir , si tamen virum cum nomin●re fas est , erat enim mirabilium operum ●ffector , & doctor hominum corum qui libenter quae vera sunt audiunt . et mul●os quidom iudaeorum , multos etiam ex gentibus sibi adjunxit . christus hic erat . hunc accusatione primorum nostrae gentis viroru● , quum ●ila●us incrucem agendum esse decrevisset , non deserucrunt hi , qui ab initio cum dilexerunt . apparuit enim ●is tertia die iterum vivus , secundum quod divinitus inspirati prophetae vel haec , vel alia de eo innumera miracula futura esse pradixerunt . sed & in hodiernum diem , christianorum , qui ab ipso nuncupati sunt , & nomen persevera● & genus . josephus in antiq. non venit qui aberat , sed apparuit qui latchat . venit universitatis creator & dominus : venit ad homines : venit propter homines : venit homo . bern. serm. . de adventu domini . * the papists say , christs soul was presently replenished with all knowledge , as the academicks hold , that the soul came from heaven where it knew all things , and discere is reminisci . mat. . . mark . . john . . pet. . . isa. . . luk. . . luk. . . heb. . . the general not personal infirmities , not madnes , blindness , lameness . phil. . . he was found in shape , that is , in carriage and behaviour as a man , iohn . . he dwelt amongst us , pitcht a tent amongst us . mark . he was heard concerning his fear . joh. . . john . john . . valde inconveniens erat ut una nobilissimarum creaturarum à fine suo totaliter frustaretur : sed humana natura est una de nobilissimis creaturis : cum igitur tota corrupta fuerit per peccatum priorum parentum , & sic beatitudine privata , & indigna facta , ad quam possidendam fuerat instituta , conveniens ●uit ipsam reparari . reparatio verò ●on poterat fieri nisi peccatum dimitteretur : non erat autem justum hoc fieri sine satisfactione . quare oportuit pro peccato totius naturae ●umanae satisfieri . sed satisfactio decenter ●ieri non poterat nisi ab ●o qui debebat satisfacere & poterat ; non debebat autem nisi homo qui peccaverat , nec poterat nisi deus . quaelibet creatura ●●●● ▪ totum suum esse debet d●o : nedum ut prae al●o satis facere possit , ac sic nulla creatura poterat pro homine satis f●cere ; n●● ipse per se , cum per peccatum redderetur indignus , sordes quippe tergere non valet manus quae lutum tenet . quia ergo deus summe ●onus , & summe misericors est , psal. . . decuit ut nulli negaret bonum misericordiae , cujus capax ●ra● . unde ●●m humana natura cecidisset , & tamen casus ejus reparabilis esset , decuit ut eam repararet quia verò justitia ejus immutabilis est , psal. . . cujus decretum est ut nunquam peccatum sine competenti satisfactione dimittatur , proculdubio decens fuit ut in humana natura institueret ●um qui satisfacere sufficeret , quia hoc purus homo nequibat . raim . pug. fid. parte tertia dist. . cap. . it was foretold that he should be man , gen. . . the seed of abraham . hebr. . , . christ took not the nature of man as in the state of inno ▪ cency , or as glorified , but abased and compassed with infirmities , isa. . . rom. . . non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco , said dido in virgil. none but a brother had right to redeem , ruth . . see iob . . by this means he was qualified , . to be a priest , heb. . . . a prophet , deut. . . . a king , deut. . . this was foretold , isa. . . and fulfilled , matth. . , . christ is said to be a stone cut out without hands , dan. . , . see heb. . . & . . there is a twofold nativity of christ , one eternall and incomprehensible , as he is the son of god : the other temporall and miraculous , as he is the sonne of man ; both are contained , gal. . . caeterum ex matre sine patre nas●i , grandi hoc mysterio non carebat . alioqui cur fuisset turpius patrem babere quam matrem , cum praestantior sit vir quam faemina ? sed nefas erat , ut homo quisquam diceretur ejus pater , qui patrem baberet deum . lod. viv. de veritate fidei christianae , l. . c. . the holy ghost did as it were cast a cloud over her , to teach us that we should not search overmuch into the mystery of the incarnation . mr perkins on the creed . christ was not begotten speru●atically nor of the substance of the holy ghost , but operatively , by the power of the holy ghost : he was the activum principium , as the virgin mary was the passivum principium . descendens itaque de caelo sanctus ille spiritus dei , sanctam virginem , cujus utero se insinuaret , elegit . at illa divino spiritu bausto repleta concepit , & ●ine ullo attactu viri repente virginalis uterus intumuit . quod si animalia quaedam vento ●●● aura concipere solere omnibus notum est , cur quisquam mirum putet , cum spiritu dei , ●u● facile est quicquid velit ; gravatam esse virginem dicimus ? lact. divin . institut . l. . de vera sapientia . men have been generated four waies , saith austin . . without either man or woman , as adam was . . without woman , as eve was . . without man , as christ was . . with man and woman , as all other men were . matth. . . vide scultet . delit. evang. cap. . certè de vero natali christi anno tot ●●rè sunt sententiae , quot chronologi . scultet . delit . evang. cap. . vide plura ibid. in the year of the world ( as among twenty eight differences we pitch upon with luther and lucidus ) . dr. prid. history . vide grotium in luc. . . & montacut . orig. eccles. partem pr●orem p. , . & appar . xi . mr. bryan on sam. . , . see master mo●k●ts christmas the christians grand feast . pag. , , . a wilhelmi lan●i de ann. christ. l. . c. . scepter regia potestas , merc. majestas imper●●● cun●us . they had no kings in many years afore christ. after the captivity it was turned into a common-wealth , ephes. . . whilst it was governed by their own laws the scepter continued . shiloh , christ , pacis & f●licitatis author , mic. . . ephes. . . vide raimundi pugionem , c. . p. . b non dubium est epithetou messias , attestant●bus & chaldaeis paraphrastis ambobus , mercetus in loc . vide paul. fag . ●unotat . in paraphras . chald. rivetum , ainsw . & cattw . in loc . montac . apparat. . the highest heresies have risen from misguided zeal . arius upon detestation of gentilisme , least he should seem to acknowledge more gods then one , by confessing a coequality of christs divinity with his father , denied the deity , and sabellius in detestation of arius , fell into the other extream , and denied the distinction of persons ▪ symmons . quemadmodum iesu christo , orbi revelato , & gentibus exhibito secundum promissiones patribus factas , exorti sunt statim antichristi multi , qui se opponerent dei excelso brachio , ac titulum & nomen sibi illud usurparent , quod dei unigenito debebatur , ita etiam cum recens adhuc nasceretur , aut etiam paulò antequam de virgine carnem sumpsisset , multi in iudaea oriebantur , qui & novas religionum sectas instituerent , & se etiam pro messia venditarent . inter caeteros haeretici quidam , quod baronius observat , regnanto herode idumaeo prodierunt , qui ipsum pro messià in scripturis praedicto , reputabant , cui regnum israelis in aetenitatem promissum olim fuerat , eo quod secundum vaticinium jacob , regnum in eo recesserat de ju. a. montac . anal. exercit. . sect. . some held that the god head was converted into the humane nature . the marcionites thought that christ took onely a fantastical not a true body , god manifest in the flesh . tim. . . vide spanhem . dub. evangel . part . . dub. . manichaeus christum veram habuisse carnem negavit . photinus purum fuisse hominem asseruit . arius quoad divinam naturam patri consubstantialem & aequalem non credidit . sabellius personam à patre distinctam negavit . apollinarius animam rationalem ei ademit . nestorius deum & hominem duplicem personam constituit . eutyches divinam humanamque naturam confudit . valentinianus non fatetur christi corpus ex virgine substantialiter sumptum , sed fingit de coelo depositum . fulgentius ad transim . lib. . see of the jews conversion . mercer on amos . . & . & on v. . of obadiah . capel . spicil . ad matth. . . & joh. . . drus. ad difficil . loca . gen. . . unio importat conjunctionem aliquorum in aliquo uno . aquinas par . . quaest . . art . . places of scripture which speak of the union of both natures . john . . col. . . tim. . . heb. . , . uniri hypostaticè deum & hominem nihil est aliud , quam naturam humanam non habere propriam subsistentiam , sed assumptam esse à verbo aeterno ad ipsam verbi subsistentiam . bellar. de christo lib. . cap. . unionis istius modus talis est , ut ●acta sit ( quemadmodum habetur in actis synodi chalcedonensis ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est sine mutatione verbi , item 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , sine naturarum confusione , divisione & separatione , est enim arctissima ac prorsus indissolubilis . ravan . bibliotheca sacra ad verbum unio . from this union of two natures in one person ariseth a kinde of speech or phrase peculiar to the scriptures , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the communication of properties , when the property of one nature is attributed to the whole person denominated by the other nature , as when paul saith , act. . . that god shed his bloud . cor. . . that the lord of glory was crucified . and when christ saith ioh. . . that he talking with nicodemus was then in heaven . communicatio idiomatum ex unione orta non est alternata idiomatum infusio , aut permixtio in naturis : sed est modus alternationis idiomatum , naturarum propria alternatim tribuens , humana deo , & divina homini christo , non juxta utramvis , sed juxta illam naturam , cujus sunt propria . sic filius dei factus est davide ad rom. . , sed non secundùm utramvis naturam promiscuè : sed ut sequitur ibidem , secundùm carnem , nempè secundum istius attributi capacem , sic pari passu christus est immensus , insinitus , aeternus , at secundùm naturam perfectionis istius modi capacem , deitatem scilicet . barlow excrcitat . . vide plura ibid. communicatio proprietatum à scholasticis appellatur , non quòd unius naturae proprietas cum altera natura , sed potiùs utriusque naturae proprictates cum ipsa persona communicentur : hoc est , de ipsa persona tam unius quam alterius naturae proprietates enuntientur . sadeel de veritate humanae naturae . there is also a communication of gifts , by reason of this personal union the humane nature of christ becomes enriched with excellent gifts and endowments , as wisdome , knowledge , holinesse , yet finite , and of dignity , the manhood is exalted above all creatures whatsoever . vide thess. theol. salmur . part . . de duarum christi naturarum hypostat . unione . nestorius said christ had two persons . eutiches makes the natures not to be two existing in one person , but the manhood deified . * a personal union , but not a union of persons . a doctor in divinity and a frenchman , having read very learnedly concerning the trinity , being much admired , and desired by his auditors to publish the same for the common good , he was exceedingly puffed up thereby , and used this speech , o iesule , iesule , quantum hac quaestione confirmavi legem tuam & exaltavi : profectò si malignando & adversando vellem , fortioribus rationibus & argumentis s●irem illam infirmare & deprimendo improbare . lord jesus , how art thou beholding to me ? if i had turned my wit against thee , how much hurt could i have done thee ? and hereupon god struck him , and so took away his understanding that he could scarce learn the lords prayer and creed of his own childe . matth. paris . angl. johan . . so the holy ghost appeared in a dove . * see m. downs treatise . the blessed virgin mary is truly deipara , the mother of god. sanctissimam mariam deiparam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , genetricem dei profitemur contra nestorium . et ut●unque verum sit quod nonnulli observant , leonem . romanae urbis episcopum , omnium principem , desertis verbis deiparam , vel dei matrem appellasse eam , rem tamen ipsam summâ cum veritate conjunctam agnoscentes eadem metipsa appellatione libenter utimur : non ta●tum quia leo sic locutus est , sed quia diu ante leonem elizabeth eam ita compellabat . montac . apparat. . est incarnatio inchoativè & effectivè totius trinitatis , sed appropriativè & terminativè solius filii , ut si tres simul consuant vestem , ab uno tamen ex illis induendam . mares . colleg. theol. loc . in qua ut sidentius ambularet ad veritatem , ipsa veritas deus dei filius homine assumpto , non deo consumpto , ●andem constituit atque fundavit fidem , ut ad deum iter esset homini per hominem deum . hic est enim mediator dei & hominum homo christus iesus . sola est autem adversus omnes errores via munitissima , ut idem ipse sit deus & homo , quo itur deus , quâ itur homo . aug. de civ . dei , l. . c. . * anointing signified three things , . a solemn separation of one to a work or imployment , thou shalt anoint iehu to be king over israel , and thou shalt anoint elisha in thy room . . it signifies the lords gifting and fitting the person for that work , psa. . oyl is an instrument of activity and nimblenesse . you shall be anointed with the holy ghost . saul had another heart after he was anointed by samuel . . acceptation with god , cant. . . when the lord had separated christ to this work , he proclaims he was well pleased with him . christs anointing differs from other mens , . his was only spiritual . . above measure and overflowing , whereas others were anointed with materiall oyl , and they received the spirit but in measure . there were many glorious appearances and representations of christ in scripture both before and since his coming in the flesh , those before were incarnationis praeludia , those since his ▪ a scension were officii insignia . before his coming in the flesh he appeared to abraham and others . see ezek. . , . & . . since his ascension there were divers visions and representations of him in the revelation , ch . . . & . . & . . and . , . which shew that christ glorified hath not laid down any of his offices . christ is a king , a father , a husband , a friend , a redeemer , shepherd , and many such titles are given to him , to be props of our faith , no one relation answers all our necessities . . that every thing may lead us to him . all the promises of the gospel have their efficacy in the relations of christ , rom. . . look upon them as the ground of your greatest comfort and honour . . the knowledge of christs relations is the only way to make your prayers effectual . . all your relations to god are grounded only on your relation to christ. ismael , isaac , josias , & servator noster ante suam nat●vitatem à deo vel angelo propriis nominibus vocati sunt . wakfeldi orat . de laudibus & utilitate trium linguarum arab. chald. & hebr●ic . jesus servator est , vel potiùs salus , id quod & christus , ipse innuere videtur , joh. . . quum ait , salus ex judaeis , & ex iudaea nato , alludensque proculdubio ad nomen suum . id. ibid. nomen jesu salutis beneficium quod ab illo expectandum denotat ; cognomen christi , officium per q●od illud nobis a●quirit & confert . illud hebraicum est , hoc graecum , ( ut deus vocatur abba pater , rom. . ● ▪ ) quia iudaeorum & graecorum indiscriminatim redemptor est . maresii colleg. theol loc . . * the angel gives this reason of his name , matth. . . jesus , joshua , jeshuah , jehoshuah eadem nomina sunt hebraeis & commemorantur passim in scriptis rabbinorum . rainold . de lib. apoc. non solùm dicitur salvator , sed etiam empbaticè salus , quia scilicet est fo●s salutis nostrae unicus , extra & praeter quem non est salus , gen. . . isa. . . joh. . . act. . . ger h. in loc . commun . pulchrè & suaviter bernardus , si scribas ; non sapit mihi , nisi legero ibi jesum , si disputes aut couferas , non sapit mihi nisi sonnerit ibi jesus . jesus mel in ore , melos in aure , jubilus in corde . to be slaves to sinne , . a base bondage , to be at the command of every unclean motion , gal. . , . they are called works of the flesh , fruits of the spirit . . a dreadful bondage , other masters are content to have their slaves obedience , but the more we do work the more we smart . galat. colo● . heb. in their death , . there is an end of all their misery both of sinne and punishment . . a compleating of the graces begunne in them . . a passage from this vale of misery to heavenly glory . qui●imò repetant ad nauseam usque sanctissimum nomen ; dicant , se de nomine jesu jesuitas ; festum nominis jesu devotissimè concelebrent , revolvant psalterium jesu , & stult● sibi placeant ethnico battalogismo quòd in eo nomen jesu ad quadringentas usque & quinquaginta vices iteretur ; non nisi proditores in illum sunt , iuda ipso f●re d●teriores , qui gloriam salutis nostrae nulli alteri nomini communicandam , ab illo cripiunt , & sibi ipsis & sanctis , & stultissimis devotionum suarum sigmentis impertiuntur . abbot . antich . demonst. ● . . mr owens display of armin . c. . condo●andus hic error veterum nonnullorum charitati , etiam ex philosophis nonnullos per legem naturae salutem consecutos esse pro●itentium . twiss . contra corvinum , c. . sect. . s●erravit zuinglius , non in eo hallucinatus est quod dixerit , quenquam salvum fuisse factum sive side in christum ; sed quod exist●ma●it , donatos tali side fuisse , de q●ibus neque verbo dei , neque ex historiis side dignis id probari potest , joh. . . rivet . disput. . de gratia universali . goel redempter job . . isa. . . cor. . . potestate , quia est verus deus ad redimendum genus humanum sufficientibus viribus instructus , psal. . isa. . . . affectu , quia est verus homo propinquitate carnis nobis conjunctus . . effectu , quia interposito sanguinis sui precio nos redemit à potestate satanae ac mortis , à peccatis , ab ira dei , ab aeterna damnatione . redemption which in the scripture is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes , but most frequently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the delivery of any one from captivity or misery by the intervention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a price or ransom : that this ransom or price of our deliverance was the bloud of christ , is evident , he cals it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mat. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tim. . . m. owen of redemption l. . c. . to redeem signifies the fetching back of a thing by price or force . christ is a redeemer in both senses . cor. . . col. . . redemption is nom●n apud latinos propriè significare , vel iteratam emptionem , vel simpliciter emptionem exposito pretio & sumpta emere , notius est quam ut probari debeat . rivetus disputat . . mediator vocatur tim. . . heb. . . cap. . . cap. . . ratione personae & officii , est enim media , id est , secunda persona inter patrem & sp●ritum sanctum . est mediator inter deum & homines dev●nitus ab aeterno constitutus . ge●h . loc . commun . mediator est , qui se medium interponit inter partes dissidentes , & alios aliis reconciliat . sohnii expos . august . confess . vocamus mediatorem eum , qui inter aliquos dissidentes , aut certè non conjunctos medium se interponit , ut eos redigat ad concordiam vel ●ovo foedere conjungat . bellarm. l. . de christo , c. . * god would have the work of our salvation effected by a mediator , . because of the vast distance b●●ween , . mans universal original pollution , and gods infinite essential holinesse , gen. . . hab. . . . mans universal continual guilt , prov. . . & . . and gods essential justice and jealousie against sin , exod. . . isa. . . . because of the lords demand for satisfaction and mans utter inability to satisfie and obey , cor. . . job . . . because of the extraordinary suitablenesse and sweetnesse of this way , it sets forth all gods attributes , and satisfieth all mens scruples . mediatorem dei & b●minum , medium inter deum & homines non officio modo , sed etiam natura ( quae muneris & officii fundamentum est ) d●cebat esse , & medium quidem non negatione ( qui neque deus , neque homo esset ) à tali e●im mediatore satisfactio percipi●m poterat , sed participatione , qui simul & deus & homo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in una eademque persona esset . thes. theol. salmur . part . . de christo mediatore . christ is sometimes called the son of man , and sometimes the son of god , because he is both in one person . see master perkins tome . chap. . of the order of causes of salvation . costerus saith , christ is mediator excellentiori ratione , homines verò participatione . has distinctiones scriptura nescit & diversos mediatores nunquam nominat , imò contra unum esse asserit . at in unitate nihil distinguendum sciunt omnes . chamierus tom . . lib. . cap. . omnis mediator est medius , at nullus angelus , nullus sauctus est medius inter deum & homines . qui pro omnibus interpellat , & pro quo nemo is unus utriusque mediator . id. ibid. ne dites pas . que nous y avons adiousté de mo● de seul . consu●tez le texte grec , & la version latine . consultes les dictionaires , grecs , latins , & francois , & vous en apprendrez , que la mot , dont l'apostre se sert , signifie un seul & qu'il faut tourn●r ces parales , & un seul mediateur . de croi . d● v●ritè de la religion reformee . vide plura ibid. a a surety is one that stands ingaged for another , christ is therefore called our high-priest who was to stand betwixt god and the people and our sacrifice , the beast died not for its own fault . b in a debt there are two things : . the principal , the debt of obedience , christ might have paid the debt though he had never entred into the bond , col. ● . . . the accessory , the forfeiture , nomine poenae , the curse . christ that he might be a surety for us , not only paid the debt , but entred his name into our covenant , christ himself was made under the law as a covenant of works , and by coming under it himself he abolished it , gal. . . he took away the curse by being made a curse for us . if we render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a covenant , he is a surety , if a testament he is the heir of it . see b. ●shers mystery of the incarnat . of christ , p. , , . we owe perfect obedience to god by vertue of our creation , performance of the law is a debt , gal. . . christ was to perform for him and all his the duties we were bound to perform , he made paiment for our obedience by his active obedience , cor. . and amends for our sin by his passive obedience , his bloud , rom. . . active obedience answered the precept , passive our transgression of the prohibition . bellarm. de christo lib. . c. . & . those texts which the papists alledge for proof , shew rather ordinem then meritum , phil . , . heb . . luke . . quoties spiritus sanctus agit de fructibus incarnationis , eos omnes ad nos refert . chamierus tem . . l. . c. . vide calvin . institut . l. . c. . sect . . the socinians from this of christs meriting for himself , inferred , that his merit was not satisfactory . * salvator noster vocatur masiach , dan. . , . & cum adjectione meshiach jehovah , unctus domini , dan. . . cui luc. . . respondet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est que haec appellatio in n. t. libris tritissima . aaron and his sons were anointed , and the high-priests in succession ever after , but the inferiour priests only at the first time . the high-priest was anointed alwayes with sacred oyl , the confection of which the lord himself appointed in the law. one prophet may seem to have been anointed , but there seems not to be any certain proof of anointing any prophet . whether the kings had the holy oyl poured upon them or no , it is doubtful , yet it seems rather it was , by kings . . this outward ceremony or type expressed two things : . that god did of his good pleasure assign and depute that person to that office. . that god would certainly assist him with gifts fit for his place , if he were careful to seek the same at gods hands . unctio antiquitus in v. t. oleo fiebat , quod quia secundum naturalem efficientiam tum fragrantia reddebat corpora tum agilia , accomodum erat duabus rebus naturalibus significandi , quarum una est , personae ad munus aliquod divinum obeundum sanctificatio & consecratio , alterum adaptatio , seu donorum ad illud necessariorum collatio . armin. thes. pub. decim● quarta . christ as man first received gratiam habitualem , which did perfect his humane nature in it self . these personal excellencies in christ were dona & virtutes , qualifying gifts for his office and sanctifying graces ▪ . gratiam capitis , as the churches head john . . not as if that of the papists were true , it is therefore perpetual , because continued by the priest still , who ( they say ) offers up the body of christ in the masse as a sacrifice to god , but , . because by his once offering he did fully accomplish that which was needful for his church , so that he needs not to be offered again . . because the fruit is eternal , thy pardon shall be for ever , thy grace for ever : christs priestly actions were transient , but the benefit endureth for ever . . he continually exerciseth his intercession . . he admitteth of no successour , and this is one main reason why the apostle maketh him a priest for ever , because there is no successour as there was in aarons order : therefore to hold priests , sacrifices and altars , is to make void the office of christ , and to deny his priesthood . the great relief the jews had against sin committed was in the priestly office. the high-priests great work was to make atonement for the sins of the people , for reconciliation , levit , . , . heb. . . when christ died upon the crosse he then offered up himself a sacrifice , and made atonement to god the father , all our sins were laid upon him . but christ did all in a more transcendent and eminent way then any high-priest did before , the high-priest though he offered up a sacrifice to god , yet himself was not made a sacrifice . the parts of christs priestly function are two , satisfaction and intercession , the former whereof giveth contentment to gods justice , the later soliciteth his mercy for the application of this benefit to the children of god in particular . b. usher of christs incarnation . some say there were three things in the priestly office , . ostensio , a representation of ones person , exod. . , . the high-priest did bear the names of the children of israel on his shoulders , to shew that christ represents you to his father every day , and on his heart to shew christs tender affection to you , heb. . . ioh. . . . oblatio , an offering of a sacrifice , the priests offered sacrifices , christ in a way of obedience voluntarily laid down his body and soul , which was equivalent to all the persons in the world , heb. . . . intercessio , heb. . . the priests burned incense . those things which god hath promised and christ purchased , shall be bestowed by the intercession of christ. when the priest went into the holy place he sprinkled it with bloud , christs intercession is his most gracious will fervently and unmovably desiring , that all his members for the perpetual vertue of his sacrifice may be accepted of the father , rom. . . heb. . . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . art. , , , , , . alwayes when the scripture speaks of the redemption of christ , it cals him god , acts . . because therein the efficacy of his redemption lay , but when that speaks of christs intercession it cals him sonne , heb. . . & . ult . because christs interest and favour with god was the great ground of his acceptance with him . a compleat priest must have , . fulnesse of righteousnesse , so had christ habitual righteousnesse , active and passive righteousnesse . . fulnesse of interest in god , so had christ , matth. . ult . therefore he was able to reconcile us unto god. . fulnesse of compassion , must be a pitiful high-priest . . fulnesse of merit in his sacrifice . the obedience of christ did in a far higher degree please god the father , then the rebellion of adam did displease him for there the vassal rebelled , here the equal obeyed . b. bils . full redemption of mankinde by the death of christ. his death was an act of obedience , he died in obedience unto his fathers will , or to the agreement between his father and him , matth. . ioh. . . & . . phil. . . as there is a covenant of grace between god and us , so there was a covenant of redemption between god and christ. non intercedit per humilem deprecationem , & ut vulgò loquuntur per modum suffragii ; sed potius per modum jurisdictionis , atque per efficacissimam perfectissimi sui meriti repraesentationem . maresii hydra socin expugnata . lib. . cap. . joh. . . christ doth not in heaven kneel upon his knees , utter words , or put up a supplication unto his father for us , that is not agreeable to the glory to which he is exalted , but appearing in the sight of god for us , as a publick person , he willeth and desireth that the father would accept his satisfaction in the behalf of all that are given unto him . vedel . de deo synagog● l. . cap. . vide plura ibid. quid potuit cogitari convenientius , quam ut imago patris increata , creatam reparare● imaginem ; & filius naturalis patri accerseret filios adoptivos . rivet ▪ disp. . de satisf . christi . vide grotium de satisfactione christi , c. . mors peccati poena est , rom. . . & . . quam nemini infligit deus nisi aut peccatotori , aut peccatoris personam referenti . rivet . disput. . de satisfactione christi . ex pet. . . i●eprè sociniani colligu●t christum exemplarem saltem servatorem esse , qu● doctrinam amm●tiatam mortalibus non actionibus solum , sed & passionibus , & sanguinis sui effusione obsignavrrit , adcóque in utroque genere exemplo praeiverit : quasi verò alli fines passionis , & potiores quidem non incul●cutur alib● , ab quos passus legitur , rom. . . ephes. . . col. . . tim. . . joh. . . spannem . dub. evang. part . . dub. . one saith , it is the nature of god to hate sin , but to punish it is from his will. god had been merciful if he had sav'd none , and just if he had punisht none . object . doctrina de satisfactione spoliat deum omnipotentia , quia non potest liberè condonare peccatum , quod vilissimo cuique homuncioni conceditur . resp. nec homo potest liberè condonare ut judex , tametsi potest & debet ut conservus : deus autem hic consideratur ut iudex & dominus qui legem tulit à servis suis immutabiliter exequendam . dr prid. lect. . de christi satisfactione . ego unus sum inter alios qui piscatorem revercor , & tanquam theologum n●● modò in plurimis orthodexum , & singulari eruditione textuali ferè omnia confirmantem suspicor : cujus tamen illam de absoluta satisfactionis christi necessitate sententiam comprobare nunquam potui . twiss . contra corvinum , c. . sect . . see mr owe● of redemption , l. . c. . that is a poor shift of the socinians , when we urge , that christ died for us out of pet. . . & . . ro. . . that is ( say they ) propter nos , or nostro bono for our benefit , not loco vel vice nostri in our room or stead . see john . . for a man to do or suffer ought for another is as much asto do it in his stead : christ died not only for our benefit , but in our stead as our surety , heb. . . christ gave his life a ransom for many , mat. . . . he died as a sacrifice , ephes. . . that died in stead of the worshipper , iob . . . he took our person , therefore was called the second adam , rom. . and burden , . our guilt , cor. . ● . . our curse upon him , gal. . . vide grot. de satiss . christi , c. . vide cammyroth evang. ad heb. . . christus dicitur nabi propheta deut. . , . uti constat ex explicatione n. t. act. . , . & cap. . . est autem nabi usu scripturae is , qui profundiora de deo deque rebus divinis disserit , qui mentem divinam hominibus aperit : saepius etiam de iis usurpatur , qui futura praedicunt . glass . onomat . two things make a compleat prophet , a fulnesse of knowledge of all the secret counsel of god prov. . , . col. ▪ . . an ability to communicate this knowledge unto men , isa. . . he revealed those counsels himself when he was on earth , and reveals them by his spirit now in heaven . john . . heb. . there is , say some , a twofold kingdom of god , . regnum essentiale , which belongs to all the persons in the trinity , and was before the fall . . regnum viearium , an oeconomical mediatory kingdom committed to christ as mediator , ioh. . . & . . the covenant was changed and made with christ , therefore the government is put into his hand . this kingdom ( say some ) is threefold , . regnum universale , a providential kingdom or kingdom of power , so christ is king over all creatures , psal. . . compared with heb. . christ is made caput rerum omnium ad finem supernaturalem , ephes. . . . spiritual , luk. . . whereby god rules over men and angels . . regnum davidicum , whereby god shall in a peculiar manner rule over the jews , dan. . . hos. . lat . end . cor. . , . dan. . & . . luk. . . the apostle useth the most extensive expressions when he speaks of the dominion of christ , ephes. . , . phil. . , , . revel . . . that place cor. . . is understood by some of christs outward visible government in his church , then shall all preaching and church-administrations cease . a vide aquin. part . . quaest. artic. , , , , , . b the head is the highest part in a man , so he the highest in his church ; the head giveth sense and moving unto all the body , so he quickneth the church . as in a natural body all the members how remote soever from the head , have a real union and conjunction with it , which is the foundation of the influences from the head unto them , so every christian hath a union with christ , and thereby communion and influence from him . . all the members are so joyned one with another by certain wayes of communication , that they all serve for the use of the whole ; so in the church of christ , all his people have not only an union with christ the head , but a conjunction one with another , and are useful to the good of the whole body , rom. . . cor. . from vers . . to the end , ephes. . from vers . . to . they are all possessed with the same spirit , isa. . . that is the principal band , the secondary bond is christian love , cor. . eph. . . col. . . psa. . . luke . . the spirit is the bond of a higher union to the saints then angels , christ is to the angels caput dignitatis , to the saints caput unionis , he communicates to the angels as servants , to the saints as members . isa. . . john . , , , . keys are authoritatis symbolum , a token of power , authority and government , revel . . . & . . a metaphor taken from stewards in houses who have the keys given them . christ performs all promises , executes all threatnings , and exerciseth all the attributes , col. . . ioh. . . tim. . . sane nihil in veteris testamenti scriptis uspiam exstat , ex quo accuratius ac firmius demonstrari possit , messiam iis temporibus iudaeis datum fuisse , quo noster servator dulcissimus iesus christus , verus ille messias ac dei & hominum mediator in iudaea visibiliter conversabatur , quam ex prophetiae danielis cap. . caetera quidem omnia variis modis eludere , & ad suam messiam , quem adhuc exspectant , applicare possunt : hoc verò unicum testimonium os ipsis obturat , ut planè conticescant & obmutescant . wilhelmi langi de annis christi , l. . c. . iudaei summi hostes dei sunt , quit iesum christum pro messiâ & deo non habent , sed cum rejiciunt cum tot á sacra-sancta trinitate ; & quia christum accrbè oderunt , etiam infensissini hostes sunt christiant nominis , prae omnibus aliis gentibus & sect is , quae religionem christianam aversantur . vedel . de deo syutag . l. . c. . james . . john . , . this title was given to christ , ephes. . . col. . to lift him above all powers , rules and dominions ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a demonstrative article , he and no other is the head . lord is taken three wayes : . essentially , so god the father . . civilly , so men , act. . . . possessively , so a master over his servant , the husband over his wife . when this lord of lords , lord paramount came into the world , augustas caesar by a strict edict commanded that no man should give or receive the title of lord. ps. . ult . lu. . he is called enosh , calamitous man , ps. . . the apostle expounds it of him , heb. . . see psal. . . & . . . christ speaks that there of himself ( say some . ) he did this as our surety , as our sacrifice , so he bare our sins , psal. . . & . . compared with v. . & was liable to our debt , gal. . . & . dan. . . there was a commutation of the person , not the debt , isa. . . he had a negative ignorance though not a privative in his understanding , isa. . . on this ground he is said to grow in knowledge , luke . . was troubled in spirit , john . . his spirit was spent after labour , his strength weakned , psal. . . all the creatures were against him , the good augels withdrew themselves from him in the three hours of darknesse and approv'd of the judgement , the evil angels set on him , john ● . . he was whipt and buffeted as a slave . the chief magistrates in church and state condemned him , the souldiers mocked and pierced him . god himself had a great hand in christs sufferings , isa. . . the same greek word translated deliver and betray is used of god rom. . . jude ver . . matth. . , . the priests mat. . . and pilate . matth. . . and of the people , john . . acts . . god ordained christs death , acts . . & . , . pet. . . some say god foreknows but doth not by a certain and immutable decree predetermine . the apostle acts . mentions his determinate counsel in the first place , and in acts . his hand to note his concurring power , and his counsel to note his pre-ordaining will. . a great part of christs sufferings was immediately inflicted by god , mat. . . gal. . . . christ ascribes the cup to god , john . . gal. . , . rom. . . he was obedient in the humane nature alone , not in the divine . dr hampton . * amari●●i●a● mortem dulcem , nitidam , candidam , acceptabilem reddit , dum audis iesum christum filium dei suo sanctissimo contactu omnes passiones , ipsam adeò mortem consecrasse ac sanctificasse , maledi●●ionem benidixisse , ig●ominiam gl●rificasse , paupertatem ditasse , ita ut mors vitae janua , maledictio benedictionis origo , ignominia gloriae parens esse coga●tur . luther . loc . com . primae class . c. . we should look unto christ whom we have pierced , and on all his sufferings as brought upon him by us , nothing will make sin so hateful nor christ so dear , vulnera christi rutilantia sunt biblia practica , these lead us to all duties of holinesse . the proper object of faith in justification is christ crucified . the angels love christ because of the excellency and glory of his person , but not as made sinne for them . dignites person● primò conducit ad acceptationem . unde enim fit quod persona iesu christi , in nostram omnium vicem admittitur , nisi quod persona jam multò dignior paenam luit , atque si omnes in mundo homines plecterentur ? secundò ad meritum . tertiò ad compensationem . sanford . de descensu christi ad inferos l. . p. . et in ●ascendi s●rte , & in vivendi instituto , & in mortis genere nihil nisi humile & abjectum & sordidum infimumque spectavit & cogitavit , quid deo immortali minus conveniens aut decorum quam è caelo in terram descendere ? hoc paru● . immò in ventrem virginis mortalis se insinuare , ibique naturam humanam mortalem , & omnibus hominis infirmitatibus obnoxiam assumere ? hoc ille fecit . quid vero honesto homini magis probr●sum contumeliosum , indignum , quam servili supplicio , que & latrones tum puniri solebant , animam quafi criminosam per vim exbalares ? hanc ille etiam sustinere infim● abjectionis & ignomini● extrema notam voluit . salmas . epist. . ad bartholinum de cruce . sugit ubera qui regit fidera . august . vagit infans , sed in coelo est ; puer crescit , sed plenitudinis deus permanet . hilar. ● . . de trinit . mark . . * baronius thinks he made yokes , alluding thereto , in that he professeth my yoke is easie , mat. . dr prid. introduct . for reading all sorts of histories , c. . p. . cor. . . a pope nicolas the third and others maintain'd that our saviour christ was a very beggar and lived here in the lowest degree of beggary that can be , which pope iohn the . condemneth for an heresie . mr gatakers answer to mr walkers vindic . p. , . b mat. . . luke . . mark . , . john . . the psalmist expresseth christs trouble by roaring , psal. . . the apostle heb. . . by strong crying and tears . those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mark . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ are emphaticall , see them opened in my greek critica . tanta sudoris copia ut non corpus humectaret solum , sed etiam in terram caderet . non sudor aqueus sed sanguineus , nec guttae sed grumi , cui exemplo quod unquam auditum simile , nedum aequale ? chamierus tom. . l. ▪ c. vide sandfordum de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. . ad finem . a an agony is the perplexed fear of one who is entring into a great and grievous conflict , timor quo corripitur is qui in certamen descendit . arist. irenaeus saith the year of his age wherein he suffered , was about the fiftieth , which he voucheth to be an apostolical tradition . the ground of his opinion was , iohn . . the common received opinion is , that he suffered being thirty three compleat , and in the beginning of his thirty four . scaliger addeth one year more , and placeth his passion in the beginning of his thirty five . non timeretur ille qui potest nocere , nisi haberet quandam eminentiam potestatis , cui de facili resisti non possit : ea enim quae in promptu habemus repellere , non timemus . in christo fuit timor dei : non quidem secundum quod respicit malum separationis à deo per culpam , neque etiam secundum quod respicit malum punitionis pro culpa , sed secundum quod respicit ipsam divinam eminentiam : prout scilicet anima christi quodam affectu reverentiae movebatur in deum , à spiritu sancto acta . aquin. part . . q. . art. . b that is not ●ound , that one drop of christs bloud was enough to redeem the world . pope clement the sixth first used that speech , that one drop of christs bloud was enough to save men , and the rest was laid up in the treasury of the church ▪ luk. . . divine justice would not let go the sinner without a ransome , nor the redeemer without full satisfaction . i am loath to beleeve that either the father was so prodigall of his sons life , or that the son was so carelesse of his own bloud , that he would have poured out all , if one drop would have served the 〈…〉 n. d. hampton on rom. . . see m. pinchins meritorious price of redempt . part . p. , , , . see exod. . . matth. . . rectè hic ex more n●bo●him observavit cl. drusius in praeter . pretium servi fuisse triginta siclos arg●●tcos , liberi verò sexaginta . servator ergo non liberi , sed servi pretio ●stimatus est . de dieu in loc . iudas for love of mony was content to sell his master , it may be he thought not to death , but that his master might shift away and deliver himself by miracle , and he get the mony ; for when he ●aw that the lord must die , he was grieved . m. richardson in his manuscript . they accuse him of blasphemy the highest sin against the first table , and sedition the highest sin against the second . c pilate was his proper name , and he was called pontius of pontia an iland the place where he was born that lay near to italy . ille pilatus , qui tempore christi praefidem egerat , sub caio , in tantas incidisse calamitates fertur , ut necessitate compulsus , ultro sibi manum intulerit , suique ipsius interemptor , divina illa ultrone , ut par erat , non diu parcente factus est . eus. hist. eccles. l. . c. . d christs bloud was shed seven times , circumcisione , horto , corona , flagellatione , manibus , pedious , corde . numb . . . levit. . . isaiah calleth the torments preceding his death with an elegant word ●a●urah , isa. . . and peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pet. . . christs body was beat with scourges , soedum supplicium , as a schoolman cals it , a pain so base as might not be inflicted on a burgesse of rome . he was whipt twice as is thought and that cruelly , after the manner of the romans , to move the people to compassion ; by four , as is gathered by the parting of his robes into four parts , and those four all souldiers . a spanish postiller writes , that the jews fearing pilate would discharge him after stripes , gave mony to the officers to scourge him to death . d. clerke . christ was twice whipt with rods : . before the sentence of condemnation given , for that end that he might have been set free ; and after condemnation , ex instituto capitali . he was whipt most grievously , for so psal. . . shews . montac . orig. eccles. tom. prior . part. post . in crowning him with thorns , the souldiers did not only wreath him a thick crown of thorns , to stick his head full of them , but after the putting it on , to fasten it , they did strike him on the head with their canes , as matth. . & mark . do plainly testifie . so big were the nails with which they nailed him to the crosse ( as the ecclesiasticall history reporteth ) that constantine made of them a bridle and helmet for his own use . b bils . full redempt . of mankinde by the death of christ. pag. , . mortuus est in juventae vigore , hoc est annos tres & triginta natus , ut magis charitatem erga nos ostenderet , & paternis jussibus obsequentiam , tum enim posuit vitam , quum erat vivere jucundissimum . lod. viv. de verit . fid. christ. l. . c. . the great misery that christ underwent was in his soul , when the lord poured on him pure wrath , matth. . . the redemption of mankinde is called the travel of his soul , isa. . . papists and socinians say christ suffered only in his body , that his soul suffered but sympatheticè and secondarily ; but bodily sufferings could not make satisfaction for the sins of the soul : lusts fight against the soul ; where the greatest debt was there must be the chiefest satisfaction . christ as our surety must pay our whole debt ; the whole man is bound to the law , but principally the soul , sin is primarily against that : they sinned against their own souls , numb . see micah . . the sufferings of the body will never make a man perfectly miserable ; it is not pure darknesse till the inward man be dark . . the whole man was under the curse , gal. . . the body is but one part of the man , therefore that could never pay the whole debt of the curse . . christ took soul and body and the infirmities of both , that in them both he might make a sacrifice , isa. . . . else many martyrs suffered more then christ , for they suffered greater bodily torments ; some were cut in pieces , some sawn as under , yet they suffered with rejoycing , because their spirits were filled with the consolations of god ; but the lord withdrew the light of his countenance from christ. . christs sufferings in soul began before his bodily sufferings , in the garden when he was in an agony . some say christ was not silius irae , because he was the son of god , but filius sub ira , as a surety . vide grot. de satis . christ. c. . p. . & sandford . de descen . christ. ad inferos , p. , ad . & rivet . disput. . desatisf . christ. f it was usual with pagans ( as chrysostom writes ) to upbraid christians with tu adoras crucifixū . heading , stoning or burning is not so odious among any people as hanging is , among us it is called in special reproach a dogs death , abeat in malam crucem . orat. ad verrem tertia . mor● cousixorum in cruce est acerbissima ; quia configuntur in locis nervosis & maximè sensibilibus , scilicet in manibus & pedibus , & ipsum pondus corporis pendentis continuè a●get dolorem , & cum hoc etiam est doleris diut●rnitas ; quia non statim in oriuntur , ficut hi qui gladio interficiuntur . magnitudo doloris christi potest considerari ex preceptibilitate patientis , & secundum animam & secundum corpus . nam & secundum corpus erat optimè complexionatus , cum corpus ejus fuerit formatum miraculosè operatione spiritus sancti : sicut & alia , quae per miracula facta sunt , fuerint aliis potiora , & ideo in eo maximè viguit sensus tactus , ex cujus preceptione sequitur dolor . anima etiam secundum vires interiores , efficacissimè apprehendit omnes causas tristitiae . aquin. part . . quaest. . artic. . vide lactant. div. instit l. . p. , , . quatuor causae sunt cur christus crucis mortem sustinere voluerit . prima , quia accrbissima . secunda , quia ignominiosissima . tertia , quia gentilis non iudaica erat . quarta , quia significabatur eam fieri pro salute omnium credentium ubicunque illi terrarum essent , quod etiam representabatur expansione manuum . quo nimirum & christus allusit , joh. . . mors & crucifixio christi in lege quoque adumbrata est , sacrificio ventilationis quae sursum ac deorsum , dextrorsum ac sinestrorsum agitabatur . paul. fag . annotat. in deut. . . in ligno moritur dominus , hoc est mysterium peregit salutis , quoniam & lignum perniciem ac mortem attulerat . genus est mor●is non solum ignominiosum , sed durissimum , & prope intolerabile . lod. vir. de ver . fid. christ. l. . c. . h hoc argumentum hofmannū ▪ theologum quendam augustanae confessionis auctorem habuit , qui id primus extrusit . avidè id exceptum fuit ab arminio & ejus sequacibus , qui illi obstetricati sunt cum cur â. spanhem . de grat. univers . part . . p. , &c. vide plura ibid. they are grossely mistaken that will make jesus christ to die for all , so as to make them salvabiles if they will , and yet cannot say that either god hath given christ to all , or given all to christ , or that the spirit of god will apply that redemption to all . there is an adequation or commensuration betwixt the three persons in the trinity and their workings for the salvation of saints . pet. . . dr. hill on ephes. . . see mr. gillesp. miscel , c. . this was so clear , as that there was an order of knighthood of the sepulchre ; so at this day the turk maketh a great commodity for letting travellers to go in and see the sepulcher , estey . a west-indian king having been well wrought upon for his conversion to the christian religion , and having digested the former articles , when he came to that , he was crucified , dead and buried , had no longer patience , but said , if your god be dead and buried , leave me to my old god the sun , for the sun will not die . mark . . john . . i isa. . . he was taken from prison and from judgement . his prison was the grave , and he died under a judgement , that is , a sentence of condemnation . the angel was sent as a publick minister of justice to roll away the stone , and let the prisoner go , when the debt was paid . k hunc articulum theologorum crucem non immeritò nuncupare possumus , adeo illos torquet & vexat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 descendit ad inferos vel ad infernum . this is the only article ( say some ) which proves the immortality of the soul. the question amongst us is , whether christ descended locally in soul into the hell of the damned , or virtually by the power of his godhead . l tom. . part . . mr. perkins following solinius on the augustane confession in this article ( as he doth much on the whole creed ) mentions four several expositions , but in stead of this last , he hath another , that christ was held captive in the grave , and lay in bondage under death for the space of three daies . altingius problem . theol. part . . prob . much magnifies this interpretation , as true , pious and agr●eable to the creed ▪ and approved of by great divines , calvin , beza , danaeus , ursin , paraeus , and by publick confessions of the church . vide sandford● de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . vide bellarm. de christ. l. . c. , . some hold that christ went to the place of the damned , and there preached , and that as many as beleeved in him and were converted were thence delivered . bellarm. de christ. l. . c. . some say he descended into hell that there he might shew himself a conquerour , and might triumph over the devil , as it were , in his own kingdom . see b. bils . redempt . of mankinde . dr prid. serm. moutac . orig eccles. tom-prior part . posteriore , p. , , . but the de●cent into hell which the creed expresseth , and the scripture intimates did belong to his humiliation , phil. . . but his triumphall descent would rather have been an exaltation . * the paschal lamb was to be not alone killed but rosted after . m psal. . . christus secundum animam post ejus emigrationem , verè & localiter detrusus est in carcerem infernalem ; ut execratio pro nobis factus , per i●enarrabiles inferorum animae suae cruciatus , nostras anim as liberatas ab aeternis angoribus & cruciatibus inferui , immunes praestaret . lavater . de descensu . sandford de descensu christ. ad infer . l. . hoc idem censet & latimerus noster in concione quadam quae inter alias ejusdem extat . some papists say that christ went not down to hell but to the upper skirts and brims of it , where the fathers were floting , to fetch them thence : but the fathers were not there , but were saved by the same faith we are , acts . . vide sandford . de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. . usque ad . & l. . p. , , &c. gal. . . psal. . . see ps. . , . if christ went to hell to endure those torments that we might not endure them , then he ought to have descended thither , both in soul and body , since both our bodies and souls must have suffered those torments but for christ. for that place eph. . . by the lower parts of the earth grotius understands the earth in which men live , where christ exercised his divine power . see tim. . others interpret it of the grave , which is called the heart of the earth , matth. . . see my annotat. acts . . thou wilt not leave my soul in hell , id est , me , frequens hebraismus , non relinques me diu sub regno mortis grotius . the soul is used by a synecdoche often in the psalmes , ( whence this place is taken ) for me , psal. . , . & . . & . . & . . see vers . . of this chapter . by hell is signified the state of the dead , though they were godly and in joy . see gen. . . psal. . . the same is said twice in acts . after the prophets manner , and the latter words expound the former . christ suffered not the pains of hell in specie or loco , that is , either in kinde or place ; but some think that he suffered pains and punishments conformable and answerable to them in extremity , that only excepted which is sin , or consequent upon the inherence and eternity of the sin of such as are punished id hell . dr. field of the church , l. . c. . some say the torments of hell are . essential , the wrath of god upon the soul , and that christ underwent this . . accidental , as despair , blasphemy , these he suffered not . the suffering of gods wrath includeth two things . . a privation in regard of sense of all the favour of god. . an enduring in regard of sense of all the anger of god : these two things did christ endure . he lost the apprehension of gods favour , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? . he suffered the full sense of the wrath of god. whatsoever beleevers should have suffered for their sins , whether it be in the losse of the sense of gods love , or in the sensible feeling of the wrath and divine displeasure of almighty god ; all that christ suffered , so far as can be suffered without sin , zach. . . mr. hookers gift of gifts on titus . . there are eight things in hell pains which by no means christs soul might suffer , darknesse , destruction , death , and fire of hell , remorse , rejection , malediction , and desperation of the damned . b. bilsons redempt . of mankinde by the death and bloud of christ. p. , , , , . vide sandfordum de descensu christi ad inferos , l. . p. , ad . bilson saith the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which saint luke , act . expresseth davids meaning , doth alwaies note hell in the new testament , p. , . but sandford . opposeth this , de descensu christi ad inferos , p. , &c. nec valce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smalcii à priscis emendicatū . ego dico tibi hodie ( ubi ponatur distinctio ) & cris mecum in paradiso , nempe post diem judicii . nam evertit hoc , . lectio syriaca . ego dico tibi , quia hodie cris mecum in paradiso . et . hodie , illud salvatoris respondet , quando latronis . dr prid. fascic . controvers . theol. cap. . de eccles. haec elusio & ( inquit suarez ) non interpretatio , cùm dicat christus , petitionem latronis implendam esse , eo ipso die . sandford . de descensu christi ad inferos . bishop usher of limb. patrū . loquendum ut vulgus , sentiendum ut sapientes . aristot. in top. of the hebrew word sheol and the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see my hebrew & greek critica . infernus ab inferendo deducitur , eò quod mortui efferantur domo & humo inferantur . sanfordus de descensu christi ad inferos , p. . vide plura ibid. the vulgar renders it abire , act. . . venire , act. . . & . . devenire , act. . . supervenire , act. . . & . . quem admodum victoris triumphus duplex esse solet , unus quidem in ipso campo , quo hostes prosternit , alter in civitate regia , quo de victoria ante parta , amplissimam gloriae ; affluentiae , dominationisque mercedem capit : ita & christus triumphavit dupliciter , primò quidem in ipsa cruce ubi hostes devicit , deinde verò in resurrectione ascensioneque : ubi hujuscè victoriae suae luculentum fructum ad●ptus est . sanfordus de descensu christi ad inferos lib. . the exaltation of christ is that glorious or happy estate into which christ entred after he had wrought the work of our redemption upon the crosse . mr. perkins on the creed . phil. . . heb. . . pet. . . a exaltationis gradu● tres fuere , totidem gradibus extremae humiliationis oppositi : scilicet resurrectio à mortuis , opposita morti , ascensio in coelos desconsui in sepulchrum & ad inferos ; & sessio ad dextram dei , permansioni in scpulchro & in statu mortis vel apud inseros . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . rose ] that is , his body rose , the god-head could not , the soul did not . from the dead ] that is , out of the grave . estey . resurrectio christi fuit totius humanae naturae , quae antea per mortem ceciderat . respectu animae fuit ab inferis , vel à statu & dominio mortis , cui anima , prout pars erat humanae naturae , fuit subjecta . respectu corporis fuit à mortuis , & sepulchro ▪ ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . it was the custome of the primitive christians when they met one another , to utter these words , christus resurrexit , christ is risen . matth. . . & . . see luk. . cor. . . there be at this day who affirm , that christs body is in the sunne , an old heresie of the mani●hees , who affirmed , that christ in his ascension left his body in the sunne , taking their ground for it from psal. . . he set his tabernacl● in the sunne . that is a poor shift of the polonians in their catechism to avoid that text john . . for christs raising himself from the dead , they say , graeca vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae est reddita latinò excitabo , potest reddi erigam ; unde sensus erit , christum à deo excitatum ex mortuis , suum corpus erexisse . beza doth render it erigam , as the vulgar excitabo , but the sense is the same . christ ascended , . to prepare a place for us , joh. . . . to send down the holy ghost into the hearts of his servants , john . . ▪ . to triumph over sinne , death , hell , the devil , ephes. . . . to make intercession for us , rom. . . but the principall cause of his lifting up was the power of the deity , acts . . and . . why was he taken up in a cloud ? the law was given in a cloud , there was a cloud in the tabernacle and temple , and so christ was taken up in a cloud , to shew that we should not be inquisitive into that which god would have kept secret . aquinas saith , that as he was fourty hours in the grave to shew the truth of his passion , so he ascended fourty dayes after his resurrection , to shew the truth of his resurrection . he ascended from the mount of olives , act. . . near which he had his bitter agony in the garden , luk. . . that thence he might also take the rise of his exaltation . but that the print of his feet should be there seen to this day whence he ascended , we leave that to the papists to beleeve if they be so sotish . see lithgows nineteen years trav. part . . pag. . sedere ad dextram dei , phrasis non est propria , sed metaphorica , christi tum summum honorem , tum summii imperiū designat . metaphora desumpta est à consuetudi-regum & princip●m , qui eos ad dextram suam collocare solent , quibus proximum à se tum honoris , tum potentiae gradum in gubernatione concedunt , reg. . . matth. . . utraque pars sessionis evidens est ex scriptura . prior d● gloria ephes. . . altera de imperio & r●gni administratione ▪ psal. . . & ephes. . , . altingius . the sitting of christ at the right hand of the father is the highest and supream degree of his exaltation , wherein he hath received of the father excellent glory , dignity , power and rule , and is actually made the head of his church , and lord , and ruler of all things both in heaven and earth . if we have so much benefit by christs acting and suffering for us on earth , by christ humbled , what have we by christ exalted , ioh. . . he is present spiritually still with us here , and acts in heaven also for us . he received a personal glory at his ascension , his body is calleed a glorified body , phil ▪ . . see psal. ▪ ult . phil. ▪ , . pet. . . isa. . ult . we should love christ not amore concupiscentiae but amicitiae , not for some good we hope to get by him , but for the good that is in him , cant. . . & . . phil. . . meretricius am●r est plus annulum amare quam sponsum . august . motives . . god loves him above all , isa. . . he loves his creatures with a common love , his saints with a peculiar love , some of them above others , christ above all . . else we shall come under that dreadful curse , cor. . . . the greatest act of gods love to you was in giving christ , iohn . . . all the excellencies of his benefits do flow from him , satisfaction was given to god in his sufferings , because of the excellency of his person , acts . . and all his prayers are effectual , because of that also heb. . , . . all your benefits which you have by christ depend upon your interest in his person , ioh. . . . christ loves your persons , he loved you when enemies . we should love him with all kinds of love , of desire , complacency , benevolence , and with the highest degree of it , above all things . christ makes variety of applications to the souls of sinners , cupit amari , saith one . christians in the gospel should look on christ as ascended . notes for div a -e dr chaloner . credo ecclesiam catholicam , sect. . the papists say , we must beleeve in the church , and the rhemish testament is for it upon tim. . after a sort we are to beleeve in the church , saith bellarmine . sciendum ( inquit augustinus serm. . de tempore ) quod ecclesiam credere , non in ecclesiam credere debemus : quia ecclesia non est deus , sed domus dei. * gell l. . c. . syriack , turbae admodum commotae sunt . see mr. hudsons vindication , cap. . vide mestrezat de l'eglise . cap. . si dicatur in sanctam ecclesiā catholicam , sides nostra refertur ad spiritum sanctum qui sanctificat ecclesiam , ne sit sensus , credo in spiritum sanctum sanctificantem ecclesiam : sed melius est , ut non ponatur ibi in , sed simpliciter dicatur sanctam ecclesiam catholicam , ficut etiam leo papa dicit . aquin. a , ● . quaest. . artic. . vide calvin . institut . l. . c . et gatakeri cinnum , l . c. . vide seldenum de synod . vet . ebr. c. ▪ p. , . et whitakeri controvers . . de eccles. quaest. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictam esse , uti concionem , à concio , hoc est , convoco , usque adeò notum est , ut vix commemorari debeat . nimirum is mos crat olim in civitatibus , in quibus summa potestas penes populum erat , ut vel jussu magistratuum , vel also instituto publico , non optimates tantùm , sed etiam plebs è privatis aedibus evocaretur , atque conveniret , seu in plateam publicam , seu in templum aliquod , aut in alium quemvis locum , ut de iis deliberaret quae ad r●mpublicam pertinerent . id factitatum olim athenis & romae , & ubicunque sui juris populus de legibus vel figendis , vel resigendis , de pace constituenda , de bello decernendo , deque tribuendis vel poenis vel praemiis pro imperio statu●●e potuit : universus enim po●ulus , eo modo , ●●mque in sinem convocatus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud graecos , concio verò apud romanos appellabatur . atque ex iis conventibus reipublicae causa constitutis , vox manavit ad omnes alios coetus , quacunque de causa fierent , sacra scilicet , vel profana . thes. theol. salmur . parte tertia de ecclesia . ecclesia christi est coetus hominum evangeliū christi profitentium , in qu● per ministros ad hoc vocatos , evangelii doctrina purè traditur , & sacramenta ex dei verbo administrantur . beza epist. . vide bellarm. de eccles. milit . cap. . ecclesia prout dicta est ab evocando , conventum & concionem e●●c●t●m denotat : unde christi ecclesia coetus est hominum è turba reliquorum mortalium evocatus ad vitam aeternam . titulus iste domus dei , ecclesia dei vivi , & si ea conjungere libet , columna & stabilimentum veritatis , magnificentior esse videtur , quàm ut in ecclesiam particularem competat . haud sane timotheus in ecclesia universali visibiliter conversari potuit . thes. theol . salmur . part . . ecclesiam sanctam catholicam partiuntur , in militantem , triumphantem , & patientem . quis unquam ante natos iesuitas a●divit hanc ecclesiae partitionem in militantem , triumphantem & patientem , militantem in terris , triumphantem in ▪ coelis , patientem in purgatorio ? scripture duas tantum partes constituit , unam in coelis , alteram in terris : sicut ex apostoli verbis apparet ephes. . . & . . coloss. . . scripturae , patres , scholastici , tridentini proceres duas esse tantùm ecclesiae partes statuunt . rainold . de lib. apoc. praelect . . * distinctio ista non generis fuit in species , vel integri in sua membra , quae res multiplicet , sed tantum quoad diversos modos & status . dr prid. ecclesia visibilis est propter homines qui sunt membra & cives ecclesiae , qui nobiscum agunt & degunt , quos aspi●imus , alloquimur & salutamus . visibilis est propter exercitia pietatis , quae videntur ab omnibus in ecclesiae . visibilis est , quia notae sunt insignes & conspicuae , quibus ab omni infidelium contubernio distinguitur , viz. verbi divini praedicatio syncera , rectus usus sacramentorum , fidelis & simplex in christo obedientia . hum●r . iesuit . pars . de natura eccles. ratio . quemadmodum non negamus ecclesiam universalem esse nonnunquam conspicuam , non absolutè quidem , sed respectu multarum sui partium , & in pluribus atque ingentibus ecclesiis particularibus , sic ex eo sequi id esse perpetuum vehementer inficiamur . thes. theol. salm. par . . these two terms visible and invisible are not divers disterences of the church , as if they constituted two contradistinct or opposite churches , for it is plain that they are for the most part subordinate and coincident . pura puta distinctio est respectu duplicis illius quae in ipsa consideretur , formae : & r●m non variat , verum varios illius considerandae modos innuit . to be visible and invisible are denominations meerly accidental no true differences of the church . ecclesia catholica est objectum fidel , non sensus , ut verò invenitur in coetibus particularibus , duplicem sortitur formam , internam & externam : interna constat duplici unione , christo , per fidem , fratribus per charitatem : externa elucet in publica verbi professione , & sacramentorum participatione . a prima habet ecclesia , ut sit , à secunda solummodò ut sit conspicua . dr prid. lect. . de visibilitate ecclesiae . the church is called catholick , quia universaliter perfecta est , & in nullo claudicat , & per totum ●rbem diffusa est . aug. de gen. ad lit . ● . . see mr. hudsons vindicat. c. . sect . . and dr. hampton on ioh. . . * this acception of the word catholick can hardly be proved out of ancient writers . ecclesia catholica vocatur , . respectu ecclesiae veteris testamenti . . respectu particularium ecclesiaru● . . respectu catholic● fidei . gerh. loc . common . this word catholick is not found in all the bible , yet the sense being there it may be retained , the word is the same both in latine and greek , and signifies general . it is used , . unproperly , and so it signifies as much as orthodox , in which sense sometimes the fathers use it , this is the catholick faith. . properly , so it signifies universal , and so it is here taken . putant multi catholicam dictam ecclesiam , ut distingueretur ab iudaeorum synagogis terrae canaan limitibus circumscriptis : sed parum id verisimile fit , cum apostolorum aetate non in palaestina modò , sed etiam extra illam religione fuerint iudaei ; quin plures , quàm in palaestina . eoque magis sit ver●simile , catholicae nomen opponi coepisse , ut ecclesia quae toto orbe obtineret , distingueretur à conventiculis haereticorum & s●h●smaticorum , quales novationarum , & postea donatistarum . vossius de tribus symbolis . the church is called holy in three respects : . in respect of the righteousnesse and holinesse of christ imputed , which may be termed sanctitas imputata . in respect of those degrees of sanctification , wherewith it is endowed in this life , which may be termed sanctitas inchoata . . in respect of the rule and law by which it is directed to serve god in holinesse and righteousnesse , which therefore may be termed sanctitas imperata . dr. chaloners credo ecclesiam sanctam catholicam , part . . sect . . ubicunque dei verbum syncere praedicari atque audiri , ubi sacramonta ex christi instituto administrari videmus , illic aliquam esse dei ecclesiam nullo modo ambigendum est : quando ejus promissio fallere non potest mat. . . calvin . instit. lib. . c. . symbola ecclesiae dignoscendae , verbi praedicationem , sacramentorumque observationem posuimus . nam haec nusquam esse possunt quin fructificent , & dei benedictione prosperentur . non dico , ubicunque praedicatur verbum illic fructum mox exoriri : sed nullibi recipt & statam habere sedem , nisi ut suam efficaciam proferat . id. ibid. si solus essem in toto orbe terrarum , qui reti●erem verbum , solus essem ecclesia , & rectè judicarem de reliquo toto mundo , quod non esset ecclesia . luth. loc. commun . class . cap. . de ecclesia . luthers holy pains , preaching and writing was not a novation , but a renovation ; not a planting of a new religion , but a renewing and replanting of the ancient religion ; not an institution but a restitution of the truth of god ; not an introduction , but reduction of the true and holy religion . dr taylor on rom. . . rev. . . epistola pauli ad romanos est epistola pauli in romanos . faius . vide poly. vir. hist. a●g . l. . shew me that man , who before the councel of trent held all the points of your faith , as they are now taught and received in your church . dr featleys case for the spectacles , c. . see more there . bishop iewel in a sermon at pauls crosse made a publick challenge to all the papists in the world , to produce but one clear and evident testimony out of scripture , or any father , or other famous writers within six hundred years after christ , for any one of the many articles which the romanists at this day maintain against us , and upon good proof of any such allegation , he promised to reconcile himself to rome . papists call themselves catholicks but falsly , being both heretical in doctrin , and idolatrous in worship ; a catholick is a right beleever : all true beleevers in the world make but one catholick church . lyford . papists call themselves roman catholicks . catholick is universal , roman particular , that is , of the whole world , this of one city . so the roman catholick is as much as to ●ay particular universal , that is , no● catholick , catholick . downs defence of former answers against the reply of n. n. see more there . the mahometists at this day assume the name of saracens ( as your men do the name of catholicks ) as if they came from sarah the free woman abrahams true and lawful wife , when in truth they took their first beginning fram agar the bond woman . dr featleys case for the spectacles chap. . ecclesia catholica universalis est , tota est , per orbem diffusa ac dissem●nata est , rom ana pars solum est , particularis est & romae pomaeriis circumscripta . extra catholicam salus omnino nulla , extra romanam , & servati multi & servan●● . crakanth . defens . eccles. anglic. ut donatistae nullam ecclesiam praeter africanam ▪ ; ita papistae nullam agnoscant ecclesiam catholicam praeter romanam ; quàm absurdè catholicam romanam , quasi dicas universalem particul●rem vocitant . down . diatrib . de antichristo part . . l. . c. . * see rev. . . chro. . . hos. . . cor. . . cor. . ▪ tim . . john . . vide stresonem in act. . . conc. . pag. , . if any man fall away from that church , which is not christ his spouse , he cannot be charged justly with apostasie . nullus pudor est ad meliora transire . it is no shame to change for the better , we left not bethel the house of god , until it became bethaven , the house of iniquity . dr. hampton on john . . see more there . vire●us ●oc suasit , & suadeo etiam ut ab illa ecclesia non solum abstineamus quae haeresibus & idololatria polluta est , & conventus habeamus , ubi possum●s , in quibus duo aut tres congregentur in nomine christi , si plures non possint . novam tum ecclesiam non colligimus sed veteri nos adjungimus . rivet . grotianae discus . dialysis . sect. . certè praecipuum communionis vinculum missa est , quam nos ut maximum sacrilegium abominamur . calv. instit. l. . c. . nos dicimus ecclesiam bano aut illam posse errare , ut ecclesiam corinthiorum , galatarum , ephesiorum , & reliquas hujusmodi , nec errare modò , verumetiam obrui tandem erroribus , & desicere , quod ipsa experientia in multis demonstravit . dicimus autem veram christi ecclesiam catholicam ( quae est electorum tantùm ) errare non posse , si errores mortiseros & insanabiles intelligamus , at in levioribus rebus posse errare , ●empe qua non simpliciter & absolutè ad ecclesiam necessariae , quaeque fundamentum non evertunt . whitak . controvers . . de ecclesia quaest . . cap. . tim. . . tim. . . gen. . sam. . . ezek. . . ezek. . . pet. . . luk. . . cor. . . cor. . . revel . . . quid magis ecclesiae curandum , quam ut idoneus praesit episcopus . at in ambrosio obstare visum , quod b. paulus vetet , ne episcopus creetur neophytus nihilominus electus est episcopus ambrosius , licet neophytus : quia & ab ariana haeresi constaret esse immunem ; & summae esset auctoritatis ; quod illa tempora requirerent . vost . instit. orat . l. . c. . sect. . how frequently do we reade of the distinction of pastors & flocks , we finde rules for the qualification of ministers , tim. . titus . we finde that the primitive church had their pastours and teachers , we finde that some had the charge of this work upon them , acts . . col. . . pet. . . here an instituted ministery is clearly proved . m. symmonds christian plea for scripture ordinances . see more there . and m. gillesp. miscel. cap. . that the ministery is a perpetual ordinance of christ. about the calling of a minister and ordination . see m. vines on pet. . . pag. . to . ephes. . . he gave not only apostolical , evangelical , pastoral gifts , but apostles , evangelists , pastours , as a fruit of his ascension ; ministers both ordinary and extraordinary . these ministers are not for a time but to continue , vers . . till all come to the unity of the faith. that is therfore a prodigious opinion , that there is no ministery . there is not only an essential and integral state of the church , but organical ministers . d. hill. god hath designed parsons to teach the people , charged them with the cure of souls , given them commission to go into all the world , given them gifts accordingly , charged the people to attend and obey , hath provided them maintenance and support , and separated them to reading , to exhortation and doctrine , from the affairs of this world , that they may attend to these by the care of the whole man. d. taylor divine institut . of the office ministerial , sect. . a true church cannot be without a true ministery , the reformed churches are true churches . sadeel . de legitima vocatione ministrorum . that there is such an office. iudaei à nobis interrogati , si illis data esset facultas ins●aurandi sanctuari in monte moria , ut antea , an victima immolaturi fuerint , respondebant frustra hoc fore , quia inquiebant , non est sacerdotium hodiè in israel . jos. scalig. à diatb . de decim . while there i● a church there will be a ministery , chron. . . & . . there is an institution of officers as well as ordinances , heb. . . in philippi there were brethred , bishops and deacons , revel . . . some now grant members yet deny officers . see par. on rom. . . pag. . and elton on col. . . p. . a minister can have no good assurance that god ever called him , or will work with him , unlesse he can finde that thing which moved him to enter into this calling was an earnest desire to do good in it , tim. . . hildersam . some say two things are required to his inward calling , . ability , sufficiency of gifts : no man is called by god to the ministery that hath not either learning attained by study , or else inspirations , visions and special revelations . . a desire to glorifie god in that work , tim. . , . vide crocii antiwegel part . . c. . quaest . . & masonum de ministerio anglicano l. . c. , , . & l. . c. . & l. . c. . some alledge that place act. . . for popular elections . mr hudsons vindicat. c. . quaestio oriri potest , si ecclesia particularis non habeat pastores , nec presbyteros , ut aliquo casu interdum potest contingere , cum plebi haec potestas data non sit , pastores sibi eligendi & ordinandi , an necessariò ad vicinarum ecclesiarum presbyterium recurrere debeat , ut per impositionem manuū presbyterii illius ipsa pastorem à se electum per illos ordinatum queat accipere ! nec dubium est ita fieri debere . in casu tamen necessitatis , si nulla sit haec in proximis , nec in longinquis partibus ecclesia , ut si christiani aliquot in novum orbem delati , pastoribus destituantur , certum est posse eos sibi presbyterium cum pastoribus constituere à quibus gubernentur & doceantur , verbum dei & sacramenta percipiant . salmas . apparat . ad primatum papae . id. vindicat. of quaest. . p. . ordinary ministers are ministers of the church catholick , though not catholick ministers actually . if ministers be misters only in their particular congregations where they are fixed , and to which they are called by the congregation , i marvel that our brethren of the congregational way here in england are so desirous to have itinerant ministers to be sent into all parts of the land , and shall be fastened to no particular congregation ; yea , and also to have gifted men not ordained at all , to be suffered to preach publickly and constantly in congregations . id. vindicat. chap. . vocationis essentia est in electione ecclesiae & acceptione electi . ames . medul . th. lib. . cap. . adjunctum consequens & consummant est ordinatio , quae nihil aliud est , quam solennis quaedam introductio ministri jam electi in ipsius functionis liberam executionem , undè factum est , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud veteres idem saepè sonent . ames . ibid. mr gillesp. miscel. cap. . see more there . mr. gillesp. miscel. c. . see more there , and chap. . ordinatio autem pastorum & presbyterorum ecclesiae , partim internae potestastatis est , partim externae , ex utroque enim mixta est . duabus quippe partibus constat , electione & manuum impositione , quae benedictio vel consecratio est . haec internae est potestatis & à solis ministris confertur . salmas . a● parat●●d librum de primatu . traditionem vetustam in ordinandis ministris libenter amplecti , & usurpare velim , quam in veris & indubitatis apostoli pauli canonibus habemus , in epist. . ad tim. c. . & ad titum c. . illud jus pertinet in ecclesia christiana ad uniuscujusque ecclesiae constitutae presbyterium . rivetus . pontificii bodiè nos hoc nomine condemnant , quod ab iis manuum impositionem non accepimus , acsi ad illos solos spiritus s. transisset , satis est ab illis explorari episcopatum obituros , qui eorum in rebus sacris tractandis peritiam pertenta●e norint , tim. . neque enim deus successionis seriem respicit , neque uspiam ecclesia existit , quae creandi ministri qui ei inserviat potestatem non habeat . cartw. in harm . evang. act. . . dr. field of the church , l. . c. . examination is as requisite in the calling of a minister , as is ordination , and doth as much belong to the power of the church , as ordination : yet experience shews , that many godly and simple christians are not able to perform this work , considering the subtilty of many deceitful and learned hereticks which creep into churches . pag. arrow against the separat . of brown. c. . p. . * see d. halls apol , against them , p. . m. lyfords apol. for our publick . min. and infant bapt. concl. . woe to those pastours qui non pascunt , sed depascunt gregem , ezek. . * sam. . . * augustine and chrysostom preached every day in the week and year at least once or twice without fail , ye heard yesterday , ye shall hear to morrow , is common in their tractates and homilies . m. balls trial of separat . pag. . the papists by way of scoff called the evangelical ministers praedicantici . whereas paul judged preaching his chief office , and would not baptize least it should be an impediment . bellarmine and the councel of trent style preaching praecipuum episcopi officium . tim. . . exponere voluit quid sit episcopatus : quia nomen est operis non honoris . aug. de civit . dei , l. . c. . the jewish ministers were not separated by christ himself , nor by others at his command , matth. . , . mat. . , , . luk. . & . . the pastour which hath care of souls , and is non-resident , non est dispensator , sed dissipator , non speculator , sed spiculator . the most learned divines in the councel of trent did generally protest against it , as appears by their several tractates . see ezek . . he whom thou substitutest , is either more deserving then thy self , and then it is fit he should have more means , or else he is equal ; then it is fit he should have as much ; or he is inferiour , and then he is not fit to represent thy person . see doctor chalo●ers sermon on matth. . . entituled , the ministers charge and mission . tit. . . pet. . as the measures of the sanctuary were double , so their sins were double . greenham . it is onus angelorum humeris formidandum . chrysost. cor. . . melch. adam . exod. . . omnes disputando , pauci bene vivendo vincere adversarios studemus . casaub. epist. . heinsio . d. hill on ephes . . m. burrh . on hos. . . constantine when he entered into the synod of nice , bowed himself very low unto the bishops there assembled , and sate not down until they desired him . iosephus antiq. iud. l. . c. . records , that alexander the great coming with his army against ierusalem , the high-priest did meet him arayed with his sacred and magnificent attire : alexander dismounted himself , and in the high-priest worshipped god , who , as he said , had in a dream appeared unto him in that habit . vide mont. appar . . p. . the ministery of the gospel is much more excellent & glorious then that of the law , cor. . , , . phil. . . thess. . , . tim. . . heb. . , , see act. . . gal. . . stupor mundi ●lerus britānicus see b. down . on tim. . , . p. . almost to the end . the devil laboured to suppresse the gospel mendaciis & inopia luther roberts epist. to the revenue of the gospel . see more there some say they will preach and take no tithes . cor. . , vid. aquin. a , ae . quaest . . art. . & . see m. hildershams two last lectures on psal. . it is a giving of the sense of the scripture , and a more large opening of points of doctrine to men , joyned with reproofs , exhortations , comforts , and a right applying it to the hearers . praedicatio verbi est medium gratiae divinitùs institutum quo res regni dei publicè & explicantur & applicantur populo ad salutem & adificationem . boules de pastore . vide plura ibid. rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . praelect . . doctor donne on matth. . apage vesanam illam prophetandi liberta●ē , imò licentiam blasphemandi : ut liceat malè seriato cuique tyroni , prodigiofissima cerebri sui phantasmata in apricum producere , & populo commendare & praelo . concio d. hal. ad synod . nation . dordrecht . neither do the independents only , but the socinians and arminians also cry up libertas prophetandi . mr gillesp. miscel. cap. . for a publick formal ministerial teaching two things are required in the teachers : . gifts from god. . authority from the church , he that wants either is no true pastour . for the second , such as want authority from the church are . none of christs officers , ephes. . . . they are expresly forbidden it , ier. . . . the blessing on the word is promised only to sent teachers , rom. . . mr owens duty of pastors and people distinguished , pag. , . inprimis displicet mihi illa quam tuentur libertas prophetandi , certissima pernicies religiouis nisi certis sinibus acriter coerceatur casaub. epist. . joanni lydio . that sending rom. . . must needs import an authoritative mission according to the clear etymology of the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which manifestly alludes to the name of an apostle , a name given by christ himself to them who were first by his command to preach the gospel , luke . . it signifies one that is sent as the embassadours of princes use to be sent with their masters mandates . church-member set in joynt by filodexter transylvanus . see deodat . in loc . mr. cottons keys of the kingd . in ecclesia primitiva juit exercitium quoddam propheticum à concionibus distinctum cor. . , . ad hoc exercitium habondum , admit . tebantur non tantum ministri , s●d et ex fratribus prim arii , vel maximè approbati , pro donis illis , quae habuerunt sibi collata . ames . l. . de consc . c. . see mr. wards coal from the al●ar . most of the writings of cypri● , athanasius , bafil , nazianzen , chrysostom , ambrose , cyril , augustine , leo , gregory , were nothing else but sermons preacht unto the people . cor. . ult . in the consecration of bishops a bible is put into their hands , and these words used , accipe evangelium , vade , praedica populo tibi commisso . the ministers words must be like goads to prick men to the heart , and when they are soundest asleep they must be like cocks that cry loudest in the deadest time of the night . king iames said well of a reverend prelate of this land , me thinks this man preacheth of death , as if death were at my back . master fenner ●n john . . * et hac uimirum expedita concionandi methodus iesuitica , quam mihi etiam spirae & wormatiae , & moguntiae aliquando observasse visus sum : alta voce , sed frivolis rationibus , cont ra haereticos clamitare , & moralia in quibus christum iesum , & fidem justificantem omnium bonorum operum fontem semper desideres identidem suis inculcare , quae ipsa tamen melius forsan ex seneca & plutarcho , quam ex concionibus illorum didiceris . scultet . de curriculo vita , pag. . verba volvere , & celeritate dicendi apud imperitum vulgus admirationem sui facere , indoctorum hominum est : hieron . epist. ad neporian . ab allegationibus & authoritate patrum veterumque ecclesiae doctorum abstinebit pastor ecclesiasticus zepperi lib. . de habendis concionibus ecclesiast . c. . vide plura ibid. vide ames . de cons. l. . . . * in the preface to his remonst . m. wheatleys new-birth . see m. wards coal from the altar . doctrina est axioma theologicum , vel in scripturae verbis positum expresse , vel ex illis per immediatam consequentiam fluens . ames . medul . theol. lib. . cap. . christ and his apostles who were infallible confirmed all by scripture usus est axioma theologicum ex doctrina deductum , utilitatem , bonitatem , vel sinem ejus ostendens . amesius ubi supra . cor. . . tim. . . oportet ut eo fine praedicetur christus quo ●ides in cum promoveatur , ut non tantum sit christus , sed tibi & mihi sit christus . luther . loc . commun . class . . cap. . quod philosophi dicere solent , omuis actio sit per contactum , id in sacra praedicandi actione vel maxime locum habet . davenant . in colos. . . see m. gillespies aarons rod blossoming , l. . c. , , . & his misc. c. and the london ministers ius drvinum of church-government . potestas ecclesiastica à pelitica realiter distincta est , paral. . . joh. . . cor. . . cor. . . pet. . . luc. . . cor. . . col. cum rom. . . voetius . * bishop ushers speech in the castle-chamber at dublin concerning the oath of supremacy . the keys are an ensign of power and authority in some corporations , as in others the mace and sword. m. udall told them in the days of queen elizabeth , that if they would not set up the discipline of christ in the church , christ would set it up himself in a way that would make their hearts to ake . discipline is used sometimes largely , so as it extendeth to all rule and order , appointed or left for the right managing of the things of god , or strictly for the censures of the church . so there may be a true church without discipline . the helvetians and those of switzerland have no suspension at all , but what offences other churches suspend for the civil magistrate punisheth other way . the papists turn all ecclesiastical power into a meer civil and worldly power . vide spanhem . epist. ad buchanan . q. . m. bals triall of the ground of separation . see m. cawdries review of m. hookers survey , c. . * adversus apollon . c. . ius excommunicandi ante papisticam illam tyrannidem nunquam penes unum fuisse comperietur , sed penes presbyterium , & quidem non excluso penitus populo . bern. epist. summum futuri judicii praejudicium est , si quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis & conventus & omni sancti commercii relegetur . tertul. in apol. it is that sentence of the church wherby she ejecteth wicked sinners out of her communion . d. field . see m. gillesp. aarons rod bloss . lib. . cap. . the schoolmen say , excommunication is purgativa respectu ecclesiae , praeservativa respectu sidelium , sanativa respectu delinquentis . vide aquin. partem tertiam , qu●st . , , , , , . d. white in a sermon at pauls crosse. apostoli hoc ecclesiae regimen instituerunt , ut unus aliquis non solum populo sed etiam presbyteris & diaconis praesiciatur , penes quem sit , & manuum impositio sive ordinatio , & consiliorum ecclesiasticorum directio . scultet . in subscriptionem titi. presbyteri ex suo numero in singulis civitatibus unum eligebant , eui specialiter dabant titulum episcopi , ne ex aequalitate , ut fieri solet , dissi●ia nascerentur . calvin . instit. lib. . cap. . m. thorndike of primitive government of churches , cap. . ● tim. . . tit. ● . . ex usu scripturarum nihil differt presbyter ab episcopo , ne in ecclesia quidem , ulla saltem essentiali differentia , sed tantùm accidentali . chamier . vide collationem rainoldi cum harto , cap. . pag. . & . danaeum in tim. . . non est alius ordo episcopi ab ordine presbyteri sed unus & idem , hoc tantum differunt , quod ex presbyter●rum consensu & electione , unus presbyter in altiori gradu collocaretur . qua de re videri possunt qui hanc materiam nuper accuratissimè tractarunt . illustris salmasius & clarissimus david blondellus . rivet . grot. discus . dialys . sect. . nos putamus parum differre utrum episcopis an à presbyteris gubernetur ecclesia , modo graviter & fideliter obeant munus suum quiqui tandem ad clavum sedeant . si de antiquitater●s est cum hieronymo planè sentio , apostolorum aetate inter episcopos & presbyteros nihil fuisse discriminis , et communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesias fuisle administratas . itaque presbyteri episcopis omninò sunt antiquiores . interim episcopale regimen est antiquissimum , & paulò post apostolos per universam ecclesiam magno cum fructu obtinuisse , est mihi compertissimum . bocharti epistola ad quastionem de presbytera●● & episcopati . initio & in remotissima ecclesiae autiquitate non erat ecclesiae regimen monarchicum , sed quasi ex aristocratica & democratica mixtum , quamvis propriè & sanè loquendo eavoces in ecclesia usurpari non debeant . vedel . exercit. in epist. ignat. ad mariam . vide plura ibid. in co nobis imponunt quod vocant eum in ecclesia iudaica pontificem maximum . nam scriptura eum vocat summum pontificem , cujus in consacerdotes , ut ita loquar , nullum suit imperium , tantum iis omnibus praeibat , itaque regimen illud non erat monarchi●um , sed aristocraticum , quale regimen est venetae reipublicae in qua tamen dux est & princeps . cameron . de eccles. idem est graecis synodus quod latinis conciliū per c , à conciendo , synodus est legitimus christianorum hominum coetus & sacer , ex diversis ecclesiis ac regionibus coiens , & quidem de rebus sacris babetur , non autem de rebus profanis , aut merè politicis , & à personis propter vocationem sacris , danaeus isag. christ. part . . de potestate ecclesiae , c. . vide plura ibid. * concilium dictum à communi intentione , eo quod in unum omnes dirigant mentis obtutum : cilia enim ●culorum sunt , isidore . concilium dicitur , non à consulendo aut consentiendo , ut vul● festus , sed à concalando , hoe est , convocando , sive congregando , quod reivim naturamque declarat . concilium enim est hominum coetus , aut concio , aut convocatio , aut conventus , aut multitudo collecta ac convocata ab aliquo ad consultandum , an t dijudicandum de rebus communibus . whitakerus de conciliis quaest. . c. . sic priscas illas synodes , ut nicenam , constantinopolitanam , ephesinam primam , chalcedonensem ac ●imiles , quae confutandis erroribus habitae sunt , libenter amplectimur , reveremurque ut sacro sanctas , quantum attinet ad fidei dogmata : nihil enim continent quàm puram & nativam scripturae interpretationem , quam sancti patres spirituali prudentia , ad frangendos religionis hostes qui tunc emerserant , accommodarunt . calvin . instit. l. . c. . sect. . concilium universale cum non ex una gente , sed ex toto ●rbe christiano episcopi ac presbyteri propter maximas causas publica authoritate congregantur , ut olim à piis imperatoribus sapè , ad quae ex singulis ferè provinciis africae , asiae , europae aliqui convenerunt . hae vocantur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel quia ex omni parte orbis ad eas convenitur , vel quia ut quidant volunt , ab imperatore congregabantur , qui olim totius orbis christiani imperium ba●uit . whitakerus de concil . quaest. . cap. . that famous councel of nice was the first and best general assembly after the apostles time that was summoned in the christian world , it had in it bishops , totius orbis terrarum lumina dr featl●ys case for the spectacles . vide bellarm. de concil . l. . c. , , . see dr rainolds his conference with hart , cap. . p. . that not only bishops but presbyters have a right of suffrage in councels . homines rerum divinarum & ecclesiasticarum experti , solertes , docti , pii , diserti , graves , cordati mittendi sunt ad concilia , hic par● debent authoritatem habere in suffragiis ferendis . whitak . con . de concil . c. . whitak . quaes . . de concil . c. . vide etiam c. . vide epis. dav. de iudice controvers . c . see b. mortons appeal l. . c. . sect. . dr featleys vertumnus rom. preface to the reader . see mr gillesp. aarons rod blo● . l. . c. . p. . doctissimus tridentinae fidei patronus andradius affirmat in compluribus hallucinari posse concilia generalia , exempli causa chalcedonensem synodum , unam è quatuor illis celeberrimis , quas pontificum maximus maximo applausu professus est se venerari ficut quatuor libros sancti evangelii . rainol . thes. . quis nesciat ipsa concilia quae per singulas regiones vel provincias siunt , plenariorum conciliorum authoritati , quae siunt ex universo orbe christiano . sine ullis ambagibus cedere ; ipsaque plenarta sapeprio●a posterioribus emendari , cum aliquo experimento rerum aperitur quod clausum erat . aug. de bapt . cont donat. l. . cap. . * quaest. . de concil . c. . gerso● . indig●um & monstrosum ratus , ut concilium ab uno vim omnem atque dignitatem obtineat , censuitque eos qui rogant utrum papa major sit an ecclesia , perinde facere ac si quaerant utrum parte majus sit totum . humfr. iesuit . part . . p , . honores mutant mores . nos defendimus ( saith bellarm. de concil . auth . c. in prinicipio ) summum pontificem simpliciter & absolutè esse supra con●ilium generale : ita ut nullum supra se iudicem agnoscat . vide c. , , , . of which opinion also are stapleton and gregory de valentia . * the word in its fair and inoffensive sense imports thus much , every particular congregatiō rightly constituted & compleated , hath sufficiency in it self to exercise all the ordinances of christ. m. hooker survey of church discipline . par . . chap. . see mr calamies epistle to the reader before mr hudsons vindication , that all church-power is not solely and particularly in an independent congregation . how one sister church by its single power can non-communion another , that is of equal power with it , i know not , for it is a censure and no lesser then a virtual excommunication . m. hudsons vindicat. cap. . antichristum ipsa nominis originatione significare aliquem christo oppositum sciunt vel pueri . sed nominatur tamen aliàs generaliter aliàs propriè . non●unquam enim tribuitur cuilibet christum oppugnanti joan. . . magis propriè usurpatur pro insigniter notabili antichristo , joan. . ille antichristus . chamie● . tom. . l. . c. . quisquis enim christum , qualis ab apostolis est praedicatus , negavit , antichristus est : nominis antichristi proprietas est christo esse contrarium . hilarius adversus arianos . antichristus , si vim vocis spectemus significare potest eum , qui vel opponit se christo ut adversarium , vel se aequat christo ut aemulum , vel se christi locum tenere in terris profitetur , ut christi vicarium : talem planè insignem illum antichristum scriptura describit ut adversarium quidem thes. . . ut aemulum , esserentem se super omnem , qui dicitur deus , &c. ut vicarium , cum bina illi cornua agni similia affingit . down . diatrib . de antich . l. . c. . vide etiam l. . c. . & . introduxit titulum monarchae sylvester secundus , iurisdictionem , gregorius septimus , canones ad ista defendenda , innocentius tertius ; praxin sive insignia utriusque gladij , bonifacius octavus . non propter petrum de petri honor● disputatur holiè ; sed propt●r pap●m : cui sui adulatores potiùs persuaderent , ut verarum petri virtutum , quàm falsorum titulorum haeres esse mallet . casaub. exercit . . ad annal . eccles. nos autem fa●emur , tum ex scripturis , tum ex patribus multa afferri posse , quae petro quandam honoris praerogativam adscribere videantur . primus maximam ob partem inter apostolos recensetur ▪ solus ferè respondit nomine omnium apostolorum , quando aliquid ●● commune ab illis quaeritur : à patribus dux , princeps , caput apostolorum subinde appellatur : sed exhisce aliisve quibuscunque titulis , & praerogativis quae petro tribuantur , nihil aliud colligi posse affirmam●s , quàm obtinuisse illum praesidentiam sive primatum quendam , quoad ordinem , inter alios apostolos , non potestatem sive jurisdictionem , quoad imperium super omnes apostolos . hic ordinis primatus ( absque quo in nullo coetu negotia rectè expediri possunt ) petro delatus fuit , non juro divino , sed vel ratione aetatis , ut putabat hieronymus , vel ( quod potius arbitror ) ratione indolis ; quia fuit acerrimus & fortissimus apostolorum , atque ad propuls●●da pericula & negotia expedienda paratissimus . episc. dav. determ . quaest. . primatus est vel temporis , vel ordinis , vel dignitatis , & non duntaxat potestatis petrus , etsi non fuerit primus tempore , potuit tamen esse primus ordine , primus etiam dignitate , n●● tamen primus potestate , cham. tom. . l. . c. . tanta diligentia omnia coacervantur etiam minima quae sive in scripturis , sive apud fatres de petro sola dicta leguntur . cham. de occumen . pontif. l. . c. . memini me olim puero , in ●epicta quadem tabula , ad nomen ( papa ) hunc a●rost●●um legisse ( p ) pastorum ( a ) ambitio ( p ) p●perit ( a ) antichristum . d ● prid. epist. dedicat. ad fasc . controv. theol. papa tanquam patrum pater . bollarm . l. . de pontif . c. . & salmeron . prol●g . in epist. ad rom. disp. . the romanists glory to be called papists from the pope . a papa papistas dici nec ●●●●●ur , nec erubescimus . lorin . ies. comment . in act. . . vide cham. de occ. pontif. l. . cap. . deum sanctè testor , christiane lector , me tam certò scire pontificem romanum esse magnum illum antichristum , & pontificiam ecclesiam antichristi synagogam , quàm deum ipsum esse in coelis creatorem visibilium & invisibilium , & iesum christum verum illum messiam , patribus olim promissum . pouelus de antichristo . quanquam ecclesia romana in qua unicè pontisex sedet , templum dei non est , si verè loqui volumus , tamen dei templum meritò appellatur , & quia suit olim reverà templi●n dei , & quia munc in romana ecclesia reliquiae sunt hujus templi ; & quia se pro templo dei jactat , illudque nomen ad se unum , suosque alumnos pertinere contendit . whitak . ad sanderi demon. . de antich resp. vide aug. de civit . dei. l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa defectio . see chamiers tom. . l. . c of antichrists errors in matter of doctrine concerning the scripture , god , man , the sacraments and church . popes in our dayes are praised for their goodnesse , when they surpasse not the wickednesse of other men . gui●ch . hist. lib. . pius quintus pontifex sanctus dicere solebat , cùm essem religiosus sperabam benè de salute animae meae ; cardinalis factus extim●i ; nunc pontifex creatus , penè despero . idem sensit clemens octavis . cornelius a lapid . in num. . * depatrum seutentiis non laboro , qui cum ante tempora antichristi viverent , & talem antichristum , qualis erat futurus , ne somniarent , multa de antichristo scripsisse aliena , & veri quidem duntaxat imagine ductos fuisse minimè mirum est . whitak . ad sand. demonst. de antich . respons . cùm papam dicimus esse antichristum , non intell●gamus quemvis unum de antichristorum turba , antichristulum , sed magnum illum , & insignem antichristum , qui non modo adversatur christo , sed ut aemulum etiam se ci opponit , utcunque se interim vicarium christi mentiatur . papam verò cùm dicimus , non hunc aut illum volumns , puta paulum quintum , vel clementem octavum : sed ipsam pontificum romauorum seriem , à bonifacio usque tertio & deinceps . downam . diat . de antich . l. . c. . christus cum patris legatus & vicarius sit in salutis humanae negotio neminem sibi legatum vicariumve asciscit , multorum tamen utitur ministerio . camer . praelect . in mat. . . b. mort. appeal l. . c. . sect. see also c. . sect. . * bellar. l. . d● indul. c. . vide estium ad cor. . . dr featleys stricturae in lyndo ▪ mastigem ch. concerning indulgen . downs subject to the higher powers on rom . . vide polyd. vir. l. . invent. c. . p. . rescripsit philippus pulcher bonifacio octavo pontifici non esse penes illum potestatem ullum in reges galliae , & si qui contra affirmarunt eos stultos & dementes esse oratio arnaldi . rivet . iesuit . vapulans . imperatores , reges sunt papae vasalli . iidem debent papam ●lorare flexo genu in terram usque : debent ejus pedes osculo venerari . debent ei poculum porrigere & quidem de geniculis , debent aquam fundere lavandis manibus . chamierus . papa sedens in pontificali cathedra tenet coronam imperialem inter pedes suos : eaque ab imperatore inclinato capite de pedibus ejus suscipitur : tum papa pede cam coronam percutit , projicitque in terram , in signum , quod habet potestatem cum , si merita sua exigant , deponendi . chamier . tom. . d● antich . l. . c. . vide bellarm. de rom. pont. l. . c. . inter ipsos romanae religionis ecclesias versatur & vexatur una controversia majoris momenti quam sunt omnes , si in unum conglobentur , de quibus litigant inter se protestantes : illam volo de infallibili iudico in omnibus christianae fidei quaestionibus , hispanicae & italicae ecclesiae tuentur papam esse hunc supremum judicem , at gallicanae è contra eundem deprimunt , de cathedra sua infallibili deturbant & concilio universali inferior●m stat●●nt . epis ▪ dav. de pace ecclesiast . hoc argumento petitur principium quia supponttur aliquem esse christianum summum pontificem , ut aaronicum quod falsum , atque adco id ipsum de quo nunc disputatur . secundò probatur obscurum per obscurius , quid enim sit urim & thummim , nemo adhuc certò definivit , ne ipsi quidem hebraei . cham. de occ. pontif. l . in prima regula tradunt , pap●e romani vocem no● aliter ac christi sermonem audiendam esse . epist. iesuit . . mr crashaws epistle to his jesuites gospel . see wats . quodlib . . quodlib . answ. to art. . and the councel of trent , lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . vide whitakeri epist. ad tractatum de scripturis . iesuitae quidem obstringunt se voto caelibatus & obedientiae caecae , at votum paupertatis respuerunt . molin . hyperapistes . they put to death by the help of the castilians two hundred hundred thousand of innocent indians . orat. arnaldi . epist. iesuit . epist. . oratio antonini arnaldi turned out of french into latine by iunius . bona profecto & commoda immensa quae rex philippus●rga ●rga iesuitas confert , satis manifestè docent eos pro bo●is subditis & instrumentis commodis dominatus sui semper habitos . arnald . iesuita est omnium horarum homo cum fuerit occasio , ut vertumnus aut proteus alter fermas se ver●it in omnes , lapidem gestat & pa●em in eadem manu , calidum & frigidum sufflat ex codem ore , & quantus quantus est , ex fraude , sallaciis & mendac●is totus consutus est . d. prid. cont . eudaem . * on ps. . . ii in bonis subditis , imò ne in subditis quidem sunt numerandi , qui pertendunt se ● jugo secularis potestatis adeò liberos , ut leges principum vim coactivam in eos non obtineant ; quinimo si contigerit eos in leges civiles peccare , asserunt se non posse à civili magistratu puniri , imò ne trahi quidem ad tribunal ejus . episc. daven . determ . quaest. . loiola de suae societatis nomine consultus , socios iesu suos dici voluit . me● socii ( inquit ) nequaquam à meo nomine vel ignatiani aut loiolitae dicantur : sed titulus illorum sit , societas iesu. nam cum romam pergerem , in via mihi apparuit iesus cum beata matre sua , mihique dixit , ut sodales sibi conscriberem , quia paucos haberet inter clericos , fideles servos , velle igitur se , ut hic meus ordo dicatur , societas iesu. bariaci epist. iesuit . epist. . si curreri●t tibi pater & maier ingressuro monasterium , & monstraverint ubera & lacrymis suis te voluerint retrahere , contemne lacrymas , & conculca pedibus parentes , nudusque fuge ad crucem christi ; vox hieronimi : impiahae● & diabolica vox lutherus . a lib. . de monach. cap. . ante revelatam evangelii lucem putabatur sanctissimum vitae genus esse monachum fieri , sed profectò perdite viximus , quotquot in monasteriis viximus ; iam lucente verbo , una hora plus boni facimus , quam toto umpore vitae●in caenobiis . luth. in gen. . * lib. . de monachis c. . the famous armachanus wrote seven books de paupertate salvatoris , yet proves that he was not a beggar . he wrote also contra fratres mendicantes , and should have been canoni●ed but for the friers . dr fcatl●ys case for the spectacles , c. . from that time forward the monks of this order have been alwayes imployed in the inquisition . phil. . , . next to the title of god , christ values that title of being head of the church . rom. . . see m. lockyers church-order from p. . to . mr firmine last book , pag. , . the apostles could not at that time go by this rule , upon the hearing of a sermon a thousand perhaps profest to be satisfied in that doctrine , and that they would live and die in it . i am verily pe●swaded , that were the union and communion of the people of god rightly known , there is no saint in any part of the world , but where ever he comes , might demand upon the profession of his faith , and his voluntary subjection to the gospel , his right in the ordinances , hear the word with them , pray with them , receive the sacrament with them . mr. martiall on rom. . , . see more there . see mr. hilders . on john . . we know what we worship , and mr. bals trial of the church-way . haec communio est inter deum & hominem , inter sanctos angelos & homines electos , inter sanctos homines in coelis , & sanctos homines in terris , seu inter ecclesiam trium hantem & militantem , denique inter omnes cives ecclesiae militantis . alsted . theol. cas. c . see dike on philemon . our communion is with the saints as with christ the head in two things , we receive the same spirit , and walk in the same way . ephes. . . cor. . . communio sanctorum in co est fita , quod singuli electi capiti suo per fidem sunt insiti , caeterisqu● corporis illius membris arctissimè per spiritum uniti . alsted . theol. casuum . the papists make the pope a god in divers particulars : . in that they make the scriptures subject to him in that no man is bound to beleeve the scriptures , unlesse he determine that they be so . . in that they make him able to dispense with the oaths and vows , which no scripture dispenseth withall . . in that they make his decrees to binde the conscience with the same necessity that the scripture doth . . in that they give to him the keyes of purgatory . notes for div a -e the fathers hyperboles this way , followed by luther , gave occasion to this . a dr. hill on ephes. . . b that is , partaker of one and the same spirit , and so united by the spirit . there is a union between christ and his people , . in reference to imputation , so that what christ did is accounted theirs . . in reference to inspiration , they have the spirit dwelling in them . . in reference to compassion . . in reference to vindication , what injury is done to them is looked on as done to him . some say , the actions of the saints are of infinite value , as the obedience of christs humane nature , because of the hypostatical union , and that they are so one with christ that they can sinne no more then christ can sinne . not imaginary , ephes. . . we reade of christs being in us , & our being in him , co. . . col. . . rom. . . of christs dwelling in us , and our dwelling in him , ioh. . . of christs abiding in us , ioh. . . and our abiding in him . christs living in us , and we in him , gal. . . the hypastatical union . a spiritual or mystical union this union non mutat naturas nec miscet personas , sed confoederat mentes & consociat voluntates . i may know that i am one with christ also by my faith , ephes. . i may know i have that by two principal effects of it , . it purifieth the heart , act. . . not only the wayes and outward man. . it is an operative vertue , gal. . sets all graces awork . from our union with christ flows , . spiritual life . . spiritual acting . . spiritual growth . . spiritual duty , ioh. . . col. . . eph. . , . omnis communio fundatur in unione . christ will do nothing unlesse we be united to him , whatever he doth he doth as a head , a root , ioh. . . as by the personal union he meriteu all things for us , so by this union of persons he dispen●eth all to us . we should labour , . to get into christ. . to grow up into him . that consists , . in being emptied more and more of our own righteousnesse , and going to christ for acceptation of our persons . . in going to him for strength in duty , and acceptation of our services . . in doing all for christ and his glory . . in going to christ for a rule in all our actions . . in doing all out of a principle of love to christ , cor. . . . in making christ the reward of our services , to serve christ for christ. see mr pembles vindiciae gratiae , pag. , . vocatio alta & secreta . aug. efficax vocatio , rom. . . solenne vobis est profitert facultatem credendi & resipiscendi ex mera dei gratia dari . sic olim epicurus verbis deos posuit , resustulit 〈…〉 ed & pelagius post ecclesioe censuras , professus est dei gratiam ; quo artificio propemodum imposuerat augustine , adeò ut ipse augustinus professus fit se gavisum esse quod dogmata ejus aut recta essent , aut correcta . quibus tamen diligenter expensis advertit tandem haec ab eo ita disserta esse , tantum , ut frangeret invidiam , affectionesque declinaret . nam sola suafione & hortatione gratiam dei circumscripsit . twis . contra corvin . c. . sect. . vide plura ibid. isa. . . trahit deus & volentes . praebet vires efficacissimas voluntati . the arminians say , effectual calling is nothing but holding out an object , and using arguments those are special places against them , rom. . , . jam. . . pet. . . in praeparationibus tam regenerationi quàm generationi propriis , agnosco successionem ; at ipsam regenerationem instantaneam esse judicant theologi , sicut & generationem instantaneam esse tradunt philosophi . twis . contra corv. tam essicax , tam potens dei operatio optimo jure dici potest irresistibilis , si terminum barbarum nuper malis avibus excogitatum liceat aut lubeat usurpare , & irresistibilis quidem est , . ex parte gratiae rom. . . luc. . . act. . . ex parte voluntatis , jon. . . acta synod . dord . art. . propos . . nos per vim , suavissimam dei motionem atque in voluntatem humanam influentiam designamus ; quam irresistibilem esse dicimus , non tam respectu voluntatis conversae ( neque enim illa omnino vult resistere , dum eam omnipotenti facilitate uti loquitur augustinus convertit deus & ex nolenti volentem sacit ) quàm respectu diaboli , qui gratiae dei resistere vel maximè cupit , ne scilicet miserae hominum animae laqueis ipsius quibus implicatae tenentur exercentur . hortationi unumquemque resistere posse dicimus , sed regenerationi suae hominem non magis resistere posse dicimus , quàm potest cadaver deo resistere si modò libitum fuerit deo ipsum resuscitare . twis . contra corvinum cap. . object . . n●hil in hac tota causa , quod adversariis est magis in ore , quàm conversionis gratiam esse resistibilem . rescriptio ames . ad responsum grevinch c. . vox ista irresistibilis à nostris usurpatur duntaxat ad operationem graetiae explicandam in oppositione positam sententiae ipsorum qui volunt gratiam dei in operatione sua pendere ex nutu voluntatis nostrae , & libero hominis arbitrio subjici . interea minimè negamus libere credere , libere resipiscere , libere bonum opus quodcunque operari , quotquot per dei gratiam credunt , resipiscunt , quodlibet bouum opus operantur . twis . contr . corv. c. . digress . . vide illum ibid. sect. . aphoris . . & acta synod . dordrecht . exam . act. . vocationis partes duae sunt : oblatio christi , & ejusdem receptio , joh. . ames . medul . theol lib. . cap. . vocatio externa nihil aliud est praeter suasionem aut hortationem ad credendum nomine dei mandantis ut credamus medò salvi esse velimus . vocatio interna est ipsius sidei sive conversionis nostrae ad deum effectio . twis . contra corvin . c. . sect. . vide plura ibid. this distinction of calling into outward and inward , is opposed by mr. plaifore in his apello evangelium , c. . we should try whether god hath called us not only with an external call by way of proposal and command , but by an internal influence of his spirit , he hath then conveyed a quickning principle into us , then the soul will be enabled to give up it self to god , to choose him for its portion . some describe it to be a turning from all sin as sin , and to all righteousnesse for the love of righteousnesse . finis specificat inpracticis . quod sorma est i● naturalibus finis est in moralib●● , cor. . ● . finis ultimus perfi●●●●am agentem quam ●ctionem . entire , there must be all the parts of conversion , one as well as another . we may consider the sweetnesse and power of grace in this wo●k . . the sweetnesse of grace , ezek. . . . the power of gods grace , ioh. . . when you had such a corrupt nature , and could not think a good thought , that god should then change you . god must be be exalted as the highest good and utmost end . live in the spirit , walk in the spirit . luke . god the father , . requesteth and commandeth conversion , and saith , he doth delight in it . . he giveth us time and leisure to convert , and doth not cut us off . . he vouchsafeth us means to convert , the light of nature , the doctrine of the word . . he will afford help to us in converting . . he will accept us , and therefore gave christ that converts might be saved . secondly , his holy attributes make him a fit person to turn to . . he is just and cannot abide sinne . . mighty and can punish sinne . . gracious to pardon sinne . let thy dislike of that which is but an image of obstinacy in the creatures , make thee ashamed to be obstinate thy self . as the prodigal saith , i will go to my father . vide augustini confess . l. ● . c . & ▪ what hindered his conversion and the means of it , c. . liberi arbitri● phrasis quae apud latinos scriptores in usu est , & jam olim usurpata fuit , non legitur in vulgata interpretatione latina veteris & novi testamenti ; vox graeca 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam usurparunt scriptores ecclesiastici graeci , & quae à classicis etiam autoribus accepta fuit , pro eo qui sui juris est & liber , neque apud lxx . neque apud autores librorum apocryphorum qui graecè scripserunt , usquam comparet . rivet . disput. . thes. . nominatur arbitrium respectu mentis monstrantis voluntati objectum , liberum respectu voluntatis ultrò sequent●s indicium intellectus aut repudiantis . id. ib. arbitrii vox propriè significat mentis sive intellectus , tum facultatem , qua mens de aliqua re sibi proposita judicare potest : tum ipsum judicium à mente secundum istam facultatem peractum transfertur autem à me●●e ad voluntatem propter arctissimam quae inter illos est , unionem . libertas arbitrio tributa propriè affectus est voluntatis , quanquam radicem suam habeat in intellectu & ratione . armin. thes. publ. . si quis vo●is hujus usum non prava intelligentia sibi permittat , per me quidem non vexabitur ob eam rem : sed quia sine ingenti periculo non posse retineri cens●o , magno contrà ecclesiae bono futurum si aboleatur , neque ipse usurpare velim , & alios , si me consulant , abstinere optarim , calvin . institut . lib. . cap. . vide bellarm. de gratia & libero arbitrio , lib . cap. . & lib. . cap. . non controvertitur , an homo ratione utens sit liberi arbitrii , quateuus liberum arbitrium in genere intelligitur : ergò non quaeritur an sit in homine talis facult as , quam liberum arbitrium appeliant , etsi propter ambiguitat●m locutionis disputatum sit an ita appellari debere● , vel servum potius dici quam liberum : verum quoniam eidem facultat● servit●s & libert as tribui potest diversa consideratione , cum agitur de natura liberi arbitrii in se , non de viribus ejusdem objectorum variorum ratione , non existimamus rejic● . endam esse liberi arbitrii receptam appellationem , etsi in scriptura totidem verbis non reperiatur . rivet . cath. orth. tract . . qu. ● . vide qu. . a man dead cannot enliven himself : lazarus being dead is an instance of mans natural condition , not the man half wounded . when we deny that a natural man hath any free-will unto good , by a natural man we understand one that is without christ and destitute of his renewing grace , by a free-will a thing that is in our own power to do , and by good a theological not a philosophical good , bonum verè spirituale & salutare , a spiritual good and tending to salvation . an unregenerate man is a stranger from the life of god , ephes. . . dead in sins , ephes. . , . and so no more able to lead a holy life acceptable to god , then a dead man is to perform the actions of him which is alive . b. ushers answer to the jesuites charge . see d ● field of the church , l. . c. . est in deo optimo maximo , est in bonis angelis , est in daemonibus omnibus liberum arbitrium . arbitrii libertas à coactione in omnibus om ni●o est quibus voluntas est . nulliusvoluntas cogi potest . si cogitur non voluntas est , sed nolunt as . est quoque in his omnibus libertas contradictionis , ut hoc velle possint aut non velle : etsi libertas contrarietatis , ut liberè velint vel bonum vel malum , nec in deo sit , nec in angelis confirmatis in gr●●●s , nec in animabus beatis . nam hi omnes sic liberè volunt bonum , ut malum nec volint , nec jam velle possint . daemones quoque & homines non renati , quamdiu renati non sunt , ita liberè malum volunt , ut bonum nec velint , nec in eo statu velle possint . crakanth . defens . eccles. anglic. contra archiepisc. spalat . c. . the pelagians say , god goes along with him that prepares himself for conversion , and that this is the reason why some are converted , and some not . vide bellarm. de gratia & libero arbitrio , lib. . c. , , , , , , , , , &c. & lib. . cap. , , , . mihi haec sententia altius animo insedit , excidisse christo qui vol●●tati humanae & viribus liberi arbitrii vel minimū in negotio salutis tribuunt , qui spiritui dei solus suadendi partes reliquunt , nec aliter cum in suis quam in hypocritis agere contendunt . cameron ▪ de gratia & libero arbitrio see m. pemb. vindic. gratiae . pag. , , &c. all men naturally minde the outward act more then the inward frame of the heart , rom. . . the work of the law , avoid grosse acts of sinne and perform outward duties , they seek not to order the frame of their spirits , and to avoid lusts as well as sins . . the reason and aim upon which they do any thing is not spiritual . their aim is according to their principles , which are but carnal , civil or legal at the best , to satisfie natural conscience , mic. . . tim. ● . . the power of nature is more seen in things moral then religious : the heathens were famous for temperance , justice , but brutish in worship . * divinae gratiae adversus utrosque , & pelagianos & semi-pelagiag●anos , assertor ille invict us , beatissimus . augustinus . r. usser . de britan. eccles. primor . l. plus uni augustino jam veterano , & in ista causa versatissimo tribuendum est , quam centum corvinis , grotiis , bertiis , brentiis , tilenis , & id genus recentioribus dogmatistis . d. ward in phil. . . vincentius lyrinens adversus haereses commonitor , l. . c. . doctor abbot against bishop in his answer to the epistle to the king. id. ibid. b. mort●ns appeal , l. . c. . sect. . 〈◊〉 b. carl. against mountague . c. . aug. de corrept . & gratia cap. . see rom. . . * ubi eminus de gratia loquuntur speciosa aspergunt elogia , ubi vero cominus ac punctim de gratiae ipsius conflictu agitur , nervos ipsos succidunt , & vim gratiae victricem tollunt . d. ward in phil. . . vide plura ibid. precepts to duty are no measure of strength . to the elect they conveigh grace , ier. . . gratia non aufert libertatem arbitrii licet vera & physica operatione determinet arbitrium , sed potius libertatem illi ad bonum restituit & confirmat . dicimus enim determinari voluntatem ad benè agendum liberè . twis . contra corvinum cap. . sect. . arbitrium igitur voluntatis tunc est verè liberum , cum vitiis peccatisque non servit . tale datum est à deo , quod amissum proprio vitio , nisi à quo dari potuit reddi non potest . joan. . . id ipsum est ac si diccret : sivos silius salvos fecerit , tunc verè salvi eritis . inde quippe liberator , unde salvator . aug. de civitate dei , lib. . cap. . facienti quod in se est , deus faciet quod in s● . pelag. arminians say , that they can repent , that they can be converted , it is from god , but that they do believe , that they do repent , that they are converted , is from the liberty of their own wils . see john . . cor. . . semen naturae non consurg●● in fructum gratiae aug. si in op●re conversionis deus operatur tantum pos●e conver●ere , & sola voluntas det ipsum velle convertere , tum in operanda conversione & salute potiores partes erunt voluntatis , quam gratiae : hominis , quam dei : siquidem potiores partes ejus sunt qui dat operari , quam ●jus , qui solum dat posse operari ; cum operari sit actus atque adeo prior & per●ectior potentia , & operatio sit complementum & per●ectio opera●tis . dr ward on phil. . . si ex r●rum naturalium usu concedenda est gratia evangelica , certè ex non recto naturalium usu privandi erunt homines gratia evangelica . at univers● rerum experienti● nititur in adversum . twis . contra corvinum cap. sect. . dicit arminius deum hoc ●popondiss● isto christi dicto , habenti dabitur , matth. . . apostolus pau●us dispensationem gratiae supernaturalis procedere docet , non secundum usum & opera voluntatis humanae , sed secundum propositum & consilium voluntatis divinae . ephes. . . dent nobis adversarii vel unum hominem ab orbe condito , qui bono usu naturae pertraxit ad se donum gratiae . episc. davenant . quaest. . determ . & tiss●rtat de morte christi , cap. . vide plura ibid. et twis●um contra corvinum , cap. . sect. . vide bellarm. de gratia & libero arbitrio , l. c. . aug. de civitate dei. l. . c. . fidem ebra● emunah veritatem , à commani objecto , commodè appellarunt , quod enim verum est , id credendum . graecis est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persuadcor , latinis sides à sido , q●ia in genere qualitas ea est qua quis fidit , cùm activè sumitur ; ut passivè , ob quam alicui sides ●thib●atur . hic de side activè sumpta quaestio est : nec de humana , pro assensu quo sibi mutuo homines sidem adhibent , sed de ea quam deserimus deo , revelanti nobis veritatem ali●ujus rei , cut firmiter assentimur propter asseverationem ipsius , quae propterea divina vocatur ab objecto , veritate nempè divinitus patefacta rivet . disp. . de side justif . rivet . grot. discus . dialys . sect. . * 〈◊〉 . l. . ● . , ▪ , , . * rescript ▪ ad ●●spons . g●e●inch . c. ● . ut mea non placent nisi m●cum , sic tua non satiant nisi ●ecum . bern. the promises are objectum q●o , christ objectum quod , that which faith ultimately closeth with , and is terminated . gods word is the objectum adaequatum of our faith ; but we are justified and saved by beleeving in christ , therefore in the scripture justifying faith is ordinarily called faith in christ. act. . . . & . . gal. . . and sometimes the faith of christ , rom. . . gal. . , . & . . phil. . . and sometimes his knowledge . b. down . of justification , l. . c. . see also c. . the proper object of justifying faith is god in christ , cor. . . or the promise of gods mercy to us in christ jesus . this faith is therefore expressed to be faith in christs name , act. . . faith in his bloud , rom. . . abbot against bishop . fidei objectum primarum omnes divinae veritates revelatae . . mediatum , christus ut mediator ▪ . ultimatum , ens incomplexum , inquiunt ●cholastici . * on psal. . . lect. . knowledge and belief are often joyned . job . . john . . cor . tim. . . john . . * de iustif. cap. . pontisicii per sidem implicitam intelligunt cam sidem quâ laici ignota & nondum intellecta sidei dogmata credunt implicitè in illo general● , quòd vera sint omnia quae romana ecclesia credit & pro veris amplectitur , quae quidem sides non est divina sed humana , id est , non nititur dei , sed hominum testimonio . baron . philos. thcol. ancil . exercit . . art. . vide plura ibid. in which sense implicite faith cannot be defended , although b. mountague appar . . saith , that is a p●●fi●able as well as vulgar distinction of fides explicita and implicita , and that it is not always a servile opinion or babylonish bondage , because there are in faith and things belonging to saith , as in other sciences , certain things more abst●use . quandoque sides vocatur implicita ab imperfecta apprehensione rerum quasi implicitarum . nam quem admodum quod complicatum ac con●elutum est , ex toto nec conspicitur nec attingitur : sic mysteria pleraque sidei christianae . . vocatur quandoque impropriè implicita sides , ipsa promptitudo , seu generalis animi praeparatio ad sidem adhibendam verbo dei , simul ac dogma quodeunque sub formali rationc nobis innot●scet . atque hoc sensu quilibet christianus implicitè dicitur credere quicquid in scripturis deus revelavit . . illa sides à papist i● implicita vocari solet , & laicis summo opere commendari , quae in cognitione praelatorum involvitur , populo interi● ▪ dogmata illa quae sic credi dicuntur omnino neseientc . episc. dav. determ . . quaest. . the lowest act of faith is an assent , a yeelding in thy soul to the word of god , an agreement to the truth of it , exod. . . some say the resolution of an humbled sinner to cast himself on christ , is the lowest degree of saith , which is discovered by desires , pursuit , and rejoycing in future hope . it is a question among divines , wh●● is the subject of saith ? by the heart a man beleeveth , act. . . see . . there saith is seated where the acts of it are exercised , therefore the whole soul is the subject of it , but chiefly the will. it is seated both in the understanding and the will , because it is a voluntary assent . to believe is an act of the understanding as it is an assent , of the will as it is voluntary . down . of justificat . l. . c. . vide baron . philos. theol. ancil exercit . . art. . icy done nous remarquons cn la soy , deux principales parties , dont la premicre , est la cognoissan●c , & l'autre l'apprehension , l'application particuliere , ou la siance , qui tesmoignent assez que ceste excellente vertu a son siege , & c● l'entendement & en la volontè , en tout l'homme nouveau , regenere & sanctifie par une grace speciale , & sur nature elle de l'●sprit de dieu , qui tout entier recoit l'abondance des benefices offer●s , & desployez en iesus christ. mais premicrement en son entendement pour les cognoistre comme veritables , & puis en sa volontè pour se les appliquer comme salutaires , & bons , motmet sermon . sur . iob . vide examen epist. expostulat . amyrald . ad rivet . per spanhem . est sides habitus quidam mixtus , neque omninò intellectu , neque omninò voluntate , sed corde , id est , utroque defini●nd●s . et certè quem ad modum corde ad justitiam creditur , rom. . . ita quoque intellectus ipse sidei corde consistit , matth. , . cordis illuminatione persicitur . cor. . . cordis plerophoria s●ncitur , col. . . abbot ●n thom● . diat . de incis . iust if & grat. cap. . fidei subjectum duplex est , in quo & cui subjectum sidei in quo , est anima humana , ac in ca principales facultates , intellectus ac voluntas subjectam cui est homo , homo solus : mali angeli illius non sunt ●●paces , jud. . sancti ea non egent , matth. . . dr benefield de side salvisica . fiducia est particularis quidem & applicativus assensus , pro objecto habens primò evangelicas promissiones . secundò , internum testimonium sancti spiritus : nam per siduciam & assentimur doctrinae evangelij , & testimonio spiritus dei , unà testantis cum nostro spiritu , nos esse filios dei ; atque ita nobis ipsis applicamus evangelicas promissiones certò statuentes & judicantes nos esse filios dei , & proinde illas promissiones non solùm aliis credentibus , sed nobis etiam in particulari esse factas . baron . philos. theol. ancil . exercit . . art. . mr gatak against saltmarsh shadows without substance , p. . the truth of any thing doth not depend on the greatnesse but quality of it , a childe though never so weak hath the true nature of a man , one drop of water is true water . . if faith be weak it will bring forth weak effects , little comfort , yet christ will have regard to it . that faith is not assurance , see m. downs treat . of the true nature and definit . of just . faith , p. . to . in a state of adherence the motive which acts the soul is obedience to god ( isa. . ) in a state of assurance a sense of the love of god , cor. . . . in a state of adherence one doth all to obtain mercy , but in a state of assurance from thankfulnesse , because one hath obtained mercy . . in a state of adherence the motive is to obtain grace and communi●n with god therein , of assurance further and constant communion , john . . john . . . in a state of adherence one doth perform the commands of god as a duty , in assurance as a priviledge ; iacob prayed and as a prince prevailed . the word preached is the most powerful but not the only ordinary means to beget faith , as mr down proves in a treatise concerning the force and efficacy of reading . the spirit of god commonly and primarily is conveyed by the word preached , act. . . & . . the manna came with the dew , unbelief came by hea●ing ; god would beat satan by his own weapon , sinne entred by the ear . . god doth this to humble us , that we may not ascribe any thing to our selves , we are beholding to others for what we hear . gillesp. aarons rod blossoming , lib. . cap. . christ hath revealed in the gospel that accepting of him for a saviour to beleeve in , is an acceptable service . . god rejects all works which are not accompanied with faith . heb. . . . this is the great command in the gospel , this is the will of him that sent me , that you beleeve in him . . the lord hath made great promises to faith , and admired it in the woman of canaan , the centurion . . it was christs great design to work faith , john . two last verses . as this grace honours god most , rom. . . so god honours it most . all actions of all vertues regularly performed slow from faith . see heb. . per totum . therefore the schoolmen say , faith is not onely it self a vertue , but mat●r , radix , auriga omnium virtutum . vide ames . in rescript . ad grevinchov . cap . arminiani interrogati an credant fidem esse donum dei , rotundo ore pronuntiant , & plenis buccis intonant se credere deum dare sidem . sed homines vasri haec verba non accipiunt ●● sensu quem sonant . nam corum mens est , deum dare omnibus vires credendi , si velint , & per deum non stare qui● credant : at censent deum non dare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credere , ipsumque actum credendi ; ne vis inferatur libero arbitrio . cui impuro dogmati opponimus vorba illa apostoli phil. . . & cap. . . quibus verbis ipse actus credendi designatur non vero vir●s ●redendi . molinaeus contra amyraldum . per sidem in infantibus intelligimus principium sive semen sidei : non habitum sidei a●● actualem sidem : quae infantes habere non possunt , quit gratia praesupponat naturam : in infantibus autem nondum ea naturae est perfectio , ut in iis ratio se exerere possit ; ne lum habitus supernaturalis , actusve ex co ort●s , esse possit . vossius de sacramentorum vi & efficacia . de fide habitualtres est manifesta : nam infantes , in statu integritatis nati , fuissent habitibus originalis justitiae ornati , ut docent non solum sententiarii , lib. . sent. dist. . verùm etiam evang●lici ● hcologi , cum differunt de primo hominis statu , qu●m integritatis vocant : unde patet manifestè , habitus sidei , spei & cheritatis , etiam nune t is inesse posse : quia quicq●id olim possibile suit , etiam nunc esse potest , modò respiciamus potentiam dei absolutam . fidem etiam actualem , seu actum credendi , ●is posse inesse , facilè probatur exemplo joannis baptistae , qui l●cae . . dicitur exultasse in utero matris in gaudio . ergo cognovit domini sui praesentiam , & proinde infans potest intelligere , & per consequens actu credere . baron . philos. theol. ancil . exercit. . art. . vide plura ibid. vide baron . philos theol. ancil . exercit. . art. . see m. pemb. vindis . grat . p. , , , . and of justificat . p. c. . sect. . l'homme n'est point obligè à croire en iesus christ , que quand il luy est annoncé . adam n'y estoit pas obligé avant qu'il pechast . ●l a commence à y estre oblige , & luy a promis la semence , qui briseroit la teste du scrpent . esclaircissement des controverses salmuriennes , par pierre du m●ulin . see m. pemb. vindic. grat . p. , . vide bellarm. de gratia & lib. arbit . l. . c. , , . the general means are the word & prayer , we must ask for it in prayer , and wait for it in the answer of the word . i will come to you and manifest my self to you . christ imparts his graces and communicates his counsels to them . unregenerate men have many communications from christ , no communion , that is founded in union . see m ● h●rris of the beatitudes ▪ p. ● . and pa● on rom. . p. . the civilians thus define it , est gratuita assumptio personae non habentio jus in haereditate ad participationem haereditatis adoptio imitatur naturam ▪ adoptio nuptiarum subsidium , fortunae remedium , supplet sterilitati , vel orbitati . juris● . profectò haec est indulgentia non indigentia , ber. ephes. . . there are three great fruits of our adoption , . dignity ▪ joh. . . liberty , rom. . . . inheritance ▪ if sons then heirs . certum est tam in veteri quam in novo testamento verbum justificandi & nomen justificationis ( intelligo autem aequivalentia in linguis originalibus ) hebraicum hist●ik & graecum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum nominibus derivatis ) communiter accipi significatione forensi , pro justum habere , censere , pronunciare , maximè ubi agitur de eo qui accusatur tanquam injustus prov. . . ubi evidens est , verbum justificandi , per oppositum verbum intelligi debere , quod cum non possit de reali infusione iniquitatis & injustitiae intelligi , quasi ejus aliquis habitus in corde justi generaretur à judice iniquo : sic neque intelligi potest , ab codem aliter justificari impium , quàm justum pronunciando non efficiendo . non potest aliter hoc verbum intelligi , quam per justum agnoscere aut declarare matth. ● . . luc. . . & . v. communiter haec vox opponitur accusationi & condemnationi isa . . rom. . , . rivet . cathol . orthodox tract . . qu. . vide pemb. de iustificat . lib. . sect. , , , , . est vocabulum sorense , à foro soliad forum poli , sive à judiciis humanis ad judicium deitranslatum : qui non imputans peccata , sed peccatorem à re●tu exgratia absolvens , cum justificare dicitur , rom. . , . capp . alting . exeg . aug. confess . art. . camer . collat . cum tilen . the papists confound justification and sanctification , they say to justifie signifies to make righteous by in●usion of grace remission of sins ( saith bellarmine ) is extinctio peccati in subjecto , the extinguishing of sinne in the subject . iustificatio & sanctificatio peccatoris sunt duo beneficia , à se invicem valde diversa & distincta , sed minimè separata . in papatu non distinguuntur , à multis protestantibus separantur . nos non quaerimus iustificationem in sanctificatione nostra , nec quaerimus iustificationem nostram sine sanctificatione , joh. . . streso in act. ap. c. , , . conc. . amisso articulo iustificationis amissa est simul tota doctrina christiana . lutherus . stante articulo gratuitae iustificationis , stabi● ecclesia . id. praecipuus est sustinendae religionis cardo . calv. instit. l. . c. . sect. . inter orthodexa religionis christianae capita , nullum ( post illustrem illam , de deo & christo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctrinam ) magis necessarium , quam de hominis coram deo iustificatione dogma . gomar . disput. elenctica de iustificationis materia & forma . est re●●ra d●gma illud , de iustificatione , è primariis maximeque cognitu necessariis religionis christianae capitibus ; quodque distinctam intelligi multum condu●at , cum ad pietatem , consolationemque itidem seriam solidamque promovendam , tum & ad controversi is alias haud incelebres ( de quibus plurimum disceptatur ) explicand●s ac dirimendas . cl. gataker . gomar , disputat . elenct . de iustif. elench . though god punisheth believers for their sin , yet there is no believer that hath the punishment of sin , the punishment of sin beginneth in the wrath of god , and endeth in eternal damnation . m. hook●r on tit. ● . . m. burgess of justificat . pag. . some urge rom. . . & rom. . , acts . , . to prove remission of sins to be justification . iustificatio & remissio plauè non sunt idem , quae enim subjecto differunt & inter se differunt , at subjecto ista haud rarò differunt , potest enim justificari , cui nihil remissum sit , cum falsò delatus fuerit ; potest remitti peccatum , ubi nulla justificatio fuerit , cum & peccatum in confesse sit ▪ nec intervenerit satisfactio . nec satis fuerit objicere , deum nulli remittere quem non justificet , nullum justificare cui non remiserit , de quo tamen quaeri potest ; vide psal. . , . neque enim sequitur , ista eadem planè , quia simul sunt ▪ gatak . animadv . in piscat . & lucii scripta part . . sect. . ista duo revera , eadem prorsus non sunt : nec tamen , qui idem esse utrumque censet , aut unum ex altero consequi necessario , is , aut veram christi justitiae imputationem , qualem sacrae liter● docent , aut salutem inde pendeutem è medio tollit . gatak . elench . gom , disp. elentic . de iustif. imputandi verbum aut reputandi veteri scripturarum interpreti respondet graeco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; quibus utitur paulus , exempla sunt rom. . & cap. . . tim. . . ad philem. v. . usurpatur autem negativè & affirmativé . primò modo , cum dicitur non imputare peccatum , nempe ad poenam , quia est remissum . altero , imputari justitiam , sine operibus , id est , justum aliquem haberi apud deum , & ut justum tractari , qui in se consideratus justus non est , sed acceptation● dei gra●●ata , qu● tamen non fit sine fundamento . rivet . grot. discus . dalys . sect. . albertus pighius ex institutionis calvini lectione ( quam tamen refellendi studio evolvebas ) adductus est ad ejus doctrinam de justitia credentibus in christum imputata , secundum apostolum rom. . . & . . probandam tuendamque . rainold de roman . eccles. idolat . christiano lectori . vide episc. ca●l . consens . eccles . cathol . contra trid. de gratia c. . justification ( say they ) is one act respecting two terms , the term from which , & so it is called remission of sins , and the term to which , and so it is called the imputation of righteousnesse . by the same act of justification a sinner is absolved from the guilt , and pronounced righteous , as by the same act of cloathing a man there is the putting on of the garment and the covering . * disput. ele●ct . de iustif. ●nateria & forma . we are justified in gods decree , in esse cognito & in esse volito , before we believe , not actually . we must distinguish between the decree and execution of it , we may as well say we are glorified ab aeterno , as that we are actually justified . a leper could not make use of his house , though he had a right to it . there is iustificatio vi● & patriae . si quis dixerit opera omnia quae ante iustificationē●iunt , quacunque ratione facta sunt , verè esse peccata , vel odium dei mereri , anathema sit . concil . trid. decret . . can. . aquinas fundamenta jecit meriti , tam de congruo quam de condig no. scotus autem , quod attinet ad meritum de condigno , dissentit a thoma ; sed doctrinam meriti de congruo , vel ad insaniam usque ex●ulit . episc. carl. consens . eccles. cathol . contra trid. de fid. iust. c. . * lib. . de iustif. c. . bona renatorum opera habent omnia , quamvis non perfectè & in summo gradu , quae ad moralem actionis bonitatem essentialiter requiruntur . sunt enim bona . quoad objectum , quia versantur circa rem licitam & lege divina praeceptam . . quoad principium , quia fiunt ex side , & vero dei amore . . quoad sinem , quia ad dei gloriam referuntur . et . quoad circumsta●tias , quia debitae circumstantiae in iis faciendis observantur . dicuntur tamen mala & peccati labe aspersa secundum quid , & quodam respectu , quia quaedam ex his requisitis , non iis insunt eo perfectionis gradu quo secundum rigorem legis inesse debent : baron . de possibilitate implendi legem . sect. . vae etiam la●dabili hominum vitae si remota misericordia discut●at eam deus . august . confes. lib. . cap. . deus coronat dona sua non meritatua . aug. in psal. ● . merita mea miseratio domini . bern. in cant. scrm. . m. hildersam on psal. . . lect. . see d. willet fully to this purpose in the end of his synopsis papismi . . edit . pag. . see m. hilders . on psal. . . lect. . and m. pembl . of justisic . sect. . c. . si re ipsa injusti & solum putativè justi sumus , magis diaboli quam christi imaginem g●r●mus . rectius enim denominamur ab eo quod sumus , quàm ab eo quòd esse putamur . bellarm . de iustif. l. . c. . si per justitiam christi , nobis imputatam , verè dici possumus justi & filii dei , ergo poterit etiam christus , per injustitiam nostram sibi imputatam dici verè peccator , & quod horret animus cogitare , silius diaboli . id. ibid. cap. . * vide bellar. de iustificat ▪ l. . c. , . mr goodw. of justificat . part . . cap. . arminius asserit in hominis co●am deo iustificatione justitiam christi non imputari in justitiam , verum ipsam fidem seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credere , per gratiosam dei acceptationem , esse justitiam illam nostram qua coram deo justificamut . twiss contra corvinum cap. . sect. . there is a three-fold righteousnesse , . a perfect righteousnesse , but not inherent , cor. . . . inherent , but not perfect , luke . . & revel . . . . perfect and inherent , heb. . . the first is the righteousnesse by which we are justified . the second by which we are sanctified . the third by which we are glorified . d ● featleys speech before the assembly of divines . socinus putat , à iustificatione tantum excludi opera perfecta sine interruptione praestita , non verò quae ex side cum magna imperfectione siunt : q●um tamen sub evangelio verum sit , si quis perfectè deo obediat , eum ex operibus justificari , rom. . . & ●ic vitam adipisci luc. . . ut taceam ridiculum esse imperfectam justitiam nos justificare posse , non verò perfectam . l'empereur . thes. artic. . per inhaerentem justitiam intelligimus supernaturale donum gratiae sanctificantis , oppositum originali peccato , & in singu●is animae facultatibus reparans & renovans illam dei imaginem quae per peceatum originale foedata ac dissipata fuit . davenant . cap. . de habituali justiti● . vide bellarm. lib. . de iustificatione , cap. . & . quod perinde est , ac si diceret , quanquam ego ad scribendum à romano pontifice conductus , haec contra solius fidei justificationem , & solius misericordiae fiduciam scripserim , profiteor tamen ha●e doctrinam , quam oppugnavi , tutissimam esse . et quia nulla sententia de fide tutissima esse potest , nisi quia est verissima , eandem profiteri cogor verissimam esse : ac proinde contrariam seuteutiam , quam de operum meritis ex congruo hominum nondum reuatorum consirmare volui , esse falsissimam . episc. carl. consens . eccles. cathol . contra trident. de fide iustificante , cap. . b. carlton consens . eccles. cathol . contr . trid. de fide iustif. cap. . d. featley in his sacra nemesis , p. , , . , , . l'emper . in his thes. artic. . and many others are for both christs active and passir● obedience . etsi autem in negotio iustificationis magno periculo erratur , prout ea de re controversia procedit inter nos & p●●tificios , utrum scilicet gratiá dei iustificatto nobis contingat , an meritis nostris : attamen prout inter nos & piscatorem●ontroversia ●ontroversia instituitur , passiváne tantum , an etiam activa christi obedientia justificemur coram deo , nullo prorsus erratur periculo . utrobique enim iustificationis causae gratiae & christi meritis adscribuntur , non autem operibus nostris . twiss . i● corv. defens . arm. contra tilenum animadversio . scriptura christi passioni iustificationem passim adscribit ; idque eu i● locis , in quibus exprofesso argumentum istud pertractat : nulla tamen justitiae , quae in obedientia legi exhibita consistat , facti mentione vel levissima rom. . , . & . , . & . , . gal. . . . gatak . ammadv . in piscat . & lucii scripta adversaria , p. . sect. . vide plura in cjus gom. disput . elentic . de iustif. elench . m. hilders . on psal. . . lecture . id. ibid. see m. bradshaw of justificat . peccati remissionem & justitiae imputationem non esse eadem planè , certissimum est , potest enim justitia alicui imputari ; cui non remittitur peccatum , psal , . . potest & peccatum alicui condonari , eui justitia tamen non imputatur , cor. . . gatakerus animadvers . in piscat . & luc. scripta de causa meritoria nostri coram deo iustificationis , partis primae sect. . isa. . . rom. . . mark . . see m. cartw. rejoynd . to the marques●e of worcest . p. , . see m hilders on psal. . . l●ct . . m man●on on jam. . . m. cartw. rejo●nd . p. , , . a concil . trid. sess. . c. . b de poen●tentia , lib. . c. . ibid. c. . papists speak much of confession of sins in all their cat●chi●ns , which they urge as a matter of so great necessity , which they call a sacrament , and make one of the essential parts of true repentance without which they say no man can receive absolution and remission of his sins , nor entrance into the kingdom of heaven , but they ascribe all this not to the confession of sins that is made unto god , but that which is made in the ears of a priest. quis ad●ò unquam catholicus tam fuit indoctus , ut ex hoc loco confessionis probaret sacramentum . maldonatus in matth. . the first covenant required perfection , but promised no remission , therefore unregenerate men can never be saved till their covenant be changed , heb. . , . iustificati hominis in christo longe alia conditio est , quam adami fuit fuit ibi quidem posse non peccare , sed in christo consecuti sumus non posse peccare , quodae●si in vita hac mortali nondum absolutè perfectum sit , hic tamen certo aliquo modo inchoatum esse testatur joannes apostolus , joan. . . abbot . in thomps . diatribam . see m. hilders . on psal. . . heb. . , , , , . the gospel brings in commutationem personae , but not justitiae . bellarm de amiss . grat . & statu peccati . l. . c. . how can it stand with reason that they by the popes indulgences should be made partakers of the merits and good works one of another , and it be against reason , that we by the ordinance of god should be made partakers of the merits and righteousnesse of jesus christ ? abbot against bishop . marks to try whether we have christs righteousnesse . see m. cotton on joh. . . serm. . p. , , . but the thing that david did displeased the lord. * vide ejus cinnum l. . c. . tenenda est iustificatio duplex , personae altera , altera sacti . iustificatio personae est qua acceptum habet deus hominem ad vitam aeternam , quae revocari aut rescindi nunquam potest . qua certè manente , damnat tamen deus justificatorum & siliorum suorum facta malè , & usque adeo non justificat ut gravissimè nonnunquam puniat , & punienda praecipiat , iisque mortem aliquando infligat , cor. . . serva●a interim misericordia illa aeterna , quae in iustificatione per spiritum sanctum consignata est . abbot . in thomps . diat . &c. cap. . concil . trident. sess. . c. . vocat certitudinem remissionis peccatorum vanam & ab omni pietate remotam fiduciam . see m. hilders . on psal. . . lect. , , , , , . and on v. . from lect. . to m. cartw. rejoynder to the marquesse of worcester , pag. . to . m. burgess of grace and assurance , sect. ● . serm. , , , . habakkuk . ult . had assur nce in the height , so had many of gods worthies , heb. . , . psal. . this god is our god. sententia communis est ferè omnibus ● heologis , non posse homines in hac vita habere certitudinem fidei de sua justitia , iis exceptis , quibus deus speciali revelatione hoc indicare dignatur . bellarm. lib. . de iustificatione cap. . sensum electionis nullum in hâc vitâ remonstrantes agnoscunt . et qui agnoscunt : qui non vivos , sed mortuos eligi statuunt , ij non vivis sed mortuis ejus fructum tribuant oportet scultet . orat. de certitudine & sensu electionis . vide plura ibid. the remonstrants hold , . that none truly regenerate can in this life be certain of his salvation without a special revelation . . that doubting of our salvation is laudable and profitable . the scripture teacheth : . that all the faithful may and ought to be certain of their salvation , and without a peculiar revelation , iohn . rom. . , . . that doubting is contrary to faith , and pernicious to man , luke . . jam. . , , . the papists grant an assurance of hope but not of faith . there can be no assurance of hope till there be an assurance of faith , hope works after faith , we hope for those things which faith beleeves , and proportionably to the measure of our faith. there is not an article of the faith which doth not necessarily carry with it a special faith , i beleeve that god is my creator and christ my redeemer . we receive the sacraments that we may be assured of gods love and goodnesse to us , rom. . . bellarmine saith , sacraments are seals on gods part of our justification , and of his love to us ; but all the question is , whether we have done our duties ? for a man may think he putteth no impediment to sacramental grace , and yet do it , the apostle bids us examine our selves . there are rich and precious promises concerning assurance of gods favour , psal. . . mal. . . psal. . , . & . . joh. . . gods people , . give thanks for faith and an inward call , psal. . , . rom. . ult . & . lat . end . gal. . . pet. . , . . they rejoyce with joy unspeakable , bo●dnes●e ariseth in the heart from the assurance of gods love , ephes. . . rom. . . the papists ever run to the deceit fulnesse of mans heart , yet the spirit of god searcheth our hearts , and makes us see what things are wrought in us , the heart of a godly man is in part sincere as well as deceitful . they say paul and peter , and some special saints might have it by immediate revelation , but paul concludeth it rom. . . . upon such arguments as are general to all the godly . john . . psal. . . such go about duties with comfort , resist sin , bear crosses patiently , heb. . . he whom god loves , though he know it not is an happy man : he that knows it , knows himself to be happy . in times of desertion keep up faith , in times of communion keep up fear . though we blame papists for teaching to doubt , and making doubting a duty , yet we presse for an holy search , and a godly fear and trembling in the trying of our hearts , lest we be deceived . fear the withdrawing of the light of gods countenance , hide not thy face from me . we should be tender of gods honour . christ abode in his fathers love by being zealous of his glory , the zeal of thy house hath consumed me , josh. . . stand for his truths , tim. . , . prize every manifestation of the love of god , lift up the light of thy countenance upon me , luke . . take heed of nourishing jealousie and suspitions of god in your hearts , ier. . . take heed of sinning presumptuously . be constant with god , chron. . . vide d. carlet . consens . eccles. cathel contra trident. de fide iustif. l. . c. , , , , , . see m. pembl . of justif. sect. . c. . p. , , , , , , , . satis constat omnem religionem à vera religione alienam , juxta statuere iustificationem hominis coram deo fieri secundum opera . hinc videre mihi videor mysterium doctrinae arminianae in negotio justificationis . nam licet fortè dixerint nos justificari fide , non autem ex operibus , tamen fidem istam non accipiunt relativè ut solent nostri sed formaliter ut qualitas est sive ut opus est . nostra sententia est , cum dicimus fide justificari hominem , sola dei gratia & propter obedientiam christi justificari hominem . per fidem enim intelligimus obedientiam christi fide apprehensam . sed quia dicimus justificationem istam nemini contingere nisi credat ; ideo dicimus hominem justificari fide sin● operibus : hoc est justificari hominem justitia imputata , non inhaerente . a●●●r●inia● nostri sicut sociniam atque etiam pontificit hactenus concordant justificari hominem fide , tanquam sanctuate homini inhaerente . twiss . contra corvin . cap. . sect. . * fides salutaris pro qualitate sumpta non justificat nos , nempè propria dignitate sua & merito , sed tanquam instrumentum recipiens & applicans nobis imputatam christ● justitiam . rive● . cathol . orthod . down of justif. l. . c. . perkins on heb. . nihil est in scriptura frequentius , quam nos justificari fide , gratis , sine lege , non ex operibus , non ex propria justitia . rivetus ubi supra . bishop down of justification , lib. . cap. . see more there . scripsit librum de justificatione gaspar conta renus , cardinalis vir doctus , & pius , postquam jam lutherus , alliqu● suam sententian de hac re declarassent . quo libro testatur protestantes & catholicos in hac re convenire . rectè contarenus , qui , quum ex industria protestantium doctrinam examinasset , nihil in ea invenire se prositetur , quod à catholicorum sententia dissentires at in sententia de justificatione non convenit protestantibus cum concilio tridentino , non igitur erat illud concilium conventus catholicorum . d. carl. cons. eccles. cathol . cont . trid. de sid . justif . c. . id. ibid. occurrendum pontificiis , qui hinc nos operibus justificari tradunt , quod fide quae opus est justificamur . nam primum , est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adjunctae fidei , pro subjecto christo : ut si manum camque mancam & ineptam ad operis aliquid faciendum dicamus , nos ditasse , quod infiniti pretii margaritam acceperit . deinde fides est ita dei opus ut nostrum non sit , utpote in quo deo non cooperamur , sed merè deum operantem patimur ; cum in aliis bonis operibus deus ita operetur , ut nostrae animae sacultates ab operatione non excludantur . cart w. in harmon . evang. faith justifies instrumentally , correlatively , not because of any worth in it , but because of the excellency of christ , not dispositively by being the root of other graces , so the papists affirm , but then it would still be in the way of a work . see m. down of reconcil . of paul and iames. m. manton on jam. . . there is a justification : . ad regnum , which brings one into the state of grace , of which paul speaks . . in regno , abraham was justified by works , and he was called the friend of god , of that iames speaks . sanctification is of the same time with justification , but justification doth in order of nature go before it , for all the graces of sanctification are bestowed on a man as in christ , ephes. . . so one . god made man a holy creature , he was peculiarly devoted to gods service ; when man fell the devil defiled this temple , god departed from us , he a●ain cleanseth away this filth and repaireth his image in us * loc. commun . class . . c. . there is a total change of the whole man , the mind , rom. . . spirit , ezek. . . heart , deut. . . conscience heb. . . will , phil. . affections , gal. . . the body it self , col. . . rom. . . christ is our sanctification three several wayes : . meritoriously , he hath purchased it from god by his being an offering for all our defilement . . as he is the exemplar or copy of it . . he is by his spirit the efficient cause , that brings into the soul the vertue of his death to kill sinne , and of his resurrection whereby his life is communicated to us . see dr willet on exod. . . impuritas uniuscujusque rei consistit in hoc , quòd rebus vilioribus immiscetur . non enim dicitur argentum esse impurum ex permixtione auri , per quam melius redditur , sed ex permixtione plumbi , vel stanni . aquinas a , ae , quaest. . artic. . puritan in the mouth of a drunkard doth mean a sober man , in the mouth of an arminian it means an orthodox man , in the mouth of a papist it is a protestant , and so it is spoken to shame a man out of all religion . it hath been an old custom of the world to hate and maligne the righteous , to reproach them , to call them puritans , though very heathens have acknowledged that there is no religion without purity . cicero , horace and others describing a man that is religious , say , that he is an entire man , a man pure from sinne . mr fenner on john . . see mr burrh . on hos. . . pag. . there is , . a beauty in holinesse , . every grace is an ornament pet. . see psal. . ● , , . ezek. . . . holinesse is called a new creation , eph. . . a resurrection , ephes. . . . sinne is a deformity , pet. . filthinesse it self , cor. . . ephes. . . corruptio optimi pessima , sinne is not only malum triste , but turpe . . this beauty of holinesse consists in four things : . it is a conformity to the image of god , cor. . . . beauty consists in indeficiency when no part is wanting , thess. . . tim. . . they are in parts perfect as children , though not in degree . . beauty consists in a symmetry , a due proportion of parts , the understanding guides the man , the will submits to the dictates of an enlightened understanding , the affections are subject to the command of reason , john . . . there is a lustre in beauty , the spirit of grace is called the oyl of gladnesse , psal. . . because it makes the face to shine . sincerity is the harmony , and zeal the lustre or varnish of all graces , psal. . . . there is that beauty in holinesse which is not to be found in any thing here below , . it is in the inward man , pet. . . absolom though outwardly beautifull was inwardly deformed . . this commends a man to god , pet. . , . . all other beauty will decay by sicknesse or old-age , not this , prov. . . . this prepares you for the wedding ; the time of this life is the time of espousals , the marriage shall be in the life to come , revel . . . holinesse is the image of christ. sin is wounded at our first conversion , rom. . , . but this work is carried on by degrees till it be utterly extinct , rom. . sin is called the the old man for its weaknesse and decay . see thess. . , . anno christ● . exorta est secta flagellantium , qui ingenti turba obe●ntes pagos & oppida , nudi umbilico tenus , facie tect a sese flagellis cruentabant : manfit hic mos romae , ubi septimana quae diom paschatis proximè antecedit , poenitentes longo ordine , nudis seapulis , larvata facie publicè se diverberant flagellis : quem morem ipsi vidimus lutetiae sub henrico tertio . homines ad furorem usque superstitiosi , nesciunt deum amare immutationem cordium non verò dilaniationem corporum . molinaei hyperaspistes , lib. . cap. . vide novar . schediasm . sac. prophan . lib. . cap. . they are hostes naturae not peccati . sin . abuseth us , man being in honour continued not , a wicked man is called a vile person , psa. . . it de●iles us , and stains all our actions , tit. . . . deceives us , heb. . . ephes. . . . it keeps away all good , isa. . . it lets in all evil , jer. . . the death of christ is useful for mortifying of sin . . by way of representation , it shews us the hatefulnesse of sin , isa. . . consider his agony and sorrow on the crosse though sin was but imputed to him , cor. . . . by way of irritation , it stirs up in the soul a displicency against sin , isa. . . shall sin live that made christ die ? . by way of pattern and example , therefore the scripture often expresseth our mortification by our crucifying , gal. . . & . . & . . of all deaths crucifying is the most painful and shameful , it notes that sorrow and shame which christians feel in the remembrance of sinne , that which was done really in christ must be done in us by analogy , phil. . . . by way of merit , christ shed his bloud to redeem u● : . from the world , gal. . . that it might not be so pleasing an object . . from our vain conversation , pet. . . grace is a part of christs purchase as well as pardon . . by way of stipulation and ingagement . christ ●●ood as a surety before gods tribunal . he was gods surety and ours ; on gods part he undertook to bestow on us not only remission of sins , but the spirit of god to become a principle of life to us , and of death to our corruptions , rom. . . john . . on our part he undertook that we should no longer serve sin , rom. . . about means of mortification of sin ▪ see mr hilders . on psal. . . lect. , , , . spiritual life is that supernatural grace by which the whole man is disposed to live to god. . a supernatural grace , because it comes from our union with christ joh. . . . by which one is disposed to live to god , gal. . . the supream or fundamental principle of spiritual life is the indwelling vertue of the spirit , gal. . ul● . rom. . the apostle speaks of being led by the spirit , living by the spirit , walking by the spirit , and following the guidance of the spirit . life in the creature is an ability to perform the acts proper to that life , the ability sentive is the life of a beast , to discourse the life of reason . spiritual life is the abi●●ty which god hath given to the soul to act unto god as his portion and utmost end . there is . a spiritual life imputed when the guilt of sin is removed by the imputation of christs righteousnesse . . inherent , whereby the soul is inabled to live unto god. christ is the treasury of the life of the saints , as life is taken for righteousnesse , holinesse , comfort or glory . to live to god is , . to exalt him in our hearts as the chiefest good , whom if we obtain we are happy , psal. . . . to own god and appear for him here , and at such times , and in such places as it will be prejudicial to us so to do : noah was righteous when all flesh had corrupted his wayes , when christ is made a reproach . . when we prefer his interest before our own , stand for the truths and ordinances of christ , psal. ● . . . when we can be meek and patient in our cause , and zealous in gods cause , numb . . . . when we rejoyce that others act for god , though we have no part in it , jam. . . . when we desire to live to glorifie god , joh. , . cor. . . see m. pembl . vindiciae grat . , , . sicut olim deus in●hoa●it opus creationis à lumine corpor●o & sensibili , ita etiam opera regenerationis & glorificationis nostrae à lumine spirituali orditur : cum enim deus ●ssi●●iter electos vocat ad salutem per spiritum sanctum ; primò , corum intellectum illuminat lumine fidei & collustrat . secundò , voluntatem emollit & sanctificat . similiter in opere glorificationis ordine naturae praecedit illuminatio intellectus nostri , per lumen gloriae , ad dei essentiam clarè & perspicuè videndam ; deinde sequitur voluntatis inflammatio & in●ensio per ardorem charitatis . ratio hujus ordinis est , quia cognitio praecedit amorem , atque adeo clara cognitio seu visio praecedere debet ardentem & perfectum a●orem . baron . philos. theol. ancil . exercit . . art. . there is a difference between common illumination which may carry men far , heb. . and special illumination , heb. . . to be rightly illuminated or spiritually minded , rom. . . is . to minde the things of heaven rather then the things of earth , ● cor. . . john . . . to be more mindful of the good of the soul then of the body , mat. . lat . end . . to regard the things of eternity beyond things of time , cor. . ult . . to judge of things as the scripture judgeth them , what that commends we commend and judge worthy of commendation ; what that condemns we condemn and judge it worthy of condemnation ; we will then judge of things by the end . such will minde spiritual ordinances , so as to prepare for and profit by them ; spiritual gifts and graces so as to choose and use them ; spiritual priviledges , so as to make sure of them , and glory in them ; spiritual persons , so as to pray for and sympathize with them . voluntas est appetitus rationalis per quem homo sponte sua , & cum cognitione se movet ad bonum ass●quendum , sive illud sit verè bonum sive apparens . molin enodat . gravis . quaest. de lib. arbitrio . ezek. . . deut. . . it is willing to be convinced , psal . . prov. . . the offers of christ & grace are mainly made to the will , rev. . . the complaints also of rejecting grace are of it , ● would and you would not , israel would none of me . josh. . . isa. . . psal. . . exod. . . judg. . ● . psal. . . joh. . , , , , . joh. . . & . . there is a three-fold obedience , . voti , of a mans desires , but comes short in his actions . . of conformity ▪ when in some measure my actions answer . . of resignation , when ones will is given up to god , and that with delight . psal. . . rom. . . ephes. . . conscience is the faculty or power of the practical understanding in man , whereby he is privy to all his actions , whether they be immanent and conceived within , as thoughts , or emanant and issuing ●orth , as his words and works . m. down subject . to higher powers . conscientia est cordis scientia . bern. scientia cum alio . aquinas . cum ●lia s●it ammus scientia dicitur , cum seipsum conscientia jer. . . ephes . . conscience is the greatest comforter or terror , cor. . . rom. . . if we suffer it to be our councellor and commander , it will be our comforter . a good conscience is . an enlightned conscience prov. . . . an awakened conscience , tim. . ult . i sleep but my heart wakes . . a working active conscience , act. . . see hackwels apol l. . c. . sect. . p. , . lam. . , . john . . there is a double act of a good memory , saith the philosopher , . ut fideliter conservet . . ut promptè reddat . august . de civ . dei , l . c. . vide crakan . log. p. . non ciceroni assentio , qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perturbationes vertit . nam perturbatio nomine ipso declarari vitiosa videtur : ut ipse fatetur , lib. . de fin. requiritur vox , quae locum etiam habeat , quaudo metus consistunt intra modum . quare place● affectuum nomen , quo usus ovidius , livius , valerius , seneca , plinius , alii : five affectiones , quod est apud cic. . de invent. l. . gell. l. . c. ult . quanquam nec improbem commotiones animorum , vel simpliciter permotiones . vos . rhet. l. . c. . affections are the motions of the will , as carried out to the prosecution of good or avoiding of evil : they are as the philosopher speaks , exitus animae , the out-goings of the soul , like wheels to the cart , sinewes to the body , wings to the bird , winde to the sails spread . mr. fenner on col. . . ser. . the epicures allow of immoderate passions , and would have a man wholly swayed by his affections . the stoicks utterly extinguish all passions . gratia non tollit , sed attollit naturam , hos affectus stoici amputandos , peripatetici temperandos putant , lactant. div. instit. epit. there are three kindes of faults found in the passions of mens minds . that ▪ they arise before reason be consulted , or give direction . . that they proceed further then they should , and stay not when they are required . . that they transport reason and judgement it self . christ had these passions , but in a sort free from all these evils . for neither did they rise in him before reason gave direction , j●hn . . neither did they proceed any further , if once reason and judgement commanded a stay and retreat , whence they are called propassions rather then passions , because they are beginnings of passions to be staid at full and perfect leisure , and therefore much lesse had they any power to transport judgement and reason it self . dr field of the church , l. . c. . iure pruientissimus deus animis nostris indidit affectus , ut sint quasi adminicula ad praeclaras actiones . quod enim ventus navigio , ●d nobis affectus : in quorum temperic animi nostri tranquillitas , imò vitae hujus soelicitas consistit . ves. instit. orat . l. . cap. . sect. . tres affectus , vel ut ita dicam tres furiae sunt , quae in animis hominum tantas perturbationes ciunt & interdum cogunt ita delinquere , ut nec famae nec periculi sui respectum habere permittant ; ira quae vindictam cupit . avaritia quae desiderat op●s , libido quae appetit voluptates . lact. divin . inslit . epit. lib. & de vero cultu , l. . gal . . vide dudleii fenneri sac. theolog. l. . c. . the affections are specificated per actus & objecta , say the schoolmen . two things perfect every faculty and grace , when they take in the whole object and exercise perfect acts upon it , jam. . . spiritual and eternal objects are of great compasse . . when they act freely and fully on these objects , answerable to the nature of them , love god with all the heart , soul , strength , it notes not only all the faculties , but the intention of them , psal. . . the affections are , . disingaged from lusts and creatures to which they were wholly inthralled . . set upon god and the things that are above , lphes . . . col. . . . grace composeth the affections that could never agree one with another , before conversion , hope and fear , joy and grief , humility and resolution were repugnant one to another , but after conversion when the soul is most full of hope of heaven , one is most afraid to displease god , spiritual joy and grief sweetly agree , psal. . . moderation and zeal , numb . . yet moses was all on fi●e when god was dishonoured , humility and resolution also accord , none more humble , nor yet more resolu●● then paul after his conversion . . the desires are satisfied , yet exceedingly inlarged . iehu's zeal , and ●hab's mourning had not a holy motive . almost all the signs of a good man in scripture are taken from the affections , they love the lord , hate evil , desire that which is good , hunger and thirst after righteousnesse . christ takes content in the affections of his people , simon peter , lovest thou me ? see how she loves me , much was forgiven mary magdalen , because she loved much . psal. . . see jer. . ▪ affectus , u● optimè thomas aquinas disserit , vel locum habent in facultate concupiscibili , vel irasctbili . in concupiscibili sedem obtinent sex affectus ; nam si offerat se res bona , oritur ejus amor : ac si absens sit , desiderium cjus existit : ubi verò iliud consecuti sumus ; gaudium exsurgit , seu delectatio . it idem si quid se obtulerit sub specie mali , ejus nascitur odium , quod amori opponitur : si malum absit , fuga seu aversatio ejus erit , quae repugnat desiderio : sin malum praes●ns erit , exoritur dolor sinc tristitia , quae gaudio adversatur . at affectus , qui in irascibili sedem habeant , quinque numero sunt : duo ratione boni , tres ratione mali . nam bonum arduum ( quod irascibilis facultas respicit ) vel ejusmodi est , ut aliquis se credat illud consequi posse ; atque exoritur spes : vel tale est , ut credat aliquis , se id non valere adipisci , ac nascitur desperatio . ratione verò boni ardui praesentis , nulius in irascibili est motus , quia , quod quis jam obtinet ardui habere rationem defiit . ratione autem mali ardui , tres exsurgunt affectus : quia autem malum arduum est absens , aut praesens . si absens , vel refugimus , & est metas sive formido : vel obviam ei imus , & est audacia . sin praesens sit , fuerit ira , qua exardescimus ad malum depellendum . voss. institut . orat . l. c. , sect. . vide aquin. a ae quaest. . art. , . objecta passionum appetitus concupiscibilis sunt bonum & malum absolutè , objecta autē passionum appetitus irascibilis sunt bonum & malum cum quadam elevatione & arduitate . aquin. a , ae , quaest. . artic. . the simple affections are . love , hatred . . joy , sorrow . . desire , flight . . hope , despair . . fear , courage . pretium hominis amor . nerembergius a man is worth no more then his love . si terram amas terra es , si deum amas quid●i dicerem deus es . aug. to love god is to become godly , and to have the mind after a sort deified , pet. . . to love the world is to become a worldling . the schools mention three kindes of love , which indeed are rather three effects of love , . love of benevolence , whereby one wisheth , and so farre as he can procureth the welfare of the thing loved . . love of concupiscence by which it is carried with a longing to be united to the thing loved , or to enjoy it . . love of complacency by which the soul is satisfied , contented and made to rest in the thing loved when it doth enjoy it . so when our hearts so cleave to god as the chief good , that we wish all glory , honour , felicity to him , and long to enjoy him , and be satisfied so far as we have power or hope of enjoying him . two things draw out our affections towards good things , . the good that comes by them . . the good that is in them , a wicked man may love good things for the good that comes by them , a godly man for the good that is in them . two things draw out our affections against evil things , . the evil that comes by them , so a wicked man may be affected with the evil that comes by them , exod. . . act. . . a godly man is affected with the evil that is in them , he loves god and hates sin for it self , hos. . , . sam. . . luk. . . zech. . . jer. . . the love we owe to god is setling our hearts in the liking of him as the chief , and in a manner the only good , deut. . . matth. . . the main intent of that precept is to shew what love is appropriated to god , we must not love any person or thing with all our hearts , this is proper only to god. there are two things in the precept , . the extension of parts , the heart , soul , minde , strength . . the intention of degrees , our understanding must think of god , our will cleave to him , our love , fear , confidence , delight must be carried out to him without division or derivation to other things . we must love god in his creatures , christ in his members , love other things in subordination to him , luk. . . dupliciter contingit ex toto corde deum diligere . uno quidem modo in actu , id est , ut totum cor hominis semper actualiter in deum feratur : et ista est perfectio patriae . alio modo , ut habitualiter totum cor hominis in deum feratur : ita scilicet quod nihil contra dei dilectionem c●r hominis recipiat : et haec est perfectio viae . aquin. a , ae quaest. . art. . praecipitur nobis , ut tota nostra intentio feratur in deum , quod est ex toto corde : et quod intellectus noster subdatur deo , quod est ex tota mente : et quod appetitus noster reguletur secundum deum , quod est ex tota anima : et quod exterior actus noster obediat deo , quod est totis viribus deum diligere . aquinas ibid. art. . the schoolmen say , we first love god with a love of concupiscence , after with a love of complacence . comparing our affection to god with our affection to other matters is the best way to shew the temper of our love , tim. . . luke . . . this love is not to be measured so much by the lively acts of love , as by the solid esteem . . it is not altogether to be judged by our time and care , bodily necessities are more pressing . god hath given us six days for our worldly imploiments , and reserved but one day for himself . our love is many wayes inordinate , . we love sin which we should hate . . we hate good which we should love . . we love that much we should love little . . we love that little which we should love much . . we love a private good more then the publick , the body above the soul , the creature more then the creator , prefer things of time before those of eternity . amor est conscnantia quaedam appetitus ad id , quod apprehenditur ut conveniens : odium verò est dissonantia quaedam appetitus ad id , quo● apprehenditur ut repugnans & nocivum : ficut autem omne conveniens in quantum hujusmodi habet rationem boni , ita omne repugnans in quantum hujusmod : habet rationem mali , & ideo sicut bonum est objectum amoris , ita malum est objectum odii . aquinas a , ae . quaest. . artic. . love is the affection and p●●pension of the minde toward some thing as good , hatred is an a●ienation of the minde from some thing as evil , to stand so affected to it , as those words , farre be it , farre be it from me , set forth , when the soul riseth against it . every man by nature is full of wrath against god , ephes. . . some interpret that actively , psal. . ● . there is an enmity in man , . against the very being of god , psal. . . his attributes , would not have him to be so just and jealous , psal. . . so pure and emniscient , isa. . . . against the councels of god , isa. . . ezek. . , . . against the precepts and prohibitions of god , rom. . , . . the worship of god , deut. . . psal. ● . . . the threats and promises of god , job . . his administrations , rom. . . * our hatred must be withdrawn from such things and persons as are not to be hated . first , things . . goodnesse , vertue , piety , because it is the image of god , and is in it self most beneficial , prov. . , . . the means of goodnesse , as instruction , reproof , correction , prov. . . & . . john . . secondly , persons . . the church in general . . any good man , tim. . . psal. . . . he which admonisheth or correcteth , prov. . . an enemy , matth. . * hatred differs from anger in three things , . anger is with a particular , hatred against universals , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the whole kinde , i hate every false way . . anger may be cured by time , but no● hatred . . anger is content to render like for like , hatred aims at the destruction of things . among the aegyptians a fish was the hieroglyphick of hatred , because of all creatures they doe most devour one another . we must hate sin as sin , for it self , else our hatred is not from a principle of love to god , as sin is a transgression of his law , psal. . . if we hate sin for it self we will . hate all sin , à quatenus ad omne valet consequentia , as he that loves a saint for himself , loves every saint . . we will dislike sin under what shape soever it comes . . we will dislike it in all sorts of persons , those that are near us , psal. . , . . we will hate sin in the being as well as acting of it , the law requires a holy nature as well as life . . we will set no bounds to ou● hatred , isa. . . . will dislike all occasions and means that tend to it . every christian should have his heart possessed with a l●●●hing detestation & hatred of sin , that being indeed the first and principal , and most immediate object of hatred . hatred of sin will bewray it self , . in a constant jealousie and watchfulnesse over the soul and over every small rising of corruption . . by a serious resistance in the temptation rom. . . . by bitter grief after the transgression , jer. . . rom. . . see m. pembl . vindic. grat . p. , . a in these hungrings & thirstings of the soul there is as it were the spawn of faith , semen sidei , there is aliquid sidei in them . psal. . . & . . isa. . & . . & luk. . . revel . . . bolton on mar. . . it is the reaching of the soul after that which likes us , because it is like us . it is an assection of pursuing or following after the absent good . it is that by which the minde stirs up in it self longing and wishing , and quickens it self to seek and attain that good which it loveth , and yet is not present with it , phil. . . prov. . . bonum delect abil● non est absolutè objectum concupiscentiae , sed sub ratione absentis : sicut & sensibile sub ratione praeteriti est objectum memoriae . aqu●n a , ae quaest. . art. . christ brings the heart to heaven first , and then the person : his own mouth spake it , mat. . he that had truly rather have the enjoyment of god in christ , then any thing in the world , shall have it . baxters saints everlasting rest , par . . c. . * some call it abomination . scio equidem vulgò in scholis opponi passionem quae tendit in bonum , & quae sola nominatur cupiditas vel desiderium , ei quae tendit in fugam mali , qu● vocatur aversio . sed cum nullum detur bonum cujus privatio malum non sit , nec ullum malum , cujus privatio non sit bonum ; et cum quaerendo , exempli gratiâ , divitias , necessariò fugiatur paupertas , ac fugiendo morb●s , quaeratur sanitas , & sic de aliis ; mihi videtur eundem semper esse motum , qui simul fert ad prosecutionem boni , & ad fugam mali quod ipsi contrarium est . des cartes de passion . animae part . . artic. . we must not shun good things , as christ shunned not his sufferings , act. . . it is an opening and dilatation of the heart upon the appearance of some present good , whence it hath the name of laetitià , as it were a broad and spreading passion . laetitia à mentis latitudin● . to joy in god is to joy , . that there is a god who could hang the earth on nothing , ballance the clouds , make such a glorious world but he ? . that he is such a god , a living god , one that raigns and rules immutably , psal. . . . to joy in the wayes of his communicating himself to us , his word and ordinances , jer. . . ps. . . rom. . . to delight in his sabbaths in his commandments and counsels , psal. . . to rejoyce in those graces wherby we are made conformable to him , when we rejoyce not only in the profession of his name , but in persecution for his truth , act. . . heb. . . rejoice in communion with him , in hope of his appearance . it is a passion whereby the appetite doth abhor with perturbation evil present , whether so in deed or in apprehension . par. on rom. terror of conscience apprehends wrath , fury , vengeance & damnation , and is thereby perplexed for a time . contrition looks chiefly to a ●ault , and a contrite person is troubled , because he hath deserved damnation . terrours of conscience drive men ( in whom there is no contrition ) to vain & idle helps , sports , company , and leave a man desperate . contrition is joyned alwayes with an humble boldnesse to live to the mercy of god in christ. see mark . . & luk. . ● . int●eamur quemadmodum ubi deum dixit nolle sacrificium , ibi deum ostendit velle sacrificium . non vult ergo sacrificium trucidati pecoris , sed vult sacrificium contriti cordis . aug. de civ . dei , lib. . c. . meditate what mourning and sorrow sin hath cost thy saviour often remember and reade over the evils that thy soul is guilty of . hope , trust and confidence are all one . spei objectum est bonum futurum , arduum , possibile adipisci , saith aquinas . we may and must hope , . in regard of our selves , for all good things both spiritual and temporal , both for this and a better life : as . for salvation and remission of sins . . for maintenance in this world , and all other needful comforts . . deliverance out of crosses so far as shall be good for us . . in regard of others , we must hope for the welfare of the church , and the ruine of the enemies therof . * act. . , . ephes. . . heb. . . col. . ● . iuvenes multum habent de futuro & parum de praeterito , & ideo quia memoria est praeteriti , spes autem futuri , parum habent de memoria , sed mul●um vivunt in spe . aquin. a , ae quaest. . art. . the covenant is rather the ground then the object of hope . falsum non potest subesse fidei . it closeth with the good things the gospel holds out , and in the way that it holds them out . it is compared to an anchor , and an helmet , ephes. . . compared with thess. . . rom. . . objectum timoris est malum futurum dissicile , cui resisti non potest . aquinas a , ae . quaest. . art. . vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à militia sumpta est , propriéque dicitur , cùm quis se in fugam conjicit . est enim à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod est fugere timor appellatur , quia propriè sit expectatio ●orum censurae , qui in dignitate sunt constituti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 censero . plus autem est timere aut metuere , quàm vereri : unde illud : malo vereri , quàm timeri me à meis . metus est dolor quidam , ac perturbatio , ex opinione impendentis mali , quod vel perniciem , vel molestiam afferre possit . arist. vos . instit . orat . l. . c. sect. . & . ioseph feared to sin against god. obadiah feared the lord greatly . see dr gouge on eph. . ● . mr wheatley on noahs example . there is a natural distance between him and us , he being the creator we the creature , dust and ashes . . a moral distance , he is infinitely pure , we unholy and sinful . * this fear was a stain in the face of all melancthons excellencies , nemo modestior quidem sed nemo timidior , saith zanchy of him , in an epistle to bulling . pessimus in dubiis augur timor metus pessimus tyrannas . there is the passion or affection of anger , which is a good thing , as all natural affections are , & the vice of anger which is sinful and wicked . it is the offence of the will upon the apprehensiō of an injury done to it . ira & iracundia differunt , ut iratus , & iracundus . ira de causa est , iracundia de vitio multum irascentis , donatus . adel . act. . sc. . romani non habent vocabula quibus irae gradus distinguant . nisi quod gravior ira 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocatur furor . vos . instit orat . l. . ● . . sect. . ca●sa ob quam alii irascimur , est contemptus , five negligentia vos . rh●t . l. . c. . the object of it is our corrupt self , any injury offered to our name , ease . there is a disorder of anger in regard of the motive . four kinds of things should not provoke anger in a man . needful duties which god hath enjoyned unto a man , so nebuchadnezzar was angry with the three children for not worshipping the images which he set up , and iudas with the woman for anointing christs feet . . things lawful and indifferent , which neither god nor man forbid , but are left to my choice and liberty , ought not to be a motive to anger , as eliah was angry with david for enquiring about the reward which should be given to him that did kill goliah , he might do it the better to whet his own courage and the courage of others . . natural imperfections are not to move anger but pity , as to be angry with one because he stammers , because he speaks over-fast , is slow of wit , dull of capacity . lastly , sins of meer infirmity and frailty , gal. . . so the anger of paul and barnabas one against the other in the case of taking mark with them to visit the churches , was sinful . the well ordering of this passion . sanctified anger is zeal , and sanctified restraint of anger is meekness and forbearing , a meek spirit is a thing much set by of god. passio appetitus sensitivi in tantum est bona , in quantum ratione regulatur . si autem ordinem rationis excludat , est mala . ordo autem rationis in ira potest attendi , quantum ad duo . primò quidem , quantum ad appetibile in quod tendit , quod est vindicta . alio modo attenditur ordo rationis circa iram , quantum ad modum irascendi : ut scilicet motus irae non immoderatè senescat , nec interius , nec exterius . aquin. a , ae , quaest. . art. . vide art. . love god and hate sin . it may be f●lt working when a man approacheth a prince or some eminent superiour , he finds a kind of motion carrying him to give all due respect to him . it seemeth to stand in the joynt-working of love , fear , desire , love towards the person or thing , fear to offend , lose or abuse the person or thing , desire to win it , and to be the better for it . see elton on col. . . and mr wards coal from the altar . it is a desire of food for the preservation of the individuum , and of generation for the maintaining of the kinde . phil. . , . the work of gods grace in sanctifying the body . psal. . . & . . iames. when the apostle giveth up the anatomy of a natural man in all the members of the body , he stayeth longest on the organs of speech . rom. . , . capel of tentat . part . . cap. . sect. . the members are become fit and ready for good . ps. . the eye and ear are helps also to the soul. job . . mary magdalen wipes our saviours feet with those locks of hers which before she had been so proud of and inveigled others with . the body which heretofore hath burned with lusts , is now ready to burn at the stake for christ thess. . . * the queen of sheba gave precious things to salomon . gift is a transferring of right from one to another by free will. quo minus viae restat , eo plus viatici quaerit . see dr prid. on pet. . . elton on col. . . that properly is said to be humble which is even with the ground . humility is well called by one a friendly enemy to ones self . humilitas est animi demissio orta ex vera status & conditionis suae agnitione . cameron praelect . in mat. . . plutarch . psal. . i am a worm and no man. peccator omnium notarum cum sim. tert. before honour humility . there is a double lowlinesse of mind , the one a moral vertue found in some natural men , whereby they do out of their own discretion & observation of their own defects account themselves very imperfect , insufficient and unworthy of any thing , this was in saul , he is said to have been little in his own eyes , sam. . , , . that is , meanly conceited of himself , as of a man insufficient for the weighty imploiment of a kingdom . the other a christian vertue , whereby men perceive their vilenes in respect of sin , and their baseness in comparison with god. multi humiliantur nec sunt humiles . bern. a man may be much humbled by crosses and miseries , yet not truly humble . the soul apprehends it self empty of all good , rom. . and full of all evil , rom. . unworthy of the least favor , the meanest service , to come into gods presence . the consideration of our natural littlenesse , that we are indeed little , our bodies but a handfull of earth , not three yards long , and of little continuance , our souls but little things , as being included for being and working within the narrow compasse of the body , we understand , know , remember not the thousandth part of things which are to be understood , known and remembred , jer. . . cannot do the thousandth part of things which are to be done , will breed that natural lowlinesse which was in saul , but the consideration of our spiritual basenesse in regard of sinne will breed spiritual humility . remota itaque justitia , quid sunt regna , nifi magna latrocinia ? quia & ipsa latrocinia quid sunt , nisi parva regna ? aug. de civit . dei l. . c. . eleganter & veraciter alexandro illi magno quidam comprehensus pirata respondit ; nam quum idem rex hominem interrogasset , quid ei videretur , ut mare haberet infestum ? ille libera contumacia , quid tibi , inquit , ut orbem terrarum ? sed quia id ego exiguo navigio facio latro vocor : quia tu magna classe , imperator . id. ibid. * true peace-maker . see more there p. , , . and weems his christ. synagog . p. . fiat justitia & pereat mundus . ferunt imperatorem maximilianum quotiescunquc praetcriret locum supplicii publici , aperto capite cum salutasse his verbis , salve sancta justitia . luth. in gen. * comparing him to a thresher , for in those dayes the greater grain had a wheel turned over it to pres●e it out of the husk , that being the manner of their threshing , it is as if he had said in our phrase , he thresheth the wicked . he shews not due hatred against the sin , nor due zeal to gods glory . see mr hilders . on psal. ● . . lect. . to lect. . concerning the several acceptions of the word wisdom . see d. prideaux on luk. . . job . . prov. . , . & . . & . . eccles. . . david was commended to saul for being a wise man. ephes. . . by wisdome he means in speculatives , and prudence , that is , in practicals . it hath two parts , a right understanding , and an aptnesse to use understanding . a man knows nothing to speak of , and of what he knows most he knows but the bark and outside , the inside and the most excellent things he knows not nor can know , so that there are a world of secrets in a little grasse , a worm , which all the deepest philosophers on earth cannot search into . wisdome is meek , quiet , gentle . wisdome is an ability to see and attain welfare and happinesse , an angry man cannot be happy , because he cannot be quiet , therefore neither can he be wise . christ the wisest of men was the meekest also . it is also humble , lowly , well acquainted with its own manifold defects . a sool is wiser in his own eyes then seven men that can render a reason . aristotle and the schools say sapientia est altissimas causa contemplari . the foolish sinner is carried in all things , as if there were no god , no heaven , god is not in all his thoughts . prudence is recta ratio agibilium , it is practical and applies generals to particulars . the schools make this difference between wisdome and prudence , the one is in contemplation , the other in ordering of that contemplation to practice . the godly man doth not only know things but doth them . cor. . . joh. . . job . ult . pro. . , . prov. . . see jer. . , . see par. on rom. . . mercy is either moral or christian , there is a natural mercifulnesse found in heathens , when out of natural motives and inclination they are ready to succour the miserable . christian , when out of a christian inclination men are ready to help such . the one flows from faith and love to god , the other not , the one looks to spiritual miseries , the other only to temporal , the one is ready to shew it self to enemies , the other not , the one aimeth at god and intendeth to please him , the other at credit , or at best at pleasing it self . the alms which she gave in three quarters of a year in distribution , is summed to the number of fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds . foxes book of mart. vol. . p. . see cor. . , . m. fenner of the affect . m. stock in his funeral sermon of him . m. hughes in his preface to the embalming of dead saints . iohn the patriarch of constantinople , was called the almner , eleemosynarius , because he had a great revenew , but laid it out all on the poor , and at years end would say , i have nothing left me but my lord iesus christ. mat. . . isa. . . prov. . . alms in the greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mercy or compassion , because it is a gift given to the poor out of commiseration or pity , whence the french aulmos●e . est opus quo datur aliquid in . digenti ex misericordia . bellarm. lib. . de bon . oper . de eleemos . cap. . in the hebrew and syriack it is called , righteousnesse or iustice , as if it were by right due to the poor , prov. . . alms and relief of poor people being a work of charity , is accounted in law divine service , for what herein is done to the poor for gods sake , is done to god himself . sr ed. cook on lit. vide aquin. a , ae . q. . art. , , , , , , , , , . mr lapthorn hath written a good treatise of spiritual alms , and mr whately of corporal , called the poor mans advocate , set forth by me in his life time . eleemosynae spirituales praeeminent triplici ratione . primò quidem quia id quod exhibetur nobilius est , scilicet donum spirituale quod praeeminet corporali . secundò , ratione ejus , cui subvenitur , quia spiritus nobilior est corpore . tertiò , quantum ad ipsos actus , quibus subvenitur proximo : quia spirit●● ▪ les actus sunt nobiliores corporalibus qui sunt quodammodo serviles . aquin. a , ae q. . art . a , ae quaest. . art. . qui proprietatem & dominium non habent , ut uxores quae sunt in potestate virorum , filii qui sunt in potestate parentum , servi qui sunt in potestate domi●●um . non debent , nec possunt eleemosynas facere , nisi vel in extrema pauperum necessitate , vel ex consensu tacito , vel expresso s●periorum . bellarm. lib. . de bonis operibus , c. . we should labour to be rich in grace seeing other riches are so vain . see eccles. . . to the end . . these are the true riches , luk. . . other riches are deceiving . . these are our own riches , luk. . ● . . unsearchable riches , ephes. . . . spiritual riches , matth. . . . heavenly riches , matth. . . cor. . . . eternal , luk. . . we should strive to be rich , . in knowledge , cor. . . . in faith , jam. . . but especially in mercy , otherwise we cannot make it appear either to our selves or others , that we are rich in faith , jam. . . proinde verum sacrificium est omne opus quod agitur , ut sancta societate inhaereamus deo , relatum scilicet ad illum finem boni , quo veraciter beati esse possimus . undo & ipsa misericordia , qua bomini subvenitur , si propter deum non fit , non est sacrificium . etsi enim ab homine sit vel offertur , tamen sacrificium res divina est : ita ut hoc quoque vocabulo id latini veteres appellaverint aug. le civ . dei l. . c . hic divitiarum maximus ac verissimus fructus est , non uti opibus ad propriam unius voluptatem , sed admultorum salutem ; non ad praesentem suum fructum , sed ad justitiam , quae sola non interit . tenendum est igitur omnino , ut ab officio misericordiae spes recipiendi absit omnino . hujus enim operis , & officii merces à deo est expetenda solo : nam si ab homine expectes , jam non humanitas erit illa , sed benefici● foeneratio ; nec potest videri benè meruisse , qui quod fecit , non alteri , sed sibi praestat ; & tamen res eo redit , ut quod alteri quisque praestiterit , nihil ab eo commodi sperans , verè sibi praestet ; quia mercedem capiet à deo. lactant. de vero cultu , lib. . vide plura ibid. to good men we must do good , because they do deserve it : to strangers , because they may deserve it , and do stand in need of it ; to all men , because god deserves it at our hands for them : to our friends , because we owe it them : and to our enemies to heap coals of fire upon their heads : the coals of charity to thaw and soften their hardnesse , if it may be , and at which we must aim : or else the coals of anger from god for their unplacablenesse towards us . robinsons essayes , cap. . see d. gouge● whole armour , pag. . and so forward . doctor taylors parable of the sower , pag. . m. manton on jam. . . it is a holy disposition , whereby the heart looking at gods will in the disposing of all , things , doth sustain any adversity for the lords sake , job . . virtus aut cerni non potest , nisi habeat vitia contraria , aut non est perfecta , nisi exerceatur adversis , hanc enim deus bonorum ac malorum voluit esse distantiam , ut qualitatem boni ex malo sci●mus , item mali ex bono , nec alterius ratio intelligi , sublato altero potest . deus ergo non exclusit malum ; ut ratio virtutis constare posset . quomodo enim patientia vim suam , nomenque retineret , si nihil esset quod pati cogeremur ? quomodo laudem mercretur devota deo suo fides ; nisi esset aliquis , qui à deo vellet avertere lactantius lib. . de iustitia . we suffer with christ , . when the cause is christs for which we suffer . . when the graces are christs by which we suffer . we have cause of patience , . if we look upon our selves as creatures . . as sinners , lam. . , . non tam miseri qaam mali . . as christians , col. . . defendenda religio est nam occidendo , sed moriendo , non saevitia sed patientia ; non scelere , sed fide . lactantius lib. . de iustitia . act. . . hab. . . cum videat vulgus dilacerari homines variis tormentorum generibus , & inter satigatos carmsices invictam tenere patientiam ; existimant , id quod res est , nec confensum tam maltorum , nec perseverantiam morientium vanam esse ; nec ipsam patientiam sine deo cruciatus tantos posse superare , latrones & robusti corporis viri ejusmodi lacerationes perferre nequeant . exclamant & gemitus edunt , vincuntur enim dolore ; quia deest illis inspirata patientia . lactant. de iustitia l. . vide plura ibid. pax itaque corporis , est ordinata temperatura partium . pax animae irrationalis , ordinata requies appetitionum . pax animae rationalis ordinata cognitionis actionisque consensio pax corporis & animae ordinata vita & salus animantis . pax hominis mortalis , est dei immortalis ordinata in fide sub aeterna lege obedientia . pax hominum , ordinata concordia . pax domus , ordinata imperandi atque obediendi concordia cohabitantium . pax civitatis , ordinata imperandi atque obediendi concordia civium . pax coelestis civitatis , ordinatissima & concordissima societas ●ruendi deo , & invicem in deo. pax omnium rerum , tranquillitas ordinis . august de civit . dei lib. . cap. . vide thes. theol. salmur . part . . de perseverantia fidei . the sure mercies of david , isa. . . * quae promissi● non potest esse conditio nata ut quidam excipiunt , quia cond●tio esset nugatoria , quasi diceret dabo ut non recedatis , si non recedatis , ut perseveretis , si perseveretis . rivet . disp. . de persev . sanct . vide croc. in aug. confes . quaest. . c. . cor. . . phil. . . we must deny our own natural wisdome in the things of god. prov. . . christianity is a school & sect of men that deny themselvs on religious reason see luk. . , , . we should not only look to the setling of our particular assurance , but also cast up our reckoning what religion may cost us , matth. . . psal. . . rom. . . . & . cor. . . he denied himself for us in the joyes of heaven , and in the glory of his father . see m. hilders . on ps. . lect. . m. ball of the cov. ch . . d. gouge on ephes. . . one is said to please one when the chief cause which swayes him to a thing is the consideration of his will made known unto him that he would have it so . it respects three several things , . in reference to the act of any grace , it implies truth opposite to hypocrisie , prayer which proceeds not out of feigned lips , truth in the inward parts , heb. . . repentance , faith , love must be unfeigned . . in reference to the object , it takes it entirely , thorowly , without reservation , loves god , all in god , his holinesse as well as his mercy , hates all sinne , and all in sinne , psal. . . & . . . . . in respect of the motive or end , singlenesse , onenesse of heart , isa. . . jam. . the comfort of all the scriptures , right to all the creatures , benefit of all the ordinances belongeth to the upright , m. harris the same boldnesse that innocency gives us before men , sincerity will give us at the judgement of god. * he is the same at all times , when goodnesse is persecuted he is good , when evil is in credit he is against it , in all companies & places he is the same , in secret and publick , because god is alwayes present and the same , and so apprehended by the true hearted . notes for div a -e revel . . . see mr bridges sermon entituled , a vindication of ordinances on deut. . . d hill on eph. . . p. , . m. manton on jam. . . pag. , . m. symonds christian plea at the end of sight & faith . the familists talk of living in god and upon god immediately , they call ordinances by way of scorn forms , they are so if they be rested in , but otherwise they are means of serving , pleasing and obeying god. m. laurence his vindication of the scriptures and christian ordinances . see his plea for the use of gospel-ordinances . in my first book i have spoken of reading and meditating in the word . see isa. . . prov. . . nehem. . we must hear the word with faith , heb. . . that brings every truth to the soul with divine authority , thes. . . heb. . . and causeth the soul thence to receive it with assurance , thess. . . and to submit to it . see job . ult . luk. . , obedient hearing is made a sign of grace , john . ●● . see joh. . . a song or psalm is a composition of words in strict numbers fit to be uttered in a tunable voice , or with an instrument , david made many of these . the word psalme is usually limited to signifie a holy song . fuisse in usua apud christianos ab ipso exordio nascentis e●clefiae , ut in conventibus ecclesiasticis psalmodia primum locum haberet , cognosci potest ex loco illo apostoli cor. . . item ex tertulliano in libro de velandis virginibus extremo . bellarm. de bonis operibus , lib. . cap. . that singing of psalmes is a duty of the gospel , see mr cotton of singing of psalmes , cap. . and m. manton on jam. . . and m. fords , singing of psalms a christian duty . all the while the burnt-offering was in offering they bestowed themselves in singing ▪ and gladnesse , as we sing a psalm in the celebration of our sacrament , warrantably by this . mr hildersam heron. singing of hymns is by some counted an ordinance , that is , any person of the congregation exercising their own gifts , should bring an hymne and sing it in the congregation , all the rest being silent and giving audience . m. edw. see dr willet on exod. . pag. . see chron. . , . & . , . baptisteria multae ecclesiae retinent , quaedam tollunt ; organis p●eumaticis quaedam utuntur aliae non utuntur . nullae , quod sciam , ut antichristianas ceremonias damnant . crocius in august . confes. quaest. . cap. . hinc fracta illa musica , quae intelligentiam excludit , abesse debet à sacris exercitiis pictatis , saltem quae cum aliis habemus . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . hujusmodi musica instrumenta magis animum movent ad delectationem , quam per ea formetur interius bona dispositio . in veteri autem testamento usus erat talium instrumentorum , tum quia populus erat magis durus & carnalis . unde erat per hujusmodi instrumenta provocandus : sicut & per promissiones terrenas : tum etiam quia hujusmodi instrumenta corporalia aliquid figurabant . aquin. a , ae . q . art. . ad tum . musicae organicae aec instrumentalis usus ita est permissus , ac privatim inter christianos indifferens , ut multo satius sit publicè ●● eo abstinere , quam eam introducere aut continuare , quia majus subest periculum quam aedificatio . rivet . in cathol . orthodox . talis debet esse cantus qui intelligentiam verborum non impediat , sed potius juvet . proinde quo modo probari potest illa fracta , clamosa & fragesa musica in templis , qua ita canitur , ut nihil penitus intelligas aut percipias , praet●r harmoniam musicam . zanchius in ephes. . . minimè omnium tolerabitur in ecclesia musica instrumentalis , & organa illa musica confragosa quae varium vocum garritum efficiunt & templa lituis , tubis & ●is●ulis personare faciunt . quorum ditalianum pontificem primum auctorem fuisse platina affirmat . zepperus . in polit. eccles. mr ball in his catechism , and in his first chapter of the trial of the grounds of separation . * mr. wheatley on the second command . true christian prayer is a right opening of the desire of the heart to god. d. goug . whole armor . it is an acting and moving of the soul of man toward god , that we may affect him with his own praises , or the merciful consideration of our suites . oratio est voluntatis nostrae religiosa repraesentatio coram deo , ut ill● deus quasi afficiatur . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . because religious speech is the chief speech which we can use , therefore as preaching is called sermo , so prayer is of the latines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called oratio . b. down . of prayer , ch . . prayer is called a religious expressing of the will : . religious , because it proceeds from religious vertues , faith , hope and love to god. . because it is to be offered to god only . . of the will , the regenerate part of it . one saith , prayer is an expression of the desires of the regenerate part , revel . . . by this argument the fathers prove that christ is god , and that the holy ghost is god , because he is prayed to . see d. gouges whole armor , part . . salmeron saith , it is more pious to pray to god and the saints together then to god only . aquinas a , ae . quaest. . art. . thus distinguisheth , oratio porrigitur alicui dupliciter ; uno modo quasi per ipsum implenda , alio modo sicut per ipsum impetranda . in the first way we must pray to god only , in the second ( saith he ) we may pray to the saints and angels . a sancta trinitate petimus ut nostri misereatur ; ab aliis autem sanctis quibuscunque , petimus ut orent pro nobis . aquin. ubi supra . see down on john . . and b. daven . determinat . of . question , ch . . that god alone is to be called upon , and ch . . that we ought not to invocate any creature . vide mornay . de s●r● eucharistia , l. . c. . , . the church knew not what praying to saints meant four hundred years after the death of our saviour christ : there cannot be found one word in all the ancient writers but what makes for the condemning of those that prayed to saints , therein imitating the example of the paynims towards their gods . phil. mornay of the church , c. . sacrifices are to be offered to god alone , exod. . . invocation whether by prayer or by thanksgiving is a sacrifice more excellent then all other , psal. . . , , . heb. . . he that is mediator must be worshipped , because he is god , christ god-man is the object of divine adoration ; but whether he be to be worshipped , because he is mediator , or under this formal consideration of mediator . see m. gillesp. aarons rod bloss . l. . c. . p. . against it . vide ames . assert . theol. de adoratione christi . vide voetii theses , & hornbeck . apparatum ad controversias socinianas , p. , , , , &c. christus vel ut deus , vel ut mediator consideratur . sicut deus , dirigimus precet nostras ad cum . adoramus enim deum patrem , filium & spiritum sanctum ; sic ut mediator p●eces nostras facimus per & propter christum . stres . in act. . . lipsius when he was a dying , thus prayes , o mater dei , ad●is famulo tuo cum tota aeternitate decerta●ti , & non me deseras in hac hora , à qua pendet animae meae salus aeterna . drexel . de aeternitate considerat . sect. . tim. . . to call upon god in the name of christ imports two things , . to desire that for christs sake we may be heard . . to believe that for christs sake we shall be heard . b. down . of prayer , cap. . it imports , . that we look up to christ as obtaining this priviledge that we may ask . . that the things we ask have been purchased by him . . to ask in his strength . . that he intercedes now in heaven for us . * god hath set special bounds , . to our faith , he teacheth us what to believe . . to our actions , he teacheth us what to do . . to our prayers , he teacheth us what to desire . the matter of prayer in general must be things lawful and good . d. go●ges whole armour , part . . the properties of prayer . i must pray , . with understanding , cor. . . . give up all the faculties of the soul in it , chron. . . . there must be breathings of the spirit of god , rom. . . . come with a holy freedom with the spirit of adoption . see exod. . . & . , . king. . . psal. . . mat. . . to . heb. . . cor. . . see these parables , luk. . ch & ● . ch . to this purpose . qui timide r●gat negare docet . * psal. . . sam. . . this was shadowed out in the levitical incense , and the whole burnt-offerings which could not be offered without fire , nor might with any but that which came from heaven ; the fervency of gods own spirit in us . the efficacy of prayer lies in the fervency of the affections , and the arguments of faith drawn from the promises of god or relations of christ. a fervent prayer consists in three things , . when we lay out much of our spirits and hearts in prayer . . when it is performed with a great deal of delight . . when it is continued in . be sensible of your own unworthinesse . john . * see b. down of prayer , c. . king. . . men neglect prayer , . out of atheism . . hypocrisie , job . . . carnal delight , tim. . . . for want of peace or spiritual strength . cajetane saith , for prayer to any but god we have no warrant in all the scripture . vide riveti grot. discus . dalys . sect. . the papists acknowledge invocation of saints not used in the old testament , and give us reason for it , because the souls of the patriarks were not then in heaven , and so not to be invocated ; yet do they alledge very many places for it out of the old testament to make a shew of scripture . so for the new testament , they acknowledge invocation of saints departed was not commanded or taught by the apostles , or in their time ; yea and give us reasons why it was not published at first , because it had been unseasonable and dangerous for jew and gentile at first to have heard it , lest they might think the christians set forth and worshipped many gods ; or that the apostles were ambitious of having such honour done them after their death . yet they bring many places of the new testament for a seeming proof of it . d. ferns divis. between the engl. and rom. ch. upon the reform . sect. . patriarchae in veteri testamento non dum era●t beati , ideo nihil de hac re habetur expressum , salmer . comment . in tim. . disp . . * it can not be proved that any of the fathers for three hundred years after christ , did make their prayers to any but only to god by jesus christ. but in them of later time , there is some mention of praying unto them . but where is either commandment , example or allowance of such prayers out of the scriptures . dr fulk on the rhem. test. pet. . . heb. . . orate pro nobis . insaniunt haeretici dum clamitant injuriam nos facere christo mediatori , quoties vicissim paulum & c●●●ros sanctos rogamus , dicentes , orate pro nobis . estius ad locum . vide estium ad rom. . . ad thess. . . ● cor. . . & ad ephes. . . ad heb. . . the protestants confesse an honouring of the saints in divers respects , as . giving thanks to god for his graces multiplied upon them . . the honourable commemoration of their faith and vertues . . a desire and profession of imitating their godly examples . . that the holy saints ●ow triumphing in heaven do pray for the state of the militant church at the least in their general supplications . but we deny that saints departed may be invocated or properly prayed unto . b. mortons appeal , lib. . cap. . sect. . si invoceutur vivi à viventibus , multo ( inferunt ) consultius invocentur sancti defuncti , cum majori flagrent charitate , & f●licioris sint ad auxiliandum conditionis . atque hoc argumentum ( addit bellarminus ) adversarii nunquam solvere potue●●nt , sed bellarminus ipse illud solvit . praefatur enim cardinalis nos legere in utroque testamento viventes à viventibus in●●catos . at defunctos esse invocatos aut invocandos à viventibus , in neutro testamento legimus , & nonne haec sufficiens solutio ? hoc facimus quia legimus , illud non facimus quia non legimus . d. prid lect. de sanctorum invocatione . bellarminus ●●riens inter virginem matrem & filium divisibilem dimidiat animam . id. ibid. vide plura ibid. the great end of all our requests should not be our own interest and concernment , but gods glory , psal. . . reasons . . else they will not be successefull . . because otherwise our prayers are not prayers , the end shews the quality of the action . we must not only serve god but seek him . how to know that gods glory is the great end of our requests . . by the working of our thoughts , the heart worketh upon the end . . by the manner of praying , we must pray absolutely for gods glory , and submit to his will for other things , john . , . . by the dispo sition of our hearts when our prayers are accomplished . god hath appointed prayer for other ends also . . to be a profession of our dependance upon him , that we might daily acknowledge gods right and property in all we possesse , we thereby disclaim merit in the highest mercy , pardon of sin , jer. . , . we professe our dependance for common mercies when we ask our daily bread . . to nourish communion and familiarity between god and us , job . . isa. . . . to keep the heart in a holy frame , pet. . . . to quicken our affections to good things . . to be a means of comfort and spiritual refreshing , job . phil. . . si orationem dominicam nullis aliis cogitationibus incidentibus pronunciare noveris , tum eximium magistrum te esse judicabo . luther . in joan. . triplex est attene●o quae orationi vocali potest adhiberi : una quidem , qua attenditur ad ver ba , ne aliquis in eis erret : secunda qua attenditur ad sensum verborum : tertia qua attenditur ad finem orationis , scilicet deum , & ad rem qua oratur , quae quidem est maximè necessaria . aquin. a , ae qu. . art. evagatio montis quae fit praeter propofitum , orationis fructum non tollit . id. ib. praier is one of the noblest exercises of christian religion ; or rather that duty in which all graces are concentred . d. taylor on rom. . there is no duty hath more commands and promises to it , and threatnings against those that omit it ; there is no one duty honours god more , and is more honoured by him then prayer ; there is no one duty that a christian hath more need of , no one duty that hath been more practised then this . god hath made many promises to praier ; . general , that he will hear and answer us , isa. . . john . . . particular : ● . deliverance from any trouble and affliction , psal. . . o● strength and patience to bear it , jam. . . whatsoever spiritual grace we stand in need of , luke . . . inward joy and peace of conscience . job . . john . . hildersam on psalme . . a saint of god had rather go without the mercy that he begs by praier , then have a mercy without praier . see promises , . to prayer in general . . to the several parts of praier . clarks holy incense , p. . to . gen. . , some say , that praier commandeth god , isa. . . deo sacrificium , diabolo flagellum , homini subsidium . aug. prepare for prayer , . by getting powerful apprehensions of the glory of god before whom you go . . by getting your hearts sensible of what you pray for , as pardon of sin , power against it , assurance of his love . . get your hearts separated from the world , and all things here below . m. burr . of gospel-wor ▪ isa. . . every morning and evening the sacrifice , exod. . . and incense , exod. . , . were to be offered up unto the lord. these were ceremonial laws , but there is a moral equity of them which is perpetual , and these laws concerned the people as well as the priests , as appeareth , luke . . hilders . a readinesse to pray earnestly to god for good things , and the same improved accordingly , is a kinde of pawn from heaven to him that hath it , that he shall receive the good things praied for . robins . ess. obser. . iames the brother of our lord by oft kneeling his knees were benummed and hardened like the knees of a camel. fox . see d. gouges whole armour , part . . treat . . isa. . . ephes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is attributed to hunting dogs which will not cease following the game till they have got it . it was a prophane speech of that atheistical wretch , that told god , he was no common beggar , he never troubled him before with praier , and if he would hear him that time he would never trouble him again . if we persevere not , either god will not give us what we pray for , or if he do we shall have it as a curse , because it is not the fruit of praier . four things will drive the saints to god. . the remainders of sin . . the defect of graces . . the devils temptations . . outward affliction . matth. . to be weary of praier is to sin contra medicinam unicā , & contra misericordiam maximam . mr hildersam on psal. . . dr gouges whole armour . treat . ▪ part. . petitio duplex est secundum rationem objecti vel rei quae petitur : est enim vel apprecatio , vel deprecatio . apprecatio est petitio de rebus bonis communicandis . deprecatio est petitio de rebus malis amovendis . ames . medul . th. lib. . c. . temporalia licet desiderare : non quidem principaliter , ut in eis sinem constituamus , sed sicut quaedam adminicula quibus adjuvamur ad tendendum in beatitudinem : in quantum scilicet per ea vita corporalis sustentatur : & in quantum nobis organicè deserviunt ad actus virtutum . aquin. a , ae . q. . art. . see king. . . and so in other verses there , of sa●●mons prayer , chron. . ● gen. . . domine hi● urc , hic s●ca & ●● ae●ernum parce . aug. 〈…〉 thess. . . rom. . . vide rainold . de lib. apoc. praelect . . orate pro anima d. tayl. epist. dedicat. to the rule and exercises of holy dying . the faithfull sometimes in their mourning proceed to expostulations which are vehement interrogations expressed from them by their grief , whereby they do expostulate with the lord concerning the greatnesse or continuance of their afflictions , as moses , exod. . . josh. . , , , . the church afflicted , lam. . . and our saviour , matth. . . but we are to take heed that it be a holy fruit of a lively faith , least it proceed from want of patience , and degenerate to murmuring against god. b. down . christian exercise of fasting . see psal. . , , . mat. . . it was not so much votum as vaticinium . d. hackwell on judg. . . see d. gouges whole armour , part . . p. , . vide balduinum de cas . ●nsc . lib. . cap. . . we may wish them temporal evil , that so they may be converted , fill them with shame , put them in fear . psal. . , . as in confessing of sin we should chiefly ●eep over the attribute which in committing sin we have chiefly wronged . so in confession of mercy we should magnifie that attribute chiefly which god in giving that mercy hath honoured . see d. gouges whole armour , part . . treat . . god is to be praised , isa. . . pet. . . he is fearful in praises , thou that inheritest the praises of israel , psal. . . in another psalme , praise waiteth for thee , and in another , he is greatly to be praised above all gods . see psal. . . & . , . nehem. . . david earnestly cals upon all creatures to praise god , in psal. . heavens , earth , sea , angels , men , beasts , birds , fishes , trees , all things , because in and from all we are to fetch matter of praising him . it is the constant exercise of the blessed saints and angels in heaven . love is the grace of heaven , and praise the duty of heaven . * thanksgiving doth continue , increase , and sweeten and sanctifie benefits . as the husbandman will continue to manure that ground which fails not to yeeld him a harvest ; so the lord will continue to bestow blessings on them that are thankful to him for them , yea he will add● new mercies to the old , and give more and more , greater and greater still , increasing his bounty as they increase their thanksgiving for what they have received . it sweetens the mercies , causeth them to be more delightful and comfortable , in that it causeth the s●ul to taste gods goodnesse in them , by which a man receives more comfort from these terrene things , then a beast . lastly , these benefits are sanctified to us thereby , made holy in the use , so that we have gods allowance to use them , and shall be bettered by them . it is a comfortable and pleasant duty , we again enjoy the sweetnesse of those benefits which we give thanks for , to be telling and thinking of the good i have received , and of the excellencies of him from whom i have received it : and most needful , because it is so often , earnestly required , and in regard of the great danger which follows if we do it not . * the papists joyn god and the saints together , they say , praise to god and the virgin mary . omnibus propemodum libris gregorii de valentia subjecta est haec clausula , quasi succentivum carmen , laus deo & beatissimae virgini , & iesu christo. et sic saepe baronius claudit tomos annalium ; censent enim matrem filio debere praeponi . an poterit in tota italia dari templum christo consecratum quod sit tam multis donariis opulentum , & quod tanta devotione frequentetur , quam templum mari● lauretanae ? nec puduit baronium sic claudere secundum volumen annalium , ut mariae solius intercessioni acceptum referat successum laboris sui & omnia bona quae à deo accepit , nulla facta christi mentione . molinaei hyperaspistes , l ▪ . c. . sam. . . vide aquin. a ae . q. . art . ● vide robins . apol. brownist . cap. . et ames . de consc . l. . c. . quaest. . & perkin sum lib. . de cas . consc . c. . q. . there were set forms of confession , of prayer and praising god. see . & . & . psalms . chron. . . & . . constantine the great prescribed a set form of prayer to his souldiers , which is set down in eusebius his fourth book . in origens time there were set forms of prayer used in the church . d. preston . the book of psalms was the jewish liturgy , or the chief part of their vocal service wherewith they worshipped god in the temple , chron. . . see ezra . . mr. mede on matth. . . habent ecclesiae reformatae passim ad bibliorum aut psalteriorum suorum calcem communes suas liturgias & confessiones , quo suam in fide 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & in cultu communionem ac unitatem publice contestantur . mares . quaest. theol. quaest. . fuisse liturgias & formulas ordinarias precum in ecclesia primitiva statim à temporibus apostolorum , colligi potest ex iustino martyre & tertulliano , v. s. id. ibid. vide balduinum de cas . consc . l. . c. . cas . vides ecclesiam incoepisse statim ab orbe condito , semperque fuisse celebres ac solennes conventus hominum piorum quos quicunque negligunt & contemnunt , non erunt participes promissionum dei , quae tantum in ecclesia valent & efficaces ' sunt , non extra ecclesiam . quod certè & veteres hebraeorum tenuerunt , hinc dixerunt , qui contemnit solennes ecclesiae coetus , non habebit partem futuri seculi : haec notent sectarii . paul. fag . in gen. . . deus pluris facit preces in ecclesia quam domi factas , non ob locum sed ob considerationem multitudinis fidelium deum communi consensu invocantium . rivet . in cathol . orthod . coimus in coetum & congregationem , ut ad deum quasi man●s facta precationibus ambiamus orantes , h●c vis deo grata est . tertullian . apol. cap. . see b. down . of prayer , ch . . vide balduin . de cas consc . lib. c. . cas . est dogma papistis , ne liceat i● officiis sacris uti , nisi linguis sacratis tribus in titulo ●rucis domini , credunt apostolos sic locutos aliquando , ut nec eorum verba perciperentur nisi ab his , qui munere interpretum fungebantur in ecclesia . persuasum habent , peregrinarum vocum recitatione animos non intelligentium inflammari magis . haec commenta vanissima sunt . quis non riserit baldum , qui docet , judicem posse sententiam ferre hebraicè , graecè , latinè ? quoniam sic in passione domini fuit . aberic . gentil . de ling. mixt . disput. reasons for prayer in a family . there are family-sins and family-wants . see sam. . . families are the foundation of cities and churches , if they be good , congregatiōs , cities will be good . reformation must begin here . reasons for secret praier . what advantages secret and also publick praier have . see robins . essayes . observ. . praier should be clavis diei & sera noctis , the key to open with in the morning , and the bar to shut with in the evening . god is little beholding to him that will not bid him good morrow and good even . we must seek for direction in the morning and protection at night . precari manibus junctis ritus est eorum , qui se demittunt & bumiliaut , quasi ligatis manibus sisterent se captivos coram majestate divina . rivetus . levatio manuum habitus & gestus fuit orantium , exod. . . isa. . . tim. . . psalm . . hac manuum ad deum coelum versus elevations voluerunt orantes indicare , unde expectarem auxilium , fideles autem testari fidem suam , quod accepturi essent à deo necessaria , & se quasi m●ndicos coram deo si stere manum elevantes , ut aliquid acciperent . rivet . in exod. . . ardentius oraturi in genua solent procumbere , ut ipse christus , mat. . . marc. . . luc. . . magi , mat. . . iairus mat. . . haemorrhous● . mar. . . stephanus , act. . . non christianis solum sed & ethnicis hoc usitatum , utrisque signum est humilitatis , verum ethnici ultra quid indig●tant , cum ingenua prosternuntur . misericordiam enim impetraturis in genua putant esse procumbendum ; quod genua sint misericordiae sacrata , ea supplices attingunt . dilherri electa l. . c. . quod ad procubitum in terram attinet , non minus graecis , quam romanis , hebraeis , atque omnibus ferè geutibus commune , cum aut supplicarent , aut se victos alicui traderent . supplicare enim perinde est , atque plicare sub , vel flectere se sub alicujus aspectum , aut genua : quod ij faciunt , qui demisse , ac reverenter precantur . psal. . . isa. . . thren . . . id ' est , procumbent & humum fronte serient , ut se victos , & dedititios ostendant , & eum , cuise dedant , regem , & dominum communi gentium ritu fateantur . martinius de roa . vol. . singular . l. . c. . & . gestus ( in genere ) tales debent esse , ut sanctè exprimant internos animi motus . quia autem in omni oratione requiritur humilitas singularis , idcirco communis gestus solennis orationis , debet esse huic dimissioni consentaneus , qualis est detectio capitis , & maxima ex parte , genuflexio , corporis incurvatio aut erectio . sessio per se non est gestus orandi : quia nullam exprimit reverentiam , neque in scripturis approbatur . ames . cas. consc. lib. . cap. . matth. . . ut decem praecepta veluti pugnus contractus sunt persequendorum & fugiendorum ▪ sic haec oratio compendium est omnium quae à deo comprecanda aut deprecanda sunt . quamobrem ad formam etiam decalogi constructa est haec cratio . sicut enim decalogus duabus tabulis discluditur , sic haec oratio in duas petitionum veluti tabulas distribuitur . quarum tres primae deum ; posteriores tres , nos & proximum respiciunt . sicut igitur & in ordine mandatorum , sic & petitionum ●●cemur majorem rationem corum quae dei sunt habere quam proximi , seu nostrim●t , seu aliorum . cartwr . in harmon . evangel . pagets arrow against the separat . of the brownists , chap. . dr. gouge on the lords praier , and others have the like resemblance , comparing it to the kings standard , that is an exact measure it self , and the rule of other measures . luke . . oractonem dominicam adbibitam suisse plerumque à veteribus pro claus●●● suarum precationum , certius est quam ut multis sit demonstrandum . matth. . . id est , in hunc sensum , non enim praeci●it christus verba recitari , quod nec legimus apostolos fecisse , quanquam id quoque fieri cum fructu potest , sed materiam pre●●● hinc promere . grotius in loc . christus illam orationem docens , non voiuit nobis praescribere formulam verborum constanter observandam : sed exemplar , vel ideam , secundum quam orationes nostras dirigere debemus . hoc inde satis apparet , quod non legamus apostolos illam formulam unquam usurpasse . ames . de consc . l. . c. . evangelistae duo matthaeus & lucas qu●rum neuter non optime & callebat , & exprim● ▪ bat christi ment●m , non eisdem per omnia , verbis , in eadem explicanda , usi sunt . robins . apol. brown. c. . we hold it is lawful to use the same words as our prayer , either with or without such changes as are to be noted in the evangelists recording them . if we precisely follow matthew it is no offence to luke : if we use the words as they are in luke , it is no offence against matthew . if we vary in phrase from both of them , it may be without offence to either : our tenet is , that either the same words , or to the same purpose , may lawfully be used of us . pagets arrow against the separat . of the brownists , chap. . omnino credibile est in graecis codicibus adject● ex matthaeo quae lucas omiserat , cùm non exstet in latinis antiquis illud , qui es in coelis , item fiat voluntas tua ut in coelo ita in terra , quod & grae●i codices quidam omittunt , itemque sed libera nos à malo . grotius . oratio haec quantum substringitur verbis , tantum diffunditur sensibus . tertul. de oratione . quotidiè adhuc orationem hanc dominicam quodammodo sugo , ut infantulus , bibo & mando uti adultus , nec tamen ca satiari possum . atque etiam dulcior & gratior mihi est ipsis psalmis , quibus tamen mirisicè & unicè delector , quos & maximi facio . luther . tom. . oratio dominica caeteris precandi formulis antecellit in quatuor , . autoris dignitas . . biblica a●tiquitas . . artificiosa brevitas . . admirabilis foecunditas . for steri thes. catech. a elt●● and dod , and ball on the lords pray●● . tres partes orationis dominicae , exordium , propositio . epilogus . egardus . b b. doronam . d. go●ges guide to go to god. in petitionibus quae deum recta respiciunt , prima dei gloriam apprecatur : reliquae duae , rationem dei glorificandi indicant . cartw. in har. evang. appellatio ista & pi●tatis & potestatis est . tert●l . de orat . jupiter optimus maximus . cùm deum patrem vocamus , christi nomen praetendimus . calvin . habet oratio dominica rhetoricam suam . nomen ipsum patris pro nobis orat , quia patris est filiis necessaria providere patris est , filiis ignoscere . maldonat . pater quid negabit filiis , qui jam dedit quòd pater est ? see rom. . . * lib. de poenit . cap. . ps. . . mat. . . joh. . . rom. . . see isa. . . psal. . . cor. . . john . . in the third heaven especially god declared his chiefest majesty as in his kingly throne . the heathens have this notion by nature , that god is in heaven , therefore in distresse they lift up their hands and eyes thitherward . some say , that heaven is every where , and every place is heaven ▪ why did christ then ascend ? why was he carried up when he went to heaven ? luke . . if heaven be every where there is no need of ascending to get into heaven . in my fathers house there are many mansiens . vide zanchium de operibus dei part . . l. . c. . q. . matth. . . pet. . , . phil. . , . * some divide the lords praier into seven petitions , so augustine in enchir. and some other ancient writers , luther and the lutherans , and most of the papists . vide aquin. sum . a , ● quaest. . art. . and some of our later divines , but the usual division into six is the most natural , and observed by divers of the ancient fathers , and many modern divines . prov. . . cor. . . gen. . , . the name of god is put for god himself , joel . . deut. . . hereupon the hebrews use to say , his name is himself , and he i● his name . summa est , ut optemus suum haberi deo honorem quo dignus est , ut nunquam de ipso loquantur vel cogitent bomines fine summa veneratione . calvin . instit. lib. . cap. . sanctificare nomen dei , est , sanctum agnoscere , separare ab omni contemptu & prophanatione , praedicare , illustrare & glorificare . finis & scopus hujus petitionis est serium promovendi gloriam dei studium & defiderium . commentarii hujus petitionis sunt psalmus . & oratio christi pro se , pro discipulis & tota ecclesia . egard . medulla s. s. theol. to sanctifie god is to acknowledge him , to look upon him , and honour him as a holy god. to know god in his glory is to glorifie him , to know him in his holinesse is to sanctifie him . god looks at the principle from which all your services flow . sensus hujus petitionis est , ut quaecunque in mundo gerantur ad dei gloriam cedant , & quidem ut pii omnes hoc sponte & studio agant : impiorum verò facta , tametsi ex se gloriae divinae obsunt , tamen omnipotenti dei sapientia ad ipsius gloriam , ipsis autem nolentibus aut non cogitantibus , contorqueantur . car●w . in harmon . evang. triplex regnum christo competit . primò , regnum illud naturale , quo quà deus , in omnes creaturas absolutum habet & exercet imperium . deinde , regum oeconomicum , quo ●●●●m mediator & bellator , seu quâ deus zebaoth , fungitur . tertium est , regnum triumphans , que , officio refignato , i● aternum potietur . primum illud & tertium ipsi est cum patre & spiritu sancto commune : secundum ipsius est proprium . ●●●● autem aliquis haec tria regna , sive triplicem unius , ejusdemque regni exerendi ac exercendi modum vocet , nemini ob voces ●●●● movebimu● . bisterf . contra crellium . lib. . sect. . cap. . regnum essentiale , as god , psal. . , . and ● . . and . . regnum oeconomicum . see about this distinction , master gillespies , aarons rod blossoming , lib. . cap. . in the former grace raigneth , the other is called the kingdom of glory both in respect of the place and persons . col. . . the gospel of the kingdome of god. mark . . matth. . . ephes. . . in earth as it is in heaven , which words are an appendix to the three first petitions , for though it be added to the third which concerneth the doing of gods will , yet the ancient fathers referre it also to the two former . so that we are to pray no lesse , that gods name may be sanctified in earth as it is in heaven , and that his kingdom may b● consummate in earth as it is in heaven then his will be accomplished in earth as it is in heaven . bishop andrews●● ●● the lords prayer . * sam. . . compared with king. . . the will of god as manifested is , ● . the rule of all christs obedience , psa. ● . . of the saints obedience in heaven as in this d petition , and of the saints obedience on earth , rom. . ● . * a double trope , . the place put for them that are therin . . a general is put for a particular , in the same manner , though not in so compleat a measure . panis nomine comprehenditur omne genus alimenti & quicquid praeter ea ad necessariam hujus vitae sustentationem requi ritur , gen. . . prov. . . luc. . . nostrum , hoc est proprium , ille autem noster qui ad nos à bonitate divi●a per legitima media redit : quotidianum tantum vult nos christus petere , quantum quot idie ad necessariam vitae sustentatioum sufficit nobis , qui sumus filii dei & fratres in christo , quousque ? tantum hodiè . egardi medulla s. s. theol. panis ●●mine intelliguntur quaecunque ad hanc vitam spectant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 graecis propriè significat , quod nobis sustentandis aptum & accommodatum est . ex quo liquet , peti hoc nomine ut quaecunque ad hanc vitam opportuna & idonea sunt , nobis suo quaeque tempore à deo misericordissimo concedantur . cartw. in harm . evang. b. down . dr gouges guide to go to god. john . . * wicked men have a civil right and title to the things of this life , so that men cannot take them from them , not a divine , as gifts of bounty and common favour , not as gifts of the covenant , cor. . , . bread by a synecdoche signifieth not only food ( in which sense it is often used , gen. . . exod. . . ) but also all other commodities of this life , serving either for necessity or christian delight , prov. . . it signifies that portion of temporal things which thou hast assigned as most fit and convenient for us , so beza interprets it , panem cibarium , vel panem nobis sustentandis idoneum , bread fit for meals , or convenient to sustain us . this exposition is the safest , because it is made by the greek writers , and also because it agreeth with the syriack interpretation , da nobis panem necessitatis nostrae . b. downam . see dr gouges guide to go to god. under this title bread are comprised meat and drink ; yea food , raiment , sleep , physick , and other things needful for our bodies , even for preserving or recovering the health and strength of them , and such a competent estate also as is meet for the place wherein god hath set us , for the charge of children and others which he hath committed to us , and for that function and work which he hath appointed for us : together with peace and all manner of prosperity . doctor gouges guide to go to god. oratio verè quotidiana● , quam docuit ipse dominus , unde & dominica nuncupatur , delet quidem quotidiana peccata , cum quotidie dicitur , dimitte nobis debita nostra , quando id quod sequitur non solum dicitur , sed etiam fit , ●icut & nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris . sed quia fiunt peccata , ideo dicitur , non ut ideo fiant , quia dicitur . per hanc enim nobis voluit salvator ostendere , quantumlibet juste in hujus vi●● caligine atque infirmitate vivamus , non nobis deesse peccata pro quibus dimittendis debeamus orare , & cis qui in nos pec●●●● , ut & nobis ignoscatur ignoscere . aug. de civ . dei , l. . c. . forgivenesse of sinne is a free and full discharge of a sinner from guilt and punishment , whereby he is received into favour with god. justification is actus individuus , in reference to ones state wrought simul & semel , it is one continued act from vocation to glorification . * mr lyford on tit. . . though the fins of justified persons be not actually remitted , yet they are virtually and in respect of their state . mr bedfords examination of the chief points of antinomianisme , chap. . see mr burgess of justification , from lecture . to . vide baldunum de cas. consc. lib. . cap. . cas. . matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see . & . v. salvator peccata appellat debita idiotismo linguae syriacae . forsterus miscel. sac. l. . c. . duplex est debitum , . officii , quod quis expraecepto juris tenetur facere ▪ ●ic mutua charitatis offitia sunt debita ; quia lex dei illa pr●cipit , rom. . . . supplicii , quod quis ex sanctione juris tenetur pati , si officium suum neglexerit , ●ic peccata sunt debita , ut in oratione dominica , matth. . . et mor●●terna est debita rom. . . debitum posterius contrahitur ex insoluto priori : ita ut si quis debitum officii plenariè dissolveret , faciendo id quod lex imperat , non teneretur aliquo debito supplicii ad patiendum id quod lex minatur . sanders . de i●ramenti promissorii obligatione , praelect . . sect. . luke . knewstub , lect. on l. . . there is a reason given in this petition more then in any other , because when the soul is once awakened with the apprehension of sinne ; we have more need to have our faith confirmed in this then any other petition . matth. . . not that we or any creature can forgive sins , because no man can satisfie for sinne which is directly against god , and a breach of his righteous law : therefore we can never satisfie gods infinite justice . the meaning therefore is , that we put away malice and all desire of revenge against them that have wronged us . m. dod. induci in tentationem est superari à tentatione , non itaque petimus ut ab omni tentatione simus liberi , sed ne ab ea vincamur . egardi medulla s. s. theol. tentatio sumitur pro periculum & experimentum capere vel fidei , vel patientiae , &c. ut in abrahamo . deinde deus hominem tentat cum hominem in suas cupiditates tradit , aut occasionem peccandi offert , non adigit quempiam , ut hoc faciat , sed cum summa oblectatione quisque peccatum patrat . non facit illud tanquam approbator mali quod fit , sed tanquam justus judex qui gravissime peccantes gravissimis suppliciis iniquitatem coercet . cartw. in harmon . evangel . though satan doth tempt us , yet he cannot prevail over us , but by our selves , john . . so he found nothing in adam , but he yeelded to him . iob stood under greater temptations then adam fell . it s no sin to be tempted of the world and satan ▪ . every sinne is actus proprius , the soul that sinneth it shall die . . actus deordinatus , a declining from that integrity god bestowed on us . we have no power over the world and satan . b. downam . see elio● . dr gouges guide to go to god. the article doth not necessarily imply that the devil onely should be here meant , yet he may be included among other evils . the word is of all genders , and may comprise all evils under it . it is best ( where there is no circumstance of restraint ; as here is none ) to expound the scripture in the largest extent , especially in such a summary as this , where so much matter is comprised under these words . d. gouge . see joh. . ● cor. . . b. down . * vide scult . exercit. evang. l. . c. . these words are not found in the evangelist luke , but in mat. . . they are expressed , and it is sufficient that one evangelist hath recorded them . elton . cartw. on the rhem. test. some say from dan. . . haec verba adjecta sunt ut siduciam nostram firment & stabiliant . quemadmodum ergo pleni fiducia in dei bonitatem & potentiam ●xor●i dicentes : pater noster qui es in coelis : ita tandem finimus dicentes , quia tuum est regnum , potentia & gloria in aeternum . discrimen inter regnum , potentiam & gloriam hominum & dei ; homines habent regnum , potentiam & gloriam , sed . non habent à seipsis sed à deo. . non habent sibi sed deo cujus sunt loco . . habent ad breve tempus . egardi medulla s. s. theol. this prepositive article importeth two things , . a generality , god is king over all the earth . . superiority , he is king of kings and lord of lords , bishop andrews . the end of our petitions why we should have them granted , is , that gods kingdome , power and glory may be advanced . by this also our faith is strengthened in the hope to obtain our requests . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in secula . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. lib. . de coelo . saculum latinis spatium est centum annorum . itaque multitudine saeculorum aeternitas intelligitur . rami comment . de religione christiana , lib. . cap. . it is a witnessing of our faith , and of our desire of the things prayed for , it is as much as so it is , or , so be it ; this we have prayed for , and this we heartily desire , and most assuredly look for , king. . . mr dod. amen in the creed is not only to assent to the truth of the articles , that christ was crucisied , died , but to assure our selves by faith that all those benefits are ours , and so in the lords prayer . dike . amen imports , . an assent to all that hath been before mentioned , deut. . , &c. . an earnest desire thereof , jer. . , . . faith in obtaining our desire , cor. . . d. gouge in his catechism . a jer. . . b rom. . . liber quisque psalmorum terminatur amen , ut psal. . & alibi , hoc verbo crebrò in evangelio utitur christus : quandoque in ecclesia primitiva populus respondebat amen post recitatas preces ; ut videre est cor. . idem valet ac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut lxx reddunt : vel , ut alii , firmetur , stabiliatur : ab radice aman , id est , verax ac fidelis fuit . voss. de orig & progres . idol l. . parte altera . c. . haec vocula hebraica est , & est vel ass●verantis , significantis firmum est , vel optantis significans firmum esto , ut psal. . ult . piscat . optimè vim ejus explicat , jer. . . amen , fic saciat dominus . de dieu in cor. . est adverbium affirmandi & jurandiper ipsam veritatem , & videtur inde suam traxisse originem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , juro , joh. . . o ●eatos nos quorum causa deus jurat ! o miscrrimos , si nec juranti domino credimus ! tertul. li. de poenit . notat haec vo●● solenne illud juramentum quo milites certo ritu & praescriptis verbis astringebantur reipublicae & magistratui , se omnia quae imperator praeceperat , strenuè facturos , nec signa militaria deserturos . hinc phrasis , obligare sacramento . gerrh . loc . commun . specialissimè & maximè propriè accipitur pro solenni actione divinitus instituta , in qua per externum & visibile signum applicatur & obsignatur promissio evangelii propria , quo sensu duo tantùm n. t. numerantur sacramenta , baptismus & coena domini . id. ibid. est sacramentum sacrum & visibile signum invisibilis gratiae dei , ad eam in nobis obsignandam , à deo institutum . maccov . loc . commun . c. . est divinae in nos gratiae testimonium externo signo consirmatum , cum mutua nostra erga ipsum pietatis testificatione . calvin . institut . l. . c. . est sa●●rritus à deo institutus , promissioni gratiae in christo factae adjunctus , quo tanquam arrhabone & testimonio , fidelis quisque certus fit , promissionem illam gratiae , quae in verbo divino explicatur , sibi particulatim ad salutem exhiberi , ratificari , applicari . mornayus de sacra eucharistia l. . c. . vox sacramentum non occurrit in scriptura quia est latina : prophetae verò , apostoli & evangelistae scripserunt hebraicè & graecè ; occurrunt tamen quaedam vocabula in duabus his linguis , quae latin●● voce sacramenti translat● fuerunt , quae saepius in versione vulgata generalissimè pro graeco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accipitur , vox autem graca generaliter pro omni secreto minus generaliter pro secreto divino , & specialiori significatum , pro secreto divino symbolis , signis , figurisque externis proposito ac repraesentato . in hac significatione respondet ei vox latina sacramentum , quae deducta est à verbo sacrare , & à scriptoribus ecclesiasticis latinis à militia desumpt● suit , in qua juramentum quo milites duci obstringebantur , vocabatur sacramentum , riveti cathol . orthod . tractat. . quaest. . there are three sorts of signs : . of gods wrath , such are prodigious events . . of his power , such are miracles . . of his grace , such are sacraments . d. featleys grand sacril . of ch. of r. in what sense the protestants hold the sacraments to be exhibitive signs , see m. gillesp. aar . rod blos . l. c. . p. . veteres de sacramentis ●loquuti sunt maxima cum reverentia , eaque appellarunt horrenda & tremenda mysteria . river . instruct. praepar . ad coenam domini , ● . ● . conditiones sacramenti sunt tres , . ut fit signum institutum . . ut fit institutum ad signandum & obfignandum gratiam . . ut habeat mandatum & promissionem in sacris literis , unde institutiones apostolicae non sunt sacramenta , quia sacramenta sunt ex institutione solius dei , ut apparet ex institutione baptismi & coenae domini . * the institution of it , luke . . non minus fine sacramentis salvatus est latro , quam cum sacramentis damnatus est judas . notum illud augustini & bernardi non privationem sacramenti damnare sed contemptum . vossius in thesibus . sacramenta simpliciter & absolutè non sunt necessaria ad salutem , tamen ratione infirmitatis nostrae , fidei & divinae institutionis , quia deus baptismum & coe●●●● tanquam certa media & instrumenta obsignandae suae gratiae , & admonendi nostri officii , instituit , necessarius est ●orunde● usus . snecanus loc . commun . de sacramentalibus signis . qui semel à gratiae cognitione exciderunt , praecipites ruunt , nec ubi sistere possint , inveniunt . atque hinc est , quod pontificii gratiam sacra mentis & aliis institutionibus alligatam somniant , ita , ut nec fide , nec bono aliquo motu opus fit , quandoquidem ex ipso , ut loquuntur , opere operato , gratiam consequi possint . haec est gratia pontificia . episc. carlet . consens eccles. cathol . contra trident. de gratia c. . per barbarum hoc opus ▪ operatum ( merito illud sic voco , quod vocem passivè accipiant , quae apud illius linguae autores activè tantum sumitur ) intelligunt , quod novae legis , ut vocant sacramenta , in debita materia ac forma administrata , produca●t gratiam in iis , quibus administrantur , tanquam ver● causae : non quemadmodum vetera quae non justificarunt hominem ex eorum opinione , nifi quatenus causae morales & meritoriae , ficut jam credunt opera justificare , haec vocant opus operantis . rivet . in catholico orthodoxo tractat. ● . quest. . tritum est inter pontificio● , sacramenta veteris legis contulisse gratiam ex opere operantis , hoc est , ex fide , devotione , & bono motu utentis : nostra autem conferre gratiam ex opere operato , id est , ex ipsa sacramentali actione , quamvis fides nihil agat , modò obex non ponatur . episc. davenant . determinat . quaest. . hoc figmentum de gratia ex opere operato collata fidem suo munere spoliat , & illis beneficium largitur quibus deus supplicium minitatur . marc. . cor. . . id. ibid. see dr sclat . on rom. . p. . to . m. burgess of grace & assu . §. . ser. . p. . tam verbi quàm & sacramentorum efficacia illa , quâ gratiae sunt exhibitiva , pendet primariò quidem & principaliter ab institutione divin● , absque qua nihil aut ●fficere aut obsignare sunt nata : secundariò tamen ab usu morali ill● , quo tanquam medio necessario adhibito , ad gratiam tam ingenerandam , quam & fovendam & promovendam sunt actu efficacia . cl. gatak . de baptism . infant . vi & efficacia disceptat . sect. . signa sunt , . naturalia , quae à seipsis suaque natura habent vim significandi aliquid , ut fumus indicium est ignis latentis , & pallor morbi : & lachrymae doloris . . instituta , quae significandi vim habent praeter suam naturam ex peculiari institutione , ut haedera suspensa vinum venale portendit : & annulus hodiè matrimonio dicatus est . sic iridem deus instituit , certam tesseram nunquam redituri diluvii . chamier . de sacr . l. . c. . verbum non tantum offert sed etiam consert gratiam ; etsi minus clarè , & s●usibus accommodatè : & sacramenta quidem gratiam conferunt , sed ( ut ex scholasticis etiam sensit paludanus ) virtute quidem signi dispositivè : at immediata spiritus sancti virtute effectivé . vossius de sacramentoru● vi & efficaeia . the sacraments are the gospel abridged , signs and seals of our interest in the covenant of grace . sacramenta novi & veteris testamenti , . ab uno eodemque deo instituta fucrunt . . in utrisque duae generales partes distingui ●●ben● , signum & res significata . . res significata in utrisque est eadem . . idem est utrorumque finis , uimirum ut invisibilem gratiam , 〈…〉 ra●que cum christo communionem visibiliter obsignent , utque nostram erga deum pietatem , nostram erga proximum chari●nem , & publicam nostram professionem , quâ ab iis , qui à foedere dei alieni sunt , distinguimur , testentur . rivet . in ca●●el . orthod . tractat. . quaest. . vide gerh. loc . commun . insignes quaedam quoad accidentia & circumstantias sunt doctrinae . quod signa sunt diversa & faciliora . . nostrorum sacramentorum claritas longè est major . . eorum numerus mi●●r . ▪ efficacia eorum amplior , seque ad plures extendit foederatos . . eorum duratio ecclesiae militanti duratione aequal●● est , ita ut nullis al●is unquamsint cessura . . eorum effectus est major , ob gratiae à christo allatae , ●ostrisque temporibus 〈…〉 i mensura effusae , abundantiam . rivetus ubi supra . sacramenta nostra sunt pauca pro multis , eademque factu facil 〈…〉 , & intellectu augustissima , & observatione castissima . august . de doctrina christ. lib. . cap. . vide illius epist. . ad ianuar. c. . cor. . m. martials defence of infant-bapt . p. , . ger●es vindic. poedo-baptismi . tanta est convenientia circumcisionis & paschae cum nostris sacramentis , ut res in nostrii significata , illorum nomen in sancti pauli 〈…〉 ptis accipiat . de baptismo ait coloss. . v. , . alibi quoque christo , cor. . v. , . quatenus se nobis spirituali●●●anducandum praebet , paschae nomen attribuit . unde inferimus circumcisionem fidelibus sub veteri testamento id fuisse , q●●d nobis est baptismus ; & pascha , quod nobis est sacra coena . rivet . in cathol . orthod . tract . . quaest. . mr owens larger catech. c. . * siquis dixerit aut plura esse sacramenta aut pauciora quam septem ▪ viz. baptismus , confirmatio , eucharistia , poenitentia , extrema unctio , ordines , matrimonium , aut aliquid horum non esse verè & propriè sacramentum , anathema sit . concil . trid. sess. . canon . in sacramentis propriè dictis requiruntur certae conditiones , absque quibus talia juxta dei verbum esse nequeunt , si vel unica eorum desideretur , exempli gratia ▪ ut sit signum visibile & significet , non ex natura sed instituto , eoque non humano sed divino . ut sit analogia & correspondentia quaedam inter fignum & rem significatam , ut signum hoc repraesentet rem sacram , ut ea res sacra sit christi persona , meritum & beneficia quae à veteribus theologis appellabantur gratia invisibilis , sicuti signum , forma vel figura visibilis , quae vocabula retenta fuerunt . scholasticis denique requiritur ut haec actio mandatum habeat in novo testamento ad publicum ecclesiae usum , cum salutari promissione christi immediatè ejusmodi caeremonias instituc●tis . omnes hae conditiones reperiuntur in duobus nostris sacramentis , baptismo solum & sacra coena . river . in cathol . orthod tractat. . quaest. . vide doctoris prid. fascic . controversiarum theol. vide salmas . apparat ad primatum papae , pag. . ad . b. mortons appeal , l. . c. ● . septem sacramenta papistae omnes numerant . eum numerum habent à lombardo omnium primo . chamier desacr . l. . c. . see dr taylors epist. dedic . to his rule and exercises of holy dying against extream unction cart. on mat. . see m. cartw. rejoynd . part . . p. . rogers of the sacrament . bellarmine saith there are onely two more principal ones : and gregory and valentia saith , the number of seven arose not from the scripture . augustana confessio sic loquitur , de ordine ecclesiastico docent ecclesiae nostrae , quod nemo in ecclesia debeat publicè docere , aut sacramenta administrare , nisi ritè vocatus , quae confessionis verba opposita sunt calumniis pontificiorum , qui dic●t omnia in ecclesiis nostris confusè & sine ordine geri & cuivis in ecclesia docendi potestatem apud nos concedi . gerrh . loc . com . de minister●o ecclesiastico , c. . sect. . res inter se perpetuo nexu conjunctae , pascere ecclesiam salutis doctrina , & sacramenta administraro . calvin . catech. relig. christ. see master baxter's infant church-membership , part . errour . and . dicitur latinè baptismus in genere masculino , in neutro quoque baptisma indiscriminatim apud omnes veteres ecclesiasticos scriptores . hebraei habent duo vocabula quae idem significant , quorum unum proprium est & speciale , alterum verò generale . proprium est rachatz quod est lavare , & mundare quippiam à sordibus . see d. gouge on eph. . . baptismus signum est initiationis quo in ecclesiae cooptamur societatem , ut christo insiti , inter filios dei censeamur . cal. instit. l. . c. . baptismus est sacramentum , quo aqua in nomine patris , filii & spiritus sancti semel abluti christo initiamur ad profitendum sanguine christi nos à peccatis ablui . rami commen . de relig . christ. . c. . baptism is not thus effectual to all but onely to the elect , mark . . these great benefits of union with christ , regeneration & pardon of sin are not alwaies bestowed at baptism , act ▪ . , . the papists grosly abuse the sacrament of baptism by their own devices , they add divers ceremonies to baptisme , they have their oil , cream , their lights , tapers , &c. that which christ did to one man , they will do to all , yea to young children , whom they hold not to be of the church before they be baptized : that he did extraordinarily they make ordinary , that he did in healing the body , they will do in healing the soul , preferring their filthy spittle ( which they make the means of curing the soul ) unto our saviours spittle , who applied his only to the cure of the body . cartw. on mark . . see dr hampton on john . . pag. . materia baptismi olim alia veteribus quam novis romanist nunc benedicta aqua in●unditur capiti baptizandi , antiquitus pura aqua aut etiam perennis , ac fluminea . salmas . apparat ad primat . pap. d. featleys animadv . upon the anabapt . confess . after baptism they had their kisse of peace and white garment . see par. on rom. . . of the white vestment then worn , and the signification of it , p. , . whence the persons were called candidati and albati , and the day dominica in albis . mergaturne totus qui tingitur , idque ter an semel , an infusa tantum aqua aspergatur , minimum refert : sed id pro regionum diversitate ecclesiae liberum esse debet . calv. instit. lib. . c. . see mr b●xters infants church ▪ membership , par . . cap. . & . m. bedford on the sacram. par . . chap. . for the number of dippings , whether it should be done once or thrice , is held indifferent and in the power of the church . the efficacy of the sacrament doth not stand in the quantity of the element , but in the nature and true use thereof . m. bedford ubi supra . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . artic. . & . if any shall contend that the native signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i● mergo or tingo , i neither think it can be convincingly proved , nor that it maketh against sprinkling , though it were proved . this i hope cannot be denied that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth also signifie abluo , lavo , and is so used for any manner of washing by water , which whosoever will deny shall contradict h●sechius , budaeus , stephanus , scapula , artas montanus , pasor in their lexicons , and the holy ghost himself , luke . . mark . , . cor. . . heb. . . m. gillesp. miscell . cap. . serius aliquando invaluisse videtur mos profundendi sive aspergendi , in eorum gratiam qui in gravi morbo cubantes nomen dare christo expete●ent , quos caeteri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocabant . grotius in matth. . . dubium non est quin johannes baptista , & apostoli im●erserint matth. . . & v. . item joh. . . & act . . horum exemplum ecclesiam veterem secutam esse innumeris patrum testimoniis clarissimè evincitur . tamen , ut in purificationibus legalibus sufficiebat adspersio , itidem in ecclesi● adspersionem pro baptismo sufficere existimamus , manet enim essentia sacramenti . ut nuda corpora , praesertim infanth●● ( quales ferè sunt , qui nunc baptizantur ) aeri frigido exponantur , & aquis tota immergantur , in hisce ad septentrionem sitis regionibus , praesertim hiberno tempore , sine valetudinis periculo fieri non potest . thomae aquinati verisimile est , apostolos interdum aqua persudisse ob baptizan lorum multitudinem , uti act. . & . ubi una die ter mille , altera verò qu●nquies mille baptizati fuisse dicuntur . vossius in thesibus . vox baptizandi non minus de aspersione sumitur in sacris literis quam de immersione marc. . . unde cam vocabulo tingendi saepè exprimit tertullianus , quod non magis immersionem importat quam quamlibet levem madefactionem , uti ipsimet apostoli etiam aspersione non rarò baptizarint , quod non solum conjic●re est de baptismo celebrato privatis in aedibus & quasi ex inopinato qualis fuit , cornelii , pauli , commentariensis philippensium , sed vix aliter concipi potest de baptismo trium illorum millium quorum fit mentio act. . . cum tantus numerus privatisi● aedibus & post prolixum catechismum intra unius dici spatium a duodecim apostolis per immersionem baptizari non potueri● ▪ quaest. aliquot theol. decisio authore maresio quaest. . ambrosius de vita valentiniani imperatoris ait illum gratia baptismi non caruisse licet non baptizatus , quum ejus desiderio flagrasset : necessitate premente adulti vot● saepè & voluntate solum fuere baptizati . lombardus locum joh. . . l. . distinct . . sic interpretatur . intelligendum est de illis qui possunt & contemnunt baptizari . cardinalis cajetanus in commentariis in summam thomae part . . art. . & . dicit , in casu necessitatis , ad salutem puerorum sufficit baptismus invoto parentum . idem repetit in artic. . sed nostri temporis falsarii , hos in tres articulos commentarios in ultimis editionibus expunxerunt . rivet . cathol . orthod . tractat. . quaest. . baptismus necessarius est si haberi possit gen. . . in circumcisionis locum successit col. . . non tamen ita externo se symbolo alligat deus , ut non possit aut nolit absque eo hominem salvare . locus iste joh. . . de interna regeneratione intelligi debet , cum aqua & spiritus ponatur pro aqua spirituali : vel si cum antiquis de aqua oxterna agi malis , locus de illis intelligendus est , qui possunt & contem nunt baptizari , ut interpretatur lombardus . vossius in thes. alienum est planè a misericordia dei , ut omnes libert fidelium , qui sine baptismo moriuntur , in aeternum perirent . hoc est argumentum gabrielis , gersonis , cajetani , cum multis aliis . ames . bellarm. enerv. tom. . nulla subest ratio quare laicis & foeminis hoc potius quam eucharistiae administratio permitti debeat : quam tamen , si quis alius quam sacerdos consecret , juxta papistas ejus consecratio nulla est . idem pronunciant de ordine & conse●ratione , nisi episcopus ea peregerit . s. hieron . tom . contra lucifer . oftendit , eum qui eucharistiam administrare nequit , neque posse conferre baptismum ▪ in sacra scriptura nulla extat , vel autoritas , vel exemplum , quod al●● praeter ecclesiae ministros baptizare potuerint , vel a●si sunt . tertu● . de velandis virginibus , ait , non permittitur mulieri in ecclesia loqui , sed nec do●●re , nec tingere , nec asserre , &c. rivet . cathol . orthod . tract . . quaest. . nullus designatus fuerit proprius minister cir●um●●sionis , & fa●rit operati● manualis , ad quam aptissimi potuerunt esse qui ad ministerii functionem suissent ineptissimi . baptizandi potestas cujus●i●et non est , sed eorum qui à deo ad id vocati erant . secundò , ex facto singulari in talibus circumstantiis que nusquam occurrunt , ●ui simile nullum in scriptura reperitur , non est trahendum exemplum . rivet . in exod. . . infantes à mulieribus baptizari ex pessimo errore natum est , quod de eorum salute actum putant , si defuisset baptismus itaque in scholis definierunt , de necessitate salutis esse hoc sacramentum . calvin . epist. baptismus obst●iricum , impia est v●ri ac legitimi profanatio . matth. . . hic nexus absque sacrilegio solvi non pocest , adulterinum ergo baptismum censemus , qui administratus est à privato homine . id. alibi in epist. perperam sit si privati homines baptismi administrationem sibi usurpent : est enim pars ecclesiastici ministerii , tam hujus quam coenae dispensatio . calvin instit l. . c. . vide plura ibid. vide zepperum de ●ur● . et cameron . myroth ad cor. . . vide bellarm. tom. . de sacr. l. . c. . a d. taylor on titus . see d. s●later on rom. . . and attersol of the sacram. l. . c. . & l. . c. . b cartw. reply to whitgift in defence of the admonit . p. . see more there . c bedford of the sacraments par . . ch . . lutherus calv●nus , beza , de ecclesiae romanae baptismo verè sentiunt , etsi enim ille baptismus infinitis nugis , & corruptelis contaminatus est , & quasi morbis innumeris laboravit , ipsam tamen animam sacramenti non a●●isit , quia in nomen patris , & filli & spiritus sancti , quae hujus forma est , datum susceptumque esse constat . quanquam , id non dicunt , satis legitimè administratum esse in medio papatu baptismum aliud est non aboleri baptismum , aliud legitimè administrari . adeo enim non legitimè apud vos administratur , ut quanquam susceptus valet , sanctius tamen sit , infantes nostros non baptizari , quàm vobis vestro ritu baptizandos offerri . whitak . ad sander . demonst. de antich . respons . demonstr . . eorum baptismus adhuc pro baptismo habetur , qui retinent doctrinae sacrae principia , & utcunque baptismi formam essentialem , & nativam sententiam . talis censetur pontificiorum baptismus , quat●nus est ecclesiae in papatu delitescentis : cui similis suit circumcisio inter impios iudae●s . l'empereur theses . perpetua & constans est dei voluntas , ut ne foederatis negetur foederis signum gen. . , . matth. . . at infantes etiam sunt in numero foederatorum , gen. . . illi non minus quam adulti cir cumcidebantur . in veteri testamento foedus se extendebat ad infantes , ergo in novo per messiae adventum non minuitur , infantes salvantur ergo sunt ecclesiae membra eph. . . quatuor ista ecclesiae privilegia in symbolo commemorata infantibus etiam conveniunt . sunt ergo membra ecclesiae sanctae catholicae . . mandatum christi matth. . . . act. . . . quibus facta est promissio gratie , illi debent baptizari in remissionem peccatorum ut accipiant spiritum sanctum . at vobis & liberis vestris facta est promissio , fit mentio liberorum simpliciter sine discretione aetatis . . in iis regeneratio locum habet in hac vita , ergo baptismate regenerationis sign● & sigillo fraudari non debent ▪ . factum dictumque christi matth. . . quae etiam repetuntur marc. . . & luc. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luc. ● . quae vox act. . tribuitur infanti in cunis vagienti , & pet. . . dicitur de infantibus israeliticis recens editis , imò luc. . , . dicitur de foetu qui utero conclusus cor. . . sancti dicuntur ab ipsi ortu , quia è foederatis nascentes etiam in foedere sunt . . fidelium infantes non minus in novo quam veteri testamento ecclesiae inseri , & ab infidelium liberis discerni debent . atqui per baptismum inserimur ecclesiae dei act. . . . baptismus successerit circumcisioni col. . . vost . disp. . de baptismo . vide calvin . instit. l . c. . et snecanum de baptismo . infantes baptizari ex institutione apostolica docent irenaeus , tertullianus , origenes , & patres ab apostolis longa serie & successione plurimi . rami comment . de religione christiana . l. . c. . see atters . of the sacram. l. . c. . m. pembl . vindic. grat . , . and perk. cas. of consc. m. hilders . on psal . . d see m. laurence against m. dell. c episc. dav. de iudice controv . c. . see m. cooks thirteen arguments in his defence of infant-baptism , p. . to . f g●rces vindic. poedo-baptist ▪ cap. . the most ancient credible writers referre the original of baptism of infants to the apostles times . churches divine warrant of infant-baptism . argu. th . i am verily perswaded with augustine , that there hath been a continued series of the baptism of infants from the utmost antiquity , from the apostles age to this very day . m. stephens of the baptism of infants . see m. baxters infant church-membership , part . c. . m. goodwins preface to his redemption redeemed . he reckons up eight errors there . god alwayes made provision for infants , under the law by circumcision , then there was a promise sutable to it , deut. . . and there is a promise sutable to baptism , isa. . . gen. . , , , . exod. . , . cōpar'd with act. . , . & . . & . . col. . , , . act. . , . there is mention of children in the reason , therefore the precept of baptizing there spoken of implieth them also , otherwise how will the anabaptists prove , by the institution , or first celebration of the lords supper , that women should be partakers thereof ? seeing that neither there , nor elsewhere in the new testament there is mention of any women by name , that were present and did partake thereof . and yet seeing the reasons that are annexed to the precepts thereof , do necessarily imply women as well as men , and there is no where any special prohibition to the contrary , who can deny it unto them without great sinne and impiety ? mat. . . & . , , . luk. . , , . cor. . , , . iohns . christians plea. treat . . p. . though the other errours of anabaptists he ancient , a thousand years old , yet the denying of baptism to children was never heard of till within a hundred years and lesse . d. donne . the anabaptists bid us prove that children are of the church , and to be baptized : but we require of them proof , how they are cast out of the church , and baptism thereof ; and how the grace of god is so shortened by christs coming in the flesh , as to cast out of the church the greatest part of the church before the infants of believers : * neque hoc leviter praetereund●● est , quod infantes sibi offerri christus jubet , addita ratione , quoniam talium sit regnum coelorum . si corum est regnum coelorum , cur signum negabitur . calvin . iustit . l. . c. . see m. baxters infants church-membership , part c. , , , , , . distinguere oporte● inter ecclesiam constituendam & constitutam : in illa adulti prius docendi , & ubi crediderint , tum ipsi , tum ipsorum liberi sunt baptizandi : in hac vero infantes prius baptizandi ac postea sunt docendi . vide gen. . . & . . vossius in thes. & disputat ▪ . de baptismo . per fidem in infantibus intelligimus principium sive semen fidei , non habitum fidei aut actualem fidem . potentia respondet semini , habitus arbori , actus fructui . semen fidei etiam in infantibus esse potest . habitus non est , nisi corum qui operantur ex habitu . vost . in thesibus . sunt increduli infantes negativè salutari fidei habitu destituuntur , non positivè , contrario habitu non sunt polluti . id. ibid. & disputat . de baptismo . poenitentia exigitur ab iis qui poenitenda egerunt , rom. . . voss. disputat . . de baptismo . children that were to be circumcised the eighth day , could neither beleeve nor make a profession of their faith . see m. brlusleys doctrine and practice of poedo-bapt . p. , , , . quae igitur haec qua nos impetunt argumentationis erit formula ? qùi adulta sunt aetate , antè instituendi sunt , ut credant , quam bazandi● baptismum ergo infantibus communem facere nefas est . calv. instit. l. c. ● . see brinsleys doctrine and practice of poedobaptism , pag. . , , , . this divine evangelicall institution , was consigned by three evangelists , matth. . . mark . . john . . agreeable to the decretory words of god by abraham in the circumcision , to which baptism doth succeed in the consignation of the same covenant and the same spiritual promises , gen. . . the words are so plain that they need no exposition , and yet if they had been obscure , the universal practice of the apostles and the church for ever , is a sufficient declaration of the commandment . no tradition is more universal , no not of scripture it self , no words are plainer , no not the ten commandments . doctor taylors discourse of baptism . anabaptists say , where have we taught that infants should be baptized in all the scripture ? not in expresse terms , but by just consequence we have it : from the general , matth. . . from parity , gen. . . from principles , acts . . where finde we ( saith bellarmine de iustic . lib. . & lib. . cap. . ) that christs righteousnesse is imputed to us for justification ? in expresse termes we have it not , but virtually and by just consequence we have it , cor. . . in the equivalent we have it , rom. . , , . we finde no where those words , james . . in all the scripture in expresse termes . by deduction we have them , numb . . . doctor sclater on rom. . . it can be no good argument to say , the apostles are not read to have baptized infants , therefore infants are not to be baptized : but thus , we do not finde that infants are excluded from the sacraments and ceremonies of christs institution , therefore we may not presume to exclude them . for although the negative of a fact is no good argument , yet the negative of a law is a very good one . we may not say , the apostles did not , therefore we may not : but thus , they were not forbidden to do it , there is no law against it , therefore it may be done . doctor taylors discourse of baptism , part . mr. whateley at the end of new-birth . vide vossii disputat . de baptismo . disput. . . et zepperum de sacramentis . et balduinum de cas. consc. lib. . c. . & . cas. . alii in multos annos & suum & liberorum suorum baptismum differre soli●i fuerunt : constantinus siquidem magnus , quòd profectionem in persos suscipere , & in iordane baptizari , non fine superstitiosa quadam opinione , quòd nimirum in illo christus quoque baptizatus fuerit , constituisset , in senectutem usque baptismum distulit , quemadmodum lib. . c. . de vita constantini . author est eusebius . vide evag. hist. eccles. l. . c. . see m. blake of the coven . c. , , . that children of all that are christians in profession are to be baptized . vide thomae part . . quaest. . artic. . quo tempore primum incepit usus susceptorum , in incerto est . alii hygino papae hanc institutionem attribuunt , alii aliter . probabilissimum nobis videtur eo tempore illud observari coepisse , quo certatim ex gentilibus plurimi ad christianam fidem adducerentur , atque baptizarentur . quare magis patet , nulla necessitate & satis temere hodiè illos susceptores vel sponsores in baptismo communiter adhiberi , cum non sit jam illa ratio accedentium ex paganismo , quae olim & huic instituto causam dedit . baptizatus tradebatur suis susceptoribus , inde & nomen susceptorum venit , quod suscipiant alios ex baptismo . disput. theol. de baptismo veterum part . . thes. . usus fidei jussorum , qui infantes è sacro lavacro suscipiunt , quos vulgò compatres & comm●tres appellant , rem esse per se indifferentum contendimus , hanc consuetudinem retinemus quia nemini nocet , sed potius utilis est infantibus , & inter christianos mutuas firmat amicitias , & officia charitatis . rivet . in cath. orthod . vide balduin . de cas . consc . l. . p. . cas . . quinam interrogationes de articulis fidei ante baptismum usurpatas referunt inter ceremonias antichristianas ? ad pueros dirigi , minus convenit : non enim intelligunt . ad susceptores commodius diriguntur . olim adulti interrogabantur ante baptismum ; hoc sequioribus seculis ad ipsos tralatum est infantes . crocius in august . confess . quaest. . c . illud durum fuerit , quod hujusmodi sponsiones sic essent , quasi in scoena ludus sieret , non in ecclesia sacramentum celebraretur . nam profecto mimicum suit , sic interrogari insantem quasi virum : sic respondere virum quasi infantem : & quidem hanc de aliena conscientia tam considenter . chamier . de sac. l. . c. . * hookers survey of the sum of church-discipline , part . . chap. . mr cottons way of the churches of christ in new-engl . s. cap. . zanchius on ephes. . and m. blake in his birth-privil . are for remote parents . see m. cawdr . diatribe conc . inf. bap. ch . . per baptismum non tam inserimur huic , vel illi , vel isti . ecclesiae , quam ecclesiae catholicae , quam in symbolo profitemur . vos . disp. . de bap . spect and a hic non est proximorum parentum impietas , sed pietas ecclesiae in qua nati sunt ce●● eorum mater : item majores ipsorum qui piè & sanct è vixerunt . zanch. in c. . ephes. attersol of the sac. l. . c. . zanchius also interprets that place of the remote parents ▪ neque frustra baptismus datur infantibus , quiae fides , & stimulatio apud deum necessario , secundum scripturas , requiritur in baptismo : nam infantes baptizantur in fide parentum ; quia promissio datur fidelibus & ipsorum liberis , act. . . & genes . . sicut & circumcidebantur infantes . episc. carlet . cons. eccles. cathol . contra trid. de grat. c. . * the like holds crocius in his antiweigelius , part ▪ posteriori , c. . qu. . and saith , they come lawfully into the power of christians , which are bought , or taken in a just war , or adopted the children of jews and turks may be baptized if their parents be content and desirous . such parents give some hope that in time themselves will professe the faith . atters . of the sac. l. . c. . vide aquin. par . . qu. . art. . m. cottons way of the churches of christ in new-engl . s. . cap. . non inficior de ●o olim dubitasse viros magnos , farellum in epist. ad cal. vinum inter hujus epist. . & calvinum ipsum ad farellum epist. . sed calvinus postea . quae est ad knoxum , vergit in nostram sententiam , & statuit ex sua & collegarum suorum sententia , praesertim tempore renascentis ecclesiae , pontificiorum & excommunicatorum liberos , si de corum institutione caveatur , à baptismo non esse arcendos . mares . quaest . aliquot theol decis . quaest. . infantes pontificiorum & similium , qui sunt semi-christiani , si idoneum sponso●em inventant , in cujus potestate sita est eorum educatio● possunt baptizari . quia non sunt planè alieni à foederis professione , & ad puriorem foederis observationem hac ratione deducuntur . ames . de conscientia lib . cap. . liberi papistarum bapti●●ndi , si quis de recta ipsorum educatione spondeat , . quia in papatu ecclesia latet , thess. . . cum cor. . . . ibique manet residuum foedus dei ex parte . . iudaica ecclesia retinens circumcisionem deo liberos gignere dicebatur , ezech. . . amplexa tamen variorum deorum idololatricos cultus , v. . l'empereur theses . ad baptismum admitte●di infantes exposititii , illegitimè nati , excommunicatorum & pontificiorum , sed cum hac cautione , si idoneos habeant sponsores ; vel alios , qui piam corum educationem in se recipiant . wendelin . christian. theol l. . c. . dominus baptismum , il est , ecclesiae suae initiationem in medio illo papatus gurgite servavit , quamvis papatus ecclesia non sit , tamen in papatu ●●it & est velut immersa ecclesia , quod de turcis dici nullo pacto potest , qui christo nunquam nomen dederunt . postremò q●●m dei beneficentia ad mille usque generationes , id est , veluti in infinitum protendatur , durum sanè fuerit ex proximorum parentum professione de liberis ad foedus dei pertineant necne , judicare . beza epist. . the way of the churches in new-england , chap. . sect. . hookers survey of church-discipline , part . ch . . see iohnsons christian plea , chap. . whether the sacraments should be ministred to such as stand obstinate in known iniquity , untill they repent . august . epist. . ad auxilium si quis nascatur ex parentibus excommunicatis , ille tamen hujusmodi excommunicationis particeps esse non potest , cùm neque sit criminis ; proinde non est à baptismo excludendus . vide bezae epist. . & bucan . ●oc . com . loc . . liberi eorum qui vitam ducunt impiam , etiam excommunicatorum , baptizandi : quia . tales circumcisi olim , . aliorum majorum pietas consideranda , . denique mater censetur ecclesia , in qua baptizandi nati sunt . l'emp . thes. vera ratio , cur baptismus non sit ●cr●n●us , est voluntas divina , ut rectè doc●● scotus & gabriel biel , esse verò hanc dei voluntatem quadruplic● indicio cognos●imus . primum , quia nec in loco proprio ubi baptismus in●t●t●●ur à christo ▪ n●c 〈…〉 , it●r●r● baptism●●●●●●m●r ; quod de coena dici non potest , cor. . . idem inde cognoscimus , quòd cùm tot baptizatorum exempla in 〈…〉 is leg●mus ( ut act. . . . , . . . . . . . . & . & cor. . , , . tamen nullum r 〈…〉 m fuisse legimus . praeterca argumento est , quod circumcisio non repetebatur sed pascha , circumcisioni aut●m success●● baptismus . uti paschalis agni ●sui sacra coena ? denique idem ostendit historia ecclesiae , nullus doctor catholi●●● hact●●us ●u●t , qui dixerit baptismum ritè baptizati repeti debere . vos● disputat . de baptismo . vide aquin. partem ter●●●● ▪ qu●st . . ●irtic . pat●t catabaptistas eos sectarios vocari , eò quod invehantur i● poedobaptismum , eumque non sol●m ut mutilem , sed ●t●●m ut illicitum ex dei ecclesiâ praescriptum velint : anabaptistas verò , quod baptismum vel infantibus ●● 〈…〉 r●aetate , vel adulto extra coetus suos c●ll●tum , repetitum velint , & actu in illis repetant , qui se ●orum sect is addic 〈…〉 d●at . d● orig . regress . sect. & nomin ▪ ●nabapt . origo sanaticae anabaptistarum sectae huic anno debetur . cum intr 〈…〉 teras martini luth●●i theses liber de libertate christiana in lucem editus toto orb● sparg●r●tur , mox germani●● ling●●●act●r● omnium manibus coeptus , incredibile dictu est quos plausus apud homines literarum ignaros excitaret . is cert● lib●r mat●riam vulgo a● m●m●rabil●m rusticorum seditionem , sed non benè intellectus praebere visus fuit . scultet . annal. de●●● prim● pag. . confiteor unum baptisma in remissionem peccatorum . symbol . nicen. * ut semel nascimur , ita sem●l re●ascimur . attersol of the sac. l ▪ c , . see i●●●sons chri●●●●n plea , chap. . cartwrights reply to whitgist in defence of the admonit . p. . hence augu stine concluded , that all not baptized were condemned , as he doth from john . . that whosoever received not the sacrament of the supper is damned . * cartw●ib . p. . the same hath calvin epist. . non est privatae familiae alicujus actio , sed merè ecclesiastica . beza . m ball. par●atio est membr●m ecclesiae a●●ungendi ac abs●mdendi , at non nisi conv●ca●● ecclesiae coe●● membrum r●sc●andum . privatas domos ●ibil mor●r , si ecclesia , id est , communis coetus in iis conveniat , ut & veteribus illis temporibus necesse fuit sub omanorum ●yra●●ide , & nostris temporibus nimium multis locis adhuc necesse est . an quo tempore coena domini in ecclesia administratur , expedit apud aegrotos ceiebrari , de hoc valde ambigo . bezae quaest. & respons . quinetiam , non erit pl●nè nul●us ●aptismus qui quasi privatim fuerit administratus , licet decentius & purius administretur publicè , quod etiam col●●gere est ex ca●vino i●stitut . l. . c. . s. . dico quasi privatim , nam absolutè privatim absque ulla congregationis forma , qualis saepè in papatu , 〈…〉 n probamus . mares . quaest ▪ aliquot . theol d●cis . quaest. . vide plura ibid. vide aquin. part . . quaest . artic. . & . attersol of the sacraments , l. . c. . balduinus the lutheran in his cases of conscience , l. . c. . case . propounding this case , num minister ecclesiae ditioribus parentibus gratisicari salvâ conscientia potest , si fortè liberos suos vino generoso , aut aquâ rosatâ baptizari p●tant ? answers , partes substantiales hujus acramenti nequaquam sunt mutandae : non enim oportet nos sapientiores esse christo , qui regenerationis sacramentum aqua sieri voluit , johan . . neque meliores , quia ipse etiam aqu● iordanis , aequè ac al 〈…〉 baptizari voluit , matth. . . iam verò constat , aquam esse partem alteram substantialem baptismi , & quidem aquam fontanam aut sluvialem , prout eam deus condidit , absque mixtur● herbarum aut aliorum liquorum many reasons he there al●o alledgeth against changing water in baptism . quasi res esset contemptibilis ex ●hristi praecepto , aqua baptizari , inventa est benedictio , vel potius in cantatio quae veram aquae consecrationem pollueret . ca●v . instit. l. . c. . scimus veterem ecclesiam ( ●c . primitivam ) & in vitae communis usu , & i● ritibus sacris , multum usam esse venerabili signocrucis , sed ut pia ceremonia , quae orationi adjecta , animos sidelium ad christi crucem eveheret ; non materiae alicui terrenae , aut ●igurae , aut gestui a●figeret . hoc sensu sanct●ssimi prudentissimique illi antistites , qui ecclesiae in anglia reformandae negotio praefucrunt ; & in publicis locis cruces passi sunt reman●re , & in nonnullis etiam ritibus sacris retinuerunt , ut in baptismo . casaub. exercit . . ad annales b. traditiones rituales quae ad ordinem & ritus cultus divini pertinent , are to be received upon this condition only , modo ne veritati , pietati , simplicitati & libertati christianae adversentur . e nominibus sacramenti eucharistiae , quaedam sunt in sacris literis diserte usurpata , quaedam è verbis in scriptura positis deducta : plurima patrum pi●tas adinvenit , & usus ecclesiae comprobavit . casaub. exercit . . ad annal . a ca●●a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communione ves●●●tium . nos quidem satis t●t● sumus , sive à scriptura , sive à ratione , sive à traditione in usurpando coenae nomine . chamier . de sacramentis , lib. . c. . b cum scopus apostoli fuerit cor. . . ( ut ex sequentibus apparet ) redarguere abusus qui invaluerant apud corinthios in hujus sacramenti celebratione , dubium non est quin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellet , id quod postea v. . dicit se accepisse à domino & eis tradidisse . id tamen praefractè negant quidem pontificii in primis maldonatus iesuita in matth. . . petulanter , suo more , nobis insulat , ins●itiam & ●●●●tatem nobis obj●cit , quia coenae domini nomen sacramento eucharisti● tribuimus . negat ullum in sacris scripturis locum in quo ita appelletur sacramentum . maldonatum pro merito excepit doctissimus casaubonus exercit. . sect. . et ejus pervicaciam ita detexit , ut non opus sit actum agere . riveti cathol . orthod . tract . . quaest . . vide maldonat . etiam ad joh. . . & estium ad ▪ cor. . . apostolus dicit convenientibus vobis in unum , non est dominicam coenam manducare , hanc ipsam acceptionem eucharistiae caenam dominicam vocamus . aug. epist. . ad jon. . three evangelists have mentioned christs last supper , matth. . mark . luke . and paul cor. . and more fully cor. . . coena domini est sacramentum nutritio●s & auctionis fidelium in christo. ames . medul . theol. l . c. . coena est sacramentum , quo actis deo gratiis pane & vino utimur ad profitendum nos christi corpore crucifixo , sanguineque fuso , in aeternam vitam sustentari : ut enim à baptismo primum est christianismi initium , sic à coena perpetuum deinceps est alimentum . rami comment . de religione christiana l. . c. . see mr gillesp. aarons rod blossoming , l. . c. , , . the word makes bad ground good , the sacrament only makes good ground better . the word doth both convert and edifie , the sacrament only edifies . we have no promise or president in scripture for the conversion of any by receiving the lords supper . it is not set forth under the notion of immortal feed , but under the notion of food and nourishment . d. drakes answer to suspen . suspended . m. burrh . gospel-worship . paraeus saith , sacramenta sunt instituta non in fidelibus ▪ sed conversis . haeretici & scelerati , si accedat pertinacia , à coena domini sunt arcendi zanch. de eccles. vide balduin : de cas . consc . l. . c. . cas . . why should any that are not saints be admitted to one of the highest priviledges of saints , church communion in the highest ? the sacrament of the lords supper is a distinguishing ordinance , they who have no union with christ , can have no communion with him . m. cheyne● on zech. . . non propter malos qui videntur esse intus , deserendi sunt boni qui verè sunt intus . august . contra crescon . l. . c. . fugio paleam ne hoc sim , non autem aream , ne nihil sim. ib. l. . c. . solebant ( donatistae ) in ore habere , videbas surem & concu●rebas cum eo , & ne communicaberis peccatis alienis : et recedite & exite inde : et immundum ne tetigeritis , & qui tetigerit pollutum pollutus est , & modicum sermentum totam massam corrumpit , & hujusmodi — haec fiunt consensione peccatorum , non communione sacramentorum , in qua condiscipulus judas mundos immundus contaminare non potuit . aug de unico baptismo contra petil. c. . non enim propter malos boni deserendi , sed propter bonos mali tolerandi sunt : sicut toleraverunt prophetae contra quos tanta dicebant , nec communionem sacramentorum illius populi relinquebant . aug. ep. . manifestum est non con●aminari justos alienis peccatis , quando cum eis sacramenta communicant . aug epist. . nec malos à mensa domini arcemus , quia bonis illam polluant , quum ex apostolo didicerimus , omnia esse munda mundis : sed quia sibi illam polluunt . beza de presbyterio & excommunicatione . quum scribat joannes joan. . . iudam ante absolutum ●pulum discessisse , ass●ntior iis qui ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 institutionem judam discessisse sentiunt . ista separatio qua nonnulli à sacris catibus & recto sacramentorum usu propter aliquorum vitia ultrò abstinent , id est , scipsos excommunicant , magnam reprehensionem meretur . id. ib. mali non polluunt coenam bonis etiamsi malis sunt permixti , coena tamen pura est . beza de presb. c. . vide ca●vin instit l. . de externis mediis ad salutem . c. sect. . & instruct. adversus anabapt . husseys plea for christian magistracy . a gospel-worship . see d. homes his mischief of mixt communions . b on hos. . . cant. . . the navel and belly are both hidden parts , and therefore set forth the mysteries or sacraments of the church , baptism and the lords supper . the navel serving for the nourishing of the infant in the womb , resembleth baptism nourishing infants , it wanteth not liquor , . of the bloud of christ to justifie us from sinne . . of the spirit of christ to sanctifie and cleanse us from sinne . the belly , viz. the lords supper is an heap of wheat , for store of ●x●●l●●n● , ●wee● and fine nourishment set about with lilies , because onely the faithful pure christians shall be admitted to partake in the sacrament . m. cotton in loc . the corruptions of the church of england are such , that a man in abstaining from the pollutions thereof , ought not to lever himself from those open assemblies wherein the eternal word of the lord god is preached , and the sacraments administred , although not in that pu●i●y which they ought to be . cartw. second reply against whitgise second answer , . cor. . . tame●si impiorum causa ▪ qui se acramentis admiscent , sacramentum non est de●linandum ; tamen quoad datum , & nostra in potestate est , omnis conatus & diligentia adhibenda est , ut nos cum piis aggregantes , ●●probos à sacramentorum communione procul abigamus : quod ut omnibus promiscuè incumbit , ita singulari cura & industria ab ecclesiae moderatoribus procurari debet . cartw. in harm . evang. sam. . . the priests were unsanctified men , therefore no doubt many more . * on cor. . . zanchy taxeth such as will abstain from the lords supper , and those also who will say , manebimus quidem in ecclesia , veniemus ad audiendum verbum & ad preces , sed quî possumus in coena communionem vobiscum habere , cum ad eam admittantur multi impuri , ●●rii , &c. he saith , non aut obtalem abusum ecclesia definit esse ecclesia christi , aut pij impiorum in sacris communione possunt contaminari . animam priùs tradam meam ( inquit chrys. in matth. hom. . ) quàm dominicum alicui corpus indigno : sanguinemque meum effundi potiua patiar , quàm sacratissimum illum sanguinë praeterquam digno concedam . * m. burrh . on hos. . . etiamsi suis oculis minister quispiam viderit aliquid agentem , quod coenae exclusionem mereatur , jure tamen , nec debeat , nec possit , nisi vocatum , convictum legitimè , denique secundum constitutum in ecclesia ordinem damnatum à mensa domini cum auctoritate prohibere . beza de presbyt . p. . st augustine and others think , iudas was admitted to the lords supper ▪ and m. cartwright also so judgeth from that connexion , luk. . , , . si p●i communione in sacris cum impiis pollui possunt : cur ergò christus à coeua non arcet iudam , quem optimè norat esse impuriss 〈…〉 m nebulonem , ne ●●●●ri apostoli ejus cons●rtio pollu●rentur ? zanch. de eccles c. . yet afterward he saith , ●onstat dominum iesum non prius suam instituisse c 〈…〉 m , quàm legalem de paschate absolvisset , joan. autem . c. . ait , ●udam posteaquam à domino iesu offulam , intinctam ( in catino , ubi agnus , erat ) accepisset , hoc est , statim exivisse . si statim ex●vit , nondum absolut● l●gali coen● : quomodo intersuit coenae dominicae , quae illam consecuta est ? m. humfreys vindication of a free admission to the l. s. vide aquin. sum. partem tertiam quaest. . art. . it followed the celebration of the passeover which was kept at even , act. . . tempus vespertinum propriè spectabat ad pascha vetus , ex loge quia vero christus paschati coenam substituere volebat , utrumque sacramentum eâdem vesperâ , unum post aliud celebravit , & vetus per novum abrogavit . ita per accidens factum est , ut novum sacramentum tempore vespertino sit institutum : unde & coenae nomen accepit , & in hodiernum usque diem retinuit . neque apostoli ad tempus vespertinum se astrinxerunt , sed pro occasione coenam administrarunt , aliàs diurno tempore , ut legere est act. . aliàs intempesta nocte , ut act. . quo facto satis ostenderunt , tempus coenae per se esse indifferens . paraeus de ritu fractionis in s. eucharistia . c. . * plin epist. . ad trajanum . eucharistiae sacramentum antelucanis coetibus sumimus . tertullian . de corona militis . it is a great condescension for god to give us any outward signs and pledges of his faithfulfulnesse , we are bound to believe in his word . panis & vinum quum prae caetoris cibis sint alendis corporibus nostris accomodatae , commodissimè nobis illum designant , in quo uno vita aeterna residet . bezae quaest. & resp. paulus non praeceptum vocat , sed institutum cor. . . iam verò est eaque fuit semper , sub lege etiam rigida symbolorum natura , ut facile ex causa probabili omitti se ferant . sic panes sacros , quos lex solis sacerdotibus a●●●xerat , in suos usus vertit david . sic & circumcisio tam severè praecepta , & paschalis ceremonia omissa totis annis quibus hebraei per desertas arabiae terras ambularunt , nempè quod inter itinera parum commodè interventuri fuerant tot dies aut otio tribuenda aut medicando corpori . grotius , an semper communicandum per symbola , cap. . ephes. . . act. . . matth. . . act. . . m. eltons catech . constat eucharistiae sacramentum duabus externis partibus , id est , duplici materia , pane & poculo . neque quenquam contradicentem pati potest discritissima relatio institutionis apud matthaeum , marcum , lucam , paulum , neque perpetua ecclesiae traditio , chamierus de sac. l. . see iansen . concord . on luk. . p. . the danger of communicating in both kindes . the church of rome hath decreed , conc. trident sess. . c. . that it is not necessary for the people to communicate in both kindes , and holdeth them accursed that hold it necessary for the people to receive the cup consecrated by the priest. vide cassand . consult . see d. featleys grand sacriledge of the church of rome , chap. , , &c. to the . chapter , and bishop davenants l. quest. in his determinat . and master cartwrights rejoynder , pag. , , , , , , . the apostle sometimes putteth the other part , viz. drinking of the cup , for the whole celebration of the supper , cor. . . the heathens ●alled a fea●t symposium , yet they had meat at their feasts . admiranda hic est d●orum e ▪ vangelist ar 〈…〉 dilig●●●ia & harmonia , ●●us refert de po●●lo christ●● disertè & expressè ma●dass● , ut omnes ●x ●o bibant ; alter discipulos omnes , ex eo bibisse , quis igitur conformi●●●em eum coena christi agnoscet illic , ubi dispensans , vel solus . quos christus ●uss●rat manducare , eos bibere omnes jussit : bibite , ait , ex hoc omnes . sed illud omnes ( inquiunt pontificii ) restringi debet ad apostolos , quos alloquitur solos . quod sanè non dicerent , si cogitarent , apostolos istic ecclesiam totam repraesentare . nulli dubium esse debet , quin quamvis soli essent praesentes apostoli , tamen finis fuerit christi pr●scribere ecclesiae rationem administrandi coenam quam servari vellet , usque dum venerit ad judicandum . vossius in thesibus . edit & bibit , omnibus caeteris praesentibus auditoribus & discipulis neglectis , vel panem quidem sed solum , illis participat & exbibet . buxtorf ▪ de primae coenae ritibus & forma . quod omnes tunc spectabat apostolos ; quibus christus sacramentum tra●ebat usurpandum , omnes quoque spectat fideles in ecclesia , qui sacramentum idem sunt recepturi à suis pastoribus . nec ulla ratio potest fingi cum illud bibite ad solos consecrantes debeat restringi , cum apostoli in prima coena non consecrantium , sed communicantum sustinucrint personas , & tam latè d●beat patere illud bibite , quam illud comedite , quo omnes adulti fidele●●bligantur . mares . de calice eucharist . vide calv. instit. l. . c. . sect. , , . * loco de coen● ▪ ubi stabilita fuit transubstantiationis prodigiosa doctrina in concill● lateran●ns● per innocentium tertium anno . haec concomitantiam statim peperit & concomitantia mutilationem sacramenti . maresius de calice benedicto ▪ ut baptisma regenerationis , ita sacra caena est sacramentum nutritionis nostrae spiritualis , quae perfestè non potest adumbrari nisi potu & cibo . ex historiis res est clara , & fatetur gregorius de valentia apud humf. lynd. equitem anglum in via certa s. . non nisi paulo ante concilium constantinense hanc mutilationem universaliter receptam fuisse . id. ib. periculo effusionis & irreverentiae satis cavebatur in veteri ecclesia etiam admissa integra communione ; nihil ●un● vel à barbis prolixioribus laicorum , vel ab eorum manibus paralyticis metuebatur ; multo minùs placebat gersonis ratio imparem esse dignitatem ●acerdotis & laicorum . abstemios non magis obligat hoc praeceptum de sumendo calice , quam s●rdos de audiendo prae●onio evangelii . necessitas legem non habet . id. ibid. vide episc. daven . quaest. l. quaere ab illis , cur ●iccam eucharistiam populo christiano porrigant ? cur illis in caena mystica calice dominico interdicant ? scilicet reverenti● causa faciunt , & propter honorem sacramenti , quia periculum est ne in prolixis barbis christi sanguis inhaereat , ne quo casu dum circumfertur in terram fundatur , ne vasa sacra populi contactu ●ordidentur , ne alii alii● bibentibus fastidium calicis concipiant , &c. at ô infipien●em christum , ô fatuos apostolos & patres sexcentorum & suprà seculorum , quibus rationes illae gravissimae & doctissimae nunquam in animum venerunt , ut tantoru●m scandalorum pericula vitarent , & reverentiam atque honorem sacramenti sanguinis christi populo calicem prohibendo procurarent . abb. antich . demonstrat . c. . vide phil. morn . de sacra eucharistia . l. . c. , , . matth. . , . attersol of the sacr. l. . c. . see b. of landaff ▪ on the sacrament from pag. . to . cor. . . rogatus pi● memoriae vir d. calvinus à fratribus , qui tum in america erant , ubi nullus est vini usus , ●●cerentne pro vino uti in coena domini vel aqua simplici qua plerumque illic utuntur , vel alio illic non inu●itato potionis genere . nihil ( aiebat ) à christi confilio ac voluntate alienum f●ere videri , qui non contemptu neque temeritate , sed ipsa necessitate adacti , pro vino aliud in iis regionibus usitatae potionis genus usurparent . in hac quaestione ●andem valere rationem arbitramur , si modo is de quo agitur , vel minimam vini degustationem ferre nequit , ut potius quam integram coenam non per●gat , vel aqua vel alia sibi familiari potione utatur . beza epist. . quod beza censuit in regionibus in quibus non est usus panis & vini nostri , ex analogia institutionis domini , qui usuati● pane & potu usus est , posse eucharistiam celebrari in usuario pane & potu regionis illius ; id non caret sua probalitate : de quo t●men , quia non est necessarium , contendere nolim : nec etiam id in me suscipere . sed ubi vel neutrum ●ignorum à christo instituto●um reperitur , vel alterutrum tantum , malim planè abstinere quam vel ●igna mutare , vel sacramentum mutilare ; quod postremum fieri non potest sine grandi sacrilegio . rive●i iesuita vapulans . . . vide ejus grot. discus . dialys sect. . necessitas legem non habet ●ubi sacramentorum materia non habetur , à sacramentis ●bstinendum , & spiritualiter christo communicandum . rivet . exem . animad . hug. grot. pag. . vide balduin . de cas ▪ consc l . c. . cas . . attersol of the sacraments , l. . c. . christus disertè dicitur fregisse panem . fractio panis non est accidentalis sacramento eucharistiae , sed ex institutione , ac proinde haud a●iter necessaria , quam acceptio in manus , quam traditio , quam communio . etsi nolimus enim tam severè de ●a contendere , ut nulla societas retineri possit cum iis qui omittunt ; tamen defectum rei non exiguae dissimulandum non putamus , imò nec tolerandum , si tolli queat . enimvero tam diserta fractio est in institutione quam quicquam al●u● , & ●am cu●●osè repetita ●b omnibus quibus recitata institutio est , evangelistis , inquam , paulo , liturgi●s cunctis . chami●r ▪ de sacramentis l. . c. . fractio panis non est ritus adiaphorus humanitus institutus , sed caer●monia necessaria , ad ipso christo tum observ●ta , tum ●●i●m mandata , mat. . . cor. . . a●ting . ex●g . aug confess . art. . * paraeus on cor. . where he handleth ▪ this question largely , & de ritu fractionis . c. . vossius in thesibus . attersol of the sacraments , l . c. . see mr hilders . little tract of the sacraments . pa●is fractio manifestè ●●titur exemplo christi , apostolorum & universae ecclesiae ultra mille annos continuato exemplo . nec obscurè mandatum verba institutionis praeferunt . unde omnes haud dissi●ulter intelligunt , ejus omissionem de justa integritate actionis non nihil d●libare . non urgebimus , ut partem essentialem agnoscant . crocius in august confes . quaest. . cap. . unusne an plures adhibendi sint panes , digitisne frangendi , an cultro s●ind●ndi , nulla est inter nostros contentio . id. ibid. nostri non destruunt , non discerpunt , non frangunt ecclesiam propter panis fractionem . quod vel inde patet , quod fra●res nostri per poloniam panem non frangunt , nec basilienses multis annis f●eg●runt . non damnant ecclesias , quae care●● hi● ceremonia . zanch. id . ib. quaest. . cap. . act. . . & . . lorinus in act. . . b. morton of the masse , l. . c. . sect. . ecce in coena christus fregit panem , & tamen ecclesia catholica hodiè non frangit , sed integrum dat . salmeron . a de cas consc. lib. . cap. . cas. . b christus usus est fractione panis vel propter significationem quandam sacramentalem , puta repraesentationem ●assionis , vel propter distributionem , tantum propter distributionem christ●s usus est fractione , neque qui●quam interest , sive fractio illa panis ante admissionem coenae siue in ipsa admissione adhibeatur . gerh. loc . commun . de sacra caena . necessarium est ut sit panis triticeus sine quo non perficitur sacramentum . non est autem de necessitate sacramenti , quòd sit azymus vel ●ermentatus , quia in unoquoque consici potest . conveniens autem est , ut unusquisque servet ritum suae ecclesiae in sacramenti celebratione . t. aquin. par . q. . art. . graeci olim pro fermentato pane litagabant cum latinis , & ●i pro pane azymo contra graecos tanta contentione , ut latim graecos appellarent sermentarios , graeci latinos azymitas ponti●icij quoque pro usu pan●s azymi , tanquam pro aris & focis pugnant . bellarm. l. . de euch. c. . an panis ex hordeo vel tritico pistus sit , an azymus vel f●rmentatus sit , nihil re●ert : hoc enim substantiae panis nihil addit , aut adimit . in ecclesiis nostris azymus adhibentur , ex nulla necessitate , sed liberè , quia christus eo usus fuit in institutione coenae , & panis eucharistici typus fuit panis azymus , qui in es● agni paschalis usurpabatur , exod. . . si autem ecclesia aliqua fermentato pane uteretur , non est cur quis sibi co romine scrupulum faciat . nullum enim christi mandatum habemus , i●t vel azymo vel fermentato utamur , res ●aec merè est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : et fermentato aequè ac azymo fieri potest communicatio corporis christi . pro●t ergo fert unius●●jusque . ecclesiae consuetudo , ita faciendum , nec una ecclesia aliam propter dissensum condemnare , nec communicantes hoc in genere nimis ●●riosi esse debent . balduin . de cas consc . l. . c. cas . . vide gerh. loc commun . naevus est duplexin iis ecclesiis quae azymo potius quam fermentato pane utuntur . hoc enim & iudaismum sapit & minus est quotidiani cibi analogiae accomodatum . beza quaest. panis autem , azymu●●e sit an ●ermentatus , non magnopere putamus laborandum , quamvis communem panem sentiam●s ordinationi christi multo esse convenientiorem . cur enim azymo pane usus est dominus , nisi quia per id tempus quo sacram illam coenam ipsi visum est instituere , nullus in iudaea alio pan● uteb●tur ? aut igitur azymorum festum simul restituatur ●portet , aut fatendum est communem & omnibus usitatum panem exemplo domini rectius usurpari , quamvis azymum panem dominus adhibuerit : de veteris purioris ecclesiae more taceam , quem adhuc graeca ecclesia retinet . beza ep. . exod. . , . a some think no other then unleavened bread could be used without a manifest transgression of the law which did forbid that any leaven should be so much as used among them at that time . yet the necessity of using unleavened bread in the eucharist , doth no more follow from thence , then that we must celebrate the sacrament at even , because christ did then institute it . pareus on cor. . handleth this question , and makes it indifferent , he saith , we should rather look that the heart be free from leaven then the bread . cor. . and de sym. eucharist . c. . he saith with the schoolmen , conveniens est , ut in hoc casu cujusque ecclesiae observetur consuetudo , modò vitetur necessitatis opinio ac superstitio , & spectctur communis aedificatio . a cart. on rbem . test. on cor. . . b b. morton of the masse , l. . c. . sect. . de panis qualitate nos contendimus , si modo verus sit & solidus panis , quod de hostia papistarum vix potest affirmari . ames . bellarm. enerv. tom. . c. . farinacea folia ( wafer-cake ) neque panis formam habent ; neque pro pane unquam usquam gentium fuers usitata . chamier . de sacramentis l. . c. . hostiae neque ab hebraeis , neque graecis , neque latinis vocantur panis , sed distinctis appellantur nominibus , à probatis autoribus ad nullum genus panum referuntur , non sunt communissimum & nobilissimum nutrimentum , non roborant corpus humanum , ergo non sunt verus cibarius , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sic dictus panis . sylloge a. frat. roseae-crucis donata . panis azymus glutinosus erat , & frangebatur fine manu fine cultre . lorinus in act. . . nos sentimus pane azymo & fermentato confici sacramentum posse , & retinendum cuique esse suae ecclesiae morem . verum addim us primò optimum esse omnes ecclesias etiam hac parte conformes esse tum testandae unionis gratia , tum ut infirmiorum conscientiae consulatur . deinde optimum videri & proximum instituto sacramenti panem usurpari fermentatum , itaque hac potius utimur , paucis ecclesiis exceptis , quibuscum non est propterea nobis unanimis consensus . chamier . de sacr. l. . c. . cum nusquam nisi panis mentio sit , nulla addita circumstantia , panis intelligitur usitatus & communis . constat panem azymum fuisse extraordinarium , nec vulgo usitatum . id. ib. * parte tertia quaest. . art. , . est ritus à veteribus nonnullis olim observatus ; sed nec dogma fidei nec essentialis pars sacramenti . quia vinum forte fuit in illis regionibus calidis , paululum aquae admiscebant . epis. daven . de iud. controvers . c. . apol. . in regionibus orientalibus ubi fortia vina sunt , usitatum fuit non merum sed vinum aqua temperatum bihere . unde chemnitius verisimile judicat , christum vinum non merum sed temperatum bibisse . mixtio aquae potius aliquid addit institutioni , quia evangelistae solius merique vini mentionem faciant , matth. . . ma●c . . . luc. . . gerh. loc . commun . verisimile est christum miscuisse vinum , cum orientis vina generosa sint & calida . illud etiam non diffitemur , ecclesiam veterem usam esse vino mixto . nempe quia post coenam eodem vino celebrarent agapas suas , ansam dare gentibus noluerunt quasi mero ad ebrietatem uterentur . vossius in thesibus . papistae vino consecrando admiscent aquam , quanquam exigua quantitate . nos sentimus , rem esse merè indifferentem , ideóque liberè usurpandam , omittendamve ; dum ne turbetur ordo ecclesiae . tantum ergo reprehendimus in papistis , quod nullo praeeunte verbo dei , peccata & quidem mortalia fingant . chamierus de sacramentis lib. . cap. . cartw. on mat. . the fathers used wine tempered with water , because in the place where they lived the wine was so strong . matth. . . mark . . * de eucharist . l. . c. , . cartw. d. reynolds meditat. on the lords supper , chap. . eucratitae & aquarii temperantiae praetextu vinum refugiebant , ac loco ejus aquam solam in hoc sacramento usurpabant . vossius in thesibus . aquarii ex hoc appellati sunt , quòd aquam offerunt in poculo sacramenti , non illud quod omnis ecclesia . august . cap. . de haeresibus . matth. . consecratio vocabulum est solenne significans id quod fit , ut haec signa visibilia quae per se profana sunt , & aliena à mysteriis religiosis , sint sacramenta corporis & sanguinis christi , sive sint corpus & sanguis christi . consecrationem distinguimus à forma sacramenti , ut totum à parte , consecrationem dicimus esse in tota christi institutione . ut quicquid ille fecerit ad eum pertinens , nosque jusserit facere , eo ipso consecrari credamus sacramentum , ne exclusis quidem ecclesiae precibus , quibus id ipsum à deo postulatur fieri , quod ea institutione continetur . chamier . de sac. l. . c. . si quis negaverit in sanctissima eucharistia contineri verè , realiter , substantialiter corpus & sanguinem christi anathema sit . concil . trid. sess. . can. . nos dicimus dominura christum corporaliter sub specie p●nis contineri . greg. de valent. tom. . disput. . quaest. . a compend . socin . confutat . cap. . vide plura ibid. b of the eucharist , chap. . pag. , . and chap. . pag. . c stricturae in lyndomastygem concerning the seven sacraments . d parte tertia quaest. . art. . qui transubstantiationem damnavit lutherus optimè , tamen induxit consubstantiationem non benè , & ab hoc non laudabili initio , brentius ejus discipulus ad ubiquitatem delatus est , pessimè . anabaptistae in oppositum lapsi extremum , signa sunt imaginati vacua & inania , quasi nudas professionis tesseras christianis & infidelibus distinguen●is . chamierus lib. . de eucharistiae c. . hyperbolicum praesentiae modum exigunt curiosi homines , quem scriptura misquam ostendit . calvin . instit l ▪ c. . corpus unum non potest esse in pluribus locis simul , non enim repletivè , at is modus proprius est deitati quae omnia cum repleat , tamen neque spatium occupat , cum sit spiritus : neque terminis ullis definitur , cum sit infinita : nec definitivè , quia quaecunque sic sunt in uno loco non possunt esse alibi . nec tertiò occupativè , quia quicquid ita est in loco est etiam definitivè , ac proinde non potest esse alibi . chamierus tom. . l. c. . scholastici tametsi contendunt ineptissimè , idem corpus posse esse in uno loco modo suo naturali seu circumscriptivo , & in multis aliis modo sacramentali : negant tamen posse esse modo naturali vel per divinam potentiam absolutam simul in pluribus locis . ames . bellarm. enerv. tom . c. , lutherus principio ad sacramenta conversus , videbat non esse septem , putabat tamen adhuc plura esse quam duo ; post in catechismo majore , re diligentius expensa , duo tantum statuit . in negotio coenae primo videbatur illi , licet panis inesset , tamen corpus domini una etiam per consubstantiationem adesse ; sed paulò ante mortem agens cum philippo melancthone , fatetur in negotio coenae nimium esse factum . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom. . pralect . . nobis unicum solatium in co sacramento est praesentia corporis christi in sacrâ coenâ . sed negamus esse id , in , cum , sub pane ; nisi ille modus loquendi sic accipiatur , quòd sit in , cum , sub pane ut signo corporis in coena praesentis : ita enim unionis & pacis studio haud difficulter etiam in cum modum loquendi porrò condescendemus . vedel . rationale theologicum , l. . c. . proper subsistence of its own , and in it self it hath none , only the subsistence of the son of god is communicated unto it , which is infinite and unlimited . ex hoc loco cinglio-calviniani , canes impurissimi , blaspheme argumentantur , corpus christi in s. coena ore corporis non accipi , nisi ( inquiunt ) s●atucre velimus & illud in alvum abire , & ( increpet te dominus satan ) per secessum ejici . bertram . in mat. . * coster . dr burgess of kneeling . pag. . deux non jussit vel adorari sacramentum , vel etiam nos adorare coram sacramento , vel in sacramento . nolumus tamen atro carbone notare eos , qui nobiscum alias se●●i●●●es , & eandem fidem profitentes , neque sacramentis divinos honores deferre intendentes , ea flexis genibus accipiu●t , adorati●ne ad institutorem directa , & ad eum qui se nobis communicat . quia tamen mos ille ab iis profluxit , qui ex sacramento deum fecerunt , quod directe adorant , multo magis nobis consuetudo probatur corum , qui quantum possunt abstinent ab ●●s ex quibus vel suspicio , vel occasio idololariae , vel superstitioni , oriri posset . riveti instruct. praepar . ad coenam domini , c. . vide plura ibid. transubstantiation is commentum ▪ quo nihil vidi● orbis absurdius . chamierus . b. morton of the masse , lib. . cap. . sect. . si quis negaverit mirabilem & angelicam conversionem totius substantiae panis & vini in corpus & sanguinem , anathema fit . concil . trident. can. . nullum exemplum dari potest , vel ordinarium , vel extra ordinem per miraculum , totalis conversionis alicu●us substantiae individualis , in aliam substantiam individualem praeexistentem & manentem . haec igitur transubstantiatio ( quae res est ordinariae procur●tionis secundum pontificios ) tale quid est , quale simile nihil deus unquam per hominem aut angelum effecit , id est , commentum sine exemplo . ames . bellarmin . enervat . tomo tertio cap. . see m. cartw. answ. to the marquess of worc. reply , from p. . to . and gages new survey of the west indies , c. . * cor. . . & . , . fictitia illa transubstantiatio pro qua hodiè acrius depugnant quàm qro omnibus aliis fidei suae capitibus . calv. inst. l. . c. . vide plura ibid. * d. fulk on cor. . . attersol hath twenty six reasons against transubstantiation , l. . of the sacrament , cap. . see d. primrose on the sacram. p. . to . and d. hall● no peace with rome , p. . d. featl●ys vertum. rom. p. . d. chaloner on matth. . ● . p. . to . to make bread to be flesh while it is bread , is a contradiction in it self , and as much as to say , bread is no bread , and therefore impossible . d. morton . the pretence of gods omnipotency hath been anciently asylum haereticorum , the sanctuary of hereticks . c●saub . exercit . . vide amyraut ▪ de l'elevation de la foy & de l'abaisement de la raison , ch. , , , . & thess theol. sa●mur . part . . de transub . vobis ( ut multi seutiunt ) praestitisset , vertiginosam hanc de transubstantiatione opinionem non attigisse . nam , ex quo helenam hanc vestram i● christianismum advexistis , tot vos , tot scholam vestram quotidiè exerce●t , tam ●●inosae , tam nodosae quaestiones ( tam id autem tristi successu : ) de quantitate christi sub pane , an sit ibi christus sub sua , an sub panis quantitate ? et si sub suâ , an sub quantitate sine modo quantitativo ? an sit ibi christi substantia sub accedentibus , remotâ tamen inhaerentia ? contra logicam . in iis verbis , quod pro vobis frangitur , cùm frangi jam corpus non possit , quippe nec pati : an frangi non sit ibi verbum passivum , contra grammaticam ? an ex accidentibus mures nutriantur , an ex iis vermes generentu● ? contra physicam ? episc. andr. ad bellarm. apolog. ●esp cap. . vide plura ibid. nullum exemplum dari potest , ubi omnes sensus omnium hominum ( organo , medio , objecto benè disposito ) adh●bitis omnibus mediis explorandi veritatem , circa objectum sensibile fallatur . . nullum sacramentum institu●t ita deus ut fundamentum suam habeat in sensuum delusione . ames . bellarm. enerv. tom. . de transub . in illis orationibus petra erat christus , semen erat verbum dei , ego sum ostium , verbum substantivum ▪ est interpretandum pro significat aut sigurat . salmeron . tom. . tract . . rogant dominum qu● esset parabola jam dicta , boc est , quia illa significaret . est enim hic ponitur pro significat , quemadmodum & ibi , petra autem erat christus . jansen , concord c. . reprobata cornel●o à lapide fuisset audacia maldonati , negantis verbum substantivum aut latinè , aut graecè , aut ebraicè , a●t t●lla prosus in lingua aut apud ull●m au●●●●● pro verbo significat ●ccip● solor● , ●●t etiam posse , hominesque imperitissimos qui id dicunt , esse affirmantis . sic insolentissi●●us , hispanus in mat. ▪ rive● . i●● . . manifestium est , est accipi ordinarie pro signifi●a● : ●● amare est diligere , id est , significat . petra erat christus , id est , in petra erat significans christum . septem boves sunt septem anni , gen. . semen est verbum dei , mat. . hoc est foedus meum , id est , significat chamier . de euchar. l. ▪ c. . vide mo●nayum de ▪ sac euch ▪ l. . c. . , , , , , ▪ la veritè de la religion reformee . par. de croi . p. , , , &c. nullus patrum affirmat substantiam panis , ●ffi●● substantiam corporis christi , pro●er vel unum , & monstrum illud admittam & amplectar transubstantiationis . loquuntur scio autres eo modo , ut dicant tran●mutari , transire , transelementari , in aliam naturam cedere , & quae sunt alia ejus generis . montac . orig. eccles. tom. prior . part ▪ poster . p. . in ecclesia veteri rese●vabatur eucharistia & ad aegrotum deserebatur : sed utrumque ●iebat , ut sumer●tur & manducaretur . at in romana ecclesia circumgestatio fit ad ostentationem & pompam ▪ au● ad incendia , tempestates , aliaque , mala averruncanda ▪ etiam in adoratione ejus peculiaris cultus est institutus : quae commenta veteris ecclesiae sapientiam fugerunt . voss. in thesibus . sacramentum non est , nisi quatenus institutio domini in co observatur , sed dominus instituit usum praesentem eucharisti● , non hostiam in pixide conservandam : ergo hostia in pixide conservata , non est sacramentum . iussit dominus discipulos suo● facere quod fecerunt . iussit nos etiam facere quod prima coeha factum est . iussit manducationem conjungi cum benedictione , fractione , & acceptione . nihil de reservatione jussit , aut judicavit . ames . bellarm. enervat . t●m● tertio cap. . d. reynolds medit . on the l. supper , c. . an nov● negabunt romani in eucharistiae sacramento , elevationem , ostensionem , adorationem , circumgestationem , detractionem calicis ? quam aliena haec omnia ab ipsa christi institutione & primaevae ecclesiae praxi ? recentissima quidem ista , & ab his quinque aut sex saeculis introducta . salmas . apparat. ad primatum papae . p. . polyd. virgil. de invent , l. . c. . see book of martyrs , vol. . pag. . about the word mass , and mayerus in philol. sacr. and drus. ad difficiliora loea deut. . vide casaub . exercit. . sect. . & martynii etymol . in voce missa . & picherelli dissertat . de missa . cap. . maldonat . apud mat. de miss . l. . c. . sect. . it was called missa a masse or sending ( say the papists ) because an offering is sent to god by the priest , or from sending of gifts to the deacons for the publick use , rather from the dismissing of the people , either of the catechumeni and poenitentes before the sacrament , or after that was done , of the whole people and congregation in these words , ite , missa est . the phrase missam facere ( used in some of the fathers ) doth not signifie to say the popish masse , but to dismisse some out of the assembly . ad missam venio , quod nomen tantum non adoratur à papistis , à nobis non lubenter usurpatur , cum quia non à scriptura , ne quidem à prima antiquitate , tum quia nihil habeat , quo pars ulla aut efficacia sacramenti deli●cetur : ac ne apud papistas quidem sacramento proprium sit . missam latinum nomen latina etymologia dictum à mittendo nemo dubitat , origo nominis est à dimittendo populo ; quod ●is fiebat , primùm enim dimittebantur catechumeni , & quibuscunque non liceret interesse sacris mysteriis : postea iterum universus populus omnibus perfectis . chamier . de sac. l. . c. . see m. cartw. rejoyn . p. , , , , , , , , . down . diatrib . de antichristo , lib . c. . genebrardus celeberrimus . ille ebraicarum literarum apud parifienses doctor primam missam ab apostolo jacobo ipso die pentecostes cantatam asserit . amama antibarb . bibl. patres eucharistiam sacrificii nomine appellarunt , primò , quia eucharistia est gratiarum actio quae sacrificium est deo gratissimum . secundò , quoniam qui ad eucharistiam rèctè accedunt se tot●s deo in sacrificium offerunt . tertiò , quia memoriam illius summi & divinissimi sacrificii recolit , quod christus in cruce fecit . whitak . ad sanderi . demonst. resp . in such sort as the ancient fathers did call this action a sacrifice by a metonymy , because it is a remembrance of the only sacrifice of christs death , and by a synecdoche , because the sacrifice of praise is offered to god for the redemption of the world in the celebration of this action , in this sort we do not deny the term of sacrifice . fulk on mat. . . si quis dixerit non offerri verum & proprium sacrificium , aut non esse propitiatorium , anathema fit . concil . trident. sess. . can. . & . neque enim patres eucharistiam cum sacrificium appellant , reale ac verum proprieque sic dictum sacrificium propitiatorium intelligunt , sed ob alias causas victimam , sacrificium oblationem , appellant . vede● . exercit . in ignat. epist. ad smyrnenfes , c. . ibi etiam septem causas assignat , ob quas eucharistiae sacrificium vocatur à patribus . vide cameron . myroth . ad heb. . d. featley . si occisio sit de ratione sacrificii , illud quod appellant incruenentum sacrificium , nihil aliud erit quam repraesentatio veri & realis sacrificii ; ac proinde haud reale sacrificium . nam si saepè offerat seipsum christus , oportet cum saepè pati , cum ●blatio christi à passione ejus fi●c . morte distincta , fit figmentum sibi ipsi contradictorium . episc. daven . determ . quaest. . hoc & postrema sua ●voce , & inter ultimos spiritus edita christus significavit , quum dixit , consummatum est . sol●mus extremas morientium voces pro oraculo observare . christus moriens testatur uno suo sacrificio perfectum esse & impletum quicquid in salutem nostram er●t . calvin . instit . lib. . cap. . l● foy fondee sur l●s sainctes escritures . p●r daille partie . vide plura ibid. cum in scriptura sacra preces & elecmosyne , & aerumnae piorum , & quaelibet sanctae actiones sacrificia appellentur , facilè patimur sacram coenam vocari sacrificium : nec imus inficias quin hoc sensu sit sacrificium . quo sensu veteres eam vocaverint sacrificium , hinc liquet , quod passim sacram coenam vocant eucharistiam & sacrificium eucharisticum , id est actionis gratiarum , seu sacrificium landis , ut habetur in c●none missae . molinaei hyperaspist . lib. . c. . m. t goodwins christ the universal peace-maker . p●r . . sect. . tolle traditiones incertas , & apocryphas , actum erit de missis solitariis & angularibus : de sacris ignotis , precibus exoticis & ignoratis , corporali praesentia , manducatione orali in eucharistia : & illa monstrorum hydra , puncto nimirum cum omnibus dimensionibus , transubstantiatione . montac . antidiat . certissimum est sacram coenam non nisi in communi aliquo fidelium & communicantium coetu ess● usurpandum : quò spectant varia nomina quibus designatur tum in scripturis , tum in patribus . appell . tur euim synaxis , coena domini , communicatio . vide cor. . . & . , , . hinc jure merito improbatae nobis missae privatae & absque communicantibus , quae sunt in usu apud pontificios quaest. aliquot theol decisio authore maresio , q. . d. featleys stricturae in lyndomastigem , p. . see d. willet on exo. . ▪ controvers . see d ▪ halls no peace with rome , p. . in ecclesia romana communi proverbio dicitur , campana bene pulsata dimidium missae esse peractum . domitius calderinus ne missam quidem volebat audire , & quum ab amicis eò duceretur , dixisse fertur , camus ad communem errorem . lodov. viv. de veritate fidei christianae , l. c . nobilissimus cunradus à rechenberg , superstitionum osor , & missatici sacrificii non obscurus hostis , qui aliquando visitatoribus , ut missam celebraret , hortantibus , respondit : si vere christus est in hostia , indignus sum qui illum intuear , indignior qui patri offeram . si non est in hostia , vae mihi , si panem pro deo populo adorandum propono . scultet a●nal . decas . p. . aderant sed non ●dorarunt . pet. mart. d. featleys vertumnus romanus , p. . vide grot. in lu● . . . see down . sum of div. on the . com. m. reynolds meditat. on the lords supper . cartw. rest of the d reply against b. whit. gift , p. , he quotes there also p. mart. on rom. . beza in his questions of the sac. . augustinus de peccat . merit . & remis l. ● . c . & . defendit , infantes non posse vitam ac salutem aeternam consequi , nisi eucharistiam participent , putans aequè obligari istis verbis joh. . . ac istis , nisi quis natus fuerit . augustini & innocentii primi sententia sexcentos circiter annos viguit in eccle●●● , eucharistiam etiam infantibus esse necessariam . nunc apu● omnes qui christianum nomen profitentur is mos obsolevit , q●i ob●in●erat tempore cyprian● , augustini & innocentii primi romani episcopi , ut euchar●●●icum panem in●●nctum ●●●berent infantibus , ut ex eorum scriptis apparet . rivet . instruct. praepar . ad coenam dom. c. . b. morton of the masse , lib. . cap. . sect. . si quis dixerit parvulis antequam ad ann●s discretionis pervenerint necessariam esse eucharistiae communionem , anathema fit . concil . trident ▪ sess. . canon . . * it must be a remembrance , . of faith , . in reference to remission of sins , mat. . . . to sanctification , there is bread to strengthen the heart , and wine to make it chearful , isa. . . of love , cant. . . his love appeared in all his doings , sufferings . of desire , psal. . . . of mourning , ps. . . we should consider we had a hand in christs death . of thankfulnes , cor. . . it is called the cup of blessing , and by the ancients the eucharist . . of resolution to abhor those sins that formerly provoked god , hos. . . ps●● . . . i will wash my hands in innoc●● . y , and so will i compasse thine al●●r . cor. . the bread must be eaten and the cup drunk so . bonum ex causa integra , malum ex quolibet defectu . exod. . , . joh. . . . & . . * that which is good per se groweth evil per accidens , if it be not duly circumstantionatum . cajet . in thom. . . quaest. . an alms , though good in it self , ye● groweth to be evil , if it be faulty in the circumstances of due time , measure , manner , and of fit persons upon whom it is bestowed . the second covenant begins with acceptation of persons and then of services . there must be an acceptation of the person in reference to his service as well as state . the service must . flow from a regenerate nature and act , john . . . must be agreeable to a rule prescribed . . the matter of it must be good : to give alms is good , but they must be of our own , ephes. . . . the means must be good , it was ill done of iacob to get the blessing by a lie . . the ground of undertaking it must be good , jer. . . * the holy ends of service are mainly three , . to please god , col. . . . to glorifie him , joh. . . . to enjoy communion with him , heb. . . one should be equally prepared for the lords supper as for death . sacramentum & articulus mortis aequiparantur , say the casuists . downam . in loc . try how thou standest in the grace of god. calvin . judge thy life exactly . theod. bring all things to the rule morton . hoc dicit quia per schismata prostrata ●ra● ecclesiae disciplina . ne credite , inquit , etiamsi ecclesiae judicia essent , impune vos laturos contemptum mysteriorum . grot. examination is necessary , . that we may know our estate . our interest in christ , job . . we must try whether we have spiritual life before we look after spiritual nourishment . isa. . . jer. . . no man can come so worthily as he ought , nor so fit as he ought , chron. . , , , . the benefit of the sacrament is pro ratione fidei communicantium . origen . qui●quid 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ad 〈…〉 . corruptio op●imi p●ssim●● m●rs ●●● malis , vita bonis ▪ aq●●n . ●eus erit corporis & s●nguinis christi violati . jerom. par fecit quasi christum trucidaret . heb. . , , ● . grotius . dici●●r teneri reus corporis domini , qui illud est aspernatus , ut apo●●olus ipse explicat , versu . beza . be●●ay christ as iudas . theodoret . guilty of murthering him as the jews . aquinas . iudas betrayed , and the jews murthered christs body when he was abased , we abuse it now he is glorified . . they did it ignorantly , we wilfully . this sinne of unworthy receiving is peccatum contra remedium universale , contra medicinam unicam , contra consolationem & vitam animarum . id est , edendo ac bibendo damnationem in se a●●ersit quod per se salutare est in v●nenum ip●i vertitur . grot. mat. . . mat. . . & . . ephes. . . indignè , id est , aliter quam dignum est tanta mysteria tractari . beza . certain dona●ists ( saith optatus , lib. . ) casting the holy sacrament to dogs , were themselves devoured as dogs . a bachelour of arts being popishly affected at the time of the communion took the consecrated bread , and forbearing to eat it , conveyed and kept it closely for a time ; and afterwards threw it over the wall of the colledge , but a short time after , not enduring the torment of his guilty conscience , he threw himself headlong over the battlements of the chappel , and some few hours after ended his life . b. morton l. . of the masse , c. . sect. . he saith there he saw it , it was one sir booth of st iohn colledge in cambridge . cyprian serm. . de lapsis , hath two stories of some that came to the sacrament , and did latenter accipere , secretly receive , to one the minister gave the bread , he took it , but it stuck in his throat , gladium sibi samens non cibum the other took it , but when he came to eat it , he had ashes in his hand , alius qui & ipse maculatus , sacrificio a sac●rdote celebrato , partem cum caeteris ausus est latenter accipere , sanctum domini edere , & contrectare non potuit , cinerem ferre se apertis manibus invenit . gen. . , . num. . , psal. . . see in m. dod on the sacrament a catalogue of the sins against every commandment , and d. wilkins his discourse concerning the gift of prayer , ch . , , , , , & . the soul and all the powers of it must be given to god , and that with preheminence , above all other things , and in all fulnnesse of perfection . so far as he may be their object , god is not to be hated episc. daven . de justitia actuali . luk. . , . john . . * rom. . . it comes from the devil , it is called his work , and wicked men are termed the children of belial , see john . . we should be especially humbled for original corruption , psal. . . jam. . . all humiliation ariseth out of a sense of our own vilenesse and gods displeasure ; the law discovers that as well as actual sinne . consider , the greatnesse of the sinne , ratione quidditatis & formalitatis , ratione causalitatis , it is the cause of all actual sins , ratione virtualitatis & potentialitatis , ratione eminentiae , it is the first of that kinde . . think of david and paul how they were troubled with it , we have as great cause to be humbled as they . . think of the holinesse of god , he is essentially holy as we are naturally sinful . . take some time to view thy self in the glasse of the law , rom. ● . . that is a copy of gods holinesse , go from commandment to commandment . the end of the sacrament is to keep in memory the great things christ hath suffered for us . cor. . see exod. . , . * licet plagarum numerum in christi flagellatione excesserint ministri , quem hebraei ex lege servabant , ut ob id non hebraeorum more , sed romanorum flagellatum christum plerique dixerint ; quod tamen columnae fuerit alligatus , etiam hebraeorum morem consuetudinemque redolet , quod miror posse in dubium revocari . novar . sched . sac prophan . l. . c. . not barely to go over the history of his passion , but to get our hearts affected with his sufferings , lam. . . zech. . . we must not leave meditating on christs love till he be totus fixus in corde qui totus fixus fuit in cruce . bern. there is . an historical remembrance of christ , when we look upon the death of christ as of an innocent person , and not on gods design in it , luk. . . . doctrinal or dogmatical , this only rests in generals . . applicative , phil. . , . not only look on christ crucified , but finde our selves crucified with him . the historical remembrance is an act of fancy , the doctrinal of reason , this of faith . . we should remember what christ endured we deserved , isa. . . . there is no sinne light that was so heavy on christ , matth. . . he mourned for our sins , and shall not we our selves mourn , and throw away those sins that stabbed him to the heart ? certè patientem christum nemo luget veriùs , quàm qui ea , ob quae passus est christus , odisse incipit . drexel . aetern . prod . c. . sect. . . it is a great matter to recover a lost sinner . , we should love our own souls , and the souls of others , since christ manifested such love to our souls . . we should not crosse the ends of christs suffering : . he died to redeem you from this present evil world . . to destroy the works of satan . we should live to him . * 〈…〉 are some particular cases , wherein it is not safe for some particular persons at that time , ●●● in 〈…〉 to p●t them to try themselves by signs . but for the general it is necessary , and the duty of all people to ●●ok to signs , and to try themselves by them . m. hooker on rom. . . a two-sold knowledge is required of every receiver , . a di●cernning of the body and bloud of christ , he must be able in some competent measure to understand the doctrine , nature , use and end of a sacrament , by whom it was instituted , and why and for what end , cor. . . they were to instruct their children what this and that action signified in the passeover . . of himself , implied in the duty commanded of examining our selves . edere christum est credere in christum . qu●d paras dentem & ventrem ? crede tantùm & manducasti . august . he that comes without faith , receives sacramentum , not●em ●em sacramenti . iesus christus , isque crucifixus , debet esse proprium sidei nostrae objectum . rivetus instruct. praepar . ad coenam domini , cap . prayer profits not without faith , rom. , , . mark . . luk. lat . end . mark . . faith only makes up the union between christ and us , john . . the people of god have a four-fold glorious sight in this life , john . . cor. . . . they see god in christ. . they see christ in god. . they see christ in themselves . . they see themselves in christ. see rom. . , . common people say , they have believed as long as they can remember , and they thank god they never doubted . while men are in their natural condition they think it is nothing to believe in christ , though they walk contrary to him , but when sinne is fully discovered , and one sees the severity of gods justice , it is then hard to believe . rom. . . thess. . . consider . thy natural estate is a state of death & damnation , john . . gal. . . . so long as thou abidest out of christ thou abidest in death , john . . joh. . . all sins de merito , are damnable , they deserve death , but not de facto , no sinne necessarily brings death but unbelief , because it keeps a man off from christ the fountain of life , john . , . . thou canst not be the fountain of thine own life . . life is to be had in no other but christ , john . . . there is no way of having life from him , but by union with him , john . . the first thing that grace puts forth in the soul , is an instinct after union . faith is an instinct put in by the teaching of the father after union with christ. the sole way to get this supernatural grace is with hearty ●amenting of its absence and weakness to beg it of him who is able to work it in the heart , and to feed and nourish it by a continual meditation of his greatness and great works which he hath formerly wrought for our confirmation . poenitentia est dolor de peccato cum adjunct● proposito melioris vitae . luth. in loc . commun . de poenitentia . all the sermons of the prophets and apostles run on this , christ commanded his disciples to preach it . it is one of the two parts of the gospel , the summe of the gospel is faith & repentance . it is praeterita peccata plangere , & plangenda non committere . aug. it 's secunda ta bula post naufragium ▪ medicina est spiritualis animi vitiorum , say others . see mr calamy on act. . . and cameron on mark . . our sorrow for sin should be our ▪ chiefest sorrow , because sin is the greatest evil ; and it is so in respect of the intellectual part , and in respect of the displicency of the will , wherein the strength of repentance lieth . according to the multitude of thy mercies blot out all my offences , and create in me a new heart and a right spirit . lord do away the sinne of thy servant , petit . . it is not only among the precepts but promises and priviledges of the gospel , act. . . da pr●●s poenitentiam postea indulgentiam . fulgentius . they are therfore ministers of the gospel not legal preachers which preach repentance . there is one act of faith to be done once for all , to lay hold on christ , and be united to him , and justified by him , yet i must live by it , and do every duty by it , so for repentance . isa. . . jer. . heb. . before the supper and the offering of a childe in baptism , then christs death is represented . rom. . . gal. . . a on a mans death-bed the day of repentance is past : for repentance being the renewing of a holy life , the living the life of grace , it is a contradiction to say , that a man can live a holy life upon his death-bed . d. taylors rule of holy living , chap. . sect. . that place ezek. . . is it which is so often mistaken for that common saying , at what time soever a sinner repents him of his sins from the bottom of his heart , i will put all his wickednesse out of my remembrance , saith the lord. let not that be made a colour to countenance a death-bed penitent . d. taylor on jer. . . serm. . one may repent on his death-bed as well as the thief on the crosse , but it is dangerous to put off repentance till then , it will be harder to come in . it s a rare sight ( saith one ) to finde a young man godly , and an old man penitent . we acknowledge that as god cals some at the first hour , so may some be called at the last hour of the day , yea inter pontem & fontem . d. iackson indeed hath an opinion , that a man may proceed so farre in sin in this life that the door of repentance may be th●t upon him , none of our divines deny the possibility of any mans salvation while he lives in this world . d. twiss ag . hord. p. . there is a gospel-command to repent mat . . act. . . . the very space of repentance is a mercy and given you that you may repent , revel . . . . it is the natural fruit of a regenerate heart , ezek. . . . it is repentance to salvation , cor. . . there is more joy in heaven for one sinner that repents then for ninty nine that need no repentance , as if he had aimed at the antinomians . * act. . . & . . tim. . . whosoever hath truly repented is , . low in his own eyes , so paul. . fears sin ever after , eccl. . . . is pitiful to others in their fals , gal. . . . there will be a growth in the contrary with grace , jer. . . dan. . . mat. . . * thess. . john . . mandatum novum dicitur , quia excellentissimum , & quod nunquam antiquari debet . rivet . rom. . . see john . . & . mat. . . non est aliud peccatum aequè buic sacramento adversum , atque discordia . contrarium est enim & nomini , & rei hujus sacramenti , nomen est communio , res unitas cordium . luther . de praeparatione cordis pro susciptenda sacra eucharistia . ex convi●andi ritu in locis sacris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christianorum traxerunt originem : quarum non apud apostolos solos , sed patrum etiam cruditissimos crebra sit mentio . coena nostra de nomine rationem sui ostendit ▪ vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id quod dilectio penes graecos est . tertul. apolog. dilher . elect lib. . cap. . cùm ex charitate diligatur proximus propter deum , quanto aliquis magis diligat deum , tanto etiam magis ad proximum dilectionem ostendit , nulla inimicitia impediente . sicut si aliquis multum diligeret aliquem hominem , amore ipsius , silios ejus amaret , etiam inimicos sibi . aquin. a , ae . q. . art. . fuller . mountag . def. of tithes ag . m. selden , c. . lutherus quadam concione ait eum ad coenam domini optimè dispositum venire , qui pessimè fuerit dispositus , eum dignè manducare , qui indignitatem suam agnoverit . tim. . . grace is an instinct put into the soul after union with christ , and with god by him . the familists say , grace is christ himself working in us , that there are no habits of grace , we do not believe and repent , but christ in us , there is a seed in a man , john . . grace is called the new-creature , the inward man , the spirit and grace are distinguished , gal. . . pet. , . this duty suits with our present state , we are in a state of progresse and edifying , thess. . . prov. . * there are four helps to grow in grace by coming to the sacrament . . be sure you bring truth of grace with you . god will spie you out if you want the wedding garment . . act your graces , your faith , repentance , love to god , thankfulnesse . . look upon christ sacramentally , ●ye him in the elements , see him there crucified before thee , that thoumaist receive out of his fulnesse . . urge god with that promise , hos. . . pray him to let the dew of his grace fall on thy heart . aquinas part . qu. . art. . resolves this question . utrum cibus vel potus praeassumptus impediat sumptionem hu jus sacramenti ? here is a real though a spiritual presence of christ. sacramental , . love , cant. . . call to minde the highest act of christs love in dying for us when enemies . . sorrow in considering how our sins wound christ. hope , long for sweet communion with christ in heaven , the supper doth not only sea● comfort but glory . there is a union of mysteries . the elements specially represent his humane nature , but the sacrament gives us a right to his whole person , act. . . look on him as a compleat saviour , isa. . . col. ● and come with your whole hearts to whole christ , act. . . jam. ● . . there is a desertion in point of sanctification as well as consolation , when god leaves us in the duties we perform vide ames de consc . l. . c. . post scrmonem celebrandae s. c●nae locus , pr●●ser●im dum servebat primus ille christianorum zelus , singulis heb lomadis , interdum etiam diebus communicantium : nec enim unquam explicabantur sacramenta super mensam dominicam , quin multi ad eam accederent . mo●nayus de sacra eucharistia l. c. . nunquam in primitiva ecclesia eucharistiae sacramentum celebrabatur ▪ qum omnes qut adessent eidem communicarent . si qui , nollet communicare eo die quo conventus fidelium agebatur , quod propri● conscientia non● um satis examinata & probata cum à communione prohiberet , aut quod sibi od●i aut simultatis adversus fratrem conscius esset , si aliara quamcunque causam non communicandi haberet , non solebat cum aliis ad synaxim convenire , simpl. verin . epist. de libro postumo grot. p. . * in primitiva ecclesiae apostolicae vicina , flagrame persecutionum incendio fingulis diebus christiani communicabant . gerh. loc . commun de sacra ●oena c. . tempus communicandi esse debet frequentissimum & plane quotidianum . baptismus autem non iteratur , quia generationi quae unica est respondet . eucharistia vrò saepius iteranda est ; quia cibo & alimontae ( cujus frequens usus reperitur ) respondet . maldonati summula quaest. . artic. . constat ipsos apostolos & christianos quotidiè communicasse , act. . quotidiè communicabant sicut orabant p●ulò post ubi crevit christianorum negligentia coeptum est solis diebus dominicis communicare . id. ibid. art. . cur vetus ecclesia credidit omnem sidelem omni die communicare debere , quod ultra decimum saeculum videmus durasse , bodierna autem ac romana putat sufficere , si semel in anno communicatum fuerit ? quta nimirum illa nullum usum , nec ullum fructum sacramentorum constituit in videnda & audienda eorum actione , sed totum posuit in participatione vera corporis & sanguinis , haec ver● contrarium sumit . simplicii verini epist. de libro postumo grotii . parker of the crosle , part . . chap. . gillesp. in his aarons rod bloss . book . c. . p. , m. bowles de pastore evangelico , l. . c. . burrh . in his gospel-worsh . p. , . a b. buckeridge . m. paibody . b sir william temple . ● institut . l. . sect . d. burgess saith , the gesture of kneeling in the act of receiving was never any instituted ceremony of the church of rome , nor is it at this day . bellar. l. . de missa , c. , . saith , it was only for the conveniency of putting the hoast into the mouth of the receiver , and not for adoration of the eucharist . vide dilher . elect● . c. . m. down of sitting or kneeling at the communion . respond●o nos dei gratia melius ac sanctius in christi schola fuisse institutos , quàm ut putemus aliquam esse religionem eucharistiam de geniculis sumere . ita sumunt vicini in anglia fratres ; neque nos , si quando cum iis communicamus , eodem ritu samere ●●get ; totaque res apud nos ita libera censetur , ut quanquam stantes sacro ●pulo vescamur ipsi . pro fratribus tamen & habeamus & colamus etiam qui vel sedentes , vel ingeniculati eucharistiam accip●●cut . itaque si nihil à nobis aliud latini post●lassent , quam ut sacramentum de geniculis simpliciter sumeremus ; fateor nullam nobis ab ●is discedendi futuram fuisse causam satis idoneam ; quando quod postularent , id hujusmodi est quod à nobis integra atque illaef● conscientia fieri posset . dal●aei apologia pro eccles. reform . cap. . see act . . ieju●ium propriè dictum graecis ● . testamenti scriptoribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocatur , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jejuna●e , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à non comedendo dicitur , est enim quedam à cibo abstinentia . hebraeis afflictio dicitur , esdr. . . quia ex scripturae phrasi affli●ere animam est jejunare , num. ▪ . & levit. . . & . . eò nempèipertinet & spectat jejunium ut corporis afflictione anima ●●●ilictur ac dejic iatur . thes. salm. pars ultima religiosum jejunium à naturali & civili , in ●o differt , quòd à religione imperatur : id est , directè & immediatè , ad ●ulium & bonorem dei refertur . . non tamen ita refertur ad dei honorem ut p●rs ●u●tus , sed tantum ut medium , quo verus cultus promovetur . . in testamento novo , non est propriè medium cul●us , vel qua e●●●cit aliquid , vel ex institutione significat , vel coram deo , vel coram hominibus , sed quatenus disponit ad extraordinarium ex●r●●●ium cul●us . . disponit aui●m praecipuè impedimenta illa removendo , quae extraordinariae dei invocationi repugnant . ames . cas. consc . lib. . c ▪ . iejunium est abstinentia ad tempus , ab omnibus vitae adiumentis , quoad naturae imbecillitas & vitae decus sive honestas fert , ad preces efficaciores reddendas & humilitatem testandam . dudlei fenneri theol. sac. l. . c. . iejunium religiosum est voluntaria abstinentia à cibo & potu religionis causa , hommius disput. ● . fasting is an abstinence commanded of the lord thereby to make solemn profession of our repentance . cartw. descript . of true fast. bellarmine saith , iejunium pars est cultus divini , non id●o quod referatur ad cultum divinum ut finem , sed quod in se fit ipse cultus divinus . potest quidem jejunium nos aptiores reddere ad deum colendum , sed non potest esse pars cultus illius , non magis quam lachrymae & fletus . cameron myroth . ad matth. . . causae finales jejuniorum , . ut per substractionem cibi & potus caro spiritui sujiciatur . . ut animus ad serium poenitentiae exercitium excitetur . . ut in lucta ac calamitatibus admoneamur de peccato , quod est causa omnium malorum . . ut preces solennes eo ardentius à nobis peragantur . . ut publici conventus ecclesiastui majori cum animi devotione peragantur . chemnit . in harm . evang. sanctum ac legitimum jejunium tres habet fines . e● enim utimur ad macerandam ac subigendam carnem , ne lasciviat , vel ut ad pr●ces ac sanctas meditationes melius simus comparati , vel ut testimonium sit nostrae coram deo humiliationis , dum volumus reatum nostrum coram ipso confiteri . calvin . instit. l. . de extern . med ad salutem . c. . de hominis jejuni saliva ita scribit . plin. l. . c. . hominum verò in primis jejunam salivam contra serpentes praesidio esse docuimus . etiam satanico serpenti jejunium displicet , & ●ontra ejus artes , a● vires praesidio est . novar . schedias . sac . proph . l. . c. . daniel & others when they fasted some days together , took but little refreshment , the disciples of christ are accused that they did eat and drink . such an usual companion of fasting is the humiliation of the soul , that not only the faithfull in scripture are said to humble their soul by fasting , but sometimes also the outward fasting is called the humbling of the soul , psal. . . isa. . . levit. . , . king. . . an artificial day is the least space of time to be so bestowed , from morning till night , till six of the clock in the afternoon , or sun-setting . see mason of fasting . m. hilders . on psal. . . m. ball. b. down . christian exercise of fasting . the three who fasted dayes apiece , were moses the giver of the law , elias the restorer of the law , and christ the fulfiller of i● . broughton . hilaris sol●nnitas , est sol●nnitas , qua dei benesicia cum ga●dio & laetitia coram deo , & nobis sumentes , & al●is tribuentes , dei laudes praedicamus . zech. . psal. , . fenneri sacra theol. l. . c. . * as that act. . , . that some vows are unlawful , and bind not conscience . see mr. fenner of conscience , p. , . see dr. gouges saints sacri● . p. . to . & p. . and mr. wheatlies prototypes on iacobs vow . dr. sclater on psal. . . mr. downe of vows . vota sunt promissiones sole●nes deo factae de iis quae in nostra sunt potestate , & deo gratae ad fidem in precibus confirmandam , dud. fen. theol. sac. l. . c. . per hoc distinguitur juramentum à voto . in voto tranfigitur cum deo ips● , ut cum parte cui votum immediatè nuncupatur : ast in juramento tranfigitur cum homine . deus autem adducitur non ut pars , sed ut testis . sandersonus de iuramenti promissori obligatione . praelect . . sect. . vota fiunt deo , juramenta hominibus per deum , bellarm. l. . de monachis c. . mr. perkins case of consc. cum scribereutur scripturae sacrae nondum caeperat usus vov●ndi sanct is . bellarm. de cultu sanctorum , c. . s. francis vowed to gather all the pismires in the way , that travellers might not tread them to death . eccles. . . that the vows of the monks concerning poverty and perpetual continency are unlawful , see dr. willet on gen. . . sumptum est vocabulum consilii ex cor. . , . vocabulum supererogationis ex allegoria samaritani luc. . . chemnit . they urge matth. . . to prove these counsels . consilium persectionis vocamus opus bonum à christo nobis non imperatum , sed demonstratum ; non mandatum , sed commendatum . bellarm. de monachis , l. . c. . these are called monastical vows , because they are common to all that profess a monastical life . ipsum vocabulum du● haec includit , unum , ut qui supererogare statuatur , totum legis sensum absolvat , ne minimo quidem apic● praetermisso : alterum , ut legem transvolet & transcendat , faciendo actiones non solum indebitas & minimè imperatas ( quod quivis facere potest ) sed faciendo actiones meliores , perfectiores , deo gratiores , quam sunt istae quae in lege praecipiuntur . episc. dav. de justitia actuali , c. ▪ lex dei ●●tem perata est ultimis viribus naturae integrae & primitus institutae : non igitur hanc legem transcendere potest , natura corrupt● , & nondumplene renovata . apostolus hoc indi●avit ad rom. . . quando legem dei agnoscit spiritualem , & se carnalem &c. . . est itaque insinitae superbiae simul & stultitiae , putare se posse facere opera supererogationis , hoc est ( ipsis papistis authoribus ) opera quaedam indebita , meliora , & sanctiora operibus legis . ●n ●laustrum se compingere , à carnium esu abstinere , prec●s ad certum numerum & certas horas indies demurmurare , non u●i conjugio , regulae humanitus inventae se subijcere , pro●ri●tati bonorum suorum renuntiare , sunt opera supererogationis solummodo sensu prophetico , isa. . . non sensu papistico , quia opera à deo in lege requisita vincunt & perfectione transcendunt . id. ib. vide plura ibid. appellant pontificij opera ista indebita qu● quis sponte , sine mandato ex talibus , ut vocant , consilijs praestat , nova ac van● voce . opera supererogationis ( rectiûs superarrogantiae appellarent ) & docent ea coram deo excellenter esse meritoria , non tantum pro ipsis qui ea praestant , sed etiam pro aliis , quibus per indulgentias papales , aut alia ratione applicantur , hommii disputat . theol. adversus pontificios . disp. . ipsum vocabulum duo haec includit ; unum , ut qui supererogare statuatur , totum legis p●nsum absolvat , ne minimo quidem apice praetermisso : alterum , ut legem transvolet & transcendat , faciendo actiones non solùm indebitas & minimè imperatas ( quod quivis facere potest ) sed faciendo actiones , meliores , perfectiores , deo gratiores , quam sunt quae in lege praecipiuntur . episc. daven . de justitia habituali , cap. . vide plura ibid. ierome doth immoderately commend virginity . nup●iae terram replent , virgi●nitas paradisum , l. . contra jovin . and he reasons thus from those words of the apostle , it is good for a man not to touch a woman ; if it be good not to touch , therefore it is evil to touch . the papists urge tim. . , . for the single life of priests , and we alledge tim. . . & heb. . . for the lawfulness of ministers marriage . doctrina quae in concili● tridentino obtinuit , in quo matrimonia parentibus invitis à filiis famili i● contracta , fuerunt validata , non minus est doctrina d●moniorum ; quam alia , qua prohibent matrimonium personis ecclesiasti●● . rivetus in c. . gen. . exercit. . abbot against bishop . id. ib. dr. clark. in a synod at london anselme forbad priests marriage in england , and in the next yeer were discovered a great company of sodomites among them . veteres patres cyprianus , epiphanius , hieronymus , si quis fortè voverit se velle vivere vitam caelibem , & postea vivat impurè , nec possit incondia cupiditatum cohibere , satius esse dicunt , ut ducat uxorem , & sese castè gerat in matrimonio , at que illud ipsum matrimonium , vetus pater augustinus , ratum & firmum esse judicat , nec oportere revocari : isti , eum qui se voto semel obstrinxerit , quantumvis uratur postea , quantumvis scortetur , quantumvis flagitiosè , & perditè contaminetur , tam●u illura non sixunt uxorem ducere : aut si fortè duxerit , tamen negant illud esse matrimonium : & satius multo & sanctius esse do●●nt , cono●binam aut scortum alere , quam ita vivere . mocket . apol. eccles. anglic. i finde the polander had reason when he said that the society of the jesuites was a sword , whose scabbert was in france , but the handle of it in spain , or at rome , where the general of the jesuites abides ; for the first motion to draw this sword comes from thence . a refut . of c●tto●'s letter to the queen regent . vide am●s . l. . de ●onsc . c. ● . dc lacta spiritus & carnis . see also mr. m●nton on jam. . . p. . & . notes for div a -e cùm deus in monte sinai legem populo exhiberet , de medio ignis illam exhibuit . cur ita ? ut statim legis violatores deterreret , scirentque acriter pun●endos , qui dei legem reciperent , ●ec observarent . novar . sched . sac. prophan . lib. . c. . the moral law is set down in exo. . from the beginning of vers . to the end of the . gerh. loc . commun tom. . m●res●i collegium theolog. sc●tum illud rabbinorum ▪ non est iota in thorah , â quo non pendeant mille montes doctrinarum . diet. antiq. bibl. part . ● . lex est sanctio sancta jubens honesta & prohibens contraria . the moral law is , . a good and a holy law , psal. . . rom. . . . a perfect law , jam. . . commanding all good and forbidding all evil . . an eternal law. praecepta moralia sunt de dictamine legis naturae , ceremonia sunt determinationes cultus divini , judicialia sunt determinationes justitiae inter homines observandae , unde cum apostolus , rom. . . dixisset , quod lex est sancta ; subjungit quòd mandatum est ●ustum & bonum , & sanctum , justum quidem quantum ad judicialia ; sanctum quantum ad ceremonialia ( nam sanctum dicitur quod deo dicatum ) bonum , id est , honestum quantum ad moralia . aquin. ● , ae quaest. . art. . c. . see d. willet on exod. . . quaest. . & . ideo moralis lex vocatur ; quia de moribus , est omni hominum generi & semper communis . zanch. a materia tabularum in genere fuit lapidea . hinc vocantur tabulae lapidis , exod. ▪ . & ter tabulae lapidum , deut. . , , . & deut. . . b decalogus graeca vox est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , graecis & latinis scriptoribus usitata , genere tùm masculino , tùm foeminino . buxtorfius de decalogo . the respect betwixt the preceptsof both tables is this , that out of love to god in christ we perform love , and the duties of love toward our neighbour . the love of god is the ground of love to our neighbour , joh. . . & . , . and love to our neighbour is a testimony of our love to god , rom. , , . c s●tis constat inter omnes decalogi duas tabulas esse : quarum prior ad deum referatur , altera ad proximum . sed de praeceptis , quae iis in tabulis c●●tinentur , alia atque alia sententia est . ego in ebraeorum commentariis reperio primae tabulae praecepta quatuor ; secund● s●● ▪ viz. quae ad deum pertinent ; non habebis : non facies . non assumes . memento , &c. quae ad proximum , honora ▪ non occides . non m●●haberis : non testaberis falsum . non concupisces . aliter tamen haec ab aliis distingauntar . sunt enim qui prioris tabulae tantùm tria agnoscunt . non ●●abebis . non aslumes . memento . et secundae septem ; separantes ultimum , non concupisces . ut aliud prae●●ptum sit , non desiderabis , quae tamen apud mosen omnino confunduntur . nam pro eo quod in exodo , non concupisces domum , &c. non desiderabis uxorem in de●●●● onomio legitur , non desiderabis uxorem &c ▪ non concupisces domum , quare si v●ra ●a distinctio , qu●● re ●●t , nisi ●● n●●●m praeceptum si●●●●●mum , & contra , decimum uonum ? drus. miscel. centuria . c . vide buxto . f. de decalog . primum praeceptum substantiam & objectum divini cultus imperat , deum solum : secundùm verò praeceptum imperat cultus divini modum spiritualem solum . jun. the first table containeth four commandments , the which division doth iosephus antiqu. lib. . cap. . origen . homil . in exod. . ambrose in chap. . epist. ad ephes. approve : the tenth commandment , thou shalt not covet , is but one commandment , as i have diligently searched all the editions that we have in the hebrew tongue . with one point , period and sentence he concludeth the whole tenth commandment . in deut. . certain late edition make the division of the text , but that is nothing to the purpose , there moses repeateth the words unto them that knew before the division of the tables , in the eldest edition and print that i have seen , the tenth commandment in deuteronomy is not divided , the which edition venice gave unto us . onkelos the chaldee interpreter on deuteronomy maketh but one commandment of the tenth . bishop hooper of the commandments . this is not a new question , it was in calvins dayes , and in the dayes of some of the ancient fathers augustine wrote two books , contra adversarios legis . calvin wrote against the pestilent sect of libertines . the papists calumniate us , as if we taught that men are freed from the decalogue . vide bellarm. de justificat . l. . c. . david . à mauden . discurs . moral . in decem decalogi praecepta . discursum primum decal . praevium . but that we urge the obedience of the moral law as well as they do , and upon better arguments and reasons then they do . see b. down . of the coven . of grace , c. . he shews also there , chap. . how our saviour hath delivered us , . from the curse of the moral law. . the rigour and exaction . . the terrour and coaction of it . and , . from the irritation of it . see m. burgess his vindiciae legis , lect. . & . it is a question diversly disputed by divines both popish and protestant ( bellarm. de iust. l. . c. . zanch. de ●e●emp . l. . c. . thes. . ) whether the moral law binde christians , as it was delivered by moses and the prophets , or only as it was engraven in the hearts of all men by nature , and as it is renewed in the gospel by christ and his apostles . that opinion , that the law as it was given by moses and the prophets , and written in the old testament , doth binde christians , is better and more safe . the moral law of the old testament is pronounced spiritual , holy , good , just and eternal , psal. . , . rom. . . d the antinomists interpret those words of christ in this sense , he came not to destroy the law but to fulfill it : that is , he came not to destroy it with out fulfilling it in his own person , he hath destroyed it unto the person of every beleever , rom. . . one distinction well heeded and rightly applied , will clear the whole point concerning the abrogation and obligation of the moral law under the new testament . the law may be considered either as a rule , or as a covenant . christ hath freed all believers from the curse and rigor of the law , considered as a covenant , rom. . . ●ut he hath not freed them from obedience to the law , considered as a rule . d. sanders . on pet. . . believers are freed from whatsoever in the law is hurtful , unprofitable , burdensome . e christ as mediatour was subject to the moral law. rom. . . gal. . . & . . the law requires as perfect obedience of us as of adam in innocency under the danger of contracting guilt , though not of incurring death . this opinion carries libertinism and familism in the womb of it , if the law have nothing to do with me , what ever i do , i do not sin , jam. . , . the law is a judge by . condemning the sinner , passeth the sentence of death upon a man , rom. . . cor. . , . hos. . . . by holding a man under this conviction and self-condemnation , gal. . , . lex est career spiritualis & verè inferuus . see rom. . . & tim. . . job . . f the lord for brevity and our infirmity sake nameth only in every commandment , either the most horrible sin , forbidding it , or else the most singular vertuo commanding it . rom. . . & . . psal. . . chron. . . g m. perkins on jude v. . he that keeps one commandment because god enjoyns it , will keep all the rest , because the same authority enjoyns all , psal. . . integrity and sincerity is the scope of the law , deut. . . the substantial duties of the first table are greater then the substantial duties of the second table , as love of god then love of my neighbour and my father , but the substantial duties of the second table are greater then the ceremonial duties of the first , it is better to save the life of a beast then hear a sermon . h praecepta affirmativa obligant semper sed non a● semper , negativa semper & ad semper , say the schoolmen . josh. . . gen. . , . king. . , . king. . . judg. . , . & . , . isa. . . fines mandatorum sunt diligenter observandi , ex causis dicendi habenda est intelligentia dictorum . hilarie . matth. . , , , . the end of every commandment , saith the apostle , is love out of a pure heart , the immediate end of the commandments of the first table love to god , of the second love to my neighbour , cor. . per tot . the law by some one particular or part , meaneth the general and whole , as an idol is put for any means of false worship , parents for all betters , killing , for any hindering of life , thou , for every one or none . estey upon the command . josh. . . & . . & . , , , . psal. . levit. . sam. . . sam. . . sam. . . king. . . exod. . , , . & . . mat. . , . tim. . , . & . . pet. . . matth. . . jansen . harm . evang. c. . chemnit . har. evang. c. . luk. . . gal. . . mic. . . rom. . . mat. . , . greenham . for the order of the commandments , it we account from the fi●st to the last , they are of greatest perfection which are last described , and he who is arrived to that severity and dominion of himself , as not to desire his neighbours goods , is free from actual injury ; but vices are to take their estimate in the contrary order , he that prevaricates the first commandment is the greatest sinner in the world , and the least is he that only cove●s without any actual injustice . d. taylor of the life and death of christ , part . discourse . the sixth and seventh commandment are otherwise in the hebrew bibles then ours , and in the greek otherwise in exodus then in deuteronomy . id. ibid. exod. . . * musc. loc . com . ford on the covenant . master ball deut. . . & . . isa. . . vide●aronem ●aronem de praesta●tie & dignitate divinae legis , l. . c. . & cartw. in exod. . matth. . . peter martyr handling the division of the ten commandments , how the number should be made up , makes that which is commonly called the preface , ( i am the lord thy god , which are words of a covenant ) to be the first commandment ; and if so , then must justifying saith be enjoyned there . and thus did some of the fathers , though those words are onely enunciative , and not preceptive . master burgesses vindication of the moral law lecture first . verba ista ego sum dominus deus tuus , sunt generalis praefatio , aliis tamen litem non movemus qui st atuunt haec verba esse partem primi praecepti , quod bifariam proponatur , primum quidem affirmativè , quis sit pro vero deo à nobis agnoscend●● ac colendus , deinde negativè , quod nulli alij extra & praeter hunc verum deum divinus honor ac cultus sit tribuendus . gerh. loc . commun . tom . tertio . exod. . . the matter of the commandment is delivered in negative terms , by way of forbidding , under which the precept injoyning the contrary is commanded . non erit tibi dii alij super facies meas . ad verb. non erit ; q. d. ne unus quidem deus alius ▪ &c. cartwr . in loc . shall not be , for , it ought not to be , or may not be . jos. . . dan. . . see sam. . . exod. . . isa. . . king. . . vox acherim significat & alios & alienos . et aliquis potest esse alius , sed non alienus : omnis autem alienus , alius etiam est . zanchius de primo praecepto . homo verus , alius est ab alio homine vero , sed non alienus , hoc est , alien●s & diversae naturae . alienus autem , qui non ejusdem est naturae aut patriae : ut homo depictus , aut mente conceptus , & alienus est à vero homine , & etiam alius . alienos deos habere coram deo à theologis dupliciter explicatur , ut nimirum vel significet alienos deos quasi in dei conspectum producere , inque illius oculis , ut illi aegrè à nobis fiat , colere : vel ita ut intelligatur praeter me ; sensusque sit , extra unum illum summum deum , nulli alij divinitatem , quam ipse deus ei non concesserit , tribuendam , divinumque bonorem deferendum esse ; statuaturque , hoc deum voluisse dicere : ita me colas ut omnes alios deos valere jubeas . wolkelius de vera religione , l. . c. . vide cartw. in exod. . . by having of gods here he means , thou shalt worship no other gods but me . [ other gods ] that is , besides , or with the true jehovah . [ gods ] viz. idols , to whom the opinion of idolaters doth falsely attribute some divinity , cor. . . deodate on exod. . . psal. . , . john . john . . habere est in●us cum agnos●ere in mente , cique corde adhaerere amando , timendo , &c. & externè colere & venerari , sensus igitur est , cave ne quicquam vel mente agnoscas vel corde amplectaris , vel corpore colas ut deum , praeter me iehovam deum tuum , &c. calv. inslit . gen. . . & . . sam. . . neh. . . * particula coram facie mea , indignitatem auget : quod deus ad zelotypiam provocatur quoties sigmenta nostra substituimus in ejus locum : quemadmodum si impudica mulier , producto palàm ante oculos mariti adultero , ejus animum magis ureret . calv. instit. l. c. . ford of the covenant . lev. . . kings . king. . . judg. . . & . . sam. . . num. . . kin. . . & . . kin. . . isa. . . & . the summe of the first commandment is , that we have god to be our god. down . summe of divin . kin. . , . chr. . ▪ deu. . . & . . sam. . . kin. . , cultus naturalis est qui ex ipsa natura dei pendet , ita ut quamvis nullam legem haberemus divinitus revelatam & praescriptam , si tamen dei naturam rectè haberemus perspectam ac notam , ex illius idone● contemplatione , omnia illa percipere possemus , dei gratia auxiliante , quae hac in parte ad officium nostrum spectant . hic cultus hoc mandato praecipitur . ames . chr. . . deut. . . & . . . & . . deut. . . jos. . . job . . . exod. . . psal. . . job . , . psal. . . isa. . . job . . joel . . & . , . zach. . . & . . isa. . , . & . . psal. . . isa. . . job . . joh. . . tim. . . hos. . . chro. . . jer. . . hos. . , , . rom. . . deu. . . psal. . , . iam. . . jer. . . deum colit qui novit . seneca . deut. . . psal. . . & . , . col. . , . tim. . . tim. . . deut. . , . isa. . . hos. . . tit. . . pet. . . ephes. . . john . . psal. . . psal. . . mat. . . phi. . . cant. . . & . . job . , . psal. . . john . . deut. . . acts . . cor. . . josh. . . numb . . . john . . pet. . . joh. . , . acts . . isa. . . rom. . . pet. . . psal. . . & . . . & . . psal. . . & . . pet. . . eph. . . tim. . . zanch. de redempt . l. . c. . jer. . . confidence is the vertue of resting upon god wholly for the attaining of all good things according to his word . psal. . . chr. . . psal. . . pet. . . & . . psal. . . & . . & . . & . . psal. . . & . job . . psal. . . & . . psal. . . & . , . isa. . . psal. . . sam. . . john . . tim. . . gal. . . deut. . . joh. . . john. . . & . . amor est unio amantis cum re amata . * amor meus pondus meum . aug. psal. . . deut. . . & . . & . . josh. . . & . . causa diligendi deum , deus est . modus , sine modo diligere . bern. de diligendo deo. multum quippe meruit de nobis qui & immeritis dedit scipsum nobis . ●bid . nimis durus est animus qui dilectionem etsi non vult impendere , nolit rependere . john . . & . ● . & . . & . . cor. . . deu. . deu. . , ▪ per. . . levit. . . hag. . . jon. . . mal. . . deut. . . prov. . . timor cultus & timor culpae . it is the grace of not daring to offend god. mal. . . deut. . . psal. . , . & . ● . chr. . . jos. . . dan. . , . deut. . . prov. . . psal. . . & . . & . . & . . eccles. . . hab. . . mat. . . jer. . . & . . psal. . . psal. . . job . . isa. . , , . humilitas propriè respicit subjectionem hominis ad deum . t. aqu. . . q. . art . . & . art . . ad arg . . sam. . . chron. . ▪ , . gen. . . see gen. . . cor. . . rom. . . thess. . . heb. . . jam. . . & . . rom. . . psal. . , . & . . jer. . . matth. . . joy is pu● for hope , isa. ▪ . spes enim bono gaudium parit . deut. . . & ▪ . psal. . . iohn . . phil. . . thess. . . psal. . . ier. . . cor. . . cor. . . psal. . . ioy in god is that grace whereby the soul doth rest it self contented and satisfied in god , as in its sole and perfect happiness . psal. ▪ , . psal. . . & . . g 〈…〉 . . exod. . . num. . . pe● . . . kings . . psal. . ▪ matth. . ● . i●h . . . , . ier. . , , . act. . , . mans imagination or thinking power is to be set upon god with most life , earnestness , and constancy , he is to frame in his soul thoughts of his excellency continually . psal. . , . psal. . . psal. . ▪ . mat . . mal. . . psal. . . psal. . . & . . p● . . we must remember nothing so firmly nor so often as god. psal. . . eccles. . . prov. . . psal. . . psal. . . & . , . psal. . . & . . isa. . . & . . psal. . . num. . . . thess. . . psal. . . psal. . . psal. . . psal. . . & . chr. . . ● . psal. . he cals upon all creatures to praise god ; meaning , men should take occasion from all these to praise him . deut. . . & . . isa. . . isa. . . & . . ier. . . psal. . . gen. . . rev. . , . matth. . . mark . . luke . . exod. . chro. . . exod. . . kin. . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significat sese instar humilis catelli ad pedes alicujus sui domini provol●cre atque prosternere , honoris ac reverentiae causa , quasi illius pedes deosculaturum . valla deducit adoro ab ad & oro . orare autem est ore precari : sicut supplico est plicando caput aut genu aliquid petere , zanch. de religione , vide plura ibid. vide jun. thes. theol. de adoratione . chron. . . act. . . isa. . . isa. . . psal. . . zeph. . . psal. . . & . . psal. . . & . . & . . pet. . . mat. . , . chron. . . iam. . . mat. . . psal. . . . & . . mal. . . psal. . . ephes. . . psal. . . ● thess. . . rom. . . ▪ cor. . . deut. . . act. . . luk. . . john . . john . . & . gal. . . col. . . tim. . , . tim. . . isa. . . jer. . . & . . sam. . . pet. . psal. . . ps. . . deu. . . isa. . . psal. . . isa. . . & . . mat. . . heb. . . luk. . . heb. . . jam. . . john . . luk. . . mark . . zeph. . . gen. . . thess. . . isa. . , . mat. . . ps. . . num. . isa. . . . deut. . . & . . jer. . . zech. . . deut. . , . eccles. . . superbia est perversae celfitisdinis appetitus . isa. . , . & . , . eze. . ex. . . & . & . , . job . . cor. . . amos ▪ , , . ho● . . . isa. . . john . . deut. . . & . . & . . king. . . psal. . . isa. . . psal. . , . ezek. . , . they call the virgin mary , the mother of mercy and compassion , the hope of our salvation . they pray unto the crosse , o crux , ave spes unica , hoc passionis tempore , a●ge piis justitiam , reisque dona veniam . mark . . & . . mat. . . job . . mark . . rom. . . exod. . . jer. . . zeph. . . deut. . zeph. . . amos . . ier. . . dan. . . chr. . . deut. . . & . herein it differeth from the first commandment , that commanded the worship of god which is natural , this the worship which is by divine institution . downams sum of divin . cultus naturalis is that which nature directeth all people to , or which ariseth from the nature of god. this belongs to all reasonable creatures . he that acknowledgeth the●e is a god , will acknowledge that he is to be be believed , feared , trusted , loved and prayed to : this was performed by adam in paradi●e and by the angels in heaven , isa. . . heb. . . cultus institutus , instituted wor●●ip ●●p●nd● on the revelation of the will of god , this was commanded adam in his innocency , as the tree of knowledge of g●od and evil , and the tree of life shew . natural worship is the chief , instituted worship may be interrupted . a time of worship is iuris naturalis , the seventh day iuris positivi . some in these dayes say all institutions are meer forms , and men may use or not use them at their pleasure according to their light , qui non est religiosus non est christianus . cultus institutus est medium ex dei voluntate ordinatum , ad cultum naturalem exercendum & pro nov●ndum . indica●tur hujusmodi media omnia à deo instituta , in secundò praecepto per prohibitionem oppositorum mediorum omnium cultus ab hominibus excogitatorum , sub titulo sculptilis & imaginis , que cum praecipua fuerunt olim ▪ hominum inventa , cultum dei depravantia , aptissimè proponuntur ( per syn●●dochen in decalogo praecipuam ) loco omnium humani ingenii commentorum ad cu●●um spectantium . ames . medul theol. l. . c. . a non facias tibi , intellige , ex tuo capite sine meo expresso verbo ac jussu . ergò non praescribit sibi legem deus , quin possit jubere fieri imagines prout ipsi visum fuerit , sicut postea jussit fieri cberubinos & alias imagines in templo : sed nobis praescribit legem generalem quam nunquam licet transgredi , nisi peculiare accedat verbum dei : ex levit. . interpretatio colligitur hujus proecepti , ubi non simpliciter ait non sacies tibi sculptile , sed addit ad adorandum ea . ergo non simpliciter damnantur sculpturae aut imagines quaevis , sed tantum quae ad cultum solitae sunt proponi . zanch. de decalogo , c. . non facies tibi , id est , ex tuo proprio cerebro vel judicio : quamvis enim particula illa tibi alias nonnunquam vel redundat , vel aliam vim habet : hic tamen & redundantiam excludit accuratissimam borum praeceptorum breviloquium , & vanitatem humanarum cogitationum excludi manifestum est ex aliis scripturae locis eodem spectantibus , ut amos . . num. . . ames . ubi supra . certè deus leges suas promulgans , nullius violatori tam gravem decrevit poenam , atque secundae ; nullius observatori tam ampla proposuit praemia , atque secundae : siquidem praecepti de fugiendis idolis transgressorum poenam , in tertiam & quartam generationem , ejusdem verò observatorum praemium , in multa posterorum millia derivavit . nulla etiam lex est , quam toties deus repetiverit , atque haec ipsa de idolis : de quibus cum exod. . commate quinto mentem suam explicuisset , mox versu sensum praecepti iterans , vos , inquit , vidistis , quòd de coelo loquutus sum vobis . non facietis deos argenteos , nec deos aureos facietis vobis . nec aliud praeceptum moses moriturus tam altè populi animo impressit , ac hoc de exe●randis idolis deut. . , . & . v. sculcet . serm. de idol . vide plura ibid. vid● picherel . dissert . de imag. babi●a ad fanum germani , coram regina matre . neque coles victimis , libamine , incenso . grot. in exod. . iealous signifieth as much as zealous , or to be moved with a very ardent affection and fervent desire , proceeding either out of love to save the thing untouched which is loved , zech. . . & . . or else of indignation against that thing which deserveth punishment , exod. . . nahum . . ezek. . . and here it is used in both those two senses or significations . ford on the corenant see estey on the command . b verbum vi●itandi alias est mediae significationis , hic in malum ponitur , pro eo effectu qui consequitur irati iudicis visitationem , id est , pro punitione , lxx . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reddens iniquitatem , hoc est p●nam iniquitatis patrum in filios , &c. rivet . i● exod. . see estey . some urge , that if it be righteous with god to leave the world liable to death for adams sin , then children may suffer temporal afflictions for their parents sins . parents may convey an estate to them with a curse . but pet. du moulin and knewstub are of another judgement , alledging ezek. . . and so are divers others . deus pumt peccatum patrum in filiis non semper , sed tunc solùm , cùm filii imit antur peccata patrum , ut docent s. patres ( hieron . chrysost. august . ) & thom. , . quaest. . quos sequuntur ferè omnes recentiores , & hoc ipsum indicat scriptura , cùm ait : his qui oderunt me : non euim simpliciter deus dicit , se pun●turum peccata patrum in filiis , sed in t is qui eum oderunt . bellarm. de amiss grat . & stat● peccat . lib. . ca. . ford of the covenant . joh. . , . john . . m. dod. it commands us to worship god by such means , and after such a manner as he hath prescribed in his word , and is agreeable to his nature , deut. . , , . b. down . abstract . d. wilkins of the gift of prayer , chap. . this people draw near to me , saith ieremy speaking of such exercises . cultum generaliter appellar● consu●tudo est omnem honorem ab inferiori persona debitum , praestitumve superiori . chamierus tomo secundo , lib. ▪ cap. . the grounds of worship are these , . god will be honoured by all the creatures , he expects honour from them sutable to their nature . . the creature in all its worship must have a rule , their service must be reasonable , rom. . . gal. . . therefore the lord hath manifested his will to them , dan. . . . the conscience of the creature must receive this rule , and submit to it . it is one of the hardest things in religion to conceive aright of god. every nation suited the picture of their gods according to their own genius . the spartaus being a warlike people , painted god in armour . the ethiopians painted him black . the heathens misrepresented god , rom. . . the jews likewise , and those in the reformed churches misfigure the divine essence idolatry is not only in images , but in false imaginations of god , men●al idolatry , unseemly conceits of god are as bad as atheism , rom. . . rom. . . dum obtempeperant non obsequuntur : deo serviendum est non ex arbitrio sed ex imperio . te●●ul . ezek. . . deut. . . king. . . helps and furtherances in gods worship are , . necessary and in nature and use the same with the true worship of god instituted by himself particularly , these are unlawful if devised by men , because devised , for the substantial things of gods worship are to be determined and instituted by him . . meer circumstances and matters of order concerning the method , phrase , external celebration which are not determined by god , therefore no particular is unlawfull which is according to the general rules in scripture . balls trial of grounds of separat . chap. . isaac went out into the field to meditate . these things meditate and be in them , said paul to timothy . deut. . . gal. ▪ . thess. . . matth. . col. . . the more one fetcheth duties from god immediately , and the more he draws the motives from god immediately , and the more he placeth his comforts in god immediately , the more spiritual and happy he is . i must not only perform service to god , but for god , hos. . . . that which sets you awork is your end , finis movet efficientem ad agendum . . the end sweetens , the service finis dat amabilitatem medi●s . . one rests satisfied when he hath attained his end ▪ in ●ine terminatur appetitus efficientis , do you perform duties that you may honour god , iohn . . please him , col. . . injoy him , heb. . . and adde to your own everlasting account . if god be no● your utmost end , he will not be your chiefest good . hoc desideri● c●lendus est deus ut sui cultus ipsi ●it merces . augustine . see kings . . a constant heedlesness in duties is a great signe of an hypocrite . it is not enough to worship god , but we must seek him in worship , ps. . . which notes an exact care in serving him . see m. mauto● on jam. . . doct , . & . examination of our estate is as necessary as our pu●ging from sinne , and the excitation of our affections , cor. . . in the priesthood under the law there was to be a consecration as well as an offering , mal. . , . heb. . . the main care must be to get the person reconciled to god. those that discern not their interest in christ if they had it , and have lost it by returning to folly , pet. . . are not to come reeking from their sins , and so rush into gods presence , isa. . . neither are they wholly to decline worship , and restrain prayer . . there must be a serious acknowledgement of their sins with shame and sorrow . psal. . . numb . . . john . . . they must earnestly sue out the former grace and pardon , psal. . . & . . those who never had assurance must know , . that it is comfortable in our approaches to god , the apostle hath taught us to begin our supplications with our father , heb. ● . , . tim. . . . some believers have lesse peace , that they may have more grace . . when we cannot reflect upon our actual interest , the direct and du●●ful acts of faith must be more solemnly put forth . . disclaim more earnestly your own personal righteousness , dan. . . . you must adhere to god in christ , more closely cast your selves upon god with hope , psal. . . . it is safe to say i am my beloveds , though we cannot apply christ to our selves , psal. . . have high thoughts of the work aforehand , chron. . . take the fi●test opportunity of doing duties , christ is present in the ordinances , rev. . . . as a speaker , heb. . . . that he may delight himself in the graces of his people cant. . . . to execute judgement as well as shew mercy . . the angels are there present , cor. . . as your guardians , dan. . . and to delight in your graces , cant. . . . the devil is present , matth. . . to draw you to evil , sam. . . . to hinder you in whatever is good , zach. . . . comes to steal away the word out of your hearts , matth. . . . to aceuse you , rev. . . zach. . , . . as an executioner , expecting a commission from christ to lay hold on thee , john . . iephta must not offer her himself but some priest to whom he must bring her , and he not in any place , but upon the altar of god. in vovendo suit stultus , in reddendo impius . hieron . * take a great deal of heed to your own hearts in the duty least your thoughts vanish , eccles. . . salomon compares the vanity of mens thoughts in services to dreams , where the thoughts are incoherent . . observe in duties the approaches or withdrawings of god from your souls . see matth. . . & . . . & . chapter of revel . we must . practise the good resolutions taken up in the service , keep it evermore in the hearts of thy servants . . after every duty we must be humbled for our rashnesse before god , as iacob , gen. . . * there must be a faith , . that his duties shall be accepted , gen. . . . in the general rewards of religion , gen. . . . in the messiah to come . reasons . . because faith discern● by a clear light and apprehension , keeps god in the eye . faith is conversant about god the object of worship , heb. . , . and discerns the worth of his service , and represents more of priviledge then burden , psal. . . & . . . it receives a mighty aid and supply from the spirit of god , rom. . . . it works by a mighty principle , love , gal. . . it fils the soul with a sweet apprehension of gods love , love will carry one to a duty that is against the bent of nature , gen. . . cor. . . . faith discourseth and pleads in the soul with strong reasonings , . from the mercies of god , . special , gal. . . common , tim. . , . . from the promises , . of assistance , cor. . . phil. . . . acceptance , cor. . . faith shews the mediatour , ephes. . , . revel . . ▪ . . o● reward , cor. . . & cor. . . it sees assistance in the power of god , acceptance in the grace of god , reward in the bounty of god. psal. . . worship is therefore called fear , as we may see by comparing , deut. . . isa. . . with matth. . . & . . god hath his name in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from fear , and the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both fear and religion , heb. . . see chap. . , . abraham , gen. . . elijah , king. . . the four and twenty elders , revel . . . christ himself , matth. . . were reverent in their acts of worship . for publick prayer , kneeling and standing are mentioned , king. . . the publican stood , luk. . . in preaching the eyes of the hearers should be fastened on the preacher , luk. . . see neh. . . at the sacrament our eyes should observe the elements as visible sermons , exod. . . christ read the scripture standing , luk. . . by that he taught how he honoured the word of god , the same thing is affirmed of the people , nehem. . . for that cause that we may shew our respect to the word of god , we are bare , ( saith m. cartw in his harmon . ) when the scripture text is read . master hildersam hath the like on joh. . constantine the great used to shew much reverence and attention to the word of god preached , so that many times he would stand up all the sermon while , and when some of his courtiers told him that it would tend to his disparagement : he answered , that it was in the service of the great god , who is no respecter of persons . see crak . epist. dedic . to his defence of constantine . profanenesse is the sin of despising and contemning the true worship of god , setting light by it , accounting it as a thing not at all profitable , and therefore not at all doing it . they call not on the name of god saith the psalmist . this was the sin of the priests themselves , mal. . , . there is , . a virtual or habitual intention , when one keeps a purpose to intend . . actual . the causes of actual roving , and the distractions of the thoughts in service , are , . want of love to god and holy things , affection and attention go together , psal. . . & . . . a natural weaknesse incident to all gods children . . want of meditation , their knowledge lies idle and unactive . . the curiosities of the senses , prov. . . . multiplicity of worldly businesse , ezek. . . . the devil is most busie then when we are best imployed . . gods withdrawing of his grace , psal. . . we should therefore pray to god to unite our hearts to him , and set the heart to seek the lord , psal. . . and watch against the first division , and labour for quick spiritual affections . consider with whom we have to do , heb. . . the weightines of the duty , deu. . . and the strict account that we must give for all religious services , mal. . . we should keep our hearts from wandering in every duty : . in hearing , jer. . . act. . ● . ● . in prayer , matth. . , . ephes. . . . in the supper , here the work is only dispatched by the thoughts . . upon the lords day , isa. . . the lord here forbiddeth them to make any graven or molten image to represent him , and so thereby to worship him . ford on the covenant . therefore those are but poor shifts that aquinas hath part . . quaest. . art. . quòd non prohibetur illo praecepto facere quamcunque sculpturam vel similitudinem , sed facere ad adorandum ; unde subdit , non adorabis ea , neque coles . ibi intelligitur prohiberi adoratio imaginum , quas gentiles faciebant in venerationem deorum suorum , id est ▪ dam●num . et ideo praemittitur , non habebis deos alienos coram me . images or similitudes are forbidden in the second commandment , not as objects of worship , wherein the objects of worship are terminated , for all false objects of worship are forbidden in the first commandment , but as false means of worshipping the true god devised by man , and a false manner of worship also , king. . , , . origenes ad decalogum distinguit inter imaginem & idolum . illud ait esse essigiem rei verae , hoc sictae . sed magis placet distinctio hebraeorum , qui idolum ab imagine solo fine distinguunt : ut cultus idolum faciat . itaque merito idolanuncupant tam ea , quibus res verae , quam quibus falsae repraesentantur . alioqui quis non videat simulachra avium , serpentium , quadrupedum , quae gentiles colebant , ●equire idola voeari ? quod absurdissimum est . sapientes pro deorum symbolis habuerint , at animae plebeae & pro ipsis numinibus coluere ▪ vos● . in maimon . de idol . * exod. . , . these be thy gods , o israel , that is , pictures of that god which brought thee out of the land of aegypt . chamier sent to co●on the jesuite these theses de idololatria epist. iesuit . . religio est cultus debitus uni deo. . qui eum cultum creaturis tribuunt , eos ecclesia solet vocare idololatras . . proinde papistae sunt idololatrae qui religiosè colunt virginem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , angelos , sanctos , reliquias sanctorum , item imagin●● dei , christi , sanctorum : & crucis lignum & signum . cultus divini prophanatio extabat olim multiplex apud iudaeos , & in pietatem patriam praevaricatio . ante illam babylonicam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ab ipso exodo & egressu ab aegypto , quemadmodum testantur historiae sacrae , propensi ad gentilismum , & mor●s vicinarum nationum imitandos , ferebantur . idola ad insaniam usque , sectabantur : vitulos , baalim , astaroth , caetera numinum portenta colebant & purgamenta . montac . anal. exercit. . sect. . vide plura ibid. cultus nil aliud est , quam obsequium alicui praestitum juxta ejus excellentiam . cult●● religiosus est obsequium supremum , illi soli debitum , qui est principium & autor tam creationis quam beatificationis nostrae passim in templis romanis deus pater senis cani portat effigiem , filius agni , spiritus columbae : & haec non solum ping●●tur ad historiae alicujus significationem , sed ad cultum atque adorationem . episc. daven . determ . quaest. . religiosores iudaei ne characteres quidem planetarum tolerant in suis calendariis , aut astronomorum libris , neque c●ras quovis annulo signant . skikardi tarich . p. . idololatriam à chami posteris ortam dubitandum non est ; unde omnes uno ore scriptores tradunt , primos deorum cultum aegyptios esse adeptos . voss. in maimon . de idolol . c. . plutarch a heathen writer relates that numa forbad the romans to make any image , whereby to represent god ; and that for an hundred and seventy years the romans had no images of a religious nature . plutar. in num● . the wiser sort both of pagans and papists worshipped god under the image , so only faulty in symbolical idolatry , and breach of the second commandment , serving the true deity in a false and forbidden manner , yet the ignorant people amongst them both , were directly guilty of dull downright idolatry , breaking both first and second commandment , adoring a false god with a false service . m. fullers descript. of palest . l. . what a number of distinctions have the papists devised for the worshipping of images . propriè & impropiiè ; principaliter & reductivè ; primariò & secundariò ; largè & strictè ; per se , per accidens ; simpliciter & secundum quid ; absolutè & quodam modo ; merè & non merè ▪ mediatè & immediatè , per se & propter se. so bellarmine . quo sanctior & spiritualior est in spe●●em idololatria , hoc nocentior est . luther . in cap. ad galat. ut pontificii nunquam sa●is solidè contra socinianos divinitatem christi adstruent ab ipsius cultu religioso , quamdiu ejus tam prodigi erunt in meras creaturas & suos sanctos in divos & deos transformabunt , quibus etiam vota nuncupare liceat , quod dii sint per participationem , ut loquitur bellarminus l. . de sanct. c. . ita nunquam sociniani solidè convincent pontificios idololatriae & illiciti cultus , in religioso cultu , adoratione & invocatione b. mariae & sanctorum demortuorum , quamdiu statuent possibilem esse communicationem illius cultus & potestatis verè divinoe , alicui merae creaturae , cujusmodi ipsis christus est . maresii hydra socinianismi expugnata l. . c. . vide lactant. dav. instit. lib. . de orig . erroris . estis idololatrae , quotquot estis papistae : novo quodam monstrosae superstitionis genere , qui ne● ethnicisitis , quia christum profitemini : nec christiani quia idola colitis . crede mihi non excusabunt vos in ultimo illo & tremendo examimine , vestrarum distinctionum strophae judicabit deus non ex placitis scholasticorum sophistarum , sed secundum illud illius eujus hoc est praeceptum , filioli cavete ab idolis . chamier . epist. iesuit . pet. cotton . * king. . . see ainsw . arrow against idol . chap. . & . vide voss. de orig & progres . idol . l. . c. . psal. . . see act. . . rom. . . this very thing the lord hath condemned , exod. . . with me , that is , beside me , god , &c. that is , golden and silver images or pictures of god. quod si quaeras , cur illud facietis , repetatur , dicam , voluisse deum inculcare maximè , ut sibi ab eo delicto caverent , ad quod maximè proni erant . voss. in maim . de idol . c. . pontificii totum secundum praeceptum de imaginibus non colendis omittunt in recitatione decalogi , ut patet , tum ex officio b. mariae autoritate pii . reformato , tum ex catechismo ledesmae , quasi d● ea re nullum omnino praeceptum dedisset deus . rivet . tract . de patrum autoritate c. . vide pontificiorum crassa & prodigiosa dogmata contra singula decalogi praecepta . mort. apol. cath l. . c. , , . idolatry is a greek word compounded of an idol , which signifieth any similitude , image , likenesse , form , shape , or representation , exhibited either to the body or minde , and latry , which signifieth service . ainsw . arrow against idol . c. . the first commandment bindeth us to have iehovah the living and true god for our god , and none other , and forbiddeth generally these four things , . the having of strange gods , and not the true , as had the heathens , act. . , , . . the having of strange gods with the true , as had the samaritans , king. . . . the having of no god at all , as foolish atheists , psal. . . . the not having of the true god aright , but in hypocrisie only , isa. . . tit. . . the second commandment bindeth to the true worship of the true god , which is only as himself commandeth , and by the means , rites and services that he ordaineth , john . . to . deut. . . & . , , , . ainsw . ibid. see more there , and chap. . how fast the sinne of idolatry cleaveth to all , and chap. . of the idolatry of these times farre exceeding iero●oams , and chap. . a dehortation from this sinne . isa. . . & . vers . gal. . . idolatry ( saith tertullian ) is principale crimen & summus hujus saeculi reatus . it is called abomination , deut. . . pet. . . aquin. a , ae . quaest. art. . shews , that idolatry is gravissimum peccatum . st hierom affirmeth , that when jesus being a childe was carried into egypt for fear of herod , all the idols of egypt fell down , and all their miracles became mute , which the prophet isaiah foresaw , chap. . . the general silence of the devil in his oracles throughout the world presently upon christs incarnation is a thing known and confessed by all men . he performed the part of a good bishop , that finding a vail spread in the entrance of a church door , wherein the image of christ or of some other saint was pictured , rent it in pieces with these words , that it was against the authority of the sacred scriptures , to have any image of christ set up in the church . the theatre of gods judgements . ch . . idols in churches are a scandal to ●ews , turks : idolatry either makes that to be god which is not ; or god to be that which he is not . robins . ess. observ . . rabbi moses ben nachman , whom they call ramban , or gerundensis , saith , non est tibi , israel , ultio , in qua non sit uncia de iniquitate vituli , there is no vengeance taken on thee , israel , wherein there is not an ounce of the iniquity of the calf . god neither will , nor can , nor ought to be exprest by any image . he will not exod. . . neither can he be represented by any image , deut. . . isa. . . neither ought any image to be made of him . his majesty and glory cannot be represented by any visible form , rom. . , . quin audeam dicere , eos , qui olim cum cultu dei idololatriam miscebant , ut disertè extat in posterioris regum capite . , , , . eos , inquam , hodie adeo ab omni idololatria abhorrere , ut in hac parte iudaeos ipsos superare videantur . scaliger . de samaritis , l. . de emendat . temp. col. . . see ainsw . arrow against idol . ch . . p. , . deut. . * col. . . voluntary religion . superstitio à superstando , non quasi deus verus vero cultu nimium coli possit : sed quia ad materiem cultus accedat , quod eum corrumpat . voss. de orig. & progres . idol . l. . c. . superstitio est cultus indebitus praeter verbum dei. zan●h . superstitiosi vocantur non qui filios suos superstites optant ( omnes enim optamus ) sed aut ii qui superstitem memoriam desunctorum colant , aut qui parentibus suis superstites , colebant imagines corum domi tanquam deos penates . lactant. div. instit. l. . de vera sapientia . vide plura ibid. see how great a sinne superstition is in mr cawdreys preface to his superstitio superstes , and in the book it self . the pharisees in christs dayes were great pretenders to holinesse , but they corrupted the worship of god. corruption in worship provokes god , . to depart from a people , ezek. . . . to destroy them , chron. . . the divine worship of the heathens and papists in the temples is of so near affinity that ludovicus vives confesseth there cannot any difference be shewen unlesse the papists have changed the names and titles . the popish purgatory agreeth with the heathen purgatory mentioned in plato and virgil. the papistical manner of consecrating churches and church-yards fully imitateth the ceremonies of the pagans when they consecrated their temples and temple-courts or yards , described by alexander ab alexandro . their sprinkling of holy water is mentioned in the sixth satyre of iuvenal , and sozomen calleth it a heathenish ceremony . the whole ●warm of friers or monks first began among the heathen , as at large appeareth by learned hospinian . * papists give a stone or wooden crosse the right hand as they go or ride by , some also put off their hats : the crosse is not medium cultus . the papists invocate this sign , per crueis signum fugiat hinc omne malignum ; per idem signum salvetur quodque benignum . bellarm. do imag . c. . & . calleth it , signum sacrum & venerabile , & signum crucis adoramus . vide aquin. part . . quaest. . art. . see parker of the crosse , chap. . sect. . and elswhere . they account it among the most precious reliques , and not only the whole , but every piece thereof , they adore it , salute it , pray unto it , and trust therein for salvation crying , o crux , ave spes unica , hoc passionis tempore , auge pt̄is justitiam , reisque dona veniam . hail , o crosse our only hope in this time of passion , increase thou to the godly righteousnesse , and unto sinners give pardon . yea the very sign of this idol made in the air , upon the fore-head , or over any other thing , is sacred and venerable , hath force to drive away deviis , and do many like feats . ainsw . arrow against idol . ch . . rom. ● . john . cor. . . imagines primò inter privatos parietes usurpatae gratitudinis ergo , teste eusebio , postea in templa etiam introductae memoriae causa , tandem degenerarunt in adorationis objectum . chamierus . see dr hill on prov. . . vetus concilium elibertinum decrevit , ne quid , quod colitur à populo , pingeretur in templis . vetus pater epiphanius ait esse horreudum nefas , & non ferendum flagitium , si quis vel pictam , quamvis christi ipsius imaginem , excitat in templis christianorum : isti imaginibus & statuis , quasi sine ●llis religio nulla sit , omnia templa sua , atque omnes a●gulos comple●●runt ▪ mocket . apol. eccles. . altingius in his exegesis of anglic. the augustane confession , p. . saith images are by no means to be tolerated in temples . vide etiam controv . de caeremon . tertiam . iud●i hodie à christiana religione al●●nores sunt quod vident in templis papisticis ad cultum prostare sculp●●lia . hu●t iesuit ▪ pars secunda de natura eccles. rat . ●er●●a . imagines pontificiorum , quibus exprimere voluit s. tr●nitatem , cum pingunt vel unum virum cum tribus vultibus , vel virum bicipit●m , au● bifrontem , addlié columbá , vel patrem depingunt effigie viri senis , filium invenis , vel agni , & spiritum sanctum columba ▪ non tantum incptae & monstro●ae , sed etiam deo ignominiosae sunt & contra expressum dei mandatum efformantur , atque haben●ur . hominius disputat . . de imaginibus . deut. . . as if he should have told them , that he on pu●po●e did not appear to them under any visible form or similitude , least they should represent him by that form , and under it worship him , which he so much warneth them of in that place . mr. shermanes greek in the temple . vide grotium in loc . * aaron errantipopulo ad idolum fabricandum non consensit inductus , sed cessit obstrictus : ●ec solomonem credibile est errore putas●e idolis esse serviendum , sed blanditiis foemineis ad illa sacrilegia fuisse compulsum . aug. de civit ▪ dei. l. . c. . non assumes ] nompe in os tuum . id autem fit non tantum proprio dei nomine expresso , sed etiam quovis vocabulo qu● deus intelligitur . grotius in exod. . in vanum ] id est , non pejerabis , grotius in loc . also , sic wolkelius , & alij . sed latiùs patet hoc pr●ceptum quàm ut ad juramentum restringi debeat . cartw. in loc . vide plura ibid. lo tissa ad verbum , non feres , verbum nasa valde latè patet , & varios habet significationes , quae tamen omnes videntur deduct● à significatione ●●vandi , tollendi , seu elevandi . quia non ca quae tollimus aut levamus i● altum , prius sunt assumenda aut capienda , hinc etiam in significatione assumendi , aut usurpandi accipitur , qu● significatione in sermone , prophetia & jurejurando accipi solet , imò aliquando sine ulla adjectione sumitur hoc verbum pro jurare , u● isa. . . jissa bajom hahu , ad verbum , assumet in die illo , id est , jurabit , ubi supplent manum , attollet manum , quod in juramento siebat . gen. . . hic assumere nomen , est usurpare nomen dei jurando . deus enim vult ut in juramento in nomen ipsius , invocetur , unde illud tam saepè repetitum , jurabis per nomen meum , deut. . . & . . isa. . . rivetus in decalogum . schem jehovae , nomen domini , accipitur in scriptura pro deo ipso , & pro notitia ejus , qua inter homines celebratur , ac pro omni eo quod de deo dici potest . aequivalent autem ista , invocare nomen dei , & deum invocare , jurar● per nomen dei , & per deum jurare , quod tamen fieri non potest , nisi usurpato alique nomine quo deum significa●●us , aut sign● aliquo , quod vicem nominis gerit . id. ibid. lascavi , in vanum , vel frustra sic vulgata ut lxx . schave , apud ebraeos sumitur pro re vana aut nihili , pro eo quod est gratis , aut frustra . saepe non pro mendacio . hic retinemus significationem generalem . non jurandum aut usurpaudum nomen domini , ubi necesse non est ; minus includit majus , si frustra non ●it usurpandum nomen domini , multo minus falsó . eadem enim est vis vocis quae apud latinos vocabuli vani , quod tam pro mendacio , quam pro re levicula accipi solet . sequitur comminatio prohibitioni addita , lo jenakeh , non absolvet , non innocentem judicabit , ad verbum , non mundificabit , eum qui nomen ejus in vanum usurpaverit , non sinet impunitum , quo verbo , plus significatur quam prima facie videtur , est enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ebraeis familiaris qua plus intelligitur quam dicitur . lxx . vocem ebraicam expresserunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , non mundabit , seu non habebit pro mundo , neque impunem dimittet , sic deut. . . hoc est , gravissime punies , reg. . . rivet . ubi supra . rom. . . cor. . . chap. . iuramentum est dei attestatio ad veritatem sermonis nostri confirmandam . calv. instit. l. . c. . kings . . iuramentum est asseveratio religiosa de re possibili & licita , cum veri dei invocatione facta , quâ petimus , ut sit testis dictorum ; & fallentes puniat : d. prid. conc . . de religione juramenti . iuramentum est duplex . asse●torium , quod praecipuè fidem facit de re praeterita aut praesenti , ut aliquid credatur cor. . . . promissorium quod prospicit futura , ubi ad faciendum vel ●mittendum aliquid nosmet ipsos astringimus , sam. . . id. ib. usitatissima ceremonia est , ut quis jurando manum in coelum tollat . dubium non est , quin hoc ritu protestetur , se jurare per eum qui in coelis regnat , quique è coelis potest se , si men●iatur , graviter punire . zanch. de decal●go . ritue à iudaeis observatus ille est , ut juraturi super librum legis , aut tale aliquid quod sacrum erat , manum ponere tenerentur : at hunc librum non nisi dignum , idoncum , hoc est , summa religione scriptum & paratum , non vitiatum proponunt , & quo in suis synagogis utantur omne aliud juramentum qualecunque sit & quavis forma expressum , rident , ac pro nihilo ducunt ; unicum hoc legitimum agnoscunt & venerantur . filesac . s●lect . l. . c. . in judgement discreetly , when the cause is found weighty , the doubt difficult , and an oath necessary , that belongs to the person . in truth sincerely , when the matter is well known to be so , that belongs to the matter . in righteousness honestly , that justice may be fulfilled , that belongs to the end. ad bonum usum juramenti duo requiruntur . primò quidem , quod aliquis non leviter , sed ex necessaria causa , & discretè juret . et quantum ad hoc requiritur judicium scilicet discretionis , ex parte jurantis . secundò , quantum ad id quod per juramentum confirmatur , ut scilicet neque sit falsum , neque sit aliquid illicitum , & quantum ad hoc requiritur veritas , per quam aliquis juramento confirmatquod verum est , & justitia per quam confirmat quod licitum est . aquinas , secunda secundae , qu. . art. . sors est petitio divini testimonii per determinationem eventus in mera contingentia manifestandi , ad controversiam aliquam dirimendam . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . sors est actio humana in hunc finem instituta , ut ex ejus eventu rem nobis incognitam divinitus agnoscere possimus . zanchius in miscell . sors est res in dubitatione humana divinam judicans voluntatem . aug. in psal. . a lot is nothing else but a casualty , or casual event purposely applied to the determination of some doubtful thing . of lots , some are meer , some mixt . meer lots are those wherein there is nothing else but a lot , or wherein there is nothing applied to determine the doubt but onely meer casualty . mixt lots are those wherein something else besides casualty is applied to determine the doubt ; as namely , wit , skill , industry , and the like ▪ lots are , . extraordinary , those wherein god and his immediate and special providence inevitably conducteth the lot to that end whereunto it was intended . . ordinary , those wherein god by his general providence supporting the natural abilities of the creatures , suffereth it to work according to that power wherewith it is enabled . mr. downe in his defence of the lawfulness of lots in gaming . quod latini sortem id graeci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant . neque mag●i faci● , quod ad meum institutum , quae alij de originatione utriusque asserunt , esse nempe fortem , à serie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictam , quod minime seriem , id est , ordinem servet . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vero à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 factum quod frangit , hoc est , dirimit lites & controversias . medi problema , an alea sit s●rtitio . sortes deus regit speciali manu , & virtute extraordinaria , alioquin quid novi aut proprij dixerat salomon , prov. . ult . cum nihil in toto mund●●it quod non ● dei providentia gubernetur , sed communi & ordinaria , non verò speciali ista . idem ibid ? there is a great controversie between gataker , dr. ames , and voetius about this point . this is a special ordinance of god to decide a controversie from heaven by god himself , when all means on earth fail , therefore lots must not be used without great reverence and prayer , because the disposition of them comes immediately from the lord , prov. . . and not but in great matters , not for recreation : for it is said to cause contentions to cease among the mighty , prov. . . neither do we reade it was ever used , but in very great things , as the dividing of the land of canaan , the election of high priests and kings , and the surrogation of matthias into the place of iudas . dr. taylor on christs temptation . the gain that comes that way is worse then usury , yea it is flat theft , for by the law we may recover things stoln , but there is no law to recover things wo●ne . and yet if play be but for a small matter , the loss whereof is no hurt to him that loseth it , and it be applied to a common good , it is lawful , otherwise not . mr. perk. case of consc . . things sanctified to some especial and holy use , must not be made a recreation ; therefore i think with divers godly and learned men , that the use of a lot for recreation is unlawful , because a lot is an especial means , whereby god hath ordained by himself from heaven , to end such controversies , as otherwise cannot conveniently ▪ be ended . . the scripture maketh a lot , so the sentence of god , as in the most weighty matters of god and man , of life and death , it is the very oracle and declaration of god his will , wherein man must rest without any contradiction or motion to the contrary . so act. . , . numb . . . levit. . . for matters of god ; and josh. . for matters of life ; yea the gentiles themselves knew it to be the very oracle of god , jon. . . such oracles of god must not be used for recreation , seeing they are his name , and must not be vainly used . therefore dice , dealing of cards , where the matter is laid on hazard ( as they call it ) or rather gods providence , without using any cunning of ours to dispose it , is upon the same reason of a lot unlawful . a lot is abused in those games of dice and cards , &c. which wholly consist in chance : for in toys and sports we are not to appeal to the immediate judgement of god , prov. . . b. down . abstract on the third precept . to make a gain of play is a theft , and against the eighth commandment and precept of the law , ephes. . . their course is an unjust taking into their possession that which no law of christ or man doth warrant them by any manner of lawful contract ; the civil law and augustine condemn that gain which is gotten by play . dr. taylor . prov. ● . . & . . vide fabritium in octavum praeceptum decalogi . p. , . dudley fenners treatise of recreat ▪ see more there . see rivetus . mr. dod on the eighth commandment , p. , . and mr. elton on the eighth commandment , p. . the theatre of gods judgem . part . c. . a lot must be in weighty matters ; if in vain things , it is a breach of this commandment ; therefore dice , cards , and tables are unlawful , for we may not use a lot in so light a matter , as we may not swear lightly , these things must not be used at our pleasure . mr. richardson in his manuscript . see mr. clarks second part of the life of iohn bruen , l. . c. . a gracious heart sees god in every thing . god would have his people finde all in him , gen. . . zach. . . and the saints have alwaies resolved all into god , psal. . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . see john . . he that expects not all from god as the chiefest good , and resolves not all into him as the utmost end , is an atheist , ephes. . . to see god in every thing , is . continually to see all good things to be eminently in god , rev. . . psal. . . . to see all things come from god , causativè or permissivè , as the efficient cause , if good ; as the permitting cause , if evil . . to observe in all things what of god is to be seen , pet. . . . to hope onely in him , and to fear none but him ; he is called the fear of isaac , and the hope of israel . see jer. . . qui nil sperant nisi à domino , nil metuunt praeter dominum . b●rn . . to love god for himself , and all things else for him , zach. . ult . . to observe gods departings , and to be afflicted with nothing so much . numb . . . deut. . . the main of godliness is in making god your all , therefore the lusts of our hearts are called ungodly lusts . the more one can see and taste god in every thing , the more he thrives in gruce . see psal. . . hereby the soul sees the all-sufficiency of god to satisfie him , prov. . . this is the onely ground of the triumph of faith , i will make my boast in god. see hab. . , . and is the beginning of eternal life , matth. . . the centurists observe four kinds of confession in the new testament . . a confession of sinne to god alone , john . . . a confession coram ecclesia , before the church , when men acknowledge publickly their wicked and scandalous deeds , and do professe their repenting and loathing of the same , act. . . . confession one to another of particular private injuries and offences , jam. . . . the confession or profession of the true faith , joh. . . m. gillesp. aar . rod bloss . l. . ● . . truths to be confessed , are . truths of faith , pet. . . . truths of fact , joshua . . the just occasions of confessing , . our faith are , . when the true faith is opposed , act. . . . when we are questioned about it by magistrates , dan. . . when others go aside from the true faith , act. . . . when it tends to the edification of the church and state where we live , cor. . , , , . . matters of fact , . when there are evidences that such a fact is committed , as in achans case . . when others are in danger in respect of such a fact i have committed , judg. . , . . when prejudice else may come to the church or state where i live . . when by due course of the law one is found guilty , and sentence pronounced against him , in such a case he is bound to make confession ( so the penitent thief ) else he shall end his dayes in sin . . for the case of a mans conscience , when his sins are secret he may disclose them ▪ confession must be . voluntary , not forced . . prudently ordered . stephen the protomartyr . they transgresse this commandment , . who swear commonly . . who swear to do things unlawful , as sam. . . & . , . . who swear falsly or fraudulently , or what they minde not to perform , matth. . . sam. . . ezek. . , , . . who use to swear indirectly , as meaning to swear by god , name the creatures . . who swear by god and by idols , gen. . . ford. those that swear by the name of god , and likewise by the name of saints , offend this commandment . as when the form of their oath is thus , as help me god and all saints , for the oath must be onely in the name of god. b. hooper of the command . aquin. a , ae quaest. . art. . docet , licere per ipsas quoque creaturas jurare , ut per sanctos , per angeios , per sacra dei evangelia . quod alicubi etiam in ecclesiis reformatis illa adbuc consuetudo retineatur , ut cum quis jurat manu tangat evangelia sacra , atque etiam addat haec verba ; ad haec sacra dei evangelia juro , &c. illud excusari utcunque potest . non enim propriè juratur per evangelium : sed est obtestatio , qualis est illa , vivit deus : ut sit sensus , sicut verba evangelii , & sacrorum bibliorum verissima sunt : sic etiam quod dico , verum est . zanch. tom. . l. . de decal . in praecept . . iurare per creaturam absolutè ultimatè & terminativè , ita ut constituatur in aliqua creatura finis & vis juramenti sine relatione ad deum , simpliciter illicitum est . secundò , jurare per creaturas relativè & quasi transitivè , ita ut per b. virginem & alios ( anctos sanctorumve reliquias pertranseat , & per ipsos deferatur finaliter ad deum , hoc est superstitiosum . sanders . de juram . prom . oblig . prael . . judg. . . nor sworn deceitfully . nihil aliud est perjurium , quam mendacium juramento firmatum . ita ut omnino idem fit accedente juramento perjurium , quod est in nuda pollicitatione mendacium . sanderson . de iuramenti promissorii obligatione , praelect . . sect. . it was the ordinary oath of the romans , medius fidius , as with us was , by the mass , or by our lady : and so much used , that tertullian complaineth , that the christians through custome had made it so familiar , that in ordinary speech they used medius fidius , and mehercules , not remembring , nor yet understanding what they said , consuetudinis vitium est dicere mehercules , dicere & medius fidius , accedente ignorantiā quorundam , qui ignorant jusjurandum esse per herculem . tertul. de idolat . students will not swear in english , yet in latine they make no bones of it , saying , mehercule ; medius fidius , aedipol , per deos immortales . mr. perkins in his government of the tongue . gods me is swearing by a figure ; s'lid is an oath by way of abbreviation ; and as i am a gentleman , is little better . capel of tentat . part . c. . there are , . ridiculous oaths , as by lakin . . pharisaical , by creatures , as light , fire . . popish , by saints , as mary , iohn ; idols , as masse , rood , amos . . . heathenish , by the gods of the gentiles , king. . . mehercule , medius fidius , &c. . blasphemous , as by all the parts and members of christ. b. down . abstract . prec . an oath must not be vinculum iniquitatis . acts . . where we have examples of using any thing to serious and weighty purposes , and never to ludicrous and sportful ; there it is far safer for us so to use the same , that we may be assured we follow gods warrant ; for god by leaving divers such examples to us , may seem to intend our direction in the use of that thing ; we have divers examples for using lots in weighty matters , none in sports . . a lot is a sacred thing , the casting of a lot a sacred action , because in using it we do especially and immediately refer our selves unto gods providence , for the whole disposing of it is from him . here the old saying is true , non est bonum ludere cum sanctis . dr. taylor cals cards and dice the devils books and bones . see him on temptat . dr. ames cases of cons. l. . c. . cartwright on prov. . ult . and dr. willet on lev. . . p. , ▪ of unlawfulness of games going wholly by lot. alearum ludvs , & id genus alij , ob sortem aut fortunam in eis omninò dominantem , ob turpe lucrum , ob in●amiam , nec non propter blasphemiarum & perjuriorum pericula , honestae ac sanctae vitae adversantia , atque obhorrendissimos eventus , & ob certa denique damna quae inde proveniunt , tam civilibus quam canonicis legibus , non solum apud christicolas anglic. verum etiam apud ethnicos veti●i undequaque inveniuntur . commentarius contra ludum alearum a fr. angelo roccha episcopo . cohilonem ( aium ) quendam lacedaem . cum faderis feriendi causa missus esset legatus ad regem persarum , & aulicos fortè invenisset ludentes alea , statim re infecta rediisse domùm : rogatum cur negloxisset ea facere quae publicè acceperat in mandatis , respondisse , quod ignominiosum existimasset , id fore reipublicae si foedus percussisset cum aleatoribus . mocket apol. orat. a game or play may thus fitly be described , viz. a contention betwixt two or more , who shall do best in an exercise of wit or activity , or both , about some indifferent and trifling subject . every lawful means of getting is sanctifiable by prayer , as being that which god alloweth and blesseth . playing for price is not sanctifiable by prayer , so that we may pray to god to bless us in that means of getting , therefore playing for price is no lawful means of getting . the scripture saith plainly , thou shalt not cover any thing that is thy neighbours . when conscience doubteth on the one part , and is resolved on the other , we must refuse the doubting part , and take that wherein we are certain and sure . as for example , when one doubteth of the lawfulnesse of playing at cards and dice , he is sure it is no sin not to play ; but whether he may lawfully play he doubteth , in this case he is bound not to play . mr. fenner of conscience . there is natura naturans , and natura naturata mal. . ult . exod. . . it was but the breach of this one commandment , and yet god chargeth them with the breach of his laws in general , because he that is a wilful transgressour of this makes little conscience of any of the rest . this commandment concerning the keeping of the sabbath day to sanctifie it , is placed in the midst between the two tables , of purpose to shew that the keeping of the sabbath is a singular help to all piety and righteousnesse . mr bifield hoc praeceptum de sabbatho apertè affirmativum est & negativum , this commandment of the sabbath is expresly affirmative and negative above all the rest . zanch. in praec . . memento seu recordare , im● vero recorda●do recordare , ut ●otat modus loquendi apud mosen . id est omnino ac sollicitè recordare , nec unquam obliviscere . fabricius . the lord saith only remember in this commandment for three reasons , . because though the law was given from the beginning , yet this fourth commandment was better kept in memory and in practice then any of the rest , and was but a little before repeated , exod. . . , , . . to shew what reckoning he maketh of the sabbath , as men giving their sons or servants divers things in charge , say of some principal matter , remember this . . to shew how apt we are to forget it . ford of the coven ▪ between god and man. quia aequum non erat , ut res tanti momenti niteretur auctoritate , fide ac testimonio unius hominis ; idcirco deus secundo apparuit mosi , & omni populo in monte sinai luculentam hujusce rei fidem facit , praecipiendo illis cultum sabbati , ut constaret certa memoria , mundum sex diebus , à deo creatum esse , & septimo die deum quievisse : ideo dicit , memor esto diei sabbati : quast diceret , quando & quotiescunque saebbatum observatis , memoriam creationis fideliter , ac constanter colit●te . menasseh ben-israel probl. de creat . . vide ibid. prob . sabbatum non solum quietem , seu a laboribus cessationem , quae pars festi semper fingularis habita , atque vocabuli ipsissima est significatio , denotat , verùm etiam diem seu annum septimum , quoniam in ●● quiescendum , uti lustrum & olympias quinqu●●nium . seld. de jur . natural . & gent. l. . c. . the ancients do usually speak of the lords day in distinction from the sabbath , because that denomination ( dies sabbati in latine ) doth denote the saturday , but our saviour cals it the sabbath-day , matth. . . and it is called so three times in the fourth commandment . the word was used by the ancients , russinus , origen , grogory nazianzen . to sanctifie a sabbath is to call our selves , not from our own sinfull wayes , which we must do every day , but from our honest and lawfull callings , that giving our selves to godly and christian exercises of our faith , we may be strengthned in the wayes of god , and so in thought , word and deed , consecrate a glorious sabbath unto the lord. therefore it is called the sabbath of god , exod. . . levit. . . he calleth it a holy convocation , that is , dedicated to holy meetings . so isa. . . hereby is confuted their opinion , that take it a sabbath kept , if they rest from their labours , so in the mean time they labour in playes , dancings , vain songs , as though the lord had called us from our profitable labour commanded , to displease him in these vanities . fenners table of the princip . of relig. a quod verbum non significat hoc loco praeceptum , sed operandi permissionem & libertatem , non necessitatem : alioqui nunquam liceret sex illis dicbus otiari , aut ab operibus nostris abstinere . rivet shalt ] is as much as mayest , a word rather of permission then command . m. white on command . . when the commandment saith , six dayes thou shalt labour , the meaning is , six dayes thou maist labour : thou art licensed and not forbidden to do thy daily work on them by this commandment . so it is translated in our last english translation , exod. . . six dayes may work be done . and in the hebrew the same word standeth for both senses . m. thorn. serv. of god at rel . ass. c. . b seventh here is taken indefinitely not particularly , that is , for seventh in proportion one day in seven , not for seven in order , the last in seven . if the proportion of time be all that god respects in the six days of labor , then the proportion of time must needs be all which god can intend in the seventh day , which he sets apart for a day of rest . m. white ubi supra . this commandment doth not directly require the seventh day from the creation , but the th day in general . cartw. catech. omnia illa opera prohibentur quae propriè vocantur nostra , quamvis non si●t strictè loquendo servilia aut mechanica . illa autem sunt opera nostra quae pertinent ad hujus vitae usus , id est , in rebus naturalibus & civilibus versantur , & propriè ad lucrum & commodum nostrum spectant . ames . med. theol. l. . c. . he names son and daughter first , because parents through natural affection are ready to wink at them . mr. dod. filius tuus & filia tua ] intelligit cos qui ob aetatem legis intellectum nondum habent , quos arcere ab operis debent parentes . grotius . man and maid-servant , because commonly some lucre is gotten by their labour . iumentorum à laboribus cessatio ideo praecipitur , . ut ita assuesierent miscricordiae , dum enim jubebantur ipsis jumentis quietem concedere , discebant erga homines mitius agere , prov. . . . et maximè ut ipsi israelitae sabbatho quicsc repossint , non cuim potuissent à laboribus cessare , occupati regendis jumentis , exod. . rivetus . * this reason drawn from gods resting upon the seventh day , must be deduced , not from gods act in resting upon that day , but from the consequent of that rest , the honouring of that day by his resting therein mr. white on the fourth commandment . there are ten words or sentences , of which if we take away this , there will be but nine , exod. . , . . adam in innocency kept a sabbath , gen. . , . therefore much more should we the apostles in taking this day and giving it the name of the lords day , apoc. . . as before it was called the lords sabbath , and ordaining publick exercises , act. . . and private , cor. . . . as they did shew that in the particular seventh day , it was ceremonial : so in the common necessity it was perpetual , according to equity . . as calvin saith unto the papists , of the second commandment , who also said that was ceremonial and abolished . as long as we feel the grosnesse of our nature to invent false worship , framing images of god , so long that must remain to humble us : even so , as long as we do feel our corruption , in accounting the sabbath unpossible , and so omitting and profaning it , so long we will hold it to be perpetual . fenners table of the princip . of religion . the sabbath includes two respects of time : first the quotum , one day of seven , or the seventh day after six daies labour . secondly , the designation or pitching that seventh day upon the day we call saturday . whether this day was in order the seventh from the creation or not , the scripture is silent ; for where it is called in the commandment the seventh day , that is , in respect of the six daies of labour and not otherwise ; and therefore whensoever it is so called , those six daies of labour are mentioned with it . the example of the creation f● brought for the quotum one day of seven , and not for the designation of any certain day for that seventh . mr. mede on ezek. . . seneca inter alias civilis theologia superstitiones reprehendit etiam sacramenta iudaeorum : & maxime sabbata , inutiliter eos facere affirmans , quod per illos singulos septem interpofitos dies , septimam ferè partem aetatis sua perdant vacando , & multa in tempore vergentia non agend● laedantur . august . de civit . dei , l. . c. . dies dominica dicitur eadem ratione , qua sacra eucharistiae caena vocatur caena dominica cor. . . quia scilicet & à domino nostro iesu christo suit instituta , & ad eundem etiam dominum in sine & usu debet referri . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . it was a usual question put to christians , dominicam servastis ? and their answer was , christianus sum , intermittere non possum . est observationis apostolicae & verè divinae . beza in apoc. . coloss. . in the reign of henry the third a jew fell into a jakes at tewkesbury , to whom it being offered to draw him out , it being saturday ( the jews sabbath ) he refused , lest he should pollute the holinesse of the day . sabbata sancta colo , de stercore surgere nolo . the thing coming to the chief lord of the country , he commanded they should let him lie the next day too , for the honour of the lords day , the christians sabbath , lest he should profane it : so by abiding in it that day also , he perished . sabbata nostra quidem salomon celebrabit ibidem . in constantinople , and all other places of turkis , i ever saw three sabbaths together in one week : the friday for the turks , the saturday for the jews , and the sunday for christians : but the turks sabbath is worst kept of all , for they will not spare to do any labour on their holy-day . lithgows nineteen yeers travels , part . * the godly jews had their preparation for the sabbath , that nothing might disturb the holy rest ensuing , mat. . . mark . . we must prepare for the sabbath before it comes , . by preventing all lets and incumbrances which on that day might hinder us in gods service publick or private . . we must in a godly manner prepare and fit our selves in soul and body , so as on that day we may give most glory to god , and receive most good and comfort to our souls . ad hujus diei rectam observationem duo sunt necessaria , quies , & quietis illius sanctificatio . quies qua requiritur , est cessatio ab omni opere , quod exercitiis cultus divini poneret impedimentum . sanctificatio hujus quietis ac diei , est applicatio nostrum ipsorum singularis ad deum illa die colendum : quod innuitur illis ipsis phrasi●us , sanctificavit illum diem , & sabbathum est jehovae deo tuo . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . * opus nostrum vocat , quod facimus nostri causa , hoc est , propter nostrum lucrum , mercedem & commodum : hoc autem proprium est servorum , servilia ergo haec opera , quae scilicet lucri nostri causa fiunt , & ad seculum hoc pertinent , eoque verè nostra , concedit fieri intra sex dies , cavet verò ne fiant die septimo . zanchius in quartum praeceptum . mat. . . . luke . . john . , . & . . the apostles constrained with hunger plucked the ears of corn , rubbed them in their hands , and did eat the corn upon the day of rest , and yet polluted not the sabbath : for christ defendeth their doing to be lawfull , matth. . . mark . . a yet some think it might be a feast without warm meat in that hot countrey where they usually did drink water . b isa. . ult . c isa. . . in one verse he nameth and forbiddeth twice the following of our pleasures as the chief prophanation of the sabbath-day . some , and they no small ones professe , that recreations and sports are no otherwise then to be allowed then as they may be used to the praise and glory of god , which cals to my remembrance what a scotchman sometimes said , as he was going in one of london streets , spying one of his acquaintance on the other side ; for calling him aloud by his name . sir , saith he , when shall we meet at a tavern to give god thanks for our deliverance out of the isle of ree ? d. twisse of the sabbath . d the sabbath contains four & twenty hours as well as any other natural day , psalm . being a psalm of the sabbath , v. . david saith , he will declare the loving kindness of the lord in the morning , and his truth in the night , making the night a part of the sabbath . it begins at midnight on the saturday , and ends at midnight next following , matth. . . mark . , . john . . compared together , it appears that the jews sabbath ended at the dawning of the first day of the week , and then the lords day or sabbath day began , act. . . elson on the th command . act. . . the jews were . assembled . . had the apostles doctrine , that is , the old and new testament read and expounded . . they had fellowship , that is , they did communicate these earthly things as every one had need . . they had breaking of bread , that is , the administration of the lords supper . . they had prayers . ford on the th commandment . for publick prayer , see act. . . and receiving the sacraments at the times appointed , act. . . both the family-duties and secret duties which we are bound to perform every day , are ( by the equity of that law , numb . . , . ) to be doubled upon the sabbath-day . hilders . on psal. . ● . lect. . the sabbath must last as long as other dayes , that is , the full space of hours . f isa. . . call it a delight to consecrate it to the lord , that is , take you as much delight in doing the exercises of religion , as many do in the works of their callings or recreations , and also much more : for they are far more easie , comfortable and profitable . m. dod on the com. . see m. hilders . on psal. . . lect. . mal. . , . what shall one do in heaven if the sabbath be wearisome to him , there we shall keep an eternal sabbath . labour to get a spiritual and heavenly frame of heart , so much of heaven as is in you so much you will count these duties a delight . some have found a beginning of the taste of heaven on the sabbath . yet this is to be observed , when the duty is performed to man , the obedience is given to god who commandeth us to perform these duties to our neighbours . ford. this is the first commandment of the second table , upon which all the rest do depend . as in the first table the keeping of all the commandments following dependeth on the keeping of the first : so here , if this commandment were well observed , both of superiours , inferiours and equals , there could be no disorder against any of the commandments following . m. dod. of all the commandments of the second table this first only is affirmative , the other are all negatives . this commandment is the first of the second table , because there can be no order or state that can stand without this commandment , nor could the other commandments be kept without this . richardson philol. makes it one of the first table , so doth hudson in his divine right of government , l. . c. . but our orthodox divines generally do upon good grounds make it the first of the second table . honoris interesse majus est omni interesse & jam vel vita ipsius ; & generosae indoli , em●ri sic satius est per honorem , quam per dedecus vivere . episc. andr. tortura torti . vult deus hoc praecepto sancire ac stabilire tres illos praeclaros in genere humano ordines ac status : o●conomicum videlicet , ecclesiasticum & politicum : omnesque in his ordinibus comprehensos sui officii admonere , & ad illud praestandum obstringere . fabric . in decalog . prov. . . & . . gratius nomen est pictatis quam potestatis , etiam familiae magis patres quam domini vocantur . pater in hoc mandato naturalis est , spiritualis est , & politicus : omnibus aequaliter & sine discrimine dicitur : honorate parentes : & omnes parentes honorate , honora patrem & matrem , honore reverentiae , fidelitatis & tolerantiae . sub nominibus patris & matris intelliguntur etiam avus , avia , aliique majores , qui in lineâ , quam vocant ascendentem , numerantur , quemadmodum sub filiorum nomine nepotes , & omnes qui ab aliquo originem ducunt , significantur , maccov . loc . commun . c. . honor est agnitio dignitatis , vel excellentiae illius quae est in alio , cum ejusdem debita testificatione . agnitio fimul dicitur & testificatio , quia neque in externa observantia sola , neque in interna consistit , sed in utroque . ames . medul . theol. honora ] tum aliis reverontiae signis , tum ad vitam necessaria illis exhibendo , quod sub voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehenditur , ut tim. . , . aiunt hebraei vel in pistrino laborare filium debere , ut subveniat parentibus . patrem tuum & matrem tuam ] ut terrestres deos , à quibus originem trahitis . grotius in cap. exod. xx . notat hic aben esdras solere deum , ubi quid vetat , poenā addere ut modò bis , ubi quid imperat praemium , ut hoc loco . quidam hebraea verba exponunt , ut prolongent dies tuos , scilicet parentes ipsi suo favore & ad deum precibus . sed vereor ne id nimis subtile sit , & rectius graeci aliique interpretes vocem quanquam sormae activae , sumant in sensu passivo aut reciproco , nimirum ut prolongentur , aut prolongent se dies tui . absolomo hoc praeceptum violanti curtati sunt dies . grot. explicat . decal . ut prolongent dies tuos ] scilicet parentes , est enim prolongandi verbum hic activae significationis . sed quo modo parentibus triluitur quod solius dei ? propterea quod parentes sunt quodammodo medium & causa instrumentalis per quos deus filiis aliquando vitam prolongat , exaudit enim deus saepè preces & benedictiones , quibus filiis suis obedientibus ac morigeris benedicunt ac bene precantur . r. aben ezra haec verba ita explicat , ut prolongent dies tuos , scilicet mandata dei , sed prior lectio simpli●●or est paul. fag . annotat. in chald. paraph. vide cartw. in loc . * calv. instit. l. . c. . sir thomas moore being lord chancellour in his time , and having his own father then living , and at that time a judge ( for he was one of the judges of the kings-bench ) never went to westminster-hall to sit in the chancery there , but first he would up to the kings-bench where his father then sate , and there on his knees would ask him blessing before a world of lookers on . how respective was ioseph to his father , and solomon to his mother , king. . , . luk. . . * ephes. . . right implieth three things : . that it is agreeable to the law , the law of god , of nature , of nations . . that the place of parents requireth as much , for right requireth that every one have his own , that which is his due . . that parents deserve as much , for right presupposeth desert . d. gouges domest . dut. coloss. . . compared with ephes. . . so far forth as children transgresse not any of gods commandments in obeying their parents , they ought to obey . rom. . . tim. . . titus . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . deut. . . ever the blessing or curse of the parents , hath a prophetique power joyned with it , flores regij by king iames , deut. . . the punishment which by the law was appointed to disobedient and rebellious children , was a publick shameful death , deut. . . to . parentis effigiem filo corporis exprimere hoc omnibus cum aliis commune est : virtutes patrum tam rarum natis est exprimere , quam patribus virtutum suarum ac morum exempla suis relinquere posse . jos. scalig. epist. christoph. & augustino puteanis . postquam ex parentum consensu vel expresso , vel tacito , in sua potestate sunt constituti , tum patria potestas propriè sic dicta cessat , quamvis nunquam cessare possit debitum gratitudinis , observantiae , & pietatis filialis . ames . de consc . lib. . c. . the four cardinal duties of a parent are prayer , admonition , example , correction . a gen. . . b gen. . . ibid. the childe set at liberty makes the mother ashamed , prov. . . see dr. gouges domest . duties on ephes. . . deut. . . see tim. . . and master baxters saints rest. part . see dr. gouge , ibid. sect . , . discant hic matres se debere per se suas proles nutrire & lactare : natura enim hoc illis onus imposuit . hinc mammillas & ubera veluti lag●nulas quasdam ad proles nutriendas aptas , illis largita est . plin. l. . c. . scribit lac maternum esse utilissimum & naturae prolis convenientissimum . vide aul. gell. l. . noct . attic. c. . scribit lampridius titum filium vespasiani imperatoris toto vitae tempore adversa valetudine laborasse , eò quòd à nutrice infirma lactatus esset , de tiberio quoque caesare fertur quòd fuerit magnus potator , quia nutrix ipsius talis erat , secundò ex eo quòd filius non lactetur à propria matre sit ut mater filium & filius matrem minus amet . vnde naturalem parentum ac filiorum amorem majorem videmus in communi plebe , quam in familiis nobilium , quoniam ferè nobiles foeminae infantes suos per nutrices lactari curant , à lapide in gen. . . origo vocabuli servorum in latina lingua inde creditur ducta , quod hi qui jure belli possent occidi , à victoribus cum servabantur , servi fiebant , à servando appellati , quod etiam ipsum sine peccati merito non est . aug. de civit . dei. l. . c. . servitus conditionalis & usualis . see ephes. . . coloss. . . tim. . . tit. . . prov. . . see dr. willet on exod. . quest. . & . dr. gouges domestical duties on ephes. . , , , . servants must obey their masters , but in the lord , and therefore the apostle ever joyneth some clause of restraint , col. . . ephes. . . cor. . . a servant is not sui juris , must do his masters work , is a living instrument in the hand of another , pet. . . servus non est persona sed res , saith the civil law , one describes him thus , a servant is a person that yeelds himself to the command of a master , and submits to his authority to do his will , rom. . . so the centurion describes a servant , matth. . . psal. . , . tim. , . see dr. gouges domest . duties on ephes. . . naamans servants called him father . deut. . , . see dr. gouges domest . duties part . without their union of hearts their uniting of bodies and states will be a death , ephes. . . love is such a natural property , of that relation , that god to shew his affections to his church when he would comfort her , saith that he is her husband , see a rare example of wively affection speed in edw. the first , p. . cor. . not beauty , wit , wealth , kindnesse received , these things may alter . matrimonial love , that is , such as beseemeth that neer knot and conjunction . where the bond is closest , the love must be strongest . his soul must rest it self in her as the onely woman under heaven for him ; and hers upon him , as the onely man under heaven for her . prov. . , . as if he had said , if thou do not love thy wife , thou wilt look after harlots , or at least art in danger so to do . * religio à religando . gen. . . it is not said a help onely , for so are the living creatures , and therefore called , jumenta à juvando , but a fit or meet help . in the original it is , before him , and with a note of similitude , as before him , that is , answering to him . prov. . . the wives relation-grace is subjection in the lord , the apostle twice or thrice cals for this subjection and obedience , pet. . , . . this is there made the great ornament . . the apostle shews there the benefit of this subjection . the titles and names whereby an husband is set forth , do imply a superiority and authority in him , as lord , pet. . . master , esth. . . guide , prov. . . head , cor. . . pet. . . sarah called abraham lord. ephes. . . cor. . . cor. . . men are commanded to receive them in the lord , to hold them in reputation , to know them as over them in the lord , to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake , to hold them worthy double honour , and to obey them , phil. . . ministers must be faithful in their calling . faithfulnesse is a constant and diligent performing of all the parts of the duty of a minister from the right grounds and for the right ends sincerely , because god requireth , and for his glory and the salvation of the people . it was a wonderful thing in paul , cor. . . that he knew nothing by himself , that is , no notorious defect in regard of his ministry . he should have thummim integrity of life , as well as urim , light of learning . it was said heretofore , stupor mundi clerus britannicus , the wonder of the world is the clergie of britain . tim. . . ieroboam made the basest of the people to be priests , kin. . . & . . and some would make the priests to be the basest of the people . prov. . ● . pet. . . see tit. . . rom. . . what one doth for conscience sake , he should do willingly . a great burden lies on the magistrate . unicus tantum est subjectus in civitate magistratus , luth. psal. . , . zach. . . acts . , . iulianus imperator , quamvis esset apostata , habuit tamen sub se christianos milites , quibus cum dicebat , producite aciem pro defensione ecclesiae , obediebant ei ; cum autem diceret eis , producite arma in christianos , tunc agnoscebant imperatorem coeli . grotius de jure belli ac pacis . l. . c. . ex ambrosio . omni lege , divinà , naturali , nationali , licitè semper reges & principes , suis subditis tributa & imposuerunt , & licitè quoque exegerunt , cùm ad patriae & reipublicae defensionem , tum ad ipsorum & familiae honestam procurationem . montac . orig . eccles . parte priore . it is a divine institution , that there should be regimen politicum , a rule and government among men . all civil subjection of man to man came in by sin . god subjected other creatures to man , but not one man to another ; there should have been a natural subjection of the son to the father , but not civil , nomen istud culpa meruit non natura . aug. cited before in servants . it is an ordinance under christ as mediator , yet ( though civil government came in by sin ) it is gods ordinance , omnis potestas est à summa potestate . see bis●●ld in lot . government often fals into the hands of evil men , dan. . . ps. . . job . . zanchius de magistratu . it is observable in all the kings of israel and iudah , in the kings and chronicles , that their stories begin with this observation , as with a thing first worthy to be chronicled , how they dealt in matters of religion ; such a king did that which was right in the sight of the lord , and such a king did that which was evil in the sight of the lord , and walked in the waies of ieroboam the son of nebat that made israel to sin . see chr. . . it was an ancient ceremony in the church of israel , that at the kings coronation the book of god should be given into his hand , kin. , . deut. , . to shew that god committed the care of religion principally to the king , that by the uttermost of his power and authority it might be established in his dominions . the nicene counsel was called to convince the arrians , the synode of dort to convince the arminians . they should . provide just laws , not rule by their will. . observe them themselves , and see they be observed by others . . rule by love , and seek the welfare of the people , psal. . . esth. . . tim. . . esth. . ult . sub alexandro militabant plurimi . sub augusto nemo non cudebat carmen . neronis tempore multi por urbem cantores , histri●nes , phonasci , multi magi. adrianus omnes faciebat observatores veterum scriptorum . lud. viv. de caus●●orrupt . art . l. . prima magistratus cura debet esso , religionem veram promovere , & impietatem prohibere , isa. . . isa. . . exempla hujus curae laudantur in davide , solomone , josaphat , hezekia , josia , &c. ames . de consc . l. . c. . vide ames . de consc . l. . c. . quaest . . dr. hill on jer. . . see chron. . . gerh. loc . commun . crocii anti-weigel . art . . l. . c. . crocius in his anti-weigel . p. . hath this question , an magistraetui christiano liceat haereticos coercere , and holds the affirmative in some cases , part . cap. . quaest . . sect . . and answers the contrary argum. sect . . object . the kings of iudah had the prophets of god with them , who had an infallible spirit . ans. the kings of iudah had infallible prophets among them , but they did not believe them . we have as infallible a rule as they had , gal. . . that principle of infallibility of some external visible judge , brought popery into the world , and brings in scepticism and practical atheism . a m. do● . b murder is the unjust taking away of the life of a man. it is unjust when it is without due ground and warrant from god. ford of the covenant between god and man. violentia omnis & injuria , ac omnino quaevis noxa , qua proximi corpus laedatur , interdicitur . calv. instit. l. . c. . homicidium est injusta hominis occisio . illa autem occi●io , atque etiam laesio est injusta , quae vel non fit auctoritate justa , id est , publica vel publicae aequipollente , vel non ex justa causa , vel non ordine justo , vel ex intentione non justa . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . non actus omnis sed illicitus hic significatur , qui solet esse significatus vocis hebraeae ratsach , grotius . m. whateley of the com. see elton on this comman . p. , . elton . gen. . . gen. . . & . , , , . quia in quinto praecepto deus praemiiloco inferioribus promittit longaevā vitam , tanquam praeclarum suum donum , & inter omnia , quae nobis divino munere veniunt , vita sit charissima : ideo nunc sapien●issimo ordine divino subjicitur sextum praeceptum , de conservanda vita , tum proximi , tum nostra . matrimonium totius civilis societatis fundamentum est . buxtorf . de decal . vide grot. in explicat . decal . gerh. loc . com . tom. . & fabricius . voluntas divina est naturae primalex . gerson . numb . . , * non desunt teste r. s. qui putant terram quocunque locorum venerit cain , sub ●o tremuisse , quo conspecto homines dixere , fugite , is est crud●lis ille homicida qui sratrem suum occidit . p. fag . in gen. . . neque enim frustra in sanctis canonicisque libris nusquam nobis divinitus praeceptum permissumve reperiri potest : ut vel ipsius ad●piscendae immortalitis , vel ullius carendi cavendive mali causa , nobismetipsis necem inseramus . august . de civitate dei , lib. . cap. . vide plura ibid. c. , , , . occide●e sem●tipsum ex intentione directa est inter gravissima homicidii peccata . quia sic faciens , . graviter peccat adversus authoritatem dei , qui solus est dominus vitae . . adversus bonitatem dei , cujus tantum beneficium contemnit . . adversus providentiam dei , cujus ordinem turbare conatur . . adversus charitatem , qua non minus tenetur se quam proximum in vita conservare . . adversus justitiam , quae non patitur quenquam rempublicam & alias societates humanas , quarum pars est quisque membro aliquo ex arbitrio privato spoliare . . adversus communem naturae inclinationem , atque adeo legem naturae . ames . l. . de consc . c. . vide aquin. a , ae . qu. . art. . lactant. divin . instit. lib. . de falsa sapientia , p. . * saul is the first man whom the scripture sets forth to us for an example of this worse then beastly rage and unnaturalnesse . he by his example drew his armour-bearer to it , these two with achitophel and iudas are all which the scripture mentions to have murdered themselves ; these were all evil men except the armour-bearer in whom was little good as is likely . self-murder in some cases was held commendable and honourable by the romans . see d. hackw . apol. of gods provid . in the govern . of the world , l. . c. . sect. . nec samson aliter excusatur , quod seipsum cum hostibus ruina domus oppressit , nisi quia spiritus latenter hoc jusserat , qui per illum miracula facicbat . aug. de civit . dei , l. . c. . quaeritur , an samson 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ejus factum excusari queat . august . l. . de civit . dei. c. . hoc sic interpretatur , ut dicat eum semetipsum , una cum philistaeis ruina domus oppressisse spiritu latenter hoc jubente , qui per eum miracula faciebat . nec fas esse nobis aliter credere . nam ad id faciendum divinitus ●i redditam fuisse fortitudinem . hanc responsionem plerique etiam alii sequuntur . nec obstat quod dicit , ut ul●iscar me de hostibus meis , quasi privatam injuriam ulciscendi cupidus . nam injuria samsonis injuria publica crat , ut qui judex esset populi . irrisio quoque ejus irrisio dei israel erat , in cujus contumeliam , philistaei pro capto samsone diis suis solennius in templo gra●ias agebant . estius . vide grot. samson ( ex singulari instinctu ) directè intendebat philistaeos occidere , non semetipsum , quamvis praeviderit suam mortem inde secuturam , jud. . . similis ferè est ratio ●orum qui pulvere tormentario accendunt ●avom qua feruntur , ●e perveniat in hostis possessionem . ames . de consc . l. . c. . judge hales drowned himself . see foxes third volume , pag. . whereupon bishop gardner called the gospel , the doctrine of desperation . * chemnit . loc . commun . ames . l. . de consc . c. . see elton on this commandment , p. . to . whereas there are two acts , as introductions into the field , a challenge and an acceptation ; both of them have their guilt , but the former so much the more , as it hath in it more provocation to evil . d. halls cas . of consc . resolved case . there were but two practices of this in scripture , . that famous challenge of goliah , which that proud philistim had not made , if he had not presumed of his giantly strength and stature , so utterly unmatchable by all israel , that the whole host was ready to give back upon his appearance , sam. . . the other was in that mortal quarrel betwixt ioab and abner , on the behalf of their two masters , david and ishbosheth , sam. . . wherein abner invites his rival in honour , to a tragical play ( as he terms it ) a monomachy of twelve single combatants on either part , which was so acted , that no man went victor away from that bloudy theatre ; only it is observable , that in both these conflicts still the challengers had the worst . d. hall ubi supra . * see cook on lit. p. . b. sir wal. rawleighs hist. sir fr. bacon . lansii orat . contra italiam ex camerar . & aliis . ut sexto praecepto deus prosp exit vitae tum proximi , tum nostrae , ne quo vis pacto loedatur , sed omnibus modis conservetur●●ita septimo conjugium , tanquam medium generis humani propagandi & conservandi , sanxit . adeoque omnia prohibet quae hui● sanctoe justae & legitimae mari & faeminae conjunctioni adversantur : vult enim generic humani honestissimam ac sanctissimam propagationem . fabric . d. tayl. life and death of christ. lo tineaph ad verbum , non adulterabis . brevissimum verbum ( inquit lutherus ) sed latissima sententia , psa. . . naaph propriè est adulterare . aliud enim habent verbum hebraei , quo scortationem in genere significent . nempe zanah , quod discrimen notatur , hos. . . peccatum quod prohibetur est alieni thori violatio . latini utuntur voce maechari & maechissare , à nomine maechus , quod graecum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adulterium quasi ad alterius torum . triplici modo fit adulterium , . quando conjugatus rem habet cum soluta . . solutus cum conjugata . . conjugatus cum conjugata . postremum gravius est , quod nonnulli etiam duplex adulterium appellant : secundum etiam est gravius primo , propter suppositionem alieni foetus . rivet . in exod. . . vide cartw. in loc . castitas à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●rn● quia praecipuum est hominis ornamentum . rivet . chastity is a vertue of ordering ones self aright in regard of the faculty of generation . it is two-fold , . in a single life , which is the abstaining from the inordinate desire of exercising that faculty commonly called virginity . . in the married estate , a keeping ones self entirely to his yok●fellow . duke robert passing thorow felaise in france , and seeing arlete a skinners daughter , he took such notice of her ( as he beheld her in a dance among other damsels ) that he sent for her to accompany him that night in bed , and begot on her william the bastard duke of normandy , and king of england . her immodesty that night is said to be so great , that either in regard thereof , or in spite to her son , the english called all strumpets by the name of harlots , the word continuing to this day . hoc est quod pudct , hoc est quod intuentium oculos ●rub●scedo devitat : magisque fert homo spectantium multitudinem , quando injustè ●rascitur homini , quàm vel unjus aspectum , quando justè miscetur uxori . august . de civit . dei , lib. . cap. . cor. . . sinc cerere & baccho friget venus . prov. . . see gen. . , . it is called temperance , because it restraineth a man of his liberty . moderation and temperance is the health and soundnesse of the minde . in greek the word hath its name from its effect , the preservation and safety of the minde . cor & oculi duo sunt proxenetae transgressionis , num. . . primi capiuntur oculi : inde in corde exoritur appetitus sive concupiscentia : juxta illud poetae , — oculi sunt in amore duces . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut est in veteri verbo . vossius in maimon . de idolol . cap. . quid ego de cynicis loquar , quibus in propatulo coire cum conjugibus mos fuit ? quid mirum , si a canibus , quorum vitam imitantur ; etiam vocabulum nomenque traxerunt ? lactant. div. instit. l. . de falsa sapientia . august . de civit . dei. * gulielmus parisiensis dixit choream esse circulum , cujus centrum sit diabolus . urbs est in brabant●a buscunducis , in qua ut in aliis ejusdem terrae stato anno di● , quo serunt , maximum urbis templum dedicatum , publice supplicatur , ludique variis divis exhib●ntur . sunt qui tunc personas divorum induant : sunt qui damonum . ex his unum quum visa puella ex●rsisset , domum saltitando se subduxisse , & correptam vt erat personatus uxorem suam in lectum conjecit , se ex ●a daemonium velle gignere dicen● , concubuit . concepit mulier , & infans quem peperit , simul primum aeditus est , saltitare coepit , forma quali daemones pinguntur . haec margareta augusta maximiliani ●ilia , hujus caroli amita narravit joanni lanucae , homini prudentia incredibili , qui tum erat hic legatus à ferdinando rege . nunc est bujus caesaris praefectus in arragonia , vir qui non modo praefecti nomen & personam , sed regis quoque posset sustinere . ludovic . viv. in lib. . c. . august . de civit . dei. simple fornication is soluti cum soluta . * beza in mat. . . see rom. . & d. sclater upon it , ephes. . , . if both be single it is fornication , if one be married it is adultery , when with many whoredome , if with a virgin stuprum , if with a near kinswoman incest , if there be force a rape . non est flagitium ( mibi crede ) adolescentulum scortari . terent. brevis est voluptas fornicationis , aeterna poena fornicationis . purchase his pilgr . l. . c. . jer. . , , . m. hildersam on psal. . . see vvillet on levit. . . p. . & burr . on hos. . . p. . rivet . in gen. . exercit. . levit. . . deu. . , isa. . . ovid. jer. . , . see pro. . & jude . to . venter mero aestuans facilè despumat in libidinem . hieron . lots daughters had no other way to overcome the chastity of their aged father but by making him drink wine . theoninus insanus & uxorius homo de quo ambrosius , cùm gravi oculorum incommodo laboraret , & amaret uxorem , interdict a sibi à medico facultate coeundi , cupiditatis impatiens sibi moderari non potuit , oculos amittere , quam aestum & impetum suae libidinis reprimere maluit , vale , inquit , amicum lumen . humfr. de iesuit . part . . rat . . de patribus . ioan à casu florentinus sodomiae laudes rythmis italicis celebravit , divinum opus appellans , nec aliam se ven●rem experium ait . ad. hamiton . apostat . smetonii orthod . resp. sixtus quartus cardinalis , cuidam , sanctae luciae , nisi fallor , indulgentiam fecit clausulam illam , fiat ut petitur , praepostera venere per tres aestivos anni menses . montac . antidiat . hinc constat omnia non debere esse communia . ratio est , quia nullum furtum committi posset , nec opus esset praecepto de furto prohibendo . macrov . loc . commun . c. . ford of the covenant between god and man. vetatur hic omnes illicita usurpatio rei alienae . august . vide august . confess . l. . c. . & . furtum est ablatio injusta rei alienae invito domino . ephes. . . ames . medul . lib. . cap. . gnanab propriè est clam surripere , vel occultè subducere . unde & ad alias dolosas & clandestinas actiones transfertur , ut sam. . . & sam. . . rivetus in exod. . varro l. . rerum divinarum , furem ex eo dictum ait , quod furvum atrum appellaverint , & fures per obscuras noctes atque atras facilius furentur . quidam tamen à fer● dictum volunt , quod ferat , id est , auferat res alienas . furari igitur tam apud hebraeos & graecos quàm apud latinos , propriè est , res alienas clanculum auserre . zanch. miscel. de furto . furtum propriè est actio adversans legi dei. quà res aliena inscio & invito domino clanculum aufertur . ubi vox , inscio domino & clanculum discriminat furtum à rapina . rapina enim est actio , qua res aliena , invito domino , apertâ vi aufertur . id. ibid. see dr. willet on exod. . . and on exod. . quest . . and estius on gen. . . & on exod. . latrocinium est quando aliquis domino praesente & manifesta vi rapit alienum , si sit in rebus privatorum est furtum simplex , si in rebus sacris sacrilegium , si in re publica , peculatus ; si in ablatione jumentorum & pecorum , abigeatus ; si in ablatione hominum plagiarius . lutherus in octavum praeceptum . robbery is derived de la robe , because in ancient times they bereaved the true man of some of his robes , or garments , or money and goods , out of some part of his garment or robe about his person . sir edward cook. * master mede on acts . , , . the greek proverb is , quot servi tot sures . a lewd priest , when he was caught stealing contrary to his own doctrine , could presently tell the reprover , the eighth commandment doth not say , i shall not steal , but , thou shalt not steal * vide chemnit . & gerh. loc . commun . demosthenes said to him that objected that his speeches smelt of a candle , i know my candle stands in your light , the man being suspected for a thief . varro said that fur was de●ived , à furvo ( that is , dark ) because theeves do willingly work by night , ut jugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones . the theatre of gods judgements , part . cap. . gnanah respondere significat , nominatim igitur de ea testimonii specie agitur , quod in judici●s de causa aliqua interrogati proferim● . gerh. loc . commun . quia adjurati & interrogati per●ibebant testimonium grotius in exod. c. . synecdochice sub una falsi testimonij forensis specie ( quod reliquis pestilentiu● ) continetur in genere detestatio omnis mendacii , lev. . . matth. . . marc. . . rom. . . chaldaeus vertit non testaberis , gr●ci uno verbo dixerunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non falsò testaberis . testes falsi sunt , qui non tantùm falsa fingunt , verum etiam qui vera depravant , matth. . . vel affirmant incomperta , vel qui veritatem malitiosè occultant , ita reg. . . mat. . . act. . . dan. . . & . . prov. . . chemnit . loc . commun . * the godly in time of tentation think themselves to be but hypocrites , and that they have no true grace in them at all , and so they bear false witnesse against themselves . elton on this commandment . isa. . . prov. . , . & . . & . . goods are necessary for life , truth and good name for comfortable life , therefore is this commandment set after the former . esty. of tame beasts ( saith diogeues ) a flatterer is worst , and of wilde beasts a back-biter or slanderer . see dr. sclater on rom. . . hebraei vocant linguam sycophantae linguam tertiam : linguam tertiam memorat aut●r translationis chaldaicae , psal. . . & . . vir qu● loquitur lingua tertia , id est , delator , quod tribus noceat , deferenti , accipienti , & ei de quo . drus. quaest . ebraic . l. . quaest . . the chaldee paraphrast calleth a backbiter a man with a threefold tongue , or a tongue which hath three strings . the jews give an example of it in doeg , who killed three at once with his evil report ; saul , to whom he made the evil report , the priests of whom he made it , himself who made it . weemes . significat ea vox & act●● dol●sos quib●● alienum invertitu● & sonsu● sublimiore , appetitus etiam . huno sensum quia fermè ●egligebant hebr●i , ided christus ostendit talem appe●itum non modò deo displicere , sed & si fov●a●●● gehennae obnoxium . grotius in exod. c. . elton . master dod , god repeating this commandment , deut. . . and setting down all things according to their due estimation , puts the wife in the first place . barker ▪ prov. . . exod. . . chamad in genere est desiderare , concupiscere , optare , quod jucundum est , gratum , utile & voluptuosum , quae actio per se non est mala , sed tantum propter inordinationem , qua naturae rectè à deo positae constitutio turbatur & violatur , unde ebraei dicere solent , hoc verbum concupiscere ●dificasse inferos : objecta concupiscentiae hic exprimuntur nonnulla exempli gratia , sed quia plura sunt , tandem sub universali regula continentur , & omne quod est proximi tui . scopus ergo praecepti est prohibere omnem rei malae contra nos & proximum appetitionem ; atque etiam rei bonae malant cupiditatem , cum scilicet à debito fine & bono disceditur . itaque non absolutè dicitur non concupisces , sed non concupisces domum , uxorem , &c. rivetus in exod. hoc praecepto deus duorum peccatorum supra prohibitorum , nimirum surti & adulterii sontem atque originem extirpare instituit . interdicit enim hoc loco cupiditatem nefariam , ex qua utrumque flagitium nascitur . concupiscere quippe alteri●s uxorem atque bona aliena , hoc loco , est id animo agitare , deliberataque voluntate in id incumbere , ut quocunque tandem pacto illis per●rui possis . volkelius de vera religione . l. . c. . abbot against bishop . ●am differunt non concupisces uxorem proximi , & non concupisces bona proximi , quam differunt non maechaberis , & non facies furtum . cornel. à lap. in deut. . . vide ames . medull . theol. l. . c. . see elton also on this commandment . in all the former commandments , some outward act or deed was commanded or forbidden ; but in this last the lord forbiddeth onely the desire of the heart . ford of the covenant between god and man. the thing forbidden here is a roving and ranging lust , with a general consent of the heart to wish it , yet so that a man would check and reprove his own heart rather then his desire should be accomplished . id. ib. this last commandment pierceth deeper then the former ; before the deed was condemned that was hurtful to our neighbour , and the setled will also and resolved determinations ; these were forbidden in the other commandments : but now the holy ghost reproveth the desire and lust toward any thing of our neighbours , notwithstanding there be no full resolution not setled consent given thereunto . knewstubs lecture on exod. . . in the former commandments is forbidden both the evil act , and also the evil thought setled , and with full and deliberate consent of will ; but in the tenth commandment is forbidden the evil thought , and every motion and stirring in the soul , that is contrary to charity and love of others , though no liking or consent of will be given to it . elton on the commandm . it forbids all inward lust , rom. . . and all first motions of sin , ver . . even before the consent and allowance of the evil , verse . and all lustings after evil , cor. . . or after the good creatures of god in a carnal manner . master fenner on the commandments . downames summe of divinity , l. . contentatio est virtus , qua animus acquiescit in sorte à deo concessa , tim. . . heb. . . phil. . . praecipitur haec contentatio in decimo mandato , ut ex verbis ipsis apparet , neque ullo modo consentaneum est , mandatum istud immediatè referri ad puritatem istam justitiae internam & originalem , quae fons ●st omnis obedientiae ; illa enim non generaliter praecipitur in uno aliqu● mandato , sed in omnibus . contentationi opponitur concupiscentia , heb. . . ●on tota inclinatio naturae nostrae , quae est corrupta ; quae nullo uno pr●cepto singulariter damnatur , sed tota lege ; neque omnes actuales illae cupiditates primae , quae sunt inordinat● , sed illa cupiditas , qua animus primo instigatur ac titillatur desiderio bonorum quae sunt proximi , quamvis eadem illicitis mediis acquirere nondum in animum induxerit . reg. . . marc. . . ames . medul . theol. l. . c. . vide plura ibid. praecipua hujus praecepti virtus est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam contentationem nonnulli appellant , qua animus sorte sua à deo data acquiescit , & plura vel aliena injustè non expetit . wendelinus christ. theol. l. . c. . id quod prohibetur , est concupiscentia alieni , seu ejus quod est proximi nostri , quodque alienare vel non vult , vel per legem non potest . id. ib. the duties required in the tenth commandment are , such a full contentment with our own condition , and such a charitable frame of the whole soul toward our neighbour , as that all our inward motions and affections touching him , tend unto and further all that good which is his . the assembly of divines in their larger catechisme . the general duty required in this tenth commandment is , that we be truly contented with our own outward condition , and heartily desire the good of our neighbour in all things belonging unto him . mr. ball in his catechisme . we are here commanded contentation in our present estate , and are forbidden desiring of , or envying the good of our neighbour . mr. nortons doctrine of godlinesse . downame ubi supra . and finches little book of div. c. ▪ mr. burrough● on phil. . . serm. . si ●d naturam vives nunquam cris pauper , si ad opinionem nunquam dives . exiguum natura desiderat , opinio immensum . seneca epist. . we should be troubled for our evil thoughts , though we do not approve of them , prov. . . vide bellarm. de iustificat . l. . c. , , , . see mr. pemble of iustificat . sect. . cap. . p. , . &c. . p. . &c. see finches sacred doctrine of divinity , cap. . sclater on rom. . pag. . their new obedience consists in studio pietatis & justitiae , in the study of piety and righteousnesse , whereby they are careful to perform good works . this study stands in a sincere desire , an unfeigned purpose , an upright indeavour , to walk in the obedience of all gods commandments . the law is kept with the heart , psal. . , , . bu● not fulfilled but by the whole man performing the whole law alwaies . down . of justificat . l. . c. . cartw. on matth. . . see mr. cartw. rejoynd . p. . notes for div a -e see dr prid. sermon on cor. . . resurrectionem mortuorum futuram esse in carne , quando christus venturus est vivos judicaturus , & mortuos : oportet si christiani esse volumus ut credamus . sed non ideo de hac re inanis est fides nostra , si quemadmodum futura sit , perfectè comprehendere non valemus . august . de civit ▪ dei , l. . c. . articulus intelligi debet de resurrectione gloriosa quae est ad vitam . nam solius ecclesiae privilegia commemorantur ▪ unde nec mortis aeternae mentio fit , quia reprobos ea manet , non electos dei. vossius disputat . . de baptismo . et utique idoneus est reficere , qui fecit : quantò plus est fecisse , quam refecisse : initium dedisse quam reddidisse . ita restitutionē carnis , faciliorē credas institutione . aspici● nunc ad ipsa quoque exempla divinae potestatis . dies moritur in noctem & tenebris usque quaque s●pelitur . fun●statur mundi honor , omnis substantia denigratur . tertul. de resurrect . carnis . this article is most difficult to be believed , and most scoft at by the heathen , therefore most defended by iustin martyr , athenagoras , lactantius , tertullian . * see m. calamy on that text. dormientes videntur mortui apud homines , quemadmodum apud deum mortui dormientes . vita bernardi ▪ * de adventu domini serm. . christs first and second coming agree in some things and differ in others . they agree in these : . at his first coming he came personally and visibly , and so shall at the last . . he came then , and so also the second time to advance his church , and overthrow his enemies . they differ in four things : . his first coming ( in respect of outward glory ) was in a poor abased condition , phil. . . the second in great glory , matth. . . he shall be attended with innumerable angels . he shall come in all the glory of the father , matth. . . & . . . his second coming will bring great joy to all his subjects , and terrour to all his enemies , thess. . , , , . . the good he did for his people at his first coming was but inchoate , at the last perfect . . their communion with god was by ordinances , which shall then be abolish● . when christ came in the flesh , he came to be judged and condemned , therefore he came in a mean and contemptible way , but he shall come the second time to judge the world , john . . hic ostendit , quod in ea carne veniet judicaturus , in qua venerat judicandus . aug. de civ . dei , l. . c. . a duas hoc loco res discimus , & venturum esse judicium , & cum mortuorum resurrectione venturum . de ninevitis enim & regina austri quando haec dicebat , de mortuis sine dubio loquebatur , quos tamen in die judicii resurrecturos esse praedixit . nec ideo dixit condemnabunt , quia & ipsi judicabunt , sed quia ex ipsorum comparatione isti meritò dam●abuntur august de civit dei , l. . c. . b quod autem ait , in regeneratione , proculdubio mortuorum resurrectionem nomine voluit regenerationis intelligi . sic enim caro nostra regenerabitur per incorruptionem , quemadmodum est anima nostra regenerata per fidem . aug. de civit . dei , l. . c. . god shall then have the glory of all his attributes , and christ of all his offices . christ hath fulfilled all the other articles in the creed that concern him , therefore he will not fail also to accomplish this , being the last act of his kingly office . all the creatures call for a day of judgement , rom. . , . pet. . . luke . . mat. . eccles. . . cor. . . cum ergo locus determinatus & tempus d●sinitum sapientiae divinae thesauris absconditum lateat , temeraria esset de iis inquisitio . synops. purior . theol. disputat . ● . thes. . . c supplem . . part . qu. . art. . vide mercer . in amos . . & . & a● obad. . capel . spicileg . matth. . . . ad joan. . . & drus ▪ a● difficiliora l●●● , gen. c. . d mr meder answer to d. twiss first letter . see his answer also to the second . solus meritò constitutus est iudex viv●rum & mortuorum , qui finxi●●igillatim corda universorum , & intelligit omnia opera corum . solum attendo iudic●● , quem & solura justificatorem agnosco . bern. epist. . compare phil. . , ● . with rom. . , . there are three properties especially required to the office of a judge . . knowledge to disce●ne . . power to determine . . justice to execute , all which are in christ. cor. . . aquinas . the leyden divines in synops. pur. the●l . seem to incline to the affirmative , and so do others of our divines , they say , it shall be as a bond cancelled . others rather approve of the negative opinion . see mr burgess of justification , lect. . pag. . nam per quot dies hoc judicium tendatur , incertum est ▪ sed scripturarum morè sanctarum diem poni solcre pro tempore ; nemo qui illas literas quamlibet negligenter logerit , nescit . august . de civit . dei. l. c. . we should walk with a continual awe of it in our souls , iob . , . luk. . . quoties diem illum co●s●dero , toto corpore contremisco , sive enim comedo , fine bibo , sine ali ▪ quid aliud facio , semper videtur illa tuba terribilis sonare auribus meis , surgite mortui , venite ad judicium . hieron . if thou beest godly the thought of the day of judgement will sweeten all reproaches and false censures here , job . . thess. . , , . and make thee more holy as well as more comfortable . a wicked pope in the midst of all his jollity heard a voice in his palace of naples , saying , ven● miser in judicium dei , and that night he was found dead . in sinne there is an aversion from the creator , and a conversion to the creature . to the aversion , the poena damui answers , to the conversion poena sensus . mark . . god thus punisheth the conscience in hell . . because that faculty is the strength of a man , a man will bear his infirmities , but a wounded spirit who can bear ? . because it is the tenderest part in a man. . it is the most active in sinning , shall purge their consciences from dead works , heb. . because it hath the greatest office and honour p●● upon it here . optimum est tunc sentiri vermem cum possit etiam suffocari . itaque mordeat nunc ut meriatur , & paulatim desinat mordere . bern. primam mors animam dolentem pellit de corpore , secunda mors animam nolentem tenet in corpore . aug. de civit . dei , l. . c. . mat. . . & ult . thess. . . prov. . . hell is called a bottomlesse pit , luk. . . revel . . . the great gulf shews the eternity of that condition , they shall not come out till they have paid the utmost farthing . ubi mors semper vivit , finis semper incipit , spe sublata sola manet oeterna desperatio . drexel . some say , hell is on high before the throne of the lamb , and within the view of the glorified saints , revel . . . isa. . ● . b. bilson , bellarm. aquinas , with mr wheatley and others , say , it is below . constituunt enim scholastici communi consensu intra terram quatuor sinus ●ive unum in quatuor partes divisum , unum pro damnatis , alterum pro purgatorio , tertium pro infantibus siue baptismo abe untibus , quartum pro justis , qui morichantur ante christi passionem , qui nunc vacuus remanet : quorum sufficientia sumitur penes genera poenarum , sunt enim haec omnia loca poenalia ; omnis autem poena , aut est tantùm damni , aut etiam sensus ; & rursus aut aeterna , aut temporalis : pro poena ergo solius damni aeterna , est limbus puerorum ; pro poena solius damni temporali , erat limbus patrum ; pro poena damni & sensus aterna , est infernus ; pro poena damni & sensus temporali , est purgatorium . bellarm. tom. . controvers . . lib. . c. . de loco purgatorii . incentro collocant inferuum damnatorum : circa ●anc purgatorium , tum limbum puerorum : ad extremum limbum patrum . chamier . tom . . l. . c. . proxima pars gehennae est purgatorium , purgatorio proximus limbus puerorum , puerorum limbo proximus patrum limbus . rainold . de lib. apoc. tom . . praelect . . tom. . controv . lib. . de purgat . c. . abbot against bishop . clamandum , ergo non modò vocis , sed gutturis ac laterum contentione , purgatorium exitiale satanae esse commentum , quod christi crucem evacuat , quod contumeliam dei misericordiae non ferendam irrogat , quod fidem nostram labefa●it & evertit . calv. instit. l. . c. . sect. . duo sunt habitacula , unum in igne aeterno , alterum in regno aeterno . august . in lib. suo de verbis apost . . serm. nec est illi ullus medius locus ut possit esse nisi cum diabolo qui non est cum christo l. . de peccat ▪ meritis & remissione cont . pelag. c. . * dr fcatleys stricturae in lindomastig . chap. of ind●●● . bellarm. lib. . de pu●●● . . ait poenas in purgatorio esse atro●●●mas , & cum i●cis m●llas poenas hujus vitae comparandas esse docere constanter patres , & ex thoma minimam poenam purgatorii esse majorem maxima poena hujus vitae . vide bellarm. l. . de purgat . c. . vide bellar. ●ib . c. , , , , . petrus cottonus iesuita in christianissimi regis aula patrum nostrorum memoria nobilissimus , cum in quandam en●rgumenam incidisset , neque tam opportunam occasionem negligendam putaret homo discendi cupidissimus , inter caetera , quae à malo quidem , sed tamen calido , & docto daemone sciscitanda in chartula quaedam annotaverat , etiam disertè praescripserit , quis evidentissimus scripturae locus ad probandum purgatorium , & invocationem sanctorum ; ut est ab amplissimo viro jacobo augusto thuano in historiarum libris proditum . dallaeus de poenis & satisfact . l. . c. . vide defense de la fidelite de traductions de la s. bible faites à geneve par turretin preface an lecteur , & verification . . touchant le purgatoire . limbus accipitur propriè pro parte insi●●a vestis muliebris imos pedes contingeute , vel pro fascia extremitatem vestium circumquaque ambiente . si pro alterius cujus dam rei margine accipiatur , id ●it metaphora quadam , in qua aliqua ●it analogia necesse est . limbus verò papisticus cum juxta autores suos ●it part inferni , ac secundum bellarminum pa●s superior , saltem ille qui patribus assignatur , debebant prius doccre qualis fit inferni figura , ut sciri possit , num limbus fit superior vel inserior , item an sint duo , cum infantum limbus habeatur pro inferiori . rive● ▪ in cathol ▪ orthod . see d. willets limob-mastix . de fin● abrahae & limbo patrum . vide cam. myroth . & capel . spicileg . ad luc. . . & chamier . ad heb. . , vocatur futura piorum gloria , . vita ut distinguatur ab infoelicissimo & miserrimo damnatorum statu , qui mortis nomine exprimitur . intelligitur autem vitae nomine non nuda viventis existentia , ab animae & corporis unione dependens , ea enim & piis in coelo & damnatis in inferno crit communis , sed beatissima & foelicissima viventis conditio , quae à beatifica dei viventis visione , & corporis & animae glorificatione dependet , per quam pii à damnatis vel maximè distinguuntur . gerrh . loc . commun . all amor mercedis is not amor ▪ mercenarius . vide montac . apparat. . pag. , ● , , , &c. antiqui certè patres unanimi concentu & consensu docent , antiquos sanctos aut in loco aliquo subterraneo & secreto fuisse repositorio : aut alibi dispositos ubi deo visum : non autem in coelo summo beato , & glorioso , quem appellant paradisum . montac . orig . eccles. tom. prior . parte posteriore p. . see heb. . . opened in my annotat. the end of our faith is sight , of our hope possession , of our love enjoying . ubi est summum bonum , ibi est summa foelicitas , summa jucunditas , vera libertas , perfecta charitas , aeterna securitas , & secura aeternitas . bern. meditat . cap. . three things will be perfected at once , a mans sanctification , communion and comfort . we shall be made like unto god , joh. . . we shall be assured that our happinesse shall continue for ever , as the misery of the damned is to be without hope , so they shall be without fear . the matter of the saints communion in heaven shall be the redemption of christ , the praising of ●his wisdom and justice , luke . . gods providence concerning them , gods righteous judgements , revel . . . see dr prid. on pet. . . death puts an end to finne , the beatifical vision perfects our sanctification , and makes the soul impeccable , say the schoolmen . many of the fathers believed , that the just were not admitted to the beatifical vision before the day of judgement , but kept in s●cret receptacles . there is , . plena adeptio . . summa delectatio , psal. . . . perfecta quietatio . that there shall be different degrees of glory in heaven , it hath been the ancient and constant tradition of the church , testified by the unanimous consent of all the fathers , was never questioned by any , untill that peter martyr in this last age first began to doubt thereof , and others since more boldly adventured to contradict it . m. mede on mat. . . see more there . aureolae deferuntur , . martyribus propter victoriam de mundo . . virginibus ob subjugatam carnem . . praedicantibus propter profligatum diabolum . d. prid. scholast . theol. syntag. mnemon cap. . dav. de justitia actuali , c. . dicimus cum calvino , quod pro gratiae mensura in hac vita suis concessa deus quoque gloriae gradus in futura distribuat . vide calvinum in institut . l. . c. . sect. . & in matth. . . & matth. . scio alios doctos & pios viros in contrariam sententiam concessisse , inter quos agmen ducit petrus martyr quem alij etiam hoc tempore sequuntur . talemque esse controversiam judico de qua salvo fidei fundamento , in utramque partem disputari possit● quia neutrae parti desunt suae rationes , quae probabilltate suae non carent . rivet . in cath. orthod . supplem . . part . q. . art. . isa. . . that place , joh. . . to some seems unanswerable , to prove that eternal life is begun here , but perfected hereafter , therefore glory , wherein doth consist the perfection of eternal life , doth but gradually differ from grace , wherin the inchoation of that life doth consist . notes for div a -e there is , . a holy shame , which is aningredient into true repentance , the object of this is sin , eze. . . sinfull shame , when we are ashamed of christ and his word , and people , mark . ult . tim. . . pudor à rebus putidis . scal. it is the blushing of the face upon the apprehension of doing something unseemly . shame is defined by aristotle , a grief and trouble of minde arising from such evils as tend to our disgrace ▪ l. . rhet. c. . pudor est metus quida● infamiae . arist. ●thic . . ● . . the historie of the church since the dayes of our saviour iesus christ, vntill this present age. devided into foure bookes. . the first containeth the whole proceedings and practises of the emperours ... . the second containeth a breefe catalogue of the beginnings, and proceedings; of all the bishops, popes, patriarchs, doctors, pastors, and other learned men ... . the third containeth a short summe of all the heretiques ... . the fourth containeth a short compend of all the councels generall, nationall, and provinciall ... devided into . centuries. ... collected out of sundry authors both ancient and moderne; by the famous and worthy preacher of gods word, master patrick symson, late minister at striueling in scotland. historie of the church. part simson, patrick, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the historie of the church since the dayes of our saviour iesus christ, vntill this present age. devided into foure bookes. . the first containeth the whole proceedings and practises of the emperours ... . the second containeth a breefe catalogue of the beginnings, and proceedings; of all the bishops, popes, patriarchs, doctors, pastors, and other learned men ... . the third containeth a short summe of all the heretiques ... . the fourth containeth a short compend of all the councels generall, nationall, and provinciall ... devided into . centuries. ... collected out of sundry authors both ancient and moderne; by the famous and worthy preacher of gods word, master patrick symson, late minister at striueling in scotland. historie of the church. part simson, patrick, - . simson, patrick, - . short compend of the historie of the first ten persecutions moved against christians. symson, andrew. [ ], , - , - , - [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed by i[ohn] d[awson] for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop, at the three golden lions in corne-hill neere the royall exchange: and for william sheffard, at the entering in of popes-head alley, out of lumbard streete, london : . editor's dedication signed: a. symson. includes rearranged extracts from the history of the first nine centuries of the church from his: a short compend of the historie of the first ten persecutions moved against christians. the last leaf is blank. p. misnumbered . a second part was published in . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully 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xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -- controversial literature -- early works to . church history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the historie of the chvrch since the dayes of our saviour iesvs christ , vntill this present age. devided into foure bookes . . the first containeth the whole proceedings and practises of the emperours , both of the west and east for , or against the church ; as also the wonderfull loue of god towards it , by whom it was so preserved , that neither by tyranny it could be subdued , nor by policie circumvented . . the second containeth a breefe catalogue of the beginnings , and proceedings ; of all the bishops , popes , patriarchs , doctors , pastors , and other learned men ; in europe , asia and affrica , with or against the church , together with their deaths . . the third containeth a short summe of all the heretiques , which haue beene in the church ; the time when , and the place where they lived ; as also the persons by whom they were subdued . . the fourth containeth a short compend of all the councels generall , nationall , and provinciall ; together with their severall canons , which haue beene established , either with , or against the church . devided into . centuries . by all which is clearely shevved and proved , the antiquitie , visibilitie , and perpetuitie , of our church ; euer since christs dayes , vntill this present age. collected out of sundry authors both ancient and moderne ; by the famous and worthy preacher of gods vvord , master patrick symson , late minister at striueling in scotland . london printed by i.d. for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop , at the three golden lions in corne-hill neere the royall exchange : and for william sheffard , at the entering in of popes-head alley , out of lumbard streete . . to the right gratiovs prince : lodowick duke of richmond , and lenox ; baron of settrington , darnley , te●banten , and methuen ; lord great chamberlane , and admirall , of scotland ; lord steward of the kings household ; knight of the most noble order of the garter ; and one of his maiesties most honorable privie councell . although it may seeme both to your grace and others , great presumption in me , a stranger , to trouble your grace , either with the view of these vnpolished lines , or this ensuing historie ; yet i hope the latter shal be a sufficient excuse for the former . for having received it from your noble sister the countesse of marre : at her ladiships commaundement , and especiall direction , i revised it , put it to the presse , hastened the printing , and now also craue your graces patronage thereto : not so much respecting the greatnesse of your authoritie as the goodnes of your nature and disposition , whereof much might be sayd , but that i hold it needlesse to shew the sunne with a candle . thus humbly commending it to your graces favourable acceptation , and heartily committing you to the almighties gracious protection , i humbly take my leaue , resting your graces humble servant : a. symson . to the right noble , vertvovs , and elect ladie ; marie , countesse of marre : p.s. wisheth , grace , mercie , and eternall felicitie . the estate of the church of christ ( noble ladie ) whereof wee reioyce to be accounted feeling members , hath beene subject vnto manifold afflictions , even from the beginning of the world : ( not like vnto the estate of moab setled vpon her dregs ; and not poured out from vessell to vessell ) yet the more afflicted , the more beloved of god ; whose face , watred with teares , is faire ; and whose mourning voyce , is pleasant in the sight of god : and as doing of good willingly , hath a great recompence of reward from god : even so patient suffering of evill , for righteousnesse sake , as it is highly commended in scripture , so it shall be richly rewarded in heaven : yea the very heathnick philosopher plato ( to whom the glory of the sufferings for christ was vnknowne ) affirmeth that men who suffer , scourging , binding , tormenting , boring out of eyes , and finally , strangling of their breath for righteousnesse sake , are exceeding happy , are ( as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth ) thrice happy : although the superlatiue degree of suffering , which can be found amongst the heathnicks , could never equall the glorie of the sufferings of christians . they who were initiated in the mysteries of mittera ( which word in the persian language signifieth the sunne ) could not bee admitted to that honour , before they had beene tried by suffering fourscore divers sorts of punishments ; such as long abstinence from meate and drinke , solitarie living in the wildernes a long time , tryall of suffering the fervent heate of fire , and the coldnes of water , and many other torments , vntill the number of fourescore had beene completed . these voluntarie sufferings , like as in the beginning they wanted the warrant of gods calling , so likewise in the end they wanted the hope of gods reward , but the mouth of god himselfe pronounceth : christians to be blessed who die in the lord , for they rest from their labours , and their works follow them . the manifold persecutions of the church , may be devided into three rankes ; some were fierce and bloodie , some were craftie , the third was and is , both craftie and cruell . the ten heathnicke emperours , nero , domitian , traian , &c. were so prodigall of the blood of the lords saints , that they poured it out like water vpon the ground : the arrian emperors were subdolous and craftie ; but the persecution of antichrist which is the third , goeth beyond the rest both in crueltie and craft : yea the experience which we haue had in our owne dayes of the cruelty of antichrists supposts , and their craftie convey of their malicious enterprises intended against our soveraigne lord , his royall race , and noble counsellers , doth cleerely proue that the malice and craft of antichrist , goeth as farre beyond the craft and malice of all emperours , as the flood of noah , exceedeth the inundation of nilus . in the first , second , and third , centuries , the faith and patience of christians was tried by the yoake of ten bloody persecutions . for first the apostles , ( who had heard with their eares the words of the great shepheard of our soules , and seene with their eyes god manifested in the flesh ) were chosen to be faithfull to the world , of the doings , sufferings , and doctrine , of iesus christ : and next to the apostles their disciples and true successours , sealed vp with rivers of blood that faith , which they receiued from the apostles . the fire wherewith they were burnt ; the water wherein they were drowned ; the ayre wherein their bodies were hanged ; the mountaines and wildernesses through which they wandered ; the darke prisons wherein they were enclosed ( as people vnworthy of libertie ) ; yea all the elements & the very light of heauen , from whence by most vnrighteous violence they ( the righteous heires thereof ) were excluded ; all these ( i say ) were witnesses of their glorious sufferings . in the fourth , fift , and sixt , centuries , the knowledge of the church was tryed by heretiques , who by the mistie clowds of error , endeavoured to blindfold the eyes of men , and to leade them captiue from the simplicity of the truth of god ; at which time also , the power of the light of god was manifested , in discipating the darknesse of errours , as the sun-rising doth the darknesse of the night . in the seventh , eighth , and ninth , centuries ; the romane church ( resembling the harlots of heliopolis in phoenitia , who having liberty to prostitute themselues to the lust of strangers , teach their children procreated by this libidinous copulation , to depend only vpon them whom they know , not vpon their fathers , whom they know not ) disadvantageth her children with the voyce of god sounding in holy scripture ; teaching , that it is sufficient to beleeue as the church of rome ( the mother of al churches ) beleeveth , which in matters of faith cannot erre . but wee must depend vpon the voyce of god , our heavenly father , who hath begotten vs by the incorruptible seed of his word , fed vs with the sincere milke of the same , and anoynted vs with the balme of gilead , making glad his owne citie , even with the waters of his owne sancturay . the lowd sounding trumpets of vaine and idle words , we leaue to the adversaries of the truth , for that is their armour wherewith they fight against the gospell of iesus christ. in the tenth , eleventh , and twelfth , centuries ; the tyranny of antichrist was accompanied with a wonderfull growth of lyes , falshood , and ridiculous fables , of which the absurdity of one , striving with the absurditie of anothe● , derogateth , in the end , credite from them all , and ( as the souldiers of cadmus , who were bred of dragons teeth ) kill one another . vincentius is not ashamed to write , that they who regarded more their play & game , & dancing , then they did the reverend hearing of the masse ; were plagued with a continuance in dancing without intermission , for the space of a twelue-moneth thereafter . if penne could blush , if hand could tremble , if paper could bee ashamed , such ridiculous fables had not beene written . at this time learning was not to bee found in pastors , sincerity in councels , humility in prelates , and true religion in the multitude of people and nations : for in stead of these , there was abundance of liturgies , processions , and pilgrimages , masses , superstitious vowes , multiplication of vnprofitable ceremonies , confidence in externall service , as if it could saue , ex opere operato , fastings , tyed to dayes and moneths , not vnlike to the fasts of the donatists . at this time the vines of sodome and gomorrah abounded with grapes of gall , and bitter clusters . at this time the key of the kingdome of god , seemed almost lost ; the preaching of the kindome of christ , ceased for the most part : the authority and preheminence of the pope over princes , and all men in spirituall offices ( like the axes and hammers of the assyrians , cutting downe the carved worke of the house of the lord ) sounded so lowd in all churches , that the sound of the gospell could , scarcely be heard . and although at this time there were some romane bishops who spoke against the kingdome of the divell , yet their hearts were so filled by him , with ambition , avarice , vncleannesse , contempt of the lawfull authority of princes , superstition , and horrible idolatry , that hee led them head-long to hell , as men may leade dogs ( though barking aloud ) whither they please . in the thirteenth , fourteenth , fifteenth , and sixteenth , centuries ; even to these our times , there is nothing to bee expected , but a discoverie of antichrists hypocrisie , a decay of his vsurped authority , an abrogation of his tyrannous lawes ; and finally , an vtter ruine and destruction of his kingdome , notwithstanding of all the maintainers and vpholders of the same . and surely , it is a great encouragement to vs , when we see false teachers dayly renuing their forces to fight against the truth , as the philistims did , who fought against david in the valley of rephaim , after they had beene often discomfited by him . the last period of their reluctation against the lords annoynted , was losse and hurt to themselues , and dishonour to their gods , whom they were forced to leaue behinde them , which david tooke and burnt with fire , calling the place baalperatzim ( that is ) the rupture of baal . the adversaries of the gospell in christendom , by renuing their forces againe , are procuring a new name vnto their idols : they cannot bee content with the name of baal-peor , baal-meon , baal-thamar , baal-chatsor , baal-gad ; but they will spread out their banners in the valley of rephaim against the lord , longing for the last name , baal-peperatzim , confusion to themselves . that this hath beene the estate of the church , euer since the dayes of christ vntill this present , doth evidently appeare out of the ensuing history , wherein besides the antiquity and visibility of this our church , your ladiship may also ( as in a mirrour ) behold her wonderful constancie opposed to her enemies cruelty . let the papists to cover the turpitude of their new found doctrine , pretend antiquity as much as they will , yet they will never bee able to proue it . so did the hagarens boldly vsurp the name of saracens , although they were only the brood that sprang from the wombe of hagar , the hand-maide of sarah . and the priests boy in the dayes of eli came to the caldron , while the flesh of the peace-offering was seething , and thrust in his flesh-hooke , all that the flesh-hooke brought vp , the priest tooke for himselfe , which thing was done by violence , the priest having no right thereto . the roman church in our dayes having borrowed the flesh-hooke of the priests boy , and violently arrogated vnto themselues , the faithfull keeping of ancient apostolique traditions ; when wee demand where the charter containing their title and right , wee see nothing but the flesh-hooke , with these three teeth in their hand : . the church cannot erre . . wee are the true church . . cursed be hee that saith in matters of faith , our generall councels can erre . madam , accept vnder your ladiships favourable protection , these my travailes in weaknesse , not vnlike the writer ( whose life it hath pleased the lord to prolong these many yeeres by-past , vnder many infirmities of a dayly decaying tabernacle ) containing a faithfull testimony of my humble endeavour , to confirme the branches of your noble houshould in the true faith of christ. though there be many that forsake christ , and are as reprobate silver from whom the drosse cannot bee separated ; yet let the noble house of marre follow christ. and as helene , queen of adiabani , when she left her countrey , and came to dwell at ierusalem , filled the bellies of the poore with the corne of egypt , and the fruites of cyprus ( for it was a yeere of vniversall famine ) and spared for no cost , to doe good to the saints who were at ierusalem ; so i beseech the lord to raise vp many honourable ladies ( such as your ladiship is ) to refresh the barren soules of ignorant people in this land , with examples of humilitie , modestie , godlinesse , and all other vertues . now the mercies of the lord iesus , the author and finisher of our faith , attend vpon my lord your husband , vpon your ladiship , and all your noble house : and the great mediator of the covenant of god , stablish all your hearts in the certainty of his vndoubted truth , vnto the end , and in the end . amen . your ladiships humble servant : p. symson . the authors epistle to the reader . it was admired of old , that aphraates , who lived in the cottages of the wildernesse all his time , yet once was found in the streets of antiochia , in the dayes of the emperour valens : he excused the change of his former behaviour , by the similitude of a modest virgin , lurking quietly in the secret corners of her fathers house , so long as it is in safety , but if it be set on fire , it is a hurtfull modestie to lurke any longer ; necessity forceth her to runne abroad , that shee may giue warning of the imminent danger . this example of aphraates might sufficiently excuse mine vnaccustomed boldnesse , to set forth my head , which hath beene lapped vp so long in hurtfull silence . for now the power of darkness increaseth , and ( as the prophet sayth ) : woe vnto vs , for the day declineth , and the shadowes of the evening are stretched out , yea the shadowe of mount athos reacheth to the isle lemnos , a sure fore-running token , of the going downe of the sun. and therefore now it is time to creepe out of our subterraneall caues , that wee may giue notice to quence the fire in time , before it spread further , and bring greater desolation to the house of our god. papists are become insolent of late dayes ( like vnto serpents in summer weather , taking courage , and byting the heeles of horses that the riders may fall ) not sparing both in word and writ , to reproch our religion , as not countenanced by an iquity ; and our ministrie as altogether naked and voyd of the knowledge of ancient learning : shall wee now stand still ( as idle men in the market-places ) one looking vpon another ? i had rather ( then wee should sustaine such apparent damage and hurt , through vntimely silence ) step forth with the lacedemonian souldier , impotent of his legs , and neither apt to fight , nor able to flie ; having this comfort ( as he had ) that happily i may blunt the edge of the enemies sword , and make others ashamed , who are more fit for fighting then i am . and although those who haue vndertaken to write compends , haue found therein great difficulty , being so invironed with straits , that they finde it very hard , either to satisfie themselues or others ( for if the compends bee short , they seeme obscure ; if written at length , they seeme to haue need of other compends , to abridge their prolixity ) yet notwithstanding of all these difficulties , it is better to set forward by doing some good , either to our selues or others , then to spend our time in idlenesse , left our cogitations ( like vnto the vpper and lower mill-stones , which lacking good graine to grinde vpon , rub violently one vpon another , vntill both be broken ) not being well exercised , but spent vpon vaine things , become hurtfull to both our soules , and bodies . in the . . and . centuries ; i haue made no mention of councels , either provinciall , or nationall ; for during that time , as they were few in number , by reason of the rage of persecuting emperours ; so most part of those which were gathered , were obscure , and the lesse regarded in respect of their contradiction one to another . there was a councell gathered at rome , another in caesarea palestinae , another in france , the fourth in pontus , and one in asia ; all for one , and to the selfe same purpose : viz. to deliberate concerning the keeping of easter . in rome , victor was of one opinion ; polycrates in asia held another ; iraeneus in france , was wiser then the rest , and was more carefull to keepe vnity in the church of christ , then to dispute con●entiously about the keeping of dayes : a national councel of philadelp . in arabia , was gathered against artemon & beryllus , wherein origen was present . another at rome , by cornelius , for the suppressing of the error of novatus . another at antiochia , against paulus samo satenus , a pernicious heretique . others were gathered by cyprian , bishop of carthage , for rebaptizing of those who were baptized by heretiques : which weaknes both in cyprian , and in other bishops of africk , was after corrected by the church . take in good part the goats-haire , and rammes-skins , which i present to cover the tabernacle of our god. i referre the ornaments of gold , silver , and precious-stones , for beautifying the inner parts of the tabernacle , to others , vpon whom god hath vouchsafed greater gifts . the house of god is large and ample , and as it hath neede of bright-shining torches , for the hauls , parlors , and chambers ; so it hath need of smaller lights , for cellers , and office-houses : if my farthing candle giue light in the lowes celler of the house of god , my heart is fully content . farewell . thine in the lord : p. symson . the first booke of the history of the church : whereinto the whole proceedings and practises of the emperours both of the west and east , for or against the church , are briefly expressed : as also the wonderfull loue of god towards her , who so preserved her , that neither by tyranny she was subdued , nor by policie circumvented . centvrie i. augustus caesar. ovr lord iesus the true prince of peace , was borne in bethlehem iuda of a maid , in a very peaceable time , in the . yeare of the raigne of augustus caesar. at what time the temple of ianus was closed and locked vp , which in time of warres was continually patent and open . at the time of this blessed natiuity the angels of god reioyced , the divels trembled . some affirme that all the oracles of iupiter , apollo and hecate were silent , and gaue no answers : alwayes it is certaine that many yeares before the lords blessed nativity , the lord permitted the world to be wonderfully blinded with the delutions of the diuell . the top of iupiters oake in dodona was shaken , the caldron was smitten with the rod that was in the hand of iupiters image : the prophetesses forewarned by these fore-running tokens of inspiration were ready to vtter iupiters oracles , and the deceived people were humbly kneeling and attending vpon the answer that should be giuen . the tripode in delphis , the laur●ll and fountaine in daphne , apollo his deceitfull ensignes , the ram-faced image of iupiter , ammonius in gyrenia , with many moe places whereinto the sound of the diuels trumpet was heard , to these places ( i say ) did people bewitched by satan resort in frequent numbers to be taught by the mouth of him who was a lyer from the beginning , and who remaineth a lyer , albeit hee spake at some time the truth , because hee speaketh it animo fallendi vpon a purpose to deceiue . it is very credible , that the blessed seed , who came to breake the head of the serpent , did stopp his mouth also in the time of his blessed nativity . the countrey of iudea at this time was subiect to the romanes , and payed tribute to caesar. the deputies of augustus in iudea and syria , were cyrenius , coponius , ambibuchus , and annius rufus , one succeeding to another . herod the sonne of antipater by favour of antonius obtained this honour to be gouernour of the nation of the iewes , but the honourable name of a king he received from augustus caesar : this was ratified for his further assurance by the senate of rome , for which cause herod to testifie his thankefull minde towards antonius , builded a castle in ierusalem very neere to the temple called arx antonia : and to the honour of augustus , he builded caesarea palestinae , sometime called the tower of straton . now a forreiner and stranger , of his fathers side an idumean , of his mothers side an arabian , and an aliant both from the stock of david , and also from the common-wealth of israell was raigning in iudea , and the sceper was sliding from iuda , now i say , was it time that shiloch should come , according to iacobs prophecie , to whom the people should be gathered . now was it time that the promised m●ssias should come & sit in the throne of his father david , and of his kingdome there should be none end . and indeed how can the kingdome of christ haue an end , who acquireth a new title and right of gouernment by death , which is the last period of other kings governments , and in death they leaue a vacant roome to a successour : but christ iesus by dying , and rising againe , hath a right to rule both over dead and quicke . yea in the very death it selfe hee was practising his kingly office in most effectuall manner , and and trampling satan vnder feet , and vndoing the power of death , in augustus time also , ioseph was admonished in a dreame to take the babe and his mother , and to flee into egypt . sozomen not content with the certainty of scripture , addeth a particular nomination of the towne hermopolis in thebaida , whereinto christ soiourned vntill the death of herod the great . this hee had by the vncertainty of tradition . the miracle of the huge and high tree prestis , that bowed the toppe lowly to the ground and worshipped her maker christ , and afterward had a medicinable vertue in fruit , leafe , and barke , to cure diseases , rather derogareth credit to that egyptian tradition , then assureth vs of the verity of that report . herod before his departure from this life ; had put to death three of his sonnes , aristobulus , alexander , and antipater , and by testamentall legacy had divided his dominions amongst his remanent sonnes , archelaus , herod , antipas , and philip : which testament being ratified by augustus , iudea , samaria , and idumea were alloted to archelaus , the tetrarchie of galilee to antipas , and iturea and trachonitis to philip. ioseph being returned from egypt , when he heard that archelaus did reigne in iudea in stead of his father herod , feared to dwell in iudea , but beeing warned of god in a dreame , went to the parts of galilee , and dwelt in a citty called nazaret . all this was done in the dayes of augustus . after hee had reigned . yeares , or as iosephus writeth , . yeares , viz. with antonius . yeares , and after hee overcame antonius and cleôpatra queene of egypt in sea-warfare over against epirus , hee had the imperiall soveraignty himselfe alone all his dayes , and died in the . yeare of his age . tiberius . after augustus raigned tiberius nero . yeares , seven moneths , seuen dayes . the romane deputies that were sent to iudea in the time of his raigne , were valerius gratus , pontius pilat , and vitellius . valerius gratus for loue of gaine remooued the priests of the iewes from their offices , at his owne pleasure . ananus , ismael , eleazarus , simon the sonne of camithus , all these were denuded of their priestly dignity , when as two of them , viz. eleazarus and simon had continued scarce one yeare in office . in end ios●phus caiphas is advanced to the priesthood . this is the cause wherefore the evangelist iohn calleth caiphas the high priest of that same yeare . matters of religion were now come to an horrible abuse , and were not ordered according to gods holy ordinance , but according to the appetite of the roman deput ies . after gratus , pontius pilate was sent to be deputy in iudea , a man vigilant and actiue in all civill affaires , as the blood of the galileans mixed with their sacrifices clearely proueth , but in the cause of christ remisse , negligent and slacke . after the issue of ten yeares , vitellius is appointed deputie in iudea , and pontius pilate addresseth toward rome . by gratifying of the iewes of a matter of small importance he obtained great fauour . the priestly garments were wont to bee kept in the castle called antonia , but vitellius gaue commandement to the captaine of the castle , to let the high priest haue the vse of them when hee pleased , and to chuse what place he liked best for the custodie of the priestly garments . hee disauthorized caiphas , following ( as appeareth ) the example of valerius gratus , and gaue his office to ionathan the sonne of ananus , sometime high priest. in the . yeare of the raigne of tiberius , christ our lord and saviour was baptized by iohn in iordan , was led to the wildernesse , fasted forty dayes , was tempted of the divell and began to preach . in the . yeare of tiberius , the lord was crucified , and offered a sacrifice for our sinnes , which hath a perpetuall vertue to saue such as beleeue . hee arose againe the third day from death . the high priests and rulers of the people gaue money to the souldiers , to obscure the glory of his resurrection , yet it was sufficiently knowne , not onely to christs disciples , by his frequent apparitions to them , but also to pontius pilate the romane deputy himselfe , who had given out a sentence of death against christ. pilate by letters signified to tiberius the miracles of christ , his resurrection , and that hee was supposed of many to be god : but the senate of rome refused to acknowledge the divinity of christ , because hee was worshipped as god , before his godhead was approved by the senate of rome . the words of the apostle paul had performance in the romane senate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they became vaine in their imaginations , and their foolish heart was full of darknes , when they professed themselues to be wise , they became fooles . the very smoke that riseth from the furnace seemeth to be somewhat at the first , but when it mounteth vp into the aire , the higher it ascendeth , the more it scatereth , and the sudden dispartion of it declareth it is but a vaine thing . such was the wisedome of the romane senate , when they mounted vp so high as to iudge of diuine things farre surpassing the reach of the naturall vnderstanding of man , they prooued starke fooles , and people destitute of true vnderstanding : and pilate himselfe ouerladen with many heauy calamities in the dayes of caius , put hands into himselfe , and so ended his wretched life . euseb. lib. . cap. . caius caligula . caius caligula , successour to tiberius , raigned three years and nine months . hee was a proud tyrant , enemy to all righteousnesse , the very childe of the diuell . i insist only vpon church matters . hee was an hatefull enemy to the iewes dwelling at ierusalem , and at alexandria . for one and the selfe-same cause were they both despised and hated of caius , because they would not giue vnto him diuine honors by building temples , and altars , and offering sacrifice to new iupiter caius , and swearing by his name . first concerning ierusalem , hee had sent petronius to be deputy in iudea , with commandement to dedicate the temple of ierusalem to iupiter caius , and to set vp his image in the temple . the iewes were more willing to die , then to see the temple of their god polluted . petronius advertised the emperour of the grievance of the iewes , but before his letters came into the hands of caius somewhat interveened that both disappointed the purpose of caius , and also incensed his heart with fury and rage against his deputy petr●nius . at what time herod agrippa was at rome , whom afterward the angell of god smote at caesarea , so that hee was consumed with wormes , hee was exceedingly beloved of caius , because in the dayes of tiberius hee had beene cast in prison , and bound with bands for the loue hee carryed to caius , in so farre that caius invited agrippa vpon a certaine time to a banquet , and bade him aske what hee pleased , and it should be granted . agrippaes petition was this , that caius would suffer the nation of the iewes to liue according to their owne lavve . caius was moued somewhat with this vnexpected petition , yet partly for his excessiue loue toward agrippa : also , left hee should seeme to them which fate at table to be a promise-breaker , the petition is granted . but the venome of his indignation against the iewes hee poured out against petronius , because that by lingring in executing his commandement occasion was offered to agrippa to present this foresayd petition . the letter of caius sent to his deputy was cruell and bloody , the like whereof was seldom heard : because hee fulfilled not the emperours desire , he is commanded to giue out sentence of death against his owne life , and to be both iudge and burrio to himselfe . such mercy was in this new iupiter caius . before i write any thing of his cruelty against the iewes that dwelt in alexandria , it is a meet place to admonish the reader of the hypocrisie and counterfait holinesse of herod agrippa , who seemed both in the dayes of caius , and also in the dayes of the emperour claudius , to bee a patterne of godlinesse , preferring at the banquet of caius the liberty of the people of god , and the inviolable observation of the law of god , to all the riches that the liberality of an affectioned emperour could be able to afford . in claudius dayes hee sayled from italy to iudea , hee acknowledged god to be the author of his deliverance from prison and bands , and offered a chaine of gold to bee hung vp in the temple of ierusalem , in testimony that hee receiued that benefit with a thankfull mind out of the lords hands . in outward things hee was a builder of the wals of ierusalem , vntill the emulous envie of marsus , or envious emulation , the hinderer of all good workes , compelled him to desist and to leaue the worke imperfited . for all this outward shew of holinesse , the lessons of caius whom he loued beyond all things , never left him till his last breath . caius desired to be counted a god , so did agrippa in caesarea delight when his oration was called the voyce of god and not of man. caius persecuted the iewes without a cause , so did herod agrippa the christians . caius the higher hee advanced himselfe , the greater was his fall , the like also happened to agrippa . so pernitious a thing is vngodly company , burning their associats with their fire , or else blacking them with their smoke , and hurtfull every manner of way . in the towne of alexandria the grecians contended against the iewes , both parties sent ambassadors to rome , the grecians sent appion , the iewes sent philo a very prudent and learned man. appion with flattering words insinuated himself in the fauour of the emperor caius , & accused the iewes that they neither builded temples , nor offered sacrifice to the honor of caius , as the grecians did . philo was ready to answer , but caius ruled with affection rather then with reason , caused philo to be thrust out of his palace , and would not hearken vnto him . in these two mirrors , we may see the cruell disposition of this emperor , whose dependers were persecuters of christians , like as he himself was a persecuter of the iewes . if any good turne fell into his hand , it was rather by accident then of purpose to glorifie god , or to punish sin : he banished herod antipas , who beheaded iohn the baptist , & his wife herodias that incestuous harlot , who ended their liues in penury and misery in lyons of france . but all this was done for the fauor of agrippa , but not for detestation of murther & incest . in end caius was slaine by his owne servants , chereas & lupus , whom the emperour claudius afterward punished vnto death . this new iupiter i count him to haue been in worse case then old iupiter the son of saturne , albeit both of them died , yet the one after his death , was counted a god , but the other after his death was counted a diuell . claudius . claudius raigned thirteene yeares , eight months . hee ratified the gift of the kingdome of iudea , bestowed by his predecessor caius vpon herod agrippa , and added thereto all the dominions of herod antipas , whom caius had banished . this herod agrippa when hee returned from italy to iudea , builded the walles of ierusalem , sparing for no cost , so high and strong , that if the worke had not been hindered by the procurement of marsus governour of syria , he had made them impregnable . hee was not so carefull to build the walles of the spirituall ierusalem , for hee beheaded the holy apostle s. iames , the brother of iohn , and did cast peter into prison , whom the lord miraculously deliuered . this herod and the iewes made hauocke of the glory of god , and blood of his saints . for he gratified them by shedding the blood of the apostles of christ , and againe they gratified him by giuing him the glorie that appertained to god alone . for which cause he was stricken by the angel of god & consumed with wormes , in this emperour claudius dayes , the famine foretolde by the prophet agabus afflicted the world . one of the causes of this plague doubtlesse was the manifold abuses of the creatures of god , in the middes of the aboundance of bread , the contempt of the poore , which faultes were so vniuersally ouerspread in the world , that some of the emperours themselues were not free of the foule spot of intemperancie : as the scoffing speeches of the people did witnesse in stead of claudius tiberius nero calling the emperour caldius biberius mero . this is referred to the successour of augustus . in the yeere of our lord . and in the sixt yeere of the reigne of claudius , as chytraeus reckoneth , was gathered that famous councill of ierusalem described viuely by the euangelist luke whereat were present the apostles , peter and paul , and iames , and barnabas a reuerent man of god in whom apostolike giftes were not lacking , with other worthie men , iudas surnamed barsabas and silas notable prophets and fellow-labourers of the apostles : likewise the commissioners of antiochia , and elders of ierusalem with many others who were beleeuers . what was concluded in this councell , i remit to the faithfull narration of the euangelist luke . alwayes if votes be pondered rather then numbred , this is the councell of councels more worthie to bee called o ecomenicke then the councels of nice , of constantinople , of ephesus , and chalcedon . in the councell of nice were worthy bishops , who came from all quarters , of the world , but in this councill were holy apostles , who could not erre in matters of faith , o ecomenicke bishops indeede , and any one of the holy apostles was illuminated with more aboundance of cleare light in things pertaining to the worship of god then al the & . bishops cōueened at nice in bithynea . many romaine deputies were sent in the dayes of claudius to keepe syria and iudea in subjection to the romaines , such as marsus , longinus , cuspius phadus , tiberius alexander , cumanus and felix . i leaue marsus and longinus for desire to open vp in what deputies time things mentioned in holy scripture came to passe . when cuspius phadus was deputie , there arose a deceitfull man named theudas , to whom resorted a number of men aboue . who were slaine , and all who followed him were scattered , iosephus writeth that phadus sent forth a trope of horsemen , who suddenly charged the people that followed theudas , and slew them , and tooke theudas aliue , and cut off his head , and brought it to ierusalem , after this man arose one iudas of galile in the dayes of the tribute , and drew away much people after him : he also perished , and all that obeyed him were scattered . if gamaliel in that narration keepe the order of time , as these words ( after him ) would import , of necessitie the words of the history of the actes must be vnderstood of another theudas then that man of whom iosephus writeth in the place aboue mentioned . for iudas of galile liued in the dayes of augustus ▪ and when cyrenius was deputie of syria and iudea , but i am not certaine whether or no the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doe absolutely import that iudas of galile was posterior in time to theudas . when cumanus was deputie , who succeded to tiberius alexander the insolencie of one romaine souldier was the destruction of twentie thousand innocent people , he discouered the secret parts of his body vpon a solemne feast day , neere vnto the temple , and in the sight of the iewes , they counted this a contempt done to god in the porch of his owne house : cumanus drew the romane souldiers to the castle called antonia verie neere the temple , and set them in order , and the people of the iewes fearing the inuasion of the souldiers , sled , and in the narrow passages ouertrode one another , and a great multitude of people were slaine , after this the people of the iewes came to caesarea where cumanus was for the time , and complained of a romane souldier , who had cast a booke of holy scripture into the fire , whom cumanus beheaded , and so pacified the iewes . in end , cumanus through his euill gouernement procured to himselfe the indignation of the emperour claudius , he fauoured the wicked cause of the samaritanes , who had stopped the passages of the galileans , and slaine a great number of them . they were accustomed yeerely to goe vp to ierusalem to holy fea●tes , and their way was through the townes and villages of the samaritanes . cumanus rather fauoured then punished this wicked fact of the samaritanes , therefore he was remoued from his place , and felix was sent to be deputie of iudea . whether claudius was impoisoned by agrippina his wife to prepare an easie passage to nero her sonne to be emperour or not , i leaue that to be read in authors , who haue entreated the liues of emperours politikly . it contenteth me to write of the estate of the church in their time . nero. domitius nero , succeeded to claudius : he reigned thirteene yeeres and eight months , his mother agrippina after the death of cneus domitius aenobarbus was joyned in mariage with the emperour claudius . in the first fiue yeeres of his gouernement he abandoned the insolencie of his wicked disposition , so that it was a prouerbe in the mouthes of men , neronis quinquennium , in regard of his good cariage for the space of fiue yeeres . but a fire long couered , in end breaketh out into a mightie flame , that no water can slake it his cruelitie against his mother , his wife 's octa●ia and poppea , his master seneca , the poet lucan , and the vile abuse of his body with persons of his neerest consanguinitie , i remit to the reading of learned authors , who haue written exactly the historie of the romane emperours , and i hast to that which is the principall purpose of this compend , how wicked nero kindled the first great fornace of horrible persecution against the christians . it cannot be denyed but in the dayes of tiberius our lord christ iesus was crucified : in the dayes of caligula and claudius the hands of that cruell persecuter herod was mightily strengthened by the fauour , countenance and bountifulnesse of both these emperours , so that he layd hands vpon the pillars of the house of god : and so i deny not but the church of god before the dayes of nero was in the fornace of trouble , but now ' come the dayes whereinto the roman emperours like vnto nebuchadnezar were full of rage , and the forme of their visage was changed against the christians , & they commanded that the fornace should be hoate seuen times more then it was wont to be . this historie henceforth conteineth on the one part , the great wrestling of persecuting emperours against god , not like to the wrestling of iacob with god. the place of iacobs wrestling was pen●el , where he saw god , the forme of wrestling was with many teares and strong supplications , the end was , that the angel should not hastly depart from him leauing him comfortlesse , the successe was the obtaining of a blessing , which was the armour of god to saue him against the hatefull malice of esau : but by the contrary , nero , domitian , traian , antonius , and the rest set their faces against the heauen , commanded the holy one of israel to depart out of the world , endeuoured to quench the sauing light of his gospell , and by so doing , brought downe vpon themselues , in stead of a blessing , that wrath that is reueiled from heauen vpon all them who detaine the truth of god into vnrighteousnes , on the other part is set downe the constant faith and patient suffering of the saints who hated not the burning bush , because it was set on fire , but they loued it , because in it they were refreshed with the comfortable presence of the great angel of god , who would not for gaining of their liues once fashion themselues according to the similitude of idolaters in outward and externall things . tertulian in his booke de corona militis declareth that true christian souldiers abhorred from setting a garland of flowers vpon their heads , when they received wages for their painfull seruice in warfare , because it was the habit of idolaters who sacrificed to iupiter . o happy men of god , whose vertues the dead colours of painters cannot represent , and the festered manners of this corrupt age cannot imitate ! when shall the fresh oyle of the grace of god bee powred into our lampes , that the light of our faith , patience , and constant perseverance may shine clearely to the world as theirs did ? the occasion of this great persecution of nero , was his owne barbarous and cruell fact : hee caused the towne of rome to be set on fire , which wasted the buildings of the towne for the space of sixe dayes , and to eschew the vile infamy of this barbarous fact , hee layde the blaine vpon the christians , and gaue forth edicts and commandements to to persecute them to the death . nero was so hatefull an aduersary to all righteousnesse , that eusebius following the example and words of tertullian , affirmeth that if the gospell had not beene an excellent good thing , it had not been condemned by nero. it is supposed that peter was crucified , and paul was beheaded at rome , in the time of this persecution . if this be true , the very dead bones of peter and paul are witnesses against the romane church , if they continue not in the same faith , that peter and paul sealed vp with their blood . the estate of the iewes vnder nero was very hard in respect of the oft change of the romane deputies . for in neroes time continued felix for a space , whom the emperour claudius had sent to iudea , and after him festus , albinus , and florus . this last deputy was fashioned according to the similitude of the manners of nero his master , and the proverb holdeth true in nero and florns , such man , such master . in the time that felix was deputy , a certaine egyptian man pretending to be a prophet , and promising great things , perswaded foure thousand of the iewes to follow after him , but felix sent forth companies of horsemen and footmen , who slew foure hundreth of the people that followed the egyptian , and tooke two hundreth of them aliue , the rest were scattered , but the seducing prophet escaped , and could not be found . when festus was deputy , king agrippa heard the apology of paul , and sayd that in a part paul perswaded him to be a christian. this agrippa ( i say ) the sonne of herod , whom the angell of god slewe , was advanced to great honours by the emperour claudius , as his father had beene before him by the fauour of caius , and he possessed not onely his fathers dominions , but also the tetrarchy of iturea and trachonitis , sometime belonging to philip the sonne of herod the great . his might and riches procured trouble to the nation of the iewes . he had a palace situate vpon the west-side of the temple of ierusalem , and in regard it was builded vpon a mountaine , he had a delectable prospect of the towne of ierusalem : yet not content with this , hee mounted vp the walles of the palace by a new building , so high , that they who were in the palace might haue seene the altar , and sacrifices of the iewes offered in the inner court , which at that time was called atrium iudaorum . this doing grieved the hearts of the iewes . they on the other part , to cut off the sight of those who dwelt in the palace , from beholding their sacrifices , raysed vp the wall of the inner court on the west-side to such eminency , that no man could behold the sacrifices of the iewes from the palace . king agrippa and festus with authority commanded the iewes to demolish their new builded wall . in end this matter was referred to the emperour nero , who being solicited by his wife poppea , gratified the iewes in this poynt , and compelled them not to cast downe their wall . festus died in iudea , and albinus was sent to be deputie in iudea . ananus was the high priest of the iewes in those dayes , and finding opportunity of time , to practice the malice of his heart against iames the sonne of alpheus , furnanamed iustus , an holy apostle and kinsman of our lord iesus . when albinus was vpon his iourney , and had not as yet arriued neither to the coasts of egypt , nor of iudea , this ananus ( i say ) caused iames furnamed iustus , and the brother of our lord , to bee stoned to death . eusebius writeth that he was throwne down from the pinacle of the temple . this cruelty of ananus , albeit it displeased both king agrippa , and albinus the deputy of the romans , and the people of ierusalem , yet wicked men are wiser in their owne generation , then the children of light : and ananus sawe that if hee had lingred vntill the romane deputy had arriued , hee could not haue procured the death of a man counted so inst , and so welbeloved of the people , as the apostle iames was . it is to be marked that eusebius in the forementioned place describeth the martyrdome of iames furnamed iustus , before the edict of the persecution of nero , after which folloshed the martyrdome of peter and paul , in the . yeere of nero his raigne , neuerthelesse , the romane church had forged epistles decretall , whereinto clemens bishop of rome , writeth to iames furnamed iustus , after the death of peter . what credit these decretall epistles deserue , it shall be declared hereafter , god willing . but florus who succeded to albinus , was an avaritious and cruell man : hee exhausted the treasure that was in the temple , and tooke out of it sixteene talents of siluer . and when the iewes at ierusalem murmured against him , hee came to the towne in great wrath , and permitted the souldiers to slay , and to spoyle the citizens of ierusalem at their pleasure . likewise he afflicted with vnaccustomed cruelty , men of noble birth , by scourging and crucifying them . this was the ground of the warre betweene the romanes and the iewes , wherein ierusalem came to that lamentable ruine foretold by our saviour christ. now to returne to the emperour himselfe , and forme of his death . after he had raigned . yeares and eight moneths , the senate of rome proclaimed him to bee an enemy to mankind , and condemned him to be whipped with wands to the death , and to be harled through the city . for feare of which punishment he was forced to flie , and by slaying of himselfe , made an end of his most wretched life . iustin. vespatian . after nero , otto , vitellius , and galba contended for the empire , and were all hastily cut off , and made out of the way , and flavianus vespatian was chosen emperour by the roman arny , he reigned ten yeares . the nation of the iewes at this time , for the most part was given ouer into a reprobate minde , according as it was foretold by the prophet zacharie : then sayd i , i will not feed you : that that dieth , let it die , and that that perisheth , let it perish , and let the remnant every one eate the flesh of his neighbour . like as the intollerable cruelty of flerus had irritat the nation of the iewes : even so on the other side , the vnsupportable obstinacy of the iewes had incensed the wrath of the romanes against them . they were now become so head-strong , that they reiected the sacrifice that was wont to be offered for caesar. the calamity of the iewes who dwelt in alexandria , and in damascus , was but the beginning of sorrowes : fifty thousand iewes were slaine in alexandria , ten thousand in damascus . besides this , many signes and wonders both in heauen and earth , did proclaime their future desolation and destruction . a comet was seene in heauen , hanging ouer the towne of ierusalem for the space of a yeare , and having the similitude of a sword : in the temple at the mid time of the night , a cleare light was seene shining round about the altar , in brightnes not vnlike vnto the light of the day : and the great brasen port of the temple opened of it owne accord , about the sixt houre of the night : chariots of fire were seene compassing townes , and a voyce was heard in the sanctuary warning to flit , and to transport , with many other fearfull signes and wonders . but a people senslesse , whose eyes were dimme , whose eares were dull of hearing , whose heart was fatte , and locked vp by satan in infidelity , they could take no warning of the wrath to come , because the lord was minded to destroy them . flavius vespatian , and his sonne titus vespatian leading an army of threescore thousand armed men from ptolemaida , besieged the townes of galilee and trachonitis : so many as would not willingly bee subiect to the romanes , the townes of gadara , tiberias , iotopata , tarithea , gamala , all these were brought vnder the reverence of vespatian , and iosephus , who had beene lurking in a caue ( after the towne of iotopata was conquered ) was taken aliue , and kept in bands by the romans : hee foretold that vespatian should be emperour , and saluted him caesar , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , while nero was yet aliue . when this prophecie came to passe indeed , and hee was chosen to bee emperour , hee sent for iosephus , and commanded that he should be loosed from bands , but titus his sonne , thought more expedient that his bands should bee cut off from him , rather then loosed , to the end he might be counted a worthy man , who never deserved captivity nor bands . flavius vespatian returned to rome , and left behinde him his sonne titus to subdue the iewes , and to besiege the towne of ierusalem , but the christians who dwelt at ierusalem , were warned by god to depart out of the towne of ierusalem , so they left it , and dwelt beyond iordan in a towne of decapolis , called pela . separation of the corne from the chaffe , goeth before the vnquenchable fire wherewith the chaffe shall bee burnt . titus beganne to besiege ierusalem in the first yeare of the reigne of his father , at the time when the people were gathered to celebrate the feast of the passeouer . the terror of the sword of the romanes without , the feare of mercilesse brigands within the bowels of the towne prevailing , the shewer of the dead ( wanting the honour of buriall ) infecting the aire , and devouring the living with contagious sicknesse , the violent plague of famine breaking assunder the bands of nature , and constraining women to eate the birth of their owne bellies . all these calamities seased vpon them at once , in the iust iudgement of god. they despised the father of eternity , and the prince of peace , and sayd to pilate , wee haue no king but caesar. now they finde that the mercies of caesar were cruell , and his sonne titus , who was commended in all mens mouthes , as meeke , mercifull , liberall , and eloquent , and was called amor & delitiae humani generis : that is , the loue and most dainty thing of all mankinde , yet god made him a terrible scourge to the nation of the iewes , who forsooke the lord iesus , and preferred caesar vnto him . in scripture wee reade of many great viols of the wrath of god powred downe vpon vnrighteous men , but these are greatest that resemble by most liuely representation the great condemnation of the wicked at the last day , such as the flood of noe , the ouerthrow of sodome , and destruction of ierusalem . the flood of noe was vniuersall and sudden , so shall be the condemnation of vngodly men at the last day . the overthrow of sodome and gomorrha , was a destruction vnsupportable , and the more meet to bee an example of the vengeance of eternall fire . the destruction of ierusalem , and the forerunning tokens thereof , are so mixed with the tokens preceeding the condemnation of the great day , that it may bee clearely perceiued , that god hath appointed the one to be a type and figure of the other . so oft as we call to remembrance the flood of noe , the overthrow of sodom , and the destruction of ierusalem , let vs feare & stand in awe to fall into the condemnation of vngodly men , because all the terrors of these iudgements concurre and are massed together in the iudgement of the last day . what are the deepe wells of water , what are the shoures of fire and brimstone , what is famine , pest , and sword , both intestine and forraine , in comparison of that worme that never dieth , and that fire that shall never be quenched , and the blacknesse of darknes , with weeping and gnashing of teeth , & c ? it is a terrible thing to fall into the hands of the living god. concerning the number of them that were slaine in galilee , trachonitis , samaria , and iudea , chiefly in the metropolitane towne ierusalem , over and besides those that were sold to be slaues , and those that were deuoured by wild beasts , in the triumph of flavius and titus at rome , reade iosephus de bello iud. lib. . cap. . titus . after flavius , raigned titus vespatian his sonne , two yeares , two months , twenty dayes . the nation of the iewes being now subdued , there was great peace in all parts of the romane dominions , both by sea and land , and the temple of ianus in rome , was closed and locked vp againe . domitian . fflavius domitian was associate to his brother titus in government , during his life time ; and after his death was his successor . hee raigned . yeares . hee was proud like nero , and persecuted innocent christians as hee did , so prone and bent is our corrupt nature to sinne , and to follow evill examples . now againe the church of christ militant vpon the earth , must learne obedience by suffering , and must giue a proofe before the world , that the covenant of god is written in the tables of her heart , and so deeply ingraved by the finger of god , that no tribulation , anguish , persecution , famine , nakednesse , nor death itselfe can separate her from the loue of christ. the members of the church were the good merchants , of whom christ speaketh , who having found a pearle of vnspeakeable value , were content to sell all they had for loue of gaining it : they had tasted of the well of water springing vp into eternall life , and thirsted not againe for the water that cannot satisfie the heart of man with ful contentment . in this second great persecution , the beloved disciple of christ , the apostle iohn was banished to the isle of patmos , for the word of god. flavia domicilla , a woman of noble birth in rome , was banished to pontia , an isle lying ouer against caieta in italy . protasius and gervasius were martyred at millain : concerning the miracle wrought at their sepulchres , god willing , wee shall speake in the third century , and in the treatise of reliques . chytraus writeth , that timothie was stoned to death at ephesus , by the worshippers of diana , and that dionysius areopagita , was slaine by the sword at pareis . domitian had heard some rumors of the kingdome of christ , and was afraid as herod the great had beene , after the nativity of our lord : but when two of christ kinsmen , according to the flesh , the nephewes of the apostle iude were presented before him , and hee perceived them to be poore men , who gained their living by handy labour , and when hee had heard of them , that christs kingdome was not of this world , but it was spirituall , and that hee would come at the latter day to iudge the quick and the dead , he despised them as simple and contemptible persons , and did them no harme . in the end , as the life of domitian was like vnto the life of nero , so was he not vnlike vnto him in his death : for his owne wife and friends conspired against him , and slew him : his body was carried to the graue by porters , and buried without honour . the senate of rome also decreed , that his name should bee rased , and all his acts should bee rescinded . sueton. in dom. ierom. catal . script . eccles . nerva . coccius nerua after domitian , raigned one yeare , foure moneths . and hitherto all the emperours that ruled , were borne in italy : from henceforth strangers doe rule : for traian the adoptiue sonne of nerva , his successor was borne in spaine . nerva redressed many things , that were done amisse by domitian , and in his time the apostle iohn was relieued from banishment , and returned againe to ephesus , where he died . centvrie ii. traianus . traian the adopted sonne of nerva , was the first stranger who obtained that honour to bee king of the romanes . hee raigned . yeares , . moneths . a man so exceeding well beloved of the senate and of the people of rome , that after his dayes , whensoever a new emperour was elected , they wished vnto him the good successe of augustus , and the vprightnesse of traianus . notwithstanding of this , hee was a cruell persecuter of christians . and this third persecution is iustly counted greater then the two preceeding persecutions . to other afflictions now is added contempt and shame . it was no great dishonour to bee hated of nero and domitian , wicked men and haters of righteousnes , but to bee hated and persecuted by traian , a man counted a patterne of vpright dealing , this was a great rebuke . notwithstanding christians looked to iesus , the author and finisher of their faith , who for the ioy that was set before him , endured the crosse , and despised the shame , and is set at the right hand of the throne of god. many haue more patiently endured paine in their flesh , then shame and contempt in the world , but christs true disciples must resolue to be a gazing stocke to all the world , and to bee counted the off-scourings of the earth , as the holy men of god did in the dayes of the emperour traian . these were citizens of heauen , liuing in earthly tabernacles , liuing vpon the earth , but not fashioned according to the similitude of this world . in doing great things by faith , they surpassed mighty monarches : in patient suffering of evill , they over-went admired plilosophers . in this persecution simon the sonne of cleopas , an holy apostle suffered martyrdome , being now an hundreth and twenty yeares old : hee was first scourged , and then crucified : but all this rebuke hee most patiently suffered for the name of christ. of ignatius martyrdome wee haue spoke in the first century , the time of his suffering , was in the time of traianus . plinie the second deputy in bithynia , breathing threatnings against innocent christians , persecuted great numbers of them to death . in the end he was commoued and troubled in his owne mind , cosidering both the number & patient suffring of christians that were put to death , he wrote to the emperour , declaring that christians were men of good conversation , and detested murther , adultery , and such other vngodlinesse : onely they had conventions earely in the morning , and they sang psalmes to the honour of christ , whom they worshipped as god , but they would not worship images ( here marke the portrait of the ancient apostolike church , and what conformity the romane church in our dayes hath with it , the lord knoweth . ) this letter of plinius mitigated the emperours wrath in a part , yet gaue hee no absolute commandement to stay the persecution , but onely that the iudges should not search them out narrowly , but if any happened to bee presented before them , then let them bee punished . what confusion was in this edict , it is well marked by tertullian : the one part of it repugneth to the other . in forbidding to search them out narrowly , hee declareth their innocency , but in commanding to punish them when they were presented , hee pronounceth them to bee guilty . this is that emperour for whose soule gregory the first made supplications to god . yeares after his death , and was heard of god as damacen writeth . this superstitious monke , of the descent of saracens blood , if he supposed gregory to be so full of charity , that hee prayed for the soule of one persecuting emperour , why would he not bring him in praying also for all the ten persecuting emperours , to the end that they being all delivered from the condemnation of hell , heaven might be counted a mansion both for christs true disciples , and also for christs hatefull and impenitent enemies ? adrianus . after traian , aelius adrianus raigned . yeares . in his time aristides and quadratus , the one a bishoppe , the other an orator at athens , wrote learned apologies in defence of christian religion , and did so mitigate the emperours minde , that in his time no new commandement was set forth to persecute christians . barcochebas at this time perverted the nation of the iewes , and called himselfe the promised messias : whom the foolish iewes followed to their owne overthrow and destruction . tynius rufus , deputy in iudea , besieged this man in bethera , a towne not farre distant from ierusalem , and destroyed him with all his adherents . also the whole nation of the iewes was banished from their natiue soyle : and the towne of ierusalem was taken from the iewes , and delivered to other nations to bee inhabitants of it , and was called by the emperours name aelia . thus we see that the iewes who would not receiue christ , who came in his fathers name , yet they received another who came in his owne name , and like vnto babes , who are easily deceived with trifles , they were bewitched with the splendor of a glorious name : for barcochebas signifieth the sonne of a starre : and hee said to the iewes , that hee was sent as a light from heaven to succour their distressed estate : but hee might haue beene called more iustly barchosba , the sonne of a lie . here i giue warning againe , that we take heed to our selues , left wee bee circumvented with the deceitfull snares of the diuell : for it is an easie thing to fall , but a difficult thing to rise againe . the christians who lived in the dayes of adrian , were glad to bee refreshed with the crums of outward comfort , which are denyed to no accused person in the whole world , viz. that christians shall not be condemned to death for the importunate clamours and cryes of a raging people accusing them , except it be prooved that they haue transgressed the law , and haue committed some fact worthy of death . reade the epistle of adrian written to minutius fundanus , deputy in asia . the good intention of adrian in building a church for the honour of christ , voyd of images , ( because such was the custome of christians ) was hindered by some of his familiar friends , who sayd , that if hee so did , all men would forsake the temples of the gods of the gentiles , and become christians . in this point good reader marke what church is like vnto the ancient primitiue and apostolike church , whether the church decked with images , or the church voyd of images . antoninus pius . to adrian succeeded antoninus pius , his adopted son , and raigned . yeares . hee was so carefull to preserue the liues of his subjects , that hee counted it greater honour to saue the life of one subiect , then to destroy the liues of a thousand enemies . in this emperours time iustinus martyr wrote notable bookes of apologie for the christians , which were presented and read in the senate of rome , and mollified the emperours minde toward christians , as clearely appeareth by his edict , proclaimed at ephesus , in time of most solemne conventions of all asia . antoninus philosophus , and l. verus . after antoninus pius succeeded his sonne in law antoninus philosophus , otherwise called marcus aurelius , with his brother l. aurelius verus . this is the first time wherein the romane empire was governed by two augusties . albeit titus had associated his brother domitian , to be a fellow labourer with him in the worke of government , yet was not domitian counted or called augustus , vntill the death of his brother titus . but now at one and the selfe same time , two emperours do raigne . antoninus philosophus raigned nineteene yeares , lucius verus his brother nine yeares . and so after the death of verus , the whole gouernment returned to antoninus philosophus onely . hee was called a philosopher not onely in regard of his knowledge , but also in respect of the practise of philosophie . he was neither greatly pust vp by prosperity , nor cast downe by aduersity : yet he was a cruell persecuter of innocent christians . now is the fuell added to the furnace the fourth time , and the flame is great , and the arme of wicked men who hated the name of christians , is strengthened by the emperours commandement . the trumpets of the monarches of the world found the alarme against him who made them kings & rulers on the earth . the poore innocent lambs of the sheepfold of christ appointed for the shambles , strengthened their hearts in god , and in the power of his might , & chose rather to suffer adversity with their brethren , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season , they were content to be racked , and would not be delivered , that they might bee partakers of a better resurrection , whose bodies torne with stripes vntill their very inward bowels were patent to the outward sight , witnessed the vnrent firmenesse and stability of their faith . they were so supported with the power of that grace that commeth from aboue , that they were not terrified with the multiplied numbers of cruell torments , newly devised for dashing that invincible courage of faith which was seene in christians . yea further then this . when the persecuting enemies were compelled to change the high tuned accent of their menacing speeches , and to craue but a little conformitie to the emperours desire in swearing by his fortune , the holy men of god would not once seeme to fall away from their profession , by answering with timerous and doubtfull words : but glorified god with a cleare and constant confession of their christian faith . polycarpus bishop of smyrna , and iustinus martyr , a man of singular erudition , were both martyred in the fervent heat of this persecution . but aboue all other places , the consuming flame of the furnace brast out most vehemently , in france that happy nation , wherein , both of old , and late time , so many were found worthy to giue their blood for the name of christ. vetius epagathus , maturus , prothenus , attalus , sanctus , and photinus bishoppe of lyons , all suffered for the testimony of christ in france . and blandina a worthy woman suffered many torments , and renewed her spirituall courage by continuall iteration of these words , christiana sum , that is , i am a christian. in like manner christians were persecuted with the slanderous speeches of pagans , obiecting vnto them the banquets of thyestes , and the chambering of oedipus , that is , the eating of mens flesh , and incestuous coppulations . but men who are giuen to the momentaneall delights of sin are not willing to die , because that by death they are separated from all bodily pleasures . the christians by patient and willing suffering of death for christs sake , clearely witnessed vnto the world , that they were not addicted to the deceitfull pleasures of sinne . neverthelesse , these slanderous speeches were credited by the pagans , and tooke such deepe roote in their hearts , that those who seemed before to be more meek and moderate then others , now they became full of madnesse and rage , against christians : and that which was foretolde by our master christ , it was fulfilled at this time , to wit , the time shall come , that whosoever killeth you , shall thinke hee doth god good service . the huge number of martyrs that were slaine in the fury of this persecution , are both accurratly and at great length set downe by that worthy instrument of gods glory , who lately wrote the booke of martyrs : i onely point out shortly the estate of the church at this time . in this emperours time good men were not wanting , who admonished him to appease his wrath against christians : such as claudius apolinaris , bishop of hierapolis , and melito bishop of sardis . but nothing could asswage his cruell heart , vntill hee was cast into the furnace of grievous troubles himselfe : for his army that fought against the germanes and samaritanes , fell into great distresse for want of water , but was supported by the prayers of the christian legion that was in his army . for they bowed their knees to christ , and prayed for helpe , and the lord iesus sent raine in aboundance to refresh the army of the romans , & dashed the barbarians with thunder and fire . in remembrance whereof , the christian legion was after that time called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or fulminatrix . after this victory hee asswaged his anger , and wrote to the senate of rome to deale gently with christians , by whose prayer hee acknowledged both himselfe and his army to haue received deliverance from god. commodus . commodus the sonne of antoninus , raigned . yeares . many of the romanes not without cause , called him incommodus . he presumed to do great things , and to change the names of moneths , and would haue the moneth of december to be called commodus , like as the two names of two moneths , quintilis and sextilis had beene changed in time past , and called iulius and augustus , for honour of these two welbeloved emperours . but hee was not so well favoured of the people , that this ordinance could haue place any longer , then during his owne life time . the church in his dayes was not altogether free of persecution : for apollonius a man of noble birth in rome , and a man of great learning suffered death , because hee would not forsake the christian religion . his accuser also was punished to the death . such advantages iudges might easily haue taken , finding so many discrepant lawes , some made in favour , and some conceived in disliking of christians . pertinax and iulianus . aelius pertinax emperour sixe moneths . didius iulianus two moneths . eusebius maketh no mention of d. iulianus , but of pertinax onely , to whom succeeded severus . eseb. lib. . cap. . centvrie iii. severus . after pertinax and iulian , severus governed seventeene yeares , and eight months . eusebius reckoneth onely twelue yeares . he stirred vp the fift persecution against the christians . the crimes obiected against the christians besides those that were obiected in the former persecution , were these : rebellion against the emperour , sacriledge , murthering of infants , worshipping of the sunne , and worshipping the head of an asse : which last calumny was forged against them by the malice of the iewes . this persecution raged most severely in the townes of alexandria and carthage , like as the former persecutions had done in lyons and vienne in france . leonides the father of origen was beheaded : his sonne being but young in yeares ; exhorted his father to persevere in the faith of christ constantly vnto the death . potamiae a young beautiful virgin in alexandria , was by the iudge condemned to death , and delivered to a captaine called basilides , who stayed the insolency of the people that followed her to the place of execution , with outrage of slanderous and rayling wordes , crying out against her : for this cause shee prayed to god for the conversion of basilides to the true faith , and was heard of god , in so much , that hee was not onely converted to the faith of christ , but also sealed it vp with his blood , and had the honour of martyrdome . alexander who was a fellow labourer with narcissus in ierusalem , escaped many dangers , yet was he martyred in the dayes of decius the . great persecuter . of this emp erour the senate of rome sayd , aut non nasti , aut non mori debuisse , that is , either he should never haue been born , or else should never haue tasted of death . so it pleased the lord by his wife dispensation to suffer the dayes of traian , antoninus philosophus , and severus , emperours renowned in the world to be more cruell against their owne people , then the dayes of nero , domitian , caligula , or commodus , to the end of the poor church might learne to be content to be spoiled of all outward comfort , and to leane vpon the staffe of the consolations of god onely . many that were brought vp in the schooles of origen , suffered martyrdome , such as plutarchus , serenus , heraclides , heron , and another having the name of serenus also . among women rhais was burned with fire for christs sake , before shee was baptized with water in christs name . innumerable moe martyrs were slaine for the faith of christ , whose names in perticular no ecclesiasticall writer ever was able to comprehend , therefore it shal suffice to heare the names of a few . the rest whose names are not expressed , enioy the crownes of incorruptible glory , as well as those doe , whose names are in all mens mouthes . it is the comfort of our hearts to remember that the apostles & evangelists sealed vp with their blood the doctrine which they naught and committed to writ , and no other doctrine : and the holy martyrs immediately after the apostles dayes , sealed vp with the glorious testimony of their blood , that same faith which we now professe , and which they received from the hands of the apostles , but they were not so prodigall of their liues to giue their blood for the doctrine of worshipping of images , invocation of saints , plurality of mediators , of intercession , the sacrifice of the masse , both propitiatory and vnbloody , expresly against the wordes of the apost le , heb. . ver . . and such other heads of doctrine vnknowne to antiquity . the romane church in our dayes is a persecuting and not a persecuted church , fruitfull in murthers , and not in martyrdomes , glorying of antiquity , and following the forgery of new invented religion . this emperour severus was slaine at yorke by the northerne men and scots . bassianus and geta. severus who was slaine at yorke , left behinde him two sonnes , bassianus and geta. bassianus flew his brother , and raigned himselfe alone six yeeres , so that the whole time of his government both with his brother and alone , was . yeeres . moneths . hee put to death also papinianus a worthie lawyer , because hee would not plead his cause concerning the slaughter of his brother , before the people , but said that sinne might be more easily committed then it could be defended . he tooke to wife his owne mother in law iulia , a woman more beautifull then chaste . in all his time ( as hee confessed with his owne mouth ) hee never learned to doe good , and was slaine by macrinus . macrinus with his son diadumenus . macrinus and his sonne raigned onely one yeere . euseb. lib. . cap. . antoninus heliogabalus . antoninus heliogabalus , raigned after macrinus . yeeres . he was a prodigious belly-god , a libidinous beast , an enemy to all honesty and good order . so many villanous things are written of him , that scarcely ( if the reader can giue credit to the history ) ever such a monster was fashioned in the belly of a woman . at his remouing in his progresse , oft-times followed him . chariots laden only with bauds and common harlots . his gluttony , filchinesse , and excessiue riotousnes , are in all mens mouthes . he was slaine of the souldiers , drawne through the citie , and cast into tiber. alexander severus . alexander severus the adopted sonne of heliogabalus , raigned thirteene yeares . hee delighted to haue about him wife and learned counsellers , such as fabius , sabinus , domitius , vlpianus , &c. this renowned lawyer vlpianus was not a friend to christians , but by collecting together a number of lawes made against christians in times past , hee animated the hearts of iudges against them . and this is a piece of the rebuke of christ , that christians haue borne continually to be hated of the wise men of the world . hereof it came to passe , that in this emperours time , albeit hee was not so bloody as many others had beene before him , ( and therefore his empire was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , vnbloody ) yet not a few suffered martyrdom even in the daies of alexander , such as agapetus , a young man of fifteene yeares old , at praeneste a towne of italie : hee was assayed with many torments , and finally with the sword he was beheaded . the iudge who gaue out sentence of death against him , fell out of his iudiciall seat , and suddenly dyed . the martyrdome of cecilia , if by her trauells valerian her espoused husband , and tiburtius his brother , and . moe had beene converted to christ , and secretly baptized by vrbanus bishop of rome , immediatly before her death : i marvell that no mention should bee made by eusebius of such a rare and miraculous worke . senators and noble men at rome , such as pammachius , simplicius , and quiritius , with their wiues and children died for the faith of christ , with many others . the favour that this emperour shewed to christians , against whom the very stubbering cookes did contend , challenging vnto themselues the right of a place wherein christians were accustomed to conveene for exercise of divine seruice , this favour , i say , seemeth to haue proceeded from the councell of mammea his christian mother , rather then from the counsell of vlpianus that renowned lawyer an hatefull aduersarie to christians . but mammea his mother hearing the report of the learning of origen sent for him and by him was instructed in the groundes of christian faith . the learned doctour who wrote the booke of the martyrs , very judiciously obserueth the iniquitie of this time , whereinto no christian churches were erected , when as yet ( notwithstanding of the fauour of the emperour at some times ) no publicke house could quietly be obtained for the christians : so that by reason hereof may appeare the decretall epistle of pope hyginus concerning the dedication of churches is forged and fained , because the raigne of alexander is a long time posterior to the dayes of hyginus ( who liued vnder the raigne of antoninus pius ) and in the raigne of a lexander as yet there was great difficultie to obteine a place whereinto christians might assemble together . the just deserued punishment of turinus , whom the emperour caused to bee fastened to a stake in the open market place , and thereto be killed with smoke , the herald standing by and crying to the people , smoke he sold and with smoke hee is punished . this punishment i say declareth that this emperour counted flatterers worthy of great punishment . alexander and his mother mammea were both slaine by his owne souldiers . maximinus . after alexander seuerus maximinus was emperour and raigned . yeeres : a man of base parentage , of an huge stature , promoted to honours by alexander , who nourished a serpent in his owne bosome ( as the prouerbe speaketh ) when he aduanced maximinus an ingrate foster to great dignities and honours . for by his meanes the armie killed alexander , and his mother mammea , and saluted him and his sonne emperours without aduise of the romane senate : a man hated of all good men , beloued of euill men , more grieuous to the citizens of rome then to their enemies , who for hatred of the house of alexander ( as eusebius recordeth ) raised vp the sixt persecution against christians , specially against the teachers and leaders of the church , thinking the sooner to vanquish the rest if the captaines and guiders of them were made out of the way . origen at this time wrote a booke de martyrie , and dedicated it to ambrosius and protectetus , pastors of the church of caesarca : because these two vnder this persecution had susteined great afflictions , and constantly perseuered in the true faith . no persecution was more violent , no persecution endured shorter time . in no persecution are the names of suffering martyrs so obscured and couered with silence , possibly because the booke of origen de martyrio through injurie of time is not to be found , therefore some learned men doe referre the martyrdome of such as we haue spoken of in the dayes of alexander to this time , or to the persecution of decius . i will not dispute of such doubtsome things . three other things that are more necessarie to the edification of the church i will touch . first the malice of the deuill , who hateth the welfare of the sheepfold of christ , and laboureth either to spoyle it of true pastors , or to send in among them poore sheepe hyrelings , and men not regarding the wellfare of the flock , but their own gaine : or else , if they haue true pastors , to mooue the flocke to be disobedient to faithfull and vigilant pastors . the stocke that can eschew all these three snares of the deuill , and all these three wofull calamities , so oft seasing vpon the poore sheepefolde , they are in good estate . reade chrysostome writing vpon the . chap. heb. ver . . another thing is worthie to be marked , that in three great persecutions , in the fift , sixt , and seuenth , origen a man more renowmed in his life time then after his death , god vouchsafed vpon him two great honours , but not the third , whereof he was most of all desirous . he encouraged his father leonides , and his disciples , plutarchus , two s●reni , heron and heraclides patiently to suffer martyrdome in the dayes of seuerus . next hee wrote a booke de martyrio in the daies of maximinus the sixt persecuter , whereby doubtlesse many were incouraged patiently to suffer euill for christs sake . what remaineth now but the third and principall honour of martyrdome it selfe , wherevnto he had a bent desire in the dayes of decius the . persecuter , but then he fainted , as shall be declared hereafter god willing ? when we call to minde this weakenes of origen , let all the cogitations of our heartes stoope , and thinke that we are not meete for great things , but if the lord call vs to suffer great things for his names sake , the lord perfite his strength in our infirmitie and weakenesse . thirdly let vs marke the great difference that is betweene the volume of the booke of holy canonicke and sacred scripture , and all other bookes whatsoeuer . in scripture the ouerpassing of matters of great importance and moment is not for ignorance , misknowledge or doubting of those things that are ouerslidden , but for mysterie and representation of things more necessarie to be knowne : as namely when moses a most accurat writer of the life , death , and genealogies , of holy patriarches : ouerpasseth the description of the genealogie , death , & beginning , of the life of melchisedecke : this was done of purpose to bring in melchssedeck , as a type and figure of the true king of peace christ iesus , as the apostle declareth , heb. . but among ecclesiasticall writers i finde a preterition of the names of these worthy pastors who were martyred for the cause of christ in the sixt persecution , and this ouerpassing with silence so weightie a matter , is a secret confession of ignorance in this part of the historie , together with a doubting , whether vrbanus the first , valerianus , tiburtius , cecilia , and martina suffered vnder alexander , or vnder maximinus , or vnder decius . yea platina writeth it was the opinion of some men that vrbanus . was martyred in the persecution of dioclesian . i haue insisted at greater length in this purpose to the end that euery man may giue vnto sacred scripture that reuerence that is due vnto it , but other writings let vs reade them with judgement , for assuredly there is palpable weaknes in them . in the ende this wicked persecuter maximinus and his sonne were slaine by his owne souldiers at the siege of aquileia . gordianus . the tyrannie of maximinus enforced both the senate of rome and likewise their oppressed confederates in africke to aduise by what meanes the distressed estate of the commonweale might be supported . and first gordianus a man of noble birth in rome , and at that time praconsul in africke , with his sonne bearing the name of gordianus with his father , these two were declared to be emperours to resist the tyrannie of maximinus , but they were both cut off by capellianus , captaine of the mauritanians . within a short time the senate of rome chused maximus pupienus and balbinus to be emperours , and to resist the tyrannie of maximinus . but this election displeased the people of rome , therefore they were compelled to associat gordianus a yong man of . yeeres olde in conjunct authoritie with them . this gordianus was the nephew of him who was proconsull in africke : and the souldiers made out of the way , max. pupienus and balbinus . so gordianus raigned himselfe alone without associats sixe yeeres . philippus . philippus a man borne in arabia and his sonne raigned fiue yeeres , eusebius saith . yeeres . he was the first emperour who became a christian , and was baptized by fabianus b. of rome . he was content to stand among the number of the penitents who made confession of their sinnes , for his life was reprooueable in somethings before his conuersion , especially in slaying of gordianus an emperour inclined to peace . decius one of the captaines of his armie conspired against him , and slew him , and his sonne raigned in his stead . decius . decius and his sonne obteined the empire . . yeeres : whether for hatred of philip his master , whom he had slaine , or for detestation of christians , or for couetous desire of the treasures of philip left in the custodie of fabian b. of rome , or for some other cause , it is not certaine . alwayes he mooued a terrible persecution against the christians . the martyrs who suffered death in the time of this persecution were innumerable . some few of the principall martyres i shall rehearse , alexander bishop of ierusalem died in prison at caesarea . babylas bishop of antiochia died likewise in prison . fabian bishop of rome suffered martyrdome . dionisius alexandrinus by a wonderfull prouidence of god escaped the handes of persecuting enemies . ciprian bishop of carthage was banished and reserued to the honour of martyrdome vntill the dayes of valerian the eight persecuter . origen who from his childhood was desirous of the honour of martyrdome , in this persecution of decius he fainted , and his heart was so ouerset with feare to haue his chaste body defiled with an vgly ethiopian , that he choosed rather to offer incense to the idol , then to be so filthily abused . for this cause he was excommunicated by the church of alexandria , and for very shame fled to iudea , where he was not only gladly receiued , but also requested publickly to preach at ierusalem . neuerthelesse in stead of teaching he watred his face with teares , when he reade these words of scripture . to the wicked man saith god , what hast thou to doe to declare mine ordinances , that thou shouldest take my couenant in thy mouth ? ps. . ver . . these words so deepely wounded his heart with griefe , that he closed the booke and fate downe and wept , and all the congregation wept with him . no pitie nor compassion was had neither of sexe or age . in this persecution , apollonia , a virgine of good yeeres , after they had dashed her face with battons till all her teeth were stricken out of her jawes , they burned her quicke at the port of alexandria . this is that holy martyr whose teeth the romane church in our dayes say that they haue them as holy monuments kept in the treasures of their reliques vntill this time . but the tryall that was taken of late dayes by henry the eight king of england , seeking for the teeth of apollonia as a remedy of the toothach clearly prooueth that many teeth are supposed to be the t eeth of apollonia that were neuer fastened in her jaw bones . the death of quinia , ammonarion , mercuria , dionisia , clearely declareth what pitie was had of the weakenesses of women . iulianus . an olde and gowtie man burned with fire testifieth what regard was had to the gray haires of ancient men . dioscorus a yong man not exceeding . yeeres of age , albeit they were ashamed to condemne him to death , yet he escaped not many painfull torments , and was a glorious confessor with patient expectation awaiting vntill the lord should call him to the honour of martyrdome . nemesion was accused in alexandria as a companion of brigants , and was punished with stripes and fire vnto the death with greater seueritie then any brigant , albeit his innocencie was sufficiently knowne . ammon , zenon , ptolemeus , ingenuus , theophilus , warri ours and knights standing by the tribunall seate beckened with their hands to a certaine weake christian , who for feare was readie to incline and fall , that he should continue constant , and stepped to the bench , and professed themselues to be christians . this dayly increasing courage of christians , who were emboldened by the multitude of sufferings , astonished & terrified the iudges : ischirion was slaine by his owne master . the number of martyres in alexandria and egypt , ( of whom dionysius in this epistle written to fabius bishop of antiochia maketh mention ) clearely testifieth that if the names of all those who suffered martyrdome in the townes of rome , carthage , antiochia , ephesus and babilon , were particularly set downe , together with the names of others who suffered in other townes of asia , africke and europe : subject to the dominiof the roman emperour , it were not possible in the volume of a litle booke to comprehend them all . for mine owne part i presume not to doe it , but i reuerence the painfull trauelles of learned men who haue dipped deepely into such a fruitfull subject , specially the writer of the booke of martyres . onely i find somethings in this seuenth persecution , which the principall purpose wherefore i haue collected this compend will not permit me to passe ouer with silence . namely these : first , let no ma n thinke that the veritie is weake , and hath neede to be strengthened by a lie , as nicephorus is accustomed to doe . the seuen martyres of ephesus , whose names were maximianus , malchus , martinianus , dionysius , ioannes , serapion , and constantinus , were lurking in a caue , the entrie whereof decius commanded to be closed with great heapes of stones , to the end that the forenamed christians might be killed with famine , which came to passe indeede : yet famine could not separate these holy martyres from christ. but nicephorus the father of many other fables also saith , that they fell on sleepe , which they continued till the time of theodosius , that is , from the . vntill the . yeere of our lord , and then they did awake out of their sleepe , saith nicephorus : but he who will giue hastie credite to nicephorus fables , writing of the . martyres , who lurked in a caue of mount caelius and to euagrius description of barsanuphius an egyptian monke , who enclosed himselfe in a cottage beside gaza for the space of . yeares , and vsed no kinde of bodily refreshment to sustaine his earthly tabernacle , he may be easily led to all kinde of errour . the second thing worthy to be marked , is , that many persecuted preachers had wiues and children , as the historie recordeth . cheremon bishop of a citie in egypt called nilus fled to the mountaines of arabia , accompanied with his wife , and returned not againe to egypt , neither was he seene of those who sought him in the wildernesse , dionysius bishop of alexandria , who miraculously escaped the crueltie of persecuters , maketh expresse mention of his children , deo mihi vt migrarem praecipiente , viámque mirabiliter aperiente , ego & liberi , & multi fratres egressisumus ; that is , after that god had commanded me to remooue , and had miraculously opened a passage vnto me , i and my children , and brethren went forth : if antiquitie be regarded , bishops who doe marrie , are not nicolatian heretiques , but rather such as forbid to marrie teach a doctrine of deuils . thirdly it is to be marked , that in time of this vehement persecution , many fainted and fell backe from the open profession of christian faith . others to prouide timous remedie against such defections , gaue out a rigorous sentence against such as had fallen of infirmitie , that they should not be receiued againe into the fellowship of the church . in this opinion was nouatus , and his complices . and by their example we should learne to beware of such men as vnder pretence of zeale perturbe the vnitie of the church , and inuent remedies to cure the maladies of the diseased church , which are worse then the sicknes it selfe , as the novatians did : weakenes at some time is to be pitied , but deuilish rigour pitying no man , who falleth of infirmitie , is a lesson that hath no allowance in the booke of god. this cruell tyrant , after he had raigned two yeeres , made warre against the scythians ( some call them the gothes ) by whom hee was vanquished in battell , and fearing to be ouertaken , and to come vnder the tyrannie of barbarous people , he cast himselfe into a deepe pit , where he ended his life , and his body could not be found . the great desolations that were made in the world about this time by the plague of pestilence the ethnickes imputed the cause of them to the christians . but cyprian , whose pen the lord guided better , declared that the cause of all these calamities was the worshipping of idols , the contempt of gods true seruice , and the persecuting of innocent christians . gallus and volusian . after decius , gallus and volusian his sonne raigned two yeeres . hee walked in the footsteps of decius . hee was slaine by emilian , who presumed to raigne , but he was so hastily made out of the way , that eusebius and many other historians misknow his name in the catalogue o● emperours . valerianus and gallienus . valerianus and gallienus his sonne , raigned . yeeres . viz. gallienus with his father in coniunct authoritie . yeeres , after his fathers captivity and death , hee raigned alone eight yeeres . in the first three or foure yeeres of the empire of valerian , hee was favourable and friendly to christians , and great numbers of them were found in the emperours court : but afterward hee was seduced by an egyptian sorcerer , who hated christians , because that by them he was hindred from practicing his magicall charms . so the eight persecution began vnder valerian . in this persecution suffered three bishops of rome , lucius , stephanus , and sixtus ; and a deacon , laurence who was layd vpon an hot broyling iron , and patiently , endured the torment of fire . this is that deacon who called the poore the treasure of the church : for then is the church rich , when it is rich in good workes , and feedeth , clotheth , and visiteth christ in his hungry , naked , and diseased members . dionysius bishop of alexandria , was banished to cephro , a place in the wildernesse of libya . priscus , mal●bus , and alexander were devoured by beasts in caesarea , palestina . cyprian bishop of carthage was beheaded . marinus a roman captaine in caesarea , was envied for the dignity and honour he was advanced vnto , and hee was accused to bee a christian , and consequently to bee vncapable of great preferments and dignities : he was encouraged by theotecnus bishop of caesarea , patiently to suffer death for the cause of christ , by taking him into a secret chamber and laying before him a drawne sword and the booke of the gospell , and bidding him take his choice of one of these two which he liked best : marinus liked better the booke of the gospell then of the sword ; and was martyred for the faith contained in that sacred booke of holy scripture . astyrius a noble senatour , caryed the body of this holy martyr marinus vpon his own shoulders , and buried it hounourably . in the end the lord delivered this persecuting tyrant into the hand of sapor , king of persia , who not onely detained him in strait captivity , but also abused him most filthily , and made his bodie a footstoole , and trampled vpon his necke at such times as he was about to mount on horsebacke . this fearfull captivity of valerian had vnto it a notable testimony of the wrath of god against persecuters . for like as hee trampled vnder his feet the church of christ : so in like manner the lord gaue his necke and backe to be trampled vpon by the feet of his enemies . this example of gods heavie indignation somewhat terrified gal●ienus his sonne , and he gaue out an edict , for the safe returning of such as were banished , to their own dwelling places , and for staying the rage of persecution . dionysius bishop of alexandria , having liberty granted by the emperors edict to returne from banishment , came back againe to alexandria , wherein hee found such terrible desolation by famine and pestilence , that there remained not of men , women , and children so many aliue as there were wont to be of ancient hoare-headed men , walking vpon their streets : the lord was so highly displeased with the vnthankfull world , that hee was determined to consume them who had consumed his people . the good carriage of christians at this time is worthie to be marked , who were full of charitie and loue , and visited the sicke , and did all offices of humanity to those who were diseased , or dead : whereas the pagans by the contrary forsooke their dearest friends , left them comfortlesse , and thrust out such as were halfe dead into the streets , and left them there vnburied , and to be eaten with dogs . this is written in the letter of dionysius inserted in the history of eusebius . so great difference is betweene christians trained vp in the schoole of christ , and others , who haue not beene fed with the sincere milke of the word . christians in time of sicknesse were more dutifull to their enemies , then others were vnto their friends . if any man would defend worshipping of images to bee an ancient custome in the church , by the two brasen images , which were set vp in caesarea philippi , for a memoriall of the miracle that christ wrought in curing of the woman who had a bloody issue , this place of eusebius will make nothing for him . for these images were not made for adoration , neither were they set vp in temples , nor worshipping places , but in the very street , before the doore of the woman who had beene cured . the places whereunto christians were gathered together for divine service , at this time are called in the mandate of the emperour gallienus , caemiteria . in these places no man readeth that images were set vp . besides this , these images were graven or molten by the hands of pagans , and not of christians : and this fact was done by imitation of the gentiles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , according to the custome of the gentiles ; hee saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the custome of her owne kindred , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as is said . yet may wee take warning by this place , to beware of the small beginnings of errour . images haue beene like vnto a base borne fellow , who at the first can haue no credit to set his head into the kings palace , but afterward hee getteth accesse into the outer court , and in the end , his credit daily increasing by degrees , he getteth favour to lie in the kings bed-chamber : even so in the first . yeere of our lord , images were not brought in , into places of holy conventions : afterward they were brought in , into churches , but not worshipped , as the epistle of gregorius the first , written to severus bishop of marsil , cleerly testifieth . but in the end adoration of images was in so frequent vse , as if it had beene the principall point of the worship of god. claudius and quintilius . claudius , after gallienus raigned two yeeres . and his brother quintilius seuenteene dayes . hee is not reckoned by eusebius in the roll of emperours . aurelianus . after quintilius , aurelianus possessed the crowne sixe yeeres . in the beginning of his raigne hee was not a great disturber of christians . notwithstanding in continuance of time , his nature somewhat inclinable to severitie , was altered to plaine tyranny , which tyranny first hee shewed beginning with the murther of his owne sisters sonne , as witnesseth eutropius . after that , hee proceedeth to moove the ninth persecution against christians : albeit the mercifull working of god did soone overthrowe all the wicked purposes of the emperour . for as the edict and proclamation should haue beene denounced , for the persecuting of christians , the mighty hand of god from aboue did suddenly stop his purpose : cleerly declaring to all men , that there is no power to worke any violence against the servants of god , vnlesse his permission doe suffer them , and giue them leaue . here i see that d. iohn fox , writer of the booke of martyrs , taketh leaue of vincentius martyrologie . if others had done the like , they had not heaped vp so many martyrs in the dayes of claudius quintilius , and aurelian as they haue done . for eusebius had assuredly made mention of it , if the number had beene so great as vincentius recordeth . before the emperours minde was altered and inclined to tyranny against christians , hee assisted with his authority the bishops convened at antiochia , for the deposition and excommunication of the heretique samosatenus , and so the emperours authority being interposed , this proud heretike was compelled to stoope and to giue place , and with great ignominy was driven from the towne of antiochia . in his place domnus was elected to be bishop of antiochia , a man endued with good graces , the sonne of demetrian , who immediatly before samosatenus governed the church of antiochia . and here againe it is to be marked , that the bishops at this time ( albeit it was a time of persecution ) yet did they not abhorre from marriage : for demetrianus bishop of antiochia , was a married man and had children , and domnus his sonne , so that the prohibition of mariage to men in spirituall offices is not an ancient doctrine . annius tacitus and florianus . after aurelian was slaine betweene bizans and heraclea , the imperiall chaire was vacant six moneths . the senate of rome elected annius tacitus to be emperour . hee continued but six moneths in his government . eusebius overpasseth his name with silence , as likewise the name of his brother florianus , who aspired to the imperiall dignity . aurelius probus . avrelius probus a gentle and peaceable emperour , raigned six yeeres , three moneths . hee was envied by his captaines and souldiers , because hee appointed them to plant vineyards , and said there was no great need of souldiers , where no enemy was to be feared . he was slaine by his souldiers . carus , carinus , numerianus . carus with his two sonnes , carinus and numerianus raigned after probus . all these three continued not aboue the space of three yeeres . and numerianus was slaine by his owne father in law , called aper . carus was slaine by thunder : and carinus was ouercome in battell , and slaine by dioclesian , whom the romane army had declared to be emperour , while carinus was yet aliue . dioclesianus and maximinianus . like as dioclesian overcame carinus the sonne of carus in battell , even so likewise hee slew aper , the father in law of numerianus , with his owne hands . whether this was done for detestation of sinne , or for desire of government , it is vncertaine . alwayes some affirme that his concubine druas had sayd vnto him , that hee should kill a wilde boare before hee should bee emperour . and after the killing of aper ( which name by interpretation signifieth a wilde boare ) hee became emperour . in the beginning of his raigne hee chused for his colleague maximianus surnamed hercules , father to maxentius . and these two chused other two , viz. galerius and constantius chlorus , the father of constantine , whom they called caesars : but the honourable title of augustus dioclesian & maximian retained to themselues . these two augusties raigned . yeeres . constantius chlorus caesar continued fifteene : galerius caesar . yeeres . dioclesian and maximianus herculeus , abstained from persecuting of christians vntill the nineteene yeere of their raigne . before i touch the history of the tenth persecution , three things are to be premitted . first , that after the persecution of valerian the eight persecuter , the church enioyed great peace , which albeit it was like to bee cut off by the altered minde of aurelian , yet the wise dispensation of the wisdome of god , provided that all his cruell enterprises were disappointed . the righteous lord cutted the cords of the wicked . secondly , christians were in great favour and credit with emperours , and to them was committed the gouernment of provinces and nations , as cleerly appeared in the preferment of dorotheus and gorgonius . thirdly , they had libertie to build oratories and temples , large and ample in every citie . all this came to passe in the forty yeeres peace , that intervened betweene the raigne of valerian , and the nineteenth yeere of the raigne of dioclesian . yet the church of christ in this short time began to be festred with the corrupt manners of carnall and fleshly people , so that contentions abounded , but charity waxed cold in the church of god. what wonder was it then that the lord permitted this tenth and most horrible persecution of dioclesian to stirre and to waken drowsie christians , who were beginning to be fashioned according to the likenesse of the world ? in the nineteenth yeere of his imperiall authority , and in the moneth of march , this horrible persecution began to arise : dioclesian in the east , and maximianus in the west , bending all their forces to roote out the profession of christians , out of the world , dioclesian was pufft vp in pride for his manifold victories and triumphes , and would bee counted a god , and adorned his shooes with gold and precious stones , and commanded the people to kisse his feete . this persecution continued ten yeeres , even vntill the seventh yeere of the raigne of constantine the great . so that whatsoever cruelty was practised by maximinianus , maximinus , maxentius , and licinius , all goeth vnder the name of dioclesian , the author of this tenth persecution . cruell edicts and proclamations were set forth in the beginning of this persecution , cōmanding to overthrow & cast to the ground the temples of christians , to burne the bookes of holy scripture , to displace all such as were magistrates and were in office , and to cast christian bishops into prison , and to compell them with sundry kinds of punishments , to offer vnto idols . also common people , who would not renounce the profession of christianity to be spoyled of their liberty . these edicts were hastily put in execution . many christians were scourged , racked , and cruciated with intolerable torments . some were violently drawne to impure sacrifice , and as though they had sacrificed , when indeede they did not , were let goe : some were downe vpon the ground , and drawne by the legges a great space , and the people was made to beleeue that they had sacrificed : some stoutly withstood them , and denyed with a lowd voyce , that they had not bin , or ever would be partakers of idolatry . notwithstanding , of the weake sort , many for feare and infirmity gaue over even at the first assault . when the foresaid edicts were proclaimed , both the emperours happened to be in the towne of nicomedia : notwithstanding a certaine christian being a noble man borne , whose name was iohn , ranne and tooke downe the proclamation , and openly tare and rent it peeces . for which fact he was put to a most bitter death , which hee patiently endured vntill his last gaspe . the generall captaine of the army of dioclesian , gaue choyce to the souldiers , whether they would obey the emperours commandement in offering sacrifices , and keeps still their offices , or else lay away their armour , and be depriued of their offices : but the christian souldiers were not onely content to lay away their armour , bu also to offer themselues vnto the death , rather then to obey such vnlawfull commandements . in nicomedia the emperour refraind not from the slaughter and death of the children of emperours , neither yet from the slaughter of the chiefest princes of his court , such as peter , whose body , being beaten with whips and torne that a man might see the bare bones , and after they had mingled vineger and salt , they powred it vpon the most tender partes of his body , and lastly rosted him at a soft fire as a man would rost flesh to eare , and so this victorious martyr ended his life . dorotheus and gorgonius being in great authoritie and office vnder the emperour after diuerse torments were strangled with an halter . the torments that peter suffered , encouraged them to giue a worthy confession that they were of that same faith and religion that peter was of . this persecution raged most vehemently in nicomedia , where the emperours palace through some occasion being set on fire , the christians were blamed as authors of that fact : therefore so many as could be found out , were burned with fire , or drowned in water , or beheaded with the sword , amongst whom was anthimus bishop of antiochia , who was beheaded . the bodies of the sonnes of emperours that were buried , they digged out of their graues , and sent them in boates to bee buried in the bottome of the sea , lest christians should haue worshipped them as gods , if their sepulchres had beene knowne , such opinion they had of christians . the number of twentie thousand burned in one temple of nicomedia by maximinus smelleth of the libertie that nicephorus taketh in adding many things to the veritie of the historie . the martyrdome of serena the emperour dioclesians wife is rejected by learned men as a fable , albeit recorded by hermannus gigas . the number of christians cast into prison and appointed for death was so great , that scarcely a voide place could be found in a prison to thrust in a murtherer , or an opener of graues , such heapes of christians were inclosed in darke prisons . the martyrs of palestina , of tyrus in phenicia , of tarsus , of antiochia , of alexandria , of miletina in armenia , and of pontus , cappadocia and arabia , they could not easily bee numbred . in thebaida , horrible and vnnaturall crueltie was vsed against christian women , whom they hanged vpon gibbets with their heades down-ward toward the ground , and fastened one of their legges onely to the gibbet , the other being free : thus their naked bodies hanging vpon trees in maner aforesaid , presenced to the beholders a spectacle of most vile and horrible inhumanitie . in like maner the branches of trees were artificially bowed downe to the earth , and the feete and legges of christians tied to them , so that by their hastie returning againe vnto their naturall places the bodies of christians were rent in pieces . this was not a crueltie finished in a short space of time , but of long continuance , some dayes . some dayes . and at sometimes an hundred were with sundrie kindes of torments excruciated vnto the death . and these torments they suffered with joy and gladnesse , and singing of psalmes vntill the last breath . in phrygia a towne was set on fire by the emperours commandement ( the name whereof eusebius passeth ouer with silence ) and the whole inhabitants being christians , men , women , and children , were burned with fire . tirannion bishop of tyrus , zenobius presoyter of sidon , siluanu's bishop of gaza , and pamphilus a worthy presbyter in caesarea , whose life and death eusebius hath described in a seuerall treatise , all these ( i say ) were crowned with martyrdome . maximinus emperour of the west , whose persecution eusebius describeth not at such length as tho persecution of dioclesian in the east , hee was like vnto a wilde boare trampling vnder his feete the vine-yarde of god. he slew maximinus a noble captaine with a legion of christian and thebane souldiers , because they would not consent to offer sacrifice vnto idoles . this was done beside the riuer of rhonne . the martyres of france , italy and germanie , specially at colen and triers , where the blood of christians was shed in such abundance , that it ranne like small brookes , and it coloured great and mightie riuers . the multitude ( i say ) of these holy martyrs , and the diuersitie of torments dayly excogitated against them , what memorie is able to comprehend , or what tongue is able sufficiently to expresse ? in the ende , when these two emperours were drunken with the blood of the saints of god , and saw that the numbers of christians daily increased , they beganne to relent their furie and madnesse a little , beeing at last content that the punishment of christians should be the thrusting out of their right eyes , and the maiming of their left legges with condemning them to the mines of mettalles . the mercies of the wicked are cruell , saith salomon . before two yeeres were fully compleate after the beginning of this tenth persecution , these two furious persecuters ( for what cause god knoweth ) gaue ouer their imperiall function , and remained not emperours any more , but as priuate persons , dioclesian after hee had denuded himselfe of the imperiall dignitie , liued almost . yeeres . maximian within foure yeeres after , was slaine by the commandement of constantine . the imperiall dominion then remained with constantius chlorus and galerius maximinus . these two diuided the whole monarchie betweene them . constantius contented himselfe with france , spaine and brittaine : galerius maximinus had the rest . constantius tooke constantinus his sonne to bee caesar vnder him , and galerius maximinus chused his two sonnes , maximinus and sonerus to be caesars vnder him . the romane souldiers also set vp maxentius the son of maximianus herculeus to be their emperour : against whom galerius sent his sonne seuerus , who being slaine , he chused licinius in his stoad . of these fiue , who raigned at one time ( the like whereof came not to passe at any time before ) two emperours and three caesars , three of them viz. galerius and maximinus his sonne , and licinius prosecuted the persecution , begun by dioclesian , neere the space of . or . yeares , which was to the yeere of our lord . the other two , constantius and his sonne constantine were fauourable to christians . constantius and galerius maximinus . constantius chlorus raigned as emperour . yeeres . others say . some say . yeeres . he ended his life in peace at yorke . hee was not onely friendly to christians , but also hee counted them the onely faithfull subjects to emperours . and such , as he perceiued that for loue of honour , gaine , or any worldly commoditie would make shipwracke of a good conscience and sacrifice to idoles ( albeit they had allowance by his owne fained commandement , giuen out for exploration of the religion of his captaines and souldiers , rather then seriouslly and from his heart , allowing the worshipping of idoles ) these ( i say ) who made no conscience to worship idoles for conquessing fauour at the emperours hands , he disauthorized them , remoued them from offices and counted them men who were false to god , and would neuer be true to him . maximinus elder and yonger in the east part of the world were cruell persecuters . because ecclesiasticall writers doe not clearely distinguish the crueltie of the father from the crueltie of the sonne , i shall comprise all vnder the name of galerius maximinus the father of the other maximinus . he was not vnlike vnto pharaoh , for when the correcting hand of god was vpon him , then he relented his furie : but when the plague ceased , he returned againe to his wonted malice . first god smote him with a wonderful vncouth disease , so that his flesh began to putrifie and innumerable multitude of vermine swarmed out of his inward parts , then hee commanded that the persecution should cease , and that christians should pray for him , and hee published edicts of peace in their fauours throughout all his dominions . but scarce continued hee in this good resolution . months , when as he sent out contrarie edicts , and caused them to be engraued in brasse ( which thing was not done at any time before ) and to be set vp in euery citie , whereupon ensued a grieuous persecution of siluanus bishop of emisa . lucianus bishop of antiochia , who suffered martyrdome at nicomedia after he had giuen in his apologie to the emperour , and peter bishop of alexandria . the martyrdome of king antheas and . thousand moe martyrs with him i passe by as a thing vncertaine : because eusebius could not haue ouerpassed with silence such a rare and wonderfull crueltie committed in his owne time , if it had beene of veritie done , as some alledge . other thirtie thousand are said to haue beene martyred in sundrie places , and this is very probable , because the martyrs who suffered in this tenth persecution were innumerable . quirinus bishop of scescania a towne of vpper pannonia was throwne into the flood hauing an hand-mill hanged about his necke , and so was drowned . i leaue a recitall of the names of all the rest of the martyrs , of whom i reade to haue suffered martyrdome at this time , like as i haue done in all the preceding persecutions . now to speake somewhat of the cruell edict of this emperour ingraued in brasse , and hanged vp in all principall cities , specially in tyrus . in it he gloried , that peace , wealth , prosperitie and plentie of all good things were in his time : and he attributed the glory of all this aboundance to the deuote worshipping of the heathen gods . at this time ( saith eusebius ) was that fulfilled which the lord iesus fortold that the tribulation of those dayes should be so great , that except those dayes had beene shortened , no flesh could haue beene saued : but for the electes sake those dayes should be shortened : yea and if it were possible the very elect should be deceiued . but the lord pitying the infirmitie of his saints and to stop the blasphemous mouthes of heathen people , turned suddenly all their joy into mourning and lamentation , with famine , pestilence , warfare , and vncouth diseases , whereby the eyes of men and women were blinded , by which the lord tamed the insolent pride of this bloody tyrant . it is to be noted that in time of this publicke calamitie , christians and no others but they onely , were found to be fraughted with loue and full of charitie euen toward their hatefull enemies . the second time whereinto maximinus seemed to change his minde toward christians was after the victorie obtained by constantine and licinius against maxentius . the said two emperours set foorth edictes in fauour of the christians : and maximinus rather fearing constantine then louing god , began in his bounds also to stay the rage of cruell persecution , as the letter written to his deputie sabinus clearely declareth . but after a small time he altered his minde and set foorth new commandements to persecute christians . yet the lord pitying the grieuous afflictions of his persecuted church , brought this tyrant to an ende . for hee made warre against licinius being counselled thereto by his sorcerers and charmers , who promised vnto him good successe in his battell against licinius : but the contrarie fell out : for hee was discomfited , and cast off his imperiall ornaments , & fledde feeble and naked , and mixing himselfe with the effeminat multitude , wandering through townes , and lurking in villages , hardly escaped the hands of his enemies . after this he killed and put to death those enchanters and deceiuers who had bewitched him all his dayes , and had put him in esperance of victorie in his battell foughten against licinius , and shortly after oppressed with a certaine disease , glorified the god ▪ of the christians , and made a most absolute law for the safetie and preseruation of them . and so the tyrant of tyrants by the vehemencie of his sicknesse ended his life . after wee haue spoken a litle of maxentius who was chosen emperour by the praetorian souldiers , resteth nothing but to conclude this short summe of the historie of the ten persecutions with the ende and death of that notable hypocrite , licinius . maxentius was so villanous in his behauiour , that hee abstined not from abusing of the wiues of noble senatours , whom he caught violently from their husbands , and contumeliously abused them , and sent them backe againe . the like villanie also hee intended to haue done to a certaine christian gentlewoman at rome , called sophronia , whose husband neither could nor durst make resistance to the vile appetite of the proud emperour , but this noble woman desiring libertie to goe to her chamber to adorne and decke her selfe a short while , and after shee would goe with the messengers to the emperour , shee chused rather to put her selfe to death in her chamber then to be abused by him . which lamentable fact being reported to him , he was nothing moued therewith , neither abstained he any white from his wonted sinnes . the people of rome being wearie of his villanie sent to constantine for aide , who gathered an armie in france and brittaine to represse this tyrant : to whom when hee approched he feared maxentius charmes ( wherewith hee was supposed to haue vanquished seuerus , whom galerius maximinus had sent against him before ) and stood in doubt what to doe : and as hee was doubting hee cast his eyes often to heauen , and sawe about the going downe of the sunne a brightnesse in the heauen in the similitude of a crosse , with certaine starres of equall bignesse giuing this inscription like latin letters , in hoc vince , that is in this ouercome . after this vision his banner was made in the similitude of a crosse , and caried before him in his warres . maxentius was compelled to issue out of the towne against constantine , whose force when hee was not able to sustaine , hee fled , and retired in hope to get the citie , but was ouerthrowne off his horse about the bridge called pons miluius and drowned in the flood . dioclesian hearing tell of the prosperous successe of constantine , and what edicts he had set foorth for the peace of christians , for very griefe hee died . others alledge that he poysoned himselfe . ann. . licinius was made caesar by maximinus , as is said . hee was very familiar with constantine and was his colleg in the gouernement . yeeres , and married constantina the sister of constantine . likewise hee concurred with him to subdue the tyrant maxentius . also he ouercame maximinus in battell . he purposed likewise to haue circumucened and slaine the good emperour constantine to whom hee was many wayes greatly addebted , but the lord disappointed his counsells , and preserued constantine to the great benefit and good of his church . but licinius failing of his purpose conuerted his rage against the christians , notwithstanding he had set out edicts before to procure their peace . hee pretended this quarrell against them , that they prayed for the welfare of constantine and not for his welfare . he set foorth against the christians three cruell edicts . . inhibiting assemblies and conuentions of bishops to consult in matters belonging to their religion . . he discharged women to resort to the assemblies where men were to pray or to be instructed in matters to religion . . hee commanded that no man should visit imprisoned christians or succour them with any reliefe , threatning against those who would disobey such punishment as the imprisoned persons were to suffer . after these edicts the mountaines , woods and wildernesses began to be the habitation of the lords saints . the bishops about libya and egypt were taken , cut in pieces , and their flesh cast into the sea to be meat for the fishes . and this was done by the flatterers of licinius , supposing to gratifie him by the cruell handling of the lords seruants . in his time were put to death these . martyrs of whom basilius writeth , who were set in a pond of water all night lying open to the blasts of cold northen winds , and in the morning they being frozen and almost senslesse with the extremitie of the cold , yet were caried vpon carts to be burned with fire , to the ende their poore carkeses might feele by experience whether the extremitie of cold or heate were the greater torment . of these . noble souldiers of christ , one being stronger then the rest , endured the vehemency of the cold better , to whom his mother came , not to desire him to embrace this present life by a filthy denyall of christ , nor to weepe for the paines of the tormented body of her sonne , but rather to exhort her sonne to persevere constantly in the faith of christ , to the end : for shee craved licence to lift vp her sonne with her owne hands into the cart , admonishing him to accomplish that happy iourney he had begun . but whether these were the . martyrs who suffered the like punishment in sebastia , a towne of armenia , or not , is not certaine , in respect that some circumstances set downe by basil , doe agree to those of sebastia . likewise in this persecution suffered barlan a noble man mentioned in a sermon of basilius , who after many torments was in the end layd vpon the altar , whereupon they vsed to offer sacrifice to idols , and while there was some strength in his hand , they put frankencense into his right hand , thinking that hee would haue scattered the incense vpon the altar , and sacrificed , but hee endured the torment patiently , saying the words of the psalme , blessed be the lord who teacheth mine hands to fight . in the end licinius made warre against constantine , and being diverse times ouercome both by sea and land , hee yeelded himselfe at length , and was sent to thessalia to liue a private life , where hee was slaine by the souldiers . so constantine obtained the whole empire alone . here end the ten persecutions . centvrie iv. constantine . the church of christ flourished in time of the ten persecutions , as a palme tree groweth vnder the burthen , and spreads out her branches by increasing growth toward heaven . satan on the other part , that piercing and crooked serpent , who striues against the militant church of god , both by might and slight : when his might faileth , it is time to try his slight : which he did by the canker-worme of hereticall doctrine . now therefore , let vs entreate of the arrian and eutychian persecutors , in the three subsequent centuries . other heretiques , albeit they were fierce and cruell , such as the donatists , yet their crueltie was like vnto the stighling of a fish , when the water is ebbed , and shee is not covered with the deepenesse of over-flowing water : the more stirre she maketh , the nearer shee is vnto her death . but the arrian and eutychian heretiques found emperours favourably inclined to the maintenance of their errors , such as constantius and valens , protectors of the arrian heresie , anastatius and heraclius , favourers of the heresie of eutyches . this support they had of supreame powers , strengthened the arme of heretiques , and made them able to persecute the true church of christ. notwithstanding , betwixt the ten great persecutions , and the arrian persecution , a short breathing time was granted by god vnto his church , who will not suffer the rodde of the wicked perpetually to lie vpō the righteous , lest they put out their hand vnto inquity . the dayes of the raigne of constantine , were the breathing daies of the persecuted church : men banished for the cause of christ , by the emperours edicts were returned from their banishment , restored to their offices , dignities , and possessions , which duely belonged vnto them . the heritage and goods of such as had suffered death for the cause of christ , were allotted to their neerest kinsmen , and in case none of these were found aliue , then their goods were ordained to appertaine vnto the church . these beginnings of an admirable change of the estate of persecuted men , wrought in the hearts of all people a wonderfull astonishment , considering within themselues what could bee the event of such sudden and vnexpected alteration . the care that constantine had to disburthen persecuted christians of that heauy yoke of persecution , that pressed them downe so long , was not onely extended to the bounds of the romane empire , wherein constantine was soveraigne lord , and absolute commander : but he was carefull also to procure the peace of christians , who lived vnder sapores king of persia , who vexed christian people with sore and grievous persecution : so that within his dominions , more then sixteene thousand were found , who had concluded their liues by martyrdome . among whom simeon bishop of selentia , and vstazares the kings eldest eunuch , and his nurs-father in time of his minority , pusices , ruler of all the kings artificers , azades the kings beloved eunuch , and acepcimas , a bishop in persia : all these were men of note , and marke , who suffered martyrdome vnder sapores , king of persia. while the cogitations of constantine were exercised with meditation , by what meanes the distressed estate of christians in persia might be supported : by the providence of god , the ambassadours of sapores , king of persia , came to the emperor constantine : whose petitions when he had granted , hee sent them backe againe to their lord and master : and hee sent with them a letter of his owne , intreating sapores to bee friendly to christians , in whose religion nothing can be found , that can iustly bee blamed . his letter also bare the bad fortune of the emperor valerian the eight persecuter of christians and how miserably hee ended his life : and on the other part , what good successe the lord had given vnto himselfe in all his battels , because hee was a defender of christians , and a procurer of their peace . what peace was procured to distressed christians in persia by this letter of constantine , the history beares not : alwayes his endevour was honest and godly . in constantines dayes the gospell was propagated in east india , by frumentius and edesius , the brother sonnes of meropius , a man of tyrus . this history is written at length by ruffinus , theodoretus , sozomenus , and many others . likewise it was propagated in iberia , a country lying in the vttermost part of the euxine sea , by the meanes of a captiue christian woman , by whose supplications , first a childe , deadly diseased , recovered health , and afterward the queen of iberia her selfe was relieved from a dangerous disease , by her prayers made to christ. the king of iberia sent ambassadours to constantine , craving of him , that hee would send preachers and doctors to the countrey of iberia , who might instruct them in the true faith of christ. which desire also constantine performed with great gladnesse of heart . now to returne and to speake of the dominions subiect to the romane empire , constantine the sonne of constantius chlorus , began to raigne in the yeare of our lord . and hee raigned . yeares : hee gaue commandement to reedifie the temples of the christians , that were demolished in the time of the persecution of dioclesian . this commanmandement was obeyed with expedition , and many more large and ample churches were builded , meet for the conventions of christian people . likewise , the temples of idols were locked vp : better they had beene demolished , and equalled to the ground : then had it beene a worke of greater difficulty to iulian the apostate , to haue restored againe heathen idolatry . many horrible abuses , both in religion and manners , were reformed by the authority and commandement of the emperour , such as cubitus mensuralis , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in egypt , whereunto was attributed the vertue and cause of the inundation of nilus , by the egyptians : therefore by the emperors commandement this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was transported out of their temples . in rome the bloody spectacle of gladiatores , that is , of fencing men , with swords killing one another in sight of the people , was discharged . in heliopolis , a towne of phoenicia , the filthy manners of young women , accustomed without controulment , to prostitute themselues ●o the lust of strangers , vntill they were maried : this filthy custom ( i say ) by the commandement of the emperour constantine , was interdicted and forbidden . in iudea , the altar builded vnder the oke of mambre , where the angels appeared to abraham , and whereupon the pagans offered sacrifice in time of solemne faires , for buying and selling of merchant wares in that place : this altar ( i say ) was commanded tō be demolished , and a temple to be builded in the same place , for exercise of divine service . the care this good emperour had , to quench the schisme that began in alexandria , shall bee declared in its due time , god willing . in some things constantine was not vnlike to king salomon , who finding his kingdome to be peaceably settled , hee gaue himselfe to the building of the temple , of palaces , and of townes , which hee fortified and made strong . even so constantine finding that no enemie durst enterprise any longer to molest the peaceable estate of his settled kingdome , hee builded magnifique temples in bethlehem , the place of the lords nativity , vpon mount olivet , from whence christ ascended to heaven , vpon mount calvarie , where christs sepurchre was . hee builded also a citie in bithinia , and called it helenopolis , for honour of his mother helena , and another in palestina , and called it constantia , by the name of his sister . also hee builded a glorious temple in antiochia , which his sonne constantius perfected , and to the dedication of that temple a number of bishoppes were assembled . and finally , hee builded the great citie of constantinople in thracia , and called it nova roma , whereas before it was called byzantium . this towne was builded anno . in the end the good emperour intended to haue made warre against the persians , and by the way hee was purposed to haue beene baptised in iordan , where our saviour christ was baptised by iohn : but the lord had disposed otherwise : for the good emperor fell sicke at nicomedia , and was baptised in the suburbs of that principall towne of bithynia , not in rome , nor by silvester : but in nicomedia , and by eusebius . how this eusebius coozned the emperour , and obscured the wicked purpose of his hereticall heart from him , and continued in good favour and credit with the emperour , even to the last period of his life , so that hee had the honour to baptise the good emperour , will bee declared hereafter . in his testamentall legacy , hee left his dominions to his sonnes , ended his life happily , and was buried in constantinople . constantius , constans , and younger constantius . constantius governed the east parts of the romane empire , and he raigned . yeeres . the other two brethren governed the west parts . constantine the younger was slain at ▪ aquileia , after hee had raigned with his brethren three yeers . the emperour constans raigned . yeeres , and was slaine in france , by the tyrant magnentius : so after the death of constance , the whole government of the empire turned into the hands of constantius . he overcame magnentius in battell , who fled to lions , and slew his mother , his owne brother , and himselfe : and so the tyrant magnentius brought himselfe and his kindred to a miserable end . constantius was infected with the heresie of arrius , by the meanes of an arrian priest , who had beene in court with constantia , the sister of the emperour constantine , and relict of licinius . when shee was bound to bed , by infirmity and sicknesse , where of she died : she recommended this arrian presbyter to constantine her brother , whereby it came to passe , that he had favour and credit in the emperours court . hee procured the returning of arrius from banishment , and was the first reporter to constantius of his fathers testamentall legacie . and finally , he perverted constantius from the true faith , which his father had professed . so pernicious a thing is it to haue deceitfull heretiques lurking in the courts of princes . during the life-time of his brother constans , arrianisme had no great vpper hand , because constans emperour of the west protected paulus bishop of constantinople , & athanasius bishop of alexandria , and the rest of the bishoppes whom the arrians had most vniustly accused , deposed , and persecuted . but after the slaughter of constans , the arrians were encouraged by the inconstancy of the emperour , whose flexible and instable minde , like vnto a reede shaken with the winde , was inclined to follow the course , that the fore-mentioned priest put in his head . this priest informed the emperour constantius , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , consubstantiall , was not found in holy scripture , and that the inserting of this word in the forme of faith set downe by the nicene councell , was the occasion of many debates and contentions in the church of god : and that the returning of athanasius from banishment , was the ground of a terrible tempest , whereby not onely the estate of egypt was shaken , but also the estate of palestina and phoenicia , and other places not farre distant from egypt . moreover , he added , athanasius had beene the author of m●testine dissention betwixt the emperour constantius and his brother constans , so that 〈◊〉 wrote menacing letters to his brother , either to repossesse paulus and athanasius into their places again or else if he lingred in so doing ( since their innocency was cleered in the councell of sardica ) he threatned to lead an army to the east , and to see them repossessed in their own roomes againe . the emperour constantius was easily incited to wrath against athanasius , and he sent sebastianus , one of his captaines , accompanied with . armed men , to slay athanasius : but the lord delivered him miraculously out of their hands , when there seemed to bee no way of escaping , because armed souldiers were planted round about the temple : yet he went safely through the midst of them , and was not discerned , albeit many arrians were present of purpose to designe and point him out by the finger , as a sheepe ordained for the slaughter . georgius , an arrian bishop , was seated in alexandria , in the place of athanasius , a wolfe in the chaire of a true pastor , whose fury and madnesse was helped by sebastianus , who furnished him with armed souldiers , to accompany all his wicked and divelish devices . a fire was kindled in the towne : christian virgins were stripped naked , & brought to the fire , and commanded to renounce their faith : but the terror of the fire made them not once to shrinke . when the sight of the fire could not terrifie them , he caused their faces to be so dashed with strokes , & misfashioned their countenances , that they could not bee knowne by their familiar friends : but they , like vnto victorious souldiers , patiently endured all kinde of rebuke for the name of christ. thirty bishops of egypt and lybia , were slaine in the fury of this arrian persecution . fourteene bishops ( whose names are particularly mentioned by theodoretus ) were banished , of whom some died in the way , when they were transported , others died in the place of their banishment . forty good christians in alexandria were scourged with rods , because they would not communicate with the arrian wolfe georgius : and so pitiously demained , that some peeces of the rods were so deepely fixed in their flesh , that they could not bee drawne out againe , and many through excessiue paine of their wounded bodies , concluded their liues . here is a liuely portrait of the mercies of the wicked , which are cruell . the like crueltie the arrians practised in constantinople paulus bishop of constantinople was banished to cuculus , a little towne in cappadocia , where he was strangled by the arrians . macedonius was placed in his roome , a notable heretique , who vsed no lesse crueltie , in compelling the christians of constantinople , to communicate with him , then was vsed of olde , to compell christians to sacrifice to the idoles of the gentiles . the exquisite diligence of the arrians in procuring councels to bee gathered for establishing of their errour , shall be declared in the right place , god willing . now , to returne to the ciuill estate of constantius , after that magnentius had made an end of his owne life in most desperate manner , as is said , and his associate britannio had humbly submitted himselfe to constantius , and obtained pardon : yet was not the emperours estate quiet and free of trouble : for there arose another tyrant , called siluanus , whom the captaines of constantius armie in france did hastily cut off , and make out of the way . also the iewes of diocaesaria , a towne of palestina , rebelled against him , who were ouerthrowne by gallus the emperours coosen , and the citie of diocaesaria was leuelled with the ground ; this good successe made gallus somewhat insolent , and he slew domitianus , the emperours great treasurer in the east : therefore the emperour gaue commandement to cut him off . finally , the germans , who had assisted him in his warres against magnentius , they rebelled against him . and hee sent against them his coosen iulian , the brother of gallus , who subdewed the germans , and hee likewise waxed insolent , and suffered the souldiours to salute him with the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , of an emperour . this was not vnknowne to constantius , who made hast to preuent all further vsurpation . but by the way as hee was leading his armie through cilicia , hee concluded his life , sorowing for this , as theodoretus writes , that he had changed the forme of the nicene faith . iulianus . in the yeere of our lord . iulian began to raigne , and he raigned yeeres . ruffinus assignes vnto him one . monethes only : he was constantius neere kinsman , who made him caesar , and gaue vnto him in marriage helena his sister : he was brought vp in christian religion , but was peruerted by maximus an ephesian philosopher , whom valentinian the emperour afterward punished vnto the death , as a practiser of magicall artes . in the beginning of his raigne he restored those bishops to their places againe , whom constantius had banished , not for loue of religion , but to impare the fame of constantius : yet immediately after , hee manifested his affection toward heathnicke superstition , and opened the doores of the temples of the gods of the heathen , which constantine had locked vp , and incouraged others by his owne example , to offer sacrifices to the gods of the gentiles . iulian absteined , for a time , from crueltie , and shedding of blood : not for pitie , and compassion of christians : but rather for enuie : for he enuyed the glory of christian martyrs whose magnanimitie , courage , and constant perseuerance in the faith of christ vnto the death , was commended in the mouthes of all men . but he indeuoured by subtile and craftie meanes to vndoe christian religion . he debarred the children of christians from schooles , and from the vse of learning : also hee debarred them from warre fare , from offices of gouerment of romane prouinces , and from offices of heauie taxations : which taxations also the auarice of the deputies of prouinces increased , and made them more grieuous and intollerable . neuerthelesse , when christians complained of the vnrighteous dealing of the deputies , the emperour mocked them , and said , their happinesse was increased , according to the speech of christ their lord and master blessed are they , who suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake . likewise , in the market places of cities , he set vp his own image , with the effigies of the gods of the heathen pictured round about it : to the ende , that whosoeuer should doe ciuil reuerence to the emperours image , might also seeme to worship the gods of the gentiles : and by the contrarie , they who would not bow to the gods of the gentiles , might seem also to refuse all due reuerence to the emperour . when he distributed gold to his captaines and warriours ( as the custome was ) he vsed a forme of distributing not accustomed before , to haue an altar neere vnto his princely throne , and coales burning vpon it , and incense vpon a table neere vnto the altar whereby it came to passe , that no man receiued gold , before he cast incense vpon the coales of the altar : by this subtile artifice circumuenting many , who knew not , that it was iulians purpose to intangle them with the rites of ido latrous seruice . in antiochia , & in the region round about he dedicated all the fountaines to the goddesses of the gentiles , and caused all the victuall that was to be solde in market places , to be sprinckled with heathenicke holy water . neuerthelesse , christians , without scruple of conscience dranke of the water that was in the welles , and ate of the meate which they bought in the market , beeing fully perswaded , that to the cleane all thinges are cleane : and againe , it is written , whatsoeuer is solde in the shambles , eat ye , and aske no question for conscience sake . the libertie that iunentius and maxentius , two worthie warriours , vsed in reprouing the emperour to his face , for his heathnike superstition , moued iulian to such wrath , that hee punished them vnto the death : and so by degrees the policie and wisedome of iulian in the end breakes foorth into the fruites of crueltie and shedding of blo od . albeit no publicke mandate of iulian was set foorth , commanding to persecute christians , yet by many euident testimonies it was knowne to the people , that the emperour hated them , and that no man would incur punishment , for outrage and violence vsed against them . therefore in the towne of sebaste , the sepulchre of iohn the baptist was opened , his bones were burnt , and the ashes scattered abroad . likewise the wicked men of gaza and ascalon , killed preachers and holy virgins , ripped their bellies , filled them with barlie , and cast their bodies to the swine to be eaten . cyrillus also , a deacon in hierapolis , a towne of phoenicia , at the foote of mount libanus , who in time of the raigne of constantine had broke in pieces the images of the gentiles , was taken by them , his bellie was ript , his liuer was drawne out of his bodie , which with barbarous inhumanitie they chawed with their teeth . but the lord suffered not such vnkouth crueltie to escape vnpunished : for the teeth of those who commited this fact of vnnaturall inhumanitie , fell out of their jaw bones , their tongues rotted within their mouthes and their eyes were darkned and blinded : a just and deserued punishment of brutish sauages practised by men . marcus arthusius had his body ouerlaid with hony , and it was hung vp in hot summer weather , to be molested with wasps , and flies . in alexandria many christians were slaine for discouering the abominations of the pagans , especially in sacrificing to mythra bloody sacrifices of reasonable creatures . among others , georgius the arrian bishop was bound vnto a camel and both he and the camell were burned with fire : whom no man counts a martyr , because he kept not the true faith . in the countrey of phrygia , and towne of miso , macedonius theodulus , & tatianus , for breaking in pieces images , were broiled vpon hot grates of yron . the persecution of athanasius , which with great hazard he escaped , by a stratageme , of turning backe his ship in the face of the persecuting enemies , was procured by philosophers , sorcerers , & inchanters , who were about iulian , and affirmed that all their trauailes would be spent in vaine , if athanasius , the only barre , and obstacle of their doings , were not made out of the way . the wrath of iulian was highly kindled against the inhabitants of caesarea in cappadocia . this towne of old was called maza , but the emperour claudius changed the name of it , and called it caesarea . the inhabitants of the citie , for the most part , were christians , and they had of old ouerthrowne the temples of iupiter and apollo , and the temple of fortune ( which only remained ) they ouerthrew in iulians owne time . for this cause iulian rased the name of caesarea , out of the roll of cities , and exacted from them . pound weight of gold , compelled their cleargie to serue in warrefare : and finally , he threatened to punish to the death al the inhabitants of caesarea : but the righteous lord cutted the cordes of the wicked and he had not power to performe all his bloody designes . he had intention to fight against the persians , yet would he doe nothing without consultation of his gods . he sent his most assured friendes to all the oracles within the romane dominions , and he himselfe would inquire at the oracle of apollo in delphos , what should be the successe of his enterprises . the answere of apollo was , that hee was hindered by the dead , to giue his responses . hereof it came to passe , that iulian gaue libertie to christians , to transport the bones of the martyr babylas . about the same time fire came down from heauen , and destroyed the temple of apollo in delphos and beate the image of apollo in pieces , like vnto the lightest and smallest powder , or dust . moreouer , he gaue libertie to the iewes , to returne to ierusalem , to build their temple , & to offer sacrifices conforme to the law of moses : not for loue he caried toward the iewes , but for hatred of the christians : therefore the worke prospered not , but was hindered by earthquake , fire and a mightie tempest of wind . marke how euery thing this hateful enemy of christ enterprised , had an euill successe . iulian arriued at ctesiphon the metrapolitane towne of chaldea , after that babylon was ruined . the king of persia had his people in better preparation then the emp. looked for : therefore he tooke deliberation to returne back againe to the bounds of the romane dominiōs : but he who was deceitful al his daies , was in end deceiued by an old persiā captiue , who led the emp. into a baren wildernes , where he cōcluded his life , wounded with a dart : but it remaines vncertaine by whom hee was slaine . iouinianus . after the death of iulian , iouinian was chosen , by the romane armie , to be emperour , but liued not full . months in his emperiall dignity . he accepted not the soueraignty , vntill the time the whole army with vniforme consent acknowledged themselues to be christians . he made a couenant of peace with the king of persia , such as necessity of a distressed army compelled him to condiscend vnto : for nisibis , a great citie in mesopotamia , with some dominions in syria , were resigned ouer to the king of persia. the blame of this hurtfull capitulation , was imputed to the temerity of iulian the apostate , who had burnt with fire the ships that should haue brought victualles to the armie , and gaue hasty credite to a persian captiue . when he had reduced the army to the bounds of the romane dominions , hee buried the dead body of iulian in tarsus , a towne of cilicia : and hee reduced from punishment the worthy captaine valentinian , whom iulian had banished , together with the bishops banished from their places , or compelled to lurke : and in speciall athanasius , whose counsel hee was resolued to follow in matters of faith and church gouernement . in the ende hee tooke purpose to goe to constantinople : but by the way , in the confines of galatia and bithinia , he concluded his life in a village called dadasta . valentinianus and valens . after the death of iovinian , the romane armie choosed valentinian to be emperour , who raigned . yeeres . in whom was accomplished which is promised in the gospell , to render an hundreth-folde in this life , to them who suffer any losse for christs sake , in the world to come eternall life . valentinian for christs sake lost his office in iulians court , & he receiued in this world a kingdome , and hath a greater recompence of reward laid vp for him in heauen . the magnanimous courage of valentinian in beating on the face that heathen priest , who sprinkled holy water vpon his garments , whereby he thought his garments to be contaminate , and not his body sanctified . this couragious fact was the cause wherefore iulian banished him to miletina , a towne in armenia . he was relieued from banishment in the dayes of iouinian , and wa● made emp. after his death . he was borne in a towne of panonia , called cibalc : he addressed himselfe immediatly after his acceptation of the emperial soueraignty to cōstantinople , & within the space of . daies he choosed his brother to bee his associate in the gouernement : in such sort , that the emp. valentinian gouerned the west , and the emperour valens gouerned the easterne parts of the roman dominions . the emp. valens finding the persians to be quiet , & disposed to keepe the couenant of peace bound vp in the dayes of iouinian , he vndertooke an vnsupportable warfare against the homousians . the vsurpation of the tyrant procopius , did somewhat slacken the readines and quicknes of his attempts but after procopius was deliuered into the handes of the emp. valens , by agelon & gomarius his captaines , he rent in pieces the body of procopius , by bowing downe to the ground the toppes of strong trees , whereunto he caused the legs of procopius to be fastened . the bodies of agelon and gomarius , the two captaines who betrayed procopius , were cutted in twaine with sawes of yron . in which fact the emprour valens had no regard to the oath of god , which he made vnto them for their safetie . procopius being subdewed , he bended all his might against the homousians : he banished miletius , b. of antiochia , to armenia : eusebius b. of samosata , to thracia : pelagius bishop of laodicea , to arabia . the town of samosata was so affectioned to their own pastor eusebius , that they would not cōmunicate with eunomius , whom the arians sent to fil his place . valens was filled with wrath against the fathers conucened in the councel of lampsacum ( this is a towne neere vnto the straite forth of hellespontus ) because they adhered fast vnto the nicene faith . in constantinople he not only banished the homousians , but also the novatians , & their b. agelius , because they would not consent with the arrian in the matter of faith . in edessa , a towne of mesopotamia , the emperour gaue commandement to slay the homousians , who were assembled together in the church : but the seruent zeale of one woman , that ran in hast through the rankes of souldiers , drawing with her , her yong and tender child , together with her couragious answere to the captaine , staied the rage of the emp. wonderfully : for she counted it a sweet fellowship that she and her babe should be found amongst the number of these , who were counted worthy to suffer death for the name of christ. neuertheles the emp. banished of men who dwelt in edessa , especially of such as were in spiritual offices , to the number of fourscore , whom he commanded , by two & two , to be dispersed through thracia , arabia , and thebaida . the inuincible courage of basilius , bishop of caesarea in capadocia , the peaceable death of athanasius , which hapned in the verie time of persecution of this arrian emperour valens , together with the furie and madnesse of the arrian bishop lucius , intruded in alexandria , all these things , god willing shall bee touched in their owne places . amongst al the facts of vnspeakeable cruelty committed by valens , one fact ouerwent all the rest . while the emp. was at nicomedia , fourescore ambassadours were directed vnto him : amongst whom menedemus , vrbanus & theodorus were the chiefe . these complained to the emperour , of the manifold injuries done to the homousians . the emperour gaue commandement to modestus , the gouernour of his armie , to embarke them into a ship , as if they were to be banished vnto some remote and far distant place : but secret direction was giuen vnto the ship-men , to set the ship on fire , and to retire themselues into a boat . so it came to passe , that these fourscore martyrs circumvented by the craft of valens , glorified the name of christ , by patient suffering of many deaths at one time , both tormented by fire , and drowned in water . terentius and traianus , two worthy captaines , vsed some liberty in admonishing the emperour to abstaine from persecuting of innocent people , because his fighting against god , procured good successe to the barbarians : but the lord was minded to destroy him , therefore he could receiue no wholesome admonition : for a number of the nation of the gothes , whom he entertained as souldiers , meete to defend his dominions against the invasion of forrainers and strangers , they began to waste the countrey of thracia : and they fought against the emperour valens , and preuailed against him : so that he fled , and was overtaken in a certaine village , which the gothes set on fire . so this emperour died miserably , burnt with fire by his enemies , without succession , and left his name in curse and execration to all ages , after he had raigned . or . yeeres , as sozomenus reckoneth . now to returne to the emperour valentinian : hee was a defender of the true faith , and was so highly offended against his brother valens , that hee would make him no support against the invasion of the gothes : for hee sayd , it was an impious thing , to strengthen the hand of a man , who had spent his dayes in warfare against god , and his church . in his dayes the samaritans invaded the bounds of the romane dominions . valentinian prepared a mighty army to fight against them : but they sent vnto him ambassadours , to entreate for peace . when the emperour saw that they were but a naughty people , hee was moved with excessiue anger , whereby he procured the rupture of some arters , or veines , wherevpon followed great effusion of blood . and so he himselfe died , leauing behinde him two sonnes , gratianus , whose mother was severa , and valentinian the second , whose mother was iustin gratianus ; valentianus the second , and theodosius . gratianus , the sonne of valentinian , after the death of valens , his fathers brother , had the government both of west and east . his brother valentinian the second , was his associate in the government of the west : but when he perceived , that the waighty affaires of the kingdome required the fellowship of a man who was ripe in yeeres , hee chose theodosius , a man of noble parentage in spaine , to whom hee committed the government of the east , contenting himselfe and his brother valentinian , with the government of the west . gratianus in the beginning of his raigne , reduced from banishment those bishops , whom the arrian persecuter valens had banished . hee was slaine by andragathius , captaine of the army of maximus , who vsurped the empire of the west . this andragathius , not by valour and might , but by circumvention , fallhod , and treason , overthrew the good emperour gratian : for hee made a report to passe in lions , where the emperour gratian had his remayning , that his wife was comming to him : and hee in simplicitie went forth to meete his wife beyond the riuer rhonne : but andragathius ( who was couertly lurking in a chariot ) stepped out , and slew gratianus , after he had raigned with his father , with his brother , and with theodosius , fifteene yeares . his brother valentinian , young in yeeres , was seduced by the intising speeches of his mother iustina after the death of her husband , in whose dayes shee durst not presume to avow the arrian heresie : yet after his death , shee entised the flexible minde of her sonne , to persecute ambrose bishop of millaine , because hee would not consent to the arrian doctrine . the zeale of the people affectioned to their faithfull pastor , hindered the cruell purposes of iustina . likewise the miracles wrought at the sepulchres of protasius and gervasius , opened the mouthes of the people to glorifie god , and to magnifie that faith , which protasius and gervasius had sealed vp with their blood : these holy men of god were martyred in the second great persecution , mooved by the emperour domitian . the dolorous tithings of the death of gratianus , and the neere approaching of the tyrant maximus to italy , compelled iustina to leaue the persecuting of ambrose , and to flie to illericum , for safety of her owne life , and her sonnes life . theodosius being mindefull of the kindenesse of gratianus towards him , led an army against the tyrant maximus . the captaines of maximus army , terrified with the rumour of the might of theodosius army , delivered him bound into the hands of theodosius , and hee was iustly punished vnto the death . andragatius , who slew the emperour gratian ( as is sayd ) seeing no way to escape , threw himselfe head-long into a river , and so ended his wretched life . about the same time , iustina the mother of valentinian the second , shee died , her sonne was peaceably possessed in his kingdome , and theodosius returned to the east againe . but within few dayes hee was compelled to gather a new army , and fight against the tyrant eugenius , and his chiefe captaine arbogastus , who had conspired against valentinian the second , and strangled him while he was lying in his bed . this battell went hardly at the beginning , but theodosius had his recourse to god by prayer : and the lord sent a mighty tempest of winde , which blew so vehemently in the face of eugenius army , that their darts were turned backe , by the violence of the winde , in their owne faces . of which miraculous support , sent from aboue , the poet claudian writes these verses : o nimium dilecte deo eui sundis ab antris eolus a mat as biemes , cui●●● at ather , et cominrati veniunt ad classica venti . the tyrant eugenius fell downe at the feet of theodosius , to begge pardon : but the souldiers pursued him so straitly , that they slew him at the emperours feete . arbogastus , the author of all this mischiefe , hee sled , and being out of all hope of safety , slew himselfe . like as there was no sacrifice , wherein dung was not found , even so the life and actions of this noble emperour , was spotted with some infirmities . against the inhabitants of thessalonica , the emperour was mooved with excessiue anger , so that seven thousand innocent people were slaine , invited to the spectacle of playes , called ludi circenses , and in the greeke language , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for this fault the good emperour was reprooved by ambrose bishop of millaine , and confessed his fault in sight of the people with teares : and made a lawe , that the like commandements , concerning the slaughter of people , should not haue hastie execution , vntill the tune that thirty dayes were overpassed : to the end . that space might be left to either mercy , or to repentance . in like manner , he was angry out of measure against the people of antiochia , for overthrowing the brasen portrait of his beloved bedfellow placilla . the emperour denuded their towne of the dignity of a metrapolitan citie , conferring this eminent honour to their neighbour towne laodicea . moreover hee threatned to set the towne on fire , and to redact it vnto the base estate of a village . but flavianus bishop of antiochia , by his earnest travels with the emperour mitigated his wrath ( for the people repented their foolish fact , and were fore afraid ) and the good emperour moved with pitty , pardoned the fault of the towne of antiochia . his lenity toward the arrians , whom hee permitted to keepe conventions in principall cities , was with great dexterity and wisedome reprooved by amphilochius , bishop of iconium : for hee came in vpon a time , and did reverence to the emperour , but not vnto arcadius his sonne ( albeit already associated to his father in government , and declared augustus ) whereat theodosius being offended , amphilochius very pertinently , and in due season , admonished the emperour , that the god of heaven also would bee offended with them , who tolerated the blasphemers of his only begotten sonne , the lord iesus christ. wherevpon followed a lawe , discharging the conventions of heretikes , in the principall cities . in all these infirmities , it is remarkeable , that the good emperour ever gaue place to wholesome admonitions . the excessiue paines hee was compelled to vndertake in warfare , hastened his death : for hee contracted sicknesse soone after his returning from the the battell fought against eugenius , and died in the . yeere of his age , and in the . yeere of his raigne . he left behind him his two sonnes : arcadius to governe the east , and honorius to governe the west . ⸪ centvrie v. arcadius , and honorius . the good emperour theodosius left behinde him two sonnes , arcadius to governe the east parts , and honorius the west . arcadius raigned yeeres : he was a meeke and godly emperour , but not couragious , as his father had beene . his simplicity was abused by eudoxia his wife , ruffinus his chiefe counseller , and gania his chiefe captaine . eudoxia was offended at the freedome that chrysostome vsed , in reproving of sinne : and by the meanes of theophilus bishop of alexandria procured his deposition . theophilus had gathered a synode at the oke of calcedon : and because chrysostome being warned , refused to appeare , they convict him of contumacy , and deposed him : after deposition followed banishment , from which the affectioned mindes of the people toward their pastor , constrained the emperour to reduce him againe : yet eudoxia continued in her malice , and procured by the meanes of theophilus , his second deposition & banishment , with commandement to iourney his weake bodie with excessiue travels from place to place , vntill hee concluded his life . ruffiinus stirred vp alaricus king of the gothes , to fight against arcadius , secretly presuming to the kingdome , but his treasonable enterprises being espyed , hee was slaine , and his head and right hand were hung vp vpon the port of constantinople . gaina of a simple souldier was made generall commander of arcadius his army : hee waxed insolent and proud , affected the kingdome , being in blood a stranger , of the nation of the goths , in religion an arrian . hee craved a petition of the emperour , that hee might haue one of the churches of constantinople , wherein hee might serue god according to his owne forme : but this petition by the prudent advice of chrysostome given to the emperour was reiected , and the pride of gaina for a time was something abated . honorius raigned in the west , all the dayes of his brother arcadius and . yeeres after his death . the whole time of his government was very troublesome . gildo , his lieutenant in africke , vsurped the dominion of africke ; and mascelzer his brother , who at the first detested treasonable enterprises in his brother , yet afterward followed his brothers footsteps , and received the iust deserved reward of his inconstancy , for hee was slaine by his owne souldiers . in like manner stilico , the emperours father in law ( for honorius married his daughter ) and the emperors chiefe counseller , presumed to drawe the kingdome to eucherius his sonne , and stirred vp the vandales , burgundians , almans , and diverse others to invade the kingdome of france , to the end that honorius being overcharged with the multitude of vnsupportable businesse , might permit stilico to set forward to the designes of his owne heart . about this time , rhadagisus a sythian , accompanied with an army of two hundred thousand gothes , came to italy . and the helpe of vldinus and sarus , captaines of the hunnes and gothes , being obtained , rhadagisus was suddenly surprised , himself was taken and strangled , many were slaine , the most part were sold , whereupon followed incredible cheapnesse of servants , so that flocks of servants were sold for one peece of gold , in italy . the next great trouble came by alaricus , king of the westerne gothes , who invaded italy , and camped about ravenna , with whom honorius entred into a capitulation , and promised to him and his retinue , a dwelling place in france . the gothes marched toward their appointed dwelling place : but stilico the emperours father in law followed after them , and set vpon them at vnawares , when they suspected none evill , and slew a great number of them . by this the emperour cleerly perceived the treason of stilico , and caused him and his sonne to bee slaine , but to his owne great hurt , hee appointed no generall commander of the army in his place . alaricus and his army were enraged , partly by their losse , and partly by remembrance of the covenant made with them , and incontinent violated : therefore they turned backe againe , and invaded italy with all their might , and besieged rome two yeeres , and tooke it in the yeere of our lord , . or as some reckon . in the midst of burning , slaying , robbing , and military outrage , some fauour was showne by the expresse commandement of alaricus , to such as fled to christian churches for safetie of their liues . alaricus led his army from rome , and was purposed to sayle to africke , there to settle his abode , but being driven backe with tempestuous windes , hee wintred in consentia , where hee ended his life . alaricus in his life-time had given in marriage placidia the sister of honorius , to ataulphus his neerest kinsman , and ataulphus after the death of alaricus , raigned over the gothes . the gothes vnder the conduct of ataulphus , returned backe againe to rome . placidia through her intercession purchased great good to the towne of rome : the gothes abstained from burning , and shedding of blood , and addressed themselues toward france and spaine . theodosius . and valentinian . after arcadius , raigned his sonne theodosius the second . yeeres . his vncle honorius governed in the west : after whose death the whole government pertained to theodosius , who associated vnto himselfe valentinian the third , the sonne of placidia , his fathers sister . theodosius in godlinesse was like vnto his grandfather , in collecting a great librarie of good bookes , nothing inferiour to ptolemaus philadelphus . in collecting in one short sum the iawes of kings and princes : he tread a path whereinto iustinian walked , following theodosius example , and benefited all men desirous of learning . his house was like vnto a sanctuarie for exercises of reading of holy scripture , and deuote prayers . he was of a meeke & tractable nature almost beyond measure : his facilitie in subscribing vnread letters was corrected by the prudēt aduice of his sister pulcheria . in these two emp. time the estate was mightily crossed & troubled by strangers . by the procurement of bonifacius deputie of africke , the vandales vnder the conduct of gensericus their king came into africk , tooke the towne of carthage , & other principall townes and settled their abode in that countrie . valentinian . emp. of the west was compelled to make a couenant with the vandales , & to assigne vnto them limited bounds in africke for their dwelling place . the vandales were partly pagans and partly arrians whereby it came to passe that the true church in africke was persecuted with no lesse inhumanitie ; and barbarous crueltie by gensericus king of the vandales , then it was in the dayes of the emp. dioclesian . attila , king of the hunnes encombred the romane empire with greater troubles . theodosius emperour of the east bought peace with payment of a yearly tribute of gold to attila . valentinian the third by the meanes of aetius his chiefe counseller allured theodoricus king of the westerne gothes to take his part . the parties fought in the fieldes called catalaunici a great fight , wherein a hundreth and fourescore thousand men were slaine . and theodoricus king of the gothes in this battell lost his life . attila was compelled to flee . thrasimundus the sonne of theodoricus was very willing to pursue attila , for desire he had to reuenge his fathers slaughter , but hee was stayed by aetius . this counsell seemes to be the occasion of his death : valentinian commanded to cut off aetius . attila finding that the romane armie was destitute of the conduct of so wise a gouernour , as aetius was , he tooke courage againe , and in great rage set himselfe against italie , tooke the townes of aquileia , ticinum and millane , sacked and ruined them , and set himselfe directly against rome , with intention to haue vsed the like crueltie also against it . but leo bishop of rome went foorth , and with gentle words so mitigated his mind , that he left besieging of the towne of rome . soone after this attila died , the terrour of the world , and the whip wherewith god scourged many nations . valentinian the thirde , after hee had raigned in whole . yeeres , was cut off for the slaughter of aetius . maximus vsurped the kingdome , and violently tooke vnto himselfe eudoxia the relict of valentinian : but shee was relieued againe by gensericus king of vandales , who led an armie to rome , and spoyled the towne , and relieued eudoxia , and carried her and her daughters to africke , and gaue honoricus his sonne in marriage vnto her eldest daughter . maximus was cut in pieces by the people , & his body was cast into tyber . from this time foorth the empire vtterly decayed in the west , vntill the dayes of carolus magnus , so that anitus , richimex , maioranus , severus , anthemius , olybrius , glycerius , nepos , orestes and his sonne augustulus , they continued so short time , and gouerned so vnprosperously , that their names may bee left out of the rolle of the emperours . now to returne againe to theodosius emperour in the east , a king beloued of god , in so much that by praier hee obtained of god a wonderfull deliuerance to ardaburius captaine of his armie . when his vncle had ended his life , ardaburius was sent against a tyrant iohn , who did vsurpe the kingdome in the west . the ship whereinto ardaburius failed by tempest of weather was driuen to rauenna , where the tyrant iohn tooke him prisoner . aspar the captaines sonne , beeing conducted by an angell of god ( as socrates writeth ) entred in rauenna , by the passage of the loch , which was neuer found dried vp before that time : the portes of the towne were patent , so that aspar and his armie entred into the towne , slew the tyrant iohn , and relieued ardaburius his father . this miraculous deliuerance is thought to be the fruite of the effectuall prayers of the godly emperour . his death was procured by a fall from his horse , after which hee was diseased , and died : an emperour worthy of euerlasting remembrance . martianus . martianus by the meanes of pulcheria the sister of theodosius was aduanced to the kingdome with whom valentinian the thirde , of whom i haue already spoken , raigned . yeeres . martianus , albeit hee obtained the gouernment in a time most troublesome , when the gothes , vandales , hunnes , and herules had disquieted the estate of the roman empire out of measure , yet by the prouidence of god the short time of his gouernment was peaceable , for he raigned not fully yeere , and he left behind him great griefe in the hearts of the people , because a gouernement so good and godly endured so short time . concerning the councell of chalcedon assembled by him , it is to be referred vnto the owne place . leo. after martianus succeeded leo , and gouerned . yeeres . he was godly & peaceable , not vnlike martianus his predecessor . he interposed his authoritie to suppresse those who proudly despised the councell of chalcedon , and obstinatly maintained the heresie of eutyches . notwithstanding the madnes and rage of eutychian heretiques began in his time , immediately after the report of the death of martianus . procerius bishop of alexandria was cruelly slaine by them in the church , haled through the streets , and with beastly cruelty they chewed the intrals of his body , hauing before ordained timotheus to bee their bishop . the emperour banished timotheus beeing first foreseene , that not only leo bishop of rome , but also all other bishops , of chiefe account , damned the ordination of timotheus . the terrible earthquake which destroyed a part of antiochia , & the more terrible fire which wasted a great part of constantinople , were fore running tokens of the great desolation that should ensue by the detestable heresie of eutyches . zeno. the emperour leo left his kingdome to his nephew the sonne of zeno called leo , but hee fell sicke and died , when he had scarce reigned . yeere . so his father zeno had the emperiall soueraigntie . yeeres : hee was of a bad religion , dissolute in manners , intemperate , effeminate , and hated of all men . therefore basiliscus conspired against him and zeno fled . basiliscus was a persecuter of the true faith , damned by his encyclicke letters the councell of chalcedon : restored euthychian bishops to their places againe : such as timotheus arideus to alexandria , petrus cnapheus to antiochia , paulus to ephesus : fiue hundreth preachers were found , who subscribed basiliscus letters , and cursed the councell of chalcedon . so great a plague it is , either to haue ignorant pastors , who know not the trueth of god , or cowardly teachers , who will suffer no rebuke for the knowne truth of god. zeno returned to his kingdome againe within . yeeres : hee banished basiliscus to cappadocia , where he was slaine with his wife and children . hee abolished the encyclicke letters of basiliscus and eicted petrus cnapheus out of antiochia , and paulus out of ephesus . timotheus of alexandria was old , infirme , and neere to the last period of his life , els also he had bin eiected out of alexandria : for zeno , not for loue of the true faith , but for hatred of the name of basiliscus endeuoured to doe all that he had done . vnder the raigne of zeno came odoacer assisted with people of pannonia called rugi , turcilingi and heruli , and inuaded italie , and slew orestes at pagia , and compelled his sonne augustulus , to denude himselfe of emperiall honours so that the romane empire , as it began in the person of augustus caesar , so likewise it ended in the person of augustulus the sonne of orestes . odoacer would not vsurpe the glorious title of an emperour , but called himselfe king of italie , and raigned . yeeres . zeno on the other part stirred vp theodoricus king of gothes to expell odoacer out of italie . theodoricus encountred with him diuerse times , and preuailed . in the end he besieged him in ravenna , vntill a couenant of peace was bound vp betwixt them , but it lasted a short time : for theodoricus vnder pretence of friendship , called odoacer and his sonnes to a banket and caused them cruelly to bee slaine . afterward he raigned himselfe alone in italie . yeeres : hee reedified the townes in italie which by violence of warres had beene wasted & made desolate , and was well beloued of the people : and albeit in religion he was an arrian , yet he abstained from persecution of those who professed the true faith . the eutychian persecution is already begun , but the arrian persecution is not yet ended . hunnericus sonne of gensericus king of vandales , was an arrian persecuter so vnmercifull , that in africke where his dominion was , he had neither compassion on sexe or age : he banished at one time fiue thousand professors of the true faith . and such as were infirme and weake ; and could neither trauell by foote nor horse , he commanded cords to be knit to their legges , and to traile them through the rough places of the wildernes , and by such merciles dealing , the death of many innocent people was procured : but the lord suffered not this crueltie to be vnpunished : for the lord plagued the vandales with famine , and pest , and hunnericus was so long tormented with venemous biles , that in the end he was consumed with vermine , and in great miserie ended his most wretched life . in this centurie studying for brevitie , i haue ouerpassed some remarkable thinges , such as the deceitfull practises of the wise men of persia , to diuert the affection of their king isdigerdes from the loue he had caried to maruthas bishop in mesopotamia , and embassadour of theodosius . . this historie is set downe at length by socrates . in like maner the calamitie of the iewes who dwelt in the isle of candie , and were piteously abused by a deceiuing fellow , who called himselfe moses , and promised to lead them through the mediterran sea , to their owne lande , as moses led the people of israel through the read sea : this calamitie read in the . booke of the ecclesiastical historie of socrates chap. . the iewes were commanded to cast themselues into the sea , and to swim vnto a rocke : but they were drowned in the sea , and dashed vpon the hard rocke , and by the meanes of christian fishers some few escaped . this historie is referred vnto the . yeere of our lord : so that it fell foorth vnder the raigne of theodosius . the miraculous conuersion of the burgundians to the faith of christ about the same time , i haue of purpose ouerpassed , willing to be short , and to giue a viewe of the historie to those who are desirous to read . centvrie vi. anastatius . after zeno succeeded anastatius , and gouerned . yeeres . he was a patrone of the heresie of eutyches . he banished euphemius bishop of constantinople , because hee would not redeliuer vnto him that letter which he had subscribed before his coronation , wherein he was bound to attempt nothing against the true faith , and namely against the councel of chal●edon . in like manner hee banished macedonius the successour of euphemius for the same cause ( for he had the custodie of the hand-writing of anastatius ) and the emperour gaue secret commandement to make him out of the way at gangra the place of his banishment . xenoeas bishop of hierapolis , a firebrand of sathan stirred vp the emperours minde to great rage , partly by gathering a councell at sidon , wherein they damned the actes of the councel of chalcedon and partly by stirring vp the emperor to wrath against good men , such as were principall defenders of the true faith : namely flauianus bishop of antiochia and helias bishop of ierusalem . the people of antiochia were very friendly to their pastor , and finding that a great number of monkes sauouring eutyches errour , had assembled in the towne of antiochia to compell flauianus their bishop to accurse and abiure the councell of chalcedon : they set vpon the monkes , and slewe a number of them , others leaped into the riuer of orontes , where they found a meet buriall for seditious monkes . on the other part a great number of syria caua , came to support the troubled estate of flauianus . for these things , as if he had beene a contentious man , he was banished , and senerus a notable eutychian heretique was placed in his roome : this is he , of whom i haue mentioned diuers times that alamundarus prince of saraceus deluded his messengers , and sent them backe ashamed and confounded . the next attempt was against helias bishop of ierusalem , against whom this quarrell was forged , that hee would not subscribe the synodicke letter of seuerus , and damne the councel of chalcedon , and by the emperours commandement . olympius the captaine came to ierusalem , expelled helias , and placed iohn a familiar friend of seuerus in his roome . this iohn by the perswasion of sabas a monke of palestina forsooke the fellowship of seuerus , and was cast into prison by anastatius the emperours captaine : but when he was brought foorth out of prison againe , he disappointed the expectation of anastatius the captaine : for he openly auouched the foure generall councels , and anathematifed the followers of arrius , macedonius , nestorius and eutyches . in doing whereof he was mightily assisted both by the people , and the monks : so that anastatius the emperours captaine fearing popular commotion , fled and returned againe to the emperour , but seuerus bishop of antiochia moued with wrath against the monks of syria , set vpon them , and slew . of them , and gaue their carcases to the foules of the heauen , and the beastes of the earth , such mercie was , and is to bee found in headstrong heretiques . in all this desolation the courage of cosmas bishop of epiphania , and severianus bishop of arethusa is to be admired , who wrote a booke conteining a sentence of deposition of severus bishop of antiochia , which booke aurelianus a deacon of epiphania clad in a womans apparrell deliuered vnto him in antiochia , and afterward conueyed himselfe away secretly . the emperour was highly offended against cosmas , and severianus , and he wrote to asiaticus gouernour of phoenicia , that hee should eiect them out of their places : but when answere was returned to the emperour , that it could not be done without blood , the emperour left off further pursuing of them . many counted anastatius a peaceable emperour , because he would haue setled controuersies in the church , as eiuil controversies at sometimes are settled , namely , by a law of oblivion , but there is no capitulation betwixt darknesse and light , but darknesse must yeeld vnto the light of god. in africke moe then . were crowned with martyrdome vnder the raigne of anastatius , as magd history recordeth out of the first booke of regino , de anastatio . platina writeth that he was slaine with thunder . iustinus the elder . after anastatius , succeeded iustinus a godly emperour , and governed nine yeeres and three dayes . hee restored the bshops whom anastatius had banished . hee banished also arrian bishops , who were found within his dominions . severus bishop of antiochia , a vile eutychian heretique , and a bloody foxe , hee displaced , and caused him to be punished by cutting out of his tongue , as some affirme . theodoricus king of the gothes obtaining domion in italy , persecuted true christians with great hostility , and sent ambassadors to the emperour iustinus , to restore the arrian bishops whom hee had banished : else he would pursue the bishops who were in italy , with all kinde of rigour . and because the ambassadors returned not backe againe with such expedition as he expected , hee put hand to worke , and slew two noble senators , symmachus , and boetius . likewise when the ambassadors were returned , hee cast in prison iohannes tuscus , bishoppe of rome , and his companions , whom hee had before imployed to goe on message to the emperour iustinus . the bishop of rome died in prison for lacke of sustentation , but the lord suffered not this barbarous cruelty of theodoricus to be long vnpunished : for the lord strake him with madnesse of minde , so when he was sitting at table , and the head of a great fish was set before him , hee imagined it was the head of symmachus , whom he had slaine , and was so stupified with feare , that anon after hee died . in the dayes of this emperour iustinus , was a terrible earthquake , the like whereof hath not beene heard at any time before , wherewith the towne of antiochia was shaken and vtterly ruined . with the earthquake , fire was mixed , consuming and resolving into ashes the remnant of the towne , which the earthquake had not cast down . in this calamity euphrasius bishop of antiochia , perished . the good emperour mourned for the desolation of antiochia , and put on sackcloth on his body , and was in great heavinesse , whereof it is supposed , that hee contracted that disease whereof hee dyed . when he found his disease daily encreasing , he made choyce of iustinian his sisters sonne to be his colleague , who governed foure moneths in equall authority with his vncle , and then iustinus ended his course . iustinianus . a after the death of iustinus , iustinianus his sisters sonne , governed . yeares . hee would suffer no faith to be openly professed , except the faith allowed in the foure generall councells . notwithstanding the empresse theodora his wife , was a favourer of eutyches heresie . this emperour was bent to recover all that was lost by his predecessors , in asia , africke , and europe , and hee had good successe through the vertue and valour of his captaines , especially belisarius , and narses . belisarius first fought against the persians , who had overcome not onely mesopotamia , but also many parts of syria , antrochena , and cava . hee overcame them in battell , and compelled them to goe back beyond euphrates . next , he was employed to fight against the vandales in africke , who possessed great bounds of the romane dominions , ever since the dayes of gensericus , king of the vandales . and it is to be marked , that the time was now come , wherein the lord wil declare , that the blood of his saints is precious in his eyes . for since the dayes of dioclesian , that bloody persecuting emperour , no race of people persecuted gods saints with so barbarous cruelty , as the vandales did , for zeale they had to the arrian heresie , wherewith they were infected . after gensericus , hunericus , and amalaricus , and trasimundus , who closed the doores of the temples of christians , and banished their bishoppes to sardinia . childericus would haue shewed some favour to christians , and reduced their bishoppes from banishment : for this cause the vandales did slay him , and gaue his kingdome to gillimer . now the lord remembred the grones of his owne prisoners , and would not suffer the rod of the wicked perpetually to lie vpon the lot of the righteous . belisarius fought against the vandales , prosperously recovered carthage , and all the boūds pertaining to the roman empire possessed by the vandales . also he tooke gillimer their king , and carried him captiue to constantinople . it is worthy of remembrance , that iustinian would not receiue into his treasure the vessels of gold , which the emperour titus ( when hee burnt the temple of ierusalem ) transported to rome . these same vessels gensericus king of vandales when he spoyled rome transported to carthage , and belisarius after hee had conquered carthage , hee brought them to constantinople , againe but iustinian sent them to ierusalem , to bee disposed vpon according to the wisdome of the christian bishops in those bounds . the third warfare against the goths , for recovering italy out of their hands , was the greatest of all the rest , and endured longest time , to wit , eighteene yeeres , wherein belisarius and mundus , and after them narses , all valiant captaines , were imployed . it was brought on vpon this occasion , as evagrius following procopius ( in whose time this warfare was intended ) doth record . a●alasunta , the daughter of theodoricus , had the government of italy . astalarichus her sonne , before hee came to perfect age died . theodatus , a kinsman of theodoricus had the government by the mariage of a●alasunta , but he rendered vnto her evill for good , and thrust her into prison , and slew her . in theodatus time came belisarius to italy , to fight against the gothes , but seeing theodatus was more meet for philosophy then for warfare , he gaue place to vitiges to haue the governmēt . belisarius recovered the isle of sicile , he came to rome , and the ports were opened to him , and hee was gladly received : he tooke vitiges king of the gothes , and carried him captive to constantinople . mundus another captain , overcame the goths in dalmatia , recovered the countrey to the romanes : but in the mids of this victory hee was slaine through too hasty and furious pursuing of his enemies , who had slaine his sonne . in the absence of belisarius ( for the emperour had sent for him to fight against the persians ) the gothes chose theudebaldus , and after him attaricus , who continued but short time . finally , totilas was chosen to bee their king , who recovered againe the towne of rome , and the most part of all the principall townes of italy . belisarius , albeit hee was sent backe againe to italy , and recovered rome the second time , yet the persian warre continually was the cause of reducing him backe againe from italy . in the end , narses , a valiant man was sent to italy , who overcame the gothes , draue them out of italy , and brought it againe vnder the soveraignty of the romans . what good recompence for so great service was rendered to belisarius and narses , many writers haue recorded , i passe it over with silence . narses mooved with indignation against the empresse sophia , the wife of iustinus the younger , the successor of iustinian , he sent for the longobards , who came out of pannonia , and possessed themselues in that part of italy , which is vnto this day called lombardy . it is one of iustinians chief praises , that he caused the great ocean sea of the romane lawes to bee abriged into short compend , and to be comprised within the compasse of fifty bookes , vulgarly called pandectis , or digestis , having short titles prefixed vnto them , rather then prolix and tedious cōmentaries subioyned vnto them . also he gathered a generall councell in constantinople , about the . yeere of his raigne , to pacifie if it were possible , the contentious disputations that were mooved about the writings of origen , theodorus , and ibas , but this i referre to its owne place . iustinus the younger . ivstinus was nephew to iustinian . hee governed sixteene yeeres . hee governed alone twelue yeeres , and with tiberius , whom hee associated , three yeeres and eleven months . all things succeeded vnprosperously in his time . alboinus king of the longobards , possessed himselfe and his people in italy . cosroes king of persia , with his captaine adaarmanes , tooke the towne of apamia , and burnt it with fire , and the towne of circesium , and put garrisons into it , and miserably wasted the bounds of the romane dominions . when these things were reported to iustinus , who would credite no true information before , now is stricken with madnes and astonishment of minde , being grieved for this , that the state of the romane empire should haue decayed in his time , and through his default . for remedy whereof , tiberius a wise and valiant man , by the advice of sophia , was associate to iustinus , to governe the affaires of the kingdome . evagrius describeth at length the oration of iustinus to tiberius , when he clothed him with all emperiall ornaments , and how hee exhorted him not to be bewitched with the splendor of those garments , as he had beene , but with vigilancy and wisedome , to governe the estate of the kingdome . this he spake after he was recovered of his disease ; and in presence of all the noblemen of his court , so that they were compelled to shead abundance of teares , when they heard at one time so cleere a confession of his owne miscariage , and so prudent counsell given to his associate . tiberius . tiberius raigned three yeeres and eleven months , in coniunct authority with iustinus , and after his death , hee raigned foure yeeres himselfe alone : so all the time of his government was seven yeeres and eleven moneths . in his time cosroes king of persia , was puft vp with such insolencie , in regard of his former victories , that hee would not admit the ambassadours of tiberius to his presence , but commanded them to follow him to caesarea of cappadocia , there to receiue their answer , for hee had taken daras a towne of mesopotamia , in the borders of the romane empire , builded by the emperour anastatius , and called daras , because about this place darius had his last overthrow by alexander of macedonia . after the taking of daras , hee marched toward armenia , in the summer time , and from thence entended to addresse toward caesarea cappadocia , expecting none encounter or resistance of the roman army . but tiberius had prepared a well appointed army , consisting of mo then an . and fifty thousand men , to resist cosroes , whose forces when cosroes could not match , he fled : and for very heart-griefe hee died , and gaue advice to the persians , not to make warre against the roman empire , in any time to come . the estate of the church was the more peaceable vnder his raigne , because the vandales in africke , and the gothes in italy were already vtterly subdued . the longobards , whom narses brought out of pannonia to italy , were the more insolent to afflict christians , because tiberius was occupied in the persian warfare against cosroes . the nation of the gothes had as yet full sway in spaine , and they were miserably addicted to the arrian heresie , insomuch that lemugildus king of the gothes , caused his owne naturall son elmingildus to be slaine , because he forsook the arrian faith . also their number was augmented by returning of many vandales to spaine , who had escaped the hands of belisarius . mauritius . mauritius was captaine of the army of tiberius , to whom tiberius gaue his daughter in marriage , with his kingdome : for he found himselfe sicke vnto the death . he raigned . yeeres , hee fought against the persians , and prospered in that warfare : and after that , peace was bound vp amongst them . chaianus king of avares , hunnes , and slavonians , fought against him , and carryed away many captiues and prisoners . in redeeming of the captives , mauritius was too niggardly , whereby it came to passe , that chaianus slew . thousand prisoners , which might haue beene ransomed for a small summe of money . this oversight of the emperour , not onely stayned other his noble vertues , but also purchased the hatred of the souldiers against him , wherby it came to passe , that they set vp phocas to bee emperour in his stead . of this calamity it is thought that mauritius was foreseene in his dreame , and that hee chose rather to bee punished in this world for his faults , then in the world to come . afterward he was brought in bands to phocas , his wife , and fiue children were cruelly slaine in his owne presence , and finally , bloody phocas slew himselfe , of whom it is reported , that when he saw his wife and children put to death , he gaue glory to god in his greatest calamity , and said ; iust art thou , o lord , and righteous in all thy iudgements . centvrie vii . phocas . the heresie of eutyches continued in this centurie from the beginning , to the end thereof : countenanced by the emperours , such as heraclius and constans . neverthelesse i haue cut off the eutychian persecution at the end of the sixt centurie , because heraclius , albeit hee favoured the error of the monothelites , ( a branch of eutyches heresie ) notwithstanding hee was so employed with warres against the avares in the west , and the persians and saracens in the east , that hee had not a vacant time to persecute them who professed another faith . and constans began to persecute , but was quickly interrupted by new occasion of sea-warfare against the saracens , wherein also hee was overcome . for this cause i haue referred the eutychian persecution rather to the former centurie , then to this . moreover , in this centurie the vniversall bishop , and the antichrist beginneth to spring vp : so that all the rest of the history must be spent in three heads : first , in declaring the growth of the antichrist , in the seventh , eight , and ninth centuries : secondly , in declaring his tyranny , and prevailing power over the romane emperours , and monarches of the world , in the tenth , eleventh , and twelfth centuries : and finally , in declaring his discovery , and his battell against the saints , especially against those who discovered him : and this shall be done ( god willing ) from the thirteenth century vnto our time . in the history i am compelled to be short , because it may be read in many authors , chronologies , and compends , whereby it may be● sufficiently knowne . phocas , after the cruell slaughter of his master mauritius , was proclaimed to be emperour by the romaine souldiours , in the yeere of our lord . and he raigned , yeeres : in crueltie , drunkennesse , lecherie , hee surpassed beyond all men , & justlie was called , the calamity of the romane empire ; nothing succeeded prosperouslie with this parricide : cosroes on the east-side , the auares on the west , the slauonians on the north-side , inuading dalmatia , and agilulphus king of lumbardis in italie , adding vnto his dominion mantua , cremona , and vulturnia : all these at one time weakened the romane empire , so farre that it could neuer attaine againe to the former strength and splendor that it was wont to haue . great strife had beene betwixt the chaires of rome and constantinople for supremacy . the patriarch of constantinople thought it due to him , be cause constantinople was the seate of the empire . the patriarch of rome on the other part , said , that constantinople was but a colonie of rome , and that the grecians themselues in their letters called the emperour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to this controuersie phocas put an end , and ordained bonifacius the third to be called vniuersall bishop , and the church of rome to bee head of all other churches . this dignitie the romane church begged ( as platina granteth ) and not without great con●ention , obtained it at the handes of phocas . this is that stile , which gregorius the first counted antichristian in the person of ioannes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , patriarch of constantinople . in the end priscus his owne sonne in law , heraclianus , the father of heraclius the emperour , and phocius , whose wife phocas had vnhonestly abused , conspired against him , and ouer-came him , and brought him to heraclius , who commanded his head , feete , and secret members to be cut off , and the stampe of his bodie was giuen to the souldiers to be burnt with fire . heraclius . after phocas raigned heraclius thirtie yeeres . cosroes king of persia had mightilie preuailed , and had conquered syria , phenicia , and palestina , and had taken ierusalem , and zacharias the bishop thereof , and the holie crosse , and had giuen many thousands of christians to the iewes to bee slaine . neither would he accept any conditions of peace with heraclius , except hee would condiscend to forsake the worshipping of christ , and worship the sunne as the persians did . for this cause heraclius was compelled to make peace with the auares on his west side , and to lead his army to asia against the persians , which indured the space of sixe yeares , wherein he preuayled against cosroes , and recouered all the prouinces which cosroes had taken from the romane empire . finallie cosroes was taken , cast in prison , and cruellie slaine by his owne son siroes , because he had preferred medarses his younger sonne to siroes , his elder brother . this siroes made a couenant of peace with heraclius , and deliuered vnto him zacharias bishop of ierusalem , with the holie crosse and the prisoners whom his father had carried captiue . and so heraclius in the seuenth yeere , returned backe againe to constantinople with great triumph . after this the emperour being circumuened by pyrrhus bishop of constantinople and cyrus bishop of alexandria , fell into the heresie of the monothelites : and to this fault hee added other faults , such as incest , for he married his owne sisters daughter : and hee was giuen to curious artes , and to seeke out the euent of thinges by judiciall astrologie : and was admonished by the astrologians to beware of the circumcised people . heraclius onely deemed , that the iewes should trouble him but it was the saracenes , in whom this prophesie had performance : for in his time beganne the monarchie of the saracenes , and the blasphemous doctrine of mahomet . the saracenes were people dwelling in arabia , the posteritie of hagar , and not of sara : these fought vnder the banner of heraclius in his sixt yeere warrefare against the persians : when they craued the wages , of their seruice , in stead of money they receiued contumelious words , and were called arabik dogs by the emperours treasurer . this contumely did so irritatate them , that they choosed mahomet to be their captaine , anno , . inuaded damascus , and tooke it , and within few yeeres conquered syria , phaenicia , palestina , and aegypt : and not content with this , they inuaded the kingdome of the persians and subdued it , and cut off the kings seed . the blasphemous alcaron and alfurca of mahomet , which hee said hee receiued from heauen , was a doctrine of lies , containing a mixture of the religion of the iewes , pagans , and christians : to the making whereof concurred sergius a nestorian heretik , and iohn of antiochia , an arrian heretike , and some iewes . mahomet also ordained , that all people whom the saracenes could conquer , should be compelled by fire and sword , and al kind of violence , to receiue the doctrine contained in these bookes . heraclius perceiuing the sudden & great increase of the dōinion of the saracens gathered a great army , & fought against them , but he was ouer-come in battell and lost . thousand men of his army . and when he renewed his forces againe to fight against the saracens , he found that . thousand men of his army died in one night suddenly , as those did who were slaine by the angell of god in the army of senacherib . heraclius was so discouraged with the calamitie of his armie , that he contracted sicknesse and died . constantinus and heracleonas . aeter the death of heraclius raigned his son constantine , moneths , & was made out of the way , by poyson giuen vnto him by martina his fathers second wife , to the end that heracleonas her son might raigne . but god suffered not this wickednes to be vnpunished : for martina and heracleonas were taken by the senators of constantinople , & her tongue was cut out , and his nose cut off , least either her flattering speeches , or his beauty and comelines should haue moued the people to compassion : and they were both banished . about this time the saracenes had taken caesarea in palestina after they had besieged it seuen yeeres : and they slew in it seuen thousand christians . constans . after the banishment of martina , and heracleonas her sonne , raigned constans the sonne of constantine , . yeeres : in religion he followed the footsteps of heraclius and was infected with the heresie of the monothelites , and persecuted martinus . bishop of rome , because he had gathered a synode in rome , and damned the heresie of the monothelites : whom also he caused to be brought in bands to constantinople , cut out his tongue , and cut off his right hand , and banished him to chersonesus in pontus , where hee ended his life . hee fought also against the saracenes in sea-warre-fare , and was ouer-come by them , like as interpreters of dreames had fore-tolde him : for he dreamed , that hee was dwelling in thessalonica , and the interpreters said it portended no good , but that others should ouer-come him , as if the world thessalonica did import 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , render victory to another . constans was slaine by one of his owne seruants as hee was washing himselfe in the bathe-houses of saracuse . constantinus pogonatus . constans being slaine in sicile , the army in those parts appointed mezentius , a man of incomparable beautie , to bee emperour : but constantinus , the eldest sonne of constans , sayled to sicile with a great nauie , slew mezentius , and the murtherers of his father , and recouered his fathers dominion to himselfe . hee was called pogonatus , because his face was not bare and voide of haire when he returned from sicile , as it was when hee sailed thither from byzans , but his face was rough and couered with haire . hee had . brethren , whom the people reuer●nced with equall honour as they did him : therefore hee disfigured their faces by cutting off their noses , and reigned himselfe alone . yeeres . in religion hee was not like vnto his predecessors , who had beene fauourers of heretiques , but he assembled a generall councell at constantinople , vulgarly called , the sixt oecumenick councell , wherein the heresie of the monothelites was vtterly damned , as in his owne place shall be declared , god willing . likewise , the estate of the emperour was more peaceable than it had beene in time of his predecessors : for the saracens were compelled to seeke conditions of peace from him , and to offer yeerely paiment of . pound weight of gold vnto him , with other tributes of horse , seruants , and prisoners . iustinianus the second , leontius , and absimarus . after the death of constantine , raigned his son iustinian the second , sixteene yeeres , to wit , ten yeeres before his banishment , and sixe yeeres after his banishment : his gouernement was cruell and blood●e , by perswasion of stephanus , and theodorus , whose counsell hee followed , euen till the purpose of exirpation of all the citizens of constantinople . but leontius , a man of noble birth , pitying the citie , tooke iustinian the emperour , cut off his nose , and banished him to chersonesus ponti , where he remained in great miserie ten yeeres . stephanus and theodorus his bad counsellors , receaued a condigne punishment , for they were burnt quicke in the bellie of an hot brasen bull . after this banishment of iustinian the second , leontius raigned three yeeres . the flexible mindes of vnconstant people , and souldiers , choosed absimarus to be their emperour , who dealt with leontius as hee had dealt with iustinian , and cut off his nose , and thrust him into a monasterie , where hee remained seuen yeeres , to wit , all the time of absimarus gouernement . in the ende , iustinian , after ten yeeres banishment , recouered his emperiall dignitie againe , by the helpe of terbelli● prince of bulgaria . hee caused leontius , and absimarus to be brought vnto him , whom he trampled vnder his feete , & after commanded that they should be beheaded . the crueltie that he vsed against the citizens of constantinople , and against the inhabita●●● of chersonesus ponti , is almost vnspeakeable . he was hated of all men ▪ philippicus conspired against him ▪ and he was slaine by one named elias , his seruant . centvrie . viii . philippicus . after iustinian the second was slaine , philippicus , raigned two yeeres , and nine moneths . great dissention fell out betwixt the emperour philippicus and constantine bishop of rome , for razing ( as appeareth ) the pictures of fathers , who were present at the sixt generall councell , which being pictured in the temple of sopia , were abolished by the commandement of philippicus . constantine bishop of rome declared the emperour an heretique , and commanded , that his name should be razed out of charters . this was the first great direct , and violent opposition , that the bishops of rome attempted against noble emperours . philippicus was taken , and his eyes were put out by anastasius , otherwise called artemius , his secretarie who raigned in his stead . artemius . artemius , otherwise called anastasius , raigned one yeere and three monethes : hee deposed iohn patriarch of constantinople , who kept not the true faith : and placed germanus in his steade . hee was taken by theodosius , and sent prisoner to nice , and from thence to thessalonica , where he was compelled to renounce his emperiall dignitie , and to be clothed with the habite of a monke . theodosius . theodosius raigned scarce one yeere : and when he heard that leo isaurus , gouernour in the east parts , was saluted emperour by the armie , he willingly gaue ouer his emperiall dignitie , and liued , a priuate and peaceable man. leo isaurus . leo isaurus raigned twentie foure yeeres : great commotions were in his time , both , in church and policie ▪ in church-affaires , he was an hater of images , and burnt images made of wood , other images hee melted , & misfashioned : against whom gregorius the second , pust vp with antichristian pride , opposed himselfe not only allowing worshipping of images , but also forbidding to pay tribute to the emperour leo. the emperour on the other part irritated with the proud attempts of gregorius the second , vsed indirect meanes to cut him off : but the enterprises of his deputies , marinus , paulus , eutychius , and their followers , succeeded vnprosperously . moreouer , the bishop of rome sought support from the lombardis , who had beene at all times preceding enemies to the chaire of rome : yet in leo his dayes they were bounde with the bishop of rome in a couenant of friendship , for none other cause , but this onely , to shake off the yoke of the emperours obedience . and when the bishop of rome saw that the emperour had great businesse in warres against the saracens hee thought it a fit occasion to draw the dominion of italie vnto his owne subjection : and therefore , with aduise of the clergie , hee both excommunicated the emperour , as a destroyer of the images of the saints , and disauthorised him of his emperiall soueraignty in italy . so earely began the increasing grando of antichrist , to send forth the thunder-bolts of cursings against the anoynted of the lord. in this emperours dayes the saracens passed over the straits , invaded the kingdom of spaine , slew rodericus king of the gothes , and his sonne , and put an end to the kingdome of the gothes in spaine , after they had raigned . yeeres : and being incited by eudo , duke of aquitania , they marched towards france : but through the valour of carolus martellus , a man of noble birth in france , they were so encountred , that three hundred thousand , and threescore and ten thousand saracens were slaine , and the countrey of france was made free of the feare of the saracens . constantinus copronymus . after leo , his sonne constantinus copronymus raigned . yeeres ( chytreus reckoneth onely . yeeres ) because hee hated the worshipping of images ( which errour had taken deepe roote in this age ) : the writers of the history of this time haue dipped their pens in gall and wormwood , to blaspheme the honourable name of constantinus : but whatsoever paulus diaconus , or zonoras haue written to his disgrace , his name will bee in honourable account and regard in the church of christ. the senate , and the people of constantinople , addicted to the worshipping of images , hated the emperour , and were glad of the false rumoured tidings of his death , when he went to fight against the arabians , and they chose artabasdus to be emperour in his stead . but constantine returned to constantinople , besieged the towne , and recovered his owne kingdome againe . hee gathered a generall councell at constantinople , anno . wherein the worshipping of images was damned , as shall be declared ( god willing ) in its owne place . in this emperours dayes were warres betwixt the king of lombardis , and the bishops of rome : but the roman bishops begged the helpe of carolus martellus against luitprand , and the helpe of pipinus against aistulphus , and the helpe of carolus magnus against desiderius , all kings of lombardis : and by continuall imploring the helpe of the nobles and kings of france , the lombards were vtterly subdued , the chaire of rome was enriched , the revenue of the emperour of the east was impaired , and a ground was layd for the advancement of the kings of france to the imperiall dignity . in this emperours dayes the turkes , or scythians , invaded the armenians , and molested the saracens , and some countries of asia minor , in the end they accorded with the saracens : but this agreement could not bee perfected without condition , that the turkes in persia should vndergoe the name of saracens , hoping thereby that they would easily embrace the mahometan religion , wherin their expectation was not frustrate . in the yeere of our lord . and in the . yeere of the raigne of constantine , a wonderfull thing fell out amongst wise men of persia , called magi , and maurophori p●●s● they perswaded both themselues , and others also , that if a man would sell all that hee had , and throw himselfe headlong from the walles of the citie , his soule should by and by be transported to heaven . so prone and bent is the corrupt nature of man to leane vpon vaine hopes , & to beleeue promises which god hath not made . leo the sonne of copronymus . leo the sonne of constantinus copronymus , raigned fiue yeeres . hee followed the footsteps of his father in zeale against worshipping of images : and punished the groomes of his owne chamber , such as iames , papias , strat●ius , and theophanes , for worshipping of images . the superstitious writers of the history of this time , such as zonaras , and pa●lus diaconus reckon the aforesayd persons in the catalogue of holy confessors . but christ will neuer count them to be his martyrs , who fight obstinately against the truth , even vnto the death : neither will hee count them to be his confessors , who suffer iustly inflicted punishment for the contempt of the lawes of magistrates , being agreeable to the law of god. irene , and constantinus her sonne . after the death of leo , raigned irene his wife , with her sonne constantine , ten yeeres . afterwards constantine deposed his mother from her authority , and raigned alone seven yeeres . and irene on the other part , taking this indignity done vnto her grievously , shee spoyled her sonne both of his eyes , and of his empire , cast him into prison , where he dyed for heart griefe : and shee raigned againe . yeeres after her sonnes imprisonment : so all the yeeres of the raigne of irene and her son , coniunctly & severally , first and last , were ● yeeres . this empresse was superstitious , crafty , and infortunate . shee was a superstious defender of the worshipping of images . a malicious and venomous hater of the name of constantinus copronymus , ( whose dead body shee commanded to be brought out of his graue , to be burnt with fire , resolved into ashes , and to be cast into the sea ( albeit constantine was her owne father in law ) . the mercies of the wicked are cruell . her craft appeared in bringing her forces to constantinople , in the sixt yeere of her raigne , vnder pretence of fighting against the arabians , and in disarming of them whom shee knew to haue beene adversaries to the worshipping of images , and sending them in ships to the places from whence they came . for before the dayes of constantinus copronymus , the towne of constantinople by famine and pestilence , and being besieged three yeeres by the saracens , was miserably dispeopled , so that thirty thousand of the people of constantinople died . but copronymus for the repayring of that losse , sent for strangers , and replenished the towne with new inhabitants . these strangers she sent backe againe , to the places from whence they came , especially , because in popular commotion they had set themselues in armes , and menaced the fathers convened in constantinople , by irene and her sonne , for allowance of adoration of images . shee was infortunate , because the empire of the east was so extenuated in her time , that it was rather like vnto a shadow , then vnto an empire . so that in the subsequent history i will forget ( after a manner ) the emperours of the west . now irene was deposed , and banished , by nicephorus , who raigned eight yeeres after her banishment . centvrie ix . carolus magnus . in the yeere of our lord . charles the great , king of france , was declared emperour , by leo the third , bishop of rome : and hee raigned sixteene yeeres in his imperiall dignity : for hee continued king of france forty and six yeeres . the empire of the west had beene cut off since the dayes of augustulus , the sonne of orestes , whom odoacer , king of rugiheruli , &c. had compelled to denude himselfe of the imperiall dignity . now after the issue of . yeeres , and after the hunnes , the gothes , the lombards , and other nations had obtained dominion in the west , all abstaining ( notwithstanding of their prevailing power ) from the name , dignity , and stile of emperours . now at length ( i say ) charles the great is anoynted , and crowned emperor , by leo the third , in the towne of rome . and this was the beginning of that evill custome which after followed , to wit , that emperours should receiue their coronation from the bishops of rome . at this time the empire of the east was in the hands of the empresse irene , and in the hands of the emperour nicephorus , who had banished irene , and raigned in her stead . the empire of the east was also weake at this time , as appeareth by a covenant of peace which they concluded with charles , emperour of the west : in the which no mention is made of exarchatus ravennae , to be rendred againe vnto them : onely that the isle of sicile , and the townes and lands which lie from naples eastward on the right hand , and from manfredonia ( sometimes called syponto ) on the left hand , compassed about with the seas , called superum & inferum : these should remaine in the possession of the emperours of constantinople . ' charles a prudent and godly emperour , more sound and vpright in sundry heads of christian doctrine , then many others : for hee detested the worshipping of images , as vile idolatry : as appeareth by his bookes written against the second councell of nice . charles was very friendly to christians , and defended them against the violence and tyranny of their persecuting enemies : namely , against godfridus , king of denmarke , a fierce adversary against the christians , who dwelt in saxony . likewise hee subdued the slavonians , and bohemians , enemies to christian religion : and was iustly called magnus , for his great exploits and valiant acts , which god prospered in his hand . pipinus , the sonne of the emperour charles , was declared king of italy : who died before his father , and after his death hee appointed bernard his nephew to raigne in italy , with expresse commandement , that hee should bee obedient to his sonne ludovicke , whome hee ordained to be successour to himselfe in the imperiall office . so the emperor charles full of dayes , died in the . yeere of his age , and was buried in aken . ludovicus pius . after charles succeeded his sonne ludovicus pius , and raigned . yeeres . for his gentle and meeke behaviour , he was called pius . he received the imperiall diadem from stephanus the fourth , at aken . bernard his brothers sonne , forgetfull of the mandate of charles the great , rebelled against ludovicus pius , and was beheaded at aken . likewise , his owne sonnes ( assisted with hugobortus , bishop of lions , and bernhardus , bishop of vienne , and other bishops , who did excommunicate the emperour for adherence to iudith his wife ) behaued themselues very vndutifully towards their father . neverthelesse , he freely pardoned his sonnes , and accepted them againe into favour . also fredericke , bishop of vtrecht , threatned to excommunicate the emperour , if hee did no● forsake the company of iudith , his welbeloved wife , and daughter to the duke of bavaria , because shee was his neere kinswoman , to wit , in degrees of consanguinity for bidden , in the popish lawe . the empresse willing to bee revenged of the bishop , shee hired two gentlemen , who set vpon him after church service , and slew him in his priestly garments . in his time also the saracens in huge numbers , like vnto locusts , swarmed out of egypt and africke , and invaded the isle of sicile . by cutting downe all fruitfull trees , burning townes , temples , and monasteries , and by killing bishops , priests , and monkes , they brought the i le to an vtter desolation . gregory the fourth at that time was pope : and hee exhorted the emperour , and his sonne lotharius , to support the distressed estate of the isle of sicile . they answered , that albeit that matter duly belonged to michael , emperour of constantinople , yet neverthelesse , they refused not to vndertake the worke , vpon the common charges of the countrey . now whilest these things were in reasoning , bonifacius , count of corsica , and his brother bertarius , with support of the people of hetruria , arrived with a navie at africke : and betwixt vtica and carthage , encountred with the saracens foure times , and slew of them so great a number , that they were compelled to recall their forces backe againe from sicile : like as of old the carthaginians vexed by scipio , recalled hanniball for the safety of his owne country : so bonifacius returned back againe with an army victorious , and richly lodened with the spoyle of his enemies . nothing was more vnprovidently done by the good emperour lodovicus pius , then the giving ouer of that right , voluntarily conferred to charles his father , by adrian the first , and leo the third : to wit , that no man should be elected pope without the consent and allowance of the emperour . this foresaid right ludovicus gaue over to the clergie and people of rome : onely ; the romanes for keeping of friendshippe , should send an ambassadour to the king of france , declaring whom they had elected to bee pope . hereby a patent doore was opened to all mischiefe , which after followed : and to that horrible contention betwixt emperours and popes , concerning investment of bishops . in his time three emperours raigned in the east , at constantinople : to wit , leo armenius , michael balbus , and theophilus . leo armemenius raigned seven yeeres . hee banished nicephorus , patriarch of constantinople , for defending adoration of images . michael balbus slew leo , his predecessor , whilst he was praising god in the church , and raigned in his stead nine yeeres . in his time the saracens mightily prevailed : a number of them issued out of spaine , and tooke the isle of candie . another company comming from africke , wasted the isle of sicile . theophilus raigned ten yeeres , and fought against the saracens , who did oppresse the countrey of asia : but he had no good successe . lotharius . lotharius , the sonne of ludovicus pius , was declared king of italy , and augustus before his fathers death . he was anoynted by pope paschalis , in the church of saint peter : and he raigned . yeeres . great hostility and bloody warres fell out amongst the children of ludovicus pius : to wit , lotharius , lewis , charles , and pipinus , fordividing of their fathers lands . in this civill dissention , the nobility of france was so miserably weakened , that the normans and danes tooke boldnesse to invade the countrey of france : which they vexed for the space of twenty yeeres . in the east , after theophilus had concluded his life , his sonne michael , with his mother theodora governed the estate . michael raigned foure and twenty yeeres . theodora continued only eleven yeeres . she persecuted those who would not worship images : albeit her husband before his departure from his life had seriously admonished her , that shee should not trouble the church for restoring of images . ludouicus the second . lvdouicus the second , and son of lotharius , raigned one and twentie yeeres . the intestine dissention betwixt him and his brother charles , seemeth to be like vnto an hereditarie sicknesse . howsoeuer , the emperour l●douicke had dishonour thereby : because the rebelles of charles desired the emperours protection against his owne brother : which when hee had graunted ; the rebelles were reconciled againe with their owne king charles : and the emperour , with dishonour , was compelled to retire from his brothers dominions . in the east , michael , emperour of constantinople , slew his brother theoctistus , and thrust his mother theodora , and her sisters , into a monasterie , and raigned himselfe alone after his mothers deposition thirteene yeares . so the whole time of the gouernement of michael , was twentie and foure yeeres . he fought against the saracenes , but very vnprosperously , and was slaine by basilius , who raigned in his stead seuen yeeres . carolus caluus . lvdovicus the second dying without children , his brother carolus caluus , king of france , obtained at the handes of the bishop of rome , by many liberall giftes , to be annointed emperour . hee continued emperour not aboue two yeeres : and was poysoned by one sedekias , a iew , whom hee vsed for his physitian . carolus crassus . carolus crassus was the sonne of lewis , king of germanie : hee raigned ten yeeres . carolus balbus , the son of carolus caluus , was quicklie cut off by death . i herefore , i haue ouerpassed his name with silence . in this emperours time the normanes and danes made such horrible excursions and desolations in france , that the emperour , who came with a great armie , to support the distressed estate of france , was compelled to make peace with them , anno . and assigned vnto them that part of fraunce which lieth beyonde seane , towardes the britannicke ocean , to bee their habitation : which hath the name of normandie vntill this day . crassus , for his negligence and euill gouernement , was deposed from his authoritie , and arnulphus , his nephew , was declared emperour . arnulphus . after the death of carolus crassus , great troubles ensued in italie , by the factions of berengarius , whom the lombardes choosed to be king of italie , on the one part : and guido , duke of spoleto , whom others choosed to raigne in italie , on the other part . in the middest of these factions arnulphus leadeth an armie out of germanie . he tooke the towne of bergamum , and hanged ambrose , the earle thereof , vpon a gibbet , before the port of the towne . this seueritie terrified other townes , and made them to yeelde . hee addressed towardes rome , and was crowned emperour by formosius , whose enemies he punished vnto the death . from thence hee addressed to fight against guido : but hee fled , and escaped the emperoures hands . the wife of guido , hauing no puissance to resist the emperours forces , shee hired some of the emperoures seruantes , who gaue vnto him a cup of poyson , which brought vpon him a lethargie , and three dayes sleeping continually . after this he arose sicke , and left the siedge , ( for hee was besieging the wife of guido ) and he died , after hee had raigned twelue yeeres . in the east gouerned leo , the sonne of basilius , in whose time the saracens cōquered taurominium , a towne in sicile , and the isle of lemnos . centvrie . x. ludovicus tertius . after arnulphus succeeded his son lewis the . & raigned . yeeres , he receiued not the emperial diadem at rome : because berēgarius by force inioyed the kingdome of italie . at this time the hungares a nation fierce and cruell inuaded italy , france , and germanie , and made in these nations horrible desolations . likewise the saracens invaded calabria and apulia in italie , and if the lord had not pittied the distressed estate of europe , it was at this time like to be vndone , for platina writeth that while they were besieging consentia , the king of the saracens was slaine with thunder , and the saracens terrified with this vnprosperous successe returned backe againe to africk . in this emperours dayes a remarkable thing fell out . albert marquis of bamberg rebelled against the emperour lewis , and hee had slaine conrad the emperours brother . the emperour seeing that by no meanes hee could prevaile against him , hee was supported by the coofening treason of hatto arch-bishop of mentz ; for he came to the noble marquis as though he would make reconciliation betweene the emperour and him , and swore vnto him , that hee would bring him backe in safetie to his owne house , but his deceitfull maner of reducing was this . after they had riden a short way the bishop felt his stomach , and repented they had not first dined before they had taken iourney . thus the marquis and the bishop returned backe againe and dined , this the bishop counted an exoneration of his promise and oath , and like a traitour deliuered him to the emperour , who by and by beheaded the marquis . in the east alexander raigned two yeeres , and after him constantine , a man of good disposition , but defrauded of his kingdome by romannus captain of his armie . cunradus primus . after lewis , his nephew cunrad the first was made emperour and ruled seuen yeeres . hee was the last of the of-spring of charles the great ( who had enioyed the empire of the west . yeeres ) after whom the empire was transferred to the saxons . when he fell sicke hee called for his brother eberhard , and desired him to deliuer the imperiall ornaments , to henrie duke of saxon , who for his wisedome and worthinesse was most meet to gouerne the troubled estate of the empyre , which dutie eberhard most faithfullie performed , preferring fidelitie in performing his promise made to his brother , before the desire of a kingdome . henricus auceps . henrie duke of saxonie to whom eberhard broght the imperial ornaments , was called auceps , because he was delighting himselfe in hauking when eberhard came vnto him with the ornaments a foresaid . he raigned . yeeres for wisedome and magnanimitie worthy of so high a place . he made a couenant of peace with the hungars for the space of . yeeres . he fought against the sclauonians , the people of dalmatia and the bohemians , and made them tributaries vnto him , when the . yeeres were expired hee fought a great battell against the hungares at mersburg and prevailed against them , and in testimonie of his thankfulnesse to god who gaue vnto him victorie , he purged his dominions from simonie , a fault vniuersallie ouerspread in those dayes , and dedicated to gods seruice the whole tribute which the saxons were accustomed to pay to the hungars , hee was greatly beloued of his subiects and was called rater patriae . in the east constantine recouered his empire againe from romanus and his sonnes , and measured to his sonnes such measure as they had measured to their father romanus . for stephanus and constantine had caused their father romanus to bee shauen and thrust into an isle called prote . and constantine after the issue of . yeeres , wherein romanus and his sonnes raigned , he laied hands on stephanus and caused him to bee shauen and sent vnto the isle mytelene , and his brother to the isle of samothracia . thus the lord who will not suffer iniquitie to escape vnpunished rendered to the sonnes of romanus a iust recompence of their vnkindlie dealing with their father . otto primus . otto the first after the death of his father henrie was chosen emperour , and raigned . yeeres . hee was molested with many forraine and domestique warres , but hee prospered in all his enterprises , yea and lyndolphus his owne sonne conspired against him , for the marriage of adelphed the relict of lotharie sonne to hugo , who contended against berengarius for the kingdome of italie . this adelphed the emperour , otto not onely relieued from her distressed estate , but also married her . the mother of lindolphus was daughter to edmont king of england , after whose death it displeased him that his father should marrie adelphed . but when hee made warre against his father he was ouercome , and besieged at ratisbon , and in the end was reconciled to his father . the tyrannie of berengarius the second enforced the romans to implore the assistance of the emperour otto , who led an armie to rome at diuerse times . the first time hee gathered a councell at rome and deposed ioan. . whom others call ioan. . and placed leo . in his steed . likewise hee subdued berengarius , and his sonne albertus did flie to constantinople , and so the emperour recouered againe his owne dignitie to be king of italie , and that no man should bee chosen pope without consent of the emperour . againe , the inconstancie of the romans in reiecting leo . and receiuing againe ioan. . or . compelled the emperour to returne to rome , and to punish the authors of that sedition to the death . after hee had declared his sonne to be emperour , he died and was buried in the church of magdeburg , which he had builded in his owne time . in the east , after romanus the son of constantine had raigned . yeeres , nec●phorus raigned . yeeres , a man more magnanimous in warfare , then wise in government . he was murthered by the counsell of his owne wife theophania , and zimisces raigned in his steed . otto secundus . otto the second after his fathers death raigned ten yeeres , he was a vertuous prince , but not like vnto his father . henrie duke of bavare contended against him for the title of the empire , but otto prevailed . likewise lotharie the king of france invaded the countrie of loraine , onely belonging to the emperour . but otto gathered a strong armie , recouered the countrey of loraine and pursued lotharie to paris , burning and destroying all the countrey whether hee went. the third great conflict was against the eretians assisted with the saracons , for the countries of apulia and calabria . these countries did appertaine of old to the emperour of the east . but basilius , with his brother constantine willing to recouer these countries , againe did fight against the emperour otto , and discomfited his armie , and the emperour himselfe hardly escaped in a fisher boate , faining himselfe to bee but a simple souldier , and payed his ransome . afterward hee conuerted all his wrath against the italians , who had trayterouslie forsaken him , and were the chiefe cause of the discomfiture of this armie , hee died at rome and was buried in the church of s. peter . basilius emperour of the east raigned . yeeres , and recouered the isle of candie from the saracens , and the countryes of apulia , and calabria from otto as is said , after whom his brother constantine raigned . yeeres . otto tertius . otto the third was young in yeeres when his father died . for hee exceeded not eleuen yeeres old , notwithstanding he was chosen emperour , and raigned . yeeres . hee was wise aboue his yeeres , and was called mirabile mundi , that is , the admirable thing of the world . the italians continuallie breaking soueraigntie , advanced one crescentius to bee emperour . the emperour otto for suppressing such seditious attempts , pearced into italie with an armie at three diuers times , and pardoned crescentius twise . but when hee made no ende of his seditious attempts , the third time , hee hanged him . likewise iaon . whom the seditious romanes had advanced , reiecting gregorie the fift who was made pope with the emperours consent , his eyes were plucked out , and hee was throwne headlong from the capitol . by the prudent aduise of otto , gregorie the fift , appointed seuen electors of the emperour , to wit the bishops of mentz , collen , and treer , with count palatine ▪ the duke of saxonie , and the marquis of brandenburgh : and in case of contrary opinions , the king of bohemia . which custome doth continue even to our dayes . one thing was lacking in the felicity of this noble emperour , that his wife , mary of arragon , was a notable and barren harlot , and the widow of cresentius , and had almost bewitched his noble heart . shee being alwayes disappointed of her expectation , sent vnto the emperour a paire of impoysoned gloues , which procured his death , and hee was buried in aken . centvrie xi . henry the second . after otto the third , henry the second , duke of bavaria , by the princes electors was declared emperour , hee raigned two and twenty yeeres . platina assigneth vnto him onely eighteene . hee was a wise , valiant , and godly emperour . he subdued all his rebells : he received the imperiall crown from benedict the eight : hee expelled the saracens out of italy . in this emperours time sueno king of denmarke invaded england , and subdued it to his obedience . a savage prince , in whom ( if power had not lacked to performe his designes ) his cogitations were highly bended to extirpate all profession of christian religion in england . likewise , about this time calipha of egypt , one of the saracen princes , destroyed some of the temples of ierusalem , and poluted the rest , but in speciall he overthrew the temple builded about the lords sepulchre . his mother was a christian woman : when that was obiected to him in way of exprobation , as if hee had favoured christians for his mothers sake : hee bended all his might against the christians , destroyed and poluted their temples , and massacred in most cruell manner , all them who were in spirituall offices . this was the first ground of the terrible warfare which afterward ensued , vulgarly called bellum sacrum . conrad the second . after henry the second , succeeded conrad the second : and was elected emperour three yeares after the death of henry . in this inter-raigne many cities of italy desirous of libertie , made desertion from the subiection of the emperour . but conrad was a wise and valiant warriour , and reduced the cities of italy in short time to subiection . he was the first emperour who made a law , that the perturbers of the common peace in germany should be punished vnto the death . hee received the imperiall crowne from pope iohn . and raigned . yeeres . in whose dayes michael paphlago , who married zoe the daughter of constantine the tenth , raigned in the east eight yeeres . henry the third . after conrad the second , his sonne henry the third , raigned . yeeres . hee married the daughter of canutius , the sonne of sueno king of denmarke , who at that time raigned in england . in his time great strife was among the bishops of rome , contending for the popedom . which sedition the emperour suppressed , by remooving all the three seditious popes , and appointing clemens the . to bee pope , as shall be declared god willing in the head of councels . in the east , after the death of calypha prince of egypt , his sonne dabir made a covenant of peace with argyrophilus emperour of the east , and gaue liberty to christians to build those temples againe , which calypha had demolished . constantinus mononiachus , also furthered the building , so that the worke was perfected , anno . . henry the fourth . henry the fourth , was a young childe of seven yeeres old when his father died , and hee raigned yeeres . hee was an emperour valiant , wise , eloquent , and fortunate in warfare . neverthelesse hee was miserably vexed with the divilish pride of pope gregorie th . by whom hee was twice excommunicate , and his subiects in germany were stirred vp by the pope to rebell against him , vnder the conduct of rodolph duke of sueue . but the god of heaven gaue victory to the the emperour henry , and rodolph was sore wounded in the last battell , for his right arme was cut off , and hee convicted in conscience of the treasonable attemps against the emperour his master , and the breaking of his oath of allegance , admonished the bishops who had incited him to seditious insurrection , to bee more obedient to their soveraigne lord in time to come , because god had punished him for his disloyalty in his right arme , which was once lift vp to sweare the oath of allegance to his master . the seditious enterprises of gregorius the . against the noble emperonr henry of purpose to throw out of his hands the power of investment of bishops , together with the wise resolution of the emperour , to represse the pride of this insolent pope , they are to be declared ( god willing ) heareafter in a more convenient time . in this emperours time william duke of normandy entered into england , to whom harold ( who at that time vsurped the government of the countrey ) gave an hard and sharpe encounter : but duke william prevailed , slew harold , and governed the countrey . at this time also was the estate of christians in most lamentable manner afflicted by the turkes and saracens : as shall bee declared hereafter at greater length , god willing . centvrie xii . henry the fift . in this century the bishops of rome , who breathed for preheminence , and longed for soveraignty , attained to all their intended desires . and albeit no age afforded more magnanimous & couragious emperours , such as henry the . henry the . lotharius the . conrad the . fredericke the . called barbarossa , yet the power of the wrath of god iustly punishing the defection of men from the true faith , suffered the man of sinne , and childe of perdition to be mounted vp to high preheminence , and to treade vnder foot the power of the emperour : so that the bishop of rome was reverenced as a god in the world , and all high powers stouped vnder his authority . henry the fift , was incited by the councell of bishops to make cruell warre against his naturall father henry the fourth . and from a councell assembled at mentz , the bishops of mentz , collen , and worms , were sent to depriue henry the fourth of all his imperiall ornaments , and to conferre them to his sonne . the father through sorrow , and partly through sicknesse , departed this life , after hee had raigned . yeeres , as hath beene declared . after the dayes of henry the fourth , his sonne henry the fift raigned . yeeres . who came to rome to bee crowned emperour by pope paschalis the . the pope would not consent to his coronation , except hee first did giue over all right of election of the pope , and all right of investments of bishops , by staffe and ring . the emperour grieved with this proud carriage of the pope , layd hands vpon the pope and his cardinals , and compelled them to perfect the worke of his coronation , and to confirme his priviledges of right to elect popes , and to conferre investments to bishops . it is to be noted , that pope paschalis when hee covenanted with the emperour , and confirmed the priviledges aforesaid , tooke a consecrated hostie , and divided it in two parts , and gaue one part of it to the emperour , and tooke the other part vnto himselfe , vttering with his owne mouth this imprecation . let him be divided from the kingdome of christ who shall presume to violate this covenant , bound vp betweene you and mee . neverthelesse pope paschalis , so soone as the emperour returned vnto germany , hee revoked all that hee had done , and cursed the emperour , and called the priviledge which hee had confirmed vnto the emperour , pravilegium , and not privilegium . the emperour hearing what the pope had done , with expedition marched toward rome , with an army : the pope was forced to flie to apulia . the emperour returned to germany , where he did find the bishops for the most part seditiously affectionat to the pope . therefore the emperor wearied with multitude of businesses stirred vp against him by bishops , gaue over his priviledges aforesaid , gaining some peace with giving over of rights . at this time died mathildis , a noble countesse in italy , and excessiuely addicted to the romane church . in restamentall legacy shee gave to the church of rome many townes and possessions , lying betwixt the apenning and the sea : and among the rest the towne of ferrara . the romane church braggeth of many donations , such as the donation of constantine , of aistulphus , of pipinus , of charles the great , of ludovicus pius , of otto , and of mathildis . if these bounds appertained to the chaire of rome by so many anterior donations , how did these townes belong to mathildis in hereditary possession , so that she had power to bestow them on whom she pleased ? in ierusalem , after godfrey succeeded baldowin his brother , the second king of ierusalem : and after him another baldowin , of burgon . hee prospered for a time , but in the end was taken prisoner by balach , king of parthians , and was redeemed by paying a great summe of money . he left fulto earle of aniow his successor , the fourth king of ierusalem . lotharius the second . after the death of henry the fift , lotharius duke of saxonie , by the consent of the electors , was chosen emperour , and raigned thirteene yeeres . in his time two men contended for the popedome , to wit , inn●centius the . and one peter a citizen of rome , and sonne to peter leo , whom they called anacletus , whom rogerius count of sicile did favour . but the emperour lotharius came to rome with an army , and authorized innocentius . rogerius fearing the power of the emperour , returned backe to sicile . conradus the third . after the death of lotharius , conradus duke of sueue , and sister sonne to the emperour henry the fift , was elected emperour , and raigned . yeeres . henry duke of saxonie , and guelphus duke of bavaria , rebelled against him , whom hee easily subdued . and hee besieged guelphus in a towne called winspergh . the men of the towne were saved by the wisedome of the women . for they foreseeing that the towne could not endure the strictnesse of the siege , they gaue a petition to the emperour , that they might haue liberty safely to depart out of the towne , onely with so much as they were able to beare vpon their backs . the emperour supposing they would transport vpon their backs burthens of silver or gold , or costly rayment , hee condescended to their petition . the women preferring the liues of their husbands to all rich treasures , came out of the towne , every woman bearing her husband on her backe . the worthy emperour admirng the vertue , wisedome , and piety of the women , spared their husbands , and would not violate his promise . after this the emperour gathered a great army , and set forward to fight against the turkes and saracens , of whose cruelty against the christians in edessa , many advertisements were sent to europe . in the way hee conferred with emmanuel emperour of constantinople , who with deceitfull promises betrayed the good emperour conrad , and suffered him not to tarry and get provision of victuals for his army : for emmanuel promised that hee would in all haste send prouision vnto him . and while conradus was besieging iconium , emmanuel in stead of wholsome victuales , sent meale mixed with lyme , whereby the army was impoysoned , and huge numbers of them died , so that conrad left the siege of iconium , and went backe to thracia . in ierusalem after fulco , his sonne baldowin was made the fift king of ierusalem , who repaired gaza , and conquered askalon , and gaue it to the templaries . at this time many christians were in asia . for besides the emperour conrad , and lewis king of france , rogerus count of sicile , all these were sore grieved with the villany done by emmanuel emperour of constantinople , and they subdued corcyra , and tooke corinth and thebes , and the townes of euboia . conrad and lewis also went to ierusalem , and ioyned their forces with baldwin , and besieged damascus , but with no good successe . after they returned to europe . but the christians in asia , and syria dayly decayed in number and courage , vntill all the conquered places were reduced againe vnder the dominion of infidels . fredericus . after cunradus , frederike the first surnamed barbaross● was chosen to be emperour , and raigned . yeeres . he was a man valiant , of a quicke spirit , expert in warrefare , strong in bodie , in counsel giuing , prouident . in doing of his affaires , magnanimous : verie affable to meeke men : a● enemie to proud persons : a man of an excellent wit and m● morie : whomsoeuer he had once knowne , albeit hee had beene absent from him a long space , yet the emperour could call vpon him by his name , as if hee had beene dayly conuersant with him : he was crowned emperour by pope adrian the . to whom hee did this honour , when the pope met him at sutrium , the emperour lighted off his horse , and came on foote to salute the pope . and when our holy father was dismounted from his horse , the emperour did hold his left stirrop in steed of the right , and when the pope was somewhat offended , thereat , the emperour softly smiling craued pardon of his ouersight , because hee was not accustomed with such seruile offices . before the coronation of the emperour , pope adrian required of him this condition that hee should fight against william duke of apulia for recouering of that dukedome to the chaire of rome . neuerthelesse the pope not expecting the emperours leasure , incited emmanuell emperour of constantinople to driue william duke of apulia out of italie , and addressed himselfe and his cardinals to warrefare , hauing first excommunicated william duke of apulia . on the other part , william begged peace from the pope , promising to restore vnto him all that belonged to the chaire of rome ; and more also . but by the malignant councel of his cardinals , the pope would not hearken to conditions of peace , hoping to gaine more by warrefare . the duke seeing no hope of peace brought his forces out of sicile , ariued at apulia , and did fight against emmanuel and did put him to flight . this done , hee marched foreward toward benaventure , where the pope and his cardinalls were expecting victorie . but the duke so strictly pressed the cittie , that the pope and his cardinals were glad to sue for peace , which they refused before . the conditions of peace were these , that the duke should invade no possession belonging to the roman church , and on the other part the pope should acknowledge william to be king of both siciles . the bad successe of the popes enterprises was not vnknowne to the emperour , who pondering in his own heart , the iniures which his predecessors had suffered by popes , specially in bereauing them of the right of inuesting of bishops , and in sending ambassadors so frequently to germanie to the great impouerishing of his dominions , whereat the emperour conceiued such indignation , that he charged all germanie , that they should not receiue the popes legats in time to come , except they were expreslie sent for : and that no man should make appellation to rome : also in the letters sent to the pope hee prefixed his owne name to the popes name . the pope tooke all this matter grieueouslie , and perswaded the towns of italie to make defection from the obedience of the emperour , and specially the towne of millan rebelled against him . but fredericke brought them partly by force , and partly by feare vnder his subiection againe . in the end the pope had recourse to the old weapons of his warfare , and he excommunicated the emperour , but the lord suffered not this proud pope to escape vnpunished , for as he was walking with his attendants , in a towne called anagnia , a flie entered into his throte , and choked his breath . after the death of adrian the emperour was not free of trouble , in regard of the schisme that fell out in the roman church , for two bishops contended for the popedome , to wit alexander the third and victor the fourth . the emperour was required to pacifie this schisme , who gathered a councel at papia , and desired both the popes to be present to heare their cause discussed in a lawfull assemblie . but pope alexander disdained to be iudged of any man , and therefore he appeared not before the councell ; for which cause the emperour and the councell ratified the election of victor the . pope alexander fled to france and cursed both the emperour , and his owne competitor victor . afterward by money and flatterie , ( powerfull weapons in a declining age ) he procured such fauour in the citie of rome that he was receiued gladly of the most part of the city . pope victor had ended his life before this time , to whom guido bishop of cremona was appointed successour whom they called paschalis tertius , and many followed him . when pope alexander came to rome the townes of italie were in great ●●ope of libertie , and rebelled against the emperour , they reedefied the towne of millan , which the emperour had sacked , and ruinated , and they builded a towne called alexandria in contempt of the emperour ; and in honour of the pope . when the emperour frederike came to italie , hee besieged this new builded towne called alexandria , but was betraied by henry duke of bauaria , and saxonia , so that he escaped hardlie in the habit of a seruant and returned to germanie . the emperour renewed his forces againe , and pierced into italie with a great armie . pope alexander fled to venice . otto the emperours sonne on the other part with a well appointed nauie pursued after him , hauing receiued a commandement from his father to attempt nothing against the venetians vntil his owne comming . but the young man more hardie , then circumspect , encountred with the venetians , and was ouercome , and taken prisoner . the father for relieuing of his sonne from captiuitie was content to come to venice , and in saint marks church to craue absolution from pope alexander . when hee kneeled downe at the popes feete , the proud pope set his foot vpon the emperours necke , and abused the words of holy scripture , super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis , & conculcabis leonem & draconem , that is , thou shall walke vpon the lyon and the aspe : the young lyon and the dragon shalt thou tread vnder feet . the emperour answered , non tibi sed petro , that is , not to thee but to s. peter : but the proud pope replyed , et mihi & petro , that is both to me and to s. peter , ( to wit ) thou doest this homage . the emperour not willing to giue any further occasion of offence held his peace , and so was absolued , and his sonne relieued , with whom hee departed from venice . after this , some affirme , that he led an armie to palestina , to fight against the turks , and that hee prospered , vntill at length he was drowned in a certaine riuer . the christians in ierusalem had their last helpe and refreshment from philip king of france , and richard king of england . these two besieged acon and conquered it . but there was kindled betweene the two kings a feruent heat and indignation , euerie one of them enuying the honour of another , so that philip returned to france , and king richard after hee had conquered ioppo , returned also to england . but by the way hee made ship-wracke , and hardly escaped the perill of drowning . and albeit hee disguised himselfe , putting on the habite of a seruant , yet he was knowne and taken prisoner , by the duke of austria , and was brought to the emperour henry the sixt : where hee was detained vntill hee paied the ransome of . pounds money . after baldowine succeeded amalricus the sixt king of ierusalem . and after him his sonne baldowine the . the . king of ierusalem . hee was sickly and not meet for governement . therefore he committed the gouernement to guido and raimundo count of tripoli . the discord and debate betweene raimund and guido presented occasion to saladin king of turkes to recouer againe ierusalem , and other townes possessed by christians for the space of . yeeres . henry the sixt. aeter the death of frederike the first , his sonne henry the sixt was declared emperour , who raigned . yeeres : hee was crowned by pope caelestinus the second who tooke constantia the daughter of rogerius out of a monasterie , and gaue her in marriage to henry the sixt , and both sicils were bestowed to him in way of dowrie , paying alwayes to the bishop of rome the fee duely that was accustomed to bee paied out of those parts . henry the sixt tooke trancredus the young king of sicile , put out his eyes and thrust him into a monastery ; and vsed great cruelty against the bishops and other inhabitants of the isle of sicile ; so that pope caelestinus did excommunicate him for his barbarous crueltie , but hee went to rome , acknowledged his fault , and obtained pardon together with a confirmation of the kingdome of sicile . the pope sollicited also the emperour to lead an armie to asia , for support of distressed christians , which thing hee performed , albeit he went not thither in his owne person for he sent the bishop of mentz , the duke of saxonie , the duke of austria , and the duke of bauaria , and the lantgraue of thuringia , with many other noble persons , and with a well appointed armie . but the yeere following their arriual at palestina , the report of the emperour henries death , caused them to returne backe againe to germanie , leauing the christians in a verie desolate care . centvrie xiii . philippus . after the death of henry the sixt , philip his brother by the helpe of the bohems , saxons , bauaroies , and sueuians tooke on him the emperiall authoritie , contrarie to the minde of innocentius bishop of rome and reigned . yeeres . in his time the country of germanie was tormented with most cruell wars , for the pope of rome did excommunicate him , and caused the bishop of colen and other electors to make otto duke of saxon emperour , betweene whom and philip were fought diuers battels . but philip defended himselfe so couragiously , that by force hee held the emperiall crowne all his life-time against the heart both of otto and the roman bishop who oftentimes had threatened , that either hee would pull from phillip the imperiall crowne , or else that phillip shold take from him his triple diademe : so meek was this gentle byshop . in the end the countrey of germanie being wearied with continuall warres entreated for peace betweene philip and the pope , which was obtained vpon these conditions , that one of philips daughters should bee giuen in marriage to count richard the popes nephew , and another of his daughters should be giuen in marriage to otto duke of saxon , who should for that cause denude himselfe of the emperiall dignitie . not long after this peace was concluded , the emperour was cruellie murthered in his owne chamber by otto count palatine . in this emperours daies began the kingdome of the tartarians who came from the mountains of india with their wifes and children in 〈◊〉 , and began to spoyle the prouinces nerest adiacent to themselus , afterward they ouerhaled the parchians , medes , assyrians , persians , armenians , and sarmatians , and in the end setled their dwelling place at meotidis paludes , a barbarous and fierce people , practising great crueltie against all nations both of christians and others . otto quartus . after the death of philip , otto duke of saxon was crowned emperour by pope innocentius the third . now it was the custome that hee who was crowned emperour vsed to distribute gifts to the romans , which custome being neglected by otto the romans made some commotion and tumult , wherein they abused the emperours seruants . he therefore departing from rome with great discontentment invaded certaine townes belonging to the chaire of rome , whereby hee incurred such hatred at the popes hands , that hee was forth-with excommunicated , and although the pope hated the of-spring of henry the sixt , yet when the electors of germanie condescended to make frederike the sonne of henry emperour , the pope agreed thereto , because hee had a more deadly hatred at those who touched the apple of his eye , that is s. peters patrimonio ( as they call it ) then at any other sort of people . in the east alexius ducas , otherwise called murzulfus raigned a short time , for hee was taken by the venetians and frenchmen , ( who had restored againe isacius , to his kingdome ) and they threw him headlong ouer a steepe place because hee had murthered his master for ambitious desire of his kingdome . these venetians and frenchmen set vp baldwine count of flanders to bee emperour of the east . thus was the empire of the east translated to the french nation for a time , as the empire of the west had beene before in the dayes of charles de maine . after him raigned henry his brother yeeres , who hauing no male children left the kingdome to petrus antisiodorensis his sonne in law , who was cut off by the fraud of lascharis after hee had raigned two yeeres . after him his sonne robert raigned yeeres , hee was crowned emperour by the bishop of rome , as the germane emperours were accustomed to be . to him succeeded his young sonne baldwine , in whose time the empire returned againe to the grecians . and theodorus lascaris sonne in law to alexius commenus who plucked out the eyes of isacius , was saluted emperour and raigned eight yeeres , after whom ioannes ducas his sonne in law raigned . yeeres . fredericus secundus . after the death of otto , frederike the second sonne to henry the sixt , obtained the empire and r●igned . yeeres . hee was by inheritance king of naples , apulia , calabria , and sicilia . his father obtained , shortlie after he was borne , of the princes electors that they should choose his sonne frederike emperour after his death , which they did , crowning him emperour at aquisgraue when he was about . yeere old . from thence hee passed with his nobles and princes to rome , and there with great solemnitie was consecrated & called augustus by pope honorius the third . after his consecration he gaue by his charter to the church of rome the dukedome of fundanuus , for by the insatiable couetousnesse of the roman bishops this wicked vse and custome grew , that except the emperours elected and crowned would giue vnto them such great and large gifts , they could not obtaine of them their consecration and confirmation , which for that intent they deuised . furthermore the said emperour willing to shew himselfe more bountiful towards the church of rome , gaue and admitted those constitutions which the pope himselfe would desire , by which doing he gaue a sword in their hands to cut his owne throat ; for hee did grant to the canon of proscription devised by the pope and his adherents , that whosoever were excommunicate for diminution of the liberties of the church , and so continued a yeeres space , that this person should be within the danger of his proscript , and should not bee relaxed before hee had made satisfaction , and was admitted by the pope to the church and congregation of good men againe . but this liberty of fredericke was well required by hononorius , for soone after his returning to germany , hee heard of certaine who begun to raise and make new factions against him : amongst whom were found thomas & richard , the brethren of innocentius the third , earles of anaquinos , that held certaine castles in the kingdome of naples against him by force , which castles hee besieged and beat downe . richard also hee tooke and sent him prisoner to sicilia . but thomas escaped and came speedily to rome , where hee was not onely received by honorius , but also when the emperor began to expostulate with him for the vnseemlinesse of this deed , the pope was so chased , that without further delay , he thundred out against him like a tyrant , his cursings and excommunications . after this fell out a ground of a new debate between the emperour and the pope . for the christians that were in asia were so weakened , that iohn surnamed brennus , king of ierusalem came himselfe to the emperour , and to the pope to seeke helpe for the distressed christians , who were in asia . this iohn gaue his daughter ioel in mariage to the emperour , with the title of the kingdome of ierusalem in dowrie with her . the emperour on the other part promised that with all possible expedition hee would leade an armie into asia against the turkes : wherevpon , and by the meanes of iohn king of ierusalem , the emperour and the pope were reconciled againe . but before the emperour tooke his iourney to asia , honorius died , in whose roome succeeded gregorius the ninth , who excommunicated the emperour a new againe , because hee was compelled by sicknesse to come backe from his iourney to asia , and to remaine a space in europe for the recouering of his health againe . the next yeere after , to stop the mouth of the slanderous and cruell pope , and to declare to the world , that the last yeere hee did not leave off his iourney by his owne voluntary will , but by necessity : hee set forward with a great army and arrived at ioppa . the saracens were so troubled with his arrivall , that they were content to render to fredericke the towne of ierusalem , with all the possessions that were scituate betweene it and ptolemaide , and the greatest part of palestina , and the cities of tyrus and sydon , which were in syria , and all other territories which baldwin the fourth at any time had occupied there . also they were content to set at liberty all the prisoners who were in their hands : and finally , to conclude peace for the space of ten yeeres . in the meanetime , while the emperour is thus occupied in asia , pope gregory the ninth in the emperours absence , made it knowne to the whole world , for what cause he was so earnest to chase him away to the east : not that he cared for the welfare of the distressed christians in asia , but to the end hee might worke him some trouble in his absence , as appeared by all these subsequent practices . for hee invaded the kingdome of naples , and the rest of the dominions which pertained to the emperors inheritage : and subdued a great part of these dominions to himselfe . likewise he had a secret dealing with henry the emperours son , to stirre him vp against his father , and prevailed so farre in this divellish treason , that by the popes counsell hee put from him his trustie counceller ludovicus , duke of boioria , whom his father had ordained to be guider of his sonne in his absence . likewise when the emperour sent letters out of asia declaring the good successe that god had given him , and therewith desiring the pope and christian princes and people , to give thanks to god for the same . these letters so grieved the popes minde , that hee rent them in peeces , cast them vpon the ground , and trode them vnder his feet to the great admiration of the emperours legats . againe to colour the rage of his impotent minde with some excuse , who could not brid●● the fury of his malicious heart , pretending this to be the cause of his anger , because the emperour amongst other conditions of peace , bound vp betweene the christians in asia and the saracens , hee had licensed them to come ( alwayes without armour ) to the place of the holy grave . also hee made rumours to passe through italy of the emperours death , to the end the townes which were vnder his dominion , might be faint-hearted , and resigne over their cities into his hands . as likewise the souldiers who returned home out of asia , he caused to be cut off , left by their reporting the truth , and the good successe of fredericke , the townes vnder his obedience might be encouraged . the emperour being advertised of all these practices done against him in his absence , left in asia renaldus with his garisons , cōmanding all the other bands to be vnder his appointment : and with all speed came with certaine gallies to calabria , and within short space tamed his enemies , and recovered all his holds and dominions againe . also he sent to the pope to entreate for his favour , notwithstanding all the iniuries he had received at his hands , but was not heard nor accepted into favour , vntill hee had paied an hundred and twenty ounces of gold , for his absolution . after this , great rebellon was stirred vp in germany against fredericke , for his owne sonne henry caesar began to vtter the fruits of that old traffique that was betweene him and the pope , and caused ludovicke duke of boiaria , of whom we did speake before , not onely to be put from his court , but also most cruelly to be murthered . the emperour thought it no time to sleepe : wherefore ent●ing into germany , hee assembled a councell in the citie of n●urburg , where the conspiracy of henry caesar was manifestly detected , whereof the pope was the chiefe author , and ●ee by the iudgement and sentence of 〈◊〉 princes , condemned of high treason . and being commanded by his father to be bound , was as a prisoner brought to apulia , where not long after hee died in prison . in whose roome hee ordained his third sonne conradus caesar , by consent of all the peeres and princes . also fredericus austriacus his sonne , was proclaimed for an enemy to the common-wealth , from whom were taken austria and stiria , and brought againe vnder the emperours obedience and fidelity : who having set germany at quietnesse , left there conradus caesar his sonne , and with his army returned to italy , to punish such as with henry his eldest sonne had conspired against him , whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of henry caesar , and chiefly the popes , who vnderstanding that the emperour with warlike furniture marched towards italy , albeit hee fained himselfe to be reconciled , and a friend to him , yet was hee notwithstanding to him a most secret and intestine enemy . for hee sent to those cities who had conspired against the emperour , admonishing them that they should ioyne themselues together , and that they should furnish strongly their cities with garrisons , and send for aide to friends , and that with all their force they would prepare themselues for warre . also hee sent ambassadors to the emperour to forbid him and his army to come forward vnto italy , and to say vnto him ( not by way of entreaty , but imperiously ) that what cause of controversie hee had against the longobards , the same hee should commit to him , and stand to his arbiterment . the emperour nothing regarding this foolish interditement , prosecuteth his purpose and marcheth towards italy : where he brought vnder his subiection those cities that rebelled against him , as mantua , verona , ternisium , patavium , and others : and then hee afterward set vpon the great hoast of mediolanenses , the brixians , the placentines , and other confederats , of whom hee tooke a thousand prisoners , and also their generall , being the chiefe magistrate in the citie of mediolanum , petrus tenopolus the dukes sonne of venice , and slew diverse captaines moe , and tooke all their ensignes . the pope perceiving the overthrow of his confederates , could no longer cover his malice , but did breake out in open fury and rage against the emperour , and pronounced a sentence of proscription against him , depriving him of all his dignities , honours , titles ▪ prerogatiues , kingdoms , and whole empire . also calling vnto him the venetian and genuan legats , made a peace betweene them ( for they had beene at variance for certaine causes about their sea coasts ) and covenanted with them vpon this condition , that vpon their charges they should rigge and man . gallies , which should spoyle and burne all along the sea coasts of the kingdomes and dominions of fredericke . but when hee saw the good will and fidelity that the duke of venice bare vnto the emperour , who notwithstanding the displeasure he tooke by the imprisonment of his sonne , yet would he not make warre against him . for which cause the pope had recourse to his old practises , whereby his predecessors had trodden all princes vnder their feet . and so hee put forth an edict at rome , to the vniversall church and people , the beginning whereof is , ascendit de mari bellica bestia : wherein hee declareth the causes wherefore hee curseth the emperour to the divell of hell , and deiecteth him from his princely dignity : charging him with treason , periury , cruelty , sacrilege , killing of his owne kindred , and all impiety , and accuseth him as an hereticke , schismaticke , and miscreant . and this edict of the emperours cursing , he commanded all bishops , prelats , and others of the clergie , that they should solemnly recite the same in their churches in stead of a sermon . and furthermore , charged them and all other christian men , vnder paine of cursing and damnation , that they neither helpe the emperour , nor yet so much as wish him well . moreover , by meanes of albertus bebauus his legat , hee stirred vp great rebellion against the emperor in germany . for hee drew otto duke of boiaria from the emperours obedience , and with him venceslaus and belus , princes of the hungarians , and henry duke of polonia . to whom also fredericus austriacus the emperours sonne ( because he was proscript or out-lawed of his father ) was easily adioyned . the emperour was at patavium , when these newes were brought to him . therefore hee commanded peter de vineis his secretarie , vpon easter day to make a narration to the people of his great munificence to the bishoppes of rome , and againe of their iniuries towards him in recompence thereof : of his innocencie also , in all the heads whereof hee was accused by the pope : and finally , of the vse of ecclesiasticall censure , and of the errors and abuse of the church of rome . by which oration of his , he so remooved the clowds of blinde superstion from mens hearts , and the conceived opinion of holinesse of the church of rome , and also of their vsurped power , and subtle perswasion , that both they saw , and plainely perceived the vices and filthinesse of the same . at the same time the emperour ( as faith albericus ) writ to the pope these veres . roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta corruet , & mundi desinet esse caput . to whom the pope answered againe in other verses . niteris incassum navem submergere petri ; fluctuat , at nunquam mergitur illa ratis . the emperour moreover , by his letters and legats , giveth intelligence to all christian princes , as well of the fained crimes wherewith he was charged , as also of the cruelty of the bishop of rome against him . in all this time it pleased god to support the emperor with some comfort , which many of his predecessors lacked . for the bishops of germany were faithfull subiects vnto him , and not onely refused to execute the popes edicts and mandats in their churches , but also they accused and condemned albertus bebavus the popes legat , as a most impudent impostor and a wīcked fellow , and a most pestiferous botch and sore of the christian common-wealth , and gaue him to the diuell as a ruinous enemy as well of the church , as of his naturall countrey . this warre betweene the emperour and the pope waxed so hot , that vpon a time the emperour came to pisas and viterbium , the pope fearing hee would come to rome , caused a supplication to be made , wherein the heads of peter and paul were carryed about , and with a sharpe and contumelious oration hee fought to deface the emperour , promising everlasting life , and giving the badge of the crosse to so many as would arme themselues and fight against the emperour , as against the most wicked enemy of god and his church . now the emperour marching somewhat neere the gates of rome , when hee saw souldiers marked with the badge of the crosse comming out against him , gaue a sharpe charge vpon them , and put them soone to flight , and as many as he tooke ( cutting off that badge from them ) he caused to bee hanged . but the more hee prospered the more he was enuyed of the pope , who by his legats , called to a councell at rome , all such prelats out of italy , france , and england , as hee thought to favour him and his proceedings : that hereby as his last shift and onely refuge , hee by their helps might depriue fredericke of the empire , as an vtter enemy to god and his church . of all which the emperour having intelligence , and knowing that these assemblies should be but to his destruction , hee determined to stop and let their passages to rome , both by sea and land. and therefore sent out his sonne henry with certaine gallies , to keepe the coasts of sardinia , and from thence to pisas , and with the pisans to rigge out a navie to meete with such as should aide the pope of rome . the popes associats on the other part , procured that the gallies and shippes of genua ( having guilielmus braccius for their chiefe captaine ) should bee sent out for defence of the prelats that were to repaire to the councell . thus the pisan army launched forth to the sea with forty ships and gallies , and betweene the isles of lilium and mons christs , which lie betweene liburnium and corsica , they met with the genuan ships , and fiercely began to boord them . in which fight at length were three of the genuan shippes sunke and . taken and brought away , with all the riches and treasures in them . in those were taken three of the popes legats ( whereof two were cardinals ) iacobus columna , ottho marchio , and gregorius de romania ( all cruell enemies against the emperour ) and many other prelats moe , besides a great number of legats and procurators of cities , with an infinit number of monkes and priests , as also the genuan souldiers , with diverse others . also besides the prey and booty , they found many writings and letters which very much helped the emperour , in cleering his cause against his enemies . whilest this discord was between the emperour and the pope , orthodarius the emperour of the tartarians , soone invaded the borders next adiacent to him , and conquered ropolanium , bodolium , mudanium , with diverse other townes and villages : destroying , wasting , and burning the countries all about : killing and slaying , men , women , children , sparing none of any sex or age . at whose sudden invasion the people being affrighted and troubled , were glad to leaue all that they had , and disperse themselues into woods , and flie vnto marshes and mountaines : so that by this time the tartarian hoste was come as farre as wratislavia , where henricus of polonia , and the duke of silesia met with them , but by reason of inequality both in number and forces , they were easily defeated and slaine . from thence they came to moravia , and from thence to the kingdome of bohemia and hungary , at which time belus king of hungarie sent to the emperour for support against the tartarians , promising that hungarie ever after should be vnder the iurisdiction of the emperour . the emperour on the other part was most willing to helpe the hungarians and other christians , and sent to the pope to perswade him that hee would take vp and conclude a peace , and mitigate somewhat his wrath , in regarde of the immiment danger like to ensue vpon the whole state of christendome , by reason of a civill dissention . but when hee saw that by no meanes the pope would relent his furie , hee was compelled to write againe to the king of hungarie , that hee could stand him in no stead at that time , because the bishop of rome refused all treatie of peace : notwithstanding hee sent conradus caesar king of bohemia , and other princes of germame to resist and withstand the enemie so farre as in them lay . thus may bee seene the louing zeale and affection that the pope of rome hath toward christian people , that hee had rather bend his forces to revenge his malice vpon the christian and good emperour , then either by himselfe to withstand , or yet by concluding a profitable peace to permit others to withstand the most bloodie and cruell tartarian . but euen in the midst of this spoyle and havock of polonia , bohemia , and hungaria , was it determined that libussa the princes confederate with the pope should bee assembled about the deposing of the emperour , and creating of another . when frederike saw there was none other remedie and that hee laboured in vaine to haue peace , hee prosecuted the warre to the vttermost , and when hee had gotten tudetum and reconciled the same , hee destroyed the townes of geminium and naruia and gaue the spoyle of them to his souldiers , hee gentlie receiued the yeelding vp of siburnium and wasted all the countrey about rome : wherewith the pope being dismaied , and seeing that things prospered not so well with him against the emperour as he looked for , being in dispaire of obtaining his purpose died in great anger and displeasure . thus when the author of all this conspiracie was gone , the emperour with his armie marched forward against the tartarians who hearing of his comming left the straigh●way through hungarie by which they came , and returned by the riuer of danubium to taurica , and so through the fenns of meotida and by the riuer of tanaium into sarmatia asiatica . after gregorie celestinus was created pope who died within . daies after , to whom succeeded innocentius . in whose time the emperour hoped for peace but was disappointed ; for albeit a day was appointed for their meeting together at festennia , and the pope had promised that hee would be there before the emperour and expect his comming , yet hee mocked the emperour , and secretly in the night tooke ship and first came to genua , and from thence to lyons in fraunce where hee gathered a councell and excommunicated the emperour . notwithstanding the emperour was determinate to goe to lyons himselfe , and to conferre with the pope , both concerning this sentence pronounced against him , as also about the conclusion of peace , if by any meanes it could be obtained . but as he was vpon his iourney newes was brought to him that parma was taken by his out lawes assisted by the popes legat , wherefore being out of hope of peace , he set himselfe againe to the warre , and besieged parma planting ouer against it the forme of a towne , which he called victoria , wherein his souldiers camped . but the citizens of parma getting knowledge vpon a time that the emperour was gone to hunting and his souldiers were stragling here and there without order , issued out of the towne , and slew a great number of them , and burnt his campe victoria . soone after the emperour being in apulia in a certaine castle called florentinium , ended his life . in this time it is to be noted that there was such dissention betweene the emperour and the pope that the factious names of the guelfes and gibelins sprang vp in italie , and continued euer since , almost to our owne dayes , for the guelfes followed the pope , the gibelins the emperour , so that it came to passe that all they who followed the pope were called by the name of guelfes , and these who followed the emperour , gibelins . conradus quartus . after the death of fredericke succeeded conradus his sonne who with manly courage , began to subdue the townes of apulia , and of the kingdome of naples which rebelled against him , but he was hastily cut off by his brother manfred , who being couetous to keepe in his owne hand the dukedome of apulia ( which hee had invaded ) caused to empoyson the emperour conrad , after hee had raigned yeeres . also hee caused the testament of conrad to be suppressed wherein hee had appointed cunradinus his sonne to be heire of all his dominions . at this time innocentius . thinking it most convenient to invade the kingdome of sicilie and bring it vnder his dominion sent two strong armies to subdue it , but they were both ouercome and driuen back by manfred , whereat the pope was so grieued with melancholie that hee died . but pope clemens succeeding innocentius stirred vp charles count of angeow brother to lewis king of fraunce to make war against manfred , who prevailed against him , and killed him and possessed sicilia , calabria , and apulia , and all that manfred before had vnder his obedience . cunradinus the sonne of conrad being come to perfect age came with an armie to italie to claime his fathers dominions and was gladly receiued at rome , soone after was ouercome in battell by charles count of angeow ( who had slaine manfred before ) and was cast into prison , and afterward by commandement of the pope was beheaded at naples with fredericke duke of austria his assister . for charles vpon a time demanded the roman bishop clemens . what hee should doe with his prisoners , to whom he answered vita cunradini , mors caroli , that is , the life of cunradinus , is the death of charles , wherevpon ensued their publike execution . so the kingdome of naples by the crueltie of the romane bishop against the iust owner , came into the hands of frenchmen . wilielmus . william count of flanders ( whom pope innocentius had declared emperour when hee excommunicated frederike at lyons ) was yet aliue and was accounted emperour , but hee was slaine by the frisians , after hee had raigned one yeere , after the death of cunrad . after whose death variance fell betweene the electors of germanie for choosing of the emperour , for part named alphonsus king of castile , others richard the brother of king henry of england . but because neither of them were receiued by the whole empire , the emperiall authoritie was counted voyd and vacant the space of seuenteene yeeres . in the east raigned theodorus lascaris the younger . yeeres . rodulphus . in the yeere of our lord . the princes electors being assembled together at frank foord choosed with one consent rodulph count of halsburg to be emperour , who gouerned yeeres . this man neuer receiued the emperiall dignitie nor entred into italie , for hee vsed to recite to his familiars , the fable of the foxe that said to the lyon hee was affraid to enter into his denne , because hee perceiued the stepps of many beasts going inward , but of none that returned out againe . and so he said , many emperours haue entered italie with great pompe and glorie , but by the meanes of the bishop they returned euill handled with great iniuries . he had deadly warre with ottiocarus king of bohemia who had invaded austrich and appropriated it to himselfe while as the empire wanted an head through the variance of the electors , against him he fought a sore battell in the fieldes of austrich and obtained the victorie , and othocarus there was slaine , whose sonne the emperour gentlie entreated , giuing him suta his daughter in marriage , and giuing agnes daughter to othocariu in marriage to rodulph the emperours sonne . adolphus . after rodolph , adolph count de nassaw was chosen emperour and raigned six yeeres , he was infortunate in all things hee went about , and therewith so needie and poore that when hee had receiued of king edward of england a great summe of money to aide him against the king of fraunce hee spent the money vpon his houshold and had not wherewith to fulfill his promise when time required . hee had great warres with albert duke of austrich , whom he trauelled to depriue of his dukedome , but albert led out his armie against him , in the fieldes of spira , and discomfited his hoste and killed himselfe , and raigned in his steed as will be declared in the next centurie , god willing . in constantinople after theodorus lascaris the younger , succeeded michael paleologus , and raigned . yeeres . he plucked out the eyes of iohn the sonne of lascaris and right heire of the empire . his sonne andronicus againe who succeeded to him , caused his father to bee buried in an obscure place and not in a princely sepulchre , because he had agreed with the church of rome . now as touching the holy land many great armies went to asia in this centurie for recouering of ierusalem , first vnder the cōduct of ludouick duke of bavaria , leopold d. of austrich , and andro king of hungarie with the florentins and genuans marked with the badge of the crosse , and diuers bishops of france and germanie raised an armie , tooke the towne of damiata in aegypt , but soone after it was lamentably lost , by a deuised stratageme of the sultan of aegypt , who fained as though hee had beene flying from place to place , vntill hee found the christian armie camping in a low place beside the riuer nilus , and then opening the slu●es of the water , the most part of all the christians were drowned , and damiata againe recouered . the second armie was led by fredericus the second into asia , at what time ierusalem was recouered againe , and all that baldwine the fourth had of old in his possession , was rendered to the christians , and a couenant of peace was bound vp for . yeeres to come , as hath beene declared in the treatise of the life of fredericke . the third armie was raised vp by theobald king of nauarre , americus count of montfort , henry count of campanie , peter count of britan , and anselmus de insula : theobald hauing the chiefe regiment of the armie , which set foreward by the intisement of gregorie the . before the time of the . yeeres peace concluded by fredericke had taken an ende . for the which cause it is not to be doubted but this voyage had the more vnprosperous successe , for they had lost the third part of the armie before they came to antiochia , from thence they went to ptolemais and from thence to gaza . the barbarians perceiuing that this armie was set forth without the emperours aduice ( because his souldiers that were in asia keeped the bond of peace and assisted not this armie of theobald ) they laid there ambushments in secret places wayting for advantage of the christian armie , and set vpon them when they were wearie , returning from their spoiling with great prey : but the christians made strong resistance and put the aliens to flight . the day next following the barbarians renewed their forces and prevailed against the christians , americus count of montfort , and henry count of campanie being slaine . and theobald king of navarre with great difficultie escaped and returned home accompanied with a very few number of men who remained vndestroyed in that vnprosperous voiage . the fourth armie was led by richard count of cornwall , whom the pope had put in hope to be made emperour , but when hee came to ierusalem , and vnderstood by rainoldus the emperours deputie there , of the peace which had beene concluded by a solemne couenant hee enterprised nothing against the barbarians , but subscribed the bond of peace concluded before by the emperour fredericke , and left he should seeme to haue made all his trauels in vaine , hee receiued some dropps of the lords blood from the patriarch of ierusalem , so blind was this seduced age that a vaine shew of counterset reliques was counted a worthie price to recompence the ieopardous trauels of princes leading great armies from one end of the world to another . after the death of rainald , the templaries without all regard of the peace bound vp , denounce warre to the saracens and compelled the christians in asiato put themselues in armes . but the soldan of aegypt sent for support of the babylonians , who sent vnto him a companie of sauadge men called grossouij who pitched their campe at gaza and tooke it , and destroied all the templaries that dwelt therein . the like did they to the inhabitants of askelon , also the people that came to support the templaries were vtterly cut off , and finallie they set vpon ierusalem which was easily conquered , and all the inhabitants thereof were put to the sword without regard of sexe or age , and the towne it selfe was subuerted , neither was any building spared though neuer so ample pleasant , also they subverted the sepulchre of the lord. the first voiage was vndertaken by lewis king of fraunce sonne to the queene blanch who being diseased and almost at the point of death vowed to god that in case hee recouered health : hee would be crossed or marked with the crosse , to visit the lords sepulchre and there solemnly to render thankes ; which vow also hee endeuored to performe , and in the yeere of our lord . after he had receiued the popes blessing at lyons , set forward with a mightie armie hauing in companie with him the earle atrabacensis his brother the duke of burgundy , the duke of brabant , the countesse of flanders with her two sonnes , the earle of britanie with his sonne , the earle of barrensis , the earle of swesson , the earle of s. paul , the earle of druise , the earle retel , with many other noble persons . in the beginning of this enterprise they seemed to prosper well , for they tooke the towne of damiata at their first arriuall into aegypt , which was the chiefe seat and hold of the saracens in all aegypt . at the losse whereof the soldan of aegypt with the saracens in those parts were so astonished , that they offered the christians the possession of ierusalem , and the holy land , which the christians so much contended for , prouiding they would render vnto them againe the towne of damiata . but the earle of artoys , the kings brother puft vp with insolent pride would in no waies suffer the offers of the saracens to be accepted , but required also alexandria the chiefe metropolitan towne of aegypt to be deliuered vnto them . but soone after the soldan of aegypt beset them so stronglie , both by sea and land , that they were glad to craue againe the peace which was offered and could not obtaine it . in the ende they were purposed to leaue a garrison to keepe damiata , and to march out in battell themselues . the earle of artoys through his insolent pride ( thinking all was his owne whensoeuer he gat any small aduantage of the enemie ) brought himselfe and all the armie to confusion , for he passed ouer a shallow foord of nilus which a certaine saracen lately converted to christ had made knowne , and hauing in company with him the master of the temple , and william longspath , with his companie of english souldiers and diuers others , euen the third part of the armie , set vpon the saracens when they were not aware , and did them great harme . this victorie obtained he would needs goe forward , deuiding himselfe from the maine hoast and besieged the castle , and village of mansor . but the saracens finding him separated from the rest of the army , compassed him about , and destroyed him and all his company , in so much that scarce one man escaped aliue ( except two templars , one hospitular , and one poore souldier ) to bring newes thereof to the king. after this the souldan suddenly appeared with multitude of innumerable thousands , against the king himselfe . in this miserable conflict the king with his two brethren , and a few that claue vnto him were taken captiues , all the residue were put to the sword , or else stood to the mercy of the saracens , whether to bee slaine or remaine in wofull captivity . the souldan after the captivity of the king , fraudulently suborned an army of saracens to the number of the french army , with the armes and ensignes of them that were slaine , and sent them toward damiata , where the duke of burgundie with the french queene , and odo the popes legat and other bishops , and their garrisons were remaining , supposing vnder the shew of frenchmen to be let in . but the captaines mistrusting their hasty comming , and misdoubting their visages not like to the french-mens , shut the gates against them , whereby they returned frustrate of their purpose . yet afterward damiata was rendered to the saracens as a part of the kings ransome , which citie being twice won , and twice lost by the christians , the souldan afterward caused vtterly to be razed downe to the ground . it is to bee noted in this tragedy , that the pope of rome was the chiefe ground of all this lamentable calamity . for the king wisely considering what great helpe hee might haue gotten by the concurrance of the valiant and wife emperour fredericke , travailed for reconciliation between him and the pope , before hee vndertooke his voyage , but all his travails were spent in vaine , and so the king of france went alone to this dangerous enterprise , taking with him the popes blessing , as is sayd before . but like as fredericke before prospered not the worse thate he was cursed of the pope , so it may be perceived that lewis king of france prospered not the better , albeit the pope blessed him . before wee speake of the sixt voyage of his age it is to marked , that god raised vp mango king of the tartarians to make warre against the saracens : he was baptised and professed the name of christ , and sent his brother hal● to fight against the saracens . who overhailed persia , assyria , mesopotamia , and in the end came to syria , and conquered damascus , appointing his sonne abaga to bee governour of the same , for hee returned himselfe to inherit the kingdome of his brother mango , whom hee heard to be dead . also abaga afterward hearing of the death of his father halo , returned to gouerne his fathers kingdome , leaving behinde him ten thousand horsemen to support the christians , in the hands of guirboca , who also favoured the christians for a time , vntil they slew his nephew , and then hee also became an enemie vnto them , and invaded the towne of caesarea , and set it on fire . at this time nelethinus the sonne of turqueminius , souldan of egypt , fearing the dominion of the tartarians in syria , provoked guirboca to fight , and destroyed him and his army : and they that escaped of the tartarians fled to armenia . thus the small comfort which the christians had by the tartarians , was first turned into hatred , and afterward was vtterly taken away by their destruction . the sixt voyage was vnder the king of france , and henrie king of england , who sent prince edward his sonne to palestina in his place , and charles duke of angeow , who was declared by the pope to be king of sicile , and king of ierusalem . in this voyage the one part of the army , to wit , french-men , arrived at africa and besieged the towne of carthage and tooke it : also they besieged tuenetum sixe moneths , at which time the army was troubled with a grievous pestilence , whereof the king himselfe , and the popes legat both died . but charles king of sicile came with a fresh army : mulet the prince in those parts , entreated for peace , which was granted vpon these conditions . first , that if any in africke would professe the christian religion , they should bee permitted so to doe without molestation . next , that the christians who were detained in captivity should be set at liberty . and thirdly , that there should bee payd yeerely to the king of sicile forty thousand crownes . the other part of the army vnder the conduct of edward prince of england , came to syria , where edward was circumvented by a deceitfull saracen , who came with letters to him from his master , and wounded him with an invenomed knife , whereby hee was in great danger of his life , but being cured by skilfull physitians , he escaped death . also hee staied in ptolemais vpon the arrivall of the rest of the army out of africke , but when hee had long waited in vaine , hee was compelled to returne back againe to his owne countrey . in this voyage it is to be noted , that the pope of rome miserably abused the christian people : for the armies raised against the turkes and infidels , hee caused to serue the covetous appetite of his bloody heart , as plainely appeareth in the french army which guido bishop of altisiodorum conducted to viterbium : vrbanus quartus sent his army against manfred king of sicile , to subdue vnto him sicilia , and to roote out the ofspring of fredericke , which he deadly hated ; and when this enterprise succeeded not to his hearts contentment , clemens his successor stirred vp this charles duke of angeow , who vsurped the kingdome of sicile , destroyed the posterity of fredericke , and at the popes desire vndertooke this voyage to asia , whereof wee haue last spoken . the seventh voyage of this age , was vndertaken by the emperour rodolph , who according to his promise made to pope gregory the tenth , was willing to raise an army and succour the christians in asia , but hee was so impeded by the warres hee had with the king of bohemia , that hee could not in his owne person goe to syria , but hee sent henrie prince of mechelburg with a strong army to supply his place , who comming to ptolemais wasted and burnt with fire the region round about damascus . the barbarians durst not encounter with him in open battell , but circumvened him , and vpon a time as hee was leading away a great prey , they lying in wait for him , arose and brought him to the souldan : where hee was detained in captivitie . yeeres . after this the christians in asia were brought to vtter wracke , for the saracens invaded antiochia and tooke it , and destroyed the christians there . afterward vnder the conduct of aphir their souldan , they besieged tripolis and tooke it , and razed it to the ground . also tyrus was rendered vpon condition that the christians there should safely depart with so much of their substance as they could transport with shippes , or drawe with beasts . and finally , all the townes and holds which the christians had in syria , were taken by the saracens , onely ptolemais excepted , which afterward was taken by araphus the souldan , the christians therein being put to the sword , and the citie it selfe vtterly razed to the ground , in such sort that there was not so much as a monument of it left vndestroyed . now when all was lost , the christians obtained some new and fresh comfort by the conversion of cassanus prince of the tartarians , to the christian religion , who expelled the saracens out of syria , and repayred the temple and towne of ierusalem , and restored it to the christians , and set at liberty henry prince of mechelburg , who had been detained captiue a long time . also he tooke the towne of damascus , and appointed capcacus to be governour there , like as molais was left to defend ierusalem . but after the returne of cassanus to his owne countrey , capcacus revolted to the souldan of egypt , and molais finding himselfe alone , vnable to resist the force of the saracens , departed to mesopotamia . so did the saracens easily recover againe ierusalem . here also is to be marked , that the popes of rome who were too prodigall of christian mens blood , continually instigating them to lead armes to asia , for the recovery of the holy land , yet did they esteeme so much of their owne glory , that they preferred it to the holy land and the liues o● all the christians that were in asia , as evidently appeareth in the doings of bonifacius the . who had the fairest occasion offered to him of all others , of recovering the holy land. for cassanus prince of the tartarians had conquered syria from the saracens , and left governours in it , with expresse commandement that they should binde vp a covenant of friendship with the princes of the west , and get support from them for the keeping of syria , in the christians possession . but the bishoppe of rome puft vp with pride , was so busie to tread vnder his feet the king of france that hee neglected this ocasion , the like whereof was never offered in any time following . and this negligent dealing was the cause why capcacus made defection to the souldan of egypt . centvrie xiv . albertus the first . after the slaughter of adulph , albert the first , duke of austria was made emperour , and raigned ten yeeres : and in the end was killed by his brothers sonne . in his dayes sprang vp otthoman the first king of the turkes , who being a conragious warriour , by spoyles and robberies enriched himselfe , and subdued a great part of bythinia , and of the countrey lying about pontus euxinus , and tooke vpon him the name of a king , to be called the king of the turks . henricus the seventh . next to albert , raigned henrie the . a prince , wise , iust , honest , and beloved of all men , neither puft vp with pride in his prosperity , neither deiected in mind for any kind of adversity . after hee had pacified the countrey of germany , hee tooke his iourney toward italy , to reforme the abuses there , but was hastily cut off by the wicked malice of the florentines , as is supposed , for they hyred a certaine monke to poyson the emperour , which thing hee performed , and mixed poyson with the bread of the eucharist , wherewith the noble emperour was impoysoned in the castell of bonconvent , after hee had raigned foure yeeres and eight moneths . ludovicus the fift . lewis the fift was chosen emperour after the death of henry the . and raigned . yeeres . hee was duke of bavaria , against whom others had elected fredericus pulcher , duke of austria to be emperour , which was the ground of cruell warrs betwixt the two new chosen emperours , but fredericke was vanquished in battell , and taken prisoner himselfe . during the time of these warres , the burgesses of vren , switz , and sylvania , or vnderwalden , assisted lewis of bavaria , and would not acknowledge the emperour fredericke duke of austria , for which cause they were continually vexed by him , so that at last they assembled themselues in the towne of vrania , and there entered into a mutuall league of perpetuall society amongst themselues . to whom afterward were ioyned lucernates , then tugani , then the tigurines , then the bernates . the last almost of all were the basilians , after whom followed other seven pages , who now by a generall name are called the switzers , or the cantons , or pages of helvetia . the emperour lewis after hee had subdued his competitor , fell into a greater trouble , for hee was excommunicate by pope clement the sixt , and the princes electors were commanded to choose another emperor , which commandement they also obeyed , and assembled themselues at a certaine towne of the diocie of trevers , called bens , and chose charles the fourth , sonne to iohn king of bohemia . carolus the fourth . carolus the fourth was chosen emperour , after that his predecessor lewis was excommunicated by the pope , and raigned . yeeres . in his time amurathes the king of the turkes , passed over hellespontus , and tooke the townes of cestus and callipolis , which was the first beginning of the conquest of thracia , and all other regions of europe which are now subiect to the turke . this charles procured at the hands of the princes electors , that his sonne vinceslaus should be proclaimed king of the romans in his owne time . vinceslaus . to charles the fourth succeeded his sonne vinceslaus , and raigned two and twenty yeeres . a man very vnlike his father , for hee was sluggish and carelesse , more enclined to ryot , excessiue drinking and voluptuous pleasures , then to any princely vertue . in his time baiazeth king of the turkes , fought a cruell battell against the christians at nicopolis , a towne of thracia , at the side of ister : and albeit many moe of the turkes were slaine then of the christians , yet at length the turkes prevailed against the christians , and put them to flight . this is that king of the turkes , who afterward was overcome by tamberlaine king of the sythians , and being inclosed in a cage of yron was carried about all asia , as a mocking stocke to men , and as a spectacle of the wrath of god against all cruell tyrants . the emperour vinceslaus for his beastlines was depriued of his emperiall dignitie by the princes electors , and rupertus duke of bauaria chosen to be emperour in his steed . in the east during the raigne of those foresaid emperours , ruled andronicus the sonne of michael , paleologus , and after him michael , and after him andronicus the younger , after whom followed ioannes , catecunzenus , and calo ioannes and his sonne manuell● these are all the things worthy of rememberance , are left in writing . centvrie . xv. rupertus . vinces●aus the emperour for his cowardize , & vnhonest life , was deposed , & rupertus duke of bauaria was advanced to the emperiall authoritie by the electors of germanic , and ruled ( . ) yeeres . this emperour went vnto italie , against galiatius of millan , but hee preuailed nothing . in his time mahomet , the turke when hee had killed his brother , obtained alone the kingdome ; who after the death of tamburlan , the tartarian , recouering againe his fathers dominion , vexed with extreme murther and slaughter , the bulgares and vallaches , and tooke the citie of hadrianopolis , which he made his seat royall . sigismundus . after rupertus sigismund sonne of charles . and brother to vinceslaus being king of bohemie and hungarie was ordained emperour and reigned . yeares . hee was a prudent , wittie , learned , and noble prince , but in warre and deeds of armes vnfortunate : for hee was oftentimes ouercome and chased of the turkes and other enemies . by the procurement of this emperour a great councell was holden at constance , for the vnion of the church which continued for the space of . yeeres . in this councell iohn husse was burned for preaching against the bishop of rome . also hieronymus of prague was condemned by the same councell and burned , after whose burning in bohemie , was great tumult , sedition , and ciuill warre : for the common people that fauoured iohn husse , gathered together in great number , and choosed a certaine valiant man named zisca to be their captaine , a man verie witty and expert in warfare , as may appeare by this wittie policie which hee vsed against his enemies . vpon a certaine time , his enemies set vpon him in a rough place , where no battell could be fought but on foote only , whereupon when his enemies were lighted from their horses , zisca commaunded the women which customably followed the hoast , to cast their kirchiefes vpon the ground , wherein the horsemen being intangled by their spurres were slaine before they could vnloose their feete . and forasmuch as he had no walled nor fenced towne to inhabite , he chosed out a certaine place vpon the riuer of lusinitius which was fenced by nature , about miles from the citie of ausca . this place he compassed with walles , & commanded euery man to build them houses where they had pitched their tents , and named this citie , thabor ; and the inhabitants his companions thaborits , because their citie was built vpon the top of a mountaine . he fought against the emp. sigismund and draue him out of bohemia , and although the emperour came backe againe to bohemia with a great armie of hungarians and morauians , yet the second time also hee cowardly fled , and zisca pursued after him a daies iourney , found great and rich spoyles , and tooke the towne of broda by force and set it on fire . it is almost incredible that a man , being blind , as zisca was in the time of his hottest warres ( for hauing but one eye he lost it at the siege of a certaine towne ) did so prouidently forecast all opportunities and aduantages against his enemies , as if hee had seene . it is reported that when hee was lying sicke and readie to die , being demaunded where he would haue his body to be buried , hee answered that they should pull the skin from off his dead body , and that a drumme should be made thereof , which they should vse in the battell , affirming that as soone as their enemies heard the sound of that drumme they would not abide but take their flight . after the death of zisca the emperour sigismund assembled the nobles of germanie at norinberge , and leuied a great armie to enter into boheme , and pursue the hussites or thaborites of new againe : also pope martin sent iulian his cardinall of s. angelie into germanie to that same effect , that is to say , to make warre against the bohemians . but the emperour had no better successe in this enterprise , then hee had in the former , for all his armie was striken with a sudden feare , before any of his aduersaries were come in sight , and fled most shamfully to the great encouragement and inritching of their aduersaries . the cardinall iulian himselfe being present and marueling at the sudden feare , went about the captaines , perswading them to put on armour , to order their battells , and couragiously to abide their enemies . but this exhortation was all in vaine , for feare had put away all boldnesse , and euerie man did runne headlong away . the cardinall also , although it were against his will , was forced to doe the like , after this , the cardinall addressed himselfe to the councell of basile wherein he was appointed to be president in name and behalfe of the bishop of rome . but of this hereafter . albertus . next to sigismund , albert duke of austria his sonne in law , was chosen to be emperour , and gouerned eight yeeres : for his liberalitie , iustice & manhoode in wars , greatly renowned . he subdued the bohems , and brought in subiection the people of morauia . in his time amurathes emperour of the turkes invaded the king of seruia , from whom after long siege he wanne scopia , and newmount , and hee tooke in battel his two sonnes whom he berest of their sight , but after he tooke their sister in marriage and restored newmont . hee tooke also the famous towne of grecia called thessalonica , being then vnder league and protection of the venetians , and the towne of croia in epirus , but god raised vp ioannes huniades a valiant man in wallachia , who being aided with the power of vladislaus the king of polonia did infringe the puyssance of the turke , and recouered againe to the christians the greatest part of seruia , and bulgaria , so , that the turkes was compelled to desire truce for ten yeeres . but after the truce was concluded on both parts , and with solemne oath also confirmed , and amarathes was returned backe againe to asia , pope eugenius the . sent iulianus caesarianus , to the foresaid king with full dispensation to breake his oath and league with the turke , whereby it came to passe that the young king inticed by the wicked instigations of eugenius set forward his armie against the turke vntill he came to varna a towne of bulgaria , where he was discomfited and slaine by amurathes to the great hurt , and greater shame of christian people , whom the infidels might iustlie accuse of periurie , and breaking of couenants , sealed by the name of christ whom they professe to be their sauiour . this battell at varna fell out in the raigne of fredericke , of whom we are to speake in the next place . fredericke . after albert frederick the . duke of austria was chosen to be emperour and raigned . yeeres , in whose daies much war and dissention raigned almost thorow all christian realmes , whereby it had beene easie for the turke to haue ouerrunne them all , if the mercifull prouidence of god had not kept amurathes occupied at this time . to this frederick came elizabeth the spouse of albert sometime emperour with ladislaus her son , by whom he was nourished and entertained a certaine space , till at length after the death of vladislaus aforesaid king of hungarie ( who was slaine by the turkes , in the battell of varna ) the men of austria rising vp in armour required the emp. to giue them their young king , who being restored into their hands , and being yet vnder age , committed his three kingdomes to three gouernours , whereof iohn huniades the worthy captaine aboue mentioned had the ruling of hungarie . george pogicbzachius had bohemia , and vlricus the earle of cilicia had austria . but vlricke had the chiefe custodie of the young king , and was a great enemie to huniades by many secret meanes seeking his destruction . but huniades being couragious , and wise , and circumspect , easily disappointed all his fetches . after the death of this worthy gouernour his two sonnes ladislaus and mathias gouerned hungarie , and in their time ladislaus king of bohemia , hungarie , and austria came into alba a towne of hungarie , accompanied with vlricus earle of cilicia , and governour of austria vnder the young king . ladislaus most gladly receiued the king , but debarred from entering into the citie . armed souldiers , of the number of them that accompanied the king . vlricus the earle grudging at this and sitting in councell required ladislaus to appeare before him and accused him of treason , for shutting the gates vpon the kings souldiers , and not content with this , hee tooke his sword from his page and let a stroake flee at his head . but the hungarians hearing the noyse in the councell brake in vpon them and there incontinent killed vlrick the earle , wounding him and cutting him in peeces . the king hearing thereof , although hee was not a litle discontented thereat in his mind , yet seeing there was none other remedie hee dissembled his griefe for a time . but afterward in his progresse when hee came to buda accompanied with the two sonnes of huniades , hee caused them both to be taken and cast into prison , and ladislaus forthwith was beheaded . mathias was carried captiue to austria , to suffer the like punishment , if the lord had not prevented ladislaus , the king by suddē death , who departed this life about the verie time appointed for the celebration of his marriage in prague with magdalen daughter to the king of fraunce . thus the young king who hated the race of huniades , and more hated the light of the gospell that shined in bohemia , and was of purpose ( as is supposed ) at his marriage to root out the sect of the hussits ( as hee called it ) was timously in the mercie of god cut off himselfe to the great benefit of the true church of god. in this emperours time suite was made by the germanes to the emperour that hee would prouide remedie against the actions of the insatiat popes , and that hee would not suffer his subiects in germanie to bee exhausted , and empourished by them . the emperour being moued and ouercome by their perswasion , promised that hee would prouide no lesse for them , then the king of fraunce had done for the frenchmen . but the subtle perswasions of aeneas syluius did so bewitch the emperour that he contemning the equall iust and necessarie requests of his subiects , chosed the said aeneas to be his ambassadour to calixtus newly chosen pope , to sweare vnto him in his name , and to promise the absolut obedience of all germanie . thus the germans were derided and frustrate by fredericke , and the emperour on the other part fearing least the germanes after his death should transport the empire to another familie caused his son maximilian . yeeres before his death to be chosen and also crowned king of romans , and did associate him to the ministration of the empire . in this emperours time likewise flourished a valiant man sonne of iohn castriotus prince of epirus , and albania , called george who was giuen in hostage to the turke , with other two brethren . but this george excelling all the rest of his equalls , in strength of body , vigour of minde , and actiuitie in warfare , was named by the turkes scanderbeius , which soundeth as much as alexander magnus . hee was sent out by the turkes to fight against caramannus of cilicia the turkes enemie , in which expedition hee behaued himselfe so manfully , that hee wanne great renowne with the turke , insomuch that hee trusting to the turkes fauour , when hee heard of the death of his father , durst aske of the turke the grant of his fathers dominion to be giuen vnto him . the which request although amurathes did not deny vnto him , yet notwithstanding hee perceiuing that the matter was dallied out with faire words , by subtle meanes and policie slipt out of the turkes court , and came to epirus his owne inheritance , where first by counterfeite letters hee recouered croia . the other cities of their owne voluntarie minde yeelded to him , and hee so manfullie behaued himselfe , that against all the force both of amurathes and mahomet he maintained his owne , repulsed their violence , and put to flight their armies many yeeres together . in this emperours time mahomet the second tooke the isle of euboia , and destroyed the towne of calcis , afterward hee commanded the cittie of athens to be razed and vtterly subverted , and from thence returning his armie to thracia , with a mightie multitude compassed the towne of constantinople both by sea and land in the yeere of our lord. . and in the . day of the sayd siege , it was taken and sacked , and the emperour constantinus slaine : such terrible crueltie did they vse as the like is not often read of in any historie . there was no corners in constantinople which was not defiled with floodes of christian blood , so that in this one towne are reckoned to the number of fortie thousand persons that were slaine , amongst whose dead bodyes , the body of constantine the emperour was found , whose head being brought to mahomet , he commaunded it to be carried vpon a speare through the whole citie , for a publike spectacle and derision to all the turkish armie . also he tooke the image of the crucifixe , being there in the high temple of sophia and ( writing this superscription vpon the head of it , hic est christianorum deus , this is the god of the christians ) caused it to be carried thorow all his armie , and made every man to spit at it most contumeliously . thus was the noble citie of constantinople sacked . yeers after it was first built by constantine the great , & now is made the imperiall seat of the turkish dominion . notwithstanding the proud heart of mahomet which was so highly lift vp by the conquest of constantinople , was by the providence of god somewhat abated soone after . for at the siege of belgradum in hungarie , in the yeere . hee was so manfully resisted by that worthie governour iohannes huniades , that hee was compelled after the losse of a great part of his army , to the number of . souldiers , his owne person also being sore wounded , to raise his siege , and for feare and shame ready to kill himselfe . in the east after emanuel raigned iohannes his sonne , who was present at the councell of florence , with eugenius . pope of rome , but lived not long after his returning . and after his death , because hee had no children , his brother constantine succeeded , in whose time the town of constantinople was pitifully destroyed , and the emperour himselfe slaine , as hath beene declared . and here is the end of the empire of christians in the east . centvrie xvi . maximilianus . in the yeare of our lord . fredericus waxing aged , and partly also mistrusting the hearts of the germaines , did in his life-time associate his sonne maximilian to be ioyned emperor with him , with whom he reigned for the space of . yeers till the death of fredericke his father , after whose departure he reigned . yeers . this maximilian as he was a valiant emperor , prudent and singularly learned , so was his raigne intangled in many vnquiet and difficult warres . first in the lower countries of flanders and brabant , where he was taken captiue , but worthily againe relieved by his father . hee had to wife mary the onely daughter to the duke of burgundie , by whom hee had two children , philip the father of charles the fift , and margaret . this mary by a fall from her horse , fell into an ague and died . so happy was the education of the emperor in good letters , so expert hee was in tongues and sciences , , but especially such was his dexteritie and promptnesse in the latine tongue , that hee imitating the example of iulius caesar , did write and comprehend in latin historie his owne acts and feats of warre done by him . in this emperours time baiazeth the second emperour of turkes , after long siege tooke a strong towne of peleponesus called methon , or modon , being vnder the dominion of the venetians , and caused all the noblemen of the venetians and grecians that were found in the towne , to be brought into his owne presence , and there most cruelly to be slaine . carolus quintus . after maximilian , charles king of spaine , duke of austria and burgundie , and nephew to maximilian , was chosen emperour , and raigned . yeeres . he was a prince of singular wisedome , expert in warre , slow to wrath , and if it had pleased the lord to haue illuminated his heart with that true light that begun to shine in his time , hee might haue beene reckoned amongst the most renowned emperours . his inclination to wisedome may appeare by these witty sentences vttered by him . like as saturne which is counted the most supreme planet , hath the slowest course of all the rest , even so they that are in supreme authority , ought to doe all things with greatest deliberation and advisement . and like as the sunne sendeth out his beams in like brightnesse both vpon poore and rich , so ought supreme magistrates minister iustice without partiality , both to poore and rich . and like as the eclipse of the sunne is a foretoken of great commotions , so likewise the errors and oversights of princes bring with them great perturbations to countries . hee was intangled with great and dangerous warres all the time of his government , either against forraine princes , or some of the empire . in his warrs against the king of france , hee had better successe then he could haue looked for , for as much as the towne of millaine being already taken by the king of france , and the towne of pavie in italy likewise besieged , yet the emperours army shortly after encountred with the french-men , and both vanquished them , and also tooke the king himselfe prisoner , and from thence conveyed him away to spaine , where through care and griefe hee fell into sicknesse , but when hee was comforted by the emperour , and put in some hope of agreement , hee began to take heart vnto him and recovered : and in the end a peace was agreed vpon at madruce in spaine , and the king was set at liberty , leaving for pledges his two eldest sonnes . but shortly after hee revoked his oath , being absolved by the bishop of rome , and said he was forced to swear or else hee should never haue beene delivered . the emperor after the delivery of the king of france , gaue to charles duke of burbon the dutchie of millaine , on condition to pay . ducats , and finde a number of souldiers yeerely . this charles duke of burbon passing through italy to naples afterward , in the emperours quarrell besieged rome , and in the assault was slaine , but his souldiers tooke the citie , spoyled it , and besieged the bishop clement with his cardinalls , in the mount adrian , from whence hee could not be dismissed by any meanes , vntill hee agreed with the souldiers . notwithstanding this , the emperour charles being then in spaine , and staying the thunderbolt of excommunication ( which the souldiers nothing regarded ) did excuse himselfe by letters , that hee knew not of that his men had done , and therefore willed the bishop to bee set at liberty . in this emperours dayes begun reformation of religion in germany , by meanes of the disputations , writings , and doctrine of martin luther , whom the emperour laboured by all meanes to suppresse . first , by gathering a convention of the estates of germany , in the towne of worms . which convention was kept in the yeere of our lord . and martin luther being cited by an herald of armes to appeare before the said councell , with a letter of safe conduct by the emperour and princes , appeared : and although many perswaded him not to adventure himselfe to such a present danger , yet luther answered that he was resolved , and certainely determined to enter worms , in the name of our lord iesus christ , although hee knew that there were so many divells to resist him , as there were tyles to cover the houses in wormes : thus being presented before all the estates of the empire , iohn eccius ( who then was the bishop of triers generall officiall ) at the emperours command demanded of martin two questions . first , whether hee confessed those bookes which were given out vnder his name to be his or no , shewing herewith an heape of luthers bookes written in the latin and dutch tongues . secondly , whether hee would revoke and recant them , or stand to all that hee had written . to the first point hee answered affirmatiuely , that hee would acknowledge his owne bookes . as touching the second , whether he would recant any thing contained in his bookes or no , he craved time to premeditate what hee should speake in that matter : which was the more easily granted , because they were in some hope that luther would recant some of his writings , but it fell out farre otherwise then they looked for . for at the time of his next appearance hee divided his bookes into three sorts , some of them opened the grounds of christian religion simply , which his very enemies had counted inculpable , and therefore hee would not condemne them himselfe . another sort contained invectiues against the papacie , and others of that retinue which had with their pestiferous doctrine and pernitious examples , corrupted the whole estate of christianity , which bookes if hee should revoke , hee should adde more force to their tyranny , and his retraction should be a cloake and shadow to all their impiety and naughtinesse . the third sort of his bookes were written against certaine particular persons , who with tooth and naile laboured to maintaine the romane tyranny , and to deface his doctrine , and these likewise hee could not recall , left by his recantation it should come to pasle , that tyranny and impiety supported by his meanes should rage more violently against the people , then ever it did before . when no recantation could be obtained , nor yet submission of his writings to the iudgement of the emperour , and his estates : martin luther departed from wormes , being dismissed according to his promise of his safe conduct , and returned to his owne countrey . soone after this , the emperour charles to purchase favour with the pope ( because hee was not yet confirmed in his empire ) provideth and directeth out a solemne writ of outlawry against luther and all them that take his part , commanding the said luther , where-ever hee might be gotten , to be apprehended and his bookes burned . after this another convention of the estates of germanie was gathered at norinberg for the suppressing of martin luther , to which councell pope adrian the sixt , sent his ambassadour cheregatus , to desire that the sentence of the apostolick sea , and the emperours edict against martin luther should bee put in execution . the princes of germany on the other part , declared great vrgent causes wherefore they were compelled to forbeare the execution of those decrees for a time , and namely for this , that the greatest part of germany haue alwayes had this perswasion , that great inconvenience hath come to this nation by the court of rome : and now if they should proceede with rigour in executing the popes sentence , and the emperours edict , the people would suspect in their mindes , this to bee done for supporting and confirming the former abuses , whereupon great warres and tumults ( no doubt ) would ensue . for the avoyding whereof , they thought to vse more gentle remedies serving better for the time . also seeing the pope by his foresaid ambassadour desired to be informed what way were best to take , in resisting those errours of the lutherans : the estates answered , that if the popes holinesse with consent of the emperours maiestie , should gather a free christian councell in some convenient place of germanie , and that with such speed as conueniently might bee , it were in their iudgement the readiest way to suppresse the attempts of luther : and in the meane time vntill the councell might bee set , they had provided wayes to stay the tumults of the germaine people . . first , by dealing with the noble prince fredericke duke of saxony , that luther nor his followers shall not write , set foorth , or print any thing during the saide space . . item , that the princes shall labour so with the preachers of germany , that they shall not in their sermons teach or blow into the peoples eares such matters , whereby the multitude may bee mooved to rebellion or vprore , or bee induced vnto errour , and that they shall preach or teach nothing but the true , pure , sincere , and holy gospell , and approoved scripture , according to the exposition approoved and received of christs church . . and finally , as concerning priests that contract matrimony , and religious men leaving their cloysters , for as much as in the civill law there is no penalty for them ordained , they shall bee referred to the canonicall constitutions , to be punished thereafter accordingly : that is by losse of their benefices and priviledges , or other condigne censures . amongst others things done at this assembly of norinberg , certaine grievances were collected to the number of an hundreth , and exhibited to the bishoppe of rome , wherewith the countrey of germanie was grieved , as namely , that many things were prohibited by mens constitutions , which are not prohibited by any commandement of god , and many things were exacted which are not commanded by any precept of god. item , that the popes indulgences and pardons bee most importable , perswading simple people of a remission of sinnes , a poena & culpa , and that not in this life onely , but after this life : through the hope and occasion whereof , true piety is almost extinct in all germany , whilest every evill disposed person promiseth to himselfe for a little mony licence and impunity to doe what him listeth , whereupon followeth fornication , incest , adultery , periury , homicide , robbing and spoyling , rapine , vsurie , with a whole flood of mischiefes . item , that whosoever hath received ecclesiasticall orders , doth contend to bee free from all punishment of the secular magistrate , how great soever his offence be which hee committeth . also , that in many places the bishoppes and their officialls doe not onely suffer priests to haue concubines , so that they pay certaine summes of money , but also compell continent and chaste priestes to pay tribute for concubines , which being paid , it shall bee lawfull for them either to liue chaste or otherwise , as it shall please them . these with many mo , to the number of an . the secular states of germanie delivered to the popes legat , desiring him to present them to pope adrian . but pope adrian died about the same time , and pope clemens the seventh succeeding in his place , sent downe his legat cardinall campeius , vnto the councell of germane princes assembled againe at norinberg the next convention , with letters to duke fredericke full of many faire petitions and sharpe complaints . but as touching the grievances aboue mentioned , no word at all was sent . thus was the pope ever ready with all diligence to call vpon princes to suppresse luther , and the liberty of the gospell . but when any redresse or reformation of the church was craved , hereto the pope neither gaue eare nor answer . in these councels of norinberg it is to bee noted , that the execution of the sentence of leo , and the emperours edict made at wormes against luther was suspended for a time ; and many other things that were desired by the popes legate to bee enacted in a full councell , and with consent of all the empire , yet could not bee brought to passe , by reason that the mindes of divers were gone from the pope . for this cause ferdinand the emperours brother , with campeius and the cardinall of salisburg , the two dukes of bavaria , the bishops of trent and ratisbone , also the legates of the bishops of bamberg , spires , stransbrugh , ausbrugh , constance , basile , frising , passavie , and brixine , assembled themselues together in a particular conventicle at ratisbone , and there ratified all the articles which they had hatched amongst themselues for suppressing of luthers doctrine . . first , that the edict of the emperour made at worms should be observed in all their precincts . . that the gospell , and all other holy scriptures shall be taught according to the interpretation of the auncient forefathers . . that in the sacraments of the masse , and in all other things , no invocation shall be , but all things shall stand as before time they did . . that all that approach to the lords supper without confession and absolution , or doe eate flesh on dayes forbidden , or which doe runne out of their order , also priests that be married shall be punished . . that no booke of luther or lutheran shall be printed or sold. . that they of their iurisdiction , which studie in the vniversitie of wirtenberge , shall euery one repaire home within three moneths after the publishing hereof , or els turne to some other place free from the infection of luther , vnder paine of confiscating all their goods , & loosing their heritage . . that no benefice or other office of teaching be giuen to any student of that vniversitie ; with diverse other articles conteined at greater length in the commentaries of iohn slendan . after this other two conventions were kept at spiers . in the first were exhibited to the princes many billes of request , that monkes and fryers might be no more in place of them that died , and that the priviledges of the clergie might be taken away , as lets of ciuill administration , that certaine holy dayes might be abolished , that choice of meats and ceremonies might be free . and finally , seeing there was no hope of a generall councell , that either the emperour would appoint a provinciall councell in germany for matters of religion , or els cause the decree of wormes to cease . at this time the bishops would not suffer any matter of religion to be handled , and therefore the duke of saxonie , and the landgraue would haue departed . at last it was decreed , that either a generall or provinciall councell should be had within the space of a yeare , and in the meane time the decree of wormace councell to cease . in the next councell kept at spire , where ferdinand ambassadour in the emperours name was present , certaine citties were greatly blamed for altering religion , contrary to the emperours commandement ; and the ambassadour for the citie of argentine was not suffered to sit in the councell , because that cittie had disanulled the masse . shortly after by the assent of a few princes , these points were decreed . that such cities as had altered religion should make no further change . that other places should obey the decree of wormes vntill a generall councell . that it should be lawfull to all men who would vse the masse , euen in those citties where it was abolished . that the anabaptists should be punished by death . that the doctrine of the lords supper shuld not be receiued . that the ministers should teach according to the interpretation of the church . that the princes and cities should not receiue foreiners comming for religion into their dominions , if any man did otherwise , he should be proscript . the duke of saxonie , george prince of brandenburgh , erneste and francisse , princes of luneburg , and the landgraue of hesse , and a prince called anhaldius , withstood this decree , and answered to euery point thereof , saying that the consent of a few could not vndoe that decree which before was made at spire by the whole empire , and therefore that they all made protestation , that they would not acknowledge it . and of this protestation were those princes , and all that allied with them called protestants , which name is now giuen to all them that in their doctrine swerue from the bishop of rome . to the princes aboue-named , these cities following did agree , argentine , norinberg , vlmes , constance , ruteling , winsemium , mening , lindan , campodune , hailbrune , isna , wiseborough , norling sangall . all these cities with the princes refused the act of spire , & appealed to the emperour , and to a generall or provinciall councell . after the breaking vp of this councell , the protestants send ambassadours to the emperour , to declare the causes of their appellation from the councell of spire . the emperour at this time was in italie , and on his iourney to rome to be crowned with the emperiall diadem by pope clement the seuenth ; who hauing heard the ambassadours of the protestants , entreated them roughly and sent them backe againe with menacing words , threatning to punish with all rigour those that would not be obedient to the decree of the foresaid convention of spire . this was the first ground that moued the protestants in the conventiō of smalcaldy , to bind vp a couenant amongst themselues of mutuall ayde , if any of them were pursued for religions sake , as shall be declared afterward , god willing . in the meane time , the citie of argentine entreated league with tigure , berne , and basill ( who being not farre distant might be more helpfull each to other ) that if they were invaded for the quarrell of religion , they should mutually assist one another , wherewith the councell of the empire were much grieued , and found great fault with them . after the emperours returning from italie , where he was crowned with the emperiall diadem , and had sworne to be a defender of the roman church , a solemne conuention of the estates of the empire was kept in the towne of angusta , or s. ausbrugh , to which were brought many learned diuines . the protestants brought with them philip melanchton , iustus ionas , georgius spalatinus , iohannes agricola , islebius , and diverse others . the romane church had for their part cardinall campeius , the popes ambassadour , eccius , iohannes faber cochleus , and many others . the emperour commanded the princes of the protestants to come to masse with him , and to command their preachers to silence , but they answered , they would neither come to masse , nor inioyne their preachers to silence , before the matter was concluded . onely the duke of saxonie after deliberation with his divines , was content at the emperours commandement ( according to his dutie ) to carrie the sword before him as he went to the church . then the emperour vnder great perill commanded both the parties to silence , and he by prerogatiue appointed certaine to preach that should touch no controversie . in this convention the protestants offered vnto the emperour a copie of the articles of their faith , which with great difficultie they obtained to be openly read before they delivered it into the emperours handes . this confession commonly called augustana confessio , was exhibited to eccius and faber , divines on the contrary part , to be confuted , and the copie of this confutation was also openly read . but when the protestants desired that they might answere to it , the emperour would not grant it , saying , he would heare no more disputation , but willed them to returne to the catholique church . also the citizens of argentine , constance , mening , and lindan ( who differed from the other protestants in the opinion of the sacrament ) did in like manner exhibite a confession of their doctrine : a confutation of this booke also was made by eccius and faber , with very bitter and sharpe words ; but the other partie could not haue licence to reply , nor any sight of the copie but as they heard it read . after this , three were chosen on each side to debate matters of religion , where although melanchton granted more then his ●ellowes would haue him , yet nothing was agreed , because that eccius and his two lawyers , who were chosen for the romane church , stucke so fast by their masse and monasticall vowes , that in those things they would admit no reformation . in the end the emperour published a decree , wherein he declared , that although the confession of the protestants was sufficiently confuted , yet he would giue them respite for a time , to returne to the church of rome . in which time they should keepe peace , and alter nothing of religion , and suffer all that would to follow the church of rome . but the princes and protestant cities answered , that they could not keepe that decree with safe consciences . thus was the emperours interim refused , wherefore he set forth another decree , wherein he confirmed the doctrine of the church of rome in all points , and abrogated all manner of appellations made by the protestants . it appointed also an order how the emperours court , called the chamber , should proceed in iudgement against the protestants , and forbidded that any prince of that sect should beare any office in the court , and all that were of the faith of the romane church to be taken into the protection of the emperour against their owne princes . this act caused great feare , wherefore the princes and ambassadours of the protestants shortly after met againe at smalcal●ie , and went through with the league which they had begunne the yeare before , to ayde each other in the quarrell of religion . about this time the emperour hauing sure information , that the turke with great preparation , was setting forward his armie against vienna in austrich , begun somewhat to relent of his rigour , and through the intercession of the bishop of mentz , and the palsgraue , granted peace to the protestants , so that they should ayde the emperour against the turks , and on the other part the action of the chamber-court should cease in all sutes of religion against the protestants . about the same time that all this businesse was in germanie for the doctrine of martin luther , vlricus zuinglius preached the word at zurik , detested the abuse of pardons , & of other corruptions then reigning in the church : but , see , great offence begun to rise , and diverse stepped out on the contrary side to preach and inveigh against him . vpon this the magistrates and senate of zurik , sent forth their commandement to all priests & ministers within their dominion , to repaire to the citie of zurik against the . of ianuarie next ensuing ; there euery one to speake freely , and to be heard quietly touching those controversies of religion . this disputation was appointed in the yeare of our lord . zuinglius had contriued all his doctrine in a certaine ord●● of places , to the number of . articles , which he had published also abroad before , to the end that they who were disposed might resort thither better prepared for disputation . the bishop of constance sent thither iohannes faber stapulensis his vicegerent ; who in stead of disputation , reasoned that this was no convenient place for disputation , but rather the handling of controversies in religion belonged to a generall councell , which he said was alreadie appointed , and nigh at hand . wherevpon the senate of zurik caused incontinent to be proclaimed through all their dominions and territories , that the traditions of men should be displaced and abandoned , and the gospell of christ purely taught out of the old and new testament . when the gospell begun thus to flourish in zurik : the yeare next following , anno . another assemblie of the helvetians was convented at lucerna , where decrees were made on the contrary part ; that no man should deride the masse ; that no mention should be made of luther , or any new doctrine ; that pictures and images of saints in euery place should be kept inviolate : and finally , that all the lawes and decrees set forth by the bishop of constance should be obserued . after these things thus concluded at lucerna , the cantones of helvetia together direct their publique letter to the tygurines , or men of zurik , complaining that they had receiued a new doctrine , which would be the seed of discord , whereas before time all things were in quiet . wherevnto the tigurines answered , that at the first this doctrine seemed strange to themselues , but after they vnderstood it directed them onely to christ , as the pillar and onely rocke of their saluation ; they could no otherwise doe but with ardent affection receiue so wholesome and ioyfull message . and like as faithfull christians in former times after they had receiued the gospell , did not by and by fall out in debate with their neighbours : so l●kewise they trusted , god willing to keepe peace with all men . neuerthelesse , the rest of the cantons grew in hatred against the men of zurike , and for suppressing of the doctrine of zuinglius , appointed a disputation to be holden at baden , which was kept in the moneth of iune , anno . where were present amongst other divines , iohannes faber , eccius , and murnerus . the bishops also of lucerna , basile , curiak , and lawsanna . the conclusions there propounded were these . . that the true body and blood of christ is in the sacrament . . that the masse is a sacrifice for the quicke and the dead . . that the blessed virgin , and other saints are to be invocated as mediators and intercessors . . that images ought not to be abolished . . that there is a purgatorie . which conclusions or assertions eccius tooke vpon him soundly to defend . against him reasoned oecolampadius , preacher at basile , with other moe . zuinglius at that time was not there present , but by writing confuted the doctrine of eccius , declaring withall the causes of his absence , which were for that he durst not for feare of his life commit himselfe to the hands of lucernates , vrbani , suitij , vnternaldi , and tugiani his enemies , and that he refused not to dispute , but onely the place of disputation ; excusing moreouer , that he was not permitted of the senate to come . neverthelesse , if they would assigne the place of disputation , either at zurik , berna , or sangallum , thither he would not refuse to come . the conclusion of this disputation was this , that all should remaine in that religion which hitherto they had kept , and should follow the authoritie of the councell , neither should admit any other new doctrine within their dominions . in the yeare of our lord . the senate and people of berne ( whose power amongst all the helvetians chiefely excelled ) considering how neither they could haue the acts of the disputation of baden committed vnto them , and that the variance about religion still more and more increased , assigned another disputation within their owne cittie , and sending forth writings thereof , called vnto the same all the bishops bordering about them , as the bishops of constance , basile , sedune , lusanna , determining also the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old & new testament . to all that would come thither they graunted safe conduct . and to the end men might come thither better prepared before , they proposed in publique writing ten conclusions in the said disputation to be defended by their ministers by the scriptures , which ministers were franciscus colbus , and bertholdus hallerus . the theames or conclusions were these . . that the true church , whereof christ is the head , riseth out of gods word , and persisteth in the same , and heareth not the voyce of any other . . that the same church maketh no lawes without gods word . . that traditions ordained in the name of the church doe not binde , but so farre forth as they be consonant to gods word . . that christ onely hath made satisfaction for the sins of the world , and therefore if any man say , there is another way of saluation , or meane to put away sinne , he denieth christ. . that the body and blood of christ cannot be receiued really and corporally by the testimonie of the scripture . . that the vse of the masse , wherein christ is presented and offered vp to his heauenly father for the quicke and the dead , is against the scripture , and contumelious to the sacrifice which christ made for vs. . that christ onely is to be invocated as the mediatour and advocate of mankinde to god ●he father . . that there is no place to be found ●y the holy scripture , wherein soules are purged after this life , and therefore all those prayers and ceremonies , yeerely dirges , and obiles , which are bestowed on the dead , also lampes , tapers , and such other things profit nothing at all . . that to set vp any picture or image to be worshipped , is repugnant to the holy scripture , and therefore if any such be erected vp in churches to that intent , the same ought to be taken downe . . that matrimony is prohibited to no estate or order of men , but for eschewing of fornication , generally is permitted to all men by the word of god. and forasmuch as all fornicators are excluded by the testimony of scripture from the communion of the church ; therefore this vnchast and filthy single life of priests , is most of all inconuenient for the order of priesthood . at this disputation were present oecolampadius , bucerus , capito , blanreus , with many other moe , all which defended the affirmatiue of the conclusions propounded . on the contrary part of the opponents , the chiefest captaine was conradus trogedus , a fryer augustine , who to proue his assertion , when he was driuen to shift out of the scripture to seeke helpe of other doctors : and the moderators of the disputation would not permit the same ( being contrary to the order before appointed ) he departed out of the place , and would dispute no more . the disputation indured nineteene dayes , in the end whereof it was agreed , that the conclusions there disputed , were consonant to the truth of gods word , and should be ratified not onely in the cittie of berne , but also proclaimed by the magistrates in sundrie other citties neere adioyning . furthermore , that masses , altars , images , in all places should be abolished . the day and yeare when this reformation with them beganne from popery to true christianitie , they caused in a pillar to be engrauen in golden letters , for a perpetuall memorie to all posteritie to come . this was anno . the rumour of this disputation and alteration of berne was noysed in other citties and places abroad ; and others were encouraged by this occasion , to take the like order within their bounds , and namely the townes of strousbrough , and basile , and geneua . all this time by the providence of god , the emperour and the king of france were together occupied in warres and strife , which hapned very commodiously for the successe of the gospell : for otherwise it is to be thought that the helvetians and other germanes should not haue had that leisure and rest to reforme religion , and to linke themselues in league as they did : albeit , ferdinandus the emperours brother and deputie in germanie omitted no time nor diligence to doe what he could in resisting the proceedings of the protestants : as appeared both by the decrees set forth at ratisbone and speirs , as hath beene declared . the rest of the pages of the helvetians which were of a contrary profession , hearing of the end of this disputation at berne ( and namely because they had not regarded their admonition , disswading them to proceed in their intended purpose of disputation and reformation of religion ) confederated themselues in league with ferdinandus , to suppresse the religion of christ in berne and zurik . the names of which pages especially were fiue , to wit , lucernates , vrani , suitenses , vnternaldij , and tugiani , who for hatred and despite , hanged vp the armes of the foresaid cities vpon a gallowes ; beside many other iniuries and grieuances which they wrought against them . for the which cause the said cities of berne and zurik raised their power , intending to set vpon the foresaid switzers , as vpon their capitall enemies . but as they were in the field readie to encounter one armie against the other , through the meanes of the citie of strousbrough and other intercessours , they were parted for that time , and so returned . after this , the old wound waxing raw againe beganne to burst out , and the tigurines and bernates by reason of certaine new iniuries , and contumelious words spoken against them , began to stoppe the passages and straits , whereby no corne not victuall should be conveyed to the fiue pages aforesaid . this second debate also was composed by meanes of the king of france , and certaine townes of switzerland , as namely the glareans , friburgians , soloturnians , and some other laboured to set them at agreement vpon certaine conditions , which not being kept , and the fiue pages not obseruing the couenant , the warre brake vp of new againe amongst them . and the tigurines and bernates begunne againe to stoppe the passages , so that for lacke of victuall the fiue pages were pinched with penurie . who notwithstanding arming themselues secretly , set forward in warre-like aray towardes the borders of zurike , whereas then was lying a garrison of zurike men , to the number of a thousand and aboue . whereupon word was sent incontinent to the cittie of zurike for ayde to their men . but their enemies approached so fast , that they of zurike could hardly come to rescue them ; fot when they were come to the top of the hill , whereby they must needs passe , they did see their fellowes at the foote of the hill in great distresse . whereupon they encouraging themselues , made downe the hill with more hast then order , striuing who should goe fastest , by reason whereof they were discomfited and ouer-matched by their enemies . amongst the number of them that were slaine , was also vlricus zuinglius the blessed seruant of god , whose bodie after his death they most vildly abused by cutting it in pieces , consuming it with fire , and practising against it , all despite that malice and hatred could deuise . the bernates were willing to come and reuenge their quarrell , but before they came , their enemies set vpon them the second time , and had the vpper hand , yet would they of zurik nothing relent in religion . at the last through mediation , a peace was concluded , and thus the matter agreed , that the tigurines , bernates , and basilians , should forsake the league which they lately made with the citie of strousbrough , and the landgraue . likewise , should the fiue page men giue ouer the league and composition made with ferdinan●us ; and hereof obligations were made and sealed for the greater suretie and better keeping of the promises . in this emperours time , amongst other places , great alteration of religion fell out in the countrey of england vpon this occasion . henry the . king of england , had two sonnes , arthur and henry ; prince arthur his eldest sonne married katherine , daughter to ferdinand king of spaine , but he soone after his marriage died without children . king henry with advise of his nobles to the end her dowrie might remaine within the realme , thought meete to espouse lady katherine to prince henry , brother to king arthur . this marriage seemed very strange and hard for one brother to marry the wife of another ; but yet by dispensation of pope iulian the second , this marriage , which neither sense of nature would admit , nor gods law suffer , was concluded , approued , and ratified , and so continued as lawfull without any scruple or doubt the space of twentie yeares , till that a certaine doubt began to be moued by the spaniards themselues of the emperours councell . anno . at which time charles the emperour being in england , promised to marry lady mary daughter to king henry the eyght , king of england , with the which promise the spanyardes were not well contented ; obiecting , that the ladie mary was begotten of the king of england by his brothers wife . whereupon , the emperour forsaking the marriage , did couple himselfe with ladie isabell , daughter to king emmanuel of portugall , which marriage was done in the yeere of our lord . the king vpon this occasion casting many things in his minde , beganne to consider the matter more deeply , and finding that neither his conscience could be cleered in keeping his brothers wife , nor yet the estate of the realme firme by the succession of a daughter begotten in such a marriage ; he proposed the question to the chiefe vniversities of all christendome , whose censures all agreed in one , that the marriage was vnlawful . yet would not the king proceed to the divorcement without the popes consent . who sent campeius his ambassadour with concurrance of the cardinall of yorke to be iudges in that cause . the cardinall of yorke , called wolsey , at the first was verily bent to haue the divorcemēt set forward , but afterward finding that the kings affection was bent towardes ladie anne bulloigne , to take her in marriage , he changed his purpose , & sent advertisment to pope clement , that in case king henry the eight were divorced from ladie katherine , then should another infected with luthers doctrine succeede in her place , to the great hurt of the church of rome . for this cause the pope calleth backe his ambassadour campeius , before the kings cause was decided . neuerthelesse , the king proceeded in his purpose , and was divorced from ladie katherine by meanes of dr cranmer . this was the ground of that great hatred that fell out betweene the pope and king henry ; for on the one part , the pope cursed king henry , and the realme of england for the divorcement . the king on the other part abolished in his realme the bishop of romes vnlawfull tyrannie , with commandement , that he should be called no more pope in his country , but onely bishop of rome , and that the king should be taken and reputed as supreame head of the church of england , & haue full authoritie to reforme and redresse errours , heresies , and abuses in the same . now to returne againe to germanie . the emperour was so busied with warres all this time , that he had no leisure to tarry in germanie , and although many assemblies were gathered to suppresse the doctrine of luther , he was onely present at two , to wit , at the first kept at wormes , & the last kept at auspurg . for this cause it seemed good to the emperour , to declare his brother ferdinand to be king of the romanes , and apparent successor to the empire , to the end he might with greater authoritie gouerne the affaires of the empire in his absence . he sent also letters to the protestants , commanding them to acknowledge him king. wherefore the ambassadours of the protestant cities being gathered at franckford , concluded with the princes , that for their part they would not for this resist the emperour , & for denying a title and a name only to his brother , to make him more eager against their religion . but the duke of saxonie , & other princes , not agreeing thereto , writ to the emperour , that because it was done against the manner and liberty of the empire , they could not allow it . this seemeth to be the first ground of the warres that after followed . for ferdinand king of the romanes expelled vlrich of wirtenberge from his lordship , and when no redresse could be had at the emperours hands , the landgraue of hesse with his cousin vlrich , gathered an armie ; at lawferme by wirtenberg ouercame their enemies , and put them to flight ; recouered the townes of asperge , wrath , tubinge , and niphe , and tooke prisoner philip , prince palatine and chiefe captaine of ferdinands armie . shortly after , agreement was made on these conditions , that vlrich should haue againe his lordship of wirtenberg , but so that he should hold it by the benefit of ferdinand , and the house of austrich ; that if issue male did saile in the house of wirtenberge , that lordship should returne to the heire of the emperours house of austrich : that the landgraue and vlrich should come to ferdinand , and submit themselues to him . the emperour foreseeing that this diversitie of religion that was in germanie , would in the end burst forth into some bitter fruit , and great inconuenience , aduised with himselfe by what means reconciliation might be made , and all controversie might cease : and in the end appointed a councell at wormes , and communication of religion , and for this cause sent granuellanus thither . but the matter was so long delayed by the fautors of the sea of rome , vntill letters came from the emperour againe to deferre the whole matter to the councell of ratisbone . to which came all the princes of the empire , except the duke of saxonie , who came not himselfe , but sent thither a noble ambassage , together with melanchthon , and other preachers . vnto the same councell also came from the pope caspar conterane , a cardinall . in this disputation , fredericke the palsgraue , and granuellane were appointed moderators : melanchthon , bucer , and pistorius , disputers for the protestants . pflugius , eccius , & gropper for the papists . vnto these six was offered a booke conteining the definition of most articles in controversie , which they were willed to ouer-looke , and either to allow or disallow those things that they could agree vpon . this booke was deliuered againe after a time to the emperour ; in many points they could not agree , in some they did . the protestants deliuered together with the booke , their opinion concerning those controversies , and their arguments to proue the same . the emperour deliuered the same to the princes to be examined : but they being most part popish , referred the whole matter to the popes ambassadour , who exhorting the bishops to honestie of life , and suppressing of luthers doctrine , thought good it should be deferred to a generall councell . this convention which began in aprill anno . was dissolued in the end of iulie ; after that the emperour had decreed , that the communication begun , and whole controversie of religion , should be deferred to a generall or provinciall councell of germanie : that the protestants should teach no other points of religion , then such as were agreed vpon : that bishops should see amendment of life in their diocesse : that there should be a provinciall councell within a yeare and an halfe , if they could not obtaine a generall councell of the pope : that the churches of monasteries should not be pulled downe , but reformed : that the church-goods should not be inverted : that the decree of ausbrough , and all proscriptions of the protestants should be suspended : all those conventions of estates , disputations , promises of generall or provinciall councels to be kept in germanie , could not reconcile diuerse religions , but at length lurking hatred behoued to breake out into open hostilitie . the first occasion whereof was offered by henry , prince of brunswick , who by often invasion of cities , confederated with the protestants in germany , moued the duke of saxonie and the landgraue , to make warre against him in name & quarrell of all the protestants , confederated by the league of smalcaldy . in this warre they subdued all his dominions , and compelled him with his eldest sonne charles to flie for their safetie into bavarie . henry to recouer his dominions againe , first pursued the protestants in the chamber-court of the empire , but the protestants appealed and refused the iudgement thereof . next he made his complaint to ferdinand , the emperours brother ; and last went into italie to the emperour , & there at cremona grieuously accused the protestants , to whom the emperour sent an hard message , that if the prince of brunswick were not restored , he would take such order , whereby he should be restored whether they would or no. notwithstanding all this , the emperour at his returning into germanie , after he had heard the declaration of the protestants against the duke of brunswick , albeit , the emperour was loath to giue out any grieuous sentence against him , yet at length he determined that all the dukes lands should remaine as sequestred in his hands , vntill that matter were ended . all this while the emperour was busied in warres against the king of france ; ●ut in the end a peace was concluded betweene them vpon certaine conditions . amongst others this was one , that they should both ioyne in the restitution of the romish religion . the effects of this vnhappie agreement were soone felt , both in france and germanie ; for in france minerius governour of provance , by the kings commandement went with an armie against the waldenses that dwelt in merindol , cabreire , and certaine other townes of provance . the poore men of merindol , fearing his comming , fled into the woods and mountaines with their wiues and children ; he in the meane time spoyled and burned the townes being left voyde : and in merindol finding but one young man , bound him to an oliue tree , and shot him thorow with guns . at cabreire the citie was yeelded vnto him , vpon promise that they should sustaine no harme , but he kept no promise , but shewed great crueltie , killing them euery one : some in the churches , some in other places , and burned women that were in a barne full of straw . there were slaine , partly in that towne , partly abroad , aboue . beside other places . they which fled vnto the mountaines & woods , partly were famished , partly otherwise slaine , partly sent to the gallowes . persons that fled into a caue by the towne of mussie , were smoothered to death with smoke . certaine of the heluetians , sued vnto the king of france to fa●our the waldenses , but no entreatie would serue : alwayes this tyrane minerius escaped not the iust iudgement of god , for god striked him with a terrible disease , and hee felt like vnto a fire burning him from the navell vpward , and the lower parts were rotten and consumed away with vermine , with an extreame stinke , and profusion of blood in place of his vrine , and so with great torments hee ended his wretched life . in germanie like as it was harder to oppresse so great a number as had alreadie embraced the gospell , so likewise the emperour was compelled to doe his turne by craft , rather then by force , for he sent letters to diuers cities of the protestants as to argentine , noriberg , ausbrough , vlmes , indeuouring to perswade them , that he entended not warre against them , but against certaine other traytours and rebells , against whom hee doubted not but they would assist him . in like manner also he writ to the prince of wittenberg . also when palsgraue of rhene writ to the emperour to know against whom he prepared his war , he receiued the same answere that before was written to the cities with manifest signification that it was against certaine princes of the protestants , not so much for religion as for other things : and finallie the heluetians who had receiued the gospell , tigure , berne and basile were circumuented with the like policie : for the emperour had perswaded ●hem that he would not medle with religion : by this meanes hee had not onely diuers places quiet , but also vsed the helpe of many princes and cities which fauoured the religion against the duke of saxonie and lantgraue of hesse . this war begun in the selfe same yeere wherein the councell of trent was gathered , to with . . & the league between the emp. & the pope against the protestants was openly pronounced at trident. the pope also laied in the venetians hands for this war . crownes , and moreouer for the space of halfe a yeere did finde . italian foote , and . light horsemen . thus was their great preparation and deepe policie vsed to suppresse two noble princes whom they knew to be chiefe defenders of the reformed religion . the emperour being at ratisbone and looking for his companies of italians and spaniards , in the meane time by proclamation proscribeth out-lawes , the duke of saxonie and the lantgraue , alleadging these causes . that they had made warre against certaine princes of the empire . that they had spoyled them , and oppressed certaine bishops . that they refused and subverted the iudgement of the chamber-court , and entered league against him , making no mention of religion . shortly after hee sent a copie of this proscription vnto maurice and august princes of saxonie , and commaunded them as being next of their kinred to enter vpon the goods & lands that appertained vnto them , threatning grieuous punishments except they so did . the protestants hauing a copie of the proscription , answered vnto the same at large . and first whereas the emperour pretended the fauour of religion and commonwealth , they declared by many arguments that it was dissembled & false . and as touching the causes of their proscription expressed they answered to euerie part , and cleered themselues protesting that they did not make warre vpon the emperour , but repell that iniurie which he offered them . the bohemians incited by their king ferdinand first invaded the lands of the d. of saxonie lying next vnto them : maurice prince of saxonie sent advertisement to the duke , that seeing he was heire to the dukedome hee would take such order , as his heritage should not come into other mens hands , and immediatly by the helpe of ferdinands armie subdued all the dukes lands , except viteberge , isimake , and goth : & perceiuing himselfe to be in hatred and displeasure with many for so doing , set forth a proclamation to excuse himselfe , saying that hee could not lawfully resist the emperour , seeing that he had assured him that hee would neither opresse religion , nor yet hurt the libertie of germanie . the duke of saxonie willing to recouer againe his owne lands assaulted lipsia , and departing from thence , did not onely recouer all that he had lost in turinge and misne but also wanne from maurice all his cities except lipsia and dresta . maurice and august on the other part ioyning with the armie of ferdinand , were all minded to ioyne also with the emperours armie , and so with all their forces to invade saxonie . the nobilitie in the countrey thinking it was dangerous to their libertie to bring so many spaniarde and italians into their countrie , sent word to maurice and august that they would depart with their bands of italians and spainiards , otherwise such order and remedie should be found as the time and matter required . in this meane time many of the princes of the protestants & townes ( with whom the emperour was displeased , because of the aide they had sent to the duke of saxonie and lantgraue ) reconciled themselues to the emperour and obtained their pardon after they had payed great summes of money . of this number was palsgraue of the rhene elector , and the prince of witemberg . also earnest request was made to the emp. for the lantgraues pardon by the marques of brādenburg . but the conditions were so grieuous , that the lantgraue would rather venture the extremitie , then submit himselfe . the emperour came forward to misne by the riuer albis , not farre from the duke of saxonie campe. wherefore the duke made speed to witemberg and burnt the bridge that the emperour should haue no readie passage to pursue him , but the emperour getting knowledge of a shallow ford in the riuer quicklie followed the duke , and by the wood of lothans ouertooke him , & ioyning battell discomfited him and tooke him prisoner , and although the duke was condemned to die , yet by the entreatie of the marques of brandenburg his life was granted him with most grieuous conditions , amongst which this was one , that hee should submit himselfe to the old religion , but he chosed rather to die then so to doe . wherefore the marques of brandenburg obtained also that condition to be remitted : but al his lands and goods were giuen to maurice , except a pension of . crownes which the same maurice paied him yeerely . immediately herevpon witemberg yeelded to the emp. as also diuers other princes and cities did the like . the lantgraue was content to yeeld al that he had to the emp. pleasure so that hee might not be kept prisoner , which condition the marques of brandenburg & maurice the new duke of saxonie , that had married his daughter , vndertooke to obtaine , and for the performance of the same bound thēselues to him in great bonds but when he came to the emp. hee was commaunded to remaine as prisoner : then he began to complaine grieuously saying that the emperour kept not promise . and the next day the marques of brandenburg & maurice went to the emp. and intreated for the lantgraue , but all would not serue : for the emperour answered that he brake no promise , although he kept him . yeeres in prison . for his meaning was onely to pardon him perpetuall emprisonment . this matter afterward turned the emp. to great trouble . in the meane time hauing the principall chiefe princes of the protestants in captiuitie , the emp. thought meete to gather a conuention of the estates at ausbrough to finish that matter which hee had intended long before . all the electors with other princes were gathered together in great number , but about the citie and in diuers places of the countrie , neere thereto was companies of spaniards and italians , and other souldiers to the terrour of them that were present . the principall matter purposed was concerning the councell of trident. the emperour required of the princes , priuatlie of the palsgraue & maurice duke of saxonie , whether they would submit themselues to the councell of trident or no. at the first they refused it , but afterward fearing the emp. displeasure they were cōtented to permit the matter to his will. the free cities also being demaunded if they would adde any thing to the answere of the princes , answered it was not their part so to doe , and offered a writing to the emperour , on what condition they would admit the councell . the emperour as though they had fullie consented sent to the cardinall of trident and the pope desiring that the councell which was remoued from trident to bononia , might bee againe revoked to trident which was neerer to germanie , vpon hope that the germanes would come and submit themselues to the councell . but forasmuch as the pope and bishops assembled at bononie , would not returne backe againe to trident , but vpon such conditions as liked themselues best : the emperour protested by his ambassadours that all such things that they should decree there to be vnlawfull and of no force , and that he himselfe would vndertake the care of the cōmon-wealth of christendome which the bishops neglected . thus the emperour perceiuing that there was no hope of a generall councell in germanie consulted with the princes about the agreement of religion , and appointed iulius pflugins bishop of numburg , michael sidon and iohn islebie to draw out a booke for reformation of religion , which they called interim . this was the ground of a new trouble , for the emperour strictly commaunded that the princes would receiue and admit the manner of religion set forth in the booke called interim . the duke of saxonie that was kept prisoner , being earnestlie required to subscribe would not in any wise , and for that cause after was vsed more strictly , insomuch that his preacher who was hitherto permitted , fled for feare of danger . the lantgraue hoping to obtaine fauour , and libertie receiued the emperours booke , and submitted himselfe to it , but all would not helpe him . the marques of brandenburge not onely receiued it himselfe , but also sent for martin bucer , whom partly with entreatie , partly with thretnings he commaunded to subscribe the emperours booke , but he constantlie refused , and with great danger of his life returned to argentine . wolfangus musculus preacher at ausbrough perceiuing the counsell of the towne not to stand constantly in defence of religion , went to berne in switzerland . brentius was compelled to flie from hala a towne of sueue and was receiued of vlrick duke of wirtemberg . andreas osiander , erasmus sarcerius , erardus schueffins , and other preachers of the dukedome of wirtemberg , fled because they would not allow the emperours booke . martin bucer and paulus fagius left germanie and went to england , ambrose blaurer left the towne of constance . mauricius duke of saxonie returning home from ausbrough , proclaimed the emperours decree concerning religion . vpon that occasion the diuines and preachers , of the vniuersities of lipsia and witenberg , diuers times assembled themselues , and at length concluded vpon these things ( that they called indifferent ) to receiue them as the emperour had prescribed . this thing was by other preachers in germanie sore impugned , saying that by the interpretation of their indifferencie they had opened a way to the whole doctrine , and superstition of the church of rome taking those things for indifferent in which was manifest errour . the tyrannie of this booke indured not long , for it was hated of all men , the pope himselfe added his corrections vnto it : for albeit it established all the grounds of the roman religion , yet because it tolerated the marriage of priests and the vse of the sacrament vnder both kindes , and tooke not so sharpe order for restoring of the church goodes as hee could haue wished , for those causes and others such like the pope would not giue his allowance to this booke without some corrections . this booke also was impugned both by protestants and papists . of the protestants caspar aquila a preacher in turingia impugned it as a booke replenished with false doctrine , and on the other side robertus abrincensis episcopus impugned it for giuing libertie to priests to marrie , and permitting the people to haue the sacrament vnder both formes . while this great stirre and trouble was in germanie , in england by the authoritie of a parliament the vse of the masse was altogether forbidden , and a booke made of an vniforme order of common prayers , and administration of the sacraments in the english tongue . edmond boner bishop of london , and stephen gardiner bishop of winchester , for obstinate defending of the roman doctrine were depriued of their bishoprickes , and cast in prison , where they continued all the time of king edwards raigne . but to returne againe to the troubles of germanie , of all the cities of the protestants , there was none that more constantly beared out the emperours indignation as the citie of magdeburg . for neither would they acknowledge the councell of trident , neither yet the emperours booke of interim , but fortified their towne against maurice duke of saxonie , whom the emperour made captaine in that warre , vntill at last an agreement was made vpon easie conditions . when maurice with his garrison entered into their citie , hee grieuously blamed their preachers , that both in their bookes and pictures they had done much to his reproach , but yet he exhorted them to pray for the good successe of the emperour , and the generall councell of trident. to whom they answered that they could not pray any otherwise for that councell that was assembled to oppresse the truth , but that god would soone disturbe it , and breake it vp . the end of the warre against the citie of magdeburg was the beginning of great warre , and dangerous trouble against the emperour . for maurice duke of saxonie perceiuing the emp. would not stand to his promise , consulteth with forraine princes how hee might by force deliuer his wifes father , the lantgraue , and when hee found that all things were in readinesse , hee begun to muster his souldiers , & shortly after set forth a proclamation to the states of the empire , in the which first hee lamenteth the discord of religion , secondly he rehearseth grieuouslie the imprisonment of the lantgraue his wifes father , signifying that hee was so kept against all truth and honour , to the report of all germanie . lastly he bewaileth the pittifull estate of all germanie , and oppression of their libertie , protesting that the cause of this warre was to restore the old dignitie and freedome . albert marques of brandenburge , maketh also his proclamation , and after a long rehearsall of the miseries of germanie , referreth the cause of all to the churchmen , and therefore signifieth this warre to bee chiefely against them . william the lantgraues sonne ioyned his power with duke maurice at shuinforde . the king of fraunce also ioyned in this warre and led an armie vnto germanie . as they went forward , they caused the cities to submit themselues , commaunded them to pay great summes of money , and displaced such as the emperour had set in authoritie , and restored their old senatours , willing them to vse their priuiledges , and liberties that the emperour before had forbidden . the report of this warre and the good successe of maurice , namely after the citie of ausbrough was by him taken , made the councell of trident to breake vp and dissolue . the emperour , on the other part set at libertie fredericke the olde duke of saxonie , as it were to signifie to maurice that hee should claime againe the dukedome of saxonie , and electorship that he enioyed , and thereby to put him in more feare . albert marques of brandenburge , in this warre shewed great extremitie to diuers cities , and noble personages , against the mind of maurice and the other confederates . the king of fraunce led forward his armie to strawsburge , and hearing that communication of peace was betwixt maurice and the emperour , and that they were in good hope to haue their princes deliuered , hee to gratifie them was content to returne to fraunce , but was much displeased that duke maurice would enter in communication of peace without his knowledge . in the end agreement passed betweene the emperour and duke maurice vpon these conditions . that the lantgraue should be set at libertie . that their religion should be quiet , vntill a certaine order were taken for the same in the next assemblie of of the empire . that maurice and the princes confederats should suffer their souldiers to serue king ferdinand in hungarie . that the protestants should bee admitted iudges in the chamber-court , with diuerse such other like conditions . the end of this warre was also the beginning of another cruell warre betwixt duke maurice and the marquis of brandenburg , which fell out vpon this occasion . the marquis being reconciled to the emperour and in great favour with him , did many iniuries in germany , not onely to the bishops ( whom hee ever deadly hated ) but also to diverse princes and cities , yea and that vnder the name of religion . duke maurice with certaine other went against him , and met at the river of visurg , where albert was overcome . but duke maurice was so stricken with a gun , that hee died within two dayes after . before this , in germanie were seene drops of blood vpon the trees , and certaine other strange sights . in england about this time , fell out a great alteration in religion , through the death of king edward , of whom the world was not worthy : lady mary his sister succeeding to the kingdome . shee ioyned her selfe in mariage with philip sonne to charles the emperour , and restored not onely the popes supremacie , dissallowed by her father king henrie the eight : but also the masse , and all superstitions of the romane church , abrogated in the dayes of king edward her brother . also shee caused the realme of england in the high court of parliament , to confesse their defection from the catholike church , and to craue absolution , having there in readinesse cardinall poole , the popes ambassadour to absolue them . what excessiue cruelty was vsed in her time , no tongue can expresse . the very name of diocl●sian begunne to bee lesse abhorred , when the name of queene mary came forth . her cruelty beginning at iohn hooper bishop of glocester , iohn bradford , laurence saunders , rowland taylor , iohn rogers , preachers : proceeded shortly after to ferrar bishop of saint davids , whose constant death amazed the people , and confirmed their mindes in the true doctrine that they had learned of him . this persecution raged in all parts of the land , but specially in kent , essex , and norhfolke . some of those parts were chiefe maintainers of her authoritie , and against the mind of the nobilitie and councell , set forward her right to the kingdome , but this reward they receiued in the end at her hands . the cruell martyrdome of cranmer bishop of canterbury , ridley bishop of london , latymer bishop of worcester , doctor philpot , and many others , with the raising vp of the bones of the men of god , bucer and fagius , out of their graues , and the cruelty intended against her owne sister lady elizabeth : all these things being so well and amply discoursed in the booke of martyrs , the godly reader is to be remitted to the reading of the sayd booke . now to conclude this historie of charles , something is to be noted of his warres with the turkes . in his time solyman the great turke conquered the citie of belgrade , the most sure and strong garrison of the christians , and vexed the countrey of hungarie . he besieged the isle of rhodes and tooke it , to the great shame and rebuke of christian men . who provided not support for the rhodians , that resisted the common enemy so long and so couragiously . after this solyman slew lewis king of hungarie , and paulus bishop of collen , who more rashly then wisely , with a small power of foure and twenty thousand men , encountered the great turke leading an army of . souldiers . also hee besieged vienna , but was mightily resisted and repulsed with losse of a great number of his army : all this was done before the emperour charles began to stirre himselfe against the turke : but when the matters of religion in germanie were put to some point in the councell of ratisbon , the emperour raised an army of eighty thousand footmen , and thirty thousand horsemen : and compelled the turke to raise his siege from the towne of gunza , and with speed to retyre backe to constantinople . after this charles sayled with an army vnto africa , and restored the king of tunis to his kingdome againe , whom barbarossa admirall of the turkes navie in africke had dispossessed and deprived of his kingdome . in this same voyage he delivered . captiues out of servitude . notwithstanding solyman with vnsatiable ambition pnft vp to conquer all europe , was ever subduing townes and isles , as corcyra , zacynthus , cythara , naxus , with diverse others , also the towne of newcastle in dalmatia , and buda in hungarie , which hee obtained by meanes of frier cogdridge tutor to stephen , sonne to iohn , vaivod of transilvania , and meanes of the relict widow of the sayd vaivod . these two sent for aide to the turke against ferdinand , and the turke not neglecting so good an occasion , came to hungarie , discharged the hoast of ferdinand that was besieging buda , and got the citie into his owne hands . which done , hee prevailed mightily in hungarie , and tooke the towne called quinque ecclesiae , and strigonium , alba regalis , and vizigradum : and it was an easie matter for him to haue conquered all hungarie , in respect the emperour charles was so busie in warres with the king of france , that the common enemy of all christian people had leave to rage at his owne pleasure , and had it not beene the gracious providence of god , pitying the misery of christian people , who stirred vp the persian sophie against solyman , and droue him backe out of europe for a time , and likewise the murther of his owne sonne mustapha , which stirred vp a peece of a tragedie in his owne house , the christian people had no doubt beene brought to greater extremities in solymans dayes . the vnprosperous voyage of the emperour to argier , i passe by , and many conventions of estates in germanie , kept for quieting of religion and preparation for warre against the turkes . in the end the emperour finding himselfe troubled with sicknesse , resigned the gouernment of the low countries into the hands of king philip his sonne , and surrendred the imperiall crowne vnto the electors of germany , & sayled vnto spaine , where hee entered into an house of religion , and gaue himselfe to meditation and prayer , and there concluded his life . ferdinandus . after that charles the fift had surrendered the imperiall crowne into the hands of the electors of germany , they assembled at frankford , and there elected ferdinand king of bohemia , and brother to the forenamed charles the fift to bee emperour , who raigned seven yeeres . the ancient manner was that he should be crowned in the forenoone at masse : but because diverse of the electors would not in any wise come to masse , the coronation was solemnized in the afternoone , and the masse with other like ceremonies omitted . to this king before hee was elected emperour , his nobles in the countrey of bohemia made earnest supplication that they might bee permitted to vse the sacrament in both kindes , according to christs institution : but he strictly commanded them they attempted no alteration in religion . neverthelesse , the nobility continuing constant in the purpose of their mindes , at last after many earnest suits obtained their desire . in france about this time the persecution of the protestants waxed hot , and king henry the second was sore grieved , that the parliament of paris it selfe , could not be kept free of this new doctrine as hee called it . wherefore hee caused annas burgeus , an honourable and wise counsellor to be taken , to whom hee spoke in great wrath , that hee would stand by and see his body burnt for that new religion which hee favoured . but hee was wonderfully cut off before hee could get his heart satisfied with that pitifull spectacle of the burning of a noble counsellor . for god so disposed the matter , that the king cloathed all in armour put a speare in one of his subiects hands , and compelled him against his will to runne at him , at which time the said speare broke , and a small splinter of it entring at the kings eye , pierced into his braine , whereby hee died . yet by his death was not the foresaid persecution relented , but rather vehemently augmented for francis the second , succeeding to his father henry in the the kingdome , married mary queene of scots , who was descended of the linage and stocke of the house of guise . by this meanes the guisians were in great credit and authority with the king , and presumed to high things , not onely to suppresse the gospell vtterly in france , but also in scotland . for at this time a great part of the nobility and people of scotland had shaken off the yoke of the romane bishop , they had throwne downe altars and images , and had forsaken all the superstitious ceremonies of the romane church . the guisians purposing to supresse the scotish nobility , sent out of france into scotland an army of men , vnder the conduct of monsieur la broch . this army assisted the queene regent to reduce backe againe the kingdome of scotland to the romish religion : but the scottish nobility obtayned helpe of the queene of england , and brought the frenchmen to such extremity , that they were compelled to accept conditions of peace , and to retyre backe againe to france . so this first high attempt of the guisians against the reformed religion in scotland , was by the providence of god disappointed . in france the king with advice of the guisians had appointed a nationall councell to bee kept in orleance , for the quieting the tumults which were like to ensue for religion in france : but all was done in hypocrisie and with deceitfull mindes as evidently appeared : so soone as the king of navarre and prince of condie came to orleance , and had saluted the king , the captaine of the kings guard layd hands on the prince of condie , and the king was informed that the prince of condie had conspired against his honour and life . thus by the craft and deceitfull practises of the guisians , was the prince of condie brought into great danger and hazard of his life , and had assuredly died if the mercy of god had not provided timely reliefe : but the lord pitying the estate of his owne poore church in france , shortned the life of francis the second , who dyed of a putrefaction of his eares . and thus was the second high attempt of the guisians against the gospell marvailously disappoynted by the sudden and vnexpected death of francis the second . after whose death the innocency of the prince of condie , was declared by a decree of the parliament at paris : and the government of the young king , charles the ninth , was devolued in the hands of the queen mother , and the king of navarre . those gouernours with advice of the states of the realme , thought meet that a free disputation should be appointed at poyssie a towne in france , neere to saint germane , wherein the controversies of religion should bee freely reasoned , in presence of the young king , the queene mother , the king of navarre , and other princes of the royall blood . this disputation began the ninth of september , anno . for the protestants part were appointed theodorus beza minister at geneva , peter martyr professor of divinity in zuricke , nicholas gelasius , augustinus marloratus , iohannes merlinus , franciscus morellus , iohannes malo , and espineus , a man of great learning , who had lately forsaken the romane church , and embraced the true reformed religion . on the other part the cardinall of loraine , with many other cardinalls , archbishops , and bishops , to the number of fifty prelates , besides many other divines and doctors were ready to pleade the cause of the romish church . in this disputation , after that theodorus beza had at length declared the summe of the protestants faith , and the cardinall of loraine had answered : in the end the romane prelats devised a pretty shift to cut off all further reasoning : for the cardinall of loraine produced the opinion of the germans about the matter of the sacrament , extracted out of the cōfession of ausbrugh , & jemanded of the protestants whether they would subscribe to it or no , to the end that if they consented to subscribe , they might seem to haue convicted themselues of errour in the matter of the sacrament ; and if they refused to subscribe , then it might bee knowne to the princes that were present , that the protestants agreed not amongst themselues . to this it was answered by theodorus beza in the next meeting , that if the confession of ausbrough should be subscribed , then it was good reason to require a subscription of the whole confession , and not of one line thereof onely : also if they vrged the protestants to subscribe that confession of ausbrough , then let themselues first begin to subscribe the same : and when they haue yeelded to the whole confession of ausbrugh , it will be more easie to finde out any way of agreement in matters of religion . after this the forme of disputation was changed , and a few in number , to wit , fiue onely on either side , were chosen to conferre in quiet and peaceable manner , who beginning at the matter of the sacrament , seemed all to agree in this forme : that iesus christ by the operation of the holy spirit , offereth and exhibiteth vnto vs the very substance of his body & blood , and wee doe receiue and eate spiritually and by faith that same body which dyed for vs , to the end we may be flesh of his flesh , and bone of his bones , and that we may be quickned by him , and receiue all things that are needfull to our salvation . and because faith leaning to the word of god maketh those things that are received to be present , by this faith indeed we receiue truely and effectually the very naturall body and blood of iesus christ , through the power of the holy spirit . in this respect wee acknowledge the presence of the body and blood in the supper . the article of the sacrament being conceiued in this forme , was presented to both the parties , and many of the romane prelates condiscended to the article aboue specified : but when they had conferred with the doctors of sorbon , they all with one consent refused the same : and finding that the communers that were chosen for their part did persevere in their opinion , they cryed out against them , and would giue no further power to them to reason in that cause . thus the disputation of poyssie broke vp the . of november , without any agreement of the controversies in religion , but rather leaving in the harts of men a seed of greater contention and cruell wars , which afterward ensued . but before we speak of the warres in france for religion : somewhat is to bee spoken of the cruell persecution that the faithfull suffered in piemont , in which countrey certaine townes had received the gospell , and abolished the masse : namely , the townes of angrona , lucerne , perose , tallaret , with divers others in the convalles of piemont : all which townes are subiect to the dominion of the duke of savoy , who hearing of the reformation that was made in the foresayd bounds of his dominion , sent out his captaine triniteus with an army of . men , against them , to sack and vtterly destroy them , except they would receiue the masse againe , and put away from them their ministers . the towne of angrona was first assaulted , and the people fled to the mountaines , but being strictly pursued they turned themselues , and with slings & stones defended their liues and put their enemies to the worse , in so much that triniteus the dukes captaine was to deale with them by subtilty and craft , rather then by open force , and therefore promised vnto the convallenses that if they layd downe their armour , and sent messengers to the duke to cuane his pardon , and would pay to him the summe of sixteene thousand crownes , then vpon those conditions they should haue peace . the poore people glad to accept conditions of peace , performed all that was required , but no peace could be obtained of the duke , except they would put away their ministers , and receiue the masse againe . therefore being spoiled both of money and armour , by the craft of their enemies , and a new army also sent against them , they were compelled in time of winter to flie with their wiues and children to the mountaines all over-layd and covered with snow ▪ and from thence to behold the pitifull spectacles of the burning of their houses , and spoyling of their goods . but necessity compelling them to make some shift for their liues , they tooke the strict passage of the mountains and resisted their enemies , committing the successe to god , who so prospered this poore vnarmed people , that in few skirmishes there were killed a thousand of their enemies , and scarce fortie persons of their owne . triniteus the captain by the counsell of truchetus , an expert warriour , thought meet to besiege the castles of convallenses , but god fought against them in all their enterprises , and the convallenses came vpon them suddenly as they were besieging a certaine castle , and slew a great number : and truchetus himselfe was first sore wounded with stones , & afterward was slaine with his owne sword by a poore shepheard , that was keeping cattell in the fields . in the end when triniteus was out of all hope to subdue the angronians and their complices , he advertised the duke of sauoy how all matters went , and peace was granted to the convallenses , with libertie to vse their owne religion ; providing they should render all due seruice and obedience to the duke of savoy their soveraigne lord and master . to returne againe to france . after the disputation at rossie the number of the protestants daily increased , and rumours of sedition & vprores were in the mouths of all the people . the queene mother willing to prouide timely remedie for repressing of ciuill and intestine warre , assembled the estates of the land at s. germane , where the edict of ianuarie was made , bearing that the professours of the reformed religion might assemble themselues together , to heare preaching of the word , provided those assemblies were kept without the towns & without armour . this edict was published throughout all the land , and sore grieued the hearts of the adversaries , namely , the duke of guise , the constable mommeraunce , and the marescall santandreus , who consulted together how they might haue this act vndone againe , but no way could be found out to bring this matter to passe , except first the king and queene mother were in their hands , to the end that the force of the lawes which they feared might be turned against their enemies , when as they had the law-makers in their owne hands . this was also thought to be an high attempt , and dangerous to be enterprised , so long as the king of navarre was their enemie , and a fauourer of the reformed religion ; for this cause all meanes were sought out to divert the affection of the king of navarre from his foresaid religion . the cardinall ferrar being the popes ambassadour in france , put him in hope that by the popes trauailes with philip king of spaine , the kingdome of navarre should be restored to him againe , if he would turne to the catholique religion . thus was the heart of the king of navarre stolen away from his religion , to the great encouragement of the duke of guise and his complices , who without further delay put hand to worke . the first fruits of his martiall deeds after he raised his armie , was the cruell massacre of poore vnarmed people , assembled to heare the word of god at vassiace , a towne in the borders of champaigne , and neere vnto his dominion . those poore people to the number of a thousand and fiue hundreth , being occupied as is said vpon the sabbath day , the duke of guise came vpon them suddenly , and compassed the church wherein they were with armed souldiers , that none might escape ; also the duke himselfe stood in the entry with a drawne sword in his hand , and sent in his souldiers , who most cruelly without compassion of sex or age , martyred the poore members of christ , for hearing of his word . after this , the duke of guise addressed himselfe toward paris , where he was receiued with ioyfull acclamations of the people : and from thence he marched forward to fonteblew , where the king was , and seased himselfe of the king and the queene mother , and for greater securitie transported them both to paris . on the other part , the prince of condie went to orleance , to whom resorted a great number of the nobles of france , namely , the admirall castilion , andelot , princeps porcianus , rupsfocald , with many others , who all bound themselues together , to set the king and the queene mother at libertie from captivitie , wherein they were deteined by the guisians ; as also to defend the true professours of the gospell of christ , that according to the act of ianuarie they might without molestation assemble themselues to heare the word of god. the prince of condie was chosen to be their chieftaine , to whom the queene mother sent many secret letters , declaring that she was deteined by the guisians against her heart . and if the prince of condie could set the young king and her selfe at libertie , shee would neuer be vnmindfull of so great a benefit . thus in the beginning of the warres the queene mother fauoured the prince of condie , and stirred him vp with many letters and secret advertisements , to procure her and her sonnes libertie : for greater euidence whereof , the letters themselues are inserted in the french historie . many great townes in france were taken and fortified by the protestants , as namely , orleance , lion , valence , granoble , roane , bourgos , towers , poictiers , montpellier , and nimes . many of those townes were recouered againe by the guisians , namely , bourges , and roane . at the siege of roane , the prince of navarre was slaine , and receiued a iust reward of his inconstancie and leuitie . and augustinus marlorart , a faithfull seruant of christ , and preacher of the gospell , was taken by the guisians , and afterward hanged . many great cruelties were designed against those of the religion in this first warre , namely in tullus , aurange , burges , roan , sens , and diverse other places . in montargis , belonging to the ladie rence , daughter to lewis the twelfth , dutches dowager of ferrar , fell out a very remarkeable matter . this ladie was a retrait to diuers families of the religion , notwithstanding the threatnings of the duke of guise , sonne in law to the said ladie , who sent thither one malig corne , a new knight of the order , to sease vpon the towne and castle : who begun to threaten the ladie with canon shot , to batter her castle , wherin were diuers of the religion . but the princesse answered him , that there was not any man in the realme , except the king alone , that had power to command her . and if he would proceed to such boldnesse as to batter her castle with canon shot , shee would first stand in the breach her selfe , to try if he durst be so bold as to kill the daughter of a king. those words caused malicorne , like a snaile to pull in his hornes , and presently to depart . afeer this , the prince of condie perceiuing that great preparation was made against him , and the queene mothers affection was turned away to the guisians , thought meete to send for ayde to the queene of england ; and the prince of condie willing to ioyne himselfe with the english armie , marched forward to normandie , but the duke of guise followed after him with so great celeritie , that the prince of condie was compelled to ioyne battell with the guisians at dreux in normandie , before he was supported of the english armie . this battell was fought with vncertaine victory , for on the one part the prince of condie was taken by the guisians , and on the other part , the constable was taken by the protestants , and the marescall sanctandreus was slaine . the duke of guise after this battell renewed his forces , and besieged the towne of orleance , where he was slaine by a souldier , called portrot . this slaughter was the ground of a new peace ; for after the death of the duke of guise , a new edict was made the thirteenth day of march anno . although not so ample as the edict of ianuarie : yet by it some libertie was granted to the protestants to enioy their owne religion without disturbance of any . this was the end of the first ciuill warre in france for religion . maximilianus the second . after the death of ferdinand , maximilian his sonne king of hungarie was made emperour , & gouerned twelue yeares : he gaue his two daughters in marriage vnto two puissant princes , to wit , to charles the ninth : king of france , he gaue elizabeth , and to philip king of spaine he gaue his eldest daughter anna. great troubles for religion fell out in his time , namely , in the low countries and in france . in the low countries , the number of them that professed the gospell increased marueilously ; and on the other part , the rage of the popish prelats causing the spanish inquisition to be severely executed , wrought great feare in the hearts of the professours of the gospell . also duke de albe was sent with a great armie vnto the low countries , vtterly to extirpate and roote out the gospell , who behaued himselfe most outragiously against the nobilitie and townes of the low countries , in beheading count egmount , and count horne , and permitting his souldiers to vse all kinde of villanie against honest matrons , and the daughters of honest citizens , and oftentimes compelled the husbands themselues to stand beside , and be eye witnesses of the vilde abusing of their owne wiues . also with so great severity he executed the spanish inquisitiō against the professours of the gospell , that the people were compelled to take armes , vnder the conduct of william nassaw , prince of orange , and lodouicus his brother , to defend their liues , the libertie of their countrie , and of their consciences against the barbarous tyrannie of this duke and his armie . in this warre although the prince of orange was oftentimes defeated , and his brother slaine , yet the countrey so abhorred the crueltie of duke de albe , that the most part of zeland and holland was conquered by the princes armie , and was free from the tyrannie of the spaniards . in france the professours of the gospell could not enioy the benefit of the edict of pacification made in march , anno . except in a few parts where the authoritie of some noble persons fauouring the gospell procured obedience to the foresaid edict , as namely , the presence of condie in picardie , andelot in britannie , and the queene of navarre in gascoigne . in other parts of the country , little regard was had to the edict . the cardinall of loraine also a capitall enemie to the gospell , had consulted with the fathers of the councell of trent , by what way the gospell might be suppressed in france , and it was thought meetest that a couenant should be made amongst them that fauoured the catholique religion ( which they called the holy league ) to extirpate and roote out them that professed the new religion ( for so they named it ) and the two puissant kings of spaine and france in speciall should bee intreated to be of this league , and mutually to helpe one another to roote out the gospellers . now when king charles the . was . yeares old , and declared to be maior , it was thought meete that he should make a progresse through the bounds of his dominions ; pretending that it was expedient that the king should know the estate of his country , and that he should heare the complaints of his people ; but the cause indeed of this progresse , was that the king of france might meete with the king of spain in bayon , for binding vp of the league aforesaid . in this progresse was discharged all preaching and exercising of the reformed religion in the townes of france , wherein it should happen the king to be , during the time of his progresse . also many new interpretations of the edict of march were invented and found out , whereby the libertie granted to the protestants was vtterly infringed and impunitie granted to them that should doe them wrong . in the end the king came to bayon , where he met with his sister elizabeth , wife to philip king of spaine , who after she had declared certaine causes why her husband could not be present himselfe , bound vp in name of her husband a couenant with charles , king of spaine , mutually to helpe one another in rooting out the professours of the reformed religion . the report of this league was not kept so secret but it came to the eares of the prince of condie , and the rest of the nobilitie of france , that professed the gospell , who all thought meete that the prince of condie should in proper person addresse himselfe to the king ( being for the time at moncellium ) and should exhibite to the king the supplication of the protestants in france , pittifully complaining , that contrarie to the edict of march they were iniuried and cruelly slaine , desiring redresse of the aforesaid iniuries , and that they might haue libertie to enioy their religion according to the act of pacification aboue mentioned . but the king hearing of the prince of condies comming to him , and ( namely because he was well accompanied with foure hundred men all in armes ) fearing the malignitie and obstinate malice of his adversaries , left they should hinder his iourney or doe wrong to himselfe . the king ( i say ) hearing tell of the princes comming , made hast to depart , and with all expedition , to paris in great feare , and caused the parisians to giue thankes to god , as though he had beene deliuered from a great perill and imminent danger . after this , without further delay , the second warre for religion in france broke vp . the prince of condie approached with an armie to paris , and so beset it about in all quarters , that this populous towne soone began to be grieued for want of foode , and issued out of the towne vnder the conduct of the constable , and came by s. denis , where the prince of condies armie lay . in this battell the admirall set vpon the parisian souldiers , and disturbed their rankes and put them to flight . the constables troope also was greatly perturbed by their flying , and the constable himselfe refusing to be taken by m. stewart , was shot by a scottish souldier , whereof hee soone after died . the constables sonnes , anveil and momerance , being carefull for their father , succoured him , and the battell was renewed againe , and cruelly fought , vntill night compelled them to make an end . the morrow after , the prince of condie came with his forces againe to the place where the battell was fought , but none of the parisians came forth to encounter him . after the battell he marched toward loraine , of purpose to ioyne with the germane armie , which was to be sent for his support from the count palatine of the rhine , vnder the conduct of cassimire , his owne sonne . this armie of the germanes ioyned with the forces of the prince of condie at pontamonssou , a towne in loraine on the riuer mosell , and from thence marched forward without battell offered to them by the adversarie partie , vntill they came to chartresse , a famous towne within two dayes iourney to paris . this towne the prince of condie and the germanes besieged , and when it was fore battered , and not able to indure the siege any longer , the queene mother according to her wonted manner , thought meete to compasse them with faire and deceitfull promises , whom she could not get ouerthrowne by force . and therefore sent to the prince of condie , desiring him to require of the king conditions of peace , such as himselfe liked best , and they should be granted . the prince of condie being euer more bent to peace then prouident to foresee the deceitfull snares of his adversaries , required of the king , that the edict set forth in march anno . should be precisely kept , all new additions and interpretations of the said act being disanulled , and that the iniuries done to the protestants should be seuerely punished , and not passed ouer with silence as they were accustomed to be . all this was granted , and the edict of pacification was proclaimed . the townes also which the protestants had conquered with great paines and effusion of their blood , were all deliuered into the hands of their enemies , the germane souldiers were dismissed , and euery man returned to his owne house . but in the very time of their returning , it was knowne that this pacification was but a subtile snare to entangle them withall ; for the professours of the gospell were compelled to lay downe their armour when they entred into the townes where they dwelt , and strictly commanded to remaine in their houses , so that they had not libertie to visite one another . in all the parts of the countrey great crueltie was vsed , and many cruelly massacred , so that within the space of three moneths , moe then three thousand were reckoned to be killed by the sword . besides this crueltie committed against the inferior sort , all meanes were sought out to intercept the prince of condie , the admirall , andelot , rupesocald , and other principall personages ; for this counsell was giuen by duke de albe ( whose aduise was often craued in this turne ) that one salmond head was better then an hundreth paddle heads , signifying thereby , that it was most needfull to cut off the principall noble-men of the protestants . the prince of condie , and the admirall , after many advertisements , that their liues were directly sought , began to remoue , and the prince came to nucetum , a towne in burgundie , the admirall lodged at tauleum , in a place pertaining to his brother andelot , not farre distant from nucetum , where they receiued new advertisements , that the companies that were appointed to take them were with great celeritie approaching alreadie to nucetum . thus was the prince of condie and the admirall compelled in all hast to flie with their wiues , young children , and families , and commending themselues to the prouidence of god , entered into a long and dangerous iourney from noyers to the towne of rotchell . the good prouidence of god so conducted them , that albeit , all the bridges and passages were strictly kept , yet god prouided a foord in the river of loyre , neere to sanser , which was not knowne before , neither was any passage found to be there two dayes after . by this way they passed very safely , and in the end came to the towne of rochell , although through many dangers and infinite perils . in the meane time , the prince of condie had sent letters to the king , heauily complaining of the cardinall of loraine , who so wickedly abused the kings name and authoritie , and so maliciously sought the liues of his innocent subiects for their religion , expresly against the kings edict of pacification , which was sealed with the kings own hand-writ , and his great oath solemnly made . to those letters no answere was made , but all the countrey was inflamed with wrath , and bent to warre , and the duke of aniou , brother to the king was made generall commander of the armie . the queene of navarre , on the other part , adioyned her selfe , and her forces to the prince of condie , and from britanny came andelot and his forces , who had passed the river of loyre by a certaine foord vnknowne before , and vnpassable afterward , no lesse miraculously then the prince of condie , and his familie had done in another place of the same river before . after whose comming , angolesme , a towne of great importance in those parts , was besieged and taken by the prince of condie . likewise acierius brought with him to the prince , a great companie out of delphine , provance , languedok , and other parts fauouring the gospell , to the number of twentie three thousand men . on the other side , the duke de anion was come with his armie to poictou , and pitched his campe at castellerault , a towne of poictou neere to the river vienna . the prince of condie and the admirall daily provoked him to fight , but he was admonished by frequent letters from the queene mother , that he should beware to hazzard the cause in battell , but should prolong time to abate the fierie courage of the protestants , and to take his advantage when he could see it . in the meane time , both parties waited for supplyment of new forces out of germanie , and duke de aumald was sent to loraine to meete the dukes who came to support the kings armie ; as also to hinder the progresse of the duke of bipont , who was marching forward to support the prince of condies armie . the first support came to the kings armie the count of tend , brought three thousand footmen , bingrane and bossempeire brought two thousand and two hundreth horsemen out of germanie to the duke . this supplyment so encouraged the kings armie , that they enterprised to recouer the towne of angolesme againe , and for recouering of it , it was needfull that the towne of iarnaque should be taken for the commoditie of the bridge , to transport his armie ouer the river of charence , but the admirall prevented the duke , and fortified the towne of iarnaque , and disappointed him of the commoditie of the bridge . the prince of condie marched forward to iarnaque , and the admirall to blansack , where he vnderstood , that a tymber bridge was set vp neere to the stone bridge that was at casteaneur , for the greater expedition in transporting of the dukes armie ouer the riuer of charence . this great celeritie of the duke ( who transported all the armie ouer the riuer in one night ) put the prince of condie and the admirall in great feare , because their forces were farre behinde them . therefore it was thought expedient to retire backe in time to their forces . but the duke pursued so strictly , that before they had marched backe halfe a myle from blansack , they were compelled to turne and fight . in this battell the prince of condie was taken and slaine , and two hundred of the protestants more , and fortie taken prisoners . the rest of the armie the admirall led backe to saint iande-angeli : soone after this , andelot dyed at sainetes , to the great griefe of all the armie : his body being opened was found to be poysoned . the queene of navarre comforted the armie of the protestants , and the king of navarre her sonne , with the prince of condies sonne , tooke vpon them the government of the armie , and sent count mongomrie to support the towne of angolesme , which was then besieged by the dukes forces , by whose comming the towne was so refreshed and encouraged , that the duke was compelled to raise his siege and depart from the towne . about this time the duke of bipont with his germane forces were entred into france , to support the princes of the reformed religion , and tooke the towne of la charitie in burgundie , a towne of no small importance , for the passage of the river of loyre . the princes of the protestants marched forward to meete the duke of bipont , and by the way killed two hundred hagbushers , who were appointed by the duke of andion to stoppe the passage of the river vienna , in the river of limosin , and so the passage being opened , they came the day after to the campe of the germanes , and receiued them with great gladnesse ; but through the sudden death of the duke of bipont ( who died two dayes after their meeting ) their gladnesse was mixed with great heauinesse . notwithstanding , the duke before his death exhorted all his captaines valiantly to debate that cause of religion ; for the which they were entered into france , and placed in his roome , wolrad , count of manfelt , to be generall commander of the germane armie . in which were reckoned to be seauen thousand and fiue hundred horsemen , and sixe thousand footemen , besides two thousand french horsemen , who came in their companie , and ten ensignes of footemen . the prince of orange with his brother lodowick and henry were also in this armie . in the countrey of poictou , the princes had taken many townes , and the most part of the countrey was alreadie subiect vnto them . and it was thought meete to besiege the towne of poictiers it selfe , and the towne was willing to render to the princes , vpon reasonable conditions , if the duke of guise had not come to support the towne . but the comming of the duke altered their mind , and the towne was strongly fortified , and valiantly indured a strict siege . the admirall although he had lost two thousand men at this siege , and great sicknesse , and penurie of victuals was felt in the armie , yet was he very vnwilling to raise the siege , till at length the duke of andum strictly besieged monsieur loe in castelleralt , whom the admirall willing to relieue , left the siege of poictiers . soone after this , the armie of the two princes being at moncontuire , in the country of poictou , was purposed to march toward niort ; and the armie of the duke in like manner was purposed thither . through this occasion the two armies ioyned in battell a little space from moncontuire , and the duke of andium had the victorie . the footemen of the germanes were cruelly slaine in this battell , without all commiseration ; some greater fauour was showne to the french souldiers . the admirall foreseeing ( as appeareth ) the euent of this battell , had caused the two princes of navarre and condie to be conveyed out of the hoast . the number of those that were slaine at this battell , are supposed by some to haue beene sixe or seauen thousand men ; by others , twise as many . the report of this losse so discouraged the protestants , that all the townes which they had conquered in poictou , were incontinent recouered by the adversaries ; and s. ian dangely after it was besieged two moneths , was surrendered to the adversarie , vpon certaine conditions . at the siege of this towne martiques , governour of britanie , a great enemie to those of the religion , was slaine , wherein is to be noted the iust iudgement of god , punishing the pride of those that blaspheme his blessed name . this martiques perswaded la matpinolis , to yeeld the towne to the king , and desired the towne to remember the battell of moncontur e , wherein their strong god had forsaken them , and said it was time for them to sing , helpe vs now , o god , for it is time . not long after , this proud man felt that the strong god was liuing , able to helpe the weake , and to confound the proud . the princes with the admirall consulted in what part of the realme it were meetest to sustaine the hazzard of the warrefare ; and it was thought meetest in languedok , because the towne of nimes was lately surprised by the protestants , and many townes in that countrie fauoured their religion . while new preparations are made by the princes to sustaine the warre , behold , a new edict of pacification is for forth , granting libertie of religion to the protestants againe , and granting to them for their further securitie , the keeping of foure townes during the space of two yeares , to wit , rotchell , cognack , montallan , and caritea . this edict being proclaimed in both th● campes , the people were in great ioy , being wearied with long and perillou● warres , and being desirous to visite their owne houses and families . thus was an end put to the third ciuill warre in france . after this pacification , the king married elizabeth , daughter to maximilian the emperour : and the rumour went thorow the countrey , that the king was inclined to peace . likewise the apparent hatred betwixt the king and the duke of aniou his brother confirmed this rumour : for it seemed to the people , that the king was offended , because the prelates of france depended more vpon his brother then vpon himselfe , and paied to him yeerely frankes , to be a patron and defender of their cause . wherefore it seemed to many that the king would incline his affection toward the protestants , to abandon the power of his brother . but all this was deceitfull treacherie , to colour the intended malice of his heart . also the edict of pacification was better kept then it had beene at any other time before , except in a few places . and when the queene of navarre sent messengers to the king , to complaine of the violation of the edict in the townes of roane and aurenge : the king returned backe againe to her a very pleasant answere , that he would not onely punish most seuerely the transgressours of the edict , but also for a further confirmation of a stedfast bond of peace with the protestants , he would bestow margaret his sister in marriage to the king of navarre her sonne . the king himselfe passed to bloyes , and sent for the queene of navarre , whom hee receiued so courteously , and conferred with so louingly , that the queene was fully perswaded , that this marriage would be a sure pledge and bond of constant peace . the admirall also was sent for , and met the king at bloyes , whom the king seemed to reuerence and honour out of measure ; in so much that the admiralls heart was betwitched with the kings faire speeches , supposing that he meant vprightly , to bind vp indeed a bond of constant peace with the protestants . specially for this , that the king seemed to prepare an armie for support of the prince of orange , and the admirall was appointed to be generall commander of the armie . the time of the celebration of the marriage drawing neere ( which was appointed to be solemnized in paris by the cardinall of burbone ) the queene of navarre addressed her selfe toward paris , to make preparation for the marriage , and the admirall with many earnest requests of the king was sollicited to bee present at the marriage ; as also all the principall noble-men of the protestants . the forerunners of the lamentable tragedie that after followed began soone to appeare , if the hearts of men had not beene setled in a deepe securitie . for the queene of navarre , as she was busied in making preparation for the marriage , died hastily being cut off by empoysoned gloues , which shee receiued from an italian the kings vnguentarie . but the king seemed to be in such heauinesse for her death , and the matter was so finely conveyed , that all suspition was incontinently quenched and buried , and the marriage was celebrated the eight-teenth day of august anno . soone after , to wit , the twentie two day of august appeared a cleere presage of the future tragedie : for the admirall as he went from the loover to his house was shot with two or three bullets in the arme . this was taken in very euill part by the king of navarre and prince of condie : who desired libertie to depart from paris , wherein they saw so euident danger to themselues and their friends . but the king with so many attestations , protested the miscontentment of his owne minde in that matter : and that he would diligently search and seuerely punish the authors of that deed , that in some part he quieted the hearts of the complainers . likewise , the king himselfe came to visit the admirall , with pittifull words , lamenting the chance that was fallen out , and affirming the dishonour to be done to him , although the admirall had receiued the hurt . also he desired that the admirall would be content to be transported to the loouer of paris for his better securitie , in case any popular commotion should fall out , vntill he should be trying and punishing the authors of that fact . and when the king perceiued that the admirall made excuse of his infirmitie , that he could not suffer to be transported , the king appointed some of his owne guard to attend vpon the admiral● house , and the protestants were commanded to prepare their lodgings neere to the admirals house , to be a guard vnto him , in case any commotion should happen in the towne . all this was done vnder deepe dissimulation , to put the protestants in securitie , that they should not once imagine of the tragedie that was to come . and the admirall sent his letters to all parts of the countrey where the protestants were , that they should make no stirre for that which was done vnto him , for the wound was not deadly , and god and the king would see the authors thereof punished . the night after , was the appointed time for the horrible massacre of the protestants that were in paris . the duke of aniou and the duke of guise having their souldiers ready armed in the streets , were waiting for the signe that was to be giuen to beginne their bloudie enterprise : which being once giuen out of the church of s. germane , the duke of guise set first vpon the admirals house ; those of the kings guard ( of whom we spoke before ) that were appointed for defending of the admirall now euidently declared the true cause wherefore they were placed in that roome ; for they rushed in violently , and killed the admirall , and threw him downe out of a window into the close , where the duke of guise was awaiting for that spectacle , and for ioy would scarcely beleeue that it was he , vntill he had wiped the blood from his face . then he encouraged all his companie , and sayd . this is a good beginning , goe to , goe to : it is the kings will , it is the kings commaundement . what bloodie crueltie followed , without all commiseration , slaying men , women and children , no tongue is able to expresse , the sounding of bells , the shouting of the pursuers , and the pitifull cries of the slaine , all concurring together made the spectacle of that day to be verie terrible . also the duke of guise with mompensier and many others passed thorow the streets , encouraging the people and augmenting their furie and madnesse , saving that the wicked seede of the protestants should be vtterlie rooted out . the like outragious crueltie was also practised in the lower where the king was . for the whole companie that were attending vpon the king of navarre and prince of condie were commaunded to lay downe their armour , and goe without the palace , where they were most cruellie slaine by armed souldiers attending on their out-comming . the king of navarre and prince of condie themselues were brought before the king and threatned that except they would renounce that religion which they professed , they should surely die . the king of navarre humbly requested the king to regard that new bond of friendship that was bound vp betweene them , and for his religion not to vrge him so , strictlie incontinent to forsake that religion wherevnto hee had beene trained vp from his very youthward . the prince of condie added moreouer that his life was in the kings hands , to dispose of it as it pleased him but as for his religion hee had receiued the knowledge of it from god , to whom also hee behoued to render account of the same , and hee would not renounce it for any feare or danger of this present life . some of the protestants then lodged in the fobers of s. germane , as count mongomrie & diuers others , for intercepting of whom the king had giuen commandement to the dean of gild of paris to haue in readinesse . armed souldiers , but through the prouidence of god those souldiers were not in readinesse , and that by the ouersight of an inferiour captain to whom the dean of gild had giuen charge to execute the kings commaundement . this matter being signified to the duke of guise , hee tooke with him a companie of armed men to intercept in time , mongomrie and his complices . but when hee came to the port deuiding the towne from the fobers , hee was compelled to stay a while , because in hast the wrong keies had beene brought out in stead of the right keies of the port. in this meane time count mongomrie , carautensis , and others that were in the fobers had beene aduertised of the cruell massacre that was in the towne , and scarcely would credit that the king could be partakers of so foule a treacherie . but when they saw the heluetian souldiers making hast by boates and shippes to crosse the water , and to come ouer to the fobers of s. germane to cut them off , they made hast and fled . the duke of guise with duke de aumald and the count of angolesme pursued them to montfort which is eight leagues distant from paris , but could not ouertake them and so returned backe againe to paris . in this massacre were slaine many noble men such as the admirall , telignius , rupefocald , renelius , and many learned men , amongst whom were petrus ramus and lambinus : and of others moe than . persons whose bodyes were layed on heapes vpon cartes , and cast into the riuer of seane which was coulered red with the blood of the slaine . the like crueltie was practised in lions , and the bodyes of the slaine were cast into the riuer of rhene , and the heapes of the slaine were carried downe to the sight of those of delphin , provance and languedok that dwelt nigh vnto the riuer , whose harts were compelled to detest the spectacle of so barbarous crueltie , the like wherof was scarcely to be found amongst the turkes and infidels . likewise in many other townes the rage of the like crueltie was felt , so that within the space of a moneth moe then . persons were reckoned to be slaine . to all this tragedie was added the defection of rozarius a preacher at orleance who by his vilde apostasie so brangled the king of navarre and prince of condie , that they were induced by his example and perswasions , to fall away from their religion for a time , yet afterward this same rozarius being grauely admonished of the vildnesse of his apostasie departed out of france to germanie ; and writ letters to the prince of condie , wherein hee acknowledged his errour and begged mercie of god for that he had beene a snare and stumbling blocke to him . the report of the massacre was so detestable in the eares of all men that heard it that they were forced to beare out that matter with forged lies which they had begun with crueltie : & to the end this massacre should be the lesse odious in the eares of strangers , they alleadged that the admirall & his complices were purposed to cut off the king & all the blood royal , ( yea and the king of navarre himselfe although he was of the same religion ) & to set vp the prince of condie in the throne of the kingdome , to the end the admiral might haue the gouernment & administration of al himself . and for this cause they tortured two noble men of the protestants whom they had takē to wit canagnius & briquemald to drawe out of them by torturing a cōfession of the fore alledged cōspiracie . but the noblemen died constant in the true faith , & w ithout confession of any such treason as was alleadged . notwithstāding they were not ashamed after their death to publish in their names a cōfession of horrible treason which they neuer confessed while they were aliue . after this pitifull disaster it seemed that the religion in france was vtterlie quenched , for the noble men were slaine , some had made defection , and others for feare had left the land . only a few towns were in the protestants hands such as rochell , montalban , nines , sauserr and some others of small account . yet the lord so wrought by those small beginnings that the force of the aduersaries was more wonderfullie resisted by this small handfull , then it was by forces of so many noble men with concurrance of strangers in the former warre . the towne of rotchell was the towne of greatest importance of all the rest , and the king thought meete to besiege it both by sea and land with a mightie armie , which siege began in the moneth of december , anno . and indured vntill the moneth of iune next following . the maruelous prouidence of god was felt in this siege , for god sent a number of fishes called surdonnes to the support of the poore during the time of the siege , and when the siege was loosed the fishes departed away , and were found no more in that coast . in the moneth of iune the ambassadour of poland came vnto the kings campe to the duke of aniou the kings brother , whom the polonians had chosen to be their king , and immediately after conditions of peace were offered to the towne , & libertie to exercise their religion within their own bounds , and in this peace were contained their associats of montalban and nimes . the rotchellanes had required that those of sanfarre and all others of their religion should bee comprehended in this bond of pacification , but no speciall mention was made of the towne of sansarre , onely a generall clause of their associats was cast in . the towne of sansarre likewise was besieged , but it was so strongly fortified , and the protestants within the towne so couragiouslie repulsed the enemies that they were compelled to retire backe from battring of the walles , and to beset them round about on all quarters , that they might by long famine compell them to render whom they could not ouercome otherwise . this siege indured from the moneth of ianuary vntill the moneth of august , so that the famine within the towne was so great that the famine of samaria and saguntum seemeth not to haue bin greater . in the end conditions of peace were granted , and the towne was rendered to castrius the kings lieutenant in those parts . the townes of montalban and nimes was not besieged as yet , to whom and to all the rest of the protestants dwelling in lauguedok , delphine & provance was offered those same conditions , which the rotchellanes had embraced . but they craued of the king & his brother liberty first to assemble thēselues together before they should giue their answere , which being granted & the assemblie conveened at miliald , it was thought meete with common consent to craue more ample cōditions & liberties then were contained in the peace of the rotchellans : namely that in euery province of fraunce two townes might be granted to the protestants for their further securitie , & those townes to be kept by the guardes of their own souldiers , & to haue their pay out of the kings treasury , and that libertie should be granted to al that were of their religion to exercise the same freelie , without any exception of places . also that all those that should be found guiltie of the horrible murther cōmitted at paris the . of august might be seuerely punished . many other conditions were required , very amply & freely . order was taken in like manner in this assemblie how the warre might be maintained in case those conditions of peace were not granted . the queene mother when shee had read the conditions that were required , said with great indignation ; that if the prince of condie had beene in the midst of fraunce with . horsemen , and . ●footmen yet would hee not haue required the halfe of those conditions . this great boldnesse of the protestants in crauing so great liberties put the enemies in suspicion and feare that the nobles of fraunce had secretlie banded themselues with the protestants . about the same time count mongomry had returned out of england , & had taken some townes in normandy ; but soone after he was besieged in donfront a town of normandy , by matigonus the kings lieutenant in those parts ; to whō he yeelded himself vpon certain conditions which were not kept vnto him , but he was sent immediatly to paris to the king . the duke of aniow had departed from france to the kingdome of polonia , & the king of france was fallen sicke : also many noble men in the land were highlie offended at the ambition , pride , and crueltie of the queene mother , who had not onely cut off the noble men of the protestants , but also intended the like crueltie against many other noblemen in fraunce , whose names were insert in the bloody roll of the massacre , albeit they professed the roman religiō . the queene mother knowing that she was vehementlie hated in the land and fearing left this matter should tend to her vtter disgrace and abandoning of all her authoritie thought meete to prevent all the deuices of the nobilitie of france against her , and begun to lay hands on those of the nobilitie whom she most suspected , and cast them in prison : such as d. alauscone her owne son whom she knew to be discontent with her forme of gouernment , and the king of navarre , also monmerance , and cassens marescallis . the prince of condie also was to be taken , but he conveyed himselfe away secretly vnto germanie . in the meane time the king died in the moneth of may anno. . with greateffusion of blood from many parts of his body . and the queene mother had all the gouernment in her owne hand vntill the returning of her son out of polonia , whom shee aduertised of the death of his brother charles , and desired him without all delay to returne againe to fraunce . in the meane time the cruell heart of the queene mother thirsting for blood procured that count mongomrie should be condemned to death . this is that noble man who had slaine king henry the father of charles with a speare , whom king henry would not suffer to be harmed for that cause , it being done in game and against mongomries heart . neuerthelesse when he came in the hands of this mercilesse woman he must die . before king henry returned out of poland vnto france , the prince of condie had sent from germanie to france , messengers to declare to the protestants the great care of his minde to advance the religion , and to procure the peace and libertie of his countrie , who also was chosen to be generall commaunder of all the protestants . many catholikes were associate with him , who being of a contrarie religion , notwithstanding tooke armes with the prince of condie to restore the countrie to the owne libertie . in the moneth of december anno . the king came to lyons where the queene mother accōpanied with alauscon her son , and the king of navarre , and duke of guise were awaiting for his cōming . in this towne they aduised what was most expedient to be done , whether they should prosecute the war , or they should quiet the countrie with new edicts of pacification . the queene mothers aduise was , that the king should assault the townes of languedok & delphine that were kept by the protestants , because the presence and terrour of the king would so astonish the peoples hearts that incontinent they would yeeld and giue ouer the townes into the kings hands . this aduise was followed and the king besieged the towne of pusinum in viuaret , & tooke it , also the towne of libero in delphin was strōgly besieged , but the king was cōpelled to leaue his siege & to depart from the towne , which according as the name of it foretokened remained free and vnconquered by the aduersaries : during the time of this siege the cardinal of loraine died vpon this occasion . the king being in avinion some paenitentiaries fortuned to scourge themselues in a cold winter season , the cardinall would ioyne himselfe to their fellowship , and walked barefooted in the companie of those paenitentiaries , wherby he contracted a deadlie disease , and soone repented this repētance . the king himselfe was content to afflict his body after the same forme , which was expoūded by many to be an euil presage that he should not conquer that little towne of libero , but should be scourged from the towne , & leaue the siege of it with shame , which truly came to passe . from thence the king went to paris to his coronation , where many ambassadours came to the king ; not only from the prince of condie who as yet remained in basile , but also from the d. of sauoy and the cantons of the switzers , and from the queene of englād to treat for peace , but al their trauels were ineffectuall : for the conditions of the peace could not be agreed vpon , so the war continued & waxed hote . in languedoke anvillius although he was of the romane religion , yet had ioyned himselfe to the protestants , and tooke agnes mortes a towne of great importance in those parts with many other townes . in delphin mombruniris was chiefe commaunder , and had so good sucesse in all his attempts that he was a great terrour to the aduersaries . in the end he was sore wounded and taken , beside dia a towne in delphine , and by the commaundement of the king and queene mother , was carried to grenoble and there was executed in the sight of the people . this war was much different from the former warres , wherein those that were of one religion were also on one side , but now the catholikes were mingled with the protestāts which thing albeit it seemed for a time to augment their number , yet in the end it turned to euill , as shall be declared hereafter , god willing . the prince of condie had required helpe of cassimire the sonne of count palatine , who also had condiscended to support the distressed church of fraunce , and very strict obligations of mutual duties were passed between them , as these namely , that they should not dissolue their armes vntill that libertie were obtained to the protestants fullie to enioy their owne religion . and likewise that cassimire should haue the townes of metis , tullion , and verdum , in his hands ; besides other townes in all the provinces of france which the protestants were to require for there further assurance , and as pledges of the kings fidelitie & faithfulnesse towards them . while this armie of cassimire was marching forward towards loraine , alauscon the kings brother departed from court , and many of the nobilitie of france resorted to him , all pretending that they could not suffer the countrie to be exhausted with ciuill warres , and the people to be vexed with exorbitant and vnnecessarie taxations . all those tumults were found in the end to be the subtile policies of the q. mother by the meanes of alauscon her son to dissolue the army of cassimire . notwithstanding the army of the germanes and french-men , entered into france vnder the conduct of the prince of condie and cassimire ; and came forward to charossium , a towne in borbon , not farre from molins : where alauscon the kings brother ioyned with them , and the whole army being mustered was found to bee of horsemen , and footmen thirtie thousand . the king of navarre about the same time departed from court and returned to his owne countrey , whereby the feare of the king and queene mother was greatly encreased . in conclusion the army approached dayly neerer and neerer to paris , yet no battell was fought , because the queene mother listened more to the instructions shee had given to alauscon her sonne , then to the doubtfull successe of battell , and force of armed men , and indeed a more sure way to obtaine their purpose . for messengers being sent to the king to treate for peace , the queene mother perceived that all other conditions how ample soever they had beene , might bee easily eluded and broken , but if the townes of metis , tullion , and verdum , were in the hands of a potent stranger , it would be a great abandoning of the kings power in all time to come . therefore the matter was so brought about , that cassimire was content to receiue from the king a great summe of money , in stead of those townes which should haue beene put in his hands , and libertie was granted to the protestants to exercise their owne religion openly and freely , without exception of places , the court and the towne of paris , with a few leagues about , onely excepted . also they were declared to bee capable of places in parliament , and places of iustice courts : all iudgements which were made against them for any enterprise whatsoever was declared voyd : the cruell day of sant bartholomew disavowed , and for better assurance and performance of the conditions , they had eight townes delivered vnto them , with the conditions of their governments , aques mortes , bencaire , perigneux , le mas de verdun , n●ons yissure , la grand tour . thus was the edict of pacification proclaimed through the countrey , in the moneth of may , . and an end was put to the fift civill war in france for religion . in this emperours time solyman being now stricken in age , came notwithstanding into hungarie againe with a great army , and besiedged zigeth : in the meane time of the siege solyman dyed , but his death was so secretly concealed , that the siege continued after his death , and the towne was taken by force . likewise selim the sonne of solyman , was in haste sent for to come from constantinople to hungarie : all this was done before the death of solyman was knowne , either to his owne army , or to the emperour maximilian . this new emperour of the turkes selim , tooke famagusta , in the isle of cyprus , which belonged to the venetians : and did fight a cruell battell by sea against the christians , in the gulph of lepanto , of olde called sinus corinthiacus : in the which the turkes navie was overcome , and haly bassa the chiefe governour of the turkes was slaine , and his head was set vp vpon the top mast of his owne shippe , to the great terrour and astonishment of the turkes . this battell was fought the seventh day of october , anno . don iohn de austria was generall commander of the navie of the christians : the number of the turkes that were slaine , is supposed to haue beene fifteene thousand men , and thirteene thousand christians were delivered from the captiuity of the turks . onuphrius writeth , that an hundred and seventeene shippes were taken , with thirteene gallies , and thirty two thousand turkes were slaine in this battell . rodulphus . after the death of maximilian , rodulphus his sonne was made emperour . in his time the warres in france , which seemed to be well quieted by the last edict of pacification , began to kindle vp againe with greater flame . for the adversaries of religion besought the kings maiestie to restraine the pernitious liberty of the edict of peace : but perceiving him not to bee sufficiently moved to breake the peace , and to take knife in hand , they began to assemble at perone , anno . and to binde vp a league amongst themselues for the extirpation of the protestants , and for the revocation of the edict of peace , wherein they swore obedience and service to the generall tha●●hould bee appointed over this fellowship , ingaging their liues and honours , never to seperate themselues for any commandement , pretence , excuse , or occasion whatsoever . there were two things that greatly animated the leaguers to proceed in their association , to wit : first , that the protestants yeelded not vp the townes which they had gotten for their assurance , for the space of sixe yeeres . the sixe yeeres being ended , they complained to the king that conditions were not kept vnto them , and that for the abolishing of warres , and setling of peace in france , it was needfull that they should haue those townes a longer time in their maintenance , whereto the king condiscended . this grieved the leaguers : but another thing grieved them more , that alauscon the kings brother for griefe of the hard successe of his affaires in the low countries , died at chasteau thierry . and the king himselfe having no children , the feare that they conceived of the king of navarres succession to the kingdome , caused the leaguers rage . while the flame issued out of this furnace , the king of france easily perceived that the drift of all the leaguers enterprises was against his life and crowne , and to set vp another whom it pleased them in his place . for the leaguers pretended warre against the hugonots , and yet they seazed vpon the best townes of the catholikes , in all the realme . the religion was preached in guyen , and they went to driue it out of picardie . the hugonotes were in rochell , and the leaguers army marched straight to paris . they are at montpelliere , and the league set vpon marseille . likewise the pasquells and libells without names , dayly throwne downe in the towne of paris , and the disdainfull speeches dayly vttered of the king , speaking of him as a sardanapalus , and a prince drowned in his pleasures and delights , and for his third crowne which hee looked for in heaven , promising him one made with a rasour in a cloyster : all these things presented to the kings minde a sufficient vnderstanding of the resolution and purpose of the leaguers ▪ notwithstanding feare so possessed his minde , that in stead of couragious resisting of the leaguers in due time , hee made himselfe a slaue to their appetites . the army of the duke of guise ( who was made generall of the fellowship of the league ) at the first rising , exceeded not the number of a thousand horsemen , and foure thousand footmen : which company might easily haue beene dispersed , if the valorous courage of the king had not beene vtterly abashed : who in stead of commanding with authority , desired the queene mother to procure that the duke of guise might leaue off armes , and to assure him of his favour , and that he would giue him what part of his realme hee would aske to let him liue in peace . this their enterprise succeeding so well , farre aboue their owne expectation , mooved them to set forward , and to desire of the king that hee would make and sweare an irrevocable edict of extirpation of heretikes : to take by force the townes holden by those of the new religion : to renounce the protection of geneva , to authorize their warres , to reconcile them vnto him , to bee of their league , and of a king to become a participant . wherevpon followed an edict prohibiting the exercise of the new religion , and revoking all other edicts that favoured it , commanding all the ministers out of the land , and all subiects in france within six moneths after to make profession of the catholike religion , or to depart out of the realme . dispersing also the tripertite chambers of parliaments , likewise ordayning that the townes given in hostage to those of the religion , should be yeelded vp , and approving the warre which the leaguers had begun , acknowledging it to be done for his service . and not content with this , they asked of the king for their further surety , the townes of chalon , thoul , verdium , saint desier , rhems , soissons , the castle of dyon , the towne and castle of beaume , rue in picardie , dinan and conque in brittaine , to be delivered vnto them . the king of navarre all this while kept himselfe quiet , being solicited by the king so to doe . but when hee saw the king had rendered himselfe to the appetite of the leaguers , hee set forth a declaration of the cause , why the leaguers had taken armes , of the vanity of their pretences , and of the fruits which the estates in france might reape by the conclusions of peronne , nemours , and nauty , ( for in those places the leaguers had bound vp their league ) with protestation that with him , the prince of condie his cousen , the duke de mommerencie , with lords , gentlemen , provinces , and townes , both of the one religion and of the other , so many as would concurre with him , should oppose themselues to the authors of these troubles . in the meane time , while the king of navarre is so busied with the king and the leaguers , who were now as it were incorporate in one bodie : the third assault commeth on , and pope sixtus the fift , with his thunderbolts of excommunication setteth vpon him , declaring him to be vncapable of the crowne of france , abandoning his person , and his countrey for a prey to such as should obtaine them . at the same time also , the electors of germany , who in all the former warres had beene so helpfull to the protestants of france , was not vnmindfull of them at so strait a pinch , but sent ambassadours to the king , desiring him to heare the requests of his neighbours , and to pity the case of his poore subiects , and not to keepe backe the edict of peace , that hee had lately graunted vnto them . the king answered that hee thought strange that forrain princes should meddle with his affaires : and that he would doe nothing against the honour of his conscience , nor the fatherly care he had vnto his people . with this answer the ambassadours returned , not well pleased . the duke of guise being advertised of the dislike the ambassadours of germany had touching their answere , counselled the king to set vpon the protestants before the rutters entred into france , so that in lesse then eighteene moneths the king of navarre saw himselfe assayled by fiue camps royall , vnder fiue severall generals . neverthelesse very few exploites worthy of remembrance were done by those armies , vntill the army of the germanes entred into france , vnder the conduct of the baron of othna , a man of greater courage then experience . the duke of bulloigne in the name of the king of navarre , ioyned with the baron of othna , to leade this great army , wherein were moe then thirty thousand switzers , rutters , and french-men . they marched from loraine to cheaumont in bassigny , and passed the river of marne , also they crossed l' anbe at montigny and seine aboue casklion , and cure aboue vermentone and yome , hard by crenaunt , and so made haste towards the river of loire . there began the complaints of the switzers and the mutinies of the rutters , because the king of navarre came not to them , and the king of france was at the side of the river loire , either to fight with them , or to stay their passage . at this time the king vsed a stratagem , which was the cause of his victory , and of the dissipation of the army of strangers . for hee considered that the onely meanes to breake their army , was to impeach their ioyning with the king of navarre . therefore he commanded the duke ioyense to keepe the king of navarre in poictou , and rather to hazard battell , then suffer him to passe the river of loire , as hee determined at the head thereof : to the which end the duke de ioyense that had an army fortified , both with men , munition , artillery , and meanes marched to coutras , to passe la drogne at que , and vpon tuesday the twentith of october , anno . he stayd with all his forces betweene la rotch , chalais , and coutras . the king of navarre made toward him , fully resolved to fight , and about eight of the clocke in the morning , the king of navarres artillery began to play , and that of duke de ioyense to answer them , but not very fortunately , for that either the ignorance or malice of the canoners had placed it so low , that the mouth of the canon , shot right vpon a little hill of earth , wherein the bullets stayed without piercing any further . the battell was so soone decided , that in ten houres this great army of the kings ( that had the vantage both for place and number ) began to retyre and was sooner broken then fought withall . the king of navarre , the prince of condie , and the earle of soissons behaved themselues most valiantly , executing the offices both of captaines and souldiers , and gaue thankes to god in open field . in this battell duke de ioyense and monsieur de s. sauueur his brother were slaine , and fiue and twenty other gentlemen of name : all their cornets were taken , with their artillery and baggage , and fourteene gentlemen of account were taken and put to ransome . that done , the king of navarre being eased of so many nets that were set vp to catch him , marched forward to ioyne with the forraine army , and to passe the river loire . the king on the other part to impeach the meeting of the two armies of his adversaries , caused the ditches betweene povilly and dony to b●e broken vppe , filling them with thousands of trees , stones , and chaines to entangle the feet of the rutters horse that should passe : and in truth the letting of that passage , was next to the helpe of god , the second cause the king had of the victory . for the rutters being disappointed of their passage were compelled to recoile , and having failed of their enterprise at la charitie , they entred in the way of beauce , drawing towards montargis . from this time forth a great mutinie began in the army of the strangers , being mooved with impatience , because they could neither haue money nor sight of the king of navarre : whereof the king being then at bonevall had intelligence , and thereupon vsed all the meanes hee could to sound the hearts of the switzers , and perswaded them to separate themselues from the rest of the army , and retyre home : whereunto the switzers condiscended , and vpon agreement of . crownes payed to them in ready money , they returned backe againe to their owne countrey . the duke of guise perceiving the army of the rutters to be as a body dispersed , hauing nothing left but the armes and legges , tooke boldnesse to set vpon them as they camped at aunew , and entred with his footmen into the streets , about the time that the carts and baggage were ready in the morning to issue out , and so couragiously surprised the rutters at their breakefast : when the trumpets began to sound a chivall , having no meanes to issue out , they were constrained to retyre into their lodgings , at the pleasure of the assaylants . the booty was great , being . chariots , iewels and chaines of gold , and two thousand horse , both for the field and waggons . the gates being seazed vpon , and the streets chained , there was no meanes to saue themselues but by the walles , which the generall leaped ouer . notwithstanding of this surprise , the army of the rutters was in such estate , that by reason of some small assurance they had of the king of navarres arrivall , it was likely to haue overcome the duke of guise forces . and as it was at point to retyre backe againe , the prince of condie , the duke of bulloigne , and the lords of chastillion and cleruant , promised to pay them all their wages , if they would march forward . the hope of their pay made them to march in a time not very convenient , towards the forrest of orleance . the king perceived that the longer the armie kept the fields , the greater would be the ruine of his countrey , and that , being ioyned with the king of navarre would doe great hurt , caused the sienrs of the isle of cormont to certifie the coronels that if they would yeeld vp their colours , and sweare to beare no armes in fraunce without the expresse commandement of his maiestie hee would giue them assurance to retire in safetie . they on the other part perceauing themselues to be farre from the king of navarre , hardlie handled by the frenchmen , beaten by the league , pursued by the king , and forsaken of the switzers , assembled themselues together at marsigni : and accepted his maiesties offers sent by monsieur d' esperno , and retired out of france toward geneua . the marques du pont , eldest sonne to the duke of loraine , and the duke of guise , against their faith giuen , followed the miserable troupe of the rutters to the mountaine at saint clande , where they gaue thankes for the good successe of their companie : and from thence to please their hungrie troupes they trauersed the countrie of bourgoundie , entering into the countries of mombeliard and hericourt , where his men vsed diuers great cruelties and spared not the lands of the bishop of basile . after the bloodie ceasing of so lamentable vengeance vpon a poore innocent people , which as yet doe feele the losse and destruction of two hundred villages , the violence vsed to a number of women and maids , the massacre of so many old men , and the furious and beastlie inhumanitie of the league , they beare the signes of their spoyles into loraine . neuerthelesse after this exploite of the duke of guise , so full of crueltie , falshood & inhumanitie , the roman church extolled him aboue all measure . the pope sent vnto the d. of guise a sword engraued with burning flames in token of his valiantnes , accompanied with burning zeale towards the roman religiō . the preachers of france advāced him aboue the king , saying that saul had slaine his thousand , but dauid ten thousand , and so the duke of guise puft vp with winds of popular praise , seeing also that the greatnesse of the soueraigne maiestie was embraced , and that the protestants were retired vnto the rotchell , also that england had a proud spaniard embarked on her backe ( meaning the great spanish nauie by sea ) hee assured himselfe to take the king without danger : and to this effect aduertised the cardinall of burbone not to neglect so good an occasion , but to gather his principall friends at nancie there to aduise the meanes to passe forward , and to constraine the king as it were to make his will , and so that assemblie concluded that the king should be summoned to ioyne his forces to the league : to refuse the counsell & amitie of such as should be named vnto him : to establish the inquisition in euerie towne : to publish the councell of trent euen touching the things that derogated the priuiledge of the french church : to consent to the restitution of the goodes that had bin alienated and sold , for the charges of the warres : to giue them townes wherein they might place men of warre , & to make such fortifications as the necessity of the time would require : ordaine the sale and confiscation of hugonits goodes , also the disabling of their persons , & entertaine an armie vpon the fronteris of loraine : against the returne of the germans that would come to haue some recompence , for the cruelties by the league committed in the countie of montbeliard . the duke of guise came to the king at soissons to constraine the king either to bow or breake , and to confirme the articles drawne , and deuised at nancie and dyion . the king on the other part , by mousieur de bellieure gaue the duke to vnderstand , that he should doe him a pleasure if he would abstaine from comming to paris in so troublesome a time , wherein so many factions raigned : and if hee came thither against his will : hee would lay the cause of all the troubles that might arise by his presence vpon him . but the duke of guises heart , as it were attainted with a burning feauer could find neither appetite nor pleasure , but in that which liked his stomach , would needes for the loouer or die by the way : and therefore mounted on horsebacke with eight gentlemen , about nine of the clocke at night , leauing the prince de iumueille his sonne at soissons , and desiring the archbishop of lyons to follow him in the morning , and so arriued at paris . this maner of arriuall together with the peoples fauour vttered by their ioyfull acclamations at the duke of guises lighting increased the distrust of the kings heart , so that hee resolued to preuent the enterprises intended against him , and commanded the marescall biron to cause foure thousand switzers to enter into the towne and to lodge them in diuers quarters thereof , who seased incontinent vpon the bridges of nostredame and saint michael . but the parisians being abashed at the sight shut vp their shoppes , and tooke their weapones in their hands , and brought forth their barricadoes ( which was a seditious invention of the league ) each one distant from another thirtie foote , and reached almost to the sentinell of the loouer . the switzers were set vpon and they yeelded , crying viue guise , and monsieur de brissac caused them to be disarmed : and sienre de s. paul caused the kings guarde to retire , holding down their armes with hatts in hand . the queene mother got into her coach in great feare , and went to seeke the duke of guise to appease the commotion . the d. although he layed the fault vpon the people , yet neither would hee stay the commotion , neither goe the loover to the king . the queen marking the stubbornnesse and resolution of the duke of guise , caused the king to be aduertised , who desiring not to stay any longer in that trance , issued out of paris by the new-gate , and so happily eschewed the tragedie of chilperic , and the new crowne of the razour prepared for him by the leaguers : from paris hee went to chartresse , and from thence to roane , fretting in heart for the indignation hee had sustained in paris , and being determined , one way or other , to be auenged on the duke of guise ; the chiefe captaine of the league , and the author of the barricadoes . the chiefe thing that hindred this resolution for a time was the two extremities wherewith hee found himselfe beset : for either he must make peace with the protestants , or strengthen himselfe with their forces ; or else of new againe adioyne himselfe to the league , because hee was not able to match them both at one time . in the end hee resolued to ioyne with the league againe and by a new edict set forth in iuly anno , . he ratefied the decrees of the leaguers at nemours which they had made , anno . containing in effect & substance the same things that were afterward decreed in nancy . moreouer hee remitted and excused the fact done against him in the towne of paris : acknowledging it was done by them for the zeale of the catholike religion . and lest he should seeme to foster in his minde some secret choler against the leaguers : he bestowed his liberalities and fauours vpon the principall heads thereof . to the duke of guise hee gaue the office of lieutenant generall ouer all the forces throughout the realme of fraunce . to the cardinall of guise his brother hee promised to procure the pope to giue him the office of legat of anignon . to duke de maine was giuen a faire and great armie in dolpkin . he gaue the duke nemours the government of lyons . hee forgot not the archbishop of lyons , but made him one of his priuie counsel , before being only of the counsell of estate : and finally declared the cardinall of burbon to be the chiefe prince of the blood royall , thereby whollie to exclude the king of navarre from the crowne , the leaguers on the other part haue the wind in their saile & fearing that this great goodnesse of the king would not continue , ceased not vntil they had procured all his wise counsellers to be remoued , and two armies to be leauied against the protestants , the one in poictou vnder the conduct of the duke of neuers , the other in dowphine vnder the duke de maine : all this contented them not except the edict aforsaid were christned with the name of a fundamentall law , and because it could not be done but by the three estates in fraunce , they besought the king to hold a parliament which was kept in bloyes , anno . there they played subtilie one with another , and hee who was deceiued , thought vpon nothing else but to deceiue : for the duke of guise was slaine at this parliament , and the cardinall of guise , the arch-bishop of lions was arrested , and ianueille the duke of guises son , and the cardinall of burbon were deteined prisoners . the queene mother tooke this suddain alteration so grieuouslie that she tooke bed , & in the moneth of ianuarie following , died . the two armies that were sent against the protestants , the one staied in lions awaiting on the issue of the parliament , the other arriued into poictou and had taken the townes of montagu , and ganach lying in the frontiers of poictou and brittannie : while the parliament was at bloyes the assemblie of the protestants was gathered in rotchell , which beganne the foureteenth day of nouember , the king of nauarre being present ( now the prince of condie was dead in the moneth of march , anno . being poysoned by one of his owne seruants ) and deputies from all parts of the countries , by whose aduise and resolution came the request presented to the states at bloyes , vnder the name and title of the frenchmen exiled for the religion : beseeching the king to restore them to the libertie of the first edict which was called the edict of ianuarie : to ordaine that a nationall councell might bee assembled where the doctors of both parts with good securitie in presence of his maiestie , and all the assemblie might debate those differences , and whollie decree and resolue vpon the same : to grant them the free libertie of possessing their goodes : and to permit the registring of their supplication : to the end that nothing might be done in that assemblie to preiudge them . but the deputies of the parliament , being for the most part , composed of men that were taken out from among the passionate aduancers of the league , not onely refused to agree to the foresaid petitions , but also ceased not , vntill both from the king himselfe and all the assemblie , they had procured a declaration of the perpetuall disabilitie , of the king of nauarre to the succession of the crowne . but let vs see what successe followed vpon the death of the duke of guise . two daies after the execution at bloyes the sixteene arch-leaguers of paris , as furies issuing out of hell , displaced the choler of their minds against the king , crying out murther , fire and vengeance . they presentlie made a collection of money to maintaine warres ; the poorest artificer amongst them was content at least to import six crownes ; gold ranne like a riuer a long the streetes ; they eleuated the duke of guise to the heauens and with open mouth spoke euill of the king , detesting his actions , abhorring his life , and accounting the execution done at bloyse as most cruell , barbarous and inhumane . many other townes followed the example of paris , namely amiens , dijon , orleance , tullose . the doctors of sorbon published their decree , importing that the people of fraunce , were freed and absolued from the oath of fidelitie and obedience made to henry the third ; and that the same people might lawfullie and with good conscience arme and vnite themselues together for defence of the roman church against the king or his adherents whatsoeuer . the report of those vprores , hastned the dissolution of the parliament , which was dissolued in ianuarie , . and the king made for warre to suppresse the rebellious insurrection of the league : and immediatlie hee translated to the towne of tours such exercises of iustice , as were accustomed to bee performed in his court of parliament of paris , and depriued paris with the townes of all offices , charges , dignitie and priuiledges whatsoeuer , as guiltie of rebellion , fellonie , and high treason against his maiesties estate , and person . now the king was brought to that pinch by the insolencie of the league , that hee behoued to take truce with the king of nauarre , and to fortifie himselfe with the assistance of his forces , and hee gaue to the king of nauarre saumure for securitie of his passage ouer loire , by meanes whereof the king of nauarre caused all his troupes to passe ouer on this side of loire , to ioyne with the forces of normandie , maine , and other places which attended him with intention to approach the leaguers . the duke de maine , on the other part being chiefe commaunder of the leaguers armie , made a selection of their resolutest men , and marched into vendesmois with an intention to surprise the king , in tours where hee was not verie stronglie guarded ; but the king was eased of this feare by the sudden arriuall of the king of nauarre for his reliefe . in normandie duke monpensier with forces for the king , besieged salaize a towne that held for the league , and count brissac , accompanied with two or three hundreth , gentlemen leaguers , and with them fiue or six thousand men came to support the towne . duke montpensier hearing of those newes left the siege of the towne and set vpon count brissac and his armie , being lodged in three villages , and slew of them more than . men ; and tooke prisoners amongst whom were . gentlemen of the chiefest . this was a bad presagement for the league . in like manner at the siege of senlis ( a towne of fraunce lying betweene paris and picardie ) which the parisians besieged , because it was a towne of great importance , the duke of longoveille came with support to the towne ; vpon which , battell ensued : wherein , . of the assailants were slaine and all their artillerie and baggage was taken . the king encouraged by those prosperous beginnings determined to goe forward , and to besiege the towne of paris with his armie of . men . the duke de maine and other principall leaguers in paris ●erc●●ued their faction tending to a ruine , but found no ●●ued●● except they executed some notable villanie by procuring the kings death . and they found out a young iacobine monke called frier iaques clement , who for a kinde of dextcritie obserued in him was found meet to strike so great a stroake . the monke departed from paris , and being presented to speake to the king the first day of august , said that he had letters from the president of harley and credence on his part . the king caused him to be called into his chamber , where there was none other but the 〈◊〉 belligard chiefe gentleman of the same , and the procuror generall , whom hee procured to retire a part more priuatlie to giue ●are vnto him , who adressed himselfe ( as it seemed ) with a countenance verie simple and demure . it is affirmed that in the selfe same chamber the massacre of paris had beene concluded , anno . the king himselfe that was then duke of aniou being one of the chiefest . the monke perceiuing himselfe alone , and opportunitie offered him drew out of one of his sleeues a paper which hee presented to the king , and out of of the other a knife which hee violently thrust within the kings small ribbes , hee being attentiue in r●●ding . the king perceiuing himselfe wounded plucked the knife out of the wound wherewith he stroke the monke aboue the eye , and therevpon some gentlemen came ru●ning in ; who moued with the indignitie of so execrable fact , could not containe but killed the murtherer with their swords , who went to the place appointed for him , and was canonized and adorned by the league . the king being carried to his bed , died about three of the clock● in the morning the day following . a little before his d●parture , hee named the king of navarre his brother in law , lawfull successor to the crowne , exhorting his good subiects to obey him , and to referre the difference of religion to the convocation of the estates generall of the realm , and to pray to god for him , vpon these words he gaue vp the ghost . after the kings death , the image and portraiture of the traiterous monke , who killed the king by the commandement of the chiefe of the league , was most artificially framed in brasse , & other paintings , wherewith they garnished both their houses and their churches . then was hee canonized , and amongst the superstitious prayed vnto as a martyr , whom they called by the name of saint iaques clement . the leaguers had with all their might endeavoured in the former kings dayes to disappoint the succession of the king of navarre , to the crowne of france . now therefore they caused that title by proclamaton to bee given to the cardinall of burbone , being then prisoner , whom they called king charles the tenth , and duke de maine was declared lieutenant generall to the estate and crown of france , thereby disguising and colouring his vsurpation to the crowne . but king henry the fourth , after he had buryed the corps of his predecessor , tooke his first iourney to normandy , where the pont to larch was yeelded to him : then hee came to deepe , wonne caen vnto his side , and constrained neuscastle to be rendered into his hands . and hauing made a show to besiege roane , it caused duke de maine being called to the succour by aumalle and brissac , to set himself in the field with more then . horsemen , and . footmen , who promised to the parisians , at that time to make an end of all warre , and to bring their enemy bound vnto them both hand and foot . the king marching toward his enemies , encamped at a certaine village called arques , about two miles from deep , and so entrenched it about on all sides , that hee might easily ouerrunne the enemy at all times . the duke de maine lay about arques , from the end of august vntill the midst of september , gayning nothing but losse of his best approoved souldiers , and nine or ten of their captaines . this first enterprise against the king did truely presage vnto them what successe they were like to haue in all their attempts to come , wherof followed nothing else but shame and sorrow . this done , the king by easie iourneys drew nigh to paris , and entred by force the suburbs of s. iaques , and being advertised that the duke de maine was come forth of picardie , and with all his forces had entered into paris , hee stayed foure long houres in battell , to see if any of the leaguers would issue out to fight . afterward hee departed from paris , and tooke the townes of vendosme , and mans , and falaize , wherein count brissac was taken prisoner : also hee recovered honfleur , a towne vpon the sea coast in normandie , and compelled the duke de maine to raise his siege from the towne and fort of meulan . in the beginning of march , the duke de maine with all his forces passed over the bridge of maule , which is about eight miles from dreux : whereof the king being advertised , provided for his affaires , and the twelfth of the same moneth , set himselfe on the way to goe against his enemies . on the thirtith day the king after hee had ordered his army , made an earnest prayer to god , and looked for battell , but there were nothing but skirmishes , wherein the leaguers had the worst . the next day the battels ioyned neere to the towne of dreux , wherein the king obtained a great victory , and overthrew all the footmen of the leaguers , which were counted to the number of twelue thousand men . onely the switzers who cast downe their weapons , and yeelded to the king , together with the frenchmen who were mingled amongst them , had their liues spared : also fifteene hundred horsemen of the leaguers were slaine and drowned , and foure hundred taken prisoners . the duke de maine fled towards dreux , and when he was entred the towne , broke vp the bridge before his owne people were all come , which was the cause of the death of a great number of his army , especially of the rutters , of whom a great sort were drowned . in this battell the army had their ioy mixed with sorrow , at the first : for they saw not the king returne , but within a while after , they espyed him comming all stained with the blood of his enemies , not having shed one droppe of his owne ( whom they discryed onely by the great plume of white fethers , which hee had in his creast , and that which his palfrey had on his head ) all the army gaue hearty thankes to god for his safetie , crying with one voyce , god saue the king. the duke de maine and other captaines of the league being frustrate of their hope , and seeing their army thus spoyled ; betooke themselues to their ordinarie shifts , which was to feed the parisians with fable and lyes : publishing that in the battell they had almost eq●all losse , and that the king if hee was not already dead , hee was neare vnto it . but the people being every day more and more ascertained of the truth , began to grudge , and to be desirous of peace , so that the duke of maine tooke his iourney towards the duke of parma , to obtaine support from him . the king drew nigh to paris , and shut vp the passages of the river of seane , being master of mance and poyssie on the one side , and corbell melum , and monterean on the other side of paris ; so that neither from aboue , nor from below , could any provision bee carryed to paris by the river of seane : likewise by taking of lagnay , and the fort of gonrey , hee stopped the passage of the river of merue , and by taking compienge , creil , and beaumont , hee stopped the passage of the river of oisso , or ayne . in that populous towne the famine was soone felt , and within the space of three moneths , moe then an hundred thousand dyed in the towne : yet the most part of them stirred vp by the seditious preachers , were content rather to endure an hundred deathes , then to acknowledge their owne soveraigne king , whom they called an heretique , and a favourer of them . the duke de maine having obtained promise of support from the duke of parma , returned from beuxellis , whom the king pursued from laon to meux , where hee inclosed himselfe betweene two rivers , waiting for the comming of the duke of parma . the king hoped for battell so soone as the duke of parma was ioyned with the duke de maine , but the duke of parma got vp to an hill to view his enemies army , and after hee had throughly noted it , hee tooke resolution not to fight , but to fortifie and entrench his army within a great marrash , and so by meanes of his intrenchments , hee eschewed the hazard of battell , and came to paris , and named himselfe the deliverer of it . but after he had stayed a while in paris , the principall captaines of the league , began to giue the duke of parma thankes for his good will , and entreated him to goe with his people to breuxelis againe . this request or secret command , fell out very well for the duke . for on the one part , his army was seene by all men dayly to waste , and himselfe did plainely behold that hee stood in the midst of an inconstant multitude . therefore hee dressed himselfe homeward with all possible speed , and the king pursued him to the very frontiers of artoys . the duke of parmaes comming , serued to none other purpose but to fill their purses with the gold of peru , and to entangle and bring their affaires vnto a remedilesse end : for in the beginning of the yeere . the king continued his siege , and the parisians were fallen into their wonted distresses , as before . but we leaue for a while , and marke the estate of the rest of the countrey . in the countrey of dauphein , francis de bonne , lord of diguireres , chased the leaguers out of that part , and became master of grenoble . in normandy the duke of montpensier , wonne honfleur , and forced the leaguers to forsake field . in poictou the vicount dela guerche , commanding over certaine regiments of footmen , and horsemen , and finding about a thousand of naturall borne spaniards , newly come from brittaine to doe some great exployt , they were all charged by the baron de la rotche pose , and others of the kings chiefe servitors . in this conflict la guerche was compelled to see . gentlemen of his most assured favourers , slaine , and lying on the ground , at the which sight hee was so abashed , that hee fled to the next river , where finding the boat , and thinking to goe over easily , the throng was so great , that the boate and all the passengers sunke to the bottome : la guerche was there drowned , with a great number of others . there perished in the water and in the fight , moe then seven hundred spainards : some supposed this losse of the leaguers to be little lesse then that of coutras , by reason of the great number of the nobility that dyed therein . likewise the lord digners overthrew in the plaine of portcharre , the duke savoyes army , commanded by amedio , the dukes bastard sonne , and don pleneres , a spanish captaine , and the marquis of treuic , and others . there were slaine vpon that plaine , . and . of the dukes army , and a great number were taken prisoners , being for the most part gentlemen of command . the booty which was gotten , amounted to the summe of two hundred thousand crownes . the next day two thousand romanes and souldiers of millaine , who with their commander , the earle of galcot of belioyense , were saved within the castle of d' analon , at length yeelded themselues to the kings mercy : but the fury of the souldiers could not bee quenched , till they had slaine sixe or seven hundred of them . the rest having white roddes in their hands given them in stead of pasports , were sent home to italy . in the meane time the king handled his affaires so busily , that hee had taken the townes of chartresse and noyon , and taken order that paris should still bee inclosed on every side : so that the great tribute and taxes which were gathered for the bringing in of victuals to the parisians , and for the maintenance of their troopes , did gleane away their money peece after peece , and brought the people to great poverty . likewise the king after the taking of noyon , sent som of his troops to normandie , to tame those of roan , who shewed themselues no lesse obstinate then the parisians . the leaguers had none other shift , but againe to cry for ayde of the duke of parma : who entred into france the second time , with foure thousand footmen , and three thousand horsemen , besides some italians conducted by s. fondrat earle of mont martian , and three thousand switzers . at this his approaching to roane , the towne of candebec was yeelded to him , howbeit he did not keep it long : and hee entred into roane , but made no tarrying there , because his purpose was to set forward to paris . the king on the other part , sent to all the neighbour townes , such as louviers , mance , menlan , vernon , and others , where his garrisons were , that they should march towards him , which was speedily performed : so that in sixe dayes , his army grew to more then three thousand horsemen , and six thousand footmen . with this companie the king followed the duke of parmaes army , and charged diverse times so roughly , that at one time they lost six hundred of their number , another time , two thousand and fiue hundred , and so fled shamefully towardes paris , and from thence to brie , and last they came to artoys : where within few moneths the duke of parma with his troopes melted , like waxe in the sunne . s. fondrat saw his people also confounded . besides this good successe , the kings favourites in many other parts of the land , still continued prevailing against their enemies . the duke of bouillone mariscall of france , accompanied with foure hundred horse , and two hundred hagbuziers , onely overthrewe before beaumont , the lord of d' amblise , high mariscall of loraine , and the dukes lieutenant generall , accompanied with two thousand footmen , and eight hundred horsemen . amblize was slaine in the field , with more then seven hundred others : his artillery wonne , all his corners and ensignes taken : and . lance-knights sent away vnarmed . in languedocke duke de ioyense , the brother of him who was slaine at coutras , had besieged montaban , and villemure , but thimenes issuing out of villemure , constrained the duke to forsake the held , with the losse of three thousand men , three canons , and two culverines . the bridge which the duke had builded over tie was cut vp , and was almost the cause of all their deaths . ioyense himselfe overcome with dispaire in this distresse , was heard to vomit out these desperate words . farewell my great canons , ha , i renounce god , i runne this day an high fortune : and therewith desperatly hee plunged himselfe horse and all into the river tae . this was the miserable end of this cruell , proude , and blasphemous young duke , who was much lamented of the leaguers : for whom hee had done many great exployts . the kings army in that part consisting of fiue hundred horsemen , and two thousand and fiue hundred hagbuziers , besides those that were within the towne of villemure , withdrew themselues in good order vnto their garrisons , after they had given thankes to god , for so prosperous a victory . after all those successes which god granted to the king , followed his defection from his religion , in the moneth of iuly , anno , . the archbishops , bishops , and doctors of sorbon , were appointed to meet at mance , the fifteenth of iuly , without any mention of the protestants ministers , who were before put from the king. by whose perswasion the king was induced to heare and see masse sung , in the cathedrall church of saint denise , the fiue and twentith day of iuly . all this asswaged not the furie of the leaguers , who still continued in their wonted malice against the king , and stirred vp a wicked man , called peter burrier , alias , bar , borne at orleance , to slay the king. this man was committed to prison at melun , the sixe and twentith day of august , where hee confessed that hee was seduced by a capushan fryer at lyons , and by a curat and vicar of paris , and also by a iesuit , closely to follow the king , and to murther him with a two edged knife , which also was found about him : he was drawne through the streets of melun , where then the king was ; they cut off his right arme holding the murthering knife therein , and after burned the same : also his armes , legs , and thigh-bones were broken vpon a wheele , where he languished certaine houres till hee dyed . the king seeing that the malice of his enemies still continued , resolued no longer to beare the same , wherefore hee caused a declaration to be imprinted and published in the beginning of the yeere , . containing an oration of the mischiefes and vnfaithfull practises of the leaguers . prescribing a moneths liberty as well to the chiefe of the leaguers , as to the clergie , cities , townes , communalties , yea , and to all men generally within the same , to acknowledge him their king , and to submit themselues to his gouernment . the time once past , hee would revoke his grace & favour , accounting them to be rebells , and guilty of high treason , for contempt of his kingly offer . the report of this declaration , and the preparations which the king made to chastise their stubborne opinions : amazed the very principall of the league , and the most part of the rebellious townes and commons . the towne of meux in brie , a small iourney from paris , yeelded themsselues to the king , the eleventh of ianuary : and by a pithy letter , exhorted the parisians to follow their example . soone after the cities of orleance , lyons , roane , poicters , bourges , haure de grace , pontean de mervernueil at perche , pointoise , riome in anergne , peron , and mondidier in picardie , were received in favour : and those of annens and abeveil , after they had remained neuters a while , shortly after acknowledged their soveraigne king. last of all , the towne of paris yeelded to the king , in the moneth of march. wherein it is to bee noted , that the kings troopes entred so peaceably into the towne , that within two houres after , the shops were all set open , and the towne appeared so peaceable , as if there had never beene any change . in picardie the towne of laon was fortified against the king , by the spaniards forces , & yet was compelled to yeeld soissons and la fere , which were possessed by the duke de maine , and the spaniards would not yeeld : and the towne and fort of blauel in britannie was also fortified against the king. but now seeing the league inclined to an hastie ruine , the last refuge was by horrible treason , to cut off henry the fourth , as they had done henry the third before . to this effect they stirred vp a young stripling , named iohn castill , about . or . yeeres of age , to slay the king as he was returning from picardie to paris . thus vpon the . day of december , anno , ●as the king was readie booted and spurred to returne from picardie to paris , within a chamber at lououre , this stripling went into the chamber amongst the presse , and as the king was busily occupied in receiuing his nobles , and in a princely manner kissing them for his farewell , suddenly he would haue stricken the king in the bodie with a knife he had in his hand . but by reason his maiesty was very readie to take vp the lords which were on their knees before him , in his stooping he strucke him in the face on the vpper iaw on the right side , therewithall cutting out one of his teeth . presently this miserable caitiue was taken , and after examination , vnderstanding that he was a scholler of the iesuites , the king said , and must it needs be that the iesuits must be confounded by my mouth . this parricide being brought to prison , freely declared all the circumstances of his euill intent , discouering many of the iesuits secret practises . amongst many other things he remembred he heard the fathers of that holy societie say , that it was lawfull to kill the king , that he was excommunicated out of the church , that he was not to be obeyed nor taken for their king , vntill such time as he was allowed by the pope . the court of parliament condemning this castile of treason in the highest degree , caused him to be brought naked in his shirt before the principall part of the cathedrall church in paris , holding in his hand a taper of waxe , lighted , there to confesse his haynous sinne , asking forgiuenesse of god , the king , and the lawes , which done , he was conveyed to the place of execution , carrying in his hand the murthering knife , wherewith he intended to murther the king : the which was there first cut off , his flesh pulled off with hot burning pincers , both from his armes and thighs ; after that , his bodie was drawne in peeces with foure horses , and cast into the fire and consumed to ashes , and the ashes scattered in the winde . likewise the said court of parliament ordeined , that all the priests and schollers of clermont colledge , and all other of the same societie of iesus , to be holde● and reputed as corrupters of youth , disturbers of the publique peace , enemies to the king and state : and to avoyde within three dayes after the proclamation of this edict , out of paris and all other townes and places where their colledges are , and within . dayes after , out of the kingdome , on paine , if being found after the time prefixed , to be punished as guiltie of the said crime of treason . besides these horrible troubles that were in france in the dayes of this emperour rodulph , the king of spaine prepared a great armie to invade the realme of england . this armie was counted invincible , and of most admirable preparation , it conteined an hundreth and thirtie ships , wherein were as many regiments , having an hundreth seuentie two ensignes , and . fighting men , besides the number of . moe that had nothing to doe with armes ; also their furniture and provision was exceeding great , for they had . quintals of biscat . . pipes of wine . . quintals of bacon . . quintals of cheese . . quintals of dried fish of all sorts . , bushels of beanes and pease . . roues and measures of oyle . . roues of vineger . and . pipes of fresh water : besides the victuals and necessaries of houshold , that were in great number , and of all sorts . the armes reserued for store were . caleeuers , & their furnitures , a . muskets , a . lances , a . partisants and halbards . . pikes . more pickaxes , payles , and other instruments then would serue for . pioners . with this number and in this manner being prepared , the armie departed out of lisbone , vnder the conduct of the duke de medina gidonia , assisted with . lords , of estate , councell , and experience . but it had searce entred into the sea , sailing toward the gnongnes in gallicia , but there arose a storme with so great force , that the navie was constrained to put to land , and there to stay till winde and weather serued : hauing lost in that storme three gallies of portugalls , and many of them so scattered and bruised , that they were not seruiceable for that voyage . the storme being calmed and the weather good , about the . of iulie , the generall caused them to set saile so fortunately , that in lesse then fiue dayes after , they descryed the point or end of cornwall , and at the same time they were seene from plimmouth by the admirall of england , and sr francis drake , vice admirall , who made them turne their faces , and gaue them such a skirmish , and that so neere , that the ships were in disorder , and a great gallion lost , wherein was found a part of the treasures that the armie brought with it , and all the instructions which the duke de medina had , and what he should doe , having conquered england . at the last the navie got as farre as callis , where it should haue ioyned with the duke of parma ; but the armie of england that fought to impeach it , followed it , and that so nie , that it was forced to leaue her anchor-hold , & confusedly to flie away . their principall gallias , among other vessels , was by the streames cast vpon the sands hard by the hauen of callis , & there with his ordnance was left for the governor of callis . after this , it made toward the north seas , passing betweene norway and scotland , and so toward ireland , where those northerne seas , being as then risen according to the time of yeare , were very tempestuous , and vsed the rest of the armie very hardly , for it drowned and sunke . great vessels vpon the coast of ireland , and spoyled , broke , and ouerthrew diuers others , in such manner , that of . shippes , there were scarcely . that returned to spaine . here endeth the first booke . the second booke of the history of the church , containing a briefe catalogue of the beginnings , proceedings , and deaths of all the bishops , popes , patriarches , doctors , pastors , and other learned men in europe , asia , and africa , since christs dayes vntill this present . centvrie i. of apostles . after the lords resurrection , his twelue apostles were indued with grace from aboue , and sent forth to convert all people to the obedience of christ : whose travels the lord so wonderfully blessed , that within a short time many thousands of all nations & languages , whom god had appointed to eternall life , were converted to the faith of christ. this conquest that christ made by the ministrie of twelue poore and contemptible men , is more worthie to be called a conquest ; then all the valiant exployts of cyrus , alexander , caesar , and other conquerours . for he made this conquest by a small handfull of poore and infirme disciples ; also he conquered not onely the bodies of men , but also their hearts to his obedience : and finally , he made this conquest , not by shedding of peoples blood , but by preaching of his owne death , and bloodshed for the redemption of many . neither conquered he free men , to make them slaues , as other conquerours had done : but they who were slaues indeed to sathan , vnto them he gaue the libertie of the sonnes of god. now these twelue apostles the more faithfully they laboured in the worke of their ministrie , the worse were they entreated by the vnthankefull world , according as christ had foretold . the most part of them were put to death , the rest were not free of many painefull sufferings and rebukes , which they willingly sustained for the name of christ. peter and paul are supposed to haue beene martyred at rome : andrew to haue beene crucified in achaia : mathew beheaded in ethiopia : iames the brother of iohn was beheaded by herod in iudea : iames the sonne of alpheus , called iustus , was throwne downe headlong from the pinacle of the temple : simon of canaan was crucified in the dayes of traianus , being an hundreth and twentie yeeres old , when he suffered martyrdome . bartholomew is said to haue beene martyred in armenia : and simon zelotes , to haue beene crucified in brittaine : iohn died at ephesus : philip in hierapolis , functius calleth the towne hierosopolis : iudas lebbeus , at edessa : thomas in india : and matthias in ethiopia . of evangelists . as concerning the evangelists , they were fellow-labourers with the apostles in the worke of christ , and were also partakers with them of christs sufferings . the evangelist marke died in alexandria . luke in bithynia , others say in constantinople . philip , who first was a deacon , and afterward an evangelist , died in cesarea . barnabas in the isle of cyprus . where timothy and titus did compleate their dayes , it is not certainly knowne . chytraeus opinion about timothy i haue alreadie declared . ierome supposeth that titus died in candie . the successours of the apostles and evangelists , are not to be reckoned as the successours of emperours : because he who next obtaineth the emperiall diadem and place of gouernment , is counted the successour of the last emperour : but he who obtaineth a faithfull pastors chaire , and teacheth a doctrine contrarie to that which a faithfull pastor hath taught , is to be counted a grieuous wolfe stepped vp into his roome . and nazianzenus calleth such a man an adversarie , standing vp in the place of a faithfull pastor , darkenesse succeeding to light , a tempest succeeding to calme weather , and madnesse obteining place where right reason was wont to be . and therefore those bishops and doctors following , who keepe inviolably that forme of wholesome doctrine which they receiued from the apostles , these , i say , alone are to be counted true successours of the apostles . bishops of rome . of this number , was linus bishop of rome , who after the martyrdom of peter & paul governed that church ten yeeres , three moneths , and twelue dayes . eusebius thinketh this is that same linus , of whom the apostle paul writeth in the last chapter of his second epistle to timothy : eubulus & pudens & linus , and claudia salute thee . after him succeeded anacletus , and gouerned nine yeeres , three moneths , and ten dayes ; and after him cl●mens ruled eleuen yeeres ; eusebius also thinketh , this is that clemens , of whom the apostle paul writeth to the philippians , yea i beseech thee faithfull yoke-fellow , helpe those women that laboured with me in the gospell , with clement also and with other my fellow labourers , whose names are in the booke of life . ignatius bishop of antioch , had his heart so inflamed with the loue of christ , that when his dissolution was neere approaching , he said to the romanes : now doe i begin to be the disciple of christ , i couet for nothing that can be seene with bodily eyes , to the end that i may enioy iesus christ : let the fire , the crosse , the beasts , the breaking of bones , convulsion of members , and bruising of the whole bodie , and the torments of the deuill sease vpon me , prouided i may be partaker of iesus christ. he was deuoured with beasts in the dayes of traianus , and so patiently indured death for the name of iesus , that he allured the deuouring beasts to approach neere vnto his bodie , that it being ground with the teeth of beasts , he might be found as fine flowre in the house of his father . about the same time also flourished papias , bishop of hierapolis , who was a man of great authoritie , because of his neerenesse to the apostles dayes : yet leaning more to the report of the doctrine of the apostles , then to the certaintie of their owne writings , he fell into the errour of the chiliastes , who imagined that christ should raise the godly first , and liue with them a thousand yeeres in this earth , in all kinde of delicate pleasures . centvrie ii. bishops of rome . in this second centurie the bishops of rome for the most part proued faithfull and worthie seruants of christ. a great number of them were baptized with the baptisme of christ , and dranke of the cup that christ dranke of , and were drenched with their owne blood , and they watered the church of rome with the streames of their blood , as egypt is watered and made fruitfull with the invndation of nilus ; men of blessed remembrance : damasus writeth that from saint peter to telesphorus , all the bishops of rome were martyrs . others added , that vntill the dayes of sylvester , who liued in the time of the raigne of constantine , all the bishops of rome had the honour of martyrdome . but in these hyperbolicke speeches , neither hath the distinction betweene a martyr and a confessour beene rightly considered , ( albeit well marked by euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . ) neither hath the history of the raigne of antoninus pius beene rightly pondered , in whose dayes hyginus and pius liued , and were not slaine for the testimony of christ. alwayes it is an envious minde that holdeth backe from worthie men their due prayse and commendation , both in doing of good and patient suffering of euill for christs sake . in rehearsing the names of the romane bishops , i thought meete to follow ireneus and eusebius rather then platina . in the first centurie after the martyrdome of peter and paul , linus , anacletus , and clemens , were teachers of the romane church . in the second centurie , follow evaristus , alexander . xistus . telesphorus , hyginus , pius . anicetus , soter , eleutherius , and victor . this victor must needes be called the . bishop of rome , if eleutherius be the . according to the computation of ireneus lib. . cap. . onuphrius according to his owne custome , giueth more credite to olde parchments , that he hath found in the vatican bibliotheke , then to any auncient father . he beginneth earely to distinguish cletus from anacletus , that by taking libertie to thrust in one moe in the first centurie , he may haue the greater boldnesse to thrust out another of the feminine sexe in another centurie . for it grieueth him to the heart to heare this thing so vniversally affirmed , and to see the penne of platina blushing , when he writeth of iohannes the eight , he maketh little contradiction to that setled and receiued opinion of the feminine pope . but i leaue onuphrius sporting with his owne conceits , as a pleasant doth with his owne fingers , when no other body will keepe purpose with him . euaristus finished the course of his ministration in eight yeeres . alexander who is in expresse words called the fift b. of rome , after the death of peter and paul , gouerned ten yeeres , and suffered martyrdome in the dayes of adrian , as platina writeth . after him xistus . continued ten yeeres , and died a martyr , platin. telesphorus the . bishop of rome after the dayes of the apostles liued in that ministration eleuen yeeres , and was honoured with martyrdome . hyginus an. . and pius the . ministred . yeeres . these two suffered not martyrdome , because their lot was to liue in the calme dayes of a meeke emperour antoninus pius . anicetus ministred in that office . yeeres , with whom polycarpus b. of smyrna , conferred at rome concerning the obseruation of the festiuitie of easter day . he concluded his life with the glorious crowne of martyrdome . to him succeeded soter , an. . after him eleutherius , an. . in whose time lucius king of the britons desired that he and his people should be baptized and receiued into the fellowship of christians : to whom eleutherius sent fugatius and damianus , who satisfied the desire of the king , and his people , so they were baptized and counted christians . after him victor , an. . he intended to haue excommunicated all the churches of the east , because they kept not the festiuitie of easter day , conforme to the cust●me of the church of rome , but rather vpon the day wherein the iewes were accustomed to eat their paschall lambe . but this rashnesse of victor was somewhat abated by the graue and prudent counsell of ireneus , b. of lyons , who admonished victor , that there was no lesse discrepance of customes concerning keeping of lent , then was concerning the keeping of easter day , yet was not the vnitie of the church violated nor rent asunder for this discrepance . and when polycarpus b. of smyrna came to rome , in his conference with anicetus neither of them could perswade the other to change the custome of keeping of dayes which they had receiued by tradition of their predecessours . notwithstanding they kept fast the bond of christian fellowship , and anicetus admitted polycarpus to the communion of the romane church , and they departed in peace one from another . quadratus b. of athens , liued in the dayes of adrian . this emperour vpon a certaine time wintered in athens , and went to eleusina , and was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , initiate into all the mysteries of grecia . this fact of the emperour gaue encouragement to those who hated christians without allowance of the emperours commandement to vexe the christians . concerning his apologie for christians giuen into the emperour , together with the apologie of aristides , a learned philosopher and eloquent orator in athens , wee haue spoken already in the description of the life of adrian . agrippas castor , a very learned man answered to the books of the heretique basilides , who with the noueltie of barbarous and vncouth words , troubled the hearts of rude and ignorant people , talking of a god whom he called arbraxas , and of his prophets barcab and barcob , words inuented by himselfe to terrifie simple people . such delusions of satan quintinists in our dayes , an ignorant race of braine sicke fellowes haue vsed . and so the blind led the blind , and both fell into the ditch . in this age , hegesippus of the nation of the iewes was converted vnto the faith of christ , and came to rome in the dayes of anicetus , and continued vntill the dayes of eleutherius . but for what cause he came to rome , or in what part of the world he bestowed the trauels of his ministrie , no mention is made , neither by eusebius , nor by any other ancient writer , no not by ierome himselfe , a most accurate explorator of all antiquities . melito , b. of sardis , a famous towne in lydia , wrote an apologie for the christians to the emperour antoninus philosophus , whom eusebius calleth marcus aurelius verus . his apologie was written with christian freedome and courage : for he was not afraid to declare to the emperour what good successe augustus caesar had , in whose dayes christ was borne , and what vnprosperous successe , nero and domitian had , who persecuted the christians . eusebius calleth him an eunuch . in the fourth persecution died iustinus martyr , accused and delated by crescens . he was converted to christs religion by the trauels of an old man , whom he supposed for his grauitie to haue beene a philosopher , but he was a christian . this ancient man counselled iustinus to be a diligent reader of the doctrine of the prophets and apostles , who spake by diuine inspiration , who knew the veritie , and were not couetous of vaine glory , neither were they dashed with feare , whose doctrine also was confirmed with miraculous workes , which god wrought by their hands . aboue all things willed him to make earnest prayers to god to open vnto him the ports of true light , because the truth cannot be comprehended , except the father of light , and his sonne christ iesus giue vnto vs an vnderstanding heart . he wrote two bookes of apologie for christians to the emperour antoninus pius , and to his sonnes , and the senate of rome . in the second booke of his apologie he declareth that christians were put to death , not for any crime they had committed , but onely for their profession . in witnesse whereof , if any of them would denie his christian profession , straight way he was absolued , because there was no other thing wherewith he was charged . in this same persecution also suffered the holy martyr of christ , polycaryus , b. of smyrna . he was willing to haue remained in the towne of smyrna , but by the earnest supplications of friends , was mooued to leaue the towne , and lurke secretly in the countrie . three dayes before hee was apprehended by his persecuters , he dreamed that his bed was set on fire and hastily consumed , which he tooke for a diuine aduertisement , that he behooued to glorifie god by suffering the torment of fire . his conference with the romane deputie , and how he refused to deny christ , whom he had serued fourescore yeeres , and euer found him a gratious master : also how he refused to sweare by the fortune of caesar , and how patiently he suffered death for the name of christ , this history is set downe at large by eusebius . ireneus b. of lyons in france , and successour to photinus , a martyr and disciple of polycar●us in his youth , flourished in the dayes of the emperour commodus , whose meeke conuersation and peaceable carriage answered to his name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , peaceable , & made his name to be in great account amongst christians . how he pacified the furie of victor , b. of rome , and the pernicious schisme springing vp in the church of god vpon very small occasion , it hath beene alreadie declared . he lacked not his owne infirmities and errours , euen in doctrine . he was intangled with the errour of the chiliasts . he supposed that as christ being thirtie yeere old was baptized , so likewise he began to teach when he was fortie yeere old , and suffered when he was fiftie , because he came to saue all , and therefore he would taste of all the ages of mankinde . yet is this opinion repugnant to the narration of the foure euangelists . clemens alexandrinus liued in the dayes of the emperour commodus . he was the disciple of pantenus . these two seeme to be the authors of vniversities and colledges : for they taught the grounds of religion , not by sermons and homilies to the people , but by catecheticall doctrine to the learned in the schooles . this clemens esteemed too much of tradition , like as papias did , of whom we spake in the former centurie , whereby it came to passe , that he fell into many strange & absurd opinions , directly repugnant to the written word of god : affirming that after our calling to the knowledge of the truth , possibly god may grant to them that haue sinned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but if we sin ofter then once or twise , there is no more renuing by repentance , or pardon for sin , but a fearefull expectation of iudgement . and in his . booke of strom. as it were forgetting his own rigorous sentence against those who sinne ofter then once or twise after their illumination with the light of god , he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , whether here or els-where ( viz. creatures do repent ) no place is void of the mercy of god. in which words he would insinuate , that those who repent either in this world or els-where , ( that is in the world to come ) may possibly obtaine fauour at gods hand : nothing can be written more repugnant both to the word of god , and also to his own forementioned opinion . many other worthy preachers and learned men flourished in this centurie , whose names of purpose are pretermitted . in athens , publius & athenagoras : in corinth , primus , dionysius , and bacchilus : in the isle of candie , philippus and pinytus : in antiochia , hieron , theophilus , maximus , serapion . in ierusalem before the daies of the emperour adrian , the bishops of ierusalem were of the nation of the iewes . but after the daies of adrian who banished the iewes from their natiue soile , christian preachers of other nations were bishops in ierusalem , such as marcus , cassianus , publius , maximus , iulianus , capito , valens , dolichianus , narcissus : the most part of all these liued in this centurie , but narcissus with some others , are knowne to haue liued in the dayes of seuerus the fift persecuter , and some space after him . but to write of all other worthy preachers & doctours in particular , it were an infinite labour , and far surmounting the abilitie of these ecclesiastick writers , who wrote in ancicient times , and much more our abilitie who liue in a latter age . centvrie iii. bishops of rome . to victor succeeded zephyrinus the . bishop of rome , who liued in that charge eight yeeres , seauen moneths , ten dayes . eusebius attributeth vnto him . yeeres , so vncertaine is the computation of the yeeres of the gouernment of the bishops of rome . eusebius writeth nothing of his decretall epistles , and these that are forged by late writers are foolish and ridiculous . consecration of the holy cup to be in a vessell of glasse onely . a bishop to be accused before honest iudges , twelue in number , whom the bishop himselfe shall chuse if need be . honest and vnspotted witnesses to be heard in this cause no fewer then . conforme and aboue the number of those . disciples whom christ adioyned as fellow-labourers in preaching with his apostles . and finally , that no definitiue sentence should be pronounced against a bishop , vntill the time his cause were heard of the patriarch of rome . this is but a mocking of the church of god , to attribute such smelling pride , such vnaccustomed formes of iudicatory , such defencing armour fencing & guarding vnrighteous men against iust deserued punishment , to the simplicitie of an ancient church , humbled vnder the crosse , and fighting vnder the yoke of heauie and long-lasting afflictions . these false and forged decretall epistles , altogether vnknowne to the fathers , who liued before the dayes of constantine , will procure one day a decree & sentence of wrath against those , who haue giuen out new intended lies , vnder the names of ancient and holy fathers . the canons of the apostles ( albeit a booke falsely attributed to the apostles ) doe agree better with scripture , then the constitution of zephyrinus ; for the scripture saith , that by the mouth of two or three witnesses , euery word shall be confirmed . the canons of the apostles say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , let not an heretique be admitted to beare witnes against a bishop , neither yet one witnesse onely , albeit , he be faithfull : because that by the mouth of two or three witnesses , euery word shall be confirmed . the writer of the canons of the apostles , had some remembrance of the words of scripture : but the forger of the decretall epistles of zephyrinus is like vnto a ship-man , who hath hoised vp his saile and aduanced his ship so far into the sea , that he hath lost the sight of land and townes , as the poet speaketh , provehimur pelago , terraque vrbésque recedunt . surely this lying fellow , who euer he hath bin , that hath written this supposititious decretall epistle of zephyrinus , he hath hoised vp his saile , and is so bent to lie , that he hath lost both sight & remembrance of the words of holy scripture . callistus the . bishop of rome continued in his charge fiue yeeres . platina saith . yeeres , . moneths , . dayes . the fable of pope damasus , who affirmeth that callistus builded a church to the honour of the virgin mary , beyond tyber , is reiected by platina himselfe , because the hystorie of the time cleerely prooueth , that in the dayes of seuerus , and his sonnes , the conuentions of the christians could not haue beene in magnificke temples , but rather in obscure chappels , or subterraneall places , so that the multiplied number of lies written of the bishops of rome , who liued in this age , and the decretall epistles falsly attributed vnto them , plainly proue , that the garment of antiquitie , vnder the lap whereof papists would so gladly lurke , is altogether wanting to them . vrbanus . was the . bishop of rome . he continued in his office . yeeres . platina . yeeres , . moneths , . dayes . of his martyrdome eusebius maketh no mention . others who record his martyrdome , are not certaine in what emperours dayes he was martyred . i proceede to his successour pontianus the . b. of rome . he continued in his charge . yeeres , . months , . dayes . euseb . saith . yeeres . he was banished to the isle sardinia where he died . of the two decretall epistles ascribed vnto him , the second is general written to al men who feare and loue god , & the very first words of it proue it to be false & forged : pontianus sanct● & uniuersal●s ecclesia episcopus , &c. that is , pontianus b. of the holy vniuersal church , to al them who feare & loue god , wisheth welfare . such magnificke stiles as these were not as yet in vse , & when they crept into the church afterward , they were giuen by persons who admired the vertues of some singular and rare men , such as cyprian and athanasius and eusebius : but no man did vsurpe such proud & arrogant ti tles of dignitie in his owne writings directed to other christians , and therefore the learned reject this epistle as composed by some late vnlearned and flattering fellow . after pontianus succeeded anterus the . b. of rome , to whom eusebius assigned but one month of continuance in his ministrie : damasus assigneth to him . yeeres : platina . yeeres , . month , . dayes : and this diuersitie of counting cannot be reconciled . next to anterus succeeded fabianus the . b. of rome , vpon whose head a doue lighted when the people were consulting concerning the election of a b. therefore with full consent of the whole cōgregation he was declared to be their b. the people at this time were so farre from being secluded frō giuing their consent to the election of him who should be ordained their pastour , that the consent of the people had the sway in the election of pastours , func . chron , & commentar . he suffered martyrdom vnder the raigne of decius the . great persecuter , after hee had continued in his office . yeeres , . months , . daies : many constitutions made by him are cited by gratianus and inserted tom . concil . one of them i cannot passe by . we constitute that vpon euery lords day the oblation of the altar shall be made by euery man & woman both of bread & wine , to the end that by these oblations they may be deliuered frō the heapes of their sinnes . first marke in this constitution that the bread and wine which the people brought with them vpon the lords day , for the ministration of the holy communion is called the oblation of the altar , the table whereupon the bread and wine were laide , was called the alter : the bread and the wine are called the offering or the sacrifice , because part of it was distributed in the holy communion , to keepe a memoriall of the lords death , and the rest was giuen to the sustentation of the poore , and in that respect also it was called a sacrifice as ●he scripture speaketh , to do good & to distribute forget not , for with such sacrifices god is pleased . the last part of the decreet is blasphemous and falsly attributed to fabian : because the sinnes of men and women , who beleeue and repent , are forgiuen onely for the merite of that bloodie sacrifice which the lord iesus offered vpon the crosse for our sins . but our furnishing of elements to the cōmunion , & sustentation of the poore cannot merite forgiuenes of sins . the successour of fabianus was cornelius the . bishop of rome . he had a great strife against nouatus and his complices . he assembled a councell at rome of . bishops , besides elders and deacons , by whom the heresie of nouatus was condemned : and the nouatians were separated from the fellowship of the church . cornelius was bāished from rome by the emperour decius , and sent to a towne in hetruria called centum-cellae where hee had great comfort by the mutuall letters that passed betweene him and cyprian bishop of carthage . when the emperour got knowledge of this , he sent for cornelius , and accused him as a man who not onely despised the worshipping of the gods , & was disobedient to the emperours commandement , but also that he was a trafficker against the estate of the empire by receiuing and sending letters beyond sea . cornelius answered that he wrote matters pertaining to christ , & the saluation of mens soules , and not of matters belonging to the estate of the empire . notwithstanding the emperour decius commanded that hee should be scourged with plumbats ( this was a sort of grieuous whip ) and afterward that hee should be led to the temple of mars with commandement to put him to death , if he refused to worship the image of mars . thus was cornelius beheaded for the name of christ , after hee had gouerned . . yeeres , . daies . or as eusebius writeth , . yeares . lucius the . bishop of rome was successour to cornelius , & continued in the gouernement of the church of rome . yeeres , . months , . daies , platin. euseb. . months , lib. . cap. . one decretall epistle is assigned vnto him , written vnto the bishoppes of france and spaine , wherein hee braggeth that the bishops of rome cannot erre in matter of faith : but the ineptitude of a barbarous latine stile , wherein the epistle is dited , declareth it hath beene written by an vnlearned asse , and not by lucius bishop of rome . stephanus . bishop of rome ruled that church yeeres platin. . yeeres , . months , . dayes . he was greatly commoued against cyprian b. of carthage , because that by his opinion of rebaptizing those who were baptized by heretikes , the vnitie of the church of christ was perturbed and rent , platina writeth that cyprian before his martyrdome forsooke his opinion of rebaptizing and was content by imposition of hands according to the custome of the romane church to receiue such as had beene baptized by heretikes . the constitution concerning consecrated garments that men in spirituall offices should weare in the church , and no where else , lest they incurre the like punishment with baltasar , who abused the holy vessels of the house of god , in my opinion is not judiciously attributed by platina vnto this b. stephanus : because the ordinance smelleth rather of iudaisme then of christian religion , and the reason subioyned to the constitution is altogether impertinent . it was sacriledge indeed and a proud contempt of god in the person of baltasar , to drinke common wine with his harlots in the vessels of gold dedicated to the holy seruice of god , but an holy preacher to walke in the same apparell in the streete wherein he preached and ministred the communion in the church , this is no sinne nor a thing forbidden by any apostolike precept . but platina is dreaming when he ascribeth such sriuolous constitutions to a bishop , preparing himselfe for death : for platina supposeth that he was martyred in the dayes of galliexus . let the reader marke vpon what sandy ground of friuolous constitutions ( and falsely alledged ) popish faith is grounded . the decree of stephanus concerning marriage , bearing that the priests , deacons , & subdeacons , of the oriental church were coupled in matrimonie , but in the roman church no person in a spiritual office from the bishop to the subdeacon had libertie to marrie ; if it were true , as it is assuredly false , the orientall church hath a great commendation , because they would not be wiser then god , and they would not lay the yoke of the ordinances of men vpon the consciences of their church-men : but prohibition of marriage ( which i haue prooued to be a doctrine of deuils ) cannot be referred to so ancient a beginning . the romane church desirous to be masked with a shewe of antiquitie , they haue attributed canons to the apostles which are not found in their writings . yet it is a shame to the forgers of these canons to be found the principall impugners and transgressers of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , a bishop , elder , or deacon , who vnder pretence of religion putteth away his owne wife , if he cast her off , let him be excommunicated : and if hee perseuere in so doing , let him be deposed . how can this constitution of stephanus agree with the canons of the apostles ? heere i appeale to the consciences of honest and vpright men if they finde not that the lie is not onely repugnant vnto the veritie , but also vnto it selfe . the supposititious canons of the apostles , and the supposititious constitutions of stephanus cannot both consist . i know what they answere , viz. that the canons of the apostles speake of those bishops , elders , and deacons , who had wiues when they were admitted to ecclesiasticall offices , these should not put away their wiues vnder pretence of religion : but concerning others who were vnmarried in the time of their admission the . canon declareth otherwise . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , to vnmarried men who are promoted to the clergie , we command that if they please they shall marrie , but onely readers and singers , to wit , shall haue this priuiledge . it is an vnsufferable thing to heare such leuitie and inconstancie imputed to the holy apostles , that they debarred no man from the office of a bishop , elder or deacon , because he was a married man. o but if any man enter vnmarried to be a bishop , elder , or deacon , then hee must not marrie . if marriage had beene an vncleane thing it might haue debarred men from entering into holy offices , but if it be a cleane thing , it cannot exclude them after they haue entred . the other decreet alledged out of gratian , dist . . oporrebat ut haec , &c. that by the constitution of peter and his successors it was ordained , that one of the cardinall elders or deacons should be consecrated to be bishop of rome , & no other . such stiles of preheminence are vnknown to scripture , and to the antiquitie of this time . xistus or sixtus the . of that name , and in number the . bishop of rome succeeded to stephanus , and gouerned . yeeres , . months , . dayes . and func . chron , . yeeres , such vncertaintie is in counting the yeeres of their administration . the chaire of rome through the vehemencie of persecution was vacant without a successour . yeere . months , . dayes , as damasus granteth , and onuphrius the corrector of platina cannot denie . if the bishop of rome be the head of the church , then was the church headlesse almost for the space of two yeeres . to xistus succeeded dionysius . bishop of rome , and continued in his ministration . yeeres , according to the computation of eusebius . damasus assigneth vnto him . yeeres & . months , marianus . yeeres and . months : such certaintie is in the cheife and principall ground of the romane faith , concerning the succession of the romane bishops , that scarse two writers doe agree in one minde concerning the time of their succession . to dionysius succeeded felix . the . bishop of rome , and gouerned . yeeres . he liued in the dayes of aurelian the . persecuter , and obtained the honour of martyrdome . in the three supposititious decretall epistles assigned to him , the second epistle written to the bishops of the prouinces of france , very sollicitously careth for bishops that they be not accused by secular men , but with so many caueats , as in effect exempteth them from all accusation . the language wherin the epistle is indited , cannot agree with the ornat stile of the latin tongue in this age , he being a romane borne , as , platina writeth . post quam ipse ab ●s charitativè conventus fuerit . ad summos primates causa ejus canonicè defertur . conciliū regulariter convocare debebunt , &c. the galilean language manifested not more euidently that peter was a man of galile : then the first of these . phrases manifesteth that the foresaid epistle was compiled in a time of great barbaritie . eutychianus the . bishop of rome followed after felix . heē continued scarce ten months in his ministrie . caius the . bishop of rome succeeded to eutychianus and continued . yeeres . he liued in the dayes of the persecution of dioclesian , and lurked for a time in subterraneall places . in the end he was found out by the persecuters , and put to death , and with his brother gabinius and his brothers daughter susanna suffered martyrdome . here it is to be marked that many martyrs died before the edict of horrible persecution was set forth in the . yeere of dioclesians raigne . for marcellinus succeeded to caius , anno . but the cruell edicts of persecution of dioclesian were not set forth before the . yeere of our lord. whereby it appeareth euidently , that many christians were put to death before the edicts of horrible persecution were renued by the emperour dioclesian . so hard was the outward estate of christians , that they were put to death vpon the warrant of the edicts of valerian and aurelian , before the edicts of dioclesian and maximian came forth . to caius is attributed the constitution of ecclesiastical orders and degrees , by which men must mount vp to the dignitie of a bishop . first he must be ostiarius , next lector , . exorcista , . acoluthus . subdiaconus , . diaconus , . presbyter , and last of all episcopus . this order of ascending by degrees to the dignitie of a bishop is confidently referred to the constitution of the apostles : but i say , beatus qui non credit , that is , happie is he who beleeueth it not . like as within scripture there is no lie , so likewise without scripture there is no truth in matters of faith , ordering of maners , and appointing of ecclesiastical offices , all that is necessarie is contained in the written word of god. but now to performe a part of that which i promised in the end of my treatise of antiquitie , and to let euēry man see what vnlearned asses they haue been who haue set foorth the fained . decretall epistles of the fathers of this age . in the epistle written by caius to the bishop felix aboue-mentioned , hee saith , if any man , of what dignitie so euer he be , delate such persons ( viz. bishops , elders , deacons ) for faultes that cannot bee proued , let him vnderstand that by the authoritie of this constitution hee shall be counted infamous . this constitution hath three parts : first , that no ecclesiasticall person should be accused before a secular iudge . secondly if any accusation be intended against bishop , elder , or deacon , it should be qualified by sufficient probation . thirdly if the accuser succumbe in probation , hee should be counted infamous how eminent so euer his dignitie and estate shall be . the compiler of this supposititious decretal epistle had no consideration of the time wherein caius liued . it was a time of persecution , christian bishops were continually drawne before secular iudges , & accused of odious crimes whereof they were most innocent : and caius himselfe was compelled to lurke a long time in a subterraneall caue . at this time to bring in caius , as it were sitting in a throne , commanding that no bishop should be accused before a secular iudge , &c. what is this else but profusion of words without judgement and vnderstanding ? if this decretall epistle had beene attributed to bonifacius . gregorius . alexander . it had bin a more competent time , and the constitution had seemed more probable to the reader . moreouer the language is like vnto the matter it selfe . intelligat jacturam infamiae se sustinere , in place of , jacturam fam● . marcellinus the . bishop of rome succeeded to caius and ruled . yeeres : he fainted in time of the persecution of dioclesian , and sacrificed to idols , but afterward hee repented as peter did , and gaue his life for the testimonie of christ. he who accuseth himselfe , closeth all other mens mouths from accusation of him : hee who truly repenteth , by his repentance is restored to all the dignities of the children of god which were lost by sinne : hee who suffered martyrdome for christ , and he whose body lacked the honour of buriall for the space of . dayes , for the cause of christ onely ( i say ) his name should be kept in reuerent remembrance as if hee had not fallen . after marcellinus succeeded marcellus the . b. of rome who continued in that ministration . yeere . . months . dayes . he liued in the dayes of maxentius , by whom he was enclosed into a filthie stable , to the end that lacking the salubritie of wholsome aire , he might be destroyed with the filth & stinke of the dung of beast : which thing also came to passe indeed , for he died in the stable . this holy martyr , so long as he liued , he made the stable lik● vnto a sanctuarie : for he neuer intermitted the holy exercises of prayer , & fasting : and the church when peace was granted to them by the mercy of god , builded a temple in that same place where the stable had beene , wherein marcellus died . the name of marcellus is pretermitted by eusebius . after marcellus succeeded eusebius the . bishop of rome and continued yeeres , . month , . dayes . in his time platina writeth that helena the mother of constantine found the crosse of christ. but onuphrius himselfe is compelled to grant that both damasus and platina erred in that narration , because constantine at this time had no dominion in syria , neither was he as yet conuerted to the faith of christ. but the tyrant maximinus with great crueltie oppressed the church of christ in the boundes of syria and iudea . and therefore such as read the historie of the primitiue church , let them read with judgement : because it is an easie thing to erre , if any man giue such vndoubted credit to ecclesiasticall writers as he giueth to sacred scripture . of other preachers and doctors . tertullian a learned preacher of the african province , & of the citie of carthage , a man of a quick & pregnant wit , flourished vnder the raigne of severus , the fift persecuter . when hee came to rome , hee was not free of the envie and reproaches of the clergie of the romane church , and mooved with anger , hee declined to the opinion of the heretique montanus , and wrote books against the true church , such as the volumes following , de pudicitia , de persecutione , de i●iuni●s , de monogamia , de exsasi , lib. . and his seventh booke against apollonius . this lamentable defection of tertullian , may bee an example to all men of great vnderstanding and excellent learning , not to bee puft vp , nor to be high minded , lest they fall into the snare of the divell . for tertullian wrote learned apologies for the christians , and mightily confuted the errour of marcion : notwithstanding of all this , hee was high minded , and ioyned himselfe to the opinion of montanus . if hee had kept himselfe free of this foule spot , hee was worthie for his gifts to haue beene counted amongst the most famous doctors of the church , after the dayes of the apostles . origen the sonne of leonides an egyptian , was a young man of seventeene yeeres of age , when his father was martyred , in the persecution of severus . his wit was so pregnant in his youth , and so capable of all kinde of instruction , that his father would often vncover his brest when hee was a sleepe , and kisse it , giving thankes to god , who had made him father of so happy a sonne . after his fathers death , hee sustayned himselfe , his mother , and six brethren by keeping a schoole , for all his fathers goods was confiscate , for his confession of christ. when origen had spent his young age , the description of his life , in greeke saith ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , when hee was in his mid-age , the churches of achaia vexed with heretiques , sent for him : and as hee was vpon his iourney to athens , hee went through palestina , and was ordained to be a presbyter or priest , by alexander bishop of ierusalem , and theoctistus bishop of caesarea . this fact offended demetrius bishop of alexandria , so highly , that he was full of rage against origen : and wherefore ? because he being a man of alexandria received ordination to an ecclesiasticall office , from the bishops of ierusalem , and caesarea . when bishops become serious in trifling matters , and haue a greater regarde to their owne glory , then to the advancement of the kingdome of god : then that may bee spoken of them , which ierome writeth of demetrius , qui tanta in eum debacchatus est insania , vt per totum mundum super eius nomine scriberet , that is , hee was so full of rage against him , that hee replenished the world with writings mentioning the name of origen . but consider what fault was in origen , who was craving no ordination : and what fault was in alexander and theoctistus , men whose names shall be had in everlasting remembrance . they did nothing of intention to grieue the heart of demetrius bishop of alexandria , but onely being carefull of the advancement of the kingdome of god , they endeavoured to strengthen the hands of origen , against the heretickes of achaia , by conferring vnto him , the calling of a presbyter . no man can iustly offend against me , if i cast in this sentence , as a common admonition to all preachers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let vs not bee ouer serious in ridiculous matters . the name of origen was so famous , that not onely the bishops of achaia , sollicited him to come to their bounds for stopping the mouthes of heretickes , but also hee was sent for at two diverse times to be present at the councels convened in arabia , against heretickes . some heretickes afffirmed that the soules of men perish with their bodies , and are raised vp againe in the day of the resurrection , with the bodies , whom origen mightily refuted . likewise , hee was present at the councell in arabia , gathered against berillus bishop of bostra , who denyed that christ was existent before his manifestation in the flesh , and by the travelles of origen , berillus was reclaimed and reduced to the true faith : therefore i reckon him not in the roll of heretickes . firmilianus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , invited origen to come to cappadocia , where hee detained him a long time . likewise mammea the mother of alexander the emperour , sent for him , to come to antiochia , and had him in reverent regard . likewise hee wrote to the emperour philip , and to his mother , who was the first emperour that professed the name of christ. hee studied to bee acquainted with the hebrew language , farre contrary to the custome of his owne nation : and hee conferred the hebrew text with the greeke translations , not onely the septuagints , but also the translations of aquila , theodosion , and symmachus , and he found out the fift , sixt , and seventh editions . notwithstanding all these excellent gifts and renowned fame of origen , hee wanted not his owne grosse errours , and foolish facts . in expounding of scriptures , he became a curious searcher out of allegories . yet this father of allegories origen , mistooke the words of christ spoken of eunuches , there bee some chaste , which haue made themselues chaste for the kingdome of heauen : these words , i say , spoken in an allegor●coll sense , hee tooke in a simple and vnfigurate meaning , and gelded himselfe , to the end hee might liue without all suspition of vncleannesse . no learned man hath commended this fact of origen , so farre as my reading can extend , for if a man might lawfully dismember his own body , to the end hee might liue chastely , why might not a man in like manner cut off his owne hand , to the end he should not in hastie motion of anger kill his neighhour ? but the obedience of the commandements of god is seated in the heart , and more commended for voluntary subiection , then for necessity of abstinence of committing evill , because there is not an instument in the body able to commit transgression . finally , by seeking of divinity without the bounds of the holy scriptures of god , in stead of true divinity , he was entangled with foolish errors : concerning the creation of many worlds , one succeeding to another : concerning the paines of divels and wicked men , after long torments to be finished : and concerning the possibility of nature to keepe the whole law of god. for which opinions , long after his death he was excommunicate in the fift generall councell , holden anno , . concerning his weakenesse in offering to idols , rather then to suffer his chaste body to be abused , i haue spoken in the historie of the seventh persecution . hee lived vntill the dayes of gallus and volusianus , and died in . yeere of his age , in the towne of tyrus , where hee was buried . cyprian was an african , borne in carthage , in his youth altogether given to the studie and practice of magicall arts . his conversion was by the meanes of cecilius , a preacher , whose name after hee bare , and through occasion of hearing the history of the prophet ionah . after his conversion hee distributed all his substance to the poore , and became first a presbyter , and afterward bishop of carthage . hee was banished in the persecution of decius , and martyred vnder valerian . the worthy d. i. foxe thinketh that nazianzen commendeth another bishop of that same name borne in antiochia , and bishop in antiochia , who suffered martyrdome in the dayes of dioclesian . this cyprian bishop of carthage , was a man full of loue , a great comforter of cornelius , bishop of rome . he suffered martyrdome , as ierom writeth , that same day , albeit not in the same yeere , that cornelius concluded his life by glorious martyrdome . hee had great strife against two contrarie sects , viz. againsh novatus , who was excessiue rigorous against those who had fallen in time of persecution : and against novatia●us and felicissimus , who by the contrary would haue had both heretiques and apostates received without all forme of ecclesiasticall discipline . he esteemed much of those who suffered rebuke for the name of christ : and hee sayd of the metall mynes , that those that were condemned for christs sake to worke in them ; that whereas they were wont to deliver gold , and silver , and precious things vnto the world ; now by the contrary , the mynes receiue gold , and siluer , and the most precious things in the world : counting the confessours and martyres of christ the rich treasures of the earth , of whom the world was not worthy . his opinion concerning rebaptizing such as were baptized by heretiques , albeit it was erronius , yet his modesty in not damning them rashly , who were of a contrary opinion , is greatly praised by saint austen , who saith that the modestie of cyprian in his error , was more to be regarded , then a sound and right opinion concerning baptisme , without humility and modesty . hee was a faithfull builder of the house of god , not by word onely , but also by writing , and his bookes remaine to this day , as a precious treasure in the church of christ. the booke de revelatione capitis iohannis baptisiae , is supposititious , because in it mention is made of the reverence that pipinus king of france did to the head of iohn baptist , when it was transported from constantinople to france ; and it is knowne that pipinus was not borne . yeeres after the martyrdom of cyprian : how then could cyprian write of a fact done so long time after his death ? the church of christ was multiplyed vnder the persecutions of s●verus , maximinus , decius , valerian , aurelian , and dioclesian . all these sixe persecutions are comprehended in the third centurie . bishops of ierusalem . in ierusalem was narcissus , against whom wicked men combined themselues together , with forged accusations and false testimonies , sealed vp with oaths and imprecations , to grieue the heart of narcissus , in so much that hee left his calling , and fled to the wildernesse , where hee lurked a long time . but the false witnesses who bare testimony against him , escaped not vnpunished by the hand of god : one of them and his whole family and substance was burned with fire : another of them was stricken with an heavie disease , such as hee himselfe in his imprecations had wished vnto himselfe : the third was terrified with the sight of the iudgements of god , that lighted vpon the other two , and hee repented , and poured out the griefe of his dolorus heart in such aboundance of teares , that hee became blinde . all these false witnesses were punished , and he who was penitent , albeit the lord pardoned his sinne , yet hee chastised him with temporall punishments . the bishops of the next adiacent churches , because they knew not what was become of narcissus , they admitted another called dios , who continued but a short time . to him succeeded germanion : and after germanion , gordius , in whose time narcissus manifested himself to the church of ierusalem , who requested him to take his office againe : for they reverenced him as a man raised from death to life againe , and the punishment of god inflicted vpon his accusers , increased their reverence toward him . hee was old , and not able to discharge the weighty office of a bishop : therefore alexander a worthy man , was ioyned as fellow labourer with him . eusebius writeth that he was admonished by a celestiall vision of the will of god , that hee should bee bishop of ierusalem with narcissus ( for hee had beene bishop of another paroach before , in cappadocia ) : by the like celestiall vision , narcissus and other of the clergie were admonished , that the day next following , a bishop should enter into ierusalem , whom god had appointed to be an helper to narcissus . hee defended origen against the fury and madnesse of demetrius bishop of alexandria , who set both himselfe and others to great busines for a matter of no importance , as is sayd . in the persecution of decius , he was carryed to caes●rea , closed in a darke prison , and dyed a martyr , as hath beene declared . alexander is supposed to haue been the . bishop of ierusalem . mazabanes , hymeneus lebdas , thermon , all these followed alexander . bishops of alexandria . in alexandria to philetus and demetrius , succeeded heraclas the twelfth bishop of that towne . hee was disciple to origen , and a fellow labourer with him in gouerning the schoole of alexandria , in the end hee was chosen to bee bishop of alexandria : whose successor was dionysius , the thirteenth bishop , whom god delivered miraculously from the hands of persecuters , in the dayes of decius , by the sudden assault of a number of people , who had beene at a mariage feast . when they heard that dionysius was taken by souldiers , and led away to taposiris , they arose from table and followed with a speedy pace , & with a tumultuary voice , so that the souldiers who had dionysius in keeping , were afraid and fled : and so dionysius by the great providence of god , was delivered out of the hands of his enemies . after him maximus , theonas , petrus , a martyr vnder dioclesian and achillas , were bishops of alexandria . bishops of antiochia . after serapion , succeeded asclepiades the ninth bishop of antiochia : of whom alexander bishop of ierusalem ( being the prisoner of christ in caesarea ) wrote vnto the people of antiochia , that it was a comfort to him , and it made his imprisonment and bonds the more easie , that hee heard it reported that asclepiades , a man well exercised in the true faith , by the providence of god , was made bishop of antiochia . philetus was the tenth : zebenus the eleventh : and babylas was the twelfth bishop of antiochia , of whom eusebius recordeth , that hee dyed in prison : like as alexander bishop of ierusalem ended his life in prison : both the one and the other , suffered such kinde of martyrdome vnder the persecution of decius . in the catalogue of emperours , catholicke bishops and heretiques , subioyned to the ecclesiasticall history of theodoretus : wee reade that babylas bishop of antiochia , would not suffer decius to enter into the temple wherein christians were convened , and that before hee was beheaded , hee gaue direction to burie with his bodie , the chaine also , wherewith his bodie had beene bound , as a funerall ornament of his buried body . but eusebius deserueth best credite , who affirmeth that hee dyed in prison , and maketh no mention of his beheading . some imagine that hee who died in prison , and hee who was beheaded , were both bishops of antiochia , but living in different ages : yet seeing the catalogue aforesaid , speaketh of this suffering vnder the emperour decius , it is more probable that there is some ouersight in the writer of the catalogue . to babylas succeeded fabius . hee was entangled with the error of novatus , but was reclaymed againe by the vigilant travails of dionysius bishop of alexandria . demetrianus a married man , was successor to fabius . paulus samosatenus a pestilent heretique , was the fifteenth bishop of antiochia . domnus the sonne of demetrian the sixteenth , timeus the seventeenth , cyrillus the eighteenth , and tyrannus the ninteenth bishop of antiochia . the names of the bishops of rome , alexandria , and antiochia , were the more accurately obserued and registred after the councell of nice ( albeit i recite them before ) because it happened in that generll councell , that for timous suppressing of heresies , the bishoppes of these places were called patriarches , and had power to convocate councels within their owne bounds , for suppressing of heretiques . alwayes it fell out farre contrary to the expectation of holy fathers : for the patriarches were the chiefe protectors of heresie , as the historie of the subsequent centuries euidently declareth . neuerthelesse in this centurie beside those men of god aboue mentioned ( nothing inferior in spirituall graces to the bishops of rome , alexandria , antiochia and ierusalem ) there were many worthy men in other places , such as f●rmilianus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , a man familiarly acquainted with origen . gregorius and athenodorius , brethren and pastours in pontus . helenus in tarsus , and nicomas in iconium . theotectus in caesarea palestinae . maximus in bostra . eusebius and anatholius bishops of laodicea . quirinus bishop of scesiana , or as others call it , scescania , a worthy martyr , about whose necke a milstone was hanged , as hath beene before declared . i make an end of this second head with the greater gladnesse , that i perceiue the litle stone hewed out of the mountaine without hands to be waxing and growing to the bignesse of a great mountaine , replenishing the whole earth , euen in the time of most horrible persecutions . centvrie . iiii. bishops of rome . after eusebius , miltiades gouerned the romane church . yeeres , . months , and . dayes . his ministration was in the dayes of the raigne of constantine , to whom the emperour remitted the controuersie betwixt cecilianus and the donatistes , to bee judged by him and his collegues , rheticus maternus , and marinus . the donatistes would not rest vpon the determination of miltiades , and his collegues . and therefore the good emperour appointed this cause of new againe to be judged in arles , by a number of bishops of spaine , italie and france . in the councell of arles , cecilianus was likewise absolued , and the donatistes againe succumbed in their probation . notwithstanding they appealed to the emperour constantine : and when the emperour heard the cause of cecilianus pleaded before himselfe , the donatists could not proue , that either cecilianus had beene admitted bishop of carthage by a man who was proditor , or yet that he had admitted any other man culpable of the like fault to an ecclesiasticall office . if the bishop of rome had bin supreame iudge in all ecclesiasticall causes , constantine had done him wrong , to appoint other iudges to iudge in this cause , after the b. of rome , and his collegues , had giuen out their definitiue sentence . his ordinance concerning prohibition of fasting vpon the lords day , expedient at that time to be a distinguishing note of true christians , from manichean heretiques , whose custome was vpon the lords day to fast . the purple garment , the palace of lateran , the superioritie of the towne of rome , and gouernment of the west , which honours some alledge were conferred by constantine to miltiades and silvester , is a fable not worthy of refutation : all these honours the emperours of the west , successours of constantine , possessed , & not the bishop of rome , for the space of many hundreth yeeres . to miltiades succeeded silvester , & ministred . yeeres , months , and . dayes . in his time was the heretike arrius excōmunicated by alexander , without the fore-knowledge of the b. of rome : it was enough , that after excōmunication intimation was made to other bishops , which duty the b. of alexandria neglected not . learned men shold be ashamed of fables , to say that constantine was baptized by siluester , for siluester was dead before constantine was baptized . and platina himselfe is compelled to grant , that marcus , the successor of siluester , gouerned the church of rome in constantines daies . and eusebius testifieth , that constantine was baptized in nicomedia , immediatly before his death . concerning the donatiō of constantine , wherein he conferreth the dōinion of the west to the b. of rome , it is like vnto a rotten egge , which is cast out of the basket , lest all the rest be set at the lesse auaile . no ancient writer maketh mention of any such thing . yea constantine , in his testamentall legacie , allotted the dominion of the west to two of his sons , namely , to constantinus yonger , & to constans . how then had he , by an anterior disposition , resigned these dominiōs to the b. of rome ? if papists be not better countenanced by antiquitie in other things , then in this point , they haue no great cause to bragge of antiquitie . to siluester succeeded marcus , and ministred . yeeres , . months , and . dayes . after marcus , iulius gouerned the roman church , . yeeres sozomenus attributes to iulius . yeeres . his ministratiō was in the daies of the emp. constantius & his brethren . he was a defēder of the true faith , & a citie of refuge to those who were persecuted by arrians : as namely , to athanasius b. of alexandria , paulus b. of constantinople , asclepas b. of gaza , marcellus b. of ancyra , & lucius b. of adrianopolis : all these were vnjustly deposed from their offices by the arrians & had recourse to iulius . hee was neither ashamed of the gospell of christ , nor of his aflicted seruants . in the councell of sardica great honour was cōferred vnto him , to wit , that men vnjustly condemned by arrians , should haue refuge to iulius : to whom they gaue power of new againe , to judge their cause . this was an act of the councell of sardica , & not of the nicene councell ( as was confidently alledged in the councell of carthage ) and a personall honour conferred to one man alone , for respectiue causes : but not extended to his successours , as though all the bishops of rome at all times should be iudges of appellation . the arrians were sore grieued for this , that iulius both in word , and deede , and writ , assisted athanasius and his complices . the chafing letters , and mutuall expostulations , that passed betwixt iulius and the arrians conueened in the councell of antiochia , are to be read in the historie of socrates . platina , in the grandoure of his speeches , is inconsiderate , as if iulius had damned the presumption of the orientall bishoppes , who durst conuocate an assemblie without licence before obtained from the bishop of rome . noe such thing is contained in the letter of iulius , but onely an expostulation , that they did not aduertise him of their councell , to the ende hee might haue sent his ambassadours , and giuen vnto them his best aduise . iulius knewe the constitutions of the nicene councell , which gaue power to euery patriarch within his owne boundes , to conuocate councels . to iulius succeeded liberius , and continued sixe yeeres : some assigne vnto him eighteene yeeres , others nineteene yeeres : so vncertaine is the computation of the yeeres of their gouernment . hee gouerned the church of rome in the dayes of constantius , by whom also hee was banished to thracia , because hee would not consent to the deposition of athanasius : which point was seriously vrged in the councell of millane . theodoretus giueth ample testimonie of his constancie and freedome of speaking to the emperour ( not disagreeing with his name ) before his banishment . in his absence foelix the second was chosen to be bishop of rome ; to whom theodoretus giueth this praise , that hee adhered firmely to the nicene councell : but blameth him for this , that he receiued his ordination from arrians . notwithstanding he was more hated by the arrians , then was liberius , & was put to death by them , after he had gouerned one yeere , foure months , and two dayes . after two yeeres banishment , liberius returned backe againe to rome . theodoretus is silent in the matter of his praises after his returning . hilarius , bishop of poitiers affirmeth , that hee both consented to the deposition of athanasius , and to the councell of sirmium . there is nothing lacking now to giue out a determinate sentence , whether or no the bishop of rome may erre in matters of faith : but onely the appearance of the great aduocate of all euill causes onuphrius , who will needes finde out some olde partchment , or some vnknowne manu-script , to free the chaire of rome from all suspition of errour in matters of faith . but bellermine giues ouer his cause , and can finde no sufficient apologie for him , because his letters written to the emperour constantius after his returning from banishment , smels of arrianisme . after the death of liberius , succeeded damasus , and ruled . yeeres , in time of the raigne of iulian , of iouinian , and of valentinian : his competitor vrsinus had many fauourers , in so much that the question who should be elected bishop of rome , was tried by the sword , rather then by reasons , suffrages , and votes : so that in the church of sisinum were slaine to the number of . persons . damasus preuailed , and had the vpper hand . hee was friendly to peter bishop of alexandria , whom lucius an arrian bishoppe imprisoned : but hee escaped , and fled to rome , as athanasius had done before in the dayes of iulius . he damned the heresie of apollinaris , in a councel met at rome . his epistle written to the oriental bishops , wherein he intimates vnto them the condemnitory sentence pronounced and apollinaris and his disciple timotheus , is indited with the swelling pride of a lofty minde , breathing soueraignty and preheminence aboue all other churches , as if the romane church were that onely apostolicke chaire , whereunto all other churches ought homage and reuerence . so that basilius , bishop of casarea in cappadocia , complaines of the pride of the west , because they cared onely for their owne preheminence , but not for the estate of their persecuted brethren in the east , vnder the arrian emperour valens , whose estate they knew not , neither sent they messengers to visite them , neither would they receiue true information concerning the estate of their brethren . yea , and basilius saith , that hee purposed oft times , to haue written to the chiefe of them , that is to damasus , that he should not count the splendor of pride to be true dignitie , and honour . where it is to be marked , that when hee speakes of damasu● , hee called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the principall of them , to wit , of the churches of the west : but not the supreame gouernour of the vniuersall church , neither the soueraigne commander of the churches of the east . it is ignorance of the ecclesiasticall historie , that makes men to imagine , that the supremacie of the bishop of rome is an ancient thing . when damasus damned the heresie of apollinaris , in the councel conueened at rome , it was the yeere of our lord , . according to the computation of ierom : and at this time the very aiming to supremacie is counted splendor superbiae , that is , the splendor of pride . damasus wrote concerning the liues of the bishops of rome preceding his time : and was familiarly acquainted with ierom , as ieroms writings clearly declare . to damasus succeeded siricius , and ministred . yeeres : at what time gratianus and valentinian obtained the emperiall gouernment : he ordained , that married men , who were admitted to ecclesiasticall offices , after their ordination should abstaine from the company of their wiues as if it were great deuotion to a man to transgresse against the wife of his youth the wife of his couenant , and his companion in all his wearisome labours . his prohibition of the second marriage , smelleth of the heresie of montanus . in his time with pride of the cleargie at rome was joyned vnsatiable auaritiousnesse , increasing daily by degrees , so that the emperours valentinian the . and theodosius , were compelled by a law , to inhibite widows vnder pretence of deuotion to leaue their houses , treasures , and house-hold-stuffe , to the church , to the vtter impouerishing and vndoing the estate of their children . bishops of alexandria . in the third centurie wee rested at the name of achillas , bishop of alexandria , whose successour was alexander . his accurate disputation concerning the vnitie in the trinitie , made arrius a presbyter in alexandria , to thinke that alexander was intangled with the errour of sabellius : hereof arose contentious disputations , new opinions , exulcerate minds , and open schismes . this intestine maladie was not vnknowne to the good emperour constantine , who sent hosius bishop of corduba , a man singularly beloued of the emperour , together with perswasiue letters from the emp. exhorting both alexander & arrius , to leaue accurate and profound disputations , and keepe inuiolably the peace and vnitie of the church : but no meanes could auaile vntil this question was decided by the determination of the generall councell of nice . after the councell of nice had damned the opinion of arrius as hereticall , alexander continued not aboue fiue months aliue : in the last period of his life hee called for athanasius , but he was not present : of whom alexander said ; thou hast escaped , but shalt not escape , fore-prophecying , that athanasius should vndergoe the weightie charge , which hee , giuing place to nature , and to the calling of god , was leauing . athanasius in his young yeeres and childish playes was counterfeiting diuine mysteries , and baptizing children : yet after such due forme of interrogatories and answeres preceeding baptisme , that alexander , the bishop durst not presume to rebaptize those who apparently in childish simplicitie had beene made partakers of diuine grace . he began no sooner to accept the waightie charge of the church of alexandria , anno , ; but the arrians began to fret and offend , knowing how diligent he attended vpon alexander his predecessor , at the councell of nice , and how vigilantly and wisely hee had detected the lurking absurdities of the vilde heresie of arrius : and they thought the preferment of athanasius was the vtter vndoing of their opinion . therefore they conspired against him , and by a multiplied number of false accusations preuailed somewhat against him , euen in the dayes of the emperour constantine . but in the dayes of constantius and iulian , almost the whole world conspired against him : so that except hee had beene vpholden by that grace that commeth from aboue , it was not possible that hee could haue borne out such vnsupportable hatred . iustly did nazianzene compare him in time of aduersitie to the adamant , and in time of prosperitie to the magnes . in time of aduersitie no trouble ouercame him : in time of prosperitie , hee allured the hearts of men more intractable then yron , to embrace the truth of god. now seeing athanasius liued sixe and fourtie yeeres , gouernour of the church of alexandria , his great troubles cannot be comprised in better order , then by declaring shortly what troubles he sustained : first in constantines dayes , next vnder the raigne of constantius : thirdly , vnder the raigne of iulian : & last to speake of his peaceable end vnder the raigne of the emperour valens , albeit he was an arrian persecuter . in the dayes of constantine first he was accused by an effronted harlot , whom the arrians had suborned to beare false witnesse against him : but athan. guided the matter with wisedome , and suffered timotheus , a worthy presbyter , to speake ( whom hee had brought in with him to the councell ) but he was silent himselfe . the impudent woman pointing out timotheus by the finger ( as if hee had beene athanasius ) with clamours voyde of all womanly modestie , affirmed that he had abused her in whoredome , so that all who were present were ashamed of her impudencie . this was done in the councell of tyrus , to the perpetuall shame of the arrians , who subborned an harlot to accuse the faithfull servant of christ without a cause . secondly , they accused him for this , that hee had cut off the hand of arsenius , sometime his owne servant : and for greater evidence , they produced in the councell of tyrus before the iudges , the hand of a man inclosed in a case : which hand they affirmed that athanasius had cut off from arsenius . this they spake the more confidently , because they supposed that arsenius remayned still kept in their own custodie : but by the providence of god hee escaped , came to tyrus , and was presented before the councell , having both his hands perfect , sound , and vnmutilated . after this the councell was full of confusion , for the arrians cryed , that athanasius by magicke arts deluded the senses of men : and they were purposed , by violence and force to lay hands vpon him , and to teare him in pieces : but he fled by a ship , and came to constantinople , where the emperour was , as shall bee declared , god willing . the rest of his accusations , and how they dealt against him most vniustly and falsely , and gaue out a sentence of deposition against him in his absence , i remit vnto its owne place . vnder the raigne of constantius , athanasius was compelled to flie at two diuers times . first , while the emperour constans was yet aliue , who procured a councell to be gathered in sardica , wherein the cause of athanasius was tryed , and he found innocent : and was sent backe againe and resto●ed to his place . for constantius feared the menacing letters of his brother constans , who threatned to leade an army to the east , and to possesse athanasius in his place againe , if his brother lingred in doing of it . after the death of constans , sabinianus was sent to kill athanasius , but hee escaped miraculously , as hath beene declared . againe , hee was compelled first to flie , and afterward to lurke in the dayes of iulian. hee was restored againe by the good emperour iovinian : and he continued in his ministration vntill the dayes of valentinian and valens : and although valens was a cruell persecuter , yet hee abstained from persecuting of athanasius , for honour of his gray haires , and for that hee was reverently regarded of all men . thus athanasius , full of dayes , died in peace , after he had governed the church of alexandria . yeeres . to worthy athanasius , succeeded peter , whom the emperour valens caused to be imprisoned , and lucius an arrian bishop , to be seated in his roome . lucius was made bishop of alexandria , against all kinde of ecclesiasticall order : neither did the people craue him , nor the clergie of alexandria approue him , nor any orthodox bishoppe giue him ordination . peter escaped out of prison , and fledde to damasus bishoppe of rome . lucius like vnto a ravening wolfe , not onely banished the homousians out of alexandria and egypt , but also that which was more insolent , and never attempted before : hee persecuted the monkes who dwelt in solitary places of the wildernesse , and banished them , who had already banished themselues , from all the delicate pleasures of the world . but marke , to what place could men be banished , who inhabited the desert places of barren wildernesses ? hee caused them ( especially macarius and isidorus ) to bee transported to an isle , wherein no christians were to be found , but onely pagans , and worshippers of divels . when these prisoners of christ approached neere vnto the isle , the divell left his old habitation , to wit , the mouth of the image , from whence he was accustomed to speake ; and hee possessed the priestes daughter , who ran vn●● the shoare , and cryed , words not vnlike to those which were spoken to paul and silas in philippi , by the maide who had the spirit of divination : and after this the divell left her , lying vpon the ground , as though shee had beene dead . but the men of god , by their supplications to god , restored the young woman to health , and delivered her to her father . the inhabitants of the isle , who saw the wonderfull works of god , received the faith , and were baptized in the name of christ. lucius was so dashed with the fame of this wonderfull work , and with the crying out of people against him , that hee permitted the foresayd monkes to returne backe againe to their owne places . after peter succeeded timotheus , for one cause worthie to be blamed , because hee favoured the vsurpation of maximus cynicus , who presumed without a lawfull calling to be bishop of constantinople . and after him theophilus succeeded , whose attempts against chrysostom i remit to the next centurie . bishops of antiochia . in antiochia , after tyrannus , succeeded vitalius , about the time that the rage of the tenth persecution began to bee asswaged : therefore hee re-edified a church in antiochia , which had beene demolished in the time of the persecution of dioclesian : and his successor philogonius , perfected the building . to whom succeeded eustatius , who was present at the councell of nice , and was moderator and mouth to all the rest . eusebius sometime bishoppe of berytus , afterward bishop of nicodemia , and last of all bishop of constantinople : did insinuate himselfe in favour with the emperour constantine , and obtained from him liberty to goe to ierusalem , and to visite the temples that constantine had lately builded in bethlehem , ierusalem , and vpon mount olivet . to him resorted a number of arrian bishops , who had all secretly conspired against eustatius , and subborned a vile woman to accuse him of whoredome . the arrians vpon the simple deposition of a woman , subborned by themselues : contrary to all kinde of order , deposed eustatius , and perswaded the emperour to banish him , as a man convict both of adultery and of tyranny . but the lord layde his correcting hand vpon the woman , whom the arrians had suborned , so that she dyed , sore tormented with a grieuous sicknesse , and confessed that money was given vnto her to accuse eustatius , and that shee had sworne deceitfully , because the childe procreated with her , was begotten by eustatius a smith of that name , but not by eustatius bishop of antiochia . the arrians in the dayes of constantine , had no great vpper hand , except onely in the matter of athanasius his banishment to triere : and in the deposition and banishment of eustatius to illyricum . but in the dayes of constantius they tooke boldnesse , and planted arrian bishops , in all principall places : so that in antiochia ( after eustatius ) eulalius , euphronius , placitus , leontius , eudoxi●s , all these were arrian bishoppes , placed by them in antiochia . in the end meletius was ordained bishop of antiochia , a man of great gifts , whom the arrians transported out of sebastia in armenia , and placed him in antiochia ; supposing that by his excellent learning , many should be allured to their opinion : but it fell out farre otherwise ; for meletius professed the true faith . onely the reproueable forme of his entrie , by receiving ordination from arrian bishops , was the ground of remedilesse schismes in the church of antiochia . there had been already two factions in the towne ; to wit , arrians , and eustatians : now the third faction is added of them , who were called meletians , with whom eustatians did not communicate , but abhorred them as they did the arrians . this schisme indured after the death of meletius for the space of fourscore and fiue yeeres . meletius was banished in the dayes of constantius , and euzoius an arrian bishoppe , placed in his roome . hee was restored againe by iulian , onely for desire he had to vndoe things done by constantius , and to bring his name to disgrace . likewise vnder the raigne of the emperour valens , hee was banished the second time . hee governed the church of antiochia fiue and twenty yeeres , and dyed in constantinople , immediatly after the second generall councell : and was carryed to antiochia , to be buried there . the ordination of paulinus to be bishoppe of antiochia , meletius being yet aliue , was the foolish fact of lucifer bishop of calaris , in the isle of sardinia . hee was restored from banishment in the dayes of iulian. and tooke purpose , accompanied with eusebius , bishop of vercellis in liguria , who was likewise restored at that same time , to visit the estate of their brethren . eusebius addresseth himselfe to alexandria , and conferred with athanasius . but lucifer went to antiochia , , where he found miserable distractions , euen amongst those who professed one and the selfe same faith. when exhortation to vnity could prevaile nothing , but the dissention dayly encreased , hee ordayned paulinus presbyter of antiochia , and the chiefe of those who were called eustatiani , to be bishop of antiochia . this fact of lucifer was like vnto fuell added vnto the fire , and mightily augmented the schisme . theodoretus blameth him for so doing , and eusebius vercellencis , when hee came backe from alexandria , disliked also the fact of lucifer . wherefore lucifer would not communicate any longer with eusebius . these sorrowfull times of multiplyed schismes , alienated the hearts of a great number of people , from the true church . meletius was restored from his second banishment , in the dayes of the emperour gratianus . paulinus would on no condition communicate with him , because hee had receiued ordination from the arrians . when meletius had ended his life , the people would not admit paulinus to be their bishop , because they sayd , it was not meete that he should be his successor , who dispised his fellowship and counsell in his life time . to meletius succeeded flavianus , a worthy man. paulinus albeit hee appoynted evagrius to bee his successor , yet such formes manifestly repugnant to the approoved order of the church could take no place . the bishoppes of rome , damascus , siricius , and anastatius , were great adversaries to him , and mis-informed the good emperour theodosius against him : but when he appeared before the emperour , hee spake before him , both freely and wisely , words that liked the emperour well , as they are reported by theodoretus : o emperour , if any man doe blame my faith as perverse , or my life as vnworthy , i am content to bee iudged by my very adversaries : but if the disputation onely bee concerning principality , and eminent places , i will not contend with any man , but denude my selfe of all superiority , and commit the chaire of antiochia to whom yee like best . the emperour admired his courage and wisedome , and sent him backe againe to governe his owne flocke , and was slow to heare frivolous accusations in time to come against flavianus . this was that worthy bishop , who associated iohn chrysostome to bee his fellow labourer in antiochia : and who mitigated the wrath of theodosius conceived against the city of antiochia , for misusing the image of his wife placilla . bishops of constantinople . constantinople was builded by constantine , anno , . in a place where asia and europe neerly confines : being separated onely by a narrow river , called of olde bosphorus thracius . the cause wherefore this imperiall citie was builded in this place , was not to resigne the towne of rome , and the government of the west to the bishop of rome : but , as sozomenus writes , that constantinople or new rome , might bee as a soveraigne ladie to all those who in the east , west , north , or south , were obedient to the romane empire . learned men in our dayes are ashamed to maintaine all the foolish fables of the romane church , for they see cleerly the cause of the building of this great citie , was to keepe firmely both the east and the west vnder the soveraignty of constantine , and his successors . alexander bishop of constantinople , prooved a worthy man , in the dayes of the emperour constantine . the arrians finding themselues to be vtterly reiected by athanasius , they addressed themselues to constantinople , vnder the conduct of eusebius , bishop of nicomedia : and threatned alexander , that in case hee would not receive arrius into the fellowship of the church , then they would bring him in , authorized with the emperours command , to the griefe of his heart . alexander cloathed himselfe with the armour of god ▪ and all the night long prayed in this sense : lord , if arrius be to be received to morrow into the communion of thy church , then let thy servant depart in peace , and destroy not the iust with the wicked : but lord , if thou wilt spare thy church , wherevnto i am assured thou wilt be favourable : then lord , turne thine eyes toward the w●rdes of the eusebians , and give not thine inheritance to a desolation and reproach : and cut off arrius , lest while hee entreth into the church , his heresie also seeme to enter with him , and so no difference seeme to bee betwixt piety and impiety . the next day following the prayer of alexander : eusebius bishop of nicomedia , with his retinue , came with great confidence and pompe , to performe all which they threatned they would doe . but arrius was compelled to goe to a secret place , where his bowels gushed out : and he concluded his wretched life with ignominy and shame . to alexander succeeded paulus : his lot was to gouerne this church , vnder the raigne of an arrian emperour constantius , who reiected him , and seated eusebius bishoppe of nicomedia , in his place . but this great patron of the arrian heresie , scarcely was placed in constantinople , when he ended his life . the homousians received againe paulus to bee their bishoppe . the arrians chose ala●edonius . this was the cause of great strife in constantinople , and the people divided in factions , hatefully invaded one another . the emperour hearing of the tumult , sent hermogenes , the generall commander of his horsemen , to remoue paulus from constantinople : hermogenes was very ready to execute the emperours commandement , but the people being affectioned toward their pastor , arose vp with popular tumult , compassed the house of hermogenes , set it on fire , s●ew him , and fastned a cord to his legges , and trailed him along the street . for this cause , the emperour constantius willing to punish the authours of this tumult , hastened to come to constantinople . the people went forth to meet him , and with teares confessed their fault , and craved pardon . the emperour abstayned from punishing them vnto the death , but he cut off the one-halfe of th● victuall , which the liberality of his father had bestowed vpon constantinople ; to bee payed yeerely out of the tributes of egypt . hee banished paulus the second tune , and seated macedonius in constantinople , not without effusion of blood . paulus was againe restored by the meanes of the emperour constans : but after the death of constans , hee was banished to cucusus , a towne of armenia , where hee was strangled by the bloody arrians . the church of constantinople was miserably troubled with arrianisme , vnder the raignes of constantius and valens . the raignes of gratianus and theodosius , was a breathing time to the professors of the true faith. at this time nazianzen a constant defender of the faith , was chosen bishop of constantinople , who notwithstanding voluntarily left the great citie , in regard the bishops assembled in the second generall councell , gaue not a full and vniversall consent to his admission : yet gaue they all their consent to nectarius , a man of noble birth , of the countrey of cilicia , at that time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and who had received no ecclesiasticall preferment before that time . this man ( i say ) they made bishop of constantinople , with full consent and allowance , both of the councell and people ; ouer-passing nazianzenus : so fraile are the cogitations of men , euen in generall councels , that they are oft times more ruled with affection then reason . nectarius continued in that office vntill the third yeere of the raigne of arcadius , that is , vntill the yeere of our lord . in his time the confession of sinnes done in secret , to presbyter poenitentiarius , was abrogated in the church of constantinople , vpon this occasion as socrates writeth . a certaine noble woman was confessing in secret her sinnes to presbyter poenite●tiarius , and she confessed adultery , committed with one of the church deacons . eudaemon ( this was the name of the father confessor ) gaue counsell to nectarius , to abrogate this custome of auricular and secret confession , because the church was like to be slandered , and euill spoken of by these meanes . socrates can scarse giue allowance to this fact of nectarius , in respect that by abrogation of this custome , the vnfruitfull workes of darkenesse were lesse coargued and reproued . but socrates considered not , that christ , when he talked with the samaritane woman at the well , sent away his disciples to buy bread , to the ende the poore samaritane sinner might more freely poure out her secret sinnes in the bosome of christ , who knew all things that were done in secret . it is not my purpose to contend with socrates , he is writing an history , i am writing but a short compend of an history : he taketh libertie to declare his iudgement concerning this fact of nectarius , in abrogating confession of secret sinnes to presbyter poenitentiarius . no man can blame me to write my iudgement concerning auricular confession . it is in our dayes not like vnto the mantle wherewith sem and iapheth couered the nakednesse of their father noe : but it is in very deed a lap of the mantle of the deuill , couering the nakednesse of his children , that is , the horrible treasons that are plotted in secret by the children of the deuill , against christian magistrates . now is auricular confession for greater causes to be abrogated , then of olde presbyter poenitentiarius was discharged by nectarius . bishops of ierusalem . to thermon succeeded macarius , anno . about the seauenth yeere of the raigne of constantine : in his time it is thought , that helena , the mother of constantine , found the crosse of christ : but ambrose writes , that shee worshipped it not , for that , saith he , had been gentili● error , & vanitas impiorum , that is , an errour of pagans , and vanitie of vngodly people . but now to lay aside the inexcusable fault of adoration of the tree whereupon our lord suffered . what necessitie had helena to be so earnest to seeke out this tree , and to commit it to the custodie of all posterities ? seeing that ioseph of arimathea , who sought the bodie of iesvs at the hands of pilate , to the end he might burie it honourably , yet sought he not the tree whereon christ was crucified , which with little adoe might haue beene obtained . secondly , during the time that the crosse was easie to be found , and easie to haue beene discerned from other crosses . how could the blessed virgine the mother of the lord , and holy apostles , haue committed such an over●sight , in not keeping that precious treasure , if so be in the keeping of it there be so great deuotion , as the romane church now talkes of ? thirdly , what is the cause , that the romane church brags so much of antiquitie ? when as the worshipping of the crosse , one of the maine points of their religion was vnknowne to the first three hundred yeeres of our lord : and now in the fourth centurie , the crosse is found , but not worshipped : yea , and the adoration of it is detested and abhorred , as an errour of the pagans . to macarius succeeded maximus , who had beene his fellow-labourer , as of olde , alexander was to narcissus . macarius gouerned the church of ierusalem , in the peaceable dayes of constantine , but maximus gouerned that same church himselfe alone , in the dayes of constantius . he was present at the councell of tyrus : but paphnutius a bishop and confessor in thebaida , pittied the simplicitie of maximus , whom the arrians with deceitfull speeches had almost circumueened , and he stepped to him , and suffered him not to sit in the assembly of vngodly people : whereupon followed a bond of indissoluble coniunction , not onely with paphnutius , but also with athanasius , who was charged with many false accusations in that wicked councell of tyrus . this warning made him circumspect and wise in time to come : so that he was not present at the arrian councell of antiochia , gathered vnder pretence of dedication of the temple , which constantine began to build , but his sonne constantius perfected the building of it . to maximus succeeded cyrillus , a man greatly hated by the arrians , in so much , that acacius bishop of caesarea palestinae deposed him ( no doubt by some power granted to him by the emperour constantius , with aduise of arrian bishops ) . notwithstanding silvanus bishop of tarsus receiued him , and he taught in that congregation with great liking and contentment of the people . the strife of acacius against him in the councell of seleucia , i remit vnto its owne place . in time of famine he had a great regard to poore indigent people , and sold the precious vessels and garments of the church for their support . this was a ground of his accusation afterward , because of a costly garment bestowed by the emp. constantine to the church of ierusalem , which cyrillus sold to a marchant in time of famine , and againe , the marchant sold it vnto a lasciuious woman : and such friuolous things were aggregated by the arrians , who hated the men of god. of other pastors and doctors , in asia , africa , and europe . besides the patriarchs of principall places , god raised vp in this centurie a great number of learned preachers , who were like vnto the ibides of aegypt , a remedy prepared by god , against the multiplied number of venemous & flying serpents . euen so learned fathers , of whom i am to speak , were instruments of god , to vndoe the heresies which abounded in this age , aboue all other ages . did not nazianzenus vndoe the heresie of apollinaris ? basilius the heresie of eunomius ? hilarius like vnto a second deucalion saw the ouer-flowing flood of arrianisme abated in france . ambrosius , epiphanius , and ierom set their hearts against all heresies , either in their time , or preceding their dayes . it were an infinite labour , to write of them all , who in this age , like v●●● glistering starres , with the shining light of celestiall doctrine , illuminated the darknesse of the blind world : but the names of some principall teachers ( god willing ) i shall remember . eusebius pamphili , bishop of caesarea in palestine , liued vnder the emperour constantine , with whom he was familiarly acquainted . he was desired to supply the place of eustatius bishop of antiochia , whose deposition the arrians without all forme of order , had procured most vnrighteously : but he would not consent to accept that charge , so that the chaire of antiochia wanted a bishop eight yeeres . some expecting the restitution of eustatius ; others feeding themselues vpon vaine hopes , that eusebius would accept that place . the emperour constantine commended his modestie , and counted him worthy to be bishop of the whole world . neuerthelesse , he was not altogether free of the heresie of arrius before the nicene councell , and he was remisse and slacke in the cause of athanasivs . he was so familiarly acquainted with pamphilus , who suffered martyrdome in caelarea , that he clothed himselfe with his name , and called himselfe eusebius pamphili . he died about the time that athanasius first returned from banishment , by the meanes of constantine the younger , about the yeere of our lord . nazianzenus liued in the dayes of constantius , iulian , and theodosius . he was borne in a little towne of cappadocia , called nazianzum , from which he receiued his name . he was trained vp in learning in alexandria and in athens ; his familiaritie with basilius magnus began in athens , & it was increased in the wildernesse : he preached in sas●ma , but because it was a place vnmeete for studies , he returned to nazianzum , and was a helper to his aged father . after his fathers death he went to constantinople , where he found the towne in a most desolate condition , in regard the arrian and macedonian heresies had so mightily prevailed , that all the principall churches were occupied by them . nazianzenus onely had libertie to preach in a little church called anastatia , because the truth of god , which seemed to haue beene buried , now by the preaching of nazianzenus was revived againe . in the second generall councell gathered by theodosius , because some bishops of macedonia & egypt murmured against his admission , he counterfeited the fact of ionas , and was content to be cast out of his place , to procure peace and concord amongst his brethren . he benefited the church of christ in the dayes of iulian , by writing bookes of christian poesie , whereby the christian youth should haue no harme by the interdiction of iulian , prohibiting the children of christians to be brought vp in the schooles of learning . he detected the heresie of apollinaris , and the abominations of heathen idolatrie , whereunto iulian had sold himselfe , more cleerely then any other man had done . a man worthie for excellencie of gifts , to be called theologus . basilius magnus , bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , was so vnited in heart and mind with nazianzenus , that the pen of socrates will not separate the treatises of their liues . his father basilius , his mother eumele , his nurse that fostered him , named macrina , all were christians . his father was martyred vnder the persecuting emperour maximus . he left behinde him fiue sonnes : three of them were bishops , namely , basilius bishop of caesarea , peter bishop of seba●ta , and gregorius bishop of nyssa . he was instrusted in all kinde of learning in caesarea , in constantinople , in athens vnder himerius and proaeresius , in antiochia vnder libanius . at his second comming to athens , he acquainted himselfe with nazianzenus . they spent too much time in searching out the deepenesse of humane learning : and it repented basilius , that he had spent so much time in searching out things that are not necessary to eternall life . he was ordained a deacon by meletius , b. of antiochia , and a presbyter by eusebius b. of caesarea in cappadocia . the good cariage of basilius toward eusebius is worthic of remembrance , albeit eusebius conceiued indignation against him without a cause , yet he would not expostulate with his bishop , but he departed to a solitarie place in pontus , where he remained vntill the dayes of the emperour valens . then did the arrian heresie so mightily prevaile , that necessitie compelled the churches of cappadocia to intreat basilius to turne againe , left in his absence arrianisme should get a full vpper-hand . basilius returned , not without the foreknowledge & good aduise of nazianzenus his deare friend , who counselled him to preueene eusebius , and to ouercome him in courtesie and humanitie : so was he reconciled to eusebius , and after his death was ordained b. of caesarea in cappadocia : whom god so blessed , that the arrians and eunomians , who seemed to be excellently learned , when they encountered with nazianzenus and basilius , they were like vnto men altogether destitute of learning . in the persecution of valens , he was led to antiochia , and presented before the deputy of valens , who threatned him with banishment and death : but he answered him with inuincible courage , so that the deputy was astonished at his answeres . he was not afraid of banishment , because the earth is the lords : neither was he afraid of death , but wished to haue that honour , that the bonds of his earthly tabernacle might be loosed for the testimony of christ. the emperours sonne galaces at this time was sicke vnto the death , and the empresse sent him word . that she had suffered many things in her dreame for the b. basilius , so he was dismissed , and suffered to returne to caesarea . the prouident care of god ouer-ruling all humane cogitations , kept before hand some sparkles that were not quenched in the feruent heat of this persecution . the multiplied number of his letters sent to the bishops of the west , whereof he receiued no comfortable answere , gaue vnto basilius iust occasion to suspect affectation of supremacy in the west , as his owne words doe testifie , which i cite out of the latine version as most easie to be vnderstood : nihil nos fratres separat nisi animi proposito , separations causas robúrque demus : vnus est dominus , vna fides , spes eadem . siue caput vniversalis ecclesiae vos ipsos esse reputatis , non potest pedibus dicere caput , non est mihi opus vobis , &c. that is , there is nothing , brethren , that separates vs , except the purpose of our owne mindes furnish both cause and strength to separation : there is one god , one faith , one hope . or if yee suppose your selues to be head of the vniversall church , yet the head cannot say vnto the feete , i haue no neede of you . nyssa , is a citie of mysia , of olde called pythopolis . the brother germane to basilius magnus , named gregorius , was bishop of this towne . in the second generall councell , to him was committed the ouer-sight of the countrey of cappadocia . albeit the volume of his bookes be not extant , yet he is renowned in the mouths of the learned : and the fragments of his writings declare that he hath beene a man of note and marke . concerning sinne , he said , that albeit the serpents that stinged vs , were not slaughtered , yet we haue sufficient consolation in this , that we are cured from their venemous bits and stings . concerning pilgrimage to ierusalem , mount olive● , and bethlehem , he said , that a pilgrimage from carnall lusts , to the righteousnesse of god , is acceptable to the lord ; but not a iourneying from cappadocia to palestina : and that god will giue a reward in the world to come , onely to things done in this world , by warrant of his owne commandement . epiphanius was borne in a little village of palestina , called barsanduce , in the fielde of eleutheropolis . he was brought vp amongst the monkes of palestina and egypt . in the ende he was ordained bishop of salamina , the metropolitane towne of the isle of cyprus . he refuted the heresies preceding his time in his booke called panarium , and set downe a summe of the true faith in his booke called anchoratus . he had a great regard to the poore : in so much , that he was called oeconomus pauperum . and like as cyprus was naturally situated in a place neere approaching to asia the lesse , and to syria , and to egypt , and pentapolis , and not farre distant from europe : so it fell out , that christians , who were disposed to support their indigent brethren , they sent their collections to epiphanius , and he distributed them to the poore . with all these commendable vertues , there was mixed a reproueable simplicitie in him : he was circumveened by theophilus bishop of alexandria , and tooke a dealing against iohn chrysostome bishop of constantinople , because he would not be suddaine in damning the books of origen . also he taught in constantinople , with indeuour to alienate the hearts of the people from their owne pastour , and celebrated the communion , and ordained a deacon in constantinople , without the foreknowledge and consent of chrysostome , and contrary to the church order . chrysostome on the other part sent him aduertisement , that in case he receiued any disgrace or harme in the fury of popular commotions , he should blame himselfe , who by his own inordinate doings was procuring the same . after this , epiphanius ceased from such doings , and entered into a ship , of purpose to returne backe againe to cyprus , but he died by the way . it is reported of him , that when he entered into the ship , he said , he left three great things behinde him , to wit , a great towne , a great pallace , and great hypocrisie . it were a matter of infinite labour , and not agreeing with the nature of a compend , to write of all the worthie men of god in the easterne parts , who did fight a good fight , runne a good race , and kept the faith. asclepas in gaza , luci●● in adrianopolis , basilius presbyter in ancyra , a mightie adversarie to the arrians , vnder the raigne of constantius , and to the pagans vnder the raigne of iulian , in whose time he was martyred : philogonius bishop of antiochia , hellanicus bishop of tripolis , and spyridion , who of a keeper of cattell , became bishop of trimythus , hermogenes bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , who was present at the councell of nice , iames bishop of nisibis , in mesopotamia , in the dayes of constantius , by whose prayers the armie of sapores king of persia was miraculously disappointed . paulus bishop of neocaesarea : this towne is situated vpon the bankes of euprates , and paphnutius bishop in thebaida , two notable confessors , who were both present at the councell of nice . eusebius samosatenus , to whom many of basilius epistles are directed , and who refused to redeliuer vnto the emperour constantius the subscriptiōs of the arrian bishops , who consented to the admission of meletius to be bishop of antiochia , which subscriptions were put in his custodie . and albeit the messenger sent from the emperour , threatned to cut off his right hand , in case he deliuered not the subscriptions aforesaid , yet he constantly refused to deliuer them : and the emperour both admired and commended his constancie : barses bishop of edessa in mesopotamia , eulogius and protogenes presbyters there , vnder the raigne of valens were banished to antinoe in thebaida , whose travailes god wonderfully blessed , to the conversion of many soules to the kingdome of god : theodulus bishop of trianopolis , amphilochius bishop of iconium in lycaonia . pelagius laodicenus , whose name is the more famous for his insolent fact ; for he married a young woman , and the first night after her marriage , he perswaded her to preferre virginall chastitie , to matrimoniall copulation . antiochus the brother sonne of eusebius samosatenus could not abide the imposi●on of the hands of an arrian bishop . letoius bishop of meletina in armenia , who burnt the monasteries , or rather as theodoretus writes , the dennes of theeues , wherein the heretiques called massaliani had their abiding ephem syrus a man borne in nisibis , brought vp in the wildernesse , was counted a famous writer in the syrian language . the bookes shrowded vnder his name , are thought for the most part to be supposititious . aeas who liued in company with zenon bishop of maioma , neere vnto gaza , is much reported of , because he married a young woman , procreated three children with her , and in the end left her , and entered into a monasterie , forgetting his matrimoniall couenant . zebe●nius bishop of eleutheropolis in phaenicia , to whom sozomenus affirmeth , that by diuine revelation , the places were manifested , wherein the bodies of the prophets , habacuk and micheas were buried : so superstitious are ecclesiasticall writers alreadie become , that the searching out of things nothing appertaining to eternall life , are ascribed to divine revelations . the judicious reader will pardon me , that i write not in particular of the liues of all the fore mentioned bishops and pastors , because the nature of a short compend cannot permit it to be done . bishops and doctors in africke . in africke , ouer and besides the bishops of alexandria , was didymus , a doctor of the schoole of alexandria , who through occasion of a dolour that fell into his eyes , became blind from his very youth : yet by continuall exercise of his minde , he became excellently learned in all sciences : but aboue all things the exact knowledge of divine scriptures made him a terrour to the arrians . many doe write , that the very last period of time , wherein iulian the apostate concluded his wretched life , was revealed to didymus in a dreame , and that he againe tolde it to athanasius , who lurked secretly in alexandria , during the time of the raigne of iulian. arnobius was an oratour in africke , afterward he became a christian , and craued to be baptized . christian bishops lingered to conferre the holy sacrament to a man , who had beene a hater of christian religion of a long time . yet arnob. freed himself from all suspition of paganisme , by writing bookes wherein he confuted the idolatrie of the pagans , and was baptized about the yeere of our lord . about the suffering of our lord he writes very judiciously : that like as the beames of the sunne , that shine vpon a tree , when the tree is cutted , the sunne-beames cannot be cutted : euen so , in the suffering of christ , the diuine nature suffered no paine . lactantius f●rmianus , was the disciple of arnobius . in eloquence he was nothing inferior to his master : yet it is thought , that he impugned errours with greater dexteritie , then he confirmed the doctrine of the truth . optatus bishop of meleuitanum in africke , in the dayes of valentinian and valens , set his pen against the donatistes , especially against parmenianus , whose absurd assertion he clearely refutes . first , whereas the donatists affirmed , that the church of christ was onely to be found in a corner of africke . he refutes it by scripture , wherein it is written , aske of me , and i will giue thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the ends of the world for thy possession : this place proues the church to be catholicke . also whereas they saide , that baptisme was not auaileable , except some of their sect had beene present at the administration thereof ; he answereth , that when god first created the element of water , the presence of the trinitie was powerfull in operation to create water , albeit none of the donatists were then present : euen so the trinitie can worke effectually in baptisme , albeit none of the donatists be present : yea , and that it was god ( the author of baptisme , and not the minister ) that did sanctifie , according as it is written , wash me , and i shall be whiter then the snow , &c. bishops and doctours of europe . acholivs bishop of thessalonica , baptized the emperour theodosius , after he returned from the slaughter of maximus . the emperour fell sicke by the way , before he came to constantinople , and was desirous to be baptized : neverthelesse , he would not suffer acholius to baptize him , vntill he was assured that acholius was not spotted with the arrian heresie . after baptisme the emperour recouered his health againe . acholius was brought vp in monasteries , like as epiphanius , and many other worthie men were brought vp . hilarius bishop of poitiers in france , liued vnder the raigne of constantius : a man in religion constant , in manners meeke and courteous . he was banished immediately after the councell of millane , to phrygia , as some suppose . theodoretus writeth , that he was banished to thebaida : and relieued againe from banishment vnder iulian. but it is more apparent , that he remained in phrygia , vntill the councell of seleucia ; vnto which councell he was brought from banishment : not by any speciall commandement from the emperour , but by a generall commandement giuen to his deputie leonas , to assemble together the bishops of the east . vnder pretence of obeying this commandement , hilarius being banished in the east , was brought to the councell of seleucia : from seleucia he went to constantinople . the emperour refused to heare him reason with the arrians in the matters of faith , but gaue him libertie to returne to his owne countrey againe . he tooke great paines to purge the countrey of france from the poyson of arrian heresie : and he preuailed so farre , that ierom compares him to deucalion , who both sawe the flood of waters ouer-flowing thessalia , and the abating of them also : euen so hilarius saw both the growth and decay of arrianisme in france . he liued sixe yeeres after his returning from banishment , and concluded his life vnder the reigne of valentinian . ambrose the sonne of symmachus , was a man of noble parentage : vnder the emperour valentinian he was gouernour of liguria . at this time auxentius bishop of millane ( an arrian ) died . great sedition was in the towne , for the election of a new bishop , euery man contending to haue a bishop chosen of that faith which he himselfe best liked . ambrose fearing the vndoing of the towne by this intestine contention , exhorted them to vnitie and concord , with words and reasons to perswas●●e , that the people with one consent cried out , they would be all of one minde , if that ambrose were appointed to be their bishop . the emperour thought this inexpected consent of the people came from god , and he consented to the desire of the people . so was ambrose ordained bishop of millaine . after the death of valentinian , he was grieuously troubled by iustina , the mother of valentinian the second : for shee was infected with arrianisine . ambrose was fauoured by the people , and would not betray the sheepe-folde of god to wolues . the particular description of the broile of iustina may be read at length in the epistle that ambrose writes to his sister marcellina . the miracle wrought at the sepulchres of protasius and gervasius , mittigated somewhat the furie of iustina . but the dolorous tydings of the slaughter of gratianus compelled iustina to flie from italie to illyricum for safetie of her owne life , and her sonnes life . he sustained also great trouble vnder the two tyrants maximus and eugenius : so that he was compelled in the time of maximus , to flie to aquileia : and in the time of eugenius , to flie to hetruria , he liued also vnder the raigne of theodosius , whom hee sharpely reprooued for the slaughter of the innocent people of thessalonica : and died in the third yeere of the raigne of honorius , after he had gouerned the church of millane twentie-two yeeres . prudentius , a man of spaine , a lawyer at some times , and a warriour at other times in his young yeeres . in his old age he writ of diuine matters . he liued vnder the reigne of valentinian the second , of theodosius , and his sonnes . he set forth his knowledge in bookes of latine poesie , albeit greeke inscriptions be prefixed vnto them , such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which intreateth of the fight betwixt the spirit and the flesh : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which intreateth of the workes to be done in the day time : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intreateth of divinitie and divine things : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intreateth of originall sinne , against cerdon and marcion , the authors of two beginnings : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a booke conteining the prayses of victorious martyrs . in this booke is frequent invocation of saints , expresse against holy scripture : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conteining histories , both of the olde and new testament . the verses , wherein he argueth the heresie of the manicheans , who attributed vnto christ , not a true , but a phantasticall bodie made of aire , are very judiciously conceiued : restat vt aëriam pingas ab origine gentem● . aërios proceres , leuim , iudam , simeonem , aerium david , magnorum corpora regum aeria , at que ipsam foecundae virginis alvum acre fallaci , nebulisque & nube tumentem . the ecclesiasticall writers , whom i haue chiefly followed in this compend , make no mention of him . osius bishop of corduba , was a confessor , in the persecution of dioclesian and maximianus . he was regarded by the emperour constantine , for the markes of the rebuke of christ. the emperour employed him in the schisme in aegypt , betwixt alexander and arrius . likewise he sent him to the bishops of the east , who differed in opinion from the bishops of the west concerning the keeping of easter day . he was present at the councell of nice , where he damned the heresie of arrius : and at the councell of sardica , he absolued athanasius , paulus , &c. neither was he terrified with the menacing letters of constantius , but answered couragiously , that athanasius was an innocent man , and that the emperour did not well to hearken to the calumnies of versatous and valens , men who had by writ confessed to iulius bishop of rome , that the accusations intended against athanasius , were but forged calumnies . and this they did of their owne accord freely , and not compelled . in his decrepit yeeres ( for hee liued an hundreth yeeres ) some weaknesse was found in him . at the councell of syrmium , he was compelled to be present in that assembly of arrian bishops , to whose wicked constitutions ( fearing torture and banishment , from which he was lately reduced ) he subscribed . ierom was borne in a towne of dalmatia , called stridon , and was instructed in the rudiments of learning at rome . from rome he went to france , of purpose to increase his knowledge , and to diuerse other places , and he returned againe to rome , where he acquainted himselfe with honourable women , such as marcella , sophronia , principia , paula , and eustochium , to whom he expounded places of holy scripture , for he was admitted presbyter : he was counted worthie to succeed damasus b. of rome : his gifts were enuied at rome : therefore he left rome , and tooke his voiage toward palestina . by the way he acquainted himselfe with epiphanius b. of cyprus , with nazianzenus b. in constantinople , with didymus doctor in the schoole of alexandria , and sundry other men of note and marke . in the end he came to iudea , and made choise of the place of the lords natiuitie to be the place of his death . at bethlehem , paula a noble woman ( who accompanied ierom , and his brother paulinianus from rome ) vpon her owne charges builded foure monasteries . ierom guided one monasterie , wherein were a number of monkes . the other three , wherein there were companies of holy virgines , she guided her selfe . ierom was a man of sterne disposition , and more inclinable to a solitary and monkish life , then to fellowship and societie . neither heliodorus in the wildernesse , nor ruffinus out of the wildernesse , could keepe inuiolable friendship with him . the letters that passed betwixt august . and ierom declare , that ierom knew not how great a victory it was in loue , in humilitie , and friendship to ouer-come them , who seemed to contend against him . ierom wanted not his owne grosse errours . concerning the creation hee thought , that angels , thrones , dominations , were existent before the world was created . in his bookes written against iouinian , he writeth not reuerently of mariage , and he seemeth to condemne the second mariage . he ended his life about the twelfth yeere of the raigne of honorius , in the yeere of his age . ecclesiasticall writers haue filled their bookes with excessiue commendations of heremites and monks : of whom ( god willing ) i shall write in a particular treatise of monasticall life . centvrie . v. patriarches of rome . after stricius succeeded anastatius , and gouerned the church of rome three yeeres . about the yeere of our lord . hee entred into his office , vnder the raigne of honorius . hee made a constitution , that men should not sit , but stand when the gospell was read . after him succeeded innocentius , and continued in his office fifteene yeeres : hee was an aduersarie to the novatians , and pelagians , and was friendly to iohn chrysostome , whose deposition eudoxia the emperours wife had procured . innocentius sent to honorius , and arcadius ; fiue bishops , and two presbiters , to procure the appointment of a councell , wherein the cause of chrysostome might be examined : for hee counted the gathering of an ae cumenicke councell the only remedy whereby the vehement tempest of so great commotions as followed the deposition and banishment of chrysostome , could be settled : but the aduersaries of chrysostome procured the messengers of innocentius to be ignominiously entreated , and sent backe againe . heere let the iudicious reader marke that the power of conuocating generall councells appertained to the emperour , and not vnto the bishop of rome . in this mans time ( according to mine opinion ) the roman church began to swell in pride , and to vsurpe iurisdiction ouer other churches , hauing no better ground than a personall and temporall act of the councel of sardica . zosimus the successor of innocentius continued not aboue the space of a yeere and . months in office , or . yeeres , as socrates writeth . to him platina ascribeth this constitution , that no seruant should be assumed into the clergie : but he lamenteth , that not onely seruants , but also the sons of strange women , and flagitious persons , were admitted to spirituall offices to great detriment of the church . he sent faustinus a bishop to the councell of carthage , with . presbyters of the romane church to craue that no matter of moment and importance should be done without aduise of the roman bishop . he pretended an act of the councell of nice allotting this dignitie to the romane chaire : but after diligent search of the principall register no such act was found . i expected that onuphrius now should haue compeared , & in so maine a point said something to the cause , which with tooth & naile he defendeth , but in his annotations i see nothing except a diuersity of coūting of yeres for in his reckoning zosimus continued . yeeres -months . to zosimus succeeded bonifacius . and gouerned . yeeres . at his election there was a schisme in rome . some elected bonifacius , others eulalius to be their bishop . the emperour honorius bāished them both from rome , but after months bonifacius was restored , and was bishop of rome : at this time they were bishops of rome , to whom the emperour gaue allowance , but they were not emperours , to whom the bishop of rome gaue allowance . after bonifacius , coelestinus gouerned the church of rome , eight yeeres , ten months , and seuenteene dayes . he was an aduersary to the novatians , pelagians , and to nestorius and his adherents . socrates taketh him vp , right , that hee was bitter against the novatians , for desire of preheminence . in constantinople they who professed the true faith , had libertie to meete together , ●albeit in matters of discipline their opinion was not found : but coelestinus silenced rusticola the bishop of the novatians for desire to haue all bishoppes stouping vnder his soueraignitie . marke the words of socrates in the latine translation bearing these words : romano episcopatus iam ●dim peri●de atque alexandrin● ultra sacred●●● lu●●tes a●d exterum dominatum progr●ss● : that is , the bishoprick of rome , euen of old hauing stepped beyond the limites of priesthood to an externall domination , as the bishopricke of alexandria had done before . pelagius had propagated his heresie in the isle of britaine . but coelestinus hindred the propagation of a wicked heresie , by sending germanus to the brittaines , and palladius to the scots . coelestinus more impudently than his predecessours , innocentius , zosimus and bonifacius , vrged a submission of the churches of carthage vnto the romane chaire , and that they should accept in fauour appiarius whom they excommunicated for his appellation from his owne bishop to the bishop of rome : but the fathers of the sixt councell of carthage would neither absolue appiarius before his repentance were knowne , neither would they stoup vnder the iurisdiction of the roman church . to coelestinus succeeded sixtus the third , and continued in office eight yeeres , ninteene dayes . hee was accused of the crime of adultery by bassus ; but sixtus was found innocent , and bassus was found a calumniator and a false accuser : therefore he was banished by the emp. valentinian the third , and his goods were appointed to goe to the vse of the church . bassus after his banishment desired to be receiued againe in fauour with sixtus : but his petition was reiected as if he had sinned against the holy ghost . notwithstanding the flatterers of the chaire of rome writeth that sixtus buried bassus his accuser with his owne hands ; which seemeth to be repugnant to his vnmerciful forme of dealing in his life-time . after sixtus , leo a deacon in rome , and absent out of the towne , was chosen the bishop of rome , and ruled . yeeres , . month , . daies : he stirred vp the emperour theodosius . to appoint a councell for suppressing the error of eutyches , wherein it was rather cōfirmed than suppressed by the craft of dioscorus b ▪ of alexandria , whereof i shall speake hereafter , god willing , & how eutyches was cōdemned in the councel of chalcedon vnder the raigne of martianus . his wisdome and eloquence in mitigating the surie of attila hath beene handled in the preceding historie . amongst his constitutions none is more commendable then his constitution against ambitious men , who presume continually to high places . hee ordained that they should be depriued both of the higher , and the lower place : of the lower place for their pride , because they had proudly despised it : of the higher , because they had auaritiously suted it . in discipline nothing is better than to beare downe those place mongers , whereby it commeth to passe , that prerogatiue of place is referred to prerogatiue of gift . hilarius followed and continued seuen yeeres , three months , ten dayes . to whom succeeded simplicius , and continued fifteene yeeres , one month and seuen dayes . foelix the third was the successor of simplicius , and continued eight yeers , eleuen months , and seuenteene dayes . hee gouerned the church of rome in the time of the emperour zeno , and in the time , when odoacer and theodoricus contended for the superioritie of italie : hee was nothing inferiour to his antecessors in zeale to aduance the supremacie of the romane chayre : for hee excommunicated acatius bishop of constantinople , because he craued not his aduise in receiuing p●trus moggus in fauour , like as hee had craued his aduise at the first when he excommunicated him . this petrus moggus was an eutychian heretike , and was iustly excommunicated by acatius , who vsed the aduise of foelix bishop of rome , in excōmunicating him . but when petrus moggus testified his repentance by his supplicant bill , containing the recantatiō of his error , acatius absolued him . this grieued the proud stomacke of foelix , because his aduise was not craued in all things . therefore he excommunicated acatius , as is said . acatius little regarding the pride of the romane bishop , gaue to foelix an hard meeting : for he both excommunicated foelix , and razed his name out of the roll of bishops . ambition was the first great cancker-worme that consumed & defaced the beautie of the church of rome . gelasius the successor of foelix , an africane borne , ruled foure yeeres , eight months , and seuenteene dayes . the estate of italie was so troubled by the incursions of barbarous people , that the manners of the people were altogether dissolute ( for hee ministred in the last yeere of theodoricus king of italie ) therefore hee endeuoured to establish discipline in the church : hee claimed superioritie ouer all churches more manifestly than any of his predecessors had done , for he affirmed that the church of rome should iudge all churches , and should bee iudged by no church , and that the right of appellation to the bishop of rome from all parts in the world , was not a supposititious act of the nicene councell , as the councell of carthage had determined , but that it was authentike , & a right giuen by them indeed to the roman church : neither would h e be reconciled with the orientall bishops in any case , except they would first allow the excommunication of acatius , and raze his name out of the roll of bishops . platina writeth that hee did excommunicate the emperour anastatius a fauourer of the eutychian heresie , but this example once begun , was practised in most prodigall maner by the bishops of rome against emperours , who maintained no heresie . patriarches of constantinople . iohn chrysostome succeeded to nectarius in the dayes of arcadius , and honorius : hee had beene an helper to flavianus bishop of antioch , from whence hee was transported by the authoritie of the emperour arcadius , and ordained bishop of constantinople , sore against the hearts of the people of antiochia . in oratory he had profited in the school of libanius , in philosophie in the schoole of andragathius beyond his fellowes . his libertie in reproouing of sin both in court and clergie , procured against him the hatred of eudoxia the empresse , and hatred of the clergie , who could not suffer their corrupt maners to be reformed . theophilus bishop of alexandria was opposed to chrysostome from the verie first time of his ordination : for hee endeuoured to haue isidorus a monke brought vp in the wildernes of schethis , and afterward a presbyter in alexandria to bee seated in constantinople : but when his plotted course failed , he became an enemie to chrysostome , and gladly embraced all occasions , whereby he might procure his deposition : how he was iustly deposed , banished , and iourneyed to death by the malice of eudoxia , and theophilus it hath beene sufficiently declared in the preceding historie . other things ( god willing ) shall be handled in the description of the life of theophilus . chrysostome gouerned the church of constantinople . . yeeres . after chrysostome , arsatius the brother of nectarius an aged man ( for he was fourescore yeere old ) sate in constantinople scarce . yeeres . atticus the successor of arsatius sate . yeeres . he was admitted to this office in the time of the minoritie of theodosius the second : at what time anthemius his counseller ( a man in wisdome inferiour to none who liued in his time ) gouerned the affaires of the kingdome . atticus was not vnlearned : he was godly and prudent : he inserted the name of chrysostome into the roll of bishops , and in the publike liturgie made an honourable commemoration of his name , and perswaded cyrillus bishop of alexandria to doe the like . socrates affirmeth that god by his ministrie wrought miraculous workes , and that a ievve sicke of the palsie was baptized by him in the name of iesus , and immediatly after baptisme was healed of his disease . in staying the progresse of superstition , wherein people , euen at this time were enclined , hee carried himselfe prudently : for some of the people of constantinople resorted to the sepulcher of sabbatius to pray , and to doe some worship to the defunct : but att●●us caused his body in the night season to be raised , and to be buried in another place vnknowne to the foresaid superstitious people , and so they left off their resorting to the sepulchre of sabbatius . sisinnius after atticus ministred . yeeres . nestorius followed him in office , but his name is to be reade in the catalogue of heretikes . next to nestor●us was maximianus , who continued not aboue , . yeeres , and . months . to whom succeeded proclus , and continued . yeeres . fla●ianus after proclus gouerned that sea , in the dayes of theodosius the second : a faithfull man in his calling , but scarcely did he complete . yeeres in his bishopricke . hee deposed and excommunicated eutyches an abbot in constantinople , the authour of a pernitious heresie . hee was cruellie troden vnder foot in the second councell of ephesu● called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a councell of brigandrie . dioscorus bishop of alexandria , in that councell fauoured the opinion of e●tyches , and by tumultuary dealing , so oppressed flavianus , that he procured his death . they who attribute too much to the authoritie of councels , let them fasten their eyes vpon this councell , and learne , that possibly councels may erre , and that patriarches , such as dioscorus was , may erre , euen in matters of faith . to fla●ianus succeeded anatolius , and gouerned eight yeeres . and after him gennadius thirteene yeeres . acatius the successor of gennadius gouerned seuenteene yeeres vnder the emperour ze●o . hee gaue a good proofe of his constancie in the true faith , at that time when basiliscus ( who draue zeno from his kingdome ) condemned the councel of chalcedon , and compelled bishops to subscribe to the errour of eutyches . the great dissention that fell out bewixt him and the roman bishops , for petrus moggus bishop of alexandria , and petrus cnapheus bishop of antiochia , it was , not for cōmunicating with them before they renounced their errour , as some learned men doe affirme , but for plaine emulation ; such as was of old betwixt pompeius and caesar , the one could not abide a cōpanion , the other could not abide a superior . the roman church manifestly cōtended for superiority : the church of constantinople on the other part perceiuing what aduantage the roman bishops tooke of this that their counsel was craued , they left off the doing of it . and this moued the proud stomacke of gelasius ( after the death of acatius to burst out in these arrogant words , that the church of rome had power to iudge of all other churches , but no church had power to iudge of the church of rome ; yea , and platina a late writer groundeth the supremacie of the b. of rome vpō this , that acatius b. of constātinople wrote vnto him , to damne the heretical opinion of pe●rus moggus b. of alexandria : albeit the faith of peter was grounded vpō a sure rocke , yet the supremacie of the roman bishops is grounded only vpon such sandie ground , as platina and other flatterers of the romane chaire doe cast out in their writings . after acatius succeeded phrauitas , otherwise called flauitas , and continued scarse . months : some thinke that god in wrath shortned his dayes , because that by vnlawfull meanes hee attained to that dignitie to be bishop of constantinople . the synodicke letter of petrus moggus bishop of alexandria written to flauitas , and pondered by his successor euph●mius , wherein petrus moggus accurseth the councell of chalcedon , it will clearely prooue inconstancie in petrus moggus , but not a fault in acatius : for many are like vnto dogs , who returne vnto their vomite againe , and this blame must rest in the bosome of fickle and vnconstant men , and not in the bosome of honest men who are deceiued by them . euphemius succeeded to flauitas , and gouerned vnder the raigne of zeno and anastatius , and would not complete the ceremonies of the inauguration of anastatius vntill the time that by his oath and hand-writ , hee promised to be a defender of the true faith and of the actes of the councell of chalcedon . the hand-writ anastatius craued to be deliuered backe againe to him , which when he could not obtaine , euphemius was compelled to flie for safetie of his life . when he pondered the synodicke letter of petrus moggus he abhor●ed his name , & inserted against the name of f●●lix b. of rome into the catalogue of bishops , which was razed and cancelled by acatius one of his predecessors . patriarchs of alexandria . theophilus ministred in alexandria in the dayes of theodosius , and of his sonnes arcadius and honorius : a man both reproovable in his life , and inconstant in his faith . hee sent isidorus a monke , to rome ▪ there to lurke secretly , and to expect the event of the battell that was to bee sought betwixt theodosius & maximus , and to congratulate the victor . when hee returned from rome , hee endevoured to promote him to the bishopricke of constantinople : but iohn chrysostome , was preferred before him . after this , hee cannot keepe friendship with isidorus , whom he intended once to haue preferred , but vpon a light occasion cast him off , and excommunicated him ; because hee would not deliver to him the mony left in testamental legacie to be distributed to the poore . this money which theophilus sister had left to the vse aforesayd ; theophilus craved that it might be put in his hands , to be imployed to building and repairing of churches . but isidorus answered , that the money put in his custodie , should bee bestowed according to the will of the defunct . and that it was a worke more acceptable to god , to support the poore , who are the living temples of god , then to build olde and ruinous walles . therefore theophilus hated , and excommunicated isidorus : for this cause isidorus left alexandria , and addressed himselfe to the wildernesse of schethis , where hee complained to ammonius , dioscorus , eusebius , and enthymius , called long f●atres , of the iniury that theophilus had done vnto him ; who intreated theophilus to receiue isidorus in favour againe , and to admit him to his communion : but theophilus gaue vnto them an evill reward for their travels ; for hee hated them , and finding that there were diverse opinions amongst the monkes of nitria and schethis , hee put fuell to the fire , to the end that diversity of affection might bee added to diversity of opinion : a man in all his courses malicious and deceitfull . longifratres fled to constantinople , to complaine to the emperour arcadius , of the malice of theophilus , and they were humanely and courteously received by chrisostome ; but not admitted to the participation of the holy mysteries , vntill their cause had beene first iudged . to the rest of the monkes who dwelt in nitria and schethis , the malice of theophilus was not vnknowne . and fiue hundred of them ( especially such as were anthropomorphite ) came from the wildernesse of nitria , with intention to haue slaine theophilus , but hee met them , and with gentle and flattering words , lenified their anger , for he said vnto them : brethren , i see your faces as the face of god. they tooke his words in this sense , as if hee had sayd ; that god was fashioned according to the likenesse of a mans body . therefore they desired him to abiure the doctrine of origen , which thing hee willingly did , for he hated the bookes of origen : and so he escaped the danger . the next practice of his malice , was against iohn chrysostome bishop of constantinople , whom he hated , because he had received and courteously intreated isidorus and longifratres , who came to constantinople , with intention to accuse him . in this matter hee dealt deceitfully , like vnto a crafty foxe lying in waite , vntill hee found occasion to set on . first , hee reconciled himselfe to epiphanius , bishop of salamin in cyprus , and mooved him to gather a councell in cyprus , for damning the bookes of origen ; and to write to iohn chrysostome , that he would do the like in his bounds : but chrysostome tooke little regard of the counsell of epiphanius , other things were more necessarie , then to trouble the memoriall of a man that was dead long agoe . theophilus was glad to haue this advantage , that epiphanius a man of great account , was on his side ; and so soone as hee found that e●doxia , the emperor arcadius wife , with courteours and some of the clergie , were incensed against chrysostome , hee was in readinesse as a firebrand of satan , to execute all evill turnes . so the man of god ( as hath beene declared ) was deposed , banished , and vniustly put to death , by eudoxia and theophilus , two chiefe procurers of it . cyrillus , the nephew of theophilus , on his brothers side , succeeded to theophilus , and governed two and thirty yeers ; a man learned , zealous , and actiue : his ministration was vnder the raignes of theodosius the second , and valentinian the third . hee was an adversary to heretiques in his dayes , especially to nestorius bishop of constantinople , who denyed the personall vnion of the divine and humane nature in christ : whose opinion as hereticall , was damned in the councell of ephesus . cyrillus tooke too much vpon him : for hee revenged the iniury that the iewes had done vnto christians in the night time , by setting vpon their synagogues slaying a great number of them , banishing others , and distributing their substance , as a prey to the multitude that followed him . the iewes had dwelt in alexandria from the dayes of alexander the great , to that time ; but now by the fury of cyrillus , they were vtterly vndone and scattered . orestes the deputy of theodosius the second , was in the towne , to whom cyrillus would not complaine of the iniury done by the iewes , against the christians : but at his owne hand vsurping the office of a civill magistrate , hee set vpon the iewes , slew , scattered , and spoyled them , as hath beene aboue mentioned . this was the ground of vnsupportable discord betwixt orestes and cyrillus ; in so much , that fiue hundred monkes of nitria , came out of the wildernesse to alexandria , to support cyrillus their bishop . one of them called ammonius , wounded the governour orestes , and when he was taken and punished vnto the death ; cyrillus called him a martyr , buried him in the church , changed his name , and called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , admirable . the romane bishoppes claimed a superiority over their brethren ; but cyrillus bishop of alexandria , plainely pretended a superiority over civill magistrates . this mooued socrates writing of coelestinus the first , to say , that the bishops of rome and alexandria , had stepped beyond the limits of priesthood , to the affectation of an externall domination . the bishops of rome kept their owne pride , and borrowed from alexandria a proud vsurpation of domination over civill magistrats : but the wise providence and provident wisedome of our god , would haue the mouthes of the bishops of rome opened to condemne that civill domination , which their successors afterward most proudly vsurped . marke what gelasius writeth , that before the comming of christ , some persons , such as melchisedecke , were both kings and priests . this ( saith hee ) satan imitating in his members , would haue pagan emperours to be called pontifices maximi , & imperatores : but when he came who was indeed both king and priest , to wit , christ , neither did the king take vpon him the priestly dignity , neither the priest kingly authority . dioscorus , who succeeded cyrillus , his name is to reade in the catalogue of heretiques ; but proterius was the true successour , in regard hee kept the true faith : but hee was cruelly slaine by the favourers of di●scorus , immediately after the death of the emperour martianus . timotheus salophaciolus , governed as bishop in alexandria , . yeeres , six moneths , in the dayes of zen● and basiliscus . albeit basiliscus advanced another timotheus , surnamed aelurus to be bishop of alexandria , yet when zeno was restored to his soverainty againe , salophaciolus received his place againe . after timotheus salophaciolus , followed iohannes tabennesiota , whom the emperour zeno iustly hated for his periury : for hee came ambassador to the emperour , and craued , that when their bishop were dead , the church of alexandria might haue liberty to choose their owne bishop : the emperour suspected that hee was ambitiously suting the place to himselfe , and therefore did binde him with an oath , that when the place should happen to be voyd , hee should make no meanes to possesse himselfe of that roome : but hee did the contrary , and accepted the place : therefore the emperour zeno banished him : hee fled to felix bishop of rome , who being mis-informed by iohannes tabennesiota , made him to thinke , that hee was persecuted for the true faith , as athanasius was , who fledde to iulius bishoppe of rome : but the emperours letter assured him of the contrarie , that hee was banished for periurie . petrus moggus , who followed , is to bee reckoned in an other catalogue . patriarchs of antiochia . to flavius , in antiochia succeeded porphyrius , whose ordination was more secret then becomes the ordination of bishoppes to bee , in absence of the people , when they were delighting themselues with the sight of stage-playes in daphne . hee consented to the deposition of iohn chrysostome . no man whom i haue read , maketh reverent record of him ; except theodoretus , who possibly doth not examine him narrowly , but for the dignitie of his place , letteth him passe with a note of commendation . after porphyrius succeeded alexander , a man much commended by theodoretus for eloquence , but more for peace : for hee was not onely an instrument to quiet the estate of his owne church of antiochia , but also to quiet the estate of other churches , & he was the first who inserted the name of iohn chrysostome into the catalogue of holy bishops , and perswaded others to doe the same . theodotus was his successor foure yeeres , of whom little is written . to theodotus succeeded iohannes grammaticus , and ministred eighteene yeeres . in his time the councell of ephesus was assembled by theodosius the second , and valentinian the third . in it there was a pitifull distraction , betwixt iohn bishop of antiochia , and cyrillus bishop of alexandria , for a light cause . not because iohn bishop of alexandria favoured the heresie of nestorius : but in respect hee gaue out definitiue sentence before the full number of his brethren were assembled together . this dissention was afterward reconciled , and iohannes sent to cyrillus , paulus emisenus ; and craved his friendshippe , and was reconciled vnto him . domnus the successour of iohannes , was an vnconstant man. hee consented to the deposition of eutyches , and afterward in the councell called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he consented to the reposition of eutyches . hee received a iust recompence of his vnconstancie : for the second councell of ephesus deposed him , and ordayned maximus bishoppe af antiochia . maximus was admitted bishop of antiochia , by the second councell of ephesus . he was presented at the councell of chalcedon ; wherein , albeit the second councell of ephesus was damned as hereticall , and all the acts of it were abrogated ; yet they gaue allowance to the deposition of domnus , and to the admission of maximus , which thing came to passe by this occasion ; leo bishop of rome had receiued maximus to his communion , before the councell of chalcedon ( albeit he had received ordination from an hereticall councell ) and the ambassadours of leo were presidents in the councell of chalcedon : therefore they overpassed lightly , and with allowance , any fact that was done by the bishop of rome . but all the world was set in businesse , when acatius received in fauour petrus moggus , because it was done without foreknowledge of the bishop of rome . to maximus succeeded martyrius , who being absent at constantinople for necessarie affaires of his owne church , petrus gnapheus stole away the hearts of the people from him , so that at his returning hee was compelled to leaue antiochia , with this good night : i forsake a disobedient clergie , a rebellious people , and a defiled church , reserving vnto my selfe the dignity of priesthood . petrus gnapheus , for his deserts is worthy to be reckoned in the roll of heretickes . first , he supplanted martyrius by vnhonest meanes in the dayes of the emperour le● . secondly , he obtained a clause to be added to that part of the liturgie , which is called trasagios , sanctus deus , sanctus fortis , sanctus immortalis . to this ( i say ) hee added , qui crucifixus est pro nobis , which forme of speaking ( albeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may tolerate it to bee spoken ) was sayd by him in an hereticall sense , as if the divinity had suffered paine . thirdly , he attributed divine honour to the virgin mary , and ordayned that her name should bee called vpon , in the publique prayers of the church . hee was banished by the emperour leo , and restored by basiliscus . hee damned the councell of chalcedon , and was banished the second time by the emperor zeno , and excommunicate by felix bishop of rome , and acatius bishop of constantinople . stephanus succeeded in his roome , and was incontinent made out of the way , by the faction of gnapheus . calandion succeeded stephanus , and hee likewise was banished by the emperour zeno. in the end petrus gnapheus subscribed the henoticke letters of zeno ( these were letters containing a summe of the true faith , an approbation of godly councels , and a protestation of vnitie with godly bishoppes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the greeke language signifieth vnitiue or coniunctiue , and henoticke letter were written to procure peace , and vnion in the church . by these meanes gnapheus obtained his place againe , and is reckoned in the catalogue of bishops , onely for the subscription of the emperours henoticke letters . patriarchs of ierusalem . to cyrillus succeeded iohannes nepos . after him polythronius ministred in ierusalem . hee was oft accused , and oftentimes absolved . his chiefe accusation was this , that hee counted himselfe the supreme bishop of all bishoppes . sixtus the third bishop of rome was serious in this turne , because hee thought that the apple of his eye was touched when supremacie was spoken of . therefore hee sent eight ambassadors to ierusasem : a councell of . bishops was gathered , and polythronius was found innocent . notwithstanding he was convict of some other faults ; namely , that hee refused to consecrate a church , vntill ten pounds of gold were payed vnto him : for this cause hee was ordayned to dwell without the towne , a vicar to supply his roome , and and a portion to bee allotted to him for his sustentation . this portion appointed for his sustentation , when hee sawe the people of ierusalem pinched with famine , hee solde it , and supported their necessity , and was for his loving affection to his flocke , restored to his office againe . to him succeeded iuvenalis , whose vnconstancie god iustly punished . hee was present at the first councell of ephesus , and consented to the excommunication of nestorius . he was present likewise at the second councell of ephesus , and consented to the restitution of eutyches . he was deposed in the councell of chalcedon , and received into fauour againe , after the humble confession of his fault . this is that famous author , whom the romane church citeth for the fable of the assumption of the virgin marie . when he returned to ierusalem , a number of turbulent monkes rose vp against him , and desired him to accurse the councell of chalcedon , which when hee refused to doe , they chose another bishop , called theodosius : but the emperour martiaxus commandement was , straight to fetch theodosius aliue vnto him : therefore hee fled , and iuvenalis returned againe vnto his place . the names of anastatius and martyrius , who followed iuvenalis , for their assenting to basiliscus , and to petrus gnapheus , are not worthy to be inserted in this catalogue . of other pastors and doctors . theodoritus was bishop of cyrus a towne in syria ( whose builder seemes to haue beene cyrus king of persia ) a man of excellent learning , he liued vnder the emperours , theodosius . valentinian . and martianus . hee had the ouersight of eightie parishes lying within his ample diocie . hee is bold to affirme in a certaine epistle written to leo bishop of rome , that by his trauailes a thousand soules within his bounds were reclaimed from the heresie of marcion . hee fell into many lamentable troubles . the ground of all was the extraordinarie loue he carried toward his owne patriarch iohn bishop of antiochia . for like as hee accompanied him to the councell of ephesus , so likewise hee concurred with him in the deposition of cyrillus bishop of alexandria , and memnon bishop of ephesus : but the councell gathered at ephesus tooke triall in the cause of cyrillus and memnon , and absolued them , and damned iohn bishop of antiochia , and his complices . theodoritus was one of the number . the second trouble followed vpon the necke of the first : for by instigation of patriarch iohn , hee wrote against the twelue heades or twelue theses of cyrillus written against nestorius , wherein he mistaketh the doctrine of cyrillus , as if hee had fallen into the errour of apollinaris : but after that cyrillus wrote a declaration of his owne meaning , it was found that both cyrillus and theodoritus professed one faith , and they were reconciled . neuerthelesse theodoritus was damned in the second councell of ephesus for writing against cyrillus , neither being cited , accused nor conuict of any fault . theodoritus complained to leo bishop of rome , of the outrage of dioscorus bishop of alexandria , who had damned him in a councell before hee was heard . leo absolued him , and the councel of chalcedon , after hee pronounced anathema against the errours of nestorius and eutyches , they in like maner absolued him . and finally after his death in the fift general councell , his writings against the twelue heades of cyrillus were damned . all these troubles proceeded from one and the selfe same ground , to wit , vpon the extraordinarie loue hee caried toward his patriarch iohn . this one thing laid aside , hee was nothing inferiour to the most wise , accurate , and learned writers of the ancient time . in the first of his learned dialogues called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he prooueth that the word became flesh without changing of the diuine nature into the humane nature , or the humane nature into the diuine . euen as in the sacrament of the supper of the lord the bread becomes the body of the lord , not by changing the substance of it , but by assuming by grace an other vse than it had , the very symbol obtaineth the name of the thing represented by the symbol . when papists doe read the dialogues of theodoritus , let them leaue off to bragge of the antiquitie of the doctrine of transubstantiation , and take them to the monke damascene the first authour of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he continued at least thirtie yeeres in his ministrie , and ended his life , as is supposed , vnder the raigne of leo the first . augustine in his young yeeres was infected with the errour of the manicheans . his mother monica watered her face many times with teares , in her prayers begging at god his conuersion to the truth . god heard her prayers : he was sent to millan to be a teacher of rhetoricke , by the preaching of ambrose bishop of millan , and the deuote behauiour of the people in singing psalmes to the praise of god , the like whereof augustine had neuer seene in any place before : for men in earth praising god with ardent affection seemed to represent the angels of heauen , who incessantly prayse god with vnspeakable desire . also with the reading of the life of antonius the heremite , he was wonderfully moued , and began to dislike his former conuersation , which hee had spent in worldly pleasures , and went vnto a quiet garden , accompanied with alipius : with many teares he bewailed the insolencie of his bypast conuersation , wishing the time to be now come , wherein without farther delay his soule should be watred with the dew of the conuerting grace of god. and as he was powring out the griefe of his wounded heart to god with a flood of teares , hee heard a voyce saying vnto him , tolle & lege , and againe , tolle & lege , that is to say , take vp and read , take vp and read . at the first hearing , he tooke it to haue beene the voyce of boyes or maides speaking in their play such words one to another : but when he looked about , & could see no body hee knew it to be a celestiall admonition warning him to take vp the booke of holy scripture ( which he had in the garden with him ) and read . now the first place that fell in his hands , after the opening of the booke , was this : not in gluttonie , nor drunkennes , nor in chambring , nor wantonnesse , nor in strife , or enuying : but put on the lord iesus christ , and take no thought of the flesh , to fulfill the lustes thereof . at the reading whereof he was so fully resolued to forsake the vanities of the world , and to become a christian , that immediatly thereafter he was baptized by ambrose bishop of millan , with his companion alipius and his sonne adeodatus . after this hee returned to africke , and was coadiutor to valerius bishop of hippo , as chrysostome was to flauianus in antiocha : and after the departure of valerius : he was bishop of hippo : his vncessant trauels in teaching gods people , and in stopping the mouthes of heretikes and gainsaiers of the truth of god , specially donatists , pelagians and manichean heretikes , his learned writings do testifie . when he had liued . yeeres , he rested from his labours , before the vandales had taken the towne of hippo , which in time of augustines sicknesse they had besieged . in this century flourished worthy preachers in france , such as eutherius bishop of lions . saluianus b. of marseill , who liued at that time when the nation of the gothes oppressed france , and many beganne to doubt of the prouidence of god , in respect that wicked men had so great vpper-hand . salvianus in his godly and learned bookes doth declare that it is a iust thing with god to punish men , who knowes their dutie best , with greatest punishments , in respect that oft times they are most negligent doers of it . clauaianus mammertus bishop of vienne is praised by sidonius with excessiue commendations , as if all the graces of ierom , augustine , basilius , nazianzenus , and many other fathers had beene incorporated into his person . hilarius first bishop of arls , and afterward ( as appeareth ) of vienne , opposed himselfe directly to leo bishop of rome , and would acknowledge no iurisdiction , nor domination of the bishop of rome ouer the churches of france : for this cause leo accused him as an vsurper of supremacie , onely because hee would not stoupe vnder his feete : but hilarius came to rome , nothing regarding the anathems and cursings of the romane b. and in his face affirmed , that neither did christ appoint peter to be head of the rest of the apostles , neither had the bishop of rome a soueraigntie ouer the churches of fraunce . all the grandure of leo his speeches was , to talke of those few words : tu es petrus , & super ha● petra , &c. that is , thou art peter , and vpon this rocke , &c. as if christ had breathed vppon him , and had bidden him receiue the holy spirit , so confidently did he affirme that in these wordes was allotted a supremacie to the bishoppes of rome the successors of peter . but this grandure ( i say ) of his proud conceites , and vaine interpretation of scripture made not men of vnderstanding incontinentlie to stoup vnder the feete of a proud prelate . vincentius lirinensis a mightie impugner of heresies . prosper aquitāicus . sidōius b. in some part of ouernie . martinus turonensis is cōmended for the gift of many miraculous workes that were wrought by his hands . he cōpared virginitie , marriage , & fornication to a medow , a part wherof was eaten by the pastoring of beastes , another part was hollwed by the rudenes of rooting swine , and the third part was vntouched , but flourishing in the per●ect growth of grasse neere to mowing time . fornication he compared to the part of the medow that was hollowed , and misf●shioned with swine . mariage to that part of the medow that was pastored , so that the herbes had then rootes , but wanted the beautie of their flowres : but virginitie is like vnto that part of the medow that is vntouched , flourishing with roote , blade , flower , and all kinde of perfection . in counting marriage good , but virginitie better , hee followeth the doctrine of the holy apostle paul. r●● gius bishop of rhemes , ( by whom clodo●eus the first christian king of france was baptized , and the whole countrie of france was purged from paganisme and arrianisme : whereby it was miserably polluted by the gothes , and vandales ) was a man of great account . concerning aurelius and the bishops of carthage , memnon , and the bishops of ephesus , some occasion will be offered to speake of them in the head of councels , neither will the nature of a compend and breuitie whereunto i study , permit me to write of euery worthie man of whom i read in this centurie . centvrie vi. patriarches of rome . to gelasius succeeded anastatius the second and gouerned . yeere . months . dayes ; hee ministred in the dayes of the emperour anastatius : hee was hated of the clergie , because he admitted to his fellowship photinus a deacon , whom foelix and gelasius had excommunicated as a friend to acatius bishop of constantinople . platina writeth of him , that he ended his life as arrius did , and that his bowells gushed out , when he was doing his secret busines . the verie flatterers of the bishops of rome are compelled to say , that some of them were fauorers of heretikes , and for that cause punished by god with extraordinarie iudgements : but i ground nothing vpon the words of platina , but so much as maketh against thē , whom he intendeth to flatter . to anastatius succeeded symmachus , in the dayes of the emperour anastatius : and when theodoricus king of gothes raigned , in italie , great sedition was among the people , at his election . the one part of the clergie & people chusing symmachus , the other laurentius to be bishop of rome : but with common consent , a synod was appointed at ravenna , and there the election of symmachus was ratified , hee continued in office . yeeres , months , . dayes . horm●sda the successor of symmachus sate . yeeres , . dayes : who by cōmandement of theodoricus king of gothes , and raigning in italie , gathered a councell at rome and damned the error of eutyches of new againe . likewise ambassadors were sent to the emp. anastatius , and to iohn b. of constantinople to exhort them to forsake the wicked error of eutyches , & to acknowledge two natures in christ , to wit , the diuine and humane nature . but anastatius answered with proud words , nos imperare volumus , nobis imperari nolumus . that is we will command , but wee will not be commanded . likewise the b. of constantinople puft vp in pride by the assistance of the emp. despised the counsell of hermisda . moreouer against the law of nation , they delt in humanlie with the ambassadors of hormisda , and thrust them into an old and broken ship , with straite commandement that they should not arriue at any harbour in grecia , but kept a direct course toward italy . notwithstanding by the prouidence of god that ship arriued safely at the coasts of italie . the error of the manicheans began againe to be ouerspread in rome . but hormisda tooke their bookes and burnt them in the porch of the church called constantina . iohn the first gouerned the church of rome in the dayes of iustinus the elder , to whom also he was sent ambassador by theodoricus , to craue that the arrian byshops whom hee had banished out of his dominions might be restored to their places againe : else the catholick bishops of italy should expect all kind of rigor at his hands . the b. iohn with many teares perswaded the emperour iustinus to condiscend vnto the petition of theodoricus . neuerthelesse when he returned backe againe to italy he was cast into prison , where he ended his life , after he had gouerned the church of rome . yeeres , . months . foelix . the successor of iohn . cōtinued in office . yeeres . months , . daies . he excommunicated athanasius patriarch of constantinople for heresie , hee ordained that christians before their departure out of this life should be annointed with oyle . this custome is now kept in the roman church , and is called the sacrament of extreme vnction . foelix succeeded bonifacius . whom the graecians called agathon , but both names soundeth to one and the selfe same thing . the schisme that was among the people at his election ceased , by the death of his cōpetitor d●se●●u● : he ministred . yeeres , . daies . in his time eulalius b. of carthage , submitted himself vnto the chaire of rome : wherupon bōifacius tooke occasiō of insolent insulting , in so far , that he is not ashācd to writ of aurelius b. of carthage , august . b. of hippo , & of the rest of the fathers , who were presēt at the coūcel of carthage that through the instigatiō of the deuil they swelled in pride against the roman church & against his predecessors bonifacius . . & coelestinus whō his predecessors most iustly had excōmunicated : but now ( saith he ) eulalius hath cōfessed the fault of aurelius , & of the coūcel of carthage , & submitted himself in humble maner to the chaire of rome : therefore he & the church of carthage are receiued againe vnto peace & cōmuniō of the roman church . marke here how they who would impaire a iot of that suprēacy whereat the church of rome aimed , were forthwith deliuered to the deuil , how holy , modest , & learned so euer they had bin ; & a vain , timorous & beastly body eulalius is preferred to aurelius b. of carthage , to aug. b. of hippo , & to a graue coūcel of mothā . fathers : only for this , that he submitted himself to the chair of rome . the time is now approching , wherein it wil be clearely māifested , that supremacy was the very aple of their eye , & touch that once , there is nothing but curses to be thūdred out of mount tarpeius euen against august . himself & against reuerent coūcils . iohn . was successor to bonifacius : he ministred in the time of the emperour iustinian , . yeeres , . months : he was called for his eloquence mercurius , or nuntius iovis . agapetus the successor of iohn . v●der the raigne of iustiniā had scarcely liberty to attend vpō his own flocke : for immediatly after he was ordained b. of rome , he was sent to the emp. iustiniā by theodatus king of the gothes , to pacifie his wrath : for the emp. intended to make war against him , for the cruell slaughter of amalasunta his wife : this was an vnhonest cause , & an vnseemely message to the b. of rome to vndertake . it is affirmed by historiographers , that iustinian secretly sollicited agapetus to the error of eutyches , & that agapetus answered vnto him couragiously , that hee supposed hee was sent to a most christiā emperour , but he found him to be dioclesian . this liberty is thought to haue done good to iustinian , and that hee imbraced the true faith more seriously then before , and deposed anthemius bishop of constantinople , an eutychian heretique , and placed menas a bishop professing the true faith , in his roome . afterwards agapetus died at constantinople , after hee had beene chosen bishoppe of rome eleven monethes , and one and twentie dayes , and his bodie was put into a chest of leade , and transported to rome . silverius the son of hormisda , sometime bishop of rome , was successor to agapetus . theodatus king of gothes , compelled the clergie to subscribe to his election : hee governed the church of rome at that time , when iustinian sent belisarius to fight against vitiges . theodora the emperour iustinians wife , sent to silverius , desiring him that he would condiscend to the restitution of anthemius an eutychian heretique , and to the deposition of menas , bishop of constantinople . silverius refused to obey such impious commandements . therefore theodora sendeth a commandement to belisarius to banish silverius , and to appoynt vigilius bishop of rome , who had promised to fulfill her desires . thus was silverius banished to the isle of pontia , after hee had ruled the church of rome one yeere , and fiue moneths . vigilius succeeded silverius , and ruled seventeene yeeres and six and twenty dayes . his entry to this office is inexcusable : for by open force , secret bribes , and promises to performe the impious desires of the empresse , hee obtained the chaire of rome : so that onuphrius cannot finde out an excuse for his vnlawfull entry . theodora the empresse , vrged him to performe his promise , and to restore anthemius . but vigilius , as appeared , repenting of his great temeritie and rashnesse , answered , that evill promises were not to be kept : for this cause hee was led away violently to constantinople , and a cord was fastned about his necke , and he was drawne through the streets , and cast into prison : hee endured all this contempt the more patiently , because hee confessed , that for his sinnes hee had deserved greater punishment at the hands of god , then this man. in the end hee was delivered out of prison , by the earnest request of narses captaine of iustinians army in italy , but hee dyed by the way : and hee whom so many cares could not destroy , the sicknesse of the travell destroyed him at sicrl●e , and his bodie was transported to rome , and buryed there . but now let vs consider the fondnesse of baronius , who keepeth no measure in his historie ; but as the poet speaketh of a ship rossed with a vehement tempest : tollimur in coelum subtato gurgite , & idem , subducta ad manes imos descendin●us vnda . when baronius speaketh of the entry of vigilius , he calleth him a thiefe , a brigand , a man who entred not by the doore of the sheep-fold , a false bishop , an antichrist : yet soone after hee calleth him the vicar of christ as though by the crueltie whereby he draue his predecessor siluerius to death he were worthy of the name of the vicar of christ. albeit hee restored not athemius , according to his impious paction with theodora , yet hee wrote vnto the heretiques , anthemius , theodosius , and severus ; and confirmed their error by his secret missiue letters , as morenus in his booke called misterium iniquitatis , prooveth . his cariage in the fift generall councell , hee being present in the towne of constantinople , shall be declared god willing , in its owne place , the cord that was lapped about his neck , and drew him through the streets of constantinople , could not draw out of his proud stomacke the conceite of supremacie : for hee sent his opinion in writing to the councell , but would not bee present to sit in a lower place then eutychius bishop of constantinople , and moderator of the councell . after vigilius succeeded pelagius the first : hee ruled the church of rome eleven yeares , twelue moneths , and twenty eight dayes . in a very perillous time this charge was committed to him ; namely when the nation of the go●●s had chosen toul● to bee their king , who was a fierce and cruell man , and was called for his fiercenesse , flagellum dei ; that is , the scourge of god : hee led a great army from tarvisium through italy , destroying and wasting the countrey , whithersoever hee went , but hee set his face chiefly against campania . by the way hee addressed himselfe in the habite of a simple souldier to mount cassinates , where was saint benedict , the father of monkes ; not because he invented the monasticke life , but because the most part of monks adhered to the forme invented by him : hee was but lately sprung vp , in the dayes of the emperour iustinus the elder , and of pope iohn the first ; yet was his name in great account , so that totilas in a disguised habite went vnto him , and conferred with him . platina writeth that saint benedict knew him , notwithstanding of his deepe dissimulation , and with terrifying words disswaded him form vsing cruelty against christians . the counsell was good , but totilus was not obedient vnto it . he was slaine in battell by narses , neere to brixellum : and teias whom the gothes chose in his roome , was slaine in battell at nuceria : so the kingdome of the gothes in italy , was vtterly vndone by the valour of narses . after the first comming of theodoricus into italy , they raigned in italy seventy two yeeres . now their name , dominion , and all their might is vtterly quenched . pelagius depended much vpon the friendship of narses , and when macedonius bishop of aquileia died , honoratus bishop of millan ordained paulinus to be his successor . pelagius bishop of rome grieved at this . neverthelesse hee complaineth not to narses , that paulinus was bishop of aquileia without his consent , but rather , because this was done without the foreknowledge of the most noble emperour iustinian ; who like as he had delivered istria and venice , from the grievous bondage of totilas ; so likewise it became them to expect the emperours answere , before they had appointed a bishoppe in aquileia . marke the hypocrisie of the bishops of rome , vnder colour of obedience to the civill magistrate , secretly creeping to their owne soveraignty , the chiefe marke whereat they continually aymed . iohn the third succeeded pelagius , and governed twelue yeers , eleven moneths , and twenty six dayes . in the dayes of iustinus the younger , who was successor to the emperour iustinian , did he minister in the roman church ; and at that time when alboinus king of the longobards came into italie , with a great army , with their wiues and children , and setled their aboad in that part of italy which lyeth about the river padus . the empresse sophia , had irritated narses that valiant captaine , with contumelious words ; and he gaue to her , and to the estate of the empire , this hard meeting , that hee possessed the longobards in italy , weaving a web vnto her ( according as hee promised ) which shee was not able all her time to vndoe againe . the deputy of the emperour of constantinople , kept a part of italy , which was not conquered by the lombards , and this was called exarchatus ravennae ; and the bishop of rome , with the assistance of the countrey , kept rome free from the dominion of the lombards for a short time . at this time did iohn the . governe the church of rome . he brought in new constitutions into the church , that chorepiscopi , otherwise called vicarij episcoporum , would haue no power at all of imposition of hands : which constitution he confirmed with a foolish reason , because none of the disciples , whom christ adioyned as helpers to the apostles , had power by imposition of hands , to conferre the gift of the holy spirit . now the time is come , when every man endevoureth , with some novelty , and new toy , which hath not been heard of before , to go beyond his predecessors . benedict the first , continued in his charge . yeeres , one moneth , . dayes . he had great griefe in his time , because the prevayling power of the lombards oppressed the countrey of italy , and the towne of rome was sore pinched with famine . the heart griefe hee conceived for the calami●●e of the countrey , is thought to haue hastened his death . neverthelesse he had this comfort , that the emperour tiberius the second , in whose time he ministred , sent ships loadned with corne from egypt , to support the distressed estate of the romanes . tiberius was indued with many good qualities , and princely gifts : hee was valiant , godly , and liberall ; and the more bountifull he was to the poore , his riches so much the more abounded : for besides the treasures of narses , that were brought to him from italy , when narses dyed ; hee found also in his owne palace vnder a crosse of marble ( which he commanded to be raised , and not to bee trod vnder foot any longer , but to be set in a more honourable place ) there i say , he found an infinit treasure of silver and gold . finally , when hee overcame the persians , such quantitie of gold , silver , & precious things were atchieved , as none of his predecessors had obtained the like : so that the proverb , hee who soweth largely , shall reape largely , had liuely performance in the person of the noble emperour tiberius . after benedict succeeded pelagius the second , and ministred vnder the raignes of tiberius and mauritius , . yeers , . moneths , . dayes . hee was elected without the foreknowledge of the emperour , contrary to the custome observed in those dayes ; but hee excused himselfe to the emperour mauritius , by sending gregorius ambassadour vnto him , and declaring that the towne of rome was besieged by lombardis , so that no messenger could bee sent from rome to constantinople , to acquaint the emperour with his election . the forme of the siege of rome was this : the emp. mauritius had hired sigibertus king of france , to make warre against the lombards , and to driue them out of italy , but his army was overthrowne by eucharis king of the lombards . with this victory the lombards were puft vp , and they besieged the towne of rome , they had also taken it , if they had not been hindred by great inundation of waters . the inundation of tiber was extraordinary , it overflowed the wals of the towne of rome , and brought with it a multitude of serpents , which afterward putrifying , corrupted the aire , whereof arose a vehement pestilence in rome , and pelagius the second , in this contagious sicknes ended his life . gregorius the first , called magnus , succeeeded pelagius . and ministred . yeeres , . months , . dayes . he was chosen with consent of the clergie and people , but he was vnwilling to accept the office . and he wrote to the emperour mauritius , that he should not assent , neither to the desire of the clergie , nor people : but his letters were intercepted by the governour of the towne of rome , and rent in pieces . and other letters were written vnto the emperour , requesting him to condiscend , that gregorius might haue the office , whom both clergie and people had elected . the emperour agreed willingly to his election , for he had beene acquainted with him in constantinople , when he came ambassador from pelagius . to excuse his oversight in accepting the office of bishop of rome , before the emperours knowledge of that purpose . hee brought into the romane church the forme of the greek letanies , and ordayned that in their prayers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be nine times repeated . this prayer is thought to haue beene vttered by multiplyed repetitions , in the dayes of the emperour iustinius , when antiochia was terribly shaken with a vehement earthquake , the little number that were aliue sayd ; lord haue mercy , lord haue mercy , which in greeke kyrie eleison ; hee borrowed also from the liturgie of the iewes , allelu-iah ; and added these words vnto the latin service , diesque nostros in pace disponas , that is , in peace dispose our dayes . hee was the first that devised the stile of servus servorum dei , that is , the servant of the servants of god : taking occasion ( as appeareth ) so to doe by the arrogant attempt of iohn patriarch of constantinople , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ieiunator , who had vsurped the stile of ocumenicke , or vniversall bishoppe , to whom pelagius the second , and gregorius the first , mightily opposed themselues , and called him the fore-runner of antichrist , who durst vsurpe such an arrogant stile . but marke now , i pray you , how farre ambition prevailed both in the chaire of constantinople , and in the chaire of rome . the humility of christ was now layde aside , notwithstanding of their humble stiles , servus servorum dei : and the first occasion that was presented vnto them of vsurpation , of the stile of vniversall bishop , it was greedily embraced . first , iohn called ieiunator , patriarch of constantinople , saw that the imperiall seat was in constantinople , and that the towne of rome was besieged by the lombards . now he thoght it was time to stirre , and to advance his owne chaire aboue all chaires . and incontinent after bonifacius the third , finding himselfe in favour with the emperour phocas , gladly accepted the same preheminence in his owne person , which his predecessors had damned in the person of iohannes ieiunator : so they were all for the most part a nest of ambitious prelats , preaching the humility of christ , but hunting for the supremacy foretold of antichrist . reade the epistles which gregorius writeth to mauritius , detesting and abhorring this supremacy , whereat the patriarches of constantinople aymed . amongst other things , hee saith ; exclamare compellor , ac dicere , o tempora , ô mores : ecce cuncta in europae partibus , barbarorumiuri sunt tradita . destructae vrbes , eversa castra , depopulatae provinciae , nullus terram cultor inhabitat , & tamen sacerdotes , qui in pavimento , & cinere flentes iacere debuerunt , vanitatis sibi nomina experiunt , & novis ac prophanis vocabulis gloriantur : that is to say , i am compelled to cry out , o times , o manners : behold , in all the parts of europe , all things lie vnder the reverence of barbarous people : townes are destroyed , castles are overthrowne , provinces are spoyled , no labourer inhabiteth the land . notwithstanding , the priestes , who should lie in ashes vpon the ground , weeping , they are seeking vnto themselues names of vanity , and they glory in prophane stiles . now apply these words of gregorius the first , vnto bonifacius the third , and it shall be found that hee embraced the name of vanity , and the glory of prophane stiles , at that same time , when it became him better to be lying in sackecloth and ashes , and to bee mourning for the prevailing power of barbarous people , and for the barbarous butchery of phocas the emperour , who conferred vnto him that eminent stile , to be called bishop of bishops . gregorius flattering epistle written to phocas , after he had traiterously murthered his master mauritius , his wife and children , will be a perpetuall blot to the name of gregorius . the constitution hee made concerning prohibition of marriage , to men in spirituall offices , hee was compelled in his owne time to abrogate againe ; because it was not onely the occasion of vncleannesse , but also of secret murthers of innocent babes , and whereas the apostle paul said , it was better to marrie then to burne : gregorie was compelled to say , it was better to marrie then to murder . the sending of the monkes , augustine , melito , and iohannes , to brittaine , was not so much to reduce them to christian religion , which they had embraced in the dayes of lucius king of the brittaines , and of eleutherius bishoppe of rome , as hath beene declared , in the second centurie , the second chapter : as to conquer them to the ceremonies and rites of the romane service . gregorius was the first , of whom wee reade , that writeth of sacrifices to be offered , for relieving of soules tormented in purgatorie , and hee leaneth vpon such ridiculous fables , which hee heard of one foelix bishop of centum-cellae , as it is a shame to rehearse them , but seeing they are not ashamed of lyes , let the dung of their owne inventions be cast into their owne faces : hee writeth , that a presbyter of centum-cellae went to the bath-house to wash himselfe , where hee found a man vncouth and vnknowne to him , but very humble and seruiceable , and after he had serued him sundry dayes , the presbyter to requite his kindnesse , brought vnto him two consecrated hostes , as a blessing and a reward for him who had served him so dutifully , but the man with sadde countenance , answered : this bread is holy , and i am not worthy to eate it . i was sometime master and proprietare of this house , but now for my sinnes i am appointed to this seruile occupation : if thou would doe a benefit to me , offer them to the almightie god , as a sacrifice for my sinnes , and thinke that ye are heard of god , when yee cannot finde me in this place any longer . surely , popish purgatorie , & soule-masses are first grounded vpon foolish fables , and afterward confirmed by dreames of foolish monkes . patriarches of constantinople . evphemivs before he would annoint anastatius to be emperour , ( who came to that honour by ariadne the wife of the emperour zeno , whom he married ) he craued a confession of his faith , with a promise sealed by his hand-write , that he should make no novation in religion during his time . the emperour craued his hand-write againe , which seeing that euphemius refused to render backe againe , the emperour procured his deposition , and banished him , and placed macedonius in his roome . to euphemius succeeded macedonius , to whose custodie the hand-write aforesaid was committed by euphemius : which when he would not render , the emperour banished him also , and commanded to slay him at gangra , the place of his banishment . to macedonius succeeded timotheus , an vnconstant man , and iustly compared to the narrow sea , that runneth betwixt baeotia and calchis , which floweth and ebbeth seuen times in . houres ; so was this bishop wauering minded , and more bent to please men , than to be approued of god. in witnesse whereof i haue set downe one example . the abbot of the monasterie called studitum , refused to be ordained by imposition of his hands : for he said , the hands of that man , who hath damned the councell of chalcedon , shall not be laid vpon me : whereunto timotheus answered , whosoeuer accuseth , or damneth the councell of chalcedone , let him be accursed , and when this was reported to the emperour anastatius , to eschew his indignation , he said the contrary , whosoeuer accepteth the councell of chalcedone , and alloweth of it , let him be accursed . iohn of cappadocia is not worthy that his name should be inserted in this catalogue , a proud , avaritious , & ambitious heretique , who could neuer behaue himselfe dutifully , neither in a ciuill , nor in a spirituall calling . he was first the emperour anastatius his deputie , and was deposed for aspiring to an higher place . next , he became patriarch of constantinople , and aspired to the dignitie of oecumenicke & vniuersall bishop . it is true , that iohannes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vsurped the title of preheminence , therefore this iohannes cappadox was laid aside as an eutychian heretique , and the great invectiues against this vsurped authority , are chiefly set against iohannes ieinnator . but marke how pelagius the second , ere gregorius trod vpon this pride , with a proud mind , as diogenes did vpon the couering of plato his bed , he is not content to damme the decree of the councell of constantinople , but also he affirmed that it was not lawfull to him to assemble a councell without libertie first obtained from the bishop of rome , which thing no man spake before him : so sathan wrought mightily in them both , as he doth in the children of pride and disobedience . after him succeeded iohn called scholasticus , and continued not aboue one yeere . evagrius calleth him iohannes sirmiensis , lib. . cap. . to iohn succeeded epiphanius , in the dayes of iustinian , who blessed his armie which went to fight against the vandales , vnder the conduct of belisarius : he ministred sixteene yeeres , as chytreus writeth . the name of anthimus is worthy of the roll of obstinate heretiques . he was bishop of trapezus , but by the meanes of theodora the emperour iustinians wife , he was promoted to be bishop of constantinople . theodora was too busie in church affaires , and sophia the wife of iustinus the second was too busie in ciuill affaires . the estate both of church , and kingdome had beene in better plight , if both of them had beene lesse busie . anthimus being deposed and banished for heresie , succeeded menas , who kept the true faith , and gouerned the church of constantinople sixteene yeeres . evagrius reckoneth basilides in the roll of bishops of constantinople , & anthimus to be bishop of alexandria . to menas succeeded eutichius , of whom occasion will be offered to speake in the fift generall councell , wherein he disputed iudiciously in the question , whether or no it was lawfull to excommunicate heretiques after their death . his opinion concerning the bodies of the saints after their resurrection , that they should be subtle , like vnto the aire and winde , and not solide and palpable , was refuted by gregorius the first , who proued by the example of christ his body after his resurrection , that the body of the saints should not be like vnto the aire , and the winde : for christ saith , handle me , and see : for a spirit hath not flesh and bones , as ye see me haue . after eutichius followed iohn called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ieiunator : this name he obtained by the sobrietie , and temperancie of his life . notwithstanding when his stomacke was emptie of meat , his heart was full of pride , and he followed the footsteps of iohannes cappadox , and would be called vniversall bishop , against whom gregorius the first contended mightily , euen as lactantius of olde contended against the pagans , impugning the errour more mightily , than solidly confirming the truth . it is supposed that he ministred . yeeres , vnder the emperour mauritius . to whom succeeded cyriacus . patriarchs of alexandria . after iohn called tabennesiota , succeeded another iohn , who kept the true faith , & was banished by anastatius , because he would not damme the councell of chalcedone . to iohn succeeded theodosius an obstinate defender of the errour of eutiches . he was familiarly acquainted with seuerus of antiochia , and anthimus of constantinople , whereby the misery of these dayes may be easily es●ied , wherein three notable heretiques gouerned principall townes , such as constantinople , alexandria , and antiochia . he was so obstinate in his errour , that he was rather content to be banished vnder the raigne of iustinian , than to renounce his errour . after him succeeded zoilus , and after him apollinarius , who was present at the fift generall councell . to whom succeeded eulogius , and after him petrus , who ministred vnder the raigne of mauritius . patriarches of antiochia . after palladius succeeded flavianus , who suffered great troubles for the true faith , namely , by the cruell persecution of the emperour anastatius , and the calumnies of xenaeas b. of hierapolis ( a stranger indeed from the couenant of god , as his name importeth ) for he blamed flavianus most vniustly of the heresie of nestorius , but when flavianus both by word & writing had cleared himselfe of that calumnie , the malice of xenaeas ceased not : for he brought with him to antiochia a great number of monkes to compell flavianus to abiure the councell of chalcedon . the towne supported their bishop against a raskall number of seditious and hereticall monkes . notwithstanding the emperour anastatius infected with the heresie of eutyches , counted flavianus , who was most vniustly persecuted , to be the author of this tumult , and banished him , and placed severus in his roome . the emperour iustinus the elder displaced severus , and punished him , and appointed paulus to be bishop of antiochia . to paulus succeeded euphraesius , who died in that fearefull calamitie of the towne of antiochia , when it was shaken and ouerthrowne with earthquake , as evagrius witnesseth . euphraimius was a ciuill gouernour in the east parts , who pittied the decayed estate of the towne of antiochia , and furnished all necessarie things for the repairing of the towne of antiochia : for which cause the people were so affectioned to him , that they would haue him to be their bishop . so euphraimius becomes bishop of antiochia , or theopolis , for at this time it had both these names . evagrius writeth , that he vndertooke the charge of the apostolicke chaire , in which words , it is manifest , that not onely the chaire of rome , but also the chaire of antiochia was called the apostolicke chaire . the towne of antiochia at this time was taken by cosroes king of persia , set on fire , and many of the people were cruelly slaine . euphraimius their bishop at this time left the towne , a perilous example , except the people had beene in safetie , and he onely persecuted , yet he left behinde him so much as might redeeme all the church ▪ goods . after euphraimius followed domnius . and after him anastatius . he ministred vnder the emperour iustinian , at what time the emperour fell into the errour of them , who saide , that our lord iesus in his very conception adioyned vnto his diuine nature an immortall body , which was subiect to no humane infirmities . anastatius opposed himselfe to the emperours opinion , and the bishops followed anastatius , and not the emperour : for this cause iustinian was purposed to haue banished him , but he escaped this trouble , by the emperours death . neuerthelesse , he was banished by iustinus the younger , for some alledged cause of dilapidation of church goods : and gregorius was placed in his roome . gregorius ministred in antiochia . yeeres , vnder iustinius . tiberius and mauritius : he was in great account with mauritius , to whom he foretolde , that he would be promoted to the imperiall dignitie . and mauritius imployed him in great and waghtie businesse , such as in pacifying the tumult of his armie , which made insurrection against germanus their captaine . also he sent him ambassadour to cosroes king of persia , who was astonied at the grace that was in his speeches . notwithstanding , he was accused by asterius a deputy of the east , of the filthie sinne of incest : but he cleared his owne innocencie so euidently , that his accuser was with ign●minie scourged and banished . he died of the gowtes infirmitie , and after his death , anastatius , whom iustinus banished for dilapidation of church-goods , being yet aliue , was restored to his owne place againe . to whom succeeded euphemius . patriarches of ierusalem . after martyrius succeeded helias , a feruent defender of the true faith . neither would he condescend to the banishment of euphemius , bishop of constantinople , nor to the admission of seuerus to be bishop of antiochia : therefore the emperour anastatius banished him . to him succeeded iohn , of whose politicke dealing in circumueening anastatius the emperours captaine , i haue sufficiently declared in the preceding history . to iohn succeeded peter , and after him macarius , and after macarius , eustochius , who impugned the bookes of origen , and draue out of his bounds the monks of nova laura , defenders of the opinions of origen : theodorus ascidas b. of caesarea in cappadocia , tooke this in an euill part . the emperour iustinian caused a generall councell to be gathered at constantinople , wherein not onely the bookes of origen were damned , but also theodorus himselfe the defender of them . this displeased the emperour iustinian , because he loued theodorus dearely : therefore he procured that eustochius b. of ierusalem should be remooued , and macarius restored againe . after whom succeeded iohannes , neamus , and isicius . in this centurie , whereas i pretermit the names of other pastors and doctors in the church , i haue done it vpon this consideration . i find in this centurie , that by the irruption of barbarous people , such as the gothes , vandales , hunnes , auares , schythians , lombards , youth was hindred from studies , many memorable bookes were burnt , ancient languages were vtterly spoyled , learning was greatly diminished , flattery of preuailing powers increased , ambition in the west , heresie in the east , turned the estate of the church vpside-downe , so that scarcely could men of good gifts , and keeping integritie of faith , be furnished vnto the principall apostolicke chaires . now after a manner the sunne is going downe , the shadowes waxe great , the darkenesse approacheth , the antichrist is at the doore , worthy to be welcommed with darkenesse , and decay of knowledge . what shall i now write of other pastors and doctors ? shall i follow the foolish conceits of historio graphers , in whose opinion the gift of miracles increased , when the gift of knowledge decayed : but the contrary is knowne by scripture , that the holy apostles , whom christ indued with extraordinary gifts of working miraculous workes , he indued them also with extraordinary gifts of knowledge : but the writers of this time , especially evagrius who concluded his history with the death of mauritius , bringeth in many famous men in this centurie , gifted with power to worke miraculous workes . but when i consider the end of these miraculous workes , they are brought in , either to confirme the sanctimonie of the monasticke life , the adoration of the crosse , or some other grosse superstition . zosymas a monke is commended by him for his prophericall foreknowledge of the ruine of antiochia , and for the miracle of the lyon , who slew the asse that caried his victualing to caesarea , and likewise the lyon by his mandate was compelled to beare that same burden which the a●●e had borne to the portes of caesarea . no man is so senselesse , or ignorant , but may perceiue that this lying miracle is brought in , to the confirmation of the excellency of the monasticall life . the miracle of thomas b. of apamea , tendeth to the adoration of the tree of the cro●●e . the miracle of the fire that came out of barsaunphius shop at gaza , and consumed the most part of them who were in company with eustochius b. of ierusalem , is a notable lie , and tendeth onely to confirme superstition . the miracle of the image of the virgine marie , detesting anatolius an hypocrite , an idolater , and a sorcerer , and yet insinuating himselfe in familiar acquaintance with gregorius b. of antiochia , in the dayes of the emperour tiberius , any man may perceiue that this miracle is forged , not so much for detestation of hypocrisie , idolatrie , &c sorcerie , as for worshipping the image of the virgine with a deuout minde . the miracle of simeones , who in his yo uth miraculously tamed a pard , and fastened his girdle about the necke thereof , and brought it like a catte into the monasterie , and afterward liued vpon the toppes of pillars , and mountaines , fed with branches of trees . yeeres : this fable whereunto it tendeth all men doe see . and finally the golden crosse sent by cosroes to sergiopolis , tendeth not onely to the invocation of saints , but also to put our trust and confidence in them , as the last words of the epistle of cosro ▪ es , and his wife sira , clearely importeth . now let the judicious reader pardon me in pretermitting many things written by others , left i should wearie them by filling their eares with fables and lyes . centvrie vii . of popes , bishops , pastors , and doctors . after sabinianus succeeded bonifacius the third , and continued onely nine moneths in his popedome : finding opportunitie of time , by the disliking that the emperour phocas had of the patriarch of constantinople , bonifacius insinuated himselfe in the fauour of the emperour , and obtained at his hands , that the church of rome should be called the supreme head of all other churches . to him succeeded bonifacius the fourth , and gouerned sixe yeeres , eight moneths , and thirteene dayes : he obtained from phocas a temple ( of olde builded to the honour of all the gods of the gentiles , called pantheon ) : this he purged from the abominations of heathen people , and dedicated it to the virgine marie , and to the saints . likewise , he instituted a festiuall day , to be kept in honour of all the saints , in which day the bishop of rome himselfe should read the seruice . he esteemed much of the monasticke like , and gaue vnto the monkes equall honour with the clergie , in priuiledge of preaching , ministring the sacraments , binding , and loosing , &c. so were the monks associated into the tribe of the priests . after him succeeded theodatus , otherwise called deus dedit , and gouerned three yeeres , and three dayes : he made an ordinance , that no man should marry the woman , to whom , or with whom he had beene witnesse in baptisme , because this was counted spirituall consanguinity . this was an vndoubted note of antichrist , to make lawes in the matter of marriage , not agreeable to the law of god. many doe write , that he cured a leprous man with a kisse : but from this time forward let vs beware to giue hastie credite to miracles , which are brought in for none other cause , but onely to confirme a lying doctrine : and in holy scripture they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , miracles of lyes . to him succeeded bonifacius the fift , and ruled fiue yeeres and ten moneths : he made a constitution , that no man who ranne for safetie to a religious place , should be drawne out of it by violence , how grieuous soeuer his offence had beene : a law-antichristian indeede , and much impairing the authoritie of the ciuill magistrate . honorius the first succeeded bonifacius the fift , and ruled twelue yeeres , eleuen moneths , and seuenteene dayes : he was infected with the heresie of the monothelites , and was damned in the sixt generall councell assembled in the dayes of the emperour constantinus pogonatus , and hath bin touched in the treatise of succession . to him succeeded seuerinus the first , and continued one yeere , nine moneths , and eleuen dayes : he was confirmed in his popedome by isacius exarche of italie : for at that time , the election of the clergie , and consent of the people , was not much set by . isacius also spoiled the treasures of the church of laterane , being offended with this , that the church-treasures were so rich , and that they bestowed nothing to the support of souldiers who were in great necessitie . after him followed pope iohn the fourth , who exceeded not the space of one yeere , one moneth , and nineteene dayes in his gouernment . theodoretus the successor of iohn the fourth , was the sonne of theodorus bishop of ierusalem . if the romane church so much detested marriage in the persons of men in a spirituall calling , how came it to passe that they admitted theodoretus to be pope , who was the sonne of a married bishop ? he ruled sixe yeeres , fiue moneths , and eighteene dayes . he excommunicated pyrrhus patriarch of constantinople for the heresie of the monothelites : but after the death of the emperour heraclius , pyrrhus returned from afrike , where he had remained a space in banishment , he came to rome , recanted his errour , and was absolued from excommunication : but like vnto a dogge he returned againe to his vomite , and was excommunicated of new againe by theodoretus : but pyrrhus was slaine by the senators of constantinople , before he was possessed into his former dignitie , as partaker of the vile treason intended by martina and heracleonas her sonne , against constantine the sonne of the emperour heraclius . after him succeeded pope martinus , and gouerned sixe yeeres , one moneth , and twentie-sixe dayes : he sent ambassadours to paulus , patriarch of constantinople , exhorting him to forsake the errour of the monothelites : but he misvsed the messengers the more confidently , because he saw the emperour constans altogether addicted vnto the heresie of the monothelites . martinus on the other part , assembled a councell at rome of . bishops , wherein he renewed the excommunication of syrus b. of alexandria , sergius and pyrrus , bishops of constantinople : likewise , he excommunicated paulus bishop of constantinople , for the errour of the monothelites . the emperour constans highly offended against martinus , sent first olympus the exarche of italie , either to take pope martinus prisoner , or els to kill him : but his attempts were frustrate , not without a miraculous worke of god , as platina recordeth . and afterward he sent theodorus calliopas , who vnder pretence of friendship came to salute the pope , and cast him in bonds , and sent him to constantinople , where constans the emperour caused his tongue to be cut out , and his right hand cut off , and banished him to chersonesus ponti . the chaire of rome was vacant for the space of foureteene moneths , because they had no certaintie of the time of the death of pope martinus . next vnto him , eugenius the first was chosen pope , and gouerned two yeeres , and nine moneths : he was the first that made an ordinance , that bishops should haue prison-houses , for correcting the enormitie and contumacie of the clergie . after him succeeded vitalianus the first , he continued foureteene yeeres , and sixe moneths in the popedome : to the singing of psalmes in the church by vive voyce , he added organs . next after vitalianus followed adeodatus , and ruled foure yeeres , two moneths , and fiue dayes : of a monke he was made pope . in his time there were terrible apparitions in heauen : a great comete continuing for the space of three moneths : terrible thunders , the like whereof had not beene heard in any preceding time : great abundance of raine , fastning the corne to the ground , so that they grew againe , and in some places of italie came to maturitie and ripenesse : great incursions of turkes and saracens , who spoyled the isle of sicilie . in all these calamities ( sayth platina ) adeodatus multiplied supplications for preuenting the fore-signified wrath to come . if repentance and abolishing of horrible idolatrie , which had now taken deepe roote , had beene joyned with prayers , the lord might haue beene the more easily entreated . donus , or domnus , his successor , ruled fiue yeeres , and ten dayes : he reduced the church of rauenna , after long reluctation , to the obedience of the chaire of rome . it is to be noted , that all the time they were not subiect to the bishop of rome , they were called by the romanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so bent were they to vindicate all declining from their authoritie with opprobrious names of heresies imposed to the decliners thereof . agatho , successor to donus , ruled . yeeres , . moneths , and . dayes : of whom platina writeth , that he cured a leprous man with a kisse , as pope deus dedit had done before . in his time , constantinus pogonatus , emperour , gathered the sixt generall councell at constantinople , wherein the heresie of the monothelites was condemned , and macarius , patriarch of antiochia , for his obstinate perseuering in that errour , was excommunicate : and theophanius , sometime an abbot , was placed in his roome . but this i remit vnto its owne place . the epistle of agatho , written to the sixt generall councell , is full of antichristian pride , wherein he affirmeth , that the chaire of rome neuer erred , and that it cannot erre : that euery soule , that is to be saued , must professe the romane traditions , and all the constitutions of the romane church are to be receiued , as if they had beene deliuered by the diuine voyce of peter . likewise , he damned the marriage of men in a spirituall calling : he commendeth the masse , impudently alledging a writing of chrysostome concerning the masse , whereas in all the writings of chrysostome , this word of the masse is not to be found . after agatho , succeeded leo the second , who continued onely ten moneths , and seuenteene dayes : he was the first author of the kissing of the pax. to him succeeded benedictus the second , and ruled ten moneths , and twelue dayes onely . in his dayes constantinus pogonatus , emperour , ordained , that in time to come , the consent of the emperour , and exarche of italie , should not be expected , but he whom the clergie and people did elect , should forth-with be counted the vicar of christ. in so doing the emperour very vnaduisedly put an hurtfull weapon into the popes hand , whereby the estate of the empire was encombered , and hurt afterward . iohannes the fift , his successor , continued not aboue one yeere and nine dayes . and conon the first , the successor of iohn the fift , ended his course after the issue of . moneths , and . dayes . after the death of conon , the election of the pope was like to be decided by weapons , rather than by suffrages and votes : some fauoured theodorus , others promoued paschalis : and neither of the parties would yeeld to the other . in the end , the people thought expedient to reiect them both , and to choose some third person to the popedome : so they elected sergius the first , and carried him vpon their shoulders to the church of laterane . in his time iustinian the second gathered a councell at constantinople , to perfect and finish the worke which his father had begun . sergius refused to subscribe the acts of the sixt generall councell , albeit his ambassadour , who was present at the councell , had subscribed them . of the consecrated hoste , he ordained one part to be put into the chalice , to represent the bodie of christ , which was risen from death : another part to be eaten , to represent the bodie of christ walking vpon the earth : the third part , to be laid vpon the altar vntill the ende of the masse , to represent the bodie of christ lying in the sepulchre . he gouerned thirteene yeeres , eight moneths and twentie-foure dayes . patriarches of constantinople . concerning the patriarches of constantinople , in this century little mention is made of them , because for the most part , they kept not the right faith , but were intangled with heresie . after cyriacus , thomas , and iohannes , and constantinus , succeeded , whose faith ( as vnspotted with any blame of heresie ) hath an honest testimony in church rolles , called sacra diptytha . sergius , pyrrhus , and paulus , were miserably infected with the heresie of the monothelites . pyrrhu● once recanted his heresie , and was absolued from excommunication by pope theodorus : but he returned incontinent againe as a dog to his vomite . pope theodorus when he excommunicated him the second time , vsed a new and insolent fórme of doing , the like whereof was neuer heard at any time before : for he infused some drops of the consecrated cup into inke , and writ a sentence of cursing against pyrrus . paulus also obtained at the hands of the emperour constans , edicts to be affixed in diuers places , whereby all men should be compelled to subscribe to the error of the monothelites . after them petrus and theodorus , albeit they maintained not the fore-mentioned heresie with so high and proud attempts as others had done , yet they were addicted vnto it . gregorius successor to theodorus , in the sixt generall councell , had defended the error of the monothelites , but when he was cleerly refuted by testimonies of scripture , & by places cited out of the fathers , he yeelded , and embraced the true faith . callyni●us ministred vnder the raign of iustinian the second , who demolished a church neere approching to his pallace , and builded an house of presence , wherein the people might cherish the emperour . callynicus was compelled to consecrate the house by prayer : but in regard he was enforced against his heart to pray , he made his prayer short , in this manner , glory be to god , who patiently comporteth with vs , both now , and for euer , amen . for this cause iustinian hated callynichus , and when he returned backe againe from his ten yeers banishment , he caused the eyes of callynichus to be put out , and sent him to rome , there to remaine in banishment . patriarchs of alexandria . in alexandria , before the saracens ( vnder the conduct of mahomet ) conquered the countrey of egypt , few of note and marke were to be found in that chaire . after eulogius , iohannes scribo continued in office onely two yeeres . after him iohannes eleemosynarius is highly commended for his liberalitie toward the poore . cyrus his successor was an heretique , following the errour of the monothelites . he payed tribute to the saracens : but when the emp. heraclius was wearied of the payment of tribute , then all the countrey of egypt was possessed by the saracens : which incursion of the mahumetans , albeit it cutted not off the personall succession of the patriarches of alexandria , yet it obscureth the cleare notice of their succession vnto vs , who are farre distant from them . patriarches of antiochia . in antiochia anastatius sinaita is found to haue beene bishop of antiochia , in the dayes of the emperour phocas : he obtained this name to be called sinaita , because he had macerated himselfe with long fasting , and with hard exercises of an heremiticall life vpon mount sina , anno . hee was slaine in a seditious commotion , stirred vp by the iewes , who dwelt at antiochia , who slew many other christians : but they vttered great crueltie , ioyned with vile in humanitie , against anastatius , in whose mouth they cast the verie excrements of his owne bodie , as the magdeburg historie recordeth , citing the testimonie of nicephorus . after him another of that same name called likewise anastatius , succeeded , and was b. of antiochia : he was a syrian , a man of a subtile spirit , who circumuented the emperour heraclius : for at the emperours command he subscribed the decrees of the councell of chalcedon , onely simulately , and for desire of preferment : but after he had subscribed , that two natures personally vnited were to be acknowledged in christ , he demanded of the emperour , what he thought of the will and operation of christ , whether was two willes and operations in christ , or one will , and one operation onely ? the emperour troubled with the noueltie of the question , consulted with sergius b. of constantinople , who returned this answere to the emperour , that one will and one operation was to be acknowledged in christ. the emperour heraclius being circumvented by false and deceitfull teachers , was ashamed to forsake that opinion , which he had once condiscended vnto . so this heresie of the monothelites tooke deepe roote in the east , vntill the time that god , punishing the contempt of his truth , suffered the saracenes , with their blasphemous mahometan doctrine to be vniversally ouer-spred in the east . to anastatius succeeded macarius , a most obstinate defender of the heresie of the monothelites : for the which cause hee was excommunicated and deposed in the sixt generall councell , and theophanius , an abbot in sicilie , was made bishop of antiochia . after him are reckoned petrus , thomas and ioannes , without any further discourse , except a bare commemoration of their names . patriarches of ierusalem . the church of ierusalem in this age was pitifully defaced , as lying nearest to the incursions of strong enemies , both persians and saracens . zacharias bishop of ierusalem was carried captiue by cosroes king of persia , and remained a prisoner for the space of fourteene yeeres . in the ende hee was restored to his former dignitie , at that time when the emperour heraclius ouercame cosr●es in warre-fare , and recouered the ●rosse of christ againe , which the persians had spoyled , and taken out of ierusalem . this came to passe in the yeere of our lord . to zacharias succeeded sophronius ; of a monke , hee was made patriarch of ierusalem : he lacked not his owne commendation in the sixt generall councell , as one who kept the true faith iuuiolable : he was present in ierusalem when haumer prince of saracenes entered into the towne and temple : and he was a beholder of the last desolation of the church in the towne . other pastors and doctors . in this centurie there is great scarsitie of learned men , yet that which was lacking in learning , it must bee supplied one way or other : some were politique , others ( in the opinion of ignorant people ) were so deuout and holy , that miracles were wrought by their handes , and at their sepulchres : namely , lying miracles , aduancing the kingdome of the antichrist . the most remarkeable bishops of rauenna in this centurie were theodorus , reparatus , and foelix , all of contrarie dispositions , and so flat opposite one to another as possible could be . theodorus was terrible , and couetous : and when hee saw that hee was despised by the people and clergie , being desirous of reuenge , hee betrayed the libertie of the church of rauenna , in the dayes of the pope donus . reparatus being ignorant of that which theodorus had done , and finding the church of rauenna , subjected to the chaire of rome , for verie heart griefe incontinent hee ended his life . foelix refused to pay vnto constantine the summe of money which hee demanded as a testimonie of subjection . for this cause pope constantine desired support from the emperour iustinian the second , for subduing the bishop of rauenna . foelix on the other part , hearing , that the emperours armie was approching to rauenna for the cause aforesayd , hee instigated the people to fight for the liberty of their church : both the armies fought with martial courage : in the end the emperours armie preuailed , the towne of rauenna was taken , many were slaine , others were carried captiue to constantinople , the eyes of foelix were put out , the rest were banished to bithynia . what can be found in this historie but pride on the one part , ambitiouslie seeking superioritie : and on the other part policie , sometimes yeelding , sometimes despairing , and sometimes with bellicous hardinesse presuming to pleade a spirituall cause with weapons of a corporall warre-fare . in this centurie many miracles are attributed to the persons whom the people counted to be deuote . ioannes , bishop of bergomum in lombardie , was a man of so great reuerent account , that princes were wont , by rising our of their thrones , to doe honour vnto him . it happened vpon a time , that hee reproued i●●ipe●tus king of lombardis freelie and sharpelie , in time of a banquet . iunipertus willing to be reuenged of him , prouided , that hee should be sent home vpon a strong , fierce , and loftie horse , which was accustomed to cast the riders , and to teare and lacerate them : but when the bishop of bergomum was mounted vpō him , hee left his fiercenesse , and carried him peaceably and calmelie vnto his owne house . ioannes ●gn●● , bishop of w●recht , in whose hand a piece of drie timber budded and flourished , yet was he an idiot and an vnlearned man. remaclus bishop of the same towne , and borne in burdeaux of france , left his episcopall office , and went to the wildernesse , where hee led an heremiticall life , defending his insolent fact by the example of moses , abraham , elias heliseus , and christ himselfe , who were all found to haue beene in the wildernesse . but if hee had beene a man of deepe vnderstanding , hee might haue alledged more pertinently the example of narcissus , bishop of ierusalem , who in going to the wildernesse , forsooke his episcopall office for a time , than the example of christ , who went vnto the wildernesse to enter into the holie office of preaching , after preparation of fasting , praying , and fighting with spirituall armour against the prince of darknesse . notwithstanding , hee is thought both in his life time , and also after his death to haue wrought miracles . in austume a towne of france , called in latine augustodunū , leodegarius is thought to haue retained his voice , & the benefite of distinct speaking after that his tongue was cut out , and that manie miraculous works were wrought after his death , if credite can bee giuen to vincentius . the miracles of andoenus bishop of rowen , who also writ a booke of the miraculous deliuerance of the soule of dagobertus king of france , and an infinite number of other lying miracles , all confirming superstition , of purpose i leaue them as fables superaboundant in the writings of vincentius . concerning isidorus hispalensis , occasion will be offered to speake of him in the sixt councell of toledo . the vaine disputation concerning the diuersitie of the keeping of easter day in scotland and england , betwixt colmannus and wuilfridus it is as vnnecessarie to be written , as it was vnnecessary with heat and contention to haue beene disputed . centvrie viii . popes of rome . after pope sergius succeeded iohn the . and continued . yeeres , and . months . after him pope ioannes . continued . yeeres and . monthes : hee liued in the dayes of iustinian the . who sent ambassadors vnto him for procuring an vnion betwixt the churches of the east and west , because they differed in opinions concerning the canons of the sixt generall councell , wherein prohibition of marriage to men in spirituall offices was dissallowed , and the patriarch of constantinople was equalled in autoritie to the patriarch of rome . these ambassadors aforesaid returned from pope iohn the seuenth without any answere , with proud carriage , or as others thinke , a cowardlie forme of dealing all writers doe reproue . after him succeeded sisinius who continued not about . dayes in his popedome . after sisinius succeeded constantine the first and gouerned . yeeres , and . dayes : his popedome was vnder the raigne of iustinian the second , philippicus , and anastasius . the emp. iustinian supported him against foelix bishop of ravenna , who had refused to pay to the b. of rome the summe of money imposed vnto him in time of his ordination , so that foelix was taken prisoner by the emperours admirall , and sent to constantinople , where his eyes were put out , & he was bāished to pontus . against the emp. philippicus he contended , as one hauing authoritie to raze the name of the emp. out of charters , as had bin already declared . this is the pope who was iudge betwixt the b. of ticinum and millane who contended for superioritie , and constantine exemed the shop of ticinum from the jurisdiction of the bishop of millan : but in such way , as he should be subject to the church of rome . the emperour iustinian the second , sent for pope constantine , who came to constantinople , and from thence went to nicomedia , where he met with the emperour , and the emperour kissed his feete . marke the growing , and daylie increasing pride of the roman antichrist . after constantine succeeded gregorius the second , and continued sixteene yeeres , nine months , and eleuen dayes . hee liued vnder the raigne of the emperour leo isaurus , whom he rashly excommunicated for abolishing of images . also he drew away from the obedience of the emperour , the countries of hesperia , aemilia , liguria , and other parts of italie , forbidding them to pay tribute to the emperour , expresse contrary to christes commandement , matth. . . where he saith , giue vnto caesar that which is caesars , &c. and this christ spake concerning paying of tribute . gregorie the third gouerned ten yeeres , eight monthes , and twentie foure dayes : and followed the foote steps of his predecessor , both in aduancing the doctrine of worshipping of images , and in with-drawing the people of italie from the obedience of the emperour . more-ouer , he gathered a councell at rome , wherein the worshipping of images had allowance . and the emperour leo was both excommunicated , and likewise , so farre as in him lay , depriued of his emperiall dignitie . so early did the beast of rome , euen in ciuill matters , vsurp autority ouer the princes and monarches of the world . in his dayes the towne of rome was besieged by luitprand king of lombardis . but carolus martellus , a noble prince in france , beeing sollicited by letters of gregorie , to support the distressed estate of the church of rome , hee perswaded luitbrand to desist from molesting & besieging the towne of rome . after gregorie the third succeeded zacharias the first , & cōtinued ten yeeres , foure months , and foure dayes : in antichristian pride hee surpassed all his predecessors , distributing the kingdomes of the world at his pleasure : for he procured , that pipinus , the sonne of carolus martellus ( who was but a subject , and ruler of the kings house ) should bee anointed king of france : and that childericus , the lawfull successour of the kingdome , should haue his head shauen , and be thrust into a monasterie . likewise he procured , that carolom●nnus , the elder brother of pipinius , should be a monke of the order of saint benedict , in the monasterie of cassinates . rachis also , king of lombardes , after hee had raigned . yeeres , gaue ouer his kingly authority , and entered to a monasterie , and exhorted his wife and children to do the like : and so his brother aistulphus obtained the kingdome . pipinus was anointed king of france , by bonifacius , at the commaundement of pope zacharias , anno . . or as platina reckoneth anno , . what recompence of reward pipinus rendered to the chaire of rome , for this beneuolēce , or rather this manifest iniquitie of zacharias , it will be declared in the description of the life , gouernememt , and carriage of stephanus the second , if the lord please . after zacharias succeeded stephanus the second , and ruled fiue yeeres , and one month . in his time aistulphus , king of lombardes besieged rome , at two diuers times , and stephanus implored the aide and assistance of pipinus , king of france , at both times . at the first time pipinus besieged aistulphus in papia the chiefe citie of residence of the kinges of lombardes , and compelled him to restore to the chaire of rome all the townes and lands which by violence hee had taken from them . but at his second comming , he not only relieued rome from the siege of the lombardes , but also bestowed vppon the chaire of rome the dominions of rauenna and penta-polis , appertaining to the emperour of the east , and which they enjoyed since the death of narses , . yeeres . in so doing , there was such bargaining betwixt the kinges of france and the popes , as was of olde betwixt herod and the iewes , he gratified them with the blood of christes apostles , and they gratified him on the other part by giuing to him the glory of god : euen so , zacharias , bishop of rome , bestowed vpon pipinus the kingdome of france , which duly appertained to another : and pipinus againe bestowed vpon the chaire of rome the dominion of rauenna , & pentapolis , which duely appertained to the emp. of the east . it shall not be amisse to make a particular rehearsall of the townes & territories bestowed vpon the church of rome , by the donatiō of pipinus , but not of constantine , as they haue rumored most fabulously many yeares agoe : in primis , rauenna , bononia , imola , fauentia , commaclum , hadria , pompilii forum , leuii forum , cesena , bobium , ferraria , ficoclas , and gabellum : all these townes were vnder the dominion of rauenna . and in pentapolis , ariminum , pisaurum , concha , fanum , senogallia , ancona , auximum , hummanam , aesium , sempronij forum , mons feretri , vrbium , balmense territorium , callas , luceolos , engubium , together with the castles and lands appertaining to these townes , to wit , the prouinces called in our time romandiola , & marca anconitana , and of olde aemilia , flaminea , & picenū . thus we see what a rich reward the chaire of rome obtained for their defection frō the emp. of the east , and their fauour towards the kings of france . also , for further confirmatiō of friendship betwixt the bishops of rome , and the kings of france , pope stephanus the . procured , that he should be inuited to be witnes at the baptisme of the king of fraunce his yong son , at which time , as a man couetous of vaine glorie , he suffered , pipinus , & charles his son , to kisse his feet , & to hold his stirrope , & to lead his horse by the brible : and finally , he was content to be mounted vp , and carried vpon the shoulders of men , leauing behind him an example of stinking pride to the posterity after following . after stephanus the secōd , succeeded his brother paulus the first , who continued . yeeres , and one month . in antichristian pride he was nothing inferiour to his predecessours , for he sent ambassadours to the emperour of the east constantinus copronymus , to exhort him to restore againe the images of the saints , which hee had demolished , with intermination of cursing , if hee refused to bee obedient to the popes counsell . in his time a●stulphus king of lombardes dyed , and desid●rius the last king of lombards raigned in his stead . constantine the brother of desiderius king of lombardis , succeeded to paulus the first , a man admitted to the popedome , before he received ecclesiasticall orders : therefore hee was hated of the people of rome , and denuded of his papall dignity , after hee had continued one yeere and one moneth . some writers affirme that his eyes were thrust out , and that hee was sent to a monasterie : others affirme , that hee was burnt with fire , by the hatefull malice of the romanes . to him succeeded stephanus the third , who ruled foure yeeres , fiue moneths , and twenty seven dayes . hee gathered a councell at rome ; in the which twelue bishops of france , sent thither by charles de maine , were present , with the bishoppes of italy , who disauthorized constantine his predecessor , and annulled all his decrees . likewise , they damned the seventh generall councell convened in constantinople , by constantinus copronymus , wherein the worshipping of images was disallowed . but in this laterane councel , assembled by stephanus the third , the worshipping of images got allowance . and it was thought , that god and the saints were in worser case then mortall princes , in case that images might be made to represent mortall princes , but not to represent god and his saints . it was rumored in this popes time , that charles king of france , was of intention to marrie bertha , the daughter of desiderius king of lombards . stephanus fearing left this marriage should vndoe the friendship lately tracted betwixt the bishops of rome , and the king of france , disswaded charles from the marriage aforesayd ; as if the marriage of a woman of the kindred of the lombards , were a mixing of darkenesse with light , and of belial with christ. and the menacing letter of stephanus the third , prevailed so farre at the hands of charles the great , that he repudiated bertha the daughter of desiderius , his lawfull maried wife , after he had cohabited with her one yeere : and hee married another woman , named hildegarde , of the dukerie of sweue . these are the fruits of antichristian pride , to threaten the torments of hell against the princes of the world for marriage , if so be they fore-see any damage may redound to the chaire of rome , by the marriage of princes . after stephanus the third , succeeded adrian the first , and governed twenty three yeares , ten moneths , and seventeene dayes . in his dayes charles the great came into italy with an army , and desiderius king of lombards , his wife , and children , to lions in france , and vtterly subdued the kingdome of the lombards ; which had continued in italy . yeeres . now in the yeere of our lord , . this kingdome was abolished and vndone , by charles the great , king of france , for the fauour he carried towardes the chaire of rome . likewise , hee augmented the donation of his father pipinus , and he bestowed vpon the church of rome , the isle of corsica , and the places lying betwixt luca and parma , with the dukedomes spoleto and benevento . this being done , charles returned back againe to france , carying with him bertha his brothers wife , and her children , who came to adrian bishop of rome , hoping for favour at his hands , and that he should haue anoynted her sonnes to bee kings of france , seeing carolamannus their father was now dead : but he delivered them into the hands of charles , and so charles the great raigned without exception , as absolute commander of france . irene the empresse of the east , during his popedome , assembled a great councell at nice in bythinia , where the adoration of images was allowed . in this councell the popes ambassadors were present , and his owne letter was read in the councell : no man gaue greater allowance to the worshipping of images , then pope adrian did , as shall be declared , god willing , in the head of councels . it is to be marked , that platina , writing of the death of constantinus copronymus , is compelled to beare witnesse to the truth ; and testifie , that the opinion of the leprosie of constantine the great , was a notable fable , and that it sprung vp by occasion of the disease of constantinus copronymus , the father in law of the empresse irene . to adrian succeeded leo the third , and governed one and twenty yeeres . he was hated by pascalis and campalus , who lay in wait for him at the church of s. silvester , threw him down to the ground , spoyled him of his pontificall garments , beat him with many strokes , and finally , cast him into prison and bonds : but hee escaped by the meanes of a cubiculare , named albinus , and lurked in the vaticane , vntill the time that vnigisius , duke of spoleto , conveyed him safely vnto his bounds . at this time charles king of france , had warres against the saxons . the bishop of rome , who came to him to complaine of the iniuries which hee had received , was sent backe againe very honourably , accompanied with the souldiers of charles king of france : and with promise that he should without delay , addresse his iourney towards italy . when charles came to italy , the popes enemies were so dashed with feare , they durst not appeare to accuse him : and the clergie of rome thought meet , that no man should iudge of the apostolike chaire , but the bishop of rome should bee his owne iudge . leo tooke the booke of the gospell in his hands , and swore that hee was innocent of all the crimes obiected against him : and so hee was absolved : and pascalis and campulus , the friends of the late deceased pope adrian , were counted worthy of death : but pope leo interceded for safety of their liues : so they were banished to france . for this benefit , leo caused charles to be declared emperour of the west , and crowned him with the imperiall diadem . and from that time forwards , the custome began , that emperours should receiue their coronation from the bishop of rome . notwithstanding of this , it was ordained , that no man should be elected bishoppe of rome , without advise of the emperour of the west , and without receiving investment from him . patriarchs of constantinople . the patriarches of constantinople in this centurie , placed and displaced , according to the changeable conceits of the emperours . vnder th raigne of iustinian the second , cyrus was patriarch , whom philippieus removed , and advanced one named iohn , who had fore-told , that hee should bee made emperour . this iohn was infected with the heresie of the monothelites , and was remooved by artemius , by whom germanus was advanced to the chaire of constantinople . germanus continued vntill the raigne of constantinus copronymus : hee was deposed and excommunicated by the generall councell assembled by constantinus , because he allowed the worshipping of images . to him succeeded anastatius , who albeit hee disliked images , yet hee was vnthankfull to the emperour , and favoured the seditious attempts of the people of constantinople , who advanced artabasdus to the imperiall dignity . moreover , hee slandered the emperour , as if hee had spoken against the divinity of christ. hee received a iust recompence of his vnthankefulnesse : for he was deposed , and scourged , and set vpon an asse , with his face towards the asses tayle , and made a ridiculous spectacle to the people . after him , constantine a monke , was made patriarch , who at the first seemed to condemne images : but afterward hee was found to bee a maintayner and allower of them . the emperour banished him to iberia , where hee spake contumeliously both of the emperour , and of the councell holden at constantinople : therefore he was brought back againe from banishment , and was beheaded , and his body was drawn through the town with a cord , and cast into a pit , where the bodies of malefactors were accustomed to be cast . after him succeeded nicetas , a man vnlearned , and advanced by the emperor const. copron. for none other cause , but onely for his zeale against the worshipping of images . after him succeeded paulus cyprius , who in the dayes of const. copron. damned the worshipping of images : but afterward changed his minde : and vnder the raigne of irene , entred into a monastery , and lamented , that hee had consented to the abolishing of images . the vaine inconstancy of this timorous and superstitious man , was the chiefe occasion of the convocation of the second councell of nice , by the empresse irene . to him succeeded tarasius , who was present and gaue allowance to the adoration of images . the prevailing power of the saracens in alexandria , antiochia , and ierusalem , did so obscure the names of the patriarchs of there cities , that i haue no remarkeable thing to write of them in this centurie . of pastors and doctors . in this declining age , wherein spirituall grace dayly decayed , and nothing increased , except an heap of earthly treasures , which god permitteth to be poured into the bosomes of them who loue the wages of iniquity . alwayes , even at this time , some men of good literature and learning , did manifest themselues vnto the world ; such as bonifacius bishop of mentz , damascene , a learned monke , paulus diaconus a learned writer of histories , and beda a man counted venerable in his time : yet all these were miserably infected with the superstitions of their time , such as the opinion of purgatory , invocation of saints , worshipping of images , and prohibition of mariage . bonifacius was a man borne in england , in place neere adioyning to excester : he was familiarly acquainted with fiue popes , to wit , with pope constantinus the first , gregorius the second , gregorius the third , zacharias the first , stephanus . and by them he was advanced to many honours : first , to be the popes legate in england , germany and france , and afterwards to be archbishop of mentz . all his studies and travailes tended to this , to bring the people of england , germany , and france , to the subiection of the romane bishop , and to a conformity of the superstitions of the romane church . in the name , and at the commandement of pope zacharias , hee disauthorized childericus king of france , thrust him into a monasterie , and anoynted pipinus the son of carolus martellus , to be king of france . so zealous was he to performe all the desires of the roman bishoppes , by whom also his name was changed : for hee was first named vinofridus , but the bishops of rome who delighted in his service , called him bonifacius . after he had served the romane bishops in slavish subiection . yeeres , he was slaine by pagans , because he had anoynted pipinus king of france , and for hope they had to enrich themselues by his coffers : in the which , when they had opened them , they found nothing except bookes , and reliques of saints , whereof they made no account . and his body was buryed in the monastery of fulda . damascene , a superstitious monke , the disciple of cosmas , lived vnder the emperours leo , and const. copron. hee was a long time in company of the saracens , and with the prince of saracens he went to the sepulchre of mahomet , and like vnto a timorous body , worshipped the bones of mahomet , fearing to haue beene put to death , if hee had not done such homage . hee was a patron of worshipping of images , and was excommunicated in the generall councell assembled by const. copron. it is written by iohn patriarch of ierusalem , in the history of damascenes life , that the prince of saracens was moved to indignation against him , by a deceitfull letter , sent from the emperour leo isaurus , in the which damascene was charged as a man willing to haue betrayed the towne of damascus into the hands of the emperor leo. vpon this occasion ( saith iohn patriarch of ierusalem ) the prince of saracens cut off the hand of damascene : and on the other part , damascene , by humble kneeling before the image of the virgin marie , was miraculously cured , and restored againe to the power of his hand . but this is like to the rest of popish fables , and lyes : for damascene writeth many notable fables , for cōfirmation of adoration of images . and in case a miracle had beene wrought in his owne person , by prostrating himselfe before an image , damascene had no manner of way ouer-passed with silence the memoriall thereof . but we haue to doe with adversaries , who are not ashamed of lies . damascene was a diligent reader of the bookes of ancient fathers , as appeareth by his foure bookes , de orthodoxa fide : but not so diligent a reader of holy scripture , which is the ground of manifold errors . his history of iosophat , king of india , is knowne to be a monkish fable . paulus diaconus , of the kindred of the lombards , became a deacon in aquileia : hee was carryed captiue into france , in the dayes of charles the great , who besieged papia , banished desiderius , and made an end of the kingdome of the lombards . afterwards he was accused of treason and conspiracie , against charles king of france . his malicious and hatefull accusers , were bent to haue had his hands cut off , or his eyes put out : but king charles pitying him for his learning , was content that hee should bee banished to the isle of diomedes . from thence hee fled , and came to beneventum , where arachis was dwelling , who had married adelporga , the daughter of desiderius . in his palace it is thought hee writ his sixe bookes , de rebus gestis longobardorum . after the death of arachis , hee came to the monastery called cassinense , where hee ended his life . beda , a man borne and brought vp in england , was called venerable , and was in great account in his time . onely , he was miserably intangled with deceitfull antichristian errors , vniversally overspred in his dayes . in writing , reading , and praying . hee was a man of incessant paines . nothing is found in him more commendable , then his patient suffering of the agonies immediately preceding his dissolution , with a desire to be dissolved and to be with christ. albertus gallus , a bishop in some part of france , a learned and godly man , opposed himselfe mightily to boniface , the foot-groom of the roman antichrist , with whom concurred two learned men borne in scotland , named clemens presbyter , and samson , and offered to prooue both by word and writing , that bonifacius was an author of lyes , a troubler of the peace of christians , and a corrupter and deceiver of the people . but pope zacharias excommunicated them before they were heard in lawfull assembly , and gaue power to his foot-groome bonifacius , to depose them , and procured at the hands of the king of france , that they should be cast into prison , and bound with bonds , as schismatickes , false teachers , and sacrilegious men . such reward men received , who were witnesses to the truth of god , and reprehended any corruption of the romane church . in like manner iohannes mailrosius , and claudius clemens , learned men of scotland , sent by king achaius , to charles king of france , and the first professors of learning , in the academie founded by charles the great in paris : these two likewise were disliked of the roman church , because they could not assent to all the superstions of that church in this age so miserably deformed . centvrie . ix . popes of rome . after leo the third succeeded stephanus the fourth , and ruled seuen months . he was not elected with consent , and allowance of the emperour , but onely by the clergie and the people of rome . here it is well marked by functius , that the roman church doth obserue their owne lawes so inuiolably , that the priuiledge granted to the emperour by pope leo the third , it is vndone againe euen in his first successors time : to wit , in pope stephanus the fourth his time . in the third month of his popedome , he journied toward france , for what cause it is not certaine : but it appeareth he would trie the emperours minde , whether or no he was griued for this , that he had beene elected pope without the consent and fore-knowledge of the emperour . when he returned againe , finding that ludouicus pius the emperour , was not greatly grieued at the matter , but accepted his excuse , he began to make commentaries vpon the decrees of hadrian the first , and leo the third : to wit , that they meaned not that the emp. should bee first acquainted with the election of the pope : but rather , that after his election , the emperour should be acquainted with the businesse , before the pope were anointed . by such false glosses and commentaries , they were by degrees excluding the emperour from all kind of medling with the election of the pope . after stephanus the fourth , succeeded pascalis the first , who was elected without consent of the emperour . hee sent ambassadours to excuse himselfe to the emperour ludouicus pius , because the clergie and people had compelled him to accept the popedome . the emperour ludouicus pius on the other part , seeing how this matter went , and that he was troubled with the vnconstancie , ambition , and obstinacie of the romane church , he gaue them libertie to choose their owne bishop , without the fore-knowledge and consent of the emperour in time to come . and pascalis , after hee had ruled seuen yeeres and seuenteene dayes , he ended his course . eugenius the second succeeded pascalis , and ruled foure yeeres . his popedome was in the time when lotharius was appointed to gouerne italie . his commendations are these , great learning , great eloquence , with a mixture of great hypocrisie . valentinus , the successour of eugenius , within the space of fourtie dayes after that he was elected , ( of a deacon ) to be pope , hee concluded his life . to valentinus , succeeded gregorius the fourth , and ruled sixteene yeeres . ludouicke and his sonne lotharius were emperours at this time : without whose consent hee would not accept his popedome . gregorie would haue seemed to haue beene a mediator betwixt ludouicke and his sonnes : but he is marked with a note of shame in the magdeburg history , as a man who encreased discord , rather than quenched it . what he did in the conuention at aken , which was conueened by the authoritie of the emperour , it shall be declared , god willing , in its owne place . to gregorie the fourth succeeded sergius the second , & ruled three yeeres . he seemed to be the first pope , who chāged the name giuen vnto him in baptisme : for he was called os porci , that is , the mouth of the sowe : and for the basenes of the name , he called himselfe by the name of one of his antecessours . lotharius sent ludouick his eldest son , accōpanied with many noble persons , to be crowned emperour : for lotharius thought meete to enter into a monasterie , and to lament for his by-past sinnes , especially , for grieuing the heart of his father ludouicus pius . hee augmented the liturgie of the masse , with the addition of agnus dei , and ordained , that the hostia should be diuided in three parts . to sergius the second , succeeded leo the fourth , and ruled . yeares , . months . he was a man of many trades , a builder , a warriour , and a bishop . he compassed the vatican with a wall , and made it in the similitude of a towne : and builded bull-warkes in the passages of tyber , as it issued from the towne . he was a warriour , & fought against the saracenes : against whom also he preuailed . and finally , at some time he was a bishop : and he gathered a councell of . bishops , in the which athanasius , a cardinall presbyter was damned , for negligence in the worke of his calling . this is the first time , in the which mention is made of a cardinall in the historie : for the decretall epistles , as i haue alreadie declared , are but fabulous & lying writings . in this popes dayes , edelwulphus , king of england , came to rome , for performance of a vowe that hee had made . he was courteously accepted by pope leo : for which cause hee ordained a tribute yeerely to be paide to the bishop of rome : to wit , a pennie sterling out of euery house , in england that kindled fire . it is well remarked by philip morney , that leo the fourth , in a certaine epistle , written to the bishops of britannie , derogateth credit to all the decretall epistles assigned to the bishops of rome , preceding the dayes of pope siricius , except onely to the decretall epistles of pope syluester . so all the authorities that are alleadged by the romane church , out of the decretall epistles , for the space of yeeres , are of none effect , by the confession of pope leo the fourth . after leo , the fourth , succeeded pope ioane the eight , an english woman , borne in the towne of mentz . she went to athens , cloathed with the apparell of a man , accompanied with a learned man : and she profited in learning beyond her fellowes . when shee came to rome , shee was regarded for her learning , and was promoted to the dignitie of the popedome , and ruled two yeeres , fiue months and foure dayes . about the yeere of our lord ( being pope ) she played the harlot : and by the prouidence of god , this villanie of the roman church , which cannot erre , was manifested to the whole world : for , in the time of a solemne procession , as she was going to the church of laterā , she trauelled in birth , & died , and was buried without honour . onuphrius , the aduocate of all euill causes , cannot ouer-passe this matter with silence : but he bringeth an argument from the authority of anastatius , a writer of chronologie , to infringe the credit of this historie , in this manner : anastatius ( saith hee ) liued about this time , & knew best who succeeded to leo the fourth & he maketh no mētion of ioane the eight , but of benedictus the third , as successor of leo the fourth . to this philip morney answereth , that an argument taken from authoritie , negatiuely , hath no force . anastatius maketh no mention thereof : ergo , it was not done : it followeth not , for he bringeth in the testimonie of ranulphus , declaring the cause wherefore anastatius omitted the name of the foeminine pope : to wit , propter deformitatem facti : that is , for the deformitie of the fact . the nature of a short compend permitteth me not to insist : but let them , who are desirous accurately to trie out the veritie of this matter , reade that worthie booke of philip morney , called misterium iniquitatis . then followed benedictus the third , and ruled two yeeres , six months , and nine dayes . a man in honouring the funeralles of the clergie , with his presence , ready at all times : and desirous likewise , that the funerall of the bishop should bee honoured with the presence of the whole clergie . to benedict the third , succeeded nicolas the first , and gouerned seuen yeeres , nine months , and thirteene dayes . he subdued the bishop of rauenna to his obediēce . he suffered the emperour , ludouicke the second , to light from his horse , & to leade his bridle , vntil he came to the campo , which was the space of a mile . he permitted diuorcement betwixt married persons , for religions cause , without consent of parties . and that persons in spirituall offices , should not be subject to the justice seates of ciuill magistrates . hee ordained also , that no man should receiue the holy sacrament from a married priest. and that the emperour should not be present at ecclesiasticall conuentions : except when questions concerning faith should bee intreated . likewise , hee ordained , that the seruice of god in all countries , should be celebrated in latine : dispensing in the meane time with the solauonians and the polonians , to haue the seruice of god in their owne vulgar language . he added vnto the liturgie of the masse , gloria in excelsis . hadrianus the second , succeeded to nicolas the first , and ruled . yeeres , nine months , and twelue dayes . he vsed antichristian authoritie , not onely against hincmarus , bishop of rhemes , but also against carolus caluus , king of france , whom hee commanded imperiously to present one hincmarus , bishop of laudunum , and nephewe to hincmarus , bishop of rhemes , to the ende that his cause might bee judged by the apostolike seate . the king tooke these letters in a very euill part , and writ vnto the pope . that the kings of france had euer beene soueraigne lordes , in their owne countrie , and not vice-gerentes & vassales to bishops : and , that hee would not permit any man , who had beene damned in a lawfull councell , in his owne country , to wit , in the councell of acciniacum , to make appellation to rome . in this popes time the eight generall councell was assembled , whereof i shal speake in its owne time , god willing . ioannes the ninth , succeeded to adrianus the second , and gouerned ten yeeres , and two dayes . this is he who for rewardes crowned carolus caluus to be emperour : and was cast into prison , because hee was more affectionated to ludouicus balbus , sonne to carolus caluus , and king of france , than to carolus crassus , king of germanie . neuerthelesse , hee escaped out of prison , and fled to ludouicke , king of france : whom also hee crowned to be emperour . but balbus , after his coronation , incontinent died : and pope iohn the ninth must seeke new acquaintance , because his olde friends were gone : therfore , he crowned carolus crassus to bee emperour . this was the first pope who in time of his popedome crowned three emperours . martinus the second , ruled one yeere , and fiue months . hadrianus the third succeeded to martinus : the time of his gouernment was also short : for he continued not aboue one yeere , and two months : yet neuerthelesse , men who are busie , may make much stirre in short time . he perfected that worke which his predecessours had beene busied in bringing to passe many yeeres preceding : namely , that the clergie and people of rome should not attend vpon the allowance of the emperour , but they should freely choose whom they thought meetest to bee pope . hee tooke the greater boldnesse to doe this , because the emperour carolus was occupied in warre-fare . the nation of the normandes were now so sauadge and mightie , and molested france with an huge armie , that the emperour was compelled to transact with them in manner as is aboue rehearsed in the historie of the life of carolus crassus . another constitution was made by pope hadrian : to wit , that after the death of carolus crassus , who died without succession , the emperiall title , together whth the gouernement of italie , should belong to one of the princes of italie . this was the ground of vnsupportable debate , and of factions , in italy , euery man according to the greatnesse of his power , contending to be king and emperour : but chiefely albertus , marques of tuscia , berengarius , duke of forouilium , and guido , duke of spoleto . this seditious plotte also perturbed the ecclesiasticall estate : for , after this , euery one of the princes of italie stroue with all their might , to haue such a man seated in the popedome , as could best aduance his faction , as will clearelie appeare in the election of pope formosus . to hadrian the thirde , succeeded stephanus the fifth , and ruled sixe yeeres , and eleuen dayes . the lesse holinesse , learning , and vertue that he had , the greater audacitie and boldnesse was found in him : for he made a constitution , whereof gratian recordeth ( distinct. . cap. enim vero quicquid ecclesia romana statuit , quicquid ordinat , perpetuo quidem , & irre-fragibiliter obseruandum est : that is , whatsoeuer the romane church doth statute and ordaine , it is perpetuallie , and without all contradiction , to be obserued . after stephanus the fifth ( whom others doe call the sixth ) succeeded formosus , and continued fiue yeeres , and sixe months . hee obtained the popedome , not without strife : for one sergius , a deacon , was his competitor , supported with the tusculan faction . alwayes , formosus preuailed . it was supposed , that hee was one of them who conspired against pope iohn the ninth , and cast him into bondes . after this hee feared the authoritie of pope iohn , and fled into france : but pope iohn denuded him of all ecclesiasticall office , and put vpon him the habite of a laicke person : which indignitie done vnto him , he tooke it so grieuously , that he bound himselfe by an oath , that hee should neuer see the towne of rome , nor returne againe to his bishopricke : for hee was episcopus portuensis . but pope martinus absolued him from his oath , and repossessed him into his bishopricke againe , and in the end he was made pope , as is said . neuerthelesse , the faction of his competitor , sergius , ceased not to vexe and molest formosus : so that hee sent secret aduertisemēt vnto arnulphus , the nephew of carolus crassus to come to rome : who came with an armie , and was crowned emperour by formosus , as hath beene alreadie declared . to formosus succeeded bonifacius the sixt , who concluded his course , after he had continued twentie and sixe daies . after bonifacius the sixt succeeded stephanus the sixt , and ruled one yeere , and three months : hee not onely annulled all the decrees of his predecessor formosus : but also caused his dead bodie to bee taken out of his graue , and cut off his three fingers , wherewith he was wont to consecrate persons admitted to spirituall offices , and threw them into tyber : and caused all them , who had receiued ordination by formosus , to receiue new ordination . this fact of stephanus the sixt , is so full of vncouth and vnnaturall inhumanitie , that onuphrius denieth that any such thing was done : whose impudencie morneus discouereth by the testimonie of luitprandus , who liued at that same time and was a deacon of the church of ticinum , and maketh mention of this vile fact , not without horrour and detestation thereof . baronius is not so impudent as onuphrius , and will not denie the fact , but extenuateth the atrocitie and vilenesse thereof : for hee saith , non fuit error in fide , sed violenta tyrannis in facto : that is to say . it was no errour in the faith , but a violent tyrannie in the fact . and likewise , hee annulled the inauguration of the emperour arnulphus , and annointed albert , or lambert , marques of tuscia , who followed the popes course to bee emperour . now is the popedome encreased to the measure of a full strength , when they dare authorise and disauthorise , place and displace , emperours at their owne pleasure . so that there remaineth nothing , but to enter into gripes with the emperour , throw him downe to the ground , and to treade vpon the excellent honour of his soueraigntie , which in the next centurie will follow . to stephanus , succeeded romanus , and continued onely three months . he abrogated the decrees of stephanus , his predecessour . theodorus , the successour of romanus , continued in his popedome twentie dayes onely . in this short time he allowed the decrees of formosus . patriarches of constantinople . patriarches of costantinople , in this centurie , were changed according to the dispositiō of the emperours , fauouring or disliking the worshipping of images . nicephorus was a defender of adoration of images , & was banished by the emperour leo. theodotus againe , antonius , and syngelus , who had bin schoole-maisters to the emperour theophilus , were haters of images . but after the death of theophilus , theodora , his wife , advanced methodius , a superstitious man , and an obstinate defender of adoration of images , and intercession of saints . concerning ignatius and photius , and the great troubles that arose about placing and displacing of them , occasion will be offered to speake of these things in the head of councels . of other pastors , and doctors . in this corrupt and back-sliding age , wherein the romane antichrist had so great an vpper-hand , the head of councels will compell mee to make mention of the names of a number of learned men . at this time , the name of claudius taurinensis , putteth a great number of the refront of my remembrance , because hee was a faithfull witnesse vnto the truth of god , in a troublesometime . he was a man borne in spaine , vnder the raigne of ludovicus pius , he was made bishop of thurin , in pi●mont . as his first entry to his bishopricke , hee threw the images out of his church , affirming , that the saints , who in their life-time were not content to be worshipped , much lesse could they be content to haue their pictures worshipped after their death . in speciall , hee condemned the worshipping of the crosse : affirming , that if it should be worshipped , because iesus died vpon it : then the ship , in the which christ sayled , the asse , whereupon christ did ride into ierusalem , & infinit things , which christ touched , by the like reason , ought also to bee worshipped . concerning the bishop of rome , he sayd , that he was not to be counted an apostolicke bishop , who sate in the apostolicke chaire : but hee who fulfilled an apostolicke office . hinemarius , bishop of rhemes , lived vnder carolus magnus , and continued in office almost vntill the raigne of the emperour arnulph . hee had great strife with his nephew hincmarus bishop of laudunum , who refused to bee vnder his diosis : and appealed from him vnto the bishop of rome . likewise , in the cause of rhotardus bishop of soission , whom hincmarus deposed , and removed from his office . nicolaus the first bishop of rome , absolved him . hadrian . gaue him commandement to excommunicate c. calvus king of france , his soveraigne lord : but he refused to performe such an vnlawfull commandement : and writ vnto the pope , to be circumspect , and not precipitate rashly his sentences of excommunication . the question whereunto hadrian . was so serious , was about division of lands , betwixt c. calvus , and his brother lotharius . c. calvus denyed , that he did vniustly invade any of his brothers lands , but lands duely belonging to himselfe by paction and covenant . and the nobles of the country said , that it was a strange and an vnaccustomed thing , that the pope would take , vpon him to be iudge in a controversie , concerning the titles and rights of kingdomes : because he could not be both a bishop and a king. centvrie x. popes of rome . to thedoricus succeeded pope iohn the tenth , hee abrogated all the decrees of pope stephanus the sixt , and allowed the decrees of formosus : whereupon great tumult and vprore arose in rome . for this cause , the pope fled to ravenna , and gathered a councell of . bishops , also carolus simplex king of france , was present at this councell . there hee ratified the decrees of formosus , and damned the decrees of stephanus . here let vs marke that the bishops of rome doe both mocke god and the world , in saying , that their councels are guided by the holy spirit , and cannot erre ; in the meane time one of their councels damning another , and being altogether opposite one to another . after hee had come backe to rome , he concluded his life , having ruled two yeeres , and fifteene dayes . to him succeeded benedictus the fourth , and continued three yeeres , and foure moneths . after benedictus ruled leo the fift , and continued not in his popedome aboue forty dayes : for he was cast into prison and bonds , by christophorus his owne domestique servant . christophorus by vnlawfull meanes attained to the popedom , and lost it againe vnworthily , in the seventh moneth of his government , for hee was thrust into a monastery , as the only refuge of all disasterd people . those monsters saith platina , god permitted them not long to liue . after christophorus , sergius the third , ruled seven yeeres , foure moneths , and fifteene dayes . hee raised againe the body of formosus out of the graue , wherein hee had lien buried eight yeeres , and beheaded it , as if it had beene aliue , and cast it into the river tyber , accounting it vnworthy of a buriall place . platina doth marke , that formosus had been his competitor , and hindered sergius from attaining to the popedome , they who are so overtaken with ambition and hatefull malice , that they cannot moderate their owne affections , how shall they governe and rule , the vniversall church of god. beside this barbarous cruelty , he was a vile whoremonger , and begate iohn the twelfth ( who afterward was made pope ) with marozia the wife of guido , a famous harlot . after him anastatius the third , ruled two yeers , of whom nothing worthy of memory is written , except this , that he was not so malicious in damning the memorials of other men , as his predecessors had beene . landus succeeded to anastatius , and ruled sixe moneths , and . dayes . to landus succeeded iohn the eleventh , and ruled thirteene yeares , two moneths , and three dayes . hee was more martiall in exployts of warfare , then religious and expert in knowledge of heavenly things . for hee fought against the saracens , who had been brought into italy by the grecians , and discomfited them . but when hee returned againe to rome , hee incurred the hatred of albericus , marquis of hetruria , who had fought with him against the saracens , and could not abide the pride of a presumptuous bishop , who in his triumph ascribed the whole praise of the victory to himselfe onely . this variance was the occasion of great trouble in italy , for albericus allured the hungarians to enter into italy , who did greater damage to the countrey , then the saracens had done before . on the other part , the italians , who could not avenge themselues by rendering like evill to the hungarians , they poured out their wrath vpon albericus , and killed him . the pope also by the souldiers of guido was cast in prison , and strangled , by stopping a pillow in his throat . the villany betweene him and theodora a notable harlot : i haue overpassed with silence , fearing to be prolixe . leo the sixt followed , and continued seven moneths and fifteene dayes . after leo , followed stephanus the seventh , and ruled two yeeres , one moneth , and twelue dayes . the two preceding popes , are supposed by italian heights to be made out of the way , by marozia , a notable harlot , to the end that her sonne iohn the twelfth , whom shee had borne to pope sergius the third , might bee promoted to the popedome ; who ruled foure yeeres , ten moneths , and fifteene dayes . marozia was an incestuous harlot , who like vnto herodias , was not ashamed to marrie two brethren , namely , guido and hugo : according as the verse made thereof witnesseth . nubere germanis satagens herodia binis . herein appeareth the terrour of the wrath of god , punishing the vngodlinesse of the romane people : they were guided by the popedome , and the popedome was guided by notable harlots . after him succeeded leo the seventh , and ruled three yeeres , six moneths , and ten dayes . stephanus the eight , was a germane , and ruled three yeers , foure moneths , and ten dayes . hee was mightily troubled with the seditions of the people of rome , and was so miserably wounded , that hee was ashamed to come forth vnto publique places to be seene . martinus the third , succeeded to stephanus the eight , and governed three yeeres , six moneths , and ten dayes . platina calleth him a devout man , and altogether bent to religion , because he repaired old churches , that were tending to ruine and decay , the substance of religion being lost , the care of the fabricke of the church , and such other externall things , was counted the onely devotion . agapetus the second , successor to martinus , continued in his popedome nine yeeres , seven moneths , and ten dayes . in his time berengarius king of italy , and his sonne albertus , tyrrannously abused the countrey , not sparing those of the clergie . so that agapetus was compelled to send messengers to otto the first , whose fame was spread abroad in all nations : and otto without delay , addressed himselfe to italy , and suppressed the insolencie of berengarius , and his sonne albertus , as hath beene already declared , in the historie of the life of otto the first . to agapetus succeeded iohn the thirteenth , and governed nine yeeres , three moneths , and fiue dayes . a man from his very youth replenished with all kinde of abhominable vices , a libidinous beast , a monstrous varlet , of whom i haue made so frequent mention already , and the head of councels will cast vp the filthinesse of his infamous name of new againe : so that for the present i write the lesse . he was deposed in a councell gathered by otto the first , and leo the eight was placed in his roome . pope iohn had such an end as his most wretched life deserved , for hee was deprehended in adultery , and the husband of the woman whom hee defyled , wounded him to the death , so hee concluded his vnhappy life . leo the eight was chosen pope , with advice of the emperour otto the first , and he ruled one yeere , and . moneths : albeit the seditious people of rome reiected him , and accepted againe iohn the thirteenth ; and after his death they chose another , called benedictus the fift : notwithstanding the emperour otto subdued those insolent and seditious people , and tooke benedictus . prisoner , and banished him to hamburg , where for very heart-griefe he ended his life . leo loathing the manifold seditions of the romane people , conferred againe the chusing of popes to the emperour . pope iohn the fourteenth , ruled six yeeres , eleven months , and fiue dayes . against whom conspired godfredus , count of campania , and petrus the chiefe captaine of the citie , with two consuls , and twelue aldermen of the towne . they layd hands vpon the pope , in the church of laterane , and detayned him prisoner eleven moneths . the emperour otto and his sonne , made haste to come to rome , and after due examination of this seditious attempt , he banished the two consuls to germany , hee commanded the twelue aldermen to be hanged , and peter the chiefe captaine to be bound vpon the backe of an asse , his face turned towardes the asses tayle , and his hands bound vnder the same ; thus hee was carryed through the whole citie , and scourged with rods , and banished . godfredus and his sonne , before this time , were dead and buried , but the emperour caused their bodies to be raised out of their graues , and to bee cast into vnhallowed places . the abusing of pope iohn was punished with the greater severity , because hee was hated by the romanes , for the loue hee carryed to the emperour . in this popes time began the vile superstition of baptizing of bels , and giving vnto them peculiar names ; and the pope called the great bell of the church of laterane , iohn , according to his owne name . benedictus the sixt , was successor both to the place , and calamities of pope iohn . cynthius a man of noble birth in rome , imprisoned the pope in the castle of saint angeli , where hee was strangled , after hee had continued one yeere and six moneths , in his popedome . platina writeth , that of all things there is a vicissitude , even so the popes now doe include the noble citizens of rome , into that same castle called saint angeli , whereinto of old , they were incloased themselues . donus the second of that name , dyed in the first yeere of his government : nothing worthy of memory is written of him . bonifacius the seventh , continued not aboue seven months and fiue dayes in his popedome : a man famous for sacrilegious theft . for when he perceived that the romane citizens conspired against him , he tooke with him all the iewels of the church of saint peter , and fled to constantinople , where he sold the iewels , and acquired to himselfe a great summe of money , wherewith hee intended to corrupt the minds of the people of rome , but incontinent he was cut off by death . while pope bonifacius the seventh was in constantinople , iohn the fifteenth was chosen pope , and in the eight moneth of his popedome , hee was inclosed in the castle of saint angeli , called of old moles adriani , where he miserably ended his life . benedict the seventh ruled eight yeeres . he was pope at that time when otto the second dyed at rome , and great deliberation was had about the successor of the empire . the pope consented to the germanes , whose opinion was this , that the sonne of otto the second , albeit young in yeeres , should be declared emperour . other things ( and namely , the processe of the deposition and restitution of arnulphus bishop of rhemes ) i referre to the head of councels . after benedict the seventh , succeeded pope iohn the sixteenth , who hated the clergie , and dilapidated all the church-rents vpon his friends and kinsmen , hee dyed in the eight moneth of his popedome . to him succeeded , iohn the seventeene , and continued ten yeeres , six moneths , and ten dayes . hee was not free of popular seditions but fearing the cruelty of crescentius , whom the romanes wished that he should raigne , as emperour and king of italy : the pope fled to hetruria , from thence giving advertisement to the emperor otto the third , to support the distressed estate of the chaire of rome . crescentius fearing the power of the emperour otto , allured pope iohn to returne backe againe to rome , which done , crescentius with the chiefe authors of the foresayd sedition , kissed his feet , and craved him pardon . notwithstanding of this , the emperor otto set forward with his army toward rome , and when hee heard that pope iohn was dead , hee presented to the romanes one bruno a germane , and of his owne consanguinitie , whom , the romanes ( fearing the emperour ) durst not refuse , and called him gregorie the fift . gregorie the fift , governed two yeeres , and eight moneths . the romanes more seditious then wise , incited crescentius againe , to take vpon him authority , and to eiect gregorie the fift , and to choose another whom they called iohn the eighteenth , gregorie fled to germanie and complained to otto the third of the iniuries done to him . the emperour led an armie to rome of intention once to be avenged of the continuall sedition of the roman people . crescentius fortified the towne of rome and the castle of s. angeli , which after that time receiued the third name , not onely to be called moles adriani , and the castle of saint angeli , but also the castle of crescentius : but all this preparation was made in vaine . otto circumvened crescentius and the new made pope , putting them in hope of pardon , but when they came forth , the new made pope had his eyes thrust out , and was spoyled of his life , and crescentius was hanged before the walles of the citie . gregorius was restored againe and made that constitution , about the choosing of the emperour in time to come by the seuen electors of germanie , whereof i haue spoken in the life of the emperour otto the third . after gregorie the fift , sylvester ruled foure yeeres , one month , eight daies . hee was first a monke of floriake : when hee left the cloyster hee went to spaine , and learned sciences , in the towne of sivill . of a disciple he became in short time a master , and had the honour to be an instructer of otto the third , who was made emperour , and robert king of fraunce , and lotharie a noble man who afterward was bishop of senon . it was an easie thing for his disciples being so potent and noble to advance him to all the honours hee obtained : first to be bishop of rhemes , secondly to be bishop of ravenna , and last of all to be bishop of rome . but his name is filthily spotted with magicall arts , and hee was so familiar with the deuill , that hee enquired of him ( as platina writeth ) how long hee should continue in his popedome , and the deuill answered , euen , vntill the time hee should say masse at ierusalem . now there was in rome a chappel , called , s. crucis , and vulgarlie it was called ierusalem . in this chappel in time of lent the bishop of rome was accustomed to say masse , and when sylvester the second , ( who before was called gilbertus ) was saying masse in that place , hee found himselfe attainted with a vehement feuer , and remembering that the place was called ierusalem , hee knew that hee was deceiued , and put in vaine hope of long liuing by the deuill . hee called for the cardinals and confessed his fault , and desired them to cut his bodie in pieces ( as it iustlie deserued ) and to lay it open vpon a coach to bee buried in that place wherein the horses of their owne accord should draw the coach. so the horses carried the coach to the church of lateran , where hee was buried . onuphrius is weake in this , that neither can hee be silent , neither can hee defend the name of pope sylvester , with reason , but sayes hee was a learned man well acquainted with mathematicall sciences , and therefore vnlearned people counted him a sorcerer . by such frivolous excuses all the necromancers and sorcerers in europe might bee excused , against the testimonie of wise and learned historiographers , who giue to cuerie man such prayse as their doings deserue . patriarches of constantinople . after nicholaus and euthymius , succeeded stephanus amasenus who continued aboue three yeeres . to whom succeeded tryphon , admitted vpon this condition , that when theophilactus the youngest sonne of the emperour romanus should come to perfect age , hee should giue place to him . but when the emperours sonne was . yeeres old , tryphon would not giue place vnto him , vntill he was circomuened by the craft of the bishop of cesarea , who pretending to be his friend said to him in this manner . seeing that the courteours are in hope to haue you displaced in respect of your want of learning . i will giue you , faith he , my counsel , to write your owne name , together with all the titles and dignities of your calling in presence of many witnesses , and send this letter aforesaid to the emperour , to let him vnderstand that yee are not so voide of learning as they talke of . to this counsell tryphon agreed , not foresmelling the subtilitie of the bishop who gaue vnto him this counsell : but the courteours so soone as the letter came in their hands subioyned to the words ; tryphon archbishop of new rome , and vniversall patriarch , the words following , that he voluntarily ouergaue his patriarchship in fauour of theophilactus the emperours youngest sonne . so was tryphon by his owne handwritting displaced , and theophilactus seated in his roome . he was a young man of . yeeres old when he was made patriarch , and ruled . yeeres . hee was riotous , and full of youthly conceits , and in hunting his horse so brused his body , that he vomited blood and ended his life . to theophilactus succeeded polyenctus in the dayes of nicephorus and zimisces , of whom god willing more shall be spoken in the head of councels , and to him a monke basilius , who ruled yeeres , and after him antonius studites . of other pastors and doctors . lvitprandus a famous historiographer liued in the dayes of hugo and berengarius kings of italie , and in the daies of otto the first emperour of the west , and constantine emperour of the east . his learning and skill in musicke brought him in credit with hugo king of italie . also berengarius king of italie found no man so meet to be employed ambassador to constantine emperour of constantinople as luitprandus , who did his message faithfully vpon the charges of his owne father in law . but berengarius rendered vnto him euill for good , for hee banished him . in time of his banishment he writ his historie of things done in europe from the yeere of our lord . vntill the . yeere of otto magnus , and dedicated it to reginomundus a bishop of spain . it is not certaine in what age theophilactus liued : alwaies his name is inrolled in this centurie . hee was bishop of bulgaria , and writ in the greeke language fruitefull commentaries vpon the foure evangelists , and vpon all the epistles of paul , and vpon some of the small prophets , such as habacuk , ionas and nahum . hee followed chrysostome in his writings , so that his bookes are thought to be a short abridgement of the writings of chrysostome . he sharpely refuteth old heretikes , but the defection of his owne time hee doth not so neerely touch . of the antichrist , hee thinketh that hee should spring vp in the decay of the romane empire ; and of marriage that it was honorable , and a step to the chaire of a bishop . the names of other men who were more famous then others , either for good or evill , will be found in the head of councels . centvrie xi . popes of rome . after silvester ruled pope iohn nineteene yeeres , foure months , and twentie dayes : of whom no memorable thing is written . to him succeeded pope iohn . and continued foure yeeres , foure months . platina for lacke of some remarkable thing in the historie of his life is compelled to remarke , the wisdome , magnamitie , learning , and deuotion of robert king of france who was worthie to gouerne others , because his owne heart was gouerned and ruled with reason , but of pope iohn hee read nothing worthie of commendation . to him succeeded sergius the fourth who gouerned . yeeres and . dayes . to sergius succeeded benedict the eight and continued a eleuen yeeres , one month and thirteene dayes : in his dayes the pestilence so mightilie abounded that the number of them who died in . the plague surpassed the number of them who were aliue . which calamitie was signified by a fountaine of wholesome water in loraine converted into blood . the factious romans remoued him from his popedome and seated another in his place : but afterward they were reconciled to him , and receiued him with great pompe & honor , to his popedome againe . these are the people who call the b. of rome the vicar of christ , the successor of peter , the vniuersall bishoppe , the ministericall head of the church , yet will they make insurrection against him when they please , and they call others schismaticks , when they fall from the obedience of the bishop of rome . but the towne of rome is the mother of scismes , no lesse is shee the mother of all spirituall whoredomes . iohn . succeeded to benedict the . in the dayes of the emperour conrad the second and ruled eleuen yeeres , nine dayes . platina commendeth his life , but without any particular commendation of his commendable vertues . benedict the ninth succeeded to pope iohn and gouerned ten yeeres , and foure months , and nine dayes : a man vnlearned and vitious in his conversation , who allured women to his lust by magicall arts , therefore hee was thrust out of his popedome : and silvester the third was placed in his roome , who continued not aboue fortie dayes in his popedome ; for benedict by force intruded himselfe againe into the popedome , and fearing , to be expelled of new againe from his papall dignitie , hee made merchandise of it and solde it to gregorie the sixt , for a thousand , and fiue hundreth pounds waight of gold. many historians , such as martianus polemus , damianus and platima , doe report , that after his death hee appeared in a monstrous similitude , more like vnto a beast , then a man , to represent the effigie of his beastlie conversation . the emperour henry the third entered into italie , gathered a councell at sutrium , wherein all these three monsters were deposed and suidigerius bishop of bamberg was made pope whom they called , clemens the second . after the emperour henry the third had placed clemens the second in the popedome , hee returned to germanie . the seditious romans returning to their wonted vomit poysoned him when hee had continued onely nine months in his popedom , because he was not elected by themselues , but by the emperour with aduise of the councel of sutrium . after clemens the second , succeeded damasus the second , & continued not in the popedome aboue . daies . after the death of damasus the second the romanes sent ambassadours to the emperour henry the third to send vnto them a worthy pope . the emperour made choice of brun● bishop of tullus , who being on his iourney towarde rome in his pontificall garments , the abbot of cluniake and hildebrand a seditious monke met him by the way , and perswaded him to lay aside his pontificall garments , & to enter into rome with the habite of a priuat man , lest hee should seeme to haue receiued the popedome from the emperour , and not by the election of the people , & clergie , to whom rightly appertained the election of the romane bishop . bruno obeyed their councell , and was the more gladlie accepted of the romans , who called him leo the ninth : he ruled fiue yeeres , and assembled councels both in rome and vercellis against borengarius , as shall be declared ( god willing ) in the head of councels . victor the second succeeded to pope leo , & gouerned two yeeres , three months , and fourteene dayes . hee was chosen pope with the advice of the emperour henry , whom they feared to irritate by presenting vnto him new occasions of wrath and anger . after victor succeeded stephanus the ninth , who died in the seuenth month of his popedome . to him succeeded benedict the tenth , who continued not aboue nine months in his popedome . he was compelled to denude himselfe of his papaldignitie , because he was elected without the consent of hildebrand : to whom the whole number of cardinals & clergie had promised , that no new pope should be elected before he had returned to rome , for he had taken a iourney to florence . nicolaus the second followed and ruled three yeeres , sixe months , and twentie six dayes . this is the pope who gathered a councell at rome against berengarius , & forced him to make recantation of his opinion of the sacrament of the supper of the lord as shal be declared god willing in its own place , to this pope , godfrid d. of apulia , and calabria , recōmended bagallardus his son . but the pope fauored robert bagallardus his vncle , the iust heire of the dukedome ; & couenanted with robert , surnamed guiscard , that hee should be authorised to be duke of apulia and calabria , providing he would bend vp al his forces to subdue the rebels of the roman church which thing also duke robert seriously performed : & rendered to the chaire of rome the townes of beneventum , and troia , which he had added to his dominions , when he first eiected his brothers son from his inheritance . also the pope honoured robert , by giuing vnto him a baner & standard , in token of confirmation of his dukedom , which authoritie belonged to the emp. & not vnto the pope . but now as funchus writeth , fur furem , latro latronem iuvat , that is one thiefe helpeth another , & one brigand supporteth another . in the end pope nicholaus the secōd tasted of brazates cup , this brazutus was the familiar friend of hildebrand , who within the space of . yeeres empoysoned . popes , to wit clemens . dāasus . leo . victor . stephāus . & nicholaus . after nicholaus succeeded alexander the . whose name before his election to the popedome had bin anselmus b. of luca , & he ruled . yeeres , . months . his competitor was candalus b. of parma , whom the lumbards assisted with all their might and procured to him the allowance of the emp. this was the ground of cruell warres betwene alexander the . and candalus , but the faction of alexander preuailed . the emp. sent otto archbishop of colen to pacifie th vprors and tumults of italie . at his first comming hee sharplie rebuked pope alexander because he had entered in the popedome without the emperours consent . but hildebrand according to his forme inclinable to furie & madnesse , could not abide vntil otto had made an end of speaking , but he interupted him , and answered , that the election of the bishop of rome belonged not to the emperour , but to the clergie and people of rome . otto on the other part ( bearing as it appeareth more with the clergie of rome , then fauouring the emperours cause ) condisóended that this question should be entreated in a lawfull assembly at mantua . in that councel alexander was declared to bee pope , and candalus had pardon granted to him . in the end pope alexander finding that he was set vp in the papal dignity to prepare a way to hildebrands popedome , hee sayd vnto the people in the time of the solemnity of the masse , that hee would not sit in the chaire of rome , except hee had licence of the emperour . the angry humor of hildebrand , a man borne for sedition , was so overcast with furie , that scarcely hee could abstaine from outrage , and putting hands vnto pope alexander , vntill the masse were ended . the masse being finished , he drew him by force into a chamber , where hee bussed him , before hee was devested of his pontificall garments , because he sayd , hee would seeke the emperours favour . finally , hee was cast into prison and bonds , and vnder the miserable indurance of hildebrands wrath , hee finished his life . to pope alexander the second , succeeded gregorie the seventh , called hildebrand before his popedome , who continued twelue yeeres , and one moneth . he was craftie and subtle in bringing to passe , that thing which hee had imagined a long time before , to wit , in treading downe vnder the fe●t of the romane bishop , all civill authority . in the councell of mantua , by hildebrands speciall advice , it was decreed , that no man should be admitted to a prelacie , benefice , or eclesiasticall office , by a secular person : and that it should not be lawfull for priests to marrie . these grounds being layd by hildebrands advice , before hee came to the popedome , hee laboured with all his might to put them in execution , when hee was pope . for this cause hee called the marriage of the priests ; the heresie of the nicholaitans ; and the acceptation of prelacies from the hands of secular princes , simony . and vnder colour of extirpating two heresies , hee most craftily travelled to bring vnder his soveraigntie all men who were clothed with civill , or spirituall offices . and first , for the abolishing of the marriage of priests , hee sent strict commandement to the bishops of france and germany , and other places , that they should depose married priests from their offices , vnder paine of cursing , and that they should accept no persons in their places , but those who would binde themselues by a solemne oath , to perpetuall continencie . the priests made greater reluctation to the popes commandement , then the bishops did ; in so much that in the councell of mentz , convocated by the archbishop for obeying of the popes commandement : the archbishop accompanied with the popes ambassadour , could finde no other meanes to saue their liues , but onely by flying from the incensed wrath of marryed priests . as concerning his other enterprise , in extirping the heresie of simony ( as hee called it ) that no prelat should receiue investment from emperours and princes , but onely from the bishop of rome . this could not bee brought to passe without the thunder-bolts of excommunication , whereby he so subdued the noble emperour , henry the fourth , that hee was compelled in sharpe winter weather to iourney to italy , and to seeke absolution from the popes cursing . it were too long to discourse of his sorceries , lying prophecies , and treasonable attempts against the noble emperour . and the weake apologie of onuphrius , will never be an vmbrage to couer the craft , malice , and divellish pride of this seditious pope . to gregorie the seventh , succeeded victor the third , who onely continued in his popedome , one yeere and an halfe . after victor the third , succeeded pope vrbanus the second , and ruled twelue yeeres , foure moneths , and eighteen dayes . hee assembled a councell at clermont in france , and incited christian princes to vndertake a dangerous warfare against the turkes and saracens , for recovering of the holy land ; and for supporting of distressed christians in those parts . a certaine monke called peter , who had gone on pilgrimage to ierusalem , deplored to the councell in most lamentable manner , the pitifull estate of christians in ierusalem . and many christian princes were moued to vndertake an hazardous warre , against the turkes and saracens , vnder the conduct of godfrey duke of loraine , robert , duke of normandy , robert count of flanders , and diverse other noble princes , an army of three hundred thousand christian people , set forward toward ierusalem , which they conquered out of the hands of infidels , with great effusion of blood , and godfrey was crowned king of ierusalem , with a crowne of thornes , an. . as functius recordeth . patriarchs of constantinople . because i reade of no memorable thing done by the patriarches of constantinople , it shall suffice shortly to point out their names onely , and to set forward . in this centurie we finde the names of these patriarchs following , to wit , antonius , nicolaus , sisinnius , sergius , eustachius , alexius , michael , constantinus lithudes , iohannes xiphilinus , cosmas eustratius , and nicolaus . of other pastors , and doctors . petrus damianus , was brought vp in the monasterie of cassinates , and was made a cardinall and bishoppe of ostia , by pope stephanus the ninth . hee was deposed by benedict the tenth , and deprived of his living , because hee disapproved his entry to the popedome . hee was cast into prison and bonds , and when he was set at liberty , he sought not restitution to his bishopricke againe , but hee lived an heremiticall life . and when pope nicolaus the second , and hildebrand an archdeacon , obiected this fact against him opprobriously , he writ an apologie , and defended himselfe by the example of . fathers , who had done the like . he was very superstitious , and approved the custome of monks who began to scourge themselues , very impertinently cyting the examples of christ , who was scourged by pontius pilat , and of the apostle saint paul , who was thrice beaten with roddes , and fiue times received thirty nine stripes ; as if it were all one thing to scourge our selues , and to bee scourged by others . he was present at the councel of millan , as substitute of pope nicholaus the second . ino bishoppe of charters in france , was counted learned in his time ; nothing is more commendable in all his life then this , when hee was cast in prison for disprooving the marriage of philip king of france , the noblemen dwelling about charters , would haue by force delivered him , but hee disswaded them from any such attempts , onely willed them to pray to god for him . his bookes are miserably spotted with the errours of his time , such as transubstantiation in the sacrament of the lords supper , intercession and merits of saints in prayer , and diverse other errors . lanfrancus was borne in papia , a towne of italy , and became archbishop of canterburie : hee was much reverenced for his learning . hee writ against berengarius , and defended the opinion of transubstantiation . he was in great credite with william the conquerour , king of england , in so much that all spirituall and civill affaires , seemed to bee ordered according to his appetite and pleasure . this great credite procured against him the hatred of many noblemen , notwithstanding they could not prevaile against him all the dayes of king william . rufus the sonne of king william , was of a more sterne and angry nature , and albeit lanfrancus had taken paines vpon his education , notwithstanding his emulous competitours alienated the kings heart somewhat from him , whereby hee fell into a sharpe fever and dyed . ranulphus writeth of him , that he wished to conclude his life either by fever , or dysenterie , because in these sicknesses , the vse of a mans tongue continues oftentimes to the last breath . hee continued in his prelacie nineteene yeeres , and dyed in the third yeare of king rufus . anselmus succeeded to lanfrancus , both in place and learning ; for hee was bishop of canterbury , and a singular learned man. hee was borne in a towne called augusta , in the confines of burgundie . hee was the disciple of lanfrancus : hee was first a monke , and afterward an abbot in a monastery of normandie , called bettense ; and foure yeeres after the death of lanfrancus , the king of england promoted him to the archbishopricke of canterbury . anselmus in his admonitions to the king ( who at that time converted to his owne vse , the rents of defunct bishops and abbots ) was free and plaine , and for his freedome incurred great indignation : in so much that hee compared himselfe vnto an owle . for , saith he , like as shee hath pleasure when shee remaineth in her owne nest , and with her owne brood , but when shee flyeth abroad shee is miserably misused and beaten , with ravens , crowes , and other soules that forgather with her . even so , saith hee , when i am in company of you my familiar friends , i liue in pleasure , but when i goe to court , and am conversant with secular men , i am discontented , and as it were dilacerate with a multitude of secular cares . hee was a stout defender of the authority of the bishoppe of rome , in so much that he was content to forgoe the favour of his prince , and to bee banished for the excessiue loue hee caryed to the priviledges of the romane chaire . after the death of rufus , anselmus was received from banishment , by king henry . but because hee would not admit and consecrate those bishops who had received investment from the king , but called them bastards , and abortiue births , whosoever received investment from secular men : great contention arose betweene the king and the prelat , the issue whereof was this ; that the decision of the question was referred to the bishoppe of rome , who gaue sentence in favour of anselmus , because anselmus suffered trouble , for maintaining of the popes authoritie . the king was irritate and exasperate with the popes decree , and spoyled anselmus of all his dignities . who remained for the most part in lions , during the time of his second banishment . but the king reduced him againe from banishment , and was reconciled with him . after his returning from his second banishment , hee lived three yeeres , and died in the yeer● of our lord , . having continued bishop of canterburie thirteene yeeres . in his bookes no errour is more intollerable then this , that hee equalleth the virgine mary with christ , attributing to her all the treasures of wisedome , and knowledge , as the apostle paul atiributeth them to christ our saviour . centvrie xii . popes of rome . after vrbanus the second , followed paschalis the second , and ruled eighteene yeeres , . moneths , and . dayes . called before reginerus , a man brought vp in the monasteries of italy : hee seemed to shun the high preheminencie of the popedome , but the acclamations of the people , often repeating , that saint peter had chosen good reginerus to be pope , bowed his flexible minde , and inclined it to the popedome : hee then putting on a purple garment , and a diadem vpon his head , was brought vnto the church of lateran , vpon a white pamphrey , where a scepter was put in his hand , and a girdle tyed about him , having seven seales , and seven keyes hanging thereupon , for a recognizance of his seven-fold power , and seven-fold grace of god resting vpon him : to wit , of binding , loosing , shutting , opening , sealing , resigning , and iudging . he excommunicated the noble emperor henry the fourth , following the example of three of his predecessors ; to wit , gregorie the seventh , victor the third , vrbanus the second . hee stirred vp henry the fift , against his naturall father , henry the fourth : and caused the body of the noble eemperour henry the fourth ( who died at leodim ) to bee raised out of his sepulchre , to be carryed to the towne of spire , and to want the honour of christian buriall five yeeres . o antichristian pride ! o barbarous inhumanity ! o cruelty and rage , ranscending the cruelty of pagans , who persecuted the church of christ for the space of three hundred yeeres . in his time the bishop of florence taught , that antichrist was already borne and manifested to the world . vpon which occasion paschalis assembled a councell at florence , and with terrible threatnings put him to silence , and damned his bookes . also hee assembled another councell at tretas , a famous towne in campanie in france , where hee ratified the decrees of his predecessors , in condemning the mariage of priests , as the heresie of the nicolaitans , and receiving ecclesiasticall rents from lay persons , as simonie . of his revocation of the priviledge of investment of bishops , granted to the emperour henry the fift : i haue spoken already in the historie of the life of the emperour . his competitors were albertus , theodoricus , and maginulphus , whom hee easily subdued . to him succeeded gelasius the second , and ruled one yeere and fiue dayes . he was elected without consent of the emp. henry . which procured vnto him great griefe . for cincius a noble man of rome , of the family of frangepanis , invaded the pope and cardinals , and trod the pope vnder foot , and cast him in prison and bonds , but the citizens of rome relieved him , and threatned to destroy the familie of frangepanis , if they set not the pope at liberty . after this trouble , another followed ; the emperour sent an army to rome , and authorized another to be pope : whom they called gregorius the eight . the pope fled to caieta , the place of his nativity : but when the army returned to germany , hee came to rome , where hee found his estate to be ieoperdous . therefore hee fled to france , and dyed of a plurisie , in the abbey of clumack . after gelasius succeeded calixtus the second , sometime bishop of vier , and kinsman to the king of france , he governed fiue yeeres , ten moneths , and thirteene dayes . hee compelled the emperor henry the fift , to agree to his election : albeit mauritius burdinus , otherwise called gregorie the eight ( whom the emperour himselfe had authorized ) was yet aliue . also hee compelled the foresayd emperour to ouergiue all right , which hee claimed to investment of bishops , and election of popes : so much did the roman antichrist prevaile by the thunder bolts of his curses , that hee compelled the emperour by these means to stoupe vnder his feete . also he besiedged sutrium a towne of the romans , wherein mauritius burdinus his competitor had his remaining . hee tooke the towne , and his competitor hee carried captiue to rome : setting him vpon a camel , with his face toward the hinder-parts thereof , and in the end thrust him into a monasterie . he assembled a councell at rhemes , wherein he renewed the ordinance against married priests , ordaining that not onely they should be spoyled of their liuings and offices , but also that they should be debarred from the communion of christian people . like as these verses doe testifie . o bone calixte , nunc omnis clerus odit te . quondam presbyteri , poterant vxoribus vti . hoc destruxisti , postquam tu papa fuisti . also hee held another councell at rome , where it was statute and ordained that it should not be lawfull to the people to repudiat their bishop , or to choose another during his life-time : grounding their ordinance vpon a place of scripture , a wife is bound to the law of her husband , so long as her husband is aliue . after hee is dead shee is loosed from the law of her husband . so learnedly did these aecumenique asses expound places of holy scripture . after calixtus succeeded pope honorius the second , and ruled fiue yeeres , and two months . in his time arnulphus , an eloquent man , & a famous preacher came to rome : whether out of the wildernesse , or out of any other place wherein he had exercised a ministeriall office it is vncertaine , alwayes it is thought of all men that he was sent of god : hee sharpely rebuked the dissolute loosnesse , incontinencie , auarice , and pride of the clergie of rome ; so that hee incenced their hearts against him , speciallie for this , that hee said it was no wonder , that they sought his life , for if saint peter himselfe were aliue and did rebuke the lewdnesse of their conversation , they would not spare to take saint peters life also . moreouer hee sayd they were full of vncleannesse , and were blinde guides leading the people headlong to hell : but the lord would haue in remembrance their iniquities , and call their wickednesse to account . thus the hatefull indignation of the clergie being kindled against him for preaching the truth , they layed waite for him secretlie , and tooke him and drowned him . platina alledgeth that this fact displeased the pope : alwayes there was no inquisition to know the authors of this fact , not punishment of malefactours who shed innocent blood in secret , that manifested vnto the world the popes indignation . about this time was a booke written called opus tripartitum the author whereof was vnknowne , but it is supposed to haue beene compiled by arnulphus . it contained great complaints of the manifold abuses of church-men . after honorius succeeded innocentius the second , and ruled fourteene yeeres , seuen months , eight dayes . hee was a man of a militarie spirit , albeit not fortunate in warfare . for he made warre against rogerius duke of sicilie whom hee besieged also in a certaine castle . but william duke of calabria rogerius his sonne , not onely relieued his father , but also laid hands on the pope and his cardinals and made them captiues and prisoners . rogerius delt friendly with the pope and his card●nals and set them at libertie , and obtained at the popes hand whatsoeuer hee pleased , except the name and title of a king . at this time when the pope was busied in warrefare , the romans advanced one called peter the sonne of leo , a man of noble birth in rome to be pope . and when innocentius adressed himselfe to rome , hee did finde the faction of his competitor to be strong and mighty therefore he sayled to pisca , and from thence to geneua , and from thence to france , where hee assembled councels at clermont and at rhemes , and deliuered his competitor to sathan . in the end hee was restored to his chaire againe by the emperour lotharius the second . in his time , the towne of rome being wearied with the tir●nnie of the popes , tooke resolution to be gouerned by consuls . the pope to obviat this conceite of the people , made an ordinance , that whosoeuer did violently put hands on any person of the clergie , hee should be excommunicate , and no man should haue power to absolue him but onely the pope . after innocentius , succeeded coelestinus the second . hee was chosen pope without the consent of the people , as witnesseth onuphrius , he ended his course in the fift month of his popedome . to him succeeded lucius the second , and gouerned the pestilentius chaire ( as the magdeburg historie recordeth ) in a time when the pestilence had great vpperhand in rome . hee concluded his course in the eleuenth month of his popedome . after lucius succeeded eugenius the third , sometime disciple to bernard , and ruled eight yeeres , foure months , and twentie dayes . he so bestirred himselfe against the senators of rome , that partlie by cursings , and partly by force , hee brought them in subiection and compelled them to receiue such senators , as the pope by his authoritie pleased to assigne vnto them . but it came to passe that hee who was desirous to be terrible and awfull to the romans , hee feared them in like manner , that they were conspiring secretlie against his estate . therefore hee fled to tybur , and from thence to fraunce , to leade an armie to the east , for the support of distressed christians . but this voiage had no good successe , notwithstanding that the popes blessing , and bernards councell ( who was abbot of clarauall , and much regarded at that time ) were both interposed to advance this often reiterated warrefare against the turks . when the pope returned from france to rome accompanied with great forces , the people of rome were affraid , but the pope soone after concluded his course at tybur . anastatius the fourth succeeded eugenius who continued in his popedome one yeere , foure months , and twentie foure dayes . to anastatius succeeded pope adrian the fourth , a monke of the english nation , employed by pope eugenius to goe to the people of noroway , whom hee brought vnder the roman superstition , and therefore was advanced by pope eugenius to the dignitie of a cardinall , and after the death of anastatius the fourth , he was promoted to the popedome . hee would not goe to the church of lateran to be consecrated , vntill arnoldus bishop of brixia , was driuen from the towne of rome : because hee had counceled the romans to claime to the auncient gouernment of their towne to be guided by consuls and senators . but the proud pope insisted so seriouslie against arnoldus and the romanes , that hee compelled them by the force of his multiplied curses not onely to expell arnoldus out of the towne of rome , but also to submit themselues absolutely to the gouernment of the pope . the proud cariage of this pope , towards the noble emperour fredericke the first , his bad successe in warrefare against the duke of sicilie , and his miserable death in the towne of anagnia , hath all beene touched in the historie of the life of fredericke . he ended his course after , hee had ruled foure yeeres , and ten months . after adrian the fourth , succeeded pope alexander the third , who had great debate against his competitor victor the fourth , ( called before octavianus , ) in respect , the emperour , and the princes of germanie and a great number of the clergie of rome , adhered to pope victor . and on the other part to pope alexander adhered the kings of england , france , and sicilie . and this scisme indured a long time , for remouing whereof the emperour fredericke appointed one councell at papia , and another at diuion . to the first hee would not appeare , because hee thought the pope should be iudged of no man. to the second , he should not appeare , because the councell of diuion was not assembled by his owne authoritie , but by the commandement of the emperour . this litigious decertation tooke this effect , that the emperour and bishoppes conuened at the foresaid councels : decreed victor who appeared and was ready to submit h●s cause to the iudgement of a lawfull assemblie , him ( i say ) they decreed to be pope lawfully elected . pope alexander fled to france , and in the councell of clermont hee excomunicated both the emperour , and his competitor victor , these were the weapons of their warrefare against the emperours and all others , whom they supposed to be their aduersaries . after the death of his competitor victor , pope alexander being at rome the emperour fredericke came with a strong armie thereto and pope alexander fled to the venetians . what tragedie fell out in venice forcing the noble emperour , to stoupe vnder the feete of the pope for excessiue loue that hee caried towards his sonne , hath beene declared in the historie of the emperour frederickes life . in this popes dayes was thomas becket bishop of canterburie slaine , henry king of england , purged himselfe to the pope that hee was innocent of his slaughter . notwithstanding seeing his indignation against the foresaid bishop was the occasion of his slaughter : it was inioyned to the king of england , that hee should hinder no man in his kingdome from appealing to the chaire of rome . and that in time to come , no man should be declared king of england without the popes consent . thus are the neckes , kingdomes , honours , and liues , of the mightie monarchs of the world troden vnder the feete of the roman antichrist . after this proud prelat had tyrannized . yeeres , and dayes hee ended his course . after alexander the . succeeded lucius the . and gouerned foure yeeres , two months , and eighteene dayes . hee was no lesse desirous to abolish the consults of rome , then his predecessours were ; but his attempts succeeded not so well . for hee was driuen out of rome with his complices , and a number of his fauorits were punished , by thrusting out their eyes . others were carried thorow the streets vpon asses hauing their miters vpon their heades , and their faces toward the hinder part of the asse . the pope fled to verona , where he lurked vntill he died . to him succeeded vrbanus the third , and continued one yeere , ten months , and twentie fiue dayes . in his daies was ierusalem recouered by saladin a prince of the turkes , and commander of aegypt ; which tidinges so pierced the popes heart with griefe that hee ended his life at ferrara . gregorie the eight followed , who continued not in his popedome aboue the space of fiftie dayes . to him succeeded clemens the third , and ruled three yeeres , and fiue months . in this time died william king of sicilie without children , and the people of the isle elected tancredus a bastard sonne of rogerius to rule ouer them . after clemens , succeeded pope celestinus the third , and continued six yeeres , seuen months , and eleuen dayes . in his time died saladin a mighty prince of the turkes . and pope celestinus thinking it was a meete time to fight against the turkes for the recouering of the holie land , incited the emperour henry the sixt , and the king of france to vndertake the ieopardous warfare against the turks , wherein many had spent their blood and seldome with good successe . the emperour henry sent the duke of saxonie and the bishop of mentz with a well appointed armie to the foresaid warrefare , but went not himselfe . the king of france was willing to haue vndertaken a iourney toward the east , but was stayed by the irruption of the saracens who dwelt in mauritania . they had passed the straites , and invaded that part of spaine , which was called betica , and conquered it . the king of fraunce then fearing left the saracens should be puft vp in pride for their late victorie , and that they should invade his dominions , kept his armie at home in france for safegarde of his owne countrey . the germane armie returned againe within short time , as hath beene declared in henry the sixts life . patriarchs of constantinople . to nicolaus succeeded leo styppiota , and michael , and theodosius , and basilius , nicetas , and leontius , and dositheus : of whom i thinke not expedient to write any further , except simplie to insert their names . patriarchs of alexandria . in this age the armie of christians which went to fight against the turkes , conquered out of their hands , not onely ierusalem , but also antiochia , and the region round about it . whereupon it followed that the patriarchs were established of new againe after long intermission in antiochia and ierusalem . not such as were accustomed to be of olde , hauing equall power with other patriarchs within their owne bounds , but rather vassals and slaues to the bishoppes of rome , as may appeare by the catalogue following . the first of these latine patriarchs was bernardus who ruled that church thirtie sixe yeeres . after him succeeded radulphus who would not be subiect to the bishop of rome , but affirmed that both antiochia and rome were the chaires of s. peter , antiochia was before , and a more ancient chaire , and therefore should haue the prerogatiue aboue rome . notwithstanding of all this , hee was cited by his aduersaries to appeare before the bishoppe of rome : and to answere to the faults that should be obiected against him . namely for violent vsurpation of iurisdiction ouer churches belonging to the archbishop of tyrus , as biblus , tripolis , and aradus . this citation raymond prince of antiochia compelled him to obey . he was sent backe againe to antiochia , but the people and clergie receiued him not . therefore hee lurked in monasteries , and in the ende was deposed from his office by a councell assembled in antiochia . after him succeeded raimericus and ruled twelue yeeres . hee was hated of raynoldus gouernour of antiochia , because hee disallowed his marriage bound vp with constantia . likewise hee was misvsed by him , and the balde part of his heade was ouerlaied with honey , and he was compelled to sit in the time of the feruent heat of the sommer day , to be molested with the flies and waspes . the king of ierusalem hearing of this pitifull demeanour of the patriarch of antiochia sent ambassadors to raynold , and so the patriarch , was set at libertie , who dwelt at ierusalem , forsaking antiochia all the rest of his life-time . after him sotericus was patriarch , who continued in office short time . to him succeeded theodorus balsamus , a very ambitious man , whom isacius angelus emperour of constantinople put in hope that he would promote him to be patriarch of constantinople , if the canons of church did not hinder . when all was done , the ambitious prelat staied stil at home , for the emperour did not sollicit him seriously , but was onely trying him to see if for hope of further preheminencie he would violate the canons of the church . to whom succeeded almericus . patriarchs of ierusalem . the first latin patriarch of ierusalem , after it was conquered from the turkes , was dabertus , sometime bishop of pisa. he crowned godfrey the first king of ierusalem , with a crowne of thornes . to him succeeded gibelinus , sometime bishop of arls. hee was sent to ierusalem to decide the question that fell out betweene dabertus and ebremarus ; but it happened that dabertus about the same time dyed : and ebremarus was remooved , because hee had intruded himselfe in office . therefore with vniforme consent , gibelinus was made patriarch of ierusalem . to whom succeeded arnulphus , who for his vicious life , was called mala corona . pope pascalis the second , hearing of his bad conversation , sent to ierusalem the bishop of aurange , who deposed him from his office . notwithstanding hereof , this vitious prelat tooke iourney to rome , and with flattering speeches , and largition of mony , prevailed so much at rome , that he obtained his office againe . after him followed guarimundus , a man more expert in warfare , then in his owne calling . for hee supplyed the place of king baldwin , who was detained captiue by the turkes . and hee was a couragious warriour at the siege of tyrus . to him continued stephanus , who continued not in office aboue the space of two yeeres . and after him gulielmus ruled fifteene yeeres . after whom succeeded fulcherus , and continued patriarch twelue yeeres . hee was hated of raymond , master of the templaries ; who caused the bells to bee rung in the time when hee preached to the people , so that the people could not profit by hearing his sermons . for this cause he went to rome , to complaine of the iniuries done vnto him , but some of the cardinalls were corrupted with money , so that he obtained nothing at the hands of adrian the fourth , who was pope at that time : and so returned againe with shame . after him followed amalricus , and ruled two and twenty yeeres . in whose dayes saladinus a prince of the turkes recovered ierusalem out tht hands of the christians . of other pastors , and doctors . from the beginning of this compend , i haue kept this order , that i haue not overcharged a little booke with mention-making of all things that are written , neither haue i pretermitted in the heads which i entreat , matters of greatest importance , so farre as my memory and vnderstanding could comprehend . in this age the scholastique doctors began to arise , of whom petrus lombardus was the first , who afterward was made bishop of paris : but i supersede to write of them vntill the next centurie . arnulphus was an eloquent man , and a mighty preacher , who reprooved the clergie of rome , for the lewdnesse of their conversation . wherefore the clergie hated him , and drowned him secretly in the night time , as hath been declared in the historie of the life of honorius the second . at this time was set forth a booke called opus tripartitum : arnulphus was supposed to bee the author thereof . it contained an heavie complaint of the enormities and abuses of the church , of the number of their holy-dayes , and all lusts of vncleannesse , according to the saying of whores and naughty women , who bragged that they gained more in one day , then in fifty other dayes . likewise it complained of the curious singing in cathedrall churches , whereby many are occasioned to spend much time in singing , which might bee better spent in more necessarie sciences . it also complained of the rabble and multitude of begging fryers , shewing what idlenesse and vncomely behaviour , hath proceeded thereof . also it toucheth the vnchaste and voluptuous behaviour of church men , aggravating their faults by the similitude of storks , who are accustomed to beate those storkes out of their number , that having a mate ioyne themselues vnto another : what then is to bee done with church-men , who professing chastity , doe defile other mens houses ; so that the stinke of their vncleannesse is knowne to the whole world . finally , it wisheth reformation to begin at the sanctuary , as the prophet speaketh . in this age also was vualdus , a merchant-man of lions in france , whom god enlightned with the true knowledge of his word , and remooved from the eyes of his minde the common vaile of ignorance , that overcovered the eyes of the most part of men , who liued at this time : in such sort , that albeit antichrist was sitting in the chaire of christ , yet very few either perceived him , or abhorred his tyrannie . this man vualdus , was stirred vp by god after this manner . some of the chiefest heads-men of lions were walking abroad , and it chanced one of them ( the rest looking on ) to fall downe by sudden death . this vualdus being one of the company , and a rich man , beholding the matter more earnestly then the rest , was touched with a deepe and earnest repentance , whereupon followed a carefull study to reforme his former life : in so much that hee first begun to distribute large almes to the poore , and to instruct his familie in the knowledge of the word of god , and to exhort all them who resorted vnto him to repentance , and amendment of life . the bishops envyed the travels of vualdus , nothing regarding the words of holy scripture . let the word of god dwell plentifully in you , and edifie one another with psalmes , and hymnes , and spirituall songs . and being mooved with great malice against him , threatned to excommunicate him , if hee ceased not from catechizing those who resorted to him . but vualdus neglecting the threatnings of the wicked , sayd ; hee must rather obey god then men . whereupon followed cruell persecution of him , and of all his adherents . so that they were compelled to fly from lions , and the bishop seazed vpon their goods . these were called waldenses , or pauperes de lugduno . the doctrine and articles which they professed , were these . . that onely the holy scripture is to bee believed , in matters pertaining vnto eternall life , and that it contayneth all things necessary to salvation . . that there is onely one mediator of god and man , the man christ iesus : and that saints ●re not to be invocated as mediators . . that there is no purgatorie fire , but all men are either iustified by faith in christ , or else they are in the state of condemnation . . that all masses , namely , such as are sung for the dead are wicked , and to be abrogated . . that all mens traditions are to be reiected , at least not to be accounted necessary vnto salvation . . that constrained and prefixed fasts bound to dayes and times , difference of meats , such variety of degrees and orders of priests , fryers , monkes , and nunnes , superfluous holy-dayes , so many sundry benedictions and hallowing of creatures , vowes , peregrinations , with all the rablement of such rites and ceremonies brought in by man , should be abolished . . the supremacie of the pope , vsurping aboue all churches , and especially aboue all politique realmes , and governments , or for him to vsurpe both the swords , is to be denyed . . that no degrees are to bee received into the church , but onely priests , deacons , and bishops . . the communion vnder both kinds to bee necessarie to all people , according to the institution of christ. . that the church of rome is babylon , spoken of in the booke of the revelation , and the pope the fountaine of errors , and the very antichrist . . the popes pardons and indulgences to be reiected . . the mariage of priests and men in spirituall offices , they hold to be lawfull and necessary . . such as heare the true word of god , and beleeue it , are the true church of god , to whom the keyes belong ; to driue away wolfes , to institute true pastors , to preach the word , and to administer the sacraments . these are the most principall articles of vualdenses , to the which , the rest may be reduced . . concerning the supper of the lord , their faith was , that it was ordayned to be eaten , and not to bee shewed and worshipped ; for a memoriall , not for a sacrifice ; to serue for the present ministration , not for reservation ; to be received at the table , not to be caryed out of the doores in pomp . and this they proue by an old chronicle , called chronica gestorū : and by the testimonie of origen , who writing vpon levit. saith thus . whosoever receiveth this bread of christs supper vpon the second or third day after , his soule shall not be blessed , but polluted . therefore the gibeonites , because they brought old bread to the children of israel , it was ioyned them to hew wood and beare water . in this age also are found some learned men who detested the pride of the bishop of rome , such as hildebertus , archbishop of towrs , a disciple of berengarius , and an excellent poet , who made this distinchon of the towne of rome . vrbs foelix , si vel dominis vrbs illa careret . vel dominis esset turpe carere fide . bernard , abbot of claravall , borne in burgundie , was respected in his countrey aboue others , who although hee lived in a most corupt age , yet he was found in the doctrine of iustification : as may appeare by the words which hee vttered on a time being diseased , after this manner : i grant ( saith he ) i am vnworthy , and that i cannot obtaine the kingdome of heaven by mine owne merits , neverthelesse , my lord hath a double right to it : first , by this right , that he is his fathers heire . secondly , by right of the merit of his suffering . with the first right , he contenteth himselfe . the second he bestoweth on vs , by whose free gift i claime a right thereto , and am not confounded . hee detested the corruption of manners , which abounded in his time , as may bee knowne by the words of hugo cardinalis . it seemeth ( saith he ) good iesus , that the whole vniuersitie of christian people , haue conspired against thee , and these are the chiefe persecutors , who haue the principall roomes in thy church . hee admonished count theobald , who bestowed great cost in building of abbies , and churches , that he would rather support them who were of the houshold of faith , and that he would be carefull to build the immortall and everlasting tabernacles of god. hee subdued his body by fasting , beyond all measure ; whereby his stomacke became so diseased , that oftentimes it rendered againe the small portion of food which it had received . hee was very superstitious in receiving the reliques of the saints . in so much , that when hee came to rome , and the head of the martyr casarius was offered to him , to take of it what part hee pleased , hee was content to take one tooth onely . and when his associates could not draw out the tooth ( it was so fast fastened vnto the iawbone ) bernard counselled them to pray , that the martyr would willingly conferre vnto them one of his teeth . many visions and miracles are attributed to him , but they smell so much of superstition , as it is easily knowne , that the most part of them are invented and forged by the deceiving teachers of this age . he died in the . yeere of his age , leaving them that were about him three testamentall lessons . . that they should offend no man. . that they should giue lesse credite to their owne opinion , then to the iudgement of other men . . that they should not be vindictiue , nor desirous of revenge for wrongs done vnto themselues . he esteemed much of the prophecies of hildegardis , a prophetesse in france , whose wordes bernard thought to be indyted by divine inspiration . in this age also flourished anselmus bishop of havelburg , whom the emperour lotharius . sent to calowannes emp. of constantinople . hee disputed with nichetes bishop of nicomedia , in the temple of sophia , about the old error of the grecians , who affirmed that the holy spirit proceeded onely from the father , and not from the sonne . hee refuted very learnedly , the obiections of nichetes , who obiected that two fountaines and beginnings were set vp in the godhead , if the holy spirit proceeded both from the father and the sonne . wherevnto anselmus answered , that when the councell of nice sayd , deus de deo , lumen de lumine : they established not two gods , nor two lights in the trinitie . euen so , when it is sayd , principium de principio , there is not brought in two beginnings , but one only . and whosoever ( saith he ) denyeth that the holy spirit proceedeth from the son , denyeth also that he proceedeth from the father . for the scripture saith , i and the father are one , i am in the father , and the father in me : and againe , hee that seeth mee seeth the father . from this argument they went to another , concerning the supremacie of the bishop of rome . anselmus prooved the supremacie of the bishop of rome by three arguments . . because the councell of nice had preferred the chaire of rome , to all other chaires , . because christ assigned superiority to peter , when hee sayd , thou art peter , and vppon this rocke will i build my church : and the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it . and i will giue vnto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth , is bound in heauen , and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . . the chaire of rome was free of heresies , when constantinople and other churches of the east were defiled with heresie . to the first argument nichetes answered , that the councell of nice called the bishop of rome , the bishop of the principall chaire , but not the principall bishop , for that dignitie hee received from the emperour phocas , but not from the councell of nice . to the second argument , he answered , that the power of binding and loosing was not given to peter onely , but also to all the rest of the apostles . and like as they were all partakers of that same heavenly grace , whereof peter was partaker in the day of pentecost : so likewise they all received that selfe same power of binding and loosing . and peter alone received not the power , like as he received not the grace alone . thirdly , whereas it was alledged , that the romane church remained vnspotted with heresie , when as other churches were defiled with it , nichetes answered , that it was true , that arrius , macedonius , nestorius , and eutiches , did spring vp among the grecians , and they likewise were chiefly refuted and suppressed by the the grecians . and the fountaine of all heresies being humane philosophie , it was no marvell that greatest heresies sprung vp , where men of greatest learning and vnderstanding were found , and it is likely that the fewer heresies sprung vp in the west , because they were men of lesse learning , and not of so deepe vnderstanding as the people of the east . centvrie xiii . popes of rome . after caelestinus succeeded innocentius the third , and ruled eighteene yeeres , he excommunicated iohn king of england , for not receiuing of stephen langtowne archbishop of canterbury being approued by the pope , he brought the said king so low that he was in the ende constrained to resigne his crowne of england and ireland to the pope , and to receiue the same backe againe from the pope to him and his heires for yeerely payment of a thousand marks , he confirmed the order of the dominike or blacke friers , and the order of franciscans or begging friers . to him henry the sixt when hee departed this life left the tuition and protection of his sonne fredericke the second . but innocentius followed the footesteps of iudas , but not of saint peter , made otto duke of saxon emperour in preiudice of fredericke who was committed to his protection . but thorow the prouidence of god , the spirit of dissention fell betweene the emperour otto and the pope , so that hee was excommunicated by the pope , and the empire was giuen to fredericke . also hee gathered a generall councel at rome called lateranense , whereof hereafter . after him succeeded honorius . and ruled ten yeeres , . months , . daies : he excommunicated the good emperour fredericke . and in this age it is to be noted that almost no pope can be found , who set not out his thunderbolts of cursings against kings and emperours . next to him succeeded gregorius the ninth , and ruled one yeere , & three months , he caused the booke of the popes decretalls to be compiled , and had cruell warres against the emperour fredericke whom hee excomunicated diuers times , as hath at length beene declared in the life of fredericke . caelestinus . followed after him , who liued not in the popedome aboue the space of . dayes . to him succeeded innocentius . and ruled . yeeres . months . dayes : he helde a councell at lyons , wherein he excommunicated the emperour fredericke of new againe and deposed him from his emperiall dignitie , and gaue the same to william count of holland . hee died miserably , for hee invaded the kingdome of sicilie with an armie , hoping to bring it vnder his subiection after the death of fredericke , but was disapointed and repulsed by manfred , king of sicilie . and as hee was in naples a voyce was heard in the popes court saying , surge miser ad iudicium , that is , rise , o wretched person , and appeare to iudgement , and the day following he was found lying dead in his bed . to him succeeded alexander the fourth who did fight against manfred king of sicilie vnprosperously , but being ouercome in battell , hee had refuge to his old armour of cursing , and excommunicated manfred . he damned the booke of william de sancto amore , which hee writ against the order of begging friers , and died in the seuenth yeere of his popedome . after him followed vrbanus the fourth , and ruled three yeeres ; and one month . hee stirred vp charles duke of angeow against manfred , and gaue vnto him the kingdome of sicilie and calabria , with the dukedome of apulia to be holden of the pope as superior , for yeerely paiment of a certaine duety to the church of rome ; which was the occasion of great troubles which after followed . to him succeeded clemens , . and ruled . yeeres . months . daies . he finished the worke which vrbanus begun , for hee gaue to charles count of angeow not onely the dukedome of sicilie , but also the stile of the kingdome of ierusalem ; prouiding alwayes hee should pay yeerely in few-farme to the church of rome fortie thousand crownes . this charles by instigation of the roman bishop first slew manfred king of sicilie , and afterward slew conradinus sonne to conrad who came to italie to possesse the kingdomes duely appertaining to him . so was the kingdome of sicilie taken from the posteritie of fredericke , and put in the hands of frenchmen . after him gregorius the tenth ruled foure yeeres , two months , ten dayes . he held a generall councell at lyons whereat michael palcologus emperour of constantinople was present as will be hereafter delared , god willing . he made peace beweene the venetians and the genuans who not onely at home , but also in asia had bloodie warres one against another to the great encouragment of the infidels . also hee interdyted the florentines from all holy seruice , because they eiected the gibelius out of their towne , whom the pope being in france had receiued in favour and brought backe from banishment . hee was so highly displeased with them , that ( passing by the towne of florence vpon a time ) being required of his fatherly clemencie to lose them from the foresaid interditment hee vtterly refused to doe it . next after him innocentius the fift , died after hee had ruled sixe months , ad two daies . after him hadrianus the fift died , hauing ruled fortie dayes . ioannes . who succeeded to adrian , died after he had ruled . months . hee was smothered by the sudden fall of a chamber newly built in the place of viturbium for his solace and pleasure : and this iudgement fell vpon him immediatlie after he had foolishly promised to himselfe long life , and said to his friends that he knew by the position of the starres that he would liue a long time in this world . after him followed nicolaus the third , and ruled three yeeres , three months , & fifteene daies . he was a mortall enemie to charles king of sicilie , whom his predecessours , vrbanus and clemens advanced . he tooke from him the lieutenanrie of hetruria & the dignitie of a roman senator . likewise hee stirred vp peter king of arragon to claime the kingdome of sicilie as iustly pertaining to him by right of constantia his wife , daughter to manfred king of sicilie . and finally by his craft and wickednesse the countries of flaminea and bononia with the exarcht of rauenna which had remained a long time vnder the emperours iurisdiction were brought vnder the dominion of the pope of rome . in religion he was verie superstitious and caused cases of siluer to be made wherein he put the skulls of peter & paul. next , vnto him followed martinus the fourth , and ruled foure yeeres , and one month . hee receiued charles king of sicilie in fauour , and restored vnto him the dignitie of a roman senator , which nicolas his predecessour had taken from him , and was so contrarious in all his doings to nicolaus , that whereas nicolaus stirred vp peter king of arragon to claime the kingdome of sicilie as belonging to him by right . martinus by the contrarie excōmunicated the king of arragon as a spoiler of the church-goods , because hee invaded the kingdome of sicilie . notwithstanding in this popes time the frenchmen , who were in sicilie being hated of the people were pitifullie destroied : for they had agreed among themselues that vpon a certaine day at euening time when a signe was giuen by ringing of a bell that they should cut off in one houre all the french blood that was found in sicilie : which thing also they performed with such crueltie that they ript vp their owne countrie-women that were with child by the frenchmen : to the end there should no remnant of french blood remaine among them , and from this excessiue crueltie the prouerb yet remaineth vesperae siculae . this pope also tooke the concubine of his predessour nicolaus , and caused to abolish all the pictures of vrses and beares that were found in his palace : fearing left his harlot by a deepe imagination and impression of these pictures should bring forth children rough like beares as shee had done before . honorius . followed and ruled . yeeres & one month , he ratified the sentence of excommunication giuen out against peter king of arragon for invading the kingdome of sicilie . after him followed nicolaus the fourth ; and ruled foure yeeres , one month : after whom the chaire of rome was vacant for the space of two yeeres , and three months , because of the intestine discord of the cardinals who could not condiscend among themselues who should be chosen to succeede . in the end caelestinus , the fift is chosen and ruled one yeere and fiue months : hee was an heremit & had liued such a solitarie life that he was altogether vnmeet for gouernment in great and weightie affaires . neuerthelesse he was a notable hypocrite and pretended a reformation of the abuses of the court of rome , and namely in this that the cardinalls & bishops should ride not vpon horses & mules with pompous traines , but vpō asses following the example of christ , who did ride to ierusalem vpon one of them . but the cardinals were so farre from yeelding to this ordinance , howbeit the pope in his owne person gaue them example so to doe , that they counted him an old doting foole , and finding him to be a verie simple man so abused his simplicitie that they caused him voluntarily resigne and giue ouer his office . for caietanus a certaine cardinall digged a hole thorow the popes chamber and sounded in a voyce admonishing him to resigne his office to another who was more fit to gouerne then hee was : which the pope supposing to be an angelicall voyce & an heauenly admonition , willingly resigned his office , desiring the cardinals to choose another man more fit for the popedome then himselfe was , who choosed thereafter this same cardinall caietanus , and named him bonifacius . who ruled . yeeres . months , . daies . besides the subtile policie wherby he attained the popedome he ioyned barbarous crueltie , for his predecessor caelestinus hauing dimitted his popedome he returned againe to the wildernesse to liue a solitarie life as before . but bonifacius brought him by force backe from the wildernesse , & emprisoned him where he died for heart-griefe . this pope renewed the old factiōs of the gibelines & guelses , & hated the gibelines to the death , in so farre that he deposed the cardinals that were found to be of the families of the gibelines , and disposed their dignities , rents , castles , and heritages to others , and proceeded in hatred and crueltie against them , that he could abide no man that was of the stocke of the gibelines . insomuch that porthecus archbishop of geneua comming vnto him , & falling downe at his feete die cinerum : hee would not lay the ashes vpon his head , nor say to him , memento homo quod cinis es , & in cinerem reuerteris , as the custome was but hee threw the ashes in his eyes , and said memento homo quod gibellinus es , & cum gibellinis in cinerem redigeris , that is , remember o man that thou art one of the gibelines , and with them thou shalt be turned to ashes . he instituted the first iubily that was kept at rome , promising a full remission of all their sins to so many as would take paines to visit the apostolike sea. in solemnising whereof the first day he shewed himselfe to the people in his pontificall garments with s. peters keies caried about him ; but the second hee shewed himselfe vnto them in royall apparell , with a naked sword carried before him , and an harold proclaiming ecce potestas vtrinsque , gladij , that is , beholde the power of both the swords , to wit both ciuil and spiritual , claiming to himself a soueraigne authoritie in al things both ciuil & ecclesiasticall . he excommuincated philip king of france and his posteritie to the fourth generation , because he made an ordinance that no mony nor revennue should bee caried out of his countrie to rome . but philip assembled a councel at paris and appealed from the bishop of rome to the first generall councell to be holden . and sent william nogaretius steward of his house together with scarra columnensis one of the noble men of rome whom the pope persecuted because he was a gibeline . these two i say he sent to rome to publish his appellation against the pope , but they had another purpose in hand as the euent declared . for scarra disguised himselfe , entered in italy with a seruants habite , and secretlie gathered a number of his friends & gibelines ; and set vpon the pope by night as hee was lying at anagnia the towne of his natiuity . nogaretius also cōcurred with . horsmen , who brake in vpon him by night and spoiled al his rich treasures , and put himselfe vpon a wanton colt with his face towards the taile , and made him a ridiculous spectacle to all the people . soone after he went to rome and died for displeasure that he had loosed his riches , and sustained so great shame . this is he of whom it was truly said , that he entered in as a foxe , liued as a lyon , and died as a dogge . patriarchs of constantinople . after georgius xiphilinus succeeded ioannes cametarus , after him thomas maurocenus , who being made patriarch tooke his iourney to rome , & receiued confirmatiō of the roman b. innocentius . he was also present at the coūcel of lateran , holden at rome in the yeere of our lord , . next to him succeeded pantoleo iustinianus , & after him germanus and arsenius , to whose tutorie the emp. theodorus cōmitted his yong sonne ioannes , but michael paleologus being chosen emp. plucked out the eyes of the yong emp. for the which he was excōmunicated by arsenius . paleologus on the other part gathered a councel of bishops against him , & accused him for suffering of azetines the sultan to be present at the holy seruice , & for conferring with him in the temple . in this councell arsenius was deposed , because he appeared not to answere to the foresaid accusation , & immediatly after was bāished by the emp. & nicephorus placed in his roome . after whom succeeded germanus , and after him iosephus , to whom the emperour confessed his sinnes of periurie and crueltie , in plucking out the eyes of ioannes the son of theodorus lascaris , and receiued absolution from him . but when he perceiued how the emperour was purposed to make an agreement with the bishop of rome , hee would not consent thereto , but voluntarily dimitted his office and entered into a monasterie where hee ended his life . after him followed becus whom the emp. traueled to perswade to giue his consent to the foresaid agreement with the b. of rome , but all in vaine , for which cause the emp. imprisoned him , there giuing him many books to reade , confirming the opinions of the latine church , which made becus change his opinion , and both by word and writ defend the doctrine of the latin church . to whom succeded hugolinus . of other doctors . in this age many were found who taking example of petrus lombardus invented subtile and intricat disputations : questionin̄g , reasoning , and calling all things in doubt after the maner of the academik philosophers , insomuch that there was no head of doctrine howbeit plaine in it selfe which they did not obscure and darken with the mist of vaine philosophie , & curious disputation . and that which was more lamentable the pure foundations of the word of god were vtterlie forsaken , & theologues began to reuerence aristotle , & his writings as if hee had bin a prophet of god , & the apostle of iesus christ. yea things cōtained in the holy scripture were counted vulgar , common , base & of little importance , but they who were deeply learned in aristotles philosophie and in the volumes of the ancient doctors were counted excellent teachers , angelicall and geraphicall doctors . then were set out prolixe commentaries vpon the master of sentēces by albertus , aquinae , alexander , and scotus , and all the schooles were filled with contentious disputations . this albertus was a dominik frier , who for his great learning was called magnus , & was made b. of ratisbon by pope alexander . but he being wearied with the painefull trauels of that calling returned home again to colen to spēd his time more quietly in reading and writing of bookes . where hee writ those commentaries vpon the master of sentences , & vpon aristotle with many other volumes . also hee defended his owne order of friers against guil. de s. amore who impugned the same as shal be hereafter declared god willing : before he died he pointed out a place for his owne burial and dailie visited it , et vig●lias pro se ac si vita s●nctus esset , legit . thomas de aquino otherwaies called angelicus doctor , was disciple to albertus magnus , and profited in theologie and philosophie beyond others , while he was yong at the schoole he was quiet & stil more inclined to heare al men then to speake , & was called by his condisciples bos , that is a kow because hee was so silent . neuerthelesse afterward by his penne this kow lowed louder then all his cōdisciples , & filled al nations with the sound of his doctrine . he was of the order of the dominike or preaching friers , & defended his order against william de s. amore as albertus his master had done before . he died in the way as he was iourneying to the coūcel at lyons , & was canonised by pope ioannes . and was supposed to haue wrought miracles after his death , because this age was full of lying miracles . alexander neckam was learned in philosophie , poetrie , oratrie and theologie , & obtained a glorious name to be called ingenij miraculū , hee was made abbot of excester in england , vpon whose sepulchre when hee died were written these barbarous verses . eclipsin patitur sapientia , sol sepelitur : cui si par vnus , minus esset flebile funus . vir bene discretus , & in omni more facetus , dictus erat nequam , vitam duxit tamen aequam . ioannes duns otherwise called scotus subtilis was a man borne in dunce a towne of scotland , who departed from his natiue countrie and ioyned himselfe to the companie of the gray friers in oxford , from thence he passed to paris , & from thence to colen , where hee died being yet yong in yeeres . hee was called subtilis from the subtilitie of his wit. in his commentaries vpon the master of sentences hee entreateth largely of the head of the sacrament of the supper , where it may be seene that hee would neuer haue condiscended to the opinion of transubstantiation , if hee had not beene induced thereto by the authoritie of the church of rome . likewise in this age liued alexander de ales an english man brought vp in paris and expert in philosophie & theologie , who amplified the doctrine of petrus lombardus with many subtile arguments and was called doctor irrefragabilis . in the end hee tooke vpon him the habit and order of the graye friers vpon this occasion . hee had vowed , that hee should doe all things which he was required to do in the name of the blessed virgin , if so be they were possible to be done , and vpon a time hee forgathered with a begging frier , seeking almes who besought him for the loue of our lady to ioyne himselfe to their order , because they had no master to gouerne and rule them . thus alexander de ales without delay tooke vpon him the habit of a graye frier and became their doctour . he died at paris and was buried in one of the abbacees of the graye friers . now in this time of most palpable darkenesse the lord lacked not witnesses of his truth , but stirred vp many who damned the grosse ignorance and superstition of those times . of this number was arnoldus de nova villa a spainard , a man famously learned and a great writer , whom the pope with his clergie condemned among heretikes , for holding & writing against the corrupt errours of the popish church . his teaching was that sathan had seduced all the world from the truth of christ iesus . first , that the faith which then christian men were commonly taught , was such a faith as the deuils had . secondly , that christian people were led by the pope to hell . thirdly , that all cloysters are voyde of charitie , and that they doe all falsifie the doctrine of christ. fourthly , that the diuines doe euill in mixing philosophie with diuinitie . fiftly , that the masses are not to be celebrated , and that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead . certaine other opinions there be which the slaunderous sects of monkes and friers doe attribute to him ( as is their custome ) rather of envious taking then of any iust cause giuen . in this number also was the worthy and valiant champion of christ and aduersary of antichrist guilielmus de s. amore a master of paris , and a chiefe ruler then of that vniuersitie . he in his time had no small adoe , writing against the friers and their hypocrisie , but especiallie against the begging friers , both condemning their whole order and also accusing them as those that did disturbe and trouble all the churches of christ , by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinarie pastors , by their hearing of confessions , and executing the charge of ordinarie preachings in their churches . all the testimonies of scripture that make against the antichrist , hee applied them against the clergie of prelats and the popes spirituallie . the same guilelmus is thought to be the author of the booke which is attributed to the schoole of paris and intituled de periculis ecclesiae , where hee prooueth by . arguments that friers be false prophets . moreouer he doth wel expound this saying of christ. if thou wilt be perfect , goe and sell all that thou hast and come follow mee , declaring there , pouertie to be inioyned vs of christ , non actualem sed habitualem , not in such sort as standeth in outward action when no neede requireth , but in inward affection of heart when neede requireth , as though the meaning and precept of our lord were , not that wee should cast away actuallie all that wee haue , but that when the confession of the name of christ and his glorie shall so require , that then wee be readie to leaue all things for his sake , as when hee requireth in vs after the like phrase the hatred of father and mother and of our owne liues , hee biddeth vs not to dishonour our father or mother , much lesse to hate them , but that then when it is required we set all things behind the loue of christ. many other worthy workes hee compiled wherein albeit hee vttered nothing but what was truth , yet notwithstanding hee was by the antichrist and his rable condemned for an heretike , exiled , and his bookes burnt . of this number also was one laurence an englishman & master of paris , and petrus ioannis a minorit who taught and maintained many things against the pope , prouing that hee was antichrist , and that the synagogue of rome was great babylon , whom because the pope could not burne aliue , after his death his bones were taken vp and burned . also robertus gallus is to be added to those before mentioned , who being borne of a right noble parentage , for devotions sake , was made a dominik frier about the yeere of our lord . this man ( as appeareth by his writings ) had diuerse and sundrie visions al tending against the spirituallitie of rome : for hee called the pope plainely an idole , who hauing eyes neither saw nor desired to see the abhominations of his people nor the excessiue enormitie of their voluptuousnesse , but onely to heape vp treasures to himselfe . and hauing a mouth did not speake himselfe but sayd , i haue set good men ouer them which is sufficient , to doe them good either by himselfe or others . hee notably describeth in one of his visions the curiositie and vanitie of the scholastig , doctours who flourished in this age , comparing them to a man , who hauing good bread & good wine hanging on both his sides was notwithstanding gnawing hungerly on a flint stone : thereby signifiyng that they leauing the wholsome foode of their soules contained in the scriptures , busied themselues with subtile questions , containing no edification in them nor comfort to the soule of man. in this age also is reckoned robert gostred bishoppe of lincolne in england , a man of great learning , godlinesse , and constancie : who liued in the daies of pope innocentius the fourth and constantly resisted his vnlawfull request . for this pope had recommended vnto him a yong italian boy , to bee admitted to the first vacant prebendry of his diosie . but robert gostred would not agree to the vngodlie desire of the pope , but did write backe an answere to him , declaring that next after the sinne of lucifer there is not nor can bee any kinde of sinne so repugnant and contrarie to the doctrine of the apostles and holy scripture , and to our soueraigue christ himselfe more hatefull , detestable , and abhominable , then to destroy and kill mens soules by defrauding them of the misterie of the pastorall office , which by the ministerie of the pastorall cure ought to saue and quicken the same . which sinne by most euident places of scripture such men are descerned and knowne to commit , who being in the authoritie of that pastoral dignity doe serue their owne carnall desires with the benefite of the milke and wool of the sheepe and flocke of christ , and doe not minister the same pastorall office to the benefite and saluation of those their sheepe . and whereas hee perceiued that the bishop of rome delt in all his requests imperiouslie , rather commaunding , nor requesting any thing to bee done , hee answered in the end of this letter that the power which was giuen by god to any bishop was to build the house of god , and not to destroy it , hereby blaming the bishop of rome , as one who abused his authoritie to the destruction of the church of god , by placing young boyes in offices neither apt to teach nor wel acquainted with the maners and language of the people . this ans●●re being returned to the pope hee was greatly moued with indignation , and sware that except hee had beene restrained by his owne naturall clemencie , hee would hurle him downe to such confusion as to make him afable , a gazing stocke , and a wonder to the world . not long after thus it pleased god to visit this reuerend father with sicknesse , in the time whereof hee called to him a frier of the preaching order , named master iohn giles , a man expert and cunning both in physicke and diuinitie , partly to receiue from him some comfort to his body , and partly to conferre with him in spirituall matters . thus vpon a certaine day the said bishop conferring with the said master iohn , and reciting to him the doings and proceedings of the pope , did grieuously rebuke his fellow brethren the preaching friers , and the other order also of the minorites . because their order being planted in wilfull pouertie of the spirit , to the intent they should more freely , carpe and repro●e the vices of the mightie , and not to flatter or to spare them , but sharpely to rebuke and reprehend the same : yet the said friers contrarie to their profession did not boldly enough cry out and invey against the abuses of their superiours and men of power , not did vncouer nor detect their faults and wickednesse . and therefore the b. said i ●udge them to be no better than manifest heretickes . and added moreouer ( demanding of master iohn what is heresie ) that hee would giue him the true definition of it . whereat when the frier did stay and pause not remembering the solemne definition of that matter , the bishop therevpon inferreth , giuing this definition in latine by the true interpretation of the greeke word . heresis gracè , latine electio , est sententia humano sensu electa scripturae sacrae contraria , palam docta , pertinaciter desensa ; that is , heresie is a sentence taken and chosen of mans owne braine contrarie to holy scripture , openly maintained and st●flie defended . and this definition especiallie hee applied against the romans who commit the charge of soules vnto their kinsfolkes being , both in age vnworthie , and in learning insufficient , and so stiflie defend this their wicked opinion that if any dare presume to withstand the same , hee is suspended and excommunicated , and open warre proclaimed against him . therefore hee to whom the whole definition of an heretike doth agree , hee is a verie heretike . and euery christian man ought to set himselfe against an heretike as farre as hee may yea and that person who can resist him , and doth it not , hee sinneth , and seemeth to be a fauourer thereof according to the saying of gregorie . hee lacketh not conscience of secret societie , who ceaseth to resist open impietie , and the apostle writeth to the romans , saying not onely they who commit such things , but also they that consent , are worthie of death . therefore it may be concluded that aswell the pope ( vnlesse he cease from that vice ) as also the same friers , vnlesse they shew themselues more earnest and studious in repelling the same , are both worthy of death , that is , perpetuall damnation . item sayth the canon decretall that vpon this vice of heresie the pope both may and ought to be accused . after this the vehemencie of his disease more and more increasing and because the nights were somewhat longer , the third night before his departure the bishop feeling his infirmitie to grow vpon him , willed certaine of his clergie to be called vnto him , thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communication , vnto whom the bishop ( lamenting in his minde for the losse of soules through the auarice of the popes court ) said on this wise , as by certaine aphorismes . christ came vnto the world to saue and to winne soules , ergo he that feareth not to destroy soules , may hee not worthily be counted antichrist . the lord created the world in six daies , but in the restoring of man he laboured more then thirtie yeeres : wherefore hee that is a destroier of that about the which the lord so long laboured , is not hee worthy to be accounted the enemie of god , and antichrist . these and many other enormities of the roman church when the godly bishop had reproued , as all kindes of auarice , vsurie , simonie , extortion , and all kindes of filthinesse , fleshly lust , gluttonie and their sumptuous apparell , then sayth hee this old verse may be truly verified of the ▪ court of rome . eius avaritiae totus non sufficit orbis . eius luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis . afterward hee went about more to prosecute ; how the foresaid court like a gulfe neuer satisfied , euer gaping so wide that the flood of iordan might run into his mouth , aspired how to vsurpe the goods of them that die vntested , and of legacies beq●e●hed without forme of law , whereby more licentiously to bring this to passe they vsed to ioyne the king to be fellow and partner with them , in their spoiles , extortions , and robbings . neither sayth he shall the church be deliuered from the seru●tude of aegyp● , out by violence and force , and with the bloodie sword . and albeit sayth hee , those be yet but light matters , yet shortly more great and grieuous things then these shall be seene . and in the end of this his prophecying , which he scarcely could vtter with sighing and weeping , his tongue and breath begun to faile . and so the organ of his voyce being stopped made an ende both of his speech and life . this is that bishop who not onely in his lifetime resisted the pride and insolencie of the bishop of rome , but also after his death god made him a terrour to the pope , who dreamed that robert gostred came to him and with his staffe strake him on the side and said vnto him ; surge miser , veni adiudicium , after the which dreame within a few dayes hee ended his life . others doe adde that a voyce was heard in the palace where the pope lay at naples , saying surge miser , vem adiudicium , as hath beene declared in the life of innocentius quartus . of monkes . because the orders of monkes most abounded in this age , albeit they begun long before , therefore haue wee casten in this treatise in this centurie , howbeit wee declare the order of monks that sprang vp before or at this time . about the time of the raigne of iustinus the elder ( as hath beene declared in the seuenth centurie ) pope iohn the first being bishop of rome , benedict a father and fauourrer of monkes gathered together all scattered religious persons and begun a peculiar order vpon the mount cassinus , where he built a most renowned cloister giuing them there , a rule , prescript , and forme of liuing . afterward the same bennet hauing much people resorting to him built . other monasteries , and filled them with religious men . of this order is reported to haue beene . popes of rome . . cardinalls , . archbishopps and bishops . . and . renowned abbots as sayth pope iohn the . there hath beene of this order . monkes canonised and made saints . this bennet also invented an order for his sister scolastica and made her abbesse ouer many nunnes . her cloathing was a blacke coate , cloake , coule , and vaile , and lest the scripture should deceiue her , and hers , it was commanded that none should read it without the consent and permission of their superiour . here is to be seene how god is sought in all monasticall orders when as amongst them his holy word is expelled . this order of bennedictin monkes , when it was nerely decaied in shaddow of godlines , was quickned againe by one otlon or otho and was called the order of clumacensis . howbeit their cloathing and rule was according to the appointment of bennet . and this monkish order was richly endewed with great substance and yeerely rents by a certaine duke of aquitania called guillidinus in the yeere of our lord . in the yeere of our lord . pope leo the fourth gouerning the sea of rome : the monkish religion of camaldinensis was devised by romoaldus of rauenna in the mount apenninus . their coule and cloake and all their cloathing was white . they kept perpetuall silence . euery wednesday and fry day they fast on bread and water , they goe bearefooted , and lie on the ground . pope innocentius the . being b. of rome the monkish order of hieronimians began vnder the name of s. ierome , who leauing his natiue countrie went vnto iury & there not far from bethelē builded him an house where he liued very devoutly in the later end of his life . those apes and counterfeites of s. ierom weare their cloathes of white and a cope platted about their coate girded with a lether girdle . the order was endewed with diuers priuiledges and liberties by certaine bishops of rome , as gregorie the twelfth and eugenius the fourth . pope gregorie the first , borne of a noble stocke and very rich , forsaked all and became a monke . after the death of his father he builded six religious houses in sicilie , giuing them a forme and rule of liuing . he built another within rome in the name and honour of s. andrew , wherein he dwelt with manie monkish brethren which from time to time keeping his rule diligentlie are called gregorians . their habit is a copper-colloured cloath according to their rule . pope gregorie the sixt bearing rule , ioannes gualbertus , a knight , begun this order in a certaine moūtaine called vallis vmbrosa that is to say a shaddowed valley vnder bennets rule , with adding thereto and changing of blacke cloathes into gray , in the yeere , . pope alexander the second being b. of rome the sect of the grandimontensis monkes was invented by stephen of auernia . their order is to lead a strict life as monkes vse to doe , to giue themselues to watching , fasting , and praying , to weare a coate of mailes vpon their bodyes , and a blacke cloake therevpon . pope vrban the second bearing rule . robert , abbot of molisme in cistert in a wildernesse , or forrest in burgundie did institute the order of cistertians , albeit some ascribe this to one ordingus a monke that perswaded the aforesaid monke to the same . they weare red shoes , and white rotchets on a blacke coate , all shauen except a litle circle . in the yeere of the lord . of this religion was that great clarke s. bernard . pope innocentius the third , confirmed and allowed the order of humiliats , first of all deuised by certaine persons exiled by fredericus barbarossa : who when they were restored to their countrie apparelled themselues all in white and promised to goe in lowlie and simple cloathing . the men and women to be separated each from other , and to labour euerie one in that wherein hee was most skilfill . they had one commune purse amongst them . they professed s. bennets rule . this order in processe of time hath increased so both in goodes and persons , that it was confirmed and endewed with many priuiledges of diuers bishopps of rome in the yeeres of our lord , . pope celestinus the fift , willinglie gaue ouer his bishoprike and returned againe to his solitarie life , wherein he quietly liued before his papacie . certaine superstitious persons counterfeited this bishop , taking vpon them an order of s. bennet in a wildernesse , and called themselues celestines after celestine . the garment which they weare , cloakes , coule and cape are blew : in the yeere , . pope eugenius the fourth bearing rule : s. gilbert in england at sirington and semphring hame began an order of monkes called after him gilbertines , in the yeere , . pope eugenius the fourth , confirmed the religion of the iustinians , adorning the same with manie liberties and priuiledges . it was first of all invented by lewes barbus a counsellors of venice , and practised in the parts of treuisa in the cloyster of s. iustine by the citie of padua . they professe monke bennets rule , but in habit and apparrell they differ . pope gregorie the seuenth being bishop of rome ; bruno of colen that philosopher and diuine , whom bernard calleth a faire pillar of the church , did institute the order of charterhouse monkes in the diocesse of gratianopolis at a place named curtusia : their life was outwardly full of painted holinesse in forbearing flesh , in fasting with bread and water euery friday , in wearing hairie cloathes next to their body , solitarie , much silent , neuer going out , refusing all womens companie , &c. pope gelasius the second bearing rule : the order of the templars begun in ierusalem and continued almost . yeeres , whose beginning was thus . templars begun in ierusalem continued almost . yeeres whose beginning was thus . after that godfrey duke of loraine had conquered ierusalem , certaine knights perceiuing that such pilgrimes as came to them of their devotion were robbed and murthered by the way , made a band among themselues to serue god in chiualrie . at the beginning they were but few and gaue themselues to wilfull pouertie , and their chiefe master was the keeper of the temple doore , whence they were called templary . they dwelt together not farre from christs sepulchre lodging the pilgrimes , keeping them from mischiefe , and shewing them much kindnesse , bringing them from one holy citie to another . the badge of their order was a white cloake with a red crosse. s. bernard made them a rule according to the appointment whereof they framed their liues . afterward they became verie rich through the gifts of noble men and pilgrimes . but pope clement the fift put them downe , and destroied them all in one day , partly because ( as they writ ) they renounced the faith of christ , and conspired with the turke , and partly for other notable crimes . notwithstanding some say that this rooting out of them , was more because of envie of their prosperitie and royaltie , then for their faults . for when their grandmaster iames burgonion was burnt at paris with many of his brethren he affirmed that hee was neuer guiltie of the accusation laied against him . thus perished this order of templars , all in one day , their lands and possessions being distributed and giuen to others , in the yeere of our lord , . pope calixtus the second , allowed and approued the monkish order of premonstratenses , which was first of all deuised by a certaine man borne at colen called notorobertus a priest : they be vnder the rule of bennet the monke , they be clothed all ouer in white to declare their vnstained virginitie anno , . pope gregorie the . raigning : the monkes of mount oliuet sprung vp through the deuice of bernardus ptolomeus . their cloathing is all white , their rule is bennets , with some additions vnto it . in the yeere of our lord , . pope gregorie the . raigning , confirmed and established also the order of s. george of alga by venice , which was begun by a spirituall man , the patriarch , laurence iustinian , a man of an incredible strictnesse of life . these monkes are vnder s. peters rule and the first order , with certaine ordinances ioyned thereto . in the yeere , . pope vrban the second bearing rule , the order of white monkes begun , first deuised by one stephen harding , and afterward in the yeere of our lord , . it was brought into england , by a certaine man called waiter especk : who built an abbey of the same order called meriuale . pope honorius bearing rule , raymound , a man of nobilitie first of all invented the order of s. iohn baptist at ierusalem about the yeere , . pope clement the sixt being bishop of rome , a certaine pestilent sect of false religious persones , sprang vp in high almaine , who called themselues penitentes cruciferi , seu flagellatores , that is patient crosse-bearers , or scourgers of themselues . their maner was to goe from place to place , hauing a banner vpon the crucifixe borne before them , and neuer to tarrie in one place , but vpon the sabboth : euery day also they did pennance both morning and euening , by scourging themselues before the people with a great whippe , of three coards full of knotts vpon their bare bodies , affirming that it was reveiled vnto them by an angel from heauen , that they thus scourging themselues , should within thirtie dayes and twelue houres , thorow the suffering of those paines , be made so cleane and free from sinne , as they were when they were baptized . anno. . centvrie . xiiii . of popes . after bonifacius the eight , succeeded benedictus the eleuenth , and ruled eight months , and seuenteene dayes . to him succeeded clemens the fift , and ruled eight yeeres , ten months , and fifteene dayes , who translated the popes court from rometo aviniogue in france where it remained yeeres . at the coronation of this clement , philip king of france & charles his sonne , and iohn duke of britaine were present , who being in the middle of their pompe and procession , a great wall brake and fell vpon them , by which duke iohn and . others were slaine , king philip hurt , the pope striken from his horse , hauing lost out of the miter on his head a carbuncle esteemed to the value of . florence . by him also the order of the templars were put downe at the counsell of vienne who for better collowring of so cruell an act , was not ashamed to say these words in the councell , etiamsi non licet per viamiustitiae , tamen licet per viam expedientiae , that is , although it be not lawfull by way of iustice , yet is it meet to doe it , as a thing expedient to be done . he exercised his tyrannie and power of excommunication against andronicus paleologus emperour of constantinople , declaring him a schismaticke and heretike , because hee neither would nor durst suffer the grecians to make their appeale from the greeke church to the pope , neither would acknowledge him for his superior . for the grecians euer constantly refused to be subiect to the romane bishop , except in that short time wherein the frenchmen had the empire , of the east , and in the time of michael paleologus who in the councell at lyons submitted himselfe to gregorie the tenth , whereby he procured vnto himselfe such hatred , that after his death the grecians denyed vnto him the honour and place of buriall , as hath beene declared . in like manner hee excommunicated the venetians for preferring azada to the estate of ferrare , yea francis dādalus ambassador from the venetians to the said clement for pacifying his furie , and obtaining that absolution , suffered a chaine of iron to be tyed about his necke , and to lye downe vnder the popes table , there like a dog to catch the bones which fell from the table , vntill the popes furie was assuaged . and lest he should be inferiour to his predecessors in subduing all powers vnder his feet , hee ordained that the king of the romans should not enioy the title and right of an emperour without confirmation giuen by the pope . next to clement followed pope iohn the two and twentieth . after that the chaire of rome had beene vacant for the space of two yeeres , and three months ; hee ruled nineteene yeeres , & foure months : and was verie much giuen to heape vp riches , so that hee proclamed them to be heretickes who affirmed that christ and his apostles had no possessions in the world . he would not condiscend to the coronation of lewes the fift , duke of bauaria , to be emperour , because hee vsed the emp●● all dignitie in italie before hee was authorised by the pope●● which cause lewes tooke his iourney to rome , and the●● crowned by the cardinalls , and set vp another pope in 〈◊〉 called nicolaus the fift , against iohn who was then resid●● at a auiniogue in france , and so the church of rome 〈◊〉 begun to haue two heads . pope 〈◊〉 the twelfe followed , and ruled seuen yeeres , 〈…〉 and seuen●●eene dayes . 〈…〉 pope clement the sixt ; and ruled ten , 〈…〉 twentie eight dayes : hee reduced the 〈…〉 was kept on the hundred yeere to the fiftieth yeere : and to allure men to goe to warre for recouering of the holy land hee set forth blasphemous bulls , commaunding the angells to convey euerie mans soule to paradise who died by the way , giuing also power to all and singular persons signed with the crosse to deliuer three or foure prisoners whom they pleased best , out of the pains of purgatorie . after clement the sixt , followed innocentius the sixt , and ruled nine yeeres , eight months , and six dayes . hee imprisoned a certaine frier called ioannes de rupescissa , because hee prophecied of the fall of the pope and his cardinalls , by the parable of a bird , cloathed with other birds fethers , which in respect of her pryde were all plucked from her . after him succeeded vrbanus the fift , and ruled eight yeeres , and foure months . in whose time the order of the iesuits begun . next to pope vrban succeeded gregorie the eleuenth , who reduced the papacie againe out of france to rome , after it had continued there aboue . yeeres , moued hereunto vpon this occasion . hee had reprooued a certaine bishoppe who stood by him from long absence from his charge , to whom the bishop replyed againe , that the bishop of rome himselfe who ought to be a patterne to all the rest was longer absent from the place where his church did tye him , whereby the pope tooke occasion to remoue his court from fraunce to rome . when hee returned hee found the estate of italie greatly disquieted with cruell warres , and specially betwixt the venetians and the genoans , whom the pope threatned with excommunication if they both desisted not , but before hee was able to accomplish this worke he ended his life after he had ruled seuen yeeres , & fiue months ; after whose death followed a great schisme in the church of rome . for the cardinalls of italie choosed an italian pope whom they called vrbanus the sixt , and the cardinalls of france choosed a pope of the french nation whom they called clemens the seuenth . this scisme continued for the space of . yeeres , vntill the generall councell holden at constance , during which time were found at least two popes raigning at one time , the one in auiniogue and the other in rome . in the dayes of this pope vrbane sprang vp iohn wickliffe in england ( of whose doctrine somewhat shall hereafter be spoken god willing ) whom pope vrbane ( such was the prouidence of god ) could not attend to suppresse , being otherwise busied in suppressing his competitor clement the seuenth , insomuch that this litle sparkle which begun in england , enkindled forth with flames in the kingdome of boheme , and many other places to the great hurt of antichrists kingdome . to vrbane after hee had ruled vnhappily ( as platina writeth ) a eleuen yeeres and eight months , succeeded bonifacius the ninth , and ruled foureteene yeeres , and nine months , hee was impudent in selling of pardons that hee brought peters keyes into great contempt . after him succeeded innocentius the seuenth , and ruled two yeeres . of other doctors . in this age god raised vp manie witnesses of his truth , as also made the knowledge of letters & the studie of tongues to spring vp againe , after it had bin suppressed many yeeres in the roman church : for some learned men of the grecians fearing the crueltie of the turke fled vnto italie , by whose fruitfull trauaills , learning begun againe to reuiue and spread it selfe thorow all parts of the west . of this number was emmanuell chrysoloras of byzantium , theodorus gaza of thessalonica , and georgius trapezuntius , with many moe , whose names are worthie to bee kept in good remembrance , because they brought a good treasure with them out of grecia where with many afterward were enriched . amongst those witnesses of the truth marsilius patavinus is iustly numbered : who taking the defence of the emperour lewes ag●inst the pope who did excommunicate him , affirmes in his booke called defensor pacis that the pope hath no authoritie ouer other bishops , much lesse ouer the emperour . secondly , that the word of god ought only to be iudge in all causes ecclesiasticall . thirdly , that the clergie and pope should be subiect to magistrates . fourthly , that the head of the church is christ , and that hee neuer appointed any vicar or pope ouer his vniuersall church . fiftly , that bishops ought to be chosen by their owne church and clergie . sixtly , that the mariage of priests may be lawfully permitted . seuenthly , that s. peter was neuer at rome . eightly , that the clergie of rome is a den of theeues . ninthly , that the doctrine of the pope is not to be followed , because it leades to eternall death . in another treatise he disputes of free iustification by grace , and that workes are no efficient cause of saluation , sed causa sine qua non , for the which doctrine hee was condemned by the pope . i passe by a great number , who clearelie discouered , the corruptions and apostasie of the church of rome , such as ioannes de gunduno , gregorius ariminensis , andreas de castro , dante 's an italian , taulerus a preacher of argentine in germanie , franciscus petrarcha a man famouslie learned , who in his workes in italian verses , speaking of rome , calles it the whoore of babilon , the schoole and mother of errour , the temple of heresie , the nest of treacherie , growing and increasing by the oppression of others . likewise ioannes de rupe scissa , who was cast in prison by pope innocentius the sixt , also conradus hager a germane of the citie of herbipoli , gerardus ridder , michael cesenas provinciall of the gray friers , petrus de corbaria , with one ioaxnes de p●liato . this foresaid michael general of the gray friers writ against the tyrannie , pride , and primacie of the pope ; accusing him to be antichrist , and the church of rome to be the whoore of babilon , drunken with the blood of the saints . he affirmed there were two churches , one of the wicked florishing wherein raigned the pope , the other of the godly afflicted : also that the veritie was almost vtterlie extinct , and for this cause hee was depriued of his dignitie and condemned by the pope . notwithstanding he stood constant in his assertions , and left behind him many fauourers and followers of his doctrine , of whom a great part were slaine by the pope . some were condemned as william ockam who writ both in defence of the emperour lewes whom the pope excommunicated , and likewise in defence of michael generall of the gray friers whom the pope had cursed for an heretike , and some were burned , such as ionnes de castellione , and franciscus de arcatara . likewise armachanus a bishop in ireland , and matthias parisiensis , ioannes montziger , rector of the vniuersitie of vlme , nilus bishop of thessalonica , iacobus milnensis , and one milezius , henricus de iota , and henricus de hassia . likewise in this most desperate time when the estate of religion was vtterlie corrupted , and the onely name of christ remained amongst christians , his true and liuely doctrine being vtterly vnknowne , and turned into an heape of shadowed ceremonies which so increased that there was no end of heaping vp of ceremonies invented by man : at this time , i say , the lord raised vp iohn wickliffe , a professor of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of oxford , who seeing that error by long vse and custome had beene so deeplie rooted in the hearts of men , that it could hardly be plucked out , hee medled not with all at once , b●● firs● b●g●●nne to touch the matter of the sacraments , and disco●er 〈◊〉 ●rrours that men were fallen into , in this head of 〈◊〉 , but this byle could not be touched without the great griefe and paine of the whole world . for first of all the whole rabble of monkes and begging friers were set on rage and madnes against him , and after them the priests , and then after them the archbishop , simon sudburie tooke the matter in hand , who for the same cause depriued him of his benefice which then he had in oxford . notwithstanding being supported by the friendly assistance of the duke of lancaster sonne to king edward the third , and some other friends whom god raised vp for his protection , he bare out the malice of the friers and archbishop . likewise pope vrbane was so busied with suppressing of another , pope clement the seuenth , set vp against him , that he could not spare any time to suppresse iohn wickliffe , and so it came to passe , thorow the prouidence of almightie god , that the enemies of the true light with fretting minds were compelled to see the sparkles thereof , not being able to quench them . the chiefe heads of doctrine which hee maintained against the roman church were these . that the substance of bread remained in the sacrament of the altar after the words of consecration . that it is not found in the gospell that christ instituted or confirmed a masse . that it is a presumptuous speaking to affirme that the infants of the faithfull who die vnbaptised are condemned . that in the time of paul there were onelie two orders of clerks , to wit elders and deacons , neither was there in the time of the apostles any distinction of popes , patriarches , archbishops , bishops , but these the emperours pryde did finde out . that the causes of diuorcement for spirituall consanguinitie or affinitie are not founded on the scriptures , but onely by the ordinance of men . that he who is most seruicable and humble in the church and most inamored with the loue of christ , the same is the neerest vicar of christ in the militant church . if corporall vnction were a sacrament then christ and his apostles would not haue left the ordinance of that vntouched . whatsoeuer the pope and cardinals doe command which they cannot deduce cleerely out of the scriptures , the same is to be accounted hereticall and not to be obeyed . that it is but a follie to beleeue the popes pardons . that it is not necessarie to saluation , to beleeue the church of rome to be supreme head of other churches . a deacon or priest may preach the word of god , without the authoritie of the apostolike sea . the church of rome is the synagogue of sathan , neither is the pope immediatlie the vicar of christ , nor of the apostles . that the emperour and secular lords are seduced , who so inrich the church with ample possessions . if any man enter into any priuat religion ( whatsoeuer it be ) hee is thereby made more vnapt and vnable to obserue the commandements of god. of monkes . pope clement the sixt , bearing rule : iohn king of france sonne of philip invented the sect and order of those monkes which in latine are called stellati , whose maner is alwayes to weare a starre vpon their brest , signifying thereby that there is nothing in them but the light of perfection , and the cleere shining of good workes . yea that they themselues are the light of the world , according to the saying of christ , vos eslis lux mundi , yea are the light of the world . item , that they shall rise againe at the later day all shining and glistering as the most cleere and pleasant starres , according as it is written by the prophet . they that informe many into righteousnes shall be as the starres world without end , in anno , . pope boniface the ninth raigning : a certaine man called gerardus being of great learning , and vertuous conversation , ordained a certaine fraternitie or brotherhood of learned godlie men to teach schollers , and to bring vp youth , not onely in good letters , but also in good maners , that by those means there might be learned men alwayes in store to beare rule in the church of christ , and to gouerne the common-wealth according to the praescript and rule of gods word . this gerardus being but a deacon preached the word of god purelie and feruently , and when hee was moued by his friends to be a priest , hee alwayes answered , that he was vnworthie to haue such an high office , affirming that hee would not haue the cure of soules not so much as by the space of one night for all the gold of arabia , in anno , . pope vrbane the fift , greatly allowed the order of iesuits , and gaue vnto them many great and singular priuileges , cōmanding the monkes of that order to weare a white kirtle , and a russet coule , and that they should be called of all men clerici apostolici , that is the apostles clerks . this order of iesuits was the invention of ioannes columbinus in sēa a citie of hetruria . they were not at the beginning priests or consecrated persons , but were men of the lay sort giuen and addicted willingly and freely to prayer , and to labour , getting their liuing with the trauell of their hands and sweate of their browes , liuing as it were in common , after the example of christ and his disciples . they are called iesuits , because the name of iesus should be often in their mouths , in anno , . pope boniface bearing rule : the order which is called ordo dealbatorum , was invented by a certaine priest in italie , who pretended such a modestie , and grauitie , both in words and countenance , that euery man tooke him for a saint . the professors of this order were cloathed with long white linnē euen downe to the ground , hauing coules vpon their heads like vnto monkes . the chiefe point of their profession was to lament the state of mankind , to bewaile the sinnes of the people , to pray for redresse of the same at the hands of god. they neuer went abroad without a crosse with the image of the crucifixe caried before them , which crosse the lucenses keepe at this day with great reuerence , as a most precious relike , and daylie make vowes , and offer gifts therevnto . but pope boniface aforsaid conceiuing that they should doe no good to his honorable estate if they continued , forasmuch as they all appeared before men righteous , good and godlie , and the pope with his complices most wicked , euill and vngodlie , caused the author of this order a seditious person to be beheaded at viterbium . some say that hee was burnt as a superstitious hypocrite and attainted of some heresie , in anno , . centvrie . xv. of popes of rome . after the death of innocentius sephinus , the cardinalls perceiuing the great schisme that was in the church of rome , by reason of diuers popes ruling at one time , bound themselues together by horrible oathes that they would endevour by all their might , to haue the church of rome restored againe to her wonted vnitie , and for this cause they elected gergorie the twelfth to be pope , after they had caused him to sweare that hee would by all possible meanes trauell to restore the peace and vnitie of the church . but gregorie although hee writ to benedict the thirteenth pope in avinion , exhorting him to vnitie and peace , and benedict on the other part with pleasant words protested his earnest desire of peace and vnitie , yet both the one and the other kept their dominions and popedomes , and continued the schisme . so that the cardinalls thought it expedient to gather a councell in the towne of pisa , wherein they deposed the two aforesayd popes , gregorie and benedict as persons who by conclusion amongst themselues sought rather their own gaine then the vnitie of the church of god , and they elected petrus cretensis cardinall of millan to be pope , whom they called alexander the fift , but he continued not aboue the space of eight months , in his popedome . he was counted verie liberall , and gaue so large and ample benefices to others , that he left almost nothing to himselfe , and was accustomed to speake of himselfe that he was a rich bishop , a poore cardinal , and a beggerly pope . after whose departure ionnes . is chosen pope , howbeit the two other popes who were deposed in the councell of pisa were yet aliue , and had great sway , and nothing reguarded the decrees of the councell of pisa , because that councell was convocated by a number of cardinalls only , who had no lawfull power to appoint a generall councell . thus was the scisme augmented ▪ rather then empaired by the councell of pisa , and in stead of two popes then , three afterward were ruling at one time . in this popes daies the emperour sigismund , tooke great trauell to quiet the estate of the church and to remoue the scisme , but found none other way how this matter might be brought to passe , but onely by gathering a generall councell in the towne of constantia . at this councell ioannes . was personally present , and was required to giue ouer his popedome farre contrarie to his expectation , for he looked for ratification of his papacie , because he was more obedient to the councel then the other two , but finding that the councel was fullie bent to depose all the three popes , & to set vp one whom they should chose in place of them all , he begun to be grieued at his owne proceedings , that he had hazarded to come to the councel , & to their iudgement to submit himselfe & his honorable estate , wherefore he thought best secretly to flie out of the towne , but flying could not availe him any thing , for hee was brought backe againe by the emperour from friburge to constantia , and cast into prison and deposed by the councell : after hee had ruled foure yeeres , and ten months . the other two popes , gregorie the twelfth , and benedict the thirteene , although they were absent yet sustained the like sentence of deposition , & martinus . was chosen pope : after whose election , the emp. sigismund was so filled with gladnesse , that the scisme was now taken away and peace restored to the church , that forthwith he did remoue to the conclaue ( where the cardinals & commissioners of countries were assembled for election of the pope ) & fell downe before him & kissed his feet . after his election earnest sute was made for reformation of the corrupt maners of ecclesiasticall persons , and that bishoppes , abbots , and other prelates , might bee compelled to attend vpon their owne callings , that superfluous feastings , and abuses of fasting , and canonisation of sainctes , might be abrogated , and that the orders of monkes daily multiplying might ●ee reduced to a more tolerable number . but no reformation at all was obtained . onely pope martine thought meet to dissolue the councell of constance . and for satisfaction of the hearts of all men , and to put them in hope that some reformation was intended , the pope consented in the councell of constance that immediatly after the issue of the councel , another should be kept in papia within the space of fiue yeeres , immediatly following the same , and againe after the issue of that councell seuen yeeres after an other generall councel should be kept , and after that third councell an ordinarie forme should be obserued of assembling generall councells euery tenth yeere , whereby reformation of abuses in the church might bee more easilie obtained . this pope martine after hee had gouerned . yeeres , and . months , died at rome . after him succeeded eugenius the fourth & gouerned sixteene yeeres . in his time was the councell of basile kept , which the pope with aduice of his cardinalls was minded to translate to bononia . but the emperour sigismund and other princes and prelats assembled at basile , were so highly offended against the pope , that they warned himselfe and his cardinalls to appeare before the generall councill otherwise they would proceed against them , as persons contumacious and disobedient to the voyce of the church . this warning so terrified eugenius , that hee gaue out his apostolike letters to ratifie and approue the councell of basile : neuerthelesse after the emperours death , the authoritie of the councell being greatly empaired , hee tooke vpon him greater boldnesse to transferre the councell to ferraria , and from thence also to florence , pretending that the emp. of cōstantinople paleologus & the rest of the grecians who were now to be present at the generall councell , would not trauell beyond the alpes , but would abide in some neerer place . the councell of basile on the other part , proceeded to the deposition of eugenius . for his contumacie , and placed amecdeus duke of sauoy in his roome , whom they called foelix . thus was the peace of the roman church troubled of new againe , some following eugenius and others followed foelix , and the third sort being neutralls neither following the one nor the other , because they were so tossed with the contrarie decrees of the councell of basile and florence , that they knew not what to follow . this pope as platina writeth was bent to warres , not being seemely in a bishop : for besides those which hee made in italie , hee stirred vp the dolphin of france to invade the towne of basile with an armie of horsmen , of purpose to dissolue the councell there , and finallie hee stirred vp vladislaus king of poloma to fight against amurathes king of turkes ; contrary to his promise and truce taken betweene them , to the great shame and hurt of christianitie as hath beene declared . after his death , nicolaus the fift , was chosen to be pope and ruled eight yeeres . to him foelix quintus , who was elected pope in the councell of basile was content to submit himselfe , prouiding alwayes that hee might haue the dignitie of a cardinall , and that hee should bee appointed the popes legat in germanie , and in his owne countrey of sauoy . the cardinalls also whom hee had made in his time should keepe their dignities and honours . this hee did at the earnest desire of frederike the emperour , in the yeere of our lord , . in the which yeere also nicolaus the fift set forth a decree of approbation of the councell of basile , howbeit neither this pope nor any other following him will , bee subiect to the auth●●itie of generall councells , yet did hee approue the councell of basile , wherein it was ordained that the bishop of rome should bee subiect to the councell , as a child is subiect to the voyce of his mother . after nicolaus succeeded calixtus the third , and gouerned three yeeres , three months , sixteene dayes : hee was verie bent to fight against the turkes , and sent messengers to all christian princes in europe to stirre vp their hearts to make warre against the turke with one consent of minde , and to stay his further progresse and conquest in europe , but all his trauailles were spent in vaine , for the princes harkened not to his councell . likewise hee sent messengers to vsumcassanus king of armenia and persia , whom with supplications and gifts hee stirred vp to make cruell warres against the turke , which warres also haue since that time continued vntill our dayes , to the great disturbance of the crueltie of the turke intended against europe . after him succeeded pius the second , who before his popedome was called aen●as syluius , a man of great witt , learning , and eloquence , and gouerned six yeeres . hee was no lesse bent to make warre against the turkes , then was his predecessour before him , but his enterprise was staied by the dissention which was amongst christian princes , for then and long after was great warre betweene ferdinand of naples and the duke of angeow , and in diuers other parts of italie likewise . these wise and worthie sentences vttered by him declared that he had a great gift of vnderstāding & knowledge . hee said that popular men should esteeme learning as siluer , and noble men should count it like gold , and princes should count it in steade of pearles and precious stones . also that like as all riuers haue their courses to the sea and poure in their waters into the ocean : euen so great courts are the maine ocean , receiuing the floudes of all kind of vices . likewise , that if there seemed of old great reason to inhibit the marriage of priests , there was now greater reason to permit it . also , that hee who giueth too great libertie to his child , fostereth a domestike enemie within his owne bosome . that lust dishonoureth in euery age , but vndoth him vtterlie in his old age . he died in the towne of ancona ; where he was minded to haue blessed the armie which was to haue gone against the turkes . after pius succeeded paulus the second , and gouerned six yeeres , ten months . likeas he was not very learned in his own person , so was hee also an aduersarie to learning , and counted all men that were learned , in humanitie , to bee heretikes : as platina ( who writeth this of the pope ) had good proofe in his owne person , for hee was cast in prison , and cruelly tormented by the pope without a cause , and in the ende lest his crueltie against many learned men should make him to bee hated of the people , hee accused them of heresie , hauing no better ground for it then this , that they accounted much of the old academique philosophers . for he laied this as an vnfallible ground , that who soeuer would once make mentiō of academia , either in earnest or iesting words , he was to be reputed an heretike . of other doctors . in this age sprung vp iohn husse in the coūtry of bohemia , who by reading of the bookes written by wickliff , attained to knowledge and deprehended many grosse errours of the roman church : in so much that pope alexander . hearing thereof begun at last to direct his bull to the archbishop of suinto requiring him to see to the matter in due time , & to prouide that no man in churches , schooles , or other places should maintaine any such doctrine , citing also iohn husse to appeare before him . after whose death pope iohn . in like maner sought by all meanes to suppresse iohn husse , because he seemed more willing to teach the gospell of christ then the traditions of bishopps , and therefore by his cardinall de columna iohn husse was cited to appeare at rome , where hee appearing by his procurators was notwithstanding , excommunicated as an obstinate heretike , because hee appeared not personallie at the appointed day . the bohemians notwithstanding cared litle for all this , but grew in knowledge daylie . in the meane time it hapned by the occasion of ladislaus king of naples , who had besieged the popes townes and territories : that pope iohn raising vp warre against the said ladislaus gaue full remission of sinnes to all them who would warre on his side to defend the church . when this bull of the popes indulgences was come to prague : iohn husse and his fellowes not able to abide the impietie of those pardons began manifestly to speake against them . and albeit winceslaus king of bohemia who then fauoured the pope gaue out strict commaundement that no man should speake against those indulgences , yet of iohn husses companie were found three artificers , who hearing the priest speaking of the forsaid indulgences did openly speake against them , calling the pope the antichrist ; wherefore they were brought before the senate and committed to prison . but the people ioyning themselues in armes required them to be let loose . the magistrates one the other part albeit they satisfied the people with gentle wordes and faire promises for a time , yet when the tumult was asswaged they sent to the prison , and secretlie beheaded the three foresaid artificers : whose names were iohn , martine , and staston . the people hearing of this , tooke their dead bodies and with great solemnitie buried them in the church of bethleem , at whose funerall , diuers priests fauouring that side did sing thus . these be the saincts which for the testimonie of god gaue their bodies , &c. thus the citie of prague was divided . the prelats and greatest part of the clergie , and most of the barons who had any thing to lose , did hold with the pope , especially steuen pallats being chiefest doer of that side . on the contrarie part the communes with part of the clergie and students of the vniuersitie went with iohn husse . winceslaus the king fearing lest this should grow to a tumult , being moued by the doctors , and prelats , and counsell of his barons , thought best to remoue iohn husse out of the citie , who had beene excommunicated before by the pope . the people on the other part began mightilie to grudge and to cry out against the prelats and priests , who were the workers hereof , accusing them to be simonits , couetous , whoremasters , adulterers , proud , not sparing also to lay opē their vices to their great ignominie & shame , wherevpon it came to passe that the king seeing the inclination of the people , being also not ignorant of the wickednesse of the clergie , vnder pretence to reforme the church , began to require great exactions from such priests & men of the clergie as were accused , & knowne to be wicked liuers . and thus the popish clergie while they went about to persecute iohn husse were intrapped themselues in great tribulation , brought in contempt , and hated of all men . at this time were three popes raigning together , by reason whereof a generall councell was ordained and holden at constance in the yeere of our lord . and this councell being called by sigismund the emperour for the taking away of the schismaticall dissention of so many popes , ruling at one time to the great disturbance of all christian nations it pleased the said emperour to send vnto iohn husse , bacheler of diuinitie in the countrie of bohemia , his safe conduct , and letters of protection : inviting him to come to the councell , and promising him a libertie of safe returning vnto his owne country , without any maner of empeachment , trouble or vexation . notwithstanding as soone as he came to constance he was cast into prison before he was heard . and when he was brought forth to the councell there befell a strange and shamefull matter , for his aduersaries had scarsly read one article , and brought forth a few witnesses of the same , against him , but as he was about to open his mouth to answere , all that were about him began so to cry out , that he had no leasure to speake a word . the noise and trouble was so great and vehement , that a man might well haue called it a noyse of wilde beastes & not of men , much lesse was it like a congregation of men gathered together to iudge and determine so graue and weightie matters . the next time he was brought foorh to the convent of the franciscans , where the emperour himselfe was present , and exhorted iohn husse to submit himselfe to the generall councell , otherwise ( said he ) my safe conduct cannot nor should not be a protection to any who maintaine hereticall doctrin . the day after which was the eight of iune , he was brought out againe to the same place , and in his presence there were read thirtie nine articles , the which they said were drawne out of his bookes , which were iudged by the councell to be hereticall , and hee of new againe was required by the emperour to submit himselfe to the councell . iohn husse answered that hee would not maintaine any opinion with obstinate minde , but if the councell would instruct him clearlie that any of his articles were repugnant to the holy scriptures of god , he would renounce and forsake the same , affirming also most constantlie that the most part of all those thinges that were alledged against him were falsly forged , and neuer thought nor vttered by him : when they saw that by no exhortation iohn husse could be moued to acknowledge his doctrine to be errōeous , & to recant the same , vpon the sixt day of iulie he was brought to the head church of the citie of constance , & there in presence of the emperour and councell was degraded of all priestly orders and dignities , and a definitiue sentence was giuen out against him wherein hee was condemned as an heretike , for that hee preached and openly defended the articles of iohn wickliffe which were condemned by the church of rome , and likewise had appealed to the lord iesus christ , as the most high iudge , which appellation they counted a great contempt of the apostolique sea , and the ecclesiasticall censures and keyes . after this hee was put into the secular iudges hands to be burnt as an heretique , having vpon his head a crowne of paper , with vgly pictures of divels painted thereupon . which rebuke , as also the torment of fire , hee most patiently sustained , with psalmes and spirituall songs , lauding god vntill the winde droue the fire vpon his face , and choaked his breath . and after his bodie was consumed with fire , they cast the ashes of the burnt body into the river of rhene . thus died iohn hus the faithfull martyr of god , the sixt of iuly , . now while as iohn hus had beene lying in prison , and so hardly handled , his faithfull companion ierom of prague , came to constance the fourth day of aprill anno . who there perceiving that iohn hus was denyed to be heard , and that watch was layed for him on every side , hee departed to iberling a citie of the empire , a mile distant from constance , and from thence caused a letter to be directed to the councell , and to bee affixed vpon the doores of the chiefe churches , cloysters , and cardinalls houses in constance , bearing in effect that hee was ready to come to the councell , and to answer vnto any of his accusers , who would stand vp to accuse him of erroneous and hereticall doctrine , providing alwayes that hee might haue sure and safe accesse . but when hee saw that through such intimations , being set vp , as is before sayd , hee could haue no safe conduct , hee thought meete to returne backe againe to bohemia , taking with him the letters patents of the lords of bohemia that were at constan●e , for a testimonie and witnesse of the premises . as hee was in his iourney , by treason and conspiracie of his enemies , hee was taken in hirsaw by the officers of duke iohn , and sent backe to the councell , bound with chaines , where hee was cast into prison , and so hardly vsed , that hee fell sore sicke almost to the death . but after he was recovered , and iohn hus was already put to death , they brought forth master ierome , whom they had long kept in chaines in the church of saint paul , and threatning him with death , being instant vpon him , they forced him to abiure and recant , and consent vnto the death of master iohn hus , that hee was iustly condemned and put to death by them . neverthelesse , his enemies perceiving that this abiuration was not made sincerely from his heart , but onely for feare to escape their hands , they gaue in new accusations against him . and in the yeere of our lord , . the . day of may , the sayd master iereme was brought forth vnto open audience before the whole generall councell , vnto the great cathedrall church of constance . where many things were layd to his charge that day , as likewise the third day after ( which was another diet assigned to him for answering ) where hee refuted his adversaries with such eloquence and wisdome , that the hearts of all the fathers of the councell were marvelously bent and mooved to mercy toward him . but in the end hee entered to the praise of iohn hus , and affirmed that whatsoever iohn hus and wickliffe , had holden and written specially against the pompe and pride of the clergie , hee would affirme even to the death . and likewise hee added , that of all the sinnes that ever hee had committed , the sinne of his recantation did most grievously gnaw and trouble his conscience , especially in consenting to the wicked condemnation of that good and holy man , iohn hus , which fault as hee did it through weakenesse of faith , and feare of death ; so did hee vtterly deny and revoke that wicked recantation . after this , hee was led away againe to prison : and the saturday before the ascention day , hee was brought to the cathedral church before the congregation , where the sentence of his condemnation was given out against him , and a paper with pictures of red divels was brought to bee put vpon his head , which hee himselfe receiving , put it thereupon , saying ; our lord iesus christ when hee suffered death for me , most wretched sinner , did weare a crowne of thornes vpon his head , and i for his sake will willingly weare this miter , and cap. afterward hee was layd hold on by the secular power , and carried to the place of execution , where his body was burnt with fire , which paine he suffered , with a lowd voyce praising god in the midst of the fire , and commending his soule to the gracious custodie of the lord iesus . and finally , his ashes were diligently collected , and throwne into the river of rhene . in this age also was hieronimus savonarola a man , no lesse godly in heart , then constant in profession , who being a monke in italy , and very learned , preached against the evill life of the spiritualty , and specially of his owne order . which thing the pope perceiving , and fearing that the said hierom ( who was already in great reputation amongst all men ) should diminish and overthrow his authority : he ordained his vicar or provinciall to see reformation in those matters , who with great superstition began to reforme them : but the sayd hierom did alwaies withstand him , whereupon hee was complained of to the pope , and cursed by him . notwithstanding hee continued preaching in the towne of florence . and albeit hee was cited to appeare before the pope , he made his excuse , and came not . then was hee againe forbidden to preach , and his doctrine pronounced and condemned as pernicious , false , and seditious . thus hieronimus forseeing the perils & dangers that might come , for feare left off preaching . but when the people which sore hungred for the word of god , were instant vpon him that hee would preach againe : hee began againe to preach in the yeere . and albeit many counselled him , that he should not so doe without the popes commandement , yet did he not regard them , but constantly went forward of his owne good will. when the pope and his shavelings heard newes of this , they were grievously inflamed and incensed against him , and now againe cursed him as an obstinate and stifnecked heretique . notwithstanding all this , hierom proceeded in preaching and instructing the people , saying , men ought not to regard such curses as are against the true and common profit of the people . in all his teaching he desired to teach none other thing , but the onely pure and simple word of god : making often protestation , that all men should certifie him if they had heard him teach or preach any thing contrary thereunto . for in his owne conscience , he knew that he had not taught any thing but the pure word of god. what his doctrine was , all men may iudge by his bookes which hee hath written . after this , in the yeere of our lord , . hee was taken and brought to saint markes cloyster , and and two other fryers with him , named dominicke and sylvester , who favoured his learning , and were carryed to prison , and from thence were brought forth by the chiefe councellors of florence , and the popes commissioners , who had gathered out certain articles against them , whereupon they should be condemned to death , which were these : . the first article was , as touching our free iustification through faith in christ. . that the communion ought to bee ministred vnder both kinds . . that the indulgences and pardons of the pope , were of none effect . . for preaching against the filthy and wicked living of the cardinals and spiritualty . . for denying the popes supremacy . . and that hee had affirmed that the keyes were not given to peter alone , but vnto the vniversall church . . that the pope did neither follow the life nor the doctrine of christ , for that hee did attribute more to his owne pardons and traditions , then to christs merits , and therfore he was antichrist . . that the popes excommunications are not to be feared , and that hee who doth feare or flie them , is excommunicate of god. . that the auricular confession is not necessary . . that hee had mooved the citizens to vprore and sedition . . that hee had neglected and contemned the popes citation . . that he had shamefully slandred and spoken against the pope . . that he had taken christ to witnesse , of his naughtinesse and heresie . . that italy must be cleansed through gods scourg , for the manifold wickednesse of the princes and clergie . these and such like articles were layd to their charge and reade before them . then they demanded of the said hierom and his companions , whether they would recant , and giue over their opinions . whereunto they answered , that thorow gods help , they would stedfastly continue in the manifest truth , and not depart from the same . then were they degraded , one after another , by the bishop of wasson , and so delivered to the secular rulers of florence , with strict commandement to carry them forth , and handle them as obstinate and stifnecked heretiques . thus was that worthy witnesse of christ , with the other two aforesayd , first hanged vp openly in the market place , and afterward burnt to ashes , and the ashes gathered vp , and cast into the river of arum , the . day of may , . in this age likewise , sprang vp many men of great erudition and learning ; as namely , laurentius valla , picus mirandulae comes , angelus politianus , with many others , whose names , for learning are worthy rememberance . the meane whereby learning so exceedingly increased in this age , seemeth to bee the art of printing , found out in germany by a certaine gold smith , named iohn faustus , in strausbrugh , and guttemberg his copartner , as some write : but whosoever was the inventer of it , it is certaine that this faculty was given to the vse of man by the providence of almighty god , at what time the bishop of rome , with all the whole and full consent of all the cardinals , patriarchs , archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , lawyers , doctors , provosts , deanes , archdeanes , assembled together in the councell of constance , and had condemned poore iohn hus , and ierom of prague to death for heresie , and after subdued the bohemians , and in a manner the whole world , to be vnder the supreme authority of the romi●h sea. in the very time , so dangerous and desperate , where mans power could doe no more : the blessed wisedome and omnipotent power of god , began to worke for the church , not with sword and target , to subdue his exalted adversary , but with printing , writing , and reading , to convince darknes by light , error by truth , ignorance by learning . so that by this meanes of printing , god hath heaped vpon the proud kingdome of antichrist , a double confusion . for whereas hee could not abide to haue the enormity of prelats liues to be condemned by iohn hus , who neither denyed his transubstantiation , nor his purgatory , nor yet spake any thing against his masse , but onely exclaimed against his excessiue and pompous pride , his vnchristian , or rather antichristian abhomination of life . now of late dayes god hath found a way by this faculty of printing , not onely to confound his life and conversation ( which before hee could not abide to be touched ) but also to cast downe the foundation of his standing , that is , to examine , confute , and detect his doctrine , lawes , and institutions , in such sort , that albeit his life were never so pure , yet his doctrine standing as it doth , no man is so blinde , but may see the pope to be anti-christ . for by this art , tongues are knowne , knowledge groweth , iudgement increaseth , bookes are dispersed , the scripture is seene , the doctors are read , the stories bee opened , times compared , truth decerned , falshood detected , and with the finger pointed at , and all ( as i haue said ) god hath wrought by the benefit of printing . centvrie xvi . popes of rome . after paulus the second , succeeded sixtus the fourth , and ruled thirteen yeeres , and foure dayes . hee changed the custome of keeping the iubilie every . yeere , and would haue it kept every . yeeres . after him succeeded innocentius the eight , and ruled seven yeers , ten months , and twenty seven dayes . after him alexander the sixt , ruled eleven yeeres , and eight dayes . hee was a notable tyrant , and a scourg of god to all italy , and in speciall to that corrupt colledge of cardinals , which had chosen him to be pope ; not for his good graces and vertues , but for the heapes of gold which hee had distributed amongst them , of whom some he banished , others hee caused to be impoysoned , and cruelly slaine . in his time charles the eight , king of france , clayming right to the kingdome of naples , entred into italy with a mighty army , and without great resistance , came to the towne of rome , and from thence to naples . alphonsus king of naples , at this time finding himselfe to be hated of all men , had denuded himselfe of the kingdome , and given it to his sonne ferdinand , and hee himselfe was fled into sicilie . also his sonne ferdinand not being able to resist the puissant army of king charles , was likewise compelled to flie to the little island of istria , for safety of his life : and the whole kingdome of naples was in short time ouer-run , and subdued to the king of france . this victorious conquest so hastily atchieved , made the name of charles to be terrible to other princes , even to the duke of millan , and estate of venice , who had beene his confederate friends , & assisters in this warfare . notwithstanding , fearing lest his increasing power should in time be the overthrow of their estates , they conspired with the pope , and the emperour , and the king of spaine against him : and as hee returned backe againe to france , fought against him at fornovo , not farre distant from the towne of parma . the victory was vncertaine : notwithstanding ferdinand king of naples , was so encouraged with this encounter , that hee recovered againe all his kingdome which hee had lost . likewise in this popes time , lewis the twelfth , who succeeded to charles the eight , came into italy , claiming right not onely to the kingdome of naples , but also to the dukedome of millan . he had before bound vp a covenant with the pope , the king of spaine , and the venetians vpon these conditions that having possessed himselfe first in the dukedome of millan , hee should give cremona a famous towne in the dukedome of millan , to the venetians : and hee should assist caesar borgia duke of valentinois , and sonne to pope alexander the sixt , to eiect out of romagna the lords presently bearing sway in that countrey ; to the end , that all might come vnder the soveraignty and commandement of this duke of valentinois only : and finally , that he should divide the kingdome of naples , betwixt himselfe and ferdinand king of spaine . vpon these conditions , was king lewis assisted by the pope , the king of spaine , and the estate of venice ; and so with little adoe obtained the dukedome of millan , and carryed away lodovick sforce duke of millan , with his brother askanius , captiues and prisoners to france . this pope as hee was fraughted with many great faults in his owne person , so is he likewise noted to haue beene a fosterer of the wicked vices and villanous behaviour of his children : namely , of caesar borgia his sonne , who not only cast off his religious apparrell , and became of a cardinall a duke and warriour , but also most vnnaturally slew his owne elder brother duke of gandia , and became captaine and leader of his fathers armie in his brothers place . also the vilde conversation of lucretia his daughter , and her familiar conversation both with her father and brethren , maketh this pope to be more famous for wickednesse then many other . his end in the righteous iudgement of god answered well vnto his life , for as hee had destroied the liues of many by poyson , so vpon a certaine time through the ouersight of the butler the empoysoned wine , that was prepared for to destroy the liues of some cardinals who were bidden to the banquet , was put in the hands of the pope and his sonne duke of valentinois . the pope immediatlie thereafter died , and the duke although he vsed manie conterpoysons and other remedies , yet fell he into a sharpe and dangerous disease , and carried about all his time the remembrance of that nights banquet . to pope alexander succeeded pius the third , who immediatly after his admission to the popedom finished his course the . day after his inauguration . after him followed iulius the second , and ruled nine yeeres , and a eleuen months : hee was a sharpe warriour and not onely recouered from the venetians the townes of ariminuim , faventia , and ravenna , which townes belonged to the church , but also by cursing them & making a couenant with maximilian the emperour and the king of france and spaine in cambrey against the venetians , he brought them so low that in short time they were spoyled of all the dominion which they had by land in italie . for verona , vicentia , and padua , and the territories of carinthia , were alloted to maximilian the emperour , also bergama , brixia , cremona , and crema , were possessed by lewis king of fraunce , also the townes of tranmu , monopolis , and barletta in apulia , were giuen ouer to the king of spaine . also the duke of ferrare recouered rodigium , & the duke of mantua recouered asula from the venetiās . thus was the flourishing estate of venice in this popes time vtterlie abandoned and brought to nought . notwithstanding hee receiued againe the venetians into fauour and relieued them of his interditment and cursing , and thereby procured against himselfe the great hatred and indignation of the king of france and the emperour : who both being willing to abandon the pride of the pope , and to abrogate his authoritie , and to substitute another in his roome , appointed a generall councell to be holden at pisa , and warned the pope to be present thereat the first day of september . but the pope on the other part to frustrate all the attempts of his adversaries , appointed a generall councell to be holden at rome in the church of lateran , wherein all things that were done in the councell of pisa were disanulled and abrogated . also he stirred vp the kings of spaine and england to make warre against the king of france , and the pope with the venetians and switzers ioyned their forces together to eiect him out of italie . thus the king of france being beset with enemies on all sides , thought meete to try his cause by the sword first in italie , and gaue commandement to the generall of his armie named gasto foiesseius a valiant captaine and an expert warriour to giue battel to the enemies . thus was a cruell battell fought , neere vnto ravenna , wherein the number of . men were reckoned to haue beene slaine . and although the armie of the pope and the confederates was put to flight , yet the frenchmen bought their victorie deere with the losse of their chieftan foiesseius , and an hundreth and fiftie moe of the noble men of france , besides a great number of others that were slaine in this battell . yea this victorie was with so great dammage to the forces of the king of fraunce in italie , that within the space of . dayes after the victorie , they were compelled to retire backe out of italie : so was the dukedome of millan in a verie short time plucked out of the hands of the frenchmen and was possessed by maximilian sforce sonne to lodonike sforce . in the end this restlesse pope breathing battells and warres euen vnto the day of his death , conspired of new againe with the emperour against the venetians , because they would not render vnto the emperour the townes of verona and vicentia , and the venetians on the other side , entered in league and couenant with lewis king of fraunce , who stirred vp a new faction of cardinalls and bishops against the pope , and this pope iulius assaied all possible meanes to diuert the venetians from their new league bound vp with france . but when hee perceiued that his trauells availed nothing , and fearing the power of his aduersaries , hee fell sicke and died ; in the verie time of the councell of lateran which was begunne vnder pope iulius , and ended vnder leo . his successour . pope leo the tenth was a learned and eloquent man , of the house of medices , and ruled eight yeeres , eight months , and twentie dayes . he delighted in musicke ; and loued , and aduanced learned men . the councell of lateran which was begun in his predecessors dayes was ended by him . he receiued in , those cardinalls who were degraded by his predecessour ( after they had abiured their schisme , and damned their couventicles , at pisa , millan , and lion ) and restored them to their former dignities . in this popes time , francisse de valloise king of fraunce came into italie for recouering of the dukedome of millan , and ouercame his enemies in battell . sforce the duke of millan rendered himselfe to the king , and was sent prisoner to fraunce , and the dukedome was againe recouered , and the townes of parma and placentia were recouered out of the popes hands , and ioyned to the dukedome againe , yet within a short time after , the pope and the emperour banded themselues together for expelling of the frenchmen out of italie . for restoring the dukedome to francisse sfortia , and finallie for restoring of the townes of parma and placentia to the pope , and when the enterprise succeeded well and the victorie was atchieued , the report of those glad tidings so exhilarated the popes heart that for heart that for excessiue gladnesse hee died , or as others write he contracted an ague , whereof immediately after he died he sent caietanus his ambassadour to germanie , to suppresse the doctrine of martin luther , but by the prouidence of god , his rigorous dealing against martin luther made him to search out the scriptures better , and to discouer greater impieties in the church of rome , then hee did at the beginning . after him succeeded hadrian the sixt , a man of holland and schoolemaster to charles the fift , emperour . he endevoured to correct some abuses of the church of rome in maners , but not the abuses and errours of doctrine , for hee also sent his ambassadour cheregatus to germanie , with menacing letters to the duke of saxonie because hee maintained martin luther . but his time was short , for hee died before hee had ruled two yeeres in his popedome . to him succeeded clemens the seuenth , and ruled ten yeeres , ten months , and seuen daies . hee was a man verie inconstant in his friendship to the emperour charles the fift , but secretlie boūd vp friendship with the king of france , but this deceitfull doing redounded to the popes great hurt . for charles duke of burboune , chiefe captaine to the armie which the emperour had in italie , besieged the towne of rome and tooke it , and albeit the duke himselfe was slaine , yet the rest of the armie invaded the towne , slew great numbers of men , defloured women , spoyled houses and temples , and besieged the pope himselfe and his cardinalls seuen months , till at length the pope was free from his captiuitie by commaund of the emperour . about this same time of the popes besieging , charles the emperour was banqueting and reioycing for the natiuitie of his sonne philip , but hee stayed all banqueting , playing , and reioycing , when the tidings of the popes besieging was carried vnto him , and commaunded to set him at libertie . manie great sinnes are imputed to him by writers , and amongst others that hee destroyed the liues of manie by poyson , and that in end hee receiued the same recompence himselfe . after him followed paulus the third , who ruled fifteene yeeres , and twentie nine dayes . it grieued him to see the gospell take so deepe roote , and to be ouerspred in many nations , and namelie in england by king henry the eight , who abrogated the authoritie of the bishop of rome in england , & called himselfe supreme governour ouer christ , in all ecclesiasticall causes within the bounds of his owne countrie . the pope being destitute of all other revenging weapons , drew forth the old accustomed weapon of the chaire of rome against princes , and cursed king henry the eight . this pope ratified the order of the iesuites and appointed a generall councell to bee kept in trent , a towne of italie bordering neere to germanie . this councell beganne to be kept in trent in the yeere . but hereafter was transferred to bononia as shall be declared , god willing . the protestants of germanie were desired both by the emperour and the pope to bee present at the councell , but they would not acknowledge it to be a lawfull generall councell wherein the pope or his deputie did sit as a iudge , who was indeede partie , and whom they were to accuse of false and erroneous doctrine , of abusing of the church of god , and vsurping the honour which was onely due to christ , before this councell ended , hee concluded his dayes . iulius the third succeeded in his place : who ruled three yeeres . one month , and sixteene dayes . hee reduced the generall councell of bononia , backe againe to trent where it began , but the sudden report of the armie of maurice duke of saxonie ( who tooke armes against the emperour charles , for detaining the lantgraue of hesse his father in law in prison ) dissolued the councell againe for a time , because they feared lest the dukes armie should haue come to trent , and set vpon them . in this time the church of england returned backe againe to the popes obedience in the raigne of queene marie , and the pope sent cardinall poole to england , to absolue that countrie from that curse and interditment which was layed vpon it in the dayes of paulus tertius . after him succeeded marcellus the second , and ruled twentie two dayes . after him followed paulus the fourth , and ruled foure yeeres , two months , and twentie foure dayes . hee was verie contentious , and hated the emperour charles , and brought into italie . footmen and . horsemen of the french nation , vnder the conduct of the duke of guise . also hee brought into italie an armie of swizers . notwithstanding the emperour had sent to italie the duke de albe , who had taken a great number of townes belonging to the pope , before the duke of guise entred into italie . and in the ende the pope was well content to accept conditions of peace , and to receiue backe againe the townes , which hee had lost in the warre . in his time the emperour resigned the emperiall crowne to his brother ferdinand , & entered into a monasterie , where hee concluded his daies : but the pope neither approued nor ratified this election of ferdinand , and ferdinand on the other part made light account of the coronation which his predecessours had receiued from the pope , and was obeyed in germanie , although he wanted the popes blessing and coronation . after him ruled pius the fourth , who continued fiue yeeres , two months , and fifteene dayes . in his time the councell of trent ( which was begun in the dayes of paul the third ) was finished . he sent an ambassadour to england to invite the learned men of that countrie to the councell . but queene elizabeth would not permit the popes ambassadour to enter into her realme . likewise hee sent ambassadours to the dukes of germanie professing the reformed religion . they entertained the ambassadours honorablie , but sent them backe with this answere : that they marueled how the pope could send an ambassadour to them , who acknowledged not his authoritie in such matters . from the first meeting of this councell to the dissolution thereof , intervened the space of eighteene yeeres , but the time of meeting , consultation , and sitting , of the fathers of that councell was onely the space of fiue yeeres , namely vnder paulus the third , two yeeres ; vnder iulius the third , one yeere ; and vnder pius the fourth , two yeeres . in this popes time the reformation of religion in scotland began , images were broken and burnt , altars cast downe , monasteries dimolished , and the masse abolished . the noble men , who were the principall authors of this reformation , were assisted by elizabeth queene of england , and defended from the intended persecution of the frenchmen . this pope made a bloodie massacre in a towne of italie called montalto , against a number of christian people secretlie met together , for hearing of the word of god , so that one after another were drawne out of the house where they met and their throates cut with a knife in the hand of a bloodie executioner . in this massacre were martyred . persons and not one of all the number for the feare of death did forsake the true fayth of christ. in this popes time was the isle of malta invaded by the turkes , but they were strongly resisted , and left the siege of the isle , after they had lost . of their number in that siege . the disputation of poissne , and grieuous commotions in france after that disputation , began in this popes time , whereof is spoken before . after him followed pius the fift , and ruled seuen yeere . in this time the isle of ciprus was taken by mustapha captain of selims armie , but with so great effusion of blood ( for it is supposed that . turkes were slaine in the siege of nicosia and famogusta two principall townes of the isle ) that mustapha considering the number that were slayn , violated his promise made to bragadinus , chiefe captain and defender of the isle of cyprus , and cruelly martyred that valiant captaine . this calamitie of cyprus made the venetians very much bent against the turke , and they banded themselues with philip king of spaine , and with pius the fift bishop of rome , by whose support and assistance a navie was set forth to the sea ; and a notable victorie was atchieued vnder the conduct of iohn de austria at lepanto , of which before . gregorius the thirteenth followed , and ruled thirteene yeeres , one month , and three dayes . hee founded a new colledge for iesuits in rome , and bestowed great revenues vpon it , chiestie for this cause , to be a seminarie of learned schollers , to convert the countrie of germanie to the roman religion againe . in this popes time fell out that horrible murther of paris in the yeere of our lord . which was well liked of by the pope , who also sent to charles the ninth king of france the summe of . ducates to maintaine and set forward the warre against the hugonits , as they called them . in his time sebastian king of portugal was slaine in mauritania beyond the straits , & philip king of spaine who was his neerest kinsman , obtained the kingdome after him by strong hand , and by driuing out of the land duke anthonie whom the people had chosen to be king . gregorie also set forth a new calendar , and corrected the olde roman calendar , which new alteration bred many contentions speciallie in germanie . to him succeeded sixtus . who in the beginning of his popedom , excōmunicated the king of nauarre & prince of condie : fearing that which indeede came to passe hereafter to witt that king h. . dying without children the kingdome shuld come to the house of burboune . likewise he intēded a processe of excōmunicatiō against h. the third king of france for slaying of the cardinal of lorain , & his brother the d. of guise at bloyes , & for detaining captiues the cardinal of burbon & the archb. of lions . this proceeding of the pope encouraged others against the king , so that a iacobin fryer called clement , came out of the towne of paris , when the king was besieging it , & killed the king with an impoisoned knife , as hath beene declared before . yet after the death of the king , when h. the fourth , king of navarre succeeded to the kingdome , and besieged the towne of paris , this pope gaue no subsidue to those of the league , that were banded together against the king , fearing that if the king prevailed in france , he would be a strong adversary to him , if he had supported his enemies : whether this was the cause as onuphrius writeth , or another that mooved him so to doe , yet this matter so displeased philip king of spaine , and the leaguers , that they were minded to haue made a solemne prorestation against the pope , if he had not prevented their intention , by excusing himselfe in the consistory of his cardinals . hee was a very vigilant and actiue pope , and vsed often to make mention of that speech of vespasian , that a prince should die standing on his feet , meaning that a prince should be vigilant , and ever doing some part of his calling . he died after he had ruled fiue yeeres , foure moneths , and three dayes , and left behinde him fiue millions of gold . after him succeeded vrbanus the seventh , and ruled only thirteene dayes , for he died before his inauguration . to him succeeded gregorius the fourteenth , and ruled nine moneths , and ten dayes . after him innocentius the ninth , and ruled onely two moneths , and one day . after him clemens the eight : hee absolved the king of france from the sentence of excōmunication , pronounced by pope sixtus the fift , against him . for that the kings oratours in his name , had renounced and abiureed that doctrine , which the king in his young yeeres had so long prosessed : and after they had accepted such conditions , as it pleased the pope to impose to the king ; namely , that hee should receiue the councell of trent , & make it be obeyed in all parts of his kingdom : also that hee should deliver the young prince of condie , a childe of nine yeeres old , to be brought vp by bishops or abbots , in the romane religion , and that hee should certifie by his letters , all catholique princes , of the abiuration of his former religion , with many other conditions , which were all accepted by the kings orators , and ratified by the king himselfe . of other doctors . in this age god having compassion of the miserie of his poore sheepe , led out of the way by blinde-guides , raised vp many faithfull and learned men , by whose labours the clowds of grosse ignorance , was remooved : the vsurped authority of the bishop of rome , that was counted the mother church of all others , was discovered to be the synagogue of satan . amongst whom martin luther a german borne in islebia in the countie of mansfelt , steppeth forth as it were a couragious captaine in the forefront of the army , whom god drew forth out of the very cloyster of the augustinian monks , to be an instrument to reforme his house . the bitternesle of pope leo the tenth , and pope adrian the sixt , and their ambassadours , who would not suffer the corruption of the romane church to be pointed out afarre off in selling of pardons , made this man of god more diligent in searching , and more couragious in defending the truth of god ; so that at last the pope tooke it to heart , that his kingdome should fall , if martin luther were not rooted out , yet the lord raysed vp the duke of saxonie to bee his friend ; by whose favourable assistance the gospell was deeply rooted in germany , and martin luther himself was preserved from the fury of all his enemies , till at last he dyed in islebia , the towne of his nativity , in the yeere . and in the . day of the moneth of february . iohn calvin was borne in noyen , a towne of picardie , anno , . the tenth day of the month iuly , and was a preacher of christs gospell , in geneva , three and twenty yeers . his learning , and painfull travels , in writing are knowne by his bookes . the blessing , accompanying his travels , is knowne by the reformation of many churches in france , by his advice and counsell , as also of the kingdome of scotland . the power of the grace of god in him , is knowne by the malice of adversaries , who railed against him in his life-time , and after his death ; as if hee alone , and none other had troubled the kingdome of antichrist : and finally , his painfull travels , in teaching his owne flocke of geneva , is knowne by the disease which he contracted , by great fasting , watching , writing , and teaching , whereof also hee dyed , anno , . on the . day of may. i passe by the rest of those learned and holy men of god , by whose labours the kingdome of christ hath bene prorogated in europe , because their names , like as they are worthy of perpetuall remembrance , so likewise are they registred in sundry volumes , namely , by theodorus beza , in his booke intituled icones . here endeth the second booke . the third booke of the history of the church , containing a short summe of all the heretiques and heresies , which sprang vp since the dayes of christ , vntill this present . centvrie i. as it is the accustomed dealing of satan , to pervert men by drawing them from the simplicity of gods truth : so it standeth well with the iustice of god , to giue over men to strong delusions , who will not beleeue the truth of god. therefore in the third head we are to speake of heretiques , that sprang vp in this age . heresie i count to be an opinion repugnant to the grounds of our christian faith , obstinately maintained by those that professe the name of christ. as touching them who lead an evill life , yea and in effect deny the sonne of god , by a prophane conversation , but maintaine an opinion that it is lawfull so to doe , they may be counted atheists , or carnall gospellers , and not heretiques . iewes and turkes also who deny the divinity of christ , because they doe not professe the name of christ , we call them infidels , but not heretiques . and the corinthians , who erred in some fundamentall points of the christian faith ; yet seeing they maintained not their error with obstinate mindes , but yeelded to the wholesome doctrine of paul , no man doth count the corinthians heretiques , but infirme and weake christians . and the apostle himselfe writing to them , calleth them gods building , and gods husbandry . but when these three things concurre together , that men professe the name of christ , and yet they maintaine opinions repugnant to the very grounds of true faith , and will not receiue instruction , but obstinately persevere in their error , they are to be counted heretiques . of this number was simon magus the father of heretiques , who being confounded in samaria , by the great power of god which appeared in the ministery of philip , and of peter ; hee fled from the east to the west , and came to rome , where hee prevailed so farre , in short time hee was counted a god , and an image was set vp for him , with this superscription , simoni deo sancto , that is , to simon an holy god. thus the romanes who , in the dayes of tiberius , refused to acknowledge the divinity of christ , in the dayes of claudius they honoured a sorcerer , and a seducing heretique with divine honours . he taught them who followed him , to fall downe before pictures and images , and in speciall to worship his owne image , and the image of helena , a certaine woman who accompanied him in his iourney form asia to rome . after simon sprang vp another suppost of satan , called menander , like to his master simon in many things ; for he was both a samaritane , and a sorcerer , but in absurdity of monstrous opinions , hee was farre beyond simon : for hee sayd that the world was created by angels , and that he himselfe was sent from aboue to saue the world , and by vertue of his baptisme , men should bee made immortall , euen in this world ; in such sort , that they should neither waxe old , nor taste of death . this heresie epiph●●ius compareth to aspido-gorgon in egypt , a great serpent inclosed into a vessell of earth , with many other serpents ; after hee hath devoured all the rest of the serpents , hee beginneth to gnaw his owne tayle for hunger , and to destroy himselfe : so did this heresie vndoe it selfe , by promising great things , which menander could not performe , neither in himselfe , nor in others . in this age also sprang vp ebion , who denyed the divinitie of christ , and sayd hee was onely a man , begotten betweene ioseph and marie , and that the observation of moses law was necessary to eternall life : his followers were called ebionites , either by the name of their master ebion , or else as eusebius thinketh , for their poore and beggerly opinion they had of christ , supposing him only to be a man : for ebion in the hebrew language , signifieth one that is poore . these ebionites damne all the epistles of paul , and count him an apostate from the law , and they admit no part of the new testament for canonicke scripture , except the gospell of matthew . cerinthus about the same time was the author of strange revelations , which hee sayd hee received from the angels , that after the resurrection from the dead , christ should haue an earthly kingdome in this world : and that the subiects of christs kingdome should eate and drinke , and marry , and keepe holy dayes , and offer sacrifices ; for hee himselfe was a man given to fleshly lusts , and hee imagined that the pleasures of christs kingdome should consist in fulfilling the concupiscence of the flesh . likewise in this age sprang vp the errour of the nicolaitans , vpon this occasion , as clemens alexandrinus doth write . one of the deacons chosen by the apostles to haue the oversight of the poore , had a beautifull woman to his wife , and was accused of over much iealousie . to purge him selfe of all suspition of that fault , hee brought his wife into the midst of his brethren , and sayd , he was content that any man should marrie her . of which words many tooke occasion to liue promiscuously like beasts , no man having his owne proper wife , but making them all common . howbeit , nicolaus is sayd to haue lived himselfe in matrimoniall chastity , contenting himselfe with his owne wife alone . neverthelesse his foolish and vnadvised speech , were the occasion of a most wicked and damnable error of the nicolaitans , whereof the lord speaketh in the revelation of iohn , that he hated it . this is that heresie which gregorie the seventh imputed to all married priests , but with what equity , marriage ordained by god , and honorable among all men , can bee called an heresie , or hated of the lord , let the christian reader iudge . centvrie ii. in this second centurie sathā enuying the propagation of the gospel , sent forth a pernicious swarme of heretikes , such as saturninus of antiochia , & basilides of alexandria , the one of them thorow syria , & the other through egypt dispersed the venome of their heretical doctrine . to whom eusebius addeth carpocrates , most properly counted the father of the heretikes called gnostici , they receiued this name , because they professed a knowledge of darke and hid mysteries . the golden age of the apostles & euangelists was now spent , & false teachers tooke the greater incouragement to teach a doctrin of deuils , disallowing marriage & cōmanding fornication , & practizing abominable & filthie things , which mine owne heart abhorreth to thinke vpon . what necessity droue epiphanius in particular to manifest to the world the detestable and execrable misteries of those heretikes i cannot tel , one thing i know , that it shuld not be comely in my person to offend the chast eares of christians by renuing the memorial of that beastly vncleā●es wherof epiphanius expresly writeth . they were justly called borboritae or caenosi because they were filthily pollued in the mire of vncleānes . the followers of carpocrates had in secrete places , images of gold & siluer , which they called the images of iesus & therewith al the images of pithagoras , plato , & aristotle ; & they worshipped thē al. so that the worshipping of images & the adoratiō of the image of iesus himself is not a custome borrow●d frō the ancient fathers of the first . yeeres , but rather a custome borrowed frō old heretikes , such as carpocrates and his follower marcellina . by their vnhonest & filthy conuersation it came to passe , that the true professours of the gospell were vilely slandered by persecuting pagans , objecting to christians the bankers of thyestes , and the chambering of oedipus as is said before . this superlatiue degree of excessiue vncleannesse could not indure long , because euery one of these heretikes ; saturninus , basilides , and carpocrates , with augmentations of new inuented absurdities , changed the fashion and countenance of their error , and so in the ende it euanished . but the beautie of the true church of christ , euer like vnto it selfe , in grauitie , sinceritie , libertie , temperancie , and holinesse of vnreprouable conuersation , brightly shined among the grecians and barbarians . the countrie of valentinus was vnknowne to epiphanius . hee was brought vp in learning in the schooles of alexandria . in his foolish opinion of the pluralitie of gods as well masculine as feminine , the multitude of heauens , and ages or eternities , which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirtie in number , deepenesse and silence being beginning of all the rest . in this his opinion ( i say ) epiphanius conjectureth that he hath followed hesiodus in his theogonia : yet the man , being ambitious , by permutatiō of names , he would seeme to haue bin the author & finder out of these mysteries . against whom ireneus hath written fiue bookes wherein hee both discouereth and also refuteth the vanitie of his errour . marcus one of his disciples a notable sorcerer inuented a new forme of baptisme , to baptize in the name of the vnknowne father of all things , & in the name of the veritie the mother of all things , and in the name of him who descended vpon iesus . all the disciples of the schoole of valentinus are called gnostici with the forenamed heretikes , saturninus , basilides , and carpocrates , they all denied the resurrection of the body , and supposed that saluation did belong onely to the soule of man. valentinus and his disciple marcus , with colorbasus and heracleon , all their opinions were so intricate and obscure , that men of meane vnderstanding could not conceiue them , and men of deepe iudgement would not conceiue them , because they had not spitted out their braines ( as epiphanius speaketh ) that is , their head was not so voide of wisdome as to hearken to the new inuented toyes of braine-sicke men . cerdon and marcion were authors of the opinion of two gods , or two beginnings , the one they called the authour all good things , the other the author of all euill things . they denied the verity of christs humane nature and the veritie of his sufferings , whereupon of necessity followeth this conclusion , that we are not saued indeed , but only ( to vse marcions own words ) putativè , that is in fantasie or supposition . the death of christ is the true ground of our saluation , if he only seemed to die , & died not indeed , then we seeme to be saued but are not saued indeed . they denied also the resurrection of the body . marcion was justly called by polycarpus primogenitus diaboli , that is , the first borne of the deuill . this heresie by the worke of that old serpent was dispersed in italy , egypt , palestina , arabia , syria , cyprus , thebaida , persia , & in many other places . this is the cause wherefore tertullian , & after him , epiphanius inveighes so sharply against this pestilēt heretike marcion . he was the inuenter of a strange and new custome in baptisme , that after a man hath bin once baptized he may be baptized again the second time , & third time also . this he did to wash away & put in obliuiō the foule fault of whordome committed by him . his father was a preacher of gods word in pontus , & he himselfe had vowed chastity , & afterward polluted himselfe with whoredom , & was cast out of the church by his owne father , & when he came to rome at the time when hyginus ( the ninth b. after the martyrdome of the two great apostles ) was lately departed this life , he was not admitted to the fellowship of the church of rome : therefore he joyned himselfe to the fellowship of cerdon and augmēted his errour . to the two beginnings of cerdon he added the third in this maner . first he said there was one supreme & vniuersall god , & him he called the good god , who created nothing that is in this world . secondly there was a visible god who was creator and maker of all things , and thirdly there was the deuill as mid-thing betweene the visible & inuisible god. no heresie sprang vp in this centurie that was so vniuersally ouer-spred in many nations and countries as the heresie of marcion was . so bent is the corrupt nature of man to follow a doctrine of lies , when it is coloured with a shew and pretence of reuerence toward god. for they feared to attribute the making of any thing that is euill to god , who is infinite in goodnesse . but this was needlesse feare , because creatures which now are euill , they haue not this wicked disposition by the creation of god , but by their owne voluntarie defection from the first estate wherevnto god created them . lucianus and apolles were the disciples of marcion whom many did follow , in so much that marcionists were called lucianistae and apelleiani . neuerthelesse apelles could not agree with his master marcion in al things : for he graunted that iesus christ the son of the good god had a true body , yet not made of the substance of the virgin mary , but of the foure elements , & that he died & rose againe not putative as marcion said , but truely and in very deede , yet he thought that this true body of christ like as it was composed of the elements , so likewise after his resurrectiō he dissolued it into the foure elements , and afterward returned to heauen from whence he came . this errour epiphanius abhorreth for many great absurdities . first ( saith he ) did christ build vp againe that tabernacle which men destroyed , to the end that he himselfe incontinent after the building of it should destroy it againe by a dissolution of it into the elements ? secondly if christ dissolued his owne body , why would he not let his disciples see at least the relikes of his body resolued into elements , to the end they might haue honored the relikes of his dissolued body , as the woman came to the sepulchre with precious oyntments to haue honoured his dead body . thirdly ( saith he ) apelles speaketh of christes body after his resurrection , that which neither christ , nor his apostles euer spake of that blessed body . this is the right way to vndoe heresies , to bring them to the right balance of the mouth of christ , and writings of his holy apostles , and then heresies cannot consist and stand . in the dayes of antoninus and l. verus the authors of the fourth persecution ; tatianus a syrian came to rome and was conuerted to the true faith by iustinus martyr , during whose lifetime hee maintained no errour openly : but after the death of iustinus hee became the authour of the sect encratitae , who were so called , because they abstained from wine , eating of flesh and creatures quickned with a sensitiue life . they damned marriage and blasphemed the epistle of pavl . this they did no doubt , because paul in his epistles calleth the prohibition of marriage , and the prohibition of meates appointed by god for the vse of men with thankesgiuing , to be a doctrine of deuils . montanus a man of phrygia seduced two women , priscilla and maximilla to leaue the companie of their husbands , and to be his prophetesses . he called himselfe the holy spirit , whom christ sent to instruct his disciples in all truth . he instituted lawes concerning fasting , and damned the second marriage , and affirmed that paul gaue libertie to widowes to marrie , because hee knew the will of god , but onely in a part . i purposely passe ouer the rable of obscure heretikes , such as ophitae , caiani , sothiani , and such like : of whom notwithstanding epiphanius vouchsafeth to write at length , no doubt to manifest the corruption of mans nature , stouping sometimes so basely , that not onely they hearken to the counsel of the old serpent the deuill , but also they worship the very instrument of the deuill , viz. the serpent , as these ophitae did . againe , some heretikes magnified cain and called him their father . and others gaue to seth the honour due to christ. so it commeth to pasle , that men destitute of the grace of god that commeth from aboue , are like vnto drunkards staggering on the right hand , and on the left hand , and falling on their faces , and beating out their owne braines . sometimes they extoll wicked men like vnto cain , and fall at the left hand : at other times they praise good men like vnto seth with excessiue prayses , and with derogation of the glorie of christ , and fall at the right hand . and at sometimes are so benummed , that they spare not to set the verie deuill & his instruments in the chaire of god , and fall like drunken fooles on their faces , and knocke out their owne braines . let no man maruell wherefore the name of aquila a man of pontus and theodosion of ephesus , are not reckoned in the roll of heretikes in this age . true it is that they once professed the faith of christ , and made defection againe , but this defection made not a diuision into the church which is the body of christ , because they ioyned themselues to the vnbeleeuing iewes , who vtterly denied the diuinity of christ , and therefore of christians became infidels rather then heretikes . like as no man calleth the emperour iulian an heretike , but an apostate : so aquila and theodosian were notable apostates from the faith of christ. how they laboured to peruert by sinistrous translations of places of scripture giuing cleare testimony of christ who was borne of a virgin , eusebius declareth . the translation of the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , behold a virgin shall conceiue , isa. . was translated by them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behold a young woman shall conceiue . but this bad translation of apostat christians and proselites of the iewes so well liked of the iewish nation , could neuer take place in the church of christ : because the propher isaiah in that chapter is speaking of a miraculous signe which god will giue vnto his people to confirme their faith , such as is the birth of a virgin , which indeede is a miraculous worke , but the birth of a yong woman that hath an husband is no miracle . centvrie iii. ivstly did epiphanius compare an heretike to a moul ; a beast in quantitie litle , h●rking in subterraneall holes , and yet working great harme to wel labored ground . neverthelesse when it hapeneth that this noysome and blind beast creepeth out of her hole , and runneth vpon the superfice of the earth , she is a ridiculous , wandering , & feeble , beast ; she cannot see the hole out of which she hath crept forth , and she is easilie taken and slaine . euen so heretikes so long as they lu●ke in secret , they peruert the hearts of many simple and ignorant people : but when they set out their heads , and their doctrine is examined by the light of gods euerlasting word , they are found to be ridiculous & feeble beasts . in the former centuries by way of preterition i passed by many obscure heresies , the like order i intend god willing to keepe in this centurie also . the heretikes called artotiritae who added vnto the administration of their sacrāent cheese vnto the bread . alogi who reiected the writings of the holy apostle iohn , and said they were written by cerinthus : although , the euangelist iohn of purpose , wrot the historie of his gospell against ebion and cerinthus . adamiani , who had their conventicles in subterraneal places called hypocausta , because that vnder the place of their meetings , a fornace of fire was kindled to warme the place of their conventions : for they vnclothed themselues when they entered into it , and stood naked , both men and women , according to the similitude of adam & eua before their fall . theodos●●● who denied the diuinitie of christ , taking the name of their sect , from a miserable man in constantinople called theodatus , who in time of persecutiō for loue of temporall life , denyed the king of glory iesus christ , and when this filthie denyall was obiected to him as a reproach of a cowardly hart , he answered that he denied not god , but man ; by this answere signifying that christ was man only , and not god māifested in our nature . melchisedeciani magnified melchisedecke aboue christ. bardesianistae were but a branch of the heresie of the valentinians & gnostici , who denied the resurrectiō , as is already declared in the second centurie . valesii , who gelded themselues . angelici , whose name was better knowne to epiphanius then the original of their sect . apstolici , who would haue possessions , but reioyced in voluntarie pouertie , & detected marriage , giuing out a sentence against themselues , that they were vncleane , because they were procreated by marriage . origeniani , & turpes . these were vile & filthy beastes , not abhorring from whordome , but from procreation of children , to the end they might seeme to bee chaste . they were like to onan the sonne of iudah whom the lord destroyed al these heresies mentioned by epiphan . i passe by almost with silence , because they were like vnto abortiue birthes , & continued not long to perturbe the peace of the church . now concerning other heretickes , by whose venemous doctrine the church of christ had great strife and perturbation . artemon and beryllus bishops of bostra in arabia denied the diuinitie of christ , and affirmed that he was not existent before hee tooke flesh of the virgin. with beryllus origen conferred , and reduced him backe againe to the true faith and therefore i set not his name in the catalogue of heretikes , because he added not vnto the fault of his bad opinion an obstinate defending of the same . the heresie of helcesaitae otherwise called sampsei , because of the short continuance of it , is scarce worthy to be reckoned . they mixed the religion of the iewes , gentiles , and christians , together ; but were more addicted to the supperstition of the iewes , then to any one of the other two . they reiected the writings of the apostle paul , and affirmed that a man who denyed the lord with his mouth , in the time of persecution , if so be hee adhered to the faith in his heart , hee had committed no sinne . they carryed about with them a singular book , which they sayd was sent downe from heaven , and they promised remission of sinnes to every man who would hearken to the words of that booke . novatus a presbyter at rome , was a man of a contentious spirit , and men that are humorous , high-minded , and contentious , they are wise to doe evill , but they can do no good . such a man was novatus , who disquieted with schisme , and heresie , two of the most notable churches in the world at that time , viz. carthage and rome , by giving out a rigorous sentence against those , who in the time of persecution had fallen , albeit they had repented after their fall , and all outward tokens of vnfained repentance had beene seene in them ; yet his opinion was , that they should not be admitted againe to the fellowship of the church . this opinion was not onely repugnant to the wordes of isai , ezech. . mat. . and to innumerable moe places of sacred scripture , but also it was a foolish opinion , advancing the kingdome of the divell , and not the kingdome of god. for the two great wheels of the cart of the divell , whereby he carryeth men headlong to hell , are presumption and desperation : and merc●lesse novatus teaching a doctrine that strengthened not the knees of the weake , hee did what in him lay to moue sinners to despaire . there cyprian bishop of carthage , who excommunicated him , and cornelius bishop of rome , who did the like , with the advice of a graue and worthy councell , gathered at rome , are to bee counted wise men : because they endevoured timely to suppresse those errours that weakened the hearts of the children of god. i reade of no heresie preceding the heresie of arrius and eutiches , that continued longer time in the church of god , then the heresie of novatus ; partly , because it crept in vnder pretence of zeale , to the glory of god , and vnder pretence of a detestation of sinne : partly also , because the novatian heretiques , in the question concerning the divinity of christ , were conformable to the opinion of the true church . thirdly , because in the time of the arrian persec●●ion , the novatians were banished , and troubled with no lesse hat●full malice and despite , then the members of the church were : yea and the true catholiques and novatians , being companions of one and the selfe-same suffering , were content also to giue their liues one for another . and the foresayd author saith , parúmque abfuit quin coadunarentur , that is , they were neere-by vnited , and agreed together , to wit , the true catholiques and novatians . but what was the impediment that hindred their vnion ? reade the historie , and it shall not be found in the true catholiques , but in the obstinacy and wilfulnesse of the novatians . and so it falleth out at all times , that men who are the authors of heresies and schismes , are also the principall hinderers of the redintegration of the vnion of the church . the razing and demolishing of the temple of the novatians , in cyzicum , a famous towne of bithynia , together with the calamity of the people of mantinium , a towne of paphlagonia , cleerely prooveth , that the novatian heresie continued vntill the dayes of constantius the sonne of constantine , an arrian emperour , and a persecuter of the true faith . the favour that they obtained in the dayes of iulian , i passe over with silence . but in the dayes of the raigne of theodosius , the novatians by the emperours edict , were permitted to haue publique conventions in constantinople , to enioy such priviledges as other christians had , and to possesse the oratories and temples , wherein they were accustomed to ser●e god. all this toleration and liberty was granted to them by the good emperour theodosius , because in the head of doctrine concerning the divinity of christ , they damned the arrians , & agreed with the homousians . the magdeburg historie saith , that this heresie continued in constantinople to the time that it was conquered by the turkes , i haue written of this heresie at great length , to admonish all true christians , that it is not enough to adhere to some points of the true faith , and to suffer persecuion for righteousnes at sometimes , and to loue brotherly fellowship at some times , so that we are content to sacrifice our life for our brethren : all these things did the novatians , and were favoured by the emperour theodosius , as is sayd , yet they were both schismaticks & heretiques , because they would be wiser then god , and debarre them , from the bosome of christs compassions , whom christ inviteth to come vnto him , saying ; come vnto me all yee that are weary and laden , and i will ease you . let the example of the novatians admonish men who studie to singularity , and to bring in new customes or opinions in the church of god , to take heed that their opinions bee not repugnant vnto the written word : left , after they haue continved a long time , in the end they bee reiected as opinions , foolish , vaine , hereticall , and not agreeing with the scriptures of god. his followers were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or puritans . let this name rest in the bosome of hereticks . and men who are not guilty of the faults , that were in the novatians , if they be vndeservedly charged with this name given of old to heretiques , let them say with humble hearts , that in one sense they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they are purged from sinne in the fountaine of the blood of christ. but in no other sense and meaning , can true christians bee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , except onely in this , because their sinnes are freely forgiven in christ , and god hath begun the worke of sanctification in them , to bee a testimony that they are planted in the stocke of christ , in this sense speaketh the evangelist iohn , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , now are yee cleane , through the word that i haue spoken vnto you . the heresie of sabellius began to shew it selfe vnto the world , about the yeere of our lord . vnder the raigne of gallus . it was set forth by nortus in ptolemaida , afterward by hermogenes , and prazeas , and last it was propagated by sabellius the disciple of noetus . alwaies the heresie rather taketh the name from the disciple , then from the master . they confessed that there was but one god onely , but they denyed that there were three distinct persons in this one godhead , viz. the father , sonne , and holy ghost . by this their opinion , they confounded the two greeke words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if there were no difference betwene them . no man dare presume to say , that in god there are three distinct substances , therefore sabellius and his adherents sayd , that there were not three distinct substances or persons in the godhead , but the three names of the father , sonne , and holy ghost , were given to one person only , but pointed not out distinction of persons or substances in the godhead . by this opinion they were compelled to grant , that it was the father who cloathed himselfe with our nature , and dyed for our sinnes , and they were called patrispass●ani , because their opinion imported that the father suffered . in the raigne of gallienus , and about the yeere of our lord , . a certaine bishop in egypt , called nepos , began to affirme , that at the later day the godly should rise before the wicked , and should liue with christ heere in the earth , a thousand yeeres , in abundance of all kinde of delicate earthly pleasures . the ground of this errour , was the misvnderstanding of the words of the revelation of iohn , chap. . vers . . . in refuting of this heresie , dionysius bishop of alexandria , bestowed his travels with good successe : for hee disputed against coracion , a man professing this errour in arsenoitis , a place of egypt , whom hee refuted in presence of many brethren , who were auditors of that disputation , for the space of three dayes , from morning till evening . so that in the end coracion yeelded , and promised that hee should not maintaine any such opinion in time to come . about that same time , that is , in the time of the raigne of gallienus , claudius , and aurelianus : paulus samosatenus bishop of antiochia , a pestilent fellow , denyed the divinity of the sonne of god , and affirmed that christ obtained the name of the sonne of god , through his vertuous behaviour and patient suffering ; but he was not naturally and truely the sonne of god , begotten of the substance of the father . his life correspondent to his doctrine , was wicked and prophane . he was so covetous of vaine-glory , that he built vnto himselfe in the church a glorious seat , according to the similitude of a princely throne , and from this seat hee spake vnto the people , whom he was accustomed to reproue with sharpe words , if they had not received his words with cheerfull acclamations and shoutings , such as were wont to bee vsed in stage-playes . the psalmes also that were sung in church , to the praise of god , hee abrogated , and was not ashamed to hire women , to sing his owne praises in the congregation of the lords people . for this his damnable doctrine and lewd life , he was most iustly deposed by the councell convened at antiochia , and excommunicated by all christian churches in the whole world , and was so detested by all good men , that f●rmilius bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , and dionysius alexandrinus , who for his olde age might not travell , and be present at the councell of antiochia , yet they both damned the heretique samosatenus , by their letters sent to the congregation of antiochia , but not to the bishop thereof , because hee was not worthy that any man should salute him , either by word or writ . manes a persian , otherwise called manicheus , a man furious and mad , answering well vnto his name , set forth the venome of his heresie , in the time of the raigne of diclesian , a man both in speech and manners , rude and barbarous , in inclination divelish : yet hee durst to call himselfe the holy spirit , as montanus had done before , and to represent christs actions in chusig vnto him twelue disciples , whom hee sent forth to propagate his errors , into diverse parts of the world . his heresie contained a masse , or venomous composition of old extinguished errors , which hee renued and massed together ; such as the error of cerdon and marcion , concerning two beginnings . the error of encratitae , in prohibition of meates , which god hath appointed for the vse of man with thanksgiving , specially flesh and wine . hee vtterly reiected the old testament , as many other heretiques had done before him . hee ascribed not sinne to the free will of man , and his voluntary defection from the estate of his first creation , but to necessity , because mans bodie was made of the substance of the prince of darknes . this was that heresie wherewith augustine was infected before his conversion , but the lord who brought forth light out of darknesse , and made paul , sometime a persecuter , to be a preacher of his gospell , and cyprian a sorcerer , to be a worthy preacher and martyr : this same gracious lord , i say , in the multitude of his vnspeakeable compassions , drew augustine out of this filthy myre of abhominable heresie , and made him liste vnto a bright starre , sending forth the beames of light to comfort gods house . the opinion of manes concerning the creation of the world , and the creation of man , the manifestation of christ in our nature , rather in shew and appearance , then in verity ; and the horrible abhomination of their vile eucharist , no man can be ignorant of these things , who hath read but a little of the bookes of augustine , written against the mani●heans . in the end , like as manes exceeded all the rest of the heretiques in madnesse of foolish opinions : even so the lord pointed him out among all the rest , to be a spectacle of his wrath and vengeance . for the king of persia hearing of the fame of manes , sent for him to cure his sonne , who was deadly diseased : but when hee saw that his sonne died in his hands , hee cast him into prison , and was purposed to put him to death : but he escaped out of prison , and fled to mesopotamia . neverthelesse the king of persia vnderstanding in what place manes did lurke , sent men who pursued him , tooke him and excoriated his body , and stopped his skin full of chaffe , and set it vp before the entry of a certaine citie of mesopotamia . if any man bee desirous to haue greater knowledge of this remarkeable heretique , both in respect of his life and death , hee may reade the fore-mentioned chapter of the ecclesiasticall history of socrates , and he shall finde , that the first man called manicheus , who renued the error of two beginnings , was a man of scythia . he had a disciple , first called buddas , afterward terebynthus , who dwelt in babylon . this man terebynthus , was the composer of these bookes which manes gaue out vnder his owne name . manes was but a slavish boy , bought with money by a woman of babylon , in whose house terebynthus had lodged , and shee brought vp the boy at schoole : his name was curbicus when he was bought , but when this woman died , shee left in legacie to curbicus , the money and bookes of terebynthus , and he went from babylon to persia , changed his name , and called himselfe manes , and set forth the bookes of terebynthus , as if they had beene composed by himselfe , so that he added vnto the rest of his villanies , this fault also , that he was from his very youth a dissembling and deceitfull fellow . after manes , sprang vp hierax , who spake of the father , and the sonne , as of two lights different in substance . hee damned mariage , denyed the resurrection of the bodie , and excluded infants from the kingdome of god. marke in this catalogue of heresies of the first three hundred yeeres , how many of the divels trumpeters sounded the doctrine of the prohibition of marriage . the nicolaitans , gnostici , encratitae , montanistae , apostolici , origeniani , called turpes , manichei , and hieracitae . satan hateth mariage , to the end that his kingdome might be advanced by fornication , and all kind of vncleannesse . centvrie iv. old heresies before mentioned , such as the heresies of the novatians , sabellians , and manicheans , did more hurt in this centurie , then in the time wherein they were first propagated ; as appeareth by the books and sermons of learned fathers , seriously insisting to quench the flame of hereticall doctrine , which was kindled before their time . in this centurie the plurality of heretiques did most mightily abound . meletius a bishop in thebaida , was deposed by peter bishop of alexandria ( who suffered martyrdome vnder dioclesian ) because hee was found to haue sacrificed to idols . after his deposition he was factious and seditious , raysing vp tumults in thebaida , and practizing tyranny against the chaire of alexandria : and his disciples were found to haue communicated with the arrians . the councell of nice suffered miletius to enioy the name of a bishop without power of ordination . in the yeere of our lord . sprang vp arrius a presbyter in alexandria , who denyed that the sonne of god was begotten of the substance of the father , but that hee was a creature , and made of things not existent , and that there was a time wherein the sonne was not . alexander bishop of alexandria , dealt with him to reclaime him from his hereticall opinions : but his travels were spent in vaine . therefore alexander was compelled to vse the last remedie , to depose and excommunicate arrius , with his complices , to wit , achilles , euzoius , aethalus , lucius , sarmata , iulius , m●nas , arrtus alter , and helladius . this excommunication had allowance by the bishops of thebaida , pentapolis , lybia , syria , lycia , pamphylia , asia , cappadocia , and many other places . but arrius an head strong heretike was incorrigible : neither the letters of the good emperour constantine , nor the trauelts of osius bishop of cordubae , could worke any amendment in him . he laboured to fortifie himselfe in his hereticall opinion , especially by the assistance of eusebius b. of nicomedia , a perilous & deceitful man. arrius was condemned by the councel of nice , & was banished by the emp. constantine . albeit he was reduced againe from banishment by the meanes of constantia , the emp. sister , & of an arriā presbiter , whom she cōmended to the em. her brother when she was concluding her life : yet the lord punished the insolent pride of this heretike , with a shamefull & vnquoth death , as hath bin already declared . this heresie was propagated by constantius , by iustina , and her sonne valentinian the second , by the emp. valens , and by the kings of gothes and vandalles . the principall defenders of the heresie were eusebius b. of nicomedia , menophantes , b. of ephesus , theogonius b. of nice , vrsatius b. of sygdonia , and valens b. of mursa , in vpper panonia , theonas b. in marmarica , secundus b. of ptolemaida in aegypt , maris b. of chalcedon , narcissus b. in cilicia , theodorus b. of hearaclea in thracia , and marcus b. of irenopolis in syria . in the number of most impudent arrian bishops , was ishyras , the chiefe accuser of athanasius , to whom the arrians gaue the wages of iniquity , and ordained him b. of mareotis : the ouer-throwing of the holy table , the breaking of the holy cup , the burning of the holy bookes , the slaughter of arsenius , & many other accusations were all forged against athanasius by ishyras , for hope of reward . eulalius , euphronius , placitus , stephanus , leōtius , spado , and eudoxius , bishops of antiochia●all these were defenders of the arrian heresie , with many others of whom i will haue occasion to spèake hereafter . albeit anomaei were a branch of the stocke of the arrians , yet they differed from other arrians in this , that they abhorred from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which other arriās embraced . the principall authors of this heresie were acatius ennomius , and aetius , whereof it came to passe , that some called them acatiani , others eunomiani , and some aetiani . acatius in the councell of seleucia manifested the hipocrisie of his deceitfull speeches , because in his books he had called the son of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is of like substance with the father : he was demaunded in what sence he had so written ? he answered , that the sonne of god was like vnto the father in will , but not in substance . eunomius bishop of cyzicus in bythynia , was the inuenter of this miserable heresie of anomaei , a man who delighted in multitude of wordes as many heretikes doe . sozomen blames him for altering the custome of thriee dipping the water in baptisme . the people of cyzicus complained to the emp. constantius , of the bad and reprobate opinion of eunomius . the emperour was offended against eudoxius bishop of constantinople who had placed him in cyzicus . hereof it came to passe , that eudoxius ( who was of that opinion himself , but durst not auow it ) sent secret aduertisement to eunomius to flie out of cyzicus . basilius magnus in his fiue bookes written against eunomius , as it were filled with the spirit of phineas , who with one speare killed ombri and cosbi : euen so basilius with one penne , confounded both eunomius , and his master aëtius . this aetius was a syrian , admitted to the office of a deacon by leontius spado : he spake vnquoth things of the trinitie , and was justly called an atheist . the emp. constantius , albeit he loued other arrians , yet he disliked anomei , and procured his deposition and excommunication , by the bishops who came to constantinople from ariminum and seleucia . eudoxius first bishop of germanitia , in the confines of cilicia , after bishop of antiochia , & last bishop of constantinople , a hunter for preheminence of place : he was a fauourer of the sect of arrians , called anomei , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : yet he had the heart of a beast , for neither would he embrace the true faith , neither durst he defend the lye whereunto his heart was inclined . but in the councell of constantinople , holden after the councels of ariminum and seleucia , he transferred all the blame vpon aëtius , whom the emperour banished : so that it is a strange thing , that this errour should haue had the name also from such a feeble patron as eudoxius was , to be called the errour of eudoxiani . macedonius , rather by the authoritie of the emp. constantius , then by the consent of the people , was made bishop of constantinople . paulus lawfull bishop of constantinople , was banished to cucusus , a towne of armenia , and there hee was strangled by the arrians , also . . of the people were slaine and troden vnder feete , at his violent entrie . this bloody tyrant denyed the diuinitie of the holy ghost . he was deposed by the emperours procurement , because hee durst presume at his owne hand to transport the bones of the emp. constantine from one church to another . his followers were abhorred more then any other branch of the arrian heresie , for their inconstancie . they sent messengers to liberius bishop of rome , and consented in all points to the nicene faith : but afterward , like vnto dogges , they returned to their vomit a gaine . hee was damned , as a notable heretike , by the second generall councell gathered at constantinople , by the emperour theodosius , anno. . he died in a little village neere to constantinople , and eudoxius obtained his place . photinus bishop of sirmium in illyria , was the disciple of marcellus bishop of ancyra in galatia : these two renewed both the heresie of sabellius and samosatenus , and augmented the blasphemous opinion of samosatenus , with this addition . that the kingdome of christ was not euerlasting , but it had a beginning , when he was borne of the virgin , & should haue an end at the latter day . this heresie hath the name from the disciple , and not the master , in regard that marcellus continued not so obstinately in his errour , as did photinus his disciple , but renounced his errour , & was receiued into the fellowship of the church , in the councell of sardica : but photinus was deposed at the councell of sirmium , and banished by the emperour constantine neuerthelesse , after his deposition & banishment , he continued obstinately in his errour , & wrote bookes both in latine and greeke , in defence of his heresie : whereby his name became infamous , and he was counted the author of this heresie . audaeus was a man of syria , vnder the raigne of valentinian , and his brother valens : he published an errour , that god was like the similitude of a mans bodie . this errour hee conceiued through wrong vnderstanding of the words of scripture , wherein it is said , let vs make man in our owne image , according to our likenesse . with this errour many vnlerned aegyptian monkes were intangled . they pretended great innocencie and chastitie in their liues , and separated themselues from the societie of the church , couering their impietie with this pretext , that they saw vsurers and vncleane persons tolerated in the church . about this time , saith theodoretus , that is , in the dayes of valentinianus and valens , sprang vp the heresie of messaliani . albeit this name be vnquoth , yet the greeke names giuen vnto this heresie are more significatiue : they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they counted prayer the onely exercise necessary to the children of god , euen as if a man could talke with god by prayer , before he hath first heard god talking with him by the preaching of the word . likewise they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , men rauished in the spirit , after long continuance in prayer . when they were transported , and out of their wits , then they supposed , that the holy spirit was sensibly infused into them , whereby their bodies were made free of all perturbation , and their soules were auerted from all inclination to euill , in such sort , that they had no neede of fasting to subdue their bodies , nor of doctrine to restraine the disordered affections of their soules . this pestilent heresie was ouerspred in many places : but it was mightily suppressed by letoius b. of meletina , amphilachius b. of iconium in lycaonia , & flaniāus b. of antiochia , who with great dexterity drew out a cōfession out of the mouth of adelphius , an aged man , & a propagator of this heresie in edessa . this heresie , albeit it had many patrons , such as dadoes , sabas , adelphius , hermas , simeones , yet from none of them it receiued the name , but rather from the actions and passions wherevnto they inclined . apollinaris bishop of laodicea in syria , gloried in the quickenesse of his wit , and delighted to make contradiction to euery thing that any man could speake : and so it came to passe ( as ruffinus writeth ) heresim ex contentione generauit , that is to say , through contention he procreated an heresie : affirming that in the dispensation of christes incarnation , hee assumed the body of a man onely , but not the soule of a man because his diuinitie supplied the place of his soule . and when hee was argued by euident places of scripture , that christ in his humane nature was a perfect man , hauing not onely a body , but also the soule of a man : as when he sayd , his soul was heauy vnto the death : left he should haue seemed to bee vtterly conuinced and ouercome : hee confessed that christes bodie was quickned with a naturall life : but the diuinitie o f christ was in place of a reasonable soule . this heresie was damned in councels conueened at rome , alexandria , and constantinople . hee augmented the schisme at antiochia , where there had beene alreadie three factions , to wit , eustatiani , meletiani , and pauliniani . now apollinaris dwelling in laodicea a towne of syria , neere approaching to antiochia : hee was the author of the fourth faction . in the dayes of iulian hee compiled histories of scripture , in greeke poesie . in the dayes of valentinian and gratian , he defended his heresie . in the dayes of the emperour theodosius he concluded his life . his sonne , in name , learning , and bad vse of excellent gifts , was like vnto his father . vitalius presbiter in antiochia was a serious defender of the heresie of apollinaris , in so much , that the followers of apollinaris were called vitaliani . donatus was a bishop in numidia , who contended with vnsupportable hatred against cecilianus bishop of carthage , challenging him , that he had receiued ordination from foelix altungensis , who was proditor : that is , who in time of persecution had deliuered the booke of holy scripture to be burnt : or , as others say , because hee admitted to an ecclesiasticall office , a deacon , who had committed the like fault . the cause of cecilianus was oft agitat before the councell of carthage , before miltiades b. of rome , before the councell of arles , and by the emp. constantine : but the donatistes at all times succumbed in probation . therefore they were enraged , because they could not accomplish their wicked designes against cecilianus : & they fell from the vnity of the church . inueterate schismes oft times turne to heresies . so the donatists in the end were defenders of hereticall opinions : namely , that the catholicke church was no where els to be found , but only in that corner of africke , wherein they themselues dwelt : and that baptisme was not effectual , except it had bin ministred by one of their societie . of all the branches of this heresie , circūcelliones was the most reprobate branch : a people cruel & sauage , not only against others , but also against themselues , throwing themselues headlong frō high places , or casting themselues in fire and water : and this sort of death they counted martyrdome . the diuersitie of names wherewith this heresie was pointed out , clearely declares , that the donatistes wanted not a great number of fauorers : for they were called parmeniani , rogatistae , cirtenses , and maximianistae . against this heresie , and the heresie of the pelagians , august . bishop of hippo , contended with mightie grace , as likewise against the heresie , of the manicheans , wherein he had bin nursed himselfe . collyridiani were a sort of superstitious people , who worshipped the virgin marie , the mother of our lord , with diuine adoration , and with baking little pasties ( which in the greeke language are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which they offered to the virgin marie , as to the queene of heauen . epiphanius counts them heretikes , because the virgin marie , albeit shee be a blessed woman , yet is shee not god. many late heresies are nothing els , but a renewing of old & decayed heresies . such was the heresie of priscillianus , a man of noble birth in spaine , very eloqvent , rich temperate , with great show of humilitie , who easilie insinuated himselfe in the fauour of the people . in his youth hee was inclined to magical arts , and renewed the heresie of gnostici , who disallowed marriage , and commended fornication . some bishops of spaine were entangled with this heresie : such as iustantius , salvianus , and helpidius , whom adygimus bishop of corduba damned in a coūcell gathered at caesaraugusta . this was done in the dayes of the emp. gratianus & valentinian . the great citie of refuge to heretikes , was to addresse themselues to the bishop of rome , and to leane vnder his shadow : but damasus , who was bishop of rome at this time , would not admit these heretikes to his presence : neither would ambrose bishop of millane , to whom they addressed next , in any wise accept of them : when al other means failed them , last of al with buddes and bribes they sollicited the emp. cubiculers , & were sent backe againe to enjoy their owne places . neuerthelesse , god suffered not priscillianus to escape punishment , for hee was conuict of sorcery , and was punished to the death , after the death of valentinian the second , whether by maximus an vsurper of the emperiall soueraintie , or by theodosius , i am not certaine . lucifer was bishop of calaris in sardinia . he was present at the councell of millan , and was banished by constantius , because hee would not consent to the deposition of athanasius . hee was reduced from banishment by the emperour iulian. hee visited antiochia a towne miserably distracted with schismes , and by ordaining paulinus bishop of antiochia , hee rather augmented then lessened the schisme : he perceiued that this his fact was disproued by euseb. bishop of vercellis , and many others , therefore he and his followers , did not communicate with such as disproued the ordination of paulinus . this seemeth rather to be reckoned in the catalogue of schismes , then of heresies : and theod. disprouing lucifer , saith , that hee made faith to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a weapon of contentions , but not a weapon of heresie . these who supposed , that after the natiuitie of the lord , the virgin marie companied with her husband ioseph , and did beare children to him , were called antidicomarianitae . in this opinion was helvidius , a man more curious then wise . the opinion of the fathers of the church , not repugnant to scripture , was this , that like as no man did lie in the sepulchre wherein christ was buried before him , euen so in the wombe wherein hee was conceiued , no man was conceiued after him : so the fathers tooke the words of the apostolicke symbole , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if it had beene said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , borne of mary a perpetuall virgin. in holy scriptures by the brethren of our lord is meant the kinsmen of the lord according to the flesh , to which exposition the consent of ancient and neotericke writers for the most part agreeth . augustine cites out of philaster a sort of heretikes , called metangismonitae , whose heresie sounded to this . that the sonne is in the father , according to the similitude of a little vessel comprehended within the compasse of a greater vessel : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greeke language signifieth a vessell , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth the entering of one vessel within another , which in our language cannot be expressed by one word , as it is in the greeke . from seleucus & hermias this heresie had the name : where they dwelt , or in what emperours daies this heresie was propagated , august . maketh no mention : their opinions were most abominable : namely , that the masse , whereof god created the elements , was coeternall with him : and that the angels , and not god , created the soules of men : that christ in his ascension vncloathed himselfe of the flesh of man , and left it in the globe of the sunne . they receiued not baptisme by water . they denyed the resurrection of the dead , supposing that by new generations , one succeeding to another , that is performed which in scripture is written concerning the resurrection . the rest of heresies of this age , were all obscure , and had few followers , such as proclianitae , who denied that christ was come in the flesh : patriciani , who affirmed , that the body of man was formed by the deuil , & not by god : ascitae , who carried about with them the new vessels , to represent that they were vessels filled with the new wine of the gospell : patalorynchitae , foolish men , who counted it religion to stop their breath with their fingers , and to vtter no intelligible speech : aquarij , who in stead of wine receiued water in the holy sacrament . the beginning of this errour seemes to haue beene in the dayes of cyprian . coluthiani denyed , that any evill , either of sinne or punishment , came of god. floriani , who by the contrary affirmed , that god created creatures in an evill estate . the eight heresies which philaster cōmemorates without any name , either taken from the author , or from the heresie it self , augustine scarcely will reckon them into the roll of heresies . centvrie v. pelagius , brito , and his followers , iulianus , and coelestius , mantained damnable heresies , in the dayes of arcadius and honorius . their pernitious heresies may be easily knowne by the learned writings of augustine , who directly impugneth the pelagians , and by the councels of arausio in france , and milivetanum in numidia , which damned the error of the pelagians . they affirmed that men by nature were able to fulfill the whole lawe of god , howbeit more easily and better , if they were supported by the grace of god. they denyed moreover , that there was originall sinne , and sayd , the posterity of adam were sinners by imitation of adams sinne , but had not received sinne by carnall propagation . they said moreover , that children had not need to be baptized for remission of sinnes , and that godly fathers in scripture , when they confessed their sinnes , they did it rather for example of humility , then for necessity and guiltinesse of sin . this pestilent heresie was spread abroad in many places , but chiefly in the isle of brittaine , because pelagius being driven from rome , came to the isle aforesaid , and infected it with his error , but by the diligent travels of germanus altisidorensis , and palladius , sent from coelestinus bishop of rome , both england and scotland were freed from that error . nestorius bishop of constantinople , lived in the dayes of theodosius the second . hee was an eloquent man , but his head wanted braines , when hee spake against the personall vnion , of the divine and humane nature of christ. he denyed that the virgin marie could bee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or deipara , that is , the mother of god , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is the mother of christ. hee was condemned as an heretique in the councell of ephesus , and banished by the emperour theodosius , to the wildernesse of thebaida , and was plagued by god with extraordinary iudgements , as other heretiques had beene before : for his blasphemous tongue was consumed with wormes , and rotted in his mouth , and so hee ended his wretched life most miserablie . eutyches was an abbot in constantinople : hee fell into an errour farre different from the heresie of nestorius : for nestorius would not grant the personall vnion of two natures in christ , but eutyches confounded the natures , and would haue the humane nature so swallowed vp by the immensitie of the divine nature in christ , that there was nor two natures in christ , but one onely , to wit , the divine nature . he was condemned in the councell of chalcedon , as will bee declared hereafter ( god willing ) . this heresie much perturbed and troubled the church , in respect of the fautors , and favourers thereof , both in policie and church . chrysaphius , a principall ruler in the court of theodosius the second : basiliscus and anastatius emperours , were favourers of this heresie , and of bishops not a few ; such as dioscorus bishop of alexandria : timotheus aelurus , who entred into the chaire of alexandria like vnto a wolfe , with sheading the blood of proterius the true shepheard , and petrus moggus bishoppe of alexandria , and petrus gnapheus bishoppe of antiochia : all these maintained the heresie of eutiches a long time . and now appeareth the fruit of humane wisedome , who chose patriarches to suppresse heresies , and yet they are the principall maintainers of it . likewise a multitude of wicked men , specially monkes cryed out against the decrees of the councell of chalcedon ( which were assembled by the authority of the emperor martianus ) these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they had no principall head , vpon whom they depended : all these countenanced the heresie of eutiches , whereby it became the more pernicious to the church . it is to be vnderstood that old heresies , such as the heresie of the manicheans , and the heresie of the donatists sprung vp of later time , were in vigour and strength as yet , whereby it came to passe , that augustine is compelled to write in his time against many manicheans , such as faustus , fortunatus , felix , secundinus ; and against donatists , such as gandentius , parmenianus , emeritus , ticonius : so that it is evident , that the church in this centurie , and in the former , was chiefly perturbed with the multitude and diversitie of heresies . centvrie vi. in this and the next centurie , i finde , that the error of eutyches is like vnto a roote of bitternesse , which budding out with new branches not seene before , but fostered with the venomous sappe of the old roote , that seemed to bee abolished , did mightily perturbe the church . the error of the monothelites was but a branch of the error of eutyches , of which hereafter . in this centurie a great number of people , especially of monkes , favouring the heresie of eutyches , spake against the councell of chalcedon : these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they had no principall head , vpon whom they depended , and they were anterior to anthimus , or anthimius bishop of constantinople , and to theodosius bishop of alexandria , and severus bishop of antiochia : therefore they were not called anthimians , theodosians , or severites , but indeed , they might haue beene called eutychians , but the vulgar name given vnto them , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . another branch which sprang vp from the root of eutyches heresie , was the errour of those who supposed that the flesh of christ was voyd of all kinde of humane infirmitie , expresly contradicting holy scriptures , which attributeth vnto the body of christ , hunger , and wearinesse , and other infirmities , which hee voluntarily accepted for our sakes . and where it is sayd , that the lord iesus did eat and drink : to this they answered , that hee seemed to eaté and drinke , as hee did after his resurrection ; but hee had no necessity of eating and drinking . but the verity of his death , stoppeth the mouth of all these heretiques : for christ was content to taste of all our infirmities ( death it selfe not excepted ) that we might know hee will be a mercifull high priest , because hee hath tasted of our infirmities , and can haue compassion on those who are in trouble . in this opinion was the emperour iustinian in his old dayes , whose vices did almost equall his vertues , especially , in comporting so much with theodora the empresse , to the great advancement of the error of eutyches , and hinderance of the gospell . in this centurie , the defenders of the bookes of origen , were theodorus ascidas , bishop of caesarea cappadocia , and the monkes of no●a laura , whom eustochius bishop of ierusalem , eiected out of their monasteries , as shall bee declared hereafter . finally , there were some heretiques , who durst derogate perfection of knowledge to the sonne of god in his divine nature : these were called agnoitae , whom i leaue as buried in the dust , & according to their name , never worthy to haue beene knowne in the world . centvrie vii . in this age , partly through the malice of satan , and partly through the power of the wrath of god , punishing the contempt of his truth , heresies did mightily abound : for the heresie of arrius began to reviue againe , and many of the kings of lombardis were addicted vnto it : in speciall , rhotaris , the sonne of arioaldus , who appointed , that in every towne of lombardie there should be two bishops , having equall authority , the one a catholick bishop , the other an arrian . in england and scotland , the heresie of pelagius was renewed , as beda testifieth . the monkes of syria propagated the heresie of nestorius , as platina recordeth in the life of donus the first . the heresies of severitae , apartodotitae , momphysitae , acephali , theopafcitae , iacobitae , armenij ; all were eutichian heretiques , differing one from another in some ceremonies , in absurditie of speeches , in authors whom they principally admitted and followed , in places where the heresie chiefly increased , and in their carriage . likewise staurolatrae were eutychian heretiques : but the worshipping of the crosse , was a note distinguishing them from other heretiques , of their owne opinion . priscillianistae were heretiques , who borrowed absurd opinions from samosatenus , and photinus , from cerdon , and marcion , and from the manicheans : but all these ancient errours , were sufficiently refuted in ancient times . the heresie of the monothelites , was a branch of the heresie of eutyches , by a secret and crafty conuoy , insinuating it selfe into credite againe , after it was condemned in the councell of chalcedon . the authors of this heresie , were sergius , pyrrhus , and paulus , patriarches of constantinople ; and macarius patriarch of antiochia ; cyrus patriarch of alexandria ; petrus bishop of nicomedia , with many others . they denyed not directly the two natures of christ personally vnited : but onely affirmed , that after the vnion of the natures , there was onely one will , and one operation in christ : whereas the holy scriptures attribute vnto christ , as hee is man , the action of sleeping : and to christ in respect of his divine nature , the action of compescing and calming the rage and stormy tempest of blowing windes , and swelling seas . this heresie was damned in the sixt generall councell , as wee shall heare ( god willing ) in its owne place . centvrie viii . many were accounted heretikes in this age , because they worshipped god sincerely according to the rule of his owne blessed word , and would not giue consent to the fond errours of the roman church . but some were counted heretikes iustly , and without all controuersie , as namelie they who call christ in his human nature the adoptiue son of god. this wicked heresie repungeth vnto the celestiall oracle , which the three apostles heard in the holy mountaine , this is my wellbeloued sonne in whom i am well pleased , we are adopted in christ to be the sons of god. but christ , euen in his manly nature is the son of god by the excellent prerogatiue of personall vnion with the diuine nature . it is not certainlie knowne , whether elipandus bishop of hispalis , or another named foelix , with whom some affirme that elipandus consulted about this damnable opinion , was the author of this damnable heresie . centvry ix . they who of old were accustomed to condemne heresies , now they are become the chiefe patrons and maintainers of adoration of images , a notable heresie : whose pusillanimitre argueth , the weakenesse of their cause : for vnder the raigne of lodouicus pius claudius taurinensis wrote bookes against the adoration of images : and the emperour by a publike edict commaunded them who were disposed to answere to his bookes , to answere whilst claudius was aliue . but ionas bishop of orleans concealed and obscured his bookes , during claudius lifetime , but after his death with impotencie of railing words , rather then with power of solide arguments hee indeuored to refute claudius taurinensis . let the iudicious reader without partialitie , peruse the bookes of ionas bishop of orleans , and the verie stinking breath of the aduersarie of the truth , shall giue great allowance to the truth of god. godescalcus , a man of the low countries , is reckoned in the number of heretikes of this age , about the yeere of our lord , . because hee spake of predestination perilouslie , to witt that these who were predestinated to life by the decree of gods predestination , were forced to doe well : and those who were predestinated to condemnation , were forced by the decree of god to doe euill . concerning old extinguished heresies , as the manicheans , arrians , donatists , and such like , who preased to build vp the walls of iericho , which god had destroyed , there is no necessitie to speake ; because these were vaine attempts wiihout any successe . centvrie x. in this age darkenes had gotten such vpper hand that the eye it selfe was darkened as our lord speaketh . the spirit of errour so possessed the verie teachers , that the most part of them worshipped images , yea the verie elements in the holy sacraments of the supper . churches were replenished with the bones of dead men , whereunto the people kneeled , worshipping dead bones in place of the liuing god. and the small sparke of knowledge which remained not extinguished seemeth to be in the people , rather then in the pastours : for the people saw that the preachers entered not at the right doore , but rather like vnto thiefes & robbers they entered by bribes and gifts into spirituall offices , and therefore the historie recordeth that henricus auceps when hee did fight against the hungarians made his vowe to god , that if the lord would giue him victorie against his enemies , hee would purge his countrie from simonie , which was an euident token , that the vilde heresie of simon magus in buying and selling spirituall things did at this time mightily abound . centvrie xi . in this centurie the pope had such vpper-hand both ouer princes and pastors : that they accounted euery thing that displeased them to be heresie . the inuestment of bishops by secular men , was called simonie ; and marriage of priests was called the heresie of the nicolaitans : likewise betweene the latine and greeke church fell out such contention for a matter of small importance , that they accounted one another to be heretikes . the greeke church called the latines azymitae , because they celebrated the lords supper with vnleauened bread , and the latine church on the other part called the greeke church fermentarij , because they vsed leauened breade , yea and the roman church in this age so obstinately maintained the errour of transubstantiation , that they accounted all them heretikes who dissented from their opinion . centvrie xii . in this centurie is found a french man , petrus abelardus an accurat philosopher , who vttered vncouth things concerning the blessed trinitie . that the holie spirit was the soule of the world , and that hee was not of the substāce of the father , whose opinions were dāned by the theolgues of paris , & by bernard of clarauall , in the councells of seison and senon ; as also by pope innocentius the second : after he had receiued this foyle , hee entered into the monasterie of cluniacke , where he concluded his life . centvrye xiii . amongst heretikes in this age were reckoned albigenses , so called from the name of the part in france where they dwelt . they were fauoured and assisted in many parts of france , but namelie in tolosa , not only by the inferiour sort , but also by the count himself . it is to be lamēted that the heads of their doctrine are not acuratly set downe by the writers of this age . for it is verie likely that they haue taught otherwise then their aduersaries doe report of them , who attribute vnto them the errours of the manicheās , who supposed that there were two gods , the one authour and creator of good things , and the other of euill things . alwaies it is certaine that they counted the clergie of the romane church a corrupt rable . and for this cause innocentius the third sent vnto france twelue abbots of the christian order with didatus bishop of oxfurd , and dominicus who was afterward the author of a new sect of dominike friers . all those came to france for cōfutation of albigenses . but when the pope perceiued that they yeelded not to his foresaid ambassadours , he pursued them with cruel warres , and sent out an armie against them vnder the conduct of leopold duke of austria , and simon count of montfort ; who vsed great crueltie against the townes of bitera , carcassus , vaurus , careum , apistaginum , galliacum , causacum , funum marcelli , fanim antonij , modacum , and diuers others , wherein albigenses had their residence . in the towne called castra mineruae an hundreth and twentie were burnt quicke . in paris about the same time . priests were accused as guiltie of this sect , and ten of them were burnt with fire , one at london . at penuense , agenois castrum which was long besieged , . souldiers were hanged , the rest who would not recant their opinions were burnt with fire . yet after this the french armie being troubled with other warres , the albigenses increased of new againe , and were supported by raymond count of tulosse , and peter king of arragon , against whom simon of montfort leading out his armie slew of their host twentie thousand men . in avinion lewis the eight , for suppressing of their sect dimolished the walls of the towne , & razed from the groūd houses in avinion , and was minded to haue vsed greater rigour , if hee had not bin preuented by death . almaricus a man of carnotum a towne in france , vttered strange opinions cōcerning god , whom hee affirmed to be the essence of all creatures , & the soule of heauen , & that all creatures should be counerted into the substance of god againe , with many other foolish things , who was refuted by the schoole of paris , and after that he had appealed to the b. of rome , was sent backe againe to recant his errour , which thing also he did , rather with his mouth then with his heart . likewise about tullouse sprang vp certaine heretikes called patereni and gazari from the authors of this sect , who affirmed that married men were not in the state of grace , & could not be saued . this opinion was damned in the councell of lateran . in this age also sprang vp begardi , beginae , and bizochi , who are all reckoned to be of the sect of fratricelli , who imagined that a man might attaine in this world to the estate of such perfection that he might be altogether voide of sin . and that he who had attained thereto , was neither vnder subiection to ciuill nor spirituall gouernours , but was freed from all subiection to mortall men , and that they had no neede of prayer and fasting , and such other exercises whereby increase of grace is obtained . centvrie xiv . pope iohn the . of that name , taught that soules so soone as they were dispoyled of the bodie , should not see god before the last iudgement . against whom thomas wallafe a iacobin , an english-man , opposed himselfe , but was thrust in prison . afterward pope benet who succeeded pope iohn , made a decretall , wherein hee confuted , and condemned as hereticall , the doctrine which his predecessor iohn had publiquely preached , touching the happy soules ; and it was determined and declared , that the soules which had nothing to purge , incontinent as they are departed from the bodie doe see the face of god. centvrie xv. the councell of basill confirmed that the virgin marie was conceived without originall sinne . centvrie xvi . when the gospel began to spring vp in germany , thorow the malice of satan sprang vp also a sect of pestilent heretiques , called anabaptists : so called by reason they thinke that infants should not bee baptized vntill they come to perfect age , and can giue a confession of their owne faith . they maintaine wicked opinions concerning christ himselfe , his word , his church , his magistrates . concerning christ , that hee tooke not flesh and blood of the virgin , but brought it from heaven : concerning the word , that god not onely revealeth his will , by the written word , but also by visions and dreames , wherevnto the anabaptists do leane more then to the word : concerning the church , that it is not a true church wherein there is any spot or wrinckle : concerning magistrates , that their office vnder the new testament , is not a calling approved of god. some other wicked opinions they maintaine , but these are the chiefe . and it was no wonder , that men who had layd such grounds of seditious doctrine , were also found in their liues to be authors of very seditious commotions , and insurrections against princes . like as thomas muntzerus , one of the first fathers of this sect , gathered a great number of common people , who made insurrection against their superiours ; and albeit this first attempt of the anabaptists succeded very vnprosperously ( for the princes of germany overcame in battell those seditious people , and tocke thomas muntzerus himselfe , and beheaded him , whose memorie was so perturbed with beastly feare , that hee could not recite the beliefe ( but the duke of brunswicke was constrained to recite it before him , and hee followed after him for lacke of memorie ) yet others would not take warning by him to abstaine from the like seditious attempts . for in the yeere of our lord , . iohannes leidensis a taylor of holland , came to a towne of westphalia , called munster , and hee had seduced many , and increased the number of his faction , hee expelled and banished the citizens of munster , and vsurped to himselfe a kingly authority , being assisted with the support of cniperdolingus , a vaine man , and a false prophet , who affirmed that it was revealed to him by god , that iohannes leidensis should haue the dominion of the whole world , and that he should raise vp a mightie army , and destroy the princes of the world , and should onely spare the simple multitude , so many of them as would forsake impiety , and imbrace righteousnes . likewise hee affirmed that it was the will of god , that iohannes leidensis should send throughout the whole world eight and twentie apostles , to exhort the world to repentance , and to receiue the doctrine of the anabaptists , which thing leidensis was willing and readie to performe . but the princes of germany , and the princes of other countries , tooke those seditious apostles , and gaue vnto them the reward which seditious preachers iustly deserved ; so that of all the number of his apostles onely one ( who by fleeing conveyed himself away ) escaped the punishment of death . thus iohannes leidensis , was called king of new ierusalem , and tooke vnto himselfe many wiues , of whom also hee beheaded one in the open market-place , because she had compassion of the poore besieged people of munster , of whom many died through famine . for the bishop of munster assisted with the princes of germany , besieged the town very strictly , and in the end prevailed , and tooke this new made king , cniperdolingus , his false prophet aliue , and adiudged them not onely to be hanged in chaines of iron , but before their hanging , to haue their flesh seared with hot iron pincers . thus came the authors of this most vnhappy sect , vnto a most miserable and shamefull destruction . of this sect of anabaptists , sprang vp in holland an impudent fellow david georgius , who affirmed that hee was christ , the messias and saviour of the world , yet for feare of punishment hee fled out of the low countries , and came to basile , where he remained vntill the day of his death ; all which time , hee not only obscured his blasphemous errors , but also behaved himselfe in outward show so humbly , and modestly , that hee was in good account , and became wealthy also . yet after his death , it was knowne that he had seduced many , with his blasphemous errours . therefore the councell of basile commanded , that his body should bee raised out of the graue , and burnt with fire , in token of their detestation of his abhominable errors . about the same time also , sprang vp michael servetus , a spaniard , who renewed the blasphemous doctrine of arrius ; affirming that god the father , is onely the true god , and that neither the sonne nor the holy spirit is eternall god : but that the sonne is a creature , and had the beginning of existence when god created the world . he was taken in the towne of geneva & cast in prison ; but he would not be reclaimed from his blasphemous errors . therefore the councell of the towne thought meet with flames of fire to stoppe the breath of this blasphemous man , who durst set his mouth against the heauen to blaspheme the sonne of god. after his death , many were found who maintained his errors , as namely , valentinus gentilis , gregorius blandrata a physitian in italy , matheus gribaldus a lawyer , and paulus alciatus , with many others . amongst whom valentinus gentilis was bold to put in print his blasphemies , and he called the summe of faith set forth by athanasius , symbolum satanasi , calling athanasius himselfe satanasius ; but after hee had blasphemed the sonne of god a while , both by word and writ , in the end hee was taken in the towne of berne , where hee suffered the iust deserved punishment of death . many other sprang vp in this age , who were teachers of false and hereticall doctrine ; but because they had few followers , so that the errour died with the author thereof , wee haue no great need to enroll their names and errors in this booke at large , but shortly to poynt them out . gasper suenkefeldius , a man borne in silesia , maintained this errour , that the outward ministerie of the word and sacraments was not necessarie to eternall life , because that by the illumination of gods holy spirit , without the ministerie of the word , men might be saved . andreas osiander thought that christ was our mediatour onely in respect of his divine nature : and on the other part stantcarus ( refuting osiander ) fell into the contrarie extremitie , that christ was mediatour onely in respect of his humane nature . flaccius illiricus , supposed originall sin was a substance . huberus beleeved that all men were elected vnto eternall life : and franciscus puccius , defended this opinion , that all men of whatsoever religion they were , should bee saved , if they led not a very impious life , and evill conversation . finally , in this age was cleerly discovered that hee who sate in the chaire of christ , as christs vicar , was the very antichrist ; and they who depend vpon the pope , as generall bishop of all christs sheepe , were notable heretiques , giving the glorie of christ to antichrist : denying the sufficiencie of the written word , bowing and kneeling to images , praying to creatures , and accounting them mediators of their intercession , sacrilegiously imitating the holy sacrament of the supper , and taking from the people the vse of the cup , offering dayly a new propitiatorie sacrifice for sinne , as though christs sacrifice once offered vp vpon the altar of the crosse , were imperfect ; damning marriage in some persons , and forbidding meates , which god hath allowed to bee eaten with thanksgiving : with many other errors which the lord hath cleerly detected to haue beene a long time by-past in the romane church . here endeth the third booke . the fovrth book of the history of the church , containing a short compend of all the councels , together with their severall canons , since christs dayes to this present . centvrie iv. councels may bee divided in generall , nationall or provinciall , and particular councels . generall , were called oecomenicke councels ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek language signifieth the world ) because from all quarters of the world wherein christ was preached , commissioners were sent to these councels , and they were gathered by the authoritie of the emperour . nationall or provinciall councels were such as were gathered by the authoritie of the emperor in one nation , with the assistance of other neere approaching nations , for suppressing of heresies , deciding of questions , pacifying of ●chismes , and appointing canons and constitutions , for decent order to be kept in the church . the third sort of councels were particular counc●ls , by bullenger called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . such as the councels of gangra , neocaesaria , and many others , gathered vsually by patriarchs , and bishops , in a corner of a countrie , but for the like causes that nationall councels were assembled . let no man expect a recitall of particular councels , except at such times as some matter of great moment enforceth me to speake of them . ancyra is a towne of galatia : in this towne were assembled bishops of diverse provinces , about the yeere of of our lord , . as is supposed . the principall cause of their meeting , was to constitute a forme of ecclesiasticall discipline , according to which , they who either willingly or vnwillingly , had sacrificed to idols in time of persecution , should bee received into the bosome of the church againe , when they were found penitent . there were many rancks of persons , who had defiled themselues with heathenicke idolatrie : such as libellatici , thurificati , sacrificati , and proditores . the councell of ancyra took order chiefly with those , who were called thurificati , and sacrificati , that is , with them , who either had cast vp incense vpon idolatrous altars , or else had eaten of meates sacrificed to idols : to whom it was inioyned to testifie their repentance , a long time before they were received to the communion of gods people , some one yeere , some two yeeres , others three or foure yeeres , some fiue or six yeeres , and aboue , according to the heauinesse of their transgression . in this councell it was ordained , that deacons , who in time of their ordination did protest , that they had not the gift of continency , but were disposed to marrie , if they married , they should remaine in their ministerie : but they who in time of imposition of hands by their silence had professed continencie , if afterward they married , they should bee remoued from their ministrie . also it was ordained , that chorepiscopi ( these were countrie bishops , in the latine language called vicarii-episcoporum ) these , i say , were commanded to abstaine from ordination of elders and deacons , and from vsurping of dōinion ouer the preaching elders , who were in cities . likewise it was ordained , that whosoeuer did abstaine from eating of flesh , as from a creature in it selfe vncleane , he should be depriued of his dignity . this councell was subscribed by ● . bishops . in the yeere of our lord . and in the . yeere of the raigne of constantine , as eusebius reckoneth ( others referre it to the . yeere of our lord , for there is great diuersitie in this counting ) the councell of nice in bithynia was gathered not by silvester , nor by iulius , but by the authority of the emperour . the name of the towne answered to the successe of the councell , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greeke language signifieth victorie : and when the veritie encountered with the lie in this councell , the veritie preuailed and got the victorie . the matter entreated in the councell , was concerning the opinion of arrius a presbyter in alexandria , who denied that the sonne of god was consubstantiall with the father , but affirmed there was a time wherein the sonne was not , and that he was created of things not existent . this opinion was so vnquoth and abominable to the fathers conueened in the councell of nice , that they vtterly damned and anathematized the opinion of arrius . onely bishops adhered to his blasphemous opinion . the emperour liked well the determination of the conncell , and threatned to punish them with banishment , who did refuse to subscribe the determination of the councell : for they had concluded , that the sonne of god was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is consubstantiall with the faith. of the number of feuenteene , who were fauourers of arrius , only two , to wit , secundus a b. of ptolemaida in aegypt , and thomas bishop of marmarica , adhered to arrius vntil the end of the councell , with a a few moe , whom the fathers conueened at nice , deliuered vnto sathan , and the emperour banished them : the rest for feare of punishment subscribed to the deposition of arrius with their handes , but not with their hearts : such as eusebius bishop of nicomedia , theogonius of nice , menophantus of ephesus , patrophilus of scythopo●is , narcissus of neronias , otherwise called irenopolis of cilicia : these ( i say ) and some others , subscribed the summe of faith set downe by the nicene councell , and the deposition of arrius . about the controuersie of keeping the festiuitie of easter day , a conclusion was taken , that it should be kept vpon the lords day , and not vpon the fourteene day of the first month of the iewes called nisan . and this was done for keeping of vnitie and peace in the church : for it was expedient , that that thing which was vniuersally done , should also bee vniformely done , for auoiding of schismes in the church . neuerthelesse socrates granteth , that it is but an ancient custome , not authorized by any apostolike commandement . about marriage many were in the opinion , that bishops , elders , and deacons , who were married before their ordination , should in time to come abstaine from the companie of their wiues . but paphnutius a bishop in a towne of thebaida , a chaste man who neuer companied with a woman , entreated the councell , that they should abstaine from making such an ordinance , because marriage is honorable , and the cohabitation of a man with his married wife , is chastity . likewise it was a diffiicult matter to be performed , and it opened a doore to vnchast liuing . yet paphnutius inclined too much to this opinion , that bishops , elders , and deacons , who were vnmarried , should abstaine from marriage . the councel would make no constitution about such matters , but remitted marriage as a thing indifferent to euery mans free arbitriment . the canons of the nicene councell pertaining to matters of discipline , in number . ( reade them in the history of russin . ) the appointing of three partiarches , one in rome , another in alexandria , the third in antiochia , with power to conuocate within their owne boundes particular councels , for timous suppressing of heretikes : it was like vnto a faire morning presenting vnto the world the countenance of a faire day , but at euen , the face of the heauen is couered with blacke cloudes , troubling the earth with the tempest of changed weather . euen so , these patriarches , for the most part , became in the end chiefe propagators of notable heresies , as the historie following god willing shall declare . the nationall councell of tyrus was gathered by the commandement of the emperour constantine , in the thirtieth yeere of his raigne . eusebius by ouer-passing with silence a due commemoration of the malice and falsehood of the arrians against athanasius , giueth occasion to socrates to suspect , that eusebius pamphili was not a sound follower of the nicene councell . to this nationall councel conueened threescore bishops , from aegypt , lybia , asia , & europe . the most part of them were arrians , who had solde themselues to iniquity , of purpose , with false accusations to oppresse the innocent seruant of christ , athanasius . the crimes laide vnto his charge , were fornication , the slaughter of arsenius , and cutting off of his hand , the ouerthrowing of the holy table , the breaking of the holy cup and burning of the holy volumes . no assembly was so full of partialitie , confusion , clamour , and vnrighteous dealing , as this assembly at tyrus : in so much , that paphnutius a bishop in thebaida , arose , and left the councell of vngodly men , and drew with him maximus bishop of ierusalem , fearing lest his simplicitie should haue beene circumueened by the subtiltie of deceitfull arrians . how athanasius fled to the emp. and declared the vnrighteous proceedings of the councell of tyrus , it hath bin declared already . in this assembly potāion bishop of heraclea , a man full of spirituall libertie , finding eusebius pamphili sitting as a iudge , & athanasius standing , outbraided eusebius as a man who in the persecution of dioclesian was enclosed in that same prison with himselfe : but eusebius escaped out of prison without the markes of the rebuke of christ , which potamion and other faithfull confessors could not get done . in like manner , athanasius refused to compeare in caesarea palestinae , where eusebius was bishop , as a place suspect for fauour carried to arrians . all these things brought the name of euseb. pamphili in some disliking . the issue of the councell of tyrus was this : the arrians in his absence deposed him , and amongst the rest arsenius was one of them , who subscribed the deposition of athanasius with that same hand that the arrians had alleadged was cut off by athanasius : so effronted are heretikes , defenders of false and lying doctrine . the emperour constantine commanded the bishops assembled at tyrus , to addresse to constantinople : but when they came thither , they durst make no mention of the fornication of athanasius , of the hand of arsenius , of the table , cuppe and bookes aboue mentioned : but they forged new accusations against him , whereunto the emp. gaue too hastie credit , and banished athanasius to triere . immediatly after the councell of tyrus many bishops were assembled at ierusalem , for the dedication of the temple , which the emperour constantine had builded at the place of the lords sepulchre . concerning the councell of antiochia , wherein the arrians deposed eustatius , and the councell of arles , wherein cecilianus was absolued from the accusation of the donatists , no further discourse is needful then is contained in the history of the liues of these two bishops . gangra is a towne of paphlagonia . in this towne were assembled certaine fathers , to the number of . about the yeere of our lord . the occasiō of their meeting was the heretike eustatius , who admiring the monasticke life , or ( as others affirme ) fauouring the heresie of encratitae , and the manicheās , he spake against marriage , against eating of flesh ; and hee damned the publicke congregations of gods people in temples : and said , a man could not be saued , except he forsooke all his possessions , and renounced the world after the forme of monkish doing . these opinions were dāned in the councell of gangra . the subscriptions of the fathers of this councell after their canons , are worthie to be remarked . these things ( say they ) haue wee subscribed , not vituperating them , who according to scripture chooseth vnto themselues an holy purpose of a continent life : but them onely , who abuseth the purpose of their minds to pride , extolling themselues against the simpler sort : yea , and damne and cut off all those , who contrary to scripture & ecclesiasticall rules , bring in new commandements . but wee admire humble virginity , and we approue continencie that is vnder taken with chastity and religion : and we embrace the renounciation of secular businesse , with humilitie : and wee honour the chast bōd of marriage : and we despise not riches joined with righteousnesse , & good workes : and we cōmend a simple & course apparrel , vsed for couering the body without hypocrisie . likewise we reject loose and dissolute garments : and we honour the houses of god , & assemblies , that are in them , as holy and profitable , not debarring men from exercises of pietie in their owne priuate houses . but places builded in the name of the lord , we honour , and congregations assembled in the places for the common vtilitie wee approue : and good workes , which are done to poore brethren , euen aboue mens abilitie , according to the ecclesiasticall traditions , we blesse them : and we wish all things to be celebrated in the church , according to holy scriptures , and the ordinances of the apostles . in the time of the raigne of constantine in eliberis , a towne of spaine , were assembled nineteene bishops , & of presbyters , thirty six . the end of their meeting was to reforme horrible abuses , both in religion & manners , which in time of the ten persecutions had preuailed in spaine : and now in time of peace such enormities and festered manners could hardly be amended . many ecclesiasticall canons were made in this synode to the number of . whereof wee shall rehearse but a few , and such as clearely pointeth out the principall end of their meeting . they ordained , the hea●hnicke sacrificing priests ( called of old , flamines ) if they were content to abstaine from sacrificing to idols , and to learne the groundes of christian religion , after three yeeres repentance , they should be admitted to baptisme . likewise they ordained , that christian virgins should not be giuen in marriage to pagans , lest in the floure of their youth they should be entangled with spiritual whooredome . in like maner , that bishops should receiue no reward from men that did not communicate with the church . they ordained , that nothing that is worshipped , should be pictured on the wall . and that in priuate houses no idols should be found : and in case the masters of houses were afraid of the violence of their seruants , at least , they should keepe themselues pure and cleane : which if they did not , they should be counted strangers from the fellowship of the church . and that if any man happen to be slayne , in the action of breaking downe images , his name shall bee enrolled in the catalogue of martyrs , because it is not written in the history of the gospell , that the apostles vsed any such forme of reformation : whereby they signifie , that by wholsome doctrine images should be cast out of the hearts of men , rather than broken with popular violence , and with the tumultuary attempts of priuate men . any iudicious man may perceiue by these canons both the time when , and the cause wherefore this councell was assembled . they who count the first councell of carthage , to be that councell whereinto cyprian , with aduise of many other bishops of numidia , lybia , and other partes of africa , ordained men who were baptized by heretikes , to be rebaptised againe : they commit a great ouer sight , to reckon the first councell of carthage to be holden vnder the raigne of constantine , whereas it is certainely knowne , that cyprian was martyred , in the dayes of valerian the eight persecuting emperour . but the first councell of carthage , that was kept in constantines dayes , was that councell whereinto the donatistes cōdemned caecilianus , bishop of carthage , whose innocencie afterward was tryed by many iudges . in it there was no matter of great importance concluded , and therefore i ouer-passe it with few wordes , as an assemblie of little account . all these councells aboue mentioned were assembled in the dayes of constantine the great : now followeth councells gathered in the dayes of his sonnes . the cause pretended for the gathering of the councell of antiochia , in the dayes of constantius the sonne of constantine , was the dedication of the church of antiochia : which albeit constantine had builded , yet fiue yeeres after his death , and in the seuenteenth yeere after the foundation of the temple was laide , constantius his sonne finished , and perfected the worke . and vnder pretence of dedication of this temple ( as said is ) this assemblie of antiochia was gathered . anno , . but indeed of purpose to supplant the true faith. to this assemblie resorted many bishops , to the number of . but maximus bishop of ierusalem , and iulius bishop of rome , neither came they to the councell ; neither sent they any messenger in their name , fearing as the truth was , that they were gathered for euill , and not for good . at this time placitus , the success out of euphronius , gouerned antiochia . now when they were me● together , many accusations were heaped vp against athanasius : first , that hee had accepted his place againe , without aduise of other bishops : secondlie , because at the time of his returning backe againe to alexandria , there fell out great commotion amongst the people , and some were slaine , others were contumeliouslie beaten , and violently drawne befor justice seates . mention also was made of the decrete of the councell of tyrus , against athanasius . it was an casie matter for the arrians to imprint into the vlcerate mind of constantius , an hatred against athanasius . in this councell they set downe diuers summes of faith : first secretly couering the venome of their heresie , but afterward , as it were repenting , they manifested themslues more clearly in their owne colours . after this councell followed terrible earth-quakes in the east , wherewith many townes were shakē , especially the towne of antiochia , with continuall earth-quakes was shaken for the space of a whole yeere . the principall designe of the councell was to eject athanasius , out of his chaire , & to alter the sum of faith set downe in the nicene councell : as euidently appeared , by sending of syrianus to destroy athanasius , and to place gregorius in his roome : but athanasius escaped the danger by the great prouidence of god , and fled to iulius bishop of rome : and the arrians displaced againe gregorius , and appointed georgius a man of cappadocia , and more fit for their purpose , to be bishop of alexandria . the fauour that iulius bishop of rome shewed to athanasius bishop of alexandria , paulus bishop of constantinople , asclepas bishop of gaza , and lacius bishop of adrionopolis , was the cause mouing the arrians to haue so frequent meetings in antiochia : very sharpe letters passed betwixt iulius and the orientall bishops : iulius blamed them , because they had both rashly and vnrighteously deposed the fore-named bishops . they on the other part expostulated with iulius , because he had receiued to his fellowship men deposed by thē , whereas none of the east church had admitted novatus to their communion , whom the bishop of rome had excommunicated . after the issue of three yeere , another councell was conueened in antiochia , about the yeere of our lord . wherein the arrians set foorth a newe summe of their faith in very ample and prolix manner , and different from all other formes set downe before : the copie whereof they sent to the bishops of italy , by endoxius bishop of germanicia , and martyrius , and macedonius : but the bishops of italy would not receiue it , contenting themselues with the summe of faith set downe in the nicene councell . in the yeere of our lord , . by the commandement of constantius , and his brother constans , a great nationall councell was gathered in sardica , a towne of illyricum , of dacia . many bishops of the west , to the number of three hundred , resorted to this assembly , but from the east only seventy six . they who came from the easterne parts , would not vouchsafe to be present in the councell , except protogenes bishop of sardica , and osius bishop of corduba , had separated from their fellowship paulus bishop of constantinople , and athanasius bishoppe of alexandria . but the cause of their absenting themselues from the councell , indeed , was this ( as theodoretus prudently recordeth ) because the forgers of salse accusations against the men of god , whose cause was appointed to be iudged in this councell , durst not abide the tryall of honest iudges , and men of vnsuspected credit . the councell finding that the arrians couvicted in conscience , durst not compeare to accuse paulus , and athanasius ( whom notwithstanding they had deposed in the councels of tyrus and antiochia ) proceeded to the tryall of their cause : and findeth all the accusations of the arrians against panlus , athanasius , asclepas , and the rest , to bee but a masse of forged calumnies and lyes : arsenius was found to be aliue , whom , the arrians had alledged , athanasius had slaine : as concerning the overthrowing of the holy table , and breaking of the holy cup , by macarius ( whom athanasius had imployed , and therefore the blame was layd vpon him ) it was found to be a notable lye : because when macarius entred into the church of mareota ( where this fact was alledged to bee done ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were present in the church . and such kinde of persons were not permitted to be present at the celebration of divine mysteries . ishyras also , who was the principall forger of all the afore-mentioned calumnies , was found to haue beene tyed to the bed by infirmity , at that time , when macarius was alledged to haue done all these things . and finally , it was found , that ishyras had received a bishopricke , as the wages o● iniquity from the arrians , before hee had beene admitted presbyter in any church . also the supplicant bils of paulus , ascl●pas , marcellus , &c. were read , tryed , and examined , and they were all found honest and vpright men , and they were all recommended by the letters of the councell of sardica , to their owne flocks . on the other part , the bishops , whom the arrians had intruded in the places of the fore-mentioned brethren , they deposed them , and abhorred their memorie : such as gregorius in alexandria , basilius in ancyra , and quintianus in gaza : of whom they discerned , that they were not worthy the name of common christians , much lesse to bee called bishops : commanding all people to forsake their fellowshippe , and neither to send letters to them , nor to receiue letters from them . the like sentence they pronounced against theodorus of heraclea , narcissus of neronias , acacius of caesarea palestinae , stephanus of antiochia , vrsatius of sigidun in mysia , valens of myrsa in panonia , menophantus of ephesus , and georgius of laodicea , principall patrons of the arrian heresie . the arrians on the other part assembled themselues in philippopolis , a towne of thracia , and there they damned of new againe , paulus and athanasius . likewise they damned iulius bishop of rome , osius bishop of corduba , protogenes bishop of sardica , maximinus bishop of triere , and many others , whom they cursed also , because they had admitted to their fellowship those bishops , whom they had deposed . sozomenus is in that opinion , that the councell of philippolis succeeded the councell of sardica . from . provinces did bishoppes resort vnto the councell of sardica . from this time forward , there was added diversitie of affection , vnto diversity of opinion : and those who dwelt in the east , did not communicate with them who dwelt in the west . some arrian bishoppes dwelt in the west , such as auxentius bishop of millan , and vrsatius , and valens : but by the vigilant travels of the bishoppe of rome , and other godly bishops of the west , it came to passe , that these seminaries of errors did not prevaile much in the westerne parts . this is that councell , wherein iulius bishop of rome , for his good carriage , and good deservings , was appointed to be iudge of appellations , when the like case fell out , that righteous men were oppressed with the vnrighteous dealing of heretiques . but remember , that this is a constitution of the councell of sardica , and not of the nicene councel : and this was a priviledge both personall and temporall , for extraordinary causes , conferred to iulius : but not to bee extended to all his successours , nor yet to continue at all times . in the yeere of our lord , . and fiue yeeres after the councell of sardica , by the commandement of the emperour constantius , a councell was gathered in sirmium , a towne of illyria ( bullenger calleth it a towne of pannonia ) photinus bishop of sirmium , had renued the heresies of sabellius , and samosatenus . a disputation was instituted betwixt basilius bishop of ancyra , an arrian heretique , and photinus a sabellian heretique : in which disputation photinus was thought to be overcome , and was damned by the councell as an heretique , and banished by the emperour . in this councell they set downe summes of faith , one in greeke , and two in latine ; wherein , albeit they abstained from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : neverthelesse they gave great glorie to the sonne of god. but in the end they repented , and by the emperours authority , would haue recalled backe againe the copies of the summes of faith , set forth at sirmium : but the mandates of the emperour commanding , in most rigorous forme , to deliver backe againe the copies that were past abroad , could not bring to passe , that , that thing which was once divulgated , should be againe suppressed . the weaknesse of osius bishop of corduba kythed in this councell , hath been touched in the history of his life . after that the emperour constans , was slaine by magnentius , the whole soveraignty both of the east and west , was in the hands of constantius alone . the arrians moved him to assemble a councell at millan , partly for ratification of the sentence pronounced against athanasius in tyrus , amd partly for the subversion of the nicene faith. the occidentall bishops to the number of three hundreth , at the emperors commandement assembled at millan . but neither would they ratifie the deposition of athanaesius , nor yet alter the summe of faith . and some of them with libertie and freedome , accused the emperour of vnrighteous dealing . for this cause many worthie bishops were banished , such as liberius , bishop of rome , paulinus b. of triere , dionysius b. of alba , lucifer b. of calaris in sardinia , eusebius b. of vercellis in liguria . if in this councell osius b. of corduba , was banished , as the●doretus recordeth , it would appeare that the councell of millan preceded the councell of sirmium : because that osius immediatly after he was reduced from banishment , was compelled to addresse to the councell of sirmium . but i haue followed the order of ecclesiasticall writers . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the two and twentith yeere of the raigne of constantius , the arrians having a great vantage of the flexible minde of constantius mooved him to appoint a place wherein a generall councell should be gathered , for confirmation of their faith. whether this place was the towne of nicomedia , or nice , alwaies it was shaken with earth-quake , and the god of heaven hindered the purposes of their mindes . the next course was , that two nationall councels should be convened , one at ariminum in italy , as a meet place for for the bishops of the west to convene at , and another in s●l●●cia , of isauria , as a meet place for assembling of the orientall bishops . to the councell of ariminum , more then foure hundred bishops did resort . in this nationall councell compeared vrsatius and valens , with germanus , auxentius , and caius , and demophilus , desiring that the wordes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as words not found in scripture , and grounds of vnsupportable contention in the church , should bee cancelled , and razed out of the summe of faith : and that the sonne of god should be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , of like substance with his father . the fathers convened at ari●ninum , altogether disliked this proposition of vrsatius , and valens , and adhered for the most part of them closely to the nicene faith , and excluded from the fellowship of the church , vrsatius , and valens , with their complices aboue men●ioned , as the letter of the councell written to the emperour , cleerely beares . with the letter the councell sent twenty ambassadors , chosen and selected men , who should giue further instruction to the emperor , concerning the matter of faith. but vrsatius , and valens prevened the ambassadours of the councell , and by sinistrous informations , hindered them from accesse to the emperour : onely their letter was read , whereunto the emperour turned a differing answer , bearing , that for the present hee was busied with weighty affaires of the kingdome , but when hee should finde any breathing time , hee would hearken vnto them . the councell sent the second time to the emperour , desiring they might haue libertie , before the winter season , to returne to their owne flocks : and herewithall they assured the emperour , that in the matter of faith , they would adhere to that which was comprehended in the former letter . to this second message no answer was returned : therefore the bishops wearied with long attendance , returned every man to his owne flock : the emperor counted this dissolution of the councell , without warrant of his anthority , to bee a contempt of his soveraignty : therefore he gaue charge to valens , to publish the summe of the arrian faith read in ariminum , albeit it was both disapproued and reiected : with power also to vrsatius and valens , to eiect those bishops out of their places , who would not subscribe to the arrian faith , and to ordaine others in their roome . vrsatius and valens , being strengthned with the emperours commandement , not onely troubled the churches of the west ; but also went to nica , a towne in thracia , where they gathered a number of bishops of their owne faction , and approved the summe of faith read by arrians ( in ariminum , being first translated into the greeke language ) and this they called the nicene faith , deceiving themselues with vaine hopes , as if men had beene so senselesse , as to be altogether deceived by the similitude of words , nica in thracia , and nice in bithinia . moreouer , athanasius was as yet aliue , who could haue discovered both the blasphemie of the arrians at sirmium , and the falshood of the arrians at nica : for at sirmium , in the first session of the councell , it was written by the clerke of the councell , presente constantio sempiterno , & magna augusto , consulibus eusebio & hypatio . loe , saith athanasius , writing to his friends , the arrians will not call the sonne of god everlasting , but they say , there was a time , wherein hee was not : but they call the emperor constantius , being a mortall man , everlasting emperour . selucia is a towne of isauria , or cilicia , from whence paul and barnabas sayled to cyprus . isauria lyeth betwixt lycaonia and cilicia , and in an ample signification it comprehendeth cilica . in this towne convened . bishops of the east , in the moneth of december , of that same yeere of our lord , wherein the councell of ariminum , was assembled . leonas one of the princes of the emperours court , and lucius , otherwise called lauritius , captaine of the bands of souldiers in isauria , were appointed to attend the peace of the assembly , and that all things should bee done decently , and in order . the emperour gaue commandement , that the matter of faith should bee first intreated : but afterward hee gaue commandement , that the liues of them who were to bee accused , should first bee examined : whereupon arose contention in the assemblie : some vrging the matter of faith to be first entreated : others craving that the liues of such as were accused or deposed , should be first examined : and both parties grounded themselues vpon the warrant of the emperours letters . the principall ring leaders of the one faction , were acacius bishop of caesarea palestinae , georgius bishop of alexandria , vranius of tyrus , eudoxius of antiochia , and their followers exceeded not the number of two and thirtie . on the other side were georgius bishoppe of laodicea in syria , sophronius of pompeiopolis in paphlagonia , eleusius of cyzicus : and the greatest number of the councell followed the opinion of these bishops . so it came to passe , that the most part thought it expedient , that the matter of faith should bee first entreated . after this , the councell was of new againe divided into three factions . acacius , and his complices thought meete , that the forme of faith should bee altered . the most part were in a contrary opinion , that the summe of the nicene faith should be kept , onely the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should bee left out . sylvanus bishoppe of tarsus , was in the third opinion , that the summe of faith compiled in antiochia , at the dedication of the temple , should be kept . pluralitie of voyces prevayled , that the sonne of god should neither be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , like vnto his father , because in scripture hee is called the image of the invisible god. and they consented to excommunicate all those , who called the sonne of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , vnlike vnto the father . now acacius , and his complices , who were indeede anomaei , would haue seemed to accord with the rest of the councell : but when it was demanded of them , in what sense they counted the sonne alike vnto the father ? they answered , that hee was like in will , but not in substance . after that much disputation and little agreement had beene , leonas a secret favourer of acacius , dissolved the assembly . neverthelesse , the fathers of the councell convened , to iudge the cause of cyrillus bishoppe of hierusalem ( whom the acacians had deposed ) and warned the acacians to bee present , but they would not compeare . therefore the councell proceeded to the deposition of georgius bishop of alexandria , acacius bishop of caesarea , vranius bishoppe of tyrus , patrophylus bishope of schythopolis , and eudoxius bishop of antiochia , in whose place they substituted avianus , a presbyter in antiochia , others call him adrianus . the acacians layd hands on avianus , and delivered him into the hands of leonas and lauritius , and they banished him . the councell protested against leonas and lauritius , and the acacians , that they violated the decree of the councell : and without further delay , they addresse to constantinople , to giue information to the emperour . but the acacians prevented the rest , and misinformed the emperour , and accused the councell , and perswaded him to reiect the summe of faith agreed vpon in seleucia . the wrath of the emperour against the fathers of the councell of seleucia , made the rest to bee dispersed : only the acacians remained stil in constantinople , and they gathered together fifty bishops , out of bithynia , and other neere adiacent places . in this synode they confirmed the summe of faith read by vrsatius , and valens , in ariminum . it is iudiciously observed by socrates , that after the councell of nice , the arrians in the multiplyed conceits of their wauering minds , set forth nine divers summes of faith , to wit , in the dedication of the church of antiochia , two formes . the third by those who adhered to narcissus , was exhibited to constance in france . the fourth was sent by eudoxius to italy . in sirmium three formes were indited : whereof one was read in ariminum , with noting the names of the consuls , in whose time it was written . the eight was the summe of faith set forth in the councell of seleucia . the ninth was the sum of faith , set downe in cōstantinople , with this addition , that the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be silenced when preachers spake of god. thus we see , that there is no end of wandering , when men haue once forsaken the narrow path of the truth of god. the emp. constantius , & the rest of the arrians , were like vnto a troubled sea , that cānot take rest : yet another coūcel must be gathered in antiochia , for abjuring both the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that in time to come no man shall call the son of god consubstantiall with the father , nor yet of a different substance frō the father . the bishops conueened thought expedient , before they intreated concerning the faith , that the chaire of antiochia , vacant at that time without a b. should first be prouided : choise was made of meletius , some-time b. of sebastia , in armenia . hee receiued ordination by arrians , who subscribed also to his admission , & their hand-writs were deliuered into the custody of eusebius samosatenus . but when meletius disappointed the expectatiō of the arrians , they procured his banishment , & that euzoius should be placed in his stead . likewise eusebius samosatēus for no minassings & threatnings of the emp. would deliuer backe againe the subscriptions of the arrians : so that the emp. both commended & admired the magnanimous courage of eusebius . this coūcel was holden in the yeere of the raigne of constantius . in it the arrians could not perfect their intended purpose to inuent a new sum of faith , which would haue made not the tenth forme of faith indited by thē , because constātius got knowledge of the seditious attempts of iulian , & he left the councel to preueene the enterprises of iulian , but he fell sicke by the way , and died at cilicia . vnder the raigne of iulian & iouinian some particular councels were assembled : such as a councel in alexandria , gathered by athanasius & eusebius vercellensis , for dāning old heresies , and confirming the faith. another in palestina , for ordaining a b. in maiuma . another in antiochia by the acacians , vnder the raigne of iouinian . these wandering stars , accustomed to accommodate themselues to times , places , and persons , to gaine fauour at the emperours hands , they subscribe the nicene faith. but i set forward to the rest . laodicea is the metrapolitane towne of phrygia , and one of the seuen churches of asia , to whom the apostle iohn , when hee was banished in pathmos for the word of god , did write his epistles . this description i haue premitted , to distinguish laodicea of syria , a citie neere approaching to antiochia , and whereof frequent mention is made in the ecclesiasticall historie , from laodicea of asia . in this towne , laodicea of asia , a synode was gathered , after the death of iovinian , about the yeere of our lord . nothing was determined in this councell concerning matters of faith : but onely constitutions concerning ecclesiasticall policie were made in number . in this assembly the worshipping of angels is damned , as horrible idolatry , and a forsaking of christ. and the bookes of holy canonicke scripture which are to be read in time of holy conuocations of people , are particularly reckoned out , both of olde & new testament . and in this catalogue of canonicke bookes , no mention is made of the bookes of the machabees , of ecclesiasticus , and other apocreeph bookes . vnder the raigne of the emperours , valentinian and valens , and about the yeere of our lord . with aduice of both the emperours a councell was gathered in illyricum , wherein the nicene faith had confirmation and allowance . the emperour valens was not as yet infected with the poison of the arrian heresie . lampsacum is a towne situated about the narrow passages of hellespontus . the macedoniā heretikes sought liberty from the emp. valens , to meete in this towne , who granted their petition the more willingly , because he supposed that they had accorded in opinion with acacius & eudoxius : but they ratified the coūcel set foorth at seleucia & damned the councel holden at constantinople by the acacians . the emp. valens being deceiued of his expectation , commanded them to be banished , and their churches to be giuen to the fauourers of the opinion of eudoxius . this dash constrained the macedonians to take a new course , and to aggree with laberius bishop of rome . but these camelions when they had changed many colours , they could neuer be white , that is , sincere and vpright in religion . vnder the emperour valentinian in the west , damasus bishop of rome gathered a councel in rome , wherein he confirmed the nicene faith , and damned auxentius bishop of millan , with vrsatius , valens , and caius . likewise hee damned apollinaris , and his disciple timotheus . in the yeere of our lord . . or as bullinger reckoneth , in the third yeere of the raigne of theodosius , a generall councell was gathered at constantinople , consisting of . bishops , of whom . were entangled with the heresie of macedonius , who called the holy spirit a creature , a minister , & seruant , but not consubstantiall with the father and the son. in this councel the macedoniā heretikes were louingly admonished to forsake their errour , & to embrace the true faith and that so much the more , because they had once already sent messengers to liberius , and professed the true faith. but they continued obstinately in their errour , & departed from the councell . the heresie of macedonius was dāned , the nicen faith confirmed , with amplification of that part of the symbole which concerned the holy spirit , in this manner : i beleeue in the holy spirit our lord , giuer of life , who proceedeth from the father , & with the father , and the son , is to be worshipped , & glorified . they ordained nectarius b. of cōstantinople ; & that constātinople shuld haue the prerogatiue of honour next to rome . great care was had of prouinces , that they should not of new againe be infected with heresies . for this cause the name of patriarches in the councell of nice appropriated to a few , in this generall councell is communicated to manie . to nectarius megapolis and thracia was allotted : pontus to hellodius , cappadocia to gregorius nyssenus , meletina and armenia to otreius . amphilochius attended vpon iconium and lycaonia , optimus vpon antiochia and pisidia , timotheus vpon the churches of aegypt . laodicea was recommended to pelagius , tarsus to diodorus , and antiochia to meletius , who was present at the councell , and ended his life in constantinople . to other bishops a care and sollicitude of their owne boundes was committed , with this caueat , that no man should inuade the bounds belonging to another , but if necessitie so required , synods should be assembled , and euery one being desired , should mutuallie assist his neighbour . the great affaires of the church , & the care of their brethren in the west , compelled them to meete againe in constantinople , where they wrote a synodicke letter to damasus b. of rome , to ambrose , britto , valeriāus , acholius , anemius , basilius , & to the rest of the bishops cōueened at rome , wherin they declare the māifold troubles they had sustained by heretikes : & now albeit in the mercie of god they were ejected out of the sheepe-folds , yet like vnto rauening wolues they were lurking in woods , seeking oportūity to deuour the sheepe of christ. they excuse their absence , because the infirmitie of their churches newly recouered from the hands of heretikes , could not permit many of their number to journey to rome . alwayes they sent their beloued brethren cyriacus , eusebius , & priscianus , to countenance the assembly at rome . in matters of discipline they recommended vnto them the canons of the councell of nice : namely , that ecclesiasticall honours should be conferred to persons worthy , & that with the speciall aduice and consent of the bishops of that same prouince , with assistance of their confining neighbours , if neede required . after this manner was nectarius b. of constantinople , flauianus b. of antiochia , & cyrillus b. of ierusalem , ordained . heere marke , that the consent of the bishop of rome was not necessarie to the ordination of the bishops of the east . and the vsurped authoritie of the bishop of rome smelleth of noueltie , and not of antiquitie . this synodicke letter sent from constantinople , would seeme to import , that the councell which damasus gathered at rome , was assembled in the dayes of theodosius , or els that hee had gathered two assemblies in rome at diuers times , and yet for owne purpose . godly emperours and kings , such as constantine , theodosius , and dauid , were very carefull of the vnitie of the church , that it might be like vnto a compact citie , as ierusalem was when the tower of iebus was conquised , then the people worshipped one god , were obedient to one law , and subject onely to one soueraigne . theodosius in the fifth yeere of his raigne , caring for the peace of the church , conueened a great nationáll councell at constantinople , not onely of homousians , but also of arrians , eunomians , and macedonians , hoping that by mutuall conference possibly they might in end accord . the good emperour consulted with nectarius bishop of constantinople , nectarius with agelius a bishop of the novatians , agelius with sisinius , an eloquent man , and a mightie teacher , and a reader in his church . this man considering , that by contentious disputations , schismes were increased , but not quenched , gaue this aduice to nectarius , that hee should counsell the emperour to demande of heretikes , in what account they had the holy fathers , who preceeded their time . the heretikes at the first spake reuerently of the fathers : but when they were demaunded , if in matters of faith they would giue credit to the testimonie of the fathers , the heretikes were diuided amongst themselues : therefore the emperour rent in pieces the summes of the arrian , eunomian , and macedonian , faith : and ordained the homousian faith onely to haue place . the second councell of carthage was assēbled vnder the raigne of theodosius , neere vnto the time of the generall councell holden in constantinople . in it , first the summe of the nicene faith is confirmed . the continencie of bishops , elders , and deacons , is recommended , with abstinence euen from matrimoniall societie : so earlie began men to bee wiser then god : but in the twelfth canon of the third councell of carthage , it may bee perceiued , that this constitution ( as disagreeable from gods word ) was not regarded , because bishops in africa married , and had sonnes and daughters : and these are inhibite to marrie with infidels and heretikes in the canons a fore-saide . the making of chrisme , and consecrating of holie virgins , is ordained onely to belong to bishops . the canons of this councell , for the most part , tend to this , to aduance the authoritie of their bishops , fore-smelling ( as appeares ) the vsurpation of preheminence in the bishops beyond sea . the third councell of carthage was assembled in the yeere of the lord . aurelius bishop of carthage seemeth to haue bin moderatour of the councell : augustine bishop of hippo was present . many good constitutions were accorded vpon in this councell : as namely , that the sacramentes should not bee ministred to the dead . that the sonnes and daughters of bishops , and others in spirituall offices , should not be giuen in marriage to pagans , heretikes , or schismatikes . the men in spirituall offices should not be intangled with secular businesse , according to the precept of the apostle , . tim. . verse , . that men of the cleargy should practise no kind of vsury . that no man shall be ordained bishop , elder , or deacon , before hee haue brought all persons of his owne familie to the profession of christian religion . that readers , who are come to perfect yeeres shall either marrie , or els professe continencie . that in the ministration of the sacrament , or sacrifice , ( to wit , eucharistike ) nothing should bee offered , except bread and wine mixed with water , of the fruites of the cornes and grapes . that the bishop of rome should bee called the bishop of the first seate , but not the high priest , nor the prince of priestes . that nothing , except holy canonicke scripture , should be read in the churches , vnder the name of holy bookes . about the yeere of our lord . vnder the raigne of honorius , was assembled againe a great nationall councell in carthage , of . bishops . augustine bishop of hippo was also present at this councell . manie canons were set downe in this councell , almost equall with the number of conueened bishops . that persons married , for reuerence of the blessing pronounced to the marriage , should not companie together the first night after their marriage . that the bishop should haue his dwelling place neere vnto the church , his house-holde-stuffe should be vncostly , his fare should be course , and vndelicate , and that hee should conquiese authoritie vnto himselfe by fidelitie and vprightnesse of an holy conuersation . that a bishop should not spend time in reading the bookes of pagans : the bookes of heretikes , if necessitie required , he might reade . that a bishop entangle not himselfe deepely with houshold businesse , to the end hee may attend vpon reading , prayer , and preaching . that a bishop admit no man vnto a spirituall office , without aduice of the clergie , and consent of the people . that a bishop without aduice of his cleargie , pronounce no sentence , els it shall haue no force , except they confirme it . that a bishop sitting , shall not suffer a presbyter to stand . that an assembly of heretikes conueened together , shall not be called concilium , but conciliabulum . that hee who communicateth with an heretike , shall be excommunicate , whether he be of the number of the laikes , or of the cleargie . that such as refuse to giue vnto the church , the oblations of defunct persons , shall bee excommunicate , as murtherers of the poore . heere marke what is meaned by oblationes defunctorum , not soul-masses , said for the defunct , but the charitie which they haue in testamentall legacy to the poore , that no woman shal presume to baptize . centvrie v. concerning councels gathered in the daies of arcadius and honorius , by epiphanius in cyprus , and theophilus in alexandria , vnder pretence of damning the bookes of origen ; and in constantinople , first and last , by the malice of eudoxia , the emperour arcadius wife : to the deposition of iohn chrysostome bishop of constantinople : i hope i haue not need to make a new declaration of things , which are amply declared in the preceding history . about the yeere of our lord , . a great number of bishops were assembled in the towne of carthage , whose names are particularly expressed in their synodicke letters , sent to innocentius the first , bishop of rome . in this assemblie , they damned the opinions of pelagius , and coelestius ( which hath been aboue rehearsed ) as hereticall . the answer that innocentius returned to the councell , is intermixed with words of swelling pride , as if no decree could be firme , vntill it had allowance of the romane chaire : yet the fift councell of carthage had pronounced anathema against the opinions of pelagius , and coelestius , before they sent their letter to innocentius . amongst the canons of this councell , the two last are to be remarked : namely , the fourteenth , and fifteenth canon . the one declareth , that no church was consecrated without the reliques of the martyrs : the other declareth , that adoration of reliques at this time , was the custome of ethnickes : supplication is appointed to be made to the emperors , that reliques which are found in images , groues , or trees , or such other places , should bee abolished . the first councell of toledo in spaine , was assembled vnder the raignes of arcadius and honorius . the yeere of our lord wherein this councell was gathered , is much contraverted : therefore i overpasse it , contenting my selfe with some notice of the time of the emperour , in whose time the councell was gathered . it seemeth to haue beene assembled for confirmation of the nicene councell , and refutation of some errours . the canons concerning prohibibition of marriage to some persons , are foolish , and the admitting of a man to the communion , who wanteth a wife , and contenteth himselfe with one concubine onely , is foolisher : so perilous a thing it is , in a iot to depart from the certaine rule of the written word of god. milevitum is a towne of numidia : in it many bishops were assembled vnder the raigne of arcadius , whose names are particularly expressed in the letter sent from the councell to innocentius bishop of rome , which letter is inserted in the epistles of augustine , together with the answer of innocentius the first . two principall causes mooved them to assemble together . first , to finish the work they had begun , in the fift councell of carthage , in condemning the heresies of pelagius , and coelestius , by whom , as yet , many were deceiued , and perverted from the true faith . augustine bishop of hippo , was not onely present , but also president . the opinions of pelagius and coelestius , concerning the power of mans nature , not supported by the grace of god , and free-will of man to doe good of it selfe , is so solidly refuted , and that by arguments taken out of holy scripture onely ; that it is to be wished , that other councels had followed the example of this councell , wherein augustine was president . the other cause of the meeting of this councell , was to constitute canons concerning ecclesiasticall discipline , specially , that no man should make appellation from his owne bishop to bishops beyond sea , but in case his owne bishop did him wrong , then hee should appeale vnto an assembly of african bishops , but hee who would needes appeare to bishoppes beyond sea ( meaning chiefly of the bishop of rome ) let him be secluded from the communion of all african bishops . the cause of apiarius , and his bishop vrbanus siccensis seemed already to bee wakened , and the fathers of this councell fore-smelled that he was to appeale to the bishop of rome ; like as he did indeed , to zosymus the successor of innocentius : and therefore , like wise men in due time , they made this constitution . innocentius received the councels letter from a brother named iulius , and approoved the condemnatory sentence , pronunced against pelagius and coelestius : but marke the words of innocentius letter , frater , & coepiscopus noster iulius dilectionis vestraeliteras , quas ex milevitano cura fide● propensiore misist●s , mihi●nopinanter suggessi● : that is to say , our brother and fellowship iulius , brought vnto mee vnawares your brotherly letters , which ye sent vnto me from the councell milevitanū , with a care very bent for the faith. the word inopinanter , declareth , that hee received their letter before hee knew that any such councell was gathered , for the bishops of rome as yet tooke not vpon them that authority , to bee the onely appointers of generall and nationall councels . pelagius after this councell , compeared before a councell in palestina , and seemed to renounce his errors , but hee spake deceitfully , as heretiques are accustomed to doe : but hee set forth nothing in writing to destroy the errour hee had builded , and to procure the safety of them whom hee had intangled with the snares of deceitfull errours , as the epistle of aurelius , alipius , augustinus , evodius , and possidius , written to innocentius , doth declare . obscure covncels i haue not overpassed with silence , and do minde , god willing , to keep the like order in time to come . in the yeere of our lord , . and vnder the raignes of honorius , and theodosius , the second , a great nationall councell was assembled in carthage : two hundred and seventeene bishops were present at this councell , and it continued for the space of six yeeres . aurelius bishop of carthage , was moderator . three bishops of rome , to wit , zosymus , bonifacius the first , and coelestinus , endevoured with all their might to perswade the african bishops , that they were vnder the soueraignty and iurisdiction of the bishops of rome : but all in vaine , as the issue of this councell will proue . the ground of the great controversie betwixt the bishops of rome , and the sixt councell of carthage , was apiarius presbyter siccencis , a wicked man , and iustly excommunicate , not onely by his owne bishoppe vrbanus , but also by a synode of other neere approaching bishops . hee appealed to zosymus bishop of rome , a citie of refuge to all villanous men , as appeared by the insolent forme of his cariage , toward his brethren in africke : for before hee had heard the causes wherefore they had excommunicated this wicked man apiarius , hee absolued him , and admitted him to his communion . moreover , vnderstanding that a councell was to be convened in carthage , hee sent thither ambassadours to plead the cause of apiarius , to procure the excommunication of vrbanus ; and in case this succeeded not , to desire that this question might be remitted to the determination of the romane bishop , as vndoubted iudge of appellations , according to an act of the councell of nice . the fathers of the councell of carthage answered with great modesty that they knew no such act , to haue beene made in the councell of nice . alwayes time is granted to the bishop of rome , to prooue that such right belongeth to him by an act , of the councell of nice . zosymus the first alleadger of this false act , continued short time in office : for hee ended his course within the space of one yeere , and few moneths . bonifacius the successor of zosymus , seriously vrging the same prerogatiue , to be iudges in all causes of appellation , according to the act of the councell of nice . when all the acts were read , both in the latine and greeke exemplars , and no such act was found , the ambassadors of bonifacius returned to him with this answer , that the principall registers ought to bee searched , which were to bee found in constantinople , alexandria , and antiochia : and in the meane time no man should bee challenged for appealing to the bishoppe of rome , vntill this question had an end , by viewing of the authentique registers . cyrillus bishop of alexandria , and atticus bishop of constantinople , sent to the councell of carthage , the iust copies of the acts of the councell of nice : but no such act was found , as was alledged by zosymus and bonifacius : and by this time bonifacius also ended his life : for hee sate not aboue three yeeres . the epistle sent from the sixt councell of carthage , declaring that they found the act aforesayd , alledged by the ambassadours of the bishop of rome , to bee supposititious and false , this epistle ( i say ) was directed to bonifacius : but seeing hee had ended his life , it came into the hands of coelestinus , the successor of bonifacius , who insisted by the same ambassadours , who were employed before , to wit , faustinus a bishop , and philippus and asellus , two presbyters , to haue ap●arius received into fauour , and the african bishops to bee subiect to the bishop of rome : but their travels were bestowed in vaine . the last period of this controversie was this , that ap●arius despairing of helpe from the bishops of rome , confessed his faults , and humbly submitted himselfe to the councell of carthage . and the ambassadours of coelestinus returned with this answer , that the bishop of rome had no authoritie over the bishops of africa : but hee who thought himselfe to bee wronged , let him complaine to a nationall councell , and if the nationall councel also did him wrong , then let him complaine to the generall councell , but no appellation to be made in time to come from africa to the bishop of rome . vnder the raignes of arcadius and honorius , and about the yeere of our lord , . the donatists assembled themselues in a towne of africa called bagaia , in frequent number : for they are counted . who were present at this councell . the principall purpose of their meeting , was for deposition of maximianus bishop of bagara , who fell from their societie , and drew many others from their heresie : him they deposed and accursed . i haue made mention of this vnhappy councell for two causes : first , to declare the vncessant diligence of heretiques , in advancing a doctrine of lies , for it was a strange thing , that for the deposition of one man , so many should assemble themselues in one towne : seldome were so many present at occumenicke councels , as were at this convention . secondly , to declare the effromed peartnesse of heretiques , when they are met together , all that they doe is ascribed to the holy spirit : for in their definitiue sentence against maximianus , they borrow the words of the holy apostles , placuit spiritui sancto qui in nobis est : that is , it hath pleased the holy spirit , who is in vs. yet were they guided by satan , and not by the holy spirit , in all the actions of this councell . in the eight yeere of the raigne of theodosius the second , was a general councel assembled in ephesus , against the heretique nestorius bishop of constantinople , of whom socrates writeth , that the first ground of his heresie was the speeches of a presbyter in his church called anastatius , whom hee had in reverent account . this anastatius vpon a time teaching in the church , sayd , let no man call the virgin marie the mother of god , whereupon ensued great trouble in the church , for they were assured of the divinitie of christ. and nestorius not willing that the man should bee disesteemed , whom he so much regarded : he chopped oft in his sermons , vpon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not willing to giue vnto the blessed virgin so great an honour . when the councell of ephesus was assembled , consisting of the number of two hundreth bishops and aboue , and cyrillus bishop of alexandria , was appointed moderator , by the ordinance of the emperours , who commanded the councell to bee gathered ; cirillus began to embarke , and to agitate the question , before iohn patriarch of antiochia , and his companie could be present at the councell . at the first meeting , nestorius being present , in the towne of ephesus , vtterly spoyled his cause , and added to his former opinion borrowed from anastatius , that they thought it an indignity done to the onely begotten sonne of god , to speake of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were all reproachfull words to be spoken of the sonne of god , that is , that hee was nourished vpon milke , that he was borne of a maide , that hee was two moneths or three moneths old , all these words hee counted to bee reproachfull words to be spoken of the sonne of god. the fathers of the councell were all highly offended at these wordes , and warned him to bee personally present at the councell , but hee refused to appeare , vntill the time that iohn patriarch of antiochia , should be present at the councell . cirillus bishop of alexandria , was a man prompt , and forward in all causes , both good and bad , and hee would not linger vntill the comming of iohn patriarch of antiochia , and his company , but forthwith hee caused his books and writings to be examined , wherein it was cleerly found , that hee sayd the sonne of the virgin mary was not god , but onely that god was with him : so hee denyed the personall vnion of the divine and humane nature . the fathers of the councell vpon this ground damned nestorius as an heretique , and nestorius on the other part gathered the bishops of his ownefaction , and damned cirillus bishoppe of alexandria , and memnon bishop of ephesus . after this , iohn patriarch of antiochia came to ephesus , whose comming rather increased , then diminished the schisme : for hee was so angry against the precipitation and hastinesse of cirillus , that hee would not adioyne himselfe to the councell : hereupon followed mutuall excommunications : iohn patriarch of antiochia , excommuicated cyrillus and memnon : and they ▪ on the other part excommunicated him , and his 〈◊〉 who came not to the councell : yet in the mercy of god , this schisme that fell out last amongst good men was cured , and they were reconciled , and the heretique nestorius was banished to oasis . before theodosius the second had ended his life , flavianus bishop of constantinople , had gathered a particular councell , and damned eutyches an abbot of constantinople , because hee affirmed , that in christ , after the vnion of the divine and humane natures , there was no longer two natures . this absurd opinion flavianus damned as hereticall . notwithstanding , chrysaphius , the chiefe governour of the emperours palace , was a friend to eutyches , and a favourer of his heresie . and hee procured at the emperours hands , that eutyches cause should bee iudged in a more frequent assembly , to bee gathered at ephesus , and wherein dioscorus bishop of alexandria should be moderator . in this assembly dioscorus dealt imperiously , like vnto an head-strong heretique . hee called vpon eutyches , and required a confession of his faith , which when hee had given , not expecting the votes of others , who were present , with clamour and out-crying , hee gaue allowance vnto it , as if no more were requisite in a councell , except onely the suffrage and vote of the moderator . likewise hee suffered not the letters of leo bishop of rome , sent to the councell , to be read . thirdly , he absolued eutyches , and monks , all intangled with this heresie , whom flavianus had iustly excommunicated : and last of all , he excommunicated flavianus , and caused him by the tumult of his factioners , to be so rudely and discourteously entreated , that he was trod vnder foot , and was so wounded , that within three dayes after hee ended his life : for this cause , this councell was called a councell of brigandrie . the councel of berytus in phoenicia , wherein the cause of ibas bishop of edessa ( whom dioscorus had deposed ) was wakened , and he was iustified and absolued , i purposely passe by , because the controversie against ibas , will be discussed in a greater assembly . and the councell called agathense in france , wherein albeit there be a great number of constitutions , yet nothing is more remarkable in it than this ; that they grant they had libertie to meete together by cōmandement of alaricus king of gothes , who at that time had soueraigntie in that part of france called gallia narbonensis where the councell was gathered : so that in al countries , councels , both generall and nationall , were conueened by the authoritie of princes . in the yeere of our lord . and in the third yeere of the raigne of the emperour martianus : a generall councell was assembled at chalcedon a towne of bythinia , lying directly ouer against constantinople . martianus the emperour was in person present at the councell , and of bishops , and reuerend fathers , from all partes of the world sixe hundreth and thirtie . the like whereof hapned not in any generall councell preceeding this time . the patriarches were all present at this councell , either in proper person , or by their ambassadours . anatolius bishop of constantinople , dioscorus bishop of alexandria , maximus bishop of antiochia , iuvenalis bishop of ierusalem : and in stead of leo bishop of rome , his ambassadours pascasianus a bishop , lucentius , bonifacius , and basilius presbyters , with a christian brother iulianus . martianus entreated all the fathers of the councell to thinke that he gaue his presence to the conuention , not for ostentation of his power or vertue , but onely for desire that the true faith should be confirmed and established , and that by his authority all tumults of men disobedient to the councell , might be repressed . aboue all crauing of them , or rather charging & commanding them , that they should decerne nothing repugnātto the actes of the councel of nice . the ambassadours of leo bishop of rome craued that dioscorus bishop of alexandria should not sit in the councell as a iudge , but that he should stand , and answere to things that were to be obiected vnto him . which petition being granted , eusebius b. of dorileum stood vp , and accused him of three things . first , that he had beene an aduersarie to the true faith , in absoluing eutyches a notable heretike in the second councell of ephesus : secondly that he was a murderer of flavianus bishop of constantinople a constant defender of the true faith : and thirdly that hee had done himselfe wrong in deposing him without a cause , and therewith hee desired his letter to be read . the councell not onely read his letter accusatorie , but also read all the acts of the second councell of ephesus , and heard the reports of bishops , who were present at the councell of brigandrie , and consented against their hearts to the deposition of flauianus , because dioscorus had bands of souldiers sent by chrysaphius in the name of the emperour theodosus . to compell simple men to obey all his desires . all this beeing considered , together with his vnmanerly rudenesse , who would not suffer the letter of leo bishop of rome to be read in the councell aforesaid , and finally that hee had most vniustly and vnaduisedly excommunicated leo bishop of rome . the councell of chalcedon cited dioscorus , the ground of this controuersie , but he appeared not : therefore hee was condemned as an heretike , together with eutyches and iuvenalis bishops of ierusalem , and it was ordained that men should beleeue that the natures of christ , albeit they were vnited , yet were they not confounded , as eutyches heretically had affirmed . likewise all the actes of the second councell of ephesus were abrogated & rescinded , except the deposition of dam●us bishop of antiochia , and substitution of maximus in his place . moreouer theodoretus bishop of cyns and ibas bishop of edessa , who had beene vniustly deposed in the second councell of ephesus , were both restored to their places , after they had clearely damned the heresies of nestorius , and eutyches . in the cause of bassianus and stephanus , who contended both for the bishopricke of ephesus , it was ordained that both of them should be remooued from that dignitie , as men who by vnlawfull meanes had aspired to ecclesiasticke offices , and a third person should haue the office . finally , it was appointed and ordained in this councell , that anatolius bishop of constantinople , and his successours should haue the chiefe dignitie next vnto the chaire of rome . it is to be marked that proterius bishop of alexandria , to whom the place of old belonged , albeit hee was present in the councel , yet he made none obstacle vnto this ordinance ; but the ambassadours of leo bishop of rome spake against it , fearing left the increasing magnificence of such an emperiall towne , should in ende bring constantinople to the preheminence of the first seat . supremacie was long agoe the apple of their eye , and they could not abide that afarre off a diminution of this should be once pointed at . neuerthelesse this ordinance had allowance of the councel , notwithstanding of the contradiction of the romane ambassadours . incodice romano , saith learned morneus , all this action is left out . in the sixt session of this councell the emperour martianus with pulcheria the empresse , were both present , and craued of the councell , that ordinances should be made for restraining the filthie lucre , and ambition of monks and clergie , who intangled themselues with secular businesse for desire of gaine and riches : wherevpon followed this constitution , that men who addicted themselues either to the monastickelife , or the clergie men , they should not be promoted to other dignities , meaning , mere ciuill offices , because that that is a distraction of them from their calling . centvrie vi. the schisme that fell out in the election of symmachus was the cause of the gathering of the councell of rauenna , laurentius , was his competitour . in this councell it was found that symmachus was first ordained , and that the most part both of clergie and people adhered to him : therefore hee was declared to bee bishop of rome , and laurentius was ordained bishop of nuceria . the multiplied number of councels in symmachus time , al conueened by the authoritie of theodoricus king of gothes , who raigned in italie . al this number of councels ( i say ) was assembled for matter of litle importance , except the fourth & fifth councell , wherein a libel of accusations was giuen in against symmachus , but he compeared not before the councell to answere ; yet was he absolued by the most part of the councell ( being his own fauourers ) chiefly for this reason ; because they thought that the high priest should be iudged by no man , but his doings should be examined only before the tribūal of god. marke how this matter goeth : the b. of rome are lying vnder the feete of the gothes , neither haue they liberty to assemble themselues together , except that licence be sought , & obtained frō theodoricus king of gothes . notwithstāding supremacie that great idol , whereat they aimed continually , runneth so high in their heads , that the flatterers of the b. of rome would absolue him , as a man whose actions came not vnder the indicature of mortall men . his accusers protested in write , that if the successours of peter should bee protested in writing that if the successors of peter should be iudged by no man , then with the rest of the priuiledges of their chaire , they had also a priuiledge to sinne , and to doe what they please . the councels of spaine called ilerdense , and valentinum assembled in valentia , are very obscure councels . in the one eight bishops were present : in the other sixe bishoppes . many new and needelesse-canons were made in these assemblies , and farther i see nothing . in the first called ilerdense ; a prohibition of marriage in time of lent , and three weekes before the festiuitie of iohn the baptist , and betwixt the dayes of the aduent of our lord , and the dayes called epiphania . in the other councell it was appointed , that in the ordinarie seruice the gospell should be read after the epistle , partly in respect that all the people of god haue entresse to heare the wholesome precepts of their sauiour , and partly , in respect that by such hearing , some were found to be conuerted to the faith , whereof it may be perceiued , that the gospell was read vnto the people in a known and intelligible language , els it could not worke faith in the heartes of the hearers . in the . yeeere of the emp. anastatius a nationall councell was assembled at sidon of eightie bishops , by the procurement of xenaeas b. of hierapolis , for vndoing the councell of chalcedon . the emperour had alreadie banished euphemius , and macedonius bishops of constantinople , yet hee found that flavianus b. of antiochia , and helias b. of ierusalem altogether disliked & reprooued his proceedings , neither could they admit the law of obliuion , called in the greeke language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the emperour would haue brought in , to pacifie controuersies in the church , as ciuil controuersies , at sometimes haue bin pacified : for this cause the emperour anastatius set himselfe directly against the truth of god , and gathered this councell , to vndoe the authoritie of the councel of chalcedon . flavianus , and helias would not bee present at this vngodly councell , wherein they damned the councell of chalcedon , yet they abstained from damning flaevianus and helias , for a time . neuerthelesse by continuall accusations of these two bishops , as if they had beene mockers of all the emperours doings , they procured their banishment , as hath beene declared in the preceding historie . in the . yeere of the raigne of anastatius , and vnder the raigne of clodoueus king of france , conueened . bishops in the towne of aurelia , of purpose to settle some order in ecclesiasticall discipline , which through iniurie of time , and irruption of barbarous people into the countrie of france , had beene brought to great dissolution and misorder . the canons of this councel are coincidēt for the most part , with the canons of all other councels . the two former councels assembled in spaine , namely ilerdense , and valentinum , were vnder the raigne of theodoricus . now these two gerundense and caesaraugustanum are celebrated vnder the same king , to wit , theodoricus of the nation of the gothes raigning in spaine . in gerunda seuen bishops conueened , made ecclesiasticall constitutions , chiefly about baptisme , that catechumeni should bee baptized on easter day , and at pentecost , when most solemne conuentions of people were gathered . they who were vnder infirmitie and sicknesse , might bee baptized at any time , and the infant , which was likely to die , might be baptized the same day wherein it was borne . in caesaraugusta eleuen bishops seemed to haue beene conueened . they forbid fasting vpon the lords day , for superstition , or for respect of times , or for perswasion . it would appeare that this councell had a desire to abolish the rites and customes of the manichean heretikes , who were accustomed to fast vpon the lords day . in the dayes of h●rmisda by the mandat of theodoricus king of gothes raigning in italie , a councell was assembled at rome vpon this occasion . it was thought meet by the emperour anastatius , theodoricus king of italie and many others , that a councel shuld be assembled at heraclea for deciding coutrouersies in religion . many bishops resorted to heraclea about the number of . but anastatius suffered no councell to be holden , thereby incurring the great blame of inconstancie , and carelessenesse in seeking out the truth : for this cause theodoricus willed hormisda bishop of rome to gather a councell at rome , wherein the errour of eutyches is damned of new againe , & ambassadours are ordained to be sent to anastatius the emperour , and to the bishop of constantinople , to diuert thē , if it were possible from the errour of eutyches , but how inhumanely the ambassadours were intreated , it hath beene declared in the description of the life of hormisda . vnder the raigne of the emperour iustinus a synode was gathered in constantinople by ioannes cappadox . many grieuons accusations were giuen in against severus bishop of antiochia , such as sacrilegious spoyling of temples , vnder pretence of eschewing causes of idolatrie , hee tooke away the golden doues that hung aboue the fontes , and the altars , and hee vttered many blasphemous speeches against the councell of chalcedon . ioannes cappadox , albeit hee was of a bad religion himselfe , yet the authoritie of the emperour , and consent of the councell procured that severus should be damned of heresie , whom the emperour also banished , and ( as some affirme ) punished him also by commanding that his blasphemous tongue should bee cut out . in like manner the monks of apamea in a councell conueened in syriasecunda , accused severus of bloody cruelty , and oppression , in besieging of monasteries , slaying the monks , and spoyling their goods . the like accusation was giuen in against peter bishop of apamea , which accusations beeing sufficiently proued by vnsuspect witnesses : this councell damned severus , and petrus bishop of apamea . in the fifth yeere of king abnaricus was the second councell of toledo conueened , partly for renuing the ancient constitutions of the church , and partly for making new constitutions belonging to ecclesiasticall discipline . it was ordained that children whom their parents had dedicated to the church , they should not be admitted to the office of a subdeacon , vntill they were eighteene yeeres of age , neither to the office of a deacon , before they were twentie fiue yeeres old , and at the beginning of their admission to the office of a subdeacon , namely , when they were full eighteene yeeres old ( and not before that time ) they should bee presented before the clergie , and people to make an open declaration , whether they were of purpose to leade a continent life , or to marrie , and these who protested they had not the gift of continency , are tolerated by the first canon of the second councell of toledo to marrie . in the yeere of our lord . and in the . yeere of the raigne of the emperour iustinian , was a generall councell assembled at constantinople . the principall causes of this meeting are expresly set downe by euagrius lib. . cap. . first in respect of the controuersie betwixt eustochius b. of ierusalem , and theodorus ascidas b. of caesarea cappadocia : eustochius cast out the monkes of nova laura , who obstinately defended the errours of origen . theodorus ascidas assisted them , and said , that eustochius bishop of ierusalem had dealt cruelly , and inhumanely with his brethren ; to pacifie this controuersie was this councell conueened : also great disputation was in the church about the bookes of origen , of theodorus bishop of mopsuesta , and some writings of theodoritus bishop of cyrus , and ibas bishop of edessa : this was the second cause of this great conuention to put an ende vnto these contentious disputations . at this time menas was bishop of constantinople , but he ended his life in the very time of the generall councel . the first question mooued in the councel was this : whether or no , men who were dead , and had ended their course , might lawfully be cursed and excommunicated . to this eutychius ( a man before this time of no great account ) answered : that like as iosias not onely punished idolatrous priestes who were aliue , but also opened the graues of them who were dead , to dishonour them after their death , who had dishonoured god in their life-time : euen so the memorialls of men might be accursed after their death , who had harmed christes church in their life-time . this was thought by the fathers of the councell to be pertinently spoken , and when his answer came to the eares of the emperour iustinian , hee appointed that hee should be ordained bishop of constantinople , for menas died suddenly in time of the councell . vigilius bishop of rome was in constantinople in time of this councell , but would not be present at the councel , left the dignitie of the romane chaire should bee impaired , if the patriarch of constantinople had beene equalled with him in honour , for eutychius , after menas , was moderator of the councell . the generall conuention tooke this effect , that the writings of theodorus bishop of mopsuesta were vtterly condemned , and the replyes of theodoretus to the . heades of cyrillus , with the letter of ibas written to maris a persiā were damned . finally the errours of origen were damned , & theodorus ascidas , together with the monks of nova laura , who defended the errours of origen , all were excommunicated , and the . preceeding generall councels were confirmed with full allowance . the councell of mopsuesta immediatly following , tended onely to this , to know when the name of theodorus sometime b. of mopsuesta a towne of cilicia , was razed out of the roll called sacra diptycha . and the ancients both of clergie and people , assured the emperour iustinian that the name of theodorus was razed out of the rol of holy bishops before their time . vnder the raigne of childebertus king of france , were frequent meetings of bishops in aurelia a town of france commonly called orleans . many superstitious constitutions were hatched amongst them , especially about prohibition of marriage , for this doctrine of deuils had now gotten the vpper hand in the west . the verse of homer may be written in the frontispice of these councels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , it is a shame to tarie long , and to returne emptie . if they meet so oft , somefruites worthy of their meeting should haue beene brought out to the world , but it is a wearisome thing to trauell a long time in the wildernesse of arabia , albeit in it there bee large fieldes , yet it is a barren ground , and the paine of wearisome trauelling is not recompensed with the delight of any refreshment that can be had there . this i write , not to hinder any man from the reading of these councels also : for some good things are to bee found in them , but to wish that the short time wee haue to liue in this world should not be vnfruitfully spent . in the second councel simonie is damned , and the receiuing of money for admitting a man to a spirituall office is vtterly derested . in the third councell periurie is abhorred in a man hauing a spirituall calling , but softly punished by . yeeres excluding of him from the communion . in the fourth councell , it is ordained that in the offering of the holy calice , nothing shall be presented , except wine onely , vnmixed with water , because it is a sacrilegious thing to transgresse the holy mandate and institution of our sauiour christ. in the fifth councell it is condescended , that no man shall be ordained bishop , without consent of king , clergie and people , according to the ancient constitutions of the church , and that no sprituall office shall be bought by money . the heape of constitutions about the keeping of pasche day and lent , about the prohibition of marriage betwixt christians and vnconuerted iewes , about seruants not to bee admitted to ecclesiasticall orders , about assemblies to be at the least yeerely conuocated by bishops , about ecclesiasticall rents not to be dilapidated . the nature of a short compend cannot permit mee to insist in such things . vnder the raigne of theodobertus king of france , the fathers who were present at the councels of aurelia , conueened also in the councell of overnie , and ordained that no man should presume to the office of a bishop , by the fauour of men in credit , but by the merites of an honest and vnreprouable life . that the dead body of a bishop in time of his funerall should be couered with the pall , otherwise called opertorium dominici corporis which couered the altar , left the honour done to the body , should be a polluting of the altar , with many other constitutions , which of purpose i ouerpasse with silence . vnder the raigne of aribertus king of france , a councell was assembled at tours . in this councell it was ordained , that the clergie and people in euery congregation should prouide support for their owne poore , and not permit them to wander to vncouth places : for indeed this custome of wandering hath brought in atheisme amongst the poore , when they leaue their owne congregation , they leaue also their owne pastor , who attended vpon their conuersation , and they fall into the snare of the deuil . it was also statute and ordained that a bishop should count his wife as his sister , and that he should no manner of way companie with her : and for this cause hee should haue presbyters , and deacons so familiarly conuersant with him , that they might beare testimonie of his honest behauiour , to wit , that he neuer companied with his wife . the romanists who count the prohibition of marriage to be the soule of their religion , could not ouerpasse this canon without a censure . now let vs heare what censura saith . intellige hunc canonem iuxia vsum orientalis ecclesiae , in qua coniugatus promouebatur ad sacerdotium : that is , vnderstand this canon according to the custome of the orientall church , wherein a married man was promoted to the priesthood : well excused . the b. of rowen , burges , tours , &c. are conueened in the towne of tours , to prescribe rules to the orientall church , or at least rules vnto their own bishops to liue after the forme of the orientall church , which neuer came in their minde to doe , as may evidently be knowne by the sixt generall councell . moreouer , it was ordained , that no priest , or monke should receiue in bed with him another priest or monke , to the end they might be , so vnreproouable , that they would abstaine from all appearance of euill . in this councell was set downe very strict prohibitions , that no man should oppresse the church , and conuert vnto his owne vse any thing duely belonging to them , left hee incurre the malediction of iudas who was a thiefe , and kept the bag , and conuerted to his owne vse a part of that mony which belonged to the poore . in the councell holden at paris , order was taken concerning admitting of bishops to their offices , that no man should be admitted bishop , without the full consent of clergie and people , and that no man should presume by fauour of princes onely , without the consents aforesaid , to become bishop in any place . recaredus king of spaine , & of the discent of the gothes , who were miserably infected with the arrian heresie , assembled a councell of . bishops at toledo , where he renounced the arrian heresie , and embraced the true faith , & the whole nation of the west gothes in spaine did the like , about the yeere of our lord . vnder the raigne of mauritius a councel was assembled at constantinople , for trying of the cause of gregorius bishop of antiochia , whom asterius deputie in the east had accused of incest : but gregorius was declared to be innocent , & his accuser was scourged with roddes , and was banished . in this councell the name of oecumenick bishop , was attributed to iohn patriarch of constantinople . tthe first councel of matiscon was assembled about the time of pelagius , as the second tome of coūcels recordeth . in it commandement was giuen , that no man of the clergie should cite another man hauing a spirituall office , before a secular iudge . and that a bishop or presbyter should not intangle himselfe with carnall lust , after hee is promoted to so high dignitie , but the woman who before was his wife , now let her be his sister , and let the husband be changed into a brother . marke how subtilly sathan vnder pretence of lothing matrimoniall chastitie , is bringing in , all kinde of vncleannesse into the church . the second councell of matiscon was conueened in the twentie foure yeere of the raigne of gunthranus king of france . in it complaint was made , that baptisme was ministred vsually vpon euery holy day , insomuch , that vpon easter day , scarce were two or three found to be presented to baptisme . this they ordained to be amended , and that no man ( except vpon occasion of infirmitie ) presume to present his child to baptisme , but to attend vpon the festiuall dayes prescribed of olde , that is , easter and whitsonday . also it was appointed and ordained , that the sacrament of the altar should be ministred before any communicant person had tasted of meat or drinke . that no person who fleeth to the church as to a citie of refuge , be drawne backe againe by violence , from the bosom of the church , or be harmed in that holy place . that a bishop must not be attached before a secular iudge . that the houses of bishops shall be kept holy with exercises of prayers and singing of psalmes ; and shall not be defiled with the barking of dogges , and muting of haukes . that secular men shall doe reuerence to those who are of the clergie , euen vnto the lowest degree of thē ; in such sort that if the secular man doe meere any of the clergie walking on foot , he shall honour him by vncouering his head : but if the secular man be riding on horsebacke , and the clergie man on foote , then the secular man shall light downe from his horse , and shall doe reuerence to the church-man : this age smelleth of antichristian pride . in the third councell at matiscon there is nothing to be read but a contentious disputation betwixt two bishops , palladius and bertramus , & foolish questions scarse worthy to be disputed in grammer schooles . whether or no a woman may be called hom● . in the yeere of our lord . and in the thirteene yeere of the raigne of the emperour mauritius : gregorius first bishop of rome assembled a councell at rome of twentie foure bishops , thirty foure presbyters , wherein first of all he confirmed the first foure generall councels . he ordained that at the celebration of the sacrament there should be lesse singing and more reading of psalmes and gospel : because weake people transported with the delight of a sweet and delicate voyce , marked not how men of a lewd life drew neere vnto the altar of god. he ordained also that laicke boyes should not be cubiculars to the bishops or rome : but that presbyters , deacons , or monkes should be witnesses of the honestie of their conuersation . and that the beare wherein the body of the bishop of rome is brought forth to be buried ; shall not be ouerspred with any couering aboue the beare . that for ordination of men in spirituall offices , no reward shall be craued . for like as the bishop should not sell the imposition of his hands , euen so the minister or notare should not sell his voyce and pen. if hee who is ordained , voluntarily giueth any thing as a testimonie of his thankfulnesse , this is not forbidden to be receiued . gregorius standing before the place where the body of saint peter is buried , pronounced many anathems , wherevnto the rest of the assemblie with vniforme consent , said amen . amongst the rest , the presbyter or deacon , who marrieth a wife is deliuered to the deuill , and a man who marrieth his owne spirituall sister ( whom in our language , we call his gossope ) hee is likewise deliuered to an euill heard to be kept . albeit gregorius be not counted the worst amongst the bishops of rome , yet when hee followeth not the certaine rule of the written word of god , hee is wandering in the mist as boldly as others did before him . the councels which i haue ouerpassed with silence , such as gradense , braccarense , lateranense , lugdunense , pictaviense , merense : lest i should ouercharge a litle booke with an vnnecessarie burthen , or trouble the reader of superstitious rites , damning of old 〈◊〉 , and of euery contentious disputation , more 〈◊〉 belonging to ciuill iudges than to spirituall conuentions , i referre mine excuse in this to the wisdome of the iudicious reader . centvrie vii . in the yeere of our lord . and vnder the raigne of the emperour phocas , a councell was assembled at rome of . bishops , . presbiters , and . deacons . in this councell the priuiledge of supremacie giuen by phocas to the roman church , was published . likewise it was ordained vnder paine of cursing , that during the life-time of a bishop , no man should talke of the election of another : that no man by largition of money should purchase vnto himselfe a spirituall office , and that no man should consult concerning the election of another bishop or pope before three dayes were expired , after the death of the defunct : and that the bishop should be elected by the clergie & people , and their electiō should be ratified by the magistrate of the citie and the pope : by these words , volumus et iubemus , that is we will and we command , otherwise the election shall be voyde , and of none effect . bonifacius the fourth gathered another assemblie in the eight ( that is in the last ) yeere of the raigne of phocas : wherein he gaue power to monkes to preach , to minister the sacraments , to heare confessions , to bind and loose , and associated them in equall authoritie with the clergie . bracara or braecara , vulgarly called braga , is a towne in portugall . in the yeere of our lord . and vnder the raigne of gundemarus , king of gothes , raigning at that time in the countrey of spaine , assembled some bishops of gallicia , lusitania , and of the prouince called lucensis of olde . it was ordained , that eu●rie bishop should visit the churches of his diosie , and see that baptisme was duly ministred , and that catechumeni twenty dayes before their baptisme should resort to the purifications of exorcismes , and should bee instructed in the knowledge of the apostolick symbol , and that the people should bee exhorted to beware of idolatry , adultery , murther , periury , and all other deadly sins . that bishops should not lift vp the third part of the oblations of the people , but that it should remaine in the parish church , for furnishing light , and for repairing the fabrick of the church : and that the bishop should compell noue of the clergy to attend vpon him in servile workes . that bishops , for ordination of the clergy , should receiue no rewards . that neither a little balme , nor yet the price thereof should be exacted from the people for their baptisme , in any time to come : lest they should seeme ( with simon magus ) to sell the gift of god for money . that bishops , before the dedication of churches , shall see a charter , containing a sufficient maintenance for them , who shall serue in the church , and for a substantiall furniture of lights thereunto . a church builded for gaine , and contribution of the people , redounding to the vantage of the builder , shall not be consecrated . parents , who are poore , and present their children to baptisme , if they offer any thing voluntarily , it shal be accepted : but they shall not be compelled to pay any thing , neither shall a pledge be required from them , left poore people fearing this , with-hold their children from baptisme . if any of the clergie bee accused of fornication , let the accuser proue his accusation , by two or three witnesses , according to the precept of the apostle , else let the accuser be excommunicate . that metrapolitane bishops , shall signifie to others of the clergie , the time of the observation of easter , or pasch day : and the clergie , after the reading of the gospell , in like manner intimate the day vnto the people . that whosoever tasteth meat or drink , before he consecrate the oblation of the altar , shall be deposed from his office . in the yeere of our lord , . assembled in a towne of france , called altissidorum , otherwise antissidorum , vulgarly auxerre , a number of abbots and presbyters , with one bishop , and three deacons . in this councell they damned sorcerie , and the seeking of consultation at sorcerers , in the first , third , fourth , and fift canons : wherby it appeareth , that sorcery hath been in frequent vse in france . many superstitious constitutions were set down in this synod , concerning the number of masses , prohibition of tasting meate before masse , concerning buriall , prohibition of baptisme before the festivity of easter-day , except vpon necessity , and feare of approaching death , prohibition of matrimoniall copulation with their owne wiues , to presbyters and deacons , after their blessing and consecration ; with prohibition of marriage also , to the widowes of the defunct presbyters , deacons , or sub-deacons : this was a yoke of antichristian subiection indeed . brothers and sisters children are forbidden to marrie . it is not lawfull for a presbyter to sit in iudgement , when any man is condemned to death . it is not lawfull for a clergie-man to cite another of the clergie before a secular iudge . it is not lawfull for a woman with a naked hand , to touch the holy eucharist . it is not lawfull to take refreshment of meate , with an excommunicate person . if any of the clergie receiue an excōmmunicate man , without the knowledge of him who did excommunicate him , he shall receiue the like sentence , that is , he shall likewise be excommunicated . it is not lawfull for a presbyter in banqueting time , to sing or dance . many canons , to the number of . were concluded in this councell : but i haue determined not to over-lade a little booke , with commemoration of an heape of vnprofitable , vnnecessary , and superstitious canons . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the . yeere of the raigne of the emp. heraclius , a councel was gathered in hispalis a towne of spaine , vulgarly called civill la grand . it was gathered by isidorus bishop of hispalis , at the command of king sisebutus , who was both present & president , in this councell . for two principall causes was this synod convened : namely , for suppressing the heresie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was a branch of the heresie of eutyches : secondly , for decision of questions , which arose amongst bishops , concerning the marches & bounds of their dioceses , with some other ecclesiasticall causes . they had . sessions , or meetings , as is declared , . tom. council . in the first action theodulphus bishop of malaca , complained , that by iniury of warres an ancient parish church was separated from his towne , and possessed by others . it was concluded , that he should be repossessed againe into his ancient priviledges , and that prescription of time should haue no place , if it were knowne , that hostility and war-fare had hurt a man in his rights . in the . session , the controversie betwixt fulgentius b. of astigita , and honorius b. of corduba , concerning the marches of their dioceses , was debated : and men were chosen to visite the bounds , and to decide the controuersie . in the . session compeared cambra b. of italica , a towne of the province of spain , of old called baetica : he cōplained against one of his clergie , named passandus , that hee being brought vp frō his infancy in the church of italica , yet had fled without any iust cause to corduba . it was ordained , that whosoever fled from his owne church vnto another , should be sent back againe , and be put into a monastery , & should be devested of his honor for a time , to the end , that the sharpnesse of discipline might correct the licentious liberty of vagring and wandering . in the . session , it was complained , that some were consecrated to bee levites in the church of astigita , who had maried widowes : this ordination was annulled ; and it was ordained , that none of these leuites should be promoted to the honor of a deacon . in the . session , a deacon of the church of agabra complained of the ordination of three persons in that church : one was ordained to bee presbyter , and two to bee levites . the bishop being blind , laid his hands vpon them , but one of the presbyters pronounced the blessing : now the presbyter who had pronounced the blessing , was dead before the councell of hispalis , therefore they remitted him to his owne iudge : but the three persons afore-said admitted to church-offices , they deposed them from their offices , as persons vnlawfully admitted . in the . session , it was found , that fragitanus , a presbyter of the church of corduba , was most vniustly both deposed and banished , by his bishop . for remedy , that the like mis-order should haue no place in time to come , it was statuted & ordained , that a bishop , without advice of his synode , should not presume to depose a presbyter . in the . session , chore-episcopi , & presbyters are debarred frō the high priviledges of the episcopal office : namely , from the consecration of presbyters , of holy virgins , churches , & altars , from laying hand vpon men converted from heresie , & conferring vnto them the holy spirit , frō making of chrisme , & signating with it the fore-heads of them who are baptized , from absolving publickly in time of masse , any penitent person , and sending testimonials to forraine parts , called formatae epistola : and finally , from baptizing , consecrating the sacrament , blessing the people , and teaching them , receiving penitents , when the bishop was present . the . session intreated concerning heliseus , a servant , whom the bishop of agabra had set at liberty , and hee on the other part abused his liberty , so farre , that he presumed by magicall art to cut off the bshoppe who had beene so beneficiall vnto him : he was ordained to be redacted againe to his former servile estate , that hee might learne obedience to his superiours , by the heavie yoke of servile subiection . in the ninth session , it is forbidden , that bishops should haue leke-men to be masters of their house , but onely some of their owne clergie , should be dispensators of their houshold affaires , because it is written , thou shalt not plow with an oxe and an asse together . by the way marke , that nothing was so miserably abused at this time , as testimonies of holy scripture . in the tenth session , the monasteries lately builded in the baetike province , were allowed , and confirmed . in the eleventh session , the monasteries of virgins are recommended to the over-sight of the abbot governing the monastery of monkes , with caveats , that all appearance of evill should be providently eschewed . in the twelfth session , one professing the heresie of acephali compeared , who denyed the distinction of two natures in christ , and affirmed , that the divinity of christ did suffer vpon the crosse : but he was seriously dealt withall , and convicted by testimonies of holy scripture , and fathers : so that hee renounced his hereticall opinion , and embraced the true faith ; and the whole councell gaue thankes and praise vnto god , for conuersion . in the thirteenth session , there is a prolix refutation of the opinion of those who supposed , that the two natures of christ were confounded , and that the divinity suffered . isidorus seemeth to be the compiler of this treatise , against acephali , given into the councell of hispalis : and many do thinke , that hee collected into one volume the councels that preceded his time : for he was a man more learned than his fellowes , in his dayes . in the yeere of our lord , . and vnder the raigne of sisenandus , king of spaine , by the kings commandement , moe then . bishops and presbyters were convened in the towne of toledo , vpon occasion of diversity of ceremonies and discipline , in the countrey of spaine . first , they set downe a short confession of the true faith , which they ordayned to be embraced and kept . secondly , that there should be an vniforme order of praying , singing of psalmes , solemnities of masses , euen-song , seruice , throughout al spaine & gallicia , like as they all professed one faith , & dwelt in one kingdome , lest diuersitie of ceremonies & rites should offend ignorant people , & make them to thinke that there was a schisme in the church . it was statuted and ordained , that at least once in the yeere prouinciall councels should be assembled : and in case any controuersie should fall out in matters of faith , a generall councell of al the prouinces of spaine should be assembled . here let the judicious reader marke , that in processe of time almost all thinges are subject to alteration ; and councels , of old called nationall , now abusiuely begin to be called generall . the order of incomming of bishops to the councell , sitting in the first place , and of the presbyters after them , and sitting in a place behinde the bishops : and of deacons , who should stand in presence of bishops and presbyters , is described at length in the third canon . that the festiuitie of easter , or pashe day , should be kept vpon the day of christes resurrection . concerning the diuersitie of rites vsed in baptisme , some vsing the ceremonie of thrise dipping in water , others one dipping only . it was thought most expedient to be content with one dipping , because the trinitie is so viuely represented in the name of the father , sonne , and holy ghost , that there is no necessitie by three dippinges in water to represent the trinitie : and for eschewing all appearance of schisme , and lest christians should seeme to assent vnto heretikes who diuide the trinitie : for all these causes it was expedient to keepe vniformitie in the ceremonies of baptisme . it was statuted and ordained , that vpon fryday immediately preceeding easter day , the doctrine of the suffering of christ , of repentance , and remission of sinnes , should be clearely taught vnto the people , to the end , that they being purged by the remission of sins , might the more worthily celebrate the feast of the lords resurrection , and receiue the holie sacrament of the lords bodie and blood . the custome of putting an ende vnto the fasting of lent , vpon fryday at nine a clocke , as damned , because in the day of the lords suffering , the sunne was couered with darknesse and the elementes were troubled : and for honour of the lords suffering that day should be spent in fasting , mourning , and abstinence : and he who spendeth any part of that day in banqueting , let him be debarred from the sacrament of christs bodie and blood on pashe day . that the tapers and torches , which shined in the church in the night preceeding the day of the resurrection should be solemnly blessed , to the end , that the mystery of the holy resurrection might be expected with consecrated lights . such voluntary seruice inuented by the braine of man , had great sway at this time . that in the day lie church-seruice the lords prayer ( vulgarly called pater noster ) should be rehearsed , because it is vsually called oratio quotidiana , that is , a daylie prayer . that alleluiah be not sung in time of lent , because it is a time of mourning , and humiliation , vntill the dayes of resurrection be celebrated , which is a time of ioy and gladnesse . that after the epistle a part of the gospell should bee read . that hymnes and spirituall songes , not contained in holy scripture , may be sung in the church . the song of the three children shall be sung in all churches of spaine and gallicia . in the end of spirituall songes it shall not be simply saide , glorie to the father , and to the son , &c. but , glorie and honour to the father , and to the son , and to the holy spirit , to the end , that hymmes sung in earth , may be correspondent to the song of the elders in heauen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : apocal. . . in responsories , if it be a matter of gladnesse , the ende shall be , gloria , &c. and if it bee a matter of sadnesse , the end shall be , principium , &c. the booke of the apocalyps of saint iohn , is declared to be a booke of canonicke scripture , and to be preached in open audience of the church , betwixt easter and whitsonday . it is forbidden , that the holy communion should be celebrated immediatly after the saying of the lords prayer : but let the blessing bee first giuen , and then let the priestes , and leuites communicate before the altar , the clergie within the quire , and the people without the quire. no man shall be promoted to the honour of priesthood , who is infamous , who hath beene baptized in heresie , who hath gelded himselfe , who hath married the second wife , or a widow , who hath had concubines , who is in a servile condition , who is vnknowne , neophycus , who is given to war-fare , or an attender in court , who is vnlearned , or hath not attained to the age of thirtie yeares , who hath not proceeded to honour by ascending degrees , who by ambition , or bribes , hath presumed to honour , who hath been elected by his predecessor , who hath not beene elected by the clergie and people of his owne citie : he who is approved , shall be consecrated on the lords day , by all the comprovinciall bishops , at least by three of them . let levites be of the age of . yeeres before their admission , and presbyters of . let bishops be vnreproveable , according to the precept of the apostle , tim. . let bishops not onely haue the testimony of a good conscience in the sight of god , but also the testimony of an vnruproueable conversation amongst men . presbyters & levites , whom infirmity of old age permits not to abide in their secret chambers : yet let them haue witnesses of their honest conversation and remaining places . youth-hood is prone and bent to evill : therefore let them that are young , be all brought vp in one conclaue , vnder the instruction and government of some well approved senior . but they who shall be found lascivious and incorrigible , let them bee thrust into a monastery , to the end , that stricter discipline may correct the proud minds of insolent youths . seeing that ignorance is the mother of all errours , it becommeth presbyters , who haue vndertaken the office of teaching , continually to meditate vpon holy scripture , according to the words of the apostle , take heed to reading , exhortation , and doctrine , tim. . for by meditation of holy scripture , and the canons of the church , men are made able to instruct others in knowledge , and in precepts of good manners . presbyters shal receiue from their owne bishops an officiall booke , to the end , that through ignorance they doe nothing amisse , neither in celebration of the sacraments , nor in their letanies , nor in their forme of comming to councels . when presbyters and deacons are admitted to their offices , they must vow chastitie , and binde themselues to their bishops , to lead a continent life : and after such profession , let them retaine the discipline of an holy life . a bishop , presbyter , or deacon , who shall happen to be vniustly deposed , if they bee found innocent by the tryall of the synode , let them be restored to their former dignities before the altar , by the hands of bishops , in this manner . if hee bee a bishop , let him be restored to his orarium , with staffe and ring : if hee be a presbyter , to his orarium and planeta : if he be a deacon , to his orarium and alba : if he be a sub-deacon , to his plate and chalice : and other orders , let them receiue in their restitution , that which was given vnto them in their ordination . if any of the clergy be found to haue cōsulted with diviners & sorcerers , let him be deposed from his dignity , & put into a monastery , to make cōtinual penance for his sacrilege . church-men who dwell in borders , confining to a nation that is vnder hostility with their owne countrey , let them neither receiue from the enemies of the countrey , nor direct any secret message vnto the enemies . if any church-man sit in iudgement , or be iudge in a sentence of blood , let him bee depriued of his dignity in the church . let bishoppes haue a care of such as are oppressed , to reproove the mightie men who oppresse them : and if the word of wholesome reproofe profite nothing , let them complaine to the king , to the ende , that by regall authoritie impietie may be subdued . seeing auarice is the roote of all euill , let bishops so gouerne their dioceses , that they spoyle thē not of their rightes : but according to the determination of anteriour councels , let them haue the third part of oblations , tithes , tributes , & cornes : the rest let it remaine vnto the paroches free , and vntouched . that thing which one bishop possesseth , without interpellation , for the space of thirtie yeeres , let no man in that same prouince be heard in an action of repetition : but as concerning them who dwell in diuerse prouinces , the case standeth otherwise , lest while dioceses are defended , the boundes of prouinces be confounded . a church newly builded , shall appertaine vnto that bishop , in whose diosie it is knowne that spiritual conuentions haue beene kept . a bishop shall visit yeerelie all the paroches of his diosie : and in case he be hindered by infirmitie , or by weightie businesse , he shall appoint faithfull presbyters and deacons , to take inspection of the fabricke of the churches , and of their rentes . whatsoeuer reward a prelate promiseth to a man who vndertaketh any worke tending to the vtilitie of the church , let him faithfully performe his promise . seeing that a part of church-rentes is bestowed vpon sustentation of strangers , and of poore and indigent people , if it shall happen at any time , those persons , or their children , to be indigent , who haue rendered any rent to the church , let them render a just deserued retribution to their bene-factors , in sustaining them , to whose beneuolence they are addoted . the deacons are decerned to be inferiour to presbyters . let the leuites be content to be cloathed with their orarium onely vpon the left shoulder , and not vpon their right shoulders : and let it neither be beautified with colours , nor with gold : platina in the life of zosinus , calleth it linostima . let clergie-men haue the vpper-most part of their heads bare and shauen , and the lower-part rounded , not following the example of the readers of gallicia , who did shaue onelie a little of the vpper-most part of the haire of their head : conforming themselues , in so doing , to the custome of some heretikes ; which dishonour is to bee remoued from the churches of spaine . no strange women shall cohabite with church-men , only their mother , or sister , or her daughter , or fathers sister , may dwell with them , amongst which persons the bandes of nature permitteth not to suspect any sinne , according to the constitutions of auncient fathers . some of the clergie , who are not married , are intangled with the forbidden lust of strange women , let the bishop separate them , sell the women , and redact the men infected with their lust , for a space , vnto penance . if a man of the clergy marrie a wife , or a widow , or a deuorced woman , or an harlot , without aduise of his bishop , let the bishop separate them againe . clergie-men , who haue cloathed themselues with armour voluntarilie , and haue gone to warre fare , let them be deposed from their office , and bee thrust into a monasterie , there to remaine all the dayes of their life . church-men , who are found spoyling the sepulchers of persons departed , let them be deposed , and be subject vnto three yeeres penance . by the commandement of king sisenandus , churchmen are exempted from all publike indictions and labours , to the end with great libertie they may attend vpon spirituall seruice . let bishops have some of their owne clergie to be rulers of their house-holde-affaires , according as the councell of chalcedon hath ordained . a man is made a monke either by his parents deuotion , or by his own profession : but whether he be embarked into the monasticke life , the one way or the other , there is no redresse againe vnto a secular estate . persons of the clergie , who are desirous to enter into a monasterie , and to leade a contemplatiue life , let not their bishops hinder the purpose of their minde , because they haue intention to enter into a better trade of living . bishops haue power to constitute abbots , to governe monasteries , and to correct enormities , that shall happen to fall out amongst them : but not to redact them to servile offices , nor to convert the rents of the abbie to their owne vse , as a possession duly belonging to themselues . the monks who leauing their monastery , returne againe to a secular life , and marrie wiues ; let them be brought back againe to their owne monasterie , there to doe penance , and to lament for their by past sins . religious men , who wander vp and downe in a nation , and are neither members of the clergie , nor monkes of any monasterie ; let the bishops restraine their licentious libertie , and appoint them either to serue in the clergie , or in a monasterie , except such as through infirmity , or age , haue gotten an exemption . they who haue confessed the committing of any deadly sinne , cannot be promoted to ecclesiasticall honors . secular men , who in receiving their penance , haue been content to be shaven , and to put on a religious habit , if they revolt againe , and will needs become laickes , and be incorrigible , then let them be counted apostates , and excommunicate from the fellowship of the church . widowes who haue put on a religious habit , and vowed chastitie , if they marrie , they haue damnation , according to the wordes of the apostle , tim. . . iewes are not to bee compelled to receiue the christian faith : but these who already by constraint , haue received it in the dayes of the noble king sisebutus , seeing they haue been already partakers of our sacraments , let them be compelled to persevere , left the name of the lord iesus bee blasphemed , and the faith , which they haue embraced , bee counted vile and contemptible . they who receiue the bribes and rewards from the iewes , to cloake their vngodlinesse , and to foster them in their infidelity , let them be accursed , and counted strangers from the church of christ. iewes , after their conversion to the christian faith , if they be found to haue circumcised their sonnes or servants : by the commandement of the most religious king sisenandus , it is ordained , that the circumcised children of the iewes , shall be separated from the fellowship of their parents , and the servants shall bee set at liberty , for the iniury done vnto their body , by circumcision . iewes , who are punished to death for any contempt done by them against christ , after their baptisme , this punishment shall not preiudge their children from right to enioy their goods , if they be faithfull , because it is written , the sonne shal not beare the iniquity of the father , ezech. . . let not iewes , after their conversion , haunt the company of other superstitious iewes , as yet addicted to the abolished law of ceremonies , left they be perverted : if they transgresse this ordinance , such of them as haue professed christianity , shall be given in service to christians , others shal be appointed to be publickly scourged . iewes , who haue married christian women , if they will not embrace christian religion , let them be separated from their wiues company , and let the children be brought vp in the faith of their christian mothers . iewes , who haue once professed christian faith , and haue sliden backe againe from it , shall not bee admitted witnesses before a iudge , albeit they professe themselues to be christians , because like as their faith is suspected , so in like manner , their humane testimony is to be doubted of . let no iew be preferred to any publique office , let no iew presume to buy a christian servant , which if hee doe , the servant shall be taken from him , and shall be set at liberty . bishops , who haue not benefited the church , by any proper donation of their owne goods , they should not impoverish their church , by setting at liberty church-servants , which thing if hee presume to doe , his successour shall reduce those servants againe to the possession of the church , whom iniquity without any iust right hath absolved . a bishop , who setteth a servant at liberty , having first by permutation set another of the like worth , and merit , in his place , shall deny liberty to the fore-said servant , either to accuse or to beare witnesse against the church , wherein hee was a seruant ; else he shall forfeit his liberty , and bee reduced to his former servile condition , in that same church , which he would haue harmed ; and in the meane time , the permutation afore sayd , shall stand firme and stable . hee who hath augmented church-rents , either by conferring , or accquiring some augmentation vnto it , hath some liberty to set church-servants at liberty , prouiding alwayes , they abide vnder the patrociny of the church . because the patronage of the church never dieth , let those servants , whom the church hath set at liberty , and their posterity , be obedient to the church , & depend vpon their patrociny . if they be vnthankfull , let their liberty bee forfeit , and let the church defend them , from all insolency and wrong . servants , who are set at so full liberty , that their patrons haue kept no band of subiection over their heads , if they be vnspotted , and vnreproueable , they may bee promoted to ecclesiasticall offices . but it is vnseemly , that any man shal be received into a spirituall office , who is bound vnto the servile subiection of an earthly master . in the end , earnest supplications are ordained to be made to god , for preservation of king sisenandus , and the nation of the gothes : and many anathenus are pronounced against them , who shall presume to violate the oath of allegeance , made to the king. in the end , the acts of this councell are subscribed , by isidorus , bishoppe of hispalis , and seventie other bishops . in the first yeare of chintilla , king of the gothes , and about the time of the raigne of the emperour heracleon , convened with eugenius bishoppe of toledo , twenty other bishops . in this councell nothing was entreated , except a mandate was given , concerning the yeerely letanies that should be made , three dayes immediatly following the ides of december ; and if the lords day intervened these three dayes , letanies should be deferred , vntill the beginning of the next weeke . in these three dayes , pardon for sins should be humbly begged at the hands of god , with teares . the rest of the ordinances of this councell , appoint supplications to be made to god , for the preservation of the king and his children : and that they shall be accursed , who dare presume to seeke the kingly authority , without the consent of the whole countrey of spaine , and the nobility of the nation of the gothes : and that no man shal raile vpon the king , or lie in waite for his life . in the yeere of our lord , . or as others reckon , . pope martinus gathered a councell at rome , of moe then an hundred bishops . the errour of the monothelites , obstinately defended by paulus bishop of constantinople , was the occasion of this councell , together with the impious edict of the emperour constans , set out in favour of the heresie of the monothelites . in this councell , over and besides an ample confession of faith , many decrees and constitutions were made ; all tending to damne those who denyed the trinity , or the divine vnity in the divine nature , or the manifestation of the second person of the trinitie , and his suffering in the flesh , or the perpetuall virginity of the lords mother , or the two nativities of christ , one before all times , and another in time , by the operation of the holy spirit , or the distinction of the two natures after the ineffable vnity , or the distinction of wils , and operations in christ. in like manner , all were damned who made opposition to the fiue preceding generall councels . in particular , theodorus of pharatrita , cyrus of alexandria , sergius pyrrhus , and paulus , bishops of constantinople , were condemned , as patrons and obstinate defenders of the heresie of the monothelites . there is more frequent mention of fathers , than of scriptures in this councell ; a perilous example to the posterity . in the yeere of our lord . and in the third yeere of chintilla , king of the gothes in spaine , the sixt councell of toledo was assembled , of . bishops , eugenius bishop of toledo , being president . the occasion seemeth to haue beene the renovation of old heresies , and contradiction to preceding councels . after a confession of the faith , letanies are ordained to be said , as was appointed yeerly , for preservation of the king. it was ordained , by the advice of the councell , with consent of the king and his nobles , that no man should be tolerated to dwell in the kingdome of spaine , who did not professe the catholike faith , and that kings in all time to come , before they were placed in their royall seate , should be bound by the obligation of a solemne oath , to interpose their authority , that this act might bee obeyed : otherwise , let the king , refusing to put this act in execution , be counted accursed , and be a faggot of the flames of everlasting fire . what ferdinandus , king of spaine , did , in driving out of his dominions , the iewes , and the saracens ; some alledge , that it was done vpon the ground of this act : but now it is not a fit time to examine that question . no man shall presume , by simony or largition of mony , to attaine to ecclesiasticall offices . if any of the clergie obtaine a pension , out of the church-rents , let him possesse it vnder the title of praecaria , lest by long possession , the church rents be diminished . if any person be cloathed with a religious habite , which hee hath voluntarily accepted , if afterward hee forsake it , let him be excommunicated , if hee returne not againe vnto his order . the seuenth canon , is a renewing of the foure and fifty canon of the fourth councell of toledo . a married man , who voweth chastitie in time of sicknesse , if he recouer health , and haue not the gift of continencie , let him cohabite againe with his wife : but if shee die , he is debarred from the second marriage , which notwithstanding is permitted to the wife , if shee haue not vowed . this canon is not set downe by precept and commandement , but permissiuely , through indulgence , and a consideration of humane infirmitie . seruants , whom the church hath set at libertie , when one prelate dieth , and another succeedeth , they are bound to renew the charters of their land which they possesse ; else their charters shall be voyde , and of none effect , if they be not renewed within the space of a yeere next after the election of the new prelate . the children of them whom the church hath set at libertie , if their parents bring them vp in learning , they shall be brought vp in that same church from which their libertie did arise , and shall serue the bishop of that church , alwayes without prejudice of their libertie . let no man , vpon occasion of an accusation , be punished , vnlesse his accuser be presented : and in case he be a vile and infamous person , let no sentence be giuen out vpon the ground of such accusation , except in an action of treason against the life of the king. he who hath committed hainous offences , and fearing punishment , fleeth to the enemies of his countrey for refuge , let him be excommunicated . let young men honour them who are in great credite and fauour with princes : and let seniors louingly cherish the younger sort , and present vnto them profitable examples of a good conuersation . the . and . canon intreate of the reward due to them who are found faithfull seruants to the king , in whatsoeuer estate , especially in the church : and that rentes and landes bestowed vpon the church , shall abide firmely in their possession without reuocation . in the . . . and . canons , there is a commemoration of the bountiful kindnesse of king chintilla toward the church , a prouision , that no church-men should be allured by no deceitfull perswasion , to take a course against the king : a protestation before god , his angels , prophets , apostles , martyrs , and whole church . that no man should enterprise any attempt against the king & his noble estate : and they who shall presume to doe to the contrarie , are appointed to eternall damnation . in the end , prayers are made to god to giue a good successe to their meeting : and thankes are giuen to the king , by whose authoritie they were assembled . so it is manifest , that by the authoritie of princes , nationall assemblies were conueened at this time . in the yeere of our lord . as functius reckoneth , and in the . yeere of chindasuvindus , king of spaine , the . coūcel of toledo was assembled , consisting of . archbishops , . bishops , and a great number of presbyters , and messengers from them who could not be present . the occasion of this meeting was theodisclus bishop of hispalis , a graeciā borne : he had corrupted the bookes of isidorus , and dispersed many errours in his church : & he contended for supermacie with the bishop of toledo . in this councell theodisclus was remooued from his office . the prioritie of dignitie was conferred to the bishop of toledo . in the second tome of councels , six canons are referred to this meeting : first laickes , and men also in spirituall office , are forbidden to attempt any thing against the estate of their countrie , either by sedition or treason . secondlie , it is appointed and ordained , that in case any man , ministring the sacrament of the lords holy supper , be hindred by any superuenient sicknesse , that another shall bee readie to finish the worke which hee hath begunne . thirdly , that the presbyters , and the whole clergie shal be present at the funerall of a bishop . fourthly , it is forbidden , that bishops in their visitation should extort or oppresse the churches which they visite . fiftly , that men inclosed into a monasterie , should first receiue instruction in their monasteries , before they presume to teach others . sixtly , a commandement is giuen , that the bishops in neare adjacent places , should bee obedient to the bishop of toledo , and at his commaundement they should appeare in the towne of toledo . cabillonum , vulgarlie called chalon , is a towne in burgunnie , not farre distant from matiscone . in this towne , by the commandement of clodoneus king of france conueened . bishops . gandericus bishop of lions was president , and laudilenus bishop of vienne . theodorus bishop of arls , because hee refused to appeare before the councell , was suspended from his office , vntill the next councell . in this synode the canons of the councell of nice had great allowance . it was forbidden , that two bishops should be ordained in one towne : that no man should sel a christian seruant to a iew : and , that two abbots should not be chosen to gouerne one monasterie : that no labouring of the ground , or other secular worke , should be done on the lords day : with many other canons , coincident with the canons of other councels . in the dayes of the emperour constantinus pogonatus , and vnder the popedome of agatho , a councell was gathered at rome , about the question of the willes and operations of christ : wherein it was decerned , by the suffrages of . bishops of italy , france , lombardy , of the nation of the gothes , of britanes , and sclauonians , that two willes and two operations were to bee acknowledged in christ : and the opinions of theodorus , cyrus , sergius , pyrrhus , and paulus , defenders of the heresie of the monothelites was damned . the vaunting words of the letter of agatho , written to the sixt generall councell , wherein he braggeth , that the bishops of rome neuer erred in matters of faith , i lay them aside at this time , for they are false , and vntrue , as i haue alreadie prooued , and shall prooue hereafter , if it please the lord. in the yeere of our lord . and in the fift yeere of recesuvindus king of gothes , the eight councell of toledo was conueened . to this assemblie resorted two and fiftie bishops : great disputation was in this councell , concerning perjurie . in end it was resolued ; that no necessitie bindeth a man to performe an vnlawfull oath : for herod and iephthah sinned , in making vnlawfull oathes , but they sinned more grieuouslie in performing vnlawfull oathes . marriage is vtterlie forbidden to bishops : and places of scripture are miserablie abused to confirme this interdiction of marriage . be yee holy , as i am holy , pet. . . and in another place , mortifie your members which are on the earth , coloss. . . miserable ignorance in this age counteth marriage to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , vncleanenesse , a member of the bodie of sin , which the apostle commandeth to mortifie . yea , and the sub-deacons , who pleaded for retaining of their wiues , in regard that in their admission , no such condition was required of them , are in most seuere manner interdited from the companie of their wiues , or else to be thrust into a monastery , to suffer penance vntill the last period of their liues . vnlearned men are not to be admitted to the celebration of diuine misteries , especially such as are not well acquainted with the psalter . eating of flesh is forbidden in lent , for three principall causes : first , because the fourtie dayes of lent are the tithes of all the dayes of the yeeres , and the tithes should be consecrated to god : secondlie , because that christ , by fasting fourtie dayes expiated the sinnes of mankinde : thirdly , because it is conuenient , that a man , made of the . elementes , for breaking the ten precepts of the decalogue , should afflict his bodie foure times ten , dayes . in the . canon , the vertues where with the king shall be indewed , who shall be chosen to raigne in spaine , are rehearsed . in the last canon , the ordinances of preceding councels are to be obeyed : and the iewes are to bee deale with , according to the actes of the . councell of toledo . can. . . . . and . &c. in the yeere of our lord . and in the . yeere of the raigne of recesuvindus king of gothes , by the commandement of the king , . bishops conueened in toledo , and made these ordinances following : first , that founders of churches , and bestowers of rentes vpon the church , and their posteritie should haue a sollicitous care , that church-rents be not abused with misorder ; if it shall happen to fall out , let complaint be made to the bishop , to the metropolitane , or to the king of the countrey . founders of churches , during their life-time , haue power to appoint men who shall attend vpon the fabricke of the church or monasterie which is builded , that it decay not . if any church-man bestow any part of church-rent , vnder the colour of prestation , let the cause be clearely contained in an euidence , or else it shall be voide . let the goods of the defunct administrator of the church-affaires , be equally diuided betwixt his heires and the church . if a bishop build a monasterie , let him not bestow aboue the fiftie part of the rent of his prelacie in the charges of building : and in case he build a paroch church , for honour of his buriall place , let him not bestow aboue the hundreth part of his rent for charges of building . to the bishop belongeth the third part of rent of euery paroch church in his diosie , and whether he leaue that third part to the church it selfe , out of which it is raised , or to any other church , his gift shall stand firme without reuocation . let no man , vnder pretence of propinquitie , and because he is heire intromet with the goods of the defunct bishop , without the fore-knowledge and consent of the metropolitan , and in case the metropolitan depart this life , let no intermeddling with his goods bee made , without the foreknowledge of is successour , lest by fraud and deceit the church be damnified . if any man ministring in a church-office , alienate a part of church-rents , the supputation of time shall begin to bee reckoned from the houre of his death , and not from the time wherein the charter was subscribed : and so after his death , let the prescription run on . the ninth canon measureth the commodity which a bishop shall receiue , who hath taken paines to burie another bishop . children procreated by bishops , presbyters , deacons , &c. shall not onely be deprived of the heritage some time belonging to their parents : but also they shall be mancipated to perpetuall service of those churches , wherein their fathers served . let the reader marke , that there is a greater businesse in councels to procure obedience to one antichristian precept , concerning prohibition of marriage ; than to all the ten commandements of gods law . let not a servant be accepted to serue in the ministery of the church , before he be first set at liberty . when servants are set at liberty , let the supputation of time begin at the death of him , who set them at liberty , and not at the time when the charter was made . servants set at liberty , shall neither marry a woman of the romane , nor of the gothes blood : and they shall be subiect to the church that set them at liberty : and if necessity compell them to sell lands , let the land be first offered for a competent price to one minister in that church , from which their liberty did arise . iewes , who are baptized , shall in time of solemne feastes attend vpon the bishop of the parts where their dwelling is , to the end , that hee may beare testimony of the integrity of their faith : if this cōmmandement be● ansgresed , the bishop shall ordaine the iew either to be scourged , or to be subiect to such abstinence , as he thinketh most fit . in the end , thanks being rendered to god for their meeting , and for the vnitie of their iudgements : and supplications being made to god for the weale of the king recesuvindus , in soule and body , the councell was dissolved . in the eight yeere of the raigne of recesuvindus , king of gothes , assembled in toledo one and twenty bishops : they decerned concerning the feasts of the nativity of our lord , and of the lords mother , at what times they should be kept . punishments are appointed for men of the clergy , and monkes , who are not found dutifull to the king , and the countrey : that men vnmeet for spirituall offices , should not bee intruded into the church , neither for propinquity of blood , nor for hope of lucre and gaine : that widowes , professing a religious order , shall receiue an habit convenient for that order : and that women , who depart againe from their professed order , shall be punished : that parents shall not render their children to religious orders , before they be eighteene yeeres of age . finally , protamius bishop of bracara , being convict of adultery , was removed from his office , and fructuosus was placed in his roome . in the seventh yeere of the raigne of bamba , king of the gothes , ninteene bishops , and seven abbots were assembled in toledo , by the kings commandement , quiricus bishop of toledo , being president . in the beginning , after a protestation of a decent order to be kept in their assembly , that no tumult nor contentious disputation , nor indecent laughter should disturb the comely modesty of their assembly : they set downe a prolixe confession of faith , and canons belonging to ecclesiasticall discipline , in the forme following : . that bishops should bee well acquainted with scriptures , and apt to teach . . that metropolitan bishoppes should try how the pastors of their dioces increase in knowledge● . that the forme of singing , vsed in the metropolitane church , shal be likewise vsed in other inferiour churches . . that persons who haue discorded , shall not stand at the altar , vntill the time they bee reconciled againe . . that church-men shall not judge in actions of blood . . that bishops should not giue sentence before a sufficient triall of the cause . . bishops , who commit adulterie or murther , shall be deposed , and excommunicated , beside the punishment to be inflicted by the secular iudge . . no reward shall be taken for ministration of the sacramentes . . bishops , before their ordination , shall giue their oath that they haue not acquired that dignitie by rewards either giuen or to be giuen . . he who is to be preferred to any ecclesiasticall office , let him first sweare that hee shall continue constantly in that true catholicke faith , and that hee shall be obedient to ecclesiasticall canons . . let no man refuse to receiue the sacrament of the supper when it is offered by him who hath a lawfull calling to ministrate it . . absolution should bee pronounced when perill of death impendeth , albeit complet satisfaction be not made . . the holy sacrifice shall not be ministered by persons possessed with deuils , or transported with the passions of madnesse . . he who ministreth at the altar , shall haue other concurring with him , to the end , that if he be suddenly oppressed with any infirmitie , the other assistant brother may supply his place . . councels are ordained yeerely to bee kept . if order of time be not precisely kept in commemoration of the councels of bracara and toledo , let no man maruell , some regard must be had to the memorie of the reader : and it is not meet● that the councels of toledo , being many in number , and so frequently conueened , following vpon the necke of another ( except the eleuenth councell , conueened twelue yeeres after the ) should be miserably disioyned : if such things be not comported with , by the fauorable reader , it will bee hard to abridge this head of councels to the contentment of a learned reader . this councell of bracara , by caranza , is called the first councell of bracara . in it many old opinions of the priscillianists , and manicheans , concerning prohibition of marriage , and meates , are condemned , together with the heresies of samosatenus , photinus , cerdon , and marcion . canons set forth in this councell , are so coincident with the canons of other councels , that there is no necessity to make rehearsall of them . in the . canon of this councell , it is ordained ; that no poesie shall be sung in the church , except the psalter of the old testament . in the yeere of bambas , king of gothes , eight bishops were assembled in braga . in the beginning of the councell , for confession of their faith , they made a new rehearsall of the summe of the nicene faith. after this , they set downe eight ordinances , in manner following : . that all superstitious opinions being reiected , bread and wine mixed with water , onely should be offered in the sacrifice , and not the liquor of milke , nor pure vnmixed wine , nor bread dipped in wine . here marke , that the giving of vnmixed wine to the people , in the sacrament or sacrifice , is called superstition : such bitter fruits do ensue vpon magnifying the traditions of men , that christs owne institution , is called superstition . . that vessels dedicated to god , bee not abused , and imployed to secular and humane vses . . a presbyter , when he sayeth masse , let him bee cloathed with his orarium on both his shoulders , and be signated on his brest , with the signe of the crosse. . let no person of the clergy cohabit with women , no not with their owne sisters , without witnesses of their conversation . . vpon festivall dayes , reliques enclosed in an arke , shal be borne vpon the shoulders of the levites , as the arke of god in the old testament was accustomed to bee borne , chron. . . and not about the necke of a bishop : and in case the bishop will needs carry them himselfe , then shall he walke on foot with the rest of the people , and not be carryed in a coach by his deacons . here marke how mens traditions are equalled to the commandements of god. . presbyters , abbots , and levites , for the dignity of their calling , shall not bee punished with stripes by the bishoppe , lest in dispersoning the principall members of his owne body , hee bring himselfe into contempt of his subiectes . . let no honour be sold for promise of rewards . . let governours of churches haue a greater regard to the weale of the church , then to their owne particular affaires . in the end , thankes is given to god , and the king , for their meeting ▪ & they subscribe the fore named ordinances . here marke , that in the country of spain , the king still keepeth in his owne hand , power of convocating councels . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the . yeare of the raigne of constantius pogonatus , a general councell was assembled at constantinople , by the authority of the emperour , and not by the commandement of pope donus , nor agatho his successor , nor of leo the . the successor of agatho , as the divall letter of constantine , directed to pope donus and received and obeyed by pope agatho , cleerly testifies . as for the number of bishops convened , there is an infinite discrepance betwixt the authors , who make rehearsall of their number : the least number reckoned , is . the question discussed in this assembly , was about the wils and actions of christ. macarius patriarch of antiochia , and stephanus his disciple , pertinaciously defended the errour of the monothelites : confirming also their opinion by the testimony of honorius , sometime bishop of rome , whose letters written to sergius , sometime bishop of constantinople , being read in the open audience of the councell , made it cleerly knowne , that he also was infected with the erour of the monothelites . for this cause honorius bishop of rome , sergius , pyrrhus , and paulus bishops of constantinople , cyrus bishop of alexandria , and macarius bishop of antiochia , were all excommunicated : likewise polychronius , a ridiculous monke , and his complices were excōmunicated , and with great shame and ignominy , reiected from the fellowship of the church : for he offered to proue the opinion of the monothelites to bee the truth of god , by writing the summe of that opinion in a paper , and over spreading it vpon a beere , wherein a dead man was laid , hee put the councell in hope , that hee would raise the dead man to life againe : but after tryall , hee was found to be a lying and a deceitfull fellow , and he likewise was excommunicated . this councell made no canons and constitutions concerning church-discipline , as other councels had done before : for this cause iustinian the . the son of pogenatus , gathered these same fathers , who had beene in the preceding councel , to perfect the worke which they had begun . they made many constitutions , but two in special , which displeased the romane church : first , they annulled the doctrine of the church of rome , concerning prohibition of marriage to men in spirituall offices . secondly , they ordained the patriarch of constantinople , to bee in equall authority with the pope of rome . these constitutions and canons , pope sergius refused to subscribe , albeit his ambassadors in his name had subscribed them in constantinople . bambas king of the goths , resigned the title of his royall authority to euringius , and he was content to be shaven , and enter into a monastery in the first yeere of the raigne of euringius , . bishops , with some abbots , and . noblemen of the court , convened at toledo . the king , amongst many other things , protested , that he was content , that whatsoeuer thing in his lawes seemed repugnant to reason , it should be corrected by the prudent advice of this councel . the fathers of this councell , for confession of faith , adhered vnto the councell of nice . after this , the hand-writings and seales of bambas , and the nobles of his court , and the testimony of iulianus , archbishop of toledo , are presented : whereby it is knowne , that bambas , had resigned his government in favour of euringius , willing them to chuse him to be his successor . so it came to passe , that euringius was solemnly proclaimed to be king , and the people were assoyled from the oath of allegeance made to bambas , and were astricted to the obedience of king euringius . in this councell it was forbidden , that new bishoprickes should be erected in villages : and the bishop of emerita begged pardon for this , that he had ordayned a bishop in a certaine village , being compelled so to doe , by the commandement of king bambas . they who stand at the altar , and sacrificeth , are commanded to eate of the sacrifice , as often as they offer it . the acts , made in preceding councels , against the iewes , were renewed and amplified in this councell : and thankes was given to god , and the king , for their meeting . other councels of toledo , vnder the raignes of euringius , and egita , seeing there is little written of them , worthy of commemoration , i over-passe with silence . centvrie viii . in the yeere of our lord , . a councell was assembled at london , where bonifacius was present , and brithuvaldus the chiefe prelate of england ; and the kings of saxons ruling in england , were commanded vnder pain of cursing , to be present at this councell . the purposes intreated in this councell were two ; to wit , concerning the adoration of images , and prohibition of marriage to men in spirituall offices . about worshipping of images no disputation was heard , whether that service did agree with the written word of god , or not . this was counted a sufficient wartant for bringing images into places of adoration , and for worshipping them ( especially the image of the virgin mary ) that eguvinus , a superstitious monke in england , of the order of saint benet , who afterwards was made a bishoppe : affirmed that the virgine marie appeared vnto him in a dreame , and declared , that it was her will , that her image should bee set vp in the churches , and worshipped . these dreames once confirmed by the oath of eguvinus , and approoved by constantine bishop of rome , and obtruded by bonifacius the popes legate , they were embraced in england , with little contradiction in such a corrupt time . the other purpose entreated in this councell , was prohibition of marriage , to men in spirituall offices . this doctrine of the romane church , was not received without reluctation of the clergie . onely , a ground was laid , whereupon followed a building of the doctrine of divels . about the same time , that is , about the yeere of our lord . it is supposed , that the emperour philippicus gathered a councell at constantinople , for vndoing of the sixt generall councell , in the which the errour of the monothelites was condemned : and that hee did this according to a promise made to a monke , named iohn , who fore-told him that hee would bee made emperour , and craved this promise of him , that when hee should bee advanced to the imperiall dignity , he should vndoe the sixt generall councell . but the writers of this history doe not make particular mention of the fathers , who were present at this councell . the rest of the history is cleere , that philippicus razed the pictures of the fathers , who had been present at this councell , and were pictured in the temple of sophia : and that on the other part , pope constantine the first , not onely caused the same effigíes to bee pictured in the porch of the church of saint peter at rome , but also procured that the emperours name should be razed out of charters , and that his effigie should not bee ingraved in any kinde of coyned mettall . also it is cleere , that philippicus remooued cyrus from his office , and placed in his roome iohn , who fore-told him that he should be emperour . in the yeere of our lord , . pope gregorie the second , assembled a councell , in the which two bishops of brittaine , to wit , sedulius , and fergustus , were present . it was ordained , that masses should bee celebrated publiquely in temples , which custome was not in vse before . in the second tome of councels , this synod is referred to gregorie the third . a great number of the canons of this councell doe concerne marriage , that no man should take in marriage a woman , who was a relict of a presbvter or deacon , or a nunne , or his spirituall sister , or his brothers wife , or his neece , or his mother in law , or daughter in law , or his neare cousens , or a woman whom by these or ravishing hee hath led away . and that no man should consult with iuchanters and sorcerers . and that no man should violate the mandates of the apostolicke chaire : no , not in a matter of an haire . gregorie the third , after he had received a mandate from the emperour leo , concerning abolishing of images , hee assembled a great councell at rome , of . bishops : in the which the emperour leo was excommunicated , and deprived of his imperiall dignity . here marke the tyranny and fiercenesse of antichrist , who gaue such authority to a roman preacher , to dismount the monarches of the world from their royall thrones ? yet gregorie the third attempted such high matters , because the emperor leo had disallowed the worshipping of images . likewise , by his instigation the whole countrey of italy refused to pay tribute to the emperour . now is the banner of antichrist displayed against the emperour , and this is a fore-running token , of the hatefull enmity which is to ensue betwixt the popes and the emperours , which ( god willing ) shall bee declared in its owne time . likewise , anastatius patriarch of constantinople , was condemned and excommunicated in this councell . to favour the emperour , and to dislike the worshipping of images , were two irremissable sinnes , and meriting the great anathems of the bishop of rome . in the yeere of our lord , . and in time of the raigne of charles the great , and vnder the popedome of zacharias the first , bonifaoius archbishop of mentz , assembled a councell , of the bishops , presbyters , and clergy of france , for reformation of abuses in that countrey : or rather , as the truth is , to bring the countrey of france ( as hee had already brought many parts of germany ) to a conformity with the superstitious rites of the romane church . it is to bee marked , that this nationall councel was assembled by the mandate of king charles , howsoeuer bonifacius ordered the affaires of the councell . it was ordained , that synodes should be kept yeerly , and that clergie men should not put on armour , and goe to warre-fare , except one or two bishops , with their presbyters & chaplens , to prescribe penance to them who should happen to confesse their sinnes : and that hunting and hauking , and such idle pastimes , should not be vsed by the clergie . that every presbyter shall be ready to giue account of his ministery to his owne bishop , in time of lent , especially concerning his ministration of baptisme , the summe of his catholicke faith , the forme of his prayers , and the order of his saying of masses . that no vncouth bishop or presbyter , be admitted without the tryall , and allowance of a synode . that presbyters and deacons be not cloathed as secular men , with short cloakes ; but with the habit of men who are in spirituall offices : and that no woman cohabite in the house with them . that every bishop haue a care within his owne bounds , to abolish all heathenish superstitions . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the thirteenth yeere of the empire of constantinus copronymus , a general coūcell of . bishops , was assembled at constantinople , by the commandement of the emperour . in this councell the worshipping of images was damned , and the placing of them in oratories and temples , where the divine maiesty is worshipped , was forbidden , as a custome borrowed from pagans , who had no hope of the resurrection , and therefore solaced thēselues with pictured similitudes of their friends , as if they had beene bodily present with them . yea , for three principall causes they damned the worshipping of images : first , because the worshipping of them is repugnant vnto holy scripture . secondly , because the divine and humane nature being vnseparably vnited in christ , and the divine nature cannot be presented by an image : therefore it is not meete to represent his humane nature by an image , left we should seeme to separate the two natures in christ. and thirdly , because the writings of ancient fathers doe vtterlie condemne the worshipping of images , such as epiphanius , eusebius , gregorius theologus , athanasius , amphilochius , chrysostomus , and theodorus bishop of ancyra . it were a prolixt thing to make a rehearsall of the sentences of all the forenamed fathers : therefore , for breuities cause , i will heere onely make choise of one place , which is this : eusebius pamphili , writing to constantia the empresse , who was desirous that the image of christ should be sent her hee returneth vnto hir this answere : because yee haue written vnto mee to send vnto you the image of christ , i would gladly vnderstand what image of christ yee are inquiring for : whether it bee that true and vnchangeable nature , bearing the character and ingrauen similitude of the person of the father ? or if it bee the image of the shape of a seruant , which christ tooke vpon him for our sakes ? as concerning his diuine nature , i hope yee are not sollicitous to seeke the image thereof , beeing sufficientlie instructed , that no man knoweth the father , except the sonne , and on the other part , no man knoweth the sonne , except the father . but if yee desire the similitude of mans nature , wherewith he clad himselfe for our sakes , vnderstand , that the splender and shining brightnesse of his glorie cannot be represented with dead coloures , and shaddowed pictures : for euen his disciples in the mountaine were not able to abide the brightnesse of his shining face ( mat. chap. . vers . . mark. chap. . vers . . luk. chap. . vers , . ) how much lesse are we now able to abide the celestiall splender of his glorified bodie ? in this councell germanus bishop of constantinople , georgius cyprius , and damascene a monke , who were principall defenders of the worshipping of images , were excommunicated . in the canons of this councel , which were . in number ; inuocation of saints hath allowance in the . & . canon . so that in this councell also is presented vnto vs a viue paterne of the weakenesse of councels . like as in euery sacrifice there was dungue , so likewise in euery councell there is found some note of infirmitie and weakenesse . and it is a foolishe thing to adhere to all the ordinances of councels , except they doe agree in all pointes with the written word of god. in the yeere of our lord , . and in the eight yeere of the raigne of irene , and her sonne constantine , a councell was assembled at nice in bythania , of three hundreth and fiftie bishops . the ambassadours of adrian the first , bishop of rome , were present in this assemblie . basilius , bishop of ancyra ; theodorus , bishop of myra ; and theodosius , bishop of amorium ; offered to the councell their supplicant letters , confessing , that they had sinned in condemning the worshipping of images in the synode assembled by constantinus copronymus . these reedes , shaken with the winde , and vnconstant fooles , were accepted in fauour , as a preamble vnto this malignant councell . the epistle of adrian bishop of rome , was openly read in the councell , approuing the worshipping of images . his letter was full of fables and lies , such as the fable of the leprosie of constantine , and of the shedding of the blood of innocent babes to procure remedie against his sicknesse , and baptisme of constantine by syluester , the miraculous restoring of the emperour to health after his baptisme , and of the images of peter and paul , produced to constantine before his baptisme . such a legend of lyes no councell could haue heard read in their audience , if it had not bin a time in the which the mistery of iniquity was effectually working : for the history of the life of cōstantine , written by eusebius , expressely prooueth the contrary : to wit , that constantine was not leprous , but rather a man of a cleane and vnspotted body : and that hee was not baptized by syluester in rome , but by eusebius in nicomedia . notwithstanding , the letter of pope adrian was accepted and allowed by the councell . and it was ordained , that the image of christ , of the blessed virgine mary , and of the saints , should not onely bee receiued into places of adoration , but also should bee adored and worshipped : and the honour done to the image , is thought to redound to him ( or her ) who is present by the image , according to the words of basilius magnus . but basilius magnus is writing in that place of christ , the image of the inuisible god , and not of images made with mens hands . the fathers of this councell , as it were bewitched by the delusions of the deuill , were not ashamed to confirme the adoration of images , by lying miracles , and by a foolish confabulation betwixt the deuill and a monke , whom sathan ceased not to tempt continuallie to the lust of vncleannesse , and would make none end of tempting him , except he would promise to desist from worshipping the image of the virgin mary . but argumentes taken from the fables of monkes , and delusions of the deuill , are not to be hearkened vnto , in a matter expressely repugnant to the written word of god. in the yeere of our lord . charles the great , king of france , assembled a great councell at frankford : partlie in regard of the heretike foelix , who called christ the adoptiue sonne of god in his humane nature , and was condemned in a councell assembled at ratisbona , anno. . but hee was returned to his vomite againe : and therefore was of new againe condemned , as a notable heretike , in the councell of frankford : partly also in respect of the great disputation that arose euerie where concerning the worshipping of images , disallowed in the councell of constantinople , and allowed in the second councell of nice . not onely the bishops of france , but also of germanie & lombardie , as prouinces subdued to the king of france , were present at this councell . likewise , pope adrian sent his ambassadours , theophilactus & stephanus , to the councel . and charles himselfe , king of france , was present in the councel of frankford . the ambassadours of pope adrian produced , the actes of the second councell of nice , hoping that the councell of frankford should haue giuen consent and allowance vnto the same . but the fathers of this councell collationed the actes of the councell of constantinople , with the actes of the second councell of nice . and they disallowed in the councell of constantinople the strict prohibition to picture images , either in temples of other places . and in the second councell of nice they disallowed the act of worshipping of images , and of honouring them with garments , incense , candles , and kneeling vnto them : counting the afore-saide act to be so impious , that the councell in the which it was concluded , was neither worthy to be called catholicke nor oecumenicke . the arguments whereby the second councell of nice endeuoured to approue the adoration of images , are all refuted in the councell of frankford , as i haue declared alreadie in a treatise concerning worshipping of images . concerning the argument taken from the authoritie of epiphanius , who in his book called panarium , reckoneth not the worshippers of images in the roll of heretikes : it is answered by the councel of frankford , that in case epiphanius had counted the haters of the worshippers of images , heretikes ; hee had likewise inserted their names in the catalogue of heretikes : but seeing he hath not so done , the councell of nice had no just cause to triumph so much in this friuolous argument , which maketh more against them , than it maketh for them . more-ouer , in the councell of frankford , the epistle of epiphanius , written to ihonne bishop of ierusalem , was read ; wherein hee disalloweth the verie bringing in of images into churches : and this epistle was translated out of the greeke into latine language , by ierom. the epistle is worthie to be read . reade it in the magdeburg historie , cent. . chap. . centvrie ix . in the yeere of our lord , . by the commandement of carolus magnus , in the towne of mentz , were assembled . bishops . abbots , with a great number of priests , monkes , countes , and iudges , about reformation of the dissolute manners , of ecclesiasticke and laicke persons . after three dayes abstinence and fasting , joyned with litanies , publicke prayers , and imploring the helpe of god , they diuided themselues into three companies : in the first company were the bishops , with some noters , reading the history of the euangell , and the epistles , and the actes of the apostles , together with the canons and workes of ancient fathers , and the pastorals booke of gregorie , to the ende that by the preceptes contained in these bookes , the enormitie of mens liues might be corrected . in the second companie were abbots and monkes , reading the rules of s. benedict , for the reformation of the liues of monkes . in the third company were lords and iudges , pondering the causes of all men , who came to complaine , that wrong was done vnto them . the . . and . canons of this councell , intreat concerning , faith , hope , and charitie . . concerning the sacraments , to be ministred chiefly at easter and whitsonday , except necessitie & feare of death require preuening of these times . . that vnitie and concord should bee kept in the church , because we haue one common father in heauen : one mother , to wit , the church in earth : one faith , one baptisme , and one celestiall inheritance prepared for vs : yea , and god is not the god of dissention , but of peace , according as it is said , blessed be the peace-makers , for they shall be called the children of god. the sixt and seuenth canons , intreat of orphanes , and poore people , whose weaknesse is to be supported : but no man should take vantage of their poore and desolate estate . the eight canon recommendeth vnitie to be kept betwixt men in spirituall offices , and ciuill iudges : a canon indeede , if it had beene obserued , verie necessarie for the estate of this time . the ninth & tenth canon , prescribeth to the clergie , preceptes of a modest and sober life , with abstinence from the delicate pleasures of the world , and from theatricall spectacles , from pompes , and vnhonest banquets : and to bee more readie to goe to the house of mourning , to comfort them who are heauie hearted , than to the house of banquetting . vsurie , auarice , ambition , and taking of rewardes , for the benefites of god , such as vse to be taken for medicinall cures , is forbidden . to beware of deceit and conjurations : to flee hatred , emulation , backe-biting , and enuying , wandering eyes , and an vnbridled tongue : a petulant , and proude gesture are forbidden : filthie words , and workes , are altogether abhorred : chastitie is recommended : the frequent visitations of the houses of widowes , and virgines , is prohibited : due obedience is to bee giuen to seniors : to take heede to doctrine , reading , and spirituall songes ; as it becommeth men , who haue addicted themselues vnto diuine seruice . precepts , concerning the behauiour of monkes & nunnes , and the fabricke of their dwelling places , i ouer-passe with silence , left i should ouercharge a short compend with an heape of vnnecessarie thinges . in the . canon , the difference betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is set downe . . the great litanie or rogations , to bee obserued three dayes , by all christians , with fasting , fackecloath , ashes , walking barefooted , and all kinde of humble carriage . . . and . publicke fastings , and keeping of festiuall dayes is commanded . . the sabboth day is to be kept holy . in it no merchant wares to be sold , and no criminall cause to be judged . . and . tythes are precisely to be payed . and men , fleeing to churches for safeguard , are not to be violentlie drawne out of their refuge . . in churches , and the portches thereof , let no secular judgements be exercised . . let no ancient church be spoyled of tythes and possessions , for the building of new oratories . . concerning church-rentes bestowed for reparation and vpholding of churches . . and . that no priest say masse himselfe alone : for if hee haue no person present except himselfe , how can hee say , dominus vobiscum , or sursum corda , or such other passages ? also frequent offering of the sacrifice of the masse , and presenting of the paxe , is recommended to christian people . . that euery person bee acquainted with the lords prayer , and the beliefe : and they who can no otherwise comprehend these things , let them learne them in their owne vulgar language . . drunkennesse is detested : and they who continue in this sinne , without amendement , are ordained to be excommunicated . . god-fathers shall attend , that their spirituall children bee brought vp in the true faith. . filthie , libidinous , songes are not to bee sung about churches . . the cohabitation with women is forbidden to all the members of the clergie . . let all bishops , abbots , and church men , haue such aduocates and agentes in their affaires , who are men that feare god , and are haters of all vnrighteous dealing . let not the dead bodies of the saincts be transported from place to place , without the aduice of the princes of the countrey , or the bishop , and synode . . no dead bodie shall bee buried within the church , except the bodie of a bishop , or of an abbot , or of a worthie presbyter , or of a faithfull laicke person . . incestuous persons are to bee searched out , and separated from the fellowship of the church , except they bee penitent . . . and . marriage , in the fourth degree of consanguinitie , is forbidden : and that no man shall marrie his spirituall daughter , or sister , neither the woman , whose sonne or daughter hee hath led to the sacrament of confirmation : and , in case they be found to be married , they shall be separated againe . and no man shall take in marriage his wiues sister : neither shall a woman marrie her husbands brother . in the yeere of our lord . a councell was assembled at rhemes , by the cōmandement of charles the great : for it is to be remarked , that he not only assēbled that famous coūcell of frankford , anno. . in the which adoration of images was condemned : but also , when he was now aged , & saw many abuses in the church , hee endeuoured by all meanes possible , to procure reformation of the lewd manners of church-men . therefore , he appointed , at one time , to wit. anno , . fiue national coūcels , to be conueened in diuers places , for reformatiō of the clergie & people : one was conueened at mentz , as hath bin declared : another at rhemes : the third at towrs : the fourth at cabilone , or chalons : & the fift at arles . in all these councels no opposition is made to the councell of frankford : neither was the adoration of images auowed in any of these councels . so much auaileth the authority of a prince for suppressing of false doctrin and heresie . in this councell at rhemes , wulfarius , archbishop was president . . canons are rehearsed in the . tome of councels made in this councell . in the . can. it was cōcluded , that euery man should diligētly acquaint himself with the articles of his faith . . that euery man shuld learn the lords praier , & cōprehēd the meaning thereof . . that euery man , promoted to ecclesiasticall orders , shal walke worthily , cōforme to his calling . . the epistles of paul were read , to giue instructiōs to sub-deacons , how they shuld behaue thēselues . yet is there not one word in all the epistles of paul of a sub-deacon . . the gospell was read to giue instructiō to deacons , to minister condingly in their office . . ignorant priests are instructed to celebrate the seruice with great vnderstanding . . in like manner , they are instructed how to prepare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the sacramēt of baptisme . . the holy canons were read out of the decretall of innocentius , for ordering the life of chanons . . the rule of saint benedict was read , to reduce abbots , and their conuents , to a remembrance of their order . . the pastorall booke of gregorius was read , to admonish pastors of their dutie . . sentences of diuers ancient fathers were read , to admonish men of all rankes , both prelates and subiects , to bring forth the fruit of a good conversation . . these things being done , they set downe a forme of receiuing of confessions , and prescribing of penance , according to the canonicall institutions . . they reasoned about the eight principall vices , to the end , their diuersitie being distinguished , every man might know what vices he should eschew , and teach others to beware of the same . . that bishops should take heed of the reading of the bookes of the canonicke scripture , and the bookes of fathers : and should attend vpon the preaching of the word of god. . that bishops should preach the sermons and homilies of holy fathers , in such sort as all the people might vnderstand them . the . canon is coincident with the . . that bishops , and abbots , permit no man to solace the company with filthy gesting in their presence : but let poore and indigent people be refreshed at their tables with lectures of divine scripture , and praising of god , according to the precept of the apostle , that whether wee eate or drinke , let all things be done to the glory of god. . gluttony and drunkennesse forbidden to bishops , and the ministers of god. . let not bishops bee rash to iudge in things secret , which are to bee referred to the iudgement of god , who can manifest things hid vp in darknesse , and discouer the secrets of the heart . . presbyters shall not transport themselues from a low place to a greater . . whosoever by paying money , procureth a preferment in the church , shall be deposed . . no church-man shall cohabite with a woman , except it be with his mother or sister , or such like persons , by whose company no suspition of vncleannesse can arise . precepts given to monkes , and nunnes , i passe by , as i did in the former councell . canon . the sabbath day shall be kept holy , and in it no servile worke shall bee done , according to the lords commandement . . let no man bestow vpon the church that thing which by vnlawfull meanes hee hath fraudulently with-drawne from others . . nor yet by lies and deceitfull meanes , with-draw any thing duly belonging to the church . . let tythes be precisely payed . . let no man presume to receiue rewards for his decreet and sentence . . let prayers and oblations be made for the emperour , and his noble race , that it would please god to preserue them in all happines , in this present life , and vouchsafe vnto them celestiall ioyes in company of the angels , in the life to come . in the . canon , mention is made of a certaine rent , left by king pipinus of good memory ; which they wish the emperour charles , pipinus sonne , should not alter , nor transferre into another summe , in respect , that by so doing , many periuries and false testimonies might ensue . . and that no man should be remoued from his mansion , to whom the emperours almes is distributed . . and that the statute may bee confirmed by his highnesse allowance , whereby all contentions and strifes are ordained to haue a decision , and end . . and that the statute made in bononia , concerning false witnesses , may be ratified and confirmed : with augmentation , if neede require , for eschewing of periuries , false testimonies , and many other inconueniences . in the yeere of our lord , . and at the commandement of the emperour carolus magnus , a councell of many bishops and abbots , was assembled , about establishing of ecclesiasticall discipline , in the towne of towers . in the first canon , all men are admonished to be obedient to the emperour charles the great , and to keepe the oath of allegeance made vnto him , and to make prayers , and supplications for his prosperity and wel-fare . . all bishoppes shall diligently reade , and frequently peruse , the bookes of holy scripture , the histories of the euangels , and the epistles of paul , together with the bookes of ancient fathers written thereupon . . it is not lawfull for any bishop to bee ignorant of the canons of the church , and of the pastorall booke of gregorius , in the which every man , as in a liuely mirrour might see himselfe . . let every bishop feede the flocke committed vnto him , not onely with doctrine , but also with examples of good conversation . . a bishop must not be giuen to sumptuous banquets , but be content with a moderate diet , lest hee should seeme to abuse the counsell of our lord , saying ; take heed , that your hearts be not surfeited with gluttony , or drunkennesse : but let holy lecture be at his table , rather then the idle wordes of flattering fellowes . . let strangers and indigent people bee at bishops tables : whom they may refresh , both with corporall and spirituall repast . . the delicate pleasure of the eare and eyes , are to bee eschewed , left by such pleasures , the minde be effeminate , and inchanted . . let not the lords servants delight in vaine gesting , nor in hunting , nor hawking . . let presbyters and deacons follow the foot-steps of their bishops , assuring themselues , that the good conuersation enioyned vnto their bishops , is also enioyned vnto them . . let bishops haue a great sollicitude and care towards the poore : and be faithfull dispensators of ecclesiasticall goods , as the ministers of god , and not as hunters after filthy lucre . . it is lawfull for bishops , with consent of presbyters and deacons , to bestow out of the church treasure , to support indigent people of that same church . . a presbyter is not to be ordained vntill hee bee thirtie yeere old . . let the bishop make diligent inquisition in his owne parish church , that no presbyter , comming from any other parts , make seruice in his church , without letters of recommendation . . let a presbyter , leaving a low place , and presuming to an higher , incurre that same punishment , which a bishop , deprehended in the like fault , should incurre . . a presbyter , who attaineth to a church , by giving money for it , let him bee deposed . . let tythes bestowed vpon churches , by advice of bishops , be faithfully distributed to the poore , by the presbyters . . the families of bishops shall be instructed in the summe of the true faith . in the knowledge of the retribution to be given to good men , and the condemnation of people , and of the resurrection and last iudgement , and by what kinde of workes eternall life may be promerited : and that the homilies , containing these instructions , shall bee translated into rusticke-latine-language : to the end that every person may vnderstand them . marke in what estimation the latine language hath beene at this time : that instructions in rusticke and barbarous latine , are counted better then instructions in good french language . . it is the dutie of the bishop , to instruct his presbyter concerning the sacrament of baptisme , what it is that they should desire the people baptized to renounce : namely , that they should renounce the divell , and all his workes , and his pomps . now the workes of the diuell , are murther , fornication , adulterie , drunkennesse , and other such like faults . but the pompes of the divell , are pride , ostentation , swelling conceits , vaine-glory , loftinesse , and such other faults , as spring vp from such grounds . . presbyters are precisely to be admonished , that when they say the masse , and do communicate , they doe not distribute the lords bodie indiscreetly , to children , and to all persons , who happen to be present , who if they be entangled with great sinnes , they procure vnto themselues rather damnation , then any remedie to their soules , according to the saying of the apostle , whosoeuer eateth this bread , and drinketh this cup unworthily , hee shall be guilty of the bodie and blood of the lord : let a man therefore try himselfe , and so let him eate of this bread , and drinke of this cup. by this let the iudicious reader marke , that even in the dayes of carolus magnus , priuate masses had no place : but they who were duly prepared , did communicate with the priest. . presbyters shall not suffer the holy chrisme to be touched by every man. . presbyters shall not resort to tavernes , to eate or drinke . . bishops and presbyters , shall prescribe to sinners , who haue confessed their sinnes , penance , discreetly , according to the waightinesse of their fault . . chanons , who dwell in cities , let them eate in one cloyster , and sleepe vnder one roofe , to the end they may bee ready to celebrate their canonicall houres . from the . canon vnto the . are contained constitutions concerning monkes and nunnes , which i ouer-passe with silence , fearing to be prolix . canon . all men should studie to peace and concord , but especially christians : forsaking hatred , discord , and envie . . lords and iudges should be obedient to the wholsome admonitions of their bishops : and bishops on the other part , should reverently regard them , to the end they may be mutually supported , every one with the consolations one of another . . lords and iudges are to bee admonished , that they admit not vile and naughty persons to beare witnesse in their iudicatories , because there are many , who for a contemptible price , are ready to make shipwracke of a good conscience . . let no man for his decreet , receiue a reward : for divine scripture in many places forbiddeth this , as a thing that blindeth the eyes of the blind . . let euery man be carefull to support indigent persons of his owne family and kindred : for it is an impious and abominable thing in the sight of god , that men abounding in riches , should neglect their owne . . christians when they make supplications to god , let them in humble manner bow downe their knees , following the example of the martyr steven , and of the apostle paul : except vpon the lords day , and other solemne dayes , on the which the vniversall church keepeth a memoriall of the lords resurrection : and at such times they are accustomed to stand and pray . . faithfull people must be admonished , not to enter into the church , with tumult and noyse : and in time of prayer , and celebration of the masse , not to be occupied in vaine confabulations , and idle speeches : but even to abstain from wicked cogitations . . let not the consistories and iudgement-seates of secular iudges be in the church , or portches thereof , in any time to come : because the house of god should bee an house of prayer , as our lord iesus christ saith . . let it be forbidden , that merchandize be vsed vpon the lords day , or iustice-courts , because all men should abstaine from servile labours , to the end this day may be spent in praising and thanking god , from morning till evening . . incestuous persons , parracides , and murtherers , are found , who will not hearken to the wholsome admonitions of church-men , but persevere in their vitious conversation , who must be reduced to order by the discipline of the secular power . . let the people be admonished to abstaine from magicall arts , which can bring no support and helpe to the infirmities of men , and beasts : but they are the deceitfull snares of the divell , whereby he deceiveth man-kinde . . a frequent custome of swearing is forbidden , wherein men , vpon euery light occasion willing to purchase credit to that which they speake , they take god to be witnesse of the verity of their speeches . . many free subiects , by the oppression of their masters , are redacted to extreame pouerty ; whose causes , if our element soveraigne please to examine , hee shall finde , that they are vniustly redacted to extreame indigence . . a false measure , and a false ballance , is an abomination vnto the lord , as salomon recordeth . the . canon containeth a regrate , that tythes were not duly payed to the church : notwithstanding , that the church had giuen in , their complaint to the civil magistrate : whereby it came to passe , that not only lights in the church , and stipends to the clergie , began to inlacke , but also the very parish churches became ruinous . . when generall fastings are appointed , for any impendent calamity , let man neglect the fellowship of the humble church , for desire to feed his belly with delicate foode . . drunkennes and surfeiting are forbidden , as offensiue both to soule and bodie , and the ground of many other sinnes . . lords and masters are to be admonished , not to deale cruelly and vnmercifully with their subiects : yea , and not to seeke that which is due vnto themselues , with excessiue rigour . . let laicke people communicate at least thrise in a yeere , vnlesse they be hindred by some grivous sinnes committed by them . . in the last canon mention is made , that they diligently examined the cause of them who complained to the emperour , that they were dis-inherited by th● donation of lands , which their fathers and friends had bestowed vpon the church : and in their bounds they found no man who did complaine . alwaies , in that matter , if any thing was done amisse , they humbly submitted themselues to be corrected by their soveraigne lord and king. the councell of chalons was the fourth councell , convened in the yeere of our lord , . by the commandement of charles the great , for the reformation of the ecclesiasticall estate . many of the canons of this councell are coincident with the canons of the former : therefore i shall be the shorter in the commemoration thereof . . that bishops acquaint themselues diligently with reading the bookes of holy scripture , and the bookes of ancient fathers , together with the pastorall bookes of gregorius . . let bishops practice in their workes , the knowledge which they haue attained vnto by by reading . . let them also constitute schooles , wherein learning may be increased , and men brought vp in them , that may be like to the salt of the earth , to season the corrupt manners of the people , and to stop the mouthes of heretiques , according as it is said , to the commendation of the church , a thousand targes are hung vp in it , even all the armour of the strong , cant. chap. vers . . ● . let church-men shew humility , in word , deed , countenance , and habite . . let priests bee vnreproueable , adorned with good manners , and not given to filthy lucre . . the blame of filthy lucre , wherewith many church-men were charged , for this , that they allured secular men to renounce the world , and to bring their goods to the church , they endeuour , with multiplyed number of words , to remoue . . bishops , and abbots , who with deceitfull speeches , haue circumvened simple men , and shauen their heads , and by such meanes doe possesse their goods , in respect of their covetous desire of filthy lucre , let them be subiect to canonicall , or regular repentance . but let those simple men , who have layd downe their haire , as men destitute of vnderstanding , who cannot gouerne their owne affaires , let them remaine in that estate , which they haue once vndertaken : but let the goods given by negligent parents , and received , or rather reaved by avaritious church-men , be restored againe to their children & heires . . if church men lay vp provision of come in victuall-houses , let it not be to keepe them to a dearth , but to support the poore in time of need , therewith . . hunting and hawking , and the insolency of foolish and filthy iests , are to bee forsaken of church-men . . gluttony and drunkennesse is forbidden . . the bishop or abbot , must not resort to civill iudicators , to plead their owne cause , except it be to support the poore and oppressed . presbyters , deacons , and monkes , having obtained licence from the bishop , may compeare in civill iudgement-seats , accompanied with their advocate . . let not presbyters , deacons , or monkes , bee farmers or labourers of the ground . . it is reported of some brethren , that they compell the persons who are to be admitted , in time of their ordination to sweare , that they are worthy : and that they shall do nothing repugnant to the canons : and that they shall be obedient to the bishop , who ordayneth them , and to the church , in the which they are ordayned : which oath , in regard it is perilous , we all inhibit , and discharge it . . bishops in visiting of their parishioners , let them not be chargeable vnto them , but rather comfortable , by preaching the word , and by correcting things that are disordered . . it is reported , that some arch-deacons vse domination over the presbyters , and take tribute from them , which smelleth rather of tyranny , then of due order . for if the bishoppe should not vse domination over the clergie , but by examplars to the flocke , as the apostle peter writeth : much lesse should these presume to doe any such like thing . . like as in dedication of churches , and for receiving of orders , no money is received : even so , for buying of balme to make chrisme , presbyters ( keepers of chrisme ) shall bestowe no money : but bishops , of their owne rents , shall furnish baulme for the making of chrisme , and lightes to the church . . it hath beene found in some places , that presbyters haue payed . or . pennies in yeerely tribute to the bishop : which custome wee haue ordained altogether to be abolished . . the receiuing of paunds from incestuous persons , and from men who pay not their tythes , and from negligent presbyters , is forbidden , as a thing which openeth a doore to auarice : but rather let ecclesiasticall discipline strike vpon transgressours . . let people giue their tythes to those churches wherein their children are baptized , & whereunto they resort all the yeere long , to heare church-seruice . . let peace bee kept amongst all men , but in speciall betwixt bishops & countes ; whereby euery one of them may mutually support another . . ciuill iudges ought to judge righteously , without exception of persons , and without receiuing of rewards : and let their officiars , vicars , and centenaries , bee righteous men : least , by their auarice and greedinesse , the people bee grieued , and impouerished . and let the witnesses be of vnsuspect credite : for by false witnesses the countrey is greatly damnified . . the abbots and monkes , in this part of the countrie , seeing they haue addicted themselues to the order of saint benedict : let them endeuour to conforme themselues vnto his institution and rules . . the ordination of presbyters , deacons , and other inferiours , is to bee made at a certaine prescribed time . . concerning bishops , presbyters , deacons , and monkes , who shall happen to be llaine , let the emperour giue determination to whom the satisfacton of blood shall belong . . in many places , the auncient custome of publicke repentance hath ceased : neither is the auncient custome of excommunicatiō and reconciliation in vse . therefore , the emperour is to be entreated , that the ancient discipline may be restored againe , and they who sinne publikely , may be brought to publike repentance : and euery man , according as hee deserueth , may either bee excommunicated , or reconciled . . it is reported , that in some churches there is contention and strife for diuidng of church rents : it is ordained , therefore , that no masse shall be said in those churches , vntill they , who are at variance , be reconciled againe . . neither the sacrament of baptisme , nor the sacrament of confirmation , should be reiterated . . concerning the decrees of affinitie , and in what degree marriage may be bound vp , euery man is sent to the canons of the church to seeke resolution . . seing that the man and the woman are counted in scripture as one flesh , their parentage is to be reckoned by like degrees in the matter of marriage . . the marriage of seruants is not to bee dissolued which is bound vp with consent of both their masters , euerie seruant remaining obedient to his owne master . . it is rumoured , that some women by negligence , and others fraudulently , doe present their owne children to the sacrament of confirmation , to the ende they may bee separated from the companie of their husbandes . therefore , wee statute and ordaine , that such women as either negligently or fraudulently present their owne children to the sacrament of confirmation , they shall bee compelled to doe penance all the dayes of their life : neither shall they in any wise be separated from their husbandes . . let a sinner confesse vnto his father-confessor , all his sinnes which hee hath committed either in thought , word , or deede : because that hatred , enuye , and pride , are such pestilentious botches of the soule : and the more secretly that they are couched , the more periculously they hurt . . sinnes should not onely bee confessed to god , according to the example of dauid , who saith , i will confesse against my selfe my wickednesse vnto the lord , and thou forgauest the punishment of my sinne , psal. . vers . . but also wee should confesse our sinnes to our father-confessor , according to the precept of the apostle , acknowledge your faultes one to another and pray one for another , that yee may bee healed , i at . . . . in pre●●●ibing of penance , let fauour and hatred of any person be laide aside , and let the injunctions be giuen according to the rule of holy scripture , and according to the canons and custome of the church , following the example of the physitions of the body , who without exception of persons doe adhibit cuttings , burnings , and vehement remedies , to perilous diseases . . many in doing of penance , are not so desirous of remission of sinnes , as of the accomplishment of the prescribed time of their humiliaon : and beeing forbidden to eate flesh , or drinke wine , they haue the greater desire of other delicate meates and drinkes : but spirituall abstinence , which should bee in penitent persons , excludeth all bodily delightes . . let no man sinne of purpose , to the ende hee may abolishe his sinnes by almes-deedes : for that is all one as if a man should hyre god to grant vnto him a libertie to sinne . . seeing all canons of councels are to be diligently read , in speciall such as appertaine vnto faith , and reformation of manners , should bee most frequently perused . . bookes , called libelli poenitentiales , are to abolished , because the erroures of these bookes are certaine , howbeit the authors of them be vncertaine : and they prepare pillowes to lay vnder the heads of them , who are sleeping in sinne . . in the solemnities of the masse , prayers are to bee made for the soules of them who are departed , as well as for them who are aliue . . presbyters , who are degraded , & liue like seculare men , neglecting repentance , whereby they might procure restitution to their office , let them be excommunicated . . a presbyter , who transporteth himselfe from his owne place , shall not be receiued in any other church , except hee prooue , both with witnesses and letters sealed with lead , & containing the name of the bishop , and of the citie which he liued in , that he hath liued innocently in his own church , and had a just cause of transportation . . let no church bee committed to a presbyter , without consent of the bishop . . in some places are found scots-men , who call themselues bishops , & they ordaine presbyters & deacons , whose ordination we altogether disallowe . . presbyters must not drinke in tavernes , wander in markets , nor goe to visite cities , without aduise of their bishop . . many both of the clergie & laickes , go● to holy places , such as rome , & turon : imagining , that by the sight of these places , their sins are remitted : and not attending to the sentence of ierome , it is a more commendable thing to liue well in hierusalem , than to haue seene hierusalem . . in receiuing the sacrament of the bodie and blood of christ , great discretion is to be vsed : neither let the taking of it be long differred , because christ saith , except yee eate the flesh of the sonne of man , and drinke his bloud , yee haue no life in you : neither let vs come without due preparation , because the apostle saith , he who eateth and dri●keth vnworthily , eateth and drinketh his owne damnation . . the sacrament of the body & blood of christ which in one day is accustomed to be receiued of all christians : let no man neglect to receiue it , except some grieuous crime doe hinder him from receiuing of it . . according to the precept of the apostle iames , weake persons should be annointed with oyle by the elders , ( which oyle is blessed by the bishop ) these words inclosed in a parenthesis are added to the text : for he saith , is any man sicke amongst you , let him call for the elders of the church , and let them pray for him , and annoint him with oyle , in the name of the lord : and the prayer of faith shal saue the sicke , and the lord shall raise him vp : and if he haue committed sin , it shal be forgiuen him , i am . cap. . vers . . . such a medicine as cureth both bodily & spirituall maledies is not to be neglected . . in the councell of laodicea it was forbidden , that masses should bee said , and oblations offered by bishops , or presbyters , in priuate houses . this question also was disputed in this councell . . the authoritie of the emperour , is to be interponed for reuerent keeping of the lords day . . because the church is constituted of persons of diuerse conditions , some are noble , others are ignoble , some are seruants , vassalles , strangers , &c. it becommeth them who are in eminent rowmes , to deale mercifully with their inferiours , knowing that they are their brethren , because god is one common father to both , and the church is one common mother to both . from the . canon vnto the . are contained precepts of chaste and honest liuing prescribed to prioresses and nunnes . which i ouer-passe , as i haue done in the preceeding councels . . it is ordained , that prayers and supplications shall be made for the emperour and his children , and for their well-fare both in soule and bodie . . these things haue we touched shortly , to be exhibited to our soueraigne lord the emperour . hee who desireth a more ample declaration of all vertues to be followed , and vices to be eschewed , let him read the volume of the holy scriptures of god. in the same yeere of our lord , wherein the preceding foure councels were conueened , & by the mandate of the emperour charles the great , another councell was conneened at arles . the canons of this councell were in number . . . they set downe a confession of their faith. . they ordaine , that prayers shall bee made for the emperour , and his children . . they admonish bishops and pastors diligently to reade the bookes of holy scripture : to teach the lords people in all truth : and , to administrate the sacraments rightly . . laick people are admonished , not to remooue their presbyters from their churches , without consent of their bishops . . that presbyters be not admitted for rewards . . it is ordained , that bishops shall attend , that euery person liue ordinately : that is , according to a prescribed rule . the . and . canons belong to the ordering of monkes and nunnes . the . canon pertaineth to the payment of tythes , and first fruits . . it is ordained , that presbyters shall preach the word of god , not only in cities , but also in euery parochin . . incestuous copulations are to be v●terly abhor●ed . . peace is to blee● kep● with all men , according to the words of the apostle , follow peace , and sanctification , without the● which no man shall see god , heb. cap. . vers . . ● . let lords , iudges , and the rest of the people , be obedient to their bishop : & let 〈…〉 judg●ment be vsed : and no bribes receiued , nor false testimonie be admitted . . in time of famine , let euery man support the necessitie of his owne . . let all weightes and measures be equall and just . . let the sabboth day be kept holy , without markets , iustice courtes , and seruile labour . . let euery bishop visite his boundes once in the yeere : & if he finde the poore to be oppressed by the violence of the mightie , then let the bishop with wholesome admonitions , exhort them to desist from such oppression : and in case they will not desist from their violence , then let the bishop bring the cause to the eares of the prince . . let presbyters keepe the chrisme , and giue it to no man , vnder pretence of medicine . . parentes and witnesses , shall bring vp baptized children in the knowledge of god , because god hath giuen them vnto parents , and witnesses haue pawned their word for their faith . . ancient churches shall not be depriued of tythes , nor of none other possession . . that the constitution of ancient fathers shal be kept concerning buriall in churches . . ciuill iudgment-seates shall not bee in churches . . the goods belonging vnto the poore , if they bee bought , let it bee done openly in sight of the nobles and iudges of the citie . . let fugitiue presbyters and church-men bee inquired , and sent backe againe vnto their bishop . . he who hath a benefice bestowed vpon him , for helping the fabricke of churches , let him support the building of them . . they who sinne publickely , let them make their publicke repentance , according to the canons . these things haue wee shortly touched , to bee presented vnto our lord the emperour , and to be corrected by his highnesse wisedome . in the yeere of our lord , ●●● . and in the third yeere of the raigne of basilius , emperour of the east : and vnder the raigne of lewis the second emperour of the west● the ambassadours of pope adrian the second came to constantinople . basilius the emperour : gathered a councell against photius , the patriarch of constantinople . in this councell great policie was vsed , to haue all things framed to the contentment of adrian bishop of rome : fo● no man was admitted to the councell , except only they who had subscribed the supremacie of the bishop of rome , aboue all other bishops . they who refused to subscribe the fore-saide supremacie , were contemptuously reject●d , and not admitted to the councell . so did the authoritie of the bishop of rome proceede to further grouth , by flattering of basilius , who slew his associate michael : as it was founded in the flatterie of bonifacius the third , who flattered that vile murtherer phocas , who slew his master mauritius . in this councell photius was deposed and excommunicated , & his bookes which he wrote against the supremacie of the bishop of rome were commanded to be burnt . photius was accused for this , that he had accepted the office of a bishop , before hee he receiued other ecclesiasticall orders . photius alleadg●d , that this was no sufficient cause of deposition , in respect that ambrose , bishop of millan ; nectarius , bishop of constantinople ; and of late dayes tarasius ; with consent of the bishop of rome ; of laickes were made bishops . the ambassadours of pope adrian the second answered , that ambrose was endewed with extraordinarie giftes , nectarius was called at an extraordinarie time , to wit , when heresie was so ouerspred , that it was an harde thing to finde out a man who was not spotted with heresie : and concerning the aduancement of tarasius to be bishop of constantinople , to whose admission adrian the first gaue consent , they answered , that it was done for a speciall cause , in regard hee was a zealous maintainer of the adoration of images . this answer declareth , that in case photius also had beene a zealous maintainer of the adoration of images , the roman bishop and his ambassadours could haue dispensed with the want of ecclesiasticall orders preceeding his admission to his bishopricke , as they did in the person of tarasius . in this councel also the ambassadoures of adrian , magnifying the authoritie of the pope , affirmed , that the bishop of rome might judge of the actions of all other bishops : but no man might judge of him . and albeit the orientall bishops in the sixt generall councell , cursed pope honorius after his death : yet it is to be marked ( say they ) that hee was accused of heresie : and in this case onely it is lawfull for inferiours to resist their superiours , and to disclaime their peruerse opinions . in this point , also they said , that none of the patriarches and bishops proceeded against the defunct bishop of rome , without the consent of the roman chaire going before them . now obserue ( good reader ) with what fidelitie onuphrius defendeth the name of honorius the first : as free of all suspition of heresie : when as the ambassadours of adrian the second , for verie shame durst not presume to doe it . more-ouer , the worshipping of images in this councell got a new allowance againe , and it was commanded , that the image of christ should be holden in no lesse reuerence than the bookes of the gospell . the bulgarians also were made subject to the romane bishop . and ignatius patriarch of constantinople , in regarde he was restored to his place againe by the meanes of the bishop of rome , hee made no opposition to the contrarie . neuerthelesse , this alteration continued but short time : for the bulgarians droue out of their bounds the latine priests , and were serued with greeke priests againe . diuers canons were constituted in this coūcell , but so coincident with the canons of other councels , that it is a superfluous thing to make a rehearsall of them . in the subscription of the actes of the councel , great controuersie fell out : for the grecians could not abide the name of ludouicke , emp. of the we● , because they thought , that the honourable name of an emp. only belonged to their owne soueraigne lord , who was emp. of cōstantinople . more ▪ ouer , a number of them came to the emp. basilius , and requested him , that their subscriptions might be redeliuered vnto them againe , wherein they had subscribed to the supremacie of the romane bishop , or else the church of constantinople would be in perpetuall subiection to the chaire of rome . these subscriptions afore-sayd were restored againe , but with great difficulty . caarolus caluus convocated a councell in france , at acciniacum , consisting of ten bishops . the bishops of lions , vason , and trier , were chiefe presidents in the councell . hincmarus bishop of rhemes , accused in this convention his owne nephew , hincmarus bishop of laudunum , as a man disobedient to his metropolitan , and a man who for private iniuries had excommunicated all the presbyters of his church , debarring them from saying masse , baptizing infants , absolving of penitents , and burying of the dead . and hincmarus bishoppe of rhemes , proponed vnto the councell , . canons , which he desired to be read , in the synode : and they allowed all the canons written by the bishop of rhemes . also , they condemned hincmarus bishop of laudunum , of petulancy , and compelled him to subscribe obedience to charles his king , and to his metropolitan : hee was also deprived of his office , and his eyes were thrust out . but pope iohn the ninth , vnder the raigne of carolus crassus , restored him to his office againe , being the more affectioned vnto him , because hee had appealed from his owne bishop , and from the decreet of a synode in his owne countrey , to be iudged by the chaire of rome . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the eight yeere of the raigne of the emperour arnulphus , in the towne of triburium , twenty and two bishops of germany , were assembled , who made many constitutions , a great number whereof , caranza is compelled to over-passe with silence , lest he should make a superfluous repetition of canons mentioned before . first , it was concluded in this councell , that excommunicate persons , if they repent not , are to be subdued by the emperour . canon . that a bishop shall not bee deposed , before his cause bee iudged by twelue bishops : and a presbyter by sixe bishoppes : and a deacon by three bishops . . a church-man , who committeth slaughter , shall bee deposed , albeit hee hath beene enforced vnto it . . baptisme shall not bee ministred , except at easter and whitsunday , without necessity require . . tythes are to be paid for the sustentation of the ministery , the support of the poore , and the fabricke of the church . . let mens bodies be buried in that parish , vnto the which they payed their tythes . . no buriall place shall be sold for mony . . let laicke people be buried in the church-yard , not in the church : but if they be buried already , let not their bodies be remooved . . the vessels wherein holy mysteries are celebrated , are challices and platters : whereof saint bonifacius , a bishop and martyr , being demanded , if it was lawfull to celebrate the sacrament in vessels of wood ? hee answered , that of old there were golden bishops , and woodden vessels : but now by the contrary , saith hee ; the bishops are wooden bishops , and the vessels are vessels of gold . and sepherinus ministred the sacrament in vessels of glasse . neverthelesse , this councell straitly inhibiteth the sacrament to be consecrated in vessels of wood . . let not wine without water be offered in the holy challic● , because both blood and water flowed out of the side of christ. . priests are shaven , to the end they may carry vpon their heads a similitude of the crowne ( to wit , of thornes , wherewith the lord was crowned ) who is their lot and portion . . let not presbyters , who are called before iustice-seats , be compelled to sweare , but let them bee put in rememberance of their holy consecration , in stead of an oath . . the tryall of persons defamed , by the burning iron is ceased : but let no man giue out rash iudgement in secret matters . . they who haue vndertaken a spirituall office , should not goe to war-fare , nor accept vpon them ciuill offices , according to the seventh canon , of the councell of chalcedon . . a theese , or a robber , who is slaine in the perpetration of his diabolicall fact , let no man pray for his soule , nor distribute almes for his reliefe . . let no iustice-courts be holden on the lords day , neither of festivall nor fasting dayes . . a man who marrieth a woman of a strange countrey , but not of a strange religion , shall bee compelled to cohabite with her . . it shall not bee lawfull for a man to marrie a woman whom hee hath polluted in adultery , during her husbands life-time . . hee who hath defiled two sisters , let him be subiect to penance all his dayes , and remaine continent . . a woman that hath committed adultery , and for feare of her husband , who pursueth her vnto the death , shee fleeth vnto bishoppes to seeke reliefe : let them travell seriously for the safety of her her life : and if that can be obtained , let her bee restored to her husband againe : but if that cannot be obtained , let her not bee restored : but her husband during his life-time , shall not marrie another . . a forme of externall repentance is prescribed to them , who of precogitate malice , and of purpose , haue committed slaughter . centvrie x. in the yeere of our lord , . a councell was convened at ravenna , of . bishops . it seemeth to bee assembled by iohn the tenth , whereat was present carolus simplex , the king of france . in this councell the acts of pope formosus had allowance , and the decrees of stephanus the sixt were condemned and burnt . vnder the raigne of carolus simplex , king of france , a councell was gathered at rhemes apparantly ( for the place is not certaine ) for correcting the abuse of church-rents . noblemen in court , such as hugo , and his brother robert , master of the kings horses , and vinemarus , with diverse others , vnder pretence of sustayning the kinges honourable estate , and paying wages to souldiers , had converted to their owne vse , a great part of church-rents , especially , belonging to abbies . fulco archbishop of rhemes , vttered his minde freely in the councell . vinemarus one of the notable oppressors in the court , defiled the councell with blood , and killed fulco bishop of rhemes . the fathers of the councell returned vnto their owne churches with great feare : for the like of this was not heard , since the second councell of ephesus , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a councell of briggandrie , because in it , flavianus bishop of constantinople , was slaine . in the dayes of otto the first , a great councell was assembled at rome , against pope iohn the thirteenth , or as others doe reckon , pope iohn the twelfth . the principall faults wherwith he was charged , besides perfidiousnes obiected against him by the emp. were these following , to wit : . peter a cardinall presbyter , affirmed hee saw him say masse , and communicated not himselfe . . iohn bishoppe narrien , and iohn a cardinall deacon , affirmed they saw him ordaine a deacon in an horse-stable . . benedictus with the rest of deacons , and presbyters , affirmed he received money for the ordination of bishoppes . . likewise they sayd , albeit they saw it not with their eyes , yet they were fully perswaded , that hee accompanied with the widow of rainer , and with stephana his fathers concubine : and that he made the sacred pallace like vnto a bawdy-house . . that he was an open hunter . . that he thrust out the eyes of benedict his spirituall father , and by so doing procured his death . . that he had gelded iohn an archdeacon , raised fire , and cloathed himselfe with armour in military manner . . that he did drinke to the divell , all the clergie bare witnesse . . and that in playing at dice , hee craved the helpe of iupiter , and venus , and the rest of the gods of the gentiles , whom the apostle paul calleth divels . . that hee sayd not mattins , nor kept his canonicke houres , nor signed himselfe with the signe of the crosse. . that he distributed the golden crosses and chalices of the church , to his harlots . . that hee had consecrated one zacheus a wicked man , and vnlearned , to be bishop to the hungars : to the end , that by his seditious sermons he might concitate them against the emperour . concerning the letter written to pope iohn , by advice of the emperour otto , and his proud answer sent backe againe to the councell , together with their last good night to him , granting to him such power of binding as iudas had , that is , to binde his owne necke to the gallowes . of these things i haue spoken in the treatise of succession . in the yeere of our lord , . a councell was gathered in england , at canterburie . the question debated in the councell , was concerning the marriage of men in spirituall offices . dunstanus at this time was bishop of canterburie , and he was an adversarie to the marriage of men in spirituall offices . but the question was so wel discussed by testimonies of scripture , and the fathers of the primitiue church , that dunstanus had cause to be ashamed . for this cause hee implored the helpe of the diuell : for he was knowne to be a sorcerer . satan compelled him to persist in his argument . and when they were convened againe , and in the heate of their disputation , a voyce sounded from the image of the crucifix ( which was in the place of their convention ) that dunstanus his opinion was the best . this lying miracle so dashed the multitude of simple and ignorant priestes , that they thought it to bee the oracle of god ; but in their next meeting falthodus , whom others call ethelredus , a learned man of scotland , so evidently by testimonies of scriptures , and fathers , prooved that marriage was a thing lawfull to men in spirituall offices , that the answer which came from the crucifix , was counted the answer of the divell , whom dunstanus served , because christ would speake nothing repugnant to his owne word . vnder the raigne of nicephorus phocas , emperor of constantinople , and when polyeuchus was patriarch , the emperour assembled a councell at constantinople . the question disputed in the councell , was this . nicephorus having obtained the dominion of the east , tooke to wife theophania , the relict of romanus his predecessor . this matter so displeased the patriarch polyeuchus , that hee debarred the emperour nicephorus from holy things , pretending these two causes : first , because the emperour had celebrated the second marriage . secondly , because nicephorus had beene witnesse in baptisme , to the children of theophania . this question being discussed in the councell , in presence both of prelats and counsellers , the emperours marriage was allowed , and the acts alledged by polyeuchus was counted impious , & made by capronimus , and that they had no force to hinder the marriage . the proud patriarch when he was overthrowne by reason , armed himselfe with obstinacie and stiffe neckednesse , vntill bardas the emperours father came to him , and affirmed by an oath , that nicephorus the emperour was not witnesse in baptisme to the children of theophania . thus were the patriarches of the east , serious in observing the traditions of men , but remisse and negligent in observing the ordinances of god. and this is a sure testimony , that defection from the faith had now prevayled , both in the west and east . in the yeere of our lord , . in the ninth yeere of the emperour otto , and in the fourth yeere of hugo capeto , king of france , a councel was gathered at rhemes , against arnulphus bishop of rhemes . his hand-writing was produced , wherein hee did binde himselfe to bee obedient to hugo capeto , king of france ; and never to come in the contrary , vnder paine of infamy , and perpetuall malediction . notwithstanding , he had countenanced duke charles , who claimed the right of the kingdome , as nearest heire thereto , being the brother of lotharius . to duke charles , arnulphus had opened the ports of the towne of rhemes , and made him commander of the citie . great disputation was in the councell concerning arnulphus . his friends would haue had this cause remitted to the iudgement of the bishop of rome . but many of the bishops of france , mightily opponed to the contrary . the discourse is very prolix , but the paines of reading is well recompenced with the fruitfulnesse of the disputation . this councell toke this end , arnulphus confessed his fault , denuded himselfe of his episcopall honour , and gilbertus , who had beene instructor of robert the kings sonne , was placed in his roome . likewise , arnulphus was sent to orlience to be imprisoned there , together with siguinus archbishop of senon , because hee consented not freely to the deposition of arnulphus , but thought that this matter was overswayed by the tyranny of courtiers , and vsurpers of the kingdome vnlawfully . vvhen the deposition of arnulphus was reported at rome , iohn the thirteenth , was mooued with great wrath , and incontinent , excommunicated all those bishops of france , who had consented to the deposition of arnulphus . in so doing pope iohn kept the accustomed order of the romane church , to wit , to pronounce a sentence before a lawfull cognition , and tryall of the cause . also hee sent an abbot called leo , furnished with the authority of the romane chaire , to appoint a new councell at rhemes . hugo king of france , was somewhat terrified with the cursing of the bishop of rome , and feared to oppose himselfe to so many bishops , agreeing in one minde : and therefore he suffered the councell to hold forward . the conclusion of this councell was , that arnulphus was restored to his former dignitie . and left that either the emperour otto , or hugo capeto , should be offended , gilbertus was promoted to be bishop of ravenna . centvrie xi . in the yeere of our lord . and vnder the raigne of the emp. henry the second , a councell was assembled at aken , by the authority of the emperour ; who seeing the wrath of god kindled against the word , & manifold tokens of the anger of god manifested in the calamities hanging vpon the head of all people and nations , he gathered this councel : by the authoritie whereof priests were commanded to pacifie the wrath of god by frequent saying of masse ; the people , by fasting & abstinence ; & princes by distributing of almes to reconcile themselues to god. the doctrine of repetance and amendement of life , was forgotten in this time of horrible ignorance ; and all religion was turned into outward exercises of fasting ; of distributing of almes ; and of saying of masses . also new fasting daies were inioyned to be kept in most solemne manner to the honour of iohn the baptist & s. laurence ; so that by a multitude of human traditions , daily increased ; the ordinance of god ( as christ witnesseth ) was made null and of no effect . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the . yeere of the raigne of the emp. henry . a councell was assembled at halignustat , wherein harido bishop of mentz , was moderator ; & great pains were taken to make a conformitie & vnitie in obseruation of superstitious rites in germanie , such as statut times of fasting , and abstinence from marriage at certaine times of the yeere , and not casting of the corporall into the fire to quench the fire kindled in a towne , which was the custome of foolish priests at that time ; & that no sword shuld be brought into the church except the kings sword ; and no meetings or confabulations should be in the church or the poarch thereof , and that women should not bee addicted to particular and select masses , such as the masse of the trinitie and saint michael ; but let them heare common masses for the safetie of the quicke and the dead . also lawes were made in this councell concerning the reckoning of the degrees of consanguinitie , and that no man should iourney to rome for obtaining pardon for great sinnes , before hee had first confessed himselfe to his owne priest ; and fulfilled the penance prescribed by him , with many other constitutions , full of new invented superstition . in the yeere of our lord . and vnder the raigne of the emperour conrad the second : a councell was assembled at triburia . the emperour was present at the councell . after some constitutions about fasting , one arose , and said that certaine epistles were come from heauen concerning peace to be renued on earth , & he was commanded to write a coppie of these epistles to be communicat to other bishops , to the ende that nations and people might obserue these new lawes following . . that no man should weare armoure . . that no man should seeke restitution of things taken from him . . that no man should reuenge the wrongs , done to his blood and kindred . . that men should be compelled , to pardon them who smote them . . that euery friday , a fasting shall bee kept with bread and water . . that on saturday , there should be an abstinence from flesh and fat things . . that men should content themselues with this kinde of fasting for remission of all their sinnes , so that they neede none other kind of repentance . that all men should be bound by an oath to obserue these new lawes , & they who refused to sweare obedience to these ordinances should be separated from the church , and they should neither be visited when they were sicke , nor buried when they were dead . these new lawes which came not from heauen , but from the instinct of an euill spirit , many were content to receaue . others who were of more sound iudgement specially the b. of cambry , reiected them as repugnāt , most part , to the word of god , to the cōstitutions of the church , to the peace of wel-ordered common-wealths , & to charitie . alwayes consider that this was a time of horrible darknesse and ignorance , wherein any durst affirme in face of a councell , that such lawes came from heauen , as were flatlie repugnant to the written word of god. in the yeere of our lord , . and vnder the raigne of the emperour henry the third , an assemblie was gathered by the emperour at sutrium a towne of italie , for pacefying an horrible schisme in the roman church : for three popes contended for the popedome , to wit , benedict the ninth , silvester the third , and gregorie the sixt ; when the fathers had conueened at sutrium , and the emperour had considered the causes of the scisme , and the ambition of prelats striuing for superioritie , they thought expedient to remoue all these three monsters , and to choose one sindigerus bishop of bamberg to be pope , whom they called clemens the second . moreouer the emperour did bind the romans with an oath , that they shuld in time to come abstaine from the electiō of the pope . about the yeere of our lord , . leo the ninth assembled a councell at rome against berengarius deacon at angiers ; vpon this occasion was the councell gathered . berengarius saw that the opinion of transubstantiation was ouerspred in his time , to wit , that after the words of cōsecration the substance of bread evanished , and the substance of the body and blood of christ was in the sacrament , vnder the accidents of bread and wine ; which opinion he disaproued , and followed rather the opinion of augustine , & ioannes scotus , about the sacrament of the supper . he writ also letters to lanfrancus b. of canterbury about this question . the messenger who carried the letters did not find lanfrancus in normandie whether he was directed . therefore he deliuethe letters to some of the clergie , who opened the letters of berengarius and sent them to pope leo the ninth . after the sight whereof he assembled a councell at rome , and read the letters of berengarius , and condemned him ( though absent ) as an heretike . leo the ninth , assembled another councell at vercellis against berengarius , in the moneth of september , of the yeere of our lord , , so that both these councels were holden in one yeere , against berengarius . berengarius was warned to bee present at the councell . lanfrancus bishop of canterbury was also present . in berengarius name compeared two of the clergie , who were taken and cast into prison . the issue of the councell was this . the bookes , of ioannes melrosius scotus de eucharistia , were read in the councell and condemned . leo likewise appointed in many prouinces , synods to be assembled against berengarius , notwithstanding he persisted constantly in his opinion , vntill the dayes of pope nicolaus the second . in the yeere of our lord , . pope victor the second , assembled a councell at towrs against berengarius . the popes ambassadours were present at the councel , and berengarius answered that hee adhered to no particular opinion of his owne , but he followed the common doctrine of the vniversall church , and that hee would not be contentious . this gentle answere mitigated the kindled affections of his adversaries , yet he persisted in his own opinion , & for this cause lanfrancus obiected against him that he deluded the councel of towrs with general & doubtsome words . in the yeere of our lord , . pope nicolaus . assembled a great councel at rome of . & . b. berengarius was present at the councel . berengarius through infirmitie , submitted himselfe to be corrected by pope nicolaus . and the councel . they prescribed to him a forme of renounciatiō of his error as they called it , which berengarius accepted & recāted . notwithstanding afterward he published in writing a refutatiō of the doctrine of transubstantiation , & damned his owne recantation . manie other constitutions were made in this councel , such as , that the election of the pope should belong to the colledge of cardinals ; that no man should heare a masse sayd by a married priest ; that no laick person should be iudge to a man in a spirituall office ; that no person should marrie , any of his owne consanguinitie , vntill the seventh generation ; with many other foolish constitutions . in the yeere of our lord . as appeareth , pope nicholaus the second , sent petrus damianus to hold a councell in his name at millan . the questions disputed in the councell were two chiefly , to wit , about simonie , and the errour of the nicolaitans . it was accounted simonie to receiue investment by staffe and ringe from a secular man. it was counted the errour of the nicolaitans when priests married wiues . and damianus to bring such mariages vnder the compasse of heresie , hee said that faults in manners , if they were obstinatlie de●●nded they became heresies . but suppose this was true ( as it is a false definition ) how can it bee called the heresie of the nicolaitans , seeing that nicolaitans were not called heretikes in respect they had wiues , but in respect they made their wiues common , as i haue declared in the first centurie . the issue of this councell was , that the whole towne of millan both clergie and people , was in an vprore , complaining that the towne wherein ambrose was bishop should be brought in subiection to the ordinances , of any other church . damianus was in great feare to bee rent in pieces , albeit the archbishop of millan was sitting at his one side , and the bishoppe of luca at his other . after that the tumult was pacified damianus did speake vnto the clergie and people , manie things concerning the prerogatiue of the chaire of rome , and the bishop of millan standing before the altar , did sweare that hee should bee obedient to the ordinances of the roman church , in extirping the heresie of simonie and of the nicolaitans , and many of the clergie following his example did the like , and were content like inconstant fooles to receaue penance for cohabitation with their owne lawfull wifes . in the yeere of our lord . the emperour henry the fourth assembled a councell at mantua , for pacifiing the scisme of the roman church which arose betweene alexander the second , and candalus , who was called honorius . they contended one against another , with armoure , violence , shedding of blood , and cursings . for alexander conueened them who were of his faction at rome , & deliuered honorius to the deuill , as an ambitious and bloodie man. on the other part honorius assembled his fauourers at parma , and cursed alexander , because hee bought the popedome by money from the romans , and because hee accepted the popedome without the foreknowledge and consent of the emperour . for pacifying of the outrage of these roman vultures ; the emperour appointed a councell to be assembled at mantua , wherein alexander was declared to be pope , candalus had pardon , and gilbertus by whose councell candalus accepted the popedome , was made archbishop of rauenna . . in this councell , it was ordained that no man should heare masse sayd by a priest who had a concubine . . the sonnes of priests may be accepted to church orders ; prouiding the authoritie of the pope be interponed to giue allowance thereto . . he who is admitted to a church-office , willingly and wittingly , by a simoniake person ; shal be remoued from his order . . monks destinat for monasterie , shall not be admitted to offices in the clergie . . members of the clergie shall not accept ecclesiasticall benefices from laicke persons . . no ecclesiasticall office or benefice shall be sold for money , but freelie giuen to them who are learned and godly . . no person excommunicat , shall haue power to excommunicate others . pope alexander the second sent two cardinals to englād to pacifie the troubled estate of the church : there they conueened a councell at winchester , wherein they deposed certaine bishops & abbots from their offices ; and namely stigandus bishop of canterburie . against whom these crimes were obiected . first that he had possessed the chaire of canterburie , robert archbishop thereof being aliue . likewise that he possessed another bishopricke with it , as namely the bishoppricke of winchester , and thirdly that he had receiued his pallium from benedict the tenth , a man vnlawfullie elected , and reiected by fathers . the emperour henry the fourth was young when his father died , and it was couenanted amongst the princes and bishops of germanie , that during the minoritie of the emperour henry , the princes and bishops by course should attend vpon the young emperour , and should gouerne the estate of the country . the archbishop of breme when hee had ended his course , he gaue not place to others as it was couenanted , but insinuated himselfe into the fauour of the yong king , by giuing him libertie to liue according to all the youthly conceits of his owne heart . the rest of the princes and bishops were offended at this imperious carriage of the archbishop of breme , and they assembled themselfes in triburia , which in our dayes is called friburg . in this councell it was decreed that the bishop of breme shuld be declared to be an enemie to the countrey , except he deliuered the king to be brought vp according to the couenant aforesaid . in the yeere of our lord . a councell was assembled at mentz vpon this occasion . the emperour henry the fourth disliked his wife , and delt secretly with the bishop of mentz for divorcement from her , promising to bee addicted to his councell , and to interpose his authoritie to bring the people of turingia vnder the iurisdiction of the bishop of mentz ; and to compell them to pay tithes vnto him . the emperour henry could not blame his wife of any fault . onely he caried no good liking toward her , when the coūcell was conueened at mentz . petrus damianus came ambassador from the pope , and by many arguments disswaded the emperour from the intended diuorcement . it agreed not with human lawes , not with the constitutions of the church , nor with the emperours honour , and it would raise a great scandal in the church . and it was the emperours dutie to punish such faults in others , but not to giue them example of sin in his owne person . finallie if the emp. would not obey wholsome admonitiō , he had power to vse the censurs of the church against him , and to withhold him from the honour of his coronation . the issue of the councell was this , the emp. desisted from his purpose of diuorcement , & honoured his lady with ornaments agreeing to her princely estate , but cohabited not louingly with her . in the yeere of the lord , . gregorie the seuenth otherwise called hildebrand ; hauing alreadie prepared a way to execute antichristian pride in councels of millan and mantua , before hee was authorised pope . now in his popedome hee beginneth to execute those vnhappie decrees of millan and mantua . and hee commaundeth the bishop of mentz to separat the priests of his bounds from their wifes , or else to depose them from their offices . the bishop of mentz willing to obey the popes commandement assembled a councel at ersurd , wherein he declared what cōmandement he had receiued . on the other part married priests said they had libertie to marry by the written word of god , and in doing so , they followed the example of the men of god , and fathers of the church . thirdly they confirmed by many reasons that it was lavefull to marrie , speciallie for avoiding fornication , and that it was an auncient custome in the church that men of spirituall offices married , wiues . finally , with humble supplications and requests , they entreated the bishoppe of mentz , that hee would not separate them from the company of their louing wiues , and deare beloved children . but all these reasons and supplications mixed with teares , prevailed nothing at the bishops hand , because hee said , a necessity was laid vpon him , to obey the popes commandement . the married priests arose , and departed out of the councell , and consulted amongst themselues , what was meetest to be done : some of them thought it expedient to depart from the councell , and not to returne to it againe . others thought it better to returne to the councell againe , and to put hands on the bishop and spoyle him of his life , before hee could promulgate the prohibition of marriage , which the apostle calleth the doctrine of divels . the bishop being advertised of this conspiracy against his life , resolued with faultering words , to mitigate their wrath , promising to write to the pope , to abstaine from imposing such hard conditions to married priests : so was their fury asswaged . this tumult was scarce pacified , when another greater arose . the avaritious bishop exacted tythes from the people of turingia , besides the covenant that had past betweene him and them at gerstundun , after great contentention and effusion of blood : yet the bishop overpassing the covenant , claymed rigourously more then was covenanted . the people of turingia being inraged , were purposed to haue revenged the iniuries , which this avaritious prelate had done vnto them , with shedding of his blood : and the fervent heate of their rage was so great , that all the bishops and members of the clergie , who were assessors to the archbishop of mentz , departed from him , fearing the rage of commoued people . this councell began with pride , and ended with fury and tumult . the bishop of mentz in great wrath departed to helegenstad , because he could hardly digest the repulse which he gat in the councell . in the yeere of our lord , . in the moneth of october , a councell was assembled at mentz , wherein the bishop of chur , as ambassador from the pope , gregorie the seventh , was present ; and straitly commanded the bishop of mentz vnder paine of deposition from his prelacie , to proceed against married priestes , according to the popes commandement . the bishoppe terrified with the popes threatning , convened a synode at mentz . the married priests finding that the bishoppe againe was willing to execute the popes vngodly commandement , they left supplications , which they had vsed in the councell of erfurde , and with their hands , and a vehement commotion of their bodies , so terrified the bishop of mentz , and the popes ambassadour , that they were glad by flying to escape the danger of their life . not daring to assemble any mo councels , to that effect . after this , pope hildebrand in the lofty conceits of his proud and antichristian heart , intended to gather a councel at rome , in the time of lent. and he gaue warning to the emperour to compeare before him , and to answer to such things as had bin obiected against him . the emperor thought it no time to slumber nor sleepe , when this seditious pope threatned to cut him off from the body of the church , if hee did not compeare before his iudgement-seat . therefore the emperour assembled all the bishops of his kingdome , to the number of . in the towne of wormes : many abbots also were present . the question intreated in this councell , was concerning the deposition of pope hildebrand . as they were devising concerning this purpose in the councell , hugo blancus , a cardinall came from rome , with letters from the popes enemies , with many accusations against him . these were read openly in the councell , hildebrand was accused of periury , and ambition , of avarice , and of pride : and they desired that hildebrand might bee displaced , and another seated in his roome . the determination of the councell was this , that hildebrand , who called himselfe gregorie the seventh , a forclopen monke , an vsurper of the popedome , without consent of the emperour , and against his oath , a false interpreter and wrester of holy scripture , a renter of vnity , a man who mixed all divine and humane things so together , that he polluted them both , a man who heard the false accusations of vngodly people , who in one cause would be an accuser , a witnesse , a iudge , and an enemy : who separated husbands from their wiues , and preferred whoredome to lawfull marriage : who stirred vp the people against their bishops , and teachers : who counted no man consecrated lawfully , except hee had bought his prelacie from his dependers , and begged it from himselfe , a seeker of popular applause , and a deceiver of the people , vnder colour of religion ● a man who like to decius , and the rest of the persecuting emperours , and worshippers of false gods , vsurped both empire and the priesthood . for all these forementioned causes , the holy emperour , the bishops , and senators , and christian people assembled with them , decerned that hildebrand should bee remooued from the popedome , and that the sheepe of christ should not be committed to a wolfe . this decreet was subscribed by all the bishops , who were present at the councell . in the yeere of our lord , . another councell was assembled at triburia . the princes of saxonie and sweue , came to the councell with obstinate mindes , setting their whole indeavours against the emperour , henry the fourth . he approached neere to the towne , but the river of rhene was interiected betweene them . the emperour in all submissiue manner , promised to amend all the faults whereof they complained . but their hearts being possessed with a superstitious favour to the chaire of rome , and being inclinable to sedition & alteration of the state : they returned a very hard answer to the emperour , wherein they made a commemoration of all his youthly infirmities , and how their expectation of his amendment , had often-times deceiued them . but seeing their consciences witnessed vnto them , that infirmities in princes is no sufficient cause to shake off the yoke of their obedience . therefore in the end , they pretend that in case they adhered any longer to him , they were in danger to incurre the condemnation of their own soules , because hee was excommunicated by the apostolick chaire . this councell is like vnto a looking glasse , wherein two things may bee evidently seene , to wit , the inconstancy of people , and pride of the roman antichrist , bearing downe the authority of princes , for desire of his owne advancement . the pope had appointed a day of compearance to the emperour to be iudged in lent , as hath beene declared heretofore . this councell was full of cursings , flattering the romanes , and prodigall largition of money , to those who followed the pope . for in this councell gilbertus bishop of ravenna was cursed . the emperour henry the fourth , was not onely cursed , but also denuded of his imperiall dignity , as if the bishop of rome had power to conferre the kingdomes of the world to whom hee pleaseth . the flattering words of the pope to the romane nobles , senators , and people , are beyond all measure of moderation . for hee called them the head of the world , having power to conferre all spirituall and civill dignities to whom they pleased . like as . yeeres agoe , they transferred the empire from the grecians , to the germanes . and like as the emperour may displace an vnworthy souldier , even so a souldier may forsake an vnrighteous captaine . after this , hee distributed to his followers , . talents of siluer ; and so by cursings , flattery , and prodigality , hee bewitched the romans , and engaged them against the emperour . in the yeere of our lord , . the emperour henry the fourth , assembled of germany and italy , . bishops , in the towne of brixia-notice , together with many princes of his kingdome . all these consented that hildebrand should be deposed from his popedome , and gilbertus bishoppe of ravenna should be placed in his roome , because hildebrand was a subuerter of ecclesiasticall order , a troubler of the imperiall estate , a perturber of peace , stirring vp dissention among brethren , contention among those who lived peacebly , divorcement among married persons , and had troubled every thing that was setled in godlinesse , and peace . the tenour of the decree followeth . we who are assembled together by the providence of god in brixia , decerne that hildebrand , that obstinate preacher of sacrilegious flames , and burnings ; a defender of periuries and murthers ; a sorcerer , and inchanter ; a man who calleth in question the true faith , concerning the body and blood of christ. we ( say they ) decerne that such a man should bee deposed , and expelled from the popedome , and except nee forsake it after intimation of this decree , that hee is to be condemned perpetually . in the yeere of our lord , . the emperor irritate with the incessant attempts of the pope , against his life and estate thought meet once to put an end to this labour , and to the distresses of the empire . therefore hee besieged the towne of rome and tooke it . hildebrand with the rest of the wolfes who had troubled the sheepfold of god , they fled . the emperour with the advice of the roman senate , appointed a councell to be assembled at rome , wherein fugitiue hildebrand should appeare , and render an account of his adminstration , but hee would not appeare . therefore he was deposed as a profane and wicked man , a louer of discord , a bloody man , and an invader of the apostolick chaire by sorcery . and gilbertus , by some called wigbertus , was placed in his roome . after the death of gregory the . the romans had no regard to gilbertus , whom the emperor had made pope , but they chose another , who was abbot in cassinates , named desiderius . he was not chosen by the cardinalls , nor by the pope of rome , but by mathildis , and the normans , commanders of apulia ( as functius recordeth ) all these were enemies to the emperour . after his election to the popedome , he was called victor the third . he assembled a councell at beneventum , which was his natiue soyle . there hee cursed gilbertus bishop of ravenna , as an vsurper of the chaire , belonging to gregory the seventh , his predecessor . likewise he cursed hugo archbishop of lions , and richard abbot of marseil , because ( as it seemeth ) they had been his competitors . this man walked closely in the footsteps of hildebrand ; but his time was short , for hee died before hee could execute the proud conceits of his minde , after he had ruled one yeere and six months , platina attributeth vnto him onely the continuance of one yeere , and foure moneths . in the yeere of our lord , . vrbanus the second gathered a great assembly at clermont , in overnie of france . the lessons of hildebrand were forgot by his successours . therefore in this councell , and the councell of placentia , and other councels which i haue ouerpassed , studying to shortnesse . it was ordayned , that no spirituall office , nor rent annexed thereto , should be received from the hand of a secular man : in this councell it was ordayned , with advice of many christian princes , that an army should bee raised vp , and march toward ierusalem , for support of distressed christians , and recovery of the holy land , out of the hands of infidels , as hath beene declared in the history of the life of vrbanus the second . centvrie xii . the multitude of councels assembled in this centurie , if they should all be particularly rehearsed , i doubt not but the reader would bee wearied in reading them , for they exceede the number of an hundred and fifteene councels . so that i am compelled to reduce them vnto certaine principall heads , and to produce examples of every head ; so shall the intention and designe of them , who assembled councels in this time , be cleerly knowne . some councels were assembled for prohibition of priests marriages , others for excommunication of the emperour ; some for the question of investment of bishops , being most willing to extort this priviledge out of the hands of the emperour , and to conferre it to the bishops of rome : some were gathered for deciding the question which arose by plurality of popes , contending hotly one against another , for the popedome . many councels also were assembled for advancing of the warre , called bellum sacrum , and setting forward christians , to fight against the saracens , for conquering the holy land out of their hands . some few were assembled against men , whom they supposed to bee heretiques , such as abelardus , and his disciple gilbertus , and vualdenses . when a few examples of every one of these heads shall be commemorated , the luxriant superfluity of the councels of this centurie , shall not be found inconvenienly abridged . alexius emperour of constantinople , sent letters to vrbanus the second , wherein he declared the rage of the turkes , and implored support from the west . vrbanus assembled a councell of all nations , at paris , and was present himselfe at the councell , incitating the hearts of all men , to driue out the barbarous turkes from the place wherein the redeemer of the world did suffer . in this councell were appointed an hundred thousand men , out of aquitania , normandie , england , scotland , ireland , brittannia , galitia , wastemia , france , flanders , lorane , and other nations toward the holy land , with hademarus a bishop , who had power of binding and losing in the popes name . in the yeere of our lord , . the bishop of florence openly preached , that antichrist was already come , which hee cleerely perceived by that horrible change of the spirituall kingdome of christ , into an earthly monarchie : for the bishops of rome were rather warriours , then preachers of the word of god. they opposed themselues to emperours , and most contemptuously abused them ; they depraued the articles of faith , prophaned the sacraments instituted by christ. idolatry dayly increased , hypocriticall discipline through propagation of monastique orders , and humane constitutions , were out of measure extolled . moe were advanced to the popedome by deceit , weapons , and slaughter , then by free election . matrimoniall chastitie was banished from the order of clergie-men , who count themselues holy . and finally , the bishop of rome was like vnto a gulfe , devouring and exhausting the substance of the world , and administrating his turnes rather by force , then reason . these abuses , and others like to these , presented to the bishop of florence , a notice that antichrist was come alreadie , and openly domineered in the church . pascalis the second , who was pope at this time , thought it was no time to slumber or sleepe , in such a matter . therefore hee convened a councell at florence , and called the bishop of florence to his accounts . the arguments by which hee prooued , that antichrist was already come , are buried in silence . onely hee was sharply rebuked , and commanded , that in time to come he should vtter no such doctrine . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the third yeere of the raigne of henry the first , king of england : anselmus archbishop of canterburie , a man much addicted to pope paschalis , assembled a councell at london , for prohibition of the marriages of priests . this was an vncouth thing in england , and some counted it an holy designe , others , a matter perilous ( as it was indeed ) lest men attempting things that were aboue their strength , should fall into the snare of the deuill , and into horrible lusts of vncleannesse , which thing came to passe . for horrible sodomie had place among the clergie , and the yeere following , anselmus was compelled to conuene another councell at s. pauls in london , and to make constitutions for punishment of those who were found to bee polluted with that vild lust of vncleannesse . neuerthelesse anselmus was one of the number of the antichristian clergie , who would be wiser than god , and finde out better remedies than marriage to stay the intemperat lust of men , who had not the gift of continencie . in the yeere of our lord , . a great councell was assembled at mentz , against the emperour henry the fourth , who attended at ingelheme ; looking to haue beene sent for to the councell . but the ambassadours of pope paschalis and the bishops who were present at the councell could not delay , vntill the emperour was sent for . but the venemous vlcer of their cankered hearts being ripe , behoued presently to break forth , before the emp. was heard to speake for himselfe . therfore they proceed against the noble emp. being absent , and condemned him of heresie , & excōmunicated him . now his heresie was simony , because he wold not resigne the right of investmēt of bishops into the popes hands . and not content with this , they for the bishops of mentz , cosen , & worms , to iugelheime , where the e.h. . was , & deuested him of his imperial ornamēts . the e. could not resist the violence of those headstrong prelats , because his armie and friends were not about him . but he demaunded the three bishops in the sight of the eternall god , to declare if hee had taken any reward for admitting them to their bishopriks . the bishops of mentz , colen , and wormes , all affirmed ; that he had receiued no reward from their hands . how then ( sayth the emperour ) am i condemned of simonie ? i pray you fathers doe not so wickedly ( sayth he ) violate your oath of alledgance . dishonour not mine estate and horehead . and incase i should resigne mine emperiall ornaments to my son ; let all the estates of germanie bee assembled , that i may doe it willingly in a lawfull assembly . but the prelats forementioned , stirring vp one another , put hands to worke and pulled the crowne from his head , and denuded him of the rest of his imperiall ornaments . the emperour with sighes and sobbs committed his cause to god who hateth iniquitie , and in his own time can render a condigne recompence vnto it . moreouer the noble emperour humblie craued at the popes ambassadours , and the rest of the bishops ; to bee absolued from excommunication , with promise to satisfie them , whom hee should bee found after due triall to haue offended . but these romane vulturs answered him proudly that matter pertained to the pope , he must dresse himselfe to rome to bee absolued by the pope , after sight of his condigne satisfaction . now let the iudicious reader marke , if these councels had bin like vnto the starre , which led the wise men of the east to christ ; then it were good reason that we should follow them . but since they leade frō christ , & from al due reverence toward the annointed of the lord ; and from all kinde of gentlenesse , meaknesse , and humane behauiour , toward our superiours , it is time to remember the words of our lord. if the blinde leade the blind , both shall fall in the ditch . in the yeere of our lord , . pope paschalis the second , gathered a councell at troyes in france , willing to finish and perfit in france the worke begun in germanie . and to throw out of the hands of henry the fift , the right of investment of bishops , as hee had done out of his fathers hands . the emperour henry the fift , approched neere to the place wherein the councell was gathered , but was not present thereat . the subiect intreated in the councell was about the investment of bishops , by all meanes possible they endevored to spoile all laicke persons of this priuiledge ; affirming that the election of pastors should be free , and that the presumption of laicke persons , in conferring of ecclesiasticall dignities , must be cut off . therefore hee promulgated the like mandars , as his predecessours had done before him , adding also against the cōtraveners of his mandats the like cursings , as his predecessours had done before him . the emperour henry the fift , with aduise of the nobles and bishops , who were about him , sent ambassadours to the pope , and the councell calling to their remembrance that the right of investment of the bishops was conferred to the emperour charles the great , and that his successors had continued in possession of that right vntill his time . therefore he requested that the pope and councell would doe nothing preiudiciall to his right . this message perturbed the cogitations of the pope , and the fathers of the councell , but this means was found out , that this question should rest for the space of a yeere , after the issue whereof it should be reasoned at rome . and in the meane time , no investment should bee receiued from any laicke person . this interim , together with the place appointed for determination of the question , are manifest presages of the euent : to wit , that the pope would not be at rest vntil hee had trampled vnder foote all ciuill domination , & vntill he had remoued out of the way that authoritie , which was a let to his vsurped preheminence , as the apostle speaketh : when the yeere was exspyred , the emperour addressed himselfe to rome with an army and tooke the pope and his cardinals prisoners . and albeit the pope at that time condiscended that the right of investment should consist in the emperours hand , yet afterward hee revoked the same , and in the councell of rome assembled anno , . yeeres , hee vtterly renounced that priuiledge conferred to the emperour , as hath beene declared in the historie of his life . the question and controversie about investment of bishops , was not like to take an ende . the romane chaire , like vnto a raging sea , continually swelled , frothed and stirred vp sedition against the emperour henry the fift , because hee would not ouer-giue the right of investment of bishops into the popes hands . the bishops of germanie the popes footegroomes conueened at triburia , anno , . with exasperat minds , consulting how they might vndoe the estate of the emperour , as they had alreadie vndone the estate of his father . the emperour made hast to returne out of italie to germanie , and finding none other way to establish his owne estate , but either by great effusion of blood , or by yeelding to the popes desire . the emperour after consultation with his princes , and friends , found no outgate , except to render to pope calixtus the second the right of investment of bishops . also hee was compelled to ratifie the election of pope calixtus , albeit gregorie the eight ( to whose election the emperour had consented ) was yet aliue , so mightily prevailed the power of the roman antichrist . petrus abelardus , was counted an heretike in the councell of soysson , and was compelled to burne his owne bookes . yet because hee continued in his errour , and many followed him , another councell was conueened at senon against abelardus . lewes king of france the son of old lewis was present at the councell , and theobald count palatine , and bernard abbot of clarauall , and innumerable people desiring to heare disputation . abelardus fearing popular sedition declined their iudgement and was willing to be iudged by innocentius the second who was pope at that time . pope innocentius after hee had read the letters sent from the councell , damned abe lardus , and ordained his followers to be excommunicat . abelardus destitute of patrons & protectors , entered into the monasterie of cluniake . concerning his opinions i haue spoken of them in the head of heretikes . in the yeere of our lord , . the schisme that fell out betwixt two popes , striuing for the popedome after the death of adrian the fourth , to wit alexander the third , and victor the fourth ; gaue occasion to the emperour fredericke the first ( being at that time in italie ) to appoint a councel to be assembled at papia . for remouing of the scisme , and for deciding the controversie by declaring to which of the contending popes the popedome should belong . both the popes were warned to appeare before the councell . the emperour was present the first day of the meeting of the councell , and declared to the bishoppes that hee was not ignorant that to the emperour belonged power to convocate councels , like as constantinus , theodosius , iustinianus , had done before him ; and of latter time , carolus magnus , and the emperour otto . notwithstanding since that matters pertaining to diuine worship ought to be iudged by bishops ; hee remitted the iudgement of this present controuersie to the fathers met together in the assemblie . and he so departed out of the councell . pope alexander the third refused to appeare before the councel of papia , for hee would be iudged by no man. pope victor the fourth appeared , and was content that his cause should be examined , and iudged by the councell . the councell tooke this effect that victor the fourth , was declared to bee pope . alexander the third on the other part beeing full of indignation , cursed the emp. and pope victor and their adherents ; and gathered a councell of his fauourers at clermount wherein hee openly deliuered to sathan the emp. fredericke and pope victor , and count palatine , and all other principall fauourers of victor , so great patience was in pope alexander , when his papall dignitie was called in question . hee mixed as it were heauen and eartth together , not for zeale to the glorie of god ; but for zeale to keepe his papall preheminence . for beside the councell which he assembled at clermont , hee gathered another at towrs , anno , . and was no lesse prodigall in his cursings , then hee had beene before in the councell of clermont against the emperour and his competitor victor : yea and hee sent an ambassadour to ierusalem and antiochia , and to the princes and patriarchs , of the east , for propagation of his owne authoritie . in the yeere of our lord , . and in the twentieth yeere of the gouernment of pope alexander the third , a great assemblie was conveened at rome , by the popes authoritie : an hundreth and fourescore bishops were assembled together in the church called constantiniana . their consultation was about the forme of election of the pope in time to come . and first it was appointed and ordained , that in case the colledge of cardinals did not with vniforme consent agree who should be elected pope ; if the two part of them did consent to the election of any person , the dissenting of the third part should be no sufficient cause to reiect him who was elected . secondly it was ordained that all ecclesiasticall dignities conferred by octavianus , and guido , who now are accounted schismatikes ; shall be null , and of none effect . and that no man be admitted to the office of a bishop before hee be . yeeres old , neither shall any man bee admitted to be a deacon , or arch-deacon , or to haue the gouernment of a parish before hee be twentie fiue yeeres of age . that bishops and archbishops in their visitations doe not overcharge the church of their boūds with vnnecessary charges & expenses speciallie : the churches that are poore . if a bishop admit any man to bee a presbyter or deacon without the title of a place that may affoorde vnto him , things necessarie for the maintenance of his life : let the bishop himselfe sustaine him , vntill he prouide a liuing for him , except he be able of his owne patrimonie to sustaine himselfe . that no man shall be excomunicat or suspended from his office , before hee be lawfully warned to appeare , and answere for himselfe ; except in such causes as deserue summar excommunication . that no reward be taken for admitting men to spirituall offices , and that no money be taken for blessing them that are married , or for ministration of any other sacrment . for at this time marriage was counted a sacrament of the roman church . that no ecclesiastical office be prōised to any man before it be vacāt , by the decease of the possessor . for it is an vnrighteous thing to put any man in expectation of another mans liuing , whereby hee may wish his brothers death . and when any place shall happen to be vacant , let it be planted againe within six months , or else hee who hath the right of plantation shall loose it at that time ; and the chapitar , or metrapolitan bishop , shall haue power to prouide the vacant place . that the brethren called templarij or hospitales shall not abuse the priuiledges granted by them to the chaire of rome , by receiuing churches out of the hands of laicke people , by admitting to the sacraments in their churches , and to buriall , persons excommunicated ; nor by admitting & deposing presbyters without the fore-knowledge of their bishops , and by occasion of their fraternities which they haue multiplied in many places , they shall not weaken the authoritie of bishops , but they shal doe al things with aduice of their bishops , and they who shall be found to haue disobeyed this ordinance shall vndergoe the discipline , & their actions in the contrary shall be declared to be of none effect . that monkes shall not be receiued into a monasterie for gaine , and that they shall possesse no goods as properlie belonging onely to themselues . men admitted to holy orders , let them either liue continently without the companie of women ; or otherwise let them be depriued of their offices and liuings . subdeacons and others in law offices who are sustained in the church , let them not appeare , as procurators and advocates before secular iudges , except a matter belonging to himselfe , or to the church , or to the poore , be questioned . like as it is written , no man that goeth to warre , entangleth himselfe with worldlie businesse , &c. let such men bee preferred to ecclesiasticall dignities who will be actuallie resident with their people , and vndertake the cure of their soules , by doing the worke of the ministerie in their owne persons : otherwise let them depriue them of the office and benefice conferred to rome , and hee who doth conferre them without these conditions , let him lose the right of conferring offices , and benefices . pluralitie of benefices is forbidden , as a vice smelling of auarice and ambition , and is perilous to the people whose soules are neglected by pastours , attentiue to the world heaping vp riches , and not carefull to feed , the flocke of god. by this also many worthy men are ouer-seene , whose trauels might bee worthily bestowed in feeding the flocke of god. moreouer some laickes are bold without consent of bishops to place and to displace pastours , & to distribute ecclesiastical liuings according to their pleasure and to burthen church-men with exactions , and taxations whensoeuer they please . this forme of doing is ordained to be punished with excommunication . and he who receiueth a church from a laicke person , without his owne bishops authoritie , is to be debarred from the communion , and in case he perseuere obstinatly in his sin , he is to be depriued of ecclesiastical orders . also laicke persons who transfer the right of tythes to other laicke persons , they who receiue thē , and deliver them not to the church , shall want the honour of christian buriall . church-men who haue accquired riches by church-rents , howsoever they die , let their goods pertaine to the church . moreover because some bishops are found in some parts who permit them , whom they call decani , for a summe of money , to exercise episcopall iurisdiction : it is ordained that hee who so doth , shall bee depriued from his office , and that the bishop shall haue no power to conferre any such office . let not the votes of a few persons in the church , hinder the ordination of them , who are thought meet by the most part to be ordained to eclesiasticall offices . if a question arise , concerning presentations of diverse persons to one church , or concerning the gift of patronage : if the foresayd question bee not decided within the space of three moneths , the bishop shal place in the church the man whom he thinketh to be most worthy . seeing that the church as a provident mother , should provide all things necessary for the soules and bodies of the people , left the poore and indigent parents , want the benefite of good education in learning . it is appointed and ordayned , that in every cathedrall church , a worthy benefice shall be bestowed vpon a schoole-master , to the end the teacher receiving a competent reward , for his travels , a patent doore may be opened to the increase of learning . diuers churches are so heauily over-loadned with tribute and taxations by consuls , gouernours of townes , and rulers of provinces : that the estate of bishops is worse , then was the estate of the idolatrous priests of egypt , in the daies of pharaoh ; for the priests had an ordinarie of pharaoh , and they did eate their ordinary which pharaoh gaue them , wherefore they sold not their ground which pharaoh gaue them . but now all charge of civill affaires are layd vpon gods church : therefore it is ordayned vnder paine of cursing , that governours , and rulers of provinces , desist in time to come from such doing , except the prelates vpon consideration of the great necessitie of the countrey , would voluntarily consent to support the necessitie of the laiques . seeing that pope innocentius the second , and pope eugenius the third , our predecessors of good memorie , condemned the spectacles on market-dayes , and holy-dayes , for ostentation of their valure and strength , skirmishing one against another in sight of the people , whereby it came to passe , that some were slaine , and their soules were in ieopardie . these spectacles are also damned by vs , and if any person be slaine in them , let him want the honour of christian buriall . this containeth a commandement of superstitious observation of dayes . let no men presume to alter the ancient custome of exactions , without the authority and consent of princes . persons diseased with leprosie , it is permitted to them , to haue their owne church , and their owne pastor . they who furnish armour to the saracens , who fight against christians , or who take christians prisoners who are busie in their lawfull callings , or who spoyle them who haue made ship wracke , let them be excommunicated . manifest vsurers shall be debarred from the communion : and if they repent not , they shall want the honor of christian buriall , and no man shall receiue their offering . iewes and saracens shall not be permitted to haue christian servants in their houses , no not vnder pretence of education of their children . also the testimony of a christian against a iew shall be admitted ; and if any iew through the mercy of god , be converted to the christian religion , hee shall in no manner of way be secluded from his possessions . in the last canon , after a smooth preface , that pope leo said , ecclesiastical discipline is content with a priestly iudgment ; but vseth not bloody revenges . alwayes pope alexander in this councell thought it lawfull , to borrow the power of secular princes , to persecute those whom he called heretiques in gasconie , tholuse , and other parts . these he calleth cathari , patrini , or publicani , but out of question they were valdenses , who being driven out of lions , pope alexander would grant them no corner in the world to rest in : but meitated by his cruell edicts , all princes , nobles , lords , governours , to pursue them with fire and sword , and all kinde of hostility ; promising to them who so doth , if they bee vnder ecclesiasticall censure , indulgence , and relaxation of two yeeres , of the compleat time of their penance : and to those who doe zealously pursue them , such security in their persons and goods , as vseth to bee conferred to such persons as visite the holy graue , and are taken vnder the protection of the church . others of aragon , navarre , and other places , whom also hee calleth heretiques , and who practised against christians , all kinde of mercilesse in humanity , neither sparing sex nor age : i cannot vnderstand of what kinde of heretiques he meaneth , for their heresie is not expressed . centvrie xiii . about the yeere of our lord , . pope innocentius the third , gathered a generall councell at rome , wherein the doctrine of transubstantiation was ratified . also the grecians were ordayned to turne to the obedience of the church of rome , to the end there might be one shepheard and one sheepfold , and that they should desist from detesting the priests of the latin church , whom the grecians so abhorred , that they would not say masse vpon the altar which the latin priest had touched , vntill it had beene cleansed and washed . also that they should not rebaptize such as were baptized by latin priestes , and that all these things should be observed vnder paine of cursing . and finally , it was concluded , that an army should bee sent vnto syria , for reliefe of the christians there , and the recouery of the holy land , and that processions , supplications , and fastings , should be kept monethly , for the more easie obtaining of it . likewise in the yeere of our lord , . gregorius the tenth , gathered a generall councell at lions ; where michael paleologus emperour of constantinople , was present , who by the slaughter of theodorus luscaris sonne , committed to his custody , had vsurped the empire . this michael ( i say ) being present at the councell , acknowledged the superiority of the church of rome , wherevnto the other grecians were so farre from condiscending , that they abhorred the said emperour , and would not suffer his body to be buried amongst other christians . in this councell also was concluded , that the tenth part of all ecclesiasticall rents for the space of six yeeres , should be payed , to furnish out an army to fight against the infidels , for recovering of the holy land ; and a full remission of sinnes , was promised to all them who would vndertake a part of this war-fare . centvrie xiiii . in the yeere of our lord , . pope clement the fift bearing rule , a generall councell was assembled at vienna , wherein he set forth a booke of papall decrees , called liber clementiarū , which was received , allowed , and ratified , by the councell . and albeit ( as nauclerus witnesseth ) clemens himselfe before his death , repented the setting out of this booke , and commanded it to be burnt ; yet the popes succeeding him , and namely , iohannes the two and twentith , confirmed and authorized the sayde booke againe , together with the decretals of gregorius , and bonifacius ; because these bookes most highly advanced the seat of rome , exeeming the bishop of rome from subiection to generall councels , and attributing power to him , to receiue , or to reiect the emperour , after hee is chosen ; comparing the pope to the sunne , and the emperour to the moone : finally , counting it a thing necessary vnto eternall life , that every person bee subiect to the bishop of rome . in this councell it was ordayned , that the feast of corpus christi should be kept , with many indulgences granted vnto them , who should celebrate this feast . likewise it was decreed , that the way to reduce infidels to the true faith , was not by armour and shedding of blood , as the preceeding popes had done , for the space of three hundred yeeres , though in vaine ; but by preaching of the word of god , to gaine their soules to the lords kingdome . and for this cause it was ordained , that schooles should bee erected , and forraine tongues should bee learned , namely , the hebrew , chaldaicke , and arabique languages . finally , it was ordained , that the name and remembrance of the order of templaries should be rooted out , and this decree was put in execution , by all christian princes , who in one day vtterly rooted out the sayd order of monkes , as formerly hath beene declared . centvrie xv. in the yeere of our lord , . the emperour sigismund , and pope iohn the . gathered a generall councell at constance , for pacifying of a schisme , which was between three popes striving for the popedome ; to wit , pope iohn , whom the italians set vp ; pope gregorie , whom the french-men set vp ; and benedict , whom the spaniards placed . in this schismaticall , ambitious , conflict , every one defended his owne pope , to the great disturbance of christian nations . this councell endured foure yeeres space . the first beginning of it ( as the manner was ) is with a masse of the holy spirit . as they were singing , according to their custome , the hymne , veni sancte spiritus , there was at the same time , a certaine paper set vp in the church , by some well disposed persons , as it seemed , wherein was contained these words following ; alys rebus occupatinunc , adesse vobis non possumus : that is , wee are otherwise occupied at this time , wee cannot intend to come to you . in this councell , was not onely pope iohn the . deposed , for many grievous and haynous crimes , obiected and prooved against him , but also gregory and benedict , sustayned the like censure ; and pope martin was chosen , as hath beene declared . many wicked things were decreed and done in this councell ; as namely , in the eight session thereof , a sentence of condemnation was given out against the doctrine of iohn wickliffe , and for the hatred of his memorie , his bones ordained to be raysed out of his sepulchre , and to be burnt . in the thirteenth session it was ordayned , that no priest vnder paine of excommunication , should communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes of bread and wine . in the . session the sentence of iohn husse his condemnation was read and published , and he was deliuered to the secular power to be burned . in the . session it was decreed that notwithstanding the safe conduct giuen by the emperour and kings ; inquirie may be made against a man for heresie , by a sufficient iudge , and processe to be made according to law. in the . session a sentence of condemnation was pronounced against ierom of prague ; and hee was deliuered to the secular power to be burned . and finallie nothing was decreed in this councell or enacted worthy of memorie , but this only that the popes authoritie is vnder the councell , & that the councell ought to iudge the pope , yet albeit articles were giuen in to the councell crauing reformation of the corrupt life of the clergie and namely of the court of rome , and ioannes gerson chaunceller of the vniuersitie of paris himselfe gaue in . abuses which hee willed to bee corrected and amended , no reformatiō was obtained ; because the chiefe gouernors of the councell themselues being men of corrupt and filthie conversation , hated aboue all things the articles of reformation . but on the other part this new pope martine , although hee could not finde time and leasure to reforme the abuses of the clergie , yet found he time to deuise a cruell & bloody inquisition against the true professours of the gospel whom hee called heretikes , and for repressing of the hussites hee deuised a strict inquisitiō , which afterward followed in many countries , and namely in the countrie of spaine . in the yeere of our lord , was gathered a generall councell at basil ; which as it indured longer then any other councell before celebrat and holden in the church ( for this continued almost . yeeres ) so likewise was it most troublesome , in respect that iulian cardinall and deacon of s. angel , being appointed president of the councel , by pope martin the fift and after his death being also approued by his successor eugenius the fourth . this iulian ( i say ) suffered a certaine question to be reasoned freely in the councell , touching the authoritie of generall councells ; after which reasoning it was concluded that the generall councell is aboue the pope , and that all persons ought to be subiect to the generall councells , as children are subiect to authoritie of their mother . this conclusion grieued the pope the more , that this matter being once concluded in the councell of constants alreadie ; was now againe ratified and more amply discoursed in the councell of basil , for this cause he would haue transported the councell to bononie . but the emperour sigismund ( who was a great fauourer and protector of the councell ) with aduice of the fathers of the councel ; admonished eugenius that hee should not onely leaue off his intended purpose of transferring the place of the councell , but also by his owne appearance before the councell of basil , ratifie his subiection to the same , which if he refused to doe they would proceede against him as a person contumacious , & obstinatly , rebelling against the voyce of the church . the pope was so dashed with this admonition , that he was constrained to dissemble for a time , and to confirme the councell of basil with his apostolike letters . but after the death of the emperour ( who died in the sixt yeere of the councell ) eugenius tooke vpon him greater boldnesse , and first held a contrarie councell at ferraria and afterward at florence , pretending that he behoued to meet with the greekes for vniting of them to the west church ; who because they would no wayes passe the alpes , he was compelled for their commoditie to keepe a councell in some neerer place . the councell of basil although weakned by the emperours death , proceeded not the lesse to the deposition of eugenius ; and elected amedeus duke of sauoy , to be pope whom they called foelix the fift . to this councell were the bohemians and morauians invited , who after they had receiued sufficient suretie and pledges for their safe passage & returning againe , sent ambassadours to the councell , by whose earnest trauels it was obtained that the bohemians and morauians should haue the communion celebrat vnto them vnder both kinds . the historie of this councell was written by aeneas syluius who was present at the same , and liked well of the proceedings and determinations thereof , as may appeare by his owne writings ; and namely by a certaine epistle of his written to the rector of the vniuersitie of colen , wherein he reioyceth for a certaine treatise of the said rectors which came into his hands : reprouing the rudenesse and rashnesse of such as deny the bishop of rome and his consistory , to be subiect to the generall councell , and that the supreme tribunall seat of iudgement standeth in the church , and not in one bishop . notwithstanding the same syluius who by his learned writings advanced the decrees of the councell of basil , yet afterward being promoted to that papall dignitie himselfe , turned his coat ; and returned againe to the old filthy pride of the chaire of rome , which magnifieth it selfe not onely aboue the church , but also maketh it selfe companion to god himselfe . in the yeere of our lord , . while as the councell of basil was yet sitting vndissolued ; eugenius the fourth perceiuing that matters went against him in basil , he held a contrarie councell at florence , where he brought to passe that the emperour and patriarch of constantinople with the rest of the grecians there present , were perswaded to receiue the sentence of the church of rome concerning the proceeding of the holy ghost , also to receiue the communion in vnleauened bread , to admit purgatorie , and to yeeld themselues to the authoritie of the romish bishop , wherevnto notwithstanding the other churches of grecia would in no wise assent at their comming home ; in so much that with a publict execration , they did condemne afterward all those legats which had consented to those articles , that none of them should be buried in christian buriall . it is to be noted in this councell , that the grecians who agreed to other opinions of the roman church , yet could neuer be induced to beleeue their doctrine of transubstantiation . notwithstanding they were content to set forth vnto the people a bull of agreement which they called bulla consensus , and the difference of opinions in that point of doccrine was not thought a sufficient impediment to stay the promulgation of this agreement . howbeit afterward as it were forgetting what they had done themselues in the coūcels of florence & their bulla consensus , they cry out that there is no agreement & vnitie amongst the protestants , because there is some difference of opinions about the sacrament among them . in the time of this councell , iosephus patriarch of constantinople died , & eugenius required that presently before the dissolution of the councell another should be chosen ; but to this the grecians would not agree , affirming that it was not lawfull to choose a patriarch of cōstantinople , but onely in their owne church there . the emperour paleologus after his returning liued not long . and finallie this agreement was counted of the grecians infortunat , and an euill presage immediatly before the vtter ruine of the orientall empire and the destruction of the towne of constantinople . for within . yeeres after this agreement at florence , the famous citie of constantinople was taken by mahomet emperour of turkes , the emperour constantine the brother of paleologus was slaine , and the empire of the east was cut off . centvrie xvi . this councell of trent begun in the yeere of our lord , . the fourth of ianuary , in the popedome of paulus the third . in the first session thereof an oration was made by the popes legat , declaring the causes of the calamitie of the church . in the second session the articles of faith were read and confirmed : and that was kept the fourth of februarie . the third session was kept the eight of april , wherein it was decreed that the old latine translation of the bible should onely be vsed and accounted authentike in churches and schooles ; and that the rule in expounding of the scriptures should bee this , to expound them as the church and the ancient fathers haue expounded them before . as also the number of the bookes accounted holy and canonicke scriptures were rehersed . the fourth session was kept the . day of iune , where it was decreed that all men should beleeue that originall sinne was vtterly taken away in baptisme , in such sort that the concupiscence which remaineth in our nature after baptisme is not to be accounted a sinne , vntill wee giue the consent of our minde thereto . and because the law of god plainely condemneth it , and the apostle paul in plaine words sayeth , i had not knowne concupiscence to haue beene a sinne , except the law had sayd thou shalt not covet ; lest they should seeme to proclame to the world their manifest contradiction to the scriptures : they lenifie their decree againe with this distinction that the apostle calleth it a sin , not because it is a sin properlie and indeede , but because it commeth of sin , & tendeth also thereto . howbeit ( with those fathers licence ) the apostle paul declareth his owne sense and meaning , that hee calleth concupiscence sinne , because it is a transgression of the law , so that he accounteth it a sinne properly and indeed . also in this session they decerne , that the mother of our lord was not conceived in originall sinne . in the fift session was decerned , that even after the fall of adam , and in the nature of man before his regeneration , there remaineth a free-will to doe good ; which being wakened by god , and stirred vp , is a fellow-bearer with his grace . in the sixt session was concluded , that man is iustified partly by faith in christ , and partly by workes ; and that our iustification stands not in a free forgiuenesse of sinnes , and a free imputation of the righteousnesse of christ , to all them who beleeue in him . the seventh session was kept the third of march , an . . wherein was decerned that all men should beleeue , that the sacraments of the church were seven in number ; to wit , baptisme , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extreme vnction , orders , and matrimonie . after this seventh session , the popes physition affirmed , that the ayre of trent was corrupted ; whereupon many of the bishops were moved to depart from trent , to bononia ; onely the bishoppes of spaine remained still at trent , being commanded by charles the emperour , so to doe . for the emperour had gathered in ausbrugh an assembly of the states of germany , and had induced the most part by menaces and threatenings , and some also by alluring promises , to submit themselues to the generall councell of trent . and this being obtained of the states of germany , the emperour sent the cardinall of trent , together with his ambassadour mendoza , desiring that the pope would cause the bishoppes that were retyred to bononia , to come backe againe to trent . but the providence of god pitying the weakenesse of germany ( whom the emperour had induced , to bee obedient to the councell of trent ) hardened the popes heart , who would not consent that the bishops should goe backe againe to trent , but vpon strict conditions : . that the bishops of spaine who remained yet still at trent , should first come to bononia . . the emperour should make good , that all the states of germany should absolutly submit themselues to the councell of trent . . that the fathers to be gathered againe at trent , might haue liberty to depart out of the towne freely and safely , when they pleased , and to make an end of the councell when they would thinke good . the emperours ambassadour mendoza , seeing that his masters petition was little set by , declared that the councell was not lawfully translated from trent to bononia , and therfore protested , that all things that should bee done there , should bee of no force . thus the first meeting of the councell of trent vnder paulus the third , had an end : and their remaining together at the councell of trent , was two yeeres . the second meeting of the councell of trent . the second meeting of bishoppes in the councell of trent , was in the dayes of pope iulius the third , in the month of september , anno , . in the first session of the councell , which was kept the first of september , abbas bollosanus , ambassadour of the king of france , appeared , declaring that the king was so disturbed with warres within his dominions , that he could not send the bishops of his land to trent . next , that the king of france acknowledged not the convention kept at trent , for a generall councell , but for a convention gathered for the weale of a few , not for the common vtility of all the church : and therefore neither hee himselfe , nor the subiects of his kingdome , were bound to be obedient to the decrees of that convention . the second session was kept the eleventh day of october , wherein the doctrine of transubstantiation was confirmed , yet diverse questions pertaining to those matters , were deferted till the comming of the protestants of germanie , to whome allso they granted their safe conduct . the third session was kept the . of november , wherein was confirmed , that penance , and extreme vnction , were sacraments of the new testament . the ambassadours of the protestants , would haue given in the confession of their faith , and summe of their doctrine , to the councell , but the popes legate repelled them ; because they did not signifie in the title thereof , that they would submit themselues to the councell . in the meane time there was warre in germany , betweene charles the emperour , and maurice duke of saxonie , which was the cause of the hastie dissolution of the second meeting of the councell of trent , vnder pope iulius . for the bishops of mentz and cullen , made haste to returne to germany . likewise all the bishops of italy , hearing that duke maurice had taken the town of ausbrough , returned home ; & the spanish bishops alone , who remained a space behind the rest at trent , assembled themselues together the . of aprill , anno . and put off the councell till a new meeting , after the issue of two yeeres , or more , as should be found meet . the third meeting of the councell of trent . the bishops of spaine supposed , that the councell should haue met againe within two yeeres . neverthelesse , there intervened nine yeeres before it could be gathered againe . for after the death of iulius the third , vnder whom the second meeting was , succeeded marcellus , who lived not aboue the space of . dayes in his popedome : and after him paulus the fourth , who governed foure yeeres , two moneths , and . dayes . and after him pius the fourth , in whose time this last meeting of the councell of trent was appointed . their first session was kept the . day of ianuary , anno , . wherein was decreed , that the bookes written by diuerse authors , since the springing vp of heresies ( for so they called the preaching of the gospell ) should be viewed and revised : and that all who had fallen backe from the vnity of the church of rome , vnto any kinde of heresie , should be exhorted to returne againe , with promise of great clemency , and indulgence , if they would so doe . the second session was kept the . day of february , anno , . wherein certaine persons were specially nominated and chosen , to examine those bookes which was suspect of heresie , and to report their iudgement backe againe to the councell . likewise , all men were exhorted to resort to the councell , with peaceable hearts , voyd of all contention and heate , and safe conductors were promised to them , who would come thereto . in the third and fourth session nothing was done , but the time of keeping the next session was appointed . in the fift session kept the . day of iuly , anno , . it was decreed , that the laike people were not bound by an absolute necessitie , to communicate vnder both formes of bread and wine . but the church had power to dispose concerning the outward ministration of the sacraments ( providing the substance were kept ) according as they should find expedient for the good of the receiuers . the sixt session was kept the . day of september , anno , . wherin was cōcluded that the whole masse was a propitiatorie sacrifice for the quicke & the dead : & whosoeuer should say , that it was onely a sacrifice of thanksgiving , and a commemmoration of christs death onely , are pronounced to be accursed . the seventh session was kept the . day of the moneth of iuly , anno , . wherein certaine canons were set forth concerning the sacrament of orders , and it was accounted a sacrament of the new testament . in the eight session , it was not onely decreed , that mariage is a sacrament of the new testament : but also the roman church assembled at trent , as a troubled sea that can not rest , but cast out her froth and filth to the shore , laying aside all shame and due reverence to the scriptures of god , they pronounce all men to be accursed , who will not grant that the church hath power to dispense with the law of god conteined in the . of leviticus , not onely to grant libertie to persons to marrie , who are forbidden there to marrie , but also to interdite and forbid mariage betweene persons , who haue libertie by the law of leviticus to marrie . the ninth and last session of this councell , was kept the third day of december , anno . wherein the doctrine of purgatorie was confirmed with invocation of saints , keeping of reliques , kneeling to images , giving of indulgences , superstitious fastings , and keeping of festiuall daies , to the end that the roman church should seeme in no point to haue erred . all past through , and all was allowed , by them ; but the lord will onely allow that doctrine which is agreeable to his blessed word : to whom be be praise for ever amen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e iere. . . cant. . . plato in repub . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apoc. . . three rankes of the persecution of the church . the estate of the church in the , , and centuries . the estate of the church in the . . and . centuries . the estate of ●●e church in 〈◊〉 . . and ● centuries . ● pet. . . and . . ier. . . psal. . . the estate of the church in the . . and . centuries . vincen. in speculo . an . . deut. . . psal. . . simile . the estate of the church in the . . . and . centuries . chron. . . sam. . . euseb l. . c. . ioseph . l. . c. ● . simile . notes for div a -e theod , l. . c. . ier , . . simile . euseb. l. c. . euseb. l. . c. . cypr. epist. lib. . epist. . euseb. l. . c. . notes for div a -e euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . funct . chron. luk. . nazianz. in iulian. annot . nouni . luk. . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . ioseph . antiq . lib. cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . christ was borne when the scopter vvas apparanly sliding from iuda . gen . . christs kingdome is everlasting . rom. . hos. . . mat. . . the vncertainty of tradition . sozom. lib. . cap. ● . ioseph antiq . lib . cap. . mat. . . ● . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . romane deputies in iuda . bucole index . ioh. . . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . luk. . . the priestly ●arments . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . euseb , hist. eccl . lib. . cap . mat. . & . christ crucified in the . yeare of tiberius . heb. . the senate of rome refuseth to acknowledge the diuinity of christ. euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . rom. . , . pilate kille●h himselfe . euseb. lib. . cap. . caius would be counted a god . euseb. eccles . hist. lib. . cap. ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. the ievves abhorted the vpsetting of the image of caius in their temple . act. . the petition of agrippa . the bloody letter of caius written to petronius his deputy ioseph antiq . lib. . cap. . the hypocrisie of agrippa . ioseph . antiq . lib. cap. . ioseph . antiq . lib. cap. . acts . contention betweene the iewes & grecians who dwelt at alexandria . ioseph . antiq . l●b . . cap. . euseb. eccl hist. lib. . cap. . euseb. hist. lib. cap. . ioseph . antiq . lib. cap. . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . new iupiter in worse case then old iupiter . euseb. lib. . cap. . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . acts. . acts . the famine foretold by agabus acts . funct . ch●on . the counci● of ierusalem , anno. . acts . acts . romane deputies . acts . . ●●seph antiq . lib cap . euseb. lib. . cap. . acts . iosephus lib . cap. . lib . & cap. . ioseph antiq . lib. . cap. . ioseph antiq . ●●b . cap. . ioseph antiq . lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . daniel . . . the ten persecuting emperours wrestled against god. gen. . hos. . rom. . . exod. . the first persecution . anno. cler. . bucole index chron . funct . chron . chytr . chron . euseb. lib. . cap. . the martyrdome of peter and paul. euseb. lib. . cap. . romane deputies . act. . ioseph antiq . lib. . cap. . acts. . acts . contention . betweene agrippa and the ievves . ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . the martyrdome of iames furnamed iustus . ioseph antiq . lib cap . euseb. lib. . cap. . epiphan . contr . heres . ioseph . de bello iuduco lib. . cap. . the ground of the warre betweene the iewes and the romanes . mat. . bucole index . chron . zach. . . ioseph . de bello iud lib. . c. ioseph . de bello iud. lib. . cap. . and . forerunning tokens of the destruction of ierusalem . ioseph . de bello ind. lib. . c. . de bello iud. lib. . cap . de bello iud. lib. . cap . euseb. lib. . cap. . the destruction of ierusalem . anno chr. . euseb. lib. . cap. . de bello iud. lib. . cap. . ioh. . . mat. . . . . iude ver . . the flood of noe , the overthrow of sodome , and destruction of ierusalem , types of the great iudgement to come . mat. . bucole index chron . bucole . the second persecution . anno chr. . chytr . chron. mat. . ioh. . . the banishment of the apostle iohn . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . chytr . chron . domitian afraid by rumors of the kingdom of christ. euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. euseb. lib. cap. euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . the third persecution . anno. chr. . heb. , rom. . the martyrdome of simon the sonne of cleopas . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. cap. . the letter of pliny . vvritten to traian . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . tertul. apol. damas. serm. de defunct . gregory . prayed for the soule of traian chytr . chron . euseb. eccles . hist. lib . cap. ierom. catalog . script . eccles . barcochebas a false prophet , seduced the nation of the ievves . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . note . euseb. ecel . hist. lib. cap. . adrianus his intention to build a church for the honor of christ. bucole . note . carion lib. . monarch . . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. cap. . bucole . the fourth persecution . anno chr. . heb. . heb. . the martyrdome of polycarpus and iustinus . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . bucole index . slanderous speeches against christians . euseb. ibid. iustin. martyr . apol. iohn . . . the romane army supported by the prayers of the christians . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. ecel . hist. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . contrary ievves . the fift persecution . anno. chr. . euseb. lib. cap. . euseb. lib. cap. leonides the father of origen . the conversion of basilides . euseb. lib. . cap. . alexander fellow labourer with narcissus euseb. l. . c. . note . euseb. lib. . cap. . rhais a martyr burnt before she was baptized . euseb. ibid. the death of sevetus . euseb. lib. . cap. . note . bucole . the death of bassinus . euseb. lib. . cap. . funct . chron . the death of heliogabalus . euseb. lib. . cap . chrons . funct . vlpianus an enemy to christians . hist magdeb. cent . . the martyrdome of agapetus . hist. mag. cent . . mammea the emperors mother is instructed by origen in the faith . note . turinus killed with smoke . seuerus his death . bucole . index . chron . euseb. lib. . cap. . eucole , index . chron . the . persecution . ann. christi . . euseb. lib. . cap. ● . origen wrote a booke de martyrie . euseb. lib. . cap. . the malice of satan against true pastors . not● origen got not the honor of martyrdome . note . difference betwixt holy scripture and other bookes . the death of maximinus and his sonne . func , chron . chron. ●unt . chron. funt . ●●cole . euseb. lib. cap. . philippus his death . chron fun● . the persecution . ann. ch. . alexander and babylas both died in prison . origen at ierusalem closeth the booke and weepeth . hist. mag. cent . . cap. . the teeth of the holy martyr apollonia . chemnisius dereli quiis . note . the martyrdome of nemesion . euseb. lib. . cap. . the veritie hath no neede to be vnderpropped with lies . note . nic●phorus . lib. . cap. . note . euseb lib. . cap. . married bishops . euseb lib. . cap. . tim. . . note . the rigour of novatus . euseb. lib. . cap. . gal . . bucole index . chron. chron . funct . cypry . ad demetrianum . euseb. lib. . cap. . the . persecution . euseb. lib. . cap. . anno chr. . the martyrdome of laurence . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . the martyrdome of cyprian . naz. in ieudem cypriani . theosecnus b. of caesarea , encourageth marinus . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . the miserable captivity of valerian . euseb. lib. . cap. . bucol . index . chron . note . euseb. lib. . cap. . christians full of pitty . euseb. lib. . cap. . . the history of eusebius concerning the tvvo brasen images in caesarea philippi euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . note . similitude . eusib. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . the . persecution . anno chr. . note . euseb. lib. . cap. . funct . chron . aurelian vvith ciuill authority assisteth the church against samosatenus . euseb. lib. . cap. . note . funct . chron . euseb. func . chron . his death . func . chron . bucol . euseb. lib. . cap. . func . chron . bucol . index . chron . func . chron . psal. . . temples were built by christians after the death of valerian . euseb. lib. . cap. . the . persecution . anno ch. . euseb. lib. . cap. . the great cruelty vsed in this . persecution . iohn a noble man borne , rent in peeces , the emperors proclamation . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . note . the martyrdome of p●ter do●orbeus and gorgonius . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . horrible crueltie against christian wom●n . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb ibid. a towne in phrygiaset on fire , and all the inhabitants burnt with fire . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . mauritius with a whole legion of christian souldiers martyred . hist. mag. cent . . euseb. lib. . cap. . pro. . vers . euseb. lib. . cap. . diocletian and maximian giue ouer their imperiall function bucol . note . hist. magd. constantius tried his captaines whether they were christians , or not . euseb. lib. . de vita constantius lib. . a comparison betwixt maximinus and pharaoh . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. . quirinus his death . edicts against christians ingraued in brasse . mat. , , . a sudden change of the prosperitie of pagans into aduersitie . euseb. lib. . cap. . eus●b . lib. . cap. . maximinus was ouercome in battel by licinius . euseb. lib . cap. . euseb. lib . cap. . sophronia chused rather to kill her selfe then to be abused by maxent●us . euseb. lib. . cap. . constantine seeth the similitude of a bright crosse in heauen , euseb lib. , de vita constantini , maxentius ouercome in battell by constantine is drowned . the death of dioclesian . euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . de vita constantini three cruell edicts of licinius against christians . fortie martyrs tormented first with cold and next with heats . so●om . l. . . . basil. magn. in . martyrs . the martyrdom of barlan . psal. . the death of licinius . similitude . esa. . . similitude . euseb. de vita const. lib. sozon . lib. . cap. . idem lib. . cap. . . & . sozom. lib. . cap. . ruffin . l. . c . theod. l. c. . sozom. l. . c. ruff. l. . c. . socrat. l. . c. theod l. . . sozom. l . c. . euseb. de vita constant. lib. . theod. l. . c. . socrat. l. . c. . idem l. . c. . & l. . c. . ruff. l. . c. ● . socrat. l. . c. soz●m . l. . c. . gen . sozom. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . socrat. l. . c. socrat. l . c. socrat. l . c. func . chron . iohn . euseb. de vira const. lib. ruff. l. . c. socrat. l. . c. idem l. . c. soc. l. . c. ruff. l. . c. theod. l. . c. theod. l. . c. theod. ibid. theod. l. . c. theod. ibid. pro. . socrat. l. . c. . socrat. l . c. . socrat. l●b . . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . socrat. ibid. socrat. ibid. theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . note . theod. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . & . sozom. lib. . cap. . math. . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib . cap. . titus . verse , . cor. . verse , . theodor. lib. . cap. . ruffin . lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . note . theodoret. ibid. socrat. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . rufsin . lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . theodor. lib. . cap. . . socrat lib. . cap. . . theodoret. ibid. ruffin . lib. ● . cap. . . . socrat. l. . c. . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. l●b . . cap. . socrat. l. . c. . sozom. lib. . cap. . . the death of iulianus . r●fin lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . . theod lib. . cap. . . theod. lib. . cap. . sazom lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . ruffin . lib. . cap. . theod. lib. ● . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . socrat lib . cap. . socrat lib. . cap. . theodor. lib. . cap. . theod. ibid. socrat lib. . cap. . ruffin . lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . soz●m . lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. l. . c. theod. l. . c. ruff. l. . c. . valens his death . sozom. lib. . cap. . theod. l. . c. socrat. l. . c. . sozom. lib. . cap. . valentinians death . ruff. l. . c. socrat. l. . c. sozom. l. . c. the death of gratian. theod. l. . . sozom. l. . c. . aug lib. confes. cap. . ruff. l. . c. theod. l. . c. soc. l. . c. ruffin . l. . c. . claudian de . consul . honorii . ruff. l . c. . theod. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . sozom. l. . c. theod. l. . c. . note . theod. l. . c. socrat. l. . c. sozom. l. . c. theod. l. . . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . func . chron . compend . theod. catalog . casarū . platin. in vita zosimi . sozom. l. . c. . func . chron . socrat. l. . c. iaem . lib . cap . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . evigr . lib. . cap. . note . socrat. lib. . cap. . catalog . casarum . evagr. lib. . cap. . evagr. lib. . cap. . idem cap. . & . evagr. lib. . cap. . idem lib. . cap. . note . idem cap. . & . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . hist. magd. ibid. socrat. lib. . cap. . func . chron . evagr. lib. . cap. . note . evagr. lib. . cap. . hist. magd. cen . . cap. . evagr. lib. . cap. . note . platin. de vi●● hormisda . evag. l. . c. . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . evag. l. . c. . chron. fu●e . evag. l. c. . note . evag. l. . c. . idem l. . c. . platin. de vita ioan. . fun● . chron . evag. l. . c. . 〈◊〉 . concel . evag. l. . c. . evag. l. . c. . idem l. . c. . . evag. l. c. . evag. l. . c. . evag. l. . c. . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . pla●in . de vit . gregor . . evag. l. . c. . commen● funct . lib. . note . platina in vita bonif . note . paulus dia●●nus , lib. . rerum r●nan . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . a description of the saracens platinain vita senerini . note . isai. . . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . chron. func . hist. magd. cen . . cap. . note . note . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . platin. in vit . greg. . platin. in vit . step● . funct . comment . lib. . note . pro. . platin. in vit . greg . funct . comment . in chron . lib. . platin. in vit . greg. . funct . comment . l. . note . hist. magd. cent . cap. . platin. in vita . ioan. . funct . comment in chronol lib. . note . note . not● hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . note . the danes invade england . the occasion of bellū sacrū . comment func●● lib. . note . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . ●illiam duke of normandy subdueth englan● note . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . note . note . note . note . note . note . psal. xci . . note . note . note . the beginning of the tartarian kingdome . note . note . note . note . note . note . note . note . note . note . the empyre voyd of an emperour the space of . yeers . note . emperours of constantinople . the first armie was led for recouerie of the holy land . the second armie . the third armie . the forth armie . the templars breaking the couenant made with the barbarians are destroyed . the fist vovage . note . mango king of the tartarians fighteth against the saracens . the sixt army . a peace concluded . note . the . army . the christians vtterly destroyed in asia . note . the death of albert. otthoman first king of the turkes . henry the . poysoned by a monke . warre betwixt lewis and fredericus pulcher about the empire . a league made amongst the cantons of helvetia . lewis excommunicated by the pope and charles the . chosen emperour . amurath king of the turkes conquereth thracia . the battell of nicopolis betwixt the christians & turkes . baiazethes ouercome by tamberlane and carried about in a cage vinceslaus depriued of his emperiall dignitie . emperours of the ●●ast . mahomet after the death of tamburlan vexeth the christians and taketh hadrianopolis . the burning of iohn husse the cause of a great tumult and sedition . the polieie of zisca for the ouerthrow of his enemies . the prouident care of zisca in time of his blindnes . zisca at his de●th appointeth a drumme to be made of his skin . the emperour warreth vpon the hussits with bad successe . amurathes subdueth scopia and newmount in seruia , as also thessalonica and croia . ioannes huniades an enemie to the turkes . a truce concluded betwixt the christians and turkes for yeeres , by means of the pope broken to the ouerthrow of the christians . the battell at varna . note . the kingdomes of ladislaus committed to three gouernors . vlricus seeketh the destruction of huniades vlricus sl●ine by the hungarians . the king of hungaria causeth the one sonne of huniades to be beheaded , the other imprisoned . the death of the king of hungaria . the germans make petition to the empe. to be freed of the popes burthens , but in vaine . the valour of george castrio● named by the turkes scanderbege . he ouercommeth caramanus of cilicia . asketh of amurathes his fathers dominion of epirus . is put off with faire words , flieth from the turke : recouereth croia and the other cities of epirus , and maintaineth vvarre against the turkes . mahomet the second taketh the isle of euboia , destroyeth the towne of calcis , razeth athens , besiegeth , taketh , and sacketh constantinople . his crueltie against the christians of constantinople . he causeth the crucifixe to be carried about in derision . constantinople made the seat royall of the turkish emperour . mahomet is forced by iohn huniades to raise his siege of belgrade . emperours of the east . maximilian taken prisoner , & relieved by his father . he writeth an history in latin of his own acts and feats of warre . baiazeth the . subdueth modon , & killeth the noblemen found there . sentenc●s v●tered by carolus quintus . he subdueth the frenchmē & taketh their king prisoner . rome sacked by the souldiers of charles d. of burbon : and the pope and his cardinals besieged the beginning of reformation of religion in germany by martin luther . he appeareth at the conventiō of worms . questions propounded by eccius . answered by luther . luther vrged to recant some things vvhich he had written , refuseth . the emperours decre● against luther . the proceedings of the convention of norinberg against luther . the princes of germanies iudgement concerning the suppression of luthers attempts . an . grievances collected by the germaines , and exhibited to the bishop of rome . note . a conventicle at ratisbone , wherein articles were ratified for suppressing of luthers doctrine . two conventions at spiers with a rehearsall of those things which were concluded . a protestation against the decrees of the a conventions of spire . whence the name protestants was deriued . the protestants ambassadors roughly en●reated by the emperour . a league amongst the protestants . a convention at ausbrugh . the protestants obtaine their confession of faith to be openly read . the princes & protestant citties refuse to obey the emperours decree concerning the retur●ing to the church of ●ome . another decree of the emperour . the princes and ambassadours of the protestants meet at smalcaldie , and enter league to ayde one another . peace granted by the emperour to the protestants . vlricus zuinglius preacht at zurik against the corruptiōs of the roman church . a disputation at zurike . the decree of the senate of zurik concerning the abolishing of mens traditions , and purely preaching of the gospel . an assemblie of the helvetians at lucerna , contrary to that of zurike . a disputation at baden . the causes of zuinglius absence . the conclusion of the disputation . a disputation ordained to be holden at berne . conclusions maintained by the ministers of berne . the conclusions aforesaid allowed . ferdinand and fiue pages of the helvetians enter league against the bernates . the fiue pages and the bernates being twise ready to ioyne battell , are pa●ted , and the third time the bernates vanquished . zuinglius killed . the occasion of the alteration of religion in england about henry the eights marriage of his brother arthurs wife . hatred betwixt the pope and king henry the . warres betwixt ferdinand and the protestant princes . agreement made betwixt them . a councell held at ratisbone about the ending of controversies . the conclusion of the councell . warres betwixt henry prince of brunswick , & the duke of saxonie in name of all the protestants , wherein henries dominions were subdued . a peace concluded betwixt the emperour and the king of france , wherein was determined that both should ioyne against the protestants . the crueltie of minerius . the miserable death of minerius . the emperour vseth policie to subdue the protestants . the emperour proclaimeth the d. of saxonie & lantgraue outlawes . the causes alleadged . the protestants answere vnto the proscription . the bohemians and maurice invade and subdue th● d. of saxons lands . maurice excuseth by proclamation what he had done . the duke of saxonie recouereth what he had lost . the emperour discomfiteth the d. of saxonie & taketh him prisoner , and giueth all his his lands to maurice . the lantgraue detained prisoner by the emperour . a convention at ausbrough . the booke called interim vrged by the emperour . the foresaid booke hated of all men , both pope , papists , and protestants . the masse forbidden in england . boner and gardiner depriued of their bishoprickes . warre betwixt the towne of magdeburg and maurice duke of spaine . their agreement . war betwixt maurice duke of saxonie and the emperour . the conditions of maurice his agreement with the emperour . warre betwixt d. maurice & the marquis of brandenburg wherein the marquis was overcome . the death of d. maurice . strange sights seene in germany . popery embraced in england by means of q. mary . the court of parliament confesse their error in forsaking it and are absolued . q. maries cruelty against protestants . a bad reward . a reference to the booke of martyrs . solyman conquereth belgrade and the isle of rhods , killeth lewis k of hungary and paulus b. of collen , besiegeth vienna & is repelled . charles restoreth the k. of tunis to his kingdome . solyman taketh buda in hungarie . charles entreth into a religious house and dieth . the bohemians obtaine of ferdinand the vse of the sacrament in both kinds . persecution of the protestants in france . the death of henry the . k. of france . francis the . having maried the q of scots seeketh to reduce the scottish nobility to the popish religion : but his army was vanquished . a councell kept at orleance . the prince of condie taken by the kings guard is in danger . the death of francis. a disputation at poyssie . the papists policy to cut off further reasoning . the duke of savoy warreth against the protestants within his dominions . triniteus by policy spoileth those of angrona both their money and armour . god prospereth the successe of the protestants . the death of truchetus . peace concluded with the convallenses . the edict of ianuarie in behalfe of the protestants . the king of navarre turneth papist . the duke of guise killeth people at a sermon . the duke of guise taketh the king , and the queene mother , prisoners , for whose deliuerie the protestants binde themselues together . the first ciuill warre . the prince of condie chosen generall for the protestants . many townes taken and fortified by the protestants , whereof burges & roane were recouered by the papists . the death of the prince of navarre . the death of augustinus marlorart . note . the battell of dreux , wherein the prince of condie was taken by the papists , and the constable by the protestants . the duke of guise his death . a new edict in behalfe of the protestants . the end of the first ciuill warre . troubles in the low countries about religion . duke de albaes crueltie against the professours of the gospell . the prince of orange warreth against the spaniards . the cardinal of loraine taketh counsell how to suppresse the gospell . a league made betwixt the kings of france and spaine , for the rooting out of the protestants . the second ciuill warre in france . the parisians ouercome by the prince of condie . the protestants besiege chartresse . the prince of condies armie dismissed , & the townes by him subdued deliuered into the enemies hand through the policie of the queene mother . euery where crueltie vsed against the protestants . simile . the prince of condie & the admirall flie towards rotchell . note . the third ciuill warre in france for religion . note . note . the papists receiue support from germanie . the battell of blansack . the death of the prince of condie . the king of navarre and young prince of condie governe the armie of the protestants . the duke of bipont commeth from germanie to support the protestants , taketh the towne of la charitie , and within two dayes dieth : having appointed velrad count of manfelt to be generall in his roome . poictiers besieged . the admirall raiseth his siege from poictiers . the battell of moncontuire , wherein the protestants were discomfited . s. ian dangely besieged and taken . the death of martiques , governour of britanie , an enemie to the protestants , and a blasphemer of the name of god. by a new edict of pacification the third ciuill warre endeth . the king marrieth . the king offereth his sister in marriage to the king of navarre , that thereby he might insnare● the protestants . the queene of navarre being empoysoned , dieth . the king of navarre married to the kings sister . the admirall shot in the arme . the admirall attended vpon by the kings guard. the massacre of paris the . of august anno . the admirall killed . the duke of guise encourageth the companie to murther the protestants . the companies which attended the king of navarre and prince of condie , slaine the king v●geth the prince of condie and king of nauarre to be come papists . their resolute answere . note . count mongomrie and diuers others escape . in this massacre were killed persons in france by the example of rozarius , the king of navarre and prince of condie fell away for a time . the repentance of rozarius . the papists defend their crueltie by lies note . the fourth ciuill warre in fraunce for religion . rotchell besieged . god miraculouslie prouideth for the poore , during the siege of rotchell . conditions of peace offered to the towne of rotchell . the towne of sansarre besieged and ( some conditions of peace being granted ) at last surrendered . an assemblie of the protestants at miliald . the conditions which they required of the king . count mongomrie besieged in donfront , taken , & sent to paris . duke aniow chosen king of poland depareth thither . the queene mother imprisoneth diuers of th● nobilitie who were discontent with her . the death of king charles . count mongomrie condemned to death by the queene . the prince of condie chosen the protestants generall . the fifth ciuill warre in france for religion . libero besieged in vaine by king henry . the death of the cardinall of lorain procured by himselfe . king henry scourgeth him selfe , after the manner of the penitentiaries . many ambassadors sollicit the king for peace , but in vaine . mombruniris taken and executed by the queene . cassimire the sonne of count palatine promiseth to aide the protestants . alauscon the kings brother ioyneth himselfe with the protestants . by an edict of pacificatiō the fift civill warre ended . solyman the turke besiegeth zigeth . solyman dieth , the towne taken , selim sent for & proclaimed emp. selim taketh famagusta from the venetians . the battell of lepanto , wherein the turkes received a great overthrow by the christians . the league of peron . for the extirpation of the protestants . the causes moving the leaguers to proceed in their association . the drift of the leaguers enterprise against the k. and crowne . the king for lacke of courage maketh himself a slaue to the appetites of he leaguers . an edict against the protestants . the king of navarre and the prince of condie with diverse others , oppose themselues to the leaguers . the pope excōmunicateth the king of france . the prince● of germany send ambassodors to deale for the protestants helpe . the sixt civill war in france for religion . an army of germans enter france in behalfe of the protestants . the battell of coutras betwixt the kings army & the protestāts . the death of d. de ioyense . a skirmish betwixt the d. of guise and the rutters . the rutters retire out of france . the duke of guise honored by the pope , and extolled by the preachers of france for his crueltie . the assemblie at nancy of the leagners against the king. the conclusions agreed vpon , by the assemble at nancie . the duke of guise contrarie to the king● commandement arriueth at paris and is of the people receiued with ioyfull acclamations . the fearefull day of barricadoes in paris the king flieth out of paris . an edict published against the protestants . a parliame●● holden in france . the death of the duke of guise . the queene mother dieth . an assemblie of the protestants at rotchell send a request to the states at bloyes . the rebellion of the league against the king . duke de maine sendeth men to surprise the king but is preuented . the leaguers procure a iacobin monke to kill the king . the death of henry the third . the iacobin who killed the k. canonized . the cardinall of burbon proclamed k. by the leaguers . k. henry the . declared k. by k. henry the . opposeth himselfe to the leaguers . the battell of dreux , wherein the leaguers were discomfited . the king besiegeth paris . the duke of parma entreth france for the ●eliefe of paris . the duke of parma returneth home . in all other places of france the leaguers went to ruine . the duke of parma entreth france the . time in behalfe of the leaguers , but with bad successe . the kings favourites in diverse places prosper against the leaguers . the death of d. ioyense . the defection of the king from religion . peter burrier stirred vp to slay the king. the k. opposeth himself to the leaguers . diuers towns yeeld themselues to the king. iohn castill stirred vp by the leaguers to murther the king , is disappointed of his purpose ▪ note . the parliaments decree about the execution of castill , and the iesuits of clermonts banishment the preparation of the spanish nauie anno . a storme co●●traineth the nauie to put to land . the spani●● navie ouerthrowne . notes for div a -e apostles . note . ioh. . act. . euseb. lib. . cap. . ierom. cat. s●rip . eccles . ierom. cat●l . s●r . p. eccles . evangelists . func . chron . ierom. the true successours of the apostles . act. . nazia . in orat . in laudem athanaf● . linus . euseb. l. . c. . chap. . ver . . ignatius . euseb. lib. . cap. . papias . euseb. l. . c. . bishops of rome . note . alexander martyred . euseb. eccles . hist. lib . c . xistus martyred . euseb. lib. . cap. . telesphorus● martyr . euseb. l. . c. anicetus a martyr . euseb. l. . c. platira de vita eleuth●●ij . the ras●n●sse of victor . euseb. eccl . hist. lib. . cap. . of other doctours and preachers . ierom. catal. scrip . eccles . agrippas castor . euseb. lib. . cap. . hegesippus . euseb. l. . c. melito . euseb. l. . c. . hist. magdeb. euseb. l. . c. . iustinus a martyr . the manner of iustinus his conversion . iustin dialog . cum trepb . iustin. apol . . polycar●us martyred . polycaryus his dreame before his apprehension . eus●b . l●b . . cap. . i●eneus . euseb. lib. . cap. . iren. lib. con . valen● . iren. l. . c. . clemens alexandrinus . b●colc . chron . euseb. lib. . cap. . strom. lib. . hist. magdeb. euseb. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. ● . zephyrinus . platin. euseb. . . note . mat. . canon . apost . cap. . callistus . euseb. lib. . cap. . note . vrbanus . euseb. lib. . cap. . pontianus . platin. tom. . c●ncil . anterus . euseb. lib. . cap. . fabianus . func . chron. & commentar . platin. de vitis tom. . concil . note . heb. . cornelius . a councel at rome against novatus euseb. lib. . cap. . the martyrdome of cornelius . platin. de vita . euseb lib. . cap . lucius . platin. euseb. lib. . cap. . tom . conc●l . stephanus . euseb. lib. . cap. . platin. in vit● lucij . dan . tom. . concil . ● gratia no. cap. . xistus . . euseb lib. ● . cap. . note . dionysius . felix . euseb. lib. . cap. . platin. mat. . . eutychianus . ●●seb lib . cap● ● . caius . euseb lib. . cap. . func . chron . platin. de vita . func . platin. de●●ct . cai● . ●x lib. pent. d●m●● . note . note . marcellinus . platin. func . chron. marcellus . platin. de vitis . eusebius . note . tertullian . ierom. catal . scrip . eccles . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . origen . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . coment . func . in chron. l. . euseb. l. . c. . ierom. catal . script . eccles. euseb. l . c. . mat. . . euseb. l. . c. . ierom. catul . script . eccles . & coment in iona. ierom. ibid. nazian . in laudem cypriani . ierom. catal . script . eccles . hist. madg. cent . . c●p . . note . aug. de baptis . contra donat. lib. . cap. . narcissus . examples of gods iustice against false witnesses . euseb. c. . l. . dios. germanion . gordius . alexander . ierom. catal . script . eccles. ierom. ibid. euseb. l . c. . func . chron. heraclas . dionysius . euseb. l. . c. . func . chron . asclepiades . euseb. l. . c. ● . zebenus . babylas . euseb. l. . c. . fabius . euseb. l. . c. . demetrianus . paulus samosatenus . domnus . euseb. l. . c. ● . func . chron. plat. ● . m●litiad●● . euseb. lib. . cap. . august . epist. . august . epist. . & . august . caus●la●o . epist. . silvester . platina , de vita silvest . s●crat . lib. . cap. . theo. lib. . cap. . . euseb de vita const●nt . lib. . simile . note . marcus. platin. de vita mar. iulius . so●om . l. . c. . socrat. lib. . cap. . socrat. l. . c. . idem , lib. . cap. . sozom. l. . c. . ruffin . l. . c. . canon . . liberius . damas. marian. ierom. theod. l. . ● . . . . theod. ibid. platina , de vita foeli● . hilar. in fragment . bellarm. de rom. pont. lib. cap. . damasus . socrat. lib. . cap. . ruff. l. c. . socrat. lib. . cap. . theo. lib. . cap. . theod. ibid. basil. epist. . ad euseb. samosat . note . siricius . socrat. l. . c. . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . malac. . verse . platin. de vita pontif. lege . de episcop & cleri . in c. thodos . alexander● athanasius . theod. l. . c. . sozom. l. . c. r●ff . l. . c. . hist. magd. cent . cap. . socrat. lib. ● . cap. . nazianzen . in laudem athanasii . sin●●l . the troubles of athanasius . theod. l. . c. . note . theod. l. c. . idem lib. . c. ruffin . l. . c. . sozom. l. . c. . peter . theod. l. . . acts. . . note . timotheus . vitalius . philogonius . theod. l. c. . eustatius . theod. l. . c. . soc. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . note . meletius . theod. l. . c. . s●●●r● . l. . c. . socrat. lib. . cap. . soz●m . l. . . paulinus . s●● . l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . soc. l. . c . idem l. c. . theod. l. . . flavianus . theod. l. c. . sozom. lib. . cap. . func . chron. sozom. lib. . cap. . alexander . theod. l. c. . note . theod. ibid. the death of arrius . paulus . socrat. l. . c. . sozom. l. . . . ●oe . l , , ● , . ruff. l. . ● . ● n●●tari●●● . hist. magd. cent. cap. . note . socrat. lib. . ●ap . . iohn . gen. . . simile . macarius . ruffin . lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . ambros●●e obitu theodos. math. . . note . maximus . ruff. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . cyrillus . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . note . simile . eusebius pamphili . socrat. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . gregorius nazianzenus . socrat. lib. . cap. . ruff. l. . c. . sozom. lib. ● . cap. . ruff. lib. . cap. the●d . lib. ● . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. ● . basilius magnus . socrat. lib. . ●ap . . basil. eustatio , epist. . nazian . basilis , epist. . socrat. lib. . cap. . socrat. ibid. note . basil. transmarinis , epist. ▪ gregori●● nyssenus . socrat. lib. . cap. . note . numb . . hist m●gd . cent. cap. . note . epiphanius . sozom lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . note . sozom. lib. . cap. ● . the●d . lib. . cap. . theod. lib. ▪ cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . idem , lib. . cap. . note . t●●od . lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . sozom lib. . cap. . didymus . sozom. lib. . cap. . sozom. l●b . . cap . arnobius , ierom. chron . simile . arnob. in psal. . ierom ad paulinum . optatus meleuitanu● . psal. . ● . psal. . . acholius . socrat. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . hilarius . ruffin . lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . ierom. in chron. similie . ambrosius . ruffin . lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . ambrose ad marcellinam epist. . august . confess . lib. . c. . theod. lib . cap. . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . prudentius . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . psal. . . osius . socrat. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . th●od lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . hieronymu● . ierom. epist. ad gerons . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . august . epist. . ierom. aug. epist. . . ierom. auar . in tit . cap. . ierom. lib. . comment . in isaiam . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . anastatius . socrat. lib. . cap. . pla●na , de vit . pontif. innocent●us . socrat lib. . cap. . sozom. . . c. . ibid. cap. . note . zosimus . socrat. lib. . cap. . platin. de vit . zosu●● . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . bonifacius . socrat. lib. . cap. . coelestinus . socrat. l. . c. . socrat. ibid. note . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . x ystus or sixtus . platina de vitispontif . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . leo. platina de vit . pontif . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . hilarius . simplicius . foelix . . platin. de vit . pontif. hist. magd. c●nt . . cap. . gelasius . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . platina , de vit . pontif. iohn chrysostome . theod. l. . c. . s●zom . l. . c. . chy● . ●●r●n . arsatius . atticus . socrat. lib. . cap. . . sozom. l. . c. theo. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . ●●st . magd. ●●nt . ● . cap. . note . sisinnius . maximianus . proclus . fla●ianus . evag. l. ● . c. . note . anatolius . ge●●adius . acatius . funct . com●●nt inchr●nol . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . gelasius in epist. a● dardan . . platin. de vit . simplicii . math. . pharauitas . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . evagr. lib. . cap. . simile . euphemius . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . theophilus . sozom. l. . c. . socrat. l. . c. . cyrillus soc. l. . c. . soc. l. . c. . soc. l. . c. . gelasius de anathematis vinculo . proterius . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . timotheus salophaciolus . evagr. lib. ● . cap. . iohannes tabennesiota . porphyrius . soc. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . alexander . theodotus . iohannes grammaticus . domnus . maximus . evag. l. . c. vlt. hist. magd. cent . cap. . martyrius . theod. l●ct● . l. ● . petrus gnapheus . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . stephanus . calandion . iohannes nepos . polythronius . iuvenalis . evagr. lib. . cap. . anastatius . martyrius . theodoritus . theod. dialogo . c. . note . augustinus . the maner of augustines conuersion . august . confes . lib. . cap. ●● rom. . ver . . . bishops of france . leo ad gal. episcop . epist. . & epist. . math. . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . . cor. . anastatius . platina de vitispontif . symmachus . platina de vit . pontif . platin. de vit . pontif. note . iohn . foelix . . platina . comment . funct . lib. . bonifacius . . hist. magd. cent . cap. . note . ioannes . agapetus . platin. de vit . pontif. silverius . vigilius . note . platin. de vitis pontif. baron . tom . . ann . . pelagius . platin. de viz. ioan. . pelag . epist. ● note . iohannet . platin de vit . pontif. hist. magd. cent . cap. . benedictus . platin. de vit . pontif. pelagius gregorius . . platin. de vitis pontif. lib. . indici . . epist. . note . greg. lib. . epist. . note . hist. magd. cent . cap. . note . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . greg lib. . cap. . euphemius . theod. lector . lib. . macedonius . hist. magd. cent. cap. . timotheus . an example of timotheus his inconstancie . iohannes cappa●●● . tom. . concil . iohannes scholasticus . epiphanius . anthimus . menas . lib. , cap. . eutychius . luk. . . iohannes ieiunator . gregor . lib. . epist. . vsque ad epist. . cyriacus . iohannes . theodosius . zoilus . apollinarius . eulogius . petrus . flavianus . paulus . euphrasius . lib. . cap. . euphraimius . lib. . cap. . evag. lib. . cap. . domnius . ●nastatiu● . gregorius . evag. lib. . cap. . euphemius . helias . iohannes . petrus . macarius . eustochius . iohannes . neamus . isicius . note . acts . evag lib. . cap. . idem lib. . cap. . idem lib. . cap. . idem . lib. . cap. . idem lib. . cap. . bonifacius the third . bonifacius the fourth . platina in vita bon. . funct . comment . in chron . lib. . theodatus . levit. . thes. . . bonifacius the fift . honorius the first . seuerinus the first . platina in vita seuerini . iohn the fourth . theedoretus . platina in vit . theod. martinus . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . eugenius the first . vitalianus the first . adeodatus . donus . platina in vit . doni . . agatho . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . leo the second . benedictus the second . iohn the first . conon the first . sergius the first . platina de vita serg● . note . hist. magd. cent. cap. . paulus diaconu● , lib. . rerum rom. nicephorus . lib. . cap. . & . note . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . piatina , in ●ita ivan . . note . note . matthew . . platin. in vitae ioan. note . iohn . . iohn . . sisinius . constantine the first . note . gregorius , the second . gregorius the third . zacharias the first . func . comment . in chron. lib. . stephanus the second . platina in vita step. . acts . note . paulus the first . constantinus . stephanus . platin. in vit . steph . note . adrianus . . platin. in vit . adri. . func . comment . in ob●on l. . leo . hist. magd. cent . . cap . note . note . bonifacius . note . iohannes damascenus . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . note . paulus diaconus . beda . albertus gallus , with some learned men of scotland , witnesse to the truth of god. hist. magd. cent . . cap. . stephanus the fourth . func comment . lib. . pascalis the first . note . eugenius the second . valentinus the first . gregoriethr fourth . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . sergius the second . leo the fourth . sergius a man of many trade . lib. mysteiniquitatis . ioane the eight . note . marian. scon. lib. . chron . ranulp . lib. . cap. . benedictus the third . nicolaus the first . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . func . comment . lib. . hadrianus the second . ioannes the ninth . note . martinus the second . hadrianus the third . stephanus the fift . note . formosus . platima , in vita forma . bonifacius the sixt . stephanus the sixt . note . 〈◊〉 note . theodorus the second . note . iohannes . note . benedictus . leo . christophorus . sergius . note . anastatius . landus . ●ohannes . . leo . stephanus . iohannes . note . leo . stephanus . martinus . note . agapetus . iohannes . note . leo . iohannes . the beginning of the abuse of baptizing of bels. benedictus . donus . bonifacius . . iohannes . . benedictus . iohannes . iohannes . gregorius . sylvester . . note . stephanus . amasenus . tryphon . note theophilactus . note . polyenctus . antonius siudites . luitprandus . thes. . tit. . iohn . . iohn . note . sergius . benedictus . note . note . iohn . . benedictus . silvester . . gregorie . clemens . damasus . leo. . victor . stephanus . benedictus . nicholaus note . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . note . alexander . note . gregorius . note . note . note . victor . vibanus . damianus . note . mat. . . cor. . . ino. note . l●●francus . ranul . in polychron . l. . c. . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . anselmus . simile . note . note . anselmus de excellen . beata mariae . col. . . pascalis . note . gelasius . calixtus . rom. . note . honorius ▪ note . innocentius . note coelestinus . lucius . eugenius . note . anastatius . adrianus . note . alexander . note . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . lucius . vrbanus . gregorius . clemens . celestinus . bernardus . radulphus . note raymericus . note . sotericus . theodorus . almericus . dabertus . gibelinus . arnulphus . guarimundus . stephanus . gulielmus . fulcherus . amalricus . lombardus . arnulphus . note . ezech . vualdus . note . col. . . the articles of vualdus , which he professed . ioshua . hildebertus . bernardus . note . hugo in postil . super . ioh. note . note . bernards testamental lessons . anselmus ha●elburgensis . anselmus his disputations against nichetes . note . ioh. . . mat. . . acts . honorius . note . gregorius . . caelestinus . innocentius . note . alexander . vrbanus . clemens . gregorius . innocentius . hadrianus . ioannes . note . nicolaus . note . nicolaus . . note . the sicilians crueltie . vesperae siculae . note . honorius . nicolaus . . caelestinus . note . bonifacius . note . the institution of the iubilie . note . ioannes cametarus . thomas maurocenus . pantoleo iustinianus . germanus and arsenius . note . iosephus . becus . hugolinus . note . albertus magnus . thomas aquinas . alexander neckam otherwise called ingenij miraculum . scotus subtilis . alexander de ales . note . arnoldus de noua villa . the articles which he maintained . gulielmus de s. amore. note laurentius anglus . petrus ioannis . robertus gallus . robertus . gostred . what heresie is . note . he reproueth the enormities of the church of rome . note . of the benedi●u● monkes . note . of the clumacensis order . of the camaldinensis order . of the hieronimians order . of the gregorian order . of the shaddowed valey order . of the grandimontensis order . of the cistertiensis order . of the humiliats order . of the celestines order . of the gilbertines order . of the iustinians order . of the charterhouse monkes . of the templars order . their originall . why they were put downe . of the premonstratenses order . of the order of the white monkes of mount oliuet of the georgian monkes . of the white monkes . of the ioannitts order . of the order of scourgers . benedictus . clemens . note . the order of the templars abolished . andr●nicus paleol●gus excommunicated by the pope . the venetiās excommunicated by the pope . note . ioannes . two popes at once . benedict . clement . note . innocent . vrbanus . gregorie . note . iohn wicklisse . platina . bonifacius . . innocentius . emmanuel chrysoloras , theodorus gaza , georgius trapezuntius ▪ marsilius patavinus opposeth himselfe against the pope maintaining these articles . diuers others discouer the apostasie of the roman church . iohn wickliffe opposeth himselfe against the pope . the heads of wickliffes doctrine . dan. note . of the order of the iesuits . of the order of white-dawbet monks . note . the cardinals labour for vnitie in the roman church . gregorius . note . a councell at pisa. alexander . note . at the councell of constance ioannes . gregorie . . and benedict . were deposed . martinus . eugenius . foelix . dissention in the roman church . note . nicolaus . calixtus . an ●nemie to the turkes . pius . . paulus . note . iohn husse . alaxander . and ioannes seeke to suppresse iohn husse . iohn husse excommunicated by the ●ope . diuision in the citie of prague about the death of three artificers : some fauoring the pope others iohn husse . iohn husse desired to appeare before the councell of constance . iohn husse imprisoned . iohn husse by reason of the noyse could not be heard . iohn husse desired by the emperour to submit himselfe to the councell . his answere . iohn hus condemned to be burnt as an heretique . ierome of prague writeth to the councell . ierom imprisoned by the councell . recanteth , being compelled thereunto . he maintaineth the doctrin of wickliffe and hus. note . ierom of prague condemned and burnt hieronymus savonarola , preacheth against the evill life of the spiritualty . hironimus silenced by the pope . he againe preacheth . he is cursed by the pope as an heretique . note . hieronymus with two others , hangd & burnt as heretiques . lauren , valla. picus mirandula comes . angelus politianus . the invention of printing . the benefit of printing . note . sixtus . innocentius . alexander . note . charles king of france conquereth the kingdome of naples . ferdinand recouereth the kingdome of naples . lewis king of france , obtaineth the dukedome of millan . alexander the sixt , a favourer of his childrens vices . the iust iudgement of god vpon the pope in his death . pius . iulius . he warreth against the venetians , and recouereth many townes from them . the venetians receiued in fauour . the king of france & the emperour hate the pope . the king of france by the popes meanes be set with enemies . the frenchmen put the popes , and confederats army to flight . the dukedom of millan recouered from the frenchmen . leo . the king of france againe obtained the dukedome of millane . the pope and emperour recouer it againe . note . caiesanus sent to suppresse luther . adrianus . clemens . rome taken and the pope besieged by charles duke of burbone . paulus . king henry the eight cursed by the pope . a councell ordained at trent . note . iulius . england embraceth poperie in the dayes of queene marie . marcellus . paulus . he opposed himselfe against the emperour charles . pius . queene elizabeth would not permit the popes ambassadors to enter into her realme . the beginning of the reformation of religion in scotland . a massacre in montalto a towne of italy by the pope . the islie of malta invaded by the turkes . pius . the isle of cyprus taken by the turkes . the battell of lepanto . gregorie . a new colledge for iesuits in rome . the massacre of paris . the king of portugall slaine . a new calendar set forth by gregorie . sixtus . he excommunicateth the king of navarre and prince of condie . the pope intendeth a processe of excommunication against henrie the third . k. henry the third killed . note . vibanus . gregorius . innocentius . clemens . the king of france absolved by this clemens . martin luther . the duke of saxonie martin luthers friend . iohn calvin preacher at geneva . notes for div a -e what heresie is . a difference betwixt carnal gospellers , infidels , weake christians , & heretiques . cor. . . simon magus . act . note . euseb. lib. . cap. . & . menander . euseb. l. . c. . simile . epiph. contra heres . ebion . euseb. l. . c. . cerinthus . euseb. l. . c. . nicolaitans strom. . act . . euseb. l. . c. . apoc. . euseb. l. . c. . gnostici . epiph. contra heres . august . index haeres ad quod vult deum . epiph. contra heres . euseb. l. . c. . note . euseb. ibid. valentinus . august . index haeres . marcus euseb. eccles . hist. l. . cap. . cerdon . marcion . august . index haeres . euseb. l. . c. . epiph. contra haeres . note . tatianus . encratitae . euseb. l. c. . tim. . montanus . cataphryges . iohn . august . index haeres . euseb. lib . cap , and . simil. aquila and theodosion rather apostats then heretikes euseb. l. ● . ● . ● . simile . note . artotiritae . alogi . adamiani . theodos●●● . melchised●ciani bardesianistae valesii . apostolici . origeniani . gen. . . epiphaen contra haeres . lib. . artemon . euseb●l . . c. . helcesa●tae . epiph contra ●eres lib. . coment . funt . in chron. the nature of contentious spirits . note . euseb. l. . c. . reasons why the novatian heresie continued long in the church . ●oto● . ●ib . ●●●p . ●● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 soc. l. ● . c. . hi● . magd. c●nt . . 〈◊〉 . ● . note . mat. . ● notes enseb , ●● . c. hist. 〈◊〉 . cen● . . cap. ● ioh. . ● . ioh. . sabellians ruffin . l. . c. . nepotiani . euseb l. c. . samosatenus . euseb. l. ● c. . manes , and manichei . euseb. l. . c. . gods iustice against manes . soc. l. . c. . note . hieracitae . epiph. contra heres . hist. magd. note . meletiani . soc. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . aug de heres . theod. l. . c . arriani . theod. l. . c. . socrat. l. . c. socrat. l. . c. sozom. lib. . cap. . anomaie . sozom. lib . cap. . sozom lib. . cap. . theod. l. . c. . basil contra . eunomium . numb . . ver . . . theod. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . theod. l. . c. . macedoniani , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . soc. l. . c soc. l. . c. . photiniani . secrat . l. . c. hist. magd. cent . . cap. . audaei , or anthopomorphitae . gen. . verse . theod. compend . beresium . messaliani . note . theod lib. . cap. . theod. ibid. appollinaris . ruffin . l. . c. . marke , . verse , . theod lib. . cap. . itrom in catal. theod l. c. . soz●m . lib. . cap. . donatista . august epist. . august de heres . ad quod vult deum . collyridiani . epiph. contra beres . priscillianistae . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . luciferiani . sozom. lib. . cap. . theod. compend . heresium . antidicomarianitae . august de haeres . metaugismouisa note . seleuciani or hermiani . proclianitae . patriciani . ascitae . patalorynchitae , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aquar●● . coluthiani . floriani . pelagiani . nestorius . evag. l. . c. . note . eutychiani . euag. l. . c. . note . simile .. acephali . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mat. . iohn . heb. . . originesta . agnoita . note . platin. in vit . ioan. . monothelitae . falician● . iconolatra . godescalcus . most part of ● this age idolaters . ioh. . note . the heresie of simon magus renued . note . azymitae . fermentarij . petrus abelardus . albigenses . the pope pursueth the albigenses . note . almaricanus . patereni . gazari . fratricelli . an heresie of pope iohn the . an heresie of the councell of basill . the heresie of the anabaptists . the anabaptists opinion . tho. muntzerus an anabaptist maketh insurrection , is overcome and beheaded . ioh. leidensis an anabaptist , vsurpeth a kingly authority , banisheth the citizens of munster . cniperdolingus a false prophet leidensis sendeth . seditious apostles , who were all destroyed one excepted . ioh. leidensis and his false prophet taken and condemned to death . david georgius an anabaptist , affirmed himselfe to be christ , flieth to basill , and there seduceth many , whose bodie was raised out of the graue and burnt . servetus a spaniard , renueth the doctrine of arrius the councell of geneva cōdemned him to be burnt . vallent . gentilis a maintainer of the doctrine of servetus , condemned to death at berne gasper suenkfeldius . andreas osiander . stancarus . flaccius illyricus . huberus . fancis . puccius . antichrist and his adherents heretiques . notes for div a -e of the apostles & elders convention , reade acts . . the councell of ancyra tom. . concil . canon . . canon . . tom. . concil . the generall councell of nice . euseb. de . vita constane . lib. . note . ruffin . lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. . cap. . theod. l. . c. . socrat. l. . c. . exod. . verse , . russin . l. . c. . socrat. l. . c. socrat. l. . c. sozom. l. . c. . russin . l. . c. . the councel of tyrus . euseb. lib. . de vita constan. socrat lib. . cap. . socrat. l. . c. theodor. lib. : cap. . hist. magd. centur. . cap. theod. lib. . cap. . socrat. l. c. . theod lib. . cap. . theod. lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . de vita constant . the councel of gangra . tom. . concil . the councell of eliberis . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the first councell of carthage . tom. . councell . hist. magd. cent. . cap. . the first councell of antiochia holden by arrians vnder the raigne of constantius . socrat. l. . c. . s●zom . l. . c. . hist. magd. centur. . cap. . sozom. l. . c. . hist. mag. cent. . cap. . other two councels holden in antiochia by the arrians . socrat l. . c. socrat. l. c. hist , magd. the councell of sardica . soc. l. c. . theod. l. . c. . theod. ibid. sozom. l. . c. & . a●hanas . epist. ad solitar . vit . argente● . theod. l. . c. . canon . the councell of sirmium . bullen . de conciliis . soc. l. c. . sec. l. . c. . the councell of millan . theod. l. . c. . soc. l. . c. . sozom. l. . c. . ruff. l. , c. . sozom. l. . . the councell of ariminum . soc. l. . c. . theod. l. ● c. soc. l. . c. . sozom l . . theod. l. . c. . sozom. l. . c. . soz. l . c. . soc. l. c. . sozom. l. . c. the councell of seleucia . acts , ● soz. l. c. . soc. l. . c. . soz. l. . c. . the councell of the acatians at constantinople . soc. l. . c. . the fourth councel of antiochia , gathered by constantinu● . theod. lib. . cap. . theod lib. . cap. . hist. magis . sozom. lib. , cap. . socrat lib. . cap. . the councel of laodicea . apocal. . hist. magd. gratian. distinct . . canon . canon . a councell in illyricum . sozom. lib. . cap. . . the councell of lampsacum socrat. l. . c. . sozom. lib. . cap. . socrat. lib. . cap. . & . the councel of rome . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom. lib. : cap. . the second generall councel . theod. lib. . cap. . theod. ibid. theod. ibid. sozom. lib. . cap. . . . another councell at constantinople . theod. lib. . cap. . theod. ibid. the third councell holden at constantinople , vnder the raigne of theodosius . sam. . psalm . . socrat. l. . c. . sozom. lib. . cap. . the second councell of carthage . tom. . concil . the third councell of carthage . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the fourth councell of carthage . canon . canon and . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . . canon . . councels at constantinople against iob. chrysostome . the fift coūcell of carthage . aug. epist. . & . canon . canon . the first councell of toledo . canon . the councell called mileuitanum . epist. . & canon . aug. epist. . the sixt councell of carthage . hist. magd. cent cap. . soc. l. . c. . soc. l. . . hist. magd. cent . . cap. ● the councell called bagiense acts . the first councell of ephesus generall . soc. l. . c. . acta synodi ephesina . soc. l. . . the first councell of ephesus . eva. l. . c. . hist. magd. cent . . c. . the councell of berytus . the councell called . agthense . the generall councell of chalcedon . funct . chron . euagr. lib. . cap. . euagr. lib. . cap. . evagrabid . mysterium iniquitanis . canon . the councel of rauenna . sixe councels holden 〈◊〉 rome in symmachus time . hist. magd. cent . cap. . the councels in spaine called ilerdense and valentinum . the councell of sidon . the first councell of aurelia . the councell of gerunda and czsaraugusta . canon . canon . canon . the councell of rome . the councel of constantinople . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . the synode syria secunda . the second councell of toledo . canon . the fift generall councell holden at constantinople . . reg. . vers . . euag. lib. cap. . the second , third , fourth and fifth councels of aurelia . canon . canon . canon . canon . the councel of overnie . canon . canon . the councell of tours . canon . canon . canon . canon . the councell of paris . the third councell of toledo . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . a councell at constantinople . three councels at matiscon . canon . canon . canon . ca●●● . canon ● . ca●●● . ca●●● cano● ● . a councell at rome . a councell at rome by bonifacius the third . pl●in . in vit . bonif. . another assemblie holden at rome by bonifacius the fourth . note . the first councell of bracara counted the second by caranza . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the councell of altissidorū . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the councell of hispalis , vnder sisebutus . deut. . . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . the . councel of toledo . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . note . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . note . canon . note . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . and . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . and . and . canon . and . canon . the . councel of toledo . the councell of rome in the dayes of pope martin . the . councel of toledo . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . and . canon . and . . and . the seuenth councell of toledo . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the councell of cabillonum . a councel at rome . the eigth councel of toledo . canon . . . and . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the ninth councel of toledo . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . . . & . canon . the . councel of toledo . the . coūcel of toledo . the second councell of brac. the . councell of brac. the . councell holden at constantinople . the . councel of toledo . a councell at london . the councell of constantinople , vnder philippicus . a councell at rome , assembled by gregorie . sigebert . in . chron. a councell at rome , assembled by gregorie the third . a councell holden in france , by boniface , archbishop of mentz . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . the . general councell assembled at constantinople . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . the second councell of nice . basil. contra eunomium , ● . . the councell of frankford . the councell of mentz . the eigth councel of rhemes . the councell of towrs . note . the councell of chalons . note . note . the councel● of arles . note . the eight general councell . hist. magd. cent . cap. . cara●za de co●cil●●s . the councell of acciniacū . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . the councell of triburium , or strasburg . the councell of ravenna . the councell of rhemes . the councell of rome . luitprond . hist. l. . c. , & . the councell of canterbury in england . hist. magd. cent . . cap. . the councell of constantinople . the councell of rhemes , against arnulphus . another councell at rhemes , restoring arnulphus . mat. . the councell of halignustat . the councel of triburia . nevv lawes . hist. magd. cent . cap. . the councell of sutrium . contract . vspergens . platina . a councell at rome against berengarius . a councell at vercellis against berengarius . a councell at towrs against berengarius . another coūcell at rome against berengarius . the councell of millan . the councel of mantua . the councell of wintomi● in england . another coūcell of triburia or friburg . the councell of mentz . the councell of ersurd . tim. . another councell at mentz . the councell of wormes . another councell at triburia . another councell at rome . the councell of brixia . another councell at rome . the councell of beneventū . the councell of clermont . a councell at paris . a councell at florence . a councel at london . the councell of mentz . mat. . mat. the councell of troyes in champani● . thes. . . the councel of triburia . the councel of senon . the councell of papia . tyrius lib. . cap. . a councell at rome . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . tim. . . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . gen. . . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . canon . concilium lateranense . the conclusions of this councell . concilium lugdunense . note . the councell of vienna . liber clementiarum , received by the councell . the contents of this booke . the feast of corpus christi ordained . note . the templars rooted out . the councell of constance . the occasion of this councell . note . all the three popes deposed a decree against iohn wickliffe . against the communion in both kinds . iohn husse condemned . ierom of prague condemned . the councell aboue the pope . martin not having leasure to reforme the abuses of the clergie erects an inquisition for repressing of the hussits . the councel of basil. a generall councell aboue the pope eugenius seeketh to translate the councel from basil to bononie , but by the emperour is forced to ratifie the councell of basil. eugenius after the emperours death holds contrarie councels . eugenius deposed . the bohemians obtaine to haue the sacrament vnder both kinds . aeneas syluius changeth his opinion with his state of life . the councell of florence . note . the agreement of the grecian church with the roman , an euill presage of the destruction of the grecian empyre . concilium tridentinum . sessio prima . sessio secunda . sessio tertia . sessio quart● . cōcupiscence accounted no sinne . sessio quinta . sessio sexta . sessio septima . diuers bishops remoue from trent to bononia . note . the pope vnwilling the bishops should returne to trent . the emperors ambassador protesteth against the councell of bononia . sessio prima . the king of france by his ambassador protesteth against the councell of trent . sessio secunda . sessio tertia . the protestants confession of faith ●eiected . the wars betwixt the emperour and the duke of saxony , cause of the councels breaking vp . sessio prima . sessio secunda . sesso tertta , & quarta . sessio quinta . sessio sexta . sessio septima . sessio octava . note . sessio ●ona .